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Full text of "Journal of the American Oriental Society"

I 




JOURNAL 



OF THE 



AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY, 



EDITED BY 



CHARLES C. TORREY, AND HANNS OERTEL 

Professor in Yale University, Professor in Yale University. 

New Haven, Conn. New Haven, Conn. 



THIRTY- SECOND VOLUME 



// 



THE AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY, 

NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT, U.S.A. 

MCMXII. 



A copy of this volume, postage paid, may be 
obtained anywhere within the limits of the 
Universal Postal Union, by sending a Postal 
Money Order for six dollars, or its equiva- 
lent, to The American Oriental Society, New 
Haven, Connecticut, United States of America, 




AS 



Printed by W. Drugulin, Leipzig (Germany), 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



Page 

AITKEN, "W. E. M. : Notes on a Collation of some Unpublished In- 
scriptions of Ashurnazirpal 130 

BARRET, L. C.: The Kashmirian Atharva Veda, Book Three ... 343 

BLAKE, F. R.: The Hebrew Metheg 78 

BLAKE, F. R.: Comparative Syntax of the Combinations formed by 

the Noun and its Modifiers in Semitic 135, 201 

FAY, E. W. : The Vedic hapax susisvi-s 391 

GRAY, L. H.: The Dutangada of Subhata, now first translated from 

the Sanskrit and Prakrit 58 

HAUPT, P.: Some Difficult Passages in the Cuneiform Account of 

the Deluge 1 

HAUPT, P.: The five Assyrian stems la'u 17 

HOYT, S. F.: The Name of the Red Sea . 115 

HOYT, S. F.: The Holy One in Psalm 16, 10 120 

HOYT, S. F: The Etymology of Religion 126 

LICHTI, 0.: Das Sendschreiben des Patriarchen Barschuschan an den 

Catholicus der Armenier 268 

MONTGOMERY, J. A.: A Magical Bowl-Text and the Original Script 

of the Manichaeans 434 

MULLER, W. M.: Remarks on the Carthaginian Deity 429 

OGDEN, E. S. : A Conjectural Interpretation of Cuneiform Texts . 103 
OLIPHANT, S. G.: The Vedic Dual: Part VI, The Elliptic Dual; 

Part VII, The Dual Dvandva 33 

OLIPHANT, S. G.: Sanskrit dhena = Avestan daena = Lithuanian daina 393 

PETERSEN, W. : Vedic, Sanskrit, and Prakrit 414 

VANDERBURGH, F. A.: Babylonian Legends, BM Tablets 87535, 93828 

and 87521, CT XV, Plates 16 . , 21 



PROCEEDINGS 



OP THE 



AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY 



AT ITS 



MEETING IN NEW YORK, N. Y. 
1912 



The annual meeting of the Society, being the one hundred 
twenty -fourth occasion of its assembling, was held in New York, 
N. Y., at Columbia University, on Tuesday, Wednesday, and 
Thursday of Easter week, April 9th, 10th, and llth, 1912. 

The following members were present at one or more of the 
sessions : 



Abbott 


Edgerton 


Jenkins, Miss 


Price 


Abbott, Mrs. 


Fagnani 


Kent, E. G. 


Prince 


Appleton 


Frame 


Kohn, Miss 


Quackenbos 


Arnold 


Friedlaender 


Lanman 


Rudolph, Miss 


Asakawa 


Gelbach, Miss 


Madsen 


Scott, 0. P. G. 


Barret 


Gellot 


Margolis, E. 


Sherman 


Barton 


Gottheil 


Margolis, M. L. 


Smith, H. P. 


Bender 


Grant 


Montgomery 


Steele 


Black 


Gray 


Moore, G. F. 


Torrey 


Bloomfield 


Gray, Mrs. 


Moore, Mrs. 


Ussher 


Boiling 


Grieve, Miss 


Miiller 


Vanderburgh 


Briggs 


Haas 


Nies, J. B. 


Ward, Miss 


Brown, F. 


Haessler, Miss 


Oertel 


Ward, W. H. 


Briinnow 


Harper, R. F. 


Ogden, C. J. 


Williams, F. W. 


Burlingame 


Hirth 


Ogden, Miss 


Williams, T. 


Campbell 


Hurwitz 


Oliphant 


Worrell 


Cams 


Hussey, Miss 


Perry 


Yohannan 


Cunningham 


Jackson 


Peters 




Du Bose 


Jackson, Mrs. 


Poebel 


TOTAL: 7^ 



The first session was held in Philosophy Hall on Tuesday 
afternoon, beginning at 3:10 p. m., the President, Professor 
George F. Moore, being in the chair. 

The reading of the minutes of the meeting in Cambridge, 
April 19th and 20th, 1911, was dispensed with, because they 
had already been printed in the Journal (vol. 31, part 4, p. i-ix). 

The Committee of Arrangements presented its report, through 
Professor Grottheil, in the form of a printed program. The 
succeeding sessions were appointed for "Wednesday morning 
at half past nine, Wednesday afternoon at half past two, and 
Thursday morning at half past nine. It was announced that 
there would be an informal meeting of the members at the 
Hotel Marseilles on Tuesday evening, that a luncheon would 
be given to the Society by the local members at the University 
Commons on Wednesday at 1 : 15 p. m., and that arrangements 
had been made for a subscription dinner at the Hotel Mar- 
seilles on Wednesday evening at half past seven. 

REPORT OF THE CORRESPONDING SECRETARY. 

The Corresponding Secretary, Professor A. V. Williams 
Jackson, presented the following report: 

The Corresponding Secretary has the honor to report at the outset that 
he has received from President Nicholas Murray Butler of Columbia Uni- 
versity a message of hearty greeting to the members assembled at this 
meeting. President Butler expresses his regret that his duties as presiding 
officer at a political convention held at Rochester, N. Y., deprive him of 
the pleasure of attending some of the sessions. 

The regular correspondence of the Secretary during the past year has 
involved the writing of a large number of letters, to members and others, 
in regard to matters directly connected with the Society s work. The 
obligation has, however, been a pleasant one, for it has led to a number 
of interesting communications with fellow-workers, not only in America 
and Europe, but also in the East, including a remote corner of Kurdistan. 

The formal invitation to participate in the International Congress of 
Orientalists at Athens was supplemented, during this last year, by further 
communications and bulletins, and it may be mentioned here that the 
President, Professor Moore, appointed Professors Hopkins, Jastrow, and 
Haupt to represent the Society at the Congress. Professor Hopkins, in 
a letter written in Athens on the eve of the Congress and received here 
yesterday, sends his cordial greetings to the members of the Society and 
his good wishes for the present meeting. 

As instructed by the Directors, the Secretary attended the annual 
meeting of the American Year Book Corporation as the Society's repre- 
sentative. He welcomes the opportunity of mentioning the desire of all 
econcerned in this enterprise to give appropriate space to Oriental matters 
and especially to Oriental scholarship in America. 



Ill 

It is a sad duty to record the loss of four members by death in the 
past twelve months. 

Col. Thomas Wentworth Higginson, who had been a member of the 
Society since 1869, died on May 19, 1911, at the ripe age of eighty-seven 
years. His activities as a historian and essayist, as well as his achieve- 
ments as a eoldier, are too well known to need record here. Col. Higgin- 
son was a regular attendant at the Cambridge sessions and occasionally 
at meetings elsewhere. At the last meeting, being unable to be present, 
he sent a message of greeting, whereupon the Society directed Professor 
l/anman to express its appreciation and good wishes. 

Lady Caroline De Filippi, nee Fitzgerald, who died in Rome, Italy, on 
Christmas Day, 1911, joined the Society in 1886 and became one of its 
life-members. Her interest in the Orient, first aroused by Professor 
Whitney, continued throughout her life, and she traveled extensively in 
the East, particularly in Central Asia, Ladakh, and India. 

Mr. Charles J. Morse, of Evanston, 111., whose death occurred on 
December 6, 1911, had become a member in 1909. Mr. Morse, who was 
an engineer by profession, spent some time in Japan and became interested 
in the art of the Far East. He gathered a rich collection of Chinese and 
Japanese paintings, porcelain, and other works of art, together with a 
library of works relating to the subject. This collection is preserved in 
a fireproof room in the residence of his widow at Evanston. 

Dr. John Orne, Curator of Arabic manuscripts in the Semitic Museum 
at Cambridge, has also been removed from our list by death. He had 
been for twenty-one years a corporate member of the Society and had 
regularly attended the meetings held at Cambridge. 

In concluding this report the Secretary desires to express once again 
his appreciation of the willing co-operation of all who are associated 
with him in the work of the Society, and to renew a hearty wish for its 
continued welfare. 

REPORT OF THE TREASURER. 

The Treasurer, Professor F. W. Williams, presented his annual 
report, as follows: 

RECEIPTS AND DISBURSEMENTS BY THE TREASURER OF THE AMERICAN ORIENTAL 
SOCIETY FOR THE YEAR ENDING DEC. 31, 1911. 

Receipts. 

Balance from old account, Dec. 31, 1910 $ 860.94 

Annual dues $ 1216.23 

Sales of the Journal 303.55 

State National Bank dividends 127.93 

Contribution for the Library 100.00 1747.71 

$ 2608.65 
Expenditures. 

Printing of the Journal, Volume 31 $ 1096.80 

Sundry printing and addressing 53.12 

Editor's honorarium 100.00 

Balance to new account 1358.73 $ 2608.65 



if 

STATEMENT. 

1910 1911 

Bradley Type Fund .......... $ 2,914.35 $ 3,052.29 

Cotheal Fund ............. 1,000.00 1,000.00 

State National Bank Shares ...... 1,950.00 1,950.00 

Connecticut Savings Bank ....... 

National Savings Bank ........ 13.07 20.76 

Interest, Cotheal Fund ........ 284.71 330.05 

$ 6,169.03 $ 6,353.10 

REPORT OF THE AUDITING COMMITTEE. 

The report of the Auditing Committee, Professors Torrey 
and Oertel, was presented by the Eecording Secretary, as 
follows: 

"We hereby certify that we have examined the account book of the 
Treasurer of this Society and have found the same correct, and that the 
foregoing account is in conformity therewith. We have also compared 
the entries in the cash book with the vouchers and bank and pass books 
and have found all correct. 



CHARLES C. ,., 

NEW HAVEN, Conn, April 8, 1912. -g^ QERTEL Auditors. 



REPORT OF THE LIBRARIAN. 

The report of the Librarian, Professor Albert T. Clay, was 
presented by Dr. Haas, as follows: 

During the past year the books and pamphlets which have been re- 
ceived have been acknowledged and taken care of as previously. Aside 
from the cataloguing of serial publications no attempt has been made 
to classify the accessions. 

I need not repeat what has previously been stated concerning the 
condition of disorder which- exists in the Library, making it an almost 
impossible task to locate works, other than serial publications, desired 
by members. As the Society is aware, the serial publications have been 
catalogued by Miss Whitney and her associates under the direction of 
the former Librarian, Professor Oertel. 

During the winter I began to solicit subscriptions from members of 
the Society to put the Library into shape. In answer to eight letters I 
received only two replies that seemed favorable, one of them being an 
inquiry; whereupon I concluded that if the money was to be raised, 
some other method would have to be adopted. I have brought this 
matter to the attention of the Directors, asking whether the funds of 
the Society will not permit appropriating a certain amount for the 
maintenance of the Library. 

REPORT OF THE EDITORS. 

The report of the Editors of the Journal, Professors Oertel 
and Jewett, was presented by Professor Oertel, as follows :. 



The date of publication of the four quarterly instalments has been 
changed from December, March, June, and September to January, April, 
July, and October, to make the publication of each volume fall within 
a single calendar year. The Editors respectfully request members of the 
Society to notify Professor J. 0. Schwab, Librarian of Yale University, 
at once of any change in their mailing address. Failure to receive the 
current numbers of the Journal is in most cases due to neglect in 
keeping the mailing-list up-to-date. The Editors also request that all 
manuscript copy for the next volume of the Journal be handed to them 
immediately after the meeting. They further call the attention of con- 
tributors to the following rule adopted by the Directors: That each 
contributor to the Journal shall be allowed 10% of .the cost of compo- 
sition for author's alterations in proof, and that all cost of such altera- 
tions in excess of this allowance shall be charged against the author. 

ELECTION OP MEMBERS. 

The following persons, recommended by the Directors, were 
elected members of the Society (for convenience the names of 
those elected at a subsequent session are included in this list): 

CORPORATE MEMBERS. 

Mrs. Justin E. Abbott Mr. H. Linfield 

Prof. Felix Adler Dr. Daniel D. Luckenbill 

Mr. Ronald C. Allen Mr. C. V. McLean 

Rev. Dr. Floyd Appleton Rev. Mr. Elias Margolis 

Mrs. Daniel Bates Prof. Samuel A. B. Mercer 

Mr. Granville Burrus Mrs. Charles J. Morse 

Rev. Mr. Win. H. Du Bose Prof. George A. Peckham 

Mr. William T. Ellis Dr. Arno Poebel 

Dr. Henry C. Finkel Dr. Caroline L. Ransom 

Prof. Alexander R. Gordon Mr. G. A. Reichling 

Mrs. Ida M. Hanchett Mr. Wilfred H. Schoff 

Mr. Newton H. Harding Mr. Martin Sprengling 

Dr. Archer M. Huntington Mr. Emanuel Sternheim 

Mr. S. T. Hurwitz Mr. David E. Thomas 

Mrs. A. Y. Williams Jackson Rev. Mr. LeRoy Waterman 

Dr. Hester D. Jenkins Mr. Arthur J. Westermayr 

Dr. Otto Lichti Mr. John G. White 

ELECTION OF OFFICERS FOR 1912-1913. 

The committee appointed at Cambridge to nominate officers 
for the year 1912 1913, consisting of Professors Lanman and 
Lyon and Dr. Charles J. Ogden, reported through the chairman, 
Professor Lanman, and made the following nominations: 

President Professor George F. Moore, of Cambridge. 
Vice-Presidents Professor Paul Haupt, of Baltimore; Professor Robert 
F. Harper, of Chicago; Professor Morris Jastrow, Jr., of Philadelphia. 



VI 

Corresponding Secretary Professor A. V. "W. Jackson, of New York. 

Recording Secretary Dr. George C. 0. Haas, of New York. 

Treasurer Professor Frederick "Wells Williams, of New Haven. 

Librarian Professor Albert T. Clay, of New Haven. 

Directors The officers above named, and Professors Richard Gottheil, 
of New York; Charles R. Lanman, of Cambridge; E. "Washb urn Hopkins 
and Hanns Oertel, of New Haven; Maurice Bloomfield, of Baltimore; 
George A. Barton, of Bryn Mawr; Dr. William Hayes "Ward, of New York. 

After presenting this report, Professor Lanman, speaking 
for himself, made the following comment: 

For the first 64 years of our Society's history, it was the actual practise 
of the Society (except for some special reason) to re-elect a President at 
the expiration of his term. During these 64 years the office was held by as 
few as 9 men: Pickering, Edward Robinson, Salisbury, Woolsey, Hadley, 
S. Wells Williams, Whitney, Ward, and Gilman. Pickering presided from 
the founding until his death in 1846; Robinson, for 17 years, from Picke- 
ring's death until his own, in 1863. The brief incumbencies of Hadley 
and Williams were terminated by death; that of Whitney, by illness; and 
Oilman's incumbency of 13 annual terms, from 1893 to 1906, by advancing 
years. Mr. Salisbury held the office from 1863 to 1866, and again from 
1873 to 1881, and his retirement was in both cases due, as I believe, to 
his natural disposition to shrink from publicity. As to the character of 
these admirable men, the discriminating remarks of Dr. Ward in our 
Journal (vol. 16, p. lix) may be consulted. 

At the Springfield meeting of 1905 the nominating committee named 
Mr. Gilman for the office of President and recommended (JAOS. 26. 425) 
'that in the future the President be requested to prepare an address on 
some phase of the progress or significance of Oriental studies, to be read 
at the annual meeting.' This recommendation was adopted. In the report 
of the nominating committee at the New Haven meeting of 1906 (JAOS. 
27. 470) we read as follows: 

This Society has been peculiarly fortunate in its Presidents, and 
it has been accustomed to re-elect them from year to year so long 
as they were willing to serve it. In most of the other American 
learned societies the presidency is an honor which is annually con- 
ferred upon some distinguished scholar, and it was plainly in the 
mind of the Society in the plan which it adopted at Springfield that 
it should in future be so among us also. It is not proposed that 
any new rule be made, but merely that the usage hitherto prevailing 
shall not be regarded as having the force of prescription. 
Professor Toy was elected President at that meeting. He was followed 
by Lanman in 1907, Hopkins in 1908, Ward in 1909, Bloomfield in 1910, 
and George F. Moore in 1911. It would manifestly have been most im- 
proper for me to say anything about this innovation at the time of my 
nomination or during my own incumbency; but now that I am not a can- 
didate for re-election, I deem it to be for the interest of the Society that 
I should express my strong conviction about the matter. 

The ability of the Society to command the unpaid services of a distin- 
guished scholar who is at once an efficient chief executive and also a good 






Vll 



presiding officer is one of its most valuable resources. By handing around 
that office from one to another of all the more prominent members this 
valuable resource is, to my thinking, thrown away. Indeed, there is in- 
volved in this procedure a double loss: not only is the 'honor cheapened 
and lessened, but also the opportunity of the President to serve the Soci- 
ety effectively is reduced to the lowest limit. 

The chief executive office, rightly administered, requires preparation 
and knowledge of the early history and precedents of the Society, such as 
it is by no means likely that a man chosen for one year will take the 
pains to acquire. He will think of the office simply as an honor, and of 
the service which it involves as confined to the sometimes exceedingly 
ill-performed duty of presiding for a dozen hours or so at our annual 
sessions. In fact, the President should be a watchful and active worker 
for the benefit of the Society throughout his whole term of office. 

In a word, then, our recent innovation subordinates the best interests 
of the Society from the larger point of view, to considerations which must 
inevitably be primarily more or less personal and selfish. 

To refer to the matter of the Vice-Presidency : it should be distinctly 
understood that the Constitution of the Society does not recognize any 
such thing as a First or Second or Third Vice-President and gives no 
countenance to the theory of promotion from the office of Vice-President 
to that of President, such as would seem to have been assumed in our 
most recent practise. On the other hand, the gift of the Vice-Presidency 
is indeed a recognition, on the part of the Society, of distinguished service 
to the cause of Oriental studies, such as it is altogether proper from time 
to time for us to bestow, and it is one which we can bestow without the 
serious disadvantage of the loss of continuity in the chief executive office. 

It; should also be added that other nominations than those presented 
may be made by any member; that the fullest weight has been given to 
the views of every member of the committee; and, in particular, that 
Professor Moore has been neither consulted nor informed concerning the 
intention of the committee to nominate him for another term. 

At this point the President, Professor Moore, asked the 
Corresponding Secretary to take the chair and withdrew from 
the hall, in order that the Society might discuss the nomi- 
nations without his heing present. After discussion (remarks 
"being made by Professors Bloomfield, Lanman, and H. P. Smith) 
the officers nominated were unanimously elected. 

Professor Moore was then called in and again took the 
chair. Professor Lanman moved that it be recorded as the 
sense of the Society that the President should not be re-elected 
at the expiration of his term. [Note that the motion was 
made in a form adverse to his own recommendations.] Remarks 
on this motion were made by Professors Lanman, Barton, 
H. P. Smith, Bloomfield, Dr. Ogden, and Dr. Ward. It was 
decided to take a rising vote, the aye-and-no vote suggested 
by Professor Lanman being deemed needless. It appeared that 
27 members were in favor of the resolution and 14 against it. 



Till 

After a recess of ten minutes for tea, the President delivered 
the annual address, on 'The Mediterranean Civilization,' Vice- 
President Harper being in the chair. On the conclusion of 
the address, it was voted that the thanks of the Society be 
extended to Professor Moore for his interesting presentation 
of the subject. 

The President again took the chair, and the Society pro- 
ceeded to the hearing of the following communication: 

Professor J. D. PRINCE, of Columbia University: A political hymn to 
Shamash. 

The Society thereupon adjourned for the day. 

SECOND SESSION. 

The members re-assembled on Wednesday morning at 9 : 45 
a. m. for the second session. The President, Professor Moore, 
was in the chair. The following papers were presented: 

Rev. Dr. J. E. ABBOTT: The Marathi poet Tukaram. Remarks by 
Professor Lanman. 

Professor G. A. BARTON, of Bryn Mawr College: An archaic tablet in 
the Museum of the University of Pennsylvania. 

Mr. P. A. CUNNINGHAM, of Merchantville, N. J. : Studies in the chrono- 
logy of ancient history. Remarks by Professor Moore. 

Dr. F. EDGERTON, of Johns Hopkins University: Versions of the 
Vikramacarita. Remarks by Professor Bloomfield. 

Professor I. FRIEDLAENDER, of the Jewish Theological Seminary of 
America : Alexander the Great in the imagination of the East. Remarks 
by Dr. Scott. 

Professor M. L. MARGOLIS, of Dropsie College: The mode of expressing 
the Hebrew 'dtid in the Greek Hexateuch. Remarks by Professor Moore. 

Mr. E. A. GELLOT, of Ozone Park, N. Y.: Remarks on a few Hebrew 
words. Remarks by Professor Barton. 

Professor M. BLOOMFIELD, of Johns Hopkins University: On the suppo- 
sed 'Streitgedicht,' RV. 4. 42. Remarks by Professor Lanman. 

Professor R. J. H. GOTTHEIL, of Columbia University: Some Syro- 
Hittite figurines. Remarks by Professor Max Miiller and by Dr. "Ward. 

Professor C. R. LANMAN, of Harvard University : Buddhaghosa's treatise 
on Buddhism entitled 'The Way of Salvation' report of progress. 

On suggestion of the Corresponding Secretary it was voted 
to send a greeting by cablegram to the International Congress 
of Orientalists, then assembled at Athens, and also to send 
the good wishes of the Society to a number of the oldest 
members: Professors Gildersleeve, Toy, and G-oodwin, Mr. Van 
Name, and the Rev. Mr. Dodge. 

At one o'clock the Society took a recess until half past two 
o r ciock. 






IX 



THIRD SESSION. 

The Society met for the third session at 2 : 45 p. m. in the 
large lecture-room in Scherinerhorn Hall, President Moore 
presiding. The following papers were presented: 

Professor A. V. W. JACKSON, of Columbia University: Notes on Balu- 
chistan and its folk-poetry. (Illustrated with lantern photographs.) 

Professor R. G. KENT, of the University of Pennsylvania: The Vedic 
'path of the gods' and the Roman Pontifex. 

Rev Dr. J. P. PETERS, of New York: The cock in Oriental literature. 

At four o'clock the Society adjourned to the room in Philo- 
sophy Hall in which the previous sessions had heen held. The 
reading of communications was then resumed, as follows: 

Dr. G. F. BLACK, of the New York Public Library: The present state 
of the Gipsy question. (Read by Professor Gottheil.) 

Professor C. C. TORREY, of Yale University: A remarkable series of 
word-plays in the Second Isaiah. 

Professor J. A. MONTGOMERY, of the P. E. Divinity School, Germantown, 
Pa: A magical text and the original script of Mani. 

Professor "W. MAX MULLER, of the University of Pennsylvania : The 
Kunjara language of Dar Fur. 

Rev. Mr. J. B. NIBS, of Brooklyn: The sign Gespu (ru). Remarks 
by Professor Max Miiller. 

At 5:50 p. m. the Society adjourned for the day. 

FOURTH SESSION. 

The fourth session was opened at 9 : 45 a. m. on Thursday 
morning, in Philosophy Hall, with the President in the chair. 

The Corresponding Secretary reported for the Directors that 
the next annual meeting would he held at Philadelphia, Pa., 
on March 25, 26, and 27, 1913. He reported further that the 
Directors had appointed Professors Oertel and Torrey as Edi- 
tors of the Journal for the ensuing year. 

The President then announced the following appointments: 

Committee of Arrangements for 1913 : Professors Jastrow and R. G. 
Kent, and the Corresponding Secretary. 

Committee on Nominations: Professors Montgomery, Gottheil, and 
Barret. 

Auditors: Professors Oertel and Torrey. 

Committee to prepare a resolution of thanks : Dr. Peters and Dr. Scott. 

The Society then proceeded to the hearing ef the following 
communications : 

Dr. C. J. OGDEN, of Columbia University: The story of Udayana as 
used in the dramas of Harsha. 

Miss E. S. OGDEN, of Albany: Notes on the so-called Hieroglyphic 
Tablet in TSBA., vol. 6, p. 454. 



Professor S. G. OLIPHANT, of Grove City College, Grove City, Pa.: 
Sanskrit dhend Avestan daend = Lithuanian daina. 

Rev. Dr. A. YOHANNAN, of Columbia University, and Professor JACKSON: 
On four rare manuscripts of the Persian romantic poet Nizami. 

At eleven o'clock the Society took a recess of five minutes, 
to permit the Directors to assemble for a brief meeting. 

After the recess the Corresponding Secretary announced 
that the Directors recommended four additional persons for 
election to corporate membership, and these were unanimously 
elected. (Their names have been included in the list on p. v, 
above.) 

The reading of papers was then resumed, in the following 
order: 

Rev. Dr. F. A. VANDERBURGH, of Columbia University: Four Babylonian 
tablets from the Prince Collection of Columbia University. 

Dr. A. POEBEL, of Johns Hopkins University: The Sumerian incantation 
GT. 16. 7. 260277. 

Professor G. A. BARTON, of Bryn Mawr College: Recent researches into 
the Sumerian calendar. Remarks by Dr. Poebel. 

Professor I. FRIEDLAENDER, of the Jewish Theological Seminary of 
America: Modern Hebrew literature. 

Dr. F. EDGERTON, of Johns Hopkins University: Vedic sdblid. Re- 
marks by Dr. Abbott. 

Professor J. A. MONTGOMERY, of the P. E. Divinity School, Germantown, 
Pa.: Some emendations to Sachau's Ahikar Papyri. 

Through its chairman, Dr. Peters, the committee appointed to 
prepare an expression of the thanks of the Society presented 
the following resolution, which was unanimously adopted: 

That the thanks of the American Oriental Society be extended to the 
President and Trustees of Columbia University for the hospitality of 
lodgment, to the Women's Graduate Club for its generous surrender of 
its spacious room for the sessions and for its kind ministrations, and to 
the Committee of Arrangements and the local members for the thoughtful 
provision they have made for the entertainment of the members. 

The Society adjourned at 12:40 p. m., to meet in Phila- 
delphia on March 25, 1913. 



The following communications were presented by title: 

Dr. F. R. BLAKE, of Johns Hopkins University: (a) The Hebrew Cha- 
tephs; (b) Reduplication in Tagalog. 

Professor M. BLOOMFIELD, of Johns Hopkins University: (a) On the 
'superfluous' r of Sanskrit chardis; (b) On the theory of haplology as an 
aid to text-criticism. 






XI 



Dr. E. W. BURLINGAME, of the University of Pennsylvania: (a) Dnkkham 
ariyasaccam quoted in Bidpai's fables ; (b) Buddhaghosa's Dhammapada 
Commentary, 

Professor C. E. CONANT, of Indiana University: Final diphthongs in 
Indonesian languages. 

Professor R. J. H. GOTTHEIL, of Columbia University: An amulet from 
Irbid with a Babylonian and a Phoenician inscription. 

Dr. Lucia GRIEVE, of New York : The Hindu goddess Devi. 

Dr. Mary I. HUSSEY, of Cambridge, Mass. : Tablets from Drehem in the 
Public Library of Cleveland, Ohio. 

Professor S. A. B. MERCER, of Western Theological Seminary : The 
oath in Sumerian inscriptions. 

Professor I. M. PRICE, of the University of Chicago: The published 
texts from Drehem. 

Mr. G. P. QUACKENBOS, of Columbia University: The legend of the 
demon Mahisa in Sanskrit literature. 

Rev. Dr. W. ROSENAU, of Johns Hopkins University: (a) The argument 
a fortiori in Biblical and post-Biblical literature; (b) Old Testament 
sources of parts of the apocryphal Esther. 

Mr. E. B. SOANE, of Southern Kurdistan: Some investigations on the 
Iranian languages of Kurdistan. 

Professor C. 0. TORREY, of Yale University: The original language of 
the Odes of Solomon. 



List of Members. xiii 



LIST or MEMBERS. 

The number placed after the address indicates the year of election. 

I. HONORARY MEMBERS. 

M. AUGUSTE BARTH, Membre de 1'Iiistitut, Paris, France. (Rue Garan- 

ciere, 10.) 1898, 
Dr. RAMKRISHNA GOPAL BHANDARKAR, C. I. E., Dekkan Coll., Poona, India. 

1887. 

JAMES BURGESS, LL.D., 22 Seton Place, Edinburgh, Scotland. 1899. 
Prof. CHARLES CLERMONT-GANNEAU, 1 Avenue de 1'Alma, Paris. 1909. 
Prof. T. W. RHYS DAVIDS, Harboro' Grange, Ashton-on-Mersey, England. 

1907. 

Prof. BERTHOLD DELBRUCK, University of Jena, Germany. 1878. 
Prof. FRIEDRICH DELITZSCH, University of Berlin, Germany. 1893. 
Canon SAMUEL R. DRIVER, Oxford, England. 1909. 
Prof. ADOLPH ERMAN, Berlin-Steglitz-Dahlem, Germany, Peter Lennestr. 72. 

1903. 
Prof. RICHARD GARBE, University of Tubingen, Germany. (Biesinger 

Str. 14.) 1902. 

Prof. KARL F. GELDNER, University of Marburg, Germany. 1905. 
Prof. IGNAZ GOLDZIHER, vii Hollo-Utcza 4, Budapest, Hungary. 1906. 
GEORGE A. GRIERSON, C.I.E., D.Litt., I.C.S. (retired), Rathfarnham, 

Camberley, Surrey, England. Corporate Member, 1899; Hon., 1905. 
Prof. IGNAZIO GUIDI, University of Rome, Italy. (Via Botteghe Oscure 24.) 

1893. 

Prof. HERMANN JACOBI, University of Bonn, 59 Niebuhrstrasse, Bonn, Ger- 
many. 1909. 

Prof. HENDRIK KERN, 45 Willem Barentz-Straat, Utrecht, Netherlands. 1893. 
Prof. GASTON MASPERO, College de France, Paris, France. (Avenue de 

.1'Observatoire, 24.) 1898. 
Prof. EDUARD MEYER, University of Berlin, Germany. (Gross-Lichterfelde- 

West, Mommsenstr. 7) 1908. 
Prof. THEODOR NOLDEKE, University of Strassburg, Germany. (Kalbs- 

gasse 16.) 1878. 
Prof. HERMANN OLDENBERG, University of Gb'ttingen, Germany. 1910. 

(27/29 Nikolausberger Weg.) 
Prof. EDUARD SACHAU, University of Berlin, Germany. (Wormserstr. 12, W.) 

1887. 



xiv List of Members. 

EMILE SENART, Membre de 1'Institut de France, 18 Rue Franc,ois I er , Paris, 

France. 1908. 

Prof. ARCHIBALD H. SAYCE, University of Oxford, England. 1893. 
Prof. JULIUS WELLHAUSEN, University of Gottingen, Germany. (Weber- 

str. 18 a.) 1902. 
Prof. ERNST WINDISCH, University of Leipzig, Germany. (UniversitatR- 

str. 15.) 1890. [Total: 26] 

II. CORPORATE MEMBERS. 

Names marked with * are those of life members. 

Rev. Dr. JUSTIN EDWARDS ABBOTT, 120 Hobart Ave., Summit, N. J. 1900. 

Mrs. JUSTIN E. ABBOTT, 120 Hobart Ave., Summit, N. J. 1912. 

Dr. CYRUS ADLER, 2041 North Broad St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1884. 

Prof. FELIX ADLER, 33 Central Park West, New York, N. Y. 1912. 

WILLIAM E. M. AITKEN, Courtright, Ontario, Canada. 1910. 

RONALD C. ALLEN, 148 South Divinity Hall, Univ. of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 

1912. 

F. STURGES ALLEN, 246 Central St., Springfield, Mass. 1904. 
Miss MAY ALICE ALLEN, Northampton, Mass. 1906. 

Rev. Dr. FLOYD APPLETON, 230 New Jersey Ave., Brooklyn, N. Y. 1912. 
Prof. WILLIAM R. ARNOLD, (Harvard Univ.), 25 Kirkland St., Cambridge, 

Mass. 1893. 

Prof. KANICHI ASAKAWA (Yale Univ.), 228 Park St., New Haven, Conn. 1904. 
Rev. EDWARD E. ATKINSON, 94 Brattle St., Cambridge, Mass. 1894. 
Hon. SIMEON E. BALDWIN, LL.D., 44 Wall St., New Haven, Conn. 1898. 
Prof. LEROY CARR BARRET, Trinity College, Hartford, Conn. 1903. 
Prof. GEORGE A. BARTON, Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pa. 1888. 
Mrs. DANIEL BATES, 35 Brewster Street, Cambridge, Mass. 1912. 
Prof. L. W. BATTEN, 418 W. 20th St., New York. 1894. 
Prof. HARLAN P. BEACH (Yale Univ.), Grove St., New Haven, Conn. 1898. 
Prof. WILLIS J. BEECHER, D.D., Theological Seminary, Auburn, N. Y. 1900. 
Dr. HAROLD H. BENDER, Princeton University, Princeton New Jersey. 1906. 
Rev. JOSEPH F. BERG, Port Richmond, S. I., N. Y. 1893. 
Prof. GEORGE R. BERRY, Colgate University, Hamilton, N. Y. 1907. 
Prof. JULIUS A. BEWER (Union Theological Seminary), Broadway and 

120 th St., New York, N. Y. 1907. 

Dr. WILLIAM STURGIS BIGELOW, 60 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 1894. 
Prof. JOHN BINNEY, Berkeley Divinity School, Middletown. Conn. 1887. 
Rev. Dr. SAMUEL H. BISHOP, 500 West 122 d St., New York, N. Y. 1898. 
Dr. GEORGE F. BLACK, N. Y. Public Library, Fifth Ave. and 42 d St., 

New York, N. Y. 1907. 

Dr. FRANK RINGGOLD BLAKE, "Windsor Hills, Baltimore, Md. 
Rev. PHILIP BLANC, St. Johns Seminary, Brighton, Md. 1907. 
Rev. Dr. DAVID BLAUSTEIN, The New York School of Philanthropy, 105 

East 22 d St., New York, N. Y. 1891. 

Dr. FREDERICK J. BLISS, Univ. of Rochester, Rochester, N. Y. 1898. 
FRANCIS B. BLODGETT, General Theological Seminary, Chelsea Square, New 

York, N. Y. 1906. 



List of Members. xv 

Prof. CARL AUGUST BLOMGREN, Augustana College an<J Theol. Seminary, 

Rock Island, 111. 1900. 
Prof. MAURICE BLOOMFIELD, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 

1881. 

Dr. ALFRED BOISSIER, Le Rivage pres Chambery, Switzerland. 1897. 
Dr. GEORGE M. BOLLING (Catholic Univ. of America), 1784 Corcoran 

St., Washington, D. C. 1896. 

Prof. CORNELIUS B. BRADLEY, 106 Prospect Ave., Madison, Wis. 1910. 
Rev. Dr. DAN FREEMAN BRADLEY, 2905 West 14th St., Cleveland, Ohio. 

1911. 
Prof. RENWARD BRANDSTETTER, Reckenbiihl 18, Villa Johannes, Lucerne, 

Switzerland. 1908. 

Prof. JAMES HENRY BREASTED, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1891. 
Prof. CHAS. A. BRIGGS (Union Theological Sem.), Broadway and 120th St., 

New York, N. Y. 1879. 

Prof. C. A. BRODIE BROCKWELL, McGill University, Montreal, Canada. 1906. 
Pres. FRANCIS BROWN (Union Theological Sem.), Broadway and 120th St., 

New York, N. Y. 1881. 

Rev. GEORGE WILLIAM BROWN, Jubbulpore, C. P., India. 1909. 
Prof. RUDOLPH E. BRONNOW (Princeton Univ.) 49 Library Place, Princeton, 

N. J. 1911. 

Prof. CARL DARLING BUCK, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1892. 
HAMMOND H. BUCK, Division Sup't. of Schools, Alfonso, Cavite Provinces, 

Philippine Islands. 1908. 

ALEXANDER H. BULLOCK, State Mutual Building, Worcester, Mass. 1910. 
Dr. EUGENE WATSON BURLINGAME, 20 Graduate House, West Phila- 
delphia, Pa. 1910. 

CHARLES DANA BURRAGE, 85 Ames Building, Boston, Mass. 1909. 
GRANVILLE BURRUS, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1912. 
Prof. HOWARD CROSBY BUTLER, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1908. 
Rev. JOHN CAMPBELL, Kingsbridge, New York, N. Y. 1896. 
Pres. FRANKLIN CARTER, LL. D., Williamstown, Mass. 
Dr. PAUL CARUS, La Salle, Illinois. 1897. 

Dr. I. M, CASANOWICZ, U. S. National Museum, Washington, D. C. 1893. 
Rev. JOHN L. CHANDLER, Madura, Southern India. 1899. 
Miss EVA CHANNING, Hemenway Chambers, Boston, Mass. 1883. 
Dr. F. D. CHESTER, The Bristol, Boston, Mass. 1891. 
WALTER E. CLARK, 37 Walker St., Cambridge, Mass. 1906. 
Prof. ALBERT T. CLAY (Yale Univ.) New Haven, Conn. 1907. 
* ALEXANDER SMITH COCHRAN, Yonkers, N. Y. 1908. 

*GEORGE WETMORE COLLES, 62 Fort Greene Place, Brooklyn. N. Y. 1882. 
Prof. HERMANN COLLITZ, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1887. 
Prof. C. EVERETT CONANT, Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana. 1905. 
Rev. WILLIAM MERRIAM CRANE, Richmond, Mass. 1902. 
FRANCIS A. CUNNINGHAM, 508 W. Maple St., Merchantville, N. J. 1912. 
Rev. CHARLES W. CURRIER, 913 Sixth St., Washington, D. C. 1904. 
Dr. HAROLD S. DAVIDSON, 1700 North Payson St., Baltimore, Md. 1908. 
Prof. JOHN D. DAVIS, Princeton Theological Seminary, Princeton, N. J. 

1888. 
Prof. ALFRED L. P. DENNIS, Madison, Wis. 1900. 



xvi List of Members. 

JAMES T. DENNIS, University Club, Baltimore, Md. 1900. 

Mrs. FRANCIS W. DICKINS, 2015 Columbia Road, Washington, D. C. 1911. 

Rev. D. STUART DODGE, 99 John St., New York, N. Y. 1867. 

Rev.WM. HASKELL Du BOSE, University of the South, Sewanee, Tenn. 1912. 

Dr. HARRY WESTBROOK DUNNING, 5 Kilsyth Road, Brookline, Mass. 1894. 

Dr. FRANKLIN EDGERTON, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1910. 

Prof. FREDERICK G. C. EISELEN, Garrett Biblical Inst., Evanston, 111. 1901. 

Mrs. WILLIAM M. ELLICOTT, 106 Ridgewood Road, Roland Park, Md. 1897. 

WILLIAM T. ELLIS, Swarthmore, Pa. 1912. 

Prof. LEVI H. ELWELL, (Amherst College), 5 Lincoln Ave., Amherst, Mass. 

1883. 

Dr. AARON EMBER, Johns Hopkins Univ., Baltimore, Md. 1902. 
Rev. Prof. C. P. FAGNANI, 606 W. 122 d, St., New York, N. Y. 1901. 
Prof. EDWIN WHITFIELD FAY (Univ. of Texas), 200 West 24th St., Austin, 

Texas. 1888. 

Prof. HENRY FERGUSON, St. Paul's School, Concord, N. H. 1876. 
Dr. JOHN C. FERGUSON, Peking, China. 1900. 
Dr. HENRY C. FINKEL, District National Bank Building, Washington, D. C. 

1912. 

Rev. WALLACE B. FLEMING, Maplewood, N. J. 1906. 
Rev. THEODORE C. FOOTE, Rowland Park, Maryland. 1900. 
Prof. HUGHELL E. W. FOSBROKE, 9 Acacia St., Cambridge, Mass. 1907. 
Dr. LEO J. FRACHTENBERG, Hartley Hall, Columbia University, New York, 

N. Y. 1907. 
Prof. JAS. EVERETT FRAME (Union Theological Sem.), Broadway and 

120 th St., New York, N. Y. 1892. 

Dr. CARL FRANK, 23 Montague St., London, W. C., England. 1909. 
Dr. HERBERT FRIEDENWALD, 356, 2nd Ave., New York, N. Y. 1909. 
Prof. ISRAEL FRIEDLAENDER (Jewish Theological Sem.), 61 Hamilton Place, 

New York, N. Y. 1904. 

ROBERT GARRETT, Continental Building, Baltimore, Md. 1903. 
Miss MARIE GELBACH, Prospect Terrace, Park Hill, Yonkers, N. Y. 1909. 
EUGENE A. G-ELLOT, 290 Broadway, N. Y., 1911. 
Prof. BASIL LANNEAU GILDERSLEEVE, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, 

Md. 1858. 

GEO. WM. GILMORE, 11 Waverly Place, New York, N. Y. 1909. 
f Prof. WILLIAM WATSON GOODWIN (Harvard Univ.), 5 Follen St., Cambridge. 

Mass. 1857. 

Prof. ALEXANDER R. GORDON, Presbyterian College, Montreal, Canada. 1912. 
Prof. RICHARD J. H. GOTTHEIL, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 1886. 
Prof. ELIHU GRANT (Smith College), Northampton, Mass. 1907. 
Mrs. ETHEL WATTS MUMFORD GRANT, 31 West 81st St., New York, N. Y. 

1904. 

Dr. Louis H. GRAY, 291 Woodside Ave., Newark, N. J. 1897. 
Mrs. Louis H. GRAY, 291 Woodside Ave., Newark, N. J. 1907. 
Miss LUCIA C. GRAEME GRIEVE, Martindale Depot, N. Y. 1894. 
Prof. Louis GROSSMANN (Hebrew Union College), 2212 Park Ave., Cincin- 
nati, 0. 1890. 
Rev. Dr. W. M. GROTON, Dean of the Protestant Episcopal Divinity School, 

5000 Woodlawn Ave., Philadelphia, Pa. 1907. 



List of Members. xvii 

*Dr. GEORGE C. 0. HAAS, 254 West 136th St., New York, N. Y. 1903. 
Miss LUISE HAESSLER, 1230 Amsterdam Ave., New York, N. Y. 1909 
Mrs. IDA M. HANCHETT, care of Omaha Public Library, Omaha, Nebraska. 

1912. 

Dr. CARL C. HANSEN, Si Phya Road, Bangkok, Siam. 1902. 
NEWTON H. HARDING, 110 N. Pine Ave., Chicago, 111. 1912. 
PAUL V. HARPER, 59 th St. and Lexington Ave., Chicago, 111. 1906. 
Prof. ROBERT FRANCIS HARPER, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1886. 
Prof. SAMUEL HART, D. D., Berkeley Divinity School, Middletown, Conn. 

1879. 
Prof. PAUL HAUPT (Johns Hopkins Univ.), 215 Longwood Road, Roland 

Park, Baltimore, Md. 1883. 

Prof. HERMANN V. HILPRECHT, Upland, Delaware Co., Pa. 1887. 
Rev. Dr. WILLIAM J. HINKE, 28 Court St., Auburn, N. Y. 1907. 
Prof. FRIEDRICH HIRTH (Columbia Univ.), 401 West 118th St., New York, 

N. Y. 1903. 
Prof. CHARLES T. HOCK (Theological Sem.), 220 Liberty St., Bloomfield, 

N. J. 1903. 

*Dr. A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE, 8 Northmoor Road, Oxford, England. 1893. 
Rev. Dr. HUGO W. HOFFMANN, 306 Rodney St., Brooklyn, N. Y. 1899. 
*Prof. E. WASHBURN HOPKINS (Yale Univ.), 299 Lawrence St., New Haven, 

Conn. 1881. 

WILSON S. HOWELL, 416 West 118th St., New York, N. Y. 1911. 
HENRY R. HOWLAND, Natural Science Building, Buffalo, N. Y. 1907. 
Miss SARAH FENTON HOYT, 17 East 95th St., New York, N. Y. 1910. 
Dr. EDWARD H. HUME, Changsha, Hunan, China. 1909. 
Miss ANNIE K. HUMPHEREY, 1114 14th St., Washington, D. C. 1873. 
Dr. ARCHER M. HUNTINGTON, 15 West 81st St., New York, N. Y. 1912. 
S. T. HURWITZ, 217 East 69th St., New York, N. Y. 1912. 
Miss MARY INDA HUSSEY, 4 Bryant St., Cambridge, Mass. 1901. 
* JAMES HAZEN HYDE, 18 rue Adolphe Yvon, Paris, France. 1909. 
Prof. HENRY HYVERNAT (Catholic Univ. of America), 3405 Twelfth St., 

N. E. (Brookland), Washington, D. C. 1889. 
Prof. A. V. WILLIAMS JACKSON, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 

1885. 
Mrs. A. Y. WILLIAMS JACKSON, care of Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 

1912. 
Prof. MORRIS JASTROW (Univ. of Pennsylvania), 248 South 23d St. 

Philadelphia, Pa. 1886. 

Dr. HESTER D. JENKINS, 122 Pierrepont St., Brooklyn, N. Y. 1912. 
Rev. HENRY F. JENKS, Canton Corner, Mass. 1874. 
Prof. JAMES RICHARD JEWETT, (Harvard Univ.) Cambridge, Mass. 1887. 
CHARLES JOHNSTON, 387 Ocean Ave., Flatbush, Brooklyn, N. Y. 1912. 
Prof. CHRISTOPHER JOHNSTON (Johns Hopkins Univ.), 21 West 20th St., 

Baltimore, Md. 1889. 
ARTHUR BERRIEDALE KEITH, Colonial Office , London , S. W., England. 

1&08. 
Prof. MAXIMILIAN L. KELLNER, Episcopal Theological School, Cambridge* 

Mass. 1886. 
Miss ELIZA H. KENDRICK, 45 Hunnewell Ave., Newton, Mass. 1896. 






xviii List of Members. 

Prof. CHAELES FOSTER KENT (Yale Univ.), 406 Humphrey St., New Haven, 

Conn. 1890. 

Prof. ROLAND G. KENT, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. 1910. 
Prof. GEORGE L. KITTREDGE (Harvard Univ.), 9 Hilliard St., Cambridge, 

Mass. 1899. 

Miss LUCILE KOHN, 1138 Madison Ave., New York, N. Y. 1907. 
RICHARD LEE KORTKAMP, Hillsboro, 111. 1911. 

Rev. Dr. M. G. KYLE, 1132 Arrow St., Frankford, Philadelphia, Pa. 1909. 
Prof. GEORGE T. LADD (Yale Univ.), 204 Prospect St., New Haven, 

Conn. 1898. 

M. A. LANE, 451 Jackson Boulevard, Chicago, 111. 1907, 
*Prof. CHARLES ROCKWELL LANMAN (Harvard Univ.) , 9 Farrar St., Cam- 
bridge, Mass. 1876. 
Dr. BERTHOLD LAUFER, Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, 111. 

1900. 

LEVON J. K. LEVONIAN, Syrian Protest. College, Beirut, Syria. 1909. 
Dr. OTTO LICHTI, 146 Tremont St., Ansonia, Conn. 1912. 
H. LINFIELD, 52 Middle Divinity Hall, Univ. of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1912. 
Prof. CHAELES E. LITTLE (Vanderbilt Univ.), 19 Lindsley Ave., Nashville, 

Tenn. 1901. 

Prof. ENNO LITTMANN, Schweighauser Str. 24, II, Strassburg i. Els. 1912. 
PERCIVAL LOWELL, 53 State St., Boston, Mass. 1893. 
Dr. DANIEL D. LUCKENBILL, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1912. 
Dr. ALBERT HOWE LYBYER, 153 South Cedar Ave., Oberlin, Ohio. 1909. 
*BENJAMIN SMITH LYMAN, 708 Locust St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1871. 
Prof. DAVID GORDON LYON, Harvard Univ. Semitic Museum, Cambridge, 

Mass. 1882. 
ALBERT MORTON LYTHGOE, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, N. Y. 

1899. 
Prof. DUNCAN B. MACDONALD , Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford, 

Conn. 1893. 
WILLIAM E. W. MACKINLAY, 1st Lieut, llth U. S. Cavalry, Fort Ethan 

Allen, Vt. 1904. 
C. V. Me LEAN, Union Theological Seminary, Broadway and 120th St., 

New York. 1912. 

Rev. Dr. ALBERT A. MAD SEN, 22 Courtney Ave., Newburgh, N. Y. 1906. 
Prof. HERBERT W. MAGOUN, 70 Kirkland St., Cambridge, Mass. 1887. 
Prof. MAX L. MARGOLIS, 1519 Diamond St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1890. 
Prof. ALLAN MARQUAND, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1888. 
Prof. WINFRED ROBERT MARTIN, Hispanic Society of America, West 156th. 

St., New York, N. Y. 1889. 
ISAAC G. MATTHEWS (McMaster Univ.), 509 Brunswick Ave., Toronto, 

Canada. 1906. 

C. 0. SYLVESTER MAWSON, Box 886, Springfield, Mass. 1910. 
Prof. SAMUEL A. B. MERCER (Western Theol. Sem.), 2735 Park Ave., 

Chicago, 111. 1912. 

J. RENWICK METHENY, "Druid Hill," Beaver Falls, Pa. 1907. 
MARTIN A. MEYER, 2109 Baker St., San Francisco, Cal. 1906. 
Dr. TRUMAN MICHELSON, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, 

D. C. 1899. 



List of Members. xix 

Mrs. HELEN LOVELL MILLION, Hardin College, Mexico, Mo. 1892. 
Prof. LAWRENCE H. MILLS (Oxford Univ.), 218 Iffley Road, Oxford, Eng- 
land. 1881. 

Prof. J. A. MONTGOMERY (P. E. Divinity School), 6806 Greene St., German- 
town, Pa. 1903. 
Prof. GEORGE F. MOORE (Harvard Univ.), 3 Divinity Ave., Cambridge, 

Mass. 1887. 

Dr. JUSTIN HARTLEY MOORE, 549 Springdale Ave, East Orange, N. J. 1904. 
*Mrs. MARY H. MOORE, 3 Divinity Ave., Cambridge, Mass. 1902. 
Prof. EDWARD S. MORSE, Salem, Mass. 1894. 
Mrs. CHARLES J. MORSE, 1825 Asbury Ave., Evanston, 111. 1912. 
Rev. HANS K. MOUSSA, 316 Third St., Watertown, Wis. 1906. 
Prof. W. MAX DULLER, 4308 Market St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1905. 
Mrs. ALBERT H. MUNSELL, 65 Middlesex Road, Chestnut Hill, Mass. 1908. 
Dr. WILLIAM MUSS-ARNOLT, Public Library, Boston, Mass. 1887. 
Rev. JAS. B. NIES, Hotel St. George, Clark St., Brooklyn, N. Y. 1906. 
Rev. WILLIAM E. NIES, Port Washington, Long Island, N. Y. 1908. 
Rt. Rev. Mgr. DENNIS J. O'CONNELL, 800 Cathedral Place, Baltimore, 

Md. 1903. 

Prof. HANNS OERTEL (Yale Univ.), 2 Phelps Hall, New Haven, Conn. 1890. 
Dr. CHARLES J. OGDEN, 250 West 88th St., New York, N. Y. 1906. 
Miss ELLEN S. OGDEN, St. Agnes School, Albany, N. Y. 1898. 
Prof. SAMUEL G. OLIPHANT, Grove City College, Grove City, Pa. 1906. 
Prof. ALBERT TENEYCK OLMSTEAD, 911 Lowry St., Columbia, Mo. 1909. 
Prof. PAUL OLTRAMARE (Univ. of Geneva), Ave. de Bosquets, Servette, 

Geneve, Switzerland. 1904. 

*ROBERT M. OLYPHANT, 160 Madison Ave., New York, N. Y. 1861. 
Rev. Dr.' CHARLES RAY PALMER, 562 Whitney Ave., New Haven, Conn. 

1900. 
Prof. LEWIS B. PATON, Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford, Conn. 

1894. 
Prof. WALTER M. PATTON, Wesleyan Theological College, Montreal, Canada. 

1903. 

Dr. CHARLES PEABODY, 197 Brattle St., Cambridge, Mass. 1892. 
Prof. GEORGE A. PECKHAM, Hiram College, Hiram, Ohio. 1912. 
Prof. ISMAR J. PERITZ, Syracuse University, Syracuse, N. Y. 1894. 
Prof. EDWARD DELAVAN PERRY (Columbia Univ.), 542 West 114th St., New 

York, N. Y. 1879. 

Rev. Dr. JOHN P. PETERS, 225 West 99th St., New York, N. Y. 1882. 
WALTER PETERSEN, Bethany College, Lindsborg, Kansas. 1909. 
Prof. DAVID PHILIPSON (Hebrew Union College), 3947 Beechwood Ave., 

Rose Hill, Cincinnati, 0. 1889. 

Dr. ARNO POEBEL, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1912. 
Dr. WILLIAM POPPER, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. 1897. 
Prof. IRA M. PRICE, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1887. 
Prof. JOHN DYNELEY PRINCE (Columbia Univ.), Sterlington, Rockland Co., 

N. Y. 1888. 

GEORGE PAYN QUACKENBOS, 331 West 28th St., New York, N. Y. 1904. 
Dr. CAROLINE L. RANSOM, Metropolitan Museum of Art, 5th Ave. and 
82d St., New York, N. Y. 1912. 






xx List of Members. 

G. A. REICHLING, 466 Nostrand Ave., Brooklyn, N. Y. 1912. 

Prof. GEORGE ANDREW REISNER, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. 

1891. 

BERNARD REVEL, 2113 North Camac St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1910. 
Prof. PHILIP M. RHINELANDER (Episcopal Theological Sem.), 26 Garden St., 

Cambridge, Mass. 1908. 
ERNEST C. RICHARDSON, Library of Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 

1900. 

EDWARD ROBINSON, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, N. Y. 1894. 
Rev. Dr. GEORGE LIVINGSTON ROBINSON (McCormick Theol. Sem.), 4 Chalmers 

Place, Chicago, 111. 1892. 
Hon. WILLIAM WOODVILLE ROCKHILL, American Embassy, Constantinople, 

Turkey. 1880. 
Prof. JAMES HARDY ROPES (Harvard Univ.), 13 Follen St., Cambridge, 

Mass. 1893. 

Dr. WILLIAM ROSENAU, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1897. 
Rev. Dr. EDMUND S. ROUSMANIERE, 56 Chestnut St., Boston, Mass. 1911. 
ROBERT HAMILTON RUCKER, 27 Pine Street, New York, N. Y. 1911. 
Miss ADELAIDE RUDOLPH, 2024 East 115th St., Cleveland, 0. 1894. 
Mrs. JANET E. RUOTZ-REES, Rosemary Cottage, Greenwich, Conn. 1897. 
Mrs. EDW. E. SALISBURY, 237 Church St., New Haven, Conn. 1906. 
Pres. FRANK K. SANDERS, Washburn College, Topeka, Kans. 1897. 
JOHANN F. SCHELTEMA, care of Messrs. Kerkhoven & Co., 115 Heerengracht, 

Amsterdam, Holland. 1906. 

GEORGE V. SCHICK, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1909. 
Prof. NATHANIEL SCHMIDT, Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y. 1894. 
WILFRED H. SCHOFF, Commercial Museum, Philadelphia, Pa. 1912. 
MONTGOMERY SCHUYLER, Jr., Peking, China. 1899. 
Dr. GILBERT CAMPBELL SCOGGIN, University of Missouri, Columbia, Mo. 

1906. 

Dr. CHARLES P. G. SCOTT, 1 Madison Ave., New York, N. Y. 1895. 
*Mrs. SAMUEL BRYAN SCOTT (nee Morris), 124 Highland Ave., Chestnut 

Hill, Philadelphia, Pa. 1903. 
Rev. JOHN L. SCULLY, Church of the Holy Trinity, 312-332 East 88th St., 

New York, N. Y. 1908. 

Rev. Dr. WILLIAM G. SEIPLE, 217 Turner St., Allentown, Pa. 1902. 
Prof. CHARLES N. SHEPARD (General Theological Sem.), 9 Chelsea Square, 

New York, N. Y. 1907. 

CHARLES C. SHERMAN, 614 Riverside Drive, New York, N. Y. 1904. 
*JOHN R. SLATTERY, 14 bis rue Montaigne, Paris, France. 1903 
Major C. C. SMITH, P. S., Manila, Philippine Islands. 1907. 
Prof. HENRY PRESERVED SMITH, Theological School, Meadville, Pa. 1877. 
Prof. JOHN M. P. SMITH, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1906. 
ELY BANNISTER SOANE, care of Messrs. H. S. King & Co., 9 Pall Mall, 

London, SW., England. 1911. 
Prof. EDWARD H. SPIEKER, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 

1884. 
MARTIN SPRENGLING, care of Prof. R F. Harper, Univ. of Chicago, 

Chicago, 111. 1912. 
Rev. Dr. JAMES D. STEELE, 15 Grove Terrace, Passaic, N. J. 1892. 



List of Members. xxi 

Rev. ANSON PHELPS STOKES, Jr., Yale University, New Haven, Conn. 1900. 

MAYER SULZBERGER, 1303 Girard Ave., Philadelphia, Pa. 1888. 

Prof. GEORGE SVERDRUP, Jr., Augsburg Seminary, Minneapolis, Minn. 1907. 

DAVID E. THOMAS, 6407 Ingleside Ave., Chicago, 111. 1912. 

EBEN FRANCIS THOMPSON, 311 Main St., Worcester, Mass. 1906. 

Prof. HENRY A. TODD (Columbia Univ.), 824 West End Ave., New York, 

N. Y. 1885. 

OLAF A. TOFFTEEN, 2726 Washington Boulevard, Chicago, 111. 1906. 
*Prof. CHARLES C. TORRE Y, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. 1891. 
Prof. CRAWFORD H. TOY (Harvard Univ.), 7 Lowell St., Cambridge, Mass. 1871. 
Rev. SYDNEY N. USSHER, St. Bartholomew's Church, 44th St. & Madison 

Ave., N. Y. 1909. 
Rev. HERVEY BOARDMAN VANDERBOGART, Berkeley Divinity School, 

Middletown, Conn. 1911. 
Rev. Dr. FREDERICK AUGUSTUS VANDERBURGH, 53 Washington Sq., New 

York, N. Y. 1908. 

ADDISON VAN NAME (Yale Univ.), 121 High St., New Haven, Conn. 1863. 
Miss SUSAN HAYES WARD, The Stone House, Abington Ave., Newark, 

N. J. 1874. 

Rev. Dr. WILLIAM HAYES WARD, 130 Fulton St., New York, N. Y. 1869. 
Miss CORNELIA WARREN, Cedar Hill, Waltham, Mass. 1894. 
Prof. WILLIAM F. WARREN (Boston Univ.) , 131 Davis Ave., Brookline, 

Mass. 1877. 

Rev. LEROY WATERMAN, 5815 Drexal Ave., Chicago, 111. 1912. 
Prof. J. E. WERREN, 1667 Cambridge St., Cambridge, Mass. 1894. 
Prof. JENS IVERSON WESTENGARD (Harvard Univ.), Asst. Gen. Adviser to 

H.S,M. Govt., Bangkok, Siam. 1903. 

ARTHUR J. WESTERMAYR, 100 Lenox Road, Brooklyn, N. Y. 1912. 
Pres. BENJAMIN IDE WHEELER, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. 1885. 
Prof. JOHN WILLIAMS WHITE (Harvard Univ.), 18 Concord Ave., Cambridge 

Mass. 1877. 

JOHN G. WHITS, Williamson Building, Cleveland, Ohio. 1912. 
* Miss MARGARET DWIGHT WHITNEY, 227 Church St., New Haven, Conn. 1908. 
Hon. E. T. WILLIAMS, U. S. Legation, Peking, China. 1901. 
Prof. FREDERICK WELLS WILLIAMS (Yale Univ.), 135 Whitney Ave., New 

Haven, Conn. 1895. 

Dr. TALCOTT WILLIAMS, Columbia Univ., New York, N. Y. 1884. 
Rev. Dr. WILLIAM COPLEY WINSLOW, 525 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 1885. 
Rev. Dr. STEPHEN S. WISE, 23 West 90th St., New York, N. Y. 1894. 
Prof. JOHN E. WISHART, So. Pasadena, California. 1911. 
HENRY B. WITTON, Inspector of Canals, 16 Murray St., Hamilton, Ontario. 

1885. 

Dr. Louis B. WOLFENSON, 1620 Madison St., Madison, Wis. 1904. 
Prof. IRVING F. WOOD, Smith College, Northampton, Mass. 1905. 
WILLIAM W. WOOD, Shirley Lane, Baltimore, Md. 1900. 
Prof. JAMES H. WOODS (Harvard Univ.), 2 Chestnut St., Boston, Mass. 1900. 
Dr. WILLIAM H, WORRELL, 53 Tremont Street, Hartford, Conn. 1910. 
Rev. Dr. ABRAHAM YOHANNAN, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 1894. 
Rev. ROBERT ZIMMERMANN, S. J., Niederwallstrasse 89, Berlin, SW. 19, 

Germany. 1911. (Total: 296.) 



xxii List of Members. 

SOCIETIES, EDITORS, AND LIBRARIES, TO WHICH THE PUBLICATIONS OF 

THE AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY ARE SENT BY WAY OF GIFT, 

EXCHANGE, OR PURCHASE. 

I. AMERICA. 

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NEW YORK: American Geographical Society. 
PHILADELPHIA, PA.: American Philosophical Society. 

Free Museum of Science and Art, Univ. of Penna. 
WASHINGTON, D. C.: Smithsonian Institution. 

Bureau of American Ethnology. 
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II. EUROPE. 

AUSTRIA, VIENNA: Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenachaften. 

K. u. K. Kaiserliche Direction der K. u. K. Hofbibliothek. 

(Josephsplatz 1.) 
Anthropologiache Gesellschaft. 

PRAGUE: Koniglich Bohmische Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften. 
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FRANCE, PARIS : Societe Asiatique. (Rue de Seine, Palais de 1'Institut.) 
Bibliotheque Nationale. 
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GERMANY, BERLIN: Koniglich Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften. 
Konigliche Bibliothek. 

Seminar fur Orientalische Sprachen. (Am Zeughause 1.) 
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HALLE: Bibliothek der DeutschenMorgenlandischen Gesellschaft. 

(Friedrichstrasse 50.) 
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MUNICH: Koniglich Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften. 

Konigliche Hof- und Staatsbibliothek. 
TUBINGEN : Library of the University. 

GREAT BRITAIN, LONDON: Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ire- 
land. (22 Albemarle St., W.) 
Library of the India Office. (Whitehall, S.W.) 
Society of Biblical Archaeology. (37 Great Russell 

St., Bloomsbury, W.C.) 
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3 St. George's Square, Primrose Hill, N.W.) 

ITALY, BOLOGNA: Reale Accademia delle Scienze dell' Istituto di Bologna. 
FLORENCE: Societa Asiatica Italiana, 
ROME: Reale Accademia dei Lincei. 






I 



Some Difficult Passages in the Cuneiform Account of 
the Deluge. By PAUL HAUPT, Professor in the Johns 
Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 

I. -- One of the most difficult passages in the cuneiform 
account of the Deluge is the beginning of the story of the 
Babylonian Noah, contained in lines 11 15 of my edition. 1 
This section begins: Al Suripak, dlu so, tidu$u atta, ina Kadi 
ndr Pardti saknu, which is generally translated: The city of 
Suripak, the city which thou knowest, is situated on the 
bank of the Euphrates; see e. g. Geo. Smith, The Chal- 
dean Account of Genesis, edited by A. H. Sayce (London, 
1880) p. 279. Similarly Jules Oppert, Le poeme chaldeen du 
deluge (Paris, 1885) p. 7 rendered: II est une ville de Surippak, 
que tu connais; elle esi situee sur les bords de I'Euphrate. 
Frangois Lenormant, Les origines deVhistoire (Paris, 1880) 
p. 601 has: La ville de Schourippak ville que tu la connais 
sur VEuphrate existe. 

The site of the ancient city of Surippak, the most primitive 
Sumerian settlement known to us, was discovered, eight years 
ago, in the ruins of Fara, X of Warka = Erech, SE of Nuffar = 
Nippur. 2 At the time of the Flood, Suripak was situated on 
the Euphrates, and the Persian Gulf extended as far north as 
Suripak. Just as the Crododile Lake and the Bitter Lakes 
in Egypt formed the northern end of the Red Sea at the 
time of the Exodus, 3 so Lake Ndjaf, which is now practically, 
dry, 4 was the northern end of the Persian Gulf at the time 
of the Flood, or at the time when the story of the Flood 
originated in the third prechristian millennium (cf. UG 191). 
Ea bade Hasis-atra float his ship near the sea, 5 i. e. at the 
former northern end of the Persian Gulf, "W of Suripak. The 
Euphrates emptied at that time into Lake Ndjaf. Abulfeda 6 
states that according to the ancients the Persian Gulf formerly 
stretched up to Hirah on Lake Najaf, i. e. about 30 miles S 

VOL. XXXII. Part. I. 1 



2 Paul Haupt, [1912. 

of Babylon. 7 Hirah (cf. BL 118, n.*) was situated at 32 N, 
44 20' E, about 4 miles SE of the modern town Ndjaf. 

Jensen, in his Kosmologie der Babylonier (Strassburg, 1890) 
p. 369 translated: Surippak, eine Stadt, die du kennst -- am 
Ufer des Euphrat ist sie gelegen. But this would be in Assy- 
rian: ina Jci$ddi (or axi) Purdti Sakin, not 8aknu. The final u 
in Saknu shows that this is a relative clause (BA 1, 10). We 
have here two coordinated relative clauses: dlu $a tidusu atta, 
the city which thou knowest, and $a ina kiSddi ndr Purdti 
Zaknu, which is situated on the bank of the Euphrates river; but 
the relative pronoun is not repeated before the second clause. 
Similarly we have in the last paragraph but one of the Code 
of Hammurapi: 8 cimma m mar$a m $a Id ipaSaxu, dsu qiribSu Id 
ildmadu, ina cimdi Id indxuSu, Mma ni&ik muti m Id innasaxu, 
a malignant sore 9 which does not heal, whose nature a phy- 
sician cannot learn, which he cannot soothe with a bandage, 
which like a deadly bite cannot be extirpated. 10 T$du$u atta 
cannot be regarded as a parenthesis; 11 in that case we should 
expect tldisu atta, not tiduSu. The rendering The city which, 
as thou knowest, lies on the Euphrates (EBA 495; cf. JAOS 
25, 79) is therefore inaccurate. 

II. The following two lines, dlu u labir-ma ildni qirbuSu 
ana Sakdn abubi ubla libbaSunu ildni rabuti, are generally 
translated: That city was old, and the gods therein their 
heart induced the great gods to make a deluge, or cyclone; 12 
but ildni rabuti, at the end, must be regarded as accusative 
depending on ubla. The two lines are equivalent to libbu $a 
ildni qirib dl Suripah ubla ildni rabuti ana Sakan abubi, the 
heart of the gods in Suripak induced the great gods to make 
a cyclone. The greads gods are here distinguished from the 
local gods of Suripak. 1 * Ildni before qirbuht is a casus pen- 
t dens', 1 * the suffix of libba$unu refers to ildni qirbuu. ib Ildni 
rabuti, however, does not stand in apposition to ildni qirbu$u, 
but is an accusative depending on ubla. The queens induced 
the great kings to make a fight would be in Assyrian: Sarrdti 
ana epes tuqunti 16 ubla libbuSin sarrdni rabuti] and The queen 
induced the great king to make a fight would be: 8arratu ana 
epe$ tuqunti ubla libbuSa 8arra rabd. 

The accusative ildni rabuti is on a par with the suffix -ni 
in mind libbasa ubldm, What does she want me to do? in the 



Yol. xxxii.] Cuneiform Account of the Deluge. 3 

Descent of Istar (obv. 1. 31).^ Jensen (KB 6, 83) trans- 
lates: Was hat ihr "Inneres (hervor)gebracht" was hat [ihren] 
Bau[ch bewegt]? and in the commentary (KB 6, 395): Was 
hat ihr Inner es mir hervorgebracht = Was hat sie gegen mich 
ersonnen? Ungnad (TB 65) disregards the suffix -m, trans- 
lating: Wozu hat ihr Herz sie veranlajft, wozu hat ihr Sinn 
sie getrieben! Delitzsch (HW 231 a ) renders: Womit hat sick 
ihr Herz gegen mich getragen? d. h. Was will sie von mir? 
Ubldni cannot mean carried against me, but only carried me. is 
Similarly Nebuchadnezzar (iii, 19) says: ana ebeSu Esagila 
naSarii libbi, my heart induced me to build Esagil. 19 De- 
litzsch (HW 484 b ; cf. 231 a . 317 a ) has called attention to the 
fact that this phrase corresponds to the Biblical nesao libbd, 
his heart stirred him up (GB 518% i). 20 In ustabil harassu 
(or gurruSu) we have according to Delitzsch (HW 7 a ) 
not the stem udbalu, to bring, but the stem abdlu (AJSL 
26, 235) to be full; see, however, KB 6, 320; SFG 66, 3. 
These phrases were discussed by Guyard in 88 and 96 
of his Notes de lexicographie assyrienne (Paris, 1883). Abdlu 
and na$ft in this connection correspond to the Arabic hdmala 
(hdmalahu 'did 'l-amri = 'agrdhu). 

Winckler, Keilinschriftliches Texfbuch (Leipzig, 1903) p. 84 
renders: Surippak, die Stadt, welche du Jcennst, [welche am 
Ufer] des Euphrat gelegen ist, jene Stadt besteht seit alters, die 
Goiter in ihr. Einen Flutsturm zu machen trieb ihr Herz an 
die grofien Goiter ; but Hani qirbusu must be combined with 
the following line. Jensen (KB 6, 231) gives the meaningless 
translation: die Goiter in ihr die Sturmflut zu machen "brachte 
hervor" ihr Herz, die graven Ootter. The verb abdlu does not 
mean to produce, but to induce. According to Jensen (KB 
6, 320, below; cf. p. 316) libbu in this connection does not 
mean heart, but abdominal cavity (cf. JBL 19, 76, n. 99). 
I have discussed some of Jensen's peculiar renderings in 
JAOS 22, 19 (cf. also 16, cxi; AJSL 19, 199; 21 26, 15. 24; 
ZDMG 63, 517). 22 

Ungnad's die Goiter standen ihr nahe (TB 50; TIG- 53) is 
very improbable. Qardbu means in Assyrian to attack (cf. Syr. 
ittaqrah, to be attacked; contrast AJSL 23, 243) and ~karabu 
(= bardJcu) means to be propitious, to bless (GB 358*>). Nor does 
Zimmern's former reading Id Ur, corrupt, lit, impure instead 
of labw, old, commend itself (cf. KB 6, 482, 1. 1). I pointed out 



4 Paul Haupt, [1912. 

in BA 1, 325 that labiru, old, was probably a compound with 
prefixed Id, not; cf. bardru, to be bright (HW 187 b ) and Heb. 
bar, pure. I mentioned Zimmern's conjecture in my (un- 
published) translation (printed in 1895) of the cuneiform 
account of the Deluge, which I had prepared for the third 
edition of Schrader's KAT, and Jastrow adopted it in 
RBA 495 (cf. JAOS 25, 70; ZDMG 64, 711, 1. 18). 

If my translation of 11. 13. 14 of the Flood Tablet is correct, 
the great gods were induced by the local gods of Suripak^ 
to send a cyclone. Just as we have here the gods of Suripak, 
so we find the gods of Erech in the fragment K 3200 (NE 
51, 11) which I translated in JAOS 22, 8 (cf. ZDMG 64, 
712, 1. 8).24 

III. A desperate passage is the beginning of 1. 15. This 
is preserved exclusively in the Babylonian fragment S. P. II, 
960 (NE 121, 15) which I published thirty years ago, from 
a copy made by Pinches, in my inaugural lecture Der keil- 
inschriftliche Sintflutbericht (Leipzig, 1881). I read there 
mala ba$u, as many as there were; but ba$u would be written 
ba-8u-u, and if ildni rabuti and mala ba$u belonged together, 
ildni rabuti would not stand at the end of the preceding line. 

In his Kosmologie (1890) Jensen read ibasu, there were 
their father Anu, &c; and Zimmern made the same mistake 
in Gunk el's Schopfung und Chaos (1895) p. 423. Even Un- 
gnad (TB 50) rendered: und zwar ivaren es. 25 Also R. W. 
Hogers, The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria (New York, 
1908) has: There were their father A nu, while he translates 
the preceding lines: Shuripak, a city which thou knowest, 
which lies on the bank of the Euphrates. That city was very 
old, and the heart of the gods within it drove them to send a 
flood, the great gods. But iba$u would mean they will be, not 
they were. The passage NE 67, 68, 26 to which Jensen referred 
in his commentary, is quite different: there ibasi means there 
will be. Similarly lama Hi tabasi (NE 3, 7; 12, 34) means 
thou wilt be like a god, not thou art like a god, as Jensen 
(KB 6, 127, 34) and Ungnad (UG 12, 184) translated I 
added the translation du wirst sein ivie Gott (NE 12, below) 
in^!883, in order to call attention to the similarity with Eritis 
sicut Deus in Gen. 3, 5. 2 Jastrow has since shown that 
thejstory of Eabani (or Engidu', cf. ZDMG 64, 712, n. 2) 



Vol. xxxii.] Cuneiform Account of the Deluge. 5 

and the Woman is the prototype of the Biblical legend of 
the Fall of Man, 29 which symbolizes the first connubial inter- 
course. 30 

Nor can we read, with KB 6, 230, qir-ba-su at the beginning 
of 1. 15. In the first place, we should expect qirbuSu, as in 
1. 13, and then, the characters ba-$u are extremely doubtful. 
According to iv R 2 the two signs are is (gis) and mal (kit, 
bit). A. Jeremias, Izdubar- Nimrod (Leipzig, 1891) p. 33 
supplied at the beginning of 1. 15: es hielten Rat, they held 
a council, took counsel together, Heb. uai-iiiiiia'aqu (2 Chr. 
30, 23). This would be in Assyrian: imddlku for imtaliku.* 1 
Ungnad (Ujjr 53, below) is inclined to supply es treten zu- 
sammen, they assemble. But the traces preserved do not lend 
themselves either to imddlku, imtdliku, they took counsel, or to 
paxrfi,, iptdxru, they assembled (NE 49, 197; 141, 162). 

I am inclined to read u-ka-pid', the traces before mal = 
bit, pit may be the remnant of the Babylonian character for 
ka. Professor R. F. Harper, who is working in the British 
Museum at present, has been kind enough to re-examine this 
tablet, and he informed me (on April 4, 1911) that the read- 
ing [u-k]a-pid was at least as good as any other. Winckler 
Keilinschriftliches Textbuch (1903) p. 84 read bit abisunu, their 
family, which is impossible. Ukdpid, for ukappid, would mean 
lie planned', so the meaning would be: It was planned by their 
father Anu (lit. es plante es iJir Vater Ann). I have shown 
in JAOS 25, 73 (1904) that we must read in 1. 5 of the Flood 
Tablet: gummur ka[pdd] libbi ana epes tuqunti, 16 Whole is the 
striving of. the heart to make war, or eager is the desire of 
thy heart to do battle. 

Assyr. kapadu means especially to plot, to conspire, to bring 
on some disaster. In Syriac this stem appears, with partial 
assimilation of the d to the p, as kappit, to knot, to tie in a 
knot. The Qal is used of plants forming knots; cf. German 
Fruchiknoten and Goethe's translation of Cant. 2, 13: der 
Feigenbaum knotet (BL 105) for Heb. hat-tenah hanetah pag~ 
gehd. German Knoten is connected with Knospe, Knopf, 
Knorren, Knodel, Knute. Luther has Ex. 9, 31: der Flachs 
(hatte) Knoten gewonnen for Heb. hap-pi$tah gib 1 61; AY, the flax 
was boiled; the noun boll, which is merely an earlier spelling 
of bowl, denotes a rounded pod or capsule. For the semasio- 
logical development cf. Heb. qasdr, to tie, to conspire. In post- 



6 Paul Haupt, [1912. 

Biblical Hebrew this verb means also to resolve. For the post- 
Biblical noun qa$r, knot, cf. Assyr. qicru, knot, Ethiop. qiiegr. 
In Arabic we find kabada, to plan (syn. qagada) which may 
stand for Mpada with partial assimilation of the p to the 
d; 32 it can hardly be a denominative verb derived from kabid, 
liver. The original form of kabid, liver, was habit, just as Heb. 
abad, to perish, was originally abat (BA 1, 2). 

IV. - - In 11. 1922 of the account of the Deluge we read 
that Ea, the Lord of Unfathomable Wisdom, sat (in counsel) 33 
with the gods and revealed their plan to the reed-huts, 34 saying: 
Reed-hut, reed-hut! brick-house, brick-house! Reed-hut, hear! 
brick-house, pay attention! This has been correctly explained 
in H"W 32 7 b . The reed-hut denotes the hovels of the lower 
classes, and the brick-house represents the dwellings of the 
upper classes; 35 so Ea announced the plan of the great gods 
to rich and poor alike, but only to Hasis-atra he gave in a 
dream special indications showing him how he might save 
himself. All people could see that a seismic catastrophe was 
imminent, 36 but Hasis-atra was the only one who took the 
necessary precautions. 

Assyr. qiqqisu is a synonym of XUQQU = Arab. xu$g, cottage, 
cabin, booth (ZK 1, 347) and Assyr. igaru, brick-wall, stands 
for Mgaru (cf. Arab, hijr, wall, and hajar, stone). Also Assyr. 
agurru, or aguru, burnt brick, which has passed into Arabic 
as ajur (or idjur) stands for haguru.* 1 Frank el. Aram. 
Fremdworter (Leyden, 1886) p. 5 pointed out that in the 
Kitab al-Agdm (xvi, 43, ~3; cf. Divan Hudeil. 66, 10; Nabiga 
7, 16) a hut of reeds (XUQQ) is contrasted with a house of 
brick (ajur) and plaster, just as qiqqisu = XUQQU is contrasted 
with igaru (for Mgaru) brick-wall, brick-house, in the present 
passage of the Flood Tablet. Assyr. qiqqiSu (for qisqiSu) is 
connected with Heb. qa$, straw, stubble, Aram. qasM, which 
has passed into Arabic as qa; cf. the post-Biblical qa$qa$sim. 
stubble, litter, shake-down, and qiSSdSt (or qiSoset} stalk of 
grain, straw. 

CT 14, 48 (No. 36, 331) gives several Sumerian equivalents 
of qiqqiSu. The first (Sum. gi-ru-a) means a structure (Assyr. 
tabannu) of reeds. The second (Sum. gi-dim) has the same 
meaning (= Assyr. riksat qani). The third (Sum. gi-sik) 39 
designates the reed -hut as a slight, frail (Assyr. en$u) struc- 



Vol. xxxii.] Cuneiform Account of the Deluge. 7 

ture of reeds. 40 Assyr. ensu is used especially of tumble- 
down (qa'apu) 4 * buildings; so Sum. gi-sig is a mean habitation, 
a humble cottage, a poorly constructed cabin, a frail thatched 
structure. Sum. silt means also small, Assyr. qixru (= Heb. 
ga'ir) and qatnu (= Heb. g-aidw). 

"W. Andrae 42 says that the walls of the "houses" of the 
laborers at Kalali Slier gat (Assur) consist of very light mats 
of rushes; cf. Meissner's remarks 43 on the modern Babylonian 
^arifah, i. e. an arched structure of reeds and reed-mats, fenced 
in with reeds, whereas the majtul, a round tower where the 
people seek refuge in times of danger, is built of bricks. The 
reed-huts were especially endangered by a cyclone; the qiqqiM 
are therefore mentioned first in 1. 20 of the Flood Tablet; 
but the tidal wave threatened also the brick houses. 

The translation of this difficult passage, which I gave, 23 
years ago, in BA 1, 123. 320, and which Jensen (KB 6, 483) 
calls sonderbar, is still nearer the truth than the latest efforts 
of Jensen, Ungnad, &c. Jensen's idea 44 that Ea spoke 
to the wall of a reed-house, and that the wall communicated 
this message in a dream to Hasis-atra, who slept behind the 
wall, is untenable. Ea did not communicate in a dream the 
decision of the gods to send a cyclone; this was made known 
to all the people, both rich and poor; but the instructions 
showing Hasis-atra how he might save himself were communi- 
cated to him by Ea in a dream. The story of Midas' barber 
(who dug a hole in the ground, whispering into it: King Midas 
has ass's ears) affords no parallel. 

The repetition of the words qiqqis qiqqiS igar igar is equi- 
valent to every reed-hut and every brick-house (G-K, 123, c). 
The "construct" in distributive repetitions corresponds to the 
"absolute" state in Syriac 45 and to the forms without nunation 
in Arabic phrases like ~baita baita, iauma iauma.^ I have 
pointed out the connection between the "construct" in Assy- 
rian and the "absolute state" in Syriac on p. 113, below, of 
the Grit, Notes on Isaiah (SBOT). 4 ? 

Y. - - In my paper on the beginning of NE 48 I stated 
that parisu in 1. 65 of the account of the Deluge meant mast, 
more accurately pole-mast, not setting pole. 49 This interpretation 
is not at variance with, the tenth tablet of NE where we read 
that Ximrod and the ferryman of Hasis-atra used 120 parise, 






8 Paul Haupt, [1912. 

each 60 cubits (about 100 feet) long, to get across the Waters 
of Death. Gressmann's idea (TIG 138) that Nimrod built 
a hanging bridge of the 120 pole-masts is grotesque. How 
could Mmrod build a hanging bridge across the Waters of 
Death without fastening the end on the other side? A rope 
bridge of rushes would have been more natural than a hanging 
bridge of 120 enormous pole-masts. According to Gressmann 
this hanging bridge served as a passageway between the boat 
and the shore of the Island of the Blessed; but this gangway 
would have been more than two miles long (cf. JAOS 22, 
10, n. 6). 

Nimrod did not construct a hanging bridge out of the 120 
long pole-masts, but he used them as setting poles to push the 
boat through the Waters of Death (cf. ratem conto subigit, 
Virg. ^En. 6, 302). Setting poles are still employed in Baby- 
lonia. Meissner 50 states that he was transported to Nippur 
in a boat by two boys who used bamboo stems, with an as- 
phalt ball at one end, as setting poles. Bamboo stems may 
be over 100 feet long, and nearly 3 /4 ft. thick. They are often 
used as masts. Nimrod, it may be supposed, could not sail 
across the Waters of Death because there was a dead calm. 
The water was nearly 100 feet deep, and whenever Nimrod 
touched the boggy bottom with one of his poles, he could not 
lift it up again, so that he was compelled to take a fresh pole. 
They stuck in the quagmire at the bottom of the Waters of 
Death; si cf. Virgil's lines, ^En. 6, 295297: 

Hinc via, Tartarei quae fert Acherontis ad undas. 

Turbidus hie caeno^vastaque vcragine gurges 

aestuat, atque omnem Cocyto eructat arenam; 
and 415. 416: 

Tandem trans fluvium incolumis vatemque viruniquc 

informi limo glaucaque exponit in ulva. 

Finally, when the 120 poles were gone, Nimrod unstepped 
the mast of his boat and used it as a setting pole. This 
enabled him to land at the Island of the Blessed. 

The Ferryman was wont to take along a chest full of stones. 
In sud abne the first word is connected with the Talmudic 
8idddh, chest, box. The stones in this chest were eiW which 
served as anchors. The most ancient anchors consisted of 
large stones. Ordinary stones, however, could not be used for 
this purpose; they had to be provided with holes to attach 
hawsers to them. He would attach a hawser to one of them 



Vol. xxxii.] Cuneiform Account of the Deluge. 9 

and throw it into the bog as far away as possible from the 
bow of the boat; then he hauled the boat up to it. In this 
way he was able to warp the boat across the Waters of Death. 
Warping anchors (German Warpanker) are known as hedges. 
and the hawsers attached to them are called kedge-ropes. In 
the case of a large vessel the kedge is carried out in a boat, 
and then dropped overboard, and the vessel hauled up to it: 
but the Ferryman had only a small boat; so he was compell- 
ed to throw the kedges as far away from the boat as possible. 
After Nimrod had smashed the stones in the Ferryman's 
chest, it was difficult to obtain new large stones provided with 
holes. Therefore the Ferryman told Nimrod to cut 120 pole- 
masts. These were, of course, not carried in the boat, but 
towed through the water by means of a rope attached to the 
stern of the boat. They probably used the kedging-rope for 
this purpose. This, I think, is the solution of the mystery 
of the stones and the pole-masts. 

VI. I have explained some difficult passages of the Flood 
Tablet in my lecture on Purim (Leipzig, 1906) p. 3, 11. 18 20; 
p. 30, nn. 32 36; 54 also in AJSL 24, 128, n. f; 143, ad v. 3;^ 
26, 15. 16. 24. 25, nn. 6067; ZDMG 61, 276, 11. 20. 43; 
63, 516, 1. 42517, 1. 32; 64, 711, 11. 15 30; c f. 714, 11. 3. 8. 15. 
The first seven lines of the Flood Tablet were explained in 
JAOS 25, 68 75. For the phrase sir lam naddta ell girika, 
armor thou hast placed upon thy body, lit. upon thy back, we 
must remember that we use back in the same way. Shake- 
speare says: / bought you a dozen of shirts to your back] cf. 
our vulgar phrase to keep a person back and belly, i. e. to keep 
him in clothes and food. To back was formerly used in the 
sense of to clothe. Ungnad's renderings Ganzlich ist dein 
Wesen dazu angetan zu streiten, und dennoch pflegst du, aiif 
deinem Rucken liegend, der Ruhe! (TB 50) or Ganzlich ist 
mein Wesen dazu geschaffen, Kampf zu fuhren; du aber bist 
mujtigj auf deinem Rucken liegend (UGr 53) are impossible. 

Ungnad also adheres to the untenable rendering measures, 
although I showed 24 years ago that mmdti in the third line 
of the Flood Tablet means looks, appearance.^ This rendering 
has been adopted also by Jastrow (RBA) and Rogers. 59 
Lines 28. 29 should be rendered: The ship which thou art to 
build, lei her lines be long, and let her width equal her depth 



10 Paul Haupt, [1912. 

mindudd = midduda, mitdudd, the reflexive stem of madadu, 
corresponding to Arab, imtddda, to be extended, to be long. 
Madadu, to measure, is a denominative verb which means 
originally to ascertain the extent of a thing. According to 
11. 58. 59 both width and height of the Babylonian Ark were 
120 cubits or about 200 feet, and the length was considerably 
more. Of. my paper on the dimensions of the Babylonian Ark 
AJP 9, 422.12 

Notes. 

(1) See Haupt, Das ~babylonische Nimrodepos (Leipzig, 1891) 
p. 134. For the name Nimrod see my article on Adar and 
Elul in ZDMG 64, p. 712, n. 2. The abbreviations used in 
the present article are explained in vol. xxviii of this JOUKNAL, 
p. 101, n. 6; p. 112, n. 1; cf. ZDMG 64, 703, n. 1. Note 
especially GE = P. Jensen, Das Gilgamesch-Epos in derWelt- 
literatur (Strafiburg, 1906). TB = Hugo Gressmann, Alt- 
orientalische Texte und Wilder (Tubingen, 1909). L T G = 
A. Ungnad und H. Gressmann, Das Gilgamesch-Epos 
(Gottingen, 1911). RBA = M. Jastrow, The Eeligion of 
Babylonia and Assyria (Boston, 1898). 

(2) See MDOG, No. 16, p. 14, n. *; UG 79. 191. 

(3) See OLZ 12, 245. 249. 251; ZDMG 63, 529, 11. 6. 29. 

(4) See B. Mei finer, Von Babylon nach den Rumen von 
Hwa und Huarnaq (Leipzig, 1901) p. 12, 1. 4; p. 18, 1. 10; 
p. 20, 1. 1. * Cf. OLZ 12, 68, n. 6. 

(5) Despite the statement in 1. 9 of the so-called Nippur 
fragment of the Babylonian Deluge story, gulula danna cullil, 
Roof with a strong roof (JAOS 31, 31; TO 73. 212) we must 
translate 1. 31 of the Flood tablet, [e]ma apsi sasi gullilsi (NE 
135, 31): Float her near the (fresh-water) sea, i. e. Lake Najaf. 
Assyr. galdlu is a synonym of utulu (= nuta'ulu = nutahhulu). 
Cf. NE 50, 208: utulu-ma edle ina mtfal musi $allu, The men 
lay down and rested on the night couches. For utulu and 
mdalu see my paper on the Heb. stem nahal, to rest, AJSL 
22, 195. 199. For galdlu cf. my remarks on Heb. galalu (Ex. 
15, 10) in AJSL 20, 162. Contrast KAT2, 69, 1. 5; UG- 53, 
1. 31. Ema (HW 79 a ) = Heb. l im, Arab, ma'a (e. g. ma l a 3 l- 
ha'iti, along the wall). 

(6) See Guyard, Geographie d'Aboulfeda, vol. ii, part 2 
(Paris, 1883) p. 73. The Arabic text (p. 299, below, of the 



Vol. xxxii.] Cuneiform Account of the Deluge. 11 

Paris edition) reads as follows: A. 



Ndjaf means dam, (fo'&e. Cf. OLZ 12, 251; 
ZDMG 63, 521, n. 42. 

(7) Cf. A. Sprenger, Babylonien (Heidelberg, 1886) pp. 33. 
45. 73. See also Haupt, Uber die Ansiedlung der russischen 
Juden im Euphrat- und Tigris- Gehiete (Baltimore, 1892) p. 16. 
Contrast H. Wagner, Die Uberschatzung der Anbauflache 
Babyloniens, pp. 289 296 (Proceedings of the Royal Society 
of G-ottingen, 1902, part 2). 

(8) See R. F. Harper, The Code of Hammurabi (Chicago, 
1904) p. 108; H. Winckler, Die Gesetze Hammurabis (Leipzig, 
1904) p. 83, 11. 5763. 

(9) Assyr. cimmu marcu = Heb. makkdh nahldh (Nah. 3, 19). 
Qimmu may be connected with Arab, gamma, to strike (cf. gam- 
mama ^s-saifu). It could stand also for glmu = Arab, daim, 
hurt, injury, oppression; but this is less probable. Nor can it 
be combined with Arab. -*A-J, zahtnah, zulimah, trouble, disease. 

(10) For the omission of the relative pronoun cf. G-K, 
116, x; Duval, Orammaire syriaque (Paris, 1881) 401. 

(11) Nor is tamur dtamar (KB 6, 265) in the last column 
of the twelfth tablet a parenthesis; see BA 1, 69, n. **; GrE 
53, n. 6; TB 61; UG 68. 

(12) Cf. HW 4 a ; UG 53. 57. 59; E. Suess, Die Sintftut 
(Prag, 1883) pp. 21. 24. 4449. 54. 68; also the remarks at 
the end of my paper The Dimensions of the Babylonian Ark 
in AJP 9, 424. Praetorius' combination of dbubu with Arab. 
habub (KAT 2 , 66, 19) may be correct (cf. Jensen, Kosmologie, 
p. 389). The catastrophe was caused chiefly by Enlil, and he 
was the god of storms; Ea, the god of the sea, saved Hasis- 
atra, but he could not prevent the cyclone. Enlil = Ml sari, 
lord of the wind; it does not mean lord of the plain] contrast 
PSBA 33, 78; cf. ibid. p. 80, and below, end of n. 20. 

(13) The chief deity of Suripak seems to have been Suhurru; 
cf. MDOGr, No. 16, p. 14, n. *; Thureau-Dangin, Les in- 
scriptions de Sumer et d'Akkad (Paris, 1905) p. 215, No. Ill; 
German edition- (Leipzig, 1907) p. 151, below. This deity 
may have been the consort of Enlil; cf. BA 5, 537, 1. 18, 
and p. 554, below; UG 79, below; BJBA, German edition, 
p. 55. It is possible that Enlil was induced by his consort 



12 Paul Haupt, [1912. 

to send the cyclone (cf. 11. 120122 of the Flood tablet, TIG- 56) 
just as Anu was instigated by Istar to send the celestial bull 
(UG 33, 1. 94). It is noteworthy that we find in 11. 118. 163 
dingir max (not mag\ cf. below, n. 39) the mighty deity = 
belit ildni, the lady of the gods. The name Istar (JAOS 
28, 116) in 1. 117 is a later adaptation. Cf. RBA, German 
edition, p. 82. 

(14) See GK, 143, b; WdG 2, 256; Driver, Heb. Tenses 
(1892) 197. 

(15) Qirbusu. is accusative, and libbasunu is nominative; cf. 
iplax libbaSunu, their heart feared; ikpud libbasunu, their heart 
planned; kabittaki lipsax, may thy mind be appeased; see 
HW 526 a . 346 a . 317 a ; AG 2 , pp. 188. 227. 

(16) Tuquntu = tuqumtu; cf. Heb. mitqomem. For secondary 
stems with prefixed t see ZDMG 63, 518, 1. 37; cf. below, 
n. 33. 

(17) The second hemistich was, it may be supposed, mind 
Jcabtassa iS&'am. 

(18) In the phrase Marduk u^adkd-ni libba, Marduk stirred 
up my heart" (HW 216 b ) the suffix -m is dative (German, 
Marduk regie mir an das Herz). Cf. GK, 117, x; WdG 
2, 192, A. Gunk el, Genesis (1910) reads iiai-iddeq instead of 
uai-idreq in Gen. 14, 14, and combines this with the Assyr. 
dequ (cf. GB 746 a ). But Winckler's reading dequ (with q) 
is as unwarranted as his reading nisiq, bite, instead of ni^ik 
(see his edition of the Code of Hammurapi cited above, n. 8). 
If the Assyrian stem had a q instead of &, it might be iden- 
tical with Arab, data, iad l u; cf. drqd (Jer. 10, 11) for ar'a, 
earth; Assyr. raggu, evil = Heb. ra'; see AVZKM 23, 361, 
n. 4. The synonym of raggu, evil, genu means originally foolish; 
cf. Heb. nebaldh, folly, depravity, and $ enu, sheep = Heb. gon 
(ZDMG 65, 107, 1. 9). For Arab. da'ua n claim, lawsuit, cf. 
Assyr. rugummu (HW 612; AJSL 26, 7). 

(19) Cf. MDOG, No. 7, p. 2 and p. 3 of Meissner's paper 
cited above, n. 4. 

(20) Cf. Ex. 25, 2; 35, 21. 26. 29; 36, 2. In 2 K 14 ,11, on 
the other hand, we must read ug-hiSsi/aka libbeka (cf. Ob. 3). 
Stade was inclined to read ne-issa'aka. This liis&, to lead 
astray, must be derived from the stem of Sau, vanity, falsehood 
(tertice Alepli). To the same stem belong Heb. M'ow (cf. JBL 
26, 19. 44) and the Assyr. synonym of mexu, gale: su (NE 140, 






Vol. xxxii.] Cuneiform Account of the Deluge. 13 

n. 11; BA 1, 134). Ittarik $u means: the storm abated (abate 
means originally to beat down). Another word for -gale is kuku 
(in 11. 46. 88) = Syr. IcanMta, whirlwind, tempest. Jensen 
(KB 6, 233. 235. 485) and Ungnad (UGr 55) adhere to the trans- 
lation darkness, which I suggested more than 22 years ago, 
but which I declared to be extremely doubtful (JHUC, No. 69, 
p. 18). I showed BA 1, 130 (printed in 1888) that we should 
restore at the beginning of 1. 46: $a dddnu feamas isakanu-ma, 
when the sun (not the Sun-god!) indicates the appointed time. 
The Sun-god did not reveal anything to Hasis-atra; contrast 
Zimmern, Beitrage zur babyl Religion (Leipzig, 1901) p. 88, 
n. 2; UG 195, n. 6, also pp. 200. 209. 213. Mu'ir kuki ina tildti 
usaznankunuSi samutu kibdti means: The Ruler of the Whirlwind 
will cause to rain upon you in the evening a downpour of 
destruction. Kibdti is the plural of kibtu, a fern, of helm, kibu = 
Syr. kebd, pain, grief; cf. Heb. tiitiib in 2 K 3, 19. If kibtu were 
a derivative of the stem kabatu, to be heavy (H'W 317 a ) the fern, 
plural would be kibtdti, not kibdti. Jensen translates: Schmutz- 
Regen\ Ungnad: furchtbarer (?) Regen. C. F. Lehmann- 
Haupt, in thesis ix of his inaugural dissertation, derived 
kibati from qapu, to fall into decay, go to ruin (HW 583 a ). 
For miCir = mumair see JBL 19, 58. The miCir kuki is Enlil; 
cf. above, n. 12. For the correct translation of 11. 43 45, 
which Jensen (KB 6, 233) and "Ungnad (UGr 54) have mis- 
understood, see Haupt, Die akkadische Sprache (Berlin, 
1883) p. xli; JHUC, No. 69, p. 18. These lines do not con- 
tain an infamous lie, as Jensen (Kosmol. 405) says. At the 
beginning of 1. 33 we may read ezeb ali. For izlranl in 1. 39 
Jensen may compare GrK, 106, g. 

(21) If Ungnad and Grressmann had considered this 
passage, they would not have rendered (UGr 27. 109): Schb'n 
ist ihr Schatten, ist voller Jiibel. I referred for mall riSati to 
Lat. lucus laetissimus umbrae &c. Nor does Ungnad (UGr 8) 
seem to know my explanation of NE 8, 36. 37, given in BA 
5, 471 (Friedrich's remarks in BA 5, 468477 should have 
been cited in UGr 1) and the interpretation of the description 
of the garden of the gods (UGl 43, 164167; cf. p. 163) 
which I gave in Proverbs 60, 30 40. For Grressmann's 
Brunnenschwengel (UGr 103) see AJSL 23, 234. 

(22) UG- 60, 224229; 62, 262 (cf. p. 141) practicaUy re- 
peats Jensen's meaningless translations. 



14 Paul Haupt [1912. 

(23) Cf. Id bamtu, impurity (HW 180 a ) or Id ulldti (Zimmern, 
Surpu, p. 53, below) and Heb. Id-ken &c. 

(24) Gressmann's idea (TIG 123, n. 5) that this text be- 
longs to the myth of Irra and Isum (TB 71) is at variance 
with the line'(NE 51, 17) Istar ana naJcrisu ul iSdkan qaqqadsa, 
Istar cannot resist its (the city's) enemy. Istar did not send 
an enemy against the city of Erech, but Erech was besieged 
by enemies for three years, and Istar could not make head 
(Heb. natdn ro$; cf. GB 524% 1) against them. 

(25) The same reading was adopted by A. Jeremias in 
Das AT im Lichte des Alien Orients (Leipzig, 1906) p. 228. 

(26) Cf. KB 6, 216, 28; UG 46, 78. The end of this line 
may be read iqdtap ligna, he plucks a thistly plant; cf. JAOS 
22, 11, 1. 4; KB 6, 250, 1. 284; UG 62, 284. In Syriac, Idgnd 
denotes an artichoke. Pliny (19, 152; 20, 262) calls the arti- 
choke carduus (Greek cncdAv/xos). Carduus lenedictus, the blessed 
thistle, was held in high esteem as a remedy for all manner 
of diseases. In Arabic, lajm denotes leaves (of thorny gum- 
acacias, Arab, ^alh) used as food for camels; see G. Jacob, 
Altardb. Beduinenleben (Berlin, '1897) pp. 13. 240. For the 
Assyrian stem lagdnu see HW 373 a ; also Zimmern's Beitr. 
zur lab. Eel 176, 18. In S c 2 (AL3, 77) ligittu (for ligintu) 
appears as a synonym of mbittu (cf. NE 147, 295). NiHttu 
stands for ma'battu, and means interlacement, intertwinement, 
interwoven foliage; cf. Heb. % 'abdt, leafy tree; Syr. l dbe 
'dblnte, dense woods. 

(27) At the beginning of this line we may read: Lu damqata. 
be good; cf. NE 42, 79 (UG 30). The preceding line (NE 
12, 33) shows that there is space enough for lu-u dam- be- 
fore -qa-ta in 1. 34. The meaning of the line is: Be good, 
love me; then thou wilt be like a god. 

(28) Cf. my remarks in JHUC, No. 163, p. 50, n. 9; JAOS 
25, 71, n. 1; also RBA 476. 

(29) See AJSL 15, 193214; cf. especially p. 202, n. 33, 
and p. 209, n. 54; also ZAT 23, 174; Skinner's Genesis, 
p. 91; UG99. Contrast KAT*, 528, n. 3; Gunkel's Genesis 
(1910) p. 38. For Eve (Heb. Hauiidh) = serpent (Aram, hiuid) 
see AJSL 23, 228; cf. ZDMG 42, 487, cited in EB 61. 

(30) See JBL 21, 66; ZDMG 63, 519, 1. 22. Cf. Gunkel|, 
Genesis (1910) p. 31, conclusion of 6. 

(31) Cf. the first line of the seventh tablet of the Nimrod 



Vol. xxxii.] Cuneiform Account of the Deluge. 15 

epic (NE 50, 212; KB 6, 179; UG 36) and Syr. itmallak 
(Heb. iim-iimmalek Neh. 5, 7). 

(32) Assyr. hapadu has no connection with Arab, qdfada; 
contrast Muss-Arnolt's dictionary, p. 421 b ; BA 1, 167, n. *. 

(33) Read taSib (not tamel) For secondary stems with pre- 
fixed t cf. above, n. 16. 

(34) Qiqqisu, at the end of 1. 20 is an archaic plural in -&; 
cf. SFG 23, 5; AG 2 , p. 192, 5. It could, of course, stand also 
for the gen. sing. (cf. e. g. NE 142, n. 7). 

(35) Of. Amos 6, 11: For lo! JHVH commands, and the great 
house is dashed to pieces, and the small house to splinters, 
which is a misplaced gloss to vv. 14. 15: 

On the day when I punish her ivory houses go to ruin; 

I '11 destroy the winter house along with the summer house. 

(36) There may have been minor preliminary seismic floods; 
see Suess' work (cited above, n. 12) p. 68. 

(37) Cf. Proverbs (SBOT) 53, 34, and my paper on immeru. 
lamb = hammar, hammed in ZDMG 65, 107. 

(38) Of. SAI 692 s. v. kikkisu. 

(39) For the final k in sik see ZDMG 64, 705, n. 1; cf. 
above, n. 13. 

(40) Qf. Is. 1, 8 and the cut on p. 162 of the translation of 
Isaiah in SBOT. 

(41) Cf. the conclusion of n. 20 (thesis ix of Lehmann). 

(42) See MDOG, No. 22, p. 70; cf. also No. 25, p. 74; con- 
trast No. 31, pp. 8. 39. 44; No. 32, pp. 23. 25; No. 43, p. 19. 

(43) On p. 8 of the paper cited above, n. 4; cf. ibid. p. 12, 1. 12. 

(44) See KB 6, 483; cf. UG 192. 

(45) See Duval (cf. above, n. 10) 356, c; 368, a; Nol- 
deke's Syr. grammar, 202, C. 

(46) See H. Eeckendorf, Die syntaUischen Verhaltnisse des 
Arabischen (Leyden, 1898) p. 444. 

(47) See also Kings 262, n. **. 

(48) JAOS 22, 10, n. 6; cf. ZDMG 63, 516, 1. 42. 

(49) Contrast UG 194, 1. 7. 

(50) See p. 9 of the paper cited above, n. 4. 

(51) Contrast Schneider's explanation cited in UG 138, 
n. 3. As to the force necessary to pull out poles 120 feet 
long, after they have been imbedded in quagmire, I was in- 
formed by an engineer, who has had much experience in driv- 
ing and subsequently pulling piles used for piers and wharves, 



16 Paul Haupt, Account of the Deluge. [1912 

that a wooden pole, 120 feet long, haying a diameter at the 
butt of 25 inches and at the point of 4 inches, would weigh, 
approximately, 5400 pounds. While such a pole can he readily 
driven, it requires a force equal to 25 horse-power to withdraw 
it when it is imbedded in mud and clay to a depth of 50 feet. 
Using a 25 horse-power engine to pull these poles, it is neces- 
sary to employ what is known as a triple rig or pulley. Of 
course, if such a rig were not used, the direct force necessary 
to pull the piles in question would be much greater, probably 
about 50 horse-power. I am indebted for information to Pro- 
fessor Gellert Alleman, of Swarthmore College. The an- 
cient cuneiform poet believed, of course, that paddles and oars 
were unknown in the times of Nimrod. Of. EB 4478, 1. 20. 

(53) Not sut\ Contrast lid 137, n. 2; cf. also pp. 184. 207. 

(54) TJG 195 still thinks that Hasis-atra gave the people of 
Suripak daily banquets while he was building his ship! 

(55) Contrast UG- 55, below. 

(56) Of. above, note 22. 

(57) According to Jensen (KB 6, 488, below) these plugs 
were intended for holes in the bottom through which the ship 
was supplied with water! A. Jeremias, following Winckler, 
gives the meaningless translation: I poured water over the 
sikkat in its interior. Cf. above, n. 25. 

(58) Cf. JAOS; 13, ccxliii, n. 14; 25, 71; 31, 37; BA 1, 124. 

(59) Op. cit. Cf. above, p. 4. 

(60) Literally height. It cannot be length. 



The five Assyrian stems la'u. By PAUL HAUPT, Professor 
in the Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 

I. In my paper on Leah and Eachel (ZAT 29, 281) * 
I showed that Leah meant cow, Assyr. letu, feminine of lu, 
bull. Lu is a contraction of le'u, and corresponds to the 
Arabic la*a n (for la > aiu n ) wild bull. Le'u (for leiu, la'iu, Id'iiu) 

\ <- J \ f\ ' n, I f\ J 

means originally, like Heb. abbw, strong (cf. OLZ 12, 214, 
n. 18; TJGr 130). Arab. to'a n means also misfortune, lit. strength, 
hardship (cf. Arab. iddatu n ). This explains the meaning of 
Assyr. la'u (for lain, l&'aiu) wretched (not la'u, HW 366 b ) 
which means originally hard up. There is no connection between 
la'u, wretched, and the negative Id, not (contrast AJSL 22, 
261, n. 17). In Hebrew, we have the stem Id ah, to trouble 
oneself, lit. to try hard. Assyr. lu, bull (Arab. la?a n ) appears 
in the story of Hagar (Gen. 16, 14) as roi (for loi, lai, Ia 7 i, 
la'ii). See my explanation of this passage in ZAT 29, 284; 
contrast Gunkel's Genesis (1910) p. 189; and Skinner's 
commentary (1910) p. 288. 

The name Bene Le'dh meant originally cowboys, and Bene 
Eahel denoted the southern sheepmen. Westerners say, cattle 
and sheep do not mix. 2 There has always been more or less 
trouble between cowboys and sheepmen. Their interests can 
never be mutual, since cattle and sheep cannot thrive on the 
same range. The sheep absolutely spoil the pasturage for the 
cattle by cropping the grass so close that no sustenance is 
left to the bigger animal, and, besides that, they are supposed 
to leave a taint that is highly offensive to the bovines. The 
close nibbling of the herbage is not the only damage done by 
the sheep. They travel in dense formation, and their sharp 
hoofs cut the sod and pack it down so hard that it takes the 
range a long time to recuperate. 

1 For the abbreviations see above, p. 10, n. 1. 

2 Quoted from an article in the Baltimore American, Nov. 15, 1909. 

Vol. XXXII. Part I. 2 



18 Paul Haupt, [1912. 

The Assyrian stem Wu, to be strong, means also to have 
power, to "be able (HW 365 b ). Ilett, he can, stands for ilaJai. 

II. On the other hand, iWi, he likes (HW 364 b , below) 
stands for ildhai, and must be connected with Arab, lahiia, 
idlhd, to like (syn. ahabba). Ethiopic alhdia, to cheer up, to 
comfort (Arab, dlhd or lahhd) means originally to make pleased, 
satisfied, reconciled', cf. Arab, lahiia 'an (contrast ZAT 29, 282, 
1. 10). Delitzsch (HW 365 a ) correctly derives Wu, sensible, 
intelligent, wise, from this stem, pointing to Assyr. jemu (for 
fa'mu) which means will, mind, sense, intellect, intelligence, in- 
formation, news. 1 Similarly milku (HW 413 b ) means counsel, 
decision, deliberation, understanding, insight. Our mind, which 
corresponds to the Latin mens, means not only intellect, but 
also desire, intent, purpose, will. To have a mind means to be 
inclined, to intend, to like. 

Assyr. jemu, intelligence, message, appears in Aramaic as 
fibba. This is often used in the Talmud in the sense of Heb. 
mi$pa$, the right way of doing a thing, the proper manner, 
German Art. Heb. mi$pd1; may mean also skill, knack, just as 
Art is identical with our art (cf. AJSL 27, 20, n. 24). German 
artig means mannerly, well-mannered, well-bred. In Middle High 
German, Art denoted family, extraction. In Wagner's Lohen- 
grin Lohengrin says to Elsa: Nie sollst du mich befragen, noch 
Wissens Sorge tragen, woher ich kam der Fcihrt, noch ivie mein 
Nam 1 und Art. 

In the Syriac Bible, ma fibbek(i) appears in Euth 3, 9 as 
the equivalent of Heb. mi att, and in the shorter recension of 
Judith,^ published by Gaster in FSB A 16, 162, Seleucus 
says to Judith: Mdh fibek. Gaster translates: What is it 
that thou wishest? but it means: How art thou? Heb. mi att 
in Euth 3, 9 has the same meaning; the rendering Who art 
thou? is incorrect (see BA 1, 17, 1. 1; AJSL 24, 127). The 
literal meaning of mdh fibek is What is thy report, i. e. the 
report concerning thee, tvhat is the news of thee? The suffix 
must be explained according to GK 128, h; 135, m. 

The traditional Jewish pronunciation is fiba, for jebd, not 



1 HW 297; cf. Ezra and Nehemiah (SBOT) p. 34, 1. 49. Syr. tibba 
(originally tBbS) means message, news, tidings, rumor, fame, report 

2 For the Book of Judith, which is a Palestinian Pharisaic Purim 
legend, see Haupt, Purim (Leipzig, 1906) p. 7, 11. 3339. 



Vol. xxxii.j The Jive Assyrian stems la?u. 19 



fibba. Also the Aleph in Syriac |aj^ (Noldeke, Syr. Gr. 35) 
points to an original pronunciation jebd. The Aleph in this 
case must be explained in the same way as in kemend, nefeSd, 
mele'd, discussed in BA 1, 7. 166; BL 123, n. f. The Syriac 
Pael fabbib (cf. jebiba, renowned, jebibutd, renown) is denomi- 
native, derived from fibbd = fibd, jebd = Assyr. \ernu = jd'mu. 
For the interchange of m and b see Ezra and Neliemiah (SBOT) 
67, 33. There is certainly no connection with Arab. ^J^> za'b, 
zab, clamor, noise, injustice, violence, although Fleischer 
raised no objections to this etymology in Levy's Talmudic 
dictionary (2, 153. 210). In his Targumic dictionary (1, 292) 
Levy reads fibbd, but in his Talmudic lexicon (2, 153) he has 
fibd. Dalman's Worterbuch (p. 156) gives Heb. feb (with suf- 
fixes fibbd, like libbo, his heart) and Aram, fibbd, Art, Wesen, 
Euf; but on p. 159 he gives Heb. fib, Art und Weise. This 
would seem to be the original pronunciation. The form fibbd 
instead of fibd = febd = Assyr. ftmu (for ja'mu) may be in- 
fluenced, not only by TVTTOS (which is used also in the sense of 
characteristic assemblage of particulars or qualities, character, 
quality) but also by dibbdh: in Gen. 37, 2 some Targumic MSS 
read dibbehon instead of fibbehon. Tibbd, or rather fe&#, is the 
Assyrian \e,mu (for fa'mu) which was .afterwards pronounced 
jeuu, fiiiu, and dibbdh is connected with Assyr. dabdbu which 
belongs to the same root (AJSL 23, 252) as Heb. dibbar, to 
speak. * 

Assyr. le'u (not le'u) wise, stands for leiu, lain, lahiu, lahiiu. 

III. Assyr. Wu (not li'u, HW 366 b ) tablet, stands for tthu, 
which corresponds to Heb. luh, just as we have in Arabic, 
r$h, wind, and ruh, spirit, whereas in Hebrew, ruh is used for 
both wind and spirit] cf. Kings (SBOT) p. 96, 1. 25.2 

IV. Assyr. lu'u (lu'u, HW 366 a ) soiled, defiled, disgraced, 
may stand for luhhuiu, and may be connected with Arab. 
lahd, idlhd, which means not only to blame and to curse, but 
also to disgrace, vilify, insult, (syn. qdbaha). Assyr. lu'u could 
be connected also with Arab, lau'atu 11 , which is said to mean 



1 Both Heb. dob, bear, and debordh, bee, mean originally Brummer 
(growler, hummer). Cf. Heb. hamdh and hagdh, also the remarks in my 
paper on the trumpets of Jericho, WZKM 23, 360362. 

2 The phrase le-ruh hai-iom (Gen. 3, 8) means according to Gunkel, 
Genesis (1910) at daylreak] see BL 74; contrast AJSL 22, 203; 24, 136. 



20 Paul Haupt, The five Assyrian stems la'u. [1912. 

shame, disgrace, or Ethiopic lauudu, perverse, depraved; but 
this is less probable. 

Y. Ass jr. Za'w, a kind of wine (HW 366 b ) may be com- 
pared with Syr. la', nelu', to lick, to lap. Also the word lu, 
discussed in HW 374% iii, may be connected with this stem. 
This Assyr. la'u may mean to sip, to swallow, and may stand 
for la'aim, just as we have uru (cf. Heb. 'aruah, Arab, 'uriatu") 
and uru (Arab. ( auratu n ) shame; cf. ZDMGr 65, 108, 1. 14. 

VI. For the etymology of Heb. lem, Levite, see OLZ 12, 
163; ZDMG 63, 522, 1. 9; ZAT 29, 286. 



Babylonian Legends, BM Tablets 87535, 93828 and 
87521, CT XV, Plates 16. By Rev. FKEDEKICK 
A. VANDERBUKGH, Ph. D., Columbia University, New 
York City. 

Part XV of Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in 
the British Museum contains twenty -four plates of "Early 
Sumerian Religious Texts." It also contains, at the beginning, 
six plates, entitled "Old Babylonian Legends." The religious 
texts are purely Sumerian, but the so-called legends are 
Assyrian. There are really three tablets of the legends, which, 
according to the publication, seem to be considerably broken. 
Yet cols, i and viii of the first tablet, cols, i and ii of the 
second tablet and cols, ii and vii of the third tablet furnish 
six interesting texts which may properly be called poems, a 
translation of which is given in the following pages. 

I take great pleasure in acknowledging my indebtedness to 
Professor John Dyneley Prince of Columbia University for 
much valuable help in the translation of these difficult Old 
Babylonian unilingual poetic texts. 

I. 
Plate i, Tablet 87535, Obverse, Col. i. 

This poem relates to the goddess Mama. Its language re- 



minds us of the phrase in Psalm xix, 11: nM1 t?:TTD 
D^BIS "sweeter than honey and the honey-comb." The poet dwells 
on the pleasure of singing the song of the goddess Mama and 
the character of her maternal relations. 

za-ma-ar ilat bi-li-it Hi a-za-ma-ar 

The song of Belit ili I sing. 

ib-ru us-si-ra ku-ra-du $i-me-a 

O friend regard, O' warrior listen! 



22 Frederick A. Vanderburgh, [1912. 

nat ma -ma za-ma-ra-sa-ma e-li 
The goddess Mama, her song more 

di-is-pi-i-im u ka-ra-nim ta-bu 
than honey and wine is sweet; 

5 ta-bu-u e-li di-i$-pi u ha-ra-ni-i-im 
sweeter than honey and wine; 

ta-bu-u e-li ha-na-na-bi-i-ma Jm-aS-hu-ri-i-im 
sweeter than sprouts and herbs; 

e-lu-u lu M-me-e-tim za-ku-u-tim 
superior indeed to pure cream; 

ta-a-lu e-lu ha-na-na-bi-im-ma lm-a$-liu-ri-i 
sweeter than sprouts and herbs. 

nat m a-ma iS-ti-na-am u-li-id-ma 

The goddess Mama, one she hath brought forth, 

10 a-ap-pa-a-am na-$i-u pi-ri $ar-ra-am 

who in the vanguard beareth the ivory of the king. 

nat ma . m a i-e-na u-li-id-ma 

The goddess Mama, two she hath brought forth, 

$i-e-na-ma $a ili sa-ri-bi il ekalli-$u 

two by the god Zaribu, the god of that temple. 

nat ma - ma $a-la-ti u-li-id-ma 

The goddess Mama, three she hath brought forth. 



1. bi'li-it ili (or belli Hani): NI.NI is a common compound 
ideogram for ili "gods" (Br. 5356), probably derived from read- 
ing JSTI.NI phonetically as i-li (Br. 5307 & 5309). That bi-li- 
it ili is an epithet is shown by the fact that several goddesses 
bear the title. The consort of Ea, Damkina, for example, was 
called Belli ildni: e-a mu-u-ti-sir nak-bi-8u bi-lit ilani mu-rap- 
pi-sat-ta lit-ti-8u. Cylinder of Sargon, line 70. 

2. ib-ri (*12H): root literally = "surround, protect." us-si-ra 
(prob. isy), II. 1. 2d. m. s. impv. 

3. ilat ma -ma, the name of a very ancient divinity, as is 
evinced by its appearance in personal names of early Baby- 
lonian times. It may be found in the name of a man who 
was an official (damhar) apparently before the days of Uru- 



Vol. xxxii.] Babylonian Legends &c. 23 



kagina: ( din ^r w ) in-din-dug-ga ur-ma-ma (d)am~kar (*'" e)n-(lil) 
(a-mu-na-8ub). PL 43. No. 95. Old Babylonian Inscriptions, 
Part II. There was also a Patesi, before the days of the 
dynasty of Ur, bearing this name: mu ur-ma-ma pa-te-si; 
Thureau-Dangin, Recherches sur Vorigine de I'ecriture cuneiforme, 
No. 184. In later Babylonian times, beginning even with the 
period of Hammurabi this goddess seems to appear as Gula, 
which is evidently a form of Mama (m = </, &c.). Here her 
personality has developed into that of the consort of Ninib: 
nin-ib $ar Same u irsitim u gu-la kal-lat e-Sar-ra; Inscription 
of Nebuchadezzar I, Col. ii, line 39. In union with Ninib she 
performs the function of life-giving: nin tin dib-ba (V It. 52. 
Col. iv. 7). She is called the great physician: ilat gu-la-a asitu 
gaUa-tu (III R. 41. c. 11). 

6. ha-na-na-bi-i-ma (really Jianabu) exhibits a curious re- 
duplication of the syllable na. It seems proper here to raise 
the question as to whether wine and herbs had any relation 
in thought to her art of healing. We know that these pro- 
ducts were used to some extent in incantations: sikari 
sa-kil-bir u samni iMeniS tuballal Sipti III-Sw tamanni i-na $i- 
in-ni-$u taSakkan, "wine of sa-kil-bir and oil together thou 
shalt pour; the incantation thrice thou shalt repeat; on his 
tootn thou shalt put it" ("Legend of the Worm," lines 25 & 26, 
see Thompson's Devils and Evil Spirits of Babylonia), ar-su- 
up-pu se-gu-su in-nin-nu $a i-na $i-ir-'-i-8a um-sa ka$-da-at 
pur-$um-tu ina katd-a elldti li-te-en-ma iStenis bu-lul-ma ina 
kak-ha-di-Su su-lmn "the ar-su-up-pu, $e-gu-su and in-nin-nu 
whidh in its height its day has reached, let an old woman with 
her clean hands grind it, mix it together, on his head place 
it" (Headache Series, Tablet IX, lines 125130; see Thompson). 
(di8-pu) In-me-tu eli-$u $u-ru-up-ma "honey and butter upon 
it burn" (Fever Incantation, Plate 58, line 59; see Thompson). 

9. u-li-id-ma, I. 1. pret. This act of giving birth attributed 
to the goddess here may be the second birth over which she 
presided apparently even in earliest times as this song with 
this interpretation attests. 

12. sa-ri-bi "fiery one." Nergal the war god sometimes is 
called sarbu. 



24 Frederick A. Vanderburgh, [1912. 

II. 
Plate 2, Tablet 87535, Reverse, Col. viii. 

This plate being a part of the reverse of the same tablet as 
plate 1, must naturally present a phase of the same subject 
as that of the plate just read. While that one gave us a 
story of coming to life, this, however, contains a story of 
departing from life. The concrete factor here is that of the 
land of Sumer which seems to have been devastated by flood. 
Inhabitants were carried away to the lower world through 
the machinations of evil spirits. Some people remained in 
desolation. 

ma i-ri - 

an-nu-um sa-al-la-at su-mi-ri - - e-li sa a-a i-li 

On account of sin the booty of Sumer (is carried away); 

8u-ba-ru-u-um lu-u ir-$i-id ka-sa-si-im-ma 

Protection, let it be established because of diminution! 

5 a-at-ti-$a-am-ma $u-mi-ru-um li-ik-ta-sa-as-si 
Yearly (they say), let Sumer be diminished! 

i8-um-ma da-mu-u-su ilat i$tar u 8u-u 
They seek its blood; Istar and he 

ina pu-Jm-ur ur-du-ni-i-im 

are among the assembly of those who go down (to trial). 

ilat istar i-ga-tu gi-ni-i-8a 

Istar, come to an end hath her offering. 

u-li i-pa-Sa-lia-am a-na-a-ma ili li-el-li 

"My woes are appeased, I repulse the divine Lellu." 

10 i-lm-uz-ma-kar-ra-di-i-$a 
He seized her strong ones. 

n&r diktat i-na ku-ut-la-ti si-pa-ri iz-ki-e-ir 

The river Tigris with the slain of Sippar was raised; 

i-na ku-ut-la-ti si-pa-ar-ri 
with the slain of Sippar 

$i-ga-ri pi-ri-im n&r diklat iz-ki-ir 
a bar of ivory the Tigris ran high. 



h* 

lilu 



Vol. xxxii.] Babylonian Legends &c. 25 

^-Zw i-zi-bu-ma a-li-$u-nu 

The god, he forsook their city, 

15 u-ub-ti-$u-nu ma-8i-i$ u$-bu 

in their dwellings forgotten they sat. 

3. an-nu-um, apparently accusative. $u-mi-ri: perhaps the 
idea is that the Sumerians are already feeling the overpowering 
effect of Semitic intrusion in the Euphrates valley. Sumer of 
course means Babylonia. 

4. $u-ba-ru-u-um, same root as ib-ru, plate 1, line 2. ir-Zi-id. 
I. 1. pret. ka(KA)-sa(ZA)-si(ZI)-im-ma, probably pi. 

6. ig-um-ma = iSeu-ma from se'u. da-mu-u-$u: the first sign seems 
to be id not da, no doubt a scribal error. ilat i$tar u $u-u: 
reference to Istar and Tammuz in the lower world. 

7. ur-du-ni-i-im, I. 1. pret. m. pi. from aradu. 

8. i-ga-tu, 1. 1. pres. from katu. gi-ni-i-Sa, Istar's offering for 
Tammuz. 

9. u-li from alu "lament." i-pa-$a-ha-am seems to be f. pi. 
a-na-a-ma (K 1 ^), I. 1. pres. 1st per. s. 

il li-el~li, no doubt the same as the Sumerian lil-la (to which 
must be related), mentioned in several lists of demons as 
, who are opposed to the gods and to whose devices the 
ills of human life are attributed; see Incantation K 3586 (IV 
R. 16. 15 22) where lilu is listed with the evil utukku and 
fourteen other demons. In hymns, however, we find lillu (rather 
than lilu)', see K 4980 (IV E. 27. 57), Hymn to Bel: il lil-lum 
(Sum. mu ~ lu HI), where the phrase ilu lil-lum is attributively given 
to Bel who was chief demon when the name en-lil lord of 
demons was first applied to him. 

10. i-lm-uz-ma, I. 1. pret. 3d. per. m. s.; the subject is Lellu. 

11. * dildat: id or i (A.TUE,) = ndru. idigna (BAE.TIG. 
KAE) = dildat; the derivation of the Semitic diklat from the 
Sumerian idigna is apparent, but some steps of contraction 
might elude us in tracing the derivation of idigna from the 
signs A.TUE.BAE.TIG-.KAE (water-course-cutting-banks-power- 
fully). ku-ut-la-ti, a rare word but having a meaning similar 
to hasasu. si-pa-ri, also si-pa-ar-ri in the next line: the more 
common spelling is Sippar, modern Abu Habba, situated be- 
tween the Tigris and the Euphrates, north of Babylon, seat 
of the cult of Samas. iz-ki-e-ir: I. 1. is unusual from this root. 

15. u$-bu (asabu), contracted form of I. 1. pret. 



26 Frederick A. Vanderburgh, [1912. 

III. 
Plate 3, Tablet 93828, Obverse, Col. i. 

Plate 3 gives us a prayer to a goddess for some king that 
lie may have victory in conquest; the prayer is continued in 
plate 4, plates 3 and 4 forming successive columns in the ob- 
verse of the same tablet. In lines 1 to 7, .the petitioner, 
whoever he may be, extols the virtues of the goddess and 
states his petition. Perhaps the petitioner is the king him- 
self. Lines 8 to 14 seem to interrupt the prayer by giving 
us a picture of a council of war among the gods with whom 
the goddess is in communication, while the battle is already 
going on. 

- $i-e-me ik-ri-bi lu na-i-id 
O hear my truly solemn prayer! 

al-ti 8i-e-me ik-ri-bi lu na-i-id 

O my lady, hear my truly solemn prayer! 

$ar hu-um-mi a-na ili ramani 

king of my habitation, on behalf of the divine Ramanu! 

ni-&i im-me-ir ni-ta $u-pi a$-ta-at 

My prayer is pure; in attack, my glorious one, thou art 
supreme. 

5 i-ni-i-ma ma-ta-am la us-ni-e-eS 

He repulseth the land, it resisteth him not. 

ti-bi-e mi-si'i gi-U-8u- Ii-i8-me 

In attacks and conquests, to his word may he hearken! 

a-ma-ta ah-li-ni i-ra-az-zu 

The word our mighty ones obey. 

ilu Ml pa-8u i-pu-sa-am-ma i-pu--ru 

Bel opened his mouth and took account; 

Jca-la i'li iz-za-ag-ga-ar 
all the gods he mentions. 

10 i$-ti-a-nim a-du-u i-li ma-'hu-ur 

The mountain is sought, the gods are present. 

$a-a$-ma-am il-gi-e-ma e su-lum-ma 

The battle he begun, no quarter (is allowed). 



I 



Vol. xxxii.] Babylonian Legends &c. 27 

bi-li-it i-li li-ib-bu-ku-nim 
lady of the gods, let them turn back, 

li-$i-ri-bu-ni i$~8i a-na mali-ri-ia 

let them enter with me in my presence! 

bi-li-it i'li ib-bu-Jcu-ni-ma 

For the lady of the gods they turn back 

is * IM bel $i-a-$i-im iz-za-ag-ga-ar-Si 
Bel, unto her he calls. 



I. ik-ri~bi, from kardbu with preformative mi or ni shortened 
to i. lu = adv. na-i-id = adj. from na'idu. 

3. $ar, probably the consort of the goddess. Jcu-um-mi (013): 
the construct would be hum. ili ramani: the aid of the storm- 
god might be essential, as kings often invoked the wrath of 
the storm-god on their enemies. 

4. ni-&i, from nau "lift up." im-me-ir, from namaru, I. 1. 
pregnant pret. ni-ta, f. noun, from same root as a-na-a-ma, 
plate 2, line 9. a$-ta-at, from a$tu "high," perm. form. 

5. u$-ni-e-e, III. 1. with suf. 

6. ti-bi-e, pi. mi-si-i, from masto, "find, take possession of by 
force." 

7. ak-li-ni "our mighty,'' probably from same root as aklu 
"food." i-ra-az-zu, from rasu. 

8. i-pu--ri O^S), word of rare occurrence. 

10. ig-ti-a-nim, I. 3. ma-Jm-ur: must be perm, for maliir. 

II. il-gi-e-ma, from ?aM, I. 1. pret. e = "not," like h$. li-ib- 
bu-ku-nim, I. 1. pret. 3d per. pi. with prec. li. 

12. bi-li-it ili suggests that the goddess addressed in this 
tablet is most likely Mama the object of praise in tablet 87535. 
We can see how Gula, being the lady of the gods and the 
goddess who giveth life as well as being the consort of Ninib 
who was considered a god of battle, could be properly invoked 
by a king for military achievement. 

IV. 
Plate 4, Tablet 93828, Obverse, Col. ii. 

Continuing the prayer of the preceding plate, in lines 1 to 6 
of this plate, the petitioner appeals for divine aid on behalf 



28 Frederick A. Vanderburgh, [1912. 

of the stricken in battle. Lines 7 to 13 touch upon the en- 
hancement of the honor of divinity. Lines 14 to 19 renew 
the direct petition for the king's victory. 

im-lm-ur-su-ma a-bu i-li 
He received him - 

zi-ik-ri ta-ni-it-tim iz-za-ga-ar-$u 

My name of majesty he names to him. 

a$arid-a ih-hi-i-ka u-ur-$a ma-a-i 

my leader! Turn thee to the woe-stricken ones, my 
mighty one! 

a na-ap~$a-at ka-la ni-$i i-ti-i-ka 

Thou from whom cometh the life of all people! 

5 im-ma-ti-ia sa-Jm-ur-ra ta-am-ta at-bu-uk 

My petition in the enclosure of the sea I pour out. 

ku-ul-la-at ta-at-mi ga-ab-la-ka im-ru-ur-ma 

All that thou sayest is bitter in the midst of thee. 

u$-ta-at-li-im ku-um bi-li pa-ra-ak-ki 

It hath been given in the room of the lord of the shrine. 

e-1)i-a-tim a-na bi-ti-i-ka es-si-id 
Adornments for thy house are gathered. 

im-ma-ti-ia li-ku-un Su-pa-ai-lta 

It is my petition, may thy dwelling endure! 

10 ki u-mi ta-la-ka-am im Jnu-ut-ti 
When thou goest to the front, 

pa-a$-&i-ru lu-u li-ri-i$ u-um-su 

the festal table, may it be spread on that day! 

$ar-ru um-su ud-ab-bi-i-8u li-ib-la--ka 

The king on that day will beautify it, may he honor thee! 

at-ta 8i-me-e mi ik-ri-bi-i-8u 
Do thou hearken to his prayer! 

kan-kal-la-a-am $u-uz-ni-na-am ma-ti-$u 
"With long life do thou adorn his land! 

15 $a-at~ti-i-a-am-ma $i-im-ta-su wa-tu-ur 
Annually do thou increase his fortune! 



I 



Vol. xxxii.j Babylonian Legends &c. 29 

ma-ta-tim $u-uk-ni-$a-am Si e-pi-i$-$u 

The lands do thou subjugate! it is his work, . 

i-nu-Sa ina ni-i i-si-ab-ba-$am-ma 
when in prayer he desireth it! 

i$-ti-i-8u a-li-ik tu-pu-un ma-Jji-ir-$u 

From him do thou go, conquer his opponent! 

$i e-pu-u$-8u $u-uh-ni-8a-am ma-ta-am 

That is his work; do thou subjugate the land! 



2. ta-ni-it-tim, same root as na-i-id, plate 3, line 1. 

3. ih-hi-i-ka (nfiN), I. 1. impv. with suf. -ka. ma-a-i, adj. 
from mtiu. 

5. im-ma-ti-ia, same as amdiu, with suf. ia. 

6. ta-at-mi, I. 1. pret. from tamu. im-ru-ur-ma. also pret. 
of I. 1. 

8. e-bi-a-tim (SHI), "produce, gifts/' e-si-id, probably for 
e-si-id. 

9. hi u-mi = "according to the day, when." mu-ut-ti "front;" 
probably im-mu-ut-ti. 

11. li-ri-i$, from root represented by fc?iy. 

16. Si, personal pronoun. 

17. i-nu-$a, noun with suf. a. 

y. 

Plate 5, Tablet 87521, Obverse, Col. ii. 

This plate seems obscure except in the light of plate 6 
which gives the sequel. In plate 5, Bel is incensed at a god- 
dess; that goddess is evidently Istar who seems to be guilty 
of an offense which cannot be condoned in the family of the 
gods. According to plate 6, Istar becomes of child by her 
brother Samas'. The family relationships are as follows. Sin 
is the offspring of Bel; Ningal is the consort of Sin; Istar is 
the offspring of Sin; Samas is the offspring of Sin. 

Lines 1 to 3, the anger of Bel. Lines 4 to 8, the exalted 
position of Sin. Lines 9 to 11, interview of Sin with 
Ningal. 



30 Frederick A. Vanderburgh, [1912. 

i-na e-ir-i id-di i-ni-lu 

On the couch he threw it, it lay. 

ilu Ml i-zi-ib ri-M-is-su ik-ka-ar-si 

Bel hath abandoned her; his trust is estranged to her. 

is-bu-ba-am-ma wa-ta-ar-bi M-ta-am 

He has become enflamed; he has begun the battle. 

ilu sin i-na bu-ku-ur ilu bel sa-ni-ni la i-$u 

Sin, as the first born of Bel, no equal thou hast. 

5 a-wa-u-da-at i-ra-am ilu sin 

Thou hast firmly fixed it; Sin has had compassion; 

i-na ma-na ri-$i-ib-8u ki-na-at 

by means of tribute thou hast fixed his power. 

pa-$i ka-az-zu zi-u-zu la-a i-na mu-ti-is-su 

My reign his hand apportions; not with his property. 

e-li 'ba-e-ru-ti-im us-ta-ab-ni-i-ma 
among the hunters it is formed. 

a-na ilat nin-gal is-ta-ka-an u-zu-un-su 

Unto the goddess Nergal he (Sin) giveth ear. 

10 ilu sin ik-ru-Ub' a-na kar-ri-is ik-ra-ab 

Sin has brought her; at his summons she approacheth. 

- $i-i-ma u-ul i-8a-al a-ba-sa 
She maketh no petition to her father. 



1. i-ni-lu, from na'alu. 

3. is-bu-ba-am-ma, from Zababu. wa-ta-ar-bi, from erebu. 
$al-ta-am, from $alu "shoot." 

5. a-wa-u-da-at, root emedu- i-ra-am from ramu. 

6. ri-$i-ib-$u from rasdbu. 

1. pa-8i, root pasu. ka-az-zu "his hand" or "thy hand." zi- 
u-zu, root zdzu. mu-ti-is-su, root isu. 

8. ba-e-ru-ti-im, from bdru. 

9. ilat nin-gal: Ningal, "great lady, 7 ' appears particularly in 
the time of Rim-Sin. The title "mistress of Ur" may be found 
several times. 



Vol. xxxii.] Babylonian Legends &c. 31 

YI. 
Plate 6, Tablet 87521, Reverse, Col. vii. 

Lines 1 to 6, confession of Istar. Lines 7 to 12, reprimand 
of Bel. 



i 



- a-at-ma a-Jia a$-tu na-as - 

is-ta-ri-i-tim it-ta-na-al 

The goddess Istar hath gone to rest; 

la ag-gi ir-bu-um e-kur 

let not the turbulent enter the temple. 

5 a-na-Uu a-lii te-ri-a-ku a-Jn 

I, my brother, am of child by my brother, 

$a a-na a-Jn-ia wa-al-du 

I who to my brother have borne a child. 

* lM bel pa-a-Su i-pu-8a-am-ma 
Bel, his mouth he opened; 

iz-za-ag-ga-ar a-na la-pa-tim ilat iStar 
He mentions the fall of Istar. 

a-a-ia-am a-ha-ki ta-ri-a-at 

Woe is me! by thy brother thou art with child, 

10 a-ha-ki sa a-na a-hi i-na a-M-i-ki iva-al-du 

by thy brother thou who by thy brother hast borne a child. 

ilu i-8a-am ilat nin-lil 
O divine Isum! Belit 

a-na ilu 8amas u-li-id-ma 

unto the god ama hath borne a child. 

3. it-ta-na-al, see i-ni-lu, plate 5, line 1. 

4. ag-gi, from agagu. ir-bu-um, I. 1. impv. erebu. 

5. te-ri-a-ku, a perm, form from eru; in line 9 a noun from 
the same root. 

8. la-pa-tim, root lapdtu. ilat iStar, confirmation that i-ta- 
ri-i-tim in line 3 is correctly rendered i 



32 Frederick A. Vanderburgh, Babylonian Legends &c. [1912. 

1. * lM i-8a-am: Isum was no doubt a local deity. The word 
Isum appears in proper names as early as the time of Ham- 
murabi. In some inscriptions he appears as a sun-god brought 
into subjection to Samas. He also appears sometimes as a 
servant or guardian (rdbisu), a position which he seems to oc- 
cupy in this tablet. 

Hat n i n .iii y title applied to Istar in about the same way that 
the name Bel is applied to Marduk. 



I 



The Vedic Dual 1 : Part VI, The Elliptic Dual; Part VII, 
The Dual Dvandva. By Dr. SAMUEL GRANT OLI- 
PHANT, Professor in Grove City College, Grove 
City, Penna. 



THE purpose of this paper is to present various phenomena 
that are associated with the elliptic dual and the dual dvandva, 
to present for reference what is. believed to be complete lists 
of these two species of the dual as found in the Rig and Atharva 
Vedas, and to propose solutions of the mooted problems of 
their genesis and relationship. 

I. 

The elliptic dual, or, as I should prefer to call it were 
not the term so firmly established in its literature, the sylleptic 
dual, is the dual of one substantive connoting both its own 
singular and another singular suggested by it. In its obvious 
kinship with such rhetorical tropes as metonymy, synecdoche, 
antonomasia, &c., and with such syntactical schemata as zeugma, 
ellipsis, syllepsis, &c., as well as in its possible relationship to 
the so-called o-x^a 'AXK^aviKov of Greek Ipoetry (Vid. Eraser, 
Classical Quarterly, IV, 25 ff.), this dual is essentially artistic 
and poetic. This appears also from the fact that even the 
Yedic pitdra and matara, though occurring eighty-five times 
in the Big Veda alone, are used figuratively at least seventy- 
two times. In nine of the remaining instances the words may 
be duals in comparison with a dual antecedent and not elliptic 
duals at all and in at least three of these instances this would 
seem unmistakably the preferable interpretation. 

The ratio of one hundred and twenty-nine instances (in- 
cluding the doubtful cases) of this dual in the Rig Veda to 
only sixteen independent examples in the Atharva Veda, would 
show that it is also essentially hieratic as well as poetic. 

i See this Journal, XXX, 155 ff. 

Vol. XXXII. Part I. 



34 S. O. Oliphant, [1912. 

These conclusions find additional corroboration in the in- 
frequency of this dual even in the ancillary Vedic literature, 
in which except a mere 1 handful of analogical growth, only 
a 2 few stereotyped forms remain, reminiscential of the older 
hieratic and more artistic period, and also in its 3 non-occur- 
rence in the later poetic recrudescence. 

In their use of the elliptic dual the rishis show in various 
ways that they are quite conscious of the syllepsis. In ninety- 
nine of the hundred and forty-five instances in the two Yedas 
they seem to have taken especial pains that others should not 
misunderstand them by taking the words too literally. Their 
methods show considerable variety and artistic skill and seem 
important enough to warrant a rather full presentation. They 
may be subsumed under eight classes, described as follows: 

I. The dual of the unexpressed member of the syllepsis 
follows closely in the context the dual of the expressed member. 

Thus mdtdrd in 4 III, 7, l b , referring to dydvdprthivi as the 
parents of Agni is followed in the very next pdda by pitdrd 
with the same meaning and reference. In this instance there 
is the additional reinforcement of pitfWiydm in 6 a . Similar are, 
III, 5, 7 d , matara, and 8 d , pitror, 
I, 140, 3 b , matara, and 7 d , pitroh, 
I, 159, 2 C , pitara, and 3 C , matara, 
IX, 75, 2 C , pitroh, and 4 b , matara. 
Thus this phenomenon is associated with eleven of the duals. 

II. There is in the neighboring context either specific 
mention or suggestion, or both, of the unexpressed member of 
the syllepsis. 

(a) Mention. In VIII, 27, 2 b usdsd nciktam osadhih, the 
naktam implicit in usdsa is expressed immediately after it. 
I, 155, 3 b , matara = dyavaprthivi, 3 C pitiir = dyaiis, 
I, 140, 3 b , matara, 3 d pituh, 

1 The following have been noted in Panini, Hemachandra and the 
Amarakoga: aulukhalau, kukkutau, drsadau, putrau, brahmanau, bhra- 
tarau and gvagurau. There are probably a few others of sporadic 
occurrence. 

2 See, e. g. under adhvaryu, usasa and pitara in the appended list. 

3 Ahani alone of the Vedic elliptic duals is cited by PWB. for the 
Mahdbhdrata. 

4 All references are to the RV. unless the AV. be particularly 
specified. 



Vol. xxxii.j The Vedic Dual 35 

I, 140, 7 d , pitror, 9 a , matu, 

IV, 5, 10 a , pitror, 10 C , matus, 

VIII, 25, 2 a , mitra (initial in pada), 2 b varurio (also initial 
in pada). 

(b) Suggestion. 

I, 31, 2 d , the epithet dvimdtd referring to the ardm as 
parents of Agni, suggests the member implicit in the 
pitror of 4 C . 

V, 3, 2 a and X, 68, 2 b , the mention of Aryamd suggests 
marriage and the unexpressed memher of ddmpatl in 2 d 
and 2 C respectively. 

VIII, 52, l b , ksoni is followed in the same pada by sdr- 
yam, suggestive, if not metonymic, of the connoted 
dydus. 

I, 146, l b , pitror finds its connoted feminine amply sug- 
gested by ene in 2 a and dhend in 3 b . 

(c) Both mention and suggestion. 

Ill, 1, 7 d , mdtara (== dydvdprthivi) has its connoted mas- 
culine mentioned in pitug in 9 a and 10 a and suggested 
by the divdh of 2 C , 6 b and 9 C and both its members 

Bare explained by 3 b 
divdh subdndhur janusi prthivydh. 
In 'addition to these twelve, three others are listed under 
class VIII. 

III. The unexpressed member is sometimes represented by 
a heterogeneous adjective as an attributive of the expressed 
member. So purvaje with pitdrd in VII, 53, 2 a and purvaja- 
vari, also with pitdrd, in X, 65, 8 C . Conversely we have the 
masculines ubhti, krsnaprutdu and saksitdu with mdtdrd in I, 
140, 3 b . 

