Skip to main content

Full text of "Journal of the American Oriental Society"

See other formats 


JOUENAL 


OP   THE 


AMERICAN  ORIENTAL  SOCIETY 


EDITED  BY 

JAMES  A.  MONTGOMERY       FRANKLIN  EDGERTON 

Professors  in  the  University  of  Pennsylvania 

VOLUME  40 


PUBLISHED  FOR  THE  AMERICAN  ORIENTAL  SOCIETY 
YALE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

NEW   HAVEN,   CONNECTICUT,   U.   S.   A. 

1920 


F 

A  6 


Printed  by  The  Tuttle,  Morehouse  &  Taylor  Company, 
New  Haven,  Conn.,  U.  S.  A. 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

ABBOTT,  J.  E. :   Maloba,  the  Maratha  Saint 300 

ALBRIGHT,  W.  F.:    TJttu,  the  Sumerian  God  of  Commerce     .         .        .73 

—  Gilgames  and  Engidu,  Mesopotamian  Genii  of   Fecun- 
dity             307 

BARRET,  L.  C. :  The  Kashmirian  Atharva  Veda,  Book  Seven  .  .  11" 
BENDER,  H.  H. :  Lithuanian  kldnas,  Tdunas  'a  place  where  something 

is  spread  out '  .         .         .         .         .         .         .                  .         .         .  353 

BLAKE,  F.  E. :  A  Bibliography  of  the  Philippine  Languages,  Part  I  .  25 
BLOOMFIELD,  M. :  The  Dohada  or  Craving  of  Pregnant  Women:  A 

Motif    of   Hindu    Fiction 1 

Notes  on   the  Divyavadana 336 

BREASTED,  J.  H. :   The  First  Expedition  of  the  Oriental  Institute  of  the 

University  of  Chicago 

EDGERTON,  F.:    Hindiisms  in  Sanskrit  again 84 

Studies  in  the  Veda        .......  89 

Counter  Rejoinder  (to  E.  W.  Fay)         ....  100 

—  Evil- Wit,  No-Wit,  and  Honest- Wit        .        .        .        .271 
FAY,  E.  W.:    Phonetic  and  Lexical  Notes 81 

Eejoinder  to  Professor  Edgerton     .....  93 

Indo-Iranica 121 

GAVIN,  F.:    The  Sleep  of  the  Soul  in  the  Early  Syriae  Church     .         .  103  — 

KENT,  E.  G. :    The  Textual  Criticism  of  Inscriptions     ....  289 
Koo,   T.  H.:     The  Constitutional  Development  of  the  Western  Han 

Dynasty 170 

KRAELING,  E.  G.  H.:    The  Tower  of  Babel 276 

LANMAN,  C.  E. :    Phrase- Words  and  Phrase-Derivatives       .         .         .  194 

The  Sanskrit  Passive  Stem'  199 


India  and  The  West  with  a  Plea  for  Team-Work  among 


Scholars    .         .         .  .         . 225 

Bharata's  Treatise  on  Dramaturgy  (Natya-Sastra)       .     359 


LINFIELD,  H.  S. :    The  Dependence  of  the  Talmudic  Principle  of  Asma- 

khta  on  Babylonian  Law         ........     126 

H.  F.:  A  Loanwood  in  Egyptian 71 

-  A  Eemark  on  Egyptian  r  'part' 359 

*     PRINCE,  J.  D. :    A  possible  Sumerian  Original  of  the  Name  Nimrod       .     201 

SCHOFF,  W.  H.:    Cinnamon,  Cassia  and  Somaliland       ....     260 
SUKTHANKAR,  V.  S. :   An  Assyrian  Tablet  found  in  Bombay  .         .     142 

-  Studies  in  Bhasa,  I 248 

THAYER,  G.  W.:  Julien's  Manuscript  Dictionary  of  the  Manchu  Lan- 
guage        ............     140 

TOLMAN,  H.  C. :    An  erroneous  Etymology  of  the  New  Persian  padsah, 

in  Eelation  to  the  pr.  n.     Hartfet^s  (Hat.  3.  61)     . 

TORREY,  C.  C. :    The  mosaic  Inscription  at  *Ain  Duk     .         .         .         .141 
WARREN,  W.  F.:    Where  was  gakadvlpa  in  the  mythical  World-View 

of  India? 356 

PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE  MEETING  AT  ITHACA,  1920 204 

PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE  MIDDLE  WEST  BRANCH        .        .        .        .        .    134 

NOTES  OF  THE  SOCIETY 75,  285,  361 

NOTES  OF  OTHER  SOCIETIES,  ETC 75,  286,  363 

THE  AMERICAN  COUNCIL  OF  LEARNED  SOCIETIES    .        .        .        .        .77 

PERSONALIA 80,  144,  224,  288,  360 

LIST  OF  MEMBERS  .  367 


THE  DOHADA  OR  CRAVING  OF  PREGNANT  WOMEN: 
A  MOTIF  OF  HINDU  FICTION1 

MAURICE  BLOOMFIELD 
JOHNS  HOPKINS  UNIVERSITY 

HINDU  SCHEMATISM  allows  nothing  in  nature  or  the  mind, 
however  unimportant  or  indecent  it  may  seem  to  a  sofinticated 
Western  soul,  to  pass  without  formal  statement  and  discussion. 
The  two  Sastras,  Kamasastra,  'Rules  of  Love,'  and  the  (so  far) 
lost  Steyasastra,  'Rules  of  Thieving,'  are  familiar  examples  of 
this  Hindu  habit.  Lurid  descriptions  of  the  female  body, 
inflammatory,  and  primarily  intended  to  inflame,  pass  into  liter- 
ature without  the  least  sense  of  indecency  or  decadence.2  In 
their  Hindu  treatment,  these  matters  appear,  in  the  end,  natural 
or  even  exigent ;  to  suppress  them  or  disguise  them  would  leave 
a  blank,  and  cast  shame  upon  him  that  thinketh  evil.  Similarly, 
dohada,  that  is,  the  fancy,  craving,  or  whim  of  a  pregnant 
woman,  a  trivial  and  intimate  event  in  woman's  life  history,  is 
not  allowed  to  flit  uncaught  thru  Hindu  thot.  On  the  contrary 
it  is  gripped  firmly,  and  handled  without  gloves,  pervading 
poetry  and  fiction  all  the  way  from  Ceylon  to  Tibet.  The  notion 
is  so  persistent  that  it  becomes,  in  time,  a  mere  formula,  or  bit 
of  embroidery.  There  is  scarcely  a  description  of  spring-time 

1  The    present    article    continues    the    encyclopedic    treatment    of    Hindu 
Fiction,  planned  some  years  ago,  and  since  then  substantiated  in  a  number 
of  my  own  papers,  and  one  by  Dr.  E.   W.  Burlingame.     See  Bloomfield, 
'On  Eecurring  Psychic  Motifs  in  Hindu  Fiction,  and  the  Laugh  and  Cry 
Motif,'   JAOS   36.   54-89;    'On   the  Art   of  Entering   Another's   Body,   a 
Hindu  Fiction  Motif,'   Proceedings  of  the  American  Philosophical  Society, 
56.  1-43;     'The  Fable  of  the  Crow  and  the  Palm-Tree,  a  Psychic  Motif 
in    Hindu    Fiction,'   AJP    40.    1-36.     Preceded    by,    'The    Character    and 
Adventures  of  Muladeva,'    Proc.  Amer.  Philos.  Soc.  52.  616-50;  and,    'On 
Talking    Birds    in    Hindu    Fiction,'    Festschrift    Ernst    Windisch,    349- 
61.     Burlingame >s  paper  is:    'The  Act  of  Truth  (Saccakiriya) :    a  Hindu 
Spell  and  its  Employment  as  a  Psychic  Motif  in  Hindu  Fiction':    JBAS. 
July  1917,  pp.  429-67. 

2  So,   e.   g.,   Dasakumara   Carita    (Bombay   Sanskrit   Series),   Part   1,   p. 
62;  Vasavadatta,  Gray's  Translation,  pp.  58,  61,  62,  86;  Kathasaritsagara 
84.  6  ff.;    Parsvanatha  Caritra,  1.  216  ff.;    Samaradityasamksepa  5.  167  ff.; 
Divyavadana,  p.  444. 

1     JAOS  40 


'Z  Maurice  Bloomfield 

in  which  trees  or  plants  do  not  manifest  dohada  before  they 
blossom  out;  there  is  many  a  story  in  which  an  embryo  child 
teases  its  mother  with  caprices  of  the  most  varied  sorts. 

The  treatment  of  dohada  is  both  scientific  and  literary.  As 
regards  science,  it  figures  prominently  in  medicine,  in  love  books 
(Kamasastra),  in  psycho-fysics,  and  in  filosofy.  With  these  we 
are  not  directly  concerned,  except  in  so  far  as  they  put  forth  the 
idea  that  dohada  is  due  to  the  presence  of  a  second  heart  and  a 
second  will  in  the  body  of  the  mother;  that  the  mother's  crav- 
ings are,  therefore,  vicarious ;  and  that  the  prosperous  develop- 
ment of  the  embryo  depends  upon  the  satisfaction  of  these 
cravings,  in  whatsoever  manner  they  may  manifest  themselves. 
This  aspect  of  dohada,  as  well  as  the  derivation  of  the  word 
from  the  idea  of  t  two-heartedness, '  has  been  treated  conclusively 
enough  by  Liiders,  Nachrichten  der  Gottingischen  Gesellschaft 
der  Wissenschaften,  1898,  fascicle  1;  Jolly,  IF  10,  213  ff.; 
Aufrecht,  ZDMG  52.  763 ;  Boehtlingk,  ZDM G  55.  98 ;  Ber.  d. 
kgl.  sacks.  Ges.  d.  Wiss.  1901;  Richard  Schmidt,  Beitrage  zur 
indischen  Erotik,  p.  392  ff. 

As  a  theme  of  literature  dohada  appears  in  two  ways,  both 
naive  in  their  inception,  and  a  priori  quite  dispensable.  It  must 
be  admitted,  however,  that  on  the  whole,  they  are  worked  out  in 
a  way  that  lacks  neither  beauty  nor  usefulness ;  that  is  entirely 
free  from  grossness;  and  that,  in  the  end,  really  adds  both  dis- 
tinctiveness  and  variety  to  Hindu  literature. 

One  of  the  ways  is  poetic,  the  other  pragmatic.  In  poetry  we 
have  the  exquisite  notion  that  the  sudden  blossoming  of  trees  in 
the  spring  is  a  kind  of  birth,  preceded  by  a  pregnancy  fancy. 
The  fulfilment  of  that  fancy  is  thot  to  be  the  necessary  prelimi- 
nary to  the  perfect  event.  The  kadamba  tree  suddenly  buds 
forth  at  the  beginning  of  the  rainy  season,  when  the  thunder 
rolls — sign  that  the  kadamba  craved  to  hear  the  thunder,  before 
giving  birth  to  its  buds.  The  bakula  (vakula)  tree,  before  bear- 
ing blossoms,  must  be  sprinkled  with  wine  from  the  mouths  of 
young  women — that  is  its  whim.  Above  all,  the  asoka  tree  must 
be  touched  by  the  foot  of  a  maiden,  or  young  woman,  before  it 
blossoms — again  the  whim  of  the  pregnant  plant,  say,  or  imply, 
the  Hindu  poets.3 

8  As  regards  the  aSoka  see  Lala  Sita  Earn  in  ZDMG  58.  393. 


The  Dohada  3 

In  Parsvanatha  Caritra  6.  796,  797,  four  trees  are  thus  said 
to  blossom  in  spring  in  consequence  of  having  their  several 
dohadas  fulfilled. 

pusyanti  tarumslistd  yasmin*  kuruvakadrumdh, 
vikdsam  ydnty  asokds  tu  vadhupddaprahdratah. 
mrgdkslsldhugandusdih  pusyanti  bakula  api, 
campakds  tu  praphullanti  sugandhajaladohaddih. 
'(Came  spring)   when  the  kuruvaka  trees  bloom,  as  they  are 
embraced  by  young  maids;  when  the  asoka  trees  burst  into 
bloom,  as  they  are  struck  by  the  feet  of  young  women ;  when  the 
bakula  trees  bloom,  if  sprayed  with  wine  from  the  mouths  of 
gazelle-eyed  maidens;    when  the  campaka  trees  burst  as  they 
are  sprinkled  with  perfumed  water.'    The  kuravaka  or  kuruvaka 
is  said  also  to  break  into  blossom  when  looked  at  by  a  beautiful 
woman,  (pramadayd)  dlokitah  kuravakali  kurute  vikdsam,  gloss 
to  Kumarasambhava  3.  26  (see  Pet.  Lex.  under  kuravaka). 

In  the  more  eufuistic  descriptions,  Vasavadatta  133  and  138, 
figure  only  asoka  and  bakula;  they  are,  as  a  matter  of  fact, 
mentioned  most  frequently:  'Came  spring,  that  makes  bakula 
trees  horripilate  from  sprinkling  with  rum  in  mouthfuls  by 
amorous  maids,  merry  with  drink;  that  has  hundreds  of  asoka 
trees  delighted  by  the  slow  stroke  of  the  tremulous  lotus  feet, 
beautiful  with  anklets,  of  wanton  damsels,  enslaved  by  amorous 
delights.'  And  again,  'In  spring,  by  its  fresh  shoots  the  asoka, 
because  of  its  longing  to  be  touched  by  a  maiden 's  ankleted  foot, 
red  with  the  dye  of  new  lac,  seemed  to  have  assumed  that  color. 
The  bakula  shone  as  if,  thru  sprinkling  with  mouthfuls  from 
amorous  girls'  lotus  lips,  completely  filled  with  sweet  wine,  it 
had  assumed  its  (the  wine's)  color  in  its  own  flowers.'5 

Rarely  does  a  Hindu  poet  allude  to  the  asoka  tree  without  this 
thot;  see,  e.  g.,  Malavikagnimitram,  Act  3,  stanzas  48  and  53 
(Bollensen's  edition,  1879)  ;  Boehtlingk's  Indische  Spruche, 
5691,  5693.  In  case  of  all  of  these  trees  there  is  the  corollary 
idea  that  their  fruit  does  not  prosper,  unless  their  cravings  are 
satisfied;  it  is  just  as  fit  and  proper  to  satisfy  these  cravings, 
as,  in  real  life,  it  is  imperative  to  satisfy  the  whim  of  the  proto- 
typical pregnant  woman :  dohadam  asydli  puraya*  '  satisfy  her 

4  Sc.,  vasante. 

6  Compare  Gray's  Translation  of  Vasavadatta,  pp.  84,  85. 

6Malav.  stanza  55. 


4  Maurice  Bloomfield 

dohada/  is,  as  it  were,  a  Hindu  motto,  because  the  foetus  comes 
to  grief  if  desire  due  to  dohada  is  not  granted,  dohadasydpra- 
ddnena  garbho  dosam  avdpnuydt  (Yajnavalkya  3.  79). 

The  pragmatic  aspect  of  dohada  is  what  concerns  Hindu  fic- 
tion. It  seems  that  Hindu  women  are  affected  by  it  to  a  degree 
unknown  in  the  West,  and  that  husbands  are  very  conscious  of 
its  presence  and  of  their  duties,  in  the  circumstances,  towards 
their  patient  wives.  Literary  testimony  is  very  abundant,  but 
we  have  in  addition  direct  testimony  from  a  modern  Hindu 
source.  In  an  article  entitled  'Doladuk  (dohada),'  Mr.  W. 
Goonetilleke,  in  The  Orientalist  2.  81,  describes  the  circum- 
stances somewhat  as  follows :  Sinhalese  as  well  as  other  Eastern 
women  acquire,  during  the  earlier  period  of  pregnancy,  a  long- 
ing or  craving  after  particular  objects.  It  is  the  duty  of  the 
husband  to  provide  these  objects,  lest  the  woman's  health  suffer. 
In  'former  times'  unchaste  wives  availed  themselves  of  this  for 
getting  rid  of  their  husbands  for  a  time,  so  as  to  enjoy  the  com- 
pany of  their  paramours.  All  the  young  woman  has  to  do  is  to 
express  longing  for  some  rare  article  of  food,  or  a  fruit  out  of 
season,  and  the  deluded  husband,  as  he  is  in  duty  bound,  sets 
out  to  procure  it.  In  the  meantime  the  wife  has  her  own  way  in 
the  house ;  see  the  Nikini  story,  below,  p.  22. 

This  longing  for  particular  objects  is  known  among  the  Sin- 
halese as  Doladuk  =  dohada.  In  decent  Sinhalese,  a  woman  is 
not  said  to  be  pregnant,  but  in  the  state  of  Doladuk,  'Dola- 
dukin  innavd.'  Mr.  Goonetilleke  goes  on  to  say  that  the  object 
longed  for  is,  for  the  most  part,  a  lump  of  dry  clay  or  earth,  or 
broken  pieces  of  new  chatties.  These  substances  have  a  kind  of 
fragrance  which  is  irresistibly  inviting  to  pregnant  women,  as 
well  as  to  patients  suffering  from  the  disease  called  Pandu 
(jaundice  or  anemia).7  In  Eaghuvansa  3.  3,  5,  6,  this  matter  is 
authenticated.  The  king  of  North  Kosala  there  sniffs  (our 
'kisses')  the  face  of  his  beloved,  that  has  the  odor  of  earth  (mrt- 
surabhi)8  and  thus  learns  that  she  is  in  dohada.  'Whatever  she 
chose,  that  she  saw  brought  in;  for  the  desired  object  was  not 
unattainable,  even  in  heaven,  by  this  king  with  the  strung-bow.' 

7  Jaundiced  clay-eaters  are  well  known  in  the  southern  United  States. 

8  The  commentator   Mallinatha   says,  garbhimnam  mrdWiaTcsanam   loka* 
prasiddham   eva,    'it  is  universally  understood  that  pregnant  women   eat 
earth. ' 


The  Dohada  5 

As  far  as  the  writer  knows,  the  craving  for  clay  does  not  again 
appear  in  literature. 

The  same  dohada  is  employed  constantly  as  a  start  motif 
which  initiates  a  chain  of  unusual  happenings,  or  as  a  progres- 
sive motif  in  the  course  of  stories.  Clearly,  if  the  story  requires 
something  unusual  to  be  done,  if  the  smooth  course  of  some 
one's  life  is  to  be  disturbed;  or,  if  the  evenly  righteous  or  proper 
character  of  some  person  needs  to  be  turned  into  something 
wicked  or  convulsive;  dohada,  in  its  unbridled  unexpectedness, 
can  be  readily  called  upon.  When  a  lady  expresses  the  desire 
to  dine  off  the  entrails  of  her  husband,9  or  to  drink  the  moon,10 
the  story  gets  a  jolt,  and  after  that  is  liable  to  move  with  some 
elan.  Indeed,  dohada  runs  the  entire  gamut  from  such  fierce 
fancies  clear  to  the  opposite  pole,  e.  g.,  the  lamb-like  desire  to 
hear  pious  discourse  from  some  great  religious  teacher,  which 
occurs  very  frequently  in  fiction,  tho  it  is  perhaps  not  so  likely 
in  real  life. 

As  is  true  of  many  other  fiction  motives,  dohada,  because  it 
occurs  very  frequently,  tends  to  become  mechanical  in  its  use. 
Thus,  in  the  course  of  the  rebirths  of  the  pair  of  souls  of  Guna- 
sena  and  Agnisarman  in  the  Jaina  text  Samaradityasamksepa, 
the  births  are  very  regularly  preceded  by  dohada:  2.  13,  361; 
3.  15;  4.  444;  5.  10;  6.  388.  The  motif  is,  in  this  regard,  very 
much  on  a  plane  with  another  birth  motif,  namely,  the  dream, 
which  heralds  the  birth  of  a  noble  son,  a  stock  motif  with  which 
the  Jainas  in  particular  embroider  the  life  histories  of  their 
saints  and  emperors,  from  Mahavira  down.  This  trait  is  also 
constant  in  the  Samaradityasariiksepa.11- 

Dohada  unconsciously  assumes  in  the  minds  of  the  fictionists 
certain  systematic  aspects,  which  make  it  convenient  to  treat  it 
under  six  rubrics : 

I.     Dohada  either  directly  injures  the  husband,  or    impels 
some  act  on  his  part  which  involves  danger  or  contumely. 

II.     Dohada  prompts  the  husband  to  deeds  of  heroism,  supe- 
rior skill,  wisdom,  or  shrewdness. 

9  Pradyumnacarya  's  Samaradityasamksepa  2.  361. 

10  Parisistaparvan   8.  225  ff. 

11  See  my  volume,  The  Life  and   Stories  of   the  Jaina  Savior  Pargva- 
natha,  pp.  189  ff. 


6  Maurice  Bloomfield 

III.  Dohada  takes  the  form  of  pious  acts,  or  pious  aspira- 
tions. 

IV.  Dohada  is  used  as  an  ornamental  incident,  not  influenc- 
ing the  main  events  of  a  story. 

V.  Dohada  is  feigned  by  the  woman,  in  order  that  she  may 
accomplish  some  purpose,  or  satisfy  some  desire. 

VI.  Dohada  is  obviated  by  tricking  the  woman  into  the  belief 
that  her  desire  is  being  fulfilled. 

I.  Dohada  either  directly  injures  the  husband,  or  impels  some 
act  on  his  part  which  involves  danger  or  contumely. 

Suitably,  the  account  of  this  motif,  based,  as  it  is,  upon 
extravagance,  begins  with  its  most  extreme  manifestation, 
namely,  when  the  dohada  injures.  Once  more,  the  extremest 
injury,  which  is  surely  not  retailed  without  a  touch  of  irony, 
is  to  the  person  or  character  of  the  husband  himself.  It  is 
remarkable  that  the  woman  herself  is  not  directly  injured ;  nor 
is  she,  as  a  rule,  driven  by  her  whim  into  adventure.  There  is 
just  one  folklore  story  of  this  sort,  told  by  Parker,  Village  Folk- 
Tales  of  Ceylon,  vol.  2,  pp.  388  ff.,  where  the  young  wife  of  a 
prince  is  taken  with  dohada  (doladuk)  for  a  damba  fruit,  which 
her  seven  sisters-in-law  refuse  to  give  her.  The  princess  climbs 
a  damba  tree,  is  there  wooed  by  a  leopard,  and  goes  with  him 
to  his  rock  cave.  The  leopard  is  trapped  by  the  princess's 
brothers  in  a  covered  pit  and  buried  alive.  The  princess  dies 
thru  very  grief  at  the  loss  of  the  leopard. 

In  Thusa  Jataka  (338)  the  mother  of  the  future  parricide, 
Prince  Ajatasattu,12  when  pregnant  with  him,  conceives  a 
chronic  longing  to  drink  blood  from  the  right  knee  of  her 
husband,  King  Bimbisara.  The  king  learns  from  his  astrologers 
that  the  prospective  child  will  kill  him,  and  seize  his  kingdom. 
1  If  my  son/  says  the  king,  'should  kill  me  and  seize  my  king- 
dom, what  is  the  harm  of  it?'  He  has  his  right  knee  opened 
with  a  sword,  lets  the  blood  fall  into  an  open  dish,  and  gives  it 
to  the  queen  to  drink.  But  the  queen,  loathing  the  idea  of  the 
parricide's  being  born,  endeavors  to  bring  about  a  miscarriage. 
The  king,  hearing  of  it,  calls  her  to  him,  and  says,  'My  dear,  it 
is  said,  my  son  will  slay  me,  and  seize  my  kingdom.  But  I  am 
not  exempt  from  old  age  and  death :  suffer  me  to  behold  the 

"See  Rhys  Davids,  Buddhist  India,  pp.  14  ff. 


The  Dohada  7 

face  of  my  child ! '  In  full  time  the  queen  gives  birth  to  a  son 
who  is  called  Ajatasattu,  because  he  had  been  his  father's  enemy 
while  still  unborn.13  Ajatasattu  in  due  time  slays  his  father. 

In  Ralston,  Tibetan  Tales,  p.  84,  Queen  Vasavi,  who  is  about 
to  bear  her  husband,  King  Bimbisara,  a  son,  destined  to  kill  that 
king,  his  father,  is  seized  by  the  desire  to  eat  flesh  from  the 
king's  back.  She  tells  the  king,  who  consults  the  soothsayers. 
They  decide  that  the  desire  is  caused  by  the  influence  of  a  being 
which  has  entered  into  his  wife's  womb.  Some  sagacious  person 
advises  him  to  have  a  cotton  garment  lined  with  raw  meat,  and 
to  put  it  on,  and  then  offer  the  meat  to  his  wife.  He  does  so, 
and  offers  Vasavi  the  meat;  she  thinks  that  it  is  the  king's  own 
flesh,  and  so  eats  it,  whereby  she  is  freed  from  her  longing. 
Afterwards  she  longs  for  her  husband's  blood,  the  king  has  the 
veins  opened  in  five  of  his  limbs,  and  gives  her  the  blood  to 
drink,  whereby  she  is  freed  from  her  longing. 

This  event  is  alluded  to,  Kathakosa,  p.  177,1*  where  the  king, 
whom  the  Buddhists  call  Ajatasatru,  is  called  Konika  (Kunika). 
This  king  has  his  father  £renika  thrown  into  prison,  where  he 
ultimately  dies.  One  day  Konika  is  eating,  while  Udaya,  his 
son  by  his  wife  Padmavati,  is  sitting  in  his  lap.  The  child's 
urine  falls  into  the  vessel  of  rice.  Konika  does  not  put  him  off 
his  lap  for  fear  of  disturbing  him,  but  eats  the  rice  mixed  with 
urine.  Konika  says  to  his  mother  who  is  sitting  by:  'Mother, 
did  anybody  ever  love  his  son  so  much?'  His  mother  replies: 
'You  monstrous  criminal,  listen!  When  I  was  pregnant  with 
you,  I  had  a  longing  to  eat  your  father's  flesh.  The  king  satis- 
fied my  longing.  .  When  you  were  born,*  I  abandoned  you  in  an 
enclosure  of  asoka-trees,  saying  that  you  were  a  villain.  The 
king  brought  you  back ;  so  you  were  called  Asokacandra.  Then 
a  dog  tore  your  finger.  It  became  a  whitlow.  So  he  gave  you 
the  name  of  Konika.15  When  the  swelling  on  your  finger 
ripened,  you  suffered  pain;  your  father  held  that  finger  in  his 

13  It  is  very  unlikely  that  this  teleological  interpretation  of  the  name  is 
correct;    rather    'he  whose  enemies  are  not  born,  or  do  not  exist ';   .i.  e., 
' Unconquerable.'     So  Ajatasatru,  an  epithet  of  Indra  in  EV.     Clearly  the 
name  is  part  reason  for  the  story. 

14  The  same  episode  in  Nirayavaliya  Sutta,  edited  by  Warren  in  Trans- 
actions of  the  Amsterdam  Academy,  1879. 

"There  is  no  evidence  that  Konika  has  this  meaning. 


8  Maurice  Bloom-field 

mouth,  tho  it  was  streaming  with  matter,  so  you  did  not  cry. 
To  this  extent  did  he  love  you.'  Konika,  full  of  remorse,  takes 
up  an  iron  club,  and  goes  off  in  person  to  break  his  father's 
chains.  The  guards  say  to  Srenika:  'Konika  is  coming  in  a 
very  impatient  mood,  with  an  iron  club  in  his  hand. '  The  king, 
thinking  that  he  would  be  put  to  death  by  some  painful  mode 
of  execution,  takes  talaputa  poison.  When  Konika  arrives 
there,  he  finds  King  Srenika  dead. 

In  Samaradityasamksepa  2.  356  ff.  the  soul  of  the  ascetic 
Agnisarman  falls  from  heaven,  and  is  conceived  in  the  womb  of 
Kusumavali,  queen  of  King  Siiiha.  In  her  dream  she  sees  a 
serpent  enter  her  womb,16  go  out  again  and  bite  the  king,  so  that 
he  falls  from  his  throne.  She  does  not  communicate  this  inaus- 
picious omen  to  the  king.  Owing  to  that  fault  she  gets  to  hate 
the  king  as  her  child  keeps  growing  in  her  womb,  and  finally  is 
taken  with  dohada  to  eat  her  husb'and's  entrails.  Because  she 
ascribes  this  to  the  evil  nature  of  the  foetus,  she  decides  to  prac- 
tise abortion.  But  tho  she  takes  many  drugs,  she  does  not  suc- 
ceed in  her  detestable  design,  merely  growing  very  lean  from 
the  drugs  and  her  unsatisfied  dohada.  From  a  friend  of  the 
queen  the  king  learns  the  whole  story,  consults  his  minister,  and 
is  advised  to  cut  fake  entrails  from  his  body  before  the  eyes  of 
the  queen.  The  minister  tells  the  queen  that  he  will  satisfy  her 
craving.  She  consents,  and  he  cuts  the  entrails  of  a  hare  which 
are  hidden  in  the  king's  clothes,  apparently  from  out  of  his 
body,  while  the  queen  looks  on.  The  minister  next  tells  her  to 
report  the  birth  of  her  child  to  himself,  and,  when  she  does  so, 
he  tells  her  that  the  child  is  dangerous  to  the  king  and  should 
therefore  be  brought  up  at  a  distance.  Again  she  consents,  and 
intrusts  the  child  to  a  tire-woman,  who,  however,  is  intercepted 
by  the  king.  He  takes  the  child,  contrives  a  secret  birth-festival 
for  him,  names  him  Ananda,  has  him  educated  in  every  accom- 
plishment, and  appoints  him  heir-apparent. 

It  comes  to  pass  that  a  forest  bandit,  Durmati  by  name,  rises 
against  the  king,  who  then  organizes  an  expedition  against  him. 

16  In  Viraearita  23  (Indische  Studien  14.  137)  a  pregnant  woman  sees 
a  serpent,  and,  therefore,  begets  a  serpent.  In  Parsvanatha  Caritra  5.  125, 
Queen  Varna,  while  pregnant,  sees  a  serpent  by  her  side  (parsvatah) , 
therefore  her  son  is  named  Parsva.  See  my  Life  and  Stories  of  the  Jaina 
Savior  Pargvandtha,  p.  190. 


The  Dohada  9 

The  king  is  reminded  of  the  perishableness  of  all  things  by  the 
spectacle  of  a  frog  being  devoured  by  a  serpent,  the  serpent  by 
an  osprey,  and  the  osprey  by  a  boa  constrictor.  He  decides  to 
abandon  the  world,  and  makes  preparations  for  his  successor, 
Ananda.  Ananda,  on  account  of  his  evil  nature,  suspects  his 
father  of  designs  against  his  life,  and  attacks  him.  A  battle 
ensues,  which  is,  however,  stopped  by  the  king,  who  orders 
Ananda 's  consecration  as  king.  But  Ananda,  still  suspicious, 
has  his  father  thrown  into  prison.  There  Queen  Kusumavall 
visits  him,  is  converted,  and  turns  nun.  The  king  decides  to 
die  by  starvation,  but  Ananda  sends  a  palace  eunuch,  named 
Devasarma,  to  feed  him  by  force.  The  king  refuses  to  be  inter- 
fered with  in  his  pious  career,  and  is  slain  by  the  sword  of  his 
own  son. 

There  is  finally  a  single  case  in  which  dohada  results  not  only 
in  the  husband's  death,  but  also  in  the  death  of  a  second  person, 
showing  how  insistent  is  this  mode  of  treatment.  In  Suvanna- 
kakkatu  Jataka  (389 )17  the  Bodhisat,  born  as  a  Brahman 
farmer,  strikes  up  a  friendship  with  a  crab.  Now  in  his  eyes 
are  seen  the  five  graces  and  the  three  circles,  very  pure.  A 
she-crow,  conceiving  dohada  to  eat  his  eyes,  tells  her  mate  to 
wait  on  a  cobra,  and  to  induce  him  to  sting  the  Brahman  to 
death,  in  order  that  he  may  pluck  out  the  dead  Brahman's  eyes, 
and  bring  them  to  her.  The  cobra  consents  to  the  arrangement, 
bites  the  Brahman  in  the  calf  of  his  leg,  and  flees  to  his  ant-hill. 
The  crab  seizes  the  crow  by  the  neck;  the  crow  calls  the  cobra 
to  his  aid,  and  when  he  comes  the  crab  clutches  him  as  well.  He 
makes  the  cobra  suck  the  poison  from  the  Brahman's  wound,  so 
that  he  is  as  well  as  before,  and  then  crushes  the  heads  of  both 
crow  and  snake  with  his  claws. 

At  times  dohada  does  not  kill  the  unoffending  husband,  but 
merely  endangers  his  life.  Thus  in  Parsvanatha  Caritra  3.  456 
ff.,  Prabhavaka,  an  adventurer  who  has  taken  service  with  a 
mean-spirited  Thakkura,  Sinha  by  name,  is  married  by  that 
Thakkura  to  a  low-born  wife.  She  conceives  dohada  for  the 
flesh  of  the  Thakkura 's  pet  peacock.18  Prabhavaka  satisfies  it 

17  Cf.  Benfey,  Pancatantra,  1.  539. 

18  In  Chavannes,  Cinq  Cent  Contes  ct  Apologues  Chinois,  nr.  20,  the  wife 
of  a  king  falls  siek,  dreams  that  she  sees  a  peacock,  and  that  someone 
tells  her  that  his  flesh  will  cure  her.     This  is,  no  doubt,  dohada.     Peacock's 
flesh  makes  young  and  long-lived  in  Jataka  159;    cf.  also  Jataka  491. 


10  Maurice  Bloomfield 

by  giving  her  the  flesh  of  a  peacock  equally  good,  and  at  the 
same  time  hides  away  the  Thakkura 's  pet.  At  meal-time  the 
Thakkura  misses  his  peacock,  has  the  drum  beaten,  and  offers 
800  dinars  and  exemption  from  punishment  to  the  restorer  of 
the  peacock.  Then  the  slave- wife  reflects :  'What  use  have  I  for 
this  man  from  a  strange  country?  I  will  take  the  money,  and 
get  another  husband.'  She  touches  the  drum,  and  tells  the  king 
that  she  had  craved  the  peacock's  flesh,  and  that  Prabhavaka, 
out  of  love  for  her,  had  slain  him,  tho  she  had  tried  to  dissuade 
him.  Prabhavaka,  after  having  vainly  sought  protection  by  an 
ungrateful  friend,  and  after  appealing  in  vain  to  the  mercy  of 
the  Thakkura  himself,  whom  he  had  previously  benefited  in  an 
important  way,  produces  the  peacock.  Then,  in  disgust,  he 
takes  leave  of  treacherous  wife,  faithless  friend,  and  ungrateful 
king. 

In  another  instance,  Parsvanatha  7.  275  ff.,  Kathakosa  pp.  42 
ff.,  a  female  endangers  thru  dohada  her  husband's  life,  but,  in 
the  end,  herself  saves  him  thru  her  devotion.  A  fond  pair  of 
parrots  live  upon  a  tree.  The  female,  in  dohada,  requests  the 
male  to  bring  her  a  head  of  rice  from  a  nearby  field.  The  male 
remonstrates,  because  the  field  belongs  to  king  £rikanta,  and  he 
will  therefore  lose  his  head.  She  taunts  him  for  his  cowardice. 
Thereupon  he  daily  plucks  a  head  of  rice  from  the  field,  until 
the  king  notices  the  depredation,  orders  the  keepers  of  the  field 
to  catch  the  parrot,  and  bring  him  to  his  presence.  When  this 
is  done,  the  king  raises  his  sword  to  cut  off  the  head  of  the 
parrot.  But  the  female  covers  him  with  her  body,  begs  for  his 
life,  and  explains  that  her  husband  has  misbehaved  at  her  bid- 
ding, when  in  dohada.  The  king  taunts  the  male,  telling  him 
that  he,  who  is  famous  in  the  world  for  wisdom,19  had  risked 
his  life  to  satisfy  the  whim  of  a  woman.  The  female  retorts  by 
narrating  how  the  king  himself,  in  a  former  birth,  had  taken 
the  same  risk  of  his  life  in  behalf  of  his  queen  gridevi.  The  king 
releases  both  parrots,  and  assigns  to  them  daily  rations  of  rice 
from  that  very  field.  The  she-parrot,  her  dohada  satisfied,  lays 
two  eggs. 


19  See  my  paper  <  On  Talking  Birds  in  Hindu  Fiction, '   Festschrift  Ernst 
Windisch,  p.  354  ff. 


The  Dohada  11 

A  close  relative  of  the  last  story,  Supatta  Jataka  (292),20 
transfers  the  devotion,  which  primarily  belongs  to  the  husband, 
to  an  agent,  but  the  chief  traits  are  the  same.  The  Bodhisat, 
born  as  king  of  the  crows,  named  Supatta,  has  a  queen  Suphassa, 
and  a  chief  captain  Sumukha.  Queen  Suphassa,  in  dohada,  fly- 
ing over  the  kitchen  of  king  Brahmadatta  in  Benares,  smells  its 
savory  food,  longs  for  it,  and  tells  her  husband  that  she  must 
die,  unless  she  gets  some  of  it.  The  crow  king,  perched  pen- 
sively, is  quizzed  by  Captain  Sumukha,  who  no  sooner  hears 
what  is  the  trouble  than  he  proposes  to  fetch  the  food.  The 
captain  with  eight  champions  flies  to  Benares  and  settles  on  the 
roof  of  the  kitchen.  There  he  issues  the  following  order: 
'When  the  food  is  taken  up,  I'll  make  the  man  drop  the  dishes. 
Once  that  is  done,  there's  an  end  of  me.  So  four  of  you  must 
fill  your  mouths  with  the  rice,  and  four  with  the  fish,  and  feed 
the  royal  pair  with  them ;  and  if  they  ask  where  I  am,  say  I  'm 
coming. ' 

The  cook,  hanging  his  dishes  on  a  balance-pole,  goes  off 
towards  the  king's  rooms.  As  he  passes  thru  the  court  the  crow 
captain,  with  a  signal  to  his  followers,  settles  upon  his  chest, 
strikes  him  with  extended  claws,  and  with  his  beak,  sharp  as  a 
spear-point;  pecks  the  end  of  his  nose,  and  with  his  two  feet 
stops  up  his  jaws.  The  king,  happening  to  observe  what  the 
crow  is  doing,  hails  the  carrier,  '  Hullo,  you,  down  with  the 
dishes,  and  catch  the  crow!'  He  does  so;  the  champions  pick 
up  the  food  and  give  it  to  their  king  and  queen  to  eat.  When 
the  cook  brings  the  captain,  and  the  latter  is  .questioned  by  the 
king  about  his  disrespectful  and  reckless  conduct,  he  explains: 
'  0  great  king !  Our  king  lives  near  Benares,  and  I  am  captain 
of  his  forces.  His  wife  conceived  a  great  longing  for  a  taste 
of  your  food.  Our  king  told  me  what  she  craved;  at  once  I 
devoted  my  life,  and  now  I  have  sent  her  the  food.'  King 
Brahmadatta  is  so  pleased  with  the  captain's  devotion  that  he 
bestows  upon  him  thfe  white  umbrella,  and  regularly  sends  of 
his  own  food  to  the  royal  crow  pair. 

The  chef-d'oeuvre  of  dohada  stories,  in  which  the  uxorious 
husband  both  fails  to  satisfy  his  wife  and  in  addition  is  con- 
tumeliously  outwitted  by  superior  intellect,  is  founded  upon  a 

20  See  Folk-lore  Journal,  3.  360. 


12  Maurice  Bloomfield 

female  crocodile's  dohada  for  a  beautiful  monkey's  heart.  It 
occurs  in  two  versions,  both  of  which  are  distinguished  by  inven- 
tiveness and  perfect  Hindu  setting.  In  their  Buddhist  form  they 
figure  as  the  Sunsumara  Jataka  (208),  of  which  a  briefer  version 
is  the  Vanara  Jataka  (342)  ;  and  the  Vanarinda  Jataka  (57),  of 
which  a  briefer  version  is  the  Kumbhlla  Jataka  (224).21  In  the 
Sunsumara  the  Bodhisat  disports  himself  as  a  monkey  on  the 
shore  of  the  Ganga.  The  female  crocodile  conceives  a  desire  to  eat 
his  heart.  Her  mate  entices  the  monkey,  by  promise  of  fresher 
and  choicer  fruit,  to  cross  the  Ganga  upon  his  back.  The  croco- 
dile drops  the  monkey  in  the  middle  of  the  river.  On  being  asked 
the  reason  for  this  procedure  the  crocodile  replies,  with  a  touch 
of  Buddhist  cant,  that  he  has  not  dealt  honestly  by  the  monkey, 
because  he  wishes,  for  above-mentioned  reasons,  to  feed  the 
monkey's  heart  to  his  wife.  The  monkey  acknowledges  the  pro- 
priety of  the  crocodile's  intentions:  'If  only  monkeys  had  their 
hearts  in  their  bodies!  This  is  not  so,  because  their  hearts 
would  be  torn  to  pieces  by  the  branches  of  the  trees  upon  which 
they  are  constantly  jumping  about.'  The  crocodile  sceptically 
asks  how  the  monkeys  can  live  in  this  way,  but  the  monkey  con- 
vinces him  by  showing  him  the  ripe  fruits  upon  an  udumbara 
(fig)  tree,  alleging  that  they  are  the  monkeys'  hearts.  Saith 
the  crocodile:  'If  you  will  show  me  your  heart  I  will  not  kill 
you!'  'Then  take  me  there,  and  I  will  show  it  you,  hanging 
down  from  the  udumbara  tree.'  The  crocodile  complies,  the 
monkey  escapes,  and  recommends  the  crocodile  to  consider,  as 
the  permanent  valuable  fruit  of  his  experience,  that  his,  the 
crocodile's,  body  may  be  great,  but  not  so  his  intelligence.  But 
the  monkey  reflects  for  himself  somewhat  as  follows : 

'Lightly  I'd  eat  the  lotus  on  the  other  side  of  the  sea, 
Far  better  for  me  to  eat  the  fruit  of  the  homely  fig-tree.' 
In  the  Vanarinda  Jataka  the  monkey  lives  on  the  bank  of  a 
river,  but  is  in  the  habit  of  foraging  on  a  little  island  in  the 
middle  of  that  river.     This  island  he  reaches  by  first  jumping 
upon  a  large  rock  between  the  bank  and  the  island.     Now  the 
crocodile,  sent  by  his  pregnant  wife,  one  evening  lies  in  ambush 

21  Parallels  to  these  stories  are  cited  from  the  classical  literatures  of 
India  by  Andersen,  Pali  fieader,  p.  115;  from  folk-lore  by  Bloomfield, 
JAOS  36.  59,  note. 


The  Dohada  13 

upon  the  stone,  awaking  the  return  of  the  monkey  from  the 
island  to  the  shore  of  the  mainland.  The  monkey,  however, 
notices  that  the  rock  (with  the  crocodile  upon  it)  looms  larger 
than  usual,  whereas  the  water  of  the  river  is  no  lower  than 
usual.  With  exceeding  artfulness  he  calls  the  rock  three  times 
(bho  pdsdna),  and  as  there  is,  of  course,  no  answer,  exclaims 
'Why,  0  rock,  do  you  not  answer  to-day?'  (as  tho  the  rock  were 
in  the  habit  of  answering) .  The  crocodile  thinks  that  the  rock 
must  be  in  the  habit  of  conversing  with  the  monkey,  and  finally 
responds,  'What  is  it,  0  monkey?'  (kirn  bho  vdnarinda) ,22  He 
then  confesses  that  he  is  there  to  get  the  monkey's  heart.  The 
monkey  expresses  his  willingness  to  be  eaten.  He  tells  the  croc- 
odile to  open  his  mouth  to  receive  him,  knowing  that  the  eyes 
of  a  crocodile  shut  up  when  he  opens  his  mouth.  As  soon  as  the 
crocodile  has  opened  his  mouth,  the  monkey  jumps  from  the 
island  upon  his  head,  and  thence  to  shore. 

In  one  instance  dohada  is  not  directed  against  the  unoffending 
husband  but  manifests  itself  in  a  whim  for  ogrish  things  or 
ogrish  food,  which  must,  indeed,  have  been  very  disturbing  to 
that  husband.  In  Kathas.  9.  45  ff.,  and  again  in  30.  45  ff., 
Queen  Mrgavati,  the  wife  of  King  Sahasramka,  being  pregnant, 
feels  a  desire  to  bathe  in  a  lake  of  blood.23  Her  husband,  afraid 
of  committing  sin,  has  a  lake  made  of  liquid  lac  and  other 
colored  fluids,  in  which  she  plunges.  Then  a  bird  of  the  race  of 
Graruda  pounces  upon  her,  thinking  that  she  is  raw  flesh.  He 
carries  her  off,  and  as  fate  will  have  it,  leaves  her  alive  on  the 
mountain  of  the  sunrise  (udayaparvata) .  Therefore,  the  gods 
give  her  son  the  name  of  Udayana. 

In  yet  another  case  the  caprice  of  a  queen  costs  a  husband 
both  wife  and  child,  without,  however,  injuring  his  person.  But 
out  of  the  disruption  of  the  family  conies  in  time  the  birth  of 
a  famous  Pratyekabuddha,  named  Karakandu.  In  Jacobi,  Aus- 
gewdhlte  Erzahlungen  in  Mdhdrdstri,  p.  34,  line  25  ff.,24  King 

22  This,  according  to  my  suggestion,  JAOS  36.   58,  is  the    'Cave  Call 
Motif,7    or  the    < Speaking  Cave/ 

23  Bath  of  blood  occurs  also  in  Ealston,  Tibetan  Tales,  p.  60,  in  a  dif- 
ferent  connection. 

24  See    also    Warren,    Nirayavaliya    Sutta,    in    the    Transactions    of    the 
Amsterdam  Academy,  1879;     Charpentier,  Paccelcabuddhageschichten,  pp. 
152  ff. 


14  Maurice  Bloomfield 

Dahivahaiia  reigns  in  Campa.  His  queen,  Paumavai,  is  taken 
with  dohada.  'How  can  I  divert  myself,  riding  thru  the  parks 
and  groves  on  the  most  excellent  back  of  an  elefant,  attired  in 
the  costume  of  the  king,  having  the  royal  parasol  held  over  me 
by  the  great  king?'  On  the  strength  of  this  the  royal  pair 
mount  the  Elefant  of  Victory.  It  is  then  the  beginning  of  the 
rainy  season.  When  the  elefant  smells  the  odor  of  the  fragrant 
earth  he  remembers  the  woods,  and  gallops  out  of  the  path.  The 
people  can  not  keep  up  with  him.  The  two  enter  the  woods. 
The  king  sees  a  fig-tree.  He  says  to  the  queen:  'He  will  pass 
under  that  fig-tree ;  then  you  are  to  take  hold  of  a  bough. '  She 
promises,  but  can  not  take  hold.  The  king  seizes  the  bough,  and 
Paumavai  is  carried  off  alone  into  a  desolate  wood.  Afterwards 
she  brings  forth,  in  a  Jaina  convent,  a  son,  whom  she  exposes, 
and  who,  when  he  grows  up,  becomes  the  Pratyekabuddha, 
Karakandu. 

II.  Dohada  prompts  the  husband  to  deeds  of  heroism,  supe- 
rior skill,  wisdom,  or  shrewdness. 

In  the  first  instance  dohada  jeopardizes  the  life  of  the  hus- 
band, who  is,  however,  saved  by  his  own  heroic  prowess.  In 
the  long  and  interesting  story  of  the  present  in  Bhaddasala 
Jataka  (465),  repeated  in  Bhammapada  Commentary  4.  3,25 
Mallika,  wife  of  the  general  Bandhula,  is  prompted  by  her 
dohada  to  bathe  in  the  tank  in  Vesali  City,  where  the  proud 
families  of  the  kings  of  the  Licchavis  get  water  for  the  ceremo- 
nial sprinkling,  as  well  as  drinking  water.  That  tank  is  guarded 
strongly  within  and  without;  above  it  is  spread  an  iron  net; 
not  even  a  bird  can  find  room  to  get  thru.  But  Bandhula  goes 
there  in  a  car  with  Mallika;  puts  the  guards  to  flight;  bursts 
thru  the  iron  network ;  and  in  the  tank  bathes  his  wife  and  gives 
her  to  drink  of  the  water.  Then  the  500  kings  of  the  Licchavis 
are  angered,  mount  500  chariots,  and  set  out  in  pursuit.  Mal- 
lika espies  them,  and  tells  her  lord.  'Then  tell  me,'  says  Ban- 
dhula, 'when  they  all  look  like  one  chariot.'  When  they,  all  in 
line,  look  like  one  chariot,  Mallika  reports:  'My  lord,  I  see,  as 
it  were,  the  head  of  one  chariot. '  Bandhula  gives  her  the  reins, 
stands  upright  in  the  chariot,  and  speeds  a  shaft  which  cleaves 
the  heads  of  all  the  500  chariots,  and  passes  right  thru  the  500 

25  A  muddled  version  of  this  story  also  in  Ralston,  Tibetan  Tales,  p.  82. 


The  Dohada  15 

kings  in  the  place  where  the  girdle  is  fastened  and  then  buries 
itself  in  the  earth.  The  kings,  not  perceiving  that  they  are 
wounded,  pursue  still,  shouting,  'Stop,  holloa,  stop.'  Bandhula 
stops  his  chariot,  and  says,  'You  are  dead  men  and  I  cannot 
fight  with  the  dead.'  'What,'  say  they,  'dead,  such  as  we  are?' 
'Loose  the  girdle  of  the  first  man,'  says  Bandhula.  They  loose 
his  girdle,  and  that  instant  he  falls  dead.  Then  Bandhula  says 
to  them,  '  You  are  all  of  you  in  the  same  condition ;  go  to  your 
homes,  and  set  in  order  what  should  be  ordered,  and  give  your 
directions  to  your  wives  and  families,  and  then  doff  your  armor. ' 
They  do  so  and  all  of  them  give  up  the  ghost.26 

The  next  story,  Chavaka  Jataka  (309),  brings  out  the  wisdom 
of  the  Bodhisat,  who  is  established  as  a  poor  Pariah  householder. 
His  pregnant  wife,  taken  with  dohada  for  a  mango  fruit,  says, 
'If  I  can  have  a  mango,  I  shall  live;  otherwise  I  shall  die.'  The 
Bodhisat  climbs  by  night  a  mango  tree  in  the  garden  of  the  king 
of  Benares,  but,  while  he  is  engaged  in  this  predatory  act,  the 
day  begins  to  break.  Afraid  that  he  will  be  seized  as  a  thief, 
he  decides  to  wait  till  it  is  dark.  Now  the  king  of  Benares  at 
this  time  is  being  taught  sacred  texts  by  his  chaplain.  Coming 
into  the  garden  he  sits  down  on  a  high  seat  at  the  foot  of  the 
mango  tree,  and,  placing  his  teacher  on  a  lower  seat,  he  has  a 
lesson  from  him.  The  Bodhisat  realizes  that  it  is  wicked  of  both 
of  them  to  sit  in  this  way — the  teacher  should  sit  higher  than  the 
pupil — and  at  the  same  time  becomes  conscious  that  he  himself 
has  fallen  into  the  power  of  a  woman,  and  has  become  a  thief. 
He  descends  from  the  tree  and  preaches  the  Law  to  such  purpose 
that  the  king  places  upon  his  neck  the  wreath  of  flowers  with 
which  he  himself  is  adorned,  and  makes  him  Lord  Protector  of 
the  city. 

A  faint  echo  of  this  tale  seems  to  resound  from  the  folk-tale 

28  Bouse  in  the  Cambridge  Translation  of  the  Jatakas,  vol.  4,  p.  94,  note 
2,  remarks:  'This  is  a  variation  of  a  well-known  incident.  A  headsman 
slices  off  a  man's  head  so  skilfully  that  the  victim  does  not  know  it  is 
done.  The  victim  then  takes  a  pinch  of  snuff,  sneezes,  and  his  head  falls 
off.  Another  form  is  :  Two  men  dispute,  and  one  swings  his  sword  round. 
They  go  on  talking,  and  bye  and  bye  the  other  gets  up  to  depart,  and  falls 
in  two  parts.'  Eouse  gives  no  references.  This  motif,  ' Shake  yourself 
and  you  will  find  that  you  are  dead,'  occurs  in  Norse  narrative,  and,  imita- 
tively,  in  a  volume  of  skits  by  Eobert  Burdette  which  I  read  long  years 
ago. 


16  Maurice  Bloomfield 

in  Parker,  Village  Folk-Tales  of  Ceylon,  vol.  1,  pp.  362  ff.  A 
pregnant  woman  eats  greedily  a  cake  while  a  crow  looks  on, 
without  giving  the  crow  even  a  bit.  Afterwards  the  crow 
fetches  a  mango  from  the  house  of  a  Raksasa  and  eats  it  whole 
in  front  of  the  woman.  Taken  with  dohada,  the  woman  orders 
her  husband  to  get  her  a  mango.  He  goes  to  the  house  of  the 
Raksasa  and  ascends  the  mango  tree,  but  is  discovered  by  the 
Raksasa.  He  tells  the  Raksasa  his  mission,  and  is  allowed  to 
pluck  one  fruit,  on  the  condition  that,  if  the  woman  bears  a 
daughter,  she  shall  be  for  the  Raksasa.27  A  girl  it  is;  the 
Raksasa  takes  her  and  calls  her  WimalT.  The  king  hears  of  the 
girl  (pictured  as  attractive)  and  comes  to  take  her.  The  Rak- 
sasa is  gone  to  eat  human  flesh;  the  king  takes  Wimali,  after 
leaving  in  her  place  an  effigy  formed  out  of  rice  flour.  The 
Raksasa,  returning,  eats  a  great  part  of  the  flour  figure.  His 
mouth  being  choked  with  flour,  he  says,  'May  a  mouth  be 
created  on  the  top  of  my  head.'  When  he  says  this,  the  mouth 
is  created,  and,  the  Raksasa 's  head  being  split  in  two  by  it,  he 
dies.28 

In  Dabbhapuppha  Jataka  (400) 29  a  jackal  husband,  Mayavi, 
or  '  Wily, '  satisfies  his  wife 's  dohada  by  dint  of  congenital  cun- 
ning. The  wife  craves  to  eat  fresh  rohita  fish;  the  jackal 
promises  it  to  her.  Wrapping  his  feet  in  creepers  he  goes  along 
the  bank  of  the  river.  Two  otters  are  quarreling  over  the  divi- 
sion of  a  great  rohita  fish  which  they  have  captured  by  their 
united  efforts.  On  observing  him,  they  invite  him  to  arbitrate 
their  dispute.  He  does  so,  assigning  the  tail  and  head  pieces  to 
the  two  others,  and  taking  the  middle  as  the  proper  share  of  the 
arbiter.  His  wife  admiringly  gets  what  she  craves. 

III.  Dohada  takes  the  form  of  pious  acts,  or  pious  aspira- 
tions. 

27  Of.  for  this  kind  of  selection  Neogi,  Tales  Sacred  and  Secular,  p.  86  ff . 

28  This    f  head  splitting '    again  is  a  common  motif  of  fiction ;    see,  e.  g., 
Kathas.  123.  170   ff.;    Brhaddevata  4.  120:    Jatakas  210,  358,  422,  497; 
Parsvanatha  Caritra  2.  812. 

29  This  story  also  in  Dhammapada  Commentary  12.  2a;    Ealston,  Tibetan 
Tales,  pp.  332  ff.     The  motif  is  'Trick  arbiter/  from  the  story  of  Putraka, 
Kathas.  3.  45  ff.,  to  Parsvanatha  7.  147  ff.     Of.  Brhatkathamanjari  2.  48; 
Jataka  186;    Grimm,  No.  197;    Parker,  Village  Folk-Tales  of  Ceylon,  vol. 
1,  pp.  96,  99,  322,  389;    J.  J.  Meyer,  DasaTcumaracarita,  p.  38. 


The  Dohada  17 

In  the  preceding  cases  dohada  manifests  itself  in  cruelty  or 
extravagance.  In  a  considerable  number  of  cases  the  fenomenon 
operates,  as  it  were,  at  the  opposite  pole ;  we  have  what  may  be 
called  good  dohada.  This  appears  almost  entirely  in  Buddhist 
and  Jaina  edificatory  texts,  particularly  in  the  latter.  It 
amounts  to  this,  that  the  capricious  lady  is  taken  with  the  fancy 
to  perform  acts  of  piety,  to  bestow  alms,  or  to  revere  some  holy 
teacher  or  saint. 

Thus  in  Salibhadra  Carita  2.  56  and  60  ff.,  the  mother  of  a 
certain  merchant  is  taken  with  the  whim  to  give  (ddnadohadd) . 
Then  her  son,  noticing  this,  did  as  follows : 

dohadam  sduhrdasresthah30  sresthl  vijndya31  so  'nyadd, 
tvarayd  puraydmdsa  srimatdm  hi  sprhd  mahah 
sarvdfigmdir  daydddndih  pdtraddndir  gunottardih. 
In  Dhammapada  Commentary  5.  15b  and  6.  5b32  a  boy  is  con- 
ceived in  the  womb  of  the  wife  of  a  supporter  of  the  Elder 
Sariputta;  the  expectant  mother  longs  to  entertain  the  monks, 
and  so  satisfies  her  longing.  In  the  story  of  Nami,  Jacobi, 
Ausgewdhlte  Erzdhlungen  in  Mdhdrdstri,  p.  41,  line  25  ff., 
Mayanareha  is  taken  with  a  pregnancy  longing:  'May  I  rever- 
ence the  Jinas  and  the  Sages,  and  may  I  continuously  hear  the 
teachings  of  the  titthayaras ! '  When  this  desire  of  hers  was  ful- 
filled her  pregnancy  went  on  without  disturbance.  Similarly 
in  the  Parsvanatha  version  of  the  same  story,  6.  793,  797,  and  in 
the  Kathakosa,  p.  19.  In  Parisistaparvan  2.  61  ff.,  a  merchant's 
pregnant  wife,  Dharim,  is  taken  with  a  craving  to  reverence  the 
gods  and  the  teachers,  because,  adds  the  text,  cravings  come 
upon  women  during  the  development  of  their  fruit.  The  mer- 
chant liberally  fulfils  her  desires,  as  tho  he  himself  were  taken 
with  the  desire  to  spend  for  religious  purposes.  In  Kathakosa 
p.  53,  Queen  Srutimatl  has  dohada  to  worship  the  gods  in  the 
holy  place  on  the  Astapada  mountain ;  and  similarly  in  the  same 
text,  p.  64,  Queen  Jaya  feels  a  desire  to  worship  gods  and  holy 

30  Apparently  the  text  intends  a  pun  between  dohadam  and  sduhrdao,  as 
tho  dohada  contained  a  suggestion  of  ddurhrda  'evil-hearted.'  This  very 
etymology  has  been  proposed. 

81  Comm.,  matur  danavanchdm. 

82  See  Burlingame  's  Digest  in  his  forthcoming  Translation  of  this  -work, 
pp.  100,  101. 

2    JAOS  40 


.18  Maurice  Bloomfield 

men,  and  to  give  gifts  to  the  poor  and  wretched.     In  Ralston, 
Tibetan  Tales,  p.  247,  Brahmavati's  dohada  prompts  her  to  have 
presents  distributed  at  the  gates  of  the  city.    And,  once  more, 
Samaradityasamksepa  2.  13,  Queen  Srlkanta  describes  explicitly 
her  dohada  to  her  husband,  King  Purusadatta,  to  wit : 
jindrcd  pdtraddnam  ca  dmdndthdnukampanam 
sarvasattvdbhayam  ceti  mama  ndtha  manorathdh. 
Similarly  the  same  text,  3.  15,  444. 

IV.  Dohada  is  used  as  ornamental  incident,  without  influenc- 
ing the  main  events  of  a  story. 

It  is  quite  in  the  line  of  experience  that  Hindu  fiction  should 
employ  this  motif  merely  as  embroidery  for  a  narrative  which 
would  otherwise  be  too  dull  or  monotonous.  Anyone  who  has 
tried  to  tell  children  fairy-tales  on  the  spur  of  the  moment 
knows  how  much  reliance  can  be  placed  on  vivid  but  really  irrel- 
evant side  issues,  to  keep  the  imagination  in  a  glow.  Hindu  fic- 
tion is  full  of  episode,  which  is,  as  a  rule,  repetition  of  snatches 
from  other  stories,  and  which  relies  in  particular  upon  the  large 
line  of  settled  or  tried  motifs.  Dohada  does  not  escape  this  use, 
or  misuse.  But  it  may  be  observed  that  this  phase  of  dohada 
is  almost  restricted  to  the  Kathasaritsagara,  primarily  a  secular 
text.  Whereas  the  Jaina  and  Buddhist  texts  invariably  point 
the  theme  in  the  direction  of  edification. 

Thus  in  Kathas.  22.  1  ff.,  Vasavadatta,  the  wife  of  Yaugam- 
dharayana,  is  pregnant  with  a  son,  who  is  to  be  the  future  king 
of  the  Vidyadharas.  She  feels  a  longing  for  stories  of  great 
magicians,  provided  with  incantations  by  means  of  spells,  intro- 
duced appropriately  in  conversation.  She  dreams  that  singing 
Vidyadhara  ladies  wait  upon  her  high  up  in  the  sky,  and,  when 
she  wakes  up,  she  desires  to  enjoy  in  reality  the  amusement  of 
sporting  in  the  air  and  looking  down  upon  the  earth.  Yaugam- 
dharayana  gratifies  that  longing  of  the  Queen's  by  employing 
spells,  machines,  juggling,  and  such  like  contrivances.  But  once 
on  a  time  there  arises  in  her  heart  a  desire  to  hear  the  glorious 
tales  of  the  Vidyadharas;  then  Yaugamdharayana,  being 
entreated  by  her,  tells  her  the  story  of  Jimutavahana,  by  which 
her  dohada  is  stilled  (stanza  258). 

Similarly  in  Kathas.  35.  109  ff.,  Queen  Alariikaraprabha,  wife 
of  King  Hemaprabha,  becomes  pregnant,  and  delights  her 


The  Dohada  19 

beloved  by  her  face  redolent  of  honey,  with  wildly  rolling  eyes, 
so  that  it  resembles  a  pale  lotus  with  bees  hovering  around  it 
Then  she  gives  birth  in  due  time  to  a  son,  whose  noble  lineage 
is  proclaimed  by  the  elevated  longings  of  her  pregnancy,  as  the 
sky  gives  birth  to  the  orb  of  the  day.  Pregnant  a  second  time, 
in  a  chariot  of  the  shape  of  a  beautiful  lotus,  constructed  by  the 
help  of  magic  science,  she  roams  about  in  the  sky,  since  her  preg- 
nant longings  take  that  form.  In  Kathas.  34.  31  ff.,  Queen 
Kalingasena,  pregnant,  has  the  lotus  of  her  face  a  little  pale, 
having  longing  produced  in  her. 

Incidental  or  unimportant  instances  of  dohada  may  be  read 
also  in  Parker,  Village  Folk-Tales  of  Ceylon,  vol.  3,  pp.  84,  102, 
308.  They  are  mere  clap-trap.  But  even  a  Jaina  text,  Samara- 
dityasariiksepa  5.  10,  6.  388  if.,  lists  mechanically  a  case  or  two 
of  dohada  as  incidents  in  the  birth  of  a  child,  which  do  not  in 
any  way  add  to  the  real  point  of  the  story. 

V.  Dohada  is  feigned  by  the  woman,  in  order  that  she  may 
accomplish  some  purpose  or  satisfy  some  desire. 

In  a  way  which  reminds  us  of  the  tricky  use  of  the  sacca- 
kiriya,35  dohada  is  frequently  feigned  by  a  woman  for  her  own 
purposes,  either  innocent  or  depraved.  There  are  no  less  than 
five  Jatakas  in  which  a  queen,  called  Khema,  dreams  of  a  won- 
derful golden  bird  or  deer  whom  she  desires  to  hear  preach  the 
Law;  in  each  case  she  feigns  dohada,  in  order  to  spur  on  the 
efforts  of  her  spouse  to  obtain  the  apparently  unattainable. 

In  Mahahansa  Jataka  (534)  Queen  Khema  sees  in  a  vivid  dream 
golden  hansa  birds  perch  upon  the  royal  throne,  and  preach 
the  Law.  Afraid  that  an  ordinary  request  extended  to  her  hus- 
band, King  Samyama,  will  be  pooh-poohed,  because  there  are 
no  golden  hansa  birds  in  this  world,  she  feigns  dohada.  When 
the  king  tenderly  inquires  what  she  would  have,  saying  he  would 
soon  fetch  it,  she  says :  '  Sire,  I  long  to  listen  to  the  preaching 
of  the  Law  by  a  golden  hansa,  while  it  sits  upon  the  royal  throne, 
with  a  white  umbrella  spread  over  it,  and  to  pay  homage  to  it 
with  scented  wreaths  and  such  like  marks  of  honor.  If  I  should 
attain  this,  it  is  well,  otherwise  there  is  no  life  in  me. '  The  king 
has  a  decoy  lake  constructed,  and  his  forester  in  time  catches 
the  king  of  the  golden  Dhatarattha  hansas,  which  are  wise  and 

88  See  Burlingame,  JEAS  July  1917,  pp.  461  ff. 


20  Maurice  Bloomfield 

learned.  The  hansa  king  is  deserted  by  all  the  90,000  golden 
members  of  his  tribe,  except  the  captain  of  his  army,  who  refuses 
to  leave  him.  Touched  by  his  devotion,  the  fowler  would  release 
the  captive  birds,  but  they  insist  on  being  taken  before  the  king. 
The  hansa  king  preaches  the  Law  to  the  royal  pair ;  the  queen 
is  satisfied  and  enlightened;  the  birds  are  honored  and  pam- 
pered, and  finally  set  at  liberty.  The  Hansa  Jataka  (502)  tells 
the  same  story  in  briefer  form. 

The  same  idea  is  carried  out  in  the  Mora  Jataka  (159)  and 
in  the  Mahamora  Jataka  (491),  in  connection  with  a  golden  pea- 
cock— with  this  difference,  that  the  peacock  is  not  snared  until 
the  longing  queen,  her  consort,  and  the  fowler  are  dead.  Six 
kings  reign  and  pass  away;  six  fowlers  are  unsuccessful;  but 
the  seventh  hunter,  sent  by  the  seventh  king,  ensnares  him  thru 
the  lure  of  a  pea-hen.  In  Mora  Jataka  the  peacock  is  brought 
before  the  king,  and  converts  him.  In  Mahamora  Jataka  the 
fowler  recognizes  the  essential  virtue  of  the  peacock  (Bodhisat) , 
is  instructed  by  him,  and  becomes  a  Paccekabuddha ;  and  there- 
after, owing  to  an  Act  of  Truth  made  by  him  at  the  prompting 
of  the  peacock,  thruout  India  all  creatures  are  set  free,  and 
not  one  is  left  in  bondage. 

Once  more,  the  Rohantamiga  Jataka  (501)  presents  queen 
Khema  dreaming  of  a  gold-colored  stag  who  discourses  on  the 
Law.  Her  husband  has  a  hunter  trap  the  golden-hued  stag 
Rohanta,  who  is  then  abandoned  by  his  80,000  followers,  but  his 
brother  Cittamiga  and  his  sister  Sutana  stand  by  him.  The 
hunter  comes  up  to  spear  Rohanta,  but  is  touched  by  pity,  and 
converted.  At  the  request  of  Rohanta,  he  explains  that  he  was 
commissioned  by  the  king  to  snare  him.  Eohanta  thinks  it  a 
bold  and  unselfish  deed  on  the  part  of  the  hunter  to  set  him  free ; 
he  therefore  decides  to  win  for  him  the  honor  the  king  promised 
him.  He  bids  the  hunter  chafe  his  back  with  his  hand,  until  it 
is  filled  with  golden  hairs.  These  he  must  show  to  the  king  and 
the  queen ;  he  must  tell  them  that  they  are  hairs  from  the  golden 
stag,  and  discourse  to  them  in  words  dictated  by  the  stag.  The 
queen  will  then  have  her  craving  satisfied.  The  hunter  lets  go 
the  three  deer,  wraps  the  hairs  in  a  lotus  leaf,  and  brings  them 
to  the  king  and  the  queen.  They  are  converted  by  the  verses 
which  Rohanta  has  taught  the  hunter.  Cf .  also  the  Ruru  Jataka 
(482),  similar  to  all  the  preceding,  but  without  the  dohada  trait. 


The  Dohada  21 

In  Vidhurapandita  Jataka  (545)  a  very  sagacious  man  Vidh- 
ura  Pandita  arouses  the  admiration  of  the  queen  Vimala,  wife 
of  the  Naga  king  Varuna ;  she  longs  to  hear  him  discourse  on 
the  Law.  She  thinks  to  herself,  'If  I  tell  the  king  that  I  long 
to  hear  him  discourse  on  the  Law,  and  ask  him  to  bring  him 
here,  he  will  not  bring  him  to  me ;  what  if  I  were  to  pretend  to 
be  ill,  and  complain  of  a  sick  woman's  longing?'  To  the  solici- 
tous king  she  says,  '  There  is  an  affection  in  women ;  it  is  called 
a  longing,  0  King !  0  Monarch  of  the  Nagas,  I  desire  Vidhura 's 
heart  brought  here  without  guile.'  The  king  replies,  'Thou 
longest  for  the  moon34  or  the  sun  or  the  wind ;  the  very  sight  of 
Vidhura  is  hard  to  get;  who  will  be  able  to  bring  him  here!' 
Then  the  royal  pair's  daughter,  Irandati,  entangles  a  Yakkha, 
named  Punnaka,  in  the  meshes  of  her  charms,  so  that  the  king 
has  a  chance  to  promise  him  her  hand,  if  he  will  bring  Vidhura 's 
heart.  The  Yakkha  Punnaka  visits  the  court  of  King  Dhanan- 
jaya  Koravya,  where  Vidhura  Pandita  shines  as  a  great  orna- 
ment ;  he  defeats  the  king  at  gambling,  and  claims  the  wise  man. 
The  wise  man  asks  for  three  days  delay  to  instruct  his  family. 
The  Yakkha  tries  to  kill  him,  but  fails.  The  wise  man  asks  him 
what  he  wants,  and  he  tells  him.  He  then  wins  over  the  Yakkha, 
yet  goes  to  the  court  of  the  Naga  king,  where  his  serenity  and 
wise  teaching  win  every  heart,  and  no  harm  comes  to  him. 

In  one  case,  Nigrodha  Jataka  (445),  the  trick  dohada  is 
merely  a  feature  of  a  broader  scheme  by  which  a  woman  feigns 
pregnancy.  A  merchant's  wife,  being  barren,  is  treated  dis- 
respectfully by  her  husband's  family.  She  consults  a  good  old 
nurse  of  hers  as  to  the  behavior  of  pregnant  women,  and, 
instructed  by  her,  conceals  the  time  of  her  courses,  and  shows 
a  fancy  for  sour  and  strange  tastes.  She  continues  to  feign 
pregnancy35  until  nine  months  have  passed,  when  she  expresses 
the  wish  to  return  home,  and  bring  forth  her  child  in  her  father's 
house.  On  the  way  she  picks  up  a  babe  of  the  color  of  gold 
(the  Bodhisat),  abandoned  under  a  banyan  tree  by  a  poor 
woman  belonging  to  the  train  of  a  caravan.  Without  finishing 

84  Crying  for  the  moon,  or  the  hare  in  the  moon,  is  a  recurring  motif. 
See  ZDMG  65.  449;  Jatakas  449,  454;  Dhammapada  Commentary  1.  2. 

86  Fake  pregnancy  also  in  the  story  of  the  present,  Mahapaduma  Jataka 
(472),  and,  en  passant,  also  in  Telapatta  Jataka.  (96;  Fausboll,  1.  397). 


22  Maurice  Bloomfield 

her  journey  she  returns  to  her  husband,  and  the  babe  is  acknowl- 
edged by  the  family. 

In  Jiilg's  Kalmilkische  Marchen,  p.  31,  the  wife  of  the  Khan 
Kun-snang  desires  to  have  her  son,  called  Moonshine,  become 
successor  to  the  throne  at  the  expense  of  Sunshine,  the  heir- 
apparent,  son  of  a  former  defunct  queen.  She  feigns  what  is 
obviously  dohada  to  the  point  of  death.  When  interrogated  by 
the  Khan  she  says :  '  If  I  could  eat  the  heart  of  either  of  the 
princes,  no  matter  which  one,  fried  in  sesame  oil,  then  I  should 
find  rest.  But  for  you,  0  Khan,  it  is  difficult  to  proffer  Sun- 
shine, and  Moonshine,  to  blurt  it  out,  has  come  out  of  my  own 
womb,  so  that  his  heart  would  not  pass  my  throat.  There  is, 
therefore,  no  expedient,  except  to  die!'  The  uxorious  Khan 
offers  to  sacrifice  Sunshine,  but  Moonshine  overhears.  The  two 
boys,  devoted  to  one  another,  escape,  and  experience  important 
adventures  which  land  them  in  royalty;  and,  when  they  return 
in  state  to  their  father's  residence,  the  wife  of  the  Khan  gets  a 
fright  at  the  sight  of  them,  spits  curdled  blood,  and  dies. 

Perhaps  the  most  ingenious  and  highly  organized  instance  of 
trick  dohada  belongs  to  the  folk-lore  of  Southern  India.  The 
story  goes  by  the  name  'The  Nikini  story,'  or,  'The  Deer  and 
the  girl  and  Nikini';  it  is  reported  in  Parker's  Village  Folk- 
Tales  of  Ceylon,  vol.  1,  pp.  284  ff.  According  to  Goonetilleke, 
The  Orientalist,  2.  82,  the  story  is  derived  from  a  Sinhalese 
book  of  verse  and  goes  by  the  name  of  Nikini  Katava,  'The 
Nikini  Story.'  A  girl  is  married  to  a  rich  Gamarala  (village 
head)  of  another  country,  who  finds  a  fawn  in  the  jungle,  and 
presents  it  to  his  wife  as  a  companion,  or  sister.  Dohada36 
comes  upon  the  woman,  and  the  Gamarala  asks  the  deer  'what 
she  can  eat  for  it. '  The  deer  replies :  '  Our  elder  sister  can  eat 
the  stars  in  the  sky.'3T  The  Gamarala  searches  for  the  corner 
of  the  sky  where  it  joins  the  earth,  until  he  grows  old  and  dies. 
The  girl  next  marries  a  king,  and  is  again  overtaken  by  dohada. 
The  king  asks  'what  she  can  eat  for  it,'  and  the  deer  says, 
'Should  you  bring  for  our  elder  sister  the  sand  which  is  at  the 
bottom  of  the  ocean,  if  she  slept  upon  it,  she  would  be  well.' 
The  king  goes  to  the  bottom  of  the  sea  to  take  the  sand,  is  soaked 

38  Clearly  feigned,  because  all  the  events  of  the  story  are  tricks. 
87  Of.  the  note  34. 


The  Dohada  23 

with  the  water,  and  dies.  The  woman  marries  a  third  man ;  has 
dohada;  the  man  asks  the  deer,  'what  can  she  eat  for  it;'  and 
the  deer  replies,  'Our  elder  sister  must  eat  Nikini,  else  her  life 
will  be  lost.'  The  husband  starts  in  search  of  Nikini,  and  asks 
several  persons,  who  engage  him  in  hard  work  on  the  pretense 
of  being  able,  by  way  of  reward,  to  tell  him  where  there  is  Nikini. 
But  they  end  by  saying,  'I  don't  know;  go  your  way.'  Finally 
he  meets  one  man  who  is  honest  enough  to  reward  his  labor  by 
telling  him,  'That  was  not  asked  for  thru  want  of  Nikini.  That 
was  said  thru  wanting  to  cause  you  to  be  killed.  Your  wife  has 
a  paramour.'  The  man  asks  the  cuckold  what  he  will  give  him 
if  he  catches  the  paramour;  he  is  promised  a  gem  which  has 
been  in  his  family  from  generation  to  generation.  Then  they 
construct  a  cage  called  'The'  cage  of  the  God  Sivalinga';  this 
they  cover  up  with  white  cloth,  and  the  man  who  had  gone  for 
Nikini  is  placed  inside,  covered  by  a  cloth,  and  with  a  cudgel. 
They  first  perform  some  profitable  pranks,  by  introducing  the 
cage,  as  being  the  vehicle  of  a  god,  into  several  rich  men's  houses 
and  robbing  them.  Finally  they  bring  the  cage  to  the  Nikini 
man's  own  house,  where  he  finds  his  wife  living  with  her  para- 
mour. The  supposed  god  comes  out  of  the  cage  and  beats  the 
paramour  to  death. 

VI.  Dohada  is  obviated  by  tricking  the  woman  into  the  belief 
that  her  desire  is  being  fulfilled. 

In  Parisistaparvan  8.  225  ff.  the  wily  minister  Canakya  plots 
to  destroy  King  Nanda.  Remembering  a  profesy  that  he  him- 
self would  reign  thru  the  medium  of  a  nominal  king,  he  searches 
for  a  person  fit  to  play  that  part.  While  roaming  about  he 
arrives  at  the  village  where  live  the  caretakers  of  the  king's 
peacocks.38  There  he  hears  that  the  chief's  daughter,  pregnant, 
has  a  craving  to  drink  the  moon  (candra).  Canakya  promises 
to  satisfy  her,  on  condition  that  the  prospective  child  be  handed 
over  to  him.  The  parents  of  the  woman  agree,  afraid  that  she 
will  miscarry  if  balked  in  her  desire.  Canakya  causes  a  shed  to 
be  constructed,  the  thatch  of  which  has  an  opening.  In  the 
night,  when  the  moon  shines  thru  the  opening  and  is  reflected 
in  a  bowl  of  milk  placed  below  it,  he  orders  her  to  drink  the 

88 King's  pets:  see  Parsvanatha  Caritra  3.  456;  Samaradityasamksepa 
4.  344  ff. 


24  Maurice  Bloomfield 

milk.  As  she  drinks  it,  a  man  on  the  thatch  gradually  covers 
up  the  opening.  The  woman  is  satisfied  that  she  has  drunk  the 
moon,  and  in  due  time  gives  birth  to  a  boy  who  is  called  Can- 
dragupta,  ' Moon-protected.  '39 

The  woman's  craving  is  satisfied  by  the  substitution  of  an 
ordinary  peacock  in  place  of  the  Thakkura's  pet  in  the  story 
told  above,  p.  9  f.  The  trick  feature  occurs  in  several  other 
of  the  prece'ding  stories.40 

89  The  reflection  of  the  moon  in  water  is  present  to  the  Hindu  mind  so 
insistently  as  almost  to  become  proverbial.  In  Parisistaparvan  6.  25  ff. 
King  Udayin  mourns  the  death  of  his  loving  father;  he  is  reminded  of  him 
by  every  spot  he  was  in  the  habit  of  frequenting;  he  sees  him  everywhere 
just  as  the  image  of  the  moon  is  seen  in  the  water  (multiplied  by  the  play 
of  its  waves,  cf.  Bohtlingk,  Indische  Spriiche,  4088).  The  reflection  of  the 
moon  in  the  water  is  used  trickily  in  the  familiar  fable  of  the  elefants 
and  the  hares,  Pancatantra  3.  1;  Hitopadesa  3.  4;  Kathas.  72.  29  ff; 
Brhatkathamanjari  16.  452  ff;  cf.  Benfey,  Pancatantra,  1.  348  ff.  In 
Ealston,  Tibetan  Tales,  p.  353  (from  Kah-gyur),  monkeys  see  the  reflection 
of  the  moon  in  the  well,  decide  to  draw  it  out,  form  a  monkey-bridge  by 
entwining  their  tails,  and  finally  tumble  into  the  well  (cf.  Weber,  Indische 
Streifen,  1.  246,  note  3).  Similar  notions  in  Uncle  Remus.  For  tricks  and 
pranks  due  to  reflected  objects  in  general  see  the  fable  of  the  lion  who 
is  angered  at  his  own  reflection  in  a  well,  e.  g.,  Purnabhadra  1.  7;  Frere, 
Old  Deccan  Days,  p.  156;  Benfey,  Pancatantra,  1.  181  (cf.  W.  Norman 
Brown,  JAOS  39.  24)  ;  and  for  other  matters,  see  Hertel,  Das  Pancatantra, 
p.  198  (fool  sees  own  image  reflected  in  ghee,  takes  it  for  robber,  and 
smashes  the  pitcher)  ;  Ralston,  ibid.,  p.  165  (gem  illusively  reflected  in  the 
water) ;  Benfey,  Pancatantra,  1.  349  (fox  shows  wolf  reflected  moon 
instead  of  promised  cheese).  Also  cf.  fable  of  dog  who  loses  his  bone 
when  he  sees  another  reflected  in  the  water. 

^Additional  Note. — The  Divyavadana  very  frequently  excels  in  describ- 
ing how  the  solicitous  father  in  spe  surrounds  the  prospective  mother  with 
tender  care  and  precautions  as  to  her  diet.  Thus,  p.  2:  apannasattvam 
ca  tarn  (se.  garbhimm}  viditvd  upariprasadatalagatdm  ayantritdm  dhdr- 
ayati  site  sitopaTsarandir  usna  usnopa'karanair  vdidyaprajnaptdir  ahdrdir 
natitiktair  ndtyamldir  ndtilavandir  ndtimadhurdir  ndtikatukdir  ndtikasdydis 
tiktdmlalavanamadhurakatulcasdyavivarjitdir  ahdrdir  hdrdrdhahdravibhusi- 
tagdtrim  Apsarasam  iva  nandanavanavicdrinim  manciin  mancam  pithdt 
pitham  avatarantlm  uparimdm  bhumim,  na  easy  a  amanojnasa'bdasravanam 
ydvad  eva  garbhasya  paripdJcdya.  On  pp.  79,  167,  and  441  the  same  text 
with  adharimdm  for  uparimdm;  a  fragment  of  it  on  p.  523.  Dohada  mani- 
fests itself  in  insatiable  appetite,  Divyavadana,  p.  234. 


A  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  THE  PHILIPPINE  LANGUAGES. 

PART  I.1 

FRANK  R.  BLAKE 
JOHNS  HOPKINS  UNIVERSITY 

A  CONSIDERABLE  NUMBER  of  works  dealing  with  the  Bibli- 
ography of  the  Philippine  Islands  have  been  published  up  to  the 
present  time,  but  only  in  the  writings  of  Blumentritt  (1882-85) 
and  Barrantes  (1889)  are  the  publications  of  a  linguistic  char- 
acter separated  from  those  belonging  to  other  categories.  The 
lists  of  linguistic  titles  in  both  these  works  are  comparatively 
brief,  Barrantes  containing  about  a  hundred,  and  Blumentritt 
about  twice,  as  many,  and  while  they  include  the  most  important 
grammars  and  dictionaries  written  before  the  time  of  their  pub- 
lication, they  contain  comparatively  few  works  composed  in  the 
various  languages. 

The  chief  Bibliographies  of  works  relating  to  the  Philippines, 
those  of  W.  E.  Retana  of  Madrid,  and  of  T.  H.  Pardo  de  Tavera 
of  Manila,  are  general  bibliographies  in  which  works  written  in 
or  relating  to  the  native  languages  are  given  together  with  those 
on  history,  travel,  geography,  religion,  etc.,  and  only  in  Retana 's 
works  is  any  attempt  made  to  separate  these  various  categories, 
and  here  only  in  the  indexes.  It  is  thus  difficult  from  these 
works  to  get  any  adequate  idea  of  the  extent  of  native  Philippine 
literature,  or  to  gain  any  information  with  regard  to  books  on 
the  native  languages  without  a  considerable  expenditure  of  labor. 

The  need  of  a  complete  and  up-to-date  separate  bibliography 
of  the  Philippine  languages  is  obvious,  and  it  is  in  an  attempt 
to  supply  this  need  that  the  following  has  been  prepared. 

A  complete  bibliography  of  Philippine  languages  would  con- 
sist naturally  of  two  parts.  In  the  first  would  be  given  all  those 


1  The  present  article  was  first  set  up  in  Germany  in  1915  as  a  part  of 
volume  XXXV  of  the  Journal.  Its  delay  until  the  present  volume  was 
due  to  the  War  and  to  changes  in  the  editorial  staff  of  the  Journal,  during 
which  time  the  article  was  lost  sight  of.  Advantage  has  been  taken  of 
the  interval  to  add  many  new  titles  (about  90),  and  so  far  as  possible  to 
bring  the  article  up  to  date. 


26  Frank  R.  Blake 

works,  such  as  grammars,  phrase-books,  vocabularies,  diction- 
aries, etc.,  which  discuss,  analyse,  or  deal  in  any  way  with  the 
native  languages.  The  second  part  would  contain  all  works 
written  wholly  or  partly  in  any  of  the  native  languages. 

In  the  present  bibliography  the  material  has  been  treated 
somewhat  differently.  All  works  which  were  described  above  as 
constituting  the  first  part  of  a  complete  bibliography  have  been 
included,  and  in  addition  all  works  written  in  any  of  the  less 
known  idioms,  that  is  in  all  except  the  seven  principal  languages, 
Tagalog,  Bisaya  (in  its  chief  dialectical  forms — Cebuan,  Pana- 
yan,  Samaro-Leytean),  Bikol,  Pampanga,  Pangasinan,  Iltfko, 
and  Ibanag ;  all  works  in  the  less  known  dialects  of  Bisaya,  e.  g., 
Haraya,  are  also  included.  A  complete  list  of  the  works  in  the 
seven  principal  languages  will  be  published  later  as  Part  II. 

In  the  present  list  the  works  are  separated  into  two  sections: 
first,  printed  books,  and,  second,  manuscripts.  The  titles  of 
manuscript  works  are  not  infrequently  given  in  slightly  differ- 
ent form  by  the  various  authorities.  The  titles  in  each  section 
are  arranged  alphabetically  according  to  author,  or  in  the  case 
of  anonymous  works  according  to  the  initial  word.  The  title, 
place,  and  date  of  publication  are  followed  by  the  number  of 
pages  and  size  of  the  work;  remarks  on  the  work  are  given  in 
parentheses ;  finally  in  brackets  references  are  given  to  the  chief 
bibliographies  that  contain  titles  of  a  linguistic  character,  so 
that  the  work  may  be  employed  as  a  linguistic  index  to  those 
bibliographies.  When  there  is  a  difference  in  the  authorities 
with  regard  to  the  number  of  pages,  the  enumeration  of  Retana 
has  usually  been  given,  the  idea  being  not  to  give  absolutely 
accurate  information  on  this  point,  but  simply  to  show  about 
what  the  size  of  the  work  is.  The  size  of  journals  is  usually  not 
noted,  pages  alone  being  given.  The  names  of  most  of  the 
journals  cited  are  given  in  full,  but  JAOS  =  Journal  of  the 
American  Oriental  Society;  AJP  =  American  Journal  of  Phi- 
lology; BS  =  Bureau  of  Science,  Division  of  Ethnology  Publi- 
cations, Manila ;  and  BNI  =  Bijdragen  tot  de  Tool-  Land-  en 
Volkenkunde  van  Nederlandsch  Indie.  In  the  case  of  books 
cited  by  Eetana  or  Pardo  de  Tavera  it  is  to  be  noted  that  4° 
often,  perhaps  usually,  denotes  a  small  quarto,  not  much  larger 
if  any  than  an  •  octavo ;  moreover  the  authorities  often  differ 
among  themselves  in  describing  the  size.  When  two  or  more 


Bibliography  of  Philippine  Languages  27 

collaborate  on  the  same  work,  each  author's  name  is  given  in  its 
proper  place  followed  by  the  title;  the  other  details,  however, 
are  given  under  the  name  which  appears  first  on  the  title  page, 
a  reference  to  this  name  being  added  in  the  case  of  the  other 
author  or  authors.  For  compound  Spanish  names  connected  by 
y  look  under  the  first  part;  for  those  ending  in  a  saint's  name 
look  under  San;  for  surnames  beginning  with  the  prepositions 
de,  von,  etc.,  look  under  name  that  immediately  follows.  In 
those  Spanish  names  where  it  is  difficult  to  tell  what  part  is  to 
be  regarded  as  the  surname,  all  parts  that  could  possibly  be  so 
regarded  are  placed  in  their  proper  alphabetical  order  with  a 
reference  to  the  name  which  is  most  commonly  considered  the 
surname. 

The  guttural  nasal  of  the  Philippine  languages,  which  is  usu- 
ally represented  as  ng  or  g  marked  with  a  tilde  above  the  g,  is 
written  without  this  tilde  thruout  the  article.  As  the  usage 
with  regard  to  capital  letters  and  accent  marks  is  not  uniform  in 
the  sources  used  in  preparing  this  bibliography,  the  bibliography 
naturally  reflects  these  inconsistencies. 

Each  separate  title  is  numbered  consecutively,  but  the  names 
and  titles  inserted  simply  for  reference  to  other  titles  are 
excluded  from  the  enumeration,  being  marked  with  a  star. 

The  bibliography  is  believed  to  contain  all  the  most  important 
titles  up  to  the  present  (end  of  1919),  but  it  cannot  claim  com- 
pleteness for  the  last  few  years. 

At  the  end  of  the  lists  an  index  is  given  in  which  the  numbers 
are  arranged  according  to  subjects  treated. 

The  chief  bibliographical  works  containing  linguistic  titles, 
with  the  symbol  by  which  they  are  cited  in  the  lists  in  [  ] ,  are 
the  following,  viz. : 

Retana,   W.   E.— Catalogo  de  la  biblioteca  filipina  de  W.   E. 
Retana.    Madrid,  1893.     Fol.   (few  linguistic  titles).       [C] 

—  Epitome  de  la  bibliographia  general  de  Filipinas  (in  Archivo 
del  bibliofilo  filipino.    Madrid  1895-98,  8°,  Tom.  I,  parte  XI; 
Tom.  II,  parte  XIII ;    Tom.  Ill,  parte  V ;    Tom.  IV,  parte 
IX;  pp.286).  [A] 

—  Catalogo  abreviado  de  la  biblioteca  filipina,     Madrid,  1898, 
pp.  xxxviii  +  656,  8°   (Nos.  1-1167  =  Epitome. . . ).         [R] 

—  Aparato  bibliografico  de  la  historia  general   de  Filipinas. 
Madrid,  1906,  3  vols.,  pp.  1800  +  4,  Fol.  [Ap.] 


28  Frank  R.  Blake 

Pardo  de  Tavera,  T.  H.— - Biblioteca  filipina.  Washington,  1903, 
pp.  439,  Fol.  [P] 

Barrantes,  V. — El  Teatro  tagalo.  Madrid,  1889  (Bibliography 
of  Philippine  languages  in  an  appendix,  pp.  167-196).  [B] 
Blumentritt,  F. — Vocabular  einzelner  Ausdriicke,  welche  dem 
Spanischen  der  philippinischen  Inseln  eigentiimlich  sind. 
Leipzig,  1882  and  1885  (Bibliography  of  Philippine  Ian- 
guages  in  an  appendix  to  each  part,  I  pp.  83-87,  132 ;  II  pp. 
29-35).  [BL] 

Robertson,  J.  A. — Bibliography  of  the  Philippine  Islands, 
Printed  and  Manuscript,  preceded  by  a  Descriptive  Account 
of  the  most  important  Archives  and  Collections  containing 
Philippine  Cleveland,  1908,  pp.  433,  4°.  [Bo.] 

