JOURNAL
OF THK
AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY.
EDITED BY
CHARLES R. LANMAN, AND GEORGE F. MOORE,
Professor in Harvard University, Professor in Ar.-K \vr Theological
Cambridge. Seminary.
SEVENTEENTB VOLUME,
THE AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY,
NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT, U. 8. A.
MUCCCXi \ i
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CONTENTS
OF
SEVENTEENTH VOLUME
Page
ART. I.— Ox THE PATE OF ZOROASTER. By A. V. WILLIAMS JACK
Professor in Columbia University, New York, N. Y 1
ART. II. — PRAGATHIKAM. I. liy K. W. HOPKINS, Professor in Yale Uni-
vers : Conn. 23
ART. III.— THE MALAYAN WORDS IN KN<;I.ISII (First Part). By CHARLES
P. G. SCOTT.. 93
Proceedings at Andover, Mass., April 9-11, 1896 145
Correspondence 146
Deaths . 1 17
Treasurer's report 147
Librarian's report 149
Publication Committee's report 149
Redistribution of administrative work of Society 150
Corresponding Secretary relieved of editorial work 161
Appointment of two editors of the Journal 151
Classes of members 151
Change in fiscal year 152
Auditors and their duties 162
ion of officers 1 .">:'.
Election of new members 154
Miscellaneous business 155
Social aspects of the meeting. 156
Papers announced 1 56-1 58
Min«.r communications 158-188
Li>t of members, 1896 189
LM of exchanges 198
Constitution and by-lawn . .801
List and prices of publications
[For alphabetical list of papers, see next page.]
1\
Communications (in alphabetical order of authors).
Page
BLOOM FIELD. M., The 'Frog-hymn,' Rig- Veda vii.103, with remarks on the
composition of tin- Yodic hymns 173
The meaning of the compound atfiarvdngirasah, the ancient name of the
fourth Veda 180
HAUPT, P., The beginning of the Judaic account of creation 158
HOI-KINS. K. W., Pragathikfmi, 1 23
The root Aar, skar 182
JACKSON, A. V. W., The date of Zoroaster 1
On Maha-Bharata iii.142. 35-45, an echo of an old Hindu-Persian
legend - 185
— The iterative optative in Avestan 187
PETERS, J. P., The seat of the earliest civilization in Babylonia, and the
date of its beginnings 163
SCOTT, C. P. G., The Malayan words in English (first part) 93
" Universal " qualities in the Malayan language . 188
SKINNER, M. M., The termination w, uni, in Assyrian verbs 171
ARTICLE I.
ON THE DATE OF ZOROASTER .'
BY A. V. WILLIAMS JACKSON,
PROFESSOR IN COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY, NBW YORK CITY.
Presented to the Society April 18th, 1895.
GREAT men are the children of their age. Heirs to the heritage
of the past, they are charged with the stewardship of the posses-
sions to be handed down to the future. Summing up within
themselves the influences of the times that call them forth,
> tain )•»•»! with the impress of their day, their spirit in turn shows
its reflex upon the age that gives them birth. We read them in
thrir age ; we read their age in them. So it is of the prophets
ami sages, religious teachers and interpreters, which have been
tin- world began. The teaching of a prophet is the voice
of tin .i'_rr in which he lives; his preaching is the echo of the
heart of the people of his day. The era of a prophet is therefore
not without its historic significance ; it is an event that marks
an t-j.nch in the- life of mankind. The age of most of the great
religious teachers of antiquity is comparatively well known ; but
wide diversity prevails with regard to the date at which Iran's
;in< it nt prophet Zoroaster lived and taught ; yet his appearance
must have had its national significance in the land between the
Im Ins and the Tigris ; and the great religious movement which he
set on foot must have wrought changes and helped to shape the
course of events in the early history of Iran. The treatment of
this question forms the subject of the present paper.
The Avesta itself gives us no direct information in answer to
the inquiry as to the date of Zoroaster. It presents, indeed, a
j .i'-t ure of the life and times; we read accounts of King Vishtaspa,
th. ( '.MiM.-intinr ..1 tin- faith ; but the fragments that remain of
the sacred texts present no absolutely clear allusions to contem-
porary events that might decisively fi \ tin- «-ra. The existing
• li\. rsity of opinion with reference to Zoroaster's date is largely
'In* to this fact and to certain in. •oiigruities in other ancient state-
ments on the subject. The allusions of anti«juit \ to this subject
may conveniently be divided into three groups :
1 This paper forms a companion-piece to the present writer's discus-
sion of • Zoroaster's Native Race' in J.A.O.S. xv. 231-289.
VOL. rvn. 1
2 A. V. W. Jackson, [1896.
I. First, those references that assign to Zoroaster the extrav-
agant date B. C. 6000.
II. Second, such allusions as connect his name with the more or
lea K Lrcii.larv Ninus and the uncertain Semiramis.
III. Third, the traditional date, placing the era of Zoroaster's
i« -aching at some time during the sixth century B. C.
All the material will first be presented under the headings A.I.,
A.IL, and A.III. ; then a detailed discussion of the data, pages
16-19, under the heading B; and, finally, a summary of results,
under the heading C, pages 19-22.
SYNOPSIS OF DIVISION A.
A.I. Classical passages placing Zoroaster at 6000 B. C.
a. Pliny the Elder.
b. Plutarch.
c. Scholion to Plato.
d. Diogenes Laertius.
e. Lactantius.
f. Suidas.
g. Georgius Syncellus.
A. II. Passages associating Zoroaster's name with Semiramis and Ninus.
a. Ktesias.
b. Kephalion.
c. Moses of Khorni.
d. Theon.
e. Justin.
£ Arnobius.
g. Eusebius.
h. Orosius.
L Suidas.
j. Snorra Edda.
k. Bar 'AH.
A.III. The native tradition as to Zoroaster's date.
a. Arda-i VIraf.
b. Bundahish.
c. Albirum.
d. Masudi.
e. Tabari.
f. The Dabistan.
g. Firdausl.
h. The Mudjmal al-Tawarikh and the Ulema-i Islam.
i. The Chinese-Parsi era.
j. Reports connecting Zoroaster and Jeremiah.
k. Pahlavi Perso- Arabic allusions to Nebuchadnezzar.
L A in MI i.-i n us Marcellinus and Eutychius.
m. Nicolaus Damascenus, Porphyry, etc.
A. DATA FOR THE AGE OF ZOROASTER.
A. L Allusions placing Zoroaster at 6000 B. C.
The allusions of the first group comprehend those classical
references that assign to Zoroaster the fabulous age of B. C. 6000
or thereabouts.1 These references are confined chiefly to the
classics, and their chief claim to any consideration is that they
Vol. xvii.J The Date of Zoroaster. 3
purport to be based upon information handed down from Eu-
doxus, Aristotle, and tiennippos. Such extraordinary figures,
howevt i, an piv>uinal»ly due to the Greeks' having misunder-
>t 1 the statements of 'the Persians, who place Zoroaster's mil-
lennium amid a great world-period of 12,000 years, which they
divided into cycles of 3,000 years,3 and in accordance with which
Zoroaster's fravashi had in fact existed several thousand>
The classical matt-rial on the subject is here presented.
1 So the general classical statements of ' 5,000 years before the Tro-
jan war/ or the like, although some variant readings 500 (for 5,000)
are found. The number 5,000 (6,000) is, however, the correct one.
* According to the chronology of the Bundahish 34. 7, Zoroaster
appeared at the end of the ninth millennium : compare, West Bunda-
hinlt trim*!.. S. B. K. v. 14!) 1">1 notes; Spiegel Eranische Alt< rlhnms-
fcWMfa i. 500-508; Windischmann Zoroastrische Stmlim n; 165 :
also Plutarch Is. et Os. 47, Qefaopiro? 6t fr?oi KOTO roi-f payovs ava ptpof
rptaxi/.ia $nj TOV ptv Kparelv, TOV 6k itpaTeloOai rutv 0fwr, httja. 6k Tpiffx'tfaa
(i&XeoOai nai irofepelv nal avaMetv TO TOV iripov TOV erepov • r^of (P airofai-
ireaOtu TOV ' A.i6rjv.
(a) Pliny the Elder (A. D. 23-79), N. ff. 30. 1. 2 [Wn. 279,
288], cites the authority of Eudoxus of Cnidus (B. C. 368), of
Aristotle (B. C. 350), and of Hermippus (c. B. C. 250), for placing
Zoroaster 6000 years before the death of Plato or 5000 years
before the Trojan war: Eudosn*. y/>' ///'' /• *>i/>!' ntifie sectas clar-
issini"'" »t;i;i*xuimnn]ne >"/// (xrfem magicam) inteUegi vol»it.
•istrem hunc sex milibus annorum ante Platonis m<n't> ,,,
' prodidit / sic et Aristoteles. ffermippus qui de tota ea <n-t<
.////;/. at'' Mime scripsit et viciens centum milia versuum aZoroastre
oondita indicibus quoque volnni!n'itn eius positis ej»y*A//////-/V,
praeceptorem, a y"« inxttfiifinn diceret, tradidit Agonac<n* //*x/////
vero <j »;i"i>" //////7///X ,/////»,/•//„/ ,t,,t, Tr«'i<i, ,>!,,, l»U>nn fui»se. For
that iva.-on apparently (N.H. 30. 1. 1 1) he speaks of Moses as living
muUis milibus a)n«'i->tn< post Zoroastren. But Pliny also expresses
UIK « i t.iinty as to whether there was one or two Zoroasters, and
In- mentions a later Proconnesian Zoroaster : N. H. 30. 1. 2 sine
dubio illic (ars M -n-tn /// P< r#!<lf a Zoroastre, ut inter
auctores ••<,,,,-, „;/. s,,I ,mus hie ///•/•//.//// /,<>*/,, r ,t *//;//.s ,/,,„
satis con»t it : and after speaking of Osthanes, the Mairian who
nj.ann d Xerxes to Greece, he adds : (N.H. 30. 2.8) diligenti-
ores ]>'t'il<> <nit' hunc (Ofit/Hi/ft'Hi) poiiuiit '/.«i-<>nztre)n «/•'
//. Pliny's Proconni'siaii Zoroastrr must have flourished
about the seventh or sixth < •< -iitur\ .
(b) Plutan-h (\. I>. l-t <-cnt.) adopts likewise the same general
statement that places the prophet /oroaster about 5000 \
!•« tore the Trojan war: Is. et Os. 46 (i-d. I 'a it hey, p. 81), Zwpoaa-
rpts (sic) 6 fjuiyos, w irevrojCMrxiAwx? ITUTI ruv Tpwucwv ycyoi/cmA vpi<T-
ftvripov {(rropdwriv.
(c) Tht- Srholion to the Plat- .ni. Ah -il.iad.-. 1. 122 (ed. liaiter.
i ,-t \Viii.-k,.|m-inn, p. 918), makes a statement, in >u I .stance
ti'Mint to the last one, as follows: Zwpoaorpi;?
ITKTW cTvai Acycrcu
4 A. V. W. Jackson, [1896.
(d) Diogenes Laertius (A. D. 2d, 3d century), de Vit. Philos.
Proem. 2 (recens. Cobet, Paris, 1850, p. 1), similarly quotes
Ili-niuulorus (B. C. 250 ?), the follower of Plato, as authority for
placing Zoroaster's date at 5000 years before the fall of Troy, or,
as he adds on tlu- authority of Aanthus of Lydia (B. C. 500-450),
Zoroaster lived 6000 years (some MSS. 600) before Xerxes. The
t< \t i Miiis : aTro Of TU>V Mayan', uV ap£<u Zwpodvrprjv rov Hfpvrjv, 'Ep/otd-
&opos jjutv 6 nAarawKos fv TO* Trepi pja.0r)pdr<t)v ^rpriv «s rrjv Tpota? aXaxriv
try yryovcmt TrevrcucMT^iXta ' Eai'flos Sk 6 AvSos eis T^/V Ecp£ov 8ia/3a<nv
arro TOV Zwpocurrpov c^axio-^iAta <J>rj<TL, teal fj.tr avrbv ytyovtvan. TroAAovs
Tims Mayovs Kara ScaSo^y, 'Ooraras KOI 'AoTpa/m/^xovs KOU Twfipvas KCU
as, P-^XP1 rf* ™v nepaaV VTT* 'AXe^avSpov KaTaAvaews.
(e) Lactantius, Inst. 7. 15, must have entertained some similar
opinion regarding Zoroaster ; for he speaks of Hystaspes (famous
as Zoroaster's patron) as being an ancient king of Media long
before the founding of Rome : Hystaspes quoque, qui fuit
Medorum rex antiquissimtis . . . sublatum iri ex orbe imperium
>«>itn>nque Romanum multo ante praefatus est, qiiam ilia Trojana
gens conderetur (cf. Migne Patrolog. vol. vi and Windischmann
'Zor. Stud. p. 259, 293).
(f ) Suidas (loth century A, D.), s. v. Zcopoao-r/oT;?, speaks of two
Zoroasters, of whom one lived 500 (read 5000 years) before the
Trojan war, while the other was an astronomer of the time of
Nil ui s — fyevf.ro ot Trpo roiv TpwiKoiv Irccrtv <f>.
(g) Georgius Syncellus' Chronographia, i., p. 147 ed. Dind.,
alludes to a Zoroaster as one of the Median rulers over Babylon.
Cf. Windischmann Zor. St. p. 302, and Haug A Lecture on Zoro-
aster, p. 23, Bombay, 1865.
A. II. Allusions associating Zoroaster's Name with Semiramis and Ninus.
Second to be considered is a series of statements which connect
the name of Zoroaster with that of the more or less uncertain
Ninus and Semiramis.1 These references also are confined almost
exclusively to the classics, and the difficulty with them is that, in
addition to their general character, which bears a legendary color-
ing, they are based apparently upon a misinterpretation of the
name 'O^vop-n^ or its variants in a fragment of Ctesias (discussed
below), which has been understood as an allusion to Zoroaster.
1 The date of Semiramis,*however, is regarded by Lehmann (Ber-
liner Philolog. Wochenblatt, Jan. Marz, 1894) to be about B. C. 800.
(a) The authority of Ktesias (B. C. 400) is quoted by Diodorus
Siculus (A. D. 1st century) 2. 6, for the statement that Ninus
with a large army invaded Bactria and by the aid of Semiramis
gained a victory over King Oxyartes. See Fragments of the Per-
sika of Ktesias, ed. Gilmore p. 29. Instead of the name 'O^vapri;?,
the manuscript variants show 'ExaopTijs, Xaoprr;?, Zaoprrjs. The
last somewhat recalls the later Persian form of the name Zoroas-
ter ; and Kephalion, Justin, Eusebius, and Arnobius, drawing on
Vol. xvii.J The Date of Zoroaster.
, make Zoroaster a Bactrian or the opponent of Ninus
(see below) ; but 'O£uopT7p may very well be an independent name,
ioYntieal as far as form goes with Av. nh*n<it-ereta, Yt. 13. 128,
ami it is doubtless the better Greek ivu.ling. The other state-
ment-* an here uriven as they similarly come into consideration
with respect to Zoroaster's native place. They are : —
(b) Fragments <»f Kephalion (A. D. 120), preserved in the
nian version of Eusebius, Chron. 1. 43, ed. Aucher: a passage
• i!>es the defeat of Zoroaster the Marian, kinir of tlie Bac-
trians, by Semirami- : •• I»<*ipio scribere de quibus et alii commem-
•-//,/ ,1(^11, imfa'tinix l''Jl<t nit-ns Lesbiiis Ctesiasque Cnidius,
deind'- lL-ri_nlotns AKoartUUlU*.1 Prints in Asi't* iin}» niru/tt
.1 NX// /•/•/, '•'• 'i"'>f»i* >r<tt Xititt* Ii<li (filiwt), cujus regni aetate res
anon f'nrimae celeberrimaeque virtutes gestae fuentnt." Postea
A/v tuRicfau profert etiam generations Semiramidis atque
•'i'} de Zoroastri Magi Eactrianorum regis certamine ac
,!, full, i tinne a Seminsmide : nee non tempus JSTini LIT ani»>*
t<jue de obitu ejus. Post quern quum regnasset Semira-
mis, muro Babylonem circumdedit ad eandem formam, qua a
plerisqut! •//«•////// est: Ctesia nimirum et Zenone Herodotoque nee
non aliis ipsorum posteris. Deinde etiam apparatum belli Semi-
ramidis adversus Indos ejiwdemque cladem et fugam narrat, etc.
Lh nti( al with this is Georgius Syncellus (c. A. D. 800), Chron.
ed. Diii'l. i. ]>. 315 : tl*Ap\Ofuii ypa<^ctv, d<^>* wv aAAot TC e/u.ny/xovoxrai',
Kal TO. Trptura *EAAaviKOs re 6 ACCT^MK KCU Kri^o^ 6 KvtStos. CTreira 'HpoSo-
TOS 6 'AXucapvaorev?. TO TraAatov TJ/S *A(ria? «)3a(riXev<rav 'Acro-vp«H, rail'
8c 6 BT/AOV NiVos." CIT* CTrayci yevt&w ^e/xipa/itto? KCU ZtDpoavrpov fuiyov
i ^N-». ftarov) tT€i vft T^5 NiVov ySatriXeia?. \utff ov Ba)3vXa)va, <f>rjaiv. 17
2</Ujpa/u9 €Ttt\ur€j TpOTrov w? 7roAAots XcAcKTai, KxT^Tta , ZrjvwvL (Mtlller
it). 'HpO&oVui KCU TOl? /X€T* ttVTOV? ' <TTpaTf.lT)V T€ aVTYJS KttTtt TWV *Iv8u>V
Kal TJTTOLV K' T. A- Cf. also Windischmann Zor. Stud., p. 303,
Spiegel Eran. Alter., i. 676-7; Mttller Fran. //;< &r- i". «27.
1 This mention of Herodotus might possibly be adduced as an argu-
ment that Herodotus was at least acquainted with the name of
Zoroaster.
(c) Similarly the reputed work of the Armenian Moses of
Kli'-rni, i. u». makes Zoroaster a contemporary of Semiramis, and
Marian, tin sovereign of the Medes," who seizes the
government of AflSyril and Nineveh. M that *he tlees from him
ami i- kille.l in Armenia. Cf. Gilmore A'/<N/<^ /'/-x//-^. p. 30 n,
Spiegel Eran. . \!t, /•////////>•/•//////<;, i. 682, \Vimli>ehmami 7,«r.
'•2, 303, Mailer /> // '. (,'r. iii. 627, v. 328.
(d) Ai:ain. 'I'he.in (A. D. 130*?) frogymnatmata 9,
ovyicpurca)?, ed. SpeiiLr«'l, A'//./, firth •:. ii. j». ! !:•. -p.-ak- ••(' M Xoro-
tlie Haeti-ian" in c. .nm-.-t i«>n \\itli Semiramis : Ouyopct'
KpttTTtav crrri Ki'pou rj KCU vat fia Ata Sc/i^xifUf Zcu/xxurrpov rov
rfxtitprrrcav ical TO d^Av TOV appcvo? di'SfXiorepov efitu. < I
\\iii.li-.hniann. Zor. Stud., p. 290, Spiegel Eran. Alterthumsk.,
i. 6.
6 A. V. W. Jackson, [1896.
(e) Justin (A. D. 120), in his epitome of Trogus Pompeius'
Hist. Ph //'/</"''•.. 1. 1, distinctly makes Zoroaster the opponent of
Ninus, and >a\s that lu- was kinjjf of Bactria and a Magician :
postremum beUum illi fuit /•///// Zbroo***, rege Bactrianorum,
gui primus dicitur artes magicas invenisse et tnn/nU principia
siderumque m»t»« </// //e spectasse.
(f) Arnobius (A. D. 297), Adversiis Gentes 1. 5, in like manner
mrntions a battle between the Assyrians and the Bactrians under
the leadership respectively of Nirius and Zoroaster: inter Assy-
ria* et BactrianoSy Nino quondam Zoroastreque ductoribus.
See Gilmoiv. A'/. x/V« p. 36.
(g) Eusebius (A. D. 300), Chron. 4. 35 ed. Aucher, has a like
allusion : Zoroastres Magus rex Bactrianonim clarus habetur
adversus quern Num* ilimicat; and again (Windischmann, p. 290),
Praeparatio Evany. 10. 9, 10, ed. Dind. I. p. 560, NtVos, KO.&OV
Za)pod(TTprfi 6 Mayo? BcucrptW e/3ao-t'A.€V(re.
(h) Paulus Orosius (5th century A. D.), the Spanish presbyter,
of whose chronicle we have also King Alfred's Anglo-Saxon ver-
sion, states that Ninus conquered and slew Zoroaster of Bactria,
the Magician. See Orosius, Old-English Text and Latin Orig-
inal, ed. by Henry Sweet (Early Eng. Text Soc. vol. 79), p 30-31 :
Novissime Zoroastrem Bactrianorum regem, eundemque magicae
artis repertorem, pugna oppressum interfecit. Or, in Anglo-
Saxon, and he Ninvs Soroastrem Bactriana cyning, se cuthe
cerest manna drycrceftas, he hine oferwann and ofsloh.
(i) Suidas in his Lexicon (s. v. Zoroaster] assumes the existence
of two Zoroasters (cf. p. 4), the second an astrologer: 'Aorpoi/o/Aos
€?ri NiVov j8a(7tA«a>s *A(ro~upia)v.
(j) In the Snorra Edda Preface, Zoroaster is identified with
Baal or Bel, cf. Jackson in Proceedings A. O. S., March, 1894,
vol. xvi., p. cxxvi.
( k) In some Syriac writers and elsewhere an identification of
Zoroaster with Balaam is recorded, for example in the Lexicon of
Bar 'All (c. A. D. 832), s. v. Balaam, l Balaam is Zardosht, the
diviner of the Magians.' See Gottheil References to Zoroaster in
Syriac and Arabic Lit., p-p. 27, 30n, 32 (Drisler Classical Studies,
N. Y., 1894). Sometimes he is only compared with Balaam.
A. III. The Native Tradition as to Zoroaster's Date.
Third, the direct Persian tradition comes finally into considera-
tion. This tradition is found in the chronological chapter of the
Bundahish, 34. 1-9, is supported by the Ardil-I Viraf, 1. 2-5,
and is corroborated by abundant Arabic allusions (AlbirunT,
Masudi, et al.). It unanimously places the opening of Zoroaster's
ministry at 258 years before the era of Alexander, or 272 years before
the close of the world-conqueror's dominion. According to these
figures, the date of Zoroaster would fall between the latter half of
the seventh century B. C. and the middle of the sixth century;
his appearance in fact would be placed in the period just pre-
Vol. xvii.] The Date of Zoroaster. Y
ceding the rise of the Achaemenian dynasty. This merits atten-
tion also in detail.
(a) The Ardfi-i Ylrfif 1. 1-5 in round numbers places Zoroaster
three hundred years before Alexander's invasion. Compare
Ham; a n«l \Vest Arda Viraf p. 141. ' The righteous Zaratusht
made the religion which he had received, current in the world,
and until the end of 300 years the religion was in its purity and
men were without doubt. But afterwards the foul Evil Spirit,
tin- wicked one, in order to make men doubtful in regard to this
.11, inMiirated the accursed Alexander, the Human, who was
dwelling in Egypt, so that he came to the country of Iran with
.- eruelty and devastation; he also slew the ruler of Iran, and
destroyed the metropolis and empire.'
(b) The Bundahish chapter (ch. 34) * on the reckoning of the
years ' (to which one MS. adds — * of the Arabs ') more exactly com-
putes the various millenniums that made up the 12000 years of the
irn-at \\orld-cycle recognized by the worshippers of Mazda. In
thi» period the era of Zoroaster falls at the close of the first 9000
years. He is placed in reality at the beginning of the historic
period, if the long reigns attributed to Kal-Vishtasp and to
Vohuman son of Spend-dat (Av. Spento-data, N. P. Isfendiar),
may with reasonably fair justice be explained as that of a ruling
house. There seems at least no distinct ground against such
assumption. The Bundahish •>4. 7-8 in West's transla-
tion (S.B.E. v. 150-151) reads, (7) 'Kai-Vishtasp, till the coming
of the religion, thirty years, altogether one hundred and twenty
years. (8) Vohuman, son of Spend-da<7, a hundred and twelve
years; Humfil, who was daughter of Vohuman, thirty years;
I, son of Cihar-a/:W, that is, of the daughter of Vohuman,
twelve years ; I > . <on of Darfii, fourteen years ; Alexander the
Ruman, fourteen years.'
Vishtasp, after coming of religion 90
Vohuman Spend-dad 112
Hunifii 30
i I ( Thar-uzad 12
14
Alexander Ruman 14
The result therefore gives 272 years from * the coming of the
religion ' until the close of the dominion of Alexander the Great,
or 258 years before the he.irinnin.i: <>t his power. A repeated
tradition exists that Zoroaster was forty-two years old when he
fu-t converted King Vishtaspa, who became his patron. If we
: •!•• t * the coming of the religion ' to mean its acceptance by
VMita-j.a, u. mu>t M.I.I 12 years to the number 258 before A 1. \
ander in order to obtain the traditional date of Zoroaster's birth.
would answer to the * three hundred years before Alexander'
of th- \ It', however, we take the j.hr:i>e 'eoming of
the religion ' to mean the date of Zoroaster's entry upon his nun-
8 A. V. W. Jackson, [1896.
istry (as does West, S.B.E. v. 218), we must then add 30 years,
which was Zoroaster's age when he beheld his first vision of
Ormazd.
A calculation based upon the figures of this tradition would
place Zoroaster's birth 42 years + 258 years (=300 years) before
B. C. 330, the date of the fall of the Iranian kingdom through
Alexander's conquest ; in other words it would assign Zoroaster's
birth to about B. C. 630. According to the same tradition the
duration of the various reigns of the Kayanian dynasty would be
about as follows :
Reigned Fictitious
King. years. date B. C.
Vishtasp 120 618-498
Vohuman (Ardashir Dirazdast) .. 112 498-386
Hiimai 30 286-356
Darai 12 356-344
Darai-i Darai 14 344-330
The results would be somewhat altered if the computation be
made according to lunar years or if a different point of departure
be taken. The excessive lengths of the reigns of Vishtasp and
Vohuman seem suspicious and suggest round numbers unless we
are to interpret them as comprising successive rulers ; for example,
in historic times, beside Hystaspes, the father of Darius, we have
the names of two other Hystaspes, later connected with the rul-
ing house of Bactria.1 The historic reigns of the Achaemenians
may be compared (cf. Stokvis Manuel tfHistoire, p. 107).
Cyrus B.C. 558-529
Cambyses 529 - 52 1
Darius I.. 521-485
Xerxes 485—465
Artaxerxes Longimanus 465—425
Darius Nothos 425-405
Artaxerxes Mnemon 405—362
Artaxerxes Ochus 362—340
[Arses] 340-337
Darius Codomannus 337—330
Comparison may be made, as with West,3 identifying the long
reign of Vohuman who is called Ardashir (Artaxerxes or Arda-
shir Dirazdast * the long-handed ') with Artaxerxes Longimanus
and his successors. Historical grounds throughout seem to favor
this. For Humal, West suggests Parysatis as a possibility. The
last two Diirais answer to Ochus and Codomannus, and the reign
of Kai- Vishtasp * seems intended to cover the period from Cyrus
to Xerxes' (West).8 There seems every reason to identify
Vohuman Ardashir Dirazdast with Artaxerxes Longimanus,
according to the Bahman Yasht (Byt. 2. 17), as this Kayanian
king 'makes the religion current in the whole world.'4 One might be
possibly tempted to regard the Vishtasp reign as representing the
Bactrian rule until Artaxerxes, and assume that Zoroastrianism
then became the faith of Persis.6 This might account for the
silence as to the early Achaemenians and shed some light on the
Vol. xvii.] The Date of Zoroaster. 9
problem concerning the Achaemenians as Zoroastrians; but there
seems to be no historic foundation for such assumption. Suffice
here to have presented the tradition in regard to the reigns of
the Kayanian kings as bearing on Zoroaster's date and the tradi-
tional 258 years before Alexander as the era of * the coming of
the religion.'
1 See genealogical tables of the Achaemenidae in Stokvis Manuel
d'Histoire, de Genealoaie, et de Chronologic, p. 108 (Leide, 1888) ;
Pauly Real-Encyclopceaie, article * Achaemenidae,' Justi Oesctti<-h(>
des alten Persieu* \-. !."». Imniscfies Namenbuch, p. 398-399, and
Smith Classical Dictionary article ' Hystaspes.'
9 West, Bundahish translated, S.B.E. v. 150 n, 198 n.
*deHarlex. .l<»7»» tnnlnit. Introduction p. ccxxviii, thinks that
the early Achaemenians were intentionally sacrificed. Spiegel,
Z.D.M.G., xlv. 203, identifies the first Diiraf with Darius I., and
believes that he was misplaced in the kingly list. This I doubt.
4 West, Byt. transl., S.B.E. v. 199.
& Dubeux, La Perse p. 57, sharply separates the Oriental account
of the Persian kings from the historical account.
(o) The sum of 258 years is given also by so careful an inves-
tigator as Albiruni (A. D. 973-1048). His statements are based
on the authority of * the scholars of the Persians, the Herbadhs
and Maubadhs of the Zoroastrians.'1 In his Chronology of
Ancient Nations p. 17 1. 10 (transl. Sachau), is a statement of the
Persian view in regard to Zoroaster's date : 'from his (i. e. Zoro-
aster's) appearance till the beginning of the ^Era Alexandri,*
they count 258 years.' Several times he gives the received tradi-
tion that Zoroaster appeared in the 30th year of the reign of
Vishtasp. In another place, Chron. p. 196 (transl. Sachau), he
gives further information in regard to Zoroaster's time : * On the
1st Ramadan A. H. 319 came forward Ibn 'Abi-Zakarriya. ... If,
now, this be the time (i.e. A. H. 319 = A. D. 931) which Jamasp
am I Zaradusht meant, they are right as far as chronology is con-
cerned. For this happened at the end of the ^Era Alexaudri
1242, i. e. 1500 years after Zaradusht.' From this statement we
may compute back to the year B. C. 569 as a date when a
prophecy is supposed to have been made by Zoroaster and
Jamasp. Albiruni is not exhausted yet. In Chron. rjl (transl.
Sachau), he says 'we find the interval between Zoroaster ami
Yazdajird ben Sliaj.ur t<» he nearly 970 years.' This gives the
about B. C. 571 if we e..unt lattUjird'fl iviirn as A. D. 399-
420. FurtlnTMii.iv tin- carefully c< instructed tables which Albi-
runi gives from various somvex .11, int. resting ail<l iiMrmtm.
"\\injr to their exact agreement with the reigns of the Kayanian
kings as recorded in the Bundahish. Thus, Chron. ].. lli, 107-
114 (transl. Sachau) :
Kai Viaht&p till the appearance of Zoroaster 80
The same after that event 90
biAnlaMhfr linhnmn (Vohfimain 11V
Klmm.im Minimi) ., :<<>
Dw :::::::::: 12
D&r&ben Darft.. 14
10 A. F. W. Jackson, [1896.
On p. 115 he contrasts these dates with those given by early
occidental authorities. Finally, Chron. p. 32 (transl. Sachau), the
name of Thales is brought into connection with Zoroaster. So
iiiueh for the in format ion furnished by Albiruni.
1 Albiruni Chronology of Ancient Nations transl. and ed. by
Saehau. p. 109.
•According to Allrirfmip. 32 (transl. Sachau) the JEra, Alexandri
would date from the time when Alexander left Greece at the age of
t \\ enty-six years, preparing to fight with Darius.
(d) Of somewhat earlier date but identical in purport is the
statement found in Masudl's Meadows of Gold, written in A. D.
043-4 (Masudi died A. D. 951). Like the Bundahish and like
Albiruni, Masudi reports that 'the Magians count a period of
two hundred and fifty-eight (258) years between their prophet
Zoroaster and Alexander." He reiterates this assertion in Indi-
catio et Admonitio* by saying 'between Zoroaster and Alexander
there are about three hundred years.' Nearly the same, but not
exactly identical figures, are found as in the Bundahish, regarding
the length of the reigns of the various Kayanian kings ; Zoro-
aster is stated, as elsewhere, to have appeared in the thirtieth (30)
year of Vishtasp's reign and he dies at the age of seventy-seven
(77) after having taught for thirty-five (35) years.3 The state-
ment that Zoroaster lived to the age of 77 years is also found
elsewhere.4 What Masudi has to say on the subject of Nebu-
chadnezzar's being a lieutenant of Lohrasp (Aurvataspa) and
regarding Cyrus as contemporary with Bahman will be mentioned
below, as a similar statement occurs in the Dinkart (Bk. 5).
1 Masudi (Mac.oudi), Les Prairies d'Or. Texte et traduction par
Barbier de Meynard, iv. 107 'Les Mages comptent entre feur
prophete Zproastre, fils d'Espiman, et Alexandre, une periode de
aeux cent cinquante-huit ans. Entre Alexandre, qu'ils font regner
six ans, et I'avenement d'Ardechir, cinq cent dix-sept ans ; enfin
entre Ardechir et 1'hegire cinq cent soixante-quatre ans du
regne d' Alexandre a la naissance du Messie, trois cent soixante-neuf
ans ; de la naissance du Messie a celle du Prophete cinq cent vingt
et un ans.' Observe especially that Masudi in Indicatio et Admonitio
p. 327-28) accounts for the intentional shortening of the period
between Alexander and Ardashir. What he has to say on this sub-
ject is worth looking up in connection with S.B.E. v. 151 note.
* Masudi, Le Livre de Vindication et de V Admonition (in Prairies
d'Or, ix. p. 327), 'Zoroastre fils de Poroschasp fils d'Asinman, dans
1'Avesta, qui est le livre qui lui a ete revele, annonce que, dans trois
cents ans, I'Empire des Perses eprouvera une grande revolution, sans
que la religion soit detruite ; mais qu' au bout de mille ans, 1' empire
et la religion periront en me"me temps. Or entre Zoroastre et Alex-
andre il y a environ trois cents ans ; car Zoroastre a paru du temps
de Calbistasp, fils de Callohrasp, comme nous 1' avons dit ci-devant.'
See Masudi Kitdb al-Tanbih p. 90 seq., ed. de Goeje, Leyden, 1894.
Compare also Gottheil, References to Zoroaster p. 37 (in Drisler Clas-
sical Studies, New York, 1894).
3 Masudi Prairies d'O. ii. p. 153 ed. Barbier de Meynard. ' Yous-
tasf (Gustasp) regna apres son pdre (Lohrasp) et resida a Balkh. II
etait sur le trone depuis trente ans, lorsque Zeradecht, fils d' Espi-
man se presenta devant lui (p. 127). Youstasf regna cent
Vol. xvii.] The Date of Zoroaster. 11
vingt ans avant d'adopter la religion dee Mages, puis il mourut. La
predication de Zeradecht dura trente-cinq ans, et il mourut age de
soixante et dix-sept ans.' The detailed reigns (Masudi op. cit. ii.
126-129) are Vishtasp 120 years, Bahman 112, Huimli 30 (or more),
12. l)fua son of Darfi 30, Alexander 6 (cf. vol. iv. p. 107 • Alex-
andre, tm'ils font n'-^ner six ans/). The latter would answer pretty
nearly to the commonly received years of Alexander in Persia, B. C.
• :. Observe that the years of the last three reigns vary some-
what from the Bundahish. Deducting from Vishtasp's reign the 30
years till Zoroaster appeared and counting simply to the coming of
Alexander, tile resulting 274 years would place Zoroaster's appear-
ance at B. C. 604 or, if 42 years old at the time, his birth at B. C.
646. But notice that instead of 274 years as here, Masudi elsewhere
says (Prairies tfOr, iv. 106, quoted above) there were 258 years
between Zoroaster and Alexander.
4 E. g. Dinkart Bk. 7 (communication from West) and in the
Rivuyats.
(e) The period at which the Arabic chronicler Tabari (died
A. I >. '.'•_';<)' places Zoroaster in his record of Persian reigns, is
practically ioYntii-al with the preceding in its results, although he
occasionally differs in the length of the individual reigns, e. g.
Hahnian 80 years (although he mentions that others say 112
years), Humai about 20 years, Dura 23 years. He tells also of a
tradition that makes of Zoroaster one of the disciples of Jeremiah.
The latter, according to the generally accepted view, began to
prophesy about B. C. 626. These points will be spoken of again
below.
1 See Zotenberg Chronique de Tabari, traduite sur la version per-
sane d'Abou-Ali Mo'hammed BeCami, tome i. 491-508, Paris, 1867.
(f ) The Dabistan (translated bv Shea and Trover, i. 306-309)
narrates that the holy cypress which Zoroaster had planted at
Kashmir ami which was cut down by the order of Mutawakkal,
truth k ha lit «>t the Abbassides (reigned A. D. 846-860), had
stood * fourteen hundred and fifty years (1450) from the time of
its being planted, to the year 232 of the Hejirah (A. D. 846).' If
these years be reckoned as solar years, according to the custom of
the ancient Persians, and counted from the beginninir of Muta-
wakkal's n-iirn, the date of the planting of the cypress would be
•;•'» : I. Mt it* reckoned according to the lunar calendar of the
M<>liammedana (i. e. equivalent to 1408 solar years), the epoch
would be B. C. 562.1 The fonm -r .late (B. C. 604) recalls the
reckon i ii u of Masudi alluded to above, <>n p. 1<>. The event of
the planting must have been an occasion of special moment ; from
a reference to the -ame in Finlaiisi (translation «,f M«»hl, iv. 291-
93, Paris, 1877), the con\ «-r-ion ,.(' \ i-hta^pa is perhaps allinle<i
It the oODYmtofl "t VMitaspa reallv be nlluded to, 42 years
must be added to give the approximate .late of /..r.. aster's birth.
Perhaps, however, some other event in the piophefx lite is ...m
memorated.1 In any case the results lead us to the latter part of
the seventh century B. C. and tin- lir-t part of the sixth «-, ntury.
'See the calculation of Shea and Trover, Dabistaii. tr<ni*l'it,<l i.
808 n, Paria, 1848 and Mirkli -n I . History of the E<irt;/ Kiny* of
12 A. V. W. Jackson, [1896.
Persia, transl. Shea, p. 281-82, London, 1832. According to E. Roth
•Zon»a>tri>rli.' (ilaubenslehre1 in Geschichte unserer dbendland-
ischen Philosophic i. 350, the era of the cypress is B. C. 560. This
is adopted by Floigl Cyrus und Herodot p. 15, 18 (Leipzig, 1881).
* In case the 1450 years be reckoned back from the date of Muta-
wakkal's death (A. D. 860) instead of from the beginning of his
power, the numbers would be respectively B. C. 590 (if solar), or B. C.
548 (if lunar).
(r) The figures of the chapter-heading in the Shah Namah of
Firdausi (A. D. 940-1020) likewise place the opening of Vish-
taspa's reign at about three hundred years before Alexander's
forth.1
1 Firdusii Schahname ed. Vullers-Landauer iii. p. 1495 seq. See also
Shea & Troyer's Ddbistan Introd. i. p. Ixxxvi and p. 380. Consult
the chapter-headings of the reigns in Mohl's translation of Firdausi
vols. iv-v. Observe that Bahman is assigned only 99 years instead
of the usual 112 ; the duration of Vishtaspa's reign is given in Mohl,
vol. iv. 587 * cent vingt ans' in harmony with the usual tradition.
(h) The Persian historical work Mudjmal al-Tawarikh (A. H.
520= A. D. 1126)1 following the authority of the Chronicle of the
Kings of Persia, brought from Farsistan by Bahram, son of
Merdanshiih, Mobed of Shapur, enumerates 258 years before Alex-
ander.3 The Ulema-i Islam counts three hundred.'
1 See Extraits du Modjmel al-Tewarikh, relatifs d Thistoire de la
Perse, traduits du persan, par Jules Mohl. (Journal Asiatique, tome
xi. pp. 136, 258, 320, Paris, 1841.)
8 Cf . op. cit. p. 230. The author acknowledges indebtedness also
to Hamzah of Isfahan, Tabari, and Firdausi. His chronology may
be deduced from pp. 330-339 of the work cited ; it runs, Lohrasp 120
years, Gushtasp 120 years, Bahman 112, Humai 30, Darab 12 [or 14],
Dara son of Darab 14 [or 16], Alexander 14 [or 28]. Observe the
alternative figures in the case of the last three numbers.
According to Roth Geschichte unserer abendldndischen Philosophic
i. 351 the author of the Mudjmal al-Tawarikh places Zoroaster 1700
years before his own time ; on this ground Roth places the death of
Zoroaster at B. C. 522, and is followed by Floigl Cyrus und Herodot
p. 18. Cf. Kleuker's Zend-Avesta, Anh. 2, Bd. 1, Theil i. p. 347.
8 See Vullers Fragmente uber Zoroaster, p. 58.
(i) Interesting is the fact noticed by Anquetil du Perron,1 that
a certain religious sect that immigrated into China A. D. 600 are
evidently of Zoroastrian origin and that these believers have an
era which dates approximately from B. C. 559 ; this date Anquetil
regards as referring to the time when Zoroaster left his home and
entered upon his mission — a sort of Iranian Hejira.
1 See Anquetil du Perron quoted by Kleuker Anhang zum Zend-
Avesta Bd. i, Thl. 1, pp. 394-361 ; cited also by Shea, Mirkhond's
History, p. 282, and by Roth in Geschichte abendldnd. Philosophic i.
353 and note 566, and followed by Floigl Cyrus und Herodot p. 18.
( j) Similar in effect as far as concerns the period at which they
place the prophet, although of doubtful value or otherwise to be
Vol. xvii.] The Date of Zoroaster. 13
explained, are those Syriac and Arabic reports which connect the
name of Zoroaster with Jeremiah and which make him the lat-
ter's pupil or even identify him with Baruch the scribe of Jere-
miah.' Presumably this association is due to confusing the Arabic
form of the name Jeremiah ArmiaJi with Zoroaster's supposed
native place Urmiah (Urumiyah).9
1 (a) The Syro-Arabic Lexicon of Bar Bahlul (about A. D. 963) *. v.
Kasoma (divinator): • Divinat«M\ like Zardosht, who people say is
Baruch the Scribe ; and because the gift of prophecy was not
accorded to him he went astray, journeyed to [other] nations and
learned twelve tongues.' Cf. Payne-Smith Thesaurus Suriacus, col.
•701
(0) Also Bishop Ishodad of Hadatha (about A. D. 852) commentary
on Matth. ii. 1. • Some say that he (Zoroaster) is the same as Baruch
the pupil of Eramya (Jeremiah), and that because the gift of
prophecy was denied him as [had been] his wish, and because of that
I ii i t.-r exile and the sack of Jerusalem and the Temple, he became
offended (or angry) and went away among other nations, learned
t\\«-lve languages, and in them wrote that vomit of Satan, i. e. the
book which is called Abhasta.' Cf. Gottheil References to Zoroaster
p. 29.
(y) Identically, Solomon of Hilat (born about A. D. 1222), Book of
flic Bee, 'this Zarfidosht is Baruch the scribe,' p. 81 seq. ed. Budge
\necdota Oxoniensia), also E. Kuhn Eine zoroastrische Prophezei-
• •hrixtlu'lii-iH <;<ir<tnde (Festgruss an R. von Roth, Stuttgart,
1893, p. 219). Consult especially Gottheil References to Zoroaster
(Drisler Classical Studies, New York, 1894).
(<f) Tabari (died A. D. 923) likewise notices the association of Zoro-
aster with Jeremiah. According to him ' Zoroaster was of Palestin-
ian origin, a servant to one of the disciples of Jeremiah the prophet,
with whom he was a favorite. But he proved treacherous and false
to him. Wherefore God cursed him, and he became leprous. He
wandered to Adharbaijan, and preached there the Magian religion.
From there he went to Bishtasp (Vishtaspa), who was in Balkh.
Now when he (Zoroaster) had come before him, and preached his doc-
triup t«> him, it caused him to marvel, and he compelled his people
t«» arri'jit it. and put many people to death on its account. Then
they followed it (tin- religion). Bishtasp reigned one hundred and
twelve (112) years.' Gottheil References to Zoroaster, p. 37. See also
Chronique ae Tabari traduite par H. Zotenberg, i. p. 499.
(e) The same general statements of Tabari are repeated by Ibn al-
Athfr( 13th century) in his KltCih «l Knmil fialta'arlkh. See Gottheil
References to Zoroaster, p. 89.
(C) Once the Syrian Gregorius Bar * Ebhraya Abulfaraj (c. A. D.
1250) calls Zoroaster a disciple of Eliiah (mistake for Jeremiah?), see
Gottheil References to Zoroaster, p. 42.
i mil. irly tin Arab historian Abu Mohammed Mustapha calls
Zoroaster a disciple of Ezlr (Ezra), see Hyde Hist. Relig. Veterum
Persarum, p. 318.
* So HiiKgesbMl by de Sary Xotiri's H K.rtrnits </<•* Mdiiuscritx tit- l<i
Bibl. du Hoi, ii. 819, see Gottheil References to Zoroaster (Drisler
Classical Studies p. 80 note).
Jk) Pointing to a similar era an- the Palilavi (Pinkart bk. 5.
Mkh.) andPereo-Arabic allusions to Nebucli:i«hu -//ar as lim-
tenant of VishtfiHp's predecessor Lobrasp and of Vishtasp liimself
as well as of his successor Bahman (Vohaman). In th. same
nection Cyrus's name is joined with Vi-lnasp and Bahman.1
14 A. V. W. Jackson, [1896.
1 (a) According to Tabari (10th century A. D.) and Masudi, Nebu-
chadnezzar was lieutenant successively under Lohrasp, Vishtasp and
Bahmau ; tin- tradition regarding Lohrasp's taking of Jerusalem is
found in tin- Pahlavi Dinkart bk. 5 and Mamog-i Khirad 27. 66-67,
traii-1. \Vest, S.B.E. xxiv. 64. Tabari (or rather the Persian version
<>t the latter by Bel'ami) gives two different versions of the story (see
< •///•«•///«///•• <l> Tabari, tr<nlm't<- .*///• la version Persane de Bel'amipar
H. Zotenberg, vol. i, pp. 491-507, Paris, 1867), and (Tabari op. tit. p. 503)
tin- n turn of the Jews to Jerusalem is placed in the 70th year of
Bahman. Signs of confusion are evident. So also in Mirkhond
r>th century A. D.) who in his history repeats Tabari's statement
\\ith reference to Nebuchadnezzar and Lohrasp, and makes Cyrus a
son of Lohrasp although he is placed in the reign of Bahman. He
regards Bahman (Vohuman) as a contemporary of Hippocrates (B. C.
r>?) and Xenocrates (B. C. 396-814) which would harmonize
proiK'rlv with the traditional dates above given (p. 8-9) for Bahman's
reign. See Shea Mirkhond: 8 History, pp. 264, 291, 343).
Masudi is worth consulting on the same point, especially in
respect to certain presumed relations between the Persians and the
Jews. See Barbier de Meynard Ma$oudi Les Prairies cf Or ii. 119-128.
(1) At this point may be mentioned two other allusions that
place Zoroaster's activity in the sixth century before the Christian
era, although the former of these rests upon the identification of
the prophet's patron Vishtaspa with Hystaspes the father of
Darius. The first of these allusions, that given by Ammianus
Marcellinus (5th century A. D.),1 directly calls Vishtaspa (Hystas-
pes) the father of Darius, although Agathias (6th century A. D.)2
expresses uncertainty on this point. The second allusion is found
in Eutychius, the Alexandrine Patriarch, who makes Zoroaster a
contemporary of Cambyses and the Magian Smerdis,3 a view
which is shared by the Syrian Gregorius Bar 'Ebhrfiyfi Abulfaraj
(c. A. D. 1250).4 '
1 Ammian. Marcell. 23. 6. 32 Magiam opinionum insignium auctor
amplissimus Plato, Machagistiam esse verbo mystico docet, divinorum
incorruptissimum cultum, ciyus scientiae saeculis priscis multa ex
Chaldaeorum areanis Bactrianus addidit Zoroastres, deinde Hystas-
pes rex prudentissimus, Darii pater. The general opinion is that
'saeculis priscis' is allowable in consideration of the thousand
years that separated Zoroaster and Ammianus and assuming that
Ammianus understood Zoroaster and Hystaspes to be contemporaries,
cf. Kleuker Zend-Avesta. Anh. z. Bd. i. Theil i, p. 334.
8 Agathias 2. 24, 7Mpoharpov rov 'Qpudafaus . . . ovrog 6e 6
ffroi Zapdfiqg (dirrf] yap err' avrfi fj eiruw/Liia) oTTTjviKa fiev f/K[J.aae TTJV
KCU rovf v6fj.ov^ edero, OVK tvean aa^wf diayvuvcu. H£paai 6$ avrbv ol vvv eirl
'TordtTTrew, ovru f>rj ri a7r/tejf <}>aal yeyovevat, wf Mav afj,<f>iyvoeiadaiy nal OVK elvai
fJLadelVi ndrepov Aapeiov naTTjp E'LTE ml aMof ovrog vTTJjpxev 'TardaTTJ^.
8 Eutychii Patriarchae Alexandrini Annales. Illustr. Selden,
interpr. E. Pocock. Oxon. 1658, p. 262-63 Mortuo Gyro Dario
Babelis rege, post ipsum imperavit filius ipsius Kambysus annos
novem : post quern Samardius Magus annum unum. Hie, Magus
cognominatus est quod ipsius tempore floruerit Persa quidam Zara-
dasht (-^uw^kOj qui Magorum religionem condidit aedibus igni
dedicatus. Post ipsum regnavit Dara primus, annos viginti. Post
ilium Artachshast Longimanus cognominatus annos viginti
quatuor. On this authority Floigl following Roth wishes to assign
the year of Zoroaster's death to B. C. 522, cf . Cyrus und Herodot, p.
18, and Roth Oeschichte uns. abendldnd. Philosophic.
Vol. xvii.] The Date of Zoroaster. 15
4 Bar 'Ebhrava Arabic Chronicon p. 83, ed. Salhani, Beirut, 1890
(cited by Gottlieil, References to Zoroaster, p. 33). ' In those days
(of Cambyses) came Zaradosht clut-t <>f tin* Magian sect, by birth of
A'lliarlnjaii. or, as some say, of Athor (Assyria). It i- reported that
he was one of KlijahSi!' ilUcjples. and he informed the Persians of
the sign of the birth of Chri>t.'
(m) Finally two other allusions are here added for the sake of
oompleteness, asthey have U-en interpreted as pointing to the fact
that Zoroaster lived about the >i\th century 15. < . There seems
to be nothing in them, however, to compel us to believe that
Zoroaster is regarded as living only a short time before the events
to which they allude. The first is a passage in Nicolaus Damas-
cenus (1st century B. C.), who repivM-nt^ that when Cyru^ua-
about to burn the unfortunate Croesus, his attention was called to
Zatpodfrrpov Aoyiu which forbade that fire should be defiled.1 The
second item of information is found in such references as repre-
sent Pythagoras as following Zoroaster's doctrines.9 Last 1 v. t lie
association of Zoroaster's name with that of Thales, by Albiruni,
has been noted above.1
1 Nicolaus Damascenus Fragm. 65, Muller Fragm. Hist. Or. iii. 409
Atiuara fiaiuovta e vtirnrre, nal ol re rr/f 2t/%AAf/f xpjjffpoi rd re Zupodarpov
tjbyia eiaifei. Kpolaov ft^v ovv e/36uv in /ud/,/iot> ^ TT&ACU GU^FII: . . . T6v ye
fii/v Zupodarptjv Tlipaat an"' eneivov 6tfliravt fitjre venpovf Kaieiv, fifyr' dA/Ujf
fuaivftv Trvp, KOI Tra'/.ai TOVTO Katfeorwf TO v6fiiftov r6re fteflaiuffdjievoi. (Latin
version) Persas . . . religio ac metus div&m incessit : Sibyllae quo-
que vaticinia ac Zoroaatris oracula in mentem veniebant. Itaqiie
clamitabant, mitito, quam antea, contenting, at Croesus servaretur
. . . At Persae exinde sanxerunt juxta praecepta Zoroastris, ne
cadavera cremare neque ignem contaminare posthac liceret, quod
quum apud eos ex veteri institute uhtiiiiii.wt. turn magis confirma-
verunt. Cf. de Harlez Avesta trmlnif. Introil.. \li\. Ixvii.
8 The principal references are to be found in Windischmann Zoro-
astrische Stuaien pp. 260-64, 274, from whose work they are taken.
Several of these allusions mention Zoroaster's name directly ; in
others we may infer it, since Pythagoras is made a student of the
Magi, whom classical antiquity regards as the exponents of Zoroas-
ter's teaching. Such allusions are : (a) Cicero ae Fin. 5. 29 ipse
Pythagoras et Aegtji>tmn histravit et Persarum Magos adit
Valerius Maximus 8. 7 extern. .'. ii«t> «<l rcrsasprofectus Magorum
exactissimae prudentiae se fonnan<l>nn fni<li<lit . (; i riinv A.ff. 30.
1 J I'l/ttiagoras, Empedocles, Dempcritus, Plato ad hanc (nut
disoendam navigayere ; (6) Porphyrius Vita Pythag. 41 t-n-fi KOI ror dcov,
u$ irapa ruv VL&yuv firvvddvero, bv 'QpofidZqv Kafovatv fuelvot • and Vita Py-
thug. 12 lv Tt BaQvfovi roif r' btoois KaMam ro xat n-pof ZdfipaTov
[ZAparov, Nauck] (Zoroaster ?) a^intro ; (e) IMntan-li <l> <n/ii,i<ie procr.
in Timaeo 2. 2 Zapdraf & \\vOuy6pov &td6ffitatoc; (C) Clemens Alexau-
dliniu strmnata 1. p. 85; tter) Zupodarprjv 6i rbv Mojov rbv
Titpoifv f> nv6ay6paf Kifaotv (Ms. W^^wev), cf. Cyrillus adv. Jul. 8 p.
87 where Pythagoras is called iravdpiarof W.UTW of Zoroast*
i Idas s. v. Pythagoras, Hv6a-y6paf • OITOC //wiw— '/M/^mr m, ftdyw (ig
/oroaster?) ; ((/ ri.l . p. 19 (ed, Altib.) mint ^ui Pytha-
g<>< •' niporit ////.r captivos Cambysae regi* Aegyptnm
cum adveheretur, doctores habuixxe Peraarum magos ac praea,
Zoroastrem omni* divini arcan > Luoian'n Dialogue
Menippua, g6, p. 468, the Babylonian Magi are the pupiU and sue-
cenaore of Zoroaster /KM ... idofe is Baftvfova MMvra Atiffival
ruv Mdywi; TUV Zupodorpov ftaforruv nai AtaM^w. Also some others.
16 A. V. W. Jackson, [1896.
B. DISCUSSION OF THE DATA.
The material above collected presents most of the external
evident- that we have in regard to the age at which Zoroaster
lived. We are now prepared for a more comprehensive view of
the subject, for a discussion of the data in hand, for a presenta-
tion of certain internal evidences that need to be brought out,
an«l for unrmm-iits and possible deductions. Several points imme-
diately suggest themselves for comment.
Fii>t. in 'liscussing the classical allusions above presented, one
is justified from the connection in assuming that such allusions as
are made to the name of Zoroaster as a religious teacher or sage,
all refer to the one great prophet of ancient Iran. No account, I
think, need therefore be taken of such views as assume the exist-
ence of two or of several Zoroasters, belonging to different
periods in the world's history. Such a view was held by Suidas
(s. v. Zoroastres) and was evidently earlier shared by Pliny ;' it
met with acceptance also among some of the old-fashioned writers
in more recent times ;a but there is no real evidence in its favor,
and it is due to an attempt to adjust the "discrepancy existing in
classical statements with regard to Zoroaster's date. History
knows of but one Zoroaster.
1 Pliny N.H. 30. 2.3, sine dubio illic orta (ars Magica) in Perside a
Zoroastre, ut inter auctores convenit. Sed unus hie fuerit, an postea
et alius, non satis constat. He adds a little later (30. 2.8) diligen-
tiores paulo ante hunc (i. e. Osthanem) Zoroastrem alium Procon-
nesium.
9 E. g. Kleuker, Anhang zum Zend-Avesta, Bd. I. Thl. 2, p. 68-81.
Second, among the three dates which may be deduced from the
material above collected and which are summarized on p. 2, we
are justified upon reasonable grounds, I think, in rejecting the
excessively early date of B. C. 6000 or thereabouts. The explan-
ation above offered to account for the extravagant figures seems
satisfactory enough.
Third, such dates as might be arrived at from the sporadic
allusions that associate the name of Zoroaster with Semiramis
and Ninus, with Nimrod and Abraham, or with Baal, Bel, Balaam,
as above discussed, have little if any real foundation. In each
instance there seem to me to be reasonable grounds for discard-
ing them.
There remains finally a comparatively large body of material
that would point to the fact that Zoroaster flourished between the
latter part of the seventh century and the middle of the sixth
century before the Christian era. The material when sifted reduces
itself : first, to the direct tradition found in two Pahlavi books,
Bundahish and Arda-1 Viraf, which places Zoroaster's era three
hundred years, or more exactly 258 years, before Alexander's
day ; second, to the Arabic allusions which give the same date in
their chronological computations and which in part lay claim to
Vol. xvii.] The Date of Zoroaster. 17
IK -iii'_r founded upon the chronology of the Persians themselves ;*
third, to similar allusions elsewhere which place Zoroaster at
about tliis period.
1 Compare Albiruni Chronology of Ancient Nations p. 109, 112
(trans. Sachau) : and tin- Muqmat "/-'/• -mlrlM. p. 14'J, 320, 330
iduit .M«»hl. Journal A>iati<|iie \i., 1841) stating that the account is
based on the Chronicle of Mobed Bahrain.
Certain objections may be raised to a view based upon this
material last Driven.
First among these objections is a claim often urged, that the
traditional -late rests upon an erroneous identification of Vishtaspa
with Hystaspes the father of Darius. I cannot see, from the allu-
o'r elsewhere, that the Persians made any such identifica-
tion : tin- impression gained from the man-rial presented is rather
in fact to the contrary : one may recall, for example, how widely
different the ancestry of Vishtaspa is from the generally received
iit of Hystaspes the father of Darius (a point which Floigl
and Roth seem to have overlooked). It was only the classical
writer Ammianus Marcellinus who, in antiquity, made any such
identification. The point has already been sufficiently dealt with
above, p. 14.
A second objection may be brought on the plea that the tradi-
tional date (7th to middle of 6th century B. C.) would not allow
of the lapse of sufficient time to account for the difference in
language between the Guthas and the Old Persian inscriptions
and for certain apparent developments in the faith. Further-
more, that a longer period of time must be allowed to account for
the difference between the fixed title Auramazda, <ftpo/ua<r&^, cur-
rent in western Persia in Achaemenian times, and the divided
form of the divine name Ahura Mazda (or Ahura alone and
Mazda alone) as found in the Avesta, especially in the Zoroas-
trian ' This point has been noticed in the interesting and
in-tni( tive paper of Professor Tiele Over de Oudheid van het
Avesta, p. 16,1 who comes to the result that Zoroastrianism must
have existed as early as the first half of the 7th century B. C.f
as I believe we should, the theses that Vishtaspa
rule. i in eastern Iran, and that, although Zoroaster was a native
• aijan, tin ehief scene of his religious activity was east-
eni Iran, and that the faith spread from Uaetria west \vards,' I
at these arguments militate against the traditional
inder di-eu— ion. I )ialeetie d i iVeivnces between the Bactrian
region and Persia proper would sufficiently account for arguments
based on language alone. Thi-. added to national and individual
d i tTerences, might well account for the ti\ed form of the name .-I
i long the Aohaemenians as contrasted with the Avestan
Who can say how raj. idly the <-n ed -pread from the east
to the weM and what changes eonsr.jiiently in a short time may
have resulted? New converts in their zeal are often more
radical in progress^, changes than first reformers. Persis, with
VOL. xvii. 2
18 A. V. W. Jackson, [1896.
its original difference in dialect, may in short time have devel-
oped the singk title Anramazda from Ahura Mazda as watch-
word of church and state. See also note, p. 20, top.
1 Reprinted from the Mededeelingen der Koninkliike Akademie van
Wetenschappen. AfdeeUng Letterkunde, 3de Reeks, Deel xi., 364-
W&
* Tiele's little work argues admirably for the antiquity of the
Avesta as opposed to Darmesteter's views for the lateness of the
Gathiis. I wish I could be convinced by Professor Tiele (p. 19) that
tlu names of the Median kings, Phraortes (fravasi), Kyaxares
(urahxaturti). Deiokes (*dahyuka) as well as Eparna, Sitiparna of the
early Esarhaddon inscription (explained as containing hvaranah
' glorv '), are due to concepts originated by Zoroaster and are not
merely marks of beliefs which Zoroastrianism inherited directly
from existing Magism. The name of Darius's contemporary Khsa-
thrita (Bh. 2.15, iv. 19, E 9) is not so important for the argument.
I confess I should like to place Zoroaster as early as the beginning
of the 7th century. The earlier, the better.
3 On eastern Iran, cf. Geiger Ostiranische Kultur (Erlangen, 1882)
and English translation of same, Darab P. Sanjana Eastern Iranians
(London, 1885-86).
4 See Jackson. Zoroaster's Native Place, J.A.O.S. xv. 230 seq. So
in spite of Spiegel Z.D.M.G. xlv. 198 seq.
A final objection may be raised as to the real historic worth
and chronological value of the Persian tradition which places
Zoroaster three centuries before Alexander. This it must frankly
be said is the real point of the question. Is there a possibility of
Arabic influence at work upon the statements of the Bundahish
and Arda-i Viraf ? Is the whole chronology of the Bundahish
and that of the Persians artificial ?J And did the Zoroastrians
intentionally tamper with history and bring Zoroaster down as late
as possible in order that the millennial period might not be
regarded as having elapsed without the appearance of a Saosh-
yant, or Messiah ?
1 Spiegel Eranische Alterthumskunde i. 506, with Windischmann,
regards the data of the Bundahish as ' unzuverlassig,' but it must be
remembered that his figures, '178' years for the period between Zoro-
aster and Alexander, now require correction to 258, which alters the
condition of affairs. See West, S.B.E. v. 150-151, and Spiegel
Z.D.M.G. xlv. 203. Compare especially de Harlez Avesta traduit,
Introd. p. ccxxviii.
These questions require serious consideration in detail. The
introduction to the chronological chapter of the Bundahish (Bd.
34) does indeed read, according to one MS, ' on the reckoning of
the years of the Arabs' (see Bundahish translated by West,
S.B.E. v. 149), but the word Tazlkan 'of the Arabs' is not
found in the other manuscripts. Moreover, the scientific investi-
gator Albirunl, and also the Mujmal al Tawarlkh, whose data
agree exactly with the Bundahish, affirm that the dates given
for the Kayanian kings are obtained from the records of the
Persians themselves.1 There seems no reason, therefore, to doubt
Vol. xvii.] The Date of Zoroaster. 19
that the Bundahish really represents the Persian chronology. But
what the value <>f that chronology may he. i< another 'matter.
Personally I think it lias real value so far as Lrivinir the approx-
imate period of three centuries before Alexander as Zoroas-
a era. Every -tudent of the classics knows the part that
chronology play* with reference to the Magi; every reader of
the Avesta is familiar with "tin- time of long duration ;" «
one who has looked into the scholarly work of Albiriinl will have
more n-pc.-t for Persian chronology. Errors indeed there may
be ; attention has been called above to the lack of agreement
between the years assigned by tradition to the rei'gns of the
Zoroastrian Kayanian monarchs and the generally accepted dates
of the reigns of Cyrus, Darius, and Xerxes1 ; to the dynasty of
the>e three kimr- there corresponds only the long rule of Vishtaspa
(120 years) and a part of that of Bahman Ardashir Dira/da>t.
some of whose reign answers to that of Artaxerxes Longimanus.
At above said, it is difficult to identify the Kayanians of the
tradition with the early Achaemenians of Greek history, but this
need not nullify the real value of the traditional 'three centuries
before Alexander.1 What Ma-udI (c. A. D. 943) in his Indicatio
et Admonitio can add on this subject is full of interest. Little
attention seems thus far to have been drawn to this important
i.sfe and to the explanation which it contains.2 Masiidi is
fully aware of the difference that exists between the Persian and
the generally accepted chronology and he shows how it wa-
brought about by Ardashir's purposely shortening the period
between Alexander and himself by causing about half the num-
ber of years to be dropped from the chronological lists, but the
300 yeaVs of Zoroaster before Alexander were allowed to remain
untouched, for the old prophecy regarding the time of Alexan-
der's appearance had been fulfil led. The passage hi Barbier de
Meynard is well worth consulting.3
1 See note above, p. 8.
* Cf . Barbier de Meynard in Le Livre de I'liulii'titionet del' Ad-
monition (Macpudi Prairies cf Or, ix. 327-28).
1 See preceding note. I have since found the passage given by
spirp-i in Eran. Atterthwntkunde Hi. 193: compare also -
Z.D.M.G. xlv. 202.
C. RESIT i -.
draw conclusions, — although open t<- certain objections,
still, in the absence ••!' any more reliable data •••• until the
discovery of some new source of in formation to ,.\ erthn.u
to substantiate the \ie\\. there MM-III- but one derision to make in
the case before us. From the actual evidence presented and from
the material accessible, one is fairly entitled, at least, upon the
pre-ent merit* of the ca>e. to accept the period between the latter
1 the mid. lie of the -i\th c.nturv
just In-fore the rise ot the Achaemenian power, as the
approximate date of Zoroaster's life.1
20 A. V. W. Jackson, [1896.
1 Since the above was written Dr. E. W. West writes me (under
date Dec. 19, isu'n the interesting piece of information that his
in validations into the history of the Iranian calendar have led him
to the date B. C. 505 as tin- year in which a reform in the Persian
calendar inii>t have been instituted. He suggests that Darius, upon
the eonelusion of his wars and during the organizing of his kingdom
and putting in force new acts of legislation, may with the aid and
counsel of hi- priotly advisers have introduced the Zoroastrian
names of the months which nave supplanted the old Persian names
which \\-ereiriven in the inscriptions. If this be so, the point may
have a special bearing towards showing that the Achaemenians
/oica-trians. From Albiruni, Chronology pp. 17, 12; 55, 29;
J : and 220. 19 (transl. Sachau), we know that Zoroaster himself
must have occupied himself with tin- calendar. Benfey u. Stern,
<//. MinnttsiKinn'H 1'int'wr alter Volker, p. 116, regarded the
M- <lo-Persian year as having been introduced into Cappadocia prob-
ably as early as B. C. 750. [Dr. West's paper on the Parsi calendar
lias just appeared in The Academy for April 23, 1896.]
Similar results have been reached by others, or opinions to the
-aiue effect have been expressed ; for example, Haug,1 Justi
(private letter),2 Geldner (personal communication),3 Casartelli,4
and several names familiar to those acquainted with the field.5
Some effort might be made perhaps if the premises will allow it,
and some attempts have been made, to define the period more
exactly by a precise interpretation of the various time-allusions
with reference to cardinal events in Zoroaster's life — the begin-
ning of his ministry at the age of 30, the conversion of Vishtaspa
in the prophet's 42d year, the death of Zoroaster at the age of 77
years.6
1 Cf. Haug Essays on the Parsis (West's introduction p. xlv) ;
although Haug had previously adopted various earlier eras for Zoro-
aster, e. g. B. C. 2300 (Lecture on Zoroaster, Bombay, 1865), not later
than B. C. 1000 (Essays p. 299, where the subject is discussed ; cf .
also pp. 15, 136. 264).
8 Personal letter from Professor Justi, dated June 14, 1892.
3 Geldner formerly placed the date of Zoroaster as prior to B. C.
1000 (see article ' Zoroaster ' Encylppaedia Britannica 9th edition).
4 Philosophy of the Mazdayasnian Religion under the Sassanids,
p. ii. ' a bout 600.'
5 The best collections of material on the subject are to be found in de
Harlez Avesta traduit, 2e ed. Introduction pp. xx-xxv, ccxiv, Spiegel
E.A. ii , and Windischmann Zoroastrische Studien ; the latter
suggested (Zor. Stud. p. 164) about B. C. 1000 as Zoroaster's date.
The present writer (Avesta Grammar p. xi.) once held the opinion
that Zoroaster lived ' more than a thousand years before the Chris-
tian era.' The date assigned by the Parsi Orientalist K. R. Kama
is about B. C. 1300.
• E. g. Anquetil du Perron Zend-Avesta i. Pt. 2, p. 6, 60-62, assigns
B. C. 589-512 as the age of Zoroaster ; compare also Kleuker
(Foucher) Anhang zum Zend-Avesta, Bd. i. Thl. 1, pp. 327-374 ; Thl.
2, pp. 51-81. Floigl (Cyrus und Herodot p. 18), following Roth,
gives B. C. 599-522 as Zoroaster's era and identifies Vishtaspa with
Hystaspes the father of Darius. Neither Floigl nor Roth seem to
take any account of the difference between the genealogy of Vish-
taspa's ancestors as given in the Old Persian inscriptions and the
lineage given in the Avesta, Pahlavi, and later Persian works. He
does not, moreover, sufficiently take into consideration (p. 17) that 42
years (or at least 30) must be added in every instance to the 258
years before Alexander, as that was Zoroaster's age when Vishtaspa
accepted the faith. This would in any event place the date of Zoro-
aster's birth before B. C. 600.
Vol. xvii.] The Date of Zoroaster. 21
The above results, it they In* accepted in the light at least of
our present information on the subject, seem to be not without
Importance for the history of early religious thought and of the
lopment of ethical and moral teaching. If one carefully
works through the material, it must be acknowledged that the
moxt consistent and the most authoritath e of all the actual state-
ment- upon tlu- subject place the appearance of the prophet at a
j»cri'"l bet ween the closing century of Median rule and the rUini:
wave of Persian power, that is. between the latter half ol' the
Mth century and the middle of the sixth century II. C. It is
the -owing of the falh.w land that is to bring forth the rich fruits
of the harvest. The teaching of Zoroaster must have taken deep
root in the soil of Iran at the time when the .Jew- w»-iv carried
up int<> captivity at Babylon (586-536), where they becam-
•piainted with 'the law of the Medes and Persian- which altereth
not:' the time was not far remote when the sage Confucius should
•mid to China the national tenets of it- people, and the gentle
lluddha on Ganges' bank should preach to longing souls the
doetrine of redemption through renunciation. How interesting
the picture, how full of instruction the contrast ! And in this
connection, the old question of a possible pre-historic Indo-Iranian
ious schism1 comes perhaps once again into consideration.
tin theological and religious phenomena noticeable in Hrah-
manism are possibly not so early, after all, as has generally been
believed. It may perchance be that Zoroastrianism in Iran wa-
but the religious, social, and ethical culmination of the wave that
had been gathering in strength as it moved along, ami that wa-
de-lined in India to spend its breaking fon-e in a different way
from it- overwhelming course in the- plateau land northwest of
the mountains of Hindu Kush.
^ i • w strongly upheld by Haug.
* Deductions that might perhaps be made in the light of Hopkins
Religions of In<ii,, pp. 177. 1*1;. -jo-j. -J17. Consult especially th,- sug-
' •'
hints of (Jelilner. article 'Zoroaster/ Encyclopaedia />/•/'
nice, where the mnoh-mootod question oi
' god-demon/ is discussed.
kingdom of Hactria was the scene «.f /, .r-.a-tef'-
mini-try, u I piv-unie. lloni. a» I l»elievi-. in Atropateiie. to the
M.-dia. this pmphet without honor in his own coiinm
•:ial soil for the leedfl "f liis teaching in ea-tern
Iran. \\\^ ringiiiL' -rm and of a nobler faith found
an answering echo in the heart of the IIa<-trian king, Yishta^pa.
whose strong arm ga\e neoeMftlj -uj.port to jln- «-ru-ade that
1 tin- new faith w«-t and east throughout the land of Iran.
Allusion^ to t)i is crusade are not unconnnon in /nmastrian litera-
ture. Its advance mii-t ha\e been r.ij.id. A tierce religious war
in a way Was fatal to lla.-tria. -eeni- to ha\ e eiiMie-l with
'i. This was that same savage race in hi-tory at \\hox,-
the death of victorious Cyrus is hud. Although' tradition tells
22 .1. K IF. Jackson. [1896.
the sad story that the tire of the sacred altar was cjiienclied in the
blood of the priests when Turan stormed Balkh, this momentary
defeat was hut the gathering force of victory ; triumph was at
hand. The spiritual spark of regeneration lingered among the
embers and was destined soon to burst into the flame of Persian
power that -wept over decaying Media and formed the beacon-
torch that lighted up the land of Iran in early history. But
the hi>tory of the newly established creed and certain problems
in regard to the early Achaenienians as Zoroastrians belong else-
where for discussion.
ARTICLE II.
PRAGATHIKANI, I
BY EDWARD WASHBURN HOPKINS,
PROFESSOR IS YALE UNIVERSITY, NEW HAVEN, CONN.
Presented to the Society, April, 1896.
PRAGATHIKANI, PART I.— THE VOCABULARY.
I s a preceding article, I have applied the delicate test of sacro-
sanct numbers to the eighth mandala of the Rig- Veda, with the
purpose of ascertaining whether the Kfinva collection sides more
in this regard with the other family books or with those books
which, to have a collective name for them, I have called the
General Books (i., ix., x.)*
That the latter is the case I think I have shown very plainly.
But, as I admitted in the article, the range was so small that the
results obtained could be accepted only tentatively. In view,
however, of the conflicting opinions in regard to the age of the
v;i hymns, every possible criterion becomes of value ; and
the significant fact, brought out in the article on the holy num-
bers, that in many instances the Kunva hymns stand side by side
with the later books of the Rig- Veda and with the Atharva- Veda,
may point the way to find the true age of the Kanvas, though by
itself it is too small a fact to lead one unhesitatingly to any
definitive conclusion.
In tin- present article I take up the vocabulary of the eighth
mandala in its relation to the General Books and to later litera-
tuiv.
A full third of this mandala is due to late additions, as has
shown by Lanman in his estimate of the per-cent of text in
the arrangement of the whole Saiiihit.i. I ciu- his table :f
Books, ii. iii. iv. v. vi. vii. viii. ix. x.
.05 .06 .06 .07 .07 .09 .13 .09 .18
* The statistics appear in this Journal, vol. x vi.. p. 275 tf. . and in my
article on Holy Numbers in the Rig- Veda, published in the Oriental
Studies of the Philadelphia Oriental Club.
first book is omitted, because, as Lanman says, were it
'livnled into its family collections each would (<MIU> before the second
book. With the Valakhilya omitted, the proportion is still too great ;
books . numbering even then 74, 108, 77 pages (of MQller's
text) respectively. See Lanman's article JVcmii-tn/fecf ion in the Veda,
in this Journal, vol. x., p. 578.