As dydvd is the masculine element in dydvdprthivi, so it 
would seem preferable to take it when it is the elliptic dual 
as still masculine and explain mdhine in III, 6, 4 b , and ubhe 
in IX, 70, 2 b as heterogeneous adjectives representing the un- 
expressed member. 

In X, 76, l c sacdbhuvd and udbhidd, heterogeneous attrib- 
utives to dhani, seem due to the thought of the dual ndktd. 
In I, 113, 2 cd , the adjectives amfte, anud and dmindne may 
be taken as neuters in a constructio ad sensum with dydvd as 
equivalent to ahordtre. 

IV. The implied member of the syllepsis is sometimes sug- 



36 8. G. Oliphant [1912. 

gested by a differentiating adjective, sometimes with a dis- 
tinctly oxymoronic effect. 

In I, 123, 7 b and VI, 58, l b , visurupe applied to dham differ- 
entiates between day and night. So virupe as applied to 
usdsd in III, 4, 6 a and V, 1, 4 C distinguishes between the con- 
noting and connoted members. The phrase vdrnam . . . dmi- 
ndne, attribute of dydva in I, 113, 2 d , has a similar function. 
In the Atharva Veda we find ndndrupe applied to dharil 
in XIII, 2, 3 b , sdmyatoh to dhnos in XVI, 8, 22 C and sdm ca- 
ratah predicated of usdsd in VIII, 9, 12 C , all serving to mark 
a distinction between the expressed and unexpressed members 
of the syllepses. 

V. The most frequent method is the use of distributive 
appositives or attributives. 
(a) Distributive appositives. 

I, 160, 3 a , pitroh, 2 b , pita mata ca. 

X, 32, 3 b , pitror, 3 C , jay a patim vahati. 

(?) I, 36, 17 C , mitra, 17 C , medhyatithim + 17 d upastutam. 

X, 10, 5 a , dampatl = yamo yarn! ca. 

X, 85, 32 b , dampatl = somah stirya ca. 

X, 95, 12 C , dampatl = pururava urvac.1 ca. 

Ill, 33, l c , matara, l d , vipat chutudri. 

III, 33, 3 C , matara, 3 a , sindhum matftamam + 3 b , vipagam. 

IV, 55, 3 C , ahani, 3 d , usasanakta. 

III, 31, 17 a , krsne, 16 d , dyiibhir . . . aktiibhir. 
I, 142, 7 C , matara, 7 b , naktosasa. 

IV, 22, 4 C , matara, 3 d , dyam bhuma. 

4 b , dyaur .... ksah. 

V, 5, 6 a , matara, 6 C , dosam usasam. 
VII, 2, 5 C , matara, 6 b , usasanakta. 

VII, 7, 3 C , matara, 5 C , dyaug ca yam prthivi. 
X, 1, 7 b , matara, 7 a , dyavaprthivi. 
X, 35, 3 b , matara, 3, dyava no adya prthivi. 
X, 64, 14% matara, 14% dyavaprthivi. 
I, 31, 9 a , pitror, 8 d , dyavaprthivi. 
I, 110, 8 d , pitara, 6 C , pitur + 8 C , mataram. 
I, 121, 5 a , pitarau, ll a , dyavaksama. 
Ill, 3, ll c , pitara, ll d , dyavaprthivi. 
X, 65, 8 a , pitara, 8 C , dyavaprthivi. 
V, 65, 6 a , mitra, l c , varuno, l d , mitro. 
4 a , mitro, 4 C , mitrasya. 



Vol. xxxii.] The Vedic Dual 37 

5 a , mitrasya, 5 d , varuna. 
The AV. instances belonging here are: 
XIV, 2, 9 b , dampatl, 9 e , vadhvai. 

7 C , vadhii, 7 d , patye. 
l c , patibhyo, jayam. 
2 a , patnim, 2 C , patir. 

XIY, 2, 64 b , dampatl, 63% nan, 63 C , patir. 
VI, 120, 3 d , pitarau, l b , mataram pitaram va. 

2 a , mata, 2 C , pita. 

XX, 34, 16 a , pitarau, 14 a , dyava cid asmai prthivi. 
(&) Distributive attributives. 

VI, 58, l b , ahanl, l a , Qukram . . . anyad. 

l a , yajatam . . . anyad. 
X, 120, 7 C , matara (== dyavaprthivi). 

7 a , avaram, param. 
I, 146, l b , pitror (= dyavaprthivi). 

l c , carato (dyaiis), dhruvasya (prthivi) 

(c) The distributive appositives are sometimes suggested rather 
than expressed. 

VIII, 7, 22 b , ksoni, equivalent to dyavaprthivi, 

22 b , apah (prthivi), suryam (dyaus). 

VII, 65, 2 d , dyava, l a , sura (dyaiis), 2 b , ksitlh (prthivi). 

VIII, 31, 5 a , dampatl, 6, 7, 8, 9, passim, suggest the mar- 

ried pair. 
X, 162, 4 b , dampatl, all the poem suggests the pair, esp. 

the wife. 
AV. V, 1, 4 C , matara, 2 C , dhasyur yonim. 

(d) Two of the foregoing may be united. 

a + I. I, 113, 2 d , dyava = daily and nightly heavens. 
2 a , rugati gvetya, 2 h , krsna. 
l d , ratrl, 3 d , naktosasa. 
I, 122, 4 d , matara = ahoratre. 

2 b , usasanakta. 
2 C , starir (barren night). 
2 C , sudrsi (fair morn). 
a + c. X, 37, 2 b , dyava, 2 d , apo, siiryah. 

6 a , dyavaprthivi. 
I, 161, 10 d and 12 b , pitara = dyavaprthivi. 

ll a , udvatsv asma akrnotana trnam. 
ll b , nivatsv apah (akrnotana). 
ll c , agohyasya grhe, 13 b , agohya. 



38 S. G. Oliphant, [1912. 

12 a , bhiivana. 
14 a , diva . . . bhumya. 
AV. XIV, 2, 37 a , pitarau, 37 b , mata pita ca. 

37 C , marya iva yosam. 
37 d , prajam krnvatham. 
XII, 3, 7 d 

3, 14 d , , , _ l a , pumans, l b , priya, 
3, 27 C 1? context of hymn passim. 

3, 35 C 

fVI. The appositive is sometimes a collective dual. 
Ill, 2, 2 b , matror, 2 a , rodasl. 
Ill, 26, 9 C , pitror, 9 C , rodasl. 
VII, 6, 6 d , pitror, 6 C , rodasyor. 
IX, 68, 4 a , matara, 3 C , mahi apare rajasl. 
IX, 70, 6 a , matara, 2 b , ubhe dyava. 

5 b , rodasl. 
IX, 75, 4 b , matara, 4 b , rodasl. 

IX, 85, 12 d , matara, 12 d , rodasl. 

X, 11, 6 a , pitara, 9 C , rodasl devaputre. 
X, 140, 2 C , matara, 2 d , rodasl. 

VII. The appositive sometimes refers only to the expressed 
member, by name or suggestion. 

(a) By name. 

I, 28, 8 C , vanaspatl, 6 a , vanaspate. 

7 a , ayaji vajasatama. 
l c , 2 C , 3 C , 4 C , 5 b , ulukhala. 
X, 79, 4 b , matara, 3 a , matiih. 

\r o o a x 

' ' ' 5- pitror, 7 b , pitur parasya. 
JL, 8, 7 C , j 

(&) By suggestion. 

X, 39, 12 a , ahani, 12 C , duhita divah (usas). 

12 d , vivasvatah (morning sun). 

II, 16, 3 a , ksonibhyam, 3 b , samudraih parvatair. 
X, 115, l b , matarav, l c , anudha. 

I, 124, 5 d , pitror, 3 a , divo duhita. 
X, 31, 10, pitror, 10 d , gamyam. 

VIII. Two or more of the foregoing may unite into a complex. 
I + II a. 

I, 159, 2 C , pitara = 3 d , matara. 

2 a , pitiir, 2 b , matur. 

l a , dyava yajnaih prthivi. 




Vol. xxxii.J The Vedic Dual 39 

I + Ha + III. 

I, 140, 3 b , matara = 7 d , pitroh. 

3 d , pituh, 9% matu. 
r3% krsnapriitau, saksitau. 
I3 b , ubha. 
I + lib + VI. 

IX, 75, 4 b , matara = 2 a , pitror, 
2 d , divah. 
4 b , rodasi. 
lib + IV + VII. 

I, 185, l d , ahani, 1% purva, apara. 

4 C , ubhayebhir ahnam. 
|5 a , samgacliamane yuvati. 
\5 b , svasara jami, Kara <rwc<riv with 
ahani as daughters of dyava- 
prthivi. 
Ill + JVa + Va + b. 

I, 123, 7 b , ahani, 7 C , anya (attracted by usah). 
7 b , visurupe. 

7 a , apanyad ety abhy anyad eti. 
7 C , tamo, 7 d , usah. 

III + Va + c. 

VII, 53, 2 a , pitara, 2 a , purvaje. 

|l a , dyavS yajnaih prthivi. 
l2 c , dyavaprthivi. 
l d , mahi devaputre. 

IV + y c + VII. 

V, 1, 4 C , usasa, 4 C , virupe. 

2 b , pratar, 2 d , tamaso. 
4 C & 5% agre ahnam. 
l b , usasam. 
Va + VI. 

VI, 17, 7 d , matara, 7 a , ksam, 7 b , dyam. 

7 C , rodasi. 

III, 6, 4 h , dyava, 2 b , divag cid agne mahina prthivya. 

2% rodasi. 

IV, 56, 5 a , dyava, l a and 3 b , dyavaprthivi. 

4% rodasi. 

I, 185, 2 C , 5 b , pitror, 2 d 8 d , dyava raksatam prthivi. 
ll a , dyavaprthivi. 



40 8. G. Oliphant, [1912. 

10 d , pita mata ca raksatam. 

ll b , pitar matar. 

3 a , rodasi. 

4 b , rodasi devaputre. 

X, 12, 4 d , pitar a, 4 b , dyavabhuml. 

4 b , rodasi. 
X, 59, 8 b , matara, 7% prthivi, 7 b , dyaiir. 

8 d , dyauh prthivi. 

8, rodasi. 

Yc + VI. 

IX, 70, 2 b , dyava, 3, double ref. to gods and men. 
l b , purvye vyomana. 
4 b , madhyamasu matrsu. 
5 b , rodasi. 

The AV. has the following: 

IY + Ya. 

XIII, 2, 3 b , ahanl, 3 b , nanarupe. 

8 d , cukro, 8 d , tamo. 
5 d , ahoratre. 
XYI, 8, 22 C , ahnos, 22 C , samyatoh. 

21 C , ahoratrayoh. 

IY + VII. 

VIII, 9, 12 a , usasa, sam caratah. 
12 C , suryapatnl. 

Of the elliptic duals not listed in the foregoing classes, the 
unexpressed members of, thirty in the EY. and of three in 
the AY. are clearly suggested by the general context, as in 
those instances in which matara or pitdra is a term for the 
ardnl as parents of Agni, or for dyavaprttiivi as the parents 
of the Bibhus, &c. Of the remaining thirteen, ten are used 
in similes with the Agvina as the second member and one 
each in comparisons with ksoni, rodasi and indravaruna. 

The irreversibility of the elliptic dual has been remarked by 
others. Only one member of each pair can, in general, be 
used. Pitdra and matara are the striking exception and are 
used in the BY. in the ratio of forty-nine to thirty-six, in the 
AY. of three to two. Another exception does not appear to 
have been noted. The compound is dyavaksama, but ksdma 
is an elliptic dual. Here dyava would suggest only the far 



Vol. xxxii.] The Vedic Dual. 41 

more frequent prthivi. The same is true of ksom, though the 
compound is not Yedic. 



I 



2- 

Elliptic Duals. 

The following alphabetic list of these duals is believed to be 
complete for both the Rig and the Atharva Veda. 

RV. 

adhvaryu (2) = adhvaryii 4- (pratiprasthatr). 

I, 16, 5 C , and to be supplied with dvd in VIII, 72, 7 b . 

Cited also for QB. 4, 3, 4, 22 and Katj. QS. 5, 5, 24, 26. 
dhanl (7) = ahan + (ratrl). 

I, 123, 7 b ; 185, l d ; IY, 55, 3 C ; Y, 82, 8 a ; VI, 58, l b ; X, 39, 
12 d ; 76. IV 

Cited also for MBh. I, 301. 
udumbalau (1), see under gdbdlau infra. 

X, 14, 12 b . 
usdsd (5) = usas + (nakta). 

I, 188, 6 C ; III, 4, 6 a ; 14, 3 a ; Y, 1, 4 C ; VIII, 27, 2 b (cf. Ber- 
gaigne, Eel Ved. 1. 248, n). 

Cited also for VS. 21, 50; 29, 6. 
krsne (2) = krsna + feveta, cf. VII, 90, 3 d ). 
Ill, 31, 17 a , krsne vasudhit! == ahoratre (Say.). 
IY, 48, 3 a , krsne vasudhiti = dyavaprthivi (Say.). 
(VS. 28, 15, explains vdsudhiti as dydvdprthivi. As krsna 
is not applicable to dhar or dydus, we follow Bergaigne 
in Rel. Ved. 1, 250, in taking it as an elliptic dual, "la 
noire et la brillante"). 
lisamd (2) = (dyaiis) + ksam. 

II, 39, 7 b ; X, 106, 10 d . 

(Both instances are in Agvin similes. In both the Pada- 
pdtha reads Jcsdma-iva and GrWB. takes it as the sing, of 
ksdman. Sayaija writes hsdmd each time, but paraphrases the 
former by rodasl, the latter by Jcslnd gduli. LRY and GRY 
interpret the word differently in the two passages, ksdmd in 
X, 12, l a , is unmistakably a dual from ksdm 

Dyavd ha Jcsdma prathame rtena. 

In a comparison with the Agvina the law of numerical con- 
cord holds with great strictness and almost of itself compels 



42 8. G. Oliphant, [1912. 

us to take both instances as duals, elliptic duals equivalent to 
rodasl or dydvdprthivi. This gives also a much better inter- 
pretation in each instance and has the added virtue of con- 
sistency. The sdm ajatam rdjdnsi of the former passage and 
the urjd sacethe of the latter both become especially apposite. 
The second passage would mean "As Earth and Heaven ye 
help strengthen with food from the grassy mead" or perhaps, 
better, "help with strength the creature that grazes the grassy 
mead", comparing suyavasdd in I, 164, 40 and Sayana's deri- 
vation of the word in our passage from the radical ad. In 
either case it becomes another allusion to the Agvina as the 
great succorers). 
Tisoni (4) = (dyaus) + ksoni. 
' II, 16, 3 a ; VIII, 7, 22 b ; 52, 10 b ; 99, 6 b . 
(ksona, "earth", is cited for E. I, 42, 23 and Bh. P. V, 18, 28; 
VIII, 6, 2. So ksoni in Bh. P. IV, 21, 35 and Jcsauni in 
Bh. P. Ill, 14, 3 and 24, 42. These seem to justify the in- 
clusion of this word among the elliptic duals, a view 
supported by Naigh, 3, 30. The word presents also the 
phenomena associated with the elliptic duals). 
ddmpati (7) = dampati + (dampatnl). 

V, 3, 2 d ; VIII, 31, 5 a ; X, 10, 5 a ; 68, 2 C ; 85, 32 b ; 95, 12 C ; 162, 4 b . 
dydvd (4) = dyaus + (prthivi). 

III, 6, 4 b ; VII, 65, 2 d ; IX, 70, 2 b ; X, 37, 2 b . 

dydvd (1) in sense of naktosasa, or the sky by day and the 

sky by night. See pp. 35 and 37. 

I, 113, 2 d . 
dydvl (1) = dyaus + (prthivi). 

IV, 56, 5 a . 

(Lanman, NI. 43 3 C and Grassmann WB. agree that this 

anomalous a?ra ei/o^/zevov is a neuter form). 
pitdrd (49) = pita + (mata). 

I, 20, 4 a ; 110, 8 d ; 111, 1- 161, 10 d , 12 b ; IV, 33, 2 a , 3 a ; 34, 9 a ; 

35, 5 a ; 36, 3 C , (rbhunam). 
I, 31, 4 C , 9 a ; 146, l b ; III, 3, lie; 5, 8 d ; 18, l b ; 26, 9 a ; 

VI, 7, 5 C ; VII, 6, 6 d ; X, 8, 3 a ; 11, 6 a ; 31, 10 C , (agnes). 
I, 121, 5 a , (indrasya); I, 124, 5 d , (usasas). 

I, 160, 3 a , (suryasya); II, 17, 7 a , (aparimtayas). 

IX, 75, 2 C , (somasya); X, 8, 7 C , (tritasya). 

X, 32, 3 b , (kasya cid); X, 61, l c , (pakthasya). 



I 

II 

I 

I 
I 



Vol. xxxii.] The Vedic Dual 43 

I, 140, 7 d ; 159, 2 C , 185, 2 C , 5 b ; III, 7, l c , 6 a ; IV, 5, 1O; 

VI, 7, 4 d ; VII, 53, 2 a ; X, 12, 4 d ; 65, 8 a , (= dyavaprthivi). 

IV, 41, 7 d , comparison with mitravaruna. 

Ill, 54, 16 a ; 58, 2 b ; VII, 67, l d ; X, 39, 6 b ; 85, 14 d ; 106, 4 a ; 
131, 5 d , comparison with agvina. 

Cited also from VS. 19, 11, and from the Kathaka recension 

of the YV. 23, 12. 
mdtdrd (36) = mata + (pita). 

I, 122, 4 d ; 140, 3 b ; III, 1, 7 d ; 2, 2 b ; 5, 7 d ; V, 11, 3'; VII, 3, 9<; 
7, 3 C ; VIII, 60, 15 a ; X, 1, 7 b ; 79, 4 b ; 115, l b ; 140, 2 C , (agnes). 

I, 142, 7 C ; V, 5, 6 b ; VI, 17, 7 d ; IX, 102, 7 b ; X, 59, 8 b , (rtasya). 

IX, 75, 4 b ; 85, 12 d , (somasya). 

I, 155, 3 b ; 159, 3 b ; III, 7, l b ; IV, 22, 4 C ; VI, 32, 2 a ; 

IX, 9, 3 a ; 68, 4 a ; 70, 6 a ; X, 35, 3 b ; 64, 14 a ; 120, 7 C , (= dyava- 
prthivi). 

IX, 18, 5 b , (= rodasi). 

Ill, 33, l c , 3 C , comparison with vipat chutudri ca. 

VII, 2, 5 C , comparison with usasanakta. 

VIII, 99, 6 b , comparison with ksonl. 
mitrd (5) = mitra + (varuna). 

I, 36, 17 C , so Ludwig, Grassmann and Bergaigne (2, 116) 
take it, but Sayana takes it as mitrdni, plural. It may 
be taken also as dual, "friends", in apposition to the 
proper names immediately after it. 

I, 14, 3 b , if the Padapdtha is correct in its resolution of 
mitrdgnim into mitrd-dgnim. The metre does not favor 
this and the presence of agna . . . mitrdsya in 10 below, 
without any reference to varuna makes it more doubtful 
whether we have a dual here at all. 

V, 65, 6 a ; VIII, 25, 2 a . 

X, 106, 5 b , in comparison with aQvind. Sayana takes it as 
equivalent to mitrdvdrunau, but GWB. and LBV. take 
it as "freunde". 

vanaspati (2), metonym = ulukhala + (miisala). 
I, 28, 8 a and to be supplied also in 7 a with the adjectives 

dyaji and vdjasdtamd. 
gabaldu (1) = Cabala + (cjama). 

X, 14, 10 b ; (see Bloomfield: "Cerlerus, The Dog of Hades", 

p. 32). 

The foregoing equation is based on AV. VIII, 1, 9 a . The 
color of these hell hounds is stated in BV. X, 114, 12 b to 



44 8. G. Oliphant [1912. 

be udumbuldu evidently another elliptic dual. In VII, 
55, 2 ab , the colors drjuna and pigdnga are used in reference 
to one of them. 

A$vina and rodasi; the evidence seems too meagre to warrant 
the admission of these into the number of elliptic duals. 

AY. 

aghnyaii (1) = aghnyas + (aghnya). 

XIY, 2, 16 d if a metaphor for the bride and groom; if, as 

Kauc,. 77, 15 takes it, the two oxen that drew the bridal 

car, it is not an elliptic dual at all. 
cihani (2) = ahan + (ratrl). 

XIII, 2, 3 b ; XVI, 8, 22 C . 
usdsd (1) = usas + (nakta). 

VIII, 9, 12 a . 

ddmpatl (7) == dampati 4- (dampatm). 
VI, 122, 3 d ; XII, 3, 7 d , 14 d , 27 C , 35 C ; 

XIV, 2, 9 b , 64 b . 

pitdrdu (3) = pita + (mata). 

VI, 120, 3 d ; XIV, 2, 37% literal. 

XX, 34, 16% figurative = dyavaprthivi (indrasya). 
mdtdrd (1) = mata -f (pita). 

V, 1, 4 C , figurative? == dyavaprthivi? (suryasya)? 
sammdtdrdu (1). 

XIII, 2, 13 b , if literal, dual is due to comparison with antau 
preceding; if figurative, perhaps alludes to the ardm as 
parents of Agni. 

The following are conftnon to both Vedas: 
ddmpati, RV. X, 85, 32 b = AV. XIV, 2, ll b . 

RV. X, 10, 5- = AV. XVIII, 1, 5 a . 
pit&ra, RV. X, 11, 6- = AV. XVIII, 1, 23 a . 

RV. X, 12, 4 d = AV. XVIII, 1, 31 d . 

, RV. X, 14, 10 b == AV. XVIII, 2, ll b . 



II. 
The Dual Dvandva. 

In our presentation of this dual we shall start with that 
form which, from one view taken of its historical relationship 
to other forms, may be called the tmetic dvandva, or, from an- 



Vol. xxxii.] The Vedic Dual 45 

other view, the inchoative dvandva. In this there is an "alien 
intrusion" of one or more words between the parts of the 
compound. We may select as one extreme RV. VI, 42, 5 a 

& ndktd barhih sadatdm usdsd 

in which the members are, practically, at the opposite ends 
of a tristubh pada and separated by the maximum of five full 
syllables. To illustrate the other extreme we may select RV. V, 
45 ? 4b indra nv agni, in which the intervening monosyllabic 
word coalesces in pronunciation with the second term and dis- 
appears as a separate entity. 

'The appended list of dual dvandvas shows that the RV. 
has thirty-five instances of this form, in only two of which 
five syllables intervene; in eighteen, three syllables; in eight, 
two syllables; in five, one full syllable and in two a syllable 
that coalesces with the second term. The AV. has but one 
example of this class, in which a monosyllable comes between 
the members of the compound. 

That this class is of pro-ethnic origin is shown by the few 
parallels found in the Avestan and the Old Russian, in both 
of which languages, however, the degree of possible separation 
is narrowly restricted.^|The Avestan haurvatdsca no amdrdtdtd, 
in Vr. 9, 3 and pdyiica &wdrd$tdra, in Y. 42, 2, show that the 
limits' for that language are one or two monosyllabic enclitics. 
The three examples given by Zubaty ( Vestnik GesJce Akademie, 
X, 520) show that the Old Russian allows only a monosyllabic 
conjunction to come between the members of the dvandva, e. g. 

perenesena vysta Borisa i Gleba. 

In the second form this foreign matter is extruded and the 
two duals stand juxtaposed but without any other evidence of 
incipient coalescence into a compound; e. g., RV. VII, 66, l a 
mitrdyor vdrunayoh, and I, 147, l c , toke tdnaye. The RV. has 
four examples of this and the unique tmetic "freak", V, 62, 3 b 
mitrardjdnd varund. The AV. has no example of this type. 
That it is at least * Aryan, however, is shown by the fact that 
it is the usual and final form of the dual dvandva in Avestan. 
A rather short search has yielded a full score of examples, 



1 Since writing this I have somewhere seen a statement that Wacker- 
nagel has suggested this as an additional explanation, of the much mooted 
Homeric 'Aicropluve MoAfoye in A, 750. I regret I have no access to Wacker- 
nagel's book. 



46 8. G. Oliphant, [1912. 

such as pasu vlra (nom.), Yt. 13, 12; pasva viraya (gen.), Yt. 13 ? 
10; pasubya vlraeibya (inst.), Y, 6, 32; antard ae&rya ae&ra- 
paiti (ace.), Yt. 10, 116; tdve$i utayuiti (ace.), Y. 45, 10; &c., &c. 

In our third type the two members, each preserving its 
own accent and dual form, coalesce into a compound. This 
doubly dualized dvandva is the prevailing type in either Veda, 
occurring 321 times out of a total of 487 in the BY. and 
126 times out of a total of 237 in the AY. It is found, how- 
ever, only in the strong cases, the nom., ace. and voc. ; e. g. 
indrdvaruna, agnisoma, indrabfhaspati, &c. * In the weak cases 
one of the two concords is lost, either that of number or that 
of case. The loss of numerical concord occurs four times, only 
in the BY. divasprthivyos; the loss of case concord occurs 
three times in the II V. and ten times in the AY.; e. g. dydva- 
prthivlbhydm, dydvdprthivyos, &c. 

In our next type the doubly dualized dvandva appears with 
only one accent, as that of the prior member is absent. Slight 
as this change is, it is very significant as it indicates a grow- 
ing feeling of the compound. The BY. preserves only six 
examples of this type; the AY., thirteen; e. g. somdpusdbhydm, 
siirydqandramasdu, &c. 

In our final type the two members are fused into a unit 
by the complete loss of inflection of the prior element; e. g., 
indravdyti, pdrjanyavdtd (voc.), &c. The BY. has 120 cases 
of this, or nearly 25%; the AY. has 87 cases, or 33%. This 
is the regular dual dvandva of the later language. The other 
types are distinctively poetic and hieratic and hieratic con- 
servatism seems to be shewn in the eighteen instances of the 
metrical resolution of indrdgni. out of a total of eighty-nine 
instances in which the form is found. 

There are some noteworthy phenomena associated with the 
hieratic types of the dual dvandva. Of the thirty-five examples 
of our first type, the prior members of thirty-two stand initial 
in their pddas and the other three are preceded only by a 
prepositional particle. 

The doubly dualized dvandva also has its favorite positions. 
Of the 321 in the^BV., 119 are initial in their padas] 30 stand 
second, usually preceded by a monosyllabic particle; 154 stand 



* The AY. shows in agnavisnu, VII, 29, l a , 2 a , a metabolism in the 
stem of the prior] t element, due to analogy with the numerous a stems. 



II 



Vol. xxxii.] The Vedic Dual 47 



I 






in the exact middle of a tristubh or jagati pada and only 18 are 
nal. This is not metri causa as they would frequently scan 
well- in other positions, but seems due rather to an artistic 
desire to get the long compound into one of the two effective 
positions of the pdda, either initial or at its medial summit. 
It would seem to have been done for conscious effect as the 
instances seem too numerous to be accidental. 

The dual dvandva resembles the elliptic dual in its general 
irreversibility. The appended list shows that in the Vedas 
only usdsdndktd, parjdnydvdtd and dydvdprthivi can be reversed 
to naktosdsd, vdtdparjanyd and prthividydvd respectively. The 
last of these is a <x7ra elp^vov in BY. Ill, 46, 5 a . 



2- 
The Dual Dvandvas. 

In the following lists we follow the order in which the 
various types were presented and give first the BY. and then 
the AY. examples of the respective types. 

I. The tmetic dvandva. 
agni, see indra. 
indrd. 

Y, 45, 4 b ; YI, 59, 3 c ,-indr& nv agni. 

YI, 60, l b , indra yo agni. 

YI, 57, l a , indra nu pusana. 

IY, 41, l a , indra ko vam varuna. 

IY, 41, 2 a , indra ha yo varuna. 

IY, 41, 3 a , indra ha ratnam varuna. 

IY, 41, 4 a , 5 a , indra yuvam varuna. 

IY, 41, 6 C , indra no atra varuna. 

YI, 68, 5 b , indra yo vam varuna. 
usdsd and usdsd, see nakta. 
ksdmd, see dyava. 
dydvd. 

X, 12, l a dyava ha ksama. 

I, 63, l b dyava jajiianah prthivi. 

I, 143, 2 d , dyava gocih prthivi. 

I, 159, l a ; VII, 53, 1% dyava yajnaih prthivi. 

I, 185, 2 d 8 d , dyava raksatam prthivi. 

II, 12, 13 a , dyava cid asmai prthivi. 
II, 41, 20, dyava nah prthivi. 



48 8. G. Oliphant, [1912. 

V, 43, 2 b , dyava vajaya prthivi. 

VI, 11, l d , dyava hotraya prthivi. 

VIII, 97, 14 d , dyava rejete prthivi. 
X, 35, 3% dyava no adya prthivi. 
X, 46, 9% dyava yam agnim prthivi. 
X, 91, 3 d , dyava ca yam prthivi. 

I, 61, 14 b , dyava ca bhuma. 
nakta. 

I. 73, 7 C , nakta ca eakrur usasa. 

VII, 42, 5 C a nakta barhih sadatam usasa. 
pus&na, see indra. 

prthivi, see dyava. 
bhtima, see dyava. 
mitrd. 

VI, 51, 1, mitrayor an eti priyam varunayoh. 
The AV. has its only example in 

XVIII, 1, 29 a , dyava ha ksama, = EV. X, 12, 1*. 

II. Our second type, juxtaposition without composition, appears 
in I, 147, l c ; VIII, 103, 7 C , toke tanaye. 

IX, 58, 3 a , dhvasrayoh purusantyor. 

VII, 66, 1*, mitrayor varunayoh. 

V, 62, 3 b , mitrarajana varuna, a unique variant and sort 
of hybrid between the types. 

III. The doubly dualized dvandvas. 
*agriiparjanydu, VI, 52, 16 a . 
agnlsomau, I, 93, l a , 5 d , 10 a , ll a . 

agnisoma, I, 93, 2 a , 3% 4 a , 6 C , 7 a , 9% 12 a ; X, 19, l c . 

agnisoma, I, 93, 8 a ; X, 66, 7 a . 

*drndcitraratM, IV, 30, 18 C . 

*indrakutsd, V, 31, 9 a . 

indrdparvatd, I, 122, 3 C ; 132, 6 a . 

indrdparvatd, III, 53, l a . 

indrdpusdnd, VII, 35, l d . 

indrdbrhaspati, IV, 49, l b , 2 b , 3 a , 4 a , 6 a . 

indrahfhaspdtl, IV, 49, 5 a . 

*indrdbrahmanaspatl, II, 24, 12 C . 

indrdvarund, I, 17, 7 a , 8 a , 9 b . 

indrdvarund, III, 62, l c , 2 C , 3 a ; IV, 41, l d ; 42, 9 b , 10 C ; VI, 68, 

* aira elpwfrov in the Veda cited. 



Vol. xxxii.] The Vedic Dual 49 

4 C , 7 b , 8*; VII, 82, 8 d , 9 a ; 83, l d , 2 d , 3 b , 7 b , 9 d ; 84, 1", 4*; VIII, 

59, 3 a , 4 C , 5 C . 
indrdvarund, I, 17, b b ; VI, 68, 10% ll a ; VII, 82, l a , 3 C , 4 d , 5% 7 b ; 

83, 4 a ; VIII, 59, l b , 2 b , 6 a , 7 a . 
indravaruna, VI, 68, 3 b ; VII, 35, l b ; 82, 2 b . 
indravarunau, VI, 68, 6 C ; VII, 83, 8 b ; 85, 2 C . 
indrdvarunau, VII, 83, 5 a . 
indrdvdrundu, VI, 68, l c . 
indravisnii, I, 155, 2 b ; IV, 55, 4 a ; VI, 69, l b , 3 a , 4 b , 5% 6 a , 7 a ; 

VII, 99, 5 a . 

indravisnu, IV, 2, 4 b ; VI, 69, 2 b ; VIII, 10, 2 d ; X, 66, 4 b . 
indrdsomd, II, 30, 6 C ; VI, 72, l a , 2 a , 4 a , 5 a ; VII, 104, l a 6 a , 7 C . 
indrdsomd, VII, 35, l c . 
indrdsomau, VI, 72, 3 a . 
usdsdndktd, I, 122, 2 b ; 186, 4 b ; II, 3, 6 b ; 31, 5 b ; IV, 55, 3 d ; V, 

41, 7 a ; VII, 2, 6 b ; X, 36, l a ; 70, 6 b ; 110, 6 b . 
turvagayadu, IV, 30, 17 a . 
dydvdhsdmd, VIII, 18, 16 a , 
dydvdksdmd, I, 96, 5 C ; 102, 2 b ; 121, ll b ; 140, 13 b ; III, 8, 8 b ; VI, 

31, 2 C ; X, 36, l b . 

dydvdprthivi, I, 31, 8 d ; 159, 5 C ; 160, 5 b ; 185, ll a ; II, 32, l a ; VI, 
50, 3 a ; VII, 52, l d ; 53, 2 C , 3 b ; VIII, 42, 2 d ; IX, 69, 10 d ; X, 
67, 12 d ; 93, l a , 10 a . 

dydvdprthivi, I, 35, 9 b ; 52, 14 a ; 61, 8 C ; 101, 3 a ; 112, l a ; 115, l c , 
3 d ; 160, l a ; II, 1, 15 d ; 2, 7 C ; III, 3, ll d ; 25, 3 a ; 26, 8 d ; 30, 4 C ; 

32, 10 C ; 58, 8 d ; IV, 14, 2 C ; 54, 6 C ; 56, l a , 3 b ; V, 47, 2 d ; 51, ll d ; 
55, 7 C ; 63, 2 d ; 83, 8 C ; VI, 18, 15 a ; 44, 24 a ; 70, l c , 4, 5 a ; 75, 
10 b ; VII, 35, 5 a ; 44, l d ; VIII, 22, 5 C ; 48, 13 b ; 96, 16 C ; IX, 
68, 10 C ; 81, 5 a ; 97, 42 d ; X, 1, 7*; 2, 7 a ; 31, 7 b , 8 b ; 35, l c ; 36, l d ; 
37, 6 a ; 45, 12 C ; 47, 8 C ; 63, 9 d ; 64, 14 a ; 65, 8 C ; 66, 4 C , 6 C , 9 a ; 70, 
10 d ; 81, 4 b ; 82, l d ; 89, 6 a ; 92, ll a ; 110, 9 a ; 113, l a , 5 b ; 114, 
8 b ; 125, 6 d ; 149, 2 d . 

dydvdbhumi, IV, 55, l b ; VII, 62, 4 a ; X, 12, 4 b . 

dydvdbMmi, X, 65, 4 b ; 81, 3 d . 

*dhumcumuri, VI, 20, 13 b . 

ndktosdsd, I, 13, 7 a ; 96, 5 a ; 113, 3 d ; 142, 7 b ; IX, 5, 6 C . 

parjdnydvdtd, VI, 50, 12 d ; X, 65, 9 a . 

*prthividydvd, III, 46, 5 a . 

*mdtdrdpitdrd, IV, 6, 7 b . 

mitrdvarund, I, 15, 6 b . 

mitrdvarund, I, 122, 6, 15 C ; 137, l f , 3 f ; 152, l d ? 3 b , 7 a ; 153, l b 3 b ; 

Vol. XXXII. Part I. 4 



50 8. O. Oliphant, [1912. 

II, 27, 5 C ; 29, 3 C ; 31, !; 41, 4; 111, 62, 16 a ; IV, 39, 2 d , 5 d ; V, 
47, 7 a ; 51, 14 a ; 62, 2 a ; 63, l c , 4% 5 h , 7 a ; 64, 4 a ; 69, 3 C , 4 d ; VI, 
67, 3% 9 a ; VII, 36, 2 a ; 50, l a ; 52, l c ; 60, 2 a , 3 C ; 61, 3 a , 6 b ; 62, 
5 d ; 63, 5 d ; 64, 2 C , 4 C ; 65, 2 C , 3 C , 4 a ; VIII, 72, 17 a ; 101, 3 a ; X, 
51, 2 C ; 132, 2 a . 

mitrdvarund, V, 63, 2 b . 

mitrdvarund, I, 2, 9; 23, 5 C ; 71, 9 C ; 75, 5 a ; 111, 4 C ; III, 20, 5 C ; 
56, 7 b ; V, 46, 3 a ; 63, 3 b ; VI, 11, l c ; 49, l b ; 67, l b ; VII, 33, 
10 b ; 41, l b ; 42, 5 d ; VIII, 23, 30 b ; 25, 4 a ; IX, 7, 8 a ; 97, 42 b , 
49 b ; 108, 14 C ; X, 61, 17 C ; 64, 5 b ; 93, 6 b ; 125, l c . 

mitrdvarundu, I, 2, 8 b ; 122, 9 a ; V, 41, l a ; 62, 9 C ; 63, 6 a ; VI, 67, 
2 C , ll b ; VII, 60, 12 b ; 61, 2 a . 

mitravarunau, I, 35, l b ; 167, 8 a ; VII, 35, 4 b ; VIII, 101, l c ; X, 
93, 6 b . 

*giinasirau, IV, 57, 5 a . 

surydmasd, VIII, 94, 2 C ; X, 64, 3 C ; 68, 10 d ; 92, 12 C ; 93, 5 b . 

somdpusand, II, 40, 1% 3 a . 

somdpusandu, II, 40, 5 C . 

somdrudrd, VI, 74, l a , 2 a , 3 a . 

somdrudrdu, VI, 74, 4 b . 

AV. 

agnavisnu, VII, 29, l a , 2 a . 
agmsomd, I, 8, 2 d ; XVIII, 2, 53 a . 
agnisomd, VI, 93, 3 C . 
agriisomau, VI, 54, 2 a . 
agnisomdu, III, 13, 5 l >; VIII, 9, 14 a . 
indrdpusand, VI, 3, l a . 
indrdpusand, XIX, 10, l d . 
indrdvarund, VII, 58, l a , 2 a . 
indravarund, XIX, 10, IX 
indrdsomd, VIII, 4, l a ~6 a , 7 C . 
indrdsomd, XIX, 10, l c . 
usdsandkta, V, 12, 6 b ; 27, 8 C ; VI, 3, 3 b . 
dydvdprthivi, II, 29, 4; IV, 22, 4; 26, 1; VI, 40, 1. 
dy&vaprthivl, 11, 12, 5; 16, 2; IV, 26, 26; V, 14, 12. 
dydvdprthivi, II, 1, 4; 10, 18; 12, 1; 29, 5; III, 4, 5; 15, 2; 

31, 4; IV, 6, 2; 26, 7; 30, 5; V, 12, 9; 23, 1; 24, 3; VI, 3, 2; 

8, 3; 55, 1; 58, 1; 62, 1; 94, 3; VII, 30, 1; 82, 4, 5; 112, 1; 

VIII, 2, 14; 5, 3, 6, 18; 8, 21, 22; IX, 2, 20; 4, 10; X, 7, 35; 



Vol. xxxii.] The Vedic Dual 51 

8, 39; XI, 3, 2; 7, 2; XIII, 1, 5, 6bis, 7, 37; 2, 26, 35; 3, 1,4; 

XIV, 1, 54; XIX, 10, 5; 14, 1; 15, 5; 20, 4; 49, 1; 58, 3. 
dyavabliumi, XVIII, 1, 31 b . 
bhdvdgarvdu, IV, 28, l a ; VIII, 2, 7 C ; XI, 2, l a . 
mitrdvaruna, VI, 97, 2 a ; IX, 10, 23 b ; XIX, 11, 6 a . 
mitrdvarund, IV, 29, 3 b , 4 b . 
mitrdvdrund, III, 4, 4 a ; 16, l b ; IV, 30, l c ; XIV, 1, 54; XVIII 

3, 12 a . 

mitrdvarundu, I, 20, 2 C ; III, 25, 6 a ; IV, 29, l a ; VI, 32, 3 a . 
mitrdvarundu, IV, 29, 6 b ; XIII, 1, 31 C . 
mitrdvdrunau, IV, 29, 7 C ; V, 24, 5 a ; 25, 4 a ; VI, 89, 3 a ; 132, 5 a ; 

XIII, 1, 20 b ; XVI, 4, 7; XIX, 10, 4 b . 
somdrudrd, VII, 42, l a , 2 a . 
somdrudrdu, V, 6, 5 C , 6 C , 7 C . 

The instances in which there is a loss of numerical concord 
in the weak cases are 
divdsprthivyos, R,V. II, 2, 3 b ; V, 49, 5 d ; X, 3, 7 b ; 35, 2 a . 

Those in which there is a loss of concord in case are 
agnisomdbhydm, AV. XII, 4, 26 a . 
indrdvdrunayos, RV. I, 17, l a . 
dytivdprthivibhydm, AV. V, 9, 7; VII, 102, 1; XI, 3, 33; XIX, 

17, 5. 

dytivdprthivyos, AV. VI, 58, 2; XVI, 8, 23. 
mitrdvarundbhydm, RV. V, 51, 9 a . 
mitrdvarunayos, RV. X, 130, 5 a . 

AV. X, 5, ll a ; XI, 3, 44 d ; XVI, 8, 25 C . 

IV. Doubly dualized dvandvas with single accent. 1 

RV. 

*vdtdparjanya, X, 66, 10 b . 
surydcandramdsd, I, 102, 2 C . 
surydcandramasdu, V, 51, 15 b ; X, 190, 3 a . 

Here, too, there is loss of case concord in the weak cases: 
indrdpusnos, I, 162, 2 d . 
somdpusdbliydm, II, 40, 2 d . 

AV. 

*bhavdrudrdu, XI, 2, 14 a . 

bhavdgarvdu, IV, 28, 7 C ; X, 1, 23 a ; XI, 6, 9 a ; XII, 4, 17 C . 

vdtdparjanyd, X, 4, 16 C . 

surydcandramasdu, VIII, 2, 15 d ; XI, 3, 2 b ; 6, 5 b . 

4* 



52 8. G. Oliphant. [1912. 

Weak cases with loss of case concord are 
vdtdparjanydyos, VI, 93, 3 d . 
surydcandramasdbhydm, VI, 128, 3 b ; XI, 3, 34. 
surydmdsdyos, III, 29, 5 d . 

The vocatives of these words are naturally not indicative of 
their accentual condition, so they are included in the longer 
lists preceding. 

V. The dvandva in its final form. 

KV. 

indravdyu, I, 2, 4 a ; 135, 5 f ; II, 41, 3 b ; IV, 46, 3 b , 4 b , 5 C , 6% 7 b ; 

47, 4 d ; VII, 90, 5 C , 6 C ; 91, 2 C , 4 d , 5 b , 6 b . 
indravdyd, I, 14, 3 a ; 23, 2 b , 3 a ; 139, l c ; VII, 90, 7 b ; 91, 7 b ; X, 

65, 9 b ; 141, 4 a . 
indrdgm, I, 108, 1% 2 b , 3 C , 4 d , 5% 7 a 13 a ; 109, 5 a , 6 d , 7 b , 8 b ; VI, 

59, 4 a ; X, 161, l d . 
indrdgm, I, 21, 5 b , 6 C ; 109, l b , 2 d , 4 b ; III, 12, l a , 2 a , 5 C , 6 a 9 a ; 

V, 27, 6 a ; VI, 59, l d , 7 a , 10 a ; 60, 8 C , 9 C , 15 a ; VII, 94, l b 3 b , 7 a , 

8 C , 9 C ; VIII, 38, l c 9 C . 
indragni, I, 21, l a , 2 b , 3 b , 4 C ; 139, 9*; III, 12, 4 C ; V, 46, 3 a ; 86, 

2 d ; VI, 60, 14 d ; VII, 35, l a ; VIII, 40, 4 b ; X, 125, l d ; 161, 4 d . 
indragnibhydm, I, 109, 3 C ; VIII, 40, 5 b , 12 a ; X, 116, 9; 128, 9 b . 
indragnyos, VIII, 38, 10 b ; 40, 8 C . 
rksdmObhydm, X, 85, ll a ; 114, 6 d . 
p&rjanyavdta, VI, 49, 6 a . 
*viQvamitrajamadagnl, X, 167, 4 d . 
*sd$andnct$ane, X, 90, 4 d . 
*satyanrte, VII, 49, 3 b . , 

In the following instances the douhle dual of indrdgnl is 
practically restored by the metrical resolution. A comparison 
of the numerical citations shows that the two forms sometimes 
exist side hy side. 
indrdgnl, VI, 60, 13*. 
indragm, V, 86, l a ; VI, 59, 2 b , 6 a , 8 a , 9 a ; 60, 7 a ; VII, 93, l b , 4 C ; 

VIII, 40, l a . 
indrdgni, V, 86, 4 b ; VI, 60, 4 C , 5 b ; VII, 93, 3 d ; 94, 10 b ; VIII, 

40, 3 b ; X, 65, 2 a . 
indrdgnibhydm, V, 86, 6 a . 

AV. 

*aJcsujdldbhydm, VIII, 8, 18 C . 
*aghaQansaduh$ansdbhyam, XII, 2, 2 a . 



Vol. xxxii.j The Vedic Dual 53 

*arkdgvamedhdu, XI, 7, 7 C . 

ahordtre, X, 7, 6 b ; 8, 23 C ; XI, 5, 20 b ; 6, 5% 7 b ; 7, 14 d ; XII, 1, 

9 b , 36 d , 52 b ; 2, 49 a ; XII, 2, 5 d , 32 C ; XV, 6, 6; 18, 4 a . 
ahordtrdbhydm, VI, 128, 3 a ; XIII, 2, 43 b ; XIV, 2, 40 b ; XIX, 

8, 2 e , 7 b . 

ahordtrayos, XV, 6, 6; XVI, 8, 21 C . 
*dddnasamddndbhydm, XI, 9, 3 b . 
*indravdyu, III, 20, 6 a . 
indrdgm, III, 11, l d ; IX, 1, 12 C . 
indrdgni, XIII, 1, 31 C . 
indrdgni, I, 35, 4 C ; III, 3, 5 C ; IV, 30, l d ; V, 7, 6 b ; VI, 104, 3 a ; 

132, 4 a ; VIII, 1, 2 d , 16 d ; 2, 21<; IX, 2, 9 a ; 3, 19 C ; X, 1, 21 C ; 

XI, 8, 5 C ; XIV, 1, 54 a ; XIX, 10, l a ; 16, 2 C ; 20, l b . 
indrdgnibhydm, V, 3, 10 b . 
indragnyos, IX, 1, 12 C ; XVI, 8, 24. 
*uchocanapra$ocandu, VII, 95, l c . 
unmocanapramocane, V, 30, 2 C , 3 C , 4 C . 
*rsdmObhydm, XIV, 1, ll a . 
*kapotoluJcabhydm, VI, 29, 2 C . 
*paldldnupaldldu, VIII, 6, 2 a . 
*pitdputrdu, VI, 112, 2 d . 
prdndpdndu, III, 11, 5 a , 6 a ; VII, 53, 5 b . 
prtindpdndu, II, 16, l a ; XVI, 4, 5 b . 
prdndpdndu, V, 10, 8 a ; VII, 53, 2 b ; VIII, 2, ll a ; X, 7, 34 a ; XI, 

4, 13 a ; 5, 24 C ; 7, 25 a ; 8, 4% 26 a ; XVI, 4, 7. 
prdndpdndbhydm, II, 28, 4 d . 
*bodhapratibodhdu, V, 30, 10 a . 
*brahmardjanyabhdm, XIX, 32, 8. 
*rodhacakre, V, 1, 5 d . 
vydnoddndu, XI, 8, 4 C , 26 C . 

vrlhiyavdu, VIII, 2, 18 a ; XI, 4, 13 a ; XII, 1, 42 a ; XX, 129, 15, 16. 
vrihiyavdbhydm, X, 6, 24 d . 
*satydnrte, I, 33, 2 b . 
*sadohavirdhdm, XII, 1, 38 a . 

The number of a7ro elp^eva in this AV. list is noteworthy 
as indicative of the freedom with which the unified dvandva 
is thus employed. 



54 S. G. Oliphant, [1912. 

III. 
Origin and Relationship. 

What is the origin of the elliptic dual? What of the dual 
dvandva? What genetic relation, if any, exists between them? 

Diametrically differing answers have been given to these 
questions. The traditional and native theory seems to derive 
the elliptic dual from the dual dvandva. Such is the natural 
inference from the name dvandva ekagesa given the former 
by the Hindoo grammarians. Such was the descent approved 
by G. Meyer (KZ. XXII, 8 ft) and Wackernagel (KZ. XXIII, 
309). Bergaigne (Bel Ved. II, 116) and Delbrueck (8. F. V, 98), 
however, reverse the process and consider the dual dvandva a 
development from the elliptic dual. This view seems now the 
one more generally accepted. 

It will be patent to the careful observer that we may begin 
with either the elliptic dual or the dvandva and work our way 
by successive stages to the mechanical evolution of the other, 
or that we may begin in the middle, e. g. with the doubly 
dualized dvandva, and work both ways. In either of the latter 
two methods, however, a practical test shows that we must make 
more assumptions and pass through more complex processes 
than in the case of the first. There are other difficulties also. 

If we start with the elliptic dual we must first find an answer 
to our first question, the origin of this dual. 

The fact that in the RV. pitdrd and mdtdrd together stand 
in the ratio of 85 to 129, or almost exactly 2 to 3, to the 
whole number of its elliptic duals and the fact that these 
represent the one syllepsis, if any, that can be proved for 
Indo-European, as shown by the Avestan dual 1 pitard, the 
Greek dual ro/cije Svo>, and the pluralized duals, Greek 
Latin 2 patres, Lithuanian 3 tevai, Gothic berusjos, Greek 
and TOKets, Latin parentes, &c., all used to signify "father and 
mother" or the two parents, though in the strictest etymological 
sense applicable to but one of the pair, may warrant the 

1 Yt. 10, 117, satdyus (sc. asti mi&ro) anfayv pitard (ace. du.) pu~ 
&rdmca. 

2 Surviving in this meaning in the Spanish los padres, as Dr. C. J.Ogden 
informs me. 

3 Shown by Joh. Schmidt (KZ. XXV, 34) to be from *ptevas = Greek 



Vol. xxxii.] The Vedic Dual 55 

assumption that this particular syllepsis was a nidus, if not the 
nidus, of the usage. Its extension to dampatl, real or potential 
parents, which in the two Vedas stand next in numerical pre- 
cedence, and then to other and personified couples exercising 
some real or fancied parental or generative functions, would 
be both easy and natural. The Adhvaryu and Pratiprasthatr 
by an easy figure may be the parents of the sacrifice. Morn- 
ing and evening, a necessarily complement al pair, may be 
imagined as parents, and in fact are actually so called in more 
than one Vedic passage (e. g., I, 142, 7 C ; V, 5, 6 b ; VII, 2, 5 C ; 
VIII, 99, 6 b ). If Bloomfield is right in identifying the hounds 
of Yama with the sun and moon, the elliptic duals udumbaldu 
and Qabdldu, admit the same explanation. Only mitrd remains 
and IV, 41, 7 d shows that mitrdvdrund are compared to pitdrd. 

Thus one syllepsis and its analogical and figurative inclusions 
account for every elliptic dual in the Vedas and also for the 
few others cited from the grammarians and lexicographers. 
This is the whole story for Sanskrit and for Avestan with its 
unique elliptic dual (see above). 

There seems to be no other pro-ethnic elliptic dual. Spora- 
dic instances in individual languages have been cited. Some 
of these are doubtful. This interpretation of the Homeric 
Aiavrc, so ingeniously supported by Wackernagel (KZ. XXIII, 
308), is not accepted by competent Hellenists. The Latin 
Cereres and Castores undoubtedly came to be used as the 
plurals of such duals, but the origin of the plurals can be ex- 
plained otherwise. 1 The Greek irevdtpoi and Latin soceri are 
akin to and includible under the general syllepsis above. The 
Old Norse fedgar and mdedgar, if genuine, are merely an inde- 
pendent syllepsis. Admitting all of these we have only a 
handful of isolated syllepses, a weak foundation for the Indo- 
Europeanism of the elliptic dual outside of the almost necessary 
syllepsis for parents and its kindred. 

In the presentation of the phenomena of the elliptic dual 
we have shown how often, 99 out 145 instances, the rishis 

1 There were, for instance, two Cereres, one native, one imported. The 
former was the daughter of Caelus and Vesta and wife of Sicanus, king 
of the Siculi. She taught the Siculi the use of grain. Also Proserpina 
is called Ceres inferno, and Ceres profunda. Again Ceres was identified 
with Terra, Luna and Libera. Cf. also the Catullan plurals Veneres, 
Cupidines. 



56 S. G. Oliphant, [1912. 

seem to make a conscious effort to mention or suggest the 
connoted member of the syllepsis, somewhere in the neighbor- 
ing context. The degree of propinquity may vary from several 
stanzas to consecutive pddas. Assuming that form in which the 
connoted member is expressed in the dual, either by mere 
attraction or by a conscious effort to express the parity of the 
members, as a starting point, we may readily show the possible 
mechanical evolution of the dual dvandva. 
An example like RV. Ill, 7, l bc 

d mdtdrd vivi$uh sapid vamh 
pariksitd pitdrd sam carete, 
in comparison with VI, 42, 5 a 

d ndktd barhih sadatam usdsd 

will show how little these two duals may differ. Intermediate 
between these is such an instance as VI, 51, l ab , 

ud u tyac cdksur mdhi mitrayor dn 

eti priydm varunayoh adabdham, 

which seems to partake almost equally of the characteristics 
of each. On its formal side the difference appears to be one 
of degree of propinquity. When the dual of the connoted 
member of an elliptic dual is expressed within some arbitrary 
limit, as the pdda, the elliptic dual becomes a dual dvandva. 
Further increments of increase of propinquity will give the 
successive forms in the order presented above. 

Such is an explanation of the dual dvandva consonant with 
the current view of its origin from the elliptic dual. Easy 
as this is on the formal side there seems to be ground for ob- 
jection. It seems too mechanical, too wooden. It takes no 
account of the prevailingly differing content of these two species 
of dual. It divorces the origin of the dual dvandva from that 
of the other forms of the dvandva compound. The dvandva 
compound is undoubtedly, indisputably pro-ethnic in Indo- 
European and has a far wider range than can be traced for 
the elliptic dual. Its obvious origin is a simple asyndeton. 
Its original type is represented by the Vedic turvagam yadum, 
turvagesu yadusu, Avestan Vand&rvmainiS Ardjataspo, Lithua- 
nian tetes mates, Lettish mi/ch-au/as, Old Bulgarian bratft 
sestra, Latin pactum conventum, &c. Juxtaposition led naturally 
to composition. This in the case of two parathetic singulars 
gave either a dual or a dvandva singular. Both of these are 
Vedic. The latter is common to all the Indo-European group. 



Vol. xxxii.] The Vedic Dual. 57 

The general loss of the dual probably made the former less 
demonstrable. 

We are prone to believe that the doubly dualized dvandva 
of Vedic and Avestan is but a hieratic variant of this former 
type. If we compare the contents of the lists of doubly dual- 
ized dvandvas and of completely unified dvandvas, given above, 
we see at once that with the exception of a half dozen cwrof 
i/or?/*t>a, the former is made up of sets of names of pairs of 
associated deities. The latter list presents a marked contrast. 
It is a distinctively Atharvanic or demotic aggregation of 
associated pairs of various kinds, but has only three sets of 
deities. Of these indravayU is found only in this list. Par- 
janyavata occurs only once in this form. The numerous metri- 
cal resolutions of indragni shows that it is now in one class, 
now in the other, though prevailingly in the latter. 

This hieratic variant is Aryan. Vedic confined it quite 
strictly to its hieratic character. In Avestan, of which only 
hieratic literature remains, it became propagative practically to 
the exclusion of other types. The double dual is not due to a 
mere grammatical attraction of number, but rather, we fancy, 
to a formalistic parataxis or a liturgical fulness of expression 
arising from a desire to magnify equally each of the associated 
deities somewhat after the manner of a dualis maiestatis or, 
at least, to express a formal parity between them. This could 
be effected by making both members either dual or singular, 
but the singular dvandva was too prone to be either collective 
or suggestive of a practical unity and too largely pre-empted 
by the neuter, to be appropriate. In other cases than that of 
associated deities there would not be the same formal scrupulosity. 
Hence the doubly dualized dvandva with its special range. 

The genetic relation between the elliptic dual and the dual 
dvandva disappears in this view. The origins of the two kinds 
of dual become quite distinct. One is an evolution from asyn- 
deton; the other from syllepsis. Thus both are rhetorical in 
origin. Both belong to the hieratic and more artistic sphere. 
On the side of form there are strong resemblances, but the 
genetic development from different sources shows these to be 
accidental. This hypothesis accounts for differing content, for 
relative age, for special ranges and for associated phenomena. 
It keeps together things that seem naturally to belong together. 
It presents no mechanical but an organic evolution. 



The Dutahgada of Subhata, now first translated from 
the Sanskrit and Prakrit. By Dr. Louis H. GRAY, 
Newark, RJ. 1 

THE chdyandtaka is a dramatic genre unrecognised by San- 
skrit works on dramaturgy, yet to this category belong at 
least seven dramas, the Dutdngada of Subhata, Ramadeva's 
Subhadrdparinaya, Pdndavabhyudaya, and Ramabhyudaya, the 
anonymous Harid(y)uta, Vitthala's chayanataka, and the modern 
Savitricarita (Schuyler, Bibliography of the Sanskrit Drama, 
102). Of these the only one yet published is the drama here 
translated, the Dutangada, edited by Durgaprasada and Parab 
as the twenty-eighth volume of the Kavyamala (2d ed., Bom- 
bay, 1900; cf. also Schuyler, 85). This is the earliest extant 
play of its type. According to its prastdvand, it was produced 
during the reign of Tribhuvanapaladeva, a Chaulukya king of 
the dynasty of Anhilvad or Anhilpur, who ruled in Gujarat 
in 12421243 (Bendall, JRAS, 1898, 229230, Catalogue of 
the Sanskrit Manuscripts in the British Museum, 105 106; 
Duff, Chronology of India, 189). The play was presented at 
a festival in honour of -Kumar apaladeva, a monarch of the 
same line who ruled from 1143 to 1172 (Bendall, opp. citt.\ 
Duff, 149159; Forbes, Eds Mala, 138157), the particular 
event commemorated being Kumarapaladeva's restoration of a 

1 This translation was originally presented to the Society in 1906. 
Almost immediately afterward I learned that Professor Richard Pischel 
was working on the drama, with special reference to the longer recension. 
Although he very kindly urged me to publish this present version of the 
shorter text, and most generously added: "I am ready to send you the 
various readings of doubtful or difficult passages," it seemed to me pre- 
sumptuous to issue my translation, especially as he proposed to give one 
in his own edition. Professor Pischel's death so sore a loss to San- 
skritists renders improbable any completion of his labours on the 
Dutangada, at least in the near future. Meanwhile the present trans- 
lation may serve to give some idea of Subhata's literary worth. 



Vol. xxxii.] The Dutangada of Subhata. 59 

Saiva temple at Devapattan or Somnath in Kathiawar, Bom- 
bay (Bendall. JRAS, loc. cit.- Forbes, 147148). The exact 
time of year at which the play was produced is given by the 
reading ydtrdyam doldparvani in a manuscript recorded by 
Aufrecht (although the Bombay edition omits the latter word). 
It was, consequently, given at the dhooly festival on the four- 
teenth of Phalguna (March 7), 1243. 

In his Das altindische Schattenspiel (Sitzungsberichte der 
koniglich preujtischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1906, 482 
502) Pischel has very pertinently remarked (p. 16 f. of the 
offprint) that 'there are almost as many Dutditgadas as there 
are manuscripts' (for a convenient summary of these cf. Auf- 
recht, Catalogus Catalogorum, i, 257; ii, 55, 205; iii, 55); but 
in general two recensions, a longer and a shorter, may be 
distinguished. The shorter recension is that on which the 
present translation is based. Of the longer recension, as re- 
presented by a manuscript of the India Office, Eggeling writes 
(Catalogue of the Sanskrit Manuscripts in the India Office, vii, 
no. 4189): 'not only is the dialogue itself considerably extended 
in this version by the insertion of many additional stanzas, 
but narrative verses are also thrown in, calculated to make 
the work a curious hybrid between a dramatic piece (with 
stage directions) and a narrative poem. This latter character 
of the composition is rendered still more pronounced by an 
introduction of 39 (12 + 27) stanzas in mixed metres (partly, 
however, placed in the mouths of Rama and Hanumat), refer- 
ring to incidents which lead to the discovery of Sita's hiding- 
place.' As the author implies in his closing stanza, he has 
not hesitated to draw on his predecessors for material, among 
his sources being, according to Pischel (17 f.), Murari, Eaja- 
6ekhara, Bhavabhuti, and especially the Hanumanndtaka. The 
Dutdngada is divided, at least in its shorter recension, into 
three scenes; and from a comparison of it with the correspond- 
ing portions of the Rdmdyana (vi, 41, 107 108, 123) it would 
seem that its action implies a period of three or four days. 

The meaning of the term chdydndtaka was long obscure. 
Wilson (Select Specimens of the Theatre of the Hindus, ii, 2 
390) supposed it to denote 'the shade or outline of a drama,' 
and that the Dutdngada 'was perhaps intended to introduce 
a spectacle of the drama and procession, as it is otherwise 
difficult to conceive what object its extreme conciseness could 



60 Louis H. Gray, [1912. 

have effected.' Levi (Le Theatre indien, 241 f.) dubiously sug- 
gests: 'On serait tente de 1'expliquer par "ombre de drame" 
si les regies de la grammaire ne s'opposaient a cette analyse 
du compose chaya-nataka. Elles admettent du moms une ex- 
plication voisine et presque identique: "drame a Fetat d'ombre."' 
Pischel originally held that chdydndtaka might mean a 'half 
play' (Gottingische gelefirte Anzeigen, 1891, 358 f., Deutsche 
Liter atur-Zeitung, 1902, 403); and in the earlier draft of this 
introduction I fancied that the word might mean a 'play that 
is but a shadow' (or, less probably a 'play in shadow' [i. e., 
in miniature]; cf. for examples of these two types of compound 
Wackernagel, Altindische Grammatik, ii, a, 244 245, 250 253), 
my argument being that the chdyanataka was, so to say, 'a 
condensed yet complete drama, a " shadow " of the ndtaka both 
in number of acts and in their length, although the general 
theme is the same in both. The Dutaiigada may thus not 
inappropriately be termed the "shadow" of, for instance, 
the Mahdviracarita' All these views have been rendered 
nugatory by Pischel's monograph already noted, in which he 
has shown that chdydndtaka means simply and solely 'shadow- 
play.' This form of drama is expressly mentioned by Nila- 
kantha in his commentary on rupopajlvanam in Mahabhdrata 
XII, ccxcv, 5: rupopajlvanam jalamandapiketi ddksindtyesu 
prasiddham,' yatra suksmavastram vyavadhdya carmamayair 
dkdrai rdjdmdtyddmdm caryd pradarsyate, l rupopajwana is 
called jalamandapikd among the Southerners, where, having 
set up a thin cloth, the action of kings, ministers, &c., is shown 
by leathern figures' (for further details see Pischel, 4ff.). Of 
such a shadow play the Dutaiigada is at least the legitimate 
successor, and the oldest extant Indian specimen, whether it 
was presented after the fashion of ombres chinoises or by real 
actors (cf. Pischel, 19f.). 

The suggestion has been made by RajendraMa Mitra (Cata- 
logue of Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Library of his Highness 
the Maharaja of Bikaner, 251) that the Dutaiigada 'was evident- 
ly intended to serve as an entr'act to a theatrical exhibition.' 
If this be true, the Sanskrit chdydndtaka would correspond 
almost precisely to the English 'interludes,' which 'seem to have 
not unfrequently been produced to diversify or fill up the 
pauses of the banquets ensuing in great houses upon the more 
substantial part of the repast 7 (Ward, History of English 






Vol. xxxii.] The Dutahgada of Subhata. 61 

Dramatic Literature, i, 108, .237238; cf. also Gayley, Re- 
presentative English Comedies, introd. 55 56), while in France 
they were sometimes acted in the intervals of the mysteries, 
and hence were called pauses. If the suggestion of Rajendra- 
lala Mitra be taken still more strictly, the clidydndtaka would 
find its European parallel in the Italian intermezzi of Cecchi 
and Borghini, as well as in the Spanish entremeses of Timo- 
neda, Cervantes, and Lope de Vega (Klein, Geschichte des 
Drama's, iv, 657, 674, 682684; ix, 185187, 375412; x, 
510 516). All this, however, is scarcely probable; for if the 
chaydnataha is really a shadow play, as it almost certainly is, 
the universal mode of presenting such plays would forbid us 
to consider it as in any sense an interlude. 

The Dutahgada has already been analysed by Wilson (loc. 
cit., on which is based the brief note of Klein, op. tit., iii, 369) 
and by Aufrecht (Catalogus Codicum Sanscriticorum Biblio- 
thecae Bodleianae, 139). It is, as its name implies, based on 
the Rdmdyana, and deals with the sending of the monkey 
Angada by Rama to demand the restoration of the captive 
Sita by Havana. A natalta was composed on Angada by 
Bhubhatta (Aufrecht, Catalogus Catalogorum, i, 4), but prob- 
ably the closest analogue to the Dutahgada is to be found in 
the sixth act of Bhavabhuti's Maliavlracarita, which was far 
anterior to Subhata's play, and which may have served to 
some extent as his model. 

Rama plays have enjoyed a wide popularity throughout 
certain portions of the East. Originating in India, and com- 
prising such dramas as Bhavabhuti's Mahdviracarita, Raja- 
6ekhara's Bdlardmdyana, Murari's Anaryharaghava, Jayadeva's 
Prasannardghava, and Ramabhadradlksita's Jdnaklparinaya 
(Levi, 267 295), they spread to Java, Bali, Malacca, Burmah, 
Siam, and Cambodia (Juynboll, Indonesische en achterindische 
tooneelvoorstellingen uit het Rdmdyana, in Bijdragen tot de taal-, 
land- en volkenkunde van Nederlandscli-Indie, 6th series, x, 
501 565; Serrurier, De wajang poerwd, 171 172; Bastian, 
Eeisen in Siam, 328, 503 504; Moura, Royaume de Cambodge, 
ii, 444 458; P. W. K. Miiller, Nang, siamesische Schattenspiel- 
figuren, supplement to Internationales Archiv fur Ethnographie, 
vii; Skeat, Malay Magic, 517 519). Angada himself, the hero 
of Subhata's play, appears in Java, Bali, Siam, and Cambodia, 
although he is by no means the principal figure in any of 



62 Louis H. Gray, [1912. 

these dramas of Farther India. The source of the Rama 
plays in Cambodia, Siam, Burmah, and the Malay Peninsula 
was doubtless Java (cf. Skeat, 503 521; Hazeu, Bijdrage tot 
de kennis van het javaansche tooneel, 28 36), while Java ob- 
viously received the Kama legend from India. Yet from Java, 
despite its affection for the story of Kama and the extreme 
elaboration of its dramaturgy, we gain little light on the 
Dutdngada. In Java the Kama cycle may be treated in the 
dramatic categories of the wayang purwd, a shadow play pro- 
duced by puppets of buffalo leather; the wayang topeng and 
the wayang wong, produced by masked and unmasked men 
respectively, and the wayang beber, in which pictures are un- 
rolled and explained by the dalang (Juynboll, Internationales 
Arcliiv fur Ethnographic, xiii, 4 5). In many respects the 
latter, as the manager of the puppets and the speaker of the 
dialogue, in which he modulates his voice according to the 
various characters of the drama (Serrurier, 95 96, 106 112; 
Hazeu, 7 9), corresponds very probably to the Sanskrit sutra- 
dhdra, although his name seems to signify merely 'stroller, 
strolling player,' and it has been suggested that he was primari- 
ly a priest who rendered worship to the ghosts represented by 
the shadows cast by the puppets on the curtain in the wayang 
(Hazeu, 23 24, 39 57). At all events, we are justified in 
seeing in the Javanese wayang purwd, or shadow play, the 
analogue of the Sanskrit chayanataka, and both are without 
doubt the congeners of the Chinese shadow play, the Turkish 
qaragbz, and the marionettes which, originating in India, have 
spread throughout Asia *and Europe to be enacted at the 
present day (see, for example, Pischel, Heimat des Puppenspiels; 
Kehm, Bucli der Marionetten; Jacob, Erwalmungen des Schatten- 
theaters in der Welt-Liter at ur and Geschichte des Schatten- 
theaters, together with the literature cited in these works). 

In conclusion a word may be added regarding the remain- 
ing Sanskrit plays classed as chdydnatakas. The Harid(y)uta 
is anonymous and of uncertain date, but is clearly an imitation 
of the Dutdngada (Bendall, Catalogue, 106). It is in three 
scenes, and is based on the Mahdbhdrata instead of on the 
Ramayana. An analysis is given by Levi (p. 242), but Pischel 
(p. 14) doubts whether it can rightly be considered a clidydnd- 
taka. Kamadeva, the author of the Subhadrdparinaya, the 
Pdndavabhyudaya, and the Rdmdbhyudaya, flourished in the 



Vol. xxxii.] The Dutangada, of Subhata. 63 

fifteenth century, the Subhadrdparinaya being written between 
1402 and 1415, and the Rdmdbhyudaya dating from the middle 
of the same century (Bendall, JRAS, 1898, 231, Catalogue, 
106 108). These two plays have been analysed by Levi 
(p. 242); the Rdmdbhyudaya is in two acts, and the Subhadrd- 
parinaya is still shorter. An analysis of the third chdydndtaka 
of Ramadeva, the Pdndavdbhyudaya, is given by Eggeling 
(Catalogue, no. 4187). Of the brief chdydndtaka by Vitthila 
nothing is thus far known beyond the brief statement of Ra- 
jendralala Mitra (loc. cit.) that it is based on the history of 
the ' Adil Shahl dynasty, which ruled in Bljapur from 1489 to 
1660. The Savitrwarita, written by Manes' varatmaj a 6ankara- 
lala, is an entirely modern composition, and, unlike the others 
of its class, is a long and dreary drama of seven acts (Levi, 
241). 

THE DUTANGADA. 

DRAMATIS PERSONAE. 

IN THE INDUCTION. 
The Stage-Manager. 

Vildsavati, an Actress. 



IN THE PLAY. 

Rdma, a Prince of India. 
Laksmana, Brother to Rdma. 
Sugrwa, a Monkey-king, ally to Rdma. 
Angada, a Monkey, messenger to Rdma. 
Rdvana, Demon-king of Lanka. 
Vibhisana, a Demon, brother to Rdvana. 
Mdlyavdn, a Demon, counsellor to Rdvana. 
Prahasta, a Demon, porter to Rdvana. 
Hemdngada, a Gandharva. 
Citrdiigada, a Gandharva. 
[Sitd], Wife to Rdma. 

Mayamaithili, a Demoness in the shape of Sitd. 
Mandodarl, Wife to Rdvana. 

Celestial Sard. 
A Raksasi. 
Demons. 



64 Louis H. Gray, [1912. 

ACT I. 

[1] (Induction, Invocation.) 

May Siva's trump bring safety unto you, 
All white with jasmine and with lotuses, 
Whereon the moon hath his abiding-place, 
And whose dread call doth loose the zones which deck 
The brides of them that war against the gods. 
And, further, 

How wondrous would great llama's nature seem 
Did all men know that he is Yisnu's self, 1 
And that he ever worketh for their weal; 
He brake Siv's bow, 2 and yet was not revealed, 
Slew Sakra's son, 3 and still was unperceived, 
He built the bridge, 4 nor then was recognized; 
E'en from the conference of Angada 5 
His ways remain untraced by mortals still, 
For that he hath assumed the form of man. 

(End of the invocation. ) 
(Enter the Stag 6- Manager, looking toward the wings.) 

Stage-Manager. Dear Vilasavati, hither now! 

[2] (Enter an Actress.) 

Actress. Here I am, husbarfd. May my lord tell what is to 
be done! 

Stage- Manager. At the command of the council of the great 
king, the sovereign lord, the glorious Tribhuvanapaladeva, 6 
a boar 7 for the support and the like of the burden of all 
the earth, a royal swan of majesty swimming in the flood 
of the many tears fallen from the blue lotus eyes of the 
wives of whole hosts of enemies cloven by his own hands, 



1 Rama was one of the avatars, or incarnations, of Visnu. 

2 The bow given by iva to Janaka, but bent and broken by Rama, 
who thus won his bride Slta (see Ramayana i, 67). 

3 Vali, the brother of Sugriva and father of Angada (Ramayana iv, 
1622). 

4 The modern Adam's Bridge between India and Ceylon. 

5 The bija, or allusion to the subject-matter of the entire drama (cf. 
Levi, Theatre indien, 34). 

A Chaulukya monarch of Anhilvad, who ruled for a year in Gujarat 
(12421243; see Introduction). 

7 In other words, a quasi- Visnu (alluding to this god's third or boar- 
incarnation), and consequently a quasi-Rama. 



Vol. xxxii.] The Dutangada of Subhata. 65 

I have undertaken a pre-eminent production. What ho! 
ye members of the audience! hear ye attentively that to- 
day, at the festival of spring, 1 at the procession of the 
divine and glorious Kumarapaladeva, 2 a shadow-play 3 is 
to be presented called The Messenger Aiigada, composed 
by a great poet, the glorious Subhata, thoroughly versed 
in knowledge of word and phrase. 
Actress. The undertaking is excellent, husband! 

Voice (within). 

Upon Suvela's 4 heights doth Rama sport, 
Who crossed the sea and slew the simian king,* 
Conferring all his realm on Tara's spouse. 6 
Stage-Manager. My dear, the actors have begun, for here are 
heard the conversations of the heroes attendant upon 
Kama. Come, then! Let us both be ready for what 
must straightway be done! 

(Exeunt.) 

(End of the Induction.) 

(Enter Rama and Laksmana, sitting on a rock in the hills of Suvela. 
Sugrwa and others in order of rank as a retinue.) 7 

Rama (to Laksmana). Good Laksmana, 

[3] The ocean's passed, and now the monkey-host 

Hath swallowed up the demon-capitol; 

While I that speak have played the man to-day, 

Aided by Fate, or by yon mighty bow. 
Laksmana. Noble sir, what advantage is there in a fate subject 

to a coward's soul? 

Unto the man of deeds fair Fortune comes; 

'Tis only cowards moan that 'Fate is Fate': 

1 Vasantotsava, 'formerly held on the full-moon day of Chaitra [March- 
April], but now on the full-moon day of Phalguna [February-March], 
and identified with the Holi festival' (Apte, Sanskrit- English Dictionary, 
s. v.). See also Introduction. 

2 A Chaulukya monarch of Tribhuvanapala's dynasty, who ruled from 
1143 to 1172 (see Introduction). 

3 On the signification of this term, see Introduction. 

4 One of the peaks of the mountain Trikuta, on whose central height 
Havana's capital was situated. 

* Vali. 

6 Sugrlva, who, after Vali's death, married Tara, his brother's widow. 

7 The first scene, which begins here, is based on Rdmdyana, vi, 41, 
58-73. 

Vol. XXXII. Part I. 5 



66 Louis H. Gray, [1912. 

Slay thou thy fate, and strive as heroes strive; 
If then thou fall, not thine the dark disgrace. 1 

And, furthermore, 

While half thy "brow alone he dark with frowns, 
And while thy how remaineth still unstrung, 
Let him who ruleth o'er the fiends of night 2 
Bend low the roots of all the triple world, 
And wax unceasing in his arrogance. 

Therefore let Angada he told his message. 

Rama (looking at Angada respectfully). Good friend, 
All words are dumb to tell thy father's deeds 
Against that mighty fiend whose necks are ten, 2 
And yet this flesh our wonder doth reveal; 3 
But thou thyself, in reverence to thy sire, 
Curtailest thine own prowess! Do not so! 
Up! prove thee worthy of our trust in thee! 

Angada (bowing with both hands touching the circle of his head, speaks). 

What message shall I bear to Lanka's 4 gates? 

Or shall I there raise mighty hosts for thee? 
[4] Or ring the ocean through eternity 

With all the lofty mountains of the world? 

Tell me, 0, King! what thou wouldst have me do, 

And what the tasks that wait my sturdy arm! 
Rama. Friend, 

Swift haste thee now, and unto Eavan say: 5 

A verse borrowed from the Pancatantra (ed. Kielhorn and Biihler, 
i, 361; ii, 130) or from the H\topadea (ed. Peterson, i, 22), and repeated 
in Sanskrit anthologies (see Bohtlingk, Indische Spruche, 1255). Durga- 
prasada and Parab note that it is omitted in some manuscripts of the 
Dutdtiffada. 

2 Havana. 

3 Of course an allusion to the familiar 'horripilation' constantly men- 
tioned in Sanskrit literature. The reference to Vali's deeds of prowess 
against Ravana seems to be a mere compliment of Rama to Angada, 
unless one may infer from the fact that both Ravana and Vali ruled in 
Lanka that there was hostility between them, so that Angada, in a 
measure, inherited his father's feud. 

4 Usually identified with Ceylon, although this is doubted by Jacobi 
(Das Rdmdyana, 90 93), at least so far as the oldest portions of the 
Rama-cycle are concerned. 

5 Comp. the message given Angada for Ravana by Rama in Rdmd- 
yana vi, 41, 61 72. The Bombay editors note that Ksemendra, who 
flourished in the eleventh century (Aufrecht, Catalogus Catalogorum, i, 



I 



Vol. xxxii.] The Dutdngada of Subhata. 67 

Unwitting, or by kingly lust inflamed, 
Thou stolest Slta whilst I was afar; 
Restore her unto me, or with thy sons 
In Death's grim city thou shalt dwell ere long, 
Thy royal parasol the crimson blood 
Welling from wounds that Laksman's arrows deal.' 
Angada. Sire, 

If I be messenger in peace or war, 
Full soon the spouse of mighty Havana 
Shall fall, whether her fate be life or death. 

Rama. Good, O, son of Vali, good! (So saying, laying his hand 
on his back, he dismisses him. Exit Angadtt, bowing.) 

Sugriva (gazing at the summit of the rocks of Lanka). Look, sire, look ! 
Like to a tusker mad with must, the fiend 
Doth gaze in deep disdain, as if he felt 
The host of simian heroes captive made 
And on his shoulder borne unto their doom. 
Come then! Let us gaze upon the shores of the sea, adorned 

by the forests on Suvela's cliffs. 

(Exeunt.) 
(Enter Havana, Mandodari, and Vibhisana and others as retinue.) 1 

Havana (to Vibhisana), Friend Vibhisana, 

Am I not Ravan, Lanka's lord, and these 

The hands that cure great Indra's itching arms? 2 

[5] I hear that Rama bridgeth ocean o'er 

And see the monkey-hosts invade mine isle, 

E'en though no sound is heard, and naught is seen. 3 

And, furthermore, 

How comes it that this wanderer ne'er hath heard 
Of my grim blade, that with resistless might 
Could cleave the temples of Airavata, 4 
And that men name 'The Laughter of the Moon'? 5 

135), ascribes this verse, with minor variations, in his SuvrttatilaJca (ii, 37 
of the Kdvyamdld edition) to Bhavabhuti. 

1 The second scene, which begins here, is based on Rdmdyana, vi, 
41, 7490. 

2 An allusion to the defeat of Indra by Kavana and his son Indrajit 
or Meghanada (Rdmdyana vii, 27 29). 

3 Thus indicating his supernatural power. 
* The elephant of the god Indra. 

5 Candrahdsa, the sword bestowed on Havana by 6iva (Itdmdyaiia 
vii, 16). 

5* 



68 Louis H. Gray, [1912. 

But lo, he findeth Lanka's shores all bare 
Of Meghanada and his comrades bold, 
Wherefore his death-doomed soul now wavereth. 

Mine arms eclipse the moon of Indra's pride, 

And unto holy hermits work dire woe. 

Oh, portent dread of evil yet to come! 
Mandodari (aside). 

Even to-day envenomed arrogance 

Pours from his throat as rain to wake the buds 

Upon the tree of doom to all his kin! 

(Aloud.) Look, husband, look! Wonderful, wonderful! 

The surging cries of wrathful monkeys ring 

Within thy house of dalliance, my lord! 
Havana (contemptuously). O, queen, sweet is thy speech by 

nature, but enough, enough of this terror at the sound of 

these wretched apes! What further wouldst thou say? 

Mandodari. 

Still, still thou may'st escape! give Slta back 
To Rama's arms! I pray thee, hear my plea! 

[6] Havana (with an angry laugh). My queen, 

It may not be, since she by force was stolen 
And was not given back to him straightway; 
But lo, to-day the surging sea is bound, 
And must I sue for peace by yielding her? 
Therefore leave thou this pleasure-house. (Exit Mandodari, 

- weeping.) 

Havana (to Vibhisana). Friend Vibhisana, what speech is 
thine? 

Vibhisana. Sire, lord of Lanka, consider well! 

They twain be more than men, and these great apes 
Be more than members of the monkey-folk; 
Behind their guise lurks awful mystery 
Pregnant with woe for Lanka's mighty king. 
Therefore set Slta free, a night of doom for the race of 
Raksasas! 

Havana (angrily drawing his sword). Ah ! knave, adherent of mine 
enemy, brand of thy family, and scoundrel! with Canda- 
hasa shall I make thy head to fall ! (Seizes him ; Vibhisana 

flees in terror.) 



Vol. xxxii.] The Didangada of Subhata. 69 

Malyavan 1 (standing between them). Sire, lord of Lanka! con- 
sider well whether evil hath been spoken by prince Vibhi- 
sana. 

Havana. Ha! Art thou, too, like to him? (Malyavan, in 

terror, stands silent.) 

Havana (to VMisana). Thou cursed kinsman! leave my capital, 
join that hermit, 2 and make thy skill in ethics known! I 
will not slay thee again! 3 

Vibhisana. What needs must hap doth not happen otherwise! 

(Exit. Enter a porter named Prahasta.) 

Prahasta. Sire, at the door stands a monkey, saying: 'I am 

llama's envoy.' 4 
[7] Havana (contemptuously). Let him enter then! 

[7] (Enter Ahgada with Prahasta.} 
Ahgada (looking at Havana, aside). 

'Tis Havana, that fain would wreck the world! 

But in his groves shall Rama launch his darts! 
(Aloud.) 

Ye Eaksasas, where stands curst Havana 

Who stole the gem that decks the moon and sun? 

He is a moth doomed unto Kama's flame, 

That fills the threefold world with radiance. 

(Several Haksasas assume the form of Havana.) 

How many Ravans art thou, O thou fiend? 

In sooth we heard that thou wert multiform; 

The one subdued by Kartavlrya's arm 5 ; 

Another given as food to dancers vile 

By wanton slave-girls of the Daitya lord; 

And to a third 'tis direst shame to speak; 

Who art thou, if thou art not one of these? 

Havana (assuming various forms, insultingly). Who art thou, ape? 

Whose messenger art thou? 



1 Though no 'enter' is given this character, he was doubtless included 
among the retinue surrounding Ravana at the beginning of the scene. 

2 Rama, in allusion to his exile from his native land. 

3 Vibhisana, if struck by Ravana once, would never live to receive a 
second blow. 

4 Comp. Mahdviracarita vi (Pickford's translation, 131 133). 

5 See Visnupurdna iv, 11. The allusion to the 'Daitya lord' (apparent- 
ly either Bali or Patalaketu) is obscure. 



70 Louis H. Gray, [1912. 

Angada. 

The son who shirks the deeds his father did 

Could scarce instruct the elders of his house. 1 
So be it, then, 

Yet one hath come to earth to bear the woe 

By demons wrought through all this mortal world; 

And I, his envoy, stand before thee now, 

Great Rama's messenger, and Vali's son. 
And, furthermore, 

I am the messenger of mighty Ram 

That slew my sire, whose valor thou dost know. 
[8] Ravana (to Angada). 

What doeth Rama? 
Afigada. Naught. 

Ravana. And yet but now 

He cometh unto ocean's shore! 
Angada. 'Tis naught! 

Ravana. Why hath he bound the sea? 
Angada. For kingly sport! 

Ravana. Doth he not know that Ravan shieldeth it? 
Angada. Vibhisana, thy brother, knows it well, 

Who stands by Rama's side on Lanka's soil. 
Ravana (in alarm). What now is Rama's course? 
Angada. Upon his lap he takes Sugriva's head, 

Yea, and the foot of him who Aksa slew, 2 

Then on a golden deer-skin soft reclines; 

And glanceth at the arrow keen and straight 

By Laksman made to_ slay the demon-host, 

The while he hearkens to thy brother's words. 
(Ravana, gesticulating contempt, speaks thus and thus in the ear of 

Prahasta.) 
Prahasta. As my lord commands. 

(Exit Prahasta] enter a false Maithill 3 with Prahasta.) 
False Maithill. Victory, victory, my spouse! (Thus speaking, she 

climbs to the lap of Ravana.) 
Ravana (aside). G-ood, good, even though false! thou knowest 

how to please him of ten necks! 4 

1 Probably meaning that if he fails, none will heed his words. 

2 Aksa, the eldest son of Ravana, was slain by Hanuman (Rdmd- 
yana v, 47). 

3 Maithill is only a synonym for Sit5. 4 Ravana. 



Vol. xxxii.] The Dutdngada of Subhata. 71 

[9] Angada (aside, in sorrow). Would even Janaka's daughter 

go the way of her who takes gain from a stranger? So 

be ill Let me consider now! 
Havana. Lady daughter of Videha, answer thou this monkey, 

sent by Rama! 
False Maithill (looking at Angada Respectfully). Good Angada, 

answer thou the son of Eaghu in my words: 

'0, Rama, wherefore doth this cause thee woe? 

Swift get thee home, for of mine own accord 

And publicly I wedded this my lord. 
Yea, more than this, 

Like to a swan in Ravan's lotus-lap 

I sport the live-long day; so get thee hence 

Unto thy realm where Bharata lies dead 

Within a land by demons devastate.' * 
Angada (stopping his ears). Nay, lady daughter of Janaka! 

Such words of shame fair Slta never speaks, 

For spotless purity adorns her soul, 

And like the Ganges she doth cleanse the world. 

(Enter, with a toss of the curtain, 2 a RaksaSl^) 

Raksasl. Tidings of ill hath Rama's captive spouse 
Heard of her lord, and fain would end her days 
Upon a slender cord of tendrils wove. 

Ravana (in distress). Ah ! Ill words and at a time unseemly ! 
Raksasas, protect, protect the daughter of Janaka! 
(Dismisses the False Maithill.} 

Angada (joyfully). Through the glory of the true Maithill the 

blackness of the false Maithill is hid! 
[10] Ravana. What wouldst thou say, thou wrinkle-face? 
Angada. Disgrace comes not to thee from evil deeds, 

Wherein thy hellish race its glory finds; 

'Tis natural thou should'st steal another's wife 

And think our warriors' wrath unjust to thee. 
Ravana (angrily). Thou knave of evil face! through the sight 

of thy calumny thou deservest nevermore the sight of 

Raghu's son! 3 



1 A false statement to make Rama retire from Lanka. 

2 In token of hasty entrance. 

3 Rama. 



72 Louis H. Gray, [1912. 

Angada. Nay, consider thou another tale; 

Rama hath passed the sea impassible, 

Fulfilling his great vow, and portions out 

Suvela's forests as thy many arms. 1 
Havana. Thou fool in understanding! 

The ocean is not crossed by simian hosts, 

Or they would swarm on every mountain-peak, 

Unless, forsooth, they lurk in coverts hid; 

But on the touchstone of the sword to-day 

Will I put Rama's valor to the proof. 
Nay, more than this, thou knowest not Ravana! 

With Candrahasa oftimes I have gone 

To fell the forest of the foemen's throats, 

And lo, the bursting veins wept tears of blood, 

And choking sobs were hushed by Death's chill hand; 

Lord Siva beareth witness to my words. 2 
Angada. Nay, what hath Ram to do with thy keen glaive? 

Thine arrows end the terror of the world, 

And, thanks to them, thou fool, thy severed heads 

Shall never rise to lofty majesty 

Like to the changing moon on Siva's brow. 
[11] Havana (angrily drawing Candrahasa). Away! away from 

me! I shall not slay thee twice! 

Angada (anxious to be gone). 

Set Sita free, thou demon of the night! 
In vain thou prancest through thy valorous steps; 
Before thee standeth all the simian host, 
Dread with the mighi of their immortal king, 
And with their prowess hymned by kinnaras. 3 

And, more than this, 

He will not give thee wives as Siva did, 4 
Though many be thy heads, for lo, he makes 
The sea a lake, thou soldier of Kailas; 5 
Thou wert my friend when he did slay my sire 

1 Ravana had twenty arms. 

2 The deity who had given him his sword. 

3 Celestial musicians, dwelling in Kuvera's paradise and having the 
form of a man with the head of a horse. 

4 An obscure allusion. 

5 An allusion to Havana's victory over the semi-divine Yaksas at 

Kailasa, a peak of the Himalayas (Ramayana, vii, 14 15). 



Vol. xxxii.] The Dutangada of Subhata. 73 

shaken pillar of fame! restore the spouse 
Of Earn, the noble kin of lotuses! 
Nay, too, 

He that lopped off the arms of Ta^aka, 1 
Yea, marred thy sister's wondrous loveliness, 2 
Destroyed thy soldiers in the forest-glades, 
And hindeth now the sea, doth work thy doom; 
Yet still to fond delusion thou dost cling. 
Yea, furthermore, 

Thou foolish fiend! trust not to Siva's boon, 
Since he is wroth with thee for Slta's sake; 
Else he had given back thy sacrifice 
When he was girt with skulls that he did break. 
Yet, more than this, we know the true nature of thine at- 
tachment to the service of the Lord, 3 but thou art proud in 
vain! 

Why dost thou vaunt thyself, Paulastya 4 cruel: 
Lo, I that speak brought joy to Diva's heart 
By gifts of his own beauteous lotuses; 
[12] But on thee he bestowed thy blade divine 
Through merest pity of thy penances, 
And in remorse for the fifth head of Brahm, 
Which he destroyed in olden days of sin. 5 
Hearken, thou ten-faced fiend! we shrink not in terror of 
the words which come from the hole within thy face! 

(Exit Aiigada.) 

Voice (within). 

Thou art the sovereign of the threefold world, 
And yet the apes of Rama slay thy hosts! 
Swift .to the fray! or hath thy valor quailed? 
Havana (anxiously). Alas! mightily wail our subjects that are 
being slaughtered! 

(Enter Demon-WarriOTS with wounded limbs.) 

1 The demonic daughter of Suketu, slain by Rama (Ramayana i, 26). 

2 Surpanakha, a hideous demoness, became enamoured of Rama, who 
bade his brother Laksmana cut off her nose and ears (Rdmayana iii, 18). 

3 iva. 

4 Ravana, as being the grandson of the rsi Pulastya. 

5 Alluding to the Puranic legend that iva pinched off the fifth head 
of Brahma. 



74 Louis H. Gray, [1912. 

Demons. 

'Tis shame for us to die at simian hands! 
If thou be lord, make not thy wisdom vain 
While thou dost live and breathe in Lanka's isle. 

Havana (angrily calling Prahasta in haste). 

Arm swift my mighty demons for the fray! 
What be these apes in cursed Kama's host? 
Lo, in my hand doth Candrahasa wake, 
Grim 'Laughter of the Moon' to mourning brides 
Of the immortals falling 'neath its blade. 

(Again striding about terribly.) To-day the world will be with- 
out Havana or without Rama! (Exit.) 
(Enter Hemangada and Citrdngada, two Gandharvas l wandering in 

the path of sky). 2 

Hemangada. Good Citrangada, 

With arms divine that cried 'Earth, Ether, Sky!' 3 
Great E,ama severed Havana's ten heads, 
Whilst an eleventh sun shone through the clouds; 
And by Kakutstha's wondrous scion slain, 4 
Yea, killed by his swift dart that Brahma sped, 
The lord of demons of the night doth lie 
A headless thing upon a hero's couch. 

[is] Citrangada. Good friend, long have we travelled fearless- 
ly by this path of sky! 

(Loud noise within.) 

Crushed is the might of Ravan, Lanka's king, 
He whose ten heads were made to rule the world, 
Whose twenty arms gave him a strength tenfold; 
Yet slain upon the field by Slta's spouse 
With crescent arrows radiant and keen. 
Celestial Bard. 

Hearken, Hemangada! look, Citrangada, as on a picture! 
With arrows tawny as great Canda's 5 gold 

1 Celestial bards. 

2 The third scene, which begins here, is based on Rdmdi/ana vi, 107 
108. Comp. also the last scene of the sixth act of the Mahdvlracarita 
(Pickford's translation, 135148). 

3 Bhur, bhuvah, svah, a cry of mystic power as early as the Yajur Veda. 

4 Kakutstha, king of Ayodhya, was the father of Raghu, and thus an 
ancestor of Rama. 

5 A demon slain by Durga. 



Vol. xxxii.] The Dutangada of SuWiata. 75 

All demons save Vibhlsana are slain 
And set by Rama in his precious store 
Of boons to aid him through the lives to come; 
Yet in their fear of Yama's conqueror * 
The timid gods shower no garlands down, 
Nor dare to sound the drums of victory. 
Citrangada (to Hemangada, wonderingly). G-ood Hemangada, 
this victor over the rangers of the night and this diadem of 
heroes is this marvellous vessel of the sentiment of wonder, 
glorious through his love for the spouse of Bhavani, 2 before 
whom all gods and demons bow through the might of his ex- 
ceeding majesty. But he who, in ages past, in his devotion 
to the foe of cities, 

Paid ten-faced worship unto Siva's bride, 
Who thought the world, yea, and its Lord, 3 his own, 
And fain would lay his hands on Brahm's five heads, 
Doth roam no more on Durga's mountain-heights. 4 
(Beholding the might of karma, anxiously.) 

Look, Hemangada, look! 

What vengeance dread for ancient deeds of sin! 

Great Siva, see! the heads that once were thine 5 

Are now defiled by loathsome birds of prey! 
Hemangada. Is not this exceeding clear, my friend? 'Where 
justice is, is victory', is a true saying of the text-books. 6 There- 
fore in this very instance is revealed the future of those who 
work good or evil by their bodies and the like. There Ravana 
himself forms an example, for 
[14] Lo, on this earth thy body is but wealth 

To win thee everlasting righteousness, 

And when 'tis gone it cometh nevermore; 

So Ravan gave his heads and worlds threefold 

To Brahma for a wondrous lotus blue. 7 

1 In allusion to Havana's victory over Yama, the god of death (Rdmd- 
yana vii, 2022). 

2 The husband of Bhavani (Parvati) is Siva. 

3 Siva. 

4 The Himalayas, which include the Mount KailSsa already mentioned. 

5 An obscure allusion. 

s The same proverb occurs in the Dharmaviveka and the Prasanga- 
bhdrana (Indische Spriiche 2348, 5030). 
7 See Rdmdyana vii, 10. 



76 Louis H. Gray, [1912. 

Voice (within). 

Its banner-pole all gashed with Rama's darts, 
Its charioteer a-faint in streams of blood, 
The carrion vultures hovering o'er its path, 
And with its axle broken 'neath the fall 
Of Ravan's headless corpse, his car now comes 
To Lanka, swiftly drawn by whinneying steeds 
That would return to their remembered stalls. 

(Again within.) 

Come from your homes, ye brides of gods immortal, 
And thou, mahout of our dread deities, 
Fast tie thy mighty elephant divine; 
Go forth, ye gods, as watchmen of the night, 
And brighter, sweeter far be now the bloom 
Of coral trees in Indra's holy grove; 
For at the eastern gate lies Ravan's head, 
Defiled and branded by the hands of slaves. 
And, more than this, 

Girt round with fragrance showered from the hands 

Of brides divine rejoicing in the fray, 

Himself descended from his car of war, 

And with his hand resting on Laksmana, 

His ears filled with the cry of 'victory' 

Torn from the prisoners' reluctant lips, 

Doth Rama, Sita's mighty spouse, draw nigh! 

Rama (crowned with flowers, going to Ayodhya, 1 to Sltd, pointing out 
the battle-field of Lanka). 

Here Phanipa yielded to Laksman's might, 
There, rent and torn, Droiiadri once became 
The captive of divinest Hanuman; 
Here by my brother Indrajit was slain, 
And there did one 2 whose name I may not tell 
Hew Ravan's heads from his accursed frame, 
Like some unholy wood, sweet Eyes 'o Fawn! 3 

Joying the heart of Sita with such words, 
Whose sentiment is new to mortal ears, 

1 The modern Oudh. 

2 Rama himself. 

3 Comp. with this speech Rdmdyana vi, 123, 3 15, and the last act 
of the Mahdvlracarita. 



Vol. xxxii.] The Dutangada of Subhata. 77 

His limbs a-thrill with beauty and delight, 
[15] Let Rama haste unto his capital; 

And there rule o'er his land forevermore 
Guarding his realm and loyal citizens, 
Whom he shall bless with bounties manifold. 

By Subhata this drama hath been writ 
Upon a theme dear to the bards of old, 
And to it he hath added his own words, 
Commingling prose and verse in flavor sweet. 



The Helreiv Metheg 1 . By FEANK E. BLAKE, Ph. D., 
Johns Hopkins University. 

The Traditional View. 

THE traditional views of the Jewish grammarians on the 
sign Metheg are ably set forth hy Baer in his article on "Die 
Methegsetzung". 2 In this article, which forms the basis of 
the treatment of this subject in modern Hebrew Grammars, 
Baer states that when any sound that does not bear the pri- 
mary tone is to be emphasized, a Metheg is affixed to the 
sign for that sound, the Metheg, conformably with its name 
(bridle), indicating that the sign to which it is attached is to 
be dwelt upon and not hastened over in pronunciation. He 
divides the various Methegs into three classes, light, heavy, 
and euphonic, with a number of subdivisions. His scheme is 
in outline as follows. 
I. The light Metheg (bp ana). 

A. The ordinary Metheg (B1fc?B) indicating the secondary 
tone, in the first open syllable two or more places from 
the primary tone, as, e. g., in D1KH (Gen. 1, 27). 

B. The indispensable Metheg ("p&n). 

a) with long vowel -before Shewa, e. g., nrpn (Gen. 1,2). 

b) with long vowel before Maqqeph, e. g., ^"fi$ (Gen. 
4, 25). 

c) with Sere in Nasog Ahor, e. g., nnfc (Prov. 12, 1). 

d) with a vowel before a Hateph, e. g., nb^} (Gen. 
1, 26). 



1 In the following article the primary accent or tone of Hebrew words 
will be marked by the sign , e. g., Q"]Nn, unless there is some special 
reason for employing the proper accent "marks. In the application of 
Metheg, two or more words connected by Maqqeph are treated as if 
they formed one word. 

2 S. Baer, Die Methegsetzung nach ihren uberlieferten G-esetzen dar- 
gestellt, in Merx's Archiv fur wissenschaftliche Erforschung des alien 
Testaments, Bd. 1, Halle 1869 } pp. 5567 and 194207. 



Vol. xxxii.] The Hebrew Metliey. 79 

e) with the vowel before the initial consonant of rpn, 

rrn, e. g., n\T (Gen. i, 29). 

f) in the forms of the plural of ITS, e. g., D^ns, and in 
feftf. 

II. The heavy Metheg (113 ino). 
A. with vowels. 

a) with the vowel of the article before a consonant with 
Shewa and without Dagesh, e. g., nDD&n (Lev. 3, 3). 

b) with the Pathah of H interrogative, e. g., ^n * (Ex. 
2, 7). 

c) in certain forms with a short vowel (including Pathah, 
Segol, short Hireq, and short Shureq) three places 
before the primary tone, provided this is marked with 
a disjunctive accent, e. g., $tffa (Gen. 3, 8). 

d) in the second closed syllable before the tone with 
the vowels Segol, short Hireq or short Shureq 2 , when 
the first syllable before the tone contains Pathah 
or Segol, and the tone is marked by a disjunctive 
accent, e. g., ro^nn&n (Gen. 3, 24). 

e) with the first syllable of imperfects with Qames Ha- 
tuph before Maqqeph, e. g., sjnKX-lBtf; (Ps. 121, 8)". 

f) with the Pathah of the forms TTlt/tt&Tj with dis- 
junctive accent, 

g) with the Pathah of \TJ and W before Maqqeph and 
when accented with Pashta. 

h) with the vowel of the initial syllable of a number 
of miscellaneous forms, accented for the most part 
with Zarka. 

B. with Shewa in the initial syllable. 
1. in the metrical books. 

a) with a Shewa three places before the tone, when the 
word is marked by a disjunctive accent without pre- 
ceding conjunctive, instead of on the following open 
syllable, e. g., tt^gTJDJ (Ps. 4, 7). 

b) with the Shewa of the divine names '3TK (HUT) and 



1 The Metheg with n. interrogative is regularly placed to the right of 
the vowel to distinguish the n from the article, except in the poetical 
books: cf. Baer, op. cit., p. 196, ft. nt. 1.' 

5 That Pathah is not entirely excluded is shown by I'rrun (Hos. 4, 17). 
For the second Metheg cf. Ill, A. a. 



80 Frank R. Blake, [1912. 



when they are accented with great Rebia 
without preceding conjunctive accent- e. g., Vl^S * (Ps. 
25, 2). 

c) with the Shewa of a word accented with Oleveyored, 
Great Rebia, or Dehi, without preceding conjunctive 
accent, provided at least one vowel intervenes, and 
this has not already Metheg, e. g., rPJT! (Ps. 1, 3). 

d) with ^tf when accented with Munah as conjunctive 
accent before Dehi. 

w 

2. in the other books of the Bible 

a) with the Shewa of words accented with G-ershaim 
or Pazer without preceding conjunctive accent, when 
at least two vowels lie between Shewa and tone 
syllable, and the first has not already Metheg, e. g., 
D^nsrnl (Gen. 10, 14). 

b) with the Shewa of words accented with Darga as 
second conjunctive accent before Rebia, with Kadma 
as second conjunctive accent before Pashta or Tebir, 
or with Munah as third conjunctive before Telisha, 
provided that at least one vowel lies between Shewa 
and the tone syllable, and that this vowel has not 
already Metheg, e. g., D'Q^tf (Gen. 34, 21). 

III. The Euphonic Metheg (nnpn pprb N^). 

A. at the end of a word. 

a) with a final y preceded by Pathah in a word accented 
on the penult, when this word is connected by a 
conjunctive accent with a word accented on the first 
syllable, e. g., ll yn&'l (Gen. 24, 9). 

b) with a final guttural consonant of a word closely 
connected by Maqqeph or conjunctive accent with a 
word beginning with a guttural, e. g., *)DDn yoa (Gen. 
44, 2). 

B. at the beginning of a word. 

a) in the closed initial syllable of certain dissyllabic 

words, e. g., 1STI (Ps. 71, 11). 

This classification is of course entitled to respect as repre- 
senting the views of the native Jewish grammarians, but it 
must be remembered that they were not the same men who 

1 When Metheg is affixed to a composite Shewa it is placed between 
Shewa and vowel as here, cf. Baer, op. cit., p. 202, ft. nt. 



Vol. xxxii.] The Hebrew Metheg. 81 

invented the pointing, but later commentators on this pointing. 
They represent what they thought was the meaning of the 
various points at their time, basing their conclusions in all 
probability not only on tradition, but also on their own in- 
dividual opinions J . The body of rules for Metheg was a grad- 
ual growth, compiled from various sources. This is indicated 
by the variation of the manuscripts in its use, and by the 
fact that in the best and oldest manuscripts some of its most 
prominent uses are practically unknown, e. g., the use of Me- 
theg before a Hateph (I. B. d) 2 . There is no reason, there- 
fore, why the traditional view should be accepted simply be- 
cause it is traditional, its acceptance or rejection will depend 
largely on its ability to explain the actual phenomena. 

As a matter of fact the traditional classification of the 
uses of Metheg is not satisfactory. While there is a certain 
amount of justification for it in general, many of the details 
are not properly worked out and assimilated to the general 
scheme (cf. e. g., II. A, h, III. B. a). We find uses separated that 
belong together, and those which are quite different placed 
under the same heading. For example the Metheg in such 
forms as INiairn and that in those like ^JttVI are placed in 
different sub-classes of the heavy Metheg (viz., A, c, and A, 
d), though they evidently belong together. On the other hand 
the Metheg in the forms of the verbs ,TH and JlVl, e. g., HYP, 
is placed under the same general heading as the Metheg in 
forms like nfrgj (viz. light Metheg B. d and B. e), though they 
are used to denote two entirely different things. Moreover 
the connection between the various kinds of Metheg is not 
made sufficiently clear, nor is the general principle underlying 
the use of the Metheg in all cases adequately emphasized. 
A more accurate and scientific classification of the various 
uses of Metheg is certainly to be desired. 

. The underlying Principle. 

The general principle which underlies all the uses of Me- 
theg, according to the traditional explanation, is that of emphasis, 
but the emphasis is certainly not always an actual emphasis, 

1 Cf. C. D. Ginsburg, Introd. to the Massoretico-Critical Edition of 
the Hebrew Bible, London, 1897, pp. 462465: B. Stade, Lehrluch der 
Hebr. G-rammatik, Leipzig, 1879, p. 54, 50. 

2 Cf. Ginsburg, op. cit, pp. 469 778 passim. 

Vol. XXXII. Part I. 6 



82 Frank R. Blake, [1912. 

as is indicated by Baer's statement 1 , cf. I. B. b. The funda- 
mental use of Metheg seems to have been, not necessarily to 
emphasize, but to call special attention to; it was thus a sort 
of nota bene. The fact that the majority of the syllables 
marked with Metheg bore the secondary tone led to the idea 
that emphasis or lingering on the sound in question was the 
underlying signification of the sign. 

Considering this faculty of calling special attention to, to 
be fundamental, the chief uses of Metheg may be classed under 
three heads. It may be employed to call special attention to 

a) a consonant, 

b) a vowel, 

c) an accent, or accented syllable. 

Metheg used to call attention to a Consonant. 

This Metheg corresponds to Baer's III. A. a and b. In 
both these cases the Metheg is placed under a final guttural 
to call special attention to it in positions where it would be 
likely to be slurred over. 

Metheg used to call attention to a Vowel. 

This Metheg calls special attention to a vowel which is 
likely to be mispronounced in the form in question, or which 
is irregular or out of place in the form. The vowel which is 
thus marked may be long or short. 

This Metheg is employed with a long vowel in the follow- 
ing cases, viz.: 

(1) It is used with a Jong final vowel in a closed syllable 
before Maqqeph, e. g., *h m r\& (Gen. 4, 25), ]arrfy (Gen. 
2, 16): in the first case without Metheg the reading would 
naturally be soth-U, while before Maqqeph a Sere regu- 
larly becomes Segol; cases like KJ'D^ (Gren. 47, 29) and 
jan ^Jlfi5 (Gen. 3, 3), where there is no danger of a mistake 
without Metheg, have followed the analogy of the first 
two cases, the point of contact being that both sets of 
cases end in long vowels. 

(2) It is used with Sere which is to be retained in Nasog 
Ahor, e. g., njn 3HK (Prov. 12, 1); without Metheg the 
reading would naturally be 

* op. dt., p. 56, 1. 



Vol. xxxii.] The Hebrew Metlieg. 83 

(3) It is used with a long vowel before Shewa, the Shewa 
being silent as in ]1Bha (Gen. 46, 11), ISNirtp'pS (Dan. 5, 
12), or vocal as in njyjfj (Gen. 1, 2), TC (Gen. 22, 12), 
'Tl? (Gen. 3, 5). Here originally as in (1) the Metheg 
was used to prevent an improper pronunciation, e. g., 
]1Bha or iodxa,', cases like ^T^ are due to an extension of 
the principle to all long vowels. In cases in which the 
Shewa is vocal, as it probably is in HJVn, *|T, &c. *, the 
Metheg stands in the syllable which bears the secondary 
tone, and so came to be regarded as the sign of this 
tone. It is not impossible that the use of Metheg as 
an accentual sign originated with cases like these. 

(4) It is used in the forms of DVfl3 and in K3N to insure 
the pronunciation WMim, anna instead of bottim, onnd. 

This Metheg is employed with a short vowel in the follow- 
ing cases, viz.: 

(1) It is used in the forms of JTO and JTTJ to call special 
attention to the i vowel before n and n where we should 
expect Segol or Pathah, e. g., rPiT, JTJV, &c.; the Me- 
theg in forms like rpn (Gen. 26, 3), rpm (Gen. 12, 2), 
JTTTJ (Gen. 20, 7), is probably due to the analogy of the 
more numerous forms with Hireq. 

(2) 2 It is used to call special attention to an 6 vowel in a 
situation where it might be mistaken for a, e. g.. "^THX 
(Nu. 23, 7), ^TQjJ (Nu. 22, 11, 17), D'BhjJ and D'Bhtf in 
numerous instances. Here the Qames of the first syllable 
would naturally have been read a, as it stands in an 
open syllable. The use of the Metheg with Qames Ha- 
tuph was also extended to cases in which this vowel 
stood before Shewa. In certain imperative forms with 
6 in the first syllable Metheg was employed to call atten- 
tion to the unusual vocalization, 6 instead of the regular 
i, e. g., rnc$ (Ps. 86, 2). In certain infinitive and imper- 
fect forms with suffix *J , Metheg was used with Qames 
to call special attention to the fact that the regular o 
(Holem) of the infinitive had been changed to 6 (Qames 



1 Cf. F. E. Konig, Historisch-kritisches Lehrg. der Hebr. Spr., Leipzig, 
1881. Ite H., pp. 111118. 

2 For a discussion of the pronunciation of the Qames in these forms 
cf. Konig, op. cit., pp. 104 111. 

6* 



84 Frank R. Blake, [1912. 



Hatuph), e. g., *\T\tftb 1 (1 Sam. 15, 1), yr\jf} (I Sam. 24, 
11), *|Bfos; (Gen. 32, 18). The extension of "this Metheg 
to the infinitive form 112?? (Jos. 4, 7) is apparently 
without special reason, as 6 is the regular vowel in such 
forms; possibly it is due to formal analogy with the im- 
peratives like rntpgf. The fact that Metheg was ordi- 
narily employed to mark a long Qames before Shewa, 
would naturally lead to a confusion between 6 and a, 
and this is doubtless the reason why the Metheg with 
6 is preserved only in exceptional cases. The Metheg 
with 6 in forms like I^JS, ?|Sj;B does not belong here, but 
under the accentual Metheg (cf. below p. 85). 

(3) In the forms of the divine name 'OTN with prefixed par- 
ticles, Metheg is used with the Pathah of the particle 
in all cases where the K is written without Hateph, to 
call attention to the fact that Pathah is the proper 
vowel here, and not Qames (a) even though the N has appar- 
ently quiesced, e. g., 'J'WJ, *wb, ^KJ, & c - : so a l so w ^ n 
similar forms of HUT, viz., niJTJ, nirrt, njrPS, &c., because 
they were read ''J'INJ, &c. 

(4) In the word "Httte, a Metheg is employed after the 
Shewa to indicate that it is vocal, viz., v ]B f 2 (Ps. 1, 1), 
and elsewhere. 

Accentual Metheg. 

The third and most common use of the Metheg is to call 
attention, not to the vowel itself to which it is affixed, but to 
the fact that the vowel bears a special stress. This use may 
have originated from the fact that in certain forms the Me- 
theg marked a vowel which bore the secondary accent (cf. 
above pp. 83, 80). This use may be subdivided as follows. 

I. 

It is employed with a full vowel in the first open syllable 
two or more places before the tone to denote a secondary 
accent. This is Baer's so called ordinary Metheg (I. A.). 
Exemples are Dlfcjn (Gen. 1, 27), njIKD (^en. 10 > 18 ) 



1 Baer-Delitzsch lias injtel? with Hateph Qames; this is an additional 
indication of the o quality of the preceding Qames. 

2 For the Metheg with Pathah cf. below p. 94. 



Vol. xxxii.] The Hebrew Mefliegs 85 



(Ezek. 42, 5), ng-*ft (Gen. 7, 1), ^nrninjp (Gen. 35, 20). The 
vowel of the open syllable is usually long as in the examples 
cited, but it may also be short as in *lS"^ (2 Sam. 5, 11), 

tfnj (Jos. 14, 1). 

This ordinary Metheg, however, includes a great deal more 
than Baer states. He enumerates cases like inihnM (Gen. 4, 8) 
and *$%$} (Gen. 12, 2) under this head, but places cases like 
tajm (Gen. 4, 12) and t&KJ (Gen. 22, 13) under the so-called 
indispensable Metheg. This latter class of cases, and all cases 
in fact in which Metheg is employed with a vowel before a 
Hateph such as e. g., 'ViPgn (Gen. 8, 5), njbnj (Gen. 18, 13), 
"intDJ (Job. 17, 9), &c., are simply examples of forms with the 
ordinary Metheg. These forms are to be read, td- f a-bod, ne- 
'e-kaz, ha-a-sl-ri, $a-ha-qak, u-fo-kar, &c. 

In the case of forms beginning with copulative } the usage 
varies. Many such forms are without Metheg under *, as e. g., 
ni|?p^ (Gen. 1, 10), 1ED1 (Gen. 19, 15), ViBh (Gen. 19, 30), nK^tfi 
(Gen. 12, 16), &c. Other forms again, particularly those with 
sibilants after the 1 take the Metheg with =!, the following 
consonant having Hateph Pathah, e. g., nnn (Gen. 2, 12), rnfej 
(Lev. 25, 34), tiffi (K-vau 23, 18)" :ng (Ps'.' 55, 22), Djrn (Ps. 
28, 9), &c. In the first case the forms are probably meant to 
be read ul-miq~ueh, ukh-mo, us-te, u-fa-Jwtk, the u being 
regarded as short, and forming one syllable with the following 
consonant; thus there is no open syllable two or more places 
before the tone to receive Metheg. In the second case the 
forms, as is shown still more clearly by the use of the Hateph, 
are intended to be read u-za-liav, u-sa-dheh, u-qa-rav, u-ra-'em, 
the u being probably regarded as long, and forming by itself 
an open syllable, which being two places before the tone takes 
Metheg. The inconsistency in the use of Metheg with * may 
be due to the fact that it was pronounced u by some and u 
by others, one tradition being preserved in one case, and the 
other in another, or it may be due to the fact the i was pro- 
nounced u only before sibilants and certain other consonants. 

Cases in which the vowel a of the article takes Metheg 
before a consonant with Shewa, and cases in which the a of 
the interrogative n takes Metheg are also to be classed here, 
the Metheg in all these cases marking the secondary tone in 
tke first open syllable with full vowel two or more places back 
from the tone. Such forms as nDDDH (Lev. 3, 3), Df?n_ (Lev. 



8f> Frank E. Blake, [1912. 



25, 32), D'jTjDS? (Ex. 7, 27), nteo^ (Jer. 31, 21), are to be read 
hd-me-kas-seh, hd-le-uii-iim, bd-ge-far-de-im, la-me-sil-ldh *; forms 
like nD?Dn 2 (Gen. 18, 17), HiltDH (Gen. 34, 31), T^Nn (Ex.2, 
7), D|nn (Job. 1, 9), are to be read ha-me-has-seh, hd-he-zo-ndh, 
hd-e-lekh, ha-liin-ndm. 

The Metheg is not used in the above cases when yod is the 
consonant immediately following the article or interrogative 
particle, e. g., D^TI (Gen. 33, 5), DPIJJTn (Gen. 29, 5), &c.; nor in 
cases like &jh?n 8 (Nu. 35, 8), ^h (Ps. 144, 1), *)KH (Gen. 18, 13), 
Hjhin (Job. 22, 13), where the tone is on the syllable immediately 
following; nor in cases where the syllable adjoining the article 
or interrogative particle has already what Baer calls the usual 
Metheg as, e. g., y^BrrK| (2Ki. 9, 11), DDTJlKn (Num. 32, 6)4. 
In the first of these exceptions the yod forms a diphthong 
with the preceding <z, viz., hai-la-dhim, hai-dha-tem, so that we 
have what was regarded as a closed syllable two places or 
more before the tone, and hence no Metheg. In the second 
series of exceptions no Metheg is used because the a of n 
stands immediately before the tone; forms in which n precedes 
a consonant with Shewa are to be read as dissyllabic, viz., 
ham-' at, laq-rdv, hav-ddh, &c. In the third series of exceptions, 
the Metheg stands on the syllable which was preferred as the 
place of the secondary tone: in the first example ham probably 
forms a closed syllable, viz., bd-ham-hi-gd c ', in the second, ha is 
only one place before the secondary tone 5 . In the case of 
n interrogative, moreover, no Metheg is employed in those 
forms in which Daghesh is placed in the consonant following 

i It is not impossible to regard the first syllable of forms with the 
article like riDD&n as having an initial closed syllable, viz. ham-kas-seh; 
and forms like B2n (Nu. 35, 8) in which the first syllable is certainly 
closed, viz. ham-'at, and hence without Metheg, might seem to point 
that way. The Metheg would then belong under the second subdivision 
of accentual Metheg (cf. below). The difficulty with this view, however, 
is that it offers no explanation of the absence of Metheg in forms like 



2 Cf. above p. 79, ft. nt. 1 

3 Written with Metheg, viz., B3?n by Van der Hooght, 1705. This 
writing indicates the pronunciation ha-me-'at, the Metheg being the 
ordinary accentual Metheg. 

4 Van der Hooght has D3 s nn with the second variety of accentual 
Metheg described below. 

5 Cf. Baer op, cit. p. 58, 7. 



Vol. xxxii.] The Hebrew Metheg. 87 

the n. The a in these forms was of course regarded as standing 
in a closed syllable, hence no Metheg. 

II. 

Metheg is employed in a number of cases in a closed syl- 
lable 1 with the vowels of the article, 1 consecutive, the pre- 
position )D, the reflexive prefix nn, with a vowel before a 
doubled consonant, and with the vowel of certain particles 
and constructs before Maqqeph; e. g., ^J3n (G-en. 10, 18), 
WDBh (G-en. 3, 8), 'sjJTJD (Gen. 17, 12), to>nn (Ex. 14, 13), 
TO'&K (Gen. 32, 27), mVbr^ (Ex. 16, 9), D5rinCD (Deut. 
11, 14), &c. According to Baer this Metheg is used only in 
the third syllable before the tone with the short vowels a, i, 
e, u 2 when the first syllable before the tone has Shewa, and 
the word in question has a disjunctive accent. It is true that 
this variety of Metheg is used chiefly under the above con- 
ditions, but it does not seem to be confined to them, e. g., 

n%n-)D (Gen. 30, 16), niDip&rrteD (Ezr. i, 4), niton-ty. (Ex. 

29, 21), 32ftNV! (Gen. 6, 6), &>ann (Job. 30, 14), &c. 

This use of Metheg is probably due to the fact that a 
special stress fell on the vowel in each of these cases. That 
the article and 1 conversive bore originally a strong stress is 
indicated by the doubling of the following consonant 3 . It is 
also quite natural for a special stress to fall on the heavy 
prefix nn and on the vowel before a doubling, and on the 
final syllable (i. e. the original tone syllable) of a construct. 
Why a special stress should fall on proclitic prepositions and 
particles, except in the case of JD which for the most part 
comes under the head of a vowel before a doubled consonant, 
the nun being regularly assimilated, is not entirely clear. 



1 Olshausen apparently regards this Metheg as accentual, cf. Lehr- 
buch der Hebr. Sprache, Braunschweig, 1861, p. 88, e, 1. 

2 According to Baer the vowel o, Qames Hatuph, is not included 
here, because Qames with Metheg is ordinarily long Qames and con- 
fusion would therefore have resulted, e. g., nirjJfc-^3 (Gen. 7, 11) &c. All 
the examples given by Baer (op. cit., p. 199, 27) are cases in which 
the o vowel is the vowel of ^3. As it would be quite natural for the 
word meaning "all" to have a special stress, Baer's explanation of the 
regular absence of Metheg with this word is quite plausible. 

3 Cf. C. Brockelmann, Grundrif! der vergleichenden Grammatik der 
semitischen Sprachen, Berlin, 1908, Bd. 1, p. 107, v. 



88 Frank R. Blake, [1912. 

The fact that Metheg is not employed with the vowels in 
question in all cases would seem to indicate that they did not 
always hear a special stress. This stress was ordinarily pre- 
served hy tradition only in cases where the syllable in question 
was the only other syllable of special prominence in the word 
besides the tone syllable. No Metheg was employed when 
the accent of a word was a conjunctive accent, as in that 
case the secondary tone was not so prominent. 

Whenever there is an open syllable two places from the 
tone in a word of the form prescribed above, it regularly takes 
the Metheg according to rule, but in this case the Metheg is 
also affixed to the preceding syllable, e. g., Ypjn (Gen. 22, 9), 
mbrn (Hab. 3, 6), D^nsa (Gen. 43, 16), *$$&* (Gen. 32, 27), 
&c. The Metheg in the open syllable in these examples may 
be due to the fact that it has become a fixture with the 
vowel before a Hateph, and so was retained in spite of the 
fact that the secondary tone falls on another syllable, or it 
may be that we have here a combination of two conflicting 
traditions, one school of Massorites preferring to place the 
secondary accent on the emphatic closed syllable l . the other 
preferring the regular method of accenting the first open syl- 
lable two or more places back from the tone. When the 
Hateph stands under a consonant which is not identical with 
the one that follows, and the vowel that precedes the Hateph 
is Holem, no Metheg is employed in the syllable before Holem, 
e. g., nS^n (Gen. 24, 11), #$P1 (K"eh. 7, 64), ^"12 (Gen. 19, 
22). In this case there appears to have been no doubt as 
to the place for the secondary tone, the long vowel seeming 
to all the most emphatic element outside of the syllable with 
primary tone. 

The forms with copulative } which Baer includes here, e. g., 
IST-ft (Gen. 13, 15), TOJDJ (Gen. 27, 29), *$3&fi (Dent. 6, 7), 
&c., are perhaps properly classed under this head, 1 taking 
the secondary accent for the same reason as the preposition 
hy*, in this case the u is short, and the forms are to be read 
ul-zar-'a-kd, um-ba-ra-khe-kha. uv-Zokh-be-kM, &c. It is also 



1 That the Metheg in the closed syllable is the more original of the 
two is indicated by the fact that Metheg before a Hateph is rarely used 
in the best manuscripts, while the other occurs in a number of cases. 
Of. Ginsburg, op. cit. pp. 474, 675. 731. 



Vol. xxxii.] The Hebrew Metheg. 89 

possible, however, that the u is long, and that the Metheg 
marks the secondary tone in an open syllable, vix., u-le-zar- 
'a-Mid, u-me-bd-ra-khe-klia (cf. below p. 92), u-ve-okh-le-khd, 
&c.; if this is so these forms belong under (I). 

III. 

Metheg is employed in the first of two closed syllables con- 
nected by Maqqeph with a word accented on the first syllable, 
provided this accent is disjunctive, e. g., Jljrnisnj? (Gen. 4, 16), 
jiH^ (Gen. 4, 26), 13-TOD,"! (Gen. 33, 11),' &c. " The Metheg 
seems to indicate that the secondary tone, which would natur- 
ally fall on the syllable which is accented when the word is 
authotone, i. e.. on the last syllable, has been retracted to the 
preceding syllable in order to prevent the secondary and pri- 
mary accents from standing in adjoining syllables. Cases like 
Sfr-isn (Gen. 31, 32), ^-nj?fi (Gen. 7, 2), ^PIKI (^ en - 28 > 4 )> 
CY.C. belong here; the secondary tone is retracted in spite of 
the syllable le before the primary tone, as is shown by the 
Segol for Sere. When the accent of the word after Maqqeph 
was a conjunctive accent, the secondary accent on the preced- 
ing word was not so prominent and so was not specially 

marked, e. g., n'r^rmn (Gen. 6, 9), nrrn&tf; (Gen. 7, 22), &c. 

Those forms of the Hithpael which Baer includes here, e. g., 
ro|nnisn (Gen. 3, 24), nSy.fin (Gen. 6, 6), &c., really belong 
under the preceding heading; forms with } copulative such as 
ttwrn (Jer. 3, 25), tra'TiD! (Is. 45, 14), &c. are perhaps best 
considered as belonging under (I), u being long and constitut- 
ing an open syllable, viz., u-the-kas-se-nu, u-se-har-Jcush. 

Under this head are also to be classed the forms VH and 
TP1 before Maqqeph, e. g., II^'NTJ (Gen. 1, 3), "li"Vn (Gen. 
1, 5), TV-Tri (Gen. 5, 18). 

Of a similar character, moreover, is the Metheg in the first 
syllable of an o imperfect followed by Maqqeph in which the 
o has been shortened to 6. e. g., ^JT^K ( Jo ^ 24 > 14 )' " 1! ?^ 
*jnS (Ps. 121, 8). In all such cases the o has lost the tone 
and the Metheg is employed to emphasize the fact that the 
secondary tone is on the first and not on the second syllable. 
In these forms, however, the Metheg is always employed 
without regard to the accentuation of the following word as 
it has come to be regarded as the regular sign of an imper- 
fect with 6 in the second syllable, on account of the contrast 



90 Frank E. Blake, [1912. 

with the Metheg in such forms as irifc-tey. (Jos. 18, 20), which 
calls special attention to the fact that the imperfect has an 5 
in spite of the Maqqeph. 

IV. 

Metheg is employed with a syllable containing Shew a in a 
variety of cases (cf. II. B. above page 79 f.) to indicate that 
some special stress falls on this syllable. The reason for the 
special accentuation of such syllables seems to be entirely a 
musical one, and as the musical value of the accents is lost, it 
is, of course, useless to speculate as to the exact value of the 
Metheg. All that can be said is that it denoted a special 
stressing of a usually unstressed syllable l in certain melodies. 

Exceptional uses of Metheg. 

The various uses of the Metheg enumerated above do not 
exhaust all the instances in which it is employed. There are 
a number of cases in which it is difficult to say what is the 
reason for the addition of the Metheg. 

In the first place are to be noted the Methegs used in an 
initial closed syllable immediately before the tone syllable, 
e. g., \by (Gen. 36, 23), Wnm (Ps. 14, 1), 1DTI (Ps. 71, 11), Ton 
(Ps. 65, r 5), ni (Nu. 31, 12), '375 ( Jer - *% 16 ) m &b (Ezek. 
42, 13), &c. These Baer groups under the euphonic Metheg, 
but his explanation of their significance as a class is not satis- 
factory. 

It is not impossible that in some cases the sign was used 
to call attention to a short vowel. This was perhaps the case 
in the Edomite proper names nV?J, ]jby (Gen. 36, 23; 40). Here 
some probably pronounced a long vowel in the first syllable 
as is indicated by the LXX equivalents of nj^y, viz., TwAon/, 
FwAw/z, r<oAav: the Massorites on this supposition would have 
used the Metheg to call especial attention to the fact that 
they preferred the pronunciation with short vowel. 

In some cases, whatever was the original meaning of the 
sign, some Massorites undoubtedly regarded the Metheg as 
indicating a secondary tone in a closed syllable, as is shown by 



i Cf. Baer, op. cit, p. 202, 35; p. 203, 37; p. 205, 40, all near 
end of paragraph. 



Vol. xxxii.] The Hebrew Metheg. JH 

the fact that the following consonant is in some MSS. pointed 
with a Chateph, e. g., "irnn (Ps. 65, 5, Baer-Del.), ^n (Prov. 
30, 17, Ba,er-Del.). 

The Metheg in forms like 'O'tt is regarded by Baer as an 
additional sign of the absence of the Daghesh in the initial 
consonant of the second syllable, which view is not impossible. 
The spirantic value of the third consonant, due to the vowel 
that originally stood before it, but which has been syncopated, 
would naturally lead to the idea that the preceding Shewa 
was vocal, and hence that the syllable before the Shewa was 
open. To indicate this view Metheg was employed. 

The forms TIM and "TPJ accented with Pashta are perhaps 
to be classed with these forms, if they indeed form one class, 
inasmuch as they have Metheg in what is apparently a 
closed syllable preceding the tone. It may be, however, that 
these forms, in the melody indicated by Pashta, were to be 
read ud-ie-hi, iia-ie-hi. 

In the second place the words *J3p s T, DJSnt take Metheg 
with the Pathah under t when the words have a disjunctive 
accent, viz.. *J3J"]J., &??")!. It is not impossible that this Metheg 
was employed to call attention to the short vowel of the first 
syllable, and to prevent the pronunciation za-ra-kha; -kheni, 
to which the combinations zar-a-kha, -khem would tend to be 
reduced in order to obviate the difficulty occasioned by the 
occurrence of both JJ and spirated 3 in close proximity. 

Examples of individual forms with peculiar Methegs are, 
e. g., vfy^ (Job. 40, 4), 5|tfjB; (Gen. 32, 18), D^D* (2 Chr. 14, 
6), :n-n' NW (Prob. 30, 33). In v6p the Metheg may have 
been placed under b to indicate that the accent is not on the 
syllable marked with the prepositive accent, but on the second 
syllable. In "]BttB^ the Metheg with 3 marks the short o; the 
Metheg in the first syllable is perhaps due to the irregular pro- 
nunciation of X Several of the imperfect forms of BtoB have 
a spirated 3, viz., jtfifiB' 1 and BfiBni (1 Sam. 25, 20), doubtless 
following the analogy of the perfect where 3 regularly has this 
pronunciation, viz., W\& &c. This pronunciation may have 
given rise to the Metheg in the first syllable just as the spirantic 
value of the third consonant may have done so in the forms 
like "OVi explained above. In D^TSQI it is not impossible that 
the Metheg, by an extension of the use of the accentual Me- 
theg to a closed syllable, may be intended to mark the second- 



92 Frank R. Blake, [1912. 



ary accent in the second syllable before the tone 1 . In 

1^1 the Metheg is perhaps intended for the so-called euphonic 

Metheg (Baer III. A. b). 

Repetition of Metheg. 

In a number of cases two or more Methegs occur in the 
same word or series of words connected by Maqqeph. 

When two or more syllables precede a Metheg denoting the 
secondary tone, the first open syllable two or more places be- 
fore the syllable with Metheg takes an additional Metheg to 
denote what might be called a tertiary accent; e. g., "^N^b^n 
(Num. 26, 31), niilD^n^ (Ezek. 42, 5), nrinw (Gen. 12, 3), 
inborn (Gen. 9, ll), njnntfKl (Gen. 24, 48), nj%"0:rj$ (Gen. 
34,25), &c. 

When one of the elements discussed under the second sub- 
division of the accentual Metheg (cf. above p. 87 f.) occurs two 
places or more before a Metheg denoting the secondary tone, 
it may take a second Metheg just as if the first Metheg de- 
noted the primary accent, e. g., Byni:t#JT$9 (Is. 55, 9), DfiVVnjipBfc 
(Ps. 18, 46), &c. This Metheg denotes a tertiary accent as in 
the first case. 

A Metheg which for any of the reasons already stated falls 
on a short vowel in a closed syllable may be retained immed- 
iately before a Metheg which precedes a Hateph, e. g., 1|5SJJ.J 
(Gen. 22, 9), ntn&a (Gen. 15, 1), unless the Metheg stands with 
Holem, e. g., niK^rj (Gen. 24, 11) [cf. above p. 11]. 

Occasionally an open syllable preceding a syllable with Me- 
theg before a Hateph alro takes a Metheg for one of the 
reasons just stated, e. g., *]NJb' (Ex. 23, 5, Mantua). In the 
form 1fite (Ex. 22, 28. Mantua) both second and third open 
syllable before the tone are marked by Metheg, indicating 
doubtless a combination of two traditions with regard to the 
place of the secondary tone. 

The Metheg that marks a long or short vowel as such 
without regard to tone may stand before a Metheg which 
marks the secondary tone, e. g., sjnfcjrD^n (Deut. 29, 12), ^n^l 
(Deut. 26, 19), ^Effr^ (Ezek. 47, 12)' &c. When, however^ 
a syllable containing such a Metheg is preceded by a syllable 
which should take the Metheg denoting the secondary tone, 

1 Cf. Brockelmann, Grundrijf, p. 103. 17, aa. 



Vol. xxxii.] The Hebrew Metheg. '.:> 

the accentual Metheg is omitted, e. g., Dl^lfojj (Nu. 9. 3), 
rPiJ7*^1 (den. 9, 15), &c. The non-accentual Metheg is here 
apparently treated as if it had accentual value, these cases 
following the analogy of instances like nijbfc 1 " 1 ? (Gen. 6, 13), 
where the Metheg, whatever it may have stood for originally, 
certainly marks the secondary tone. 

Words ending in a final guttural and consisting of two 
closed syllables, which are joined by Maqqeph to a word with 
a disjunctive accent on the first syllable, may take an accentual 
Metheg with the vowel of the first syllable (cf. above p. 89), 
and a Metheg under the guttural (cf. above p. 82), e. g., 
tt^TlgJ ^Gen. 34, 16), ^-yatfj (Gen. 24, 7), llj|p (Hos. 4, 17). 

In 13-a6-'3 i (2 Sam. 23, 5) the Metheg may in both cases 
mark the long vowel before Maqqeph; the one with *2, however, 
may be accentual. For the two Methegs in ^JBfoB^ (Gen. 32, 
18) cf. above p. 91. 

Occasionally three Methegs are found in the same word, 
e. g., TM^l ( Is - 22 > 19 > Mantua), ^inntSTO (2Ki. 5,8)2. 
Here the Metheg nearest the end of the word indicates the 
secondary tone according to rule, and the preceding complex 
of syllables takes two Methegs just as if the secondary tone 
were primary (cf. above p. 92). 

Confusion in the Use and Interpretation of Metheg. 

The variety of uses to which the Metheg was put would 
naturally lead to a certain amount of inconsistency in its 
application to the text of the Old Testament, and also to a, 
certain amount of confusion as to the meaning of the sign 
after its application, especially as this was not the work of one 
man working at one time, but of a large number working at 
different times and under various influences. Inconsistencies 
and misunderstandings, therefore, are to be expected, and in 
spite of the fact that the rules for its application were in all 



1 This pointing is given by Olshausen, Lehrbuch, p. 89. No Metheg 
is employed in either case in the Mantua edition. Van der Hooght, or 
Baer-Delitzsch. 

2 If this form is to be read Winfltfn (cf. Burney, Notes on Hebr. text 
of the Book of Kings, Oxford, 1903, pp. 208, 280; also Stade and Schwally 
The Books of Kings in SBOT ed. by Prof. Paul Haupt, Leipzig, 1904, 
p. 201), then the Metheg of the first syllable is like the first Metheg in 
forms like 1j?Sfl above. 



94 Frank R. Blake, [1912. 

probability thoroughly worked over and systematized at a later 
period, some of these still remain. 

From the fact that the Metheg was employed to call atten- 
tion to both long and short vowels, it happens that it was 
used not only with a long Qames, but sometimes also with a 
Qames Hatuph (cf. above p. 83 f.). The Jewish grammarians, 
however, considered that every Qames marked with Metheg 
indicated an a, hence they read I^B, sftgs, ViTJK, ^Khg, &c., 
pa-o-lo, pa-'ol-kha, 'd-ra-U, qd-da-Sim, &c., respectively 1 . 

From the fact that it may stand in both open and closed 
syllables, it was sometimes doubtful as to which was the char- 
acter of the syllable in which it stood when the vowel marked 
with Metheg was followed by a simple Shewa. Therefore it 
happens that a long vowel with Metheg before Shewa e. g., 
nrrn, nptfj, ?JT, "jrf, &c., is regularly considered by the Jewish 
grammarians as standing in a closed syllable 2 , viz., hdi-thah, 
&c., though it is more likely that the syllable is open and the 
Shewa vocal, viz., lia-ie-tlidh, &c. 3 On the other hand certain 
cases in which we have a closed syllable with short vowel and 
Metheg followed by silent Shewa are considered by the Masso- 
rites as open syllables, the Shewa being therefore vocal, e. g., 
nVP (Gen. 18, 18) 4 and JTHn (Lev. 7, 33) 4 , and certain of the 
forms mentioned on page 13 f., e. g., irQfl (Ps. 65, 5), ^hfr 
(Prob. 30, 17), which are evidently to be read according to 
certain Massorites ii-he-ieh, ti-he-ieh. ti-va-har, ti-la- f ag. The 
fact that, in a combination of forms like JTJT, JITP with a pre- 
ceding word by Maqqeph, no Metheg is used in the final open 
syllable of the first word, e. g., JTiT"*6 (Gen. 9, 15), seems to 
indicate that the Metheg in the second word was considered 
an accentual Metheg. That the Massorites were not always 
certain as to whether the Metheg stood in an open or closed 
syllable when the vowel was short is shown by the form *nt8te$, 
which was marked with Metheg in the first syllable; viz., ""ItfK. 
Whatever may have been the original meaning of the Metheg 
here, it was considered as marking an open syllable by the 
Massorites, and a special Metheg was often placed after the 

1 Cf. Gesenius-Kautzsch, Hebraische Grammatik, 28 te Aufl., Leipzig, 
1909, p. 52, v . 

2 Gesenius-Kautzsch, op. cit. p. 68, i. 

3 Cf. Konig, Lehrgebaude 1, pp. Ill 118. 

4 Cf. Baer, op. cit., p. 65, ft. nt. 2. 



Vol. xxxii.] The Hebrew Metheg. 95 

Shewa to show without a doubt that the intended reading 
was 'a-$e-re and not 'a$-re, as would be possible if the pointing 
were simply "HBte. 

Cases in which we have two accentual Methegs in adjacent 
syllables, the second usually standing before a Hateph vowel, 
are perhaps, as we have seen, due to a combination of two 
traditions as to the proper place for the Metheg (cf. pp. 92, 88). 

Use of Hatephs after Metheg. 

There seems to have been a tendency that was not com- 
pletely carried out, to mark vocal Shewa after Metheg by a 
Hateph. This tendency seems to have originated from the 
close association of Metheg with a following Hateph in words 
where the Hateph stands under a guttural, where of course 
it is quite regular, as, e. g., in n&Stt (Gen, 1,26), nh2 (Gen. 
14, 10), fftiJN (Gen. 9, 21), TlffJ* (Gen. 18, 13), D^'S "(Gen. 4, 
10), non (Gen. 42, 16), &c. From such cases it was extended 
to forms in which the consonant following the Metheg was 
not a guttural, Hateph Pathah being employed except in the 
vicinity of an u or o vowel or of a labial consonant, when 
Hateph Qames is used; e. g., ro^ (Ex. 3, 18), ^"On^ (Gen. 1, 
18), nnn (Gen. 2, 12), nn^ (Gen. 2, 24), IJjfiJ (JobVl^ 9), njt}# 
(Ps. 39, 13), >6^ (Gen. 29, 3), 5|nWp (Gen. '27, 13). This use 
of Hateph we find extended by some authorities to cases in 
which the Shewa is certainly not vocal, e. g., pnx; (Gen. 21, 6), 
^Bljn (Jer. 22, 15], "TDK (Job. 29, 25), &c. 

In the case of Shewa following non-guttural consonants, the 
Hateph is the rule according to some grammarians with a 
consonant which has lost the doubling preceded by Pathah, 
e. g., Visual (Jud. 16, 16), Wn (Ps. 113, 1), &c., and also with 
a consonant after any vowel, when the same consonant is 
repeated immediately, e. g., ^"nb (Ps. 68, 7), *\nVyp p (Gen. 27, 
13), &c. Here the use of the Hateph has been carried to 
greater lengths than elsewhere, though even in this case there 
are exceptions *. 

1 These rules, though said to be rules of Ben Asher, are not supported 
by the evidence of the best manuscripts. Still they represent the ideas 
of certain of the grammarians, and as such are worthy of note: cf. Ge- 
senius-Kautzsch op. cit. p. 55 foil.. Ginsburg, Introd. p. 466; T. C. Foote, 
Some Unwarranted Innovations in tJte text of the Hebrew Bible, JHU. 
Circs. Xo. 163, June, 1903, p. 71 f. 



96 Frank R. Blake, [1912. 

Baer's rule that Metheg always stands with a vowel which 
precedes a Hateph unless the consonant between them is 
doubled, results from the fact that in all cases except those 
in which the Hateph follows a guttural, the Hateph is due to 
the Metheg and not vice versa. 

Relation between Metheg and Daghesh. 

In a number of cases the Metheg seems to stand in 
some relation with Daghesh, particularly with the Daghesh 
which represents an accentual doubling, such as the Da- 
ghesh following the article. As both signs have a similar 
signification, both denoting an emphasis of some sort, a 
Daghesh does not usually follow Metheg, as in that case 
they would both emphasize the same vowel. The two signs 
are often mutually exclusive. This fact appears most clearly 
in the case of n interrogative. Here when the n is pointed 
with Pathah it regularly takes Metheg, e. g., HDDon (Gen. 
18,17), &c. [cf. above p. 85f.J, but in a certain number of 
cases, chiefly with Shewa after the initial consonant of the 
word to which n is prefixed, Daghesh stands in this consonant 
instead, e. g., angjsan (Gen. 18, 21), nt^T! (Lev. 10, 19), Hjoyn 
(Nu. 13, 20), DJTfcnn (1 Sam. 10, 24), &c. A similar relation 
between the Metheg and the Daghesh was perhaps felt also 
in the case of the article and 1 conversive. Compare for 
example HDDDr! (Lev. 3, 3), nn'ptSh (Gen. 21, 14), with rnj?Bn 
(Ecc. 10, 18), ItjV^fl (Gen. 26, 29), &c. 

We find Metheg instead of Daghesh also in some instances 
in which the Daghesh represents a real doubling. Compare, 
for examples, D^ntfto (Jon. 4, 11), bbn (Ps. 113, 1). 

In a number of cases, however, in spite of this antithesis we 
find both Metheg and Daghesh together, e. g., cases like 
^5J?n (Gen. 10, 18), WDtTI (Gen. 3, 8), in which both Metheg 
and Daghesh emphasize the same thing, viz., that the vowel 
of the article or 1 conversive has a secondary stress, and cases 
like *J?jto (Gen. 32, 27), JTJJEMO (Gen. 19, 34), )^'Dj?; (Gen. 4, 
24), "6'irn (Gen. 23, 9), &c., in which the Daghesh indicated 
simply a doubled consonant and had no accentual meaning, 
and hence Metheg was affixed to the preceding vowel to in- 
dicate that it bore the secondary tone. 

While it seems probably that this antithesis between Me- 
theg and Daghesh was recognized, and made use of to a 



Vol. xxxii.] The Hebrew Mefhey. 97 

certain extent, it was certainly never generally applied to the 
text of the Old Testament, doubtless because it served no 
special purpose. It is not impossible, however, that on this 
antithesis is based the use of the sign Eaphe (cf. below p. 23). 

Relation between Metheg and the Musical Accents. 