The  titles  in  C,  A,  R,  Ap.,  and  Ro.  are  arranged  according  to 
date,  in  P  and  B  according  to  author,  in  Bl.  according  to  subject 
matter.  Manuscript  titles  are  found  chiefly  in  B,  BL,  and  Ro. 
The  numbers  after  C  and  Ro.  refer  to  the  page,  those  after  A, 
B,  P,  Ap.,  to  the  number  of  the  title;  with  B  no  numbers  are 
given  as  the  bibliography  is  short  and  the  titles  easily  found. 
As  any  number  of  A  is  identical  with  the  same  number  of  R  up 
to  1167,  R  is  cited  only  from  1168  upward.  Bl.  I  refers  to  the 
first  section  of  the  bibliography  where  the  tables  are  not  num- 
bered; BL  followed  by  an  Arabic  numeral  refers  to  the  second 
section  where  the  titles  are  numbered. 

Other  works  and  articles  containing  brief  linguistic  bibliogra- 
phies with  their  abbreviations  are  the  following,  viz. : 
Beyer,  H.  0. — Population  of  the  Philippine  Islands  in  1916. 
Manila  1917,  pp.  89-95.  [Be.] 

Bloomfield,  L. — Tagalog  Texts  with  Grammatical  Analysis,  Ur- 
bana,  111.,  1917,  Vol.  I,  pp.  13,  14.  [Bf.] 

Conant,  C.  E. — The  Pepet  Law  in  Philippine  Languages.  An- 
thropos  VII,  1912,  pp.  943-947.  [Co.] 

MacKinlay,  W.  E.  W.— A  Handbook  and  Grammar  of  the  Taga- 
log Language.    Washington,  1905,  pp.-  7-13.  [Me.] 
Scheerer,  0. — The  Batan  Dialect  as  a  Member  of  the  Philippine 
Group  of  Languages.    BS,  Vol.  V,  Part  I,  pp.  9-10,  20,  22. 
[B] 

These  will  be  referred  to  as  a  general  thing  only  when  they  are 
the  sole  authority  for  a  title  or  an  edition. 


Bibliography  of  Philippine  Languages  29 

LIST  OF  WORKS  ON  THE  PHILIPPINE  LANGUAGES. 

(Including  all  works  in  the  less  known  idioms.) 

A.   Printed  Works. 

1.  Abecedario  para  el  uso  de  las  escuelas  primarias  de  la 
Diocesis  de  Cebu.     7a  ed.,  Tambobong,  1894,  pp.  40,  8°. 
[R  1739,  Ap.  3437.] 

2.  ABELLA,  V.  M.  DE — Vade-mecum  filipino  6  manual  de  con- 
versation familiar  espanol-tagalog.    Binondo,  1868;  1869; 
1871;  9a  ed.,  Manila,  1873  (followed  by  a  list  of  idioms  of 
Manila),  pp.  116,  8°  (P),  12°  (E).     [E  2524,  P  9,  B,  Bl.  I, 
Ap.  1377.] 

3.  ADELUNG,  J.  C. — Mithridates  oder  Allgemeine  Sprachen- 
kunde.    Berlin,  1806  (Vol.  1  contains  two  versions  of  the 
Lord's  Prayer  in  Tagalog  with  grammatical  explanation, 
one  version  of  1593,  the  other  the  current  form).     [Me.] 

*  ALBIOL,  M.— Cf.  Carbonell,  J. 

*  ALCAZAR,  A.  V.— Cf .  Sanchez  de  la  Kosa,  A.,  Nos.  321,  322. 

4.  ALLIN,    B.     C. — Standard    English- Visay an    Dictionary. 
Cebu,  ?,  pp.  260. 

5.  ALTER,  F.  C. — Ueber  die  tagalische  Sprache.    Wien,  1803, 
pp.  x  +  80,  small  8°.     [P  55,  B,  Bl.  L] 

6.  ALVARO — Arte  pampango  (mentioned  by  Bergano).     [B, 
Ap.  236,  p.  264f.] 

*  ALZATE,  I. — Cf.  Flores  Hernandez,  A. 

7.  APACIBLE,  D.  S. — Casaysayan  nang  gramatica  castellana 
inihalal  sa  wicang  tagalog  ni  p.  S.  A...     Manila,  1884, 
pp.  iv  +  206,  4°.     [P  87,  B.] 

*   APARICIO,   J. — Arte  de   la  lengua  bisaya-hiligayna.     Cf. 
Mentrida. 

8.  Archipielago  filipino  (el) — Collection  de  datos  geogr.,  esta- 
dist.,  cronol.,  y  cientif.,  relativos  al  mismo,  entresacados  de 
anteriores  obras,  u  obtenidos  con  la  propria  observation  y 
estudio  por  algunos  padres  de  la  Comp.  de  Jesus  en  estas 
islas.    Washington,  1900,  Tom.  I,  pp.  26-147  passim  and 
pp.  221-238  (translated  in  Report  of  Philippine  Commis- 
sion for  1900,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  14-128  passim  and  pp.  397-412). 

9.  A(RINEZ),   A.   M.   DE-Diccionario  hispano-kanaka . . .    col- 
lection de  la  voces . . .   de  esta  lengua  de  la  Ascension  6 
Ponape  (Carolinas  Orientales)    (preceded  by  some  gram- 


30  Frank  R.  Blake 

matical  rules).     Tambobong,  1892,  pp.  188,  4°.     [R  1460, 
P  846,  Ap.  3125.] 

10.  —  Catecismo  de  doctrina  cristiana  hispano-kanaka,  seguido 
de  un  pequeno  devocionario  y  una  coleccion  de  canticos 
religiosos.    Manila,  1893,  pp.  164,  8°.     [R  1637,  Ap.  3299.] 

11.  ARRUE,  L. — Adalan  sa  mga  cristianos.    Malabon,  1896,  pp. 
72,  8°;  2a  ed.,  Manila,  1904  (in  Kuyo)      [R  1956,  Ap.  3744, 
Co.] 

12.  Arte  de  la  lengua  de  Pangasinan.    Manila,  1690    (men- 
tioned by  Pellicer).     [P  134.] 

13.  Arte  de  la  lengua  tagala  compuesta  por  un  Religioso  del 
orden  de  Predicadores.    Manila,  1736.     [Bl.  I.] 

*  Arteng  Tagalog,  cf.  G.,  F.  M. 

14.  Arte  de  la  lengua  Zebuana    (no  date  or  author  given; 
Encina  [?])   Sampaloc,  1800   [?],  pp.  616  +  16,  4°.     [R 
2208,  P  135,  Bl.  I,  Ap.  4133.] 

*  Arte  tagalo  en  verso  latino — cf.  Religioso  de  Sto.  Domingo. 

*  Arte  tagalo  en  verso  castellano — cf.  Religioso  de  S.  Fran- 
cisco. 

15.  Asistencia  a  los  enfermos  6  sea  modo  de  administrates  los 
Santos  Sacramentos  y  demas  auxilias  espirituales.     Guada- 
lupe,  1889  (in  last  36  pp.  confession  of  faith  in  Tagalog, 
Pampanga,  Bikol,  Bisaya,  Iloko,  Ibanag,   and  Bisaya  of 
Panay).     [R  1174,  Ap.  2677.] 

16.  BAER,  G.  A. — Contribution  a  1'etude  des  langues  des  in- 
digenes aux  lies  Philippines.     Anthropos,  Vol.  II,  1907, 
pp.  467-491. 

17.  BALBI,  A. — Atlas  Ethnographique  du  Globe.    Paris,  1826 
(contains  remarks  on  Tagalog,  cf.  Table  No.  364,  and  pp. 
246-249).     [Me.] 

18.  BENCUCHiLLO,2  F. — Arte  tagalo.     [B.] 

19.  —  Diccionario  poetico  tagalo.     [B.] 

20.  —  Arte  poetico  tagalo  (printed  in  Retana's  Archivo,  Tom. 
I,  pp.  185-210,  from  MS.  dating  before  1776). 

21.  BENNASAR,  G. — Diccionario  tiruray-espanol.    Manila,  1892, 
pp.  204,  8°.     [R  1472,  P  266,  Ap.  3098.] 

22.  -  -  Diccionario   espanol-tiruray.     Manila,    1893,    pp.    175, 
8°—cf.  also  No.  132.     [R  1624,  P  267,  Ap.  3285.] 

2  Written  Beneuchillo  by  Barrantes  and  Blumentritt. 


Bibliography  of  Philippine  Languages  31 

—  Cf .  Observaciones  gramaticales . . .  No.  265,  and  note. 
*   BERDUGO,  A. — cf.  Verdugo,  A. 

23.  BERGANO,  D. — Arte  de  la  lengua  pampanga.    Manila,  1729, 
pp.  22  +  346  +  12,  4°;  Sampaloc,  1736,  pp.  32  +  219  +  3, 
4°.     [C  73 ;  A  30,  33 ;  P  273,  274;  B,  Bl.  I ;  Ap.  236,  251.] 

24.  -  -  Bocabulario  de  pampango  en  romance,  y  diccioiiario  de 
romance  en  pampango.     Manila,  1732,  pp.  16  +  399  -f  88, 
Fol. — Vocabulario   de   la   lengua    panpanga    en    romance 
(Pampanga-Spanish  only).     Manila,   1860,  pp.   16  +  343, 
Fol.     [C  73;  A  31,  264;  P  275,  276;  B;  Bl.  I;  Ap.  239, 
959.  p 

25.  BERMEJO,  J. — Arte  de  la  lengua  Zebuana,  sacado  del  que 
escribio  el  P.  F.  Francisco  Encina.     Manila,  1836,  pp.  168 
-f  8,  12° ;  Tambobong,  1894,  pp.  186,  12°.     [A  150,  E  1748, 
P  136,  Ap.  3451.] 

26.  BEYER,  H.   0. — Population  of  the  Philippine  Islands  in 
1916 :    Poblacion  de  las  Islas  Filipinas  en  1916   (in  par- 
allel columns,  English  and  Spanish).     Manila,  1917,  pp. 
95,  7  X  10i/2  in. 

27.  BLAKE,  F.  R. — Study  of  Philippine  languages  at  Johns 
Hopkins    University.      American    Anthropologist     (New 
Series),  Vol.  IV,  Oct.-Dec.  1902,  pp.  793-794. 

28.  —  Sanskrit  Loanwords  in  Tagalog.     Johns  Hopkins  Univ. 
Circulars,  Vol.  XXII,  No.  163  June,  1903,  pp.  63-65. 

29.  —  Analogies   between   Semitic   and   Tagalog.     Ibid.   pp. 
65-66. 

30.  —  Differences   between    Tagalog   and   Bisayan.     JAOS., 
Vol.  XXV,  1904,  pp.  162-169. 

31.  -  -  The  Bisayan  dialects.     JAOS,  Vol.  XXVI,  1905,  pp. 
120-136. 

32.  —  Expression  of  case  by  the  verb  in  Tagalog.    JAOS, 
Vol.  XXVII,  1906,  pp.  183-189. 

33.  --  Contributions  to  Comparative  Philippine  Grammar.  I. 

General  features,  notes  on  phonology,  pronouns.     JAOS, 
Vol.  XXVII,  1906,  pp.  317-396. 

34.  —  Contributions  to  Comparative  Philippine  Grammar.  II. 
The  numerals.     JAOS,  Vol.  XXVIII,  1907,  pp.  199-253. 

8  The  title  ' '  Diccionario  pampango-espanol  y  espanol-pampango, ' ' 
Manila,  1732,  given  Bl.  I,  p.  86  in  addition  to  this  title,  is  evidently  identi- 
cal with  it. 


32  Frank  R.  Blake 

35.  —  The  Tagalog  ligature  and  analogies  in  other  languages. 
JAOS,  Vol.  XXIX,  1908,  pp.  227-231. 

36.  —  Expression  of  the  ideas   "to  be"    and   "to  have"   in 
the  Philippine  languages.    JAOS,  Vol.  XXX,  4,  1910,  pp. 
375-391. 

37.  —  Review  of  C.  W.  Seidenadel's   "The  first  grammar  of 
the  language  spoken  by  the  Bontoc  Igorot."    AJP,  Vol. 
XXXI,  3  (whole  No.  123),  1910,  pp.  339-342. 

38.  —  Article  on  Philippine  Languages  in  New  International 
Encyclopedia.    New  York,  1910,  Vol.  XV,  pp.  727-728. 

39.  —  Tagalog  Verbs  derived  from  other  Parts  of  Speech. 
AJP,  Vol.  XXXII,  4  (whole  No.  128),  1911,  pp.  436-440. 

40.  —  Philippine  Literature.    American  Anthropologist  (New 
Series),  Vol.  XIII,  July-Sept.,  1911,  pp.  449-457. 

41.  —  Review  of  C.  E.  Conant's   "The  RGH  Law  in  Philip- 
pine Languages,"  JAOS,  Vol.  XXXI  (1910),  pp.  70  to  85, 
American  Anthropologist,  ibid.,  pp.  472-473. 

42.  —  Construction  of  Coordinated  Words  in  the  Philippine 
Languages.    AJP,  Vol.  XXXVII,  4  (whole  No.  148),  1916, 
pp.  466-474. 

43.  -  -  The  Tagalog  Verb.    JAOS,  Vol.  XXXVI,  1917,  pp. 
396-414. 

44.  _  Reduplication  in  Tagalog.     AJP,  Vol.  XXXVIII,   4 
(whole  No.  152),  1917,  pp.  425-431. 

45.  —  Review  of  M.  Vanoverbergh's  "A  Grammar  of  Lepanto 
Igorot  as  it  is  spoken  at  Bauco, ' '  Manila,  1917.    AJP,  Vol. 
XXXIX,  4  (whole  No.  156),  1918,  pp.  417-420. 

46.  —  Review  of  L.  Bloomfield's  "Tagalog  Texts  with  Gram- 
matical Analysis,"   3  vols.,  Urbana,  111.,  1917.    AJP,  Vol. 
XL,  1  (whole  No.  157),  1919,  pp.  86-93. 

47.  BLOOMFIELD,  L. — Tagalog  Texts  with  Grammatical  Analy- 
sis :    Urbana,  Illinois,  1917 ;    3  vols.,  7  X  10y2  in.— Part 
I.— Texts  and  Translation,  pp.  15  +  107 ;  Part  II.— Gram- 
matical Analysis,  pp.  11  -j-  183 ;    Part  III. — List  of  For- 
mations and  Glossary,  pp.  8  +  92  +  2    (—  University  of 
Illinois  Studies  in  Language  and  Literature,  Vol.  Ill,  Nos. 
2,3,4;  May,  Aug.,  Nov.,  1917). 

*    BLANCAS  (de  San  Jose),  F. — cf.  San  Jose,  F.  Blancas  de. 

48.  BLUMENTRITT,     F. — Ueber    den    Namen     der    Igorroten. 
"Ausland,"  Stuttgart,  1882,  No.  1,  p.  17.     [P  355.] 


Bibliography  of  Philippine  Languages  33 

49.  -  -  Vocabular     einzelner     Ausdriicke     und     Redensarten, 
welche  dem  Spanischen  der  philippinischen  Inseln  eigen- 
thiimlich   sind.     Leipzig [1]    1882-1885  [?]     (2   pamphlets, 
8°,  respect.     132  and  64  pages).     [R  2218;    P  361,  363; 
B,  Ap.  1873.] 4 

50.  -  -  Negritos  von  Baler.     Mittheil.  d.  Wiener  geog.  Gesell- 
schaft,  1884,  Heft  7.     [Bl.  76.] 

51.  -  -  Begleitworte    zu    meiner   Karte   der   Insel    Mindanao. 
Zeitschr.  f.  Erdkunde,  Bd.  XIX,  1884  (contains  examples 
of  Tiruray).     [Bl.  II,  p.  34.] 

52.  -  -  Bemerkungen   zu   den   spanischen   Angaben   iiber   die 
Verbreitungsgebiete,  etc.,  der  philippinischen  Landesspra- 
chen.     Zeitschrift   d.    Gesellsch.    f.    Erdkunde   zu   Berlin, 
1887,  No.  2,  pp.  15,  8°.     [P  305.] 

53.  -  -  Katechismus    der    katholischen    Glaubenslehre    in    der 
Ilongoten-Sprache  verfasst  von  Fray  Francisco  de  la  Zarza 
in  Druck  gelegt  und  mit  Aequivalenten  des  Ilongot  Textes 
in  spanischer,  beziehungsweise  tagalischer  und  magindanau- 
ischer    Sprache.     Wien,    1893,    pp.    30,    4°.     [R    1629,   P 
346,  Ap.  3288;   cf.  B  and  BL  81.] 

54.  -  -  Die    Transcription   des   Tagalog  von   Dr.   Jose   Rizal. 
BNI,  Vol.  42,  pp.  311-320,  1893   (translated  from  article 
in   "La  Solidaridad").     [R  1628,  P  2406,  Be.] 

55.  -  -  Alphabetisches  Verzeichnis  der  Eingeborenen  Stamme 
der  Philippinen  und  der  von  ihnen  gesprochenen  Spracheu, 
(?),  (?),  pp.  20,  8°  (translated  by  0.  T.  Mason— cf.  No. 
236).     [P  297.] 

56.  -  -  Nachtrag  zu  dem   "Alphabetisches  Verzeichnis."     Bol. 
de  la  Sociedad  Geografica  de  Berlin,  1893,  pp.  6,  4°.     [R 
1630,  Ap.  3289.] 

57.  -  -  Alphabetisches  Verzeichnis  der  bei  den  philippinischen 
Eingeborenen  iiblichen  Eigennamen,  welche  auf  Religion, 
Opfer,  und  priesterliche  Titel  und  Amtsverrichtungen  sich 
beziehen.     Zeitschrift  f.  d.  Kunde  des  Morgenlandes,  1894, 
pp.    43-58,    137-154,    224-238    (also    printed    in   Retana's 
Archive,  Tom.  II).     [R  1749,  P  298.] 


4  French  translation  by  A.  Hugot  in  Bulletin  de  la  Societe"  Academique 
Indo-Chinoise,  2e  Serie,  t.  II  (cf.  Bl.  1). 

3    JAOS  40 


34  Frank  R.  Blake 

58.  —  Ueber  die  Namen  der  malaiischen  Stamme  der  pliilip- 
pinischen  Inseln.  Braunschweig,  1895  (in  Globus,  Bd. 
LXVII,  No.  21),  pp.  3,  Fol.  [R  I860,  P  356.] 

59. —  Die  Mangianeschrift  von  Mindoro.  Braunschweig,  1896. 
[R  1960,  Ap.  3751.] 

60.  —  Verzeichnis  Philippinischer  Sachworter  aus   dem  Ge- 
biete  der  Ethnographic  u.  Zoologie.    Abh.  u.  Berichte  des 
kgl.  zool.  u.  anthr.-ethnog.  Museum,  Dresden,  Festschrift, 
1899,  No.  1  (pub.  in  Berlin,  1899). 

61.  BLUMENTRITT,   F.    and   KERN,   H. — Des   Padre   Fr.   Jose 
Castano  Nachrichten  iiber  die  Sprache  des  Agta.     Opmer- 
kingen    omtrent    de    taal    der    Agta's   van't    schiereiland 
Camarines.     s'Gravenhage,  1896  (Bulletin  of  Institute  of 
the  Dutch  Indies),  pp.  7,  4°.     [R  1962,  Ap.  3668.] 

62.  BORDMAN,  J. —  (a  small  pamphlet  containing  sentences  in 
English,  Spanish,  and  Tagalog  in  parallel  columns) — after 
1898.     [Me.]5 

63.  BRABO,  A. — Vade  mecum  filipino  6  manual  de  la  con  versa- 
cion  espanol  pampango.     Manila,  1875,  pp.  109,  8°.     [P 
408.] 

64.  BRANDSTETTER,    R. — Tagalen    und    Madagassen.     Luzern, 
1902,6  pamph.,  pp.  85,  8°. 

65.  —  Ein  Prodromus  zu  einem  vergleichenden  Worterbuch 
der  malaio-polynesischen  Sprachen.     Luzern,  1906,  pamph., 
pp.  74,  8°. 

66.  —  Mata-Hari    oder    Wanderungen    eines    indonesischen 
Sprachforschers  durch  die  drei  Reiche  der  Natur.     Luzern, 
1908,  pamph.,  pp.  55,  8°. 

67.  —  Anlaut  und  Auslaut  im  Indogermanischen  und  Malaio- 
polynesischen.     In  Album  Kern. 

68.  —  Die  Stellung  der  minahassischen  Idiome  zu  den  iibrigen 
Sprachen  von  Celebes  einerseits  und  zu  den  Sprachen  der 
Philippinen  anderseits,     In  Versuch  einer  Anthropologie 
der  Insel  Celebes  von  F.  Sarasin. 

69.  •   -  Wurzel    und    Wort    in    den    indonesischen    Sprachen. 
Luzern,  1910,  pamph.,  pp.  52,  8°. 

5 1  have  seen  and  used  this  work,  but  I  failed  at  the  time  to  note  title, 
etc.,  and  I  cannot  now  (Sept.,  1919)  locate  the  book  (F.  E.  B.) :  Me.  p. 
12  gives  only  the  information  here  noted. 

6  Translated  into  Spanish  by  L.  Stangl,  Manila,  1908,  1909. 


Bibliography  of  Philippine  Languages  35 

70.  -  -  Sprachvergleichendes  Charakterbild  eines  indonesischen 
Jdiomes.    Luzern,  1911,  pamph.,  pp.  72,  8°. 

71.  —  Gemeinindonesisch  und  Urindonesisch.     Luzern,  1911, 
pamph.,  pp.  45,  4°. 

72.  -  -  Das  Verbum  dargestellt  auf  Grund  einer  Analyse  der 
besten  Texte  in  vierundzwanzig  indonesischen  Sprachen. 
Luzern,  1912,  pamph.,  pp.  70,  8°. 

73.  —  Der  Artikel  des  Indonesischen.     Luzern,  1913,  pamph., 
pp.  56,  8°. 

74.  -  -  Indonesisch  und  Indogermanisch  iin  Satzbau.     Luzern, 
1914,  pamph.,  pp.  56,  8°. 

75.  BUFFUM,  KATHARINE  G.  and  LYNCH,  C. — Joloano  Moro  (a 
Sulu  primer) .    Manila,  1914,  pp.  6  +  138,  large  8°.     [Be.] 

*  BUGARIN,  J. — Diccionario  ibanag-espanol — cf .  Rodriguez,  R. 

76.  BUZETA,    M. — Gramatica    de    la   lengua   tagala.     Madrid, 
1850,  pp.  6  +  171  +  3,  4°.     [C  57,  A  199,  P  431,  Bl.  I, 
Ap.  781.] 

77.  CACHO,  A. — Origen  y  costumbres  de  los  isinays,  ilongotes, 
irulis  e  igorrotes  (cf.  No.  407).     [B,  Bl.  79.] 

78.  CALDER6N,    S.    G. — Pocket    Dictionary.     English-Spanish- 
Tagalog.    Manila,  1914,  pp.  343,  12°,  a  more  complete  8° 
ed.  by  J.  Martinez,  Manila,  1916.     [Be.] 

*  CAMARENA,  F.  DE  =  San  Jose,  F.  de.     [B,  Bl.  33.] 

79.  CAMERON,   G.  R. — Sulu  Writing.    Zamboanga,   1917,  pp. 
viii  +  161,  small  4°.     [Be.] 

80.  Camino  del  Cielo.     Manila,  1873  (in  Gaddan),  pp.  382,  8°. 
[A  428,  P  474,  Ap.  1381.] 

81.  CAMPOMANES,  el.  HEVIA. — Lecciones  de  gramatica  hispano- 
tagala.     la  ed.,  Manila,  1872 ;  2a  ed.,  Manila,  1877 ;  3a  ed., 
Manila,  1883 ;   4a  ed.,  Manila,  1888 ;   6a  ed.,  Manila,  1901 ; 
9a  ed.,  Manila,  1912,  pp.  260,  4°  (all  editions  are  identical 
at  least  up  to  the  6th  inclusive — cf.  Me.  p.  11).     [C  76,  A 
1133,  R  2537,  P  1319,  B   (under  H),  Bl.  13;    Ap.  1340, 
1579,  2021,  2616,  Be.,  Me.] 

82.  CARBONELL,   J. — Tesauro  ilocano    (with  emendations  and 
additions  by  M.  Albiol — mentioned  by  Lopez).     [B,  Bl. 
64.] 

*  CARMEN,  A.  IBANEZ  DEL — cf.  Ibanez  (del  Carmen),  A. 

83.  CARRO,   A. — Vocabulario  de  la  lengua  ilocana.     Manila, 
1849,    pp.    6  +  326  +  5,    Fol. — Vocabulario   iloco-espanol. 


36  Frank  R.  Blake 

Manila,  1888,  pp.  4  +  xii  +  295,  Fol.     [C  74;   A  195;   P 
512,  513;   B;   Bl.  I,  Bl.  65;    Ap.  766,  2570.] 
-  Gramatica  ilocana — cf.  Lopez,  F. 

84.  Cartas  de  los  PP.  de  la  compania  de  Jesus  de  la  Mision  de 
Filipinas.     Manila,  1883,  Fol.;    on  pp.  218-222  examples 
of  Tiruray.     [A  742,  P  519,  Bl.  II,  p.  34,  Ap.  1991.] 

*    Catecismo     de     doctrina     cristiana     hispano-kanaka — cf. 
Arinez,  A.  M.  de. 

85.  Catecismo  de  la  doctrina  cristiana  en  castellano  y  en  moro 
de  Maguindanao  por  un  misionero  de  la   Compania   de 
Jesus.     Manila,  1885,  pp.  83,  8°   (by  J.  Juanmarti).     [P 
568,  Bl.  83,  Ap.  2574.] 

86.  Catecismo  de  la  doctrina  cristiana  en  castellano  y  tiruray. 
Manila,  1888,  pp.  57,  8°.     [A  1102,  P  569,  Ap.  2575.] 

87.  Catecismo  de  la  doctrina  cristiana  (in  Batan  by  a  Domi- 
nican).    Manila,    1834,   pp.   92,   16°    (A),    12°    (P)— (re- 
printed in  Retana's  Archivo,  Tom.  II,  pp.  269-307;    cf. 
Grammatical  notes  and  vocabulary  in  Prologo  pp.  xxxvi- 
xlix).     [A  145,  P  567,  Ap.  628.] 

88.  Catecismo   de   la   doctrina    cristiana    en    lengua    gaddan. 
Manila,   1833,   pp.   225  +  3,    16°    (A),    12°    (P)  ;   2a   ed., 
Manila,  1897,  pp.  173.     [A  137,  P  570,  BL  I,  Ap.  621,  Co.] 

89.  Catecismo  historico  por  el  abate  C.  Fleury  y  traducido  al 
tiruray  por  un  P.   Misionero  de  la  compania  de  Jesus. 
Manila,  1892,  pp.  142,  4°.     [C   74,   R  1502,  P  576,  Ap. 
3138.] 

90.  Catecismo  sa  salita'  zambale  a  mancapalaman  nin  dao  dasal 
tan  maanter  a  pamamalicas  a  cumana.     Manila,  1873,  pp. 
91,  12°  (in  Zambal,  written  by  J.  M.  Laerte).     [R  2526, 
Ap.  1382.] 

91.  Census  of  the  Philippine  Islands.     Washington,  1905    (a 
few  remarks  on  languages  in  Vol.  I,  pp.  412,  448,  449,  461, 
515,  516). 

92.  CHAMBERLAIN,  A.  F. — Etymology  of  the  name  Aeta  (Eta, 
Ita).     American   Anthropologist    (New   Series),    Vol.   II, 
1900,  p.  773f. 

93.  —  Philippine  studies,   I — Place  names.     Amer.  Antiqua- 
rian, Vol.  XXII,  pp.  393-399. 

94.  -  -  Philippine  studies,  III — Tagal  language.     Amer.  Anti- 
quarian, Vol.  XXIII,  pp.  145-148. 


Bibliography  of  Philippine  Languages  37 

95.  -  -  Philippine  studies,  V — The  origin  of  the  name  Manila. 
Ibid.,  p.  3331 

*  CHORRO,  F. — cf.  Doctrina  cristiana  para  instr.  de  los  ninos 
en  lengua  montes,  No.  133. 

96.  CHRISTIAN,  F.  W.— The  Caroline  Islands.     London,  1899 
(at  end  explanation  of  a  number  of  words  of  Yap  and 
Ponape).     [Ap.  4061.] 

97.  CHRISTIE,  E.  B. — The  Subanuns  of  Sindangan  Bay.     BS, 
Vol.  VI,  pp.  1-121,  Manila,  1909.7 

*  CHURCHILL,  W.— The  Subanu— cf.  Finley,  J.  P. 

98.  CLAPP,   W.    C. — Trying  to  learn  the   Igorrote  language. 
Spirit  of  Missions,  Vol.  LXIX,  No.  12,  Dec.,  1904,  pp.  890 
to  897. 

99.  -  -  A  vocabulary  of  the  Igorot  language  as  spoken  by  the 
Bontok  Igorots:    Igorot-English  and  English-Igorot.    BS, 
Vol.  V,  pp.  141-236,  Manila,  1908. 

*  CLAUER,  M.— cf.  Mentrida,  A.  de,  No.  239. 

100.  COHEN,  H.  M.  and  MEDALLE  Y  ZAGUIRRE,  A. — Pocket  Dic- 
tionary of  the  English,  Spanish,  and  Visayan  Languages, 
Part  I.     English-Spanish-Visayan.     Cebu,   1900,  pp.  204, 
16°. 

101.  COLIN,  F. — Labor  evangelica. . .  Madrid,  1663.     Fol. ;  ch. 
xiii,  del  ingenio,  lenguas,  y  letras  de  los  Filipinos.     [A  14, 
P  655,  Ap.  122.] 

102.  Compendio  de   historia  universal   desde   la   creacion   del 
mundo  hasta  la  venida  de  Jesucristo  y  un  breve  vocabu- 
lario  en  castellano  y  moro  maguindanao  por  un  misionero 
(Juanmarti?).     Singapore,  1888.     [A  1107,  P  676,  B,  Ap. 
2582.] 

103.  Compendio  de  la  doctrina  cristiana,  Iloilo,  1891  (in  Agu- 
tayna  =  Kalamian),  pp.  47,  16°.     [R  1391,  Ap.  2989.] 

104.  Compendio  de  la  doctrina  cristiana ...  traducido  todo  en 
lengua  tagbanua  segun  se  usa  en  el  Norte  de  la  Paragua. 
2a  ed.,  Guadalupe,  1889,  pp.  60,  16°  (R),  12°  (P).     [C  75, 
R  1188,  P  678,  Ap.  2703.] 

105.  CON  ANT,  C.  E.— "F"  and  "V"  in  Philippine  languages. 
BS,  Vol.  V,  Part  II,  Manila,  1908,  pp.  135-141. 

7 1  have  not  seen  this  work,  but  list  it  here  on  the  chance  that  it  contains 
linguistic  material  like  most  of  the  other  volumes  of  the  same  series. 


38  Frank  R.  Blake 

106.  —  The    names    of    Philippine    languages.     "Anthropos" 
(Wien),  Vol.  IV,  1909,  pp.  1069-1074. 

107.  —  The  Bisaya  language ;   its  evolution  in  the  last  decade. 
"Ang  Suga,"   Sugbu,  June  16,  1910,  p.  1. 

108.  -  -  The  RGH  law  in  Philippine  languages.     JAOS,  Vol. 
XXXI,  1,  1910,  pp.  70-85. 

109.  —  Consonant  changes  and  vowel  harmony  in  Chamorro. 
"Anthropos,"  Vol.  VI,  1,  1911,  pp.  136-146. 

110.  -  -  Review  of  C.  W.  Seidenadel's   "The  first  grammar  of 
the  language   spoken   by   the   Bontoc   Igorot."     Classical 
Philology,  Vol.  VI,  No.  3,  July,  1911,  pp.  365-6. 

111.  -  -  Monosyllabic  Roots  in  Pampanga.     JAOS,  Vol.  XXXI, 
4,  1911,  pp.  389-394. 

112.  —  The  Pepet  Law  in  Philippine  Languages.     Anthropos, 
Vol.  VII,  1912,  pp.  920-947. 

113.  —  Notes    on    the   Phonology    of    the    Tirurai    Language. 
JAOS,  Vol.  XXXIII,  2,  1913,  pp.  150-157. 

114.  —  Notes    on    the    Phonology    of    the    Palau    Language. 
JAOS,  Vol.  XXXV,  1,  1915,  pp.  1-15. 

115.  —  Grammatical  notes  on   the   Isinai   Language    (Philip- 
pines).    JAOS,  Vol.  XXXV,  3,  1915,  pp.  289-292. 

116.  COEIA,  J.  DE — Nueva  gramatica  tagalog,  teorico-practica. 
Madrid,  1872,  pp.  552  +  iv,  4°  (A) ,  8°  (P) .     [C  58,  A  411, 
P  696,  B,  Bl.  11,  Ap.  1330.] 

117.  COEONEL,  F. — Reglas  para  aprender  el  idioma  pampango. 
Manila?,  1617.     [B;  Bl.  59;  Ap.  236,  p.  264f.] 

118.  COSGAYA,  L.  F.  and  VILANOVA,  P. — Diccionario  pangasinan- 
espaiiol.    Manila,  1865,  pp.  8  +  330  +  121,  Fol.     [C  60, 
A  321,  P  2795,  B  (under  F),  Bl.  I,  Ap.  1089.] 

119.  COWIE,  ANSON  and  W.  C. — English-Sulu-Malay  Vocabu- 
lary:  grammatical  introduction.     London,  1893,  pp.  xlviii 
+  288,  4°.     [Ap.  3309.] 

120.  CRESPO,  M. — Arte  del  idioma  bicol  para  la  ensenanza  de 
este  idioma  dispuesto  y  ordenado  por. .  .A.  de  San  Augus- 
tin;    dalo  a  luz  corregido  y  adicionado. .  .M.   Crespo. . . 
Manila,    1879,   pp.   xii  +  239  + 1,    4°.     [A   593;    P    763, 
2481;  B,  Ap.  1705.] 

*    CUADRADO,  M.  MARTINEZ — cf.  Martinez  Cuadrado,  M. 

121.  CUARTERO,  M. — Arte  del  idioma  bisaya  hiligaino  que  se 
habla  en  Panay  y  en  algunas  islas  adyacentes . . .  Manila, 


Bibliography  of  Philippine  Languages  39 

1878 ;   Guadalupe,  1890,  pp.  174  +  2,  8°.     [R  1292,  P  770 ; 
Ap.  1623,  2844.] 

122.  -  -  Casayoran  sa  pagaradalan  sa  mga  cristianos.    Manila, 
1871  (in  Kuyo),  pp.  88,  8°.     [A  394,  Ap.  1285.] 

123.  CUARTER6N,  C. — Spiegazione  e  traduzione  del  XIV  quadri 
relativi    alle    isole   di    Salibabao...    Roma,    1855    (in   an 
appendix  are  short  vocabularies  of  Italian,  Malay,  Sulu, 
Tagalog).     [A  229,  P  773,  Ap.  869.] 

124.  CUE-MALAY,  G. — Frases  usuales  para  la  conversacion  en 
espafiol  tagalo  e  ingles.     Manila,  1898.     [Bf.] 

125.  CUESTA,   A.   DE   LA — Gramatica   iloco-castellana.     Manila, 
1890,  pp.  114,  small  4°.     [R  1293,  Ap.  2845.] 

126.  CUEVAS,  J.  M.  FAUSTO  DE — Arte  nuevo  de  la  lengua  ybanag. 
Manila,  1826,  pp.  541,  small  4° ;    1854,  pp.  2  +  366  +  25, 
8°.     [A  222;  P  1054,  1055;  B,  Bl.  I,  Ap.  847.] 

127.  DAHLMANN,  J. — El  estudio  de  las  lenguas  y  las  misiones. 
Madrid,  1893,  pp.  xvi  +  207,  4°  (deficient  in  matters  per- 
taining to  the  Philippines).     [R  1649,  Ap.  3314.] 

128.  Dasal  sa  sarita  nin  Zambalen  binobolinao.     Manila,  1875, 
pp.  96,  8°  (in  Zambal).     [P  803.] 

129.  DELGADO,   J.  J. — Historia  general  sacro-profana,  politica 
y  natural   de   las   islas   de   poniente   llamadas   Filipinas. 
Manila,   1892    (libro   3°   contains  some   treatment   of  the 
languages).     [R  1491,  P  824,  Ap.  3123.] 

130.  Diccionario  espanol-ibanag  6  sea  tesauro  hispano-cagayan. 
Manila,  1867,  pp.  4  +  511,  4°.     [A  347,  P  845,  B  (under 
Religiosos),  Ap.  1146.] 

131.  Diccionario    espanol-ibatan    por    varios    PP.    Dominicos 
misioneros  de  las  Islas  Batanes.     Manila,  1914,  pp.  2  + 
xviii  -j-  574,  8°  (with  an  introduction  by  0.  Scheerer,  pp. 
i-xvii).     [Be.] 

*    Diccionario  hispano-kanaka — cf.  Arinez,  A.  M.  de. 

132.  Diccionario  tiruray-espanol.     (?),   1892— cf.  No.  22.     [C 
75.]        . 

133.  Doctrina  cristiana  para  instruccion  de  los  ninos  en  lengua 
montes — (Bisaya  of  Mindanao) . .  .Malabon,  1895,  pp.  64, 
16°  (by  F.  Chorrol).     [R  1876,  Ap.  3641.] 

134.  DOHERTY,  D.  J. — The  Tagalog  language.     Educat.  Review 
(N.  Y.),  Vol.  XXIV,  pp.  497-502. 

135.  —  Notes  on  Filipino  Dialects.     Leaflet  of  4  pp.,  privately 


40  Frank  R.  Blake 

printed,  Chicago,  in  which  the  author  advocates  the  fusion 
of  the  native  dialects  into  a  common  language. 

136.  DURAN,    C.   G.— Manual   de   conversaciones   en   castellano 
tagalo  e  ingles.     Manila,  1900.     [Bf.] 

137.  ELLIOTT,   C.  W. — A  vocabulary  and  phrase  book  of  the 
Lanao  Moro  dialect.     BS,  Vol.  V,   pp.   301-328,   Manila, 
1913. 

138.  ENCARNAci6N,    J.   F.   DE   LA — Diccionario    bisaya-espanol. 
Manila,    1851 — and    Diccionario    espanol-bisaya.     Manila, 
1852;    2a  ed.,  Binondo,  1866— both  parts  in  one,  3d  ed., 
Manila,  1885,  pp.  8  +  437  -f  2  +  349,  Fol.     [C  75 ;  A  204, 
216,  335,  864,  865;   P  923,  924;   B;   Bl.  I;   Ap.  793,  822, 
1113,  1114,  2208,  2209.] 

139.  ENCINA,  F. — Arte  de  la  lengua  zebuana.     Manila,   1836. 
[B,  Bl.  47,  Ap.  639]— cf.  Bermejo  and  Gonzalez. 

140.  ESCOBAR  Y  LOZANO,  J. — El  indicador  del  viajero  en  las 
Islas  Filipinas.     Manila,    1885,   4°,   pp.   155-170   Spanish- 
Tagalog  vocabulary.     [A  866,  P  942,  Ap.  2210.] 

141.  ESGUERRA,  D. — Arte  de  la  lengua  bisaya  de  la  Provincia 
de  Leyte   (also  remarks  on  dialects  of  Cebu  and  Bohol). 
Manila,  1747,  reimpreso,  pp.  8  +  176(?),  4°  (very  rare). 
[P  951,  B  (Esquerra),  Bl.  I  (Ezguerra,  1847).] 

''    Estudios  comparativos  entre  el  tagalo  y  el  sanscrito — cf. 
Minguella  (de  la  Merced),  T. 

142.  EVERETT,  A.   H. —   Tagbanwa  word  list  incorporated  in 
Swettenham's    ' '  Comparative  Vocabulary  of  the  Dialects 
of    the    Wild    Tribes    inhabiting    the    Malay    Peninsula, 
Borneo,  etc."    in  Journal  of  the  Straits  Branch  of  the 
Royal  Asiatic  Society,  June,  1880.     [Co.] 

*    FAUSTO  DE  CUEVAS — cf.  Cuevas,  J.  M.  Fausto  de. 

143.  FAVRE,    P. — Dictionnaire    malais-frangais.     Vienne,    1875, 
1880    (contains  references  to  Tagalog  and  Bisaya).     [A 
475,  610.] 

144.  FERNANDEZ,     E. — Vocabulario    tagalo-castellano.     Manila, 
1883,  pp.  120,  8°.     [A  756,  P  1060,  B,  Ap.  2013.] 

145.  —  Nuevo    vocabulario    6    manual    de    conversaciones    en 
espanol,  tagalog,  panpango.     la  ed.,  Binondo,  1876,  pp.  80, 
8° ;   2a  ed.,  Manila,  1882,  pp.  84,  4° ;   4a  ed.,  Manila,  1896 ; 
5a(  1),  Binondo,  1901.     [P  1061,  B,  Bl.  I,  Bl.  12,  Ap.  1514, 
Co.,  Bf.] 


Bibliography  of  Philippine  Languages  41 

146.  FERRAZ,  J.  F. — Nahuatlismos  de  Costa  Rica.     San  Jose  de 
Costa  Rica,  1892,  pp.  Ixxv  -f  148,  4°  (treats  many  words 
in  common  use  in  the  Philippines).     [R  1501.] 

147.  FERRER,   F. — Manual   iloco-castellano  6   sea  metodo  para 
aprender  6  ensenar  el  castellano  en  los  pueblos  ilocanos. 
Manila,   1894,  pp.  2  +  vi  -f  241  +  12,  4°.     [R  1786,  Ap. 
3510.] 

*  FERRER,  N.  G.  DE  SAN  VINCENTE — cf.  Gonzalez  (de  S.  V. 
F.),N. 

148.  FIGUEROA,  A. — Arte  del  idioma  visaya  de  Samar  y  Leite. 
Binondo,  1870,  1872,  pp.  135,  4°.     [A  415 ;   P  1080,  1081 ; 
B ;  Bl.  I ;  Ap.  1335.] 

149.  FINLEY,  J.  P.  and  CHURCHILL,  W. — The  Subanu.     Studies 
of  a  Sub-Visayan  Mountain  Folk  of  Mindanao.     Publica- 
tion No.  184  of  the  Carnegie  Institution,  Washington,  1913, 
pp.  v  +  1  -f  236,  large  8°.     [Be.] 

150.  FLORESCA,  R. — Vocabulary  English-Ilocano.     Vigan,  1904, 
pp.  237,  small  8°.     [Co.] 

151.  FLORES  HERNANDEZ,  A.  and  PIQUER  Y  MARTIN  CORTES,  R. — 
Cronica   de   la    Exposicion    de    Filipinas.     Madrid,    1887 
(contains  poem  in  Igorot  dialect  of  Abra  by  Ismael  Al- 
zate).     [A  1036,  P  1093,  Ap.  2475.] 

*  FLEURY,  C. — cf.  Catecismo  historico. .  .No.  89. 

152.  FRITZ,  G. — Chamorro  Worterbuch :  Deutsch-Chamorro  und 
Cham.-Deutsch.     Berlin,  1908. 

153. a  —  Chamorro  Grammatik.  Mittheilung  des  Seminars  fur 
orientalische  Sprachen  an  der  Koniglichen  Friedrich 
Wilhelms  Universitat  zu  Berlin,  VI,  1:  Ostasiatische 
Studien,  Berlin,  1903,  pp.  1-27.  [Co.] 

153. b  -  -  Die  Zentralkarolinische  Sprache.  Lehrbiicher  d.  Semi- 
nars fur  orientalische  Sprachen  zu  Berlin,  No.  29,  Berlin, 
1911. 

154.  FORREST,  T. — A  Voyage  to  New  Guinea  and  the  Moluc- 
cas ...  to  which  is  added   a  Vocabulary  of  the  Maguin- 
danao  tongue.     Dublin,  1779,  4°,  vocabulary  pp.  415-442. 
[P  1121,  1122;  Bl.  I;  Ap.  360,  365.] 7a 

155.  FORSTER,    J.    R.— Observations    made    during    a    Voyage 
round  the  World.     London,  1778    (contains  vocabularies, 

Ta  French  translation,   Paris,   1780,   cf.   P   1122,  Ap.   365.     The  German 
translation  (cf.  Ap.  371)  is  without  the  vocabulary. 


42  Frank  R.  Blake 

of  47  words,  of  Tagalog,  Pampango,  Malay,  and  several 
Polynesian  dialects).     [Me.] 

*  FOY,  W. — Die  Mangianschrift — cf.  Meyer,  A.  B.,  No.  245. 

156.  G.,  J.  M. — Arteng  tagalog  na  macapagtuturo  nang  uicang 
castila.     Manila,  1875,  pp.  95,  Fol.     [Bl.  40;    Ap.  1452.] 

157.  GABELENTZ,  G.  VON  DER,  and  MEYER,  A.  B. — Beitrage  zur 
Kenntniss  der  melanesischen,  mikronesischen  und  papua- 
nisehen  Sprachen.     Abhandl.  d.  K.  S.  Gesellschaft  d.  Wiss., 
Leipzig,  1882,  Bd.  VIII,  p.  375ff.     [Bl.  I,  p.  132.] 

158.  GABELENTZ,  H.  C.  VON — Ueber  das  Passivum.     Abhandl.  d. 
K.  S.  Ges.  d.  Wiss.,  Leipzig,  1860,  Bd.  VIII,  pp.  451-546. 
[Bl.  I,  p.  132.] 

159.  GARCIA,  F.  and  HERRERA,  V. — Manga  onang  turo  sa  uikang 
ingles.     Maynila,  1902.     [Bf.] 

160.  GAYACAO,   J. — Nuevo  vocabulario  6  manual  de  conversa- 
ciones  en  hispano-ilocano.     la  ed.,  Manila,  1875 ;    4a  ed., 
1884;    5a  ed.,  1892,  pp.  80,  8°.     [R  1510,  P  1174,  Bl.  66, 
Ap.  3148.] 

161.  —  Nuevo  vocabulario  y  guia  de  conversaciones  espaiiol- 
panayano.     2a  ed.,  Manila,  1879,  pp.  70,  12°.     [A  579 ;   P 
1175;  Bl.  I,  Bl.  49;   Ap.  1675.] 

162.  —  Manual  de  conversaciones  en  hispano-bicol  y  vice  versa. 
4a  ed.,  Manila,  1873;    5a  ed.,  Manila,  1881,  pp.  116,  8°. 
[P  1173;  Bl.  I,  Bl.  70.] 

163.  -  -  Vocabulario  ibanag.     Binondo,  1896.     [S] 

164.  Geographic  Names  in  the  Philippine  Islands  (The).     Spe- 
cial Report  of  the  U.   S.  Board   on   Geographic  Names, 
Washington,  1901,  pp.  59,  8°(?). 

*  GER6NIMO — cf.  Jeronimo. 

165.  GIBERT  (DE  SANTA  EULALIA),  P.(?) — Lacted  nga  tocsoan 
nga  casayodan  sa  pagaradalan  sa  mga  cristianos.     Manila, 
1871,  pp.  32,  8°  (in  Kuyo).     [A  402,  Ap.  1301.] 

166.  —  Plan   de  la   Religion  .    .    .  traducido  todo  en   lengua 
cuyona.     Manila,    1886,    pp.    155,    12°    (A),    8°    (P)     (in 
Kuyo).     [C  79,  A  954,  P  1179,  Ap.  2350.] 

167.  GISBERT,   M. — Diccionario  bagobo-espaiiol.     Manila,    1892, 
pp.  70,  4°.     [R  1513,  P  1186,  Ap.  3151.] 

168.  -  -  Diccionario  espaiiol-bagobo.     Manila,  1892,  pp.  xviii  + 
190,  4°.     [R  1512,  P  1185,  Ap.  3150.] 

169.  GONZALEZ    (DE   SAN   VINCENTE   FERRER),    N.-—Gramatica 


Bibliography  of \  Philippine  Languages  43 

bisaya-cebuana  del  P.  Francisco  Encina  ref ormada . . . 
Manila,  1885,  pp.  160  +  44  +  2,  4°.  [A  872,  P  1196,  Ap. 
2217.] 

*  GOYENA,  R.  IRUBETA— cf.  Inireta  Goyena,  R. 

170.  GUILLEN,  F.— Gramatica  Bisaya  para  facilitar  el  estudio 
del  dialecto  Bisaya  Cebuano.     Malabon,  1898.     [Co.] 

171.  HAYNES,   T.  H.— English,   Sulu,   and  Malay  Vocabulary. 
Journal  of  the  Straits  Branch  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society, 
Dec.,  1885  and  Dec.,  1886.     [Co.] 

*  HERNANDEZ,  A.  FLORES — cf.  Flores  Hernandez,  A. 

172.  HERNANDEZ,    F.   and    SAINZ,    F. — Devocionario   sa   sarita 
sambalen    binobolinao.     Nipatanid    conran    maomacooray. 
Binondo,  1879,  pp.  248,  8°  (in  Zambal).     [P  1307.] 

173.  HERREJ6N,  S. — Lecciones  de  gramatica  bicol-hispana.    Bi- 
nondo, 1882,  pp.  218,  4°.     [A  697,  P  1308,  B,  Ap.  1907.] 

*  HERRERA,  V. — Manga  onang  turo. . . — cf.  Garcia,  F. 

174.  HERVAS  (Y  PANDURO),  L. — Catalogo  de  las  lenguas  de  las 
naciones  conocidas.    Vol.  II,  Madrid,  1801,  4°.     [C  76,  A 
83,  Ap.  442.] 

175.  —  Vocabulario   Poliglotto.     Cesena,    1787    (specimens   of 
the  Tagalog  of  1593,  1604  and  1787)  ;  Spanish  ed.,  2  vols., 
1801  (remarks  on  Tagalog  in  Vol.  2).     [Me.] 

176.  -  -  Aritmetica.     Cesena,    1785    ["bears  upon   Tagalog  to 
a  slight  extent" — Me.]. 

*  HEVIA  CAMPOMANES,  J. — cf.  Campomanes,  J.  Hevia. 

177.  Himnos  y  Oraciones  en  alabanza  de  Jesus,  Maria,  y  Jose. 
Manila,  1882,  pp.  76,  12°  (in  Kuyo).     [A  698,  Ap.  1908.] 

178.  HOLLE,  K.  F. — Tabel  van  oud-  en  nieuw-indische  alpha- 
better.     Bijdrage  tot  de  paleographie  van  Nederlandsch- 
Indie.    Batavia,   1882,   text  pp.   20,   plates  pp.   50,   Fol. 
[P  1324,  Bl.  I.] 

179.  HUMBOLDT,   W.   VON — Ueber   die   Kawi-Sprache   auf   der 
Insel  Java.     Berlin,  1838,  3  vols.  (discussion  of  the  Taga- 
log verbal  system  and  formations,  Vol.  II,  pp.  347-396; 
cf.  also  p.  288).     [Me.] 

180.  HUMBOLT,  G.  DE — Extraits  d'une  lettre  de  Msr.  le  baron 
G.  de  Humbolt  a  Msr.  E.  Jacquet  sur  les  alphabets  de  la 
Polynesie    asiatique.     Nouveau    Journal    Asiatique,    1832, 
pp.  481-511.     [Bl.  L] 

181.  IBANEZ  (DEL  CARMEN),  A. — Devocion  a  San  Francisco  de 


44  Frank  R.  Blake 

Borja.     Manila,  1887,  pp.  88  +  1,  4°  (two  columns  Spanish 
and  Chamorro).     [A  1041,  P  1338,  Ap.  2481.] 

182.  —  Gramatica  chamorra  que  traducida  literalmente  de  la 
que  escribio  D.  Luis  Mata  y  Aranjo  dedica  a  las  escuelas 
de  Marianas  con  el  fin  de  que  los  ninos  aprendan  el  Cas- 
tellano  el  P...     Manila,  1865,  pp.  50,   4°.     [P   1336,  B 
under  Y.] 

183.  —  Diccionario   espanol-chamorro.     Manila,    1865,    pp.    88 
+  1,  4°.     [P  1337,  B  under  Y.] 

184.  INIGUEZ,   J.— Gramatica  ibanag.    (1),    1720-30    (?)    (first 
Ibanag  grammar,  cf.  Introduction  to  Cuevas'  grammar). 
[B  under  Y.] 

185.  IRURETA  GOYENA,  R. — Sistema  metrico  decimal.     Antiguo 
sistema  de  pesas,  medidas  y  monedas  de  Filipinas.     Manila, 
1893,  pp.  68,  8°.     [R  1669,  P  1388,  Ap.  3343.] 

186.  JACQUET,  E. — Considerations  sur  les  alphabets  des  Philip- 
pines.    Paris,  1831,  pp.  30,  8°  (Extrait  du  Nouveau  Jour- 
nal Asiatique).     [P  1396,  Ap.  611.] 

187.  -  -  Notice  sur  1'alphabet  yloc  ou  ylog.     Nouveau  Journal 
Asiatique,  1831,  pp.  3-30.     [Bl.  L] 

188.  -  -  Ueber  tagalische  Literatur.     Ibid.,  1832,  pp.  557-569. 
[Bl.  L] 

189.  JENKS,   A.   E. — The  Bontoc   Igorot.     Department  of  the 
Interior;     Ethnological     Survey     Publications;     Vol.     I; 
Manila,  1905,  4°,  chapter  x  (contains  besides  an  account  of 
Bontok  Igorot  and  a  vocabulary  of  16  pp.,  brief  lists  of 
Malay,  Sulu  and  Benget  Igorot  words),  pp.  227-248.     [Ap. 
4439.] 

190.  JERONIMO  DE  LA  VIRGEN  DE  MONSERRATE— Vocabulario  cala- 
miano-castellano  por  .    .    .    (printed  in  Retana's  Archivo 
from  a  MS.  of  1789 ;   cf .  Tom  II,  pp.  207-225  and  Prologo 
p.  xxiv.) 

191.  JIMENES,    CRISTOBAL — Arte    del    idioma    bisaya.      Manila 
1610.     [P  1414.] 

192.  —  Poetiea  eristiana  y  preguntas  en  lengua  visaya,  y  junta- 
mente  una  introduccion  a  esta  lengua  y  conf  esionario  breve. 
3a  ed.,  Manila,  1732.     [P  1416,  B.] 

193.  JUANMARTI,  J. — Cartilla  moro-castellano  para  los  Maguin- 
danaos.     Manila,  1887,  pp.  58,  4°.     [A  1017,  P  529,  Ap. 
2442.1 


Bibliography  of  Philippine  Languages  45 

194.  —  Gramatica    de    la    lengua    de    Maguindanao.     Manila, 
1892,  pp.  112,  4°.     [R  1522,  P  1434,  Ap.  3163.] 

195.  —  Diccionario  moro-magindanao-espafiol,  and  Diccionario 
espanol-moro-maguindanao.     Manila,  1892,  pp.  274  +  244, 
4°.     [R  1521,  Ap.  3162.] 

*  —  cf.  Catecismo. .  .en  castellano  y  en  moro. .  .No.  85. 

-  cf.  Compendio  de  historia  universal. .  .No.  102. 

196.  KEATE,  G. — An  account  of  the  Pelew  Islands.    London, 
1788;   new  ed.  Basil (1),  1789  (at  end  of  Vol.  II,  pp.  361- 
372,  is  a  short  vocabulary  of  the  language  of  the  Pelew 
Islands).     [P  1445,  1446,  1447;   Ap.  403,  406,  407,  472.] 8 

197.  KERN,  H. — Over  zoogenaamde  verbindings  klanken  in  het 
tagala   en   wat   daarmee    overeenkomt   in't   Kawi.    BNI, 
1876,  pp.  138-157.     [P  1453,  Bl.  15,  Ap.  1524.] 

198.  • —  Sanskritsche  woorden  in  het  tagala.     BNI,  1880,  pp. 
535-564.     [P  1449,  Bl.  15,  Ap.  1815.] 

199.  —  Sanskritsche  woorden  in  het  bisaya.     BNI,    1881,   V 
Deel,  I  Stuk.     [P  1450,  Bl.  50,  Ap.  1814.] 

200.  -  -  Over  de  taal  der  philippijnsche  Negritos.     BNI,  1882, 
VI  Deel,  2  Stuk.     [P  1451,  Bl.  77,  Ap.  1911.] 

201.  —  Eene  bijdrage  tot  de  kennis  van't  oude  philippijnsche 
letterschrift.    BNI,   1884,  X  Deel,  1   Stuk,  pp.  17.     [R 
2285,  P  1448,  Bl.  15.] 

202.  -  -  Review  of  C.  W.  Seidenadel's   "The  first  grammar  of 
the  language  spoken  by  the  Bontoc  Igorot."     In  Inter- 
nationales Archiv  fur  Ethnographic,  Bd.  XIX,  1910,  pp. 
232-3. 

-  Sprachvergleichende   Bemerkungen    (on   the  language 
of  the  Negritos) — cf.  Meyer,  A.  B.,  and  Kern,  H.,  No.  244. 

*  —  Opmerkingen  omtrent  de  taal  der  Agta's. . . — cf.  Blu- 
mentritt,  F.,  and  Kern,  H.,  No.  61. 

203.  KIRK,  MAY — The  Baldwin  Primer.     Tagalog  edition.     New 
York,  copyright  1899  and  1902.     [Bl] 

204.  KUBARY,  J.  S. — Ethnographische  Beitrage  zur  Kenntniss 
des  Karolinen  Archipels.     Leiden,  1889-95,  large  4°  (pp. 
112-133,  list  of  words  of  Ponape  and  Yap).     [Ap.  2731.] 

8  French  translation,  Paris,  1788  and  1793,  cf.  P  1446,  Ap.  403:  German 
translation,  Hamburg,  1789,  cf.  Ap.  407:  Spanish  translation  (without 
vocabulary)  Madrid,  3805,  cf.  P  1447,  Ap.  472. 


46  Frank  R.  Blake 

*  Lacted  nga  tocsoan. .  .cf.  Gibert  (de  Santa  Eulalia),  P. 

*  LACOUPERIE,  TERRIEN  DE — cf.  Terrien  de  Lacouperie. 

*  LAERTE,  J.  M. — cf.  Catecismo  sa  salita  zambale,  No.  90. 

*  LAGASCA,    M. — furnished    the    Kankanai    words    used    by 
Scheerer  in  his   "Batan  Dialect,"   cf.  No.  337. 

*  LAKTAW,  P.  SERRANO — cf.  Serrano  Laktaw,  P. 

205.  LAZARO,  J. — Introduccion  al  estudio  de  la  lengua  caste- 
liana  en  Isinay.     Manila,   1889,  pp.   185,   8°.     [C   76,   R 
1214,  P  1507,  Ap.  2733.] 

206.  LENDOYRO,  C. — The  Tagalog  language.     Manila,  1902,  pp. 
387  +  61  +  viii,  Fol.;   2d  ed.,  Manila,  1909.     [Ap.  4353.] 

207.  (Linguistic  work  of  Catholic  missionaries  in  the  Philip- 
pines).    Zeitschrift  f.  kathol.  Theol.,  Vol.  XXVI,  p.  2231 

208.  LISBOA,  M.  DE — Vocabulario  de  la  lengua  bicol.     Manila, 
,      1754,  2d  ed.,  1865,  pp.  417  +  103  +  1,  Fol.     [A  326 ;    P 

1533,  1534;    B;    Bl.  I,  Bl.  71;    Ap.  1098.] 

209.  -  -  Arte  del  idioma  bicol.     [B,  Bl.  71.] 

210.  LOBATO  (DE  SANTO  TOMAS),  A. — Gramatica  ibanag  (men- 
tioned by  Cuevas).     [B.] 

*  —  Diccionario  ibanag.     Cf.  Rodriguez,  R. 

211.  LOPEZ,  F. — Arte  de  la  lengua  iloca.    Manila,'  1627 — 2a  ed. 
Compendio  y  methodo  de  la  suma  de  las  reglas  del  arte 
del  ydioma  ylocano.     Sampaloc,   1792-3a  ed.    (same  title 
as  first  ed.),  Sampaloc,  1793 — A  later  ed.  (4a)  revised  by 
A.  Carro,  Gramatica  ilocana.     Malabon,  1895,  pp.  xvi  + 
354  +  2,  4°.     [R  1899;    P  1545,  1546,  1548;    B;    BL  I; 
Ap.  422;  3673.] 

212.  LOZANO,  R. — Cursos  de  lengua  panayana.     Manila,  1876 — 
2a    ed.    Gramatica   hispana-visaya-panayana.      Valladolid, 
1892,  pp.  278,  4°.     [R  1526,  2534;  P  1562;  B;  Bl.  I;  Ap. 
1527,  3170.] 

*  LYNCH,  C. — Joloano  Moro — cf.  Buffum,  K. 

213.  M.,  M.  L.— Review  of  Allin's   "Standard  English-Visayan 
Dictionary,"    Cebu(?).      Philippine   Journal   of   Science, 
Sec.  D,  Vol.  VI,  1911,  p.  281. 

214.  MACARAEG,     A.     A. — Vocabulario     castellano-pangasinan. 
Manila,  1896.     [S.] 

215.  MACKINLAY,  W.  E.  W.— Memorandum  on  the  languages 
of  the  Philippines.     Journal   of  Anthro.   Inst.   of   Great 
Britain,  Vol.  XXXI,  pp.  214-218. 


Bibliography  of  Philippine  Languages  47 

216.  —  Some  minor  languages  of  Luzon.     JAOS,  Vol.  XXV, 
1904,  pp.  170-174. 

217.  —  A  handbook  and  grammar  of  the  Tagalog  language. 
Washington,  1905,  pp.  264,  6  folded  charts,  8°. 

218.  MADRE  DE  DIGS,  SEBASTIAN  DE  LA — Arte  de  la  lengua  ilon- 
gota.     [B.] 

219.  MAGDALEN  A,  AUGUSTIN  DE  LA — Arte  de  la  lengua  tagala. 
Mexico(?),  1679,  pp.  8  +  71,  4°.     [P  1583,  B  del  idioma 
tagalog,  Bl.  L] 

220.  MALLAT,  J. — Les  lies  Philippines.     Paris,  1843   (contains 
survey   of   languages   and   vocabularies   of   Tagalog   and 
Bisaya,   which,   however,   are   of   little   importance).     [P 
1517,  1590;  B;  Ap.  711.] 

221.  -  -  Archipel  de  Soulou. .  .suivie  d'un  vocabulaire  franc.ais- 
malais.     Paris,  1843.     [Bl.  82.] 9 

222.a  MALUMBRES,    J. — Vocabulario    en    Gaddan,    Espanol,    e 

Ingles.     Manila,  1911,  pp.  91,  8°.     [Be.] 
222.b  —  Vocabulario     en     Castellano,     Ingles     e     Ifugao     del 

Quiangan.     Manila,  1911,  pp.  60,  8°.     [Be.] 

223.  Mga  parangadien  nga  cristianos  ig  lacted  nga  pagturo  o 
casaisayan    sa   mga   pono   nga   camatundan,    nga   taques 
maelaman  ig  tutumamanen  sa  tauo,  nga  maliag  magpacun 
sa  langit.     Manila,  1887,  .pp.  29,  8°  (in  Kuyo).     [C  77,  A 
1051,  Ap.  2500.] 

224.  MARCHE,  A. — Luc, on  et  Palaouan.     Paris,  1887   (notes  on 
Tagbanua  important).     [R  1052,  Ap.  2494.] 

225.  MARCILLA  Y  MARTIN,  C. — Estudio  de  los  antiguos  alfabetos 
filipinos.     Malabon,  1895,  pp.  110,  Fol.     [R  1905,  P  1616, 
Ap.  3679.] 

226.  MARRE,  A. — De  1 'introduction  de  termes  chinois  dans  le 
vocabulaire  des  malais.    Leiden,  1896,  pp.  8,  4°.     [R  1995, 
Ap.  3799.] 

227.  —  Madagascar  et  les  Philippines.     Vocabulaire  comparatif 
des  principales  racines  malayo-polynesiennes,  communes  a 
la  langue  malgache  et  a  la  langue  tagalog.     Atti  R.  Ace. 
delle  sc.  (Torino,  1900)  36,  pp.  145-156,  4°.     [Ap.  4113.] 

228.  —  Proverves,  maximes,  et  conseils  traduits  du  Tagalog. 
Torino,  1900,  pp.  16,  4°.     [Ap.  4114.] 

9  Placed  by  Bl.  under  the  heading    "Mindanao,  Joloano    (Sulu),"    so 
it  probably  contains  references  to  Sulu. 


48  Frank  R.  Blake 

229.  —  Grammaire   tagalog,   composee   sur  un  nouveau  plan. 
BNI,  Volgr.  VI,  D.  IX  (1901),  pp.  547-592.     [Ap.  4315.] 

230.  MARSDEN,  W. — Miscellaneous  Works.     London,  1834  (some 
observations  on  Tagalog,  p.  94).     [Me.] 

231.  MARTIN,    J. — Diccionario    hispano-bisaya.      Manila,    1842, 
(pp.  461-827  of  Mentrida's    "Diccionario").     [A  173,  P 
1703,  B.] 

232.  MARTIN,  GREGORIO  and  MARTINEZ  CUADRADO,  M. — Colleccion 
de   ref ranes,   f rases  y   modismos   tagalos . . .     Guadalupe, 
1890,  pp.  234,  8°   (879  ref  ranes,  etc.;    many  of  Spanish 
origin).     [E  1318,  P  1620,  Ap.  2884.] 

*  MARTINEZ  CUADRADO,  M. — cf.  preceding  title. 

*  MARTINEZ,  J. — cf.  Calderon,  S.  G. 

233.  MARTINEZ  VIGIL,  R. — Diccionario  de  los  nombres  vulgares 
que  se  dan  en  Filipinas  a  nmchas  plantas  usuales  y  not- 
ables. . .     Madrid,  1879,  pp.  2  +  vi  +  51,  4°.     [A  585,  B, 
Ap.  1687.] 

234.  -  -  Exposicion  del  sistema  metrico-decimal  y  su  compara- 
cion  con  las  medidas  de  Filipinas,  Manila,   1865 ;    1870, 
pp.  43,  12°.     [A  386,  P  1635,  Ap.  1254.] 

-  (Article  on  Tagalog  Alphabet)  cf.  Revista  de  Filipinas, 
No.  300. 

235.  MAS,  S.  DE — Informe  sobre  el  estado  de  las  islas  Filipinas 
en  1842.     Madrid,  1843,  2  vols.,  4°  (contains  short  vocabu- 
lary of  Tagalog,  Bisaya,  Iloko,  Ibanag,  and  Malay;    also 
note  on  native  alphabets,  cf.  Piddington,  No.  287. 

236.  MASON,  0.  T.  (translator) — Blumentritt's  list  of  the  native 
tribes  of  the  Philippines   and   the  languages  spoken   by 
them;   with   introduction   and   notes.     Report    of    Smith- 
sonian Inst.  for  '99  (1901),  pp.  527-547. 

*  MEDALLE  Y  ZAGUIRRE,  A. — Pocket  Dictionary  of  Bisayan, 
cf.  Cohen,  W.  M. 

237.  MEDIO,  P.  N.  DE — Agguiammuan  tac  cagui  gasila  6  gra- 
matica  ibanag-castellana.     Manila,  1890 ;   1892,  pp.  400,  8°. 
[C  76;   R  1319,  1530;   P  1657;   Ap.  2885,  3176.] 

238.  MENTRIDA,  A.  DE10 — Arte  de  la  lengua  bisaya-hiliguayna 
de  la  isla  de  Panay.     Manila,  1818,  pp.  2  +  247,  4°  (1st  ed. 

10  Blumentritt,  Bl.  I,  p.  84  gives  under  this  name  the  title  ' '  Vocabiilario 
de  las  lenguas  de  las  Philipinas, ' '  1637,  reprinted  Manila,  1818.  This  is 
probably  a  mistake,  one  or  both  of  the  titles  listed  here  being  meant. 


Bibliography  of  Philippine  Languages  49 

before  1636)  ;  a  later  ed.  revised  by  J.  Aparicio,  Tarabo- 
bong,  1894,  pp.  4  +  xviii  +  270  +  6,  4°  (contains  also 
paradigms  of  Haraya,  pp.  18-20,  of  Cebuan  pp.  249-251, 
and  of  Samaro-Leytean,  pp.  251-253).  [A  100,  R  1808, 
P  1704,  B,  Bl.  I,  Ap.  511,  3537.] 

239.  —  Bocabulario  de   la  lengua  bisaia-hiligvoyna  y   haraia 
de  la  Isla  de  Panai  y  Sugbu,  y  para  las  demas  Islas. . . 
anadido  e  impresso  por  M.  Clauer.     Manila,  1637,  over  900 
pp.,  4°;    another  ed.  1698.     [P  1701,  Bl.  I.]— Diccionario 
de  la  lengua  bisaya-hiligueina  y  haraya.     Manila,   1841, 
pp.  460,  Fol.  (cf.  Martin  J.  for  pages  461  ff.).     [A  173,  P 
1702,  B,  Bl.  I,  Ap.  690.] 

*    MERCED    (MERCEDES),    T.    MINGUELLA   DE    LA    (LAS) — cf. 
Minguella  (de  1.  M.),  T. 

240.  MERRILL,  E.  D. — A  dictionary  of  the  plant  names  of  the 
Philippine  Islands.     Publications   of  Bureau  of  Govern- 
ment Laboratories,  Manila,  1903,  pamph.,  pp.  193.     8°. 

241.  MEYER,  A.  B. — Ein  Beitrag  zu  d.  Kenntniss  d.  Sprachen 
auf  Mindanao,  Solog,  und  Siau,  der  Papuas  d.  Astrolabe- 
Bai   auf   Neu-Guinea,    der   Negritos   d.    Philippinen   und 
einige  Bemerkungen  iiber  H.  Riedel's  Ubersetzungen  in's 
Tagalische  u.  Visayische.     Tijds.  v.  Taal,  Land  en  Volkenk. 
v.  Nederl.  Indie,  Bd.'XX,  1872,  pp.  440-470  (contains  also 
a  vocabulary  of  Tiruray).     [Bl.  I  and  II  p.  34.] 

242.  -  -  Ueber  die  Negrito-Sprache.    Zeitsch.  f.  Ethnol.,  Bd.  VI, 
1874,  pp.  255-257.     [Bl.  I.] 

243.  -  -  Ueber  die  Negritos  oder  Aetas  der  Philippinen.     Dres- 
den, 1878  (contains  a  comparative  vocabulary  of  Tagalog 
of  Bataan,  Pampanga  of  Zambales,  Negrito  of  Mariveles, 
and  Negrito  of  Zambales).     [B,  Bl.  I,  Ap.  1647.] 

244.  MEYER,  A.  B.,  and  KERN,  H. — Die  Philippinen.     II.  Neg- 
ritos.    Dresden,  1893,  pp.  92  +  10  plates,  Fol.  (=Publi- 
kationen  aus  dem  Koniglichen  Ethnographischen  Museum 
zu  Dresden,  IX).     [R  1683,  P  1718,  Ap.  3366.] 

245.  MEYER,  A.  B.,  SCHADENBERG,  A.,  and  FOY,  W. — Die  Man- 
gianschrift  von  Mindoro.     Berlin,  1895,  pp.  34  +  4  plates, 
Fol.    ( =  Abh.   u.   Ber.   d.   kgl.   zool.   u.    anthrop.-ethnog. 
Museums  zu  Dresden,  No.  15 ) . 

246.  MEYER,  H.— Eine  Weltreise.     Leipzig,  1885,  pp.  543  +  1, 
8°.     Appendix    entitled    "Die    Igorroten"    pp.    505-543. 

4    JAOS  40 


50  Frank  R.  Blake 

Another    edition,    Leipzig   und    Wien,    1890.      (Said    by 
Conant  to  contain  references  to  Tingyan.)      [Co.,  Be.,  S.] 

247.  MILES,  J. — Metodo  teorico-practico. .  .para  aprender . . . el 
lenguaje  tagalog.     Barcelona,  1887;  1888,  pp.  135,  4°  (A), 
8°  (P).     [C  77,  A  1054,  P  1729,  Ap.  2502.] 

248.  MILLER,  M.  L. — The  Mangyans  of  Mindoro.     Philippine 
Journal  of  Science,  Sec.  D,  Vol.  VII,  No.  3,  1912,  pp.  135- 
156,  espec.  153-154. 

-  Probably  =  M.,  M.  L. ;  cf .  No.  213. 

249.  MINGUELLA   (DE  LA  MERCED  or  DE  LAS  MERCEDES),   T. — 
Ensayo  de  gramatica  hispano-tagala.     Manila,   1878,   pp. 
302,  4°.     [A  563,  B,  Bl.  16,  Ap.  1648.] 

250.  -  -  Metodo  practico  para  que  los  ninos  y  ninas  de  las 
provincias  tagalas  aprendan  a  hablar  castellano.     Manila, 
1886,  pp.  164,  4°.     [A  970,  P  1736,  B,  Ap.  2379.] 

251.  -  -  Estudios  comparativos  entre  el  tagalo  y  el  sanscrito. 
In  Exposicion  de  Filipinas,  colleccion  de  articulos  publi- 
cados  en  El  Globo,  Madrid,  1887.     [A  1032,  P- 1036,  Ap. 
2470.] 

252.  -  -  Unidad  de  la  especie  humana  probada  por  la  filologia. 
Manila,  1889,  pp.  31,  8°  (comparative  studies  of  Tagalog 
and   Sanskrit   similar  to  those  in   preceding   title).     [R 
1224,  P  1737,  Ap.  2749.] 

253.  MIRASOL,  D.  M. — Vocabulario  6  Manual  de  Dialogos  en 
Espafiol  y  Visaya.     2a  ed.,  Manila,  1883,  pp.  80,  8°;    2a 
parte,  3a  ed.  cor.  y  aum.  por  P.,  Manila,  1889;   3a  ed.  cor. 
y  aum.  por  P.,  Guadalupe,  1889 ;  pp.  90.     [A  772 ;  R  1225, 
1226 ;  Ap.  2036,  2751,  2752.] 

254.  MONTANO,  J.— Rapport  a  M.  le  Ministre  de  1 'instruction 
publique  sur  une  mission   aux  Philippines.     Paris,   1885 
(contains    brief    vocabularies    of    Atas,    Bilaan,    Manobo, 
Samal,  Tagacaolo;    also  some  analysis  of  Tagalog).     [A 
885,  P  1748,  Bl.  II,  p.  34;  Ap.  2172,  2235.] 

255.  MORENO,  S. — Sobre  el  modo  de  comprender  el  idioma  pam- 
pango  y  su  poesia  (MS.?).     [B.] 

256.  MORGA,   A.  DE — Sucesos   de  las   Islas  Filipinas.    Mexico, 
1609 ;   Ch.  viii,  pp.  139-140  on  languages  and  letters.     [A 
9,  P  1776,  Ap.  68.] 

257.  MULLER,  FR. — Ueber  den  Ursprung  d.  Schrift  d.  malayis- 


Bibliography  of  Philippine  Languages  51 

chen  Vblker.     Sitzungsb.  d.  phil.  hist.  Cl.  d.  k.  k.  Akad.  d. 
Wiss.  zu  Wien,  1865.     [Bl.  I.] 

258.  -  -  Grundriss  der  Sprachwissenschaft.    Wien,  1876-84,  Bd. 
II,  Abth.  II,  pp.  1-160,  espec.  87-160. 

259.  NAVES,    J. — Gramatica    hispano-ilocana.     Manila,     1876; 
Tambobong,  1892,  pp.  431  +  vi  +  6,  4°.     [C  78 ;   R  1533 ; 
P  1815,  1816;  B;  Bl.  I;   Ap.  1533,  3180.] 

260a.  NEILSON,    P.    D.— English-Tagalog    Dictionary.     Manila, 

1903.     [Bl] 
260b.  —  Tagalog-English  Dictionary.     Manila,  1903.     [Bf.] 

261.  NEPOMUCENO  Y  SIRIBAN,  V. — Gramatica  castellana  expli- 
cada   en   el   lenguaje   espanol   e   ibanag.    Manila,    1894; 
Malabon,  1895,  pp.  368,  8°.     [R  1917,  P  1818,  Ap.  3696.] 

262.  NIGG,  C. — A  Tagalog-English  and  English-Tagalog  diction- 
ary.   Manila,  1904,  pp.  360,  small  Fol. 

263.  NOCEDA,  J.  DE  and  SAN  LUCAB,  P.  DE — Vocabulario  de  la 
lengua  tagala.    Manila,   1754;    2a  ed.,  Valladolid,   1832; 
3a  ed.,  Manila,  1860,  pp.  16  +  642,  Fol.     [C  78;   A  136, 
268;  P  1823,  1824,  1825;  B;  Bl.  I,  Bl.  19;   Ap.  301,  618, 
968.] 

*    NOLASCO  DE  MEDIO,  P. — cf.  Medio,  P.  N.  de. 

264.  Nu    Napia   Amigo    anmana    Devocionario    du    chirin    nu 
Ibatan  a  ichasantos  nu  cristiano :  a  pinarin  da  ni  Padres 
Misioneros  du  Islas  Batanes.    Manila,  1901.     [Co.] 

265.  Observaciones  gramaticales  sobre  la  lengua  tiruray.    Ma- 
nila, 1892,  pp.  58,  4°.     [R  1549;  P  1855,  Ap.  3197.] X1 

266.  OLLERAS,  T. — Apuntes  para  una  gramatica  bisaya-cebuana 
en  relacion  con  la  castellana.    Manila,  1869,  pp.  xviii  + 
161,  8°.     [P  1862.] 

267.  Ordsamling  af  nogle  af  de  forskjellige  Dialecte  som  tales 
paa  Luconia.     In  Beretning  om  Corvetten  Galathea's  Reise 
omkring  Jorden  1845,  46  og  47,  ved  Steen-Bille.    Kjoben- 
havn,  1850  (references  to  Negrito  in  Bd.  II,  pp.  457-465). 
[Bl.  I.] 

268.  Orthography   of  place   names   in   the   Philippines.     Geo- 
graphical Journal,  XVIII,  p.  6201 

"Said  by  Conant  and  Beyer  to  be  by  G.  Bennasar,  cf.  Co.  p.  947,  Be. 
p.  89. 


52  Frank  R.  Blake 

269.  ORTIZ,  T. — Arte  y  reglas  de  la  lengua  tagala.     Sampaloc, 
1740,  pp.  10  +  125  +  12,  4°.     [P  1890,  B,  Bl.  L] 

270.  -  -  Diccionario  hispano-tagalo.     [B.] 

271.  OYANGUEEN  (DE  SANTA  INES),  M. — Tagalysmo  elucidado  y 
reducido  (en  lo  possible)   a  la  latinidad  de  Nebrija:    con 
su  syntaxis . . .  etc.,  y  con  la  alusion,  que  en  su  uso  y  com- 
posicion  tiene  con  el  dialecto  chinico  mandarin,   con  las 
lenguas  hebrea  y  griega. . .     Mexico,  1742,  pp.  8  +  228,  4°. 
[A  39,  P  1901,  B,  Bl.  21,  Ap.  270.] 

*    P.  =  Perfecto,  M. 

272.  PAGLINAWAN,  M. — Balarilang   Tagalog    (on  cover   Gram- 
atikang  Tagalog).     Maynila,  1910.     [Bf.] 

273.  PALLAS,  P.  S. — Vocabularium  Catharinae.     St.  Petersburg, 
1787-1789,  2  vols.,  4°    (comparative  vocabulary  of  about 
200  terms  in  200  languages,  list  No.  186,  Pampanga,  No. 
187,  Tagalog).     [Me.] 

274.  PALOMO,  J. — Catecismo  de  la  doctrina  cristiana. .  .tradu- 
cido  al. .  .chamorro.     Manila,  1887,  pp.  69,  8°.     [P  1908.] 

275.  PARDO  DE  TAVERA,  T.  H. — Contribucion  para  el  estudio  de 
los  antiguos  alfabetos  filipinos.     Losana,  1884,  pp.  30  +  1 
plate,  4°  (A),  8°  (P).     [A  829,  P  1914,  B,  Bl.  22.] 

276.  —  Les   anciens   alphabets    des   Philippines.     Annales    de 
1 'Extreme-Orient    (Paris),    1885,    pp.    204-210;    232-239. 
[P  1915.] 

277.  —    El  sanscrito  en  la  lengua  tagalog.     Paris,  1887,  pp.  55, 
4°  (A),  8°  (P).     [A  1066,  P  1919,  Ap.  2517.] 

278.  —  Consideraciones    sobre    el    origen    del    nombre    de    los 
numeros  en  tagalog.     Manila,  1889,  pp.  26,  4°  (A),  8°  (P). 
[R  1240,  P  1921,  B,  Ap.  2768.] 

279.  -  -  Etimologia   de    los    nombres    de    razas    de    Filipinas. 
Manila,  1901,  pp.  20,  8°.     [P  1931.] 

280.  PARKER,    L. — An    English-Spanish-Pampango    Dictionary. 
Manila,  1905.     [Co.] 

281.  PAYO,    P. — Diccionario    Espaiiol-Ibanag.      Manila,     1867. 
[-Co.] 

282.  PELLICER,  M. — Arte  de  la  lengua  pangasinana  6  caboloan. 
Manila,  1840 ;  2a  ed.,  1862,  pp.  176  +  4,  4° ;  3a  ed.,  Manila, 
1904.     [C  79,  A  292,  P  1958,  B,  Bl.  62;   Ap.  680,  1016, 
Co.] 

283.  PERFECTO,   M. — Vocabulario   de  la  lengua  bicol   con  sus 


Bibliography  of  Philippine  Languages  53 

significaciones  en  castellano.    Nueva  Caceres,  1897,  pp.  48, 
8°.     [P  1970.] 

284.  -  -  Frases  familiares  en  espanol  y  bicol  y  guia  de  conver- 
saciones  en  bicol  y  espanol.    Nueva  Caceres,  1896,  pp.  32, 
8°.     [P  1971.] 

285.  -   -  Vocabulario  6  manual  de  terminos  en  castellano  y  bicol. 
Nueva  Caceres,  1896,  pp.  56,  8°.     [P  1972.] 

286.  -  -  Guia    de    conversaciones    en    bicol    y    espanol.     Para 
escuelas  y  estudiantes  que  principian  a  aprender  el  caste- 
llano, y  paro  los  estranos  que  desean  comprender  algo  del 
bicol.     Nueva  Caceres,  1896,  pp.  32,  8°.     [P  1973.] 

*  —  =  P.,    the    reviser    of    Mirasol's    "Vocabulario" — cf. 
Mirasol,  D.  M. 

287.  PIDDINGTON,  H. — A  notice  of  the  alphabets  of  the  Philip- 
pine islands  translated  from  the  "Informe  sobre  el  estado 
de  las  islas  Filipinas"   of  Don  Sinibaldo  de  Mas.  Journal 
of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  Vol.  XIV,  1845,  p.  603. 
[Bl.  25.] 

288.  PINPIN,  T. — Librong  pagaralan  nang  manga  Tagalog  nang 
uicang  castilla  (with  questions  for  confession  in  Tagalog 
and  Spanish  by  F.  de  San  Jose).     Bataan,  1610,  pp.  258; 
2a  ed.,  1752 ;  3a  ed.,  1832,  pp.  919,  8°.     [P  1983,  2553,  2554, 
Bl.  I.] 

289.  PORTER,   R.   S. — A  primer  and  vocabulary  of  the  Moro 
dialect    (Magindanau).     Washington,    1903,   pamph.,   pp. 
77,  8°. 

*  Primer  Ensayo  de  Gramatica  de  la  lengua  de  Yap — cf. 
Valencia,  A.  de. 

290.  PRINCE,  J.  D.— Review  of  C.  W.  Seidenadel's   "The  first 
grammar  of  the  language  spoken  by  the  Bontoc  Igorot." 
The  Monist,  1911,  pp.  470-475. 

291.  Puk  en  Jojua,  me  kajirauik  jon  ni  lokaia  uta  ipru;    ap 
kapara  ki  ton  Ponape.     En  Amerika  joupenepan  paipel, 
me  tapi  ta  Nu  lok,  1816,  pp.  39,  4°   (parts  of  Bible  in 
language  of  Caroline  Is.).     [A  714,  Ap.  1945.] 

*  QUINONES,  J.  DE  [Me.] — cf.  under  Manuscript  Titles,  No. 
448. 

292.  RA  JAL,  J. — Exploracion  del  territorio  de  Davao . . .  Madrid, 
1891  (contains  short  vocabulary,  Spanish,  Bisaya,  Malay, 
Manobo).     [R  1440,  B,  Ap.  3062.] 


54  Frank  R.  Blake 

293.  REED,  W.  A. — Negritos  of  Zambales.     Ethnological   Sur- 
vey Publications,  Department  of  the  Interior,  Vol.  II,  Part 
I,    Manila,    1904;   Appendix   B,    Vocabularies   pp.    79-83 
(vocabularies  of  Zambal  and  Negrito  dialects). 

294.  Relacion  de  las  islas  Filipinas.     Rome,  1864,  4°,  chs.  xv 
and  xvii  on  languages  and  letters.     [Ap.  57.] 

295.  Religioso  de  Sto.  Domingo,    (un) — Arte  tagalo  en  verso 
latino  (mentioned  by  Totanes) — cf.  No.  421.     [B.] 

296.  Religioso   de   S.   Francisco,    (un) — Arte  tagalo  en  verso 
castellano  (mentioned  by  Totanes).     [B.] 

297.  RETANA,    W.    E. — -Los    antiguos    alfabetos    de    Filipinas. 
Madrid,  1895,  pp.  12,  Fol.    (reprinted  from  journal  La 
Politico  de  Espana   en  Filipinos:   contains   criticism   of 
Marcilla) .     [R  1930,  Ap.  3718.] 

298.  —  Archivo    del    bibliofilo    filipino.      Madrid,    1895-1898, 
Tom.  I,  par.  VII ;   Tom.  II,  par.  VII,  X— cf .  Bencuchillo, 
Jeronimo,    Catecismo. .  .Batan.     [R    1928,    P    2354,    Ap. 
3716.] 

299.  -  -  Aparato  bibliografico . .  .Madrid,  1906,  Fol.,  Vol.  I,  pp. 
xxxv-xxxvij,    Tabla  tercera,   Biblioteca  idiomatica   orien- 
tal (contains  classified  list  of  numbers  of  titles  of  Bibliog- 
raphy that  deal  in  any  way  with  Philippine  languages) . 

300.  Revista  de  Filipinas:    Tom.   II,  4°    (contains   article  on 
Tagalog  Alphabet  by  R.  Martinez  Vigil).    Manila,  1876- 
77.     [P  2359.] 

301.  REYES,  F.  D.— Review  of  H.  0.  Beyer's    " Population  of 
the  Philippine  Islands  in  1916."     Philippine  Journal  of 
Science,  Sec.  D,  Vol.  XIII,  1918,  pp.  41-42. 

302.  RIEDEL,  J.  G.  F. — Bijdrage  tot  de  kennis  der  dialekten 
voorkomende  op  de  eilanden  Luzon  of  Lesoeng,  Panai  of 
Ilong-ilong,  Belangingi,  Solog,  Sangi,  alsmede  op  Noord- 
en  Midden-Celebes.    Batavia,  1868,  pp.  44,  4°.     [P  2389, 
Bl.  I.] 

*    RIZAL,   J. — Die   Transcription   des   Tagalog — cf.   Blumen- 
tritt,  F.,  translator,  No.  54. 

303.  ROBERTSON,  J.  A. — Bibliography  of  the  Philippine  Islands, 
Printed  and  Manuscript.     Cleveland,  0.,  1908  (discussion 
of  languages,  pp.  47-49). 

304.  ROCAMORA,  F. — Catecismo  de  la  doctrina  cristiana  en  la 


Bibliography  of  Philippine  Languages  55 

lengua  de  Isinay  6  Inmeas.  Manila,  1876,  pp.  176,  12° 
(A),  small  8°  (P).  [A  509,  P  2412,  Ap.  1547.] 

*  RODRIGUEZ,  J.— Said  to  be  author  of  Nos.  87,  88 ;   cf .  Co. 
pp.  944,  945. 

305.  RODRIGUEZ,  R. — Diccionario  ibanag-espanol  compuesto  en 
,   lo  antiguo  por  el  R.  P.  Fr.  J.  Bugarin,  reducido  al  niejor 

forma  por  el  R.  P.  Fr.  Antonio  Lobato  de  Santo  Toraas; 
compendiado  por  el  R.  P.  Fr.  Julian  Velinchon . . .  redu- 
cido a  metodo.mas  claro. .  .por. .  .Manila,  1854,  pp.  280  + 
72,  Fol.  (innumerable  errors).  [A  221,  P  2418,  B,  Bl.  I, 
Ap.  844.] 

306.  ROMUALDEZ,  N. — A  Bisayan  Grammar  (Samaro-Leytean). 
Takloban  (Leyte),  1908,  pp.  136,  8°.     [Be.] 

307.  -  -  Tagbanwa  Alphabet,  with  some  reforms.     Manila,  1914, 
pp.  xiv  +  24,  8°.     [Be.] 

*  ROSA,  A.  SANCHEZ  DE  LA — cf.  Sanchez  de  la  Rosa,  A. 

308.  ROSA,    P.    DE    LA — Vocabulario    Visaya — Ingles.    Metodo 
practico  sang  ingles  agud  mapagadalan  sang  mga  taga  isla 
sang  Masbate  cag  Ticao.     Manila,  1905.     [Co.] 

309.  ROST,  R. — De  la  lengua  y  literatura  malayas12  (translated 
by  M.  Walls).    Madrid,  1895,  pp.  60,  8°.     [R  1933,  Ap. 
37.22.] 

310.  SAAVEDRA,  M.  DE — Arte  para  aprender  la  lengua  de  los 
naturales  de  Nueva  Segovia.     [B.]13 

311.  SAFFORD,    W.    E. — The    Chamorro    Language    of    Guam. 
American  Anthropologist,  Vol.  V  (1903),  pp.  289-311,  508- 
529;    Vol.   VI    (1904),    pp.    95-117,    501-534;     Vol.    VII 
(1905),  pp.  305-319. 

*  SAINZ    F. — Devocionario    sa    sarita    zambalen — cf.    Her- 
nandez, F. 

312.  SALEEBY,  N.  M. — Studies  in  Moro  history,  law,  religion. 
Ethnological  Survey  Publications,  Department  of  the  Inte- 
rior, Vol.  IV,  Part  I,  Manila,  1905,  pp.  107,  4°  (contains 
Magindanau  and  Sulu  texts  and  translations). 

12  Eetana  says  nothing  about  the  content  of  this  work,  so  it  is  uncertain 
whether   the   term    "  Malayas "    is   used   in   its   broader    or   its   narrower 
signification.     The  book  is  included  here,  however,  on  the  possibility  that 
it  is  used  in  the  broader  sense,  thus  including  the  Philippines. 

13  The  Nueva  Segovia  mentioned  here  is  apparently  the  one  in  northern 
Luzon.     There  is  also  a  N.  S.  in  Nicaragua  and  one  in  Venezuela. 


56  Frank  R.  Blake 

313.  -  -  History  of  Sulu.     BS,  Vol.  IV,  Part  II,  1908  (contains 
translations  of  Malay  and  Sulu  historical  documents). 

314.  SALVA,  B. — Vocabulario  militar  y  guia  de  la  conversacipn 
espanol,  tagalog-visaya.     Manila,  1884,  4°  (forms  Vol.  II 
of  Biblioteca  de  la  Revista  del  ejercito  y  armada  de  Fili- 
pinos).    [P  2475,  B.] 

315.  SAN  AGUSTIN,  A.  DE — Arte  de  la  lengua  bicol.    Manila, 
1647;  2a  ed.,  Sampaloc,  1795,  pp.  5  +  167,  12°  (A),  small 
8°  (P)— cf.  also  Crespo,  M.     [A  78; -P  2477,  2478;    B; 
Bl.  I,  Bl.  73 ;  Ap.  429.] 