24 E. W. Hopkins, [1896.
The amount of text alone would, therefore, predispose one to
think that any general statement in regard to the antiquity of
viii. must be restricted by the counter-statement in regard to its
1ml k, which is out of proportion to its place in the collection.
Such general statements are, therefore, to be deprecated, although
at present it is possible to operate only with the text as it has
been handed down. Neither in postulating extreme age without
reservations, as do, for instance, Ludwig on the philological side,
and Hirt on the linguistic side,* nor in maintaining the opposite
opinion without reservations, can historical truth be approxi-
mated. But the work has not yet been done which will enable
scholars successfully to segregate the older and the later portions
of the eighth book. In adducing, therefore, certain lists of words,
which, in my opinion, show affinity with later rather than with
earlier literature, I think it is necessary to guard against the
notion that such lists prove the date of the first form of the
eighth book. It will be enough, for the present, to show that
lateness overlays the book in its present form, as shown by its
vocabulary. But it must not be supposed that the correspondence
between viii. and the General Books is all in vocabulary ; or that
the statistical results based on analysis of forms must necessarily
be interpreted quite as they have been.
In regard to the first point, in not a few instances, viii., from a
metrical and grammatical point of view, coincides rather with
the General Books than with the other family books. Thus :
cases of the resolution of the vowel in genitive plural of a stems
occur only in i., viii., ix., x. (Lanman, loc. cit., p. 364); the only
instance in RV. of a notable transition-form, which is common in
later literature, is supplied by bhiyai (loc. cit., p. 373) in viii. 64.
13 ;f another transition-form, dbhlruam in viii. 46. 6 is paralleled
only in x.; ayujd in viii. 51.2 is paralleled only in i. ; vistdpa,
another transition-form, is paralleled only in ix. (pp. 407, 462, 481) ;
the Epic weakening of the perfect stem, found in viii. 66. 10,
emusdm, is paralleled only in i. and x. (p. 511 ff.); and the only
parallel to the accent of parihvrtd in viii. 47. 6 is found in x. and
AV. (p. 477). Moreover, there are certain anomalies in viii.
which are far from having the appearance of antiquity, such as
the elision of the ending in ydjadhvainam in 2. 37 (the* only case
of this sort), and the anomalous sandhi of acvinevd in 9. 9 ; not
to speak of uc ca dva ca in 19. 23 (the only parallel is in x.); and
the surely late imdsya\ of 13. 21. Not to be passed as insignifi-
* Ludwig, Rig-Veda, vol. iii., p. 175; Hirt, Indogermanische Fors-
chungen, i. 6. Less general is the presentation of Oldenberg, ZDMG.,
xlii.,p. 216.
f Throughout this article I cite according to Aufrecht's first edition, in
order to mark clearly the words that are found only in the Valakhilya.
I have occasionally taken the liberty of referring to ii.-vii. as the ' early'
books; more to avoid the inconvenient phrase "other family books"
than to be dogmatic.
J The type of a host of forms that fairly run riot in Pali.— Ed.
Vol. xvii.J I'r'iriathikCmi, I. 25
cant is, further, the adverbial use of adds, found only in i., viii.,
ix., x., but never in the other family books ; the frequency of
. a comparatively late form, whose occurrences in viii. alone
e'jual in number all its occurrences in ii.-vii. together; and the
similar state of things in respect of papctft, also a late form : viii.
alone ha< four* out of the seventeen occurrences of this word in
liV., which are as many as are found in all the material of ii.-
vii. in its present shape ; while of the four occurrences in ii.-vii.,
in the confessedly late "weapon-hymn," vi
Hut the second point is of still greater importance. I have
always held that early forms do not necessarily prove early
authorship ; for it is evident that, at a period when the old forms
passing away, poets that desired to give archaic effect to
their productions could do so very cheaply by overcrowding their
verses with metrical or formal archaisms.t Now the statistical
y from which is inferred the probable priority of viii. is
based on the most striking grammatical forms, where the differ-
Ketween the old and new is most pronounced, a and
ebhis and ais, asas and •'*, '/ ami <~nt.
That this is not theory but fact may be strikingly shown.
Every- me admits that the Yfilakhilya hymns cannot be classed
among the old hymns of the Rig- Veda. On the contrary, in all
jip>l»:iliility they are a late addition to the Kanva collection. But
this is the statistical picture of these forms as given in these
eleven hymns :
dftfts, ais ebhis, dni a, du dy
13 15 2 5 10 8 0 17
Late as are the hymns, their old forms, even apart from the stereo-
typed dual, excee'd the new forms. Even the ^iinntttntl tags of the
hymns in viii. show that the authors, while employing as more
often than asas, keep the older a as against dni (and -~t as against
du) in a very givat majority of the cases. In fact it must have
been largely a matter of metrical convenience with poets who
could use indifferently, not only in tlu> same period but in the
same hymn and verse, the two parallel forms side by side, as is so
* The cases in viii. an- r,o. 15. n; : •;«». i : ^9. i . Lanman, loc. cit..\
f The tendency to revive ar«-h;ii»- Vedic forms is not c<>iitin<,l to the
period immediately follow -inir that in which these forms obtained. lml
characterizes even Sanskrit literature. It mi^l.t !>•• imagined, indeed,
that the preservation of neuter nlntmfm MbhA. i isdue
to the real antiquity of tin- hymn to i he A cvins (especial I v a- I lolt /.inaiiii
~i as neuter plural only for thi^ place. Ghrammatiicfa*, p. 12). But
what shall be said of a (^'iva h\ inn that contain> the >am< M tlie
certainly late imitation of tlu» Catarudriya at the , nd of the seventh
book? Here we find (Ml h, rfl.90l.77):
/'// utam bhavyam bhavitd. cdpy a <
twttsaiMit
bhaktaih ca mn,,, f'i,>ijumanam bhajasva
md ririfo mam ahitdhitetia.
There can be no doubt from the character of the whole section that tx>th
form and phrases, apparently ancient, are due here simply to imitation
26 E. W. Hopkins, [1896.
often the case. In the first eleven hymns of the eighth book,
not only does the dual ending n stand out of all proportion to
i <>ne hundivd ami twenty-six cases against seven), but in the
same hymns the new <ls and fiis endings considerably out-num-
ber those in rm.(.<i and ebhis ; while there are eighteen dni forms
ist twenty-two neuter forms in a; showing that the forms
not a very satisfactory criterion of date, until a period is
reached when, as in the Atharvan, the older forms are so far
antiquated that the poets use them less for empty show than
for convenience ; preferring to remodel according to new forms
which now become the standard.
Not too nnu-li weight then, in my opinion, is to be laid on the
supposititious antiquity of the Kfmva collection as evinced by
statistics of forms. As is well known, by the application of the
same statistical method to another class of forms, Brunnhofer has
arrived at exactly the opposite result in estimating the age of the
eighth book, and makes it out late as Lanman makes it out early.*
Curious confirmation of my view in regard to the value of
forms has lately been afforded by Arnold's article on Literary
Epochs in the Rig- Veda. The author starts out with the avowed
purpose of extending and strengthening Lanman's tests with a
new set of forms used as new tests. But he finds not only that
from this point of view the eighth book is later than the * cognate
sections,' but also that by three out of his four new tests the
results are exactly the opposite of what he desired to show, and
that they point to a later date for the Kanva collection. That
the author does not renounce such tests altogether is due to his
reliance on still other tests which he propounds, but which are of
questionable value. f
Arnold unites his contradictory tests with Lanman's to support
the proposition that viii. is older than the other family books,
though he admits (p. 304) that in three out of four of his new
tests book viii. has the larger proportion of later forms.J He
* Lanman, however, by no means postulates the early date of viii.
without duly guarding against a too sweeping application of his statis-
tics : " Our result indicates that the eighth is older than the other fam-
ily books. ... I will not lay stress on this result until the relations of
book viii. to the rest have been more carefully determined " (loc. cit. p.
580). Brtmnhofer's article Ueber Dialektspuren im Vedischen Gebrauch
der Infinitivformen is in Kuhrfs Zeitschrift, xxv., p. 329 ff., 374. It has
been criticized by Collitz and defended by its author in Bezzenberger's
Beitr&ge, vii., p. 183 ; x., pp. 15, 234.
t This article has just appeared in Kuhn's Zeitschrift, xxxiv., p. 297
ff. It is a combination and extension of the methods of Lanman, in
the article cited above, and of Oldenberg, in the latter's Prolegomena to
the Rig-Veda.
\ It is important to notice, further, that the new forms which Arnold
operates with, and which point to viii. being later than ii.-vii., are of
less obvious and pronounced character than those used by Lanman.
This shows clearly that the strongly marked forms continue to be used
for show. The less striking changes are introduced freely at the same
time that the more striking changes are used sparingly. In the latter
Vol. xvii.] Pragathikani, I. 27
then adds a test of metre and a test of vocabulary. In regard to
the former he admits that " words and forms are a safer guide "
(].. :{!'"»). But it is the treatment of the test of vocabulary
which here calls for special notice. Arnold makes two rougn
of words which he dubs respectively " older words " and
M later words" and uses these as a test of date by reckoning the
number of occurrences of these words in the 'Song Veda* (book
viii. an. I its cognate sections) and in the * Veda of Recitation '
(books ii.-vii. and cognate sections). To avoid a vicious circle,
the only test here of early and late must perforce be the number
of time* these words are found in AV. That this test is a futile
one is evident. The subject-matter, as the author grants (p. 307),
is the determining factor in many cases. That the list of " later
words" includes ;w//j, rars/i, sarp, uddra^ etc., is sufficient to
show the comparative uselessness of this test, and to make imper-
ative the need of a careful examination of viii. from this point of
lint, again, there is more to be said in favor of my view of the
age of viii. than that the chief support of the opposed view is
historically a weak one. And before giving the words which
constitute the body of this article, I should like to point out to
any reader who, on the strength of the statistics hitherto em-
ployed as a means of argument, may still be disinclined to admit
that viii. can be late, certain obviously late factors in the general
make-up of the Kanva collection.
plainer reference to the sub-division of the people into
M is given anywhere in the Rig- Veda, with the exception of
well-known passages in the tenth book, than in viii. 35.16-18 :
brdhma jinvcrtam >/'•/ jincntin'n dh'iyah
ksatr'u'u jinvatam utd jinvatam m; n
utd jinvatam vipah
That this hymn is not early, as Ludwig thinks,* but late, is ren-
dered probable, moreover, by the word dhdrmavant in verse 13
of the same hymn, employed in such a connection as to make
almost certain the interpretation * accompanied by Dharma,' a
personification that takes us out of the theological sphere of the
older Kik>
Socially also as well as religiously there is historical interest in
tact that only in the eighth book among family books is
known the mad mi'ini of later times. Here viii., as in the case of
the holy numbers, distinctly stands with x.J
case the old* r forms give the archaic effect sought for; whereas, in t In-
former. not much is gained, and so the later forms are used as conve-
nience dictates.
* DerRig- Veda, vol. iii.. p. -,M7. Com v,ii. 37.1,5.
+ Compare Scherman, t ratur, p.
It 17.11: \ 186. Repentance, as expressed by •• turning back
tr mi -in in-atii/iin t'-ti"- ,'oken of only in viii. 56.17. Compare
Kaegi, Rig- Veda, note 106.
28 E. W. HopktH*. [1896.
In religious fantasy the eighth book stands nearer than does any
other family book to the General Books and to still later litera-
ture. It is, for instance, only in the eighth book that the Epic
epithet of Indra, aklunnlala, is to be found ;* only here in family
books is Indra so knit with the sun, the later view, that his
weapon is the discus, cakrd yf only in the first, eighth, and tenth
books is his weapon called the hyas6 vdjrah ; and only in the
first and eighth books is this weapon represented as * three-edged '
or ' three-pointed. 'J
It_is distinctly a late view that makes Suryaor Savitar (' sun ')
an Aditya. In x. 72. 8-9, the name of one of the Adityas is Mar-
tanda. This view is recognized elsewhere only in i. 50. 13 (late
addition to a Kftnva hymn), x. 88.11, i. 191.9 ; and in two pas-
sages of viii. (namely 90. 11 and 18. 2, 3), where the new identifi-
cation is made both explicitly and implicitly : ban mahdn asi
surya bdl aditya mahdn asi ; and further : anarvdno hy &sam
pdnthd aditydnam . . tat su nah savitd bhdgo vdritno niitrd
aryamd pdrma yachantu. This conception is one shared by viii.
(as against other family books) with the late hymns of the Gen-
eral Books and with the Atharvan.§
Connection with later literature as against the earlier is seen,
further, in the ascription to Indra of that mysterious "fourth
name," which is spoken of elsewhere only in the tenth book and
in Brahmanical literature.! So purtin&man, l having many
names,' is an epithet of Indra found only in viii. 82. 17 ; AV. vi.
99. 1.
But it is not my intention to inquire from how many points of
view it may be injudicious to dub viii. an * early' book. The
illustrative examples I have given will show that before this can
be done the late elements must be accounted for and disposed of.
These late elements do not lie in a bunch, to be thrown out, like
the Vfilakhilya, as a dynamic intrusion. They are freely sown
through the book, and before explaining them piecemeal it is
incumbent upon the historical student to understand in how far
the points of contact with later literature cover the field of the
eighth book.
* See List i. (below).
f viii. 85. 9 ; i. 53. 9. Compare also viii. 52. 8 ; 82. 4. In iv. 31. 4, 6, Indra
is only likened to, and paired with, the sun.
J In the former paper I showed that the later AV. view of the car-
dinal points is represented in RV. only in the eighth book (possibly in
the first). For references, see Journal, xvi., p. 276 ff.
8 The Atharvan goes a step farther, and while positing eight
Adityas, includes with the sun the moon, as another Aditya ; AV. viii.
2 1 *> • 0 21
'| viii.' 69.' 9; x. 54.4. In Val. 4.7 'the fourth Aditya'; though this
has been interpreted as ' mighty ' by Weber. Possibly another of the
General Books recognizes the ' fourth name,' for such would seem to
be the case when x. 54. 4 is compared with ix. 109. 14. The latter reads :
bibharti cdrv indrasya ndma yena viqvani vrtra jaghdna ; the former :
tvdm angd tdni (catvdri ndma) vigvdni vitse yebhih kdrmani maghavan
cakdrtha.
Vol. xvii.] PragathikCini, I. 29
A comparison of the vocabulary of this book with that of the
General Hooks will be useful from this point of view. But before
instituting this comparison, I shall analyse first the " lone words"
of viii., meaning thereby the words of viii. that are not used in
other parts of the Rik ; in order first to see how homogeneous
is viii. in respect of its own exclusive vocabulary ; then to see
whether the parallels that can be found for these words take
us into earlier or later literature ; and finally to discover whether
the words are in general of such character as to make it probable
that they would have lain unused by the authors of the other
family books, had they been current in the day those authors
composed. For it will be noticed at once that a great many of
lone words are current words in later literature ; and it
is only by seeing their mass that one can judge fairly whether it is
likely that this mass was current vocabulary in an assumed'
period A (i. e. viii., supposing viii. to be " the eldest of all," as
Ilirt calls it), unknown or unused in an assumed later period B
(ii.-vii.), and current again in period C (AV., Brahmanas, Epic).
last i. : Words occurring in RV. viii., but not elsewhere in RV.
In this section, I dispense with " viii." All Arabic numbers
are to be understood as referring to book viii., except when other
books are expressly cited. In this and in all following sections,
each word is given with all its occurrences in the RV. The num-
ber of occurrences as given for the AV. is exclusive of occur-
rences in identical Rik-verses of the AV.
thrice in 85. 13-15, in the form anpumdti ; nowhere
else in RV.; thrice in AV. (~mdn, etc.).
dgii, •_'. 1 L Compare the air. A.ey. bhiirigu, 51. 10.
ajirdy, 14. 10 ; lone denominative from ajir>/.
atas'i, 3. 13. This appears to be an early word. Compare
atatdyya, i. 63. 6 ; ii. 19. 4 (Avestan at?).
•''«, 88. 7. Compare attorta, i. 126. 1 ; x. 149. 1 ; and v. 25.5;
rtadaksa, voc., 26. 1 ; -pantha, v. 42. 1 ;* x. 64. 5.
•Even apart from the Atri hymns in viii.. the vocabulary of the
i mairfala «.n.-n coincides with that <>f tin- Am //< »//./< Ma when it
•^pondence with that of <>th» r family honks. Phis subject
deserves special treatment, an«i I .-an ..ir.-r here only an example or two
to explain why I have occasionally given a parallel in the fifth lxx>k :
j/dwoAfJ, occurs only viii. 62. Gandv. 73. 9 ; ///i//m////f/, only riii.8. 18: x
117.8; v. 61. K. tavartani ><lual> and .,•///./,, /.s-/M//7. Of the Ac.vins,
are found only in viii. and v. »xu, [9 used only in viii '
: v. 80. 1 ; i. 49. 1 (Kinva hymn); vdsavdna, occurs only viii. 88. 8 ;
v.88.6; i. 90. 2 : 171. 1 : x. •-. [5j dchokH, occurs onlv MM. 00, 13; v.
41. 16 ; i. 61. 3 ; 184.2. There are some cases where the hymns in v. that
thus correspond are plainly late. Tlm> in ih<> same way that viii. *
i corresponds to v. 61 which is a late h> m ,.und
i. 62 and again in v. 78 ; and in this same hymn. \. 78. 5, is found
elsewhere only in tin ,,, i. 55. 1 and
dtapa(na) in Snirti alone show cases of d + tap. So the cmfd compounds.
30 E. W. Hopk [1896.
adhapriya, 8. 4, voc. Compare kadhapriya, i. 30. 20; kadhaprl, i.
i 26. 13. Compare adhlr,~/is<i. i. 140. 9 ; 162. 16 ; x. 5.
4 ; (uf/iivasd, Brfth.: <'nlhinirnij, viii. 41. 10 ; <'tdhii'nk)nat 46.
33. All the compounds, therefore, are in viii., i., x., or later.
The verb adhi-vas does not occur before x. 75. 8 ; imitation
of adhi-<Ui'~i.
adhivakd, 16. 5 ; then AY. vi. 13. 2 (withparAvd&d) and ib. xix.
3-2. 9. The simple r<~ikd occurs in RV. viii. 52. 4 ; i. 164. 24 ;
AV. (etc.); Epic; but the tendency is to compounds. The only
really early case, however, i&josavafai, vi. 59. 4. Then come
cakravakd, in ii. 39.3 (late); AV.; Epic, etc. ; and dhara-
>'<//w, in another late hymn, v. 44. 5 (compare evavadd, ib.
10). In i., viii.-x.: upavakd, i. 164. 8 ; rtavakd, ix. 113.2 ;
(•nlhivakd, above) ; namovcikd, viii. 35. 23 ; AV. xiii. 4. 26 ;
Brfth., etc.; suktavakd, x. 88. 7, 8; AV. vii. 97. 6; Brfih.;
etc. Later come a host, anuvdka, acchdvdka, amrtavaka,
somapravdka, cdrvdka, valivdka, etc. In ii. 23. 8 ; viii. 85.
20; i. 100. 19, is found adhivaktdr ; in ix. 95. 5, upavaktdr ;
in i. 24. 8, apavaktdr ; while vaktdr in RV. is found only in
viii. 32. 15 ; ix. 75. 2; x. 61. 12; and the late vii. 104. 8;
once in AV. ; but frequently in Smrti. The verb adhi-vac
occurs but twice in all the other family books combined ; but
in viii. alone, four times. Later than RV. are all other
vaktdr compounds.
adhvagd, 35. 8 (AV. adhvagdt) ; Brah. ; Epic word for traveller;
Grassmann, as birds, combined with hahsati ! ' Like two way-
farers ' is the meaning; compare ii. 39. 3, rathybva after
cakravdkeva as here adhvagdv iva after hahsdv iva.
dnatidbhuta, 79. 3 ; the vicious product of a corrupt age.
dnabhayin, 2. 1. No such form in Vedic literature ; dbhlla
(Epic) is the only parallel (a bhi).
dnistrta (dnihstrta), 33. 9 ; then AV. vii. 82. 3.
dniistuti) 52. 8 ; 57. 7. Compare antlft&bh, only in x. 124. 9 ;
130. 4 ; anubhartri, i. 88. 6 ; dnugayas, viii. 5. 34.* The
verb ami-stu occurs twice in viii. (3. 8 ; 15. 6); but only
once in the early books, withal in v. 73. 4 (see note above).
[anucand, Val. 10. 1 ; Brah. The hymn is perhaps interpolated.]
antarabhard, 32. 12. The compound antard(antdr d) occurs but
once in family books, iii. 40. 9 ; often in other books.
dnya, only in 1. 10 ; 27. 11 ; then AV. xi. 4. 23, etc.
dpdkacaksas, 64. 7 ; upakdcaksas, 6. 25. The nearest analogue
in family books is vipvdcaksas, vii. 63. 1 (i. 50. 2, etc.).
apacyd, 'western,' 28. 3 ; Brah. (dpcic and apacina, both viii. and
early books).
so common in the Epic, occur only in x. (crutdrfi), in viii. (grutdkak$a ;
Qrutdrvan, this also in x. ; and frut&maghd): in i. (grutdratha)', and in
v. (grutdratha and Qrutavid), in v. 36. 6 ; and 44. 12. But both 36. 6 and
44 are late (vs. and hymn) !
* For anusvdpam see anukdmd in List v. (below).
Vol. xvii.] /V'~/</<///«;/,-.-/,,;. / 31
dprahita, 88. 7 ; AV.
' // .see pravasd, below.
apsujd, 43. 28 (Agni); then AN". \. 4. 23 (snake); fat. Brah.
Compare in family books, abjdy vii. 34. 10 ; apsusdd, iii. 3. 5
(apsukjit, i. 139. 11); and in List vii. below, apsuj'tt (like
pravofity only in 32. 14).
abhr<~iti •'•//•'. 21. 13 ; as in Brah. Compare aytij't, air. Acy., 51. 2 ;
ami ".«'/< 174. 5 (AV. etc.).
amatlvdn, 19. 26 (iinmt!, vii. 1. 19 ; v. 36. 3 ; x. 42. 10 etc.).
dmbara, 8. 14 (where dmbare replaces turvdpe in the same verse,
i. 47. 7). This is a common word in later literature. As
opposed to paravdti it means the enveloping, surrounding,
air, antdrikse (which is one of the Epic meanings of dmbara),
as in 10. 6 : ydd antdrikse patathah purubhitja ydd veme
rddasl dnu ; 9. 2 : // •/'</ <//</•'/'/•// -\» //./</,///•;. The etymology
is doubtful, but if it be dnu var it is worth remarking that
this combination occurs neither in RV. nor AV. But it does
occur in the Brahmanic and Epic periods. In i. 100. 17,
ambartsa is a proper name.*
'/y///: -Try/ w, 90. 3, epithet of the gods' messenger. Compare (the
only parallel) the Epic demon, ayahpirasoy name.
/', see abhratrvydi above.
aratrd, 46. 27. In AV. xx. 131. 18 first occurs dratu(parna) or
«lu ; later aralu(d<ut(lt}.
'/r</y#, 50. 11. Compare arhya, of the Arrt//'1*//''////''/,////?, in AV.
ii. 25. 3. The AV. poet says the kdtiva is »/>••///'/ .- the Kftnva
says he is not dray a (retort ?).
. see List iii. (below).
/.•«, 9. 15. The parallel forms dpakt, pcmlke, vpiike, nir>k.'
occur in other family books.
avabhrthd, 82. 23 ; AV.; Brfih. Late word, and here in its usual
meaning.
>/d (kratu), 81. 8. NVitli this sense and accent the word is
post-Vedic. For the compound, compare aviharyntol
only in i. 63. 2. In this sense vdrya itself is Epic (compare
Epic durvdryd).
avicetand, 89. 10, * unintelligible' (vicet-i^" \- Kj.ir, hut in tin-
same meaning, Senseless,' just as V(<li,. /•;.-, //M, * wise/
becomes 'foolish' in Epic. Compare vimana* in List ii.).
avddeva, 19. 12. This appears to me to be a new t'«>nn. likt-
arvdgvouu, VS., but it may perhaps be old.
M i. 189. 7 (and Epic).
(rfp/icr, * eating' occurs in an early passage)= / /tin),
2. 2 (on the other hand, dpman is * eat in-' in AN \\iii i.
54). This dpntiis is a late form, parallel witi
(which occurs only in x. 34. 11, Brah., etc.): ainl with
anatthd, viii. 1. 34. Compare Lanman, loc. cit.. |>
>e antithesis (?) of partvdti and samudrt in 12. 17 might raise
the question win-tin T >nibara could mean water. Compare arnhn in
later literature and kiydmbu. RV. x. 16. 18.
32 E. W. Hopkins, [1896.
a$vapati (with urvardpati, (/6pati, sdmapati), in voc., 21. 3.
Copied perhaps from ii. 21. 1 (apvajit, nrvardjlt, goj'tt).
dpvaprstha, 26. 24. Formed like the Epic kurmaprsthasama
Mtrnnih, Mbh. xii. 313. 6, 'bare.' So here 'sharp,' with
Pischel, ZDMG. xxxv. 712 (compare kharajru), unless rather
the * horse ' is Soma itself ; as in 52. 2, where the press-stones
are * soma-backed ' (sdmaprstha, viii. 43. 11; 52.2; x. 91.
14 ; AV.; etc.). Another airo^ formation of this sort is
prd<~tkus<~inu, 17. 15.
</N/*7y *//»//, compare ndvasrakti, below.
dsamdina (=dsitm<lita), 91. 14.
OMMffd ( = >ixitnvant), 14. 10 ; but apparently not a late form ;*
compare hinvd, below.
ahaihsana, voc., 50. 9 ; compare ahamyu, i. 1G7. 7.
iihita, 51. 3 ; Brah.; Smrti. Chiefly late is hitd, 'dear,' 'agree-
able.' See under hitd, in List vi., below.
ahnav'i !/!/>! (A.F. 3. 20), 45. 27 (Jinu only in i., viii.).
akhandala, voc., 17. 12. This is an Epic epithet of Indra (as
here in RV.). Compare Mbhu. xiii. 14. 75 : vimop cakram
ca tadghoram vajram dkhandalasya ca. AV. merely repeats
RV. (AV. xx. 5. 6). Even the root appears later than
RV., AV.
ajikrt, 45, 7, of Indra, as in djittir, only Vfil. 5. 6 ; djipati, only
'Val. 6. 6.
attic, 27. 21 ; like dpitvd, 4. 3 (20. 22 ; 21. 13), is perhaps old (it
may be a reduced form of tvdc), but it stands without
parallel.
dtura, 20. 26 ; 22. 10 ; 61. 17. There is no other case in RV.,
and but one in AV., vi. 101. 2, for this is chiefly an Epic
word. The negative is found in viii., i., x. (List iv., below);
and each of the three hymns where it occurs in i. and x. is
late (hymn to press-stones, hymn of physician, x. 94 and
97 ; hymn to Rudra, i. 114).
dpitvd, see attic, above.
dbhaga, Val. 5. 6 ; i. 136. 4 ; x. 44. 9 ; AV.
dyantdr, 32. 14. Compare niyantdr below, under nidhdnyd.
The verbal compound, current in post-Vedic works, occurs
rarely in early family books (once in the third, twice each in
the fourth and sixth, not at all in the second, fifth, and
seventh books), f but often in the eighth book : d yamat,
11. 7 ; 81. 3 ; d yachanti, 4. 2 ; d yachantu, -atu, 32. 23 ;
34. 2 ; d yatas, 81. 7 ; d ydmaya, 3. 2 ; and in further com-
position, abh/i d yaman, 81. 31. In this regard viii. stands
with the later use of d yam, which is already exemplified in
i., ix., x., where are found d yamat, ix. 44. 5 ; x. 14. 14 ;
d yachantu, i. 1 30. 2 ; a yatas, x. 130 1 ; d yamayanti, i.
* In early family books are found asinvd, jinva, and inva (in com-
pounds); in ix., pmva.
f iii. 6. 8 ; iv. 22. 8 ; 32. 15 ; vi. 23. 8 ; 59. 9 (Aprd yachatam).
Vol. xvii.] Pragathikani, I. 33
162. 16 ; samd yamus, x. 94. 6. The noun ayantdr is not
found elsewhere, but other derivatives are cited, ayamana,
>~i;/< tmya, from Upan., and Epic literature respectively.*
22. 18 ; Epic. Meaning * way ' ydna itself is found x.
11". 2, Brah., and Epic; meaning * vehicle,' iv. 43. 6, and
Brfih. Of the other compounds only praydna and devaydna
occur in the family books. There are a number belonging
to the first and tenth books, and to AV. : pitrydna, x. 2. 7 ;
AV.; niydna, i. 164. 47 ; x. 19. 4 ; 142. 5 ; AV.: avaydna,
i. 185. 8; AV.; udydna, purydnaj rathaydna, AV. (with
, RV. viii. 38. 2). Still later come svargaydna,
Ait. Brah., goyana, upayana, Smrti., etc., etc.
43. 3 ; (^at. Brah. In Nir., arocana. The verb d-ruc
(Avestan) appears in early books, as also do r6ka and rokd.
The base 01 arokd, therefore, is prepared for it early, but
the word itself it of the period viii. — Brah.
i* 57. 16 ; 63. 4, 13 ; Epic patronymic.
vm£, 45. 36 (avdrtana x. 19. 4, 5)*. In the early books, avrt.
Compare note on parapiimdnt, below.
asangt'^ see Note below, at the end of this article, p. 89.
asava, 92. 10, may be old.
OAd, 32. 19 ; VS. 24. 38.
ittfi-ini. 59. 14. Later a very common equivalent of itthA, but
only here in RV. (four times in AV.; then Brah., Smrti, etc.).
ukthar-ii'il/nina, 14. 11 (with stomdvardhana, also &ro£). An
excellent example for viii. There are forty-seven vdrdhana
compounds, of which six are in RV., whence they rapidly
increase in number (four new ones in AV.). Two of the six
are in this verse ukthavdrdhana (the idea being in i. 10. 5),
and *(<»n>t>'i'/r(thana9 both found only here. Of the four
remaining, one, dyumnavdrdhana, is in ix. 31. 2 ; another,
' navdrdhana, is in ii. 36. 5 ; another papuvdrdhana, is in
ix. 94. 1 ; and the last, pustivdrdhana, is in i. 18. 2 ; 31. 5 ;
91. 12 ; vii. 59. 12. That is to say, every instance of this
formation, popular in all post-Vedic times, is in non-family
books or in late passages of family books ; for none will
• Itny that vii. 59. 12 is " ein gar nicht hierher geh6riger
Vers," who considers the whole hymn and the late trydmbaka
of this verse ; while ii. 36 contains a list of priests quite
unknown to the rest of the Rig- Veda, and is as a whole a
late hymn.
uksanyti, 28. 16 ; uksanydyana^ 25. 22 ; uksany, 26. 9.
* The combination with new prefixes grows rapidly. AV. has more
than half a dozen A yam forms and ados ud d, nir a, vi d ; later come
upa, abhi sam a. It IB of course a matter more of use than of posses-
sion.
f xviii. 1. 54 (v. 1. f or n*rvy4bhU.i) : ib. 4. 68 independently.
i With this patronymic compare k&urayflna and k&yvAyana in 8. 21
and V&l. 7. 4, respectively.
VOL. xvn. 8
34 E. W. Hopkins, [1896.
uksdnna, 43. 11 ; of Agni, associated with vapdnna (compare
also «//-''-<///»a, ii. 7. 6 ; vi. 12. 4; x. 27. 18), and with the
phrase sdmaprsthaya vedhdse, which occurs in x. 91. 14 (with
which viii. 43. i 1 should be compared).
ugrdbahu, 20. 12; 50. 10; twice in AV. Of other ugrd com-
pounds in RV., ugrdputra (in Brah., ugraputrd) is found viii.
56. 11 ; ugrddhanvan, x. 103. 3 and AV.; ugrddeva, i. 36. 18
(Kunva hymn). In AV. and later literature there are several
such compounds ; none in the family books of RV.
uccdcakra, 61. 10. Compare uccdbudhna, i. 116. 9 (no other
similar compound), and n'icakra, viii. 7. 29.
udayd, 41. 2 ; meaning 'origin,' post-Vedic.
upqjihvikci 91. 21 ; then AV. xx. 129. 20. All other compounds
of the diminutive jihvikd and itpajihva are late post-Vedic.
updrimartya, 19. 12. Compare updribudhna, x. 73. 8 (no such
compound in ii.-vii.).
vpahdsvan, 45. 23. Late Brahmanic combination (upa has).
See Note below, at end of article, p. 78.
upakdcaksas, see dpaka, above.
ubhayamicard, 1. 2. Compare abhayamkard, x. 152. 2 ; kimkard,
vanamkard, AV. This sort of compound is late. Compare
the others : khajamkard, i. 102. 6 and Brah. (but khajakrt is
early) ; in the Epic, priyamkara ; classical forms, rtimkara,
mohamkara, meghamkara, vapamkara.
urvarapati, in voc., see apvapati, above.
rndkati) see kdmakati, below.
riayu, see uru, in List ii. (below).
rtoupati, 26. 21. This seems to be a late form (by analogy).*
The old word is rtapd.
rtviyavant, 8. 13 ; 12. 10 ; 69. 7 : see para$umdnt (below).
rdupd, 66. 11, of Indra : rdupe cid rduvfdhd. According to
PW., for mrdupd, ' sweetness-drinking.' Compare madhupd,
22. 17: madhuvrdh, x. 75. 8. But, as mrdu neither occurs
in RV. nor means sweetness, this is probably not the right
explanation. In viii. 48. 10 ; ii. 33. 5 ; iii. 54. 10 occurs
rduddraj and this is probably the same word ; not, therefore,
late.
rsibandhu, 89. 6. Compare devdbandhu, i. 162. 18 ; amfta-
bandhu, x. 72. 5. Viprabandhu is the author of v. 24. 4 ;
x. 57 ff.
rswas, voc., see List ii. (below).
'ekardj, 37. 3 ; AV.; Brah.; Epic.
* For example, with $ubhdspdti, a favorite of viii. (s. dturta above).
According to PW. and Grassmann, it is a contraction of rtdsya pdtl.
Compare also rddhaspati, in voc., 50. 14, arr. /ley.
f Compare apo ddrdar, iv. 16. 8 ; ddardar utsam, v. 32. 1. In viii.
32. 18, d dardirac chatti sahdsrd (see godari below); but regularly not of
general gifts, but of water or its holder as in godhdyasarh vi . . adardah,
x. 67. 7. So when vdja is the object, it means the water which is to
burst out ; and Grassmann's etymology seems correct.
Vol. xvii.] Pragathikani, I. 35
edhatu, 75. 3; twice in AV.; Brab., etc. Despite I.F. ii. 31, edh
is probably from ardh. The verb edh occurs but twice
(once) in other family books, four times in viii. alone, four
times in x.. and once in i. (Kfmva hymn). Its peculiar
province is in post-Rik literature, especially Epic.*
eratfc'i, -4. 15 ; unique extension of end. See final Note, p. 81.
jjjasvant, 65. 5 ; AV. See parapumdnt, below.
qjodd, 3. 24; 81. 17 ; Taitt. S.
odand, 58. 14 ; 66. 6, 10 ; common in AV. and subsequent litera-
ture. See vyddana, below.
/.//////;//. ;{.">. 5. Old or new formation?
•igrhya, 59. 15. Compare TS., karnagrfiita (PW.).
ap6bhanay 67. 3. Important because $obhand is a Brah.-
Epic word, occurring neither in RV. nor in AV. Moreover,
ear-rings are mentioned in no other family book ; only in
i. 122. 14, and possibly in i. 64. 10. Rings on neck and wrist
alone are worn in the earlier period. Compare the aira£
Acyo/iciw pubhrakhadayas (voc.) in 20. 4.
kald, 47. 17 ; with faphd, q. v., below.
»d, seejanitvandj below.
~»'»'nt, kapaplakati ; see List iii. (below).
>(kd, 66. 4. Roth connects with kanukaydntls, in x. 132. 7.
'ikati,8l. 14, compare /'//"'/.v?/; 50. 12 ; and later kamakain!n.
Epic; k<~nmik>~iiini% Taitt. Ar.; Epic.
.nnl mrksdf 55. 3. Compare mraksakrtvany also aTro^, 50. 10,
of Indra. Early, vi. 6. 3 ; 18. 2, is Indra's by-name tuvi-
mr<t/
kundapdyya, 17. 13. Compare (?) kundrndcl, i. 29. 6. The
won! /"//</; is late ; and appears only here in RV., though
in AV., and common later (Sutra, Epic).
fatmfir'ik'i, MO. 1 ; 58. 15 ; AV.; Brah.; Epic. See putrnk-i.
below. That /•////"//•/'/* occurs only in 31. 8 (Brah., kumari) is
doubtless chance.
kuhayd, 24. 30 (and, voc., kuhayakrte), unique extension of k&ha,
by false analogy ; compare ubhayA, etc., pronouns and sub-
stantives. So, later, ihatra is made in the same fashion.
I 79. 6 ; AV.
/•'•/// i/W), 26. 10; Ait. Brf.li.
17. 11 ; Brab.; Epic ('hill, bank*).
•'Ivasu, 31. 9, see pratddvasu, List iii. (below).
/, see List ii. (below).
'vartani, 23. 19; AV. Compare .'/•///////•.nv//-/,///;, 38. 6;
VS.; also raghtivartani) viii., ix.; an<l mdrdvartani, viii.,
i., x.f
* One of the two cases in the other family books is in the late vi. 47.
16. The other is in iii. 25. 5. The case in i. is i. 41. 2 ; those in viii. are
16; 46. 5; 68. 4; 78.9.
t Other compounds are dvivartani, x. 61. 20 ; hiranyavartani, in both
early and late books.
36 E. W. Hopkins, [1896.
katiraydna, 3. 21, nom. prop., for kCvhrayana ; related to k&ru
as is kdnvdyana, Val. 7. 4, to kdnva (?).
gambhiracetas, 8. 2, voc. Compare gambhlrdpansa, vii. 87. 6;
-vepas in x. 62. 5 (i. 35. 7).
gdrgara,58. 9; gdrgard (apdni), AV. iv. 15. 12; ix. 4. 4. In the
Epic gargara the original idea lingers faintly. Noise is at
the bottom of it, as in the (specially developed ?) /3ap/3m>s.
Here with pmga.
gdldd, 1. 20. Not an earlier but a later form of garda as in
gardabhd, whose noise (vac not galana) Indra dislikes (i. 29.
5). But Pischel, VS. i. 82 ff., unites gdldayd gird correctly.
Compare A vesta n gared.
gdyatrdvartani, see krsna-, above.
gitspitd, 40. 6 ; AV.; Bran.
gurdhay, 19. 1 ; lone development of gur. In Vfil. 2. 5, gurt'i is
common to i., ix., x. (in the same verse of Val. occurs the
a7ro£ Aeyo/xevov svaddvan, pun and artificial).
godatra, 21. 16; godari* 81. 11; godtih, Val. 4. 4; i. 4. 1; 164.
26 ; AV.; gopaydtyam, 25. 13, must be from (Epic) gopay,
not from earlier (RV.) gopdy ; g6bandhu, 20. 8. With the
last compare gdmatar, i. 85. 3, of the Maruts. Both are
synonyms of pf$nimatar. This last also is apparently not a
very old word. At any rate, it occurs only in i., viii., ix.,
and v. 57. 2, 3 ; 59. 6. With the bandhu part of the com-
pound, compare the air. Aey. vdjabandhavas, voc., 57. 19; rsi-
bandhu, above ; abandhu, List iii. (below). f
caturyuj, 6. 48. Compare in allegory ii. 18. 1, cdturyuga.
carmamnd, 5. 38; VS. Compare Val. 7. 3: cdrmdni mldtdni. In
ii. 35. 13, dnabhimldtavarna. 5. 38 is ddnastuti.
cdratha, 46. 31 ; ceru, 50. 7 (niwrb, i. 181. 5). The parallel
(mdhi) keru occurs in i. 45. 4, hymn of Praskanva. The
form cdratha is in a ddnastuti ; and hymn 50, to judge by
jdlhu in vs. 11, is late.J
cikitvdn and cikitvmmanas, see cik'it in List ii. (below).
citrdvaja, see List ii. (below).
chardispd and jagatpd, 9. 1 1 (with paraspd and tanupd). Of the
four, the two first are unique. Like Epic jagatpati is
jagatpd, but the idea is old, jdgatah pdtih, etc.
jatr^ 1. 12 ; once (again) AV.; also in later literature.
jdlhu (see PW.), 50. 11. Like later jadd.
* Both voc. Compare rduddra, which is old and correct; while godari
seems to be an incorrect imitation (see note above, under rdupd ; and
compare puramdard).
f Two bdndhu compounds are common in the early books, sdbandhu
and subdndhu ; two are solitary, yajftdbandhu, in iv. 1. 9, and putd-
bandhu, in vi. 67. 4. The other nine, abandhu, amftabandhu, f$ibandhu,
gobandhu, devdbandhu, dwbdndhu, vdjabandhu, samdndbandhu, occur
only in viii.; i.; x.; viii., i.; or, mrtyubdndhu, viii., x.
\ Unique but unimportant are cardni and cari$nudhuma in 24. 23 ;
23. 1, respectively.
Vol. xvii.j Pragathikani, I. 37
janitvand, 2. 42 (late verse?). The forms show in viil a growth
of the tva-nd* ending. The list of forms may begin with
the Avesta, which, however, furnishes but one parallel, ndi-
rithwana. Then in vi. 51. 14 occurs sakhitvana (also in viii.
12. 6); in vii. 81. 6, vasutvand (also in viii. 1. 6 ; 13. 12 ;
Val. 2. 6) ; and in ii., iv., v., vi. there are several occur-
rences of mahitvand, which is also found once in ix., thrice in
i., and twice in viii. (i. 85. 7 ; 86. 9 ; 166. 12 ; ii. 23. 4 ; iv.
36. 3 ; 53. 5 ; v. 54. 5 ; 55. 4 ; 81. 3 ; vi. 16. 20 ; viii. 24. 13 ;
57. 2 ; ix. 100. 9).f The forms in the other family books
are, therefore, few ; and if sakhitvand at vi. 51. 14 be in an
added verse, as seems likely, there would, in fact, be but two
examples of this formation in the early books. On the
other hand, viii. alone has kavitvana, 40. 3 ; janitvand, 2. 42;
martyatvanti, 81. 13; mahitvand (above); vasutvand (above);
vrs<it>-<tx~t, 15. 2 ;J sakhitvand (above). One other newer-
ample, patitvand, is found in x. 40. 9. It is further to be
remarked that the tvd form of these same words is not found
in the family books, with the exception of sakhitvd (iii. 1. 15;
iv. -25. 2 ; viii. 7. 31 ; 21. 8 ; once each in i. and x., four
times in ix.). Of all the cases, only one, vasutvd, x. 61. 12,
has a verbal parallel in the Avesta, vanhuthwa.§ The tvd
form of martyatvand in viii. is not cited from vedic litera-
ture ; that of kavitvand and janitvand occur in x. 124. 7;
18. 8, respectively ; while patitvd (to patitvand in x.) is
found only in i. 119. 5 (and Epic). Against the supposition
that viii. shows earlier forms, rather than a revival and imita-
tion of the old, stand the two examples in probably late
verses (vi. 51. 14 ; viii. 2. 42), and the example in x. 40. 9.
It i- another example of a moribund ending manipulated to
give archaic effect by late poets.
jdmdtar, see List iii. (below).
jdvant, 83. 5. Compare vydvant, AV. ix. 3. 13 (vijdvan, in dif-
ferent sense, RV. iii. 1. 23).
takvd, 58. 13. The apparent analogues, tdku, tdkvan, takvavl,
t<(k<ti'<~tn<i, t(ikr<ir~<,/i(, arc all in i., ix., x. Tin- vi-rl» occurs
once in vi.; otherwise in ix., x.
tad'tdartha, 2. 16 (repeated AV., xx. 18. 1). Compare kddartha,
x. 22. 6. The nearest verbal approach is in tad \d drtham,
ix. 1. 5 (compare x. 106. 1), and ii. 89. 1. The last is a late
hymn.
* See on these forms. Whitney, Or. §1240 ; Jackson. Or. J$?92. 847.
f In viii. 25. 18, Grassmann proposes to read mahitva aa mahitvanA.
to get the requisite form syllables. This is effected by Lanraan (ft*
p. 885) through resolution, mahitvdd.
>>y PW. calls this form an instrumental of vnatvd (i. 54. 2. '.-
is not obvious. It is exactly like karitvanA, which, according to PW.,
til-- iM-truiiM'iit.-tl <>f k<iritr.in". Grassroann erroneously g
groups
satvanri with the tvand endings.
$ But the Avesta has five examples of thwa as a secondary ending.
Since fataothwana reverts to ataothwa, and this has a primary ending,
it is not comparable with ndirithwana.
38 E. W. Hopkins, [1896.
tanukrthd, see tanukft, in List iii. (below).
tandrayti, 81. 30, from (Briih.) tandray.
></W.?7c7, 48. 11 ; AV.; tamis=.tamasy as mahis (in mdhisvantam)
=mdha8.
tar, Vial. 7. 2 ; Epic, Jam.
tarasvin, 86. 10, 12 ; VS.; common Epic word.
t'irnsy, 88. 5 (tdrus in iii. 2. 3).
tare? a, 1. 12. It is perhaps worth mentioning that the combina-
tion d tardy though not infrequent after RV., occurs in RV.
only here ; ami, abhi, pdri, prd, being used elsewhere in RV.
tavisiyti, 7. 2 ; 23. 11.
tugryavrdh, 1. 15 ; 45. 29 ; 88. 7. Compare the air- Ae-y. kavi-
vrdhd, 52. 4.
tugvan, see suvdstu, below.
tuvikurmin (for tuvikurmi), voc., 55. 12 ; tuvikrato (voc.), 57. 2 ;
tuviksd, 66. 11.
tuvidema, 70. 2 ; tuvimatrd, ib. with tuvikurm't, tuvimagha.
tUrna^a, 32. 4.
trprds (plural), 2. 5 ; AV. vii. 56. 3 ; Bran. Perhaps synonym
of apti (as in AV.), which is used of soma only in viii., i., ix.
tvdmkdma, 11. 7. Compare tvanid, 59. 10 ; ydtkama, x. 121. 10;
and AV. mdm kdmena.
dadhrsvdni, 50. 3. Compare pupukvdni, 23. 5 ; jugurvdni, i. 142.
8 ; tuturvdni, i. 168. 1. These are the only parallels.
da$agmn, 1. 9. Compare $atagmn.
ddsmya (for dasmd), 24. 20.
ddtrd, 67. 10 ; Sutra ; Epic.
ddnavant, 32. 12 ; Epic.
ddpuri, 4. 12 ; ddapitri, 45. 15. Compare, in early books, jdsuri,
sdhuri.
dlrghdprasadman, 10. 1 ; 25. 20. Compare v. 87. 7 (late), where
the idea is given : dirghdm prthti, paprathe sddma pdrthi-
vam.
dlrghayo (voc.), 59. 7 ; * transition-form,' Lanman, loc. cit., p. 573.
duronayu, 49. 19 (early, durond).
dyugdt, 86. 4 ; « dyumdt* (PW.).
dvitd (with tritd), 47. 16 ; nom. prop.
dhdrmavant, 35. 13 ; personification, Dharma in late sense.
dharmakft, 87. 1.
ndkim, 67. 4, 5 (mdkim, 45. 23 and vi. 54. 7).
nadd (=narda?}, 1. 33 (half a dozen times in AV.; compare
RV. x. 135. 7, ndcti), in a ddnastuti.
ndbhasvant, 25. 6 ; twice in AV.; and later. The early and late
meanings are connected as * stormy,' and again as * storm-
wind,' the Epic meaning (see parapumdnt, below).
namovdkdy see adhivdkd, above.
ndryapas, 82. 1 ; one of several compounds in viii. that express
concisely an old idea, here the idea of e. g. vii. 21. 4 ; viii.
85. 19-21.
ndvasrakti, 65. 12, with astdpadl (vdc).
Vol. xvii.] Pragathikani, L 89
•Atfi, 2. 17 ; an old word?
•/,/ ( = n<isatya), 51. 12 (but of Indra). In 26. 8 occurs, as
aTT. Aey., indrandsatya, dual !
see uccdcakra^ above.
~myd, 61. 18. — nidharayd, 41. 4. — niyantdr, 32. 15; the last
also Epic, etc. Compare dyantdr, above.
/<//•///.//'. 4. 20 ; an old word ?
nivard, 82. 15. Observe that the combination n< ?>ar, common in
the Epic, is really used in RV. only here and in i., x. ; for iii.
29. 6 (dnivrta) is late.
nwftfcr, 32. 27 ; 66. 2.
nrsdh, 16. 1 (nrsdhya, vi. 25. 8).
ned=nd id, emphatic, 5. 39 (danastuti), and AV. Elsewhere in
RV. ned=lva nj. This prohibitive use is found in v. 79. 9;
x. 16. 7 ; 51. 4 ; AV. The use of ned as in viii. is also
Brab manic, but so is the prohibitive.
nydficana, 27. 18 ; twice in AV.
patidvis, 80. 4.
paramajyd, 1. 30; 79. 1. Though not uncommon in later litera-
ture, all other paramd nominal compounds than this are later
than RV. As a noun, in this sense, jyd occurs only here ;
earlier in jydydns. Ludwig, RV. iii., p. J59, takes the com-
pound as nom. prop.
parapumdnt, 62. 17. New mant and vant adjectives form rather
a feature of viii. Compare anyumdnt^ avftvant (45. 36),
rtviyavant (three times, see above), djasvant, kanvamdnt
(2. 22), kdpavant, jdvant, ddnavant, durhdnavani (2. 20 ;
18. 14), dhdrmavant, ndbhasvant, pustdvant (45. 16), bdndh-
umant, vibhumdnt, visnuvant (35. 14), sacandvant (22. 2),
sdrasvatlvant (38. 10), harsumdnt (16. 4), which makes in all
nineteen* of these forms found nowhere else in RV., though
several of them appear in later literature. In this regard
viii. stands nearer to x. than does any other of the family
books ; much nearer, withal ; for of such forms the tenth
book has thirty-nine ; the first book, twenty-four; the eighth
book, nineteen ; the sixth book, eleven ; the third, fifth, and
ninth books, eight each; the fourth and seventh, seven ; the
second, four.f It is reasonable, it seems to me, to suppose
that such iorms, when once used, would be repeated ; so that
those earliest used would stand little chance of remaining
u n imitated. And such appears to be the case, for there are
nearly three hundred adjectives with this ending in the Rig-
* In 2. 28, r?ta**» voc., is assigned torpitxin, but it may belong here.
The fern. r?fuatf occurs in Pin. schol. (PW.).
f There may be some omissions mann's list of mat and vat
forms, on which I rely in the case of the other books, so that the inter-
relation of these other books may not be exactly in accordance with
the order given below. But it is scarcely possible that forms enough
have been omitted to alter materially the proportion between viii. and
the other family books in the number of lone forms.
40 JS. W. Hopkins, [1896.
Veda, so that the numbers above, which represent isolated
cases, are proportionally few. This may be surmised also
from the fact that most of the solitary words of this sort
are in the tenth book, too late to be copied. The greater
number of these words are repeated in different books, some-
times very often. With the V alakhilya omitted, which has
not been included, the length of no one family book is so out
of proportion with viii. as to account for the excess in the
latter of these forms. For this reason it seems to me right
to explain the phenomena by the reason just stated, viz. (there
are more unrepeated lone forms in viii.) because viii. comes
after the other books ; and to see in the likeness of viii. to x.
in this regard the straw which shows the wind.*
Interesting corroborative evidence is furnished from another
point of view. If one were asked the reason why so Epic a
word as bdlavant occurs in RV. only in x. 145. 1, one would
perhaps say that it is mere hap. But why do kaktidmant,
kdrnavant, cdksusmant, pdrasvant, mdhasvant, visdvant,
*6mavant, and especially dnnavant, puspavant, bdlavant,
hdstavant, himdvant, all occur in post-Rik literature, and yet
appear nowhere else than here in RV. ? Clearly because the
tenth book stands nearer than do the other books of RV. to
that post-Rik literature. I have remarked above that several
of the lone words of this sort in viii. are found also in later
literature than RV. That this is true of x., the examples just
given will show. In i. also asthanvdnt, parddvant, datvdnt,
etc. show that the same relation holds in less degree. On the
other hand, the same sort of lone words in ix. and other family
bookb than viii. show scarce a trace of Epic kinship, and in
fact few of them appear again at all. Thus, if a scale be
made in accordance with the facts stated in the last note, the
books of the RV. will stand as follows :
ii. and vii.; iv.; iii., v., ix.; vi.; viii.; i.; x. But iii., iv.,
v., vi., and ix. have about the same proportion. In the first
group : of the four examples in ii., yusmdvat and pocismat
are not cited from other literature ; while hdrasvat is pos-
sibly in AV.; and mdnasvant is an epithet of Indra in Brah-
manas and Sutras. Of the seven examples in vii., not a
single one is cited from later literature (agnimdnt occurs
* I have included in vi. the specimens found ib. 47. 24 ; and 48. 18 ;
and in vii., those ib. 103. 3 and 104. 2. Were these (certainly late) ex-
amples omitted, the numbers would stand as follows : for x., 39; i.,
24 ; viii., 19 ; vi., 9 ; iii., v., and ix., 8 each ; iv., 6 or 7 ; vii., 5 : ii., 4.
In vii., moreover, mdhi$vant, at 68. 5, may be from mdhi§vanta which
would put vii. and ii. on a level. I have not included as unique forms
doublets that differ by a quantity or an accent only (e. g. deva'vat,
dQvdvat, 8dhdvat= sahtivat). The form dhvasmanvdnt, which appears
in PW. for one passage and in Grassmann for another, is really part of a
phrase which recurs in several books. Some of the examples in iv. are
in " new songs ;" but this I have not considered. The doubtful form in
iv. is fkvant (elsewhere fkvan).
Vol. xvii.] Pragathikani, I. 41
instead of the late agnivant}. As for Hi., iv., v., vi., ix.,
which may as well be considered together, — ix. has no form
cited from later literature [the vanf-form* in ix. are drdvi-
nasvant, pitryavant, puramdhivant, matdvant, matsardvant^
rdmanvant, vacandvant, pubhrdvant] ; vi. shows none of the
later forms save ti'dxti'immt. which occurs in VS.; v. has no
such later form at all; iv., among its six or seven words, has
one, dvimant, which occurs in AV., and one, mftydvant,
which otvtirs in Brfih.; and finally, iii., out of its eight cases,
has six a7ro£ Aryo/tem, one case, tokavant, cited again from
Bhfig. P., and one, rdtnavant, cited again, in slightly different
sense, from the Epic.*
The eighth book, therefore, in this regard, not only stands
next to the tenth, but has more rapport with post-Vedic and
Sanskrit vocabulary than have all the other family books put
together; it has oaJitiKXmJ, ndbhasvant, bdndhumant, per-
haps dhdrmavant, not to speak of anpumdnt, 6jasvantt and
vibhumdnt, all, or nearly all, of which appear in post-Rik, if
not in post-Vedic literature. There are, DV far, more words
of this class in viii., not repeated in the RV., than there are
elsewhere in the RV. ; and of these words, more show affinity
with post-Rik literature. In fine, from whichever point of
view it is studied, viii. here stands with x. rather than with
ii.-vii. — does it not?f
parakdttat, 81. 27. Most of the passages where these double abla-
tives occur are in x. ; the two exact parallels, adhardttCit, utta-
rdttdt, occur only in x. ; but papctfitat and drrfttat are in vii.
* It will scarcely be necessary to give the long list of examples from
x. and i. The others are as follows : ii. has yu$mdvant, goci$mant, each
/.; mdnasvant, hdrasvant, also found in AV. (?) and Brfth., respec-
tively ; iii. has ktvant, cafdlavant, mdhindvant, yajMvant, yuvdmnt.
nidnt, all «-. /?;., and toknnnit, nitmirant, Furanic and Epic,
respectively; iv. has dvimant, also in AV.; agdnimant, indrasvant,
prahAvant, hemydvant, all an. Xf>'., and dvimant, AV., mayAvant, Bruh.
uvith i-krata beside fkvan); v. has afljimdnt, apidhdnavant, abdimdnt,
udam rUvant. t<ivifimant,p09ydvant, wpfkvanl, all in v. alone,
and not cited from elsewhere (jdmvant is repeated in v.); vi. has tr<is-
frmant in VS., with all the rest anaf Aeyd/ievo, viz., kfiiitavant, ddtra-
vant, dadhanvdnt, prdflimant, nadanumdnt, vaydvant, vrctvant
ravant, yucifmant (compare focismant in ii.), he^asvant (dadhanvdnt
*ndj)rdtfun(int in latr hyiuii- ': \ii. lia> ;/•//»/ ///«i/if, gopdvaxf. itr*<nlmut.
?vant (or mdhipvanta), vivakvant (agnivant ana tj-fydvant in late
hymns), all ana% foydfieva. For ix., see above.
f The lone indeclinable vaf-forms present the same relation. There
is (un repeated) manuvdt in ii. l<>. 6; vasiy^havdt in vii. 96. 8 (with tht
repeated jamadaait thai in a hymn which lacks the family
stamp. But in viii. alone there are apnavanavdt and aurvabhrguvdt,
1 1 ; V&l. 4. 8 ; nabMkavdt, 40. 4, 5 ; bhtfjuvat, 48. 18;
mandhdtrvdt, 40. 12; sthfmi . '> Ji I think all other family
forms are repeated in different books. The later poets have more new
models. One other Kanva hymn has virupatut (i. 45. 8). Thrice in
viii. and once in ix. appears vyafvavdt. To the list above add mt/rd-
vdrunavanf in \ui. 80. 18 (dhdrmavant, ib.), making twenty examples
instead of nineteen in viii. (but not a new passage).
42 E. W. Hopkim, [1896.
pdridvesaS) 64. 9. This, besides being a-rrag Aeyo/ievov, shows quite
unique union of part and dvis (so pari -f pad is found only
in viii., x.). Compare below vidvesas and vidvesana.
parogavyuti, 49. 20 (later in technical sense of gavyuti) ; and
pardmatra, 57. 6, a-rra$. All analogous forms ( pardksa, par6-
rajas, parobahii, etc.) are later than RV.
parjdnyakrandya, 91. 5. Compare vii. 103. 1, parjdnyajinvita.
pdrpana, 7. 34 ; 45. 41 ; and in the late vii. 104. 5.
padakd, 33. 19 ; unique till Smrti as 'quarter.'
pavakdvarna, 3. 3 ; VS. Compare -varcas,-pocis (formation
early).
puiga, 58. 9 ; parallel in Epic (PW.). In other meanings the
word is Epic.
piyatnti,, 2. 15. The verb ply occurs 21. 14; i. 147. 2; x. 28. 11;
68. 6; AV.; Brfih. In i. 174. 8; ii. 19. 7 (only case in ii.-vii.),
occurs plyu.
putrakd, 58. 8 ; Brah.; Epic, etc. Compare kumarakd, above.
purdhprasravana, see prasrdvana, in List iv. (below).
purdhsthatdr, 46. 13 ; analogue of early purdhita, puroydvan,
puroyodhd / in i., x. occur purogavd, purogd.
purtinaman, 82. 17 ; AV. vi. 99. 1. Compare the a-rra^ Aeyo/xo/a
purutmdn, 2. 38; p&rutrai* 8. 22; purunrmnd, 45. 21 ; puru-
mandrdi 5. 4 ; 8. 12 ; puruvepas, 44. 26 ; purwambhrtd, 55.
4 ; 89. 6 ; and the nom. prop, purumdyya, 57. 10, and puru-
hanman, voc., 59. 2.f
pujana in pacipujana, 17. 12 (with pacigu, also a7ro£), both voc.
Neither puj nor pujana occurs elsewhere in RV.
purvapayya, 34. 5. Compare purvdpus (aytis? cf. Aufrecht,
RV.a, p. V), only 22. 2 (vipvapus, only 26. 7); and purvdplti,
only in viii., i., x. (List iv., below).
pfdaku (sanu), 17. 15 ; AV., etc.
prdnapat, 17. 13. Compare Smrti prapautra ; classical prati-
naptar (pra as in AV. prapitamahd, and prapardha, below).
pratddvasu, see List iii. (below).
pratidhd, 66. 4. Compare iv. 27. 5, prdti dhat p'lbadhyai.
prdtistuti, 13. 33 ; Brah. Compare pratistotar, Sutra (prdti + stu
not elsewhere used?).
pradvtf 23. 1 ; 26. H ; 39. 5. The verb is in early use.
prabhangd, 46. 19, Epic, and prabhangm, 50. 18, with abhipra-
bhangm, 45. 35, the two last being a7ro£ Xcyo/xcva, are unique
nominal developments of prd bhanj (vi. 68. 6). The only
parallels are cited from the Epic, prabhanjana (later, pra-
bhangura).
pramdda, 2. 18 (AV. xx. 18. 3), cited only here till Epic, but
with change of meaning in AV. apramddam (the verbal
compound is early).
* Compare $ayutrd in i. 117. 12. With the ascription of many names
compare 11. 5 (here to Agni) and x. 54. 4.
fin viii., i., v., purumlQhd, nom. prop.
Vol. xvii.] Pragathikani, I. 43
yw, 19. 37 ; prayd in iii. 29. 15 (late).
pravasd, 29. 8; dprosivans, 49. 19. The verb prti-vas occurs
only in 29. 8 and iii. 7. 3 (late). Both verb and noun are
common in Briih. and Epic respectively.
prapardha (voc.), 4. 1. Comparing pdrdha and pdrdhant and the
compound atiprapardhdyat, in 13. 6, it would seem that pra
had here a sense common in post-Rik literature but rare in
the Rik. In the Epic pravega, for instance, there is no for-
ward movement ; the word means simply * very rapid.' So,
too, Epic prabala is * very strong.' This is also the meaning
of pravlra in the Epic and in RV. x. 103. 5; possibly of
prdpravas, v. 41. 16; probably of d-pramiira, i. 90. 2 ; and
of prapirdha (to which PW. assigns the meaning keck,
in prdmaJias, v. 28. 4 ; vii. 66. 2 ; viii. 25. 3 ; and perhaps in
one or two words more, though it is doubtful in other cases
whether eminence, * very,' or movement, * forward,' is felt as
the sense of prd. For this use without verb, compare 9. 19 :
prd devaydntah (apwma), " pre-eminent are the worshippers
(of the A9vinsj."
prafdsya, 11. 2 ; Epic and later (early is pra?dnsya).
prasaksm, see under prapardha.
prasthavan, f voc., 20. 1 ; prahetdr (hetar in viii.-ix.), 88. 7 ; pro-
hosin, 81. 4 (compare prahosd, i. 150. 2); practimanyUj 50. 9
(compare practijihva, i. 140. 3). These are all aira£, though
prasthdvant occurs in VS., as does prdheti. I believe all
prepositional compounds of many& are late formations. In
liV. in the family books, there are dnuttamanyu, vii. 31. 12 ;
viii. 6. 35 ; 85. 19 ; tuvimanyu, voc., vii. 58. 2 ; sdmanyu, or
samanyu (often) ;J but the prepositional compounds occur
thus : abhimanyuj Epic ; upamanyti, i. 102. 9 ; nimanyu,
AV. ; nirmanyuy Epic ; parimanyti, i. 39. 10 ; />ramanyu,
Epic ; vimanyn, i. 25. 4.
'/•//•', see List iil (below).
pldyoyi, 1. 3.r),, d'~ina*tnti. Exactly as /?r</pti becomes plapu in
the IJr.ilnn. period (may be dialectic), so prdyogin becomes
pldyogin (or prayoga became playoaa). Praydga is itself
late, first in x. 7. 5. Compare pulu for puru in i. 179. 5 ; x.
86. 22.
badd, 69. 1. See Note below, at end of article, p. 80.
* Compare prasdh, vi. 17. 4, etc. The prdcu here is 'very quick.'
The other prarf, meaning 'eating,' is found in i. 40. 1 and viii. 81. 6
(ordyaryd), unless the last be (irrof. and i. 40. 1 goes with viii. 88. 16
(FW.). The form prdyavyd (81. 8), Epic />nl$a, has a parallel in v. 41.
30, tirjavyd (PW.).
t Compare saitwthdvan below.
here is only one lone word of this origin in viii. besides prfod-
munyu, the adv. compound, viz. manyuj&vin, ' in wickedness brewing.'
44 E. W. ffopkitis, [1896.
bdndhumant, 21.4; Brah.; Epic. Compare gdbandhu, above;
abandhu, in viii., i., etc.; and the note on parapumdnt, above.
balbajastuk'i. Val. 7. 3 ; balbqja is late ; stuka is early ; compare
Stukavin, 63. 13, air. Aey.
bundd,±S. 4; 66. 6, 11.
brbdduktha, 32. 10. Compare bfbaka, x. 27. 23. But the word is
perhaps only for brhdduktha, as in v. 19. 3 ; x. 54. 6; 56. 7.
Compare bfhdtksaya*, below.
brhdtksayas, 15. 9 (one word); later nom. prop.
bekandta, 55. 10. This word for * usurer' is paralleled only by
prdmaganda, in the late verse iii. 53. 14. In a contract
tablet of the reign of Nabonnidos (565-538 B. C.) occurs
bakatum, which " from the context here seems to be con-
nected with money-lending " (Barton).
brahmanyd, 6. 33 ; cf. subrahmanya, post-Rik.
bhakti, 27. 11. A Brah. word, here and in Brah., * giving; ' later,
'faith.' Perhaps it should be translated like bfiaksd.
bhadrakft, 14. 11 ; later, technically.
bhcirabhft, 64. 12 ; bhdrman, UTTO^, 2. 8 ; vdja-bharman (v. 1.),
a7ro£ 19. 30. Compare bharabharm, TS.; bhftribhara, RV.
i. 164. 13. For aristabharman, 18. 4, see List v. (below).
bhisajy, 9. 6 ; 22. 10 (cf. bhisaj, 68. 2, and bhisnajy, x. 131. 5,
both a7ro£). The noun bhisdj occurs ii. 33. 4 and vi. 50. 7; else
only in viii., i., ix., x., AV., Brah., etc.; bhesajd is both early
and late. The interesting fact is that bhisajy is almost ex-
clusively Brahmanic, and very common in Brah. works, while
in the RV. it is found only here.*
bhurigu, see dgu, above.
bhettdr, 17. 14 ; Bnlh., Sutra ; common Epic word.
maksumgamd, 22. 16. Compare AV. yudhimgamd. The RV.
form is (false analogy) imitative of aramgamd (PW.).
mand, 67. 2. Babylonian.
manmapds, 15. 12. See Note at end of article, p. 75.
manyusamn, 32. 21. See prasthavan, above.
mctrtydtvand, 81. 13. Soejanitvand, above.
mahahastm, 70. 1, of Indra. Compare mahcihasta, of Qiva, Mbha.
mahenadi, and mahemate, vocatives, in 63. 15 ; 13. 11 ; 34. 7 ;
Val. 1. 7.
maki, 2. 42, danastuti ; mdkma, 27. 8.f
mrksd, see kijat above, and mraksakftvan, below.
*InAV., bhi$dj and bhe$ajd are common enough, but there is no
verb of this stem. The AV. verb nis kar, * heal,' occurs in this sense in
RV. at x. 97. 9, and, as i?kar, in vi'ii. 1. 12 ; 20. 26 (though the verb in
other meanings recurs elsewhere). But AV. has already the Epic
cikitsati.
j Perhaps mdkt is as S. interprets it ; but I suspect it is no more than
a form of the possessive, standing to mdklna as does mafit to mdhlna,
a parallel to asmdka ; compare the late Epic svaka (Pali saka) for sva.
In position, the possessive could stand after its noun, as does mdmakd,
in x. 103. 10. Compare yakd, below.
Vol. xvii.] Pragathikani, I. 45
mrgfiy, 2. 6 ; AV.; a common Epic verb (mrgayds, ii. 38. 7, is
referred to this stem).
>/</•« 'ks-'ki'tvan, 50. 10. Compare mrksd, 55. 3.
yakd, see anyakd in List ii. (below).
yajds* 40. 4 ; an old word ?
t/iotar, voc., 9. 17 ; in Smrti as nom. prop.
yavayu, 67. 9. Compare ydvamant in List viii., below.
yuvajdni, 2. 19. The word ;V*m does not occur alone. Compare
the compounds dvijdni, x. 101. 11; vittdf&ni, i. 112. 15;
sumdjjiini, i. 156. '2 ; ajdni, i'</<//i», AV. In v. 61. 4, a late
hymn, occurs bhadrajdnayas, voc. No other case in ii.-vii.
yuvdclatta, //• . 26. 12.
vdrenyakratu, 43. 12 ; AV. vi. 23. 1 (khifa to x. 9).
raksastvd, only in 18. 13. Of the 43 times that rdksas itself
occurs, eleven cases are in ii.-vii.; of the 31 times that raktd*
occurs, eight are in ii.-vii., with about the same proportion
in the compounds. In viii. alone each word occurs about a
third of the number of times it does in ii.-vii. combined.
-"). 22, dai"i*ti/ti Perhaps * silvery'?
randhra, 7. 26; an- Epic word.
rdbhi (hiranydyi), 5. 29, with rathacdrsana in 19, two parts of
the car elsewhere unknown. Compare h'iranyaprailga (i.
35. 5) ?
rambhdy 45. 20 (classical in various other senses).
r«/t/""£'/, -Jl. 18, ddna-stuti ; common in Epic. See vlrakd, below.
radhaspati, voc., 50. 14. See note to rtiryttt, above.
rus. Later than RV. rus is a common verb ; especially Epic,
but also in AV. and Brah. In RV. only in viii. 4. 8 ; 88. 4.
vaktdr, see adhivakd, above.
vay'tyu, see suvfotu, below.
43. 1 1. Compare itfadnna, above.
vdntrocis, see va#uruc, in List vii. (below).
4 ; AV.; P^})ic, >'</sud«. Compare wwiid'Tnt/i, ii. 'J7.
12.
73. 6.
vdjabfi?idhn, see ytibandhuj above, under godatra.
vatcuvana, 91. 5. Compare vii. 56. 3, vrftfisvanas.
vdpd, 19. 31. Compare vdprd, used 16 times, and only once out-
side of i., viii.-x., viz. in the last verse of ii. 34. But l'\V.
takes * obedient ' rather than * roaring ' as the meaning.
is, 22. 10 (9qj6so8 in early books).
•i'lh'ista, 7. 25 ; like 'isuha8tay x. 103. 2 ; but also like the
old form vdjrahasta (elaborated to vdjradaksina in x.). The
word may be regarded as an elaboration, like the last. Were
it early, it would be repeated like vdjrahcuta, which occurs
again and again.
vidvetas, 22. 2 ; vidvesana, 1. 2. The former is &r. Xcy.; the
latter, as a noun, is Epic. The combination is late. The
first occurrence of vi dvis is in AV. iii. 30. 4, where is found
also, vs. 1, dvidveta, while vidvesd occurs ib. v. 21. 1 ; and
46 E. W. Hopkins, [1896.
dvidvis, ib. i. 34. 5. Elsewhere vt dvis is eminently Epic
and late. Except for these two instances in viii., RV. has
no compound, verbal or nominal, of this sort.
viprardjya,*3. 4 ; cited again from classical literature ; a signifi-
cantly late word from its meaning, which is literal, ' in the
sacrifices, the kingdom of the priests.'
vibddhana, ageiitis, 3. 22 ; actionis, Epic; vibodhd (or vibddhd),
x. 133. 4 ; vi budh in causal, only i. 12. 4 ; 22. I ; Epic, etc.;
simple vi budh, first in Epic (?).
vibhumant, 85. 16 ; perhaps as later (Brah.), e with vibhus.'* In
any case a late word.
vibhutarati, see List iii. (below).
vimahl^ 6. 44. Compare Epic vimahant. PW. compares vimahas,
which is found in i. 86. 1, and in the late passage, v. 8V. 4.
vivdksana, 1. 25 ; 21. 5 ; 35. 23 ; 45. 11 ; Val. 1. 4.
vipvdtodhi, see vipvdmanas, List ii. (below).
vipvdmanas, see List ii.; vipvdmanusa, 45. 42 ; compare saptd-
manusa, below, and vipvajand, Brah.
vipvdvarya, 19. 11 ; 22. 12 (early is vipvdvara). The word
vdrya is early.
vlrakd, 80. 2 ; Epic. Compare kumarakd, padakd, putrakd,
rajakd, all for the first time in viii. Perhaps vrdhlkd, 67. 4,
belongs here.
vrsatvand, see janitvand, above. Other unique forms of this sort
in viii. are vfsanabhi, 20. 10 ; vfsapatrii, 15. 6 ; vrsadafLji
and vfsaprayavan, 20. 9; vfsapsu, 20. 7, 10; — that is, chiefly
in one hymn.
venti, Val. 7. 3; AV., etc.; Epic.
v'eda, in late sense of wisdom, only in 19. 5; AV., Brah., etc. In
RV., suveda is from vid, 'find' ; vidyd, only in x. 71. 11.
vedistha, 2. 24. Compare vediyans in vii. 98. 1, perhaps late, as
the Vasistha tag appears to be copied. The positive form,
veditar, occurs first in AV.
vaipvanard, in the sense 'complete,' 30. 4. This meaning is
found in AV. and Brah. In RV., only here ; elsewhere
vaipvanard is applied to Agni in RV., except in ix. 61. 16,
where it is epithet of light. In 30. 4, vipve (devds) vdipva-
nard utd, the word can have only its later sense.
vydnjana, 67. 2, with abhydnjana, which see in List ii. (below).
Both words are late (compare in PW. the use of vydnjana
as 'insignia'); but the verbal compound is early.
vratdti, 40. 6 ; Brah., etc.
vratyd, 43. 8. Like avratyd, a Brah. word, but there vrdtya.
patdbradhna, 66. 7. Considering the number of fata compounds
strewn through the whole work, those that are here mentioned
do not appear to be particularly significant. But it may be
of interest to note that some of these are confined to viii. and
its group. Thus besides patdbradhna, there is patdparvan
(AV, Epic), at i. 80. 6; viii. 6. 6; 65. 2; 78.3; patdvant, viii. 5.
15 ; 24. 29 ; 53. 5 ; x. 94. 2 ; 102. 5, 9, and the late hymn (see
Vol. xvii.] Prdgdthikdni, I. 47
Lanman), vi. 47. 9 ; patdvdja, viii. 81. 10; ix. 96. 9 ; 110. 10;
imagha, viii. 1. 5 ; 33. 5 ; 34. 7 ; ix. 62. 14 ; patdpva,
viii. 4. 19; x. 6'2. 8 (and Sutras).*
patrufv'/, 45. 5. A late word ? (Sprtlche.)
<~>sd'hy 49. 6, and AV.