One of the most important points of difference, according 
to Baer, between the so-called light and heavy Metheg is that 
the light Metheg may be changed into certain conjunctive 
accents, e. g., fflfefn (Gen. 2, 19) instead of DlJjn, while the 
heavy Metheg is never supplanted in this way. 

It is to be noted, however, that even when according to 
what appear to be the Massoretic rules, such change is pos- 
sible, it is not by any means always made 1 . Moreover the 
Metheg in a closed syllable immediately before the tone which 
may become a conjunctive accent as in W~^2 (Is. 26, 14), 
Vfl3"fifefl (1 Chr. 28, 11), is certainly different from the ordinary 
accentual Metheg in an open syllable two or more places from 
the tone. So the fact that two Methegs may be replaced by 
a conjunctive accent does not necessarily show that they are 
of the same character. 

The fact that the so-called heavy Metheg is not ordinarily 
changed to a conjunctive accent may be due to the difference 
in the character of the forms in which it is found. In most 
cases it occurs in a closed syllable, while the so-called light 
Metheg ordinarily occurs in an open syllable. 

That the so-called heavy. Metheg may occasionally become 
a conjunctive accent is shown by such forms as, ^511 *? (Gen. 
24, 7) for Tjjll 1 ?, IjteBh (Ezra 4, 1) for IJJOt^J, ^"irriK (Deut. 
3, 24) for ^"irntf, &c., where the Metheg is replaced by the 
so-called Methiga 2 . 

The difference between forms with Metheg and those with 
a conjunctive accent is probably one of a more or less musical 
recitation of the word; Metheg indicating simply a stress or 
emphasis of some kind, the conjunctive accent, a stress plus 
some musical modulation. It is not impossible that the reason 

1 Cf. AV. Wickes, A Treatise on the Accentuation of the , . . Prose 
Books of the 0. T., Oxford, 1887, pp. 67, 73, 80, 81, 91, 97, 109, 110, 111 ; 
A Treatise on the Accentuation of the . . . Poetical Books of the O. T., 
Oxford, 1881, pp. 57, 70, 86, 88. 

2 Of. Wickes, Accent, of Prose Books, pp. 81, 82. 

Vol. XXXII. Part I. 7 



98 Frank E. Slake, [1912. 

the Metheg is replaced by the conjunctive accent, instead 01 
standing together with it, is in the first instance a mechanical 
one, to avoid the heaping up of diacritical points, as almost 
all these conjunctive accents are placed below the consonant 
in the same position as Metheg. Compare for example DISH 
with Metheg, with DISH, D"ln, DISH, Dlfcjn, D1 T n, with Munah, , 
Merha, Mehuppakh, Mayela, and Azla respectively. 

Other Signs derived from Metheg. 

Numerous as are the uses of the Metheg which have been 
enumerated, the category of its activities has not yet been ex- 
hausted. There are several other diacritical marks which are 
identical with Metheg in form and which seem to be simply 
extensions of the uses of Metheg proper. These diacritical 
marks are Silluq, Paseq 1 , and Raphe (?). 

The fundamental use of Metheg, as we have seen, was to 
call special attention to something, and the things to which 
it ordinarily called the attention were three in number, viz., 
a consonant, a vowel (long or short), and an accent. 

The Silluq, which calls attention to the strong emphasis 
that rests on the accented syllable of the final word in a verse, 
is probably simply an extension of the accentual Metheg. 

The Paseq 2 , in one of its uses, is practically identical with 
the Metheg that emphasizes a final guttural to prevent its 
being slurred with the initial guttural of the following word, 

as, e. g., brjtoj rins (Nu. 12, 5), &$ rap (Hos. 4, 4), ym rf$ 

(Ps. 105, 28), niji>jpni (Gen. 31, 41), nn Ttt (Hos. 4, 19) &c. 
The Paseq in question is called paseq euphonicum, and is used 
occasionally without any regularity between two words, one of 
which ends and the other begins with the same consonant, 
e. g., fth | h*1J (Ps. 68, 21), jn | inn 1 ? (Ps. 141, 4), tyj | ]3 (Cant. 
4, 12), &c. The chief differences between Metheg and Paseq 
in this case seem to be first that Metheg is used in the case 
of a guttural including 1, while Paseq is used with other con- 
sonants including *|; secondly that in the case of Metheg the 
two consonants are not necessarily identical, while in the case 



1 For the identity of Silluq and Paseq with Metheg in form cf. Wickes 
Accent, of Poet. Books, p. 95. 

2 For the best discussion of the uses of Paseq cf. Wickes Accent, of 
Poet. Books, pp. 9598; Accent, of Prose Books, pp. 120129. 



Vol. xxxii.j The Hebrew Metheg. 99 

of Paseq they are regularly so, though there is one instance in 
which this is not the case, the consonants however being hoth 
sibilants, viz., *)}& | #m (Dcut. 8, 15). These differences, it is 
plain, are merely formal, perhaps accidental, and not differences 
in principle. It is not improbable that the Paseq originated 
from the Metheg used with consonants, which for some reason, 
perhaps by accident, was placed after the word instead of under 
the final consonant. 

The chief use of the so-called ordinary Paseq, however, seems 
to be to call special attention to the word after which it was 
placed, e, g., ^ | m,T (Ex. 15, 18), nitf | in^n (1 Sam. 14, 
45), 6DN'n | D^rrty. (Ezek. 33, 25), ^ | JH&tth *ft (Ps. 66, 18). 
This is evidently an extension of the same general principle 
which lies at the basis of the use of Metheg. 

From its position between two words or perhaps more espe- 
cially because it was employed to prevent two identical con- 
sonants from being slurred together, Paseq came naturally to 
be used as a sign of separation. This is the principle at the 
basis of the paseq distinctivum, e. g., & \ 1tf 8 1 (Gen. 18, 15), 
which is marked with Paseq to denote that the two words 
are to be separated and not closely connected as in the iden- 
tically sounding combination *6 ")BN S 1; rU-HD | "YlSn (Jos. 15, 25), 
where the two words are to be treated as distinct names, &c. 
It also lies at the basis of paseq homonymicum, which is em- 
ployed occasionally between two identical or similar words, 

e. g., DrririK | Drnr> (Gen. 22, 11), is | v? (Nu. 5, 22), bi&n 

VI&1 I (Gen. 17, 13), yatfih | goiflrj (Ezek. 3, 27). Here also be- 
longs what is called paseq euphemisticum, which separates the 
divine name from a word with which it seemed improper to 
associate it, e. g., D"I | DNlfcN (Deut. 4, 32), njn | D'rftg (1 Sam. 

is, 10), jefe | mm (i ki. 11, 14), D^K i ytih (Ps. 10, 13). 

Finally the Paseq implying separation was made a part of 
the system of musical accents. It was employed in some cases 
as a disjunctive accent to mark the dichotomy in clauses 
governed by certain of the minor disjunctive accents, though the 
principles that govern its application are the same as in the 
case of the ordinary Paseq; we have namely paseq distinctivum, 
emphaticum, liomonymicum, euphonicum, euphemisticum. 

Besides being employed as an independent disjunctive accent, 
Paseq is employed to transform a conjunctive into a disjunctive 
accent. In the prose books, when joined to Munah, it forms 

7*" 



100 Frank E. Blake, [1912. 

Legarmeh or Munah Legarmeh. In the poetical books, from 
Shalsheleth, Azla, and Mehuppah it forms Great Shalsheleth, 
Azla Legarmeh, and Mehuppah Legarmeh. In the case of 
the prose accent Shalsheleth, the Paseq is added to an already 
disjunctive accent for the sake of conformity with the pausal 
Shalsheleth of the poetical books *. 

The upright line to the left of the two perpendicular dots 
in Zaqeph G-adol (") is possibly nothing but Paseq, which true 
to its emphatic nature indicates a fuller, stronger melody than 
Zaqeph Qaton with the two perpendicular dots alone 2 . 

The Raphe, which is a straight mark similar to Metheg, 
only horizontal instead of perpendicular, is possibly also simply 
Metheg in its origin. It has been shown that the antithesis 
of Metheg and Daghesh was probably recognized by the Masso- 
rites, but that only an exceptional use was made of this prin- 
ciple (cf. above p. 19). It is not impossible that the inventors 
of the system of pointing, in casting about for a sign to mark 
the absence of Daghesh, selected the Metheg for this use on 
account of its recognized antithesis to Daghesh. To place the 
Metheg either before or after the consonant in which the ab- 
sence of Daghesh was to be noted would have led to great 
ambiguity, as Metheg in this position already had a well de- 
fined positive signification, so it was placed above the consonant 
in question, and here, probably for reasons of convenience, it 
was written in a horizontal position. 

Conclusion. 

The results of the preceding discussion may be briefly sum- 
med up as follows. In general the traditional classification of 
the uses of Metheg as set forth by Baer, has been rejected 
and new principles of division set up. An attempt has been 
made to reduce all of the uses of Metheg to the same funda- 
mental principle; to show what the relation between Metheg 
and certain diacritical marks is; and finally to prove that 
certain of these marks are simply extensions of Metheg. 

Three chief uses of the Metheg are to be distinguished, viz., 



1 So Wickes, Accent of Prose Books, p. 121. 

2 Wickes thinks this is a doubled accent mark like Gershaim (")> Merkha 
Kephula Q, or Pazer Gadol ( v ), the sign" standing for "; cf. Accent, of 
Prose Books, p. 18. 



Vol. xxxii ] The Hebrew Metheg. 101 

that which calls special attention to a consonant, that which 
calls special attention to a vowel long or short, and that which 
marks a secondary or tertiary accent, the accentual Metheg. 

The historical development of these uses is perhaps to be 
conceived of as follows. At first the sign was a nota bene 
attached to a consonant or a vowel. From the fact that the 
Metheg was often affixed to a vowel which bore the secondary 
accent, the sign acquired an accentual meaning, and was em- 
ployed to mark the secondary tone, regularly in an open syl- 
lable, as it was in such syllables that the accentual use ori- 
ginated, and also to some extent in closed syllables. The most 
important and most common use of the Metheg, viz., the 
accentual use, would therefore not be the most original use 
of the sign. An extension of its accentual use was to mark 
an accent falling on a Shewa as the result of the musical 
recitation of the text. A further extension of the accentual 
Metheg is the use of the sign as Silluq to mark the tone 
syllable of the final word in a verse. The Paseq seems to be 
derived from the Metheg, being most commonly employed to 
call special attention not to a single sound or accent, but to 
a whole word. It originated perhaps from the Metheg affixed 
to consonants. Its uses as a sign of separation, and as an 
element of the system of musical accents are secondary. Finally 
from an accidental opposition between Metheg and Daghesh, 
the Metheg comes to be used in a changed position as Eaphe 
to mark the absence of Daghesh. 

As the result of the varying uses of Metheg a certain amount 
of confusion arises in the application of the sign, and its uses 
have for the most part never been carried out to their logical 
conclusion. This is particularly true of its minor uses, such 
as for example its use to specially mark out a vowel, but it 
is also the case even in its most important and most common 
use, as the sign of the secondary accent. Here it is practically 
confined to open syllables for the reason stated above, though 
in a number of cases it is for special reasons extended to closed 
syllables. 

The same thing is true of the Paseq, the cases in which it 
is omitted, when it might be applied according to rule, are 
much more numerous than the cases in which it occurs. 

From the fact that Metheg was very frequently used before 
a Hateph in words containing a guttural has arisen a tendency 



102 Frank E. Blake, The Hebrew Metheg. [1912. 

to use a Hateph in place of a simple Shewa after all Methegs, 
but here again the tendency after some deyelopment became 
abortive. 

Metbeg bas come, probably through accident, to be regarded 
to some extent as the antithesis of Daghesh, hence the devel- 
opment of Eaphe from Metheg. 

The fact that a conjunctive accent is at times substituted 
for Metheg, does not necessarily show anything with regard 
to the value of the Metheg, it is simply the substitution of a 
sign denoting melody for a nota bene or accentual sign. The 
fact that Metheg is not retained in addition to the musical 
accent is perhaps due to the fact that in the great majority 
of cases the proper position of both was to the left of the 
vowel of the syllable to which they appertained, and so the 
less important sign was omitted. 

Metheg has never been regarded as a sign which has every- 
where the same meaning, but there has always been a ten- 
dency among grammarians to exaggerate the importance of 
the accentual Metheg which marks the secondary tone and 
hence an open syllable, at the expense of the less prominent 
varieties, and to ascribe to this Metheg cases which really 
belong elsewhere. Enough has been said, however, to show 
that in no case can the meaning of Metheg be considered as 
fixed a priori, it does not necessarily mark a long vowel, or 
an open syllable, nor is the Shewa that follows it necessarily 
vocal, its significance will depend on the character of the form 
in which it occurs. 

Nevertheless in spite of this fact, Metheg taken in con- 
nection with the other pointing, and our knowledge of the 
forms derived from other sources, furnishes very useful evidence 
with regard to the traditional pronunciation of Hebrew, and 
is therefore quite worthy of the attention of those who make 
a study of Hebrew grammar. 

Metheg is not the only sign, the conception of which is in 
need of revision; the last word has by no means been said as 
to the significance of a number of the marks used by the 
Massorites. A thoroughgoing investigation of the principles, fun- 
damental and derived, of these marks would, I think, reduce 
to much smaller proportions the residuum of unexplained forms 
in the text of the Hebrew Bible. 



.,.1 






A Conjectural Interpretation of Cuneiform Texts vol. V, 
81 7 27, 49 and 50. By ELLEN SETON OGDEN, 
Albany, New York. 

The following text appeared in 1898, but no interpretation 
has yet been given beyond the more or less generally accepted 
opinions that the fragment is part of "one of the so-called "prac- 
tice-tablets", and that the older characters thereon are some- 
what imperfectly executed Babylonian pictographs. 1 Against 
this hypothesis it may be urged, first, that the archaic signs 
do not have at all the peculiar genre of Babylonian writing 
nor do they resemble the Babylonian signs of any known 
period or locality with sufficient closeness to warrant calling 
them Babylonian; and secondly, that the marked diversity of 
characters in each case and under each heading still remains 
unexplained. 

The present paper wishes to suggest that the fragment may 
be part of an Elamitic-Babylonian syllabary in which the 
Elamitic equivalents] are given under a Babylonian or Neo- 
Babylonian denominative usually to be found at the left of 
each case. It will be noted that while the Babylonian signs 
are fairly homogeneous, the others seem to represent two 
distinct types of writing. One is partly linear and partly 
cuneiform but still pictographic; the other is partly cuneiform 
and apparently the style of a later period. It is with the 
archaic signs only that this paper is to deal, but the suggestion 
may be made that the later ones are likewise Elamitic, since 
the Elamites developed a cuneiform system of their own prob- 
ably parallel to that of the Mesopotamian Valley. 

According to de Morgan, the proto-Elamitic script appears 
for the first time in Susa during the period of archaic culture 
which ended about 4000 B. C. (dating Sargon at 3800 B. C.). 



1 Weber, "Die Literatur der Babylonier und Assyrer". p. 293. 

VOL. XXXTI. Part II. 8 



104 



E. S. Ogden, 



[1912. 



Of course this must be considerably reduced if the conclusions 
of more recent writers be accepted in regard to Sargon. Pere 
Scheil places the inscriptions of Karibu of Susinak in the 
middle or end of the fourth millenium B. C. i It would be 
too hazardous to assign a date to the archaic forms of the 
present tablet without more data, but their general appearance 
would indicate that they are later than the proto-Elamitic 
of Karibu, and it is of course possible that the mixture of 
linear and cuneiform characters may be accounted for by a 
revival of archaic writing such as took place in Babylonia. 




In working over the interpretation on these unfamiliar signs 
many suggestions were gleaned from a study of Cretan writing 
in Mr. Arthur J. Evan's Scripta Minoa. Mr. Evans himself 
has called attention more than once to the close resemblance 
between certain Cretan and Babylonian pictographs and this 
was found to be even more strikingly true of the Cretan and 
Elamitic. Of course it is impossible to claim identity when 
the resemblance can be accounted for by coincidence or the 
nature of the object represented, yet there are here definite 
characteristics in common which at least raise the question of 



i De Morgan, Delegation en Perse, vol. vi, p. 60, 61. Pumpelly, Ex- 
plorations in Turkestan, vol. I, pp. 50 ff. 



Vol. xxxii.] A Co njectura! In terpretation of Cuneiform Texts. 105 

connection between the Minoan civilization of the Mediter- 
ranean basin, and the culture not only of the Mesopotamian 
Valley but also of the great "Hinterland" of Elam. The 
direction of the transmission of the culture and the possible 
part played in it by the Hittite civilization must be left to 
future investigation. All that the present paper wishes 
to call attention to in passing are certain resemblances of 
writing. To facilitate this the Cretan forms are included in 
the text. 

Case. A. The case sign is ^-, NU, the original meaning of 
which seems to have been "to be hostile, to destroy" and as 
will be shown later its earliest form was the picture of a 
weapon or implement for cutting. For full assignment of 
meanings here and under succeeding signs see Meissner's Ideo- 
gramme and Brunnow's Classified List. With regard to the 
Elamitic characters it must also be remembered that the signs 
are reversible, pointing towards either right or left. 

1. For identifications of forms see as follows. Elamitic, 
Listed Nos. 408, 416, 417, 501. Babylonian, Kec.* Nos. 257, 
517 bis. The Babylonian SU = abatu, to destroy, (Br. 8650) 
ahazu, to seize, (Br. 8651) sahapu, (Br. 8737) to overthrow, 
destroy. The origin of the pictograph is not clear. 

2. 'See for Elamitic Liste No. 412; for Babylonian Rec. 
No. 154. An analysis of the Semitic meanings of this sign 
leads to the conclusion that it is a pictograph representing 
two crossed arrows, hence the double meanings nakaru, nakru, 
to be hostile, enemy (Br. 1143 4), and nasaru, to protect 
(Br. 1146). Compare also sanu (M. 654), sunnu (Br. 1148), 
to change, alter. In support of this origin may be quoted the 

crossed arrows of the Egyptian *^X^ NEIT, to indicate hosti- 
lity (?) 3, and possibly the Cretan sign ^X^ although Evans * 
at present ascribes to it a different origin and meaning. 

3. This sign is obviously late and has no exact counter- 
part. The nearest to it is perhaps the Nee-Babylonian form 

1 For Elamitic characters when cited under this heading see De Mor- 
gan's Delegation en Perse, Paris, 19011905, Vol. VI. 

2 For Babylonian characters when cited under this heading see Thureau- 
Dangin's Recherches sur VOrigine de I'Ecriture cuneiforme, Paris, 1898. 

3 Evans, Scripta Minoa. p. 114. 

4 Evans, op. cit. List, 112 a. 

8* 



106 E. S. Ogden, [1912. 

quoted, which is the usual sign for salmu, statue, image. The 
customary reading for this in Sumerian is ALAM, but it is 
worth noting that salmu is given as one of the Semitic mean- 
ings for NU, (Br. 1963) and that this association with NU 
may account for its presence under this case sign. Possible 
the form here found is a late Elamitic equivalent of the Neo- 
Babylonian. 

4. This sign is clearly a compound, of which the first part 
apparently serves as a determinative. 

a) This determinative suggests grain or a growing plant 
and finds a parallel in the Elamitic sign Lisie 75 or in one 
of the groups 557 61 and 116 7, all of which are plant 
signs. For the Babylonian compare Bee. 140, where SE = 

plant or grain or wood; the Cretan vp, J (List 92,1, d) 1 , 

unmistakably a plant sign, and the Egyptian Hjr a clump of 
papyrus 2 . The sign may be therefore tentatively read here 
as an Elamitic determinative for plant or wood comparable 
to isu in Babylonian. 

b) The second part of the compound (see for Elamitic forms 
Liste 71 2, and for Babylonian, Bee. 19) has been already 
identified with ^ NU = balu, to destroy (Br. 1961). 

It is clear from the archaic form that this character and 
not ^ = KITE, PAP (see above) was the original of the 
present case sign though both have the meanings "hostility, 
destruction" in common and seem to have been to a certain 
degree interchangeable. For its use with a plant determinative 
compare NU-U (isu) some kind of instrument for cutting 
(Br. 1993) and NU- (isu) SAK, (amelu) gardner (Br. 1992); 

5. Again a compound, but as yet unidentified. 

Case B. The case sign is ^ NA = abnu, a stone, (Br. 1582). 

1. Pere Scheil has already identified the 'Elamitic sign 
(Liste 3737) with the Babylonian GAL-ZU (Bee. 98 + 188). 
ZU = hurasu, gold (Br. 134) or sarpu, silver, (Br. 138), hence 
GAL-ZU would mean "a large nugget of gold or silver". 

2. Two Elamitic signs (Liste 19, 20, 22) may compared 
and also the group Liste 722 734 which suggests weights 

* Evans, op. cit. 

2 Erman, Egyptische Grammatik, M. Nos. 41, 42, and Evans, op. cit. 
page 114. 



Vol.xxxii.] A Conjectural Interpretation of Cuneiform Texts. 107 






with the amount or value marked thereon. The Cretan 
(List 53, 54) also suggests a weight though not so regarded 
by Evans. 1 The Babylonian form is clearly that for NA = 
abnu, stone, (Rec. 13). 

Case C. This is very difficult. The case sign may be read 
either gf MA or a variant f of BA. If the former its 

archaic form was ~-%T~"~l which Prince describes as "a represen- 
tation of land, earth", 2 and which is not unlike the character 
here found. If the latter, the primitive meaning would seem 
to have been "to cut, divide, apportion" and the pictograph 
some kind of an implement. 

1. For possible Elamitic, see Liste 543 6 and for the Baby- 
lonian, Rec. 10, in which case it is the same as the case sign 
MA mentioned above. 

2 4. Compare Liste 712 for the Elamitic; no similar forms 
in Babylonian. 

Case D. The broken case sign permits only a conjectural 
reading, but ^, DU, meaning dahadu, be plentiful (Br. 4474) 
is the best restoration. 

1. With the Elamitic form (Liste 484) compare the Cre- 

tan jxjp (List 98) 3 representing two palm branches. Evans 

has noted the resemblance to the archaic form of DU, be 
plentiful (see Rec. 64 and above) * and the palm as a symbol 
of prosperity and plenty was probably not confined to Baby- 
lonian. 

Case E. The Elamitic form is Liste 339, not identified. 

Case F. The case sign is broken, but is probably jffi-J. The 
sign is here used with its double significaton of kalbu, on the 
one hand and of amelu (Br. 11256), bultu (Br. 11258) and 
baltu (Br. 11257) on the other, the two latter being used 
instead of the more ordinary US, H?|, UEU ^fffef: although 
the underlying idea of the case is clearly that of the organs 
of generation. 

1. For the Elamitic and Babylonian see lAste, 201 3, and 



1 Evans, op. cit. p. 202. 

2 Materials for a Sumerian Lexicon p. 228. 

3 Evans, op. cit. 

4 Evans, op. cit. p. 98. 



108 E. S. Ogden, [1912. 

Rec. 26. The latter equals US == ridu, (Br. 5401), GIS - 
rihu, (Br. 5042) and NITAH = zikaru (Br. 5048). 

2. The Elamitic form (Liste 195) corresponds to the Baby- 
lonian sign (Eec. 403) GA = aladu, to bear (Br. 5415). 

3. The Babylonian is listed in Rec. as No. 438. LIK = 
Kalbu, dog. 

Case G. The case sign is obliterated, but the contents of 
the case are olearly related to those of the preceding one in 
much the same way that Babylonian MAH and NITA are 
related to US. 

1. Compare for Elamitic Liste 197 and for the Babylonian 
Rec. 27. The latter equals NITA, zikaru, male (Br. 957) and 
UKU, ardu, slave (Br. 956). 

2. Compare for Elamitic Liste 196 and for the Babylonian 
Rec. 20, t^|, GAN, an irrigated field. Fere Scheil has already 
identified this Elamitic sign with the Babylonian GAN 1 , but 
its presence here in this group is difficult to understand except 
by an association of ideas peculiarly Semitic. This inter- 
pretation is strengthened by the fact that one of its three 
sign names is GA-GUNU, viz. the gunu of the GA which 
here appears as No. 2 of Case F and which means aladu, to 
bear. Considering the late date of the tablet as indicated by 
the character of the case signs such a gunu-hypothesis is wholly 
tenable. 

3. Seemingly a variant of No. 2. 

Case H. Case sign lost and the signs late. 

Case 1. No case sign, though strangely enough in the usual 
place for it the tablet is, unbroken. No identifications. 

Case J. Case sign is ^, inu, eye. 

1, 2, 3. All variants of the same sign for which see for the 
Elamitic Liste 612, and for the Babylonian Rec. 238. It 
represents the side view of the eye ball with the "eye-string". 

Case K. Case sign is c g|Y = SIG. Its primitive meaning 
seems to have been "fresh, bright, pale, yellow or green". 
Later it has also a numerical value. > 

1. No. Elamitic equivalent. The Babylonian form is Rec. 101, 
SIG, arku, pale, yellow. Barton also gives to it the numerical 
value 216,000.2 



1 Delegation en Perse, Liste, Nos. 372, 384. 

2 Origin of Babylonian Writing, No. 308. 




Vol.xxxii.] A Conjectural Interpretation of Cuneiform Texts. 109 

2. This is the Elamitic sign Liste 653 with numerals inserted. 
Barton has suggested that the original form was J^ <7> , viz. 

3600x 60 = 216,000! and this corresponds to Eec. 491 which 
also equals 216,000 or 3600 x 60. 

3. Likewise a numeral. 2 

Case L. Case sign is ^ = &AR, totality, completeness, also 
the numerical value 3600 (Br. 8234). 




1. The Elamitic form is given in Liste 653, with which 
compare also Liste 26, 27, 28, from which it will he seen that 
Pere Scheil has already identified this sign with Rec. 206 (cf. 
also 476, 489) SAR = gitmalu, kissatu, etc., and the numeral 
3600 (Br. 8234). 

2. For the Elamitic see Liste 700, (cf. also 637), and Deleg- 
ation en Perse, vol X, PI. 4, D. 



1 See The Haver ford Library Collection, Pt. II, pp. 16, 17. 

2 See The Haverford Library Collection, loc. cit. and Hilprecht, B. E. 
XX, p. 26. 



110 E. S. Ogden, [1912. 

The Babylonian form is Rec. 490, to which Thureau-Dangin 
gives the numerical value 36,000. 

On the reverse cases M-Q show late characters. 

Case JR. The case sign is broken away, but the general 
meaning of the signs contained in the case is "brightness, 

light". 

1. The Elamitic form is given in Liste 832. A similar 
Babylonian sign (Rec. 549) remains unidentified, but a possible 

meaning for all three signs is suggested by than Cretan ^^j^H 

(List 56) l which Evans interprets as an ingot of gold or 
bronze. 

2. Compare for the Elamitic Liste 361 3, tentatively iden- 
tified by Pere Scheil with >^ii|, isatu, fire, the archaic form 
of which is given in Rec. 82, suppl. 79, and which represents 
a burning torch. 

3. Here the Elamitic is very close (see Liste 29) and has 
been identified with <^, AZAG (Rec. 252) silver. 

4. The Elamitic form (Liste 97 8)* has been already identi- 
fied with >*~y, AN (Rec. 5). Compare the Cretan star or sun 

symbol iC. (List 107 d). 




5. No similar sign and no clue as to interpretation. The 
sign itself suggests a pair of polished metal mirrors. 

Case S. and T. have only late characters. 

Case X. Case sign is ^ as follows, GIN, to go: TUM, to 

cause to go; GUB, to stand, to set up; Du and BA with 

somewhat undetermined force. The signs in this case clearly 

convey the idea of motion but with two exceptions remain 

unidentified. 

1, 2, 5, 6, all unidentified. 

3. Compare the Elamitic forms Liste 533 5. Also the Baby- 
lonian TUM (Rec. 310) meaning to approach violently. 

4. No similar form known in Elamitic but Babylonian TUM 
(Rec. 311) means kablu, loins (?) (Br. 4958) and bears the same 
relation to the previous Babylonian that the Elamitic does to 
the previous Elamitic sign. 

Conclusions may be drawn as follows. First, that the cases 
are arranged after a definite plan according to which the 
general underlying meaning is given by the case sign. The 

1 Evans' Scripta Minoa. 



Vol. xxxii.] A Conjectural Interpretation of Cuneiform Texts. Ill 

remaining signs in each case are therefore more or less closely 
related to each other and either interpret or are interpreted 
by the case sign, after the manner of syllabaries. Secondly, 
there remains the subtle and yet irrefutable fact that the 
genre of the characters is not Babylonian. The broad general 
resemblance is very close, yet careful study will show that in 
the smaller though equally important details these signs corre- 
spond more consistently to the Elamitic as far as it goes 
than to the Babylonian. From these facts it is reasonable to 
conclude that the tablet is a fragment of an Elamitic-Babylonian 
syllabary. 



Tablet 



Elamitic 



abyloniar 



Babylonian 
Ideographic value 



Case A 
i 



su 



X 



-V 



KUR, PAP. 



NU - salmu 
(ALAM) 



\f/ 



NU 



Case B 



GAL-ZU 



NA 



Case C 

i 



MA(seeJ.A.O.S. 
XXIV, p. 389) 



Case D 




DU 



Case E 





Tablet 


Elamitic 


Babylonia! 


| 


Babylonian 
Ideographic value 


Case F 
i 


tnzq 


oa 


^=cq 


^ 


us v 
N!TAH 


2 


S3 


JJi 


CED 


fe 


GA 


3 


LhJ 




Lb, 


ZH 


LIK 


Case G 

i 


frcr 


1 TTfl 


^sq 


M 


NITA 
URU 


2 


)M f 


zmr 


rrrn 


i y 

h yry jf 
"f (f * 


GAN 


3 


^7-\ \ - 







Case-f 

' 


"-" ' "i 1 1 H 

r 


F 


^- 





IGI 



- - 


( 


\ 


Case K 
'i 


^j 




m- 


^_ 


SIG 


2 


<@> 


~o 


<&> 




* plus six tens 
inserted 


3 

Case L 

i 

.. 


-|r: 


- - 

o 


i 


~ 


. . 
SAR 


2 


<^^ <^> 




- 


Reverse 
Case R 

1 


:2Ll>iL 


~^l 








2 

, 


[_^_\_^ 


~^s^^ { 



Nfc, NI 


3 

.- 

4 


j_ 


H~ 


/p\ 





_ 

AZAG 


AN 


5 

- 




-' 


i- 


-. 






Tablet 



Elamitic 



Babylonian 



Babylonian 
Ideographic value 



Case X 

i 



cx 



TUM 



TUM 



X3 



The Name of the Red Sea. By SABAH P. HOTT, Johns 
Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 

THE name Red Sea is a translation of 'EpvOpa 6d\a<ro-a, 
which is used in the Greek Bible for the Hebrew yam suph, 
that is, Bulrushy Sea. The Greeks used the name Erythrean 
Sea, not only of the Gulf between Arabia and Egypt, but 
also of the Arabian Sea between Arabia and India, including 
the Persian Gulf. At the time of the Exodus (c. 1200 B. c.) 
the Red Sea extended farther north, the Bitter Lakes and 
the Crocodile Lake north of them were then connected with 
the Gulf of Suez. When the Suez Canal was dug in 1867, 
beds of rock-salt and strata with recent shells and corals were 
laid open. The bed of the Red Sea is becoming shallower 
by the gradual rise of the land. We know that at the time 
of King Jehoshaphat of Judah (c. 850 B. c.) the Gulf of 'Akabah 
stretched up to Ezion-geber, some twenty miles north of 
'Akabah. Similarly the Persian Gulf at the time of Senna- 
cherib (c. 700 B. c.) extended so far north that the four rivers 
Euphrates, Tigris, Kerkha, and Karim, emptied separately into 
the Gulf.* 

Professor Haupt thinks that the ancestors of the Jews 
(OLZ 12, 163) 2 crossed the Red Sea at the small peninsula, 

(1) See Professor Haupt 's paper The Rivers of Paradise in JAGS 
16, ciii, and his note in the translation of Ezekiel, in the Polychrome 
Bible, p. 154, 11. 33 51; also the conclusion of his article Wo lag das 
Paradies? in fiber Land und Meer, 1894/5, No. 15; and his paper on 
Archaeology and Mineralogy in JHUC, No. 163, p. 52 a , below; cf. Driver, 
Genesis (London, 1904) p. 60; Skinner, Genesis (Edinburgh, 1910) p. 65; 
also Ungnad and Gressmann, Das Gilgamesch-Epos (Gottingen, 1911) 
pp. 114. 162. 164. 

(2) Note the following Abbreviations : AJSL = American Journal of 
Semitic Languages. BA = Delitzsch and Haupt, Beitrage zur As- 
syriologie. JAOS = Journal of the American Oriental Society, JHUC 
= Johns Hopkins University Circulars (Baltimore). EAT* = Eb. 
Schrader, Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament, third edition, 



116 Sarah F. Hoy I, [1912. 

seventy-five miles south of the northern end of the modern 
Suez Canal, between the larger and the smaller basins of the 
Bitter Lakes. * The water northeast of this peninsula, it may 
be supposed, was driven by a strong east-wind into the larger 
basin of the Bitter Lakes, while the water in the shallow lower 
basin receded at low tide. Although the Bitter Lakes and 
the Red Sea are now connected only by the modern Suez 
Canal, the tide extends to the southern end of the Bitter 
Lakes. In the St. Lawrence the tide is noticeable as far as 
Three Rivers, about midway between Quebec and Montreal. 
The present northern end of the Gulf of Suez is practically 
dry at low tide. Major-General Tulloch observed that under 
a strong east-wind the waters of Lake Menzalah, at the 
northern end of the Suez Canal, receded for a distance of 
several miles. According to Exod. 14, 21, JHVH caused the 
Red Sea to go back by a strong east-wind all that night, 
and made the sea dry land, and the waters were divided. 
But when the Egyptians tried to follow the Hebrews, the wind 
shifted, and the water, which had been driven away by the 
strong east-wind, came back, so that Pharaoh's chariots were 
cast into the sea, and they sank as lead in the mighty waters 
(Exod. 15, 10). 

Professor Haupt (OLZ 12, 246) has pointed out an inter- 
esting parallel to this catastrophe in Herod. 8, 129. Hero- 
dotus relates that after the battle of Salamis (480 B. c.) Xerxes' 
general, Artabazus, besieged the Corinthian colony Potidea, 
on the narrow isthmus of the Macedonian peninsula Pallene. 
After the siege had lasted for three months, the water was 
very low for a long time, so that a part of the Toronaic Gulf, 
on the eastern shore of the peninsula, was dried up. The 
Persian besiegers, therefore, attempted to advance to the pen- 
insula Pallene through the Toronaic Gulf, in order to attack 
Potidea from the south. After they had completed two fifths 
of the march, the tide overwhelmed them, so that those who 



edited by Zimmern and Winckler (Berlin, 1903). 
talistische Liter aturzcitung. PAPS = Proceedings of the American Philo- 
sophical Society (Philadelphia). ZDMG = Zeitschrift der Deutschen 
Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft. 

(1) See Professor Haupt's papers on Archaeology and Mineralogy in 
JHUC, No. 163, p. 52; Moses 1 Song of Triumph in AJSL 20, 149; The 
Burning Bush and the Origin of Judaism in PAPS 48, 368; Midian and 
Sinai in ZDMG 63, 529. 



Vol. xxxii.] The Name of the Bed Sea. 117 

could not swim were drowned, while the others were slain by 
the Potideans. This flood was regarded by the Greeks as a 
judgment of the gods, just as the Hebrews attributed the 
annihilation of their Egyptian pursuers to a miracle of JHVH. 
The unexpected high-tide which saved the Potideans and the 
Hebrews seemed miraculous, just as Captain George E. God- 
dard, of the Lone Hill station, called the sudden floating of 
the North German Lloyd S. S. "Princess Irene" a miracle of 
good lucJc. The great ship had been held in the grip of the 
sand of the inner bar of Fire Island for more than three 
days, and for many hours 2,000 lives, and property worth 
nearly $ 2,000,000 had been in jeopardy; but on Palm-Sunday 
afternoon the ship was suddenly floated by an unusually high 
tide, stirred by a southeasterly storm at sea. 

According to Strabo (779) the name^ed Sea was derived 
from the color of the water, which was supposed to be due 
to the light of the sun, or to the reflex of the mountains sur- 
rounding the sea. Some said that there was a red spring 
whence red water emptied into the sea. Others derived the 
name from a Persian, Erythras, who was said to have been a 
son of Perseus. * The famous German geographer Karl 
Eitter (1779 1859) thought that the name Red Sea was 
connected with the name of the Himyarites in southwestern 
Arabia. This view has recently been endorsed by Professor 
MartinHartmann, of Berlin, in the second volume (p. 375) 
of his work on the Islamic Orient. But Himyar (J^+A.) does 
not mean red. Arabic dhmar (j-+*-\) does not denote a red- 
skin, but, rather, a paleface. 2 Arab, liamrau denotes white 
non- Arabs in Syria and Mesopotamia; dhmar is opposed to 
dswad, black; dhmar wa-dswad means Arabs and negroes. 

In his paper on Archaeology and Mineralogy (JHUC, No. 163, 
p. 52 b ) Professor Haupt derived the Hebrew name yam supli, 
Bulrushy Sea, from the bulrushes in the Crocodile Lake 
(TimsdJi) which formed the northern end of the Red Sea at 
the time of the Exodus. Before the construction of the modern 



(1) Strabo says: 'Epvdpav yap \tyeiv TW/&S Tt]v 0d\arrav airb TTJS XP tSi * "J* 
^<paivofj.^vi]3 KO.T' avd,K\a<riv t etre airo TOV fi\iov Kara KopvQty 6vros, efre airb rur 
op&v tpvOpaLvo^vuv K TTJS arroKataeus afKportpus 701/3 et/cd&'* KrijcrLair 5 TQV 

irt]yT]v ivToptlv ^Kdidovaav els rrjv 6d\aTTai> pcv0s Kcd /utXrcDSes vdup. 

(2) See Professor Haupt's paper on the passage of the Hebrews 

the Red Sea in OLZ 12, 246. 



118 Sarah F. Hoyt, [1912. 

Suez Canal, Lake Timsdh was a shallow sheet of brackish 
water, full of bulrushes. Rameses II (c. 1300 B. c.) dug a canal 
from Bubastis on the Nile to Lake Timsafi. This made the 
water brackish, while the Bitter Lakes south of it remained 
bitter owing to the large amount of bitter salt (magnesium 
sulphate) contained therein. Bulrushes, of course, do not grow 
in salt water, but marshes are full of them. Strabo (804) 
states that the canal from the Nile, which established a water- 
way between the Mediterranean and the Red Sea, made the 
Bitter Lakes sweet. Strabo confounds here the Bitter Lakes 
with the Crocodile Lake north of them. * 

In his paper on Archaeology and Mineralogy, Professor 
Haupt connected the name Red Sea with the red color of 
the salt lagoons between the modern Suez Canal and the 
Bedouin Hill, northwest of Suez. These salt lagoons were 
originally a part of the Red Sea. The red color of their 
stagnant water is imparted by swarms of minute cladocerous, 
entomostracous crustaceans, apparently a variety of the common 
waterflea (Daplinia pulex) which is attracting some attention 
in Baltimore at present, inasmuch as the water pipes in certain 
sections of the city are full of them. 

But Professor Haupt has since come to the conclusion that 
the first explanation given by Strabo is correct. The name 
Red Sea is indeed derived from the color of the water. The 
water of the Red Sea is, as a rule, of a deep bluish-green 
color; but an article on red water, printed in the Berlin weekly 
Das Echo, March 24, 1910, p. 1093, states that the water of 
the Red Sea near the coast, especially in sheltered coves, has 
a red color, due to microscopic algaB. The same phenomenon 
may be observed in the open sea, if the weather be perfectly 
calm. The sea appears then to be covered with a coat of 
reddish (or yellowish) color, so that the ship seems to ride 
through a mass of blood. This red color may be observed also 
near the western coast of British India, and some years ago 
the same phenomenon was noticed near Rhode Island in Narra- 
ganset Bay. If the water is covered with these algae, a great 
many fishes die. The algae are often decomposed, and the 
water becomes offensive. It has been suggested that the first 
Egyptian plague, as described in Exod. 7, 17 21, may have 

(1) See Professor Haupt's paper on Midian and {Sinai in ZDMG 63, 
p. 529, 11. 14. 28; cf. OLZ 12, 251. 



Vol. xxxii.] The Name oj the Red Sea. 119 

been due to these algse. A similar opinion was expressed by 
Prof. A. H. Me Neile, of Cambridge, England, in his com- 
mentary on Exodus (London, 1908) p. 44. In the third part 
of his German translation of the Old Testament (Gottingen, 
1787) J. D. Michael is remarked on Exod. 7, 17, It is not 
impossible that God effected all this by a natural cause. 

According to E. Wolf, 1 the red color of the Red Sea and 
the Indian Ocean is due to Trichodesmium erythrceum (Cyano- 
phycese). 

Postscript. Since the above article was in type, Professor 
Haupt has called my attention to Alois Musil, Im riord- 
liclien Hegaz (Vienna, 1911) reprinted from the Anzeiger der 
Xjliilosopliisch-lnstorisclien Klasse der ~kais. Akademie der Wissen- 
schaften, May 17, 1911. The distinguished explorer states 
there (p. 11 of the reprint) that the marshy plain, known as 
al- f Arabah, between Elath and Ezion-geber has two wide borders 
of luxuriant bulrushes, extending several miles north of Ezion- 
geber. These bulrushes are due to the presence of innumerable 
fresh -water springs. The marshy plain between Elath and 
Ezion-geber was formerly the northern end of the Gulf of 
'Akabah, and the Hebrew name Bulrusliy Sea may be due, 
not only to the bulrushes in the Crocodile Lake, north of Suez, 
but also to the bulrushes at the northeastern end of the Red 
Sea, north of Elath. Innumerable fresh-water springs, which 
are covered by the sea at high tide, are found also along the 
northeastern coast of the Red Sea, south of Elath. 

(1) Die WasserUiite als ivichtiger Faktor im Kreislaufe des organischen 
Lebens in the Berichte der Senckenbergischen Gesellschaft in Frankfurt 
a/M, 1908, pp. 5775; cf. the review in the Botanische Centralblatt, 
1910, p. 170. I am indebted for this reference to Dr. B. E. Living- 
ston, Professor of Plant Physiology in the Johns Hopkins University. 



VOL XXXTI. Part II. 



The Holy One in Psalm 16, 10. By SARAH F. HOYT, 
Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 

ACCORDING to the traditional view, the coming of Christ is 
predicted by the Old Testament prophets. But the alleged 
Messianic prophecies, as well as the so-called eschatological 
passages, have, as a rule, a definite historical background. 
Professor Haupt says in the notes to his new metrical trans- 
lation of the Book of Micah, 1 There are no Messianic pro- 
phecies in the Old Testament, nor are there any Messianic psalms 
referring to Christ. "We find Messianic prophecies both in 
Egypt and Babylonia, 2 and Eduard Meyer thinks that the 
ancient Egyptian prophecies are the prototypes of the Messianic 
prophecies in the Old Testament. He has discussed this 
question on pp. 451 455 of his work Die Israeliten und Hire 
Nachbarstamme, also in 297 of the new edition of the first 
volume of his Geschichte des Altertums (Stuttgart, 1909). 

One of the most important of the so-called Messianic Psalms 
is Psalm 16, which is referred to Christ in the second chapter 
of the Acts of the Apostles. We read there that Peter said 
on the day of Pentecost: My brethren, let me freely speak 
unto you of the patriarch David; you know he died and was 
buried. Therefore, when he said, Thou wilt not leave my soul 
in hell, neither wilt Thou suffer Thy Holy One to see corrup- 
tion, he cannot have spoken of himself, but only of the re- 
surrection of Christ (Acts 2, 29 31). Like the modern higher 
critics, the Apostle deviates here from the traditional inter- 
pretation, but the quotation, Thou wilt not suffer Tliy Holy 
One to see corruption, is not based on the Hebrew text, but 
on the Septuagintal mistranslation of this passage, ovSe Swo-eis 

TOV OCTLOV <TOV $> 8lO.<j)@OpaLV. 

(1) See Haupt, The Book of Micah (Chicago, 1910) p, 50, 1. 11 (= 
AJSL 27, 50). 

(2) See KATs, p. 380. 



Vol. xxxii.] TJie Holy One in Psalm 16, 10. 121 

The Hebrew word S&hat does not mean corruption, but pit, 
i. e. the abyss of Sheol. It is not connected with the verb 
Sihhet, to corrupt, destroy; but with the stem $tih, to sink. 
Even if the final t were a stem-consonant, Sahat would have 
to be connected with the Assyrian 8axatu, to be depressed, 
humiliated, humbled. Nor is the rendering Thy Holy One 
justified. In the first place, the Hebrew text has the plural 
hasideka, Thy Holy Ones; moreover, hasid does not mean holy, 
but pious. In the first Book of the Maccabees, the antagonists 
of the apostate Hellenizers, the pious Jews who faithfully 
adhered to the religion of their fathers, are called 'Aort&uot, 
Heb. D'TDH. The plural 7TDH does not mean Thy Holy 
One, referring to Christ, but Thy pious ones, Thy faithful 
ones, and denotes the orthodox Jews in the times of the 
Maccabees. 

The holy ones, on the other hand, which we find in the 
third verse of the present psalm, are the Greek gods of An- 
tiochus Epiphanes. Hebrew D^TTp is repeatedly used of foreign 
deities. In Moses' Song of Triumph (Exod. 15, 11) we must 
read with Professor Haupt: 

Who is like unto Thee, JHVH, 'mong the gods? 
Who is like unto Thee in might, of the deities? 

following the Septuagintal Sc8oJao-/x Vos V ayibis (AJSL 20, 161). 1 
Wellhausen says in his notes on Psalms 29 and 58 in the 
Polychrome Bible, Judaism has turned the heathen gods into 
angels, commissioned by JHVH to govern the foreign nations. 
The divinities worshiped by the heathen were placed by JHVH 
at the head of the nations. 

At the end of his paper on Moses' Song of Triumph, Pro- 
fessor Haupt has restored the first two couplets of Psalm 16 
as follows: 

Preserve me, God! To Thee I flee; 

Of JHVH I say: My boon thou art! 

Inferior to Thee are the gods in the land, 
And all superb ones in whom they delight. 

We must read D^tnp 1 ? 7^ hi, literally, Naught beside Thee, 
forsooth, are the holy ones; the prefixed b is the emphatic 
particle. 

(1) For the abbrev iations see note 2 to the paper on the name of the 
Red Sea, above, p. 115. 

9* 



122 Sarah F. Hoyt, [1912. 

Professor Haupt states there that Psalm 16 was written 
ahout B. c. 167, at the beginning of the Syrian persecution. 
The first half of verse 3 is a gloss, and should he read as 
follows : 



Numerous are their idols, they run after other gods. 
Verses 5 and 6 have been restored in Professor Haupt's ad- 
dress on Purim (p. 18). 1 In verse 5 we must not substitute 
TDH for the Masoretic "pBlfi, but we must, with Professor 
Haupt, prefix TDH to T&in, or rather JJOlfl, thus reading: 
^"1U *JD1fl TDfi nriN. Similarly, we must not read in the 
so-called Song of Derision upon Sennacherib, 2 Kings 19, 26, 
which is, according to Professor Haupt, a Maccabean Song 
of Derision upon Antiochus Epiphanes, "pip "OS^ instead of 
the Masoretic nfcp "OS^; but we must insert "pip 'Osi after 
HDp *isb, or rather, PJDlp *>*&. The Masoretic pointing 
is a connate reading, combining the vocalizations of both ^ 
and TOR 

The line ^"m T&in TDTl nn means Thou art for 
ever supporting my lot. 

In an article published in the Palestine Exploration Fund 
Quarterly Statements for 1894, we are told that it is still 
customary at the allotment of land in Palestine to exclaim 
J^.s.-u ? yo <*JJ1, May Allah stand l)y my lot, i. e. May He 
stand up for it, uphold it, maintain it, defend it. 

Time will not permit me to discuss all the textual details; 
but, before I present, in conclusion, a metrical reconstruction 
of the text according to the interpretation given in the Old 
Testament Seminary of the Johns Hopkins University during 
the present session, I should like to say a few words on the 
obscure term Michtam. Of course, Miclitam cannot mean a 
golden psalm, or inscription, or humble and perfect." 1 Nor can 
we assume, with Cheyne, that DfiDD is a corruption of nunn 
or pnn, supplication ; it is difficult to believe that this corrup- 
tion should have occurred in the titles of half a dozen psalms 
(Ps. 16 and Psalms 56 to 60). It would be just as convincing 
to explain michtam as a slight modification of Jerahmeel\ 

In Assyrian, the stem katdmu means to cover and to close 
(synonym, edelu, to bar, bolt). Katdmu, to cover, corresponds 

(1) Paul Haupt, Purim (Leipzig, 1906) = BA 6, part 2. 

(2) See Baethgen, Die Psalmen (Gottingen, 1904) p. xxxvii. 






Vol. xxxii.] The Holy One in Psalm 16, 10. 123 

to Arabic katama, to hide, conceal, while katdmu, to close, 
may correspond to Arabic kdtaba, to bind up a skin-bottle, 
the edges of a rent being tied around with strings or small 
leather straps. In the story of the .stratagem of the Gibeonites 
(Josh. 9, 4) skin-bottles, mended in this way, are called nntfi 
CTVfcD. A number of allied stems would seem to show that 
the primary meaning of the stem DfiD was to bind', the t may 
be an infix, so that DflD is connected with the Assyrian 
kamu, to bind, to enclose. This may mean to put on bonds 
or fetters, or to restrain. According to Professor Haupt, 
Miclitam may, perhaps, have the special meaning restricted by 
the meter, conformed to poetical measure, just as metrical 
compositions are called in German gebundene Rede, that is 
oratio numeris adstricta or vincta in distinction from oratio 
soluta = prose. 

The meter of this psalm is the same which we have in 
Moses' Song of Triumph in Exodus 15, viz. 2 + 2 beats in 
each line; and like this famous Song of the Sea, the present 
poem, as Professor Haupt pointed out in note 135 to his 
lecture on Purim, consists of three sections, each of which 
comprises three couplets with 2 + 2 beats in each line. 

The Hebrew text should be read as follows: 



i A 

nn a rnrr6 THDK 2 



TDK 



5 B 

nnn 6 



nnstr 



124 [Sarah F. Hoyt, [1912. 

9 C 



njyn N-O 10 
77011 ]rirr*6 

mfc mrr ojpin 11 



11 (7) <riK 2 (a) 

nnfi' D^JIK irw cninsy EH 4 (js) 

Tfifl n::'? rt] if vrw ' 8 (S) 

This may be translated as follows: 

Michtam of David. 
A 1 Preserve me, God, to Thee I fly. 

2 To JHVH* I say: My boon Thou art! 

3 Inferior to Thee are the gods in the land, [ ] 
And all that is grand wherein [they] delight. P 

4 I will never pour out their libations and offerings, 
Nor will I pronounce their names with my lips. 

B 5 JHVH is my share, my portion, my cup. 

Thou art forever upholding my lot. 

6 Rich possession is mine {at Thy right,} the most pleasant,* 
And this, my inheritance, greatly delights me. 

7 JHVH I praise, who has given me counsel; 
Even at night my thoughts exhort me. 8 

C 9 s My heart was glad, my spirit rejoiced; 

Even my flesh will remain in security. * 

(1) Their heart was always glad, and their spirit rejoiced, at the be- 
ginning of the Syrian persecution. When the situation was most desper- 
ate, when the martyrs were subjected to unspeakable tortures, they 
cheerfully submitted to them. Their spirit could not be broken. But 
now they hope that their flesh, too, will remain in security, so that they 
will be able to defend themselves against their relentless persecutors. 



Vol. xxxii.] 



The Holy One in Psalm 16, 10. 



125 



10 Thou wilt not surrender 
Nor suffer Thy faithful 

11 Thou showest me, JHVH, 
Great fulness of joy 



my life to Hades, 
to see the Pit. 

the pathway of life, 
before Thee for ay. 



(a) 2 the Lord 

(/3) 4 They have many idols, 

(8) 8 I have set JHVH 

With Him at my right 
(e) 9 therefore 



(7) 11 { V the most 
they run after other gods 
before me forever, 
I shall not be moved. 



The Etymology of Religion. By SARAH F. HOYT, Johns 
Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 

THE Oxford Dictionary says, The connection of the word 
religion with religare, to bind, has usually heen favored by 
modern writers. 

This etymology, given by the Roman grammarian (end of 
4 th cent. A. D.) Servius (Rdligio, id est metus ab eo quod mentem 
religet, dicta religio) 1 was supported by the Christian philo- 
sopher Lactantius (about 313 A. D.) who quotes the expression 
of the celebrated Roman philosophical poet Lucretius (c. 96 
to 55 B. c.) : 2 religionum animum nodis exsolvere, in proof that 
he considered ligare, to bind, to be the root of religio. 3 Several 
commentators upon Lucretius, e. g. Merrill, Munro, 4 Harper's 
Dictionary of Classical Literature and Antiquities (edited by 
Harry Thurston Peck, 1898) and also Joseph Mayor in 
his commentary (2, 186) on Cicero's De Natura Deorum, agree 
that this notion of binding was in the mind of Lucretius. 
St. Augustine, the most celebrated father of the Latin church, 
A. D. 354 430, makes this derivation. 5 The Century Dictionary, 
though referring to the uncertain origin of religio, cites the 
English ligament as perhaps allied. So Harper's Latin Lexicon 
refers to Corssen's Aussprache (1, 444 sq.) as taking religio 
in the same sense as oUigatio. Other Latin nouns like lictor 
and lex have the root lig t 

Especially the rare English words religate, religation suggest 
religion as having the root religare, to bind; for Christopher 

(1) See ad Vergil. Aen. 8, 349. 

(2) See De Eerum Natura, 1, 931 ; 4, 7. 

(3) In Institutions Divinae, 4,28, Lactantius writes, Credo nomen 
religionis a vinculo pietatis esse deductum, quod hominem sibi Deus reli- 
gaverit et pietate constrinxerit . . . melius ergo (quam Cicero) id nomen 
Lucretius interpretatus est, qui ait religionum se nodos exsolvere. 

(4) See Merrill on T. Lucreti Cari De Eerum Natura, 1, 109. 932 
(pp. 289. 383), and H. A. J. Munro on Lucretius (Cambridge, 1873). 

(5) See Retractiones, 1, 13. 






Vol. xxxii.] Tlie Etymology of Religion. 127 

Cartwright (1602 1658) wrote: 1 They are not reliyated (or 
united) within the same communion', and S. T. Coleridge 
(1 7721834) : 2 It is not even religion', it does not religate, does 
not bind anew, so W. E. Gladstone (18091898) said,s Re- 
ligion . . . with a debased worship appended to it, but with no 
religating, no binding, poiver. 

But in De Natura Deorum, 2, 28, 72, Cicero derives religio 
from relegere, as meaning to go through or over again in read- 
ing, speech or thought. Cicero says, Qui omnia quae ad cultum 
deorum pertinerent diligenter pertractarent, et tamquam relegerent, 
sunt dicti reUgiosi ex relegendo, ut elegantes ex eligendo. 

In the Nodes Atticae (4, 9, 1) of the Roman grammarian 
Aulus Gellius (2 d cent. A. D.) is preserved an old verse which 
supports this derivation, Religentem esse oportet, religiosum nefas. 

Identical with relegere is the Greek aAeyav, to heed, to have 
a care for', and in support of this derivation of the word re- 
ligion, Geo. Curtius quotes the Iliad (16, 388): 6tQ>v 6-n-iv OVK 

aAeyorre?. 

Professor Skeat, of the University of Cambridge, says in 
his Etymological Dictionary, p. 500, Religion seems to he connec- 
ted with the English reck, to heed, to have a care for. From 
Teutonic base rak, Aryan rag, the derivation may be traced 
through Middle High-German, Middle English of Chaucer's 
time, and Anglo-Saxon. In Mark 12, 14 we find Bu ne recst, 
Thou carest not. 

Our term religion is used also in the sense scrupulosity, 
conscientious scruple. 

Ben Jonson (c. 1573 1637) says, 4 Out of a religion to 
my charge ... I liave made a self -decree ne'er to express my 
person. 

In the Authorized Version, religion is used of outward forms 
rather than of the inner spirit. In the Century Dictionary 
the two passages, James 1, 26 and Acts 13, 43, are quoted. 
Religion was so used by Jeremy Taylor (c. 16131637) as 
meaning the rites and ceremonies of religion: What she was 
pleased to believe apt to minister to her devotions, and the religions 

(1) See Certamen Religiosum by Christopher Cartwright, published 
in 1649 by Thomas Baylie. 

(2) Cottle, Early Recollections, 2, 84. 

(3) Gleanings of Past Years, 3, 130. 

(4) See New Inn, 1, 1. 



128 Sarah R Hoyt, [1912. 

of lier pious and discerning soul. 1 Latimer (c. 14851555) 
in his Sermons,^ writes, For religion standeth in righteousness, 
justice, and well-doing. In Shakespeare's As you Like it 
(Act 4, Scene 1) Orlando says that he will religiously keep a 
promise. 

Religious means originally observant, conscientious, strict. A 
religious Jew is a Jew who observes the rules of the Sabbath, 
the dietary laws, who does not neglect them. Relegere is op- 
posed to neglegere, which stands for neclegere, not observe, not 
heed, not attend to, be remiss in attention or duty toward a 
thing. An irreligious Jew neglects the Law. Religion is akin 
to diligence, and opposed to negligence. The Greek aAryeiv is 
generally used with a negative, OVK oAeyav, equivalent to Latin 
neglegere. 

Strict observance of law and conscience, heed of duty, in- 
volves taking pains, painstaking scrupulosity. This explains 
the connection of religion with ciAyo?, pain, and Sv<n?Aey7J?, pain- 
ful. But, as Walde says in his well-known Latin dictionary, 3 
an idea of choice and interest may be connected with religion. 
Lat. diligo (that is, dis + lego) may be associated with 
reckoning, electing. There may be a picking out, as in 
the German phrase, Soldaten ausheben, recruiting soldiers (so 
Walde). 

If all points are carefully considered, Cicero's view would 
seem to be preferable, so that religion is not derived from 
religare, but from relegere. It is true that a clause from 
Cicero's Oratio de Domo, 105 is cited, Nisi etiam muliebribus 
religionibus te implicuisses, in proof that Cicero himself could 
not help connecting the word religio with the idea of obligation. 
So, in the Second Philippic, 4 occurs religione obstringere, and 
in De Domo, 106. 124 we find domum religione obligare. 

But inconsistency occurs in the writings of all great men, 
the present, of course, always excepted. The commentator 
most sure of himself is usually the most mistaken an ex- 

(1) See the Works of Jeremy Taylor, 1, 756 (London, 1835). 

(2) See Sermon 21 of Hugh Latimer; edition of Rev. George E. 
Corrie (Cambridge, 1844) 1, 392. 

(3) See AloisWalde, Lateinisches etymologisches Worterbuch (Heidel- 
berg, 1906) pp. 176. 330. 

(4) See Oratio Philippica, 2, 33. 83: Obstrinxisti religione populum 
Romanum. 



Vol. xxxii.] 



The Etymology of Religion. 



129 



perience which has heen brought home to me very forcibly 
in the Old Testament Seminary of the Johns Hopkins Uni- 
versity. 

I present this modest contribution to a most intricate problem 
before this galaxy of distinguished comparative philologians, 
in the hope of getting some illuminative suggestions on a sub- 
ject in which I have always taken a profound interest. 



Notes on a Collation of some Unpublished Inscriptions 
of Asliurnazirpal. By "W. E. M. AITKEN, Ph. D. 

While engaged in studying two copies of the "Standard 
Inscription" of Ashurbanipal, recently acquired by the Semitic 
Museum at Harvard University, and in collating them with 
the copy published by Layard on p. 1 of his Inscriptions in 
the Cuneiform Character from Assyrian Monuments, London 
1851, the writer's attention was drawn to the large number 
of errors they contained. Subsequently a copy of the same 
inscription in the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston was studied 
and similar errors therein recorded. To these errors the 
following pages are devoted. 

The first of these (A) was inscribed on a well-dressed slab 
of dark grey alabaster, now broken into a dozen pieces. The 
inscription consists of thirty-two lines of rather irregularly 
written characters covering a space 45 cmm. high and about 
82 long. The second (B) is on a slab of light grey alabaster, 
and consists of twenty-six lines of beautifully inscribed signs, 
covering a space of 40 cmm. in height and 100 in length. The 
signs and lines are somewhat crowded at the centre, three 
lines at top or bottom occupying the same space as four at 
the centre. The slab has been broken into some twenty pieces, 
but fortunately with but slight damage to the writing. The 
third (C) is an inscription of twenty-one lines, covering a 
space 40 cmm. high and 140 long. It is written across the 
face of a beautiful bas-relief 210 cmm. high and 130 wide, 
which one time adorned the wall on the left-hand side of 
some doorway, a point made clear by the fact that the writing 
goes on around the edge of the slab. 

In A there are to be found about 20 errors, consisting for 
the most part in the addition or omission of a wedge. (It 
is not always easy to decide whether a case in point is a mere 
variant or an error; it is possible that I have omitted some 



Vol. xxxii.] Notes on a Collat. of some UnpubL Inscript. etc. 131 

things as variants that might properly have been called errors. 
At the same time I have added under the general head of 
error some illustrations that are rather examples of other 
things.) US, 1. 2, is written as a) 1 ; tukulti, 1. 3, as b); ma, 
1. 5, as c); nis, 1. 5, as e8, d); (a variant noted by Budge and 
King, ni-es following $ak, probably explains this); ha, 1. 10, 
as e); lu, 1. 10, as f); tik, 1. 11, as g); ni, 1. 14, as h); ik, 1. 19, 
as i); la, 1. 20, as j); is, 1. 27, as k). Ekal i? dap-ra-ni is 
written again after is urkarinni pi with ra, 1. 27, written as 1). 
Im, 1. 30, is written as m). Two erasures are found: si, 1. 30, 
is written as n), with one horizontal erased; a-ua, 1. 28, as o). 
The scribe's intention was to write a-na; he omitted a, wrote 
na, and then erased all but the perpendicular. This stone 
cutter at least understood what he was writing, for, if the 
correction were due to a reviser, he would doubtless have 
corrected some of the other errors. There are a number of 
omissions: it, 1. 28 (19a); is, 1. 24 (15c) and 1. 27 (18a. 1<>) ; 
iSten (en) u-, 1. 23 (14c); al-ta-kan ur-du-ti u-pu-gu, 1. 19 
(lid. 12 a); amelu $ak-nu-te-ia closes 1. 18, the next line begins 
with the next sentence. The inference here too is that the 
stone-cutter could read. 

Of the three inscriptions B is the most beautifully written, 
and is engraved on the finest stone. There are only half the 
errors, but these are of the same character. Adar, 1.1, is 
written as p); u$, 1. 2, as q); hid, 1. 4, as r); 8ar, 1. 6, as s). 
ad, 1. 7, as t); mar, 1. 13, as u); si, 1. 18, as v); ra, 1. 22, as w); 
lib, 1. 23, as x); ar, 1. 24, as s)2; si, 1. 24, as y), with the last 
vertical erased, cf. n). The suffix of gimri, 1. 19, referring to 
mdtu is 8u. While this is not unheard of in Assyrian, it is 
significant here as proof that the stone-cutter understood what 
he wrote. Ina, 1. 24 (20 a), is written on the margin at the 
beginning of the line. Otherwise the lines begin perfectly 
regularly. 

C, though so conspicuously situated, and though written over 
so beautiful a bas-relief, contains the largest number of errors. 

1 In the plate at the end of the article I have given the form as it 
actually occurs, and also the ordinary form at this period. Within brackets 
I have included a reference to Budge and King, Annals of the Kings of 
Assyria (Brit. Mus., 1902), p. 212 ff. The number is the line number of 
Layard, op. cit., which they have retained; the letter is their subdivision 
of the line. 

2 This is probably not an error. 



132 W. E. M. Aitken, [1912. 

Ru, 1. 2, is written as z), with the centre horizontal, which 
has been very deeply cut, almost erased; ru, 1. 9, is written 
the same way, but with no erasure. Hu, 1. 4, is written as 
a'); 8ar, 1. 5, as s) 1 ; 7?a, 1. 6, as e); su, 1. 8, as b'); alu, 1. 10, 
as c'); la, 1. 12, as d'); ur, 1. 12, as e'); iJam', 1. 13, as f); 
Sum, 1. 13, as g'); &d, 1. 13, as h'); tukunti, 1. 14, as i'; du, 
1. 14, as j'); 8ar, 1. 14, as k'); M, 1. 14, as 1'); a$, 1. 15, as m 1 ); 
lu-bar, 1. 17, as n'); -pi zna, 1. 18, as o'); li, 1. 18, as p'); ri, 
1. 18, as q'); wwZ, 1. 19, as r'); a, 1. 19, as s'); da, 1. 19, as t'); 
ra, 1. 19, as u'); te, 1. 19, as v 1 ); ma, 1. 19, as w'); is, 1. 20, 
as x'); kaspi, 1. 20, as y'). In 1. 19 tamdti is crowded into z'), 
cf. i'). In 1. 11 lias is omitted. 

Those ancient men whose business it was to write the cunei- 
form (they were not mere stone-cutters), to write the king's 
inscriptions, joined the wedges together carelessly, made signs 
inaccurately, added and omitted 2 signs, even to the extent of 
half a line. After I had finished my work I noticed that 
Budge and King has made a similar statement: "From the 
numerous mistakes and inaccuracies which are manifest in many 
of the copies, it is clear that the work was often done in haste 
and was entrusted to unskilled workmen and artisans, who 
were not infrequently unable to read the signs they were en- 
graving" 3 . The evidence of hasty and unskillful work is 
abundant; the errors in C constitute over three per cent of 
the inscription. But I would point out that they are due, in 
this inscription at least, to men who show some signs of being 
able to read what they wrote. 

Lyon in Keilschrifttexte Sargon's, Konigs von Assyrien, so 
long ago as 1883 pointed out a considerable number of errors, 
especially in the Stierinschrift. Scheil, Delegation en Perse, 
Memoires, Tome IV, has pointed out a number in the Code 

1 This is probably not an error. 

2 Layard, op. cit., gives a fine example of this, which Budge and 
King of course correct. In 1. 5 one reads bi-lat-su tdksud (ud) hur-a- 
ni Mli-su-nu i-pi-lu-ma bi-lat-su-nu im-hu-ru, etc. The scribe had not 
finished writing bi-lat-su (-nu) when his eye caught the su of Itat-su, 1. 4, 
and he started over again, writing five words twice. Taksud (ud) he 
wrote incorrectly first as a"); the second time it is correct. In 1. 13 the 
scribe's eye fell from [Mbrdte to the quite similar its of u-ham-ma-tu, 
and so he omitted Jcibrdte P l sarru la ki-bit pi-su, and produced an un- 
translatable sentence. This is all correctly written in A, B and C. 

3 Op. cit., p. LXXII f. 



r ol. xxxii.] Notes on a Collat. of some Unpubl. Inscript. etc. 133 

>f Hammurabi; Ungnad in Hammurabi's Gesetz, Leipzig, 1909, 
added many more, and I suspect that all in the code have 
lot yet been found. Others too have noticed errors here and 

tere, yet the large number of errors in these inscriptions 
tnd it is rarely that one may speak so surely concerning 

)xtual errors comes to one almost as a revelation. Errors 
tave occasionally been pointed out in writing on clay, as for 
iple by Haupt, Das Babylonische Nimrodepos', but it is, 
one would expect, in writing on stone that they are found 
in greatest abundance. 

(Since writing the above (Jan, 1910) I have been interested 
to note errors in the clay tablet published in V R 47. In 
1. 40 ob. we read ri-Sa-a-tum for ri-da-Ortum, and ip-pi-e-$i for 
ip-pi-e-ri. Of. IY R., 60* B. ob., 1. 11 (cf. Jastrow in J. B. L. 
XXV 2 , p. 160, n. 90). In 1. 24 we read $ar ra ki ma. Jastrow 
(op. cit., p. 148, n. 43), reads it 8ar-ra ki-ma, and translates 
"from a king, I became". This is certainly ungrammatical. 
Is not ki an error for ku? whether of the scribe or the 
modern copist I know not. For sar-ra-ku-ma cf. IR 17, 32, 
and Lyon, Assyrian Manual*, 22, bottom.) 



a) (Ib) 

b) (2b) 

c) (3b) 

d) (3b) 

e) (7 a) 

f) (7 a) 

g) (7c) 
h) (8e) 
i) (12b) 
j) (13b) 
k) (18 a) 
1) (19b) 
m) (20b) 

n) (20b,2) 
o) (19 a) 
P) (la) 

q) (ib) 

r) (4a) 
s) (6 a) 
t) (6b) 
u) (lib) 
v) (16b) 
w) (19b) 
x) (19b) 
7) (20b,2) 
z) (3 a) 
a) (5 a) 



H 



for ^< 

* M 



,,'IBr 



fcfl 



Brflfc 



,. -JI 



J!L W 



n 



1 34 W. E. M. Aitken, Notes on a Collat. of some etc. 

| b') (9b) r < for 
! c) (10 c, 2) -YYf 

d') (lid) SHY? 

e') (12 a) 

f) (12 b) 

g) (12b) 
li') (12 b) 
i 7 ) (13 a) 
j') (13b) 
k') (13 b) 
1') (13d) 
m') (14c) 
n') (17 a) 
o') (17d) 
P') (17 d) 
q) (18 a) 
r') (19a) 
s') 



[1912. 



- 



t') (19b) 

u) (19b) 

v') (19b) 

w') (19 c) 

x) (20 c, 1) 

J) (21 b) 

z') (14a) 

a") (4d) 



|- for 



for 



Comparative Syntax of the Combinations formed by the 
Noun and its Modifiers in Semitic. - - By FRANK R. 
BLAKE, Ph. D., Johns Hopkins University. 

Introduction. 

THE syntax of the several Semitic languages has been more 
or less exhaustively treated in the various Semitic grammars, 
hut little attention has hitherto been paid to the study of 
Comparative Semitic Syntax. Numerous points, it is true, 
have been treated incidentally in the different Semitic gram- 
mars and other works of a grammatical character, but there 
is nothing whatever in the nature of a systematic Compara- 
tive Semitic Syntax on a par with Delbriick's treatment of 
Comparative Indo-European Syntax in Brugmann's great work, 1 
and very few monographs which discuss problems of this cha- 
racter. 

Syntax, as seems to have been first expressly stated by the 
distinguished linguist the late Georg von der Gabelentz, may 
be treated from two different points of view, a formal and a 
logical. 2 We may start from the grammatical forms and ex- 
plain their uses, as for example in a discussion of the Latin 
or Greek cases, or we may start from the grammatical cate- 
gories expressed in language generally, and describe the differ- 

1 Grundriss der vergleichenden Grammatik der indogermanischen Spra- 
chen (3 parts in 5 volumes + Indices: 3 rd part = Delbriick's Vergleichende 
Syntax der indog. Spr.), Strassburg, 18861900: 2n-i edition of first two 
parts, Strassb. 1897 1911. Brockelmann has promised a Comparative 
Semitic Syntax as Part II of his Comparative Semitic Grammar (Part 
I published in 1908, cf. p. 138) but it had not yet appeared when this article 
went to press. Since then the first fascicle, pp. 1 112, Berlin, 1911, 
comprising a portion of the discussion of the simple sentence, has been 
published. 

* Cf. Die Sprachtvissenschaft . . . von Georg von der Gabelentz, 2te, verm, 
u. verb. Aufl. herausg. von Dr. Albrecht Graf vender Schulenburg; Leipzig 
1901, pp. 85, 86; H. Sweet, The Practical Study of Languages, N.Y., 1900, 
pp. 125, 126. 

VOL XXXTI. Part II. 10 



136 Frank E. Blake, [1912. 

ent ways in which they are expressed, as when we discuss 
the various methods of expressing the genitive in Semitic. The 
two English constructions 'man's disobedience' and 'the dis- 
obedience of man 7 would be treated under the same head in 
logical syntax, while in formal syntax one would go under the 
inflections of nouns and the other under prepositions. 

In the present article the syntax of the nominal modifiers 
is treated in general from the logical point of view. Each of 
the ideas which can possibly be made to modify the meaning 
of a noun is taken in turn, and its expression in the various 
Semitic languages is discussed from a comparative point of 
view. The object of the article is to point out how the noun 
and the words that express these ideas are combined, what 
their relative position in the combination is, and how they 
a,re affected by being joined together. 1 

The principal ideas which can modify the meaning of a 
noun in any language, with their most familiar means of ex- 
pression in parentheses, are the following, viz., 

a) simple determination (definite article). 

b) case determination (case ending or preposition). 

c) simple indetermination (indefinite article). 

d) simple qualification (descriptive adjective). 

e) demonstrative qualification (demonstrative adjective). 

f) interrogative qualification (interrogative pronoun or ad- 
jective). 

g) indefinite qualification (indefinite pronominal adjectives^. 
h) numeral qualification (cardinal and ordinal numerals). 

i) nominal qualification (noun in case form or after pre- 

position). 

j) personal pronominal qualification (possessive adjective). 
k) nominal apposition (noun in apposition). 
1) adverbial qualification (circumstantial expressions and ad- 

verbs such as 'also', 'only', 'indeed'). 
m) sentence qualification (clause, relative or other, modifying 

the noun). 
To these may be added 

n) nominal coordination (two or more nouns connected by 

'and'), 



the comparative syntax of the noun and its combinations in the 
Indo-European languages, cf. Delbr. Verg. Syn. 3 ter Th., Strassburg, 1900, 
pp. 88103; 181221. 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 137 

though it does not, strictly speaking, belong here, as the words 
do not modify one another but are simply joined together. 

Two or more of these modifying ideas may be combined, 
e. g., simple determination with simple qualification, or de- 
monstrative qualification with simple qualification, etc. ! 

In the Semitic languages, these modifying ideas are not al- 
ways expressed by an independent word, e. g., the idea of the 
possessive adjective is regularly indicated by a suffix, e. g., 
Hebrew ^3 'my dog'; nor is the element that expresses the 
modifying idea always grammatically dependent on the noun, e. g., 
'all men* is expressed in general by the indefinite pronoun 'all 7 
followed by the genitive of the noun, e. g., Hebrew D^JNrr^S 
'all men'. Nevertheless in all cases the material will be arranged 
with reference to the modifying idea. 

The following languages and dialects have been included in 
the present investigation (the abbreviation used for] the lan- 
guage is given in parentheses), viz., 

a) Assyrian (Ass.) 

b) Arabic, Classical (Arab, or 01. Arab.) 

, Modern (Mod. Arab.; Eg., Pal., Tu., ( T1., etc.). 
Lihyanic (Lib.) 
Safaitic (Saf.) 
e) Mineo-Sabean (Min.) 
Mehri (Meh.) 

d) Ethiopic (Eth.) 
Amharic (Amh.) 
Tigrina (Ta.) 
Tigre (Te.) 

e) Hebrew, Biblical (Heb. or Bib. Heb.) 

, Post-Biblical (Mish.) 
Moabite (Mo.) 
Phenician (Ph.) 

f) Aramaic of Zinjirli (Ar. Zinj.) 
Biblical Aramaic (Bib. Aram.) 
Christian Palestinian (Chr. Pal.) 
Jewish Palestinian (Jew. Pal.) 
Samaritan (Sam.) 

1 Some of the most important of these combinations of two or more 
modifiers have been discussed in connection with the combinations of 
the noun with single modifier. Material for their complete discussion 
is not at present available. 

10* 



138 Frank R. Blake, [1912. 

Malulan (Mai.) 
Syriac, Classical (Syr.) 

Aramaic of Babylonian Talmud (Bab. Tal.) 
Mandaic (Man.) 
Modern Syriac (Mod. Syr.) 

All words except those written in Hebrew characters will 
be furnished with a transliteration, the transliteration being 
in Italics except in the case of Classical Syriac, where Hebrew is 
employed. Lihyanic, Safaitic, Phenician, Zinjirli, Sama- 
ritan, Christian Palestinian, and Mandaic words are written 
in Hebrew characters, Mineo-Sabean words in Arabic cha- 
racters. Assyrian, Mehri, and Malulan appear only in trans- 
literation. 

Analogies in Egyptian and Coptic, Indo-European, and 
other languages, will be given in the foot-notes. 

The chief works which have been employed in preparing 
this article, with the abbreviation by which each will be cited, 
are the following, viz., 

C. Brockelmann, Grundriss der vergleichenden Grammatik der 
semitischen Sprachen, Bd. 1, Berlin, 1908 
(Brock. Comp. Or.) 
Ass. F. Delitzsch, Assyrische Grammatik, 2 te Aufl., Berlin, 

1906 (Del. Ass. Gr.). 
Assyrisches Handworterbuch, Leipzig, 1896 

(Del. HB.). 
Eth. Dillmann-Bezold, Athiopische Grammatik, 2 te Aufl., 

Leipzig, 1899 (Dill.-Bez. Ath. Gr.). 
F. Praetorius, Athiopische Grammatik, Karlsruhe u. Leip- 
zig, 1886 (Praet, Ath. Gr.). 
A. Dillmann, Lexicon linguae aethiopicae cum indice 

latino, Lipsiae, 1865 (Dill. Lex. Ath.). 
Amh. F. Praetorius, Die amharische Sprache, Halle 1879 

(Praet. Amh. Spr.). 

I. Guidi, Grammatica elementare della lingua ama- 

rina, Roma, 1889 (Guidi, Gr. El Amar.) 
C/W.Isenberg, Dictionary of the Amharic Language, Lon- 
don, 1841 (Isen. Amh. Diet.). 
A. d'Abbadie, Dictionnaire de la langue amarinna, Paris, 

1881 (Abb. Diet. Amar.). 

Ta. F. Praetorius, Grammatik der Tigrinasprache, Halle, 
1871 (Praet. Tig. Spr.). 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 139 

J. Schreiber, Manuel de la langue ligrai, Yienne, 1887 

(Schreib. Man. Tig.}. 
Te. E. Littmann, Die Pronomina im Tigre, ZA. 12, pp. 188- 

230, 291-316 (Littm. Te. Pron.). 
North Arab. Wright -De Goeje, A Grammar of the Arabic 

Language, 2 vols., Cambridge, 1896, 1898 

( Wright -DeG. Arab. Or.). 
A. Socin, Arabische Grammatik, 5 te Aufl., Berlin, 

1904 (Soc. Arab. Or.). 
H. Reckendorf, Die syntaktischen Verhdltnisse des Ara- 

bischen, Leiden, 1898 (Reck. Syn. Verh.) 
W. Spitta, Grammatik des arabischen Vulgardia- 

lectes von Aegypten, Leipzig, 1880 (Spitta, 

Gram. Vul. Aeg.). 
A. Wahrmund, Praktisches Handbuch der neu-arabischen 

Sprache, Giessen, 1861 (Wahrm. Prak. 

Handb.). 
A. P. Caussin de Perceval, Grammaire arabe vulgaire, 

4 ed., Paris, 1858 (Perc. Gr.Arab. Vul). 
H. Stumme, Grammatik des Tunisischen Arabisch 

nebst Glossar, Leipzig, 1896 (Stum. Tun. 

Arab.). 
L. Bauer, Das Palastinische Arabisch, Leipzig, 1910. 

(Bauer, Pal. Arab.). 
W. Marc,ais, Le dialecte arabe parle a Tlemcen, Paris, 

1902 (Marg. Arab. TL). 
D. H. Miiller, Epigraphische Denkmaler aus Arabien, 

Wien, 1889, pp. 1115 (MullEpig.Denk.). 
J. Halevy, Essai sur les Inscriptions du Safa, Paris, 

1882 [extr. du JA], p. 296f (Hal. Insc. 

Saf.). 
South Arab. F. Hommel, Sud-arabische Chrestomathie, Miinchen, 

1893 (Homm. Sud-arab. Chr.). 
A. Jahn, Grammatik der Mehri Sprache in Stid- 

arabien, Sitzungsb. d. KAW, Wien, 

Philos. Hist. CL, Bd. 150, Abh. VI (Jahn, 

Meh. Gr.). 
Heb. Gesenius-Kautzsch, Hebraische Grammatik, 28 te Aufl., 

Leipzig, 1909 (Ges. Heb. Gr.). 
Gesenius-Buhl, Hebraisches u. aramaisches Handworter- 

buch iiber d. A. T., 15 to Aufl., Leipzig, 1910. 



140 Frank R. Blake, [1912. 

A. Geiger, Lehrbuch zur Spr ache der Mischna, Bres- 

lau, 1845 (Geig. Spr. Misch.). 
Siegfried -Strack, Lehrbuch der neuhebraischen Sprache, 

Karlsruhe u. Leipzig, 1884 (Sieg.-Str. 

Neuh. Spr.). 
8. Herner, Syntax der Zahlworter im A. T., Lund, 

1893 (Hern. Syn. Zahlw.). 

F. Philippi, Wesen u. Ursprung des Status Construe- 

tus im Hebraischen, Weimar, 1871 (Phil. 

Stat. Con.). 
Mo. K. Smend and A. Socin, Die Inschrift des Konigs 

Mesa von Moab, Freiburg i. B., 1886 (Sm.- 

Soc. Moab.). 
Ph. P. Schroeder, Die Phonizische Sprache (Schroed. Phb'n. 

Spr.). 
A. Bloch, Phoenicisches Glossar, Berlin, 1890 (Bloch, 

Phoen. Gl) 
M. A. Levy, Phonizisches Worterbuch, Breslau, 1864 

(Levy, Phon. Worterb.) 
Aram. M. Lidzbarski, Handbuch der nordsemitischen Epigraphik, 

Weimar, 1898 (Lidz. Handb.). 

E. Kautzsch, Grammatik des Biblisch - Aramaischen, 

Leipzig, 1884 (Kautz. Bib. Aram.). 
K. Marti, Kurzgefasste Grammatik der Biblisch-Ara- 
mdischen Sprache, Berlin, 1896 (Marti, 
Bib. Aram.). 

G. Dalman, Grammatik des Judisch - Palastinischen 

Arawaisch, 2 te Aufl., Leipzig 1905 (Dal. 
Jud. Pal). 

G. B. Winer, Grammatik des biblischen und targu- 
mischen Chaldaismus, Leipzig, 1824(Winer, 
Gr. Chal). 

F. Uhlemann, Institutiones Linguae Samaritanae, Lip- 

siae, 1837 (Uhlem. Inst. Sam.). 

Th. Noldeke, Beitrage zur Kenntniss der aramdischen 
Dialecte. II. Uber den christlich palasti- 
nischen Dialect, ZDMG, 22, pp. 443- 
527 (Nold. Chr. Pal). 

D. J. Parisot, Le dialecte neosyriaque de Mdlula JA, 
ser. 9, tome 11, 1898, pp. 239312, 
440519 (Parisot, Dial Mai). 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 141 

Th. Noldeke, Kurzgefasste Syrisclie Grammatik,2 i6 Aufl. 

Leipzig, 1898 (Nold. Syr. Gr.). 
11. Payne -Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus, Oxonii, 1868 

1901 (Smith, Th. Syr.). 
C. Brockelmann, Lexicon Syriacum, Berlin, 1895 (Brock. 

Lex. Syr,). 
Th. Noldeke, Mandaisclie Grammatik, Halle, 1875 (Nold. 

Man. Gr.). 
C. Levias, A Grammar of the Aramaic Idiom ... in 

the Babylonian Talmud, Cincinnati, 1900 

(Levias, Bab. TaL). 
M. Margolis, A Manual of the Aramaic Language of 

the Babylonian Talmud, Miinchen, 1910 

(Marg. Man. Bab. TaL). 
Th. Noldeke, Grammatik der Neusyrischen Sprache, 

Leipzig, 1868 (Nold. Neus. Spr.). 
A.J.Maclean, Grammar of the Dialects of vernacular 

Syriac, Cambridge, 1895 (Macl. Vern. 

Syr.). 
Other Languages. Delhriick, Vergleichende Syntax der indoger- 

manischen Sprachen, Strassburg, 1893 

1900 (Delbr. Verg. Syn.)- 
A. Erman, Agyptisclie Grammatik, 3 te Aufl., Berlin r 

1910 (Erman, Agypt. Gr.). 
Gr. Steindorff, Koptische Grammatik, 2 te Aufl., Berlin r 

1904 (Steind. Kopt. Gr.) 

Simple Determination. 

The determinate or definite state of a noun is expressed in 
most of the Semitic languages by a demonstrative particle used 
as a definite article. 

In Arabic, Hebrew, Moabite, Phenician, and Tigre (also in 
the Aramaic dialect of Tur-Abdin, cf. below), the definite ar- 
ticle is indicated by preformative particles ; * in Classical Ara- 

1 The article stands before the noun in Coptic and late Egyptian (cf. 
Errnan, Agypt. (?r., p. llOf; Steind. .KoptGr., p.73f.), and in most Indo-Euro- 
pean languages ; a postpositive article, however, occurs in Old Bulgarian 
and Lithuanian with the attributive adjective (cf. A. Leskien, Grammatik 
der Altbulgarischen Sprache, Heidelberg, 1909, p. 142; F.Kurschat, Gramma - 
tik der Litauischen Sprache, Halle, 1876, pp. 406408; Delbr. Verg. Syn. 
III. p. 89). 



142 Frank E. Blake, [1912. 

bic and its modern dialects, by J\ al; in Tigre by 4 la or A 
Za; 2 in the Arabic dialect of the Safaitic and Lihyanic in- 
scriptions, and in the other languages, by a particle whose 
original form was probably ha:* e.g., 

Arab. ^IJLjl al-maliku 'the king.' 

Te. Afl-fl: la -sab 'the people.' 

Lih. nan 'the house.' 

Heb. ^EH 'the king.' 

Ph. nyffn 'the gate.' 

Mo. naan 'the high-place.' 

In Phenician and poetical Hebrew, however, the use of the 
article is much restricted, and it is not necessary to indicate 
a definite noun. 4 

In Aramaic in general, in Mineo-Sabean, and Amharic the 
definite state of a noun is indicated by afformative particles. 
In Aramaic this particle is a, 5 e. g., 

Bib. Aram. K3te 'the king.' 
H9fc 'the kings.' 

In some cases in Western Aramaic, and in practically all 
cases in Eastern Aramaic, instead of the form in aiia formed 
by combining the plural ending ai with a, a plural ending in 
e 6 is employed, e. g., 

* Connected ultimately with the root of the plural of the demonstra- 
tives, *My*> ha- 'uld'i, nto, etc., cf. Brock. Comp. Gr. pp. 316, 317 ( 107 c, f). 
In some Southern dialects of Arabic ^\ im, am is used as article instead 
of ,J\, but without assimilation of final m; e.g., j~o\ am-birru 'piety', 
? L^ax\ am-fiidmu 'fasting'; this article ^\ contains the same demon- 
strative element as Assyrian amvnu 'that': cf. Brock, op. cit. p. 317 ( 107e), 
p. 469 ( 246 Ba);Wright-DeGr Arab. Gr. I. p. 270. 

2 Regarded by Littmann (Te. Pron. p. 299) as ultimately identical Math 
the demonstrative root al (cf. preceding n.). It may, however, have been 
developed from the preposition j\ la used with a definite dependent noun 
as in Ethiopic o>2V&: AlT^: natd-u la-negul (cf. p. 145). Here the de- 
termination of negus is due to the combination of suffix and preposition, 
but in Tigre la itself was regarded as the cause of the .determination, 
and so used as article in other cases. Closely connected with this phe- 
nomenon is the almost complete loss of A as preposition. Cf. Brock. 
Comp. Gr. p. 470 ( 246 Bc). 

3 Cf. Brock. Comp. Gr. p. 316 ( 107 a). 

Of. Ges. Heb. Gr. p. 424 (126 A); Schrod. Phon. Spr. p. 161. 

5 This -a is probably identical with the preformative article ha\ cf. 
Brock. Comp. Gr. p. 316. 

6 Probably the same plural ending that we have in Assyrian bele 'lords.' 
cf. Brock. Comp. Gr. pp. 454, 455. 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 143 



Syr. |A i3te 'kings.' 

In the Eastern Aramaic dialects, and apparently also in 
Malulan, the definite state has lost its definite force, and has 
become the most common form of the noun, the meaning being 
either definite or indefinite, e. g., 

Syr. ,UX fcote 'king, a king, the king.' 

S'lhft 'kings, the kings.' 

In Syriac, Babylonian Talmudic, and Mandaic the absolute 
or indefinite form of a noun is comparatively frequent in cer- 
tain constructions, 1 but in Modern Syriac, with isolated ex- 
ceptions, it has been completely lost. 

In the Modern Aramaic dialect of Tur-Abdin a new preforma- 
tive definite article has been developed from the demonstratives 
hau, hai, hdnon, viz. m. u, f. ?, pi. an, e. g., 
u hmoro 'the ass.' 
i zaneke 'the woman.' 

In Mineo-Sabean the definite state is indicated by a final 
n 2 element, the so-called nunnation, e. g., 

^ x>o 'bit-n 'the house.' 

In Amharic the definite state of a noun may be indicated 
by -u for the masculine, -ttu for the feminine, but very often 
the sign of determination is omitted as in poetical Hebrew 
and in Phenician, e. g., 

: leju 'the son.' 
: setitu 'the lady.' 

The ending u is apparently derived from the pronominal 
suffix of the third person singular (cf. below p. 144); itu con- 
tains in addition the two feminine elements i and t. 

In Assyrian the final -m which is frequently added to nouns 
had originally in all probability a definite meaning, but this mean- 
ing had been lost as early at least as the time of Hammura- 
bi (circa 1950 B.C.), 3 just as the definite meaning of Aramaic 

cf. Nold. Syr. Gr. pp.144 154; Nold. Man. Gr. pp. 300 bOB; Marg. 
Han. Bab. Tal. pp. 62, 63. 

2 Perhaps to be read an, a combination of -a ( = Aram, -a) -f- a demon- 
strative element n: cf. Homm. Sud-arab. Chr. p. 36; Brock. Comp. Gr. 
pp. 316, 317 ( 107 a, d). 

3 Cf. Del. Ass. Gr. p. 189. This -m or mimmation is ultimately iden- 
tical with the emphatic particle -ma; cf. op. cit. pp. 189, 219221, and 
also below under Adverbial Qualification. It is probably distinct from 
the -m or -n which denotes indetermination (cf. p. 156); Brockelmann, 
however, seems to regard them as identical, cf. Comp. Gr. p. 474 (bot.). 



144 Frank E. Blake, [1912. 

-a was lost later in Eastern Aramaic (cf. above). Assyrian 
is therefore without article and a word either with the -m or 
without it may he either definite or indefinite, e. g., 

llu-m <g dj a g d ' the god *' 

Ethiopic, Tigrina, and Mehri are entirely without article, and 
a noun in its absolute form may be either definite or inde- 
finite, e. g., 

Eth. 17-^: nfyfaS 'king, a king, the king. 7 
Ta. fl*fl: sab 'man, a man, the man/ 
Meh. yaij 'man, a man, the man.' 

The Eastern Aramaic dialects, then, and Assyrian, Ethiopic, 
Tigrina, and Mehri have no direct means of making a noun 
definite under all conditions, but they are able nevertheless 
by employing various constructions, to express the determi- 
nation in certain cases. Sometimes a language which has a re- 
gular definite article possesses these definite constructions as 
well. 

In Assyrian, Syriac, Ethiopic, and Tigrina, and in Tigre in 
spite of the fact that it has developed an article, the prono- 
minal suffix of the third person is employed in certain cases 
in the sense of a definite article. In Syriac this use seems 
to be confined to nouns after ; in Ethiopic it is most common 
in repetitions; in Tigrina, in time expressions, e. g., 
Ass. ne$u 8a $iri-$u 'the lion of the desert.' 1 
Syr. a<4.l, v?^* -P rni&ptn ]iyotf no 'St. Simon of 

the pillar.' 1 

Eth. d)Ayh: AA^ :o>hm )> H : fh&a* \ halamka helma ua- 
kamaze helm-fa 'thou hast dreamed a dream, and thus 
(was) the dream. 7 
Ta. J&n3ttfc : Zftfr : X"Jt \ ibatfh gize-'u enta . . . 'the time 

will come when...' 
Te. rtft^ : ffDflrt* : ClMP i sabat masal-u sa'alaii-o 'about the 

parable they asked him.' 

From this use doubtless originates the articular -z), -Ufa, of 
Amharic. 

The suffix in Assyrian expressions like ina umi-$u-ma 'on 
that day,' is to be classed here, tho the suffix has here a force 
more strongly demonstrative than that of an article. 

1 Brockelmann thinks the suffix here is simply possessive, cf. Comp. 
Gr. p. 472 (top). 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 145 

In the case of a definite noun which is dependent on an- 
other word (noun, preposition, or verb) the definite state of 
this noun is often emphasized by a suffix attached to the gov- 
erning word; the dependent noun, either alone or preceded by a 
preposition, standing as a sort of apposition to the suffix. The 
dependent noun usually stands after the suffix, but when it is 
governed by a verb it may stand before the verbal form. 
When the determination of the dependent noun is not indi- 
cated by a demonstrative adjective, or in some other way, the 
suffix may be regarded as taking the place of the article. 

In Assyrian a noun depending on another noun is preced- 
ed by 3a; a governing preposition is repeated; a noun depend- 
ing on a verb stands without preposition: e. g., 
X aplttrSu $a T 'X son of Y: 
ana saSuma ana Izdubar 'to Izdubar.' 
/ su$i Sarrani . . . adi tdmdi elinite lu ardi-sunuti, 'sixty 
kings . . . unto the upper sea verily I pursued (them). 7 
In Ethiopic the dependent noun is preceded by the prepo- 
sition A, e. g., 

frStf^y : ATfHl s qaddim-hd la-jebab 'the beginning of 
wisdom (its beginning to wisdom).' 
*10A,rh : AOOA : fit i lale-hu la-la la bet 'against the 
lord of the house.' 

flmT ; A-flCyj ; OA^ : samai-o la-Urhdn 'elat 'he called 
the light day. 7 

In Tigrina the dependent noun is regularly preceded by the 
preposition 1, tho after another noun the genitive sign VjE. \ 
may be employed, e. g., 

lede-u ne-iasus 'the birth of Jesus.' 

j ^T^t : majamaria-a nai fefrat 'the 
beginning of the creation.' 

: ft*fl : kamd-u n-at sab 'like this man.' 

ualad-o ne-ieshaq 'he begot Isaac.' 
In Amharic a noun depending on another noun is preceded 
by the sign of the genitive ?, and usually stands before the 
governing noun, tho it may stand after; a noun depending on 
a verb takes nothing besides the regular accusative suffix 1; 
the dependent noun is most commonly a proper noun: e. g., 
ffnfl/n : HCD-X^O* i ia-fabibdn zaiid-dcaii 'the crown of 
the wise.' 



146 Frank E. Slake, [1912. 

U&cn>5py ; n?*** : helm-ano-m -ia-neguS-u 'and the dream 
of the king.' 

&JP ft**} i fcfl* \ 'udsu-n gara-ii 'he called to Joshua.' 
In Syriac the preposition \ is used after a verb; after a 
noun and a preposition * being employed: e. g., 

'the son of the king.' 
'over the stone.' 

NJV3 1 ? \T5? 'he built the house.' 
After a preposition, instead of the same preposition may 
be repeated, and after a verb, instead of both suffix and v either 
may be used alone with the same meaning, e. g., 
JLsj>9 ^ *A^ 3 b% fi 'over the stone. 7 

. 

'he built the house.' 

Mandaic and the dialect of the Babylonian Talmud have 
the- same constructions as Syriac, tho apparently the construc- 
tion of suffix -f noun without b does not occur in the latter. 
In Modern Syriac the construct of a noun preceding a defi- 
nite women rectum often has a special ending, viz., k or 
; X--; this is perhaps a contraction for ? -, suffix of third 
person singular + sign of genitive (cf. prepositional forms be- 
low): e. g., 

kj; KUB;A pirqanit dinle 'Savior of the world.' 
Occasionally, however, the construction occurs as in Classi- 
cal Syriac, 1 e. g., 

U^-H>! ot-f o win id-e de-sdjana 'from the hand of 
Satan.' 

lo^j MO^ lerd)i-e-de-'alahd 'the son of God.' 
The construction after a preposition (\. seems to be the only 
preposition that is thus used, tho the spoken forms ullit, minnit, 
Idrit for ^^, ^o, iK=> are to be explained as contracted from 
preposition + suffix + , viz., ; o^^.: ? cuso: ; *ib**) or verb, is suffix 
(or in the case of the verb the equivalent V 4- suffix) followed 
immediately by the dependent noun without anything before 
it, e. g., 

lah nimd 'to the fish.' 



1 Noldeke mentions only the first example, and here he thinks it is 

possible that o,^! was miswritten for 1^1 Me, the plural; but Maclean 

states that this construction is not uncommon. Cf. Nold. News. Spr. p. 
Usf.; Macl. Vern. Syr. p. 56 (top). 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 147 

oA pid^-uh 'uit suse 'have you brought 



out the horse.' 

li*a QQ ^ voojw Jjem/ilehhd bahrd 'hold fast that light.' 

In those languages which have developed a special defi- 

nite article, similar emphatic constructions occur. When the 

governing word is a noun, this construction is found only in 

those languages which have developed a special genitive sign. 

It is found in the Western Aramaic dialects and in Post-Bib- 

lical Hebrew (here probably borrowed from Aramaic), but 

does not seem to occur in the Modern Arabic dialects. In 

Hebrew the article is omitted with a dependent common noun, 

being in this respect at least independent of Aramaic, e. g., 

Bib. Aram. 5$ % ?p*l nrb 'the god of Daniel.' 

Nn'JN ^ n$ 'the name of God.' 

Jew. Pal. ]1V. ^? ^ TiHttK 'the father of the Ammonites; 
Sam. 7>"ajm JVOl 'the sons of thy servants/ 

Mish. Dn?Dq h& JTIK 'the fire of the wise. 7 

D^ 1 ? tnjn 'the knowledge of God. 7 

In Biblical Hebrew this construction occurs in one late 
passage, viz., 

rfc&B^tf iriBtp 'the couch of Solomon. 7 (Ct. 3,7). 
When the governing word is a preposition or a verb, exam- 
ples may occur in any language, but they are comparatively in- 
frequent ; when depending on a verb, the noun stands with the 
sign of the accusative; after a preposition, it stands either alone 
or with the preposition repeated; in Arabic the noun is in the case 
form corresponding to the case of the suffix; in Christian Pa- 
lestinian after a verb the suffix stands after JV and the noun 
after b: e. g., 

Arab. Ijo-, &z*\j ra'aitu-hu zaida n 4 I saw Zaid.' 

^} ^ Cj>j* marartu bi-hi zaidi" 'I passed by Zaid." 
Heb. l^rrrifcj intoni 'and she saw the boy' (Ex. 2, 6). 

-6 ^ 'woe to him the one alone' (Ecc. 4, 10). 
unh 'to the children of Israel' (Jos. 1, 2). 
Sam. nrp no 11 nn^p nrna 11 m 'and the sparrow alive 
he took' (him). 

m J^Bri *6 ITINI BtoK 'a man shall not rule over 
his brother.' 
Ch. Pal. !r fcOD*6 nrp pnBH 'that he might free Israel. 7 

fcOirtt^ nrp iD 'he hates the light.' 
In Biblical Aramaic and Jewish Palestinian, and in Post- 



148 Frank E. Slake, [1912. 

Biblical Hebrew (here probably a borrowing from Aramaic) 
this construction after prepositions lias come to be used to 
express the idea of 'same,' e. g., 

Bib. Aram. NJDJ PD 'at that same time' (Dan. 3, 7). 

N^? n? 'on that very night' (Dan. 5, 30). 
Jew. Pal. nnytSto m 'in the same hour.' 
Mish. D1*5 1S ' n the same day. 7 

Under the same head as these emphatic constructions 
with pleonastic suffix, are to be classed the constructions in 
Post-Biblical Hebrew, Samaritan, and Christian and Jewish 
Palestinian, in which J1K or IV + suffix is placed before noun 
with article in the sense of 'that/ 'same,' 1 e. g., 
Mish. D1 s n mis 'the same day.' 
pH PiniK 'the same land/ 
Sam. NJHN nrva 'in the same land.' 

or nm 'on the same day.' 
Cli. Pal. NDVYp Tim 'at that same time/ 
Jew. Pal. Nmt? nm 'of that Sabbath/ 

In some languages the demonstratives are at times used with 
a weakened force akin to that of a definite article. This is to 
be noted in Ethiopic and Tigriha, and also in Jewish Pa- 
lestinian, in spite of its possessing a living definite form of the 
noun, e. g., 

Eth. a^M i flXrt. : ii&etu b$esi 'the (that) man/ 

Ta. frit : XtJafr : /Lfr&Ra* : 'unat 'et-nabm 'nu 'ezm 

'truly this is the (that) prophet/ 

Jew. Pal. KrPTlK 1Dpn'thebookoftheLaw'(Sabb. 14. d). 
The historical development of these various expressions for 
the determinate state of a noun is probably somewhat as fol- 
lows. The parent Semitic speech was originally without ar- 
ticle. 2 This status is best represented by some of the younger 

1 The element jv seems to occur also in the common Mandaic more 
remote demonstrative pxaxn which Noldeke thinks is a combination of 
demonstrative elements n> JYI, iv: cf. Man. Gr. p. 91 f; also Geig. 
Spr. Misch. p. 36; Uhlem. Inst. Sam. pp. 31, 162, 163; Nold. Chr. Pal 
p. 471; Balm. Jiid. Pal. p. 113. 

2 For relics of this original article-less condition in all the Semitic 
languages, cf. Brock. Comp. Gr. pp. 466-^69 ( 246 A). There is no 
article in Old Egyptian, but one has been developed in later Egyptian 
and in Coptic from the demonstrative 'that,' cf. Erman, Agypt. Gr. p. 
110; Steind. Kopt. Gr. p. 73 f. Originally also there was no article 
in Indo-European, as is shown by the fact that many of the older 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 149 

members of the Semitic family, viz., Ethiopic, and its modern 
descendant Tigrina. i Assyrian, in many respects the most pri- 
mitive of the family, had developed and lost a definite article 
centuries before the oldest monument of Ethiopic was written. 
In order to represent the determinate state of a noun, two 
means were employed a) pronominal elements, chiefly demon- 
strative, and b) the personal pronominal suffixes. 

From pronominal elements in most of the languages, by a 
process of weakening, a real definite article was developed, viz., 
in Assyrian, and in the Arabic (North and South), Canaani- 
tic, and Aramaic families of speech. In Phenician and ar- 
chaic Hebrew, represented by the language of Hebrew poetry, 
the article is not yet absolutely necessary to denote determi- 
nation. In Arabic (North and South), Aramaic, in Hebrew 
prose, and Moabite, the article is fully developed. In the 
Eastern Aramaic dialects its definite force has so faded out 
that these languages have practically returned to the article- 
less condition of the primitive language. In one of these, again, 
the dialect of Tur-Abdin, a new article has been developed 
from the demonstrative 'that.' 

Parallel with this development of the demonstratives ran 
the determinative use of the pronominal suffixes. In some 
languages the suffix of the third person was used to determine 
the noun to which it was attached, at first with a force more 
demonstrative than articular, as in Assyrian, later with a real 
articular force. This later use is found chiefly in the Abys- 
sinian group, tho it also occurs occasionally in Assyrian and 
Syriac. In Tigre the development of a regular article has 
checked the growth of the construction; in Amharic a regular 
article is developed from it, which has, however, a somewhat 
restricted use. A suffix was also used to emphasize the de- 
termination of a dependent noun by being placed with the 
governing word. This construction is found to a certain ex- 
tent in all the languages, but is most fully developed in the 
Abyssinian and Aramaic groups. It occurs in Amharic in 

languages, viz., Sanskrit, Avestan, and Latin, have never developed an 
article; in Old Bulgarian and Lithuanian the article is used only with 
the adjective modifying a definite noun ; cf. p. 165. n. 1. 

1 Whether the article-less condition of Mehri is a direct inheritance 
from primitive Semitic, or whether the language is to be regarded as 
having lost the article which appears in Mineo-Sabean, is not certain. 



150 Frank E. Blake, [1912. 

spite of the fact that the language has an article; it is found 
in both East and West Aramaic, hut reaches a higher deve- 
lopment in the Eastern dialects, since here the emphatic state 
has lost its definite meaning. In Western Aramaic and Post- 
Bihlical Hebrew, where the growth of these constructions has 
been checked by the development of a regular article, some 
of them have been adapted to indicate the emphatic idea 
.same,' or 'the very same.' 

In some languages the weakening of the force of the de- 
monstrative pronouns, which process resulted in the develop- 
ment of the regular article, is still going on. So especially 
in article-less languages like Ethiopic and Tigrina, but also 
in those with a special definite form such as Jewish Palesti- 
nian. 

Case Determination. 

Leaving aside the primitive case endings, which are an in- 
tegral part of the noun, under this head are to be classed the 
various prepositions and postpositions which have been deve- 
loped to denote case. 

The nominative has developed no special case sign. 
The genitive in primitive Semitic is expressed by the con- 
struct chain (cf. below), but in the later development of many 
of the languages special prepositions have been adapted to de- 
note this case. 1 They are as follows, viz., 

Ass. $a 

Eth. H-, fcyf : , Ky- ; za-, 'emna, '8m- 

Amh. ?-, ia- 

Ta. ; , 1- nai-, ne- 

Te. ? \ ndi 

Arab. -J, ^x; li-, min 

(Mod.) fUu, U>, cx~^, JU, ja., b, Jb>; metfi, beta 
Set, mal, haq, de, dial 2 

Min. > * 

Meh. da, de, di 

Heb. -b, -b 



1 The same is true of Egyptian aud Coptic; cf. Ermaa, Agypt. Gr. 
pp. 115119; Steind. Kopt. Gr. pp. 7981. 

2 U* in Syria and Algeria, ^Ui in Egypt and Palestine, CU^o 
in Jerusalem, Jjl^> in the region around Baghdad, J^" in Yemen, b in 
North Africa, J^> in Algeria: cf. Wahrm. PraJc. Handb. pp. 44, 46, 68; 
Brock. Comp. Gr''p. 316 ( 106 g). 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of tlie Combinations, d'c. 151 

Ph. PN, t? 

Mish. ^, -h 

Syr. -:, -V; -"H, -"p 

Man. 

Bab. Tal. 

Mod. Syr. 

Bib. Aram. "H, -b 

Jew. Pal. H . ' 

Ch. Pal. -1 

Sam. "b, "I, *n 

Mal. ti, il, ti-l 

These genitive determinants all stand before the noun in 
the genitive. They may be divided into the following classes 
according to their origin, viz., 

a) those derived from relative or demonstrative pronouns, 
Ass. $a, Min. ft, Meh. da, de, di, Eth. za, Amh. ia, Phen. 
t?N, t?, Aram, de, di, ti, Mod. Arab, de; 1 

b) those derived from nouns meaning 'possession,' Ta. and 
Te. nai, Mod. Arab, meta, beta, Set, mal, haq: 

c 2 ) prepositions meaning 'to, pertaining to, belonging to,' 

Ta. ne, Arab, li, Heb. le, Aram, le, Mal. il; 
d 2 ) r prepositions meaning 'from, part of, of,' Eth. 'emna, 'em-, 

,Arab. min; 

e) combinations of class (a) with following preposition in 
Mod. Arab, dial (a combination of a demonstrative ele- 
ment with ft) s Heb. a$er le, 8el, Sam. ^T, Mal. ti-l. 
Determinants belonging to classes (a) and (b) are in some 
of the languages varied for gender and number to agree with 

1 Closely connected with this class of determinants is the Arabic de- 
monstrative $u (with its full series of case, gender and number forms) 
which stands before a genitive in the sense of 'owner, possessor,' cf. 
Wright-DeG. Arab. Gr. I. p. 265 f.; IL p. 203. With these genitive 
determinants are to be compared the Egyptian and Coptic genitive 
sign n (cf. Erman, Agypt. Gr., 217219, 547; Steind. Kopt. Gr., 
164 166), the Modern Persian Izafet (cf. Salemann and Shukovski, 
Persische Gr., Berlin, 1899, p. 30 ff, 16), and the ligatures in the Philippine 
languages (cf. my Contribs. to Comp. Phil. Gram., JAOS, vol. XXVII, 
1906, pp. 325 f., 338340; also my article The Tagalog Ligature and 
Analogies in other languages, JAOS, vol. XXIX, 1908, pp. 227231). 

5 In Coptic the preposition ente originally 'together with' is also used 
as genitive determinant, cf. Steind. op. cit. p. 80. 

3 The element did is identical with Ethiopic,^'a, which is used with 
suffixes to form possessives, cf. Brock. Comp. Gr. p. 315, 106 f. 

VOL. XXXII. Part II. 1 1 



152 Frank E. Blake, [1912. 

the preceding noun. Assyrian &j has a plural $ut; Ethiopia 
H has the feminine M"f : 'enta and plural XA ; 'ella ; Min. >, 
fern. CS> %t and pi. J\ 'li\ Meh. da, de, di, a plural la, le. 
In Assyrian and Ethiopic, however, $a and H are ordinarily 
employed without regard to the gender or number of the pre- 
ceding noun. In Syria ^^, in Egypt ^to, and in Jerusalem 
vJX^> may have the forms, fern. ^lx* metd'et, *Uo beta'et', 
pi. y~* metu, ^o betu , O^-io, O^-io Smtf, Sume (cf. under 
Nominal Qualification below). 1 

The following determinants are proclitic, being written as one 
word with their noun, viz., Eth. za, 'em; Amh. ia\ Ta. ne\ 
Arab. li\ Heb. le\ Aram, le, de. The others stand as a separ- 
ate word before their noun, tho some of these, e. g., Mod. 
Arab, de, are certainly proclitic. In Assyrian and Classical 
Arabic the noun has the genitive ending, in the other lan- 
guages the form is the same as the nominative, e. g., 
Eth. H-nfcrt. J za-bVesi 'of the man. 7 

Heb. JjWj 'of the king.' 

Ass. a ameli 'of the man.' 

Arab. JX*JJ li-l-maliki 'of the king. 7 
Mod. Arab. CUXJI \> del-bint 'of the girl.' 
For the various uses of these genitive determinants see the 
discussion of the noun modified by prepositional phrases below 
under Nominal Qualification. 

The accusative is in many languages without special deter- 
mining sign. The signs that have been developed are as 
follows, viz., 

Amh. -1, -n 2 - 
Meh. fa, te* 
Heb. n 
Ph. JVK 

Syr. 

Man. -b 

Bab. Tal. 

* Similarly Egyptian n is varied for gender and case, viz., f. nt, pi. 
m. nu, pi. f. ni\ cf. Erman, op. et loc. cit. 

2 Praetorius considers this a development of a particle indicating di- 
rection, identical with the Ethiopic -J, -%>: cf. Amh. Spr. p. 197; Dill.- 
Bez. Ath. Gr. p. 333 f. 

3 Cf. Jahn, Meh. Gr. p. 70; under just what circumstances it is em- 
ployed does not appear. 






Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 153 

Mod. Syr. 

Bib. Aram. 1 -h 

Mai. 

Ch ' I Pal b TV 
Jew. I 7 ' f 

Sam. rp, -h 

These are regularly employed only with a definite object, 
an indefinite regularly stands without them. They are of 
three sorts, viz.. 

a) Amh. -n, which is enclitic and is written as one word 
with the noun; after a noun ending in a consonant it 
develops an e before the n, or perhaps becomes an n 
vowel; e. g., Jtjfl ; lejen 'filium.' It stands after the de- 
finite article and possessive suffixes, but precedes all 
other enclitics, e. g., 

: lej-u-n 'the son.' 
: set-Uu-n 'the lady.' 
; lej-e-n 'my son.' 

: set-itu~n-8m 'and the lady.' 
h) Aram. le\ this is proclitic and is written as one word 
with its noun. It is of course simply the dative pre- 
position; the dative has encroached here upon the domain 
of the accusative just as it has in Modern Spanish. l 
c) Heb. ntf, Phen. fPK, Aram. JV, Meh. ta, te] these par- 
ticles are all derived from a noun meaning 'essence, sub- 
stance,' 2 and stand, in most cases probably as proclitics, 
before the noun; the Hebrew form n is connected with 
the noun by Maqqeph. e. g., 
Heb. tfQtfn ns ) 

D > 73$n~riN \ 'coelum.' 
Sam. WBW fP I 

In Biblical Hebrew there are a few late passages in which 
JW is used before a nominative, e. g., 

1 Here objects denoting persons or animals are placed after the pre- 
position a 'to,' while those denoting things without life are governed 
directly, e. g., edified la casa 'he built the house;' conozco a este hombre 'I 
know this man.' Of. "W. I. Kiiapp. A. Grammar of the Modern Spanish 
Language, Boston, 1896, p. 374. 

2 For the various forms of this particle and its distribution in the va- 
rious languages, cf. Brock. Comp. Gr. pp. 313315 (106a-e). 

11* 



154 Frank R. Blake, [1912. 



Vn 'BfoK rfeg-te-nKI 'and all of them were brave men (Jud. 

20* 44,' 46)' 

and in Post-Biblical Hebrew, Christian and Jewish Palestinian, 
and Samaritan DK, n s + suffix has become a regular demon- 
strative pronoun which may stand before a noun in any case 
(cf. pp. 148, 175). 

The vocative has a special case determinant in a number of 



In Assyrian the noun without case ending is ordinarily 
employed as vocative, but an afformative particle a appears 
sometimes to be employed as a case determinant 1 , e. g., 
igar 'oh walF. 
Bel-a-ma 'oh Bel'. 

In Ethiopic a few words take the ending 6, e. g., X7R<& : 
egzi-o 'oh God,' flXrt.i* : M'eStt-o 'oh woman,' hT \ 'emm-o 'oh 
mother.' The words for 'mother' and 'father' have the special 
vocative forms "&&* \ 'emmti, AO : 'aba. The most usual voca- 
tive determinant is a prefixed interjection A '6, e. g., A-flXft : 
7 6-6e'm 'oh man. 7 The prefixed 7 6- and suffixed -6 are perhaps 
identical. Sometimes they occur together with the same word 
e. g., frflXfl/f* : 'o-be'esU-d 'oh woman.' 

In Amharic an interjection If J& : is placed after the word, 
e. g., & : 1FJ& : lej hoi 'oh son.' 

In Tigrina a suffix *l, ty, ke, kue is added to the noun, e. g. r 
AfljEL^ty. : sabait-kue 'oh woman, 7 ^i,lh : gdnen-ke 'oh demon. 7 
This element may be ultimately connected with the h ka of 
the second person. 2 

In Tigre the interjection ?F : iaha may be placed after the 
noun, or the interjection 9* uo may stand before it, 3 e. g., 
avfVC : ?5? : mamehher iaha 'oh master.' 
y \ tn>ya : iw-mambd 'oh Lord.' 

In Arabic the words ^\ 'father 7 and ? \ 'mother' have spe- 
cial vocative forms, e. g., cu>l, cuxl 'abati or 'abata] 'ummati 
or ummata; and several classes of words may make a special 
vocative form by a shortening at the end, 4 e. g., <^_jy Taiiba 
from ^->y Taubatu (man's name). Usually the vocative is 
preceded by an interjectional particle. The most common 



1 Cf. Del. Ass. Gr. 101. 

2 Cf. Praet. Tig. Spr. p. 225 

3 Cf. Littm. Te. Prow. pp. 297, 226. 

4 Cf. Wright-DeG. Arab. Gr. II. pp. 8789. 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 155 



of these particles are 1, b, b\; 1^1, (j^\ b: 'a, id, 'aid] 
'aiiuhd, id 'aiiuhd. After all the vocative particles except 
Ua^l, Ug^l b the noun stands without article. In Classical 
Arabic, aside from special vocative forms, the noun is in 
the nominative without nunnation unless it is indefinite 
and not addressed directly by the speaker, or unless it is mo- 
dified by a following genitive, accusative, or prepositional 
phrase; in these cases it stands in the accusative, with nunna- 
tion, except when modified by a definite genitive. When no 
interjection is used these same rules apply. After 1^1, (j^\ b 
the noun stands in the nominative with article, e. g., 
b id 'abati 'oh father.' 

b id rajulu 'oh man.' 

b id rajula n 'oh some man or other.' 

b id saiiida 'l-imliusi 'oh lord of the wild 

beasts.' 

UJU> b id tdli'a n jabala n 'oh thou that art ascend- 
ing a hill.' 

id lmira n min zaidi n 'oh thou that art 
better than Zaid.' 



'aiiuhd 'l-maliku 1 t } , . , 
id\iiuha 'l-maliku J 



In Modern Egyptian Arabic, and probably also in all the 
modern dialects id is the ordinary vocative particle, e. g., 
b m r<%/i 'oh man.' 
b id sidi '(oh) sir.' 
b i 'abuia 'oh my father.' 
The particle m is used also before a vocative in Syriac, 
Mandaic, Modern Syriac, and Malulan. To what extent its 
use is due to Arabic influence is uncertain. 

In Syriac the particles ol, 1; o,oJ, m; ^ol, )1, are also used 
before the noun as vocative determinants, e. g., 
of &&2 Dbj IK 'oh evil world'. 

1 'oh men'. 

In Hebrew and in Western Aramaic the definite state of 
the noun is used as a vocative, e. g., 
Heb. ijten 'oh king.' 

Bib. Aram. N3^D 'oh king.' 
Jew. Pal. KJHK 'oh land.' 
Sam. W&ltf 'oh heavens.' 



156 Frank E. Blalte, [1912. 

In Samaritan in later texts a special inter jectional deter- 
minant H is employed with the definite state, e. g., 

rote n 'oh king.' 

With the exception of the article in Hebrew (tho this is not 
strictly speaking a vocative determinant) and Tigriiia Ice, kue, 
all the vocative determinants are of an interjectional character. 
The other case relations are all represented by prepositions 
properly so-called, 1 and their combination with the noun de- 
pending on them offers little worthy of special remark. 

In the case of certain compound prepositions in Amharic, 
the noun stands between the two parts of the preposi- 
tion,' e. g., 

^ i ka-katamd-it Jit 'before the city.' 
& : la-dangiia Idi 'on a stone.' 
\ OA4* : OJ-^T : uada bdhr-u itesf 'into the sea.' 
Cases in which the preposition has become a postposition 
occur in Ethiopic and Amharic. 3 

Indetermination. 

The indefinite state of a noun is indicated, a) by the ab- 
solute state of a noun, b) by the mimmation or nunnation, c) by 
a special word or indefinite article. The first method is the 
rule in all the languages except Arabic and Mineo-Sabean. 
Mimmation, the addition of a final m, and nunnation, the 
addition of a final w, 4 are used in Mineo-Sabean and Arabic 
respectively to indicate that a noun is indefinite, e. g., 
Arab. ^IU maliku", -i n , -a w , 'king, a king.' 
Min. f-~t? bit-m 'house, a house.' 

The nunnation is used in triptote proper names in Arabic, 
but without indefinite force, e. g., jo^ zaidn n 'Zaid.' 

* For the most important of these prepositions cf. Brock. Comp. Gr. 
pp. 494-499. 

2 In this construction the noun is regarded as a genitive depending" 
on the second part of the preposition, which functions as a noun, the 
genitive sign ? being omitted according to rule, after the element of the 
preposition which stands first: cf. under Nominal Qualification below, 
and Praet. Amh. Spr. pp. 404413. 

3 Cf. Dill.-Bez. Ath. Gr. p. 469; Praet. Amh. Spr. pp. 413415. 

* The -m and -n are originally identical and are derived from the 
indefinite-interrogative particle ma (cf. Brock. Comp. Gr. pp. 472, 
473). This ma is perhaps ultimately identical with emphatic ma (cf. op. 
cit p. 326). 







Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 157 

In Modern Arabic the nunnation has been lost, the bare 
stem indicating the indefinite state, e. g., 

J^ rajnl 'man, a man.' 

In some of the languages the numeral 'one' may be used in 
the sense of an indefinite article. 1 This is common in certain 
dialects of the Aramaic and Abyssinian groups, e. g., 
Bib. Aram, rnn rn$K 'a letter' (Ez. 4, 8). 
Syr. r ^ U*.^ *in K122 ' a man, a certain man.' 

Mod. Syr. JLjul JL* lid 'na$a 'a man, a certain man.' 
Eth. ftdi& : -nXd : 'ahadu bffesi 'a man, a certain man/ 

Ta. ^K, i frfl : hade sab 'a man, a certain man.' 

Amh. K\JtfC : OC.P : audit bdria 'a certain maid.' 
It is found also in Modern Arabic. So in Egypt, Tripoli, 
Tlemsen, and Morocco. The numeral precedes, - usually in the 
masculine form for both genders. In Tripoli, Tlemsen, and 
Morocco the definite article is used with the noun. Generally 
speaking j^J^ iidhid, uahad is used, but in Tlemsen had 
(< J ahad) is also employed, e. g., 

Eg. cAX-o v^J^ itdhid melik 'a king.' 

mi , j uahad er-rajel \ . , 

Tl. J-Ut vXa-U [ n ' , A . / > 'a man.' 
J f uahderrajel \ 

uahad el-mrd j t 

* } 'a woman. 

uahdelmra \ 

With this use of the definite in connection with the inde- 
finite article is to be compared the use of Amharic Kl i with 
article when 'one' out of a number is meant, 3 e. g., 

X\& : flfl* ; 'and-u sail 'a man (one of a number mentioned).' 
In Biblical Hebrew this use of the numeral is rare ; it may 
stand before its noun: e. g., 

DJlh 'a broom-plant' (1 Ki. 19,4). 
|5 in 'a holy one' (Dan. 8,13). 



1 So in Coptic (cf. Steind. Kopt. Gr. p. 75 f), and in general in those 
Indo-European languages which have developed an indefinite article, e. g., 
Eng. a, an, Fr. un, une, etc. 

2 As a cardinal numeral it follows its noun (cf. p. 201). 

3 Cf. Praet. Amh. Spr. p. 302. The same rule holds good of the 
other cardinals and the indefinite flH* : bezu 'much, many,' cf. op. cit. 
pp. 301 303. In Hebrew, Syriac, and Mandaic this same definite cha- 
racter of the numeral 'one' is evidenced by the fact that it may stand 
after the accusative determinants (cf. p. 153) n&*, h: cf. Nold. Man. Gr. 
p. 392, espec. n. 



158 Frank R. Blake, [1912. 

It is more common in the later language; the numeral re- 
gularly follows its noun: e. g., 
in DISIDI^B 'a philosopher.' 

nn rtlto 'a skull.' 

In the Arabic dialect of Tangier in Morocco, the word si 
(<$ai 'thing') is used as well as uahad for the indefinite article; 
it stands before the noun, which is without article, e.g., 
ddr 'a house.' 
81 haja 'a matter.' 
In Mesopotamian Arabic the indefinite article is expressed by 
the adjective fdrid, fard derived from a stem >^ 'to be separ- 
ated (cf. Brock. Cbmp. Gr. p. 473; Weissbach, ZDMG-, 58, p. 
938). 

The Ethiopic demonstrative Tfh- : is sometimes used with the 
force of an indefinite article, 1 e. g., 

"Hfr ! h-Hvh i zeku kuahueh 'a rock, a certain rock 
(Enoch. 88,47 [Laurence]; 89,29 [Martin]).'' 
Some of these indefinite articles, e. g., Mesopotamian fard 
and Tangier ?, may be employed with the plural in the sense 
of 'some 7 (cf. p. 188). 

Simple Qualification. 

Position. 

The regular position of the descriptive adjective in primi- 
tive Semitic was probably after its substantive, 2 as is shown 
by the fact that this is the normal position in nearly all of 
the Semitic languages; e. g., 

Ik Ass. Sarru dannu 'mighty king.' 

Arab. ^-Jia ^XX*o maliku" aztmu" 'mighty king.' 
Min. ? -U* f -jjj\ \dd-m hn'-m 'healthy children.' 
Meh. gajen reheim 'handsome youth.' 

1 Cf. Dill.-Bez. Ath. Gr. p. 295. 

2 In Egyptian the adjective likewise stands after its substantive; cf. 
Erman, Agypt. Gr. p. 119. In Coptic it has the same position but 
is usually connected with its noun in a sort of genitive relation, the noun 
standing in the construct, or the two being connected by the genitive 
sign en; cf. Steind. Kopt. Gr. pp. 82, 83. In Indo-European the origin- 
al position of the descriptive adjective, as of the demonstratives, car- 
dinals, and attributive genitives, seems to have been before the noun: cf. 
Delbr. Verg. Syn. III. pp. 89, 91, 93, 94, 102. In the later development of 
many of the languages, however, postposition is frequent. 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 159 



Heb. 21B 'good king/ 

Ph. DBHp-n Di^K '(the) holy gods.' 
Bib. Aram. nn ^D 'great king.' 
Sam. m DJ^? 'great people.' 

Mai. liamrd kaiies 'good wine.' 

Syr. 1^.4 JAao NStfl KS^O 'good king. 7 

Bab. Tal. mi K13i 'great man.' 
Man. KB^D anna 'righteous man.' 
Mod. Syr. lio^ IJ^a fraM grftm 'large house.' 
Postposition of the adjective is practically without exception 
in Classical Arabic, Mineo-Sabean, Mehri, Hebrew, Phenician, 
and the Western Aramaic dialects, except Malulan. 

In Assyrian, Modern Egyptian Arabic, Christian Palestinian, 
Malulan, and the Eastern Aramaic dialects, adjectives are some- 
times placed before their noun. In Assyrian the adjective in 
this position has a stronger stress; in Egyptian Arabic the 
street-hawkers usually place first, as the most important thing, 
the adjective describing their wares, the interjection id stand- 
ing between the two, or before the combination; in Aramaic, 
preposition is especially common in adjectives of praise and 
blame, which form a sort of title: e. g., 

Ass. $aquti Istar 'exalted Ishtar.' 

Eg. Arab. ^^ b ^^ tabuni id 'e$ 'oh oven-baked bread.' 
*3^l*. i^*5) b ia rwni ~halaite "oh Greek pastry.' 
Syr. J*aj lkja-po ? N^Bi tffip'HD'n 'of the polished soul.' 

'the holy Mary.' 
NJP!2h 'the godless Julian.' 
Man. )DWn WDSH 'the pure sign.' 

KrVNIiy ^''nnsn 'oh great Torah.' 
Mod. Syr. USJ ^a^ gepdii 'liana 'a good tree.' 

UA* tN.A'tmw miskantd lianna 'poor Hannah.' 
Mai. yd qattesta marfmaryd 'oh saint Mary.' 
In Ethiopic and Tigre the position of the adjective has be- 
come almost entirely free, tho in Ethiopic in ordinary discourse 
the original postposition is more common, e. g., 
Eth. ?.><; : medr Sandi 1 {(rood land > 

WVJ& : 9C \ sandi medr J * 
Te. XVft : fl>0 i 'ends saidb 1 <old man> 

?f JP-fl : XVfl : saidb ends } 
In Tigriria, while the position of the adjective is free as in 



160 Frattk E. Blake, [1912. 

Ethiopic and Tigre , preposition is considerably more common 
than postposition, e. g., 

^afr : 7,V : l dbm gadal 'a great abyss.' 
fl*fl : ^TX : sab ~ha$ 'a sinful man.' 

In Amharic preposition has become the rule, tho postposition 
is not infrequent when the noun has other modifiers besides 
the adjective, e. g., 

: tdlaq manaua\ 'a great trembling/ 
: XOM1*? i ia-itain gnend 'eiinatana 'a true 
vine (stalk of wine).' 
Kl& \ fta* i A>4 ' 'and sail leld 'an (one) other man.' 

Concord in Case. 

An adjective regularly agrees with its noun in case, gender, 
number, and determination. 1 

The concord of case is of course confined to those languages 
which have developed special case forms. Leaving aside those 
languages which are preserved only in purely consonantal texts, 
such as Mineo-Sabean, Moabite, etc., in which the existence 
or non-existence of case endings cannot be determined, these 
languages are Assyrian, Arabic, Ethiopic: e. g., 
Assyr. Sarru dannu, Sarri danni, arra danna. 
Arab. p*&* ^U^> maliku" 'afimu n , -i n -i n , -a-a n . 
Eth. yVC-C '. &<? i ,nedr Zandi, 9 i ^ : medra Sanaia 
In Assyrian there are many instances of lack of concord in 
case,2 e. g., 

malki iSaru { a just king (ace.).' 
8add margu 'the inaccessible mountain.' 

In Arabic an adjective modifying a vocative expressed by the 
nominative may stand in either nominative or accusative, e. g. r 

JSUJl jo 5 b id zaidu \ ' l ' i ^ ilu } 'oh Zaid, the intelligent/ 
[ 'l-'aqila } 

Concord in Gender. 

The concord of gender is practically without exception save 
in South Semitic. In many cases, however, a feminine noun 
has masculine forms, and in some cases a masculine noun has 

1 The adjectives in Egyptian have concord of gender and number (cf. 
Erman, Agypt. Gr. p. 119). In Coptic the adjectives are usually invari- 
able (cf. Steind. Kopt. Gr. pp. 82, 84). 

2 Cf. Del. Ass. Gr. 165, 92. Some of these at any rate are probably 
due to the fact that the final vowels were not pronounced; cf. Brock. 
Comp. Gr. p. 114 ( 43 r, S), p. 466 ( 245 k) 



Voi.xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combination*, &c. 161 

feminine forms, so that while there is concord in gender itself, 
there is not concord in the gender forms. In Modern Egyp- 
tian and Tunisian Arabic and in Modern Syriac, the mascu- 
line is the only form of the plural, and is used as a common 
form for both genders, e. g., 

Assyr. naru marratu 'bitter river (Persian Gulf)/ 
Arab. 4-*.Ja* jo iadu n 'azimatu n 'mighty hand.' 
Syr. N^uil U*ot KJ-O'H&j Kfl"HK 'long road/ 
Heb. nVna Tj; 'great city.' 

ring D^n 'forsaken eggs.' 

Mod. Syr. Juju* JXju^ 'aindta Mnne 'hot springs'. 
Eg. Arab. <>~r^ O^*** Sagardt 'dliim 'high trees. 7 
In Arabic, the broken plurals are regularly treated as femi- 
nine, but sometimes when the noun denotes male persons it may 
take a strong masculine plural, e. g., 

^.-ilo *b\ abd'u mdduna 'ancestors of old.' 
In Mehri an adjective agreeing with a masculine plural denot- 
ing things may stand in the feminine singular (cf. below), e. g., 

tahat (sg. taht m.) zalmet 'dark rooms.' 

In Ethiopic the concord of gender, except in the case of 
nouns denoting persons has practically been given up, e. g., 

yvgC \ ><; i or w^jat : mtdr sanai or sandit 'good land'. 
In Tigrina the rule for the concord of gender is about the 
same as in Ethiopic. In Amharic there is no distinction of gender 
in the plural, and in the singular, unless the noun takes the de- 
finite article, the masculine is regularly employed with nouns of 
both genders; in the case of those few adjectives which have a 
special feminine form, this feminine may be used, but it has 
an archaic and biblical flavor 1 ; when a feminine noun is 
determined it takes the special feminine article -liu. e. g., 

Ta. V^P : Rti& \ oriNl^ : 'dmat gebuq or cebeqt 'good year.' 
Amh. h : (l^ i kefu set 'a bad woman.' 

: fiVC : qedest 'agar 'the holy city.' 

i tand$-itti lej-e 'my little daughter.' 

Concord in Number. 

In general noun and adjective agree in number, but there 
are numerous exceptions 2 . 

Cf. Praet. Amh. Spr. p. 161, 126 c. 

2 For a more complete statement of the rules of concord in Arabic cf. 
Reck. St/n- Verb- P- 89 - 



162 Frank E. Blake, [1912 

Nouns with a collective meaning often take a plural adjective 
in Assyrian, Arabic, Ethiopic, and Hebrew, e. g., 

Ass. igQur game muttapriMti 'winged birds (of heaven)'. 
Arab. ^^JUk ^ qaumu" zalimuna 'violent people.' 
Eth. flH-^l : fl-flA : beziihdn saV -many people.' 
Heb. }tfrn Dublin DJjrt 'the people that walk in darkness 7 
(Is. 9. 1). 

In Hebrew the amplificative plural regularly takes a singular 
attribute, e. g., 

pE D^K.'a just God.' 

In Arabic the broken plurals, being originally collectives of 
the feminine gender, regularly take the adjective in the femi- 
nine singular, in Modern Arabic sometimes the strong feminine 
plural: 1 e. g., 

mudunu" kabiratu n 'great cities.' 
=5- jebdl 'aliiiat 'high mountains.' 
Sometimes, however, an adjective agreeing with a broken 
plural takes itself a broken plural form, or, when the noun 
denotes persons, stands in the strong plural, e. g., 
rijdlu" 7tibaru n 'great men.' 

dbdht maduna 'ancestors of old.' 
In Modern Egyptian Arabic when a broken plural or a 
strong feminine plural denotes persons, an adjective agreeing 
with them is put in the masculine plural in m, e. g., 
Sagarat dliim 'high trees.' 
*JJ1 en-nisudn el-ma'ziimm 'the invited 
ladies'. 

In Mehri the plural of 'nouns indicating objects may take its 
adjective in the plural with concord of gender, but, except in 
case of masculine plurals in -w, and feminine plurals in -t and 
-ten, the adjective may also stand in the feminine singular, e. g., 
tdhdt (sg. talit) zalmet (f. sg.) 'dark rooms.' 
hajuuel (sg. jol) liaurot (f. sg.) 'black clouds.' 
In Ethiopic the concord of number has to a large extent 
been given up, except in the case of nouns denoting persons; 
even here instances occur of a singular adjective agreeing with 
a plural noun: e. g., 

: fltM : Mje'dn lezuh 'many sinners. 7 



Cf. Perc. Gr. Arab. Vul p. 142. 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 163 

Plurals of nouns which do not denote persons (including 
broken plurals) may be treated either as singular or plural, as 
masculine or feminine, though a singular adjective agreeing 
with a plural noun has usually masculine form; e. g., 
: OflJ^V : qalat 'abiidt 'loud voices.' 

: OfLfJ : ta'dmrdt 'abudn 'great signs.' 
: *fltM : mdtdt beziih 'many waters. 7 
: flH'21 : 'ahzdb bczulmn 'many people.' 
: 'aitger naudMt 'long walls.' 
: 'albas Sandit 'good clothes: 
fllM : fi/hH-fl : fc&ffife 'ahzdb 'many people.' 
Broken plurals of adjectives, as in Arabic, are most usually, 
though not always, found in connection with broken plurals 
of nouns, e. g., 

t^yC : OQ.et : ta'dmer l abait 'great signs.' 
but also, 

flCrct : Oflj&t : UrTiandt 'abait 'great lights'. 
In Amharic an adjective modifying a plural noun may stand 
either in the singular or plural, though the plural is more 
common, e. g., 

*. (UPf i talaq sauoc 'great men.' 
^T : Midldn saiwc 'strong, men.' 
: fli-f \ semdglU setoc 'old women.' 
: /irhH*fl : lertoc 'alizab 'strong nations.' 

: fanlcardc 'dmedoc 'firm pillars.' 
In Tigrina such an adjective stands regularly in the plural, 
though the singular is also sometimes found, e. g., 
i bezuhdt 'amsdl 'many parables.' 
: qafantt (pi.) keddunti 'fine clothing.' 
: gd'dd (sg.) k&daunti 'white clothing.' 
An adjective modifying a noun which is at the same time 
modified by a cardinal (above 'one') regularly stands in the 
plural, even when the noun is singular, in Ethiopic and Mod- 
ern Egyptian Arabic.! In Classical Arabic, with any numeral 
between 11 and 99, the adjective may agree either grammatic- 
ally with the noun or logically with the cardinal, e. g., 

Eth. fl-dOt : u"gt ; #rtL<rj : mOttol : safratu samt qafindn 

ua-'ebnrdn 'seven ears thin and blasted.' 
Eg. Arab, o-^t^ c^U^ ^A **?j\ arbalitaSer Ititab faiiibm 
'fourteen good books.' 



164 Frank E. Blake, [1912. 

\ ntigiriiiata' 1 



01. Arab. b^U I t . . t^ Y f, nn ^nnvnn I ndciriiia n 

.."' . > M^y i*^*- 1 *** if>runa ainara n { 



'twenty dinars of el-Melek, en-Nagir.' 

A dual, if we except certain isolated forms in Ethiopic and 
Aramaic, is found only in Arabic, Classical and Modern, Mineo- 
Sabean 2 , Mehri 3 , and Hebrew. In Classical Arabic an adjec- 
tive modifying a dual stands also in the dual form; in Hebrew 
and in Modern Arabic the adjective, having no dual, is put in 
the plural: e. g., 

01. Arab. ^U-Lo ^^ rajuldni gdlihani 'two good men.' 
Eg. Arab. ^^Ji^Jl ^^LJ\ el-baben el-barrdniim 'the two 
outer doors.' 

^UJ1 Cf ^z^J\ el-beten el-Jmbdr 'the two large 
houses. 7 
Heb. niDl D^JJ 'haughty eyes. 7 



Determination. 

In those languages that have developed a definite or in- 
definite form of the noun, the modifying adjective has in general 
the same form as the noun; so regularly in Arabic, Hebrew, 
and Western Aramaic except Malulan*: e. g., 
Arab. f .Ja* ^^> maliku n l anmu n 'mighty king.' 

f ^kJ\ L*XXJi al-maliku al-'azwiu 'the mighty king.' 
Heb. niB ijVlJ, man ^an 'good king', 'the good king. 7 
Bib. Aram. 1*1 ^D, K^l 3^ 'great king', 'the great king.' 
Sam. m DJ?X H3"l rcsyb 'great people', 'the great people.' 
In Eastern Aramaic and Malulan, tho the ending a has lost 
its definite force, noun arid adjective with few exceptions agree 
in state; in Modern Syriac and Malulan the absolute state is 

1 The feminine ^o -*oL> agrees according to rule with broken plural 
(J> danamru implied in ^^^XP (cf. p. 162). 

2 Hommel does not definitely state whether the adjective in Mineo- 
Sabean has a dual form or not; cf. Sud.-arab. Chr. pp. 42 f, 47: the dual 
of the noun occurs sometimes in connection with 'two' (cf. following foot- 
note and p. 202 f.). 

3 The Mehri dual is found only in connection with the numeral 'two' 
(cf. p. 203). 

4 In Greek the article is. used with both noun and adjective when the 
adjective follows the noun, e. g., 6 avrjp 6 ao(f>6s 'the wise man', tho the 
construction with one article before the combination of adjective + noun, 
viz., 6 <ro06s fa-rip is the rule (cf. W. W. Goodwin, A Greek Grammar, 
Boston, 1893, p. 208, 959). 



I 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 165 

comparatively rare, and all distinction between the states has 
been lost: e.g., 

Syr. *-^ j^, *vnj>_ 15? 1 < rich man the r ich man.' 
j^j^ i;.*^ K7>nj; N-oa J 

Bab. Tal. D1 *UH 'a high roof.' 
mi &na:i 'a great man.' 
Man. BIBO "n:i, NtfBO 133 'a righteous man, the 

righteous man.' 

Mod. Syr. J^i Ui* &ppa raba 'great stone.' 
Mai. &wi# Mmyd 'brillaiit sun.' 
Instances occur, however, in which there is lack of concord 
in state, e. g., 

Syr. im* ^jcxm JKVI ^Xo,\. fcn^itf pino Kr6n )^nb 

'these three true witnesses.' 

^lAioA tl;oL *u** ]y3# n^n yitf 'the seven fat cows,' 
Bab. Tal. HSU W& 'a small man.' 
Man. U^n t^iV 'an evil man/ 

Mod. Syr. jjul jo n^ 7 w^a 'honest people. 7 
Mai. hamrd kaiies 'good wine.' 

In Phenician the article may stand with both, or only with 
the attribute, e. g., 

^ holy gods.' 



J 

In some languages the article is used only once with the 
combination of noun and adjective 1 . 

This is found as an exceptional usage in Hebrew both Biblical 
and Post Biblical, tho more frequent in the latter; in Biblical 
Hebrew cases occur in which the adjective (in most cases a 
participle) alone takes the articles; in Post-Biblical Hebrew 
instances occur in which the article stands only with the ad- 
jective or only with the noun: e. g., 

Bib. [pVjjn *IJ>$ 'the higher gate' (Ezek. 9,2). 
I lin 'the sword that oppresses.' 



1 In Coptic the article stands only with the noun, e. g., p-rome n-sabe 
Hhe wise man' (cf. Steind. Kopt. Gr. p. 84). In Indo-European, the 
article generally stands first before adjective and noun. In Old Bulgarian 
and Lithuanian the article stands after the adjective, e. g., Old Bui. 
dobro-to vino 'the good wine', Lith. geras-is emogus 'the good man'; cf. 
above p. 148, n. 2. In Greek the article may stand with the adjective only, 
when this follows the noun, e. g., avrjp 6 o-o06s 'the wise man', cf. Goodwin, 
Greek Gram. p. 208, 959. 

2 Cf. Ges. Heb. Gr. pp. 428, 429 ( 126 w, x). 



166 Frank E. Blake, [1912. 



Mish. flnan JIDJS 'the great synagogue.' 

"D pTn 'the raw herbs.' 

In Arabic, both Classical and Modern, an adjective modifying 

a definite vocative without article takes the article itself, e. g., 

Cl. ^>j& <5~>U b id fdsiqu 'r-riddiiiu 'oh thou unrighteous 

man, the apostate.' 

Eg. L-a^Jl C-^.-? b id Unt el-beda 'oh white maiden.' 
In Egyptian Arabic, however, the article may be omitted, 
and the vocative particle id used before the adjective in its 
stead, e. g., 

l-o.^ b cUxb b id Unt id beda 'oh white maiden.' 
In Egyptian Arabic a definite noun at the beginning of a 
sentence modified by an adjective, stands without article, 1 e. g. t 

^.=^1 J-*A- gebel el-ahmar 'the red mountain,' 
but, 

j*r^.y\ J-*4-t 2/ neruh el-gebel el-alimar 'we went to the red 
mountain.' 

In the dialect of Tunis the article may be used only once 
before the combination of noun and adjective, 2 tho this 
construction is rare, e. g., 

^="' J**.\j)\ er-razel my$hah 'the avaricious man.' 
In Tigre, this last construction is the regular one; e. g., 
i Iff U : la-'enas Mob ] < the old man , 
: Mil i la-sawb 'ends } 
In Amharic the defining suffix is regularly used only with 
the adjective, 3 e. g., 

: o>TH : tdldq-u uanz 'the great river.' 