316.  SAN  AGUSTIN,  G.  DE — Compendio  del  arte  de  la  lengua 
tagala.     Manila,    1703;   2a   ed.,    Sampaloc,    1787;   3a  ed., 
Manila,  1879,  pp.  168,  8°.     [C  79;    A  66,  594;    P  2483, 
2484,  2485;  B;  BL  I,  Bl.  29;  Ap.  397,  1706.] 

317.  —  Adiciones  al  Arte  visaya  de  P.  Mentrida.     [Bl.  53.] 

318.  SAN  ANTONIO,  J.  F.  DE — Chronicas  de  la  Apostolica  Pro- 
vincia  de  San  Gregorio,  Sampaloc,  1738-44,  Fol. ;  ch.  xli  de 
las  letras,  lenguas,  y  policia  de  los  Philipinos.     [A  38,  P 
2487,  Ap.  258.] 

319.  SAN   BUENAVENTURA,    P.   DE — Vocabulario   de   la   lengua 
tagala.     Pila,  1613,   pp.   6  +  707,  Fol.     [P  2493,  B,  Bl. 
31.] 14 

320.  SANCHEZ   DE   LA   ROSA,    A. — Diccionario   espanol-bisaya,15 
(?),1887,  (?).     [B.]    ' 

321.  -  -  Diccionario    hispano-bisaya    para    las    provincias    de 
Samar  y  Leyte.     Manila,  1895,  pp.  8  +  480,  Fol. ;   3a  ed., 
revised  by  A.  V.  Alcazar. .  .  espanol-bisaya. .  .Manila,  1914, 
pp.  630  +  8,  4°.     [E  1936,  Ap.  3726,  Be.] 

-  Diccionario  bisaya-espanol  compuesta  por...para  las 
provincias  de  Samar  y  Leyte.  Manila,  1895,  pp.  x  +  332, 
Fol. ;  revised  by  A.  V.  Alcazar,  Manila,  1914,  pp.  440,  4° 
(this  and  preceding  usually  in  one  volume).  [E  1937, 
Ap.  3727,  Be.] 

323.  •  -  Gramatica  visayo-hispana  precedida  de  algunas  lec- 
ciones  practicas  que  f  amiliaricen  a  los  ninos  indigenas  con 
el  idioma  castellano.  Compuesta  para  uso  de  las  escuelas 

14  Given  by  Bl.  as  Diccionario  espanol- Tagalog. 

15  Possibly  same  as,  or  earlier  edition  of,  following  title. 


Bibliography  of  Philippine  Languages  57 

de  la  provincia  de  Samar.     Manila,  1878,  pp.  xxvi  +  112 
+  6,  8°.     [P  2494,  B,  Ap.  1654.] 16 

324.  •  -  Gramatica  hispano-visaya  con  algunas  lecciones  prac- 
ticas. .  .que  facilitan  a  los  ninos  de  Leyte  y  Samar  la 
verdadera . . .  expresion  de  la  lengua  castellana.     Manila, 
1887,  pp.  334,  4°  (in  two  columns  Spanish  and  Bisaya). 
[A  1081,  P  2511,  Ap.  2539.] 

*  SANCHEZ,  J. — Diccionario  bisaya-espanol.    Aumentada  con 
mas  de  tres  mil  voces  por . . .  ( 1st  part  of  3d  ed.  of  En- 
carnagion's  dictionary,  which  see). 

325.  SANCHEZ,     MATEO — Vocabulario     de     la     lengua     bisaya. 
Manila,  1711,  Fol.     [A  29,  P  2500,  B,17  Bl.  I,  Ap.  217.] 18 

326.  SANCHEZ,  MIGUEL — Arte  de  la  lengua  tagala   (mentioned 
by  Totanes).     [B.] 

*  SAN  JOAQUIN,  E.  ZUECO  DE — cf.  Zueco  de  San  Joaquin,  R. 

327.  SAN  JOSE  (or  JOSEF  or  JOSEPH),  F.  (BLANCAS)  DE — Arte 
y  reglas  de  la  lengua  tagala.     Manila,  1832,  pp.  919,  12°, 
earlier  editions  Bataan(?),  1610  (1st  ed.)  ;   Manila,  1752. 
[A  134;   P  2551,  2552;   B;   Ap.  619,  Bl,  Co.] 

-  Librong  pagaralan. .  .cf.  Pinpin,  T. 

*  SAN  LUCAR,  P.  DE — Vocabulario  de  la  lengua  tagala — cf. 
Noceda,  J.  de. 

328.  SAN  LUCAS,  F.  DE — Diccionario  de  los  principales  idiomas 
de  las  islas  Filipinas  (17th  cent.?).     [B.] 

*  SANTA  EULALIA,  GIBERT  DE — cf.  Gibert  (de  S.  E.). 

*  SANTA  INES,  M.  OYANGUREN  DE — cf.  Oyanguren  de  Santa 
Ines,  M. 

329.  SANTAREN,  H. — Catecismo  historico  nga  nagasacop  et  cari- 
pon  cang  Historia  nga  Santos  et  cang  pagtolon-an  cang 
mga    Cristianos... Manila,    1877,    pp.    226  +  4,    12°    (in 
Haraya  dialect  of  Bisaya).     [A  538,  Ap.  1604.] 


16  This  book  is  given  by  P,  B,  Ap.  under  Antonio  Sanchez,  but  there  seems 
little  doubt  that  he  is  the  same  as  Sanchez  de  la  Kosa. 

"Given  by  B  as  Vocabulario  de  la  lengua  tagala. .  .para  uso  y  como- 
didad  de  los  ministros  Bisayos,  Manila,  1611.  Tagala  is  evidently  a  mis- 
take for  Usaya,  and  1611,  for  1711. 

18  Size  of  book  given  by  Eetana  thus  "En  fol.  Hojas:  5  s.  n.  (i.  e.  sine 
numero)-f-551,  -f  1  s.  n. +  41."  The  numbers  after  the  first  probably 
refer  to  pages  and  not  to  leaves  (hojas). 


58  Frank  R.  Blake 

330.  SANTOS,    D.    DE   LOS — Vocabulario    de   la   lengua    tagala. 
Tayabas,  1703;    Sampaloc,  1794;    Manila,  1835,  pp.  8  + 
739  +  118,  Fol.     [A  77,  148;   P  2576,  2577,  2578;  B;  Bl, 
I;  Ap.  428,  637.] 

*  SANTO  TOMAS,  A.  LOBATO  DE — cf.  Lobato  (de  S.  T.),  A. 

*  SAN  VINCENTE  FERRER,   N.  GONZALEZ — cf.   Gonzalez    (de 
San  V.  P.),  N. 

331.  SCHADENBERG,    A. — Uber    die    Negritos    der    Philippines 
Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologie.     (Berlin)   1880,  Vol.  XII,  pp. 
133-174   (vocabularies  of  Negrito  and  Tagalog,  pp.   167- 
174).     [P2593,  Bl.  L] 

332.  —  Die  Bewohner  von  Siid-Mindanao  u.  der  Insel  Samal. 
Zeitsch.  f.  Ethnol.,  1885  (contains  vocabulary  of  Bagobo). 
[P  2598,  BL  II  p.  34.] 

333.  —  Beitrage  zur  Kenntnis  der  Banao-Leute  und  der  Gui- 
nanen. .  .Verhand.  d.  Berliner  Gesells.  f.  Anthrop.,  Ethnol.r 
u.  Urgeschichte,  1887,  pp.  145-159  (vocabulary  of  Ginaan). 
[P  2599.] 

334.  —  Beitrage    zur    Kenntnis    der    im    Innern    Nordluzons 
lebenden  Stamme.19     Verhandlungen  der  Berliner  Gesell- 
schaft  fiir  Anthrop ologie,   Ethnologie  und  Urgeschichte, 
XVI,  Nov.,  1889,  pp.  649-727  (vocabularies  of  Igorot  dia-. 
lects  of  Bontok,  Banaue,  and  Lepanto,  and  of  Iloko) .     [P 
2601.] 

-  Die  Mangianschrift — cf.  Meyer,  A.  B.,  No.  245. 

335.  SCHEERER,  0. — The  Nabaloi  dialect.     Ethnological  Survey 
Publications,  Department  of  the  Interior,  Vol.  II,  Part  II. 
Manila,  1905,  pp.  97-178,  4°. 

336.  -  -  Ein    ethnographischer    Bericht   liber    die    Insel    Botel 
Tobago    mit    sprachvergleichenden    Bemerkungen.      Mit- 
theilungen   der   Deutschen   Gesellschaft   fiir   Natur-   und 
Volkerkunde  Ostasiens,  Bd.  XI,  T.  2,  Tokyo,  1908,  pp.  145- 
212  (espec.  pp.  195-212).      , 

337.  -  -  The  Batan  dialect  as  a  member  of  the  Philippine  group 
of  languages  (with  comparative  lists).    BS,  Vol.  V,  Part 
I;   Manila,  1908,  pp.  131,  4°. 

338.  -  -  On  a  quinary  notation  among  the  Ilongots  of  Northern 
Luzon.     The  Philippine  Journal  of  Science,  Sec.  D,  Vol. 
VI,  No.  1,  Feb.,  1911,  pp.  47-49. 

19  P  has  Stamm,  a  mistake  for  Stamme. 


Bibliography  of  Philippine  Languages  59 

339.  —  Linguistic    travelling    notes    from    Cagayan    (Luzon). 
Anthropos,  Vol.  IV,  pp.  801-804,  Wien,  1909.     [Be.] 

340.  -  -  The   Particles   of   Relation   of   the   Isinai    Language. 
The  Hague,  1918,  pp.  4  +  115,  6%  X  9%  in. 

341.  —  Review  of  C.  W.  Seidenadel's   "The  first  grammar  of 
the  language  spoken  by  the  Bontoc  Igorot."     Philippine 
Journal  of  Science,  Sec.  D,  Vol.  VI,  1911,  pp.  271-281. 

-  cf.  Diccionario  espanol-ibatan,  No.  131. 

342.  SCHEIDNAGEL,  M. — Filipinas.    Distrito  de  Benguet,  memo- 
ria    descriptiva    y    economica. .  .Madrid,    1878    (contains 
vocabulary  of  Benget  Igorot,  pp.  39-54).     [A  569,  P  2607, 
Ap.  1655.] 

343.  SCHNEIDER,    E.    E. — Notes    5n    the    Mangyan    Language. 
Philippine  Journal  of  Science,  Sec.  D,  Vol.  VII,  No.  3, 
1912,  pp.  157-178. 

344.  SCHUCHARDT,  H. — Kreolische  Studien.      Ueber  das  Malaio- 
spanische  der  Philippinen.     Wien,  1883,  pp.  42,  8°.     [P 
2611,  B,  Bl.  2.] 

345.  SEIDENADEL,  C.  W. — The  first  grammar  of  the  language 
spoken  by  the  Bontoc  Igorot  with  a  vocabulary  and  texts. 
Chicago,  1909,  pp.  xxiv  +  588,  4°. 

346.  SEIPLE,  W.  G. — Tagalog  poetry.     Johns  Hopkins  Univer- 
sity Circulars,  Vol.  XXII,  No.  163,  June,  1903,  pp.  78-79. 

347a.  --  The  Tagalog  numerals.     JHUC,  No.  163,  pp.  79-81. 
347b>  —  Polysyllabic  roots  with  initial  P  in  Tagalog.     JAOS, 
Vol.  XXV,  1904,  pp.  287-301. 

348.  SEMPER,  C. — Ueber  die  Palausprache.    Korrespondenzblatt 
d.  deut.  Gesellschaft  f.  Anthr.,  Ethnol.,  u.  Urgesch.,  1871, 
pp.  63-66. 

349.  SERRANO,    R. — Diccionario   de   terminos   comunes   tagalo- 
castellano.     Manila,  1854;   3a  ed.,  Binondo,  1869,  pp.  316 
+  3,  8°.     [A  227,  376;  P  2641,  2642;  B;  Bl.  I;  Ap.  861, 
1226.] 

350.  —  Nuevo    diccionario    manual    espanol-tagalo.      Manila, 
1872,  pp.  6  +  398,  8°.     [C  79,  A  426,  P  2643,  Ap.  1373.] 

351.  SERRANO  LAKTAW,  P. — Diccionario  hispano-tagalog.    Ma- 
nila, 1889,  pp.  626,  4°  (in  reformed  spelling).     [C  79,  R 
1260,  P  2644,  B,  Ap.  2801.] 

352.  —  Diccionario  tagalog  hispano.     Manila,  1914.     [Bf.] 

353.  SMITH,  C.  C.— A  Grammar  of  the  Maguindanao  Tongue. 
Washington,  1906  (translation  of  No.  194). 


60  Frank  R.  Blake 

354.  SWIFT,  H. — A  Study  of  the  Iloco  Language,  based  mainly 
on  the  Iloco  Grammar  of  J.  Naves,  Washington,  1909,  pp. 
172,  8°. 

355.  TAYLOR,  I. — The  Alphabet,  an  account  of  the  Origin  and 
Development  of  Letters.     London,  1883,  Vol.  II,  Chap.  x. 
[Bl.  37.] 

356.  TERRIEN  DE  LACOUPERIE — Formosa.     Notes  on  manuscripts, 
languages,  and  races.     Hertford,  1887,  4°  (vocabulary  of 
Tagalog,  Bisaya,  Pampanga,  Magindanao).     [Ap.  2544.] 

*  TAVERA,  T.  H.  PARDO  DE— cf.  Pardo  de  Tavera,  T.  H. 

357.  TENORIO  A  SIGAYAN,  J. — Costumbres  de  los  indios  tirurayes. 
Manila,  1892,  pp.  96,  4°  (two  columns,  Spanish  and  Tiru- 
ray).     [R  1596,  P  2696;  Ap.  3253.] 

358.  THEVENOT,    M. — Relation    de    divers    voyages    curieux. . . 
Paris,  1696,  Fol.  (3d  part  contains  remarks  on  languages 
and  alphabet).     [A  24,  P  2701,  Ap.  173.] 

359.  TOTANES,  S.  DE — Arte  de  la  lengua  tagala  y  manual  taga- 
log.     Sampaloc,  1745 ;   2a  ed.,  1796 ;   3a  ed.,  Manila,  1850 ; 
4a  ed.,  Binondo,  1865,  pp.  viii  +  131  +  166,  4°.     [A  42, 
79,  202,  329;   P  2716,  2717,  2718,  2719,  2720;   B;   BL  I; 
Ap.  277,  432,  788,  1105.] 

360.  URIOS,  S. — Ancora  con  sinipit  sa  pagpanluas. . .     Manila, 
1884,  pp.  736,  16°   (translation  of  J.  Mach,    "Ancora  de 
Salvacion,"  in  Bisaya  of  Mindanao).     [A  839,  Ap.  2156.] 

361.  VALENCIA,  A.  DE — Primer  ensayo  de  gramatica  de  la  lengua 
de  Yap  (Carolinas  Occiden tales ).    Manila,  1888,  pp.  144, 
8°  (A),  small  4°  (P).     [C  80,  A  1149;  P  2018,  Ap.  2643.] 

362.  VANOVERBERGH,  M. — A  Grammar  of  Lepanto  Igorot  as  it 
is  spoken  at  Bauco.     BS,  Vol.  V,  Part  VI,  Manila,  1917, 
pp.  331-425. 

*  VELINCHON,  J. — Diccionario  ibanag — cf.  Eodriguez,  R. 

363.  VERA,  R.  M.  DE — Gramatica  Hispano-Bicol.     Manila,  1904. 
[Co.] 

364.  VERDUGO,  A.— Arte  tagalo.     (?),   1649.     [B,   Bl.  7  Ber- 
dugo.] 

*  VIGIL,  R.  MARTINEZ — cf.  Martinez  Vigil,  R. 

*  VILANOVA,    P. — Diccionario   pangasinan-espanol — cf.    Cos- 
gaya,  L.  F. 

365.  VILCHES,  M. — Gramatica  visaya-cebuana.     Breves  apuntes. 
Manila,  1877,  pp.  183  -j-  1,  4°.     [A  541,  Ap.  1609.] 


Bibliography  of  Philippine  Languages  61 

*  VIBGEN  DE  MONSERRATE,  JER6NIMO  DE  LA — cf.  Jeronimo  de 
la  Virgen  de  Monserrate. 

366.  Visitas  du  Santisimo  cani  Santa  Maria  a  pinayapu  ni  S. 
Alfonso  Ligorio  (Batan).     Manila,  1901.     [Co.] 

367.  Vivo  Y  JUDERIAS,  G. — Gramatica  hispano-ilocana.    Manila, 
1869,  pp.  225  +  5,  4°.     [C  80,  A  377,  P  2817,  Bl.  I,  Ap. 
1227.] 

368.  -  -  Compendio  de  la  gramatica  hispano-ilocana.     Manila, 
1871,  pp.  136  +  4,  8°— 2a  ed.,  Breve  compendio  de  la  gra- 
matica iloco-castellana.    Manila,  1884,  pp.  96,  8°.     [C  80; 
A  406,  840;  P  2818;  Ap.  1322,  2161.] 

369.  -  -  Diccionario  ilocano-castellano.     Manila,  1873,  pp.  228, 
4°  (A),  8°  (P).     [C  80,  A  434,  P  2816,  Ap.  1401.] 

370.  -  -  Nuevo  vocabulario  en  lengua  Hispano-ilocana,  Binondo, 
1876.     [Bl.  I  Vivo  y  Tuderias.] 

371.  Vocabulario  de  la  lengua  camarina  6  bicol.     Manila,  1729. 
[P  2819.] 20 

372.  WALLESER,    S. — Grammatik    der    Palausprache.     Mittheil- 
ungen  des  Seminars  fur  orientalische  Sprachen  zu  Berlin, 
XIV,  1,.1911,  pp.  121-231. 

373.  -  -  Palau  Worterbuch :   Palau-Deutsch,  pp.  165 ;   Deutsch- 
Palau,  pp.  79  with  appendix,  pp.  81-98  of  German-Palau 
conversational  phrases.    Hong  Kong,  1913. 

*  WALLS,  M.— cf.  Host,  E. 

374.  WATERMAN,  MARGARET  P. — A  Vocabulary  of  Bontoc  Stems 
and  their  Derivatives.    BS,  Vol.  V,  Part  IV,  Manila,  1913, 
pp.  239-299. 

375.  WILLIAMS,    H.    W. — Grammatische    Skizze    der    Ilocano- 
Sprache.    Miinchen,  1904,  pp.  82,  8°  (Dissertation). 

376.  WOLFENSON,    L.   B. — The   infixes   la,    li,    lo   in   Tagalog. 
JAOS,  Vol.  XXVII,  pp.  142-146. 

377.  WORCESTER,  D.  C.— The  Non-Christian  tribes  of  Northern 
Luzon.     The  Philippine  Journal  of  Science,  Vol.  I,  No.  8, 
Oct.,  1906,  pp.  791-875  (see  especially  p.  861f.). 

378.  WULFP,     K.— Review    of    Brandstetter's     ' '  Mata-Hari. ' ' 
Zeitschrift  d.  deutsch.  morgenlandischen  Gesellschaft,  Bd. 
LXIII  (Leipzig),  1909,  pp.  615-623. 


20  P  has  the  following  note  with   regard  to   the  size   of  the  book  viz., 
"Pinelo-Barcio,  II,  fol.  919  vta." 


62  Frank  R.  Blake 

379.  —  Review  of  Brandstetter's    "Wurzel  und  Wort  in  den 
Indonesischen     Sprachen."       Zeitschrift     fiir     Kolonial- 
sprachen,  I,  3,  1910-11,  pp.  224-236. 

380.  -  -  Zur  neueren  Literatur  iiber  die  Volker  und  Sprachen 
der  Philippines     Zeitschrift  fiir  Kolonialsprachen,  II,  1, 
1911-12,  Berlin,  pp.  64-78. 

*    ZARZA,  F.  DE  LA — cf.  Blumentritt,  F.,  No.  53. 

381.  ZUECO  (DE  SAN  JOAQUIN),  R. — Metodo  del  Dr.  Ollendorff 
. . .  adaptado  al  bisaya.     Manila,  1871 ;   2a  ed.,  1884,  pp.  26 
+  271  +  120,  4° ;   3a  ed.,  Gramatica  bisayo-espanola  adap- 
tada  al  sistema  de  Ollendorf,  Guadalupe,  1890,  pp.  Ixiii 
+  222  +  3,   4°    (grammar   of   Cebuan,   but  contains  also 
remarks  on  the  dialects  of  Bohol  and  Mindanao).     [A 
407,  841;  R  1369;  B;  Bl.  54;  Ap.  1323,  2163,  2954.] 

382.  —  Compendio  de  la  gramatica  bisayo-espanola  adaptada 
al  sistema  de  Ollendorff.     2a  ed.,   Guadalupe,   1889,   pp. 
Ixvii  +  152  +  27,  8°.     [R  1272,  Ap.  2814.] 


B.   Manuscripts.21 

383.  ALAFON  or  ALAFONT,  M. — Notas  y  adiciones  al  arte  pam- 
pango  del  padre  Vergafio.     [B ;  Ap.  236,  p.  264.] 

384.  -  -  Arte  de  la  lengua  espanola  para  uso  de  los  naturales 
de  la  provincia  de  la  Pampanga,  ca.  1786.     [Ro.  363.] 

385.  ALBUQUERQUE,   A.   DE — Arte   de   la   lengua   tagala    (MS. 
written  1570-80  ? ;   disappeared  when  English  took  Manila 
1762).     [B,  Bl.  3.] 

386.  APARICIO,  J.— Diccionario  bisaya,  1896?     [Ro.  416.] 

387.  Arte  del  idioma  gaddang  en  la  mission  de  Paniqui  (MS. 
of  1838  in  the  Library  of  Santo  Tomas  at  Manila) .     [B.] 

388.  ASUMPCION  or  ASUNCION,  D.  DE  LA  (died  1690?) — Arte  del 
idioma  tagalog.     [B,  Bl.  6,  Ro.  314.] 

389.  -  -  Diccionario  tagalog.     [B,  Bl.  6,  Ro.  314.] 

*   AVILA,  P.  DE  LA  CRUZ — cf .  Cruz  Avila,  P.  de  la. 

390.  AYORA,  J.  DE — Arte  panayano.     [Bl.  44.] 

391.  -   -  Vocabulario  panayano.     [Bl.  44.] 

21  Nos.  6,  18,  19,  77,  82,  184,  210,  218,  255,  310,  317,  320,  326,  328,  364, 
which,  lacking  a  definite  statement  as  to  their  character,  have  been  placed 
under  printed  works,  are  probably  also  manuscripts. 


Bibliography  of  Philippine  Languages  63 

392.  -  -  Arte  ilocano.     [Bl.  63.] 

393.  -  -  Vocabulario  ilocano.     [Bl.  63.] 

394.  -  -  Arte  pangasinano.     [Bl.  61.] 

395.  -   -  Vocabulario  pangasinano.     [Bl.  61.] 

396.  AZPITARTE,  A. — Proyecto  de  una  gramatica  bisaya,  1888 1 
[Ro.  412.] 

397.  -  -  Addiciones    al    diccionario    bisaya    del    P.    Mentrida. 
[Ro.  412.] 

398.  BENAVENTE,  A.  DE — Arte  y  diccionario  pampango  (author 
took  MS.  to  China  where  he  died  1709).     [B,  Bl.  56.] 

399.  BERMEJO,  V.  E. — Bocabulario  de  la  lengua  gaddan  (MS. 
in  Library  of  S.  Tomas  at  Manila) .     [B.] 

400.  BEYER,   H.   O. — History  and  Ethnography  of  the  Igorot 
Peoples  (a  collection  of  120  MSS.  relating  to  the  language 
and  culture  of  the  Igorots),  5  vols.  of  about  500  type- 
written pages  each.    Manila,  1913.     [Be.] 

401.  Biso,  J.  DEL  (died  1754) — Compendio  del  Arte  Tagalog. 
[Bl.  9.] 

402.  BLAKE,   F.   R. — A   Grammar   of  the   Tagalog  Language. 
Baltimore,  1910 (  ?),  pp.  xxviii  +  368. 

403.  BLANCAS,  F.   (or  SAN  JOSEF) 22 — Arte  para  aprender  los 
Indios  Tagalos  el  Idioma  Espanol,  ca.  1614.     [Ro.  282.] 

404   -  -  Arte  para  aprender  la  Lengua  Tagala,  ca.  1614.     [Ro. 
282.] 

405.  BRANA,  M.  (died  1774)— Diccionario  tagalo.     [B,  Bl.  10.] 

406.  BULLE,  E. — Notas  y  observaciones  a  la  gramatica  tagala, 
1890?     [Ro.  413.] 

407.  CACHO — Catechisms  in  Isinay,  Ilongot,  Iruli,  and  Igolot 
(Bl.  Igorrota)    (between  1707  and  1748).     [Bl.  79;    S, 
p.  10.] 23 

408.  —  Confesionario  and  sermons  in  Isinay.     [Bl.  79.] 

409.  CALLEJA,  J. — Clave  para  escribir  y  leer  en' pampango,  ca. 
1765,  1  vol.  4°.     [Ro.  350.] 

*    CASTANO,   N. — Diccionario   Espafiol  y   Batan — cf.   Paula, 
J.  de. 

410.  CASTRO,  A.  M.  DE — Ortografia  de  la  lengua  tagala,  1760? 
[Ro.  346.] 

22 Evidently  the  same  as  F.  Blancas  de  San  Jose"  (Josef,  Joseph). 
23  This  is  perhaps  the  same  work  or  works  as  No.  77. 


64  Frank  R.  Blake 

411.  CON  ANT,  C.  E. — A  list  of  about  200  Batan  words  taken 
down  from  two  natives  in  1904  and  1905.     [Co.] 

412.  -  -  A  Bisaya-English  Dictionary,  prepared  with  the  collab- 
oration of  V.  Sotto  and  J.  Villagonzalo :  about  5500  words. 
Cebu,  1906.     [Co.] 

413.  -  -  A  list  of  about  50  Kuyo  words  (numerals  and  names 
of  parts  of  body)    taken  down  from  a  native.     Manila, 
1904.     [Co.] 

414.  -  -  A   list   of   75    English   words   with    their   equivalents 
in  Yogad,  Gaddang,  and  Itawi  taken  from  several  natives 
in  N.  Luzon,  1904  and  1905.     [Co.] 

415.  -  -  Isinai-English  word  list  compiled  from  F.  Rocamora's 
"Catecismo"     (cf.    No.    304).     Baguio,    Benguet,    1907. 
[Co.] 

416.  -  -  Kankanai  word  lists  taken  down  from  eight  Kankanai 
boys  questioned  separately:    50  words,   chiefly  numerals 
and  parts  of  the  body.     Baguio,  Benguet,  1903.     [Co.] 

417.  CORONEL,  F. — Arte  y  reglas  de  la  lengua  pampanga..., 
1621    (in  collection   of   Eduardo  Navaro  at  Valladolid). 
[Ro.  286.] 

418.  -  -  Vocabulario  pampango.     [Bl.  59.] 

419.  CRUZ  AVILA,  P.  DE  LA — Arte,  vocabulario,  y  catecismo  ilo- 
cano,  ca.  1600.     [Ro.  272.] 

420.  Dictionarium  Hispano-Tagalicum  (according  to  Bl.  was  in 
library  of  Count  Wrbna,  Vienna,  in  1799,  pp.  335,  4°). 
[Bl.  I.] 

421.  Dominican   Friar,   A.— Arte   tagalog,   1736— cf.   No.   295. 
[Me.] 

422.  ENCINA,   F. — Vocabulario   de   la  lengua   bisaya   zebuana, 
1760.     [Ro.  343.] 

423.  FORONDA,  S. — Vocabulario  pampango,  ca.  1710,  1  vol.  Fol. 
(in  Candaba  Library).     [Ro.  327.] 

424.  GARDNER,  F.— Mangyan  Songs,  1905,  pp.  3.     [Ro.  418.] 

425.  -  -  The  Hampangan  Mangy ans   of   Mindoro.     Bulalakao, 
1905,'  60  typewritten  pages.     [Be.]24' 

426.  GARVAN,  J.  M. — Negrito  Vocabularies  with  notes  by  E.  E. 
Schneider :  five  extensive  vocabularies  collected  by  Garvan 
together  with  a  compilation  of  all  known  Negrito  vocabu- 

24  It  is  not  certain  whether  this  contains  any  linguistic  material  or  not. 


Bibliography  of  Philippine  Languages  65 

laries  by  other  authors,  and  comparative  notes  on  the  same. 
Manila,  1914,  about  500  typewritten  pages.     [Be.] 

427.  GONZAGA,  E.  J. — Bisayan  Literature.     Manila,  1917,  156 
typewritten  pages.     [Be.] 

428.  -  -  Ibanag-Spanish  dictionary    (title  page  lacking)  :    .'54s 
pp.  and  an   "indice  de  las  raices  anticuadas"    (contains  a 
large  number  of  words  and  definitions  not  found  in  the 
dictionary  of  Rodriguez,  No.  305).     [Co.] 

429.  JESUS,  B.  DE — Arte  del  idioma  tagalog,  ca.  1604.     [B,  Bl. 
14,  Ro.  278.] 

430.  MACKINLAY,  W.  E.  W—  Notes  on  F.  R.  Blake's   "Contri- 
butions to  Comparative  Philippine  Grammar,"    Nos.  33, 
34:    5   typewritten  pages,   1908,   in  possession  of  F.  R. 
Blake. 

*    MADRE  DE  DIGS,  T.  (Quraos)  DE  LA — cf.  Quiros  de  la  Madre 
de  Dios,  T. 

431.  MARIN,  E. — Arte  y  diccionario  de  la  lengua  igolota,  ca. 
1600.     [B,  Ro.  272.] 

432.  MARTIN,  J. — Diccionario  tagalo-castellano,  1880  (not  com- 
pleted).    [Ro.  405.] 

433.  MARTOREL,  D. — Catecismo  de  doctrina  en  idioma  iraya  6 
egongot.     [Bl.  80,  S.] 

434.  MONTES,  J. — Arte  del  idioma  tagalog.     [B.] 

435.  -  -  Diccionario  del  idioma  tagalog.     [B.] 

436.  MONTES    Y    ESCAMILLA,    G. — Vocabulario    de    la    lengua 
tagala.25     Manila,  before  1610.     [P  1762,  Ro.  272.] 

437.  -  -  Arte  del  idioma.  tagalog,  ca.  1600.     [Bl.  17,  Ro.  272.] 

438.  MORENO,  S. — Modo  y  forma  de  leer  los  caracteres  de  la 
lengua  pampanga.     [Ro.  327.] 

439.  OCHOA,  D.; — Arte,  vocabulario  y  confesionario  pampango, 
ca.  1580,  3  vols.  (preserved  according  to  B  in    "convento 
de  Lubao").     [Ro.  257,  B  arie  y  diccionario  del  idioma 
pampango.] 

440.  OLIVER,  J.  DE — El  arte  tagalog  escrito  por  Fr.  Juan  de 
Plasencia,  reformado  y  aumentado  de  adverbios  y  parti- 
culas,  ca.  1599.     [B,  Bl.  26,  Ro.  271.] 

441.  -  -  Diccionario  tagalog-espanol  escrito  por  Fr.  J.  de  P. 
perfeccionado  y   aumentado,   ca.    1599.     [B,   Bl.   26,   Ro. 
271.] 

25  Given  as  Diccionario  del  idioma  tagalog  in  Ko. 
5    JAOS  40 


66  Frank  R.  Blake 

442.  OYANGUREN    DE    SANTA    INES,    M. — Diccionario    trilingiie 
tagalog-castellano-cantabro,  ca.  1736.     [B,  Bl.  21,  Eo.  333.] 

443.  PASTOR,  M.— Arte  del  idioma  tagalo,  ca.  1820.     [B,  Eo. 
378.] 

444.  PAULA,  F.  DE  and  CASTANO,  N. — Diccionario  Espanol  y 
Batan    (19th   Century) — an  extract  from  it    (about  200 
words)     is    printed    in    Eetana's    "Archivo,"    Vol.    II, 
Prologo,  pp.  xli-xlix.     [Co.] 

445.  PLASENCIA,  J.  DE — Arte  del  idioma  tagalog,  1580.     [B,  Eo. 
256.] 

446.  -  -  Diccionario  hispano- tagalog,  1580.     [B,  Eo.  256.] 

447.  —  Coleccion  de  frases  tagalas.     [B,  Eo.  256.] 

448.  QUINONES,  J. — Arte  y  diccionario  tagalo,  ca.  1580.     [B, 
Eo.  257.]26 

449.  QUIROS  DE  LA  MADRE  DE  Dios,  T. — Arte  tagalog,  between 
1627  and  1662.     [Me.] 

450.  Euiz,    M. — Vocabulario    tagalog,    1580     (date    probably 
wrong,    as   the   Dominicans,   to  which   order   the   author 
belonged,  did  not  arrive  in  the  Philippines  until  1587). 

[Bl.  I,  Me.] 

451.  SAN  ANTONIO,  F.  DE — Institucion  de  la  lengua  tagala,  ca. 
1620.     [B,  Bl.  30,  Eo.  286.] 

452.  -  -  Diccionario  tagalo,  ca.  1620.     [B,  Bl.  30,  Eo.  286.] 

453.  SAN  ANTONIO,  J.  DE — Sermones  morales    (in  Kalamian). 
[Bl.  75.] 

454.  -  -  Explicacion  del  Catecismo  (in  Kalamian).     [BL  75.] 

455.  SAN  MIGUEL,  E.  DE — Arte  y  diccionario  de  la  lengua  tagala. 
[B.] 

456.  SANTAREN,    H. — Gramatica   bisaya   segun    el    metodo    de 
Ollendorf,  1880?     [Eo.  406.] 

457.  -  -  Collecion  de  voces  del  dialecta  bisaya  que  no  se  hallan 
contenidas  en  el  Diccionario  del  P.  Mentrida,  ca.   1880. 
[E.  406.] 

458.  SANTA  EOSA,  B.  DE — Arte  del  idioma  de  los  Aetas,   ca. 
1750.     [B,  Bl.  78,  Eo.  337.] 

459.  —  Diccionario  del  idioma  de  los  Aetas,  ca.  1750.     [B,  Bl. 
78,  Eo.  337.] 

460.  —  Doctrina  cristiana  en  el  idioma  de  los  Aetas.     [Bl.  78.] 

26  Perhaps  printed  in  Manila,  1581,  cf .  Me.  p.  8. 


Bibliography  of  Philippine  Languages  67 

461.  —  Administracion  de  los  sacramentos . .  .en  el  idioma  de 
los  Aetas.     [Bl.  78.] 

462.  SANTOS,  D.  DE  LOS — Arte  tagalog,  ca.  1695   (some  leaves 
preserved  in  Dominican  Convent  at  Manila).     [Bl.   35, 
Eo.  316.] 

463.  SERRANO,  J. — Arte  ilocano,  ca.  1750.     [Ro.  337.] 

464.  -  -  Diccionario  ilocano,  ca.  1750.     [Ro.  337.] 

465.  SHARTLE,  S.  Y. — A  Tagalog  Grammar,  ca.  1890,  pp.  121: 
in  possession  of  F.  R.  Blake. 

466.  SORIANO,  J. — Diccionario  cebuano,  1870?    (said  to  be  in 
hands  of  the  Recollets).     [Ro.  401.] 

*  SOTTO,  V. — Bisaya-English  Dictionary — cf.  Conant,  C.  E. 

467.  Tesauro  de  la  lengua  de  Pangasinan   (MS.  in  possession 
of  Jose  Maria  Ruiz  1889).     [B.] 

468.  VELLOQUIN,  J — Estudio  sobre  las  lenguas  isinay  y  de  Ituy 
(MS.  in   "convento  de  Candaba").     [B.] 

*  VILLAGONZALO,  J. — Bisaya-English  Dictionary — cf.  Conant, 
C.  E. 

469.  Vocabulario  tagalo  (anonymous  MS.  by  a  Dominican  friar 
in  Library  of  S.  Tomas  at  Manila) .     [B.] 

470.  ZARZA,  F.  DE  LA — Arte  del  idioma  egongot,  ca.  1800  (MS. 
in  Convento  de  S.  Francisco  in  Manila).     [B,  Bl.  81,  Ro. 
374.] 

471.  -  -  Catecismo    de    doctrina    cristiana    en    Egongot    (MS. 
ibidem:    copy  in  possession  of  Blumentritt — cf.  No.  53. 
[Bl.  81.] 

472.  -  -  Administracion  de  los  Sacramentos  en  idioma  Egon- 
got 1788-1810  (MS.  ibidem).     [Bl.  81.] 

473.27 —  Arte  de  la  lengua  zebuana,  ca.  1800  (in  Ayer  Collec- 
tion).    [Ro.  374.] 


27  The  total  number  of  titles  is  476,  as  Nos.  153,  222,  and  347  are  used 
twice  as  153a,  153b  etc. 


68 


Frank  R.  Blake 


Index  of  Subjects2 


Abra   (cf.  Igorot). 
Aeta  (cf.  Negrito). 
Agta— 61. 

Agutayna  (cf.  Kalamian). 
Alphabets— 59,  79,  101,  178,  180, 
186,  187,  201,  225,  235,  245,  256, 
257,  275,  276,  287,  294,  297,  300, 
307,  318,  355,  358,  409(1),  438 
(cf.  also  note  on  Magindanao 
below). 

Animals   (cf.  Names). 
Atas — 254. 

Bagobo— 167,  168,  332. 
Banaue   (cf.  Igorot). 
Batan— 87,     131,     264,    336,    337, 

366,  411,  444. 
Bauco  (cf.  Lepanto). 
Benget    (cf.  Igorot). 
Bikol— 120,    162,    173,    208,    209, 
283,    284,    285,    286,    315,    363, 
371. 

Bilaan — 254. 
Bisaya 

in  general — 30,   31,   107,    143, 

199,   427. 

dialect  not  stated — 4,  100, 
191,  192,  213,  220,  231, 
235,  241,  253,  292,  314,  320, 
325,  356,  386,  396,  397,  456, 
457. 

of  Bohol— 141,  381. 

Cebuan— 1,   14,   25,   138,    139, 

141,  169,  170,  238,  266,  365, 

381,  382,  412,  422,  466,  473 

(also  probably  4,  100,  213). 

Haraya— 238,    239,    329    (also 

perhaps  317,  457). 
Hiliguayna  or  Panayan — 121, 
161,     212,     238,     239,     317, 
390,     391      (also     probably 
231,   396,  397,  457). 
of  Masbate  and  Ticao — 308. 


of   Mindanao — 133,   360. 
Panayan     (cf.     Hiliguayana) . 
Samaro  -  Leytean  —  141,     148, 
238,  306,  321,  322,  323,  324 
(probably  also  320). 

Bontok   (cf.  Igorot). 

Caboloan   (cf.  Pangasinan). 

Calamian    (cf.  Kalamian). 

Caroline  Is.— 9,  10,  96,  153b,  204, 
291,  361. 

Cebuan   (cf.  Bisaya). 

Chamorro — 109,  152,  153a,  181, 
182,  183,  274,  311. 

Chinese — 226,  271. 

Comparative  Grammar  and  Vocab- 
ulary—15,  29,  30,  31,  33,  34,  35, 
36,  41,  42,  53,  64,  65,  66,  67, 
68,  69,  70,  71,  72,  73,  74,  105, 
108,  109,  111,  112,  113,  114, 
115,  119,  123,  143,  145,  155, 
157,  158,  171,  189,  197,  220, 
227,  235,  241,  243,  254,  258, 
271,  273,  292,  302,  314,  328, 
334,  337,  340,  347b,  356,  376, 
378,  379,  414,  430. 

Cuyo   (cf.  Kuyo). 

Egongot   (cf.  Ilongot). 

English  grammar  in  Tagalog — 
159. 

Gaddan(g)— 80,  88,  222a,  387, 
399,  414. 

General  Philippine  Linguistics — 
8,  16,  26,  27,  38,  40,  49,  52,  54, 
55,  56,  57,  58,  60,  91,  93,  101, 
106,  127,  129,  135,  146,  164, 
174,  185,  207,  215,  216,  220, 
226,  233,  234,  236,  240,  256, 
268,  279,  294,  298,  299,  301, 
303,  309,  318,  339,  344,  349, 
358,  377,  380— cf.  also  Compar- 
ative Grammar  and  Vocabulary. 

Ginaan — 333. 


^Numbers  from  383  upward  refer  to  manuscript  titles. 

29  Cf.  also  Ap.  4208-4211,  Koran,  genealogical  tree  of  prophets  of  Islam, 
and  Easter  prayers  all  in  Arabic  characters  as  used  by  Moros  of  Mindanao 
(probably  all  in  Arabic,  and  so  not  included  in  the  list). 


Bibliography  of  Philippine  Languages 


69 


Guam   (cf.  Chamorro). 
Haraya    (cf.  Bisaya). 
Hiliguayna    (cf.  Bisaya). 
Ibanag— 126,   130,    163,   184,    210, 
235,  237,  261,  281,  305,  339(f), 
428. 

Ifugao — 222b. 
Igorot 

in    general — 48,    77,    98,    334, 

400,  407,  431. 
Abra— 151. 
Banaue — 334. 
Benget— 189,  342. 
Bontok— 37,  99,  110,  189,  202, 

290,  334,  341,  345,  374. 
Inibaloi — 335. 
Kankanai — 337,  416. 
Lepanto — 45,  334,  362. 
Nabaloi   (cf.  Inibaloi). 
Iloko— 82,  83,  125,  147,  150,  160, 
211,    235,    259,    334,    354,    367, 
368,    369,    370,    375,    392,    393, 
419,  463,  464. 
Ilongot— 53,     77,     218,    338,    407, 

433,  470,  471,  472. 
Inmeas    (cf.  Isinay). 
Iraya— 433    (—  Egongot?). 
Iruli — 77,  407. 
Isinay— 77,     115,     205,     304,    340, 

407,  408,  415,  468. 
Itawi — 414. 
Ituy— 468. 
Lanao — 137. 
Lepanto    (cf.   Igorot). 
Literature— 40,  188,  228,  232,  309, 

427. 

Kalamian — 103,  190,  453,  454. 
Kankanai  (cf.  Igorot). 
Kuyo— 11,  122,  165,  166,  177,  223, 

413. 

Madagascan — 64,  227. 
Magindanao — 53,     85,     102,     154, 
193,    194,    195,    289,    312,    353, 
3S6.29 
Malay— 119,    123,    143,    155,    171, 

189,  221,  226,  235,  309,  313. 
Malayo-Spanish — 344,    349  (  ?) . 


Mangyan—  59,  245,  248,  343,  424, 

425. 

Manobo  —  254,  292. 
Moro     (cf.     Lanao,     Magindanao, 

Sulu). 

Nabaloi  (cf.  Igorot). 
Names    (Personal,  Race,  Place)  — 
48,   55,   56,   57,   58,   92,   93,  95, 
106,  164,  236,  268,  279. 
Names   (Plant)—  233,  240. 
Names  (Utensils,  etc.;  Animals)  — 

60. 

Negrito—  50,    92,    200,    241,    242, 
243,    244,    267,    293,    331,    426, 
458,  459,  460,  461. 
Neuva  Segovia  —  310. 
Numerals—  34,  185,  234,  278,  338, 

347a. 

Palau  Is.   (cf.  Pelew  Is.). 
Pampanga—  6,     23,    24,    63,    111, 
117,    145,    155,    243,    255,    273, 
280,    356,    383,    384,    398,    409, 
417,  418,  423,  438,  439. 
Panayan    (cf.  Bisaya). 
Pangasinan  —  12,     118,     214,     282, 

394,  395,  467. 
Papuan—  157,  241. 
Pelew  Is.—  114,  157,  196,  348,  372, 

373. 

Plants    (cf.  Names). 
Poetry  —  19,  20,  255,  346. 
Ponape  (cf.  Caroline  Is.). 
Reviews—  37,  41,  45,  46,  110,  202, 
213,    290,    301,    341,    378,    379, 
380,  430. 


Samaro-Leytean   (cf.  Bisaya). 
Sanskrit^28,    198,   199,   251,   252, 

277. 

Semitic  —  29. 
Spanish   grammars   in  native   dia- 

lects— 1,   7,   125,   147,   156,   173, 

182,  205,  237,  250,  261,  286,  288, 

323,  324,  384,  403. 
Spelling—  54,   268,  351,   410. 
Subanu  —  97,  149. 
Sulu—  75,   79,   119,   123,   171,   189, 

221,  241,  312,  313. 


70 


Frank  R.  Blake 


Tagakaolo — 254. 

Tagalog— 2,  3,  5,  7,  13,  17,  18,  19, 
20,  28,  29,  30,  32,  35,  39,  43, 
44,  46,  47,  53,  54,  62,  64,  76, 
78,  81,  94,  95,  116,  123,  124, 
134,  136,  14.0,  143,  144,  145, 
155,'  156,  159,  179,  188,  197, 
198,  203,  206,  217,  219,  220, 
227,  228,  229,  230,  •  232,  235, 
241,  243,  247,  249,  250,  251, 
252,  254,  260a,  260b,  262,  263, 
269,  270,  271,  272,  273,  277, 
278,  288,  295,  296,  314,  316, 
319,  326,  327,  330,  331,  346, 
347a,  347b,  349,  350,  351,  352, 
356,  359,  364,  376,  385,  388, 

Special  Index  of  Works 

Dictionaries — 19,  78,  144,  260a, 
260b,  262,  263,  270,  319,  330, 
349,  350,  351,  352,  389,  405, 

420,  432,    435,    436,    441,    442, 
446,  448,  450,  452,  455,  469. 

Short  Vocabularies— 123,  140,  155, 
220,  235,  243,  273,  331,  356. 

Grammars  of  Tagalog — 13,  18,  47, 
76,  81,  116,  206,  217,  219, 
229,  247,  249,  269,  271,  272, 
295,  296,  316,  326,  327,  359, 
364,  385,  388,  401,  402,  404, 

421,  429,    434,    437,    440,    443, 
445,    448,    449,    451,    455.    462, 
465. 


389,  401,  402,  403,  404,  405, 
406,  410,  420,  421,  429,  432, 
434,  435,  436,  437,  440,  441, 
442,  443,  445,  446,  447,  448, 
449,  450,  451,  452,  455,  462, 
465,  469. 

Tagbanua— 104,  142,  224,  307. 

Tingyan — 246. 

Tino  (cf.  Zambal). 

Tiruray— 21,  22,  51,  84,  86,  89, 
113,  132,  241,  265,  357. 

Utensils  (cf.  Names). 

Yap   (cf.  Caroline  Is.). 

Yogad— 414, 

Zambal— 90,  128,  172,  293. 

Zebuan    (cf.  Cebuan). 

dealing  with  Tagalog 

Grammars  of  Spanish  and  English 
in  Tagalog — 7,  156,  159  (Eng), 

250,  288,  403. 

Phrase  Books— 2,  62,  124,  136, 
145,  203,  232,  314,  447. 

Articles  on  Grammatical  and  Lexi- 
cal topics — 28,  29,  30,  32,  35,  39, 
43,  44,  64,  179,  197,  198,  227, 

251,  252,   277,   278,   347a,   347b, 
376,  406. 

Miscellaneous — 3,  5,  17,  20,  46, 
53,  54,  94,  95,  134,  143,  188, 
228,  230,  241,  254,  346,  410. 


BRIEF    NOTES 

A  Loanword  in  Egyptian 

In  Pap.  Anast.  IV,  the  text,  which  deals  with  the  sufferings  of 
the  army-officer,  contains  a  word,  which  seems  not  yet  to  have 
been  recognized  as  a  loanword.  We  read  (see  Moller,  Hierat. 
Lesestucke,  Heft  2,  p.  41,  line  2)  : 

• -*< 


Brugsch,  Worterbuch,  translates  'er  wird,  als  Knabe,  herbeige- 
fiilirt,  um  in  die  Caserne  gesteckt  zu  werden.'  That  is, 
takapu  =  '  Kaserne,  Soldaten-Hiitte.  '  This  is  simply  a  guess 
from  the  context. 

Takapu  is  a  loanword  from  Assyrian  zaqapu  'to  erect,  put 
up,'  Hebrew  f|p?  'lift  up,  comfort.'  In  Assyrian  zaqapu  means 
also  'to  plant';  kiru  zaqpu,  'hortus';  zeru  zaqpu,  'a  planted 
field.'  Takapu  in  Egyptian  came  to  mean  'educational  insti- 
tution, Pflanzschule,  seminarium.'  The  root  Fjpf  is  also  con- 


tained   in    the    word  =7     (Anast-    IV)- 

Brugsch  WB.   'Schule,  in  welcher  die  Pferde  dressiert  werden, 
Eeitschule.     Coptisch    ANJHB,  M  AN£HBE,  ANJHB,  AN^MBF 

schola.  ' 

H.  F.  LUTZ 
University  of  Pennsylvania 


The  Hebrew  word  for  'to  sew' 

The  following  remark  about  the  etymology  of  the  Hebrew 
word  *)£3D  'to  sew'  was  suggested  to  me  when  I  noticed  an 
interesting  aira£  Aeyo/xevov  in  Egyptian.  In  W.  Spiegelberg, 
Hieratic  Ostraca  and  Papyri  found  by  J.  E.  Quibell  in  the 
Eamesseum,  1895-6,  pi.  XVII,  No.  132,  a  small  hieratic  text  is 
published,  a  note  scribbled  on  a  piece  of  limestone.  It  reads: 
'Let  there  be  made  ten  ma-ti-pu-(i)ra-ti  with  their  ten  '-ga- 
na(?}-i(?)-ti.'  On  the  reading  of  the  latter  extremely  uncer- 


72  Brief  Notes 

tain  word  see  below.  The  first  of  these  two  words,  which  by  their 
vocalized  spelling  betray  themselves  as  loanwords  from  the 
Old-Canaanitish  tongue,  invites,  however,  an  easy  etymology, 
especially  on  account  of  its  determinative  'copper,  metal,' 
namely  from  Hebrew  ~)£jn>  'to  sew.'  It  seems,  therefore,  that 
we  have  here  a  word  *matpart,  or  *metport,  in  Biblical  Hebrew, 
i.  e.  *  miDriD  or  more  probably  rnflfiO  'sewing  instrument, 
needle.'  If  some  object  of  leather  belonged  to  each  of  these 
needles,  we  might  guess  that  this  object  was  a  small  leather  case 
and  that  the  needles  were  of  larger  size,  perhaps  for  leather 
work,  like  shoemaker's  punchers.  So  the  etymology  proposed 
has  at  least  great  probability,  and  we  may  ascribe  to  the  Old- 
Canaanitish  language  the  word  mat  part  for  the  time  soon  after 
1300  B.  C.  This  observation  leads  to  a  more  important  ques- 
tion, namely  how  the  root  *")£n.  occurring  only  in  Hebrew,  is  to 
be  connected  with  other  Semitic  roots.  The  above  example 
shows  that  the  Canaanites  possessed  the  singular  word  in  its 
later  form  by  about  1300  B.  C.  The  Coptic  tor(e)p  'to  sew,' 
however,  leads  us  in  the  right  direction.  This  form  is  decidedly 
older  than  the  later  Hebrew  form,  although  the  latter  already 
appears  in  the  fragment  discussed  above.  It  is  evidently  acci- 
dental that  trp  has  not  yet  been  found  in  hieroglyphic  form. 
Being  clearly  the  earlier  form  of  the  word  it  must  have  pene- 
trated-into  Egyptian  a  couple  of  centuries  before  the  nominal 
formation  matport.  In  the  other  Semitic  languages  'to  sew,  to 
mend'  is  K£*)  (Arabic  and  Ethiopic)  ;  in  the  North  Semitic 
languages  (Hebrew,  Phoenician,  Syrian,  Assyrian)  this  root  has 
assumed  the  more  specialized  meaning  'to  heal,'  originally  'to 
sew  up  a  wound. '  Evidently  *  t]")D  as  preserved  in  Coptic  torp 
and  X£*l  come  from  the  same  root.  The  Canaanitish  language 
has  developed  a  new  triliteral  verb  from  the  relative  *  NiD*)n 
in  which  the  reflexive  prefix  evidently  expressed  reciprocity, 
like  English  'together,'  since  sewing  generally  requires  two 
objects.  That  reflexive  must  have  been  very  frequent;  possibly 
the  causative-reflexive  formation  *  N£"inN  or  *  ND""Uin  was  one 
of  the  reasons  why  the  reflexive  t-  was  understood  as  a  part  of 
the  root. 

H.  F.  LUTZ 

University  of  Pennsylvania 


Brief  Notes  73 

Uttu,  the  Sumerian  god  of  commerce 

In  JRAS  1919,  37-41,  Langdon  has  laid  Assyriologists  under 
obligation  by  discovering  new  material  for  the  appraisal  of  the 
mysterious  TAG  +  KU,  who  now  assumes  more  tangible  shape 
before  our  eyes.  A  more  careful  sifting  of  the  material,  how- 
ever, requires  the  modification  of  Langdon 's  results.  First  of 
all, we  must  examine  CT  12,  24,  38129,  64  ff.;  cf.  Christian, 
MVAG  1913,  78,  who  clarifies  the  situation  regarding  the  sign 
names : 

64  TAG  +  M(tibir,  SGI  157)  =  rittu™ 

65  TAG  +  UT(\)  (uttuf)         =  rittum 

66  TAG  +  KU  (uttu?)  —  rittum 

Sb  121  (kisib  =  MI  8  =  rittum)  shows  clearly  that  rittu  meant 
not  only  *  paw,  hand,  fist, '  but  also  '  seal ' ;  for  the  development 
cf.  our  'hand'  for  *  signature.'  Line  65  above  is  a  phonetic 
writing  of  a  common  type,  indicating  the  pronunciation  utu,  or 
the  like;  the  other  two  entries  leave  one  in  doubt  whether  the 
older  writing  is  TAG  +  $tf  or  TAG  +  KU,  since  §tf  and  KU 
can  hardly  be  distinguished  in  Old  Babylonian.  As  rittu  means 
hand,  like  su,  TAG  +  KU  is  probably  secondary  in  this  use. 
It  can,  moreover,  be  shown  that  TAG  +  Sff  means  'fist,'  as 
well  as  'seal.'  The  expression  zig-tibira-ra  means  mahd^u  sa 
sapri,  'strike  the  rump'  (sapru  =  Ar.  tafr,  'arse,  rump,'  a 
sense  which  fits  into  all  the  passages  perfectly;  sapru  is  a  syn- 
onym of  imsu,  'seat,  fundament'),  a  common  gesture  in  cunei- 
form literature,  expressive  of  disgust  or  despair.  But  ZIG 
alone,  with  the  pronunciation  gas,  means  sapru,  'rump'  (Br. 
468.8)  ;  the  sign,  which  has  not  been  explained,  obviously  repre- 
sents this  part  of  the  body  (cf.  the  Eg.  sign  ph).  So,  as  ra  = 
mahaQu,  tibir  must  be  'fist';  the  whole  phrase  means  'strike 
the  rump  with  the  fist. '  The  fact  that  KU  =  isdu,  '  seat,  arse, ' 
does  not  warrant  the  interpretation  of  TAG  +  KU  in  this  way, 
however.  In  the  same  way,  one  could  take  any  of  the  multifa- 
rious values s of  KU,  and  erect  a  hypothesis  on  it;  I  have  made 
and  rejected  several.  It  is  by  no  means  certain  that  the  trans- 
lation 'full,  laundry,'  for  TAG  sa  KU  is  correct;  the  following 
entry,  PUQ(Q}U  sa  irsi,  is  simply  'clean  a  sleeping  rug';  even 
if  it  is  right,  it  most  certainly  does  not  result  that  Uttu  is  a 


74  Brief  Notes 

fuller-god.      Juxtaposition   in   the   vocabularies   has   been   em- 
ployed as  an  argument  to  prove  many  erroneous  contentions. 

In  the  important  section  last  published  by  Meek,  AJSL  31. 
287,  Uttu  is  explained  as  the  divine  engraver  (zadim;  the 
engraver  also  made  seals),  the  god  of  the  seal,  the  god  of  judi- 
cial decisions  (dSd-~bar,  ilsa-purusse) ,  the  god  of  the  judicial 
staff  (dUs-'bar)  liparussu),  and  dRAT,  whose  meaning  is  doubt- 
ful, tho  'fuller'  is  possible.  These  statements  ought  to  make 
it  clear  that  Uttu  was  a  god  of  the  contract,  which  lay  at  the 
center  of  all  Babylonian  business  life.  Now  we  can  understand 
why  Uttu  appears  in  the  Langdon  Epic  in  a  transaction  involv- 
ing the  purchase  of  agricultural  products;  the  Sumerian  poet 
wanted  to  portray  the  beginning  of  agricultural  and  commer- 
cial life,  which  held  a  place  of  such  dignity  and  importance  in 
Babylonia. 

Unfortunately,  Langdon  insists  upon  maintaining  the  identi- 
fication of  TAG  +  KU  with  Utnapistim,  which  the  pronunciation 
Uttu  assists  him  in  doing.  After  JAOS  38.  60,  the  imaginary 
1  Utta-napistim  arik'  should  be  allowed  to  die.  As  a  mere  pos- 
sibility I  would  propose  the  identification  of  Uttu  with  the 
sun-god  Utu,  also  pdris  purusse  and  lord  of  the  judicial  sceptre 
and  the  contract;  Uttu  is  then  a  depotentized  sun-god,  like  the 
Avestan  Mithra.  It  may  be  noted  that  Mithra  was  also  a  god 
of  the  contract,  as  well  as  a  figure  of  the  Tammuz  type,  in  some 
respects  (cf.  the  remarks  JAOS  39.  81,  to  which,  aside  from  the 
reading  &ummu,  I  still  subscribe).  Uttu  may  easily  have  been 
a  god  of  fertility  and  a  god  of  business  at  once;  Nisaba  was 
a  goddess  of  writing  and  accounting  as  well  as  a  grain-deity. 

In  this  connection  I  wish  to  correct  a  typographical  error  in 
JAOS  39,  81,  n.  28,  where  the  g  in  Eg.  ngr  (ndr)  should  have 
an  inverted  circumflex,  as  in  the  copy.  The  serpent  hieroglyph 
was  pronounced  dz,  but  since  the  three  Semitic  ¥'s  (Ar.  s,  d, 
and  z)  have  fallen  together  in  it,  as  well  as  the  palatalized  g,  we 
have  adopted  the  habit  of  transcribing  d  in  the  former  case, 
and  g  with  inverted  circumflex  in  the  latter ;  Dhuti  corresponds 
to  Eth.  dakdif  'sun,'  and  is  more  remotely  connected  with  Ar. 
uddah,  '  moon. ' 

W.  F.  ALBRIGHT 

Johns  Hopkins  University 


NOTES  OF  THE  SOCIETY 

The  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Society  will  be  held  at  Cornell 
University,  Ithaca,  N.  Y.,  on  April  6-8,  1920.  The  Board  of 
Directors  will  meet  on  the  evening  of  April  5,  the  day  preceding 
the  first  day  of  meeting. 

During  the  absence  of  the  Treasurer,  Prof.  A.  T.  Clay,  now 
in  residence  at  the  School  in  Jerusalem,  all  dues  and  business 
communications  forwarded  to  his  New  Haven  address  will 
receive  prompt  attention. 

President  Lanman  of  the  Society  has  appointed  the  following 
Committee  on  Plan  for  Archaeological  Exploration  in  the  Near 
East:  Messrs.  Breasted  (chairman),  Torrey  (acting  chairman  in 
Dr.  Breasted 's  absence  from  the  country),  Butler,  Jewett,  Nies. 


NOTES  OF  OTHER  SOCIETIES,  ETC. 

The  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Society  of  Biblical  Literature  and 
Exegesis  was  held  at  Union  Seminary,  New  York,  December  29 
and  30.  The  Presidential  Address  on  'The  Origin  of  Acts/  by. 
Prof.  E.  J.  Goodspeed,  was  accompanied  by  a  symposium  on  the 
Criticism  of  Acts  as  related  to  the  History  and  Interpretation 
of  the  New  Testament.  The  Society  took  important  action  in 
establishing  a  commission  to  catalogue  all  the  Biblical  and 
Patristic  manuscripts  to  be  found  in  this  country.  The  officers 
elected  for  the  following  year  are :  President,  Prof.  A.  T.  Clay ; 
Vice-President,  Prof.  Kemper  Fullerton ;  Secretary,  Prof.  H.  J. 
Cadbury;  Treasurer,  Prof.  George  Dahl. 

In  connection  with  the  above  Society  was  held  the  annual 
meeting  of  the  Managing  Committee  of  the  American  School  of 
Oriental  Research  in  Jerusalem.  It  was  reported  that  the  School 
had  been  opened  with  Director  Worrell  and  Professors  Clay  and 
Peters  in  residence,  that  affiliation  had  been  made  with  the  Brit- 
ish School  of  Archaeology,  and  the  Bute  House  within  the  Jaffa 
Gate  had  been  secured  as  the  home  of  the  two  Schools.  The 
Fellow,  Dr.  Albright,  reached  Jerusalem  on  December  30. 


76  Notes  of  Other  Societies,  etc. 

The  annual  meeting  of  the  Archaeological  Institute  of  Amer- 
ica, which  could  not  be  held  in  Toronto,  the  appointed  place, 
because  of  an  epidemic,  was  held  in  Pittsburgh  on  December 
29-31.  The  officers  of  the  organization  were  in  general  reelected. 
Of  general  interest  was  the  discussion  on  'Archaeology  and 
Classical  Philology',  in  which  Egypt,  Mesopotamia,  Greece  and 
Italy  were  represented  respectively  by  Drs.  Currelly,  Jastrow, 
Fowler,  Laing. 

The  Palestine  Oriental  Society  was  organized  in  Jerusalem  in 
January  at  a  meeting  participated  in  by  about  thirty  officials 
and  scholars.  It  adopted  a  constitution  similar  to  that  of  the 
American  Oriental  Society.  The  officers  elected  are:  Pere 
Lagrange,  president;  Messrs.  Clay  and  Garstang,  vice-presi- 
dents ;  Mr.  Danby,  treasurer ;  Mr.  Slousch,  secretary ;  Governor 
Storrs,  Messrs.  Ben  Yehudah  and  Crea,  directors. 


THE  AMERICAN  COUNCIL  OF  LEARNED 
SOCIETIES 

Upon  the  invitation  of  the  presidents  and  secretaries  of  the 
American  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences  and  the  American  His- 
torical Association,  extended  to  thirteen  representative  Ameri- 
can learned  societies  devoted  to  humanistic  studies,  a  conference 
was  held  in  Boston  on  September  19,  1919.  The  following 
societies  were  represented  by  delegates:  the  American  Philoso- 
phical Society,  the  American  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences, 
the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  the  Archaeological  Institute 
of  America,  the  Modern  Language  Association,  the  American 
Historical  Association,  the  American  Economic  Association,  the 
American  Philosophical  Association:  and,  unofficially,  the 
American  Philological  Association  and  the  American  Oriental 
Society,  the  latter  being  represented  by  Professors  J.  E.  Jewett 
and  D.  G.  Lyon.  Mr.  William  E.  Thayer  was  chosen  permanent 
chairman  and  Mr.  Waldo  G.  Leland  permanent  secretary.  The 
object  of  the  conference  was.  the  establishment  of  a  union  of  the 
humanistic  societies  in  America,  so  as  to  enable  this  country  to 
be  properly  represented  in  the  Union  Academique,  a  proposed 
international  organization  of  learned  societies  devoted  to  human- 
istic studies,  steps  towards  the  formation  of  which  were  taken 
under  the  auspices  of  the  Academic  des  Inscriptions  et  Belles 
Lettres  at  a  preliminary  conference  held  in  Paris  on  May  15  and 
17,  1919. 

It  was  formally  resolved  by  the  conference  in  Boston  that, 
'It  is  the  sense  of  this  Conference  that  American  learned  socie- 
ties devoted  to  humanistic  studies  should  participate  as  a  group 
in  the  Union  Academique.'  Professor  James  T.  Shotwell,  of 
Columbia  University,  and  Mr.  William  H.  Buckler,  of  Baltimore, 
were  appointed  as  American  delegates  to  the  session  of  the 
Union  Academique  to  be  held,  in  Paris  in  October.  Among  the 
votes  adopted  by  the  conference  was  the  statement  that  'This 
Conference  desires  to  express  its  deep  interest  in  the  subject  of 
explorations  and  researches  in  Western  Asia  and  hopes  that  a 
scheme  of  cooperation  may  be  considered  by  the  Union  Aca- 
demique. ' 


78  Notes  of  Other  Societies,  etc. 

A  draft  of  a  Constitution  of  the  affiliated  American  societies 
was  then  considered  and  adopted.  It  is  as  follows: 

CONSTITUTION 

ART.  I.  This  body  shall  be  known  as  the  American  Council  of  Learned 
Societies  devoted  to  Humanistic  Studies. 

ART.  II.  SECT.  A.  The  Council  shall  be  composed  of  delegates  of  the 
national  learned  societies  of  the  United  States  which  are  devoted  to  the 
advancement,  by  scientific  methods,  of  the  humanistic  studies. 

•SECT.  B.  Each  of  the  thirteen  societies  herein  named  shall,  upon  ratifi- 
cation of  this  convention  and  constitution,  be  admitted  to  representation  in 

the  Council: 

The  American  Philosophical  Society. 

The  American  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences. 

The  American  Antiquarian  Society. 

The  American  Oriental  Society. 

The  American  Philological  Association. 

The  Archaeological  Institute  of  America. 

The  Modern  Language  Association  of  America. 

The  American  Historical  Association. 

The  American  Economic  Association. 

The  American  Philosophical  Association. 

The  American  Political  Science  Association. 

The  American  Sociological  Society. 

The  American  Society  of  International  Law. 

SECT.  C.  Other  societies  may  be  admitted  to  representation  in  the  Coun- 
cil by  vote  of  three-fourths  of  all  the  delegates. 

ART.  III.  SECT.  A.  Each  society  shall  be  represented  in  the  Council 
by  two  delegates,  chosen  in  such  manner  as  the  society  may  determine. 

SECT.  B.  The  term  of  office  of  delegates  shall  be  four  years,  but  at  the 
first  election  of  delegates  from  each  society  a  short  term  of  two  years  shall 
be  assigned  to  one  of  the  delegates,  and  thereafter  one  delegate  shall  be 
chosen  every  two  years. 

ART.  IV.  The  officers  of  the  Council  shall  consist  of  a  chairman,  a  vice- 
chairman,  and  a  secretary-treasurer,  who  shall  be  chosen  for  such  terms 
and  in  such  manner  as  the  Council  may  determine,  but  no  two  officers  shall 
be  from  the  same  society. 

ART.  V.  The  Council  shall  determine  its  own  rules  of  procedure  and 
shall  enact  such  by-laws,  not  inconsistent  with  this  constitution,  as  it  may 
deem  desirable. 

ART.  VI.  The  Council  shall  hold  at  least  one  meeting  each  year,  which 
meeting  shall  be  not  less  than  two  months  prior  to  the  stated  annual 
meeting  of  the  Union  Academique. 

ART.  VII.  The  Council  shall  choose  such  number  of  delegates  to  rep- 
resent the  United  States  in  the  Union  Academique  as  may  be  prescribed  by 
the  statutes  of  the  Union,  and  shall  prepare  their  instructions,  and  in  gen- 
eral shall  be  the  medium  of  communication  between  the  Union  and  the 
societies  which  are  represented  in  the  Council. 


Notes  of  Other  Societies,  etc.  79 

ART.  VIII.  The  Council  may  upon  its  own  initiative  take  measures  to 
advance  the  general  interests  of  the  humanistic  studies,  and  is  especially 
charged  with  maintaining  and  strengthening  relations  among  the  societies 
which  are  represented  in  it. 

ART.  IX.  SECT.  A.  In  order  to  meet  its  own  necessary  administrative 
expenses  and  to  pay  the  annual  contribution  of  the  United  States  to  the 
administrative  budget  of  the  Union  Acadeinique  the  Council  shall,  until 
otherwise  provided,  assess  upon  each  society  represented  in  it  an  annual 
contribution  of  not  less  than  twenty-five  dollars,  nor  more,  except  as  a 
minimum  contribution,  than  a  sum  equal  to  five  cents  for  each  member  of 
the  society. 

SECT.  B.  The  Council  may  receive  gifts  and  acquire  property  for  the 
purpose  indicated  abdve. 

ART.  X.  The  Council  shall  make  a  report  to  the  societies  each  year  set- 
ting forth  in  detail  all  the  acts  of  the  Council  and  all  receipts  and  expendi- 
tures of  money. 

ART.  XI.  Identical  instructions  from  a  majority  of  the  societies  which 
are  represented  in  the  Council  shall  be  binding  upon  it. 

ART.  XII.  The  Council  may  be  dissolved  by  a  vote  of  two-thirds  of  the 
societies  represented  therein. 

ART.  XIII.  Amendments  to  this  constitution  may  be  proposed  by  a  vote 
of  two -thirds  of  the  Council  and  shall  take  effect  when  ratified  by  a  major- 
ity of  the  societies  represented  in  the  Council. 

ART.  XIV.  This  convention  and  constitution  shall  be  presented  to  the 
societies  named  in  Article  II,  Section  B,  and  shall  be  put  into  effect  when 
they  shall  have  been  ratified  by  any  seven  of  them. 

The  meeting  of  the  Committee  of  the  Union  Academique  was 
held  in  Paris  on  Oct.  15-18,  1919,  the  American  representatives 
being  Mr.  Buckler  and,  in  the  absence  of  Prof.  Shotwell,  Dr. 
Louis  H.  Gray.  A  constitution  of  the  Union  was  drafted,  which 
is  to  be  submitted  to  the  American  learned  societies  for  ratifica- 
tion, but  no  copies  of  it  are  known  to  have  reached  this  country 
as  yet.  It  was  also  decided  that  the  next  meeting  of  the  Union 
be  held  in  May,  1920. 

The  foregoing  information  was  communicated  by  the  Corre- 
sponding Secretary  of  this  Society  to  its  Directors  in  a  circular 
letter  dated  Dec.  13,  1919,  so  that  they  might  make  such  recom- 
mendations as  they  might  see  fit  to  the  Society  at  its  Annual 
Meeting. 

The  Constitution  of  the  American  Council  of  Learned  Socie- 
ties Devoted  to  Humanistic  Studies  has  already  been  ratified 
by  eight  of  the  thirteen  societies  participating  in  the  Boston 
Conference,  viz :  the  American  Philosophical  Society,  the  Amer- 


80  Notes  of  Other  Societies,  etc. 

ican  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences,  the  American  Antiquarian 
Society,  the  American  Philological  Association,  the  Archaeolo- 
gical Institute  of  America,  the  American  Historical  Association, 
the  American  Economic  Association,  and  the  American  Socio- 
logical Society.  Six  of  these  societies  have  appointed  their 
delegates  to  the  Council,  the  first  meeting  of  which,  it  is  now 
expected,  will  be  held  in  New  York  City  on  February  14. 

Although  the  American  Oriental  Society  has  not  yet  ratified 
the  Constitution  of  the  American  Council,  it  has  been  asked  to 
send  two  informal  representatives  to  the  coming  meeting,  and 
the  President  of  the  Society  has  appointed  as  such  Prof.  Morris 
Jastrow,  Jr.,  and  Prof.  Maurice  Bloomfield. 

P.  S. — At  the  first  meeting  of  the  American  Council,  held  in 
New  York  on  February  14,  organization  was  effected.  The  fol- 
lowing officers  were  elected:  Prof.  Charles  H.  Haskins,  chair- 
man; Prof.  John  C.  Rolfe,  vice-chairman;  Prof.  George  M. 
Whicher,  secretary-treasurer.  Professor  Jastrow  attended  the 
meeting  as  the  informal  representative  of  this  Society. 


PERSONALIA 

M.  SYLVAIN  LEVI,  Honorary  Member  of  this  Society,  has  been 
commissioned  by  the  French  Minister  of  Public  Instruction  to 
organize  the  department  of  Oriental  Languages  in  the  reconsti- 
tuted French  University  of  Strasbourg. 


PHONETIC  AND  LEXICAL  NOTES 

EDWIN  W.  FAY* 
UNIVERSITY  OP  TEXAS 

1.    INDO-!RANIAN  TREATMENT  OP  IE.  A-1*. 

1.  In  Avestan,  interior  and  final  kls  yielded  s,  through  an 
intermediate  stage  which  we  may  transcribe  by  k's  or  ss.     In 
behalf  of  the  second  transcription  I  note  -iks-  from  iss  in  Skr. 
dviksat  (he  hated),  and  -it  in  edhamdna-dvit. 

REMARK.  It  is  not  necessary,  however,  to  invoke  the  analogy  of  Sk. 
-7cs-<-ss-  to  support  the  contention  that  IE  tfs  (Indo-Iran.  ss)  yielded 
interior  ks  but  final  t. — I  see  no  cogent  reason  for  accepting  the  theory 
(see  Wackernagel  Ai.  Gram.  §  §  118;  97a)  that  dvelcsi  (thou  hatest)  has 
analogical  Jcs.  The  s  of  IE  esi  (thou  art)— Sk.  dsi  (A)  may  be  an  earlier 
treatment  of  -ss-  than  the  ss  of  e<r<n  (e<r<ri),  Plautine  ess,  Armen.  es;  (B), 
see  Brugmann,  Gr.  1,  p.  725,  Anm.  It  must  be  remembered,  however, 
that  unemphatic  esi  yields  no  reliable  proof  for  the  usual  treatment  of 
-ss-.  Sk.  josi  may  fall  under  A,  dvelcsi  under  B.  In  view  of  the  small 
number  of  locative  infinitives  like  budh-i  in  Sanskrit  (see  Macdon ell's  Ved. 
Gram.  §  588),  more  heavily  graded  jos-i  (imperative  from  infinitive,  type 
of  Lat.  es-se)  is  not  to  be  excluded  from  the  ~budM  class;  cf.  like  varia- 
tions in  gradation  in  dative  root  infinitives  (see  Bartholomae,  Gr.  Iran. 
Phil.  1.  §  258.  1).  And  who  shall  decide  whether  srdsi  (hear  thou)  is  from 
sru  or  from  srus?  That  gen.  us-ds  (Aurorae)  comes  from  us-s,  reduced 
from  IE  us-es-,  rather  than  directly  from  us  (cf.  vy-us-i,  at  dawn),  is 
quite  incredible. 

2.  In  Sanskrit,  the  rules  are  much  more  complicated:    (1) 
Interior  A;xs>  ss>  ks  (dviksmahi,  like  dviksat)  •    (2)  final  k*s 
normally  yielded  -ss,  whence  -t  (vit,  settlement,  like  edhamdna- 
dvit)  ;   (3)  but  after  r  r,  as  in  dfk  spfk  urk,  yielded  -k;   (4)  and 
so  after  dentals,  by  dissimilation,  as  in  dik  rtvik    (cf.  Class. 
Quart.  8.  53,  noting  also  -dhrk  for  -dhrt).     (5)  After  n  and  s, 
as  in  bhiwk  and  prd-nak  (but  nat  d-nat),  the  product  was  also 
-k.     (6)  We  find  t  and  t  after  sth  in  Prakritic  pasthavdt  (cf.  on 
nom.  anadvdn  §  4) . 

3.  The  nom.  purodds  (fore-offering)   contains  da-   (gift),  or 
perhaps  an  s  stem,  *dds;  but  its  lingual  d  testifies  to  an  early 
metaplastic   nominative   -ddt    (d  by  progressive   assimilation). 
The  accusative  puro-ddsam  (fore-honor)   is  metaplastic  ( :  das, 

*  Died  Feb.  17,  1920.     He  had  revised  proof  on  pp.  81-102  before  his 
death. 
6    JAOS  40  ' 


82  Edwin  W.  Fay 

acclaims).  Likewise  avayds  (propitiatory  offering)  belongs  to 
the  root  yd;  see  Whitney's  note  on  AV.  2.  35.  1,  and  cf.  avaydnam 
(propitiation).  Vedic  an-dk  (eyeless)  has  IE.  kw. 

2.  THE  PHONETICS  OF  SKR.  anadud-lhyas. 

4.  The  problem  is  to  trace  the  phonetic  development  of  the 
Proto-Indo-Iranian  weak  stem  anas-ug^h-.     This  I  do  briefly  as 
follows:   by  exterior  euphony  the  compound  anas-ug1^-  yielded 
anaz-uzh-,   whence   by   assimilation   anaz-uzh-   and   next,   with 
continued   assimilation,    ablv.    *anad-ud-~bhyas,   loc.    *anadutsu, 
subsequently   dissimilated   to   anadud-bhyas   etc.      The   proper 
nominative,  still  reckoning  with  the  accomplished  dissimilation, 
would  have  been  *anadvdt,  voc.  *dnadvat,  with  euphonic  forms 
in  -van  before  initial  nasals.     To  the  generalisation   of  these 
euphonic  forms  the  synonymous  vocatives  of  vfsan  and  uksan 
(bull)   would  have  contributed,  though  Whitney's  metaplastic 
stem  anadvdnt  (possessing  a  wagon)  is  not  inadmissible. — Uhlen- 
beck's  prius  anard-  is  bare  assumption;    and  the  Indra  epithet 
dnarvis-  in  RV.  1.  121.  7  might  mean,  as  Ludwig  realizes  in  his 
note,  a  thousand  other  things  than  car-borne  (pace  Johannson 
in  BB  18.  17).     Perhaps  the  epithet  is  a  bahuvrihi,  with  shifted 
(?  ultimately  vocatival)   accent,  from  haplologic  anar[vd]-vis- 
( having  a  limitless  dwelling,  dwelling  in  infinity). 

3.  CRITIQUE  OF  JAOS  38.  206-207. 

5.  Professor  Edgerton  has  made  a  just,  if  somewhat  harsh, 
criticism  of  Uhlenbeck's   'etymology'   of  Skr.  Idti  (takes).     He 
has  also  found  for  ddesa  the  sense  of  salutation.     Against  his 
derivation  of  these  words  from  a  Hindi  dialect  I  have  reserva- 
tions ;  nor  can  I  believe  that,  in  noting  Hindi  lena,  the  lexicon  of 
Monier  Williams  intended  to  represent  lena  as  the  source  of  Idti, 
but  rather  to  say  that  Idti  and  lena  derived  from  a  common  Pra- 
kritic  source. 

6.  As  for  the  verb  Idti,  Frohde  correctly  placed  it  long  ago  (BB 
20.  212)  with  the  sept  of  Greek  Xdrpov  (wage).    But  Frohde 's 
definition  was  defective.    As  it  is  reflected,  after  Walde,  in  Boi- 
sacq  (s.  v.  Aar/ooi/),  lei  (noun  and  verb)   meant    'possession,  to 
accord  to  one ' ;  in  the  middle,  '  to  acquire,  gain. '    We  come  out 
better  with  the  one  definition  of  to  take.     [Giving  is  a  reciprocal 
act.     For  the  receiver  it  is  a  taking  (cf.  Eng.  takings  =  money 


Phonetic  and  Lexical  Notes  83 

taken  in  business,  receipts).]  In  Homer  (see  the  passages  in 
Frdhde's  article),  dA^to?  means  'without  one's  takings, — a  due 
share  in ' ;  Xdrpov  is  the  share  of  the  earner,  and  Lat.  latro  has  come 
clearly  back  to  'taker/  The  IE.  root  (s)lei  ( ?  enlargement  of  sel 
in  cXcti/)  appears  as  ste,  expanded  by  various  determinatives  in 
2-AAa/?e  (Xrjij/cTai)  and  Aa£cT<xi.  Skr.  rdbhate  preserves  a  trace  of  the 
original  diphthong  in  pf.  rebhe  (see  AJP  39.  293)  and  i  is  also 
revealed  in  -ripsu  (cited  by  Whitney)  ;  cf.  (with  i)  Acui/^pos 
(rapidus).  Between  Idtvd  (with)  and  Xapw  a  close  parallel 
obtains.  Was  Lat.  letum  originally  a  taking  off? 

7.  As  regards  ddesa  in  the  sense  of  salutation  (cf.  Eng.  bid  = 
invitation  and   'I  bid  you  goodday'),  I  am  even  further  from 
being  convinced.     In  the  context  it  seems  not  unlikely  that  dde- 
sam  dattvd  etc.,  introducing  the  interview  of  a  great  king  with 
a  sage,  meant  merely   'the  king  having  given  a  signal  <to  pro- 
ceed >  was  saluted  by  the  sage';  and  note  in  the  lexica  that 
a  +  dis  is  defined  by  nominare  (benennen).     Granting  the  defi- 
nition, however,  this  sense  may  have  been  suggested  for  ddesa  to 
any  user  of  the  cry  of  greeting  ( ?  or  salutation  at  departure) , 
distyd;  cf.  disti-vrddhi  (congratulation). — In  regard  to  the  for- 
mula of  etiquette  distyd  vardhase,  I  hesitate  between  the  standard 
interpretation  as  salute  augeris  and  a  more  archaic  salute  appel- 
laris  (vardhase  :  Lat.  verbum).     The  salutation  distyd  (salve;  lit. 
with  homage)  is  to  be  derived  from  ddsnoti  (does  homage). 

8.  Likewise  ddesa,  if  it  means  greeting,  may  belong  by  honest 
descent  to  the  sept  of  ddsnoti,  for  I  take  it  that,  given  a  colloquial 
survival  of  Sanskrit,  a  word  (Idti)   or,  in  a  formula   (ddesam 
dattvd),  a  definition  of  most  archaic  nature  may  emerge  as  late 
classical  Sanskrit,  or  even  in  a  restricted  dialect,  that  of  the 
Southern   recension    of   Professor    Edgerton's    text.     In   point 
of  derivation  ddesa  may  belong,  like  distyd,  to  a  very  interesting 
group.    The  original  root  was  de(i)k1,  with  long  interior  diph- 
thong;  and  the  cognates  exhibit  a  rather  rich  vowel  gradation, 
e.  g.  ddsati  (acclaims,  does  homage,  greets,  offers,  consecrates)  ; 
dlksd,  consecration  (this  is,  to  the  best  of  my  knowledge,  a  new 
derivation)  ;  ddesa  ( ?  salutation).     There  is  also  in  RV.  6.  56.  1 
the  reduplicated  stem  dides-  : 

yd  enam  ddidesati  TcarambMd  iti  pusdnam  \  nd  tena  devd  ddise: 
qui  hunc  salutat    '  Pultiphagus '    nomine  Pushanem   |  non  ei  deus 
salutando  <est>. 


84  Edwin  W.  Fay 

In  Homer  the  root  deik*  is  of  social  rather  than  sacral  import: 
buKwrai  (salutes,  welcomes,  pledges  with  a  cup)  ;  and  in  the  same 
sense  Sei/cavowvro  SeiSt'oxero  ( :  SeSicrKo/xevos) .  Nor  must  we  any 
longer,  under  the  spell  of  the  phonetic  system  that  obtained 
prior  to  the  elucidation  of  the  long  diphthong  series,  follow 
Wackernagel  (BB  4.  269)  in  the  mischievous  correction  to 
BrjKwraL.  In  Latin,  the  i  of  the  diphthong  has  been  lost  alto- 
gether in  decus,  honor  (  :  Skr.  dasasydti)  ;  but  dicat  (conse- 
crates) and  dlgnus  (honored,  honorable >  worthy)  contain  it; 
cf.  d/oi-8eiKeTos  and  see  AJP  31.  415.  A  secondary  root  dek^s 
remains  in  RV.  in  hnpv.  daksatd  (do  homage),  construed  (as 
sometimes  das)  with  dative  of  receiver. 

9.  That  the  root  deiK1  (acclaim)  is  anything  but  a  specialized 
aspect  of  the  root  written  deik1  (to  point  out,  show,  in  Skr.  dis), 
or  conversely,  I  cannot  believe.  Clue  enough  to  the  special  sense 
is  furnished  by  the  Aeschylean  compound  8a/cTvXo-8ei/<Tos  ( =dig- 
itis  monstratus>  honored,  conspicuous).  I  also  compare  our 
Biblical  skew-bread.  Personally  I  think  that  in  the  sept  of 
ddsati  the  long  diphthong  series  is  archaic  in  the  sacral  and 
social  word,  and  is  older  than  the  short  diphthong  series  of  dico, 
BeiKWfjiL.  The  reduplication  of  SeiSiVKcro  is  the  intensive  redupli- 
cation of  Skr.  dediste  (displays),  formally  allocated  to  dis 
instead  of  das.  Again,  we  should  not  correct  to  Sv 


HINDIISMS  IN  SANSKRIT  AGAIN:    A  REPLY  TO  PRO- 
FESSOR FAY 

FRANKLIN  EDGERTON 
UNIVERSITY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA 

MY  DERIVATION  of  ddesa,  ' salutation,'  from  Hindi  (or  som 
related  dialect)  ddes  evidently  goes  very  much  against  the  grain 
with  Professor  Fay ;  for  he  thinks  of  at  least  three  distinct  and 
alternativ  ways  of  avoiding  it.  It  puzzles  me  to  discover  why 
the  suggestion  should  seem  to  him  a  priori  so  improbable,  as 
apparently  it  does.  But  of  that  later.  Let  me  first  consider  his 
alternativ  suggestions. 

1.  He  thinks  adesam  dattva  need  not  mean   'giving  a  saluta- 


•  Hindiisms  in  Sanskrit  Again  85 

tion,'  but  may  mean  simply  'giving  a  signal  (to  proceed)/ 
The  sage's  response  to  the  king's  ddesa  is  a  benediction,  sukhi 
bhava.  The  like  of  this  is  regularly  delivered  by  a  saint  to  any- 
one (king  or  other  person)  whom  he  may  meet,  in  response  to  a 
respectful  salutation.  The  salutation  is  represented  as  a  neces- 
sary preliminary  to  the  blessing.  If  occasionally  in  such  cases 
no  prior  salutation  is  specifically  mentiond,  that  only  means  that 
it  is  taken  for  granted,  because  the  idea  of  its  necessity  is  so 
commonplace  and  familiar.  In  another  recension  of  the  Vikra- 
macarita  the  same  king  tests  the  omniscience  of  another  saint  by 
saluting  him  only  mentally  (that  is,  without  words  or  other  out- 
ward sign)  ;  when  the  sage  offers  a  benediction,  the  king  says 
'Why  do  you  bless  me  when  I  hav  not  greeted  you?'  To  this 
the  sage  replies  that  by  means  of  his  omniscience  he  perceivd 
the  mental  greeting  of  the  king.  (This  incident  is  found  in 
Indische  Studien,  15.  285.)  The  royal  permission  is  not  needed 
for  a  religious  person  to  address  the  king;  on  the  contrary,  the 
saint  ranks  higher  than  the  king,  and  it  is  the  king's  duty  to 
salute  him  first.  This  is  commonplace  thruout  all  Hindu  liter- 
ature. Professor  Fay's  suggested  interpretation  of  ddesa  is 
therefore  un-Hindu. 

2.  Granting  the  meaning  'salutation,'  Professor  Fay  thinks 
this  meaning  of  ddesa  may  be  derived  from  Sanskritic  uses  of 
the  root  (d)dis.  Two  of  his  suggestions  may  be  groupt  here. 

(a)  He  calls  to  mind  the  frase  distyd  (vardhase),  a  form  of 
congratulation  (not  of  salutation).     The  literal  meaning  of  this 
frase  is  not  entirely  clear.     But  certainly  disti  does  not  mean 
anything  like  salutation;  and  indeed  Prbfessor  Fay's  suggestion 
implies  a  very  violent  transfer  of  meaning  based  on  a  very  vague 
psychological  connexion.     Another  objection  is  that  disti  is  not 
ddisti,  and  that  in  semasiology  you  cannot  jump  from  a  simple 
base  to  one  of  its  compounds  without  hesitation. 

(b)  Deserving  of  much  more  serious  consideration  is  the  claim 
that  ddidesati  in  EV.  6.  56.  1  means   'salutes.'     If  this  wer  so, 
or  if  any  form  or  derivativ  of  ddis  in  Sanskrit  could  be  shown  to 
hav  such  a  meaning,  then  Professor  Fay  would  hav  som  appar- 
ent ground  for  questioning  my  etymology.     I  shal  endevor  to 
show  in  the  paper  which  follows  this  that  he  is  wrong  about 
ddidesati,  and  that  in  the  Eigveda  at  least  no  such  meaning 
attaches  to  any  form  or  derivativ  of  ddis.     Even  if  I  wer  wrong 


86  Franklin  Edgerton 

in  this  (and  after  reading  Professor  Fay's  Ee  joinder  I  am  stil 
fully  convinst  that  I  am  right),  I  do 'not  think  that  the  question 
of  ddesa  would  be  seriously  affected  thereby.  The  power  of  the 
counter-argument  would  be  more  apparent  than  real.  Professor 
Fay  has  not  been  able  to  show  any  trace  of  the  meaning  'salute' 
in  any  derivativ  of  ddis  later  than  the  Eigveda.  Yet  the  word 
and  its  derivativs  ar  very  common  in  later  Sanskrit.  I  should 
hesitate  long  before  jumping  from  the  Eigveda  to  more  than  a 
thousand  years  A.  D.,  with  no  intervening  link,  on  a  point  con- 
cerning the  meaning  of  a  word  which  is  very  commonly  used  in 
other  meanings  thruout  the  whole  of  the  intervening  period.  It 
is  not  unimportant,  either,  that  the  actual  form  ddesa  does  not 
occur  in  the  Eigveda  at  all.  So  far  as  we  kno,  ddesa  means,  in 
all  periods  of  Sanskrit  where  it  occurs,  'command,  instruction' 
or  the  like ;  until  suddenly,  like  a  bolt  out  of  the  clear  sky,  in  a 
single  occurrence  in  a  work  composed  more  than  a  thousand 
years  A.  D.,  we  find  it  meaning  'salutation.'  And  then  we  find 
that  Hindi  ddes  means,  very  commonly  tho  not  invariably,  the 
same  thing.  To  refuse  to  accept  the  obvious  inference  requires 
more  self-denial  than  I  hav. 

3.  Professor  Fay's  third  line  of  attack  involvs  a  series  of 
interesting  and  ingenious  etymological  suggestions  by  which  he 
seeks  to  link  ddesa  in  particular,  and  the  root  dis  in  general, 
with  a  number  of  other  words  in  Sanskrit  and  related  languages 
which  mean  'honor,  respect'  and  the  like.  His  language  in  this 
part  of  his  paper  is  not  always  quite  clear  to  me.  For  instance, 
he  says  'ddesa  (greeting)  may  belong  by  honest  descent  to  the 
sept  of  ddsati  (does  homage).'  If  he  means  by  this  that  ddesa 
may  be  directly  connected  with  dds,  and  only  more  remotely  (if 
at  all)  with  d-dis,  then  I  cannot  follow  him.  Indeed,  I  cannot 
even  argue  with  him  on  that  point ;  for  it  implies  the  non-recog- 
nition of  what  to  me  ar  axiomatic  principles.  To  my  mind 
ddesa  'greeting'  is  either  a  Sanskrit  word  by  'honest  descent' 
(or  derivation)  from  d-dis,  or  it  is  not  a  Sanskrit  word  at  all. 
A  third  alternativ  seems  to  me  to  be  entertainable  only  by  an 
act  of  faith.  My  own  view  is  that  it  is  not  a  Sanskrit  word  at 
all,  but  a  Hindi  (or  other  modern)  word. 