7w, 45. 11 ; 80. 3 (with panakais); common word in Brab.,
Epic.
panakdis, 80. 3 ; a Smrti word, peculiarly Epic, and in (late)
rpanishads.
paphd, 47. 17. This word for £ is united with /,///. fr- Com-
pare the same, AV. vi. 46. 3 ; xix. 57. 1; but (not in techni-
cal sense) prnh -//////-;7, RV. vil 18. 15. Both paphd and £"/</
as fractions are Brahmanic (Smrti).
?>hd, 83. 6, nom. prop. To judge by the metre, the veree is
late. As a common noun, : //•/////// is found in AV. and later.
pavast, 45. 5 ; 66. 2, Indra's mother. Compare pdvasah sunuh,
of Indra, iv. 24. 1 ; viii. 79. 2.
^3. 6 (pdkin, early). Like late rathina (vanina) com-
pared with early rathin (van'm).\ Imitation of vi. 45. 22 ?
pacigu, pacipiijana, in voc., 17. 12 ; see puj above ; and akhan-
dala (in same hymn).
p&strd, 33. 16 ; a Smrti word. Compare prapdstrd, ii. 36. 6 (late);
ii. 1. 2 (i. 94. 6 ; ii. 5. 4, prapdstdr)', x. 91. 10.
pubhrakhadi, see karnap6bhana, above.
pevdra, 1. 22. With the idea, if certain,! compare x. 73. 4, vcudvi,
late ; pevadhi, ii. 13. 6 (mystic ; late ?). The last word oc-
curs in AV., Brah. etc. Compare also pevadhij»>. Vfil. 3. 9.
18. 2. Compare yudhamprausti, nom. prop., Brab.
prdvasktima, 2. 38 ; pravojit, 32. 14.
^r./'-'/y./'/.v,//,-/,/, 46, 12. Compare pravaydtpati^ v. 25. 5 ; drava-
ydtsakha, x. 39. 10; yavaydtsakha, x. 26. 5; mandaydtsakha,
i. 4. 7 (mandddvlra, air. Xry., viii. 58. 1).
presthapocis, see ajird. List vii., below.
pvcudtha,S5. 7 ; Brah.
<ibhjj, see pvatrd, List iv., below; pvi(na, see List iii., below.
fvetaydvarl (river), 26. 18 ; compare pcetyd, x. 75. 6. This is the
only pveta compound in RV. They abound in later literature,
several being in Brah. The ydvan compounds are found
late and early. Compare pubhrai/<> '/••///. viii. 26. 19. It is
perhaps worthy of note that pubhtnn;/ <ir.it, also is virtually in
the later group, as v. 61. 13 is late (elsewhere, i. 89. 7).
Unique (in viii.) are akmaydvan, avaydvan, rathaydr
•fdpatra and fofdrcoa are found only in the RV. at vii. 97. 7 and
100.8, respectively (the former again in the Epic). In VAI.
vaMnfAm, later nom. prop.
•I.- form rathina is late 3k.; vanin appears in early books of RV.;
vanina only in RV. x. 66. 9.
$ The meaning is doubtful. One is tempted to connect with
But the idea generally assigned is common enough, as in x. 47.
48 R W. Hopkins, [1896.
(sa- or) samsthtfvan, 37. 4; see prasthavan, above. Both forms,
aira£ Ary.
sarhvadd, 90. 4 ; a Brahmana and Smrti word. Compare vdda,
Smrti.
[samv'td, Val. 10. 1 ; AV.; Brfih. The hymn is perhaps interpo-
lated.]
sat6mahant, 30. 1. There is a parallel to this in the late hymn to
the weapons, vi. 75. 9, sat6vlra ; and a better in the Brah-
manic satdbrhant.
sadyq}*, 70. 9. 'Compare vasiijn, 88. 8 ; aditydjitta, 46. 5 ; all
SLIT. Xcy.
sadhastutya, 26. 1 ; for sadhdstuti.
sdmdhatar, 1. 12 ; Epic.
samdh't, 1. 12 ; AV.; Brfih.
sdplti, 1. 23 ; TS.
saptdpada, 61. 16 ; AV., etc.
saptdbudhna, 40. 5.
saptdmanusa, 39. 8. Compare vipvdmanusa, above, and, in 81. 20,
saptd samsddah, with 2. 33 ; must mean seven (many) people.
saptdy Val. 7. 5 ; 11. 5 (tribhih saptebhih).
sdbala, 82. 9; AV.; Epic.
samudrdvasas, 91. 4-6 ; compare Epic samudravasin (sea-dwel-
lers).
sdrati, 27. 14, 17 ; Bran.
sahdsranirnij, 8. 11, 14, 15 ; sahdsraparna, 66. 7, and AV.; sahas-
raposin, * 92. 4 ; sahdsrabahu, 45. 26, Epic. Compare in
viii.-ix., sahdsroti ; in viii.-x., sahdsrapad. In viii. 34. 15
alone occurs the form sahasrapds, quite common after RV.
See Note, below at end of article, p. 75.
sisnu, voc., 19. 31; an old form ?
suiiti, 47. 1 ; an old word ?
suMra, 69. 6. This (like the Epic duskard) is a Smrti word, for
it means ' easy to do,' whereas su in RV. with kr is usually
moral, rarely physical. In 13. 7 ; 46. 27, this moral side is
apparent in sukftvan (the word is found only here). Compare
suddtu, 67. 8, meaning 'leicht theilbar' (PW.). Compare
also the many occurrences of sukft, sukrtd, sukrtyd, etc.,
always with the idea of * good.' f The word sukdra is found
only here in RV., but is common in the Epic. With stikrta
in 66. 11 is joined the cwr. Xcy., sumdya, 'well made.'
sugevfdh, 18. 2 ; sujdmbha, 49. 13; sutdrman, 42. 3; sutlrthd,
see tlrthd, List vi. (below); sutydj, 49. 16.
suddksina, 33. 5 (with susavyd, a.ira£)\ and in vii. 32. 3, the one
late verse of the hymn ! The word is Epic, ' dextrous,' not
* generous.'
suddtu, 67. 8 ; with susd, ib. 4.
sitprattir, 23. 29 ; see prdturti, List iii., below.
* But sahasrapofd, -popyd are early.
f The physical side appears only in sukdmnan, iv. 2. 17 ; 83. 9.
Vol. xvii.] Pragathikani, I. 49
supsdras, 26. 24; subhtit, 23. 20; stiyukta, 58. 13; suvdstu, 19.
37 : utd me pray ly or vayiyoh suvdstvd ddhi tugvani (five
a7ro£ Aeyo/xcva), Niruk., p. 43 ; suvidvans, 24. 23 ; susCtmdn,
49. 18 (23. 28, etc., susdman, nora. prop.); susdda, Val. 10.
3 ; susird, 58. 12 (Brah., Epic) ; susarand, 27. 18 ; Epic
(* escape/ either * from ' or ' to ') ; suhdrd, 2. 5 (may mean
Epic suhrd, sauhdrda, as it does in AV., and be the opposite
of durfuird, AV.; compare vss. 21, 27).*
eddadohcw, 58. 3. On sftda see Pischel, VS., i., p. 72.
trprdkarasna, 32. 10, of Indra. After iii. 18. 5 (srprd kardsnd
dadhise vdpunsi) ?
stukdvin, 63. 13 ; see balbajastukd, above.
stomavdrdhana, see ukthavdrdhana, above.
sphird, 1. 23 ; an old word ?
srdma, 48. 5 ; Brah.
Aariprt, 15. 4 ; Val. 2. 10.
hdfikrti, 78. 6. See upahdsvan above, and final Note, p. 78.
hinvd, 40. 9 ; compare asunvd, above.
, see List iii., below, and compare the aw. Ary.
49. 2.
, 8. 2 ; 31. 8. For zaranyopadsa, see Note, p. 84.
ft'- m n •/ ihhlpu, 5. 28 ; 22. 5. Compare the a-rr. \cy. svabhlpti, 57.
16, 18.
Mman, * call,' 52. 4.
By way of convenient survey, I give in this paragraph the fol-
lowing late words (mostly Brahmanic and Epic) culled from the
foregoing list, which words, were we to assume that viii. is the
oldest book, would be particularly inexplicable.! The words
are: «///<>•/<//, tn<<tidbhuta, dnabhayin, apacyd, abhratrvi/d,
dmbara, avabhrthd, avdryd, apasya, dpnais, akhandala, aydnat
i, ///(.//,.;.X-/'//H, rtaspati) ekardj (AV.), edhatu (AV.), odand
(AV.), karnap6bhanat kaldy kumarakd, kud, kdla, tadidar ?/<>'<
. Dvitd, Dhdrma(vant)i parogavyiiti, pfidakd,
///•'//•'/'. ($aci-)pujana, prabhangd, (-in, abhi-), bdndhu-
'/> ./x////, r<ni<lhra^ vidvesana, viprarjya,
vibddhana, vlrakd, veda, •odicr,'ilt<n-'i (* complete,' AV.), vydft-
jana, '/•>fn>r><d, pdnai*, fanakd\8y $aphd (fraction), ffavast,
pfotrd, sdmdhatar, sukdra, srdma. But the others, in the affini-
ties of their forms and the location of parallel words, will also
repay a careful consideration.
In addition to these, there are the following forms which, unless
I err, and except for proper names, include nearly all the words
used in RV. «>iilv in viii. Some are merely old forms with nega-
tive prefix. Some seem to me to indicate neither antiquity nor
* Usually rendered • having a good liArdi or stomach.' But the poet
perhaps means that bad preparations do not frighten a friendly guett.
f None of these occurs in a danastuti. The only important ddruututi
words in the list above are kuhayA, ncujd, pldyogi, yaka, rctfatd, rtijakd.
VOL. rvu. 4
50 E. W. Hopkins,
recent growth, but to be such compounds as might be old and
remain unimitated or be quite new. They are forms for which
I tind no analogies 'either in later or early literature.* It is, how-
ever, only fair to give the list, that the reader may not think the
proportion of apparently late words to be greater than it is. The
forms are : </</<>/•"///*«, ajura, dtlrna, ddurmakha, dnapasphur,
<n,<i/'(;<ir<~iti, dm'irmi, apasph'dr^ (ijxikrti, <r/><~'rrti, apratimdnd^
<,rr<~iin''.<'it!/<t, dbadhira, abhydram, dmithita, ardftn, dpvesita,
asacadvis, dstrtayajvan, (ighrmvasu, amuri, dpithesas, indragopd,
upay'tdy updrana ('uperaya? 32. 21), itrdmdthi, urtiyuga, urusyu,
uijdhuti (VS.)^ rtavasu, rbhusthira, \chdndy a\ jmaydnt, tradd,
tripastyd, trydrusa^ divdvasu, dravdccakra, (agni) daivoddsa,
nadantii nicumpund, nidhdrayd, parivfj, parihvft, prthupdksas,
btn'i ry dsuti, mdderag hu, manotdrj mahisvdni, mitdmedha (\\\\.
5. 5), mfc, yonyd, rdjesita, rathdsdh, rathaydvan, rapsud, vak-
sdnij vdrsisthaksatra, vipravacas, vibhdnu, vibhvkrdtu, vipvdyu-
vepaSy visudruheva (26. 15, doubtful), vltdvara, vfthak (pfthakf
43. 4), plrdpocis, pukraputapa, ptinesita, plok'm, sdptya, surapQ,,
sn'ehili (or sriihiti, 85. 13), J smdtpuramdhi, smddrdtisac, svd-
dhainava, svanddratha, svabdm, svayavan, svapvayu, hiranyavi,
hUds (doubtful, 18. 19).
There may be in this list, and in the forms I have marked above
as of questionable antiquity, enough that is archaic to offset the
verbal kinship with post-Rik language evinced by the long list
of late words in the eighth book : but I confess that I am unable
to see any comparison in the bearings of the two sets of words.
In the one case there are a few words which may be old. In the
other there are a large number of words, any one of which might
indeed by chance have escaped repetition ; but their sum is
momentous and indicative of a close relationship between viii.
and the later language.
But, besides these, there are numerous words of viii. which
occur in other books as well, but in those books which form in
my opinion a sort of group with the eighth, viz., in the tenth and
first, and in less degree in the ninth. These words make a no less
important criterion of criticism. But, whereas, in the words
peculiar to viii., the chief interest lies in the determination of
their archaic value, there is interest in these new lists, not only in
the age of each word but in the scope of parallelism between viii.
and the books which stand apart from the family books ; so that
even negatives, if used only here, become instructive as showing a
similar thesaurus.
* Some of the forms given above might have been included here ; but
I wished on the one hand to include there all forms that might be
thought antique, and on the other to group forms of like sort, unless as
in svayvayu some one form seemed too late to be put with others of its
group. A few more are given in the Lists below.
f In viii. 8. 12 ; i. 46. 2. The difference is only the accent of manotar
in early books.
\ See List v., below.
Vol. xvii.] Pragiithikani, 1. 51
"But," some one may object, "any book has late words."
So indeed it has. And, accordingly, before proceeding to the
study ot these parallelisms, I consider this more closely. Every
/<//'/ has its store of words that do not occur again till a later
period, and the question may naturally arise whether the words
enlisted above do not give a false impression ; and whether late
wonls collected from one of the other family books would not
irive the same result. Anticipating this objection, I have collected
all the corresponding words in the seventh mondalay which is
in size to the eighth, and is generally recognized as one of
the oldest family collections. I find that the list of 'Epic* or
of * Brahmanic ' words is such as might have been presupposed
in accordance with the general theory of this essay. The condi-
tions are not quite the same, for in vii. there are four hymns
(33, 50, 103, 104) later than any in viii., and the group beginning
with 15 is out of place and later than the first collection. More-
over such hymns as 4, 8, 18, 81, 83, which lack or copy the
Vasistha stamp (or appended formula), are also in all probability
later than the marked Vasistha hymns.
The * Epic ' or Sanskrit words, apart from these later hymns, are:
1. 19, durvtisas, in the Epic an epithet of Qiva ; 3. 2," vrdjana,
in the Epic a proper name (Sk. ' wandering,' Veda *path'); 56.
3,v<itasnancMt * noise of wind,' but in Purana, name of mountain;
64. 2, sitidhii-pati, l lord of S.', but in the Epic, * lord of Sindhu
people'; 66. 10, y «//•//>///•/#, * power,' late Sk. Miami'; 88. 6,
//, 'alive' or 'holy,' but in the Epic, yaksinl, * a female
devil';* 97. 7, <;,it<'n><itra (literal), in the Epic, of various unrelated
meanings. It will be seen that the compounds are few and such
as might easily be remade, while the uncompounded words are
still rarer. The later group, of non- Vasistha and late hymns,
adds the late words, 4. 8, anyddarya ; 8. 2, siimahant • 15. 3,
ft/a; 18. 20, devaka (in \Q,yat/n~rki'f>im is a Sutra phrase) :
14, /< I -:pi<- //</>• //<?,/,,); ib. 19, mah<isena;\ 81. 4, ratnabhdj,
'giving gifts,' against Epic 'having jewels'; 83. 2, krt>i>I
late Sk. / /a, proper name ; 94. 12, >//>// <>;/./, Eoic similar
meaning ;J 103. 2, sarast and vats'tn (Frog Ilymn):^ 104. 10,
: il>. 17, /•//"/•//'//'?. Nor is much gained by adding the
hmanic ' words, 20. 6, bhres; 50. 1,4, 2 (late hymn),
anud<ik'i. /ci'lffi'i ; 66. 11, ////•//»//•/; 85. 2, eft /•»//.
The plainly late and apparently late hymns of vii. contain
naturally the most characteristically late words. But from the
* This and the preceding hymn (87. 5 ; 88. 8) contain prefikhd. Both
appear to be late hymns. On didfkyu, in 86. 8, see Gaedike, Ace,, p.
189 (perhaps locative).
f This is probably not a Vasistha hvinn, as 23 ff. is a later addition.
; In RV. a snake, in l.|»< the hood of the snake, and in other mean-
ings. This is not a Vasistha hymn apparently.
iia liviiin has further the late words vrafocdrin (Sutra and Epic):
Irddacd in Brahmanic sense; pdfcfd, 06m4yu,
(technical, AV., Brah.), paritxrtaarfya. AV.
52 E. W. Hopkins, [1896.
comparison of vii. and viii. comes the important fact that all the
hymns of vii. put together contain less than half as many late
words a# does viii., including withal the very latest hymns of the
former collection. The late words in viii. are so strewn through
the collection that there is little use in attempting to mark off
late and early hymns except very generally, for the difference in
age between them is not by any means so marked as in the case
of the seventh mandala. There are of course some hymns (such
as 17, 33, 45, 47, 58, 67, 80) which are verbally later than others.
But on the whole the difference is small.*
These objections considered, I now proceed to take up first
the verbal parallels between viii. and x. ; then those between viii.
and i.; then those between viii., i., and x. After these come the
cases of similarity between viii., i., and ix., which are less impor-
tant ; then those between viii., i., ix., and x.; and, finally, those
between viii. and ix., and between viii., ix. and x.
List ii. : Words occurring in RV. viii. and x., but not elsewhere in RV.
adhaspadd, viii. 5. 38; x. 133. 4 ; 134. 2 ; 166. 5 ; and half a
dozen times in AV.
ddhyaksa, viii. 43. 24 ; thrice in x. (88. 13 ; 128. 1 ; 129. 7) and
thrice in AV. ; later, a common word.
dnapi) viii. 21. 13; x. 39. 6 (dpi is early; but apitvd is only in
viii.).
anulband^ viii. 25. 9 ; x. 53. 6 ; Brah. (tilba, only in x. 51. 1 ; AV.;
Brah. ; ulband, Brah.).
anyakd, viii. 21/18; 39. 1 ;f x. 133. 1.
abhydnjana, viii. 3. 24 ; 67. 2 ; x. 85. 7 ; twice in AV. Both
cases in viii. are late apparently, so that it is questionable
whether PW. does well to render 'adornment' in distinction
from ' ointment,' the later meaning. The limited verbal use
may indicate the latter as well as the former. In ix. 86. 43
abhy dnjate means ' anoint,' and so, in my opinion, does the
same verb in ii. 8. 4 : ' (he shines) with his flames when
he is anointed ' (as in x. 87. 20, ajdra is here a noun).
dyuddha, viii. 45. 3; x. 27. 10 (ayudhyd, x. 103. 7; dyuddhasena,
x. 138. 5); all used of Indra or his weapons. Compare also
dyudhvin, x. 108. 5, and ayoddhdr,\ i. 32. 6 (but not a Kanva
hymn) ; ayodhyd, AV.
* The group which seems to contain the oldest hymns, judged from
this point of view, is that immediately following the Valakhilya (from
49 to 66, with the exception of 58), a fact which, taken in connection
with the late character of the first hymns in viii., may tend to show
that the Val. was prefixed to the original beginning; prior to the
addition of the hymns that now precede the Valakhilya.
f And in the following hymns in the same refrain. Apparently a
late formation, analogous to eka, etc. ; comparable with yakd, viii. 21.
18 (unique in RV.). Compare vi$vaka, only in viii., i., x.; takd, only in
i.; and amuka, asakd, post-Rik.
t Not ' schlechter Kampf ' ; rather 4 not finding anyone to fight him,'
or 'unmatched' (Whitney, AJP. xiii. 300).
Vol. xvii.] Prcigathikani, I. 53
av, in causal as * devour,' only viii. 45. 38 ; x, 1 13. 8 ; but in AV.
and Brfih.
ahipuva, a demon, viii. 32. 2, 26; 66. 2 ; x. 144. 3. Compare ix.
77. 3, etc., ttM.
adardird, viii. 89. 4 ; x. 78. 6.
ubhayav'tn, viii. 1. 2; x. 87. 3; once in AV.*
"/•'/, viii. .34. 3 ; x. 95. 3, a late hymn.
uru, viii. 1. 34; 59. 10; x. 85. 37; 90. 11, 12; 162. 4; 163.4;
common in AV.; Brah., etc. In 59. 10 occurs the only
instance where rtdyu, which occurs ten times, becomes rtdyu.
ai viii- 4- 10; rpy*«W, *• 39. 8; r'pya occurs only here and in
AV., Brah., etc.
rslvat, voc., viii. 2. 28; rsivdt, x. 66. 14; Smrti.
V'p, viii. 91. 19; x. 27. 24 (late verse); Brah., etc. Compare
upadr'p in List vii. (below).
kavitr.t/,,r, viii. 40. 3; fcavitvd, x. 124. 7. The form in viii. is
unique ; that in x. (' song-art ') occurs in Smrti. See janit-
vand in List i., above.
krpay, viii. 46. 16 ; x. 98. 7 ; the nearest approach to Epic krpay.
So krpany occurs only viii. 39. 4 (x. 74. 3), from krpdna,
which occurs first in x. 99. 9. The older verb is krap.
kheda, viii. 61.8; 66. 3 ; x. 116. 4 ; quasi personification of Indra's
weapon, the Destroyer. In 6 1. 8 it is called triurt, an epithet
which occurs only in viii., i., ix., x. Compare AV. xix.
27. 3, for the frequent later use.
yodhd, viii. 58. 9; x. 28. 10-11 ; AV. and later, in more special
meanings. In RV. ' bow-string ' (not * harp-string ') in each
case. Compare in viii. gdrgara and p'tnga. In the song at
viii. 58. 9, the words mean, 'sound the harp and twang the
bow-string ! '
gfodti, viii. 73. 7; x. 38. 1. Compare dhdnasdti in x., dhanasd
in ii. ; but in other cases the formation with satt is common
in early books.
. viii. 86. 14; 91. 2 ; Val. 3. 3 ; x. 3. 1 ; cikiM,, Val. 8. 5 ; AV.;
cikitvdn, only viii. 49. 18; cifcitvinmana*, viii. 84. 5 ; v. 22. 3.
.-•/'/A'/.*, viii. 11. 9; x. 65. 3 ; AV. Compare citrdvqja, only
viii. 7. 33.
janit »• List i. (above).
. viii. 48. 14; x. 82. 7 ; noun in AV., verb in Brfih.
turvane (sic), viii. 9. 13; 12. 19; 45. 27; x. 93. 10. There is one
other case, vi. 46. 8, notoriously late.
dabhrdeetas, viii. 90. 16; x. 61. 8.
1. 11. 7 ; x. 62. 2; AV., etc.
, viii. 91. 2; x. 100. 12 (late verse?); early is dnroyu.
viii. 63. 14; 81. 15; x. 11. 9; 49.9. Compare V
'/<?/, ix. 69. 6; tnn<ii/itn-'<. u. 3. 1; x. 66. 11 : /»".V'////Vw'/,
iii. 4. 9 (AprI) ; iv. 57. I (this is a late hymn); sf»
v. 83. 6. Compare also mddai/itmi, ix. 101. 1;
• That is, once besides the parallel to RV.
54 E. W. Hopkins, [1896.
x. 64. 9 ; anamayitnu, \. 137. 7. The forms seem to be late
with the exception of (s)tanayitnti. There is, I believe, no
exact parallel to dravititu.
dhftr uttara, viii. 33. 18; x. 28. 6.
mibhantam, viii. 39-42 ; x. 133. 1 ; in different form, the verb
occurs in AV., Brah. The noun ndbh occurs only in i. 174. 8.
The name ndbhdkd occurs only in viii. But nabhanti, -nti,,
etc. are early parallels.
nirrfti, in plural, viii. 24. 24 ; x. 114. 2 (a late hymn). In other
family books, only in singular.
nedlyas, as adv., viii. 64. 5 ; Val. 5. 5 ; x. 101. 3. The adj. occurs
in viii. 26. 10 ; x. 86. 20.
nydk, as adv., viii. 4. 1 ; 28. 3 ; 32. 25 ; 54. 1 ; x. 60. 11 ; 94. 5 ;
100. 8. This use appears in Briih., Epic, etc.
paripdd^ viii. 24. 24; x. 28. 10. Compare pdridvesas in viii. 64.
9. Unique verbal use with pdri. Compare also of similar
meaning, paripanthm, only in i., x.
p&katrd) viii. 18. 15; x. 2. 5. Compare pdkavdnt, x. 100. 3;
unique ; pakapansd, vii. 104. 9, late hymn ; pdkasutvan, x.
86. 19 ; pdkasthdman, nom. prop., viii. 3. 21, 22. Early are
pdka and pdkyd.
purdnavdt, viii. 40. 6; 62. 11; x. 43. 9. In the family books
occur purvdtha, purvavdt, pratndtha, pratnavdt, but not
purdnavdt, which, however, is not cited from later works.
prabtidh, viii. 27. 19 ; x. 128. 6 ; former, noun ; latter, adj. The
verb, prd budh, is used once in viii. 9. 16, and in causal, ib.
17 ; i. 113. 14 ; 124. 10 ; 134. 3 ; iv. 14. 3 ; 51. 5 ; x. 42. 2.
Of these iv. 14 is apparently an imitation of iv. 13. Both
prabudha and prabodha are late (Smrti) forms.
bhuji, viii. 8. 2 ; 91. 6 ; x. 106. 4.
bhratrtvd, viii. 20. 22 ; 72. 8 ; x. 108. 10 ; Epic, etc.
manasy, viii. 45. 31 ; x. 27. 5 ; AV. ; Brah., etc. (manasyti, only
x. 171. 3).
mahamahd: ahdm asmi mahdmahdh says Indra, x. 119. 12.
Nowhere else except in viii. 24. 10 ; 33. 15 ; 46. 10. Analo-
gous forms are all late : ghandghand, x. ; caracard, x. ;
calacald, i. 164. 48 ; sarlsrpd, x. ; vactavadd, Ait. Brah.
Compare yamy&dh, only viii. 4. 6 ; x. 61. 9.
mtini, viii. 17. 14; x. 136. 2 ff.; AV.; Brah. In these RV. passages
mtini has its late technical sense of a mad devotee. In vii.
56. 8 the same word has an older sense : " Es ist nicht moglich
hier mit Say. die Bedeutung Asket festzuhalten " (PW.).
mrtyubdndhu, viii. 18. 22 ; x. 95. 18 (late hymn). The mrtyu
compounds are very common after RV. This is the only
one in RV. For bdndhu compounds, see under r'sibandhu,
above in List i.
yamyudh, viii. 4. 6 ; x. 61. 9. See under mahamahd, above.
valgti, (vddate) as dulce, late idiom, found in RV. only in viii. 62.
8 ; x. 62. 4 (vadati).
Vol. xvii.] Pragathikani, I. 55
. viii. 75. 2 ; x. 82. 2. A common Epic word, nor is the
Epic meaning impossible in viii. The abstract vaimanasyd,
which also is Epic, occurs first AV. v. 21. 1. The verb vi man
occurs only x. 92. 3.
pfatufftarmafn), viii. 87. 2; x. 81. 2-7; 82.2; 166. 4; 170. 4;
AV.; Brfih.
fmanas, nom. prop., viii. 23. 2; 24. 7 ; adj., x. 55. 8. Com-
pare eipwfmonttt, a?r. Aey., viii. 46. 17 (see 45. 42); and in
viii. 34. 6, PtpP&odAi, S.TT. Aey.
•'/'/, viii. 44. 26; x. 16. 6; twice in AV. ; also in Brah.
, * servant,' viii. 19. 11 ; x. 109. 5.
niant and pafcjptfo, see under yatabradhna^ List L (above).
nom. prop., viii. 5. 25 ; x. 40. 7. The verb piilj occurs
only i. 1 64. 29 ; vi. 75. 3 (both late).
samvtinana, viii. 1. 2; x. 93. 12; three times in AV. ; also in
Epic.
\ iii. r.4. 1 L' ; x. 43. 5 (both with ji) ; the adj. is Brah.
[aabhd, as * assembly hall,' viil 4. 9 ; x. (34. 6); 71. 10. In i. 167.
3 ; iv. 2. 5, the word appears to be used in an older sense.
The late meaning here, ascribed rather doubtfully to sabhd
may be maintained for vi. 28. 6 ; but it is to be remarked
that this hymn, which holds cows to be more sacred than
gods, appears to be late. The word is sometimes translated
by 'houses' (so by Muller, SBE. xxxii. p. 276). This cer-
tainly must be the sense in iv. 2. 5, where at any rate
1 assembly-hall ' will not do. But I bracket the word as a
doubtful though probable case.]
sahfaravaja, viii. 81. 10; x. 104. 7 ; possibly accidental.
';/// •/', \ iii. 4. 8; x. 106. 10; twice in AV.
subhadra, viii. 1. 34; x. 10. 14; Epic. The example in viii. is
in a late added verse.
8us6ma, viil 7. 29; 53. 11 ; x. 75. 5.
sustfiu, viii. 22. 18; x. 107. 11 (susthuvdh), a late word.
si'ir>/amdsa, viil 83. 2 ; x. 64. 3 ; 68. 10; 92. 12 ; 93. 5.
s6tu, viii. 19. 18; x. 76. 6; 86. 1.
admaprstha, viii. 43. 11 ; 52. 2; x. 91. 14 (with vedhdte, as in viii.
II); thrice in AV.
svdsetu, viii. 89. 10 ; x. 61. 16.
, viii. 69. 5 ; x. 53. 2; 119. 9; once in AV.; Brah.; Epic, etc.
hit<iprayas, viii. 27. 7 ; 49. 17; 58. 18 (late verse); x. 61. 15
(late hymn): l l-'. 7. Except for the last case, always in tin-
pliriT. I'l-kt'ibarhiso hitajyrayasdh. Compare ii. 37. 4 ; \ i.
15. 15 ; viii. 32. 29 ; 82. 24. The phrase-form is new.
Observe that by far the greater number of these cases affect
those hymns of viii. that precede tli» \ nl.ikliilya.
I leave now the cases of correspondence between viii. and x.,
the remaining ones being common also to other books of the
group viii., i., ix., x., and proceed to the parallels between viii.
56 E. W. Hopkins, [1896.
List iii. : Words occurring in RV. viii. and i., but not elsewhere in RV.
<tksna in aksnayflvan, viii. 7. 35; aksnayadr&h, i. 122. §; aksnayQ,
"Brah.
ddvayas, viii. 18. 6 ; i. 187. 3.
anastM(n), viii. 1. 34 ; i. 164. 4 ; AV.
abandhti, viii. 21. 4 ; i. 53. 9 ; twice in AV.
abudhnd, viii. 66. 5 ; i. 24. 7.
dbhunjant, viii. 1. 6 ; i. 120. 12. Compare abMy, x. 95. 11.
ari (=€/M?) in compounds, only viii. 1. 22 (aristutd) ; i. 126. 5
(arulhayasY, i. 186. 3 (arigurtd).
arkm, viii. 90. 13 ; i. 7. 1 ; 10. 1 ; 38. 15 ('having arkd, songs or
beams ').
avayatdr, viii. 48. 2 ; i. 129^11 ; AV. ii. 2. 2. Compare dvayata-
helas, i. 171. 6 ; avaydna, i. 185. 8 ; AV. viii. 1. 6. The
verb occurs in this sense in vi. 66. 5: dva yasad ugrdn ; iv.
1. 4: devdsya held 'va yasislsthah. On avayatd(m) in i. 94.
12, see PW.
[avatd, viii. 68. 7; perhaps with i. 38. 7; 52. 4; 62. 10; but
doubtful (PW.)]
avisyu, viii. 45. 23; 56. 9; i. 189. 5; AV. iii. 26. 2; xi. 2. 2. The
noun, avisyci, ii. 38. 3.
asmadrtih, viii. 49. 7 ; i. 36. 16 ; 176. 3.
aharv'id, viii. 5. 9, 21; i. 2. 2; 156. 4. Compare ahardr'p, viii.
55. 10. There is one more compound in RV., dhardivi, ix.
86. 41, and AV. v. 21. 6, but none in the family books; all
other compounds being in AV., VS., or later.
dhrutapsu, viii. 20. 7 ; i. 52. 4.
adarm, viii. 45. 13; adard, i. 46. 5 ; Brah. etc. The verb
(driydte) and the nominal compounds with cl are all of the
Brahmanic and Epic age. In iv. 30. 24, aduri is probably,
with Sayana and in a better sense, to be derived from dar^
1 break'; but the verse itself seems to be late. Compare
adara, adrtya, etc.
ayaj't, viii. 23. 17; i. 28. 7.*
drana, viii. 59, 8 ; i. 112. 6 (drana and ard are found in family
books).
apirvant, viii. 84. 7 ; i. 23. 1 ; Sutra.
\iddhdgni, viii. 27. 7; i. 83. 4 ; sdmiddhagni, v. 37. 2 ; x. 63. 7.
Clearly an accident, if v. 37 is early.]
indratvota, viii. 19. 16; i. 132. 1; mdradvista, only in ix. 73. 5;
mdragopah, viii. 46. 32 (compare mdragupta, AV. xii. 1. 11).
The form mdratvota may have changed accent and in reality
be from indratva, the Epic abstract.!
* But in ii. 9. 6, tiyajitfha.
f In Mbha. appears indragopaka, in the sense of Brah. indragopa, an
insect (Cat. Brah. xiv. 5. 3. 10). If indratvota be from indra tvota (ii.
11. 16; PW.) the form is bizarre enough to be an unintelligent imitation.
Vol. xvii.] Prdgdthikdni, I. 57
upapruti, viii. 8. 5; 34. 11 ; i. 10.3; twice in AV.; in £Jat.
Briih., etc. Compare upaprotdr in vii. 23. 1. The verbal
combination is common in family books.
hvard, viii. 6. 28; 58. 6; 85. 14; i. 62. 6; 87. 2; Epic.
ustra, viii. 5. 37; 6. 48; 46. 22, 31; i. 138. 2: compare ustdr, x.
106. 2. In viii., only in ddnastuti. See final Note, p. 83.
6dat't (ud) viii. 58. 2 ; i. 48. 6.
fco&fyaoro, viii. 3. 22 ; i. 10. 3. Compare kdmaprd, i. 158. 2. For
Mfffytt itself, a late word, see final Note, p. 77.
kadhapri, see adhapriya, in List i., above.
>»ant, viii. 25. 24; 57. 18; kapaplakdu, ib. 33. 19 (three
danastutis). In viii. 33. 11 ; i. 22. 3 ; 37. 3 ; 157. 4 ; 162. 17 ;
168. 4, occurs kdpd ; but also in v. 83. 3, besides trikapd in
ii. 18. 1. Possibly related are kapti, a proper name, in viii.
5. 37, and feojftfto, i. 126. 6, < weasel' (?). The word kdpd is
common in later literature (Brah., Epic). Comparing kapipu,
*a mat' (AV.), the meaning * plait, twine' (/.•'/,•;/,•. /', 'creeping
sinuously '?), suggests itself as radical. The limitation of
occurrences is of great interest, for the word is not infre-
quent ; yet with the exception of v. 83. 3 it is confined in
reality to i., viii., for the lateness of ii. 18 is clear at a glance.
Moreover, of the hymns where kdpd occurs, that in which is
found kapapl i k- ''»'' together with kdpd (viii. 33. 11, 19) is
shown by pdstrd, verse 16, to be even later than most of viii.
One is tempted, accordingly, to suspect that the occurrence
of kdpd at v. 83. 3 may signify more than the other repeated
coincidences between v. and viii.; but the suggestion of late-
ness for this Parjanya hymn (v. 83) will perhaps appear too
heterodox. Kdpd is probably rather avoided than not known,
and is an example of restraint in the use of common words,
since elsewhere in the hymns there are often occasions where
this word might be expected, as in the racing hymns But
such restraint would be almost as good a test of age as one
could desire. As in English one might guess at the age of a
religions book from the presence in it ol words which a pre-
ceding generation would not have admitted into literature of
this sort, e. £. the gospel hymn-book of ihe Salvationists, so
the conventional language of the hymns may exclude what
is later admitted into religious poetry.
gdyatrdvepas, viii. i. 10; i. 142. 12.
ffdprita, viii. 21. 6; i. 137. 1.
"fa, viii. 7. 36 ; i. 92. 6 (chand<i, vi. 1 1. 3, doubtful); Epic, as
noun.
f, viii. 4M. s; j'injuti, i. Ki*. 7 (only parallel).
; • /, \ iii. 29. 5 ; i. 43. 4; AV.
rr, the former, viii. 2. 20; 26. -Jl, JJ : the latter,
i. 109. 2, ttTr. Aey. The former occurs in Smrti.
<ib&ra, viii. 40. 5; i. 116. 9. 1 think th. ..uly other form of
. 85. 3; viii. 61. 10; x. 106. 10; another
case of coincidence with v.
68 E. W. Hopkins, [1896.
tanitkrt, viii. 68. 3; i. 31. 9; Sutra. Compare tantikrthd, viii.
75. 1, aTr. Xey. ; and final Note, p. 82, on the Avestan form.
tdpurjambha, viii. 23. 4; i. 36. 16; 58. 5; always of Agni.
//;////» /;/,//, yfil. 9. 2; i. 15. 11.
durmdda, viii. 2. 12 ; i. 32. 6 ; 39. 5 ; VS.; colloquial Epic. Com-
pare for meaning aurdpo, viii. 21. 14, air- Acy.
devdtta, viii. 32. 27 ; i. 37. 4. Compare vdsutti, in List vii.,
below.
dravdtptlni, of A9vins' steeds, viii. 5. 35 ; of A9vins, i. 3. 1.
Compare dravdccakra, viii. 34. 18 ; but also dravddapua, iv.
43. 2.
dvipd, viii. 20. 4 ; i. 169. 3 ; dvipm, AV. Compare nipd, Val. 1.
9 ; 3. 1 ; and dhdnu^ only in viii., i., x. But Roth reads
dvlyd for dvipd in viii. 20. 4.
dhltd, as noun, 'intent,' viii. 3. 16; 8. 10 ; 40. 3 ; 41. 1 ; i. 170. 1.
In the last case (with d) the participle is half noun ; in viii.
it is wholly so.
dhrsanmanas, voc., viii. 78. 4; i. 52. 12.
nddwr't, viii. 12. 26; i. 52. 2.
namasyti, viii. 27. 11 ; i. 55. 4 ; Smrti. Compare the new forms
manasyu, in x.; apasyti, in i., ix.; mahhasyu, in ix., x.;
girvanasyu, in x.; for duvasyti,, see List ii., above ; panasyh,
v. 56. 9; urusyti, viii. 48. 5; avisyti, i. 189. 5; viii. 45. 23;
56. 9.
nrvdhas, viii. 25. 23 ; i. 6. 2. In ii. 37. 5, nrvdhana.
pandyya,Vvi\. 9. 3; i. 160. 5; Brah.
patayisnti, viii. 27. 12; i. 163. 11; patayisnu/kd, AV. vi. 18. 3.
Causals in -isnu all belong to the later group, if I am not
mistaken. The only early adj. not causal so made is carisnu,
iv. 7. 9; vi. 61. 8; while like patayisnti, are madayisnu, only
i. 14. 4; viii. 71. 2; AV.; the unique namayisnavas, voc.,
viii. 20. 1 ; parayisnti, x. 97. 3 ; AV.; Brah.; Epic; tapay-
isnti, x. 34. 7. Compare also the companion-piece to carisnti
in dmavisnu, x. 94. 11.*
patsutds, viii. 43. 6 ; i. 32. 8 ; compare C/ATTO&OV, but here adv.
from locative. This is the only form of this sort in RV.
Compare hrttds, pattds, in x.
pdpri, 'saving' in viii. 16. 11 ; i. 91. 21; AV.; and Bran. As
' offering,' ' rich,' in early books.
pratddvasu, viii. 13. 27; krtddvasu, ib. 31. 9; and patddvasu, i.
119. 1, are unique compounds and belong together. Early is
vidddvasu, i. 6. 6; iii. 34. 1 ; v. 39. 1 ; viii. 55. 1. Compare
rdhddrl, viii. 46. 23 ; rdhddvdra, vi. 3. 2. Of the same form
is the a?r. Xcy. mandddvlra, viii. 58. 1. Compare ksayddmra,
in List iv., below.
* There are two more forms of this sort, po?ayi$nu and Qocayi$nu,
both in AV. The observation above holds good only for causals. The
other forms (here without i), ji$nu, v^rdhasnu, cari$nu appear in family
books. In x., ix., and VS., respectively, are found ni$atsnu, vadhasnu,
dank$nu.
Vol. xvii.] PrCtgMhikani, I. 59
(pratur), supratiir, prdturti, are implied in suprdturti in iiu 9. 1.
//r-////«'//Var, viii. 2. 35; i. 178. 3 (prabhartavya, Smrti). The
noun prdbharman occurs in compound, v. 32. 4 ; otherwise
only in viii., i., \.
prapdsana, viii. 61. 1 ; i. 1 12. 3 ; Brfih.; Epic. In the late hymn
of priests' names, ii. 5, occurs prapastdr, vs. 4 ; elsewhere
only in i. 94. 6 ; VS. ; Brah., etc. Compare the use of
piistrd, in RV. only in viii. 33. 16 ; of the verb prd pits, in i.
and x. only ; and of prapis in i., ix.. x. only.
prdsfi, viii. 7. 28; i. 39. 6 (100. 17); prdstimant, vi. 47.
. late) ; further in A V., Brah., etc.
'/< '. viii. 3. 9 ; Val. 3. 2 ; 6. 8 ; i. 44. 6 ; 45. 3 ; author of
i. i i -•)!>; ix. 95 ; Val. 1. Compare Kanva, son of Ghora, of
Angiras race, i. 36. 10-11 ; 48. 4 ; 112/5 ; viii. 5. 23 ; 8. 4 ;
AV.; plural, i. 14. 2 ; 47. 2 ; viii. 8. 3.
pravargd, viii. 4. 6 ; supravargd, viii. 22. 18 ; dasdpravarga, i
92. 8 (prd as in prayoga, x. 106. 2).
baht'ttri, viii. 90. 2 ; i. 41. 2.
bhojyd, viii. 21. 8 ; i. 126. 6 ; 128. 5 ; Epic form.
viii. 46. 23 ; i. 181. 5. Compare Aufrecht', Preface, p. iv.
mandddvira and mddayisnti, see above under pratddvasu, pata-
i vspectively.
yavydbhis, sic, viii. 87. 8 ; yavyd, i. 167. 4 ; 173. 12.
yaM, (vii. 15. 11 ;) viii. 4. 5 ; 19. 12 ; 49. 13 ; 73. 5 ; i. 26. 10 ;
7 l. 5 ; 79. 4.*
yuvapd, viii. 35. 5 ; i. 161.3,7. The formation, like that of
i-"/ntt.fd9 rdman, and drvapa or arvapd, drvan, is not found
in other family books, unless turvdpa be a case, which, how-
ever, probably comes direct from turvd (not from tur
like eta fa from eta.
ruvany, viii. 85. 12 ; ruvanyu, i. 122. 5 ; both only here.
van'm, viii. 3. 5 ; i. 64. 12 ; 119. 1 ; 139. 10 ; 180. 3 (?). But
perhaps iii. 40. 7 also belongs here.
vdsyaisti, viii. 7o. 2-3 ; i. 25. 4 ; 176. 1.
v&jaddvan, viii. 2. 34; i. 17. 4. In Brah., name of a Saman,
rdavari.
vasard, viii. 6. 30 ; 48. 7 ; i. 137. 3. A late word for *day ' ; in
RV. 'by day,' or 'clear' (Hillebrandt, ,Ved. Myth.,y. 26).
vibhindti, nom. prop., viii. 2. 41 ; adj., i. 116. 20; vibhinduka,
nom. prop, (see FW.), Brah.
vibhiita, in composition, v'tbhutardti, viii. 19. 2 ; vibhutadyumna,
viii. 33. 6; i. 156. 1. Common in later literature, to judge
by the fact that vibhutamanas is used to explain vimanas in
Nir.
vivdtvan, viii. 01. 22 ; i. 187. 7.
tjip0'/.'/ "/*'". viii. 1. 22 ; 59. a ; i. 61. 9 ; vipvag&rtl, voc., i. 180. 2.
* As for vii. 15. 11, as is well known, hymns 15-17 in this collection
are late. See final Note (on ycutu), p. 88.
60 E. W. Hopkins, [1896.
vipvat&r, viii. 88. 5 ; i. 48. 16. SV. has a worse reading in the
former passage. In ii. 3. 8, vipvdtvtrti.
vipvapus, viii. 26. 7 ; vipvdptis, i. 162. 22.
vrsanapvdy viii. 20. 10; nora. prop., i. 51. 13, Brah., etc.
vfsanvant, viii. 57. 18 ; i. 100. 16 ; 122. 3 ; 173. 5 ; 182. 1.
pdtdparvany see under patdbradhna. List i. (above).
pupukvdni, viii. 23. 5 ; pupukvand, i. 132. 3 (late).
pv'tfna, pvitnyd, viii. 46. 31 ; i. 100. 18, respectively. The latter
appears to be a late verse.
sacdnas, (sacdnastama), sdcanas, viii. 26. 8; i. 127. 11 (verb,
sacanasy, x. 4. 3). In viii. 22. 2, sacandvant. But in 1. 116.
18 ; vi. 39. 1, sacand.
sdmbhrtdpva, viii. 34. 12; sambhrtakrato, voc., i. 52. 8. These
are both of Indra, and the only such compounds before Brah.,
except sdmbhrtaprly AV. xix. 49. 1.
sugdvyam, viiL 12. 33 ; i. 162. 22. Compare i. 116. 25, sugdva.
In Mbha., sugava is a karmadhdraya.
sugmya, viii. 22. 15 ; i. 48. 13 ; 173. 4.
sudydt, viii. 23. 4; i. 140. 1 ; 143. 3.
supravargd, see pravargd, above.
surupd, viii. 4. 9 ; surupakrtn'u, i. 4. 1 ; common adj. of the later
period (not in AV.). The krtuu extension is found in the
Talavakara Brah., vi. 155 (BurnelPs MS.), surupakrtn^.
susamskrta, viii. 66. 11; i. 38. 12; Epic. Compare sdihskrta, viii.
33. 9 ; v. 76. 2 (-krtd).
srprddanu, viii. 25. 5 ; i. 96. 3.
s6makama, viii. 50. 2 ; i. 104. 9 ; AV.
haridravd, viii. 35. 7 ; i. 50. 12 (late). See Note, p. 79.
hwanyakepa, i. 79. 1 ; hfiranyakepya, viii. 32. 29 = 82. 24. Later,
Hiranyakepa, Hiranyakepin. In early form, hdrikepa, of
Agni, iii. 2. 13.
Somewhat over one-fifth of the forms here noted as common to
viii. and i. alone are found in the hymns of the latter book
ascribed to various Kanvas (12-23, 36-50). Occasionally a word
like arkm helps to show that hymns now placed before the Kanva
collection of i. may have come from the Kanva family ; thus
this word arkm, for example, occurs in hymns i. 7 and i. 10 as
well as in 38, and would also indicate that viii. 90 comes, like
other hymns of viii. ascribed to other than Kanvas, from the
Kanvas. The hymns placed before the Valakhilya furnish most
of the correspondence with i., but the final hymns of viii. are also
well represented. This indicates again (compare the observations
on pp. 52, 55) tiiat hymns viii. 1-48 are in general later than the
hymns that now follow right after the Valakhilya.
Vol. xvii.] Praqathikani, I. 61
List iv.: Words occurring in RV. viii., L, and x^ but not elsewhere
in RV.
I take up now the common vocabulary of viii. and i., as it is
shared by x. and ix. And first, the common vocabulary of viii.,
i., and x.
cyd, see note.*
adhvaraprt, viii. 4. 14 ; i. 44. 3 ; 47. 8 ; x. 36. 8 ; 78. 7.
'/ ••/. viii. 47. 10 ; i. 114. 1 ; x. 94. 11 ; 97. 20. Compare cfctira,
only in viii. Both words occur in AV., and later dtura is
common.
dnuvratft, viii. 13. 19; i. 34. 4; 51. 9; x. 34. 2; four times in
AV.; in Brah., Epic, etc. Compare vivrata, below.
dparihvrta, viii. 67. 8; i. 100. 19; 102. 11 ; x. 63. 5. Compare
parihvr't, OTT. \cy. in viii. 47. 6 (but in vii. 82. 7 ; ix. 79. 2,
rihvrti).
abhikhyd, viii. 23. 5 ; i. 148. 5 ; x. 112. 10 ; but abhikhyatdr in iv.
17. 17.
Srt'na, viiL 4. 3 ; 76. 1, 4 ; i. 186. 9 ; x. 34. 1, 9 ; once in AV.; also
in Brah., etc.
uddra, viii. 1. 23 ; 2. 1; 17. 8 (vap6dara)', 67. 7 ; 80. 5 ; i. 25. 15;
30. 3 ; 42. 9 ; 162. 10 ; x. 86. 23 ; AV., Brah., etc. Both
uddra and jathdra are in use in Smrti. But in RV., the for-
mer is not found in other family books, and the latter is
found but once in viii. (81. 23, plural). This coincides with
AV., where uddra is used often and jathdra but thrice.
With vapddara, compare viii. 1. 23, sphird. For the Aves-
tan correspondence, see final Note, p. 81.
ksayddvlra (compare y/-<^'/'<Av/$w, in List iii., above), viii. 19. 10;
i. 106. 4 ; 114. 1-3, 10 ; 125. 3 ; x. 92. 9.
ksurd, viii. 4. 16 ; i. 166. 10 ; x. 28. 9. The word does not mean
a razor, but a blade, — in i. 166 fastened upon a car- wheel
(late); and so in viii. 4. 16, not scissors but a rapidly turning
blade (AV. xx. 127. 4) is implied, In AV. it is the blade of
an arrow. The word is old, but its special application is
worked out differently in India and Greece.
[candrtimat, late t word for 'moon,' v. 51. 15 (suryacandramds,
lik< /'.*, which, again, occurs only in viii., x.); i. 102.
2 ; x. 190. 3 (in both case.-*. tndram<fo)'y and candr
in viii. 71. 8 ; i. 24. 10 ; 84. 15 ; 105. 1 ; x. 64. 3 ; 85. 19 ; 90.
13].
••'. \iii. J8.fi ; i. 1 16. 15 ; x. 1 1 7. 7 ; AV. Later as ' behavior.'
ddnsistha, viii. 22. 1 ; 24. 25, 26 ; i. 182. 2 ; x. 143. 3.
•In viii. 41. 10; i. 67. 5 : 104. «: x. MS. «. aj,i means the 'unlx.™.'
As this is a meaning used in later literature, the word deserves a place
in the list. But other passages may be so interpreted, though the
meaning here is that assigned by PW. and Qrassmann to these passage*
•lone,
62 E. W. Hopkins,
[durh<ni'~i. i. 38. 6 ; 121. 14 ; durhanay, x. 134. 2 ; durhanayd, in
the late verse iv. 30. 8 ; </»/•// <'nt<lrant, viii. 2. 20 ; 18. 14.]
dr<3gh~t'/<i 'ii/uft, \ iii. 18. 18; the phrase completed by jlvdse / in
i. 53. 11 ;'x. 18. 2-3 ; 115. 8, by pratardm dddhanah. The
same phrase in AV., Brfih.; not elsewhere in RV. Even
'1r<'njhlt/a8 happens to occur, in other application, only in x.
Several other late forms occur in the same hymns of viii.
dhdnu, viii. 3. 19 ; i. 33. 4 ; 144. 5 ; x. 4. 3 ; 27. 17. Compare
'/>•;/>./ in viii., i. Compare also dhanus in .Mann. Both late
and early is the related dhdnvan.
viii. 43. 4; 44. 10; i. 27. 11; 44. 3; 94. 10; x. 4. 5 ;
1 •_>. 2. In RV., epithet of Agni. Later, Epic, * comet.'* The
idea is given (dhumds te ketiih) in v. 11. 3.
nimruc, viii. 27. 19; i. 151. 5; 161. 10; x. 151. 5; AV.; Brfih.
t><'i-i'<.ipds, see final Note, below, p. 75.
pdrpu, viii. 6. 46; i. 105. 8; x. (33. 2); 86. 23; (prthupdrpu, vii.
83. 1). It is questionable whether in the last passage pdrpu
is ax or people.
ply, see piyatnu in List i., above.
purvdpiti, viii. 3. 7 ; i. 19. 9; 134. 1 ; 135. 1 ; x. 112. 1. With
the exception of the last passage, where the nominative is
used, always purvdpitaye. Compare purvapdyya only in
viii. 34. 5. Early are purvapd and purvapbya.\
prdyati, viii. 58. 18; i. 109. 2; 126. 5; x. 129. 5. The corre-
sponding nomen agentis occurs in early books.
prayuj, viii. 37. 5; i. 186. 9; x. 33. 1 ; 77. 5 ; 96. 12; AV. In
the first passage praydj (like prdyukti, y6gd) is 'activity,'
as opposed to ksema ; in the other passages, * team.'
prasrdvana, viii. 33. 1 ; 54. 2 ; i. 180. 8 ; x. 148. 2; common in
the Epic. In viii. 89. 9, purdhprasravana, an. Xcy.
[phena, 'foam,' in the late verse iii. 53. 22; otherwise only in
viii. 14. 13; i. 104. 3; x. 61. 8; AV., etc. Probably, how-
ever, the omission is not significant, as the meaning would
not often have to be expressed.]
bahvdjas, viii. 20. 6; 82. 2 ; i. 135. 9 ; x. 111. 6 ; adj. except in
82. 2.
brhddbhanu, viii. 78. 2; i. 27. 12 ; 36. 15 ; x. 140. 1.
mdde-made, viii. 13. 7 ; i. 81. 7; x. 120. 4.
mdnavas, the plural of mdnu occurs only viii. 18. 22; i. 89. 7 ;
96. 2 ; x. 66. 12 ; 91. 9; twice in AV.
mandhatdr, viii. 39. 8; 40. 12 ;J i. 112. 13; x. 2. 2; nom. prop.,
Epic mandhatar.
rudrdvartani, viii. 22. 1, 14; i. 3. 3 ; x. 39. 11 ; VS. Compare
krsndvartani in viii. ; raghtivartani in viii., ix.
roma'pd, viii. 31. 9; 80. 6 ; i. 126. 7; x. 86. 16; post-Rik (Epic).
For rdman is found I6man only in x.
* Compare Weber, Om. Port., p. 397.
f Compare purvdcittaye in List v. (below).
i Here as mandhdtrvdt. In 43. 13 in one verse occur bhrguvdt, man-
u$vdt, angirasvdt.
Vol. xvii.] Pragathikani, I. 63
vivrata, viii. 12. 15; i. 63. 2; x. 23. 1 ; 49. 2 ; 105. 2 (all these of
//'/>7); \. 105. 4, of rivers; ib. 55. 3, of light. The only
other passage cited is AV. iii. 8. 5. Compare dnuvrata,
above.
A<>, viii. 75. 1 ; i. 116. 23 ; 117. 7 ; x. 65. 12. For the end-
ing see under <*////'/£'/', I-ist ii., above.
. in the mystic verse iv. 1. 16 ; otherwise only viii. 2. 6 ; i.
124. 8 ; 126. 5 ; x. 123. 2 ; AV.]
fdmf>~rf>\ viii. 18. 7; i. 112. 20; x. 137. 4.
y viii. 52. 5 ; i. 31. 4 ; x. 88. 4. Compare pBdtaoft&ffi v^«
4. 9, air. Xry.; and fvdtrya, x. 49. 10; 106. 2 ; 160. 2. Not
in AV., but in VB,
viii. 49. 15; 91. 13; i. 13. 3; 166. 2; x. 66. 6. Com-
pare -krti, i. 18. 8 ; 93. 3 ; x. 91. 11 ; -pati. i. !•_>. 8 ; -pd, x.
15. 10; -vdh, i. 72. 7; havirad, x. 15. 10; havirmdthi, vii.
104. 21, late. Also in the family books, havirddya and
havirdd*
List v. : Words occurring in RV. viii., i., and ix., but not elsewhere in RV.
anukamd, viii. 48. 8 (adv., as in amutvdpam, a*. X«y. in viii. 86.
3); 81. 13; i. 17. 3 (adv.); ix. 11. 7 ; 113.0 (late).
gdtra (for earlier dnga), viii. 17. 5 ; 48. 9 ; i. 162. 11, 19, 20 ; ix.
83. 1 ; seven times in AV. ; and in all subsequent literature.
Decidedly late is i. 162.
<". viii. 1-J. 32 ; i. 144. 2 ; ix. 75. 3. Compare the late word
ddha, only in x. 42. 2 ; d6has^ only in vi. 48. 13 (tv'piv?-, late ?);f
viii. 58. 3 (suda-) ; x. 11. 1. The first word is Brahmanic,
Epic.
[naptt, viii. 2. 42 ; i. 50. 9 (Kanva hymn) ; ix. 9. 1 ; 14. 5 ; 69. 3 ;
three times in AV. ; and also in the first verse of the mark-
edly late hymn RV. iii. 31 !] t
fdh, viii. 2. 42 ; i. 64. 11 ; ix. 74. 1 ; 84. 5 ; 108. 8. This
and the last word are from the same (</<//< </.</,/// ') rene (•_'. 42);
but the whole hymn npp< -ars t«» l>e as late as the tag.
p", viii. 2. 2 ; i. l:::>. 2; ix. 69. 3; 98. 7. The combination
is common in Sk., where j»>/->'/»>f<t is colloquial and technical
both. In RV., only viii., i., and ix. have the compound.
* The com pounds increase rapidly in subsequent literature; and haviy-
tself occurs four times in AV. alone ; though never in RV. ii. rtil
t This verse is expunged by Grassmann because of its metre and
interference with the strophic arrangement.
i some of these cases, especially in ix.. where the fingers and
hands are called by this name, naptt seems to me to have lost all sense
of relationship ('daughter') and to be equivalent to 'girl' or 'young
woman/ In the late verse viii. 2. 42 also this seems to be the meaning.
The poet praises the gift of two young women (as in 46. 88) whom he
terms rdnasya naptyCi, i. e. fillet de joie.
64 E. W. Hopkins, [1896.
purvddttaye. As pnrvdpiti occurs only in viii., i., and x. (above),
so purvddttaye (sic) occurs only in viii. 3. 9 ; 6. 9 ; 12. 33 ;
25. 12 ; i. 84. 12 ; 112. 1 ; 159. 3 ; ix. 99. 5. The word is not
found in RV. in other cases ; but later the word (in nom.
etc.) is the name of a nymph.
ytj/'//w, in the meaning * preparation ' (of song, like suvrfcfi), is
found only in viii. 79. 3 ; i. 88. 5 ; ix. 7. 1 ; 102. 3. The
meaning * preparation ' is common in the Epic, and occurs in
Sutra.
vacovid, viii. 90. 16 ; i. 91. 11 ; ix. 64. 23 ; 91. 3.
vyapva(v«t). This man and his progeny and imitators are
referred to in viii. 9. 10; 23. 23 ; 24. 22 ; 26. 9 ; i. 112. 15 ;
ix. 65. 7 (a Kiinva hymn). Compare vaiyapvd, in hymns
of viii.
pyendbhrta, viiL 84. 3 ; i. 80. 2 ; ix. 87. 6.
saksdni (from saA), viii. 24. 26 ; i. 111. 3; ix. 110. 1. In v. 41.
4, occurs saksdna. In viii. 59. 8, saksdni (sac) should be
compared with 22. 15.
snihiti (v. 1. snehiti), viii. 85. 13 ; i. 74. 2 ; verb, in ix. 97. 54.
Later, the verb is common. Verb and derivative in RV.
appear only here.
List vi. : Words occurring in RV. viii., i., ix., and x., but not elsewhere
in RV.
adds, adv., viii. 10. 1 ; 26. 17 ; i. 187. 7 ; ix. 65. 22 ; x. 72. 6 ; 155.
^3; 186. 3; AV.; Brah.
aydsya, viii. 51. 2 ; i. 62. 7 ; ix. 44. 1 ; x. 67. 1 ; 108. 8 ; 138. 4 ;
as nora. prop., reputed author of ix. 44-46 ; x. 67-68 ; com-
mon word in Brah. Windisch., KZ. xxvii. 171, connects
with cu£iyi'os. In the other family books, aycis.
atmdn. This word occurs but twice in the family-books, ii.-vii.
In vii. 87. '2, atmd te vdtah, the word must mean * breath.'*
In the mystic Parjanya hymn, vii. 101, a phrase of the
sixth verse (=i. 115. 1) makes Parjanya (or, in i. 115, the
sun) the 'self or soul of the world.' So in i., ix.,f and x.,
while not entirely losing the more primitive signification,
atmdn has the later meaning of 'spirit' or 'soul.' In viii., this
meaning occurs once, namely, in 3. 24 (danastuti). For the
other cases, see Grassmann. The form tmdn=dtmdn occurs
in the family books, in the meaning ' self ' (reflexive — not
' soul ') ; but not in viii. I exclude tmdna, as not belonging
to tmdnj\
ksird, viii. 2. 9; i. 104. 3 ; 164. 7 ; ix. 67. 32 ; x. 87. 16 : ksira-
pakdm, viii. 66. 10, common in AV., Brah., Smrti.
* This, however, does not appear to be an early hymn,
f ix. 2. 10 ; 6. 8 (74. 4 ; 85. 3) ; 113. 1.
Vol. xvii.] Pragathikdni, I. 65
/, yitha. (Compare :/~i;/"tr<'r.) Significant of the relation
between viii. and later literature is the fact that g<Wi>i,
gdtha, is a common Brahmanic word, that it is used several
times in AV., that it occurs quite frequently also in RV. viii.
i., ix., and x., and is yet almost unknown to the family books
ii.-vii. In fact, save in the late hymn v. 44 (rjug&tha, vs. 5),
tlit-re is not a single occurrence of gdt/i- . in these
books. In the group of books now under consideration
gathd occurs at i. 167. 6 ; ix. 11. 4; fjathdimti, i. 43.4;
';/<'> f/tdpravas, viii. 2. 38; g<hha, viii. 82. 1; 60. 14; 87. 9;
ix. 99. 4; x. 85. 6 (with //'//•<? pa/wf); gdthdrit, i. 190. 1 ; viii.
81. 2 ; the Epic ffdthin, at i. 7. 1. In view of the revival of
the word in AV., Brfih., etc., the total absence of 0"/>/"/,
•t'ithit in ii.-vii. (barring the sole exception just mentioned),
and the occurrence of the word and its nearest kin in i., viii.,
ix., and x. is most noteworthy and significant.*
gdyatrd. (Compare y*~itfni.) The treatment of gayatni, -Jrf, is
parallel with that of ;/>~tfh<i kirrinirlranic relations. gdyatrd
is common in the later literature, not uncommon in AV.,
and not uncommon in RV. viii., i., ix., and x. ; while
in ii.-vii. it is found only in the notoriously late hymn,
ii 43.f Apart from that passage, the occurrences are : i.
12. 11 ; 21. 2; 27. 4 ; 38. 14; 79. 7 ; 120. 6 ; 164. 23, 24,
25; 188.11; viii. 1.7, 8; 2.14; 16.9; 38.10; ix. 60. 1 ;
x. 71. 11 ; gdyatfi, x. 14. 16 (AV. xviii. 2. 6) and 130. 4 ;
ffdyatrdvartani, viii. 38. 6; gayatrdvepas, L 142. 12; viii. 1.
10; r/./y,//,-;,,, 1. 10. i. The word gayatrl, as a name for
RV. iii. 62. 1 0, is not Vedic.
;//••//>//•/, viii. 70. 1 ; ix. 106. 3; AV. xiv. 1. 38; udagrdbhd, RV.
ix. 97. 15 ; grdvagriibhd, i. 162. 5 ; hastagrabhd, x. 18. 8.
1 nt/r,/'f/,.'i). This word for 'crossing' or 'ford' occurs
commonly from AV. on through later literature. So far as
the literal meaning goes, it may mean a place to cross any-
thing, but its special signification obtains in RV. In iv. 29.
3 there is one case where the more general (older) meaning
applies. Here, tlrtM, in sut'irthd, seems to mean a ' good
path.' In viii. 47. 11, the same form may mean a 'good
path 'or a 'good ford.' But flrf/i-i itself means a ford in
i. 46 ; once or twice in x.; and in viii. 61. 7, (Irthe smdhor
ddM ware. The word occurs as above and i. 46. 8 (a Kanva
hymn); 169. 6; 173. 11; ix. 97. 53; x. 31. 3; 40. 13; 114*. 7.
. M < /•///*/«, in List ii., above.
tristi'tbh, see List viii., In-low.
* Oldenberg, ZDMO. zzxviii. 439-64, seeks to explain the phenomena
by the fact that viii. is especially a Sdman-book. But this does not
explain, e. g., why gdyatrd occurs in just the latest part of viii.
t In vs. 1. of the bird of evil omen. The hymn is the last of the
book, and of distinctly Atharvan character. The words are : ubht rAcdtt
vadati ximagA iva gcfyatrdih ca tr&iftubhaiti cAnu nljati.
VOL. XVII. 5
66 E. W. Hopkins, [1896.
nine, viii. 43. 10 ; i. 144. 1 ; ix. 85. 3 ; x. 74. 2 ; 92. 2 ; 94. 9.
The word does not occur in AV., and is not cited from Brah.,
but it appears in Panini. The Epic word for * kiss ' occurs
in i. 185. 5, ghra (with abhi, as in Brah.; but in Epic with
ava, «, upd, samd, etc.).
[prtany. In ii. 8. 6, the last verse of the hymn, there is a sudden
change of metre from gayatri to anustubh. Note also that
pada a has the Epic cadence. If these may be taken as
indications that the sixth verse is not part of the original
hymn, the rejection of the verse removes the only exception
to the rule that prtany occurs in the group i., viii., ix., x.,
alone. The adjective prtany u occurs in the early books
(iv. 20. 1 ; vii. 6. 4) ; but of these at least the latter hymn
would seem to be late. The verb occurs as follows : ii. 8. 6
(see above); viii. 40. 7 ; 75. 5 (both ptc.); i. 8. 4 (ptc.); 32.
7; 54. 4; 132. 1 (ptc.), 6; ix. 35. 3 (ptc.); 53. 3; 61. 29 (ptc.);
x. 27. 10 ; 43. 6 (ptc.); 152. 4 (ptc.); 174. 2 (ptc.); and nine
times besides in AV.]
priyd (compoupds). A formation common in Smrti. Compare
Epic priyakara, priyakdraka, priyadarpa, priyadarpana,
priyavdda, etc. In AV., VS., and Brahmana, these com-
pounds are also not uncommon. Compare priyddhdman,
priydtanu, priydvadin, priydpati. This is a formation*
known in RV. only to books viii., i., ix., x. Compare pri-
yaksatra, voc., viii. 27. 19 ; priyajdta, voc., viii. 60. 2 ; pri-
yddhdma, i. 140. 1 ; priydratha, i. 122. 7 ; priydvrctfa, x.
150. 3 (and Brah.); priyasd, ix. 97. 38 ; priydstotra, i. 91. 6;
priydsriya, x. 40. 11. Compare also the name Priyamedha
(author of hymns in viii. and of ix. 28, and, in plural, name
of his race): i. 139. 9 ; viii. 5. 25 ; plural, i. 45. 4 ; viii. 2.
37 ; 3. 16; 4. 20 ; 6. 45 ; 8. 18 ; 58. 8, 18 ; 76. 3 ; x. 73. 11 ;
priyamedhavdt, i. 45. 3 ; priydmedhastuta, viii. 6. 45; prdi-
yamedha, Brahmanas.
madacyut, viii. 1.21; 7. 13; 22.16; 33.18; 34.9; 35.19; 63.13;
85. 5; i. 51. 2; 81.3; 85. 7; 126.4; ix. 12.3; 32. 1; 53.4; 79.
2; 108. 11; x. 30. 9; mddacyuta, ix. 98. 3.
(madmtara) madmtama, viii. 1. 19; 13. 23; 24. 16 (madmtara);
53. 11; i. 91. 17; ix. 15. 8; 25. 6; 50.4,5; 62. 22; 67. 18; 74.
9; 80. 3; 85. 3; 86. 1, 10; 96. 13; 99. 6; 108. 5, 15; x. 136. 6.
With the exception of viii. 13. 23; x. 136. 6; AV. xi. 7. 7;
always of sorna. The comparative occurs only in viii. 24. 16.
mesa, mesi, and vard/id. Indra is a ram in viii. 2. 40; 86. 12;
Indra or Rudra, i. 51. 1; 52. 1. The Ayvins appear Mike
two rams' in the spiritless similes of x. 106.5; and their
* That is, with priyd as first member of the compound. For the
others, compare adhapriya, kadhapriya, and kadhaprl, only in viii.
and i., List iii. The two other compounds show the partiality of the
Kanvas for priyd. The first, haripriya, voc., occurs only in iii. 41. 8;
the second, purupriyd, occurs in iii. 3. 4 ; v. 18. 1; viii. 5. 4 ; 12. 10 ; 18.
4 ; 31. 14 ; 43. 31; 63. 1 ; i. 12. 2 ; 44. 3 ; 45. 6 (Kanva hymns).
Vol. xvii.] /'' 'igathikani, I. 67
protege offers rams, i. 116. 16 ; 117. 17, 18. In ix. 8. 5 ; 86.
47; 107. 1 1, it is the * wool of the ewe ' (mest) that takes the
place of that of the usual dvi. The remaining cases of mesa,
mest are i. 43. 6 ; x. 27. 17; 91. 14.
A similar state of things is found in the use of var
The word or form vardhu occurs i. 88. 5 ; 121. 11 ; vardhd,
in viii. 66. 10 ; i. 61. 7 ; 114. 5 ; ix. 97. 7 ; x. 28. 4; 86. 4 ;
99. 6. The foe of Indra, Vrtra, is vardhu, and the varahd
of i. 01. 7. Rudra is a boar in i. 114. 5. In ix 97. 7, the
boar is Soma. Only in x. 28. 4 ; 86. 4 (varahayn) is varahd
certainly an earthly boar. In x. 99. 6, the boar killed by
Trita is the same demon as that killed by Indra. In viii. 66.
In. tlu- boar seems to be an earthly one, but may possibly
refer to a god.* Thus the old word 'boar' is employed in
a new literary (religious) sense to describe gods or demons.
The use here is that of i., ix., x., and possibly viii.; but not
that of the books ii.-vii., which do not use the word. It is
<-ely necessary to add that, in giving the title rarahd to
divinities, the RV. for the first time in this regard is here in
touch with later religious conceptions. The boar of i. 1 14. 5
is not, however, that of later mythology.
vdnd, viii. 20. 8 ; i. 85. 10 (PW.); ix. 97. 8 ; x. 32. 4 ; AV. x. 2.
7 (ln'md); and Krah. It is in respect of the use of this word
(in the meaning ' music'), and not in respect of the mention
of music, that these books are here distinguished from ii.-vii. ;
for in the latter, vdriih may at times be the equivalent of vand.
/>, viii. 32. 3; 34. 13; 58. 7; 86. 5 ; i. 46. 3 ; ix. 12. 6 ; 34/5 ;
'41. 6; 107. 14; x. 123. 2; AV. quinquies ; Brah. ; Sutra.
Compare also vistdpa (Lanman, loc. cit , p. 481), only viii.
80. 5; ix. 113. 10 ; Av. (vistdpa, vdistapd, each once);
Urih.; Smrti. Compare also vistambhd, in ix.; AV.; Brah.;
Smrti; i. 46 is a Kanva hymn.
(-votf), viii. 6. 39; 7.29; 53.11; i. 84. 14; ix. 65. 22;
x. 35. 2. Compare •//;///»••/, in List vii., and arjlktya,
in Li»t viii., below.
hitd. The surprising use of dhita in viii. 51. 3 (List i., ;il>ove),
a use that is paralleled only in BrihmftnMMld Smrti, leads to
the question whether there is a difference between hitd of the
early books and hit-'/ <•!' t lie late. In viii. 43. 25; 49. 4; i. 166.3;
ix. 25. 2; I \. i; 08. 7; 70. 10; 86. 18; x. 71. 10; 140. 3, hitd
< •• >mes from At. Everywhere else it seems to come from dhd.\
* The boar in i. 61. 7 is apparently Vishnu, and possibly viii. 66. 10
has reference to the same obscure legend. That the latter passage ia
late is attested by k$irajxik<i and orfami in the same verse, with «6-
8aiii*k{t» in the following, the two making an addition, indifferent
metre, to the original hymn. Possibly in ii. 14. 4 the urana mav be
i.l. nti. ,,| with th«- 'lemon elsewhere slain by Indra, but there is nothing
to indicate thi-.
* In the assignment of these forms to hi or dhA, the PW. (an unpre-
i>i h . I critic has been followed by me. At Ix. 21. 4, the case is dou l» t
ful. The later Smrti meaning, ' agreeable/ is rare ; but is probable at
v. 42. 8; in the late iv. 57. 1; perhaps also at viii. 35. 7, and a few places
in x.
68 E. W. Hopkins, [1896.
A comparison of cases of verbal agreement (Lists iii.-vi.) shows
that after the sixty-fifth hymn of the first book the parallelism
with the eighth suddenly ceases, or almost ceases, to be resumed,
with less striking effect than in the first part of the book, with
the eightieth hymn of i.; and that a corresponding blank occurs
between hymns 145 and 161, when a close parallelism begins again.
The last lists bear out the observation made above, that in general
the first half and the very last hymns of viii. show closest con-
nection with other late parts of RV.
List vii. : Words occurring in RV. viii. and ix.5 but not elsewhere in RV.
ipocis, viii. 19. 13 ; ix. 66. 25. Compare presthapocis, viii. 19.
4, S.TT. Xcy.
'iiuxkrta, see List viii., below.
apsuj'tt, viii. 13. 2 ; 36. 1 ; ix. 106. 3. Compare apsujd, viii.;
apsuks'tt, i. 139. 11.
dsprta, viii. 71. 9; ix. 3. 8; of Soma.
arjikd, compare arjikiya, in List viii., below.
upadfp, viii. 91. 15; ix. 54. 2.
urtidhara, viii. 1. 10; 82. 3; ix. 69. 1; Sutra.
kraks, avakraksm, viii. 1. 2; krdksamana, viii. 65. 11 ; vana-
kraksd, ix. 108. 7.
tatd, viii. 80. 5, 6; ix. 112. 3; AV., etc.
tfptiy viii. 71. 6; ix. 113. 10; AV. Later this is a common word.
durdsa, late form for dur6sas, viii. 1. 13; ix. 101. 3.
dvayu (ddvayu), viii. 18. 14, 15; ix. 104. 6; 105. 6.
dhijdvana, viii. 5. 35; ix. 88. 3; 97. 49; dhlja, ix. 86. 1, 4.
navd, viii. 25. 11; ix. 45. 5.
parisriit, viii. 39. 10 ; ix. 1. 6 ; 68. 1 ; VS.; later, name of a drink
(AV., Brah.).
bhanddnd, bhandanay; the noun, in viii. 24. 15, 17; ix. 86. 41 ;
the verb, in ix. 85. 2. Early is bhand.
mddyan, viii. 81. 19 ; ix. 86. 35.
mandv ddhi, a phrase (accent !) that occurs only in viii. 61. 2 ;
ix. 63. 8 ; 65. 16.
raghuvartani, viii. 9. 8 ; ix. 81. 2. Compare rudrdvartani, in
List iv.
rasin, viii. 1. 26 ; 3. 1 ; ix. 113. 5 ; VS. As in Smrti, * tasteful.'
vdsutti, viii. 50. 7; ix. 44. 6. So devdtta (List iii.) occurs only in
viii. and i.; and bhdgatti only once, in ix. 65. 17; wlrile
maghdtti occurs in viii. 24. 10; 45. 15 ; 59. 9; x. 156. 2;
but also in iv. 42. 8 and v. 79. 5. The former of the two
last passages is late. The latter remains a lone parallel in v.
to the usage of the later group, as often.
vasuruc, ix. 110. 6 ; vdsurocis, viii. 34. 16. In AV., viii. 10. 27,
vdsuruci, name of a Gandharva.
vdra, as 'sieve,' viii. 2. 2 ; ix., passim ; perhaps in i. 132. 3 ; in
Brah., vdla.