: Jit* 7 ? i tdldq-itu katamd 'the great city.' 
When noun and adjective are both indeterminate the accusative 
-1 may be omitted; it is, however, usually employed, in case the 
combination is singular, standing ordinarily with the noun, in 
case it is plural, standing ordinarily with the adjective: if one 
or the other is specially determined, the adjective by the ar- 

1 The example given by Caussin de Perceval (Gr. Arab. VuL p. 84). 
j^XJl <~*y* 'the large vehicle' probably comes under this head. According 
to the same anthority an adjective without article may stand before a 
noun with suffix cf. op. cit. p. 139. 

2 This is the usual construction in Indo-European, cf. p. 165, n. 1. 

3 Of. the use of the article in Old Bulgarian and Lithuanian (cf. p. 165, 
n. 1); in these languages, however, the use of the article is confined 
to the adjectiv?. 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax oj the Combinations, &c. 167 

tide, the noun by virtue of being a proper noun, or by a suf- 
fix, this element takes the 1: if both are specially determined, 
both take 1. These rules apply generally speaking to the com- 
bination of the noun with pronominal and numeral adjectives 
as well. e. g., 

flCF : oDfciP^-} ; form maqsaft-en 'a severe plague'. 
i 'adis qene-n 'a new song/ 

: 'engedoc-en 'amalekt 'strange gods.' 
au 'amlak-en 'the living God.' 
i setoc lejoc-es-tn 'thy female children.' 
\ 'adis-u-n daj 'the new wine.' 
: ftt ; talaq-u-n let 'the great house.' 
; &>flftpl : rajm-u-n lebs-iid-n 'her long dress. 7 
n* 7 ?! : 'adis-u-n sem-e-n 'my new name.' 
In Hebrew and less frequently in Syriac, an adjective modi- 
fying a proper name is sometimes without article. This is a 
relic of the primitive period of Semitic when there was no 
article.* e. g., 

Heb. rni )1TS 'Great Sidon.' 

nan D 'The Great Deep. 7 
Vty |t*I H'n 'Upper Bethhoron/ 

Jl'ftj ^ 'The Highest God.' 
Syr. y*^ ^ptl Dips p^n 'First Tishri.' 

1i3 'Second Kanon.' 



Double Qualification. 

When the noun is modified by two adjectives, 2 the adjec- 
tives are joined by the conjunction 'and' in Hebrew, Biblical 
Aramaic, Syriac, and Ethiopia In Amharic the conjunction 
seems to be used when the two adjectives stand in juxtaposition, 
otherwise not. In Hebrew, if the noun is feminine, only the 
first adjective agrees with it, the other being masculine; in 
Ethiopic and Amharic, the two adjectives are often separated 
by the noun they modify or some other word; in Amharic, when 
the noun is determinate, the sign of determination may stand 
with both adjectives or only with the first, e. g., 

1 Of. Brock. Comp. Gr. p. 469 ( 246 d /8); Ges. Heb. Gr. p. 429 ( 126 y); 
Noldeke, Beitr. zur Semit. Sprachivissenschaft, Strassburg, 1904, p. 48, n. 2. 

2 Sanskrit, like Arabic, employs no conjunction in this case; in Greek 
and Latin, cases both with and without conjunction occur; cf. Delbr.Verg. 
Syn. III. pp. 215, 216. 

VOL. XXXII. Part II. 12 



168 Frank R. Blake, [1912. 



Heb. ^"ttrn Sltsn ^n 'the great, good God.' 

ptm nVlii nn 'a great strong wind.' 

Bib. Aram. NR^aC* Nfl"n E ^OIIP ' tne rebellious evil city.' 
Syr. >*AU aa-,j *a.^ D^POl P*^ ^5? ' a gd> upright man. 7 
Eth. Oa? : ^4*? : (DhM i 'abua seqdia ua-ekuia (ace.) 'great 
evil plague.' 

nXfl. : %% : o^XI 1 : <D$*&9" \ b$esi gadeq u&etu iia- 
fegum 'he is a righteous and perfect man.' 
Amh. nCW'Fy : Xlftt : A1QO : bertui-ttti-m 'enest 'mibasa 
'and the strong female lion.' 

M-JB1J ; I'l^^'Py 1 ' : At : kura-itu qald^di-itu-m set 
'the proud and delicate woman.' 

In Arabic and Tigrina no conjunction is used; in Tigrifia the 
noun often stands between the two adjectives as in Ethiopic 
and Amharic: e. g., 

Arab. ^-.=^\ j^\ ^*yU\ al-kaukabu an-naiiiru al- 
'ahmaru 'the bright red star.' 
<^.yt cr^-y^ ^^ r*^ ^-swi 'allahi 'r-rahmani 
'r-raMmi 'in the name of God, the compassi- 
onate, the merciful.' 

Ta. hf X : dCf i 0*ij& s keftf bdrid liakai 'wicked, slothful 
servant.' 

(1H"* i 7-n<5 : frfl-fr ; bezuhgebri gebuq 'much good work. 7 
In Assyrian, at least in elevated style, the noun is repeated 
with each adjective, e. g., 

$arru rabu, Sarru dannu 'great, mighty king.' 

Construct Chain. 

Sometimes a noun and its adjective are joined together in a 
construct chain. 

In Arabic and Hebrew the adjective may govern the noun, e. g., 

Arab. ^LLi J-Z+A. jamilu fi'lika 'thy handsome behavior.' 

Heb. D^ng ^^n 'smooth stones' (1 Sam. 17,40). 

In all the principal languages except Aramaic, viz., Assyrian, 

Arabic, Ethiopic, and Hebrew, the noun may govern the adjective 1 ; 

in Hebrew the adjective always stands in the masculine: e.g., 



1 With this is to be compared the Coptic construction of noun in con- 
struct + adjective. The more usual construction with n is perhaps a 
development of this, inasmuch as n is also the sign of the genitive. Of. 
Steind. Kopt. Gr. pp. 82, 83. 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 169 

Ass. a$ar ruqi 'distant place.' 

arrat limutti m 'the evil curse.' 

Arab. ^yjJLJ\ cxo baitu'l-muqaddasi 'the holy house, temple.' 
Eth. 0? : TO-y : mala $um 'sweet water.' 
Heb. jn n#K 'an evil woman.' 

To be compared with this last case is the Amharic construc- 
tion according to which certain adjectives are connected with 
the noun they modify by the genitive sign, 1 e. g., 

WKl : ^-fl^-^fc : ia-lMl-n 'ebedmelek (ace.) 'the Cushite 
Ebedmelek.' 

&a* i ddrios-em ia-medi-ii 'and Darius the Mede.' 
: (I&* : ia-fUand-u sail 'the first man.' 

: oil 17 ? \ ia-manfasdint $alama 'the spiritual dark- 



Demonstrative 2 Qualification. 

Position. 

In Assyrian, Hebrew, Moabite, Phenician, Lihyanic, and Mehri, 
the demonstrative adjective stands regularly after the noun, e. g., 
Ass. arru annu 'this king.' 
Heb. ntn tS^Kn 'this man.' 
Mo. nt nonn 'this high place.' 
Ph. t p 'this stone.' 
Lih. Hi n^n 'this house.' 
Meh. gaij dom 'this man.' 

In Post-Biblical Hebrew, however, the demonstratively used 
fiK + suffix precedes the noun, e. g., 

Dl s n iniK 'that day.' 

In the various Aramaic dialects its position varies. In the 
inscription of Zinjirli and in Samaritan it is postpositive, e. g., 
Zinj. Hit NTTO 'this house.' 
Sam. Tin KjnN 'this land.' 



1 For the adjectives that take this construction cf. Praet. Amh. Spr. 
pp. 317-320, 249. 

2 For the forms of the demonstratives, cf. Brock. Comp. Gr. pp. 316- 
323, and the various Semitic grammars under the head of demonstratives. 
The personal pronoun of the third person is used for the more remote de- 
monstrative adjective in Ethiopic, Hebrew, and Phenician; in Mineo-Sabean 
the singular of this pronoun is apparently used for the nearer demon- 
strative: cf. Dill.-Bez, Ath. Gr. p. 299; Praet. Ath. Gr. p. 23; Ges. Heb. 
Gr. pp. 112, 115, 463; Schrod. Phon. Spr. p. 144; Homm. Sud.-arab. Chr. 
p. 11. 

12* 



170 Frank R. Blake, [1912. 

In Biblical Aramaic it regularly follows, though in some 
passages, it also precedes, e. g., 



HJ^n nyi 'this building' (Ez. 5, 4.). 

In Syriac, Christian and Jewish Palestinian, and the dialect 
of the Babylonian Talmud, it may be indifferently either pre- 
positive or postpositive, e. g., 
Syr. J^OD JLJO, 



Jew. Pal. fcnmy pn 'this occurrence.' 

pn Kfcty 'this world/ 
Bab. Tal. Kirn pn 'this house.' 

pn Ky 'this people.' 

In Mandaic the rule is about the same as in Syriac, though 
preposition is more common; in Malulan usually, in Modern 
Syriac, always in the spoken language, and usually in the 
written, the demonstrative precedes its noun; postposition in the 
modern dialects is due to the influence of the Classical Syriac : e. g., 
Man. fcO^ND inn 'that king.' 

inn N^K 'that world/ 
Mai. hod himta 'this woman.' 

hun-ah hannd 'thy brother this.' 
Mod. Syr. U^, oo,\, le-lio gebd 'on that side.' 
In all the South Semitic languages, except Lihyanic and 
Mehri, the demonstrative is regularly prepositive, e. g., 
Arab. J^y\ ^A hdftd 'r-rujulu 'this man.' 
Min. >-p<"> ^> %n sfr-n 'this inscription.' 
Eth. TOi^ : flXrt. ; zentu beesi 'this man.' 
Amh. JFF : (I*? \ idc set 'that woman.' 
Ta. Mtt-toi'et-kokliob 'that star.' 
Te. M i fly& : 'ella bahdl 'this commandment. 7 
In Amharic preposition is apparently without exception. In 
Tigre it is without exception as far as the most common demon- 
strative XA. : is concerned, but the less frequent M : 'that' 
stands after the noun', e. g., 

: A^jB : la-'ends lahdi 'that man.' 
: M \ la-galdt lahd 'that prayer.' 
In Arabic and Ethiopic the demonstrative may follow the 
noun in the sense of an apposition or a locative adverb. In 

* This is true at least of the texts examined by Littmann, cf. Te. Prqn. 
pp. 297-299. 



Vol. xxxii.j Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 171 

Arabic a demonstrative modifying a proper noun has always 
this position. Postposition of a demonstrative sometimes also 
occurs in Mineo-Sabean, perhaps with a similar meaning, e. g., 
Arab. IJ^A J^-H ar-rajulu hdftd 'the man here'. 

IJ^A joj za(du n hdftd 'this Zaid.' 
Eth. mt. \ WO-hPl i Ht : Niagara 'liabuseitdn zati 'the 

city of the Jebusites here.' 
Min. a > -^sS> mh/d-n %n 'this (?)' 
I n Modern Arabic, preposition of the demonstrative is regular 
except in the case of the monosyllabic forms without -A lia, 
which regularly follow the noun; the demonstrative \S*> hd^d 
may follow a noun already modified by preceding Jj hal: e. g., 
^b cx^-Jl el-let dak 'that house.' 

el-mectine di 'this city.' 
Jj*> hal kitdb hdftd 'this book here.' 
In the dialect of the Egyptian Fellahin and in some provincial 
cities the monosyllabic demonstratives regularly precede the noun 
with article, except dol, which always follows, e. g., 
> ddl-iialad 'this boy.' 



en-nds dol 'these people.' 
In the standard dialect this construction is preserved in the 
expression, 

cusyll ^> di'l-uaqt 'this time, now.' 

In the dialect of Tlemsen all the demonstratives, including 
the short forms, seem regularly to precede the noun, e. g., 
b der-rajel 'this man.' 
jJb ddker-rdjel 'that man.' 
\J^A hdder-rdjel 'this man.' 

In Tigrina the longer demonstratives may stand after a noun 
already modified by a preceding short demonstrative, e. g., 
a> : 'ez-nagar-eziu 1 , this speech ; 
Xa<^ ; 'ez-nagar 'ezm \ 
It is difficult to say what was the position of the demon- 
strative in primitive Semitic 1 . It seems most likely that both 
positions were allowable originally, and that after the separation 
of North and South Semitic, the former for the most part adopt- 

i In Egyptian the older demonstratives follow, the later ones precede, 
as the demonstratives do in Coptic; cf. Erman, Agypt. Gr. pp. 86-92; 
Steind. Kopt. Gr. p. 45 f. For the position of the demonstratives in Indo- 
European cf. p. 158, n. 2. 



172 Frank E. Blake, [1912. 

ed postposition, while preposition, in the main, prevailed in the 
latter. If this is true, the older Aramaic dialects represent 
most closely the status of the primitive language. When the 
demonstrative follows in Arabic and Ethiopic, it has a special 
meaning. In some of the modern dialects the law of the more 
ancient languages of the same' group is reversed. The modern 
Aramaic dialects prefer preposition, while in Modern Arabic 
postposition of certain demonstratives is the regular rule. 
Modern Arabic and Tigrina have developed an emphatic demon- 
strative construction in which a noun may be modified by two 
demonstratives, one before and one after. 1 

Concord. 

A demonstrative adjective regularly agrees with its noun in 
case, number, and gender. 

Concord of case is confined to those languages which have 
case forms of the demonstratives, viz., Assyrian, Arabic, and 
Ethiopic, e. g., 

Ass. Sarru annu 'this king. 7 

sarri anni 'of this king. 7 
Arab. ^^Lr^Jl o^ A nd^dni J r-rajulani 'these two men/ 

rJ^.y\ cr?A A hdftaini 'r-rajidaini (gen. and ace.) 
Eth. "Hi* : 7-flC : tentu gebr 'this thing. 7 

Hit : 7-fl : zanta, gebra (ace.) 

The concords of gender and number are practically without 
exception in all the languages except Arabic, Ethiopic, and 
Tigrina, e. g., 

Ass. Sarrani anmdi 'these kings. 7 
sarrati anndti 'these queens. 7 
Heb. ntftil riBteg 'this woman. 7 

nVH D'tfJKfi 'these men. 7 
Bib. Aram. Tp w Kjvnj? 'that city. 7 

tj^K N 8 T "na 'those men. 7 
Syr. ^d JW* \br\ Xjhfc 'these kings; 
Min. ^-j*^ ^l 'In J bd'-n 'these regions. 7 
Meh. qanett dime 'this little girl. 7 

Miut liek 'those houses. 7 

In Arabic the plural of a demonstrative may stand with a 
strong masculine plural, or a strong feminine plural, a collec- 



1 A similar construction is common in Tagalog, the most important of 
the languages of the Philippine Islands, viz., ito-ng tawo-ng ito 'this man, 5 






Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 173 

tive, or a broken plural that denotes persons; a strong feminine 
plural and a broken plural that denote things, regularly take 
the demonstrative in the feminine singular: e. g., 

slyb lia'ula'i 'l-qa$$dbuna 'these butchers.' 
'r-rijdlu 'these men/ 
'n-ndsu 'these people. 7 
'l-banatu 'these girls.' 
hdftihi 'l-mudunu 'these cities.' 
55 'l-falaudtu 'these deserts.' 
In Modern Arabic the demonstrative is sometimes construed 
according to the sense; for example in Egyptian Arabic, 

Jy ^UJl en-nds dol 'these people.' 
^> CjU*.^ el-lidgdt dl 'these matters.' 
In Ethiopic the demonstrative follows the same rules of 
agreement as the descriptive adjective, e. g., 

a) with nouns denoting persons, 

"HW : (lArt. : zmiu be'esi 'this man.' 
Ht : rtXrt.t : za.il be'estt 'this woman.' 

b) with nouns denoting things, 

: zent&ferhat 'this fear.' 
: uSeiu qdldt 'these voices.' 

: ba-ii&etft maiid'el 'in those days.' 
; 07^ : 'emuntti mdidt 'those waters.' 

rd'eia* 'these' visions.' 
Tigrina seems to follow in general the same rules of concord 
as Ethiopic. 1 

Determination. 

In parent Semitic, in all probability, a noun modified by a 
demonstrative adjective was determinate by that very fact, and 
needed no definite article. Assyrian, Ethiopic, and Tigrina, 
which have not developed any definite article, represent this 
status, e. g., 

Ass. $arru annu 'this king.' 

dldni hinuti 'those cities.' 
Eth. Hit ; .flArt. i zeutu M'M 'this man.' 
Ta. XHXD- : M : 'eziu sab 'this man.' 
In those languages which possess a definite article, the 
combination of noun and demonstrative usually takes this ar- 
ticle as an additional indication of definiteness. 2 

1 Of. Schreib. Man. Tig. p. 28. 

2 In Egyptian and Coptic the demonstrative excludes the article (cf. 



174 Frank R. Blake, [1912. 

In Pheuician the combination may stand without article as 
above, or the article may be used with the noun, e. g., 

t p 'this stone.' 
t *\ym 'this gate.' 

In Amharic the combination may stand without further 
determination, or either the noun or the demonstrative may 
take the definite article, e. g., 

U : JiTihC : ieh 'aSkar 'this boy.' 
; (D&>tt i id iiara$-u 'that inheritance.' 
AtUh : ft ; ba zili-u faras 'on this horse.' 
The accusative -1 seems to be used either with the demon- 
strative alone or with both demonstrative and noun, e. g., 

-nlt?^ : 'elekh-en beldtenoc 'these boys. 7 
: }7C : iekh-en nagar 'this thing.' 
; rCWftl i iekh-en iordanos-en 'this Jordan.' 
In Tigre the noun modified by the nearer demonstrative 
fcA. : stands without article, but with the more remote demon- 
strative Ay ; the noun takes the article, 4 e. g., 
AA. ; 4.0 i 'ellifara 'this people.' 
AfcflHT : A7 i la-Qalot lahd 'that prayer.' 

In Arabic, Mineo-Sabean, Moabite, and Western Aramaic 
the noun stands regularly in the definite stale, e. g., 
Arab. J^j-N ^ haftd J r-rajulu i 
Mod. Arab. J^> J* hal rajul > 'this man.' 

b J^.y\ ar-rajul da 

Min. c>V^ ^ n s t r ~ n ^ n ^ s inscription.' 
Mo. Ht nonn 'this high place.' 

Bib. Aram. HiT ate, 'this king.' 
Jew. Pal. K*niy )HH 'this occurrence.' 

In Eastern Aramaic and Malulan, altho the sign of de- 
termination has lost its definite force, the emphatic state, as 
the most common form, in Modern Syriac and Malulan as 
practically the only form, of the noun, is regularly employed 
in connection with a demonstrative, e. g., 
Syr. I^SJD Jbo, 3b Kjrt 'this king.' 



Erman, Agypt. Gr. p. 110 f.; Steind. Eopt. Gr. pp. 45,46); so usually 
in Indo-European except in Greek, where the article stands before the 
noun whatever the position of the demonstrative may be, e. g., o5ros 6 
drfp or 6 &vyp o5ros 'this man' (cf. Goodwin, Greek Gr. p. 211, 974). 

1 This is true at least of the texts examined by Littmann, cf. Te. Pron. 
pp. 297-299. 



Vol. xxxii]. Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 175 

Sometimes, however, in Syriac and Babylonian Talmudic 
especially, when the noun is also modified by a numeral, it 
may stand in the absolute state, e. g., 

Syr. v^f. J-^'t *A* rflT KJSnK ]^0 ' tnese four months. 7 
Bab. Tal. \VN m&y J^ni 'in these ten days.' 

BWK ^n 'this man.' 

The construction of the demonstrative without article with 
the definite noun, is found in a few cases in Biblical Hebrew 
chiefly with Kin and KYI, 1 e. g., 

fcttn n^S 'on that night.' 
KYI nifihjpn 'that sacred prostitute.' 

N Wri 'this generation.' 

The regular construction, however, has the article with both 
noun and demonstrative, the demonstrative having been attracted 
to the construction of the descriptive adjective, e. g., 

njn tf"n 'this man.' 

In Post-Biblical Hebrew when a noun is modified by the 
nearer demonstrative nt, the article is omitted with both; in- 
stead of the more remote demonstrative in, the accusative 
sign nK is used with the proper suffix before the noun with 
article: e. g., 

Ht pT 'this plant.' 
D1*n iniK 'that day.' 

This construction of nt is perhaps a survival of the primi- 
tive demonstrative usage as we have it in Assyrian, the Abys- 
sinian languages, and Phenician, preserved by popular speech, 
just as the regular Mishnic relative $, which is practically 
unknown in Classical Hebrew, is to be regarded as a survival 
of the & which appears in the Hebrew of the Song of Deborah. 
In Samaritan the noun stands in the emphatic state, and 
the demonstrative has in addition a prefixed demonstrative 
n,2 e. g, 

Jin KDV 'this day.' 
NJTIK 'this land.' 
'these words.' 



Cf. Ges. Heb. Gr. pp. 428, 429 ( 126 y). 

2 This n is not the Hebrew article tho it is ultimately identical with it 
(cf. Brock. Comp. Gr. p. 316, 107a). It is a demonstrative particle 
identical with the n of Jewish Palestinian pn, Kin and the ha, of Ara- 
bic lv>A AaSa, which was employed in this and other cases in imitation 
of the Hebrew article. Cf. Uhlem. Inst. Sam. p. 116 f. 



176 Frank R. Blake, [1912. 

Demonstrative and Adjective. 

When a demonstrative modifies a combination of noun and 
adjective it regularly stands outside of the combination, 1 either 
before it or after it according to the rules of the various lan- 
guages, e. g., 

Ass. 8arru rabu annu 

Arab. *-J*J\ ^iXXJl 1 J.A hd%d 'l-maliku 'l-'a&mu _ 

'this great 



Eth. "HVF : W" : Oaj& i zentu negu$ 'abn 

Heb. njn ^nan ^sn king.' 

Syr. u" 

In Amharic in this case only the adjective takes the deter- 
minate article, tho even this may dispense with it. The ac- 
cusative -"I may stand with both demonstrative and ad- 
jective, e. g., 

jB.1i : ;M4? ; I^jBATi : iekh tdlaq-u Jidil-ehh 'this great power 
of thine.' 

: J7C: 'enazih sost-u nagar 'these three things.' 
Ifl : idc-en zenguer-itu-n qamis (ace.) 
'that variegated garment.' 

s iekhec deJid ballet 'this poor widow.' 



Interrogative Qualification. 

Adjectival. 

A noun may be modified by the interrogative ideas ex- 
pressed by 'which?' 'what?' 'whose?' 'how much?' 'how many?' 
'Which?' is expressed -in most of the Semitic languages by 
the particle ^ ai or some of its derivatives, viz., 
Ass. sg. du, pi. duti 
Arab. masc. ^\ 'aiiu n , fern. AJ\ 'aiiatu* 
Eg. Arab. 2 ^gJl 'erihu ^-^^ 'enhi. pi. p4**\ 'erihum 

and ^\ 'aii, 'aii* 
Tun. Arab. sg. and pi. 'ena 
Tl. Arab. Cf ^>\ d$men 
Eth. sg. * i 'ai, pi. Jtft : 'aidt 



In cases like Heb. ^nan mn *\Q9 (2 Ch. 1, 10) the adjective modi- 
fies not simply the noun but the combination of noun and demonstrative 
'this people of thine, the great people.' Cf. Ges. Heb. Gr. p. 427, n. 1. 

2 In Palestinian Arabic the forms are in general the same as in Egyp- 
tian, but with numerous variations, cf. Bauer, Pal. Arab. p. 73. 



Vol. xxxii]. Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, <&c: 111 
Ta. sg. and pi. W : 'aiw, *O i 'aian, XH : 'eiaw, 



Te. masc. fi : 'a, fern. JSJP : 'am 
Heb. masc. and fern. npK 
Syr. masc. UJ KJNK, fern. M TN, pi. 
Bab. Tal. p% Tl 

Jew. Pal. masc. p"H, fern. KTTI, pi. 1^ V H 
Ch. Pal. masc. p\"7, fern. KTH 
Mod. Syr. sg. and pi. **.*l 'aiw$ 

In Classical Arabic the feminine is little used, the mascu- 
line being the regular form before all nouns singular and plu- 
ral. In Ethiopic the forms given are used only of things. 
The interrogative word regularly stands before its noun, and 
is treated as an adjective, except in Classical Arabic, and in 
the case of Egyptian Arabic ^, where it takes the modified noun 
in the genitive. Egyptian Arabic enlu, enhi may follow their 
noun. The concords of gender and number are as indicated; 
Ethiopic has also concord of case. In those languages which 
distinguish definite and indefinite states, the noun is indefi- 
nite: in Christian Palestinian apparently either the emphatic 
or the absolute state may be used; in Eastern Aramaic the 
emphatic state as the most common form of the noun is re- 
gularly employed, tho occasionally the absolute state is found 
in Syriac. e. g., 

Ass. du ilu 'which god?' 
Eth. fi \ ft^t : 'ai sa'dt 'which hour?' 
A? : rt^t : 'aw. sadta (ace.)? 
Jtft ; tXHH^ ; aidt tVzazat 'which commands?' 
Ta. OPT i ZH> ; laidn gize 'at what time?' 
Te. fc : flUAt : 'aft MJdat 'which saying?' 

& : flFV : 'aia bahdl 'which commandment?' 
Syr. K^ao JUJ 2^D Nr t 'which king?' 

n^n"l KTK 'which religion?' 
fcOBD )^"; 'which scribes? 7 
JL^I p*wr\ : s t 'which torment?' 
Mod. Syr. U*o; *l 'aiw ruha 'which spirit ? ? 
Chr. Pal. "nps )n s n 'which commandment?' 
KTni 'in which watch?' 
pM (emph. state) 'which deed? 7 
Heb. , ijin nt'^ 'which way? 
Cl. Arab, s^^o ^\ 'aim 8ai j i n 'which thing?' 




178 Frank E. Blake, [1912. 

'aiiu rijdli n 'which men?' 
'aiiu 'aini n (fern.) 'which eye?' 

Eg. Arab, jd* ^\ ^ min 'enlnbeled \ , from wMch vill ? , 
wiw 'aif fce/ed j 

?* min'enhugins'of what character ?' 
$eh 'enliu 'which sheik?' 
iiaraqa 'enhi 'which leaf?' 
Tl. Arah. J-^ r->t aSmen rdjel 'which man?' 
In Classical Arabic the noun may stand with the article, 
but the meaning is somewhat different, e. g., 

'aiiu 'r-rijdli 'which of the men?' 
'aiiu 'n-nisa'i 'which of the women?' 
In Mandaic 'which?' as adjective occurs in only one pas- 
sage, being there expressed by liDNH, viz., 

"in 1iOnn 'in which place?' 

In Hebrew when the modified noun depends on the prepo- 
sition p, the preposition stands between the two elements of 
the interrogative, e. g., 

YJJ ." 'from which city?' 

In Ethiopic 'which?' referring to persons, must be expressed 
by the circumlocution 'who is the - - that,' e. g., 

t^J. : fl>X*F : fl-nA : H^frJi : mantm m'etu saUe ea-maga 
'who is the man that came, which man came?' 
In Amharic 'which?' is expressed in a few passages by the 
adverb ^ : iat 'where ?' used as an adjective before the 
noun, e. g., 

TCt : fi7C : ia-iat 'agar 'of which land?' 

In some languages 'which?' referring to persons is expressed 
by the personal interrogative pronoun, 1 used as an adjec- 
tive. A few instances are found in Samaritan, Syriac, and the 
dialect of the Babylonian Talmud; in Tigrina the construction 
is quite common; and in Amharic, where the adjectival inter- 
rogative ai has been lost, it is the invariable rule. In Ti- 
grina this interrogative is also used of things. The interroga- 
tive precedes the noun. e. g., 

Sam. K"Q:i p 'which man?' 

Syr. /t-*^ ^s- KTJng ]b 'to which rich man?' 

Bab. Tal. Km 13i ]0 'what great man?' 



1 The personal interrogatives are derived from a stem man, except in 
Hebrew and certain Modern Arabic dialects where they a*re formed from 
a stem mi cf. Brock. Comp.Gr. p. 326 f. (110c, d). 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 179 



Amh. "71 : fifl* : man san 'which man?' 

Ta. <* D '} : cv^&Jh i man manfas 'which spirit?' 

fl^l : tfpv \ be-man teg ah 'in which watch ?' 
The neuter interrogative pronoun is used adjectively in most 
of the languages to express 'what, what sort of?' and some- 
times also 'which?' The forms are, viz., 
Eth. y^ : ment 
Amh. yj : men 
Ta. 9*l? : mental 
Meh. hasan 
Te. <*-, -("L : mi 

Heh. no 

Syr. U Kjo, v wo jio 
Bah. Tal. <KO 
Jew. Pal. no 
Man. in0 
Mod. Syr. -,0* mndi 

In Amharic the same idea is also expressed by adjectives 
derived from the personal interrogative, which are, however, 
used with both persons and things. They agree with their 
noun in gender, viz., 

masc. ^V'ffl* ; mdndcaii 
fern. flYffW; mdndcaiitu 
"VS^fW : mdndcaitu 

These interrogatives regularly precede the noun. In Ethio- 
pic there is concord of case. e. g., 

Eth. yV? \ Ofrfl ; ment 'asb 'what reward?' 

ylt : WS? : menta Sandia 'what good (ace.)?' 
Amh. yl : tAHTI : men te*zaz 'which order?' 

: men fefrat 'what sort of a creature?' 
\ *}) : mdndcaii negu$ 'which king?' 

XHTI : mdndcantu tVzaz 'which com- 
mandment?' 
Ta. (iyj;t\e : ^^vn*i : U-ment&i fflfin 'by what power ?' 

Te. X-n^ : ^ft^ : 'eb-mimasl\ . ... 

v, ,~*x -i - 7 > 'with what parable?' 
K-fl i ff^ft^V : V6 mi-masl } 

Heb. jnnrno 'what advantage?' 

Syr. U^;os U }JJ^S }0 'what punishment?' 

Man. *6\xn in0 'what power?' 

Mod. Syr. (K^^ ^oxjX. le-mudi medittd 'to what city?' 

Jew. Pal. KSin HO 'what sin? 



180 Frank R. Blake, [1912. 

Meh. da 1 hdsan gahan da 'what dish is this?' 

da 1 hdsan jamhiiiet di 'what dagger is this?' 
da 1 hdsan miter lie 'what mirrors are these ?' 

Posi>esive. 

'Whose?' is expressed by treating the personal interrogative 
like a noun indicating the possessor. 

In Arabic, both Classical and Modern, Ethiopic, Tigrina, 
Hebrew, Samaritan, and Mandaic the interrogative may form the 
nomen rectum of a construct chain, standing in the nominative 
form, e. g., 

Arab. c^xo baitu mnn 



Eth. ftt : <& J. : beta mannu 



'whose house?' 



Heb. 'p-n^a 

Mod. Pal. Arab, ^.^o ^^^ finjen mm 'whose cup?' 



Man. pa in V 

m n. ffn -> ( whose son?' 

Ta. a) \ ot \ iiad man ] 

Sam. JD JVD { 

~ , } 'whose daughter? 

Jew. Pal. p nn j 

In those languages which have developed a special prepo- 
sition to indicate the genitive, the interrogative may stand 
after this preposition. The prepositional phrase, usually follows 
the modified noun in all the languages except Amharic, where 
it regularly precedes, e.g., 

Eth. ft^ ; Hff *. : bet za-mannu 'whose house?' 
Amh. f^Yl : &. \ ia-mdn lej 'whose son?' 
Jew. Pal. pi Krro 'whose daughter?' 
Syr. <xi, tk*a ttO-j.NJVa 'whose house?' 
Mod. Syr. JL, ioi taurd de-matri 'whose ox?' 
Meh. (c?a 2 ) habrtt da mon (dime rehtimet) 'whose daughter 
(is this pretty girl)?' 

Quantitative. 
The ideas 'how much, 3 how many?' are expressed in Arabic, 

1 For this da compare following 11. 

2 Just what this da is which occurs at the beginning of interrogative 
sentences (cf. above) is uncertain. Jahn thinks it is a demonstrative (cf. 
Meh. Gr. p. 29). In this case this sentence would be literally 'this one, 
daughter of whom this pretty one.' So in the sentences above 'this, 
what sort of a dish is this?' etc. 

3 With regard to the material available for the study of the expression 
of this idea, the same statement may be made as in the case of the in- 
definites; cf. p. 182, n. 2. 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 181 

Classical and Modern, Hebrew, Syriac, and Mehri by the neuter 
interrogative combined with lid 'like/ To express 'how many' 
this combination is placed directly before the noun, which 
stands in the plural in Hebrew and Syriac, in Arabic, Classi- 
cal and Modern, in the singular,- which singular is accusative 
in the Classical language. In Syriac the noun stands some- 
times in the absolute, sometimes in the emphatic state, without 
difference of meaning, e. g., 

Heb. W)W } < how many times?' 

Syr. ^Jb^^?i^?j 

Ij^-j Jbaa Ntp 1 ?] N3 'how many wanton men? 7 
Arab. U^ ^ 1mm rajula" 'how many men?'i 
Eg. Arab, cxo - ^ kam bet 'how many houses?' 
Pal. L-o^ ^"l 'akam beda 'how many eggs?' 
Meh. Mm hdbu (pi. 2 ) 'how many men?' 
In the languages of the Abyssinian branch, Tigrina and Tigre 
form similar words for this idea by prefixing a word meaning 'as, 
how' to interrogative elements, while Ethiopic and Amharic ex- 
press this idea by words meaning 'measure' or the like, either 
with or without an interrogative element: viz., 
Eth. tf<n>ml : mimafan 

fl?l : sefn, Xfl?W : esfentu 
Amh. flit ; sent, Kfllt : esent 
Ta. tfl'ikendai 

Te. **!&?#. : 'akeVaii, Xh&<*L i 'akebm 
These words are used as adjectives before the noun, e. g., s 

Eth. (flLftvml i filfcOt : mimafan 'anqe't 'how many springs?' 
a^aom} i cn>HCO : mimafana mazar'a (ace.) 'how many 

baskets?' 

Amh. ftlt : to* i sent sau \ <how m men? , 
flit : fliPY : sent sauoc j 
flit : A^t : sent 'amat 'how many years?' 



1 In exclamations the genitive of the singular or broken plural is 
used after ^", e. g., kam rajuli n 'how many men!' cf. "Wright-DeG. Ar. Gr. 
II. p. 126. 

2 Usually with the singular, cf. Jahn, Meh. Gr. p. 30. 

3 Except in Amharic no statement as to the concord of these words 
is given by the grammars. In Amharic the noun stands in the singular ; 
the only case in which it stands in the plural is the one here, given by 
Abbad. Diet. Lang. Amar. p. 187: in Ethiopic the noun seems to stand 
in the plural ; in Tigrina, in either singular or plural; in Tigre in the 
example given it stands in the singular. 



182 Frank E. Slake, [1912. 

Ta. *TK.C : 7flCt : hendaigabarte (pi.) 'how many workers?' 
: Mndai 'aMldt (pi.) 'how many persons?' 
: kendai ntfrelti (sg.) 'how many days?' 
Te. hli&W i AT} : 'akeVau 'engera 'how much bread?' 
Sometimes these expressions for 'how many?' are used also 
for 'how much?' 

The idea of 'how much?' may also be expressed in some of 
the languages by the words just given followed by the noun 
governed by a preposition having a partitive force, e. g., 

Arab. j^L\ ^ ^ ~kam mina 'l-Jmlzi 'how much bread.' 
Heb. (Mod.') DnVrrjP HE? 'how much bread?' 

Indefinite Qualification. 

A noun may be modified by various indefinite pronominal 
ideas indicating quantity, number, or sort. The principal ideas 
are, viz., all, every, each, no, some, any, a little, few, much, 
many, a certain, same, self, other, various, both, such, enough. 2 

All, Every. 

'All, every' is expressed in all the Semitic languages by 
pronouns derived from a root ^3 3 . In general the pronoun 
may stand in the construct state before the noun, or it may 
take a possessive suffix referring to the noun, and be placed 
either before or after the noun 4 . 

The first construction is found in Assyrian, Arabic, Classical 
and Modern, Mineo-Sabean, Tigrina, Hebrew, Moabite, and in 
all the dialects of Aramaic. It is rare in Tigrina; in Moabite, 
Phenician (?), and Biblical Aramaic it is the only construction 
found. In Modern Syriac, where the construct chain has been 
lost, the pronoun is rather to be considered an adjective than 
a nomen regens\ here hi always means 'every.' In Syriac and 
Mandaic either absolute or emphatic state may be used after 
the pronoun without difference of meaning. In those langua- 

1 No example occurs in Biblical Hebrew. 

2 The material for the discussion of these important modifying ideas is 
exceedingly meager; in no Semitic grammar are they fully and satisfactorily 
treated. 

3 Just what the constructions of Mehri ~kall, Malulan hul are is not 
certain; cf. Jahn, Meh. Gr. p. 30; Parisot, Dial. Mai p. 312. 

4 In Egyptian nb 'all, every' stands after the noun like an ordinary 
adjective. In Coptic nim has the same construction; ter -j- suffix stands 
after the noun like bl + suffix; cf. Steind. Kopt Gr. p. 84. 









Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, <&c. 183 

ges which distinguish between definite and indefinite nouns, the 
pronoun followed by singular noun denotes 'every' when the 
noun is indefinite, 'all, whole 7 , when it is definite; on the Moabite 
stone it occurs only with a definite noun (11. 4 (bis), 11,20, 24,28); 
in Syriac when the noun is not specially determined by a 
possessive suffix, following genitive, etc. the pronoun denotes 
'every.' e. g., 

Ass. kal malke 'all princes.' 

Arab. <Loj,,o J.^ Jmllu madinati n 'every city.' 

dLo J..JI JjT kullu 'l-madmati 'all the city, the whole 

city.' 

>*xjl JS kullu 'l-muduni 'all the cities.' 
Ta. H-A, : &a>- \ kuelle deitei 'every sick man.' 
Heb. TJ?-^3 'every city.' 
'all the city.' 

all the men.' 
Mo. ayn 'all the people.' 

p^n ta 'all the attackers.' 
Ph. rat bl 'every offering.' 

DDT8 ta 'all people.' 
Syr. U.J* ^ yio ^3 'every city.' 

'all possessions.' 
3 'all believers.' 
Bib. Aram. 'jte"!?! 'every king/ 

nobD'^3 'the whole kingdom.' 
Bab. Tal. fcnny ^D 'every slave.' 

''^D ^D 'all things.' 

Mod. Syr. JUwl VD 7m? ''/jaM 'every man.' 
The second construction is found in Assyrian, Arabic, Ethi- 
opic, Amharic, Tigrina, Hebrew, Syriac, Mandaic, Babylonian 
Talmudic, and Modern Syriac. In Ethiopic and Amharic it 
is the only, in Tigrina, the usual construction. In Assyrian, Ethio- 
pic, Syriac, and Mandaic the pronoun may stand either before 
or after the noun. In Tigrina, Babylonian Talmudic, and 
Modern Syriac it regularly precedes, though some instances of 
postposition are found in Tigrina and Talmudic 2 . In Arabic 
and Hebrew it always, in Amharic it almost always follows. 
The suffix of the pronoun usually agrees in gender and num- 



* Of., however, Praet. Amh. Spr. p. 193 b. 
2 Of. Marg. Man. Bab. Tal p. 67. 

VOL XXXII. Part II. 13 



184 Frank R, Slake, [1912. 

her with the noun, but in Ethiopic and Amharic the suffix of 
the masculine singular is most frequently used for both genders 
and numbers. In Arabic and Hebrew the noun is always de- 
finite, in Syriac and Mandaic, always in the emphatic state; 
in Amharic the noun may take the definite article. When the 
combination stands in the accusative, the modifier in Ethiopic 
has a special accusative form in the masculine singular; in 
Amharic, -*J is regularly used only with the noun, tho occasionally 
it is found with both, e.g., 

Ass. matati kattSina \ lg ^ } an( j s ; 
kaU$wa matati \ 

Arab. U^ <Loo..Jl al-madmatu kulluhd 'all the city.' 
al-mudunu kulluhd 'all the cities.' 
al-baitu kulluhu 'the whole house.' 
an-ndsu kulluhum 'all mankind. 7 

Eth. tofak(L:kuettu beesi < e all men> , 

< all the earth; 
\ ttl -.medrkuelld 

ki , 



: nagast Jcuellomu ) 
H-ft* : m> t }7/w^ : kuellu manget 'every kingdom. 7 
H'A- : fr1.Pt : kuettti gegewt 'all (the) flowers.' 
Ta. HA* : *& \ kuelWa l ddi 'every city. 7 

i kuellom heddnat 'all children.' 
; kuellan 'ahmelti 'all plants. 7 
i kuelleii deuidt 'all the sick. 7 
H*fU ; nabza medrl kuellVd 'in this 

whole land 7 (Matt. 9, 27). 
Amh. J7C : 1Kb : nagar hulu 'every thing. 7 

i fr&V : mangest liuliia 'every kingdom. 7 
; 1Kb : setoc Imlti, 'all the women, 7 

: 'agar-ttu huhid 'the whole city. 7 
F7C1 : 0-ft* : nagar-n hulu (ace.) 'every thing.' 
^A^"! : O'ft 1 ! : 'dlam-en Imlu-n (ace.) 'the whole world. 7 
Heb. riV$ ^^. 'all Israel.' 

H\3 Tg 'all the city. 7 
'all the men.' 



Syr. ^i^o^Knr tall the cit , 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, <&c. 185 



I 



'all the men.' 

Mod. Syr. JL\. o^> kulleh laild 'the whole night/ 
Jlxil oj Jculldh 'ar'd 'the whole earth/ 
Bab. Tal. Kty ^13 'all the world/ 

NfiD r6lD 'the entire city/ 

In the Modern Arabic of Tlemsen and Tunis the article 
may be used with hull after a noun instead of a suffix 1 , e.g., 
JXJ\ ^LJl en-nds el-kull 'all the people/ 
JXJ1 >\LJ1 el-bldd el-kull 'all the land/ 

In Post-Biblical Hebrew the two constructions of ^D are 
sometimes combined, e. g., 

fa DI'H ^3 'the whole day/ 
; the whole field/ 
Sometimes other words are employed with the same meaning 
and in the same constructions as ^D; the most important of 
these are Assyrian gimru, gabbu, Arabic 5-^*. jamftu". In 
Assyrian gimru is most commonly employed with a suffix after 
its noun, tho it may stand before the noun in the construct; 
gabbu regularly stands after, but rarely takes a suffix: e. g., 
ildni gimrasun j < a ^ d > 
gimir Hani } 
matdti gabbu 'all lands/ 
mdtu gabbiSa 'the whole land.' 

In Arabic, both Classical and Modern, 5^^. (Eg. Arab. 
garni 1 -) has the same constructions as J^, e. g., 
^^^^ | Cl. jami'u 'I'dlami \ 

' { Mod. jam* dWam^ \ < all the world; 

[ Mod. eValam jami'dh ) 
The distributive idea of 4 each, every, one by one, one after 
another 7 is expressed in many of the Semitic languages by 
repetition of the indefinite noun; in the Abyssinian languages 
this is comparatively rare, except in Amharic. In Syriac and 
Mandaic the noun most frequently stands in the absolute state, e.g., 
Cl. Arab. ^U*' ^U* Jdtdbu 11 kitdbu" 'every book, one 

book after another/ 
Eg. Arab. Jb^ Jb; riidl riidl 'dollar by dollar/ 

1 Said by Mar^ais to be common to all the dialects and not unknown 
in the classical language, cf. Arab. TL p. 178. 

13* 



186 Frank R. Blake, [1912. 

Heb. DP DP 'every day/ 

Syr. >xajt *A* yiu} yitti 'every seven.' 

^aj ^.aia )5| J5J5 'from time to time/ 
Man. K^KD KD^>D 'every king/ 

p pl 'city by city/ 
Sam. *QJ "O3 'each man/ 

Amh. | OA ^ . OA ^ . <- lat .~ lat , every day> , 
JLa. j 

Sometimes the two nouns are connected by a conjunction or 
a preposition. The most usual preposition is 3; the conjunc- 
tion 1 appears to be used only in Hebrew: e. g., 
Heb. DPS DP 'every day/ 

"THJ 111 'all generations/ 
Syr. UAS JU* ^ NJBb N}^ b^ 'every year/ 

>n^ ^ y.o^ DP )D DP 'from day to day.' 
Man. DPS DP 'day by day/ 

BHS 1 ? ^ t^n^ 'dress after dress/ 

In Ethiopic and Tigrina this idea is most commonly expressed 
ty doubling the preposition on which the noun depends; in 
Ethiopic the prepositions that are chiefly so employed are fl ba-, 
A Za-, and H ^a-; in Tigrina the chief reduplicated forms are 
(HI babe- or fl'fl bebe, 11 nene-, K& nanai', (H1 : ndbab; in 
Amharic when the noun depends on the preposition fl, the 
whole combination is doubled: e. g., 

Eth. Mtl \ HAA : OA^J : sisdia-na za-lala, 'elate-na 'our food 

for every day/ 

flflHtf /** : baba-zamad-u 'each according to its kind/ 
Ta. A.OjE.9 : JTj&OA^fT : sisai-na, nandi-'elat-nd 'our food 

for every day/ 

llOA^f : nene- l elat 'for every day/ 
Amh. (V* 1 ^ : ({0^ \ bdmat bdmat 'every year/ 

(H7U : (U7U ; ba-nagh ba-nagh 'every morning/ 



The indefinite idea of 'some, any' in many of the languages, 
probably in all, may be expressed simply by the indefinite noun, 
singular or plural, in certain constructions, e. g., 

Heb. ^-Bh )^ 'I have some wine' (Jud. 19, 19). 

"Ij^'lJJ ttisp D^ifcJ nnpl 'and some men left some 
of it till the moVning 7 (Ex. 16, 20). 
7lby_ ^1l!^2"trn 'is there any iniquity in my 
tongue?' (Job. 6, 30). 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 187 



Arab. p*\j> ^jj& JA hal 'inda-ka darahimu" 'have you 

any money?' 
Eth. XyUM : avtpQh \ 'emdehra manael 'after some 

days/ 

In Assyrian and the Abyssinian languages (very rarely in 
Ethiopia), this idea may be expressed by pronominal adjectives 
identical with or derived from the interrogatives, viz., 

Ass. manman] . 

} (m their various forms) 
manma } 

aumma, iaumma 
Eth. ffDJ. : , ^"W \ mannu, ment (usually with -E, -i, -M, 

-m added; mannu ordinarily takes M, and ment,m, viz., 

mannuhi, mentm) l 

Arnh. vy^a** : mandcau (and its feminine forms) 
Ta. 0! i , 9^3*?. i man, mental 
Te. ao*\a*i . manm a 

E. g.:- 

Ass. Sarru aumma 'some king or other.' 

Amh. "Vf fl* : avtyw^tt mandcait maqsa/tend 'any plague.' 

^Vf ^"F : i^fl j mdndcantu nafs 'any soul.' 
Ta. APA. : ID 1 : I'didl man 'any strong man.' 
Te. -0 ; o^^^i : ftt : dib manma bet 'in any house.' 
In Syriac the interrogative adjective + i -f personal pro- 
noun of the 3. sg. is used as an adjective before or after the 
noun in the sense of 'any, any at all'; both the interrogative 
and the personal pronoun agree with the noun: e. g., 

*.*, l,J JUaj ^^ao TH KT n^3 htoft 'about any matter 
at ail.' 

IKi,^ -o,j 1^1 n:H ^nn T 'any city at all.' 
o, ? jul llaioo m y ni1 'and any death.' 
Special words for the idea of 'some, any' outside of the class 
just considered have been developed in some of the languages. 
In Amharic XlSFf- 1 'anddc, X\*tt& i 'andand or XttA : 'anddd, 
and &PA>:'amZe; in Tigrina /l^rt,; and \ft&& \ kgndai, in Tigre 
7ft>: gale, are used as adjectives in this sense; all the Amharic 
words except KMtt ; have a plural meaning and are employed 
with nouns in the plural, tho the singular may also be used; 
in Tigrina and Tigre the singular is apparently employed, e. g., 
Amh. #1#F : J7C : 'anddc nagar 'any opportunity.' 



Very rare in affirmative sentences. 



188 Frank R. Blake, [1912. 

'anddd 'eqa 'some vessels.' 

'aidle sau \ 

, -;- "^ > 'some people. 

'amle saiioc ) 



Ta. m . 

VU&i 'I '' \ kendai } madtl S0me 
Te. 7A : fl-fl : gale sab 'some people'. 

In Arabic the noun Jp*^ l)tidu n may stand in the construct 
before a genitive in this sense of 'some', in Classical Arabic 
only in connection with another Jp*^ meaning 'other', but in 
Modern Arabic often without correlative 1 ; e. g., 

01. Jajo ^x o y>l ^uxJl ja^> badu J $-$irri 'dhiianu min 
badi n 'some evils are easier to bear than others/ 
Mod. ^UJl Jajo ba e d en-nds 'some people.' 
In Hebrew the plural of the numeral "1HK 'one' is some- 
times used with a plural noun to express 'some', 2 e. g., 

Dnn n^p; 'some days' (Gen 27,44; 29,20). 
In some Modern Arabic dialects the indefinite article may 
be used with a plural or collective in the sense of 'some' (cf. 
p. 158), e. g., 

Mesopotamian >^^\ >j fard uldd 'some children.' 
Tangier ^S ^^> Si qaiim 'some people.' 

In Syriac ^r* Q<! 1P i use d as an adjective with either singu- 
lar or plural nouns in the sense of 'some'; it may stand either 
before or after the noun, e. g., 

'np NtffaA 'some men/ 

D'Hp 'some advantage.' 

"n D'HO WIJB n^3 'among some corpses 
that '. 

Words meaning 'some' may in many cases be connected with 
the noun they modify by a partitive preposition, e. g., 

Amh. K\#\& \ *i7C : (IW : 'andand kdgar (ka-ag- for lea-la- 

ag-) sauoc 'some of the people of the city.' 
Ta. fi.PA> : 3O*H1 : &&t\<fr?\ i 'aiale 3 enkdb farisaueian 

'some of the Pharisees.' 

Arab. ^UJl Cr * Jajo btfdu n mina'n-ndsi 'some of the people.' 
Syr. J^ka ^ y.^3 nris ]o D^pn 'in some of the books.' 
The partitive idea 'some of with a definite noun may be 

1 In Mehri bad is said to be used in this sense with a following 
plural, cf. Jahn, Meh. Gr. p. 30. 

2 Compare with this the use of the plural of 'uno' in Spanish, e. g. r 
unos bollos 'some cakes'; cf. Knapp, Gram, of Mod. Span. p. 159. 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 189 

expressed by the preposition JO 'from' used before the definite 
noun, rarely the indefinite, as a sort of partitive article like 
the French de. So in Arabic, Ethiopic, Hebrew, Biblical 
Aramaic, Samaritan, Syriac, and Mandaic, e. g., 

Arab. ^JU^Jl ^ mina 'd-dnndniri 'some of the denars.' 

j^-L\ o ,o mina 'l-lmbzi 'some of the bread.' 
Eth. A^fi&'JM: 'emna 'ensesd 'some of the beasts.' 

Xy00"0 : 'em-edub 'something difficult.' 
Heb. ^"^1 ^j?*P 'some of the elders of Israel' (Ex. 17,5). 

fiKBnn tfJB 'some of the blood of the sin-offering' 
(Lev. 5,9). 



Bib. Aram. *pB-H Nn?xr ]0 'some of the firmness of iron. 



Sam. D1K JD 'some blood.' 

Syr. -OOHOO\,I 40 \"nTpbn JO 'some of his disciples. 7 

y*o ^ ^^ ]P 'some of thy spirit. 7 
Man. frniJl N^N^KB JD 'some of the fire angels. 7 

JNrDTO JD 'some of our blessing.' 

No. 

The adjectival idea 'no' is expressed in general by an in- 
determinate noun in connection with a negative, most usually 
with the negative meaning 'there is not,' e. g., 

Arab. ^^ <*J ^^J laisa la-hu mdhla$u n 'he had no 

way of escape.' 

Heb. JT33 Drf? p 'there is no bread in the house. 7 

Bib. Ar. jhn ^ <n *b 'you will have no part.' 
Syr. oo, /CH^ ox in H^ I 1 : 'he is no god. 7 

JijLaKA. v t fcOfcO nfj ^K 'if there are no righteous ones.' 
Man. r6 n^ NniDN 'there is no cure for him.' 
Bab. Tal. 1ii n^T inl 'in a place where there is no man.' 
Eth. h&W : 91r : 'albeia meta 'I have no husband.' 

Amh. tt7^n : off \ W9" l-agar-acen iiag iallam 'in our 

land there is no law.' 
Ta. -flCy*"? : ?A1 : ^Qfr : Mrhan-md iallan 'abd'u 'for 

there is no light there. 7 

In Assyrian and the Abyssinian dialects the idea of 'no' is 
emphasized by the indefinite adjectives (cf. p. 187 above) in 
connection with a negative. In Ethiopic they usually have <oh. 
before them in addition to the other negative; in Tigrina 
they may be preceded by <D : e. g., 1 



1 No examples are available in Ainharic and Tigriiia; cf. Praet. Amh* 
Spr. p. 426 ( 325 a); Praet. Tig. Spr. pp. 342, 344. 



190 Frank B. Blake, [1912. 

Ass. ilu manuman ul . . . 'no god/ 

Sarru iaumma ul . . . 'no king,' 

Eth. ^l^fr : ylti : M : 'Uan&u m&ntanl com 'ye 
shall not bear any burden.' 

h<*> s fc.eT'/A s ylti. : >flXfl.t : kama 'UenSff menta-m 
be'esita 'that he should take no wife.' 
fi/3r7<14* : co/W^ti ; (H^ i "i-tegbaru ita^-mentani 
'arnada 'do no harm. 7 

The negative idea is sometimes emphasized by some other modifier 
of the noun. In Hebrew, the Western Aramaic 1 dialects, and 
Ethiopic, such a modifier is ta, e. g., 

Heb. )5H Y% top foK'n tib 'ye shall not eat of any 

tree of the garden.' 

n&JP ^ n^bp-^3 'no work shall be done.' 
Bib. Aram, "jirb H?ntfn ^ 10"^?1 'and no place was 

found for them.' 

Jew. Pal. J^K blti ]^D"n ^ 'ye shall not eat of any tree. 7 

Sam. pT *?:> nmns Vl 'and no green thing was left. 7 

Eth. o>H-ft : 7-0^ :rfi<5ft : ^'^Q^ : ua-lcuelld gebra harts 

'i-tegbaru 'and no heavy work (work of 

ploughing) shall ye do.' 

In Syriac ^,^0 D^D 'some' is used in a similar manner, e. g., 

. . , 

no ad ntae 



v oo.^v ^.^. J-a^ro JJ | 'no unclean thing comes 

1H2^ !?g {5bD b ) into their mind.' 
In Modern Syriac the idea of 'no' is regularly expressed by 
hie and cu used as adjectives, in connection with a negative, 

e. g-, 

toot J- t Jl jL^iol ri 'i*c 'wr7?d la mada 'ua 'no road was 

.J /^ ^ 5 n ^ 

found.' 

JJMQJJD aa ^o jl la min cu qenuma 'from no person. 7 

A certain. 

In a number of the languages the idea of 'a certain 7 as 
distinct from the simple indefinite idea 'a 7 , has special forms 
of expression. 

In Arabic it may be expressed by the particle U after the 
indefinite noun, e. g., 

i Probably this statement is true with regard to Christian Palestinian, 
and perhaps also with regard to Malulan, but the construction is not 
mentioned by the authorities. 



VoL.xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 191 

U J.^.j rajula-mmd 'a certain man/ 
To be compared with this are the groups, 
Ph. D DHK 1 'a certain man/ 
Heb. *^ Warn, iJKT'nD "I?"] 1 ! 'if he shows me anything 

(HO W) I will tell you 7 (Nu. 23,3). 

In Arabic the noun Jajo ~bddu n 'part' followed by the geni- 
tive of a plural or a collective may also be used in this sense, e.g., 
ba'du 't-taldmifti 'a certain one of the pupils.' 
badi ''l-andmi 'one day, a certain day. 7 
In Ethiopic it is expressed by the word for 'man 7 or 'wo- 
man' in apposition to the noun, by the numeral 'one/ or by 
the adjective &7A> : 'egale, e. g., 

* : be'esit *ebrdmt 'a certain Hebrew woman. 7 
: -flXft : 'ahadu Wesi 'a certain man/ 
: oj&H ; 'egale iiarezd 'a certain youth. 7 
The word XVA> : is used also in this meaning in Amharic 
and Tigrina. 2 In Tigrina ^^ : hade 'one' may be employed 
in this sense, e. g., 

Ta. ***& i tiy&V, i Mde sdmerdiii 'a certain Samaritan/ 
In Syriac it is expressed by y.,^ after the noun, e. g., 

Fjjo tlaaajl^A D^p Hn^n^J^S 'a certain enmity/ 
In the Babylonian Talmud it is expressed by the demon- 
strative Ninn before the noun, 3 e. g., 

N"D3 Ninn 'a certain man/ 
KJWK KVin 'a certain woman/ 

In Modern Syriac it is expressed by ^>a peldn before the 
noun, e. g., 

be-peldn zavnd 'at a certain time/ 
~be-peldn duktd 'in a certain place/ 



A Little, Few, 

The ideas 'a little, 7 'few 7 are expressed by the following 
words, viz., 
Ass. igu 
Arab. J*J qcMlu*, Mod. qalil 



1 Some prefer to read DDTK 'men' in the only passage in which this 
occurs, cf. Schroed., Phon. Spr. p. 166. 

2 Cf. Praet. Amh. Spr. p. 130; Tig. Spr. p. 304 (n. 2); in the 
examples given it appears only as substantive ; in Tigrina texts it occurs 
only once. 

3 With this indefinite use of the demonstrative Ninn is to be compared 
the use of the Ethiopic "Hh- : as indefinite article (cf. p. 158). 



192 Frank R. Blake, [1912. 

Meh. liaraun (with sg. and pi.) 1 

Eth. -MT ; Jjedat 

Amh. T*^ : jeqit, fr<V : qelu 

Ta. f^4n ; queriib, 

Heb. 

Syr. 

Mod. Syr. 

Ch. Pal. 

Jew. Pal. 1PDS, TJtt, 

Sam. ijD 1 *, nyrrs, 

The Assyrian, Arabic, Hebrew, and Syriac words may be 
inflected, tho the Syriac is usually employed without variation. 
The plurals of the Assyrian, Arabic and Hebrew words used 
as adjectives denote 'few:' 'a little 7 is denoted by the singular 
of these adjectives; in Hebrew, however, most frequently by tsyfc 
in the construct before the noun. In those languages in which 
the word is employed without variation, it is used with both 
meanings. Ordinarily these words take the same position and 
construction as descriptive adjectives. The Aramaic words, 
however, have a tendency to precede the noun, and in Ethiopic 
and Tigrina preposition is the rule. The Samaritan forms stand 
before the noun and are probably in the construct like Hebrew tDJJD. 
In some of the languages the words may be followed by the 
definite noun after a partitive preposition, e. g., 

Ass. itti uqu igi 'with few people. 7 
Qabe iguti 'few warriors. 7 

Arab. J*c^* J^ malu n qalilu n ; a little property. 7 

rijdlu n qaliluna 'a few men. 7 
qalilu n mina 7 n-ndsi 'a few people. 7 

Eth. 'WP : ^VOA. : lieda^ maual 'a few days. 7 



Amb. fr : L m , 'few men.' 

I (IP i I { sauoc I 

Ta. IXTitjR : Vi i nestai '&$& 'a few fishes.' 

^^fl : TQM \ querub md'elti 'a few days.' 
Heb. DID tog? 'a little water.' 

"Ijg 'a little help. 7 

'a few men.' 
Syr. Uso* ^AJD xmtf g 'a little sun. 7 

'a little comfort.' 



Of. Jahn, Meh. Gr. p. 31. 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 193 



^p ^p <a few words of peace. 
]0 W>j5 'a little of Satan.' 
Mod. Syr. u=j JL^a le-Jiacd zavnd 'in a little 

time.' 
Jew. Pal. niDD TJN 'a little clothing. 7 

pnu nrns 'few men. 7 

Sara. K'D ljn"S 'a little water/ 

ptD nyn'S 'a little food. 7 



Much, Many. 

The ideas 'much/ 'many' are expressed by the following words, viz., 
Ass. madu 

Arab. ^JX kathwu"; Mod. Itatir 
Meh. maken (with sg. and pi.) 1 

Eth. f 

^ flH"i : tew^, 

Amh. -OH 4 : fee^w, X^7 : 'ejeg 

Heb. ni 

Bib. Aram, fcoal? 

Ch. Pal. ^iD 

Jew. Pal. ^D, J^D 

Syr. --^ ^p 

Mod. Syr. U; rdbd 

Man. tysl 

In Amharic, Christian Palestinian, Modern Syriac, and usually 
in Mandaic, the words are invariable, and in Syriac it may 
remain without inflexion. Where singular and plural forms are 
distinguished, the singular denote 'much', the plural 'many. 7 
These words have in most cases the position and construction 
of the descriptive adjective, but occasionally the Hebrew word 
precedes its noun, while in Aramaic there is a strong predi- 
lection for this position, and in Tigrina preposition is the rule. 
In some languages the words may be followed by a definite 
noun after a partitive preposition, e. g., 

Ass. sarrani mddutu 'many kings.' 

Arab. j*J JU mdht n katMru" 'much property.' 

kilabn" kaMrima } , , 

katMru* mina *lMm\ 

Eth. TAl : "dtK : htye'&n Uzuhan 'many sinners. 7 
flH"V : rt-flX : ~bezuli saVe 'much people. 7 

Of. Jalm, Meh. Or. p. 81. 



194 Franlc E. Slake, [1912. 

Ta. -flH"* : fl-d : beziih sab 'many people.' 

flH"} . 7fl<5 : bezitJi gebri 'much work/ 
Amli. -fltt : flfl* \ bteu sau 



Heb. 21 njpo 'much cattle.' 

^JN 'many men.' 
DH 'many pains' (Ps. 32, 10). 
Syr. IJLc^o l^na NK^p fcnps 'much flesh.' 

nn3 'many men.' 
U*^ )^Dt ^K^D 'many times.' 

Bib. Aram. ]^ jnw )3HD 'many great gifts' (Dan. 2, 48). 
Jew. Pal. po ^)DD 'much silver.' 

t^m ]"iD 'much honey.' 
.Man. ^5i nWS 'much evil.' 

'many years.' 
'many souls.' 
'much honor.' 
Mod. Syr. f^l JLai ra6a Igam 'much splendor.' 

I la.fioa.ro J^; r6 susautite ) 

^ A ^.^ A *VA / many horses.' 

jL^i llofiooxo susaiiate raba ] 

In Arabic the idea of 'many a' is expressed by e_r> rw&fra 
followed by an indefinite substantive in the genitive, or fol- 
lowed by a suffix and the noun in the accusative; this suffix 
is usually -hu, but it may agree with the following noun: e. g., 
rulla rajuli n lmrimi n 'many a noble man.' 
Sjj c_j; rubba iiarqa'a liatuft" 1 'many a cooing dove.' 

\-*\ ^ON rubba-Jm 'mra'ata n ) 

777-7 7 ^ i many a woman.' 
rubbd-ha mraata n J 

rubba-hum rijdla n 'many men/ 



'Other' is expressed by various adjectives, many from the 
stem "1HK, which in Arabic and Hebrew have the sense of 
'another' in the indefinite state, and that of 'the other' in the 
definite state, e. g., 

Ass. Sanu 

Arab. ^.1 J dharu n 

Meh. gaher 

Eth. *i&2i : kdle\ dOA \ ba'ed 

Amh. rt,1 s leld 

Heb. 



I 

I 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 195 

Bib. Aram. 
Ch. Pal. 
Jew. Pal. 
Syr. 
Man. 

These adjectives follow the construction of ordinary adjectives 
except in the case of Syriac, where it regularly precedes the 
noun, e. g., 

Arab. ^L\ ^IL maliku n 'aJjaru n 'another king.' 

j\}\ dLLjl al-maliku 'l-aharu ; the other king.' 
Heb. " in #"N 'another man. 7 

inn tJ^n 'the other man.' 
DnnK DYfttf 'other gods.' 
Eth. *iV& : -flJirt. : M/e' fce'esa 'another man. 7 

XyaO.C- : HffD.e : J em-bd l ed zamad 'of another tribe. 7 
Amh. A4 J fta* i leld san 'another man. 7 

A,ft : A^Y^Vht : Uloc 'amalekt 'other gods. 
Syr. Jlfioo ^j^l ^nD ]nn 'another parable. 7 



Various. 

The idea of 'various, different kinds of 7 is sometimes ex- 
pressed simply by repetition of the noun. So in Hebrew and 
some. of the Aramaic dialects. In Hebrew and Samaritan the 
two nouns are connected by 1, in Syriac, Mandaic and Modern 
Syriac no connective is used; in Syriac and Mandaic the noun 
stands most frequently in the absolute state, e. g., 

Heb. ]5J ]1 'different weights' (Deut. 25, 13). 

Sam. nte&l rfcDB 'different ephas. 7 

Syr. ^- ,.\a ]tfh ]tj6:a 'with various tongues.' 
Mod. Syr. J^i; JU^; ranga ranga 'various colors. 7 
Man. fcmfcO ^1il 'of various colors.' 

]Kt )T 'various kinds.' 

In Amharic this idea is usually expressed by the repetition 
of the adjectives A>4 : and A? 1 :; a preposition is repeated before 
the second A>*1 1 but stands' only once before doubled &$ i . The 
noun seems to stand usually in the singular, tho the plural 
also occurs, e. g., 

A>1 ; A/I : ) zavfy** , ( lela lela\. ^ 7 . ,.. 

x o x o i A ^ n " { , - . , 7 w - J 'amlak 'various, different gods. 

&$ : && i ] [ km leiu] 

&W : ba-leld la-leld daiie 'with various kinds 
of disease. 7 



196 Frank R. Blake, [1912. 



: la-leiu leiu mot 'in different deaths.' 
2Vfc : && : h&tR*? : leiu leiu 'ardmt 'different kinds of animals. 7 
Similarly in Syriac repeated >j^a (DIP), either with or without 
preceding preposition ? (1), may he used in this sense as an 
attribute of a plural noun, which it regularly follows, e. g., 
FK\\v Dip Dip 1 ] n^J? 'various causes.' 
pr* jLo Dip DID NVp 'various words.' 
In Arabic and Syriac special adjectives have been developed 
for this idea, viz., 

Arab. LJ-LXs^ muht alifu n j>l*^i* mutag diiru n c^^ mubdiinu" 
Syr. -aVujoo (^riBte); JLaij (N;j}l): 
the noun stands in the plural, e. g., 

kutubu n mutaydiiratu" 'various books.' 
. ^^o min J agndfi n inuhtalifati n 'of various kinds.' 
^n^O Kilt 'various times.' 
In Arabic the idea may be expressed by \yl 'kinds' + the 
genitive, e. g., 

<k*1^ftJ\ ^\y\ 'anud'u 'l-fauakihi '(various) kinds of fruit.' 

Both. 

'Both' is expressed in various ways. In Assyrian it is indicated 
by kilalldn, kilallen, kilalle used as an adjective after the noun, e. g., 
ina gele kilallan 'on both sides.' 
nardti kilalle 'both rivers.' 

In Arabic it is expressed by the dual ^^ kildni in the 
construct before the dual of the noun with article, or it may 
stand after with the dual suffix, e. g., 

kild 'r-rajulaini ) < both men ; 

ar-rajuldni kild-humd \ 
In a number of languages, perhaps in all, it may be expressed 
by the numeral 'two' 4- suffix in apposition either before or 
after the noun; in those languages which have a special de- 
finite form, as Hebrew, the noun takes the article: e. g., 

Eth. h&&m s fc.W : kel?e-hon 'edaid-hu 'both his hands. 7 
Ta. XR7 11 -.^jE. :TiMtf y : 'ezomdaq-ai khelte-'om 'both these 

children of mine.' 

Syr. JboS^ v ooMa pbg lirnn 'both the worlds.' 
Heb. a^fin DiT^ 'both the kings' (Dan. 11,27). 

Same, Self. 

In many of the Semitic languages there is no special word 
for 'same', the simple demonstratives having this meaning. 



I 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 197 

In those languages which have special emphatic particles, 
at least J in Assyrian and Ethiopic 2 (cf. Adverbial Qualification 
below), these particles may be used with the demonstratives 
or a pronominal suffix or its equivalent, to express this mean- 
ing; in Ethiopic this is especially frequent with ii.P, which 
may also stand alone in this sense (cf. below) : e. g., 
Ass. ina satti-ma Sidti 'in that very, same year/ 

ina umi-Su-ma 'on that same day/ 
Eth. h.f y<n> : $^t : ?rho*4- : Jcud-ha-ma fenota iahaiieru 'they 

go the same way/ 
-. WV01* : Mid-M kfrna maSua'ta (ace.) 'the 

same sacrifice. 7 

In some of the languages special constructions have been 
developed to express this idea, tho they often express rather 
'self than 'same'. 

In Ethiopic the emphatic pronouns formed by adding the 
suffixes to Aft and W may stand before a noun in the sense 
of 'self, same,' AA, is used with a nominative, fU? with an 
accusative: e. g., 

AA7 : <??-hn* : lali-M fenot-omu 'their path itself.' 
: Mid-hd medra 'the land itself.' 

ia-hu manfasa 'the same spirit/ 

In Arabic these ideas may be expressed by C^> 'substance,' 
J 'soul,' or a similar word -j- suffix, standing as an appo- 
sitive, or in a prepositional phrase introduced by ^ after a 
definite noun, e. g., 

al-kitdlu M-$dti-hi 'the book itself, the same 
book/ 

-^y^ -^ jtfa* 'r-rajulu bi-nafsi-hi (or nafsu- 
hu) 'the man himself came/ 

The idea of 'same' is sometimes expressed by O^ or a 
similar word as nomen regens before the noun, or by the pro- 
noun of the 3. sg. standing in apposition to a noun modified 
by a demonstrative, e. g., 

%dtu 'r-rajuli 'the same man/ [distance/ 

* 'aid ftdlika 'l-qadri huiia 'at the same 
In Biblical Hebrew in a few passages the noun DSy 'bone' 
occurs in the construct before a definite noun in the sense of 
'same, self,' e. g., 

1 Hu is apparently not used in this way in Syriac (cf. below). 

2 Cf. Dill. Lex. Aeth. cols. 142, 722, 830, 869, 918, 919, 967. 



198 Frank R. Blake, [1912. 

rnn D1 s n D?jn 'on this same day.' 
D^n D^3 'like the heaven itself. 7 
In one passage the plural of ins is used for 'same/ viz., 

DnriK Dnn^ 'the same words' (Gen. 11,1). 
In Post-Biblical Hebrew DSJJ + suffix may stand as an appo- 
sitive after a noun in the sense of 'self,' e. g., 

1&SJJ nsn 'the fruit itself.' 

In Post-Biblical Hebrew, Samaritan, and Christian and 
Jewish Palestinian, fiN or JV + suffix is used before a definite 
noun in the sense of 'same' (cf. above p. 148). 

In Western Aramaic, and in Post-Biblical Hebrew (here 
probably borrowed from Aramaic) a noun depending on a 
preposition may be given the added meaning of 'same' by the 
construction described p. 148 above. 

In Syriac the idea of 'same' may be expressed by a repeated 
personal pronoun, independent or suffix, with +* between, used 
in apposition before the modified noun, e. g., 

oo, ,j OQI NJ3 in 13 in 'the same nature.' 

c*y ^ CH^ nisrfe rb 13 rb 'to his same disciple.' 
w>o* <*a jj oo NroSID "TO PD 13 na 'in that same wagon/ 
The idea of 'self' 1 in apposition to a noun is expressed by 
AJ 'soul' or yioioB 'person' with suffix, e. g., 
**fii J-Ax. PJtflM 3^ 'the king himself.' 
ooooiA jLja>uw ncj? |5bn 'Fate itself.' 

In Amharic 2 QAfl^' : 'master of the house' and fl : 'head,' 
in Tigre <?{[ \ 'soul,' + suffix, are used as appositives in the 
sense of 'self,' e. g., 

Amh. iWTtD- i aAO/F s negti-dcau lalabet-u 'their king, 
himself.' 

Ifhtl i &fr \ iasus rds-u 'Jesus himself/ 
Te. ^t : <?fh i dauU nos-u 'David himself.' 



Such. 

'Such' is ordinarily expressed by some combination of the 
particle hi, Jca 'as, like, 7 and a demonstrative pronoun; the 
Ethiopic form is sometimes preceded by the relative, the Syriac 

1 t?&3 is also thus employed in other Aramaic dialects ; in Jewish 
Palestinian Dli 'bone' also seems to occur in this construction. 

2 In Tigrina 002V I bd'l 'lord' is apparently used in the same way, cf. 
Praet. Tiff. Spr. p. 160. 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 199 

form is regularly so preceded; in Amharic the idea may be ex- 
pressed by a relative clause consisting of the adverb 'thus 7 -f 
relative + verb 'to be'; generally speaking the word for 'such r 
may precede or follow: e. g., 

Arab. \jj> g $ J^> rajulu" ka-liaftQ. \ 

Eth. -fiXA. : h^TI ; fce'm kama-ze \ 

->- - 7 -) such a man/ 

e'esS za-kama-ze/ 



Ta. fl-fl : h^Ro* : sab kamzm ] 

Amh. M&\] i &a>-*\ : "7^ : 3 nde7i ialla-u-w maman (ace.) 

'such faith.' 

Te. A-d : tft&hfL \ VJC : 'eb 'dkel'elttga'ar' with such shrieks.' 
Heb. tr-K n|3 'such a man' (Gen. 41,38). 

Bib. Aram, nj-j? nte.'such a thing' (Dan. 2,10). 
Syr. J.*^ ^-^o, r li KBTi )^n ^^ 'such pains.' 

v o, y.U }nj;iD ]JJ ^ e "I? 'in such a deed.' 
Jjo, r ! XDjriB Kjn Tp 'such a thing.' 
lj JbjS-ol ]'^n ^K~ 8i?^K 'such oppressions.' 
In Modern Syriac the old demonstratives Not /zo^a T! Q, hadakh 
-and JLalot hatkha (prob. Net + JLa = Hi) are used as adjectives 
before the noun in this meaning, e. g., 

hada J n&Sd \ <guch people.' 



In Christian Palestinian the phrase ]^n DiiT 'of the kind 
of these' is used as an adjective in this sense; is seems 
usually to precede its noun: e. g., 
K s nK J^n Din 'such signs.' 

Enough. 

'Enough' is expressed in various ways.' 2 
In Arabic it is rendered by doUXJb Wl-kifaiati 'in the suf- 
ficiency/ e. g., 



1 Cf. under Sentence Qualification below. 

2 In Modern Syriac it is expressed by JLca=> basso, used as an adjective 
after the noun (cf. Nold. Neus. Spr. p. 159); in Mehri by the verbal ex- 
pression iesedud 'it is enough' used attributively with the noun (cf. Jahn, 
Meh. Gr. p. 121): in Syriac 0,-s V13 and jxa*o (pBD) mean 'enough', but 
they do not seem to be used attributively : in Ethiopia the idea may be ex- 
pressed by a relative clause with the verb AhA I 'akhala 'to suffice;' *Tn1 : 
ma 1an 'measure '-j- genitive also seems sometimes to have this meaning (cf. Dill. 
Lex. Aeth. col. 222): in Amharic the idea is expressed by ?"Kl2f* \ iam- 
ibaqa 'which suffices' used as an adjective (cf.Isenb. Amh. Diet. I, 89; II, 75.) 

VOT,. XXXII. Part II. 14 



200 Frank R. Blake. Comparative Syntax &c. [1912. 



b JU mdlu n bi'l-kifdiati 'property enough.' 
In Hebrew it is expressed by the noun ^ 'sufficiency 7 in the 
construct before its noun, tho most of the examples that 
occur in Biblical Hebrew mean 'enough for,' e. g., 
nfcP ^ 'enough for one sheep.' 

'enough goat's milk. 7 

(To be continued.) 






Comparative Syntax of the Combinations formed by the 
Noun and its Modifiers in Semitic (Conclusion). - - By 
FRANK R. BLAKE, PL D., Johns Hopkins University. 

Numeral Qualification. 

Construction of Cardinals. 

The Semitic numerals from 'three 7 to 'ten' possessed orig- 
inally the peculiarity that feminine forms were used with mas- 
culine nouns, and masculine forms with feminine nouns. This 
reversed concord is preserved in most of the Semitic languages, 1 
hut in some either the feminine or the masculine forms have 
become the prevailing type. In Ethiopic, although the com- 
paratively rare masculine forms are regularly used with femi- 
nine nouns, the feminine has become the usual form with all 
nouns, whatever the gender. In Tigriiia and Amharic these 
cardinals (including 'two') have only one form, which is in 
Tigriiia always feminine, in Amharic, feminine from 'two' to 
'eight', 'nine' and 'ten' being masculine. 2 In Modern Syriac 
as spoken in the lowlands, the masculine form has been entire- 
ly lost, though the two sets of forms are still preserved in the 
dialect of Kurdistan. In Modern Palestinian Arabic the fem- 
inine forms are giving way to the masculine. In Modern 
Egyptian Arabic the masculine and feminine forms are used 
without distinction of gender. In the dialect of Tlemsen there 
seems to be only one series of forms, which are feminine, ex- 
cept 'one' 'two' and 'nine' which are masculine. 3 

1 So in Classical Arabic, Mineo-Sabean, Mehri (for exceptions cf. Jahn, 
Meh. Gr. p. 75), Hebrew, (for exceptions cf. Herner, Synt. der Zahlwor- 
ter, p. 7), Phenician, Biblical Aramaic, Samaritan, Christian and Jewish 
Palestinian, Malulan, Syriac, Babylonian Talmudic, and Mandaic; appar- 
ently also in Assyrian (cf. below). This peculiarity is not found in 
Egyptian and Coptic, where the numerals agree in gender with the noun ; 
cf. Erman, Agypt. Gr. p. 130 f. ; Steind. Kopt. Gr. pp. 8689. 

2 Cf. Praet. Ath. Gr. p. 126; Praet, Tig. Spr.p. 216; Praet. Amh. Spr. 
pp. 202, 203. 

3 Cf. Nold. Neus. Spr. pp. 150, 151; Bauer, Pal. Arab. p. 80; Spitta, 
Arab. Vul. Aeg. pp. 157, 158; Marc,. Arab. Tl. p. 155. 

VOL XXXII Part III 15 



202 Frank E. Blake, [1912. 

In Arabic the constructions of the cardinals may be divid- 
ed into four classes. 

a) wXcJ^ 'one' is an adjective and follows the rules of posi- 
tion and agreement of other adjectives, e. g., 

vx*^ JA.J rajulu n udhidu" 'one man.' 
^>U$\ 'two' is also sometimes rarely used as an adjective 
with the dual, e. g., 

^>Ujl >^; rajuldni 'ithnani 'two men,' 
but usually the dual alone is sufficient. 

b) The numerals 'three' to 'ten' take the modified noun in 
the plural; they may stand after it .like adjectives, or be- 
fore it in the construct state. The plural is regularly a 
broken plural if there is one, and in preference a plura- 
lis paucitatis. The numeral agrees with the gender of 
the singular, and not with the feminine gender of the 
broken plural, e. g., 

4o\J& o^ banuna thaldthattt n 'three sons. 7 
&j\ OU> banatu" 'arbdu* 'four daughters/ 
thaldthatu bamna 'three sons.' 
'arldu bandti" 'four daughters.' 
thaldthatu rijdli" 'three men.' 

Contrary to the regular rule these numerals are followed 
by the genitive singular (in poetry sometimes by the 
genitive plural) of the word for 'hundred,' e. g., 
A3U <JjUS* thaldthu mi'ati* 'three hundred.' 

c) The numbers from 'eleven' to 'ninety-nine' are followed 
by the noun in the accusative singular, e. g., 

M^ c>y^ thaldthuna rajula n 'thirty men.' 

d) The 'hundreds' and 'thousands' are followed by the genitive 
singular, e. g., 

5^1 'arbau mi'ati rajuli" 'four hundred men.' 
'alfu rajuli" 'a thousand men.' 
In compound numerals the construction of the modified noun 
is that demanded by the preceding adjacent numeral; the noun, 
however, may be repeated with each numeral. The intermedi- 
ate numbers above 'one hundred' may stand after the noun 
like the numerals from 'three' to 'ten.' e. g., 

^-" O3*i)\3 ^$^^3 ^^ -^3 ^^ ^-*i^ T #r6a'att alqfi" 
ua-satiu mi'ati n ua-'ihdd ua-arba'iina sanata n '4741 years.' 

^^JL- 5 ^\ 5 i^SlS^ J\ ti'ti thaldthatu 'dldfi n iia- 
thaldthu-mi'ati" ua-arba i u sinina '3304 years.' 



Vol. xxxii.] Combarative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 203 



'alfd 'alfi dinar i n ua-mi*atu 'offi dindri" 
iia-arbdatiC 1 lia-arbduna 'alfa dmdri n iia-thamdnuna 
dmara" '2,144,080 dinars.' 

>_yM*^L^ j&lj} SSLoj*^ ^.^ samaku" kdbiru* mtfatu" 
ua-thaldthatu n ua-liamsuna 'large fishes, a hundred and 
fifty-three/ 

In rare instances we find an accusative plural for a genitive 
after the numerals 'three' to 'ten'; an accusative plural for an 
accusative singular after the numerals 'eleven' to 'ninty-nine;' 
an accusative singular or genitive plural after the 'hundreds' 
and 'thousands:' e. g., 

hamsatu" J athiidba n 'five pieces of cloth.' 
ithnatai 'asrata 'asbdja n 'twelve 




mi'ataini (ace.) 'dma n 'two hundred years.' 
Cj^' thalutha (ace.) mi'ati simna 'three 
hundred years.' 

In Modern Arabic the constructions of the numerals are the 
same as in the Classical language except in the following 
cases. 

When the numeral 'two' is employed with a noun the latter 
regularly stands in the plural, rarely in the dual, e. g., 
Eg. Arab. >^\ o~r^ etnen uldd 'two children.' 
O^v? cxt^ etnen biiut 'two houses.' 

With the numerals from 2 10 the singular is sometimes 
found, e. g., 

Eg. Arab. J^j* <*o^ teldte qir$ 'three piastres.' 

<*^.>L^. <^*^j\ arbda gineh 'four pounds.' 

Any numeral may be placed after the noun in apposition, 
when the meaning is definite, the noun in this case standing 
in the plural. For examples cf. p. 212 below. 

In Mineo-Sabean the numerals seem regularly to precede 
their noun. After 'two' the noun seems to stand in the dual; 
after the numbers from 3100 (exclusive), in either singular 
or plural; after '100,' in the singular: the noun has in many 
cases the indefinite -m affixed. The numeral is probably some- 
times in the construct, certainly so in the case of the forms 
of the 'tens' other than 'twenty' in ^5-. e. g., 
lid thiir 'one bull.' 

O thni mlini (du.) 'two watch posts.' 

15* 



204 Frank R. Blalce, [1912. 

S* tJini nmrn (du.) 'two panthers.' 
'hli (pi.) 'three ornaments. 7 
'$Wi-w (pi.) 'three offerings.' 
V6' 7?s/* (sg.?) four hasf's (a measure).' 
ws '//-m (sg.) 'four thousands.' 
sV f $r 'mh (pi.) 'seventeen cubits.' 
\ W 'r 'm-m (sg.) 'fourteen cuhits.' 
'$ri "If-m (pi.) 'twenty thousands.' 
V& c j 'lf-m (sg.) 'forty thousands.' 
j*^* '8n ii-m't 'sd-m (sg.) 'one hundred and 
twenty soldiers.' 

f j^o\ ^'Lo rn'iw '5c?-7?z 'two hundred soldiers.' 
In Mehri the numerals from 'two' to 'ten' stand before the 
noun, which is regularly in the plural, tho the singular also 
occurs. The numerals from 'eleven' up take the noun after 
them in the singular, e. g., 

rbot iiaiuten (m. sg. uaid) 'four baskets.' 
liola aienten (f. sg. yin) 'seven eyes.' 
arba 1 Sama 9 (sg.) 'four candles.' 
temantaSar haibblt 'eighteen female-camels.' 
asrin qar$ 'twenty dollars.' 

The numeral 'two', however, ordinarily stands after the dual 
in -I, e. g., 

qarSi tru 'two dollars.' 
juniti trit 'two sacks.' 
In Hebrew 'one' is an adjective, e. g., 
-in t^K 'one man.' 
nnfr? n^'S 'one woman.' 

'Two' has been attracted to the construction of the numerals 
'three 7 to 'ten' without, however, conforming to the reversed 
concord of gender. The numbers 'two' to 'ten' regularly take 
the object numbered in the plural; 1 they may stand either 
before or after it as adjectives, or before it in the construct, e. g., 

'two men.' 



'two women. 7 



1 For the few cases in which the noun stands in the singular, cf. 
Ges. Heb. Gr. p. 454 (134e). 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 205 



I 



'three days/ 
'three sons.' 
'three cities.' 

niJ3 'three daughters.' 
The numbers 1 from 'eleven' to 'nine-teen' usually take the 
plural, except with certain frequently counted nouns; 2 the 
numeral regularly precedes, but sometimes also follows, especi- 
ally in later texts: e. g., 

in 'eleven sons.' 
DW 'twelve bullocks.' 
D^N 'twelve rams' (Nu. 7, 87). 
DV "sj inK 'eleven days.' 

The 'tens' may stand before or after the noun, which is 
regularly plural except in the case of certain frequently count- 
ed nouns 3 after the numeral, e. g., 
K 'forty cities.' 

'twenty cubits.' 
N 'sixty rams.' 
stf 'thirty men.' 
Numbers intermediate between the 'tens' take the noun after 
them in the singular, even when the unit immediately pre- 
cedes the noun, or before them in the plural, e. g., 

D Wl Q V^ ' sixt J two J ears ' (Gen. 5 20). 

W 'thirty-eight years' (Deut. 2, 14). 
^ 'sixty-two weeks' (Dan. 9, 26). 
The various forms of the numerals 'hundred' and 'thousand' 
take the noun after them, 4 sometimes in the singular, 5 some- 
times in the plural; all forms may stand in the absolute state, 

1 For the use of singular and plural with the numbers above 'ten' cf. 
Hern. Syn. ZaUw. p. 90 ff. 

2 These are nr day, ru^ year, Bh man, Btea person, Bltf tfri&e, 
niStt pillar, and less regularly in the singular, ne cw&i, t^nh month, 
^ city, bytf shekel. 

3 These nouns are in most cases the same as those mentioned in the 
case of the 'teens,' viz., tf', DV, tf|>3, hftti, and ^H thousand, "is (a 
certain measure). 

* The noun, however, sometimes precedes as, e. g., D^K'ntJ^tf ]S 
3000 sheep' (I Sam. 25, 2). 

s The nouns which stand in the singular are in general the same as 
those which are placed in the singular with the 'teens' and 'the tens', 
viz., &, t^, na, Q1% njtf,n3,^tf, and^yi foot soldier, 1V y^ ^ talent; 
cf. Ges. Heb. Gr. p. 454 ( 134 g). 



206 Frank E. Blake, [1912. 

and some forms of both 'hundred' and 'thousand' may stand in 
the construct: 1 e. g., 

'a hundred years. 

'a thousand men.' 
fflK tftf 'six hundred men.' 

'two hundred (loaves of) hread.' 
'a hundred bunches of raisins.' 
'three hundred foxes.' 
<a thousand goats.' 
'six thousand camels.' 
Numerals intermediate between the 'hundreds' and 'thousands/ 
when they follow the noun take it in the plural, when they 
precede the noun, it takes the form required by the immediately 
preceding numeral, e. g., 

D^rn DTIK& f\h D^D; '1290 days.' 
ant n?3 UtUf] DW} JTIN tfi^ '666 talents of gold.' 
In the compound numerals made by addition, excepting the 
'teens' the noun is often repeated with each numeral in the 
required form, as in Arabic, e. g., 
n '75 years.' 

J^ H '127 years.' 
In Phenician the noun modified by the numeral usually stands 
before it in the plural, tho some cases occur in which it is 
found after it in the singular, e. g., 

(pi.) 'fourteen years.' 
(pi.) 'one hundred pounds.' 
(sg.) W Dt^fi? ''sixty years.' 

In Jewish Palestinian and Samaritan 'one' is an adjective 
and follows the noun. The numerals 2 10 rarely stand be- 
fore the noun in the construct, usually before or after the 
noun in apposition; 2 the noun stands in the plural. In Pal- 

1 The forms that may stand in the construct are the singular of 
'hundred' and the plural of 'thousand,' viz., ntt and *ifo&: the form of 
the singular of 'thousand,' viz., r\bx is indecisive, it may be either absolute 
or construct; probably one form was meant in some cases and the other 
in other cases. The other forms are always in the absolute, viz., niNls, 
D^nNtt, Dsb. The form s fi^, however, is not used as a regular nume- 
ral, but only in the indefinite sense of 'thousands.' 

2 This statement is made by Winer, Gram. Chat., but all his exam- 
ples in which the numeral follows are taken from Biblical Aramaic, cf. p. Ill- 



I 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 207 

estinian the higher numerals stand before the plural of the 
noun, tho they may be placed after in lists. In Samaritan the 
higher numerals stand before the noun, which is plural except 
in the case of certain nouns (about the same as those which 
stand in the singular with the 'teens' in Hebrew). 1 In Sama- 
ritan the 'hundreds' and 'thousands' take the singular, e. g., 
Jew. Pal. ]"W nyat? 'seven days/ 

pa ID? ntyn 'fifteen sons/ 

p&D pyaiN 'forty sockets/ 
pDJJ nail pDy KWm jn& ny '200 she-goats, 20 he-goats, and 

20 rams' (Gen. 32, 14). 
Sam. J^IDV nyaty 'seven days/ 

pt? 1DV 'ten years/ 

pn pin 'two bulls/ 
pa nn 'two sons/ 

IDjnn 'twelve men/ 

'seventy palm trees/ 
'four hundred men/ 
In Biblical Aramaic 'one' is an adjective and follows the 
noun, which stands in the singular, 2 e. g., 

"in "ltpt# 'one side/ 

The numerals from 'three' to 'ten' take the noun in the 
plural, except, as in Arabic, in the case of nD 'hundred;' as 
in Arabic and Hebrew they may stand before or after the 
noun, before it usually in the construct state: e. g., 
\lb$r nj>a$ 'his seven councillors/ 
Tin yaiK 'the four winds of heaven/ 
'three men/ 
'four hundred/ 
'ten kings/ 

The higher numerals also take the noun in the plural, but 
stand without exception as adjectives after the noun, e. g., 

'twelve months/ 
'thirty days/ 

'] n K 8 T $BVl^n 'a hundred and twenty princes/ 
The numerals are regularly used as adjectives in Syriac, 
Mandaic, Modern Syriac, and Malulan. In Syriac and Mandaic 
the numeral stands either before or after the noun, preposition 
being more common; in Modern Syriac and Malulan (apparently) 

' Of. p. 205, n. 2. 
2 There are no examples of 'two' modifying a noun. 



208 Frank E. Slake, [1912. 

it always precedes. Except with 'one' the noun stands gener- 
ally speaking in the plural; in Mandaic, however, some in- 
stances of the singular are found, and in Malulan the singular 
is perhaps as common as the plural. In Malulan the original 
absolute form of the noun seems to he regularly used; in 
Syriac the absolute state is often found, hut the emphatic is 
just as common; in Mandaic, the emphatic state is the usual 
form: in Modern Syriac it is the only form used. e. g., 
Syr. t.m^KiI JL^ao 1DJ>rOn K2& 1 , 

^ H~^I P&'TOW 1 g g 

Man. N'OKVKtt pn 'the two angels.' 
KnfcOn N3NBM JTPP '67 daughters.' 

W N3W 'seven figures.' 
Mai. tlotd gabrun 'three men.' 

flotd yam 'three days.' 

Mod. Syr. JLjul \k\ 'ima 'ntisd 'a hundred people.' 
After compound numbers ending with 'one' in Syriac and 
Mandaic the singular may be used as well as the plural; e. g., 
Syr. (U*>) y^ ,j-o ^fro^ (Ntt? 1 ) D1 11 im pDJJ 'twenty-one days.' 
Man. (KnTP) NJW *nm pniBO 'in seventy- one years.' 
The numeral 'thousand' is regularly followed in Mandaic by 
a genitive construction; in Syriac also it sometimes takes its 
noun after *: 1 e. g., 
Man. 



Syr. JLa*, ^^a^ IJ^ 8 T i^ ]^$ KJ-1^ 'six thousand years'. 
In Syriac the construct of the numeral is preserved in a 
few standing expressions, 'e. g., 

tk^po l^msw wnjno nipJJ 'the ten cities, Dekapolis.' 

Uoi J^.ail nn rij;?1 'the four winds.' 

In the languages of the Abyssinian group also the adjec- 
tival construction has become the regular one. It is the only 
construction in Amharic and Tigrina, and the usual one in 
Ethiopic. The numeral regularly precedes the noun in all 
three languages. The reversed concord of gender, as we have 
seen, has been given up, except in comparatively rare instances 
in Ethiopic. With the numerals from 'two' upwards the 
rules for the concord of number are as follows. In Ethiopic 

1 According to Maclean, in Modern Syriac Q.=* rlbbu '10,000', and 
sometimes ja&, take i before their noun. cf. Vern. Syr. p. 67. 




Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, <&c. 209 

the noun stands most frequently in the singular tho the 
plural may also be used; in Tigrina either singular or plural 
may be used without distinction; Amharic follows in general 
the rule of Tigrina, but with the numerals from 'hundred' up- 
wards the singular is more common, and with the lower 
numerals, living beings stand somewhat more frequently in 
the plural, things somewhat more frequently in the singular, 
e. g., 

Eth. O^CT ; owAfrF : M7C \ Wartu ua-Mastu 'ahgur 

'thirteen cities.' 
me'et 'dbdge* '100 sheep.' 
: -flfca : sedestu me'et Weti '600 men.' 
'elf Wesi '1000 men/ 
ftUT-C : Mas 'aligur 'three cities; 
Amh. IhA^iWJ; Mlat 'din 'two eyes. 7 

; AjECHF s hulat saifoc 'two swords." 
A-FF : sost setoc 'three women.' 
; mato lej 'a hundred boys.' 

i Mmette boqudl 'five sparrows. 9 
: Mmeste 'a'uaf 'five birds.' 
In Ethiopic and Amharic the numeral may stand after the 
noun in the enumeration of chapters, &c., e. g., 

Eth. n^^t ; g : la-amat 500 'in the year five hundred,' 

Amh. ,^0^^ : K\& \ meraf 'and 'chapter one.' 

Some relics of the ancient construction with numeral as 

nomen regens of a construct chain are found in Ethiopic in 

the case of those numerals which are without the suffix ft, e. g., 

: 0-fco* ; kamesta 'edau 'five men.' 
: OA^' : sabua 'elat 'seven days.' 
In Assyrian edu may precede or follow its noun, Often 
regularly precedes; 'two' takes the plural: e. g., 
edu amelu 'one man.' 
edlu edu 'one hero.' 
ina i$ten umi 'in one day.' 
Sina ft me 'two days.' 

The constructions of the other numerals are not entirely 
clear, as they are usually not written out, but the following 
points seem to be certain. 

a) The numerals may stand in the construct or as an 
adjective before a following plural, the reversed concord 
of gender being apparently observed, e. g., 






210 Frank R. Blake, [1912- 

ana irbitti Sare 'to the four winds. 7 
irbit nagmade 'team of four. 7 
Seldlti ume 'three days. 7 

b) The numerals may follow the noun in the plural, the 
relation being apparently either adjectival or that of a 
construct chain ; the reversed concord of gender is appar- 
ently not always observed: e. g., 

kibrat irbitti 

kibrdti " I 'the four regions. 7 

Icibrat arba'i 

kibrdti arba'i (genitive) 

c) The higher numerals seem to take the noun in the 
singular, e. g., 

10,000 qattu '10,000 bows. 7 

In parent Semitic, 1 therefore, the cardinals had in all pro- 
bability the" following constructions. 

The first two were originally adjectives as is shown by 
their regular concord of gender. The remaining numerals 
might stand before the noun, governing it in a dependent 
case, or they might stand, before it or after it as an appositive 
or adjective. 

The plural was probably always used whenever the noun 
preceded the numerals 'three' and upwards, or when it stood 
after them in the partitive genitive. The singular of the 
noun seems to have been used when the numeral governed 
the noun in the accusative, indicating that with respect to 
which the enumeration was made. Parent Semitic may have 
possessed a living dual like Arabic, in which case 'two 7 was 
probably not employed as a nominal modifier; but it is more 

1 In Old Egyptian the cardinal ordinarily stands after the noun, which 
is usually in the plural; in the Pyramid texts the cardinal may stand in 
apposition before the noun; in New Egyptian the cardinal usually stands 
before the noun, to which it is joined by the genitive n: similarly in 
Coptic; cf. Erman, Agypt. Gr. p. 130; Steind. Kopt. Gr. pp. 88, 89. In 
Coptic the noun stands usually in the singular, as a special plural form 
is ordinarily not made, cf. Steind. op. cit. pp. 68 72. 

In Indo-European the usual position of the numeral was before the 
noun (cf. p. 158, n. 2). Originally the numerals from 1 19 had the 
construction of adjectives, those from 20 up the construction of sub- 
stantives ; the adjectival construction gains on the substantive construction 
in the development of the individual languages; cf. Delbruck, Verg. Syn. 
I. pp. 521535, espec. 522. 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 211 

likely that originally 'two of anything 7 was indicated by the 
numeral adjective following a noun in the plural. 

In general the lower numbers seem to have preferred a 
plural noun, the higher numbers, a singular noun. 

The original status of the numerals has been best preserved 
in Arabic and Hebrew, and many traces of it are found in 
the other languages, but in the Aramaic and Ethiopia branches 
the numerals have passed over more or less completely to an 
adjectival construction. The common use of the genitive sin- 
gular after the higher numbers, and the rare ue of an accu- 
sative plural after certain numbers which we find in Arabic, 
are probably due to the mixing of the original constructions 
with genitive plural and accusative singular. 

Determination of Cardinals. 

The combination of noun and cardinal is made definite in 
those languages which distinguish between the definite and 
indefinite states of a noun, by the use of the definite article. 

In Classical Arabic when the article is applied to the 'teens' 
it is used ordinarily only with the unit, tho it may stand 
with both; when it is applied to the numbers intermediate 
between the 'tens' it stands with both parts; when it is applied 
to multiples of 'hundred', it stands before the unit: in Egyptian 
Arabic it is used only once with the first part of a compound 
numeral: e. g., 

Cl. r^x* iS'^JJl ath-thalathata e oaral L 

^7 n i -.17 ,7 < v f the thirteen. 
ath-tlialathata 'l-asara 



as-saVatu na-'s-sab'una 'the seventy- 
seven.' 

XSU&UH ath-thaldtlm-miati n 'the three hundred.' 
Eg. j+s> dou*-ji.l cl-Jiamastd$ar 'the fifteen.' 
^y&*2 j^jyi el-udhid tie-arm 'the twenty-one.' 
In Classical Arabic when the relation between the two is 
adjectival, both take the article, e. g., 

ar-rajulu ai-udhidu 'the one man.' 
ar-rijdlu al-hamsatu 'the five men.' 

When the two are joined in a construct chain, the article 
stands usually only with the nomen rectum, tho cases occur 
in which it stands before the regens, in which case the com- 
bination has become practically a compound, 1 e. g., 
i cf. Reck. Syn. Verh. p. 284. 



212 Frank R. Blake, [1912. 



^.rL Jiamsatu 'r-rijali 'the five men.' 
UJ1 'alfu 'r-rijdli 'the thousand men.' 
vAUJ\ ath-thaldthu-sadti* 'the three hours.' 
When the noun follows the numeral in the accusative, the 
article is used only with the numeral, e. g., 

'at-tis'tina rajula" 'the ninety men.' 
'as-sab f atu iia-s-salfuna jamala* 'the 
seventy-seven camels.' 

^Ua. ^ixp AJftUJl 'atli-tlialaihatu l a$ara jamala" 'the 
thirteen camels.' 

In Modern Arabic when the numeral precedes it alone 
takes the article; when the noun comes first the article is 
used with both; the first construction is the usual one: e. g., 
Eg. Arab. iysx*J\ ^~>\j&\ el-kerasi el-'aSara 'the ten chairs.' 
duftUUI C^^-N el-biiut et-telate iie-a^rm 'the 
thirty-three houses/ 

^^\ J^3j*^\ el-qurft$ el-Jjamsm 'the fifty 
piastres.' 

*.*& A,^JUx)\ et-tamamie fad da 'the eight 
piastres.' 

j*.j*j <^^.l el-lmmsa tie-a$rm humar 'the 
twenty-five asses.' 

^J^LO ^^jo^Ml el-arba'm gandfiq 'the forty 
chests.' 

^ Lo > ^iJMl el-dlfe dinar 'the thousand dinars.' 
In Mineo-Sabean the definite -n seems to be used some- 
times with the noun alone, sometimes with both noun and 
numeral, e. g., 

^1 **j\ W 'm-n 'the four cubits.' 1 
^^Lol ^j^j^tj t****J 'rb ( t-n u-$rn-hn 'glm-n 'the four 

and twenty images.' 

In Hebrew the article is regularly used only with the noun, 
whatever the construction, e. g., 

D^JH n^'isn 'the five men' (Jud. 18, 7). 

D1VJ D^a-Jg 'the forty days.' 
p}?n ^n rwthtf 'the three sons of Anak.' 

litfJJ niibisn 'the ten shrines.' 
The first cardinal usually takes the construction of a 

1 This expression is translated simply 'four cubits' by Hommel, but 
the n of -\ seems to be the definite article. 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 213 

descriptive adjective, tho in a number of cases it stands 
without article like the other cardinals, 1 e. g., 

D s t H 'the one sea.' 
nsn 'the one lamh.' 
In Jewish Palestinian the definite state of the noun may 
he employed with the numeral, e. g., 

NmnS pn 'the two rivers/ 

In Amharic, as with the descriptive adjective, the cardinal 
alone takes the definite article; in the case of numerals com- 
pounded by multiplication the definite article stands only with 
the first. The accusative 1 is used according to the rule 
for descriptive adjectives (cf. p. 166 f.). e. g., 

: hVJHlt : sabdt-u Jcaudkebt 'the seven stars.' 
: tHVF : copC \ 'asrd hulat-u itatddar'the twelve soldiers.' 
; 'ardt-u mato saiwc 'the four hundred men.' 
: hulat-ii-n gazdcoc (ace.) 'the two blasphemers.' 
In Syriac and Ethiopic and apparently also in Assyrian 
the determination may be expressed by adding the suffix of 
the third person to the numeral. In Syriac the suffix is 
plural and agrees in gender with the noun; in Ethiopic the 
suffix may stand in the plural agreeing in gender with the 
noun, or in the masculine singular. 2 e. g., 
Syr. wcaAToio* ^o r p\l.li 

rto few VI 

V?**'* Kt^X II'THFI 'the two worlds.' 

te jmwn 'the five kings.' 

Eth. ^rtftW" 1 * : O^a^': Masti-liomu 'edau 'the three men.' 
: kel#e-hdn 'edatti-M 'his two hands.' 
: sati atl-lift. samdidt 'the seven heavens.' 
: rhTi-rt : tas'ati-M ~hezb 'the nine tribes.' 
Ass. sibitti-sunu Hani limmiti 'the seven evil spirits.' 
This construction is found also in Biblical Aramaic in one 
passage, viz., 

]inr6fl $ K S T "O$ 'these three men' (Dan. 3, 23). 
Many of the Aramaic dialects have developed a special 
form of the numeral to indicate the determination; 3 so in 

! cf. Hern. Syn. Zahlw. pp. 13, 14. 

2 The numerals above 'two' take an^before the suffixes justlikeapluralnoun. 

3 For these determinate forms cf. Nold. Chr. Pal p. 483 f. ; Dalm. Jild. 
Pal p. 129; Uhlem. Inst Sam. p. 133 f.; Mold. Man. Gr. p. 190; Nold. 
Neus. Spr. p. 154 f. 






214 Frank R. Blake, [1912. 

Christian and Jewish Palestinian, Modern Syriac, and to 
some extent also in Samaritan; in Mandaic, only the numeral 
'two' has such a form. In Western Aramaic the modified 
noun has the definite form. e. g., 

Mod. Syr. Juoa., -oil tirudi iomdne 'the two days, both days.' 
fk\.a wJ^i^aif 'arbantai kdldte 'the four daughters 

in law.' 

Ch. Pal. KTin TiymK 'the four winds.' 
Kr6 Knt^an 'the five loaves/ 
Sam. K7m& Tijnt? 'the seven altars.' 

'the ten commandments.' 



Ordinals. 

Special forms for the ordinals usually occur only for the 
first ten numerals, in Modern Syriac only for the first two. 1 
They are treated in general like ordinary adjectives in all 
the languages; 2 in Assyrian they may stand either before or 
after the noun, and in the Abyssinian languages they regularly 
precede. In those languages which distinguish between the 
definite and indefinite state of nouns, the noun modified by 
the ordinal is regularly treated as definite, e. g., 
Ass. ina SanUi sanuti 'the second time.' 

ina 8al8i umi 'on the third day.' 

Arab. J^l ^~^\ al-laitu al-auualn 'the first house.' 

<J^\ k'l^Jl al-mar'atu al-'uld 'the first woman.' 
Meh. gaien solit 'the third boy.' 

Heb. ^^n D1 S H 'the third day.' 

Eth. (iwaviit : Ortt ; ba-Sdlest Wat 'on the third day.' 

Amh. (\ faff a* ; ^OD^- ; bdrdtand-u ( dmat 'in the 

fourth year.' 

Ta. Ai^Ct'.lfl^t: 'aSarte seat 'the tenth hour.' 

Bib. Aram. fcWVJ'OI NriVH 'the fourth beast.' 



1 In Assyrian, Ethiopia, Amharic, Arabic, Jewish Palestian, Syriac, 
and Mandaic ordinals occur for some of the numbers above 'ten', cf. 
Del. Ass. Gr. p. 213; Dill.-Bez. Ath. Gr. p. 328; Praet. Ath. Gr. p. 131; 
Praet. Amh. Spr. pp. 205, 206; Wright-DeG. Aral. Gr. I. pp. 261, 262; 
Dalm. Jew. Pal. pp. 131, 132; Nold. Syr. Gr. p. 95 ( 153); Nold. Man. 
Gr. p. 192. 

2 In Egyptian and Coptic the ordinals may stand either before or after 
the noun; in Coptic the two are joined by the genitive sign n; cf. Erman, 

t. Gr. p. 131; Steind. Kopt. Gr. p. 90. 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, <c. 215 




Sam. W&n *n 'the fifth son. 7 

nn^n n&V3 'on the third day.' 
Syr. Jutl lo> jnn HOP 'the second day. 7 

Mod. Syr. JL** Jb&co sawm (?0wa 'the first part.' 
In Modern Arabic, the masculine form of the ordinals may 
be followed by the genitive of their noun. In Classical Arabic 
tjy 'first 7 has the same construction. 1 No article is used 
with the combination in Classical Arabic, and usually none 
in the Modern language. In Egyptian Arabic when the 
article is employed it stands before the ordinal, the whole 
combination being treated as one idea. 2 e. g., 
01. cxo jy 'auualu baiti n 'the first house. 7 
Eg. *;* Jjl auual marra 'the first time. 7 
tdni noba 'the second time. 7 
tdlit iom 'the third day.' 
f y. cuJlxJl et-tdlit iom 'the third day. 7 

Sometimes in those languages which possess a special defi- 
ite form of the noun, the article may be omitted either 
wholly or partly. So in Hebrew with the noun or with both 
noun and ordinal: 3 in Amharic with the ordinal; in Amharic 
the ordinal in this case stands very frequently after the noun. 
This omission is especially frequent in the enumeration of days, 
chapters, or the like. e. g., 

Heb. \ltf DP 'day second 7 (Gen. 1, 8). 

Wn DP 'day the sixth' (Gen. 1, 31). 
Amh. (iMlt 1 ? : #1 : la-sostand qan 'on the third day. 7 

^"0^ : Hmf? : me'rdf Banana 'chapter ninth. 7 
The cardinals are frequently used for the ordinals, not only 
when the corresponding ordinal does not exist, but also often 
when the corresponding ordinal is in use. The cardinal may 
be used as an adjective, or it may stand in the genitive. 

The first construction is found in Arabic, the Abyssinian 
languages, Hebrew, Jewish Palestinian, Samaritan, and Man- 
daic. In Arabic the cardinal follows the noun; in Ethiopic 
and Hebrew it may precede or follow; in Samaritan the noun 
usually follows either in the absolute or the emphatic state; 

1 In Coptic likewise the first ordinal may stand in the construct before 
its noun; cf. Steind. Kopt. Gr> p. 90. 

2 To be contrasted with this is the Amharic construction of the ordinal 
'first' as genitive to its noun (cf. p. 217). 

3 Of. Ges. Heb. Gr. p. 428 ( 126 w). 



216 Frank E. Blake, [1012. 

in Amharic, Tigrina, and Mandaic the cardinal regularly pre- 
cedes. The noun is usually in the singular, but in Mandaic 
and in a few cases in Amharic the plural is used. In Arabic 
the cardinal takes the article like an ordinal; in Hebrew the 
article appears to be used with the cardinal after the noun. 1 
e. g., 

Arab. o^r^* J1 CU '^ J1 al-baitu 'l- l i$r&na 'the 20 th 

house/ 
Eg. Arab. ^A ^+\ cx*J\ el-bet el-lamasta$ar 'the 15 th 

house.' 
Eth. nyX^ : toO^Ct : 9^ : la-mPet na- l a$artti 'amat 'in 

the 110 th " year/ 
n^oD^r ; Ov>C-$ i ?M' i la- l amat 'aSartfi me'et 'in the 

year 1000.' 
Heb. DV IfcJJ ngnBte 'on the seventeenth day.' 

njtf D^aiKSl 'on the fortieth day.' 
D'n&jn inn Df "IJJ 'on the twenty-first day.' 
Sam. tiy 1DJJ n^ntrn 'on the seventeenth day.' 

'in the fortieth year.' 
'in the fourteenth year.' 
Man. NT! DVn 'on the first day.' 2 

iTOV N11n 'on the fourth day.' 

Amh. a^ 1 ^ : X\& ; X^t : bafra 'and 'amat 'in the eleventh 

year.' 

7o* qan 'on the twelfth 
day.' 
: &a-7-4fi lta-200, 81 gamanat 

(pi.) 'in the 7281 st year.' 
Ta. n*Ct i ^J^ : ft9t s fte'axari Mrfe se'a^ 'at the eleventh 

hour.' 

The construction with cardinal in the genitive is found in 
Arabic, Classical and Modern, Hebrew, Phenician, Biblical 
Aramaic, Syriac, and Modern Syriac; no article is employed 
except sometimes in Hebrew: e. g., 



1 Cf. Ges. Heb. Gr. p. 456 ( 134 o). 

2 In all the examples given by Nold. Man. Gr. p. 348 f., except this 
one , the numeral precedes and the noun has the plural form as in the 
second example. With this plural is to be compared the plural which is 
occasionally found in Amharic ; cf. last example here and Praet. Atnh. Spr. 
p. 329 (top). 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 217 



Arab, s^.1 ^ <JJ1 x^ & fi sanati 'alfin mina J l-hijrati 

'in the year 1000 of the Hejira.' 
Eg. Arab. &<3y$ ^^ 'arabnet teldtm 'the 30 th wagon, 

wagon No. 30.' 

Heb. vhti mtfa 'in the third year.' 

Jtttfn nitf 'the seventh year.' 
Ph. JD1K1 "0y niBD 'in the 14 th year.' 

Bib. Aram, prnn rbtf 1JJ 'until the second year.' 
Syr. ^U, UCL. pirn V 'the second day/ 

^mswo JU^il Ki*^ Jjo^ pDJJl NKDJjaiK Tbtih KEHj; 'until 

the 420 th year.' 

Mod. Syr. wl ? Jjo*> mwa de-trai 'the second day.' 

In Hebrew in a few passages an ordinal with article is used 

in the genitive after a noun, the ordinal agreeing with the 

noun in gender. Here we have a mixing of the regular con- 

struction of the ordinal with the construction just described, e. g., 

rVJJ^rin niBte 'in the ninth year' (2 Ki. 17,6). 
Similar, tho not directly allied with this, is the Amharic con- 
struction b.y which the ordinal 'first' is placed in the genitive 
after its noun (cf. p. 169 above), e. g., 

i ia-fitana-ii sau 'the first man.' 



Nominal Qualification. 
Construct Chain. 

The representation of a genitive relation between two nouns 
by what is called a construct chain is one of the most charac- 
teristic and primitive features of Semitic speech. 2 It is found 
in all the branches of the family but not to the same extent 

1 In expressions in which the cardinals stand in the sense of ordinals 
after or, e. g., nn DV Gen. 1,5; mi&Bf ava 2 Chr. 29,17, it is not im- 
possible to consider the cardinal a genitive as here: but it is also 
possible to consider it an adjective as in the preceding case. 

2 The construct chain is found also in Egyptian and Coptic. In 
Egyptian the relation between the two nouns is not so close as in Semitic, 
as they may be separated by other words; in Coptic this construction 
has in most cases given way to the one with genitive signw: cf. Erman, 
Agypt. Gr. p. 115; Steind. Kopt Gr. pp. 79, 82, 83, 89, 90. It occurs 
moreover in Malay and Javanese; cf. A. Seidel, Prakt. Gram. d. Malay- 
ischenSpr. (Hartleben) p. 19 ; H. Bohatta, Prakt. Gram d. Javanischen Spr. 
(Hartleben) p. 32, 

VOL, XXXII. Part III. 16 



218 Frank E. Blake, [1912. 

in all. It is the regular rule in Arabic, Mineo-Sabean, and 
Hebrew; in Assyrian, Etkiopic, Amharic, Tigrina, Tigre, Pheni- 
cian, and Aramaic, and in Modern Arabic and Mishnic Hebrew, 
it is more or less completely replaced by other constructions; 
in the Eastern Aramaic dialects the use of the construct is 
more restricted than in the Western, and in Malulan, Modern 
Syriac, and Amharic it has been practically lost, occurring 
only in a few standing expressions. 1 The two words of the 
construct chain form one idea, and cannot be separated by 
another word except in certain special cases. 2 The first word 
loses its primary accent, and usually suffers a modification in 
form. The second word stands logically in the genitive, but it 
is only in Assyrian and Arabic that it is also genitive in form; 
in the other languages it is the same as the nominative. In 
those languages which have developed a determinate form of 
the noun, this combination is made definite by using the second 
noun in this form; the first noun can never take the deter- 
minate form, except in certain cases in Arabic. 3 In those 
languages which do not distinguish between definite and in- 
definite nouns (including the Eastern Aramaic dialects), the 
combination may be either definite or indefinite. When the 
combination is definite, both nouns are definite. It is not 
possible to combine an indefinite regens with a definite rectum 



1 Of. Parisot, Dial. Mai. p. 506; Wold. Neus. Spr. p. 117 ff.; Praet. Amh. 
Spr. pp. 195, 196. 

2 This is almost the only species of nominal compound known to Semitic, 
tho even here no real compound is formed save in exceptional cases (cf. 
pp. 211 f., 219, 220; also Phil. Stat. Con. pp. 4454; Del. Ass. Gr. p. 202 f.) 
A second kind of compound is found in Assyrian, and consists of noun 
-}- adjective, e. g., ep arik 'long foot (a bird)', libbu rapsu 'great-hearted.' 
These compounds are equivalent in meaning to adjective -f- noun in the 
genitive, such as rapsa uzni 'far reaching of mind.' Delitzsch explains 
the noun before the adjective as an accusative dependent on the adjective, 
e. g., 'long with respect to foot' (cf. Ass. Gr. p. 203), but it is not im- 
possible that these formations may be possessive compounds like the 
Sanskrit bahuvrihts, viz., 'having a long foot,' etc. (cf. "W. D. Whitney, 
A Sanskrit Grammar 3rd ed, Leipzig and Boston, 1896, pp. 501511). 
With the paucity of nominal compounds in Semitic is to be contrasted the 
exuberance of such formations in the Indo-European languages, particu- 
larly in Sanskrit; cf. Delb. Verg.Syn. III. pp. 200215, 217220; Whitney, 
op. cit., pp. 485 515. 

3 For cases in Hebrew in which the article seems to stand with a 
construct cf. Ges. Heb. Gr. pp. 431, 432 (127f, g). 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, <&c. 219 

or vice versa, these combinations must be effected with the help 

of the prepositional phrases described below (p. 225 ff.). e. g., 

Ass. bob biti 'a house-door, the door of the house/ 

bel Hani 'the lord of the gods.' 
Arab. v*lU cxo bintu maliki n 'a king's daughter, a 

princess.' 

^ILJi cu>o bintu n-maliki 'the king's daughter.' 
Min. >XLo cxo bit mik-n 'the king's house.' 
Eth. (D& : T7-/" ; ualda neguS 'a, the king's son.' 
Ta. ^^V ; &7RM*h : qdl 'egzVabher 'the word of God.' 
Te. w \ a : iiad rabbi 'son of God.' 

Ml : <0At : 'ab-ld l ualat 'the father of the girl.' 
Heb. ljte n 'a king's daughter.' 

^BH na 'the king's daughter. 1 
Ph. pNH Tte 'the king of the land.' 

Bib. Aram. $JN SS^ 'a man's heart.' 

fcO^D n^ 'the king's house.' 
Syr. 1*1) axa* NSfctt *)D3 'false money.' 

UJOJD ouoi i^p nn 'the Holy Spirit.' 

When the second noun of the chain is a proper name or a 
noun with a possessive suffix, the combination is necessarily 
definite, e. g., 

Heb. IITJS 'the son of David, David's son.' 

"TyDK VT^g 'the gods of my fathers.' 

The second noun may also be made definite by a following 
definite genitive, e. g., 

Heb. *I*n ^ ^1 'the days of the years of thy life.' 

Arab. <UJ\ J^ JJ3 ^ l ald qatli rasuli 'Mhi 'for killing 

the apostle of God.' 

In Arabic an adjective 2 modifying a definite noun, and hence 
with article, may stand in the construct before a noun indi- 
cating with respect to what, e. g., 

AA.J)\ ^xxU.1 J^yi ar-rajulu 'l-liasanu 'l-uajhi 'the man of 

the beautiful countenance.' 
Here, however, the combination ^J\ ^j-u^s*. hasanu 'l-iiajhi 



1 The article la, Id is regularly written as one word with the construct, 
tho of course it belongs to the second noun; cf. Littm. Te. Pron. p. 300. 

2 Strictly speaking the properties of adjectives and participles do not 
come under the head of the present discussion, but these points are ad- 
ded here for the sake of completeness. 

16* 



220 , Frank R. Blake, [1912. 

is treated as if it were a simple adjective, taking the article 
according to rule after a definite noun. 

An Arabic participle 1 followed by a genitive may also take 
the article, e. g., 

^UJ\ Ji'UDl al-qdtilu 'n-ndsi 'he who kills people.' 
This, however, is probably due to a mixture of constructions. 
A participle may take its object in either genitive or accusa- 
sative, and before the accusative object, of course, the article 
is admissible with the participle, viz., 

(a) qdtilu 'n-ndsi (gen.) 

(b) qdtilu n 'n-nasa (ace.) 

(c) al-qatilu 'n-ndsa (ace.) 

The anomalous construction al-qdtilu 'n-ndsi is due to a con- 
fusion of (a) and (c). 

In Modern Arabic 2 and Tigre certain construct chains have 
come to be regarded as one word, and so may take the article 
before the first element, 3 e. g., 

Eg. Arab. ^UJl el-md-ttard 'the rose water.' 
Te. AQ^ \ ft^ : la-la'al-bet 'the master of the house.' 
Under ordinary circumstances a proper name can not stand 
as the first member of a construct chain, but in Arabic and 
Hebrew a genitive is sometimes added to a proper name in 
order to distinguish between persons, places, etc. with the same 
name, the proper name becoming, for the time being, common ;< e. g., 
Arab. ^^ 5^ rdbi'u 'l-farasi 'Habia of the horse.' 

C ^+*JJ\ z^a. Mratu 'n~nu'mana 'Hira (capital city) of 

Numan.' 

Heb. iTpiT Drfe rva 'Bethlehem in Judah.' 
In Ethiopic and Syriac such expressions are regularly ren- 
dered by the cirumlocution with the relative (cf. pp. 226, 230 f.). 
In certain cases the two nouns of the construct chain do 
not stand in immediate juxtaposition. 

In Arabic, Syriac, and Tigrina certain particles or paren- 
thetical expressions may intervene between them; 5 e. g., 

1 Cf. n. 2 of pag. 219. 

2 Cf. also article which compound numerals p. 211. 

3 For apparent cases in Hebrew cf. Phil. Stat. Con. p. 49. 

* In this case Coptic employs the genitive case sign ente, cf. p. 151. 
n. 2. 

s For cases in which the construct chain is apparently broken in Hebrew 
cf. Phil. Stat. Con. p. 9f.; Ges. Heb. Gr. p. 435 (128e). 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 221 



Arab. AJ>^ <UJl^ O^o g^^> a'LixJi ^1 | 'the sheep hears the 

'inna '8~$dta tasma'u $auta, > voice, by God, of its 

ua-Udhi, rabbihi j master.' 

Syr. 1*1* ^? v^ Nr6a n ^a 'the sons, indeed, of Bala.' 

JLcujj yjul toa, Hpl! )13N 'Oa'H 'that they are the sons of 

the righteous.' 

Ta. fl^'tenl : ClS'.eM : ^^^ft : be-manfas-en be-hdil-en 

'eleids 'in the spirit and in the power of Elias.' 

In Ethiopic certain modifiers of the genitive, particularly the 

demonstratives and H*ft : may stand between genitive and 

construct, e. g., 

: hohta ue'etu bet 'the door of that house.' 
; JM : ?:C : negusa kuelld medr 'the king of the whole 

land.' 

When two nouns are modified by the same genitive it is 
possible to form a construct chain by placing the two nouns 
in the construct state connected by 'and' and following them 
with the genitive. In Ethiopic in this case only the second noun 
has the construct form, the first standing in the absolute: such a 
construction is, however, comparatively rare, a circumlocution 
being ordinarily employed, e. g., 

'God cut off the 
hand and foot of 
him who did this.' 

Jiitn. ^7 . . An tb& . ! ^k e {. r jk eg an d people of Israel. 7 

nagad tia-hezba 'esrd'elj 

Heb. Jttab aittl inip 'the choicest and best of Lebanon.' 
Syr. voopc*** ^^BO ua^a 1 'those who write and read their 



Arab. 1J^* Jj*i ^ J-^^ Jo aJUl 



qaja'a 'lldhu iada ua-rijla man 
fa'ala hd%d 




The circumlocutions which are usually employed to express 
this combination are of several kinds, viz.: 

a) the genitive may be used with both nouns; 

b) the genitive may be used with the first noun and the second 
noun take a suffix representing the genitive; 

c) one of the other means of expressing the genitive may be 
employed (cf. pp. 225238). e. g., 

a) Eth. 17.2 ; 2tft&2V : a ATIQ : &ftftA : 1 'the tribes and 

nagada 'eerd'el ua-hezba 'esrd'ell people of Israel.' 

b) Arab. *<, 3 ^ U^ j < Zaid , s gword and gpear , 
saifu zaidi? ua-rumhu-hu) 



222 Frank E. Blake, [1912. 



Eth.J7.: Xft/b2V : oWHft- : j 'the tribes and people of 

nagada 'esrd'el tia-hezb-u ) Israel.' 
Heb. fnanrrtijn yfiyy. nVai^N 'to the prayer and supplication 

of thy servant/ (1 Ki! 8, 28) 

When one noun is modified by two genitives, the combina- 

tion is quite frequently expressed by a construct chain, the 

modified noun standing in the construct state and the two 

other nouns following the genitive connected by 'and'; e. g., 

Ass. ekal Same u ergiti 1 'the temple of heaven and earth.' 

Arab.^ J \5 7 J\ IU^ suljdnu] tgultan of the land and sea ; 

'l-l)arri ua-l-bahri \ 

Heb. niKfcrn D'B^n 'nfef 'the captains of thousands and 
T hundreds' (Nu. 31, 54). 

Eth. hyxin i tvw ia><r>j>:c : j < the God of heaven and earth , 

'amldka samdi iia-medr] 

This combination may also be expressed in several other 
ways, viz.: 

a) the nomen regens may be repeated before each genitive; 

b) the nomen regens and the first of the modifying nouns may 
form a construct chain, and the second stand after a par- 
ticle indicating the genitive; 

c) the genitive of both nouns may be indicated by such a 
particle: e. g., 

a) Heb. pljn vft] D^$n vft 'the God of heaven and earth.' 



b) Eth. ^H^-flt ; 0* i aikDCI \ 1 'the treasuries of the 

mazagebta dahdi ua-za-iiarh J sun and moon/ 

c) Ass. ildni $a Same u ergiti m 'the gods of heaven and earth.' 
Eth. Fftot : HAT : tbnM&9 \ 1 'the shepherds of Lot 

nolot zaAc$ iia-za-abrdm f and Abraham.' 
The plural of the idea expressed by a construct chain is 
indicated sometimes by pluralizing the construct, sometimes by 
pluralizing the genitive, and sometimes by pluralizing both, 

e. g, 

Assyr. lilt nakamati 'treasure houses.' 
aline nisiqti 'precious stones.' 
Eth. fi&OT : yvjZC i 'aramta medr 'wild animals (animals 

of the land).' 

: 'agma gdbaiidt 'ribs (bones of the side).' 
'abidta krestiidndt churches (houses 
of Christians).' 



>1, xxxii.l Comparative Sunta 






ol, xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 223 

Heb. WW ^a 'Benjamites.' 

niSN rva 'families (fathers' houses).' 
D^;n niaa 'heroes of valor.' 
Syr. lioa* K*a *OU|5 fP 'graves (houses of burial).' 

JL Kia 8^(5 nja 'words (daughters of the voice).' 
When the nomen regens of a construct chain is logically 
modified by a possessive adjective idea, if the possessive suffix 
is used, it must stand with the rectum and not with the 
regens, e. g., 

Arab. AJ^*S ^ ka'su fiddati-hi 'his silver cup. 7 

Eth. W ; rfi$Vh : neuaia haqle-Jca 'thy field-instrument, 

weapon.' 

Te. &*<{: \ &IA& : iieldd darasd-hu 'his disciples (chil- 

dren of his teaching).' 
Heb. S t5hj2 in 'my holy mountain.' 
Jew. Pal. pD"O:n tyz 'your enemies (possessors of enmity).' 

Sam. n^EC 1 *TK (n suffix) 'his right hand.' 
When the nomen regens is modified by a descriptive adjec- 
tive 1 the adjective stands after the rectum in Arabic, Hebrew, 
and Aramaic; in Ethiopic it may stand either before the 
regens or after the rectum. In Assyrian the adjective either 
precedes the regens, or the circumlocution with $a is used. 
When the construct chain is definite, the adjective has the 
definite form in those languages which distinguish between 
definite and indefinite, e. g. 

Arab. ^-^-^ ^&* cux? lintu malihi" jamilatu n t 'a 

beautiful princess (king's daughter).' 
x^Jl i*XLJl cxo baitu 'l-maliki 'l-iiasiu 'the 

spacious palace (king's house).' 
Heb. n^H3 2nt rntJXJ 'a great crown of gold.' 

ri|B mm ntsip 'the great work of JHVH.' 
Bib. Aram. ?1 Kr6 n s S 'the great temple.^ 
Sam. nm Itstyp )D!?n 'in the great law of thy truth 

(thy great and true law).' 

1 In Coptic when the nomen regens of a genitive combination is modi- 
fied by an adjective or another genitive, this additional modifier is added 
after the genitive sign ente, cf. Steind. Kopt. Gr. p. 81. 

2 Altho this passage, Ezra 5, 8 is usually translated 'the temple of 
the great God,' [so A. Bertholet, Die Bucher Esra und Nehemiah (= 
Abt. XIX of Marti's Kurzer Handc. zum AT.) Tubingen & Leipzig, 1902, 
p. 21] the similar phrase nil nh JV3 'this temple' makes the con- 
nection of 1"\ with m not unlikely. 



224 Frank E. Blake, [1912. 

Eth. DajR : Ofc,2 : a>l s 'a&n c apada wwn 



t 
warn 



vinyard (garden of wine).' 

Ass. rapsati matdti Nairi 'the broad lands of Nairi.' 

Ambiguity sometimes arises in this construction from the fact 
that the adjective may in many cases be referred to either 
nomen regens or nomen rectum. In Classical Arabic ordinarily 
no ambiguity is possible on account of the case endings; in 
Modern Arabic and the other languages the ambiguity may 
be prevented by using some circumlocution for the construct 
chain (cf. pp. 225 238). These circumlocutions are employed 
even in those languages which have the property of placing 
the adjective before the construct, e. g., 

bdbu baiti n kabiru n 'a large 

house- door.' 

Ul. Arab. r -v-o cxo (^J\^ , ^ 7 7 ... 7 7>k . , 

babu batii n kabm n 'a door of a 

large house: 
'the large door 

i -L^-L 7 T-.I 77 ^ f the house.' 

Eg. Arab. r ~&\ cu^J\ ejb bab el-bet el-kebir t , , , 

'the door of the 

large house.' 

^5Jl c-jUN el-lab el-kebir beta el-bet 'the 
large door of the house.' 



Heb. . J 

man's good 



150 'the man's good son.' 
Ass. sangu $ru $a Bel 'high-priest of Bel.' 

namgaru zaqtu sa epe$ taliazi 'the sharp battle- 

sword.' 
Eth. 00 At : OAjfc : Xlt : ftll \ ba-elat 'abai \enta kuenane 

'on the great day of judgment.' 

When the nomen regens is modified by a demonstrative, the 
demonstrative has in general the same position as the adjec- 
tive, tho in Ethiopic it stands more frequently before the 
regens. The article required by the demonstrative is taken of 
course by the rectum: in Hebrew the demonstrative itself has 
the article, as it has after a simple definite noun; on the 
other hand -the Samaritan demonstrative is without the prefixed 
H which it takes when modifying a simple noun. e. g., 

Arab. \S* ^0J\ cx,o baitu 'l-maliki M%d 'this palace 
(king's house). 7 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 225 



Heb. n{H ^J^'T^N 'this good-for-nothing man (man 

of no account).' 

Bib.Aram.n5 1 ! Nrjb-rP. 'this temple (house of god).' 
Sam. p D\1^K nPB 'this camp of God.' 
Eth. "HW : Oft. : cnjftl : zentu 'agada iiain 'this vinyard.' 
o^ftt : U7d ; h.fr&9>1 : H*t i w&ta Niagara 'uabitse- 
udn zati 'in this city of the Jebusites* 
(or 'the city of the J. here'). 

Prepositional Phrases. 

Case relations between nouns may also be denoted by pre- 
positions, the noun and following prepositional phrase being 
often equivalent in meaning to a construct chain. These pre- 
positional phrases, in the ' course of the development of the 
Semitic languages, have encroached more and more upon the 
domain of the construct chain, 1 until in some of the modern 
dialects, viz,, Amharic and Modern Syriac, they have driven 
it entirely from the field. 

The principal prepositions that are used in this way are, viz.: 

a) prepositions derived from the relative pronouns; 

b) prepositions derived from nouns meaning property, pos- 
session and the like; 

c) prepositions indicating a dative; 

d) prepositions indicating a partitive genitive; 

e) other prepositions, which play a comparatively insigni- 
ficant role. 

These phrases are in many cases the exact equivalent of 
the genitive in a construct chain. This is true not only of 
those languages in which the construct chain is obsolete or 
obsolescent, but also to some extent in those languages in 
which it exists in full vigor. In these latter languages, how- 
ever, they are usually employed only when for some reason 
the construct chain is awkward or inadmissable. 

(0) 

The first class of prepositions is found in Assyrian, Ethiopic, 
Amharic, Mineo-Sabean, Meljri, Phenician, and Aramaic. 

1 Of. p. 218, n. 1. In Coptic the genitive sign n is employed not 
only to indicate a genitive but also to connect noun and attributive ad- 
jective, cardinal, or ordinal; cf. Steind. Kopt. Gr. pp. 83, 89, 90. Simi- 
larly the so-called ligatures in the Philippine languages are employed both 
in genitive and adjectival relations ; cf. my article The Tagalog Ligature 
and Analogies in other Languages JAOS, vol. 1. c., 1908, pp. 227 231. 



226 Frank E. Blake, [1912. 

In Assyrian the relative $a + dependent noun may be 
employed as follows: 

a) as the exact equivalent of the genitive in a construct 
chain, with or without suffix on the nomen regens, refer- 
ring to the genitive, e. g., 

in a Qilli 8a Uramazda 'in the protection of Ahura- 

mazda. 7 
mutu $a a$$ati 



.. , 'the woman's husband/ 
mussu a a$$ati 

ildni $ut Same erciti m 'the gods of heaven and earth. 7 

b) necessarily for the simple genitive when the nomen regens 
is modified by a possessive suffix, following adjective or 
other modifier, e. g., 

andulla-$unu 8a Mdme 'their safe protection (protec- 
tion of safety).' 

Sangu giru 8a Bel 'high-priest of Bel.' 
Sarrdni kaU-Sunu a Nairi 'all the kings of Nairi.' 

c) for emphasis at the beginning of a sentence with retro- 
spective suffix on the following dependent noun, e. g., 

$a NN abikta-8u aStakan 'of so and so .... I 

accomplished the defeat. 7 

sa mat Madaa mandatta-sunu amhur 'of Media .... I 
received the tribute. 7 

In Ethiopic the relative pronoun is usually employed in the 
masculine form H-; the position of the phrase is entirely free, 
it may stand either before or after the modified noun, and it 
may be separated from it. -by other words. 

These phrases may be used as the exact equivalent of the 
genitive in the construct chain, e. g., 

: uald za-negu$ 'the king's son. 7 
i Kit : Wll \ 'elat 'enta kuenane 'the day of judg- 
ment. 7 

Usually, however, they are employed when for one reason 
or another the construct chain is ambiguous or impossible, viz.: 

a) after proper names which cannot stand in the construct 
state, e. g., 

ftt i hfo?" \ Hj&lhS ; beta lehem za-iehuda 'Bethlehem 
in Judah. 7 

b) after words ending in a long vowel that have no special 
construct form, and after an accusative, e. g., 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 227 



: tttiC. ; 7WMT : mesdle za-kerddda gardht 'the 
parable of the weed of the field.' 
#trt : iM?t : Hftt : &th>9 v i qatala heddndta za-leta U- 
liem 'he killed the children of Bethlehem.' 

c) when the nomen regens is modified by a suffix, or follow- 
ing adjective or other modifier, e. g., 

^y? : llihJi.fi : ^COt : dame-ia za-liadis Serat 'my blood 

of the new covenant.' 

nOrtt : O0.e ; HH-ii : la-elat "dbai za-kwnane 'on the 

great day of judgment.' 

WW : rt(m ; Hfttt-h : meSna-d la-badl za-abu-ka 'the 

Baal-altar of your father.' 

d) to avoid a long succession of construct states, e. g., 

M : rfcfav : HOJ&^fi : kola Jiaql za-ualde-ki 'thy son's 
mandrakes/ 

e) when a noun is modified by more than one genitive; in 
this case the governing noun may stand in the construct 
before the first dependent noun, and the second may 
take H, or the governing noun may stand in the absolute 
form, both dependent nouns taking H: e. g., 

<n>H7-flt ; 0<fij& : conaC'l i mazdgebta dahai iia-za-uarli 

'the treasuries of the sun and moon.' 

?ft't i HAT : oJHfrfl^y 11 : nolot za-lo\ iia-za-dbram 'the 

herdsmen of Lot and Abram.' 

In Amharic the construction with the relative ? ia has 
completely replaced the construct chain. In the older texts the 
position of the phrase introduced by the relative is free, as in 
Ethiopic, but in the modern language its position is regularly 
before the noun, except with the genitives of geographical 
names modifying the name of a person, which may stand 
either before or after. In the modern language the relative 
phrase and its noun stand regularly in immediate juxtaposition, 
ordinarily no word except the enclitic particles 7", ft, 1, being 
allowed to stand between them (cf., however, below), e. g., 

?ftP J 2VJ5 '. ia-Qagd lej 'son of grace.' 

WH6/F*} : ?rt,?n : ia-ndzeret-u-n iasus-en 'Jesus of Nazar- 

eth (ace.)/ 

tfrli \ Wtt&lr \ iasus ia-ndzeret-u 'Jesus of Nazareth.' 
Sometimes, as in Assyrian and Aramaic, the nomen regens 
has a possessive suffix referring to the nomen rectum, e. g., 



228 Frank R Blake, [1912. 



: Ha*/?f a* ; ia-faMMn zaiid-dgaii 'the crown of 
the wise. 7 

When two or more genitives depend on the same noun, all 
the genitives connected by 7 or V may stand before the noun; 
but frequently only the first is placed before the noun, the 
others following: e. g., 

te7Rfrflfh,C : WT-y : IK-I : ia-'egzVabMr-nd ia-bag- 
u~m * ziijan 'and the throne of G-od and the lamb.' 
f.eOf-ay : oJl^-y : tTflT i tV-X7 : <t(Lr*l? : ia- 
iaqob-em iiandem ia-iosd-m ia-iehudd-m ia-stmon-em 
'and the brother of Jacob, Josa, Juda, and Simon.' 
When two or more nouns are modified by the same genitive, 
the genitive as usual stands first, the modified nouns connected 
by y* following; usually the last nomen regens, and in a series 
of more than two, several of the last, take a suffix referring 
to the genitive: e. g., 

?4&<VJ \ t07^t : y"W o*y : ia-qedusdn t$gffl 

hdimdnot-dcaii-m 'the hope and belief of the saints/ 

The sign of the genitive ? is quite frequently omitted, the 

preceding genitive being then practically an adjective modifying 

the noun. This is always the case when the nomen regens 

depends on a preposition or the sign of the genitive ?, but it 

is also found outside of this construction, especially in titles, 

geographical names, and standing expressions, e. g., 

( ?ffD-f-o* : hftP \ ia-mato-ii 'alaqd 'the commander of a 

hundred.' 
I A^i^fl^ 1 : h(l& i la-mato-ti 'alaqd 'to the commander of a 

- hundred.' 
^ : iiada mgu$ (for ia-negus) let 'to the house 

of the king.' 

: daj 'azmac 'duke (soldier of the door).' 
\ 'agaii-medr 'the land of Agau.' 
ua$ bet 'kitchen (house of sauce, cookery).' 
When the nomen regens is itself in the genitive, it and its 
preceding nomen rectum are placed before the new nomen 
regens, one ? standing at the beginning instead of two; this 
new nomen regens may itself be placed in the genitive in the 
same way, and so on indefinitely, the ? of the subordinate 

1 This -m connects the whole expression jwith what precedes, being 
placed with the second instead of the first word of the element it con- 
nects with something preceding: cf. Praet. Amh. Spr. p. 394 ( 296&). 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 229 

genitive being regularly dropped after that of the governing 
noun, so that no more than one ? ever stands at the beginning 
of such a chain of successively subordinated genitives. If the 
last nomen regens of such a chain is governed by a preposition, 
the preposition stands first and even the single ? is lost. e. g., 
?5^:C : YIP*?*??* \ &(($* \ ia-medr nagastat-em 'alaqd 
'and the prince of the kings of the earth/ 

uangel majamarid 'the beginning of the Gospel of the 
Son of God/ 

flOaft ! : 9"Cfr \ ZH> : ba-bdbtldn (for ba-ia-bd-) merko 
gize, 'at the time of the Babylonian captivity/ 
Some instances of this peculiar genitive construction occur 
also in Tigrina and Tigre, 1 due doubtless to the influence of 
Amharic, e. g., 

Ta. fil*Hl s fCWft : ^0^ i 'enMb iorddnos (for ndi id-) 

ma'dd 'from the other side of Jordan/ 
Te. frd : W : Tft^ : 'eb dimd (for ndi di~) khdiot 'in the 

life of eternity/ 

With regard to the application of the article and the ac- 
cusative -1, the genitive phrase is treated just like an adjective 
(cf. ,p. 166 f.). When both elements of the combination, however, 
are indeterminate the accusative -1 is usually placed with the 
genitive, rarely with the regens. e. g., 

Art. ^O^^CD- : h&S* i ia-mato-u 'alaqd 'the commander of a 
hundred/ 

: ia-tegre-u $eftd 'the rebel of Tigre/ 
: ia-bet^el-u Mhen 'the priest of Bethel/ 
Ace. ?ft0* i &"} s la-sail lej-en 'the son of man/ 

i ia-hdflatand-n mot 'the death of a 



; fcftfM i ia-darat lebs-ti-n 'his upper garment (his 
breast- clothing)/ 

?,*F1 ; ^V'flft : ia~darat-&-n lebs 'the clothing of his 

breast/ 

f&R&M : &# ; ia-'uzVel-n lejdc 'the sons of Uziel/ 

i Cf. Praet. Tig. Spr. p. 212 f.; Littm. Te. Pron. p. 292. In Tigrina 
the use of the construct chain in such expressions instead of the locution 
with : e. g., X1M I a<!to i rCWh i instead of X" *?" Vj& if" is 

also due to Amharic influence cf. op. et loc, cit. 



230 Frank R. Blake, [1912. 

i ia-samdi'ii-n 'abat-achu-n 'your father 



in heaven.' 

fcm s tamfrnrkCl : carnat-u-n ia-'egtfdbher-n 'the 
goodness of God.' 