On  the  other  hand,  if  Professor  Fay  only  means  that  dis, 
'indicate,  show,'  belongs  to  a  group  of  Indo-European  words 
som  of  which  hav  develop  t  such  meanings  as  'honor,  revere, 


Hindiisms  in  Sanskrit  Again  87 

salute';  then,  if  his  etymologies  ar  sound  (they  seem  to  me 
pretty  bold),  they  would  indeed  be  of  use  in  explaining  the 
origin  of  this  meaning  of  the  Hindi  ddes.  For  they  would  fur- 
nish interesting  semantic  parallels  for  the  development  of  this 
word  from  Sanskrit  ddesa  'direction,  prescription,  aim'  or  the 
like  (but  not  ' salutation'). 

The  only  point  at  issue  would  then  be  whether  the  meaning 
'salutation'  for  ddesa  developt  in  Sanskrit,  or  whether  it 
developt  in  a  modern  dialect  and  came  into  Sanskrit  as  a  back- 
formation.  Now,  it  is  of  course  wel-known  to  all  that  Sanskrit — 
even  much  older  Sanskrit  than  the  Vikramacarita — is  'chuck 
full'  of  back-formations  from  the  Middle  Indie  dialects,  that  is 
from  popular  speech.  Buddhistic  Sanskrit  is  the  prize  example 
of  this ;  a  large  part  of  it  is  only  rudely  and  imperfectly  Sans- 
kritized  Pali  (or  som  related  dialect).  But  all  periods  of  the 
language  ar  sufficiently  full  of  the  same  sort  of  thing.  Now 
then,  if  the  very  common  Sanskrit  word  ddesa  never  shows  any 
meaning  like  'salutation,'  except  in  the  one  passage  discoverd 
by  me ;  and  if  the  verb  d-dis  and  its  other  derivativs  ar  equally 
negativ;  and  if  we  find  that,  in  Hindi,  ddes  is  an  extremely 
familiar  and  commonplace  word  in  this  meaning;  then — I  do 
not  see  what  dignus,  decus,  or  even  dds,  can  hav  to  do  with  the 
question  (except,  as  aforesaid,  perhaps  as  semantic  parallels). 
Hier  stehe  ich;  ich  kann  nicht  anders. 

Let  me  put  a  hypothetical  question  to  Professor  Fay.  Let  us 
assume  that  in  a  scolastic  Latin  treatise  written  in  Bologna  in 
the  fourteenth  century  we  find  a  common  Latin  word — say 
dictio — used  in  a  sense  in  which  it  is  otherwise  unknown,  even 
in  medieval  Latin,  but  in  which  its  Italian  equivalent  is  very  wel 
known  and  common.  Would  Professor  Fay  look  to  Old  Persian 
and  Lithuanian  relativs  of  the  original  Latin  root  to  find  the 
explanation  of  the  isolated  usage?  Would  he  even  trouble  him- 
self to  go  far  afield  among  Plautine  or  Ciceronian  cognates  of  the 
root  in  question — particularly  among  supposed  cognates  whose 
relationship  is  at  best  doutful,  and  certainly  cannot  hav  been 
apparent  to  the  users  of  the  language  (as  dds:  dis)  ?'  The  par- 
allel seems  to  me  perfect. 

The  same  considerations  apply  to  Idti.  No  Hindi  scolar,  so 
far  as  appears,  douts  the  fact  that  Hindi  le-nd  (na  is  the*infini- 
tiv  ending,  the  'root'  is  le)  is  derived  from  Prakritic  forms  of 


88   \  Franklin  Edgerton 


(See  Plaits,  Hindustani  Dictionary,  s.  v.  ;  Hoernle,  Comp. 
Gram,  of  the  Gaudian  Languages,  p.  70.)  In  Bengali  the  root 
is  la  (infinitiv  la-it  e),  and  Hindi  dialects  hav  la'ind  (Platts,  I.  c.). 
The  late  appearance  of  lati,  plus  its  correspondence  with  these 
words,  is  to  my  mind  sufficient  evidence  that  it  is  from  a  popular 
dialect,  and  that  all  attempts  to  connect  it  with  IE.  elements  le 
or  la  ar  useless  and  misleading.  The  only  question  open  to  dis- 
cussion is  whether  it  is  a  Prakritism  or  corns  from  a  more  modern 
dialect.  In  favor  of  the  latter  alternativ  may  be  mentiond  the 
following  facts.  There  is  no  Prakrit  base  Id,  so  far  as  I  can 
find.  There  is  indeed  a  Prakrit  le  (Hemacandra,  4.  238;  see 
reff.  there  quoted  in  Pischel's  translation),  which  Pischel  thinks 
probably  connected  with  lati,  but  which  I  think  more  likely 
belongs  with  Sanskrit  li  (as  Pischel  also  considers  possible)  ;  cf. 
Karpuramanjari,  ed.  Konow  (HOS  4),  1.  13.  At  any  rate  lati 
could  with  difficulty  be  derived  from  Prakrit  le.  It  apparently 
corns  from  a  dialect  in  which  the  vowel  was  a.  Cf.  the  Hindi 
dialect  form  la'ind,  and  Bengali  la;  the  standard  Hindi  le  is 
apparently  not  to  be  connected  with  Prakrit  le  (even  if  the 
latter  belongs  in  this  group.  at  all),  but  its  e  is  a  contraction  of 
a-i,  in  which  the  original  vowel  of  the  root  appears.  The  com- 
pound land  (for  le-dnd),  'to  bring,'  may  possibly,  but  in  my 
opinion  not  probably,  be  the  origin  of  lati. 

Again,  the  disappearance  of  medial  intervocalic  h  is  a  familiar 
(tho  not  exactly  common)  fenomenon  in  the  modern  dialects  (cf. 
Hoernle,  1.  c.;  Kellogg,  Grammar  of  the  Hindi  Language,  p.  54). 
In  Prakrit,  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  rare.  Indeed,  Pischel  (BB 
3.  246  f  .,  Grammatik  der  Prakrit  Sprachen,  p.  184)  categorically 
and  dogmatically  denies  that  it  ever  occurs  ;  but  I  think  this  is 
too  sweeping,  cf.  Weber,  Hdla*  (AKM  5.  3),  p.  29;  Hdla2  (AKM 
7.  4),  on  strofes  4,  410,  584,  especially  on  strofe  4.  This  is  an 
additional  reason  for  not  connecting  Prakrit  le  with  lablfi  (Id), 
besides  its  meaning  (Ho  lay  on'),  which  does  not  seem  to  fit  the 
latter  easily.  If  we  bar  out  le,  there  ar  no  Prakritic  forms  of 
labh  except  those  containing  an  h  as  representativ  of  the  Skt.  ~bh. 

For  these  reasons  it  seems  to  me  fair  to  assume  that  lati  corns 
from  a  modern,  post-Prakritic  dialect.  This  is  certainly  what 
Monier  Williams  intended  to  suggest  in  his  Sanskrit  Dictionary, 
s.  v.  Whether  the  suggestion  has  also  been  made  elsewhere  I 


Studies  in  the  Veda  89 

am  not  sure.  It  seems  to  me  so  obvious  that  I  feel  sure  it  would 
hav  becom  commonplace  ere  now,  but  for  the  facts  that  (1)  Idti 
is  so  rare  and  late  a  word  in  Sanskrit,  and  (2)  comparativly 
few  Sanskritists,  unhappily,  kno  anything  about  the  modern 

dialects. 


STUDIES  IN  THE  VEDA 

FRANKLIN  EDGERTON 
UNIVERSITY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA 

8.    A-dis   IN    THE    RlGVEDA.1 

No  CAREFUL  STUDY  of  d-dis  and  its  derivativs  in  the  Rigveda 
has  yet  been  made.  The  nearest  approach  to  one  is  found  in 
Oldenberg's  remarks,  ZDMG  55.  292,  and  Rgveda  Noten  on  6. 
4.  5.  Oldenberg  finds  that  ddis  as  a  noun  usually  refers  to 
'feindliche  Ansehlage.'  This  I  believ  to  be  tru;  but  I  think 
that  both  the  noun  and  the  verb  can  be  more  accurately  defined. 

My  belief  is  that  the  verb  d-dis  (always  in  RV  a  reduplicating 
present,  ddidesati,  or  intensiv,  ddeditfe)  means  invariably  'to 
aim  at'  (with  hostil  intent),  nearly  always  in  the  literal  sense, 
Ho  aim  with  a  wepon  at'  (with  accusativ  of  the  person  or  thing 
aimd  at).  The  noun  ddis  likewise  always  means  'aim,'  and  in 
evry  case  except  possibly  one  or  two  it  also  implies  hostil  intent. 

Fundamental  ar  the  two  passages  9.  70.  5cd  and  10.  61.  3^. 
Tlie  first  reads : 

v fsd  susmena  bddhate  vi  durmatlr  ddedisdnati  saryaheva 
surudhak. 

'The  viril  (Indra)  overcoms  the  evil-disposed  by  his  furious 
energy,  aiming  at  them  as  an  archer  at  opposing  warriors 
( ?  surudhdh  of  uncertain  meaning,  but  cannot  affect  the  ques- 
tion) . ' — The  second  reads : 

d  yah  sdrydbhis  tuvinrmno  asyasrimtddisam  gdbhastdu. 
'Who  with  vigorous  strength  prepares  his  aim  with  arrows  in 
the  hand.' 

Most  of  the  occurrences  of  d-dis  as  a  verb  belong  so  obviously 

1Cf.  Fay,  above,  page  83.  For  the  first  seven  Studies  in  this  series, 
see  AJP  35.  435  ff.,  JAOS  35.  240  ff.,  AJP  40.  175  ff. 


90  Franklin  Edgerton 

to  the  sfere  of  hostil  attacks  that  they  require  no  discussion. 
Thus,  10.  134.  2cd : 

adhaspaddm  tdm  Im  krdhi  yo  asmdn  ddidesati. 

'Put  him  down  underfoot  who  aims  against  us.'  The  same  or 
a  closely  similar  locution  is  found  9.  52.  4C,  10.  133.  4a-c,  1.  42. 
2a-c.  Equally  simple  and  obvious  is  6.  44.  IT0*1,  abhisendn  abhy 
ddedisdndn  pdrdca  indra  prd  mrnd  jcihl  ca.  The  only  remain- 
ing occurrence  of  a  finite  verb  form  from  d-dis  is  6.  56.  1 : 
yd  enam  ddidesati  karambhdd  iti  pusdnam,  nd  tena  devd  ddise. 
In  the  light  of  the  otherwise  universal  use  of  the  verb,  it  seems 
to  me  clear  that  it  should  be  understood  here  too  in  a  hostil  sense. 
I  therefore  would  render,  nearly  (tho  not  precisely)  with  Roth, 
Grassmann,  and  Oldenberg  (Noten,  on  9.  21.  5),  and  at  variance 
with  Fay  (who  follows  Ludwig  essentially),  'He  who  aims 
(malignantly)  at  Pusan,  saying  "he  is  a  porridge-eater  (hind, 
weakling)  " — the  god  is  not  a  mark  for  him  (literally,  not  is  the 
god  for  aiming  at  by  him).'  Aside  from  the  superior  consist- 
ency with  other  occurrences  of  the  verb,  we  hereby  avoid  the 
bold  assumption  of  an  understood  anydh,  which  Ludwig  and 
Fay  ar  compeld  to  make.  What  parallel  is  there  for  the  omis- 
sion of  anyd  in  such  a  case?  In  other  words,  how  can  nd  .  .  . 
devdh  mean  'no  other  god'?  It  means  nearly  the  opposit  of 
that:  'not  the  god  (just  mentioned).'  It  is  mere  casuistry  for 
Ludwig  to  refer  to  1.  140.  11  priydd  .  .  .  preyo,  'dearer  than  a 
dear  one';  obviously  this  is  not  in  the  least  parallel. 

The  noun  adis,  naturally,  follows  the  verb  in  usage.  In  addi- 
tion to  the  passages  alredy  quoted,  it  occurs  in  8.  60.  12ab :  yena 
vdnsdma  pftandsu  sdrdhatas  tdranto  aryd  ddisah.  Again  the 
sfere  is  conflict  (pftandsu)  ;  'crossing  over  (escaping)  the  aims 
of  the  foe.'  On  the  difficult,  and  pretty  certainly  corrupt, 
passage  6.  4.  5  see  Oldenberg,  places  quoted.  Oldenberg  is  evi- 
dently not  prejudist  in  favor  of  the  view  I  hold,  for  he  specifi- 
cally refers  to  8.  93.  11  as  showing  ddis  without  hostil  meaning. 
Yet  he  holds,  I  think  rightly,  that  in  6.  4.  5  (as  wel  as  in  8.  92. 
31,  for  which  see  his  note  on  that  passage  in  Rgveda  Noten)  it 
refers  to  'feindliche  Anschlage';  the  fraseology  of  the  passage 
(turyama,  cf.  tdranto  8.  60.  12,  drdtir,  etc.)  bears  this  out,  what- 
ever may  be  the  tru  reading  and  interpretation  of  the  text. 
The  passage  8.  93.  11,  which  Oldenberg  seems  to  think  shows 


Studies  in  the  Veda  91 

ddisam  in  a  different  sense,  is  inconclusiv,  and  can  as  easily  be 
interpreted  in  my  way  as  in  any  other :  ydsya  te  nfi  cid  ddisam 
nd  mindnti  svardjyam,  nd  devo  nddhrigur  jdnah.  '  Verily  they 
do  not  at  all  obstruct  (impede)  thy  aim,  thy  imperium.'  Of 
course  there  is  nothing  in  the  context  which  definitly  proves 
that  Indra's  'aim'  is  directed  against  his  enemies;  yet  it  would 
be  only  his  enemies  that  would  wish  to  'obstruct'  it,  and  Indra's 
general  caracter,  as  wel  as  the  usual  meaning  of  ddis  (not  to 
speak  of  svardjyam,  parallel  to  it)  suggest  this. 

In  two  or  three  passages  an  ddis  is  attributed  to  Soma.  It 
occurs  twice  in  the  consecutiv  stanzas  9.  21.  5  and  6,  in  closely 
parallel  locutions: 

dsmin  pisdngam  indavo  dddhdtd  vendm  ddise, 
yo  asmdbhyam  drdvd.     5. 
rblfiur  nd  rdthyam  ndvam  dddhdtd  ketam  ddisef 
sukrdh  pavadhvam  drnasd.     6. 

The  key  to  ddise  is  yo  asmdbhyam  drdvd.  The  soma-drops  ar  to 
fix  their  vend  '  for  aiming  at  him  who  is  stingy  towards  us. '  In 
the  next  stanza  pada  b  is  repeated  with  keta  for  vend;  obviously 
5C  is  to  be  understood  also  with  6b.  Oldenberg  (Not en)  seems 
to  me  wrong  on  these  stanzas,  tho  he  is  right  to  the  extent  of  tak- 
ing ddise  in  a  hostil  sense.  It  seems  to  me  that  both  pisdnga 
vend  and  keta  must  pertain  to  the  soma,  not  to  the  stingy  man 
(proleptically).  The  locativ  asmin  causes  no  difficulty;  it 
depends  in  sense,  at  least,  on  ddise  (perhaps  also  in  literal  con- 
struction, since  we  need  not  expect  with  the  verbal  noun  the 
accusativ  which  would  be  found  with  a  finite  verb-form  of  d-dis; 
but  it  may  also  depend  on  d-dhd,  'fix  .  .  .  upon  him  for  aim- 
ing' =  'fix  for  aiming  at  him').  The  exact  meaning  of  vend  in 
this  place  is  a  problem  which  I  hav  not  solvd  to  my  own  satis- 
faction; keta  at  least  is  clearly  'purpose,  Absicht,'  nearly 
synonymous  with  ddis  except  that  the  latter  is  distinctly  a  hostil 
word;  and  I  incline  to  the  opinion  that  vend,  which  exchanges 
with  keta  in  these  two  stanzas,  is  to  be  taken  in  som  sense  which 
amounts  to  the  same  thing  in  the  final  outcom. 

The  sound  of  the  soma  is  durdddisam  in  1.  139.  10 ;  the  context 
is  colorless  and  givs  no  clue  to  the  meaning;  'aiming  afar  off' 
fits  as  wel  as  any  other  meaning. 

I  com  finally  to  the  last  occurrence  of  ddisf  which  Professor 


92  Franklin  Edgerton 

Fay  might  hav  quoted  against  me,  since  it  is  the  one  and  only 
occurrence  of  a  derivativ  of  this  root  in  the  entire  Rigveda 
which,  taken  by  itself,  might  plausibly  be  interpreted  in  the 
sense  of  'salutation'  or  the  like.  It  is  6.  48.  14: 

tdm  va  indram  nd  sukrdtum  vdrunam  iva  mdyinam 
aryamdnam  nd  mandrdm  srprdbhojasam  visnum  nd  stusa 

ddise. 

Pusan  is  praised,  and  is  declared  to  be  like  unto  various  other 
gods  in  their  special  sferes.  Simple  as  the  language  of  the 
stanza  seems  at  first  sight,  there  ar  difficulties  about  it.  For 
instance,  we  need  a  qualifying  epithet  to  go  with  visnum  nd  in 
pada  d.  It  is  very  lame  to  translate  with  Grassmann  'den 
meinend  preis'  wie  Vischnu  ich';  for  nd  implies  that  Pusan  is 
'  (so-and-so)  like  Visnu,'  just  as  he  is  'powerful  like  Indra'  etc. 
Ludwig  sees  this  and  construes  srprdbhojasam,  in  the  preceding 
pada,  with  visnum  nd.  The  pada  division  and  the  order  of 
words  ar  against  this,  tho  I  regard  it  as  superior  to  Grassmann 's 
rendering.  But  is  it  not  at  least  possible  that  ddise  is  the  com- 
plement to  visnum  nd — 'like  Visnu  for  aiming  (against  ene- 
mies?)'? It  is  tru  that,  so  far  as  I  am  able  to  discover,  the 
Vedic  accounts  of  Visnu  furnish  no  clue  for  explaining  this  as 
particularly  appropriate  to  Visnu.  But  the  Rigveda  tells  us  so 
little  about  Visnu  anyhow,  that  we  can  not  be  sure  that  there 
may  not  be  som  allusion  here  to  a  feature  of  the  god  not  other- 
wise made  clear. — If,  however,  this  is  not  acceptable,  then 
Ludwig 's  interpretation  of  the  passage  is  clearly  the  right  one. 
Ludwig  renders  ddise  'fur  meine  Absicht,'  and  the  like  is 
implied  by  Grassmann 's  'den  meinend.'  Barring  the  possibility 
(which  I  freely  admit  is  only  a  possibility)  that  my  new  inter- 
pretation is  correct,  we  should  hav  in  ddise  at  this  point  one 
clear  case  of  the  meaning  'aim'  without  hostil  intent.  There 
would,  after  all,  be  nothing  very  startling  in  this;  it  is  not  a 
very  remote  departure  from  the  customary  (and  I  believ  other- 
wise universal)  meaning  of  the  word.  It  would  stil  be  a  very 
far  cry  to  'salutation,'  which,  as  I  said,  might  be  conjectured  for 
this  passage  if  we  knew  nothing  about  the  word  otherwise,  but 
which,  in  view  of  its  constant  occurrence  in  a  very  different 
sense,  can  surely  not  be  adopted  here.  No  interpreter,  so  far  as 
I  kno,  has  adopted  it ;  not  even  Ludwig,  altho  in  his  interpreta- 
tion of  6.  56.  1  he  corns  quite  close  to  Professor  Fay's  idea. 


Rejoinder  to  Professor  Edgerton  93 

REJOINDER  TO  PROFESSOR  EDGERTON* 

EDWIN  W.  FAY 
UNIVERSITY  OP  TEXAS 

1.  To  MAKE  an  Irish  reply  to  Professor  Edgerton 's  hypothet- 
ical question  (p.  87),  what  I  wish  to  know  is  whether  the  author 
or  editor  of  the  Vikramacarita  and  the  late  users  of  the  verb 
lati  employed  Sanskrit  as  a  vernacular  and  mother-tongue, 
whether  they  thought  in  Sanskrit  (I  do  not  mean  to  the  exclu- 
sion of  a  Prakritic  or  Hindi  dialect).  If  these  authors  had 
received  Sanskrit  viva  voce  vivisque  auribus  it  is  entirely  possi- 
ble that  they  introduced  into  Sanskrit  literature  words  not 
written  into  our  record  but,  in  point  of  origin,  of  hoary  antiq- 
uity. Grammatical  citations  apart,  parut  ( :  Wpvo-t)  is  not  of 
record.  This  shows  the  possibility  of  a  most  ancient  word  never 
being  included  in  the  literary  record  (supposing  us  to  have  it 
all!),  and  leaves  us  to  infer  that  Panini  took  the  example  from 
the  speech  of  his  own  time.  The  IE.  character  of  parut  would 
have  guaranteed  its  authenticity  even  if,  without  Panini 's  cita- 
tion, it  had  emerged  as  late  as  lati.  Again,  the  history  of  the 
root  stigh,  long  known  only  through  the  questionable  medium  of 
Dhatupatha,  shows  us  how  a  word  of  most  certain  IE.  origin 
was  restricted,  not  (so  far  as  I  know)  to  a  definitely  ascertain- 
able  locality,  but  to  the  canticles  of  a  restricted  Vedic  sect.  The 
relation  of  literary  Sanskrit  to  the  genuine  vernaculars  is  a 
thorny  problem.  From  the  time  of  the  great  Epics  on,  Sanskrit 
was  not,  in  the  narrow  sense,  a  vernacular.  But  the  language 
was  imparted  viva  voce  and  received  vivis  auribus,  so  that  it 
actually  functioned  as  a  standardized  class  or  caste  dialect,  and 
its  speakers  were  bilingual.  In  a  genuine,  if  restricted,  sense, 
this  dialect  must  have  begun  as  speech,  so  that  the  question 
arises  at  what  time,  in  which  century  (sorites- wise)  from  200 
B.  c.  (shall  I  say?)  down  to  1500  A.  D.,  the  colloquial  founts 
dried  up.  For  lati  and  ddesa  there  is  also  the  other  question  of 
a  possible  bookish  source  (see  §  9,  note).  If  a  word  of  good  IE. 
stamp  appeared  first  in  the  learned  Epic  of  Apollonius  or  in 
Callimachos  I  should  not  question  its  genuineness  as  Greek,  even 

*  Kevised  by  the  author  after  reading  Edgerton 's  following  '  Counter- 
Ee  joinder. ' 


94  Edwin  W.  Fay 

though  the  vernacular  of  these  authors  was  Hellenistic.  I  can- 
not think  the  lateness  of  Idti  substantially  different  from  the 
lateness  of  sthagayati  (covers)  :  Lat.  tegit;  or  of  hadati  which, 
exception  made  of  Epic  -hdda,  is  classical  only,  but  surely  of  IB. 
provenance.  Also  note  itar,  primary  derivative  of  i,  but  not 
found  till  Vasavadatta,  see  Gray's  edition,  pp.  202,  214. 

The  vocalism  of  Idti. 

2.  I  could  not  think,  because  of  the  conflict  of  vowels  in  Sk. 
Idti  and  Hindi  le-na,  that  the  lexicon  of  Monier  Williams  meant 
to  assert  the  express  derivation  of  the  one  from  the  other;  nor 
did  I  feel  sure — though  I  am  compelled  to  speak  without  due 
lexical  aids — that  the  contracted  Hindi  form  ldna<,  le-dnd  was 
earlier  than  the  emergence  of  Idti.  [And  now  exactly  so  for  the 
Bengali  root  Id.]  On  the  other  hand,  the  morphological  rela- 
tion between  Idti  and  labhati  has  so  many  analogues  to  confirm 
it  in  IE.  grammar  that  a  theory  of  late  emergence,  but  early 
origin,  for  Idti  is  not  to  be  put  out  of  court  till  something  like 
philological  proof  of  origin  from  an  Indie  vernacular  is  assured. 
In  brief,  a  colloquial  option  between  Idti  and  labhati  may  always 
have  existed  in  that  Primary  Prakrit  from  which  Sanskrit  came, 
without  one  of  the  terms  having  emerged  till  a  late  period. 
Even  what  one  takes  for  the  commonest  words  may  emerge  rela- 
tively late  into  the  written  record,  for  instance  Eng.  leg  die  bull 
(see  Eoyster  in  Studies  in  Philology,  14.  235). 

[2a.  In  my  original  critique  I  failed  to  mention — because  I 
did  not  know  it  then — that  Wackernagel  (Ai.  Gram.  §  80)  had 
tentatively  proposed  the  correlation  of  Idti  (root  Idu)  with  Lat. 
lucrum  (gain,  takings).  The  very  dialect  forms  cited  by  Pro- 
fessor Edgerton,  however,  make  for  the  root  lei — perhaps  from 
(t)lei,  cf.  my  explanation  of  Lat.  cle-mens:  raXai-^pw  as  toyed 
with  by  Walde  on  p.  868  and  then  on  p.  xx.  There  is  an 
undoubted  Prakrit  root  le  and,  whatever  Pischel  may  have 
thought  when  he  was  translating  Hemacandra,  he  categorically 
correlates  the  absolutives  levi  leppinu  levinu  with  Sk.  Id  in  his 
Prakrit  Grammar  §  588.  Then  Pk.  le  is  from  Idi  ( :  lei  :  :  Av. 
pai  :  pdi,  see  Bartholomae's  Grammar,  §  122.  10).  We  actually 
have  Pk.  lenti  in  the  Karpura-manjari  1.  13,  as  follows : 

lenti  na  taha  angammi    (loc.  sg.)    kuppasaam 
and  do  not  put  on  a  bodice   (Lanman). 


Rejoinder  to  Professor  Edyerton  95 

After  Plautus  Amphitruo  999,  capiam  coronam  mi  m  caput,  I 
feel  free  to  render  our  sentence  by 
capiunt  non  turn  (for  neque,  postponed)   <sibi>  in  membra  uesticulam. 

How  a  proper  sense  for  lenti  here — and  I  have  gone  over  the 
usage  of  ll  carefully  in  the  Petersburg  lexica— can  be  arrived  at 
from  Sk.  ll  (cling)  I  cannot  divine. — In  Sanskrit  the  flexion  of 
the  root  frei  (to  lie) — so  Brugmann  correctly  writes  it  in  IF  6. 
98;  cf.  Bartholomae,  Lex.  1571 — generalizes  the  midgrade  kl9i 
(sete,  accent  abnormal).  In  Greek  KCLTCU  Wei  is  generalized.  In 
Sk.  la  [i]  ti  :  Pk.  lenti  we  have  the  alternation  e  [i]  /9i.  That  ll 
would  be  a  legitimate  form  of  ld[i]  in  Sanskrit  is  true  enough, 
and  we  might  in  fact  derive  Pk.  levi  from  *Utvi,  cf.  Sk.  pltvl  : 
pdti  (root  poi).  An  Indie  root  Idi  \  Idi  is  recognized  by  Franke, 
BE  23.  177,  in  Pali  layati  (harvests).  Now  this  is  the  root  of 
Idti.  For  the  sense  of  reaps  (i.  e.  harvests,  gathers)  from  takes 
(seizes)  cf.  Cicero,  Sen.  70,  tempera  demetendis  fructibus  et 
percipiendis,  with  Cato's  more  generalized  usage  (Agr.  4.  1)  in 
the  turn  fructi  plus  capies.  Further  note  Skt.  V  grabh  ( :  Eng. 
grabs),  cognate  with  Germ.  Garbe  (sheaf  of  the  reapers).] 

i.  Whether  1  ddesa  (indicium)  came  to  mean  salutation. 
3.  If  a  sage  could  utter  a  benediction  to  a  Hindu  king  in 
response  to  a  merely  mental  salutation  (an  assumed  glum 
silence,  one  suspects,  to  intensify  the  test  of  the  sage's  presci- 
ence) our  sage  might  well  have  acknowledged  the  same  king's 
intimation  (cf.  Lat.  indicat)  or  signal  (to  proceed,  of  attention; 
look  of  recognition),1  and  that  quite  duly.  When  a  king  of 
England  'commands'  a  singer  or  other  artist,  what  remains 
formally  a  command  is  in  fact  a  great  courtesy,  with  all  the 
effect  of  a  salutation.  Note  that  in  Latin,  by  way  of  ellipsis, 
but  ellipsis  is  one  of  the  standing  elements  in  semantic  develop- 
ment, iubeo  (sc.  saluere)  means  saluto. — I  still  think  that  one 
who  said  distya  (salue;  lit.  with  homage)  might  have  turned  for 
its  cases  to  ddesa,  a  flexional  word  in  being.  In  Iranian  the  cor- 
respondent of  ddesa  is  Av.  ddistif  whence  the  semantic  propor- 
tion Indo-Iran.  d-disti  (indicium)  :  Sk.  d-desa  :  :  distyd  (with 


1  The  closest  synonym  of  ddesa  is  djna,  which  means  not  only  command 
but  also,  as  I  here  assume  for  ddesa,  permission. 


96  Edwin  W.  Fay 

homage):  £2)  ddesa  (if  =  salutation) .  In  Latin,  salus  (greet- 
ing) was  adopted  as  the  flexional  form  of  the  word  of  greeting, 
impv.  salue  (be  whole).  What  I' have  in  mind  is  a  semantic 
correlation  such  as  we  employ  when  we  use  appurtenance  as  the 
noun  corresponding  to  the  technical  adjective  phrase  pertaining 
to,  in  the  formulae  of  derivation  and  definition.  The  correla- 
tion appurtenance  x  pertaining  to  is  desk  English,  not  the  ver- 
nacular. Cognate  words  do  interchange  their  meanings  as  when, 
to  employ  a  standard  example,  to  execute  a  man  is  developed  out 
of  the  execution  of  a  sentence.  It  is  perfectly  legitimate  to  sup- 
pose that  from  distya  (salue}  dis  +  a,  or  derivatives  thereof, 
might  have  gathered  up  the  force  of  salutem  dico  (saluto)  ;  it 
is  quite  legitimate,  as  a  question  of  genesis,  to  say  that  a-desa 
does  not  derive  from  a  +  1  dis,  but  rather  from  a  -j-  das  (do 
homage,  acclaim) ,  in  alternation  with  a  -\-dis.  For  another 
example  of  the  gradation  a  :  i  in  interior  position — at  root  ends 
nothing  is  commoner — cf.  khdd  :  khid,  with  intermediate  e  in 
khedd  (not  secondary,  pace  Wackernagel  Ai.  Gram.  §  15),  Av. 
sds  :  sis,  see  Bartholomae 's  Grammar  §  122.  8. 

ii.  The  etymology  of  2  ddesa  (?  salutation). 
4.  If  in  a  formula  of  politeness  such  as  ddesam  dattvd — for- 
mulae may  be  very  old — ddesa  meant  salutation,  it  may  well  have 
come  by  its  meaning  through  honest  descent.  The  equation 
of  SCLKWTCLL  (greets)  with  ddsnoti  (does  homage)  has  not  .been 
responsibly  questioned  for  40  years  (see  literature  in  Brug- 
mann-Thumb,  Gr.  Gram.  §  342),  nor  do  I  understand  Professor 
Edgerton  now  to  question  it ;  and  we  are  now  devising,  to  satisfy 
our  craving  for  system,  a  fit  gradation  diagram  with  a  place  for 
the  root  de(i)k*,  a  place  for  its  derivative  d-desa  (of  IE.  type)  ; 
with  a  place  for  Lat.  dignus?  a  place  for  dicat  (consecrates), 
and  a  place  for  decus. — On  the  late  development  of  2  ddesa  from 
Mis  see  §  9  fn. 


2  Be  it  said  in  passing  that  dignus  has  certainly  for  its  nearest  of  kin 
(morphologically  and  semantically,  I  mean)  ONorse  tiginn  (eminent 
<.digito  monstratus,  see  the  lexicon  of  Falk-Torp,  p.  1251).  I  call  par- 
ticular attention  to  the  ITmbrian  perfect  stem  pur-dins'  (see  AJP  32.  414), 
with  the  sacral  sense  of  offered.  Here  we  have  a  nasal  variety  of  the  root 
of  dicat;  cf.  Sk.  puro-ddsam  (ace.),  offering. 


Rejoinder  to  Professor  Edgerton  07 

iii.    Hindi  ddes:  ddesa  (ddesam  dattvd). 

5.  I  assume  that  ddes  came  from  ddesa  (indicium)  and  that, 
excluding  the  temporary  expedient  of  2  ddesa,  its  alleged  sense 
of  salutation,  so  far  as  we  may  list  a  contextual  shading  for  a 
definition,  was  at  some  time  and  place  developed  by  way  of  con- 
notation (a  polite  signal  to  proceed  is  a  salutation)  or  by  way  of 
ellipsis.     A  situation  apt  for  the  development  of  the  connotation 
lies  in  fact  before  us,  where  tasya  ddesam  dattvd  etc.  =  ei  inti- 
matione  <  ?  sui>  facta  (rex  ipse  a  sapient e  salutatus  est).    Or, 
if  we  inform  ourselves  that  Lat.  indicium  means  not  only  testi- 
mony but  also  leave  to  testify,  we  may  grant  that,  by  a  like  shift 
of  usage,  ddesa  might  mean,  not  only  announcement,  but  leave 
to  announce    ( ?  himself,  the  sage)  :   ei  indicatione    <ipsius> 
facta. 

iv.    The  meaning  of  d  +  dis. 

6.  In  support  of  my  substantially  correct  version  of  RV  6. 
56.  1  (p.  83)  I  go  on  to  demonstrate  that  this  verb  means  pretty 
nearly  what  Lat.  inclamare  means,  both  in  its  good  sense  of 
invoke  and  in  the  bad  sense  of  jeer  at,  abuse.    Why  should  one 
who  recalls  Lat.  f acinus  or  valetudo  or  inclamare  or  acclamatio 
object  to  the  exhibition  by  a  word  of  both  bad  and  good  senses? 
As  a  vox  media  Eng.  challenge  is  a  good  rendering  of  d  +  dis; 
or  Lat.  provocare  (but  with  all  the  range  between  salutare  and 
lacessere,  or  even  imprecari) .    In  9.  70.  5,  ddedisdnah  saryaheva 
surudhah  =  inclamans  ut  Sagittarius3  iaculatores  (suru-  :  Sabine 
Lat.  curis,  spear),  and  in  10.  61.  3,  dsrlmta  ddisam  =  paravit 
(lit.   coxit,   cf.   coquere  iras,  verba)    inclamationem    (impreca- 
tionem).     One  thinks   of   the   'brag'   of   Homeric   combatants 
before  beginning  to  fight.     The  reader  may  easily  go  through 
the  ensuing  examples  from  Professor  Edgerton 's  list  and  sub- 
stitute due  forms  of  inclamo  or  of  challenge. 

1.  In  the  three  next  passages  also  ddis  has  the  nominal  sense 
of  inclamatio,  but  varying,  like  acclamatio,  between  cheers  (laus, 
honor}  and  jeers  (inrisio,  minae).  The  passages  are  as  follows: 
(1)  8.  60.  12b,  tar  ant  o  aryd  ddisah —  superantes  hostis  inclama- 
tiones  (minas).  For  the  situation  cf.  again  the  brag  and  threats 
of  any  pair  of  Homeric  warriors,  e.  g.  Tlepolemos  and  Sarpe- 

8  The  arctier  and  spearmen,  typically  taken,  may  have  belonged  either 
to  hostile  armies  or,  as  rival  arms  of  the  service,  to  the  same  army. 

7    JAGS  40 


98  Edwin  W.  Fay 

don  in  E  633  sq.  (2)  In  6.  4  Agni  is  besought  to  fetch  the  other 
gods  to  the  sacrifice  (st.  1),  and  in  st.  5  (text  of  Aufrecht)  we 
read,  turydma  yds  ta  ddisdm  ar at  ir  =  super  emus  <eum>  qui 
tibi  invocationum  (laudum}  invidus  <.est>  (cf.  9.  21.  5,  below). 
(3)  I  render  8.  93.  11  as  follows: 

ydsya  te  nti  cid  ddisam  nd  mindnte  svardjyam  \  nd  devo  nadhrigur  jdnah 
cuius  illi  quidem  laudem  non  impediunt  eius  <ve>  imperium 

neque  deus  <alius,  see  §  9>  neque  semperfestinans(?)   gens. 

8.  In  9.  21.  5  (and  likewise  for  the  next  stanza),  dsmin  .  . 
dddhdtd  vendm  ddise  etc.  =.  apud  nos  facite  voluntatem  incla- 
mare  (eum  qui  nobis  invidus  est),  i.  e.  confirm  in  (or  unto)  us 
our  desire,  viz.  to  rebuke  him  who  is  stingy  toward  us. 

9. — 6.  56.  1.  To  give  a  hostile  sense  to  ddise  here  involves 
taking  karambhdd  (Pultiphagus),  the  title  of  Ptisan,  as  defama- 
tory. This  seems  to  me  a  grave  literary  error  in  the  interpre- 
tation maintained  by  Roth  and  Grassmann.  Inasmuch  as 
karambhd  was  the  special  food  of  Pusan  it  would  be  strange  to 
summon  his  worshippers  in  the  first  stanza  of  a  hymn  by 
recounting  a  jeer  of  the  'pagans'  (in  this  case  ' cits')  that 
honored  him  not.  Professor  Edgerton  will  have  it  that  the  first 
stanza  of  a  Pusan  hymn  says  'whosoever  shall  aim  at  Pusan 
(our  god)  with  the  taunt  of  "Porridge-eater,"  the  god  is  not  his 
to  aim  at.'  To  me  the  stanza  can  only  mean  what  Sayana 
thought  it  meant — and  he  rendered  ddidesati  by  abhitfduti 
(praises) — 'Whosoever  shall  invoke  (praise)  Pusan  (our  god) 
by  his  favorite  title  need  invoke  no  other  god.'4  As  for  Jcar- 
ambhd,  it  was  mixed-with-the-food  (karambhin)  of  Indra,  but 
besides  (shade  of  Dr.  Samuel  Johnson!)  it  was  also  shared  [and 
not  only  in  ' porridge-punch']  by  Indra — unless  we  mean  to  dis- 
qualify the  evidence  of  Ait.  Br.  2.  24 — and  Indra  was  no  weak- 


4  Among  the  Vedic  clerks  and  priors,  the  scholars  and  men  of  letters, 
before  and  after  his  time  (say  1350  A.  D.),  Sayana  would  not  have  been 
alone  in  holding  and  teaching  the  equation  ddidesati  =  abJiistduti  (laudat, 
celebrat).  I  confess  I  am  casual  enough  to  believe,  even  in  the  face  of 
Professor  Edgerton 's  ordered  genealogical  and  chronological  criteria,  that 
among  these  scholars  many,  one  or  another,  even  the  redactor  of  the  Vikra- 
macarita,  seeking  to  vary  the  monotony  of  namas  (salits,  laudatio,  honor), 
might  have  hit  upon  adefam  dattva  (laudationem  dans)  as  a  fit  substitute 
for  namaskrtya,  so  giving  to  adesa,  a  word  in  being,  the  sense  of  adidesati. 


Rejoinder  to  Professor  Edgerton  99 

ling,  nor  yet  a  hind.5  The  real  vocative  karambhdd  (here 
turned  to  a  nominative  before  Hi)  is  a  virtual  invitation  to 
Pusan  to  come  and  eat  karambhd;  and  the  Vedic  poet  said  in 
effect,  to  make  a  slight  change  in  my  previous  version, 

qui  hune  inclamat   (invoeat)   Pultiphagum  nomine  Pusanam, 
non  ab  eo  deus  invocando  <est>. 

This  version  leaves  the  ambiguity  of  the  original.  If,  to  begin 
with  the  less  probable,  deus  =  Pusan,  the  apodosis  means  that 
Pusan  will  not  wait  for  a  second  invitation,  but  accept  instanter 
the  call  to  his  favorite  food.  If  deus  is  not  Pusan  the  apodosis 
means  :  not  a  god  is  to  be  invoked  by  the  worshipper,  for  Pusan 
alone  is  sufficient.  In  my  first  version  I  supplied,  after  Ludwig, 
alius;  but  neither  Ludwig  (I  will  suppose)  nor  I  actually  sup- 
plied any  as  to  the  original  (see  also  for  nd  <anyo>  devo  8.  93. 
11  in  §  7).  We  have  here  a  partitive  relation,  and  Pusan  is 
tacitly  excluded  from  the  other  gods.  [In  passing  I  will  state 
that  I  think  Ludwig  was  entirely  right  in  interpreting  priydd 
.  .  preyo  in  1.  140.  11  by  dearer  than  <any  other,  or  the  typ- 
ical dear.]  One  thinks  of  Corinthians  15.  27 :  But  when  he 
saith,  All  things  are  put  in  subjection,  it  is  evident  that  he  is 
excepted  who  did  subject  all  things  unto  him.  Cf.  on  i/etaros 
aAAwv  Class.  Rev.  8.  456,  and  the  colloquialism,  He  runs  faster 
than  anybody  (for  anybody  else)  ;  or,  none  such  =  no  other  like. 
On  the  other  hand,  there  have  been  grammatical  sticklers  who, 
in  respect  to  Milton 's  famous  line,  '  the  fairest  of  her  daughters, 
Eve/  objected  to  the  inclusion  of  Eve;  cf.  Odyssey  5.  262, 
where  Calypso  includes  herself  with  Ulysses  (those  two,  and  no 
others)  in  the  words  TOIS  apa  pvOw  fax*. — The  omission  of  'other' 
is  common  enough,  though  lists  of  examples  lack.  Note,  with 
consideration  of  the  context  (Sw/xara  in  1.  299  —  SO/AOS  in  1.  302), 
Odys.  6.  301,  ov  /*«/  .  .  .  Sw/xara  ^ai^Kwv  =  no  <  other >  residence 
of  the  Phaeacians. 

10. — 6.  48.  14.  Omitting  the  unessential  and  accepting  (with- 
out reserve  as  to  the  metre)  Ludwig 's  disposition  of  the  adjec- 
tive complement  of  Visnu,  I  would  thus  render: 

8 1  am  not  unaware  that  Pusan  was  a  Pan  among  the  gods.  To  Pro- 
fessor W.  Schulze  he  is  Pan,  and  the  sectarian  character  of  Pusan,  of 
which  note  is  made  below  (§  12),  reminds  us  again  of  the  difficulty  of 
getting  recognition  for  Pan  throughout  Greece. 


100  Edwin  W.  Fay 

tdm  (sc.  Piisdnam,  again!)   .    .    .   |  srprdbliojasam  msnum  nd  stusa  ddise 
eum  ut  Vishnum  adipicibum  ^habentem^  laudo  invocando. 

But  for  ddise  (invocando)  we  must  supply  a  subject  like  us  or 
you  (the  worshippers),  which  yields  the  meaning  ut  invocemus 
(invocetis)  ;  cf .  1.  52.  8,  ddhdrayo  divy  d  suryam  drse  =  posuisti 
in  caelo  solem  videndo  i.  e.  ut  videremus  (ut  homines  viderent) . 
Also  see  excellent  examples  for  subjectless  infinitives  in  Monro's 
Homeric  Grammar,  §  231.  It  were  possible,  but  harsher,  to 
render  ddise  by  the  imperative,  invocate.  Or  stusa  ddise  =  I 
(re)  commend  to  (be)  invoke(d). 

11.  The  evidence  for  d  +  dis  =inclamare  has  been  submitted. 
The   definition   recognizes   derivation   from   the   root   deik1.     I 
doubt  not  that  Professor  Edgerton  admits  the  propriety  of  try- 
ing, so  far  as  may  be,  to  utilize  IE.  derivation  and  etymology 
in  the  effort  to  fix  the  definition  of  Vedic  words.     To  know  the 
approximately  original  meaning  of  a  word  certainly  helps  in 
fixing  the  sense  of  its  further  ramifications,  as  in  the  case  of 
distyd  (with  homage)  §  3. 

12.  In  conclusion  I  suggest  that  the  two  Pusan  stanzas  I  have 
interpreted  seem  to  constitute  a  sectarian  recommendation  of 
Pusan  as  the  equal  or  superior  of  other  gods.     It  is  because  of 
this  sectarian  quality  that  karambhdd  cannot  be  a  jeer  (ddis), 
but  must  be  a  word  of  praise  (ddis),  see  §  9. 


COUNTEE-EEJOINDEE  TO  PEOFESSOE  FAY 

FRANKLIN  EDGERTON 
UNIVERSITY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA 

PROFESSOR  FAY  (§3)  seems  to  miss  the  point  of  the  story  of 
the  ' mental  salutation,'  which  appears  to  me  to  prove  absolutely 
that,  to  the  feeling  of  its  author,  no  sage  would  bless  a  king  with- 
out first  receiving  a  salutation.  There  was  no  '  assumed  glum 
silence' — except  perhaps  to  an  ignorant  bystander  who  lackt  the 
sage's  omniscience ;  certainly  the  sage,  if  he  had  assumed  a  glum 
silence  (that  is,  lack  of  salutation),  would  not  hav  blest  the  king. 
That  is  the  whole  point  of  the  story.  The  silence  was  only  tech- 


Counter-Rejoinder  101 

nical,  not  real,  because  (as  the  sage  afterwards  observs),  'mind 
is  superior,'  and  a  mental  salutation  is  fully  as  efficacious  as  a 
vocal  one. 

For  the  rest,  I  hav  little  to  say  in  further  reply  except  on 
one  point.  In  discussing  6.  56.  1,  Professor  Fay  objects  to  my 
taking  karambhdd  as  a  scornful  epithet  because  Pusan's  regular 
food  was  karambhd,  and  because  Indra  also  eats  cakes  and  soma 
which  ar  karambhin,  'mixt  with  karambhd/  Now,  I  did  not 
mean  to  say  that  the  worshipers  of  Pusan  considerd  his  eating 
of  karambhd  a  matter  worthy  of  scorn.  Of  course  they  did  not. 
But  that  would  not  prevent  other  people  from  holding  that 
opinion;  and  it  is  quite  possible  that  Pusan's  worshipers  might 
allude  to  the  opinions  of  these  blasfemers  for  the  purpose  of 
protesting  against  them,  just  as  the  Indra  hymn  2.  12  alludes  in 
vs  5  to  atheists  who  deny  the  existence  of  Indra. 

It  is  a  wel-known  fact,  which  does  not  by  any  means  depend 
on  the  word  karambhd  alone,  that  Pusan  occupies  a  peculiar 
position  in  the  Vedic  pantheon.  He  is  a  sort  of  'hayseed'  deity; 
a  god  of  shepherds,  and  distinctly  different  from  the  general 
run  of  the  gods.  So,  for  instance,  he  has  no  share  in  the  soma ; 
he  prefers  milk  and  gruel  (karambhd).  That  he  should  for  this 
reason  be  more  or  less  laught  at  by  som  of  the  more  '  cultivated ' 
and  warlike  followers  of  Indra  seems  quite  conceivable,  and  by 
no  means  out  of  keeping  with  any  known  fact  of  Vedic  filology. 

Now  as  to  Indra  and  karambhd.  From  6.  57.  2  it  is  suffi- 
ciently clear  that  karambhd  is  no  normal  food  for  Indra;  here 
Indra  and  Pusan  ar  specifically  contrasted  on  the  ground  that 
Indra  consumes  soma,  and  Pusan  karambhd.  That  the  soma 
should  sometimes  be  mixt  with  karambhd — and  this  is,  as  Pro- 
fessor Fay  himself  notes,  all  that  karambhin  means — is  not  at 
all  surprizing,  and  does  not  in  the  least  support  Professor  Fay's 
contention.  Soma  was  mixt  with  all  sorts  of  things,  notably 
with  milk.  Would  a  drinker  of  milk-punch  be  spoken  of  as 
living  on  a  dairy  diet?  Similarly  cakes  for  Indra  ar  karam- 
bhm— in  this  case  presumably  'made  of  (that  is  containing) 
karambhd.'  The  most  elegant  cuisines  use  dairy  and  farm 
products  constantly.  But  it  is  another  matter  to  liv  on  plain 
rustic  fare  exclusivly.  In  spite  of  Dr.  Johnson,  I  venture  to 
guess  that  English  epicures  did  in  his  day,  and  do  today,  eat 


102  Franklin  Edgerton 

various  confections  of  oats,  and  find  them,  very  palatable.  His 
jibe  was  at  o&t-karam'bhd  as  a  staple  of  diet.  The  Scottish 
Pusan  drank  no  soma,  and  apparently  livd  mainly  or  exclusivly 
on  karambhd.  So  he  was  distinctly  contrasted  with  Indra  (6. 
57.  2)  and  apparently  met  with  som  ridicule  (6.  56.  1).  Indra 
could  not  possibly  be  cald  anything  like  karambhdd;  and  the 
fact  that  his  'sporty'  food  and  drink  might  contain  karambhd 
proves  nothing. 

As  to  lenti  '(Fay,  p.  94f.),  I  take  it  as  a  causativ  formation 
from  ll;  and  so,  I  judge,  does  Lanman. 


THE  SLEEP  OF  THE  SOUL  IN  THE  EARLY 
SYRIAC  CHURCH 

F.  GAVIN 
ST.  THOMAS  AQUINAS  HOUSE,  NASHOTAH,  WISCONSIN 

IN  SYRIAC  CHRISTIANITY,  from  the  fourth  century  on,  there 
appears  with  more  or  less  consistency  and  in  much  the  same  out- 
line a  curious  teaching  as  to  the  state  of  the  dead.  As  the 
earliest  example  of  the  sort  that  is  available  in  Syriac  authors 
is  Aphraates,  the  'Persian  sage,'  I  shall  quote  him  first.  'The 
Spirit  is  absent  from  all  born  of  the  body  until  they  come  to  the 
regeneration  of  baptism.  For  they  are  endowed  with  the  soulish 
spirit  (from)  the  first  birth,  —  which  (spirit)  is  created  in  man, 
and  is  immortal,  as  it  is  written,  "Man  became  a  living  soul" 
(Gen.  2.  7,  cf.  I  Cor.  15.  45).  But  in  the  second  birth—  that  is, 
of  Baptism  —  they  receive  the  Holy  Spirit,  a  particle  of  the 
Godhead,  and  it  is  immortal.  When  men  die  the  soulish  spirit 
is  buried  with  the  body  and  the  power  of  sensation  is  taken  from 
it.  The  Heavenly  Spirit  which  they  have  received  goes  back  to 
its  own  nature,  to  the  presence  of  Christ.  Both  these  facts  the 
Apostle  teaches,  for  he  says:1  "The  body  is  buried  soulish,  and 
rises  spiritual"  (I  Cor.  15.  44).  The  Spirit  returns  to  the 
presence  of  Christ,  its  nature,  for  the  Apostle  says:  "When  we 
are  absent  from  the  body  we  are  present  with  the  Lord"  (II 
Cor.  5.  7).  Christ's  Spirit,  which  the  spiritual  have  received, 
goes  back  to  the  Lord's  presence;  the  soulish  spirit  is  buried  in 
its  own  nature,  and  is  deprived  of  sensation.'  (293.  2-24,  Pari- 
sot's  edition.) 

In  the  above  quotation  several  points  are  worthy  of  notice: 
(a)  the  'soulish  spirit,'  or  soul  (l^i^aj  i-*o*  or  j-*c9)  is  the 
principle  of  natural  life,  or  \l/vXr);  (b)  the  Holy  Spirit,  or  the 
Spirit,  is  the  7rm5/m;  (c)  the  text  of  I  Cor.  15.  44  does  not  read 
as  in  the  Greek.  Instead  of,  'The  body  is  sown  (oWperou),  a 
natural  —  or  "psychic"  —  body,'  the  Syriac  of  Aphraates  reads  : 
'The  body  is  buried  "soulishly,"  or  "  psy  chically,  "  e.  g. 
M  i  ft  "i  1  1r  j^Aio.1  The  Peshitto  reads  instead 


this  quotation  I  have  translated  the  adverbs  as  adjectives. 


104  F.  Gavin 


of  r*a4&±o  of  Aph.  the  same  word  as  the  Greek  oW/ocrou, 
While  Aphraates  teaches  also  that  the  body  and  soul  may  be 
'deprived  of  sensation,'  yet  he  means  by  this  'that  in  this 
sleep  men  do  not  know  good  from  evil'  (397.  17).  He  uses  in 
this  same  passage  three  words  referring  to  'sleep/  and  this  is 
the  clue  to  the  meaning  of  his  other  statement  that  the  good 
rest  with  a  good  conscience  and  sleep  well,  waking  alert  and 
refreshed  at  the  Resurrection,  while  those  who  have  done  evil 
in  their  lives  are  restive  and  unquiet,  for  they  are  uneasy  with 
the  sense  of  foreboding  and  doom  impending.  He  illustrates 
this  by  the  story  of  the  likeness  of  the  two  servants,  one  of  whom 
is  expecting  punishment,  and  the  other  praise  from  his  lord,  in 
the  morning  (396.  16-35;  397.  1-14).  This  is  perhaps  the 
clearest  statement  of  the  doctrine  of  the  'sleep  of  the  soul,'  and 
Aph.  claims  it  for  an  article  of  the  Faith  (397.  15). 

There  is  hardly  any  feature  of  the  teaching  of  Aph.  which  has 
occasioned  so  universal  comment.  So  far  as  I  can  ascertain,  all 
who  have  written  on  Aph.  have  spoken  of  it.2  Since  his  is  prob- 
ably the  clearest  exposition  of  the  teaching  regarding  the  soul's 
sleep,  I  have  thought  well  to  give  it  in  full. 

Some  reputed  texts  from  St.  Ephraem  Syrus  (373)  who  wrote 
in  the  same  language  as  Aph.  and  with  whom  there  are  many 
fundamental  likenesses  in  thought  and  expression,3  would  seem 
to  indicate  that  he,  too,  held  to  a  tripartite  division  of  man,  and 
to  the  doctrine  of  death  being  a  'sleep,'  in  which  there  is  the 
same  kind  of  semiconscious  knowledge  of  what  is  passing,  as  in 
the  case  of  an  habitual  'light  sleeper.'  'The  lesson  of  the  dead 
is  with  us.  Though  they  sleep,  yet  they  teach  us,  their  gar- 
ments alone  are  destroyed,  —  the  body  which  diseases  bring  to  an 
end,  —  while  the  soul  preserved  in  life,  as  it  is  now,  (is)  without 

2E.  g.,  Parisot,  in  Patrologia  Syriaca,  vol.  1,  c.  3,  pp.  Ivi-lvii;  Harnack, 
DogmengescTi.  1.  733;  George,  Bishop  of  the  Arabs,  fol.  251-2,  cf.  Wright, 
Homilies  of  Aphraates,  pp.  32-4;  Nestle,  Eealenc.  f.  Th.  u.  K.  1  (1896), 
pp.  611-12  ('eigenthiimliche  Psychologic,  insbesondere  die  Lehre  von  dem 
Seelenschlaf  ')  ;  Forget,  De  vita  et  script.  Aph.,  pp.  293  ff.j  Sasse,  Pro- 
legomena in  Aph.  Sap.  Persi  sermones  homileticos,  pp.  18  f  .  ;  Bardenhewer, 
Zeits.  Urch.  Theol.,  3.  369-378;  G.  Bickell,  in  Ausgewdhlte  Schriften  der 
Syrischen  Kirchenvdter,  p.  15  ('eine  hochst  seltsame  und  verkehrte  Aus- 
legung  von  1  Kor.  15.  44'). 

8Cf.,  e.  g.,  St.  Ephrem,  Sermo  de  Domino  Nostro,  and  Horn.  XXIII  of 
Aph. 


The  Sleep  of  the  Soul  105 

corruption.  '4  '  The  souls  of  the  departed  are  alive  and  endowed 
with  reason,  laid  up  in  Paradise  for  the  Creator,  while  their 
bodies  are  stored  up  in  the  earth  as  a  pledge  to  be  restored  one 
day.'  The  whole  figure  of  death  and  sleep  is  brought  out  in 
the  following:  'Just  as  in  the  eventide  laborers  rest,  so  do  they 
rest  for  a  time  in  death,  until  like  sleepers  waked  from  their 
sleep  in  the  tomb,  they  (shall)  don  glory.' 

Bickell,  in  his  summary  of  St.  Eph.'s  doctrine  (Sancti 
Ephraemi  Syri  Carmina  Nisibena,  Leipzig,  1866),  says  that 
St.  Eph.  teaches  that  the  faithful  departed  are  not  dead  but 
sleep,  since  they  are  alive  and  have  the  power  of  reason  (cf. 
Bom.  Ed.  3.  258).  Yet  the  soul  cannot  yet  go  into  paradise 
properly  speaking,  since  nothing  imperfect  must  enter  there 
(3.  586-88).  This  state  before  the  Eesurrection  is  called  'sleep' 
in  the  technical  sense ;  for  until  the  Resurrection,  together  with 
their  bodies,  their  souls  are  sunk  in  'sleep'  (cf.  3.  225  B).  This 
place,  or  state  (which  of  the  two  is  not  to  be  ascertained)  is  a 
sort  of  ante-room  to  Paradise.  'One  road,  my  brethren,  lies 
before  us  all :  from  childhood  unto  death,  and  from  death  unto 
the  Resurrection;  thence  branch  out  two  ways, — the  one  to  the 
flames,  the  other  to  Paradise'  (Carmina  Nisib.  LXXIII,  11. 
24-28).  'Sweet  is  sleep  to  the  weary, — so  is  death  to  him  who 
fasts  and  watches  (i.  e.  the  ascetic).  Natural  sleep  slays  not 
the  sleeper, — nor  has  Sheol  slain,  nor  does  it  so  now.  Sleep  is 
sweet,  and  so  is  Sheol  quiet  .  .  .  Sleep  strives  not  to  hold  the 
sleeper,  nor  is  Sheol  greedy.  Behold,  sleep  shows  us  how  tem- 
porary is  Sheol,  for  the  morn  awakes  the  sleeper, — and  the  Voice 
raises  the  dead'  (XLIII,  11.  158-176).  That  Eph.  taught  dis- 
tinctly a  trichotomy  in  the  regenerate  man  can  be  seen  from 
such  a  passage  as  the  following :  '  How  much  more  does  that  soul 
love  its  dwelling  place,  if  it  get  on  well  with  the  body,  and  in 
agreement  with  it  expel  the  evil  indwelling  demon,  and  invite 
the  Holy  Spirit  to  dwell  with  both'  (XL VII,  11.  97-101).  He 
teaches  that  '  a  dead  man  in  whom  is  hidden  the  secret  life,  lives 
on  after  death'  (XL VII,  11.  135-41).  Over  and  over  again 
St.  Eph.  compares  death  to  sleep, — the  Resurrection  is  being 
waked  out  of  sleep  (XLIX,  11.  170-189).  This  is  the  whole 
Apden  of  LXV,  where  death  is  compared  to  sleep,  which  is  like 
the  foetus  in  the  womb,  the  bud  of  a  flower,  the  bird  in  the  egg. 

*From  the   <  Necrosima, '    Op.  Omnia,  Kom.  Ed.,  3,  p.  225,  D. 


106  F.  Gavin 

In  other  words  St.  Eph.  seeks  to  teach  that  a  real  life  is  going 
on,  hidden  and  secret,  and  only  semi-conscious.  'How  like  is 
death  to  sleep,  and  the  Resurrection  to  the  morning !  .  .  .  He 
is  a  fool  who  sees  that  sleep  passes  at  dawn,  yet  believes  of  death 
that  it  shall  endure  eternally'  (LXX,  11.  58-61,  66-69).  'Our 
habitation  (i.  e.  in  death) 'is  like  a  dream'  (beginning  of 
LXXVII).  'The  mouth  of  a  dead  man  spake  to  the  soul  in 
Eden:  whence,  why,  and  how  hast  thou  come  hither?'  (LXIX, 
11.  74-77).  Thus  Eden  must  be  conceived  of  rather  as  a  state 
than  a  place,  if  we  are  to  make  the  teaching  of  St.  Eph.  intelli- 
gible. Sheol  must  refer  to  the  place  and  state  of  the  departed. 
Death  speaks:  'the  bodies  of  the  prophets  and  apostles  glow; 
all  the  righteous  are  for  lights  to  me  in  the  darkness'  (LXIII, 
11.  81-84).  Evidently  the  indwelling  presence  of  the  soul  of 
the  holy  man  transfigures  the  body  from  within.  Of  course, 
St.  Ephraem  believed,  as  did  Aphraates,  that  salvation  meant 
'new  life,'  and  that  the  work  of  Christ  as  Saviour  effected  the 
imparting  of  His  Spirit  whereby  Life  was  communicated  (cf. 
the  'Discourse  on  Our  Lord,'  in  8.  Ephraem  Syri  Hymni  et 
Sermones,  T.  J.  Lamy,  Mechlin  1882,  cols.  147-274). 

In  general  St.  Eph.  believed  much  as  did  Aph.  He,  following 
the  same  authorities,  believed  in  a  trichotomy  of  man,  of  body, 
soul,  and  Spirit — the  divine  principle,  given  by  God  through 
Christ.  After  death  the  Spirit  leaves  the  body,  leaving  in  it 
the  soul.  The  two  carry  on  life  with,  however,  the  natural 
faculties  wholly  suspended.  This  state  is  technically  the 
'sleep,'  and  from  it  the  voice  of  Christ  will  call  the  dead  to 
judgment.  It  is  a  little  less  explicit  and  complete  than  Aphra- 
ates, but  the  same  teaching  underlies  the  system  of  Eph.,  with 
which  it  is  entirely  consistent,  and  to  which  it  acts  as  comple- 
ment. 

I  am  indebted  to  0.  Braun's  Moses  bar  Kepha  und  sein  Buck 
von  der  Seele  (Freiburg  i.  B.,  1891)  for  the  following  quotation 
which  he  took  from  a  Vatican  MS.  not  yet  published.  The 
doubtful  reference  to  St.  Eph..  gives  the  same  teaching  as  is 
found  above  taken  from  the  certainly  genuine  Carmina  Nisi- 
~bena.5  Braun  quotes:  'Behold  how  (the  dead)  are  encom- 

8  For  criticism  of  St.  Ephraem  Js  works  cf.  F.  C.  Burkitt  in  the  Jour. 
Theol.  Stud.,  2.  341  ff.,  and  also  Cambridge  Texts  and  Studies,  vol.  7,  no.  2, 
pp.  1-91. 


The  Sleep  of  the  Soul  107 

i 

passed  in  Sheol,  and  awaiting  the  great  day,  till  He  come  to 
delight  them,  and  bring  hope  to  the  hopeless'  (p.  143).  On 
the  same  page  he  quotes  from  a  catechism  ascribed  to  Isaac  the 
Great  (fl.  410),  the  teaching  of  which  for  our  purposes  may  be 
summarized  as  follows:  (a)  both  body  and  soul  lose  the  power 
of  thought  and  feeling  after  death;  (b)  while  the  body  cannot 
even  live  without  the  soul,  the  soul,  though  it  cannot  see  or  hear 
without  the  body,  is  yet  able  to  live  (he  illustrates  this  statement 
by  the  figure  of  the  unborn  child  in  its  mother's  womb)  ;  (c)  the 
soul  has  no  consciousness  after  death.  Braun  has  doubts  about 
the  genuineness  of  this  text  (pp.  144-5),  but  there  need  be  no 
presumption  against  this  type  of  teaching,  on  the  basis  of  inter- 
nal evidence. 

Babai  (569-628 — ace.  to  Duval,  La  litterature  syriaque,  p. 
212)  in  his  commentary  on  the  l Centuries'  of  Evagrius,  fol. 
13b  ff.  (quoted  in  Braun,  op.  cit.  p.  145)  says:  'the  soul  cannot 
be  active  without  the  body,  hence  one  must  say  that  after  death 
it  is  in  a  kind  of  sleep.  The  Holy  Scriptures  call  death  sleep ; 
thus,  too,  the  "Seven  Sleepers"  of  Ephesus.  As  light  cannot 
burn  without  fuel,  so  the  soul  in  Abraham's  bosom  possesses 
only  its  unchangeable  faculties, — i.  e.,  the  life  from  God,  and 
(its)  memory.  .  .  .  Man  is  a  bodily  existence  endowed  with 
reason.  The  soul  is  not  a  "complete  nature"  (yet)  it  cannot 
be  said  that  after  death  it  is  as  if  it  were  not  .  .  . '  We  have 
seen  that  the  mention  of  the  soul  in  this  state  as  something 
imperfect  was  made  by  St.  Ephraem  (cf.  above,  and  Rom.  Ed.  3. 
586-88). 

This  same  thought  is  of  primary  importance  to  Timothy  I 
(779-823,  date  from  Duval,  op.  cit.),  who  says:  'The  soul  is  not 
a  "complete  nature,"  but  (is)  for  the  purpose  of  completing 
man's  nature,  like  the  body.  .  .  .  Will  and  understanding 
are  only  virtually  in  the  soul, — otherwise  it  would  be  like  the 
angels,  a  "perfected  nature";  the  other  properties,  that  is,  the 
four  essential  ones  ...  are  in  abeyance,  and  the  two  which 
it  possesses  by  reason  of  its  union  with  the  body  are  lost.  Thus 
it  is  like  a  child  in  the  womb.'  Timothy  gives  as  illustration^ 
and  authorities  for  his  interpretation  such  passages  in  the  Holy 
Scriptures  as  Is.  38.  18,  Psalms  6.  6,  103.  33,  145.  4,  Eccl.  9.  10, 
etc.  'The  soul  has  no  power  of  sensation,  nor  the  use  of  mem- 
ory, else  it  would  suffer  or  rejoice,  which  experiences  are  not  to 


108  F.  Gavin 

i 

begin  until  the  judgment,  and  which,  besides,  belong  to  the 
whole  man.  If  the  souls  were  to  possess  knowledge,  then  would 
the  will  be  active,— then  what  of  the  body?'  Under  this  same 
Timothy  in  790  was  held  a  council  of  the  Syro-Nestorian 
Church,  which  condemned  the  errors  of  a  certain  'Joseph  the 
Seer,  the  Huzite,'  who  had  been  at  the  head  of  the  school  of 
Nisibis,  the  third  in  line  from  the  great  Narses.  The  canons  of 
that  council  are  preserved  in  Arabic,  and  may  be  found  in  the 
Bibliotheca  Orientalis,  Vol.  3,  pp.  100-1.  They  anathematize 
those  who  teach  that  Christ's  Divinity  could  be  seen  by  His 
Humanity,  or  by  any  other  created  things;  'they  decreed  that 
souls  after  the  separation  are  destitute  of  sense  until  they 
reenter  their  bodies,  and  that  none  save  Christ's  humanity  has 
ever  attained  perfection  in  this  world.' 

Much  the  same  sort  of  teaching  appears  among  the  Nestor- 
ians;  it  is  not  necessary  to  quote  in  detail.  Elias  of  Anbar 
(930)  claims  that  most  of  the  fathers  hold  it  impossible  that  souls 
should  have  any  power  of  sensation  after  death.  In  his  trichot- 
omy he  teaches  that  the  body  goes  to  earth,  the  soul  to  the  place 
of  souls  (is  it  a  state,  or  a  place?},  where  all  are  together  till  the 
Eesurrection,  without  sense  or  power  of  distinguishing  between 
good  and  evil  (cf.  Aph.  above)  ;  and  the  Trvevpa,  the  power  of 
life,  returns  to  God  (Braun,  p.  146).  Emmanuel  bar  Schah- 
hare  (Mallepana  of  Mosul,  980,  cf.  Duval,  Lit.  syr.,  pp.  280, 
293)  on  the  'Hexameron'  teaches  that  the  '  souls  of  the  righteous 
are  in  a  place  of  repose  as  in  a  sleep,  like  the  child  in  its 
mother's  womb  .  .  .'  (Braun,  ibid.).  Thus,  also,  George  of 
Arbela  (945-987,  text  in  B.O.  3,  pp.  518-540;  on  him  cf. 
Duval,  op.  cit.j  pp.  172,  393).  The  witness  to  this  as  the  pre- 
dominant Nestorian  view  is  given  by  Moses  bar  Kepha,  cf. 
chapters  32  and  33  (Braun,  op.  cit.,  pp.  102,  109).  It  is  thus 
demonstrable  that  among  the  Nestorians  from  the  9th  century 
on  this  doctrine  was  current,  if  not  dominant.6  Having  sug- 
gested the  direction  from  which  emanated  this  trend  of  think- 
ing in  the  Syriac  Church,  with  Aph.  and  Ephraem  Syrus  as 


6  Cf.  Guidi,  Testi  orientali  inediti  sopra  i  sette  dormienti  di  Efeso,  p.  50, 
note:  'Del  resto  la  credenza,  che  le  anime  dopo  la  morte,  restassero  prive 
di  senso  fine  alia  risurrezione,  era  commune  fra  i  Nestoriani  almeno  dal 
IX  secolo.  .  . ' 


The  Sleep  of  the  Soul  109 

the  first  examples,  it  may  not  be  without  interest  to  investigate 
the  sources  of  their  own  doctrine  on  the  subject. 

Before  doing  so  it  may  be  worth  while  to  note  that  there  are 
certain  differences  in  the  later  Nestorian  teaching,  which  may 
rest  on  the  teaching  of  St.  Ephraem.     I  said  that  it  was  not 
absolutely  certain  whether  by  Sheol,  or  Paradise,  he  meant  a 
state  or  a  place.    Aph.  undoubtedly  means  that  the  soul  remains 
with  the  body  in  the  grave,  yet  he  personifies  Death,  who  has  a 
conflict  with  Jesus  in  which  Death  is  worsted.     So  St.  Eph.  per- 
sonified Death    (in  the  Sermo  de  Domino  Nostro,  etc.),   and 
perhaps  localized  Sheol  as  a  place  where  are  gathered  the  souls, 
of  those  who  sleep  in  death.     Perhaps  the  simplest  explanation 
to  account  for  the  facts  would  be  that  he  spoke  of  the  souls 
being  laid  up  in  store  under  the  guardianship  of  Death   (not 
always,  by  the  way,  a  forbidding  figure),  while  the  bodies  were 
laid  away  in  store  beneath  the  earth.     If  neither  concept  of 
1  state'    nor    'place'    was  defined  in  his  mind,  something  like 
what  he  meant  by  > 'nature,'   in  a  non-philosophic  sense,  would 
represent  the  condition  of  the  departed.     Aph.  is  more  explicit. 
I  think  St.  Ephraem,  save  where  he  waxes  poetical,  holds  the 
same  view.     The  later  Nestorian  writers  sometimes  held  that 
the  souls  were  garnered  up  in  a   'storehouse,'   while  the  bodies 
were  in  the  earth  (e.  g.,  the  'Burial  rite  of  the  Convent  of  Mar 
Abraham  and  Mar  Gabriel,'    Cod.   Syr.  Vat.  61,  fol.  36a,  in 
Braun,  p.  147),  and  at  other  times  that  they  were  in  the  earth 
asleep  in  the  bodies.     Yet  a  new  element  has  entered  into  their 
considerations,  even  if  they  did  follow  the  same  tradition  as 
Aph.,  St.  Ephraem,  and  the  catechism  purporting  to  be  by  Isaac 
the  Great.     As  is  apparent,  Aristotelian  philosophic  conceptions 
(oftentimes  misconceived)  shaped  their  doctrine,  as  will  appear 
below. 

Aph.  and  St.  Ephraem  lived  in  the  4th  century.  Whence 
did  they  derive  their  doctrines  as  to  the  'sleep  of  the  soul'? 
Are  there  any  other  examples  of  this  teaching  in  the  early 
Church  outside  the  Syriac-speaking  branch  of  it?  There  are; 
and  the  resemblances  are  the  more  striking  if  the  differences  as 
to  time,  and  the  utter  disparity  as  to  point  of  view  and  idiom 
of  thought,  be  taken  into  consideration.  Tatian,  in  his  Oratio 
ad  Graecos,  maintains  the  immortality  of  body  as  well  as  soul 
(c.  25).  For  the  human  soul  is  not  of  itself  immortal,  but  is 


110  F.  Gavin 

capable  of  becoming  so.  'It  dies  and  dissolves  with  the  body, 
if  it  does  not  know  the  truth;  but  it  will  rise  later  at  the  last, 
to  receive,  together  with  its  body,  death  in  immortality  as  its 
punishment.  On  the  other  hand,  if  it  have  the  knowledge  of 
God,  though  it  be  dissolved  for  a  time,  it  will  not  die.  Of  itself 
it  is  darkness;  and  there  is  no  light  in  it.'  He  quotes  St.  John 

1.  5,  and  continues:   'It  is  not  the  soul  which  saves  the  Spirit, 
but  the  soul  shall  be  saved  by  the  Spirit.    Light  has  received 
darkness,  inasmuch  as  the  Light  of  God  is  the  Logos,  and  the 
ignorant  soul  is  darkness.     This  is  the  reason  why  the  soul  left 
to  itself  becomes  lost  in  matter,  and  dies  with  the  flesh.    If, 
however,  it  have  achieved  an  alliance  (<n>£vytav,  not  a   'union/ 
cf.  Puech,  Recherches  sur  le  discours  aux  Grecs  de  Tatien,  pp. 
70  ff.)  with  the  Spirit,  it  will  be  in  need  of  naught  else.     It 
rises  whither  the  Spirit  leads,  for  It  dwells  on  high,  while  the 
origin  of  the  soul  is  below.  .    .    .     While  the  Spirit  was  asso- 
ciated from  the  beginning  with  the  soul,  It  abandons  the  soul 
if  it  be  unwilling  to  follow.  .   .  .     God 's  Spirit  is  not  in  all,  but 
descends  upon  such  as  deal  justly,  and  becomes  bound  up  with 
their  soul  .  .  . '  (c.  13).     Thus  Tatian  is  seen  to  teach  an  essen- 
tial trichotomy,  and  goes  on  further  to  state  that   .    .    .   'the 
soul  is  of  many  parts,  not  simple.  ...     It  sees  by  means  of  the 
physical  eyes  of  the  body.   .    .    . '     'It  cannot  see  without  the 
body,  nor  can  the  body  rise  without  the  soul.'    A  man  is  only 
true  to  his  own  character  as  being  the   'image  and  likeness  of 
God'   when  he  is  removed  farthest  from  the  merely  animal  and 
physical  side  of  his  nature.     The  soul  is  the  bond  of  the  flesh, 
and  the  flesh  the  dwelling-place  of  the  soul.  .   .   .     When  (he) 
becomes  like  a  temple,  then  God  wills  to  dwell  in  him  through 
the  superior  Spirit  (cf.  1  Cor.  3.  16,  6.  19,  2  Cor.  6.  16,  Eph. 

2.  22).    When  the  whole  man  is  not  thus  coordinated   (i.  e., 
does  not  make  himself  fit  for  God's  Spirit  to  reside  in  him), 
then  he  differs  from  the  beast  only  by  the  power  of  speech  (c. 
15;   with  this  cf.  the  quotations  above  from  Aph.). 

While  Aph.'s  notion  of  salvation  is  not  that  of  Tatian,  to 
whom  it  is  the  Revelation  of  Divine  Light  through  the  Logos, 
yet  there  are  distinct  and  definite  common  elements.  It  will 
be  remembered  that  Tatian,  too,  was  a  Syrian,  and  that  he 
taught,  after  his  expulsion  from  Rome,  at  the  great  centre  of 


The  Sleep  of  the  Soul  111 

Syriac  learning,  Edessa,  and  that  his  *  Diatessaron '  was  the 
text  which  both  Aph.  and  St.  Ephraem  used  constantly.  The 
presence  of  the  Holy  Spirit  restores  what  was  lost  to  man  before 
the  Incarnation  of  the  Logos.  By  means  of  the  Spirit  man 
attains  immortality.  Tatian  says:  'I  was  not,  then  I  was.  I 
die,  but  I  shall  be  raised'  (c.  6),  and  Aph.  has  almost  the  same 
sequence  of  ideas.  'If  God  can  create  from  naught,  why  is  it 
difficult  to  believe  He  can  raise  the  dead?'  (cf.  369.  21-23). 
The  body  of  man  has  its  own  natural  and  immortal  life,  but 
would  be  only  as  a  beast  before  God,  if  the  man  chose  not  to 
avail  himself  of  the  presence  of  the  Divine  Spirit  brought  to 
mankind  by  Christ.  When  the  individual  has  done  his  best  to 
prepare  as  well  as  he  may  to  become  the  temple  of  God,  God's 
Spirit  comes,  and  departs  only  at  the  believer's  death.  Since 
the  body  and  soul  are  complementary  to  each  other,  they  must 
needs  abide  together,  and  from  Tatian 's  words  we  are  left  to 
infer  that  they  remain  together  in  the  grave.  At  the  Resur- 
rection the  Holy  Spirit  returns  to  raise  the  bodies  of  the  right- 
eous, while  the  wicked  are  condemned  to  'death  in  immortality.' 
It  is  merely  a  question  of  terms  between  Tatian  and  Aph.  as 
to  the  immortality  of  body  and  soul,  and  their  relation  to  the 
Spirit.  The  thought  is  largely  the  same.  If  soul  and  body 
could  be  condemned  to  a  'death  in  immortality'  and  are  to  be 
raised  for  judgment,  such  an  act  at  the  last  day  could  be  con- 
sidered either  a  waking  from  sleep  or  a  quickening  of  the  dead. 
If  it  is  the  former,  we  have  the  teaching  of  Aph.  and  St.  Eph. 
If  the  latter,  then  we  merely  change  the  terminology.  The 
idea  represented  is  the  same  in  both  cases.  If  death  be  not 
total  destruction  without  hope  of  rehabilitation,  which  would 
utterly  forbid  any  possible  recall  to  a  state  of  life,  but  rather 
a  temporary  dissolution  of  faculties  and  properties,  then  it  is 
as  simple  to  conceive  of  it  under  one  name  as  the  other.  Such 
a  mere  suspension  of  those  faculties  and  powers,  even  if  called 
'death,'  is  almost  identical  with  the  notion  of  the  'sleep  of  the 
soul. ' 

Irenaeus  lived  at  almost  the  same  time  as  Tatian,  and  wrote 
his  great  work  'Against  Heresies'  in  the  years  180-5.  It  was 
early  translated  into  Syriac,  and  the  type  of  teaching  is  the 
same  in  general  outline  as  that  found  in  Aph.  St.  Irenaeus 


112  "  F.  Gavin 

surely  held  to  a  trichotomy  of  the  nature  of  regenerate  man. 
'Sunt  tria  ex  quibus,  quemadmodum  ostendimus,  perfectus7 
homo  constat, — carne,  anima,  et  spiritu,  et  altero  quidem  sal- 
vante  et  figurante,  qui  est  spiritus;  alter  quod  unitur  et  for- 
matur,  quod  est  caro;  id  vero  quod  inter  haec  est  duo,  quod 
est  anima,  quae  aliquando  quidem  subsequens  spiritum,  elevatur 
ab  eo;  aliquando  autem  consentiens  carni,  decidit  in  terrenas 
concupiscientias.  Quod  ergo  id  quod  salvat  et  format,  et  uni- 
tatem  non  habent,  hi  consequenter  erunt  et  vocabuntur  caro 
et  sanguis ;  quippe  qui  non  habent  Spiritum  Dei  in  se.  Propter 
hoc  autem  et  mortui  tales  dicti  sunt  a  Deo:  Sinite  .  .  .  mor- 
tuos  sepelire  mortuos  suos,  quoniam  non  habent  Spiritum 
qui  vivificet  hominem'  (Adv.  Hcereses,  5.  9,  in  Migne,  P.G., 
7,  col.  1144  f.).  A  little  before  this  he  has  said,  'Anima  autem 
et  spiritus  pars  hominis  esse  possunt,  homo  autem  nequaquam: 
perfectus  autem  homo,  commistio  et  adunitio  est  animae  assu- 
mentis  Spiritum  Patris,  et  admisto  ei  carni,  quae  est  plasmata 
secundum  imaginem  Dei'  (ibid.,  col.  1137).  The  souls  of  the 
dead  are  to  await  the  day  of  Resurrection  in  a  place  set  apart 
by  God,  and  after  receiving  their  bodies  and  'perfecte  resur- 
gentes,  hoc  est,  corporaliter,  quemadmodum  et  Dominus  resur- 
rexit/  they  come  to  the  Divine  presence  for  judgment  (ibid., 
col.  1209). 

The  essential  feature  of  all  of  these  quotations  is  that  the 
soul  sleeps,  or  is  in  some  kind  of  comatose  state,  from  the  time 
of  death  till  the  day  of  Resurrection.  The  contrary  view  would 
be  the  attainment  of  a  degree  of  happiness  or  unhappiness 
immediately  after  death  by  the  soul  alone,  as  if  the  body  were 
not  essentially  part  of  the  human  nature.  Aph.  certainly  held 
that  the  soul  was  with  the  body  during  this  interim  and  that 
both  lay  dormant  in  the  grave.  St.  Eph.  is  not  so  clear  as  to 
the  relations  of  the  body  and  the  soul.  Isaac,  or  rather  the 
quotation  above  attributed  to  him,  agrees  in  the  main  with  Aph. 
The  Nestorians,  who  held  to  the  sleep  of  the  soul  practically 

7  It  is  true,  however,  as  Klebba  has  pointed  out  (Die  Anthropologie  des 
hi.  Irenaus,  Minister,  1894,  pp.  100,  165),  that  there  is  no  essential  tri- 
chotomy of  the  natural  man  in  St.  Irenaeus.  It  is  only  the  'perfectus 
homo'  who  possesses  the  spirit  and  then  only  as  'eine  Zierde. '  (Of. 
Schwane,  Dogmengeschichte  der  vornicanischer  Zeit,  p.  440;  A.  Stockl, 
Geschichte  der  Philosophic  der  patristischen  Zeit,  p.  153.) 


The  Sleep  of  the  Soul  113 

universally  from  850  on,  waver  between  the  belief  that  the  soul 
is  with  the  body,  and  that  it  is  stored  up  elsewhere,  though 
much  of  the  material  is  not  precise  enough  in  its  outlines  to  be 
certain  of.  So  far  as  the  earlier  examples  go,  we  have  found 
thus  far  that  Aph.  is  much  closer  to  the  type  of  teaching  found 
in  Tatian  in  this  detail,  than  the  Nestorians  are  in  that  respect. 
St.  Irenaeus,  who  as  regards  the  composition  of  the  'regenerate* 
man  is  a  trichotomist,  is  definite  about  the  relation  of  body,  soul, 
and  Spirit  and  is  in  line  with  the  type  of  Aphraates'  teaching 
expounded  above,  while  he  differs  from  Aphraates  chiefly  in 
the  mention  of  a  'locum  invisibilem,  definitum  ...  a  Deo  in 
medio  umbrae  mortis  .  .  .  ubi  animae  mortuorum  erunt  .  .  . 
et  ibi  usque  ad  resurrectionem  commorabuntur  .  .  . '  (loc.  cit., 
col.  1209).  Whether  this  be  state  or  place,  or  both,  it  is  not 
certain,  and  it  cannot  be  shown  that  he  does  not  mean  the 
buried  body  to  be  the  natural  place  of  repose  for  the  soul. 
However,  this  detail  is  not  of  great  consequence. 

About  the  year  247,  Eusebius  tells  us  (Hist.  eccl.  6.  37), 
Origen  successfully  combatted  at  a  synod  the  strange  doctrine 
of  'the  Arabians  who  said  that  at  the  present  time  the  human 
soul  dies  and  perishes  with  the  body,  but  that  at  the  time  of 
the  resurrection  they  will  be  renewed  together.'  McGiffert  on 
this  passage  (Nicene  and  Post-Nicene  Fathers,  2d  Series,  vol. 
1,  1904,  p.  279)  refers  to  two  passages  where  similar  doctrines 
are  discussed.  He  feels  that  Redepenning  (Origenes;  Leben 
und  Lehre,  Bonn,  1841,  vol.  2,  on  the  Arabian  Church,  pp.  74- 
129)  is  wrong  in  claiming  that  Eusebius  misunderstood  the 
theology  of  the  Arabian  Church.  Redepenning  contends  that 
the  Christian  community  in  Arabia  was  nourished  on  Jewish 
teaching  (p.  75),  that  St.  Paul  travelled  thither  (Gal.  1.  17) 
and  was  reputed  to  have  founded  a  Church  at  Bostra.  The 
early  Arabian  Christians  were  Semitic,  and  probably  Jewish, 
converts.  Continual  resurgences  of  the  fundamentally  Jewish 
character  of  their  faith  disrupted  the  progress  of  their  church 
life,  and  its  contact  with  the  Church  at  large  (p.  105).  He 
claims  that  the  proper  notion  of  the  Arabian  Christians'  teach- 
ing is  not  found  in  Eusebius,  who  misrepresents  it,  and  says 
that  it  is  fundamentally  Jewish.  In  Jewish  teaching  he  finds 
the  original  teaching  from  which  this  is  drawn,  that  the  dead 
sleep  in  the  earth,  and  maintain  a  kind  of  shadowy  existence 

8    JAOS  40 


114  F.  Gavin 

with  the  Father  (p.  109).  He  refers  to  Tatian,  and  to  the 
teaching  of  Irenaeus  (cf.  above),  commenting  on  which  he 
says:  'the  soul  ...  is  only  the  breath  of  earthly  life  which 
through  being  taken  up  into  the  Holy  Spirit  becomes  capable 
of  immortality.  The  earthly  life  is  itself  transitory  and  passes 
away  so  soon  as  the  breath  of  life  (i.  e.,  the  soul),  by  which  God 
quickened  the  body,  leaves  it, — unless  an  external  power,  the 
Spirit  of  God,  overcome  the  transitory'  (pp.  106-7,  cf.  Iren. 
Adv.  Haer.  5.  12;  4.  38).  So  Heracleon  holds  that  the  soul  is 
mortal,  and  dies  with  the  body  in  the  grave,  but  is  capable  of 
being  clothed  with  immortality.  Origen  definitely  taught  a  tri- 
chotomy of  body,  soul,  and  spirit  in  man  (on  St.  John,  vol.  13, 
p.  275,  ed.  Migne). 

It  is  not  necessary  to  imagine  that  Eusebius  gave  a  com- 
plete picture  of  the  teaching  of  the  Arabians.  The  distinc- 
tion between  the  vwvoil/vxlrcu  and  the  OvrjTo^vxlrai  seems  not  to  be 
based  on  any  valid  foundation.  Both  theories,  if  indeed 
there  be  two,  are  attempted  explanations  of  the  phenomena  of 
death,  and  the  relations  of  body  and  soul  to  each  other.  To 
say  that  the  body  and  soul  'die'  and  then  'become  immortal' 
is  not  clearing  up  what  is  meant  by  'dying'  and  'immortality' ! 

The  later  references  (e.  g.  in  St.  Augustine,  de  Haeres.  No. 
83,  'Arabici')  do  not  add  much.  St.  John  Damascene  (676- 
760)  in  liber  de  Haer.  No.  90  (in  Migne,  P.G.  94,  col.  759) 
says  that  the  Thnetopsychists  hold  that  the  human  soul  is  like 
that  of  the  beasts,  for  it  is  destroyed  with  the  body.  Still  later, 
Nicephorus  Callistus  of  Constantinople  (ob.  1356)  repeats  what 
is  found  in  Eusebius,  on  whom  he  probably  based  this  passage. 
His  version  is  however  slightly  different:  'the  human  soul, 
together  with  the  body,  dies  for  the  present  (TT/DOS  TO  napov),  and 
with  it  undergoes  decay;  at  the  Eesurrection  to  come  it  lives 
again  with  other  bodies,  and  from  then  on  (TOV  Xonrov)  it  is 
maintained  in  immortality.'  (Hist.  eccl.  5.  23,  in  Migne,  145, 
col.  4.)  The  attempt  to  account  for  the  state  of  the  body  and 
soul  after  death  by  calling  it  'sleep,'  i.  e.  suspended  animation, 
is  in  some  measure  an  explanation  of  the  phenomena  it  tries  to 
deal  with.  .  .  .  Simply  to  say  that  'death'  involves  'death  of 
body  and  soul,'  etc.,  leaves  still  the  question:  what  happens  to 
the  soul?  and  does  not  assist  in  the  settlement  of  the  problem. 

Thus  we  have  seen  that  the  doctrine  of  the  'sleep  of  the  soul' 


The  Sleep  of  the  Soul  115 

is  found  in  full  and  definite  form  in  Aphraates,  a  writer  of 
the  Persian  Church,  while  St.  Ephraem  and  perhaps  Isaac  the 
Great,  west  and  east  of  him  respectively,  and  all  three  nearly 
contemporaneous,  taught  much  the  same  doctrine.  In  the  later 
Nestorian  Church,  the  doctrine  of  the  sleep  of  the  soul  had  a 
considerable  number  of  adherents.  Before  the  4th  century  we 
find  similar  teaching  in  Tatian,  and  implication  of  a  similar 
system  in  St.  Irenaeus.  In  the  3d  century  much  the  same 
position,  this  time  held  by  'Arabians/  was  attacked  by  Ori- 
gen,  and  as  a  heresy  it  was  known  in  more  or  less  imperfect 
form,  in  writers  of  the  14th  century  Eastern  Church. 

I  shall  not  attempt  to  construe  a  theory  of  interrelation 
between  these  various  and  scattered  writers.  It  is  sufficiently 
demonstrated  that  it  was  not  peculiar  or  unique  in  the  case  of 
Aphraates.  It  may  be  that  another  instance  of  similarity  in 
teaching  with  the  Asianic  school,  noticeable  in  other  phases  of 
his  doctrine,  may  be  found  in  this  case.  The  Syriac  Church 
undoubtedly  had  a  great  sympathy  for  such  teaching.  In  fact 
it  found  peculiar  favor  with  the  Christian  Semitic  communities 
and  writers.  From  this  it  may  be  inferred  that  there  was  some 
kinship  in  ideas  between  Eastern  Christianity  and  Judaism,  as 
Eedepenning  has  suggested.  How  much  importance  can  be 
attached  to  this  fact?  What  sort  of  origins  and  sources  can 
the  doctrine  of  the  'sleep  of  the  dead*  be  said  to  have? 

(a)  To  begin  with  the  latest  phase,  which  was  presented 
earlier  in  this  essay — the  Nestorian  writers  from  Babai  on.  In 
comparing  them  with  Aphraates,  a  singular  difference  will  be 
apparent.  While  Aphraates  certainly  utilizes  his  theory  of  the 
trichotomy  of  human  nature  as  an  essential  element  in  the  pres- 
entation of  his  doctrine  of  the  'sleep  of  the  soul/  the  Nes- 
torians  base  theirs  on  an  entirely  different  psychology  and 
philosophy.  Their  anthropology  was  based  on  a  dichotomism. 
Aristotle  began  to  be  known  among  the  Nestorian  writers,  and 
to  be  translated  and  spread  widely  in  the  8th  and  9th  centuries. 
Before  that  time  his  philosophy  had  had  many  more  or  less  loyal 
adherents  among  them,  but  these  students  of  Aristotle  had  not 
always  successfully  translated  Greek  ideas  and  idioms,  espe- 
cially purely  philosophical  ones,  into  Syriac.  For  instance, 
Moses  bar  Kepha  (ob.  903),  who  wrote  a  treatise  on  the  dia- 
lectics of  Aristotle,  even  at  this  late  date  misunderstood  the 


116  F.  Gavin 

distinction    between    '  matter '     and    'form/     Aristotle    says: 

avayKalov  apa  rrjv  </'vX*?v  ovcnav   etvat    a>s  e'Sos    aw/ma-ros    <f>v<ru<ov 
£aw7V   €^ovros.      17    S'ovcria    evreA^eta.      TOOXVTOV    a/oa    aw/Aaro? 