Vol. xvii.J Pragathikani, I. 69
vlrayt, viii. 81. 28 ; ix. 36. 6. The substantive, vii. 90. 1
ix. 64. 4. The verb, vlray, i. 116. 5 ; x. 103. 6 ; 128. 5;
Brfili.
yatavaja, fatrfmagha, see List i. (above).
<M'/, viii. 39. 7 ; AV.; samvasana, ix. 86. 17.
samp'tpvan, in phrase, viii. 58. 11 = ix. 01. 14. Compare i. 65. 4,
s^uy<
'*', viii. 84. 7 ; ix. 62. 14 (in i. 52. 2, aahdsramitti).
svdrpati, viii. 44. 18 ; 86. 11 ; ix. 19. 2 ; Smrti.
9Vat"f<r, viii. 66. 6 ; ix. 74. 2.
///>•//• [compare prahetar in List i. above], viii. 88. 7 ; ix. 62. 6 ;
fofcfr, ix. 13. 6; 64. 29.
List viii. : Words occurring in RV. viii., ix., and x., but not elsewhere
in the RV.
//, etc. With the exception of tskrta at vii. 76. 2 (where
the poet alludes to the * poets of old ' as if he himself were a
later one), all cases of the late and misbegotten /.</•/•- forms
occur where we should expect them, in viii., i., ix.,' and x.
They are plainly due to the misapprehended a-niskrta forms,
felt as if made up of the elements an- and -iffcfio.* The
occurrences — of every sort— are worth locating. Most nota-
ble is the collocation iskartflram aniskrtam, viii. 88. 8 ; less
so, (parixkt •///••/////) «////'.yX;rta»w, ix. 39. 2, the only form of
this ilk in ix. Further, we find : iskartdr, x. 140. 5 ;
viii. 1. 12 ; 20. 26 ; iskrta, vii. 76 ^ ; 'tskniudhvam, x. 53. 7;
101. 2; fokaram, x. 48. 8; iskrti, x. 97. 9; iskrttiMva, x.
10). 6.]
<ua*tih<//tt viii. 78. 2 ; 88. 5 ; ix. 62. 11 ; 87. 2 ; x. 55. 8.
•//;/'/.••/, viii. 7. 29 ; ix. 65. 23 ; 113. 2 ; (irjlkiya, viii. 53. 11 ; x.
75. 5. See Hillebrandt, ,Ved. Myth., p. 137.
I'/t, viii. 7. 1 ; 58. 1 ; ix. 97. 35 ; x. 14. 16 ; 130. 5. Trais-
tubha occurs in i. 164. 23, 24 and ii. 43. 1 (both hymns are
indubitably late), and in v. 29. 6.
durmtirsa, viii. 45. 18 ; ix. 97. 8; x. 45. 8 ; Puranic in the sense
* unendurable.'
ydvamant, viii. 82. 3; ix. 69. 8 ; x. 42. 7 ; 131. 2. Compare
yavay?/, onlv in viii. 67. 9.
yac, viii. 1. 20 ; 2. 10 ; 56. 1 ; ix. 78. 3 ; 86. 41 ; x. 9. 5 ; 22. 7 ;
48. 5 ; about a dozen times in AV. ; common in Brfih. and
Epic. The late poets use both the old* i |.»rm (fcfc fed //-/;/</,
viii. 3. 9) and the stronger ydr, which latt. r i«* unknown to,
or at least not used by, the older poets.f
* Compare Lanmnn / 475; Blonmti.-l.i. PAOS., March. 1H94,
^Journal, xvi., p. cxxvi ; and Scott, Transactions of the Am. /'hilol.
A**oc.t xxiii. 179 ff, who gives a mass of examples, for instance, an
adder = a nadder.
+ I n either case, viii. shows a distinct advance toward classical usage.
The old Bhaga worshipper says : bhdgam dnugro tidha ydti rtitnam (vii.
88. 6); the later nnugra says rather : kd tfdnaik nd yacisat (viii. 1. 90).
to E. W. Hopkins, ' [1896.
yuthyd, Val. 8. 4 ; ix. 15. 4 ; x. 23. 4 ; Brah., Epic.
rathary, viii. 90. 2 ; ix. 3. 5 ; x. 37. 3. Compare vadhary, only
i. 161. 9 , prathary, only x. 77. 4. The only old parallel is
sapary.
lokd. With the exception of the late hymn, vi. 47 (Lanman, loc.
cit., p. 578), no hymn of the early books has the form lokd
(vi. 47. 8). But lokd is the form in viii. 89. 12 ; ix. 133. 7, 9;
x. 14. 9 ; 85. 20, 24 ; 90. 14 ; AV.; Brfih.; Smrti. The com-
pounds vary according to the position of the word : ulokttkrt,
ix. 86. 21 ; x. 133. 1 ; idokakrtnti,, viii. 15. 4 ; ix. 2. 8 ; urti-
loka, x. 128. 2 ; jwalokd, x. 18. 8 ; patilokd, x. 85. 43. The
AV. has the last three, and six more such compounds ; chang-
ing ulokakrt to lokakft, and having also one more compound
like it, lokajit* As ix. 113. 7, 9 and x. 90 are certainly late,
the supposition must arise that viii. 89. 12 and x. 14. 9 belong
to the same period, x. 85 has such a mixture of old and new
that it has no weight in the scale. In sense, ulokakrt is like
itrukrd uru nas krdhi, viii. 64. 1 1 (compare uruloka, x. 128. 2).
vrstimdnt, viii. 6. 1 ; ix. 2. 9 ; x. 98. 8 ; Brah. ; Epic.
A comparison of the words in viii. and ix. shows that the group
beginning with ix. 107 exhibits the closest resemblance to viii.
The long hymn ix. 86 shows more correspondence than all the
dozen preceding it, perhaps merely on account of its length. The
cut-up hymns beginning with ix. 96 show very marked similarity.
This hymn is ascribed to a Kanva, and has signs of the relation ;
yet the Priyamedha of ix. 28 leaves no verbal sign ; but he has
the phraseology, which reappears, though not exclusively there,
in viii. 15. Nor does the Medhyatithi of ix. 42 and 43 use the
special vocabulary of viii., though there is one token in 41, also
ascribed to him. The Ka^yapa of ix. 53 has something in com-
mon with viii.; but even more has the Bhrgu of ix. 62. In ix.
94 and 95, Kanva hymns, there is a remarkable absence of simi-
larity. In fact the latter is marked by an older use (jathdra) as
against that of viii. ; and it is quite possible that these are earlier
hymns of the Kanva family. Suggestive is the fact that in gen-
eral the latter half of ix. has a much closer verbal correspondence
with viii. than has the prior portion ; probably because this latter
half is the later, especially in the group, ix. 107 ff.
Ludwig, Rig Veda, vol. Hi., p. 16], doubting Grassmann's doubt
in regard to the antiquity of the verse that contains pujana, says
* The modern explanation that u is a Tamil-like prefix, before I, does
not seem to be supported by the evidence. But it is not a question of
derivation ; it is merely a question of historical literary form. And
here it is evident, since loka is used in late literature and only ulokd
(fifteen times) in the early books ii.-vii., that ulokd, whether the origi-
nal or only a contraction of two words, is the earlier form in Vedic
phraseology. This older ulokd survives in i. 93. 6 ; ix. 92. 5 ; x. 13. 2 ;
16. 4 ; 30. 7 ; 104. 10 ; 180. 3. For the form, see IF. ii. 10 ; ZDMG. xli.
499 ; xlii. 152.
Vol. xvii.] Pragathikani, I. 71
rather desperately : "pujana did not fall from heaven ;" meaning
apparently that it must have been always in existence, and that
it is t'«»lly t«. reject a verse of the RV. because it appears from its
vocabulary to be late.
Words are of two sorts, simple and compound. The latter
certainly have historical beginnings, and can often be traced
back to them. The former do not, indeed, fall from heaven ; but
often spring up from the earth; and new words, to which it
is frequently futile to ascribe old roots, may rise and flourish
without literary, and even without real historical background of
any sort. In a literary age, such words are called slang. Some
of them die soon ; some live on, become respectable, and then
become literary factors. In an age that is not critical such words
must still more often become absorbed into the literature. This
or any such word, may have had its origin at any given time
and be without historical antecedents. For this reason it is per-
fectly legitimate to question the antiquity of any fragment that
contains words which do belong to a later age and are not found
anywhere else in the age to which the fragment is ascribed.
Especially is this the case when the fragment is part of a large
body of literature and the word is one which from its meaning
would naturally have been employed often in that literature, as
it is in the later literature where it is current.
When a large body of words is found at the end of a certain
literary period, when this body is found continuously employed
from the said end of a period to one that is much later, then in
the first period any one book that contains a vocabulary identical
with that of the books constituting such end of a period will
probably belong to the conclusion of the period rather than to its
beginning.
If this be so, then the eighth book of the Rig- Veda, in its
vocabulary, which agrees in so many details with the vocabulary
of the later books of that work, with the later Atharvan, ami
with the still later Brahmanas and Epic, probably stands nearer
to the end of the period represented by the whole Rig- Veda than
to the beginning of that period.
In the case of such a phrase as m<i no nidrd l$ata m6td
////"//, if the reader were asked to assign it to a date, he would
observe first that the later common root jalp is found in the Rig-
Veda only here^ (as noun) ami in x. 82. 7. He would remark
again that ///•//•> is what may be called a thoroughly Smrti word.
that is, it is a noun customary and colloquial in the Bpia and later
literature, while it is utterly unknown in the Vedic language, so
much so that even the root is unknown in the Rik, save for this
passage, ami tin- combination ///' <//•</ as a verb begins tir-t in the
Ural plod It is of con iy possible, on the? assump-
that \iii. is antique, that nidrti i- thu* u-ed on,-.- in the earli-
itiuv and never appears again till the Smrti period, Ml4
that in the meantime dra + ni is developed as a verb. Hut this
certainly appears to be a hyateron |»r-.tenm of the worst kind.
72 E. W. Hopkins. [1896.
The ordinary historical view must be that nidrd arose after dra
had combined with /</ in verbal form ; that above all nidrd did
not arise and disappear (in favor of svapna ?) and then reappear
again in a later age. So far, then, as the contents of viii. 48. 14
can show anything, they show that the . verse is a late one and
awaken suspicion in regard to the whole hymn.
In viii. 59. 14 occurs ittham^ and only here in the Rik. But it
comes up again in AV., SV., Brah., and Smrti. Is it not more
probable that the verse belongs nearer to the period where it is
gi-nerally found than that the word has skipped the Rik period
to reappear later ?
Striking is the correspondence between viii. and ix. in respect
of soma-epithets — see List vi., above. To what cause is to be
attributed the fact that madacyi(t(a) occurs eight times in viii.,
six times in ix., four times in i., once in x., and in no other pas-
sage ? Is there congruence here between viii. and the family
books or between viii. and the General Books ? And its compan-
ion madmtara, madintama f It occurs fifteen times in ix. ; four
times in viii. ; once each in i. and x. ; both of the latter being
late (for the verse i. 91. 17 is later than the venerable hymn
in which it is found, and x. 136 is as a whole a late hymn).
The word occurs also in AV. xi. 7. 7 :
vdjapeyam agnistomds tdd adhvardh
arkpvamedhdv ticchisthe jivdbarhir mad'tntamah.
Is one to suppose that madintama was known to the poets of the
family books, and avoided by them ? There are soma-epithets
enough in these books to make one look there for any expression
current in their time. But whoso holds viii. to be older than the
other family books must suppose viii. and ix. to have been
unknown to the authors of the former set, or that they purposely
avoided the choice epithet handed down to them. And either
assumption is improbable.
FINAL NOTE.
In the lists given above I have here and there given a bracketed
word the occurrence of which was found to be not quite exclusively
in the General Books and viii. ; and have called attention to the
fact that the exception, where the word was actually found in a
family book, was often itself in a late verse, so that it would
form no real exception from an historical point of view.
There are quite a number of such cases, and some of them I
have reserved for this Final Note. There are others, however,
which do not, indeed, show the late stamp in the exceptions ; but
yet these exceptions are enough to raise an interest in the charac-
ter and history of the word. Thus, neither v. 33. 6 nor vi. 20. 10
is to be marked as late ; yet both verses occur in hymns of the
same character, two tristubh hymns to Indra, each more or less
obviously " entstellt," as Grassmann says of both. The first of
Vol. xvii.] Pr'igathikan;. I 73
these verses contains vtiaavana, a word that occurs in i., viii., and
x., luit not elsewhere in family books; the second contains purah
»lih, an expression found elsewhere only in i., and mentions
Purukutsa, who is known only to i., and to the late danastuti of
J (" strife between Varuna and Indra"), if /Min/K/Av//*?, ib.,
imply the same person. Now this is not enough to show that these
s are late, but it is enough to make interesting the fact that
they are the only places in the Rig- Veda where /•/••/ *f>t occurs in
unily books. For pra stu is a very important word in a
liturgical sense ; and it is one of the commonest of words in late
iture, being current as early as the Brahmanas. Looking back,
it is found five times in the Atbarvan (apart from one Rik exam-
ple); then, in \. «J7. 3 of the Rik, and in x 105. 6; both of them
late among the late. And further, in i. 154. 2 and i. 159. 1, the
former of which, by the way, seems to be an echo of x. 180. 2
(or perhaps is borrowed). Then y//-</V////' occurs in i. 153. -', i->
rise to light again in the Upanishads. All these hymns, it will
be noticed, belong to the same Dlrghatamas collection. Then
pra stu occurs four times more, viii. 16. 1 ; 22. 6 ; 35. 11 ; 70. 5 ;
and nowhere else in the Rik. Whether this sudden concentra-
tion of pra stu in viii. be the result of the prastotar's added
importance, or whether it be a new word working its way into
literature, the result is interesting. It occurs in viii. and AV.
about the same number of times. It does not occur at all in four
out of the six remaining family books ; it does occur in two late
hymns of the late tenth book, and in the Dlrghatamas hymns of
tin- tir-t (whose Epic name stands in RV. only in i. and viii.).*
Whatever age is assigned to the two hymns of the family books
where pra stu occurs, the marked difference between this twofold
occurrence in six family books as against double that number in
viii. alone, and the agreement of the latter with the General Books
and later usage is noteworthy. That the same combination
o. •( •urs in Avestan fr<i stu, which might have been separately
dt \rloped, leads to the question in how many other instances viii.
\\irli the General Books and post-Rik literature agrees with
Avestan as against the early family books.
Some of these are noticed below. At present I will discuss
only one, kslra. In regard to the connection between viii. and ix.,
it would appear, from this word, that the former book were just
l:it< T than tin- latter. To trace jbird hack : Iii the Smrti and
iinanas it is a common word ; in AV. it occurs more than a
dozen times, alone and in composition, besides X-.s7/'/'//, ami /
In short, up to the time of RV. it i» u>c«l freely. Hut in
it or, -nrs only as follows: once in the tenth hook (where the
<h inon that lifts milk from the cow is to have his head cut off
by Agni) x. 87. 16=AV. viii. 3. 15 ; twice in the tir>t 1 k. i. 104.
164. 7 ; oner in the ninth, ix. 67. 32 ; and twice in the eighth,
\ iii. 2. 0 ; 66. 10 (knrap&ka), where too occurs odand, also a late
« Bat MAmateya in iv. 4. 18.
74 E. W. Hopkins,
word.* Now the contact with ix. is hero wholly on the surface.
The verse where the word occurs is the last of the hymn, in refer-
ence to which with its fellow (the penultimate verse) Grassmann
says : " Added by a later hand and refers to the whole collection ;
found again in SV. increased by lour verses." And the benedic-
tive character of the verse supports this view (" who reads these
hymns gets milk and honey," etc.).
In this instance the end of ix. is in touch with viii. ; and viii.
joins the later Avesta to post-Rik literature and the other Gen-
eral Books. The word, with misplaced accent, is related to ksar \
as is lira to tar; withal not in Rik but in Epic application. Com-
pare Epic tatha kslram ksaranty etah (gavah) ; cited with other
illustrations by PW. Significant, however, is the fact that ksar,
though often employed in RV., is not there used of milk. In
ii.-vii., pdyah, gdvah, etc., do duty for 'inilk.' But g6 remains,
of course, as equivalent throughout the Rik. While the g6 com-
pounds predominate in the later group,! the mixture called * sour-
milk mixture,' dddhya$ir, does not occur in viii. at all (dadhdn
itself, only in viii. 2. 9), whereas the sweetening of the soma is a
pronounced feature of this book : svadanti gdvah, ix. 62. 5 ;
g6bhih svddum akarma prindntah; gavyd vdstreva vasdyantah,
viii. 2'. 3; 1. 17 (compare i. 135. 2;'ix. 8: 5; 75. 5, etc.).§ The root
ksar is used chiefly of soma, as in ix. 85. 5 : gdbhir ajyase. . . .
'tndrasya jathdre sdm aksarah • viii. 13. 4 : iydm ta indra rdtth
ksarati sunvatdh / sometimes of rivers, as in i. 72. 10. A good
example of the way it is not used of milk is furnished by i. 90. 6
and 8: mddhu ksaranti s'mdhavah . . . mddhvlr gdvo bhavantu
nah. In the Valakhilya it is used of prayers (i. 6 ; 2. 4). In
the family books it is used four times, once of a ship, twice of
rivers, and once in a sense not obvious (v. 66. 5); never here of
soma (as in viii. and ix.).
An excellent example of words that occur in viii. and the
General Books, barring one exception in other family books,
is jditra. This is especially interesting because it is such a thor-
oughly Epic word, almost colloquial in this and subsequent lit-
erature. In RV., it occurs in viii. 15. 3, 13 ; i. 102. 3, 5 ; 111. 3 ;
ix. 106. 2 ; 111. 3 ; x. 36. 10 ; 103. 5 ; and also in iii. 31. 4. But
just this hymn, iii. 31, has been very properly relegated by Grass-
mann to the hymns the style of which seems to show a late and
mystical (Brahmanical) date. Some may claim that iii. 31 has
* As also vardhd (see below). The verse reads vigvet tti vi$nur abha-
rad urukramds tvesitafy $atdm mahi§dn k§irapdkdm odandm' vardhdm
indra emu$dm. The metre of this, the penultimate, as of the ultimate
stanza, differs from that of the preceding ; and emugdm is a late form
(Lanman, loc. cit., p. 511).
t Compare gal, • drop,' and ydha.
\ gomant (soma, sutd.), viii. 8. 1 ; 13. 14 ; 71. 6 ; 81. 30 ; 83. 6 ; ix. 33. 2
(107. 9 ?); gb^rlta, viii. 21. 5 ; i. 137. 1 ; goparina, viii. 45. 24 ; x. 62. 10 ;
gosakhi, v. 37. 4, but in viii. 14. 1 go$akhd sydt (stotd me); in the family
books, further, gorjlka (iii. 58. 4 ; vi. 23. 7; vii. 21. 1).
§ Compare Hillebrandt, loc. cit.
Vol. xvii.] Pruy'ithik.'nti, I. 75
as good a right to its place as any, but they can scarcely deny
the particularly mystic character of the production, which sets it
on a par with the hymns of like sort in the General Books.* It
is, therefore, not unimportant, to say the least, that in just such
;i liymn of the family books, and in no other, should be found a
word used in viii., i., x., AY., Ilrah., and particularly in (Epic)
Sanskrit — in short, a word peculiarly post-Vedic in its province.
Curious is it to find two exceptions of this sort, both suspicious.
Such is the case in the drista compounds. In AV. are found two
compounds not in RV., viz., >irixt'tgu and dristasu. In AV., and
in RY. x. 60. 8 ; 97. 7 ; 137. 4 appears aristdtati, with the com-
jM.un.l .'nistur.itli.t in x. 6. 3. In i. 166. 6 is found dristagrama ;
in i. 1 14. 3, cfrtf&wtra (also in AV.); in viii. 18. i. r>harman,
voc.; in i. 89. 6 ; 180. 10 ; x. 178. 1 ; iii. 53. 17, dristanemi (later
as n. prop.) ; in v. 44. 3. dristagatu. Now there is every reason
for regarding v. 44 as a late hymn ; and iii. 53. 17 is apparently
tin- beginning of an after-hymn added to the original, and pre-
sumably later. These, however, are the only cases of drista com-
pounds in the family books.
Again : the hymn vi. 47 has rightly been regarded as late.
Here, vs. 26, occurs v'idvdngay a compound that is found else-
where only in viii. 74. 7 and i. 118. 9.f
Another interesting word is the compound svdhakrta, or
/f'iki'ti. It is a common combination in either form in the Brah-
inanic period, and the former is found in AV. In the Rig- Veda
both forms are found in the group i., ix., x., but in the family books
there is only «/•«//*<//•/•?«, and this is confined to viii. 35. 24 and ii.
3. 11. At this verse in viii. it would, therefore, be in order to
place the note : * not known elsewhere in the period of the fam-
ily books save at ii. 3. 1 1 ;' and, if nothing of especial significance
appeared to except the exception, to let it stand at that. But on
minuter examination it is seen, first, that viii. 35. 24 is the only
case where the form is used apart from Apr! hymns, except in the
one instance, i. 110. 1 (a Kiitsa hymn to the Maruts). How stands
the case, then, with the Aprl verse, ii. 3. 11, which makes the
exception ? It runs as follows :
* This view of iii. 81 is supported by Lanman, loc. cit., p. 493.
f Words compounded with the ending qds offer a curious study,
though the cases in the early books preclude the use of them in argu-
ment. But the facts may be worth presenting. There are no less than
ten such words. The only cases which occur in family books (otln T
than viii.) are in the probably late verse ii. 88. 8 (sthapis)', in the late
hymn (to the sacrificial post) iii. 8. 9 (yrei.iifda; also in i. 168. 10); in in.
ji. "). of \. -r\ modern tone (deva$ds)\ ail(1 '" V1 '-' i» (fayti»iaod«). On
the other hand, rtu&s occurs onh in i. 162. 4; x. 2. 5; 55. 8; 9H. 11 ;
na^ds and rupa^ds occur only in i. 164. 15 ; parva^ds, only in
• 7.6; x. 79. 6: '»«, only in viii i
and sahasracds, so common in the Epic, only in viii. 84. 15. The root,
it it he fas, is found mi i v. 87. 8, as verb ; i. 168. 12 ; x. 89. 14 ;
8S. 85 ; and i. 162. 5, 19, 20, as noun.
76 E. W. Hopkins, [1896.
ghrtdm mimikse ghrtdm asya y6nir
ghrte prito <//t/-f<im v asya dhdrtia
anusvadlunn <i /•////« mddayasva
svtihdkrtam vrsabha vaksi havydm.
But the ancient Apr! ending runs as follows : svdhd (devd amfta
m&foyimfdm), which is found not only in the oldest Apri, vii. 2.
11 (compare dsura of Agni in verse 3)*, but also in iii. 4. 11, and
(the_ whole phrase) in x. 70. 11. Further, the only other instance
of Apr! in family books, v. 5. 11, also has the svdhd alone (sva-
hugndye, etc.). On the other hand, in the General Books the
formula, save where the whole old formula is preserved intact (in
x. 70. 11),_contains svdhdkrti or svdhdkrta in the parallel verse
of their Apr! hymns. Thus svdhdkrtdny <i gdhy tipa havydni
vltdye, i. 142. 13; svdhdkrtisu rocate, i. 188. 11; svdhdkrtim
pdvamdnasyd gata (imitation of Apr! in majorera gloriam
Somasya), ix. 5. 11 ; svdhdkrtam hamr adantu devdh, x. 110.
11.*
Not to animadvert upon the fade repetition of ghrtdm in ii.
3. 11, the svdhdkrta formula, therefore, is unique in the Apri
hymns of family books. The facts may thus be stated : Apart
from ii. 3. 11, there are two closing Apri formulas, one with
svdhd, and one with svdhdkrta or svdhdkrti, with an intermediate
svdhd kr. The first alone is employed in Apri hymns of the fam-
ily books ; the second contains a word common to i., ix., x., and
the Brahmanic period, Jbut it is not used at all in the family
books ii.-vii., either in Apri hymns or elsewhere — except for ii. 3.
11. This passage of the second book stands, therefore, on a par
with i., ix., x., and Brahmanas rather than with the family books.
In consequence, ii. 3. 11 is not really an important exception to
the statement that (svdhdkrti) svdhakrta standing in viii. 35. 24
indicates that the hymn or verse belongs rather to the period
represented by Brahmauas than to that of the family books. If,
on the other hand, it is assumed that viii. 35. 24, which is not in
an Apr! hymn, is early, instances of the phraseology should be
found in other (assumedly contemporaneous or later) family books
apart from Apri hymns, as is the case with svdhd itself. And if
it is said that it makes no difference whether ii. 3. 1 1 is an Apri
verse, and that it is itself early, then the question why the Apri
formula has passed the family books to reappear in i., ix., x.,
remains unanswered. So, for my own part, I should not hesitate
to put svdhdkrta in the list, viii., i., ix., x., as belonging to this
group, despite the exception.
The word mstya (viii. 1. 13 ; x. 133. 5 ; vi. 75. 19) might thus
be referred to its AV. (and later) period ; for vi. 75 is the late
hymn to weapons.
* In i. 13. 12 the intermediate form is preserved in this position (last
verse df Apri), svdhd yajndm krnotanendrdya, as in i. 142. 12 ; x. 2. 2
(not Apri). The verb need not, but may, be understood in v. 5. 11,
above.
Vol. xvii.] Pragathikani, I. 77
Interesting is kaksy'a, -d. It occurs in the compound kaksia-
prdy at viii. 3. 22 ; i. 10. 3 ; and uncorapounded, in the Epic
quite often ;* in RV. i. and x. ; and also in the family books, —
but there, only in two apparently late passages, vii. 104. 6; v. 44. 1 1.
Somewhat similar is the case of tuvigriva. It occurs at viii.
17. 8 ; 53. 7 ; i. 187. 5 ; and v. 2. 12. But v. 2 ends with vs. 11,
and 12 is a late addition.
Similarly fcisama, an epithet of doubtful origin and applied
only to Indra. It occurs : i. 61. 1 ; viii. 32. 26 ; 51. 6; 57. 6 ;
79/1 ; 81. 9 ; x. 22. 2 ; and finally, vi. 46. 4. It might therefore
be classed with the words of the period of i., viii., x., were it not
for the last-named occurrence. But vi. 46, as appears from its
position in the collection (see Grassmann, ad locum • Lanman,
loc. cit.y p. 578), is late. After all, then, the old books do not
really support any claim of age for the word ; the seeming excep-
tion " proves the rule."
So juin/tn* in the Epic * a tree,' approaches that meaning at ix.
82. 3. In the sense of Ringed,' it is found in viii. 1. 11 ; 5. 33 ;
and nowhere else in RV., save in vs 11 of the late vi. 46, just
mentioned.
Again, there are two sorts of eva compounds. One, from
may be claimed for the family books. As representatives of
the other, ey^, there is 90aro, viii. 45. 38, and evtivadu, v. 44. 10.
But evdra has for its make-up no real support in the family books,
for just this hymn, v. 44, is late (Lanman, loc. cit.y p. 581).
So supurna, in use after RV., occurs in RV. vi. 48. 18 ; viii. 2.
1, 8. But the first verse is a late addition.
Less certain is tura, 'swift,' which occurs in vii. 86. 4, a hymn
tlnit will probably be claimed as old despite the modern tone con-
veyed by the * ancestral ' or inherited sin. Otherwise the adjec-
tive occurs only in i. 68. 9 ; viii. 26. 4 (according to Grassmann
in other passages of this book also); x. 49. 11; AV., and latrr.
But the related tnrvdne is a case in point. It occurs in viii. 9. 13 ;
12. 19; 45. 27 ; x. 93.' 10; vi. 46. 8; and the last hymn (above)
is a modern one.
A very good example is furnished by piti/trsf/i'/ in viii. 1. 25.
In the l.itcr literature citi compounds are very familiar. In RV.
there are, however, but two such compounds, pit /)>«/«/ in i. 35. 5
Is Mva), and cUiprsth/t in viii. 1. 25; iii. 7. I. Tin- latt. •:
notoriously late hymn. The word itself is common after \{ \
Brahmanic literature. The passage in viii. goes with the lat< iii.
7 in giving it its sole support. Is one of these thus early and the
other later, with no examples between? Rather are tlu-y l>"th
late, and approximate to the period where flourish the etii words.
h jml^nu-nt as may be pass«-<l upon these must also hold in
tin- rarer cases where a word is not proved to belong to a later
* Meaning 'girdle' (so in hastikakw&) as well as • wall/ The meaning
' antargrha,' by the way, is not unknown to Mbha.: thus, xii. 893. 81,
A trttyd nyavecmanali.
78 E. W. Hopkins, [1896.
period, if in itself it shows a later tendency of meaning; such as
vend as compared with Avestan r,i,'/«t. In RV., the general
sense of f movement toward ' is still felt in the verb, which also,
however, has attained to the sense of ' love.'* But the adjective
substantive rend (suvend, vend) is a product of the period i.,
viii., ix., x. For it occurs not infrequently, some eighteen times,
yet never outside of this circle save in iv. 58. 4, which may be
referred without discussion to the latest of the late. Like venyd
it becomes a proper noun, and as such loses its adjectival character;
though it is still found in AV.
There may even be cases where an example in a family book is
still unable, though it is unsuspected and unimpeachable, to offset
the unique appearance of a late word in viii. Who, for instance,
can really believe that viii. 45. 23 actually belongs to the older
part of the Rig- Veda ? In iv. 7. 3 stands haskartar, and so it
may be said that has has a certain antiquity. But the root is else
unknown in the family books. It crops out again in i. 1 24. 7
(hasrd) ; in ix. 112. 4 (hasand); in x. 18. 3 (hdsa) ; and three times
in Kanva hymns, once, in i. 23. 12 (haskard), and twice in viii.,
hdskrti) 78. 6, and upahdsvan, 45. 23. They are all lone forms.
But when we consider the Epic character of upa has, and the
fact that before the latest Brahmanic period (upahasd in Qat.
Br. xiv.) not one other case of the combination is cited, it becomes
impossible to believe that upa has has skipped from the early
Vedic period almost into the Epic (where it flourishes like a weed)
without leaving a trace. The root itself in other combinations,
as shown above, is barely represented in the family books of the
Rik. This Epic combination is known only in this verse (repeated
in AV. xx.). The only reasonable way to state the case is that
upahdsvan belongs to the end of the Rik period, not to the early
period. There is mockery enough in the RV. to have brought
the word into use, if it had been current then as it is in the Epic.
Under the head of stylistic peculiarities should be ranged the
introduction into Vedic poetry of vipvdpcandra, as embodying
more emphatic laudation than the purupcandrd of the old family
books. This weightier vipudpcandra occurs only in i. 165. 8 ; viii.
70. 9; ix. 93. 5; x. 134. 3; and also in the late hymn (Lanman,
loc. cit.t p. 457), iii. 31. 16.
Under the same category belongs the pronounced preference in
viii. and the General Books for superlatives and comparatives,
a preference which doubtless is to be explained by the later taste.
Thus : ddapustara, abhibhutara, apvaddtara, uruvydcastama,
ojoddtama, gatuv'tttama, cddistha, justatara, maksutama, madhu-
pdtama, varivovittara, v'edistha, pucivratatama, sacdnastama
(PW.), sdnistka, sukfttara, supsdrastama. Not one of these
occurs in the group ii.-vii. ; but every one of them is found in
viii. alone or in viii. and the group i., ix., x. I may add from
the Valakhilya, purbhtitama, 5. 1, and maghavattama, voc.,
* Compare " inclination," in the sense ' affection, love' (Beattie).
Vol. xvii.J 7Vtf;/</M//,-.7/£i, J. 79
6.5; while a Kanva effusion in i. 42. 6 furnishes the mushy
superlative &runy<n>4pimattaJ9ta, fitly invented for Ptisan. A
good example of what a tasteless late poet will do in the way of
heaping up laudation is given by viii. 81, where *.//*/V//./. </</>/;nm-
tama, citrdpravtixf>' ><><>, vrlr<//i<i/if<imat and ojoddtama occur in
the space of three verses (15-17).*
The word A/y///y,/y/r is found about sixty times in all. Quite
a third of the occurrences are in the General Books, i., ix., x.;
another third is distributed over all the other family books;
while viii. alone, has another third. This constant repetition of
* golden' is on a par with the superlative use of superlatives, and
betrays a late taste pleased with too much gilding.
A stylistic peculiarity, again, is the affectation of such allitera-
tion as <;iks/i pit'ti'nh *•«/'<.•//>/*///. found only in viii., i., x. ; while
perhaps in the alteration of mahdn //<•// >hhih, of the other
family books, to the twice repeated ma/idn raa/^M/// </'/<•//>///// of
viii. there lies nothing but a wish to strengthen the expression.
It may indeed well happen t hut a genuinely old word should
occur only in viii. and the General Books. But compared with
the lists of words common at once to this group and the follow-
ing literature, such words are few. Perhaps "//'/.<••//'/ is <u£i?u>?
I ; vi.); and ari- in aristuta, etc., may be the opt- or Ipi- of
(Ipi'^Aos. epucAvros. But, again, this may not be the case. Nor
are ucidra and uterus (IF. ii. 15) to be equated with certainty.
And /•*»//•'/, though phonetically equivalent to £vpov, is not the
same thing, but rather a developed * blade,' for chariots, etc.f
With xopo&pto? has been equated haridracd (viii. 35. 7 ; i. 50. 12),
but the case does not seem to be important. So himd chances
to occur only viii. 32. 26; 62. 3; i. 116. 8; 119. 6 (x. 37. 10; 68.
10); himtivant, x. 121. 4. But himd is found in the family books,
so that this too is unimportant. As for /*////«, which occurs only
in viii. 55. 7 ; 88. 1 ; x. 55. 5, it is x0&, but as the latter does not
occur till after Homer, so the word is not needed by the Vedic
poets, and its absence in ii.-vii. has no especial weight. I have
noticed no other examples like these.
Words with Avestan cognates. — In regard to such words in
the above lists as show Avestan relationship, there is more to be
said and considered. If Grassmann's assumption that nthn is a
late form of </<///" were correct, then the facts about these words,
* Some of these are noteworthy as illustrating the style and age of
Mil. Thus vrtrahdntama occurs once in vi. (at 16. 48); once in vii. (at
W. 11); twice in v. (at 40. 1 ; and 85. 6=viii. 6. 87); but twelve times in
So dynmni(n)tama and its positive occur eighteen i t only
in i.. viii.. ix., and x., barring a single instance at vs. 8 of iii. 87, a
h VIM n with divers marks of lateness.
MII i :•• /• itvi (as in AV. xx. 127.4), not the sharpness
1'iit the speed i il.. thought. So sdihfita is 'active,' as in A\ \\\. i
Jl. Mffanantaih sni'm-itam md frp.iofu; and 'activity' is the gn
ii conveyed by bnurij, as in ix. 26. 4 (dhyan). Here, as said above,
scissors,
p. 61, it is oot a pair of scissors, but an axle-blade rapidly IUOMH^. that
gives the comparison.
80 E. W. Hopkins, [1896.
so far as they go, would make against the view that viii. is not
early ; for in viii. there are 27 occurrences of ddha to about half
as many of dtha. But both forms are used in x.; and both uthn
and adha are Avestan. Probably one is as old as the other.*
But in running over the foregoing lists, the reader will doubtless
have noticed quite a number of other words of Avestan belong-
ings : such are uih'mi, I'tstm, evdtha, gdthd,jdmAtar, bikini, tanu-
X'/V. mesri, vardhd, and one or two more. In the RV., all of
these are confined to viii. alone, or else to the group, viii., i.,
ix., x.
Now if these words were found in the Avesta and viii. alone
with some of the hymns of the General Books, the solution of
the puzzle here presented would be easy. To disregard the affin-
ities of viii. with the later literature ; to say that these words,
which are so uniquely preserved in viii. and appear again later
on, are mere play of chance ; to point to the list of words com-
mon to the Avesta and viii. with its group, and say that here is
proof positive that there is closer relationship with the Avesta,
and that, therefore, viii. after all is older than the books which
have not preserved these words, some of which are of great sig-
nificance, would be a first thought. But this explanation is barred
out by the fact that most of these Avestan words preserved in
viii., withal those of the most importance, are common words in
the literature posterior to the Rik. Hence to make the aforesaid
claim would be tantamount to saying that these words have held
their own through the period to which viii. (assuming it to be
older than ii.-vii.) is assigned, have thereupon disappeared, and
then come into vogue again after the interval to which the maker
of this assumption would assign ii.-vii. This, despite all depreca-
tion of negative evidence, is not credible.
Take, for instance, uddra or tistra or mesa : the first is found
only in viii., i., x. ; the second in viii., i.; the last, in viii., i., ix., x.
Is it probable that words so common both early and late should
have passed through an assumedly intermediate period (of ii.-vii.)
without leaving a trace ? Or, again : is a like assumption credi-
ble in the case of ksird, which appears in the Iranian khshira\ in
RV. viii., i., ix., x. ; disappears in the assumedly later group ii.-
vii. ; and reappears in the A V. and later literature as a common
word ? Evidently, the facts are not explained on the hypothesis
that the Avesta and RV. viii. are older than RV. ii.-vii.
We must, I think, suppose either that the Avesta and RV. viii.
are younger than RV. ii.-vii.; or else that the poets of viii. were
geographically nearer to the Avestan poeple, and so took from
them certain words, which may or may not have been old with
their Iranian users, but were not received into the body of Vedic
* Somewhat similar is the case of badd (viii. 69. 1) as against bd$ of
ii.-vii. Avestan 6df and bddha show the variableness of the expletive.
The Epic has baffla. Compare also RV. x. 86. 23 ; AV. vii. 56. 7, bhala
(with bhadrd, as if cognate); and Alkman, 8(12): (3dfa 6$ (3dfa
Vol. xvii.J Pragathikani, I. 81
literature until a time posterior to the composition of ii.-vii.
Milk, cattle, and the like lay very near to the hearts of the Vedic
poets. Had such words as kslrd or ines/i or fatra been current in
the time or place of the poets of ii.-vii., they would surely be
found in those books occasionally, in place of a payas or an dvi
or a malt
In the case of Iranian khsfiira, Vedic kslrd, there is found a
word common in AV. and later literature, synonyms of which
word are used in RV. in ii.-vii., while it is itself not found at all
in ii.-vii.; but it is found in a late hymn of x.; in a late verse of
ix.; in one apparently added verse of viii.; in another of viii.;
and in the Avesta. Shall we represent the chronological advance
thus : Avesta, known ; RV. viii., known ; RV. ii.-vii., unknown;*
AV., etc., known and current ? Extraordinary, to say the least.
But reasonable would be the order : RV. ii.-vii., unknown ;
Avesta, end of RV. ix., RV. viii., known ; AV., etc., current.
The following List contains :
Words common to the Avesta and the RV., but restricted in the RV.
to viii. and the group i., ix., x.
viii. 24. 15; Avestan, advatha. The hymn is not marked
by unique late words ; but the correspondences with i. and x.
(see Lists iii. and iv., above) include nirrti (as pi.), paripdd
and ddnsistha, all lacking in ii.-vii.
uddra, Avestan, udara. The Vedic word is found at viii. 1. 23;
2. 1 ; 17. 8; 67. 7 ; 80. 5 ; i. 25. 15 ; 30. 3; 42. 9; 162. 10;
x. 86. 23. Of the hymns in viii., each one is marked by late
words of List i, above. f
an ushtra, viii. 5. 37; 6. 48; 46. 22, 31 (all these are
i. 138. 2. See under mesa, below.
•', Iranian khlh&ro. Discussed above, pp. 64, 75. Like
is found in viii. 2; also in 66. 10, which seems
to be an added verse. The Iranian word is also late.
. viii. 1. 20, may be connected with Avt-stan //./;W.
g<Uh , Avestan </*///<//, found in books ii.-vii. but oner (in
a late hymn) ; elsewhere in i., i\., \., and in viii. i>. 38 ; 32.
1 ; 60. 14; 87. 9. Hymns 60 and 87 an- n«.t mark* -.1 by late
words of List i. ; nor does 32 (a Kiinva hymn) contain an
important example. See above, p. 65.
* Or unused. But its synonyms are used so often in ii. rlt as to
make it unlikely that it would nave been unused if known.
f See above, p. 61. There may be a i ring
only once in viii.. and udfira n«-\ •« -r in ii \ ii.), rather than a lack.
sting to noti< - that the Prask;. \. 95 not only we* the
word regularly employed in ii \ ii.. luit also uses iviruna in its original
sense of water <" Trita hoM« t h. u ;it«>r in the sea," ib. 4 ; cf. 94. :;
the idea). In general the K&nvas of tz. make a more venerable impres-
sion than do those of viii. or i.
VOL. xvii. -6
82 E. W. Hopl [1896.
jdmatar, viii. 2. 20; 26. 21-22 ; «$-, i. 109. 2 (p. 57) ; Avestan
zdtttatar. From the meaning of this word it might pass
without literary employment for a long while, and the ex-
ample, therefore, does not seem important. Yet it is to be
noticed that it also occurs in 2, which has uddr-i, kslrd, and
gdthd. Hymn 26 is not marked by words unique in viii.
(List i.), nor has it important correspondence with x. and i.
1<ikvd (tnkii, etc.), viii. 58. 13. Compare Avestan tnkhvna^
t<ika. This hymn contains odand, not apparently in an added
vrrse (14), and has correspondence with x. and i.
t'lnrikft, viii. 68. 3; i. 31. 9 (tanfik)'thd,\\\\. 75. 1); Avestan,
tanukereta. The Kanva Soma hymn 68 is without very late
words, and remarkably free from correspondence with i. and
x. The meaning of the Vedic word is one with that of the
Avestan, though it is applied in RV. to self-made sin or
hurt ; in the Avesta, to sons. Compare putrdkrthd in v. 61.
3 (late hymn), and x. 63. 15. Above, p. 58.
\ddtra, viii. 67. 10 (Kiinva hymn), Persian das ; and nadd, viii.
1. 33, ddnastuti, Persian narda (?).]
prdbhartar, viii. 2. 35 ; i. 178. 3. Though this is also in hymn 2,
I regard it as purely fortuitous that prdbhartar corresponds
to fra baretar, for the latter is a priest ; and the compound verb
may easily have been developed independently, as in Greek
and Latin, whence an independently made nomen agentis.
mesd, Avestan ma&sha. This word occurs only in viii., i., ix., x.
In viii, in the same second Kanva hymn (2. 40), and in 86.
12 (ascribed to Rebha Kf^yapa). Hymn 86 has scarcely any
correspondence with i. and x., and contains very few unique
words (of List i.). In 2, the word occurs in a verse intro-
ducing a danastuti, but in the interesting form mes6 bhutd
'bhfi ydnn dyah ; for here is close touch with the Avestan
"incorporate ram" god (ma$shah$ kehrpa), and RV. i. 51. 1
(compared by Justi). This seems to be the case also with
86. 12, which is addressed to "the ram." But, as will be
seen by the analysis above on p. 66, mesd, rnesi is also the
sheep as provider of the wool-sieve, and as a sacrificial beast.
In iv. 2. 5 occurs the only early reference to the sacrifice of
sheep* (dvi)-, and it is only in viii. 86. 2 that the forray gives
sheep (dvyayam bhdgam). In the ddnastutis there is but a
single instance where sheep are given, and that is in Val. 8. 3,
ftrnavatmdm, one hundred (along with one hundred asses
and slaves). This can scarcely be because the gift of sheep
was forbidden at this time, for in that case they would not
have been given and publicly receipted for.f There seems
* Perhaps "the sacrifice which has sheep " means rather " wins sheep.'
f Compare also vr?ni, ' ram,' only in i. 10 ; ttra, only in viii. and x.
Cases of rae.sd other than in divine work are i. 43. 6 (Kanva hymn),
where there is a rare blessing on sheep and horses. Doubtful allegory
rules in x. 27. 17. In x. 91. 14 there occurs one of the four instances of
sacrificial rams (also i. 116 and 117 and iv. 2. 5, the last questionable, as
above). I forget who has suggested that sheep were forbidden.
Vol. xvii.J Pragathikani, I. 83
indeed, to be a striking coincidence here between the occur-
rences of 'Astra and of mesa, which cannot be accounted for
on any accepted historical ground. It is assumed by most
scholars that ustra generally means a camel in the Brahmanas,
a bull in the Rig- Veda, and a camel again in the A\
But camels as wagon-haulers cannot have been unknown,
since even in Manu the ' camel-wagon ' is spoken of (ustra-
//'///'/), and in the Epic people journey on rathdir "str<ii/nt<lih%
Mliha. xvi. 7. 33, so that the passage which speaks of ' four-
yok» •* may be taken to mean camels (not 'with four
yokes' but four harnessed together), since it was no uncom-
mon thing to have four horses or even eight to a team, and
if camels were used for draught at all it was easy enough to
harness four together. The only weighty passage that has
been thought to indicate cattle instead of camels is i. 138. 2.
Here the sole reason given is that to compare Pusan in his fury
to a bull is more reasonable than to compare him to a camel.
I »iit a male camel is a most vicious and dangerous beast when
he gets angry, and the objection has no more force than tin*
still weaker one that in viii. 46. 31 krad is used to describe
the noise of this ustra, a verb that is applied to horses as
well as to bulls, and in fact to a variety of noisy things.
Against these weak reasons I would set the historical improb-
ability of ustra being used either indifferently for camel or
for bull, or for camel first, then for bull, and then again for
camel. The humped steer is known as such, kakv"
vfsabhah (in x.) ; kakubhah (gdvdm), viii. 20. 21 ; kaknhn
mrgdhj v. 75. 4, etc. Buffaloes, and wild kine, under the
name of ///<////?</, //#'•'///•/, .'/'"'/''', are also known to the family
books. They serve as beef and give milk. But not a word
of it st ft till i. and viii.f
This u-ord occurs in vii. 15. 11; but this
is a late hymn, and it is the only passage in ii.-vii. when- tin-
word occurs. Elsewhere it is found in viii. 4. 5; 19. 12;
49. 13; 73.5; i. 28. 10; 74.5; 79.4. Excepting 73, all
•ttffrdfi •-./////•///>>> dddat, viii. 6. 48. In lit. Br. ii. 8, where PW.
thinks a Lull is meant, the animal is distinguished from gavayd and
1 1 t hat is no conclusive reason for taking it to be a bull.
propos of mesa, it mav be noticed how very rare is in any case the
mention of sheep in the family books. The animal was known of
course, but «\i.l«-ntly not much attention was paid to it. The \voroS
«»ol and weave do not necessarily imply sheep, as goats' hair was
wovei .-/.id, wool, means only covering. The dvi (ovis, 6/f) is men-
d but twice in the family Looks, ii. 86. 1 (soma passes through
' sheep ' and several stones), and iv. 2. 5: gbmti.fi nrjnt 'vimafi oevf yujiiah,
In the eighth liook alone sheep, as din and me$d (the latter mily
books), are mentioned four times (see above). On the weaving of goats'
hair see Qeiger, O* ///»/-. p. -j-.M. not... It would seem, from i.
126. 7, th.i >s especially successful to the west of the
In-hiH (in Kandahar. which (see below) mav account for the greater
familiarity of the Kanvas with this branch of farming.
84 E. W. Hopkins, [1896.
these hymns of viii. contain late words, and correspondences
with i., x. But after all, the equating of yazu with yaJu'< is
not phonetically certain.
rajat(i, Avestan erezeta (?), viii. 25. 22 (ascribed to a Vaiya9va).
The hymn is very free of late words and correspondence
with i., x. The word occurs in a <l<~imt$1nti.
vardh<i, Avestan, varaza, viii. 66. 10 (Kanva hymn), and i., ix., x.
The verse is late. See above, under mesa, p. 66.
v'tk't in tn1fiir<lk<i9 etc., List i., above. The Avestan correspond-
ence, fru ril k<t, is only with the Brahmanic pravaka prob-
ably specially developed, as in the case of frabaretar, above.
vrsni, Avestan, varshni, 'ram,' is mentioned only in i. 10. 2. In
viii. 6. 6, the word is an adjective with the same meaning as
vrsni. i. 10 is probably a Kanva hymn.
pvatrd, identified with qdstra by PW., occurs viii. 4. 9 ; 52. 5 ;
i. 31. 4; x. 88. 4.
stu in pra stu and prdti stu, Avestan fra stu and paitistavas.
These, too, may have developed independently. But, on the
other hand, there may be as close a relation between the
Avestan and the Vedic words as there is in the case of Trita
Aptya, who, as such, appears in RV. only in viii. 12. 16 ; 47.
13 ff.; i. 105. 9; x. 8. 8 ; but never in ii.-vii.*
Mranyapepas, viii. 8. 2; 31. 8; Avestan zaranyopa&sa.
To a certain extent the contradiction between the result
tentatively arrived at in the body of this article and that
which naturally appears necessary in view of this Avestan
agreement, may be obviated by the assumption that the
hymns marked by the latter constitute the older part of the
Kanva collection. But this answers for only a portion of the
cases, notably not for danastutis ; and does not seem to be a
very satisfactory solution, since their character and their
place in the collection mark many of these hymns as later
than others of the same book. This topic can be better and
more fully treated after a still closer study of the relations
of the other books to the eighth.
Indications of a difference between RV. viii. and RV. ii.-vii., in respect
of time or habitat.
I have spoken above of the rarity of sheep in ii.-vii., and the
comparatively frequent allusions in viii. The similes bear out the
difference. The ' lamb-shaker,' as a descriptive name of the wolf
(55. 8), is paralleled by the passage in 34.3, urdm nd dhunute
vfkah. It is significant that these two passages occur in viii., and
that there is nothing like them in ii.-vii.
Moreover, there is not a single reference in ii.-vii., apart from
* The nearest approach is, as often, in v. (41. 9), where Aptya appears
(without Trita). For stu in compounds see List i. and this Note, ad init.
Vol. xvii.] PragCtthikani, I. 85
one clearly late hymn,* to ploughing, or to any of the parapher-
nalia of agriculture. On the other hand, there are ten such refer-
ences in the other books, and of these viii. has its share, two
passages alluding to ploughing.! In one of these, y kena
k.irs/ithah, viii. 22. 6, the RV. stands verbally in touch with the
Avesta, withal in the only formula of agriculture that is common
to the two ; for in other particulars than yao karesh the agricul-
tural words of the Avesta are not paralleled in HV.t Conversely,
thi< >/<'"''( in k'irs occurs in R\r. only in i. 2-'i. 15 (Kanva hymn);
170. 2 (repeated phrase); viii. 22. 6. The Atharvan has at least
fcWO valuable passages on agriculture. In one of these it states
that agriculture is entrusted to the A9vins (x. 6. 12), possibly with
the notion that so new gods properly guarded an art so new
(for the A9\rins are perpetually reminded that they are not equal
in divine dignity to the other crods); and in the other it mentions
that agriculture was invented by I'rthl Vainya. The interesting
fact here is that this Prthi Vainya is mentioned in RV. only in
the eighth book.§
But I do not intend to go so far afield as to argue that plough-
ing was unknown to the early Vedie people. It is sufficient for
my purpose to have shown that all allusions to it are lacking till
a late hymn in other family books ; and that, on the other hand,
just as in RV. the eighth book alone has the Avestan word for
p and speaks of sheep more familiarly than do the other
family books ; just as it alone of the family books (apart from
tin- late hymn v. 44) has the Avestan word gittha ; so it differs
from the other family books and agrees with the General Books in
its allusions to agricultural life.|| It is interesting to note that
* This late hymn. iv. .~»7. is specially marked as such by its use of
for year, elsewhere found only in x.
.':',. f:» : 1 17. 7, 21 : 140. 4 ; 176:2 : viii. 20. 19; 22. 6; x. 84. 18; 101.
:17. 7: 1W. 6.
i the Avesta, aiwi-varez, to plough, and e"/w. the plough, have
no Vedic representatives ; and yao Karesh, as stated above, is paralleled
in RV. only in i., viii., x. That Avlrx *//»/// means furrow (in RV. i. and
ix.) is far from errtaiii. It is merely the line drawn. This sense of
i- certainly the more primitive, and it is shown in the Avestan
dandkarsha, not 'corn-ploughing1 but 'dragging corn;' as well as in
karshdraza, * making a collection * (draught) of people. It is, tli« r«
fore, by no means certain that krtfti means a ploughing people. Like
.it may revert to movement simply. In RV.. used of a
water-bag 88. 7), of a foot, and of Indra's body (x. 28.
10-11; 119. Hi: in .-ill of which cases 'drag' is the meaning. That rais-
ing ydva does not imply ploughing has long been recognized (Helm:
and Schroder, p. 412). In RV. the only grain mentioned is ytiva. Not
till AV. are beans and rice alluded to. The V.-dic people ii\ed on pump-
kins (wrrdruAra. wild fruit. >/<n;i. meai nd intoxicating liquors.
•mpare R\ . \\. dii /•/•//» 7 mi,,,,,; -,//,„*•
i:W?k ca sasy< <>k. The passage of AV. is referred to by
Ximmer. AIL., p. 285.
I Not unimportant i* the link . n« u instance that the only passages in
RV. where the poets beg for (dfvdvad >/<ir<ini<it are \iii
ix. 69. W ; x. 42. 7 ; 181. '2 : u • //u occurs only in viii. r,7. 9.
86 E. W. Hopkins, [1896.
the same difference, in degree at least, obtains between the Iran-
ian Gathas and the Vendidad, the agricultural life barely repre-
sented in the former being conspicuous in the latter.*
Some special contact with Iran may be inferred from these
facts ; and perhaps in this lies the explanation of the further fact
that * Seven Rivers,' the Iranian name for India, is mentioned
only in the eighth book ; that in two of the three passages where
the * Five Peoples ' are mentioned in viii. the poet speaks as if
they were at a distance ; that the geography of viii. takes us
plainly across the Indus to the West more often than to the Pufi-
* Compare Geiger, Ostiran. Kiiltnr, p. 403 ff. It is perhaps proper to
specify in what particulars the agricultural words are found in the lat-
ter part of RV. and not in the earlier part. The late hymn, iv. 57, men-
tioned above, contains the words for plough, ploughman, and furrow.
Elsewhere : the threshing floor, khdla, is mentioned only in x. 48. 7 ;
vrka, plough, only in i. 117. 21, viii. 22. 6 ; langala, plough, in iv. 57. 4 ;
slrd, plough, only in the same late hymn and x. 101. 3-4; pdvlravant,
of the plough, only in post-Rik literature ; phdla, ploughshare, only in
iv. 57. 8 : x. 117. 7 ; vdhd, the beast that drags the plough, only in iv.
57. 4, 8 ; krsi, agriculture, only in x. 34. 13 ; 146. 6 (d&ppftXlZa); klna$a,
ploughman, only in iv. 57. 8 ; sttd, furrow, only in iv. 57. 6-7 ; i. 140. 4.
It is generally assumed that ploughing was an Indo-European accom-
plishment ; but the facts are that aporpov and arare have only Keltic,
Slavic, Teutonic representatives ; and other farm-words, such as har-
row and sickle, show no Indo-Iranian kinship. The old connection of
urvdrd and apovpa is now discarded, and the equation hirse, kars is ad-
mitted to be a guess (Schrader. pp. 410, 411, 424). In truth, the assump-
tion, as a historical fact, rests only on the equations retoov, karsfi, kars-
man ; ev/td/ca, vrka : and failov. lavi, lavaka, lavdnaka. In the last group,
/.alov means first grain cut, then the cutter ; so, not to speak of the fact
that all the Sanskrit words are preposterously late, it is evidently the
root only and not the developed words which may be compared, and
this robs the words of all value. The negative avrkd shows in RV. so
plainly that vrka is still a mere adjective noun, that it is quite uncer-
tain whether the 'piercer' is not an independently developed noun in
vrka and ev'AaKa ; just as^ in Avestan, $ufra comes from gif, 'piercer.'
Finally reAoov is like karsman (see above) in this, that it is the line
drawn, and by no means the furrow of the ploughed land, but the
limit, the line beyond the furrows (implied in apovpa). It is noteworthy
also that in RV. the word for sickle, srni, occurs only in i. and x.,
except for iv. 20. 5, and in this last passage it is quite impossible to ren-
der it ' sickle,' but it must be the conqueror's hook (i. 58. 4 ; x. 101. 3 ;
106. 6 ; in iv. 20. 5, srnyo ndjetd may be, as PW. suggests, a late adap-
tation of i. 66. 3 ; but the words can mean only ' victor with hook,' as
in ankin and dlrghds te astu ankugdh, viii. 17. 10 ; dlrghdm hy dnkugdm
yathd, etc., x. 134. 6). If it is the gambler's hook, to rake in winnings
(ii. 12. 4, 5; viii. 45. 38 ; AV. iv. 16. 5), the word jetar is used in a very
late sense. On the other hand, the word for sickle which is in touch with
post-Rik literature (for spui is not long preserved in that meaning) is
datra (Persian dds), and this is found only in viii. 67. 10, till Sutra and
Epic (compare x. 181. 2). The modern wild tribes of India as well as
the Indian tribes in U. S. show that mere scratching is for ages the only
ploughing, and is all that really is necessary till the land is worked over
top often (by a settled people). It is further to be remarked that the
mill-stone, dj"?dd, is mentioned only in viii. 61. 4, and in the late pas-
sage, vii. 104. 22. The only passage that mentions upala is ix. 112. 3
(also late); the nether mill-stone, upara, is mentioned at i. 79. 3 ; x. 94.
5 ; 175. 3. Ere mill-stones pressed, loose ' stones' pounded soma.
Vol. xvii.l Pi'.'tyathikani, I. 87
jab (whereas in ii.-vii. the converse is the case, viz., the geograph-
ical data refer little to the West but often to the Punjab) ; and
that in viii. especially many proper names seem to find their
explanation in the West. These points I will now discuss briefly
in their order.
It has strangely been assumed by Ludwig (Rig Veda, vol. iii.,
p. 200) that the title Seven Rivers, which is the Iranian name for
India, occurring in RV. only in viii. 24. 27, is evidence of the
antiquity of the eighth book. This can hardly be the case. The.
seven rivers are well known to the early poets. Had this been the
name of their country given to it by themselves it i- incredible
they should have consistently used 'seven rivers' to mean
seven streams and never once to mean the name of the country.
Nor is it probable that having been the name of the country it
should pass into such oblivion as never to be used as such (on the
supposition that viii. is older than ii.-vii.). On the other hand,
as the name given, not by the Vedic Aryans, but by their Iranian
neighbors, it is quite conceivable that Seven Rivers should on
occasion appear as a name amon^ those who lived nearest to the
Iranians, and perhaps occupied the same territory with the latter.
In regard to the Five Peoples, I have before this expressed
doubt whether they are identical with those Vedic peoples who
are supposed to be the Five, and as I hold still to this opinion, I
do not refer the Five Peoples necessarily to the Punjab or to
Turva$a, Yadu, etc., wherever they may have been located. But in
regard to the relation between the poets of viii. and the Five
Peoples, it is clear that while the poet of viii. 52. 7 speaks as if he
belonged to the Five Peoples, those of viii. 32. 21-22 (Medhatithi
va) and viii. 9. 2 (£)a9akarna Kanva) speak as if the Five
Peoples were remote. In the passage of viii. 32, the poet begs
Indra to pass over the Five Peoples and come to him:
nn . . . updratie . . . //</' p'h!<;r Just
as the poet' says "pass over 'the sinful presser," so he adds uand
over the Five Peoples."* In the passage, viii. i». •_', airain, the
Peoples are correlated with two other words expressing
remoteness: "whatev.-r is in mid-air, in the sky, or among the
Five Peoples;" just as in 10. 1 it is said "if ye are on the far
stretch of earth, or yonder in the gleam of the sky, or on the sea."
In the geographical allusions of viii., as compared with those oi
the other family books, the following points are especially impor-
tant. In the other books the Tut tidrl, the Yipae, and the'l'ariisni,
all in the Punjab, are the Ix^t known river-, apart from the Indus.
The Ganges, the D i and the.lumna( Yamuna) are mentioned
only in thoe family Imoks.f In respect of the Sarayu, which is
probably a western stream, not an eastern river, a poet in i\
alludes to it as if it were the boundary of his knowledge, and says
* Compare the use of iitf in ,iti /.•//.»/<////. rill 68, 15, an. I in :•!. ft. with
the idea of 64. 1-V Similar If the OMOi
f The Ganges is mentioned in x. 75. 5; vi. 45. 81 ; the Drptdvatf. in
iii. 28. 4 ; the Jumna, in v. 52. 17 and vii. 18. 19.
88 E. W. Hopkins [1896.
that Indra slew " beyond the Sarayu." There is also a vague
allusion to ^Drbhika,' so vague as to show that the Derbiker peo-
ple were already a myth, ii. 14. 3.* In viii., one poet alludes to
the Asikni and the Indus ; and another apostrophizes the Parusm,
but the latter hymn is not by « A'/N/W, hut by a member of the
Atri family ; while the former hymn alludes not only to plough-
ing but at the same time to the Pancalas (Krivis); so that it
seems to be later than most of the hymns in the eighth book.
The Sarasvat! is mentioned in one hymn of the Vfilakhilya and in
a danastuti ; but otherwise only in an Atri hymn.f
In conformity with the intermediate character of v., between
viii. and the other family books, stands the geographical agree-
ment ; for it is only in the Atri collection, v. 53. 9, that the
Kabul and Kurum are mentioned (along with the mythical Rasa,
the unknown Anitabha, the Sarayu, and the Indus). On the other
hand it is a Kanva poet who gives us the only reference in RV.
to the Swat river, northwest of the Punjab ; and V^vamanas
Viiiya9va, who apparently belongs to the Kanva family, gives us
what is the only allusion, apart from the General Books, to the
Gomati, on the west of the Indus (viii. 19. 37 ; 24. 30). It is,
further, worth mentioning that what may perhaps be the connect-
ing links, geographically speaking, between the Kabul and the
Punjab, viz., the Qaryanavati and the Arjikas, appear nowhere in
other family books, but several times in the eighth .J
The proper names in viii. afford a good parallel to the common
vocabulary. The correspondence is such as to show a marked
rapport between viii. and v., the General Books, and late litera-
ture. With the names of the other family books there is little
contact save in the case of two or three seers and the peoples'
names Turva9a, Yadu, Anu (Anava), Druhyu and perhaps Puru
(53. 10). § Jamadagni is cited once, and Divodasa appears, but
only as dawodasa (agni). Of poet's names, Kaksivant|| is about
the only one that connects viii. with other family books than v.
(Au9ija, Pajriya ; in viii. alone Varo-Pajra ISaman ; Susaman in
viii. and Epic).J Thus Apnaviina is early ; but in viii. only his
method, as that of one of old, is known (apnavdnavdt).
* Not only is the interpretation of the name Prthupar^u, in vii. 83,
doubtful, but the date is impaired by the fact that the hymn lacks the
Vasi§tha stamp.
f Indus and Asikni, viii. 20. 25 ; Parusm, 03. 15 ; Saras vati, 21. 17, 18;
38. 10 ; Val. 6. 4. That the first passage is late is indicated further by
its vocabulary (dvipd). The only certain allusion to the Punjab among
the Kanvas is in this late hymn !
J Hillebrandt, Ved. Myth., pp. 137-143. It is of course still doubtful
whether the locality is N. W. of the Punjab.
§ Ayu, Manu, the Bhrgus and Uyanas Kavya are early as well as in
viii. But the Yatis appear only in viii., x. Kutsa Arjuneya appears
(with Bhrgu) both early and late.
|| Compare Qruta-kaksa, only in viii. Kakslvant, iv. 26. 1; viii. 9. 10.
; Ekadyu (once in viii.). said to be son of Nodhas, is perhaps con-
nected, as the latter is called Kaksivata as well as Gautama in later
literature. The proteges of the Ac.vins, Babhru and Paktha, also occur
in viii. and early books. For the others, and the demons, see below.
Vol. xvii.] Pragathikani, I. 89
A good test is afforded by the patronymics. In one case only,
and that is in v., does viii. have the original name and the earlier
book have the patronymic; viz., Riiyama in viii. (Paviru in Vfil.),
Ru9amas in v. Hut observe, the difference. While Atithigva
occurs in other family books, Atithigva occurs only in viii.; while
A9varaedha occurs in v., A9vamedha occurs only in viii.; while
Tugra, and Bhujyu, his son, are early, the forms Tugrya and
_rrya are found only in viii.;* while Trasadasyu occurs early,
>adasyava occurs only in x. and viii.f
But it is from the names that occur both in viii. and in subse-
quent literature that one sees how large a proportion of all the
names in this book is late. Some ot the>e are <>f Epic fame.
Thus the saint Agastya, so well known in the Epic, is mentioned
in RV. only in viii., i., x., and the late hymnj vii. 33. Prthi
ya is known only to viii. and x., but is well known to AV.
With" him stands Dirghatamas, known as such only in viii., i.,
and tin- Hrahmanas (Aneathya in i.; 1'eathya, perhaps as adj., in
viii. 46. 28; Mamateya in iv.; perhaps Mamatfi in vi.); and, again,
Yyacva. Vaiyacva, viii., i. (ix. and viii., vyapvavat), and Vi§va-
manas (adj. and name), x., viii. Other examples are Sobhari, viii.
and AV. (Saubhara in Brah. and_Epic); perhaps Ruma, viii., with
Rumanvant, Epic ; Qrut-arvan Arksa., viii., x., Epic; Qara (called
Arcatka in i., and also by the late name Qauradevya in viii.),
occurring in viii., i., and Epic ; Kali, in i., x., and (in pi.) viii.;
Mandhfitar in viii., Mfmdhatar in Epic (as father of Purukutsa);
I'pastuta in viii., i., x. ; Visnapu (son of Vievaka, viii.), in viii., i.,
(Nabhfika), viii. and Brah.; Qiiljara, viii., x.; An9U,
viii. and VP.; Tri9oka, viii., i.
fences of special rapport between viii. and v. are: first the
Atreyan hymns in viii.; the Kdnvahotar of v. 41. 4 ; the Gopa-
vana of viii._ 63. 11, to whose name the Anukramani adds the
patronymic Atreya; and < i, mentioned in viii., and author
of hymns in v. In an Atri hymn, S.-iptavadhri, known in viii., v.,
x., appears. The Atris an- mentioned by the Kanvas in viii.<
There is little to offset the array of names common to viii. and
tlu late books. As said above, Agastva is surely late; and
Virupa i< perhaps late. The other names in viii. are chiefly either
names of for* r native names of late origin. Of the lat-
ter class, there is Krpa, Epic name found in RV. only in viii.;
Asanga, a Brahmanic word, used as proper name only in vii.;
* So Saihvaraga occurs in early books, while S&mvarani occurs only
in V&l. P&rsadv&ga in Val. has no Prsadvana beside it.
f But Paurukuthya (Kutsi) occm v oooks, as does Purukutsa.
Compare Pntira (early), and Tfksi. in \ -iii. and vi. 46.
t Lanmnn, l» ."i7^. In i. and viii. is mentioned Virupa, who
appears also in iii. 58. 7, apparently a late verse.
•Una (Gotamas; also are mentioned, but only in their own
hymn (viii. 77.4). Only i . \ x. mention the Kanvas. The Priya-
medhas and Medhyitithi appear only in rllL, i . x. and viii., i.. ix..
respectively. Kanva's father. Medlmtitfai (Epic, but see RV. x. 81. 11;
i. 117. 8, Nrsad), ap
appears only n
90 E. W. Hopkins, [1896.
Plfiyogi, which is used only in viii., and is either late or dialectic,
like Taluksa for Tarukaa ; /v7>/< ///<//>, as adj. in i., but as name in viii.
and in Brah. (Vibhinduka); durgdha, adj. and common noun in early
books, but a name in viii. 54. 12 (where are mentioned the ndpdto
cktrgahcttya), and recurring in the patronymic form daurgaha, in
the notoriously late addition to iv. 42, and in the Brah. ; svarnara
and fih'fst/m, as adjectives in early books, and then in viif. as
names ; and the late name Krsna, a poet. TVrapct, another poet,
has a name of late look ; it occurs only in viii. and Brfih. The
value of Niihusa and Vavatar is doubtful. Another of these
words which appear early as adjectives and later as names is
ddhrigu (as name, in viii. and i.) ; so probably prapathm, an adj.
in vi., a name in viii.
Other late names are Aurva, in aurvavdt, in viii., Brah., and
Epic ; Qarabha, viii. and Epic ; and Kunda-payya, descendant of
Qrnga-vrs. Compare the Epic Qriigin, name of a seer, and the
Epic Kuru names Kundaka, Kundadhura, Kundf^in, etc.
The Kurus, Krivis, and Cedis, all of Epic fame, appear in viii.,
but not in ii.-vii. The Cedi king, Ka9ii, is praised in viii. as a
giver of vtstra, etc. The Kara-name appears in Pakasthfiman
Kaurayana and Kuruiiga.*
The apua-names, Va9a A9\Tya (viii., i.), Vya9va (p. 04), Nindi-
tacva, Atreya Qyava^va (compare Qyiiva and Qyavaka in viii.),
might suggest that Iranian aspa-n&mes are here reproduced ; and
such may be the case. But it is worthy of note that the best dis-
trict in India for horses is the Punjab. The Saindhavan breed is
famous through Sanskrit and Pali literature. The prince who
" gives more horses than any other mortal " lives in the Punjab
on the Parusni (viii. 63. 15). f But Qyava lives on the Swat.
The gifts of Va9a A9\rya come from Prthu9ravas Kfinita, who
has been credited with cis-Indic origin, as have been also Balbu-
tha, Par9u, Tirindira, and Taruksa. All these are known only in
(i.) viii. Paravata, once in viii., may be the name of a western
prince. With him is mentioned Vasurocis.
The jOMrw-names I have given above, p. 42. Two are solitary,
Purumayya and Puruhanman ; while Purumidha occurs in viii., i.,
and v. Whether their prior element is the proper name Puru or
the common adjective puru is uncertain.
A few more names remain to be noted. Da9avraja and
Go9arya, otherwise unknown, occur in viii. and Vfil.J Narya and
Sthurayupa occur only in viii., the latter perhaps as a reminis-
cence. Praskanva (above, p. 59) is mentioned only in i.,viii., and
* Kanvayana, Val., Uksanyayana, and Harayana are lone nom. prop,
in viii. ; but probably the form is for Kaurayana. Kuru appears in x.
(-yrdvand)-
t In Am. Journ. Phil, xv., p. 156, I have shown that India was not so
badly off for horses as Roth and Brunnhofer supposed.
\ The Val. abounds in names not elsewhere known : Rjuna, Dirghan-
Itha, Daga^ipra, Dac.onya, Dasyave Yrka, Nipatithi, Pusjigu, Qrus^igu,
Prsadhara, Qi?ta> Saihvarta. The Val. contains Krya (also in x.), Syu-
maragmi (also in i.), and Rjigvan (also in early books).
Vol. xvii.] Pragathikani, I. 91
Vfil. The young woman, Apala, is mentioned in a hymn not
very old. Of the demons, Namuci, Arbuda, Pipru, and (/usna
(and Mrgaya ?) are old names ; much less old are Srbinda and
Ana^ani (neither found till vin. — compare the owr. Aey
r>~tt'\ also in viii.), and Ahlyuva Aurnavabha, which last occurs in
viii. and r. Both the Kanvas and the Purus are occasionally
regarded as devils in late works (so AV.; KV. x. 61. 13 ; RV. vii.
8. 4 as interpreted by Bran.).
The possibility of western relationship is strengthened not only
by the references to probably western princes, but by two or
three further facts. Thus, the (Iranian) custom of exposing old
people to die is alluded to as known only in a late Kanva hymn.*
It is only in the eighth book that the Babylonian m<tnd (t>7. L')
appears. From a religious point of view, it is, indeed, saying too
much to ascribe to Iranian influence the fact that, as has been
pointed out by M tiller, Vedic Hymns, p. 244, the eighth book alone
gives undivided homage to the abstract Aditi (viii. 19. 14). But the
unique position of the Gandharvas, which has been recogni/t.l
l»y K. H. Meyer and acknowledged by Hillebrandt (loc. cit., p.
may perhaps be due to the proximity of the Iranians. In fact,
>d gandharvdm astrtam (viii. 1. 11) reads almost like an
echo of the yd ajanat gandarewem in Yt. 19. 41 (which Geiger,
loc. cit.y p. 206, makes refer to the Hindus). f Hillebrandt him-
self has called attention (loc. cit.y p. 438) to the peculiar position
of the Kanvas in respect of their preparation of soma.^
But that the indications of western habitat do not prove that
the hymns there composed are early is shown, apart from vocab-
ulary, by the fact that the Swat is not mentioned in the body of
the hymn in which it occurs but in its ddnastnti ; that Tirin-
dira also appears in a ddnastuti (6. 46) ; that the (western ?) Pfira-
prince appears also only in a ddnastuti, etc. So the late
Cedis appear in (29fMiaftfttf.§
The eighth hook is not without other correspondence with the
A vesta. The only cases of adt for at, which in form at least is
Avestan, are cited from viii. 5. 31 ; 11. 7 ; 48. 5 ; i. 30. 21 ; x. 22.
6; 158. 1. The short thematic a in «7//.7,,< of the genitive plural
is Avestan, and this too is found only in i. 44. 2 = viii. 11. 2; i.
188. 11 ; x. 136. 6; 174. 5.|| If this were an old license, one would
<'t to see it imitated in other family books. But apparently
* Val. 3. 2. Compare Zimmer, loc. <•!(.. p. 328 ; Geiger, loc. cit., p.
t Compare viii. 06. 5 : abki gondharvdi* ntriiat.
278.
may here refer again to the fact, brought out in my last paper,
that the (Iranian) sacrosanct number 33 is einpl<>y<<l hi BY. almost
exclusively in viii. among family books (i. 34. 11 ;*4.">. '2— lx>th Kanva
hymns : 13'.«. 1 1 : i.i i, ' ; 85. 8 ; 89. 9 ; ix. 92. 4 ; V&I.
h i- i|iiit«- inconceivable that, if viii. W9n ih«- OiOMl U>ok, such
a designation of the gods abouM s<> pa>s iif oth.-r family lxx>ks to reap-
p«-ar Klbteqaently (in A V. an.i all lah i lit.-ratiiiv as th.- regoUl num-
ber of gods.
jj Compare viii. 20. 24 ; 22. 12 ; Val. 8. 8 ; viii. 5. 89.