In Mineo-Sabean the relative is in certain constructions 
employed to indicate a genitive relation, 1 e. g., 

thur-n $ %hb-n 'the bull of gold. 7 

ix* #3Zrt %t mrthd-m 'K. (a woman) of 
(the tribe of) M/ 

P*A'> J,! (O-o^l '$lm-m 'li $kb-m 'statues of gold/ 
In Mehri the genitive is regularly expressed in this way, 2 e. g., 
habrU da doulet 'the daughter of the king/ 
bob da let 'the door of the house/ 
hare di rislt 'a snake's head/ 
uaiuten la farat 'baskets for dates/ 

In Aramaic the use of the relative + dependent noun has 
encroached greatly upon that of the construct chain. It may 
be used for the construct in almost any case. In Western 
Aramaic the two constructions are used side by side, in Bibli- 
cal Aramaic, with about the same degree of frequency, while 
in Jewish Palestinian the relative construction has gained con- 
siderably on the other; in Syriac and Mandaic the relative 

1 Of. Homm. Sud.-arab. Chr. p. 14. 

2 Closely connected with these South Arabian constructions is the 
construction of Arabic demonstrative $> (employed as relative by some 
tribes, cf. Wright-DeG. Arab. Gr. I. p. 272f.) in the sense of 'owner, pos- 
sessor' (cf. p. 151, n. 1). This $> with its genitive may be used in ap- 
position to a preceding noun, in which case it is very much like a geni- 
tive sign, cf. Wright-DeG. Arab. Gr. II. p. 203. e. g., 

JLo j> JA.J rajulu n %u mali 'a man of wealth (a man, a possessor 
of wealth)/ 

si^ib O^ Jpj\ 'ardu n Katu sanki n 'land covered with thorns/ 
On the other hand Ethiopic H, Tigre A, and occasionally Mineo-Sabean 
> are used absolutely like Arabic }>, e. g., 
Arab. ^^) 5* $$ rahmin 'a relative/ 

e_jLJM\ jjjt >ulu 'l-'albabi 'intelligent people/ 
Eth. Hrt^fr : zarlamg 'a leper.' 

XA : O^fl '. 'ella 'amadd 'unjust people.' 
Te. A4*^^V la-qatel 'something mortal/ 

Afiy"J ! la- amen 'the believer/ 

Min. ^Juixi C^> $t nsq-m 'she of N.=Goddess of N/ 
Cf. DilL-Bez. Ath. Gr. p. 415 ( 186 a S); Littm. Te. Pron. p. 305; 
Homm. Sud.-arab. Chr. p. 14. 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 231 

construction is by far the more frequent; in Modern Syriac it 
has completely replaced the construct chain. In Modern Syriac 
the nomen regens may take the ending K - -it, after which the 
relative is usually dropped. 1 In Biblical Aramaic the nomen 
regens without suffix stands in the absolute or emphatic state 
according as it is definite or indefinite; in Syriac and Man- 
daic it stands regularly in the emphatic state, though the ab- 
solute is also used in rare instances. In practically all the 
Aramaic dialects when both nomen regens and nomen rectum 
are determinate in sense, the nomen regens may take a suffix 
referring to the nomen rectum (cf. p. 145 ff.). As in Ethiopic, the 
position of these phrases in Syriac and Mandaic is very free; 
they may stand not only after, but also before their noun, and 
other words may stand between them. e. g., 
Bib. Aram. W^ irtt 'a stream of fire/ 

rraftn 'the head of gold.' 

PlBtf 'the name of God.' 
Syr. ialij J~~ NBNn NBD3 'false money.' 

te 'the king of Babylon.' 
HI? 'the son of God.' 

]vbwt ^ 'every military 
(Roman) office.' 



Mod. Syr. la^w, JLc^, Seitaqd de-Jjetiidtd } 'forgiveness 
Seudqit Jietiidtd j of sins.' 



v po, J^iu, M88it de-mar an 'the suffering of our Lord.' 

aojA berdn-eh de-aldhd 'the son of God.' 
When the nomen regens of a construct chain is modified 
by another genitive the paraphrase with the relative must be 
used, e. g., 

Bib. Aram. NBDD1 nnrn n nb JVn ^jj 'the gold and silver 

vessels of the temple.' 
Syr. )o ! ! ! ij^ttfl ^a^ nnT MJ'ijplB "1^8 'Adam's breaking 

of the covenant.' 

In Phenician the relative plus dependent noun is quite fre- 
quently used as the equivalent of the genitive of a construct 
chain, e. g., 

pBP raSfc 'the grave of Atban.' 

yth alonim ualonuih si macom syth 'the gods and god- 

desses of this place.' 

1 For an explanation of this ending cf. p. 146. 



232 Frank E. Blake, [1912. 



The second class of prepositional phrases is found in Ti- 
grina, Tigre, and Modern Arabic, in all of which they are 
used alongside of the construct chain, as the equivalent of the 
nomen rectum. 

In Tigrina and Tigre the word : ndi (<Eth. *t<P : neudi 
'possession') is used to introduce phrases of this type. In Ti- 
grina the order of the phrase is free like that of the relative 
phrases in Ethiopic and Aramaic, tho the natural position 
is after the modified noun; it may stand before or after the 
noun, and other words may intervene between them; in its 
use it corresponds closely to the use of the phrase introduced 
by the relative in Ethiopic: in Tigre the phrase stands regu- 
larly before the noun, tho it may follow. 1 e. g., 

Ta. 7A.1 : V : *fcH*n : gaffld ndi 'oihzdb 'Galilee of the 
heathen.' 

?j&X7!Lfrfl/h> : fr&ft : ndi~egzVaHher qedus 'a saint of 
God.' 

Ktf\ i &9"9t : }& : V.eRft 0*0 : 'an-es demg 'no ndi-zigaue 
'I, however, am the voice of one crying.' 
Te. j& ; (L : fr&ft : ndi rabtt qedus 'a saint of God.' 

f \ XW i Wfr : nai dimd khdiot 'the life of eternity.' 
In the Modern Arabic dialects, the genitive of a construct 
chain may be replaced by a noun meaning 'possession' govern- 
ing the genitive and standing in apposition to the nomen r eg ens. 
These nouns are the genitive signs ^Ux (Syria and Algeria), 
(Egypt and Palestine), ^<^ (Jerusalem), Jlx> (Baghdad), 
(Yemen) [cf. p. 150]. These are ordinarily invariable for 
gender and number; occasionally, however, Egyptian ^lX>, Syriac 
Ux, and Jerusalem cu>Jo have the plural forms ^^ betti, 
^Xx> tnetu, O^->, O^^o 8uiut, 8uuut after a plural noun; 
and more rarely the Egyptian and Syrian words have a feminine 
form frlx> betd'et, *Ux> metd'el, after a feminine noun. The 
nomen regens regularly takes the article, but in Egypt at 
least, it may also stand in the indefinite form. e. g., 

,^$0^:0 Ux> ^IjJl ed-ddr metd' sariki 'the house of my 

companion.' 

j,>u*XxJl JU c_jUXJ\ el-kitdb mdl et-tdlmid 'the pupil's 

book.' 

Cf. Litt. Te. Pron. p. 292, n. 2. 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 233 

eg-Qanduq haqq el-musafir 'the 



traveler's trunk.' 

lU~Jl (^^) t [z> yTU^Ji el-asakir bet'd (betti) es- 
suljdn 'the Sultan's soldiers.' 

5x>laJ\ lx> ^L*io gibbak beta el- garni 'a window of the 
mosque.' 

Here is also to be classed the similar use of the demon- 
strative b, ^> in North Africa, e. g., 

cu-UJl b L_jU5r kitab del-bint 'the hook of the girl/ 
^^jijjl b a^sr*^ sajare dez-zaitun 'olive tree (tree of 
olives). 7 

(0 
Prepositional phrases of the third class are found in Arahic, 

Ethiopic, Tigriiia, Hebrew, Biblical Aramaic, Samaritan, and 
rarely in Syriac. 

In Arabic the preposition J is used to express the genitive 
relation between an indefinite nomen regens and a definite 
nomen or pronomen rectum, * e. g., 

^UJJ ^1 ibnu n li-l-maliki 'a son of the king.' 
^J l 'ahu n la-'ka 'a brother of thine. 7 

In Ethiopic phrases introduced by A are employed as follows, 
viz.: 

a)' as the equivalent of a genitive in a construct chain, 
especially when the genitive has rather a dative force, e. g., 
ff^ft^ : MiOrtiP** \ iieluda (ace.) la-abu-kemmu 'children 
of your father 7 (Matt. 5, 45). 

o> : A^e-C : $u la-medr 'salt of the earth' (Matt. 
5, 13). 

b) to modify an indefinite noun after a negative, when the 
nomen or pronomen rectum is definite, e. g., 

1L&YZMI i fra* : bftC i 'i-ietrakab lomu 'asr 'no trace 
of them is found. 7 

c) after XA : 'ella in the sense of 'those of,' 2 e. g., 

atf/W : Arrfrtft : ojfcrtZ i A&6tia>-& i ua-'ardcfi-hu la- 
iohanes iia-ella-hi la-farisaueian 'the disciples of John 
and those also of the Pharisees.' 

d) with pronominal suffix in the place of a possessive suffix 
(cf. below, p. 244 f.). 

1 Coptic ente has a similar use; cf. p. 220, n. 4. 

2 Strictly speaking this belongs to the discussion of the pronoun and 
its modifiers, but it is added here for the sake of completeness. 

VOL. XXXII. Part, ITI. 17 



234 Frank R. Blake, [1912. 

e) above all in connection with a suffix on the nomen regens 
to indicate that the idea expressed by the combination 
is definite; this construction may also be used even when 
the determination is already indicated by the determinate 
character of the nomen rectum (cf. p. 145): e. g., 

fafar-d la-tdbot 'the roof of the ark.' 
iiald-u la-negu$ 'the king's son.' 

: mehrat-u la-egzVabher 'the mercy 
of God/ 

(DCP i rtj&Xt : 7*C i iiarq-a la-ieHii medr 'the gold of 
that land/ 

fta* : rtftft-h ; sem-u la-abu-ka 'the name of thy father.' 

In Tigrina a phrase introduced by the preposition 1 ne 'to' 

is quite frequently used to express the genitive, usually, tho 

not always, in connection with a suffix on the nomen regens 

referring to the nomen rectum, e. g., 

; lede-u ne-iasus 'the birth of Jesus.' 

ne-egzVabher maVak 'the angel 
of God.' 

flftjB^ : Ifr^jP : sabait ne-uriia 'the wife of Uriah.' 
In Hebrew phrases introduced by h are used in the sense 
of a genitive; sometimes when a construct chain would be 
equally suitable, e. g., 

bwtih D^S&n 'the watchmen of Saul' (1. Sam. 14, 16); 
but ordinarily when for any reason a construct chain would 
be difficult or impossible. The principal uses * of such phrases 
are, viz.: 

a) to express a determinate genitive which depends on an 
indeterminate noun, e. g., 

<#$ ]5 'a son of Jesse' (1. Sam. 16, 18). 
nrf? mate <a psalm of David' (Ps. 3, 1). 

b) to modify a noun which is already modified by a gen- 
itive or a possessive suffix, e. g., 

n n$lj 'Boaz' portion of the field' (Ru. 2, 3). 
^ isp-^ 'in the book of the 
chronicles of the kings of Israel' (1. Ki. 14, 19). 
jn6 *irO3^ 'thy emission of seed' (Lev. 18, 20). 

c) to modify substantives accompanied by numerals, especi- 
ally in dates, e. g., 

1 For exceptional cases in which b is used as genitive sign cf. Ges. 
Heb. Gr. pp. 439, 440 ( 129 c, g). 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 235 



DV Dil^Jtt njBto 'on the twenty-seventh day of 
the month' (Gen. 8, 14). 

Bte 'in the second year of Darius.' 
n D1*n 'on the third day after my giving 
birth' (1 Ki. 3, 18). 

In Biblical Aramaic and Samaritan the use of phrases with 
h is in general the same as in Hebrew; they are employed, vi/.: 

a) to express the genitive of a determinate noun modifying 
an indeterminate, e. g., 

Bib. Aram. ^T?"! 1 ? ^9 ' a kin g of Israel.' 

N 8 T $ nbfc6 ]]bvj 'for burnt offerings for the 

Lord of Heaven. 7 
Sam. K'rOto 3*6 ^ny 'a servant of the chief cook.' 

b) after a noun modified by a numeral, in dates, e. g., 
Bib. Aram. IgKB^p rnn IWS 'in the first year of Bel- 

'shazzar.' 
Y$ rvrt nr6n OV 'the third day of the month 

Adar.' 

Sam. JIITp'SB^ nrtfOn nW3 'in the second year of their 

going out.' 

c) to modify a noun already modified by a genitive, e. g., 
Sam. nnnp pD^ 3 n^3 W^Di 'the family chief of the 

family of Kohath.' 

In Syriac, phrases with ^- are sometimes used to express the 
genitive after expressions of space and time, e. g., 

iJ&^xza^ Ua^^ ^o n?;D^ N;sna JO 'on the north 
of the enclosure.' 



'thirty months after his departure.' 
Cases like: 

yio,^! UAMV. l^o IJLso Ua DHin *rb in] IWa 'in the 
year one hundred and one of Abraham's life,' 
seem to be borrowed from Hebrew. 1 

In Malulan il is a common genitive determinant, e. g., 
dairaiwt il mtflula 'the convents of Malula.' 
pait il malted 'the house of the king.' 

(d) 

Prepositional phrases of the fourth class are found princi- 
pally in Arabic and Ethiopic. 



Of. Nold. Syr. Gr. p. 183 ( 247). 

17* 



236 Frank E. Blake, [1912. 

In Arabic, phrases with the preposition ^ are used in the 
sense of a partitive genitive as follows, viz.: 

a) to express the genitive of a determinate noun modifying 

an indeterminate, e. g., 

haiiu n mina 'l-jinni 'a tribe of Jinn.' 
*. jamaatu" win hadami-hi 'a company 
of his servants.' 

b) to express the genitive of possession after an indeter- 
minate noun, the object of the preposition in this case 
being the plural of the governing noun followed by the 
genitive of the possessor, e. g., 

jsa& qa$ru n win qucuri rnaliki" = 
qa$ru maliki" 'a royal castle.' 

qagru n min quguri 'l-maliki = 
qa$ru n U-l-maliki 'a castle of the king.' 
Ux> maliku n min multiki fdrisa 'a king 
of Persia/ 

c) to modify a noun already modified by a suffix, e. g., 

^x?\ ^ sjl^^ot 'agharu-hu min al-jinni 'his relatives 

of the Jinn/ 

In Ethiopic a phrase after Xyi ; or &y- sometimes stands 
for a partitive genitive, e. g., 

fl*ftv : tW} : XJ^A-OX : ueluda teguhan 'em-$db'e 'the 
children of the watchers among men.' 

It may also, like the phrases with b in Hebrew and Biblical 
Aramaic, depend on a noun modified by a numeral, e. g. 
h<* : W : gfa^ffut : ^AjE.o't : A?&: 'ama kona 601 
l dmata 'em-Jiemat-u Ict-noh 'in the year six hundred and one 
of Noah's life (when it was six hundred and one years of 
Noah's life).' 

Phrases of this sort also occur occasionally in the other 
languages, e. g., 

Sam. mm JO D^D 'water of the river.' 

pW JD p^H 'part of thy excellence.' 
Bib. Aram. &1jr l 'T]-]p Ity 'chaff from the threshing floors of 

summer.' 

(e) 
The use of other prepositional phrases as nominal modifiers 

is comparatively rare; examples are, 

Arab. ^a.jo ^ ^U^>5 %urriiiatu-ka min ba'dika 'thy 
posterity after thee.' 



Vol. xxxii.J Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 237 



Eth. ftyO : flrfifl^ tsem'e ba-hasat 'false witness (heard falsely). 
4fh i (lXTi* : &(**> \ Idh ba'enta 'emmft, 'sorrow for his mother.' 
Heb. nJ> Vtip* 'her husband with her' (Gen. 3, 6). 

D^m $B 'king in Jerusalem' (Ecc. 1, 1). 
Sam. IfcJD nfcPD} 'prince among thy 'people.' 



Other Forms. 

Instead of the simple juxtaposition of noun and modifying 
phrase, the two may be more closely joined in several ways. 

Sometimes the noun and the following prepositional phrase 

form a construct chain, the noun standing in the construct 

state ; so in Hebrew, Biblical Aramaic, and rarely in Assyrian : e. g., 

Heb. TSga rinfcltf 'joy in the harvest.' 

Bib. Aram. N s T tt^3 ninn njabo 'the kingdoms under the 

whole heaven' (Dan. 7, 27). 
Ass. fern $a Arabi 'news of the Arabs.' 
Sometimes the two are joined together by the relative pronoun, 
the prepositional phrase forming the predicate of the relative 
clause. Such a construction is of course possible in all the 
languages, but sometimes the relative has practically lost its 
force as such, and simply serves to connect modifier and modi- 
fied more closely. So in Hebrew, Aramaic, and Ethiopic. In 
Ethiopic this is the ordinary way of joining a noun and a 
prepositional phrase that modifies it. Here is also to be classed 
Maghrebinic Jb> which is a combination of a demonstrative 
element + the preposition J. Some of these combinations 
have become practically genitive determinants. In Hebrew 
b itPN is practically equivalent in meaning to the simple b 
when it indicates possession; Post-Biblical hw takes its noun 
without article, and the governing noun usually has a suffix, e. g. 
Eth. M* ; mvp i 'ehtu za-ba-8ega 'his sister according 

to the flesh.' 

ftvn : aO^ : *ynh : Hfclnfch : a3 bti'da 'amlaka za- 
'eribale-ka 'there is no other God beside thee.' 
Bib. Heb. ,T:i*6 1 K'*n =n^ *&) 'theflocksofherfather.' 

'the butler and the baker 
of the king of Egypt.' 
B "l^fcj D^Tl^n 1^ 'Solomon's song of songs.' 
'to Jerusalem in Judah.' 
'the water under the 
firmament' (Gen. 1,7). 



238 Frank E. Blake, [1912. 



Mish. rnn# nj# 'thesleepofthemorning.' 

rtiSO W n?& 'the reward of the com- 

mandments.' 

)1in b& VT*pn 'the disciples of Aaron.' 
Bib. Aram. D^rPl "H N^yn 'the temple in Jerusalem.' 

n^"| ^?')0 n 15? 'a man of the captives. 7 
Sam. itebl HK1SN 'the baker of the king.' 

nnVl my 'the sheep of her father.' 
mnam nmii 'the fishes of the river 

(Nile)/ 

Mai. gabrno til-ma ( lida 'the men of Malula.' 
Wuppditti til-moid 'a glass of water.' 
paita til-maltfd 'the house of the king.' 
Alg. Arab. *LJ\ JLo L-a-^cJ\ es-sef diial el-melih 'the 

king's sword. 7 



Personal Pronominal Qualification. 

Simple. 

The idea expressed in English by the possessive adjectives 
is regularly rendered in all the Semitic languages by the pos- 
sessive suffixes. 1 The combination really forms a construct chain, 
the suffix, which represents a personal pronoun, being added 

i Cf. Brock. Comp. Or. pp. 306313 ( 105), and the various Semitic 
grammars under the head of pronominal suffixes. Similar suffixes are 
found in Egyptian and Coptic ; cf. Erm. Agypt. Gr. pp. 7781 ( 138 
147) ; Steind. Kopt. Gr. pp. 38 45. In Indo-European languages are to 
be compared the enclitic forms of the personal pronouns in Sanskrit. Ave- 
stan, and Greek (the genitive forms corresponding to the possessive suffixes, 
the dative and accusative forms to the Semitic suffixes after prepositions 
and verbs) and the predominantly postpositive position of the possessive 
adjectives in Latin, Gothic, and certain Slavic dialects: cf. "Whitney, 
SansJc. Gr. pp. 186, 187; A. V. W. Jackson, Avesta Gr. Stuttgart, 1892, 
pp. 110113. Goodwin, Greek. Gram., pp. 31, 82 ; Delbr. Verg. Syn. III. 
pp. 91 93. In a number of the Malayo-Polynesian languages similar 
enclitic pronominal forms exist; so in Malay, Javanese, and the Philip- 
pine languages: cf. A. Seidel, Praktische Gram. d. Mala?/. Spr., Wien 
(Hartleben), p. 44; H. Bohatta, Prakt. Gram. d. Javan. Spr. Wien (Hart- 
leben), p. 44; F. R. Blake, Contribs. to Comp. Phil Gr. JAOS. vol. xxvii, 
1906, pp. 365386 (espec. p. 386 bot.). Possessive suffixes occur also 
in Hungarian and Turkish: cf. F. v. Ney, Ungarische Sprachlehre, 
27. Aufl., Budapest, 1903, p. 85; A. Miiller, Tiirkische Gram., Berlin, 
1889, p. 62 f. 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 239 

to the construct state of the noun. The noun is made definite 
by the addition of the suffix and can, of course, not ordinarily 
have the determinate form. 1 e. g., 
Ass. mdt-su 
Arab. <*oo)l 'ardu-hn 

'his country.' 
Heb. in 

Syr. <**.;! njjis 
In those languages which have a preformative definite article, 
a participle 2 may take the article and the suffix at the same 
time; the suffix in this case, however, is not possessive but re- 
presents an accusative: e. g., 

Arab. aJJ>UJ\ al-qdtilu-hu 'the one that killed him.' 
Heb. in?&n 'the one smiting him' (Is. 9,12). 
In Tigre, however, and in the Arabic dialect of Malta an 
ordinary noun with a possessive suffix may take the article, 3 e. g., 
Te. MM : la-be'es-d 'her husband.' 
Malt, lil-bint-u 'to his daughter.' 

In Modern Arabic the possessive pronouns (originally a noun 
meaning possession + possessive suffix) may take the definite 
article, 3 e. g., 

^ftU-Ji el-metd'i 'mine.' 

A noun with possessive suffix is definite, and an adjective 
modifying it stands ordinarily in the definite state when one 
is distinguished. So in Arabic, Hebrew, and probably in 
Western Aramaic. In Amharic the article may stand with 
the adjective, especially if it is a cardinal, but it may also be 
omitted, e. g., 

Arab. j*s*-^\ *$*~\ 'dhuhu 'Q-gagiru 'his little brother.' 

*l^j.Jl U^-L^. jubbatuhd 'z-zarqffu 'her blue jacket.' 
Heb. ngmn T"|; 'thy strong hand' (Deut. 3,24). 
Amh. jtSTltF i v ; tdndS-ttu lej-e 'my little daughter.' 
&* : 2V# ; 'ardt-u lejoc-u 'his four sons.' 

* Contrast with this the use of the article with noun modified by 
possessive adjective or pronoun in Greek and Italian; e. g., 

ar> lP I Hjky f^her.' Ital. il tuo padre 'thy father.' 
6 irari^p <rou J 

Of. Goodwin, Greek Gram. p. 206 (946); C. N. Grandgent, Italian 
Grammar, 3'd e d., Boston, 1892, p. 33. 

2 Of. p. 219, n. 2. 

3 In Maltese this is probably due to the influence of the Italian con- 
struction, e. g., la sua figlia; cf. Brock. Comp. Gr. p. 470, n. 2. 



240 Frank E, Blake, [1912. 



: ne$uh lebb-achu-n (ace.) 'your pure 

hearts' (2 Pet. 3, 1). 

In Assyrian an adjective modifying a noun with suffix often 
stands before it, e. g., 

ina emqi litibiSu 'in his wise heart.' 
aqrdti nap$ati8unu 'their precious life.' 
In Modern Arabic an adjective without article may stand 
before a noun with suffix, 1 e. g., 

fX^\Ui J.U gall selamat-hum 'your dear health.' 
When a demonstrative modifies a noun with possessive suffix, 
its construction is in general the same as when it modifies a 
nomen regens in a construct chain. In Hebrew, however, no 
article is used with the demonstrative, and the Samaritan de- 
monstrative is without the prefixed n which it takes when 
modifying a simple noun. e. g., 

Arab. * JS.A UXri.1 'uhtuna haftihi 'our sister here, this sister 

of ours. 7 
Amh. 7i : ;M* : ^jfc&Ti : ielih taldq-u Mjl-ekh 'this great 

power of thine.' 

Ta. XHy : #, : 'ezdm daq-ai 'these my children.' 
Heh. HJ ^l?" 1 ] 'this matter of ours.' 

Sam. )^ 'OIDD 'these signs of mine.' 

Syr. ^*Xoi ^Aao J^n )^p 'these words of ours.' 
Mod. Syr. w^^jt 1*1 'aha Seuaiti 'this neighbor of mine.' 
Just as it is impossible to express the combination of inde- 
finite regens with definite rectum by a construct chain (cf. p. 
2 18 f.), so ordinarily the combination of indeterminate and personal 
pronominal qualification -can not be expressed by noun + 
suffix; one of the circumlocutions for the genitive must be em- 
ployed (cf. pp. 225238): e. g., 

Arab. ^U -I 'ahu n laka 'a brother of thine.' 
In Modern Syriac, however, this idea is rendered by placing 
the indefinite article U* M before the noun with suffix, 2 e. g., 
M dost-i 'a friend of mine.' 



Emphatic. 

The idea which is expressed by the possessive suffix may 
also be indicated in various other ways, originally with em- 

1 Cf. Perc. Gr. Grab. Vul. p. 139; also above p. 166, n. 1. 

2 This un-Semitic construction is probably borrowed from Turkish, 
cf. Nold. Neus. Spr. p. 278. 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 241 

phasis on the possessive, though in some cases these construc- 
tions have become practically equivalent to the noun + suffix. 

(a) 

An independent pronoun corresponding to the suffix may be 
used with the noun -\- suffix. 

In Hebrew, Biblical Aramaic, Samaritan, Classical and Modern 
Egyptian Arabic, the nominative corresponding to the suffix 
is used in connection with the suffix, 1 either before or after the 
noun in Hebrew and Egyptian Arabic, after the noun in 
Classical Arabic; e. g., 

Heb. UK 'Tilfc 'my own death' (2 Sam. 19, 1). 

J3 'thy own blood also' (1 Ki. 21, 19). 
UK 'in my own heart' (1 Ch. 28, 2). 
Bib. Aram. KJK ^nn 'my spirit' (Dan. 7, 15). 
Sam.2 priK p^Bl 'and your own bodies.' 

Eg. Arab. ^A Ur^ let-ha Mia 'her own house.' 

^^ 151 ana badan-i ; my body.' 
Cl. Arab. yb <*ol^ ra j in-hu huua 'his opinion.' 

Ul i^-^* naQib-i ''ana 'my share.' 

In Assyrian the independent genitive and accusative forms 
are used either absolutely or after 8a in connection with the 
suffix; they regularly precede the noun: e. g., 

katu amdt-ka 'thy own command.' 
SdSu ma$ak'8u 'his own skin.' 
$a kd8u . . . qurdi-ku 'thy might.' 

(6) 

The emphasis may be expressed in those languages which 

1 This construction is not confined to possessive suffixes, but is just 
as frequent with suffixes after verbs and prepositions; cf. Ges. Heb. Gr. 
p. 459; Uhlem. Inst Sam. p. 148; Wright-De G. Arab. Gr. II. p. 282. In 
Mehri the independent pronouns are used to emphasise suffixes after a 
verb or a preposition, but not a nominal suffix; cf. Jahn, Meh. Gr. pp. 
28, 130. 

The cases in Tigrina in which an independent pronoun is placed ab- 
solutely at the beginning of a sentence referring to a following suffix, e. g., 
"Jrh^ft : MCyy : fiM 1 : nehnd-s 'abreham 'abo-na 'as for us, Abraham 
is our father,' do not belong here, cf. Praet. Tig. Spr. p. 291. 

Similar to this is the Coptic construction of absolute personal pro- 
noun after a noun with possessive article (cf. p. 242. n. 1) for the sake 
of emphasis, e. g., pa-eiot anok 'my father,' cf. Steind. Kopt. Gr. p 44 f. 

2 As this is the only example given by Uhlemann it is uncertain 
whether the pronoun may precede the noun. 



242 Frank E. Blake, [1912- 

have developed an independent possessive form, 1 by using this form 
either alone or in connection with the corresponding suffix. 2 

Sometimes the possessive stands after the noun in the con- 
struct state; so in Ethiopic and Syriac (rarely): e. g., 
Eth. flfcft : Rft? : l&ese tfaia 'my husband.' 
Syr. v oc*\, ? ja<u.o flrf?^ Dtojj 'their own person.' 
Usually, however, the possessives are treated as adjectives or 
prepositional phrases, and may stand either before or after the 
noun, which may or may not have the corresponding suffix. 

1 The independent possessives are formed in almost all the languages 
which make them by adding the suffixes to certain forms connected with 
the sign of the genitive. These forms are, viz., 

Eth. Rft-, KTtft-, XM-: cf. Dill.-Bez. p. 304 

Ta. -, or its plurals t-, V^-: cf. Praet. Tig. Spr. p. 162. 

Meh. da: cf. Jahn, Meh. Gr. p. 30; it is not stated whether they are 

used attributively. 
Syr. -V: cf. Nold. Syr. Gr. p. 47. 

Man. -^1: cf. Nold. Man. Gr. pp. 332 (especially n. 2), 333. 
Bab. Tal. -T1, (-^i): Marg. Man. Bal Tal. pp. 18, 69. 
Mod. Syr. -_: Nold. Neus. Spr. p. 83. 
Jew. Pal. -Ti, (-H): Dalm. Jud. Pal. p. 118. 
Mai. ttd: cf. Parisot, Dial. Mai. p. 311. 

^ lshl j -to: cf. Geig. Spr. Mish. p. 37; Schrod. Phon. Spr. p. 165. 
Ph. \ 

Mod. Arab. -^* (Syriac and Algeria), -)-*-> (Egypt, and Palestine) 
-,*. (Yemen), -<Jl (Baghdad), J^.-> (Algeria and Morocco), 
CX*> (Jerusalem): cf. Wahrm. Prak. Handb. pp. 45, 46; Spitta, 
Gramm. Vul Aeg. p. 262; Bauer, Pal. Arab. p. 100. 

In Amharic they are formed by prefixing the genitive sign ? to the 
independent pronouns; cf. Praet. Amh. Spr. p. 119. 

In Tigre Vj& ! and in Amharic , 7lH*fl I ganzab 'possession' and <D7l : 
uagan 'side' are employed with suffixes to form possessive pronouns, 
but these are used only absolutely: cf. Littm. Te. Pron. p. 291; Praet. 
Amh. Spr. p. 119. 

In the Assyrian of the Amarna letters a particle an (probably connected 
with the demonstrative annu) -j- suffix is employed as a possessive. 

For these possessive pronouns in general, cf. Brock. Comp. Gr. pp. 315, 
316, ( 106, f, g). Coptic possesses a series of possessive pronouns always 
used as substantives, and also a so-called possessive article consisting of 
the article with possessive suffixes which is used before the noun as the 
equivalent of the old possessive suffixes, which are obsolescent; e. g., 
pek-son 'thy brother,' tef-sone 'his sister,' neu-eiote 'their parents,' cf. Steind. 
Kopt. Gr. pp. 43, 44. 

2 Cf. the French construction mon livre a moi 'my own book,' cf. "W. 
D. Whitney, A Praet. French Gram. New. York, 1887, p. 251. 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 243 

In Etkiopic 1 the possessive may stand before or after the 
noun; the noun may have the suffix, or the possessive 
may be preceded by the sign of the genitive H-. The stem of 
the possessive pronoun (not the suffix) agrees in gender and 
number with the nomen regens. e. g., 

: XTtfilh : nafs-o 'entVdhu 'his own life.' 

: la-elWahu 'ardd'i-hu 'for his own disciples.' 
: HXTtfth : Westt za-entfalca 'thy wife.' 
In Tigrina the possessive stands either before or after the 
noun without suffix, e. g., 

\ t : 'adgi ndidtu 'his ass.' 
: fl? : ndidtu lota 'his place.' 
In Amharic it precedes the noun, which may or may not 
have a suffix, e. g., 

tl i JVft i iane lebb-e 'my heart.' 
?? ; $>& i land qdl 'our word.' 

In Syriac, Babylonian Talmudic, Mandaic, and Modern Syriac, 
it regularly stands after the noun; the noun may be with or 
without suffix in Syriac and Mandaic, always without in Modern 
Syriac, and apparently also in Babylonian Talmudic; 2 in Syriac 
when the noun has a suffix the possessive sometimes precedes : e. g., 
Syr. 6^, JUoj r&n KJ1T 'his own girdle.' 

'his own zeal.' 
'thy own dwelling.' 
Man. JKT1 KWa 'in our splendor.' 

JK^n )Ntm^ 'our clothing.' 
Bab. Tal. Hn i!S 'my mansion.' 

H^H am 'his gold.' 
Mod. Syr. -? JL=^ bdbd den 'my father.' 

In Phenician and Post-Biblical Hebrew it stands after the 
noun in place of the suffix ; in Biblical Hebrew, in the few cases 
in which it occurs, after the noun with suffix: e. g., 

1 In Ethiopia an objective suffix may be emphasized by Jl? -f suffix, 
cf. Dill.-Bez. Ath. Gr. p. 303; Praet. Ath. Spr. p. 25: e. g., h.^h : TWUAh : 
fiyo/lft ; j^i a .jf a tasdhala-Jca 'amldk l thee God has blest.' With this is to 
be compared the use of Arabic U\ 'ma in similar cases, e. g., <^b\ <JXXi\^ 
ra'aitu-ka 'iiia-ka l l saw thee; cf. Wright-De. G. Arab. Gr. II. p. 283 (top); 
and also the use of the Assyrian independent genitive and accusative 
forms, e. g., iikaUim-anni idsi 'he showed me, 1 kdsa luqbi-ka l thee will I tell' 
(cf. Del. p. 351). Morphologically the -iia of Jnia, the id of idti, idsi, and 
the Arabic 'iiid are indentical ; cf. Brock. Comp. Gr. p. 314 ( 160 b, d). 

2 Cf. Marg. Man. Bab. Tal. p. 69. 



244 Frank E. Blake, [1912. 



Ph. on? niyDD by-marob syllohom 'through their 

protection.' 

mtNl 'through his help/ 
Mish. ^ lyj 'my word. 7 

Bib. Heb. ^ W3 'my garden' (Ct. 1, 6). 
In the Modern Arabic dialects the possessive pronouns are 
used in apposition to a noun with the definite article, the whole 
combination being practically equivalent to a noun with the 
suffix ; lx^ in Egypt , and ^U* in Syria and probably cu>Jo 
are varied to agree in gender and number with the preceding 
noun; the forms in the other dialects are invariable: e. g., 

el-kitab betd'i 'my book. 7 
el-benduqle beta'etah 'thy flint-lock.' 
el-buiut butu'i 'my houses.' 
el-hutub meta'i 'my books.' 
*)\jJJl el-qizaze meta'ak 'thy bottle.' 
Jl^ ULw-uJl es-sef diidli 'my sword.' 
Bag. (JU iJU-uJI es-se/* ma^i 'my sword.' 
In Assyrian the word attu with suffixes may, like the 
possessive pronouns, be used before or after the noun, which 
may or may not have the corresponding suffix, e. g., 



a&w'a attu'a j < my father> , 
attu'a abu' a f 



bUa attunu (ace.) 'our house.' 

attuni aMbani 'our remaining.' 

Similar is the use in the Assyrian of the Amarna letters of 
an (probably connected , with demonstrative annii) + suffix, in- 
stead of a simple possessive suffix; the modified noun seems to 
stand in the construct: e. g., 

mdrat aniia 'my daughter. 7 

(<=) 

In Ethiopic sometimes, instead of a simple possessive suffix ? 
the preposition A + suffix may be employed, 1 e. g., 

1 "Whether the preposition + suffix may also follow its noun does not 
appear from the examples given by Dill-Bez. p. 416. With this usage 
are to be compared the so-called mediate (mittelbar) suffixes in Tigrina, 
Tigre, and Amharic. These are composed of prepositions (in Amharic 
rt, (1; in Tigrina A; in Tigre X2V, fit 'in', fl) + suffix. They are 
employed, however, only with verbs: cf. Praet. Amh. Spr. p. 116 f.; Praet. 
Tig. Spr. p. 152 f.; Littm. Te. Pron. pp. 226-229. 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 245 

: lotu ma'aza 'its odor.' 

: ua-lati-ni mai iahaiier 'and even its 
water is flowing.' 



Nominal Apposition. 

A noun may be modified by another noun standing in ap- 
position in the same case; in Arabic a noun in apposition to 
a vocative in the nominative case form may stand in either 
nominative or accusative. 1 Both nouns may be common, or one 
may be a proper name. 2 Sometimes the first of two nouns in 
apposition is to be regarded as the modifier, but usually the 
second is subordinate to the first. 

A common noun may be used in apposition to another common 
noun to denote class, quality, material or content. The apposi- 
tives that denote class are the most common, but examples of 
all the others 3 are found in some of the languages. In Assyrian 
an appositive indicating material precedes its noun; when the 
first noun is plural the second noun is regularly put in the 
singular, e. g., 

Ass, ekallu subat $arrutiu 'the palace, his royal abode.' 
erinu zululu 'cedar roofing.' 
liuragu iJizu 'a golden setting.' 
alaniSu dannuti btt nigirtiSu 'his strong cities, well 

guarded places.' 

garrani dlik mahriia 'the kings my predecessors.' 
Eth. &&: \ tti&T \ uelud ra'ait 'giant sons.' 

7yjy ; X4t ; gaMnam 'esat 'the fire of hell.' 
fl?iA> : iT-w : be'ese negii8a (ace.) 'a man. a king.' 
Amh. flC^ : Jd^ i Mroc-enaUiat 'my servants the prophets.' 
TiU : &6? \ flC : $eh derim ber 'a thousand dirhems of 

silver/ 



1 A somewhat similar indecision with regard to the concord of an 
apposition to a vocative appears in Sanskrit and Greek, where such a noun 
may stand either in the vocative or the nominative: cf. Delbr. Verg. Syn> 
III. p t 196 f. 

2 In Indo-European, apposition is mostly of the second variety , cf, 
Delb. op. cit p. 195. 

3 Appositives of this character are found in Egyptian, but apparently 
not to any extent in Coptic, cf. Erman, Agypt. Gr. p. 113; Steind. Kopt. 
Gr. p. 78. 



246 Frank B. Blake, [1912. 



i mddgd uehd 'a jug of water.' 

quera$ 'enjera 'a bit of bread. 7 

Arab. *^J\ Jj^Jl ar-rajulu 's-sau'u 'the bad man.' 
ganamu n >aliabu n 'a golden image.' 
mfZit w a$M n 'a pint of olive oil.' 
Heb. T\ych$ ntf 'a widow woman.' 
rn?tt 'a virgin maid.' 
^BK 'true words.' 
bSD 'brass cymbals.' 
HD 'a seafo of fine flour.' 
Bib. Aram. ^.tPl|a pna 'men, mighty men.' 
Sam. rum SKD HEW 'his servant, the head of his house.' 
Syr. }-&. ^,jo ^^l en J^D pnbn '30 measures of wheat.' 
Bab. Tal. Htt nni 'men carpenters.' 

nn ^p nn 'two kals of dates.' 
Man. ]in s ^l ftnau 'the men, their husbands.' 
Mod. Syr. JLUMUB JLu^ JL M fa'na qamha 'a load of meal.' 
hoi JL^OJ JL^A* Sail 1 a zoga tore 'seven 

yoke of oxen,' 

When one of the two nouns is a proper noun , the modifying 
common noun usually stands second, but sometimes it precedes 
the proper noun, especially when it is a common epithet or title. 1 
In Assyrian the same rule of concord holds good as in the 
preceding case. e. g., 

Ass. Astartarikku Mratsu 'A. his consort.' 

ama u I$tar git libbiSu 'S. and I., his own offspring.' 
bel ildni Marduk 'Marduk, the lord of the gods.' 

Eth. ft?-? 1 07C : sodom Jiagar 'the city of Sodom.' 
OLGft i flrh,C pros beher 'the land of Tyre.' 
rffcV*} : fl&ft/F : heiidn ~b$estt-u 'Eve his wife.' 

Amh. Xt2* : o>7i : 'etegfa-Uu uaSU 'Queen Yashti.' 
Art*C : iV^t'F : 'aster negest-ttu 'Esther the queen.' 

Arab. jo^ v*Jy^.l 'aliu-ka zaidu n 'thy brother Zaid.' 
^^L\ ^s- 'umaru 'ahu-ka 'Umar thy brother.' 



b id muhammadu \ 

prophet.' 

1 Similarly common epithets often precede in Indo-European, e. g., 
Sanskrit raja varunah 'king Yaruna,' M. H. Germ, der herre Sifrit 'the 
lord Siegfried.' Of. Delbr. Verg. Syn. III. pp. 198, 199. 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 247 



Hebr. *&B TH 'David the king/ 

1V\ ^&n 'King David.' 
Syr. n<4-xajl JL\jo DltDD^ ?^0 'king Anastasius.' 

J-a\ *D<4^xuf 3btt DIBDiK 'Anastasius the king.' 
When a preposition stands before the first of the two nouns 
it is, in all the languages except Amharic, ordinarily not repeat- 
ed. Cases of repetition, however, occur in several of the 
languages, e. g., 

Eth. AX?aX? : AfrflCyy : la-egzVeiala-'abrehdm 'to my lord 

Abraham.' 
Ta. F*l\ i "VCfT i yftQTh ; mes mdridm mes-eno-u 'with 

Mary his mother.' 
Heb. ^3iT n $ 1 s D"n 'his brother Abel (ace.). 5 

*)D1^p Uri 1 ? 'to his son Joseph.' 
Man. MMiy mw MNB^ /* HnaHi 'his father, . . . the spirit 

by which he was begotten (ace.).' 

In Amharic the matter is somewhat complicated. When both 
nouns are determined, the preposition is usually repeated; when 
only the first noun is determined, the preposition is sometimes 
repeated and sometimes not; when tlje first noun is indeterminate, 
the preposition is used almost always before this noun only: e. g., 
i AW/TF : la- aster la-neget-Uu 'to Esther the 

queen.' 
i WP& i <D* i iabateh ia-na l od uaddj 'the friend of 

thy father Naod.' 
la-bdrocu la-nabndt 'to his servants, the 

prophets.' 

i ia-neguS teuoderos 'of king Theodore.' 
\ fr^THd- ; A^' : uada 'amanzera set 'to a harlot woman/ 



Adverbial Qualification. 

Circumstantial. 

A noun or adjective is used in what may be called circum- 
stantial or adverbial apposition to another noun to indicate 
the condition of that noun when the action of the sentence is 
performed. In Assyrian the appositive is represented by the 
adverbial derivative in -is: in Arabic the indefinite accusative 
of the appositive is employed: in Ethiopic the appositive, which 
stood originally in the accusative as in Arabic, may stand in 
either nominative or accusative when the governing noun is a 



248 Frank E. Blake, [1912. 

nominative; a suffix referring to the governing noun is most 
commonly added to the appositive: in Tigrina the appositive 
takes a suffix as in Ethiopia, and stands thus, or is placed after 
the preposition fl: in Amharic the suffix is employed with a 
few special words 1 used as appositives, sometimes with accusa- 
tive determinant 1, otherwise the appositive stands absolutely: 
in the other languages the noun or adjective is regularly used 
without change of form: in Hebrew instead of the adjective 
p^, an adverbial form DjJ'H is employed; the appositive ad- 
jective or noun usually agrees in gender and number with the 
governing noun; the adverbial forms are invariable; hence some- 
times by analogy the noun or adjective is uninflected. 2 e. g., 

Ass. Sarru $alfi ittallak 'the king went as a ruler. 7 
Sarru edi ipparSid 'the king fled alone.' 

Arab. ^Lo,xjl Jl lv^< ;Uo sdra mutauajjiha n 'ila 'l-ma- 
dwati 'he journeyed, going towards Medina.' 

jd'a zaidu n bakiia" 'Zaid came 

" A 

weeping.' 

laqaitu l amra n bdkiia" 'I met 
Amru weeping.' 
Eth. (DM i tfXft. : th-H- : ua-liora West tekuz-u 'and the 

man went away sad. 7 

: flKrt. : &*Tk? ; naqlia le'esi dengud-o 'the man awoke 
terrified. 7 

i rakabkeuomu feSuhanWiomti 'I 
found them joyful.' 

or AlK? i ietrefu 'adarn w- 
Mud hezundna or hez&ndn 'Adam and Eve shall re- 
main behind sad. 7 

Chto- : IT'iaJ : fl^jEi : ^t^t ; re^ku JiauaJma samdifetu- 
hdta 'I saw the gates of heaven standing open.' 
Ta. Trf* : ^^ : ferdh-u Mdame 'he fled naked. 7 

Trf?.?- 1 ([&:? \ ferdi-u sadaduo 'they drove him forth naked.' 
>(10a><4< iTlT(D&&il)e- t eur-uze4avialde l w'ho was born blind.' 
tttr? : ftiHd i Ma* i dr'fcfi? ; #&? : MAT, : kuellom 
MzU 'allau be-melu-6m iegl&iu 'abdage 'all the people 
were praying in a multitude before the door.' 

1 Of. Praet. Amh. Spr. pp. 346348. 

2 Examples in which a noun is modified by the appositive not being 
always available, cases in which the appositive modifies a pronoun are 
added to show the construction, 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 249 



(\f. : rh : flX<K : Wthll : sadad-o hannd be-esur-u ne- 
iasus 'Hanna sent Jesus bound.' 

Amh. 9*&C9" : (If. : ifl^Y : medr-em bddo nabbarac 'and the 
earth was empty/ 

: bddd-u-n-em saddadu-t 'and he sent 

him forth empty-handed/ 
fl^Am \ 'eraqut-u-nkarsacaii 'amallafa 
'he fled from them naked.' 
: ftd> : ffD.P'H' : o^rt^ : ia-mabalat-u-n-em bare 
maiazd uassadu 'and the widow's ox they took as security.' 
Heh. hlX ^?"^ Ti 'I will go down to my 

son as a mourner.' 
ir&H Ding 'naked they go about.' 
VI1&; 'they shall die as men.' 
'I went forth (with) 
full (hands) and JHVH brings me back empty (handed).' 
Ojjn ^r\ & 'ye shall not go forth 
empty-handed.' 

Dgn rin^ niiD^ 'the widows thou hast 
sent away empty-handed.' 

Syr. JL r * o,a^. 0* <^o ;jjnj? n^ in ^1 'and he went 
into it first/ 

^K* ^a oa.c^V ,Xo/ Axoa.1 IS SIpJ}^ iblS pHD^ 

n^ 'Isaac begot Jacob when be was GOjears old.' 



4 Jephtah, the fugitive, rose as the chief of his people.' 
A noun may also be modified by the adverbial ideas 'also', 
'only, alone', 'indeed (simple emphasis)' which belong to the 
same general class of ideas as the preceding. 



'Also' is expressed by the following words, viz., 

Eth. -i, -X -m, -M 

Amh. WF i dagmo 

Ta. -0*1, M7 i -uen, Mam 

Arab. UoM 'aida* 

Heb. 05, *)8 

Syr. l 1 (so Aramaic in general). 

Mod. Syr. *o! '%> 

The Ethiopic, Tigrina, and Arabic forms stand after the 
modified noun, -i, -X, and ~<&\ being enclitic; in Ethiopic a) 
may precede the modified noun in addition: the Hebrew and 

VOL. XXXII. Part III. 18 



250 Frank B. Blake, [1912. 

Aramaic forms precede; in Hebrew, however, it is more common 
to place DJ after the noun with a pronoun referring to the 
noun following it. e. g., 

Eth. ffMlX ; iasus-ln \ . T 

" - ^ } 'Jesus also.' 
ua-iasus-hi } 

i tta-ba-medr-m 'and in the earth also.' 
ua-ensesa-ln 'and the beasts also.' 
Ta. IrtlOto^l : ne-saribat-uen 'of the Sabbath also.' 

$63ft \ M? i qara$at kd am 'the publicans also. 7 
Arab. LaM ^JJ\ al-kalbu 'aida n 'the dog also.' 

U1 J^olA hdttlu 'aida n 'Abel also.' 
Heb. NirrDS t^tfjj 'the man also.' 

DfcOnas ^K$ D^n 'is Saul also among the prophets?' 
Syr. t-o, A! YTJ ^] 'David also.' 

Only. 1 

The idea 'only, alone' is expressed by the following words, 
viz., 

Eth. OAt^i MMt 

Ta. -flAt ; &fa 

Amh. fl;f; 6eca 
Arab. kKi faqaj, ^ ^1 ?a ^airw 
Eg. Arab. LAS, ,^0 /a$af, bess. 
Heb. in 1 ?, frj, 'tj 

Syr. ;uAa ^r6a 

Mod. Syr. **l 'ahci 

All these words except the Arabic, Modern Syriac(P), and 
Hebrew pi, "JN, take a suffix referring to the noun they modify, 
and follow their noun; 2 , classical Arabic faqctf, which means 
literally 'and that's enough,' or 'and that's all,' and Id gairu 
'not besides,' 3 regularly stand at the end of the sentence; in 
Egyptian Arabic the words may precede or follow their noun: 
Hebrew pi and *JN precede the noun. e. g., 

Eth. nfcfc : arhtt : bffeti Mhtit-u 'the man alone, only 
the man.' 

: noh IdhtU-u 'only- Noah.' 



1 In Assyrian the idea 'alone', and probably also 'only' is expressed 
by edissu + suffix, viz., edissisu, cf. Del. HB. p. 20. 

2 Compare with these Coptic ouaa 'alone' -f- suffixes, Steind. Kopt. 
Gr. p. 84. 

3 With these are to be compared the Modern Persian ^j**^ va-bds 
only (and enough),' and the Spanish no mas in such expressions as dos 
libros no mas 'two books only.' 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, <&c. 251 






Ta. ATI a : flrht^ : heztt leht-dm 'the people alone/ 
Amh. hjfclKe- : Y1& \ h-fl^o* \ ft#C : ka-iehud nagad ka- 
becd-u baqar 'except the tribe of Judah only.' 1 
A*iU?V : 41? : la-kdhenat beta 'to the priests alone/ 
Cl. Arab. k& ^~o *U. ^a'a iustifu faqaj 'only Joseph came.' 
Eg. Arab. J^ys ^*^^ ^AS faqa$ liamas quruS ) 'only five 

liamas quruS faqajf piasters.' 
e5s arfcaa gwrw^ 'only four piasters.' 
Heb. 1*13? ^f5^ 'Jacob alone, only Jacob.' 

D^5^ B^nlsn n1 'the land of the priests alone.' 
D'Srten nD1 pi 'only the land of the priests.' 
H'r^ 'only Noah.' 
Syr. _o,o ? <uA^ JUdM NlH^nbn }ns 'only the priest.' 



Simple Emphasis. 

In some of the languages a special adverbial particle of 
pronominal origin is employed to emphasize the noun. Such 
particles are found in Assyrian, Ethiopic, Arabic, Hebrew, 
Syriac, and Mandaic, 2 viz., 
Ass. -ma 

Eth. -a -ma, \i \ kema 
Te. V tu* 
Syr. oo, ^JT. Man. in 
Arab. -J la- 
Heb. -b 

Except in Arabic and Hebrew these particles regularly 
follow their noun; e. g., 

Ass. $ar A^ur-ma 'king of Assyria.' 

ina Satti-ma iati 'in that very year.' 
ina girnia-ma 'on my campaign.' 

1 The preposition fca is here repeated before the apposition becd (cf. p. 247). 

2 These particles are employed to emphasize not only nouns but all 
parts of speech. In Mandaic hu seems to be used chiefly with pronouns. 
With this use of hu in Aramaic is to be compared the so-called adverbial 
use of the demonstrative nt and Kin in Hebrew, chiefly with interroga- 
tive pronouns; these emphatic demonstratives are apparently not em- 
ployed with nouns. Cf. Ges. Heb. Gr. pp. 463, 464. 

Similar emphatic particles are found in most of the Philippine langu- 
ages, e. g., Tagalog nga, Bisaya man, etc. 

3 Used chiefly with verbs, but also with other words, probably includ- 
ing nouns, tho no examples are given by Littmann. As an example of 
its use will serve X*fl*l I *t* \ 'eb-ka tu 'in thee indeed;' cf. Te. Prow. pp. 
301-303. 

18* 



252 Frank E. Blake, [1912. 



Eth. fl^fll* *, a$*\iUfrav \ uesta matdkfi-Jiu-ma 'on his own 
shoulders. 7 

J heiauan kema 'the living (not the dead).' 
; ft** i ^esfa fcar kema 'merely into the 
belly.' 

fifi s ft'Mlftir ; ft^ ; 'afcfro ba-Mbest kema 'not by bread 
alone.' 

Syr. U< p^ oo, Ua-sV NW TU in K^rb 'for she is like 
a building.' 

oo ik*xa^ in sn^nb 'to emZ.' 

The Arabic and Hebrew 1 particles precede the noun, e. g., 
Arab. O^-J^ la-l-maiitu 'death itself.' 
Heb. Tl nW 'verily a dead dog' (Ecc. 9, 4). 
In Syriac a somewhat similar emphasis is conferred by placing 
the personal pronoun of the third person before the noun or a 
noun with modifiers; the pronoun agrees with the noun in 
gender and number: e. g., 

004 NWK 1H 'he, Jeremiah.' 

j.D<uai oo, fcni&j KD1&J in 'the law of the watchman.' 
itD )^n ]isn 'these blessed ones.' 

iK^oa NO, M ot n:nn nn s n 'this blessing.' 

With this construction is to be compared the Biblical 
Aramaic 

^ Kin 'that image, with regard to that image' (Dan. 2, 32), 
and the cases in Mandaic in which the personal pronoun of 
the third person is used before a noun, 2 e. g., 
JUVl 'they, the angels.' 
'she,4he Euha.' 



Sentence Qualification. 

A noun is often modified by a whole sentence. This sentence 
may be a relative clause with or without connecting relative 
pronoun; 3 or the sentence, with or without connecting relative 

1 For this particle in Hebrew, cf. Brock. Comp. Gr. II. Syntax, p. 110, 
and the literature there referred to. 

2 It is also possible that these Mandaic pronouns are used here simply 
as demonstrative adjectives, just as they are in many cases after the noun ; 
cf. Nold. Man. Gr. pp. 336, 337. 

3 The relative pronoun is at times varied for gender and number, viz., 
Eth. H za-, f. Xlt ; 'enta; pi. fcrt : 'ella: cf. Dill.-Bez. Ath. Gr. 

p, 295. 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 253 

pronoun, may stand as a sort of nomen rectum after the construct 
state of the noun. 

The first construction is found in all the languages. The 
relative pronoun regularly stands at the beginning of its clause 
except in Amharic and Tigre; in Amharic it always, in Tigre 
it usually stands immediately before the verb. 1 The relative 
clause regularly follows its noun in Assyrian, Arabic, Hebrew, 
and Aramaic, though in Assyrian, Syriac, and Mandaic in- 
stances of preposition are sometimes found; in Ethiopic, Tigrina, 
and Tigre it may either precede or follow; in Amharic long 
relative clauses usually follow, while with short clauses prepo- 
sition is the regular rule, tho even in this case the relative 
clause often follows when its antecedent has another modifier. 
In Arabic, and usually in Mehri, the relative pronoun is used 
only when the modified noun is definite. 2 In Mineo-Sabean 
a relative clause is extremely rare, its place being taken by a 



Ta. sg. Ti ze- pi. XA:XV: 'ella 'elle (the demonstratives X"H \ 'e* 

and XlT I 1 et are also employed as relatives) : cf . Praet. Tig. 
Spr. p. 165. 

Arab. ^JJl allaffi, f. ^\ allati; pi. in. crf.JJl allaftina, f. ^^\ 
alldti (other forms sg. and pi., and a dual occur; ^>, usually 
indeclinable, but also with a full series of forms, is used in 
some dialects) cf. Wright-DeG. Arab. Gr. I. pp. 270273. 
Min. >, f.CA o\*Vn; pi. JW:cf.Homm. Sud-arab. Chr. pp. 15,16. 

Meh. sg. da, de, di pl.la,le,li: cf. Jahn, Meh. Gr. p. 28. 

In many languages, however, it has become an invariable particle, viz. 
Ass. sa: Te. rt, 4 la-, Id-: Amh. ?, <t? ia~, iam- $.9* before imperfect 
otherwise ?): Mod. Arab. (J.1 elle (cf. Wahrm. Prakt. Handb. p. 181: 
for other dialectic forms cf. Brock. Comp. Gr. p. 325, 109 c.): Heb. 
"NPK (also Mo.), tf; the demonstratives nt, 1t, are also used as rela- 
tives (cf. Ges. Heb. Gr. pp. 118, 467, 468): Phen. tf, V: Aram, n, n. 

In some languages the regular demonstratives are also employed as 
relatives, so, e. g., in Hebrew and Tigrina. In Classical Arabic and 
Hebrew the article is occasionally used as relative ; cf. Wright-DeG. Arab. 
Gr. I p. 269; Ges. Heb. Gr. p. 468 ( 138 i). It is not impossible that 
the Tigre relative and article are identical (ctr. p. 142, n. 2). For the 
forms of the relatives in general, cf. Brock. Comp. Gr. pp. 324 326 
( 109). 

1 In compound verbal forms in Amharic and Tigre, the relative regu- 
larly stands with the auxiliary (cf. Praet. Amh. Spr. p. 255); Littm. Te. 
Pron. p. 308 [L.'s statement as to Amharic is a mistake]). 

2 This is also the rule in Coptic, cf. Steind. Kopt. Gr. pp. 219221. 



254 Frank R. Blake, [1912. 

clause standing as nomen rectum to an antecedent (cf. below). 1 
e. g., 

Ass. mdtu 8a ak$udu 'the land that I conquered.' 

a epu8~$unuti dunqu 'the favor that I showed them.' 
Eth. t&Ctt \ HTt : 9*? i mar at za-mota met-d 'a bride 

whose husband is dead.' 

HH-ft" : jaATH : KmfrfldtC : za-kuello i&eliez 'egzia- 

Hher 'God who holds all things.' 
Arab. <*J O^-k <^J\ *Jb *xjl al-madmatu allati zaliarat 

lahu 'the city which appeared to him.' 
Meh. uuzir di-shdj habuniie 'the vizier who killed my 

children.' 
Ta. rt-fl : TK0& : XIH^MC : sab ze-uage 'erikam-maqabar 

'a man who came out of the graves.' 
Te. ojflt ; . . . ayCf : AttOl/^V : uatot . . . marid la-tetbahal 

'a maiden who was called Mary.' 

tt i AXrtW : 8-TX ; 'and la-'esateid geua 'the cup 

which I will drink.' 
Amh. ?hftCT : J7C i ia-kablarac nagar '& matter which 

is honorable.' 

X\ i (la**? i Jfld i tpaat> \ l and sau-em nablara 

ia-tdmama 'and there was a man who was sick.' 

^OHo* : pm i *&$ i ma'aza-u idmdra &t-u 'spices 

whose odor is pleasant.' 



'amdnu'el... tergudme-u 'egzVaHher kandgdrd iahona 

'Emanuel . . .^whose interpretation is "Grod with us".' 
Heb. nan a 1^ t^^n 'the man who came here.' 
Bib. Aram. 3b D^n n tt^S 'the image that the king had 

erected.' 
Syr. ^ajD? fo&. ? lb hSfF[ n^n rta 'the word of God 

which he had received.' 

nuT 4^x0 j kux t^JS lip 1 ^ tvh 'there was no one who 

thought.' 
Man. KMTI nin ln 'that image which he saw.' 

K^y ^H ^^n^l 'and brought me a garment 

which was beautiful.' 
A relative clause has in many cases, especially if it is short, 

1 The relative pronoun in Mineo-Sabean is practically always a com- 
pound relative including its antecedent, cf. Homm. Siid-arab. Chr. p. 15. 






Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 255 

become simply an adjective; this is particularly true in Ethiopic, 

Tigrina, Tigre, and Amharic; 1 when the noun depends on a 

preposition the preposition may stand before the relative clause, 

the relative pronoun being omitted in Amharic (cf. below), e. g., 

Eth. H?0a : -flCyi i za-itiabi berhdn 'the great light (light 

that is great). 7 

flfcTT : 1rtt : AAt ; ba-enta Mafat lelU 'in the 
night which has passed. 7 
Ta. ?i1*Hl : AtffDfrX : P")* i 'enkdb 'et-mage 1 meat 'from 

the wrath to come.' 

The relative clause may stand after the noun without rela- 
tive pronoun 2 in Assyrian, Arabic, Mehri, Hebrew, Samaritan, 
and Modern Syriac, and less frequently in Biblical Aramaic, 
Jewish Palestinian, Syriac, and Mandaic. In Arabic no relative 
is employed when the noun is indefinite: in Mehri the relative 
is regularly omitted in this case, but also at times when the 
antecedent is definite : in Hebrew the use of the relative clause 
without relative pronoun is more common in poetry : in Mod- 
ern Syriac this omission is very common in relative sentences 
whose subject is a noun with suffix, and whose predicate is an 
adjective; in such relative clauses the copula is also omitted, e. g., 
, Ass. liltu epu$u 'the house that I built. 7 
Arab, o^ ^J JUo J^ rajulu n iuqalu laliu zaidu n 'a man 

who was called Zaid.' 

Meh. risit tetui hdbu 'a snake that eats men.' 
Heb. 1S "^9D,. < ! ^?5tf 'the man that trusts in 

"him 7 (Ps. 34,9). 
Bib. Aram. W& )^ an arrp} Dbs 'a golden image whose 

height was 60 cubits.' 
Sam. \ft rrt KJHK2 'in a land which is not 

theirs. 7 
Syr. *M* oo>f ljul HDI^ 3T^ KBfa 'a man whose name was 

Job. 7 

Man. 3 HOW OKI KlllfcO 'a man whose name was 

Earn.' 



1 Coptic forms similar adjectives, cf. Steind. Kopt. Gr. pp. 81, 219. 

2 The relative may be omitted in both Egyptian and Coptic, in the 
latter as in Arabic; cf. Erman, Agypt. Gr. p. 281; Steind. Kopt. Gr. pp. 
219 221. Omission of the relative is also common in English. 

3 The omission of the relative is specially frequent in Mandaic in clauses 
which give the name of a person as here; cf. Nold. Man. Gr. p. 460. 



256 Frank E. Blake, [1912. 



Mod. Syr. tU*A* -o,oK Jjuf JL* ha 'nd$a pat-u gdpirta 

'a man with a handsome face/ 

In Amharic the relative particle ? (the 9* of ?y is retained) 

introducing a preceding relative clause, is omitted like the sign 

of the genitive (cf. p. 228 ahove) whenever the modified noun is 

governed by a preposition or the sign of the genitive; e. g., 

a& i hft i (for Sh-) ha* i uada kalbara (for ia-ka-) sau 

'towards a man who is honorable.' 

hfl(? : taw**^ ; (f or ??<rz..) l\? ; kabro ia-mimatu (for ia-ia- 
mi-) dastd 'the joy of those who beat drums.' 
^fTLftt : a^rt^ ; (for (W<^-) ^^fc^ ; 4 ; M^'a* ba-misaru 
(for ba-ia-ia-nvi-) rad'et lai 'against the help of those who 
do iniquity.' 

a-H'aoma^ : (for A??t-) h i ba-taqammafa-bat (for 6a-m- 
ia-ta-) 'ej 'in the hand of the one who sat upon him.' 
In Amharic the relative clause is treated as a unit and 
may take the sign of determination (u, &; or after u, *f or *F) 
and the accusative 1, just like the genitive phrase (cf. p. 229 
above), e. g., 

i idrrafa-u 'abdteh 'your deceased (who has 

died) father.' 

tayaddalu-t Sawdc'thewho-were-killedmen'. 
s iazzaza-ii-en querban-u-n 'the sacrifice 

(ace.) which he ordered.' 

In Tigre a relative clause modifying a noun with article 
either stands after the noun or (rarely) is placed between the 
article and the noun, e. g., 

MM 1 40 : \il& i (or' 1 : 4hJP :) la-akdn la-dtb-d karati-o 

(dib-a Id-karaii-o) 'the place in which they laid him.' 

9M i rth-flX'F : A^l : O^t : n\es-la (article) sakeb-'etu la-'dld 

(relative + auxil. verb) 'ami 'with the which-he-was- 

lying-upon-it bed.' 

Examples in which a sentence depending on a noun stands 
as nomen rectum after the construct state are found in Ara- 
bic, Ethiopic, Hebrew, and Mineo-Sabean. In the first three 
languages they are comparatively rare, being most frequent 
when the modified noun denotes a division of time, but in 
Mineo-Sabean this construction takes the place of the rela- 
tive clause introduced by relative pronoun. 1 e. g., 

i Cf. D. H. Miiller, Der status constructus im Himyarischen, ZDMG. 
30, pp. 117124. 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, <&c. 257 

Arab. ^Xjco f y <Jl 'ild iaumi iub'athuna 'till the day 

when they shall be raised up. 7 
T l^.i\ o ^) zamana 'l-hajdju J amiru n 'at the 

time when Hajaj was emir.' 
Eth. &*?. : ftV0 : -MM : lemdda iebale'u liebura 'the custom 

of eating together.' 
tfD'POA : 17^ : #2^ : maiid'la nagSa ddint 'the days 

when David reigned.' 
Heb. f"6$fl TS 'by the hand (of him) thou wilt send' 

"(Ex. 4,13). 
n^D'^ Hirp IS^l OVa 'at the time when JHVH spoke 

to M*oses' (Ex. 6, 28). 

Min. ^> ^XAsr 8 ^ bn mhfd bni 'from the tower (that) he built.' 
cuS'jo*. JocX^ vXjo b l d fydtht hdtht 'after the accident 

(that) happened.' 

\j ^ l lm r' 'the token (that) he saw.' 
In Hebrew a sentence in this construction is often intro- 
duced by a relative pronoun; in Arabic, sometimes by a sub- 
ordinate conjunction. In Hebrew this is especially frequent 
after the noun Dlpfc 'place.' e. g., 

Heb. IS ytin 1^ ^"^3 'all the time that the plague is 

upon him' (Lev. 13, 46). 
D'H'iDS "sjipljn *TP$ *^N S^P? 'the place where the king's 

captives were imprisoned 7 (Gen. 39, 20). 
Arab. ycu*>\ ^\ cus^ itaqta 'an-i 'statara 'at the time that 
he hid himself. 7 

Nominal Coordination. 

Two on more coordinated nouns may in some languages be 
joined together without conjunction; 1 so in Assyrian, Amharic, 
Tigrina, Babylonian Talmudic, Modern Egyptian Arabic, and 
Modern Syriac: e. g., 

Ass. Same ergiti 'of heaven and earth. 7 
biltu mandattu 'tribute and offering.' 
Nabu Marduk 'Nebo and Marduk.' 

1 Asyndeton is found also in Egyptian (cf. Erman, Agypt Gr. p. 113): 
in Indo-European it also occurs in a number of languages, viz., Sanskrit, 
Greek, Latin, Lithuanian, and Russian; cf. Delbr. Verg. Syn. III. pp. 
181 194. In Sanskrit two such nouns often form a compound (dvandva), 
cf, op. cit. pp. 190192. 



258 Frank E. Blake, [1912. 



Amh. T^Wi \ hfrM : guegsa-n 'aluld-n (ace.) 'G-uegsa 

and Alula.' 
$TC : KIP J t 1 -^ : #<?fr saraga gw#/ 'wall, door, 

and bolt. 7 
Ta. U^ \ I O.P fr : 'orit nabnat 'the law and the pro- 

phets.' 
^17^ : M ^ \ iihj&aJt ; mangadi 'unat Miiiat 'the 

way, the truth, and the life.' 
Bab. Tal.Kt WINS fcmifiS NrODttS 'with regard to the treat- 

ise, the couch, and the lodgings.' 

Eg.Arab. <*j^v>JX*<o\ J^-^x*^ 4JJ& ^^^ ^j^>J (-x ^.^ ^^> 
ruhnd bans lundera barlm fienna istambid, 
iskenderne 'we journeyed to Paris, London, 
Berlin, Vienna, Constantinople, Alexan- 
dria. 7 

Mod. Syr. JJL^S \v**o sapere perie 'the Scribes and Pharisees.' 
Ordinarily, however, they are joined together by a con- 
junction meaning 'and'. In all the languages except Amharic 
and Tigrina 1 the construction is simple, and consists in join- 
ing the different words together by some form of the con- 
junction ua. If there are three or more words so connected, 
the conjunction may be omitted before all but the last two; 
so in Ethiopic, Hebrew, Biblical Aramaic, Syriac, Babylonian 
Talmudic (here apparently the regular construction), and 
Mandaic. e. g., 

Ass. Sa Same u ergiti 'of heaven and earth.' 
ardu u amtu 'manservant and maid.' 
Ndbu u Marduk 'Nebo and Marduk.' 
Arab. <^x!^ ay I 'abtilm ua-ummuJiu 'his father and his 

mother.' 

jj)\3 J^- J I_5 ^.JI 3 *UJI O x> *^ J^ kullu M'i n 
mina '8-a J i ua-n-na f ami tja-n-nahli ua-z-zari 'all 
kinds of flocks and camels and palms and grains.' 
Eth. "Mlft^ : OKDJ&I : Mbest ua-uain 'bread and wine.' 

DACWh : floXoi* ; somson iia-abuhu tia-'emmu 
'Samson, his father and his mother.' 
: 12V i cotMdft i mangeSt hail tia-sebhat 'the 
kingdom, the power, and the glory.' 



1 What the construction is in Tigre does not appear, as Littmann in 
his two articles on Tigre discusses only the pronouns and the verb. - 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 259 



Heb. pm Dl&tfn 'heaven and earth/ 

S 1??3 TJ9* J*ft 'sheep, cattle, men-servants, 
and maid-servants.' 

*)D35 njIJtsa 'in cattle, silver and gold.' 
Bib. Aram. iTjKtel N&'pn 'the dream and its interpretation.' 
W 1|5' I< 1 nap}* J}]? 'gifts and a reward and great 
honor.' 

^ Knoll KJTOte 'the kingdom, power, 
glory, and honor.' 

^P n I^O^ <to Hananiah, Mishael and 
Azariah.' 
Syr. K*fo U* Njn1 N S T # 'heaven and earth.' 

!JMo JL*JB K?/ NrW} N*lj2 NJp.K 'the land, the vine 

and the olive.' 

Bab. Tal. NIWl fcnon N^ttin 'a cock, an ass, and a candle.' 
Man. Knfc6P1Bn KWB1 ^^1p JO 'from snares, punish- 

ments, and chains.' 

wnyi fcnu ni s ni 'with sword, fire, and burning.' 

Mod. Syr. UIOJUAO !;<** bahrd iia-Sehunia 'light and warmth.' 

Sometimes with groups of more than three nouns the con- 

junction is used in more than one case, tho not in all. This 

is due ordinarily to the fact that all the elements are not 

coordinate, but that some are more closely connected than 

others; it may in some cases be due to textual corruption. 

This phenomenon is probably found in most if not all of the 

languages. Examples are available in Hebrew, Biblical Ara- 

maic, Mandaic, and Egyptian Arabic, e. g., 

Heb. Dv?$n 5? bbbi mVusb'j rn^i, tfntib hyjsb 'to Baal, 

to the sun, moon, constellations, and all the 
host of heaven.' 

Khp natSh Bhh 'new moon and sabbath, the 
calling of an assembly.' 
jj rv6n;rib 'myrrh, aloes, and cassia,' 1 

DS Ttt$H Tto 'O^Pin TD^ 'Eliphaz the 
Temanite, Bildad the Shuhite, and Zophar 
the Naamathite.' 

1 Perhaps the first two are to be considered as more closely connected 
with one another than with the third element. This is indicated by the 
fact that in three of the four passages in which the word for 'aloes' 
occurs it is preceded by "itt as here (Ps.45, 9). It is not impossible, ho- 
wever, that the order of the words is wrong, and that the reading 
should be IB nbr\N\ nwsp (so Haupt). 



260 



Frank E. Blake, 



[1912. 



Bib. Aram. JVtirfy ftrbw? Wiyff}} K3^0 'the king and his 
councillors, his queens and his concubines.' 

s* s T i:nn Ky^-ntfnay ^?p NTO^ ^ID 'the 

ministers of the kingdom, the governors and 
the princes, the councillors and the satraps.' 
NJJK *6pB Ntfna NBp?1 NSrn V6*6 'to gods 
of gold and silver, of bronze, iron, wood 
and stone. 7 

NBj?rn KJpH Kljote 'the kingdom, power 
and strength, and glory.' 

jirpBtobi jinnjjrpi ]irr#&s> iin^aioa 'in their 

mantels (?), their cloaks (?), and their hats, 
(and their clothes)' 1 [Dan. 3, 21]. 

Man. KIKWI N1KDB1 N1K3D1 K3*6n KIND ftUMB 'the in- 

strument, the foot-block, the torture and the 
twisting, and the fettering and racking.' 

fi^1 K'OW Kn^TO KnK^fcWn 'wild ani- 
mals, cattle, and fish and birds.' 

nVW wn WWn 'magnificence, splendor, 
and light and honor.' 

Eg. Arab. J^^^ J>A.\^ ^r* ****\j L/*^ ^^-^3 vjr^.-^ *>A^ 
iiahid qamis ue-itahid libds iiahid 'irie iie- 
iiahid farbuS 'a shirt and a pair of drawers, 
a cloak and a fez.' 

In Amharic and Tigrina, when a copulative conjunction is 
used to connect the nouns, the construction is somewhat more 
complicated than in the other languages. In Amharic is 
employed like ua between the words to be connected: 9" is 
ordinarily added to a word which is to be connected with a 
preceding word, tho it is sometimes employed also with the 
first of two nouns; when the element to be connected by 7 
consists of two or more words, the conjunction is not necessar- 
ily added to the first element, but may be taken by one of 
the others. When more than two words are to be connected 
they may be placed together without connective (cf. above), or 
one or more pairs may be connected by one or the other of 
the conjunctions V, 9"\ these conjunctions may be used 
together in the same chain of coordinated nouns, but not to 
connect the same pair of words, e. g., 

1 The last element is probably a gloss, explaining the unusual terms 
preceding. 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, <&c. 261 



samdi-na medr 'heaven and earth.' * 

mafras masabar-m 'destruction and de- 
vastation. 7 

rtftC^ : mafras tdldq masabar-m 'destruc- 
tion and great devastation.' 

: CH'rtt ; IM- : ia-galamotoc 'endt 
ia-medr-em rekuesat huln 'the mother of 
harlots and of all wickedness of the earth.' 
'orit-em nabiidt-em 'the law and the pro- 
phets.' 

: ^-jyo : ODOD^ . ^a>-9* \ ty 11 *!*^ : ia-Sega 
mamanat ia- din-em mamafidt ia-sau-m tem- 
keht 'lust of the flesh and lust of the eye 
and pride of life.' 

*WCC : wtytfi \ > a lgd md'd uaribar-na muqraz 
'bed, table, chair, and candlestick.' 

In Tigrina each element to be connected, including the first, 
is ordinarily followed by enclitic o*l or 1; in any one 
chain of nouns the connectives may be all the same, or both 
may be used. Sometimes art or I 1 is used like Amharic 
y only after the element to be connected, especially if it 
consists of more than one word. e. g., 

: 'dbo-uen 'end-uen 'father and mother.' 
dam-en mdi-n 'blood and water.' 
i frJiTaj.1 : A^tpVl i (rhjfco^aj^) s mangadi-uen 
'unat-mn hemat-en (or neiuatuen) 'the way, 
the truth, and the life.' 

ne-iehudd-uen ne-Mudt-u-n* 'to Judah 
and his brethren.' 

ne-quaVd-n neno-u-uen^ 'to the child and 
its mother.' 

iasus daqa mazdmurt-u-iwn 'Jesus 
and his disciples.' 

Conclusion. 

The various qualifications of the noun in Semitic, then, are 
expressed in general as follows. 

1 No example of 1 in this use is available, but the rule in all 
probability applies to it as well as to IP*"}. 

2 The preposition on which the first noun depends is almost always 
repeated as here, cf. Praet. Tig. Spr. p. 340 f. 



262 Frank E. Blake, [1912. 

Both simple determination and simple indetermination are 
often without special means of expression. Generally speaking 
the Semitic languages have developed two ways of indicating 
simple determination, viz., by article and by possessive suffix. 
Simple indetermination is expressed by indefinite articles de- 
rived in some languages from an indefinite enclitic particle ma, 
but more frequently by the numeral 'one*. 

Simple qualification is expressed by the descriptive adjective, 
which agrees with its noun in general in case, gender, number, 
and determination; sometimes the two are joined together in 
a construct chain. 

The demonstrative pronouns used as adjectives express 
demonstrative qualification; they have rules of concord similar 
to those of the descriptive adjective, but tho they require 
their noun to be in the definite state, it is only in Hebrew 
that the demonstrative itself takes the definite article. 

The interrogative 'which' is ordinarily expressed by an ad- 
jective; 'whose', by the genitive of 'who'; 'how much', in most 
cases by a word formed of a preposition meaning 'as, like' H- 
the neuter interrogative 'what'. 

Indefinite pronominal ideas are expressed sometimes by ad- 
jectives, sometimes by substantives followed by the genitive or 
a prepositional phrase, sometimes in other ways; at times they 
are expressed simply by the construction itself. 

Numeral qualification is expressed by the cardinal and 
ordinal numerals. The cardinals may stand as adjectives or 
appositives, or they may take their noun in the genitive or 
accusative. The numbers from 'three' to 'ten' have what might 
be called a reversed concord of gender. The noun is some- 
times singular, sometimes plural, the number depending in 
some cases on the numeral, in others on the noun. The ordinals 
may be expressed either by the ordinals proper, or by cardinals 
in the ordinal construction or after the noun in the genitive. 

Case relation between two nouns may be expressed by the 
construct chain, by joining the two nouns by a preposition, 
by a combination of these two methods, or by using instead 
of a simple preposition, a combination of relative pronoun and 
preposition. The construct chain is the oldest method, the 
others become more common in the later development of the 
individual languages, in some of them completely replacing 
the construct chain. 






Vol. xxxii]. Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 263 

Personal pronominal qualification is expressed by possessive 
pronominal suffixes added to the noun. 

Appositives are of two kinds, viz., (a) a common noun denot- 
ing class, measure, content, etc., standing as appositive to another 
common noun; (b) a common noun used as an appositive to 
a proper. 

Adverbial qualification is expressed by an appositive in 
accusative or nominative, or by certain adverbial and pronom- 
inal particles. 

A noun may be modified by a relative clause either with 
or without relative pronoun, or it may stand in the construct 
before a following sentence which takes the place of a genitive. 

Nouns may be coordinated by asyndeton, by using connec- 
tives between each two, or by using the connective only with 
certain pairs. 

The most characteristically Semitic of these constructions 
are, viz., the use of the possessive suffix to express determi- 
nation; the use of the article with both adjective and noun, 
and not once with the combination; the use of the article 
with noun modified by a demonstrative; the reversed concord 
of the cardinals from 'three' to 'ten 7 ; the use of the cardinals 
in the genitive in the sense of ordinals; the construct chain; 
prepo'sitional phrases derived from elliptical relative clauses; 
appositives denoting measure, content, and the like; the use 
of a whole sentence as a genitive after the construct of a 
noun. Generally speaking the more modern languages have, 
as was to be expected, given up many characteristic old Se- 
mitic constructions and adopted many new ones. To judge 
from the constructions treated in the present paper, the mem- 
bers of the Abyssinian group have departed farthest from the 
ancient Semitic norm, Amharic being the most extreme example 
of this phenomenon, while in Arabic and Hebrew, we have, 
all things considered, perhaps the truest picture of the syn- 
tactical conditions of the primitive Semitic speech. 



Addenda. 

References. 

C. Brockelmann, Grundriss der vergl. Gram, der semitischen 
Sprachen, Bd. II. Syntax (Lief. 1. u. 2, 1911) [Brock. Syn.] 
The statements with regard to Modern Hebrew are made 



264 Frank E. Blalte, [1912. 

on the authority of Dr. Aaron Ember of Johns Hopkins 
University. 

Transliteration. 

In the modern Abyssinian languages, the transliteration is 
not meant to give an absolutely accurate representation of 
the pronunciation, but is intended chiefly to show what char- 
acters are employed; it is the same as in Ethiopic for the 
characters which these languages have in common with Ethio- 
pic, e. g., w is transliterated (not s as pronounced), and the 
vowel written e appears as e (pronounced ie in Amharic). 

Add the modern Aramaic dialect of Tur-Abdin to the list 
of languages appearing only in transliteration, cf. p. 138. 

Determination. 

The determinative construction with pleonastic suffix described 
on pp. 145 148 * is found also in Tigre, at least when the 
determining word is a noun or verb; the preposition &72V : is 
used here just as A is in Ethiopic (cf. Littm. Te. Pron. p. 225, n. 
at end): e. g., 

ft& i uald-u 'egelrla dakhdrd 'the son of the 
praised-one.' 

*4 : 'egel J emm-d tel-d 'to her mother she 
spoke. 7 

In Ethiopic a suffix after a preposition is sometimes resumed 
by the same preposition, just as in Syriac [cf. pp. 146, 151], 
instead of by rt, e. g., 

n*F : Qlfttfrftf* : lotu ba-negehnd-hu 'in (it in) his purity.' 
On page 149 in the second paragraph, South Arabic is to 
be understood as meaning Mineo-Sabean, Mehri, of course, 
having no article. 

Simple Qualification. 

Sometimes an adjective is separated from its noun by other 
words, cf. Brock. Syn. p. 201 f. [cf. p. 158 ]. 

An adjective of praise or blame may precede its noun in 

i Classical and Modern Egyptian Arabic; the Assyrian adjectives 

that precede the noun seem also to belong to this class, cf. 

1 In Coptic a pleonastic suffix is sometimes employed, as in Semitic 
to specially determine a dependent noun. "When one of the few nouns 
which still take possessive suffixes is followed by a genitive, the noun 
usually takes a pleonastic suffix, cf. Steind. Kopt. Gr. pp. 40, 80. 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 265 

Brock. Syn. p. 203 [cf. p. 159]. For cases in which the Assy- 
rian adjective precedes its noun, see, besides p. 159, pp. 223 f., 240. 

Certain classes of adjectives in Arabic, Classical and Modern 
Egyptian, and foreign adjectives in Modern Syriac are without 
inflection for gender and number, cf. Brock. Syn. pp. 204, 208 
[cf. pp. 160164]. 

For cases in Classical Arabic in which the determination 
of noun + adjective is apparently indicated by the article 
with the adjective alone, cf. Brock. Syn. pp. 208, 209 [cf. 
pp. 165, 167]. 

In Tigre the article is sometimes employed with both noun 
and adjective, sometimes only with the second of the two [cf. 
p. 166], e. g, 

\ la-ends la-gemug 'the poor man.' 

: hate' la-hars-om 'their second ploughing.' 

In Biblical Aramaic as in Hebrew and Modern Arabic an 
adjective modifying a dual stands in the plural [cf. p. 164], 
e. g-, 

rf? ^nEPI J^^l 'and it had great iron teeth' (Dan. 7, 7). 



Demonstrative Qualification. 

A demonstrative adjective in Mehri sometimes precedes its 
noun, e. g., dime reheimet 'this pretty girl' (cf. pp. 169, 180). 

Indefinite Qualification. 

In Mehri the word for 'all' seems to stand after the noun 
with or without suffix. In Tigre it stands with suffix before 
or after the noun. e. g., 

Meh. habanthe hall 'all his daughters.' 

hdbu hallhem 'all people.' 
Te. 1A- 1 hA : Idli hella 'all night.' 

IWb : AOjE. : ^TfrSv \ hullu lohai mauaqel 'all the 
hillocks there.' 

In the dialect of Tlemsen el-hull may stand before the 
definite noun, as well as after it [cf. p, 185], e. g., 

^UJ\ JXM el-hull en-nas 'all the people.' 
With this construction is to be compared the Biblical Aramaic 

Vb K&bttf 'all hail' (Ez. 5, 7). 

In Biblical Hebrew the pleonastic Mishnic construction [cf. 
p. 185] occurs in at least one passage, viz., 

D^3 DVto ^fc^i 'all the kings of the Gentiles' (Is. 14, 18). 

VOL. XXXIL Part III. 19 



266 Frank E. Blake, [1912. 

In Hebrew the idea of 'self may be indicated by a personal 
pronoun in apposition to a preceding noun, e. g., 

HIS DD 1 ? wn t| }*T )FP ]lb 'therefore my Lord himself will 

give you a sign' (Is. 7, 14). 

In Modern Hebrew the idea of 'various' is indicated by the 
participle D^ltf, e. g., 

D^ltf rr*m 'various things.' 

Numeral Qualification. 

In Modern Hebrew a noun modified by the cardinals from 
ten' (inclusive) upward, stands in the singular [cf. pp. 205, 206]. 
To examples of the omission of the article with ordinals 
(cf. p. 215), add, 

Bibl. Aram. ;n^n ID 1 ?!? 'a third kingdom.' 

Nominal Qualification. 

In Tigre, as in Ethiopic, it is possible to insert a modifier 
of the nomen rectum between the regens and the rectum [cf. 
p. 221]. It is also possible for a construct governing a definite 
noun to take an article itself [cf. pp. 218, 219, 220]. e. g., 

b<">crt i AUA,* \ h? i ftt i 'et 'affet la (article)- 
mardt Za(relative)-/zaW2 'ettd let 'at the door of 
the-in-which-the-bride-is house.' 
([(Offi ; la-selet la-ua'at 'the placenta of the cow.' 
In Amharic an adjective modifying a noun with preceding 
genitive may stand before the genitive or between genitive 
and noun (cf. p. 227), e. g., 

; <t&17. : fc^C ; tdldq ia-dangud kemr] 'a great heap 

$ i \19C i ia-dangnd tdldq kemr) of stone.' 
In the Modern Arabic of Hadramaut a noun modified by 
a determinate genitive is not necessarily determinate, and may 
take the indefinite article, e. g., 

iiahdah bit s-sebah 'a daughter of the old man' (cf. Brock. 
Syn. p. 236) [cf. the Mod. Syr. construction, p. 240]. 
In the genitive combination in Syriac, ^-j + suffix may be 
used instead of, or in addition to the pleonastic suffix on the 
regens ; in this case the rectum has usually the added mean- 
ing of 'the well known/ 'already mentioned:' e. g., 

JLJ K7JTJ ?fyn TIN 'the brethren of the cloister 

"itself/ 

dli; K^rn fty*\ r\rm 'the court of the (already 
mentioned) temple.' 



Vol. xxxii.] Comparative Syntax of the Combinations, &c. 267 

In addition to the ways of expressing nominal qualification 
already enumerated, viz., the construct chain, various kinds of 
prepositional phrases, and combinations of these constructions, 
a noun may be modified by another noun standing in the 
accusative. The accusative form is apparent only in Arabic, 
but there are a number of passages in Hebrew which are 
probably to be classed here, tho they are hardly to be distinguished 
from cases of apposition, e. g., 

Arab. ^x>Uj <*-LJ ^xJ\ al-badru lailata tamdmihi 'the moon 
on the night of its fullness.' 
jubbatuka hazza n 'thy jocket of silk.' 
rdqudu n halla n 'a vessel of vinegar. 7 

Heb. nnjon "JJTT^ 'on the way to Timnath' (Gen. 38, 14). 
nnj D'an?n 'the cherubim of gold' (1 Chr. 28, 18). 
noj? D^Kp vfwt 'three seahs of meal' (Gen. 18, 6). 




Personal Pronominal Qualification. 

In the Aramaic dialect of Tur Abdin a noun with suffix 
may take the article as in Tigre and Maltese, cf. Brock. Syn. 
p. 259 [cf. p. 239]. 

Nominal Apposition. 

For examples illustrating the agreement of the appositive 
with its noun in case, especially in Arabic and Amharic, cf. 
Brock. Syn. pp. 217, 219. For additional examples of the 
repetition of the preposition governing the modified noun, cf. 
Brock. Syn. pp. 220, 221. [cf. p. 247; to the languages there 
given are to be added Arabic, Tigre, and Syriac]. 

An appositive does not necessarily agree with its noun in 
determination, e. g., 

Arab. &U Jj&\ ^>- J^ . . . ^U>J^ ^ 'an sulaimdna . . 

rajuli n min 3 ahli makkata 'from Suleiman ... a 

man of the people of Mecca.' 

<*JJ1 Ll^-o ^JL^^o J\^-o <J\ 'ila gird(i n mustaqwii n 

girdti 'lldhi 'to a straight path, the path of God.' 

Adverbial Qualification. 

In addition to the adverbial ideas described above, a noun 
in Semitic is sometimes modified by an adverb of place, e. g., 
Arab. ^U* JU JJ ,JA 'aid talli n t dli n hundka 'on a high 
hill there.' 

19* 



Das Sendschreiben des Patriarchen Barschuschan an 
den Catholicus der Armenier. 1 By OTTO LICHTI, 
Ph. D. ? Ansonia, Conn. 

Die vorliegende Handschrift ist der erste Teil der sogenannten 
Handschrift Sachau 60 der Handschriften-Abteilung der Konig- 
lichen Bibliothek in Berlin. Durch die Freundlichkeit der 
Herren Direktoren Harnack und Stern genannter Bibliothek 
wurde es mir ermoglicht, die Handschrift zu kopieren und 
schliefilich auch zu ubersetzen. Inwiefern mir letzteres ge- 
lungen ist, mogen die geneigten Leser selbst entscheiden. 

Unsere Handschrift ist ein Sendschreiben eines auch sonst 
in der syrischen Literatur bekannten Patriarchen Johannes, 
oder Jeschu', Barschuschan (Susanna), an den Catholicus der 
Armenier, mit einem Begleitschreiben des unterzeichneten 
Patriarchen, Ignatius von Antiochien, genannt Matthaus aus 
Mardin. Die Sachlage ist wohl die, dafi Ignatius den Brief 
des Bar Schuschan mit einem Zusatz yon sich selbst an den 
Catholicus geschickt hat. 

Nach Wright (A short History of Syriac Literature, p. 
225 227) wurde Johannes Barschuschan yon den Bischofen 
des Ostens zum Gegenpatriarchen des Haye, oder Athanasius VI, 
unter dem Namen Johann X, gewahlt im Jahre 1058 (Bar- 
Hebraeus, Cliron. Eccles. I. 437 ff., B. 0. II. 141. 354). Er 
dankte jedoch bald ab, und zog sich zuriick in ein Kloster und 
widmete sich dem Studium. Beim Tode des Athanasius wurde 
er wieder erwahlt zum Patriarchen 1064 und wirkte nun in 
dieser Kapazitat bis zu seinem Tode im Jahre 1073. Wie 
uns Bar-Hebraeus berichtet, hat Johannes Barschuschan mit 
dem Patriarchen von Alexandrien, Christodulus, langere Aus- 
einandersetzungen wegen der Mischung von Salz und 01 mit 
dem eucharistischen Brote nach syrischer Weise gehabt. Er 

i An investigation which was completed in May 1911, at Yale Uni- 
versity. 



Vol.xxxii] Das SendschreibendesPatriarchen Barscliuschan^&c. 269 

scheint liberhaupt ein sehr schreibseliger Mann gewesen zu sein, 
da er eine Unmasse von Schriften, alle kontroversioneller Natur, 
hinterliefi. 

Durch Herausgabe der Werke Ephraems und des Isaak von 
Antiochien suchte Johannes Barschuschan die syrische National- 
literatur wieder zu beleben. Er trat selbst als Dicbter auf und 
besang in ergreifender Weise das Schicksal der Stadt Melitene, 
das dieselbe im Jahre 1058 bei ihrer Erstiirmung und Pliin- 
derung durch die Tiirken erlitt, in vier Gedichten (Bar Heb.. 
Chron. Syr. p. 252). 

Am Scblusse unseres Sendscbreibens ist der Abdruck von 
dem Siegel eines Jakobitiscben Patriarcben eingeklebt. Die 
Unterscbrift lautet : Ignatius, Patriarch von Antiochien genannt 
Matthaus (der Rest ist verwischt), nach der Liste der 33. der 
Jakobitischen Patriarchen, Matthaus aus Mardin. Aus dieser 
Unterschrift, die ganz verschieden von der Uberschrift ist, 
erhellt natiirlich, dafi wir zwei Briefe in einen zusammen ge- 
schweifit vor uns haben: einen von Johannnes bar Schuschan, 
den ersten Teil der Handschrift bildend, und einen von Ignatius 
von Antiochien. 1 So wie die Handschrift heute vorliegt, ist 
sie von einem Diakonus Abd-Elwahid zu Mosul nach 1859 
abgeschrieben worden, wie Prof. Sachau glaubt. 

An dieser Stelle mochte ich auch meinem verehrten Lehrer, 
Prof. C. C. Torrey, fur seine freundlichen Winke, womit er 
mich von Zeit zu Zeit bedachte und fur seine Bereitwilligkeit, 
mir allezeit mit Rat und Tat beizustehen und uber die schwie- 
rigsten Klippen hinwegzuhelfen, meinen herzlichsten Dank 
aussprechen. 

Einleitung. 

"Wir haben zunachst die Uberschrift, die nicht vom Verfasser 
des Briefes stammt, sondern jedenfalls von dem Abschreiber. 

1 Ignatius (Lazarus) war Maphrian zu Matthai und wird im dritten 
Teil des Chronicon des Barhebraus angefiihrt als der 33. Maphrian der 
Chaldaer. Es war der Sohn des Presbyters Hasan und seit 1142 Monch im 
Kloster Sergii. Gestorben ist er 1163 (v. Jos. S. Assemanus Orientalische 
BiUiothek, in einem Anszug gebracht von A. F. Pfeiffer, Erlangen 1776. 
p. 305). Dieser Ignatius ist ohne Zweifel identiscn mit unserem Sender 
des Briefes von Barschuschan, der dazu seinen Kommentar gemacht hat. 
Die Titel Maphrian, Metropolit, Catholicus, sind wohl zu verschiedenen 
Zeiten identisch gewesen, obwohl der Maphrian urspriinglich ein unter- 
geordneter Kleriker war (siehe dazu Pfeiffer). 



270 Otto Lichti, [1912. 

Sie lautet: ,,Sendsclireiben des 111. Patriarchen, Mar Jolianan, 
Barschuschan, an den Katholikus der Armenier." Hierauf 
folgt der eigentliche Anfang des Briefes, welcher in den liblichen, 
biblischen (mochte man sagen) Einfiihrungsworten besteht: 
,,Johannes, ein Knecht Jesu Christ und durch die Gnade 
Gottes Oberhirte." Dem folgt ein ehrerbietiger Grufi: ,,Ein 
hi. Grufi an Eure Beinheit." Hierauf folgt ein inniges Gebet r 
worin der Patriarch seine Freude darliber ausdrtickt, dafi er 
mit dem Katholikus auf so freundschaftlichem Fufte steht. 
Hierauf folgt in farbenreicher Sprache eine Darstellung der 
herzlichen Beziehungen zwischen den beiden Herren, gewlirzt 
mit etlichen Schmeicheleien. 

l b bringt dann eine Auseinandersetzung liber die hi. Drei- 
einigkeit, die mit dem Schlagwort zusammengefafit wird: 

,,Eins in Drei und Drei Eins." Dabei warnt der Yerfasser flei&ig 
vor Sabellianismus, Arianismus und Judaismus, welche alle drei 
die hi. Trinitat leugnen, wie er sie versteht. Auf Paulus und 
das Nicanum, wie auf Gregor den Theologen begriindet er 
seine Lehre. Er bediente sich dabei der sonderbarsten Bilder. 
Die Trinitat wird erklart, wie schon yon andern vor und nach 
ihm, durch Bilder, die uns heute kindlich (um nicht kindisch 
sagen zu miissen) vorkommen, wie dies: Es sind drei Personen, 
wie z. B. Adam, Seth und Eva; oder die Sonne, ihr Licht 
und ihre Hitze; oder Verstand, Vernunft und Geist; oder die 
Pflanze, ihr Duft und ihre Farbe. (l b ). 

2 a folgt dann ein Bekenntnis liber die Menschwerdung 
Christi und liber die Naturen in der Trinitat und in Christo. 
Das Stichwort hier ist elstens Jbodi-o (KXka Jbuo ^ ,,Eine 
Natur in drei Personen", und zweitens: JJUA ^j ^*o '^^ 
.Vm^ioj JoC^S J^io (?ol)^o ,,Darliber dafi bekannt werden soil 
eine Natur des Gotteslogos, welcher Fleisch wurde", (pta ^o-ts 
rov Ocov Xoyov a-co-apKuncvov). Nachdem Barschuschan den heid- 
nischen Wahn des Sabellius abgewehrt und den Ketzer Arius 
abgefertigt hat, beruft er sich auf den Theologen Gregorius 
als Autoritat fur seine Glaubenslehre. Es gibt nur eine Gott- 
heit, aber drei Personen (Qnomi) oder Hypostasen. Die nach- 
sten Satze bilden den Ubergang zum eigentlichen Thema des 
Briefes ,,den hassenswerten Gebrauchen" der Armenier, das 
im grofien und ganzen mafivoll behandelt wird. 

3 b wird zuerst die Benlitzung von Salz und Ol und dann 



Vol.xxxii.] DasSendschreibend.Patriarclien Barschuschan, &c. 271 

auch von Sauerteig in der Eucharistie (Abendmahl) behandelt. 
Diese Erlauterungen erstrecken sich bis 8 b . Barsclmschan ist 
der Uberzeugung, daft diese Dinge zur Seligkeit niitzlich sind. 
Adam wurde von Wasser, Luft, Feuer, Erde und Geist ge- 
bildet, also von 5 Substanzen. Jesus mufi daher in der Eucha- 
ristie auch vollkommen, als aus 5 Elementen bestehend, dar- 
gestellt werden unter Melil, "Wasser, Sauerteig, Salz und 01. 
Jesus ist eine besondere Spezies (Art) zwischen Gott und 
Menschen, die mit seinem Tod am Kreuze wieder erloschen 
ist. Der Gegner seiner Dogmen gedenkt unser Autor fleifiig. 
Nestorius und Theodor von Mopsueste werden der Gottlosig- 
keit bezichtigt, ebenso Leo und die Raubersynode, Chalcedon. 
Cyrill dagegen ist ihm ein rechtglaubiger Vater. Gregor Thau- 
maturgus ist er nicht abhold, obwohl dieser den Ausspruch tat: 
,,Gott hat gelitten, aber ohne das Leiden zu empfinden, auf 
unsterbliche und leidensunfahige Weise." 

8 b folgt dann eine Notiz tiber das Wasser. das wir im 
"Weinbecher mischen. 

9 10 wendet sich dann gegen die Unsitte des Taufens 
der Kreuze und Nakuschen, oder Schallbretter-Klingel weihen, 
wie andere iibersetzen. 10 spricht vom Siindenbekenntnis, das 
bei den Armeniern nicht richtig geiibt wird. 

Sodann wird dariiber gehandelt, ob man den Tag am Abend 
oder am Morgen beginnen sollte. Die Syrer, wie die Juden, 
rechnen vom Abend, deshalb fasten sie auch schon Donners- 
tags; die Armenier dagegen fasten nur Freitags, da sie den Tag 
am Morgen beginnen, was nach Barschuschan's Ansicht zu 
verwerfen ist. ll b 13 b ist nach Ansicht von Ter-Minassiantz, 
(Texte und Untersuchunyen zur altcliristlichen Literatur, Bd. 26: 
,,Die Armenische Kirche", von E. Ter-Minassiantz p. 100, 4) 
das letzte Stuck des Briefes des Patriarchen Barschuschan 
an den Catholicus; dem ich auch gerne beistimme, da, wie auch 
er bemerkt, die nun folgenden Beschuldigungen nicht unbe- 
antwortet geblieben waren, wenn der Catholicus sie gelesen 
hatte, d. h. wenn sie im Briefe des Barschuschan gestanden 
hatten. 

Es ist namlich ein Brief eines armenischen Catholicus Georg 
vorhanden, der scheinbar eine Antwort ist auf unseVn Brief. 
Dieser Brief ist in dem sogenannten ,,Buch der Briefe" (vgl. 
Girk T*chtoz, Buck der Briefe, S. 335357) enthalten. Die 
Uberschrift lautet: ,,Des Herrn Georg, des Oberaufsehers der 



272 Otto Lichti, [1912. 

Armenier und des geistesbegnadeten Philosophen, Antwort auf 
den Brief des syrisclien Patriarclien Johannes." Dafi dieser 
Brief eine Antwort auf unsern Brief 1st, hat Ter-Minassiantz 
bewiesen durch seine Parallelstellen aus beiden Briefen, von 
welchen ich hier nur zwei folgen lasse. 

a Johannes X. Barschuschan. /3 Georg, Catholicus der Ar- 
Ihr fragt wegen des Sauerteigs, menier. Denn Ihr habt ge- 
denwirwieallechristlichenVol- schrieben wegen des Sauer- 
ker gebrauchen (in der Eucha- teigs, des Salzes und des Ols 
ristie), was das bedeuten solle, (in der Eucharistie), und nach 
und auch das Salz und das Schaffung Adams aus vier Ma- 
01 ... So nehmen wir Wasser terien sagt Ihr, daft Ihr den 
als Zeichen des urspriinglichen LeibChristivollkommenmacht, 
Wassers; Mehl als Zeichen des und nehmt als Zeichen des 
Staubes; Sauerteig als Zeichen "Wassers, "Wasser; als Zeichen 
der Luft; und Salz als Zeichen des Staubes (Erde) Mehl; als 
des Feuers. Zeichen der Luft, Sauerteig; 

und als Zeichen des Feuers, 
Salz. 

ll b 13 b handelt ,,von dem Fest der Geburt Christi, welches 
die Armenier nicht so feiern, wie alle Volker der "Welt." Der 
Verfasser versucht zu beweisen, dafi die Sitte, das Fest der 
Geburt am 25. Dezember und Epiphanien am 6. Januar zu 
feiern, die einzig richtige ist, und dafi die Armenier keine 
Argumente aufbringen konnen fur ihre Sitte, die beiden Feste 
an einem Tag, am 6. Januar, zu feiern. 

Wie oben bemerkt, hat hier wohl der Brief des Barschu- 
schan geschlossen. Was nun noch folgt, ist jedenfalls Zusatz 
von Isaak von Antiochien, dessen Unterschrift unser Schreiben 
tragt. Aufierdem ist es ja auch aus dem Schreiben selbst er- 
sichtlich, wie auch schon T. M. bemerkt hat, dafi der letzte 
Teil nicht von Barschuschan stammt. Da heiM es namlich 
auf Blatt 20 a : ,,Wie wir durch das Sendschreiben des Patriar- 
chen Mar Johanan oben gezeigt haben" (siehe S. 295, 15). 

Wie auch schon T. M. bemerkte, wird nun die ganze Schreib- 
weise anders. Barschuschan war ein gemaMgter Apologet, da- 
gegen tadelt der nach Blatt 13 schreibende Verfasser, wo er 
nur etwas zu tadeln weifi; sucht scheinbar nach Mifibrauchen 
in der armenischen Kirche, um dagegen losziehen zu konnen. 
So ahnlich meint wenigstens Ter-Minassiantz. Ich kann mich 
der Ansicht nicht so ohne weiteres anschliefien. Lassen doch 




Vol. xxxii.] Das Sendschreilen d. Patriarchal Barsclmsclian,&c. 273 

die Miftbrauche, die in den Schriften verschiedener Patriarchen, 
Lehrer und Vater geriigt werden, nicht den Schluft zu, dafe 
die Unsitten wirklich nicht in der armenischen Kirche Eingang 
gefunden batten. DaR ganz haarstraubende Dinge zu gewissen 
Zeiten, die nur durcb obige Scbriftstiicke naher bestimmt 
werden konnen, in der armenischen Kirche verubt wurden, ist 
wohl Tatsache. 

Fur die Zusammenstellung der syrischen Dokumente dieser 
Art darf ich jedoch keinen Kredit beanspruchen, da sie von 
Professor Brockelmann gesammelt wurden, welcher sie mir vor- 
letzten Winter (1910) nach Berlin schickte. Ich habe sie nur 
iibersetzt und auf die freundliche Aufforderung von Professor 
Brockelmann bin nun veroffentlicht, was ich von Herzen gern 
getan, und Professor Brockelmann hiermit gebiihrend danken 
mochte. 

So wirft Mar Ja'qob von Edessa (f 708) den Armeniern 
vor, dafi sie noch im alten Judentum stecken und animalische 
Opfer darbringen. 1 Wie sollte Mar Ja'qob auf diesen G-e- 
danken gekommen sein, wenn die Armenier nicht wirklich 
blutige Opfer gebracht haben? ,,Jeder der erlost ist mit dem 
Opfer des Sohnes Gottes, wird nicht einfiihren Opfer, damit 
er nicht verdammt werde von der Justitia" (v. p. 299, If.). 
,,Wei* aber heute noch vorsatzlich Opfer bringt, der ist ein 
Jude" (v. p. 299, 17). ,,Am besten ist es fur den, der heute 
noch Opfer bringt, dafi er auch den Sohn verleugnet und halt 
sich gut mit den Juden". ,,Verflucht ist, wer nach diesem 
(Opfer Christi) noch Opfer bringt" (v. p. 300, 14 f., 17). 

Ja'qob von Edessa wirft den Armeniern vor, dafi sie von 
Anfang an sittenlos dahinlebten (v. p. 303). ,,Einige ihrer 
Lehrer sind einerseits Juden, andre andrerseits Phantasten. 
Deswegen folgen sie den Juden darin, dafi sie Lamm, Unge- 
sauertes und reinen (nicht mit AVasser gemischten) Wein 
opfern . . ." (v. p. 303, 16 ff.). 

Aus diesen Zitaten und den iibrigen Zeugnissen dieser 
Patriarchen und Lehrer geht doch wohl hervor, da die Be- 
schuldigungen nicht so ohne G-rund gewesen sein konnen, wenn 
man vielleicht als guter Armenier auch nichts davon weifi! 
Man kann doch kaum annehmen, daB diese sonst ehrenwerten 
Patriarchen und Lehrer sich in leer en Phrasen ergangen haben. 

1 Siehe Wright, A, Short History of Syriac Literatur, p. 146, unten. 



274 Otto Lichti, [1912. 

Ich meine, die yon Professor Brockelmann mir iiberlassenen 
Zeugnisse beweisen aufs klarste, dafi der Yerfasser des zweiten 
Teiles unseres Briefes nicht ins Blaue geredet hat, und dafi 
wirklich Tieropfer bei den christlichen Armeniern stattfanden, 
um die besagte Zeit. 

Yon 13 b bis zum Schlufie unseres Schreibens haben wir 
jedenfalls den Zusatz des unterzeichneten Ignatius von Anti- 
ochien, dem 133. Jakobitischen Patriarchen der Syrer vor uns, 
welcher den Brief des Barschuschan an den Catholicus der 
Armenier sandte mit seinen eignen Ansichten iiber die Mifi- 
brauche in der armenischen Kirche. Ignatius ist viel scharfer 
als Barschuschan, doch ist auch er nicht so verdammungs- 
slichtig, wie manche seiner wiirdigen Yorganger, die ihre 
Adressaten als ,,dickkopfige und hartnackige Leute" bezeichnen 
(siehe T. M. p. 118). 

Yon 13 b 15 b ist die Rede davon, ,,wie die Alten den Palm- 
sonntag, das Passah und die Taufe nicht jedes Jahr, sondern 
alle 30 Jahre feierten." 

Nun geht der Yerfasser auf ausserkirchliche Sitten liber, die er 
scharf tadelt. 15 b 16 a ,,dariiber, daft der Priester den Bischof 
segnet, obgleich dieser doch hoher steht, als jener." Es ist 
bei ihnen auch ein andrer hafilicher Gebrauch; d. i. ,,wenn ein 
Bischof und ein Priester sich treffen und der Priester vom 
Bischof gesegnet wird, so wendet sich sogleich der Priester, 
segnetf den Bischof und legt die Hand auf seinen Kopf." 
Diese Sitte wird naturlich von Ignatius verworfen, denn nach 
den Kanones kann ein Bischof wohl einen Priester ordinieren, 
aber ein Bischof darf jedoch nur ordiniert werden, wenn ein 
Patriarch oder Metropolit mit zwei Bischofen zugegen ist. 
Darf aber ein Priester nicht helfen, einen Bischof zu ordinieren, 
so hat er kein Recht, ihm die unheiligen Hande aufs wiirdige 
Haupt zu legen. Nach Ter-Minassiantz ist dieser Bericht 
recht eigentiimlich; seines Wissens haben wir in der armeni- 
schen Literatur kein Zeugnis fur die genannte Sitte. T. M. 
fragt, ob dieser Yorwurf vielleicht ein Irrtum sei? Ich glaube 
nicht. Jedenfalls hat diese Sitte bestanden, sonst wiirde Igna- 
tius sie nicht so scharf angegriffen haben. Ubrigens wird man 
auch liber manche der librigen, genannten Gebrauche unter 
den Armeniern kein Zeugnis finden; um so mehr aber bei den 
syrischen Patriarch en und Lehrern, wie Professor Brockel- 
manns Zeugnisse zur Genlige beweisen. Ter-Minassiantz wird 



Vol.xxxii.] Das Sendschreiben d.PatriarchenBarschuschan,&c. 275 

schwerlich zugestelien, daft in der armenischen Kirche auch 
Tieropfer gebracht wurden, und doch liegt das klar auf der 
Hand, wenn man die oben genannten Satze liest (v. p. 273). 
Ein argumentum e silentio hat wenig Wert, einen Beweis zu 
liefern, oder Hypothesen aufzubauschen. Hierauf wird die 
Disziplin in der armenischen Kirche geriigt, die sehr disziplin- 
los gewesen sein muft. T. M. meint hierzu, ,,wenn man dem 
Verfasser Glauben schenken wollte, so miifite der Zustand der 
armenischen Kirche damals trostlos gewesen sein. Es ist zwar 
nicht zu leugnen, daft die noch zu nennenden Mifibrauche vor- 
kamen (Also doch!), bedingt durch die unstate und unruhige 
Lage des Landes und der armenischen Catholici; wir konnen 
aber doch den syrischen Schriftsteller von Ubertreibungen nicht 
freisprechen." Wie steht's damit? Zuerst gibt T. M. zu, dafe 
die Miftbrauche wirklich gang und gabe Varen, und dann 
meinte er, er konne doch den Verfasser nicht freisprechen von 
Ubertreibungen. Also bestanden diese Unsitten doch! Und 
wenn man alles wiifite, dann ware die Sachlage jedenfalls noch 
viel trauriger und triiber darzustellen, als dies schon so der 
Fall ist. Die Intriguen, die damals in der Kirche gespielt 
wurden, und auch heute noch gebraucht werden, wurden jeden- 
falls noch ein viel schieferes Licht auf die Kirche werfen, wenn 
sie alle bekannt waren. 

16 a 17 a bespricht zunachst die Zustande, die unter den 
Bischofen herrschend waren: ,,Dariiber, daft ihre Bischofe 
durch Geld und Bestechung eingesetzt werden, und die Ge- 
meinden von einander an sich reifien." Nicht besser sieht es 
in den Klostern aus. "Wer Abt sein will, bezahlt dem Orts- 
beamten einfach den hochsten Preis, und er bekommt die 
Stelle. Kommt dann ein andrer und bietet dem Biirgermeister 
mehr, so wird ersterer verjagt, und der Herzugelaufene bekommt 
die Abtei. ,,In diesen Schilderungen liegt ein Kornchen Wahr- 
heit, sie sind aber natiirlich stark tibertrieben, wie es eben in 
den polemischen Schriften gar nicht anders zu erwarten ist" 
(Ter-Min. p. 110). 

17 af wird dann die erbliche Succession der Catholici in Ar- 
menien getadelt, weil diese Sitte bei keinem andern Yolk der Erde 
gefunden wird, aufier bei den Arabern, deren Kalife auch erb- 
lich aufeinander folgen. 

Ter-Minassiantz meint hierzu folgendes: ZurZeit des Johannes 
Barschuschan (1064 1073) war erst der erste Pahlawani, 



276 Otto Lichti, [1912. 

Wahram, der Sohn des Gregor Magistros, auf den Catholicus- 
thron erhoben worden, und er regierte bis 1105, nach der ge- 
wohnlichen Annahme, die freilich nicht ganz einwandfrei ist. 
Sicher ist dagegen, dafi zur Zeit Johannes X. (Barschusclian) 
noch kein zweiter aus dem Geschlechte Gregors des Erleuchters 
(die Pahlawanier lieften sich von ihm ableiten) auf den Thron 
erhoben worden ist. Die Art und Weise aber, wie der Syrer 
diese Sitte tadelt zeigt uns, dafi mindestens 2 3 auf einander 
gefolgt sein mtissen aus demselben Geschlecht. Ist dem so, 
dann kann dies Stiick erst in der zweiten Halfte des 12. Jahr- 
hunderts geschrieben worden sein. 

So weit T. M. Ich mochte nur darauf erwidern, daft (1) 
Barschuschan hier gar nicht in Betracht kommt, da ja Ignatius 
von Antiochien dies geschrieben hat, wie T. M. auch schon 
fruher zugestanden hat; und (2) hat jedenfalls Ignatius die 
Verhaltnisse besser gekannt, als wir. 

17 b handelt von dem Mifibrauch, ,,dafi Priester ordiniert 
werden, ohne dafi sie eine Stelle haben." Yon diesen wird 
auch Bestechung genommen. 

18 a handelt von dem Siindenbekenntnis der Armenier, siehe 
allda (p. 293). 

19* wird die Heuchelei der Armenier geriigt, die hauptsach- 
lich in Selbstgerechtigkeit besteht. Die Armenier beteiligen 
sich nicht am Abendmahl, wenn sie Monche werden. Das 
Mb'nchtum wird auch scharf mitgenommen. ,,Vollkommene 
Monche, bei ihnen ist unter tausend nicht einer zu nnden . . ." 
Das Patenamt bei der Taufsalbung wird von den Armeniern 
nicht gebiihrend beachtet, usw. 

19 a 20 b wird noch einmal klar dargelegt, dafi nur die Ar- 
menier unter alien Volkern das "Weihnachtsfest und Epiphanien 
am 6. Januar feiern. Selbst wenn man friiher das Weihnachts- 
fest am 6. Januar gefeiert hat, so haben die hi. Vater dieses 
Datum, wie so viele Dinge, geandert: z. B. durften die Bischofe 
friiher heiraten, wie auch ,,euer" Gregorius, jetzt nicht mehr, 
usw. 20 b 23 a wird die Bewahrung jiidischer Gesetze behan- 
delt. Noch einmal kommt Weihnachten und Epiphanien aufs 
Tapet. Christus ist wirklich am 25. Dezember geboren und 
30 Jahre spater am 6. Januar getauft worden. 

Damit schlieM unser Schriftstiick. Man sieht, daC> um die 
Mitte des 12. Jahrhunderts in Armenien und Syrien die Ge- 
miiter erregt waren. Bar Hebraus berichtet aus dieser Zeit 



Vol. xxxii.] Das Sendscli reiben d. Patriarchen Barschuschan,&c. 277 

eine Rede Gregors, des Catholicus der Armenier, die ich folgen 
lasse. Assemani BO. 11, S. 360 b : ,,In jener Zeit verfafite 
Gregor, der Catholicus der Armenier, eine Rede und schmahte 
darin die Syrer, weil sie mit einem Finger das Kreuz schlagen, 
und wegen des gesauerten Brotes, und weil sie den Wein und 
den Honig und das 01, nachdem eine Maus in dieselben ge- 
fallen war, doch segneten und dann afien und tranken. Und 
diese Rede wurde dem Kloster der Armenier in Cilicien, welches 
Drasark hiefi, tibergeben. Als aber Barandreas horte, daft 
die armenischen Monche sie zu jeder Zeit lasen und die Syrer 
verspotteten, da wurde er von Eifer erfafit, wechselte seine 
Gewander und ging in das genannte Kloster der Armenier 
und liefi sich dort nieder, wie einer von ihnen, und verhohnte 
die Armenier, daB sie sich auf jiidische Weise benahmen. Und er 
legte die Abhandlung in ihrer Bibliothek nieder. Nach einiger 
Zeit aber fanden sie den Traktat, und sie schickten ihn dem 
Catholicus und taten ihm kund die Hinterlistigkeit, die jener 
Syrer mit ihnen getrieben hatte. Der Catholicus aber liefi 
jene beiden Traktate verbrennen, den seinen so wohl, wie den 
des Barandreas" usw. Man sieht daraus, daft wirklich Mifi- 
brauche in beiden Kirchen Armeniens sowohl. wie auch Syriens 
bestanden. 

Syrische Texte 
A. Sendschreiben des Barschusclian (Cod. Berlin. Sachau 60) 



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Vol. xxxii.] Das Sendschreiben d.Patriarchen Barsclmschan, &c. 295 



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VOL. XXXII. PART III. 21 



298 Otto Licliti, [1912. 

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num. 298, antea 111 (cat. p. 197). Wie oben gesagt, habe ich die Ab- 
schrift vom Herrn Professor Brockelmann benutzt. 

2 Im Kodex steht hier 

3 Im Kodex steht hier 

4 v. a. beginnt nun. 



Vol. xxxii.] 2)asSendschreibend.PatriarchenBarschuschan,&c. 299 



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Vol. xxxii.] DasSendschreibend.PatriarclienBarschuschan^&c. 301 
3. (Cod. Bibl Medic. Palat. fol. 140 r. b.) 



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302 Otto LiMi, [1912. 



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Vol. xxxii.] DasSendschreibend.PatriarchenBarschuschan,&c. 303 
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3 Fehlt in P. 

4 P hat hier Jto,, 

5 P hat hier o<* + Nfji^ 004 j.> ? o^o. 

6 Rot geschrieben. 7 Rot geschrieben. 

8 'Kodex hat v o^.^ ,V. Tarun (auch Tarjun, Taronkh, usw.), eine Festung 
an der arinenischen Grenze; siehe Muller, Fragmcnte Historicorum Grae- 
corum V, 215, 264. Fur die ganze Stelle siehe auch 180, 344. 






Vol. xxxii.] Das Sendschreiben d. Patriarchen Barsch uschan, &c. 305 



JLoc* .lr+. ^nrualkae |J ^pot^N. IO^JUD 

tlo^ I loot tao >v poiJL^o^A ^o jUu^ ,ootl;ju 
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6 Sonst Aristakes genannt. 1 Rot geschrieben. 



306 Otto Lichti, [1912. 

Ubersetzung 

fo1 - A. Sendschreiben des Patriarchen, Johannes Barschuschan, an 
den Catholicus der Armenier tiber einige hassenswerte, den 
Kanones der Kirche widersprechende Gebrauche, welche unter 
den Armeniern aufgekommen war en. 

i- 

Erstens, uber den Glauben des orthodoxen Volkes der Syrer. 

Johannes, ein Knecht Jesu Christi, durch die Gnade Gottes 
Oberhirte und Herr der Gemeinde, das heifit, durch das er- 
losende Blut Patriarch geworden, sendet Eurer Heiligkeit einen 
heiligen Grufi. 

Gesegnet sei Gott, der Vater unseres Herrn Jesu Christi, 
der uns allzeit labt mit seiner Liehe und uns offenbart den 
Glanz seiner Erkenntnis in unsern Herzen; welcher uns trostet 
in unsern Noten. Wie das Licht die Augen, so einigt Er 
uns mit Seiner geistlichen Liebe; und wie die Seele in den 
Gliedern, so verbindet Er uns mit Liebe. Gleich dem magne- 
tischen Stein zieht er uns zum freudigen Yerkehr mit Euch, 
dafi wir, wie in Seele und Leib, so auch in wirklichen Worten, 
durch Papier und Tinte, mit Eurer Heiligkeit verbunden 
werden, und unsere Augen uns erleuchtet werden von Eurer 
Gelehrsamkeit, und erhohet werde das Horn unsrer Armut 
foi. d urc h die Demut dessen, dem da sei Ehre und Preis jetzt und 
in Ewigkeit, Amen. 

Es ist ein Gott, der tiberall und in uns alien ist, o geist- 
licher und heiliger Vater! und ein Herr, Jesus Christus, in 
welchem alles beschlossen ist, nach den Apostolischen Defini- 
tionen des gottlichen -Paulus und der heiligen Vater des 
Nicaenums*\ und ein Heiliger Geist, der iiberall ist. Einer 
und einer und einer, also drei 2 ; nicht in allem; wohl in Namen 
und Hypostasen, in den Prosopen, in charakteristischen Eigen- 
schaften der heiligen Personen; aber eins dem Wesen (ovo-ia) 
nach. Nicht von gleichem Wesen in allem, damit nicht ein- 



1 Konzil von Nicaa (325). 

2 Wir haben hier jedenfalls eine Anspielung auf Gregor des Groften 
"Wort: Wenn Gott und Gott und Gott ist, sagen sie (die Arianer und die 
Eunomianer), sind dann nicht drei Gotter? Und verehren wir nicht 
eine gottliche Vielherrschaft? (Orat. XXXI. 130, 14). 



Vol. xxxii.] Das Sendschreibend.PatriarchenBarschiischan,&c. 307 

dringe bei uns der heidnische Wahn des Sabellius 1 ), und wir 
am Ende gar tun nach Art der Juden. Auch nicht drei nach 
dem Schisma des Arius 2 ; oder nach Stufe und Mali von groi-J, 
grofier, am grofiten. Das Bose 1st gleich frevelhaft, und Ge- 
danke und Wille sind gottlos. Also ziemt es sick zu bekennen : 
Eins in drei, und drei sind Eins, wie Gregorius der Theologe 
lehrte. 

Der Vater ist Yater ohne Anfang, das heifit ohne Zeugung. 
Der Sohn ist Sohn und nicht ohne Anfang; denn er ist vom 
Yater gezeugt worden. Der Heilige Geist ist ausgegangen vom 
Yater und mit dem Sohne. Ein Wesen, eine Gottheit, ein 
Reich, eine Obrigkeit, ein Wille, (und) eine Macht und eine 
Tatigkeit. 3 Nicht drei Substanzen, oder drei Gotter, oder drei 
leitende Prinzipien, oder gar verschiedene und sich gegeniiber- 
stehende; sondern es ist ein Gott nach Natur und Wesen 4 ; 
aber drei Qnomi, i. e. getrennte Eigenschaften der heiligen 
Personlichkeiten; wie ja auch Adam und Seth und Eva, zum 
Beispiel; und die Sonne, ihr Licht und ihre Hitze; und Yer- 
stand und Yernunft und Geist 5 ; und die Pflanze, ihr Duft und 
ihre Farbe usw. ; obwohl es gibt nichts in den natiirlichen Bei- 
spielen, das dem Herrn ahnlich ware oder sich vergleichen 

1 Sabellius (ca. 225). 

2 Arius (256336). 

3 Eigentlich sagt Gregor so: Die Eigenschaften (Gottes) sind: des 
Vaters, dafi er ohne Prinzip und Anfang ist und hei&t Prinzip als das 
Ursachliche, als die Quelle, als das ewige Licht; des Sohnes, daft er zwar 
keineswegs ohne Prinzip, aber doch das schopferische Prinzip des Welt- 
alls ist. (Orat. XX. 8 p. 380.) 

Beziiglich des Heiligen Geistes lehrte Gregor, indem er Johannes 1 : 9 
auf die drei Hypostasen der Gottheit anwandte, und sagte: Es war Licht 
und Licht und Licht, aber ein Licht, namlich ein Gott. Was auch dem 
David vorschwebte, wenn er sagt: In deinem Lichte sehen wir das Licht. 
Denn jetzt schauen und verkiindigen wir es auch, indem wir aus dem 
Lichte, dem Yater, das Licht, den Sohn in dem Lichte, dem Heiligen 
Geist erkennen. (Ullmann, Gregorius von Nazianz; Orat. XXXI. 3 p. 
557.) 

4 Gregors Definition hierzu ist folgende: ^(o.v 0iW & rpurlv ISd-nyr , voe- 
pais, reXetais, na.6' eaurd? vfacrTtixrais, apiO/j.$ diapercus, Kai ov Stcupercus 0e6r?/rt, in 
welcher zugleich der Ausdruck MVTO durch die Worte Ka9 Lauras u0eo-rw- 
<T(us seine beste Erklarung findet. (Orat. XXXIII. 16 p. 614.) 

s Einen ahnlichen Ausdruck finden wir in Gregors Reden : ,,Wir wolleu 
eine und dieselbe Natur der Gottheit festhalten, welche in dem Hervor- 
gehenden erkannt wird, wie unser Inneres in dem Verstande, der Ver- 
nunft und dem Geiste". (Orat. XXIII. 11 p. 431.) 



308 Otto LiMi, [1912. 

liefie, unter den Sobnen der Engel, wie der Prophet David 
sagt. 1 Dies sind in kurzen Worten die charakteristischen 
Merkmale, wie die berrlicbe Trinitat beschaffen ist. 



11. 

Einer aber von dieser beiligen Dreieinigkeit 2 kam vom 
Himmel berab, unverandert, namlicb der Sobn, der vom Vater 
gezeugt war im geistlicben Sinne. Er ward Menscb 3 , gleicb 
wie wir, um unsertwillen obne Unterschied, da er seiner Natur 
nacb Grott blieb und bewabrte so die Jungfrau jungfraulicb, 
wenn er aucb von ibr an sicb nabm menscblicbes Fleiscb. Er, 
der auch die G-estalt unserer Leiden annabm, nacb den ,pro- 
pbetiscben und den apostoliscben Zeugnissen, da er litt und 
gekreuzigt wurde, und starb in derselben Weise, wie er gezeugt 
worden war. Aucb ist er auferstanden und aufgefabren in die 
Herrlicbkeit zum Himmel; und mit diesem selben Leib wird 
er wiederkommen, zu ricbten die Lebendigen und die Toten, 
wie die Stimme des Engels den beiligen Aposteln verkiindigte; 
wie dies ja in der Scbrift der Acta Apostolorum gescbrieben 
stebU 



1 Psalm 89 : 7 heiftt es : Denn wer in den Wolken ist mit Jehovah 
zu vergleichen? Wer ist Jehovah gleich unter den Sohnen der Starken?" 

2 Randglosse: ,,Dariiber, dafe eine Natur in 3 Qnomen ist; eine Herr- 
schaft; aber einer in dreien und die 3 sind eins." 

3 tiber die Menschwerdung sagt Sahak III, nach Ter-Minassiantz p. 
137 : Er (Christus) stieg hinab in den Mutterleib der unverderbten Jung- 
frau, und von ihr menschlichen Leib und Seele und Verstand annehmend, 
mischte und vereinigte er sie mit dem Feuer seiner Gottheit UND 
MACHTE SIE VOLLKOMMEN ZU GOTT UND ZUR GOTTLICHEN 
NATUR. Nicht, indem er ihn (den Leib) aufhob oder vernichtet und 
nicht, indem er ihn in Unleiblichkeit verwandelte, sondern er liefe den 
Leib in seinem Wesen, so daft die Apostel ihn betasten konnten; aber er 
machte ihn im Mutterleibe der Heiligen Jungfrau vollstandig nach der 
Natur seiner Gottlichkeit, und er lieft den Leib nicht nach seinem Wesen 
bleiben in der Mischung und Vereinigung, in ihr schwach und kraftlos, 
wie manche in falscher Meinung glauben, sondern in unverstandlicher und 
unaussprechlicher Eiligkeit verwandelte er ihn von den irdischem zum 
feurigen, von den menschlichen zum gottlichen, von dem geschaffenen zum 
schopferischen . . ., von dem siindigen zum siindlosen, und von dem ver- 
derblichen zum unverderblichen . . . (Buch der Briefe, p. 421.) 

* Acta 10 : 42. 



Vol. xxxii.] Das Sendschreiben d. Patriarchen Barschusch aw, &c. 309 

HI- 

Daruber, da/ lekannt werden sott eine Natur dee gottlichen 
Logos, welcher Fleisch geworden ist. 

Nicht zwei Naturen und Personen, nach dem Frevel des 
Nestorius, 1 des Theodorus, 2 und ihrer Konsorten; die nam- 
lich Gott und Mensch vereinigen in einer zufalligen Union 
und zwei Naturen einfiihren; verehren das Geschopf mit dem, 
Schopfer, und den Knecht mit dem Herrn; und achten den 
Menschen, Gott zu sein; machen also die Trinitat zu einer 
Quart ernitat, und erneuern damit die jiidische und heidnische 
Religion. Noch bekennen wir eine Person des einen Christus 
mit zwei Naturen, zwei Willen und zwei Funktionen, wie die 
gottlose Schrift Leo's 3 lehrt, und die verbrecherische Synode 
von Chalcedon 4 bestimmte; noch akzeptieren wir eine Person 
und eine Natur in Wesensgleichheit und Vermischung, wie 
der ruchlose Eutyches 5 sagt und eine Schar fanatischer Gottes- 
lasterer. 

Aber es gibt nur einen Christus, einen eingebornen Sohn, 
einen Logos, der Fleisch geworden ist, eine zusammengesetzte 
Natur und Person (Qnom), in welcher bewahrt wurde das 
Merkmal der natiirlichen Verschiedenheit der Personen, die 
ungeteilt und unberechenbar, unvermischt, und unverfliichtigt 
waren; ebenso wie auch die Seele und dieser unser Menschen- 
leib; wie der heilige Cyrill 6 lehrt, und ebenso alle die heiligen 
und rechtglaubigen Yater. Denn die Union des Logos 7 mit 

1 Nestorius, f 451. 

2 Theodor von Mopsueste (350428 o. 429). 

3 Papst Leo I. (440461). * Konzil zu Chalcedon (451). 
* Eutyches, f 458. 6 Cyrill f 444. 

7 Auch hier ist unser Autor wieder Gregor gefolgt, der an zwei ver- 
schiedeneq Stellen ungefahr dasselbe sagt: ,,Der LOGOS Gottes, der 
ewige, unsichtbare, unbegreif liche, unko'rperliche, das Grundwesen aus dem 
Grundwesen, das Licht aus dem Licht, die Quelle des Lebens und der 
Unsterblichkeit, der Abdruck der urbildlichen Schb'nheit, das feste Siegel, 
das unwandelbare Bild, die Begrenzung und das Wort des Vaters ER 
lafit sich herab zu seinem eigenem Bilde, nimmt das Fleisch an sich um 
des Fleisches willen, das Gleiche durch das Gleiche reinigend, und wird 
Mensch in jeder Beziehung, ausgenommen die Siinde; er ward empi'angen 
von einer Jungfrau, nachdem die Seele und der Korper derselben vor- 
her gereinigt war durch den Geist; denn auch die Geburt mufite geehrt, 
die Jungfrauschaft aber hoher geehrt werden; und so ging er Gott hervor 
mit dem Angenommenen : Eines aus zwei Entgegengesetzten, dem Fleische 



fol. 



310 Otto Lichti, [1912. 

dem Fleische der Heiligen Jungfrau 1st nicht eine der Majestat 
und Macht, sodafi man an ihm zahlet die Naturen und Per- 
sonen, die Willen und Funktionen, sondern es ist eine person- 
liche und natiirliche Verbindung, da ja auch Seele und Leib 
nicht vor der Yereinigung zwei und nicht nach der Yer- 
einigung zwei war en; aher der Logos ist nicht Fleisch ge- 
worden, wenn man zwei Naturen an ihm bekennt nach der 
Yerbindung. Denn nicht vier verehren wir, sagt der heilige 
Gregorius Thamaturgus : Gott und den Sohn Gottes, den 
Heiligen Geist und den Menschen von der Heilgen Jungfrau; 
sondern wir verdammen jene, die so gottlos reden und den 
Menschen zu gottlicher Ehre erheben. Dies denn ist fiir uns 
Syrer die Definition des christlichen Glaubens. 

0, du Heiliger Gottes! Wir schreiben in wenigen Worten 
an Eure grofie Weisheit, als an den Lehrer des geistlichen 
Israels, und unterbreiten Argument und Begriindung Eurem 
theoretischen Wissen. Durch Eure, von dem Heiligen Geiste 
angehauchten, Schriften warden wir erleuchtet, und wir bringen 
Euch von dem Eurigen dar. Yon der Menge von Argumenten 
vieler Lehrer haben wir uns abgewandt. Weil aber, wie der 
Himmel mit Strahlen, und die Erde mit schonen Blumen, Euer 
verehrtes Schreiben mit Fragen, die nicht notwendig, sondern 
gewohnheitsmafiig sind, geschmiickt ist, so bezahlen wir die 
Schuld in der briiderlichen Liebe, welche die Erfiillung des 
Gesetzes und der Propheten ist. 

Aber ich bitte Eure Weisheit, wir diirfen nicht unsern 
Willen als Gesetz der Wahrheit gegeniiberstellen und nicht 
Gegner werden in der Leidenschaft des Stolzes, und uns nicht 
einreden lassen, den halsstarrigen Juden ahnlich zu werden. 

IV. 

b ' tJoer den Sauerteig, Salz und 01, welche wir in der Eucharistie 

verwenden. 

Ihr fragt, was das gesauerte Brot 2 symbolisiere, welches 
wir, wie alle christlichen Nationen, machen; und das Salz und 



und dem Geiste, von denen das Eine vergottlichte, das Andere vergott- 
licht wurde. der neuen Verbindung, o der wunderbaren Vermischung!" 
(Orat. XXXVIII 13. p. 671; XLV. 9 p. 851.) 

1 Gregorius Thaumaturgus (210270). 

2 Bei den Armeniern wird beim Abendmahl Ungesauertes (Brot) ge- 
nossen. Man gebraucht meistens kleine, runde Cakes, mit der Figur 



Vol. xxxii.] I)asSendschreibend.PatriarchenBarschiischan,&c. 311 

01, welches wir beim Opfer verwenden d. h. in der Eucharistie; 
und die andern Fragen, welche unten angegeben sind. 

Wir sagen also zu Eurer mathematischen Weisheit, dafi, wie 
das Alte das Neue symbolisiert ; icb meine, wie das Volk der 
Juden die ckristlichen Volker; der Sabbat den Sonntag; die 
Besclmeidung die Taufe; sufies Brot das gesauerte; das Passah- 
lamm Christum, und der Rest des Gesetzes Mosis; und wie 
auch der erste irdische Adam, welcher von Erde ist, den 
xweiten Adam symbolisiert, welcher der Herr vom Himmel 
ist, sagt Paulus 1 ; aus diesem Grund ist der Logos Fleisch 
geworden, d. h. Mensch, wie Adam, damit er im Leibe Adams 
rettete den Adam, der gesiindigt hatte. Und weil Adam aus 
vier Substanzen oder Elementen (ich meine: Erde, Wasser, 
Feuer und Luft) und einer verniinftigen Seele bestand, so, dafi 
seine urspriinglichen Bestandteile fiinf waren, so auch Christus, 
der ein Mensch war wie Adam, wurde notwendigerweise und 
wahrhaftiglich erfunden als einer, der aus fiinf Bestandteilen 
zusammengesetzt war, wie Adam; damit Christus nichts fehlte 
von dem, was Adam hatte. Wenn jeder Leib aus vier Sub- 
stanzen besteht, wie ist es dann moglich, dafi Adam aus vier 
Substanzen vollkommen war? Da er doch an der verniinf- 
tigen Seele allein anderen Wesen, den lebendigen und den 
nicht lebendigen, iiberlegen war. Also bringt die Kirche den 
Leib und das Blut Christi dar zum Gedachtnis seines Todes, 
wie er im Obergemach zeigte, und seinen Jiingern offenbarte. 2 
"Wohl und geziemend also nehmen wir Sauerteig, Salz und 
01 in Mehl und Wasser, damit nicht der Leib Christi der 
Vollendung ermangele, und wir Mangel hatten am Heil Christi; 
denn Wasser und Mehl bilden noch nicht den Leib Christi in 
der Vollstandigkeit. Auch nicht die beiden Elemente, Staub 
und Wasser, konnten oder konnen den Leib Adams dar- 



Christi aufgestempelt, die vom Priester am friiheii Morgen gebacken 
werden. Dafur ist ein kleiner Ofen an die Kirche angebaut. Wenn der 
Bischof die Eucharistie feiert, backt die Cakes einer der Diakonen. 

Der Wein, der beim Abendmahl gebraucht wird, ist der persische 
Schiraz-Wein, der reiner, vergorener Traubensaft (nicht mit Wasser ge- 
mischt) ist. 

Die Eucharistie wird nicht am Nachmittag oder Abend gefeiert, son- 
dern am Vormittag; aufier am Weihnachts- und Ostersonntagsabend und 
am Griindonnerstag Nachmittag. 

* I Kor. 15 : 47; Rom. 5 : 12 f. 

2 Mat. 26 : 26. 



312 Otto Lichti, [1912. 

stellen. Denn sie sind defekt, aber am Leibe Christi ist kein 
Mangel. Adam wurde von vier Substanzen (Elementen) ge- 
schaffen, d. h. so wurde er hergestellt am Anfang seiner 
Schopfung. Auch der Messias ist von vier Elementen gebildet 
worden im Schoft der Jungfrau als Neuschopfung Adams. Also 
ungesauertes Brot ist mangelhaft, aber gesauertes Brot von 
Salz, Sauerteig und 01 ist vollkommen. Weil nun auch die 
heiligen Lehrer dies befahlen, und die Apostel lehrten das- 
selbe alle Volker, uns befreiend von der Ausiibung des jlidi- 
schen Gesetzes und von dem Fluch, der auf ihnen (lag), des- 
halb nehmen wir Wasser als Symbol vom ursprimglichen 
Wasser ; Mehl als Symbol fur Staub ; Sauerteig fur Luft ; Salz 
fur Feuer. 01 wiederum ist ein Typus der Liebe Gottes, in 
welcher Er den ersten Menschen gemacht hat. Endlich sagt 
auch der heilige Ephram, 1 und der heilige Cyrill, in der Er- 
klarung der Schopfung: Sauerteig bedeutet den Glauben an 
die heilige Dreieinigkeit ; denn wie der Sauerteig schnell die 
ganze Masse des Teiges bringt zu seinem eigenen Wohlgeruch 
und Geschmack, und sie wiirzt, so zieht auch Christus, durch 
den von ihm angenommenen Leib, in welchem er Schmerzen, 
Kreuz und den Tod erlitt, jedermann zum Glauben an sich, 
seinen Yater und den Heiligen Geist; wie er sagt: ,,Ich aber, 
wenn ich erhoht worden bin von der Erde, will ich sie alle 
zu mir ziehen." 2 Daft aber Sauerteig Christus bedeutet, siehe 
im Evangelium heiftt es: ,,Welche Hausfrau", usw. 3 Also 
ziemt es sich, Sauerteig zu nehmen in Eucharistie. Salz 
wiederum ist das Symbol der Liebe Gottes zu uns. Denn es 
steht geschrieben: 4 ,,Also hat Gott die Welt geliebt, daft Er 
seinen eingeborenen Sohn an seiner Statt dahingegeben hat". 5 
,,Ihr seid das Salz der Erde" sagt Christus zu seinen Jimgern. 6 
,,Jedes Opfer soil mit Salz gesalzen werden", befahl Gott Mose 
im Levitikus 7 , und Markus, der Evangelist, in seinem Evan- 
gelium 8 . Also ist es notwendig, daft im Leib Christi, dem 

1 Ephram Syrus (306373 o. 379). 

2 Job. 12 : 32. 

3 Matt. 13 : 33, usw. 

4 Job. 3 : 16. 

5 Sonderbar ist das an seiner Statt. Icb weift nicht, in welcbem Texte 
das zu finden ware. 

o Matt. 5 : 13. 1 Lev. 2 : 13. 

* Mk. 9 : 50. 



Vol.xxxii.] Das Sendschreibend.PatriarchenBarschuschan,&c. 313 

lebendigen und lebengebenden Opfer, das Salz, das Vorbild 
seiner Liebe, hineingesetzt sei; mehr als bei den unverniinftigen 
Opfern vom Gesetz Mosis, welche tiberhaupt nicht die Opfern- 
den siihnen (entsiindigen) konnten. So sind auch diejenigen 
toricht, die ein Opfer ohne Salz darbringen, und fern sind ihre 
Opfergaben von der Liebe Christi und von dem Vorbild der 
heiligen Apostel. Denn nicht soil man unschmackhaft, ohne 
Salz essen, sagt Hiob. 1 Ich aber sage: Kein gekochtes Essen 
ohne Salz ist angenehm, ebenso kein Wein ohne Wasser; 
ebensowenig ist ein Opfer ohne Salz annehmbar; nicht im 
alten Gesetz Mosis, welche die heilige Eucharistie symbolisiert, 
und auch nicht in diesem neuen (Gesetz), das Christus seiner 
Kirche iiberliefert hat. Denn sie erlaubt nicht, daft wir ver- 
lassen irgend etwas von dem, was er bestimmt hat, es sei 
denn, daft derjenige, der opfert, Jude sei und kein Christ. 
Denn in den Bestimmungen der heidnischen Weisen und 
Philosophen gebraucht man hier den Terminus: ,,definita 
ajfirmativa (Tr/aoo-Sio/oicrriKa KarafanKa.) universell einschlieftend". 2 
Denn hull und la kull sind grofte Definitiones, allgemein und 
einander entgegensetzt, "gerade wie auch had und Id liad partiell 
sind. Also sagt Christus unser Herr zu seinen Jiingern: 
,,Sagt und lehrt alles, was ich euch befohlen'habe". 3 Da er 
nun ,,alles" sagt, so schlieftt er damit all die Kanones und 
Gebote ein. Dies ist alles, was er sagte liber das Opfer, das 
gebracht wird. Es gibt also keine geschmacklosere Opfergabe 
(Oblate), als die, woran kein erfrischendes Salz ist. Diese 
Worte nun - - wenig anstatt viel - - iiber diesen Gegenstand 
mogen genug sein. 

Uber OlivenoL 

Wir gebrauchen Olivenol auf den Oblaten als Symbol der f l- 
Barmherzigkeit Gottes zu uns Sunder n; denn so meint (tut) c 
es auch das alttestamentliche Gesetz mit den ungesauerten 
Broten, welche mit Ol bestrichen wurden, und mit den Leuch- 
tern und den Lichtern. 4 Ebenso war das Olivenblatt, welches 
die Taube 5 dem gerechten Noah zur Abendzeit brachte, ein 
Zeichen des Endes der Flut. Die Kinder 6 , welche ihm 

* Hiob 6 : 6. 

2 Namlich in der Terminologie der Logik. 

3 Matt. 28 : 19. * Ex. 29 : 2. 
5 Gen. 8:3. 6 Matt. 21 : 15. 

VOL. XXXII. Part III. 22 



314 Otto Lichti, [1912. 

zugejauchzt haben mit Olzweigen, symbolisierten die Barmherzig- 
keit Gottes und das Heil, das er selbst brachte von der Flut 
der Siinde. Auch der Samariter *, welcher sich des unter die 
Rauber Gefallenen erbarmte, als dieser hinabging von Jeru- 
salem nach Jericho, ist Christus, welcher die Menschen rettete 
mit seinem Blute. Mit Wein und 01 verband er seine Wun- 
den und heilte ihn. 2 Aber auch der Menschensohn wurde 
gesalbt fur uns, von seiner Mutter 3 und den andern Weibern, 
dreimal; da der Evangelist Lukas 4 bezeugt liber eine, und 
die andern Evangelisten (bezeugen) liber eine andere, welche 
ihn salbte. 5 Also diirfen wir auch 01 darbringen beim 
lebendigen Opfer, dem Abendmahl Christi; wie auch Salz ein 
Symbol der Liebe und Barmherzigkeit Gottes fur die Mensch- 
heit ist. Aber wenn einem Priester an Glauben mangelt, und 
er dabei unbarmherzig ist, so ist er kein Priester. Auch der 
Laie, der eins von diesen Dingen nicht hat, ist kein Christ. 
Also G-laube, Liebe und Barmherzigkeit sind die Erflillung des 
Christentums ; und Sauerteig, Salz und 01 sind die Vollendung 
des Leibes Christi denen, welchen das Evangelium Christi nicht 
foi. verborgen ist. Wer aber eins von diesen entbehrt, des Herz 
7 a ist mit TTnwissenheit verfinstert. 

fiber das alttestamentliche Ungesauerte, tvelches unser Herr aft 
und abschqffte und mit einem neuen Sauerteig begann. 