(De  amwa,  II.  1.  412s,  6,  Bitter  and  Preller's  text,  pp.  339). 
The  evreAe'xeia  i§  the  actual  being  of  a  thing,  as  against  SiW/us, 
potential  being.  In  De  anima  8.  3  the  soul  is  called  the 
of  the  body,  as  also  in  II.  2.  414a  14 :  ov  TO  <rG>pd  eo-rcv 

,  aAA'  avriy  o-w/Aaros  Ttvos  . .  .  ;    for  the  SOul  is  TOV  £a>i/ros 

curia  KCU  apx*?  (*&*d.  415b) .  The  soul  as  (vrtX^La  of  the  body 
is  that  by  which  it  actually  is,  though  it  may  be  said  to  have  had 
the  Swa/xts  of  existing  before.  The  word  in  Syriac  for  evreAe'xcta 
is  I  *Nsn  * .  It  is  apparent  that  the '  Book  of  the  Soul, '  for  example, 
is  full  of  misunderstood  philosophical  terms.  Moses  b.  Kepha, 
who  was  a  Jacobite,  misconstrued  the  Nestorians  about  whom 
he  was  writing,  while  oftentimes  they  were  nearer  the  mind  of 
Aristotle  than  he  himself  was.  As  the  soul  is  the  cause  of  being 
of  the  body  (De  part.  an.  I.  5.  654b  14) ,  it  is  also  that  by  which 
it  actually  is.  Furthermore,  it  is  the  'form'  of  the  body,  in 
that  it  gives  actual  being  to  that  which  had  only  existed  before 
potentially,  as  matter.  The  word  !•  •Nvi *  meant  also  'perfec- 
tion,' 'completion,'  and  in  this  sense  it  could  truly  be  applied 
to  the  soul  as  making  possible  the  life  of  the  whole  man,  by 
animating  his  body.  Either  element  then  was  'incomplete,'  and 
so,  while  the  soul  was  really  the  more  important,  yet  it  could 
not  come  to  enjoy  eternity  without  the  body  with  which  it  stood 
in  so  intimate  a  relationship.  The  Nestorian  doctrine  of  the 
soul  sleep,  from  the  7th  century  on,  is  built  on  the  Aristotelian 
psychology,  unlike  the  earlier  teaching  of  e.  g.  Aphraates  and 
St.  Ephraem. 

(b)  In  his  comments  on  Aphraates,  Braun  suggests  that  he 
must  have  been  acquainted  with  contemporaneous  rabbinic 
teaching  as  to  the  condition  of  the  soul  and  body  after  death.8 
In  much  the  same  vein  Redepenning  thinks  that  the  'heresy  of 
the  Arabians,'  which  caused  the  dissension  that  Origen  had  to 
settle,  was  none  other  than  a  bit  of  Jewish  tradition  which  the 
Church  had  taken  over  (op.  cit.  p.  109). 

In  the  books  between  the  Old  and  New  Testaments  in  which 
are  reflected  the  speculations  of  the  days  preceding  rabbinic 

8  Op.  cit.,  p.  142. 


The  Sleep  of  the  Soul  117 

Judaism  and  Christianity,  sources  may  be  found  for  this  doc- 
trine, which  appears  fully  developed  in  later  days.  On  Gen.  2 
and  3  was  based  the  whole  general  distinction  between  the  imma- 
terial and  material  principles  in  man.  Man  became  a  living 
soul  (E>&3)  because  God  breathed  into  him  the  breath  of  life 
(Gen.  2.  7).  The  Apocrypha  and  Pseudepigrapha  contain  the 
root  of  much  of  the  doctrine  which  was  to  be  found  later  in  the 
systems  of  Christianity  and  Judaism  respectively.  E.  g.,  in 
Ecclus.  38.  23,  Baruch  2. 17,  Tobit  3.  6  and  Judith,  10.  31  (irv^iw. 
£0017?),  the  spirit  is  the  divine  breath  of  life  as  in  Gen.  2.  7.  In 
Baruch  and  Tobit  the  spirit  and  soul  are  different.  While  the 
spirit  goes  back  to  God,  the  soul  continues  to  subsist  in  Sheol. 
According  to  Ethiopic  Enoch,  all  the  'immaterial  personality' 
descends  to  Sheol,  and  its  life  there  is  far  from  being  uncon- 
scious (according  to  R.  H.  Charles,  Critical  History  of  the  Doc- 
trine of  a  Future  Life  .  .  .,  London,  1899,  chap.  5).  The  primi- 
tive psychology  was  trichotomistic,  according  to  Charles,  but  in 
the  3d-2d  cent.  B.  C.  a  change  set  in  toward  the  type  of  dichoto- 
mism  which  was  to  prevail  in  the  first  Christian  writing.  In  2 
Mac.  7.  22-27  there  is  a  syncretism  of  two  types  of  psychology ; 
while  the  departed  are  conscious  (6.  26),  yet  the  spirit  is  the 
life-giving  principle  of  which  the  living  soul  is  the  product,  as 
in  Gen.  2-3,  and  these  souls  are  given  back  to  God  at  death  (cf. 
Charles,  op.  cit.  p.  232).  According  to  the  trichotomistic  prin- 
ciple, the  soul  is  the  supreme  function  of  the  quickened  body 
and  the  spirit  'the  impersonal  basis  of  life,  returning  to  God 
after  death'  (cf.  Ecclus.  12.  2  and  op.  cit.  p.  44).  The  state  of 
the  dead  was  spoken  of  as  a  condition  of  sleep,  'terra  reddet 
qui  in  ea  dormiunt,  et  pulvis  qui  in  eo  silentio  habitant'  (2  Esd. 
7.  32,  cf.  also,  Apoc.  Bar.  50.  2). 

The  early  distinction  between  soul  and  spirit  passed  com- 
pletely in  later  Judaism.  Its  psychology  was,  as  Bousset  says, 
'ungeheuer  einfach,'  distinguishing  only  between  the  external 
and  internal  in  man,  between  soul  and  body.  According  to  the 
older  views,  at  the  best  a  kind  of  shadowy  existence  in  the  grave 
or  Sheol  was  predicated  of  the  departed.  This  could  not  refer 
to  the  Spirit  of  God  which  returned  to  Him  after  death,  ceas- 
ing to  exist  in  that  particular  individual.  Thus  soul  and  body, 
in  the  older  view,  were  intimately  connected  (cf.  W.  Bousset, 
Religion  des  Judentums  im  nt.  Zeitalter,  2d  Ed.,  Berlin,  1906, 


118  F.  Gavin 

pp.  459-60).  While  there  is  scarcely  any  distinct  psychology 
in  late  Judaism,  yet  certain  elements  persisted  in  the  popular 
religion,  which  preserved  earlier  views,  or  embodied  popular 
speculations. 

In  the  development  of  the  notion  of  personal  immortality,  in 
connection  with  the  teaching  about  the  resurrection  of  the  dead, 
the  inference  could  hardly  be  avoided,  that  if  their  bodies  were 
one  day  to  rise,  the  dead  themselves  must  be  in  a  kind  of  coma 
or  sleep.  The  intimate  connection  between  death  and  sleep  is 
suggested  in  a  saying  reported  in  Berachoth  57b  that  *  sleep  is 
a  sixtieth  part  of  death.'  Kabbi  Isaac  said:  'A  worm  is  as  pain- 
ful to  the  flesh  of  a  dead  man,  as  a  needle  in  that  of  the  living' 
(Ber.  18a,  Sab.  13b).  (Then  there  follows  the  delightful  story 
of  the  two  ghosts  who  conversed  on  the  eve  of  fOBTT  B7O  and 
were  overheard  by  the  TOIl  who  profited  by  the  information 
gained  from  overhearing  them.)  That  the  dead  were  spoken 
of  as  'sleeping'  is  shown  in  the  story  of  E.  Meir's  interview 
with  Cleopatra,  when  she  asked  about  the  clothing  of  the  dead 
on  the  day  of  resurrection.  The  dead  are  called  >Mt^  (Ber. 
ibid.).  That  the  dead  are  to  rise  is  shown  by  references  to 
Deut.  32.  39,  33.  6,  that  they  talk  in  the  grave  by  ibid.  34.  4,  5 
(cf.  Berach.  18b,  Pesachim  68a,  and  the  whole  list  of  proofs  in 
Sanhed.  91,  92,  etc.).  Assignment  of  punishment  is,  according 
to  a  story  reported  in  Sanh.  91b  where  Rabbi  talks  with  Anto- 
ninus, to  be  inflicted  upon  the  whole  man,  when  body  and  soul 
have  been  united,  as  otherwise  each  could  blame  the  other,  like 
the  blind  and  lame  men  who  were  assigned  the  task  of  watching 
an  orchard.  During  their  master's  absence  the  blind  man  bore 
the  lame  one  to  the  trees,  whose  fruits  they  both  enjoyed,  and 
yet,  when  accused,  each  could  point  to  his  own  lack  of  ability 
to  steal  the  fruit  alone!  By  inference,  the  body  and  soul  are 
neither  to  be  blamed  or  praised  till  united  at  the  Resurrection. 

The  Resurrection  according  to  the  dominant  Jewish  view  is 
for  the  righteous  only  (cf.  Taanith  2a,  7a).  The  idea  of  the 
Resurrection  of  the  body  need  not  arouse  surprise.  'If  those 
who  had  not  yet  lived  have  come  into  being,  how  much  more 
can  they  rise  again  who  already  exist?'  (words  of  R.  Gebiha  b. 
Pesisa  in  Sanh.  91a,  with  which  argument  cf.  Aph.  369.  21-23). 
'If  vessels  (of  blown  glass)  made  by  the  breath  of  man  can  be 
restored  if  once  broken,  how  much  more  then  a  human  being, 


The  Sleep  of  the  Soul  119 

who  is  created  through  the  breath  of  the  Holy  One?'  (Sanh. 
91a) — where  the  double  meaning  of  HY")  as  *  breath'  and  *  spirit* 
is  vital  to  the  argument.  The  comparison  of  the  grave  to  the 
womb  appears  in  Sanh.  92b:  as  the  womb  receives  and  gives 
back,  so  does  the  grave,  etc. 

(c)  One  of  the  first  who  wrote  on  Aph.  (Noldeke,  in  GGA 
1869,  p.  1524)  suggested  that  his  doctrine  of  the  sleep  of  the 
soul  was  true  to  primitive  Pauline  thought.  As  was  indicated 
above  in  his  quotation  of  the  text  1  Cor.  15.  44,  Aph.  does  not 
use  the  words:  'It  is  sown9  but,  'It  is  buried.'  The  passage 
alluded  to  above  (Aph.  369.  21-23)  shows  clearly  that  Aph. 
must  have  known  the  Pesh.  text  of  this  verse,  but  for  some 
reasons  preferred  to  use  the  other.  St.  Paul  deduces  the  neces- 
sity for  a  twofold  existence  of  man,  natural  or  'psychic,'  and 
heavenly  or  'pneumatic,'  from  a  fresh  interpretation  of  Gene- 
sis 2.  7.  It  is  possible  that  he  may  have  had  the  comparison 
of  the  seed  to  the  plant  alluded  to  above  (Sanh.  90b,  also  in 
Ber.  Rab.  95)  in  mind  in  writing  1  Cor.  15.  (Thus  H.  St.  John 
Thackeray,  The  Relation  of  St.  Paul  to  Contemporary  Jewish 
Thought,  1906,  p.  112.)  He  certainly  used  conceptions  and 
teaching  already  at  hand  in  the  Apoc.  and  Pseudepigrapha ; 
e.  g.,  the  trumpet  of  1  Cor.  15.  52  and  2  Esd.  6.  23,  Orac.  Sibyl. 
4.  173-4,  and  cf.  Weber,  Jud.-Theol.,  paragraph  369;  and  'Those 
who  are  asleep'  in  1  Thes.  4. 13,  15  and  2  Esd.  7.  32.  Beyschlag 
in  his  Neutest.  Theol.  (2.  257)  commenting  on  1  Thes.  4.  14  con- 
siders St.  Paul  to  have  thought  that  the  state  of  the  dead  was 
that  of  'Schlafer  im  Schoose  der  Erde.'  He  did  not  teach  a 
complete  and  utter  death,  because  he  used  for  'to  be  dead'  the 
word  KOLfjiao-OaL.  'In  this  condition  man's  powers  are  latent,  but 
it  is  not  to  last  long,'  etc.  (cf.  E.  Teichmann,  Die  Paulinischen 
Vorstellungen  von  Auferstehung  und  Gericht  .  .  .,  p.  27,  and 
note  2).  St.  Paul  for  the  Eesurrection  uses  the  word  eyetpev,  to 
wake  (from  sleep),  in  preference  to  the  words  dvao-r^vat  airo  ve/cpwv 
(thirty-five  occurrences  of  the  former  to  ten  of  the  latter). 

The  Pauline  trichotomy  is  unique  in  the  New  Testament  (cf. 
Charles,  op.  cit.,  pp.  408-415)  and  is  necessary  to  the  consist- 
ency of  St.  Paul's  whole  tenor  of  thought.  Since  there  are  two 
Adams  and  two  Creations,  a  natural  and  a  spiritual  man,  there 
are  two  immaterial  principles,  soul  and  spirit.  He  who  is 
purely  natural  possesses  a  soul,  but  when  accorded  the  Spirit 


120  F.  Gavin 

of  God,  he  then  has  both  soul  and  body,  and  also  the  Spirit. 
Now  the  Spirit  leaves  to  return  to  God  at  death,  but  not  thus 
the  soul.  St.  Paul  nowhere  makes  a  distinct  statement,  but  the 
inference  made  by  Aph.  is  most  just.  The  soul  is  buried  with 
the  body,  for  if  the  body  is  to  rise  again,  and  the  two  are  insep- 
arably connected,  they  must  needs  remain  together  in  the  grave. 
There  is,  then,  in  the  doctrine  of  the  'sleep  of  the  soul'  in 
the  early  Syriac  Church  a  complex  of  three  elements,  clearly 
discernible.  The  Nestorians  were  doubtless  influenced  most 
largely  by  (a)  Aristotelian  philosophy,  which  they  did  not 
entirely  grasp  aright,  (b)  Earlier  teaching,  which  was  trichot- 
omistic  (while  the  Nestorians  were,  in  the  main,  dichotomists) , 
was  indebted  to  certain  Jewish  conceptions,  perhaps  of  the 
popular  religion  of  the  day,  and  especially  (c)  (conspicuously 
so  in  the  case  of  Aph.)  to  a  thorough-going  allegiance  to  the 
Pauline  teaching. 


INDO-IRANICA 

EDWIN  W.  FAY     . 

UNIVERSITY  OF  TEXAS 

1.    Avestan  aesasa-,  petens. 

THE  AVESTAN  ROOT  aes  means  to  seek;  to  (seek  to)  hear  (Bar- 
tholomae,  Air.  Wbch.,  p.  29,  4)  ;  to  attack,  waylay,  seize  (ib.  E)  ; 
to  obtain,  acquire  (ib.  6).  The  long  word  aesasa-  is  from  a  pri- 
mate aisosko-(Av.  s  from  sfc),  and  the  selfsame  primate  lies 
behind  the  Latin  denominative  verb  aeruscat,  begs  (as  a  mendi- 
cant) .  Note  s  from  sic  also  in  the  compound  vanQwyaesa,  army- 
thief,  waylayer.  For  further  definitions  of  the  root  AIS  or  HIS, 
see  CQ  9.  110. 


2.     Excursus  on  e^cuo-ros,  seized,  caught  (taken  in  the  act). 

For  Herodotean  cTraio-ros  (wrongly  accented  in  the  books,  in 
response  to  a  wrong  derivation,  eTraicn-os)  a  typical  example  is 
CTTCUOTOS  cyci/ero  7r/oo8i8ov's  =  he  was  taken  betraying,  i.  e.  caught  in 
the  act  of  betraying.  In  Apollonius  Rhodius  Arg.  4.  366  we 
must  read  eV  aioroi/  (eVt  as  in  CTT'  to-a,  equally),  ex  improviso. 

3.     Sanskrit  pada-vl  (foot-)  way. 

With  Perrson  (Beitraege,  p.  512)  I  identify  -vi  in  this  com- 
pound with  Lat.  via.  In  the  earlier  masculine  padavis,  guide, 
the  posterius  meant  goer,  while  pada-  seems  almost  preposi- 
tional =  with,  cf  .  TTcSa  in  the  Aeolic  poets,  and  see  on  Skr.  pad- 
-rathas,  footman  (with  the  chariot)  in  CQ  8.  52,  n.  In  vi,  I 
is  a  weak  grade  of  the  ei  of  the  root.  Lat.  via  (and  this  remark 
is  applicable  to  many  Greek  and  Latin  feminines  in  id)  is  a  syn- 
cretic form,  combining  the  feminine  ending  in  I  with  the  femi- 
nine in  a;  in  this  case  the  root  noun  wl  with  a  feminine  suffixal 
a  attached  to  the  weakest  form  of  the  root,  i.  e.  w-A.  Perrson  is 
in  error  in  writing  the  root  as  wei  (but  see  §  10). 

4.     Indo-Iranian  d-vis,  obvious. 

This  is  a  compound  of  a  (i.  e.  the  proethnic  preverb  e:  6  for 
which  English  here  or  there  is  too  heavy  a  rendering;  German 
dar  suits  better)  plus  the  adverb  vis,  i.  e.  vi  extended  by  the  s 


122  Edwin  W.  Fay 

which  seems  to  be  joined  quite  ad  libitum  with  prepositional 
adverbs.  The  Avesta  preserves  vis  and  we  have  it  in  the  com- 
pound vis-patha,  quasi  deviously,  variously.  As  will  appear 
later  vi  comes  right  close  in  meaning  to  the  German  adverb  weg. 

5.     Indo-Iranian  vl,  vi,  asunder,  apart;  weg  (cf.  Ital.  via). 

I  explain  the  adverb  vi  as  a  locative  to  a  root  noun  we(i)  ,  with 
the  verbal  sense  of  to  wind,  whence  to  wend,  wander.  For  this 
win  see  Walde's  Lexicon  s.  v.  vieo  (from  a  secondary  root  wy-e). 
As  Eng.  wends,  wanders  derive  from  the  root  of  to  wind,  we  may 
admit  a  like  development  of  sense  in  the  root  WE(I).  Note  that 
in  English  went,  a  past  tense  of  to  wend,  serves  as  preterit  to  the 
verb  to  go,  and  has  lost  all  trace  of  connection  with  to  wind. 

6.     Excursus  on  (Sanskrit)  doublet  roots  in  -an/-d(y). 

In  JAOS  44.  341  I  made,  in  part  after  Macdonnell,  a  list  of 
these  roots,1  viz.  kha  (  y  )  :khan,  jd(y)  :jan,  sd  :san,  td(y)  :tan. 
To  these  may  be  added  the  Indo-European  pair  wd:  wen,  to 
wound  (see  Fick,  1*  p.  542  and  p.  547,  Boisacq,  s.  v. 


*In  that  list  I  concluded  drd:dram  and  gd:gam.  I  now  note  that  the 
Sanskrit  trio  drd  dram  dru,  to  run,  justifies  the  trio  ga  gam  gu,  to  go.  I  am 
exploiting  no  theory  of  origins.  I  am  quite  willing  to  believe  that  the  -am 
and  -a  roots  had  an  entirely  unrelated  origin,  though  later  they  came,  must 
have  come,  together  in  speech  consciousness  in  response  to  a  classification  as 
inevitable  as  it  was  unwilled.  To  state  this  extremely,  it  is  altogether 
possible  that  in  their  prototypes  paivet,  goes  (root  GWEM),  'and  I-/3?/,  went 
(root  GWA),  fell  into  a  systematic  association  only  as  Latin  fert  and  tulit 
or  as  Eng.  goes  and  went  so  fall.  But  after  they  once  fell  into  this  associa- 
tion they  served  as  a  source  for  analogies,  and  the  analogy  groups  then 
formed,  without  the  consciousness,  or  at  least  without  the  conscious  will, 
of  the  speakers,  a  morphological  system.  Accordingly,  when  we  find  in 
Sanskrit  a  posterius  gu,  going,  we  may  set  it  down  at  first  as  due  to  the 
analogy  of  Skr.  dru,  running:  or  we  may  place  it  at  once,  per  sal  turn,  in 
a  morphological  system  with  ga  gam;  cf.  also  yu-,  faring:  yd,  to  go. 
There  is  neither  rhyme  nor  reason  in  refusing  gd  gam  gu  if  you  admit  drd 
dram  dru,  always,  of  course,  upon  evidence.  Thus  we  escape  the  awkward- 
ness of  having  to  deal  with  Skr.  -gva-,  in  ndva-gva-,  as  cow,  instead  of  as 
going  or  gang,  and  we  are  left  free  to  define  irpta-pvs  by  fore-going  and  not 
by  fore-bull  (Bloomfield,  AJP  17.424,  29.80;  see  the  literature  in  Boisacq). 
The  nominative  irpea-fievs  will  have  originated  after  the  vocative  in  ev 
(Sanskrit  o).  Thus  the  vocative  was  a  common  term  in  Greek  in  the  v  and 
in  the  eu  stems.  We  owe  (3v  instead  of  the  correct  yv  to  Homeric  irpea-j3a.. 


Indo-Iranica  123 

Here  I  add  we(i),  to  wind  (go)  :  wen-d,2  to  wind,  go.  We  may 
here  note  the  special  sense  of  to  wither  in  Lat.  viescit,  correla- 
tive to  Slavic  ven-d  to  wither  (see  Miklosich,  p.  380) ;  cf.  Eng. 
gone  off  =  deteriorated,  etc. 

7.    Further  on  Indo-Iranian  avis,  obvious. 

The  Slavic  sept  of  O.Bulg.  ave,  manifesto  (see  Berneker 
Slav.  Etym.  Wbch.  p.  34),  reveals  that  the  combination  in  d-vis 
was  Indo-European.  Slavic  -ve  differs  from  Av.  -vl(s)  as  Lat. 
prae  differs  from  pri.  In  Greek,  as  I  have  pointed  out  before 
(see  AJP  33.  391) ,  we  have  a  double  of  Skr.  avis  in  the  compound 
ov-cowm,  not  on  the  road  standing,  not  obvious,  unexpected.  Here 
belongs  Skr.  dvistya-  (ty  from  thy,  see  AJP  34.  15,  n.),  obvious, 
visible.  In  the  Avesta  dvis-ya= coming  on  the  road,  whence  obvi- 
ous, visible.  The  Indo-European  trio  wai  wi  wo  (cf .  Lat.  prae  pri 
pro)  exhibits  its  last  member  in  Gathic  Avestan  vd-ddya,  to  put 
away,  push  away,  thrust  away,  cf .  a>-0e<o.3  Where  Indo-Iranian  vl 
connotes  asunder,  entzwei,  there  has  been  some  influence  from 
Indo-European  dwis,  in-two,  apart.  To  put  it  otherwise,  the 
word  dwis  in  certain  combinations  lost  its  d-  by  dissimilation. 
The  root  wi-dh  of  Skr.  vidhydti  and  Lat.  di-vido,  e.  g.,  will  have 
come  by  dissimilation  from  original  dwi-dh-.  In  passing  I  would 
explain  Skr.  vyadh  ( :vidh)  as  containing  in  vya-  a  correlate  of 
Sta,  through.  Given  the  doublet  dwi(s) /wi(s) ,  we  may  also 

*  The  unextended  root  wen  is  preserved  in  Germ,  wohnen,  to  dwell,  i.  e.  to 
wander  in  a  nomadic  preserve;  cf.  Eng.  dwells,  from  O.Eng.  dwelian,  to  go 
astray,  err,  tarry,  dwell.  Skr.  vdncvm,  forest,  wood  (wood  before  trees, 
trees  was  an  interpretation  of  wood)  applied  at  first  to  the  ranges  in  which 
the  nomads  dwelt,  or  over  which  their  cattle  wandered. 

'Despite  the  convenience  of  recognizing  proethnic  WE,  weg,  in  Latin 
etymology,  the  words  in  which  we  have  this  ve  seem  to  be  best  explained 
otherwise.  It  is  not  open  to  question,  in  my  opinion,  that  Lat.  vehe-mens  is 
a  compound  with  imperative  prius  vehe-,  cf.  Avestan  vazo-vanBwya-,  (carry- 
ing away  i.  e.)  robbing  the  army-stuff.  Thus  vehementem  (aec.)  =  carrying 
away  the  mind  (first  of  anger  etc.,  for  the  usage  in  Plautus  see  AJP  24.71). 
The  contracted  form  ve-mens,  supported  by  the  influence  of  demens  and 
omens,  became  the  pattern  for  ve-cors,  ve-sanus  etc.,  and  the  irradiation 
even  went  so  far  that  we  have  ve-grandis  as  a  negative  of  grandis.  Lat. 
[s]vescitur  I  cannot  bring  myself  to  separate  from  Skr.  agni-svdtta-, 
ignicomesus  (see  TAP  A  44.110).  In  ve(r)-labrum,  water-basin  (see  AJP 
35.153)  the  prius  =  Skr.  vdr. 


124  Edwin  W.  Fay 

expect  to  find  other  proethnic  forms,  or  their  continuants,  with 
w-}  e.  g.  v  I-  in  Lat.  vlginti. 


8.  Excursus  on  cuV-flai/erai,  perceives  ;  Lat.  audit,  hears. 
In  the  whole  range  of  'orthodox'  Indo-European  etymology 
there  is  nothing  more  pretentious  than  the  equation  of  ala-  with 
Skr.  a-vis.  For  the  treatment  of  aw  as  a  dissyllable  there  is  no 
particle  of  evidence.  Of  eraicr™?  I  have  already  disposed  (§2), 
and  dtw,  I  hear,  is  a  plain  denominative  from  a  stem  AUSI-,  ear, 
in  Lat.  auris.  The  correct  derivation  of  alcrOdverau  is  from  the 
root  ais,  to  take  (see  §  1),  as  I  have  before  pointed  out  in  CQ 
9.  110.  Eng.  takes  (I  take  it),  apprehends,  assumes,  and  Lat. 
capio,  accipio,  percipio,  all  show  how  the  sense  to  perceive  origi- 
nates from  to  take.  See  also  §  1  on  Av.  aes,  with  the  sense  of  to 
(seek  to)  hear.  If  the  current  derivation  of  aia-Oavtrai  is  a 
caprice,  the  derivation  of  Lat.  audio  from  awisdio  is  a  phantasm. 
With  aus-cultat  (ear-lends  or  leans)  before  us,  anything  but 
ausdit  is  unthinkable.  Of  course  the  elaborately  fanciful  pri- 
mate awisdio  has  been  invented  to  turn  a  special  phonetic  trick 
for  oboedio,  but  it  involves  far  less  of  unsupported  assumption 
to  conclude  that  here  posttonic  au  on  its  way  to  u  or,  in  vulgar 
circles,  on  its  way  to  0,  was  subject  to  reenforced  rounding  from 
db  modified  by  anticipatory  palatalization  from  di,  —  causes  result- 
ing in  something  other  than  *obudio.  But  the  analysis  o-boedit, 
which  means  cognation  with  7rcVot0a  (7rei'0eo-0ai),  is  always  pos- 
sible, cf  .  O.Lat.  con-foedusti,  and  note  that  foedus,  ugly,  has  held 
on  to  oe.  Festus  also  gives  us  amecus  (i.  e.  amoecus)  for  amlcus, 
and  we  have  oe  in  the  second  syllable  of  amoenus,  lovely. 

9.  Semantic  excursus  ;  the  meaning  before  the  last. 
In  the  classical  tongues  there  is  a  wide  range  of  turns  such  as 
to  walk  with  legs,  to  see  with  eyes,  to  talk  with  the  mouth  (ore 
loqui)  .  These  are  relics  of  the  time  when  to  walk  and  to  see  and 
to  speak  were  not  the  original  senses  of  their  verbs,  and  when 
ore  loqui  e.  g.  meant  something  like  to  crack  (Scottice  usur- 
patum)  with  the  mouth  ;  when  to  see  may  have  meant  some  such 
thing  as  to  scan.  The  gradual  ellipsis  of  the  names  of  the 
organs  participant,  whereby  the  connotation  was  raised  to  the 
rank  of  definition,  may  be  aptly  illustrated  by  the  comparison 
of  Plautine  oculis  rationem  capio  with  Terentian  rationem  capio 


Indo-Iranica  125 

(see  the  great  Thesaurus,  iii.  321.  12) ;  cf.  also  in  Lucretius, 
carmina  auribus  accipere  (4.  982)  with  voces  accipio  (4.  611). 
"With  oculis  omitted  capio  was  on  the  way  to  becoming  a  verb  of 
perception. 

10.  Sanskrit  (vuyya)  vayi-a-,  attendant:  d-tVa?,  wooer. 
This  Sanskrit  word,  not  treated  by  Uhlenbeck,  is  from  a  loca- 
tive vay-i,  extended  by  suffixal  o.  Here  we  come  back  (see  §  5)  to 
the  root  we(i)  (e  certain  in  Lat.  venor).  I  am  not  disposed  to 
deny  a  outrance  the  grade  WEI  ;  and  those  who  refuse  the  grada- 
tion e  :  e  will  perhaps  admit  that  wai,  by  assimilation  to  WEI,  was 
liable  to  appear  as  WEI.  This  is  what  we  do  accept  in  Greek  for 
fore's.  Or  the  grade  WEI  may  have  come  by  way  of  assimilation 
to  the  synonym  root  ei.  Or  [s]  W-EI  may  be  a  compound  root  (on 
sw-  see  TAP  A  44.  108  sq.).  The  additional  sense  of  after  (for, 
towards)  in  Skr.  veti,  goes  after  (pursues,  hunts,  follows),  and 
its  cognates,  will  have  come  from  the  accusative  regimen.  So 
in  the  Rig  Veda  the  participle  of  eti  (goes)  means,  with  the 
accusative,  seeking  (begging,  etc.,  cf.  wceV^s,  suppliant:  wcvcmu, 
comes  to).  By  acknowledging  interplay  of  the  roots  WEI  and 
EI  we  may  account  for  the  al  (from  ai)  of  the  denominative  alrd, 
demands. 

11.     Joining  an  issue ;  Avestan  vl-naoiti. 

Av.  vl-naoiti  (only  with  ava  and  fra)  means  necat  (Eng.  slays, 
Germ,  schlagt).  We  might  derive  from  the  root  WA  (§6)  or, 
as  we  must  then  write  it,  WA(I),  to  wound,  injure  (nocere). 
This  root  will  hardly  be  different  from  Lat.  vae;  cf.  Goth. 
wai-dedja,  malefactor  (homo  nocens).  I  take  the  Latin  outcry 
vae  to  be  (a  continuant  of)  the  'root/  not  a  derivative  from  it. 
On  the  other  hand,  and  this  seems  to  me  far  more  likely,  m-  may 
be  the  preverb  (=weg)  and  nao  the  verbal  element,  cognate  with 
nu-d  in  Skr.  nuddti,  thrusts  (see  on  this  'root'  Walde,  s.  v. 
nuo) .  In  its  meanings  nuddti  combined  with  vi  comes  quite  close 
to  vt-naaiti,  viz.  to  wound;  to  strike  (Germ,  schlagen)  the  lute. 
Given  Skr.  nuddti,  then  Av.  vmaoiti,  slays :  Goth,  naus,  slayer : 
O.Bulg.  nawi,  mortuus  (cf.  Goth,  b-nauan,  confricare)  leave  no 
room  to  challenge  a  root  NU  with  the  general  sense  of  the  root  TU 
(cf.  Walde,  s.  w.  tundo,  stuprum). 


THE  DEPENDENCE  OF  THE  TALMUDIC  PRINCIPLE  OF 
ASMAKHTA  ON  BABYLONIAN  LAW 

H.    S.   LlNFIELD 

DROPSIE  COLLEGE 

THE  LAW  which  governed  and  regulated  the  life  of  the  Jew 
in  former  days  is  contained  in  two  distinct  literatures:  Biblical 
literature,  especially  the  five  books  of  Moses,  and  Talmudic  liter- 
ature. In  the  latter  we  must  distinguish  between  an  elder 
stratum  and  a  younger  one.  The  chief  work  containing  the 
former  is  known  as  the  Mishnah,  a  book  compiled  about  219 
A.  D.  ;  the  chief  work  containing  the  latter  is  known  as  the  Baby- 
lonian Gemara,  which  is  a  sort  of  a  running  commentary  to  the 
older  stratum  of  law,  especially  the  Mishnah.  The  most  striking 
difference  between  these  two  literatures  as  law  is  the  following. 
The  immediate  and  sole  authority  for  the  law  in  the  Bible  is  God. 
The  Bible  reads,  as  we  all  know:  'And  God  spoke  to  Moses  say- 
ing, speak  to  the  children  of  Israel  saying,'  etc.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  Talmudic  legal  literature  resembles  our  own  Anglo- 
American  law :  the  immediate  authority  for  a  certain  law  is  the 
opinion  of  this  or  that  judge  or  jurist.  It  reads  as  follows :  If 
one  does  so  and  so,  he  should  do  this,  in  the  opinion  of  Rabbi  A ; 
but  Rabbi  B  says  he  should  do  that ;  and  sometimes  there  follows 
the  opinion  of  Rabbis  C  and  D.  These  were  not  considered  as 
the  ultimate  authority  for  the  laws.  As  in  the  Bible,  so  in  the 
Talmudic  literature,  God  is  looked  upon  as  the  ultimate  and  sole 
authority.  Yet,  for  various  reasons,  the  Jews  could  not  regard 
the  law  contained  in  both  literatures  as  one  and  the  same.  Thus, 
the  problem  arose,  what  is  the  relation  of  the  one  to  the  other  ? 
After  a  long  struggle,  the  Mishnah  propounded  the  following 
theory :  Moses  on  Mount  Sinai  received  two  bodies  of  law :  the 
Law  and  a  sort  of  a  running  commentary  to  it.  He  was  com- 
manded to  write  down  the  former,  while  the  latter  was  to  be 
taught  orally.  The  Law  written  down  is  the  one  we  have  in  the 
five  books  of  Moses ;  the  other  which  was  intended  to  be  taught 
orally  is  the  one  now  embodied  in  the  Talmudic  literature. 
Thus  there  were  given  to  the  Jews  a  written  law  and  an  oral 


Talmudic  Principle  of  Asmakhta  127 

law,  both  intrinsically  related  to  each  other,  both  contempora- 
neous with  each  other,  and  both  possessing  the  same  divine 
authority.  This  oral  law,  commonly  known  as  Rabbinic  law  or 
as  Talmudic  law,  we  shall  designate  as  Jewish  Law.  The  older 
stratum  in  this  we  shall  refer  to  as  Tannaitic  Law,  because  the 
jurists  cited  are  known  as  Tannaim;  the  latter  we  shall  call 
Amoraic  Law  because  the  jurists  cited  are  known  as  Amoraim.1 

One  of  the  outstanding  features  of  Jewish  commercial  law  is 
the  principle  known  as  Asmakhta.  Its  legality  was  a  bone  of 
contention  among  the  Jewish  jurists  for  a  long  time.  And 
finally  when  it  was  decided  in  favor  of  that  principle,  the  doctors 
could  not  agree  as  to  its  application  and  exposition.  Writes  one 
of  the  famous  Eabbis  of  the  Medieval  period:  'The  scholars  of 
former  and  later  generations  have  fought  concerning  the  prin- 
ciple of  Asmakhta — what  is  the  so-called  Asmakhta  and  what 
does  it  depend  upon ;  and  I  have  not  seen  one  that  agreed  with 
his  colleague'  (Solomon  ibn  Adrat,  Responsa,  vol.  1,  Resp.  933). 

The  following  exposition  has  the  merit  of,  at  least,  being  put 
forth  by  the  latest  Jewish  Code.2  An  obligation  is  valid  only 
in  the  case  when  there  could  be  no  question  raised  as  to  its  bona 
fide  nature  on  the  part  of  its  maker.  Now  there  are  three  kinds 
of  obligations  in  which  the  question  could  be  raised.  They  are 
called  Asmakhta  obligations. 

First,  there  is  the  kind  of  obligation  the  execution  of  which 
depends  from  the  very  first  upon  the  good-will  of  persons  other 
than  the  maker.  For  instance : 

*In  the  course  of  studies  that  I  have  made  in  Jewish  commercial  law,  I 
have  come  to  the  conclusion  that  three  elements  entered  into  its  creation: 
the  economic  life  of  the  valley  of  the  Euphrates  and  the  business  customs  of 
the  people  of  that  country — the  Babylonian  element;  Biblical  laws  and  the 
Prophetic  spirit  of  the  Bible — the  Palestinian  element;  and  the  formulation 
of  the  new  law  as  if  it  were  an  outgrowth  of  Biblical  law — the  element  of 
Judaization.  We  meet  with  cases,  for  instance  the  institution  of  inheritance, 
which  show  no  trace  of  Babylonian  influence.  But,  as  a  whole,  Jewish 
commercial  law  is  the  product  of  a  harmonious  and  thorough-going  blending 
of  those  three  elements,  though  the  proportions  of  the  elements  vary  in  the 
different  groups  of  laws.  The  results  of  the  present  paper  fall  in  line  with 
this  conception  of  the  nature  and  rise  of  the  law  embodied  in  the  Talmudic 
literature,  though  they  do  not  necessarily  presuppose  it. 

2  Of.  Moses  IsserePs  Hosh.  Mish.  207.  13.  We  do  not  mean  to  subscribe 
to  this  presentation.  It  is  hardly  possible  to  arrange  all  the  cases  of 
Asmakhta  under  three  headings  (cf.  Baba  ~M.es.  67a). 


128  H.  S.  Linfield 

A  commission  merchant  received  money  from  his  dominus  to  buy  wine, 
the  delivery  of  which  was  to  be  made  at  a  later  date  when  wine  would 
be  higher  in  price.  The  time  for  delivery  arrived  but  the  commission  man 
did  not  deliver  the  wine.  Instead,  he  brought  back  the  money  received 
from  his  dominus.  The  latter  refused  to  accept  the  money;  he  demanded 
his  wine  or  a  sum  of  money  sufficient  to  buy  the  same  quantity  at  the 
present  market  price.  Jewish  law  instructs  the  courts  to  render  a  judg- 
ment in  favor  of  the  commission  man.  (Bab.  Balta  Mes.  73b.) 

The  Jewish  jurists  give  the  following  legal  explanation: — At 
the  time  of  the  promise,  the  commission  merchant  could  not  be 
absolutely  certain  that  he  would  be  in  a  position  to  fulfil  it,  since 
the  execution  depended  upon  the  consent  of  others :  other  people 
had  to  agree  to  sell  him  that  sort  of  wine.  The  obligation  was 
thus  dependent  upon  conditions  over  which  the  promisor  had  no 
absolute  control.  Such  an  obligation  is  an  Asmakhta  and  hence 
void  (ibid). 

Secondly,  there  is  the  kind  of  an  obligation  the  execution  of 
which  is  indeed  in  the  hands  of  the  maker,  but  which  contains 
an  element  of  exaggeration.  For  instance: 

A  man  leases  a  field  to  till,  and  makes  the  following  stipulation: 
'Should  I  not  till  it,  I  hereby  agree  to  pay  you  the  exorbitant  sum  of 
$1,000. '  He  did  not  till  the  field,  and  he  was  willing  to  pay  the  owner  of 
the  field  the  actual  loss  that  he  made  him  incur,  but  he  refused  to  pay  the 
$1,000.  Jewish  law  instructs  the  judges  to  return  a  verdict  in  favor  of 
the  lessee.  (Bab.  Baba  Mes.  104b,  Misnah  ibid.  9.  3,  and  Caro  Code  207. 
13.) 

For,  the  obligation  from  the  very  beginning  was  not  bona  fide. 

Thirdly,  there  is  the  kind  of  obligation,  the  execution  of  which 
is  neither  in  the  power  of  the  maker  nor  in  the  power  of  others ; 
it  is  a  case  of  chance.  For  instance : 

A  says  to  B,  'I  make  a  bet  that  so  and  so  will  turn  out.  If  I  losei,  I 
shall  pay  you  a  certain  sum  of  money.7 

In  the  case  before  us,  it  would  seem  that  the  bona  fide  nature  of 
the  obligation  could  certainly  be  attacked.  Contrary  to  all  our 
expectations,  Jewish  Law  maintains  that  such  an  obligation  is 
valid.  This  is  not  an  Asmakhta-obligation  (cf.  Bab.  Sanhed. 
24b  and  Tur  Hosh.  Mish.  207.  7,  Caro  Code  207.  13). 

Jewish  Law  claims  no  Biblical  basis  for  it.  Was  there  any 
certain  tradition  for  this  far-reaching  legal  principle?  Let  me 
cite  further: 


Talmudic  Principle  of  Asmakhta  129 

If  one  paid  off  a  portion  of  his  debt,  the  creditor  deposited  his  bill  and 
the  debtor  said  to  the  depository,  'If  I  shall  not  have  given  you  the  rest 
of  my  debt  between  now  and  a  certain  day,  return  the  bill  to  the  creditor.' 
The  day  set  arrived,  and  the  debtor  had  not  paid.  R.  Jose  says  the 
depository  should  give  the  bill  of  debt  to  the  creditor,  but  R.  Judah  says 
he  should  not  give  it  to  him.  (Mishnah,  Bab.  Bat.  10.  5.) 

The  Mishnah  offers  no  hint  as  to  the  basis  underlying  the  differ- 
ence of  opinion  between  these  two  authorities.  If  they  knew  of 
the  principle,  we  must  say  that  R.  Jose  does  not  recognize  it, 
while  his  colleague  does.  This  is  really  the  opinion  of  the 
Amoraim  (Bab.  Baba.  Bat.  168a) .  But  we  must  notice  the  fol- 
lowing : 

He  who  pledged  a  house  or  a  field  and  said  to  the  pledgee,  'If  I  shall 
not  have  given  payment  to  you  between  now  and  a  certain  day,  I  have 
nothing  in  your  hands.'  The  set  date  arrived  and  the  maker  did  not  carry 
out  his  obligation.  His  stipulation  must  be  carried  out — these  are  the 
words  of  R.  Jose.  Said  R.  Judah,  'How  can  the  pledgee  acquire  title  to 
something  that  is  not  his?'  'Surely  he  must  return  the  pledge.'  (Tose- 
phta  Baba  Mes.  1.  17.) 

This  is  also  a  clear  case  of  Asmakhta  as  expounded  by  the  Amo- 
raim. But  did  those  Tannaim  know  of  this  principle?  R. 
Judah  says  that  in  our  case  there  is  nothing  that  could  transfer 
the  object  from  the  possession  of  one  to  that  of  another.  What 
does  this  mean?  Does  the  jurist  deny  in  such  a  case  the  very 
existence  of  a  state  of  contingent  ownership,  as  does  the  principle 
of  Asmakhta?  Or  does  he  merely  say  that  the  mere  fact  of  the 
pledgor's  failure  to  pay  the  debt  does  not  convert  the  state  of 
contingent  ownership  in  which  the  pledge  finds  itself,  into  a 
state  of  ownership  vested  in  the  pledgee?  Tannaitic  Law  goes 
on  to  say  that  all  authorities3  agree  that  the  following  obligation 
is  valid : 

Two  people  laid  claim  to  a  house  or  a  field  and  one  said  to  the  other, 
'If  I  do  not  come  with  my  substantiating  evidence  before  a  certain  day, 
I  agree  to  waive  my  claim.'  The  day  set  arrived  but  he  did  not  present 
his  evidence,  surely  he  lost  his  claim.  (Tosephta  Bab.  Mes.  1.  17b). 

So  if  we  say  that  Tannaitic  Law  knew  of  the  principle  of 
Asmakhta  we  must  conclude  that  all  agreed  that  such  a  case  is 

"Read,  in  the  Tosephta  'R.  Judah'  instead  of  'R.  Jose.'  Evidently  a 
copyist  misread  'RJ.' 

9     JAOS  40 


130  H.  S.  Linfield 

not  one  of  Asmakhta.  Now,  Amoraic  law  deals  with  exactly 
such  a  case,  and  there  the  Amoraim  regarded  it  as  a  clear  case  of 
Asmakhta.  We  are  not  interested  here  in  the  exposition  of  these 
Tannaitic  laws.4  Do  the  Tannaitic  sources  know  of  the  princi- 
ple of  Asmakhta  or  not?  This  is  the  question  that  concerns  us 
here.  Later  Amoraic  teachers  assure  us  that  they  did.  But  that 
is  not  the  point;  do  we  have  internal  evidence  that  Tannaitic 
law  knows  of  the  principle  of  Asmakhta?  It  is  certain  that 
the  Tannaim  do  not  speak  of  this  principle  as  such.  More  than 
that,  even  the  early  Amoraim  like  Rabh,  Samuel,  B.  Johanan, 
etc.,  do  not  mention  the  principle  of  Asmakhta,  although  we 
find  sometimes  that  the  late  Amoraim  speak  of  the  principle 
'in  the  name  of  certain  early  Amoraim.5  And  even  the  later 
Amoraim  could  not  agree  as  to  the  legality  of  the  principle. 
One  famous  judge  (B.  Nahman)  lived  long  enough  to  change 
his  mind  on  that  subject.  Finally,  we  may  notice  that  even  the 
late  compilers  of  the  Talmud  did  not  agree  as  to  the  extent  of 
the  legality  of  the  principle.  We  have  at  least  three  *  decisions' 
rendered  by  them  concerning  it: 

The  law  is  in  accordance  with  E.  Jose's  statement  that  an  Asmakhta 
obligation  is  valid  (Bab.  Baba  Bat.  168a).  The  law  is  that  an  Asmakhta 
obligation  is  valid  provided  the  failure  to  carry  out  the  obligation  was  not 
due  to  unavoidable  causes  and  provided  further  that  the  obligation  was 
sanctioned  by  the  '  qinian  sudar '  and  in  the  presence  of  a  recognized  court 
(Bab.  Ned.  27b).  The  law  is  not  in  accordance  with  E.  Jose's  statement; 
but  under  all  circumstances  an  Asmakhta  obligation  is  void  (Bab.  Baba  Bat. 
168a). 

It  is  perfectly  clear  that  there  did  not  exist  a  tradition  con- 
cerning this  principle.  And,  thus,  we  come  to  the  conclusion 
that  the  principle  had  its  origin  neither  in  the  Bible  nor  in 
tradition.  This  will  become  even  clearer  when  we  cite  two  or 
three  judicial  decisions  which  involved  or  should  have  involved 
the  principle  of  Asmakhta. 

4  The  Jerusalmi  states  that  all  agree  that  when  a  man  hires  his  son  out 
to  learn  a  trade,  all  Asmakhta  obligations  are  valid;  otherwise,  continues 
the  Jerusalmi  naively,  people  will  be  unable  to  make  a  living  (Jer.  Git. 
5:  8).  Cf.  also  Maim.,  MekMrah,  11.  4,  and  commentaries. 

6E.  Huna  (in  Bab.  Ned.  27a-b)  does  not  mention  the  principle.  Jer. 
mentions  E.  Abahu  (Bab.  Bat.  10.  5)  and  the  Bab.  mentions  later  teachers 
who  spoke  of  the  principle  'in  the  name  of  Eab  and  B.  Johanan,  (Baba 
Bat.  168a,  Ned.  27b). 


Talmudic  Principle  of  Asmakhta  131 

One  deposited  Ms  papers  with  the  court  and  said,  'If  I  do  not  come 
with  additional  evidence  within  30  days,  I  agree  that  the  papers  deposited 
should  be  considered  void.'  He  met  with  an  accident  and  did  not  come. 
Said  E.  Huna,  the  papers  deposited  are  void.  .  .  .  But,  continues  the 
Talmud,  is  not  this  a  case  of  an  Asmakhta? — and  an  Asmakhta  obligation 
is  not  binding.  Here  it  is  different;  the  papers  were  deposited,  and 
whenever  the  object  of  litigation  is  deposited,  there  can  be  no  question  of 
Asmakhta.  Did  we  not  learn  as  follows:  'He  who  paid  a  portion  of  his 
debt  and  the  creditor  deposited  the  bill  of  debt/  etc.  And  E.  Nahman 
said  the  law  is  not  in  accordance  with  E.  Jose's  statement  in  which  he 
does  not  recognize  the  principle  of  Asmakhta.  Here  it  is  different,  since 
he  said  he  agreed  that  his  papers  should  be  considered  void.  But,  the 
Talmud  continues,  the  law  is  that  an  Asmakhta  obligation  is  valid  pro- 
vided. .  .  (Bab.  Ned.  27a-b.) 

E.  Kahana  claimed  money  from  Eab  Bar  Sheba.  Said  the  latter,  'If 
I  do  not  pay  you  within  a  certain  time,  collect  from  this  wine  before 
thee. '  E.  Papa  was  of  the  opinion  that  an  Asmakhta  obligation  is  void 
only  in  the  case  of  land,  since,  as  a  rule,  it  is  not  sold;  but  in  the  case 
of  wine,  since  there  is  always  a  market  for  it,  it  is  like  ready  cash.  Said 
E.  Huna,  the  son  of  E.  Josua,  to  E.  Papa,  'Thus  it  was  said  in  the  name 
of  Eabha,  "any  obligation  involving  an  'if  is  not  valid."  '  (Bab.  Bab. 
Mes.  66b.)fl 

This  is  the  earliest  statement  with  reference  to  the  applicability 
of  the  principle  of  Asmakhta.  The  famous  late  jurist  Rabha  is 
said  to  be  its  author. 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  this  legal  principle  is  not  based  on 
the  Bible  or  tradition,  and  in  view  of  the  fact  that,  as  far  as 
internal  evidence  is  concerned,  it  is  a  product  of  Jewish  jurists 
who  lived  in  Babylonia,  a  product  of  Babylonian  Jewry,  it  is 
natural  that  we  should  inquire  what  was  the  Babylonian  law 
and  business  custom  with  regard  to  it. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  Babylonians  knew  nothing  of 
an  invalidating  principle  of  Asmakhta.7  But  first  of  all,  we 

•For  further  instructive  examples,  cf.  Bab.  Baba  Mes.  104b,  109b,  and 
73b-74a. 

7  Thus  from  the  Old  Babylonian  law :  '  He  who  breaks  the  agreement, 
in  as  much  as  he  has  sworn,  should  pay  a  certain  sum  and  in  addition  he 
will  have  his  head  covered  with  hot  asphalt*  (ef.  Hamm.  Gesetz,  3,  p.  223). 
And  from  the  Assyrian  period:  'He  who  breaks  the  agreement  should 
place  in  the  lap  of  Ninlil  10  minas  of  silver  and  10  minas  of  gold*  [an 
enormous  sum]  (John,  Deeds  and  Doc.,  161).  From  the  Nee-Babylonian 
period:  'One  rents  a  house  at  a  rental  of  five  shekels  per  annum.  Both 
parties  agree  that  he  who  breaks  the  agreement  should  pay  the  other  party 
10  shekels'  (Camb.  97,  see  also  Bar.  25,  and  378,  Nbk.  103,  Dar.  434,  and 
Artax.  in  BE.  vol.  9  by  Clay) . 


132  H.  8.  Linfield 

must  notice  that  the  Babylonians  had  their  own  conception  of 
obligations  involving  a  fine  in  case  of  default.  '  It  seems, '  writes 
Prof.  Joseph  Kohler,  'that  a  debtor  had  the  right  to  pay  the  fine 
in  place  of  the  fulfilment  of  the  obligation;  the  agreement  to 
pay  a  fine  was  conceived  as  an  alternative  obligation'  (Aus 
Babyl.  Rechtsl.  1,  §  6).  Now  this  is  just  the  Jewish  view.  The 
principle  of  Asmakhta,  in  part,  simply  says  this :  An  agreement 
to  pay  a  fine  in  case  of  default  is  void,  unless  it  is  conceived,  as 
it  was  by  the  Babylonians,  as  an  alternative  obligation. 

Then  again  we  must  bear  in  mind  that  an  agreement  involving 
a  forfeiture  clause  was  sometimes  drawn  up  as  follows : 

If  on  the  29th  of  Nissan,  Marduk-nasir-aplu  shall  not  give  3  minas  to 
Bel-ibni,  Bel-lu-sulmu  and  Lu-balat  then  belong  to  Bel-ibni  the  three  minas 
as  the  complete  purchase  price  (Dar.  319.  2,  cf.  also  309  and  Kohler  'a  note, 
op.  tit.  3,  p.  33). 

This  simply  means  that  at  the  time  the  loan  is  made  the  creditor 
says  to  the  debtor,  'You  will  either  pay  your  debt  at  the  date 
stated,  or  this  money  that  I  am  now  giving  you  is  purchase 
price  for  the  object  which  you  are  now  handing  over  to  me  as  a 
pledge. '  This  is  just  what  Jewish  law  requires.  The  principle  of 
Asmakhta  says  that  a  debtor  can  forfeit  his  pledge  only  if  the 
agreement  is  made  out  in  a  way  similar  to  the  above  mentioned 
Babylonian  contract  (VBOJ7D  *Jp). 

We  are  now  in  a  position  to  approach  the  problem  before  us.8 
In  as  much  as  the  Jewish  business  men  followed  the  common 
law  of  the  land  in  which  they  lived,  they  had  no  principle  of 
Asmakhta.  But  in  the  case  of  an  obligation  involving  a  fine  in 
default,  they  had  a  peculiar  notion ;  and  in  the  case  of  a  trans- 
action with  a  forfeiture  clause,  the  contracts  were  at  times 
drawn  up  according  to  a  certain  fixed  form.  The  causes  under- 
lying that  form  do  not  concern  us  here.9  What  does  concern 
us  is  that  there  existed  such  facts.  Some  Jewish  jurists  then 
insisted  upon  that  form,  claiming  that  otherwise  the  obliga- 
tion would  not  be  binding;  while  others  did  not  insist  upon 

8  No  attempt  is  made  here  to  give  a  detailed  history  of  the  principle 
of  Asmakhta.  We  are  here  interested  in  showing  its  dependence  on  Baby- 
lonian business  and  legal  customs. 

'Of.  Kohler ;s  observation  quoted  above. 


Talmudic  Principle  of  Asmakhta  133 

it.  Such  a  situation  was  however  intolerable  to  the  Jewish 
jurists;  they  wanted  every  practice  to  be  fixed  and  provided 
with  a  legal  basis.  The  early  jurists  knew  nothing  of  a  principle 
of  Asmakhta.  Seemingly,  they  did  not  progress  far  in  their 
expositions  of  the  existent  cases  (cf.  Tosephta  quoted  above, 
T^H  n<3p*  HIM).  As  time  went  on,  the  jurists  were  more  and 
more  inclined  to  favor  the  existent  practices  of  the  land  men- 
tioned above.  Those,  on  their  surface,  involved  the  question  of 
the  state  of  mind  of  the  maker  of  the  obligation.  This  then 
formed  the  starting  point  for  discussion  in  the  schools.  In  the 
course  of  time,  there  was  evolved  a  full-fledged  theory  which 
covered  the  existing  cases  and  similar  ones.  The  doctors  in  the 
Babylonian  Law  Schools  then  coined  for  it  the  technical  term 
of  Asmakhta,  a  word  unknown  not  only  to  Tannaitic  Law  but 
also  foreign  to  the  Palestinian  Amoraim.  That  was  all  accom- 
plished mainly  within  the  four  walls  of  the  law  academies.  The 
judges  and  jurists  refused  to  subscribe  to  it.  It  was  not  until 
the  time  of  the  famous  judge  R.  Nahman  that  the  judges  began 
to  pay  attention  to  it.  That  judge  himself  at  first  refused  to 
recognize  it,  but  later  reversed  his  position.  A  younger  con- 
temporary succeeded  in  bringing  forth  a  clear  statement  of  the 
principle,  *Jp  ^7  'NH  ^D-  And  it  was  a  generation  later  that 
one  authority  felt  justified  in  claiming  that  it  was  a  matter  of 
daily  practice  that  Asmakhta-obligations  are  void  (Bab.  Baba 
Bat.  173b).10 

Thus  the  Jewish  legal  principle  of  Asmakhta  means  on  the  one 
hand  the  legalization  of  a  few  Babylonian  practices,  and  on  the 
other  hand  the  extension  of  its  own  legal  theory  to  cover  all 
other  similar  cases. 

10  The  statement  cannot  however  be  taken  too  literally,  for  we  find  that 
the  latest  editors  of  the  Talmud  were  not  agreed  as  to  its  application,  as 
stated  above. 


PROCEEDINGS 

OF   THE 

MIDDLE  WEST  BRANCH  OF  THE 
AMERICAN  ORIENTAL  SOCIETY 


The  fourth  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Middle  West  Branch  was 
held  at  Evanston,  111.,  February  20-21,  1920.  We  were  the 
guests  of  Garrett  Biblical  Institute  and  Northwestern  Univer- 
sity, and  our  heartiest  thanks  must  be  given  to  the  local  enter- 
tainment committee,  headed  by  Professor  F.  C.  Eiselen,  and 
including  Prof.  Kenneth  W.  Colegrove,  Prof.  Leslie  E.  Fuller, 
Prof.  Perley  0.  Eay,  Prof.  Edmund  D.  Soper,  Dean  R.  C. 
Flickinger,  Dean  James  A.  James,  Prof.  John  A.  Scott,  Presi- 
dent C.  M.  Stuart.  The  Shaffer  Hall  Dormitory  was  set  free  for 
the  accommodation  of  those  who  did  not  care  to  go  to  hotels,  and 
the  University  Club  of  Evanston  was  our  headquarters  and  here 
we  had  our  meals.  An  informal  dinner,  presided  over  by  Dean 
Flickinger,  was  given  by  Northwestern  University  Friday  even- 
ing, and  a  luncheon,  presided  over  by  President  Stuart,  was 
given  Saturday  noon  by  Garrett  Biblical  Institute.  Through 
these  we  became  acquainted  with  the  staffs  of  those  institutions, 
while  a  dinner  of  club  members  alone  Saturday  evening  was 
an  appropriate  ending  to  the  meeting.  After  the  Presidential 
address  Friday  evening,  Professor  Eiselen  entertained  the  mem- 
bers at  his  house,  at  which  Professor  Scott  made  an  address. 

The  members  present  were  Allen,  Blomgren,  Clark,  Cohen, 
Colegrove,  Eiselen,  Fuller,  Judson,  Kelly,  Keyfitz,  Laufer, 
Levitt,  Levy,  Lybyer,  Marshall,  Mercer,  Molyneux,  Morgenstern, 
Olmstead,  Robinson,  Scott,  Smith,  Soper,  Sprengling,  Water- 
man (25).  The  following  were  proposed  as  new  members: 
Prof.  Kenneth  W.  Colegrove,  Northwestern  University;  Miss 
Alia  Judson,  University  of  Chicago;  Mr.  I.  Keyfitz,  University 
of  Chicago;  Professor  D.  A.  Leavitt,  Chicago,  111.;  Kev.  H.  I. 
Marshall,  Ohio  State  University;  Prof.  John  A.  Scott,  North- 
western University;  Prof.  E.  D.  Soper, . Northwestern  Univer- 
sity. Letters  and  telegrams  of  regret  were  received  from 
Messrs.  Boiling,  Byrne,  Conant,  Tolman.  At  the  business  ses- 
sions, the  nominating  committee,  consisting  of  Messrs.  Kelly, 


Middle  West  Branch  135 

Morgenstern,  Fuller  (chairman),  reported  the  following  who 
were  unanimously  chosen :  President,  Prof.  A.  H.  Lybyer,  Uni- 
versity of  Illinois;  Vice-President,  Prof.  W.  E.  Clark,  Univer- 
sity of  Chicago;  Secretary-Treasurer,  Prof.  A.  T.  Olmstead, 
University  of  Illinois ;  Executive  Committee,  Prof.  Leroy  Water- 
man, University  of  Michigan;  Prof.  L.  B.  Wolfenson,  Univer- 
sity of  Wisconsin.  On  motions  of  Messrs.  Levy,  Morgenstern, 
and  Smith,  the  thanks  of  the  Branch  were  tendered  to  North- 
western University,  to  Garrett  Biblical  Institute,  to  the  local 
committee  of  arrangements,  and  especially  to  its  chairman,  Prof. 
Eiselen. 

The  papers  may  perhaps  best  be  reviewed  in  geographical 
order.  Prof.  E.  D.  SOPER  of  Northwestern  University  discussed 
*  Religion  and  Politics  in  Present-Day  Japan/  The  origin  and 
development  of  the  imperial  cult  was  detailed  and  its  importance 
emphasized  for  understanding  present  political  conditions. 
Still,  there  is  good  hope  for  democracy  in  future  Japan.  The 
Monroe  Doctrine  of  Japan  was  shown  by  Prof.  KENNETH  COLE- 
GROVE  of  Northwestern  University  to  be  the  necessary  result  of 
our  own  Monroe  Doctrine  having  been  forced  upon  the  Peace 
Conference.  A  detailed  discussion  of  the  methods  by  which 
militarist  Japan  was  strengthening  herself  in  China  followed. 
Dr.  BERTHOLD  LAUFER  of  the  Field  Museum  of  Natural  History 
presented  a  remarkable  series  of  colored  slides  which  represented 
some  of  the  finest  examples  of  Chinese  pictorial  art. 

'The  Origin  of  the  Karen  and  their  Monotheistic  Tradition' 
was  presented  by  Rev.  H.  I.  MARSHALL,  now  of  Ohio  State  Uni- 
versity, missionary  at  Insein,  Burma.  The  results  presented  in 
this  paper  form  a  by-product  of  missionary  enterprise. 

The  traditions  of  the  Karen  tribes  of  Burma  indicate  that  they  are 
immigrants  into  Burma  from  some  northern  country.  They  crossed  the 
'River  of  Running  Sand'  which  is  not  the  Gobi  desert  as  earlier  scholars 
thought,  but  rather  the  'River  Running  with  Sand/  and  may  refer  to  the 
Ho-ang  Ho,  or  Yellow  River,  of  China,  at  the  headwaters  of  which  the  early 
home  of  Eastern  Asiatic  peoples  was  situated.  The  Karen  language  is 
Sinitic  in  form  and  structure.  The  people  are  Mongoloid  in  physical  fea- 
ture. Their  possession  of  bronze  drums  peculiar  to  certain  northern 
peoples  of  Upper  Indo-China  and  Yunnan  makes  it  probable  that  they 
made  their  home  there  some  time,  perhaps  at  the  beginning  of  the  Christian 
era,  in  the  hills  of  Yunnan,  for  Chinese  generals  who  conquered  that  region 
then  found  bronze  drums  in  use.  The  monotheistic  tradition  is  a  close 
parallel  to  the  account  of 'the  creation  and  fall  in  Genesis.  The  Father 
God  made  man,  then  woman  from  his  rib,  and  put  the  two  in  a  garden 


136  Proceedings 

where  there  were  seven  kinds  of  fruit  one  of  which  they  must  not  eat. 
The  dragon  called  'Mukawli'  came  in  and  tempted  the  woman  to  eat 
after  he  had  failed  with  the  man.  After  this  sickness  and  death  followed. 
This  story  in  verse  has  been  handed  down  by  word  of  mouth  from  time 
immemorial.  Since  the  Karens  were  already  in  Yunnan,  they  could  not 
have  received  these  traditions  from  the  Jewish  colonies  which  did  not  enter 
China  until  1122  A.  D.,  nor  from  the  Nestorians  who  entered  in  the  sixth 
century.  The  absence  of  Christian  tradition  or  Messianic  hope  shows  the 
tradition  could  not  have  come  from  Nestorian  or  Portuguese  sources.  While 
it  appears  that  a  story  having  so  many  points  in  common  with  the  ancient 
Jewish  account  of  creation  must  have  been  borrowed,  we  cannot  trace  the 
direct  agency  through  which  it  came.  The  ancient  religion  of  China  has 
been  found  to  be  a  monotheistic  system  though  references  to  it  are  scanty. 
The  Karen  are  related  to  the  Chinese  racially  and  linguistically.  May  it 
not  be  possible  that  they  are  related  religiously  as  well  and  that  in  this 
tradition  we  have  a  survival  of  an  ancient  faith  of  which  we  know  very 
little? 

Prof.  WALTER  E.  CLARK,  Chicago  University,  gave  a  paper  on 
'Prakrit  Dialects  in  the  Sanskrit  Drama,'  a  close  study  of  those 
sections  in  which  the  lower  classes  speak  lower  class  language. 
The  majority  of  editions  sin  by  paying  too  much  attention  to 
rules  of  late  Prakrit  grammarians.  More  attention  should  be 
paid  to  the  readings  of  the  manuscripts.  In  the  absence  of 
Prof.  H.  C.  TOLMAN,  Vanderbilt  University,  the  secretary  read 
a  note  by  him  on  'An  Erroneous  Etymology  of  the  New  Persian 
pddsdh  in  relation  to  the  pr.  n.  Patizeithes  (Hdt.  3,  61).'  The 
current  belief  that  Patizeithes  is  the  title  of  the  Pseudo-Smerdis 
is  impossible  because  of  the  phonetic  difficulties  involved,  the  use 
of  the  term,  and  the  Magian  title  he  bore  is  rather  the  Oropastes 
of  Justin. 

'The  Sumerian  Paradise  of  the  Gods'  was  -investigated  by 
Prof.  SAMUEL  A.  B.  MERCER,  Western  Theological  Seminary, 
on  the  basis  of  the  Langdon  Epic,  and  new  readings  and  inter- 
pretations were  presented.  Prof.  GEORGE  L.  ROBINSON,  McCor- 
mick  Theological  Seminary,  reviewed  a  recent  work  on  the 
Samaritans  by  Rev.  J.  E.  H.  THOMPSON.  Following  up  studies 
at  earlier  meetings  of  our  Branch,  Prof.  JULIAN  MORGENSTERN, 
Hebrew  Union  College,  discussed  'The  Oldest  Document  of  the 
Hexateuch  and  its  Historical  Significance.'  Prof.  C.  A.  BLOM- 
GREN,  Augustana  College,  gave  a  minute  investigation  of  the 
Book  of  Obadiah.  'The  Attitude  of  the  Psalms  toward  Life 
after  Death'  was  presented  with  negative  conclusions  by  Prof. 
J.  M.  P.  SMITH,  University  of  Chicago. 


Middle  West  Branch  137 

The  more  modern  phases  of  the  Near  East  were  well  repre- 
sented. Prof.  LESLIE  FULLER,  Garrett  Biblical  Institute, 
pointed  out  the  large  number  of  '  Humanitarian  Elements  in  the 
Koran,'  and  its  relationship  to  the  life  of  the  present.  The 
branch  enjoyed  a  brief  visit  from  Prof.  Louis  C.  KARPINSKI,  of 
the  University  of  Michigan,  who  has  devoted  his  life  to  a  study 
of  the  history  of  mathematics,  and  who  talked  on  Oriental  and 
Arabic  mathematics. 

The  thesis  that  all  science  originated  with  the  Greeks  has  been  seriously 
advanced  by  prominent  writers  on  the  history  of  philosophy.  This  perni- 
cious theory  has  had  an  unfortunate  effect  upon  many  writers  on  oriental 
science.  The  noteworthy  progress  in  real  science  made  by  the  Babylonians 
and  the  Egyptians  is  minimized;  Hindu  science  is  treated  as  entirely  the 
product  of  Greek  influence;  Arabic  science  is  also  minimized,  and  the 
contributions  of  the  Hindus  to  the  development  of  Arabic  science  are 
frequently  not  mentioned.  In  the  Hindu  treatment  of  Hindu  science,  cer- 
tain writers  have  minimized  the  actual  records  of  progress  in  mathematical 
thinking,  found  in  the  Hindu  development  of  the  sine  function,  of  alge- 
braic equations,  of  a  refined  process  for  the  solution  of  indeterminate 
equations,  of  the  first  and  second  degree,  and  in  the  system  of  numerals 
which  we  use.  This  material  is  homogeneous  and  furnishes  internal  evi- 
dence of  a  common  origin,  not  Greek.  In  the  absence  of  supporting  Greek 
documents,  the  Greek  delusion  has  influenced  certain  writers  to  postulate 
the  nature  of  the  contents  of  Greek  works  which  are  lost,  to  support  the 
Greek  hypothesis.  A  sympathetic  attitude  toward  the  Oriental  peoples 
may  well  be  expected  of  the  historian  of  science.  Undoubtedly  much 
Oriental  material  is  of  poor  quality,  but  so  is  much  that  is  printed  today 
in  our  own  scientific  periodicals.  Oriental  progress  in  science  cannot  be 
denied  and  it  remains  only  for  Orientalists  and  scientists  to  work  together 
to  make  the  record  of  the  progress  definitely  known  and  widely  appre- 
ciated. 

At  the  reception  given  by  Professor  Eiselen,  Prof.  JOHN  A. 
SCOTT  spoke  on  'The  Dardanelles  and  Beyond/ 

The  campaign  into  the  Dardanelles  was  a  campaign  of  haste  and  des- 
pair, for  the  difficulties  of  making  a  successful  attack  either  by  land  or 
by  sea  were  so  great  that  it  was  only  the  dread  of  seeing  Kussia  make  a 
separate  peace  which  brought  on  the  attempt.  It  was  the  original  plan 
to  cut  off  the  German  connections  with  the  Euphrates-Tigris  basin  by 
means  of  an  attack  from  Alexandretta  Bay  with  Cyprus  as  a  convenient 
base,  but  the  jealousy  of  the  French  precluded  the  possibility  of  landing 
a  British  force  in  Syria,  yet  the  urgency  of  the  Eussian  situation  made 
some  action  imperative,  hence  the  attack  on  the  Dardanelles.  While  from 
a  military  point  of  view  this  attack  may  have  been  an  error,  yet  in  the 
broader  strategy  of  the  war  it  was  a  deciding  issue,  since  it  helped  the 


138  Proceedings 

Allies  to  keep  the  upper  hand  in  Eussia,  held  her  in  the  war  for  another 
great  campaign,  and  thus  kept  the  Austrians  from  crushing  Italy  and  the 
Germans  from  defeating  France  until  the  English  had  time  to  create  and 
equip  an  army  and  until  America  had  come  into  the  struggle.  It  seems 
safe  to  say  that  this  ill  fated  campaign  against  the  Dardanelles  by  keep- 
ing Eussia  in  the  field  was  the  deciding  point  of  the  war. 

From  his  experience  as  a  Near  East  expert  at  Paris  and  as 
chief  technical  expert  for  the  King-Crane  commission  on  man- 
dates in  the  Near  East,  Prof.  A.  H.  LYBYER  gave  new  facts  on 
'The  Near  East  at  the  Peace  Conference.' 

The  Near  East  was  represented  at  the  Conference  on  behalf  of  the  Serbs, 
Eumanians,  Greeks,  and  the  Arabs  of  the  Hejaz,  but  not  on  behalf  of  the 
Bulgarians  and  Turks.  This  led  to  a  one-sided  presentation  of  the  situa- 
tion and  looked  toward  a  settlement  out  of  harmony  with  the  facts.  The 
Conference  came  slowly  and  late  to  the  treaty  with  Bulgaria  and  adjourned 
before  taking  up  that  with  Turkey.  In  both  areas,  the  trend  of  events 
was  conditioned  by  secret  treaties.  The  Treaty  of  London  of  1915  pro- 
posed to  divide  Albania  between  Serbia,  Italy,  and  Greece.  The  treaty 
by  which  Eumania  entered  the  war  guaranteed  to  her  the  territories  she 
then  held,  including  the  Bulgarian  strip  taken  in  1913.  The  agreement  by 
which  Mr.  Venizelos  expects  to  receive  the  undue  award  of  Thrace  and 
western  Asia  Minor  has  never  been  made  public.  The  Sykes-Picot  agree- 
ment gave  the  oversight  of  Palestine  and  the  control  of  most  of  Mesopo- 
tamia to  Britain;  Syria,  Cilicia,  the  rest  of  Mesopotamia,  and  an  interior 
block  including  Diarbekir  and  Sivas,  to  France.  The  agreement  of  St. 
Jean  de  Maurienne  promised  southern  Asia  Minor  to  Italy.  Eussia  was 
promised  Constantinople  and  perhaps  northern  Asia  Minor.  Col.  Lawrence 
made  promises  to  the  Arabs  which  overlapped  those  of  Sir  Mark  Sykes  to 
the  French.  The  whole  scheme  was  based  on  the  imperialism  of  the  Old 
Diplomacy,  and  paid  small  regard  to  ethnography,  geography,  economics, 
or  the  rights  of  peoples.  At  the  Peace  Conference  and  since  the  European 
effort  has  been  directed  toward  carrying  out  the  secret  agreements,  while 
the  effort  of  America  has  been  to  secure  a  settlement  in  harmony  with  the 
principles  for  which  the  war  was  professed  to  be  fought,  and  in  the  direc- 
tion of  permanency.  The  European  scheme  can  be  carried  out  in  all  prob- 
ability only  after  a  considerable  war  of  conquest  directed  against  the 
Turks  and  Arabs;  and  if  it  should  become  established  it  must  be  corrected 
sooner  or  later,  either  by  a  vital  and  effective  league  of  nations,  or  by 
another  resort  to  arms. 

Introduced  in  happy  fashion  by  President  Stuart  of  Garrett 
Biblical  Institute,  Prof.  LEROY  WATERMAN  of  the  University  of 
Michigan  delivered  his  Presidential  Address  on  'Oriental 
Studies  and  Reconstruction.' 

The  far  reaching  task  of  reconstruction  affecting  the  modern  world  may 
not  seem  applicable,  even  by  analogy,  to  so  secluded  a  field  as  Oriental 


Middle  West  Branch  139 

Studies;  but  such  sweeping  changes  in  the  present  order,  in  themselves, 
demand  of  us  new  adjustments.  The  new  age  brings  with  it  a  challenge 
from  the  past  and  for  the  future.  Oriental  Studies  have  suffered  in  the 
recent  past  from  an  inadequate  articulation  with  the  larger  cause  of 
humanity  that  calls  for  a  restatement  and  a  reemphasizing  of  ideals.  A 
closer  practical  scrutiny  of  every  discipline  in  the  coming  age  is  bound 
to  require  a  more  intimate  touch  with  living  human  values.  Orientalists 
heretofore  may  have  been  overzealous  in  vindicating  a  dead  past.  Present 
developments  in  the  Near  East  should  help  to  bring  about  a  more  vital 
contact  between  the  East  of  yesterday  and  the  West.  Becent  world  cleav- 
age of  thought  has  terminated  our  pre-war  apprenticeship  and  calls  us  to 
rebuild  both  our  house  and  its  furnishings.  Finally,  our  existing  programs 
and  equipment  are  inadequate  to  cope  with  our  present  opportunities.  A 
comprehensive  American  policy,  fully  correlated  with  the  plans  of  other 
interested  nations,  and  capable  of  utilizing  all  our  resources,  is  needed  for 
the  immediate  task  of  recovering  the  fuller  records  of  the  past  in  the  Near 
East,  and  for  conserving  the  present  sources  of  inspiration  opened  up  by 
changed  conditions  in  Palestine. 

A.  T.  OLMSTEAD,  Secretary 


BRIEF  NOTES 

Julien's  manuscript  dictionary  of  the  Manchu  language 

Sinologists  may  be  interested  in  knowing  that  the  Cleveland 
Public  Library  has  just  received,  in  its  John  G.  "White  Collection 
of  Folk-lore  and  Orientalia,  an  unpublished  manuscript  diction- 
ary of  the  Manchu  language,  prepared  by  the  great  Chinese 
scholar,  Stanislas  Julien.  This  manuscript  the  Library  referred 
to  Dr.  Berthold  Laufer  of  the  Field  Columbian  Museum,  from 
whose  letter  has  been  taken,  with  his  kind  permission,  the  fol- 
lowing account: 

"The  manuscript  bears  the  title  ' '  Vocabulaire  Tartare-Mand- 
chou.  Contenant  la  traduction  de  tous  les  mots  tartares-mand- 
chou  employes  dans  la  version  de  Meng  tseu'  par  1'Emp.  Khian 
loung."  Opposite  the  title-page,  written  by  the  same  hand, 
' '  Ex  libris  Stanislas  Julien. ' ' 

'  What  Julien  calls  Tartar-Manchu,  we  now  call  simply  Man- 
chu. It  is  a  special  vocabulary  to  the  Manchu  translation  of 
the  Chinese  work  Meng-tse  (see  Legge,  Chinese  Classics,  Vol.  2). 
In  1824  Julien  published  a  book  under  the  title  "Meng-Tseu  vel 
Mencium,  latina  interpretatione  ad  interpretationem  tartaricam 
utramque  recensita  instruxit,  et  perpetuo  commentario  e  Sinicis 
deprompto  illustravit  Stanislas  Julien.  Lutetiae,  1824-29.  2 
vol./'  published  by  the  Societe  Asiatique  of  Paris.  ...  A 
copy  of  this  work,  which  is  in  the  White  collection,  has  been  con- 
sulted, but  shows  no  reference  to  this  vocabulary. 

'It  is  obvious  that  Julien  prepared  this  glossary  for  the  pur- 
pose of  his  translation,  and  that  this  manuscript  is  to  be  dated 
prior  to  1824.  Whether  it  has  ever  been  published,  I  am  not 
prepared  to  say ;  but  nothing  is  known  to  me  about  such  a  pub- 
lication. The  glossary  is  not  noted  by  H.  Cordier  in  his  Biblio- 
theca  Sinicaf  either  as  printed  or  as  manuscript. 

'It  is  interesting  that  in  some  instances  Julien  has  added  the 
Chinese  equivalent  to  the  corresponding  Manchu  word.  It 
would  not  be  worth  while  to  publish  this  manuscript,  as  we  have 
a  Manchu  dictionary  by  H.  C.  v.  d.  Gabelentz  (Leipzig,  1864) 
for  the  classical  literature  and  a  complete  Manchu-Russian  dic- 
tionary by  Zakharov.  Julien's  work  is  essentially  of  historical 
interest  in  that  it  shows  us  the  working  methods,  the  conscien- 
tiousness and  industry  of  this  great  scholar.' 

Perhaps  some  of  the  readers  of  the  JOURNAL  OF  THE  AMERICAN 
ORIENTAL  SOCIETY  may  have  further  information  about  the  his- 


Brief  Notes  141 

tory  of  this  vocabulary.    If  so,  they  are  requested  to  communi- 
cate it  to  the  Cleveland  Public  Library. 

GORDON  W.  THAYER, 
Librarian  of  the  John  G.  White  Collection. 

Cleveland  Public  Library, 
Cleveland,  Ohio. 

The  mosaic  inscription  at  'Ain  Duk 

This  interesting  Jewish  Aramaic  inscription,  recently  uncov- 
ered by  a  bursting  shell  at  'Ain  Duk,  near  Jericho,  has  been 
variously  published  and  explained,  most  fully  by  Pere  Vincent 
in  the  Revue  BiUique  for  October,  1919. 

Some  of  the  characters  are  missing  or  uncertain,  and  their 
restoration  is  more  or  less  a  matter  of  conjecture.  I  would  like 
to  suggest  the  following  as  the  probable  reading  : 


none  poura 
nor  -o 


jo  to  nco1?  p>:>[-T] 


pro 

'p  am  'p 
nopo  to  'p 
pnpin  inn1?] 


f  Honored  be  the  memory  of  Benjamin  the  treasurer,  the  son 
of  Joseh.  Honored  be  the  memory  of  every  one  who  lends  a 
hand  and  gives,  or  who  has  (already)  given,  in  this  holy  place, 
whether  gold  or  silver  or  any  other  valuable  thing;  for  this 
assures  them  their  special  right  in  this  holy  place.  Amen. 

The  reading  of  all  the  characters  which  are  preserved  seems 
quite  certain,  though  they  are  somewhat  carelessly  executed,  and 
several  of  them  are  made  to  resemble  one  another  so  closely  that 
they  would  be  problematic  in  a  less  plain  context. 

The  basis  for  dating  the  inscription  afforded  by  the  palaeog- 
raphy is  so  insecure  as  to  be  almost  negligible.  It  may  be  given 


142 


Brief  Notes 


some  slight  value,  however,  when  taken  in  connection  with  the 
few  other  indications.  The  date  proposed  by  Vincent,  the  age 
of  Herod  the  Great,  seems  to  me  extremely  improbable ;  the  evi- 
dence points  to  a  much  later  day.  The  spelling  [W3O  is  dis- 
tinctly late;  the  relative  pronoun  is  *!>  not  H  (contrast  the 
Megillath  Taanith)  ;  the  noun  HOpD*  'valuable  possession,'  is 
a  later  Eabbinical  word,  not  even  occurring  in  Onkelos,  but  fre- 
quent in  Talmud  and  Midrash,  and  noticeably  common  in  Pales- 
tinian Syriac  (the  Judean  dialect  of  about  the  fifth  century 
A.  D.)  The  abbreviation  p,  for  £0  *Q>  points  in  the  same  direc- 
tion; and  finally,  the  characters  of  the  inscription  correspond 
as  closely  to  those  of  the  fifth  century  A.  D.,  and  the  end  of  the 
fourth  century,  as  to  those  of  any  other  time,  judging  from  the 
scanty  material  in  Chwolson's  Corpus  and  elsewhere.  All 
things  considered,  the  fifth  century  seems  to  me  the  most  prob- 
able date. 

C.  C.  TORREY 
Yale  University. 

An  Assyrian  tablet  found  in  Bombay 

The  Assyrian  clay  tablet  here  presented  was  discovered  in  the 
storeroom  of  a  house  in  Girgaum,  one  of  the  wards  of  the  city 


Brief  Notes  143 

of  Bombay.  Through  my  friend,  Dr.  Robert  Zimmerman,  S.J., 
Professor  of  Indie  Philology  in  St.  Xavier's  College,  Bombay,  it 
came  into  my  hands.  I  recently  had  the  opportunity  to 
announce  the  discovery  before  the  Oriental  Club  of  New  York, 
and  at  Dr.  J.  B.  Nies's  suggestion  the  tablet  was  placed  in  Dr. 
C.  E.  Reiser's  hands  for  decipherment.  His  reading  follows. 
Dr.  Keiser  notes  that  of  the  two  women  sold  by  -zer-ukin  one 
was  his  slave  and  the  other  his  daughter ;  the  sihi  and  paqirannu 
officers  who  are  always  mentioned  in  these  slave  contracts  appar- 
ently gave  over  the  document  guaranteeing  ownership.  I  may 
add  that  it  is  not  known  how  the  relic  reached  India. 

Transliteration. 
OBVERSE 

1.     ....  -zer-ukin  apil-su  sa  md&amas-etir  ina  hu-ud  lib-bi-su 
[fA]  -sar-si-i-biti  u  flna-biti-pan-kalam-ma-lu-mur-as-su 
.  .  .  -su  a-na  16  siqlu  kaspu  a-na  simi  ha-ri-is  a-na 
.   .  -la(?)-a  apil-su  sa  mdNabu-zer-ukin  apil  mE-gi-bi  id-din 

5.    [bu-ut]  si-hi-i  pa-qir-ra-nu  sa  fA-sar-si-i-biti 

[u  fln]a-biti-pan-kalam-ma-lu-mur-su  martu-su  la-ta-nu-su 
....  -zer-ukin  na-si  ina  a-sa-bi  sa  fKu-ut-ta-a  assati-su 

apil-su  sa  mSil-la-a 

. mdNabu-nadin-sum 

REVERSE 
10 -tu 

[apil]-su  sa  mdLugal-marad-da-ni 

ut  sa  mBa-di-ilu 

arhuSabatu  umu  22kan 

14.    sattu  2kan  mdNabu-kudurri-usur  sar  Babiliki. 

Translation. 

.  .  .-zer-ukin,  son  of  Shamash-etir,  in  the  joy  of  his  heart  [i.  e. 
of  his  own  free  will]  Asharshi-biti  and  Ina-biti-pan-kalamma- 
lumurashshu  his  .  .  .  for  16  shekels  of  silver,  for  a  fixed  price, 
to  .  .  la,  son  of  Nabu-zer-ukin,  son  of  Egibi,  gave  (i.  e.  sold). 
(The  document  of)  the  sihi  (and)  paqirranu  officers,  which  (was 
taken  out  over)  Asharshi-biti  (and)  Ina-biti-pan-lumurshu  his 
daughter  (and)  his  slave,  .  .  .  -zer-ukin  bears.  In  the  presence 

of  Kutta  his  wif e.     (Witnesses) ,  son  of  Silla; 

Nabu-nadin-shum ; -tu; ,  son  of  Lugal-marad- 


144  Brief  Notes 

dani; of  Badi-ilu month  Shebet,  day  22, 

year  2  of  Nebuchadressar,  king  of  Babylon. 

V.    S.    SUKTHANKAR 
New  York  City. 


PERSONALIA 

There  has  appeared  in  the  Bryn  Mawr  Alumnae  Quarterly 
for  November,  1919,  an  "Appreciation"  of  Professor  GEORGE  A. 
BARTON.  It  consists  of  papers  by  Miss  L.  P.. Smith,  of  Wellesley 
College,  Prof.  A.  L.  Wheeler,  of  Bryn  Mawr  College,  and  Prof. 
Morris  Jastrow,  Jr.,  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania.  It  is 
accompanied  with  a  Selected  Bibliography  of  Dr.  Barton's  Pub- 
lications, pp.  13-17. 

Dr.  TRUMAN  MICHELSON,  ethnologist  in  the  Bureau  of  Ameri- 
can Ethnology,  and  professor  of  ethnology  in  George  Washing- 
ton University,  has  been  elected  a  corresponding  member  of  the 
Societe  des  Americanistes  de  Paris. 

Pere  ANASTASE-MARIE  DE  ST.  ELIE,  the  Carmelite  lexicogra- 
pher of  Baghdad,  has  written  to  an  American  correspondent  of 
his  experiences  since  the  beginning  of  the  war.  On  Nov.  23, 
1914,  he  was  exiled  by  the  Turkish  government  to  Caesarea 
(Cappadocia),  and  allowed  to  return  only  in  July,  1916.  Prior 
to  the  fall  of  Baghdad  in  March,  1917,  the  retreating  Turks  set 
fire  to  the  Carmelite  monastery  and  completely  destroyed  its 
two  valuable  libraries  of  oriental  and  occidental  books  respec- 
tively. Pere  Anastase  thus  saw  obliterated  the  work  of  45  years 
of  his  life  in  preparing  an  etymological  dictionary  of  the  Arabic 
language,  which  was  nearing  completion.  The  monthly  maga- 
zine, Lughat  al-'Arab,  of  which  he  was  the  editor,  has  not  ap- 
peared since,  and  will  not  be  published  again  until  the  price  of 
paper  and  printing  is  reduced.  Orientalists  who  desire  to  send 
reprints  or  duplicate  books  for  the  reconstitution  of  the  library 
of  the  Order,  may  address  them  to  the  Bibliotheque,  Mission  des 
Carmes,  Baghdad,  Mesopotamia. 


THE  KASHMIRIAN  ATHARVA  VEDA,  BOOK  SEVEN 

EDITED  WITH  CRITICAL  NOTES 

LEROY  CARR  BARRET 

TRINITY  COLLEGE,  HARTFORD,  CONNECTICUT 

INTRODUCTION 

IT  HAS  SEEMED  BEST  to  continue  the  work  on  the  Kashmirian 
Atharva  Veda  by  publishing  Book  7  instead  of  Book  19  as 
promised  in  JA08  37.  257.  The  material  is  presented  in  the 
same  manner  as  that  used  in  Book  5 :  the  transliteration  of  the 
ms.  is  given  in  italics  and  is  continuous,  with  the  number  of  each 
line  in  brackets.  Abbreviations  and  punctuation  marks  used  are 
the  same  as  in  previous  books;  they  are  doubtless  familiar  to 
all  who  are  interested  in  this  work. 

The  results  attained  in  editing  the  text  of  this  book  are  rather 
more  satisfactory  than  in  previous  books,  but  much  is  still  un- 
certain. 

Of  the  ms. — This  seventh  book  in  the  Kashmir  ms.  begins 
f97b!7  and  ends  f!04a20, — a  little  more  than  six  and  one  half 
folios.  There  is  only  one  defacement  worth  mentioning,  f!05a 
15,  and  it  is  possible  to  restore  the  text  in  spite  of  this.  Some 
of  the  pages  have  19  lines,  some  20,  none  more  or  less. 

Punctuation,  numbers,  etc. — Within  the  individual  hymns 
punctuation  is  most  irregular;  the  colon  mark  is  often  placed 
below  the  line  of  letters  rather  than  in  it.  Below  lines  17  and 
18  of  flOOa  are  some  five  marks  which  might  possibly  be 
intended  for  accent  marks. 

The  hymns  are  grouped  into  anuvakas,  of  which  there  are  4, 
with  5  hymns  in  each :  anu  3  no.  5  has  no  kanda  number  after 
it,  only  'anu  3',  and  at  the  end  of  the  book  no  number  is 
written  for  kanda  or  anuvaka,  tho  space  is  left  for  one  number. 

There  are  a  few  corrections,  both  marginal  and  interlinear, 
only  one  of  which  is  at  all  extended ;  this  is  on  f  98b  between  lines 
4  and  5,  where  a  pada  is  inserted  followed  by  'dvitiyapustake'. 
In  the  left  margin  of  flOlb  at  the  beginning  of  hymn  no.  11  is 
1  raksamantram '. 
10  JAOS  40 


146  LeEoy  Carr  Barret 

Extent  of  the  book. — This  book  contains  20  hymns,  4  of  them 
prose.  The  norm  of  stanzas  in  a  hymn  is  clearly  10 :  ten  hymns 
(probably  eleven)  have  10  stanzas  each.  It  will  be  observed 
that  the  stanza  norm  is  increased  by  one  in  each  successive  book, 
starting  with  four  in  Book  1.  Assuming  the  correctness  of  the 
verse-divisions  of  the  toxt  as  edited  below  we  make  the  following 
table: 

3  hymns  have  9  stanzas  each  —    27  stanzas 

10.     "         "  10       "          "    =100        " 

3       "         "  11       "          "    =    33        "    ' 

3       n         it  12       "          "    —    36        " 

1  hymn  seems  to  have  10       t(  —    10        ll 

20  hymns  have  206  stanzas 

New  and  old  material. — Twelve  of  the  hymns  of  this  book  may 
be  called  new;  the  number  of  really  new  stanzas  is  about  100, 
the  number  of  new  padas  is  somewhat  more  than  300.  Four  of 
the  hymns  of  6  Bk  5  appear  here  and  also  four  of  £  Bk  19 :  our 
no.  14  is  counted  as  new  though  some  of  it  has  parallels  in  TS 
and  elsewhere. 