I Lanman, loc. < ,/ . pp. 387, 852.
92 E. W. Hopkins. [1898.
it is introduced by the poets of viii. and imitated by the later
hymnists of i. and x. All three hymns of viii. are assigned to
Kanvas.
The time to formulate nicely any positive results in this field,
which still invites investigation, is not yet come; but I would
suggest tentatively that the observations made in the course of
this paper indicate with some verisimilitude, first, that much of
the Kftnva collection is late (like the Avesta) ; and second, that
at least a branch of the Kanvas lived in the Northwest, near the
Iranians, perhaps not far from where the late Atharvan was
patched together.
In the next paper, on the phraseology of the eighth book, I
shall show to what extent the Kanva collection consists of scraps
of older hymns. The title prayathikani is meant to cover the
Kanva collection as a whole.
Availing themselves of the space on this page, the Editors add the
following table of contents of Professor Hopkins's
Critical Study of the Age of the Eighth Book of the Rig- Veda.
Page
Introductory. Critique of the Studies of Lanman, Arnold, etc... 23
General indications of lateness of Book viii. 27
List i. : Words occurring in RV. viii., but not elsewhere in RV. ._ 29
General discussion of the evidence of List i. 49
List ii.: Words occurring in RV. viii. and x., but not elsewhere
in RV 52
List iii. : Words occurring in RV. viii. and i., but not elsewhere
inRV.... .. 56
Listiv.: Words occurring in RV. viii., i., and x., but not else-
where in RV 61
List v. : Words occurring in RV. viii., i., and ix., but not else-
where in RV 63
List vi.: Words occurring in RV. viii., i., ix., and x., but not else-
where in RV 64
List vii. : Words occurring in RV. viii. and ix., but not elsewhere
inRV... 68
List viii.: Words occurring in RV. viii., ix., and x., but not else-
where in RV 69
Final Note 72-92
Words with Avestan cognates 79
Words common to Avesta and RV. , but restricted in
RV. to viii. and the group i., ix., x 81
Indications of a difference between RV. viii. and RV.
ii.-vii. in respect of time or habitat (agricultural terms, 84 ;
geographical allusions, 87 ; proper names, 88) 84
ARTICLE III.
THE MALAYAN WORDS IN ENGLISH.
BY CHARLES PAYSON QURLBY SCOTT.
Presented to the Society, April, 1896.
I.NGLISH etymologists hav many imperious calls upon their
attention. Every language within the corners of the four winds
hoists a signal as they sail by in their hurried circumnavigation,
and it is no wonder if in their haste to reach home within the
time set in their articles, they ar tempted to ignore many of these
invitations to parley, or at most to cut the parley short, treating
such outlying tongues merely as ports of call, to be seen and left
within the waning of a winter's afternoon.
Even if time wer given, it too often happens that the means
of finding out these remoter facts and of forming therefrom a
judgment, ar not at hand, and can not be reacht.
And even if time and means ar granted, there is the difficulty
to be overcome of learning, before the ship sails on, the details
of many outlandish tongues, written often in outlandish charac-
ters, and ill provided with the critical apparatus which is so
abundant for the principal Aryan and Semitic tongues.
Nevertheless, difficulties do not form a complete excuse ; and
the English etymologists who ar corapeld, by their very office, to
touch many things which they can not hope to adorn, to enter
many fieM* which they can not hope to conquer, may yet go some
way forward, and make some spoil for their pains. And indeed
they do sometimes make spoil, with other pains than their own.
Of such an excursion, made along etymological lines, in a
remote but large and important group of languages, this paper
presents some results.
It deals with the words which hav come into the English lan-
guage from the East-Indian or Malayan Archipelago, the land
of the orang-utan an -I the sapi-utan, of the babirusa and the
banteng, of the bruang and the dugong, of the siamang, the
kahau, and the wauwau, of the malco an<l the cassowary, and of
that once mythic bird called the raanucodiata, 'tin- bird of
heaven ' or paradise ; the home of the kris and the gong ; the
94 C. P. G. Scott, [1896.
land of the myriad isles, the sea of lucid waters and rainbows in
the deep — a region, if we ar to believe the purpl tales of travelers,
like that where
" — the spicy breezes
Blow soft o'er Ceylon's isle,
[Where] every prospect pleases,
And only man is vile."
Indeed, in one version, it is the same region ; for in Heber's hymn,
in one edition (1827), the breezes "Blow soft o'er Java's isle"
(Julian, Diet, ofhymnology, 1892, p. 399).
More precisely, the paper deals with Malayan words in English;
that is, with English words, or words which may be regarded
as at least entitled to recognition in an English dictionary (if
there is any longer any such thing as an English dictionary),
that hav come, directly or indirectly, from Malayan sources. It
is necessary to apply some tests, which will be indicated later, to
determin what words shall be admitted under the name of English
or of Malayan. In this paper I use " Malayan " in a general
sense, linguistic and geographic, and confine "Malay " to the one
language so cald, which, however, owing to its receptiv character,
includes a great number of external "Malayan" words. It is
hazardous to say of any " Malayan " word that it is original
"Malay."
In the first process, that of collection, I hav been rather liberal.
The notion of a liberal collection must always be agreeable to
the theological mind, and I am fortunate, reading this paper at
the seat of a famous seminary of theology, in being thus able to
secure at the outset a pleased attention from at least a part of
my audience. I can only hope that when I hand up the plate
and retire to my pew, the cheerful face of expectation will not
be clouded by more than the usual gloom.
I hav collected all the English, or nominally English, words I
can find, which hav, or ar said to hav, or seem to hav, their
origin in the Malay language or the Malayan group of languages.
These English or nominally English words hav been gatherd out
of general English literature, from books of exploration and
travel, Hakluyt, Dampier, Hamilton, Forrest, Wallace, Bickmore,
Forbes, Thomson, Bird, and others ; from translations of foreign
books of travel, as Linschoten, and others included in the Hakluyt
Society's series ; from works treating of the political and natural
history of the Archipelago, as Marsden's History of Sumatra,
Raffles's History of Java, Crawfurd's History of the Indian
Archipelago and his Descriptive dictionary of the Indian islands;
from political reports, commercial lists, etc., and of course from
the English dictionaries, the Malay-English dictionaries, and such
works as that of Colonel Yule. A list of the works most used is
given further on.
To these English or nominally English words I hav annext other
words or forms from other languages more or less involvd in the
Vol. xvii.] The Malayan Words in English. 95
same history. All ar supported by quotations, many or few, all
dated and verified.
The words so collected I then undertook to etymologize, at
the same time putting them into classes according to their ascer-
tain'1 or probable status with respect to the English, and to the
Malayan or other Oriental languages.
The English or nominally English words wer separated accord-
ing to their actual standing in English, several tests, as of fre-
quency of use, of acceptance in standard literature (I play that
there is a standard literature), of independent use by 'divers
authors, and of relativ interest, being applied to discriminate the
words and lead to the final selection of the list which forms the
main basis of this paper — namely, the English words, truly
rded as such, which hav their ultimate origin in the Malayan
languages.
As the number of such words is considerable, and as they form
an important element in the English language, it is worth while
to make the attempt to ascertain and make known their true
history and their actual relations.
And there is also a larger view. These words from the Far
East which appear in English, appear also, most of them, in the
other great languages of Europe, and ar a part of the universal
vocabulary of civilization.
On the Malayan side my investigations hav been wholly ety-
mological. Every word in my lists I hav sought to find and to
trace through all the Malay dictionaries at my disposal — Marsden
(1812), Elout, translation of Marsden (1825), Roorda van Eysinga
(1825), Crnwfunl (1852), Pijnappel (1863), with Klinkert's Sup-
plement (1869), Favre (1875), Wall and Tuuk (1877-1884), Bad-
(1884), Swrttenham (1881, 18S7), Klinkert (1893), Clifford
and Swettenham (A 1894, B 1895, the rest to come), and other
works cited in the quotations. [Of the above named works, Elout
(1825) and Badings (1884) ar but seldom cited, being of little
independent value.] Then I sought the same or related words
in dictionaries of the related or adjacent lanu:iiaL,res, as Aehinese
(Arriens 1880, Bikkers 1882, Langen 1889), Lampong (Ilelfrich
1891), Nias (Thompson and Weber 1887), Javanese (Roorda van
Eysinga 1835, Groot and T. Roorda 1843, Favre 1870), Sundan-
ese (Rigg 1862), Balinese (Eck 1876), Dayak (Hardrland I
Macassar (Matthes 1859), Bugis (Thomsen 1833), together with
many minor glossaries and wordlists of the languages of the
same and other parts of the Archipelago, including some regarded
as 'dialects1 of tl . 1 Malay, and some allied only as mem-
bers of the broad r«»lyn«->iaii '_T<>U|>.
The present j.aj.rr i> intruded to contain only "nativ"
Malayan words, that is, Kn.irlMi words fairly entitled to be so
regarded, which can be definitly traced to the Malay language
as presented in Malay dictionaries, and < -an not be certainly traced
further, outside of the Archipelago. The three tests ar (1) tin-
word must be io English use, (2) it must be found in one or more
96 C. P. G. Scott, [1896.
Malay dictionaries, (3) if not ultimately Malay, it must at least
hav originated, so far as known, within the Malayan region. The
words which answer these tests, with the proofs and illustrations
as they stand in my manuscript, ar too numerous to be treated
in this paper. I select those which ar of most importance or of
most interest, and giv the full list at the end.
The plan of the paper is as follows : The articles ar arranged
in the alphabetic order of the English forms. Each article con-
sists of several divisions, coming always in the same order :
(1) The English form with a brief identifying definition, and
with variant spellings, present or past, if any. In some cases,
other European forms ar added.
(2) The Malay form, in the Malay character, with translitera-
tion ; and explanation of formation, if known.
JForm in other Malayan languages, if any.
Citations from various Malay dictionaries, in chronologic
, showing the actual form and definition assigned.
(5) Citations for other Malayan languages, if any ar concernd.
fO) Citations from English works in chronologic order, show-
ing the actual use of the word in English.
All Malay words, that is, all words enterd as real or nominal
Malay words in Malay dictionaries, ar given, in the first instance,
in the Malay character (which is Arabic with a few additional
letters distinguisht by three dots), and also in English trans-
literation, according to the noble " Roman " system, to which I
hav made the Dutch and French conform. It beats the Dutch
and the French both. I note here that Dutch tj answers to
English cA, the establisht infelicity for tsh, Malay in one letter
~r cha. Favre uses for this the otherwise unused infelicity x.
Dutch dj in like manner answers to English j, Malay ^- jlm.
Dutch oe answers to English u or w, Malay ^ wau. The rest is
obvious.
For more precision, all Malay words as above defined, ar, in
the Roman transliteration, whether English, Dutch, or French,
printed in upright spaced letters.
Some of the Malayan languages, as Batak, Lampong, Javanese,
Macassar, Bugis, and also the Tagala and Bisaya of the Philippine
islands, hav peculiar alphabets of their own. The Sundanese
appears sometimes in Javanese characters, sometimes, like the
Achinese, in Malay. All ar also renderd, by Europeans, in the
Roman character. I regret that it is impossible to reproduce
these nativ characters here. They would greatly add to the unin-
telligibility of my pages. I can giv only the Roman translitera-
tion. For the original characters, where they exist in the passages
I quote, I substitute three dots (. . .), which will probably satisfy
nearly everybody.
The dates put before the author's name and the title of the
book, if not followd by a later date within curves after the title,
mean that the quotation is taken from the identical edition of
Vol. xvii.] The Malayan Words in English. 97
the prefixt date. If a later date follows, after the title, the quo-
tation is from the later edition so dated. In some of the minor
wordlists quoted, taken from periodicals, the date and paging ar
of course those of the periodical.
A date in mjr own text, within curves, following a Spanish,
Portuguese, Italian, New Latin or English form in italics, is the
date of the earliest quotation for that form, in Yule's collection
of quotations, or in my own. It means only that the word is
found at least as early as the date given. The actual first
appearance of the word in the language mentiond, may hav been
twenty, fifty, a hundred years earlier. Historical etymology
without dates is mere babble. Any date, if true, is better than
none.
The quotations ar all first-hand, unless raarkt otherwise. Those
taken from Yule's indispensable collection ar markt (Y.). Some
are due to the Stanford dictionary (8. D.); a few to the New
•;/ ( \. E. D.), and the Century dictionary (C. I).).
In view of the near approach of the twentieth century, I hav
modernized some of our sixteenth century spellings in order to
make them worthy of the nineteenth before it is too late. In
this I follow the advice of all English philologists ; who advise
well.
The following is a list of the principal works used in the prepa-
ration of this paper. It is confined almost wholly to dictionaries
ami word lists of the languages of the Malayan Archipelago, in my
own library. A few English works of special value, as Yule's
Anglo-Indian glossary and Wallace's and Forbes's travels, ar
included in the list. The titles of other works used will appear
in the quotations.
The works ar listed in the alphabetic order of the authors'
names. AVhcn cited, they ar preceded by the date as a constant
part of the author-reference. The names of the works most
often cited, ar in the quotations commonly reduced to date and
author's name only, "1812 Marsden," "1875 Favre," etc., with
tin iocus added.
AERNOUT,W., Een woordenlijstje der Tidoengsche taal [Borneo].
Amsterdam, 1885. Large 8vo. (In:....Deel L 1885, p. 536-550,
Amsterdam.)
>s pour servir d V etude de Vhistoire, des tongues^ de la
ie et de V ethnographic de VAsie orientate, redigees par
MM. ' Schlegel et Henri Cordier. Ley den, 1890+. 8vo.
See Sn 1 1 i
\s, P., Maleisch-Hottandsch-Atfehsche tooordenlyst. Am-
mi. 1880. 8vo, 8 + 94 p.
BADINGS, A. II. L., Niewc II--II nid*ch-Malei»ch% JA'A /-•/<-
Hollandsch woordenboek. Zoo gemakk* Hjk nwgelijk ingcricht
ten dienste van Nederlandera, toel'ke zich in Indie toentchen te vc*-
tigen. 4th ed. Schoonhoven, 1884. 8vo, 394 p.
VOL. xvii. 7
98 C. P. G. Scott, [1896.
BATAVIAASCH GENOOTSCHAP VAN KUNSTEN EN WETENSCHAPPEN.
Verhandelingen : Deel XXIX., 1862 (see RIGG). Deel XLV.,
1891 (see HELFRICH). See also TIJDSCHRIFT, etc.
Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-
Itnlie. Uitgegeven door het JKoninklijk instituut voor de taal-,
land- en volkenkunde van Nederlandsch- Indie, s' Gravenbage,
1853+. (Amst. 1856-65). 8vo. See CAMBIER and KEBN (1890).
Bulletin de la ISociete academique indo-chinoise. 2e serie,
1882 + . See BLUMENTRITT, 1884.
BIKKERS, Dr. A. J. W., Malay, Achinese, French and English
vocabulary, alphabetically arranged under each of the four lan-
guages. With a concise Malay grammar. London, 1882. 8vo,
14 + 352 p.
BIRD, Isabella L., The Golden Chersonese and the way thither.
London, 1883. 8vo, 16 + 379 p.
BLUMENTRITT, Ferdinand, Vocabulaire de locutions et de mots
particuliers d Vespagnol des Philippines. ...traduit de Vallemand
du X VIe jahresberichte der communal ober-realschule in JLeit-
meritz, par A. Hugot.... Paris, 1884. (Extrait n° 12 du Bui-
ktin de la Societe academique indo-chinoise. 2e serie, t. II., mai
1882.) 8vo, 84 p.
BROOKE, James. See MUNDY.
CAMBIER, J. P. C., Rapport over Tidoreesch-Halmahera. Be-
knopte woordenlijst van talen op Tidoreesch-Halmahera. 1873.
(In Bijdrtigen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-
Indie. Uitgegeven door het Kon. instituut voor de taal-, land-
en volkenkunde van Nederlandsch Indie. 3e volgreeks VII., p.
265, 266. 's Gravenhage, 1873.
CLERCQ, F. S. A. de, Het Maleisch der Molukken. Lijst der
meest voorkomende vreemde en van het gewone maleisch ver-
Si'.hillende woorden, zooals die gebruikt warden in de residential
Manado, Ternate, Ambon met Banda en Timor Koepang, bene-
vens pantoenSj prozastukken en gedichten. Batavia, 1876. Square
8vo, 96 p.
CLIFFORD, Hugh, and SWETTENHAM, Frank Athelstane, A
dictionary of the Malay language: Malay -English. Part i, the
letter A. Taiping, Perak, 1894. 4to, 8+100 p. Part 2, the let-
ter B. 1895, p. 101-308.
CRAWFORD, John, History of the Indian Archipelago, contain-
ing an account of the manners, arts, languages, religions, institu-
tions and commerce of its inhabitants. Edinburgh, 1820. 8vo,
3vols. 7 + 52°P-536p., 554 P-
CRAWFURD, John, A grammar ana dictionary of the Malay
language, with a preliminary dissertation. In two volumes.
Vol. I. Grammar. Vol. II. Malay and English, and English
and Malay dictionaries. London, 1852. 8vo, vol. 1:291+84
p.; vol. 2 : 4 + 208 + 201 p.
CRAWFURD, John, A descriptive dictionary of the Indian
islands and adjacent countries. London, 1856. 8vo. 1+459 p.
Vol. xvii.] The Malayan Words in English. 99
OUST, Robert K, A sketch of the modern languages of the East
Indies. London, 1878. 8vo, 198 p.
DEVIC, L. Marcel, Dictionnaire etymologique des mots francais
aborigine orientale \arabey persan, turc, hebreu, malais). Paris,
1876. 8vo, 16 + 272 + [2] p. [2d ed. in appendix to Littrt?, Die-
"tire de la langne francaise. Paris, 1877.]
DIAS, J., Lijst van Atjehsche woorden. (In: Tijdschrift voor
Indische taal-, land- en volkenkunde. p. 141-161. Batavia, 1879.
8vo.)
ECK, R. van, Erste proeve van een Balineesch-Hollandsch
woordenboek. Utrecht, 1876. 8vo, [6] -f- 260 p.
K.,i II.AZ Y YANGUAS, D. Leopoldo de, Glosario etimdlogico de
las palabras espafiolas (castellanas, catalanas, gallegas, mattor-
qttinas, portuguesas, valencianasy bascongadas) de orlgen oriental
(drabe, hebreo, malayo, persa y turco). Granada, 1886. 4to,
24 + 591 p.
EIJBERGEN, H. C. van, Korte woordenlijst van de taal der Aroe-
'ilanden. (In : Tijdschrift voor Indische taalr, land- en
r,,//,; nkmide, deel XIV. p. 557-568.) 8vo. Batavia, 1864.
KKRIS, A. van, Woordenlijst van eenige dialecten der landtaal
op de Ambon sche eilanden. Rotterdam, 1864-65. 12 mo. (In:
....p. 61-134.)
ELOUT, C. P. J., Dictionnaire malai, hollandais et francais ;
tfi'Init du dictionnaire malai et anglais de Mr. W. Marsden.
H.irlem, 1825. 4to, 2i+[2] + 6o4p.
ELOUT, C. P. J., Dictionnaire hollandais et malai, suit'! ,/'//,/
'ire francais et malai ; d^apres le dictionnaire anglais et
malai de Mr. W. Marsden. Harlem, 1826. 4to, 432 p.
FAVBE, P., Dictionnaire javanais- francais. Vienna, 1870.
royal 8vo, 8 + 546 p.
FAVRE, P., Dictionnaire malais-francais. Vienna, 1875
vols. royal 8vo, 26 + 916 and 877 p.
FAVKI:. I'.. Grammaire de la langue malaise. Vienna, 1876.
royal 8vo, 23 + 242 p.
FOKKER, A. A., Malay phonetics. Leiden, 1895. 8vo, 99 p.
I •'. ii:i:> •<. Henry O., A naturalises wander imj* in the Eastern
Archipelago, a narrative of travel and exploration from 1878 to
1883. New York, 1885. 8vo, 19 + 536 p.
GRABIIUIK, J. G., Dr. Roorda van I ''.* algemeen /
landsch- Male inch woordenboek, herrJ- // M ''ermeerderd. Loi«lcn.
1878. Large 8vo, 16 + 1005 p.
<;I:OOT, A. D. Cornets de, Javaansche spraakkutist, uitgegeven
,...door J. F. C. Gericke....tioeede verbeterde en vermeerderde nit-
>' 'four ,,,, Icesboek tot oefenin-i /// 7« Javaansche
tool, vtrzameld en uitgegeven door J. C. F. Gericke / op i<
uitgegevm • <> <-<>orzien van een nieuw woordenboek door T.
Roorda.... Amsterdam, 1843. 8vo, 12 + 10 + 15 + 8 + 236 + 45 +254
N I'-
ll A
l AKX, David, Dictionarium Mai/ xt/t, et Latino-
Malaicum cum aliis quamplurimis yuce quarto, pagina edocebit.
Opera & studio Davidis Haex. EtonUD, 1631. 4to, 7 + 72 + 75 p.
100 C. P. G. Scott, [1896.
HARDKLAND, Aug., Dajacksch-deutsches worterbuch. Bear-
beitet und herausgegeben im auftrage und auf kosten der nieder-
Itindischen bibelgesellschaft. Amsterdam, 1859. Large 8vo,
8 + 638 p.
HELP RICH, O. L. Proeve van een Lampongsch-Hollandsche
woord''nl!j.tt, bepaaldelijk voor het dialect van Kro'e. Batavia,
1891. 8vo, p. 8 + 116 + 32. (Constituting: Verhandelingen
van het Bataviaasch genootschap van kunsten en wetensc happen.
deel XLV., 3e stuk.)
HELFRICH, O. L., and PIETERS, J. A. J. C., Proeve van eene
Maleisch- Nederlandsch- Engctneesch woordenlijst. Batavia, 1891.
8vo. (In : Tijdschrift voor Indische taal-, land- en volkenkunde,
deel XXXIV., 1891, p. 539-604.)
JELLESMA, E. J., Woordenlijst van de taal der Alifoeren op het
eiland Boeroe, benevens eenige grammatical* aanteekeningen
omtrent die taal. Batavia, 1874. Preface dated " Kajelie, Sep-
tember 1873." 8vo, 28 p.
KERX, H., Hottineesch-Maleische woordenlijst. 8vo, 26 p. (In :
Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde van Nederlandsch
Indie. Uitgegeven door het Kon. instituut voor de taal , land- en
volkenkunde van Nederlandsch Indie. 5 volgreeks, V. 's Grav-
enhage, 1890.
KLINKERT, H. C., Supplement op het Maleisch-Nederduitsch
woordenboek van Dr. J. Pijnappel, Gz. Harlem, 1869. Large
8vo. 2 + 276 p.
KLTNKERT, H. C., Nieuw Maleisch- Nederlandsch woordenboek
met Arabisch karakter, naar de beste bronnen bewerkt. Leiden,
1893. Large 8vo, 7 + 712 p.
KRUYT, Alb. C., Wbordenlijst van de Baree-taal, gesproken
door de Alfoeren van Centraal Celebes beoosten de rivier van
Poso, benevens de Topebato-Alfoeren bewesten genoemde rivier.
Uitgegeven door het Koninklijk instituut voor de taal; land- en
volkenkunde van Nederlandsch- Indie, 's Gravenhage, 1894.
Large 8vo, 122 p.
LANGEN, K. F. H. van, Woordenboek der Atjehsche taal. Uit~
gegeven door het Iioninklijk instititut voor de taal-, land- en
volkenkunde van Nederlandsch- Indie. 's Gravenhage, 1889.
Large 8vo, 6 + 288 p.
LEYDEN, John, Malay Annals, translated from the Malay
language ; with an introduction by Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles.
London, 1821. 8vo, 16 + 361 p.
MARRE, Aristide, Vbcabulaire des principales racines malaises
etjavanaises de la langue malgache. Paris, 1896. i2mo, 57 p.
MAKSDEN, William, A dictionary of the Malayan language, in
two parts, Malayan and English, and English and Malayan.
London, 1812. 4to, 16 + 589 p.
MARSDEN, William, A grammar of the Malayan language,
with an introduction and praxis. London, 1812. 4to.
MARSDEN, William. Tfie history of Sumatra. London, 1783 ;
3d ed. 1811. 4to.
Vol. xvii.] The Malayan Words in English. 101
MATTHKS, B. F., Makassaarsch- Hollandsch woordenboek, met
Hollandsch- Makassaarsche woordenlijst, opgave van Makassanr-
sche plantennamen, en verklaring van een tot opheldering bijge-
voegden ethnographischen atlas. Amsterdam, 1859. Large 8vo,
84-94:. I'-
MAYER, L. Th., Practisch Maleisch- Hollandsch, Hollandsch-
Maleisch handwoordenboek, benevenseen kort begrip der Maleische
woordoorming en spraakleer. Amsterdam [ 1 895]. 8vo, 1 9 + 608 p.
MUNDY, Captain Rodney, Narrative of events in JZorneo and
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the journals of James Brooke, Esq., rajah of Sarawak, and gov-
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1 1 4- 395 p.
PIETERS, J. A. J. C. See HELFRICH, O. L.
PIJNAPPEL, Dr. J., Gz., Maleisch- Nederduitsch woordenboek,
het werk van Dr. W. Marsden en andere bronticn !>• <>•> /7v.
Haarlem, 1863. Large 8vo. 12 + 272]).
Tri:. HAS, Samuel, Purchas his Pilgrimage. London, 1613.
Small folio, [30] + 75 2 + 20 p.
RAFFLES, Thomas Stamford, The history of Java. London,
1817. 2 v. 410, 48 + 479 p. and 8 + 288 + [3] + 260 p.
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RIGG, Jonathan, A dictionary of the Sunda language of Java.
Batavia, 1862. 4to, 16 + 537+5 p. (Constituting: Verhande-
'ii 1ft r>'tt<i»iaasch genootschap van kutisten en weten-
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ROORDA VAN EYSINGA, P. P., Maleisch en Nederduitsch woor-
denboek, ondu- goedkewring >n begunstiging der hooge regering
van Ncdt-rl'Ht'lxi'h Indie vervaardigd en uitgegeven....Bat2i\ra,
1825. 8vo, [6] + 432 + 44 )».
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vaansch uooordenlxx /,-, 'm <te Kromo-, Ngoko-, Modjo- en JCatoische
taal, met geautographieerde t<ij'>l. Kamju-n, 1834. 8vo, [6] +
262 p.
ROORDA VAN EYSINGA, P. P., Algemeen Javaansch en Neder-
duitsch woordenboek, in de Kromo-, Ny-1.- . M •••//'•<- • /
!KiLitigen uit verschillende schryvers.. .Kampen, 1835.
8vo, [6] + 660 p.
ROOBDJI ^^^ l'^-l\(iA. See GRASIIUIx
Sen ».IIM:IV. Chinese loanword* /// ///»• . V. /A/// hin.juage.
Leyden, 1890. 8vo, i- I. \tiait .lu \-..|. I., '/",,////;/ pa,o, Ar-
chives pour servir d Cetude de Vl< > A///////.X. <!, 1 1 geo-
graphic et de ret In," '• ori<ntale....redigees par
MAf. Gustave Schlegel et Henri C<»nti'i\)
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102 C. P. G. Scott,
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SWETTENHAM, Frank A. See CLIFFORD, H.
TENDELOO, H. J. E., Maleische verba en nomina verbalia.
Leyden, 18915. 8vo, 7 + 177 p.
THOMAS, J. W., and WEBER, E. A. TAYLOR, Niasch-Maleisch-
Nederlandsch woordenboek. Batavia, 1887. Large 8vo, 16 + 186 p.
[THOMSEN], A vocabulary of the English, Bug is, and Malay
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66 p.
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taal. Batavia, 1872. 8vo, 94 p.
Tijdschrift voor Indische taal, land- en volkenkunde. Uitge-
geveti door het Bataviaasch genootschap van kunsten en weten-
schappen. Batavia, 1852+. 8vo. See DIAS 1879, EIJBERGEN
1864, RlEDEL i860, VORDERMAN 1889, W~ALLAND 1863.
TUUK, H. N., van der. See WALL, H. von de.
VORDERMAN, A. G., Bijdrage tot de kennis van het Billiton-
Maleisch. Batavia, 1889. (In : Tijdschrift voor Indische taal-,
land- en volkenkunde, deel XXXIV., 1889,' p. 373-400.)
WALL, H. von de, Lijst van eenige in "*t Maleisch gebruikelijke
woorden van Sanskrit-oorsprong, waarvan die afstamming in
de Maleische woordenboeken van Roorda van Eijsinga (1825),
Elout (Marsden, 1825), Roorda van Eijsinga (manuscript, 1847),
Grawfurd (1852) en Pijnappel (1863) niet aangetoond is. (In :
....Batavia, 1867.)
WALL, H. von de, and TUUK, H. N. van der, Maleisch- Neder-
landsch woordenboek op last van het gouvernement van Neder-
landsch-Indie samengesield door wijlen II. von de Wall, en, met
weglating van al het overtollige, uitgegeven door H. N. van der
Tuuk. Batavia, 1877-1884. Deel I, 1877, 10 + 504 p. Deel II,
1880, 579 p. Deel III, 1884, 256 p.
WALLACE, Alfred Russel, The Malay Archipelago, the land of
the orang-utan and the bird of paradise ; a narrative of travel,
with studies of man and nature. London, 1869, 2 vols. cr. 8vo,
24 + 478 p., and 5 24 p.; newed. i vol. extra cr. 8vo, 1890, 17 + 515 p.
WALLAND, J., Het eiland Engano [including : Eene woorden-
lijst van de taal, die op het noordelijk gedeelte van Engano
gesproken wordt, p. 116-124]. Batavia, 1863, 8vo, 32 p. (In:
Tijdschrift voor Indische taal-, land- en volkenkunde, deel XIV.,
p. 93 124. Batavia, 1863.)
WALLAND, J., Het eiland Engano. Batavia, 1863. 8vo, 10 p.
In the same, p. 330-339.
WEBER, E. A. T. See THOMAS.
YULE, Henry, and BURNELL, Arthur Coke. Hobson-Jobson :
being a glossary of Anglo-Indian colloquial words and phrases,
and of kindred terms / etymological, historical, geographical and
discursive. London, 1886. 8vo, 48 + 870 p.
Vol. xvii.J The Malayan Words in English. 103
Abada, a rhinoceros, a word frequent in the Hakluyt period ;
also abado, and once abath. It is a transfer of Portuguese abada
(•I. 1598), Spanish abada (a. 1585), New Latin abada (1631). This
is a mistaken form, arising probably by attraction of the vowel
of the article la (la bada taken as V abada), of what was also
tiM-.l in the proper form bada, Portuguese bada (1541), Spanish
{ (1611), Italian bada (c. 1606), (not noted in English or New
Latin). See the quotations in Yule. Bada seemd to be feminin,
and hence was by some thought to be *' the female Vnicorne."
The word is found in all the principal languages of the Malayan
Archipelago. Bada is from Malay O<^W badak, a rhinoceros.
Achinese badak, badZk, badulh, Batak badak, Lampong badak,
Javanese warak, Sundanese badak, Balinese warak, Dayak badak,
Macassar bada, Bugis badak. The final O k in Malay pronun-
ciation is faint, and often silent. It does not appear in the
Macassar form, from which, indeed, the Portuguese and Spanish
bada may hav been derived. It is absent in the English render-
ing of several Malay names of places, as in Ava, Malay t^jjT
A\vak, Batta beside Batak, Malay (Jp'lj Batak, Sulu, Soo~
loo, Malay J>J?-*« Suluk. So Perak Or-*-* Perak, Dayak
^jijto Dayak ar usually pronounced without the k.
The pronunciation of the form abada must hav been, of course,
a-ba'da. An erroneous accentuation a'ba-da may hav been in
use also ; the form abath implies this. But the form abda, which
if genuin, would prove the latter accentuation, is a mistake (see
below).
Badac. Rinoceros. 1631 HAEX, p. 4.
* "i -
^•Jlj badak the rhinoceros. Tandok badak or chula bA-
dak the rhinoceros horn. 1812 MARSDEN, p. 31.
(j)*>U badakh eenhoorn, rhinoceros. Badakh gadjah rhi-
noceros met een hoorn. Badakh karbau rhinoceros met twee
hoornen. 1825 RoORDA VAN EYSINGA, p. 36.
Badak (J. warak). The rhinoceros. 1852 CRAWFCRD, p. 14.
^;jU badak, neushoorn ; — gadjah, n. met een, — karbau n.
met twee hoorns ; lid ah — coc hen i lie-cactus. (Bat. id. Jav. warak.
Mak. badd.) 1863 PLTNAPPEL, p. 27.
^•jL badak, le rhinoceros.... Jav. . . . wadak [read . . . warak].
Sund. . . . badak. Bat. . . . badak. Mak. . . . bada. Day. badak.
1875 FAVRE, 2:164.
^•*>U biidak, neushoorn: tjoela b., het hoorn van den neus-
hoorn : lid ah b. (neushoorntong), naam der cactusachtixe gewasseD,
in*, van den cocheni lie- cactus.... 1877 WALL and TUUK, i : 184.
Badak ^Jjb a rhinoceros. 1881 SWETTENHAM (1887), 2:7.
104 C. P. G. Scott, [1896.
badak, rhinoceros, het neushoorndier ; b. g a d j a h, die een
en b. kerbau, die twee neushorens heeft ..... 1893 KLINKERT, p. 80.
Badak, rhinoceros; Badak gad j ah, een hoornige rhinoceros ;
Badak kerbau, tweehoornige rhinoceros ; Tjoela badak, hoorn
van een rhinoceros ; Lid ah badak, opuntia cochinillifera, een hees-
tcr, veel aangekweekt voor de cochenillecultuur. 1895 MAYER, p. 27.
Badak. ^\>lj. The rhinoceros....
1895 CLIFFORD and SWETTENHAM, p. 106.
Badak neushoorn. 1879 DIAS, Lijst van Atjehsche woorden, p. 160.
Badaq rhinoceros, badoe-eh.
1880 ARRIENS, Maleisch-Hollandsch-Atjehsche woordenlijst, p. 8.
^Js>Lj badek, neushoorn ; rhinoceros ; soemboeh — , de hoorn van
den rhinoceros. 1889 LANGEN, Woordenboek der Atjehsche taal, p. 26.
Badak (ook Ab[oengsch]. v. H.), rhinoceros.
1891 HELFRICH, Lampongsch-Holl. woordenlijst, p. 33.
Warak, neushoorndier, renoceros. 1835 ROORDA VAN EYSINGA,
Algemeen Javaansch en Nederduitsch woordenboek, p. 641.
. . . [warak] N[goko et] K[rama], rhinoceros.
1870 FAVRE, Dictionnairejavanais-frangais, p. 290.
Badak, the rhinoceros, Rhinoceros Sumatrensis. . . .
1862 RIGG, Diet, of the Sunda lang., p. 29.
Warak rhinoceros. 1876 ECK, Balineesch-HolL wrdbk., p. 149.
Badak, d. Nashorn.
1859 HARDELAND, Dajacksch-deutsches worterbuch. p. 24.
Badak rhinoceros. 1885 AERNOUT, Woordenlijstje
der Tidoengsche taal, p. 541.
. . . Bddd, bep. bddaka. 't Mai. b ad ak h rhinoceros.
1859 MATTHES, Makassaarsch-Hollandsch woordenboek, p. 173.
Rhinoceros . . . badak badak.
1833 [THOMSEN], Vocdb. of the Eng., Bugis and Malay lang., p. 20.
The English use appears, as in the case of many other strange
animals then first heard of in the far East, and the far West, in
the voyages and histories composed or translated in the later
decades of the sixteenth century.
It is a very fertile country, with great stoare of prouisioun ; there are
elephants in great number and abadas, which is a kind of beast so big
as two great buls, and hath vppon his snowt a little home.
1588 R. PARKE, tr. Mendoza (orig. 1585), Historic of the great and
mightie kingdom of China, etc. (Hakluyt soc., 1853), 2:311. (Y.)
We sent commodities to their king to barter for Amber-greese, and
for the homes of Abath, whereof the Kinge onely hath the traffique in
his hands. Now this Abath is a beast which hath one home only in
her forehead, and is thought to be the female Vnicorne, and is highly
esteemed of all the Moores in those parts as a most soveraigne remedie
against poyson. 1592 BARKER in Hakluyt (1807), 2 : sgr. (Y.)
Vol. xvii.] The Malayan Words in English. 105
The Abada, or Rhinoceros is not in India, but only in Bengala and
Patane. 1598 tr. LJNSCHOTEN, Discours of voyages into y easte db
weste Indies* p. 88 (Y.) ; repr. Hakluyt soc. (1885), 2:8.
Also in Bengala are found great numbers of the beasts which in
Latine are called Rhinocerotes, and of the Portingalles Abadas.
1598 Id. p. 23 (Y.); repr. Hakluyt soc. (1885), 1 196.
Camboia lyeth Southward from thence, a great and populous Coun-
trie, full of Elephants and Abada't (this Beaft is the Rhinoceros).
1613 PURCHAS, Pilgrimage, p. 387.
In Bengala are found great numbers of Abadas or Rhinocerotes,
whofe horn (growing up from his fnowt,)....is good againft poyfon,
and is much accounted of throughout all India. 1613 Id. p. 400.
(This passage is quoted, with the unmarkt omission of some words
(from "snowt ' to" is good"), and with the reference "(1864) 2," in the
N. E. D.: and the word Abadas is erroneously printed Abdas.]
See other quotations in Yule and the Stanford dictionary ; and refer-
ences in Pennant, Synopsis of quadrupeds, 1771, p. 75.
Ailantus, a beautiful East Indian tree, Ailantus glandulosa,
Desf., well known in European and American towns, where it is
planted as a shade-tree. The name, which is also found as
ailanto, is not commonly recognized as Malay, but that is its
ultimate origin. It has been referd to the Chinese, to the
Sanskrit, and to one of the languages of the Molucca islands ;
and in all of these languages it has been said to mean 'tree of
heaven.' The reference to the Molucca islands is correct ; but
the final explanation lies in the Malay.
Ailantus is also speld, erroneously, ailanthus. It is from the
New Latin ailantus, as used by Desfontaines (1786) in the erro-
neous form ailanthus, as the name of the genus.
Ailanthus glandulosa, Desf. in Mem. Acad. Sc. Par. 1786 (1789), 265,
t. 8.— China. 1893 Index Kewensis i :66.
The Index Kewensis mentions three other species, A. excelsa,
A. ;//',-////*///•/*•</, .1. moluoocma. The first and third of these
speciti names ar especially appropriate to the name ailantns:
for the name comes from the Molucca islands, and the tree
grows hi<:h.
The Molucca name does not appear, in the precise combination
required, in the glossaries and wordlists accessible to me ; hut
the Kuropean reflex, and th<- meaning and locality assigned, make
it clear that th«- original Molucca name from which Peslontainrs,
or the author on whom he depended. pn>l»ably one of the Dutch
naturalists, took the word, was *" or *ai lanitol, which
could he interpreted, literally, as1 tree of heaven,' tho the real
meaning, as we shall see, i«« something dilTeretit. A i i- the most
common form, in the Molucca region, with numerous variants,
oaf, aya, ayo, now, ow, and &at, </, etc., of the general
Malay word for 'tree' or 'wood1, namely yM kayu. Lanit,
106 C. P. G. Scott, [1896.
Ian it 0^ with laniol, ar Moluccan forms of the general Malay
word for 'sky,' o£^ Ian git. The precise Malay combination
*kfiyu langit, the ultimate original of *ai lanit,
and so of the English u Hunt us, does not appear in the dictiona-
ries ; but its existence is implied in the * dialectal' form mentiond,
and is also indicated by the presence in French of langit as a
synonym of ailante, ailantus. This langit must be a fragment of
the full name *kayu langit.
The name could be interpreted as * tree of heaven,' if that is
taken as 'tree of the heavens.' The exact meaning, if langit is
to be taken in its most usual sense, is ' tree of the sky.' There
is no Elysian poetry in this. It would merely imply a tree that
rises high in the air, a very tall tree. And the nativ ailantus is
said to grow very tall. But langit means also 'a canopy, an
awning, a ceiling, a cover'; the reduplicated langit-langit
also means 'a canopy'; and in view of the use of the ailantus
as a shade-tree, it is probable that the name refers to that fact
— that it means merely 'canopy-tree,' or, in substance, merely
'shade-tree.' So that the sarcastic allusions to the unheavenly
odor of the blossoms of the " tree of heaven " arise from an erro-
neous etymology. There is no " tree of heaven."
For the principal forms of kayu, see the quotations under
CAJUPUTI in this paper. The Moluccan and other ' dialectal'
forms of kayu hav in great part lost the initial consonant, be-
coming ayo, at/a, ai, aai, oai, etc.
Ai hout, boom (T. R. H. W. K. P. Kr. Ht. N. A.).
1864-65 A. VAN EKRIS, Woordenlijst.... Ambonsche eilanden, p. 69.
Hout | Maba, Gotowassi aai \ Boeli, Waijamli, Bitjoli oai \ Ingli aai.
1873 CAMBIER, Beknopte woordenlijst van
talen op Tidoreesch-Halmahera, p. i (265).
Sago-boom | Maba, Gotowassi pipe ayo | Boeli, Waijamli-Bitjoli
poepie ayo \ Ingli pipi ay a. 1873 CAMBIER, Beknopte woordenlijst van
talen op Tidoreesch-Halmahera, p. i (265).
Hout, | Maleisch kaijoe | Aroe-eilanden— Wokam kai, Oedjir kai \
Keij-eilanden — Eli Ellat kaijoe, Oorspronk ai.
1864 EIJBERGEN, Korte woordenlijst van de
taal der Aroe- en Keij-eilanden, p. 5 (563).
Kajoe kaoe. 1874 JELLESMA, Woordenlijst van de taal
der Alifoeren op het eiland Boeroe, p. 15.
Some Buruese words.... tree, kaun.
1885 FORBES, A naturalist's wander-
ings in the Eastern archipelago, p. 411.
Wallace (Malay Archipelago, 1869, ed. 1890, App. p. 490) give
the equivalents of kayu, wood, in 33 languages, or rather 33
localities, kayu in 4, kaju in i, kalu in 2, kalun in i, kaya in i,
kao in 3, kai in i, ai or a'i in 9 (chiefly in and near Amboina),
•aow in i, ow in i, with other forms gagi, gdh, gota, etc.
Vol. xvii.] The Mxl<iy<ni Word* in English. 107
The word Ian git is found in nearly all the languages of the
Malayan group: Malay c^£^ langit, Achinese langit, Batak
1 1 n 'lit, Lampong langik, langit, Javanese langit^ Sundanese langit,
Balinese langit, Dayak langit, Macassar langi, Bugis langi, BareG
j'ingi, Sangi-Manganitti langih, Jilolo langit, langat, Tagala
/'/>/;//'', Bisava A//////V, Malagasi lanitra, the sky, the firmament.
It is a general Polynesian word, Maori rangi, raki, Samoan lagi,
Tahitian rai, Hawaiian lani, Tongan layi, Rarotangan rangi,
Marquesan aki. cm*, etc. 'the sky, heaven.' See Tregear, Maori-
tesian comparative dictionary, p. 392-394.
Langit. Aerem & vifibiles caelos denotat. Item conuexitatem,
concamerationem, teftudinem, quae alicui imponitur exprimit.
1631 HAEX, p. 23.
langit the sky, visible heavens, firmament. Bumi dan
langit earth and sky.... 1812 MAKSDEN, p. 296.
langit de lucht, het uitfpanfel, de zigtbare he met....
1825 ROORDA VAN EYSINQA, p. 349.
langit, uitspansel, hemel. (Bat. Day. id. Jav. id., ook : wat
bovendrijft. Mak. langi.) Lalangit en langi t-langit , verhemelte
van dock boven een vertrek, of van den mond. 1863 PIJNAPPEL, p. 203.
o£y langit, le ciel, le firmament.... Jav. et Sund. . . . langit.
Bat. . . . langit. Mak. et Bug. . . . langi. Day. langit, Tag. et Bis. . . .
I' i n ij it. 1875 FAVRE, 2:499.
o^-C^ langit, uitspansel boven iets, bv. boven een ledikant; hemel,
hemelgewelf. 1884 WALL and TUUK, 3:51.
OAA£^ langit, hemel, uitspansel.
1889 LANGEN. Woordenboek der Atjehsche tool, p. 234.
Langik, heuvel, uitspansel ; lalangik, hemel van een bed : langik-
langik, verhemelte. Langit = langik.
1891 HELFRICH, Lampongsch-Hollandsch woordenlijst, p. 83.
Langngit, A. hemel, firmament, uitspansel, gehemelte....
1835 ROORDA VAN EYSINQA, Javaansch
en Nederduitsch woordenboek, p. 292.
[langit] N. K. le plus haut, 1'etendue, le firmament, le ciel....
1870 FAVRE, Diet . javanais~fran$ai*, p. 336.
Lang' it, the sky, the heavens. (Jav. Mai. idem.)
1862 Riuo, Diet, of the Sunda lang., p. 244.
Langit, de hemel, het uitspansel, de lucht....
1876 R. VAN ECK, Balineesch-Hollandsch woordenboek, p. 164.
Langit, batanglangit, Himmel, Himmel8gew51be....Lafattgif, die
Decke (eines Zi miners)....
1859 HARDELAND, Dajacktch-deuttches worterbuch, p. 294.
langi, bep. W/*-/'/.--/. uitspansel, firmament, hemel. Boeg. Sund.
Mai. Jav. idem
1859 MATTHBS, Makatsaarsch-Hollandsch woordenboek, p. 474.
Sky . . . langi langit.
1833 [THOMSEN], Vocab. of the Eng., Bugis, and Malay lang., p. 2.
108 C. P. G. Scott, [1896.
Jangi (T. K. N. langi), hemel, uitspansel. M. P. langit.
1894 KRUYT, Woordenlijst van de BareS-taal [Celebes], p. 28.
Hemels blaauw, langih bir&h.
1860 RIEDEL, Sangi-Manganitusch woordenlijst, p. 389.
Hemel | Maba, Gotowassi langit \ Boeli, Waijamli, Bitjoli langit \
Ingli langat. 1873 CAMBIER, Beknopte woordenlijst van
talen op Tidoreesch-Halmahera, p. i (265).
The English use of ailantus or ailanthus began sixty years or
more ago.
Ailanthus. An immense tree, a native of the interior of Coromandel.
1832 JAMES ROXBURGH, Flora Indica (1874), p. 386.
O'er me let a green Ailanthus grow.... the Tree of Heaven.
1845 HIRST, Poems, 158. (N. E. D.)
Ailantus . . . (ailanto, tree of heaven, Sanscrit.) A genus of trees of
lofty growth from China and the East Indies : Order, TerebinthaceaB.
1847 CRAIG.
Also in 1860 WORCESTER, 1864 WEBSTER, 1884 N. E. D. (where see
other quotations), etc.
Ailanthus glandulosus, Desf., called Tree of Heaven,— but whose
blossoms, especially the staminate ones, are redolent of anything but
"airs from heaven,"— is much planted as a shade tree, especially in
towns, and is inclined to spread from seed.... (Adv. from China.)
1867 GRAY, Manual of the botany of the
northern United States (1889), p. 107.
Amuck, frenzied, a homicidal frenzy: the most famous of
Malayan words in English, best known in the phrase to run
amuck. It was formerly speld also amock, and is now often
speld amok, in more exact transliteration of the Malay. At one
time the Spanish form amuco, Portuguese amouco, New Latin
*amucus (plural *amuci, amuchi, amouchi), wer in some English
use. The second syllable has also become detacht as an independ-
ant word, muck. See below.
The Malay word is (J^\ amuk, amok (pronounced a'muk,
a'mok, or a'mu, a'mo) ; Lampong amug, Javanese hamuk,
Sundanese amuk, Dayak amok. It means ' furious, frenzied, rag-
ing, attacking with blind frenzy'; as a noun, 'rage, homicidal
frenzy, a course of indiscriminate murder'; as a verb, menga-
muk, 'to run amuck,' 'to make amok' (Dutch amok maken, or
amokken).
Amoc. Est in vsu. Si quando quis non sanae mentis, vel omnino
desperatus, in interitum se praecipitat. Item significat opprimere, occi-
dere, inuadere, oppugnare, &c. 1631 HAEX, p. 2.
(Jj»! amuk , engaging furiously in battle ; attacking with desperate
resolution ; rushing, in a state of frenzy, to the commission of indis-
criminate murder ; running a-muck. It is applied to any animal in a
state of vicious rage.... 1812 MARSDEN, p. 16.
Vol. xvii.J The Malayan Words in English. 109
A muk (J). An a-muck ; to run a-muck ; to tilt, to run furiously and
desperately at every one ; to make a furious onset or charge in combat.
1852 CRAWFURD, p. 5.
Amok, woede, razernij, moord in arren moede : Mengamok, in
razende woede alles overhoop loopen of steken (ook van dieren), een
verwoeden aanval doen, amok maken, in woede moorden, enz. ; P&ng-
amok, de persoon die, of het dier, dat amok maakt ; het amok-maken,
enz. 1895 MAYER, p. 13.
Also 1825 ROORDA VAN EYSINGA, p. 21 ; 1863 PlJNAPPEL, p. 13 ; 1869
KLINKERT, p. 13; 1875 FAVRE, i : 108 ; 1877 WALL and TUUK, 1:105;
1 88 1 SWETTENHAM (1887) 2:3; 1894 CLIFFORD and SWETTENHAM, I : 47 ;
1 893 KLINKERT, p. 42.
'Amoeg, het in razernij rondloopen en zonder aanzien des persoons
wonden. 1891 HELFRICH, Lampongsch-Hollandsche iDoordenlijsti p. 72.
Hamoek. A. moord ; verwoed blindlings moorden. Amok. Negoro
Botowi harang kleWon hamoek, te Data via ontstaat zelden amok....
1835 ROORDA VAN EYSINGA, Javaansch
en, Nederduitsch woordenboek. p. 135.
. . . [hamuk] N. K. furieux, un furieux, une attaque furieuse. . . .
[ngamuk] attaquer avec fureur, attaquer avec courage ; courir avec
fureur pour tuer tous ceux qui se presentent....
1870 FAVRE, Diet, javanais-franfais, p. 51.
Amuk, to fight furiously, to attack indiscriminately, to smash and
destroy. Said of any animal unmanageable from rage....
1862 RIGG, Diet, of the Sunda lang., p. 13.
Amok (zur Verstarkung oft ampur dahinter), wGthender, morder-
ischer An fall. Mamok, mamok mampur, wuthend anf alien....
1859 HARDELAND, Dajacksch-deutsches wdrterbuch, p. 8.
The corresponding word in Malagas!, hamu (hamou), means
'drunk': a recognition of the fact which it took no Solomon to
discover: " Luxuriosa res, vinnni, et tuinultuosa ebrietas" (Vul-
Prov. 20: i); "strong drink is raging"; or, as in the revised
\.r-ion, "strong drink is a brawler." One who runs amuck is
all these. The Malay version is mild. Amok is reserved for
stronger occasions. In the Dutch presentation :
'Ajer 'angawr 'itulah penjindir, dan 'ardkh 'itulah penggangguw
['water of grape, that (is a) mocker, and arrack, that (is a) brawler'].
1821 'Elkit&b, 'ija 'ftu, sagala surat perd jandjf 'an
lama dan baharuw tersalin kapada bahasa Ma-
lajuw, Tjalsi [Chelsea], p. 754-
The earli* vt m« ntion of the word in European literature, so far
a> my quotations show, is in Sji:mi>h ('•. 1516), where it appears as
amuco, and is understood *to mean the frenzied person himself.
There are some of them [the Javanese] who.. ..go out into the streets,
and kill as many persons as they meet.... These are called Amuco.
c. 1516 BARBOSA. tr. Hakluyt soc. (1866), p. 194. (N. E. D.)
110 C. P. G. Scott, [1896.
The corresponding Portuguese amonco is found :
That all those which were able to bear arms should make themselves
Amoucos, that is to say, men resolved either to dye, or vanquish.
1663 COG AN, tr. Pinto's Travels, 1. 199. (N. E. D.)
The Spanish or Portuguese form also appears as New Latin
*amucus, plural *amuci, found speld amouki, amouchi.
There are also certaine people called Amouchi, otherwise Chiavi,
which.... going forth, kill every man they meete with, till some body
(by killing them) make an end of their killing.
1613 PURCHAS, Pilgrimage, p. 425.
Those that run these are called Amouki, and the doing of it Running
a Muck. 1696 OVINGTON, A voyage to Suratt, p. 237. (Y. p. 15.)
The word appears in the same sense, 'a frenzied man,' also in
an English form, amock, amok.
To run araock is to get drunk with opium.... to sally forth from the
house, kill the person or persons supposed to have injured the Amock,
and any other person that attempts to impede his passage.
1772 COOK, Voyages (1790), i :2S8. (N. E. D.)
At Batavia, if an officer take one of these amoks, or mohawks, as they
have been called by an easy corruption, his reward is very considerable ;
but if he kill them, nothing is added to his usual pay....
1798 S. H. WILCOCKE, tr. Stavorinus,
Voyage to the East Indies, i : 294. (Y.)
The Malay word having no precise grammatic label as adjectiv
or noun, came into general English with no definit grammatic
status, in the phrase "to run amuck," where amuck, tho properly
a predicate adjectiv, has been regarded also as an adverb, analo-
gous to "to run atilt" "to turn aside" etc., and as a noun. See
preceding quotations.
Most commonly the word was divided, a muck, and taken as an
adverbial phrase, with the preposition a, which was then some-
times joind to a second syllable with a hyphen, to run a muck, or
a-muck; as the adverbial phrase in to fall a sleep was written
a-sleep, now asleep. Otherwise the word so divided was taken as a
complementary accusativ, the article a with its noun muck — to
run a muck, understood as 'to run a course of indiscriminate
slaughter.'
Like a raging Indian.... he runs a mucke (as they cal it there) stabbing
every man he meets.
1672 MARVELL, Rehearsal transprosed, 1 159. (N. E. D.)
And they (the Mohammedans) are hardly restrained from running
a muck (which is to kill whoever they meet, till they be slain them-
selves) especially if they have been at Hodge, a Pilgrimage to Mecca.
1698 FRYER, A new account of East India and Persia,
p. 91. (Y. p. 15. See other quots. in Y.)
Vol. xvii.] The Malayan Words in English. Ill
Macassar is the most celebrated place in the East for " running a
muck." 1869 WALLACE, Malay Archipelago (1890), p. 134.
In fact he enjoyed the reputation of having run a-mok through every
one of the Ten Commandments, which alone made him interesting.
1896 LOCKER-LAMPSON, My confidences. (In
The Athenaeum, April u, 1896, p. 470.)
From "to run a muck," with muck regarded as a noun, came
the separate use of muck in the sense of 'a course of frenzy.'
Dryden is clear on this point. He "runs an Indian muck."
Frontless and satire-proof, he scours the streets
And runs an Indian Muck at all he meets.
1687 DRYDEN, The hind and the panther, 1. 2477.
It is not to be controverted that these desperate acts of indiscrimi-
nate murder, called by us mucks, and by the natives mongamo
[men gam ok], do actually take place, and frequently too, in some
parts of the east (in Java in particular).
1784 MARSDEN, Hist, of Sumatra, p. 239. (Y.)
They [the Javans] are little liable to those fits and starts of anger, or
those sudden explosions of fury, which appear among northern nations.
To this remark have been brought forward as exceptions, those acts of
vengeance, proceeding from an irresistible phrenzy, called mucks,
where the unhappy sufferer aims at indiscriminate destruction, till he
himself is killed like a wild beast, whom it is impossible to take alive.
It is a mistake, however, to attribute these acts of desperation to the
Javans. 1817 RAFFLES, Hist, of Java, i :2so.
The spirit of revenge, with an impatience of restraint, and a repug-
nance to submit to insult, more or less felt by all the Indian islanders,
give rise to those acts of desperate excess which are well known in
Europe under the name of mucks.... A muck means generally an act
of desperation, in which the individual or individuals devote their lives,
with few or no chances of success, for the gratification of their revenge.
....The most frequent mucks, by far, are those in which the desperado
assails indiscriminately friend and foe.
1820 CRAWFURD, Hist, of the Indian Archipelago, 1:66-67.
Amuck, or amok, is also found as a noun, 'a course of homi-
cidal frenzy.1
One morning, as we were sitting at breakfast, Mr. Carter's servant
informed us that there was an "Amok'1 in the village— in other words,
that a man was " running a muck."
1869 WALLACE, Malay Archipelago (1890), p. 134.
Hence it is simply said— they made " aroofc." 1869 Id., p. 134.
The tale of the restless dread and suspense which held the whole
community, when some mutineer, with the desperate spirit of amok in
him. was at large, and the exciting efforts to effect and to elude capture,
was a chapter which demanded little from the narrator's art to engage
112 C. P. O. Scott, [1896.
my sympathies and my profound interest in this community, living its
chequered life so far from the sympathies of the world.
1885 FORBES, A naturalist's wanderings
in the Eastern Archipelago, p. 1 6.
It appears that " the desperate spirit of amok " is utilized some-
times as a social hint at a dance in Sumatra, much as a knife or
a revolver at a dance in Kentucky.
His [Master of the Ceremonies] office is both a delicate and a difficult
one. He must himself be of good position in the community, and be
more or less a general favourite;.... for the parents or the relatives of
the higher-ranked of the dancers, feeling themselves insulted, have
suddenly revenged themselves by amok — that mode of retribution which
is to them the swiftest and most gratifying.
1885 FORBES, A naturalist's wanderings
in the Eastern Archipelago, p. 148.
Amok is also used as an English verb, 'to run amuck.' So
Dutch amokken.
The Magindinao Illanun lashed himself to desperation ; flourishing
his spear in one hand, and the other on the handle of his sword, he
defied those collected about him : he danced his war-dance on the
sand : his face became deadly pale : his wild eyes glared : he was ready
to amok, to die, but not to die alone.
1842 BROOKE, Journal, in Mundy, Narrative of
events in Borneo and Celebes (1848), 1:309.
But hearing nothing for some time, we went out, and found there
had been a false alarm, owing to a slave having run away, declaring he
would "amok" because his master wanted to sell him.
1869 WALLACE, Malay Archipelago (1890), p.
134. [Three more instances, p. 134, 134, 135.]
Babirusa, also speld bdbiru&sa, and, badly, babiroussa, and,
worse, babyrousa, babyroussa, the so-cald "hog-deer" of the
Malayan islands. New Latin babirussa, Sp. babiruza.
The Malay name is \j»j\ g*\-* bub I rusa, meaning, not as
usually translated, according 'to the order of the words, "hog-
deer" or "pig-deer," but, according to Malay syntax, "hog (like)
deer," that is "deer-hog": ^b biibi, hog, (j*^ rusa, deer.
Babbi. Porous. 1631 HAEX, p. 4.
^U babi and ^U babi a hog, pig; pork. Babi utan the wild
hog. Babi rusa an animal of the hog kind with peculiar tusks
resembling horns, from whence it is named the hog-deer. (See Valen-
tyn, vol. iii. plate, fig. C.) 1812 MARSDEN. p. 30.
Babi- rusa. The hog deer; literally, "the deer hog," Babi-rusa
alfurus. 1852 CRAWFURD, p. 14.
Vol. xvii.] The Malayan Words in English. 113
^jU babi, varken: — oetan, sus verrucosus, — tanah, sus vitta-
fus, — roesa, hertzwijn, sus babyrussa....(J&v. id. tarn varken. Bat.
id. Mak. Boeg. bawi. Daj. bawoi). 1863 EIJNAPPEL, p. 26.
gjU babi, cochon, pore.... <J*M — babi rusa, le sanglier ou
cochon-cerf (sus babi russa). 1875 FAVRE, 2: 166.
Also 1877 WALL and TUTJK, 1:178; 1893 KLJNKERT, p. 76; 1895
MATER, p. 27; 1895 CLIFFORD and SWETTENHAM, 2:103. SWETTENHAM
1881 gives only rusa babi (2:94).
The word babi is in use throughout the Archipelago, in a
t variety of forms: Malay ^L? babi, Lampong baboi (C.),
Javanese and Sundanese babi, Balinese bahwi (C.), Madurese babi
(C.), Biajuk bawoi (C.), Dayak bawoi, Macassar bawi, Bugis
' (C.), Buru fafu, Aru and Ke islands fawn, wawu, waf,
./*/, Timor fahi (C.), Tetu (Timor) fahi, Kaladi (Timor) /
Rotti bafi (C.), Tagal (Philippine islands) babuy, baboy, all ' pig.'
The forms markt "C." ar in Crawfurd's History, 1820, 2 : 144.
Babi, L. zwijn, varken. 1835 ROORDA VAN EYSINQA, Javaansch
en Nederduitsch woordenboek, p. 3.
. . . [6aW] N. cochon, pore.
1870 FAVRE, Diet. Javanais-francais, p. 518.
Babi, a pig, a hog, a swine.
1862 Rioa, Diet, of the Sunda Lang., p. 29.
Bawoi, Schwein....
1859 HARDELAND, Dajacksch-deutsches wdrterbuch, p. 60.
Varken. Maleisch babi, Wokam /au?e>(?, Oedjir/^/, Eli Ellat wawoe,
Oorspronk waf. 1864 EIJBERQEN, Korte woordenlijst van de
tool der Aroe- en Keij-eilanden, p. 567.
Babi, fafoe. 1874 JELLESMA, Woordenlijst van de taal
der Alifoeren op het ettand Boeroe, p. 3.
Pig, Kaladi pahi, Tetu fahi [in Timor].
1866 FORBES, A naturalist's wanderings
in the Eastern Archipelago, p. 494.
Babirnsa appears in English use in the latter part of the
seventeenth century.
The head of a Babiroussa ; it hath two long Tushes on the lower jaw,
and on the upper two Horns [the canine teeth] that come out a little
above the Teeth and turn up towards the Eyes.
1673 RAY, Observ. made in a journey through
part of the Low Countries, etc., p. 29. (S. D.)
See other quotations (1696, 1774, 1790) in the Stanford diet, and
D., and references in PENNANT, Synop. quadrupeds, 1771. p. 73.
The wild pig seems to be of a species peculiar to the island ; but a
much more curious animal of this family is the Babirusa or Pig-deer,
so named by the Malays from its long and slender legs, and curved
VOL. xvii. 8
114 C. P. G. Scott, [1896.
tusks resembling horns. This extraordinary creature resembles a pig
in general appearance, but it does not dig with its snout, as it feeds on
fallen fruits. The tusks of the lower jaw are very long and sharp, but
the upper ones instead of growing downwards in the usual way are
completely reversed, growing upwards out of bony sockets through the
skin on each side of the snout, curving backwards to near the eyes, and
in old animals often reaching eight or ten inches in length.
1869 WALLACE, Malay Archipelago (1890),
p. 211. (See also p. 213, 202, 299, 300.)
. . . the region in the S. E. of the Bay of Kajeli, where alone in Buru
the singular Hog-deer (the Babirusa), which is known elsewhere only
in Celebes, was to be found.... This singular animal uses its curious
upturned and hooked teeth, the natives told me, to hold to the bottom
of ponds by, when hard pressed by hunters.
1885 FORBES, A naturalist's wanderings in
the Eastern Archipelago, p. 407 (Buru).
Balachan, blachan, also balachong, blachang, blachong, for-
merly also balachaun, balachoung, ballichang, a fish condiment of
a very pronounced nature, the same as the Javanese trassi (trdsi).
Malay ^^L? balachan, belachan, Achinese belachan,
Sundanese balachang, also spread into various dialects of Borneo,
an4 other islands.
.jj^^o balachan caviare ; small fish, prawns or shrimps, pounded
in a inortar, and preserved with spices. Balachan ikan caviare
offish. Balachan udang kechil, caviare of shrimps.
1812 MARSDEN, p. 44.
.y^Ls belatjan, toespijs bestaande uit gezouten en dan ge-
stampte en gedroogde vischjes of dergelijke, 't Jav. mal. trasi.
1863 PIJNAPPEL, p. 38.
Klinkert is more emphatic :
.w2»^Ls belatjan, is geen toespijs, maar een dikke, bruine conserf
van kleine vischen of garnalen, waarvan immer iets in de toespijzen,
zooals kerrie, sambal, enz. gemengd wordt, om ze aangenaamer van
smaak te maken. De stank er van is ondragelijk en het overmatig
gebruik veroorzaakt verzwering van neus- en mond-holte.
1869 KLINKERT, p. 36.
W5*.^o belaxan , du caviar, petits poissons ou chevrettes seches au
LVy ~t.« •
soleil, broyes dans un mortier et formant une conserve que 1'on mele
au carry, aux epicesetc., pour servir d'assaisonnement au riz. . . . Sund.
. . . balaxang. 1875 FAVRE, 2 =302.
AISO I82S ROORDA VAN EYSINGA, p. 48 J 1852 CRAWFURD, p. 2O ; 1887
LIM HIONG SENG, i :57 ; 1893 KLINKERT, p. 112; 1895 MAYER, p. 42;
1895 CLIFFORD and SWETTENHAM, 2:189, 250.
Vol. xvii.J The Malayan Words in English. 115
..j^^o b&latjan trassi, gezouten en fijn gestampte kleine garnalen,
die met kerrie, sambal enz. worden vermengd.
1889 LANGEN, Woordenboek der Atjehsche taal, p. 37.
Balachang, a superior variety of Delan or Trasi. It is of a yellowish
colour and made of the choice of materials from which Delan is made....
1862 Riao, Diet, of the Sunda lang., p. 34.
Maleisch belatjan, Sampitsch Italatjan, Katingansch balatjaii, ka-
viaar (trassie). 1872 TIEDTKE, Woordenlijst der Sam-
pitsche en Katingansche taal, p. 12.
The composition is first described by Dampier :
Balachaun is a composition of a strong savour, yet a very delightsom
dish to the natives of this country. To make it, they throw the mixture
of shrimps and small fish into a sort of weak pickle, made with salt and
water, and put it into a tight earthen vessel or jar. The pickle being
thus weak, it keeps not the fish firm and hard, neither is it probably so
designed, for the fish are never gutted. Therefore, in a short time they
turn all to a mash in the vessel ; and when they have lain thus a good
while, so that the fish is reduced to a pap, they then draw off the liquor
into fresh jars, and preserve it for use. The masht fish that remains
behind is called /». /A /.-//./////. and the liquor poured off is called nuke-
mum. The poor people eat the balaehaun with their rice. 'Tis rank
scented, yet the taste is not altogether unpleasant, but rather savory,
after one is a little used to it. The nuke-mum is of a pale brown colour,
inclining to grey, and pretty clear. It is also very savory, and used as
a good sauce for fowls, not only by the natives, but also by many Euro-
peans, who esteem it equal with soy.
1697-1709 DAMPIER, Voyages, 2:28. (1820 CRAW-
FURD, Hist, of the Indian Archipelago, i : 197.)
There is one mode of preparing and using fish, of so peculiar a nature,
but so universally in use, that it is worth a detailed description. This
preparation, called by the Malays blachang, and by the Javanese trasi,
is a mass composed of small fish, chiefly prawns, which has been fer-
mented, and then dried in the sun. This fetid preparation, so nauseous
to a stranger, is the universal sauce of the Indian islanders, more gen-
eral than soy with the Japanese. No food is deemed palatable without
it. 1820 CRAWFURD, Hist, of the Indian Archipelago, 1:197.
Some fish, others manufacture balachan ; some trust to their net,
others to their stakes : and at this season salt is in great demand.
1842 BROOKE, Jonnnil, in Mundy's Narrative
of events in Borneo and Celebes (1848), i : 305.
Then we had a slim repast of soda water and bananas . . . and the
boatmen prepared an elaborate curry for themselves, with salt fish for
its basis and for its tastiest condiment blachang — a Malay preparation
iini'-li relished by European lovers of durian and decomposed cheese.
It is made by trampling a mass of putrefying prawns and shrimps into
a paste with bare feet. This is seasoned with salt. The smell in pene-
t r inn- ami lingering. 1883 BIRD, Golden Chersonese, p. 180.
See other quotations, 1784 MARSDEN, Hist, of Sumatra (iSu). p. $?:
1817 RAFFLES, Hist, of Java, 1 198 ; 1852 CRAWFURD, p. 195.
116 C. P. G.Scott, [1896.
Banteng, also banting, the wild ox of Java, Borneo, and the
Malay peninsula, Bos banteng.
Malay *AAJ banteng, banting, Javanese banteng, Sunda-
nese banteng, Balinese banting, Dayak banting. The word is
regarded as original in Javanese.
banting wild koebeest. 1825 ROORDA VAN EYSINOA, p. 52.
Banteng (Jav.). The wild bull and domestic kine of the same stock.
1852 CRAWFURD, p. 16.
iXJb banting . . . III. het roode of lichtbruine runderras van de
Padangsche bovenlanden, T. (Jav. banteng, en Daj. banting, wilde os,
bos sundai'cus). 1863 PIJNAPPEL, p. 41.
iXJb [banting] ... II. naam eener soort van wild rund.
^ 1877 WALL and TUUK, 1:266-7.
iXJb banteng, Jav. e. s. v. wild rund, zie seladang.
1893 KLINKERT, p. 122.
These ar the Javanese and other entries :
Bant&ng, A. woudstier, wilde os. Banting tawan kanin, de gevangene
wilde stier is gewond. 1835 ROORDA VAN EYSINGA, Javaansch
Nederduitsch woordenboek, p. 9.
. . . [banteng] N. K. boeuf sauvage.
1870 FAVRE, Dictionnaire javanais-francais, p. 492.
Banteng, the wild cattle, the wild bull. Found among the moun-
tains, or in lonely forests in the Sunda districts. The bulls are hand-
some animals, sleek and black, with noble horns ; the cows are inferior
animals, and fawn-coloured. 1862 RIGO, Diet, of the Sunda lang., p. 40.
Banteng H. van sampi. [See SAPI-UTAN.]
1876 ECK, Balineesch-Hollandsch woordenboek, p. 195.
Banting, erne Art sehr wildes auf Borneo lebendes Rindvieh.
1859 HARDELAND, Dajacksch-deutsches worterbuch, p. 42.
The banteng has his share in English mention :
A wild ox is found in the forest of Java, the same which is found in
the peninsula and Borneo, but which is wanting in Sumatra. This is
the banteng of the Javanese and the Bos sondaicus of naturalists. The
Dutch naturalists inform us that all attempts to tame it have been vain,
as in the case of the buffalo of the American prairies,
1856 CRAWFURD, Descriptive diet, of the Indian islands, p. 172.
The most striking proof of such a junction is, that the great Mam-
malia of Java, the rhinoceros, the tiger, and the Banteng or wild ox,
occur also in Siam and Burmah, and these would certainly not have
been introduced by man.
1869 WALLACE, Malay Archipelago (1890), p. 92.
Not much less than the rhinoceros is the banting or Bos sundaicus,
to be found in all the uninhabited districts between 2000 and 7000 feet
of elevation. 1881 Encyc. Brit., 13:602, s. v. JAVA.
Vol. xvii.] The Malayan Words in English. 117
In the forests on the southern slopes of the Malawar and the Wayang
[Java], the banteng (Bos banteng) lived in considerable herds. The full-
grown animal has a magnificent head of horns.... No more bellicose
and dangerous inhabitant of the forest than a wounded bull need hunter
care to encounter. 1885 FORBES, A naturalist's wanderings
in the Eastern Archipelago, p. 116.
See also Bickmore (1869), p. 72 ; and Riverside not. hist. (1884-1888),
5:321.
Bohon upas, the poison-tree of the East Indies, of which
fabulous stories wer told, and which thus became a favorit matter
of allusion in literature and rhetoric.
The name also appears as bohun upas and bon upas. The
initial b is a blunder. The proper form would be *pohon or
*j>nhun upas; Malay \j»£)\ ^J^?* P°hon or puhun upas,
* tree of poison '. See further under UPAS.
Puhn upas, the poison-tree, arbor toxicaria Macassariensis, Thunb.
[See full quot. under UPAS.] 1812 MARSDEN, p. 24.
ipyJJ oepas, I. vergiftig plantensap, plantaardig vergift: pohon
— , vergiftboom, inzond. antiaris toxicaria en strychnos tieute, Be roe-
pas. (Jav. — . Mai. *jL>! ipoeh.) 1863 PWNAPPEL, p. 20.
/u*j'J ..v^y* pohon upas, arbre dont le sue est un poison (antiaris
toxicaria et aussi strychnos tieute). 1875 FAVRE, 1:31.
The following appears to be the first mention in English of the
"Bohon upas":
The following description of the Bohon Upas, or Poison Tree, which
grows in the Island of Java, and renders it unwholesome by its noxious
vapours, has been procured for the London Magazine, from Mr. Hey-
dinger, who was employed to translate it from the original Dutch, by
the author, Mr. Foersch, who, we are informed, is at present abroad, in
the capacity of surgeon on board an English vessel....
• hi the year 1774, I was stationed at Batavia, as a surgeon, in the
service of the Dutch East India Company. During my residence there
I received several different accounts of the Bohon-Upas, and the violent
effects of its poison.' [Etc., etc.]
1783 London magazine, Dec., p. 512-517. (Y. p. 731.)
From tin- fabulous narrativ tlms minnlm-ril, tin- /><>/t<>n
and tin- simple Upas soon past into literary and oratoric allusion.
See furt In -r under UPAS.
CTcst au fond des sombres forSts de 1'ile de Java que la nature a cache
\epohun upas, 1'arbre le plus dangereux du r£gne vegetal, pour le poison
mortel qu'il renferrn. . . t | >1 us celebre encore par lea fables dont on l'a
rendu le su jet 1 80 ales des voyages, i : 69. ( Y.)
118 C. P. G.Scott, [1896.
Antiaris, Lesch. Antiar or Antschar, its Javanese name. Linn. 21,
Or. 4, Nat. Or. Artocarpaceae. This is the far-famed Upas poison- tree
of Java— the Boom [Boon ?} or Bon Upas of the Javanese.
1840 PAXTON, Botan. diet., ed. Hereman (1868), p. 40.
The name is found used, by error, for the poison itself.
While the juice of some ["of the Artocarpus tribe"] is nutritive, that
of others is highly poisonous. Thus Antiaris toxicaria is the source
of the famous poison called Bohun-Upas, or Upas-Antiar, by the Java-
nese, and which is said to owe its properties to the presence of Strych-
nia. 1855 BALFOUR, Manual of botany, p. 519.
Emerson makes a characteristic use of the Bohon Upas ; and
many other writers mention it.
They [the English] stoutly carry into every nook and corner of the
earth their turbulent sense ; leaving no lie uncontradicted, no preten-
sion unexamined. They chew hasheesh ; cut themselves with poisoned
creases ; swing their hammock in the boughs of the Bohon Upas ;
taste every poison ; buy every secret.