Tiber das ungesauerte Brot, welches Christus am Abend der 
Eucharisties a&; wie Ihr gewifi glaubt, 0, du Heiliger Gottes. 
Dafi er am Abend davon gegessen und es in jenem Moment 
abgeschafft hat : ,,Geht, den Ort uns zu bereiten, damit ich mit 
euch das Passahlamm esse, ehe ich leide," 7 sagt Christus zu 
seinen Jlingern. Und nachdem sie gegangen war en und zu- 
bereitet batten, kam Jesus und legte sich zu Tische; und als 
er gegessen hatte Lamm und ungesauertes Brot und die 
bitteren Krauter, wie das Gesetz Mosis befiehlt, sagte er: 
,,Seht, es ist vollbracht"; 8 und damit besiegelte er vollstandig 

~i Luk. 10~: 33. 2 Luk. 10 : 34. 

3 Job. 12:3? Daft Maria, die Mutter Jesu, ihn salbte, nimmt unser 
Autor jedenfalls aus obiger Stelle, wo Jesus im Hause der Martha ist, 
und es nun heifit : Da nahm Maria ein Pfund Salbe von echter, sehr kost- 
barer Narde und salbte die Fiifie Jesu und trocknete sie mit ihren 
Haaren. 

4 Luk. 4 : 3738. s Mk. 17 : 3; Matt. 26 : 7 f. 

e Matt. 26 : 26. * Luk. 22 : 8. 8 Luk. 22 : 16, 37. 



Yol.xxxii.] DasSendschreibend.PatriarchenBarschuschan,&c. 315 

das alte Biindnis. Darauf nahm er das Brot in seine Hande, 
und nachdem er gedankt hatte, brach er es, afi, und gab seinen 
Jiingern auch zu essen. Siebe, er nennt es ,,Brot" (laljma), 
nicbt ,,Ungesauertes" (pattlra)', denn wie es geschrieben steht, 
also ziemt uns zu glauben, damit wir obne Falsch erscbeinen. 
,,Brot", sagen die Heiligen, die Evangelisten, die Apostel und 
Paulus, nicbt jJJngesauertes. 1 Brot (Hammia) wird nicbt 
Ungesauertes genannt, und das Ungesauerte nicbt Brot. Icb 
babe nicbt ausgescbrieben das Zeugnis der beiligen Lehrer, 
um die Sache nicht zu sebr in die Lange zu zieben. Wenn 
Ibr aber sagt, dafi unser Herr Ungesauertes gegessen und das 
A. T. erfullt bat, und dafi er dann, Ungesauertes essend, mit 
dem N. T. angefangen hat, so gebt das nicbt an. Ungesauertes 
im A. T. und ebenso im N. T.? Wo ist also das Neue in 
Cbristo? Da er aber n alles" sagte, so liefi er nicbts ohne es 
in dem Wort einzuscbliefien. Wie entkommt dies Ungesauerte, 
welches in Christo nicht erneuert worden ist? Das alttestament- 
liche Lamm ist abgescbafft worden darin, 2 dafi wir fortan 
keine Tiere mehr opfern, nachdem das Lamm Gottes selbst 
abgeschafft hat alle Opfer mit seinem Opfer, welches fur die 
Welt ist. Wenn Moses abgescbafft ist mit Christo, und die 
Torah mit dem Evangelium, und der Sabbat mit dem heiligen 
Sonntag, so ist notwendigerweise auch Ungesauertes abgeschafft 
worden. Wenn Ungesauertes besteht, und das Lamm noch 
Berecbtigung 3 bat, so ist also bis jetzt der Gesalbte Gottes 
noch nicht getotet worden, und redet Paulus falsch, wenn 
er sagt: ,,Unser Passahlamm ist Christus, geschlachtet und 
geopfert fur uns." 4 Wenn jetzt noch das jlidische Ungesauerte 
besteht, so ist unser A. T. nicht erneuert worden, und der 
erste Adam ist nocb in seiner Siinde. Und wahr wlirde das 
schriftliche W T ort der Juden, Toter Gottes, dafi bis jetzt Christus 
noch nicht gekommen ist. Fur Christen ziemt es sich, einem 
zu folgen: entweder Mose mit Opferlamm und alttestamentlichem 
Ungesauerten, oder Paulus mit Brot und Wein im N. T. 
Wenn Ihr nun sagen solltet: Wober batten sie gesauertes 

1 Vgl. auch die Arguments p. 116 ff. 

2 Randglosse: ,,Diese wurden erneuert, Und Verheifiung auf Ver- 
heiBung wurde uns gegeben. ,Abgeschafft' steht geschieben an der Stelle 
wo: ,Erneuert ist das Alte c ." 

3 Dies deutet doch wohl auf Lammopfer hin. 
* Kor. 5 : 7. 

22* 



316 Otto Lichti, [1912. 

Brot damals in Jerusalem? Wegen Zeit, Ruf und Personen. 
Einerseits, die Zeit; da ihre Herrschaft ein Ende hatte, und 
sie nicht mehr Autoritat batten, ihre Feste frei zu feiern, wie 
vormals. Andrerseits, Ruf und die Personen; daft Herodes und 
Pilatus und die andren Tetrarche, welche in Jerusalem regierten, 
und in Judaa und in Galilaa, wie sagt der Evangelist Lukas, 
lie&en nicht zu, dafi sie ihre Feste feierten, wie ihnen befohlen 
war, weder mit Anbetung, noch mit dem Opfer, noch mit Un- 
gesauertem. Die Romer und die fremden Volker, die da 
wohnten, afien nicht Ungesauertes, da das Yolk der Juden ver- 
achtet war. Fur sieben Tage war ihnen befohlen, Ungesauertes 
zu essen, 1 zum Gedachtnis des Auszugs aus der Knechtschaft 
Agyptens. Wir aber, die wir von dem Agypten der Slinde, 
dem eisernen Feuerofen, durch Christum befreit worden sind 
zur Freiheit des neuen Lebens, waruin sollten wir's denn noch 
notig haben, zum unglaubigen Ungesauerten der Juden zuriick- 
zukehren; von der Jugend, welche wir in Christo erhalten 
haben, zum G-reisenalter des Mosaismus, den wir verlassen 
haben? Denn Paulus sagt den Galatern, die sich wollten be- 
schneiden lassen nach der Taufe: Siehe, ich Paulus sage euch: 
,Wenn ihr beschnitten werdet, wird euch Christus nichts 
ntitzen". 2 Also auch jeder, der Ungesauertes ifit und den 
Sabbat halt, usw., des Dienst und Hoffnung ist nichtig in be- 
zug auf Christum. Dies bis hierher, geniigt vollstandig. 

v. 

JJber das Wasser, das wir im Kelch misclien. 

Uber das Wasser, das wir im Kelch des Blutes mischen. 
Also lehrte uns Christus, und der Apostel Johannes, 3 der 
Theologe, daft aus des Herrn Seite Blut und Wasser flofi. 
Blut bedeutet sein Leben, Wasser aber seinen Tod. Wenn 
wir also durch seinen Tod erlost worden sind, und die glaubige 
Gemeinde das Gedachtnis seines Todes in der Eucharistie 
feiert, wie er auch sagte: ,,Dies tut zum Gedachtnis meines 
Todes", 4 dann verleugnen diejenigen, welche nur reinen Wein 
machen und auf dem Altar darbringen, seine Leiden und seinen 
stellvertretenden Tod, da sie ja nur sein Leben predigen. Denn 
die Heiden Harans und die Juden allenthalben opfern reinen 

i Dtn. 16 : 3. 2 Gal. 5:2. 3 Job. 19 : 34. 

4 Meines Todes steht nicht dabei. 



Vol. xxxii.] DasSendschreibend.PatriarchenBarschiischan,&c. 317 

Wein bei ihren Opfern, welche ausgeschlossen sind vom christ- 
lichen Glauben. Auch sind sie ausgeschlossen vom wahren 
Leben, welches die Christen haben durch seinen Tod. Also 
ziemt es sich, Wein und Wasser zu opfern im Geist des 
Glaubens nach dem Apostel. Denn der heilige Mar Ephram 
sagt: 1 Wasser schreit ,Gott ist getotet worden' und Blut 
verkiindet, dafi er lebt in seiner Natur". Dies Wenige liber 
diese Sache geniigt uns. 

vi. 

Wegen der Taufe von Kreuzen und Nakusclwn.^ 

Wegen der Taufe von Kreuzen und Nakuschen, welche ihr folt 
vollzieht. Die Apostel lehrten solches nicht, die Lehrer taten ' 
es auch nicht, und in der Schrift steht es auch nicht; in den 
Kanones wird es auch nicht genannt. ,,Geht und lehrt alle 
Volker" sagt Christus, 3 ,,und taufet sie auf den Namen des 
Yaters, des Sohnes, und des Heiligen Geistes". Das ist die 
wahre Regel des (rechtglaubigen) orthodoxen Glaubens, welchen 
uns die Apostel und die heiligen Vater tibeiiieferten. Und 
darin unterscheiden sich die Glaubigen von den Unglaubigen 
und die Kinder von den Fremden. ,,Ihr aber, die ihr auf 
Christum getauft seid, habt Christum angezogen", sagt Paulus. 4 
Also Kreuze und Schallbretter, oder Steine und Holz, haben 
Christum in der heiligen Taufe angezogen ? das ist der Wahr- 
heit fremd und verdammungswurdig. ,,Wer niimlich nicht ge- 
boren ist aus Wasser und Geist", sagt Christus, ,,geht nicht 
ein ins Himmelreich". 5 Also sind Kreuze und Klingeln, 
welche sie taufen, Kinder des Himmelreichs ! 6 Das ' ist eine 
heidnische Lehre! Wir aber werden angenommen an Kindes- 
statt durch die heilige Taufe, durch welche wir rufen: Abba, 
unser Vater. Also sind nach ihnen Kreuz, Steine und Holz, 
und der .Rest der Dinge, die sie taufen, Kinder des himm- 
lischen Vaters. Das ist dem Glauben der wahren Christen 
ganz fremd. Durch die Taufe werden wir Briider Christi in 

1 Sancti Ephraem Syri Opera Tom. I. p. 13 f. 

2 Das Nakuscha ist ein dickes Brett mit Lochern, das mit einem 
Schlegel geschlagen wird urn die Leute zum Gebet zu rufen. (Miss. 
Herald, 1848 Dez. p. 416.) 

3 Mat. 28 : 19. < Gal. 3 : 27. s J o h. 3 : 5. 

6 Auch wieder so eine rabbinische Schlufifolgerung. Welche Spiegel- 
fechterei doch die Polemik erzeugt! 



318 Otto Lichti, [1912. 

der G-emeinschaft des Heiligen Geistes. Also jedes Kreuz, 
Schallbrett, Stein soil em Bruder Christ! in der Gemeinschaft 
des Heiligen G-eistes sein. Das wird verworfen yom gottlichen 
Gesetz. Denn ein Kreuz Christ! ist vollkommen und erfiillt 
alles. "Wenn es aber mangelhaft ist, dafi es vollendet werden 
sollte von einem andern, so ist es nicht ein Kreuz. Ein Kreuz 
gibt dem andern nichts, da nicht einmal ein Bischof dem 
andern was gibt, oder ein Priester dem andern, wegen der 
gleichen G-nade des Amtes und der Gleichheit des Priester- 
tums. Denn wie der eine Leib, der ans Kreuz geschlagen 
wurde bei Jerusalem, alle geistlichen Opfer vollstandig heiligte, 
so auch das eine Kreuz, welches mit seinem Zeichen lebendig 
macht, alle Kreuze irgendwelcher Art heiligt, ohne dafi sie 
der Taufe bedtirfen. Demnach ist es heidnisch, Steine und 
Holz und tote Dinge mit heiligem Chrisam l zu taufen, wel- 
cher dem Christus gehort, wie geschrieben steht. Soviel 
daruber! 



Tiber das Bekenntnis der Sunde, d. h., hosdovdnutun. 2 

Ist es nicht schon, sogar sehr lieblich? Aber nur wenn es 
nach seiner Ordnung vollfiihrt wird. Johannes der Taufer 
zeigte dies, wo er die Pharisaer und die Sadducaer taufte zur 
Bufie. 3 ,,Bringet", sagte er, ,,wiirdige Friichte der BuBe", usw. 
Denn wenn ein Mensch siindigt und sich bekehren, und auf- 
stehen und fallen, und bauen und wieder einreifien, und sich 
vom Kot der Siinde baden und wieder zuriickkehren sollte, so 
ist in ihm die EigenscHaft des Schweines, sagt die Heilige 
Schrift, und des Hundes, ,,der sich zu seinem Auswurf wendet".* 
Wenn einer sich gereinigt hat von einem Toten und geht 
wieder zu ihm zuriick, was niitzt das ? 5 Der Prophet David 
siindigte und bekehrte sich, und die Art seiner Bu&e zeigt er 

1 Die Salbung mit Chrisam (heiligem 01) bedeutet, dafi der Getaufte 
teil hat an der Salbung des gottmenschlichen Hauptes und zum auser- 
wahlten, priesterlichen Volke Gottes berufen ist. Diese Salbung soil gegen 
Yerderbnis der Siinde schiitzen und Bewahrung der Taufgnade wirken. 

2 Armenisch fiir die Beichte. 
Mat. 3 : 8. 

* 2 Petri 2 : 22 : ,,Der Hund kehrte um zu seinem eigenen Gespei, und 
die gewaschene Sau zum Walzen im Kot". 
5 Sirach 31 (34) : 30. 






Vol. xxxii.] DasSendschreibend.PatriarclienBarscliusclian,&c. 319 

durch den Ernst des Gebetes, welches er darbrachte. 1 . Simon 
Petrus verleugnete und bekehrte sich und ward wieder ange- 
nommen. 2 Und es heifit nicht, dafi er nochmals siindigte. 
So die Zollner und Huren und der Rauber, 3 der sich am 
Kreuze bekehrte, siehe das sind Vorbilder und Exempla fiir 
den, der sich in Wahrheit bekehrt. Verlafi dich nicht auf die 
Yergebung, 4 sagt die Schrift, welche nur im Wort ist, damit 

du nicht Stinde auf Siinde haufst. Also ist die Beichte nicht fo1 - 

10 
schon, welche nicht aus der Wahrheit, sondern aus der Falsch- 

heit ist. Diese ziemt sich weder den Priestern, noch den Dia- 
konen, noch den Laien. Dies geniigt uns soweit. 



VIII. 
Tiber den Abend des MittwocJi und Freitag. 

Wegen des Abends vom Mittwoch und Freitag. Das ist 
eine torichte, in der Schrift nicht vorgeschriebene, Gewohnheit. 
Denn alle Tage sind gleich geachtet in Berechnung und Herr- 
lichkeit der Schopfung, und keiner von ihnen ist herrlicher, 
als der heilige Sonntag. Wenn auch Heiden ihn verehren 
wegen des Zeichens der Sonne 5 , so doch die Christen ob des 
Glaubens. Denn an ihm war alles im Anfang geschaffen, und 
an ihm war alles erneuert in der Vollendung, da er auferstand 
aus dem Grabe.s j) a ft einer faste an diesen Abenden, oder 
esse, ist Sache der Gewohnheit, nichts mehr, und nicht der 
klugen Berechnung. Denn Speise erhebt uns nicht zu Gott, 
sagt der Apostel. Wir profitieren nichts, wenn wir essen, und 
verlieren nichts, wenn wir nicht essen. 7 Dariiber nun, dafi 
wir daran festhalten, dafi der Anfang des Tages vom Abend 
und nicht vom Morgen ist. Es ist zu ersehen aus dem, das 

1 2 Sam. 12 : 16. 

2 Mat. 26 : 70. 3 Luk. 23 : 42. 
* Sir. 34 : 23; Rom. 6 : 2 f . 

5 Randglosse : ,,Die Magier aber achten, der Sonntag sei genannt nach 
der Sonne, welche iiber die ganze Schopfung ist; der Montag nach dem 
Mond ; der Dienstag nach dem Mars ; der Mittwoch nach Merkur ; der 
Donnerstag nach Jupiter; der Freitag nach Venus; und der Samstag nach 
Saturn. Diese ISTotiz ist von fremden Weisen." 

6 Luk. 24 : 1 ff'. 

7 Paulus sagt etwas anders: Speise aber empfiehlt uns Gott nicht; 
weder sind wir, wenn wir nicht essen, geringer, noch sind wir, wenn wir 
essen, vorziiglicher". (1 Kor. 8 : 8). 



320 Otto Lichti, [1912. 

Christus sagte denen, die ein Zeichen forderten: ,,Wie Jonas 
drei Tage und drei Nachte im Baucli des Fisches war, so wird 
auch der Menschensohn drei Tage und drei Nachte im Busen 
der Erde sein". 1 AVenn du rechnest vom Morgen nach dem 
Freitag, in deinem Zahlen, so geht deine Berechnung aus auf 
den Montag, welcher auf den Sonntag folgt. In dieser Nacht 
ist aber Christus niclit auferstanden. Denn er ist auferstanden 
in der friihesten Morgendammerung des Sonntags, sagt der 
heilige Mar Ephram. 2 Der Sonntag wird der (Tag) der 
Auferstehung genannt. Sehr richtig rechnest du deine Zahlen 
von der Zeit, da unser Herr seinen Leib brach im Obergemach; 
so geht die Hechnung richtig und genau aus. Wie durch ein 
Geheimnis und Wunder ist unser Herr gestorben von der Zeit, 
als er seinen Jiingern seinen Leib verteilte. So haben uns 
die heiligen Yater iiberliefert. Also geht der Abend dem 
Morgen voraus, und die Nacht dem Tage. Unsere Rechnung 
ist genau, daft wir vom Abend ab wachen und am Mittwoch 
und Freitag fasten. Aber man mufi den Unterschied kennen 
zwischen Tag und Tageszeit. Denn Tageszeit sagt man 
(natlirlich) vom Aufgang der Sonne bis zu ihrem Untergang; 
Tag aber ist Nacht- und Tageszeit zusammen, oder 24 Stunden, 
und mit den Zunahmen und Abnahmen der vier Jahreszeiten. 
Dies ist das Argument liber den Abend des Mittwoch und 
foL jr re itag; wahrend es viele "Wahrheiten gibt, flir den, der liber 
dies und andere Dinge schreibt. 





Tiber das Fest der Geburt, welches sie niclit feiern wie alle 
Vblker der ganzen Erde. 3 

liber das heilige "Weihnachtsfest und Epiphanien, welches 
Ihr an einem Tage feiert, nach alter G-ewohnheit. Wisse, 

1 Mat. 12 : 40. 

2 Sancti Ephraem Syri Opera Tom I. p. 13 ff. 

3 Das Weihnachtsfest. Dionysius Barsalibi sagt iiber das armenische 
Weihnachtsfest: ,,In den orientalischen Landern und im Norden feierte 
man dieses Fest bis auf die Zeiten des Konigs Arkadius und des Mar 
Johannes am 6. Januar und nannte es Geburtstagsfest, das ist auch Epi- 
phanias, wie der heilige Theolog in der Rede iiber die Geburt es nannte. 
Doch wird aber in den romischen Provinzen und in ganz Italien und in 
Palastina von der Zeit der Apostel bis auf den heutigen Tag am 25. 
Bezember das Geburtsfest gefeiert. Und jene Ordnung und jene genaue 



Vol. xxxii.] Das Sendschreiben d.Patriarchen Barschusclian, &c. 321 

Herr, daft alles, woriiber Ungewiftheit ist, entweder von der 
Natur der Sache, oder von der Gewohnheit, oder von der 
Schrift festgestollt wird. 1. Yon der Natur: die Empfangnis, 
Geburt und Erziehung ; 2. von der Gewohnheit : die Lehre der 
Grammatik, oder Zimmermannskunst, oder Schmiedekunst ; 
3. von der Schrift, endlich: die Beschreibung der Geburt Jesu 
Christi, usw. Zu der Natur und der Gewohnheit gesellt sich 
einerseits die durch die Sinnen gewonnene Erkenntnis; aber 
dem Wort der Schrift ist andrerseits der Glaube erforderlich. 
So war es Sitte der Nationen vormals einerseits am 25. De- 
zember das Fest der Geburt zu feiern, andrerseits am 6. Januar 
das Fest der Erscheinung unseres Herrn. Nicht zufallig oder 
in Unwissenheit ist dieser Gebrauch festgestellt worden, in der 
Kirche der Burner und Griechen, der Agypter und unsrer 
Syrer, usw.; sondern die frlihern Gelehrten haben es erstens 
vom Gesetz der Natur abgeleitet, daft die Geburt des Menschen 
zuerst geschieht, und er dann getauft wird. Von der Schrift 
dann lernten sie dieses, daft zuerst Christus am 25. Dezember 
geboren wurde, aber getauft am 6. Januar. Denn der Evan- 
gelist Lukas sagt wirklich also: ,,Aber im sechsten Monat er- 
schien der Engel Gabriel", 1 usw. Der sechste Monat ver- 
kiindet aber die Empfangnis des Johannis; denn also sagte der 
Engel zur heiligen Jungfrau Maria, Gebarerin Gottes, als sie 
wegen der Empfangnis zweifelte: ,,Siehe, Elisabeth deine Ver- 
wandte ist auch schwanger, im Alter, und dies ist der sechste 
Monat flir sie", usw. 2 Denn die Empfangnis Johannis geschah 



Sitte beobachten das ganze Morgeiiland und der Norden, mit Ausnahme 
der Armenier, jener dickkopfigen und hartnackigen Leute, die nicht zur 
AVahrheit iiberredet werden ; so daft sie nach der alten Sitte am 6. Januar 
die beiden Feste begehen". (Assemani, BO, II, S. 163 f.) 

Dazu hat ein Unbekannter die Armenier in Schutz nehmend an den 
Rand geschrieben: ,,Am 6. Januar ist der Herr geboren, an demselben 
Tage, an welchen wir Epiphanien feiern. Deshalb begingen die Alten an 
einem und demselben Tage das Fest der Geburt und der Epiphanien. 
Denn an dem Tage, an dem er geboren wurde, wurde er auch getauft. 
Darum feiern die Armenier noch heute die beiden Feste an einem Tage." 
(Assemani, Bibl. Orient. II, S. 164.) / 

Die Armenier feierten nach alter Sitte, Geburt und Epiphanien am 
selben Tage. Der Vortrag ist der Verkiindigung und Empfangnis ge- 
widmet, die Nachtfeier der Geburt, der Haupttag der Taufe. (v. Usener: 
Religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen I, 208 ff.) 

i Luk. 1 : 26. 2 Luk. 1 : 36. 



322 Otto Lichti, [1912. 

im Monat Oktober (Tisrin), am elften; nacbdem Zacbarias, 
seinem Yater, die frohe Botscbaft iiberbraclit worden war, 
nacb dem Sonnenjabre berecbnet, am 23. September, an wel- 
cbem Tage wir und die Griecben das Fest der Yerkiindigung 
des Zacbarias feiern; und wenn du zablst und recbnest von 
da ab bis zum 25. Marz, wo wir die Yerkiindigung der Gottes- 
gebarerin feiern, so wirst du secbs Monate finden. (Nacb 
dem Monde berecbnet aber ist es der Zebnte im Monat 
Nisan). Recbnest du nun von bier bis zum 25. Dezember, so 
erbaltst du neun Monate. In dieser Zeit war die G-eburt 
unseres Heilandes. Er erscbien am 25. Dezember; nacb dem 
Monde berecbnet aber am 6. Januar; wie der beilige Mar 
Epbram sagt: ,,Am Zebnten seine Empfangnis, am Secbsten 
seine Geburt". Nacb dem Monde berecbnet, namlich, weil die 
Juden in der Berecbnung ihrer Monate und Feste sicb des 
Mondes bedienten. Und wie es secbs Monate waren von der 
Empfangnis des Jobannis bis zur Empfangnis unseres Hei- 
landes, ebenso aucb von der Geburt Jobannis, am 24. Juni, 
bis zur Geburt unseres Herrn, welcbe gescbab am 25. Dezember, 
findest du secbs Monate. Wiederum aber die Heiden, und die 
Magier, und die Cbaldaer, die den Tierkreis messen, und sicb 
der Gesetze der Sterne bedienen, feierten an diesem Tage, am 
25. Dezember ein grofies Eest, das Sonnenfest, weil da die 
Sonne wieder umkebrt zum Aufstieg auf die bocbste Stufe. 
So war's ja aucb propbezeit von der grofien Sonne der Ge- 
recbtigkeit, welche an diesem beriiicben und beiligen Tag er- 
scbienen ist und gebracbt bat das Gebeimnis der Erlosung, 
und wiederum erboben- bat den Menscben auf die bocbste 
Stufe und an seine friibere Stelle. Also, unser Herr wurde 
sicberlicb am 25. Dezember geboren; nacb dem Mond am 
Secbsten des Januar; im Jabr 309 nacb griecbiscber Zeit- 
recbnung, und im 41. Jahre des Augustus Caesar. Getauft 
wurde er im Jabr 339, nacb dem griecbiscben Kalender, und 
im 15. Jabre des Kaisers Tiberias, am 6. Januar, nacb der 
Sonne; und nacb dem Monde fand seine Geburt ebenfalls am 
6. Januar statt, wie aucb fur seine Geburt der Secbste be- 
stimmt war im Monde des Januar. Aus diesem Grund also, 
namlicb der Berecbnung nacb dem Monde, da sie vorbanden 
war zur Zeit der Geburt, welcbe mit der Zeit der Taufe iiber- 
einstimmte, so entstand diese Gewobnbeit in den Tagen unserer 
Yorfabren, und man feierte die zwei Feste zusammen, wie Ibr 



Vol. xxxii.] Das Sendschreiben d. Patriarchen Barsch uschan, &c. 323 

sie feiert, bis zur Zeit des Konigs Arkadius l und des Mar 
Johannes Chrysostomos, 2 welche zur selben Zeit lebten. Auf 
einmal nun wurde ein grofie Untersuchung dartiber veranstaltet. 
Die heiligen Yater urteilten richtig, daft zuerst das Test der 
beiligen Geburt, und dann das der Erscheinung sein sollte. 
Yon damals bis beute wurden die heiligen Feste der G-eburt 
und der Erscheinung festgestellt, jedes firr sich, nach der 
schonen Sitte, welche die heiligen Vater bestimmten durch den 
Einflufi des Heiligen Geistes, welcher sie lehrte und weise 
machte, nach der Macht der "Wahrheit und der Genauigkeit 
des Geheimnisses; wie ja auch bestimmt war die Zeit der Ge- 
burt unseres Heilandes, und die gottliche Erscheinung. Dies 
ist das Argument fiir das heilige Test der Geburt und der 
Erscheinung (Weihnachten und Epiphanien), 3 welche wir 
feiern jedes fiir sich. Diese schone Sitte ist wohl begriindet 
und in der katholischen Kirche aller Yolker akzeptiert. 

x. 

Daruber, daft die Vater viel Passendes an der kirchlichen Ord- fo1 - 

* ~ D 

nung veranderten und in der Kirche ohne Verweis zur Qeltung 

brachten. 

Dartiber, dafi sie friiher nicht feierten das Fest Palmarum, 
und nicht das Osterfest in jedem Jahr, und die Taufe nur alle 
30 Jahre; wahrend das Fest Palmarum zu keiner Zeit ge- 
feiert wurde. Deshalb verfaMe der heilige Gregorius, der 
Theologe, keine festliche Predigt dariiber (Palmarum), wie er 
tat iiber Weihnachten und Epiphanien. Nicht einmal die 
heilige Charwoche und das Osterfest hielten sie zuerst, aufier 
alle 30 Jahre einmal. Auf einmal verordneten es die Yater 
jedes Jahr am Ende des Fastens; das war sehr schon; ebenso 
das heilige Fasten von 40 Tagen, jedermann, wann er wollte, 
und in welcher Zeit er's gerade wiinschte. Die Sache der 
Mehrheit siegt; und siehe, alle christlichen Yolker feiern das 

1 Romischer Kaiser (383 408 A. D.). 

2 Chrysostomos (345. 347407). 

3 Epiphanien wird zuerst von Clemens von Alexandrien genannt als 
das jahrliche Gedachtnisfest der Geburt und Taufe Christi. welches am 
6. Januar gefeiert wurde. Im Occident wurde es spater ein Fest fiir ver- 
schiedene Ereignisse Anbetung der Magier, Hochzeit zu Kana, Speisung 
der 5000 usw. 



324 Otto Lichti, [1912 

heilige Fest der Geburt, und sie gieften Wasser in den Abend- 
mahlswein, indem sie den Kelch der Danksagung misclien; auch 
nehmen sie Wein und Salz in der Eucharistie. Eins von 
diesen tun jene niclit, mil vielen andern Dingen. Nicht nur 
feiern sie das Fest nicht an seinem Tage, sondern sie feiern 
es am Sonntag. Es ziemt sich aber gar nicht, daft an ihm 
noch ein Fest gefeiert werde, aufter dem Gedachtnis der Auf- 
erstehung. Deswegen ist dieser Tag groft und namhaft, heilig 
und herrlich. Wenn aber an diesem Tag ein anderes Fest 
veranstaltet wird, so werde es gefeiert nach der Ordnung der 
Auferstehung ; Dienst und G-edachtnis der Auferstehung sollen 
nicht aufhoren an ihm. Wegen der groftartigen und herr- 
lichen Auferstehung ist es, daft wir ihn beobachten und feier- 
lich und lobpreisend verehren. Also auch in diesem Stuck 
sind sie nicht treu, daft sie das Fest am Sonntag feiern. Wenn 
wir aber die heilige Feier am Schluft des Mittwoch und Frei- 
tag anfangen, so haben wir dafiir kriiftige Beweise und wahr- 
haftige Zeugnisse. Erst ens, daft das erste Yolk, welches Gott 
kannte und sowohl nach der Ordnung, wie nach den G-esetzen 
wandelte, war das Yolk der Kinder Israel. Yom Munde 
G-ottes wurde ihnen anbefohlen durch Mose, daft sie am Abend 
anfangen sollten, ihr Fest zu feiern und ihre Sabbate zu halten, 
und so tun sie bis zum heutigen Tag. Zweitens aber, da der 
Sonntag der Tag der Auferstehung ist, und um 9 Uhr am 
Sabbat beginnt der Sonntag. Und das Licht, welches liber 
Jerusalem herabfloft, zeugt und bestatigt es. Wiederum drittens, 
daft am Charfreitag der Kreuzigung, in der Nacht, in welcher 
der Freitag dammert, alle Yb'lker sehr friih aufstehen und Ge- 
bet und Andenken der heilbringenden Passion begehen; nicht 
in der Nacht, die den Freitag beschlieftt; weil die Nacht vor 
dem Sabbat die der Yerklindigung heiftt, wie die darauffolgende, 
vor dem Sonntag, die der Auferstehung. Also wahr ist es, daft 
wir vom Abend den nachstfolgenden Tag bestimmen. Yiertens 
aber, daft alle Yolker am Abend vor dem Fest, oder dem 
Sonntag anfangen, das Fest zu feiern und den Tag des Festes 
zu ehren. Also bestatigen wir, daft wir am Abend vor dem 
Freitag anfangen, den Tag der erlosenden Passion mit Fasten 
und G-ebet zu feiern. Ebenso auch der Konig oder der 
Regent, wenn es gerade passiert, daft er in ein Dorf oder in eine 
Stadt einzieht, da ziehen die Leute aus ihm entgegen in feierlicher 
Prozession, mit Pomp und Pracht, und ehren so seinen Einzug. 



Vol. xxxii.] DasSendsclireibend.PatriarchenBarschuschan^c. 325 

Wenn er aber aufbricht, geht er ganz schlicht, nur wenige 
bemerken seine Abreise. Also tun wir wohl, daft wir zuerst 
den Einzug feiern, mehr als den Abschied. So wie wir auch 
die Geburt unseres Herrn sehr ehren und vor her fasten; sei 
es nun, daft man 40 Tage fastet, oder 30, oder zwei Wochen, 
oder 25 Tage; woriiber eine Menge von Kanones, Lieder und 
Hymnen verfaftt sind, auch Predigten, und Homilien und 
Weissagungen, mehr als iiber den Tag der Himmelfahrt. Denn 
jener ist die Ankunft Gottes bei uns im Fleische; dieser ist 
der Abschied. Fiinftens endlich, daft jeder vollkommene Tag 
aus Nachtzeit und Tageszeit besteht, und in 24 Stunden be- 
endigt wird. Wir feiern also den heiligen Tag Freitag in der 
ganzen Nacht- und Tageszeit von 24 Stunden; von Sonnen- 
untergang vor dem Freitag bis zum folgenden Sonnenuntergang 
vor dem Sabbat. Doch gibt es noch viele Griinde dafiir, daft 
der Tag oder das Fest bei seinem Eingang mehr als bei seinem 
Ausgang gefeiert wird. Also haben wir Recht darin, daft wir fo \ 
die Feier des Freitags bei seinem Eintritt beginnen. 

XL 

Daruber, dafi ein Priester den Bischof segnet, obwohl der holier 

steht als jener. 

Es ist bei ihnen eine andere haftliche Sitte, namlich, wenn 
ein Bischof zufallig einem Priester begegnet, sobald der Priester 
vom Bischof gesegnet worden ist, segnet der Priester wiederum 
den Bischof und legt die Hand auf sein Haupt. Sag mir: 
Woher hat der Priester die Autoritat, daft er dem Bischof 
etwas geben sollte? Und wenn ein Priester noch mangelhaft 
und bediirftig ist, daft er von einem Priester den Segen und 
Handauflegung empfange, wie denn weiht er Priester und 
Diakonen, und heiligt den Myron und den Altar und die 
Kirche? Das ist eine haftliche Sitte, und ganz fremd der 
priesterlichen Ordnung. Der Bischof mag wohl den Priester , 
segnen, sagen die Kanones ; aber es ziemt sich nicht, daft er 
vom Priester gesegnet wird; aber noch mehr: Nicht einmal 
von seinem bischonichen Genossen, sondern nur von Patriar- 
chen, welcher grofter ist als er; well ein Bischof einen andern 
Bischof nicht ordinieren kann; nicht einmal ein Patriarch kann 
allein ihn ordinieren, wenn nicht ein andrer Bischof, oder zwei 
mit ihm sein sollten, wie es in den Kanones befohlen ist. Ein 



326 Otto Lichti, [1912. 

Bischof wird von drei Bischof en ordiniert, oder von zweien, 
mit welchen entweder ein Patriarch, oder Metropolit sein soil. 
Ein Bischof kann viele Priester und Diakonen allein ordinieren, 
wenn kein andrer Bischof in seiner Nahe ist. Deswegen ist 
er befugt, Priester und Diakone usw. zu segnen und die Hande 
auf sie zu legen. Der Priester hat aber keine Befugnis, den 
' Bischof zu segnen. Das ist haMich und verkehrt. 






17 



XIL 

Dartiber, daft ihre Bischofe durch Geld und Bestechungen 1 

eingesetzt werden und einer uberbietet den andern, und sie jagen 

einander von der Herde weg. 

Wiederum haben sie was anderes, welches am aller schimpf- 
lichsten ist. "Wenn ein Sprengel eines Bischofs bedarf und 
derjenige, der kandidiert, nicht viel Geld gibt, so wird er nicht 
erwahlt. Derjenige, welcher Geld hat, wenn er auch schlecht 
ist in seinem Lebenswandel, wird berufen und erwahlt eher, 
als der, welcher fromm und tugendhaft ist, aber kein Geld 
gibt. Nachdem jemand berufen und erwahlt und zum Sprengel 
gegangen, legt man jedes Jahr eine beliebige Summe Tribut 
auf ihn; und nachdem er ein Jahr oder zwei oder ein wenig 
mehr in dem Sprengel gestanden ist, kommt ein anderer, und 
wenn er ihn 10 oder 20 Denare uberbietet, wird der erste 
vertrieben und der andere eingesetzt. Und ebenso wird dieser 
iiber ein "Weilchen vertrieben; ein andrer kommt, jag t ihn fort 
und nimmt seinen Sprengel. Und so geschieht es, ohne 
Hindernis, dafi ein Sprengel eine Menge Bischofe hat; und 
wenn einer den Sprengel erhalt, da iiberlaufen die anderen 
andere Sprengel, damit sie andern ebenso tun. 

XIII. 

^ Auch die Aufsicht der Kloster und Konvente ist ebenso be- 

schaffen. 

Irgendein Monch geht und gibt dem Ortsvorsteher Geld, 
ob der Machthaber ein Heide oder ein Christ ist, und reifit 
an sich das Archimandritenamt, das heifit, die Aufsicht des 

1 Noch im 15. Jahrhundert wurden die Bischofsstiihle an den Hochst- 
bietenden verkauft. Die Kleriker erpressten Geld vom Yolk, urn die 



Vol. xxxii.] DasSendschreibend.PatriarclienBarschuschan^&c. 327 

Klosters, was es auch sei, und ist fortan Herr des Platzes und 
Machthaber in allem. Er kauft und verkauft, baut und zer- 
stort, und er macht zu seinem Erben, wen er will. Er unter- 
wirft seine Mitbriider wie Sklaven, so dafi sie iiberhaupt keine 
Autoritat mit ihm naben in der Leitung des Klosters. Aber 
jeden Tag wird jedem fur seinen Bedarf Speise gegeben, ein- 
fach und karglich. Der Abt behalt, wen er will, und jagt fort, 
wen er will. Und die Briider selbst, weil sie im Kloster nichts 
gelten, laufen bestandig von einem Ort zum andern und wechseln 
von einem Kloster zum andern. Wenn aber liber ein "Weil- 
chen ein andrer kommt, und dem Herrn des Ortes mehr Geld 
gibt, wirft er den vorigen hinaus und nimmt seine Stelle. Und 
so stecken sie in dieser Yerwirrung ohne Ende. 

XIV. 

ffber den Thron des Katholikats, welchen sie durch erbliche fol - 
'achfolge einander iibertragen, ebenso den erhdbenen Thron ihres 17 

Pontifikats. 

Ich aber sage, dad das Katholikat im Irrtum ist, insofern 
jiner dem andern iiberliefert haben soil durch erbliche Nach- 
folge; namlich, daft sie vom Geschlecht des heiligen Gregorius 
abstammen, welcher sie selbst belehrt habe durch leibliche Yer- 
wandtschaft. Dies findet man bei keinem christlichen Yolke 
mehr, und steht vielmehr in Widerspruch zu den apostolischen 
Kanones, 1 welche befehlen, dafi kein Bischof Autoritat besitzt, 
seinen Stuhl einem andern zu vermachen, aufier dem, der er- 
wahlt ist vom Heiligen Geist und von der Heiligen Synode ge- 
billigt worden ist. Diese Sitte haben nur die Araber, dafi bei 
ihnen ein Herrscher, namlich ein Kalife, durch erbliche Nach- 
folge eingesetzt wird, von denen, die von der Familie des 
Muhammed stammen sollen. Bei Christen findet sich dies 
tiberhaupt nicht bei irgendeiner Nation. Sonst ware es ganz 
in Ordnung, da die Jerusalemiten bestandig einen von der 

Gelder dafiir aufzubringen. Dariiber erfahren -wir auch von Mattkaus 
von Urhai, der die Zustande der armenischen Kirche am Ende des 11. 
Jahrhunderts als schlecht bezeichnet und auch speziell von der Bestech- 
ung und von den Unwiirdigen redet. (Kronik Etschmiadzin, 1898, 
S. 229.) 

1 In den apostolischen Kanones war es namlich verboten, dafi ein 
Bischof seinen Stuhl irgend jemand vermachen kann. 



328 Otto Lichti, [1912. 

Familie des Jakobus, des Bruders unseres Herrn, als Oberhaupt 
einsetzte (jener Jakobus war dort der erste Patriarch); oder 
von der Familie des Matthaus, welcher ihnen das Evangelium 
verkiindigte und auch ganz Palastina. Und ebenso den An- 
tiochenern und Aramaern geziemt einer von der Familie des 
Petrus; den Ephesern, von Johannes; den Edessenern, von 
Addai; den Bewohnern von Indien, von Thomas; und den 
librigen Volkern, welche das Evangelium gelehrt wurden, von 
der Familie dessen, der sie zuerst belehrte. Das ist gar nicht 
moglich, noch ist es abzuleiten vom apostolischen Gebrauch. 

XV. 

Uber Priester, welche ordiniert werden, ohm dap sie eine Stelle 

haben. 

Ebenso, wenn sie einen Priester einsetzen, nehmen sie von 
ihm grofie Bestechung und entlassen ihn, dafi er umherirre 
und diene, wo er will. Sie ordinieren ihn also nicht liber ein 
bestimmtes Heiligtum, wie es in den Kanones befohlen ist; 
auch ist seine Stelle ganz unbekannt. 

XVI. 
fol - Uber die Art des Bekenntnisses bei ihnen, welche nicht schon ist. 

18 a 

Wiederum aber beziiglich des Bekenntnisses, dessen sie sich 
nicht bedienen, wie es ordnungsgemafi ist. Aber es stehen da 
niedergeschrieben alle Arten der Siinde, welche in der Welt 
getan und auch nicht getan werden. Wenn jemand seine 
Slinden bekennen und sich bekehren will, so sitzt der Priester 
da und verliest ihm alle, die er je getan und auch nie getan 
hat, ja sogar solche, wovon er nie gehort und welche nie in 
seinen Sinn gekommen waren; und dabei kampft mit ihm der 
bose Gedanke von diesen Dingen, welche er horte, welche nun 
existierten und geschrieben standen, und die er auch lernte zu 
tun. Wiederum aber auch der Priester, der solch schandliche 
.Arten von Siinden verliest, der iiberhaupt auch niemanden 
hat, der sie anhort, so kommen sie in seinen Sinn und Schaden 
ihm viel, indem sie seinen Sinn verstoren, und bestandig halten 
sie sich auf in seinen Q-edanken. 

Wiederum hat ihr Bekenntnis und ihre Lehre viel Ahnliches 



Vol. xxxii.] DasSendschreibend.PatriarclienBarschusclian,&c. 329 

mit der Haresie der Novatianer, 1 welche nicht annehmen die 
Bekehrung von der Siinde. Und wenn irgendein Kleriker in 
Hurerei, im Betrug, oder in Begierde und Wollust des Leibes 
gefallen ist, wenn er, wie David und Manasse,2 Bufte tut 
durchs ganze Leben, wird er doch nie wieder aufgenommen in 
das Amt, worin er einst stand. Wie (sagen sie) ein glasernes 
G-efafi, wenn es zerbrochen ist, nicht wieder zusammengefiigt 
und ineinander gepalH wird, wie es einmal war, so ist's mit 
dem Menschen, der seinen Leib verunreinigt hat, er kann nicht 
wieder sein, was er war. So sagen sie. Es widerlegt sie die 
Simderin, welche angenomraen wurde, begleitete besttindig den, 
der alles heiligt, und im Evangelium geriihmt wurde als Pre- 
digerin des Evangeliums. 3 Und der Zollner, welcher gerecht- 
fertigt wurde, ward ein Apostel, und stieg auf und wurde er- 
hoht zum Rang der Zwolfe, und schrieb das heilige Evangelium. 
Wiederum auch David, nach seiner unreinen Begierde, und 
seinem Ehebruch und verbrecherischen Mordtat, wurde durch 
die Bufte erhoht zur hochsten Stufe der Prophetic, und er 
wurde genannt: Herz Gottes und Vater Christi. Und so auch 
die anderen Sunder, welche sich bekehrten und angenommen 
wurden, die wieder aufstiegen und ihren Rang und ihren Dienst 
einnahmen. 

Aber eine Menge von ihnen erlauben nicht, daft solche (be- 
kehrte Sunder) am Mysterion Christi teilnehmen. Also kommt 
es vor, daft einer eine Zeit von 20, 30, 40 und 50 Jahren 
bleibt, ohne tiberhaupt je teilzunehmen am heiligen Kelch. 
Auch von der Ordnung der Priester und Monche, bleiben 
ebenso manche jahrelang, ohne daft sie teilnehmen: dazu viele 
der Bischofe. Wiederum gibt es viele Bischofe, welche kein 
Opfer bringen, oder teilnehmen an den heiligen Sakramenten; 
jedoch ordiniert man Priester, Kirchen und Altare weiht man 
ein, man tauft, und segnet und auch das iibrige. Diese grofte 
Dummheit ist doch wunderbar. Wer nicht wert ist, G-aben 
zu opfern, wie sollte der wiii'dig aein, einen Priester zu ordi- 
nieren, daft er opfern kann? Oder einen Altar (einzuweihen), 
worauf das slihnende Opfer dargebracht und vollendet wird? 



* Novatian (c. 200255). 
? Mariasse 2 Chr. 33 : 13. 
3 Matt. 26 : 13. 

VOL. XXXII. Part III. 23 



330 Otto Lichti, [1912, 

XVII. 
foi- fiber die Heuclielei. 

19 a 

Wiederum ist bei ihnen ein Anderes, dafi all ihr Verkelir, 
ihr Lebenswandel und ihre Tatigkeit mit Geprange und 
Ostentation, nicht in Wahrheit und Aufrichtigkeit ist. Aufier- 
lich und vor den Leuten zeigen sie sich gerecht, Abstinenzler, 
Naziraer, keusch und heilig; aber inwendig ist ihre Lebens- 
weise liederlich. Uber sie ist vollbracht die Beschuldigung, die 
im heiligen Evangelium steht. 

XVIII. 

Daruber, daft sie nicht teilnehmen am heiligen Abendmahl, wenn 
sie (Monche) werden, wie wir tun. 

Diese scheinbaren Monche, in ihren Gewandern, sind eigent- 
lich keine Monche; man halt nicht einmal geistlichen Gesang 
und Gebet liber sie. Aber jeder einzelne, wenn es ihm pafit, 
legt das Monchsgewand an, und ifit Fleisch zu jeder Zeit ohne 
Hindernis oder Mali. Aber vollkommene Monche, nicht einer 
unter tausend ist bei ihnen zu finden; der den Talar genommen 
hatte mit Gebeten und geistlichen Lobgesangen nach der 
Ordnung der Tonsur. 

XIX, 

fol b ' Daruber, daft sie nicht achten auf das Patenamt bei der heiligen 

Taufsalbung. 

Uber die Sache des Patenamtes bei der heiligen Taufe 
Vieles verwirren sie und achten nicht die Ehre des heiligen 
Myron. "Wer (den) Taufling annimmt, nimmt ihn im heiligen 
Vertrag als seinen Sohn, oder seinen Bruder, usw. Sie wahren 
iiberhaupt nicht die Ordnung. Jedermann nimmt von der 
Taufe weg den Sohn seines Bruders, oder den Sohn seiner 
Schwester, urid die iibrigen seiner Yerwandten. 

XX. 
fiber das Fest der G-eburt. 

IJber das Fest der heiligen Geburt, welches sie nicht gleich- 
wie jedermann feiern, sondern dabei ihre eigentiimliche Sitte 
halten, apart von alien Volkern, welche den Gekreuzigten 



Vol. xxxii.] DasSendschreibend.PatriarchenBarschuschan,&c. 331 

verehren. Sie waren nicht die ersten, die das Evangelium ak- 
zeptierten, dafi sie nun wiinschen, ihr Eigenes aufzurichten, 
und die Gewohnheit, welche sie empfingen von den Aposteln, 
preiszugeben. Sie waren im Gegenteil die allerletzten, die 
an das Evangelium glaubten, durch den heiligen Gregorius im 
Jahre 863 des Alexander. Nachdem sie Christen geworden 
waren, kamen viele Synoden zustande in der Welt; und alles 
was sie beschlossen und iiberlieferten, wurde angenommen und 20 a 
angeordnet in der Kirche der Syrer, Griechen, Homer, Agypter 
Nubier, Athiopier und Inder, der fernen Lander; wie auch bei 
den Anbaren, welche im Innern des Landes und ihre Nachbarn 
sind; und bei den Alanen, welche im Norden von diesen 
wohnen; bei den Chazaren und Russen (welche Skythen sind), 
und bei den Ungarn, Eulgaren und Balkern, und den iibrigen 
Volkern und Nationen, welche glaubten an die evangelische 
Botschaft. All diese feiern das Fest der Geburt (Weihnachts- 
fest) am selben Tag, am 25. Dezember, und Epiphanien am 
selben Tage, am 6. Januar. Wie kommt es nun, dafi jene (die 
Armenier) so verschieden sind von alien anderen? Nur sie 
feiern die Geburt und Erscheinung am selben Tag ; und wenn 
sie behaupten, dafi das eine alte Sitte ist, so auch die Alt- 
vordern gepflegt haben, so behaupten .wir : viele von den 
friiheren Gebrauchen sind von den Yatern und Lehrern ge- 
andert worden, wie wir oben zeigten im JBriefe des Patriarchen, 
des Mar Johannes. 1 Yieles ist abgeschafft worden, und vieles 
wurde erneuert. Ho hat man abgeschafft, dafi man sich taufen 
laM 30 Jahre alt. Auch dies, dafi Bischofe Weiber und 
Kinder hatten, als sie in der Welt (Laien) waren; spaterhin 
schickten sie die Frauen weg und wurden Bischofe, wie auch 
euer Gregor und viele. Und dies, daft sie dienende Frauen 
ordinierten, welche salbten die Frauen, welche mit uns waren. 
Und vieles wie dieses hat man auch erneuert. Zum Beispiel 
das, dafi sie junge Kinder taufen; und das, dafi siejedes Jahr 
die Passion und Ostern (Passah) feiern; und dies, dafi alle 
Menschen, welche das heilige Kreuz verehren, fasten sollen 40 
Tage zusammen vor Ostern; da fruher jeder 40 Tage fastete, 
wann es ihm beliebte im Jahr. Sie erneuerten auch Palmarum, 
welches iiberhaupt nicht mehr gefeiert wurde, und das Laub- 

1 Hier steht also ausdriicklich, daG nicht das ganze Schreiben von Job. 

Barschuschan ist. Siehe Vorwort, p. 2. 

23* 



332 Otto Lichti, [1912. 

fo1 - hlittenfest auf dem Berg Tabor. Auch das heilige Weihnachts- 

20 fest ordneten sie in seiner Zeit, mit vielem Examinieren, und 

Forschen von vielen, und Berechnungen, welche mit groBter 

G-enauigkeit und mit Erlaubnis des heiligen Geistes ausgeftihrt 

wurden. 

XXI. 
Tiber die Wahrung des judischen Gesetzes. 

Darliber, dafi die ersten Christen viele Gebrauche der jlidi- 
dischen Gesetzesbeobachtung bielten, welche die heiligen Apostel 
und ihre Jlinger aufhoben und entfernten sich von ihnen; 
obwohl sie die Sitte dieses Festes, nach Berechnung des Mondes, 
festhielten nach Ordnung der Juden, welche Mondmonate 
haben. Sie akzeptieren durch Tradition, dafi unser Herr ge- 
boren wurde am Sechsten im Monat Januar ; und ebenso getauft 
wurde am Sechsten des Monats Januar. Und sie feierten das Fest 
jedes Jahr am Sechsten des Monats. Am Abend zwar feierten sie 
das Fest in Bethlehem; und gleich darauf brachen sie auf von 
Bethlehem und stiegen hinab zum Jordan, und die ganze 
Nacht qualten sie sich mit Kalte und Eegen und Schnee, wie 
foi. es im Winter an der Tagesordnung ist. Am Morgen feierten 
2i a sie dann Tauffest am Jordan. So taten sie bis zur Zeit des 
Mar Johannes Goldmund (Chrysostomus), in den Tagen des 
Konigs Arkadius, des Vaters Theodosius, des Jiingeren. Zu 
der Zeit wurden einige in Jerusalem vom Heiligen Geiste ge- 
trieben, dafi sie eine Untersuchung und ein Diktum liber die 
Geschichte der Feste ^rlangten, welche nicht geziemend ver- 
vollkommt seien; da man erstens das Fest der Geburt am 
Abend in Bethlehem feierte, und dann in aller Eile und Er- 
schopfung aufbrach in derselben Nacht, bis zum Jordanflufi 
(ging), und am -Morgen Tauffest feierte, ebenso in Eile; dann 
eilte man zuriick nach Jerusalem, um das Fest des Stephanus 
zu feiern, da, wo er gesteinigt und begraben wurde; weil man 
nach den herrlichen Festen der Geburt und Taufe das des 
Stephanus feierte. Und sie forschten nach, und stellten Unter- 
suchungen an, liber die Sache. Sie schickten daher Schreiben 
an die Patriarchen, welche damals in Rom, Konstantinopel, 
Alexandrien, Antiochien und den iibrigen berlihmten Orten 
standen; und liberall hatte man deswegen Synoden, und die 
Sache wurde genau untersucht und sorgfaltig dariiber nach- 



Volxxxii.] DasSendschreibend.PatriarchenBarschuschan^&c. 333 

geforscht von alien Weisen und Gelehrten, welche damals 
lebten und sich darauf verstanden, die Zeiten urid die Ge- 
scliichte zu bereclinen. Und sie gingen zuriick in der Be- 
rechnung der Monate und Jahre und fanden, dali das Jahr, 
in welchem unser Herr geboren wurde, das 309. Jahr der 
Griechen ist; und sie fanden, dafi der Anfang des Monats 
Kanun II. (Januar) am 20. Tag des Kanun I. (Dezember) 
nach der Sonnenrechnung fiel; also am 25. in diesem (Sonnen-) 
Monat waren es sechs Tage im Monde, welcher als Mond des 
Januar gereclinet wurde. Sie bestatigten genau, dafi am 25. 
Dezember nach. der Sonne unser Herr geboren wurde in diesem 
Jahr. Am selben Tage nun feierten die Heiden das grofie 
Sonnenfest, weil gerade zu der Zeit, am 24. und 25. im Monat, 
die Jahreswende ist. Ich sage im Dezember, Marz, Juni und 
September. Die Wende des Kanun, weil die Sonne gen Siiden 2 a 
sinkt bis zum Rande des niedrigsten Grades, und dann vom 
25. fiingt sie wieder an, zu steigen. Da machen sie ein grofies 
Freudenfest, genannt Fest der Sonne, welche bildlich vorstellt 
und symbolisiert die grofie Sonne der Gerechtigkeit, welche 
bereit war an diesem Tag zu erscheinen. Die Christen gingen 
zu diesem Fest der Heiden und verunreinigten sich bei ihren 
Opfern. Daraufhin ordneten die Yater an und bestimmten 
alle zusammen einmiitig, dafi am 25. Dezember, nach der 
Sonne, das heilige Fest der Geburt gefeiert werde, und abge- 
schafft werde die Berechnung nach dem Monde, da sie steigt 
und fallt, und ungenau ist; namlich darin, dafi die Summe der 
zwolf Mond-Monate etliche Tage weniger ist als die der zwb'lf 
Sonnenmonate des Jahres; weil der Mond immer wechselnd 
ah- und zunimmt, und nicht wie die Sonne bestandig ist, 
welche iiberhaupt nicht wechselt, weder ab- noch zunimmt, 
damit sie die grofte Sonne, Christum, symbolisiere; welcher, 
obwohl er Fleisch an sich nahm und Mensch wurde und sich 
selbst entaufierte, dennoch sich nie veranderte, oder ab- oder 
zugenommen hatte. Soviel liber die heilige Geburt. 

XXII. 

Wiederum untersuchten und lerechneten auch die heiligen Vater, foi. 
daJS unser Herr im 30. Jahr getauft wurde, welches das 339. 22 b 
der Griechen ist, und im 15. Jahr des Kaisers Tiberius, welcher 
die Stadt Tiberias am galilaischen Meer baute, wo der Jordan 



334 Otto Lichti, [1912. 

entspringt; darin hat er bildlich prophezeit tiber die feste 
Stadt der heiligen Taufe, welche zu jener Zeit gebaut und be- 
festigt wurde am geistlicben Jordanflusse. Und sie fanden 
durch genaue Berechnung, dafi in diesem Jahr der Anfang 
des Mond-Monats Januar mit dem des Sonnenmonats zusammen 
fallt, i. e., der Sechste nach dem Mond war gleich mit dem 
Sechsten nach dem Sonnenmonat. Da ordneten sie an, daft 
Epiphanien an dem Tag sein sollte, welcher der Sechste im 
Sonnenmonat Januar ist, und abgeschafft sei die Berechnung 
nach dem Monde (Mondkalender). Nachdem also festgelegt 
wurde, wie es sich gehort, genau und uniibertrefflich, die 
Chronologic dieser heiligen Feste von den heiligen Vatern und 
den Patriarchen, welche versammelt waren mit Ubereinstim- 
mung des Heiligen Geistes, da schrieben sie und sandten nach 
Jerusalem und all den anderen Gegenden diese Bestimmungen, 
welche von ihnen unter der Mitwirkung des Heiligen Geistes 
verfafit worden waren. Seitdem ist diese schone Ordnung ge- 
feiert worden in alien Kirchen aller Nationen und Zungen, 
^ ebenso auch das [heilige Fest, Palmarum; damals wurde es 
festgesetzt,und angeordnet unter Mitwirkung desHeiligen Geistes. 
Seit jener Zeit haben sich die Christen nie wieder des Mond- 
kalenders bedient, um ein Fest zu bestimmen; das Osterfest 
ausgenommen, welches ohne Zweifel mit dem Passah der Juden 
iibereinstimmen sollte; i. e. der 14. Tag im Monat Msan, der 
Tag, an welchem man feierte das Gedachtnis des Auszugs aus 
Agypten, und des Wiirgengels, welcher schonend vorbeifuhr, 
und an den Tiiren voriiberging, wo man ein Lamm geopfert 
hatte. Und man erinnert sich dieser Dinge am heiligen Sabbat 
des Passion, weil an ihm, am Passah der Juden und am 14. 
Tage, an welchem das Lamm geopfert wurde, wurde geopfert 
das heilige Lamm Gottes am Querbalken des Kreuzes. 

Es geschah aber im Sonnenmonat am 25. Marz, an dem 
Tage, an welchem seine Empfangnis verkiindigt worden war, 
da gab er seinen Geist auf. Und auch bei Komern und 
Griechen wird diese Geschichte aufbewahrt und niederge- 
schrieben im Kodex der Feste. 

Unter schr if t: 

Ignatius, Patriarch von Antiochien, genannt Matthaus, im 
Jahr 1111 nach der Liste der 133. der Jakobitischen Patriar- 
chen, Matthaus aus Mardin. 



Vol. xxxii.] Das Sendschreiben d. Patriarchen Barschuschan, &c. 335 

B. Zusatze aus verschiedenen Quellen. 

1. 
Wiederum eine Rede des Lehrers Mar Jdqob uber Wasser. 

Die Lammer verehren das lebendige Lamm Gottes, welches 
ein Opfer war, das sie von Opfern befreit. Gott hat vollendet 
das Sakrament (der Opfer) mit dem Opfer seines Sohnes, 
welches die Opfer und auch die Libationen der Volker sym- 
bolisierten. Nachdem er ein grofies Opfer geworden ist fiir die 
Sunder, wird ein andres Opfer, von seiner Zeit bis jetzt, nicht 
angenommen. 

Die heutige Kirche ist doch nicht jiidisch, dafi sie Opfer 
brachte, aufier das Opfer des Leibes und Blutes des Sohnes 
Gottes, wie sie belehrt wurde vom Eingebornen, der seinen 
Leib brach. Und nicht wird wiederum ein anderes Opfer 
verlangt aufier diesem. Die Sakramente sind vollkommen, und 
nicht sind wiederum heute Opfer (notig), da der Sohn Gottes 
geopfert wurde auf dem Altar, am Querbalken (Kreuz). "Wer 
aber ein anderes Opfer vertritt, ist nicht vom Herrn, da heute 
nicht mehr animalische Opfer gebracht werden sollen. Wenn 
nun, ein Mensch sich verirrt und ein Opfer bringt wie der 
Jude, so verleugnet er also all die Passion des Eingeborenen. 

Jeder, der erlost ist mit dem Opfer des Sohnes Gottes, wird 
nicht einflthren Opfer, damit er nicht verurteilt werde von der 
Gerechtigkeit (justitia). Kein Mensch opfert heute ein Lamm 
fiir seine Ubertretung, da Gott selbst abgeschafft hat die 
Opfer mit seinem Opfer. Christus zuerst opferte sich selbst 
auf Golgatha, und hat weggetan die Opfer und stihnte die 
Simden der Opfernden. Wenn man nun opfert nach dem 
Tode des Sohnes Gottes, so ist das Yerleugnung der Leiden 
des Sohnes. Fliehe fort vom Opfer, welches dich von Gott 
entfremdet, entledigt dich auch vom Zeichen der Taufe, wascht 
von dir das 01, mit welchem du gezeichnet bist, und vermengt 
dich mifc den Juden, welche den Sohn getotet haben. Wenn 
du opferst, hast du Teil mit den Juden, die den Sohn ge- 
kreuzigt haben und brachten Opfer, welche ihn nicht aner- 
kennen, 

Der Jude wartet bis jetzt, dafi der Messias komme, und 
bringt Opfer, um mit einem Bilde darzustellen, wie er kommt. 



336 Otto Lichti, [1912. 

"Wer aber heute noch Opfer bringt mit Vorsatz, der ist ein 
Jude und verlaftt die Ordnung des Eingebornen. Wenn nun 
ein Priester Salz nimmt, um es zu segnen, damit er das Opfer 
essen kann vor der Zeit der Opferung, so wisse solcher Priester, 
daft er sich unter die Kreuziger mischt, der Elende; und 
auch das Priestertum des Sohnes Gottes wird von ihm ge~ 
nommen. "Wer die Haut und auch das Fett des Lammes 
nimmt, verkauft damit den Sohn Gottes und miftbraucht seine 
Erlaubnis. Und der Elende schlieftt sich damit dem Gesetz 
des Judentums an; und der Herr des vermischten Opfers, 
sein Teil ist mit dem Satan. Der Sohn Gottes hat abgeschafft 
die Opfer, damit sie nie wieder gebracht werden; wer denn 
erkiihnt sich, sie heute noch zu bringen? Wenn jemand wagt,. 
ein Opfer zu bringen und verachtet das Gebot, so entfremdet 
er sich alien Geheimnissen des Eingebornen. Siehe zu, du 
Kluger, wenn ein Mensch irrt und bringt Opfer, daft du nicht 
issest von dem Geopferten und dich verunreinigst. Wenn du 
ein Opfer siehst, halte dich fern von seiner Verunreinigung,. 
bekreuzige dich mit dem schimmernden Kreuze, und rtihre es 
nicht an. Fern sei es dir, Kirche, daft heute noch ein 
anderes Opfer in dir geschehe, aufter dem Leibe und dem 
Blute des Sohnes auf deinem Altar. Das ist das Opfer, welches 
Jesus fur dich bestimmte, als er dich erloste. Siehe zu, daft 
du kein andres Opfer darbringst aufter diesem. Er opferte sich 
auf Golgatha fur die Sunder; wer also ein anderes Opfer bringt, 
wird nicht angenommen. Aber die Juden leugnen, daft der 
Sohn G-ott sei. Deswegen bringen sie Opfer, da sie ihn nicht 
kennen. Die Gemeinde des Sohnes verwirft Opfer, da sie nicht 
in ihr sein sollen; da sie aufblickt zum Herrn, welcher ein 
Opfer wurde, damit er die Opfer abschaffte. Und sein Leib 
und sein Blut opfert er allezeit auf ihr em Altar, wie er sie 
auch lehrte als er seinen Leib brach und ihn seinen Jiingern 
gab. Am besten ist es fur den, der heute Opfer bringt, daft 
er auch den Sohn verleugnet und halt sich gut mit den Juden. 
Es gibt nur ein Opfer, womit die ganze "Welt gesiihnt wurde. 
Verflucht ist der, der nach diesem ein Opfer bringt. Die Ge- 
meinde verwirft den, der heute Opfer bringt, und nimmt ihn 
nicht auf, da er ihren Diensten fremd ist. 



Vol. xxxii.] Das Sendschreiben d.Patriarchen Barschuschan,&c. 337 

2. 



Von einer Anzdhl von Lehrern und rechtglauUgen Vdtern. 
1. Mar Ephram. 

Em jeder, der heutzutage Opfer bringt fiir einen Verstorbenen ; 
der Yerstorbene wird damit verdammt, und die, welche es essen, 
werden dadurch verunreinigt. Der Priester, welcher Salz 
segnet und gibt es dem Opfernden, damit er es esse, und ver- 
langt von ihm den Zehnten, ist ein zweiter Kaiphas, welcher 
unsern Herrn ans Kreuz schlug, damit die Zehnten nicht ab- 
geschafft wiirden. Jeder, der heute ein Lamm opfert, nach 
jenem erst en, hat keinen Anteil mehr an dem ersten, und 
leugnet den, welcher gekreuzigt wurde. Wer heute ein (ge- 
opfertes) Lamm ifit, schafft ab jenes Passahlamm. Wie ein 
toter Leib leer ist von der Seele, welche in ihm wohnte, so ist 
auch ungesauertes Brot frei von dem Innewohnen des Heiligen 
Geistes. Nicht im toten Leibe ist die Seele, und im unge- 
sauerten Brot ist nicht der Heilige Geist. Es ist den Ge- 
niefienden besser, sie essen ein totes und ersticktes Lamm, als 
wie ein Lamm, in welchem die Leugnung der Juden versteckt 
ist. - - Es ist besser, er esse todbringendes Gift, welches den 
Kb'rper allein totet, als dafi er opfere Ungesauertes und reinen 
"Wein als eine Opfergabe. 

3. 
Mar Ishaq. 

Ein totes Opfer ist nicht lebendig machend fur diejenigen, 
die in Christo schlafen. Ochsen und Schafe, die am Todes- 
tage fiir die Toten geopfert werden, gereichen denen, die sie 
essen, zur Yerdammnis, und den Yerstorbenen bringen sie Qua- 
len. Ein totes Opfer macht nicht lebendig die, die in Siinden 
gestorben sind. Mit dem Blute der Tiere werden heute die 
Yerstorbenen nicht erlost. Und mit dem Priester, welcher 
Salz segnet, sollst du nicht im Gebet stehen, damit nicht die 
Engel dich schelten, wenn sie ihn in Gehenna stilrzen. 

4. 
Von dem Lehrer Mar Ja'qob. 

Schlechter als ein Heide ist, wer heute ein Lamm opfert; 
oder Ungesauertes als Hostie anfaucht am Opferheiligtum. 



338 Otto Lichti, [1912. 

Jeder, der heute ein Lamm oder Ungesauertes darbringt, ver- 
leugnet den Vater, welcher seinen Sohn opferte, damit er ein 
Opfer sei. 

5. 
Der feurige Ignatius. 

Wir beobachten die Nacht des Mittwoch, weil in ihr unser 
Herr den Aposteln offenbarte betreffs seines Leidens, und sie 
gerieten in Aufregung vor Kummer. Wir beobachten die 
Nacht des Freitags, weil in ihr unser Herr von den Juden 
gefangen genommen wurde, und auf die "Wange geschlagen von 
dem Knecht des Hohenpriesters; und sie fesselten ihn an die 
Saule. Wir geben frei die Nacht des Samstags, weil in ihr 
Erleichterung wurde alien Seelen der Verstorbenen, die im 
Totenreich war en, als unser Herr zu ihnen hinabstieg. 

6. 
Gregorius Thaumaturgus. 

Nicht kann ein Christ die Nacht des Mittwoch und Freitag 
aufgeben, ohne verdammt zu werden mit denen, die unsern 
Herrn fesselten in der Nacht des Freitags und ihn Pilatus 
iiberlieferten. Und die, welche die Nacht des Samstags wachen, 
werden verdammt mit denen, welche die Beine der Rauber 
brachen, damit der Sabbat nicht geschandet wiirde, und sie 
vom Gesetz verdammt wiirden. 



7. 
Johannes sagt: 

Solange die Welt tot war, opferte man Ungesauertes, weil 
Ungesauertes tot ist. Seitdem aber Christus gekommen ist, 
welcher das Leben ist, opfern wir gesauert Brot, welches 
Leben ist, zum Beweis der Wiederkunft Christi. 

8. 
Dionysius sagt: 

Es findet sich durchaus nicht, dafi eins von den Sakramenten 
des Priestertums vollkommen ware, aufier wenn die gottliche 



VoLxxxii.] DasSendsdireibend.PatriarchenBarschuschan, &c. 339 

Eucharistie hinzu kommt. Und keine Priester sind mit Gott 
verbunden, wenn die Opfergabe nicht geopfert wird, durch 
welche die Ordination eigentlich vollzogen wird. An diesen 
Dingen a\so haben die Armenier keinen Anteil. Es findet 
sich nicht, daft seit der Kreuzigung unseres Herrn ^ngesauer- 
tes, oder ein Lamm geopfert wurde als Opfergabe; und jeder, 
der sie opfert, 1st nocb ein Jude und wartet auf das Kommen 
des Messias. Ein Christ, welcher 40 Tage vorbeigehen laM, 
ohne Teilnahme der Eucharistie ohne Grund, ist nach seinem 
Tode nicht wiirdig, dati fur ihn gebracht werde eine Opfer- 
gabe, da er im Leben sich selbst ausgeschlossen hat von der 
Gemeinschaft der Sakramente. Und wiederum sagt er: Nicht 
soil teilnehmen lassen ein Priester jemanden ohne Bekenntnis, 
ob er treu ist im Glauben, oder nicht. 

9. 
Mar Severus. 

Hab Acht, o Christ, dafi nicht dein Heil mit den Juden 
ist. Wenn du far einen Verstorbenen die Faulnis der toten 
Tiere issest, bedenke, mein Lieber, was Basilius der Grofie 
tat, mit dem Manne, der Fleisch essen liefi fur seinen toten 
Sohn. Auch den Priester, der von jenem Ochsenfleisch aft, 
setzte er vomPriestertum herab,undlegte auf ihneinsiebenjahriges 
Fasten; und auf den Glaubigen, der das Opfer brachte, ein 
dreijahriges; und auf jeden, der davon gegessen hatte, ein ein- 
jahres Fasten. Also, es soil iiberhaupt nicht geschehen, daft 
ein Christ fur einen Verstorbenen Fleisch ifit. 



10. 
Eabbula von Edessa. 

Nicht sollen die Geistlichen, namlich die Priester und Dia- 
konen und Glaubigen, beim Gedachtnis der Yerstorbenen 
Fleisch essen, noch Wein trinken. Sonst, anstatt einer trauern- 
den Seele, welche Gnade sucht fiir den Verstorbenen, lachen 
sie, scherzen und ziirnen Gott. Anstatt, dafi das Herz fleht, 
besitzen sie ein hartes und geiziges Herz, und werden Genossen 
der Juden, welche unsern Herrn gekreuzigt haben, damit er 
ihre Opfer nicht abschaffte. Denn die Juden, wie die Heiden, 



340 Otto Lichti, [1912. 

nennen den Gedachtnisritus ihrer Toten ,,0pfer u ; wir aber 
,,Wachen", well beim Wachen kein Fleisch 1st, sondern Speise, 
welche den Christen ziemt, wobei keine Faulnis der toten Tiere 
ist. Und wie die Christen von den Juden und Heiden ge- 
trennt sind durch den Glauben, so ziemt es sich, daft bei ihren 
Gedachtnisfesten man sich trennt von ihnen; weil die Heiden 
und Juden Opfer, die Christen aber Vigilien und Opfergaben 
haben. 

11. 

Jdqob von Edessa. 

Das Yolk der Armenier vom Anfang der "Welt lebt ohne 
Gesetz. Yon ihnen kommt weder ein Lehrer, noch ein Ein- 
siedler, noch ein Gelehrter. Daher kommt es auch, dafi fremde 
Lehrer liber sie die Macht gehabt und sie vom Glauben der 
"Wahrheit abgebracht haben. Einige ihrer Lehrer sind einer- 
seits Juden, einige, andrerseits, Phantasten. Deswegen folgen 
sie den Juden darin, dafi sie Lamm und Ungesauertes und 
reinen Wein opfern und Salz segnen; wodurch sie Gott fur 
unrein erklaren als ob er Unreines geschaffen hatte! da er 
doch sagt: ,,Nichts, das zum Munde eingeht, verunreinigt den 
Menschen." Den Chalcedoniern folgen sie darin, dafi sie mit 
ihren Fingern das Kreuz machen und bekennen zwei Naturen, 
ohne es zu wissen. Und den Nestorianern folgen sie darin, 
dafi sie den ganzen Yorderarm von rechts nach links voriiber- 
gehen lassen. Den Arabern folgen sie darin, dafi sie drei 
Kniebeugungen machen gegen Siiden, wenn sie opfern, oder 
beschneiden; und andere'Dinge noch schlimmer als diese tun 
sie. Und den Heiden folgen sie darin, dafi sie jedenfalls, wenn 
jemand stirbt, Opfer fur ihn darbringen; und sie beleidigen 
hauptsachlich darin Gott, weil es nicht dem Glaubigen von 
Gott erlaubt ist, fur einen Toten zu opfern am Todestage, 
oder Fleisch zu essen am Tag seines Gedachtnisfestes. Des- 
wegen ist dies ein heidnischer Brauch und der heiligen Kirche 
fremd. 

12. 
Mar Johannes. 

In diesen acht Tagen der Passion unseres Herrn ist es nicht 
recht, fur den Christen, daft er Ungesauertes esse, (damit er 



Vol.xxxii.] DasSendsclireibend.PatriarchenBarscliusclian,&c. 341 

niclit mit den Juden verdammt werde), es sei denn aus Not- 
wendigkeit der Reise; well, gerade wie das Essen von Gesauer- 
tem qualt die Juden am Sabbat des Ungesauerton, welches die 
Juden am Tage der Passion machen, so betriibt cs den Heiligen 
G-eist und die Engel, (wenn wir Ungesauertes esse<|. Denn 
niclit eine kleine Feindschaft ist zwischen uns und den Juden. 
Gott, unsern Herrn, baben sie gekreuzigt. Also jeder Glaubige, 
der eins der jiidischen Gesetze halt, oder an ihren Briiuchen 
teilnimmt (ausgenommen dies, das er in den Schriften der 
heiligen Propheten liest), wird bestraft von unserm Herrn. 
Nie wieder soil der Glaubige sich nahern den jiidischen Ge- 
brauchen, ob klein oder grofi, weil sie Gott getotet haben. 

13. 
Gregorius, welcher die Armenier belehrte. 

Nachdem er Katholikus durch Leontius, Patriarch von Horn, 
geworden war, lehrte er viele Yolker. Da nahm er Priester 
und Diakone von Sebaste in Kappadokien und ging in alle 
Gegenden und lehrte bis nach Tarun und alien Stadten der 
Armenier; und er kam nach Amid und Nisibis und Persien 
und Chorasan, bis zu den Grenzen der Alanen; und wenn 
immer er predigte, weissagte er tiber das Yolk der Armenier, 
indem er sagte: ,,Nach kurzer Zeit werden zu ihnen kommen 
fremde Lehrer, die der Glaubenswahrheit abhold sind, und 
werden sie abwendig machen von der Predigt der Apostel; 
und, wegen ihrer Herzenshartigkeit, da sie sich von der Wahr- 
heit nicht iiberzeugen lassen, wird es zum letzten schlimmer 
mit ihnen als zum ersten". Und siehe da, seine Weissagung 
war aus der "Wahrheit; weil er je 40 Tage fastete, wie auch 
Moses und Elias, und auf ihm war die Gabe der Weissagung. 
Zu seiner Zeit wurde auch Koustantin glaubig, der siegreiche 
Konig, und eins wurde der Glaube an Christum allerorts. 
Deshalb riihmten sich die Armenier des Gregorius, welcher sie 
belehrt hatte, weil er von Eusebius in Caesarea gelehrt wordeii 
war; und die Handauflegung, welche er empfing von Leontius, 
dem Patriarchen, geschah in Rom. Der Sohn Gregors, Ary- 
stus, war auf der Synode der 318 Yater (Nicaa). Und er 
nahm von ihr die Kanones und die Glaubenssatze und kam, 
sie seinem Yater zu zeigen, und er freute sich tiber den wahren 
Glauben. Es steht aber nicht geschrieben, daft Gregor Lamm, 



342 Otto Lichti, Das Sendschreiben d. Patr.Barschuschan, &c. [1912. 

oder "Ungesauertes opferte, denn es kam keine Haresie in den 
wabren G-lauben binein; und an vielen Orten verbot er den 
Kongregationen seines Yolkes, den Freitag und Mittwoch frei 
zu geben, bis am Abend; und nicht bielten sie die Nacbt des 
Donnerstag und des Samstag, wie sie die Armenier halten in 
ihrem Wahnsinn, indem er vielen von den Kongregationen des 
Volkes verbot, sick in der Nacht des Mittwocb und Freitag 
mit Fisch und Wein zu verunreinigen. Dies tat er allezeit. 
Wenn in einem Lamm oder im Ungesauerten die Kraft 
lage, Siinden zu vergeben und dem Ubel der Welt zu wider- 
steben, wozu ware dann Cbristus gekommen? Aber weil er 
sah, daft die Stinde sich mebrte, und G-eiz an den Priestern 
klebte und die Opfer und Opferspenden nutzlos geopfert wur- 
den, da verlieft er seine bimmliscbe Wobnung, stieg berab, sein 
Gescbopf zu erlosen; und anstatt eines Lammes, opferte er 
sicb selbst, anstatt Ungesauertem nabm er in seine beiligen 
Hande gesauertes Brot und stellte dar seinen Leib; nabm 
Wein und Wasser und mischte sie, macbte sie zu seinem leben- 
digen Blut, und gab sie als Leben fur die Welt. Er scbaffte 
ab das Passablamm, Ungesauertes, und den ganzen G-estank 
der Opfer. 



The Kashmirian Atharva Veda, Book Three. Edited, 
with critical notes, by LEEOY CAKE, BAKBET, M. A., 
Ph. D., Trinity College, Hartford, Connecticut. 

Prefatory. - - This third book of the Kashmirian AY. is 
edited in the same manner as were the first and second hooks 
(see this Journal vol. 26 p. 197 and vol. 30 p. 187). The same 
freedom has been maintained in regard to the form of pre- 
senting the material, but as heretofore the transliteration is 
considered first in importance. An effort has been made to 
reduce commentary to the smallest limits; and this may have 
produced an appearance of assurance regarding the emended 
text offered, but it is rather more appearance than reality. 
The text as constituted is a product of textual criticism solely, 
and only rarely has a purely conjectural reading been suggested 
or a venture made towards the higher criticism. Mutilated 
passages might sometimes be made intelligible by free guess- 
work, but even moderate assurance about a reading can be 
felt only if similar phraseology can be cited from other Yedic 
Texts. 

Inasmuch as this is really preliminary publication it seems 
proper to put it in print now rather than hold it back on 
account of some unsolved difficulties. A revision and republi- 
cation which would have some finality may properly be under- 
taken when the whole, or at least half, shall have been pub- 
lished in this manner. The fourth book will follow this one 
as soon as possible. 

The transliteration is given in lines which correspond to the 
lines of the ms.; the division of words is of course mine, based 
on the edited text. The abbreviations are the usual ones; 
except that Q. is used to refer to the AY. of the Qaunikiya 
School, and ms. (sic) is used for manuscript. The signs of 
punctuation used in the ms. are fairly represented by the 
vertical bar (= colon) and the "z" (= period): in the trans- 

VOL. XXXII. Part IV. 24 



344 L. C. Barret, [1912. 

literation the Roman period stands for a virdma: daggers are 
used to indicate a corrupt reading as they are used in editions 
of classical texts. 

Introduction. 

Of the ms. This third book in the Kashmir ms. begins 
f. 49 a, 1. 2 and ends f. 61 a, 1. 3, - - 12 folios: only one letter 
is illegible owing to peeling of the bark, on the last line of 
f. 52 a, and unclear signs are only four I think. It may be 
noted here that in this ms. a ligature which seems clearly ttr 
appears very frequently but not always for tr: and one liga- 
ture seems regularly to serve for nn and r n. In this part 
of the ms. most of the pages have 18 or 19 lines of script. 

Punctuation and numbering. There are no stanza numbers, 
and only the most irregular punctuation to indicate the ends 
of stanzas or hemistichs: sometimes a visarga or anusvara gives 
the hint. Except when a stanza is entirely rewritten I have 
not ordinarily mentioned corrections of punctuation. There are 
no accents marked in this book. 

The grouping of the hymns in anuvakas is maintained in 
this book, eight anuvakas with five hymns in each; and all are 
correctly numbered except the first which is marked a 5, the 5 
belonging to the fifth hymn which is not numbered. All the 
hymns save four are numbered correctly: for no. 5 and no. 11 
the end is indicated but no number given, for no. 28 and no. 
38 the end is not indicated. 

Colophons, glosses, &c. There are a few things of this 
sort that may well be -recorded here. In the left margin 
opposite hymn 10 stands raksamantram; in the left margin 
opposite hymn 34 stands 'somam rajanam ac.ervacana (sic)] cf. 
f. 63 b. In the text before hymn 11 stands atha raksaman- 
tram; then after the six stanzas which appear also as Q. 3. 23 
there stands B,V. 10. 87. 1 entire followed by the pratika of 
RV. 10. 87. 25 (its last stanza) and the direction japet sar- 
vam; finally stands iti raksamantram. This seems to be a 
clear case of intrusion of sutra into our text. And I incline 
to think that a bit of commentary has gotten in between stt. 
10 and 11 of hymn 25, taken in possibly from a bottom margin. 
In hymn 34 between stt. 1 and 2 there stand 3 padas which 
seem to be pratlkas, and not constituent padas of a stanza. 
In hymn 31 only the pratika of st. 1 is given followed by ity 



Vol. xxxii.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 345 

eka to indicate previous occurrence in this ms. : the same 
practice is noted in Book 4. There are some corrections 
inserted between the lines and some in the margins: most of 
them are helpful, but self-evident. 

Extent of the book. This book contains 40 hymns of which 
3 are prose; parts of 3 others are or seem to be prose. The 
normal number of stanzas in a hymn is 6, as it is in Q. 3; 
26 hymns have 6 stanzas each, and not one has less I believe. 
Assuming the correctness of the verse divisions as edited below 
we have the following table: 

26 hymns have 6 stanzas each = 156 stanzas 

5 n 11 ^ 11 11 === 35 

4 ,,8 - 32 

a ,,9 = is 

1 hymn has 10 stanzas = 10 

i 11 - 11 

1 12 = 12 



40 hymns have =274 stanzas. 

New and old material. - - Estimating by stanzas which are 
new in structure we have just over 80 new stanzas; estimating 
by padas which are not in the Concordance the total is slightly 
less, because some few padas which do appear in the Concor- 
dance are parts of stanzas which may properly be called new. 
There are 14 hymns which may be called new, though some 
of them contain stanzas already known. 

Of the 31 hymns in Q. 3 sixteeen appear here in fairly 
close agreement: this is the practically the same proportion of 
correspondence that was found in Paipp. Books 1 and 2. 
There are here also 2 hymns each of Q. 2 and 7, and 3 hymns 
each of Q. 4 and 19, and a few scattering stanzas or padas 
of Q. 5, 6, and 9. Of other Vedic texts there are only a few 
scattered stanzas of RV., VS., KS., Kaugika: one hymn here 
is partly parallel to some mantras of MS., and one appears 
in a form which is closer to the form given in TS. that to 
the form given in Q, 



24* 



346 L. C. Barret, [1912. 

ATHARVA-VEDA PAIPPALADA-QAKHA 
BOOK THREE. 

1. [f. 49 a 1. 2.] 
Q. 3. 4. 

ofh namo ganadhipataye z z om a tva gni rastrarh saha 

varcasodhi 
s prag vigarh patir ekarat tvam vi raja sarvas tva raj an 

pradico hvaya- 
ntupasadyo namasyo bhaveha tvarh vigo vrnutarh rajyaya 

tvam irnah pra- 
digas pafica devih varsma rastrasya kakudhi grayasvato 

vasuni vi bhaja- 
my agrah agchi tva yattu bhuvanasya jatagnir duto va 

jarase dadhati jaya- 
s putrah sumanaso bhavantu bahum balirh prati pagyama 

ugra z z 
ana tvagre mitravarunobha vigve deva marutas tva hva- 

yantu | sajata- 
nath madhyamestheha ma sya sve ksettre savite vi raja | 

a pa drava paramasyarh 
paravatag give te dyavaprthivi babhutarh | ud ayam raja 

varunas tatha- 
ha sa tvayam ahvat svenam ehi | indro idarh manusya prehi 

sarh hi yajniya- 
s tva varunena sarhvidanah sa tvayam ahvat sve sadhasthe 

sa devan yaksa- 
t sau kalpayad digah | pathya revatir bahudha viriipah 

sarva 
s sangatya varivas te akran. tas tva sarvas sarhvidana 

hvayahtu daga- 
mim ugras sumana vaceta | yadi j arena havisa da tva 

gamaya- 

masi | atra ta indras kevalir vigo balihrtas karat, z i z 
Read: a tva gan rastram saha varcasodihi prag vi.Q,iii patir 
ekarat tvam vi raja | sarvas tva raj an pradigo hvayantupasadyo 
namasyo bhaveha z 1 z tvam vigo vrnatam rajyaya tvam imah 
pradigas panca devih | varsman rastrasya kakudi grayasvato 
vasuni vi bhajasy ugrah z 2 z accha tva yantu bhuvanasya 



Vol. xxxii.] The Kaslimirian Aiharva Veda. 347 

jata agnir duto ; va jarase dadhati | jay as putrah sumanaso 
bhavantu bahum baliiii prati pagyasa ugrah z 3 z agvina tva- 
gre mitravarunobha vigve deva marutas tva hvayantu | sajata- 
nam madhyaniestha iha sa syah sve ksetre saviteva vi raja z 4 
z a pra drava paramasyah paravatag give te dyavaprthivi ba- 
bhutam | tad ayam raja varunas tathaha sa tvayam ahvat tsve- 
nam ehi z 5 z indra idam manusyah prelii sam by ajnastba 
varunena sanividanah sa tvayam ahvat sve sadbastbe sa devan 
yaksat sa u kalpayad digab z 6 z patbya revatir babudha 
virupab sarvas sangatya variyas te akran | tas tva sarvas sam- 
vidana bvayantu dagamim ugras sumana vageba z 7 z yad 
aj arena bavisadbi tva gamayamasi | atra ta indras kevalir vigo 
balibrtas karat z 8 z 1 z 

With the last stanza cf. RY. 10. 173. 6 and Q. 7. 94. 

In st. 3b jarasi would 'suit the verb better and might be 
read. Pada 4c appears in ^several forms; cf. no. 33. 5. A 
possible reading for st. 5d is sa enam lokam ehi. The 
reading of st. 6 a here is better than that of Q. but it is en- 
tirely possible that our ms. gives no real variant; in 6d vigah 
as in Q. would be better. The emendations in st. 8 are tentative. 

2. [f. 49 a, 1. 17.] 

C. 3. 7. 

harinasya rahusyado dhi girsani bhesajarh su ksettriyam 

visana- 

yad visuciman amna9at. anu tva harino vrsa padbhi9 catu- 
[f. 49 b.] rbhir akramit. visane vi gva 9uspitam yadi kin 

cit ksettriyam hrdi | a- 
do yad avarocate catuspaksam iva 9chati | tena te sarvarh 

ksettriyam angebhyo na- 
9ayamasi | ud agatam bhagavati vicrtau nama tarake | vi 

ksettriyam 
tvabhy ana9e vedaham tasmin bhesajam ksettriyam na9a- 

yami te [ apa- 
vase naksattrana apa statatosasam apassat sarvam amayad 

apa kse- 
ttriyam akramit. apa id va u bhesajir apo amivacatanih a- 
po vi9vasya bhesajis tas tva muncantu ksettriyat. z 2 z 

Read: harinasya raghusyado 'dhi glrsani bhesajam | sa kse- 
triyam visanaya visucmam amnagat z 1 z anu tva harino 



348 L. C. Barret, [1912. 

vrsa padbhig caturbhir ak'ramlt | visane vi sya guspitam yat 
kin cit ksetriyam hrdi z 2 z ado yad avarocate catuspaksam 
iva chadih ] tena te sarvaiii ksetriyam angebhyo nagayamasi 
z 3 z ud agataiii bhagavati vicrtau nama tarake | vi ksetri- 
yasya muncatam adhamam pagam uttamam z 4 z yad asutes 
kriyamanayas ksetriyam tvabhy anage | vedaham tasmin bhesa- 
jam ksetriyam nagayami te z 5 z apavase naksatranam apavasa 
utosasam | apasmat sarvam amayad apa ksetriyam akramit z 
6 z apa id va u bhesajlr apo amivacatanlh | apo vigvasya 
bhesajis tas tva muiicantu ksetriyat z 7 z 2 z 

From Q. I have supplied the end of st. 4 and the first 
hemistich of st. 5; the words supplied would occupy one line 
of our ms. 

3. [f. 49 b, 1. 7.] 

g. 3. 6. 

puman pum- 
sas parijato agvatthah khadirad adhi | sa hattu gatfn mama- 

kan yah- 
9 caharh dvesmi ye ca mam | 

In pada c read hantu gatrun, in d mam. 

tan agvattha nisnihi gatfn mayi badha todhata | 
indrena vrttraghna me mayad agnina varunena ca | 

Jn pada a read nig grnihi, in b gatrun and dodhatah; and 
I think we should read me badha in b where Q. has vaibadha, 
tho mayi baddha seems to be possible. At the end of c 
vrtraghna medl as in Q. is the only remedy that suggests 
itself. 

yathagvattha 
nisnasi purvah jatan utaparan. eva prdanyatas tvam abhi 

tistha saha- 
sva ta | 

In pada b read nig grnasi; in c prtanyatas; and at the end 
of d read ca. This stanza is not in Q. 

yathagvattha vi bhinagchahta haty arnave | eva me 

gattro cittani 
vigvag bhidhi mahasva ta z 

In padas ab we may read vi bhinatsy antar mahaty; this 
is close to our ms. and certainly as good as the troublesome 
Q. nir abhanas. In c read gatrog, for d visvag bhindhi s<< 
hasva ca. 



Yol. xxxii.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 349 

yas sahamana carati sasahanaiva 
rsabha ten9vattha tvaya vayam sapatnan samvisivahi | 

For pada b read sasahana iva rsabhah. It seems probable 
that at the end of d we must read sahisimahi as in Q. 

sina 
tv ainam nirrtim mrtyos pa9air avimokyair agvattha gatfn 

mamakan yah9 ca- 
harh dvesmi ye ca mam 

In pada a read enan nirrtir, in b avimokyaih; in c read 
gatrun, in d mam. 

adharah9ca pra plavatam 9Chinna nor iva bandhanah na 
nurbadhapranuttanam punar asti nivartanarh 

For padas ab read adharancah pra plavantam chinna naur 
iva bandhanat: in c nirbadhapranuttanam. 

prainan nadami manasa pra 
9rtyena vrahmana prainan vrksasya 9akhaya a9vatthasya 

nudama- 
[f. 50 a] si z 3 z 

Read: prainan nudami manasa pracrtyainan vrahmap.a | 
prainan vyksasya gakhayagvatthasya nudamasi z 8 z 3 z 

In Q. pada b is pra cittenota brahmana: I would not insist 
on the emendation suggested, and yet it is close to the ms. 

4 [f. 50 a, 1. 1] 

Q. 3. 13. 

yad adas sampratir ahav anadata have tasmad a nu- 
dyo nama stha ta vo namani sindhavah z 

In a read samprayatlr, in b hate: in c a nadyo. 

yat presita varunena 

t sibham samavalgatah tad apunor id indro vo yatih asmad apo 
anu sthuna 

In the first hemistich read varunenac chlbham samavalgata: 
in c it seems necessary to read apnod indro vo yatir; in d 
sthana. 

apakamam sihdamana avevrata vo hi kam. indro 
vas saktabhir devai tasmara nama vo hi kam 

Read: apakamam syandamana avivarata vo hi kam | indro 
vaQ gaktibhir devis tasmad var nama vo hitam. 

This is the version of Q. (and other texts), and I think the 
Paipp. has no real variant. 



350 L. C, Barret, [1912. 

eko na deva upatistha 

t sihdhamana upenyah | ud anisur mahir iti tasmad udakam u- 
cyate | 

Pada a may stand, and for b we may read with KS. syan- 
damana upetya. 

apo devir ghrtam itapahur agnisomau bibhraty apa itya 
tivro raso madhupi^am arangama ma pranena sa varcasa 

grharh | 

The ms. corrects prga to mrca and grham to gam. 

In pada a we may read id apa ahur, tho asur with TS. 
would seem better; in b itya seems possible, but all the other 
texts have it tah. In cd read madhuprcam arangama a ma 
pranena saha varcasa gan. 
yad ik pafyamy uta va rnumy a ma ghoso gacchad vasy 

asam mene 
bhejano mrtasya tarhi hiranyavarnasyamam yada va z 4 z 

Read: ad it pagyamy uta va cjnomy a ma ghoso gacchad 
vagy asam mene bhejano 'mrtasya tarhi hiranyavarna asva- 
dam yada vah z 6 z 4 z 

All the other texts have atrpam in d. St. 7 of the Q. ver- 
sion appears Paipp. 2. 40. 5. 

5. [f. 50 a, 1. 11.] 

Q. 3. 2. 
agnir no dutas praty eta 9atfn pratidahann abhiastim ara- 

tim sa ci- 
ttam mohitu paresam nihasta9 ca krnavaj jatavedah ay am 

agni 
r amumuhad yani cittani vo hrdi vi vo dhamatv okasah 

pra bo dhama- 
tu sarvata indra cittani vohayarvag akudyadhi agner vatasya 

dhra- 
jya tan visuco vi nagaya vi sam akutuyathato cittani 

muhya- 
ta | atho yad adresa hrta taresam pari vir jahi | amisam 

cittani 
pratimodayanti grhanangany apve parehi | abhi prehi nir 

daha 
hrtsu 9okair grahyamitras tapasa vidhya 9atfn. | asu ya 

sena 



Vol. xxxii]. The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 351 

[f. 50 b.] marutah paresam asman abhedy ojasa spardhamana 

tarn guhata tapasa- 
pavratena athaisam anyo anyam vyarnanam. z a 5 z 

Read: agnir no dutas praty etu gatrun pratidahann abhi- 
c,astim aratim | sa citta mohayatu paresam nirhastanc, ca 
krnavaj jatavedah z 1 z ay am agnir amumuhad yani cittani 
vo hrdi | vi vo dhamatv okasah pra vo dhamatu sarvatah z 
2 z indra cittani mohayarvag akutya adhi | agner vatasya 
dhrajya tan visuco vi nagaya z 3 z vy esam akutaya itatho 
cittani muhyata | atho yad adyaisam hrdi tad esam pari nir 
jahi z 4 z amisam cittani pratimohayantl grhanangany apve 
parelii | abhi prehi nir dalia hrtsu gokair grahyamitrans tapasa 
vidliya ^atrun z 5 z asau ya sena marutah paresam asman abhy 
ety ojasa spardhamana j tarn guhata tamasapavratena y athai- 
sam anyo anyam na janat z6z5zalz 

Perhaps we should read janan in 6d; VS. 17. 47 has yat- 
harni janan. The ms. gives ma above sa of paresam in 
f. 50 b, 1. 1. 

6. [f. 50 b, 1. 2.] 
Q. 3. 1. 

agnir no vidva 
n praty etu gatrun pratidahann abhicastim aratim sa me- 

nam mohitu paresam 
nihastarig ca krnavaj jatavedah yuryam ugra maruta Tdrge 

stha- 
bhi prate mrdata sahadhvarh amimrdam vasavo nathitebhyo 

agnir ye- 
^sarh vidvan praty etu gatfn. amittrasenarh maghavany 

asman. ga 
tfyatam abhi tarn tvam indra vrttrahan agnig ca dahatarh 

prati | prasuta indra 
s pravata haribhyarh pra te vajrah pramrnatyahi gatfn. | jahi 

prati- 
co nucah paraco vigvarh vistarh krnuhi satyam esam | me- 

namohanam kr- 

nva indramittrebhyas tvam agner vatasya vrajyas tan vi- 
suco vi nagaya 
indrasyenan sohin maruto gnis tv ojasa | caksunsy agnir a 

dattarh puna 
r etu parajitah z i z 



352 L. C. Barret, [191 

Read: agnir no vidvan praty etu gatrun pratidaliann abhi- 
gastim aratim | sa senam mohayatu paresam nirhastaiig ca 
krnavaj jatavedah z 1 z yuyam ugra maruta idrge sthabhi 
preta mrdata sahadhvam | amimrdan vasavo nathitebhyo agnir 
yes&m vidvan praty etu gatrun z 2 z amitrasenam magliavann 
asman gatruyatam abhi | tarn tvam indra vrtrahann agnig ca 
dahatam prati z 3 z prasuta indra pravata haribhyam pra te 
vajrah pramrnan yahi gatrun | jahi pratico 'nucah paraco vig- 
vam vistam krnulii satyam esam z 4 z senamohanam krnava 
indramitrebliyas tvam | agner vatasya dhrajya tan visuco vi 
nagaya z 5 z indras senam mohayan maruto 'gnis tv ojasa | 
caksunsy agnir a dattam punar etu parajita z 6 z 1 z 

The reading of our ms. in st. 2 supports Aufrecht's recon- 
struction (KZ. 27. 219), yet I venture to print the above for 
the Paipp. In st. 6b it is entirely possible that we should 
read ghnantv for 'gnis tv, in agreement with Q. 

7. [f. 50 b, 1. 12.]' 
Q. 3. 9. 

ekaatam viskandhani visthitas prthi 

vim anu tesam ca sarvesamm idam asti viskandhadusanam 
Read visthita in b, and sarvesam in c. 

karsabhasya vi- 
sabhasya dyauh pita prthivi mata yathacakra devas tathapi 

krnu- 
ta punah 

The forms in pada a may be real variants of these uncer- 
tain words, but it is doubtful; Q. has kargaphasya vigaphasya. 
In c yathabhicakra as in Q. would improve metre and sense; 
in d read devas tathapa. 

aclesamano dharayan tatha tan manuna krtam. | ksano- 
mi vavri ca viskandham muskavarho gavam iva 

For a we may read aglesmano 'dharayan. Probably we 
should read krnomi vadhri, but ksanomi might stand if we 
can take vadhri as proleptic: muskabarho in d. 

sutre pi9unkhe khugilam ya- 
d a badhnantu vedhasah sravasyam 9usma kababam va- 

dhrim krnvantu bandhurah. 

Read pigange khrgalam in a, badhnanti in b; gusmaiii kaba- 
vam in c. Q. has gravasyum in c. 



Vol. xxxii.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 353 

yena 
sravasyo carata devayavasuramaya [ gunam kapir iva dusa- 

narh bandhu- 
ra kabhavasya ca | 

In a read sravasyac caratha, although sravasyo points to- 
ward the cravasyavac. of Q.; for b deva ivasuramayaya: in c 
dusano, and in d kabavasya. 

just! tva kamgchabhi josayitvabhavam uta 
[f. 51 a] ramavo rathayava pathebhis sarisyata z 2 z 

Read: dustyai hi tva bhartsyami dusayisyami kabavam | 
uttaravanto ratha iva gapathebhis sarisyatha z 6 z 2 z 

The very corrupt first hemistich seems to be only a corrup- 
tion of Q. ab: uttaravanto is suggested as a possibility, for 
which Q. has ud &Qavo. 

8. [f. 51 a, 1. 1.] 
Q. 19. 56. 

yamasya lokad adhy a 
babhuyatha pramada mantah pra yunnaksa dhlrah ekajina 

saratham ya- 
si vidvan svapna mimano asurassa yonau 

Read babhuvitha in a, martan (or martyan with Q.) and 
yunaksi in b: ekakina in c, and asurasya in d. 

bambhas tvagre vigvavathava- 
pa9yan pura ratrya janitor eke hni tatas svapnenam adhy 

a cabhuyatha bhi- 
sajna rupam apiguhamanah 

The ms. corrects to (vicjava)ya(va). 

Read in a bandhas and vigvavaya avapagyat, in b *hni: in 
c svapnainam and babhuvitha, in d apaguh and possibly 
bhisajyam. 

vrhaih gravasurebhyo bhi devan upa- 
vabantu mahimanam rcchah tasmai svapnadadhur adhi- 

patyam trayastrih9a- 
sa svar aniana | 

It seems to me possible to read in a vrhan gravasurebhyo 
'bhi devan, which is no worse than Q.; in b upavavarta. Pada 
c might stand as it is but probably the reading of Q. svapnaya 
dadhur should be followed: for d read trayastringasah svar 
Snaganah. 



354 L. C. Barret, [1912. 

naitam vidus pitaro nota deva yesam jalpya 
9 caranty antaredam trite svapnam arididrhaprate nara 

adityaso varune- 
nanusista 

In c we will probably do well to adopt the reading of Q. 
adadhur aptye nara; in d anuc,istah. 

vy asya kruram abhijahta duskrne svapnena sukrtas punya 
m apuh svar asajasi paramena vadvina tapyamanasya manaso 
dhi jajnise 

Read abliajanta in a, and duskrto as in Q. seems almost 
forced on us; asvapnena would then follow in b. In c asajasi 
would be good and bandhuna; in d 'dhi. 

vidme ta sarvah parijah parastad vidma svapna yo dhi- 
pa hyo te yagasvino no ya9aso hi pahy arad visebhir apa yahi 
duram z 3 z 

Read: vidma te sarvah parijah parastad vidma svapna yo 
'dhipa iha te | yagasvino no yagaseha pahy arad visebhir apa 
yahi duram z 6 z 3 z. 

9. [f. 51 a, 1. 13.] 

ambatma pusat srta padvat srjata satyayajni- 
yeyam srjami | handutan asmai visaya hantave | var ugram a- 
rasarh visam aheyam arasam visam nirvisarh | 

Out of the first five words, even if they are correctly divi- 
ded, I can get nothing; satyayajniyeyain srjami seems a possi- 
bility, and probably the colon should stand after han- 
dutan, which might perhaps be emended to aham dutan. The 
rest seems good. Q. 10. 4. 3d, 4d has arasam visam var ugram. 

indram aham iyam hu- 
ve somapa ubhayavinam asmai | 

Read: indram aham iyam huve somapam ubhayavinam I as- 
mai z 2 z 

It seems probable that somapam is to be read, although 
Q. 5. 25. 9 d is somapa ubhayavinam: but the context is very 
different. It is clear that the ms. intends the repetition of 
all that stands after asmai in st. 1. 

varunam aham iyam huva u- 
gro raj any o mamahi | 

Read: varunam aham iyam huva ugro rajanyas sasahih I 
asmai z 3 z 



Vol. xxxii.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 355 

aditim aham iyam huve 9uraputram kanlni- 
kam asmai 

Read guraputram in b. 

vrhaspatim aham iyam huve | yo devanam purohito a- 
[f. 51 k] smai z 

Read: vrhaspatim aliam iyam huve yo devanS,m purohitah | 
asmai z 5 z 

anac cana9 candam arkan asmai visaya hantave | var 

ugram ara- 
sam visam aheyam arasarh visam nirvisam 

Read: - * * * * *anag candan arkan | asmai visaya han- 
tave | var ugram arasam visam aheyam arasam visam nirvisam 
z 6 z 

The conjecture of a lacuna of ten syllables here (the letters 
anag c seem to be dittography) is due to the feeling that this 
stanza ought to be symmetrical with the preceding four; but 
the proposed emendation of the last four syllables of pada b 
does not favor this conjecture much. 

navanam navatinam visasya ropusmam 
sarvasam agrabham nama vitapayatarasam visam z 4 z 

Read: navanam navatinam visasya ropusmam ! sarvasam 
agrabham nama vitapetarasam visam z 7 z 4 z 
The first three padas appear RV. 1. 191. 13 abc. 

10. [f. 51 b, 1. 3.] 

mrtyur eko 
yama ekas sarvesu carur ud bhava | te nas krnvantu bhe- 

sajam devasenabhya 
s pari I punar no yamas pitrbhir dadatu punar mittravaruna 

vato gnih a- 
ghamano aghagansas punar dat punar no devi nirrtir da- 

dhatu | ya devi 
s prahitesus patag tapase va mahase vavasrstas somas 

tvam a- 
smad yavayatu vidyan pitaro va devahuta nrcaksasas saha- 

srakso 
martyah punar up a ihavatu prakhyed ugram aharsam saha- 

gus sahapaurusah 
yas te manyus sahasraksa visena parisicyate | tena tvam 

asmabhyam mr- 



356 L. C. Barret, [1912. 

da 9ivo na 9astur a cara ma te manyu sahasraksa bha- 

metur mamakam ja- 
gat. | ye no dvesti tarn gaccha yam dvismas tarn jahi z z 

om yan dvisma 
s tan jahi z 5 z anu 2 zz 

Read: mrtyur eko yama ekas sarvesu garur ud bhava | te 
nas krnvantu bhesajam devasenabhyas pari z 1 z punar no 
yamas pitrbhir dadatu punar mitravaruna vato 'gnih | agha- 
maro aghagansas punar dat punar no devl nirrtir dadatu z 2 z 
ya devl prahitesus patas tapase va mahase vavasrsta | somas 
tvam asmad yavayatu vidvan pitaro va devahuta nrcaksasah 
z 3 z sahasrakso 'martyali punar t upa ihavatu 1 1 prakhyed ugram 
aharsam sahagus sahapurusah z 4 z yas te manyus sahasraksa 
visena parisicyatu | tena tvam asmabhyani mrda givo nag gam- 
bhur a cara z 5 z ma te manyus sahasraksa bhamet tan ma- 
makam jagat j yo no dvesti tarn gaccha yam vayam dvismas 
tarn jahi z 6 z 5 z 

St. 3 has appeared Paipp. 1. 95. 4, but was not rightly 
emended: the padas Ic, 4 a, and 5d appear the Concordance. 
In the margin opposite st. 4 the ms. has raksamantram. 

11. [f. 51 b, 1. 13.] 
Q. 3. 26. 

atha raksamantram zz zz 
om raksa ye sthasyam pracyam digi hetayo nama devah 

tesam vo agni 
r isavah te no mrdata to no vruta tebhyo namas tebhyas 

svaha z raksa ye stha- 
syam daksinayam dify avigyavo nama devas tesam vo pa 

isavah | 
te no mrdata te no dhi vruta tebhya namas tebhyas svaha 

z raksa ye sthasyam 
[f. 52 a] pratlcyam di9i virajo nama devas tesam vas kama 

isavah te no mrda- 
ta te no dhi vruta tebhyo namas tebhyas svaha z raksa ye 

sthasyam udlcya di9i 
praviddhyanto nama devas tesam vata isavah te no mrdata 

te no dhi vruta te- 
bhyo namas tebhyas svaha z raksa ye sthasyam dhruva- 

yarh di9i vilimpa na- 



Vol. xxxii.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 357 

ma devas tesam vo nnam isavah te no mrdata te no dhi 

vruta tebhyo namas tebhya 
s svaha z raksa ya sthasyam urdhvayam di$y avisyanto 

nama devas tesam 
vo varsam isavah te no mrdata te no dhi vruta tebhyo 

namas tebhyas svaha z 
raksohanam vajenam a jiganmi mittram pratistham upa 

yami garma | 
esano agnis krtubhis samiddhas sa no divas sa risa patu 

naktah praty a- 
gne hararh iti japet sarvam. z z iti raksamantram. z z 

Read: raksa | | ye sthasyam pracyam digi hetayo nama de- 
vas tesam vo agnir isavah j te no mrdata te no 'dhi vruta 
tebhyo namas tebhyas svaha z 1 z raksa | | ye sthasyam dak- 
sinayam di^y avisyavo nama devas tesam va apa isavah | te 
no z 2 z raksa | | ye sthasyam pratlcyam digi virajo nama 
devas tesam vas kama isavah | te no z 3 z raksa | | ye 
sthasyam udlcyam digi pravidhyanto nama devas tesam vo 
vata isavah | te no & z 4 z raksa | | ye sthasyam dhruva- 
yam digi vilimpa nama devas tesam vo 'nnam isavah | te no 
z 5 z raksa | | ye sthasyam urdhvayam digy avasvanto 
nama .devas tesam vo varsam isavah | te no mrdata te no 'dhi 
vruta tebhyo namas tebhyas svaha z 6 z 1 z 

raksohanam vajinam a jigharmi mitrani pratistham upa yami 
Qarma ^iQano agnis kratubhis samiddhas sa no diva sa risah 
patu naktam z z praty agne haraseti japet sarvam z z iti 
raksamantram z z 

The ms. indicates that the "raksa" at the beginning of 
each stanza is to be set off from the rest. In st. 2 and 6 
avisyavo and avasvanto are adopted from Q. 

It seems clear to me (as indicated by the arrangement) that 
hymn no. 1 of anuvaka 3 has only 6 stanzas; following it 
E.Y. 10. 87 entire is to be muttered. Of. Introduction. 



12. [f. 52 a, 1. 10.] 
Q. 3. 21, 

yo apsv a- 
ntar yo vrttre antar yas puruse yo smani | yo vive9a 

osadhlr yo vanaspatm- 
s tebhyo gnibhyo hutam astv etat. 



358 L. C. Barret, [1912. 

Read agnir yo vrtre at end of a, read 'gmani in b; ya a- 
vivecausadhir in c, 'gnibhyo in d. 

yes some antar yo gosv antar yo visto vayasi 
yo mrgesu ya avivega dvipado yag catuspadas tebhyah 

Read yas in a, and in d tebhyo followed by continuation 
marks. 

aindrana saratham 
sambabhuva vaigvanara uta vigvadavyah i johavimi prta- 

nasu sasa- 
hyam tebhyah z 

Read ya indrena in a, vigvadavyah in b: yam and sasahim 
in c, tebhyo in d as above. 

yo devo vigvad yam a kamam ahur yam datara pra- 
tigrhnantam ahuh yo dhlra caktus paribhur idabhyas tebh- 
yah z 

Read: yo devo vigvad yam u kamam ahur yam datarain 
pratigrhnantam ahuh | yo dhlrag gakras paribhur adabhyas 
tebhyo - z 3 z 

yam tva 
hotaram manasabhi sarhvidus trayodaca bhuvana panca 

manavah varco- 
dhase yagase sunrtavate tebhyah 

Read manavah in b, sunrtavate in c, and tebhyo in d. 

uks*nnaya vagannaya somaprstha- 
[f. 52 b.] ya vedase vaigvanarajyesthebhyas tebhyah z 

Read for a uksannaya vagannaya, vedhase in b; tebhyo 
in d. 

divam prthivim antariksam ye 
vidyutam anusaficaranti ya daksantar yo vate antas tebhyo 

agnibhyo huta 
m astv etat. 

Insert anv after prthivim in a, read yo diksv antar in b. 
vrhaspatim varunarh mittra agnyam hiranyapanyam savita- 
ram indram vigvan devan angirasam havamahe indram 

kravyadam gamaya- 
ntv agnim 

Read mitram agnim hiranyapanim in ab, and probably an- 
giraso in c; havamaha imam in cd. 

ganto agnis kravyad atho purusaresinah atho yo vig- 

vadavyas tarn 
kravyadyam asisamam z 2 z 



Vol. xxxii.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 359 

Read: ganto agnis kravyad atho purusaresinah | atho yo 
vigvadavyas tarn kravyadam agigamam z 9 z 2 z 

13. [f. 52 b, 1. 6.] 
Q. 3. 5. 

ayam agah purnamanir ball 

balena pramrnari sapatran. | ojo devanam pay a osadhira me 
yi rastram jinvanpa prayacchari 
The ms. corrects to parna in a. 

Read agan parnamanir in a, pramrnan sapatnan in b: osa- 
dhmam in c, and for d mayi rastram jinvatu prayacchan. 
Whitney reports in d jinvatv aprayucchan; the ms. does not 
have this but we might well restore it. 

mayi rastram parnamane mahi dharaya 
rastram aho rastrasyabhlvarge yaja bhuyasam uttara | 

In b read mayi, in c aham, in d uttarah: yatha for yaja 
seems to me good, though yujo (suggested by Whitney) must 
be considered. 

yam nididhi 
r vanaspatau vajih devas priyam nidhim. tarn ma indras 

sahayusa ma 
manim dadatu bhartave | 

Read nidadhur in a; in b vajam would seem better than 
vajin but I think the latter can stand. Delete the syllable 
ma after sahayusa. 

somasya parnas saha ugram agam indrena 
datto varunena sakhyah tarn aham bibharmi bahu rocamano 

dirghayu- 
tvaya gatagaradaya | 

Read agann in a; perhaps sakhyah can stand but I rather 
think it is only a corruption of gistah which Q. has. 

a ma raksatu parnamanir mahyaristatata- 
ye yathaham uttaro sani manusya adhisah^atah 

In a Q. has a maruksat which is probably intended here 
though the ms. reading seems possible; in b read mahya arist, 
in c 'sani: manusya adhisamgitah would be a good pada if 
we may take manusi as a noun, or we might read manusaya- 

dhisamgitah. 

punar mayitv i- 

ndriyam punar attasa dravinam vrahmanam ca | punagnyo 

dhrsnyaso ya- 
thasthamalpayantam Ivaha z 

VOL. XXXII. Part IV. 25 



360 L. C. Barret, [1912. 

This is Q. 7. 67. 1. Read: punar maitv indriyam punar 
atma dravinam vrahmanam ca | punar agnayo dhisnyaso ya- 
thasthama kalpayantam ihaiva z 6 z 

yat taksano rathakaras karmara ye 

manisinah sarvahs tvanparna rahdhayopastirh krnu medinam 
Read ye and rathakaras in a, tan parna randh in c, and 
medinam in d. The sign np in tvan parna is not clear. 

upa- 
stir astu vai9ya uta 9iidra utarya sarvahs tvan parna rah- 

dhayopastim krnu 
[f. 53 a] medinam z 3 z 

Read: upastir astu vaigya uta cudra utaryah | sarvans tan 
parna randhayopastim krnu medinam z 8 z 3 z 
This stanza has no parallel. 

14. [f. 53 a, 1. 1.] 

Q. 3. 23. 

yena veha dadhmasi | yat te garbho yonim etu pu- 
mahsarh putram janaya tvam puman anu jayatam bhavasi 

putranam mata 

jatanam janayasi ca [ yani bhadrani bijany rsabha jana- 
yati | tais tvam putram vindasva sa prasur dhenuka bhava 

krnomi te pra- 
japatyam a garbho yonim etu te j vindasva putram nary a 

tubhyarh sam asakhya- 
ma tasmai tvam bhava | yasam pita parjanyo bhumir mata 

babhuva | ta- 
s tva putravidyaya devis pravantv osadhih yas te yonim 

ud irhga- 
ya vrsabho retasa saha | sa ta sihcatu prajarh dirghayug 



radam. z 4 z 

Read: yena vehad babhuvitha nagayamasi tat tvat | idain 

tad anyatra tvad apa dure ni dadhmasi z 1 z a te garbho 

yonim etu puman bana ivesudhim | a viro 'tra jayatam putras 

te dagamasyah z 2 z pumansam putram janaya tam puman 

anu jayatam | bhavasi putranam mata jatanam janayag ca yan 

z 3 yani bhadrani bijany rsabha janayanti ca j tais tvam pu- 

tram vindasva sa prasur dhenuka bhava z 4 z krnomi te pra- 

japatyam a garbho yonim etu te | vindasva putram nari yas 

ubhyam gam asac cham u tasmai tvam bhava z 5 z yasaiii 



Vol. xxxii.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 361 

pita' parjanyo bhumir mat a babhuva | tas tva putravidyaya 
devis pravantv osadhlh z 6 z yas te yonim ud ingayad vrsabho 
retasa saha | sa ta a sincatu prajam dirghayug c.atac,aradain 
z 7 z 4 z 

The ms. corrects to ja(naya)in 3 a and (janayS)mi in 3d. 
Note that the ms. has only a few words of stt. 1 and 2, and 
I have supplied the rest from Q.; other emendations follow Q. 
The last stanza is new. 

15. [f. 53 a, 1. 9.] 

yam tva vato varaya raridra nabha maharsa- 
bhah i tasyas te vi9vadhayaso visadusanam ud bhare | 

In a 'varayad is possible; for the first half of pada b no- 
thing plausible suggests itself, although I have thought of some 
form of rudra or of ardra. Padas cd can stand. 

yas tva va- 
raho sanad ekasminn adhi puskare | 

In a read yam and 'khanad, and cf. Q. 4. 4. 1. It seems 
clear that for padas cd the second hemistich of st. 1 is meant 
to stand here too, for the ms. sometimes fails to indicate a 
refrain when it should; cf. Paipp. 2. 19; 29; and 49. 

yam tvaditir avapad bija 
vapam adhi puskare | 

Though not good metrically this may stand, with the refrain 
to be supplied from st. 1. 

yasyas kulayam salile antar mahaty a- 
rnave | tasyas te vi9vadhayaso visadusanam ud bhare | 
This stanza lends support to the suggestion of ardra in st. 1. 

ut te bhara- 
d uttamaya adhamayas tud bhare anu madhya madhyame 

tava visa- 
dusanam agrabham 

In a bharam would seem to be the best reading: for c I 
can do no more than the word division indicates. 

sam agrabham ubhav antau sam agrabham divag ca 
prthivyac ca visadusanam ud bhare z 5 z anu 3 zz 

Read: * * * * samagrabham ubhav ant&u samagrabham | 
divag ca prthivyag ca visadusanam ud bhare z 6 z 5 z anu 3 z 
The ms. has no indication of the loss of four syllables in 
pada a, but it seems very probable; perhaps something like 
madhyam bhumyas stood there as in Q. 6. 89. 3 cd. The ms. 
corrects to prthi(vi)g. 

25* 



362 L. C. Barret, [1912. 

16. [f. 53 a, 1. 17.] 

paidvo si prtanayu svaha soma hihsis so- 
ma hihsito si svaha | 

The first of these two formulae we might read paidvo 'si 
prtanayus svaha: soma hinsis may stand (cf. RV. 9. 88. 4), 
and at a venture I would conjecture somahinsito 'si svaha for 
the rest. 

vrahmanama hinsir vrahma hihsito 
[f. 53 b.] si svaha | 

One would expect here a parallelism to the preceding but 
I am unable to work it out satisfactorily; what is given does 
not lend support to the conjecture made above, 
nabhud ahir bhrunamanm ahir agnim arasavadhi | visasya 
vrahmanam asit tato jivan na moksase | 

In the first hemistich I can see nothing more than the 
division of words indicates: in c viso yo might be a possible 
reading. 

usto hi samusto hi nirvi 
to rasas krtah visasya vrahmanam asit tato jivan na moksase | 

For padas ab read usto 'hir samusto 'hir nirvlto 'rasas 
krtah: for the rest see above, 
punar dadati me visam purvapadyam udahrta | mam da- 

dafvan sa- 
nyase maya dasto na moksase z i z 

Read: punar dadati me visam purvapadyam udahrtam | mam 
dadagvan manyase maya dasto na moksase z 6 z 1 z 

The stanza is numbered 6 because of the three occurren- 
ces of svaha above, which seem to indicate three separate formulae. 

17. [f. 53 b, 1. 5.] 

ekaatam bhesajani 

tesam matasy osadhe | samudram iva gacchasi prthivyam 

[adhi ni- 
sthitah 

At the end of pada d nisthita would agree better with ma- 
tasy. Q. 19. 32. 3b is prthivyam asi nisthitah (sc. darbha). 

yasyarh vedadibhesajam da9airso dafajihvah te pra- 
thama dadhe samgravarity osadhe yam arad virayad bhisak. 
If we may take adibhesajam to mean "the original medi- 
cine" we have at the beginning two padas which might pos- 
sibly stand: Q. 4. 6. Ib is dagaclrso dagasyah. For the rest, 
in addition to the division of words I can only suggest for 



Vol. xxxii.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 363 

consideration samsravany and arad; but these throw no light 
on what is to me wholly obscure. 

puna9 ca- 
ksus punas pranam punar ayun na gamat. nis tvakaram 

niskrtya nis tva 
nikrtyakaram 

In a read prano, in b ayur na a; in d niskrtyakaram. 

muncami tva gapathyad atho varunad uta | a- 
tho yamasya padbhi9advi9ad vi9vasmad deva duskrtat. 

The ms. seems to correct dvi to dbhi. 

Read uta in b: and padbic,ad in c. This stanza appears 
Q. 6. 96. 2 with muiicantu ma in a, varunyad in b, and kil- 
bisat in d. 

9arh te 91- 

rsnas kapalani hrdayasya ca ye viduh udyan suryadityo a- 
ngadyo tam ani9at. | 

Of. Q. 9. 8. 22. In pada a read sam; for cd udyan surya 
adityo angabhedam aninaQat. This however does not reckon 
with Q. which in b has yo vidhuh, a lectio difficilior; yet I 
do not believe we need to read it here. 

himavatas pra sravatas sindhu sam aha safiga- 
mah tapas sarvas samgatya caksus pranam cadhatu nah z 2 z 

Head: himavatas pra sravata sindhau sam aha sangamah | 
ta apas sarvas samgatya caksus pranam dadhantu nah z 6 
z 2 z 

The first hemistich appears Q. 6. 24. 1 ab; and with pada 
d may be compared Q. 10. 2. 29 d. 

18. [f. 53 b, 1. 15.] 

Q. 3. 22. 
hastivarcasam prthatam vrhad disu aditya ya tanvas sam- 

babhuva ta- 
t sarve savitur mahyas etu vi9ve devaso aditis sajosah 

Read prathatam in a, and perhaps diksu though yago as 
in Q. seems better; in b yat. In c we will have to read as 
in Q. samadur many am etad. 

mittra- 

9 ca varuna9 cendro rudra9 ca tejatu devaso vi9vadhayasas te 
[f. 54 a.] mahdantu varcasa | 

The ms. corrects tejatu to tejasah; if we accept this, as I 
think we may, it obviates the difficulties with the form ceta- 
tus of Q. In a read mitrac,, in d manjantu. 



364 L. C. Barret, [1912. 

yat te varco jatavedo vrhad bhavaty ahutarh tena mam a- 
bhya varcasagre varcasvinarh krdhi | 

Read adya varcasagne in cd. In Q. these padas are 4 ab 
and 3 de; Q. has ahuteh and krnu. 

yena haste varcasa sambabhuva ye- 
na raja manusesv antah yena deva jyotisa bhyam udayarh 

tena ma- 
gne varcasa sarh srjeha | 

Read hasti in a, dyam udayan in c. What we have here 
is in Q. st. 3 abc with a new pada d. 

yavad varcas suryasyasurasya ca hasti- 
nah tavan me agvina varcas krnutarh puskarasrajah | 

Read puskarasraja in d. In Q. this is st. 4 c-f, and a dhat- 
tam stands for krnutam. 

yavac catasra 
s pradiga9 caksur yavat samagnute | tavat samaitv indriyarh 

mayi tad dha- 
stivarcasam. z 3 z 

This is the sixth stanza of the third hymn of the fourth 

anuvaka. 

19. [f. 54 a, 1. 7.] 

Q. 3. 19. 

sarh9itam mayidam vrahma samitam vlryarh 
mama | samcitam ksattram me jisnu yesam asmi purohitah 

sam aham e- 
sam rastram pa^yami sam ojo viryam balam vrgcasi a- 

tfnarh bahu 
sam a9vam acvan aham | tiksamyahsas pharsor agnes 

tlksnatarad u- 

ta | indrasya vajras tiksaniyahso esam asmin purohitah | 
adhas padyantam adhare bhavantv ena indrarh maghava- 

narii prtanyah 
ksanami vrahmanamittran anvayama gvan aham yesam 

am a- 

yudha sam 9yasy esam rastram suvirarh vardhayasva ye- 
sam ksattram aja- 
ram astu jisnu ugram esam rastram suvirarh vardhayasva 

yesam ksa- 

m ajaram astu jisnu ugram esam cittam bahudha vi9varu- 
pa abhi prayata jayata prasuta sam 9yami nir ayu- 

dhani 1 



Vol. xxxii]. The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 365 

[f. 54 b.] tiksna isavo baladhanvano hato ugrayudhabalan 

ugrahaba- 
vah z 4 z 

Read: saihgitam ma idam vrahma samgitaiii vlryarii mama | 
samgitam ksatram me jisnu yesam asmi purohitah z 1 z sam 
aham esam r as tram gyami sam ojo viryam balam | vrgcami 
gatrunam bahun sam esam agvan aliam z 2 z tlksmyansas 
paragor agnes tiksnatara uta | indrasya vajrat tiksnlyanso 
yesam asmi purohitah z 3 z adhas padyantam adhare bha- 
vantu ye na in dram maghavanam prtanyan | ksinami vrah- 
manamitran un nayami svan aham z 4 z esam aham ayudha 
sam gyamy esam rastram suvlram vardhayasva | esam ksatram 
ajaram astu jisnugram esam cittam bahudha vigvarupam z 5 z 
abhi preta jayata prasutas sam gyamy nara ayudhani | tlksne- 
savo 'baladhanvano liatograyudna abalan ugrabahavah z 6 
z 4 z 

In st. 3 d the ms. corrects to asmi; and in 4d it has a 
correction which seems to make ad dhvayama out of anva- 
yama so perhaps we should read ud dhvayami. In 3b it 
might be possible to read tiksnatarad uta as in the ms. 

Whitney in his comments on Q. 3. 19. 6 and 8 implies that 
they are found in Paipp. Bk. 3 at this point, but they are 
not in the birchbark; they do appear Paipp. 1. 56, and the 
confusion is doubtless due to the fact that he did not have 
access to a facsimile or the original (cf. Whitney's Translation 
p. Ixxxi ff.). 

20. [f. 54 b, 1. 2.] 

Q. 3. 12. 

ihaiva dhruvamya minomi galam kseme tistha- 
mi ghrtam uksamana j tarn tva fale sarvavlras suvira a- 
bhi san carema | 

Eead dhruvam ni in a, tisthasi in b; tarn in c, and supply 
aristavira (as in Q.) in d. 

ihaiva dhruva pra tistha gale agvavati goma- 
ti sunrtavati | urjasvati ghrtavati payasvaty U chraya- 
yasva mahate saubhagaya | 

Head prati in a, uc chrayasva in d. 

dharuny asi gale grhag chanda 

sutadhanya a tva vatso mayi med a kumara dhenavasyaya 
m asyandhamana 



366 L. C. Barret, [1912. 

Reading chandas in b we get a fairly good pada; grhag 
chandas is rather better than the brhacchandas of Q. and the 
latter's putidhanya has proved troublesome; sutadhanya may 
mean "containing produced grain". In cd read vatso me 
gamed a kumara a dhenavas sayam asyandamanah. 

imam 9alam savita vayur agnis tvasta 

hota ni srotu prajanah uksahtuna maruto ghrtena | somo no ra- 
ja ni krsa tanotu 

Read ni minotu prajanan in b; uksantudna in c, krsim in 
d; colon after pada b. 

sanassa patnig carana syona devibhi 

r nimitasy agne | unnam vasana sumana yafas tvam rayim no 
dhi subhage suvlram | 

We may read in a manasya patni garana, for b devi deve- 
bhir nimitasy agre. In c trnam vasana sumana asas seems 
most probable; in d read dhehi and suvlram. 

a tva kumaras tarana a vatso jagata 

saha j a tva pari9rtas kumbha a dadhnas kalaga9 ca ya z 5 z 
anu 4 z 

Read: a tva kumaras taruna a vatso jagata saha | a tva 
pari^ritas kumbha a dadhnas kalagag ca yah z 6 z 5 z 
anu 4 z. 

21. [f. 54 b, 1. 14.] 

Q. 4. 22. 

imam indra vardhaya ksattriyarh sa imam vi^a 
m ekavisa krnu tvam ni mittran aksnu tasya sarvahs ta 

radhaya- 
smahamuttaresu ayam astu dhanapatir dhananam ayam 

vigam 

vigkrpatistu raja | asminn indu mayi varcahsi dhehy a- 
[f. 55 a] varcasam krnuhi 9atrum asya | idam bhaja grame 

svesu gosva nis tarn bhaja yo mittro 
sya varsmat ksattranam ayam astu rajendra 9atru rah- 

dhaya sarvam asmai | asmai 
dyavaprthivi bhurvasu sam duhitam gharmaduheva dhe- 

num | vayarh raja pri- 
ye indrasya bhuyah priyo gavam osadhmam utapam yu- 

najmi tarn uttara- 
vahtam indra yena jayante | yas tva karad ekavrsam ja 

nanam uta raj an u- 



Vol. xxxii.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 367 

ttamam manavanam | uttaras tvam adhare mantv anye ye 

ke ca raj an pradigatra- 

sthe | ekavrsa. indrasakha jigivah gatruyatam abhi tistha ma- 
hahsi ! z i z 

Read: imam indra vardhaya ksatriyam ma imam vigam 
ekavrsam krnu tvam | nir amitran aksnu tasya sarvans tan 
randhay&sma ahamuttaresu z I z ayam astu dhanapatir dha- 
nanam ayam vigam vigpatir astu raja asminn indra mahi var- 
cansi dhehy avarcasam krnuhi gatrum asya z 2 z emam bhaja 
grame 'gvesv gosu nis tarn bhaja yo 'mitro 'sya | varsman 
ksatranam ayam astu rajendra gatrum randhaya sarvam as- 
mai z 3 z asmai dyavaprthivl blmri vamam samduhatham 
gharmadugheva dhenuh | ayam raja priya indrasya bhuyat 
priyo gavam osadhmam utapam z 4 z yunajmi tarn uttara- 
vantam indram yena jayanti na para jayante | yas tva karad 
ekayrsam jananam uta rajann uttamam manavanam z 5 z 
uttaras tvam adhare santv anye ye ke ca rajan pratigatravas 
te | ekavrsa indrasakha jigivan gatruyatam abhi tistha mahansi 
z 6 z 1 z 

This hymn appears also in TB. 2. 4. 7. 7 8, and our text 
is in agreement with it in several places: st. 6d in Q. 7. 73. 
10 d. In Ic it is entirely possible that our ms. has only a 
corrupt form of the Q. reading aksnuhy asya; in 5 a Q. has 
a better reading yunajmi ta, but probably ours can stand; 'in 
5b I have supplied words from Q. 

22. [f. 55 a, 1. 8.] 

visanasy angirasi devaja praticaksini 
divas prthivyas sambhutas sahasraksi dhi nah 

Read angirasi in a, sambhuta in c (= Q. 6. 100. 3c): for d 
we may read sahasraksi vi syadhi nah, which is supported by 
Q. 6. 121. la visana pagan vi syadhy asmat. 

sahasraksi yad grbhati 

pagyamy osadhe sadanvagm raksoghni bhaveha praticaksini | 
A probable reading for pada a is sahasraksi yad grabhati, 
with tena pagyasy in b: read~sadanvaghnl in c. 

ye hara- 

nty amuteyam payasphatim ca osadhe | sadanvagm rakso- 
ghni bhaveha 
praticaksini 

In pada a I think we may read asuteyam with the same 



368 L. C. Barret, [1912. 

meaning as asuti, which seems to mean "brew" or "concoc- 
tion"; in b write causadhe, in c sadanvaghnl. The hemistichs 
do not hang together very well. 

yatuno rahdhayante ruksantarh ca vihrutam tans tva sahasra- 
dakso grbhaya krtavirye 

A possible (and perhaps plausible) reading for pada a 
would be yatudhanan randhayanti; ruksantam in b can hardly 
stand and I would write rusyantam. In c read tvam saha- 
sracakso; in d krtavlryaya seems possible. Pada c = Q. 19. 35. 3c. 
yatha gva caturakso ratrirh naktat pa9yati 
eva sahasracakso tvam prati pagyasy ayata | 

In d read ayatah : Q. 4. 20. 5 cd is atho sahasracakso tvam 
prati pacjah kimidinah (cf. our next stanza), and the two 
hymns have the same intent. 

gobhir avair vasubhi 
r apakritasy osadhi 9vavasyavasya gaksusa prati pagya 

kimidinah z 
z 2 z 

Read: gobhir agvair vasubhir apakritasy osadhe | Qyavagvasya 
caksusa prati pagya kin^idinah z 6 z 2 z 

23. [f. 55 a, 1. 16.] 
sam gudadhvarh sarh pipadhvam annarh vo madhumat saha 

vratam vas sarvarh 
sadhrik samanam ceto stu vah sarh jamdhvam indrag cetta 

vo stv ayam vo gnir ni- 
harah gamayati yad verahatyam u bhimam asid vicve 

deva ut prava- 
[f. 55 b.] yantu sarh vagy astu vrhaspatis sarh dyavaprthivl 

ubhe gam antariksam uta vo 

marutvah sarh vagy astv aditir devaputra kalpetarh dyava- 
prthivl kalpa- 
ntam apa osadhi | kalpantam agnayas sarve asmai 9res- 

thaya sarvada 
sarh vas srjami hrdayarh sarhsrstarh mano astu vah sarh- 

srsta vas tanvas sa- 
ntu sarhsrstas prano astu vah sarh vas pagunarh hrdayarh 

srjami sarh 
putranam uta ya duhitaro vah sam vo jayanarh manasa 

manahsi 
sarh patmamm uta caksusas srjami z 3 z 



Vol. xxxii.] The Kashmirlan Afharva Veda. 369 

Read: sam gundhadhvam sam pibadhvam annam vo ma- 
dhumat sahah | vratam vas sarvam sadhryak samanam ceto 
4 stu vah z 1 z sam janidhvam indrag citta vo 'stv ayam vo 
'gnir ni harah gamayati | yad vairahatyam u bhimam asld 
vigve deva ut prSvayantu z 2 z gam vagy astu vrhaspatig gam. 
dyavaprthiv! ubhe | gam antariksam uta vo marutvan gam 
vaginy astv aditir devaputra z 3 z kalpetam dyavaprthivl kal- 
pantam apa osadhlh | kalpantam agnayas sarve asmai gres- 
tliaya sarvada z 4 z sam vas srjami hydayam samsFstam mano 
astu vah | samsysta vas tanvas santu samsrstas prano astu vah 
z 5 z sam vas pagunam hrdayam syjami sam putranam uta 
ya duhitaro vah | sam jayanam manasa manansi sam patlnam 
uta caksusa srjami z 6 z 3 z 

Stanzas 4 and 5 appear KS. 7. 14 and 12, and elsewhere: 
to be compared in contents are such hymns as Q. 6. 64 
and 74. 

24. [f. 55 b, 1. 8.] 
Q. 3. 27. 

atha raksamantram. 
om praci dig agnir adhipatir asito raksataditya isavah te- 

bhyo na- 
mo dhipatibhyo namo raksatubhyo namo rsibhyo namo vo 

stu yo sman dvesti yam 
ca vayan dvismas tarn vo jarnbhe dadhmas tarn u prano ja- 

hatu z daksi- 
na dig indro dhipatis tiragcaraje raksata vasava isavas 

pratT- 

ci dig vavaruno dhipatis prajaku raksata mittra isavah udi- 
ci dik somo dhipatis svajo raksata vata isavah z dhruva 

dig vi- 
snur adhipatis kulmasagrivo raksata virudho isavah urdhva 

dig vr- 
haspatir adhipatih gattro raksataganir isavas tebhyo namo 

dhipa- 
tibhyo nama raksitubhyo nama rsibhyo namo vo stu yo 

sman dvisti yam ca 
vayarh dvismas tarn vo jambhe dadhmas tarn u prana ja- 

hatu z 4 z 

Read: atha raksamantram | | om z z praci dig agnir adhi- 
patir asito raksitaditya isavah | tebhyo namo 'dhipatibhyo 



370 L. C. Barret, [1912. 

namo raksitrbhyo namo isubhyo namo vo 'stu | yo 'sman 
dvesti yam ca vayam dvismas tarn vo jambhe dadhmas tarn u 
prano jahatu z 1 z daksina dig indro 'dhipatis tiragciraji 
raksita vasava isavah | tebhyo z 2 z pratici dig varuno 
'dhipatis prdaku raksita mitra isavah I tebhyo z 3 z 
udlcl dik somo 'dhipatis svajo raksita vata isavah | tebhyo 
z 4 z dhruva dig visnur adhipatis kalmasagrlvo raksita virudha 
isavah | tebhyo z 5 z urdhva dig vrhaspatir adhipatig 
(}vitro raksitaganir isavah | tebhyo namo 'dhipatibhyo namo 
raksitrbhyo namo isubhyo namo vo 'stu j yo 'sman dvesti yam 
ca vayam dvismas tarn vo jambhe dadhmas tarn u prano ja- 
hatu z 6 z 4 z 



25. [f. 55 b, 1. 18.] 

Q. 4. 11. 
anadvah dadhara prthivi dyam utasum anadvah dadharonv 

antariksam 

[f. 56 a.] anadvah dadhara pradi9as sad urvir anadvan idam 

vi9vam bhuvanam a vive- 

9 a 

Read dadhara prthivlm and utamum in a, dadharorv in b: 
bhuvanam in d: anadvan in a, b, c. 

anadvah duhe sukrtasya lokam enam pahet pavamanas 

purastat parja- 
nyo dhara marutodho sya yajnas payo daksina draho sya | 

Read anadvan and loka in a, perhaps pyayet in b as Whit- 
ney suggests: maruta udho 'sya in c, doho 'sya in d. 

anadvan indrasya 
pa9ubhyo vi caste tvayarh ya 9akro a mimite adhvanah 

sam bhutam bhavisyad bhu- 
vanam duhanas sarva devanam bibhra9 carati vratani 

Read indras sa in a, trayan and a mimite in b: bibhrac 
in d. 

yasya nese yajnapa- 
tin ni yajno nasya date9aya na pratigrhlta yo vi9vadrg 

vi9vakrd vi- 
9vakarma gharma no vruta yama9 catuspat. 

Read nege yajnapatir na in a, datege na pratigrahita in b: 
gharmam and yatamac in d. 



Vol. xxxii.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 371 

indra esa manusyesv antar gharma 
s tapata carati sarii9i9anah supradasassa udare na sarisad 

yau na9nl- 
had anaduho vijanan. 

Read tap tag in b: in c we should probably read suprajas 
sa, in d yo nagmyad. An alternative form of c would be 
suprajas sant sa udare na sarsad. 

yena devas tuvarurhatar hitva 9arlram amrta- 
sya dhama tena gesma sukrtasya lokam gharmasya vra- 

tena ya9asa tapasvya 

In pada a we will have to read as in Q. devas svar a ruru- 
hur. If we may have tapasyavah at the end of d we get a 
fair reading but it looks like an accidental inversion of the 
better reading of Q., tapasa yac,asyavah. 

dva- 
da9aita rarvartyahus prajapater vartya ratri dvada9a tad 

vapi vrahma- 
yo veda tad vnuduhau balam 

If it is desirable to reduce the first hemistich to anustubh 
rhythm (and it seems so to me) we may read dvadac,aita 
vratya alms prajapater vratya ratrlh; but less violent emenda- 
tion is necessary if we read dvadagaita ratrlr vratya ahus 
prajapater vratya ratrlr dvadaga. In d read tad va anaduho 
balam. 

duhe vanadvana sayam duhe pratar duhe 
diva doha ye sya sayanta tan vidmanupadasyatah 
Read in a va anadvan; in c 'sya sam yanti. 

ye devanaduho 
dohan asvapnanupadasyaca prajam ca lokam capnoti tatha 

saptarsayo 
viduh 

Read for ab yo vedanaduho dohan saptanupadasyatah; any 
suggestion of svapna seems out of place here, 
madhyam etad anaduho yata isa vahitah etavad asya pracina 
yavan pratyan samahitah 

For pada b read yatraisa vaha ahitah: in c praclnam, in 
d yavS,n. 

padbhis sedhim amakramamn iram jahghabhi 

r uksida 9ramenanadvana kilalarii kma^asya upagacchata | 

Read: padbhis sedim samakramann iram janghabhii* utkhi- 

dan | cramenanadvan kilalam klna^ag copa gacchatah z 11 z 



372 L. C. Barret, [1912. 

i 
esa manusyesv anadvan ity ucyate 9apha somya parsam 

sarva yac casya 
[f. 56 b.] kusthinah 

This seems to be an incomplete bit of commentary belong- 
ing to st. 3; if the above word division is correct we might 
read the whole thus: -- indra esa manusyesv anadvan ity 
ucyate | gaphas somyah pargvam sarva yac, casya kusthikah. 
This might have been a scholium standing once in the bottom 
margin; the letter i standing at the end of the next to the 
last line of f. 56 a would then have been the initial of indro 
balenasya. 

indro balenasya paramesthi vratenaina gaus tena vaigvadevah 
yo sman dvesti yam ca vaya dvissas tasya pranan asa 

vahes tasya prana 
n vi varhah z 5 z a 5 z 

Read: indro balenasya paramesthi vratena yena gaus tena 
vaigvadevah | yo 'sman dvesti yam ca vayam dvismas tasya 
pranan apa vahes tasya pranan vi barhah z 12 z 5 z anu 5 z 

26. [f. 56 b, 1. 3.] 
Q. 7. 60. 

grhan esi manasa modama- 

nojam bibhrad vasumatis sumetaghorena caksusa mittriye- 
na grhanam pagyah paya ut tarami | ime grha mayo- 

bhuva u- 
rjasvantas payasvantas purna vamasya tisthantas te no ja- 

nantu janatah 
sunrtavantas subhaga iravanto hasamuda aksudhyastr- 

dhyastr- 
syamo grha massad vibhitanah | esam adhy etu pravan 

esa so- 
manasso bahuh | grhan upa hvayamaya yan te no janahtv 

ayatah j 

upahuta iha gava upahuta ajavayah a- 
tho nyasya kilala upahuto grhesu nah upahuta bhurdhni 
na sakhayas svadusamnara aristas sarvapursa grha nas sa- 
ntu sarvadah z i z 

Read: grhan emi manasa modamana urjam bibhrad vas 
sumatis sumedhah | aghorena caksusa mitriyena grhanam pag- 
yan paya ut tarami z 1 z ime grha mayobhuva urjasvantas 



Vol. xxxii.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 373 

payasvantah I purna vamasya tisthantas te no janantu jana- 
tah z 2 z sunrtavantas subhaga iravanto hasamudah | aksu- 
dhya atrsyaso grha masmad bibhltana z 3 z yesam adhyeti 
pravasan yesu saumanaso bahuh | grhan upahvayama yan te 
no janantva yatah z 4 z upahuta iha gava upahuta ajayavah | 
atho 'nnasya kilala upahuto grhesu nah z 5 z upahuta bhu- 
ridhanas sakhayas t svadusamnara | aristas sarvapui'usa grna 
nas santu sarvada z 6 z 1 z 

The variations from the Q. text are considerable, being 
generally in the direction of Yajus or Sutra texts; cf. Con- 
cordance. In st. 6b the only remedy seems to be to read as 
in the other texts svadusammudah. 