ATHARVA-VEDA  PAIPPALADA-SAKHA 
BOOK  SEVEN 


(S  5.  14) 

[f97b!7]  atha  saptamak  om  namo  [18]  ndrdyandya  z    om  namo 
jvdldbhagavatydih    om  namo  tilotamdydih    zz 

[f98al]  om  suparnas  tvdmnavindat  sukaras  tvdkhanan  nasd  \ 
dipsosage  tvam  dipsantam  prati  [2]  krtydkrto  daha  \  atho  yo 
smdn  dipsati  tarn  u  tvam  jahy  osadhe  agne  prtandsdt  pr-[3]  tana 
sahasva  prati  krtydm  krtydkrte  \  pratiharanena  hardmasi  \ 
ydskvdrhi-[4:]  ya  pautu  dydvdprthivl  tatsutat.  \  ut  tarn  mrgam 
iva  viddhat  krtye  krtydkrtam  kr-[o]  td  \  agham  astv  aghakrte 
sapathas  sapathincine  pratyan  prati  prahinvdsi  yas  ca-[6]  kdra 
tarn  aschatu  yas  tvd  krtyety  ekd  \  punas  krtydm  krtydmkrte 
pratiharanamna  hardma-[l]  si  samaksam  asminn  ddadhmo 
yathd  krtydkrtam  hanah  putra  iva  pitaram  gascha  sva-[8] 
ddivdbhisthito  dasa  \  tantur  ivdvyayamn  idi  krtye  krtydkrtam 
krtah  \  udendiva  vdru-[9]  ny  abhikrandam  mrgdiva  krtyd  kar- 
tdram  rschatu  hrsvasydiva  parlsdsam  parimdya  [10]  pari  tvaca 


Kashmirian  Atharva  Veda  147 

|  druhdrde  caskrse  krtydm  grwdsu  pro,  muncata  \  yd  krtye  deva- 
krtd  yd  [11]  vd  manusyajdsi  \  tdm  tvd  pratyan  prahinmasi  \ 
praticmayana  vrahmand  \  yada  stri  [12]  di  vdsmdn  akrtydm 
cakdra  pdpmane  \  tdm  u  tasmai  naydmassy  dsvam  ivdsvdbhi-[13] 
dhdnyd  z  1  z 

For  the  invocation  read  :  atha  saptamas  kando  likhyate  z  om 
namo  narayanaya  z  om  namo  jvalabhagavatyai  z  om  namo  tilotta- 
mayai  z 

For  the  hymn  read  :  suparnas  tvanvavindat  sukaras  tvakhanan 
nasa  dipsausadhe  tvaih  dipsantam  prati  krtyakrto  daha  z  1  z 
<ava  jahi  yatudhanan  ava  krtyakrtam  jahi>  |  atho  yo  'sman 
dipsati  tarn  u  tvaih  jahy  osadhe  z  2  z  agne  prtanasat  prtanah 
sahasva  |  prati  krtyarh  krtyakrte  pratiharanena  haramasi  z  3  z 
isva  rjiyah  patatu  dyavaprthivi  utsuta  |  ut  tam  mrgam  iva 
vidhyat  krtya  krtyakrtam  krta  z  4  z  agham  astv  aghakrte 
sapathas  sapathiyate  pratyak  prati  prahinmasi  yas  cakara  tam 
rcchatu  z  5  z  yas  tva  krtye  prajighaya  vidvan  aviduso  grham  | 
punas  tva  tasmai  dadhmo  yatha  krtyakrtam  hanah  z  6  z  punas 
krtyam  krtyakrte  pratiharanena  haramasi  |  samaksam  asminn 
adadhmo  yatha  krtyakrtam  hanah  z  7  z  putra  iva  pitaram  gaccha 
svaja  ivabhisthito  dasa  tantur  ivavyayann  iti  krtye  krtyakrtarh 
krta  z  8  z  ud  eniva  varany  abhikrandam  mrglva  krtya  kar- 
taram  rcchatu  z  9  z  rsyasyeva  parisasam  parimaya  pari  tvacah  | 
durharde  cakruse  krtyaiii  grivasu  prati  muncata  z  10  z  ya  krtye 
devakrta  ya  va  manusyajasi  |  tam  tva  pratyak  prahinmasi  prati- 
cmena  vrahmana  z  11  z  yadi  stri  yadi  va  puman  krtyaiii  cakara 
papmane  |  tam  u  tasmai  nayamasy  asvam  ivasvabhidhanya  z  12 
z  1  z 

I  have  supplied  2ab  from  6;  the  padas  would  be  most  easily 
omitted  if  Id  and  2b  ended  alike,  so  that  jahi  may  have  once 
stood  in  our  Id.  In  4b  utsuta  is  of  course  only  a  conjecture. 
St  5abc  occurs  §  10.  1.  5abc.  St  6  has  appeared  Ppp  2.  38.  3  ; 
it  is  reedited  here,  as  the  suggestions  formerly  made  do  not  seem 
good. 


(S  5.  23) 

[f98a!3]  osate  me  dydvdprthivi  okatd  devl  sarasvati  \  [14] 
okato  ma  indras  cdgnis  ca  krmim  jambhayatdm  imam  yasyendra 
kumdrasya  krmim  [15]  dhanapate  jahi  \  hatd  visvdrdtayogrena 


148  LeRoy  Carr  Barret 

vacasd  mimd  yo  ksdu  parisarpa-[16]  ti  ye  ndsdu  parisarpati  \ 
natdm  yo  madhyam  gaschami  tarn  krmim  jambhayamasi  [17] 
virupdu  dvdu  surupdu  dvdu  krsydu  dvo  rohitdu  dvdu  \  babhrus 
ca  babhrukarnas  ca  grdhra-[~L8]  s  kokds  ca  te  hatdh  ye  krimayas 
sitavaksd  ye  krsnds  sitabdhavah  ye  ke  [19]  ca  visvarupds  tan 
krimm  jambhaydm.asi  \  yo  dvislrsas  caturaksas  krimis  carngo 
[20]  arjunah  srndmy  asya  prsthir  apa  vrscdmi  yas  chirah  tad 
asau  suryo  agdd  vi-  [f98b]  svadrsto  adrnhd  drstdnsya  ghnimn 
adrstdn  ca  sarvdns  ca  pramrnan  krimm.  yavd-[2]  savdkhdsas 
kaskisydmo  dhuksdmas  ca  parivrknavali  drstas  ca  hanyatdm 
krimir  adr-[3]  stas  cota  hanyatdm.  hito  yavdkho  hatas  ca  pavir 
hato  samganavdn  uta  \  hatd  vi-[4]  svdrdtaya  anena  vacasd  mama 
|  sarvesdm  ca  krimmdm  bhinadmy  asmind  siro  da-  [5]  hdmy 
agnind  mukham  z  2  z 

Between  lines  3  and  4  at  the  right  the  ms  has  sarvdsdm  ca 
krimmdm  dvitlyapustake. 

Eead :  ote  me  dyavaprthivi  ota  devi  sarasvati  otau  ma  indras 
cagnis  ca  krimiiii  jambhayatam  imam  z  1  z  asyendra  kumarasya 
krimirii  dhanapate  jahi  |  hata  visva  arataya  ugrena  vacasa  mama 
z  2  z  yo  'ksyau  parisarpati  yo  nasau  parisarpati  |  datam  yo 
madhyam  gacchati  tarn  krimirii  jambhayamasi  z  3  z  virupau 
dvau  sarupau  dvau  krsnau  dvau  rohitau  dvau  |  babhrus  ca 
babhrukarnas  ca  grdhras  kokas  ca  te  hatah  z  4  z  ye  krimayas 
sitivaksa  ye  krsnas  sitibahavah  |  ye  ke  ca  visvarupas  tan  krimm 
jambhayamasi  z  5  z  yo  dvislrsas  caturaksas  krimis  sarango 
arjunah  srnamy  asya  prstir  apa  vrscami  yac  chirah  z  6  z  ud 
asau  suryo  agad  visvadrsto  adrstaha  drstaiis  ca  ghnann 
adrstans  ca  sarvans  ca  pramrnan  krimm  z  7  z  yavasasas  kaska- 
saso  dhunksasas  ca  parivrknavah  |  drstas  ca  hanyatarii  krimir 
adrstas  cota  hanyatam  z  8  z  hato  yavaso  hatas  ca  pavir  hatah 
saganavan  uta  |  hata  visva  aratayo  anena  vacasa  mama  z  9  z 
sarvesarii  ca  krimmarii  sarvasarii  ca  krimmam  |  bhinadmy 
asmana  siro  dahamy  agnina  mukham  z  10  z  2  z 

In  st  1  ote,  ota,  and  otau  are  given  as  in  S ;  but  the  ms  reading 
may  point  rather  to  oste,  osta,  and  ostau,  from  a  +  vas  with  the 
meaning  'shining  hitherward'  or  possibly  ' abiding  here.' 

3 

[f98b5]  tigmebhir  agnir  arcibhis  sukrena  deva  socisd  [6] 
dmddo  ni  vaha  tvam  anyam  dsu  ni  krnva  tdm 


Kashmirian  Atharva  Veda  149 

In  a  read  agne,  in  d  asarii  ni  krnu  tan.  BV  6.  48.  Tab  has  our 
ab,  but  with  brhadbhir  for  tigmebhir. 

socisdgne  arciw  ca  nir  daheto  [7]  aghdyavah  \  sakhyam  d 
samkrnmahe  tvam  cam  dmdd  upa  sambhuvam 

Beading  tvaih  camad  in  d  would  seem  to  give  a  possible  sense 
to  the  stanza. 

nir  dmddo  na-[S]naydmasi  ni?  kravyddho  grhebhyah  \  sam- 
yddo  ndma  ye  deva  te  agne  mdrabhantdm  \  [9] 

Bead  nayamasi  in  a,  kravyado  in  b :  in  c  mansado  seems  prob- 
able. 

dmddas  ca  kravyddasas  eddasyobhaydn  saha  \  prajdm  ye 
cakrire  bhdgam  tdm  i-[W]to  nir  nayamasi  \ 

In  a  read  kravyadas,  in  b  probably  mansadas  cobhayan :  also 
tan  in  d. 

ydmesv  aramamtama  pakvam  uta  dddrsu  te  yantu  sarve  sasa- 
[ll]mbhuydnyatreto  ghdyavaJi  \ 

For  a  read  ya  amesv  arasatamam,  in  b  dadhrsuh:  in  c 
saihbhuya0,  in  d  'ghayavah. 

ye  na  sldm  krtakrta  kilviwkrta  sddhya  punas  tvd-[l2]n 
yajniyd  deva  yantu  yata  dgatah 

For  ab  read  ye  nas  sedus  krtyakrtah  kilbisakrtas  sakhyam: 
in  c  tan,  in  d  nayantu.  Our  cd  =  £  14.  2.  lOcd.  At  the  end  of 
b  the  ms  reading  might  be  sakhya. 

avarena  savarajo  nenajam  hastim  'ba-[I3]lam  \  dhdtd  no  Ihad- 
rayd  nesat  sa  no  gopdyatu  prajdm  \ 

There  seems  to  be  a  contrast  in  padas  a  and  b  between  avarena 
and  anena,  but  I  can  see  nothing  more;  the  sign  transliterated 
'ba'  in  'balam'  is  not  sure.  Over  the  combination  ts  in  nesat 
sa  the  ms  has  sea. 

krnve  ham  rodasi  varma  [14]  sydma  savitus  save  \  mdtd  no 
bhadrayd  bhumi  dydus  cdsmdn  pdtv  anhasah  \  [15] 

Bead  '  ham  in  a,  and  bhumir  in  c. 

yad  asurdndm  ahany  asmdn  pdpdta  medhinah  devdndm  pasya 
ddivyam  dpa-[16]s  sundhantu  mdm  imam  \ 

In  b  papata  is  probably  some  form  of  the  root  pa  'protect'; 
medinah  might  better  be  read.  In  c  pasya  probably  balances 
papata;  pada  d  (perhaps  reading  imam)  can  stand,  but  cf.  KS 
38.  5d  apas  °  mainasah. 

yd  te  pitur  marutdm  sumnam  emi  md  nas  suryasya  samdrso 
yu-[~L7]vathd  \  abhi  no  viro  rvati  ksametat  pra  jdydmahi  rudra 
praja-[lS]yd 


150  LeRoy  Carr  Barret 

Read :  a  te  pitar  marutam  sumnam  emi  ma  nas  siiryasya  sam- 
drso  yuvathah  abhi  no  viro  'rvati  ksameta  pra  jayamahi  rudra 
pra  jay  a  z  10  z 

This  is  RV  2.  33.  1  with  several  variants. 

yo  garbhe  antar  yo  vrdhre  antar  yaj  jatam  janitavyam  ca 
pdurusam  tasmdhrdyd  [19]  sam  havisd  hamadhya  so,  nas  pra  jam 
jaradastim  krnotu  zz  3  zz 

Read :  yo  garbhe  antar  yo  vrdhre  antar  yaj  jatam  janitavyam 
ca  paurusam  tasma  rddhya  sarii  havisa  huvadhvam  sa  nas 
prajam  jaradastim  krnotu  z  11  z  3  z 

Of.  S  4.  23.  7b  and  TB  2.  6.  16.  2d. 


(S  19.  13) 

[f99a]  idyasu  ~bahu  sthavirdu  vrsanau  \  cittrd  yamd  vrsabhdu 
pdrayimu  \  tayokse  prathama  yo-[2]gdgate  ydbhydm  catam 
asurdnd  svar  yat.  \  dsus  sisdno  vrsabho  no  bhimo  ghandgha- 
[3]naJi  ksobhanas  carsanindm.  sankrandano  nimisa  ekavlras 
satam  send  a  jay  at  sd-  [4]  kam  indrah  sankrandanendnimisena  jis- 
nund  yodhyena  duscyavanena  dhrsnund  \  ta-[5]d  indrena 
jayata  tat  sahadhvam  yudho  nara  imhastena  vrsnyd  sa  isuhas- 
tdis  sa  nakamkri-^bhir  vasi  samsrstd  adhi  indro  ganena  \ 
samsrstajit  somapd  bdhosaskurdhvadhanvd  [7]  pratihitdbhir 
astd  |  om  iirdhvadhanvd  pratihitdbhir  asthd  balavijndyas  stha- 
vira-[S]s  pravlrah  sahasvdn  vajl  sahasdna  ugrali  abhivlro 
abhissatvd  sahoji-[9]j  jditrdydi  d  ratham  a  tistha  kovidam 
|  imam  vlram  anu  harsddhvam  ugram  indram  satvdno  [10]  anu 
samrabhadhvam  \  grdmajitam  gojitam  vajrabdhum  jayantam 
ajmd  pramrnantam  oja-[\.\]sd  abhi  gottrani  sahasd  gdhamdno 
maddyur  ugrds  catamatsur  indrah  dussya-[12]vanas  prtandsdd 
ayodhyo  ssdkam  send  avatu  pra  yutsu  \  vrhaspatl  pari  dlyd  [13] 
rathena  raksohdmittrdn  apabddhamdndli  prabhanjan  satrn 
pramrnann  amittrdn  asmd-[~L4i]kamm  edhyevitd  tanundm. 
indra  esdm  nayatd  vrhaspatir  daksino  yajnas  pur  a  [15]  etu 
somah  devasendndm  abhibhanjatindm  jayantlndm  maruto  yantu 
madhye  \  [16]  indrasya  vrsno  marutasya  rdjna  dditydndm  maru- 
tam sardha  ugram  \  mahdmanasdm  [17]  bhuvanacyavdndm  ghoso 
devdndm  jayatdmm  ud  astdm.  asmdkam  indras  sa-[lS]mrtesu 
dhvajesv  asmdkam  yd  isavas  td  jayantu  \  asmdkam  vlra  uttare 
bhava-[~L9]tv  asmdn  devdso  vatd  havesu  z  4  z 


Kashmirian  Atharva  Veda  151 

Eead:  indrasya  balm  sthavirau  vrsanau  citra  ima  vrsabhau 
parayisnu  ta  yoksye  prathamau  yoga  agate  yabhyam  jitam 
asuranam  svar  yat  z  1  z  asus  sisano  vrsabho  na  bhimo  ghana- 
ghanah  ksobhanas  carsanmam  |  sankrandano  'nimisa  ekaviras 
satam  sena  a  jay  at  sakam  indrah  z  2  z  sankrandanenanimisena 
jisnunayodhyena  duscyavanena  dhrsnuna  |  tad  indrena  jayata 
tat  sahadhvam  yudho  nara  isuhastena  vrsna  z  3  z  sa  isuhastais 
sa  nisangibhir  vasi "  samsrasta  sa  yudha  indro  ganena  |  sam- 
srstajit  somapa  bahusardhy  urdhvadhanva  pratihitabhir  asta  z 
4  z  balavijnaya  sthaviras  pravirah  sahasvan  vaji  sahamana 
ugrah  |  abhiviro  abhisatva  sahojij  jaitrayendra  ratham  a  tistha 
govidam  z  5  z  imam  viram  anu  harsadhvam  ugram  indram 
satvano  anu  samrabhadhvam  |  gramajitam  gojitam  vajrabahum 
jayantam  ajma  pramrnantam  ojasa  z  6  z  abhi  gotrani  sahasa 
gahamano  adaya  ugras  satamanyur  indrah  |  duscyavanas  prta- 
nasad  ayodhyo  'smakam  sena  avatu  pra  yutsu  z  7  z  vrhaspate 
pari  diya  rathena  raksohaniitran  apabadhamanah  |  prabhanjan 
satrun  pramrnann  amitran  asmakam  edhy  avita  tanunam  z  8  z 
indra  esam  neta  vrhaspatir  daksina  yajnas  pura  etu  somah  | 
devasenanam  abhibhanjatinam  jayantmam  maruto  yantu 
madhye  z  9  z  indrasya  vrsno  varunasya  rajna  adityanam  mam- 
tam  sardha  ugram  |  mahamanasam  bhuvanacyavanam  ghoso 
devanam  jayatam  ud  asthat  z  10  z  asmakam  indras  samrtesu 
dhvajesv  asmakam  ya  isavas  ta  jayantu  |  asmakam  vira  uttare 
bhavantv  asman  devaso  'vata  havesu  z  11  z  4  z 

The  version  restored  here  accords  very  closely  with  that  of  £ : 
the  emendations  are  proposed  the  more  confidently  because  of  a 
growing  belief  that  it  will  become  clear  that  much  of  £  Bk  19 
is  drawn  from  Ppp,  as  was  suggested  by  Roth,  Der  AV  in  Kasch- 
mir,  p.  18. 

5 

[f99a!9]  vaisvanardd  arocata  jdto  hira-[20]nyayo  manih  tarn 
abharad  vrhaspatih  kasyapo  virydya  kam  vrhaspatams  tarn 
a-[f99b]  krno  manim  vdisvdnaram  saha  saptarsayo  baldya  kam 
sam  dadhus  tvd  vayodhasah  visve  de-[2]vds  tv  indriyam  'saptar- 
sayas  ca  sam  dadhuh  jdto  hiranyayo  manir  agner  vdisvdnardd 
adhi  |  [3]  asvatho  jdtas  prathamo  gnes  priyatamd  tanuh  vdis- 
vdnarasya  srstyd  krtyddusi-[4:]s  krto  manih  krtyddusim  tvdvi- 
dam  krtyddusim  bhardsi  tvd  krtyddusim  kr-[5]nomi  tvd 


152  LeRoy  Carr  Barret 

krtyadusim  vayodhasam  \  patattri  paksi  balavan  krtyadusis 
sa-[6]putnahd  nitanni  visvabhesaja  ugras  patiko  manih  patattri 
te  balaya  [7]  kam  nitannir  bhesajdya  te  \  jdto  hiranyayo  manir 
apa  raksdnsi  sedhatu  \  de-[S]vo  manis  sapatnahd  raksohdmi- 
vacdtanah  hiranmayam  naramsmdna  kasya-[9]pendbhrtam  saha  \ 
vaisvanaram  te  namekamm  dhur  agner  yones  saha  candrena 
jdtam  [10]  gayasphdnas  pratarano  vadhodhas  krtyddusir  bala- 
gahdsy  ugrah  yasyedam  bhumyd-[ll]m  adhi  niskrdntam  pan- 
sure  padam  \  mrdd  nas  tanno  yad  rupas  tasyasndhi  tanuvadhi 
[12]  dusd  tvdvidam  vayam  devasya  savitus  save  \  jwdtave 
bhardmasi  mahyd  [13]  aristatdtaye  \  dschedanas  pratyedano 
dvisatas  tapano  manis  satrunjayas  sa-[~L4:]patnahd  dvisantam 
apa  bddhatdm.  z  5  z  a  1  z 

Read:  vaisvanarad  arocata  jato  hiranyayo  manih.  tarn 
abharad  vrhaspatih  kasyapo  viryaya  kam  z  1  z  vrhaspatis  tarn 
akrnod  manirii  vaisvanaram  saha  |  saptarsayo  balaya  kam  saih 
dadhus  tva  vayodhasah  z  2  z  visve  devas  tv  indriyam  saptar- 
sayas  ca  sam  dadhuh  jato  hiranyayo  manir  agner  vaisvanarad 
adhi  z  3  z  asvattho  jatas  prathamo  'gnes  priyatama  tanuh  | 
vaisvanarasya  srstya  krtyadusis  krto  manih  z  4  z  krtyadusiih 
tvavidam  krtyadusim  bharami  tva  krtyadusim  krnomi  tva 
krtyadusim  vayodhasam  z  5  z  patatri  paksi  balavan  krtyadusis 
sapatnaha  |  nitunnir  visvabhesaja  ugras  patiko  manih  z  6  z 
patatri  te  balaya  kam  nitunnir  bhesajaya  te  |  jato  hiranyayo 
manir  apa  raksaiisi  sedhatu  z  7  z  devo  manis  sapatnaha  raksoha- 
mivacatanah  hiranmayam  fnaramsmana  kasyapenabhrtarii  saha 
z  8  z  vaisvanaram  te  namaikam  ahur  agner  yones  saha  candrena 
jatam  |  gayasphanas  pratarano  vayodhas  krtyadusir  valagahasy 
ugrah  z  9  z  yasyedam  bhumyam  adhi  niskrantam  pansure  padam 
|  mrda  nas  tanvo  yad  rapas  tasyasnahi  tanuvasin  z  10  z  dusam 
tva  vidma  vayarii  devasya  savitus  save  |  jivatave  bharamasi 
mahya  aristatataye  z  11  z  acchedanas  pracchedano  dvisatas 
tapano  manih  satrunjayas  sapatnaha  dvisantam  apabadhatam 
z  12  z  5  z  anu  1  z 

In  6c  and  7b  nitunnir  is  a  conjecture  which  may  be  found 
acceptable :  patiko  I  would  regard  as  a  variant  form  of  pataka. 
In  8c  we  might  consider  as  a  possibility  arasmanaiii;  the  two 
hemistichs  do  not  hang  together  well.  For  9c  cf  BV  1.  91.  19c; 
for  lib  cf  EV  5.  82.  6b  etc;  for  12b  cf  £  19.  28  passim;  and  for 
12d  cf  SMB  1.  2.  Ic. 


Kashmirian  Atharva  Veda  153 

6 

[f99b!4]  patyasya  sthu-[15]na  prthivl  dddkdra  rtena  devd 
amrtdm  anv  avindan.  \  dhruvena  tvd  ha-  [16]  havisd  dhdraydmy 
abhi  tad  dydvdprthivl  ghrnltdm 

In  a  we  may  probably  read  pastyasya  sthunah ;  in  b  tena  and 
amrtam,  tho  rtena  would  seem  possible;  the  form  suggested  is 
£  13.  1.  7d.  In  c  read  dhruvena  and  havisa,  in  d  grmtam;  our 
d  is  EV  10.  47.  8c. 

yebhir  homdir  visva-[~L7]karmd  dadhdremdm  prthivlm  mdta- 
ram  nah  tebhis  tvd  homdir  iha  dhdrayd-[~L8]m  ream  satyam 
anu  carantu  homdh 

In  b  read  dadhare0,  in  cd  probably  dharayamy  rtam. 

iha  dhriyadhvam  dharune  prthivyd  usatyd  [19]  mdtus  subha- 
gdyd  upasthe  apardnutvd  sahasd  modamdnd  asmi-[20]n  vdstdu 
suprajdsdu  bhavdtha  \ 

In  c  I  would  suggest  uparnudhvam ;  in  d  read  supra jaso  (the 
stem  supraja  seems  not  quotable  in  AV).  Note  &  14.  2.  43b 
hasamudau  mahasa  modamanau. 

suprajdsdu  sahasd  modamdnd  varsman  prthi-[£WOa,]vyd  upari 
srayadhvam  \  asydi  sdldydi  sarma  yacchantu  devd  dhdrdbhir 
endm  prthivl  pi-  [2] par tu  \ 

Read  suprajaso  mahasa  in  a :  mahasa  also  in  st  3c. 

imam  sdldm  srditfhyatamam  vasdndm  aristavlrdm  abhi  san- 
carema  drdhd  ta-[3]pasito  bhavantu  sthirdvlrd  upasado  bha- 
vantu 

The  ms  corrects  to  drdha  u°  in  c.  In  a  read  sraisthyatamam ; 
in  c  upamito,  in  d  sthiravira.  The  insertion  of  asya  at  the 
beginning  of  c  would  improve  the  pada. 

imam  sdldm  savitd  vdyu-[4.]r  indro  vrhaspaUn  nimnotu  prajd- 
nan.  uksamturnd  maruto  ghrtena  bhago  no  rdjd  ni  [5]  krsam 
daddtu 

Read:  imam  salam  savita  vayur  indro  vrhaspatir  ni  minotu 
prajanan  |  ucchantunna  maruto  ghrtena  bhago  no  raja  ni  krsim 
dadatu  z  6  z 

This  is  6  3.  12.  4 ;   but  £  has  tanotu  in  d. 

mdnasya  patni  haviso  jusasva  twrdntasya  bahulamadhyama- 
sya  [6]  d  tvd  sasir  vddhyatdm  d  kumdra  d  vdbhyantdm  dhenavo 
nityavatsdh 

Read:    manasya    patni    haviso    jusasva    tivrantasya    bahula- 


154  LeEoy  Carr  Barret 

madhyamasya  a  tva  sisur  vasyatam  a  kumara  a  vasyantam 
dhenavo  nityavatsah  z  7  z 

With  our  cd  compare  g  3.  12.  3cd  and  also  PG  3.  4.  4. 

drdhds  te  sthund  [7]  bhavantu  bhumydm  adhi  drdhdh  paksdsas 
tavidhe  visdle  \  sthiravird  annasi-[S]td  no,  edhi  \  sarma  no  yascha 
dvipade  catuspade  \ 

Eead  tavise  in  b ;  in  c  probably  sthiraviranna0 ;  delete  colon 
after  edhi,  and  read  yaccha  in  d. 

sold  devl  gdrhdpatydya  ca-[9]klipe  tfnam  vasdnd  jagatl  susevd 
|  sthirdngam  tvd  sthirapdurusdn  asya  pa-[IO]ttrih  sthird  tva 
vird  abhi  sancarema  \ 

Read  caklpe  in  a,  trnam  and  suseva  in  b:  in  c  °ngarii  and 
°paurusam,  but  for  asya  pattrih  I  can  suggest  nothing. 

vdstos  pate  prati  jdnihy  asmdn  dvdveso  [11]  anamlvo  na  edhi 
|  yan  tvemahe  prtanas  taj  jusasva  catuspado  dvipadd  vesr 
e-[l2]haz  Iz 

Eead:  vastos  pate  prati  janihy  asman  svaveso  anamlvo  na 
edhi  yat  tvemahe  prati  nas  taj  jusasva  catuspado  dvipada  a 
vesayeha  z  10  z  1  z 

For  this  stanza  see  EV  7.  54.  1,  etc.,  but  with  a  different  pada 
d:  Kaus  43.  13  quotes  the  stanza  as  here.  Pada  d  is  £  13.  1.  2d. 


[flOOa!2]  darbhogra  osadhmdm  satakdndo  ajdyata  \  sahasra- 
[13]vlryas  pari  nas  pdtu  visvatah 

Over  sahasra  the  ms  has  a  correction  mamahasaviryah. 

Eead  darbha  ugra  in  a ;  for  c  manih  sahasra0 .  £2.4.2  has 
the  second  hemistich  as  here ;  in  general  cf  £  19.  32. 

yathd  bharbho  ajdyamdnas  tvacam  bhinantya  [14]  bhumydm 
|  evdsya  bhidyatdm  jano  yo  nah  pdpam  cikitsati 

Eead  darbho  jayamanas  in  a,  and  bhinatti  bhumyah  in  b. 

apa  ndtram  a-  [15]  pa  krtydm  apa  raksasya  dhdnvd  \  amwds 
c  #  #  *  #  *  #  sarvans  ca  ydtu-[16]dhdnali 

Eead  raksansi  dhanva  in  b:  in  cd  catayamasi  sarvas  ca 
yatudhanyah.  Tho  the  ms  is  defaced,  enough  traces  of  letters 
remain  to  give  a  basis  for  restoration.  At  the  end  of  pada  d 
the  ms  interlines  the  correction  nyah. 

asthi  vdi  nivata  udvalam  na  vdi  sarvam  anuplavam  \  asi  tvam 
tasya  dusa-[ll]no  yo  nah  pdpam  cikitsati  \ 


Kashmirian  Atharva  Veda  155 

With  asti  in  a  the  first  hemistich  might  stand ;  and  asti  would 
seem  rather  better  than  asi. 

pari  say  am  pari  prdtas  pari  madhyandinam  pa-[18]ri  garbho 
hiranyahastaghnas  pari  nas  patu  visvatah 

Read  madhyamdinam  in  b ;  and  uta  for  pari  at  the  end  of  b 
would  be  better  but  perhaps  is  not  necessary.  In  c  read  darbho. 

girdu  jdtas  svardsi  [19]  sdkam  somena  babhrund  \  md  pdpakr- 
tvanas  sikho  md  pdkas  pim^-fflOOb]  so  ri  nas  pdtu  vidvatah  z 

In  a  svarad  asi  might  be  better  than  svarasi  (from  svr). 
In  c  we  might  read  sisur  for  sikho,  and  in  d  pakas  puruso  risat : 
in  e  read  pari  and  visvatah. 

sahasrakdndas  tavisas  tiksnavalso  visdsahi  \  [2]  garbhena 
sarpd  raksdnsy  aswds  cdpadhdmasi 

In  b  read  visasahih,  in  c  darbhena  sarpan,  in  d  amivas. 

apadugdham  dusvapni  apada-[3]gdhd  ardtayah  sarvas  ca 
ydtudhdnyah 

For  a  read  apadagdham  dussvapnyam :   in  c  sarvas. 

md  tvd  dabhan  ydtudhdndn  sd  [4]  sd  dhradhnis  sakunis 
patham.  \  darbho  rdjd  samudriyas  pari  nas  pdtu  vi-[5]svatah  z 
2  z 

Read:  ma  tva  dabhan  yatudhana  ma  grdhnus  sakunis  patan 
I  darbho  raja  samudriyas  pari  na,s  patu  visvatah  z  9  z  2  z 

8 

[f!00b5]  yo  nas  pdpena  vacasd  ghosatodrkta  vrvat.  \  [6]  drds 
chapatam  aprdsmdm  upanadydtu  sarvatali  \ 

In  b  perhaps  we  may  read  °odrikto  'bravat;  in  c  arac  chap- 
atham,  and  possibly  a  parasmad,  or  better  apasmad;  in  d  apa- 
nudyatu. 

yan  nas  sapdd  varuno  ya-[l]t  sapatnis  svasrur  vd  yas  chva- 
suro  vd.sapdti  jydyasas  capathdm  vayi-[8]yavdinam  ydvayd- 
masi  \ 

Read:  yan  nas  sapad  varo  no  yat  sapatm  svasrur  va  yae 
chvasuro  va  sapati  |  jyayasas  sapathan  va  ye  avainan  yavaya- 
masi  z  2  z 

yam  samasyante  pathdm  vdksampdnrtydm  adhi  \  yuvam  [9] 
tarn  bibhrad  vdhvo  purvas  pratissrniyatdm  \ 

For  ab  it  would  seem  possible  to  read  yan  samasyante  sapathaii 
yan  sapan  anrtan  adhi.  In  c  if  yuvam  is  correct  it  might  be 


156  LeRoy  Carr  Barret 

followed  by  tan  bibhrad  vahyo,  or  bibhradvahyau ;  for  d  we 
then  would  read  purva  pratismiyatam. 

rjukeso  yavo  ma  babhrur  maghavd  [10]  no  na  sdbhya  hiran- 
yadhanvdm  sapathdm  tupejatu  tarn  pltvendro  vrttram  sakno 
jaghd-[ll]na  \ 

For  ab  a  probable  reading  is  rjukeso  yavas  sa  babhrur 
maghava  no  na  sadhyah.  For  c  we  might  read  hiranyadhanva 
sapathan  tv  apejatu;  in  d  read  tarn  and  vrtram  sakro:  in  the 
right  margin  the  ms  indicates  the  correction  kra  for  kno. 

vdsava  sdisdhyata  rsabhas  sahasvan  sapathan  iva  \  drd  carantu 
sapathd  [12]  itd  ito  jihvoditdrasds  santu  sarve  \ 

In  a  there  may  be  some  form  of  sah,  but  I  can  suggest  noth- 
ing satisfactory;  in  b  sahasvan  is  probable.  In  c  read  arac, 
in  de  ita  ito  jihvodita  arasas. 

ndsagrdm  hd  vdco  heldd  i-[~L3]ksitd  aghoracaksasa  sarma  te 
varma  krnmasi  \ 

In  the  first  part  of  this  I  can  suggest  nothing  beyond  the  divi- 
sion of  the  words :  read  aghoracaksasas. 

apdnco  yantu  sapathd-  [  14]  d  anendstdghdyund  \  yo  no  dura- 
sydn  jwase  send  ndkasyesate  \  [15] 

Read  apanco,  and  probably  sapatha  anenasta  aghaynna.  In 
c  durasyan  is  probable,  and  if  jivase  is  a  verb  the  third  person 
jivati  would  seem  better ;  for  the  rest  I  can  see  only  isate  at  the 
end. 

pari  pdtu  sapathd  \  d  anrtdd  duritdd  uta  \  pari  md  jydyasaS 
san-[l6]sdd  divo  raksatu  mam  isam  \ 

Read:  pari  ma  patu  sapathad  anrtad  duritad  uta  |  pari  ma 
jyayasas  sansad  devo  raksatu  mam  isam  z  8  z 

The  end  of  d  may  not  be  good,  but  it  seems  possible:  imam 
would  be  better. 

andsta  yajnam  sapathdir  anuci  vydddhyam  krtam  \  [17] 
vrhada  varma  prati  muncdmi  te  \ 

In  a  read  anastarii  rather  than  anvasta;  in  b  anuci  vyadhyam 
would  seem  possible  if  vyadhyam  can  be  a  noun:  read  vrhad 
varma. 

yuvamtardhyaydydnswa  paksand-[~L8]visantu  patattrinas  sap- 
atdram  sapathds  punah  z  3  z 

Read:  fyuvariitardhyayayaiisivat  paksinah  |  a  visantu  patat- 
rinas  saptaraih  sapathas  punah  z  10  z  3  z 

The  text  in  a  looks  somewhat  like  that  of  3c  above ;  both  padas 
hopeless. 


Kashmirian  Atharva  Veda  157 

9 

(S  5.  7) 

[flOOblS]  a  no  di-[l9]sam  sd  pari  sthdrdter  md  nor  daksdir 
daksind  ydtumdvdn  punah  pra  jdtd  [flOla]  savitd  ca  yaschatdm 
nasor  viraschdydsamrddhydi  ca  krnva  \ 

Read :  a  no  disa  ma  pari  stha  arate  ma  no  dhaksir  daksinam 
yatumavan  |  punah  pra  dhata  savita  ca  yacchatam  namo  virt- 
saya  asamrddhyai  ca  krnmah  z  1  z 

This  varies  greatly  from  £,  having  an  entirely  different  cd: 
the  gender  of  yatumavan  is  not  consistent  with  a  and  d. 

yam  ardte  purodhatsvdi  puru-[2]rdprnam  namas  te  tasmdi 
krno  md  vanim  mama  vyatkah 

Kead:  yam  arate  purodhatse  purusam  pariraprnam  |  namas 
te  tasmai  krnmo  ma  vanim  mama  vyathah  z  2  z 

^  has  °rapinam  in  b;   perhaps  it  should  stand  here  also. 

anavamdydbhi?  prayunjma-[3]he  manasd  hrdayena  ca  \  ardti 
tanvo  md  vlrische  dischantam  parirdprni  [4] 

In  a  anavadyabhis  would  seem  possible ;  in  cd  read  arate  and 
virtser  ditsantam:  tanvam  would  be  better  than  tanvo.  This 
is  not  in  £. 

pr  no  vanir  devakrtd  diva  naktam  ca  siddhyatu  rdtim  anu- 
preme  vayarh  namo  stv  a-[5]rdyataye  \ 

In  a  read  pra  no,  in  b  sidhyatu :  in  c  aratim,  in  d  '  stv  arataye. 

uta  nagna  dpobhavati  svapnayyd  srjese  canam  \  rate  citti 
vlri-[6]schimdy  dkutim  purmasya  ca  \ 

Read :  uta  nagna  bobhuvati  svapnaya  srjase  janam  arate 
cittim  virtsyanty  akutiiii  purusasya  ca  z  5  z 

paro  mehy  asimrddhe  mrte  hetirii  naydmasi  \  yam  dvi-[l]smas 
tarn  vimvakavyd  bhutvd  srgmam  rukmam  drset. 

For  ab  we  may  probably  read  paro  mehy  asamrddhe  vi  te 
hetim  nayamasi ;  cf  ^  Tab  where  paro  *  pehy  stands.  If  we  may 
read  visvakavya  and  sragmam,  the  rest  might  stand. 

namas  te  stu  samrddhe  [8]  mdmdham  purodhim  krnv  atha 
varmi  tvdham  namlvantlm  nutadantlm  md  te  martydm  sa-[9] 
santyebhyo  adhi  nirvadantim 

It  seems  that  samrddhe  is  correct  here,  not  asamrddhe;  if  so 
the  next  pada  might  possibly  be  mamahah  puramdhim  krnu: 
these  suggestions  are  made  to  seem  the  more  doubtful  by  the  fol- 
lowing words  which  are  in  part  parallel  to  £  7cd  where  tva  refers 
to  asamrddhi.  It  seems  clear  that  Ppp  intends  nimivantim 


158  LeRoy  Carr  Barret 

nitudantim,  and  probably  arate  for  ma  te;  amartyam  martye- 
bhyo  might  be  possible.  For  atha  varmi  one  might  think  of. 
atha  vanve,  or  perhaps  vrnve. 

ma  no  vanim  ma  vdcam  virischam  ugrdv  indrdgnl  [10]  ndm 
bhajatdm  vasuni  sarve  no  dya  dischatta  ardtim  prati  haryatdm 

Read  virtsir  in  a,  and  na  a  in  b;  in  c  ditsanto,  and  in  c  no 
*  dya  and  haryata. 

sa  vadd-[ll]ni  devdndm  devadutim  \ 

These  words  are  all  that  the  ms  gives  to  correspond  to  £  st  4. 
The  stanza  in  6  reads,  sarasvatim  anumatiih  bhagarii  yanto  hava- 
mahe  |  vacam  justam  madhumatim  avadisarii  devanam  devahu- 
tisu. 

yam  vdcd  mama  kurydj  jihvayosthdpidhd-[12]nayd  \  sraddha 
cam  adya  vindatu  dattds  somena  babhrund  z  4  z 

Kead :  yam  vaca  mama  kuryaj  jihvayausthapidhanaya  |  srad- 
dha tarn  adya  vindatu  datta  somena  babhruiia  z  10  z  4  z 

The  first  hemistich  in  £  st  5  is  yam  yacamy  aham  vaca  sarasva- 
tya  manoyuja:  our  pada  a  seems  possible  but  if  it  should  be 
emended  to  yam  yacami  then  makuryaj  may  conceal  an  instru- 
mental agreeing  with  jihvaya,  or  parallel  to  it. 

10 

(6  19.  39) 

[flOlalS]  ditu  devas  trdyamdna  kustho  himavatas  pari  \  tak- 
mdnam  sarvam  nasayam  sa-[14:]rvds  ca  ydtudhdvyah  trmi  te 
kustha  ndmdni  naghamdro  naghdriso  na  ghd-[l5]yam  puruso 
risat.  |  asmdi  pari  vravlmi  tvd  say  am  prdtar  atho  divah  ji-[16] 
void  ndma  te  mdtd  jwanto  ndma  te  pita  \  mdrsd  ndma  te  svasah 
u-[17]ttamo  sy  osadhindm  anadvdn  jag  at  dm  iva  \  vydgra  sva- 
paddm  iva  naghdyam  [18]  pur  mo  risat.  asmdi  pari  vravimi 
tvd  say  am  prdtar  atho  divaJi  ti-[19]sydmividyo  girayebhyas  trir 
ddityebhyas  pari  trir  jdto  visvadevebhyas  sa  [flOlb]  kustho 
visvabhesaja  \  sdkam  somena  tisthasi  takmdnam  sarvam  ndsayam 
sarvds  ca  ydtu-[2]dhdnyah  asvattho  devasadanas  trtiyasydm 
itdu  divi  tatrdmrtasya  caksanam  tva-[3]s  kustho  jdyatdt  sah 
hiranye  non  acarad  dhiranyardhandhand  divi  \  sa  yatra  nava- 
[4].s  paribhrasanam  yatra  himavatas  sirah  tatrdmrtasya  caksa- 
nam tatas  kustho  ajdya-[5]ta  \  sa  kustham  visvabhesaja  sdkam 
somena  tisthasi  takmdnam  sarvam  ndsayam  sarvd-[Q]s  ca 


Kashmirian  Atharva  Veda  159 

ydtudhdnyah  yam  tva  veda  purvaksvdko  yam  vd  tvd  kiwthikds 
ca  ahisyd-[l]vaso  anusdrischas  tendsi  visvabhesajah  sirsalakam 
trtlyakam  sa-[S]danti  yas  ca  hdyanah  takmanam  visvadhdvlryd 
adhardncam  para  suvak  z  [9]  z  5  z  anu  2  z 

Read:  aitu  devas  trayamanah  kustho  himavatas  pari  |  tak- 
manam sarvam  nasayan  sarvas  ca  yatudhanyah  z  1  z  trmi  te 
kustha  namani  naghamaro  naghariso  na  ghayam  puruso  risat  | 
asmai  pari  vravimi  tva  sayam-pratar  atho  diva  z  2  z  jivala  nama 
te  mata  jivanto  nama  te  pita  marsa  nama  te  svasa  |  na  ghayam 
puruso  risat  |  asmai  °  °  z  3  z  uttamo  'sy  osadhmam  anadvan 
jagatam  iva  vyaghras  svapadam  iva  |  na  ghayam  puruso  risat 
|  asmai  pari  vravimi  tva  sayam-pratar  atho  diva  z  4  z  tris  sambu- 
bhyo  'ngirebhyas  trir  adityebhyas  pari  |  trir  jato  visvadeve- 
bhyah  |  sa  kustha  visvabhesaja  sakam  somena  tisthasi  |  takma- 
naih  sarvam  nasayan  sarvas  ca  yatudhanyah  z  5  z  asvattho 
devasadanas  trtiyasyam  ito  divi  tatramrtasya  caksanam  tatas 
kustho  'jayata  |  sa  kustha  °  °  takmanam  °  °  z  6  z  hiranyayi 
naur  acarad  dhiranyabandhana  divi  |  tatra0  °  sa  kustha  ° 
|  takmanam  °  °  z  7  z  yatra  navas  prabhransanam  yatra  hima- 
vatas sir  ah  |  tatramrtasya  caksanarh  tatas  kustho  ajayata  |  sa 
kustha  visvabhesaja  sakam  somena  tisthasi  takmanam  sarvam 
nasayan  sarvas  ca  yatudhanyah  z  8  z  yarn  tva  veda  purva 
iksvako  yam  va  tva  kusthikas  ca  |  tahisyavaso  anusarischasf 
tenasi  visvabhesajah  z  9  z  sirsalakam  trtlyakam  sadandir  yas  ca 
hayanah  |  takmanam  visvadhaviryadharancam  para  suva  z  10 
z  5  z  anu  2  z 

There  are  a  number  of  variations  from  6  here.  In  5a  sambu- 
bhyo  is  adopted  on  the  testimony  of  the  £  mss,  which  also  seem 
to  support  the  form  'ngirebhyas;  5d  is  emended  to  harmonize 
with  the  tisthasi  of  5e.  The  most  important  variation  is  in  giv- 
ing 5d-g  with  stt  6  and  7 ;  this  seems  to  be  indicated  by  the  ms 
in  flOlbS  by  the  sah  before  hiranye  and  the  sa  before  yatra. 
In  9ab  I  have  merely  tried  to  keep  close  to  the  ms:  in  lOa 
sirsalakam  is  probably  correct  but  its  meaning  is  not  clear. 

11 

Cf  S  3.  21.  10,  EV  10.  162  passim,  and  MG  2.  18.  2  passim. 

[f!01b9]  ye  parvatds  somaprsthdpa  uttdnasl-[lO]vari  \  vdtas 
parjanydd  agnis  te  kravyddam  aslsamam  \  yas  te  hantu  cardca- 
[11]  ram  utthdsyantam  sarisrpam.  garbham  yo  dasamdsyam 


160  LeRoy  Carr  Barret 

tam  ito  ndsaydmasi  \  [12]  yad  agnibhyapsaraso  gandharvdm 
gehya  uta  kravyado  muradevenas  tdy  ito  [13]  ndsaydmasi  \  yas 
td  urv  drohaty  asrk  te  rehandya  kam  \  dmddas  kravyd-[~\.4:]dhe 
ripuns  tdy  ito  ndsaydmasi  \  yas  te  sroni  vydvayaty  antard  dam- 
pan  [15]  saye  yoni  yo  antar  drelhi  tam  ito  ndsaydmasi*^yas~4 ^J 
-tvd  svapnena  ta-[16]masd  mohayitvd  nipadyate  \  rdyam  kanvam 
pdpmdnam  tam  ito  ndsayd-[ll]masi  \  ha  hi  kharva  khalute 
ndigur  akarna  tundila  \  indras  ca  tigmasd-[IS]yudham  tena  tvd 
ndsaydmasi  \  nasas  tanddya  namas  kusumdya  namas  pra-[19] 
disthdmne  namas  kasyade  namas  tubhyam  nirrte  visvavdre  jale 
mam  dhdpaye  [20]  tdm  visvarupam  ydvad  dydur  ydvat  prthivi 
ydvat  payeti  suryah  tdvatvam  if-[fl02a]m  ugra  lulgulo  parimUm 
pdhi  visvatah  z  1  z 

In  the  left  margin  opposite  the  first  two  lines  the  ms  has 
raksamantram.  Line  18  is  slightly  defaced. 

Kead :   ye  parvatas  somaprstha  apa  uttanasivarih  \  vatas  par- 

janya  ad  agnis  te  kravyadam  asisaman  z  1  z  yas  te  hanti  cara- 

f*»^r  J0Xr  1 1    caram  utthasyantam  sarisrpam  |  garbham  yo  dasamasyam  tam 

ito  nasayamasi  z  2  z  yad  agnibhyo  'psaraso  gandharva  gehya 

uta  |  kravyado  muradevinas  tan  ito  nasayamasi  z  3  z  yas  ta  urv 

/TT    te//      arohaty  asrk  te  rehanaya  kam  |  amadas  kravyado  ripuns  tan  ito 

nasayamasi  z  4  z  yas  te  sroni  vyavaity  antara  dampati  saye  | 

*  c</-    yonim  yo  antar  arelhi  tam  ito  nasayamasi  z  5  z  yas  tva  svapnena 

C  <xJ(/  tamasa  mohayitva  nipadyate  |  arayaiii  kanvam  papmanam  tam 

ito  nasayamasi  z  6  z  ha  hi  kharva  khalite  fnaigur  akarna  tundila 

indrasya  tigmam  ayudham  tena  tva  nasayamasi  z  7  z  namas 
tundaya  namas  kusumaya  namas  pratisthamne  namas  t  kasyade 
|  namas  tubhyam  nirrte  visvavare  jale  sam  dhapaye  tam  vis- 
varupam z  8  z  yavad  dyaur  yavat  prthivi  yavat  paryeti  suryah 
tavat  tvam  ugra  gulgula  parimam  pahi  visvatah  z  9  z  1  z 

In  st  7b  nijur  or  even  naijur  might  be  read:  in  8b  prati- 
sthamne is  probably  good  but  for  kasyade  I  can  think  of  noth- 
ing: in  8d  we  might  consider  jvale  instead  of  jale. 

12 

[f!02al]  ydikardgnim  ekavratd-[2]m  ekasthdm  ekaldmikdm  \ 
pa  jam  sannacdtanim  jditrdydschdvaddmasi  [3]  ydikardjm 
ekavratd  ekasthd  ekaldmike  na  tvd  sapatni  sasaha  sdi  re- [4] 
cana  vdhyd  uttardham  tattarabhyo  uttared  adharabhyah  adhas 
sapatni  sdmakty  adha-[5]red  adharabhyah  na  sdindhavasya  pus- 


Kashmirian  Atharva  Veda  161 

pasya  suryo  sndpayati  tvacdm.  pate  siidpa-[6]ydtvayd  sapatnd 
varcddadhe  na  vdi  pdte  pdte  vahasi  subhdgamkaranid  a-[l]si 
pdte  bhagamya  no  dheyatho  md  mahisin  krnu  \  yat  pdte  adha 
vrkse  vdtapla-[S]vd  mahlyame  \  jayanti  pratydtisthanti  sanjdyd 
ndma  vdsi  \  uttdnapa-[9]rndm  subhagdm  sahamdndm  sahasvatim 
\  aschd  vrhadvadd  vada  pat  am  sapatna-[lO]cdtanlm  pat  dm  ivy 
dsndn  hantavd  amurebhyali  tayd  sapatnyam  sdksiya  make-  [11] 
ndro  ddnavdn  iva  pdjd  bibharty  ankusam  hiranyavantam 
ankinam  \  tena  sapatnyd  [12]  varca  dlumpasi  samedhamat. 
imam  khandmy  osadhim  vlrudhdm  balavatta-[1.3]mdm  athd 
sapatnlm  bddhate  krnute  kevalam  patim.  z  2  z 

Read :  ekarajmm  ekavratam  ekastham  ekalamikam  |  patam 
sapatnacataiiirii  jaitrayacchavadamasi  z  1  z  ekarajny  ekavrata 
ekastha  ekalamike  |  na  tva  sapatni  sasaha  fsai  recana  vahyat  z  2 
z  uttaraham  uttarabhya  uttared  adharabhyah  |  adhas  sapatni 
fsamakty  adhared  adharabhyah  z  3  z  na  saindhavasya  puspasya 
suryah  snapayati  tvaca  pate  snapayatu  tvaya  sapatnya  varca 
adade  z  4  z  na  vai  pativahasi  subhagamkaranid  asi  pate 
bhagaih  a  no  dhehy  atho  ma  mahisim  krnu  z  5  z  yat  pate  adho 
vrnkse  vataplava  mahiyase  |  jayanti  pratyatisthanti  sanjaya 
nama  va  asi  z  6  z  uttanaparnam  subhagam  sahamanarii  sahas- 
vatim |  accha  vrhadvadam  vada  patam  sapatnicatamm  z  7  z 
patam  indro  vyasnad  dhantava  asurebhyah  taya  sapatnlm 
saksiya  mahendro  danavan  iva  z  8  z  pata  bibharty  ankusam 
hiranyavantam  ankinam  tena  sapatnya  varca  alumpasi  samed- 
hamat z  9  z  imam  khanamy  osadhim  virudham  balavattamam  | 
atha,  sapatnlm  badhate  krnute  kevalam  patim  z  10  z  2  z 

The  word  ekalasika,  or  ekamalika,  might  be  better  than  ekala- 
mika  as  given  in  stt  1  and  2.  Our  st  3  is  an  interesting  variant 
of  S  3.  18.  4 ;  sasakty  would  seem  quite  possible  in  pada  c,  inten- 
sive of  sanj ;  Edgertonr  suggests  mamaky.  Our  st  8  has  some 
similarity  to  S  2.  27.  4  and  5  (Ppp  2.  16.  3).  For  our  st  10  cf 
S  3.  18.  1  and  2. 

13 

[f!02a!4]  ydsdm  drdd  dghosdso  vdtasydi  prthag  yatah  tdsdm 
sanvandm  indra  apa-[15]krtas  chirah  yds  purustdd  dcaranti 
sdkam  suryasya  rasmibhili  yd  vdcam  a-[16]nasavyamny  anta- 
riksed  adho  divah  ydsdm  prenkhyo  divi  vrddho  antarikse  hi-[~L7] 
ranyayah  yds  patanti  vdtarathdd  uttdnds  pddaghdtinlm  vrksam 
parisa-[l8]rpanti  sd  caksu  karikrati  yds  ca  tvd  risam  gaschanti 
11  JAOS  40 


162  LeEoy  Carr  Barret 

vikumbhds  celandsinl  \  [19]  ydsam  siktavdm  imr  grho  mito 
hiranyayah  yd  rokdi?  papadyante  pu-[2Q]skaldir  iva  jdmaya  \ 
yd  nadls  pratigdhayante  samrabhya  kanyd  vayah  t/a-[f!02b]s 
tlrthan  avagdhante  ghnyd  svasitlr  iva  yds  samudrdd  uscaranty 
uscdir  ghosdn  kanikrati  \  d-[2]gaschanti  janam  janam  ischantis 
prahitam  bahu  \  tdsdm  sunvatim  indro  apakrtas  chirah  [3]  z 
3  z 

Bead:  yasam  arad  aghosaso  vatasyeva  prthag  yatah.  \  tasam 
svanvatmam  indro  apakrntac  chirah  z  1  z  yas  purastad  acaranti 
sakarii  suryasya  rasmibhih  \  tasam  °  °  z  2  z  ya  vacam  fana- 
savyamny  antariksad  atho  divah  \  tasam  c  3  z  3  z  yasam 
prenkho  divi  vrddho  antarikse  hiranyayah  \  tasam  c  °  z  4  z 
yas  patanti  vatarathad  uttanas  padaghatinih  \  tasam  °  °  z  5  z 
ya  vrksaih  parisarpanti  fsa  caksuf  karikrati  \  tasam  °  °  z  6 
z  yas  ca  tva  risam  gacchanti  vikumbhas  celanasinih  tasam  ° 
z  7  z  yasam  sikatavan  isur  grho  mito  hiranyayah  \  tasam  °  °  z 
8  z  ya  rokais  prapadyante  puskalair  iva  jamayah  \  tasam  ° 
z  9  z  ya  nadis  pratigahante  samrabhya  kanyaya  vayah  \  tasam 
0  z  10  z  yas  tirtham  avagahante  *  ghnyas  svasatir  iva  tasam 
0  z  11  z  yas  saniudrad  uccaranty  uccair  ghosan  karikrati  \ 
agacchantir  janam- janam  icchantLs  prahitam  bahu  \  tasam  svan- 
vatinam  indro  apakrntac  chirah  z  12  z  3  z 

14 

CF  TS  2.  3.  10.  3,  and  KS  11.  7 

[£102b3]  agnir  dyusmdn  sa  vanaspatibhir  dyusmdn.  sa 
mdyusmdh  dyu-[4:]smantam  krnotu  \  vdyur  dymmdn  so  antarik- 
sendymmdn.  surya  dyusmdn  sa  di-[5]vdyusmdn.  \  candra  dyus- 
mdn sa  naksattrdir  dyusmdn.  soma  dymmdn  sa  osa-[6]dhibhir 
dyusmdn.  yajna  dyusmdn  sa  daksindbhir  dyusmdn.  samudra 
dyusma-\l}n  sa  nadibhir  dyusmdn.  indrendyusmdn  sa  vlryend- 
yusman.  vrahmdyusmd-[8]t  tad  vrahmacdribhir  dyusmdn. 
tan  mdyusmd  dyusmantam  krnotu  \  devd  dyu-[9]smantas  te 
mrtendyusmantah  tesd  dyusmanta  dyusmanta  krnuta  \  prajdpati- 
[10]r  dyusmdn  sa  prajdbhir  dyusmdn.  sa  mdyusmdn  dym  krnta 
krnotu  z  4  z  [11] 

In  the  left  margin,  opposite  line  8,  is  a  correction  smamiayu. 

Read:   agnir  ayusman  sa  vanaspatibhir  ayusman  \  sa  mayus- 

man  ayusmantaiii  krnotu  z  1  z  vayur  ayusman  so  antariksena- 

yusman  |  sa  z  2  z  surya  ayusman  sa  divayusman  |  sa 


Kashmirian  Atharva  Veda  163 

0     °     z  3  z  candra  ayusman  sa  naksatrair  ayusman  |  sa 
z  4  z  soma  ayusman  sa  osadhibhir  ayusman   |   sa  °      °  z  5  z 
yajna  ayusman  sa  daksinabhir  ayusman  |  sa  z  6  z  samu- 

dra  ayusman  sa  nadibhir  ayusman     sa  z  7  z  indra  ayus- 

man sa  viryenayusman      sa  z   8  z  vrahmayusmat  tad 

vrahmacaribhir  ayusmat  |  tan  mayusmad  ayusmantam  krnotu  z 
9  z  deva  ayusmantas  te  '  mrtenayusmantah  |  te  mayusmanta 
ayusmantam  krnvantu  z  10  z  prajapatir  ayusman  sa  prajabhir 
ayusman  |  sa  mayusinan  ayusmantam  krnotu  z  11  z  4  z 

15 

[f!02bll]  daksina  sd  daksinato  daksinds  pdtu  savyatas  passdd 
anavyddhdt  pdtu  sa-[l2]rvasyd  bhavahetyd  \ 

Eead:  daksina  ma  daksinato  daksina  patu  savyatah  |  pascad 
anuvyadhat  patu  sarvasya  bhavahetyah  z  1  z 

This  stanza  occurs  Ppp  2.  85.  3,  but  was  not  successfully 
treated  in  that  place. 

pasund  tvdm  pasupate  dvipdddattd  catuspadd  dtmanva-['L3] 
tl  daksina  prdnadattd  prdne  hi 

Here  I  would  suggest  dvipaddatta  in  b,  with  patu  understood ; 
and  in  d  praiiena  hi.  These  suggestions  are  in  harmony  with 
what  seems  to  be  the  intent  of  the  hymn. 

yam  dadhdsi  yaddhaddno  daksindm  [14]  vrdhmanakrte  \  sd 
tvd  yaksmdt  pdrayaty  agne  santdpdd  divyasya  sokd 

Eead  sraddadhano  in  a,  agnes  and  sokat  in  d. 

da-[1.5]ddmimdm  daksindm  dtdmamas  chalydbhyaksmdd  vi- 
barhd  movayante  \  karna-\\.§]silam  upahatydrdtis  sarve  yaksmd 
upa  tisthantu  sdkam 

At  the  end  of  a  there  is  probably  a  reference  to  the  acamana 
rite,  but  I  cannot  suggest  a  good  reading.  In  b  read  chalyad 
and  mocayante:  in  c  karnasilam,  if  it  is  a  correct  form,  would 
seem  to  indicate  some  disease  of  the  ear :  read  °aratis. 

anyena  pram  [17]  vanute  tirodhatte  paridhdnena  yaksmd 
hiranyam  asvam  gam  dadatu  krnute  va-[~L8]rma  daksina  \ 

The  ms  interlines  a  correction,  da,  over  dadatu. 

At  the  end  of  b  yaksmat  seems  probable;  in  c  read  dadatu. 
Possibly  there  is  a  corruption  at  the  beginning  of  a. 

usmsamtya  slsaktyd  dvdsas  tvdt  tarn  ndmayd  candram  hi-  [19] 
ranyam  mithyd  karndd  dattam  sukram  ~b~h,djdtu 

Here  I  can  offer  no  satisfactory  suggestions.     In  a  tva  sirsak- 


164  LeRoy  Carr  Barret 

tya  seems  possible,  for  b  dvasas  tvat  tan  namayat :  in  cd  I  can 
see  only  words,  and  it  is  not  at  all  clear  that  the  end  of  the 
stanza  is  as  indicated. 

vddhurydt  pdtu  daksind  \  upa-[£W3a]  varhanam  krtvd  gri- 
vdm  aydr  manayo  yaksmdd  atravyd  ahgarogdd 

In  a  badhiryat  might  stand;  if  the  first  pada  belongs  with 
this  stanza  we  should  read  daksinopa0,  with  colon  after  krtva. 
For  c  we  might  read  grivarii  me  ayan  manayo :  bhratrvyad 
might  be  considered  in  d  but  does  not  seem  to  fit  the  context. 

abhyanjana  manyantdm  ni-[2]s  tvdm  ayd  adhampadd  ddma- 
yatah  pado  rogdn  upanahuli  dandas  tvd  dattas  pari  pd-[3]tu 
sarpd 

In  a  abhyafijanam  is  possible,  for  b  perhaps  nis  tvam  ay  a 
adhaspada:  in  c  read  upanahau,  in  d  sarpat. 

daksinatah  preto  daksinena  \  sdumanasam  daksindm  daksi- 
mdna  isa-[4:]m  urjam  daksindm  samvasdnd  \  ghrtasya  dhdrdm 
ase  pratlmas 

Pada  a  can  probably  stand;  in  b  dhoksyamanah  is  perhaps 
the  best  suggestion;  in  d  read  avase  pratimah.  The  second 
hemistich  appears  Ppp  5.  31.  8cd  with  bhagasya  in  d.  Punc- 
tuation is  to  be  corrected. 

sahasrdmgdm  satam  [5]  jyotiyam  hy  asyd  yajnasya  paprir 
amrtd  svargd  d  netu  daksind  visvarupd  a-[6]hmsanti  pratigrh- 
mma  endm  z  ami  3  z 

Read:  sahasranga  satam  jyotisam  hy  asya  yajnasya  paprir 
amrta  svarga  |  a  na  etu  daksina  visvarupahinsantim  pratigrh- 
nima  enam  z  10  z  5  z  anu  3  z 

This  is  Ppp  5.  31.  9,  which  however  has  yajniyasya  in  b ;  prob- 
ably it  should  be  read  here  also. 

The  first  and  last  stanzas  indicate  the  general  intent  of  this 
hymn;  the  mention  of  the  sandals,  the  staff,  and  probably  the 
turban,  seems  to  narrow  the  application  to  the  occasion  of  initia- 
tion. 

16 

(S  19.  17) 

[f!03a6]  agnir  md  pdtu  vasubhi-[l]s  purastdt  tasmin  krame 
tasmim  yam  srapaye  thdm  puram  vravlmi  \  sa  md  raksatu  sa  md 
go-[8]pdyatu  tasmdtmdnam  pari  dade  svdhd  z  vdyur  mdntarik- 
sena  tasyd  di-[9]sas  somo  md  rudrdih  daksindyd  disah  varuna 


Kashmirian  Atharva  Veda  165 

md  natm  etasya  disa-[lO]s  suryo  ma  dydvdprthivibhydm  pratl- 
cyd  disa  apo  sosadhasitir  etasya  c^-[ll]sas  pantu  tasu  krame  td 
d  sraye  thdm  pur  am  vravimi  \  td  md  raksantu  td  md  [12] 
gopdyantu  tdbhydtutmdnam  pari  dade  svdhd  visvakarmd  md 
saptar*ibhi-[13]r  udicd  disah  indro  md  marutvdn  etasya  disas 
prajdpatir  md  praja-[14:]nanavdn  sapta~bhistdyd  dhruvdyd  disah 
vrhaspatir  md  visvdir  devdir  urdhvd  [15]  yd  disas  pdtu  tasmin 
krame  tasmiyam  nraye  thdm  puram  vravimi  \  sa  md  ra-[l6]ksatu 
sa  md  gopayatu  tasmdtmdnam  pari  dade  svdhd  zz  1  zz  [17] 

Eead :  agnir  ma  patu  vasubhis  purastat  tasmin  krame  tasmin 
sraye  tam  pnrarii  praimi  |  sa  ma  raksatu  sa  ma  gopayatu  tasma 
atmanam  pari  dade  svaha  z  1  z  vayur  mantariksenaitasya  disas 
patu  z.2  z  somo  ma  rudrair  daksinaya  disas  patu 

|     °  z  3  z  varuiio  madityair  etasya  disas  patu  |  z  4  z 

suryo  ma  dyavaprthivibhyam  praticya  disas  patu  z 

5  z  apo  mausadhimatir  etasya  disas  pantu  tasu  krame  tasu 
sraye  tam  puram  praimi  ta  ma  raksantu  ta  ma  gopayantu 
tabhya  atmanarh  pari  dade  svaha  z  6  z  visvakarma  ma  saptar- 
sibhir  udicya  disas  patu  z  7  z  indro  ma  marutvan 

etasya  disas  patu  z  8  z  prajapatir  ma  prajananavan 

sa  pratisthaya  dhruvaya  disas  patu  z  9  z  vrhaspatir 

ma  visvair  devair  urdhvaya  disas  patu  tasmin  krame  tasmin 
sraye  tam  puram  praimi  |  sa  ma  raksatu  sa  ma  gopayatu  tasma 
atmanam  pari  dade  svaha  z  10  z  1  z 

The  text  is  restored,  in  places  perhaps  somewhat  violently,  to 
agree  with  £ ;  vravimi  of  the  Ppp  ms  offers  the  only  occasion 
for  doubts. 

17 

(S  19.  18) 

[fl03a!7]  agnim  te  vasumantam  rschantu  i  mdmaghdvayas 
prdcyd  diso  bhiddsdn  so-  [18]  mam  te  rudravantam  rschanta  i 
mdghdyavo  daksinaya  diso  l)hiddsdn  \  va-[l9]runam  tvdditya- 
vantam  rschanta  i  mdghdyava  etasya  diso  bhiddsdn  sil-[fl03b] 
ryam  te  dydvdprthivwanta  ischanta  i  mdghdyava  etasya  diso 
bhiddsdn  visva-[2]karmdnam  te  saptarsivantam  rschanta  i  md- 
ghdyava udlcyd  diso  'bhiddsdn  i-[3]ndram  me  marutvantam 
rschanta  i  mdghdyava  etasya  diso  bhiddsdn  prajdpatim  te  pra- 
[4:]jananavantam  rschanta  i  mdghdyavo  dhruvdyd  diso  bhiddsdn 
prajdpatim  pra  [5]  te  prajananavantam  rschanta  i  mdghdyavo 


166  LeRoy  Carr  Barret 

dhruvdyd  diso  bhiddsdn  vrha-[6]spatim  te  visvedevdvdntam 
rschanta  i  maghayava  urdhvd  diso  bhiddsdn  [7]  z  2  z 

Eead:  agrdih  te  vasumantam  rcchantu  |  ye  maghayavas 
pracya  diso  'bhidasan  z  1  z  vayum  te  i  ntariksavantam  rcchantu 
|  ye  maghayava  etasya  diso  '  bhidasan  z  2  z  somam  te  rudravan- 
tam  rcchantu  ye  maghayavo  daksinaya  diso  '  bhidasan  z  3  z 
varunam  ta  adityavantam  rcchantu  |  ye  maghayava  etasya  diso 
'bhidasan  z  4  z  suryam  te  dyavaprthivivantam  rcchantu  |  ye 
maghayavas  praticya  diso  'bhidasan  z  5  z  apas  ta  osadhlmatir 
rcchantu  ye  maghayava  etasya  diso  '  bhidasan  z  6  z  visvakar- 
manam  te  saptarsivantam  rcchantu  |  ye  maghayava  udicya  diso 
'  bhidasan  z  7  z  indrarh  te  marutvantam  rcchantu  |  ye  maghayava 
etasya  diso  'bhidasan  z  8  z  prajapatirii  te  prajananavantam 
rcchantu  |  ye  maghayavo  dhruvaya  diso  '  bhidasan  z  9^  z  vrhas- 
patirii  te  visvadevavantam  rcchantu  ye  maghayava  urdhvaya 
diso  'bhidasan  z  10  z  2  z 

Stt  2  and  6  are  restored  from  &  to  establish  the  symmetry 
between  this  hymn  and  the  preceding.  The  variations  of  the 
Ppp  ms  from  the  text  as  given  in  £  are  corruptions  rather  than 
variant  readings. 

18 

(S  5.  8) 

[f!03b7]  vdikankatenedhmena  \  devebhya  djyam  vaha  ag- 
naye  thdnn  i-[S]ha  sddaya  sarvd  yantu  me  havam 

Delete  colon  after  pada  a;  read  agne  tan  in  c,  and  sarva  a 
yantu  in  d. 

indrd  ydhi  me  havam  idam  karisydmi  ta-[9]s  chrnu  \  imam 
indrdtirdkuti  sam  navambhu  me  \  tebhis  sakemam  vlryam  jdta- 
veda-[10]s  tanuvasim 

Eead  havam  in  a,  and  tac  in  b :  for  cd  imam  indratisara  aku- 
tim  sam  namantu  me:  in  e  sakema,  in  f  °vasin. 

yad  dsdm  amuco  devddevd  sas  cikirsati  vdtasydgnir  7ia-[ll] 
vyam  sdksld  dhavam  devds  ca  somapa  gur  mamdiva  havam 
etunah 

Eead :  yad  asav  amuto  deva  adevas  sans  cikirsati  |  ma  tasyagnir 
havyam  saksid  dhavam  deva  asya  mop  a  gur  mamaiva  havam 
etana  z  3  z 

This  is  the  reading  of  £  except  that  it  has  vaksid,  and  perhaps 
that  too  ought  to  be  restored  here. 


Kashmirian  Atharva  Veda  167 

ati  dhdvatd-[12]tisurd  visvasyesdnd  ojasd  \  vrscatdmusya  jw- 
ati  |  indrena  sa-[l3]ha  medhind  \ 

Read  °sara  in  a;  for  jivati  the  only  suggestion  I  have  is  jiva- 
tum ;  in  d  medina.  Our  a  —  6  4a,  with  b  cf  RV  8.  17.  9b,  and 
with  d  cf  §  6.  129.  Ib.  This  only  remotely  resembles  6  st  4. 

atimrtdtisardv  indrasy ojasd  hata  \  avim  vrklva  [14]  satnlca 
tato  vo  jlvan  md  mocih  punar  d  krdhi  yathdman  trinaham  janam 

Read :  atisrtyatisara  indrasyaujasa  hata  |  avim  vrkiva  math- 
nit  a  tato  vo  jlvan  ma  moci  |  praticah  punar  a  krdhi  yathamuih 
trnaham  janam  z  5  z 

Padas  a-d  here  correspond  to  £  st  4 ;  ef  are  £  7de ;  the  read- 
ing mocih  in  our  ms  might  suggest  that  it  has  dropped  &  7c  plus 
the  word  praticah :  i.  e.  tvam  tan  indra  vrtrahan  praticah,  which 
supplies  the  needed  vocative.  A  completely  satisfactory  distri- 
bution of  the  padas  given  here  as  stt  4  and  5  seems  hardly  pos- 
sible. 

[15]  yam  ami  purodadhire  vrahmdnam  abhibhutaye  \  indrasya  te 
adhaspadam  tvam  prsckd-[16]mi  mrtyave  \  kravydd  enam 
samayatu  \ 

In  c  read  indra  sa,  in  d  tarii  pratyasyami,  in  e  samayatu :  the 
last  pada  is  new. 

yad  viprdir  devapurd  vrahma  varmdni  [17]  cakrire  tanii- 
pdnam  paripdndni  cakrire  sarvam  tad  ara-[18]sam  krdhi  \ 

In  a  read  yadi  preyur ;  delete  colon  after  c.  S  has  paripanam 
krnvana  yad  upocire  sarvam. 

athdinam  indra  vrttrahamn  ugro  marmani  visya  atrdivenam 
abhi  [19]  tisthas  sakra  nedy  ahan  tavah  \  anu  tvendrdrabhdmahe 
sydma  sumatdu  tava  \  \ 

Read:  athainan  indra  vrtrahann  ugro  marmani  vidhya  | 
atraivainan  abhi  tisthas  sakra  medy  aham  tava  |  anu  tvendra- 
rabhamahe  syama  sumatau  tava  z  8  z 

[f!04a]  yathendram  udvdtanam  labdhvd  cakre  adhaspadam  \ 
krne  mim  adharam  tathd  sasvatlbhyas  sa-[2]mdbhyah  z  3  z 

Read:  yathendra  udvatanam  labdhva  cakre  adhaspadam  | 
krnve  'mum  adharam  tatha  sasvatibhyas  samabhyah  z  9  z  3  z 


19 

[f!04a2]  angiraso  janmandsi  tarn  u  hdhur  vanaspatim  sva  pi- 
[3]lo  rakso  bddhasva  sdkam  indrena  medhind  \ 


168  LeEoy  Carr  Barret 

Bead  angiraso  in  a,  sa  in  c,  and  medina  in  d:  tvam  would 
seem  better  in  b.  Pada  a  occurs  AB  7.  17.  3a. 

apa  raksdnsi  bddhasva  bddhasva  pa-[4]riraprna  \  pisdcdn  pilo 
kravyddo  bddhasva  puradevinah  \ 

For  b  read  badhasva  parirapana,  in  d  rnura0. 

athdhus  tistham  [5]  katukam  avagudham  pale  kulam  tasydi 
hiranyakesydi  namas  krnvo  ardtaye  \ 

In  a  trstarii  would  seem  possible ;   in  d  krnmo. 

yd  [6]  sahati  mahormdnd  sarvdsd  vydnase  tasydi  hiranyake- 
sydi namas  krnvo  ard-[l]taye  \ 

Read:  ya  mahati  mahonmana  sarva  asa  vyanase  |  tasyai  °  z 
4  z  This  is  S  5.  7.  9. 

yas  te  yonim  pratiredhy  dndddo  garbhadusanah  rdyam  pu- 
tram  prdpyas  tvam  pi-[8]lus  sahajdsitd  \ 

In  c  I  would  read  prapya,  and  for  d  pilos  sahajasitha. 

yadd  pila  mangisah  \  pakvo  tistha  vanaspate  tadd-[9]hur 
indram  jajndnam  sakram  prajjahye  prati 

In  a  read  pilo,  but  for  mangisah  I  have  no  suggestion ;  in  b 
'tistho  seems  probable.  In  d  prajaghne  might  be  possible. 

yathd  sedhim  apabddhatdpasyamdno  [10]  vanaspate  evd  pilo 
rakso  bddhasva  sakam  indrena  medina  \ 

In  a  sedim  apa°  would  give  a  possible  reading;    in  d  read 


yat  pisacai- -[1.1.]$  purusasya  jagdham  bhavaty  dtmanah  a  pilo 
pydyate  punas  tava  casndtu  pipr-[12]fom 

Bead  casnatu  in  d;   piprlam  would  seem  to  mean   'fruit.' 

pilum  tvdhuh  pitvdhur  atho  tvdhur  vanaspatim  \  sarvd  tve 
bhadrd  md  [13]  ndmdni  tebhin  nas  pdhy  anhasaJi 

In  a  it  would  seem  possible  to  read  pitim  tvahur:  in  c  te 
bhadra  namani  would  be  good ;  in  d  read  tebhir. 

raksohanam  vrttrahanam  pilum  pisdca-[~L4:]jam'bhanam  jaj- 
ndnam agre  vrksdndm  tam  te  badhndmy  ay  use  zz  4  zz  [15] 

Bead:  raksohanam  vrtrahanam  pilum  pisacajambhanam  | 
jajnanam  agre  vrksanam  tam  te  badhnamy  ayuse  z  10  z  4  z 

20 

[104al5]  sagardya  sattruhane  svdhd  \  saramnildya  sattruhane 
svdhd  |  sadansd-[~\.6]ya  sattruhane  svdhd  \  isirdya  sattruhane 
svdhd  avasyave  sattruha-[n]ne  svdhd  vdyave  sattruhane 
svdhd  |  v  at  ay  a  sattruhane  svdhd  \  [18]  samudrdya  sattruhane 


Kashmirian  Atharva  Veda  169 

svdhd  |  mdtarisvane  sattruhane  svdhd  \  pavamd-['L9]ndya  sattru- 
hane svdhd  zz  zz  ity  atharvanikapdippald-[2Q]dayds  sdkhdydm 
saptamas  kdndas  samdptah  zz  kd  7  zz 

Bead:  sagaraya  satruhane  svaha  z  1  z  silamdaya  satruhane 
svaha  z  2  z  sadansaya  satruhane  svaha  z  3  z  Lsiraya  satruhane 
svaha  z  4  z  avasyave  satruhane  svaha  z  5  z  vayave  satruhane 
svaha  z  6  z  vataya  satruhane  svaha  z  7  z  samudraya  satru- 
hane svaha  z  8  z  matarisvane  satruhane  svaha  z  9  z  pavamanaya 
satruhane  svaha  z  10  z  5  z  anu  4  z 

ity  atharvanikapaippaladayarii  sakhayarii  saptamas  kandas 
samaptah. 

The  emendation  silanidaya  (an  epithet  of  Garuda)  is  none  too 
certain,  but  seems  possible. 


THE  CONSTITUTIONAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE 
WESTERN  HAN  DYNASTY 


H.  Koo 
DENISON  UNIVERSITY 

I.    The  feudal  system  of  the  Chou  dynasty. 

THE  FORM  of  government  which  the  Revolution  of  1912  par- 
tially overthrew  was  no  sudden  creation,  but  the  product  of  long 
centuries  of  growth.  It  had  its  roots  far  back  beyond  the  Chris- 
tian era  and  had  undergone  great  modifications  in  successive 
dynasties.  It  has  by  no  means  disappeared  to-day,  but  in  modi- 
fied form  is  the  basis  of  the  present  republican  machinery  of 
administration  and  may  well  remain  so  for  years  to  come.  In 
all  the  long  history  of  the  Chinese  political  organization,  there 
is  no  more  important  period  than  that  which  spans  the  dynasty 
of  the  Western  Han.  It  was  then  that  the  combination  was 
made  between  the  decentralized  feudalism  of  the  Chou  and  the 
highly  centralized  and  bureaucratic  innovations  of  the  Ts'in. 
As  the  years  of  the  dynasty  progressed,  a  form  of  organization 
increasingly  developed  which  with  alterations  was  to  become  the 
framework  of  the  central  government  under  all  succeeding 
rulers.  It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  the  organization  of  China 
which  we  know  dates  from  the  great  emperors  of  the  Earlier  Han. 

The  history  of  feudalism  in  China  goes  back  to  the  time  of 
Yu,  the  founder  of  the  Hia  dynasty.  It  had  its  origin  at  Tusan1 
where  Emperor  Yu  had  his  first  conference  with  the  princes  of 
the  different  existing  states.  In  succeeding  generations  this 
feudal  system  was  improved  and  modified  to  meet  the  peculiar 
needs  of  each  time,  and  it  reached  its  completion  in  the  middle 
of  the  Chou  dynasty.  It  is  well  nigh  impossible  to  discover  the 
exact  beginnings  of  feudalism,  for  what  records  we  have  of  that 
period  are  unreliable.  To  have  a  full  and  intelligent  under- 
standing of  the  governmental  system  and  structure  of  the 
Western  Han,  however,  it  is  wise  to  have  in  mind  a  brief  survey 
of  the  feudal  government  as  it  existed  under  the  more  important 
Chou  monarchs. 

^n  the  present  province  of  Anhui. 


Development  of  the  Western  Han  Dynasty  171 

I 

\ 

At  the  head  of  the  State  was  the  emperor.2  He  had  the  power 
to  create  nobles,  appoint  ministers,  distribute  honors,  inspect  his 
subjects,  confer  emoluments,  and  levy  taxes.  He  was  to  conduct 
religious  ceremonies,  national  worship,  and  meetings  of  the 
princes.  He  granted  land  to  those  whom  he  considered  worthy 
and  he  retained  the  power  to  eject  such  grantees  should  they  be 
found  faithless. 

The  central  government  consisted  of  the  emperor,  a  prime 
minister  or  senior  chancellor  (T'ai  Ssu)  who  was  over  all 
departments  and  who  helped  the  monarch  to  execute  the  latter 's 
decrees,  a  senior  tutor  (T'ai  Fu)  who  gave  advice  to  the  emperor, 
and  a  senior  guardian  (T'ai  Pao)  who  admonished  the  ruler 
whenever  he  departed  from  the  path  of  rectitude.  Each  of  the 
three  councillors  had  an  assistant  or  junior  councillor  (Shao  Fu, 
Shao  Pao,  and  Shao  Ssu) .  These  councillors  were  to  study  the 
needs  of  the  nation  and  to  submit  suggestions  to  the  Crown  for 
the  improvement  of  the  welfare  of  the  people. 

Below  the  councillors  were  the  six  departments. 

1.  The  Heaven  Department  (T 'ien  Kuan) .     The  head  of  this: 
department  helped  the  emperor  to  regulate  the  state  affairs  and 
public  expenses,  to  determine  the  national  budget,  and  to  fix 
taxes. 

2.  The  Earth  Department   (Ti  Kuan).     The  head  of  this 
department  was  ctiarged  with  the  duty  of  establishing  schools, 
proclaiming   laws,    providing   for   the   poor    and   the   helpless, 
encouraging   virtue,    and   appointing   teachers   to   instruct   the 
people  in  the  proper  means  of  life. 

3.  The  Spring  Department  (Ch'un  Kuan).     It  was  the  duty 
of  the  head  of  this  department  to  attend  to  all  religious  cere- 
monies. 

4.  The  Summer  Department  (Hia  Kuan)   was  assigned  the 
duty  to  raise  money  for  war,  to  organize  the  army,  to  crush 
rebellion,  and  to  examine  people  who  were  ready  for  service. 

5.  The  Autumn  Department   (T'siu  Kuan).     This  was  the 
ministry  of  justice.     To  its  head  was  intrusted  the  task  of  inter- 
preting the  laws,  punishing  criminals,  and  giving  instructions 
to  the  judges.     On  the  other  hand,  he  was  to  see  whether  the 

2  In  Chinese  texts  all  rulers  of  the  Chou  are  called  kings  (Wang)  and  all 
monarchs  from  Ts'in  to  the  present  time  emperors  (Ti). 


172  Telly  H.  Koo 

punishments  imposed  upon  the  people  were  reasonable.3  Under 
him  were  the  Great  Travellers  (T'ai  Ying  Jen)  and  the  Small 
Travellers  (Siao  Ying  Jen),  who  were  given  police  powers,  i.  e. 
they  were  to  inspect  the  feudal  kingdoms,  to  see  whether  every- 
thing was  in  good  order,  and  to  make  reports  of  their  tours. 

6.  The  Winter  Department  (Tung  Kuan).  The  head  of  this 
department  had  the  duty  of  assigning  to  the  people  suitable 
places  for  dwelling,  of  providing  employment  for  them,  and  of 
overseeing  public  works. 

All  six  departments  were  directly  responsible  to  the  emperor.4 
They  were  supposed  to  make  constant  and  regular  reports  of 
their  work  and  to  present  measures  for  the  emperor's  approval. 
Roughly  speaking,  the  emperor,  the  councillors,  and  the  depart- 
ments formed  the  imperial  council. 

The  monarch  reserved  a  state  of  one  thousand  square  li  for 
himself.  The  rest  of  the  land  was  given  to  his  feudal  vassals. 
Of  these  there  were  five  classes:  first,  the  duke  (Kung)  who  was 
given  one  hundred  square  li;  second,  the  marquis  (Hou)  who 
received  the  same  size  of  land;  third,  the  earl  (Pe)  to  whom 
was  given  seventy  square  li;  fourth,  the  count  (Tsu)  and  fifth, 
the  baron  (Nan)  to  each  of  whom  were  given  fifty  square  li. 
Territories  less  than  fifty  square  li  were  not  directly  responsible 
to  the  emperor  but  to  the  princes  and  were  called  attached  terri- 
tories.5 All  imperial  ministers  were  given  lands  according  to 
their  ranks.  Thus  the  whole  nation  under  the  Chou  was  divided 
into  nine  regions  including  the  imperial  domain.  There  were 
once  1773  feudal  states,  of  which  ninety-three  were  in  the  impe- 
rial domain.6  The  tenure  of  land  within  this  region  was  for 
life,  while  that  outside  was  a  hereditary  grant  given  to  the 
princes.7 

Under  each  of  the  five  classes  of  vassals  were  a  number  of 
officers  and  ministers,  a  majority  of  whom  were  appointed  by 

3Hawkling  L.  Yen,  A  Survey  of  Constitutional  Development  in  China, 
Columbia  University  Press,  New  York,  1911,  p.  52. — Friedrich  Hirth, 
The  Ancient  History  of  China,  Columbia  University  Press,  New  York, 
1911,  p.  123. 

4  For  a  detailed  study  of  the  departments,  nee  H.  L.  Yen,  op.  tit.  pp. 
45-55. 

5  H.  L.  Yen,  op.  tit.  p.  42. 
«IMd.  p.  43. 

7 1~bid.  p.  56. 


Development  of  the  Western  Han  Dynasty 

the  Crown.  The  number  of  officers  varied  according  to  the 
feudal  rank  of  their  master.8  To  express  their  loyalty  and 
allegiance  to  the  emperor,  custom  and  law  required  that  the 
feudal  princes  should  send  annual  tribute  to  the  monarch,9  model 
their  governments  according  to  the  central  government,  confer 
with  the  emperor  in  case  of  difficulties,  and  help  him  to  subdue 
rebellious  princes.  Were  trouble  to  arise  between  two  states,  the 
wronged  prince  was  not  allowed  to  attack  without  first  obtaining 
the  consent  of  the  emperor. 

All  land  was  divided  for  purposes  of  cultivation  into  three 
classes  in  accordance  with  its  fertility,  and  it  was  partitioned 
among  the  farmers  according  to  tjae  number  of  persons  in  a 
family.10  In  return,  the  farmer  was  under  obligation  to  pay  rent 
and  to  labor  and  fight  whenever  emergency  arose.  Later,  the 
'Well  Farm'  (Tsin  T'ien)  system  was  inaugurated,  a  plan  by 
which  land  was  divided  into  nine  equal  lots,  each  comprising 
seventy  square  mou.  To  every  adult  was  assigned  a  lot,  and 
every  eight  families  were  to  cultivate  the  lot  in  the  center.  The 
income  of  the  latter  was  to  go  to  the  imperial  government. 

When  the  emperor  declared  war  on  neighboring  peoples,  one 
from  each  family  was  required  to  join  the  army.  All  urban  resi- 
dents between  twenty  and  sixty -five  years  of  age,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  the  nobles,  officers,  the  old  and  the  crippled,  were  required 
to  go  to  war.11 

Ordinary  citizens  of  good  character  and  ability  might  enter  the 
civil  service.  They  were  first  to  pass  satisfactory  examinations 
and  were  recommended  to  the  emperor  and  inducted  by  him  into 
the  court. 

For  a  while  the  whole  machinery,  complicated  as  it  was,  worked 
well  and  produced  its  desired  results.  The  able  monarchs  who 
gave  vigor  to  the  initial  years  of  the  Chou  dynasty  succeeded  in 
maintaining  order  and  peace  and  the  feudal  princes  were  kept 
under  control. 

II.    The  decline  of  feudalism. 

The  later  emperors  of  the  Chou  dynasty  forgot  the  hardships 
of  their  ancestors  and  gave  themselves  over  to  vice,  leaving  the 

8  Ibid.  p.  42.  mll)id.  p.  57. 

»Ibid.  p.  62.  "Ibid.  p.   58. 


174  Telly  H.  Koo 

government  in  the  hands  of  incompetent  or  corrupt  ministers. 
They  ceased  to  give  heed  to  their  councillors,  and  instead  of 
picking  the  best  to  fill  offices,  they  surrounded  themselves  with 
flatterers.  In  842  B.  c.  rebellion  broke  out  and  the  ruling  mon- 
arch, Li  Wang  (878-842  B.  c.),  was  banished.  Bad  emperors 
were  followed  by  worse  ones.  Yu  Wang  (781-770  B.  c.),  in 
order  to  please  his  queen,  cheated  his  princes  by  lighting  false 
beacon  fires,  and  was  finally  captured  by  the  Hiungnu,  a  people 
related  to  the  Huns.12 

After  Nan  Wang  (314-255  B.  c.),  the  ministers  and  princes 
actually  made  and  dethroned  the  emperor  and  ceased  to  pay 
tribute  to  him.13  They  began  to  worship  Heaven  directly,  a 
privilege  heretofore  reserved  to  the  monarch,  and  no  longer  sent 
troops  to  the  latter 's  assistance.  Before  long  they  ceased  to 
present  themselves  to  the  emperor  and  at  one  time  failed  to  visit 
him  for  thirty  years.14  Those  princes  who  were  exposed  to  the 
attacks  of  neighboring  states,  seeing  that  they  could  not  expect 
any  help  from  the  central  government,  now  organized  their  own 
armies,  levied  their  own  taxes,  and  themselves  appointed  civil 
and  military  officers. 

By  the  time  of  P'ing  Wang  (770-719  B.  c.),  the  emperor's 
leadership  had  become  purely  nominal  and  his  power  had  passed 
into  the  hands  of  the  feudal  princes.  The  northwestern  states 
began  to  expand  their  territories  at  the  expense  of  their  barba- 
rous neighbors,  the  Yung  and  the  Ti.  By  constant  struggle 
with  these  tribes,  they  developed  their  warlike  spirit,  and  with 
the  help  of  such  military  leaders  as  Sung  Ping  and  Wu  Chi,  the 
stronger  feudal  princes  annexed  all  the  neighboring  small  states 
and  became  more  powerful  than  the  central  government.  The 
eastern  states  had  been  unable  to  expand  their  territories,  for 
they  were  hedged  in  by  the  sea.  They  began,  however,  under 
such  statesman  as  Kuan  Tze,  to  make  use  of  salt  and  iron,  and 
thus  became  rich.  The  emperor  now  found  himself  dependent 
on  some  states  for  money,  on  others  for  military  support. 

Among  the  feudal  princes,  meetings  were  held  without  giving 
notice  to  the  monarch  and  alliances  were  concluded  and  dissolved 

"Ssu-ma  Ch'ien,  Shih  Chi  (Historical  Eecords),  Commercial  Press, 
Shanghai,  China,  1916;  Chapter  4,  p.  11. 

13  F.  Hirth,  The  Ancient  History  of  China,  p.  326. 
"Ssu-ma  Ch'ien,  SMh  Chi,  eh.  4,  p.  9. 


Development  of  the  Western  Han  Dynasty  175 

without  reference  to  him.  This  condition  of  affairs  led  to 
periods  of  decentralization  and  internal  warfare  known  as  the 
era  of  'The  Five  Leaders'  and  'The  Seven  Heroes.'  Several 
times  the  emperor  attempted  to  restore  his  power,  but  it  was  too 
late.  The  last  Chou  monarch,  Nan  Wang,  made  a  bold  endeavor 
to  crush  Ts  'in  by  concluding  an  alliance  with  some  of  the  princes. 
Ts'in  took  advantage  of  this  breach,  became  an  open  rival, 
and,  by  virtue  of  superior  force,  defeated  the  imperial  armies. 
After  Nan  Wang's  death,  the  empire  was  left  to  the  relative  of 
the  emperor  who  was  ultimately  conquered  and  deposed  by  Ts  'in. 
The  outstanding  weakness  of  feudalism  lay  in  its  decentraliza- 
tion. While  the  people  were  technically  subjects  of  the  emperor, 
in  actuality  they  were  governed  by  the  local  princes.  Each  local 
jurisdiction  meant  the  loss  to  the  monarch  of  just  so  much  land. 

III.   A  period  of  centralization  under  the  Ts'in  dynasty. 

With  the  beginning  of  the  contending  states  there  came  a 
period  of  anarchy.  Warfare  was  universal.  Finally  Ts'in 
Cheng  (246-209  B.  c.),  the  feudal  prince  of  Ts'in,  with  the  help 
of  his  able  warriors  conquered  and  annexed  all  other  states,  and 
China,  for  the  first  time,  became  a  united  nation.  Seeing  well 
the  drawbacks  of  feudalism,  Ts  'in  Cheng  determined  to  rule  with 
an  iron  hand. 