1856 EMERSON, English traits, ch. 8. (Wks. 1876, p. 103.)
Bruang, the Malayan bear, Ursus or Helarctos malayanus,
cald also the honey-bear and the sun-bear.
The Malay name is c.o bruang, bruwang, bertiwang;
Achinese beruwang, Batak baruwang, Sundanese bruwang, baru-
ang, Dayak bahuang, Sam pit (Borneo) bahuang, Macassar baru-
wang, Bugis baruang. According to Swettenham the word
probably stands for *ber-ruang, from ber-, a verbal prefix,
and ruang, a hole ; meaning " the animal which lives in a hol-
low." Compare cave-bear.
Bear(ursus) £1}vJ bruang. 1812 MARSDEN (Eng.-Mal.), p. 389.
[Not in the Malay-Eng. part.]
J beroewang of broewang beer.
1825 ROORDA VAN EYSINGA, p. 45.
Bruwang (J.). A bear, Ursus malayanus of Horsfield.
1852 CRAWFURD, p. 31.
c«o broewang, de Maleische beer. (Mak. id. Bat. een oude beer,
die een ronden, witten kring om den snuit heeft )
1863 PIJNAPPEL, p. 34.
Bruang cUvJ a bear. (Derived from ruang a hole. Ber-ruang,
or bruang a hole-maker.) 1881 SWETTENHAM (1887), 2:19.
Also 1875 FAVRE, 2:291 ; 1877 WALL and TUUK, 1:227; ISQSKLINKERT,
p. 102 ; 1895 MAYER, p. 49 ; 1895 CLIFFORD and SWETTENHAM, 2:221, 273.
c!*o bSroewang, de zwarte honigbeer.
1889 LANGEN, Woordenboek der Atjehsche taal, p. 33.
Vol. xvii.] The Malayan Words in English. 119
Baruang, Poison. The bear of Sumatra and Borneo.
1862 RIGG, Diet, of the Sunda Icing., p. 42.
Bruwang, a bear. Not known on Java, except as brought from
Sumatra or Borneo as a rarity. Ursus Malavanus.
1862 RIGG, Diet, of the Sunda long., p. 65.
Bahuang, Bar.—Dengedengen bahuang, etwas taub (so taub als ein
Bar) sein. 1859 HARDELAND, Dajacksch-deutsches wdrterbuch, p. 30.
Beroewang, Sampitsch bahoewang, Katingansch oenda, beer.
1872 TIEDTKE, Woordenlijst der Sampitsche
en Katingansche tool, p. n.
Bear . . . buruang bruang.
1833 [THOMSEN], Vocab. Eng. Bugis and Malay lang., p. 20.
See also RAFFLES, Hist, of Java (1817), 2 : App. 89.
The English use of the name is recent.
Here is also a small bear (bruangh) found elsewhere only in Borneo.
1883 Encyc. Brit., 15 1322, art. MALAY PENINSULA.
The genus Helarctos, meaning Sun Bear, strictly embraces but one
species, Helarctos malayanus. The Malayan Bear or Bruang, is con-
fined to the Indo-Malayan sub-region, that is, to the Malayan peninsula
and the neighboring islands, Borneo, Sumatra and Java. It is much
smaller than the Himalayan bear, not exceeding four feet and a half
in length. 1888 Riverside nat. hist., 5 :37i.
The Bruang has a smallish head and a short neck which is very
strong, enabling it to tear up the great plantains .... When tamed it
shows so much affection and has so many droll ways as to make it an
amusing and prized pet. 1888 Id., 5 1372.
Bruh, a Malayan monkey, Macacus nemestrinus. Malay ^
brfl, bfcru, also with the weak final -&, o^J hruk, bSruk,
brok ; Achinese vJ*r? berok, Balinese brugy Sam pit and Katingan
beruk.
^o bruk and «o bru a large species of monkey with a tail; an
ape. 1812 MARSDEN, p. 39.
^*j burokh, eene apensoort gelijk aan een bairaan, met eenen
rooden en kleinen ftaart. 1825 ROORDA VAN EYSINGA, p. 44.
Bruk. Name of a species of ape. 1852 CRAWFURD, p. 31.
jo beru-, bru, v. ^jLj beruk. 1875 FA VRE, 2:291.
^jLj beruk, bruk, nom d'une espece de singe (magot, R. V.)
MIS nemestrinus) (Pij.).... On trouve aussi «o bru.
1875 FAVRE, 2:291.
^Jio be roe k, noain eener soort van apen— de coogenaamde lam-
pongsche aap ; inuu* nemestrinus.... 1877 WALL and TUUK, i : 222.
120 C. P. G. Scott, [1896.
Brok O*.jJ a large monkey with a short tail, often trained to gather
cocoanuts and duriens. 1881 SWETTENHAM (1887), 2:19. (See also
1895 CLIFFORD and SWETTENHAM, 2:273.)
berok, naaru van een groot soort Lampongsche aap.
1889 LANGEN, Woordenboek der Atjehsche taal, p. 33.
B'roeg, ben. van eene thans onbekende aapsoort.
1876 R. VAN ECK, Balineesch-Hollandsch woordenboek, p. 198.
Maleisch broek, Sampitsch beroek, Katingansch beroek, zeker soort
van aap. 1872 TIEDTKE, Woordenlijst der Sam-
pitsche en Katingansche taal, p. 1 1 .
See also RAFFLES, Hist, of Java (1817), 2 : App. 89.
The bruh is not so well known in English as his brethren the
kahau, the siaraang, and the orang-utan.
In length of tail M[acacus] nemestrinus and M. rhesus hold a median
position. The former species, remarkable for the length of the legs
and the thinness of the short tail, is of the two the more terrestrial. It
is a native of the Malay Archipelago, and is the Bruh of the Malays.
The coat is brownish washed with yellow, the hair on the crown longer,
and forming a radiating tuft behind. M. rhesus is, on the other hand,
a native of India.... The tail is proportionally longer, thicker, and
does not have the pig-like twirl of that of the bruh.
1884-88 Riverside nat. hist., 5:517.
Cajuput, also cajeput, kajuput, kajeput, cajaput, an East Indian
tree, and an oil derived from it (and other trees).
Cajuput is more commonly, but less correctly, speld cajeput.
Cajeput, pronounced in the dictionaries " kaj'e-put " or "kaj'e-
piit," that is, cadzh'i-pr/t, -put, is, like the Portuguese cajeput, a
copy of the French cajeput, a bad form of cajuput. Cajuput or
kajuput is an adapted form of cajuputi, which is also found : see
CAJUPUTI. The j is the Dutch spelling of what is in English yy
and in cajuputi, at least, it should be pronounced as y (that is,
like j in hallelujah}. Webster (1890) gives cajuput with an
alternative pronunciation rendering j as y.
(1) Cajeput or Cajeput tree.
Kayu-putih. The cajeput myrtle, Melaleuca cajeputi.
1852 CRAWFURD, p. 70.
Prominent for their straight and shapely pillar-like stems stand out
the Lakka (Myristica iners), the Rasamala (Liquidambar altingiana), and
the white-stemmed Kajeput trees (Melaleuca leucadendron), all of them
rising with imposing columns, without a branch often for 80 and some-
times 100 feet. 1885 FORBES, A naturalist's wanderings
in the Eastern Archipelago, p. 74.
The road led over numerous small hills, from the top of which we
got many pretty peeps of Haruka and Ceram, through Gum-tree— the
famous Kajuput— forest and Kussu-grass fields. 1885 Id., p. 296.
Vol. xvii.] The Malayan Words in English. 121
(2) Cajeput oil, often reduced to cojeput. The Malay name
is m I n i a k k a y u p u t i h . But in Java kdyu ptttih is used also
as the name of the oil (Kigg).
Cajeput, an oil brought from the East Indies resembling that of carda-
mons. 1797 Encyc. Brit. (S. D.), p. 186.
The leaf of the smaller [Cayuputi trees], [affords] by distillation, the
fragrant essential oil which has been used for medical purposes, some-
times internally as a powerful sudorific, but more frequently externally
as an useful embrocation, under the ignorant and corrupt denomination
of Cajeput. 1820 CRAWFURD, Hist, of the Indian Archipelago, 1:513.
The leaves of Melaleuca minor (Cajuputi of some), a native of the
Moluccas, yield the volatile oil of Cajeput. It is a very liquid oil, of a
grass-green colour, having a pungent camphoraceous odour, and capa-
ble of dissolving caoutchouc. It is used medicinally as a stimulant and
antispasmodic. 1855 BALFOUR, Manual of botany (3d ed.), p. 428.
Doors all shut
On hinges oil'd with cajeput.
a. 1845 HOOD, To Mr. Malthus (N. E. D.).
Kajeli] great items of export are fish.... and the famous Kajuput
oil, distilled by the natives from the leaves of the gum trees (Melaleuca
Kajuputi) which form a large part of the vegetation of the shores of
the Bay. 1885 FORBES, A naturalist's wanderings
in the Eastern Archipelago, p. 391.
Cajeput. The name of a fragrant essential oil produced especially in
Celebes and the neighbouring island of Bourn.... The drug and tree
were first described by Rumphius, who died 1693. (See Hanbury and
Fluckiger, p. 247.) 1886 YULE and BURNELL, Hobson-Jobson, p. 109.
Cajuputi, also cayuputi, kayuputi, an East Indian tree, Mela-
leuca leucadendron, L. So in New Latin, caj"j>uti. Adanson
used /'as the generic name (1763, Fam. ii. 84); see Index
Kewensis i 1372. Cajuputi should be pronounced as it is speld,
Romanly ca-yu-pA'ti, not "kaj-joo-pyoo'ty." Spanish cay«/"/>/,
Dutch kajoe-poeti.
The Malay name is ajv£ ^ kiiyu putih. It means * white
• >r' wliitr \V.M,,|. ' Tin- kirk is \vhiu% like the bark of the
birch. The name appears also in other languages, Javanese and
Smi'lanese kayn fxti/i, Macassar /•<///>/ /*////. In Bali kayuputih,
'White Tree,1 is the name of a village (1876 Eck, p. 80).
... Kfty u pfitih a species of tree which yields a medicinal oil,
melaleuca-leucadendra, L. 18x2 MARSDF.N. p. 235.
. . . Kajoe poetih, e. 8. v. boom, uit welks bladeren de aetherische
olie, minjak kajoe poetih, wordt getrokken.
1893 KLINKERT, p. 479-
Also 1852 CRAWFURD, p. 70; 1863 PIJNAPPKL, p. 173; 1875 FAVBE,
1:231.
122 C. P. G. Scott, [18%.
Kayn-pntih, literally— white wood. The tree grows in the Moluccos;
and on Java, the words kayu-putih, as in Europe, mean the essential oil
derived from the tree. It is the Cajeput of Europe. Melaleuca Cajeputi.
1862 RIGG, Diet, of the Sunda lang., p. 211.
. . . Kdyoepoeti, soort van boom, Melaleuca Cajuputi, vooral bekend
om zijn olie.
1859 MATTHES, Makassaarsch-Hollandsch woordenboek, p. 35.
K ay u is the general Malay term for ' wood' or ' tree':
Cayou. Lignum. 1631 HAEX, p. n.
*j\£ kayu wood, timber; a tree; an idiomatic term used in count-
ing certain substances.... 1812 MARSDEN, p. 251.
Kayu (J). Wood, timber; a tree; an idiomatic term in the enu-
meration of some objects, and equivalent to "a roll" or "piece" in
English. 1852 CRAWFURD, p. 70.
Also 1863 PIJNAPPEL, p. 173; 1875 FAVRE, 1:231; 1880 WALL and
TUUK, 2:486; 1893 KLINKERT, p. 479; 1895 MAYER, p. 120; etc.
The word is found throughout the Archipelago ; Achinese
kayih, kayee, Batak hayu, Lampong kayu, Javanese, Sundanese,
Balinese kayu, Dayak kayu, Macassar kayu, Bugis aju, Sangi-
Manganitu kaluh, Buru kau, Aru kai, Kei kayu, etc. In many
of the eastern isles, as in Bugis, it is found without the initial
consonant, ayo, oya, ai, aai, aow, ow, etc. In the Moluccan form
ai, it has emerged in English use as the unrecognized first element
of the word ailantus. See AILANTUS, where the decapitate Ma-
layan forms ar given. The word also appears in the Philippine
islands, Spanish cdhuy, Tagala and Bisaya kahong, and in Mada-
gascar, Malagasi hazu (hazou), and throughout Polynesia, Fiji
kau, Marquesan kaau, akau, Tongan akau, Tahitian raau, Maori
rakau, etc. (See Tregear, Maori- Polynesian compar. diet., 1891,
p. 387-8.)
Kajoe hout kajih.
1880 ARRIENS, Maleisch-Hollandsch-Atjehsche woordenlijst, p. 45.
jf\£ kajee, hout. 1889 LANGEN, Woordenboek derAtjehsche taal, p. 201.
Kajoe, boom, hout.... [Many kinds of trees ar mentioned].
1891 HELFRICH, Lampongsch-Hollandsche woordenlijst, p. 3-4.
. . . [kayu\ N. . . . [kajeng] K. bois, arbre....
1870 FAVRE, Diet, javanais-francais, p. 163.
Kayu, wood, timber: sometimes used for a tree in general. Kha
appears to be wood in Burmese. [A fanciful etym. follows.]
1862 RIGG, Diet, of the Sunda lang., p. 211.
Kaju, Holz, Baum . , . Kajuan, Geholz (Wald)....
1859 HARDELAND, Dajacksch-deutsches worterbuch, p. 204.
. . . kdyoe, b. kayoewa, vnw. kayoengkoe, hout....
1869 MATTHES, Makassaarsch-Hollandsch woordenboek, p. 35.
Boomstam, m. kaluh.
1860 RIEDEL, Sangi-Manganitusch woordenlijste, p. 381.
Hout, o. kaluh. 1860 Id., p. 389.
Vol. xvii.] The Malayan Words in English. 123
Malay au^J putih is the ordinary word for* white.' It is
found in many languages. I omit quotations.
In English use citjuputi, cayuputi, kayuputi all appear.
A remarkable example of this is afforded in the Cayuputi trees (Mela-
leuca leucadendron) of the Indian islands, which are gigantic myrtles.
These trees are easily distinguished in the forest by the whiteness of
their bark, which has some resemblance in structure and appearance
to that of the birch. This white colour gives to the tree its commercial
and vulgar name of Kayu-}>nti. which means literally " white wood."
1820 CRAWFURD, Hist, of the Indian Archipelago, i :si3.
The far famed Rayu Putih.
1842 BROOKE, Journal, in Mundy, Narrative, etc. (1848), 1 1283.
There was a little brush and trees along the beach, and hills inland
covered with high grass and cdjnpnti trees — my dread and abhorrence.
1869 WALLACE, Malay Archipelago (1890), p. 295.
Next day we took a westward course through fields of tall Kussu
grass dotted with Kayu-puti trees, and through swamps full of sago
palms. 1885 FORBES, ^4. naturalist's wanderings in
the Eastern Archipelago, p. 394 (Bum).
So cajuputi-oil, cayu-puti oil, kayu-puti oil.
Cayu-puti oil.
1820 CRAWFURD, Hist, of the Indian Archipelago, 3 1413, 414.
Rattans from Borneo, sandal-wood and bees'-wax from Flores and
Timor, tripang from the Gulf of Carpentaria, cajupnti-oil from Bouru,
wild nutmegs and mussoi-bark from New Guinea, are all to be found in
the stores of the Chinese and Bugis merchants of Macassar.
1869 WALLACE, Malay Archipelago (1890), p. 309.
Kayu-puti <>il.
1869 BICKMORE, Travels in the East Indian Archipelago, p. 249.
Campong, also kampong, a Malayan village, a district or
quarter of a city, an inclosure ; the source of the Anglo-Indian
tii in COMPOUND, which see.
Malay £3,^ k am pong, kampung, 'an inclosure, district,
village,' (see quotations) ; also adjectiv, * collected, assembled,
incloM-il': with verb formative, 'to assemble'; I»;itak tampung,
Lampong kampung^ Javanese kampong, Sundanese kmnpuug,
Dayak kampottg, Macassar kampony, Tagal kampun, *an inclos-
'•!••.: Malagasi kambounA, 'inclosed.'
Campon. Coniunctio, vel conuentus. Hinc vicinife, & parua loca,
campon etiam appellant m 1631 HA EX, p. n.
an inclosure, a place surrounded with a paling; a
fenced or fortified village ; a quarter, district, or suburb of a city ; a
collection of buildings ---- 1812 MARSDKN, p. 267.
124 C. P. G. Scott, [1896.
kampong, eene buurt of menigte huizen, die alle door eenen
algemeenen of ieder derzelve door eenen bijzonderen heining omgeven
wordt. Eene wijk, buurt of kwartier in eene ftad. Een omheind ftuk
land, eene befloten plaats, af heining: buurt, wijk....
1825 ROORDA VAN ETSINGA, p. 320.
Also 1852 CRAWFURD, p. 66; 1863 PIJNAPPEL, p. 182; 1875 FAVRE, i :
345 ; 1880 WALL and TUUK, 2 :543 ; 1881 SwETTENHAM(i887), 2 145 ; 1893
KLINKERT, p. 539.
Kampoeng, I. 'erf, wijk, aanplant; II. vereeniging van gezinnen
(soembaj). 1891 HELFRICH, Lampongsch-Hollandsche woordenlijst, p. 2.
Kampung, a village; is properly Malay....
1862 RIGQ, Diet, of the Sunda lang., p. 194.
Hardeland does not giv a Dayak kampong, l an inclosure,' but
he givs the adjectiv kampeng * closed', 'obstructed' (as a door,
a river, and figurativly, the heart or mind), with numerous de-
rivativs.
Kampeng, versperrt [etc.].
1859 HARDELAND, Dajacksch-deutsches worterbuch, p. 222.
. . . kampong, Mai. een kampong, een omheinde plaats.
1859 MATTHES, Makassaarsch-Hollandsch woordenboek, p. 7.
In Malagasi the word (kambound) has only the original sense
* collected', 'enclosed' (1896 M-irre, p. 32).
Campong, kampong is common in English books of Eastern
travel.
His campong was at Singi.
1844 BROOKE, Journal, in Mundy, Narrative, etc. (1848), i '.371.
I obtained the use of a good-sized house in the Campong Sirani (or
Christian village). 1869 WALLACE, Malay Archipelago (1890), p. 256.
Like all the cities and larger settlements in the Dutch possessions,
Amboina is divided into a native kampong or quarter, a Chinese kam-
pong, and a quarter where foreigners reside.
1869 BICKMORE, Travels in the East Indian Archipelago, p. 132.
There are Malay campongs (villages) scattered over the island, made
up of a few rude bamboo huts, and two or three clusters of fruit-trees.
1875 THOMSON, The Straits of Malacca, Indo-China, and China, p. 18
All islands are liable to the linguistic difficulty of their littoral being
occupied by a superior seafaring and commercial race, either continu-
ously or in detached "campongs," while the interior and unexplored
mountains become the refuge of shy and uncivilized indigenes.
1878 CUST, Sketch of the mod. languages of the East Indies, p. 132.
The great coco-groves are by no means solitary, for they contain the
kampongs, or small raised villages of the Malays.... In the neighbor-
hood of Malacca these kampongs are scattered through the perpetual
twilight of the forest....
1883 Miss BIRD, The Golden Chersonese, p. 137.
Vol. xvii.] The Malayan Words in English. 125
[Kampong also on pp. 139, 140, 296, 319, etc.] •
In addition to the true natives of the town [Telok-betong in Suma-
tra |. there was a large campong of Chinese, a few Arabs, with a consid-
erable fluctuating population of traders from Borneo and Celebes, and
other islands of the Archipelago.
1885 FORBES, A naturalist's wanderings in the East-
ern Archipelago, p. 126. (Kampong, p. 197.)
Cassowary, a large bird related to the emu and the ostrich.
Tliis name came into English use early in the seventeenth cen-
tury, and went through various spellings, cassawary (1673),
cassawarway (1611), cassawaraway (1630), cassiowary (1690),
cassuary, also with a Latinized termination cassawaris (1705),
and sometimes cassoware (1651), and (as a poetic truncation)
cassowar (1800 Southey); also in other languages, French casoar,
Spanish casudres (1705 Stevens), casobar, casoar (1878 Doniin-
iruez), casuel ("cassiowary, large bird of prey"! 1879 Meadows),
Portuguese casuar (Miohaelis), Italian casuario, Dutch cxsnaris,
kasnaris, German cotsebdres (1672 in Yule), kasuaris (1682 in
Yule), casuar, kasuar (1848); Swedish and Danish kasuar, Rus-
sian kazuarft, New Latin casoaris (1631 Bontius), casuaritis.
The word cassowary has been generally referd to a Malayan
origin, but the statements have been more or less inexact. Bontius
(1631) says the bird, which he calls emu, is " vulgo Casoaris," that
is, as he implies, the nativ name in Ceram is casoaris. Other
statements followd ; see forms and dates cited. From these ear-
lier European mentions, the nativ name has been variously inferd
and stated.
Worcester (1860) givs Malay cassuwaris. "Webster" (1864)
givs "Hindost. kassuwaris" Littre (1877) givs Malay cassuwa-
Skeat (1879) quotes Littre for kassuicaris. Yule (1886)
Malay kus<t *••!,•, ,,r feififdyt. The earlier forms cited as nominal
English, Spanish, German, or Dutch, ar of course all intended to
reflect tin- Malayan name.
The correct European reflex would be casuwariy casuari, or
>vari, kasuari. The Malay word is -st«^»*j kasuwari, less
exactly transliterated kasuari. But it is- worthy of note that
no Malay dictionary records the \\onl until the year 1863. No
form kasuwari or one like it appears in Marsden (1812) or
in Koordavan Eysinga (1825). Nor is kasuwari in Crawfiml
(1852). The first entry of kasuwari in a Malay dictionary
ars to be in Pijnappel (1863), where it is not given in alpha-
betic place, but is mentiond as an earlier f.»nn of sm\ .-n-i
(soewari). In Macassar the word is recorded, as k<isuir<~tri, in
1859.
soewari, de casuaris (van een vorm kasoewari).
1863 PIJNAPPEL, p. 143.
126 C. P. G. Scott, [1896.
Klinkert, in his Supplement to Pijnappel (1869), takes no notice
of either form.
The next dictionary entry, like PijnappePs, is indirect, in the
name pohon kasuari, * cassowary tree' (1864-5 Van Ekris). See
under CASUAKINA.. Then there ar entries in 1875 Favre, 1880
Wall and Tuuk, 1 895 Mayer.
kasuwari, kasuari, le casoar (struthio casuarius).
£ *W aJtat ada-lah barang kasuari, il y avait des
casoars (H. Ab. 74). [No cognate forms cited.] 1875 FAVRE, 1:382.
JCuAjb- [chasoewari] of soewari, kasuaris (vogel).
1880 WALL and TUUK, 2: 78.
-Jk-ww^kasoewari, de casuaris. 1893 KLINKERT, p. 522.
Kasoewari, casuaris. 1895 MAYER, p. 126.
. . . kasoewari, bep. kasoewariya, Casuaris.
1859 MATTHES, Makassaarsch-Hollandsch woordenboek, p. 66.
Beside the name kasuwari, there is an other name suwari,
first mentiond so far as the quotations show, by Crawfurd, 1852.
This appears also in Pijnappel 1863 (soewari), in Favre 1875
(suari), and Wall 1880 (soewari); and it is also recorded in
Macassar (1859), as sowari.
The two forms kasuwari and suwari ar no doubt con-
nected. Compare kapuyu and puyii, a quail ; lingking and
kelingking, a fruit, the lichi. The office of the apparent
prefix ka- is not clear. It does not seem to be the prefix ka-
as used in connection with the suffix -an, to form certain verbal
nouns or participles.
Suwari appears in most of the dictionaries from Crawfurd
(1852) down :
Suwari. The cassawary or emeu, Struthio cassuarius.
1852 CRAWFURD, p. 178.
Cassiowary, Suwari.
1852 CRAWFURD, Eng. and Malay diet., p. 25.
-J^-w soewari, de casuaris (van een vorm kasoewari).
^ 1863 PIJNAPPEL, p. 143.
suari = ^L.M^ kasuari. 1875 FAVRE, 2:640.
soewari, z. chasoewari. 1880 WALL and TUUK, 2:296.
-sL*w soewari, zie kasoewari.
1893 KLINKERT, p. 406. [Not in 1895 Mayer.]
. . . sowari, = kasoewdri, casuaris.
1859 MATTHES, Makassaarsch-Hollandsch woordenboek, p. 608.
The bird is mentiond, under a name now current as emu, in the
following passage :
Vol. xvii.] The Malayan Words in English. 127
In Banda and other Hands, the bird called Emia or Erne, is admirable.
It is foure foot high, somewhat resembling an Ostrich, but hauing three
clawes on the feet, and the same exceeding strong : it hath two wings
rather to helpe it running, then seruiceable for flight : the legges great
and long. 1613 PURCHAS, Pilgrimage, p. 430.
The first English mention of the name cassowary appears to
refer to a bird brought to England :
St. James his Ginny Hens, the Cassawarway moreover. (Note by
Coryat. An East Indian bird at St. James in the keeping of Mr.
Walker, that will carry no coales, but eat them as whot you will.)
1611 PEACH AM, in Paneg. verses on Coryat's
Crudities, sig. 1. 3 r° (1776). (S. D.)
A Cassowaries or Emeus Egg.
1673 J. RAY, Journ. Low Countr., p. 28. (S. D.)
(See other quotations in S. D. and N. E. D.)
The Cassawaris is about the bigness of a large Virginia Turkey. His
head is the same as a Turkey's ; and he has a long stiff hairy Beard
upon his Breast before, like a Turkey.
1705 FUNNEL, in Dampier's Voyages, 4:266 (1729). (Y.)
Cassawary, or Emeu, a large Fowl, with Feathers resembling Camels-
Hair. 1708 and 1715 KERSEY.
Another large and extraordinary bird is the Cassowary, which inhab-
its the island of Ceram only. It is a stout and strong bird, standing
five or six feet high, and covered with long coarse black hair-like feath-
ers. The head is ornamented with a large horny casque or helmet, and
the bare skin of the neck is conspicuous with bright blue and red col-
ours. The wings are quite absent, and are replaced by a group of horny
black spines like blunt porcupine quills.... This bird is the helmeted
cassowary (Casuarius galeatus) of naturalists, and was for a long time
the only species known.
1869 WALLACE, Malay Archipelago (1890) p. 305.
See also 1774 GOLDSMITH, Hist, of the earth (1790), 5:6, p. 67, 73
(Jodrell); 1856 CRAWFURD, Descriptive diet., p. 84: 1869 BICKMORE,
Travels in the East Indian Archipelago, p. 150; 1889 WALLACE, Dar-
winism, p. 115.
The unreflecting voracity of the bird appears in the quota-
tinn in which he eats coals "as \vhot as you will." In the
"experience," or at least in tin- travels, of a warlike tin-man,
<|ii<.ted by Yule (1644-1659) lie, tin- cassowary, swallowd 50
1 »ul lets, of a size not stated. According to a popular rime, the
cassowaries of Timlm< -ton, which ar ignored by the leading
ornithologists, make light of a still heavier diet :
If I were a cassoicary,
Far away in Timbuctoo,
I would eat a missionary,
Hat and boots and hymn-book, too.
a. 1880 Auctor in<; rt., loc. mm e#.
128 C. P. G. Scott, [1896.
Casuarina, an East Indian and Australian tree.
It is an Anglicized form of New Latin casuarina (Linnaeus,
Amoen. Acad., 1759, iv. 143, cited in Index Kewensis, 1893, i:
457; Adanson, Farn. ii. 481, 1763, cited 1. c.), a genus of trees
of which many species ar named.
This appears to be based on a Malayan name associating the
tree with the cassowary. In Van Ekris 1864 the Malay name
pohon kasuuri 'cassowary tree' is given as the synonym of
several names of the tree in the Amboina region, — laweur, leweur,
hueur, kweide, leahua An other Malay name is j\\ feru or ^\
rii (1893 Klinkert, p. 14). In Baree (central Celebes) the tree is
named ogu.
Laweur, zekcre boom (pohon kasuari) (P.)— leweur (H. W. K.) —
hueur (T. R.) — kweule (A.) — leahua (Kr.).
1864-65 A. VAN EKRIS, Woordenlijst....Ambonsche eilanden, p. 107.
Ogu (T. ogu), casuarisboom.
1894 KRUYT, Woordenlijst van de Baree-taal, p. 47.
Casuarina, kas-u-a-rin'a, s. (from the supposed likeness of the branches
to the plumes of the Cassowary). A genus of plants, constituting the
type and only genus of the order Casuarinaceae. 1847 CRAIG.
The Cassuarinas [in Timur], especially, remind the observer of the
Australian vegetation.
1856 CRAWFURD, Diet, of the Indian islands, p. 433.
Surrounding Elie House, near Colombo, in which I resided, were a
number of tall casuarinas and India-rubber trees, whose branches
almost touched the lattices of the window of the room in which I
usually sat. These were the favorite resort of the tree-snakes, and in
the early morning the numbers which clung to them were sometimes
quite remarkable.
1 86 1 TENNENT, Sketches of the nat. hist, of Ceylon, p. 305.
It was lovely in the white moonlight with the curving shadows of
palms on the dewy grass, the grace of the drooping casuarinas, the
shining water, and the long drift of surf.
1883 BIRD, The Golden Chersonese, p. 275.
Cockatoo, an East Indian parrot. The word has had many
forms in English, cockatoe, cokatoe, kokatu, kakatou, cockatooa,
and corruptly cockatoon, cocadore, crockadore, jacatoo, etc.
Other European forms ar French cacatoes, kakato&s, cacatois,
Spanish cacatua, Portuguese cacatou, Dutch kakatoe, kaketoe,
kakato, German kakadu, Swedish kakadu, cacatu, etc.
The Malay word is .jj^kakatuwa, kakatua, l-xX^kaka-
tuwa, s-xXiTkakatuha; Javanese kokotuwo, Achinese kaka-
tuwa, Sundanese kakatuwa ; in the Amboina region lakatua, or
without the terminal syllables, laka, laki, laa, also with only the
terminal syllables, reduplicated, tau-tau.
Vol. xvii.] The Malayan Words in English. 129
The name is imitativ of the parrot's utterance. This is indi-
cated not only by the common belief (see the English quotations
dated 1662, 1705', and 1884-8), but by the 'dialectal' forms, and
by the existence of other similar imitativ names for parrots, as
Malay ^JC$^ k e k e , dLX-^-5^ k e k e k , Sunda ekek, a parroquet,
Bugis chakolek, a cockatoo, Maori kaka, a parrot, kakapo, the
owl -parrot.
An other notion is that the bird derives its name from the Malay
kakatuwa, *a vise or grip'; but this is obviously a transfer
from the name of the bird, in allusion to the 'grip of its claws
ti beak. Compare cranet crow, cock, goose, English names of
implements transferd from names of birds.
Wall and Tuuk declare that kakatuwa, which they write
also in a form corresponding to kakatuha, is a compound of
kaka and tub a (tuah), meaning, I suppose, 'old brother' or
* deeply colord brother' ! This is not convincing.
kakatoewA een vogel van de papagaaijensoort.
1825 ROORDA VAN EYSINOA, p. 314.
Kakatuwah. A cockatoo. 1852 CRAWFURD, p. 65.
kakatoea, kakatoe. 1863 PIJNAPPEL, p. 179.
kakatuwa, kakatiia, le kakatoes, oiseau du genre perro-
quet. . . . Sund. . . . kakatuwa. 1875 FAVRE, 1:302.
I. kakatoeha en kakatcewa, of kakatoewa en kaka-
— sinst. van kaka en toeha enz.,— naam eener soort van
grooten, witten papagaai, kakatoe, kaketoe. II. kakatoawa en
kaka toe w ah, batav., nijptang en kaketoe. — B.
1880 WALL and TUUK, 2:524.
Kaka// tua....kaka/t tua.
1887 LIM HIONO SENG, Manual of the Malay colloquial, p. 128, 149.
Also l88l SWETTENHAM (1887) 2:44; 1893 KLINKERT, p. 526; 1895
MAYER, p. 120.
The 'name appears in Sundanese kakatuwa, Achinese kakatuwa,
'/.•/"•/. In the Amboina islands it is lakatua, laka, laki, /</</,
and tautau.
Kakatnmt, a cockatoo; used as applied to parrots imported from
countries beyond Java, as the parrots of the Moluccos.
1862 Rioo, Diet, of the Sunda lang., p. 187.
\j*£f kakatoeica, een groote witte papagaai.
1889 LANQEN, Woordenboek der Atjehsche taal, p. 208.
Laka, witte kakatoea (R. Kr.)—lakatua (T. U. W. K. P.)— tau f ( = tau-
tau] (P.)—laki (A.)-toa < I
1864-65 A. VAN EKRIS, Woordenl\J9t....Ambon8che cilamien. p. 104.
VOL. xvn. «.»
130 C. P. G. Scott, [1896.
The cockatoo enterd English, according to the first quotation,
with an evil reputation and a worse etymology.
Sparrowes, Robbins, Herons, (white and beautifull) Cacatoes (Birds
like Parrots, fierce, and indomitable : and may properly be so called
from the Greeke Kaitbv u6v proceeding from an euill egge).
1634 SIR T. HERBERT, Travels, p. 212. (S. D., p. 254.)
Some rarities of naturall things, but nothing extraordinary save the
skin of a jaccall, a rarely colour'd jacatoo or prodigious parrot....
1654 EVELYN, Diary, July 11. (Y., p. 175.)
An infinite number of Parrots, whereof there are several kinds....
Some are all white, or of a Pearl colour, having on their Crowns a tuft
of Feathers of a Carnation red, and they are called Kahatou, from that
word which in their chattering they pronounce very distinctly.
1662 J. DA VIES, tr. Mandelslo (1669), i :26. (S. D.)
The Crockadore is a Bird of various Sizes, some being as big as a Hen,
and others no bigger than a Pidgeon. They are in all Parts exactly of
the shape of a Parrot. . . . When they fly wild up and down the Woods
they will call Crockadore, Crockadore; for which reason they go by
that name. 1705 FUNNEL, in Dampier, Voyages, 4:265-6. (Y. p. 174.)
See other quotations in Yule and S. D., 1638, 1698, 1719, 1750, 1775;
also 1840 BROOKE (1848), i =53.
Small white cockatoos were abundant, and their loud screams, con-
spicuous white colour, and pretty yellow crests, .rendered them a very
important feature in the landscape. This [Lombock] is the most west-
erly point on the globe where any of the family are to be found.
1869 WALLACE, Malay Archipelago (1890), p. 119, 120.
Cockatoos [in the Aru islands]. [Their habits described at length.]
1869 WALLACE, Id. (1890), p. 341-343.
The true cockatoos belong to the genus Cacatua or Plictolophus. With
two exceptions, the fifteen species are white.... They make very
interesting pets, crying now "cockatoo," now "pretty cocky," or
screaming with a voice far from musical.
1884-88 Riverside nat. hist., 4 : 353-354.
Compound, an inclosure, a yard.
This is an Anglo-Indian sophistication of the Anglo-Indian
campong, representing the Malay word ijL^kampongi kam-
pung, in early mention (1631 Haex) also written campon.
The sophistication is like that which appears in godown, some-
times, godon, for godong, gadong, a Malayan word which is
excluded from this paper as being of Indian origin. The other
proposed etymologies of compound (see Yule, p. 186-8) ar not
tenable. For the Malay form, see under CAMPONG, which is now
establisht in English use.
It is a curious coincidence that the Malay word which means
literally 'brought together,' 'assembled,' has acquired an English
form which assimilates it to a word which means 'put together.'
Vol. xvii.] The Malayan Words in English. 131
There [at Pollicull near Madapollam] the Dutch have a Factory of a
large Compounde, where they dye much blew cloth, having above 300
jars set in the ground for that work ; also they make many of their
best paintings there.
1679 Fort St. George Consns. (on Tour), April 14. In
Notes and extracts, Madras, 1871. (Y., p. 782.)
The houses [at Madras] are usually surrounded by a field or compound,
with a few trees or shrubs, but it is with incredible pains that flowers
or fruit are raised.
1812 MARIA GRAHAM, Journal of a residence in India, p. 124. (Y.)
See other quotations (1696, 1772, 1781, 1788, etc.) in Yule, p. 186,782.
At the entrance to the Rajah's compound....! was startled by sud-
denly coming on a tall pole with a fringed triangle near its summit.
1885 FORBES, A naturalist's wanderings
in the Eastern Archipelago, p. 472-473.
Coracora, a Malayan galley. Also kora-kora (1869 Wallace),
corocoro (1774 Forrest) (=G. korrekorre 1659, in Yule); also (2^
caracora (as New Latin, 1606, 1613), (3) caracore (1784), (4)
caracole, caracolle (1622 Cocks, 1606 Middleton), and karkollen
(a mere Dutch spelling) (1613 Purchas); (5) caracoa (from Span-
ish caracoa). The most correct form is coracora, derived, through
tbe Portuguese coracora, corocora, from the Malay p
or* .^^ kora-kora, kura-kura, Macassar korra-korra,
a kind of galley (see the quotations).
Kora-kora, a large rowing boat or praw used by the people of
the eastern islands. (See plates in Forrest's Voyage to N. Guinea.)
1812 MARSDEN, p. 273.
Kura-kura. Name of a large kind of sailing vessel.
1852 CRAWFURD, p. 82.
».^koera.... II. koera-koera, soort van oorlogspraauwen in de
Molukken. (Liever kdra-kora. Port, carracafj
1863 PIJNAPPEL, p. 1 86.
f )j^ou mieux ^l^kura-kura et kora-kora, nom de certains
j >!••'• ims de guerre dans les ties Moluques. Ce mot vient prob. du Port.
caraca, une caraque. Mak. . . . kora-kunt. 1875 FAVRE, 1 1294.
Also 1880 WALL and TUUK, 2 1561 ; 1893 KLINKERT, p. 554.
....1° kdra.... 2° kdrra-korra, bep. korra-korraya, soort van vaar-
tuigen, vroeger, vooral bij de honggi-togten in de Molukko's gebruikt.
1859 MATTHES, Makassaarsch-Hollandsch looordenboek, p. 43.
Tli<> origin of the Malay kora-kora or kura-kura has been
variousl stated.
(1) In one view it is a transferd use of the Malay f \+ kura-
a-'V^
kura, also \j*$ ku-kfira, a tortoise. The allusion would be,
132 C. P. G. Scott, [1896.
one would suppose, either to the pace or to the shape ; but the
vessel is described as a u barque a raarche rapide" (see quotation
1882 under CARACOA below), and nothing is said of its likeness in
shape to a tortoise. It would seem more likely that the tortoise
was named from the boat ; but the words appear to be independ-
ent. The word for the tortoise is mentiond in all the dictionaries.
(2) In an other view the Malay kora-kora, kura-kiira, a
vessel, is from the Arabic j»JLJ» qitrqiir, qorqtir, kurkur, plural
qaraqlr, karakir, a large merchant vessel.
qurqftr, pi. qardqir, large long ship.
1884 STEINOASS, Arabic-Brig, diet., p. 832.
According to Arabic scholars, this Arabic term is not nativ,
but was borrowd at an early date, from the Greek KepKovpos (whence
Lat. cercurus, cercyrus), a kind of vessel invented by the Cyprians.
The Greek name itself is perhaps ultimately of Semitic origin
(18.. Fraenkel, Fremdworter, p. 217; 1895 Lewy, Die semitischen
fremdworter im Griechischen, p. 152). The Arabic word, in the
'plural qaraqlr, is asserted, by most writers, to be the source of
the Romance word, Spanish carraca, Italian caracca, French
caraque, whence the English carrack, carrick of the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries ; but this view is without warrant.
In the absence of proof to the contrary, we may assume kora-
kora to be nativ Malayan.
I giv the English and other European quotations in the order
of the five forms above discriminated.
(1) Coracora, kora-kora, corocoro.
A corocoro is a vessel generally fitted with outriggers, having a high
arched stem and stern, like the points of a half moon.... The Dutch
have fleets of them at Amboyna, which they employ as guardacostas.
1774 FORREST, Voyage to New Guinea, 23. (Y. p. 122.)
The boat was one of the kind called " Kora-kora" quite open, very
low, and about four tons burthen. It had outriggers of bamboo about
five feet off each side, which supported a bamboo platform extending
the whole length of the vessel. On the extreme outside of this sat the
twenty rowers, while within was a convenient passage fore and aft.
The middle portion of the boat was covered with a thatch-house, in
which baggage and passengers are stowed ; the gunwale was not more
than a foot above water, and from the great top and side weight, and
general clumsiness, these boats are dangerous in heavy weather, and
are not unfrequently lost.
1869 WALLACE, Malay Archipelago (1890), p. 266.
I add two French statements :
"The Malay kora-kora is a great row-boat ; still in use in the Moluc-
cas. Many measure 100 feet long and 10 wide. Some have as many as
90 rowers." 18 . . tr. MARRE, Kata-Kata Malayou, 87. (Y.)
Vol. xvii.] The Malayan Words in English. 133
Le sculpture ties korokoros malais . . . annonce autant d'intelligence
que de gout. 18 . . RIEXZI, Octanie, 1:84. (Devic, p. 84.)
(2) Caracora:
. . . Nave conscensa, quam lingua patria caracora nuncupant. Navi-
gii genus est oblongum; et angustum, triremis instar, veils simul et
remls impellitur. 1606 JARRIC, Thesaurus, 1:192. (Y.)
They exercife Sea-fights in their Caracorce, or Oaleots, with great
Dexteritie. 1613 PURCHAS, Pilgrimage, p. 453.
(3) Caracore:
Caracores are light vessels used by the natives of Borneo.. ..and by
the Dutch as guarda costas in those latitudes.
1794 Rigging and seamanship, 1:240. (N. E. D.)
(4) Caracole, caracotte (karkollen).
The foremost of these Galleys or Caracolles recovered our Shippe,
wherein was the King of Tarnata.
1606 Last East-Indian voyage to Bantam and
the Maluco islands, E 2. (Y. p. 122.)
They haue [in Amboina] (tallies after their manner, formed like
Dragons, which they row very fwiftly : they call them Karkollen.
1613 PURCHAS, Pilgrimage, p. 453.
7 or 8 carecoles (or boates). 1622 R. COCKS, Diary (1888), i : 279. (S.D.)
(5) Caracoa.
Caracoa is a Spanish form, a modification of the Malay
korakora.
Caracoa, a fort of large Indian Boat.
1706 STEVENS, Spanish and Eng. diet.
Les Phillipines nomment ces batimens caracoas. C'est vne espece de
petite galere a ram en et a voiles.
1 71 1 in Lettres edifiantes et curieuses ( 1 780-83), 4:27. (Y.)
Caracoa (la). — Barque a marche rapide qui se construit principale-
ment dans le Sud de 1'archipel.
1882 BLUMENTRITT, Vocab. de Vespagnol des
Phtilippines, tr. Uugot (1884), p. 22.
Yule enters caracoa as a nominal English word, but I hav
found no true English examples. Caracoa occurs 17 times in
one of the Ilakluyt sorirty's publications, an edition, publisht in
'«S55, nt "The last East-Indian voyage" (1606), but thnv is no
telling whether caracoa occurs even once in the original (a quota-
tion with caraoottet i< -.riven above, from Yule). The editor
in-K-ed says that in ••«limi'_r the t»-xt, he has brutally mutilated
the orthography, has ttarchl ami immi the pnnetoation, and has
destroyd the proper names, substituting oilier names out of his
own head. His exact words ar:
134 C. P. G. Scott, [1896.
In editing the text, I have modernized the orthography and punctua-
tion, and have restored the proper names to uniformity.
1855 -- , The voyage of Sir Henry Middleton to Bantam and
the Maluco islands (Hakluyt soc. 1855), Advertisement, p. viii.
And in a note to his first mention of caracoa in the text, he
says :
The word occurs near twenty times, and is variously spelt. I have
given it the Spanish form. 1855 Id., p. 34, note.
Yet there is no statement in the preface or on the title-page
that the text was intended for kindergarten use.
Cuscus, an East Indian opossum. Sometimes Frenchified
couscous / Dutch coescoes, F. couscous, N. L. cuscus / from Malay
U*X*o kuskus (j^Xww^kuskus, in Amboina kusu, in Man-
ado kuse, in Timor kui.
kiiskus an animal of the opossum tribe ; didelphis orientalis.
(See Valentyn, vol. iii., p. 272, and pi. fig. D.) 1812 MARSDEN, p. 274.
Kuskus. Name of a didelphine animal, Didelphis orientalis.
^1852 CRAWFURD, p. 83.
k o e s k o e s , soort van buideldier, didelphys, in de Molukken.
1863 PIJNAPPEL, p. 178.
nom d'un animal de la famille des marsupiaux
(didelphe), dans les Moluques. 1875 FAVRE, 1 1382.
Koei. T[imor], een buideldier, coescoes. (A[mbon] koesoe ; Mfanado]
koese.) 1876 CLERQ, Het Maleisch der Molukken, p. 28.
Cuscus was made familiar in English by Wallace and Forbes,
but it is found earlier.
Cuscus maculatus.... This species, which is named Coescoes at the
Moluccas, according to Valentyn, varies much in its colouring. At
Wagiou....the natives call it Schamscham.
1839 Penny Cyclo., 14 :46oa.
The naked-tailed and strictly prehensile Couscous of the Moluccas.
1839 Id"» 46ob.
Just as we had cleared away and packed up for the night, a strange
beast was brought, which had been shot by the natives. It resembled
in size, and in its white woolly covering, a small fat lamb, but had
short legs, hand-like feet with large claws, and a long prehensile tail. It
was a Cuscus (C. maculatus), one of the curious marsupial animals of
the Papuan region. 1869 WALLACE, Malay Archipelago (1890), p. 350.
[Also mentiond on pp. 104, 223, 301 and 324.]
The Marsupial species of Cuscus [italics in original] also, of which we
have obtained three species, have interested us. They are very plenti-
Vol. xvii.] The Malayan Words in En <///>/,. 135
ful, and at this season [May 21] the females all seem to have a little one
in their pouch. One of these was a tiny creature about two inches long,
quite hidden in its pouch, fixed by its lips formed into a simple round
orifice to its mother's teat. They are much eaten by the natives, by
whom they are caught in nooses set in the trees, or by artifice. In
moonlight nights creeping stealthily to the foot of a tree where they
have observed one sleeping, taking care not to lift their heads so that
the light flash in their eyes, they imitate at short intervals its cry, by
placing the fingers in the nose ; the Cuscus descends, and is fallen on by
the watchers below. The python is their greatest enemy, and devours
large numbers of them as they cling to the branches during the day in
a semi-torpid condition.
1885 FORBES, ^4 naturalist's wanderings in the
Eastern Archipelago, pp. 291, 292. [Amboina.]
Dugong", a large sirenian of the Eastern seas, JTulicore </"-
gong, also known in two other species, H. tabernaculi, of the Red
Sea, and H. austr<tli*, of the Australian waters. It is allied to
the American manatee.
The form dugong follows the French and New Latin dugong
of Cuvier, dugon of Buffon, a blunder for duyong. The Malay
word is £?.)& duyong, duyung, £^-?;^ duyong; Achineae
n, Javanese duyung, Macassar ruyung, Bugis rujung, Ain-
boina rakun. In Bugis the name is applied to the dolphin.
£*jj4> duyong a very large sea-animal of the order of mammalia,
vulgarly called the sea-cow, and by naturalists, the dugong (from the
Malayan word), which has given occasion to the stories of mermaids in
the tropical seas. 1812 MARSDEN, p. 138.
£«->«*> doejong een groot zeedier, gewoonlijk de zeekoe gen aa aid.
Humba pon ter-ked jut-lah me-lichat doejong Jang amat
befar doedokh di pantej, ik verfchrikte op bet zien van eene zeer
groote zeekoe, welke op bet ftrand zat.
1825 ROORDA VAN EYSINOA, p. 165.
D-uyung (J). The lamantin or dugong. 1852 CRAWFURD, p. 45.
£•->•«> doejoeng, eene soort van zeekoe, halicore doejong. Ber-
doejoeng-doejoeng, waggelen als eene zeekoe. (Jav. doejoeng.
Mak. roejoeng. Boeg. roedjoeng.) 1863 PIJNAPPBL, p. 113.
duyung, nom d'un animal marin (vac he marine M. Pi j). Jav.
. . . tfuyung. Mak. . . . ruyung et Bug. . . . rujung dauphin.
1875 FAVRE, i :8$9.
Also 1880 WALL and TUUK, 2:126; 1893 KLINKEKT, p. 312; 1895
MATER, p. 90.
L&loemba zeekoe. Doejoen zeevarken.
1879 DIAS, Lijst van A> /-oorrfen, p. 159.
[These entries should be transposed, aa to the Dutch words.]
136 C. P. O. Scott, [1896.
doejoen, de zeekoe.
1889 LANGEN, Woordenboek der Atjehsche taal, p. 114.
Halicone dajong [sic] doejong.
1891 VORDERMAN, Bijdrage tot de kennis
van het Billiton-Maleisch, p. 392.
In Macassar it is ruy-ung, and its tears hav the property of call-
ing the ladies' attention to one's merits :
. . . roeyoeng, soort van dolfijn, Boegin roedjoeng, idem. De tranen
van dezen visch opgevangen, en daaraan het vermogen toegeschreven,
om het hart eener schoone aan zich te verbinden.
1859 MATTHES, Makassaarsch-Hollandsch woordenboek, p. 453.
Rukun, zekere visch (Ml. doejong) (T. R. Kr.)
1864-65 A. VAN EKRIS, Woorderilijst
. . . Ambonsche eilanden, p. 336.
In the first English mention of the animal which I hav noted,
the name is not given :
They haue no Kine, but a Fifh of like lineaments, which they take in
their Nets. 1613 PURCHAS, Pilgrimage, p. 436.
Pennant calls it the "Indian walrus" :
Indian [WalrusJ. Le Dugon de Buffon . . . W[alrusJ with two fhort
canine teeth, or tufks, placed in the upper jaw . . . [etc.] ... It is faid
by one [traveller], that it goes upon land to feed on the green mofs,
and that it is called in the Philippines, the Dugung* [Note : *De Buffon
xiii. 377, the note.] 1771 PENNANT, Synopsis of quadrupeds, p. 338.
It was probably aquatic, like the Dugong and Manatee.
1845 C. DARWIN, Journ. Beagle, ch. 5 : p. 82. (S. D., p. 339.)
Dugong. The Halicore dugong of naturalists is an inhabitant of the
shallow seas of the Archipelago, but it is not numerous, or at least is
not often caught by the fishermen. It is the duyong of the Malays,
which naturalists mistaking a j or y for a g, have corrupted into
dugong. During my residence in Singapore, a few were taken in the
neighboring shallow seas, and I can testify that the flesh of this her-
bivorous mammifer is greatly superior to that of the green turtle.
1856 CRAWFURD, Descriptive diet, of the Indian islands, p. 125.
Tennent mentions the dugong as frequenting the shores of
Ceylon, and discourses pleasantly of the mermaid myths for
which the dugong is supposed to be responsible. He quotes
Megasthenes, Aeliau, and Valentyn.
Of this family, one of the most remarkable animals on the coast is
the dugong, a phytophagous cetacean, numbers of which are attracted
to the inlets, from the bay of Calpentyn to Adam's Bridge, by the still
water, and the abundance of marine algae in these parts of the gulf. . . .
1 86 1 TENNENT, Sketches of the nat. hist, of Cey-
lon, p. 68. (See the whole account, p. 68-73.)
Vol. xvii.] The Malayan Words in English. 137
The mermaid, of the genus Halicore, connects the inhabitants of the
land and water. This Duyong, described as a creature seven or eight
feet long, with a head like that of an elephant deprived of its proboscis,
and the body and tail of a fish, frequents the Sumatran and Malayan
shores, and its flesh is held in great estimation at the tables of sultans
and rajahs. 1883 BIRD, The Golden Chersonese, p. 9.
Once the dugongs were very numerous. The early traveller, Leguat,
tells of seeing schools of several hundred, grazing like sheep on the sea-
weeds a few fathoms deep, in the Mascarine islands. The flesh is
regarded as a special delicacy, and the Malay king claims, as royal prop-
erty, all that are taken in his domains. The flesh of the young is com-
pared to pork, beef, and veal ; but the old dugongs are tougher and not
so highly prized. 1884-88 Riverside nat. hist., 5 ran.
See also 1869 BICKMORK, p. 244; 1883 Encyc. Brit., 15:390; 1885
FORBES, p. 313 ; 1886 YULE, p. 254.
Durian, a rich East Indian fruit ; also the tree on which it
grows, Durio zibethinus. Also speld durion, durien, durean,
dorian, duroyen ; Dutch (toeritui, French dourian, Italian duri-
ano (c. 1440), Middle Latin dttrianus (c. 1440), N. L. durio(n-) •
representing Malay ,^-?;^ durian, literally * thorny (fruit)'
forrad with the suffix -an, from g))& duri, a thorn, spine. The
fruit has a thick rind set with short stout spines. It is in Achi-
nese durian, deriSn, Lampong deriyan, Javanese duren, Amboina
', toliati, turen, tureno, torane.
^j%t> durian a rich fruit much prized by the natives, but to which
the European palate does not readily accommodate itself ; durio zibe-
t hi n us, L. It takes its name from its prickly coat. (Vid. c>«*> duri).
1812 MARSDEX, p. 132.
C>«J duri a thorn, spine, prickle.... ,.»Jj£ duri-an a fruit (so
called from its prickly coat), durio zibethinus, L. 1812 MARSDEN, p. 137.
vj^>xj doeriejan eene groote vrucht waarvan de pitten gegeten en
door de inboorlingen voor zeer aangenaam gehouden worden, hebbende
eenen onaangenamen geur, die voor vele Europeers onverdragelijk is.
1825 ROORDA VAN EYSINQA, p. 157.
l5j«t> duri, epine, piquant, pointe.... I>H>;^ duri-an, nom d'un
fruit ainsi nomme parce qu'il est herisse d'epines, le durian (durio
zibethinus).... *JuJ& — duri-an hantn. ,^J*> — <'wrf-an ddun, deux
especes de dourian. Jav. . . . rf, epine. . . . <inrent le dourian. Bat
duri, epine. 1875 FAVRE, 1:864-5.
Dcerijan (gew. uitapraak derriyan), naam eener. voor velen,
inz. Europeanen, walgelijke, doch door de ind. volken hooggeachatte
138 C. P. G. Scott, [1896.
vrucht— durio zibethinus; de boom; soorten : d. daoen; d. teng-
gajoen; d. tembaga, met geel vleesch.
1880 WALL and TUUK, 2: 122.
Also 1852 CRAWFURD, p. 43; 1863 PIJNAPPEL, p. 112; 1881 SWETTEN-
HAM (1887), 2:29 ; 1893 KLINKERT, p. 299, 310; 1895 MAYER, p. 91.
Doerian, doerian. 1879 DIAS, Lijst van Atjehsche woorden, p. 154.
dSrien, de doerianvrucht.
1889 LANGEN, Woordenboek der Atjehsche taal, p. no.
Derijan, doerian.
1891 HELFRICH, Lampongsch-Hollandsche woordenlijst, p. 59.
. . . [duren] (nom d'un fruit epineux) le dourian malais.
1870 FAVRE, Diet, javanais-fran^ais, p. 176.
Doeren naam van de bekende doerian-vrucht.
1876 R. VAN ECK, Balineesch-Hollandsch ivoordenboek, p. 82.
Turen, zekere boom vrucht (Ml. durian) (T. R. Kr. H. W.)— torian
(K.)-tolian (P.)—tureno (Ht. N.)— torane (A.).
1864-65 A. VAN EKRIS, Woordenlijst....
Ambonsche eilanden, p. 128.
See also RAFFLES, Hist, of Java (1817), 2 : app. 100.
The durian is raentiond by Italian writers as early as the mid-
dle of the fifteenth century. See Yule.
The English mentions begin in the latter end of the sixteenth
century, and, as usual, in translations of Spanish and Dutch writ-
ers.
There is one that is called in the Malacca tongue durion, and is so
good that I have heard it affirmed by manie that have gone about the
worlde, that it doth exceede in savour all others that ever they had
scene or tasted.... Some do say that have scene it that it seemeth
to be that wherewith Adam did transgresse, being carried away by the
singular savour.
1588 PARKE, tr. Mendoza, Historie of the great and mightie king-
dom of China (etc.), (Hakluyt soc., 1853) 2 :3i8. (Y. p. 256.)
See other quotations 1598, 1662, 1665, 1727, 1855, 1878, in YULE and
S. D.
The highest rank among the indigenous fruits, in the opinion of the
natives, is given to the Durian (Durio Zibethinus), not at all excepting
even the Mangustin, but most of strangers, from its peculiar and offen-
sive odour, have at first a violent aversion to it.
1820 CRAWFURD, Hist, of the Indian Archipelago, 1 1419.
The Mangosteen, Lansat, Rambutan, Jack, Jambou, and Blimbing,
are all abundant ; but most abundant and most esteemed is the Durian,
a fruit about which very little is known in England, but which both by
natives and Europeans in the Malay Archipelago is reckoned superior
to all others. 1869 WALLACE, Malay Archipelago (1890), p. 56.
The Durian grows on a large and lofty forest tree, somewhat resem-
bling an elm in its general character, but with a more smooth and
Vol. xvii.J The Malayan Words in English. 139
scaly bark. The fruit is round or slightly oval, about the size of a large
cocoanut, of a green colour, and covered all over with short stout
spines, the bases of which touch each other, and are consequently
somewhat hexagonal, while the points are very strong and sharp. It
is so completely armed, that if the stalk is broken off it is a difficult
matter to lift one from the ground. The outer rind is so thick and
tough, that from whatever height it may fall it is never broken.
1869 Id., p. 57.
If I had to fix on two only, as representing the perfection of the two
classes, I should certainly choose the Durian and the Orange as the
king and queen of fruits. 1869 Id., p. 58. (Also p. 41, 107, 236.)
From Muara-Rupit I proceeded to Surulangun, along a good road fol-
lowing the Rawas river, under a continuous shade of tall Durian trees
from thirty-five to forty feet high— a growth of ten years. The road
was carpeted throughout its length with their flowers, which were
dropping off in vast numbers. In the flowering time it was a most
pleasant shady road ; but later in the season the chance of a fruit now
and then descending on one's head would be less agreeable.
1885 FORBES, A mitiirulisfa uxinderings
in the Eastern Archipelago, p. 240.
.Mr. Wallace draws from the fall of the durian an uncomplacent
moral :
Poets and moralists, judging from our English trees and fruits, have
thought that small fruits always grow on lofty trees, so that their fall
should be harmless to man, while the large ones trailed on the ground.
Two of the largest and heaviest fruits known, however, the Brazil-nut
fruit (Bertholletia) and Durian, grow on lofty forest trees, from which
they fall as soon as ripe, and often wound or kill the native inhabitants.
From this we may learn two things : first, not to draw general conclu-
sions from a very partial view of nature ; and secondly, that trees and
fruits, no less than the varied productions of the animal kingdom, do
not appear to be organized with exclusive reference to the use and con-
venience of man. 1869 WALLACE, Malay Archipelago (1890), p. 58.
Hut perhaps the falling durian and Brazil-nut ar a crude effort
of Nature, looking toward an extinction of savagery. If the
savages would not dodge ! So ineffectiv ar the " intentions " of
Nature. The weighted fruits <>f tin tropics and the stones of the
n of Siloara continue to fall, upon the just ami the unjuM.
When gravity dispenses justice, the just must dodge, or be
crusht.
Gecko, a sprightly lizanl of interesting nature an<l domestic
hal»its. AKn sjM-ld gecco^gekko; French gecko, German gecko,
Dutch fftkk"
M:ilay ^-£-^ ••!> il':i\re), gekok (Pijnappel), gekko
(Marsden 1812, who says he has not found the Malayan orthog-
140 C. P. G. Scott, [1896.
raphy). The final vj> k is faint, and is omitted in the European
form, as it was in abada for bada, Malay O^L> budak, and as
it is in bmh from Malay bru for bruk, in Ava for Awak, in
Batta for Batak, and so on. See ABADA and BRUH.
,
The Malay ^Jpyo gekok is one of several different Malay
names for the same animal, all within a small area of variation,
and all evidently of an imitativ nature, suggestiv of the creature's
peculiar cry. The other forms ar koku, kekuh, keko,
gaguh, gagoh, gago, goke, k 6 k e , toke, t a k 6 , takek;
in Lampong ytyag, Katingan (Borneo) keke.
Toke, tak6, takek, ar reflected in an occasional English
form TOKAY. From one of these forms, or from an Indian or
other name of similar form because of imitativ nature, wer drawn
two forms which appear in English use of the eighteenth century,
c/iacco and jacco.
gaguh a large species of house-lizard which makes a very loud
and peculiar noise; (also named keku, gekko, gago, goke, and
toke). 1812 MARSDEN, p. 286.
Lizard . . . (great, noisy, house-) sJo gaguh. (It, or other species
nearly like it, is also named kekuh, gekko, gago, goke, and
toke, the Malayan orthography of which words has not occurred.)
1812 MARSDEN, p. 483.
gokej, (gekko) huishaagdis die een bijzonder geluid geef t.
1825 ROORDA VAN EYSINGA, p. 345.
ajC^ gagoh, een groote huishaagdis, dieom deszelfs geluid kejko,
gekko, gago, gokej en tokej genoemd wordt. 1825 Id., p. 339.
gekok, bijname van de tokei, om het geluid datzij maakt.
1863 PlJNAPPEL, p. 202.
., i*,
^ \ ± \ gekok, klanknaabootsend woord, door de Europeanen
gebruikt om het beest aan te duiden, «iat in 't MAL. en JAV. tekek
heet. Een hagedis, die aldus roept. 1869 KLINKERT, p. 219.
i«pCo gekok, le gecko, petit lezard ainsi nomme par imitation de
son cri. On le nomme aussien Mai. ,*.J> toke. 1875 FAVRE, i :402.
The form goke is also well establisht.
-X' 'V
J>*2 goke, koke, and toke [read 6 in each form] a species of
lizard that haunts old buildings, and makes a loud and peculiar noise.
(Vid. aj3 gaguh.) 1812 MARSDEN, p. 292.
^l^f gokej, (gekko) huishaagdis die een bijzonder geluid geef t.
" ' 1825 ROORDA VAN EYSINGA, p. 345.
Goke. A name for the tokay, or noisy lizard; v. T&keh [read
Takek]. 1852 CRAWFURD, p. 51.
Vol. xvii.] The Malayan Words in English. 141
^fe toke, goke, bat[aksch] (bal[ineeschj toeke, T.), groote hage-
dis, gekko. (B.) 1877 WALL and TCUK, 1 1425.
, z. toko [read toke]. 1884 WALL and TUUK, 3:40.
The form keke appears in the Bornean dialect of Katingan :
Maleisch t jit jak, Sampitsch tasakh, Katingansch keke, hagedis.
1872 TIEDTKE, Woordenlijst der Sampitsc.he
en Katingansche taal, p. 27.
Maleisch t jit jak, Sampitsch tasakh, Katingansch djonjoe ktkt,
hagedis. 1872 Id., p. 29.
In the Lampong language it is gegag.
GSgag, gekko. 1891 HELFRICH, Proeve van een Lumpongsch-
Hollandsche woordenlijst, p. 16.
An other name for this lizard, or some of its varieties is &ac\»xs*
chlchah or dLs\-A-r» chlchak, or (Jfr^yv chechak, Achi-
/<"&, Javanese chlchak, Balinese chSohek, Sundanese
i-h'ikchakj Lampong kichak, probably also imitativ. There are
similar Indian names. In Marathi chukchuk is the cry of the
lizard (1847 Molesworth, p. 409). In quotations below (1864,
1883), the Indian gecko says "chuck, chuck, chuck /" in an other
(1861), "chic, chic, chit."
The gecko became known first as a venomous and malicious
creature. The later accounts make it a harmless, cheerful little
ivj. til, with interesting habits, as the quotations show :
Of all animals the gekko is the most notorious for its powers of mis*
chief ; yet we are told by those who load it with that calumny, that it
is very friendly to man ; and, though supplied with the most deadly
virulence, is yet never known to bite.
1774 GOLDSMITH, Hist, of the earth (1790), 7 : 142 (in Jodrell, 1820).
Tennent givs an interesting account of the geckoes of Ceylon :
The most familiar and attractive of the lizard class are the Geckoes,
that frequent the sitting-rooms, and being furnished with pads to each
toe, they are enabled to ascend perpendicular walls and adhere to glass
and ceilings. Being nocturnal in their habits, the pupil of the eye,
instead of being circular as in the diurnal species, is linear and vertical
like that of the cat. As soon as evening arrives, the geckoes are to be
seen in every house in keen and crafty pursuit of their prey ; emerging
from the chinks and recesses where they conceal themselves during the
day, to search for insects that then retire to settle for the night. In a
boudoir where the ladies of my family spent their evenings, one of
these familiar and amusing little creatures had its hiding-place behind
a gilt picture frame. Punctually as the candles were lighted, it made
its appearance on the wall to be fed with its accustomed crumbs ; and
142 C. P. G. Scott, [1896.
if neglected, it reiterated it[s] sharp, quick call of chic, chic, chit, till
attended to. ... 1861 TENNENT, Sketches ofnat. hist, of Ceylon, p. 281-2.
We saw several sorts of lizards, of which the only dangerous one was
that called by the Egyptians Gecko.
1792 HERON, tr. Niebuhr, Travels through Arabia
and other countries in the East, 2: 332.
[That in the Arabic of Egypt this lizard is called Gecko is
asserted only by Heron, not by Niebuhr; and is apparently an
error due to a misunderstanding of Forskal, Descript. Anima-
Hum, 1775, p. 13. ED.]
Oekko, n. A species of salamander. [With quot. from Goldsmith
1774, above.] 1820 JODRELL, Philology on (sic) the English language.
[Marked with a star, as a new entry. I find no
earlier dictionary entry.]
The Gecko occasionally utters a curious cry, which has been compared
to that peculiar clucking sound employed by riders to stimulate their
horses, and in some species the cry is very distinct, and said to
resemble the word " Geck-o," the last syllable being given smartly and
sharply. On account of this cry, the Geckos are variously called
Spitters, Postilions and Claquers.
1 8 . . WOOD, New illustrated nat. hist., p. 504.
(See also Riverside nat. hist. (1885), 3 1406.)
This was one of those little house lizards called geckos, which have
pellets at the end of their toes. They are not repulsive brutes like
the garden lizard, and I am always on good terms with them. They
have full liberty to make use of my house, for which they seem grate-
ful, and say chuck, chuck, chuck.
1883 Tribes on my frontier, p. 38. (Y. p. 280.)
The form chacco apparently arose from some Indian reflection
of the Malayan name, or from a confusion with the other name
chichak (compare Sundanese chakchak).
Chaccos, as Cuckoos, receive their Names from the Noise they make.
They are much like Lizards but larger.
1711 LOCKYER, An account of the trade in India, p. 84. (Y. p. 280.)
Jacco, found but once, and then speld jackoa, appears to be
an other phase of chacco.
They have one dangerous little Animal called a Jackoa, in shape
almost like a Lizard. It is very malicious . . . and wherever the Liquor
lights on an Animal Body, it presently cankers the Flesh.
1727 A. HAMILTON, A new account of
the East Indies, 2 :i3i. (Y. p. 280.)
Gingham, a cotton fabric woven of dyed yarn, in stripes,
checks, and other figures.
Vol. xvii.] The Malayan Words in English. 143
The origin of this word has been much debated, and has
rcmaind undetermind. It has been derived from Guingamp, a
town in France where ginghams were alleged to be made; from
an unidentified North Indian gingham' from a Tamil word,
kiml'iH ; and from a Javanese word ginggang, to which no ety-
mologic sense, or a wrong one, has been assigned. It has even
been sought in Egypt ; and in the air.
The word is Malayan ; it is found in Malay, Achinese, Lam-
pong, Javanese, Sundanese, Balinese, Macassar, in the precise
sense of gingham.' Its etymologic meaning is 'striped.' It is
probably original in Javanese.
Tlu- Kuropean forms ar English gingham, ghingham, French
:/"*'ngan (1770), guingamp, Sp. guinga, guingon, Port, guingao
(1602), It. gingano (c. 1567), yli'm<j<mo (18 . .),guingano (1796),
also gingamo (from Eng.), Dutch gingam (from Eng.), gingas,
gingang, ginggang, Ger. Dan. Sw. gingang.
It is in Malay %£*£ ginggang, Achinese ginggang, Lam-
pong ginggang, Javanese ginggang, Sundanese ginggang, Bali-
nese glnggany, Dayak ginggang, genggang, Macassar ginggang,
a striped or checkerd cotton fabric known to Europeans in the
east as gingham.' As an adjectiv, the word means, both in Malay
ami in Javanese, where it seems to be original, * striped.' The
full expression is kain ginggang, 'striped cloth' (Grashuis).
The Tamil "/•/'//</•//<, a kind of coarse cotton cloth striped or
< h« rquered" (quoted in Yule) can not be the source of the Euro-
pean forms, nor, I think, ol the Malayan forms. It must be an
word, or a perversion of the Malayan term.
, soort van stof, gingang. 1863 PIJNAPPEL, p. 195.
iXli^ginggang, geruit hessen- of kielengoed. Op Rfiouw] tjele
doch ginggang wordt ook verstaan. (Jav. id.)
1869 KLINKERT, p. 212.
iXjb ginggang, nom d'une sorte d'etoffe, du guingamp. (Jav. et
Sund. . . . ginggang. Mak. . . . ginggang.) 1875 FAVRE, i
Gingas, gingan, o. eene oostersche stof, kain ginggang.
1878 ROORDA VAN EYSINGA, ed. Grashuis, p. 259.
iJoii'ginggang, zekere gestreepte stoffe, ginggang.
1884 WALL and TUUK, 3:18.
Ginggang, ptong, rayee, striped.
1882 HIKKERS, Malay, Achinese, Fr. and Eng. vocab., p. 33.
Ginggang, gestreept, b. n. (alsstoffen). 1884 BADINGS, p. 264.
ginggang, e. s. v. gestreepte stof, geruit of gestreept kielen-
l,=tjele. 1893 KLINKERT, p. 579.
JLxja. t jele, e. B. v. geruit lijnwaad,= ginggang.
1893 KLINKERT, p. 981.
G i n g g a n g , geestreept, geruit, gestreepte stof. x 895 M A YER, p. 106.
144 C. P. G. Scott. [1896.
The forms outside of Malay ar enterd as follows :
iXjbJ^ ginggang, geruit goed.
1889 LANGEN, Woordenboek der Atjehache taal, p. 232.
Oinggang, geruit goed. 1891 HELFRICH, Lampongsch-H. w'lijst, p. 18.
Ginggang, A. gestreept. 1835 ROORDA VAN EYSINGA, Jav. etc., p. 107.
. . . {ginggang} N. K. s'ecarter ; chanceler. (aussi, nom d'une sorte de
toile), guingamp. 1870 FAVRE, Diet, javanais-fran^ais, p. 486.
"Ginggang, a sort of striped or checquered East Indian lijnwand."
1876 JANSZ, Jav. diet. (Tr. in Y.)
Ginggang, Gingham, a variety of coloured cloth with pattern in
stripes. 1862 RIGQ, Diet, of the Sunda lang., p. 131.
Genggang ben. van eene kainstof.
1876 R. VAN ECK, Balineesch-Hollandsch woordenboek, p. 190.
Oenggang, i. q. ginggang. [But ginggang has been accidentally
omitted.] 1859 HARDELAND, Dajacksch-deutsches worterbuch, p. 132.
. . . ginggang, soort van gestreept, of ook wel geruit Oost-Indisch
lijnwaad, ginggang. Mai. en Jav. idem.
1859 MATTHES, Makassaarsch-Hollandsch woordenboek, p. 68.
In the Spanish of the Philippine Islands it is guingon.
Ouingon (el). — Esp£ce d'etoffe de coton, ordinairement bleue.
1882 BLUMENTRITT, p. 38.
European mentions of gingham begin about the middle of the
sixteenth century. Italian, Portuguese and Dutch instances ar
given by Yule. The English use begins with the seventeenth
century.
Captain Cock is of opinion that the ginghams both white and browne,
which yow sent will prove a good commodity in the Kinge of Shashma-
his cuntry, who is a Kinge of certaine of the most westernmost ilandes
of Japon . . . and hath conquered the islandes called the Leques.
1615 Letter app. to Cock's Diary, 2 1272. (Y.)
The trade of Fort St. David's consists in longcloths of different col-
ours, sallamporees, morees, dimities, ginghams, and saccotoons.
1781 CARRACCIOLI, Life of Olive, 1:5. (Y.)
Even the gingham waistcoats, which striped or plain have so long
stood their ground, must, I hear, ultimately give way to the stronger
kerseymere. 1793 HUGH BOYD, Indian Observer, 77. (Y.)
Gingham. A kind of striped cotton cloth.
1828 WEBSTER, Amer. diet, of the Eng. lang.
Such is the simple form in which the word appears, for the first
time, in an English dictionary ; but now ginghams of all sorts
constitute a part of the happiness of millions of English and
American homes. Let me make the ginghams of a nation, and I
care not who writes its songs.
[For the rest of this article, see volume xviii.j
PROCEEDINGS
OF
AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY,
AT ITS
MEETING IN ANDOVER, MASSACHUSETTS,
April gth, loth, and nth, 1896.
THE Society assembled at Andover, in Bartlet Chapel of
Am lover Theological Seminary, on Thursday of Easter Week,
April 9th, at 3 p. M., and was called to order by its President,
ident Daniel Coit Oilman, of the Johns Hopkins University.
The following members were in attendance at one or more of
the sessions :
Atkinson Hicks Moore, G. F. Torrey
Brooks, Miss Hopkins Orae Toy
Dickennan Jackson Robinson, G. L. Ward, W. H.
Dike Kellner Ropes Webb
Oilman Lanman Scott Wilcox
Gottheil Lyon Skinner Winslow
Haupt Macdonald Taylor Wright, T. F.
Hazard Merrill Thayer [Total, 31.]
Professor John Phelps Taylor, of Andover, for the Committee
of Arrangements, presented a report in the form of a printed
program. The opening of the sessions was thereby set for half
past nine o'clock mornings and for three o'clock afternoons.
Professor Taylor extended to the Society an invitation from
Professor George Harris, for Thursday evening from ei^ht to
nine, to meet at his house the Faculty of the Theological Semi-
nary and the Teachers in Phillips Academy; and also an invita-
tion from Professor V r Thursday and Friday e\eniii'_;-v
Tin- ivp..rt \\:i.s adopted and the invitations accepted with the
thanks of tli- The l.u-in.-s session was deferred to
.v niMrninir : and tin- presentation of pap. r- ITM lu^im.