27. [f. 56 b, 1. 13.] 

hantayam astva pratighaty asa sam vam 
indra prtanavrstih prajapatir adadad ojo smai vrhad dhavi 
r havisa vardhanena | prajapater havisa vardhane hanta- 
yam indram a- 
krnor agadyam tasmai viso devakrta nimantas sahyamtas 

sahi- 
[f. 57 a.] havyo babhuva | prajapate abhi no nesi vasv orvo 

gavyutis abhimatisahah 'vardhaya 
nn indram vrhata renaya devarh devena havisa vardhanena 

z yatha vigvas pr- 
tanat samjaya yatha gat run sahasa manasa mahi yathasah 

samran susa- 
mrad devatte indro aprativadharii krnotu ayam viro prati 

hantu gatfn vagve 
deva usas adas karaya nasya prajam ririsam nota viran 

imam indra | ja- 
hi gatrun prati randhayasvagnis te gopa adhipa vasisthah 

gar ma te raja 

varuno ni yaccha deva tvendro aprativadham krnotu z 2 z 
Read: hantayam astu pratighaty asat sam vam indragni 
prtanavrsnih prajapatir a dadhad ojo 'smai vrhad dhavir 
havisa vardhanena z 1 z prajapate havisa vardhanena hanta- 
ram indram akrnor agadhyam | tasmai vigo devakrta namanta 
sa hanta sa vihavyo babhuva z 2 z prajapate abhi no nesi 
vasurvim gavyutim abhimatisahah | vardhayann indram vrhate 
ranaya devam daivena havisa vardhanena z 3 z yatha vigvas 
pytanas samjaya yatha gatrun sahasa manasa | mahl yathasah 



374 L. C. Barret, [1912. 

supran susamrad devas tvendro aprativadham krnotu z 4 z 
ayam viro prati hantu gatrun vigve deva osam adhas karayan | 
nasya prajam ririsan not a viran imSn indrah z 5 z jahi ga- 
trun prati randhayasvagnis te gopa adhipa vasisthah | garma 
te raja varuno ni yacchad devas tvendro aprativadham krnotu 
z 6 z 2 z 

A goodly number of objections might be brought against 
the emendations offered, but I think the intent of the hymn 
cannot be mistaken. In st. la apratigha is suggested but it 
brings difficulties with it; in Ic adadhad might stand, or even 
adadad as in the ms. In VS. 8. 46 and other Yajus texts 
there is a stanza similar to our no. 2; most of these texts 
have avadhyam in pada b for our agadhyam, they have sam 
anamanta purvir in c where I write devakrta namanta and 
for d they have ayam ugro vihavyo yathasat; my emendation 
of pada d is pure conjecture. About st. 5b I am very doubt- 
ful, but the reading given seems possible. 

28. [f. 57 a, 1. 7.] 

sam spretham 

tanubhyam sam mukhabhyam sam atmana sam vam vrah- 

manaspatis somas sam spar9a- 
yabhu vam 

In d read spargayatu, or possibly spargayatu. Cf. C. 6. 
74. 1. 

abhy asya nahami vaca dadhami nahasoksase pame 

dahinam ka- 
me labhai krsnam ivakhare 

For the first hemistich I can get nothing satisfactory; I in- 
cline to think that some accusative should stand in place of 
nahami. For c perhaps we might read upa me dahinam kame, 
the upa to be taken with labhai. 

yah premas prenyam asld dattah somena babhru- 
nam | tasmad adhi 9rutam mano mayy asya manahitam 

In a read premas, or perhaps prema, in b babhruna: in c 
srutam, in d mana ahitam. Cf. Q. 6. 89. 1 ab and 1. 1. 2d. 

yam pusarhsarh kamayete ya- 
sminn a bhagam icchate | hr^chokam asminn a dadhmo 

yatha 9isyati tvam a- 
nu | yathasya hrdayam gisyad 

For a yam pumansam kamayate seems good. In c read 



Vol. xxxii.J The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 375 

hrcchokam, in d gusyati and in e c,usyat. It seems proper to 
end the verse at this point though the ms. has no sign. 

apigcham neva 9am gum ca | ksur aka^arh 
bhima mampagyam abhinorujarh priyamkaram uttamam 

madhughena tad abhrtam 

For the first few words I am unable to make a suggestion, 
and therefore cannot feel sure that they belong with this 
verse. For the rest I think we may read: caksur akac.am 
bhimam mampacjam abhirorudam | priyamkaranam uttamam 
madughena tad abhrtam. Of. Q. 7. 38. Ib and our next 
hymn st. 2. 

tvam ha- 
si varcasyo atho hasya sumangalah atho sarvasam viru- 

dham priya- 
nkaranam ucyase | 

Read: tvam hasi varcasyo atho hasi sumangalah | atho sar- 
vasam vlrudham priyankaranam ucyase z 6 z 3 z 

The ms. gives no indication of the end of this hymn and 
I have made this arrangement principally because the norm 
of this book is six stanzas: it seems not impossible that the 
last two stanzas should go with the next hymn, but the 
connection does not seem close enough to force us to such an 
arrangement. 

29. [f. 57 a, 1. 16.] 
Q. 7. 38 (in part). 
pratici somam asy osadhe praticy anu suryam pra- 

ticT vi- 
9van devahs tatha tvacchavadamasi | imam khanasy osa- 

dhim vitantrim a- 
nutahtunarh ayatah patirahdhani parayato nivartanam | 

amusyaham paraya- 
ta ayato mano agrabham agrabham hastim mano atho 

hrdayarh manah mayi te 
[f. 57 b.] manahitam mayi cittam mayi vratam mamed apa 

kratav aso mamasa9 ced asT 
dapi | aham vadani maha tvam sabhayam ha tvam vada 

mameda j 9astim kevalo 
nabhyasam kirtay9 cina yadi vasya dirocanam yadi va 

nadyas tirah | 
yam tva mahrm osadhir vadhveva nyanayah z 4 z 

Eead: pratici somam asy osadhe praticy anu suryam | pra- 

VOL. XXXII. Part IV. 26 



376 L. C. Barret, [1912. 

tlci vigvan devans tatha tvacchavadamasi z 1 z imam khanamy 
osadhim vitantrim anutantunam | ayatah pratirandhanlm para- 
yato nivartanam z 2 z amusyaham parayata Syato mano 
agrabham | agrabham hastim mano atho hrdayam manah z 
3 z mayi te mana ahitam mayi cittam mayi vratam | mamed 
aha kratav aso mama cittam a sidasi z 4 z aham vadani 
maha tvam sabhayam aha tvam vada | mamed asas tvam 
kevalo nanyasam kirtayac. cana z 5 z yadi vasi tirojanam yadi 
va nadyas tirah | iyam tva mahyam osadhir baddhveva nyana- 
yat z 6 z 4 z 

Pada b of st. 2 I have not tried to emend thinking it 
might be taken to mean "having various magic powers and 
widely effective", or something of that sort; the mampacjam 
abhirorudam of Q. is no better. Our stt. 3 and 4 are not in 
Q. but st. 4 has appeared in Paipp. 2. 77. 1; the form here 
is what was suggested there. St. 5 has also appeared in 
Paipp. 2. 79. 5 with ankena me nyanayat for pada d. 

30. [f. 57 b, 1. 4.] 
Q. 19. 57. 

yatha kalam i- 
teka mam rajano gusmrnany aguh sam 9usthagus sam ka- 

lagus sam asma- 
su susvaptrim nir di9ate dusvaptrim suvama z devanam 

patmnam garbha ya- 
masya karana | yo bhadras svapna sva muma yas papas 

tarn dvisate pra hinma 
tyastama namasi krsnagakuner mukham nirrter mukharh 

tarn tva svapna ta- 
tha vidma | svapnos svaptva a9Viva kayam a9viva nina- 

harh | ma- 
smakarh devapiyum priyaruru vapsa | yad asmasu dus- 

vapm yad go- 
su ya9 ca no gr no grhe | sasmakam devapiyuh priyarururh 

niska- 
m iva prati mufi9atarh navaratnm apamayam asmakarh tan- 

vas pari 
dusvapnyo sarvam durbhutam dvisater nir dvisamasi z 

divsater nir dvi- 
samasi z 5 z anu 6 z 



Vol. xxxii.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 377 

For the first part of this we may read as follows: yatha 
kalam. ity eka z 1 z sam rajano 'gus sam rnany agus sam 
kus^ha agus sam kala aguh | sam asmasu dus.vapnyaiii 
nir dvisate dusvapnyaih suvama z 2 z devanam patninam 
garbha yamasya karana yo bhadras svapna | sa mama yas 
papas tarn dvisate pra hinmah z 3 z 

The quotation of st. 1 by pratlka only indicates the pre- 
vious appearance of the stanza in this text, viz. Bk. 2. 37. 3, 
thus: yatha kalam yatha c,apham yatharnam sam nayanti | 
eva dusvapnyam sarvam apriye sam nayamasi. In the first 
part of st. 3 it would seem that the vocatives might stand. 

In st. 4 our text is as hopeless as that of Q.: in tyastama 
it may be that we have only a corruption of what stands in 
the Q. pada-mss. matrsta (note that the last syllable of the 
preceding line is ma), or it might be that trstama as intended; 
this latter is a palaeographic possibility and occurs as the 
name of a river RV. 10. 75. 6. For the second part of the 
stanza I have nothing worth suggesting. In the third part 
sasmakam may be intended, and we may read piyarum; for 
vapsa we might then read with Whitney-Roth vapa. 

For the last two stanzas we may. read: yad asmasu dus- 
vapnyam yad gosu yac ca no grhe | sasmakam devaplyum pi- 
yarum niskam iva prati muncatam z 5 z navaratnin t apamayam 
asmakam tanvas pari | dusvapnyam sarvam durbhutam dvisate 
nir dvisamasi z 6 z 5 z anu 6 zz 

While not wholly satisfactory this is rather better than the 
version of Q., in which the last stanza is not metrical: I be- 
lieve it is so here. 



31. [f. 57 b, 1. 14] 
Of. MS. 2. 4. 7. 

deva marutas prsnimata- 
ro apo dattoditirh bhihta [ divas prthivya uror antari- 

ksat ta- 
smai ksattraya neta vrahmanabhyah prajabhya abhya 

osadhibhyas svaha 
deva agni indra surya apah devag cojo mittravaruna 

yamarh 

tapah devas pitaro mavyas kravyapah devapsusado path 

napat tannu- 

26* 



378 L. C. Barret, [1912. 

[f. 58 a/] napam naragansapo dattoditim bhihta deva vrhas- 

pate apo dehy aditim bhih- 
ti ] deva prajapate apah deva paramesthin apo dehy aditim 

bhihti | devas pr- 
thivya uror antariksat tammai ksattraya nena prahmana- 

bhyas prajabhya abhya osa- 
dhibhyas svaha z i z 

Read: deva marutas prgnimataro apo dattodadhim bhinta | 
divas prthivya uror antariksat tasmai ksatraya na ita | vrah- 
manabhyah prajabhya adbhya osadhibhyas svaha z I z deva 
agna indra suryapo | divas z 2 z devag tcojo mitra- 
varunaryamann apo & | divas z 3 z devas pitaro vasav- 
yas kravyado 'po | divas z 4 z deva apsusado 'pam na- 
pat tanunapan naragansapo dattodadhim bhinta ( divas z 
5 z deva vrhaspate apo dehy udadhim bhindhi | divas na 
ihi | vrahmanabhyah z 6 z deva prajapate apo dehy uda- 
dhim bhindhi | divas * z 7 z deva paramesthinn apo dehy 
udadhim bhindhi | divas prthivya uror antariksat tasmai ksa- 
traya na ihi | vrahmanabhyah prajabhya adbhya osadhibhyas 
svaha z 8 z 1 z 

In the stanza corresponding to our st. 3 MS. has devac, 
garmanya, which suggests for our text the possibility of devSc, 
garma no; I have thought also of deva agvinau, but neither 
of these is compelling. 

32. [f. 58 a, 1. 4.] 

Q. 2. 34. 

prajapater jayamanas praja jatag ca ya i- 
mah ta asmai prativedaya cikitvan anu manyataih esam 



patih pagunam catuspadam uta va ye dvipadah niskritas 

te yajfii- 
ya yanti lokam ray as posa yajamanam majantarh pramun- 

canto bhuvanasya 
gopa gatum deva yajamanaya dhattah upakrtaih gigumanam 

yaj a- 
sthar priyam devanam apy eti pathah ye badhyamanam 

anu didhyanarhni- 
ksanta manasa caksusa ca | agnis tan agre pra mumukta 

devah prajapatis pra- 



Vol. xxxii.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 379 

jabhis sarhvidanam yesam prano na badhnanti baddham 

gavarh paunam uta 
paurusanam | indras tarn ya aranyas pacavo vigvarupa 

uta ye 
kurupah vayus tvan ,agre pra mumukta devas prajapatis 

prajabhis sarh- 
vidanam prajanantah prati grhnantu devas pranam ange- 

bhyas pary a ca- 
rantabhyarh gaccha prati tistha garlrais svargarh yahi 

pathibhi civebhih 
z 2 2 

Read: prajapater jayamanas praja jatag ca ya imah | ta 
asmai prativedaya cikitvan anu manyatam z 1 z yesam Ige 
pa^upatih pagunam catuspadam uta va ye dvipadah | niskrltas 
te yajniyam yantu lokam rayas posa yajamanam sacantam 
z 2 z pramuiicanto bhuvanasya gopa gatum deva yajamanaya 
dhatta | upakrtani QaQamanam yad asthat priyam devanam 
apy etu pathah z 3 z ye badhyamanam anu didhyana anvaik- 
santa manasa caksusa ca | agnis tan agre pra mumoktu devah 
prajapatis prajabhis samvidanah z 4 z yesam tprano na badh- 
nanti baddham gavam pagunam uta paurusanam | indras tan 
z 5 z ya aranyas pagavo vigvarupa virupa uta ya eka- 
rupah vayus tan agre pra mumoktu devas prajapatis praja- 
bhis samvidanah z 6 z prajanantah prati grhnantu devas 
pr&nam angebhyas pary acarantam dyam gaccha prati tistha 
garirais svargam yahi pathibhig givebhih z 7 z 2 z 

These stanzas appear also TS. 3. 1. 4. 1 and KS. 30. 8 
our first stanza is not in Q, and our fifth is new. Our pada 
2b is a mixture of the version of Q. catuspadam uta yo dvi- 
padam, and that of KS. catuspada uta ye dvipadah; it might 
be better to read catuspada in our version. I think the simplest 
emendation in its st. 5 a would be pranena. In 6b I have 
inserted virupa which all the texts have. 

33. [f. 58 a, 1. 16.] 

Q. 2. 6. 

mamas tvagna rtavo vardhayantu samvatsara rsayo ya nu 
sakhya | sam dyumnena didhihi rocanena vigva a bhabhih 

pradigac ca- 

tasrah | sarh ceddhyasvagne prati bodhayenam 115 ca tistha 

mahate saubhaga- 



380 L. C. Barret, [1912. 

ya | ma te risamn upasatta te agne vrahmanas te yagasas 

santu pa- 
[f. 58 b.] nye tvam agne vrnute vrahmana ime givo gre 

prabhrno nedihi sapattra- 
gre abhimabhicad u bhavah sve ksa didihy aprayucchan. 

ihaivagne 
adhi dharaya rayim ma tva dabhah purvacitta nikarinah 

ksattra- 
m agne suyamam astu tubhyam uta sattra vardhatam te 

niskrtah ksettrana- 
gne mbena sarh rabhasva mittrenagne mittradheyam vaca- 

sva | sajatanarh madhya- 
mestheha ma sya rajnam agne vihavyo didihya | ati nuho 

ti nirr- 
tir any atatlr ati dvisah vigva hy agne durita cara tvam 

athasma- 
bhyarh sahaviram rayin dah anadhrsyo jataveda anisthato 

vira- 
d agne ksattribhir didihya vi miva pramuncah manusye- 

bhyac givebhir a- 
bhya pari pahi no gayyaih z 3 z 

Read: samas tvagna ytavo vardliayantu samvatsara rsayo 
ya nu sakhya | sain dyumnena didihi rocanena vigva a bhahi 
pradiga^ catasrah z 1 z sam cedhyasvagne prati bodhayainam 
uc ca tistha mahate saubhagaya | ma te risann upasattaro 
agne yrahmanas te yagasas santu manye z 2 z tvam agne 
v^nate Yrahmana ime givo 'gne prabhur nu na edhi | sapatna- 
hagne abhimatijid u bhava sve ksaye didihy aprayucchan z 
3 z ihaivagne adhi dharaya rayim ma tva dabhan purvacitta 
nikarinah ! ksatram suyamam astu tubhyam uta satta vard- 
hatam te 'niskrtah z 4 z ksatrenagne svena sam rabhasva 
mitrenagne mitradheyam vacasva | sajatanam madhyamestha iha 
sa sya rajnam agne vihavyo didihiha z 5 z ati tnuho 'ti nirr- 
tir aty aratir ati dvisah | vi^va hy agne durita cara tvam 
athasmabhyam sahaviram rayim dah z 6 z anadhrsyo jataveda 
anistrto virad agne ksatrabhrd didihiha | vigva amivah pra- 
muncan manusyebhya^ givebhir adya pari pahi no gayaih 
z 7 z 3 z 

In st. Ib it is entirely possible that the reading ya nu 
sakhya is only a corruption of yani satya which all the others 
have. The reading of st. 2c given in our ms. seems to involve 



Vol. xxxii.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 381 

a mixture of the Q. form and the form given by the Yajus 
texts. In st. 4d upasatta as in the other texts would prob- 
ably be better. St. 5c has appeared in this book no. 1. 4c. 
In st. 7d the ms. makes the correction to adya. Our st. 4 

is Q. 7. 82. 3 and our st. 7 is Q. 7. 84. 1. 

34. [f. 58 b, 1. 10.] 

g. 3. 20. 

ayaih te yonir rtviyo ya- 
to jato arocathah tarn janann agna a rohatha no vardhaya 

rayim 

Read rohatha in cd, and rayim before the period and 
numeral. 

pra 
datararh havamahe agnim ugram utaye | uciryo vrttra- 

hahttamam 

The first pada of these appears TS. 1. 7. 13. 4 a, but refers 
to Indra. In the margin opposite these padas is the follow- 
ing: somam rajanam agervacana (to be corrected agirvacana). 
It seems then that there is here a grouping of four pratlkas, 
and that they do not form a stanza of this hymn. 

In the third pada vrtrahantamam seems to be intended, 
agne gcha vadeha nah | pratyan nas sumana bhava pra no 
yaccha vigam pate dhanadasi nas tvarii. 

In a read 'ccha, place colon after bhava: in d read dhanada 
asi, and tvam before the period. 

pra no yacchatv aryama pra bhaga- 
s pra pusa prota sunrtah rayim devi dadhatu nah 

In a read pra; drawing on Q. we may read for b pra bha- 
gas pra vrhaspatih. In c read sunrta. 

aryamanam vrha- 
spatim indram danaya codaya vatarh visnum sarasvatiih 

savitaram ca 
vajinarh 

In pada b read danaya. 

somam rajanam avase gnim girbhir havamahe adityam 
visnurh suryam vrahmanarh ca vrhaspatim 

Eead 'gnim in b; in d vrhaspatim before the period. The 
stanza is no. 5. 

suhaveha havamahe | ya- 
tha nas sarvam ij janas sangasatyam sumana hasat. | | 



382 L. C. Barret, [1912. 

The omission of pada a is probably accidental; in Q. it is 
indravayu ubhav iha. In c read sarva; the form sarvam may 
be due in some way to TS. 4. 5. 1. 2, where sarvam ij jagat 
stands. For d read sangatyam sumana asat. 
[f. 59 a.] tvam no agna agnibhir vrahmanam ca vardhaya 

tvam no devatataye rayim dana- 
ya codaya | 

In pada a read agne; it seems very probable that vrahma- 
nam in b is only a corruption of vrahma yajnam as in Q. 
vajasyedam prasave sambabhuva ya ima ca vigva bhuva- 
nany antah utatichantam damayatu prajanam rayim dhehi 

sarvaviram 
ni yacchatam. 

While it seems possible to read pada a as it stands here, 
ending with ya, I am inclined to think that ya represents 
only a transitional sound of pronunciation and that the cor- 
rect reading is sam babhuvema ca : in Q. too I think we 
might emend to sam babhuvema on the basis of dittography. 
For our pada c read utaditsantam dapayatu prajanan; yac- 
chatam in d. 

duran me pafica pradigo duram urvi yathabalam. 
prapeyam sarva makutlr manasa hrdayena ca | 

In a read duhram, in b duhram urvlr: in c ma akutlr. 

gosanim vaca- 
m udeyam varcasa mabhy arunyamhi | ayu rundham sar- 

vato va tvasta pu- 
saya riyatam z 4 z 

Head: gosanim vacam udeyam varcasa mabhy tarunyamhi | 
a rundham sarvato vayus tvasta posaya dhriyatam z 10 z 4 z 

It is possible that the end of pada b has gotten confused 
with the beginning of pada c, and that we ought to read as 
in Q. mabhyudihi. The form suggested for d appears Q. 6. 
141. Ib. 

35. [f. 59 a, 1. 7.] 

Q. 19. 15. 

yata indra bhayamahe tato no abhayam 
krdhi | maghavah sakti tava tvam na tudbhir vi dviso vi 

mrdho jahi | i- 

ndrarh vayam anoradham havamahe anuradhyassad dvi- 

pad9 catuspada | 



Vol. xxxii.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 383 

ma na sonararusir usa gur visucir indra druho vi na- 

9aya | i- 
ndras tratotu vrttraha parampa no varenyah | ca raksata 

caramatas sva 
madhyatas sva pa9cat sva purasthan no stu z rurum no 

lokam anu nesi vidva- 
n svarva jyotir abhayam svasti | ugra ta i sthavirasya 

bahuh upa kse- 
ma 9arana vrhanta abhayam nas karaty antariksam a- 

bhayarh dyavapr- 
thivi ubhe ! abhayam paccad abhayam purastad uttara- 

dhad abhayam no 
stu abhayam mittrad abhayam amittrabhi jnatad abhayam 

puro yah abha- 
yam naktam abhayam diva nas sarvaa mittram bhavan- 

tu z 5 z 
anu z 7 z 

In 1. 10 the ms. corrects usa to upa. 

Read: yata indra bhayamalie tato no abliayam krdhi | 
magliavan Qagdhi tava tvani na utibhir vi dviso vi mrdho 
jahi z I z indram vayam anuradham havamahe anu radhyas- 
ma dvipada catuspada j ma nah sena ararusir upa gur visu- 
cir indra druho vi nagaya z 2 z indras tratota vrtraha paras- 
pa no varenyah | sa raksita caramatas sa madhyatas sa pagcat 
sa purastan no 'stu z 3 z urum no lokam anu nesi vidvan 
svarvaj jyotir abhayam svasti ugra ta indra sthavirasya bahu 
upa ksiyema ^arana vrhanta z 4 z abhayam nas karaty an- 
tariksam abhayam dyavaprthivl ubhe | abhayam pa^cad ahha- 
yam purastad uttarad adharad ahhayam no 'stu z 5 z abha- 
yaih mitrad ahhayam amitrad ahhayam jnatad abhayam puro 
yah abhayam naktam abhayam diva nas sarva ac,a mitraih 
bhavantu z 6 z 5 z anu 7 z. 

36. [f. 59 a, 1. 18.] 

Contains RV. 1. 102. 4, 6, 9, 10. 

me prehi mapa kramag catfnam vedakhida | 

indras sapattraha bhlmah samjayas te samanrdhak. tvam 

[f. 59 b.] jayasi na parajayasa abhye9v aso maghavan ma- 

hatsu ca | ugram 

cit tarn avase sarh si9imahe sa tvam na indra havanesu 

mrda | goji- 



384 L. C. Barret, [1912. 

ta bahu samakratuyat karmah-karmah gatamucidamkara | 

akalpa i- 
ndro pratimanam ojasa tvam na indra havanesu mrda | 

vedaham indra pri- 
yam asya 9evadhirh yad asya nama guhyam samike | 

sarhyaj jayapi magha- 
va mamam praty admakam vidhmo vihace havam gamat. 

z tva jayema tvaya 
yuja vrta vrdho asmakam ahgum uta va bhare-bhare | as- 

mabhyam indra va- 
rivas sugam krdhi pra gattrunarh maghavan vrja tvam de- 

vesu prathamam sam a- 
rabhe tvam babhuyatha prtanasu sasahih somam nas karum 

upamanyum udbhi- 
dam indra karasi prasave ratharh purah z i z 

Eead: ma prelii mapa krama ^atrunam veda akhida ( in- 
dras sapatnaha bhimah samjayas te sam anrdliat z I z tvarii 
jayasi na parajaya tasa arbhesv aso maghavan mahatsu ca | 
ugram cit tvam avase sam (^igimahe sa tvam na indra hava- 
nesu mrda z 2 z gojita bahu sa sam akratuyat karman-karman 
Qatamutis khajamkarah | akalpa indras pratimanam ojasa sa 
tvarn na indra havanesu mrda z 3 z vedaham indra priyam 
asya gevadhim yad asya nama guhyam samike | samyaj jayapi 
maghava saman praty asmakam tyidhmo vihacet havam gamat 
z 4 z vayam jayema tvaya yuja vrta vrdho asmakam an^am 
ud ava bhare-bhare | asmabhyam indra varivas sugam krdhi 
pra gatrunam maghavan vrsnya ruja z 5 z tvam devesu pra- 
thamam sam arabhe tvam babhutha prtanasu sasahih | semam 
nas karum upamanyum "udbhidam indra karasi prasave ratham 
purah z 6 z 1 z 

The reading given for st. Ic seems probable; but we must 
also consider samjayate saman rdhak. The general sense of 
st. 2 ab is fairly clear, but the exact reading I cannot get: 
RV. has tvam jigetha na dhana rurodhitharbhesv aja . In 
st. 3 a the reading given seems possible, but in view of RV. 
form gojita bahu amitakratuh simah we might conclude that 
the Paipp. form was simo 'mitakratur yah. In st. 4d 
indro vihave might be considered a possibility. St. 5 is given 
as it stands both in RV. and Q. 7. 50. 4. Our stt. 1 and 4 
have no parallels. 

The ms. corrects to jayami in st. 2 and asmakam in st. 5. 



Vol. xxxii.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 385 

37. [f. 59 b, 1. 10.] 

smara smaro si 
devair datto si smara | amusya manassara yathaham ka- 

maye tatha 90- 
9ocayamya hrdayaih kama gacchahga jvaro dahatu 9oca- 

tutmana | sanka- 
Ipastya smarantadhibhir yamaivasya didhmo hanam anya- 

naranandah 
pramuthyato manumaho naivo nastakarta arnavah ave9inls 

pradrupo ro- 
payisnur etas tvabhya prahino vrahmana rtukantuni rtvida 

grama- 
bhyasini svapna yacchatu dudhna manomuha | ave9inis 

pradrupo ro- 

po ropayisnur eras tvadya prahinomi vrahmana | indragnl 
mittravaruna cebhyotayata dyavaprthivi ma- 
[f. 60 a.] tari9va | a9vina devas savita bhaga9 ca mana- 

studhnayantu naram asa trtrayas trih- 
9as tva bhudhnahtu devagni9 cid yam upa te bharadvaja9 

cam uta yas trin9atah9 chinne 
vanordhvarh dhana pra plavasva z etas patyanty abhyo 

varsikir iva vidyutah tasarh 
tigraho bhava sayam gostho gavam iva ni9irso nipati- 

tabhyo ve9aya- 
mi te | tas tvasam uttantir bodhayantlr upa sabham. etas 

tvadya prahino- 
mi vrahmana stris pra purogavarh tas tva trnam iva 9oka- 

yam atho tva ro- 
daya bahuh z 2 z 

In f. 59 b 1. 15 the ms. corrects bhya to dya: also dyo to 
dhyo f. 60 a 1. 3. 

Out of all this I have been able to emend only some few 
portions; the sphere of the charm is evident but the parti- 
cular intent is not. 

For the first stanza we might read the following: smara 
smaro 'si devair datto 'si smara | amusya manas smara yatha- 
ham kamaye tatha gocayasya hrdayam. Next we seem to 
have four padas of fair cadence, thus: kama gacchanga jvaro 
dahatu Qocatu manah | sankalpa asya smarantadhibhir tyamai- 
vasya dadhmau. In the last pada we might possibly read yan 



386 L. (7. Barret, [1912. 

evasya. The next pada would seem to be hanam anyanara- 
nandah meaning perhaps "may I smite those women who take 
pleasure with other women's husbands"; and next we seem to 
have pramuhyato manomuho. After this I can get nothing 
helpful until the sixth line below where the reading might be 
chinne vana urdhvam dhana pra plavasva. 

We seem to get next the following stanza: etas patyanty 
adhyo varsikir iva vidyutah | tasam pratigraho bhava sayam 
gostho gavam iva. There follows a stanza whose first two 
padas parallel Q. 1: 131. 1 ab, and our pada a seems to be 
the same with that of Q.; the hemistich might read thus: ni 
girsato ni pattata adhyo vegayami te. A bold rewriting 
would give a second hemistich for this stanza thus: tas tva- 
san uttaravatir bodhayantir upa sabham. It looks however 
as if the stanza ends at the colon after vrahmana: perhaps 
this last clause which appears three times in the hymn might 
be read etas tvad adhyah prahinomi vrahmana. Out of stris 
pra purogavam I get nothing; but for the rest it seems fairly 
safe to read tas tva trnam iva c,ocayan atho tva rodayan 
bahu. 

It will of course be evident that these emendations are 
offered with no great assurance. The amount of material 
would make about nine stanzas: the hymn is no. 2 in the 
anuvaka. 

38. [f. 60 a, 1. 7.] 
Verses found in Q. 4. 14; 9. 5; and Kaug. 68. 26. 

ajo hy agner ajanista 9okat so pa9yej jani- 
taram agre tena deva devatam agrayan tena rohan aro- 

ham upa medhiyah- 
sah z kramadhvam agnibhin naka meksah hastesu bibhrata 

divas prsarh svar gatva 
rni9ra devebhir adhvam | agne prehi prathamo deva etarh 

caksur devanam uta ma- 
rtyanam. | iyaksamana bhrgubhis sajosasas svar yantu ya- 

jamana 
s svasti z svar yanto napeksantanta dyam rohantu ra- 

dhasah agni vi9vatodharam sa- 
vidvahso vitenire | agnim yunajmi 9avasa ghrtena divyam 

samudram payasam 



Vol. xxxii.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 387 

ruhantam | tena gesma sukrtasya lokam sa ruhana adhi 

nakam uttamam | imau 
te paksa ajarau patattrinau yabhyam raksahsy apahahsy 

odanah tabhyam patyasmi 
sukrtasya lokam yatrarsayas prathamajas puranah yadi 

tistho sivas prsthe 
vyomahn ady odanah anvayah satyadharmano vrahmana 

radhasa saha | 
prsthat prthivyam antariksam arham antariksa divam ar- 

ham divo nakasya prstha 
t svar jyotir agam aham. | ajo sy aja svargo si taya lokam 

angirasas pra- 
[f. 61 a.] janan. | tarn lokam anu pra jnesma yena va sahas- 

yarh vahasi yena ya sarvave- 
dasam. temarh yajnarh no vaha svar devesu gantave | 

aja ta pacata pahca coda- 
na | ajarh pahcaudanam paktva devalokan samanaguh | 

Read: ajo ky agner ajanista gokat so 'pa^yaj janitaram 
agre | tena deva devatam agra ayan tena rohan arohan upa 
medhiyansah z 1 z kramadhvam agnibhir nakam meksan has- 
tesu bibhratah [ dwas prstham svar gatva migra devebhir adh- 
vam z 2 z agne prehi prathamo devayatam caksur devanam 
uta martyanam | iyaksamana bhrgubhis sajosasas svar yantu 
yajamanas svasti z 3 z svar yanto napeksanta a dyam ro- 
hantu radhasah | yajnam ye vigvatodharam suvidvanso vitenire 
z 4 z agniiii yunajmi gavasa ghrtena divyam samudraih paya- 
sam ruhantam | tena gesma sukrtasya lokam svo ruhana adhi 
nakam uttamam z 5 z imau te paksa ajarau patatrinau yabh- 
yam raksansy apahansy odanah | tabhyam pathyasma sukrtasya 
lokam yatrarsayas prathamajas puranah z 6 z yad atistho 
divas prsthe vyomann adhy odana | anvayan satyadharmano 
vrahmana radhasa saha z 7 z prsthat prthivya aham antarik- 
sam aruham antariksad divam aruham | divo nakasya prsthat 
svar jyotir agam aham z 8 z ajo 'sy aja svargo 'si tvaya lo- 
kam angirasas prajanan | tarn lokam anu jnesma z 9 z yena 
va sahasram vahasi yena va sarvavedasam | tenemain yajnam 
no vaha svar devesu gantave z 10 z ajam ca pacata panca 
caudanan | ajam pancaudanan paktva devalokan samanaguh 
z 11 z 3 z. 

Stanzas 6 and 7 are in Kaug. 68, the last three in Q. 9. 5. 
In st. 4c I have adopted the reading of Q. I think there 



388 jr. a Barret, [1912. 

is reason to doubt whether the last part of st. 11 is really 
part of the hymn. 

In st. 7b the ms. corrects to adhy. 

39. [f. 60 b, 1. 3.] 

ya te praja 
vihata parabhu dhruvenagvitapam bharami | agnis te tarn 

adyamah 
punar dad vaigvanarah 

Read parabhud in pada a; in b dhruvena is pretty clearly 
the first word, and sam bharami may be the verb, but I can 
get nothing more out of the pada. For padas cd we might 
read agnis te tarn t*adyamah punar dadad vaigvanarah: pada 
c lacks one syllable. 

paramasmabhyo mnastam patig 9ivo gni dvitlyam 

ml prajam 
jaradasti satasva | muncainam grahyan nirrtir yad aban- 

dhagne prajam praja- 
kamaya dhehi | 

Possible readings here seem to be 'mnas tarn and 'gnir in 
a, dvitiyam me and jaradastim in b: sadhasva is the only thing 
I can suggest for satasva. For cd we may read muncainam 
grahya nirrtir yad abadhnad agne . 

tvam agne vrsabham vagiteyam anyajat putrakamasu 
paryati | tarn a roha sumanasyamanas prajapates pra nay a 

resimnaih | 

At the end of a we, might read vagata iyam; anyajah, if 
it may mean "ready to give birth again", might stand in b, 
with pary eti. It would seem that prajapate ought to stand 
in d, but resimnam I cannot solve; enam may be at the end 
of the pada. 
tubhyam nan putrakama yam agne guddham putam ghrtam 

a juhoti | ta 
m ani tarn ani skandha vilayasva netodha ugrah prajaya 

sam srjmam 

In a we may read yad agne: in b I would read tarn adhi 
skanda, for d retodha ugrah prajaya sam srjainam. Of. Q. 5. 
25. 8. 
parvatad divo yene gatrad-gatrat samagrutam. neto devas- 

ya devasma- 
rau parnam iyadhah 



Vol.xxxii.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 389 

. 

This appears in Q. 5. 25. 1. In a read yoner, in b samasr- 
tam seems possible; Q. has samabhrtam. For c read reto de- 
vasya devas, and for d sarau parnam iva dhan seenis possible; 
Q. has gepo garbhasya retodhah sarau parnam iva dadhat. 

indrasya jatasya prapapata nabhis tarn ekodenas pra- 
ti jagrahas kamT | tvaya vayam vrahmanas somapas supaya 
s sutayana suyate z 4 z 

The first letter of the last line is not certain. I can do no 
more with this than the division of words indicates. The stanza 
is no. 6 and the hymn no. 4. 

This is clearly a charm for successful conception, and it 
seems to be intended to help obtain a child in place of 
one lost. 

40. [f. 60 b, 1. 14.] 

tyajanan tyajanam jatam tyajanam 
jayate gara | na esati na gocati yas tva bi- 
bharti tejana pautram asi tejanah pautram te prabhanjanam 

pautro stu so ka- 
mo yena murcham ayamahe z ya dosag garo stv odane- 

bhyas krnavadbhyam tava do- 
sa tvam tejanas tyajanam maruto dadham. tyajanam me vigve 

devas tyajanam pita- 
ro dadham. tenaham anyesam striyo tyaksam pura ma- 

dhyadinad uta | pura sa- 
[f. 61 a.] yityadi tyaksam tejane ya mahad vilam | asthad 

dyaumr asthat prthivy asthad vigvam i- 
dam jagat. asthad dvihvrdevas tisthat kamo ay am tava 

z 5 z a 8 

zz zz ity atharvanikapaipaladagakhayam trtiyas kanda 
s samaptah zz zz 

Read: tyajanat tyajanam jatam tyajanam jayate c,ara | nai- 
sati na gocati yas tva bibharti tejana] z 1 z pavitram asi 
tejana pavitram te prabhanjanam | pavitro 'stu sa kamo yena 
murcham ayamahe z 2 z yavan dosag garo 'stv odanebhyas 
karnavadbhyam | tavan dosas tvam tejana tyajanam maruto 
dadhan z 3 z tyajanam me vigve dev&s tyajanam pitaro da- 
dhan | tenaham anyesam striyo^* *** z4z * * * tyaksaiii 
pura madhyamdinad uta | pura fsayityadi tyaksam tejane yan 
mahad bilam z 5 z asthad dyaur asthat prthivy asthad vig- 



390 L. C. Barret, The Kaslimirian Atharva Veda. [1912. 

vam idam jagat | asthad vihvarita eva tisthat kamo ayam 
tava z 6 z 5 z anu 8 z 

ity atharvanikapaippaladagakkayam trtlyas kandas samap- 
tah zz 

In st. Ib garah seems entirely possible though not neces- 
sary. The reading given for Sab seems possible, but the 
word odanebhyas creates doubts; I should think that some- 
thing like dhanubhyas karnavadbhyah would fit the context better. 
The ms. gives no hint of the lacuna I have indicated in stt. 
4 and 5 but I am fairly sure that my arrangement is correct. 
In st. 5c gayitvad u would be good if we may take cjiyitva 
to mean "bed-time". St. Gab appears Q. 6. 44. lab and 6. 
77. lab; the conjecture for pada c fits in so neatly that I 
have ventured to write it as a sure correction. But after all 
is said this hymn is left in an uncertain state. 



POSTSCRIPT. 

In each of the following stanzas the first line of transliteration does 
not correspond exactly with the ms. in spacing: in hymns 8. 5; 12. 8; 
16. 3; 18. 3; 22. 4; 25. 12; 34. 8. In each case the line of transliteration 
should be indented a little to indicate that the first word of the line is 
not at the left margin of the ms. 

This postscript seems the best way to correct these errors, which will 
probably cause no serious confusion. 



The Vedic hapax susisvi-s. By EDWIN W. FAY, 

The University of Texas. 

In RV. 1. 65, which is addressed to Agni, we find the follow- 
ing pddas: 

2 c vardhantlm apah panva susiSvim 

d rtasya yona garbhe siijatam, 
of which the first means in Latin something like 

augent eum lymphae laude (?) susitsvim 

But what does susisvim mean? Oldenberg (Sacr. Books of the 
East, 46, 54) renders by 'the fine child' and Griffith's render- 
ing is 'the growing babe 7 . I suggest that susisvis is rather 
the result of spirant shifting, in which popular etymology 
played a role, for susi-svis. Native authorities define susi- t 
for which susi- is a frequent variant (cf. also susi-ra-s (1) 
'cavus', (2) 'reed, bamboo'), by (1) $osa- 'ariditas'; and actual 
usage attests (2) 'cavum'. For (1) cf. Suska- 'aridus', noting 
RV. 1. 68. 2 b: 

suskdd yad deva jivo janistliah 

arido <ligno> cum dive vivus natus es. 

With these facts before us the interpretation of susi-svis as 
'in arido <ligno> turgens' is self-suggesting, and the interpre- 
tation gains point for 1. 65. 2 c by the juxtaposition of the 
'waters' with the 'dry'. The production of fire by the drill 
and the use of dry twigs as kindling need but to be noted, 
and I have elsewhere interpreted Skr. osa-dhi-s 'plant 7 as 
generalized from an original 'Brenn-Pflanze' (TAPA., 41, 25). 
If, however -- and this I did in KZ., 37, 154, to the satis- 
faction of as sane a mythologist as the late V. Henry -- we can 
trace the Prometheus myth in the Brahmanas, we must ask our- 
selves whether the 2 d meaning of 'cavum' is not rather to be 
recognized in susi-svis. Then the epithet will refer to the 
hollow reed of the Prometheus fire-myth. Even so, the reed 
is probably but an allotropic designation for the socket slab 

VOL. XXXII. Part IV. 27 



392 Edwin W. Fay, The Vedic liapax susisvi-s. [1912. 

wherein fire was begotten. The idea of 'hollow' in susi-svis 
lends point to the two references in 1. 65. 2 d to the womb 
wherein Agni was born. 

For the posterius, -&vi-, only a word need be said: it is a 
weakest grade rootnoun used as a compounding final. The root 
is Skr. sva(y)-: Av. spa(y)~ 'turgere'. In the Agni-epithet 
Matari-svan- which, as I am explaining \& KZ. 45, 134 meant 
'in materia turgens' (= 'materiae puer'), we have a cognate 
posterius -svan- from the same root. As for the development 
of mdtari-: Lat. materia from matar- 'mother', credat Judaeus 
Apella. But if I am right in deriving materia from *(t)mater- 
'cutter' (of timber), it is possible that *mdter- 'mother' also 
comes from (fymater- 'cutter'. Testimony to the activity of 
woman in wood-cutting in the savage and semi-savage races 
could doubtless be found in abundance (see, e. g., Mason, Wo- 
man 1 s Share in Primitive Culture, pp. 32, 153), but the func- 
tion of woman as a 'cutter' is better displayed, we may think, 
in the following: "The husband has slain the deer .... and 
there his share of the operation ends. The woman .... re- 
moves the skin . . . and then divides the carcass for immediate 
consumption or to be dried. In these (sic) she is a butcher, 
and the whole earth are (sic) her shambles. This meat she 
then proceeds to apportion according to the rules of her tribe 
and her dan" (ibid. p. 27). In Germany, if my limited obser- 
vation goes for anything, woman is still the carver. In the 
final shaping of *(t)mater- the inevitable fusion therewith of 
the babbling child's mamma is not to be lost to sight. 



Postcript. 

For the explanation of Skr. osadhis as 'brenn-pflanze' cf. 
<j>pvyavov (: <j*pvyei 'roasts'), which became a regular designation, 
in the botanical classification of Theophrastus, for the class of 
shrubs. 

In sus'i-s'vis the posterius should perhaps be written -sisvis, 
with reduplication, cf. sam-sUvarl (in K. Z. 1. s. c.). 



Sanskrit dhena = Avestan daena = Lithuanian daind. 
By Dr. SAMUEL GEANT OLIPHANT, Professor in Grove 
City College, Grove City, Penna. 

The two objects of this paper are, first, to determine the 
meaning of the Sanskrit dhena and then to establish the 
equation that gives its title. 

The word dhena is found fifteen times in the RV. In the 
later Vedic and Brahmanic literature we find seven 1 of these 
passages repeated a total of seventeen times. The word is 
found also in two compounds in the RV. One of these 
occurs twice only and in the same sukta. The other occurs 
once in RV. and twice in the later literature. Two other in- 
stances, not in the RV., are found later, one occurring in six 
different works 2 and the other in three 3 . Elsewhere it is 
found; so far as the writer has discovered only in Nai- 
ghantuka I, 11, in the Unadic/anasutra (268 c j of Hemachandra 4 
and in Sayana. 

The PWB. defines dhena in the sg. as "milchende Kuh" and 
in the pi. as "Milchtrank", in all passages of the RV., except 
three. For I, 101, 10 and Y, 30, 9, it says, "viell. Stute" and 
for I, 2, 3, "viell. vom Grespann Yayu's zu verstehen ist". 
G-rassmann's Worterbucli has the definitions "Milchkuh, Stute, 

* Thus RV. I, 101, 10 b = Ndigh. 6, 17; RV. Ill, 34, 3 d = AV. XX, 
11, 3 d ; Vdj. 8., 33. 26 d ; RV. IV, 58, 6 a = Vdj. &, 13, 38 a ; 17, 94 a ; 
KS., 40, 7 a ; Tdit S., 4, 2, 9, 6 a ; MS., 2, 7, 17 a ; Tdit. Ar. A., 10, 40 a ; 
QB., 7, 5, 2, 11; Ap. Q., 17, 18, l a ; RV* V, 62, 2 C = MS., 4, 14, 10 C ; 
TB., 2, 8, 6, 6 C ; RV. VII, 94, 4 C = 8V., 2, 150 C ; RV., X, 43, 6 b = 
AV., XX, 17, 6 b ; 127., X, 104, 3 C = AV., XX, 25, 2 C , 33, 2 C . 

2 Dhena brhaspateh in MS., 1, 9, 2; KS., 9, 10; GB., 2,2, 9; Tdit. Ar., 
3, 9, 1; Vdit. S. 15, 3; Ap. Q., 11, 3, 14. 

3 Dhendbhih JtaZpamdndh in MS. 4, 13, 4; KS., 16, 21; and Tdit. Br., 
3, 6, 5, 1. 

4 The reference in PWB. to the Anekdrthasamgraha (2. 271) of this 
author seems to be an error, as the edition of Zachariae (2. 267) defines 
dhena and dheni but has no mention of dhena. 

27* 



394 8. G. Oliphant, [1912. 

Milchtrank" and in ten instances agrees with PWB. in their 
distribution, but not in the other five. Commentators and 
translators differ widely in their interpretations. Sayana gives 
six different definitions of the word. Grassmann in his RV. 
disagrees with himself in his WB. in five instances, withdraws 
"Stute" and enters "Lippen", "Weiber" and "Gewasser". Grif- 
fith's translation agrees in general with Sayana, but adds one 
definition and withdraws another. Ludwig consistently renders 
in all instances by "Stimme", "Lieder" or "Schall", but con- 
siders this difficult in Y. 62, 2 and desiderates "Strome". 
Geldner in Ved. Stud. II, 35 ff. has made a special study of 
the word and, as the result, propounds the definitions: 1. Sch wes- 
ter, viell. auch Geliebte, Frau. 2. Weibliches Tier, Kuh. 3. a. 
Zunge, 1), Stimme, Hede, Lob. In all but three instances he 
practically agrees with Sayana. Oldenberg in his Veda- 
forschung 93 ff v has a special excursus on the word and con- 
cludes that in all but two instances its meaning is "Milch- 
strome", either literally or figuratively, and in those two in- 
stances it still refers to potable fluids. 

The table opposite shows at a glance the various render- 
ings proposed in each instance. 

In view of this diversity of interpretation which attaches 
several incongruous meanings to what would seem a single word, 
it has seemed advisable to study the word anew to establish 
its fundamental signification and to trace its semantic devel- 
opment. 

In Naighantuka (I. c.) we find dhend listed as one of the 
fifty-seven synonyms oi"vak. This is the one meaning most 
frequently given by Sayana and best supported by native 
tradition as will appear in the sequel. It lends itself to our 
equation. So we start with it in the consideration of the sev- 
eral passages. 

Among these we find the greatest degree of unanimity in X, 
104, 10 

vlrenyali kratur indrah sugastir 
utdpi dhend puruhutam lite \ 

(Heroic strength and goodly praise is Indra. Yea, also 
dhena praises him, invoked of many). 

It seems clear as Ludwig observes "dafi es nicht Kuh oder 
Milch bedeuten kann". So Grassmann's sober second thought leads 
him here to substitute "Lippen" in his RV. for the ''Milch- 



Vol. 



Sanskrit dhend = Avestan daend,, &c. 



395 





















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396 S. O. Oliphant, [1912. 

kuh" of his Worterbuch and Bergaigne (La Eel Ved. II, 278, 
n. 1) says: "La vache qui 'invoque 7 Indra ne pent etre que 
la priere"* 

The worshipper's voice uplifted in the adoration of song or 
prayer would seem a better subject for the verb itte than the 
lexicographers' "cow" or Oldenberg's "oblation of milk". More- 
over, this assumption is greatly strengthened by an exami- 
nation of the ninety-five passages in the RV. that contain 
this verb. In sixty-three of these it may not be indubitably 
clear whether the praise, honor, worship, etc., expressed by the 
verb were manifested by thought and its expression in song, 
prayer, etc., or by the oblation, offering, etc. As a matter of 
fact, of course, both were integral parts of the sacrifice. In the 
great majority of these instances it would seem to the writer 
that the dominant idea in the verb is that of song or prayer. 
This may, however, be due to the more or less unconscious 
bias of one defending a thesis. So let us examine only the 
thirty-one instances exclusive of our passage in 

which there is an absolutely clear expression. In seven pas- 
sages the subjects are decisive; viz., I, 142, 4, matir\ VII, 
24, 5, arM; 45, 4, girah; 91, 2, sustutir; 93, 4. girbhir vi- 
prah; 94, 5, viprdsa, with td girbhir in 6; VIII, 60, 16, sapta 
hotdras. In no passage in the RV. is havis or any word 
meaning "oblation, offering", etc., used as the subject of this 
verb. In three passages, - VIII, 43, 22, 24; 44, 6 - - the 
immediate juxtaposition of the verb $ru shows that song or 
prayer is meant and in X, 66, 14, the same is clearly shown 
by vdcam. In thirteen passages the expressed instruments of 
the action are suktebhir vacobhir (I, 36, 1), gird (II, 6, 6; III, 
27, 2; VIII. 19, 21; 31, 14), girbhir (III, 52, 5), namasd (V, 
12, 6; X, 85, 22), namobhir (V, 1, 7; 60, 1), namasd girbhir 
X, 85, 21), stomdir (VII, 76, 6) and gdthdbhih VIII, 71, 14). 

In five passages the expressed means are havisd ghrtena 
(I, 84, 18), havirbhir (III, 1, 15), srucd (V, 14, 3) and hav- 
yebhir (VII, 8, 1; VIII, 74, 6). In the remaining two the 
expressed means are namobhir havisd (V, 28, 1) and yajnebhir 
girbhir (VI, 2, 2). Excluding these last two passages as 
neutral because of their participation in both classes, we have 
a total of twenty-four passages that clearly associate thought, 
song, or prayer, with the verb and only five that so associate 
oblation, etc. If then dhend could be either song or oh- 



Vol. xxxii.] Sanskrit dhena = Avestan daena, &c. 397 

lation, the mathematical probabilities are about five to one in 
favor of song. 

In the third stanza of this same hymn we have 

indra dhendbhir ihd madayasva 
dhibhir vigvdbhih gdcyd grnanali \ \ 
(Rejoice thou here, O Indra, in our songs, 
Hymned mightily in all our thoughts). 

We should on a priori grounds expect the word to have 
the same meaning here as in 10 below and we fail to find 
any reason for thinking otherwise. It is certainly as reason- 
able to interpret dhendbhir as the worshippers' voices 
uplifted in song as to substitute the "Milchtrank" of ORV. 
and the lexicographers. This harmonizes nicely with the 
general context of the hymn, which is replete with the idea 
of song and praise. Cf. giro 1 c , ukthavdhah 2 d , dhibhir . . . 
grndnah 3 d , grndntah 4 d , stotdra 5 d , brdhmdni 6 a , suvrktim 7 b , 
giro 7 c , Imvema 11 a , grnvantam 11 c . There are references, 
expressed or implied, to the oblation of soma in 1 ad , 2 bc , 3 b , 
6 b and 7 b , but more than half of these are in the first two 
stanzas and they do not dominate the entire hymn as do the 
former. 

As Oldenberg (p. 98 f.) feels that the verb mad supports the 
idea of "drink", we may add that this verb is predicated of 
Indra, relative to stomebhir, in I, 9, 3 and, relative to girbhir, 
in I, 51, 1; of the devas, relative to stome, in III, 54, 2; of 
the worshippers of Indra, relative to girbhir, in III, 53, 10 and 
Y, 36, 2. Hence the verb is appropriate enough with dhena- 
bhir as songs in the passage before us. 

That Indra rejoices in the songs of his worshippers is shown 
by many passages in the RV.\ e. g., I, 5, 7, 10; 9, 3, 9; 10, 3, 
5, 9, 12; 16, 7; 30, 4, 10, 14; 51, 1; 54, 7; etc. In fact, every 
sukta in his honor proves it and we have his own word for 
it in I, 165, 4. So he naturally takes note of such songs and 
looks with favor upon them. Thus in X, 43, 6 
vigarii-vigam maghavd pary agdyata 
janandm dhena avacOkagad vfsd \ 
(Maghavan came to all the tribes in turn, 
And of the songs of men the Bull took note), 
and in VIII, 32, 22 



398 8. G. Oliphant, [1912. 

M tisrdh pardvdta 
ihi pdnca jdndn dli \ 
dhend indrdvacdkaQat \ \ 
(Over the three great distances, 
Beyond the peoples five, thy way pursue, 
Taking note, Indra, of our songs). 

Oldenberg (p. 98) finds little difficulty in these passages. 
Their evidence is clear enough. "Waren die dhenah Preislieder, 
so ware das 'Herabblicken* zwar nicht undenkbar, aber viel 
naher lage es doch, ein 'Horen' erwahnt zu finden. Wo im 
Veda werden die dhenah 'gehort'?" In reply to this question 
I trust it will appear that dhenah are heard in every passage 
in which the word occurs in the RV. In controversion of 
his statement that "Herabblicken" is quite unthinkable in 
reference to songs of praise we would state that brdhmani 
fsmdm is the object of alhicdksdthe 1 in VII, 70, 5; that 
stomdn is the object of upadargathah 1 * in VIII 26, 4; that 
stomd is the subject of the medial passive pratyadrksata 3 in 
VIII, 5, 3; that dfgikam is an epithet of stomam in I, 27, 10 
and paricaksydni of vdcdnsi in VI, 52, 14. It is then a case 
of the K,sis against Oldenberg as to whether it is so "un- 
thinkable" that songs of praise could 4 be seen or "looked at". 
Our next passage is VII, 94, 4 
indre agna ndmo brhdt 
suvrktim eraydmahe 
dhiyd dhend avasydvah \ \ 
(To Indra, Agni too, we raise 
Our homage high and excellent hymn, 
Our songs with prayers, their favor seeking). 
Dhenah as "songs" continues the ndmo of a and suvrktwi 
of b and forms part of the dominant thought of the entire 
hymn. This is expressed also in mdnmana purvydstutih of 

1 Qugruvansd cid agvind puruny 
abhi brdhmdni caksdthe fsmdm \ 

(Having heard, Agvins, look upon the many prayers of the Rsis). 

2 upa stomdn turdsya dargathah griye 

(For his glory, look ye on your zealous worshipper's lauds). 

3 yuvabhydm vdjinivasu prdti stomd adrksata 

(By you, lords of the swift steeds, our lauds were beheld). 

4 The very name Veda shows that the fundamental idea is that the 
songs have been "seen" by their composers. 



Vol. xxxii.] Sanskrit dhena Avestan daend, &c. 399 

1 ab , grnutam jaritur hdvam of 2 % vdnatam girah of 2 b , ^?ip- 
2/ataw dhiyah of 2 c , iZato viprdsa of 5 ab , girbhir . . . hava- 
mahe of 6 alj , ukthebhir 11*, ^r<i 11 b and dngusdir of ll c . 
Only in 6 and 10 is there any reference to the oblation. 
Even Oldenberg (p. 98) is forced to admit that song is im- 
plied in dhend here, not directly, he adds, but only as the 
libation is joined with it or in so far as it represents the 
libation. But in the light of the context it would seem a 
strange perversion to say that "song" rather than "libation" 
is the implicit thought. 
In I, 141, 1- 

ydd Im iipa hvdrate sddhate matir 

rtdsya dhend anayanta sasrutah \ \ 

(Whene'er he bends thereto, well speeds the hymn; 

The songs of Rta bring him as they flow). 
Oldenberg (p. 97) argues that sasrutah plainly shows that 
"etwas Miefiendes gemeint ist". This word, however, is found 
elsewhere in the RV. just twice, once as attributive to apas 
(IV, 28, 1) and once as attributive to giras 1 (IX, 34, 6). 
The latter proves that songs may flow as well as "streams of 
milk" and that the passage is no more a bulwark of defence 
for his position than his "unthinkable" cases above. 

In I, 67, 7 b ; y, 12, 2 b ; VII, 43, 4 b ; VIII, 6, 8<; IX, 33, 
2 b ; 63, 4 C , 14 b , 21 b , we have mention of the dhdrds of Rta; 
in I, 79, 3 and III, 55, 13 c , of the pdyas; in I, 73, 6 a of 
the dhendvas; in I, 84, 16 a , of the gas; in IX, 77, l c and 
X, 43, 9 b , of her sudughd. On the other hand, we have in 
I, 68, 5 a ; 71, 3 a ; IV, 23, 8 b ; IX, 76, 4 b ; 97, 34 b ; 111, 2 C , 
mention of the dhtii of Rta; in III, 31, 1 b ; IV, 2, 16 C ; IX, 
102, l b , 8 C , of the didhiti; in IV, 23, 8 C of the Qloka of Rta. 
So the mention of the prayers, holy songs, etc., of Rta is almost 
as frequent as that of her oblations of milk. Thus Vedic 
usage presents no difficulty to the interpretation of dhend as 
songs in this passage. 
The dhend flow also in IV, 58, 6 

samydk sravanti sarito nd dhend 

antdr hrdd mdnasd puydmdndh \ 

ete arsanty urmdyo, ghrtdsya 

mrgd iva ksipanor Isamdndh \ \ 

1 giro arsanti sasrutah (The streaming songs flow on). 
Cf. ,,Bathing in streams of liquid melody". Crashaw. 



400 8. G. Oliphant, [1912. 

(Our songs, like streams, flow on together, 
Cleansing themselves 'twixt heart and mind. 
These waves of ghee flow on apace 
E'en as wild beasts that flee before the bowman). 
Oldenberg (p. 97) deerns this passage "besonders wichtig" 
for his theory. His reasons are (1) the dhenah sravanti] (2) "the 
entire hymn praises the streams of glirta\ (3) dhdrah is found 
"four times" in the hymn. "We have already shown that songs 
may "flow". They are here expressly compared with "streams". 
In VIII, 1 49, 6 dhitayah "flow" and are compared with a 
copious gushing spring. They flow also in VIII, 2 50, 4. A 
gir is described as "flowing" in I, 3 181, 7, and if Aufrecht's 
reading in IX, 4 108, 7 is correct, a stoma may be "pressed" 
and "poured out". These passages, with the one previously 
cited, amply demonstrate the fluidity of songs in the RV. and 
dispose of his first defence. To pass to his third point, we 
observe that ghrtasya dhdrah is found five times, one more 
than Oldenberg claimed, in the hymn. It is in 5 c , 7 c , 8 c , 9 d , 
and 10 d , always in the third or fourth pada. In 6 c , in 
exact formal correspondence with these, we find urmayo ghr- 
tasya. The streams of ghrta are mentioned in every re. of 
the sukta from 5 to 10 inclusive, but in 6 urmayo, not dhena, 
represents the dhdrah of the others. To return to his second 
point, it is true that the hymn is in praise of the ghrta, of 



1 udriva vajrinn avato nd sincate 
ksdranflndra dTntdyah \ \ 

(As a copious spring, ,0 thou of the thunderbolt, gushes forth, our 
songs of adoration flow to thee, Indra). 

2 anehdsam vo hdvamdnam utdye 
mddhvah ksaranti dhltdyah \ 

(To the peerless one that calls you for aid, 
Songs of adoration, sweet as honey, are flowing). 

3 dsarji vdm sthdvird vedhasd gir 
bdlhe agvind tredha Jcsdrantl \ 

(Your strong laud, ye pious, was sent forth, 
flowing threefold in mighty flood, ye Ac,vins). 

4 a'sotd pdri sincata 

dgvam nd stomam apturam rajasturam \ 

(Press, pour forth as a steed, the song of praise, strong and pierc- 
ing the air). 

We may add also that in VIII, 13, 8, songs even dance like waters, 
hrilanty asya stinftd dpo na. 



Vol. xxxii.] Sanskrit dhena = Avestan daend, &c. 401 

the strange, mystic and symbolically zoomorphic ghrtd, as well 
as of the streams of ghrtd. It is one of the most mooted of 
all the hymns of the RV. by the native commentators. It 
has several peculiar formal correspondences, arranged with 
almost mathematical precision. One of these has just been 
noted. We now have another. In 2 abc we read - 

vaydm ndma prd bravdmd grtdsya 

asmin yajne dhdraydmd ndmobhih \ 

upa brahmd Qrnavac chasydmdnam 

(Let us tell forth the name of ghrtd; 

let us at the sacrifice uphold it with our homage; 

let the Brahman hear it sung). 

This is immediately followed by the description of the ghrtd 
in bizarre animal form. In 6 ab , the mathematical center and 
the summit of the hymn, we have our passage, the next 
reference to the song of 2. In 10 a b , at the same distance 
from the medial summit, in the only other reference to song, the 
gods are asked to reward the singers, 

dbhy drsata sustutim gdvyam djim. 
asmdsu bhadrd drdvindni dhatta \ 
(Send to our hymn of praise a herd of cattle; 
bestow upon us goodly possessions). 

Ghrtd is dominant. Stanza 1 is a prelude but in c it has 
reference to the ndma guhyam of ghrtd. In 2 abc the singers 
are going to tell it forth in song. In 2 d and 3 they describe 
the mystic ghrtd. In 5 c , 6 c , 7 c , 8 c , 9 d , 10 d the hymn masses 
effectively its mention of the streams of ghrtd. In 10 ab the 
singers ask their reward, 10 cd and 11 are a postlude, but 
still emphasize the ghrtd. In 6 * b the song announced in 2 
is described as in full flow and in 10 it is practically over. 
We believe then the dhend of 6 a is the song promised in 2 
and the sustutim for which the reward is asked in 10. 

Oldenberg, for the benefit of his argument, has wisely 
refrained from any attempt at the exegesis of 6 b , which seems 
so admirably to sustain our interpretation. The commentator 
on Vdj. S. 17, 94, glosses dhend by vdcah and places it among 
c the vdnndmasu with reference to Naigh. (I c.). He adds - 
Jtidrgyo dhendh antar hrdd manasd puyamdndh Qarlrdntarvya- 
vasthitena hrdd pdvanasthdriiyena manasd ca puyamdndfi gab- 
dadosebhyo vineyamdndh, i. e., they cleanse themselves, separate 
themselves, from the defects of speech in the mind which has a 



402 8. O. Oliphant, [1912. 

pure place and in the heart which is situated in the interior 
of the body. Here we seem to have the native way of ex- 
pressing the noble thought that the worshippers are striving 
in their adoration to clothe the thoughts prompted by the 
heart and conceived by the mind, both pure, in a noble form, 
pure from the defects of ordinary speech. However that may 
be, it is quite certain that the collocation of hrdd and md- 
nasd points to thought, song, etc., rather than to libations of 
melted ghee. In fact, we have a close parallel in I, 61, 2 
indrdya hrdd mdnasd mariisa 
pratndya pdtye dhiyo marjayanta \ \ 
(For Indra, ancient lord, they cleanse their songs, 
In heart and mind and spirit). 

It is appropriate that the songs should be purified and 
cleansed in heart and mind, for it is here that they are fash- 
ioned also, as shown by I, 171, 2 

esd va stomo maruto ndmasvdn 
hrdd tasto mdnasd dhdyi devdh \ 

(To you, ye gods of storm, this laud, in homage rich, 
and fashioned in heart and mind, is brought). 
Nowhere in the RV. does the phrase hrdd mdnasd (VI, 
28, 5; VII, 98, 2; X, 177, 1) or hrde mdnase (I, 73, 10; IV, 
37, 2) suggest even the possibility of Oldenberg's theory. 
But in Tdit. 8. IV, 2, 9, 6, we have 

sdm it sravanti sarito nd dhendh 
antdr hrdd mdnasd puydmdndh \ 
ighrtdsya dhdrd abhi cdka$imi 
hiranydyo yetaso mddh'/a dsdm \ \ 

This is a composite of pddas a and & of our stanza and of 
c and d of the preceding, in this order. This same contami- 
natio is found also in Vdj. S. 13, 38; KS., 40, 7; MS., 2, 7, 
17; QB., 7, 5, 2, 11 and Ap. ., 17, 18, 1. The commentator 
on Tdit. 8. glosses dhendh by panayogyah dadhimadhvavayavdh 
(portions of curd and mead, fit for drinking). The commen- 
tator on Vdj. S., who on two other 2 occasions, of which one is 
this same passage, gives vdcas as the gloss of dhend, here 
gives instead anndni . . . hvayamdndni havinsi (food . . . 
libations that make invocation), and the QB. gives annam, for 

1 Clearly do I behold the streams of ghee, 
The golden reeds in the midst of them. 

2 Vid. n. 1, on first page. 



Vol. xxxii.] Sanskrit dhend = Avestan daena, <&c. 403 

"the food is indeed purified by the heart and mind within 
him that is righteous". 

Here only in the ancillary Vedic do we find a note out of 
tune with our interpretation. The Vdj. S. seems to have some 
glimpse of the connection between dhend and voice as it has 
hvayamdndni and, as we have said, on each of the later occa- 
sions in which the word is used, has vdcas. If it is once 
wholly or partly against us, it is twice quite positively for us. 
We can easily believe that in this "contaminated" version the 
unusual or rare word dhend has been misunderstood, possibly 
through contaminatio with the masculine idhenas, or dheni or 
the frequent dhenavas or possibly because used with such 
verbs as mad, srj, pinv, aviskr. etc. and the fact that songs 
as well as food and drink actually "strengthen" Indra and 
the devds. 

In I, 55, 4 

sd id vane namasyublnr vacasyate 

cdru jdnesu prabruvdnd indriydm \ 

vfsd chdndur bhavati liaryato vrsd 

ksemena dhendm maghdvd ydd invati \ \ 

(He, truly, in the wood is called by worshippers; 

When his fair Indrahood he shows *mong men, 

The Bull is lovely; one to be desired is he, the Bull, 

Whene'er with peace the Maghavan promotes our song). 

Sayana glosses dhendm invati, 1 st by ^stutilaksandm vdcam 
prerayate, and 2 d by zyajamdndih krtdm stutim vydpnoti. 
Either of these makes excellent sense. The former is suppor- 
ted by such a passage as I, 10, 4 
ehi stomdn abhi svara 
abhi grmhy a ruva \ 
(Come thou, laud our song of praise, 
praise it, acclaim it). 
also, VIII, 13, 27- 

ilid tyCi sadhamddyd 
yujdndh somapltaye \ 
hdrl indra pratddvasu dbhi svara \ \ 

1 Hemachandra Unadigansutra 268 c glosses dhenah by samudrah and 
his Anekdrthasamgraha, 2, 267 (Zach.) gives the same and adds dheni = 
nadydm. Medimkosa n. 12 has both dheni and dhenas (m.) as nadi. 

2 Sends forth his commending voice. 

3 Promotes the laud made by the worshippers. 



404 8. G. Oliphant, [1912. 

(Having yoked those feast-sharing, 
wealth-increasing, dun steeds, 
for drinking the soma come hither singing). 
The second is supported by such parallels as VIII, 13, 32 C 

vfsd yajno yam invasi vfsd hdvah 

(Strong the worship that thou dost promote, strong the invo- 
cation), 
and X, 188, 3 C - 

tdbhir no yajndm invatu 
(With these may he promote our worship), 
and I, 18, 7- 

sd dhmdm yogam invati 
(He promotes the work of our psalms). 
The latter is the better supported by such parallels as we 
have found, but our interpretation of dhendm is safe with 
either. 

The passages I, 10, 4; VIII, 13, 27, cited above and many 
others give us the friendly, peaceful songs of Indra. The war- 
songs of his pealing thunder as it reverberates among the 
mountains, are called dhend in VII, 21, 3 
tvdm indra srdvitavd apds kah 
pdristhitd dhind $iira piirvih 
tvdd vdvakre rathyb nd dhend 
rejante VIQVCL krtrimdni bliisd \ 
(O Indra, thou didst cause the waters flow, 
The many waters, hero, that by Ahi were encompassed. 
Thy war songs rolled from thee as if on chariots borne: 
And all created things did quake with fear). 
Of all translators and commentators, Ludwig alone is right 
with his "<ihre> tonenden lieder". The nearest we can get to 
the nadyas of Sayana and his followers would be to interpret 
dhend as referring to the roar of the liberated waters. Such 
a parallel, however, as *I, 80, 14, is against it. There are 

1 abhistane te adrivo 
ydt stha jdgac ca rejate \ 
tvdstd cit tdva manydva 
indra vevijydte bhiya 
(At thy deep roar, hurler of stones, 
Whate'er is fixed and what is moved doth tremble: 
E'en Tvashtar at thy mighty wrath, 
Indra, was all aquake with fear). 



Vol. xxxii.] Sanskrit dhend = Avestan daend, &c. 405 

numerous references to Indra's roar, but they need not be 
cited here. As Oldenberg (p. 97), however, finds support in 
rathyb na, we shall quote two passages which show that this 
comparison supports also our interpretation of dhend. These 
V, 61, 17- 

etdm me stomam urmye 

ddrbhydya pdrd vaha \ 

giro devi rathir iva \ \ 

(0 Urmya, bear thou far away 

For me this song of praise, 

goddess, songs as if on chariots borne), 
and VIII,95, 1- 

d tvd giro rathir iva 
dsthuh sutesu girvanah 
(To thee, O lover of song, our lauds 
Arise, as if on chariots borne, 
"Whene'er we press the soma). 

One more reference to Indra's dhend is found in I, 101, 10 
mdddyasva hdribhir ye ta indra 
m syasva gipre m srjasva dhene \ 
d tvd suQipra hdrayo vahantu 
ugdn havydni prdti no jusasva \ 
(Rejoice in these dun steeds of thine, Indra; 
Ope thou thy jaws; let loose thy voices twain. 
Let thy dun steeds thee bring, fair-cheeked god, 
And graciously take thy joy in our oblations). 
Sayana interprets the dual dhene as pdnasddhanabhute jih- 
vopajihvike (tongue and epiglottis becoming effective for drink- 
ing). He would have been more consistent had he said 
"effective for speech". Oldenberg (p. 94) ridicules Geldner's 
"Zunge" as not accounting for the dual, but when he comes 
to the interpretation of the passage (p. 99) he finds the dual 
difficult and dismisses it with the question, "Sind die dhene 
also vielleicht Soma und Wasser?". 

We note that srj is not rare in reference to songs, etc. 
Thus we have dsrgram . . . girah (I, 9, 4), dvasrjatam 
. . . dhiyo (I, 151, 6), dsarjl . . . glr (I, 181, 7), upastutim 
. . . dsrhsy (Till, 27, 11), sargdn iva srjatam sustutir upa 
(YIII, 35, 20); stotur medhd asrksata (VIII, 52, 9); glided 
dsrksata (VIII, 63, 7), etc. 



406 8. G. Oliphant, [1912. 

We have seen, in the foregoing, ample citations showing that 
Indra had two distinct dhend, that of gracious commendation 
of his worshipper's praises and that terrifying, thundering 
hattle shout. This gives one interpretation of our dual. An 
examination of the hymn suggests also another. In pdda d 
of each re from 1 to 7 inclusive, in 8 a and 9 c , Indra is in- 
voked to come with his Marut band. Now the Maruts are 
great singers as shown by I, 19, 4; 24, 8; 37, 10, 13; 85, 2; 
87, 3, 5; 165, 1; 166, 7, 11; Y, 30, 6; etc., etc. Henge, as 
Ludwig has suggested, the dhene here are probably that of 
Indra himself and that of the Maruts. This would seem 
supported by 11 a 

marutstotrasya vrjdnasya gopd 

in which the worshippers speak of themselves as the "guardians 
of the camp that is Marut-praised". Hence we may consider 
the two dhend as the gracious, approving song of Indra and 
the Marut's song of praise. 

We have the dual again in Y, 30, 9 
striyo hi ddsd dyudhdni cakre 
Mm md Jcarann abald asya sendh \ 
antdr hy dkhyad ubhe asya dhene 
dthopa praid yudhdye ddsyum indrah \ \ 
(The Dasa made his women his weapons. 
What do his feeble armies do to me? 
Indra distinguished both his voices 
And then went forth to fight the Dasa). 
Oldenberg thinks the dhene are the liquids that play so 
great a part in the Namucci myth. This fits his general 
interpretation of dhend. Ludwig and Griffith think that Indra 
distinguished between the voice of Namucci [and that of his 
women and knew from the latter that he had to contend with 
no army of demon warriors. This fits our general inter- 
pretation of the word and is parallel in usage with the word 
in the latter interpretation of the passage immediately preced- 
ing (i. e. I, 101, 10). An interpretation parallel to the former 
of the preceding would be to consider the dhene as the war 
songs or yells of Namucci and his words cheering on his 
women. Either makes good sense and harmonizes with our 
interpretation of the word. As we had some preference for 
the latter interpretation in the preceding we have the same 



Vol. xxxii.] Sanskrit dhend = Avestan daena, <&c. 407 

for the corresponding interpretation here, the dhena of Na- 
mucci and that of his women. 

We have a reference to the song of Vayu in I, 2, 3 

v dyo tdva praprncati 

dhena jigdti da fuse \ 

uruci somapltaye \ 

(Vayu, thy penetrating voice 

goes unto the worshipper, 

wide spreading unto the soma drink). 

In 1 Yayu is summoned to hearken unto the rsi's invo- 
cation (havam), in 2 the singers call him with their hymns 
of praise (ukihebliir). Here in 3, according to Sayana, his 
approving voice is heard in reply, "0 worshipper, I will drink 
the soma given by thee". This harmonizes well with the 
context and we have already cited or quoted several passages 
that establish such commending voices of the gods. Vayu is 
summoned and his dhena comes. This then must be an essen- 
tial characteristic that may be used as a metonym of the 
god. This could be no libation, but in the list of "wives" of 
the deities given in Tdit. Ar. 3, 9, 1, vdk is the wife of Yayu 
and hence such a peculiar adjunct as would best represent 
him here. 

In III, 1, 9, the reference is to the celestial Agni, - 

pituQ cid tidhar janusd viveda 

vy dsya dhdrd asrjad vi dhendh \ 

(From birth he knew his father's bosom, 

Sent forth his streams, his voices uttered.). 
Sayana explains tidhar as the firmament, dhdrd as streams 
of rain, and dhendh as the voices of thunder (mddhyamikd 
vdcas). This seems more probable than other interpretations, 
though this is one of Oldenberg's star passages to prove that 
dhena means "streams of milk". He lays special emphasis upon 
tidhar and dhdrd and the striking comparison of IY, 22, 6, 

prd dhendvah sisrate vfsna tidhnah 

as showing the synonymity of dhdrd and dhend in this 
passage. Here, however, dhdrd replaces dhendvas there and 
it is clearly distinguished from dhend. 

We would quote as parallels in our favor such passages as 

VIII, 6, 8, in which dhltdyali and dhdrayd are associated; 

IX, 10, 4 in which gird and dhdrayd are associated; IX, 44, 2, 

VOL. XXXII. Part IV. 28 



408 8. O. Oliphant, [1912. 

in which mati, dhiyd and dhdrayd are associated; IX, 63, 21, 
in which dhtbhir and dharayd are associated; etc. Such 
passages show how natural the connection of dhend as "songs" 
with dhtira would he in the passage before us. 

As for the tidhar end of the argument, we may quote Y, 
44, 13- 

vigvasdm tidhah sa dhiydm udancanah 
(The udder and bucket of all holy psalms). 
The tidhar of the firmament is not a rare figure. Cf. e. g. 
VII, 101, 1; IX, 107, 5; X, 100, 11; etc. 

Our next passage is III, 34, 3 
indro vrtram avrnoc chardhamtih 
prd may mam amindd vdrpamtih \ 
dhan vyansam ugddhag vdnesu 
dvir dhend akrnod rdmydndm \\ 
(The leader of his host, Indra encompassed Vrtra; 
Assuming shapes of those in magic skilled, he minished him. 
Intensely burning in the woods, he slew Vyansa 
And made the voices of the nights apparent). 

That dvir akrnod may be predicated of song is proved by 
IX, 3, 5 

avis krnoti vagvanum 
(He makes his voice heard), 
and IX, 95, 2 

devo devdndm guhydni ndma 
avis krnoti barhisi pravdce \\ 
(As god, he makes heard the secret names 
of the gods, to Be told forth on the sacred grass). 
That the "nights" have a voice is sufficiently shown by II, 2, 2, 

dbhi tvd naktir usaso vavdgire 

(The Nights and Dawns bellow to thee), and by VIII, 96, 1- 
asmd usdsa dtiranta ydmam 
indrdya naktam tirmyah suvdcah \ 
(For him the dawns lengthened their courses; 
By night, the nights became sweet-voiced for Indra). 
This latter passage is a good commentary on the text before 
us as it, too, is from a sukta that deals with the conflict of 
Indra and the demons. Otherwise we may think of the 
dhend here as the shouts of the demonic foes, or the thun- 
derings of Indra in the darksome night of battle, or we may 
endorse the commentator on Vdj. 8. 33, 26, who thinks the 



Vol. xxxii.] Sanskrit dhend = Avestan daend, &c. 409 

dhend here are the stutirupd vdcah of ydyajtikds, or those 
who worship frequently, even singing their adoration in the 
seasons of the nights. 

Oldenberg (p. 95 f.) considers our next passage so strongly 
corroborative of his interpretation of dhend that he has made 
it the foundation upon which he has reared much of his 
superstructure. This is V, 62, 2 
tat su vdm mitrdvarund mahitvdm 
irmd tasthuslr dhabhir duduhre 
vigvdh pinvathah svdsarasya dhend 
dnu vdm ekah pavir a vavarta \\ 
Mitra, Varuna, this is your greatness; 
(Each day they have milked the kine that stand here. 
You have caused to swell all songs of the svasara; 
Your single tire hath rolled along hither). 
At first sight pinvathah and svdsarasya may seem to favor 
the synonymity of dhend with dhenu but we find the verb 
pinv is used also with dhiyah, the synonym of dhendh accord- 
ing to the interpretation we have given throughout. Thus 
we have in IX, 94, 2 

dhiyah pinvdndh svdsare nd gava. 
Also in I, 151, 6 

dva tmdnd srjdtam pinvatam dhiyo 
and VII, 82, 3 

'pinvatam apitah pinvatam dhiyah 

we have the act predicated of Mitra Varuna as in our pass- 
age. The Agvins are the subject in X, 39, 2 
codayatam sunftdh pinvatam dhiya. 

Hence the argument from the verb fails, as it will support 
either interpretation. These dhiyah in IX, 94, 2, even "bellow 
forth" (abhi vdvagra) "a greeting to soma". This shows how 
completely the same words may be predicated of both "cows" 
and "songs". 

It is here that Ludwig while still consistently rendering 
dhend by "Stimmen" thinks the association with svdsara diffi- 
cult and desiderates "Strome". Only in this passage does 
G-eldner render dhend by "Kiihe" and that because of svdsara. 
These have taken the word in the sense of "cow-pen, stall", etc. 
But Geldner (op. cit. Ill, 113 ff.) has more recently argued 
that this word signifies a time of day, identical with the 

28* 



410 8. O. Oliphant, [1912. 

samgava or morning milking-time, which according to Tdit. Br. 
I, 5, 3, 1, belongs to Mitra. We believe this is correct for 
it brings unity instead of diversity. The older translators 
required three meanings for the word, as in GWB. This, 
however, gives one meaning that makes very good sense in 
each of the thirteen passages in which the word occurs in the 
j?F. In only five of these are kine in any way mentioned 
in connection with the svdsara. In three of these five and in 
six others the gods are associated with the svdsara. In four 
passages, exclusive of the one under discussion, there are 
references to songs, etc., to the gods. Thus in II, 2, 2, Night 
and Morning bellow greeting to Agni; in VIII, 88, 1, Indra 
is addressed with girbhir] in VIII, 99, 1, Indra is invoked to 
hear the stomavahasdm, the dhiyah pinvdndh of IX, 94, 2 
are cited above. In III, 60, 6, the svdsardni bring to Indra 
the vratd devdndm mdnusaQ ca. We see as analogous to these 
a reference in our passage to the adoration of the worshippers 
at the early morning sacrifice. Mitra and Varuna make the 
cows swell with milk in the next stanza. The same idea is 
not needed here. Whether, however, dhend in this mooted 
passage are, as we believe, the songs of adoration at the 
morning sacrifice, or the bawling of the cows at the pen for their 
calves, or, as Griffith thinks, "the voices of the thunder and 
the roar of the rushing rain from the vast aerial stall that 
holds the milchkine of the firmament, the word is in general 
accord with the interpretation we have given it throughout. 
Three other passages in the RV. contain dhend as the 
deuterotheme of a compound. These are not at all inconsist- 
ent with our meaning of the simple word. Thus in VII, 
24,2 

visrstadhend bharate suvrktir, 

iydm indram johuvatl mamsd || 

(This hymn of out-poured song is brought, 

Invoking Indra with its prayer). 
We find this word also in KS, 35, 9 a 

visrstadhendh salild ghrtagcutah 

(Streams of song outpoured, distilling ghee). 
and again in Ap. Q. S. 14, 28, 4 a with saritd for salild. That 
glirtdQCut is applied to songs also, is shown by VIII, 51, 10 

turanydvo mddhumantam ghrtaQcutam 

viprdso arkdm dnrcuh \ 



Vol. xxxii.] Sanskrit dhena = Avestan daena, &c. 411 

(The zealous singers sang a song, distilling ghee 
and richly sweet). Of. also II, 11, 7. 

The other compound, vi$vddhend, is found only in IV, 
19, 2 

dhann dhim parigaydnam drnah 
prd vartanir arado viQvddhendh |j 
(Thou slewest Ahi who beleaguered the waters, 
And thou didst open their courses all aroar in song), 
and 6 

tvdm mahim avdnim vi$vddhendm 
turvitaye vayydya ksardntim \ 
(For Vayya and Turvlti thou didst stay 
The mighty stream, on flowing, aroar with song). 
We take it that the rivers were roaring forth their songs of joy 
and praise at their liberation. This idea suits the entire con- 
text quite admirably. It has been sho t wn that waters sing 
and dance in the RV. 

In the ancillary Vedic literature we find in Tdit. Ar., 
3, 9, 1- 

senendrasya \ dhena brhaspateh paihyd 
pusnah \ vdg vdyoh dlksd somasya prthivy- 
agneli \ vasundm gdyatrl \ rudrandrii tristuk \ 
dditydndm jagatl visnor anastuk || i || 
We have already listed the other five works in which this 
is given in whole or part. Some of these, as the GB, 2, 2, 9 
give senendrasya patm, etc., and thus, by supplying the miss- 
ing word, make it clear that we have here a list of the 
"wives" of the several deities. An examination of this "Cata- 
logue of Wives" reveals how truly each is the necessary 
complement of her lord and his practically constant companion. 
Indra, warrior god, and his army; V&yu, the god of wind, and 
his voice, etc. 

This passage in itself may be said to clinch the whole 
question, for our interpretation of dhena makes it a vastly 
better complement or wife of Brhaspati than the "libation of 
milk". The word is actually the equivalent of the brhas in 
brhaspati, as Professor Bloomfield once remarked. 

In Tdit. Br. 3, 6, 5, 1; MS. 4, 13, 4 and KS. 16. 21, we 
have dhendbhih Jcalpamdnah, ,,aided by songs", or "furnished 
with songs". 



412 8. O. Oliphant, [1912. 

Naigh. 6, 17, quotes RV. I, 101, 10 and adds dhend 
dadhdteh, -- "dhend is derived from the verb dadhdti". As 
he has already defined dhend by listing it as a synonym of 
vdk, it would appear that he uses dadhdti here in its sense 
of "fix in thought, as a prayer, etc." 

Lastly Hemachandra's Unadiganasutra 268 c has the gloss - 
dhend sarasvatl mdtd ca \ dhenah samudrah 

Of this the only consistent i interpretation is that sarasvatl 
is the goddess of eloquence, the daughter of Yak (?). 

We consider dhend a gunated form from the root dhl, "think", 
and a synonym of dhiti and dhi, with which words we have 
found it associated. As these words may pass in meaning 
from pure thought to its expression by the voice in prayer 
and psalm, so dhend regularly in the Veda is the outward 
form in which the inward thought is expressed by the voice. 
In the case of human beings, it is a song of joyous praise or 
holy invocation to the gods. In the case of gods, it is their 
gracious words, commending the worshipper and expressing 
their appreciation of the strength imparted to them by the 
songs, or their war-cries and battle-shouts as they engage in 
combat with their foes. The streams, too, sing their joy at 
their release and roar in praise of the great deity that 
effected it. 

Dhend is the exact phonetic 2 equivalent to the Avestan 
daend and the Lithuanian daind. The daend of the Avesta 
is (1) religion, especially the Ahuran religion, also (2) a theo- 
logical-philosophical concept of the totality of the psychic and 
religious properties of man. It is the spiritual ego, the immor- 
tal part of man, the mental Aoyos. Of. Bartholomae, WB. s. v. 

The Lithuanian daind is a folk song, but these folk songs 
contain the best and highest expressions of the native heart 
and mind. They are frequently the media of expressing 
their religious sentiments and their philosophical reflections. 
Their whole philosophy of life is enshrined in these songs which 

1 Unless dhend is masc. dual; then sarasvatl is the river and the refer- 
ence has no connection with our subject. Of. n. p. 403. 

2 Cf. Sk. tejas, Av. taeza, Lith. staiga, 

mesas, maesa, maiszas, 

resa, raesa, raiszas, 

vedas, vaedd, vaidas, 

hedas, zaea, euzda, etc. 



Vol. xxxii.] Sanskrit dhena = Avesia daend, &c. 413 

constitute their poetic literature. Here is expressed their 
thought about the great anonymous Devas, the moon god and 
the sun maiden, the morning and the evening star, Perkiinas, 
the god of thunder, etc., beliefs which transport us back to 
the primal days of our race. Like the Sanskrit dhend, the 
Lithuanian daind is a voiced Aoyos, but unlike the former it 
frequently descends from the divine heights and becomes of 
the earth, earthy. Thus dhend, daend and daind are all 
thought, but thought in its higher and spiritual reaches. Both 
phonetics and semantics proclaim them own sisters in the old 
Indo-European family circle. 

By way of summary we may say that in every passage in 
which dhend occurs in the RV. it may consistently be inter- 
preted as voice, song, etc. In several instances the context 
decidedly favors this against Oldenberg's rendering. Every 
adjective that modifies it and every verb of which it is subject 
or object is used in other RV. passages in reference to words 
that indubitably signify songs, prayers, etc., but not all are so 
used with havis or its synonyms. It is so completely iden- 
tified with Vayu that it is metonymic of him. Our inter- 
pretation is supported by Naighantuka, Sayana and Vdj. S. 
It has the irrefragable support of the "Catalogue of Wives". Only 
in the commentators on a "contaminated" version of one Vedic 
passage, plus five passages in Sayana, does it fail in support 
of the ancillary Vedic literature. It is not difficult to posit 
reasons for this. It furnishes the Sanskrit member, otherwise 
missing, of an equation with the Avestan and the Lithuanian. 
Passages which Oldenberg finds difficult become easy. Every 
argument he uses against it, is amply refuted by the passages 
quoted from the RV. The cumulative effect is overwhelming 
for dhend as a synonym of dhi, vdcas, glr, stoma, arka, etc. 



Vedic, Sanskrit, and Prakrit. By WALTEB PETEESEN, 
Bethany College, Lindsborg, Kansas. 

It will be the object of this paper to point out some diffi- 
culties in the ordinary view of the relation of the Vedic and 
Classical Sanskrit to the popular or Prakrit dialects, and, if 
possible, to suggest another theory which will avoid these diffi- 
culties. And in making this attempt, instead of starting with 
a discussion of "What is Sanskrit?", a procedure which seems 
to have led to no definite result 1 , I shall begin with the con- 
sideration of the question as to what is "Mittelindisch" or 
Prakrit 2 , hoping that if a satisfactory solution of this question 
is reached, the problem of the origin of Sanskrit will be 
materially simplified. 

The normal view of the relation of Prakrit and Pali to the 
Yedic and Sanskrit is that suggested by the word "Mittel- 
indisch" itself, namely that Prakrit is the direct lineal descend- 
ant of "Altindisch" or the language of the oldest stage of the 
transmission 3 . 

And since this oldest stage is found in two distinct forms, 
namely the Vedic and Classical Sanskrit, the inference is that 
Prakrit is derived either from the Yedic language 4 or the 
Classical 5 , or at least from popular languages to which the 
Yedic or Classical Sanskrit was related like all literary lan- 

1 Cf. e. g. the widely divergent opinions of the British scholars in 
the JRAS. 1904. 457 487 on the article of Rapson "In what degree was 
Skt. a spoken language", ib. p. 435 ff. 

2 For want of a better term Prakrit below is often used to include 
the earlier or Pali stage of "Mittelindisch" as well as the later stage to 
which it is ordinarily applied. 

3 See the language tree of Thumb, Handbuch des Skt. 19. 
* See notes 2 and 3 p. 415. 

5 So Hoefer, De Prakrito Dialecto 8; Lassen, Institutiones Linguae 
Prakritae 25 f.; Monier Williams, NalopSkhyanam Intr. p. V; Jacobi,. 
KZ. 24. 614. 



Vol. xxxii.] Vedic, Sanskrit, and Prakrit. 415 

guages to the nearest popular dialects from which they are 
taken. The latter alternative, however, we may dismiss once 
for all. The number of phonetic as well as morphological 
peculiarities which are common to the Vedic and Prakrit but 
unknown to Sanskrit, prove definitely that Prakrit is much 
nearer to the Vedic than to the Classical Sanskrit, and that 
direct origin from the latter is no longer to be thought of. 
There remains the supposition that Prakrit is derived either 
from Vedic dialects 2 or from contemporary dialects which are 
close to the Vedic in character 3 . 

To this latter view, however, there are grave and unan- 
swerable chronological difficulties on every hand. In the first 
place, it is a well-known fact that the Vedic hymns already 
contain a number of Prakritisms 4 , forms which distinctly be- 
long to the "middle-Indian" period and do not represent the 
normal status of the Vedic sounds, but are exceptional cases 
and consequently borrowings from a different dialect. Thus 
Wackernagei, loc. cit., quotes as examples words with a cere- 
bral, e. g. kata "Tiefe": karta "Grube"; words with n (< n), 
e. g. mani "Perle"; words with s (< rs, rs, Is, Is), e. g. AV. 
kasati "kratzen": Lith. karszti; prauga = *prayuga, titau = 
*titasu, etc. To quote Wackernagel himself: "Daneben 
(sc. der priesterlichen Sprache) aber war (wenigstens in be- 
stimmten Volksschichten) schon zu der Zeit, da die uus er- 
haltenen Hymnen entstanden, eine Sprache gebrauchlich, die 
liber jene priesterliche Sprache weit hinaus entwickelt war, 
und die Haupteigenheiten der altesten Phase des Mittelindisch, 
der sogenannten Palistufe, an sich trug". The conclusion 
therefore can not be avoided that during the period of com- 
position of the Vedic hymns two distinct groups of Indian dia- 
lects were developed and separated by an uncrossable gulf 3 , 



i So e. g. the Nom. PI. ending Ved. -asah = Prkt, -aho, Instr. Ved. 
-ebhih instead of -aih = Prkrt. ehim, 1 and Ih for d and dh in both Veda 
and Prakrit. Of. Pischel, Gram. d. Prakrit Spr. 4 f. ; Franke, Pali u. Skt. 
150; Thumb, op. cit. 19. 

* Of. Weber, Ind. Stud. 2. 110 f.; Franke, loc. cit. 
a Of. Bradke, ZDMG. 40. 673 ff.; Thumb, loc. cit. 

* Of. Wackernagel, Al. Gram. 1. XVII. 

6 Squarely opposed to this, but certainly not justifiable, is the state- 
ment of F. W. Thomas, JKAS. 1904. 461, that during the centuries pre- 
ceding the Christian era Sanskrit and the vernaculars (Prakrit) were so 



416 Walter Petersen, [1912. 

on the one hand the priestly language of the Veda, on the 
other hand the popular dialects, which later became "Pali" 
and "Prakrit" 1 . From this fact it follows again that Prakrit 
can not be a direct lineal descendant of the Vedic of the 
hymns or of a contemporary dialect which was close to the 
Vedic in its character. 

If, then, Prakrit is nevertheless derived from the Vedic, it 
must have been at a time considerably antedating the hymns 
themselves. And here the question immediately arises whether 
time enough had elapsed since the separation of the Indian 
and Persian dialects so that such large differences as exist 
between Vedic and the earliest "Pali" could have been devel- 
oped in addition to the equally large ones between the Aves- 
tan and Vedic. As Bradke, ZDMGr. 40. 672, remarks, it is 
a question of how long a period we allow to have elapsed 
between the period of Indo-Iranian unity and the Veda. If 
we place the latter long after the former, there is nothing 
impossible about assuming that the popular dialects had been 
developed in Vedic times and that the Vedic poets borrowed 
certain words from these vernaculars. Now Bradke himself 
believes that the time could have been amply sufficient. He 
declares that the oldest stages of the Indian and Iranian 
languages are no closer to each other than Italian and French, 
and yet these two languages are fifteen centuries apart 2 . He 
seems to believe that in the time thus gained it is possible for 
the old Aryan language to have developed successively first 
into "Altindisch" and then into the earliest stages of "Pali". 
But this argument really contains a circulus vitiosus. In the 
first place, to those who* maintain that the Vedic period can 
not have been too long after the period of Indo-Iranian unity 
because of the close resemblance of the earliest Indian and 
Iranian he interposes the objection that Italian and French 
are no farther apart and yet it took fifteen hundred years to 

close to each other as to preclude comparison with Latin even in coun- 
tries where Romance languages were spoken, unless indeed he means 
only the most developed stages of the Romance languages. 

1 "When Rapson, JRAS. 1904. 445, therefore maintains that Prakrit 
can not be traced even to Yaska (about 500 B. C.), he would be undoubt- 
edly wrong if he had not meant by Prakrit merely the language in the 
exact form in which it was later known by that name. 

2 ZDMG. 40. 669. 



Vol. xxxii.] Vedic, Sanskrit, and Prakrit. 417 

develop the difference, that consequently it might take just as 
long to develop the difference between Indian and Iranian. 
In the second place, into these fifteen hundred years thus 
gained is to be put also the development of Pali from "Alt- 
indisch", presumably on the ground that fifteen hundred years 
would be amply sufficient for even such large dialectical differ- 
ences to arise! First a large period of time is claimed as 
being probably needed to develop comparatively small differ- 
ences, then this large period is in turn used as proof that 
comparatively large differences may have developed in the 
same. But we could as well counterargue that six hundred 
years are needed to develop the Classical Sanskrit from the 
Vedic 1 , and the difference is very slight, how much more would 
we then expect for the large difference between either Clas- 
sical Sanskrit or Vedic and even the earliest stages of Pali? 
Adding tb this the fifteen hundred years assumed by Bradke 
for the development of Vedic from primitive Aryan, how many 
milleniums after the period of Indo-Iranian unity would the 
Veda be placed? And the earlier we place the latter the 
worse the difficulty would become for the Classical Sanskrit. 
If we accept Jacobi's date for the Bigveda we should have to 
assume at least five milleniums to account for the comparative- 
ly slight difference between the Avestan and the Classical 
Sanskrit. When, however, we omit precarious arguments of 
this kind, and seek other criteria, we find that it is really 
very hard to believe that the Bigveda was enough later than 
the period of Indo-Iranian unity to account for the large 
change from primitive Aryan to Pali; for the fact that the 
Bigveda is yet full of reminiscences of the conquest of the 
Panjab, and that the larger part of the later Aryan India 
had not yet been settled 2 , would make it exceedingly improb- 
able that the Indian Aryans had been in the Panjab a very 
long time before the hymns were composed. We would hardly 
expect a conquering people suddenly to stop for centuries in 
their process of expansion, and then to resume it later. Nor 
would it be credible that a very long period had elapsed 
between the time of Indo-Iranian unity and the conquest of 
the Panjab. As long as the Indian Aryans dwelt together 



1 So Grierson, JRAS. 1904. 477, though for a different purpose. 

2 Of. Macdonell, Hist. Skt. Lit. 139 ff.; Thumb, op. cit. 14. 



418 Walter Petersen, [1912. 

with the Iranians toward the northwest of the Panjab, they 
were virtually one people 1 , and only after they separated in 
order that one part might invade India did large differences 
of language develop. The difficulty then becomes greater and 
greater: it is impossible for me to conceive how Prakrit could 
have had time to develop from "Altindisch" in the usual way 
at a time when the Veda evidently shows that is must have 
existed. 

But let us assume for argument's sake that there neverthe- 
less was ample time, in what relation then would we conceive 
the language of the Bigveda to stand to these vernaculars? 
The first alternative that might occur to us is that Yedic, like 
the later Classical Sanskrit, was already a petrified lan- 
guage, kept alive only by the priests and literary men. But 
to this idea there are several grave objections. In the first 
place the character of the Vedic language and literature is 
such that scarcely any one has seriously doubted that it was 
close to the living language of the time of the poets. 2 There 
may have been dialect mixture and archaisms and poetic 
peculiarities of diction, and the actual spoken language differed 
from that of the hymns as the Greek vernaculars of the Ho- 
meric age differed from the language of the Homeric poets, 
or as the popular languages to which any literary dialects owe 
their origin differ from the latter, but no more. Moreover, if 
Vedic was a dead language when the hymns were composed, 
how can we assume that this old language escaped complete 
obliteration in so long a time? A dead language is perpet- 
uated only in its literature, and when it dies before a litera- 
ture is produced, as it would have to in this case, it will be 
forgotten before it has a chance to perpetuate itself. It is 

1 How close this period probably is to the Vedic can be seen from 
the retention of intervocalic s instead of the change to h, one of the 
most characteristic changes of the Persian group, in a word identical 
with the Vedic Nasatya found in the recently discovered inscription of 
Boghazkoi. The retention of the s in the Iranian word thus points 
virtually to the period of Indo-Iranian unity, and that about 1800 B. C. 
On the other hand few would put the Rigveda much later than 1200 B. C. Of. 
Keith, JEAS. 1909. 1100 if. Like Keith, I assume that E. Meyer, not 
Jacohi, has drawn the correct chronological conclusions from the in- 
scription. 

2 Of. Whitney, Skt. Gram. 3 XV; Wackernagel, op. cit. XVII; Macdo- 
nell, op. cit. 20; Grierson, JRAS. 1904. 471. 



Vol. xxxii.] Vedic, Sanskrit, and Prakrit. 419 

thus evident that at least the beginning of the literary Vedic 
period must have antedated the petrification of the language. 
But there is another and still more conclusive reason why the 
Vedic of the hymns could not have been a dead language. 
There is no one who could affirm that the art of writing was 
known at such an early date. 1 Now let us try to picture to 
ourselves how this older language (supposing it to have been 
established as a fashionable language so early) could have been 
transmitted orally. It might be possible for traditions as to 
new and old forms and phonetic doubles to be transmitted 
from one generation to another by means of oral instructions ; 
for such changes are recognized by every one most easily, since 
the new and old forms continue to exist side by side, at least 
temporarily. But when we come to sound changes that do 
not result in phonetic doubles, particularly the spontaneous 
unconditioned sound changes, the question is altogether differ- 
ent. These are so gradual that no one notices the fact that he is 
pronouncing a certain sound differently than formerly or 
differently than the older members of the linguistic community. 
It follows that a consciousness of change never appears, 2 and 
that the old pronunciation thus will no longer be a norm with 
which to compare the new, since the whole community will 
keep so close together that no one notices a difference, and 
when the end of the development has finally been reached the 
old original pronunciation, no matter how different from the 
new one, 3 will be forgotten with no possibility of recovery. 
In case of a written language directions for the pronunciation 
of certain letters might reveal the change to later generations, 
but in a language which is spoken only, there is no possibility 
of establishing a previous sound change of this kind except 
by comparative philology. Thus the change of I. E. o to 
Germanic a has been so universal 4 that not a single trace of 
the old pronunciation could possibly have existed to the speak- 



1 Cf. Macdonell, op. cit. 15 f., who quotes Buehler for the date 800 
B. 0. for the introduction of writing. 

2 Cf. Delbriick, Einleitung* 154 f. 

3 Every new nuance created in this way in fact displaces the older 
one. Cf. Sievers, Phonetik* 728. 

* Universality in fact is a characteristic of all gradual changes. Cf. 
Sievers, op. cit. 731. 



420 Walter Petersen, [1912. 

ers of the language after it had taken place, and since it 
was a gradual change, even those that lived while it took 
place were unconscious of it. In the same way Skt. n became 
Prakrit n spontaneously 1 and under all circumstances (except 
before dental stops), and there was no way for the speaker of 
the latter sound to find out that he was pronouncing a dif- 
ferent sound than his ancestors. But not only in case of 
spontaneous sound changes, but everywhere where no phonetic 
doubles result the old pronunciation is lost beyond recovery just 
as soon as the new is established. So it is with the dropping 
of the y in prauga < prayuga, or with the change of rt>t, 
rs>s, etc. The development of all of these new pronunciations 
should have completely obliterated the old, if really, as is 
claimed, Vedic and Prakrit were successive steps in the devel- 
opment of the same language. The existence of Prakrit forms 
with the above mentioned peculiarities in the Kigveda proves 
conclusively therefore from this point of view also that the two 
can not have been chronologically successive stages of one and 
the same language. 

It follows that Vedic and Prakrit are sister dialects instead 
of being related as mother to daughter. In some way or 
other they must have been differentiated from their common 
ancestor, so that 'both could continue to exist side by side. It 
is obvious, however, that this differentiation can not have been 
local, i. e. Vedic and Prakrit can not have been contem- 
poraneous dialects which arose in different localities; for it is 
incredible that all people in one section of the country should 
be so conservative in their pronunciation that they continued 
to speak a language very close to the primitive Aryan, while 
in other places, near by and not separated by any linguistic 
barrier whatsoever, they were so prone to innovations that it 
would appear as though the language they spoke was immeas- 
urably a more recent or modern stage than that of the former. 
"We should in vain look for analogies to this. Evidently the 
cause of the differentiation must be sought in different social 
strata of the same communities, one a strongly conservative 



* In the light of the following these changes were not gradual, but 
due to the substitution of one sound for the other. Here we argue from 
the standpoint of those who maintain that Prakrit is a direct descendant 
of Vedic. If that be true, these changes must be gradual. 



Vol. xxxii.] Vedic, Sanskrit, and Prakrit. 421 

element, another offering no opposition to the tendency to 
innovation. At first sight this postulate, however, would seem 
to lead to the view held by Wackernagel and quoted above, 
namely that Vedic was merely a priestly language, jealously 
guarded by the priestly aristocracy in its pristine purity, while 
the natural development of the language resulted in the pop- 
ular dialects. To this view, however, the objection will also 
hold that this presupposes a consciousness of difference, while 
on the other hand this very theory would presuppose that 
those characteristics of Prakrit which were already developed 
in Vedic times were largely due to spontaneous sound changes, 1 
of which the priests no less than the common people must 
have been unconscious even while they were in the process of 
becoming. Whatever theory accounts for the difference between 
Yedic and Prakrit must show how the differentiation could 
take place through causes not controlled by the human will. 
This as well as all the other above mentioned difficulties will 
disappear if we assume that Vedic and Prakrit were caste- 
languages from the beginning, and that the differences origi- 
nated with the differences between the castes. And since the 
origin of the castes was intimately connected with the dif- 
ference between Aryan and not- Aryan, we may say that Yedic 
was the language of the higher or Aryan castes, 2 while Pra- 
krit was the language of the lower or non- Aryan castes. As 
the old Aryans invaded the Indian peninsula and conquered 
certain aboriginal tribes, they would impose their language 
upon those whom they enslaved 3 and which consequently 
formed a part of their society. 4 But since these black aborig- 
ines had organs of speech as well as linguistic habits that 
differed widely from those of the Aryan invaders, they were 
unable to learn the language in the same form as the one in 
which it was spoken by their conquerors, and it was modified 
to suit their own characteristics in much the same way as the 

1 Of. foot-note p. 420. 

2 Of. Baden-Powell, JRAS. 1899. 328, who states that the middle and 
lower castes were either not Aryan at all or badly mixed, while the 
higher castes were predominantly Aryan. 

3 Of. Hirt, Die Indogermanen 101. 

* Of. Oldenberg, ZDMG. 51. 275: "Schon das rigved. Altertum hat 
die dunkelfarbigen Aboriginen nicht allein als Feinde, sondern auch als 
der arischen Gemeinschaft attachierte Unterworfene gekannt". 



422 Walter Petersen, [1912. 

American negro has modified the English language through 
his own physiological and mental peculiarities. And just as 
many peculiarities of the negro dialect are common to the 
whole large area of the South or his original American home, 
since the peculiarities which cause these aberrations are common 
to the whole race, just so a number of phonetic changes in 
Prakrit were common to all of the widely scattered areas 
where these popular dialects were spoken, since here also 
common racial peculiarities would cause common effects. And 
since these peculiarities primarily affect the phonological as- 
pect of a language, it is intelligible that the Prakrit peculiar- 
ities in the Veda are exclusively phonological. 1 Moreover, 
since these sound-changes from primitive Aryan to the earliest 
Prakrit were not due to gradual change of pronunciation, but 
to the substitution of one sound for another, if this theory is 
correct, we need not expect larger periods of time to account 
for such a thoroughgoing change of phonetic aspect, and it is 
therefore not surprising that Prakrit and Vedic should have 
been virtually coexistent not only from the beginning of the 
transmission, but ever since the Aryans first invaded India and 
began enslaving the aborigines. 

The conclusion that the phonetic character of the Prakrit 
dialects is due to imposing the Aryan language upon an in- 
ferior race is further strengthened by the character of the 
sound changes. Franke, Pali und Sanskrit 141 ff., calls atten- 
tion to the fact that many peculiarities common to all "Pali" 
are similar to the mistakes of children. The same assimilation 
or simplification of consonant groups, the same substitu- 
tion of familiar for unfamiliar sounds is common to both. 
Franke compares e. g. from the German: tiischen for zwischen, 
woore for Worte, aam for Arm, golle for Golde, bume for 
Blume, daitipf for Bleistift. This want of discrimination 
between different sounds, usually characteristic of childhood, is 
just what we would expect of a race inferior in intelligence 
learning a language so largely different from its own. 2 In 

1 Of. Wackernagel, op. cit. XVII: ,,Keine sichere Spuren mittelindi- 
scher Formenbildung sind (so. im Veda) erhalten". 

2 It is of importance that those Skt. sounds for which others are sub- 
stituted in Prakrit are largely those which to a great extent are charac- 
teristic of Sanskrit, and so probably would not be known to the non- 
Aryans. Thus, r, ^, 1, ai, au, and h are all lacking in Prakrit. 



Vol. xxrii.] Vedic, Sanskrit, and Prakrit. 423 

fact the latter factor alone might cause similar changes even 
in case of a people of high intelligence, as can be seen par- 
ticularly by a study of borrowed proper names. Tims in all 
of the following Greek borrowings from the Egyptian certain 
unfamiliar sounds or combinations of sounds have been replac- 
ed by sequences which were familiar to the Greek: Pa-Uat't 
became BOVT>, Chufu became 2o<ts, Saw^ts or even Xco^-, MeNKa- 
UBA. became Mu/ce/aii/os, Bokenrenf became Royxwpis (Bo*xo/ois), 
SCHaBaK became 2a/?aKo>i/, UaHABRA became 'Airpfys, 
AAHMeS became "A/mo-is. 

If the above explanation of the origin of Prakrit is once 
accepted the problem as to the origin of the Classical San- 
skrit becomes much simplified. There is no longer any neces- 
sity for assuming that a certain locality was so much more 
conservative than other neighboring ones that it was enabled 
to retain a language with such old characteristics, 1 while all 
other communities were many centuries ahead in the develop- 
ment of their speech. Classical Sanskrit was rather the direct 
lineal descendant not of the Yedic 2 in its literary form, 3 but of 
the spoken dialects of the Yedic age, which differed from it 
only very slightly and may with propriety, as they are below, 
be designated as "Yedic". It was natural after the difference 
between Yedic and Prakrit had once been developed, that the 
old Aryan aristocracy of priests and soldiers should be proud 
of their language, which formed one of the principal distinc- 
tions between themselves and the despised conquered Dasas, 
that they should therefore guard it most jealously from all 
change. Since, however, the Aryan speakers of the Yedic dia- 
lects continually had practical relations with the enslaved 
speakers of the Prakrits, it became necessary that they should 
have an acquaintance with Prakrit also, and sometimes, per- 
haps, they would even condescend to use it themselves, e. g. 
to make a command clearer. In this way there was a bridge 



1 Cf. Franke, BB. 17. 73, Pali u. Skt. 88; Rapson, JRAS. 1904. 450 ff 

2 So Franke, BB. 17. 82; Rapson, ioc. cit. According to our view the 
Vedic had only one direct descendant and did not split up into two 
streams, as is claimed by Weber, Ind. Stud. 2. 110 f. ; Grierson, JRAS. 
1904. 472. 

3 The absence in Skt. of the Vedic change of intervocalic d>l shows 
that the former is not directly descended from the dialect of the hymns. 
Cf: Thumb, Hdb. d. Skt. 91. 

VOL. XXXH. Part IV. 29 



424 Walter Petersen, [1912. 

by which the Prakrit could gradually encroach on the Yedic 
or Sanskrit. Those Aryans who were less fortunate and did 
not succeed in becoming a part of the aristocracy gradually 
lost their racial pride and came to use the Prakrit language 
exclusively. In the same way the Aryan women, whose more 
menial duties brought them into more continual and closer con- 
tact with the lower classes, gradually let the Prakrit take the 
place of their pure Aryan mother tongue. In the beginning, 
however, it was not thus. All the Aryans, women * as well as 
men, spoke the pure Aryan language when the enslaved Dasas 
first tried to learn the language of their conquerors. 

As the circle of the speakers of the original Vedic languages 
became more and more narrow, they more and more took upon 
themselves the character of polite languages, with the result 
that the conservatism of the speakers also increased, and Vedic 
gradually became Classical Sanskrit. In this way is explained 
both the continuity of development between Vedic and San- 
skrit in literature, which is the unanswerable objection against 
those who maintain that Sanskrit was a late artificial product 
and never was a spoken language, 2 and at the same time the 
growing stability of the same, with the proscription of all new 
formations. 3 As in all polite languages, the speakers, who 
prided themselves on the correctness of their speech, sought 
for norms which should insure them correct principles of speak- 
ing, and this on the one hand led to the stationary nature 
of the Sanskrit, since all new formations are, of course, to 
begin with mistakes, on the other hand it led to the study of 
the grammar, which ended in the canonization of the whole 
grammatical system by Panini, 4 after which the language be- 
came permanently crystallized and no longer showed even a 
semblance of growth. 

The above view, then, agrees on the one hand with those 
who maintain that Sanskrit was in origin not only a living 
language like any other polite language, 5 but even a vernac- 

1 Cf. Lud;wig, Rigveda 3. 44 f. 

2 Cf. Franke, BB. 17. 86; Rapson, JRAS. 1904. 441. 

3 Cf. Wackernagel, op. cit. XXIII. 

4 Cf. Franke, BB. 17. 80. 

5 That Sanskrit was a spoken language, but not really a living lan- 
guage is maintained by Grierson, JRAS. 1904. 472. Similarly M. Senart. 
quoted p. 471 of the above. Dr. Grierson's statement (p. 476) that Skt. 



Vol. xxxii.] Vedic, Sanskrit, and Prakrit. 425 

ular, though only of certain strata of society, but by these it 
was not learned as an additional language to their own Pra- 
krit vernacular, 1 but it was rather an inheritance from ages 
long past, while originally, if these persons also spoke Prakrit, 
it was the latter that was learned as a second language. On 
the other hand, in course of time the growing ascendancy of 
the Prakrits with all except the haute-volee may have caused 
this condition to have been reversed, and at any rate San- 
skrit became more and more stereotyped until it may properly 
be said to have become a dead language. 2 This was, however, 
an exceedingly gradual development, mainly due to natural 
causes, though perhaps hastened by Panini's canonization, and 
it would be impossible to fix upon a single point in time and 
to say its life ended here even if we were in possession of all 
the facts of the history of the language. Its development from 
the Vedic moreover was also a natural development, by an 
ultra-conservative society, it is true, but yet a development from 
which even sound change was not altogether excluded, as 
Wackernagel, loc. cit., maintains ; for on the one hand he him- 
self mentions the change of iy to y and of uv to v, on the 
other hand he has failed to point out the probability of cer- 
tain sound changes which do not appear in the spelling, sc. 
the 'change of I. E. ai (doubtless still so pronounced in the 
early Vedic period) to e, 3 similarly of au to 6, ai with long a 

could never have been a living language because it had to borrow or 
imitate Prakrit words for objects of every-day life, is not well taken. In 
the ordinary life of the Sanskrit-speaking aristocrats there was no call 
for words designating every-day objects, and when they were needed 
Sanskrit naturally borrowed from the Prakrit or language of the common 
people, in the same way as every living language uses borrowed words 
for ideas hitherto unfamiliar. As well might we argue that the Germanic 
languages are dead because many words designating objects which are 
now familiar are Latin borrowings. 

1 Of. Grierson, p. 480 of the above. 

2 Of. Rhys Davids, Buddha Dec. 1903 p. 254 f . 

3 The fact that the Pratisakhyas classify e and o as diphthongs, even 
though their rules for pronunciation imply simple sounds, together with 
their treatment in euphonic changes, implies that they were true diph- 
thongs in the Vedic period. The Pratisakhyas must have received a 
tradition in this respect, and this tradition certainly could not have an- 
tedated the Veda, since grammatical studies originated in the very desire 
to interpret the Veda. Of. Whitney, Skt. Gram. 28 a; Macdonell, op. 
cit. 38 f. 

29* 



426 Walter Petersen, [1912. 

to ai 1 with short a, similarly an to au, and finally the thor- 
oughgoing change of accentuation from the Yedic accent to 
that of the Classical Sanskrit, which is pointed out hy Wacker- 
nagel himself, op. cit. 296 f. All of these changes are certainly 
phonetic changes and point to a living spoken language. 

If Sanskrit was the only direct lineal descendant of the 
Yedic and in turn of the original language of the first Aryan 
settlers of India, it was not necessarily a local dialect, but we 
should a priori expect that wherever there was an Aryan 
people in the ascendant we would find the Sanskrit language 
or some language differing from it only hy minor dialectic varia- 
tions spoken by the kings and priests with their racial pride 
in their Aryan blood; it is to be expected that Sanskrit was 
spoken as a caste language throughout the whole Aryan terri- 
tory of India. "When therefore it is maintained e. g. by Mac- 
donell that "there is no doubt that in the second century B. 
C. Sanskrit was actually spoken in the whole country called 
by Sanskrit writers Aryavarta, or 'Land of the Aryans', which 
lies between the Himalaya and the Yindhya range", the 
statement is in exact accord with our theory. 

These statements, however, must not be construed to mean 
that Sanskrit in the very form in which it occurs in literature 
was the vernacular of the men of the upper castes in all of 
the vast territory of Aryavarta. Largely, of course, the same 
conservatism that kept the language so nearly stationary 
during such a long period also prevented the development of 
dialectic peculiarities, but yet there must have been some 
of them. The actual literary Sanskrit is no doubt related 
to these different spoken Sanskrit dialects just as any other 
literary language is related to the popular dialects. One or 
the other of them, by means of literary, religious, or political 
ascendancy, 2 became the norm to which the speakers of 
related dialects everywhere were expected to conform, with 
the result that it displaced all others, which was all the 
easier because the dialects displaced were themselves fashion- 
able languages, and not, as e. g. in G-erman, popular dia- 



* When e was still ai, ai must have been ai with long a, otherwise the 
two would have been indistinguishable and treated alike. Of. Whitney, op. 
cit. 28 b. 

2 Of. Rapson, p. 451 of the above mentioned article. 



Vol. xxxii.] Vedic, Sanskrit, and Prakrit. 427 

lects, the speakers of which largely had no sympathy with 
this process of normalization. Moreover, we must bear in 
mind that the languages displaced could have differed from 
the language now known as Classical Sanskrit in but a 
minimal degree, and that it was not the displacing of the 
real popular dialects of Prakrit by the polite language, 
which was so different as to nearly exclude mutual intelligi- 
bility. While therefore the arguments of Franke 1 and Eap- 
son 2 to establish a narrower region as the original home of 
Sanskrit may be perfectly valid, it must always be borne in 
mind that they concern only that particular form of the 
language which appears in literature, but that other closely 
related almost identical dialects existed in almost all Arya- 
varta from the beginning. It may have happened occasion- 
ally, of course, that the pure Aryan speech in a certain 
locality died out altogether because of the operating of the 
same forces which caused the poorer Aryans and the women 
to give it up, but on the whole the racial pride of the aris- 
tocracy was too strong a factor to let us assume that it died 
out everywhere except in a narrowly circumscribed locality, 
from where it then had to start out to reconquer all the 
territory lost before. 

It cannot be my object here to discuss anew the question 
as to the interpretation of the fact that Pali appears in 
inscriptions before Sanskrit, or what is the explanation of this 
"break in the continuity" of development. My only concern 
is to show that the results of Franke's book "Pali und San- 
skrit" do not necessarily conflict with the above theory. Ac- 
cording to op. cit. 49 the results of Franke's examination of 
inscriptions show "daft auch spatestens im 3. Jahrhundert v. 
Chr. und noch geraume Zeit danach auf der vorderindischen 
Halbinsel unterhalb des Himalaya und auf Ceylon als allge- 
meine Landessprache der arischen Bevolkerung kein irgendwie 
geartetes Sanskrit in irgend einer Provinz vorhanden war, 
sondern erst allmahlich aufgekommen 1st." The emphasis 
should be on the "allgemeine"; i. e. Sanskrit, as shown above, 
was indeed never a universal vernacular, but a caste lan- 
guage from the beginning, which explains the fact that the 

* Pali u. Skt. 88. 
2 JRAS. 1904. 451 f. 



428 Walter Petersen, Vedic, Sanskrit, and Prakrit. [1912. 

inscriptions, which were meant to be understood by as many 
people as possible, were originally in Pali. It was but natural, 
consequently, that the speech of the aristocracy, not under- 
stood by enough people to be used in public inscriptions, and also 
often not the vehicle of literary works, since they, even when 
they finally appeared, were written in the imported Classical 
Sanskrit, should have completely disappeared to our view 
from most localities. Finally, when the renewed ascendancy 
of Brahmanism caused a greater number of persons to under- 
stand if not to speak the Brahman language, the Classical 
Sanskrit, originating in a certain locality and displacing the 
polite languages of other localities, made its way not only into 
the inscriptions of Aryavarta, but to every part of India where 
Brahman culture was disseminated. 



Remarks on the Carthaginian Deity. 1 By W. MAX 
MULLEB, Professor in the E. E. Seminary, Philadel- 
phia, Pa. 

For long years, Semitists do not seem to have occupied 
themselves in any way with the strange name of the principal 
divinity of the Carthaginians, the "Taneit", as scholars used 
to call her in the period of Gesenius, or Tanit, as it has, 
somewhat more recently, become the fashion to vocalize her 
name. 2 I find a trace of skepticism concerning that name 
only in 0. Meltzer's Geschichte der Karthager, where occasion- 
ally she is spoken of as "the goddess whom we have become 
used to calling Tanit." The consonants rQfi, of course, are 
sufficiently well attested by numerous inscriptions, but if w T e 
ask for the reasons of the vocalisation, we have to go down 
to the infancy of Semitic epigraphies to discover attempts at 
proving that strange pronunciation, attempts which do not 
stand the test of any critical examination. The most exhaus- 
tive discussion will be found in Gesenius, Monumenta linguae 
Phoeniciae, p. 115 to 117. I enumerate his arguments (repeated 
Movers, Phoenizier I, 625). 

1. Strabo XI, 13, p. 532, speaks of the Persian and Ar- 
menian goddess 'Avams (genet. 'Ai/amSos). For this form va- 
riant readings give TavairiSo?, hence Eustathius, ad Iliad. 
14 ; 295, repeats: Twam?? Sat/zon/, and Clemens Alex., Protrept. 
p. 43, Sylb., speaks of Artaxerxes who first introduced the 
image of Aphrodite Tanais (rrjs 'A^poSir^s TavatSos); in the 
latter place, however, the reading seems to be disputed, as in 

1 This paper, after having been read before the American Oriental 
Society at the meeting in New Haven, in 1906, was mislaid by its author, 
and not found again by him until the present year. Ed. 

2 Evidently, because the diphthong was felt to be too strongly un- 
Hebrew. Tanit is written by Clermont-Ganneau, Lidzbarski, and others 
up to 1906 [and 1912]. 



430 W. Max Mutter, [1912. 

Eustathius, ad Dion. Perieg. 846 ("the Armenian goddess 
Tana'itis or Anaitis"). It is nowadays no longer necessary to 
weigh the authority of the codices in every single case for 
deciding between Anaitis and Tana'itis, Tanais, for which form 
Gesenius himself decided. We know now sufficiently well 
that the Persian chief goddess was called AntiMta. Conse- 
quently, those forms with a prefixed t have no authority and 
are evidently due to comparative speculations of Greek scho- 
lars who wanted what Movers, II, 101 etc., called "the Taurian 
Artemis," i. e. some connection with the remote river Tanais. 
The notice about Artaxerxes Mnemon returns then with the 
correct reading; Aneitis, Anaitis, in Berossus (C. Miiller, II r 
508), Plutarch, Artax. 27, Pausanias III, 16, 6; Pliny 33, 24; 
Dio Cass. 36, 31, 31, etc. 1 Consequently, no goddess Tanais 
existed. 

2. (Gesen. p. 117). Akerblad is said to have compared the 
Carthaginian Tnt with the Egyptian (!) goddess Neit (Ni?i#) 
"praeposito articulo ta." Modern scholars know, of course, 
that the Egyptian feminine article t- (not to) cannot be con- 
nected with proper names; such a connection as the good 
pioneer Akerblad ventured is quite impossible, not to speak of 
the various other improbabilities of his bold comparison which 
already Movers rejected (although he strangely kept the con- 
clusions in the form of that vocalisation!). 

3. Finally Gesenius desperately referred to proper name like 
Tennes, Mutten-Mythonius; to city names with prefixed t- (see 
below) like Tynis-Tunis, Tingis etc.; even to Libyan names 
like Masintha, Masinissa,, etc. None of these "arguments" 
deserves now any dicussion. Tennes, however, still seemed to 
be meant in Chantepie de la Saussaye, Lehrbuch der Religons- 
geschichte^ I, 235 (Fr. Jeremias): "the divinity TNT, after a 
Greek personal name to be pronounced Thent". If Jeremias 
really meant the Sidonian king Tennes, adduced by Gesenius, 
we ought to demand some plausible etymology for that royal 
name, for the king cannot have borne the name of the goddess 
herself. Above all, as long as the worship of TNT is strictly 
limited to Carthage and its nearest dependencies and cannot 



1 Cp. Movers I, 626. I confess not to have verified every quo- 
tation. 



Vol. xxxii.] Remarks on the Carthaginian deity. 431 

be traced epigraphically to Phoenicia, 1 I consider it inad- 
missible to use an argument from any Phoenician name. 

Consequently, the old attempts at vocalizing those 3 conso- 
nants fail completely. I regret that, after having destroyed 
the old theories, I cannot offer any substitute for them; there 
is hardly any basis for the pronunciation of that enigmatic 
name (cp. below on Anna). I believe, however, that I can 
offer at least one small advancement towards its explanation. 
That "local divinity of the Carthaginians" (Scu/za>t> v Kapxn- 
Sovuav) as Polybius calls her, cannot well have had a Semitic 
name; it is a difficult task to fit her name into Semitic ety- 
mologies. Its formation, on the other hand, clearly betrays a 
Libyan formation. Prefixed t (which becomes in the dialects, 
til or , even ts) -h suffixed t or th are the usual characteristics 
of Libyan (I avoid the senseless name "Berber, Berberic") 
feminines. 1 Cp. e. g. Kabylic thamdint, from Arabic medme 
"city". This formation agrees too remarkably with the divine 
name TNT to be accidental. Consequently, we have to con- 
sider this name as a feminine formation from a root with n 
and one or two weak consonants, among which the n may take 
the first, second or third place, may be doubled or not. At 
present, it would be merely a frivolous play to enumerate, 
from the modern Libyan dictionaries, the numerous roots with 
n which a fanciful mind could use for a more or less impro- 
bable etymology of T-N-T. I only lay stress on the result 
that, evidently, the name of that local divinity dates from 
earlier time than the Phoenician immigration and has been 
kept untouched by the Carthaginians; as we should indeed 
expect with the spiritus loci. 

1 In do not consider the title "TNT of Lebanon", Lidzbarski, Ephemeris 
I, 19, as a proof of origin in Phoenicia; Lidzbarski, p. 21, assumed with 
probability that this Lebanon was some locality near Carthage. More 
important is the first Athenian bilinguis mentioning a "Sidonian, *Abd- 
TNT", in Greek Artemidoros. This .would, ideed, point to a Sidonian 
cult. But why are the inscriptions of Sidon herself absolutely silent 
about our divinity? Hence I must assume that the name of that Sidonian 
betrays a relation to Carthage; such wandering merchants and sailors 
may have claimed various nationalities, even if "Sidonian" does not, in 
an archaizing way, mean "Carthaginian". 

2 Those not acquainted with Libyan may consult Hanoteau, Essai de 
grammaire Kabyle, p. 17; his Grammaire Tamachek, p. 17, Stumme, 
Handbuch des Schilhischen von Tazerwalt, p. 18, etc. 



432 W. Max Mutter, [1912. 

This simple result becomes very complicated only if we com- 
pare the name with that of Anna, the sister of Dido. Doubt- 
less Anna is the principal divinity of Charthage herself, as 
may be seen even from Yergil where Anna plays such a 
supernumerary part at the side of Dido as we are wont to 
see with two identical personages, differentiated from synonymous 
names. Roman writers complete the proof by reporting of 
that superfluous sister Anna the same things as of Dido, above 
all seduction by Aeneas, and suicide. 1 Now it would be very 
easy to connect Anna and TNT by vocalizing the latter name 
Tannat, Tannath, and treating it as the Libyanized form of 
Semitic Anna (a Semitic adaptation by stripping a Libyan 
word of its double feminine mark would lack all analogies and 
would be very improbable). That explanation has, however, 
serious difficulties, if we accept the often repeated comparison 
of Anna with the Hebrew name Hanna. Ancient Libyan, 
indeed, had no 7i, and should be expected to drop the initial 
of Hanna (or to change it to 7i); but I have great doubts if 
a foreign proper name could be Libyanized by the feminine 
characteristics. The analogies are very much against this. It 
would be more plausible to assume that Anna was a Semitic 
adaptation of an original Libyan * Tannath, i. e. Anna, origi- 
nally without initial h. It is true, the alleged name of a 
Punic goddess Hanna cannot be proved with certainty epi- 
graphically, 2 and we need not trouble ourselves much with 
that suppositional form. Still, I confess not at all to be satis- 
fied with the above explanation: Anna (whatever its initial 
may be) as a Semitisation ^of a supposed *Tannath. I consider 
this theory not very plausible and would prefer leaving the 
explanation of the relation of the two names in doubt. A 
relation seems to exist, but it cannot be determined and ex- 
plained with sufficient certainty, I fear. 

It remains to say a word on the regular titles of our god- 

1 Ovid. Fasti III, 523; Yarro in Servius, Aen. IV, 682; cp. Movers 
I, 612 who, however, does not notice the identity clearly. 

2 N3n seems masculine, the well known Hanno. Prof. Torrey directs 
my attention to a seal which he considers Punic, mentioning an Kama* ; 
I feel strong doubts whether this proves to be a female divinity. [The 
seal was published in this Journal, XXVIII (1907), 354. Its genuineness 
has been questioned t?y Lidzbarski, Ephemeris III, 69, but on insufficient 
grounds. Ed.] 



Vol. xxxii]. Remarks on the Carthaginian deity. 433 

dess "the mistress TNT (with?) the face of Ba'al", as she is 
called on so many funerary inscriptions. The last two words 
(^y2")) have, so far, remained obscure. I have proposed an 
explanation, Mitteilungen der vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft, 
1904, IX, 168, derived from the symbol of the divinity repro- 
duced on the Carthaginian funerary stelae. It appears in a 
great many fanciful variations, but all these seem finally to 
go back to the symbol of the bukranion, with the solar disk 
between the crescent shaped horns which evidently symbolize 
the moon. Hence that combination of symbols of the u dea 
coelestis", which has a wide use in the art of all countries 
touching the Mediterranean, representing the heaven as a cow, 
bearing sun and moon upon her head. This agrees well with 
the designation "face of the heavenly god." The syncretism 
of two different conceptions of heaven, as a female or (later?) 
as a male divinity, presents no difficulty. 



A Magical Bowl- Text and the Original Script of the 
Manichaeans. By JAMES A. MONTGOMEBY, Professor 
in the University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. 

The writer has been occupied for some time in preparing 
for publication the magical bowl-texts from Nippur in the 
Museum of the University of Pennsylvania. Six of the texts 
of the collection are in a peculiar Syriac script, related to the 
Estrangelo, and in the Syriac dialect, but of a form much 
contaminated by dialectic influences of Mandaic character. 
The texts have the same contents as the bowls already nu- 
merously published in the "Rabbinic" and Mandaic dialects. 

As a sample of this fresh species of script I present here a 
bowl-text which has been kindly placed in my hands by 
Mr. Wm. T. Ellis, of Swarthmore, Pa. In the winter of 
1910 11 Mr. Ellis travelled through Mesopotamia and was 
interested as a Pennsylvanian in visiting the mounds of Nippur. 
He was greatly impressed by the remains of the excavations 
made at this site by the University of Pennsylvania expedi- 
tions, and has been urging since his return home that American 
scholarship should resume "the operations begun on so stupen- 
dous a scale. Among the curios he acquired at Nippur from 
the Arabs were three inscribed bowls, doubtless private spoils 
from the strata uncovered by the excavators. One of these is 
illegible, one is in the square script and "Rabbinic" dialect, 
and the third, in the peculiar Syriac script and dialect referred 
to, is the one I now publish. 

The bowl is of earthenware, the usual material and size, and 
of 6 J /2 in. diameter by 2 */2 in. in depth. The text is written 
spirally on the inside from within out; the last six lines alone 
are legible, the action of water collected in the bottom of the 
bowl having washed out the first lines, probably four in number. 
The characters are frequently very faint, but the readings can 






Vol. xxxii.] A Magical Bowl-Text and the Original Script,<&c. 435 

usually be made out by the aid of the vocabulary and for- 
mulas occurring in similar texts. 



Text (Plate i). 

rr PDK \<Eby Dty^i feoat ja m^pi mm nnra 

p]am TI . * . n K-OD ty nn nt * * , jnt? n 11 rr rr rip rr] IT 

Kiin Kpin Kp-n 
nin 



nnni 
^ m 
in n^ Kim pteow K^I pam ttfri rn^pi 

Translation. 

[A charm for Geniba against the evil spirits that they may 
not touch him] nor his house, wife, children and property, 
from now and forever and ever. Amen. Ya, Ya, [Ya], Ya, 
Ya, Ya, Ya!, seven [times?]. Avaunt, avaunt to the [south- 
ern?] bolt (pole?) of the heights of the house (?) whose flames 
are the lightnings, lightning of fire, and the [northern?] bolt 
of the shades of darkness, and their chariots the chariots of 
the lattdbe. Exorcism upon you, Sun and Moon, condemnation 
upon you, Astana and Ur . . . utha. And I make fast * their 
bonds, links of brass and lead and iron, and they are sealed 
in the name of Samhiza, the lord Bagdana. Be there sealing 
and warding for G-eniba bar Dodai and for his house, wife, 
children, and cattle, and flee and depart all demons, devils, 
amulet-charms, idol-spirits (= gods), goddesses and liliths from 
Geniba bar Dodai, and from his house, wife, sons and cattle, 
that they transgress not nor do harm against this Geniba bar 
[Dodai]. 

Commentary. 

I speak of the script below. The orthoepy (e. g. fc6nfcO, 
P&DD&), forms (e. g. ron, "his sons", Mandaic), and vocabulary 
are such as appear in the similar bowl-texts. The client's 



1 Error for 



436 James A. Montgomery, . [1912. 



name is known in the Palmyrene, cf. the biblical rQ3J, 1 Ki 11 20. 
I have found elsewhere, and it appears in the Syriac. 
= fconK and *OfcttK in other texts of mine, and is cited 
by the native Syriac lexicographers under the form fcOSN (see 
Payne Smith, Thes., ad voc.) The y is reminiscent of the 
parallel Hebrew word may. It may mean plumbum nigrum 
or album (probably with different vocalizations), either metal 
having atropaic value - - here probably the former. 

The syllables toward the beginning, iT, etc., Ht, etc., are 
found in the other texts, used as deterrents to the devils. 
rp appears, from the spacing and faint traces of the letters, to 
have been written seven times, and so I explain the following 
JDi?. Ht = nt, from Jim, = "avaunt". "What follows is obscure. 
Syriac I^L = an obstruction, water-dam, 1^0*0, a bolt, and 
the term may be understood from the Babylonian myth of 
Tiamat's hide fastened up as the firmament with a bolt, 1 or 
else of the function of the sky as the dam-breast to the celes- 
tial waters. The following word may possibly be read WSDTl 
(a feminine form, but why so with 4ODD?), and the reference 
be to the southern bolt, or pole, of the sky, the source of the 
lightnings, the second use of N*DD meaning then the north pole, 
the abode of darkness. The demons are commanded to flee 
to the ends of the earth. "The heights of the house" is ob- 
scure (for KDn = astrological jtyw/mra, see Newbold, JBL, 
XXX, 204). 2 The fcOKB^ appear in other texts from Nippur; 
I can explain it only as a metathesis of ^tDS (in Pael form), 
which is used of the "undoing" operations of demons (e. g. 



The deity, whose seal is referred to, "the lord Bagdana", 
appears in one of my other texts. The plural is also found, 
= gods. The first syllable is the Iranian bhag, "god", but 
the remainder of the word I cannot identify. Here another 
personal name is also added, Samhiza; Prof. Gr. F. Moore 
suggests to me the doubtless correct identification with the 
fallen angel Semyaza in Book of Enoch. I have found a 



* See King, Seven Tablets of Creation, tablet iv. 1. 139, "he fastened 
a bolt". 

2 Dr. von Oefele suggests to me that in the astrological scheme for 
drawing horoscopes the peak of the "tenth house", which is at the 
zenith, is the abode of fire. 



CD 
CA 



JJ 



\ 



N 



"A 



-O 



3 1 



A/ 



\ 

TN 



6 



QC7 



XD 



V '< 

cu 

\ V 



a? 



/n 



Plate 2. 

Col. 1, the Estranghelo alphabet; col. 2, the Syriac script on the bowls, 
with variants; col. 3, the Turkish Manichaean script. 



Vol. xxxii.] A Magical Bowl-Text and the Original Script, &c. 437 

number of connections between the bowl-texts and Ethiopic 
angelology. The phrase may simply mean ". the Lord God". 
In its opposition to the sun and moon, regarded as baneful, 
the text is in line with the Mandaic theology (cf. Lidzbarski's 
Mandaic Amulet published in the de Vogue Florilegium), other- 
wise it is pagan and shows no direct Jewish influence, the 
formula "forever and ever, Amen", being a magical common- 
place. NiHfiDK .= fcOBD, "Satan" in perverted form; cf. Ethiopic 
Mastema. 

The chief point of interest in this and the similar Syriac 
texts is the script. In my work on the Nippur texts I have 
made a detailed study of this script and need only note here 
summarily the peculiar features. A superior point is used to 
distinguish 1 from T, and also in my other texts to distin- 
guish the feminine suffix in H. The plural points are used in 
all plurals, the feminines of nouns, verbal forms (also pro- 
nouns), being almost always written above the final letter. 
The characters of form worthy of remark are: 

1 and 1, with head turned to the right for distinction from 
1, which assumed an identical shape with original 1 and 1. 

D, with a prolonged tail to the left, the original head some- 
times disappearing. 

V, with an elaborate flourish from the head to the left. 

Final 3, a horizontal, pitchfork-like character, with various 
modifications, the stroke often very long. 

Most of the characters have close relations with forms of 
the Palmyrene alphabet, and the script may be described as 
an elder sister of the Estrangelo, with close affinity in its 
peculiarities to the Palmyrene. The antecedent relations of 
our script were thus fixed, and it appeared as a peculiar pro- 
vincial alphabet, found only on the bowls without leaving 
further mark in literary history. 

But my attention chanced -to fall upon the Manichaean 
fragments in a Turkish dialect found in Eastern Turkestan, 
a series of which have been published in the Sit sung sberiMe 
of the Berlin Academy, between 1904 and 1910. 1 The ac- 



i For the alphabet, see F. "W. K. Miiller in the volume for 1904, 
p. 348. The script was evidently of Syriac origin, with the addition 
of some Arabic characters. For the Arabic tradition of the Manichaean 
alphabet, see G. Fliigel, Mani, seine Lehre und seine Schriften, 167. 



438 James A. Montgomery, A Magical Bowl-Text etc. [1912. 

companying table, Plate 2, presents the two alphabets com- 
paratively. Some variant forms are given in the Syriac 
column. The similarity or rather indentity of the alphabets 
is evident, and is most striking in the coincidence of the 
Turkish with the characters of the peculiar form in our Syriac 
alphabet, e. g. T (n. b. turning of head to the right), b, finial 3. 
The Turkish differs in keeping 1 turned to the left, as its 
point served to distinguish it from 1. I have not found S in 
my Syriac texts and in this lack the alphabet agrees with the 
Manichaean. 

Our provincial Syriac script has thus an interesting 
history forward. It is the alphabet which was used by the 
Manichaeans and taken by them as the basis of the alphabet 
they devised for the Turkish dialect of their converts in 
China. And presumably it was the script of Mani himself, 
for he was a citizen of Babylon and our texts come from 
neighboring Nippur. Mani died A. D. 276 J ; the bowls from 
Nippur are to be dated at the latest (on archaeological 
grounds, as I show elsewhere) about the beginning of the 
seventh century, with leeroom backwards of a century or two. 
The Turkish texts belong, I suppose, somewhere toward the 
end of the first millennum. We are thus presented with a 
well established provincial script which endured for several 
centuries and which, as a sectarian alphabet, was finally adopted 
for the representation of an alien tongue. Our only survivals 
of this peculiar alphabet, which has played its part in religious 
history, are rude magical texts from Babylonia and a Turkish 
script from distant regions. This is one more instance of the 
literary peculiarism of the oriental sects; Jew, Samaritan, 
Manichaean, the Syriac Christian churches, each party devel- 
oped its own peculiar literary vehicle, starting from the native 
dialect or script, and in the ead asserting it as its own. And 
so the provincial script in which Mani had learnt his letters 
became the peculiar alphabet of his church. 

It may be added that the bowls themselves contain no traces 
of Manichaeism. 

i Probably now to be corrected to 273; see TLZ, 1912, 446. 



JOURNAL 



OP THE 



AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY. 



EDITED BY 



CHARLES C. TOEREY, AND HANNS OERTEL 

Professor in Yale University, Professor in Tale University, 

New Haven, Conn. New Haven, Conn. 



THIRTY-THIRD VOLUME 



THE AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY, 

NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT, U. S. A; 

MCMXIII. 



A copy of this volume, postage paid, may be 
obtained anywhere within the limits of the 
Universal Postal Union, by sending a Postal 
Money Order for six dollars, or its equiva- 
lent, to The American Oriental Society, New 
Haven, Connecticut, United States of America. 



Printed by W. Drugulin, Leipzig (Germany). 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



Page 

BAKTON, G. A.: Recent Researches in the Sumerian Calendar ... 1 

BARTON, G. A.: The names of two Kings of Adab 295 

BARTON, G. A. : Kugler's Criterion for Determining the Order of the 

Months in the Earliest Babylonian Calendar 297 

BOLLTNG, G. M.: The Qantikalpa of the Atharvaveda 265 

CONANT, C. E. : Notes on the Phonology of the Tirurai Language . 150 

EDGERTON, F.: Pailcadivyadhivasa or Choosing a king by Divine Will 158 
EPSTEIN, J. N. : Zum magischen Texte (Journal of the American 

Oriental Society 1912, p. 434 seq.) 279 

GOTTHEIL, R.: The Peshitta Text of Gen. 32, 25 263 

GOTTHEIL, R. : Two Forged Antiques 306 

GRAY, L. H.: Iranian Miscellanies ,. 281 

HIRTH, F.: The Mystery of Fu-lin . 193 

HOPKINS, E. W.: Sanskrit Kabairas or Kubairas and Greek Kabeiroa 55 
HUSSEY, M. L: Tablets from Drehem in the Public Library of Cleve- 
land, Ohio 167 

JASTROW, M.: Wine in the Pentateuchal Codes 180 

JACOBI, H.: On Mayavada 51 

KENT, R. G.: Classical Parallels to a Sanskrit Proverb 214 

KENT, R. G.: The Chronology of Certain Indo-Iranian Sound-Changes 259 
MARGOLIS, M. L. : Additions to Field from the Lyons Codex of the 

Old Latin 254 

MERCER, S. A. B.: The Oath in Cuneiform Inscriptions 33 

MICHELSON, T.: Vedic, Sanskrit, and Middle Indie 145 



NEGELEIN, J. v.: Atharvaprayascittani 71, 121, 217 

OGDEN, E. S.: Some Notes on the So-called Hieroglyphic-Tablet . 16 

PETERS, J. P.: The Cock 363 

PRICE, I. M.: The Animal DUN in the Sumerian Inscriptions . . 402 

PRINCE, J. D. : A Political Hymn to Shamash 10 

PRINCE, J. D.: A Tammuz Fragment 345 

SCHOFF, "W. H. : Tamil Political Divisions in the First Two Centuries 

of the Christian Era 209 

SCHOFF, W. H. : The name of the Erythraean Sea 349 

SCOTT, S. B. : Mohammedanism in Borneo : Notes for a Study of the 
Local Modifications of Islam and the Extent of Its Influence 

on the native Tribes 313 

VANDERBURGH, F. A.: Three Babylonian Tablets, Prince Collection, 

Columbia University 24 

YLVISAKER, S. C.: Dialectic Differences between Assyrian and Baby- 
lonian, and some Problems they Present 397 



PROCEEDINGS 



OP THE 



AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY 



AT ITS 



MEETING IN PHILADELPHIA, PA. 
1913 



The annual meeting of the Society, being the one hundred 
twenty-fifth occasion of its assembling, was held in Philadelphia, 
Pa., at the University of Pennsylvania, on Tuesday, Wednesday, 
and Thursday of Easter week, March 25th, 26th, and 27th, 1913. 