The  rulers  of  the  remote  past  had  the  title  'Hwang  Ti.'  All 
the  monarchs  of  Chou  had  assumed  the  title  'Wang,'  because 
they  considered  themselves  unworthy  of  being  called  by  the 
earlier  title.  Ts'in  Cheng,  however,  thought  that  his  merits 
surpassed  all  the  ancient  rulers  and  so  called  himself  'Hwang 
Ti'  (Emperor).  He  has,  accordingly,  been  known  to  posterity 
as  Ts'in  Shih  Hwang  Ti.  When  he  considered  whether  it  would 
be  wise  to  divide  the  nation  among  the  nobles  and  his  relatives, 
his  minister,  Li  Shih,  replied  that  'the  preceding  dynasty,  Chou, 
suffered  a  great  deal  because  the  feudal  princes  looked  upon 
each  other  as  enemies.  They  disregarded  the  mandates  of  the 
king,  indulged  in  constant  warfare,  and  at  last  caused  the  down- 
fall of  the  central  government.  It  is  sufficient  to  compensate 
the  princes  and  ministers  with  money.  This  is  the  way  to  insure 
peace.'15  Acting  upon  the  advice  of  his  minister,  Ts'in  Shih 

15  Ssu-ma  Ch  'ien,  Shih  Chi,  ch.  6,  p.  5. 


176  Telly  H.  Koo 

Hwang  Ti  divided  the  kingdom  into  thirty-six  administrative 
districts,  each  ruled  by  three  officials,  a  governor,  a  general,  and 
a  censor,  all  appointed  by  the  emperor.  All  weapons  were  col- 
lected and  melted.  New  laws  were  put  into  operation  and  the 
i  Well  Farm '  system  was  abolished.  All  the  more  capable  people 
were  ordered  to  live  in  the  capital  in  order  to  permit  careful 
surveillance  and  so  to  nip  further  revolutions  in  the  bud. 

This  sudden  break  with  the  governmental  methods  installed 
by  the  ancient  emperors  seemed  too  radical  to  the  scholars  of  the 
time  and  they  ventured  to  comment  adversely  upon  it.  To  stop 
these  criticisms,  Li  Shih  suggested  that  'scholars  are  wholly 
ignorant  of  the  present.  They  care  merely  to  copy  the  past. 
If  they  are  allowed  to  criticize  the  government,  seditions  and  the 
decline  of  imperial  power  will  follow.  I  suggest  therefore  that 
all  books  but  the  records  of  the  present  dynasty  be  burnt. 
People  who  dare  to  talk  about  the  older  classics  should  be 
arrested,  tried,  and  executed.  Scholars  who  venture  to  compare 
the  present  government  with  the  past  and  thereby  make  slight- 
ing comments  are,  together  with  their  families,  to  be  killed. 
Officials  who  tolerate  such  outlaws  or  who  fail  to  execute  this 
order  thirty  days  after  its  issue  should  receive  the  same  punish- 
ment or  be  banished  from  the  kingdom.  All  books  but  those  on 
forestry,  horticulture,  and  medicine  should  be  gathered  and 
thrown  into  the  fire.  Scholars  might  be  allowed  to  study  law 
under  appointed  officials.'16 

This  suggestion  was  embodied  in  an  imperial  decree  and  was 
put  into  vigorous  execution.  Such  books  as  could  be  found  were 
burnt,  all  scholars  were  brought  to  trial  and  not  less  than  four 
hundred  were  buried  alive.  It  was  only  through  the  careful 
efforts  of  a  daring  few  that  we  to-day  still  have  the  Confucian 
classics. 

Before  his  death,  the  First  Emperor  saw  the  beginning  of  the 
disintegration  of  the  empire.  There  was  universal  and  growing 
dissatisfaction  and  mobs  were  common.  Within  a  few  months, 
the  whole  fabric  had  fallen  to  pieces. 

There  is  much  to  be  said  in  favor  of  the  policy  of  centraliza- 
tion as  it  was  carried  out  by  the  First  Emperor.  His  iron  hand 
was  needed  to  bring  the  nation  together.  He  did  well  in  abolish- 
ing the  old  system  of  taxation  and  in  placing  national  resources 

16Ssu-ma  Ch'ien,  Shih  Chi,  ch.  87,  p.  3. 


Development  of  the  Western  Han  Dynasty  177 

under  the  direct  control  of  the  central  government.  He  saved 
the  nation  from  the  incessant  civil  wars  of  the  Chou  and  wisely 
took  over  all  military  powers  of  the  feudal  princes.  He  centered 
all  political  powers  in  his  own  hands  by  making  all  ministers 
and  governors  directly  responsible  to  him.  His  purpose  was  to 
make  the  nation  the  personal  property  of  his  family  for 
'thousands  of  generations.'  His  dream  might  have  been  par- 
tially realized  had  it  not  been  for  his  excessive  tyranny. 

IV.   Han  Kao  Tsu's  general  plan  of  reconstruction. 

The  man  of  iron  was  gone.  Once  again  the  nation  was 
plunged  into  turmoil.  New  military  heroes  were  making  their 
fortunes  and  the  surviving  feudal  princes  planned  to  restore 
their  old  kingdoms.  It  seemed  as  though  the  days  of  the  Con- 
tending States  were  fast  returning.  There  was  not  even  a 
nominally  recognized  emperor.  On  the  other  hand,  the  people 
were  tired  of  war.  They  were  willing  to  follow  any  one  who 
would  guarantee  the  safety  of  their  property  and  lives.  Such  a 
man  was  found  in  Liu  Pan  (206-194  B.  c.)  later  known  as  Han 
Kao  Tsu,  the  founder  of  the  Western  Han  dynasty. 

Kao  Tsu  started  his  career  as  a  magistrate  of  a  ting.  Through 
his  genius  as  a  warrior  and  strategist,  he  worked  his  way  up 
until  he  became  a  rival  of  Hiang-yu,  then  the  dominant  figure 
in  the  empire.  His  experience  convinced  him  that  he  could  not 
hold  the  country  together  by  sheer  force,  nor  by  assigning  por- 
tions of  land  to  the  princes.  He  was  sure,  however,  that  a  plan 
such  as  set  forth  by  Ts'in  Shih  Hwang  Ti  was  workable  if  he 
could  combine  it  with  the  machinery  devised  by  the  ancient 
sovereigns.17  His  first  aim  was  to  gain  the  favor  of  the  people. 
This  he  did  by  allowing  them  to  occupy  the  gardens  of  Ts'in 
and  to  turn  them  into  fields,  by  exempting  them  from  taxation 
for  a  certain  length  of  time,18  by  abolishing  the  laws  of  Ts'in, 
and  by  the  proclamation  of  'The  Three  Principles,'  a  simple 
penal  code  which  ran:  'Murderers  are  to  be  executed.  Crimi- 
nals who  are  guilty  of  robbery  or  injuring  others  are  punishable 
by  severe  laws.  The  rest  of  the  Ts'in  laws  are  to  be  void/19 

"Pan  Ku,  Ch'ien  Han  Shu  (The  'Former  Han  History),  The  Commer- 
cial Press,  Shanghai,  China,  1916,  eh.  Ib,  p.  2. 

18  lUd.  ch.  1,  p.  10. 

19  Hid.  ch.  1,  p.  7. 

12    JAOS  40 


178  Telly  H.  Koo 

Kao  Tsu  knew  well  that  instead  of  driving  his  conquered  ene- 
mies to  the  wall  it  might  be  well  to  show  his  magnanimity.  By 
promising  to  each  the  grant  of  a  city  of  ten  thousand  families 
he  induced  the  independent  governors  to  surrender.20  All  pris- 
oners, except  those  deserving  death,  were  to  be  free.21  He 
ordered  that  all  who,  for  want  of  food,  had  sold  themselves  as 
slaves  during  the  war,  should  be  free  citizens.  Innocent  mili- 
tary officers  who  had  lost  their  positions  were  to  be  restored.22 
By  liberal  treatment,  Kao  Tsu  won  the  confidence  and  support 
of  the  conquered. 

The  emperor  was  no  less  conscious  of  the  need  of  granting 
favors  to  those  who  had  offered  help  in  bringing  the  war  to  a 
successful  issue.  On  one  occasion  he  made  a  frank  confession 
that  as  an  organizer  Chang-Hang  far  surpassed  him,  that  as  a 
strategist  Shiao-woo  was  much  better,  and  that  as  a  general  Han- 
sin  was  much  superior  to  him.23  To  satisfy  all  the  generals  and 
leaders  who  had  promised  allegiance  to  him,  he  granted  to  each 
a  certain  portion  of  land.  He  even  conferred  land  on  his  ene- 
mies.24 Soldiers  who  died  in  the  war  were  to  be  buried  at  the 
expense  of  the  state,  and  their  families  were  to  be  provided  for. 
Those  who  had  rendered  important  service  were  to  be  exempted 
from  taxation  forever.25 

The  scholars  were  the  leading  citizens  and  were  not  to  be 
neglected.  To  keep  them  quiet,  Kao  Tsu  proved  himself  a 
worthy  follower  of  the  past  and  a  worshipper  of  the  sages.  He 
showed  honor  to  the  monarchs  of  the  past  by  assigning  positions 
to  their  descendants,  and  even  before  he  became  emperor  dis- 
played his  loyalty  by  ordering  his  army  to  mourn  for  I  Ti,  the 
rightful  king  of  Tsu,  who  was  murdered  by  Hiang-yu.  During 
his  conquest  of  the  empire,  he  refused  to  attack  the  State  of  Lu 
because  Confucius  taught  there,  a  striking  contrast  to  the  atti- 
tude of  Ts'in  Shih  Hwang  Ti.26  In  conformity  with  the  gov- 
erning principles  of  the  emperors,  Kao  Tsu  made  known  his 

20  Ibid.  ch.  1,  p.  10. 

21  Ibid,  ch.  Ib,  p.  1. 
"Ibid.  ch.  Ib,  p.  2. 

23  Ibid,  ch.  Ib,  p.  3. 

24  Ibid,  ch.  Ib,  p.  4. 

25  Ibid.  ch.  Ib,  p.  9. 
™Ibid.  ch.  Ib,  p.  1. 


Development  of  the  Western  Han  Dynasty  179 

belief  that  people  were  to  be  taught  and  not  to  be  punished,  and 
that  they  were  to  be  governed  by  the  good  and  the  honorable  of 
the  community.27  Good  character,  favorable  reputation,  and 
experience  were  requirements  which  he  laid  down  for  those  who 
wished  to  enter  the  civil  service.  Promotion  was  to  be  based  on 
merit.  It  was  the  emperor's  idea  that  all  district  magistrates 
should  either  in  person  or  by  deputy  visit  the  scholars  who  were 
known  for  their  good  conduct  and  should  recommend  them  to 
the  Palace.28  While  he  was  still  on  the  battle-field  Kao  Tsu 
promised  that  scholars  who  were  willing  to  follow  him  should  be 
ennobled.29  To  them  he  gave  exclusive  privileges  which  were 
denied  to  the  merchants.30  By  these  means,  the  support  of  the 
conservatives  who  had  been  alienated  by  the  Ts'in  was  obtained. 

The  land  problem  was  a  serious  one.  Kao  Tsu  was  well  aware 
that  he  could  not  practise  the  extreme  absolutism  of  Ts'in  Shih 
Hwang  Ti,  for  he  had  learned  by  experience  that  unless  he  gave 
lands  to  the  leaders  of  the  time,  the  latter  would  not  follow 
him.31  The  question  which  concerned  him  was  how  to  grant 
lands  and  yet  have  a  central  government  efficient  enough  to  hold 
the  princes  in  subjection. 

Remembering  the  mistake  of  the  Chou  dynasty  in  permitting 
the  nation  to  become  a  loose  federation  of  petty  states,  Kao  Tsu 
decided  to  create  a  few  large  kingdoms.  He  did  not  restore  the 
Five  Class  System  of  Chou  which  had  been  abolished  by  the 
Ts  'in,  but  started  a  two  class  feudalism  made  up  of  the  king  and 
the  feudal  princes  with  the  emperor  at  the  top.  During  the 
first  decade  of  the  Western  Han  dynasty,  there  were  only  twelve 
kingdoms,  three  of  which  were  ruled  over  by  Kao  Tsu 's  brothers- 
in-law  who  had  followed  him  in  the  wars,  and  the  remainder 
by  his  own  brothers.32  The  number  of  officers  whom  he  made 
feudal  princes  amounted  to  little  over  a  hundred.33  This  is  in 
sharp  contrast  with  the  beginning  of  the  Chou  dynasty,  when 
there  were  eight  hundred  kingdoms,  fifty  of  which  were  ruled 

"Ibid,  ch.  Ib,  p.  2. 

mIUd.  eh.  Ib,  p.  8. 

29  Ibid.  ch.  Ib,  p.   7. 

30  Ibid.  ch.  Ib,  p.  6. 

31  Ibid.  ch.  Ib,  p.  1. 

32  Ibid.  ch.  3,  p.  2. 

33  Ibid.  ch.  14,  p.  1. 


180  Telly  H.  Koo 

by  brothers  and  relatives  of  the  king.34  The  kingdoms  of  Han 
varied  in  size  from  thirty-one  to  seventy-three  districts  (Chun)  ,35 
Each  district  was  again  divided  into  Hsiens  and  contained  from 
three  to  fifty-one  of  these.  Throughout  the  Western  Han 
dynasty  all  grants  were  counted  by  the  numbers  of  families, 
and  these  varied  from  10,000  to  460,000  in  a  district.  The  esti- 
mated population  of  the  various  districts  ran  from  30,000  to 
2,590,000.  These  figures  are  by  no  means  reliable,  because  even 
to-day  an  accurate  census  is  unknown  in  China.  They  provide, 
however,  fairly  satisfactory  data  on  which  to  base  estimates. 

Among  the  methods  which  Kao  Tsu  devised  for  maintaining 
the  power  and  wealth  of  the  central  government  was  the  reten- 
tion of  a  considerable  body  of  land  for  himself.  At  the  time  of 
his  accession,  the  central  government  had  fifteen  districts,  an 
amount  equal  to  all  the  large  kingdoms  combined.  He  gave  por- 
tions of  that  land  to  his  princesses,  who  were,  of  course,  power- 
less. For  the  administration  of  the  capital,  he  appointed  a 
viceroy  who  was  directly  responsible  to  him.36  The  capital  was 
approximately  three  times  the  size  of  the  royal  domain  of  the 
Chou  dynasty. 

Kao  Tsu  conferred  large  grants  upon  his  brothers,  because 
he  believed  that  to  locate  them  at  the  different  strategic  points 
of  the  country  would  meet  two  ends:  it  would  satisfy  his 
brothers,  and  minimize  the  danger  of  rebellion.  Hence  at  the 
very  outset  the  title  'king'  (Wang)  was  almost  exclusively  given 
to  his  brothers  and  brothers-in-law.  He  thought  that  by  virtue 
of  their  relation  to  the  emperor  they  would  be  faithful,  but  he 
overlooked  the  fact  that  they  might  become  too  powerful  and 
thus  endanger  the  throne.  Feudal  lords  outside  his  family  were 
not  made  kings  without  first  granting  them  the  -surname  Liu- 
Kao,  Tsu's  family  name.  Nine  of  the  emperor's  brothers  and 
sons  became  kings.  Later  the  title  'king'  was  given  to  ministers 
and  princes  of  great  merit  who  did  not  belong  to  the  Liu  family, 
but  all  of  them  disappeared  before  Wen  Ti's  reign  (179-156 
B.  c.).37  It  is  evident,  then,  that  the  larger  part  of  the  nation 

34  Ibid.  ch.  14,  p.  1. 

85  Ibid,  ch.  Ib,     p.  4. 

"Ibid.  ch.  17. 

"Ibid.  ch.  13,  p.  1. 


Development  of  the  Western  Han  Dynasty  181 

was  in  the  hands  of  Kao  Tsu's  immediate  family  and  of  those 
closely  related  to  him. 

With  a  few  exceptions,  Kao  Tsu  kept  the  administrative 
system  of  the  Ts'in  dynasty  intact.  A  majority  of  the  offices,  as 
we  shall  see  later,  had  their  origin  in  the  preceding  dynasty,  and 
Kao  Tsu  did  not  even  change  their  titles.  From  time  to  time 
the  number  of  officials  who  were  used  to  strengthen  the  central 
government  and  to  watch  the  kings  and  feudal  lords  was 
increased.  Kao  Tsu  and  his  successors  regarded  the  positions 
of  the  censors  as  very  important  and  kept  their  occupants  busy. 

As  time  went  on,  many  of  the  kings  died  without  heirs  and 
others  lost  their  estates  through  unworthy  descendants.38  The 
central  government  annexed  all  such  territories  and  put  them 
under  its  direct  control.  The  Western  Han  dynasty  owes  much 
of  its  unity  and  expansion  to  Wu  Ti  (140-86  B.  c.),  for  while  to 
some  of  the  generals  he  granted  his  newly-won  territories,  he 
spared  no  effort  to  make  the  conquered  land  a  portion  of  the 
royal  domain. 

The  last  and  perhaps  the  most  important  method  by  which 
Kao  Tsu  and  his  successors  maintained  the  strength  of  the  cen- 
tral government  was  the  retention  of  military  powers  in  the 
hands  of  the  emperors.  We  have  seen  how  Chou  Yu  Wang 
kindled  beacon-fires  to  summon  the  soldiers  of  the  feudal  princes 
for  help.  This  story  illustrates  .the  dependency  of  the  Chou 
emperors  upon  the  feudal  princes  for  military  assistance.  With 
this  as  an  object  lesson,  the  Western  Han  emperors  entrusted 
all  military  power  to  a  few  generals  appointed  by  the  central 
government.  It  was  this  system  that  kept  Kao  Tsu's  widow 
from  usurping  the  government  and  that  later  put  down  the 
Seven  Kingdoms'  Rebellion  (154  B.  c.).  Indeed,  had  it  not  been 
for  the  emperor's  military  power,  and  the  military  officers  who 
were  always  faithful  to  the  Crown,  the  Western  Han  would  have 
come  to  an  end  long  before  it  did.39  While  love  of  peace  weak- 
ened the  Chou  dynasty,  the  constant  invasions  of  Hiungnu  gave 
to  the  Han  emperors  a  good  reason  for  building  up  a  national 
army  strong  enough  to  meet  any  emergency. 

In  a  word,  then,  Kao  Tsu  effected  a  sort  of  combination  of  the 

88  Ibid.  ch.  41. 
39IUd.  ch.  Ib,  p.  10. 


182  Telly  H.  Koo 

feudalism  of  the  Chou  and  of  the  highly  centralized  government 
of  the  Ts'in.  To  comply  with  the  desire  of  the  people  who  were 
eager  to  see  the  return  of  the  Chou  days  and  to  quiet  those  who 
had  done  much  to  win  the  throne  for  him,  he  had  to  share  with 
his  retainers  the  fruits  of  his  conquests,  but  he  decided  to  go  half 
way  and  no  more.  Along  with  the  restoration  of  feudalism  he 
limited  the  number  of  grants,  retained  a  large  area  for  the  capi- 
tal, created  most  of  his  chiefs  or  kings  from  the  members  of  his 
own  family,  retained  and  increased  all  Ts'in  official  positions 
which  were  necessary  for  a  strong  imperial  government,  and  kept 
1Jie  military  power  in  the  hands  of  the  generals  of  the  central 
government. 

V.    The  feudal  government. 

We  have  seen  that  there  were  two  categories  of  titles  in  the 
feudalism  of  the  Western  Han  dynasty,  king  and  marquis.  We 
have  seen,  too,  that  those  who  became  kings  were  as  a  rule  the 
emperor's  brothers  and  children.  The  title  was  occasionally 
given  to  other  men  of  extraordinary  merit,  and  still  later  was 
conferred  on  the  surrendered  chiefs  of  the  northern  nomads.40 
It  was  also  the  custom  of  the  Western  Han  dynasty  to  keep  in 
the  emperor's  ancestral  temple  a  record  of  the  service  rendered 
by  ministers,  the  children  of  whom  might,  under  rare  circum- 
stances, be  summoned  to  enter  civil  service  and  given  lands. 
The  emperors  of  the  Western  Han,  however,  particularly  those 
who  ruled  after  the  Seven  Kingdoms'  Rebellion,  were  very  care- 
ful not  to  make  unnecessary  grants. 

Before  the  Seven  Kingdoms'  Rebellion,  the  story  of  which  we 
are  soon  to  relate,  the  feudal  governments  were  a  miniature  of 
the  central  government.  Their  officials,  both  civil  and  military, 
were  the  counterparts  of  those  of  the  central  government,  except 
that  their  titles  were  slightly  different.  It  is  explicitly  stated 
that  Kao  Tsu  promised  his  children  the  right  of  governing  their 
own  territories.41  All  kingdoms  were  hereditary,  that  is,  the 
eldest  son  succeeded  the  father,  just  as  the  eldest  son  of  the 
emperor  was  to  succeed  the  emperor.  This,  however,  was  later 
changed.  Except  the  tutor,  the  prime  minister,  and  the  censors, 
who  were  chosen  by  the  emperor,42  the  chiefs  in  the  feudal  king- 

40  Ibid.  ch.  17. 

41  Ibid.  ch.  51,  p.  4. 
"Ibid.  ch.  58,  p.  4. 


Development  of  the  Western  Han  Dynasty  183 

doms  were  allowed  to  appoint  their  own  officials  and  levy  their 
own  taxes.43 

Points  of  contact  between  the  central  government  and  the 
feudal  governments  were  insignificant.  All  that  was  required 
was  to  send  an  annual  tribute,  to  visit  the  emperor  once  in  five 
years,44  to  attend  any  conference  that  the  emperor  might  call, 
and  to  send  delegates  to  the  imperial  palace  when  ancestor  wor- 
ship took  place.45  When  the  kings  became  old,  the  emperor 
granted  them  a  cane  and  freed  them  from  the  necessity  of  com- 
ing to  see  him.46  The  emperor  also  reserved  the  right  to  regu- 
late the  taxes  of  the  feudal  princes  in  time  of  famine.  Aside 
from  these  restrictions,  the  feudal  princes  ruled  as  independ- 
ently as  the  emperor  himself. 

VI.  The  growth  in  power  of  the  feudal  kingdoms  culminating 
in  the  Seven  Kingdoms'  Rebellion. 

In  spite  of  the  checks  and  safeguards  which  Kao  Tsu  provided, 
the  feudal  kingdoms  increased  in  importance.  During  the  long 
war  at  the  end  of  the  Ts'in  dynasty,  many  great  cities  had  been 
deserted.  During  and  before  Wen  Ti's  reign  all  people  who 
had  left  their  homes  returned,  and  there  was  such  an  inrush  of 
immigrants  that  some  feudal  kingdoms  actually  doubled  in 
population.  The  larger  kings  got  3,040,000  families,  although 
originally  no  one  of  them  had  had  more  than  16,000.47 

With  the  increase  of  population  and  with  the  natural  resources 
which  some  of  the  feudal  kingdoms  possessed  it  followed  inevi- 
tably that  industry  grew  by  leaps  and  bounds,  and  with  it 
wealth.  For  instance,  the  kingdom  of  Wu  (in  the  locality  of 
the  present  province  of  Kiangsu),  by  virtue  of  its  nearness  to 
the  sea,  manufactured  salt  and  coined  money,  and  soon  became 
so  rich  that  it  was  able  to  free  its  people  from  taxation.48  With 
the  increase  of  wealth,  it  might  well  be  expected  that  Wu's 
regard  for  the  central  government  would  decline. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  at  the  end  of  the  period  of  the 


id.  ch.  lb,  p.  9;    ch.  24,  p.  4. 
"lUd.   ch.   5. 
46  Ibid.  ch.  5,  p.  1. 

46  Ibid.  ch.  44,  p.  4. 

47  Ibid.  ch.  16. 
"Hid.  ch.  35,  p.  2. 


184  Telly  H.  Koo 

Contending  States,  some  of  the  feudatories  became  strong 
because  of  the  four  nobles  who  used  to  have  a  large  number  of 
guests.49  The  nobles  would  give  them  pensions,  and  in  return, 
when  emergency  arose,  these  guests  would  do  all  in  their  power 
to  uphold  their  masters.  This  was  also  common  in  some  of  the 
larger  kingdoms  at  the  beginning  of  the  Western  Han  dynasty, 
and  it  became  at  least  one  of  the  causes  that  contributed  to  the 
importance  of  the  kings.50 

The  growth  of  military  power  was  another  explanation  for  the 
expansion  of  the  feudal  kingdoms.  In  the  attempt  of  Queen  Li 
(Kao  Tsu's  consort)  to  kill  off  all  the  kings  of  the  Liu  family 
and  to  fill  their  places  with  her  own  brothers,  several  of  Kao 
Tsu's  sons  were  executed  outright  or  compelled  to  commit 
suicide.51  This  attempted  coup  d'etat  gave  a  pretext  for  the 
remaining  feudal  kings  of  the  Liu  name  to  enlarge  their  armies, 
a  step  which  might  later  tempt  them  to  revolt. 

In  time,  then,  the  feudal  lords  came  to  be  more  concerned  with 
their  own  autonomous  development  than  with  loyalty  to  the  cen- 
tral government.  Within  a  hundred  years  after  the  accession  of 
Kao  Tsu  they  had  gotten  so  far  away  from  the  control  of  the 
emperor  that  the  realm  seemed  about  to  return  to  the  decentral- 
ized conditions  of  the  Contending  States.  The  feudal  chiefs 
were  ready  to  challenge  the  strength  of  the  central  government 
whenever  a  chance  should  be  given. 

The  emperors,  however,  were  keenly  alive  to  the  danger,  and 
saw  clearly  that  if  affairs  were  allowed  to  take  their  course,  the 
feudal  governments  were  certain  to  surpass  the  imperial  govern- 
ment in  wealth  and  power.  In  view  of  this  danger  several 
attempts  were  made  to  reduce  the  feudal  kingdoms.  Two  bril- 
liant statesmen,  Kia  I  and  Ch'ao  Ts'o,  initiated  the  plan.  These 
men  suggested  in  turn  to  Wen  Ti  and  King  Ti  (156-140  B.  c.) 
that  a  part  of  the  feudal  lands  be  annexed  by  the  central  gov- 
ernment, for  the  stronger  the  central  government  the  less  the 
fear  of  rebellion.52  Kia  I's  proposal,  however,  received  but 
scant  attention,  and  the  seven  kingdoms  demanded  the  execution 

48  P 'ing  Yuan  Kun,  Meng  Ch'ang  Kun,  Sin  Ling  Kun  and  Ch'un  Shen 
Kun. 

60  Pan  Ku,  Ch'ien  Han  Shu,  ch.  44. 
6iIUd.  ch.  38. 
52  Ibid.  ch.  48,  p.  5. 


Development  of  the  Western  Han  Dynasty  185 

of  Ch'ao  Ts'o  on  pain  of  revolt.  An  outbreak  finally  started  in 
the  kingdom  of  Wu.  The  ruler  of  that  state,  fearing  that  the 
central  government  might  become  too  strong,  induced  his  fellow 
kings  to  join  him.  Partly  because  of  the  military  power  of  the 
central  government,  and  partly  because  of  the  lack  of  close  coop- 
eration among  the  rebellious  states,  the  revolt  was  put  down. 

VII.    A  period  of  centralization. 

As  soon  as  the  Rebellion  of  the  Seven  Kingdoms  had  been 
suppressed,  the  emperor  King  Ti  undertook  to  reduce  the  feudal 
kings  to  a  less  independent  position.  His  first  measure  was  to 
deprive  them  of  the  full  control  of  their  estates.  It  will  be 
recalled  that  except  for  a  nominal  tribute  which  the  feudal 
chiefs  paid  to  the  central  government  they  practically  ruled  as 
independent  sovereigns.  Now  the  central  government  made  it 
known  that  the  kings  were  not  to  be  allowed  to  govern  their 
lands.53  They  might  keep  them  as  a  source  of  revenue,  but 
must  part  with  their  political  functions.  All  officials,  civil  and 
military,  were  now  to  be  appointed  by  the  emperor  and  were  to 
be  directly  responsible  to  him.54  To  guard  against  plots  and 
conspiracies,  the  number  of  officials  in  the  kingdoms  was  greatly 
reduced.55  As  a  result  some  of  the  kings  became  so  poor  that 
they  were  forced  to  ride  in  ox-drawn  carts.56  They  ceased  to 
exert  political  influence  and  became  harmless  pensioners  of  the 
central  government. 

In  the  second  place,  the  emperor  now  put  into  execution  a 
plan  which  had  been  contemplated  during  the  initial  years  of  the 
dynasty,  the  division  of  the  kingdoms  among  the  children  of  the 
kings.  The  central  government  notified  the  kings  that  after  the 
death  of  each,  the  eldest  son  was  to  retain  a  comparatively  larger 
portion  of  land  and  the  title  of  king,  while  to  the  younger  sons 
were  to  go  a  definite  portion  of  land  and  the  title  of  lord.57  As 
a  result  the  largest  kingdom  (Chi)  was  soon  divided  into  seven 
parts,  Chao  into  six,  Liang  into  five,  and  Wei  Nan  into  three.58 

08  Ibid.  ch.  19,  p.  7. 

54  Ibid.  ch.  38. 

™Ibid.  ch.  19,  p.  7;    ch.  14,  p.  2. 

66  Ibid.  ch.  38. 

57Ssu-ma  Ch'ien,  Shih  Chi,  ch.  17. 

68  Ibid.  ch.  17. 


186  Telly  H.  Koo 

During  Wu  Ti  's  reign  all  the  former  wealthy  and  extensive  king- 
doms became  insignificant.  As  the  number  of  states  multipliedr 
the  spirit  of  unity  increased  and  the  danger  of  revolt  declined. 

King  Ti  and  his  successors  were  particularly  careful  to  limit 
or  reduce  the  size  of  the  kingdoms.59  The  big  kingdoms  of  Wu 
Ti's  time  did  not  exceed  ten  cities,  while  the  lords  did  not  have 
more  than  forty  or  fifty  li,  an  amount  of  land  so  small  that  the 
income  was  just  sufficient  to  pay  their  tribute,  their  share  in  the 
expenses  of  the  imperial  worship,  and  to  meet  their  own  private 
expenses.60  Each  king  was  allowed  to  possess  no  more  than 
three  hundred  mou  (acres)  of  land  and  two  hundred  servants.61 
Violation  of  the  law  was  punished  by  confiscation. 

The  central  government,  moreover,  began  to  avail  itself  of 
every  opportunity  to  annex  kingdoms  in  whole  or  in  part. 
Sometimes  the  king  died  without  children,  or  the  children  were 
convicted  of  crime,  and  sometimes  the  king  failed  to  appear 
when  summoned,  or  neglected  to  send  money  to  aid  in  the  annual 
imperial  worship.62  Largely  as  a  consequence  the  royal  domain,, 
which  at  the  beginning  of  the  dynasty  possessed  fifteen  districts, 
by  the  time  of  King  Ti  increased  to  over  eighty.63  Perhaps  the 
most  important  feature  of  the  plan  was  the  imperial  possession 
of  all  mountains  and  rivers,  a  source  from  which  the  kingdoms 
once  derived  much  of  their  prosperity  and  wealth.64 

Another  means  used  to  avoid  trouble  with  the  feudatories  was 
to  shift  the  kings  much  as  the  late  Manchu  regime  shifted  the 
viceroys.65  Suspended  kings  were  usually  asked  to  remove  to  the 
frontier  provinces,  which  was  equivalent  to  exile.66 

As  a  final  precaution  against  rebellion,  censors  were  main- 
tained whose  duty  it  was  to  inspect  the  kingdoms  and  to  make 
reports.  These  officials  were  to  see  to  it  that  no  large  kingdoms 
trespassed  on  the  neighboring  small  states,  and  that  there  was 
no  disobedience  of  imperial  decrees,  no  excessive  taxation,  no 
injustice  in  the  courts,  no  practice  of  favoritism,  and  no  luxury.67 

59 Pan  Ku,  Ch'ien  Han  Shu,  ch.  44,  p.  4.  ™ Ibid.  ch.  11,  p.  2. 

™IUd.  ch.  44,  p.  14;    eh.  14,  p.  2.  « IUd.  ch.  19,  p.  7. 

61Ssu-ma  Ch'ien,  Slvih  Chi,  eh.  17. 

62  Pan  Ku,  Ch'ien  Han  Shu,  ch.  53,  p.  3;    ch.  6,  p.  9. 

^Ssu-ma  Ch'ien,  Shih  Chi,  ch.  17. 

eilbid.  ch.   17. 

65  Pan  Ku,  Ch'ien  Han  Shu,  ch.  48,  p.  12. 


Development  of  the  Western  Han  Dynasty  187 

In  a  word,  the  kings  were  no  longer  semi-independent  rulers, 
but  pensioners,  and  as  such  they  had  merely  the  right  to  gather 
taxes  under  imperial  supervision.  They  were  field  strictly  to 
their  duties  and  obligations  to  the  emperor,  and  were  required  to 
attend  the  imperial  worship  and  to  be  present  at  the  regular 
conferences  with  the  head  of  state.68 

VIII.     The  central  government.*9 

As  in  all  absolute  monarchies,  the  emperor  under  the  Han  was 
in  theory  all  powerful,  the  chief  executive,  the  law-giver,  and  the 
supreme  judge.  In  time  of  peace  he  regulated  taxes,  examined 
scholars,  and  appointed  ministers.  In  time  of  war  he  was  com- 
mander-in-chief  of  the  armies. 

Usually,  however,  the  emperor  did  not  exercise  all  the 
powers  which  technically  belonged  to  him.  He  had  a  prime 
minister  who  was  frequently  the  real  ruler.  The  title  'prime 
minister'  (Chin  Siang,  later  Siang  Kuo,  in  either  case  meaning 
'to  assist  in  ruling')  was  created  by  Ts'in  Shih  Hwang  Ti  and 
preserved  by  the  Han  emperors.  Some  emperors  indeed  had 
two  prime  ministers.  The  duties  of  the  latter  were  not  clearly 
denned.  Upon  his  suggestion  the  emperor  appointed,  dismissed, 
or  punished  his  kings  and  officials,70  made  and  abolished  laws, 
proclaimed  peace,  and  declared  war.  All  petitions,  recommen- 
dations, impeachments,  and  reports  reached  the  crown  only 
through  his  hands.71  He  had  two  assistants. 

The  senior  tutor,  the  senior  chancellor,  and  the  senior  guar- 
dian together  constituted  what  was  known  in  the  Chou  dynasty 
as  the  Three  Councillors.  These  were  abolished  by  the  Ts'in 
dynasty  but  were  restored  under  the  Han.  Besides  offering 
suggestions  and  advice,  their  functions  were  insignificant. 

The  general  (Ta  Ssu  Ma)  was  charged  with  the  direction  of 
all  military  affairs.72  Under  him  were  four  lieutenant-generals 

™l~bid.  ch.  6,  pp.  11-15. 

69  For  a  complete  list  of  the  titles  of  the  Western  Han  officials  consult 
fidouard  Chavannes'  Les.  memoires  historiques,  five  volumes,  Paris,  1897; 
Vol.  5,  Appendix  1. 

70  Pan  Ku,  Ch'ien  Shu,  ch.  5,  p.  4. 
7ilbid.  ch.  19,  p.  2. 

72  The  title  'general'  corresponds  to  the  <T'ai  Wei'  of  the  Ts'in 
dynasty. 


188  Telly  H.  Koo 

(right,  left,  front,  and  rear).  The  number  was  increased  from 
time  to  time.  They  commanded  the  two  standing  armies  in  the 
capital,  and  the  national  army  in  case  of  foreign  invasion. 

Another  official  who,  with  the  prime  minister  and  the  general, 
shared  the  honor  of  being  the  most  important  functionary  at 
court,  was  the  grand  censor  (Yu  Ssu  Ta  Fu,  later  known  as  Ta 
Ssu  K'ung).  He  was  at  the  head  of  civil  officers,  and  upon  him 
the  positions  of  all  sub-officers  depended.  He  had  two  assist- 
ants, one  in  charge  of  the  imperial  library,  the  other  entrusted 
with  the  duty  of  inspecting  all  district  officers.  Under  those  two 
were  fifteen  commissioners  (Yu  Ssu  Yuan)  whose  duty  it  was 
to  receive  all  indictments  submitted  by  local  officers. 

The  administrative  board  corresponding  to  the  departments 
of  modern  governments  included,  first  of  all,  the  Ta  Ssu  Lung 
or  minister  of  agriculture.  China  was  then  predominantly  agri- 
cultural, and  derived  the  greater  part  of  her  national  revenue 
from  the  farm.  The  minister  of  agriculture  was  to  send  around 
officers  to  collect  taxes  from  the  farm  and  to  distribute  grain  to 
all  civil  office-holders.  All  taxes  coming  from  mountains,  seas, 
ponds,  and  marshes  went  to  meet  the  current  expenses  of  the 
imperial  family.73 

There  were  three  governors  in  the  capital.  Under  them  were 
a  number  of  military  officers  whose  duty  it  was  to  maintain 
order  in  the  royal  domain. 

There  was  a  special  functionary  to  look  after  the  imperial 
temple,  ancestral  halls,  and  ceremonial  observances. 

The  supreme  court  was  organized  under  the  Ts'in  dynasty 
(the  title  '  Ting  Wei ',  meaning  fair,  survived  in  the  Han)  ,74  The 
court  was  attached  to  the  palace,  and  the  chief  justice  was 
appointed  by  the  emperor.  Later  this  court  was  called  T'ai  Li 
Yuan,  a  name  which  was  in  vogue  even  at  the  beginning  of  the 
Republic.  In  the  seventh  year  of  Kao  Tsu's  reign,  each  Hsien 
was  ordered  to  have  a  local  court  of  its  own.  If  a  case  could 
not  be  settled  there  it  was  to  be  submitted  to  the  governors,  who, 
in  case  they  should  fail  to  settle  it,  were  to  hand  it  over  to  the 
supreme  court.  Final  appeal  could  be  taken  to  the  emperor. 

"There  were  two  kinds  of  taxes,   <S'ai'    and  'Fu';    the  first  £or  public 
expenses,  the  second  for  the  national  army. 
74  Ssu-ma  Ch  'ien,  Shih  Chi,  ch.  23,  p.  8. 


Development  of  the  Western  Han  Dynasty  189 

Within  the  imperial  palace  there  stood  the  head  official  of  the 
court.  His  duty  chiefly  consisted  in  reporting  on  the  character 
of  all  court  officials.  Under  him  were  five  categories  of  officers 
which  we  need  not  describe  except  to  say  that  they  were  either 
personal  guards  or  servants  of  the  emperor  and  the  royal  family. 
In  addition,  there  were  special  officials  to  look  after  the  different 
palaces  and  to  take  care  of  the  finances  of  the  imperial  family. 

IX.    Local  administration. 

The  country  was  divided  into  kingdoms,  which  in  turn  were 
divided  into  administrative  districts.  Each  district  was  again 
divided  into  Hsiens.  As  we  have  noticed  previously,  the  number 
of  districts  under  each  kingdom  varied  .from  three  to  fifteen, 
and  the  number  of  Hsiens  in  each  district  varied  from  three  to 
fifty-one.  Towards  the  close  of  the  Western  Han  dynasty,  it 
was  estimated  that  the  capital  or  royal  domain  had  fifty-seven 
Hsiens  and  a  population  of  two  and  a  half  million.75  Outside 
of  the  royal  domain  the  country  was  divided  into  twenty  king- 
doms, which  were  composed  of  eighty  districts,  which  again 
were  made  up  of  one  thousand  five  hundred  and  one  Hsiens. 
The  total  population  was  approximately  sixty  millions.76 

The  Western  Han  dynasty  kept  the  district  system  of  Ts'in 
practically  intact.  At  the  head  of  each  district  were  a  civil 
governor  and  a  military  officer.  At  the  head  of  each  Hsien  was 
a  magistrate.  Each  Hsien  was  about  ten  li  square  and  was  com- 
posed of  an  indefinite  number  of  counties  or  Shans.  There  were 
three  officers  in  each  county,  who  were  collectively  known  as 
the  'Three  Old  Ones.'  One  was  to  look  after  the  religious  and 
educational  welfare  of  the  people  or,  more  strictly,  to  enlighten 
the  people  in  the  ways  of  living,  one  was  the  judge  and  tax  col- 
lector, and  the  third  was  the  head  of  the  police.  The  smallest 
unit  was  a  Ting,  at  the  head  of  which  was  an  officer  who  had 
no  well  defined  duties.77  From  the  prime  minister  to  the  lowest 
official,  it  was  estimated  that  one  time  there  were  not  less  than 
130,000  officials. 

75  Ssu-ma  Ch  »ien,  Shih  CM,  eh.  28,  p.  5. 
78  Ibid.  eh.  28. 

"After  the  Seven  Kingdoms'  Eebellion,  all  these  officials  were  appointed 
by  the  emperor. 


190  Telly  H.  Koo 

X.     The  effects  of  the  administrative  system  of  the  Western 
Han  upon  subsequent  dynasties. 

The  Western  Han  dynasty  is  generally  regarded  as  one  of  the 
most  glorious  periods  in  Chinese  history,  not  alone  because  of 
the  widespread  conquests  of  Wu  Ti's  reign  and  the  brilliant 
rulers  which  it  produced,  but  because  of  the  far-reaching  and 
persistent  influences  of  its  administrative  system  upon  later 
dynasties. 

1.  Perhaps  the  most  outstanding  and  lasting  effect  of  the 
Western  Han  dynasty  was  the  honor  paid  to  scholars.     For  the 
purpose  of  recruiting  officials  for  the  elaborate  bureaucracy, 
civil  service  examinations  were  established,  and  success  in  these 
was  based  upon  proficiency  in  the  classics.     Decrees  ordering 
the  recommendations  of  scholars  for  governmental  service  were 
repeatedly  promulgated.     People  came  to  regard  the  mastery 
of  the  classics  as  the  only  method  of  obtaining  entrance  into  the 
time-honored  official  class.     In  P'ing  Ti's  time  (1-6  A.  D.)  the 
Chou  school  system  was  restored  and  scholars  were  distinguished 
by   their   dress    and   manner.     Later    the   title    'Five    Classics 
Doctor'   was  created.     A  general  knowledge  of  the  five  classics 
was  required  of  any  scholar  who  had  the  desire  to  be  an  official. 
The  Confucian  school,  wellnigh  extinguished  by  the  Ts'in,  now 
enjoyed  unprecedented  popularity.     It  was  this  tradition  that 
obtained  honor  for  the  scholar  class  and  gave  birth  to  the  com- 
petitive examination  system.     It  was  this  tradition,  too,  which 
made  scholars  more  eager  for  official  positions  than  for  social 
usefulness. 

2.  We  must  not  overlook  another  effect  of  the  Western  Han 
officialdom,  which  as  ages  went  by  contributed  much  to  the  cor- 
ruption of  the  Chinese  administrative  system.     This  was  the  sale 
of  offices  and  titles,  a  practice  which  had  its  origin  in  the  latter 
part  of  Wu  Ti's  reign,  when  the  country  was  on  the  verge  of 
bankruptcy  because  of  the  long  wars  and  the  successive  attacks 
of  famine.     To  get  money,   the  government  created  and  sold 
titles  and  petty  offices.     In  later  years,  however,  when  famine 
was  over,  the  government  had  no  intention  of  abolishing  the 
system,  and  gradually  it  became  a  regular  form  of  national 
income;    and  the  wealthy  began  to  look  upon  political  position 
as  a  means  of  acquiring  a  fortune.     So  persistent  was  the  cor- 
rupt tendency  then   established  that   as  late   as  the   Manchu 


Development  of  the  Western  Han  Dynasty  191 

dynasty  officials  shamelessly  regarded  office  as  a  source  of  pri- 
vate gain.  With  money  they  procured  power ;  with  power  they 
obtained  more  money. 

3.  At  the  beginning  of  the  Western  Han  dynasty,  people 
were  allowed  to  mint  cash  and  produce  salt  and  iron.     Later, 
however,  when  the  country  was  flooded  with  cash,  money  began 
to  lose  value,  and  as  the  salt  and  iron  merchants  became  rich 
the  government  relied  on  them  in  time  of  financial  stringency. 
To  remedy  the  situation  and  to  add  to  the  wealth  of  the  central 
government,  coinage  of  money  and  the  manufacture  of  iron  and 
salt  were  forbidden  to  individuals. 

4.  One  of  the  noteworthy  features  of  the  Western  Han  period 
was  the  changes  in  the  penal  system  made  under  different  rulers. 
Kao  Tsu  ordered  that  all  criminals  over  seventy  and  below  ten 
should  not  be  held  responsible  for  the  crimes  committed.78     It 
was  also  in  his  time  that  the  death  punishment  was  commuted 
for    the    payment    of    60,000    cash.      The    punishment    of    the 
4 slaughter  of  three  clans'  was  abolished.79     In  theory  and  prac- 
tice the  Western  Han  rulers  in  the  long  run  carried  out  the 
motto  set  forth  by  Kao  Tsu  that  'people  are  to  be  enlightened, 
not  punished,'   a  motto  which  has  inspired  many  a  monarch  in 
ensuing  generations. 

5.  The  emperors  of  Western  Han  in  their  provision  for  the 
old  and  destitute  not  only  showed  their  own  magnanimity  and 
care  but  also  aided  materially  the  initiation  of  many  philan- 
thropic institutions,  some  of  which  exist  to-day.     The  emperor 
Wen   Ti   was   the   first   one   to   order   that   widows,   widowers, 
orphans,  and  the  poor  were  to  be  cared  for.     It  was  the  duty  of 
the  district  magistrate  to  send  around  officers  to  visit  these  help- 
less people.     People  over  eighty  were  given  ten  bushels  of  rice 
and  a  certain  amount  of  meat  and  wine  each  month.     Those 
over  ninety  received,  in  addition,  two  hundred  feet   (tsai)   of 
silk  and  forty  ounces  of  cotton.80     These  grants  were  constantly 
fulfilled  by  the  emperor.     Sometimes  the  helpless  were  exempted 
from  taxes  and  service.     Not  infrequently,  when  the  country 

78  Pan  Ku,  Ch'ien  Han  Shu,  ch.  Ib,  p.  1. 

79  Formerly  when  a  criminal  was  convicted  of  some  very  serious  crime, 
not  only  was  he  to  be  executed,  but  all  his  relatives  on  the  side  of  his 
mother,  father,  and  wife. 

80  Pan  Ku,  Ch'ien  Han  Shu,  ch.  4. 


192  Telly  II.  Koo 

was  at  peace,  the  emperor  would  ask  his  governors  to  make 
through  their  commissioners  a  special  study  of  the  poor  and  to 
provide  means  of  relief  and  help.  This  policy  encouraged  pri- 
vate charitable  institutions.  Many  of  the  traditions  and  customs 
of  government  aid  for  the  poor  have  come  down  to  our  days. 

6.  The   exact  tax  system  is  nowhere   to  be   found  in   the 
Chinese  records  of  the  Han  dynasty.     It  is  quite  safe  to  infer 
from  the  various  hints  found  here  and  there  that  the  government 
laid  taxes  on  merchandise,  while  the  chief  revenue  was  from  the 
land  tax.     There  was  a  head  tax  of  sixty-three  cash  per  year  in 
Wu  Ti  's  time,  but  what  became  of  it  in  later  generations,  no  one 
can  tell.81     Unmarried  women  beyond  the  age  of  thirty  were  to 
pay  sixty  cash  a  year.82     On  the  other  hand,  the  pure  women, 
the  filial,  the  old,  the  parentless,  and  the  good  were  usually  free 
from  taxation,  or  paid  at  one  half  the  rate  of  others.83     It  was 
the  custom  of  the  Western  Han,  too,  to  grant  people  wine  and 
silk  at  the  accession  of  a  new  emperor.     Whether  compulsory 
military  service  such  as  was  installed  by  Ts'in  Shih  Hwang  Ti 
survived  in  the  Han  is  questionable.     We  know,  nevertheless, 
that  at  the  beginning,  all  prisoners  held  for  minor  crimes  were 
compelled  to  enter  the  service  for  national  defense.84 

7.  In  the  royal  grants  of  oxen  and  wine,  women  had  an  equal 
share.     Unusual  honors  were  given  to  chaste  women  after  their 
death,  and  the  grants  of  land  and  titles  to  women  were  an  inno- 
vation of  the  dynasty.     It  is  true  that  in  the  preceding  dynasties 
women  had  ruled  behind  the  throne,  but  the  queen  of  Kao  Tsu 
(Li  Shih)  became  a  ruler  in  fact.     Her  attempt  to  kill  off  all 
Kao  Tsu's  sons  and  to  transfer  the  country  to  her  own  family, 
though    a   failure,    established    a   precedent   which   was    to   be 
repeated  later  on  and  was  occasionally  to  imperil  the  nation. 

8.  Very  often  under  the  Western  Han  the  emperor  was  not 
the  sole  ruler.     The  emperors  of  the  Chou  diffused  their  power 
among  the  feudal  princes,  but  the  Han  emperors  leaned  upon 
their  prime  ministers  and  councillors,  to  many  of  whom  we  must 
admit  the  Han  dynasty  owed  its  prosperity  and  development. 

81  Ibid.  ch.  2,  p.  7. 

82  Ibid.  ch.  1. 

83  Ibid.  ch.  1. 

84  Ibid.  ch.  2,  p.  8. 


Development  of  the  Western  Han  Dynasty  193 

Later,  moreover,  under  weaker  sovereigns,  some  favorites  actu- 
ally worked  for  the  destruction  of  the  imperial  house.  From 
then  on,  up  to  the  outbreak  of  the  Revolution  in  1912,  the  gov- 
ernment was  more  than  once  either  in  the  hands  of  the  queen 
and  her  relatives,  or  of  the  prime  ministers ;  and  often  the  two 
would  plunge  the  country  into  chaos. 

We  have  seen  that  the  administrative  systems  and  traditions 
of  the  Han  have  left  many  good  as  well  as  bad  influences.  On 
the  whole,  it  is  agreed  that  the  Western  Han  was  one  of  the  most 
brilliant  of  the  formative  periods  of  Chinese  history.  It  suc- 
ceeded in  organizing  a  central  government  upon  which  the  sub- 
sequent dynasties  laid  their  basis.  It  revived  the  Confucian 
classics  and  prepared  a  civil  service  basis  upon  scholarship.  In 
strong  contrast  with  the  Chou  kings  there  was  a  close  relation- 
ship between  the  people  and  the  central  government.  Never 
before  were  the  monarchs  so  eager  to  study  the  people,  their 
needs  and  problems;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  never  before  were 
the  subjects  so  conscious  of  their  obligation  towards  the  rulers. 
As  a  dynasty,  the  Western  Han  contributed  much  to  the  solidi- 
fication and  the  general  development  of  the  country. 


13    JAOS  40 


PHEASE-WOEDS  AND  PHEASE-DEEIVATIVES 

CHARLES  E.  LANMAN 
HARVARD  UNIVERSITY 

THE  TRUE  CHARACTER  of  a  linguistic  phenomenon  sometimes 
fails  to  be  clearly  recognized,  for  no  deeper  reason  than  this,  that 
no  one  has  taken  the  trouble  to  describe  it  and  propound  a  good 
name  for  it.  An  apt  designation,  if  it  be  clear  and  self -explain- 
ing, suggests  at  once  a  category  in  which  many  seemingly  unre- 
lated facts  find  unity. 

'While  we  were  breakfasting'  is  English.  'He  broke  his  hip 
by  falldowning'  is  not.  Why?  because  the  combination  'break 
fast,'  as  is  shown  by  the  pronunciation  and  by  the  fact  that  it 
is  under  the  domain  of  a  single  accent,  has  become  what  may 
fitly  be  called  a  'phrase-word,'  while  'fall  down'  has  not 
become  a  phrase-word.  Derivatives  of  phrase-words  may  be 
styled  'phrase-derivatives.'  Phrase-words  and  phrase-deriva- 
tives are  common  in  English  and  Sanskrit  and  Pali.  These 
designations  may  suggest  to  Anglicists  and  Indianists  and  others 
the  interesting  task  of  collecting  the  facts  and  studying  them. 
A  few  examples  may  be  given. 

English. — Lady  Macbeth 's  'Letting  I-dare-not  wait  upon  I- 
would.'  Boswell's  'A  plain  matter-of-fact  man.'  From  a 
phrase- adjective,  good-for-nothing,  comes  the  abstract  goodfor- 
nothing-ness.  So  straightforward-ness.  From  the  phrase-word 
et-cetera  has  been  formed  the  adjective  etceter-al:  as  in  'the 
etceteral  term  of  an  equation.'  And  from  pro  rata  (in  propor- 
tion) has  been  made  the  verb  to  prorate  (assess  proportionally). 
The  phrase  so-and-so  is  as  truly  a  word  as  is  its  precise  Sanskrit 
equivalent  asdu.  Hence  it  is  entirely  licit  to  give  it  a  genitive 
inflection  and  say  'so-and-so's  oxen.' 

Differing  from  this  in  degree  rather  than  in  kind  are  the 
examples  given  in  the  'funny  column'  of  the  newspaper.  Thus : 
'Is  that  puppy  yours  or  your  little  brother's?'  'It's  both-of- 
us's.'  St.  Mark,  narrating  the  betrayal  of  Jesus,  says :  'And  one 
of  them  that  stood  by  drew  a  sword,  and  smote  a  servant  of  the 
high  priest,  and  cut  off  his  ear. '  A  modern  lad  renders  it :  'He 
cut  off  the  servant  of  the  high  priest's  ear.'  For  other  examples, 


Phrase-Words  and  Phrase-Derivatives  195 

with  interesting  comment,  see  Words  and  their  Ways  in  English 
Speech,  by  J.  B.  Greenough  and  G.  L.  Kittredge  (Macmillan, 
New  York,  1901),  p.  188-.1 

On  account  of  their  especial  clearness  as  examples  may  be 
cited  several  derivatives.  Sir  James  Murray  quotes  from  Hali- 
burton  (1855)  the  agent-noun  comeout-er.  (See  the  verb  come, 
sense  63  m ! ! ! )  Similar  is  the  quite  recent  coinage,  standpatter, 
from  stand  pat,  'take  a  position  that  just  suits  the  exigency.' 
So  standoffish  and  standoffishness.  'Sir  Walter  Scott  (1821),  in 
Kenilworth  (ii.),  has:  Married  he  was  .  .  .  and  a  cat-and-dog 
life  she  led  with  Tony.  Professor  E.  S.  Sheldon  tells  me  of  the 
Old  French  comfaitement  and  sifaitement  (qualiter,  taliter) 
from  the  phrase-words  com-fait  and  si-fait  (qualis,  talis).2 

An  ecclesiastical  council  of  the  sixth  century  enjoined  that  if 
the  presbyter  could  not  preach,  a  deacon  should  read  a  homily. 
Each  homily  began  with  the  words  'Post  ilia  verba  textus'  (after 
those  words  of  the  text),  and  so  a  homily  became  known  as  a 
postil,  and  the  verb  postillare  was  coined  as  Mediaeval  Latin  for 
'read  a  homily,  postillate.'  Whether  the  judicial  sentence  of 
*  hanging  by  the  neck, '  suspensio  per  collum,  was  once  so  frequent 
as  to  make  a  standing  abbreviation  for  it  needful,  I  do  not  know. 
The  dictionary  does  in  fact  book  'sus.  per  coll.'  as  such  a 
shortened  form,  and  Thackeray  (Denis  Duval,  i)  writes:  None 
of  us  Duvals  have  been  suspercollated  to  my  knowledge. 

From  Greek  and  Latin  I  have  not  made  collectanea.  The 
prior  part  of  tautologous  etc.,  like  that  of  the  Greek  Tavro-Adyo? 
etc.,  represents  a  phrase,  TO  avro.  Herodotus  speaks  of  'the 

people  who  live  beside  a  river    (-rrapa  Trora/xoi)  '    as  ot  irapaTTOTct/uoi. 

And  the  title  of  Iliad  22  is  /-la^  TrapaTrora/xto?,  quite  literally, 
' Alongtheriver-ish  Combat.'  I  presume  that  Ivv-n-vta  are  literally 


1  [H.  L.  Mencken,  The  American  Language   (New  York,  1919),  p.  229, 
quotes  inter  alia:  'That  umbrella  is  the-young-lady-I-go-with 's. ' — ED.] 

2  So  the  modern   quelque  is   a   phrase-word.     In    older   French   we   find 
quel  -\-  noun  -\-  que  -f-  verb :     see  Sheldon  in  The  Eomanic  Eeview,  vol.  10, 
pages   233-249,   and   especially   247ff.     An   unprinted   'doctor   dissertation' 
(of  1906)   by  John  Glanville  Gill  on  Agglutination  as  a  process  of  word 
formation  in  French  may  be  consulted  in  the  Harvard  Library.     French  oui, 
'yes,'  was  originally  o   (from  Latin  hoc)  -J-  the  personal  pronoun  il.     See 
A.  Tobler  in  Kuhn's  Zeitschrift,  23.  423.     Of.  the  geographical  name  Langue- 
doc  (Provencal  oc  'yes,'  from  Latin  hoc),  and  the  antithetic  langue  d'  oil. 


196  Charles  R.  Lanman 


'in-a-dream  (things)/  ra  iv  VTTVW  o/ow/^ra  ;  and  that  ultramun- 
danus  is  a  derivative  from  the  phrase-word  ultra-mundum.  So 
ultramontanus  is  from  ultra-montem,  and  not  (as  the  dictionary 
says)  from  ultra+montanus. 

Sanskrit.  —  In  so  early  a  record  as  the  Rigveda,  we  find  a 
luculent  example  of  the  genesis  of  a  phrase-word.  At  9.  1.  5 
occurs  the  couplet  : 

tudm  dchd  cardmasi  .Unto  thee  do  we  go 

tad  id  drtham  dive-dive.          For  this  very  purpose  day-by-day. 

But  at  8.  2.  16,  vaydm  .  .  tadidarthdh,  the  phrase  has  crystallized 
into  a  single  word,  a  possessive  compound,  under  one  single 
accent,  'we,  having-this-very-purpose,  '  that  is,  'we,  intent  on 
this.'  Whitney,  at  1314,  under  the  heading,  'anomalous  com- 
pounds,' registers  'agglomerations  of  two  or  more  elements  out 
of  phrases.'  Most  familiar  is  itihdsas,  'story,'  from  iti  ha  dsa, 
'thus,  indeed,  it  was.'  Hence  ditihdsikas,  'story-teller.'  So 
from  iti  ha  comes  ditihyam,  'tradition.'  From  na  asti,  'non 
est  (deus),'  comes  ndstikas,  'atheist.'  From  punar  uktam, 
'again  said,'  comes  pdunaruktyam,  'tautology.'  Quite  frequent 
in  ritual  books  are  designations  of  hymns,  made  (like  Te  Deum) 
from  their  first  words  :  so  dpohisthiyam  (sc.  suktam),  'the-Since- 
ye-are-(  kindly-  )waters-ish  (hymn),'  for  Rigveda  10.  9,  which 
begins  with  dpo  hi  sthd  mayobhuvah. 

Pali.  —  In  Pali,  the  coinage  of  phrase-words  and  phrase-deriva- 
tives runs  riot,  as  does  the  coinage  of  denominatives  in  the 
'English'  of  Thomas  William  Lawson.  In  so  old  a  text  as  the 
Digha  (1.  132),  one  who  greets  you  with  'Come,  and  welcome' 
is  called  an  ehi-sdgata-vddi,  literally,  'a-"  Come-  Welcome*  '-say  er.' 
Nothing  could  be  simpler.  The  Maha-vagga  (1.  6.  32)  tells  how, 
before  the  Order  was  established,  a  monk  was  summoned  to  live 
the  Holy  Life  by  the  Buddha  himself,  and  with  the  simple  words, 
'Come  hither,  monk'  (ehi,  bhikkhu).  Such  a  one  is  called  a 
'Come-hither-monk  (monk)'  at  Visuddhimagga,  2.  140,  and  his 
ordination  is  '  Come-hither-monk-ordination,  '  ehi-bhikkhu-upa- 
sampadd.  The  Majjhima  (1.  77.  29),  describing  a  monk  who  is 
slack  in  observing  the  rules  of  propriety,  says  he  is  not  a  '  Come- 
hither-venerable-Sir-man'  or  a  'Wait-a-bit-venerable-  Sir-man,' 
ehibhadantiko,  titthabhadantiko,  —  here  using  derivatives  of  the 


Phrase-Words  and  Phrase-Derivatives  197 

phrases  ehi,  bhadanta!  and  tittha,  bhadanta!  The  Religion  or 
Truth  is  called  (at  1.  37.  21)  the  ' Come-see-ic  Religion,'  the 
ehipassiko  dhammo,  from  ehi,  passa,  'Come,  see.'  A  gana  to 
Panini  (2.  1.  72)  gives  ehi-svdgata  and  other  similar  ones. 

I  suppose  that  anto  gharam,  'in  the-house, '  is  strictly  a 
phrase,  in  which  ant o  governs  gharam.  So  anto  vassam,  '  in  the- 
rains. '  But  the  whole  phrase  has  won  the  value  of  a  substantive, 
1  rainy-season, '  so  that  .the  combination  antovass-eka-divasam, 
'on  a  day  in  the  rainy  season,'  is  entirely  natural. 

The  Dhamma-sangani  uses  the  phrase  ye  vd  pana  .  .  anne 
pi  atthi  .  .  dhammd,  'or  whatever  other  states  there  are.' 
(So  at  §  1,  page  9,  line  22:  cf.  pages  17,  18,  24,  25,  26,  27,  28, 
29,  30,  etc.)  The  commentary,  Attha-salim  (at  §  328),  quoting 
§  1  of  the  text,  speaks  of  these  as  the  ye-vd-panaka  states,  the 
'etceter-al'  states,  the  'whatever-other-al'  states.  The  Visuddhi- 
magga  speaks  once  and  again  (book  14)  of  the  'four  etceterals,' 
the  yevdpanakd  cattdro. 

Phrases  containing  inflectional  forms  sometimes  occur  in 
derivatives  in  such  a  way  as  not  to  offend  against  logic  and 
grammar.  Thus  Idbhena  Idbham  nijigimsano  means  'desiring- 
to-win  gain  by  gain.'  The  abstract  therefrom,  Idbhena-ldbham- 
nijigimsana4d  (in  Visuddhi,  2)  is  quite  logical.  So  idam- 
-atthi-td. 

Per  contra. — Although  tayo  ca  sankhdrd,  'and  three  san- 
kharas'  (nominative),-  is  quite  en  regie,  the  Patisambhida  (at 
1.  26,  p.  97 :  ed.  Taylor) ,  having  occasion  to  speak  of  them  in  the 
genitive,  inflects  the  whole  as  a  crystallized  phrase,  and  says 
tayo-ca-sankhdrdnam.  In  view  of  this  procedure  (although  very 
striking,  it  is  easily  intelligible),  Taylor  would  have  been  wholly 
justified  in  adopting  the  ungrammatical  lectio  difficilior  of  his 
mss.  S.  and  M.,  at  p.  58,  catasso-ca-vipassandsu.  In  fact  he  reads 
the  strictly  grammatical  catusu  ca  vipassandsu.  The  Dhamma- 
pada  Commentary  (at  3.  38)  says  that  the  Teacher  gave  instruc- 
tion by  a  story  'with  reference  to'  (drabbha)  'three  groups  of 
persons'  (tayo  jane:  accusative).  The  title,  however,  tayojana- 
vatthu,  is  a  compound  of  -vatthu  (story)  with  tayojana-,  the 
'stem'  of  the  crystallized  phrase  tayo- jane. 

So-called  'compounds'  of  which  the  prior  member  is  a  gerund 
are,  strictly  speaking,  phrase- words.  The  famous  collocation, 


198  Charles  R.  Lanman 

paticca  samuppado,  'origination  by-going-back-to  (a  prior 
cause)/  that  is,  *  dependent  origination/  is  entirely  normal 
as  two  words,  but  it  becomes  in  fact  a  unit,  that  is,  a  single 
phrase-word.  So  paticca-samuppanno,  etc.  Compare  Buddhe 
(dhamme,  sanghe)  avecca-ppasado,  at  Majjhima  1.  37.  The 
Dhammapada  Commentary,  at  4.  230,  tells  of  a  devout  layman 
who  asked  his  wife  about  the  other  Paths,  and  then  at  last  'the 
question  with-a-stepping-beyond,  the  question  with-a-trans-scend- 
ing, '  the  atikkamma-panha,  or  'the  transcendent  question.' 
'Ah,'  says  she,  'if  you  want  to  know  about  that  question,  you 
must  go  to  the  Teacher  and  put  it  to  him.'  The  beautifully 
veiled  phrase  means  of  course  the  question  about  Arahatship. 

Examples  might  easily  be  multiplied.  Let  these  suffice  to 
tempt  some  Pali  student  to  systematic  study  of  these  curious  and 
interesting  linguistic  phenomena. 


BRIEF  NOTES 

The  Sanskrit  passive-stem 

Its  sign  is  accented  yd,  added  to  the  root.  Since  the  root  was 
unaccented,  its  form  was  the  weak  one :  bandh,  badh-yd-te.  The 
grammars,  in  long  succession,  state  that,  before  added  ya,  the  root 
undergoes  changes:  thus  final  r  becomes  ri;  final  i  becomes  I; 
and  so  on. 

These  changes  lose  the  aspect  of  irregularity,  if  we  consider 
that  the  ya  of  the  passive,  like  the  ya  or  Iya  of  the  gerundive,  is 
often  dissyllabic,  i-a,  or  (with  the  'transition-semivowel'  or 
'disjunctive  semivowel')  iya.  Thus  kr-iya-te  becomes  kr-iya-te; 
ci-iya-te  becomes  clyate.  The  a-roots  (few  in  number,  but  of 
frequent  occurrence)  weaken  to  I:  pa,  ply  ate.  Thus  after  the 
powerful  analogy  of  forms  like  plyate,  clyate,  even  roots  in  u 
show  u:  sru,  sruyate. 

To  this  it  may  be  objected  that  'the  passive-sign  is  never 
resolved  into  ia  in  the  Veda. '  So  Whitney,  Grammar,  771g :  cf . 
Edgren,  JAOS  11,  p.  iv,  Oct.  1878. — 'Is  the  passive  ya  ever 
resolved  into  m?'  Clearly,  in  view  of  the  forms  like  mriyate, 
hriyate,  dhriyate,  etc.,  it  is  no  less  a  begging  of  the  question  to 
answer  this  question  with  'never,'  than  it  is  to  say  that  these 
forms  prove  that  it  is  so  resolved. 

Accordingly  let  us  look  at  the  Prakrits  and  Pali.  (See 
PischeFs  Prakrit  Gram.,  §  535-;  Geiger's  Pali  Gram.,  §  176.) 
Here  are  found  corresponding  forms  in  abundance  which  show 
the  formative  element  ya  as  a  true  dissyllable :  Prakrit,  gamiadi, 
gacchladi,  sumadi,  jdmadi,  sumariadi;  Pali,  sodhlyati  (sodh- 
yate),  mdriyati,  sdriyati,  and  so  on. 

The  gerundive  (it  may  be  added)  is  simply  a  verbal  adjective. 
Latin  laudandus  is  properly  'laudable,'  just  as  faciendus  (and 
facilis  no  less  so)  is  simply  'do-able.'  The  Sanskrit  gerundives 
'formed  with  ya,  tavya,  and  amya,'  are  better  treated  all  alike 
as  secondary  verbal  adjectives  in  ya  (in  the  Veda  often  i-a:  see 
Edgren)  or  iya,  from  different  primary  verbal  substantives :  kar- 
ya  (kdr-ia)  from  kdra;  kartav-ya  from  kartu;  karan-iya  from 
karana,  (Cf.  Pischel,  §  571;  Geiger,  §  199.) 

CHARLES  E.  LANMAN 

Harvard  University 


200  Brief  Notes 

An  erroneous  etymology  of  New  Persian  padsah,  in  relation  to 
the  pr.  n.  Uan^iB^  (Hdt.  3.  61) 

Marquart  (Phil.  Sup.  10.  531)  was  the  first  to  propose  that  the 
name  of  the  Magian,  the  brother  of  Gaumata  (Pseudo-Smerdis), 
as  given  by  Herodotus  in  the  form  Patizeithes  was  not  a  proper 
name  but  an  official  title  corrupted  from  the  Anc.  Pers.  *pati- 
xsdyaOiya  and  preserved  in  the  familiar  Mod.  Pers.  padsah.  This 
theory  has  found  place  in  later  histories  and  commentaries  to 
such  an  extent  that  it  has  become  almost  popularly  accepted. 
My  argument  against  this  view  is  based  on  the  phonetic  difficulties 
involved,  on  the  use  of  the  term  in  the  Middle  Persian  period, 
and  on  what  I  believe  is  the  restoration  of  the  usurper's  real 
Magian  title. 

It  is  doubtful  if  the  hypothetical  Anc.  Pers.  *patixsdyaOiya 
would  signify  'pro-king,  viceroy,  regent.'  The  chief  ground 
for  the  existence  of  such  a  word  with  the  meaning  proposed  is  its 
apparent  connection  with  Mod.  Pers.  sLi  t>L?  padsah  'king.' 
This  seems  to  the  writer  phonetically  impossible.  The  Anc.  Pers. 
prefix  patiy  becomes  in  Mod.  Pers.  paS,  pa°,  never  pad.  Again, 
in  the  Greek  transliteration  of  Anc.  Pers.  sounds  xs  becomes  £ 
or  o-,  never  £  except  when  medial,  Meyaj8u£o«  (baga  'god'  + 
*buxsa  fr.  ~buj  'to  free'),  and  in  the  combination  h-xs,  &apva£d- 
Oprjs  (farnah  '  glory  +  xsaffa,  'kingdom').  The  Anc.  Pers. 
dental  tenuis  asp.  does  not  become  6  or  r  except  before  p,  e.  g. 
MIT/OO-,  MiOpo-  <  MiQra,  but  a-  e.  g.  Sarao-Tn/s  (9ata  'hundred'  + 
aspa  'horse'), 'ApraoTjpas  (Aria,  '  divine  law ' -j-  Our  a  'strong'). 
Furthermore  such  forms  of  the  Magian 's  name  as  rCar^ar^s 
(Chron.  Alex.  339.  16)  and  Ha^ov^s  (Dionysius  of  Miletus) 
seem  to  point  to  a  Kosename,  based  on  Av.  paitizanta  fr.  zan, 
Anc.  Pers.  dan  'know.'  TLar^ovO^  may  not  be  Greek  at  all 
(TTOV  -\-  £ou$os),  but  the  transliteration  of  the  Iranian  patizanta. 
The  metathesis  of  n  is  seen  in  ^apavSar^  <  farnah  '  giory '  + 
data  'given.'  For  v  <  a,  cf.  "A/wris  <  Av.  hu  'well'  +  Anc. 
Pers.  *mati,  YAv.  maiti  'thought';  for  0  <  t,  cf .  0  <  p  in  M<u- 
</>arr?«  <  Anc.  Pers.  mdh  'month'  +  pat  a  'protected.' 

The  New  Pers.  pddisdh,  padsah  was  given  originally  to  the 
monarch  as  a  supreme  title  of  honor  and  only  later  was  extended 
to  subordinate  rulers.  This  would  preclude  any  designation  of 
power  delegated  from  the  king  which  Marquart  would  see  in  the 


Brief  Notes  201 

prefix  patiy.  The  prius  of  the  Mod.  Pers.  compound  is  more 
probably  to  be  found  in  the  Anc.  Pers.  pa  l  protect. '  The  nomen 
agentis  pdtar  'protector'  would  appear  in  the  Mod.  Pers.  as 
pad,  cf.  Bartholomae,  Altiranisches  Worterbuch,  887,  Hiibsch- 
mann,  Persische  Studien,  35.  The  Mod.  Pers.  pddisdh  <  Anc. 
Pers.  pdtar  +  xsdyaBiya,  '  protector-king '  would  illustrate  Iran- 
ian r  changed  into  i  as  in  New  Pers.  giriftah,  Bal.  gipta,  cf.  Av. 
gardpta  'seized';  New  Pers.  x^rs  c^-  Av.  o,r9sa  'bear';  New 
Pers.  dil,  Bal.  zirde,  cf.  Av.  zzrdSaya  'heart';  New  Pers.  Us,  cf. 
Av.  tarsna  'thirst.'  Cf.  change  of  Skt.  r  to  i  in  the  Indian 
dialects,  Skt.  krta,  Prak.  kita;  Skt.  ghrta,  Bang,  ghi,  Sindhi 
gihu,  Anglo-Indian  ghee,  cf .  Gray,  Indo-Iranian  Phonology,  71. 

Herodotus  (3.  61)  states  that  Cambyses  had  left  Patizeithes 
TWV  otKiW  /xeAeStovdv.  If  this  is  not  a  title  but  his  real  name  as 
Hdt.  implies,  we  find  his  Magian  designation  in  Oropastes 
(Justin.  1.  9.).  This  reverses  the  now  generally  accepted  theory 
which  would  find  in  the  latter  the  proper  name  and  in  the  former 
the  title.  The  derivation  of  Oropastes  is  clear — prius  Anc.  Pers. 
aura  'lord,'  posterius upastd  'aid.'  Just  as  his  brother  Gaumata 
(nomen  proprium  as  given  in  the  Behistan  Inscription)  bore  the 
Magian  appellation  S^evSaSar^s  according  to  Ctesias,  Pers.  10, 
which  is  the  YAv.  spdntoddta,  'created  by  the  Holy,'  so  we  can 
believe  that  in  *auraupasta  '  possessing  the  help  of  the  Lord '  we 
restore  the  Magian  title  of  Patizeithes. 

H.  C.  TOLMAN 

Vanderbilt  University 


A  possible  Sumerian  original  of  the  name  Nimrod 

According  to  the  tradition  recorded  in  the  genealogical  tablet, 
Gen.  10.  8  ff.,  Nimrod,  son  of  Gush,  founded  the  empire  of  Baby- 
lonia. This  Nimrod  is  mentioned  in  v.  8,  as  having  been  'the 
first  great  warrior  in  the  land'  (this  seems  to  be  the  meaning  of 
the  words :  plfrO  ""QJ  fiVrf?  ^HH),  and  in  v.  9  it  is  stated  that 
Nimrod  was  a  'great  warrior  hunter  before  Jahve,'  i.  e.,  so  great 
as  to  attract  the  attention  of  Jahve  (>)&?  TV  "Oil  H'H  N1H 
HIPP),  a  tradition  which  does  not  appear  to  have  any  connection 
with  the  rest  of  the  text.  For  this  reason  some  scholars  have  con- 
cluded that  verse  9  is  a  gloss  (Procksch,  Die  Genesis,  1912,  p.  74). 


202  Brief  Notes 

Admitting  that  v.  9  may  be  an  interpolation,  there  must  have 
been  some  reason  in  the  mind  of  the  glossator  for  the  assertion 
that  Nimrod  was  a  hunter  of  distinction.  One's  first  instinct 
would  be  to  seek  the  cause  of  such  a  tradition,  but,  unfortunately, 
the  Biblical  Nimrod  has  not  been  successfully  identified  with  any 
Babylonian  hero  and  especially  with  no  one  who  was  specifically 
devoted  to  the  chase. 

Thus,  the  name  Nimrod  has  of  recent  years  been  subjected  to 
the  following  analyses :  Nimrod  =  Nin-Murda,  Maynard,  AJSL 
34,  p.  30,  cf.  Clay,  Miscellaneous  Inscriptions,  1916,  pp.  93  ff.  ; 
Nam-urta  =  the  god  Ninib  (Procksch,  op.  cit.,  p.  74)  ;  Nimrod  — 
Namir-udda,  a  supposed  epithet  of  the  god  Ninib,  Jeremias, 
Light  on  the  Old  Testament  from  the  East,  1,  p.  290.  Here 
should  be  noted  also  Hommel  's  derivation :  Nimrod  =  Namra- 
uddu,  PSBA  15  (1893),  pp.  291  if.,  'shining  light,'  a  view 
opposed  by  Jensen,  Kosmologie,  pp.  104  ff. ;  etc.1 

Dr.  Emil  Kraeling  has  suggested  that  Nimrod  was  an  Amorite 
who  came  to  Babylonia  from  southern  Arabia  (Aram  and  Israel, 
1918,  pp.  13  ff.).  More  recently,  in  the  Assyrian  Seminar  of 
Columbia  University,  Dr.  Kraeling  is  now  inclined  to  connect 
Nimrod  historically  with  Lugal-Banda,  a  mythological  king  men- 
tioned in  Poebel,  Historical  Texts,  1914,  whose  seat  was  at  the 
city  Marad,  now  known  to  be  the  modern  Wanna  Sedoum,  west 
of  Nippur  on  the  Euphrates  (Clay,  Misc.  Inscr.,  notes  to  No.  10, 
and  Delitzsch,  Paradies,  p.  220).  Following  Delitzsch  (Sum. 
Glossar,  p.  206),  who  derives  the  name  Nimrod  from  a  supposed 
nu-Marad  i  man  of  Marad, '  Kraeling  suggests  rather  en-Mar  ad  = 
Lugal-Marad  (en  =  lugal,  'king'),  whom  he  identifies  with 
Lugal-Marrada  —  dMas,  Br.  12536 ;  viz.,  dMas  =  Ninib,  Clay, 
Amurru,  1909,  pp.  126  ff.  Hence  Nimrod  =  Ninib  ( 1) . 

The  king  Lugal-Banda,  however,  was  not  noted  as  a  hunter. 
The  only  two  great  Babylonian  heroes  distinguished  in  the  chase 
were  Dumuzi  (Tammuz),  who  was  killed  while  hunting  boar 
(Jeremias,  Alt  or.  Geisteskultur,  pp.  270  ff.),  and  the  renowned 
Gilgames,  whose  name,  however,  contains  no  suggestion  of  hunt- 
ing and  has  no  connection  with  the  name  Nimrod  (Prince,  'Note 
sur  le  nom  Gilgames,'  Babyloniaca,  1907,  pp.  63-65). 

A  second  suggestion  of  Dr.  Kraeling 's  is  that  Nimrod  may  have 

1  For  other  opinions,  cf.  the  material  in  Gesenius-Buhl,  p.  501. 


Brief  Notes  203 

been  an  epithet  of  the  first  great  Semitic  Babylonian  king  Ham- 
murapi,  who,  however,  was  not  distinguished  in  the  chase,  but, 
like  the  Biblical  Nimrod,  was  an  empire  builder,  which  would  cor- 
respond with  the  expansion  attributed  to  Nimrod,  Gen.  10.  10  ff., 
and,  so  far  as  the  historicity  of  Nimrod  is  concerned,  it  is  highly 
probable  that  we  have  in  this  obscure  character  a  reminiscence  of 
early  Semitic  territorial  extensions  in  the  Euphrates  valley.  But 
it  is  doubtful  whether  Hammurapi  is  intended. 

How  can  the  description  of  Nimrod  as  a  great  hunter  in  the 
presumably  glossated  text  of  Gen.  10.  9,  be  accounted  for?  In 
the  absence  of  any  known  tradition  confirming  this  statement,  the 
next  step  would  be  to  examine  the  form  Nimrod  itself,  to  discover 
whether  the  name  does  not  offer  some  suggestion  of  the  chase. 
Assuming  Nimrod  to  be  a  Sumerian  name  or  epithet,  it  is  highly 
probable  that  the  first  syllable  mm  contains  the  Sum.  nin,  with 
gloss  ni-ni  (Del.  Glossar,  p.  204)  =  caidu,  occurring  in  lu  edin 
ni-ni  (=kili),  i field  huntsman.'  That  this  stem  nin  (ni-ni)  is 
identical  wdth  nigin  =  saxaru,  '  turn,  seek, '  which  itself  contains 
gin,  gi=  tdru,  i  turn  around,  seek, '  is  highly  likely.  In  nin- 
nini,  the  final  n  was  probably  nasal  ng,  as  in  the  equation  gi  = 
ni  =  'man'  (also  =  lu  —  nu,  'man' ;  Prince,  JAOS  39,  pp.  270, 
275).  This  nin-nini  also  has  the  meaning  napxaru,  'entirety,' 
a  variant  of  saxaru,  '  surround, '  in  which  sense  the  sign  has  the 
val.  kili  =  nasal  k  +  I  =  n  =  ningi-ningin. 

The  element  -rod  in  Nimrod  is  more  difficult.  It  may  stand 
for  Sum.  gud2  =  ellum  'bright,  distinguished'  (Glossar,  p.  215), 
a  very  common  epithet.  In  this  case,  ning-tyud  =  'distinguished 
hunter. '  It  is,  however,  possible  that  a  later  tradition  may  have 
confounded  this  guttural  gud  with  gud  =  qarradu  ( Glossar, 
108),  the  exact  equivalent  of  the  Biblical  "OJ.  If  this  suppo- 
sition is  correct,  Nimrod  is  merely  the  original  of  the  rendering 
"TV  "13J »  This  suggestion  has  never  been  made  before,  so  far 
as  I  know,  and  would  serve  to  explain  the  introduction  of  the 
supposed  gloss,  Gen.  10.  9,  implying  that  the  glossator  connected 
the  idea  of  a  huntsman  with  the  name  Nimrod. 

J.  DYNELEY  PRINCE 

Columbia  University. 


3  Variant  l&ad  =  ellum,  eb^um,  ' shining,  distinguished'  (Glossar,  p.  209). 


PROCEEDINGS 

OF    THE 

AMERICAN  ORIENTAL  SOCIETY 

AT  THE  MEETING  IN  ITHACA,  N.  Y.,  1920 

The  annual  sessions  of  the  Society,  forming  its  one  hundred 
and  thirty-second  regular  meeting,  were  held  in  Ithaca,  N.  Y., 
at  Cornell  University,  on  Tuesday  and  Wednesday  of  Easter 
Week,  April  6  and  7,  1920. 

The  following  members  were  present  at  one  or  more  of  the 
sessions : 

Abbott  Griswold  Lybyer  Schmidt 

Abbott,  Mrs.  Haupt  Montgomery  Schoff 

Barbour  Hopkins  Nies  Torrey 

Barret  Hyde  Ogden  Waterman 

Bates,  Mrs.  Jackson  Olmstead  Westphal 

Berry  Jackson,  Mrs.          Popper 

Brockwell  Jastrow  Sanders 

Edgerton,  F.  Lanman  Saimders,  Mrs.  [Total:    29] 

THE  FIRST  SESSION 

The  first  session  was  held  on  Tuesday  morning  beginning  at 
9 :45  A.  M.,  in  Goldwin  Smith  Hall,  the  President,  Professor  Lan- 
man, being  in  the  chair.  The  reading  of  the  Proceedings  at 
Philadelphia  in  1919  was  dispensed  with,  as  they  had  already 
been  printed  in  the  JOURNAL  (39.129-151)  :  there  were  no  cor- 
rections and  they  were  approved  as  printed. 

Prof.  Schmidt,  as  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Arrange- 
ments, presented  the  report  of  the  Committee  in  the  form  of  a 
printed  program.  The  succeeding  sessions  were  appointed  for 
Tuesday  afternoon  at  half  past  two,  Wednesday  morning  at 
half  past  nine,  Wednesday*  afternoon  at  half  past  two,  and 
Thursday  morning  at  half  past  nine.  The  session  of  Wednes- 
day afternoon  was  to  be  devoted  to  the  presentation  of  papers  on 
the  historical  study  of  religions,  and  papers  of  a  more  general 
character.  It  was  announced  that  on  Tuesday  at  1  P.  M.  the 
President  and  Trustees  of  Cornell  University  would  entertain 


Proceedings  205 

the  members  at  a  luncheon  in  Prudence  Risley  Hall;  that  local 
friends  would  take  the  members  on  an  automobile  excursion 
Tuesday  at  4:30  P.  M.,  after  which  the  members  would  dine 
together  at  the  Forest  Home  Tea  Room ;  that  the  members  would 
gather  at  the  house  of  the  Telluride  Club  for  an  informal  recep- 
tion Tuesday  evening;  that  the  members  would  have  luncheon 
together  at  the  Ithaca  Hotel  on  Wednesday  at  1  p.  M.  ;  that  there 
would  be  a  special  organ  recital  in  Sage  Chapel  on  Wednesday 
at  5 :15  P.  M.  ;  and  that  the  annual  subscription  dinner  would  take 
place  in  Prudence  Risley  Hall  on  Wednesday  at  7  :30  p.  M. 


REPORT  OF  THE  CORRESPONDING  SECRETARY 

The  Corresponding  Secretary,  Dr.  Charles  J.  Ogden,  pre- 
sented the  following  report : 

The  rather  miscellaneous  duties  of  the  Corresponding  Secretary  are  hard 
to  summarize;  but  they  are  in  the  main  the  arrangement  of  the  formal  pro- 
gram of  the  Annual  Meeting,  the  noting  of  changes  affecting  the  member- 
ship, and  the  conducting  of  correspondence  with  other  Societies  and  organ- 
izations. 

There  is  little  for  the  Secretary  to  say  about  the  program  of  the  sessions, 
since,  tho  he  has  been  engaged  in  learning  both  from  precedent  and  by 
experience,  he  is  as  yet  more  able  to  receive  suggestions  than  to  make  them. 
Also  the  problem  of  coping  with  the  increasing  output  of  the  Members' 
learned  zeal  has  been  evaded  this  year  thru  our  escaping  from  cities  into 
a  thoroly  academic  atmosphere  where  we  can  enjoy  a  meeting  of  a  man- 
ageable size.  The  sixth  session  decreed  by  the  resolution  passed  at  the  last 
meeting  (see  the  JOURNAL,  39.  134)  has  therefore  been  omitted,  as  it  is  alto- 
gether likely  that  five  sessions  will  give  time  enough  for  the  presentation  in 
full  of  all  papers  and  for  ample  discussion. 

The  report  concerning  the  membership  can  b^st  be  stated  thru  statis- 
tics. The  list  of  corporate  members,  as  it  was  at  the  opening  of  the  meet- 
ing in  1919,  contained  359  names.  At  that  meeting  24  persons  were  elected 
to  membership,  and  three  former  members  were  reinstated  during  the  year, 
the  total  accessions  to  the  list  being  27.  The  losses  during  the  past  twelve 
months  have  been :  deaths  reported,  13 ;  formal  resignations,  4 ;  names  dropt 
from  the  list,  13 ;  total  losses,  30.  There  are  therefore  at  present  356  names 
in  the  list  of  corporate  members,  which  registers  a  net  loss  of  3  for  the 
year;  but  it  is  unnecessary  to  emphasize  these  figures,  since  they  will  very 
soon  be  made  obsolete  when  the  unprecedentedly  large  list  of  persons 
recommended  for  membership  is  laid  before  the  meeting. 

One  honorary  member,  Sir  Arthur  Evans,  was  elected  at  the  last  meeting 
to  fill  the  only  vacancy  then  known  to  exist,  and  he  has  signified  his  accept- 


206  Proceedings 

ance  of  membership.     Two  deaths  reported  during  the  past  year  leave  two 
vacancies  to  be  filled  in  the  roll  of  honorary  members. 

It  is  how  the  duty  of  the  Secretary  to  report  to  the  Society  the  names  of 
those  members  whose  deaths  have  been  brought  to  his  notice  since  the  last 
meeting. 

Professor  ERNST  WINDISCH,  of  the  University  of  Leipzig,  a  scholar  whose 
activities  embraced  the  extremes  of  Indo-European  philology,  since  his 
studies  ranged  from  Old  Irish  to  Sanskrit  and  Pali.  In  the  Oriental  field 
his  edition  of  the  Itivuttaka  and  his  articles  on  Buddhist  legend  and  doc- 
trine have  been  of  especial  value.  Elected  an  honorary  member  in  1890. 
Died  on  October  30,  1918.  [See  JBAS  1919,  pp.  299-306.] 

Professor  LEONARD  W.  KING,  Assistant  Keeper  of  Egyptian  and  Assyrian 
Antiquities  in  the  British  Museum,  and  professor  in  King 's  College,  London. 
He»  was  widely  known  for  his  work  in  editing  Babylonian  tablets  and  the 
great  Behistan  Inscription  and  for  his  books  on  Babylonian  history.  Elected 
an  honorary  member  in  1917.  Died  on  August  20,  1919.  [See  AJSL  36. 
89-94.] 

Mr.  J.  NELSON  EOBERTSON,  of  Toronto,  Canada.  Elected  in  1913.  Died 
in  December,  1918. 

Dr.  PAUL  CARUS,  of  La  Salle,  111.,  editor  of  The  Open  Court.  He  was 
primarily  interested  in  philosophy,  but  had  written  extensively  on  Oriental 
religions,  notably  on  Buddhism.  Elected  in  1897.  Died  on  February  11, 
1919.  [See  memorial  number  of  The  Open  Court,  Sept.,  1919.] 

Mr.  GUSTAV  A.  VON  BRAUCHITSCH,  fellow  in  Semitics  at  the  University  of 
Chicago.  Elected  in  1917.  Died  on  April  2,  1919. 

Professor  CRAWFORD  H.  TOY,  of  Cambridge,  Mass.,  for  twenty-nine  years 
Professor  of  Hebrew  and  cognate  subjects  at  Harvard  University,  and  one 
of  the  pioneers  in  America  of  the  critical  study  of  the  Old  Testament. 
Elected  in  1871.  President  of  the  Society  in  the  year  1906-7,  being  the 
first  President  to  be  elected  under  the  system  of  annual  rotation.  Died  on 
May  12,  1919.  [See  AJSL  36.  1-17.] 

Mr.  GERARD  ALSTON  REICHLING,  of  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.,  a  young  scholar  of 
promise,  who  contributed  an  article  to  the  JOURNAL  only  a  short  time  before 
his  death.  Elected  in  1912.  Died  on  June  18,  1919. 

Professor  W.  MAX  MULLER,  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  one  of  the 
most  distinguisht  Egyptologists  in  America,  and  an  active  member  of  this 
Society.  Elected  in  1905.  Died  on  July  12,  1919. 

Mrs.  JANE  Dows  NIES,  of  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.,  wife  of  the  Eev.  Dr.  James 
B.  Nies,  and  herself  a  supporter  of  Oriental  studies  thru  her  gifts  to  this 
Society  and  to  the  American  School  of  Oriental  Research  in  Jerusalem. 
Elected  in  1916,  and  from  that  time  a  life  member.  Died  on  September  16, 
1919. 

Dr.  FRANKLIN  CARTER,  of  Williamstown,  Mass.,  president  of  Williams 
College  from  1881  to  1901.  Elected  in  1873.  Died  on  November  22,  1919. 

M.  VICTOR  SEGALEN,  Medecin-major,  Brest,  France.  Elected  in  1919. 
Died  during  the  year  1919. 

Dr.  SOLOMON  T.  H.  HURWITZ,  of  New  York  City,  editor  of  The  Jewish 


Proceedings  20? 

Forum,  professor  in  the  Rabbi  Isaac  Elchanan  Theological  Seminary,  and 
a  leader  in  Jewish  higher  education.  Elected  in  1912.  Died  on  January 
12,  1920.  [See  memorial  number  of  The  Jewish  Forum,  Feb.,  1920.] 

Eev.  HENRY  F.  JENKS,  of  Canton  Corner,  Mass.,  formerly  pastor  of  the 
First  Congregational  Parish  in  Canton.  Elected  in  1874.  Died  on  Jan- 
uary 31,  1920. 

Professor  EDWIN  WHITFIELD  FAY,  of  the  University  of  Texas,  where  for 
twenty-one  years  he  had  been  Professor  of  Latin.  His  scholarly  activities, 
however,  extended  into  the  wider  domain  of  comparative  Indo-European 
philology,  especially  in  its  relation  to  the  classical  languages  and  Sanskrit, 
and  his  brilliant  and  ingenious  discussions  of  etymological  problems  had 
won  for  him  an  international  reputation.  His  death  is  a  serious  loss  to  this 
Society,  for,  tho  unable  to  attend  its  meetings  often,  he  has  been  a  fre- 
quent contributor  to  the  JOURNAL  on  Indo-Iranian  topics.  Elected  in 
1888.  Died  on  February  17,  1920. 