The President appointed as a Committee to nominate nttieers for
the ensuing year Professors Moore, Haupt, and Gottheil. At
five o'clock the session was adjourn, d
VOL. xvii. 10
1 46 American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April, 1896. [1896.
The second session began at 9.30 Friday morning, President
Gilman in the chair. The first hour or two were devoted to
matters of business. The minutes of the last meeting, at New
Haven, Conn., April 18th and 19th, 1895, were approved as
printed.* Reports of outgoing officers were then in order.
The Corresponding Secretary, Professor Lanman, of Harvard
University, laid before the Society some of the correspondence
of the year.
This' included letters of regret from the Bishop of Cairo, from
Professors I. II. Hall and Henry Preserved Smith, and from Mr.
Witton. — From S. E. Peal, Rajmai P. O., Sibsagor, Assam, came
a letter stating that he was at work upon the languages of the
Naga Hills, and asking for a certain publication of our Society
thereupon by Rev. Nathan Brown, a missionary of the American
Baptist Union in Assam. It is pleasant to state that Mr. Van
Name was able to send Mr. Peal more than he asked for, namely
vol. iv. as well as vol. ii. of our Journal, since both contained per-
tinent material. "Its value to us here," says Mr. Peal, " is much
greater than you might suppose. Dr. B. was a real genius." —
The Venerable Subhuti, a Buddhist High Priest, of Waskaduwa,
Ceylon, whose kind offices were mentioned in our last Proceed-
ings (see Journal, vol. xvi., page cciv), in response to Professor
Lanman's request for the transcript of a Singalese manuscript of
a Pali text, replies in a most obliging and efficient way. — Mr.
Charles Johnston, of Bally kilbeg, County Down, of the Bengal
Civil Service, retired, sends a dainty little volume of translations
from the Upanishads (Dublin, Whaley) ; and with it, the wel-
come announcement that he has translated into English Deussen's
" System des Vedanta." This translation is to run through the
"Calcutta Review" and is then to appear in book-form. — Dr.
Burgess of Edinburgh reports satisfactory progress upon his
portfolios of collotype plates of ancient monuments in India to be
issued by Griggs of London. — Professor Leumann of Strassburg
writes about his Jaina_studies, especially about his elaborate work
on Silanka and the Avasyaka literature and the biography of
Haribhadra. — Professor Btihler sends from Vienna a copy of vol.
ii. of the " Sources of Indian Lexicography," published by the
Austrian Academy, and dedicated to Weber and to the memory
of Whitney ; and writes of the progress of the " Grundriss der
indischen Philologie," and expresses the hope that nearly a third
part of the whole will be issued before the end of 1896. — A recent
* The omission of the reading and of the approval of the Recording Secretary's
minutes is at variance with the usage of the Society and the advisability of the
innovation is questionable. These minutes are intended to give a full and precise
record of the actual doings of the sessions and to give them in their actual order.
The printed " Proceedings," on the other hand, contain only such matters as it
seems worth while to publish ; but they do not constitute so full and sufficient a
record as it may well prove desirable to have. May it not become a matter of
regret if the control of the Recording Secretary's record is allowed to lapse ?
Vol. xvii.] Correspondence. Deaths. 147
letter, bearing the signature, still clear and firm, of our oldest
Honorary Member, Bohtlingk (he was elected in 1844), pleasantly
ts the unexhausted vitality of our Sanskrit Nestor. — Professor
Weber sends some of the documents (among them, the address of
the Berlin Academy and that of the Philosophical Faculty) relat-
ing to his recent fifty-year jubilee, which was saddened by the
death, only a week before, of Mrs. Weber. — Professor Hermann
Vierordt of Tubingen sends some interesting papers concerning
the lift* and death of his father-in-law, Professor Roth. — Pandit
Lfila C'hamlra Vidyfi Bhaskara, of Jodhpur, Marvar, Rajputana,
sends a copy* of a Sanskrit poem narrating the life and achiev-
ments of the late Professor AY hitney, and entitled Viliyam-pr'iit-
\ nii-vidnso jlvana-carita-kavyam. It is a beautifully written
manuscript of 33 pages in folio. The author says it is a version
of the obituary notice of Mr. Whitney which appeared in the
New York Nation of June 14, 1894. A reprint of this notice
had been sent to him.
The Corresponding Secretary reported the names of recently
deceased members. The record is as follows :
HONORARY MEMBERS.
Professor Rudolf von Roth, of Tubingen ;
Dr. Reinhold Rost, of London.
CORPORATE MEMBERS.
Rev. Talbot W. Chambers, of New York City ;
Hon. Charles Theodore Russell, of Cambridge, Mass.;
Dr. Henry Martyn Scudder, formerly of Niigata, Japan.
CORRESPONDING MEMBERS.!
Sir James Redhouse :
Rev. Dr. William Waterbury Scudder, formerly Missionary at Mada-
napalli, Madras ;
Rev. Dr. Cornelius V. A. Van Dyck, of Beyrout, Syria.
The Treasurer, Mr. Henry C. Warren, of Cambridge, Mass.,
presented to the Society, by the hand of Professor Lanman, his
accounts and statements for the year ending April, 1896. Presi-
• l.-nt Oilman had already appointed, before the meeting, Profes-
sors Toy and Lanman as an Auditing Committee to examine the
Treasurer's funds and accounts. The Committee reported to the
* He has since then sent a copy for the Society's library and one for Mrs.
:iey.
f The names of the following, several years deceased, had for some reason not
been reported to the Society :
Rev. Cephas Bennett, Missionary at Rangoon, Burma, died Nov. 16, 1885 ; Rev.
Mthan Brown, Missionary at Yokohama, Japan, died Jan. 1, 1886; Dr.
George Rosen, Detmold, Germany, died 1891; Rev. Dr. John H. Shcdd, Mission-
ary at Oroomiah, Persia.
148 American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April, 1896. [1896.
Society during the meeting that on the 6th of April, 1896, they
had examined the accounts and vouchers of the Treasurer and his
evidences of actual possession of the Society's property and had
found all to be in a satisfactory condition. Their report was
duly accepted by the Society. The usual analytical summary of
the General Account follows :
RECEIPTS.
Balance from old account, April 18, 1895
Assessments (179) for 1895-96 $895.00
Assessments (30) for other years 150.00
Sale of publications 173.62
Income from funds (other than Bradley Fund) 138.53
Total income of the year.
$1,578.39
1,357.15
Total receipts forthe year. $2,935.54
EXPENDITURES.
Journal, xvi. 2 $818.64
Job printing 80.50
Books for Library 29.52
Postage, etc 59.73
Total disbursements for the year 988. 39
Credit balance on Gen'l Account, April 6, 1896. . 1,947.15
$2,935.54
The Treasurer adds several general statements : The account,
so far as receipts are concerned, is an almost precise repetition of
the one for 1894-95 ; and the similarity holds also in respect of
the three several principal sources of revenue, to wit, assessments,
sale of publications, and interest. As was the case in 1894-95,
the Society's outlays for 1895-96 were well within its income.
The state of the funds is as follows :
Apr. 18, 1895 :
A. PRINCIPAL OF SPECIAL FUNDS.
Apr. 6, 1896 :
$1482.76 I. Bradley Type Fund (deposited in New Haven
Savings Bank).. r $1542.64
1000.00 II. Cotheal Publication Fund (deposited in the
Provident Institution for Savings, Boston). 1000.00
1000.00 III. Whitney Publication Fund (invested in eight
shares of State National Bank stock) 1000.00
75.00 IV. Life Membership Fund (deposited in the Suf-
folk Savings Bank, Boston) 75.00
B. BALANCES BELONGING TO GENERAL ACCOUNT.
$1498.38 I. Cash in Cambridge Savings Bank $1827.67
71.84 II. Cash in Provident Inst. for Savings, Boston.. 109.65
8.17 III. Cash in Suffolk Savings Bank 9. 83
$5136.15
$5564.79
Vol. xvii.J Reports of Treasurer and Librarian. 149
The Librarian, Mr. Addison Van Name, of Yale University,
presented his report for 1895-96. It is as follows :
The accessions of the past year have been 67 volumes, 64 parts
of volumes, and 136 pamphlets. All received up to the middle of
March are included in the list of "Additions" printed in the
Society's Journal, vol. xvi., No. 2, just distributed. The most
important single contribution is a series of twelve volumes of the
publications of the iScole des langues orientates vivantes, Paris,
sent in exchange for a set of our Journal. One noteworthy Lrilt,
received too late for entry there, deserves special mention—" Tin-
Lit'*' ami Kxploits of Alexander the Great," Ethiopic text and
Kiiijlish translation, by Dr. E. A. Wallis Budge of the British
Musi-tun, London, 1896. These two sumptuous volumes, on large
paper, "two hundred and fifty copies only printed for private
riivulation," are the gift of Lady Meux, of Theobald's Park,
Hrrtlordshire, who bore the expense of publication and to whom
tin work is dedicated.
The current number of titles in the library is now 4881.
For the Committee of Publication, its 'Chairman, Professor
Laninan, reported as follows: Number 2 of volume xvi. of the
Journal had been issued March 31, 1896. It contains Articles V.,
VI., ami VII. of the Journal proper, with the Arabic paging 261-
317 ; and as an Appendix, in Roman paging from cxli-cclxxxiii,
the Proceedings for Dec. 1894, and for April, 1895, the Additions
to the Library, and the List of Members.* — Concerning the size
of the last few volumes, the following figures may be of interest :
Pages of Pages of
Vol. Issued. Journal proper. Proceedings, etc. Sum.
xi. 1882-5 396 246 642
xii. 1881 :'.s;{ ... 383
xiii. 1889 376 323 699
xiv. 1890 424 6:i:s
xv. 1893 283 204 487
xvi. 1896 817 •>:! lino
The sum total for the six volumes is 3444 pages ; and the aver-
age is 574 pages per volume. For the fifteen years, tin- \
ia about 230 pages per year.
The Directors reported by their Scribe, Professor Lanman. a-
follows :
Tiny had appointed the next meeting of the Society to be h<*ld
at Baltimore, M«L Tlmr-day, Friday/ and Saturday oi '
Week, April 22d, 98d, and 24th, 1897 : the Corresponding Secre-
* Number 1 of vol. xvi. of the Journal was issued (without Proceedings) in
Ai>ril. 1894. The Proceedings for April, 1*93, were issued separately in June,
1893; and the Proceedings for March, 1894, were issued separately in September,
1894. Volume xvi. complete consists therefore of No. I. of these two pamphlets
and of No. 2.
150 American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April, 1896. [1896.
tary, ex qfficio, and Professors Bloomfield and Haupt, to serve as
a Committee of Arrangements. [Note that in 1 898, Easter falls
April 10th.]
The Corresponding Secretary, Professor Lanman, had already
in his circular letter to the members issued just before the meet-
ing said in his own name as follows :
It is quite true that the By-Laws of this Society do not in any way
charge the Corresponding Secretary with the duty of editing its publi-
cations. On the other hand, it cannot be said that in recent years the
Committee of Publication have charged themselves with that duty.
As a matter of fact, since the beginning, the work has been, for the
most part, in two or three pairs of hands. Perhaps the function of the
Committee has latterly been held to be consultative and appellate ;
although the acting-editor would certainly not refer a doubtful paper
to the Committee in a case where the judgment of an expert more
competent on that particular subject chanced to be available out-
side of the Committee. The Committee has now been increased to six,
and is so large that, as a matter of course, there is no sense whatever
of individual responsibility among its members.
We may well rejoice in the healthy growth of the Society during the
last decade, and in its greatly increased activity and power of achiev-
ment. This growth and activity, however, has greatly increased the
burdens of the office of Corresponding Secretary. It is manifest that a
redistribution of the labor which, whether legally or prescriptively^
attaches to that post, has become imperatively and immediately neces-
sary. The most natural division is into the legitimate duties of the
office on the one hand and its adscititious editorial functions on the
other. I suggest that the Directors appoint one or two persons to edit
the Journal, and hold him or them responsible for the proper con-
duct of that work. Such appointees need not be regarded as officers of
the Society, and this change would accordingly involve no alteration
of our laws ; and the Committee might continue as before.
Even with this change in the incidence of duties, the place of Corre-
sponding Secretary will remain — just as it has been, and like that of
the Editors— a laborious one, with much clerical work ; and upon the
efficient administration of its duties will depend in no small measure
the prosperity of the Society. Inasmuch as the transfer of the office
with its duties and traditions from one man to another is at best a very
wasteful proceeding, it is clear that no one ought to accept the place
who is not willing to serve for, say, at least a decade. And finally,
since the Society refused to consider this matter last year on the ground
of the lack of time, it seems proper to ask now, before the meeting, for
any suggestions upon this subject, and for expressions of willingness to
undertake this serious responsibility and heavy labor from any member
of the Society who will be kind enough to make them.
The Directors reported by their Chairman, President Gilman, as
follows :
Vol. xvii.] Committee of Publication. Editors. 1 5 1
The Directors recommended that the Society rescind Supple-
mentary By-Law Number II.
Whereupon, a vote being taken, the By-Law was rescinded by
the Society.
In the last printed form, that By-Law read as follows : " The Com-
mittee of Publication shall consist of five members ; they shall be
appointed by the Directors, and shall report to the Society at every
regular meeting respecting the matters committed to their charge.'*
And it was amended in April, 1895, so as to read as follows : "The
Committee of Publication shall consist of six members, of whom the
Corresponding Secretary shall be one. The Committee shall be
appointed annually by the Board of Directors, and shall report to the
Society at every regular meeting concerning the matters committed to
large. The Corresponding Secretary shall be the Chairman of the
Committee."
President Oilman announced that a Committee of the Direc-
tors had considered various questions relating to the Society's
method of publication, and had made a written report to the
Directors ; and that, by authority of the Directors, Professor
Charles R. Lanman, of Harvard University, and Professor
George F. Moore, of Andover Theological Seminary, had been
appointed to serve as Responsible Editors of the Journal.
In the manuscript Records of the Directors, vol. i., pages 23
and 24 (compare Journal, vol. i., page xlviii), we read, under date
of May 30, 1848, as follows :
" We have been led by some experience to believe that it would be
well to distinguish three classes of members, namely, Corporate, Cor-
responding, and Honorary. The reasons in favor of creating a class of
Corresponding Members are, that the Society will often find it for its
advantage to seek communication with persons in Europe and in the
East, not Americans, by attaching them to itself in this character,
without going so far as to name them Honorary Members ; and that
those Americans resident in the East, who are elected into the Society,
sustain to it in fact the important relation of Corresponding Mem-
bers, and might feel a stronger obligation to act for the Society, if
placed formally in that position, while it is quite out of their power
either to exercise the rights or to discharge the duties of Corporate
Members."
The changes in tin- times — notably the vastly increased facili-
ties for communication with the Orient through the Universal
Postal Union and otherwise, and the presence in the East of
many scholars besides those devoted to the work of Christian
Missions — have brought it about as an in.-i.l.-ntal result that the
category of Corresponding .Mnnl.. -r- ha- lapsr.l into practical
desuetude. It is desirable that thi- fact should be formally
recognized by the Soci>
152 American Oriental Society1 s Proceedings, April, 1896. [1896.
It was accordingly recommended by the Directors that Article
III. of the Constitution be changed so as to read as follows :
Article III. The members of this Society shall be distinguished as
Corporate and Honorary.
Whereupon, a vote being taken, the amendment was adopted
by the Society. [Note, however, that the class of Corresponding
Members will continue to appear in our printed lists until extin-
guished by transfers or by deaths.]
By the vote of October, 1857 (Records of the Directors, vol. i.,
page 51 ; Journal, vol. vi., p. 579), it was provided
" That the Directors may, at their discretion, and in view of the cir-
cumstances of each case, transfer to the list of Corresponding Members
persons elected as Corporate Members, but who may have since per-
manently left this country, and to the list of Corporate Members per-
sons chosen as Corresponding Members, but who may have since trans-
ferred their residence to this country."
In view of the above facts and as a corollary to the above
changes, it was provided
That members who have, by vote of the Directors, been transferred
from the list of Corresponding Members to that of Corporate Members
be restored to the list of Corresponding Members, unless they desire to
remain Corporate Members, paying the annual assessment.
By-Law Number VII. in its last printed form read as follows :
VII. Corporate members shall be entitled to a copy of all the publica-
tions of the Society issued during their membership, and shall also have
the privilege of taking a copy of those previously published, so far as
the Society can supply them, at half the ordinary selling price. Cor-
responding and honorary members shall be entitled to the Society's
publications only in return for services rendered, —for communications
to the Society, or donations to its library or cabinet.
Upon recommendation of the Directors, the Society voted to
amend it : first, by adding the words "and Honorary" after the
word "Corporate" at the beginning; and, secondly, by striking
out the second sentence. [Note that the " membership" of a new
member shall be construed to begin with the calendar year in
which that new member was elected.]
Upon recommendation of the Directors, it was voted to add
the following two paragraphs to By-Law Number III. :
III. b. After December 31, 1896, the fiscal year of the Society shall
correspond with the calendar year.
III. c. At each annual business meeting in Easter week, the President
shall appoint an auditing committee of two men — preferably men resid-
ing in or near the town where the Treasurer lives— to examine the
Treasurer's accounts and vouchers, and to inspect the evidences of the
Vol. xvii.] Curresp'g Member*. Fiscal Year. Auditors. Officers. 153
Society's property, and to see that the funds called for by his balances
are in his hands. The Committee sl>all perform this duty as soon as
possible after the New Year's day succeeding their appointment, and
shall report their findings to the Society at the next annual business
meeting thereafter. If these findings are satisfactory, the Treasurer
shall receive his acquittance by a certificate to that effect, which shall
be recorded in the Treasurer's book, and published in the Proceedings.
The President appointed Professors Toy and Lanman to serve
as Auditing Committee lor the fiscal year ending Dec. 31, 1896,
with Professor Lyon as a substitute in case of the inability of one
of the above-named gentlemen so to serve.
Imported — That the Directors had voted that, in case of the
adoption of the proposed By -Laws III. b and III. c, the assessment
for the fiscal year extending from April 7, 1896 to December 31,
1896 shall be three dollars.
Next in order of business was the report of the Committee on
tin- Nomination of Officers, consisting of Professors Moore, Haupt,
and Gottheil. The Corresponding Secretary, Professor Lanman,
after nearly twenty years* of such labor in the service of the
American Philological Association and of the American Oriental
Society, "It-sired once more to be relieved of his secretarial duties ;
and accordingly Professor Hopkins, the successor of Professor
Whitney at Yale University, was nominated in his stead. No
other changes in the administrative offices were proposed. The
nominees of the Committee were duly elected by the Society.
The names of the Board of Officers for 1890-97 are as follows :
President- President Daniel Coit Gilman, of Baltimore.
Vice-Presidents— Dr.. William Hayes Ward, of New York ; Prof. C.
H. Toy, of Cambridge ; Prof. Isaac H. Hall, of New York.
Corresponding Secretary — Prof. Edward W. Hopkins, of New Haven, f
Recording Secretary — Prof. George F. Moore, of Andover.
Treasurer— Mr. Henry C. Warren, of Cambridge.
Librarian— Mr. Addison Van Name, of New Haven.
Director*- -The officers above' named: and Prof. Lanman, of Cam-
bridge ; Professors Gottheil and Jackson, of New York ; Prof. Jastrow,
of Philadelphia ; Professors Bloomfield and Haupt, of Baltimore ; Prof.
Hyvernat, of Washington.
With a view to avoiding much useless duplication of labor,
Professor Lanman had urged the Board of Directors to recom-
mend that thf two ditTen-nt offices of Treasurer and of Corre-
sponding Secretary be borne by the same person, as is virtually
tne case in the American Philological Association J and as was the
* More, namely, than the years of iunimlKMiry in the offices concerned.
f With Profiw.r M.-H.IM nmH. .if NYw i serve as his Deputy during
the absence of Professor Hopkins in I India.
| See Proceedings of the American Philological Association, p. xliii, in the
Transactions for 1884.
154 American Oriental Society* s Proceedings, April, 1896. [1896.
case in the Oriental Society in the year 1891-92. It is highly
important that both the Corresponding Secretary and the Treas-
urer should have — so far as is possible — some personal knowledge
of the members. This is a difficult matter at best. The results
of the inquiries of the one officer have to be communicated, with
accurate dates and details, to the other, and vice versa. The plan
of putting both offices into the hands of one man has resulted
in a very clear saving of time and labor both in the case of the
Philological Association and in that of the Oriental Society.
It did not appear feasible to carry out the above suggestion
at present.
The Directors further reported by their scribe, Professor Lan-
man, that they had voted to recommend to the Society for election
to membership the following persons :
As CORPORATE MEMBERS :
Edward V. Arnold, Professor of Latin, University College of North
Wales, (Bryn Seiriol) Bangor, Great Britain.
George M. Boiling, Instructor in Comparative Philology and Sanskrit,
Catholic University of America, Washington, D. C.
Miss Sarah W. Brooks (Graduate of Radcliffe College), 28 Inman st,
Cambridgeport, Mass.
Rev. Prof. Joseph Bruneau, S. T. L. , St. Mary's Seminary, Baltimore,
Md.
Rev. John Campbell, Church of the Incarnation, 4 West 104th street,
New York, N. Y.
Miss Elizabeth S. Colton (Student of Semitic languages, and teacher
at Miss Porter's School at Farmington), Easthampton, Mass.
Albert J. Edmunds, Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 1300 Locust
st., Philadelphia, Pa.
Rev. Adolph Guttmacher, 1833 Linden ave., Baltimore, Md.
Ralph B. C. Hicks (Harvard University), 65 Hammond st. , Cambridge,
Mass.
Leonard Keene Hirshberg (Johns Hopkins University), 581 Gay St.,
Baltimore, Md.
Miss Eliza H. Kendrick, Ph.D. (Radcliffe College), Hunnewell ave.,
Newton, Mass.
Rev. Joseph Lanman, First Presbyterian Church, Princeton, Caldwell
Co., Kentucky.
Rev. Clifton Hady Levy, 728 Lennox st., Baltimore, Md.
Henry F. Linscott, Instructor in Sanskrit and Philology, Brown
University, Providence, R. I.
Rev. George Palmer Pardington, 194 Park Place, Brooklyn, N. Y.
Hugo Radau, Columbia University, New York, N. Y.
Prof. J. H. Stevenson, Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tenn.
Dr. Earley Vernon Wilcox, 414 A Washington st., Somerville, Mass.
[Total, 18.]
Vol. xvii.] Mew Members. School in Palestine. 155
Whereupon, ballot being had, the above-named ladies and gen-
tlemen were duly elected Corporate Members of the Society.
Professor Gottheil, on behalf of the Committee appointed to
make a Catalogue of Oriental Manuscripts existing in American
Libraries, reported progress and added that new manuscripts were
coming in. The Committee was continued and requested to report
at the next meeting.
Professor Morris Jastrow having laid before the Society a
scheme for an " Association for the Historical Study of Religions,"
to be organized, possibly, under the auspices of the American
Oriental Society, — President Gilraan reported that the Directors
recommended the appointment of a Committee to consider what
measures may be taken to promote the study of the History of
Religions.
The recommendation was adopted ; and the Chair appointed as
this Committee the following gentlemen : Professor Gottheil,
Chairman ; and Professors Lanman, Toy, Jastrow, Hyvernat, G.
I . Moore, and Jackson ; President W. R. Harper ; Professor
Haupt ; Dr. Cyrus Adler ; Dr. W. Hayes Ward ; and Mr. Talcott
Williams.
Incidentally, President Gilman suggested that in the conduct
of our future" meetings it would be desirable if one of the sessions
were reserved for papers of a non-technical character and of
general interest, in order that such friends of the Society as are
not professional Orientalists may with pleasure and profit take
part in its proceedings.
Professors Toy and Haupt were appointed a Committee to
present to Professor Green upon his coming anniversary the
felicitations of the Society, and therewith the following minute :
The American Oriental Society desires to extend to Professor William
Henry Green, the Nestor of teachers of Hebrew in this country, its very
hearty congratulations on the celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of
his appointment as instructor in Hebrew in Princeton Theological Sem-
inary, and to wish him yet many years of fruitful work.
At the meeting of the Society of Biblical Literature and Exe-
gesis, held in New York City, Dec. 27, 1895, it was " Voted to
inform the American Oriental Society that we are engaged in the
effort to establish at some point in Hible Lands a School of
Oriental Study and Research ; and to invite the cooperation of
the Oriental Society." This vote was duly communicated to the
Oriental Society ; and Professor Thayer, the President of the
r>il»lir:il Society, presented the draft of an interesting plan.*
• •upon, on motion of Professor Lyon, the following resolution
was adopted :
* This may be found in the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Literature and
Exegesis, at the end of volume zv.
156 American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April, 1896. [1896.
The American Oriental Society has received with great pleasure the
communication of the Society of Biblical Literature and Exegesis
regarding an " effort to establish at some point in Bible Lands a School
of Oriental Study and Research."
The Oriental Society cannot express too warmly its approval of this
enterprise, believing that the existence of such a School would give a
new impulse to Biblical and Oriental scholarship.
With the promise of such cooperation as may become practicable, the
Oriental Society wishes the Society of Biblical Literature and Exegesis
all possible success in the development of their plan and the establish-
ment of the proposed School.
The business thus dispatched, a brief recess was taken. At
11.30 the reading of papers was resumed at the point where it
stopped on Thursday atternoon. The sessions of Friday after-
noon and of Saturday morning were devoted almost exclusively
to the presentation of papers. The social gatherings of Thursday
evening at the houses of Professors Harris and Moore, and of
Friday evening at the house of Professor Moore were exceedingly
pleasant and satisfactory. This was the first meeting of the
Society at Andover. The place is in every way so convenient
and suitable, and the expressions of pleasure and satisfaction on
the part of the visiting members were so cordial, that it is to be
hoped that the Society may meet again there at some not distant
time.
After the Society had passed a vote of thanks to the Authorities
of Andover Theological Seminary for the use of Bartlet Chapel,
to Professors Harris and Moore for their kind and most acceptable
hospitalities, and to the Committee of Arrangements (Professor
Taylor, Chairman) for its efficient services, a final adjournment
was had at 1 ].30 Saturday morning.
The following communications were announced in the Program
of the meeting. Number 2, however, was not presented. Num-
bers 4, 11, 13, 26, 27, and 34 were presented by title. Parts of
numbers 9 and 20 were presented informally at the social gather-
ing at Professor Moore's.
1. Professor E. V. Arnold, University College of North Wales,
Bangor ; Grammatical development in the five epochs of the Rig-
Veda and in the Atharva-Veda.
2. Rev. Dr. Blodget, of Peking ; Ancestral worship in the
Shu King.
3. Professor Bloomfield, Johns Hopkins University ; The mean-
ing of the compound atharvdnairasas, the ancient name of the
fourth Veda.
4. Professor Bloomfield, Johns Hopkins University ; On the
"Frog-hymn," Rig- Veda, vii. 103.
Vol. xvii.] Papers Announced. 157
5. Dr. Casanowicz, United States National Museum; Alexan-
der legends in Talmud and Midrash, with reference to Greek and
Assyrian parallels.
6. Mr. Edmunds, Historical Society of Pennsylvania ; On the
compilation of the Pali Canon.
7. Prof essorGottbeil, Columbia University; Further references
to Zoroaster in Syriac literature.
8. Professor Haupt, Johns Hopkins University ; On ussharnd,
Ezra v. 3, 9.
9. Professor Haupt, Johns Hopkins University ; Notes on Gen-
esis ii. 6 and iv. 1.
10. Professor Haupt, Johns Hopkins University; Strack's
Abriss des Biblischen Aram&isch.
11. Professor Hopkins, Yale University ; Pragathikani, I. The
vocabulary.
12. Professor Hopkins, Yale University; The root skar.
13. Professor Hopkins, Yale University ; Conversion-tables
for the references to the Calcutta and Bombay editions of the
Malm-Bhurata.
14. Professor Jackson, Columbia University; On Maha-Bha-
rata iii. 14J. 35-45, or an echo of an old Hindu-Persian legend.
15. Professor Jackson, Columbia University; Some Persian
names in the Book of Esther.
16. Professor Jackson, Columbia University ; The iterative
optative in the Avesta.
1 7. Dr. Johnston, Johns Hopkins University ; Epistolary liter-
ature of the Assyro-Babylonians.
18. Professor Lanman, Harvard University ; Professor Whit-
ney's translation of the Atharva-Veda.
19. Professor Lanman, Harvard University ; P.-ili miscellanies.
2<K Professor Lanman, Harvard University ; Sanskrit epigrams.
21. Professor Lyon, Harvard University ; The distinctive
feature of Babylonian poetry.
22. Professor Lyon, Harvard University ; The argument from
silence in discussions of Hebrew poetry and literature.
<>r Macdonald. H.utlonl Theological Seminary; A
table exhibiting in a new form the interchange of sibilants and
dentals in Semitic.
24. Professor Macdonald, Hartford Theological Seminary ; The
place of al-Ghazall in the development of the theology of Islam.
25. Professor G. F. Moore, Andover Theological Seminary ;
The text and interpretation of Daniel viii. 9-14.
158 American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April, 1896. [1896.
26. Professor Oertel, Yale University ; The Qatyayana Brah-
mana and its relation to the Jfdminlya Brahmana.
27. Rev. Dr. Peters, St. Michael's Church, N. Y. ; The original
site of civilization in Babylonia and the date of the same.
28. Dr. Scott, Radnor, Pa. ; The Malayan words in English.
29. Dr. Scott, Radnor, Pa. ; " Universal " qualities in the Ma-
layan language.
30. Mr. Skinner, Harvard University ; The plural termination
it, fini in Assyrian verbs.
31. Dr. Torrey, Andover Theological Seminary ; Announce-
ment of an edition of Ibn Abd el-Hakam's " Futuh Misr."
32. Dr. Torrey, Andover Theological Seminary ; The meaning
of the term "Mpharrshe" as applied to books of the Syriac
Bible.
33. Dr. Torrey, Andover Theological Seminary ; The origin
of the Old Testament Apocryphon called " I. Esdras."
34. Professor Wright, New Church School, Cambridge ; Note
on a Greek inscription at Kolonieh, Palestine.
1. The Beginning of the Judaic Account of Creation; by
Professor Paul Haupt, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md.
We read at the beginning of the second account of creation in the
Book of Genesis (2, 4b) : When JHVH made heaven and earth, and
formed man out of the dust of the ground, breathing into his nostrils the
breath of life, so that man became a living being — at that time there
were yet even no wild plants of the desert, much less plants cultivated
for food,* because JHVH had not caused it to raiuf upon the earth, and
there was no man to cultivate the ground, but "|fr$ used to go up from
the earth, watering the whole surface of the ground.
The Hebrew word ^J^, which I have here left untranslated, is ren-
dered by most scholars, mist, vapor. \ We find the translation, " a mist
* Cf. Hupfeld, Die Quelkn d&r Genesis (Berlin, 1853), p. 116. See also Cheyne's
note on Isaiah 4, 2, in the Sacred Books of the Old Testament (English translation).
f This would have produced at least the wild plants.
\ Cf. Vogel in his edition (Halae, 1775) of Hugonis Grotii Annotationes in V. T.
("JN vapwes significat, qui de terra adscenderunt) ; Bohlen (1835); Bohmer (1862) ;
Schrader (1863) ; Tuch(1871); Keil(1878); Delitzsch (1887); Fripp(1892); Ad-
dis (1892); Dillmann (1892); Spurrell (1896). If -JJ$ meant mist or vapor, it
•would be better to take n*7^ as Hif<il as in Jer- 10? 13 (=&*» 16J quoted in
Vol. xvii.] Haupt, Judaic Account of Creation. 159
used to go up,"* without a query, t even in the new German Version, edited
by Professor Kautzsch, of Halle. In the second edition of Kautzsch and
Socin's critical translation of the Book of Genesis, however, which ap-
peared one year after the publication of the Book of Genesis in Kautzsch's
AT, the word ^X *3 ^e^ untranslated, and in a footnote the editors
state that the traditional rendering mist or vapor is very doubtful.
They call attention to Friedrich Delitzsch's remarks in his great Assyr.
Wdrterbuch (Leipzig, 1886), p. 126, where ftf in our passage, as well
as in Job 36, 27, is combined with the Assyrian edfl " flood."$ The refer-
ence to the Assyr. edii is also given in the last edition of Dillmann's
Commentary on Genesis, p. 52, and in Gesenius-Buhl's Hebrew Dic-
tionary^ The notes on "]J$ in Friedrich Delitzsch's Hebrew Diction-
ary <.lxx//r. }\'nrtcrh.. p. !:?<>) an-, unfortunately, still in store for us.
The rendering flood was- suggested a hundred years ago by the Scot-
tish Roman Catholic Biblical critic Dr. Alexander Geddes,| who pub-
lished a new version of the Bible " faithfully translated from Corrected
Texts of the Originals, with Various Readings, Explanatory Notes, and
Critical Remarks." The work appeared in 1792, and was followed in
1800 by "Critical Remarks on the Hebrew Scriptures." Geddes says,
like Friedrich Delitzsch, that "]fr$ means flood, and that even in Job
16, 27 it does not mean mist or cloud ; perhaps we should read in the
passage of Job, with Houbigant, V"1fcO • His remarks are also given,
in German, in J. S. Vater's Commentar zum Pentateuch, vol. i, p. 18
(Halle, 1802).
v u, -o
from the ends of the earth, i. e. probably from the universal sea encircling the
disc of the earth. Cf. Am. Or. Soc. Proc., March, 1894, p. civ.
* This is the translation given by Rabbi Saadya (892-942) in his Arabic
Version of the Pentateuch. But Saadya inserts the negative: ..jK\L3£ if*
1 ^ ^"^-\ /t.A.t7" '°jw^* 1 glj° cN * "? .* • Of. Lagarde, Materialien mm Penta-
teuch, \, p. 3 (Leipzig, 1867). Grotius (who, however, translates spring) thinks
that Saadya read the negative in the Hebrew MS. he used. But Houbigant (1777)
is DO doubt right in remarking that the negative was merely supplied by Saadya
suo Marte. After all, the insertion of the negative is more sensible than the
traditional rendering.
f Wellhausen has queried the rendering Nebel in all his editions of his Prole-
gomena; cf. fourth edition, p. 304; first edition (1878), p. 342.
f; Delitzsch's father, in his commentary on Job (1876), compared HN witn tfae
Assyr. iddA " asphalt," which in the Assyr. Wdrterbuch is derived from the same
stem as ed&.
§ See also Gunkel, SchSpfung und Chaos (Gottingen, 1896), p. 15.
| Geddes was the priest of a Roman Catholic congregation near Aberdeen,
and he received the honorary LL. D. degree from Aberdeen. He is said to have
resembled Herder. Cf. Cheyne, Founders of Old Test. Criticism (London, 1893),
pp. 4-12; Holzinger, Einleitung in den Ifexateuch (Freiburg, 1893), p. 4:t.
160 American Oriental Society^ Proceedings, April, 1896. [1896.
If we adopt Geddes' suggestion, the translation of v. 6 would be : a
flood used to come up from the earth, watering the whole surface of
the ground. Kautzsch and Socin refer to Gen. 7, 11 in the priestly
account of the Deluge, where we read that in the 600th year of Noah's
life all the fountains of the great deep were broken up, and the win-
dows of heaven opened. Assyr. edu, however, is never used of under-
ground water. In all the passages I know of, it refers to the water of
seas and rivers. I believe that we should read riXD'^J/ rhy "INI
instead of JHNrVf O rf?Jf* "IN! • This would mean : The water used
to come over the land, and flood the ground.
We must remember in this connection that the Biblical accounts of
Creation, both the priestly and the prophetic,* go back to Babylonia,!
just as the story of Paradise points to Babylonia 4 Babylonia is not
like Palestine, as we read in Deut. II, 11, a laud of hills and valleys
that drinks water from§ the rain of heaven, a land which JHVH
cares for, whereon His eyes are from the beginning of the year to the
end of the year ; Babylonia was, like Egypt, a land where it was neces-
sary to water the seed that was sown, with the foot|| like a garden of
vegetables. Without artificial irrigation Babylonia is a desert^f ; the
higher regions dry up, and the lower districts become swamps.^ Many
a part of Babylonia that was a land of gardens a thousand years ago,
during the reign of the Abbasside Caliphs, is now covered with water.
The overflowing of the Euphrates and Tigris is not, like the annual
inundation of the Nile, a blessing, but it inflicts incalculable damage.
In Babylonia not only the fertility of the soil, but the soil itself is, just
as in Holland, the product of human labor. H Without drainage and
irrigation, cultivation of the ground is impossible. The Babylonians
forced the Tigris to flow along the eastern boundary of the alluvial
plain, and the Euphrates was made to take its course to the sea through
Lake Najaf , instead of losing itself in the swamps of Southern Baby-
From this point of view, the words, And man was not there to cultivate
the ground, but the water of the sea and the rivers used to come over the
* For the past fourteen years I have always stated in my classes that the
Judaic accounts of Creation, the Deluge, etc., were of course pre-exilic, but that
they had afterwards been retouched in some passages.
t Cf. Gunk el, Schopfung und Chaos, p. 169.
\ See my paper in Ueber Land und Meer, vol. 73, no. 15, p. 349.
§ Literally according to.
| /. e. either by water-wheels turned by men pressing upon them with the foot
in the same way that water is still often drawn from wells in Palestine ; or '• the
reference may be to the mode of distributing water from the canals over a field,
by making or breaking down with the foot the small ridges which regulate its
flow, or by using the foot for the purpose of opening and closing sluices." Cf.
Driver's Commentary on Deuteronomy, p. 129 (Edinburgh, 1895).
Sprenger, Bdbylonien (Heidelberg, 1886), pp. 19, 27, 22, 23, 73.
Vol. xvii.] Haupt, Judaic Account of Creation. 161
land flooding the whole surface of the ground, appear in a new light.
The Biblical idea of Chaos, the whole earth submerged, with no sepa-
ration between land and water,* is specifically Babylonian. Wellhausen
supplies at the beginning of the second account of creation : EB war
alles trockene Wuste, it was all an arid waste. He should have substi-
tuted Wasierwuste, a watery waste. f
The reading pNH ty Jlty* 1X1 instead of pfr<n f 0 rfjJT IK!
is found in a manuscript of the Targum on the Pentateuch (Cod. Mua.
Brit. Or. 2228) of which Merx has published some extracts in his Chres-
tomathia Targumica (Berlin, 1888), p. 61: fy p^Q tTitl NJJJfi
NntDlN* >£DN* ^ IT (var. »pe?N) >p&>01 NjnX. Most editions
of the Targum have JQ , including the Editio Ulyssiponensis, quoted
by Merx in the footnotes, t. e. the Lisbon edition of 14914 The Samar-
itan Targum also read : *£$ ^ fl» ipgf^ HJHN JO pD» PJfl
XrO"TN (Heidenheim, Der samar. Pentateuch, Leipzig, 1884).
The substitution of JQ for *jy was, of course, necessary if "Jfrf was
interpreted to mean mist or spring. The meaning of the word must
have been lost at a very early period. The Ancient Versions vary very
much. The LXX, Aquila, and the Vulgate, as well as the Peshita,
translate spring (irnyt, kniffovypfy, /cms, j^n <^).§ The Targum, on the
other hand, renders cloud, JOJJ7 • both tne Targum Onkelos and the
Targum Jerushalmi. In the same way the LXX translates 1^ in Job
16, 27 vtQftri. The rendering ve^/v is also found in the translation of
our passage, Gen. 2, 6, in the Graecus Venetus : vefttrj 6' avapaivot wp6f
TW }^f nal &p6oi ft'fnrav rd irpdauirov rrft y^f. And J. D. Michaelis, 1775,
translated : Es stiegen aber Wolken von der Erde aufund trankten die
ganze Uberfldche des Landes.
"IN IB not found in any other passage of the O. T. except in Job II,
27, at the beginning of the second half of the last discourse of Elihu :
* L. 6 of the first fragment of the cuneiform Creation Tablets reads : gipara
Id qiffura, fiifd Id Se'a " no ground had yet been diked (t. e. surrounded and
protected with dikes or embankments to prevent inundations), no fields were to
b« seen." Cf. Dehtzsch, Das babyl. Weltachopfungsepo* (Leipzig, 1896), p. 120.
Giparu is a synonym of uru in 1. 136 of the Deluge Tablet: kima tin mitxurat
wtaliu, " fen land had become like the diked field," i. «. everything was covered
with water.
f Cf. Berossus' ondrof KOI Mup (Gunkel, op. cit., p. 17). Several Jewish schol-
ars propose to read in the first verse of the Bible : In the beginning God created
the water and the earth, Q»Q instead of D* -u* ' iratz, Einendationei, ad loc.).
J Cf. Merx, Bemerkungen uber die Vocalisation der Targumt in the Transactions
of the Berlin Congress of Orientalists, vol. ii, p. 143 (Berlin, 1882).
g Diestel conjectured f'Jf . Cf. Lagarde, MaUr. t Pent., p. 24,
\ &*>, g** (5A^i) *
VOL. XVII. 11
162 American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April, 1896. [1896.
M JTU>
tpa ipn
D-N
The Authorized Version renders :
He maketh small the drops of water ;
They pour down rain according to the vapor thereof,
Which the clouds do drop,
And distil upon man abundantly.
The rendering abundantly would require the emendation ^}h =
adopted by Siegfried in his edition of the Hebrew text. Delitzsch trans-
lates : sie sickern als Regen bei seinem Nebeldunst .(they ooze as rain at
His misty vapor) ; Hitzig : sie seihen zu Regen seinen Dunst (they filter
His vapor into rain) ; Siegf ried-Stade : losen den Regen in Nebel auf
(they dissolve the rain into vapor) ; Hoffmann : er zieht Wassertropfen
heran, die von seinem Nebel zu Regen geseiht werden, welche der Wolken-
himmel herabrinnen Idsst, sodass sie auf viele Menschen triefen (He
attracts drops of water which are filtered into rain by His mist, which
the welkin causes to flow down, so that they drip on many men).
According to Hoffmann the mist or vapor is the strainer through which
the drops of water are filtered, and become rain. He reads Ip-f* instead
of ?)DP . Dillmann translates : in consequence of His mist (auf aeinen
I T
Nebel hin, in Folge desselben).
The suffix occasions some difficulty. I am inclined to think, with
Geddes and Friedrich Delitzsch, that 'jffrt in the line of Job means
flooding, watering, irrigation, just as in our passage of Genesis, but the
final 1 is probably not the suffix, but a trace of the old vocalic case-
ending, as we have it in the Assyr. edu and in Hebrew forms like
PIS? 1fi?n » D'D lyyO V> 114, 8 (Konig, Lehrgeb&ude, ii, 1, p. 482, 0).*
The combination of Hebrew "|J< with Assyrian edu is all the more
probable as the ideogram of edu shows that it means water of irri-
gation, the ideogram for edu is explained in the vocabulary ii R.
30, 15 by Saqu §a eqli (Jj£^) " irrigation of the field," and edu is also
used in connection with the Shaf'el susqu, the Assyr. equivalent of
in the Cylinder Inscription of Sargon II, commented on by
* The final 6 in the Babylonian loanword Ml6t "tribute " (Assyr. bilat = Ethio-
pic bSndt ; cf. Proc. Am. Or. Soc., Oct. 1887, p. ccliv, below), in the Book of Kzra,
seems to be different.
Vol. xvii.] Peters, Civilization in Babylonia. 163
Professor Lyon, 1. 87 : W gibiS edi me nux&i* tuSqi (cf. Lyon's Sargon,
p. 67 : Schroder's KB. ii. 45, 37) " to irrigate the land with abundant
water like the flood of the sea." The word TNt calamity may be a
differentiation of "JX flood. Flood or high water is a common meta-
phor in Hebrew for affliction, calamity, distress. \ In Assyrian we
have for "VX distress the Pael form uddfi. plur. udd&ti.$ The com-
parison of "VX calamity with Arabic *>*%•-> «> to bend, to trouble,
is just as doubtful as the combination of T.N mist (?) with Arabic
2. The seat of the earliest civilization in Babylonia, and the
date of its beginnings ; by Dr. John P. Peters, New York, N. Y.
One of the conspicuous and unpleasant features of travel in Baby-
lonia are the mortuary caravans which one meets conveying the dead
from Persia to the sacred city of Nejef. All travelers in this region
refer to their experience in encountering these caravans, and especially
to the unpleasantness of spending the night at the khan with one of
them. The Persians believe that the man who is buried in the sacred
soil of Nejef will find a quick and more certain entrance into paradise.
Not unfrequently, persons approaching death, if they are able, come
down to Nejef to die. I recall an instance of my own experience. I
was awakened very early in the morning in the khan at Nejef by the
request that I would get up, as ray next-door neighbor had died during
the night and they wished to carry out the corpse. He had come down
for the purpose of dying there. In other cases, a man having died at
home, his pious friends bring the body to Nejef to be buried ; a jour-
ney, it may be, of a month or more. When one considers the way in
which the coffins are made and the heat of the climate, it may be
imagined that it is exceedingly unpleasant to spend a night in a khan
close to a family bent on such a pious errand. Families coming down
to Nejef for such a purpose frequently bring with them handsome rugs,
one of which will be used as a pall for the dead at the funeral, while
afterwards all will be sold to pay the expenses of the journey. I have
one such rug— and I prize it highly— which served, before I bought it,
as a pall at the funeral of a man in Nejef. It is a dated Persian rug,
about eighty-five years old.
Ordinarily several families bent upon such an errand unite together
to form a caravan. One of the common routes of travel is through
Baghdad, across Kerbela, which is itself a sacred burial city, although of
• For ntorfu, see my remark in DU akkaditche Sprache (Berlin, 1883), p xlii.
f Cf. 9. g. Pror. I, 27 : HHN' HS1D3 DDTN I/™* calamity com*, life a
whirlwind.
| !•. 8, 7. 8 ; VV' IB, H : 1*4, 4. 6, etc. ; cf. Dr. Stevens' ComraenUirj on the
Songs of Degrees (John* Hopkins thesis) in ffebiaica, xi, 77.
$ See Delitnoh's Handwbrttrbuch, p. 22v
164 American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April, 1896. [1896.
a sanctity in that regard much inferior to Nejef, and so down to Nejef.
Another route is from the south. I do not know at what point pilgrims
by this route enter Babylonia. I have met them first on the Ateshan
canal above Samawa. They ascend this canal, cross a portion of the
Bahr-i-Nejef, and go up the continuation of the Hindieh Canal above
the sea to a point opposite Nejef, called Seheir, about three hours by
donkey caravan from Nejef. Pilgrims carrying their dead to Nejef
frequently place a coin in the mouth of the deceased for payment of
expenses. Robbers infest the road and plunder smaller caravans, even
stealing the coin from the mouth of the corpse. Between Samawa and
Nejef some of these robbers fell upon us, as we were making the jour-
ney after dark, mistaking us for pious pilgrims carrying their dead to
the sacred city. We were better armed than the brigands, and the con-
sequence of their attempt to plunder us was that we captured them.
But not only do relatives bring the bodies of their dead to be buried
in holy ground ; there are also contractors who make it their business
to go about from place to place and collect bodies of persons whose rela-
tives wish to have them interred in Nejef but are unable or unwilling
to incur the expense of the journey to that city. Bodies are dug out of
the ground and consigned to the care of these contractors, who engage
to transport them to Nejef and secure them proper burial there. The
coffins used for this purpose at the present time are ordinary plain boxes
of rough board. The Arabs of Babylonia use, instead of coffins made
of boards, reeds, in which they encase the body, binding the two ends of
the roll together with palm cords. Formerly it was the practice to bury
the dead in the city of Nejef itself ; and travelers tell us that caravans
camped outside of the walls of the city, haggling with the Imams of
Ali's shrine with regard to the price, while the air was polluted by
the terrible stench arising from the decomposing bodies. Under Turk-
ish rule a stop has finally been put to this practice, and interments
within the walls of Nejef are now either no longer made, or only made
on special occasions by the payment of a great price. The whole plain
about the city is, however, one vast cemetery.
The reason why Shiite Moslems have chosen Nejef as a place of inter-
ment is because it is the burial place of their prophet, Ali. But Nejef
and Kerbela are not the only sacred burial sites. Half way between
Diwanieh and Hillah, on the west shore of the Euphrates, lies a little
well, known as Imam Jasim, surrounded by a few miserable mud
hovels. The neighborhood of this well is reputed sacred, and many
acres of ground are covered with the graves of the Shiites. There are
also other similar burial places in lower Babylonia. The interesting
fact to notice is, that while the particular locality in which interments
take place may be new, the general practice of burial in this region is
of the greatest antiquity. From time immemorial it has been the cus-
tom to bring the dead from great distances to be buried in the sacred
soil of Babylonia. Such is the practice to-day ; and excavations in the
burial fields of Erech, Zerghul, and other places, have shown that the
same practice was in existence in the Persian period, in the Parthian
Vol. xvii.] Peters, Civilization in J$<tbylunt'i. 165
period, and in the Babylonian period. Age after age, the dead have
been brought from distant countries to be buried here.
It is evident, when we compare the modern use with the ancient and
observe the persistence of the custom, that for some reason, at a very
earl£ period, the soil of a certain part of Babylonia came to be regarded
as sacred for purposes of interment. With the change of races and the
change of religions in Babylonia, the original causes which led to the
interment of the dead in that country passed away ; nevertheless the
custom still continued, being inherited as a fact by each new religion
and each new race, and incorporated in its practice in precisely the
same way in which old sacred sites and ceremonies are taken over from
their predecessors by new nations and new religions, even where from
the point of view of logical consistency such adoption would seem to
be utterly out of the question. In the matter of sacred sites and cere-
monies, every one who has read history is familiar with the phenom-
enon. The sacred sites of Aphrodite have been inherited by the Virgin
Mary ; and the liquefaction of blood, practiced as a heathen miracle in
the time of Horace, is continued under the Christian religion with a
different name. So also the custom of burying the dead in Babylonia,
having been once established, was continued from age to age and from
religion to religion under substantially the same forms. The question
is, How did the practice of bringing the dead from distant countries to
bury them in certain parts of Babylonia originate ?
I do not think that we shall have to search long for the answer to
this question. Everyone familiar with the records of the Hebrew reli-
gion will remember the indications of a similar practice among the
Hebrews, in connection, primarily, with the cave of Machpelah at
Hebron. We are told in the twenty-third chapter of Genesis that
Abraham bought " the field of Ephron which was in Machpelah, which
was before Mamre," and that he buried there Sarah his wife. After-
wards Isaac and Rebecca his wife were buried there. There Jacob bur-
ied Leah. Later Jacob himself died during the sojourn of the Israel-
ites in Egypt ; and it was considered necessary to bring his body back to
his own land, and bury it with his ancestors in Machpelah. Not only
that ; we are told also that, although Joseph died in Egypt, it was con-
sidered necessary, when the Israelites came up to Canaan, to carry his
body with them and bury it there. Now, while this may not represent
history in a literal sense, certainly it is history in a broader sense. It
gives us a picture of the Hebrews carrying their dead from distant
places to be buried in the sacred soil of Canaan, and tells us that they
did so because that was their ancestral home. Hebron became a burial
place to them, not because it was originally sacred in itself, but because
their forefathers had lived and were buried there. We have enough
similar examples among uncivilized and half-civilized peoples to estab-
lish the general principle that there is a tendency to carry the dead for
burial to the ancestral home.
Inversely, we may argue, where we find people carrying tlu-ir dead
a long distance for mt> i m* nt. that th< y do BO because they count aa
166 American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April, 1896. [1896.
their ancestral home that place to which they are now carrying back
their dead. Of course, the custom once established, a religious sanc-
tion of a new description may be given to it, so that the place becomes
holy in and for itself, and peoples who have no ancestral connection
with the place may ultimately come to bring their dead to be buried
there by the side of the people to whose ancestors it belonged. In
the custom existing at the present day of bringing bodies from distant
parts of Babylonia, from Persia, and even from India to be buried in
Nejef or some other similar sacred site in Babylonia, we have this sec-
ondary development, in which the practice of interment, having been
once established, has received a religious sanction, and the place itself
has come to be regarded as holy. The same was true, presumably, with
reference to the practice of burial in Babylonia by the Persians and the
Parthians ; but there must have been behind all these a period when
people brought their dead to be buried in Lower Babylonia because that
was the place from which their ancestors had gone forth ; and the
origin of the practice of burying in Babylonia persons who have died
in distant lands is to be sought in the fact that the region in which
those burials have always taken place was the ancestral home of some
people who originated that custom by bringing back their dead to
Babylonia from the new homes to which they had migrated.
To just what portion of Babylonia do we find this practice of burial
attaching itself ? One of the most famous and largest of the necropo-
leis of Babylonia is that at Erech, which was partially explored by
Loftus and is described by him in his " Chaldasa and Susiana." The
heading of the eighteenth chapter in that volume is in itself suggest-
ive; "The absence of Tombs in the Mounds of Assyria.— Their abun-
dance in Chaldeea.— Warka a vast Cemetery," etc. The opening part of
the chapter is worth quoting in this connection : " It is a remarkable fact
that, in spite of the long succession of years during which excavations
have been carried on by the English and French governments in the
mounds of Assyria, not a single instance has been recorded of undoubted
Assyrian sepulture. . . . The natural inference therefore is, that
the Assyrians either made away with their dead by some other method
than by burial, or else that they conveyed them to some distant local-
ity. If, however, Assyria be without its cemeteries, Chaldaea is full of
them ; every mound is an ancient burial-place between Niffar and
Mugeyer ! It would be too much, with our present knowledge, to say
positively that Chaldoea was the necropolis of Assyria, but it is by no
means improbable that such was the case. Arrian, the Greek histo-
rian, in describing Alexander's sail into the marshes south of Babylon,
distinctly states that most of the sepulchres of the Assyrian kings
were there constructed, and the same position is assigned them in the
Peutingerian tables. The term Assyria, however, in the old geogra-
phers, is frequently applied to Babylonia, and the tombs alluded to
may therefore be those only of the ancient kings of Babylonia. Still,
it is likely that the Assyrians regarded with peculiar reverence that
land out of which Asshur went forth and builded Nineveh, and that
they interred their dead around the original seats of their forefathers.
Vol. xvii.] Peters, Civilization in ^Babylonia. 16V
"Whether this were so or not, the whole region of Lower Chaldaea
abounds in sepulchral cities of immense extent. By far the most
important of these is Warka, where the enormous accumulation of
human remains proves that it was a peculiarly sacred spot, and that it
was so esteemed for many centuries. It is difficult to convey anything
like a correct notion of the piles upon piles of human relics which
there utterly astound the beholder. Excepting only the triangular
space between the three principal ruins, the whole remainder of the
platform, the whole space between the walls, and an unknown extent
of desert beyond them, are everywhere filled with the bones and
sepulchres of the dead. There is probably no other site in the world
which can compare with Warka in this respect ; even the tombs of
ancient Thebes do not contain such an aggregate amount of mortality.
From its foundation by Urukh until finally abandoned by the Par-
thians — a period of probably 2500 years — Warka appears to have been
a sacred burial-place. In the same manner as the Persians at the pres-
ent day convey their dead from the most remote corners of the Shah's
dominions, and even from India itself, to the holy shrines of Kerbella
and Meshed AH, so, doubtless, it was the custom of the ancient people
of Babylonia to transport the bones of their deceased relatives and
friends to the necropolis of Warka and other sites in the dread soli-
tude of the Chaldaean marshes. The two great rivers, the Tigris and
Euphrates, would, like the Nile in Egypt, afford an admirable means
of conveying them from a distance, even from the upper plains of
Assyria.
I was nowhere enabled to ascertain how deep in the mounds the
funereal remains extend, although in several instances trenches were
driven to the depth of thirty feet, beyond which the extreme looseness
of the soil prevented my continuing the excavations with safety to the
workmen ; but I have every reason to believe that the same continuous
mass of dead reaches to the very base of the highest portion of the plat-
form—a depth of sixty feet. On this account there is considerable diffi-
culty in obtaining information concerning the most ancient mode of
disposing of the dead at Warka. It is only at the edges of the mounds
where least built upon that the undoubted primitive tombs and their
accompaniments occur."
Not far from Erech or Warka, perhaps a day's journey away, lies the
mound of Umm-el-Aqarib. This was visited by de Sarzec, who found
there one of the heads of statues now in the Louvre. He does not seem
to have recognized the character of the place, which he calls by the name
of Moulagareb. It was visited by Dr. Ward on the Wolfe expedition,
and recognized by him as a necropolis. At the time of my visit, in
1890, 1 had the advantage of the report of the Germans of the work of
their expedition at Zerghul and Hibba. I found at Umm-el-Aqarib a
cemetery regularly laid out. There were recognizable streets, on which
abutted the places of burial proper. I dug out some of these sufficiently
to ascertain their general character as tombs, and also that one tier was
built upon another, so that presumably the whole mound is one vast
168 American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April, 1896. [1896.
accumulation of burials. In those portions of the mound which I exca-
vated there were no burials of the later period, as at Erech, but every
thing belonged to the old Babylonian period, presumably 2000 B. C.
and earlier. There was one structure of considerable size, which may
have been a temple, but I found no evidence of the existence of a city
of the living in connection with this necropolis, although there was, a
few miles away, a very large and important group of cities, represented
by the ruin-mounds of Yokha, Ferwa, and Abu-Adham. It will be
seen that this necropolis is in many respects similar to the one which
the Germans excavated at Zerghul south of the Shatt-el-Ha!.
Not far from Nippur, about a dozen miles south-south-east, lies the
ruin-mound of Delehem. I was unable to conduct excavations at this
point, but from my experience I think I may safely say, after an exam-
ination without excavation, that Delehem is a necropolis of a similar
character, although smaller than Umm-el-Aqarib. In the immediate
neighborhood of Nippur there are, further, a considerable number of
small mounds, such as Derehetn, about four or five miles away to the
south-east, and Abu-Jowan, about the same distance to the north-east,
as well as some still smaller unnamed mounds closer to the actual
ruins of Nippur, which appear to have been burial mounds. I was
able to examine these only slightly, but such examination as I made
revealed nothing but graves ; so that I concluded that in all proba-
bility these mounds represented places of burial at the time of the
prosperity of Nippur. Delehem is too far from Nippur to have been
the necropolis for that city only, and it is equally remote from the
large ruins of Bismya. I have assumed that it was an independent
necropolis like Zerghul and Umm-el-Aqarib. Taylor, in excavating
at Mughair and Abu-Shahrein (which, by the way, is no longer known,
as far as I can ascertain, by that name, but is now called Nowawis),
found frequent interments, although he seems to have found no sepa-
rate necropolis.
Similarly, I found at Nippur interments in all parts of the ruins,
among the houses and temples or under them, just as we find at the
present day in some of the more remote Turkish and Arab towns. As
Loftus has pointed out in the passage quoted above, these are the con-
ditions prevailing everywhere, from Nippur southward, where excava-
tions have been conducted. On the other hand, north of Nippur, in
Babylonia as in Assyria, we find no necropoleis, and comparatively
few interments in or about the cities and ruins which have been
explored. In exploring Babylonia from Nippur southward the ques-
tion which arises is, Whence have we so many burials? Whereas from
Nippur northward the question which arises is, What did they do with
their dead? From our present knowledge it would seem that it was
the practice to bring the dead out of both northern Babylonia and
Assyria, to be interred in the region of Lower Babylonia, from Nippur
southward. The suggestion to be derived from this fact, if it be a
fact, and I am inclined to think that it is, is that the region mentioned
above was the original home of the ancestors of both the people of
northern Babylonia and of Assyria, to which the inhabitants of those
Vol. xvii.] Peters, Civilization in Babylu 169
countries looked back as a sacred spot because their ancestors had
come from there. This view is further supported by the fact that
there existed at the northern limit of that region, at Nippur, a temple
looked upon as the most ancient and sacred in the Babylonian world,
namely, E-Kur, the temple of En-Lil, or the great Bel. At a later date
the land of burials was extended a little to the northward.
And now, assuming this original land of burials to be the home of
Babylonian civilization, what was the date of the origin of that civili-
zation? The southern limits of the region above mentioned differ
greatly according to the date at which you consider it. The natural
boundary on the south is the Persian Gulf. At the present time that is
some 230 miles south-east of Nippur, in a direct line, and about 160
miles below Mughair, the ancient Ur. According to the calculations of
Ainsworth (see Ainsworth's "Researches in Assyria, Babylonia and
Chaldaea," London, 1838, pp. 181 ff.), there is added each year at the
mouth of the Shatt-el-Arab ninety feet of land. That is, the land
encroaches upon the sea that much each year. Using Arrian's narra-
tive of the voyage of Nearchus, and Pliny's account of the country at
the head of the Persian gulf, largely derived therefrom, Ainsworth
endeavors to determine the position of the head of that gulf in the
time of Alexander the Great. He observes that "Alexander called by
his name the Arabian colony of Tospasinus, Spasinus Charax, or Charax,
and that this was situated a little less than one mile from the sea."
Pliny, N. H. vi. c. 27, describes the situation of Charax: "Charax
habitatur in colle manu facto inter confluentes, dextra
Tigrim, Iseva Eulaeum." From the fact that it was at the confluence of
the two rivers, this site can be readily determined. It is occupied by
the modern town Mo'ammerah, which is situated at the junction of the
Shatt-el-Arab and the Karoun. But Mo'ammerah was forty-seven miles
away from the Persian gulf at the time of Ainsworth's measurements.
Between the time of Nearchus, 325 B. C., and the time of Ainsworth,
1835 A. D., a period of 2160 years, forty-six miles of new land had
therefore been formed at the head of the Persian gulf. According to
my calculations this would make the average deposit from Alexander's
time to our own about 114$ feet a year, but Ainsworth makes it 90.
Ainsworth further attempts to locate the Teredon or Tiridotus, said to
have been founded by Nebuchadrezzar at the mouth of the Euphrates.
For the location of this place, however, we have not the same data :
and Ainsworth's location of it at Jebel Sinara, some ten miles below
Zobelr. and therefore about that distance below the modern Bassorah,
must be accepted with caution. If it were situated at the place named,
it must have been about mm- miles from the sea in Nebuchadrezzar's
and not upon the sea, as Ainsworth seems to suppose ; unless
AiiiHworth's calculations are quite untrustworthy and the late of
deposit between Mo'ammerah and Bassorah was more than twice as
rapid as between Mo'ammerah and the sea. I fancy, however, that a
site for Teredon even as far as nine miles from the coast in Nebuchad-
rezzar's time would in reality quite suit the requirements of the situa-
tion as actually described.
] TO American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April, 1896. [1896.
But this is a side question. The fact of a large alluvial deposit, meas-
urable at least by average over a long period of years, at the head of
the Persian gulf is obtained by the determination of the fact that the
site of the modern Mo'ammerah was one mile from the sea in 325 B. C.
Now from the gulf up to about the parallel of Baghdad the entire
Babylonian plain is an alluvial deposit, mainly from the rivers Tigris
and Euphrates ; and from the general configuration of the region we
may, I think, fairly argue that the rate of deposit is likely to have
been always approximately the same. Having thus fixed the rate of
deposit for the section from Mo'ammerah to the gulf, we may reckon
back from this to obtain the date of formation of any given part of
Babylonia. On the basis of Ainsworth's figure of 90 feet a year, we
find that the sea would have reached up to the site of Ur about 7550
B. C. Taking my figures derived from Ainsworth's measurements, 114^
feet a year, we find that the seacoast would have been at that point
about 5500 B. C. I believe that Ainsworth's figure is based not entirely
upon calculation from the site of Mo'ammerah, but partly at least upon
measurements of the present rate of increase. Possibly a middle rate
would more nearly represent the actual average, giving us, say 6600
B. C. as the date required. I have no way of determining this matter,
however ; and while I believe that we can place reliance for the deter-
mination of the earliest possible date of Ur upon the measurement of
the rate of alluvial deposit, I fancy that we must regard the date
obtained by such measurements as only approximate and liable to
vary a few hundred years from exactitude.
In old Babylonian tradition there is but one city further south than
Ur and Eridu (Eridu stood on the solid plateau of the Arabian desert
on the edge of the alluvial deposit, just within sight of Ur), and that is
Surippak, the city of the ark. Whether this was a mythical place or
not I do not know, but at least the site of Surippak has not yet been
identified. Assyriologists regard Ur as having been originally a coast-
city from the references in the inscriptions. This condition might,
however, be fulfilled by a location a dozen miles or so from the actual
coast on a navigable river or canal ; but at least, if not on the sea, a
city to be regarded as a coast-city must have been within a very few
miles of the coast. As situated, not in the middle of the alluvial tract,
but close to the western edge of the same, it is possible, and I suppose
probable, that the land on which Ur stood was formed before that in
the middle of the plain. The gulf might have extended further north-
ward for some time after this strip of land along the shore had already
become habitable.
Judging from the references in ancient Babylonian inscriptions, Ur
must have been, as already stated, about the most southerly city of
Babylonia in the earliest period. It was also at the southern limit of
the burial-region, so far as we know. At the northern limit of that
region apparently lies Nippur. Now, in the inscriptions, Sin of Ur is
mentioned as the son of En-Lil or Bel of Nippur. This suggests an
earlier date for Nippur, or at least for its temple and worship, than
for Ur or its temple and worship, but establishes a close relationship
Vol. xvii.] Skinner, Assyrian Verb-endings. 171
between the two. Our excavations at Nippur, if we accept the date
of Sargon of Agane as fixed, as all Assyriologists assume that it is, at
3800 B. C., compel us to relegate the founding of that city to a period
considerably antedating 6000 B. C., and perhaps antedating 7000 B. C.
My suggestion, from the various facts here marshalled, would be
that the original home of civilization in Babylonia was the strip of
land from Nippur southward to the neighborhood of Ur, and not, as
has sometimes been argued, the region about Babylon and northward
to Sippara. While the latter region is in itself older, it does not seem
to have been older as the home of civilized man. The ancestors
of the civilization of Babylonia seem to have come from the region
between Nippur and what was then the coast of the Persian gulf.
This would accord also with the tradition preserved to us in later
sources that civilization came to Babylonia out of the Persian gulf.
Possibly Eridu, on the Arabian plateau near the western shore and not
far from the head of what was then the Persian gulf, may represent
the oldest seat of that civilization. However that may be, at a very
early period Nippur became the center of civilization and religion,
being founded at a time when everything below Ur probably, and pos-
sibly some part of the region to the north of it, was still under water.
As early as the close, if not the beginning, of the seventh millenium
B. C., this strip of land at the head of the then Persian gulf seems to
have been the home of civilized men, and from here civilization spread
northward.
3. The termination /?, uni in Assyrian verbs ; by Macy M.
Skinner, Assistant in Semitic Languages in Harvard University,
Cambridge, Mass.
The third masculine plural of the present, preterite, and permansive
of Assyrian verbs, which usually ends in w, is frequently found with
the longer form in tint.* An examination of prose texts extending
over a period from Hammurabi to Cyrus, as well as of some poetic mate-
rial, has yielded the following results, f.
* The feminine in dm is of very rare occurrence and we shall accordingly con-
fine ourselves to the masculine.
f The texts consulted were: for Hammurabi, the Louvre inscript, in Me'nant'a
Inscript. de Hammourabi, pp. 13-20; for Agu-kakrimi, VR33; for Ramnian-
nirari 1., Harvard Semitic Museum tablet; for Nebuchadrezzar I., VR55-67; for
Tiglath-pileaer I.. Prism inscri|.t . 1K9-16; for Nabu-apal-iddin, VR60-61 ; for
ABsurnazirpal, Annals, IR17-26: for Shalnwneser II, Bl. Ob., in Abel und
Winckler's KeilachrifttcxU, pp. 7-12, also Monolith, IIIR7-8; for SamSi-ramman,
IR3J-34; for Ramman-nirart III.. I K35 Nos. 1 and 3; the Synchronous Hist., in
<ler's Untertuchunyen, p. 148 and ff. ; for Tiglath-pileser III. IIR67 and
IIIR9.2; for Sargon, Winckler'H Kcibchrifttexle Sargon*, vol. 2, pp. 30-36; for
Sennacherib, Prism inscript., IR37-42; for Kaarhaddon. IR45-47 and IR50; for
Anurbftnipal, Raftuam cyl., VRI-10; for Samafisumukin, Cyl.. Biting., and Letter
172 American Oriental Society^ Proceedings, April, 1896. [1896.
1. The longer form in uni is employed almost exclusively in the first
stem (I. 1 Pe'al). The total number of cases found of the form in uni
was 140. Of these, 118 were of stem I. 1 : for example, iS-tsn-n-ni.
VR2,118; i#-bat-n (var. ba-tu)-nim-ma, VRl,129.
2. The verbs occurring with this longer form are mainly weak verbs.
Of the 140 occurrences of the form in uni, 109 were weak verbs: for
example, il-li-ku-u-nim-ma, VR2,87 ; id-ku-ni, IR24,35 ; ik-bu-ni-im~ma,
No. 7, Rev. 7, in Ttiontafelfund von El Amarna.
3. The form in uni is seldom used with suffixes. Of the third mascu-
line plural, 87 cases with suffix were found ; 10 of these were in tint,
and 77 in u. Examples of the longer form with suffix are : u-tir-ru-
nis-su, VR5,34; ub-lu-ni-8u, IR18,76.
4. The use of the form in uni does not appear to be influenced by
syntactical considerations.
It is possible that the termination uni had an old rhetorical function
which has survived in certain verbs. We have seen that it occurs most
frequently with stem I. 1 (Pe'al). As this is the light stem, and the
other stems are increased in various other ways, may this not have
been a method of strengthening the stem? Moreover the form in
uni has been retained mainly in weak verbs. This fact leads to the
conjecture that one of the functions of the uni termination was to pre-
serve more nearly the normal number of syllables or to compensate for
the loss of a weak letter. Naturally in the course of time the original
force and significance of the ending was lost, and we find such forms
as ipparsiduni as well as numerous other strong roots with the termi-
nation uni.
A point of some interest in this connection is the relation of the
Assyrian ending uni to the plural termination un in Hebrew, Aramaic,
etc. In the perfect, un occurs more or less frequently in Samaritan,
Syriac, and later Targumic,* but only three times in Hebrew. f In the
imperfect, the Arabic (und) and Aramaic have retained it regularly ; the
to Assurb , in Lehmann's SamaSsumukin, Taf. II., VIII , IX. : for Nebuchadrezzar,
the Kast India House inscript., IR59-64, Grot, cyl., IR65-66, Build, inscript. of
Nin-Karrak. in Abel und Winckler's Keilschrifttexte, p. 33 and ff., and Borsippa
inscript., IR51 No. 1 ; for Nabonnidos, Ur inscript, IR69, also IR68 No. 1, VR63,
and VR64; for Cyrus, Clay cyl., VR35.
Further: the Bab. Chron., in Abel und Winckler's Keilschrifttexte, pp. 47-48;
the Bab. Creation Epic, in Delitzsch's Das Babylonische Weltschopfungsepos ; the
Flood-legend, in Haupt's Das Bdbylonische Nimrodepos. pp. 134-143 ; of the El-
Amarna tablets, those of Burraburiyash and As§uruballit Nos. 2, 3, 4 in The Tell
El- Amarna Tablets of the British Museum, and Nos. 4, 6, 7, b, 9 of the Berlin col-
lection, in Winckler's Der Thontafelfund von El Amarna.
* See Bottcher's Ausfiihrliches Lehrbuch der Heb. Spmche, §930.
f See Driver's Tenses (3d ed.), p 6, Note 1. |VT Dt. viii. 3, 16, and ppV Is. xxvi.
16. This last, Stade, Gram., §41 la. rejects as suspicious. It is apparently a
textual error. p^P'» Is. xxix. 21, is evidently an imperfect.
Vol. xvii.J Bloomfield, Rig- Veda, vii. 103. 173
Hebrew, some 313 times.* In Hebrew prose, the form in tin is more
common in the pre-exilic literature, the general principle being as fol-
lows : the older the book, the more frequent is its use ; and the absence
of the form is a mark of later date.f There does not seem to be any
denned law of growth or degradation traceable in the history of the form
in Assyrian. In the El-Amarna tablets examined, the forms in uui
were in predominance over those in u, and a further investigation of
this material from so early a period (15th century B. C.) might yield
some significant results. The use of the termination uni in Assyrian
and that of tin in Hebrew have this in common, that they occur mainly
with the first stem, and seldom with suffixes.
The following is a list of verbs which occur most frequently in the
texts examined with the termination tint, in the order of their fre-
quency : abalu, tibu (14 times in uni); aldku (12 times) ; aradu, taru (9);
naSti, ?abatu (?) ; a?u, kibu. likti (5) ; parsadu (4) ; ilti, iribu, dakti,
fofcdnu, Saraku (3).
4. On the * Frog-hymn,' Rig -Veda vii. 103, together with some
remarks on the composition of the Vedic hymns ; by Professor
M. Bloomtield, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md.
At the meeting of the A. O. S. in October, 1890, the writer pre-
sented a paper entitled, ' On a Vedic group of charms for extinguish-
ing fire by means of water-plants and a frog,' an abstract of which ap-
peared in the Proceedings of that meeting ; the subject was afterwards
treated more fully in the second series of ' Contributions to the interpre-
tation of the Veda,' Amer. Journ. Phil. xi. 342 ff.f The primary object
of the article was the interpretation of RV. x. 16. 13, 14, and sundry
related stanzas, but incidentally there came to light a wide-spread cus-
tom of employing a frog and certain water-plants as symbols of water,
as instruments for quenching tire, and as a means of producing water
where formerly there was none. Ethnologically speaking, this is the
simplest kind of folk-lore, and it would have required no special empha-
sis but for the fact that it helped us to discover in a considerable num-
ber of more or less vaguely understood Vedic passages the plainest kind
of ordinary meaning.
An interesting modulation of this theme is the employment of the
frog as a cure for fever. Stanza 2 of AV. vii. 116, a* charm against
takman or fever, reads : ' May (the takman) that returns on the morrow,
he that returns on two (successive) days, the impious one, pass into this
* See C. H. Toy, The Hebrew Verb-termination un, in the Trans, of the- Am.
Philoi AMOC. for 1880, pp. 21-22.
t/6«<fcm, i
| The following additional passage*, illustrating the matters there treated, may
be noted: T8. v. 4. 2. 1; vii. 4. 18. 2; TB. iii. 9. 5. 4; MS. Ui. 3. 3. G; 12. 19;
VS. xxiii. 10; <?B. xiii. 8. 3. 13; A£. ii. 12. 2; x. 9. 2; L£. iii. 5. 13; Rigvidhana
iv. 11. 1.
174 American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April, 1896.
frog.' This prayer is supported symbolically at Kaug. 32. 17 by fasten-
ing a frog beneath the bed of the patient and rinsing the patient off, so
that the water shall wash the fever down upon the frog ; cf . especially
Ke^ava to the passage, and see the treatment of the hymn in our forth-
coming translation of the AV. in the Sacred Books of the East.
Aside from these uses the frog occurs in the accessible Vedic litera-
ture, barring casual mention, only in the so-called frog-hymn, RV. vii.