The following members were present at one or more of the 
sessions : 

Adler, C. 

Arnold 

Barret 

Barton 

Bates, Mrs. 

Bender 

Bloomfield 

Boiling 

Brockwell 

Burlingame 

Cams 

Clay 

Cunningham 

Edgerton 

TOTAL: 56. 

The first session was held in Room 205, College Hall, on 
Tuesday afternoon, beginning at 3 : 15 p. m., the President 
Professor George F. Moore, being in the chair. 



Ellis 


Keiser 


Poebel 


Ember 


Kent, R. G. 


Price 


Gottheil 


Kupfer 


Reider 


Grant, E. 


Kyle 


Rosengarten 


Grieve, Miss 


Lanman 


Rudolph, Miss 


Groton 


Lyman 


Schoff 


Haas 


Malter 


Scott, Mrs. 


Haupt 


Margolis, M. L. 


Steele 


Hirth 


Michelson 


Sulzberger 


Hock 


Montgomery 


Torrey 


Hopkins 


Moore, G. F. 


Vanderburgh 


Jackson 


Miiller 


"Ward, W. H. 


Jackson, Mrs. 


Nies, J. B. 


Ylvisaker 


Jastrow 


Nies, W. E. 


Yohannan 



11 

The reading of the minutes of the meeting in New York, 
April 9th, 10th and llth, 1912, was dispensed with, because they 
had already been printed in the Journal (vol. 32, part 4, p. i-xi). 

The Committee of Arrangements presented its report, through 
Professor Jastrow, in the form of a printed program. The 
succeeding sessions were appointed for Wednesday morning at 
half past nine, Wednesday afternoon at a quarter before three, 
and Thursday morning at half past nine. It was announced that 
there would be an informal meeting of the members on Tuesday 
evening; that the members of the Society were invited by Dr. 
Cyrus Adler, President of the Dropsie College, and his col- 
leagues to a luncheon at the College on Wednesday at one o'clock; 
and that the Oriental Club of Philadelphia would, in celebration 
of the twenty-fifth anniversary of its foundation, entertain the 
men of the Society at dinner at the Franklin Inn Club on 
Wednesday evening at seven o'clock, while the visiting ladies 
were invited to be the guests of Mrs. Cornelius Stevenson at 
dinner at her home at the same hour. 



REPORT OF THE CORRESPONDING SECRETARY. 

The Corresponding Secretary, Professor A. Y. Williams 
Jackson, presented the following report: 

The correspondence of the Society has been constantly increasing, and 
during the past year the Secretary has interchanged letters with a large 
number of Oriental scholars in Europe and Asia, as well as with members 
in this country. As directed at the last meeting, the Secretary sent a 
greeting by cablegram to the International Congress of Orientalists, which 
met at Athens at the same time, and transmitted the good wishes of the 
Society to a number of the members longest on the roll. Replies have 
come in acknowledgment of these greetings, and the newly elected members 
have sent letters of acceptance and appreciation. 

Among the correspondence with foreign members may be specially 
mentioned an interesting letter from Mr. Ely Bannister Soane, written at 
Chia Surkh in Southern Kurdistan and dated May 26, 1912, in which he 
makes some noteworthy remarks regarding the sect of the Ali Illahi and 
their possible connection with the Yezidis, numbers of whom are scattered 
through Kurdistan. He writes: 

'They are just as secretive as the Yezidis, and though the 
religious chief, Sayid Rustam, is a close personal friend of mine, 
I have never got much out of him; but I find that in Kerind, 
which is a stronghold of the Ali Illahis, there is the same 
aversion to any mention of Satan, who is also called Malek 
TauB (see Layard), and the same secret meetings take place. 
This seems rather interesting and looks as if they and the 
Yezidis are two branchee, from a common origin, which have 



Ill 

developed along different lines the Ali Illahi, or Persian 
section, adopting Muhammadan outward semblance as a self- 
protective measure. Their initiation ceremony is also called 
Jaoz. Do you think this is any relic of the Avestic Yaozhddh, 
the modern ritual also being one of purification?' 

It is a sad duty to record the loss of several valued members by death 
during the past year. 

Professor Willis J. Beecher, D. D., of the Theological Seminary at 
Auburn, N. Y., whose work along theological lines is well known, died 
May 10, 1912. He had been a member of the Society for twelve years. 

Rev. Dr. David Blaustein, who became a member of the Society in 1891, 
died in the summer of 1912. He will be long remembered for his ability 
and noble character, no less than for his educational and humanitarian 
work. 

Kev. Dr. Arthur W. Ewing, of Philadelphia, President of the Christian 
College at Allahabad, India, died September 20, 1912, at Allahabad. Dr. 
Ewing had devoted himself for years to philanthropic and educational 
work among the Hindus, but had found time also for the pursuit of 
Oriental studies. A number of years ago he published in the Journal a 
valuable article entitled 'The Hindu conception of the functions of breath' 
(JAOS. 22 [1901], p. 249308). 

Professor William Watson Goodwin, the distinguished Greek scholar of 
Harvard, has likewise died since the last meeting. He was one of the 
oldest members of the Society, having joined in 1857, and he always 
attended some of the sessions when the meetings took place in Boston or 
Cambridge. After the meeting last year .the Secretary sent Professor 
Goodwin a hearty letter of greetings from the Society, as instructed, and 
received from him a cordial response expressing his appreciation of the 
remembrance. 

Professor Alfred Ludwig, of the University of Prague, Bohemia, who 
had been an honorary member of the Society since 1898, died June 15, 
1912. The work of this noted scholar, especially in the line of Vedic 
criticism, is too well known to require any record here. His learning was 
profound and his scholarship broad and varied, including not only researches 
in various branches of linguistics, but likewise investigations in Homeric 
studies, in Hebrew, and even in Finnish literature. 

In concluding this report the Secretary wishes to express once again 
his appreciation of the continued co-operation of those who are associated 
with him in the work of the Society. 

Professor Lanman spoke briefly on the character and achieve- 
ments of Professor G-oodwin; Professor Bloomfield, on Professor 
Ludwig; Professor Barton, on Dr. Blaustein. 

REPORT OF THE TREASURER. 

The annual report of the Treasurer, Professor F. "W. Williams, 
was presented by Professor Torrey, as follows: 



IV 



RECEIPTS AND DISBURSEMENTS BY THE TREASURER OF THE AMERICAN ORIENTAL 
SOCIETY FOR THE YEAR ENDING DEC. 31, 1912. 

Receipts. 

Balance from old account, Dec. 31, 1911 $ 1358.73 

Annual dues $ 1305.20 

Life membership 75.00 

Contribution for the Library 100.00 

Sales of the Journal . 345.36 

State National Bank dividends 128.14 

Coupons from bonds 50.00 

Sale of 13 shares of National Bank stock 2600.00 

Withdrawn from Savings Bank 1017.08 5620.78 

$ 6979.51 
Expenditures. 

Printing of the Journal, Volume 32 $ 1208.21 

Sundry printing and addressing 57.34 

Freight and mailing 21.76 

Library Fund (deposited in Savings Bank) .... 200.00 

Editor's honorarium 200.00 

Postage of the Treasurer, 2 years 21.30 

Subvention to Dictionary of Islam, 3 years .... 150.50 

Investments in bonds 3842.91 5702.02 

Balance to new account 1277.49 

$ 6979.51 

STATEMENT. 

1911 1912 

Bradley Type Fund $ 3052.29 $ 3178.21 

Cotheal Fund 1000.00 1000.00 

State National Bank shares (sold 1912) 1950.00 

National Savings Bank deposit 20.76 225.51 

Interest, Cotheal Fund . . . 330.05 380.38 

2 Ch., K. I. & Pacific Ry. bonds (bought 1912) . . 1787.50 

1 Virginian Railway bond (bought 1912) 990.00 

^"6353J.O $ 7561.60 



REPORT OF THE AUDITING COMMITTEE. 

The report of the Auditing Committee, Professors Torrey 
and Oertel, was presented by Professor Torrey, as follows: 

We hereby certify that we have examined the account book of the 
Treasurer of this Society and have found the same correct, and that the 
foregoing account is in conformity therewith. We have also compared 
the entries in the cash book with the vouchers and bank and pass books 
and have found all correct. 

CHARLES C. TORREY) 

NEW HAVEN, Conn., March 17. 1913. -a- r\ ( Auditors. 

HANNS OERTEL J 



REPORT OF THE LIBRARIAN. 

The Librarian, Professor Albert T. Clay, presented the 
following report: 

During the past year much has been done in classifying the books of 
the Library. Under my predecessor the serial publications were classi- 
fied and given their own shelf number. Since then many new serials 
have been added to the Library, but they have been placed on the 
shelves without any attempt at cataloguing. This year we have made an 
inventory of all these publications, some 200 titles, with a view to cata- 
loguing them and completing the classification. We have also some 244 
volumes ready for binding, which will represent an outlay of about $200. 
This has been provided for by the appropriation made one year ago. 
The catalogues of manuscripts were also catalogued under my predecessor, 
as well as the Bibliotheca Indica, but the work has not been kept up 
to date. This is now being done. In addition we have commenced to 
make a classified arrangement of the other accessions. 

In order to make the work permanent in character and make the 
Library really accessible to the members of the Society, it is planned to 
prepare: (1) an author catalogue; (2) a scheme of classification adapted 
to the needs of an Oriental library; (3) a shelf -list, in which the cards 
are arranged in the order of the books on the shelves. The shelf-list 
will in reality be an inventory of the Library and should always be 
complete. 

With the assistance of a trained librarian who is giving partial time 
to the work, we hope to accomplish these things in about two years, 
after which it will not require much time to take care of the accessions 
and keep everything up-to-date. 

I might add that among the book accessions we frequently receive 
books for review. These have heretofore been acknowledged in the same 
way as other books, but with the consent of the Editors of the Journal 
acknowledgment of these will hereafter be made in the columns of the 
Journal. 

REPORT OF THE EDITO&S. 

The report of the Editors of the Journal, Professors Oertel 
and Torrey, was presented by Professor Torrey, as follows: 

In spite of a slight increase over last year's bill, the cost of printing 
the last volume of the Journal was well within the limits of our budget. 
The delay in issuing the last parts of last year's volume and of the first 
parts of the current volume was due to the tardiness of the contributors 
in sending in copy. The Editors hope that the remaining numbers of 
the current volume will be issued at the regular quarterly dates. 

ELECTION OF MEMBERS. 

The following persons, recommended by the Directors, were 
elected members of the Society (for convenience the names of 
those elected at a subsequent session are included in this list): 



VI 

CORPORATE MEMBERS. 

Mr. Bckley B. Coxe, Jr. Dr. Felix Freiherr von Oefele 

Mr. Edward T. Curran Mr. T. Ramakrishna 

Rev. Dr. C. E. Keiser Dr. Joseph Reider 

Dr. G. L Kheiralla Mr. J. G. Rosengarten 

Mr. Walter S. Kupfer Prof. "William C. Thayer 

Rev. Dr. David Levy Rev. Dr. Royden 3L Yerkes 

Prof. Henry Malter Dr. S. C. Ylvisaker 
Rev. John Meighan 

ELECTION OF OFFICERS FOR 1913-1914. 

The committee appointed at New York to nominate officers 
for the year 1913 1914, consisting of Professors Montgomery, 
Grottheil, and Barret, reported through the chairman, Professor 
Montgomery, and nominated the following, who were thereupon 
duly elected: 

President Professor Paul Haupt, of Baltimore. 

Vice-Presidents Professor Morris Jastrow, Jr., of Philadelphia; Pro- 
fessor Hanns Oertel, [of New Haven; and Professor George A. Barton, 
of Bryn Mawr, Pa. 

Corresponding Secretary Professor A. V. Williams Jackson, of New 
York. 

Recording Secretary Dr. George C. 0. Haas, of New York. 

Treasurer Professor Frederick Wells Williams, of New Haven. 

Librarian Professor Albert T. Clay, of New Haven. 

Directors The officers above named, and Professors Richard Gottheil, 
of New York; Charles R. Lanman, of Cambridge; E. Washburn Hopkins, 
of New Haven; Maurice Bloomfield, of Baltimore; George F. Moore, of 
Cambridge; Robert Francis Harper, of Chicago; Dr. William Hayes 
Ward, of New York. 

Professor Jastrow announced that Provost Edgar F. Smith 
was unfortunately prevented from heing present and welcoming 
the members to the University. 

After a recess of ten minutes, the President delivered the 
annual address, the subject being 'Babism and Bahaism.' The 
Society thereupon adjourned for the day, at 5 : 10 p. m. 

SECOND SESSION. 

The members reassembled on Wednesday morning at 9 : 35 
a. m. for the second session. The President, Professor Moore y 
was in the chair. After the election of a corporate member 
(included in the list above), the Society proceeded to the hearing 
of communications, * as follows: 

Professor G. A. BARTON, of Bryn Mawr College: Kugler's criterion for 
determining the order of the months in the earliest Babylonian calendar. 
Remarks and a question by Professor Jastrow and reply by the author. 



Vll 

Dr. S. C. YLVISAKER, of Luther College, Decorah, Iowa: Dialectic 
differences between Assyrian and Babylonian. Remarks by Professor 
Haupt. 

Professor G. M. BOLLING, of the Catholic University of America: The 
Santikalpa of the Atharva-Veda. 

Professor C. C. TORREY, of Yale University: A possible metrical original 
of the Lord's Prayer. Remarks by Professor Moore. 

Professor M. BLOOMFIELD, of Johns Hopkins University: A preliminary 
exploration of the Reverse Vedic Concordance. Remarks by Dr. 
Michelson. 

The Corresponding Secretary reported the receipt of greetings 
from Professor Toy, and was instructed to send a message to 
him and to some of the members longest on the roll. After 
a recess of ten minutes at eleven o'clock, the reading of papers 
was resumed, as follows: 

Mr. W. H. SCHOFF, of the Commercial Museum, Philadelphia: Identifi- 
cations of South Indian place-names mentioned in the Periplus. Remarks 
by Professor Hopkins, Professor Jackson, and Professor Moore. 

Professor C. A. B. BROCKWELL, of McGill University: The couvade in 
Israel. Remarks by Dr. Michelson, Professor Max Miiller, and Professor 
Montgomery. 

Professor Max Miiller made a few remarks, presenting a 
specimen of the Kunjara language of Dar Fur in Arabic script. 

At noon the Society took ^a recess until a quarter before 
three o'clock. 

THIRD SESSION. 

The afternoon session was opened at 2 : 55 p. m. in the large 
lecture-room at the Dropsie College, President Moore being in 
the chair. 

President Cyrus Adler, of the Dropsie College, made a brief 
address explaining the foundation and purposes of the College. 
Professor Bezold, who was present at the meeting, was invited 
to say a few words regarding a new projected Assyrian dic- 
tionary. 

After the election of an additional corporate member (in- 
cluded in the list above), the reading of papers was resumed, 
in the following order: 

Dr. E. W. BURLINGAME, of the University of Pennsylvania: Buddha- 
ghosa's Dhammapada Commentary. Remarks by Professor Lanman. 

Mr. F. A. CUNNINGHAM, of Merchantville, N. J.: The identity of Phul 
with Tiglath-Pileser II. 

Dr. A. POEBEL, of Johns Hopkins University: The Sumerian, noun. 
Remarks by Professor Jastrow and Professor Arnold. 



Vlll 

Mr. W. S. KUPFER, of New York: On some modern vernacular folk- 
songs of India. Remarks by Professor Gottheil. 

Dr. A. EMBER, of Johns Hopkins University: Some Egyptian and Coptic 
etymologies. 

Dr. F. EDGERTON, of Johns Hopkins University: Pancadivyadhivasa, 
choosing a king by divine ordeal. 

Professor P. HAUPT, of Johns Hopkins University: Two poems of 
Haggai in the Book of Zechariah. (Presented in abstract.) 

Professor P. HAUPT: The fifth Sumerian family law. (Presented in 
abstract.) 

Professor P. HAUPT: A new Assyrian verb. (Presented in abstract.) 

Professor A. V. Williams JACKSON, of Columbia University: On some 
fragments of Persian poetry. 

Rev. Dr. J. B. NIBS, of Brooklyn, N. Y.: The Sumerian signs Tur, Gam, 
Allu, Mesu. Remarks by Professor Barton. 

Professor R. J. H. GOTTHEIL, of Columbia University : The Peshitta text 
of Genesis 32. 25. 

Dr. A. YOHANNAN, of Columbia University: On the date of composition 
of Nizami's five romantic poems according to different Persian manuscripts. 

Professor R. G. KENT, of the University of Pennsylvania: Classical 
parallels to a Sanskrit proverb. Remarks by Dr. Yohannan. 

Professor I. M. PRICE, of the University of Chicago: The animal DUN 
in Sumerian inscriptions. Remarks by Dr. J. B. Nies. 

Professor M. L. MARGOLIS, of Dropsie College: Additions to Field from 
the Lyons Codex of the Old Latin. Remarks by Professor Moore. 

Rev. Dr. F. A. VANDERBURGH, of Columbia University: A deed of sale 
in the reign of Nabopolassar. 

At 5 : 40 p. m. the Society adjourned for the day. 



FOURTH SESSION. 

The Society met for the fourth session at 9 : 40 a. m. on 
Thursday morning in Room 205, College Hall, University of 
Pennsylvania, the President, Professor Moore, being in the 
chair. 

The President reported for the Directors that the next 
annual meeting would be held at Cambridge and Boston, Mass., 
on Thursday, Friday, and Saturday of Easter week, April 16th, 
17th, and 18th, 1914. He reported further that the Directors 
had reappointed Professors Oertel and Torrey as Editors of 
the Journal for the ensuing year. 

The President then announced the following appointments: 

Committee of Arrangements for 1914: Professors Lanman and Lyon, 
and the Corresponding Secretary. 

Committee on Nominations: Professors Hopkins, Kent, and Ropes. 
Auditors: Professors Oertel and Torrey. 



IX 

The President announced that, because of the large number 
of technical papers and the brief time available at the meet- 
ings, one half-day session at the next meeting would be held 
in two sections, for special Indo-Germanic and Semitic com- 
munications respectively. 

On motion the following resolution was unanimously adopted : 

The American Oriental Society desires to express its thanks to the 
Provost and Trustees of the University of Pennsylvania for their hos- 
pitable welcome, to the President of the Dropsie College and his colleagues 
for the entertainment so generously provided, to the members of the 
Oriental Club of Philadelphia and to Mrs. Cornelius Stevenson for their 
gracious hospitality, to the University Club, the College Club, and the 
Lenape Club for courtesies extended, and to the Committee of Arrange- 
ments for the thoughtful provision they have made for the entertainment 
of the members. 

The reading of papers was then resumed, in the following 
order : 

Professor R. J. H. GOTTHEIL, of Columbia University: Modern frauds 
in Ancient Palestine. Remarks by Dr. Ward and Professor Jastrow. 

Professor P. HAUPT, of Johns Hopkins University: The Maccabean 
prototype of Luther's 'Ein' feste Burg ist unser Gott.' Remarks by Dr. 
Michelson. 

Professor E. W. HOPKINS, of Yale University: The Lokapalas, or world- 
protecting gods. Remarks by Professor Lanman and Dr. Edgerton; 
additional statement by the author. 

Professor M. JASTROW, Jr., of the University of Pennsylvania: Wine in 
the Pentateuchal codes. Remarks by Professors Jackson, Haupt, Moore, 
Brock well, Arnold, Max Miiller, and Montgomery. 

Mrs. S. B. SCOTT, of Philadelphia: Notes on Mohammedanism in 
Borneo. Remarks by Professor Gottheil, Dr. Yohannan, Mr. Ellis, 
Professor Barret, Professor Jastrow, and Dr. Michelson. 

Professor C. R. LANMAN, of Harvard University: Symbolism in India. 
Remarks by Professor Hopkins and Miss Grieve. 

Dr. T. MICHELSON, of the Bureau of American Ethnology: On various 
attempts to connect the language of American Indians with the languages 
of the Old World. Remarks by Professors Jastrow, Max Miiller, and 
Moore. 

Professor J. A. MONTGOMERY, of the University of Pennsylvania: A 
Mandaic inscription on a lead tablet. -- Remarks by Professors Max 
Miiller, Gottheil, and Barton. 

Mr. William T. Ellis exhibited a vase from Korea, Grecian 
in form, inscribed in ancient Chinese characters, for the in- 
spection of the members. Professors Haupt and Brockwell 
made some remarks regarding it. 



The following communication was then presented: 

Professor G. A. BARTON, of Bryn Mawr College: The names of two 
kings of Adab. (Presented in abstract.) 

The Society adjourned at 12 : 27 p. m., to meet at Cambridge 
and Boston on April 16, 1914. 



The following communications were presented by title: 

Professor G. A. BARTON, of Bryn Mawr College: A Syriac grammatical 
manuscript of the fifteenth century. 

Dr. F. R. BLAKE, of Johns Hopkins University: (a) The expression of 
indefinite pronominal ideas in Hebrew; (b) Some peculiar Philippine con- 
structions. 

Dr. E. W. BURLINGAME, of the University of Pennsylvania: DuJckham 
ariyasaccam quoted in Bidpai's fables. 

Professor C. E. CONANT, of the University of Chattanooga: Notes on 
the phonology of the Tirurai language (Philippines). 

Dr. F. EDGEETON, of Johns Hopkins University: The verses of the 
Vikramacarita. 

Dr. A. EMBER, of Johns Hopkins University: The origin of the prono- 
minal suffix of the third person masculine singular, in Egyptian. 

Professor I. FRIEDLAENDER, of the Jewish Theological Seminary of 
America: (a) Gnostic elements in heterodox Islam; (b) The rebirth of the 
Hebrew language in Palestine. 

Dr. L. H. GRAY, of Newark, N. J. : Iranian Miscellanies. 

Dr. G. C. 0. HAAS, of the College of the City of New York: The 
Tapatis.amvarana, a drama by Kulasekhara Varman, translated from the 
Sanskrit and Prakrit. 

Professor E. W. HOPKINS, of Yale University : The epic Narada. 

Dr. Mary I. HUSSEY, of Cambridge, Mass.: A deed of land dated in the 
reign of Ellil-bani. 

Professor A. V. W. JACKSON, of Columbia University: On some words 
in the Old Persian cuneiform inscriptions. 

Mr. Charles JOHNSTON, of New York: A catechism of the Vedanta. 

Professor R. G. KENT, of the University of Pennsylvania : The chrono- 
logy of certain Indo-Iranian sound-changes. 

Dr. T. MICHELSON, of the Bureau of American Ethnology: On Vedic 
archaisms in Epic Sanskrit. 

Dr. A. POEBEL, of Johns Hopkins University: (a) Nisan; (b) Gold and 
silver in Babylonia in the third millennium B. C.; (c) A new Creation and 
Deluge text. 

Professor J. D. PRINCE, of Columbia University: (a) An unread Baby- 
lonian ideogram; (b) A Tammuz incantation. 

Mr. G. P. QUACKENBOS, of the College of the City of New York: A study 
of Bana's Candisataka. 



XI 

Rev. Dr. W. ROSENAU, of Johns Hopkins University : (a) Some psycho- 
logical terms in the Hebrew text of Maimonides; (b) The Strack edition 
of the Talmud. 

Mr. G. V. SCHICK, of Johns Hopkins University: Some unpublished 
cuneiform fragments in the British Museum. 

Mr. W. H. SCHOFF, of the Commercial Museum, Philadelphia: (a) Some 
features of the Kushan coinage; (b) A note on the name of the Ery- 
threan Sea. 



List of Members. xiii 



LIST OF MEMBEBS. 

The number placed after the address indicates the year of election. 



I. HONORARY MEMBERS. 

M. AUGUSTS EARTH, Membre de 1'Institut, Paris, France. (Rue Garan- 

ciere, 10.) 1898. 
Dr. RAMKRISHNA GOPAL BHANDARKAR, C. I. E., Dekkan Coll. Poona, India 

1887. 

JAMES BURGEFS, LL. D., 22 Seton Place, Edinburgh, Scotland. 1899. 
Prof. CHARLES CLERMONT-GANNEAU, 1 Avenue de 1'Alma, Paris. 1909. 
Prof. T. W. RHYS DAVIDS, Harboro' Grange, Ashton-on- Mersey, England. 

1907. 

Prof. BERTHOLD DELBRUCK, University of Jena, Germany. 1878. 
Prof. FRIEDRICH DELITZSCH, University of Berlin, Germany. 1893. 
Canon SAMUEL R. DRIVER, Oxford, England. 1909. 
Prof. ADOLPH ERMAN, Berlin -Steglitz-Dahlem, Germany, Peter Lennestr. 72. 

1903. 
Prof. RICHARD GARBE, University of Tubingen, Germany. (Biesinger 

Str. 14.) 1902. 

Prof. KARL F. GELDNER, University of Marburg, Germany. 1905. 
Prof. IGNAZ GOLDZIHER, vii Hollo-Utcza 4, Budapest, Hungary. 1906. 
GEORGE A. GRIERSON, C.I.E., D.Litt., l.C.S. (retired), Rathfarnham, 

Camberley, Surrey, England. Corporate Member, 1899; Hon., 1905. 
Prof. IGNAZIO GUIDI, University of Rome, Italy. (Via Botteghe Oscure 24.) 

1893. 

Prof. HERMANN JACOBI, University of Bonn, 59 Niebuhrstrasse, Bonn, Ger- 
many. 1909. 

Prof. HENDRIK KERN, 45 Willem Barentz-Straat, Utrecht, Netherlands. 1893. 
Prof. GASTON MASPERO, College de France, Paris. France. (Avenue de 

1'Observatoire, 24.) 1898. 
Prof. EDUARD MEYER, University of Berlin, Germany. (Gross-Lichterfelde- 

West, Mommsenstr. 7.) 1908. 
Prof. THEODOR NOLDEKE, University of Strassburg, Germany. (Kalbs- 

gasse 16.) 1878. 
Prof. HERMANN OLDENBERG, University of Gottingen, Germany. 1910. 

(27/29 Nikolausberger Weg.) 
Prof. EDUARD SACHAU, University of Berlin, Germany. ( Wormserstr. 12, W.) 

1887. 



xiv List of Members. 

EMILE SENART, Membre de 1'Institut de France, 18 Rue Frangois I er , Paris, 

France. 1908. 

Prof. ARCHIBALD H. SAYCE, University of Oxford, England. 1893. 
Prof. JULIUS WELLHAUSEN, University of Gottingen, Germany. (Weber- 

strasse 18 a.) 1902. 
Prof. ERNST WINDISCH, University of Leipzig, Germany. (Universitats- 

strasse 15.) 1890. [Total: 26] 

II. CORPORATE MEMBERS. 

Names marked with * are those of life members. 

Rev. Dr. JUSTIN EDWARDS ABBOTT, 120 Hobart Ave., Summit, N. J. 1900. 
Mrs JUSTIN E. ABBOTT, 120 Hobart Ave., Summit, N. J. 1912. 
Dr. 'CYRUS ADLER, 2041 North Broad St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1884. 
Prof. FELIX ADLER, 33 Central Park West, New York, N. Y. 1912. 
RONALD C. ALLEN, 148 South Divinity Hall, Univ. of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 

1912. 

F. STURGES ALLEN, 246 Central St., Springfield, Mass. 1904. 
Miss MAY ALICE ALLEN, Northampton, Mass. 1906. 

Rev. Dr. FLOYD APPLETON, 230 New Jersey Ave., Brooklyn, N. Y. 1912. 
Prof. WILLIAM R. ARNOLD, (Harvard Univ.), 25 Kirkland St., Cambridge, 

Mass. 1893. 

Prof. KANICHI ASAKAWA, Yale University Library, New Haven, Conn. 1904. 
Rev. EDWARD E. ATKINSON, 94 Brattle St., Cambridge, Mass. 1894. 
Hon. SIMEON E. BALDWIN, LL.D., 44 Wall St., New Haven, Conn. 1898. 
Prof. LEROY CARR BARRET, Trinity College, Hartford, Conn. 1903. 
Prof. GEORGE A. BARTON, Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pa. 1888. 
Mrs. DANIEL BATES, 35 Brewster Street, Cambridge, Mass. 1912. 
Prof. L. W. BATTEN, 418 West 20th St., New York. 1894. 
Prof. HARLAN P. BEACH (Yale Univ.), 346Willo w St., New Haven, Conn. 1898. 
Prof. HAROLD H. BENDER, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J., 1906. 
Rev. JOSEPH F. BERG, New Brunswick, 5 Seminary Place, N. J. 1893. 
Prof. GEORGE R. BERRY, Colgate University, Hamilton, N. Y. 1907. 
Prof. JULIUS A. BEWER, Union Theological Seminary, Broadway and 

120th St., New York, N. Y. 1907. 

Dr. WILLIAM STURGIS BIGELOW, 60 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 1894. 
Prof. JOHN BINNEY, Berkeley Divinity School, Middletown. Conn. 1887. 
Rev. Dr. SAMUEL H. BISHOP, 500 West 122d St., New York, N. Y. 1898. 
Dr. GEORGE F. BLACK, Public Library, Fifth Ave. and 42d St., New 

York, N Y., 1907. 

Dr. FRANK RINGGOLD BLAKE, Windsor Hills, Baltimore, Md. 
Rev. PHILIP BLANC, St. Johns Seminary, Brighton, Mass. 1907. 
Dr. FREDERICK J. BLISS, Protestant Syrian College, Beirut Syrien. 1898. 
FRANCIS B. BLODGETT, General Theological Seminary, Chelsea Square, New 

York, N. Y. 1906. 
Prof. CARL AUGUST BLOMGREN, Augustana College and Theol. Seminary, 

Rock Island, 111. 1900. 
Prof. MAURICE BLOOMFIELD, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 

1881. 



List of Members. xv 

Dr. ALFRED BOISSIER, Le Rivage pres Chambery, Switzerland. 1897. 

Dr. GEORGE M. BOLLIXG (Catholic Univ. of America), 1784 Corcoran 

St., Washington, D. C. 1896. 
Rev. Dr. DAN FREEMAN BRADLEY, 2905 West 14th St.. Cleveland, Ohio. 

1911. 

Prof. JAMES HENRY BREASTED, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1891. 
Prof. C. A. BRODIE BROCKWELL, McGill University, Montreal, Canada. 1906. 
Pres. FRANCIS BROWN (Union Theological Sem.), Broadway and 120th St., 

New York, N. Y. 1881. 

Rev. GEORGE WILLIAM BROWN, Jubbulpore, C. P., India. 1909. 
Prof. RUDOLPH E. BRUNNOW (Princeton Univ.) 49 Library Place, Princeton, 

N. J. 1911. 

Prof. CARL DARLING BUCK, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1892. 
HAMMOND H. BUCK, Division Sup't. of Schools, Alfonso, Cavite Provinces, 

Philippine Islands. 1908. 

ALEXANDER H. BULLOCK, State Mutual Building, Worcester, Mass. 1910. 
Dr. EUGENE WATSON BURLINGAME, 20 Graduate House, West Phila- 
delphia, Pa. 1910. 

CHARLES DANA BURRAGE, 85 Ames Building, Boston, Mass. 1909. 
GRANVILLE BURRUS. Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1912. 
Prof. HOWARD CROSBY BUTLER, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1908. 
Rev. JOHN CAMPBELL, Kingsbridge, New York, N. Y. 1896. 
Pres. FRANKLIN CARTER, LL. D., Williamstown, Mass. 
Dr. PAUL CARUS, La Salle, Illinois. 1897. 

Dr. I. M. CASANOVICZ, U. S. National Museum, Washington, D. C. 1893. 
Rev. JOHN L. CHANDLER, Madura, Southern India. 1899. 
Miss EVA CHANNING, Hemenway Chambers, Boston, Mass. 1883. 
Dr. F.' D. CHESTER, The Bristol, Boston, Mass. 1891. 
WALTER E. CLARK, 37 Walker St., Cambridge, Mass. 1906. 
Prof. ALBERT T. CLAY (Yale Univ.) 401 Humphrey St., New Haven, Conn. 

1907. 

* ALEXANDER SMITH COCHRAN, New York 16 E. 41 st. Street. 1908. 
*GEORGE WETMORE COLLES, 62 Fort Greene Place, Brooklyn, N. Y. 1882. 
Prof. HERMANN COLLITZ, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1887. 
Prof. C. EVERETT CONANT, 5423 Greenwood Ave., Chicago, 111. 1905. 
ECKLEY B. COXE, Jr., 1604 Locust st., Philadelphia, Pa. 1913. 
Rev. WILLIAM MERRIAM GRANE, Richmond, Mass. 1902. 
FRANCIS A. CUNNINGHAM, 508 W. Maple St., Merchantville, N. Y. 1912. 
EDWARD T. CURRAN, 346 State St., Brooklyn, N. Y. 
Rev. CHARLES W. CURRIER, 913 Sixth St., Washington, D. C. 1904. 
Dr. HAROLD S. DAVIDSON, 1700 North Paysan St., Baltimore, Md. 1908. 
Prof. JOHN D. DAVIS, Princeton Theological Seminary, Princeton. N. J. 

1888. 

Prof. ALFRED L, P. DENNIS, Madison, Wis. 1900. 
JAMES T. DENNIS, University Club, Baltimore, Md. 1900. 
Mrs. FRANCIS W. DICKINS, 2015 Columbia Road, Washington, D. C. 1911. 
Rev. D. STUART DODGE, 99 John St., New York. N. Y. 1867. 
Rev. WM. HASKELL Du BOSE, University of the South, Sewanee, Tenn. 1912. 
Dr. HARRY WESTBROOK DUNNING, 5 Kilsyth Road, Brookline, Mass. 1894. 
Dr. FRANKLIN EDGERTON, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1910. 



xvi List of Members. 

Prof. FREDERICK G. C. EISELEN, Garrett Biblical Inst., Evanston, 111. 1901. 

WILLIAM T. ELLIS, Swarthmore, Pa. 1912. 

Prof. LEVI H. ELWELL, (Amherst Collage), 5 Lincoln Ave., Amherst, Mass. 

1883. 

Dr. AARON EMBER, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1902. 
Rev. Prof. C. P. FAGNANI, 606 W. 122d, St., New York, N. Y. 1901. 
Prof. EDWIN WHITFIELD FAY (Univ. of Texas), 200 West 24th St., Austin, 

Texas. 1888. 

Prof. HENRY FERGUSON, St. Paul's School, Concord, N. H. 1876. 
Dr. JOHN C. FERGUSON, Peking-, China. 1900. 
Dr. HENRY C. FINKEL, District National Bank Building, Washington, D. C. 

1912. 
Rev. Dr. FONCK, Institute Biblico Pontifico, Via del Archelto, Roma, Italia. 

1913. 

Rev. THEODORE FOOTE, Rowland Park, Maryland. 1900. 
Prof. HUGHELL E. W. FOSBROKE, 9 Acacia St., Cambridge, Mass. 1907. 
Dr. LEO J. FRACHTENBERG, Hartley Hall, Columbia University, New York, 

N. Y. 1907. 
Prof. JAS. EVERETT FRAME (Union Theological Sem.), Broadway and 

120th St., New York, N. Y. 1892. 

Dr. CARL FRANK. 23 Montague St., London, W. C., England. 1909. 
Dr. HERBERT FRIEDENWALD, 356 2nd Ave., New York, N. Y. 1909. 
Prof. ISRAEL FRIEDLAENDER (Jewish Theological Sem.), 61 Hamilton Place, 

New York, N. Y. 1904. 

Dr. WM. HENRY FURNESS, 3d, 1906 Sansom St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1913. 
ROBERT GARRET, Continental Building, Baltimore, Md. 1903. 
Miss MARIE GELBACH, Prospect Terrace, Park Hill, Yonkers, N. Y. 1909. 
EUGENE A. GELLOT 290 Broadway, N. Y., 1911. 
Prof. BASIL LANNEAU GILDERSLEEVE, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, 

Md. 1858. 

Prof. ALEXANDER R. GORDON, Presbyterian College, Montreal, Canada. 1912. 
Prof. RICHARD J. H. GOTTHEIL, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 1886. 
Prof. ELIHU GRANT Smith College, Northampton, Mass. 1907. 
Dr. Louis H. GRAY, 291 Woodside Ave., Newark, N. J. 1897. 
Mrs. Louis H. GRAY, 291 Woodside Ave., Newark, N. J. 1907. 
Miss LUCIA C. GRAEME GRIEVE, Martindale Depot, N. Y. 1894. 
Prof. Louis GROSSMANN (Hebrew Union College), 2212 Park Ave., Cincin- 
nati, 0., 1890. 
Rev. Dr. W. M. GROTON, Dean of the Protestant Episcopal Divinity School, 

5000 Woodlawn Ave., Philadelphia, Pa. 1907. 

*Dr. GEORGE C. 0. HAAS, 254 West 136th St., New York, N. Y. 1903. 
Miss LUISE HAESSLER, 1230 Amsterdam Ave., New York, N. Y. 1909, 
Mrs. IDA M. HANCHETT, care of Omaha Public Library, Omaha, Nebraska. 

1912. 

NEWTON H. HARDING, 110 N. Pine Ave., Chicago, 111. 1912. 
Prof. ROBERT FRANCIS HARPER, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1886. 
Prof. SAMUEL HART, D. D., Berkeley Divinity School, Middletown, Conn. 

1879. 
Prof. PAUL HAUPT (Johns Hopkins Univ.), 215 Longwood Road, Roland 

Park, Baltimore, Md. 1883. 



List of Members. xvii 

Prof. HERMANN V. HILPRECHT, Miinchen, Leopoldstr. 1887. 

Rev. Dr. WILLIAM J. HINKE, 28 Court St., Auburn, N. Y. 1907. 

Prof. FRIEDRICH HIRTH (Columbia Univ.), 401 West 118th St., New York, 

N. Y. 1903. 
Prof. CHARLES F. HOCK (Theological Sem.), 220 Liberty St., Bloomfield, 

N. J. 1903. 

*Dr. A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE, 8 Northmoor Road, Oxford, England. 1893. 
Rev. Dr. HUGO W. HOFFMANN, 306 Rodney St., Brooklyn, N. Y. 1899. 
*Prof. E. WASHBURN HOPKINS (Yale Univ.), 299 Lawrence St., New Haven, 

Conn. 1881. 

WILSON S. HOWELL, Box 437, Pleasantville Station, N. Y. 1911. 
HENRY R. HOWLAND, Natural Science Building, Buffalo, N. Y. 1907. 
Miss SARAH FENTON HOYT, 17 East 95th St., New York, N. Y. 1910. 
Dr. EDWARD H. HUME, Changsha, Hunan, China. 1909. 
Miss ANNIE K. HUMPHREY, 1114 14th St., Washington, D. C. 1873. 
Dr. ARCHER M. HUNTINGTON, 15 West 81st St., New York, N. Y. 1912. 
S. T. HURWITZ, 217 East 69th St., New York, N. Y. 1912. 
Miss MARY INDA HUSSEY, Mt. Holyoke College, South Hadley, Mass. 1913. 
* JAMES HAZEN HYDE, 18 rue Adolphe Yvon, Paris, France. 1909. 
Prof. HENRY HYVERNAT (Catholic Univ. of America), 3405 Twelfth St., 

N. E. (Brooidand), Washington, D. C. 1889. 
Prof. A. V. WILLIAMS JACKSON, Columbia University, New York , N. Y. 

1885. 
Mrs. A. V. WILLIAMS JACKSON, care of Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 

1912. 
Prof. MORRIS JASTROW (Univ. of Pennsylvania), 248 South 23d St. 

Philadelphia, Pa. 1886. 

Rev. HENRY F. JENKS, Canton Corner, Mass. 1874. 

Prof. JAMES RICHARD JEWETT, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. 1887. 
Prof. CHRISTOPHER JOHNSTON (Johns Hopkins Univ.), 21 West 20th St., 

Baltimore, Md. 1889. 
Rev. Dr. C. E. KEISER, (Yale Univ.) 233 Chapel St., New Haven, Conn. 

1913. 
ARTHUR BERRIEDALE KEITH, Colonial Office , London , S. W., England. 

1908. 
Prof. MAXIMILIAN L. KELLNER, Episcopal Theological School, Cambridge, 

Mass. 1886. 

Miss ELIZA H. KENDRICK, 45 Hunnewell Ave., Newton, Mass. 1806. 
Prof. CHARLES FOSTER KENT (Yale Univ.), 406 Humphrey St., New Haven, 

Conn. 1890. 

Prof. ROLAND G. KENT, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. 1910. 
Dr. G. D. KHEIRALLA, Rapid City, S. Dak. 1913. 
Prof. GEORGE L. KITTREDGE (Harvard Univ.), 9 Hilliard St., Cambridge, 

Mass. 1899. 

RICHARD LEE KORTKAMP, Hillsboro, 111. 1911. 
WALTER S. KUPFER, Leonia, N. Y. 1913. 

Rev. Dr. M. G. KYLE, 1132 Arrow St., Frankford, Philadelphia, Pa. 1S09 
M. A. LANE, 451 Jackson Boulevard, Chicago, 111. 1907. 
*Prof. CHARLES ROCKWELL LANMAN (Harvard Univ.) , 9 Farrar St., Cam- 
bridge, Mass. 1876. 



xviii List of Members. 

Dr. BERTHOLD LAUFER, Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, 111. 

1900. 

Dr. OTTO LICHTI, 146 Tremont St., Ansonia, Conn. 1912. 
H. LINFIELD, 52 Middle Divinity Hall, Univ. of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1912. 
Prof. CHARLES E. LITTLE (Vanderbilt Univ.), 19 Lindsley Ave., Nashville, 

Tenn. 1901. 

Prof. ENNO LITTMAKN, Schweighauser Str. 24, II, Strassburg i. Els. 1912. 
PERCIVAL LOWELL, 53 State St., Boston, Mass. 1893. 
Dr. DANIEL D. LUCKENBILL, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1912. 
Dr. ALBERT HOWE LYBYER, Urbana, 111. 1909. 
*BENJAMIN SMITH LYMAN, 708 Locust St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1871. 
Prof. DAVID GORDON LYON, Harvard Univ. Semitic Museum, Cambridge, 

Mass. 1882. 
ALBERT MORTON LYTHGOE, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, N. Y. 

1899. 
Prof. DUNCAN B. MACDONALD , Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford, 

Conn. 1893. 
C. V. Me LEAN, Union Theological Seminary, Broadway and 120th St., 

New York. 1912. 

Prof. HERBERT W. MAGOUN, 70 Kirkland St., Cambridge, Mass. 1887. 
Prof. HENRY MALTER, Dropsie College, Broad & York St., Philadelphia, Pa. 

1913. 

Prof. MAX L. MARGOLIS, 1519 Diamond St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1890. 
Prof. ALLAN MARQUAND, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1888. 
Prof. WINRED ROBERT MARTIN, Hispanic Society of America, West 156th 

St., New York, N. Y. 1889. 

C. 0. SYLVESTER MAWSON, Box 886, Springfield, Mass. 1910. 
Rev. JOHN MEIGHAN, Dropsie College, Philadelphia, Pa. 1913. 
Prof. SAMUEL A. B. MERCER (Western Theol. Sem.), 2735 Park Ave., 

Chicago, 111. 1912. 

J. RENWICK METHENY, "Druid Hill," Beaver Falls, Pa. 1907. 
MARTIN A. MEYER, 2109 Baker St., San Francisco, Cal. 1906. 
Dr. TRUMAN MICHELSON, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, 

D. C. 1899. 

Mrs. HELEN LOVELL MILLION, Hardin College, Mexico, Mo. 1892. 
Prof. J. A. MONTGOMERY (P. E. Divinity School), 6806 Greene St., German- 
town, Pa. 1903. 
Prof. GEORGE F. MOORE (Harvard Univ.), 3 Divinity Ave., Cambridge, 

Mass. 1887. 

*Mrs. MARY H. MOORE, 3 Divinity Ave., Cambridge, Mass. 1902. 
Rev. HANS K. MOUSSA, Jefferson, Wis. 1906. 
Prof. W. MAX MUELLER, 4308 Market St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1905. 
Mrs. ALBERT H. MUNSELL, 65 Middlesex Road, Chestnut Hill, Mass. 1908. 
Dr. WILLIAM MUSS-ARNOLT, Public Library, Boston, Mass. 1887. 
Rev. JAS. B. NIES, Hotel St. George, Clark St., Brooklyn, N. Y. 1906. 
Rev. WILLIAM E. NIES, Port Washington, Long Island, N. Y. 1908. 
Rt. Rev. Mgr. DENNIS J. O'CONNELL, 800 Cathedral Place, Richmond, Va. 

1903. 

Dr. FELIX, Freiherr von OEFELE, 326 E. 58th St. New York, N. Y. 1913. 
Prof. HANNS OERTEL (Yale Univ.), 2 Phelps Hall, New Haven, Conn. 1890. 



List of Members. xix 

Dr. CHARLES J. OGDEN, 628 West 114th St., New York, N. Y. 1906. 
Miss ELLEN S. OGDEN, Hopkins Hall, Burlington, Vt. 1898. 
Prof. SAMUEL G. OLIPHANT, Grove City College, Grove City, Penn. 1906. 
Prof. ALBERT TENEYCK OLMSTEAD, 911 Lowry St., Columbia, Mo. 1909. 
Prof. PAUL OLTRAMARE (Univ. of Geneva), Ave. de Bosquets, Servette, 

Geneve, Switzerland. 1904. 

*ROBERT M. OLYPHANT, 160 Madison Ave., New York, N. Y. -1861. 
Rev. Dr. CHARLES RAY PALMER, 562 Whitney Ave., New Haven, Conn. 

1900. 
Prof. LEWIS B. PATON, Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford, Conn. 

1894. 

Prof. WALTER M. PATTON, 405 Nevada st., Northfield, Minn. 1903. 
Dr. CHARLES PEABODY, 197 Brattle St., Cambridge, Mass. 1892. 
Prof. GEORGE A. PECKHAM, Hiram College, Hiram, Ohio. 1912. 
Prof. ISMAR J. PERITZ, Syracuse University, Syracuse, N. Y. 1894. 
Prof. EDWARD DELAVAN PERRY (Columbia Univ.), 542 West 114th St., New 

York, N. Y. 1879. 

Rev. Dr. JOHN P. PETERS, 225 West 99th St., New York, N. Y. 1882. 
WALTER PETERSEN, Bethany College, Lindsborg, Kansas. 1909. 
Prof. DAVID PHILIPSON (Hebrew Union College), 3947 Beechwood Ave., 

Rose Hill, Cincinnati, 0. 1889. 

Dr. ARNO POEBEL, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1912. 
Dr. WILLIAM POPPER, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. 1897. 
Prof. IRA M. PRICE, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1887. 
Prof. JOHN DYNELEY PRINCE (Columbia Univ.), Sterlington, Rockland Co., 

N. Y. 1888. 

GEORGE PAYN QUACKENBOS, 331 West 28th St., New York, N. Y. 1904. 
RAMAKIRSMA, Thottakkadu House, Madras, India. 1913. 
Dr. CAROLINE L. RANSOM, Metropolitan Museum of Art, 5th Ave. and 

82d St., New York, N. Y. 1912. 

G. A. REICHLING, 466 Nostrand Ave., Brooklyn, N. Y. 1912. 
Dr. JOSEPH REIDER, Dropsie College, Philadelphia, Pa. 1913. 
Prof. GEORGE ANDREW REISNER, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. 

1891. 

BERNARD REVEL, 2113 North Camac St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1910. 
Prof. PHILIP M. RHINELANDER (Episcopal Theological Sem.), 26 Garden St., 

Cambridge, Mass. 1908. 
ERNEST C. RICHARDSON, Library of Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 

1900. 

J. NELSON ROBERTSON, 294 Avenue Road, Toronto, Canada. 1913. 
EDWARD ROBINSON, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, N. Y. 1894. 
Rev. Dr. GEORGE LIVINGSTON ROBINSON (McCormickTheol. Sem.), 4 Chalmers 

Place, Chicago, 111. 1892. 
Hon. WILLIAM WOODVILLE ROCKHILL, American Embassy, Constantinople, 

Turkey. 1880. 
Prof. JAMES HARDY ROPES (Harvard Univ.), 13 Follen St., Cambridge, 

Mass. 1893. 

Dr. WILLIAM ROSENAU, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1897. 
J. J. ROSENGARTEN, 1704 Walnut St. Philadelphia, Pa. 1914. 
Miss ADELAIDE RUDOLPH, 2098 East 100th St., Cleveland, 0. 1894. 



xx List of Members. 

Mrs. JANET E. RUUTZ-REES, Rosemary Cottage, Greenwich, Conn. 1897. 
Mrs. EDWARD E. SALISBURY, 237 Church St., New Haven, Conn. 1906. 
Pres. FRANK K. SANDERS, Washburn College, Topeka, Kans. 1897. 
JOHANN F. SCHELTEMA, care of Messrs. Kerkhoven & Co., 115 Heerengracht, 

Amsterdam, Holland. 1906. 

GEORGE V. SCHICK, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1909. 
Prof. NATHANIEL SCHMIDT, Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y. 1894. 
WILFRED H. SCHOFF, Commercial Museum, Philadelphia, Pa. 1912. 
MONTGOMERY SCHUYLER Jr., Department of State, Washington D. C. 1913. 
Dr. GILBERT CAMPBELL SCOGGIN, University of Missouri, Columbia, Mo. 

1906. 

Dr. CHARLES P. G. SCOTT, 1 Madison Ave., New York, N. Y. 1895. 
*Mrs. SAMUEL BRYAN SCOTT (nee Morris), 124 Highland Ave., Chestnut 

Hill, Philadelphia, Pa. 1903. 
Rev. JOHN L. SCULLY, Church of the Holy Trinity, 312-332 East 88th St., 

New York, N. Y. 1908. 
Rev. Dr. WILLIAM G. SEIPLE, 110 East Twenty-fifth St., Baltimore Md. 

1902. 
Prof. CHARLES N. SHEPARD (General Theological Sem.), 9 Chelsea Square, 

New York, N. Y. 1907. 

CHARLES C. SHERMAN, 614 Riverside Drive, New York, N. Y. 1904. 
*JOHN R. SLATTERY, 14 bis rue Montaigne, Paris, France. 1903. 
Major C. C. SMITH, Fourth Cavalry, Nogales, Arizona. 1907. 
Prof. HENRY PRESERVED SMITH, (Union Theological Seminary), Broadway 

and 120th St., New York, N. Y. 1877. 

Prof. JOHN M. P. SMITH, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1906. 
ELY BANNISTER SOANE, care of Messrs. H. S. King & Co., 9 Pall Mall, 

London, S.W., England. 1911. 

Prof. EDWARD H. SPIEKER, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1884. 
MARTIN SPRENGLING, care of Prof. R. F. Harper, Univ. of Chicago, 

Chicago, 111. 1912. 

Rev. Dr. JAMES D. STEELE, 15 Grove Terrace, Passaic, N. J. 1892. 
Rev. ANSON PHELPS STOKES, D.D., Yale University, New Haven, Conn. 

1900. 

MAYER SULZBERGER, 1303 Girard Ave., Philadelphia, Pa. 1888. 
Prof. GEORGE SVERDRUP, Jr., Augsburg Seminary, Minneapolis, Minn. 1907. 
Prof. WM. C. THAYER, 59 Market St. Bethlehem, Pa. 1913. 
DAVID E. THOMAS, 6407 Ingleside Ave., Chicago, 111. 1912. 
EBEN FRANCIS THOMPSON, 311 Main St., Worcester, Mass. 1906. 
Prof. HENRY A. TODD (Columbia Univ.), 824 West End Ave., New York, 

N. Y. 1885. 

OLAF A. TOFFTEEN, 2726 Washington Boulevard, Chicago, 111. 1906. 
*Prof. CHARLES C. TORREY, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. 1891. 
Prof. CRAWFORD H.ToY (Harvard Univ.), 7 Lowell St., Cambridge, Mass. 1871. 
Rev. SYDNEY N. USSHER, St. Bartholomew's Church, 44th St. & Madison 

Ave., N. Y. 1909. 
Rev. HERVEY BOARDMAN VANDERBOGART, Berkeley Divinity School, 

Middletown, Conn. 1911. 
Rev. Dr. FREDERICK AUGUSTUS VANDERBURGH, 53 Washington Sq., New 

York, N. Y. 1908. 



List oj Members. xxi 

ADDISON VAN NAME (Yale Univ.), 121 High St., New Haven, Conn. 1863. 
Miss SUSAN HAYES WARD, The Stone House, Abington Ave., Newark, 

N. J. 1874. 

Rev. Dr. WILLIAM HAYES WARD, 130 Fulton St., New York, N. Y. 1869. 
Miss CORNELIA WARREN, Cedar Hill, Waltham, Mass. 1894. 
Prof. WILLIAM F. WARREN (Boston Univ.) , 131 Davis Ave., Brookline, 

Mass. 1877. 

Rev. LEROY WATERMAN, Meadville Theological School, Meadville, Pa. 1912. 
Prof. J. E. WERREN, 1667 Cambridge St., Cambridge, Mass. 1894. 
Prof. JENS IVERSON WESTENGARD Asst. Gen. Adviser to H.S.M. Govt., 

Bangkok, Siam. 1903. 

ARTHUR J. WESTERMAYR, ICO Lenox Road, Brooklyn, N. Y. 1912. 
Pres. BENJAMIN IDE WHEELEE, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. 1885. 
Prof. JOHN WILLIAMS WHITE (Harvard Univ.), 18 Concord Ave., Cambridge, 

Mass. 1877. 

JOHN G. WHITS, Williamson Building, Cleveland, Ohio. 1912. 
* Miss MARGARET DWIGHT WHITNEY, 227 Church St., New Haven, Conn. 1908. 
Hon. E. T. WILLIAMS, U. S. Legation, Peking, China. 1901. 
Prof. FREDERICK WELLS WILLIAMS (Yale Univ.), 135 Whitney Ave., New 

Haven, Conn. 1895. 

Dr. TALCOTT WILLIAMS, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 1884. 
Rev. Dr. WILLIAM COPLEY WINSLOW, 525 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 1885. 
Rev. Dr. STEPHEN S. WISE, 23 West 90th St., New York, N. Y. 1894. 
Prof. JOHN E. WISHART, So. Pasadena, California. 1911. 
HENRY B. WITTON, 290 Hess St., South, Hamilton, Ontario. 1885. 
Dr. Louis B. WOLFENSON, 1620 Madison St.,. Madison, Wis. 1904. 
Prof. IRVING F. WOOD, Smith College, Northampton, Mass. 1905. 
WILLIAM W. WOOD, Shirley Lane, Baltimore, Md. 1900. 
Prof. JAMES H. WOODS (Harvard Univ.), 2 Chestnut St., Boston, M*ss. 1900. 
Dr. WILLIAM H, WORRELL, Hosmer Hall, Hartford, Conn. 1910. 
Dr. S. C. YLVISAKER, Luther College, Decorah, la. 1913. 
Rev. Dr. ABRAHAM YOHANNAN, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 1894. 
Rev. ROBERT ZIMMERMANN, S. J., Niederwallstrasse 89, Berlin, SW. 19, 

Germany. 1911. (Total: 309.) 



xxii List of Members. 

SOCIETIES, EDITORS, AND LIBRARIES, TO WHICH THE PUBLICATIONS OF 

THE AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY ARE SENT BY WAY OP GIFT, 

EXCHANGE, OR PURCHASE. 

I. AMERICA. 

BOSTON, MASS.: American Academy of Arts and Sciences. 
CHICAGO, ILL. : Field Museum of Natural History. 
PHILADELPHIA, PA.: American Philosophical Society. 

Free Museum of Science and Art, Univ. of Penn. 
WASHINGTON, D. C.: Smithsonian Institution. 

Bureau of American Ethnology. 
WORCESTER, MASS.: American Antiquarian Society. 



II. EUROPE. 

AUSTRIA, VIENNA: Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenachaften. 

K. u. K. Direction der K. u. K. Hofbibliothek (Josephs- 

platz 1.) 

Anthropologische Gesellschaft. 

PRAGUE: Koniglich Bohmische Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften. 
DENMARK, ICELAND, REYKJAVIK: University Library. 

FRANCE, PAF.IS : Societe Asiatique. (Rue de Seine, Palais de 1'Institut.) 
Bibliotheque Nationale. 
Musee Guimet. (Avenue du Trocadero.) 
Academic des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres. 
Ecole des Langues Orientales Vivantes. (Rue de Lille, 2.) 
GERMANY, BERLIN: Koniglich Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften. 
Konigliche Bibliothek. 

Seminar f iir Orientalische Sprachen. (Am Zeughause 1.) 
DARMSTADT: Grossherzogliche Hofbibliothek. 
GOTTINGEN: Konigliche Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften. 

HALLE: Bibliothek der DeutschenMorgenlandischen Gesellschaft. 

(Friedrichstrasse 50.) 
LEipzio: Koniglich Sachsische Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften. 

Leipziger Semitistische Studien. (J. C. Hinrichs.) 
MUNICH: Koniglich Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften. 

Konigliche Hof- und Staatsbibliothek. 
TUBINGEN: Library of the University. 

GREAT BRITAIN, LONDON: Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ire- 
land. (22 Albemarle St., W.) 
Library of the India Office. (Whitehall, S.W.) 
Society of Biblical Archaeology. (37 Great Russell 

St., Bloomsbury, W.C.) 
Philological Society. (Care of Dr. F. J. Furnivall, 

3 St. George's Square, Primrose Hill, N.W.) 

ITALY, BOLOGNA: Reale Accademia delle Scienze dell' Istituto di Bologna. 
FLORENCE: Societa Asiatica Italiana. 
ROME: Reale Accademia dei Lincei. 



List of Members. 



xxni 



NETHERLANDS, AMSTERDAM: Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen. 

THE HAGUE: Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land-, en 

Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch Indie. 
LEYDEN: Curatorium of the University. 
RUSSIA, HELSINGFORS: Societe Finno Ougrienne. 

ST. PETERSBURG: Imperatorskaja Akademija Nauk. 

Archeologiji Institut. 
SWEDEN, UPSALA: Humanistiska Vetenskaps-Samfundet. 

III. ASIA. 

CHINA SHANGHAI^ China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. 

TONKIN: 1'Ecole Fran^aise d'extreme Orient (Rue de Coton), Hanoi. 
INDIA, BOMBAY: Bombay Branch of the Rnyal Asiatic Society. 

The Anthropological Society. (Town Hall.) 
BENARES: Benares Sanskrit Coll. "The Pandit." 

CALCUTTA: The Asiatic Society of Bengal. (57 Park St.) 

The Buddhist Text Society. (86 Jaun Bazar St.) 
Home Dept., Government of India. 
LAHORE: Library of the Oriental College. 
SIMLA : Office of the Director General of Archaeology. (Benmore, 

Simla, Punjab.) 

CEYLON, COLOMBO : Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. 
JAPAN, TOKYO: The Asiatic Society of Japan. 

JAVA, BATAVIA: Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen. 
KOREA: Korea Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Seoul, Korea. 
NEW ZEALAND: The Polynesian Society, New Plymouth. 
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: The Ethnological Survey, Manila. 
SYRIA: The American School (care U. S. Consul, Jerusalem. 
Revue Biblique, care of M. J. Lagrange, Jerusalem. 
A-Machriq, Universite St. Joseph, Beirut, Syria. 

IV. AFRIKA. , 
EGYPT, CAIRO: The Khedivial Library. 

V. EDITORS OF THE FOLLOWING PERIODICALS. 

The Indian Antiquary (Education Society's Press, Bombay, India). 
Wiener Zeitschrift fiir die Kunde des Morgenlandes (care of Alfred Holder, 

Rothenthurmstr. 15, Vienna, Austria). 
Zeitschrift fiir vergleichende Sprachforschung (care of Prof. E. Kuhn, 

3 Hess Str., Munich, Bavaria), 
Revue de 1'Histoire des Religions (care of M. Jean Reville, chez M. E, 

Leroux, 28 rue Bonaparte, Paris, France). 
Zeitschrift fiir die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft (care of Prof. D. Karl 

Marti, Marienstr. 25, Bern, Switzerland). 
Beitrage zur Assyriologie und semitischen Sprachwissenschaft. (J. C. 

Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung, Leipzig, Germany.) 



xxiv List of Members. 

Orientalische Bibliographic (care of Prof. Lucian Scherman, 18 Ungerer- 
str., Munich, Bavaria). 

The American Antiquarian and Oriental Journal, 438 East 57th St., Chi- 
cago, 111. 

Transactions of the American Philological Association (care of Prof. F. G. 
Moore, Columbia University, New York, N. Y.). 

Le Monde Oriental (care of Prof. K. F. Johansson. Upsala, Sweden). 

Panini Office, Bhuvaneshwari, Asram, (Allahabad) Bahadurgany (India). 

VI. LIBRARIES. 

The Editors request the Librarians of any Institution or Libraries, 
not mentioned below, to which this Journal may regularly come, to notify 
them of the fact. It is the intention of the Editors to print a list, as 
complete as may be, of regular suscribers for the Journal or of recipients 
thereof. The following is the beginning of such a list. 

Boston Athenaeum, Boston, Mass. 

Boston Public Library. 

Brown University Library. 

University of California Library, Berkeley, Cal. 

Chicago University Library. 

Columbia University Library. 

Connemara Public Library, Madras, India, 

Cornell University Library. 

Harvard University Library. 

Hebrew Union College, Cincinnati, 0. 

Johns Hopkins University Library, Baltimore, Md. 

University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. 

Minneapolis Athenaeum, Minneapolis, Minn. 

New York Public Library. 

Rochester Theological Seminary, Rochester N. Y. 

Yale University Library. 

Library of Congress, Washington, D. C. 



Constitution and By-Laws. xxv 



CONSTITUTION AND BY-LAWS 

OF THE 

AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY. 



With Amendments of April, 1897. 



CONSTITUTION. 

ARTICLE I. This Society shall be called the AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY. 
ARTICLE II. The objects contemplated by this Society shall be: - 

1. The cultivation of learning in the Asiatic, African, and Polynesian 
languages, as well as the encouragement of researches of any sort by 
which the knowledge of the East may be promoted. 

2. The cultivation of a taste for oriental studies in this country. 

3. The publication of memoirs, translations, vocabularies, and other 
communications, presented to the Society, which may be valuable with 
reference to the before-mentioned objects. 

4. The collection of a library and cabinet. 

ARTICLE III. The members of this Society shall be distinguished as 
corporate and honorary. 

ARTICLE IV. All candidades for membership must be proposed by the 
Directors, at some stated meeting of the Society, and no person shall be 
elected a member of either class without receiving the votes of as many as 
three-fourths of all the members present at the meeting. 

ARTICLE V. The government of the Society shall consist of a President, 
three Vice Presidents, a Corresponding Secretary, a Recording Secretary, 
a Secretary of the Section for the Historical Study of Religions, a 
Treasurer, a Librarian, and seven Directors, who shall be annually elected 
by ballot, at the annual meeting. 

ARTICLE VI. The President and Vice Presidents shall perform the 
customary duties of such officers, and shall be ex-officio members of the 
Board of Directors. 

ARTICLE VII. The Secretaries, Treasurer, and Librarian shall be 
ex-officio members of the Board of Directors, and shall perform their 
respective duties under the superintendence of said Board. 

ARTICLE VIII. It shall be the duty of the Board of Directors to regu- 
late the financial concerns of the Society, to superintend its publications, 
to carry into effect the resolutions and orders of the Society, and to 
exercise a general supervision over its affairs. Five Directors at any 
regular meeting shall be a quorum for doing business. 

ARTICLE IX. An Annual meeting of the Society shall be held during 
Easter week, the days and place of the meeting to be determined by the 
Directors, said meeting to be held in Massachusetts at least once in three 
years. One or more other meetings, at the discretion of the Directors, 



xxvi Constitution and By-Laws. 

may also be held each year at such place and time as the Directors shall 
determine. 

ARTICLE X. There shall be a special Section of the Society, devoted to 
the historical study of religions, to which section others than members of 
the American Oriental Society may be elected in the same manner as is 
prescribed in Article IV. 

ARTICLE XI. This Constitution may be amended, on a recommendation 
of the Directors, by a vote of three-fourths of the members present at an 
annual meeting. 



BY-LAWS. 

I. The Corresponding Secretary shall conduct the correspondence of 
the Society, and it shall be his duty to keep, in a book provided for the 
purpose, a copy of his letters; and he shall notify the meetings in such 
manner as the President or the Board of Directors shall direct. 

II. The Recording Secretary shall keep a record of the proceedings of 
the Society in a book provided for the purpose. 

III. a. The Treasurer shall have charge of the funds of the Society; 
and his investments, deposits, and payments shall be made under the 
superintendence of the Board of Directors. At each annual meeting he 
shall report the state of the finances, with a brief summary of the receipts 
and payments of the previous year. 

III. b. After December 31, 1896, the fiscal year of the Society shall 
correspond with the calendar year. 

III. c. At each annual business meeting in Easter week, the President 
shall appoint an auditing committee of two men preferably men residing 
in or near the town where the Treasurer lives to examine the Treasurer's 
accounts and vouchers, and to inspect the evidences of the Society's prop- 
erty, and to see that the funds called for by his balances are in his hands. 
The Committe shall perform this duty as soon as possible after the New 
Year's day succeeding their appointment, and shall report their findings 
to the Society at the next annual business meeting thereafter. If these 
findings are satisfactory, the Treasurer shall receive his acquittance by a 
certificate to that effect, which shall be recorded in the Treasurer's book, 
and published in the Proceedings. 

IV. The Librarian shall keep a catalogue of all books belonging to the 
Society, with the names of the donors, if they are presented, and shall at 
each annual meeting make a report of the accessions to the library during 
the previous year, and shall be farther guided in the discharge of his 
duties by such rules as the Directors shall prescribe. 

V. All papers read before the Society, and all manuscripts deposited 
by authors for publication, or for other purposes, shall be at the disposal 
of the Board of Directors, unless notice to the contrary is given to the 
Editors at the time of presentation. 

VI. Each corporate member shall pay into the treasury of the Society 
an annual assessment of five dollars; but a donation at any one time of 
seventy-five dollars shall exempt from obligation to make this payment. 

VII. Corporate and Honorary members shall be entitled to a copy of 
all the publications of the Society issued during their membership, and 



Constitution and By-Laivs. xxvii 

shall also have the privilege of taking a copy of those previously pub- 
lished, so far as the Society can supply them, at half the ordinary selling 
price. 

VIII. Candidates for membership who have been elected by the 
Society shall qualify as members by payment of the first annual assess- 
ment within one month from the time when notice of such election is 
mailed to them. A failure so to qualify shall be construed as a refusal 
to become a member. If any corporate member shall for two years fail 
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lecent Researches in the Sumerian Calendar. By 
GTEOKGE A. BARTON, Professor in Bryn Mawr College 
Bryn Mawr, Pa. 

There are many unsolved problems in Sumerology, and one 
of these is the arrangement and development of the calendar. 
For the period of the dynasty of Ur the area of uncertainty 
has been for Lagash and Nippur reduced to narrow limits, 
but for the earlier period there is as yet no agreement. The 
uncertainty is well illustrated by the fact that Genouillac in 
1909 arranged the names of the months in a certain order 
for the period of Urkagina, beginning the year with the month 
Ezen-Bau at the vernal equinox; 1 the present writer in 1910 
found thirty six month-names for the same period, which applied 
to thirteen months, (one of them being the intercalary month), 
which he believed represented a year beginning at the autum- 
nal equinox; 2 in the same year Myhrman compiled four lists 
of months which were in use during the period of Ur, one of 
which began with SE-KIN-KUD, and two with the month 
GAN-MAS. 3 He was influenced in the arrangement of these 
last mentioned lists by an old theory of his friend E-adau, who 
had contended that the calendar began with that month. 
Finally Langdon 1911, arranged for the Urkagina period a 
calendar of twelve months. He ignored may the variant 
names. He began the year with the month August-September. 4 
Each of the three investigators who treats the calendar of 
Urkagina has arranged the months in a different order and 
would begin the year at a different period. Langdon endeav- 
ors to connect the calendar of the Urkagina period with that 
of the Ur period, and believes that he has discovered a law 

1 Tablettes sumeriennes archaiques p. xvii ff. 

2 JAOS, XXXI, 251 ff. 

3 Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania. Ill, 45 ff. 
* Tablets from the Archives of Drehem, Paris, Geuthner, 1911, p. 5 ff. 

VOL. XXXIH. Part I. 1 



2 - George A. Barton, [1913. 

by which the months were gradually shifted. If one could 
accept his system and believe that his knowledge of the Bab- 
ylonian seasons and harvests is accurate, Langdon would 
persuade him that the Sumerian calendar was invented 2100 
years before the Ur dynasty or about 4400 - - 4500 B. C. 
Such wide differences of opinion serve to show that we are 
all in a good degree groping in the dark. 

Meantime Thureau-Dangin has collected from unpublished 
tablets the names and order of the months as he believes 
they were arranged in the calendars of Umma and Jokha. 
"While these calendars belong to the Ur period and the 
arrangements proposed rest in many instances on doubtful 
data, their variations in one or two clearly established points 
from calendars previously known throw light on a number of 
problems. They also make it clear there was no such thing 
as a uniform Sumerian Calendar for the whole of Babylonia. 
It is the fashion among some Sumerologists to assume that 
all who engage in Sumerian studies except one's self and one's 
teacher or pupil, are ignorant of the first principles of the 
science, and accordingly each scholar fiercely asserts the 
correctness of his own opinions. So long as this is the case, 
and so long as the results obtained differ as widely as those 
referred to above, the general public cannot be blamed for 
thinking that Sumerology is not yet a science, but belongs to 
the realm of imaginative fiction. 

It is not in this spirit that the writer approaches the study. 
He readily acknowledges his own humble position among the 
devotees of the craft, and is eager to learn from any and 
every quarter. So long as we are dealing with a matter which 
strives to escape from imaginative literature and to find 
standing room in the realm of science, it is quite right to test 
each theory by such facts as can be ascertained, and in this 
testing the humblest workers may find a place. It is with 
this purpose that the following criticisms are offered. 

Myhrman, followed by Langdon, gives two lists of months 
of a year beginning with a month G-AN-MAS. There is 
really no decisive evidence offered in support of such a year. 
It is true that in the great grain account published in CT, 
III, (Nr. 18343), the accounts run from GAN-MAS to SE- 
IL-LA, but that does not prove that the year began with 
GAN-MAS, but only that at the beginning of that month was 



Vol. xxxiii.j Recent Researches in the Sumerian Calendar. 3 

the new grain ready to be put into circulation. A modern 
firm might for economic causes run their fiscal year from Feb. 
1st to Jan. 31st, but this would not imply that the calendar 
of the time did not begin its year with Jan. 1st. That the 
year of the authors of this tablet began with &E-IL-LA is 
shown by the fact that the intercallary month was DIR-&E- 
KIN-KUD (cf. col. x, 48, xii, 40, and xiii, 9). If the year 
had begun with GAN-MA!, the intercalary month should 
have been a second SE-IL-LA. The lists which begin with 
GAN-MAS may, therfore, be disregarded. 

On the other hand a tablet published by Eadau, EBH, 299, 
(viz: EAH, 134), testifies to a year which began with SE-KIJST- 
KUD and concluded with EZIN-MI-KI-GAL. This list 
which simply couples the names of certain officials with the 
different months, clearly arranges them in their calendar order. 
This is confirmed by a tablet recently published from Drehem. 1 
Clearly, then, there were places in the Ur period where the 
calendar began with the month with which in other places it 
ended. Langdon 2 has rightly pointed out that in the tablets 
from Drehem published by him one can see the year shifting 
from one system to the other, sometimes DIR-EZEN-MI-KI- 
GAL 3 being the intercalary month, and sometimes DIR-SE- 
KIN-KUD.* As SE-KIN-KUD is a name which signifies 
the "grain" or "barley-harvest" and as that harvest begins now 
about the middle of April, 5 it is clear that originally that 
month came a month later than in the calendar of the time 
of Ur at Telloh. For some reason, probably because inter- 
calary months were not appointed often enough, it had been 
drawn back one place in the calendar. At Drehem we see 
the change in progress. 

The recognition of this fact solves a difficulty which I felt 
when writing on the calendar two years ago; 5 but the right 
solution of which I did not then find. It accordingly necessi- 
tates a slight modification of my arrangement of the months, 
as will be pointed out below. 

Langdon's inference that this process had been going on for 
such a length of time that the calendar had been drawn five 



1 La trouvaille de Drehem, par H. de GenouiHac, Paris, 1911, Nr. 65. 

2 Op. cit. p. 6. 3 ibid. Nr. 55. * Ibid. Nr. 2. 
s JAOS, XXXI, 259, n. 1. 

1* 



4 George A. Barton, [1913. 

months out of its original position, is based upon a number 
of misconceptions. One of the most fundamental of these is 
the notion that the barley harvest ever came as late as July- 
August, and that the date harvest came in July. These are 
simple facts which can be ascertained from modern conditions 
without a knowledge of Sumerian. Barley harvest began in 
the latter part of March and extended into April. 1 The 
wheat harvest followed on after it. The date harvest at 
Busrah, which is farther south than Telloh, begins now about 
the middle of September 2 and lasts for six or eight weeks. 
Langon has also overlooked the fact that as early as the time 
of Urkagina the appointment of an intercalary month was in 
use. 3 It is inconceivable that a people who had invented an 
intercalary month to keep their agriculturally named months 
in coincidence with the agricultural seasons, should permit it 
to be drawn absolutely out of touch with them at a time 
when the agricultural names were fully understood. Indeed, 
on Langon's theory the month names must have become fixed 
about 4400 B. C. and the process of dislocation must have 
been far advanced by 3000 2800 B. C., where we must place 
Urkagina. The month names of the time of Urkagina make 
such a theory wholly untenable. They are not only in a 
thoroughly fluid state, some months being named from any 
one of several agricultural processes which took place in it, 
but the names themselves occur in their fullest forms. They 
are still whole sentences, which have definite agricultural 
meanings. They are not the mere meaningless fragments 
which some of them had become by the Ur Period. Such 
changes as are traceable' in the Sumerian calendar before 
the Ur period occurred in the space of 500 years and not 
2100 years. 

Langdon rightly begins the year toward the autumn. He 
makes the first month Aug.-Sept,, instead of Sept.-Oct. In 
the present state of our knowledge this is not a serious diver- 
gence, though his reason for choosing it, viz : that SE-KIN- 
KUD and SlJ-NUMUN originally belonged five months from 
the time where we later find them, is a misconception of the 



1 JAOS. XXXI, 259, n. 1. 

2 Zwemer, Arabia the Cradle of Islam, p. 125. 
" DP, Nr. 99. 






Vol.xxxiii.] Recent Researches in the Sumerian Calendar. 5 

Babylonian seasons. That the year began in the autumn as 
late as the time of Gudea 1 , is a fact to which attention has 
previously been called. 2 The change from this to a year which 
began with the vernal equinox was an innovation introduced 
between the time of Gudea, therefore, and the dynasty of Ur. 
What was the cause of the change, we can only conjecture, 
and conjecture in the absence of facts is futile. But all the 
information points to the theory that a definite change to a 
year beginning in the spring, had been made at Telloh within 
the comparatively short period between Gudea and the dy- 
nasty of Ur. 

Langdon equates the stellar month-name of the period of 
Urkagina,viz: ITU MUL-BABBAR-SAG-E-TA-SUB-A-A, 
(i. e. ^ JHF- *? ^W ^ ^!!I UH I? I?) with ITU 
BAR-ZAG (i. e. >g^ ggj gj^ ^ Klff), which occurs 
in the Ur period at Nippur. Langdon reads ty Bar instead 
of BABBAE, which is, of course, possible. He then takes 
BAR-SAG as the name of the star, instead of interpreting 
SAG in the sense of "front" or "leadership" as I would do, 3 
and takes the reading BAR-ZAG as another spelling for this. 
There is 'hardly a possibility that this is right, since in EAH 
134 it is spelled ITU BAR-AZAG-GAR (>g^ >f- <J]f H^g0). 
Though the BAR-ZAG is spelled differently in the two 
texts the presence of the GAR or GA-RA in" both the 
Ur names introduces an element which is not in the earlier 
name, and the identification of either with the earlier name 
is extremely improbable. Langdon thinks that its use as a 
month name arose from the acronic setting of some unidenti- 
fied star, though he admits that this is the opposite of the 
usage of the Persian period. The view formerly expressed by 
me, 4 that the star is Sirius, that the reference is to its heliac 
rising, and that the month is identical with the month L1K 
(month of the dog), once called L IK-BAD (month the dog 
dies), though conjectural, is still the most probable conjecture. 

In this connection the date of DP 99- should be discussed. 
When writing two years ago, I recognized it as an inter- 
calary month, though a part of the name was not then clear 

1 Stat. E, v, 12; stat. G, iii, 5. 

2 Cf. JAOS, XXXI, 255, and the references "there given. 

3 JAOS, XXXI, 266. * Ibid, 266 f. 



6 George A. Barton, [1913 

to me. The month name is written (turning the signs into 
Assyrian script), 2J ty ]] ^ >^f |J. The ty || is very 
puzzling, and two years ago I was inclined to regard it as 
"day 2" inserted in a peculiar way. Analogy of later texts 
proves, however, that that is impossible. Hammurapi, for 
example, (King, Letters and Inscriptions of Hammurabi, pi. 
14, 1. 6). says, in appointing an intercalary month ITU KIN- d 
NAN A II kam Ii-i8-$a-te-ir, "a second Ululu let it be regis- 
tered". 1 "We thus learn that an intercalary month could be 
called the "second" of the preceding month. Applying this to the 
^ || of this old month name, we should render it, "Second 
Babbar, appointed". The inference lies close at hand, that 
BABBAE is an abbreviation for ITU-MUL-BABBAK-SAG- 
E-TA-SUB-A-A. If this was the case, this astral month was 
the closing month of the year, and not the first month, as 
Langdon supposes. 2 

Kugler 3 has made an interesting suggestion concerning 
another month name,j Antasurra. A longer form of it occurs, 
though mutilated by the breaking of the tablet, in DP 116. 
It is ITU d -NIN-GIR-SU-E-BIL-AN-TA-SUR-EA, "Month 
when the god Ningirsu pours out fire from heaven". Kugler 
interprets it as a reference to a shower of meteors. Kugler 
shows that about 2700 B. C. the Leonid meteors which now 
come about the middle of Nov. fell about July 14th. Accord- 
ing to the data given by him, the Persid meteors, which now 
fall in August, then fell about June 25. At that time, accord- 
ingly, the month, June-July, would include both these show- 
ers, and a month might, well be named for them. Langdon 
objects to this interpretation of the name (op. cit. p. 13, n. 5), 
on the ground that Antasurra was a part of the temple of 

1 Similarly Bu 88512, 12 (OT, VIII, 3) is dated in ITU KIN- 
NANA II kam, and Bu 9159, 320 (CT, VIII, 27) is dated ITU BAR- 
ZAG-GAR II kam . These are other instances of the practice in question, 
and the last example shows that in the reign of Abishu Nisan was used 
as an intercalary month. 

2 That GAL-LA-A is to be taken in the sense of sakanu, "appoint", 
(Br. 2253), is shown by CT, III, 18343 passim, where, whenever an inter- 
calary month occurred in the year, we read ITU DIR Ia- an SABA-NI- 
GAL, "One additional month in (it) was appointed"; cf. iii, 35, 45, vii, 40, 
ix, 12, 22, 32, 41, 48, xvi. 45. 

8 Sterrikunde und Sterndienst in Babel, II, 174 ff. and ZA, XXV, 278. 
In my former article I read the name j Antagarra, but this is incorrect. 



Vol.xxxiii.] Recent Researches in the Sumerian Calendar. 7 

Ningirsu (SAK, 243), and that it was also a proper name of 
men. Kugler's interpretation is plausible and attractive, though 
as yet uncertain. 

Of the reconstruction of the calendars of Umma and Jokha 
by Thureau-Dangin one feels some doubt. For example, it 
is assumed from the statement of a text, that "From the 
month SE-KIN-KUD to the month Dumuzi was twelve months", 
that the year began with the month &E-KIN-KUD. While 
the fact that at Drehem SE-KIN-KUD began the year estab- 
lishes a presumption that the same was the case at Umma, 
the statement itself does not prove it any more than the 
statement that from December to November is twelve months 
would prove that our year begins with December. 

The statement does prove that at Umma, (and the same 
seems to have been true for Jokha), the Feast of Amaraasi 
was called the feast of Tammuz. A deity sufficiently akin to 
Tammuz to be identified with him, seems to have been espe- 
cially honored in the winter time. 

Taking into account the new information which has come 
to light, the table of months published in vol. XXXI should 
be corrected as in the following list. The position of those 
preceded by an interrogation is still in doubt: The position 
assigned to those preceded by two question marks is wholly 
conjectural. 

The exact date of the new year cannot as yet be accurately 
ascertained. Probably it was not accurately determined astro- 
nomically, but came somewhere near the date harvest. It 
may have ranged from the end of August to the end of Sep- 
tember. 



Tentative List of Months. 
First month, ITU EZIN- d BA-U 



Second month, 



Third month, (??) 



ITU EZIN-BULUK-KtMNINA 
ITU EZIN-SE-Kt 
ITU EZIN-AB-UD-DU 
ITU GAB-KA-ID-KA 

ITU SI-GAB-MA 



Fourth month, (??) ITU UZ-NE-GU-BA-A 



George A. Barton, 



[1913. 



Fifth month, (??) ITU GAL-SAG-GA* 



Sixth month, 



Seventh month, 



Eighth month, 



Ninth month, 



Tenth month, 



f ITU AMAR-A-A-SIG-GA 
I ITU 



I ITU 



AMAR-A-A-SI-DA 
AMA-UDU-TUK 



ITU SE-KIN-KUD 
ITU MAL-UDU-UR 
ITU MAL-UR 
ITU SIG-BA 

ITU SIG- d BA-U-E-TA-GAR- 
RA-A 

ITU UDU-SU-&E-A-IL- d NINA 
ITU UDU-SE-A-IL-LA 
ITU UDU-SU-&E-A-KU 
ITU UDU-SU-E-A- d NINA 
ITU UDU-SU-SE-A- d NIN- 

GIR-SU 

ITU SE-GAR-UDU 
ITU KARU-DUB-BA-A 
ITU KARU-IMI-A-TA 
ITU SI-NAM-DUB-NI-BA- 

DUR-BA-A 
ITU-K ARU-IMI-DU- A 2 

f ITU HAR-RA-NE-MA-A3 
I ITU HAR-RA-NE-MA-A- 



ITU EZIN- d NE-SU 

(?^ ITU- d NIN-GIR-SU-E-BIL 

AN-TA-SUR-RA 
(?) ITU AN-TA-SUR-RA-A 



1 This conjecture is based upon the fact that at Umma and Jokha 
the feast of Tammuz came in the winter. As there is some probability 
that this was a feast of Tammuz, (cf. JAOS, XXXI, 268), I place it 
tentatively here. 

2 This name, which occurs in DP, 114, was overlooked by me when 
writing my former article. It means "Month when the storehouse 
tablets are sealed". 

3 I regret that' in my former article (JAOS, 263, n. 1), I misunder- 
stood Thureau-Dangin's position as to the reading of this name. It is 
not certain that GUD should be read HAR, but Thureau-Dangin still 
holds that opinion. 



Yol.xxxiii.] Eecent Researches in the Sumerian Calendar. 9 



Eleventh month, 



Twelfth month, 



Intercalary month, 



ITU EZIN-BULUK-KtMNIN- 
GIR-SU 

ITU EZIN-E-KTj- d NIN-GIR- 

su 

ITU EZIN-DIM-Kt 

(??) ITU EZIN- d LUGAL-ERIM 

(??) ITU GAL-UNUG ki -GA 

(?) ITU MUL-BABBAR-SAG-E- 

TA-UB-A-A 
ITU BABBAR-MIN-GAL-LA-A 



A Political Hymn to Shamash. By J. DYNELEY 
PEINCE, Ph. D., Professor in Columbia University, 
New York City. 

This hymn of ama$-&um-ukm, the rebellious viceroy and 
brother of the last great Assyrian king ASur-bdni-pal, is of 
peculiar interest, because it is more than the ordinary invo- 
cation of a king to a god. After the usual praises of the 
divine power of the sun-god, Sama-Sum-ukm says, in line 9: 
"a mighty one as a partner thou givest me", a clear allusion 
to his imperious brother Aur-bani-pal. The hymn continues 
significantly in line 13: "the unopened documents of my glory 
thou proclaimest", implying that an unknown, but glorious 
future awaits the king. Most signsficant of all, Sama$-8u-mukm 
prays in line 27: "my partner may I overcome", and in line 
30: "may I change my command"; viz., release himself from 
the Assyrian overlordship, plainly showing that, at the time 
when this hymn was composed, the rupture between ASur- 
bani-pal and Sama-$um-ukm was contemplated, even if it had 
not become a fact. 

The Semitic-Babylonian cuneiform text is published by 
David H. Myhrman in Babylonian Hymns and Psalms 
(Philadelphia, 1911), Plates 22 23, without photographic 
reproduction. The plates, although mutilated here and there, 
are plain enough to indicate the nature of the inscription, 
which is couched in fine style, characterized by an abundance 
of epithet, giving a literary merit to the production far above 
that of the ordinary conventional prayer. The whole hymn 
breathes a sincerity entirely natural in view of the special 
purpose and earnest desire of the supplicant. 

Obverse. 
1 (ra)-bu-u git-ma-lu a-pil Hi ina arxi il BaHbar-ra 

Great one; perfect one; son of the god in the month of 
Samas ; 



Vol. xxxiii.] A Political Hymn to Shamash. 11 

2 . . . . -tu $u-u pi-tu-u pa-an kalam-me mu-kal-lim nura 
.... he who opens the face of the lands; who reveals light; 

3 (mus)- te-Ur ina arru-ti-ma UB-KAL mimma $um-$u 
"Who rules aright in my kingdom, the mighty ruler of 

everything ; 
d . . dannu il SamaS (d U-tu) $a-ru-ur matdti 

. . powerful one, ama, glory of the lands. 
5 (UD-KIB)-NUN-KI cu-lul E-Bdbbar-ra 

Sippar, the shadow of the Temple of Samas" 

> .... ina il Marduk tuk-lat BaUli (KA-DINGrlB-BA-KI) 
.... by means of Marduk the help of Bahylon 

* . . . . (eli?) U-ti-kaVu-taq-qu~u il Annunald il Igigi v 
.... (upon?) thy house the Annunaki (and) Igigi pour 
out (bounteously). / 

8 il Me um-me cal-mat qaqqa-duv-tal-la-la meara-ka 

The goddess Me, mother of the black-headed, justifies thy 
righteousness. 

9 danna ina tap-pa-a tu-$ar-$i 

A mighty one as a partner thou givest (me). 

10 ana la i-$a-ru ta-nam-din ap-lu 

To him who is unworthy thou givest a son. 

11 da-(al)-ti sik-kur $am-e tu-pat-ti 

The door (and) the bolt of heaven thou openest. 

12 ana la na-ti-lu ta-$ak-kan nura 

For him who seeth not thou makest light. 

13 duppi tanadatia (UB-MU) la pi-ta-a tu-sa-as-si 

The unopened documents of my glory thou proclaimest. 

14 ina lilibi immere tu-$at-tar sira 

Among the lambs thou makest plenteous the meat. 

15 daidn (DI-KTJD) il Annunaki bel il Igigi 
Judge of the Annunaki, lord of the Igigi; 

16 il SamaS belia dur $i-ma-a-ti at-ta-ma 
Samas,. my lord, wall of my fate art thou. 

17 ana-ku m; il Sama-8um-uMn mar ili-8u 

I Samas-um-ukin the son of his god, (thee) 

18 ina xul-lu-pa-ni dub-lu gi$ da-(al-tu) gi$ as-ma-ru-u V 
For our protection a foundation, door (?), lance; 

19 lu $al-ma iccur nuri (XU-CAB) gi$ narJcabat ci-(mit-tim) 



12 J. Dyneley Prince. [1913 

Verily propitious, bird of light, to the chariot of my span 
favorable 

20 pal-xa-ku ad-ra-ku u u-ta-du-ra-ku 

I reverence, I fear and I am greatly in awe (of thee) 

21 (mu)-tib-bi ia-si u bitia (E-MU) 

who makest glad myself and my house. 

22 (at-taz-} bar ab (A- A) ameli abu (A- A) -ku-nu ab (A- A) 

mat Hi .... 

I proclaim the father of mankind, your father, father of 
the land of ... 

23 (na-pi$)-tu $i-i-mu a-lak-ti dum-mi-iq 

(my life) do thou order; my going do thou favor. 

24 (tu-$ar)-8i ra-i-ma lus-tu-u-a 

Do thou grant mercy; may I drink 

25 ni-me-qa uttu ianu-u-a (ME-U-A) 
wisdom; in dreams where am I? 

26 suttu at-tu lu ana damiq-tim uk-na 
O turn the black dream to favor! 



Reverse 

27 i-$a-ri$ lul-lik tap-pa-a lu-uk-Su-ud 

Righteously may I walk; my partner may I overcome! 

28 ina u (UD)-mi-ia lu-rak damiqtam 

In my days may I prolong (thy) favor! 

29 ... $u . . . . -ma-ka $a Hamiqtim 
' thy . . of favor. 

/ 30 daian (DI-KUD) lu-(ndk)-Jdr qa-bu-ua / 
judge, let me change my command! 

31 ri-Sa-a-tu bit biltuia (BIL-TU-MU) 

( m ^y he nil?) with joy the house of my 

tribute ! 

32 U Me ri- li-iz-ziz ina xegallia, (KAN-MU) 

Goddess Me may she be strong for my plenty! 

33 il Me ma- li-iz-ziz ina damiqtia 

Goddess Me may she be strong for my 

favor ! 

34 $ep tal-lak-(ti lu)-$al-li-mu ina idia 



r ol. xxxiii.] 



A Political Hymn to Shamash. 



13 



The foot of my progress may she make perfect for my 
power ! 

35 A-A pa-(kd)-di ina arkia 

to preserve behind me! 

36 li il Bu-ne-ne rubu-ka damiq-tim 

(May) the goddess Bunene (endow) thy prince with favor! 

37 il A-(A) ta(?) Si xul-qu-ma 

May the goddess A-A they are 

destroyed. 

38 il Samas abu (A-A) at-(ta) ri-a-a ri-e-mu 

Samas, father (?) do thou grant mercy! 

39 il Barn-Si alu(?)-ka 

Samas, thy city 

40 il Me ru-bu-ka 

Goddess Me thy prince 

41 il Me -lea li-tib-bu 

Goddess may thy . . be sweet! 

42 KA-KA(?)-MA(?) . . . GA(?)-TU-LAL il Sam-Se 
a prayer a complete one to Samas. 



Grammatical Commentary 

1. ina arxi Bdbbar-ra ; in the month of 8ama& = the 
seventh month, Tc&ntum = Ti&ri, which was dedicated to 
the sun-god. The form Babbar is a reduplication of Sum. bar, 
the primary meaning of which is 'divide, penetrate' (see my 
MSL., 53 and cf. below on line 4). The reduplication has its 
counterpart in Sum. tattab from tab 'two'. 

It is probable that this line is not the first line of the in- 
scription, as the epithets herein contained apply rather to the 
king than to the god. The expression "son of the god" 
implies always a pious person (cf. line 17) and could only 
have been used of $ama$-8um-ukm, whose name probably 
precedes this first line. The following epithets in lines 2 3 ff. 
are undoubtedly descriptive of the god himself. 

3. UB-KAL is clearly a combination of UB = na'adu, 
Br. 5783 and tanattu, Br. 5784 respectively = 'be lofty' and 
'glory'. KAL = kal and lig = dannu 'mighty'. The familiar 
abkallu 'leader' in Semitic, from Sum. ab-kal, is probably a 



14 /. Dyneley Prince. [1913 

variant of this ub-kal, as AB = Sem. nasiku 'prince, prominent 
person' and appears also as a prefix in Sum. db-xal 'seer'. 

4. 8ama8 is here called il U-tu, which I interpret to mean 
the god of the setting sun; viz., u- is the abstract prefix so 
common in Sumerian, + tu = erebu 'enter, set', said of the 
sun. U-tu is, therefore, the epithet of the setting SamaS, 
while Bdbbar = TTD is the sun-god in his noonday glory. 
I am not inclined to connect u-tu with UD = ud etymologi- 
cally, as I did in MSL. 355, although there was, no doubt, a 
paronomastic suggestion between the two forms. 

5. Sama8-8um-ukm restored Sippar; cf. Lehmann, Sam. IL, 
9, 24 ff. 

7. Utaqqu is the Iftaal of npi; an unusual form. &ama$ is 
the god of plenty here, as in line 14. 

8. il Me is evidently a variant of the reduplicated il Meme, 
a secondary name of the goddess Ghda, who seems to figure 
here [as the consort of $ama8. The form il Me appears in 
this inscription in lines 32; 32; 40; 41. 

9. Ina tappd 'as a companion'; ina = 'for'; we should expect 
ana. Tappu 'partner' is probably a Sumerian loanword from 
Sum. tab 'two, another', and is not from Sem. HBl; Muss- 
Arnolt, Dictionary, s. v. tappu. 

10; 12. Note in these lines the characteristic Babylonian 
disregard for the case-endings, an indication that these 
suffixes probably ceased to be pronounced at a comparatively 
early date. 

14. The sun-god appears here as the god of plenty, as in 
line 7. 

18. Ina xullupani dublu "'a foundation to protect us'; a 
difficult phrase. Xullupu = 'cover'; hence 'protect' and dublu 
= i$du 'foundation', II. R. 35, 43 cf. The -ni is probably 
the 1 p. pi. suffix. The metaphor is plainly that of a fortifi- 
cation. The sun-god is called here "the door" (daltu) evidently 
of safety for his worshippers, and also "the lance" (asmaru, 
from the same stem as Ar. musmar 'nail'), because of his 
penetrating power. He is therefore a weapon of defence. 

19. XU-CAB = iccur nuri 'bird of light',- because of his 
flight across the heavens. Note that the storm-god Zu is also 
pictured as a bird. 

22. This A-A here = abu 'father', as in line 38, and is not 
the goddess J, seen in line 37. 




Vol. xxxiii.] A Political Hymn to Shamash. 15 



26. At-tu, an unusual feminine adjective from n&y 'be dark, 
cloudy 7 . 

36. il Bu-ne-ne was the consort of Malik with whom she 
attended the sun-god. 

37. Clearly the goddess A here, the consort of ama$. 

38. Here again A-A = abu 'father 7 , as in line 22. 

42. KA-KA-MA = Sum. inim-inim-ma = Sem. Siptu 
'incantation, exorcism'. We expect rather Sum. a-ra-zu = 
testitu 'prayer', as this hymn is an invocation. GA-TU-LAL 
is composed of the elements GA-TU = malu 'he full 7 + 
redundant LAL = Id] also = malu. 



Some Notes on the So-called Hieroglyphic- Tablet. - - By 
ELLEN SETON OGDEN, Ph. D. Albany, K Y. 

The following notes are an attempt to read the so-called 
Hieroglyphic Tablet published in T. S. B. A. Vol. VI, p. 
454 ff. Menant 1 , Houghton 2 and Delitzsch 3 have each dis- 
cussed it wholly or in part, and for their suggestions grateful 
acknowledgment is here made. 

The tablet is clearly a sign list. The characters at the 
right hand of each column correspond to those on the kudurrus 
of the Cassite and Pashe dynasties, differing from those of 
Hammurabi's time on the one hand and from the archaic forms 
of Nebuchadnezzar II on the other. 4 The signs on the left, 
except a few obviously late ones, are seemingly older and show 
little more than a passing resemblance to Babylonian traditions 
of writing. 

Two problems are therefore to be solved: 

1. The general plan and interpretation of the sign list. 

2. The identification as to origin and date of the archaic 
characters at the left. 

The association of several words under one sign seems to 
have been determined partly by unity of idea and partly by 
similarity of sound. In some groups a clue was found in the 



1 Legons d'epigraphie Assyrienne (Paris, 1873), p. 51 ff. 

2 Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archeology, Vol. VI p. 454 ff. 

3 Die Entstehung des dltesten Schr if tsy stems (Leipzig, 1897), p. 199 ff. 

4 My attention was first called to this fact by Dr. Geo. A. Barton of 
Bryn Mawr. 






Vol. xxxiii.] Some Notes on the So-called Hieroglyphic- Tablet. 17 

chief syllabic value, which under varying transcriptions stood 
for other more or less closely related words. Elsewhere, with 
several syllabic values, the divergence is greater. Generally 
the meanings given to the signs at the left fall within those 
listed by Briinnow and Meissner under the case-sign, but this 
has not been held to rigidly, because the present knowledge 
of lexicographical material is still far from complete. Of 
course the equations assigned these unknown characters 
and couched in the phraseology of Babylonian signs hold only 
as far as the idea, if the theory of a non-Babylonian origin 
is accepted. 

As to the identification of the archaic signs three theories 
are tenable: - 

a) That ,they are Babylonian, of a date and locality as yet 
unknown. 

b) That they are foreign to Babylonian life and writing. 

c) That they are Babylonian, but strongly under some 
foreign influence. In favor of the first view is the resemblance 
of certain of the characters to Babylonian signs, but at best 
this evidence is slight. A more clearly defined similarity exists 
between them and the proto-Elamitic, and if the parallel 
tablet in C. T. V., 81727, 49 1 and 50, be collated together 
with this one, it makes a total of thirty-one signs in which 
this similarity challenges attention. What really results there- 
fore is a triangular relationship between the three, the Ba- 
bylonian, proto-Elamitic and these characters. Whether this 
is due to coincidence or to common origin with subsequent 
independent development, only future research can answer. 

Meanwhile the writer would suggest the following as a 
possible solution, though one as yet unproved. 

If, as has been 'thought by some, the Cassites were an 
Elamitic people, it is likely that they used or were familiar 
with the early Elamitic writing now known as proto-Elamitic, 
and also with its later forms. As part of their very strong 
influence upon Babylonian affairs, may not these Cassites have 
made some attempts to equate their own older signs with those 
of the language about them? If so, something like the present 
sign-list would have resulted. 

i See J. A. 0. S. Vol. 32. 

VOL. XXXIII. Part I. 2 



18 



E. S. Ogden, 



[1913. 




Col. I. Cases 1, 2. The case sign is RA (Hinke 113). 1 
Col. II. Cases 3, 4. The case sign is NAM (Hinke 37). 

3) "gTf = ? ? 

4) IgTf - ? ? 

CaseTs, 6. The case sign is AB, ES (Hinke 77). 

5) fcfc3T = r|, AB, (Rec. 344, 550 bis), 2 abu, father; 
nasiku, prince; sibu, old man. Allied with this 
sign is AB = ^r, littu, offspring; mtru, the 
young of an animal; banu, $a alddi. 

6) fci^r = ^=^|, AB (Eec. 345) tamtu, sea; op^w 
enclosure; (ardh) Tebttu, the month of floods; (amelu) 
irreSu, irrigator: Allied with this sign is E$ == 
house, inclosure. 

Col. III. Cases 14. The case sign is AZA, AZ, AS. (Hinke 206). 
The sign is a compound of PIRIK = lion, and 
ZA = stone, jewel. In the early archaic inscrip- 
tions it appears only in the place name AZ (hi). 
Later it is equated with 

a) (is) sigaru, some means or implement of restraint. 

b) asu, physician, or according to Langdon 3 

1 Hinke, Selections from the Kudurru Inscriptions. 

2 Thureau-Dangin, Recherches sur 'Vorigine, de Vecriiure cuneiforme 
(Paris, 1908). 

3 Sumerian Grammar and Chrestomathy (Paris, 1911), p. 204. 



Vol. xxxiii.] Some Notes on the So-called Hieroglyphic- Tablet. 19 

"An ointment or paste used in medicine." 
The use of AZ = Sigaru in the sense of 'chain' or 'fetter' 
is indicated by the combination in which the sign occurs. 
AZ. BAL = erinnu, ndbaru, cage. 
AZ. GU = (is) Sigaru, $a kiSadi, chain for neck. 
AZ. LAL = (is) sigaru, 8a kalbi, harness or leash for 
a dog. (LAL = ~ka.su, kamu, rakaSu, to bind, and 
samddu, to yoke). 

AZ. BAL. LAL. E = (is) erinnu, cage, but used also 
as a synonym of Sigaru. There is probably a 
connection between this $igaru = (is) SI. GAB, 
and iSkaru = (is) GAE or KAE, fetter or chain, 
if they are not the same word differently tran- 
scribed. 

1) ^^ = ZH (?) + \\, UR (?) + ZA (Eec. 438, 9), stone 

lion colossus. UB. MAH is the usual transcription 
for nergallu, the stone bas-relief of a lion placed 
at the entrance of palace or temple to ward off 
the evil power of Nergal the "destroyer". Eec. 439, 
as yet unidentified, resembles this present sign more 
closely than Eec. 438, but may be only a variant. 
TIE. MAH is also the usual form for ne$u, lion, 
whereas umu, labbu, and -(ilu) Nergal as the lion- 
god are transcribed by PIEIK. 

2) = tjfA + jfjf, NlfflUZ + ZA (Eec. 282, supl. 480), 
(abari) erimmatu, necklace, or chain in the sense 
of fetter; cf. DAK. NUNUZ. GU = mru, yoke 
(Br. 8182). A Is this the same as erinnu above? 
The pictograph represents a link-chain plus the 
sign for stone. 

3) = t|A + |f NUNUZ + ZA (Eec, 283, supl. 480), 
(is) Sigaru, chain or fetter. 

= ^i^jT, AZA (Eec. 185, supl. 518), asu, physi- 
cian. The pictograph is difficult to explain, unless 
by an association of both form and idea with GIE 
below, which see. 

Cases 58. The case sign is GIE, NE, PIEIK, UG, (Hinke 
202). Primarily this is GIE the sign for sandal, 




i Briinnow, A Classified List of All Simple and Compound Ideographs 
(Leyden, 1899). 

2* 



20 S. E. Ogden, [1913. 

foot, but through similarity of form, there have 
been confused with it three other signs, as follows. 1 




a) <3> - <ttzr = KIS (Jd). 

= GIR, sandal, foot. 

= ANSU, ass. 
d) EF^ = <^ = PIRIK, UG, lion. 



Even the inscriptions of the archaic period show interchange 
of usage, a process heightened by time and growing complexity 
of the language. This interchange accounts for some of the 
parallelism between the groups above and this. 

5) ^Hr~ - ^ (Kec. 283, supl. 480) kurzu, "Fufifessel" 

(H. W. B. p. 355). This is the same sign, without 
ZA, as in cases 2, 3 of the AZ group. 

6) <^gr^ = <g, GIR (Rec. 224, 226, supl. 224),2 $ep tt , 

foot; 7a5^w, step; ga&ru, powerful. Without syl- 
labic value it equals tallaktu, padanu, urhu. The 
pictograph represents a sandal with thongs. The 
expression G-IR or G-IR NITAH = sakkanakku 
and the association with emuku suggests that this 
form of sandal was one of the insignia of power. 



7 ) Qjlr^ = ? = NE (?), namru, bright, niiru, light. 

The pictograph represents a lamp in the form of 
a bird, such as appears on the seal-cylinders and 
kudurrus as the emblem of the fire-god G-ibil- 
Nusku. 3 Its presence here is accounted for by 
the confusion between NE = <(^ and NE = 

A E=- 

^^l|, fire. 

8) <JF="- = ? = NE (?), GUNNI (?) (Of. Br. 9703) 

kinunu, brazier. For pictograph see Rec. 176 and 
the discussion under ID below. 
Col. IV, Cases 1, 2. The case sign is BAR, SI, SU, UG-UN 



1 For fuller discussion of this group, see E. S. Ogden, The Origin of 
the Gunu-Signs in Babylonian, Leipzig, 1911. 

2 See also Langdon, op. cit. p. 272. 

3 Ward, Seal Cylinders of Western Asia (Washington, 1910). 



Vol. xxxiii.] Some Notes on the So-called Hieroglyphic- Tablet. 21 



i) -KH? 



2) -KH1 - 



(Hinke 267 and Clay, Marushu, 28). * Two signs, 
SI-GUNU and TARRU, have coalesced under 
this sign. 2 

= ^|Af, DAR (Rec, 34) tarru, bird, or SI, SU 
(Rec. 48) 

? ? The sign seems to be composed of 
AS + A + GA. For a possible connection compare 
r|4iy = kalu (Br. 3486) and II. Rawlinson 37, 
45 e, f, where this is equated with libbi. 

Cases 3, 4. The case sign is SUM, SU, RIG (Hinke 172), 
Mlutu, burning. Sassuru, uterus (or foetus?); arkdtu, 
back, behind; baltu fullness, pudendum feminae; ma- 
8adu, to press. The pictograph equals SAL + SU 
(Rec. 190), the latter in the sense of ma$ku, skin; 
8iru,eumru, body; ruddu,to increase; erebu, to enter. 
SU (Rec. 330) Sassuru, uterus. 
SUM (Rec. 59), ddjddu, be plentiful. 
The pictograph represents two crossed palm branches. 

Case 5. The case sign is broken, but in C. T. V, 81 727, 
49 and 50 and J. A. O. S. Vol. 32, the sign at the 
left of this case is equated with ^, DU, be plentiful. 




1 List of Signs Found on Tablets of the Cassite and Neo- Babylonian 
Periods. 

2 See E. S. Ogden, Origin of the Chmu*Signs in Babylonian, p. 26 ff. 



22 E. S. Ogden. [1913. 

Col. I. Cases 46. The case sign is AL, SAL, MUEUBT 
(Hinke 167), zinntetu, woman; uru, pudendum 
feminae; rapaSu, to extend. 

4) p = ? (broken). 

5) = >-, SAL, Eec. 327) zinniMu, woman. 

6) = ^ <{p[, MUEUB (Eec. 231), Uzbu, fullness; 
pu, mouth; uru, pudendum feminae (Br. 10962 4). 
For the pictograph, cf. Prince, M. S. L. p. 217. 

Cases 7, 8. The case sign is SAL + KIT = JNTN" (Hinke 
170) ~beltu, lady, mistress. 

7) Jyjg = Ef, NO (Eec. 335) beltu, lady. 

Col. II. Cases 2, 3. The case sign is GE, KIT, SAH, LIL 
(Hinke 136) Idtu, structure (?) (Prince, M. S. L. 
p. 131); .Mu, storm-demon; $aru, zakikku, wind. 
2) fpff = gfy^f. LEL, (Eec. 415), Msallu, a spacious place. 



3 ) BL = HPI (?) E * LIL (?) cf * .TT ^^\ E - LIL - 

LAL (Br. 6249, M. 3799),i Ut irsiti] Ut seri; Ut 
zakiki. 

Cases 47. ' The case sign is BAE, DAG (Br. 5528) BAE 
= parru, net; suparruru, to spread out, DAG- = 
rapadu, to spread out; naMru and naga$u, to destroy. 

4) Jpf = ? BAE (?) (M. 3869) ^w6^, dwelling.2 

5) fff^y = 5iJ, BAE, (Eec. 426) parru, net; Suparruru, 

to spread out. 

6) Jjg[ = ^|, DAK (?), I, NA, SI, ZA (Eec. 322) abnu, 

stone or jewel. The sign was originally NI + 
UD = "shining light", "full of light". The present 
pictograph is analogous, NI + ZA, "full of bright- 
ness", or a "shining stone". 

7) jg = jg|, GUG, GUK (Eec. 463), Jcukfcu (?). 

Cases 8. The case sign is E (Hinke 133) Mbu, to speak; 
iku, canal. 

8) |g = ^U, E (Eec. 109), Aa&ft, to speak; fM, canal. 
Cases 9, 10. The case sign is E (Hinke 252), bttu, house. 

1 Meissner, Seltene Assyrische Ideogramme (Leipzig, 1909). 

2 Langdon, op. cit. p. 263. 




Vol. xxxiii.] Some Notes on the So-called Hieroglyphic-Tablet. 23 

f, E (Rec. 423) bttu, house. 

(?), E. LIL, Cf. " fiffirl E. LIL. 



LAL = Ut irsiti; Ut seri (Br. 6249, M. 3799). 

Case 11. The case sign is KU, DUE, (Hinke 258). 
11) Jig = El, UDU (Rec. 456, Clay, Murashu, 219) = 
immeru, lamb. 

Col. Ill, Cases 35. The case sign is ID, I, A, (Hinke 146). 
The original pictograph represents a forearm and 
hand. The meanings overlap those of DA = idu, 
hand or side, and of ZAG = idu, side, and it 
is evident that the three signs were more or less 
exchanged. 

3 ) M^] = ^4 N ^ or ^^!> GIBIL ( Rec - 82 5 > 

burning torch. For a possible channel of connec- 
tion compare <Y^| ^lf, G-IBIL (Br. 9702) 
kilutu, torch; (sign name KI-IZAKKU) and 
gE^jf ^ AZAG- (Br. 6592) asakku, sickness ? 
demon? It is possible that this is an allusion to the 
torch burned at the exorcism of demons of sickness. 

4) ^y|^| = SE^vf ID (Rec. 115) idii, hand; emuku, power. 

It requires very little conventionalizing to reduce 
the pictograph of a hand and forearm to this 
character, which differs in outline from the Cassite 
sign to the right only by the grouping of the so- 
called gunu wedges. 

5) Ep^| = |E|E<> ZAG" ( Rec - 176 ) * P& tu > hand ' side ' 

emuku, power. Also a$mi, eSretu, shrine. The 
pictograph represents an hour-glass shaped altar 
such as appears on the seals. 1 In support of this 
compare ZAG-AN (usug) eSretu (Br. 6499); 
(LU) U. SUG, GA, and (LU) U. SAG, GA = 
usukhu, temple devotee. 2 



1 Ward, op. tit. p. 3617. 

2 Gudea, B. 3, 15; A, 13, 14. 



Three Babylonian Tablets, Prince Collection, Columbia 
University. - - By Rev. FBEDEBICK A. VANDEBBUBGKE, 
Ph. D., Columbia University, New York City. 

Three light dull-red baked clay-tablets, each five and a 
quarter centimeters long by three and a half in breadth and 
two in thickness; corners and edges rounded. 

Nr. 1. 

Memoranda for the month of Simanu of food consumed by 
messengers going to An$an, Sabum and Simd^j also of those 
returning from Susa, Hulmnuri and Adamdun. The temple 
in which the memoranda were made and the approximate 
date can only be conjectured. Perhaps the capital city at 
this time was Ur. The obverse contains eleven lines and the 
reverse nine. The signs are all legible. 

Obverse 

BAH zid ud-min-kam d-uru 

Ten (ka) of meal for two days in the city, 

ia ka zid kaskal-su 

five ka of meal on tne journey, 

i-me-ta Sukkal 

for Imeta the messenger, 

an-$a-an-ki~$u gin-ni 
on going to AnMn. 

5 BAR zid ud-min-kam 8d-uru 

Ten (ka) of meal for two days in the city, 

ia ka zid kaskal-$u 

five ka of meal on the journey, 

lu-na-la-a gm-gl$ 

for Lunabd the weigh-master, 



Vol. xxxiii.] Three Babylonian Tablets, Prince Collection,&c. 25 

sa-bu-um-ki-$u gin-ni 
on going to Sabum. 

ia ka zid lugal-ma-gur-ri Sukkal 

Five ka of meal for Lugalmagurri the messenger, 

10 nand-erin-ki-ta gin-ni 
coming from Susa. 

BAE zid ud-min-kam 8d-uru 

Ten (ka) of meal for two days in the city, 

Reverse 

ia ka zid kaskal-su 

five ka of meal on the journey, 

i-ti-da Sukkal 

for Itida the messenger, 

Si-m a- d$-ki-$u gin-n i 
on going to $imd$. 

15 ia ka zid dingir-ra-ne sukkal 

Five ka of meal for Dingirrane the messenger, 

Im-Jm-nu-ri-ta gin-ni 
. coming from HuJmnuri. 

ia ka zid d-ne-ni sukkal 

Five ka of meal for Aneni the messenger, 

a-dam-dun-ki-ta gin-ni 
coming from Adamdun. 

itu gud-du-ne-sar-sar 
The month of Simanu. 

The first two signs are BAE and KIT. BAE with ka 
equals 'ten', otherwise BAE equals 'one half. Here ka must 
he understood with BAE, whose value when standing for 
'ten' was probably u\ we know it to be maS when standing 
for 'half. KIT as 'meal' or 'flour' has the value zid = As- 
syrian kemu. One ka is approximately equal to one liter. 
The duties of a Sukkal (LAH), equal to sukattu, also 
called lu"h, were more than those of merely bearing a mes- 
sage; they were doubtless administrative and representative. 
This is confirmed by such expressions as the following which 



26 F- A. Vanderlurgh, [1913. 

is taken from a brick of Temti-agun: "Temti-agun the Zukkal 
of Susa for his life a zi~anam to Ismekarab has built", fe-iw- 
ti-a-gu-un sukkal 8u-si-im a-na ~ba-la-ti-8u zi-i-a-nam a-na i- 
me-ka-ra-al i-pu-us. 1 In a brick by Temti-lialki, Temti-lhalki 
is called the $ukkal-mah of ^am (and) $ima$. arah simdni 
is the third month of the year -- May- June; the ideogram 
itu gud-du-ne-sar-sar given in the tablet is old Babylonian; 
the Assyrian ideogram is itu seg-ga. 

Nr. 2. 

Memoranda for the month of Aim of wine consumed by 
messengers returning from Susa and also Sabum, as well as 
those journeying to AnSan. The nature of the mission of 
these messengers is not divulged. -Their names are given and 
in some cases their occupation, or the fact that they are offi- 
cials. The obverse contains thirteen lines and the reverse nine, 
including the date, which, however, forms a line separated from 
the rest of the composition by the space of a centimeter. One 
sign was almost wholly erased by the pressure of a finger be- 
fore the tablet was baked. The characters are clear, although 
made with a fine stylus. 

Obverse 
ia ka ~ka$ 
Five ka of wine, 

$U"dingir-nin-$td Sukkal 

for $u-nin8ul the messenger, 

ia ka ka$ ur-dingir-igi-$i gin-gls gal 

five ~ka of wine for Ur-igisi the chief weigh-master, 

nand-erin-ki-ta gin-ni 
coming from Susa. 

5 BAH JcaS $a-uru 

Ten (ka) of wine while in the city, 

a$ ka$ u-sa kaskal-$u 

one (ka) of wine of the sa-plant on the journey, 

la-ni-a lu-gi$-ku gu-la 

for Lania the chief spearsman, 

1 Scheil, Textes JElamites-semitiques premiere et troisieme Serie, PI. 7: 
15; 20; 74. 



Vol.xxxiii.] Three Babylonian Tablets, Prince Collection, &c. 27 

ia lid ka$ i-$i$-ki-ni Sukkal 

five ka of wine for I$i$kini the messenger, 

ia lea ka$ zib-iS-ni-Su dumu nu-banda 

five ka of wine for ZibiSniSu the junior overseer, 

10 sa-bu-um-ki-ta gin-ni 
coming from Sdbum. 

BAR ka$ ud-min-kam $d-uru 

Ten (ka) of wine for two days in the city, 

a$ kas u-sa kaskal-$u 

one (ka) of wine of the sa-plant on the journey, 

$u-dingir- en-lil $ukkal 

for Su-enlil the messenger, 

Reverse 

DI ka$ sd-uru 

sixty (?) (ka) of wine while in the city, 

15 DI&-AS ka$ kaskal-su 

ninety (?) (ka) of wine on the journey, 

nim an-$d-an-ki-me 

for the ruler of the AnSdnites, 

gir su-dingir-en-lil Sukkal 

for the gir Su-enlil the messenger, 

an-d-an-ki-8u gin-ni 
going to AnSdn. 

ia ka ka$ i-sar-ba-kal $ukkal 

Five ka of wine for Isarbakal the messenger, 

20 ia ka ka$ ba-ba-a dumu nu-banda 

five ka of wine for Babd the junior overseer, 

nand-erin-ki-ta gin-ni 
coming from Susa. 

itu gan-ma$ 
The month of Airu. 

1. ka is a, measure for liquids as well as for dry material, 
with the same capacity in either instance. 

3. gin (TU)-^ (ITS) = 'weighing-man'; here we have gm- 
gl gal] in Tablet Nr. 1 simply gm-gi$. 



28 F. A. Vanderburgh, [1913. 

6. There are two kinds of wine mentioned in this Tablet. 
One is plain ka$ (BI); the other is ka$ (BI) -u-sa. The 
ordinary Assyrian word for ka is sikaru 'strong drink', also 
'date-wine', the verb being Sakaru 'be drunk'. The sa-plant, 
from which the other wine is made, may be the same as the 
sa-tree which had a strong fibre with which ropes were made, 
the word being connected with sa used for 'net'. 

7. lu-gi (IZ) -ku = 'man of wooden weapon'; the value 
of KU in this connection, I must say, is not determined. In 
the expression 'chief helper', or 'chief spearsman', 'chief is 
expressed by gu-la 'great'; in line three, where we have the 
expression 'chief weighmaster', 'chief is expressed by gal. 

14. If the sign DIS stands for 'one', it should probably have 
the value d3; if it stands for 'sixty', gi should doubtless be 
the value. 

16. nim an-$a-an-ki me = 'ruler of the Ansanites\ nim = 
saku 'high', i. e., a ruler or minister like a secretary of state. 
me at the end of the line may be the sign of the plural, a 
shortened form of meS. 

17. gir = sepu 'foot'; also emuku 'power'; then an official, 
for whom we have no Assyrian equivalent; this officer seems 
to have charge over other officials, particularly with reference 
to food supply. 

20. nu (= lu) -landa (TUR) = Idbuttu 'official', perhaps 
'overseer', and dumu (TUR) = a 'youth of (attending upon) 
a nu-banda\ 

22. The month of Airu, second month, April-May, written 
in the Tablet itu gan-maS 'fields in blossom'. This is old 
Babylonian. The Assyrian ideogram is itu gud-si-di 'direc- 
ting bull'. 

Nr. 3. 

Memoranda for ihe month of Kisilimu of wine, food, meat 
oil and also of women laborers for the officials of Adamdun 
and Susa. The obverse contains nine lines and the reverse 
twelve. The colophon, giving the date, is inscribed along the 
left side. 

Obverse 

DIS ka$ du lugal 

Sixty (?) (ka) of best common wine, 



Vol. xxxiii.] Three Babylonian Tablets, Prince Collection, &c. 29 

DIS gar lugal DIS udu 

sixty (?) (ka) of best food, sixty (?) sheep, 

. u-ba-apa-te-si a-dam-dun-ki 
for Uba patesi of Adamdun, 

a-dam-dun-ki-ta gin-ni 
coming from Adamdun. 

5 PA ka$ BAB-ww ka zid 

Twenty (ka) of wine, twelve ka of flour, 

limu (ZA) d-gam ni ud-limu-kam 
four vessels of oil for four days, 

su-kar-ti lu-gi^-ku gu-la 

for Sukarti the chief helper, 

ma-id-ta e-e-ne zid- a 

who goes out on the river-boat for meal. 

ia ka ka$ es ka gar 

Five ka of wine, three ka of food. 

Reverse 

10 D I S d-gam ni $d-uru 

sixty (?) vessels of oil in the city, 

as ka$ u-sa ia ka gar 

one (ka) of wine of the sa-plant, five ka of food, 

kaskal-u 

on the journey, 

dingir-ma-su $ukkal 

for Dingirmasu the messenger, 

nand-erin-ki-su gin-ni 
going to Susa. 

15 e$ ka ka$ min ka gar 

Three ka of wine, two ka of food, 

DIS a-gam ni-gi$ 
sixty (?) vessels of oil, 

i$-me-a lu-kabar 

for I$mea an official; 



30 F. A. Vanderburgh, [1913. 

esu geme es ka zid-$e ia gin ni-gi$-ta 

thirty women (each one) three Jca of wheat-flour 

(and) five measures of oil (per diem), 

ne-ra a$ ag hu-hu-nu-ri-Jd me 

for which they make an agreement, 

viz., they of Huhunuri, 

20 lu i$-me-a lu-kabar 
for l$mea an official, 

Im-hu-nu-ri-Jci-ta- gin-ni 
coming from Ruhunuri. 

itu ezin dingir-ba-u 
Month of Kisilimu. 

5. The decimal system seems to be represented in two ways 
in these Tablets. 'Ten', 'twenty' and 'thirty' are represented 
by the use of the upright and one, two or three horizontals 
respectively; thus, BAK = 'ten', = val. w; PA = 'twenty', 
= val. ni$', and AS = 'thirty' = val. eSu. Down below, 
line 18, the corner wedge system is used; ES = 'thirty' = 
val. eu. 

6. a (ID) -gam = 'vessel' of some sort, gam itself being 
equal to kipattu. 

8. ma-id (A. TU) -ta 'boat-river-from'. e (UD. DTI) -ne = 
'his going out', zid (KTJ)-a: whether KU-a stands for aMbu 
or kemu is not quite clear; possibly the sign may not be KIT. 

16. ni-gi$ = 'oil of wood'. In lines six and ten gis is 
omitted. 

19. In ne-ra, ne must be a pronoun and ra a postposition, 
d$ a noun = edu 'one', baramu 'seal', magaru 'favor', mitkaru 
'agree' and other words of similar meaning, and ag a verb 
equal to epesu 'make' and banu 'build', me at the end of 
the line is the sign of the plural. 

21. Jm-hu-nu-ri-ki-ta 'from the place JluhunurV\ hi, however, 
might be omitted; see Tablet 1, line 16. 

22. Month of Kisilimu, ninth month, November-December, 
written in the Tablet itu ezin (SAB,) dingir-ba-u, month of 
the festival of Bau who was the goddess of agriculture. The 
Assyrian ideogram is itu gan-gan-na. 



Vol.xxxiii/j Three Babylonian Tablets, Prince Collection, &c. 31 

Cities mentioned in the Tablets 

AnSdn, mentioned by Nabonidus in the Abu-Habba Cylinder * 
as a province of which Cyrus was king, must have been a 
very ancient center. In a list of dates given by Dungi* one 
date reads thus: mu dumu-sal lugal pa-te-si an-sd-an-ki-ge 
ba-tug, rather doubtfully translated by Scheil as 'the year when 
the daughter of the king became patesi of AnSari 1 . Gudea in 
Statue B 3 also gives an interesting fact about AnSdn. He 
says that he thrust down the weapons of the city of AnSan in 
Elam: giS-ku uru-an-$a-an nim-ki mu-sig. 

Sabum. On a door-socket, in which Adad-nannar memora- 
lizes the dedication of a temple built in Gir-su by Gimil-Sin, 
king of Ur, Sabum is placed in the same list of cities as 
Laga$. Adad-nannar, the chief minister calls himself patesi 
of Lagos, Gubelum, Hamasi, GanJiar and Sabum.* 

Susa, mentioned in the book of Esther: 'Given in Shushan 
the palace'; 'the city of Shushan was perplexed'. In our 
Tablet we have the Sumerian name for Susa: nand-erin-M 
'place of the goddess among cedars, plainly indicating the 
existence of a sacred grove'. In Dungi's Brick C, we are 
told that he built a temple to the god of Susa, from other 
sources we learn that this divinity was Stt&nak. 6 

Mimas'. This was an old Babylonian city existing at a time 
when its ruler was a SuJckal or a sukkal-maJj. 5 

HuJmnuri was a city nourishing in the dynasti of Ur, de- 
stroyed by Bur-sin. 

Adamdun. From certain tablets we learn that Adamdun 
was a city governed by patesi and nourishing in the same 
period as the city of Huhunuri. 

Date of the Tablets 

The nomenclature for the months would place the Tablets 
not later than the third or fourth Dynasty of Ur. The second 
month was written in the time of Sargon I: ezin gan-ma$, 

1 Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, Vol. V, Plate 64. 

2 Old Babylonian Inscriptions, Plate 125. 

3 Price's Great Cylinder Inscriptions A and B of Gudea. 

4 Revue d'Assyriologie VI, S. 99. 

5 Scheil, Textes Elamites-semitiques premiere et troisieme Serie, PL 7; 
15; 20; 74. 



32 F. A. Vanderburgh, Three Babylonian Tdblets,&c. [1913. 

instead of simply gan-ma$, and the third month : ezin gud-du- 
ne-sar-sar, and not simply gud-du-ne-sar-sar, as in the Dynas- 
ties of Ur. The name of the ninth nonth was written ezin 
dingir ba-u hoth in the time of Sargon I and of Dungi I, II 
and III. The six cities named in the Tahlets, some of them 
Elamitic cities, are all mentioned in texts written concerning 
rulers of cities when Dungi, or Bur-sin, or Gimil-sin were 
supreme at Ur. 



The Oath in Cuneiform Inscriptions. By SAMUEL 
A. B. MERGER, Professor in Western Theological 
Seminary, Chicago, HI. 

i. The Oath in Sumerian Inscriptions 1 . 

Sumerian literature in its original form is well represented 
by commercial and historical 'documents. We have, however, 
no original Sumerian religious composition, but of late copies 
of such literature we possess an abundance, as Langdon's 
Sumerian and Babylonian Psalms well demonstrate. In this 
later class of Sumerian literature no indication of the taking 
of an oath has thus far been found, and even if there should 
be found such an indication it would not help us in the study 
of the growth of oath-taking, since obviously the same re- 
ference may have in mind different incidents. We shall, there- 
fore, confine our study to oaths found in commercial and 
historical inscriptions. 

While our contract tablets are primarily commercial docu- 
ments, yet they are often found very useful for historical 
research, since most of them mention contemporary rulers either 
in their date formula, or as parties interested in the trans- 
action. Those documents which are primarily historical we 
shall study later, but shall now confine our attention to con- 
tract or commercial literature. 

1 Abbreviations not explained in the text: Gen. Dreh. H. de Genouillac, 
Tablettes de Drehem, Paris 1911. Gen. Dr<h. C. B. H. de Genouillac, La 
Trouvaille de Drehem, etude avec un choix de textes de Constantinople et 
Bruxelles, Paris, 1911. ITT. Inventaire des Tablettes de Tello, Tome I et 
II, par F. Thureau-Dangin et H. de Genouillac, Paris, 1910. Myhr. 
D. W. Myhrman, Sumerian Administrative Documents from the Second 
Dynasty of Ur, BE, Series A, Vol. III 1 . Nik. Drevnosti Voctochnyya, 
redaktsiei M. B. Nikolski, Tome III 2, S. Petersbourg, 1908. RA. Revue 
d' Assyriologie, Oppert, Ledrain, et Heuzey, Paris. RTC. t Recueil de 
Tablettes Chaldeennes, par F. Thureau-Dangin, Paris, 1903. ZA. Zeit- 
schrift fur Assyriologie, herausg. von C. Bezold, Straftburg. 

VOL. XXXIII. Part I. 3 



34 S. A. B. Mercer, [1913. 

The very earliest known Sumerian contract tablets (c. 4000 
B. C.) such, for example, as AO 2753 which was published, 
transliterated and translated by F. Thureau-Dangin, BA VI, 
Xr. 4 p. 143, "Contrats archa'iques", Nr. I, contain no oath 
nor any indication that would lead us to think that an oath 
was taken. Yet the argument e silentio may not have much 
real force here in considering the custom of oath-taking of 
this early period, since our records are so scanty. 1 

After about five or six hundred years, when we approach 
the period immediately preceding the time of the Ur-Mnan 
dynasty, i. e. c. 3500 3400 B. C., we meet with what seems 
to be a real development in the direction of that oath-taking 
custom which became so common in later times, especially 
during the great legal period of the Hammurabi dynasty. 
Thureau-Dangin has published, in his RTC, and transliterated 
and translated in RA VI, 4, p. 146 fl 7 ., "Contrats archa'iques"^ 
four business contracts, ETC 12 15, 2 from Tello, belonging 
to this Pre-Ur-Ninan period which contain no mention of an 
oath, but which contain the names of witnesses (galu-M-enim*) 
to the contract. In the case of Nr. 12, which is a document 
about a donation, the transaction seems to have taken place 
in the temple (ki-nad Di-abzu-a, "in the resting-room lit., 
"place of rest" - of Di-dbzu-a", i. e. a definite room, as it 
seems, in the temple where the transaction took place). Nos. 
13 and 14 which are contracts of sale have, besides the 
witnesses, the name of the official scribe (dub-$ar, "writer of 
tablets"), while Kos. 14 and 15 have the dub-sar-gan, "the 
scribe of the field" (the land-surveyor) which is sold. 

From the dynasty of Ur-~N"ina and the reign of Entemena 
of Lagash (Tello) we have one business document, RTC 16, 4 

1 See S. Langdon, Sumerian Grammar, p. 6 if. for a full list of 
Sumerian literature. 

2 The others belonging to this period, namely RTC 1 11, contain no 
mention of witnesses. 



3 It is interesting to notice that the chief part of this compound 
galu, contains within itself a religious idea, since it denotes a prostrate 
man in the act of adoration. This would teach us that the early idea 
underlying the action of a witness was a religious one. The witnesses at 
this early stage might well have been considered a sufficient guarantee of 
truthfulness without the taking of an oath. 

* Transliterated and translated by S. Langdon in ZA XXV. 12, 
Sprechsaal, "Some Sumerian Contracts", p. 205 ff. 



Vol.xxxiii.J The Oath in Cuneiform Inscriptions. 35 

which also contains evidence of the presence of witnesses 
(yalu-ki-enim-ma-bi-me) and a scribe (dub-sar) but has no formal 
oath; and a similar one, HTC 17 J , from the reign of Enlitarzi 
of Lagash in which the wife of Enlitarzi himself appears in 
the contract which is signed before witnesses among whom are 
scribes. There is an interesting statement at the end of this con- 
tract; it reads dil-bi zay-g\ bi-ag "each of them thereunto put his 
right hand". As we know from Babylonian and Assyrian 
Literature the hand 2 played an important part in the ritual 
of an oath, and since the Arabic o ^ means oath as well as 
right-hand we are perhaps right in seeing in this expression 
an indication that an oath was actually taken. In this same 
dynasty the reign of Lugalanda is represented by one contract, 
Nik. 17, where witnesses (galu ki-enim-ma-bi-me) occur. These 
three tablets also come from Tello. 

On the famous Obelisk of Manistusu 3 King of kis, contem- 
poraneous with Lugalanda of Lagash, we have commercial 
transactions which were ratified in the temple before certain 
specified persons, although there is no mention of an oath. 
Face A Col. 8 1. 19, for example, shows us that the trans- 
action took place before (pan) La-mu-um priest of Za-Mal- 
Mal who was god of Kis", which would be in the temple of 
that god ; a scribe (dub-$ar) was always present, cf. Col. 16 1. 7 
of Face A, and Face D Col. 12 1. 13 pan ilu Nin-kar, "before 
the god Nin-kar\ Here the scribe is mentioned in Col. 14 
1. 16 of Face D. 

The legal form used in these tablets which was the form 
used up to and including the period of the dynasties of Ur- 
Nina and Kis is not very different from that employed during 
later periods. As a rule, the names of the interested persons 
are first given, then follow the object and nature of the transaction, 
then the mention of any extra incidents connected with it, 
then the witnesses and other officials, then sometimes the 
place where the transaction took place is mentioned, and, finally, 
the date. There is, however, no oath. Our conclusions are 

1 See p. 34, n. 4. 

2 Compare for an interesting parallel Ezra 10, 19, and many other such 
examples in the Old Testament. 

3 Published, transliterated, and translated by V. Scheil in Delegation 
en Perse, Memoires, Tome II, Textes Elamites-Semitiques, Premiere Serie 
p. 6 ff. Of early Semitic record this is perhaps the most important, 

3* 



36 S. A. B. Mercer, [1913. 

naturally limited as our records are few and all come from 
Lagash with the exception of the Obelisk of Manistusu which 
was found at Susa. 

It is not till we reach the dynasty of Ur (c. 2295 BC.) that 
we meet with contracts which contain a direct oath. Here 
again many documents are found which contain no such oath 
but which were witnessed before certain persons whose names 
are often given. Further, there are other contracts that are 
merely sealed, while still others are drawn up in the temple 
of a deity (e. g. RA VIII, Nr. 1, in the temple of Nin-mar- 
ki, E. d.-Nin-mar-ki-ka). As such contracts are many I shall 
not deem it necessary to name them, but shall confine my 
study to those which contain a direct expression of an oath. 
Up to the dynasty of Ur, as we have seen, no contract has 
been found which contains any such expression of an oath. 
This does not mean that the custom of oath-taking may not 
have existed during that period, since an oath may actually 
have been taken before the custom of recording it in set terms 
arose; but so far as our inscriptions go we have no evidence 
that such an oath was recorded till the time of this dynasty. 

Following are all the Sumerian contract documents which 
contain an oath. All of them with a few exceptions, which 
will be noted as we meet them, come from Tello. It is also 
to be noted that they all belong to the dynasty of Ur. This 
is perhaps due to the fact that most all of our tablets come 
from the same place. There are a few whose dates either are 
not given or are defaced, but we are pretty certain that they 
belong to the same dynasty since they were found in the same 
place and bear the same marks of composition and arrangment 
as those that are dated. The dynasty of Ur, according to 
Hilprecht's Chronological list of the Kings of Ur and Nisin, 
began in 2295 and lasted till 2178 B. C. The rulers were 
Ur-Gur 22952278, Dungi 22772219, Bur-Sin 22182210, 
G-imil-Sin 22092203, and Ibi-Sin 22022178. Many of the 
contracts belonging to this dynasty mention the fact that an 
oath was taken without stating whether any person or thing 
was invoked, others state that the oath was taken by invoking 
the name of the king. This is interesting for later, e. g. during 
the Hammurabi dynasty, the king is specifically named and 
as a rule one or more deities are invoked at the same time. 
During this early period such a form never occurs either 



Vol.xxxiii.] The Oath in Cuneiform Inscriptions. 37 

there is no invocation at all, or merely the name of the king 
is invoked. 

I. Those contracts which contain an oath but no invocation. 

Reign of Dungi 22772219 B. C. 

1. ITT 923*. 1 This is a tablet containing an account of 
five different transactions: 1. A confirmation of the sale of a 
slave, which is sworn to (nam-erim-am 2 , "an oath there is") 
in the presence of the assessor (ma$kim$). The name of the 
swearer, as a rule, as here, comes before the oath. 2. d Xinni- 
ka is accused of stealing a cow, but swears (nam-erim-am) not 
guilty in the presence of the assessor. 3. An act of repudia- 
tion on the taking of an oath (nam-erim-am), before the 
assessor. 4. Lugal-gi-na is accused of theft, but swears (nam- 
erim-nam) not guilty before an assessor. 5. A suit about a 
garment. The case is not very clear as the tablet is much 
broken. The oath (nam-erim-am) is sworn in the presence of 
the assessor. Then follows the name of the patesi (Ur- d -Lama 
pa-te-si) who seems to have acted as judge 4 for the above five 
suits. Then comes, as is usual, the date. 

In addition to what has been said about the word nam-erim 
in my Inaugural Dissertation already referred to in the foot- 
note it may be well to note here the depth of meaning under- 
lying it. As nam = $imtu = destiny, and erim = hostile it 
is evident that this word was originally connected with the 
idea of malediction 5 or curse and, when used in the oath 
formula, indicated that curse which would fall upon the per- 

1 Those thus* marked have been transliteratedandtranslatedbyH.de 
Genouillac in RA VIII, 12 p. 1 ff., "Textes juridiques de 1'epoque 
d'Ur". 

2 For a technical discussion of this word see my Inaugural Dissertation, 
The Oath in Babylonian and Assyrian Literature, Munich 1911, p. 26 f., 
which will soon be published by P. Geuthner, Paris, with an Appendix 
by F. Hommel. 

3 See, for a full discussion of this term, Babyloniaca III, 2 p. 88, 
"Sd-tilla, textes juridiques de la seconde dynastie d'Our", by F. Pelagaud. 
For the rendering "Assessor", see de Genouillac, op, cit. 

4 Although the word for judge does not occur here, as it does in 
many cases, yet the patesi's name occupies the same place in this tablet 
as the judge does in many others. 

5 In its Assyrian form it appears as mamitu, ban, curse, oath. In 
later Babylonian and Assyrian literature the curse almost completely 
replaced the oath in legal proceedings. 



38 8. A. B. Mercer, [1913. 

jurer. Therefore, in essence the oath was a conditional curse, 
and was expected to have the power of drawing forth from 
the contestants in a dispute the truth under penalty of male- 
diction 1 , and when the name of the king was invoked it was 
done with the purpose of making the oath more solemn and 
"binding, and, learning from experience that oaths were some- 
times broken, to guarantee its preservation. 

The legal literary form used in these tablets is so similar 
in every case that it may he well to give an analysis of the 
form which it takes in order to avoid unnecessary detail and 
repetition in our discussion of the other documents of this 
period. It will be seen that this form differs only in the 
oath formula from that of the earlier tablets. First, the names 
of the parties to the contract are given; secondly, the object 
and nature of the transaction are noted; thirdly, the mention 
of any extra incidents connected with the transactions; fourthly, 
the oath; fifthly, the name of the witness or witnesses, though 
not always given, and that of the assessor and judge or judges; 
and lastly, the date, often giving the day or year when some 
important event happened. 

2. ITT 936*. Here are two transactions; the first dealing 
with a robbery the details of which are not given, but an 
oath (nam-erim-am) is taken before the assessor ; the second is 
a note of adoption of a female slave probably by her father. 
In this last case no oath is taken. The matter is confirmed 
(ba-na[gi-in]) before an assessor. The word ba-na-gi-in is 
interesting because its chief element gin = to establish. It 
cannot, however, be said te be a substitute for an oath because 
in ETC 291 we have the same word in a contract where a 
formal oath occurs. The judge in both cases seems to be 
Ur- d -Lama the patesi. Then follows the date as usual. 

3. ITT 948*. This is a case of repudiation. The husband 
seemingly without definite cause repudiates his wife before con- 
summation of marriage. The oath (nam-erim-am) is taken 
before the assessors, Ur d - Lama the patesi being judge. 
Reign of Bur- Sin. 

1. RTC 291 f.2 Galu-duga fails to pay Atud for a slave 

1 Compare the interesting place in Neh. 10, 29. 

2 Those marked thus f have been transliterated and translated by 
F, Pelagaud, "Sd-tUla, textes juridiques de la seconde dynastie d'Our", 
Babyloniaca III, 2, p. 81 ff. 



Vol. xxxiii.] The Oath in Cuneiform Inscriptions. 



39 



which he has received from him, but Atud receives in com- 
pensation one of Galu-duga's own slaves. Alia son of Galu- 
duga and another person take an oath (nam-erim-am) evidently 
that the slave for compensation would be given to Atud. . The 
oath is taken before the assessor and the judge is Ur d -Lama 
the patesi. The date is that of the year when Bur-Sin 
became king, hence the same patesi as in the preceding reign. 

2. Pel. XVIII (PL III) 1 . In the exchange of a house it 
is complained that the manager Nagu did not confirm the 
transaction. An oath is taken (nam-erim) to that effect. A 
second oath (nam-erim) is recorded, but it is not certain that 
it has anything to do with the same exchange. The assessor 
is present, and there are two names Ur-ka-silim and G-udea 
which are probably those of the judges. 

3. ITT 752*. This tablet contains a collection of different 
transactions. The first has to do with inheritance. The next 
two seem to be related, the one dealing with the incapacity 
of an architect, and the other with a man who has also lost 
the confidence of his master. In the first transaction an oath 
(nam-erim-am) is taken, and also in the first of the last two 
(nam-erim-am), which on account of their seeming inter-relation 
may be considered as having applied to both cases. In any 
case we learn that the three proceedings took place before an 
assessor, Ur d - Lama the patesi being judge. 

4. ITT 830*. Here we have the confirmation of the sale 
of a girl by her father where, as in a regular law-suit, an oath 
is taken (nam-erim-bi fra-far 2 ) by interested parties, before an 
assessor. No judge is present. 

5. ITT. 963*. Here are three law-suits about contested 
property. The tablet has been broken at the end of the first 
transaction but we can be tolerably sure that an oath was 
taken as in the other two, each of which has nam-erim-am 
before the assessor. It is interesting to note that the judge 
(di-kud) in this last case who seems to be the same man as 



1 Those marked thus have been published, transliterated and trans- 
lated by Pelagaud in Babyloniaca III, 2, p. 81 ff. 

2 Or nam-erim-bi in-tar or nam-erim-bi in-kud. Tar is a better 
rendering than kud, compare tar-ru-da, shortened to tar-da. In any case 
the rendering would be "his oath he has taken". 



40 8. A. B. Mercer, [1913. 

the assessor in the other transaction, namely Ur- d -Ka-di, is 
associated in his capacity as judge with another man, namely 
Grudea, who is called the elder of the city (ab-ba-uru). 1 

6. ITT 3516. This is a case of seizure. The matter is 
taken to court and an oath is taken (nam-erim-am) before 
an assessor and the sentence is confirmed. 

Reign of Gimil-Sin. 

1. Pel. VIII (PL IH). A certain man gave his son a 
house and a slave. The gift is ratified by oath (nam-erim-am) 
which is taken by three free-men and a slave to insure the 
constancy of the gift. No assessor, no witnesses, and no judge 
is present. 

2. Pel. XI (PL V). Sale of a female slave. The witnesses 
whose names are recorded take an oath (nam-erim-b[i i]n-tar) 
before the assessor. Two judges are present. 

3. ETC 295 f. An oath taken (nam-erim tar-a-bar) in a 
previous transaction is protested and claimed irregular by a 
certain woman Sig-tur-tur and her son Grud-a-gir. The case 
is brought before judges and an assessor and an oath is taken 
(nam-erim-l)i in-tar). 

4. ITT 744*. A document concerning a dispute between a 
master and his slave, the details of which are very uncertain. 
An oath (nam-erim-am) is taken before an assessor and a 
judge. 

5. ITT 746*. A contested slave-sale in which the witnesses 
are relatives of the contending parties. The testimony, as it 
seems, is contested, but the- purchaser on presenting a superior 
testimony takes an oath (nam-erim-am) before an assessor and 
two judges and the case is ended. 

6. ITT 733*. A dispute about a cloak in which an oath 
is taken (nam-erim-bi in-tar)