103, and a few scattered but closely related stanzas in the Khila of the
RV. itself, in AV. iv. 15. 13 ff., and in the Suparnakhyana ix. 8. A
literal translation of RV. vii. 103 is as follows :
1. The frogs that have lain (quiet) during the year, (like) Brahmanas
devoted to a vow (of silence), have uttered their voice that has been
quickened by Parjanya (the god of rain).
2. When the celestial waters came upon them,* lying like a dry
(water-) skin in the pool, then the voice of the frogs rises in concert, as
the lowing of cows with calves.
3. When at the arrival of the rainy season it hath rained upon them
plagued by thirst and longing, then uttering (the sound) akkliala,\ as a
eon to his father one approaches the other croaking.
4. One of them takes hold of the other when they have rejoiced at
the pouring forth of the waters, when the frogs sprinkled by the rain
did skip, when they mingle their voices, the speckled and the green.
5. When they reply to one another's shouts as a pupil (repeats the
words) of his teacher, then all that with them is like a patj lesson, when
with loud croaking they shout upon the water.
6. One bleats like a cow, the other like a goat ; one of them is speckled,
the other is green ; though of .different shapes they own the same name,
in many ways they modulate their voice when they speak.
7. Like Brahmanas at the all-night soma-sacrifice (atirdtra), chanting
round about the full bowl (of soma), ye are about on that day of the
year when the rainy season has set in.§
* The text reads enam 'him.' The slight change removes the anacoluthon.
f ftpeKCKEK^ nodi; icodi;. In Pafic. Br. xii. 4. 16 the croaking of the frogs is
described by the verb fttkaroti 'to utter the sound at (Scholiast, mandako
vrstyanantaram atat ity evarh fabdarh karoti). Cf. also the Samans bearing the
title dskdranidhann (-nidhana), Pane. Br. viii. 1.1; 2. 1 ; Ind. Stud. iii. 206 ; and
see Weber, Festgruss an Rudolf von Roth, p. 136, note 4. [Cf. also the names
of sounds (some onomatopoetic) of various creatures and things, ZDMGL xxxii. 734.
—ED.]
\ samfdhd is to be taken as an adverbial instrumental from samfdh ' accomplish-
ment, success.' The assumption for this one place of a stem samfdha (Pet. Lex.,
Grassmann, and Hillebrandt, Vedachrestomathie) is uncalled for. We have avoided
the anacoluthon between esdm and vadathana by rendering the latter as a third
person.
§ There is no fun and no conviviality in all this. The Brahmanas do not drink
the soma at the atiratra; it is sacrificed at regular intervals, each libation being
preceded by the chanting of holy hymns. Four libations are poured at three dif-
Vol. xvii.] Bloomfield, Rig-Veda, vii. 103. 175
8. As Brahmanas over the sonia they have raised their voices, per-
forming their annual song ; as Adhvaryus (serving priests) that have
sweated over the pots of hot milk (gharma)* they are (all) in evidence,
none of them are hidden.
9. The divine order of the twelve-monthf they observed : these men
do not disregard the season. Each year when the rainy season has
arrived the heated pots (of heaven) are emptied out.$
10. He that bleats like a cow, he that bleats like a goat ; the speckled
and the green one have bestowed upon us wealth ; the frogs bestowing
hundreds of cows shall extend (our) life at the thousand-fold pressing
(of the soma).§
The hymn is 'late.'l It is the only hymn outside of the first and
tenth books of the RV. in which occurs the word brdhmand ; the com-
bination (tkkhali~krtya represents the only instance in the RV. of the
change of final a to i in composition with the verb kar (and bhu) ; cf .
Whitney, Sk. Or.' 1091a, 1098a. Ritual words are common: atirdtrd,
gharma, adhvaryu in addition to brdhmand. The expression vratacdrin
(st 1 = AV. iv. 15. 13), common in the later literature, occurs nowhere
else in the Rik or Atharvan.
Stylistically and from a literary point of view the composition is
mediocre. Not that it does not lose somewhat, by a prose rendering,
in what we at least feel to be a certain naivete, directness, and quick-
ferent points of the night, and silence reigns between these points. As the chants
of the Brahmanas indicate that the bowl has been filled anew, thus the croaking of
the frogs indicates that the pool has been filled by the rains of the monsoon. See
Haug, Brahma und die Brahmanen, p. 41 (cf. Aitareyu-Brahmana, Translation, pp.
263 ff.). The word saras is a vox media ' pool,' and ' bowl1
* Say ana, gharmino gharmena pravargena carantah 'performing the pravargya-
ceremony.' At the pravargya-ceremouy the priests empty pots of milk which are
heated before they are emptied. Similarly the frogs have sweated during the hot
season. The word gharmino thus harbors a double entente : ' heated by the pots
of milk ' (in relation to the priests), and • affected by the hot season ' (in relation to
the frogs). Of. Haug, 1. c , p. 42 ; Hillebrandc'a Vedachrestomathie. under g<
and gharmin; Oldenberg, Die Religion des Veda, p. 450, note.
f Say ana, dviidafam»isatmakasya samvatoar asya. Jacobi, Festgruss an Rudolf
TOD Roth, ' of the twelfth month.'
% The simile between the heated pots of the priests and the hot season is con-
tinued: the heated pots are the heated heavens which pour forth their rain.
§ Doubtless again with double meaning : ' the generating of thousands of plants.'
Thus Sayana, aahasra-sai'nkhyaka otadhayah sQyantt.
| The Pet Lex., a. v. atiratra: ' Das lied ist zu den jungBten zu zahleu.' What
is meant by late is, that a given hymn does not accord with the stereotyped,
hieratic language of the family-books, the books of the soma- sacrifice, but ap-
proaches the less esoteric more popular diction of the AV., the Brahmanaa, and
the classical language. The distinction exists, but it is one of dialect and style,
rather than chronology. Many of the criteria employed for chronological purposes
are obviously dialectic, e. g. 'late* hvayami = Avest. sfaycmi; tdrva = A vest
haurva; karomi: taruti, etc. Of this another time.
176 American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April, 1896. [1896.
ness of movement in the original. As to that, different readers will
differ in accordance with their individuality and the scope of their
observations of matters Hindu. The hymn is in our view thoroughly
conventional : it is full of repetitions, and extreme in its employment
of the catenary arrangement of its stanzas. The very opening in the
livelier anus^ubh metre, continuing with the more stately tris^ubh-
jagati, is one of the standard devices of the AV.* Two clumsy anacolu-
thons in sts. 2 and 5 contribute to the characterization of the literary
standard of the hymn, which is no higher than that of scores of
Atharvan hymns. It has been suggested frequently and denied just as
frequently that there is in the composition humor, nay that it is a
satire on the Brahmanas to compare their doings with those of frogs.
As regards the latter point, we must regard it as extremely unlikely, in
view of the attitude of the Vedas as a whole towards their priesthood.
What is more to the point, however, is that the hymn obviously
breathes the spirit of anxious conciliation : the frog, the symbol of
eagerly craved water, is no joking matter, and the comparisons with
the Brahmans and the sacred rites are begotten of the desire to praise,
and not to disparage.
But aside from and above these considerations stands the broad ques-
tion that must be asked for every Vedic hymn, namely, whether its
composition was utilitarian or bellettristic. Shall we conceive this
poetry as the product of the mildly frenzied rhapsodist among the peo-
ple, or, perhaps, as the child of the muse of some Raja's poet laureate
' given to infinite tobacco,' as he walks along the jungle in the cool of
the evening, at the opening of the rainy season, eager to bag some good
subject for the delectation of the court of his patron ? Or shall we let
the Vedic writings continue their tale of a literature, practical, tenden-
tial, everywhere ' on the make ?' The Vedic Hindus, to judge by their
literature, were the most practical people of ancient times. This litera-
ture of a hundred works more or less, the Upanishads not excepted,
has positively no aim in view except personal advantage, the favor of
the gods, the granting of wishes, the destruction of enemies, and that
continues clear down to the pessimistic Upanishads which pander to the
desire for emancipation from the round of existences. The Rig- Veda
is confessedly in part made of the same stuff. Anent other parts there
are those whose literary feeling does not permit them to follow out the
consequences of all that part of Vedic history which is clear. Here and
there the sordid mass appears leavened by true beauty of conception, fine-
ness of observation, good style, and all the other paraphernalia of literary
composition which we of modern times are accustomed to see at work
more or less divorced from any practical consideration. Why not ?
As if a hieratic literature excluded by its very terms the operations of
literary taste and literary canons. The Vedic poets themselves boast
that their poems are ' well-hewn,' and so they are in many cases. After
* Cf. AV. i. 29; iv. 16; vi. 49. The same effect is produced by introducing an
anustubh-hymn with a gayatri, ii. 32 ; iv. 12, and probably also by placing a stanza
in long metre at the head of one in short metre, e. g. ii. 4; vi. 111.
Vol. xvii.J Bloomfield, Rig- Veda, vii. 103. 177
all the crust of priestly conventionalism has been pared off, there
remains in the Vedic mantras enough beauty to make them attractive
as a phase of the world's literature. But this incidental merit has
nothing whatever to do with the prime object of their composition, the
pursuit of some priestly object, not necessarily sordid, not necesarily
devoid of true elevation of spirit. All preachers are not Peters of
Amiens nor Savonarolas, but must be content to serve their religions,
while maintaining that the laborer is worthy of his hire ; and all
scientists are not Galileos, but demand salaries as high as the market
allows : and yet, after all, the spiritual guidance of civilized peoples
and the great bulk of scientific advance are on the whole safe in the
hands of people who are no less dependent upon baksheesh than the
poet-priests of India.
The finikin literary non possumus, born of modern sensitiveness, of
any one who feels that somehow he is individually incapable of imagin-
ing so good a literature— good in his eye. not necessarily in the eye of
others— to be composed by priests for priestly purposes, may be
respected as a personal frame of mind, but it is wholly otiose as an his-
torical argument. The literary quality of the RV. might have been
infinitely higher than it appears to its most enraged admirer, and yet
be a purely hieratic performance, provided only that the priests them-
selves had risen to a correspondingly high plane of literary perception.
To deny peremptorily that they could have so risen, though at the
same time having an eye to the practical side of their calling, and the
practical applicability of the products of their muse, is a dictatorial
machttpruch which may inspire awe for a moment, but will not
cause any one to flinch in his endeavors to fir more clearly the outline
of Hindu antiquity in the light of those of its data which are already
clear. This is the homespun method which has finally commended
itself in all philologies, and Hindu philology, too, is, on the whole, in
good hands. The burden is now on the other shoulder, and he that
assumes for a given Vedic hymn a purely literary origin, he who denies
that a given hymn was composed with reference to some definite occa-
sion (gelegenheitsdichtung) and for some practical purpose, may no
longer be allowed to fortify himself behind shifting aesthetic estimates.
That is begging the question. It may be difficult, yea impossible—
though that can be decided only in the future of Vedic philology — to
point out the precise occasion in the case of one or another hymn. The
great mass of the hymns are obviously practical, not only in their ap-
plication but by the evidence of their inn* t most structure, and until it
ia proved that a given hymn is not so we shall be repaid by searching
every time for the occasion and the purpose to which it-* ..ri^m is due.
is oratio pro domo on the part of the expounder of the frog-hymn
will seem in the end unnecessarily fervent, and it would indeed be alto-
gether superfluous if it were not still very necessary to draw the n
from what is simple and plain for the future usufruct of those \
hymns that are vague and nebulous, or do not at any rate betray on the
face of them the exact motive of their composition. The frog-hymn is a
VOL. xvii. 13
178 American Oriental Society' s Proceedings, April, 1896. [1896.
rain-charm, in style and purpose no better than many other productions
of the medicine-man and the weather-maker. The chief interest of the
hymn is to be found in the fact that it completes the chain of folk-lore
beliefs and practices elaborated in the article quoted above. The frog
in his character of water-animal par excellence quenches fire, produces
water where previously there was none, is the proper repository for
fever, and finally is associated with the annual appearance of rain in
the rainy season. One will look in vain in the accessible Vedic litera-
ture for any mention of frogs— and they are mentioned quite frequently
—which fails to suggest or state outright this practical view of the
animal.* The frogs, too, are everywhere taken seriously ; their com-
parison with the Brahmanas in vii. 103 is a bit of nice diplomacy,
intended as a captatio benevolentiae of the frogs, not as a satire upon
the priests engaged in the difficult performance of the all-night sacri-
fice (atiratrd), or the still more arduous manipulation of the heated pots
(gharmd). That this is so, we may gather from Harivanc.a, Visnuparvan
95. 23 = 8803, a passage which is clearly modelled after sts. 7 ff. of our
hymn, and which by its very terms cannot be intended as a satire upon
the Brahmans : * The frog having lain asleep eight months croaks with
his wives, as a Brahman devoted to the precious and true law recites
hymns surrounded by his pupils.' Langlois in his translation remarks
aptly, that according to our customs nothing would be quite as imper-
tinent as the comparison of a respectable ecclesiastic with a frog, but
the Hindus were not conscious of any taint of impiousness in this rap-
prochement. This attitude seems to us queer, but the Hindu is practical,
and the frogs have water to give. The Hindu's worship of the to us
intensely repulsive animal with forked tongue, 'the toothed rope' as
he himself at times calls the serpent, is still more grotesque. And
yet even the modern Hindu housewife does not attack an intruding ser-
pent with the broom-handle, but places milk before him, her hands
folded in the attitude of a suppliant.
The present hymn betrays its purpose most plainly in its last stanza,
which contains, as in hosts of other charms, the true point, the knall-
effect, of the hymn. The statement is made in the so-called prophetic
aorist, the things desired are stated as having already taken place :f that
the frogs are able to bestow wealth, cattle, and long life by no other
inherent virtue than that of rain-making, needs hardly to be pointed out.
Aside from the evidence from within, the charm is immediately pre-
ceded in the RV. itself by two hymns that are rain-charms. They are
addressed directly as prayers to Parjanya, the rain-god, and their char-
* Cf. especially the familiar passage, RV. ix. 112. 4, where the natural affin-
ities of various kinds of men, animals, and things are described graphically ; the
poet winds up with the statement, fepo romanvantdu bheddu, var in mand'&ka
ichati. See also Maitr. Up. i. 4; vi. 22.
f The commentators feel this : in all such cases they render the aorist by the
imperative. Thus Sayana here, adad, i. e. daddtu. Cf. also Delbriick, Syntact-
ische Forschungen ii. 87.
Vol. xvii.J Bloomfield, Rig- Veda, vii. 103. 179
acter may be understood from stanza vii. 101. 5 as a specimen : ' May
this prayer penetrate into the heart of the self -sovereign Parjanya, may
he take delight in it : refreshing rains shall be ours and plants with
goodly fruit protected by the gods.* The only difference between these
hymns and the frog-hymn is that in the latter the frogs in their capac-
ity as producers of water, are, as it were, the agents of the rain-god
upon earth, and the prayer is shifted to them.
The kliailikani suktani contain a later addendum to the hymn which
shows how clearly it was understood at that time in the sense of a rain-
charm : ' Join the chorus, O female frog ; announce the rain, O tadpole ;
stretch out thy four feet, and paddle in the middle of the pool.' This
-tanza appears in AV. iv. 15. 14, a very lengthy and conglomerate rain-
charm,* preceded by the first stanza of the frog hymn, and followed by
another stanza in which khanvakhd and khdimakhd, two fanciful frog-
females,! are again implored to produce rain (varfdih vanudhvam).
Again both the first stanza and the khila of our hymn occur in Yaska's
Nirukta be. 6, 7, and Yaska explains, ' Vasis^ha desiring rain praised
Parjanya, the frogs acclaimed him. He perceiving the acclaiming frogs
praised them with song. That is what this stanza means. $ Clearest of
all is a passage in the Suparnakhyana ix. 3, not concerned directly with
the frogs at all, and certainly serious. It describes the conjuring of a
great storm in vivid language : ' Shout, thunder, reach the clouds ; these
waters of thine shall be level with the mountain-tops. . . Undefined,
wholly water, the shore shall be ; the frog-female shall croak all the night.
(The winds) shall milk the cloud (cow) whose trail drips with milk,
the wild beast shall come seeking firm land.' The Suparnakhyana is a
very interesting composition, a kind of an addendum (khila) to the K V. .
at any rate, so strongly reminiscent of the RV. as to leave one in doubt
not infrequently whether a certain passage of it is to be regarded as a
Vedic mantra or not. The fact that it weaves two of the main ideas of
tli. frog-hymn, the croaking frog, and the all-night performances, into
a highly poetic account of a storm, shows at any rate what its composer
conceived that composition to be. Finally the hymn was still in use in
India in 1871, when the late Professor Haug reported that ' in times of
great drought, when the eagerly expected rain will not come, twenty
or thirty Brahmanas go to a river, and recite this and the preceding
hymn.'g This is again the ancient reliance upon the frog, the Vedic
quencher of fire, heat, and fever, a very trident in the hands of the
ancient sorcerers.
* Cf. Kau?. 103. 3, 0am ut patantu (AV. iv. 15) pra nabhasva (vii. 18) iff vartlr
juhoti.
f Obviously personifications of another of the many onomatopoetic attempt* to
render the croak of the frog. It is worth noticing that throughout the varied
frog-charms with which we have dealt, the female (roaiirfftfct, ma^flfrWra) rather
than the masculine (maydtika) is often chosen as the emblem of moisture. This
is sound physiology as well as folk-lore.
| Cf. Sadgurucifya, p. 135; Sfiyana in the introduction to RV. vii. 103.
£ Brahma und die Brahmanen, p. 12 (cf. also the note, p. iO).
180 American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April, 1896. [1896.
5. The meaning of the compound atharvangirasah, the ancient
name of the fourth Veda ; by Professor Bloomfield.'
In general the fourth Veda is designated in ancient times by the
compound atharvdngirasah. Quite frequently, however, the two mem-
bers of the compound are separated, so that each is mentioned by itself,
but always in more or less close conjunction with the other. This
shows that the compound is not a congealed formula, but that the texts
are conscious of the fact that each has a distinct individuality, and a
right to separate existence. In other words, the AV. consists of athar-
van and angiras matter, and the question arises what elements in the
make-up of this Veda these terms refer to. The answer may be given
with a considerable degree of certainty : the term atharvan refers to
the auspicious practices of the Veda, the bhesajdni (AV. xi. 6. 14), those
parts of the Veda which are recognized by the Atharvan ritual and the
orthodox Brahmanical writings as gdnta ' holy,' and pdutfika ' confer-
ring prosperity'; the term angiras refers to the hostile sorcery practices
of the Veda, the ydtu (Qat. Br. x. 5. 2. 20), or abhicdra which is terrible
(ghora).
In J.A.O.S. xi. 387 the writer pointed to the existence of this dis-
tinction at Vait. Su. 5. 10 (cf. also Gop. Br. i. 2. 18), where two lists of
plants are differentiated, one as dtharvanyafy, the other as dngirasyah.
The former refers to a list of plants catalogued at Kaug. 8. 16 and
described as cdntdh 'holy' ; the second list is stated at Vait. Su. 5. 10
itself, and described as dngirasa : the name of the last of the list, nir-
dahantl ' burning forth,' proves that they were employed in unholy
sorcery practices (dbhicdrika).* The adjective dngirasa is in general
in the ritualistic texts of the AV. a synonym of dbhicdrika (Kau$. 14.
30; 47. 2, 12; Ath. Paric. 3. 1); hence the fifth kalpa of the AV.,
usually known as dngirasakalpa, bears also the names abhicdra-kalpa,
and vidhdna-kalpa ; see ibid. 376 ff .
Of non-Atharvanic texts, the Rig-vidhana iv. 6. 4 has the following
c.loka : ' He against whom those that are skilled in the Angirasakalpas
practice sorcery repels them all with the Pratyangirasakalpa. f The
term pratydngirasa is the exact equivalent of pratyabhicdrana 'coun-
ter-witchcraft' (AV. ii. 11. 2), and the krtydpratiharandni, Ath. Parig.
32. 2 (cf. Kaug. 39. 7, note). The texts of the sort called dtharvanapra-
tyangirdkalpam (! see Ind. Stud. i. 469), pratyangirdtatva, pratyangird-
pancdnga, and pratyangirdsukta (Bohtlingk's Lexicon), probably deal
with the same theme; at any rate we may regard it as certain that the
words angiras and dngirasa are reflected by the ceremonial literature
in the sense of abhicdra and dbhicdrika.
Far more important is the evidence of certain texts of greater antiq-
uity and higher dignity, which have occasion to mention the Atharvan
incidentally, and enunciate clearly this two-fold character of the Veda.
* Cf. AV. iii. 2. 5 ; vii. 108. 2 ; ix. 2. 4; 5. 31 ; xiv. 2. 48.
f Cf also the following ^lokas, and iv. 8. 3 ; see Rudolf Meyer's preface to his
edition of the Rig-vidhana, p. xxxi.
Vol. xvii.J JBloomJield, Atharvangirasah. 181
They make the very same distinction between atharvan and angiras
that appeared above, Vait. Su. 5. 10. At Qankh. Qr., the fourth Veda
figures in its double character as atharvan and angiras ; here we find
bhesajam, i. e. ' remedial charms,' recited from the atharvan ; and
ghoram, i. e. dbhicdrikam 4 sorcery,' from the ailgiras. Similarly in
AC.V. Qr. the dtharvano vedah and dngiraso vedaJi are treated individ-
ually, and again the former is correlated with bhesajam, the latter with
ghoram ; cf. also Qat. Br. xiii. 4. 3. 3 ff. Indirect, yet significant
testimony that this double character of the AV. was clearly established
in Brahmanical times may be deduced from the formation of the names
of two apocryphal teachers. One is Bhisaj Atharvana, Kath. S. xvi. 3
tln.l. Stud. iii. 459); the other is Ghora Angirasa, Kaus. Br. xxx. 6, etc.
The formation Bhisaj Atharvana is illustrated further by Qamyu
Atharvana, Gop. Br. i. 2. 18; by Pane. Br. xii. 9. 10, bhe?ajarii vd
I'tthiirixindni, and xvi. 10. 10, bhesajam vdi devdndm atharvdno bhesa-
> "'*'' 'i'i?ty<~ti; and by the expression atharvabhih qdntali, Kiiuc..
1 :?•"). 2.* These names never, as far as is known, occur in inverted
order : there is no Ghora Atharvana, and no Bhisaj Angirasa ; they
reflect perfectly the individual character and the individual function
of the two members of the compound atharvdngirasafy.
It seems now, further, that the texts of the Atharva-samhita mark
this same distinction with no uncertain touch. At AV. xi. 6. 14 four
Vedic mantra-classes are indicated by the expressions fcdfy, samdni,
bhesaja(ni) and ydjunsi. The choice of the word bhe$ajA is certainly
one-sided and eclectic. The passage appeals to the auspicious aspect of
the holy texts, and naturally chooses the auspicious side of the Atharvan
also. Its precise complement is Qat. Br. x. 5. 2. 20 where yatu * sorcery '
and the ydtuvidah ' those skilled in sorcery ' are the representatives of
the fourth Veda. The bhesajA of the Atharvan passage and the ydtu
of the present passage make up together what is embraced in the name
•ith'i, <fh (AV. x. 7. 20). Moreover the Samhita exhibits a de-
cided predilection, bordering on rigorous distinction, for associating
the term dngirasa with aggressive witchcraft, or the practice of spells
/.////<0. Thus viii. 5. 9 (krfyd dngirasty) : x. 1. 6 ; xii. 5. 52; cf. also
vi. 45. 3=RV. x. 164. 4. In xi. 4. 16 (cf. also viii. 7. 17) the distinction
between Atharvanic and Aftgirasic plants appears again, not, however,
in a connection which conveys of necessity the contrast between • holy '
and • witchcraft ' plants. But it may do so, precisely as is the case in
Vait. SQ. 5. 10. Cf. also AV. xix. 22. 1, 18 ; 28. 1 ; Gop. Br. i. 1. 5, 8:
3. 4 ; Panini v. 2. 87.
As regards the chronology and cause of this differentiation of athar-
van and angiras the texts are apparently wholly silent. The associa-
tion of both names (and in the ritual texts of the AV. of the name
bhrgu also) with the texts and practices of the fourth Veda may be
sought in the character of these mythic beings. They are fire-priests,
fire-churners, and the Atharvanic rites as well as the house-ceremonies
•Cf. al*. | wife of Atharvan, Khajr. Pur iii. 24. 24, and Wilton's
translation of the Vi«. Pur, vol. i. pp. 1 in. 200.
182 American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April, 1896. [1896.
in general center about the fire, the oblations are into the fire. Fire-
priests, in distinction from soma-priests, may have had in their keep-
ing these homelier practices of common life. But whence the terrible
aspect of the Angiras in contrast with the auspicious Atharvans? In
RV. x. 108. 10 Sararaa threatens the Panis with the terrible Angiras
(dngirasaQ ca ghorah). This statement, wholly incidental as it seems
to be, is, of course, not to be entirely discarded. More important is the
fact that Brhaspati, the divine Purohita, is distinctly dngirasa. In
KauQ. 135. 9 Brhaspati Angirasa appears distinctly as the representa-
tive or the divinity of witchcraft performances. In the Mahabharata
he is frequently called angirasdm $res{hah. In his function of body-
priest of the gods it behooves him to exercise those fiercer qualities
which are later in a broader sense regarded as Angirasic. Thus R V. x .
164. 4=AV. vi. 45. 3 certainly exhibits this function of the divine puro-
hita. The composer of AV. x. 1. 6, when he exclaims, ' Praticma
(' Back-hurler '), the descendant of Angiras, is our overseer and chap-
lain (purohita): do thou drive back again (prattclh) the spells, and slay
yonder fashioners of spells,' has also in mind the divinepuro/uYa. The
stanza foreshadows the later formation praty angiras, discussed above.
We look in vain, however, for statements of the reason why the word
atharvan should be especially associated with gdnta and bhesaja, and
must assume for the present that this was accomplished by secondarily
contrasting it with angiras, after the sense of ghora, dbhicdrika had
incrusted itself over it.* The uncertainty of all this does not endanger
the result that at a comparatively early time the terms atharvdnah in
the sense of ' holy charms,' and angirasah in the sense of ' witchcraft
charms,' joined the more distinctively hieratic terms rcah, yajunsi, and
sdmdni as characteristic types of Brahmanical literary performances.
But this distinction was at a later period again abandoned ; in the end,
the name atharvan and its derivatives prevail as designations of the
charms and practices of the fourth Veda, without reference to their
strongly diversified character.
6. The root kar, [skar ; by Professor E. W. Hopkins, Yale
University, New Haven, Conn.
The supposititious root skar is accepted rather doubtfully by philolo-
gist and etymologist alike, f There is good reason for the suspicion
with which this form of the root is regarded. From a comparative
point of view, the root would be quite unique in showing sk in San-
skrit and in no other language. Other roots with assured initial sk all
show the sibilant somewhere, as in the case of skand, scando, scinnim ;
skabh, skoba, scabellum ; skar (Avestan), anaipu ; sku, CFKVTOC, scutum,
* A dash of popular etymology may have helped on the process : a-tharvan 'not
injuring'; cf. the root thurv in the sense of 'injure' Dhatup. 15. 62, and perhaps
MS. ii. 10. 1. Also the roots turv and dhUrv with similar meanings.
t Whitney, Grammar, § 1087 d; Fick, Worterbuch, i 4., p. 24.
Vol. xvii.] Hopkins, Root kar or skar. 183
obscurus, sky.* But skar has not even an Avestan parallel. To be
sure, Fick attributes skarana in garemo-skarana\ (Vd. 14. 7) to har,
herein following Justi ; but Professor Jackson calls my attention to the
fact that skarana is now identified with the Persian sukar, ' coal ' — so
by Horn, Orundriss der neupersischen Etymologie, p. 163; Geldner,
KZ. xxv., p. 566.
On the other hand the rapid growth of skar at the expense of kar in
the post-Vedic language naturally raises the question whether this
encroachment cannot be traced to its beginning. Such forms as sarh-
oaskara, apaskara, upaskara, viskara (viskara = vikara) are plainly an
extension of the earlier use of skar (almost confined to cases where the
root is combined with pdri or sdm) and suggest of themselves that « is
a parasitic growth.
We can summarize this spread of the sibilant very easily. Till the
period of the Rig- Veda no « is found (Latin creo, cerus, ludicrum;
Greek upaivu ; Slavic kruci ; Lithuanian kurti ; Avestan kar, hakeret =
sakrt). In the Rig- Veda, there are but two cases of skar in books ii.-vii. ,
and these are not in the oldest part of this group (iii. 28. 2 ; v. 76. 2)4 In
the ninth book is one repeated word which occurs always in the same
application, seven times as passive participle ( pdri?krta), once as active
participle, pari$kri}vdnn dniskrtam, 39. 2, and twice as a third plural
with the same preposition (i»iri*krnranti), 14. 2; 64. 23. 8 It is here a
stereotyped phrase. In the tenth book there are four occurrences of
the participle, and the application is varied, though the combination
with pdri is preserved. Three of these four cases are quite certainly in
late hymns or verses. In x. 32. 3 (a late verse), the vahatus is thus
' adorned' ; in x. 85. 6, the vdsat ; in x. 107. 10 (praise of ddkfina), the
v^fma; in x. 135. 7, aydm (Yama). The only case where the verb is
used freely occurs in this tenth book, withal in the hymn to Night,
where (after a preceding nir) is found askrfa, x. 127. 3.
The tenth book, excluding this last form, has the same number of
cases as has the eighth. The latter has pdriskrta, of «6ma, 1. 26 ; and
of vipra (Agni), 39. 9 ; sdthskrta, of Indra, 33 9 ; and susaihskrta, 66.
11 (a late verse). The last form occurs also i. 88. 12 (a Kanva hymn).
There are thus twice as many cases in the tenth book as in ii.-vii. : and
the Kanva collection has as many cases as has the tenth book.| The
* The palatal of fcand, candeo, is not in the same category and probably the
sibilant is not original (see below). The lost * of krdhb (askrdhoyu) »« kept by
the Greek and Lithuanian parallels. Compare Fick, he. cit., p. 142.
t Fick, /. c , p. 1 84. Compare the other compound* (without a) zaranyQkereto,
halikereta; and see Geldner, KZ. xxv., p. 666; Horn, Orundriss d. neupers. Ktym.
§742.
t In the former case pdriakrla is used (of the purodas) ; in the latter, sdik>
tkrta (of gharmd).
§ The seven cases of the participle occur in ix. 4:i. :i; fil. H; 86. 24; 99. 2*
105. 2 ; 1 13. 4 (all pnrifkrta) ; and 46. '2 (p^ir^krUUuu). The appli'-iiti.ui in every
case of participle and verb is to «J/na ( • <-tc.).
| It is to show thi* point tlmt the .latn are here collected. If viii. is late
there is historical progression in the spread of the form.
184 American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April, 1896. [1896.
Brahmanic and later literature add abhisamskar, upasamskar, pntti-
sarhskar, paryaskarot (Panini), etc.
A perfect parallel to the gradual growth of skar, as opposed to kar,
is supplied by skir, upaskirttti, which comes to light after the Rig-
Veda ; and perhaps by skart ( = kart f) in samskrtatrd. The former
root (s)kir like (s)kar shows no sign of an 8 in Slavic, Lithuanian, or
Teutonic parallels ;* yet after the Rig- Veda, which also shows no s, the
sibilant is found. The identity of skart and kart is doubtful, f Other
parallels are to be found in some palatal roots. Parallel to the older
car (co/o, ntfovdof, kelys) of the Rig- Veda, stands gear in the later Mait.
Samhita (not noticed by Fick, s. v., i., p. 25). Even in RV. yearn, i. 104.
2, the metre shows that the preceding vowel is short and cam or gam
(/cd/a'w?) must be the form. In the case of gcand (candeo, kadru),
despite cdnigcadat and Qcandrd, strong evidence for the priority of the
form cand is given by the fact that in the old compounds, puruQcandrd
and vicvdfcandra, the preceding syllables have to be read short in
almost every case.
The cause}: of the origin of skar may be more or less theoretical, but
it is easy to see how the new form spread. The verb is compounded
with especial frequency with avis, purds, mahds, and also very com-
monly with nis(is). An early case is duskereta, duskrtd in Avestan and
Vedic : so later we may compare the frequent nominal combinations,
namaskdra, etc. An example may be taken from (Sanskrit) avaskara
= avas kara. The temporal relation between the two forms is illus-
trated by Vedic (Sutra) upakarana, but Epic upaskara (upaskdra). It
is noteworthy that, despite the regular RV. samskar, the form sdmkrti
still holds its own in TS. and later (see P.W., s. v.).
The form tiskra, referred to this root by the lexicographers, has noth-
ing to do with it. In each of the three instances where the word occurs
it means ' united ' (i. 186. 2 ; iii. 6. 4 ; vii. 43. 5). Now kar + a never
has this meaning. In Avestan, the combination means simply ' make.'
In the Rig- Veda (akrte grhe, viii. 10. 1, etc.), it has either this meaning
or, commonly, that of * bring hither.' We cite as a typical example, x.
156. 2, ydyd gd dkdrdmahe senaydgne, etc. There are half-a-dozen
examples of a kar in x. used in the same way. In the family books,
compare viii. 77. 4 : ddc.u§e 'rvdncam rayim d krdhi. So too in x. 8. 9,
where gondm dcakrdnds, means only ' bringing to himself the cows ' ;
while dndkrta, i. 141. 7, is ' what one cannot bring to himself.' The
meanings 'make,' 'form,' and 'bring hither' are still shown in San-
skrit dkdra, dkdrana (compare dkrti, RV. x. 85. 5). As kar + d never
makes dskar in RV. and never means ' unite,' dskra • united ' cannot be
from this root.
* Fick, loc cit., p. 25.
f Avestan kareta, Greek Keipu, Latin curtus, render the identity more than
questionable. The meaning (RV. vi. 28. 4) is quite uncertain.
\ It is discussed in Professor Hopkins's article above, page 69. — ED'S.
Vol. xvii.] Jackson, Old Hindu-Persian legend. 185
7. On Maha-Bhfirata in. 142. 35-45, an echo of an old Hindu-
Persian legend ; by Professor A. V. Williams Jackson, Colum-
bia University, New York City.
The subject of the Yama-Yima legend has always been a fruitful
field of study in the department of Indo-Iranian research. Parallels
and resemblances, as well as contrasts and differences, between the
Hindu Yama and the Persian Yima, or Jamshid, have often enough
been discussed. The figure of the Vedic Yama, that mortal, the first
to go the way of death and to point out the path for departed souls to
follow, or, again, of that )K>tent sovereign of the south, the stern
judge hereafter, as found in the later Sanskrit literature, is familiar to
every student of Indian antiquity. Consult, for example, Hopkins
Religions of India pp. 128-186, 150 (Yama bibliography) ; Kaegi Rig-
Veda (translation by Arrowsmith) pp. 67-70 ; and Spiegel Arische Peri-
ode pp. 248-256.
In Iranian legend the most marked feature of Yima's personality is
that of the kingly ruler in whose reign the" Golden Age of the world
prevailed. Under his princely sway, as is described in the A vesta (Vd.
ii. 4-19), the earth flourished and brought forth in abundance, the
flocks and herds multiplied, mankind increased ; for it was from
Ahura Mazda himself that Yima received the command to 'further
and increase the world' (Vd. ii. 4 daf me gaethao fradhaya, da£ me gae-
thao varedhaya). The Vendidad further portrays the scene (cf. Geld-
ner K. Z. xxv. 182) :
4 Then the earth became abounding,
Full of flocks and herds of cattle.
Full of men, of birds, dogs likewise,
Full of fires all bright and blazing.
Nor did men, flocks, herds of cattle,
Iionger find them places on it.'
So overcrowded had the earth thus become ! This excessive plenitude
was due to the sovereignty of Yima, for neither sickness nor misery,
disease nor death, existed as long as princely Yima ruled ( Ys. ix. 4-5 ;
Yt. v. 25-26. xv. 15, xvii. 28, xix. 81). Firdausi's picture of royal Jam-
shid's reign, as drawn in the Shdh-Namah, is worth placing beside this
particular description in the present connection (cf. Schahname, ed.
Vullers, i. p. 23 seq. ; cf. Mohl Le Lime des Rois, i. p. 88-86 and espe-
cially p. 87, ' ainsi s'etaient passes trois cents ans, pendant lesquels la
raort etait inconnue parrni les homines. Us ne connaissaient ni la
peine, ni le maJheur, etc.' One of the Iranian characteristics, there-
fore, of Yima's reign was this plenitude of life and increase on earth.
In Indian literature, so far as I recall, special attention seems not to
have been drawn to the increase of mankind and the over-population of
the earth under Yanm's beneficent sway. For this reason I call up to
6 a passage in the Mahfi-Blmrata that seems to show an Indian
likeness to the Iranian idea. This will be but a point to add to others,
in \\ liii-i,. a» has been shown for example by Darmesteter, Persia may
serve to throw a side light upon the Maha-Bharata.
186 American Oriental Society's Proceedings, April, 1896. [1896.
The passage in the Maha-Bharata (iii. 142. 35 ff = 10933 ff), to which
I should like to direct attention, narrates the unprecedented deed of
Vishnu, who, in his incarnation as a Boar, rescued the earth that had
sunk into the nether regions in consequence of over-population. But
how did this over-population come to pass? The text here rendered
has the answer :
4 In times gone by, the Krita Age, fearful, prevailed upon the earth,
And (Vishnu,) Primal God Eterne, acted the part that Yama played ;
And when the all- wise God of gods acted the part that Yama played,
No creature any longer died, but only births occurred on earth.
Accordingly the birds began to multiply, and beasts, and kine,
The cows and horses, and the deer, and all carnivorous animals ;
Likewise the human race began increasing, and to multiply
By thousands and by myriads, just as a stream of water grows.
Now, when on earth had come to pass this overcrowding terrible,
The earth o'erburdened by the weight sank down a hundred leagues in depth,
Suffering dire pain in all her limbs, and by the pressing weight distraught;
The earth distracted then sought help of Vishnu, best of all the gods.'
Thereupon, as the story goes on to narrate, the divine Vishnu gives ear
to the appeal uttered by suppliant earth ; he becomes incarnate in the
form of a Boar, and upon his shining tusk, as is recorded also else-
where in Hindu mythology, he raises the trembling and afflicted earth
out of the depths and saves her from disaster.
The point of resemblance to the Iranian legend, so far as relates to
the increase of life under Yima, is patent. As soon as the God Supreme
in the Maha-Bharata begins to play the role of Yama (yamatvam kf),
death ceases, * while the births are as usual' (thusjdyate vd is rendered
in Roy's version —vd = eva) ; the flocks, the herds, the fowls of the
air, and the whole race of man increase and multiply in numbers in
the Maha-Bharata, precisely as the pasu, staora, masydka, svan, vdi
are augmented in the Avesta ; the earth becomes overburdened in the
Maha-Bharata, exactly as the crowded throng in Yima's day no longer
find for themselves places on the earth in the Avesta (notf him gdtvo
viftderi). The means of relieving the difficulty, however, differ of
course in the Maha-Bharata and in the Avesta, as the attendant Cir-
cumstances themselves are somewhat different; but that the character-
istic feature of the yamatva is plenitude, increase, augmentation, is
evident enough.
A somewhat kindred idea of the nature of Yama's realm is preserved
in his sabhd described in Mbh. ii. 8. 2-4, which bears a certain likeness
to the Avestan vara of Yima, since ' neither cold nor heat, grief nor old
age, hunger nor thirst ' exist in it. Cf . Hopkins Proceedings A. O. S.
May 1891, p. xciv, and April 1892, p. clxxix, on urvd; see also Lanman
Sanskrit Reader p. 378. Fairly certain, however, it seems that the
word yamatva above discussed, with all its association of increase and
plenitude, receives new light when brought into connection with the
Avesta, and the passage is of value because it preserves a reminiscence
Vol. xvii.] Jackson, Avestan iterative optative. 187
of Yama's character, which, though familiar in Persia, seems other-
wise to have been lost in Sanskrit literature, and thus the Maha-Bha-
rata with its yamatvam kr etc. keeps for us an echo of an old Hindu-
Persian legend, a bit of antique lore from the days of Indo- Iranian
community.
8. On the iterative optative in Avestan ; by Professor Jack-
son.
In a limited number of instances in the Avesta the optative mode is
used iteratively to express a customary, repeated, wonted, or general
action. Its employment is like that of the subjunctive of typical
action which occurs quite commonly in Avestan. This iterative use of
the optative is doubtless a development out of the potential force inher-
ent in the mode ; the optative, thus employed, assumes a significance
almost like a present or a preterite. To English ears, a usage precisely
parallel to this modal phase is familiar in such a periphrastic form as
'she would sit the livelong day and weep.'
The instances in the Avesta which I have been able thus far to collect
are here presented. Some of them have already been noted by Bar-
tholomae Das altiranische Verbum, p. 212. Other additions to the list
may later be made. It will be observed that I have not been able as
yet to quote for the list a positive occurrence of an iterative optative in
the metrical Gathas. Most of the examples cited are from later texts,
but it will be noticed that half the instances are from metrical portions
of the Avesta. It will likewise be observed in several of the occur-
rences that the optative stands in a relative or subordinate clause.
Tin- number of these latter might have been increased. Two of the
instances of the iterative optative occur in sentences which denote a
comparison. The material follows :
1. Av. (Gathic prose) athd athd' coif ahuro mazddo zarathuStrem
ad akh 8 ay a eta — athd athd coif daevdiS sarem vydmrvita — athd
azemcij daevdiS aarem vimruye 'just as Ahura Mazda taught Zara-
thushtra and as Zarathushtra renounced connection with the
Demons, so do I renounce connection with the Demons' (i. e. 'as
Ormazd was wont to teach, etc.' ydakhS, cf. Ys. xliii. 15). Ys. xii. 5.
But note that Caland, KZ. xxxiii. 802, takes vydmrvita as preterite
indicative.
2. Av. (prose) zarathuStro ahunem vairim frasr&vayat (v. I. optative
frasravaydtf) — apo vanuhiS frdyazaeta—da&nam mdzdayasnlm fra-
orenaeta 'Zarathushtra repeatedly chanted the Ahuna Vairya
formula and worshipped the good waters and professed the law
of the worshippers of Mazda.' Vd. xix.
8. Av. yd anu a&am baresma frastareflti yatha aiava jamdtpa
frastarenatta ratufrii ' whoso forms the bundle of barsoni as the
righteous Jamaspa was wont to form it (or would form it, if liv-
ing), such a one is satisfactory to the priest ' (Nirangistan 88, of. Dar-
mesteter Le Zend-Avesta Hi 186; also ed. by Darab Dastur Peshotan
Sanjana p ).
188 American Oriental Society' '« Proceedings, April, 1896. [1896.
4. Av. (metrical) mithrevi vouru-gaoyaoitlm yd bddha ustana-zasto \
urvazemno avaroif vdcim ' Mithra, the lord of wide pastures, who
constantly raises (opt.) his voice joyously and with uplifted hands.'
Yt. x. 73.
5. Av. (metrical) karsnahe—fravaMm yazaniaide — yenhe nmdne a§is
vanuhi \ srira khSoithni fracaraeta 'we worship the Fravashi of
Karsna in whose house tarried (i. e. was wont to abide) Ashi Vanuhi.
Yt. xiii. 107. So also Caland.
6. Av. (metrical) turn zemarguzo akerenavo \ vwpe daeva zarathuMra
| yoi para ahrndf vlroraodha \ apatayen paiti ay a zemd 'thou, O
Zarathushtra, didst banish under the earth all the Demons that for-
merly in human shape were wont to fly upon this earth.' Ys. ix. 15.
7-10. Likewise in these general relative clauses : YAv. (metrical)
renjaiti haomahe madho \ yd yatha puthrem taurunem \ haomem vaft-
daeta masyo \ 'the intoxication of Haoma makes lively the man who
greets (whosoever is wont to greet — opt.) Haoma like a young son.'
Ys. x. 8 ;— Av. ya\ turn ainlm avaenois saocayaca kerenavantem — da{
turn nisidhois gdthdo-srdvayo—frataire gdtvo donhanam frataro-
taire gdtvo nisddhayois ' as often as thou didst see another causing
annoyance, then thou wouldst sit chanting the Psalms, and thou
didst make me (thereby) to sit in a foremost place, who was already
sitting in a forward place.' Hadhokht Nask ii. 13-14 (Yt. xxii. 13-14).
Cf. Haug and West Arda Viraf p. 312.
9. " Universal " qualities in the Malayan language ; by Dr. C.
P. G. Scott, Radnor, Pa.
This paper set forth some of the characteristic phonetic, lexical, and
syntactic features of the Malayan tongue, the general language of the
Eastern Archipelago ; pointed out their remarkable fundamental like-
ness in these respects to Latin and English ; and sought to find the
bases for the approximately "universal" use to which each of the
three languages has attained within its historical and commercial
sphere, in certain fundamental characteristics which concern universal
grammar and logic, and in anthropology. There was also a skit at
" Volapuk " and " Spelin."
Vol. xvii.] List of Members. 189
LIST OF MEMBERS.
1896.
The number placed after the address indicates the year of election.
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192 American Oriental Society. [1896.
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THOMAS B. LAWLER, 89 May St., Worcester, Man. 1894.
CASPAR LEVIAB, Hebrew Union College, Cincinnati, Ohio. 1898.
VOL. nrn. 18
194 American Oriental Society. [1896.
Rev. CLIFTON HADY LEVY, 728 Lennox St., Baltimore, Md. 1896.
ROBERT LILLEY, 72 Fifth Ave., New York, N. Y. 1894.
Prof. THOMAS B. LINDSAY, Boston Univ., Boston, Mass. 1883.
HENRY F. LINSCOTT, Brown Univ., Providence, R. I. 1896.
Rev. ARTHUR LLOYD, Keiogijuku College, Tokio, Japan. 1893.
Gen'l CHARLES G. LORING (Museum of Fine Arts), 1 Mt. Vernon Place,
Boston, Mass. 1877.
Miss HELEN L. LOVELL, Flint, Mich. 1892.
PERCIVAL LOWELL, care of A. L. Lowell, 53 State St., Boston, Mass. 1893.
Prof. JULES LUQUIENS (Yale Univ.), 219 Whalley Ave., New Haven, Conn.
1873.
fBENJ. SMITH LYMAN, 708 Locust St., Philadelphia, Penn. 1871.
Prof. DAVID GORDON LYON (Harvard Univ.), 9 Buckingham St., Cambridge,
Mass. 1882.
Prof. DUNCAN B. MACDONALD (Hartford Theological Seminary), 181 Laurel
St., Hartford, Conn. 1893.
Prof. HERBERT W. MAGOUN (Oberlin College), 115 West Lorain St., Oberlin,
O. 1887.
Dr. MAX L. MARGOLJS, Hebrew Union College, Cincinnati, O. 1890.
Prof. ALLAN MARQUAND, College of New Jersey, Princeton, N. J. 1888.
Prof. DAVID C. MARQUIS (McCormick Theological Seminary), 322 Belden
Ave., Chicago, 111. 1890.
Prof. WINFRED ROBERT MARTIN, Trinity College, Hartford, Conn. 1889.
Prof. CHAS. MARSH MEAD, Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford, Conn.
1867.
Rev. Dr. SELAH MERRILL, Andover, Mass. 1873.
Dr. ALFRED BERNARD MOLDENKE, care of Dr. C. E. Moldenke, 124 East 46th
St., New York, N. Y. 1892.
Dr. CHARLES E. MOLDENKE, 124 East 46th St., New York, N. Y. 1885.
Prof. CLIFFORD H. MOORE, Univ. of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1893.
Prof. GEORGE F. MOORE, Theological Seminary, Andover, Mass. 1887.
Prof. PAUL ELMER MORE, Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pa. 1893.
Prof. EDWARD S. MORSE, Salem, Mass. 1894.
Rev. A. J. ELDER MULLAN, S. J. (Woodstock College), Woodstock, Howard
Co., Md. 1889.
ISAAC MEYER, 21 East 60th St., New York, N. Y. 1888.
GEORGE L. MYERS, care of Theo. W. Myers and Co., 47 New St., New York,
N. Y. 1893.
GEORGE NATHAN NEWMAN, Randolph, N. Y. 1891.
Prof. CHARLES ELIOT NORTON, Harvard Univ., Cambridge, Mass. 1857.
Prof. HANNS OERTEL (Yale Univ.), 31 York Sq., New Haven, Conn. 1890.
GEORGE N. OLCOTT, Columbia Coll., New York, N. Y. 1892.
fRoBERT M. OLYPHANT, 160 Madison Ave., New York, N. Y. 1861.
JOHN ORNE, 104 Ellery St., Cambridge, Mass. 1890.
GEORGE W. OSBORN, New York University, University Heights, New York,
N. Y. 1894.
Rev. GEORGE PALMER PARDINGTON, 194 Park Place, Brooklyn, N. Y. 1896.
Prof. LEWIS B. PATON, Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford, Conn.
1894.
Vol. xvii.] List of Members. 195
Dr. CHABLES PEABODY, 197 Brattle St., Cambridge, Mass. 1892.
Rev. ISMAR J. PERITZ, 710 Madison St., Syracuse, N. Y. 1894.
Prof. MARSHALL L. PERRIN (Boston Univ.), Wellesley Hills, Mass. 1892.
Prof. EDWARD DELAVAN PERRY (Columbia Univ.), 133 East 55th St., New
York, N. Y. 1879.
Rev. Dr. JOHN P. PETERS (St. Michael's Church), 225 West 99th St., New
York, N. Y. 1882.
Prof. DAVID PHILIPSON, Hebrew Union College, Cincinnati, O. 1889.
Prof. SAMUEL BALL PLATNER, Adelbert College, Cleveland, O. 1885.
MURRAY ANTHONY POTTER, 508 California St., San Francisco, Cal. 1893.
Prof. IRA M. PRICE (Univ. of Chicago), Morgan Park, 111. 1887.
Prof. JOHN DYNELEY PRINCE (University of the City of New York), 19 West
34th St., New York, N. Y. 1888.
HUGO RADAU, General Theological Seminary, Chelsea Square, New York,
N. Y. 1896.
Madame ZENA!DE A. RAGOZIN, 115 Second Ave., New York, N. Y. 1888.
Rev. F. P. RAMSAY, Augusta, Ky. 1889.
Dr. GEORGE ANDREW REISNER (Harvard Univ.), Cambridge, Mass. 1891.
Dr. HUGO ALBERT RENNERT (Univ. of Pennsylvania), 539 North 13th St.,
Philadelphia, Pa. 1888.
Dr. CHARLES RICE, Bellevue Hospital, New York, N. Y. 1875.
EDWARD ROBINSON, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Mass. 1894.
Prof. GEORGE LIVINGSTON ROBINSON, Knox College, Toronto, Canada. 1892.
Hon. WILLIAM WOODVILLE ROCKHILL, Assistant Secretary of State of the
United States, Washington, D. C. 1880.
Prof. ROBERT W. ROGERS, Drew Theological Seminary, Madison, N. J.
JAMES HARDY ROPES (Harvard University), 29 Divinity Hall, Cambridge,
Mass. 1893.
SANFORD L. ROTTEU, 55 Oak St. (or care of E. J. Smith & Co., 65 and 67
Asylum St.), Hartford, Conn. 1894.
Miss ADELAIDE RUDOLPH, 63 West 55th St., New York, N. Y. 1894.
THOMAS H. P. SAILER, 217 South 42d St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1890.
fProf. EDWARD E. SALISBURY, 237 Church St., New Haven, Conn. 1842.
Dr. H. ERNEST SCHMIDT, White Plains, N. Y. 1866.
Prof. NATHANIEL SCHMIDT, Colgate Univ., Hamilton, N. Y. 1894.
Dr. CHARLES P. G. SCOTT, Radnor, Pa. 1895.
J. HERBERT SENTKR, 10 Avon St., Portland, Maine. 1870.
THOMAS STANLEY SIMONDS, Johns Hopkins Univ., Baltimore, Md. 1892.
MACY M. SKINNER (Harvard Univ.), 32 College House, Cambridge, Mass.
L8M.
Dr. DAVID H. SLEEM, 42 West 97th St., New York, N. Y. 1892.
Prof. HENRY PRESERVED SMITH, Lakewood, New Jersey. 1877.
HERBERT WEIR SMYTH, Bryn Mawr, Penn. 1884.
Dr. EDMUND NATHANIEL SNYDER, 278 Harkness Ave., Cleveland, O. 1891.
MAXWELL SOMMERVILLE, 124 North Seventh St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1890.
IT I i. WARD H. SPIEKER, Johns Hopkins Univ., Baltimore, Md. 1884.
M. VICTOR STALEY, 826 W. Pearl St., Oshkosh, Wis. 1894.
Rev. JAMES D. STEELE, 29 West 93d St., New York, X. Y. 1808.
196 American Oriental Society. [1896.
ALEXIS W. STEIN, JR. (St. George's Church), 16th St. and Stuyvesant
Square, New York, N. Y. 1891.
Prof. J. H. STEVENSON, Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tenn. 1896.
Mrs. SARA YORKE STEVENSON, 237 South 21st St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1890.
Prof. GEORGE STIBITZ, Ursinus College, Collegeville, Penn. 1891.
ALFRED W. STRATTON, 464 Euclid Ave., Toronto, Canada (or Chicago Univ.,
Chicago, m.). 1894.
MAYER SULZBERGER, 537 Chestnut St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1888.
Prof. JOHN PHELPS TAYLOR, Theological Seminary, Andover, Mass. 1884.
Prof. J. HENRY THAYER (Harvard Univ.), 67 Sparks St., Cambridge, Mass.
1874.
Prof. HENRY A. TODD (Columbia Coll.), 730 West End Ave., New York,
N. Y. 1885.
Prof. HERBERT GUSHING TOLMAN, Vanderbilt Univ., Nashville, Tenn. 1890.
Dr. CHARLES C. TORREY, Theological Seminary, Andover, Mass. 1891.
Prof. CRAWFORD H. TOY (Harvard Univ.), 7 Lowell St., Cambridge, Mass.
1871.
Prof. JOSEPH VINCENT TRACY, St. Mary's Seminary, Baltimore, Md. 1892.
Rev. HENRY CLAY TRUMBULL, 4103 Walnut St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1888.
Hon. J. HAMMOND TRUMBULL, 734 Asylum St., Hartford, Conn. 1860.
Prof. CHARLES MELLEN TYLER, Cornell Univ. , Ithaca, N. Y. 1894.
ADDISON VAN NAME (Yale Univ.), 121 High St., New Haven, Conn. 1863.
EDWARD P. VINING, 532 Market St., San Francisco, Cal. 1883,
ITHOMAS WALSH, Yokohama, Japan. 1861.
Miss SUSAN HAYES WARD, Abington Ave., Newark, N. J. 1874.
Dr. WILLIAM HAYES WARD, 130 Fulton St., New York, N. Y. 1869.
Miss CORNELIA WARREN, 67 Mt. Vernon St., Boston, Mass. 1894.
fHENRY CLARKE WARREN, 12 Quincy St., Cambridge, Mass. 1882.
Pres. WILLIAM F. WARREN, Boston Univ., Boston, Mass. 1877.
Rev. W. SCOTT WATSON, Towerhill, P. O. Guttenberg, N. J. 1893.
Rev. EDWARD WEBB, Lincoln Univ., Oxford, Chester Co., Pa. Corresp.
Member, 1860; Corp., 1869.
Prof. J. E. WERREN, P. O. Box 149, Abington, Mass. 1894.
Prof. BENJAMIN IDE WHEELER (Cornell Univ.), 3 South Ave., Ithaca, N. Y.
1885.
Prof. JOHN WILLIAMS WHITE (Harvard Univ.), 18 Concord Ave., Cambridge,
Mass. 1877.
Dr. MOSES C. WHITE (Yale Univ.), 48 College St., New Haven, Conn. Cor-
resp. Member, 1853; Corp., 1860.
Prof. JOSIAH DWIGHT WHITNEY, Harvard Univ., Cambridge, Mass. 1857.
Dr. EARLEY VERNON WILCOX, 414 A. Washington St., Somerville, Mass.
1896.
FREDERICK WELLS WILLIAMS (Yale Univ.), 135 Whitney Ave., New Haven,
Conn. 1895.
TALCOTT WILLIAMS (" The Press "), 331 South 16th St., Philadelphia, Pa.
1884.
Rev. WILLIAM C. WINSLOW, 525 Beacon St., Back Bay, Boston, Mass. 1885.
Dr. ALBRECHT WIRTH. [Address desired.] 1894.
Vol. xvii.] List of Members. 197
Rev. STEPHEN S. WISE (Madison Avenue Synagogue), 119 East 65th St.,
New York, N. Y. 1894.
HENRY B. WITTON, Inspector of Canals, 16 Murray St., Hamilton, Ontario.
1885.
Rev. CHARLES JAMES WOOD, St. John's Rectory, York, Pa. 1892.
Prof. HENRY WOOD, Johns Hopkins Univ., Baltimore, Md. 1884.
Prof. THEODORE F. WRIGHT, 42 Quincy St., Cambridge, Mass. 1893.
Rev. ABRAHAM YOHANNAN, St. Bartholomew's Parish House, 205 East 42d
St., New York, N. Y. 1894.
Rev. EDWARD J. YOUNG, 519 Main St., Waltham, Mass. 1869.
[TOTAL, 259.]
in. CORRESPONDING MEMBERS.
Prof. GRAZIADIO ISAIA ASCOLI, Royal Academy of Sciences and Letters,
Milan, Italy.
Rev. C. C. BALDWIN (formerly Missionary at Foochow, China), 105 Spruce
St., Newark, N. J.
Prof. ADOLF BASTIAN, Univ. of Berlin, Germany. 1866.
Pres. DANIEL BLISS, Syrian Protestant Coll., Beirut, Syria.
Rev. HENRY BLODGET (formerly Missionary at Peking, China), 818 State St. ,
Bridgeport, Conn. 1858.
Rev. ALONZO BUNKER, Missionary at Toungoo, Burma. 1871.
Rev. MARCUS M. CARLETON, Missionary at Ambala, India.
Rev. EDSON L. CLARK, Hinsdale, Mass. Corp. Member, 1867.
Rev. WILLIAM CLARK, Florence, Italy.
Judge ERNEST H. CROSBY, International Court at Alexandria, Berkeley,
Alexandria (Care of the Department of State, Washington, D. C.),
Egypt. 1890.
Rev. JOSEPH EDKINS, Shanghai, China. 1869.
A. A. GARGIULO, U. S. Legation, Constantinople, Turkey. 1892.
HENRY GILLMAN, U. S. Consul at Jerusalem, Turkey. 1890.
GEORGE A. GRIERSON, Bengal Civil Service, Bankipur, Bengal. 1898.
Rev. LEWIS GROUT, West Brattleboro, Vt. 1849.
Rev. JOHN T. GULICK, Missionary at Osaka, Japan.
Dr. \VILLABE HASKELL, 96 Dwight St., New Haven, Conn. 1
Prof. J. H. HAYNES, Central Turkey Coll., Aintab, Syria. 1887.
Dr. JAMES C. HEPBURN, Missionary at Yokohama, Japan. 1878.
Dr. A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE, The Madrasa, Wellesley Square, Calcutta,
Bengal. 1898.
Rev. SAMUEL R. HOUSE, M.D., Waterford, N. Y. 1856.
DABTUR JAMASPJI MINOCHEHERJI JAMASP ASANA, Parsi Panchayet Lane,
Bombay, India. 1887.
Rev. HENRY H. JESSUP, Missionary at Beirut, Syria.
Rev. Dr. SAMUEL H. KELLOGG, The Firs, Landour, Mussoorie, N. W. P.,
India. 1872.
Rev. Prof. ALBERT L. LONG (Robert College), Constantinople, Turkey.
Rev. ROBERT S. MACLAY (formerly Missionary at Tokio, Japan), President
of the Univ. of the Pacific, Fernando, Cal.
198 American Oriental Society. [1896.
Pres. WILLIAM A. P. MARTIN, Audubon Park, West 156th St., New York,
N. Y. 1858.
Dr. DIVIK BETHUNK MCCARTEE, American Presbyterian Mission, Tokio,
Japan. 1857.
Rev. LAWRENCE H. MILLS, 19 Norham Road, Oxford, England. 1881.
Prof. EBERHARD NESTLE, Ulm, Wtirttemberg, Germany. 1888.
Dr. ALEXANDER G. PASPATI, Athens, Greece. 1861.
Rev. STEPHEN D. PEET, Good Hope, 111. 1881.
ALPHONSE PINART. [Address desired.] 1871.
Rev. ELIAS RIGOS, Missionary at Constantinople (Bible House), Turkey.
Prof. LEON DE ROSNY (Ecole des langues orientales vivantes), 47 Avenue
Duquesne, Paris, France. 1857.
Rev. Dr. S. I. J. SCHERESCHEWSKY, Shanghai, China.
Rev. W. A. SHEDD, Missionary at Oroomiah, Persia. 1893.
Dr. JOHN C. SUNDBERG, U. S. Consul, Baghdad, Turkey. 1893.
Rev. GEORGE N. THOMSSEN, of the American Baptist Mission, Kurnool,
Madras, India. (Now at 432 Fifteenth St., Brooklyn, N. Y.) Corp.
Member, 1890; Corresp., 1891.
Rev. GEORGE T. WASHBURN, Missionary at Pasumalai, Madura, India.
Rev. JAMES W. WAUGH, Missionary at Lucknow, India. (Now at Ocean
Grove, N. J.) 1873.
Rev. JOSEPH K. WIGHT, New Hamburgh, N. Y. Corp. Member, 1869.
CHARLES EDWIN WILBOUR, Cairo, Egypt. 1892.
[TOTAL, 43.]
Number of Members of the three classes, (20 + 259 + 43=) 322.
SOCIETIES, LIBRARIES, ETC., TO WHICH THE PUBLICATIONS OF THE AMERICAN
ORIENTAL SOCIETY ARE SENT BY WAY OF GIFT OR EXCHANGE.
I. AMERICA.
BOSTON, MASS.: American Academy of Arts and Sciences.
PHILADELPHIA, PA. : American Philosophical Society.
WASHINGTON, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution.
WORCESTER, MASS. : American Antiquarian Society.
II. EUROPE.
AUSTRIA, VIENNA : Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaf ten.
Anthropologische Gesellschaft.
PRAGUE : Konigliche Bb'hmische Gesellschaft der Wissenschaf ten .
DENMARK, ICELAND, REYKJAVIK : University Library.
FRANCE, PARIS : Socie'te' Asiatique. (Rue de Seine, Palais de 1'Institut.)
Acade*mie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres.
Bibliotheque Nationale.
Muse*e Guimet. (Avenue du Trocade*ro.)
Ecole des Langues Orientales Vivantes. (Rue de Lille, 2.)
Socie'te' d' Ethnographie Ame'ricaine et Orientale.
Socie'te' Acade*mique Indo-Chinoise.
Socie'te" des Etudes Japonaises.
Vol. xvii.] List of Exchanges. 199
GERMANY, BERLIN : KBniglich Preussiche Akademie der Wissenschaften.
KOnigliche Bibliothek.
GOTTIXGEN : Konigliche Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften.
HALLE: Bibliothek der Deutschen Morgenlftndischen Gesell-
schaft. (Friedrichstr. 50.)
LEIPZIG : Koniglich Sftchsische Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften.
MUNICH : Koniglich Bairische Akademie der Wissenschaften.
Konigliche Hof- und Staatsbibliothek.
GREAT BRITAIN, LONDON : Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland.
(22 Albemarlest., W.)
Library of the India Office. (Whitehall, SW.)
Society of Biblical Archaeology. (37 Great Russell
st., Bloomsbury, WC.)
Philological Society.
ITALY, FLORENCE : Societa Asiatica Italiana.
ROME : Reale Accademia dei Lincei.
NETHERLANDS, AMSTERDAM : Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen.
THE HAGUE : Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land-, en Vol-
kenknnde van Nederlandsch Indie.
LEIDEN : Cnratorium of the University.
NORWAY, CHRISTIANIA : Videnskabs-Selskab.
SWEDEN, UPSALA : Humanistiska Vetenskaps-Samf undet.
RUSSIA, ST. PETERSBURG : Imperatorskaja Akademija Nauk.
Archeologiji lust i tut.
m. ASIA.
CEYLON, COLOMBO : Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.
CHINA, PEKING : Peking Oriental Society.
SHANGHAI : North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.
i A, BOMBAY : Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.
CALCUTTA : The Asiatic Society of Bengal.
The Buddhist Text Society.
LAHORE : Oriental College.
JAPAN, TOKIO : The Asiatic Society of Japan.
JAVA, BATAVIA : Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen.
TURKEY, CONSTANTINOPLE : Imperial Ottoman Museum.
IV. AFRICA.
EGYPT, CAIRO : The Khedivial Library.
V. EDITORS OF THE FOLLOWING PERIODICALS.
The Indian Antiquary (care of the Education Society's Press, Bombay, India).
Wiener Zeitachrift ffir die Kunde des Morgenlandes (care of Alfred Holder,
Rothenthnrm-str. 15, Vienna, Austria).
Zeitachrift fur vergleichende Sprachforschung (care of Prof. E. Kulin, 8
Hess-str., Munich, Bavaria).
200 American Oriental Society. [1896.
Indogermanische Forschungen (care of Prof. W. Streitberg, Freiburg,
Switzerland).
Revue de 1'Histoire des Religions (care of M. Jean Re*ville, chez M. E.
Leroux, 28 rue Bonaparte, Paris, France).
Revue des Etudes Juives.
Revue Arche*ologique. (Rue de Lille, 2, Paris, France.)
Zeitschrift fiir die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft (care of Prof. Bernhard
Stade, Giessen, Germany).
Beitrage zur Assyriologie und Semitischen Sprachwissenschaft.
Orientalische Bibliographie (care of Dr. Lucian Scherman, Munich, Bavaria).
The American Antiquarian and Oriental Journal, Good Hope, Illinois.
RECIPIENTS : 279 (Members) + 58 (Gifts and Exchanges) = 337.
REQUEST.
The Editors request the Librarians of any Institutions or Libraries, not
already mentioned, to which this Journal may regularly come, to notify them
of the fact. It is the intention of the Editors to print a list, as complete as
may be, of regular subscribers for the Journal or of recipients thereof.
Vol. xvii.] Constitution and By-Laws. 201
CONSTITUTION AND BY-LAWS
OF THE
AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY
Revised, 1896.
CONSTITUTION.
ARTICLE I. This Society shall be called the AMERICAN ORIENTAL, SOCIETY.
ARTICLE II. The objects contemplated by this Society shall be : —
1. The cultivation of learning in the Asiatic, African, and Polynesian
languages, as well as the encouragement of researches of any sort by which
the knowledge of the East may be promoted.
J. The cultivation of a taste for oriental studies in this country.
8. The publication of memoirs, translations, vocabularies, and other com-
munications, presented to the Society, which may be valuable with reference
to the before mentioned objects.
4. The collection of a library and cabinet.
ARTICLE III. The members of this Society shall be distinguished as cor-
porate and honorary.
ARTICLE IV. All candidates for membership must be proposed by the
Directors, at some stated meeting of the Society, and no person shall be
elected a member of either class without receiving the votes of as many as
three-fourths of all the members present at the meeting.
ARTICLE V. The government of the Society shall consist of a President,
three Vice-Presidents, a Corresponding Secretary, a Recording Secretary, a
Treasurer, a Librarian, and seven Directors, who shall be annually elected
by ballot, at the annual meeting.
ARTICLE VI. The President and Vice-Presidente shall perform the cus-
tomary duties of such officers, and shall be ex officio members of the Board
of Directors. .
ARTICLE VII. The Secretaries, Treasurer, and Librarian shall be ex officio
members of the Board of Directors, and shall perform their respective duties
under the superintendence of said Board.
ARTICLE VIII. It shall be the duty of the Board of Directors to regulate
the financial concerns of the Society, to superintend its publications, to carry
into effect the resolutions and orders of the Society, and to exercise a general
supervision over its affairs. Five Directors at any regular meeting shall be
a quorum for doing business.
ARTICLE IX. An Annual meeting of the Society shall be held during
Easter week, the day* and place of the meeting to be determined by the
Directors, said meeting to be held in Massachusetts at least once in three
202 American Oriental Society. [1896.
years. One or more other meetings, at the discretion of the Directors, may
also be held each year at such place and time as the Directors shall determine.
ARTICLE X. This Constitution may be amended, on a recommendation of
the Directors, by a vote of three-fourths of the members present at an annual
meeting.
BY-LAWS.
I. The Corresponding Secretary shall conduct the correspondence of the
Society, and it shall be his duty to keep, in a book provided for the purpose,
a copy of his letters ; and he shall notify the meetings in such manner as the
President or the Board of Directors shall direct.
II. The Recording Secretary shall keep a record of the proceedings of the
Society in a book provided for the purpose.
III. a. The Treasurer shall have charge of the funds of the Society ; and
his investments, deposits, and payments shall be made under the superin-
tendence of the Board of Directors. At each annual meeting he shall report
the state of the finances, with a brief summary of the receipts and payments
of the previous year.
HI. 6. After December 31, 1896, the fiscal year of the Society shall corre-
spond with the calendar year.
III. c. At each annual business meeting in Easter week, the President
shall appoint an auditing committee of two men — preferably men residing in
or near the town where the Treasurer lives — to examine the Treasurer's
accounts and vouchers, and to inspect the evidences of the Society's property,
and to see that the funds called for by his balances are in his hands. The
Committee shall perform this duty as soon as possible after the New Year's
day succeeding their appointment, and shall report their findings to the
Society at the next annual business meeting thereafter. If these findings are
satisfactory, the Treasurer shall receive his acquittance by a certificate to
that effect, which shall be recorded in the Treasurer's book, and published
in the Proceedings.
IV. The Librarian shall keep a catalogue of all books belonging to the
Society, with the names of the donors, if they are presented, and shall at
each annual meeting make a report of the accessions to the library during
the previous year, and shall be farther guided in the discharge of his duties
by such rules as the Directors shall prescribe.
V. All papers read before the Society, and all manuscripts, deposited by
authors for publication, or for other purposes, shall be at the disposal of the
Board of Directors.
VI. Each corporate member shall pay into the treasury of the Society an
annual assessment of five dollars ; but a donation at any one time of seventy-
five dollars shall exempt from obligation to make this payment.
VII. Corporate and Honorary members shall be entitled to a copy of all
the publications of the Society issued during their membership, and shall
also have the privilege of taking a copy of those previously published, so far
as the Society can supply them, at half the ordinary selling price.
VIII. If any corporate member shall for two years fail to pay his assess-
ments, his name may, at the discretion of the Directors, be dropped from the
list of members of the Society.
Vol. xvii.] Constitution and By-Laws. 203
IX. Six members shall form a quorum for doing business, and three to
adjourn.
SUPPLEMENTAEY BY-LAW.
I. FOR THE LIBRARY.
1. The Library shall be accessible for consultation to all members of the
Society, at such times as the Library of Yale College, with which it is
deposited, shall be open for a similar purpose ; farther, to such persons as
shall receive the permission of the Librarian, or of the Librarian or Assistant
Librarian of Yale College.
Vny member shall be allowed to draw books from the Library upon the
following conditions : he shall give his receipt for them to the Librarian,
pledging himself to make good any detriment the Library may suffer from
their loss or injury, the amount of said detriment to be determined by the
Librarian, with the assistance of the President, or of a Vice-President ; and
he shall return them within a time not exceeding three months from that of
their reception, unless by special agreement with the Librarian this term
shall be extended.
3. Persons not members may also, on special grounds, and at the discre-
tion of the Librarian, be allowed to take and use the Society's books, upon
depositing with the Librarian a sufficient security that they shall be duly
returned in good condition, or their loss or damage fully compensated.
Publications. 205
PUBLICATIONS OF THE AMERICAN ORIENTAL
SOCIETY.
PRICE OF THE JOURNAL.
Vol. I. (1843-1 849), No. 1 (Nos. 2-4 out of print), $ .50
Vol. II. (1851), 2.50
Vol. III. (1852-1853), 2.50
Vol. IV. (1853-1854), 2.50
Vol. V. (1855-1856), 2.50
Vol. VI. (1860), 5.00
Vol. VII.(1862), 5.00
Vol. VIII. (1866), 5.00
Vol. IX. (1871), 5.00
Vol. X. (1872-1880), 6.00
Vol. XI. (1882-1885), 5.00
Vol. XII. (1881),... 4.00
V-.l. XIII. (1889), 6.00
Vol. XIV. (1890), _ 5.00
Vol. XV. (1893), 5.00
Vol. XVI. (1894-1896), 5.00
Vol. XVII. (1896), 2.50
Total,.. ..$69.00
Whitney's Taittiriya-Pratiyiikhya (vol. ix.), $5.00
Avery's Sanskrit Verb-Inflection (from vol. x.), 75
Whitney's Index Verborurato the Atharva-Veda (vol. xii.), 4.00
The same (vol. xii.) on lar^i- paper, 5.00
Bloomfield's Kau$ika-Siitra of the Atharva-Veda (vol. xiv.), 5.00
Oertel's Janniniya-Upanisad-Brahmana (from vol. xvi.),... 1.75
Volume xvi., number 2, 1.85
i
For any of the above, address the Librarian of the Society,
Mr. Addison Van Name, New Haven, Connecticut. Mnuhri-x
can have the series at half price. To public libraries or those
of educational in>tituii'.ii>, V,,l. I. No. 1, and Vols. II. to V. will
be given free, au<l tin- rent (price $58.50) sold at a discount of
twenty per cent.
206 American Oriental Society.
TO CONTRIBUTORS.
Fifty copies of each article published in this Journal will be
forwarded to the author. A larger number will be furnished at
cost.
Arabic, Persian, Syriac (Jacobite and Nestorian), Armenian,
Sanskrit, Tamil, Chinese, and Japanese fonts of type are provided
for the printing of the Journal, and others will be procured from
time to time, as they are needed.
GENERAL NOTICES.
1. Members are requested to give immediate notice of changes
of address to the Treasurer, Mr. Henry C. Warren, 12 Quincy
Street, Cambridge, Mass.
2. It is urgently requested that gifts and exchanges intended
for the Library of the Society be addressed as follows : " The
Library of the American Oriental Society, New Haven, Connecti-
cut, U. S.. America."
3. For information regarding the sale of the Society's publica-
tions, see the next foregoing page.
4. Communications for the Journal should be sent to Prof.
C. R. Lanman, 9 Farrar Street, Cambridge, Mass.
CONCERNING MEMBERSHIP.
It is not necessary for any one to be a professed Orientalist in
order to become a member of the Society. All persons — men or
women — who are in sympathy with the objects of the Society
and willing to further its work are invited to give it their help.
This help may be rendered by the payment of the annual assess-
ments, by gifts to its library, or by scientific contributions to its
Journal, or in all of these ways. Persons desiring to become
members are requested to apply to the Treasurer, whose address
is given above. Members receive the Journal free. The annual
assessment is $5. The fee for Life-Membership is $75.
PJ American Oriental Society
2 Journal
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