Mr.  CHARLES  MARTYN  PRYNNE,  of  Boston,  Mass.  Elected  in  1919.  Died 
during  the  year  1919-20. 

Among  the  external  affairs  of  the  Society  there  has  been  only  one  matter 
of  prime  importance  to  note;  namely,  the  Conference  of  Learned  Societies 
held  in  Boston  last  September,  and  the  consequent  organization,  in  February 
of  this  year,  of  the  American  Council  of  Learned  Societies  Devoted  to 
Humanistic  Studies.  This  topic,  however,  need  not  be  elaborated  here, 
as  it  has  been  summarized  in  the  February  number  of  the  JOURNAL  (40. 
77-80)  and  has  thus  been  brought,  at  least  constructively,  to  the  members' 
notice. 

The  efforts  of  the  Corresponding  Secretary  to  obtain  some  preliminary 
consensus  of  opinion  by  sending  a  circular  letter  to  the  officers  and  Directors 
of  the  Society  have  made  him  believe  that  a  board  of  eighteen  persons  is 
too  unwieldy  to  function  between  meetings  of  the  Society  and  that  a  smaller 
Executive  Council,  as  has  been  already  suggested,  could  in  the  interval 
deal  with  urgent  questions,  under  proper  limitations.  Such  a  power  is 
doubtless  inherent  in  the  President;  but  as  he  is  apt  to  be  a  distinguisht, 
and  therefore  a  busy,  man,  and  likewise  duly  sensible  of  the  brevity  of  his 
tenure,  he  cannot  well  be  compelled  to  exercise  it.  And  that  the  Cor- 
responding Secretary,  by  reason  of  his  strategic  position  in  respect  to  the 
Society's  affairs  and  his  comparative  permanency  in  office,  should  assume 
the  right  of  decision,  would  be  a  consequence  from  which  he  must  be  saved 
if  need  be  in  spite  of  himself. 

The  Secretary  cannot  end  this  report  without  expressing  his  apprecia- 
tion of  the  cordial  co-operation  that  he  has  received  from  the  officers  and 
the  members  of  the  Society  in  general,  both  in  answering  his  requests  for 
information,  and  in  other  ways.  Especially  is  it  his  duty  and  his  pleasure 
to  thank  his  predecessors  in  office,  Professors  Jackson  and  Edgerton,  and 
the  President  of  the  Society,  Professor  Lanman,  for  putting  at  his  disposal 
their  stores  of  precedents  and  their  practical  wisdom.  Of  whatever  has 
been  accomplisht  the  merit  is  theirs. 


208 


Proceedings 


Upon  motion  the  report  of  the  Corresponding  Secretary  was 
accepted.  Brief  remarks  were  made  concerning  several  late 
members:  Professor  Jastrow  spoke  of  Max  Miiller;  Professors 
Hopkins,  Lanman  and  Barret  of  E.  W.  Fay;  Professor  Montgom- 
ery of  Mrs.  J.  B.  Nies;  Professors  Hopkins  and  Haupt  of  E. 
Windisch;  Professors  Lanman  and  Jastrow  of  Crawford  H. 
Toy ;  and  Professor  Waterman  of  Leonard  W.  King. 


REPORT  OF  THE  TREASURER 

The   Corresponding   Secretary  presented  the   report  of  the 
Treasurer,  Prof.  A.  T.  Clay : 

EECEIPTS  AND  EXPENDITURES  FOR  THE  YEAR  ENDING  DEC.  31,  1919 

Receipts 

Balance  from  old  account  Dec.  31,  1918   $3,326.83 

Annual  dues  1,540.10 

Interest  on  bonds: 

Chicago,  Eock  Island  and  Pacific  By $120.00 

Lackawanna  Steel  Co 100.00 

Virginia  Eailway  Co 50.00 

Minneapolis  General  Electric  Co. 50.00        320.00 

J.  B.  Nies,  for  the  Encyclopedia  of  Islam   50.00 

Publication  Fund    77.50 

Old  plates  sold    5.52 

Sale  of  publications   456.54 

Interest  on  deposit 169.30 

$5,945.79 
Expenditures 

To  the  Corresponding  Secretary:    printing $      12.17 

Treasurer's  expenses:    clerical   $     7.00 

postage   (for  four  years)    '  36.43          43.43 

Librarian 's  expenses :    postage .12 

Expenses  of  the  Middle  West  Branch 27.15 

Journal :    printing  of  38.5     337.14 

39.1     239.31 

39.2     350.94 

39.3     350.01 

39.4    313.37 

W.  Drugulin  for  printing   96.55 

Editors'  honorariums:    J.  A.  Montgomery   ..  100.00 

Franklin  Edgerton  .  .  150.00* 

Editors'  expenses:    postage    13.33 

printing    62.35     2,013.00 

*  $50.00  for  the  preceding  year. 


Proceedings  209 

C.  Snouck  Hurgronje,  honorarium  for  the  Encyclopedia 

of  Islam    100.40 

Membership  Committee  Expense:    printing    31.75 

postage    7.42 

clerical    3.00          42.17 

Balance,  Dec.  31,  1919 3,707.35 


$5,945.79 

REPORT  OF   THE  AUDITING  COMMITTEE 

The  report  of  the  Auditing  Committee  was  presented  by  Pro- 
fessor Hopkins : 

We  hereby  certify  that  we  have  examined  the  account  of  the  Treasurer 
of  the  Society  and  have  found  the  same  correct,  and  that  the  foregoing 
account  is  in  conformity  therewith.  We  have  also  compared  the  entries 
with  the  vouchers  and  the  account  book  as  held  for  the  Society  by  the 
Treasurer  of  Yale  University,  and  have  found  all  correct. 

E.  WASHBURN  HOPKINS, 

F.  W.  WILLIAMS, 

Auditors. 
NEW  HAVEN,  CONN.,  March  15,  1920. 

On  motion  the  Treasurer's  report  and  that  of  the  Auditing 
Committee  were  accepted;  and  a  suggestion  from  the  Auditing 
Committee  concerning  the  investment  of  funds  was  referred  to 
the  Directors  for  report. 

REPORT  OF  THE  LIBRARIAN 

The  Corresponding  Secretary  presented  the  report  of  the 
Librarian,  Prof.  A.  T.  Clay,  and  upon  motion  it  was  accepted : 

Periodicals  have  been  added  to  catalogue  cards,  marked  and  placed  on 
shelves  to  date.  New  accessions,  including  both  periodicals  and  books,  are 
now  being  catalogued.  Mr.  Paul,  a  graduate  student,  has  looked  over  the 
books  and  manuscripts  in  the  Tamil  and  Bengali  languages,  and  has  made 
additions  to  the  catalogue  cards  which  were  already  made  for  them. 

Accessions  to  the  Library  of  the  American  Oriental  Society 

Mar.  1919— Jan.  1920 

'Abd  al-Karim  ibn  Muhammad  al-Sam'ani.  The  Kitab  al-ansab  reproduced 
from  the  ms.  in  the  British  museum.  1912.  (E.  J.  W.  Gibb  memorial 
series,  v.  20.) 

Banerjee,  G.  N.     Hellenism  in  ancient  India.     1919. 

Bhandarkar,  D.  E.  Lectures  on  the  ancient  history  of  India  .  .  .  650  to 
325  B.  C.  1919. 

14    JAOS  40 


210  Proceedings 

Bloomfield,  M.  The  life  and  stories  of  the  Jaina  Savior  Pargvanatha. 
1919. 

Calcutta  university  commission  report  (1-5). 

Claretie,  L.     Nos  freres  roumains. 

De  Eoo  de  la  Faille,  P.  lets  over  Oud-Batavia.  (Popular-wetenschappen- 
lijke  serie,  no.  I.) 

Gann,  T.  W.  F.  The  Maya  Indians  of  southern  Yucatan  and  northern 
British  Honduras.  1918.  (Smithsonian  Institution.  Bureau  of  Amer- 
ican ethnology.  Bulletin,  64.) 

Giuffrida-Euggeri,  V.  Prime  linee  di  un'  antropologia  sistematica  dell' 
Asia.  1919. 

Holmes,  W.  H.     Handbook  of  aboriginal  American  antiquities.     1919. 

Journal  of  Jewish  lore  and  philosophy,  v.  1,  no.  2. 

Kaplun-Kogan,  W.  W.  Die  jiidischen  Wander bewegungen  in  der  neuesten 
Zeit  (1880-1914).  1919. 

Krom,  N.  J.     De  sumatraansche  Periode  der  javaansche  Geschiedenis.    1919. 

Laufer,  B.  Sino-Iranica.  Chinese  contributions  to  the  history  of  civiliza- 
tion in  ancient  Iran.  1919. 

Le  Nain,  L.  Eapport  succinct  sur  Petat  du  palais  des  academies  apres  le 
depart  des  Allemands.  1919. 

Marseille.  Chambre  de  commerce.  Congres  francjais  de  la  Syrie,  3,  4,  et 
5  Janvier  1919.  Seances  et  travaux,  fasc.  II. 

Al-Mokattam,  a  daily  Arabic  newspaper.     June-Aug.  1919. 

Narasimhachar,  E.  The  Kesava  remple  at  Belur.  1919.  (Mysore  archae- 
ological series.) 

The  New  China  Eeview,  v.  1.     1918. 

Parmentier,  H.  Inventaire  descriptif  des  monuments  cams  de  1'Annam, 
t.  II. 

Pratt,  I.  A.,  comp.  Armenia 'and  the  Armenians,  a  list  of  references  in  the 
New  York  Public  Library.  1919. 

The  South  Indian  research,  a  monthly  journal  of  researches,  v.  1,  no.  3-4. 

Stein,  A.     A  third  journey  of  exploration  in  Central  Asia.     1913-16. 

Tuttle,  E.  H.     Dravidian  S.     Eepr.  from  Am.  jour,  of  philology,  v.  40,  1919. 

REPORT  OF  THE  EDITORS  OF  THE  JOURNAL 

Prof.  J.  A.  Montgomery,  Senior  Editor  of  the  JOURNAL,  pre- 
sented the  report  of  the  Editors,  and  upon  motion  it  was 
accepted : 

The  five  Parts  of  the  JOURNAL  for  1919  have  appeared  very  closely  to 
schedule  time.  We  have  received  more  than  the  usual  amount  of  copy, 
which  has  been  delayed  in  printing  because  we  have  not  yet  returned  to  the 
pre-war  size  of  the  JOURNAL,  the  volume  for  1919  containing  352  pages 
against  460  pages  of  the  volume  for  1914-15.  Unfortunately  it  is  more 
than  ever  obvious  that  only  a  considerably  larger  income  will  enable  us  to 


Proceedings 

return  to  the  original  quantum,  for  with  the  new  year  the  printers  notified 
us  that  their  rates  would  be  increased  between  20  and  25%.  We  have 
been  advised  that  in  the  present  state  of  the  printing  business  we  must 
accept  the  situation.  The  Editors  are  practising  all  possible  economy. 
Among  other  economies  they  must  now  require  that  authors  shall  furnish 
copy  in  final  shape  or  else  bear  the  cost  of  changes  in  composition.  They 
would  urge  upon  contributors  the  virtue  of  condensation  and  the  sacrifice 
of  any  but  necessary  display  of  foreign  types. 

Included  in  the  last  year's  printing  bill  were  items  for  printing  a  large 
number  of  offprints  of  the  very  timely  Presidential  Address  and  of  a 
brochure  containing  the  papers  on  the  proposed  School  of  Living  Oriental 
Languages  which  has  been  widely  distributed  by  the  appropriate  Committee. 

As  the  Treasurer's  report  will  show,  we  came  off  very  cheaply  in  paying 
our  outstanding  printing  bill  in  Germany,  at  about  one-sixth  of  the  normal 
rates.  Although  this  bill  was  paid  in  the  latter  part  of  the  summer  we 
have  not  yet  received  from  the  Messrs.  Drugulin  the  missing  copies  of  the 
Parts  of  Volumes  34  and  35,  which  were  held  up  by  the  War.  A  letter 
from  the  Messrs.  Drugulin  of  date  Jan.  22  advised  us  that  they  were  at 
once  shipping  the  missing  numbers  but  these  have  not  yet  been  received. 

The  Editors  would  recommend  supplying  libraries  and  other  learned  insti- 
tutions with  the  JOURNAL  at  the  same  rates  as  to  members. 

A  suggestion  was  made  from  the  floor  that  abstracts  of  papers 
announced  for  the  sessions  be  printed  for  distribution  before  the 
meeting ;  upon  motion  the  matter  was  referred  to  the  Editors  of 
the  JOURNAL  and  the  Corresponding  Secretary  with  power. 


ELECTION  OF  MEMBERS 

The  following  persons,  recommended  by  the  Directors,  were 
elected  members  of  the  Society;  the  list  includes  some  elected 

at  a  later  session : 

HONORARY  MEMBERS 

Eev.  Pere  Vincent  Scheil,  Member  of  the  Institute,  Paris,  France. 

Dr.  Frederick  W.  Thomas,  Librarian  of  the  India  Office,  London,  England. 

CORPORATE  MEMBERS 

Prof.  William  Frederic  Bade,  Prof.  John  M.  Burnam, 

Mr.  Oscar  Berman,  Eev.  Isaac  Cannaday, 

Mr.  Isaac  W.  Bernheim,  Mr.  Alfred  M.  Cohen, 

Prof.  Campbell  Bonner,  Dr.  George  H.  Cohen, 

Prof.  Edward  I.  Bosworth,  Eabbi  Dr.  Henry  Cohen, 

Miss  Emilie  Grace  Briggs,  Mr.  Kenneth  Colegrove, 

Prof.  C.  A.  Brodie  Brockwell,  Prof.  Frank  Leighton  Day, 

Mr.  Leo  M.  Brown,  Mr.  Eobert  E.  Dengler, 


212 


Proceedings 


Eabbi  Dr.  Israel  Elfenbein, 

Eabbi  Abraham  J.  Feldman, 

Eabbi  Joseph  L.   Fink, 

Eabbi  Leo  M.  Franklin, 

Mr.  Maurice  J.  Freiberg, 

Mr.  Sigmund  Frey, 

Prof.  Israel  Friedlaender, 

Mr.  Dwight  Goddard, 

Eabbi  Dr.  S.  H.  Goldenson, 

Eabbi  Solomon  Goldman, 

Mr.  Philip  J.  Goodhart, 

Eev.  Dr.  Herbert  Henry  Gowen, 

Mr.  M.  E.  Greenebaum, 

Eev.  Dr.  J.  E.  Griswold, 

Pres.  William  W.  Guth, 

Dr.  George  Ellery  Hale, 

Prof.  W.  H.  P.  Hatch, 

Mr.  Daniel  P.   Hays, 

Mrs.  Edward  L.  Heinsheimer, 

Eabbi  James  G.  Heller, 

Prof.    Max   Heller, 

Mr.  B.  Hirshberg, 

Mr.  Theodore  Hofeller, 

Mr.  G.  F.  Hoff, 

Prof.  Alice  M.  Holmes, 

Mr.  Samuel  Horchow, 

Prof.  Walter  W.  Hyde, 

Ikbal  AH  Shah, 

Eabbi  Edward  L.  Israel, 

Mr.  Melvin  M.  Israel, 

Prof.  F.  J.  Foakes  Jackson, 

Miss  Alice  Judson, 

Mr.  Julius  Kahn, 

Mr.  Vahan.H.  Kalendarian, 

Mr.  I.  Keyfitz, 

Mr.  Eugene  Klein, 

Eev.  Dr.  Emil  G.  H.  Kraeling, 

Mr.  Harold  Albert  Lamb, 

Mr.  D.  A.  Leavitt, 

Mr.  Samuel  J.   Levinson, 

Mrs.  Lee  Loeb, 

Eev.  Arnold  Look, 

Eev.  Dr.  Chester  Charlton  McCown, 

Mr.  Ealph  W.  Mack, 

Eabbi  Edgar  F.  Magnin, 

Prof.  Henry  Malter, 


Eabbi  Jacob  E.  Marcus, 

Mr.  Ealph  Marcus, 

Mr.  Arthur  William  Marget, 

Mr.  Harry  S.  Margolis, 

Mr.  H.   J.  Marshall, 

Prof.  D.  Eoy  Mathews, 

Eabbi  Dr.  Eli  Mayer, 

Mr.  Henry  Meis, 

Mr.  Myron  M.  Meyerovitz, 

Eabbi  Louis  A.  Mischkind,    . 

Eev.  Hugh  A.  Moran, 

Mr.  Effingham  B.  Morris, 

Eev.  Thomas  Kinloch  Nelson, 

Mr.  Herbert  C.  Ottinger, 

Mr.  Eobert  Leet  Patterson, 

Mr.  Harold  Peirce, 

Dr.  Joseph  Louis  Perrier, 

Dr.  Arnold  Peskind, 

Mr.  Julius  I.  Peyser, 

Mr.  Eobert  Henry  Pfeiffer, 

Mr.  Julian   A.   Pollak, 

Mr.  .Carl  E.  Pretz, 

Eabbi  Dr.  Max  Eaisin, 

Prof.  H.  M.  Eamsey, 

Prof.   Joseph  Eansohoff, 

Mr.  Marcus  Eauh, 

Prof.  John   H.   Eaven, 

Eev.  A.  K.  Eeischauer, 

Mr.  Eobert  Thomas  Eiddle, 

Mr.  Julius  Eosenwald, 

Eabbi  Samuel  Sale, 

Eabbi  Dr.   Marcus   Salzman, 

Mr.  Jacob   H.   Schiff, 

Mr.  John  F.  Schlichting, 

Prof.  John  A.  Scott, 

Mr.  Max  Senior, 

Mr.  Gyokshu  Shibata, 

Eabbi  Abba  Hillel  Silver, 

Mr.  Hiram  Hill  Sipes, 

Mr.  Jack  H.  Skirball, 

Prof.  Edmund  D.  Soper, 

Mr.  Alexander  Spanakidis, 

Prof.  Wallace  N.  Stearns, 

Dr.  W.  Stede, 

Mr.  A.  J.  Sunstein, 

Prof.  Leo  Suppan, 


Proceedings  213 

Mr.  I.  Newton  Trager,  Mr.  Peter  Wiernik, 

Mr.  David  Arthur  Turnure,  Mr.  Herman  Wile, 

Mr.  Dudley  Tyng,  Prof.  Clarence  Russell  Williams, 

Mrs.  John  King  Van  Eensselaer,          Prof.  Curt  Paul  Wimmer, 

Mr.  Ludwig  Vogelstein,  Mr.  Louis  Gabriel  Zelson, 

Mr.  Morris  F.  Westheimer,  Mr.  Joseph  Solomon  Zuckerbaum, 

Mr.  Milton  C.  Westphal,  Rev.  Dr.  Samuel  M.  Zwemer. 

[TOTAL:    122.] 

Upon  motion  it  was  voted  that  the  thanks  of  the  Society  be 
extended  to  the  Committee  on  the  Enlargement  of  Membership 
and  Resources,  and  particularly  to  the  Chairman,  Prof.  Morgen- 
stern,  for  zealous  and  efficient  work. 


ELECTION  OF  OFFICERS  FOR  1920-1921 

Dr.  J.  B.  Nies  for  the  Committee  on  Nomination  of  Officers 
reported  as  follows : 

President — Professor   Taloott  Williams,  of  Columbia  University. 

V ice-Presidents — Professor  Paul  Haupt,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University; 
Dr.  Archer  M.  Huntington,  of  New  York  City;  Professor  Albert  Howe 
Lybyer,  of  the  University  of  Illinois. 

Corresponding  Secretary — Dr.  Charles  J.  Ogden,  of  New  York  City. 

Recording  Secretary — Professor  LeRoy  Carr  Barret,  of  Trinity  College. 

Treasurer — Professor  Albert  T.  Clay,  of  Yale  University. 

Librarian — Professor  Albert  T.  Clay,  of  Yale  University. 

Editors  of  the  Journal — Professor  James  A.  Montgomery,  of  the  Univer- 
sity of  Pennsylvania;  Professor  Franklin  Edgerton,  of  the  University  of 
Pennsylvania. 

Directors,  term  expiring  1923 — Dr.  Justin  Edwards  Abbott,  of  Summit, 
N.  J.;  Professor  A.  V.  Williams  Jackson,  of  Columbia  University;  Pro- 
fessor Charles  Rockwell  Lanman,  of  Harvard  University. 

The  officers  thus  nominated  were  duly  elected. 

Upon  motion  reports  of  other  committees  were  deferred. 

The  President,  Prof.  C.  R.  LANMAN  of  Harvard  University, 
delivered  an  address  on  'India  and  the  West'  [to  be  printed  in 
the  JOURNAL]  . 

At  the  luncheon  which  followed  adjournment  of  the  first  ses- 
sion Dean  J.  E.  Creighton  of  the  Graduate  School  made  an 
address  of  welcome,  acting  in  behalf  of  President  Schurman 
who  was  at  the  time  on  a  mission  to  Japan. 


214  Proceedings 


THE   SECOND  SESSION 

The  second  session  was  called  to  order  by  President  Lanman 
at  2:30  o'clock  on  Tuesday  afternoon.  The  reading  of  papers 
was  immediately  begun : 

Professor  M.  JASTROW,  JR.,  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania:  Two 
New  Fragments  of  a  Sumerian  Code  of  Laws.  Bemarks  by  Professor 
Haupt. 

A  discussion  of  two  texts  recently  published  by  Dr.  H.  F.  Lutz 
(Selected  Sumerian  and  Babylonian  Texts,  Philadelphia,  1919)  con- 
taining fragments  of  laws  dealing  with  agricultural  regulations  and 
with  family  relationships.  A  comparison  of  the  fragments  with  the 
Hammurabi  Code  shows  only  a  general  dependence  of  the  latter  with 
many  variations.  Differences  between  the  Sumerian  and  Babylonian 
regulations  throw  an  interesting  light  on  shiftings  in  social  conditions 
in  Ancient  Babylonia. 

Professor  F.  EDGERTON,  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania:  Evil-wit, 
No-wit,  and  Honest- wit.  [To  be  printed  in  the  JOURNAL.]  Eemarks  by 
Professors  Lanman  and  Hopkins. 

Professor  N.  SCHMIDT,  of  Cornell  University:  (a)  Traces  of  Early 
Acquaintance  in  Europe  with  Ethiopie  Enoch;  (b)  The  First  German 
Translation  of  Ethiopie  Enoch.  [To  be  printed  in  the  JOURNAL.]  Bemarks 
by  Professors  Jackson  and  Montgomery. 

Professor  G.  B.  BERRY,  of  Colgate  University:  The  Psalms  called  Songs 
of  Ascents.  Bemarks  by  Professors  Haupt  and  Jastrow. 

Professor  L.  C.  BARRET,  of  Trinity  College:  The  Kashmirian  Atharva 
Veda,  Book  Eight.  [To  be  printed  in  the  JOURNAL.] 

Professor  C.  B.  LANMAN,  of  Harvard  University:  (a)  Phrase-derivatives; 
(b)  The  Sanskrit  Passive-formative,  ya  or  iya.  [To  be  printed  in  the 
JOURNAL.]  Bemarks  by  Professors  Haupt  and  Ogden. 

At  4 :25  p.  M.  the  Society  took  a  recess  to  enjoy  an  automobile 
ride. 

THE  THIRD  SESSION 

The  third  session  was  called  to  order  by  President  Lanman 
at  9  :45  o  'clock  on  Wednesday  morning.  Some  additional  nom- 
inees for  membership,  included  in  the  list  already  given,  were 
duly  elected. 

It  was  announced  that  the  next  meeting  of  the  Society  would 
be  held  in  Baltimore  at  Johns  Hopkins  University  and  at  Goucher 
College  on  Tuesday,  Wednesday,  and  Thursday  of  Easter  Week, 
March  29,  30,  and  31,  1921. 

Upon  recommendation  of  the  Directors  it  was  voted  to  amend 


Proceedings  215 

ARTICLE  V  of  the  Constitution  so  that  the  present  wording 
thereof  shall  be  denominated  SECTION  1 ;  and  to  add  thereto  the 
following  : 

SECTION  2.  An  Executive  Committee,  consisting  o'f  the  President,  Cor- 
responding Secretary,  and  Treasurer,  and  two  other  Directors  each  elected 
for  a  term  of  two  years,  shall  be  constituted  by  the  Board  of  Directors. 
The  Executive  Committee  shall  have  power  to  take  action  provisionally  in 
the  name  of  the  Society  on  matters  of  importance  which  may  arise  between 
meetings  of  the  Society  or  of  the  Board  of  Directors,  and  on  which,  in  the 
Committee's  opinion,  action  cannot  be  postponed  without  injury  to  the 
interests  of  the  Society.  Notice  of  all  actions  taken  by  the  Executive 
Committee  shall  be  printed  as  soon  as  possible  in  the  JOURNAL,  and  shall  be 
reported  to  the  Directors  and  the  Society  at  the  succeeding  annual  meeting. 
Unless  such  actions,  after  being  thus  duly  advertised  and  reported,  are 
disapproved  by  a  majority  vote  of  the  members  present  at  any  session  of  the 
succeeding  annual  meeting,  they  shall  be  construed  to  have  been  ratified 
and  shall  stand  as  actions  of  the  Society. 

Upon  recommendation  of  the  Directors  it  was  voted  to  amend 
By-Law  VII  so  that  as  amended  it  shall  read : 

VII.  All  members  shall  be  entitled  to  one  copy  of  all  current  numbers 
of  the  JOURNAL  issued  during  their  membership.  Back  volumes  of  the 
JOURNAL  shall  be  furnished  to  members  at  twenty  percent  reduction  from 
the  list  price.  All  other  publications  of  the  Society  may  be  furnished  to 
members  at  such  reductions  in  price  as  the  Directors  may  determine. 

Upon  motion  it  was  voted  that  greetings  from  the  Society  be 
sent  to  the  newly  organized  Palestine  Oriental  Society,  and  that 
it  be  placed  on  the  exchange  list. 

For  the  Directors  it  was  reported  that  they  had  voted  to  send 
as  a  gift  to  the  Library  of  the  University  of  Louvain  a  set  of  the 
JOURNAL. 

Professor  Lanman  reported  for  the  Committee  on  Co-operation 
with  other  Oriental  Societies,  as  follows : 

Delegates  of  the  Societe  Asiatique,  American  Oriental  Society,  and 
Scuola  Orientale  (of  Eome),  met  in  joint-session  with  the  Eoyal  Asiatic 
Society,  at  London,  September  3-6,  1919.  The  representatives  of  our  Society 
were  Professors  Breasted,  Clay,  Woods,  and  Worrell. 

[A  full  account  of  the  meeting  is  given  in  Number  1  of  the  Journal  of 
the  Koyal  Asiatic  Society  for  1920,  pages  123-162.  This  number  arrived  in 
Cambridge,  Massachusetts,  between  April  5th  and  8th,  1920,  that  is,  while 
the  annual  meeting  of  the  American  Oriental  Society  was  in  progress  at 
Ithaca,  and  so  too  late  for  oral  presentation.] 


216  Proceedings 

Report  upon  plans  concerning  the  progress  of  Semitic  and  related  studies 
may  best  be  lef t\  to  the  competent  hands  of  Professors  Breasted  and  Clay 
and  Worrell,  who  have  not  yet  returned  from  Egypt  and  Palestine.  And  as 
the  issues  of  our  Journal  are  now  frequent,  the  delay  need  notybe  serious. 
On  the  other  hand,  a  brief  report  upon  the  projected  General  Dictionary 
of  Buddhism,  drawn  up  by  Professor  Woods,  who  came  back  to  America 
soon  after  the  meeting,  may  well  be  submitted  herewith. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  officers  of  the  joint-session,  including  M.  Senart, 
Professors  Finot,  Sylvain  Levi,  Macdonell,  and  Woods,  Dr.  F.  W.  Thomas, 
and  Sir  George  Grierson,  it  was  decided  to  plan  a  General  Dictionary  of 
Buddhism,  with  special  reference  to  biography,  history,  geography,  doctrine, 
and  philosophical  technique,  and  in  the  form  of  short  and  precise  definitions 
or  articles,  and  with  characteristic  passages  from  the  printed  texts. 

The  point  of  departure  would  be  the  vocabulary  of  Eosenberg  (Tokyo, 
1916).  The  first  undertaking  would  be  to  collect  on  uniform  cards  the 
words  already  assigned  to  local  groups  of  workers:  a  Japanese  group,  a 
Cingalese  group,  an  Indian  group  at  Calcutta,  and  a  Tibetan  group  at 
Darjeeling  or  Petrograd.  Provisional  arrangements  for  these  centres  of 
study  have  already  been  made.  The  revision  and  editing,  especially  of  the 
historical  and  geographical  cards,  would  be  the  work  of  the  Western 
members. 

The  Chairman  of  the  Committee  for  the  conduct  of  the  undertaking  is 
Sylvain  Levi  of  the  College  de  France.  With  him  are  associated  Dr. 
Thomas  of  the  India  Office  Library,  and  Professor  Woods  of  Harvard.  The 
services  of  those  who  make  the  collections  will  have  to  be  paid  for  and 
there  will  be  (besides  necessary  incidentals)  clerical  expenses.  A  budget 
of  say  six  thousand  dollars  will  be  required.  It  is  proposed  to  prepare  a 
circular  letter  to  be  sent  to  persons  interested  in  furthering  such  scholarly 
work  in  the  various  countries, — the  letter  to  be  approved  and  signed  by  the 
four  bodies  already  represented  at  the  joint-meeting. 

On  behalf  of  the  above  Committee,  Professor  Woods  asks  that  the  Amer- 
ican Oriental  Society  give  its  general  approval  to  this  undertaking  and  join 
the  other  societies  in  signing  the  letter  thus  approved. 

It  was  voted  that  the  matter  of  relations  be  referred  back  to  the 
Committee  for  further  report. 

Professor  Jastrow  offered  the  reports  of  several  Committees. 

The  Publication  Committee  reported  some  progress. 

The  Committee  on  the  Establishment  of  a  School  of  Living 
Oriental  Languages  reported  that  it  had  discovered  sympathy 
for  the  project  in  important  quarters. 

The  Committee  on  Enlargement  of  Membership  and  Resources 
pointed  to  the  nominations  for  membership  as  its  report. 

It  was  voted  that  members  be  requested  to  send  to  Professor 
Morgenstern  suggestions  regarding  new  members. 


Proceedings  21? 

The  Committee  on  Honorary  Associates  reported  progress. 

The  Committee  on  the  Statement  of  Scope,  Character,  Aims, 
and  Purposes  of  Oriental  Studies  reported  inability  to  prepare 
a  suitable  statement  and  asked  to  be  discharged. 

The  Committee  on  the  Formation  of  a  National  Academy  of 
Humanities  reported  progress. 

At  this  point  it  was  voted :  that  the  American  Oriental  Society 
ratify  and  it  does  hereby  ratify,  the  convention  and  constitution 
of  the  American  Council  of  Learned  Societies  devoted  to  Human- 
istic Studies.  This  constitution  has  already  been  printed  in  the 
JOURNAL  (40.  78  f.). 

It  was  also  voted :  that  the  Society 's  delegates  to  the  Academic 
Council  just  mentioned  be  appointed  by  the  Directors. 

The  Committee  on  the  Interests  of  the  American  School  in 
Jerusalem  gave  a  brief  report  on  the  activities  of  the  school  dur- 
ing the  last  year. 

The  Committee  on  a  Plan  for  Archaeological  Exploration  in 
the  Near  East  reported  that  Professor  Breasted  is  now  in  that 
region  looking  over  the  ground. 

At  this  point  the  presentation  of  papers  was  resumed. 

Mrs.  A.  H.  SAUNDERS,  of  New  York:  Some  Literary  Aspects  of  the 
Absence  of  Tragedy  in  the  Sanskrit  Drama.  Kemarks  by  Professors  Edger- 
ton,  Jastrow,  Ogden,  Jackson,  and  Brockwell. 

This  paper  is  a  consideration  of  the  loss  of  possibly  great  tragedies 
through  the  rules  of  dramaturgy  against  unhappy  endings  for  Sanskrit 
plays. 

Mr.  W.  H.  SCHOFF,  of  the  Philadelphia  Commercial  Museum:  Cinnamon, 
Cassia,  and  Somaliland.  [To  be  printed  in  the  JOURNAL.]  Kemarks  by 
Professors  Torrey,  Ogden  and  Haupt. 

Mr.  P.  L.  BARBOUR,  of  New  York:  Some  Observations  regarding  the 
Burushaski  Language  of  Northern  Kashmir.  Kemarks  by  Professors  Haupt 
and  Brockwell. 

The  purpose  of  this  paper  is  to  draw  attention  to  certain  features  of 
this  unclassified  language  of  Northwestern  India.  The  peculiarities 
particularly  noted  are: 

(1)  a  system  of  pronominalizing  or  adding  a  pronominal  prefix  to 
the  various  words,  be  they  noun,  adjective,  or  verb,  which  express  the 
idea  of  family  relationship,  or  name  the  parts  of  the  body  or  concepts 
of  the  mind; 

(2)  the  use  of  a  vigesimal  system  in  counting. 

In  conclusion  the  author  expresses  his  desire  to  investigate  the  lan- 
guage at  first  hand. 


218  Proceedings 

Professor  C.  A.  B.  BROCKWELL,  of  McGill  University:  Some  of  the 
basic  principles  of  the  science  and  art  of  measuring  time,  as  used  among 
the  early  Mediterranean  peoples.  Eemarks  by  Professors  Haupt  and 
Jastrow. 

Eev.  Dr.  J.  E.  ABBOTT,  of  Summit,  N.  J.:  Maloba,  the  Maratha  Saint. 
[To  be  printed  in  the  JOURNAL.]  Eemarks  by  Professor  Jackson. 

The  President  announced  the  appointment  of  the  following 
committees : 

On  Arrangements  for  the  meeting  in  Baltimore  in  1921:  Professors 
Haupt,  Bloomfield,  and  Dougherty,  and  the  Corresponding  Secretary. 

On  Nominations  for  the  year  1921-1922 :  Professors  Jastrow  and  Schmidt 
and  Dr.  W.  N.  Brown. 

Auditors  for  1920-1921 :    Professors  F.  W.  Williams  and  Torrey. 

The  Society  took  a  recess  at  12  :15  p.  M. 

THE   FOURTH  SESSION 

The  fourth  session  was  called  to  order  by  President  Lanman 
at  2  :40  o'clock  on  Wednesday  afternoon.  The  reading  of  papers 
was  immediately  begun. 

Professor  PAUL  HAUPT,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University:  (a)  Ventriloquism 
in  Babylonia;  (b)  The  Nuptials  of  Jahveh  and  the  Sun;  (c)  Sumerian 
Stillatories ;  (d)  Suckling  Sea-monsters. 

(a)  The  instruction   at  the  end   of  a  cuneiform   exorcistic  manual 
(ZA  30,  213)  to  pipe  like  creatures  of  the  desert  (cf.  Arab.  '  azf)  and 
female  voices  refers  to  ventriloquism,  which  has  a  higher  pitch  and  a 
different  timbre  (Assyr.  lisdnu  enitu).     The  Hebrew  necromancers  were 
ventriloquists  (Is.  8,  19;    29,  4).     The  Sipirmeneans  were  said  to  pipe 
like  women  (ZA  30,  227  n.  3;    cf.  Herod.  4,  183)   because  they  spoke 
a  tonal  language.     The  Sumerian  tones  may  have  been  more  marked  in 
the  older  (erne-sal}   dialect  (ZA  31,  240)   and  in  the  language  of  the 
women   (JAOS  37,  312).     The  Tibetans  say  that  sounds  uttered  with 
a  high  tone  are  spoken  with  a  woman's  voice  (EB11  26.  920b;   cf.  also 
PSBA  40.  95). 

(b)  MVAG  22,  69  regards  Ps.  19  as  Davidic,  and  Ps.  132  (JBL  33, 
168)   as  Solomonic.     Ps.  19  is  called  a  song  for  the  Neomenia  or  the 
Feast  of  the  Tabernacles,  from  the  Solomonic  Book  of  Songs   (JHUC 
No.  316,  p.  22)  which  is  identified  with  the  Psalter.     Before  in  them 
hath  He  set  a  tabernacle    (or   bridal  pavilion)    for  the  sun  the  line 
Jahveh  Tcnew  (Gen.  4,  1;  cf.  JHUC,  No.  316,  p.  24)  the  sun  in  heaven, 
He  thought  to  dwell  in  thick  darkness  (see  Kings,  SBOT  101)  is  sup- 
posed to  have  been  omitted.     This  reconstruction  is  untenable  ( JBL  38, 
182). 


Proceedings  219 

(c)  Sum.  Jcakkul,  Assyr.  namzitu,  Talmud,  ndza^td  is  not  a  mash-tun 
for  the  brewing  of  beer  (ZA  32,  168)  but  the  receiver  of  a  still  for  the 
distillation  of  brandy  (JHUC,  No.  287,  p.  33).     The  boiler  of  the  still 
is  called  in  Assyrian :    qannu  or  qanqannatu  =  Talmud,  qanqan.     Siduri 
(which  may  be  the  prototype  of  Calypso;    cf.  kuttumat,  HW  363)  had 
a  still  near  the  sea ;    she  was  not  a  Sabean  maiden :    sdbitu  is  the  femi- 
nine  of  sdbti,   taverner    (cf.   Heb.   sobe'e   i&{n,   wine-bibbers  )=  Sum. 
lu-gestin  or  lu-7ca§tin.     During  the  siege  of  Erech   (JA08  22,  8)   the 
hostess  in  despair  smashed  the  receiver  of  her  still  (KB  6,  273,  6). 

(d)  In  the  Maccabean  Elegies   (JBL  38,  157)   Lam.  4,  3  we  must 
read:      Gam-tannmim    lialegu    sedehSn,    hemqu    $ftrehen,     Even    sea- 
monsters  offered   (lit.  drew  out}  their  teats,  and  suckled  their  young. 
The  Jews  may  have  observed  dugongs  suckling  their  young  in  the  Red 
Sea.     There  were  also  whales    (both  right  whales  and  sperm-whales) 
in  the  Mediterranean    (JHUC,  No.   296,  pp.   37,  43).     Whales   bring 
forth  their  young  alive  and  suckle  them;    the  two  teats  are  placed  in 
depressions  on  each  side  of  the  genital  aperture.     The  dugong  often 
raises  its  round  head  out  of  the  water  and  carries  its  young  under  the 
forefin  (see  plate  in  Brockhaus,  14,  1002). 

Eev.  Dr.  F.  K.  SANDERS,  of  New  York:  The  Publications  of  the  Board 
of  Missionary  Preparation  relating  to  Religions.  Remarks  by  Professors 
Haupt,  Jackson,  Torrey,  and  Montgomery. 

The   purpose    of    the    speaker    is   to   report   certain    results    already 

reached,  illustrating  these  by  the  actual  publications  and  indicating 

the  further  policy  of  the  Board  in  that  direction,  and  then  to  speak  of 

a    proposed    series.      Each    is   of   interest    as    representing    a    distinct 

attempt  to  utilize  the  very  best  scientific  knowledge  in  order  to  assist 

young  missionaries  to  enter  thoughtfully  and  broadly  into  their  work. 

Professor  A.  T.  OLMSTEAD,  of  the  University  of  Illinois:    The  Assyrian 

Land  System.     Remarks  by  Professors  Haupt  and  Jastrow. 

Professor  A.  V.  W.  JACKSON,  of  Columbia  University :  On  the  Site  of  the 
most  ancient  Zoroastrian  Fire.  Remarks  by  Professor  Hopkins. 

In  Zoroastrian  tradition  the  Farnbag  Fire,  or  the  special  fire  of 
the  priestly  class,  is  the  most  sacred  of  all  fires,  as  it  represents  the 
divine  fire  of  Ormazd.  Tradition  assigns  its  original  foundation  to 
the  legendary  ruler  Yim,  who  established  it  in  Khvarazm,  to  the  east 
of  the  Caspian  Sea.  According  to  the  Indian  Bundahishn  it  was 
removed  to  Kabul  by  Zoroaster 's  patron,  King  Vishtasp ;  but  according 
to  the  Iranian  recension  of  that  work  (now  available)  it  was  carried 
to  a  place  which  may  be  identified  with  Kariyan  in  Fars.  The  paper 
discusses  this  latter  tradition  in  the  light  of  various  other  sources. 
Professor  C.  C.  TORREY,  of  Yale  University:  The  So-called  Original 
Hebrew  of  Sirach.  Remarks  by  Professors  Montgomery  and  Jastrow. 

The  Hebrew  text  of  Sirach  recently  discovered  is  not  the  original 
Hebrew,  but  the  result  of  a  process  of  retroversion.  The  proofs  of  this 
are  chiefly  the  following:  (1)  Our  Greek  text  is  by  no  means  a  ren- 


220  Proceedings 

dering  of  •  this  Hebrew.  (2)  The  style  of  the  Cairo  fragments  is 
wretched.  (3)  Unlike  the  Greek,  there  is  everywhere  a  weak  repeti- 
tion of  Old  Testament  phrases.  (4)  The  Hebrew  of  the  fragments  is 
largely  the  language  of  a  much  later  day  than  that  of  Ben  Sira. 
(5)  The  original  metrical  form  is  very  often  wanting.  (6)  Not  sel- 
dom there  is  unmistakable  evidence  of  translation.  (7)  There  is  good 
reason  to  believe  that  the  real  Hebrew  of  Sirach  was  lost  at  a  very 
early  date. 

Professor  E.  W.  HOPKINS,  of  Yale  University:     The  Ethical  Element  in 
the  Big  Veda.     Eemarks  by  Professors  Lanman,  Haupt,  and  Dr.  Abbott. 

Some  ethical  quality  is  inferable  from  pre-Vedic  period.  Vedic 
gods  are  peculiarly  related  to  man.  The  idea  of  mediation  has  been 
exaggerated.  The  relation  of  sinner  to  gods  and  nature  of  the  divine 
laws.  These  laws  are  according  to  the  divine  Order  and  Supreme  Being; 
extracts  in  illustration.  Nature  of  sin.  Punishment  of  sinner;  reward 
of  pious. 

By  unanimous  consent  Prof.  Lybyer's  paper  on  The  Syrian 
Desire  for  Independence  was  postponed  for  presentation  in  the 
evening,  after  the  annual  dinner. 

After  discussion  it  was  voted:  that  the  Executive  Committee 
consider  the  preparation  of  questionaires  to  be  sent  to  missionary 
areas  for  the  purpose  of  gathering  information  wThich  might  be 
useful  to  scholars. 

On  motion  of  Professor  Jackson,  the  following  resolution  was 
unanimously  adopted: 

Besolved,  that  the  American  Oriental  Society,  in  appreciation  of  its  par- 
ticularly pleasant  visit  at  Ithaca,  wishes  to  express  its  cordial  thanks  to 
the  President  and  Trustees  of  Cornell  University  for  welcoming  the  Society 
at  Goldwin  Smith  Hall,  where  its  sessions  were  held,  and  for  hospitably 
entertaining  the  members  at  luncheon;  also  to  thank  the  Telluride  Associa- 
tion for  the  reception  kindly  given  at  its  home  and  for  various  other  atten- 
tions; to  thank  furthermore  the  Town  and  Gown  Club  and  the  University 
Club  for  courtesies  extended;  to  express  appreciation  likewise  to  the  Ithaca 
Chamber  of  Commerce  for  the  enjoyable  automobile  excursion,  and  to  thank 
Professor  Quarles  for  the  delightful  organ  recital  which  he  gave  for  the 
members  of  the  Society.  It  wishes,  in  conclusion,  to  add  special  acknowl- 
edgements to  the  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Arrangements  and  his  very 
efficient  Eeception  Committee  for  the  remarkable  manner  in  which  they  con- 
tributed to  make  the  meeting  a  memorable  one  for  all  those  in  attendance. 

The  President  announced  the  formal  presentation  by  title  of 
the  following  papers. 

Professor  F.  E.  BLAKE,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University :  A  Bibliography  of 
the  Philippine  Languages,  Part  II. 


Proceedings  221 

Professor  M.  BLOOMFIELD,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University:  (a)  Notes  on 
the  Divyavadana.  [To  be  printed  in  the  JOURNAL.]  (b)  On  overhearing, 
as  a  motif  in  Hindu  Fiction. 

Dr.  E.  W.  BURLINGAME,  of  Albany,  N.  Y.:  Buddhist  influence  on  Bid- 
pai's  Fables.  [To  be  printed  in  the  JOURNAL.] 

Dr.  E.  CHIERA,  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania:     The  Sin  Offering. 

Professor  E.  P.  DOUGHERTY,  of  Goucher  College:  The  Temple  Guard  in 
Erech. 

Professor  F.  EDGERTON,  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania.:  The  Panca- 
tantra  Reconstructed:  a  report  of  progress. 

Dr.  I.  EFROS,  of  Baltimore:     An  Emendation  to  Jer.  4.  29. 

Dr.  A.  EMBER,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University:    Several  Semitic  Etymologies. 

Professor  E.  W.  HOPKINS,  of  Yale  Universty:  Kte  Srantasya,  <  without 
toil,'  RV.  4.  33.  11. 

Mr.  V.  H.  KALENDARIAN,  of  Columbia  University:  The  Turanian  Ele- 
ment in  Armenian. 

Professor  M.  JASTROW  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania:  Notes  on 
Criticism  of  Inscriptions:  I,  The  Behistan  Inscription  of  Darius  the  Great. 
[To  be  printed  in  the  JOURNAL.] 

Professor  A.  V.  W.  JACKSON,  of  Columbia  University:  Notes  on  the 
Persian  Poet  Baba  Tahir. 

Professor  M.  JASTROW,  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania:  Notes  on 
the  Text  of  Ishtar's  Descent  to  the  Lower  World 

Dr.  H.  S.  LINFIELD,  of  Dropsie  College:  (a)  An  Approach  to  the  Study 
of  Jewish  Contracts  from  the  point  of  View  of  Babylonian  Contracts,  (b) 
The  Forms  selasl  selaslt  selasln  selasdt,  reba'  I  -it  -In  -ot,  etc.,  in  Neo-Hebrew 
and  their  Equivalents  in  other  Semitic  Languages. 

Professor  D.  G.  LYON,  of  Harvard  University :     Assyrian  City  Gates. 

Dr.  D.  I.  MACHT,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University:  A  Pharmacological 
Appreciation  of  Biblical  Incense. 

Professor  T.  J.  MEEK,  of  Meadville  Theological  School:  (a)  Some  New 
Assyrian  Ideograms,  (b)  An  Assyrian  Copy  of  the  Hammurabi  Code. 

Dr.  J.  J.  PRICE,  of  Plainfield,  N.  J. :     The  Eabbinic  Conception  of  Labor. 

Professor  J.  D.  PRINCE,  of  Columbia  University:  The  Sumerian  Original 
of  the  name  Nimrod.  [To  be  printed  in  the  JOURNAL.] 

Eev.  J.  E.  SNYDER,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University :  (a)  Habbakuk's  Male- 
dictions, (b)  The  a  before  the  affixes  of  the  Assyrian  permansive. 

(a)  The  four  imprecatory  triplets  in  Heb.  2,  6b  =  17  (18-20  is  a  sub- 
sequent addition)  refer  to  events  and  conditions  recorded  in  1  Mac.  10, 
30.  42;   11,  34.  35. —1,  21-23;   2,  9;   6,  12;   1,  33;   10,  32;   11,  41.— 1, 
46;  2,  12;  3,  51;  4,  38;  7,  35,  42;  14,  36;  9,  50-53.— 1,  24.  30;  2,  38; 
5,  2 ;  7,  17.  19.     We  must  read  le  'oMenu  for  16-16  and  '  ullo  la-dbutdu,  also 
nesuJceJca  and  mes^ose^eJca,  and  mispah,  bloodshed   (miswritten  mispali 
in  Is.  5,  7  and  mispat  in  Ezek.  7,  23)  for  mesappeh. 

(b)  The  a  in  Assy,  palxaku,  I  fear,  does  not  correspond  to  the  6  in 


222  Proceedings 

Heb.  sab~b6ta,  which  is  conformed  to  the  verba  tertiae  u  (JAOS  28.  113), 
but  to  the  6  in  Heb.  anoM  I.  The  pronoun  of  the  first  person  was 
(anjdku.  This  a  was  afterward  transferred  to  the  other  persons.  And 
in  Arabic  and  Aramaic  (Ethiopic  and)  is  shortened  from  anaku  and 
Heb.  ani  and  anoki  are  conformed  to  the  suffix  of  the  first  person  (SFG 
53). 

Professor  C.  C.  TORREY,  of  Yale  University :     The  Site  -of  Niniveh  in  the 
Book  of  Tobit. 

The  Society  took  a  recess  at  5 :10  P.  M. 


THE  FIFTH  SESSION 

The  fifth  session  was  called  to  order  by  President  Lanman  at 
8 :35  P.  M.,  after  the  annual  dinner,  in  Prudence  Bisley  Hall,  for 
the  purpose  of  listening  to  Prof.  Lybyer's  paper,  postponed  from 
the  afternoon  session,  and  of  transacting  certain  business.  The 
following  paper  was  presented : 

Professor  A.  H.  LYBYER,  of  the  University  of  Illinois:  The  Syrian  Desire 
for  Independence.  Eemarks  by  Professors  Haupt,  Jastrow,  Montgomery, 
Popper,  and  others. 

Impressions  of  the  Syrian  character  and  desire  for  self-rule  as  observed 
with  the  American  Commission  on  Mandates  in  Turkey  last  summer. 
The  program  of  the  Syrian  Conference  at  Damascus.  How  the  Syrian 
desires  conflict  with  the  secret  treaties  which  are  in  process  of  being 
put  into  effect.  How  America  might  solve  the  problem  of  the  world. 
If  the  triple  partition  be  enforced  upon  the  country,  there  is  small  pros- 
pect of  permanent  peace. 

At  the  end  of  the  discussion  of  Professor  Lybyer's  address, 
the  Society  held  a  brief  business  session. 

Professor  Lanman,  as  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Co-op- 
eration with  the  Soeiete  Asiatique,  presented  the  report  of  that 
Committee.  On  motion  of  Professor  Haupt,  properly  seconded, 
it  was  voted,  after  some  discussion,  that  the  report  be  referred  to 
the  Executive  Committee  with  power  to  act  upon  the  proposal 
therein  contained  that  this  Society  co-operate  with  the  Soeiete 
Asiatique  and  other  Oriental  Societies  in  regard  to  planning  a 
General  Dictionary  of  Buddhism  and  issuing  an  appeal  for  aid 
in  its  preparation. 

On  motion  it  was  voted  that  the  President  of  the  Society  be 
authorized  to  appoint  delegates  to  represent  the  Society  at  the 


Proceedings  223 

joint  meeting  of  Oriental  Societies  to  be  held  at  Paris  in  July, 
1920. 

Certain  additional  nominees  for  membership,  included  in  the 
list  already  given,  were  duly  elected. 

Professor  Olmstead  extended  an  informal  invitation  for  the 
Society  to  hold  its  annual  meeting  with  that  of  the  Middle  West 
Branch  in  Easter  Week  o£  1922. 

At  11 :10  o'clock  the  Society  adjourned,  to  meet  again  in  Balti- 
more on  March  29,  1921. 


PERSONALIA 

Of  the  staff  of  the  School  of  Orienfal  Research  in  Jerusalem 
Director  WM.  H.  WORRELL  expected  to  leave  for  America 
in  May  and  Prof.  A.  T.  CLAY  in  June,  the  latter  return- 
ing via  Europe.  Prof.  J..P.  PETERS  plans  to  return  in  July. 
Prof.  C.  C.  McCowN,  of  the  Pacific  School  of  Religion,  Berkeley, 
Calif.,  has  been  appointed  Thayer  Fellow  at  the  School  for  the 
coming  year.  Professor  Clay  made  an  extensive  trip  through 
Babylonia,  reaching  Mosul.  He  met  there  Prof.  J.  H.  Breasted 
and  his  party.  The  present  Fellow,  Dr.  W.  F.  ALBRIGHT,  has 
been  appointed  Acting  Director  of  the  School  for  1920-21. 

Pere  J.  N.  STRASSMAIER,  the  pioneer  in  the  study  of  Babylonian 
astronomy  and  in  Babylonian  contract  literature,  died  in  London, 
January  11,  1920.  A  biographical  sketch  is  given  by  Pere  Con- 
damin  in  Recherches  de  Science  Religieuse  for  January-March. 

Mr.  T.  RAMAKRISHNA  PILLAI,  of  Madras,  a  member  of  our 
Society,  died  on  Feb.  29,  1920.  He  had  been-  for  twenty-five 
years  a  fellow  of  the  University  -of  Madras,  and  was  a  valued 
member  of  the  Tamil  Lexicon  Committee.  That  Committee  has 
adopted  a  resolution  on  the  death  of  Mr.  Pillai,  which  we  are 
glad  to  print,  as  follows : 

The  Tamil  Lexicon  Committee  records  with  sorrow  the  death  of  Eao 
Saheb  T.  Eamakrishna  Pillai,  B.A.,  F.R.H.S.,  in  whom  it  has  lost  one  of 
its  original  members,  who  has  all  along  rendered  invaluable  help  by  his 
enthusiasm  for  the  work  and  by  his  readiness  to  further  it  in  every  way. 

Dr.  ISRAEL  FRIEDLANDER,  Professor  of  Biblical  Literature  and 
Exegesis  in  the  Jewish  Theological  Seminary,  New  York  City, 
was  killed  by  brigands  in  the  Ukraine  on  July  8,  while  he  was 
engaged  in  distributing  money  for  Jewish  relief.  Dr.  Fried- 
lander  became  a  member  of  the  Society  this  year. 


INDIA  AND  THE  WEST 
WITH  A  PLEA  FOR  TEAM-WORK  AMONG  SCHOLARS1 

CHARLES  ROCKWELL  LANMAN 
HARVARD  UNIVERSITY 

IT  is  A  CURIOUS  REMINISCENCE  of  a  journey  to  India  of  thirty 
odd  years  ago,  that  no  less  than  two  pamphlets  were  given  me 
discussing  the  religious  right  of  a  Brahman  to  cross  the  ocean. 
Remote  indeed  must  be  the  corner  of  India  in  which  that  question 
is  now  debatable.  Railways,  electric  motors  and  lights,  tele- 
graphs and  telephones,  a  successful  flight  from  Europe  to 
Karachi, — such  things  must  make  it  clear  to  any  Hindu,  whether 
learned  or  illiterate,  that  the  old  order  is  past  and  gone,  and  with 
it  the  possibility  of  maintaining  the  old-time  caste-restrictions, 
and  the  isolation  that  they  fostered. 

Fostered,  not  effected.  For  India  has  never  been  wholly 
isolated.  Thither,  for  conquest  and  gain,  Alexander  led  an 
army,  and  upon  the  observations  of  his  generals  and  followers 
rest  the  Greek  and  Latin  accounts  (such  as  those  of  Megas- 
thenes),  which  it  is  a  fascinating  study  to  test  upon  the  touch- 
stone of  native  Hindu  records  (such  as  those  of  Kautilya). — 
Thither,  again,  came  the  Chinese  pilgrims  to  the  Holy  Land  of 
Buddhism, — their  purpose,  to  get  the  authentic  records  of  Bud- 
dha's teaching  and  carry  them  home  to  China.  Of  all  foreign 
visitors  to  India,  none  challenge  our  sympathy  and  admiration 
more  splendidly  than  do  these  stout-hearted  men  who"  braved 
the  awful  perils  of  the  Sand-desert,  the  Sha-mo,  upon  so  exalted 

1  Presidential  address  delivered  before  the  American  Oriental  Society  at 
Ithaca,  April  6,  1920. — In  it  are  embodied  a  few  statements  already  made 
by  the  author  in  print  elsewhere, — in  official  documents  'not  published/  or 
in  books  of  very  restricted  circulation. 

For  the  sake  of  readers  who  live  outside  of  the  world  of  American  sports, 
be  it  said  that  { team  -work'  means  'work  done  by  the  players  of  a  team 
collectively,  for  example,  by  the  players  of  a  foot-ball  eleven.'  These  must 
do  each  his  best  for  the  success  of  his  team  as  a  whole.  To  this  end,  they 
must  be  free  from  the  slightest  feeling  of  personal  jealousy,  and  must  not 
allow  the  hope  of  personal  advantage  to  influence*  any  thought  or  act.  The 
application  of  the  term  '  team-work '  to  the  scholarly  co-operation  as  between 
India  and  the  West  which  we  here  have  in  mind,  is  obvious. 

15    JAOS  40 


226  Charles  R.  Lanman 

an  errand. — And  thither,  again,  came  'visitors'  of  a  very  differ- 
ent stripe,  invaders,  beginning  in  1001,  who  in  long  succession, 
from  Mahmud  of  Ghazni  to  the  Moguls,  set  up  foreign  rule  in 
India.  Of  the  Moguls,  the  greatest  and  best  was  Akbar,  and 
the  time  of  his  life  (1542-1605)  accords  very  nearly  with  that  of 
Queen  Elizabeth,  as  does  also  the  time  of  his  reign  of  nine-and- 
forty  years.  It  was  on  the  very  last  day  of  the  sixteenth  century 
that  Elizabeth  gave  a  charter  to  '  The  Governor  and  Company  of 
Merchants  of  London  trading  into  the  East  Indies.' 

This  marks  the  beginning  of  a  new  era,  the  era  of  British  India. 
The  isolation  of  India,  so  far  as  it  concerns  India  and  the  West, 
has  been,  upon  the  whole,  pretty  complete  from  the  days  of  Alex- 
ander to  those  of  the  Company.  To  Horace,  India  was  the  land 
whose  forests  were  'lapped  by  the  storied  Hydaspes.'  And  more 
than  a  hundred  years  before  Elizabeth's  Charter,  Columbus  set 
out,  in  1492,  to  seek  India  by  sailing  to  the  west.  And  five  years 
later,  Vasco  da  Gama  started  from  Lisbon  to  reach  the  same 
fabled  goal  by  sailing  in  general  to  the  east.  It  was  in  May, 
1498,  after  a  voyage  of  nearly  eleven  months,  that  the  intrepid 
Portuguese  captain  cast  anchor  off  the  coast  of  Malabar,  near  Cal- 
icut. On  returning,  he  bore  a  letter  from  the  Prince  of  Calicut 
to  the  King  of  Portugal :  '  In  my  kingdom  there  is  abundance 
of  cinnamon,  cloves,  ginger,  pepper,  and  precious  stones.  What 
I  seek  from  thy  country  is  gold,  silver,  coral,  and  scarlet.' 
Portuguese,  Dutch,  French,  Danes,  even  Prussians,  strove  in 
vain  for  a  permanent  foot-hold  in  India.  It  was  reserved  for 
the  unconquerable  persistence  and  self-restraint  of  the  English, 
and  for  their  loyalty  to  far-sighted  principles  through  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty  years,  to  establish  the  greatest  colonial  empire  of 
human  history.2 

Modern  scientific  knowledge  of  India  in  the  Occident  is  often 
said  to  begin  with  Sir  William  Jones  and  Henry  Thomas  Cole- 
brooke.  These  are  the  most  illustrious  names  on  the  earliest 
bead-roll  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  founded  by  Sir  Wil- 
liam in  1784.  But  even  a  hundred  years  and  more  before  that, 
two  remarkable  observers  had  written  books  to  which  I  should 
like  to  call  attention.  One  is  'The  Open  Door  to  hidden  heath- 
endom, or  truthful  description  of  the  life  and  customs,  religion 

2  See  Imperial  Gazetteer  of  India,  Oxford,  1908,  ii.  446-469. 


India  and  the  West  227 

and  worship  of  the  Bramins  on  the  coast  of  Coromandel  and 
lands  thereabouts.  By  Dominus  Abraham  Rogerius,  in  his  life, 
Minister  of  the  Holy  Gospel  on  the  same  coast,'  published  in 
Dutch  at  Leiden  in  1651.  A  German  translation  was  published 
a  dozen  years  later,  at  Niirnberg,  in  1663.  The  Dutch  original 
is  of  extreme  rarity,  and  has  accordingly  just  been  republished 
by  our  colleague,  Professor  W.  Caland  of  Utrecht,  at  The  Hague, 
in  1915. — The  other  work  is  the  'Truthful  detailed  description 
of  the  famous  East  Indian  coasts  of  Malabar  and  Coromandel 
and  the  island  of  Ceylon.  By  Philip  Baldaeus,  sometime  Minis- 
ter of  the  Divine  Word  in  Ceylon,'  published  in  German  at 
Amsterdam  in  1672.  I  have  long  been  the  fortunate  possessor 
of  a  copy  of  the  Niirnberg  Rogerius,  and  of  a  copy  of  Baldaeus 
(both  destined  for  the  Harvard  Library),  and  Rogerius  has  just 
been  laid  on  the  table  before  you. 

The  ' visitors'  in  India,  to  whom  brief  allusion  has  been  made, 
are  typical.  On  the  one  hand  are  the  conquerors  and  traders,  to 
whom  cinnamon  and  ginger,  coral  and  scarlet,  mean  much.  On 
the  other  are  the  pilgrims  and  missionaries,  seekers  for  the  things 
of  the  spirit.  But  notice  how  these  latter  represent  two  exactly 
opposite  types.  The  Chinese  pilgrims  go  to  learn.  The  men 
from  the  West  go  to  teach.  And  the  purpose  of  each  type  is 
clearly  reflected  in  the  mental  attitude  of  each  towards  what 
there  is  to  see.  The  work  of  Baldaeus  has  for  a  sub-title  '  Heathen 
Idolatry,'  Abgotterey  der  Heyden,  and  its  pages  have  many 
descriptions  and  pictures  of  abominations.  For  contrast,  let 
me  read  a  bit  from  Fa-hien,  the  concluding  paragraph  of  his  own 
record  of  his  pilgrimage  to  India  (399-414  A.  D.). 

After  Fa-hien  set  out  from  Ch'ang-gan,3  it  took  him  six  years  to  reach 
Central  India;  stoppages  there  extended  over  (other)  six  years;  and  on  his 
return  it  took  him  three  years  to  reach  Ts 'ing-chow.  The  countries  through 
which  he  passed  were  a  few  under  thirty.  From  the  sandy  desert  westwards 
on  to  India,  the  beauty  of  the  dignified  demeanour  of  the  monkhood  and  of 
the  transforming  influence  of  the  Law  was  beyond  the  power  of  language 
fully  to  describe. 

At  the  end  of  the  work  is  added  one  more  passage  by  an  unnamed 
writer,  Fa-hien 's  host,  who  says : 

3  In  Shen-si,  near  the  great  bend  of  the  Yellow  Eiver.  Fa-hien  speaks  of 
himself  in  the  third  person.  The  Law  or  Great  Doctrine  means  Buddha's 
religion. 


228  Charles  R.  Lanman 

It  was  in  the  year  Keah-yin  (414  A.  D.)  that  I  met  the  devotee  Fa-Men. 
On  his  arrival,  I  lodged  him  with  myself  in  the  winter  study,  and  there,  in 
our  meetings  for  conversation,  I  asked  him  again  and  again  about  his 
travels.  The  man  was  modest  and  complaisant,  and  answered  readily  accord- 
ing to  the  truth.  I  thereupon  advised  him  to  enter  into  details,  and  he 
proceeded  to  relate  all  things  in  order  from  the  beginning  to  the  end.  He 
[Fa-hien]  said  himself, 

<  When  I  look  back  on  what  I  have  gone  through,  my  heart  is  involuntarily 
moved  and  the  sweat  breaks  forth.  That  I  encountered  danger  and  trod 
the  most  perilous  places,  without  thinking  of  or  sparing  myself,  was  because 
I  had  a  definite  aim,  and  thought  of  nothing  but  to  do  my  best  in  simplicity 
and  straightforwardness.  Thus  it  was  that  I  exposed  my  life  where  death 
seemed  inevitable,  if  I  might  accomplish  only  a  ten-thousandth  part  of  what 
I  hoped.' 

These  words  [of  my  guest,  Fa-hien]  affected  me  [his  host]  in  turn,  and 
I  thought: — 'This  man  is.  one  of  those  who  have  seldom  been  seen  from 
ancient  times  to  the  present.  Since  the  Great  Doctrine  flowed  on  to  the 
East,  there  has  been  no  one  to  be  compared  with  Hien  in  his  f orgetfulness  of 
self  and  search  for  the  Law.  Henceforth  I  know  that  the  influence  of  sin- 
cerity finds  no  obstacle,  however  great,  which  it  does  not  overcome,  and 
that  force  of  will  does  not  fail  to  accomplish  whatever  service  it  undertakes. 
Does  not  the  accomplishing  of  such  service  arise  from  forgetting  (and  dis- 
regarding) what  is  (generally)  considered  as  important,  and  attaching 
importance  to  what  is  (generally)  forgotten?' 

Simple,  straightforward,  self-forgetting  seeker  for  the  truth, 
hoping  all  things,  and  yet  daring  death  to  do  even  a  little  part  of 
what  he  hoped,  and,  above  all,  judging  values  not  as  the  world 
judgeth!  such  was  Fa-hien,  The  Illustrious  Master  (Hien)  of  the 
Law  (Fa).  For  us,  as  scholars  and  as  students  of  the  East, 
where  may  be  found  a  braver,  a  nobler,  a  wiser  exemplar ; 


Fa-hien 's  '  definite  aim '  was  to  seek  and  carry  home  the  authen- 
tic records  of  Buddha's  Teachings.  But  since  these  would  be 
useless  without  a  knowledge  of  the  language  of  the  originals,  it 
follows  that  he  must  have  recognized  the  fact  that  the  first  essen- 
tial for  knowing  Buddha 's  religion  was  to  know  the  language  of 
its  ancient  sacred  books.  A  similar  fact  with  reference  to  Hindu 
jurisprudence  was  recognized  fourteen  hundred  years  later  by 
Henry  Thomas  Colebrooke.  Warren  Hastings  saw  that  if  the 
Company's  wise  intentions  of  governing  the  Hindus  by  their 
own  laws  were  to  be  carried  out,  those  ancient  laws  must  be 
made  accessible  to  their  European  judges.  As  no  one  was  found 
to  translate  them  directly  from  the  original  Sanskrit  into  Eng- 


India  and  the  West  229 

lish,  they  were  in  fact  translated  from  Sanskrit  into  Persian  and 
from  Persian  into  English.  .The  result  was  Halhed's  Code  of 
Gentoo  Laws  (1776).  Colebrooke  arrived  at  Calcutta  in  1783, 
as  a  lad  of  eighteen.  But  he  acquitted  himself  with  such  dis- 
tinction in  the  revenue  service,  that  at  thirty  he  was  transferred 
to  the  judicial  service,  to  a  post  in  the  Court  or  Adawlat  of 
Mirzapore,  near  Benares.4 

In  1787,  Sir  William  Jones  wrote  home  to  Charles  Wilkins: 
'You  are  the  first  European  that  ever  understood  Sanscrit,  and 
will,  possibly,  be  the  last.  '5  It  was  probably  very  soon  after  this 
date,  perhaps  in  1790,  that  Colebrooke  took  up  Sanskrit.  He  had 
been  seven  years  in  Bengal,  and  his  eagerness  to  acquire  a 
knowledge  of  ancient  Hindu  algebra  was  what  first  moved  him 
to  study  Sanskrit.  The  difficulties  were  so  great  that  he  twice 
abandoned  the  study.  But  the  duties  of  his  office,  and  the  inade- 
quacy of  Halhed's  work,  forced  him  to  renew  the  fight.  For, 
with  the  lack  of  help,  and  the  constant  pressure  of  official  duty, 
it  must  indeed  have  been  a  fight.  The  result  was  his  monumental 
Digest  of  Hindu  Law,  dated  1798. 

In  a  letter  of  January,  1797,  to  his  father,  Colebrooke 
announces  the  completion  of  his  task  of  translating  the  Digest 
of  Hindu  Law,  and  his  plan  of  working  out  a  Sanskrit  grammar, 
and  the  fact  that  Hypes  have  lately  been  cast,  in  Calcutta,  for 
printing  the  Sanscrit  language  in  its  appropriate  character/ 
that  is,  in  Nagari  letters.  The  first  Sanskrit  book  to  be  so 
printed  was  the  Hitopadesa,  with  parts  of  Dandin  and  Bhartr- 
hari,  and  a  copy  of  it  lies  on  the  table  before  you.  Its  editor  was 
Carey,  and  it  was  printed  at  his  press  in  Serampore  in  1804,  and 
with  a  preface  by  Colebrooke,  saying  that  it  was  '  To  promote  and 
facilitate  the  study  of  the  ancient  and  learned  language  of  India 
in  the  College  of  Fort  William.'  It  was  followed  in  1805  by 
Colebrooke 's  Sanskrit  Grammar.  Of  this  also  a  copy  lies  before 
you.  In  a  letter  of  1801,  Colebrooke  says:  'My  chief  literary 
occupation  now  is  a  Sanscrit  Grammar,  which  is  in  the  press. 
I  undertook  it  because  I  accepted  the  Professorship  of  Sanscrit 
in  the  College,  but  do  not  choose  to  deliver  oral  instruction  to  the 
students ;  and  I  am  expediting  the  publication,  that  this  may  be 


4  See  The  Life  of  E.  T.  Colebrooke,  by  his  son,  Sir  T.  E.  Colebrooke,  Lon- 
don, 1873,  for  these  and  the  following  statements. 
6  See  JAOS  9,  p.  Ixxxviii. 


230  Charles  E.  Lanman 

one  of  the  valuable  legacies  of  the  College,  if  it  do  die  the  death 
to  which  the  Court  of  Directors  have  condemned  it. '  And  such 
a  legacy  indeed  it  is.  It  is  based  upon  Panini,  the  greatest  of  all 
Hindu  grammarians.  But  since  the  Hindu  system  of  grammar 
is  infinitely  more  difficult  than  the  Sanskrit  language  itself,  the 
work  was  unusable  except  as  a  sure  stepping-stone  for  Cole- 
brooke's  successors. 

We  cannot  realize  how  difficult  were  the  beginnings  of  a 
scientific  study  of  India  for  these  brave  pioneers.  Wilkins,  the 
Caxton  of  India,  arrived  in  Bengal  in  1770,  and  Halhed  at  about 
the  same  time.  Sir  William  Jones  and  Colebrooke  arrived  in 
1783,  and  Carey  in  1793.  Carey,  the  learned  shoemaker,  estab- 
lished his  mission  at  Serampore  in  1800.  He  became  a  translator 
of  the  Bible,  and  justly  earned  the  title  of  'The  Wyclif  of  the 
East.'  Wilkins  was  the  first  to  make  a  direct  translation  of  a 
Sanskrit  work  into  English.  This  was  the  Gita  (London,  1785). 
Of  it  and  of  Wilkins,  Colebrooke  says : 

I  have  never  yet  seen  any  book  which  can  be  depended  on  for  informa- 
tion concerning  the  real  opinions  of  the  Hindus  except  Wilkins'  'Bhagvat 
Geeta. '  That  gentleman  was  Sanscrit-mad  and  has  more  materials  and  more 
general  knowledge  respecting  the  Hindus  than  any  other  foreigner  ever 
acquired  since  the  days  of  Pythagoras. 

Wilkins  was  very  skilful  with  his  hands  and  his  pen.  He  had 
with  his  own  hands  designed  and  cut  the  punches  and  cast  the 
types  from  which  Halhed 's  Bengali  grammar  was  printed  at 
Hoogly  in  1778.  And  he  taught  his  art  to  a  Bengali  blacksmith, 
Panchanan.  The  latter  came  to  the  Serampore  Mission  Press 
most  opportunely.  Carey  was  in  sore  need  of  Nagari  types  for 
his  Sanskrit  grammar  and  texts.  Panchanan  met  the  need.  The 
excellence  of  his  work  you  may  see  for  yourselves  from  the 
beautiful  volume  before  you,  the  Hitopadesa.  His  apprentice, 
Mohonur,  continued  to  make  elegant  fonts  of  type  for  many 
Eastern  languages  for  more  than  forty  years.  Rev.  James  Ken- 
nedy saw  him  cutting  the  matrices  and  casting  the  type  for  the 
Bibles  while  he  squatted  before  his  favorite  idol,  under  the 
auspices  of  which  alone  he  would  work.  Serampore  continued 
down  till  1860  to  be  the  principal  Oriental  type-foundry  of  the 
East.6 

8  The  Life  of  William  Carey,  by  George  Smith,  2d  ed.,  London,  1887.  See 
especially  pp.  217-8. 


India  and  the  West  231 

Let  me  cite,  from  an  essay7  of  a  dozen  years  ago,  some  facts 
for  which  in  part  I  was  indebted  to  our  confrere,  Dr.  Justin  E. 
Abbott,  formerly  of  Bombay. 

On  the  'Bombay  side'  the  case  was  similar.  The  first  impor- 
tant press  of  Western  India  was  started  by  the  American  Mis- 
sion in  1816.  A  young  Eurasian  of  that  press,  Thomas  Graham, 
cut  the  first  Marathi  and  Gujarati  type.  At  this  press  were 
later  employed  also  two  young  Hindu  lads,  one  of  whom,  Javajl 
Dadaji,  learned  the  art  of  printing  from  the  Americans,  and 
founded  the  Nirnaya  Sagara  Press,  now  carried  on  by  his  son 
Tukaram  Java j I.  The  other,  taught  by  Graham,  is  still  living, 
and  cuts  all  the  beautiful  Nirnaya  Sagara  type. 

Printing  in  India  is  therefore  modern,  and  essentially  un-In- 
dian  in  its  origin ;  but  no  sane  man  would  refuse  a  Sanskrit  text 
because  it  was  printed,  and  insist  on  having  one  made  by  a  Hindu 
scribe.  The  consideration  of  cost  alone  would  utterly  condemn 
such  a  preference.  Meantime,  Bombay  and  Poona  and  Calcutta 
are  producing  admirably  printed  Sanskrit  texts;  printed  texts 
are  beginning  to  come  from  such  out-of-the-way  places  as  Nag- 
pore  ;  and  from  Kumbhakonam,  the  '  Oxford  of  Southern  India, ' 
they  come  in  great  numbers.  Whether  we  like  it  or  not,  printing 
will  ere  long  have  ousted  memorizing  and  copying  as  a  means 
of  handing  down  texts.  In  short,  the  ancient  Hindus  are  no 
longer  ancient ;  like  the  rest  of  the  world  they  too  are  moving  on. 

The  Sanskrit  philology  of  the  Occident  is  but  little  more  than 
a  century  old.  But  its  achievements  are  already  great.  The 
last  work  from  the  hand  of  our  colleague,  Ernst  Windisch  of 
Leipzig,  is  entitled  History  of  Sanskrit  philology,  Part  I,  and 
goes  down  through  the  time  of  Christian  Lassen.  Whether  Part 
II  would  have  contained  an  outline  of  Sanskrit  philology  in  India 
(manuscript-collections,  text-editions,  epigraphy,  numismatics — 
the  work  of  what  Windisch  calls  his  'Fourth  period7),  I  am  not 
sure.  But  in  this  connection  it  is  noteworthy  that  Sanskrit 
philology  is  in  fact  commonly  taken  to  mean  the  work  of  Occi- 
dental scholars. 

What  I  especially  desire  to  bring  to  your  attention  today  is  the 
great  fact  that  it  is  only  through  the  most  whole-hearted  co- 


7  Prefixed  to  J.  HerteFs  Panchatantra,  Harvard  Oriental  Series,  vol.  11, 
p.  xxii. 


232  Charles  R.  Lanman 

operation  of  Indianists  of  the  Occident  with  those  of  the  Orient 
that  we  may  hope  for  progress  which  shall  be  fruitful  in  good 
to  West  and  to  India  alike.  And  there  is  a  very  peculiar  pro- 
priety in  emphasizing  this  fact  just  at  this  time. 

Almost  three  years  ago,  when  we  Americans  were  engaged  in 
the  stupendous  work  of  fighting  mighty 'nations  separated  from 
us  by  thousands  of  miles  of  land  and  sea,  there  appeared  in 
India,  at  Poona,  a  splendid  volume  of  Commemorative  Essays 
presented  to  Sir  Ramkrishna  Gopal  Bhandarkar  on  the  occasion 
of  his  eightieth  birthday,  July  6, 1917.  It  consists  of  forty  essays, 
mostly  in  English,  partly  in  Sanskrit  and  French,  contributed 
by  scholars  of  India  and  the  West  in  token  of  their  admiration 
for  Dr.  Bhandarkar  as  a  scholar  who  has  for  decades  combined 
Indie  and  Western  learning,  and  so  has  been  an  example  and  an 
inspiration  to  us  all.  Thus  in  these  dark  days, — when  inter- 
nationalism seems  almost  dead,  when  for  the  older  generation  the 
hope  of  reorganizing  international  effort  for  great  undertakings 
seems  faint, — comes  this  virile  messenger  from  India,  the  Con- 
tinent of  the  Bharatans,  to  quicken  our  courage  and  our  hope. 
I  trust  that  it  may  be  an  added  measure  in  the  cup  of  gladness 
of  Dr.  Bhandarkar,  who  has  been  for  thirty-three  years  one 
of  our  Honorary  .Members,  to  learn  that  here  in  distant  America 
it  is  deemed  worth  while  to  pause  and  do  honor  to  a  life  that 
has  been  devoted  to  the  noble  ideal  of  helping  the  West  to  under- 
stand his  native  India. 

And,  before  turning  to  the  main  subject  which  this  volume 
suggests,  let  me  add  that  to  us,  as  Americans,  it  is  a  matter  of 
satisfaction  and  pride  that  Dr.  Belvalkar,  who  was  a  leading 
spirit  in  planning  the  volume  and  in  organizing  the  Bhandarkar 
Oriental  Research  Institute  of  Poona,  is  a  member  of  our  Society, 
and  that,  although  in  the  wide  fields  of  Indian  antiquities  there 
is  many  a  subject  about  which  he  knows  as  a  matter  of  course 
vastly  more  than  any  American  professor  of  Sanskrit  can  hope 
to  know,  he  was  nevertheless  wise  enough  to  devote  two  years  to 
study  in  an  American  university.  This  last  I  mention  with  hope 
and  with  gladness.  I  am  glad  that  a  Hindu,  well  versed  in  the 
learning  of  his  native  land,  should  think  it  worth  while  to  learn 
of  the  West.  And  I  hope  that  his  residence  in  America  may 
make  his  Eastern  learning  far  more  fruitful  for  his  countrymen 
and  for  us  Occidentals  than  it  ever  could  be,  if  he  had  not  come 


India  and  the  West  233 

hither  to  study  our  methods  and  to  find  out  what  lessons  from 
his  country 's  past  may  best  be  taught  to  us. 

The  main  thought  which  the  stately  Bhandarkar  volume  sug- 
gests is  the  happy  one  that  Indianists  of  India  are  now  joining 
hands  with  Indianists  of  the  West  in  the  great  work  of  helping 
each  to  understand  the  other.  The  supreme  folly  of  war  is  in 
the  last  analysis  a  failure — as  between  two  peoples — to  under- 
stand each  other,  and  so  to  trust  each  other.  It  follows  then 
that  the  business  of  us  Orientalists  is  something  that  is  in  vital 
relation  with  urgent  practical  and  political  needs.  The  work 
calls  for  co-operation,  and  above  all  things  else  for  co-operation 
in  a  spirit  of  mutual  sympathy  and  teachableness.  There  is 
much  that  America  may  learn  from  the  history  of  the  peoples  of 
India,  and  much  again  that  the  Hindus  may  learn  from  the 
West.  But  the  lessons  will  be  of  no  avail,  unless  the  spirit  of 
arrogant  self-sufficiency  give  way  to  the  spirit  of  docility,  and  the 
spirit  of  unfriendly  criticism  to  that  of  mutually  helpful  con- 
structive effort.  Both  India  and  the  West  must  be  at  once  both 
teacher  and  taught. 

The  whole  spiritual  and  material  background  of  the  life  of 
India  differs  so  completely  from  that  of  the  West  that  neither  can 
ever  understand  the  other  from  a  mere  study  of  the  other 's  liter- 
ary monuments.  Such  study  is  indeed  inexorably  necessary,  and 
it  must  be  fortified  by  broad  and  rigorous  training  in  the  many- 
sided  methods  of  today.  But  that  is  not  enough.  An  Occi- 
dental who  would  faithfully  interpret  India  to  the  West  must 
also  know  the  life  of  India  from  actual  observation  and  expe- 
rience, and  must  be  able  to  look  at  it  from  the  Eastern  angle  of 
vision.  Accordingly,  for  example,  the  Sanskrit  professor  of  the 
next  generation  must  have  resided  in  India,  have  mixed  (so  far 
as  possible)  with  its  people,  and  have  mastered  one  or  more  of 
the  great  modern  vernaculars,  such  as  Marathi  or  Bengali. 
And,  on  the  other  hand,  since  the  Hindus  themselves  are  already 
actively  engaged  in  interpreting  the  East  to  the  West,  it  is 
needful  also  that  they  visit  us,  not  merely  to  learn  our  way  of 
doing  things,  but  also  to  look  at  life  as  we  look  at  it,  and  thus  to 
find  out  what  things — such,  let  us  say,  as  repose  of  spirit  or  the 
simple  life — the  West  most  needs  to  learn  of  the  East.8 


8C.  B.  L.,  in  a  Note  prefixed  to  S.  K.  Belvalkar's  Kama's  Later  History, 
Harvard  Oriental  Series,  vol.  21,  page  xiii. 


234  Charles  E.  Lanman 

Colebrooke,  in  a  letter  of  1788  to  his  father,  says:  ' Never 
mixing  with  natives,  an  European  is  ignorant  of  their  real 
character,  which  he,  therefore,  despises.  When  they  meet,  it 
is  with  fear  on  one  side,  and  arrogance  on  the  other.'  And  I 
must  confess  that  I  have  myself  in  India  seen  that  the  basis  of 
Colebrooke 's  charges  had  not  become  wholly  a  thing  of  the  past. 
Sir  William  Jones  and  Colebrooke  are  ideal  instances  of  the 
spirit  and  methods  that  were  and  are  and  must  ever  remain 
exemplary.  They  went  to  India,  they  learned  of  the  Hindus, 
and  to  the  task  of  making  India  known  to  the  West  they  gave, 
with  heroic  devotion,  all  that  they  had  to  give.  And  ever  since 
their  day,  the  business  of  the  East  India  Company  or  of  the 
Imperial  Government  has  taken  men  to  India  who  have  proved 
to  be  not  only  men  of  lofty  personal  character  and  faithful 
officials,  but  also  Indianists  of  large  achievement. 

To  France  belongs  the  honor  of  establishing  the  first  professor- 
ship for  Sanskrit  upon  the  Continent  of  Europe.  This  was  at 
the  College  Royal  de  France,  and  a  copy  of  the  inaugural  address 
of  the  first  incumbent,  de  Chezy,  delivered  Monday,  January  16, 
1815,  lies  before  you.  In  the  second  third  of  the  last  century, 
there  arose  men  who,  like  de  Chezy 's  successor,  Eugene  Burnouf , 
or  like  the  lexicographers,  Bohtlingk  and  Roth,  accomplished 
great  things  without  ever  visiting  the  Land  of  the  Rose-apple. 
As  late  as  Carey's  day,  it  took  about  half  a  year  to  go  from  Eng- 
land to  India.  Just  before  the  World  War,  letters  often  came 
from  Bombay  to  Boston  in  three  or  four  weeks.  And  now 
appears  Sir  Frederick  Sykes  before  the  Royal  Geographical 
Society,  announcing  the  projects  of  Great  Britain  for  the  devel- 
opment of  commercial  aviation.  Egypt  must  for  a  long  time  be 
the  'Hub'  or  the  'Clapham  Junction'  of  the  aerial  routes  to 
India,  Australia,  and  Cape  Town.  Between  Egypt  and  India 
weather-conditions  are  found  to  be  stable  on  the  whole;  and 
whereas  the  normal  time  for  the  sea-voyage  from  Port  Said  to 
Bombay  is  nine  days,  that  traject  is  made  through  the  air  in  four 
days,  flying  only  in  the  day-time.  When  I  was  a  graduate 
student  at  Yale,  it  was  not  even  suggested  that  I  should  go  to 
India;  and  an  occasional  letter  of  scientific  interest  from  India 
was  deemed  worthy  of  publication  in  Weber's  Indische  Studien 
or  in  our  JOURNAL. 


India  and  the  West  235 

But  soon,  when  a  letter  can  be  transmitted  from  Boston  to 
Bombay  in  ten  days,  and  the  writer  can  be  carried  by  ship  and 
train  in  a  fortnight,  it  is  evident  that  the  increased  opportunities 
will  bring — as  always — increased  obligations,  and  that  for  pro- 
fessed Indianists  in  America  a  period  of  residence  and  study  in 
India — preferably,  perhaps,  at  such  a  place  as  Poona  or  Benares 
— will  become  rather  a  matter  of  course.  Meantime,  it  may  be 
added,  the  development  of  the  discipline  of  tropical  hygiene  will 
tend  to  reduce  to  a  minimum  the  dangers  to  health  from  living 
in  an  unwonted  climate. 

The  time  is  ripe  for  instituting  a  system  of  international 
exchange-scholarships  as  between  the  universities  of  India  and 
America.  This  will  encourage  and  promote  the  tendency  to 
inter-university  migration,  which  is  already  well  under  way. 
Scores  of  students  from  India  and  the  Far  East  are  now  listed  in 
the  Harvard  Catalogue.  Within  the  last  two  years  I  have  had 
upon  my  rolls  a  recent  Harvard  graduate  who  has  returned  from 
Burma  to  complete  his  preparation  for  a  professorship  in  Jud- 
son  College,  another  American  back  from  a  long  residence  in 
China,  two  young  Chinese  students,  one  of  extraordinary 
promise,  and  Hindus  to  whom  it  was  an  especial  delight  for  me 
to  explain  their  sacred  Upanishads.  It  would  be  an  entirely 
legitimate  use  of  the  Harvard  Sheldon  Fellowships  (which  are 
intended  for  non-resident  students)  to  award  them  to  men  who 
propose  to  study  in  India,  and  I  am  glad  to  make  this  fact  known. 

Political  and  economic  conditions  are  just  now  such  as  to 
make  it  a  peculiarly  unpromising  time  to  move  for  the  establish- 
ment of  chairs  for  Oriental  philology  in  the  United  States.  But 
things  have  their  ups  and  downs — utpadyante  cyavante  ca,  say 
the  Hindus — and  it  is  for  us  in  these  dark  days  to  do  the  best 
we  can  in  the  way  of  leaving  works  which  (all  in  good  time,  it 
may  be  after  we  are  gone)  shall  bear  fruit  by  substantially  pro- 
moting an  understanding  between  India  and  the  West. 

I  must  not  quit  this  theme  without  mentioning  that  the  Indian 
Government  has  already  recognized  the  value  of  these  exchanges 
by  sending  young  men  on  government  stipends  to  pursue  their 
studies  in  Europe  and  America.  They  are  of  course  especially 
numerous  in  the  fields  of  the  technical  sciences.  But  men  of 
notable  excellence  in  the  things  of  the  spirit  are  also  not  lacking. 


236  Charles  R.  Lanman 

Young  Todar  Mall  was  a  pupil  of  Macdonell  of  Oxford,  and  had 
accomplished  valuable  work  upon  Bhavabhuti,  when  death  dis- 
appointed his  hopes  and  ours.  An  elaborate  study  of  Kalidasa 
as  he  appears  in  the  Hindu  writers  upon  rhetoric  or  Alankara 
Jias  recently  been  published  in  French  and  Sanskrit  by  Hari 
Chand,  a  pupil  of  Sylvain  Levi  of  Paris,  now  of  Strassburg.  It 
is  a  significant  book,  which  no  one  could  produce  who  had  not 
had  thorough  training  in  these  difficult  writings.  Such  training 
is  hardly  to  be  had  outside  of  India.  No  one  in  America  even 
offers  to  expound  them,  and  the  offer  would  be  vain  even  if  made. 
On  the  other  hand,  professors  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge  have 
recently  presented  to  the  Secretary  of  State  for  India  a  memo- 
randum advocating  the  establishment  of  a  few  fellowships  to 
enable  young  British  scholars  to  study  in  India  the  classical  lan- 
guages and  antiquities  of  India,  and  such  related  subjects  as 
could  be  pursued  to  better  advantage  there  than  in  Europe. 
Although  the  memorial  has  not  yet  gained  its  immediate  object, 
it  has  gained  public  recognition  of  an  important  fact. 

Sir  Eamkrishna  Gopal  Bhandarkar  was  the  first  great  Indian- 
ist  of  India  to  combine  the  native  learning  in  which  they  must 
ever  excel  us,  with  the  knowledge  of  the  Occidental  methods 
which  give  us  in  some  ways  important  advantages  over  them.  It 
is  futile  to  make  invidious  comparisons  of  Hindu  and  Occidental 
scholars  and  scholarly  results.  Far  better  it  is  to  take  them  all, 
gratefully  or  modestly  as  the  case  may  be,  for  what  they  are 
worth,  and  make  the  most  of  them  for  further  progress.  The 
recent  pamphlet  of  the  Bhandarkar  Institute  concerning  the  new 
edition  of  the  Maha-bharata,  inviting  suggestions  from  West- 
ern scholars,  shows  how  generously  ready  Hindu  scholars  now 
are  to  adopt  Western  methods  and  ideas,  so  far  as  serviceable  and 
applicable.  Shankar  Pandurang  Pandit,  the  editor  of  the  great 
Bombay  quarto  edition  of  the  Atharva-veda,  had  the  utmost 
respect  for  our  illustrious  Whitney — a  feeling  that  he  made  plain 
by  deeds.  And  I  have  often  wondered  whether  there  is  any  old- 
time  shrotriya  still  left  in  India,  whose  learning  and  memory 
would  enable  him  even  distantly  to  compete  with  the  achieve- 
ments possible  for  a  Western  scholar  armed  with  Bloomfield's 
wonderful  Vedic  Concordance.  And  I  say  this  without  fear  of 
offence  to  my  Hindu  friends  and  colleagues.  We  must,  as  Yusuf 


India  and  the  West  237 

All  in  his  Copenhagen  lectures  of  1918  rightly  says,9  recognize 
the  actuality  and  importance  of  the  modern  spirit  in  Indian  life. 

Let  me  cite  a  case  or  two  which  have  been  a  part  of  my  own 
experience,  as  showing  the  openness  of  mind  of  our  colleagues  in 
the  Orient.  The  oblong  Bombay  edition  of  1889  of  the  Maha- 
bharata  exhibits  some  very  substantial  and  valuable  and  practical 
improvements  over  that  of  1878.  I  am  under  the  impression  that 
they  are  due  to  suggestions  from  Occidental  sources.  Once 
more,  on  June  24,  1910,  Mr.  Simon  Hewavitarne  of  Colombo 
wrote  me  of  his  plan  of  publishing  a  complete  text  of  the  Bud- 
dhist sacred  books  in  Cingalese  characters.  I  have  the  carbon 
copy  of  a  memorial  which  I  addressed  to  him  on  July  25,  1910, 
in  which  I  discussed  the  choice  of  the  texts  to  be  published  first ; 
the  use  of  Cingalese  authorities  for  a  Cingalese  edition;  the 
importance  of  the  native  commentaries  for  the  projected  Pali  lex- 
icon ;  the  urgent  need  of  having  not  only  a  Cingalese  title-page, 
but  also  (for  Occidental  librarians)  an  English  one  as  well;  the 
extreme  inconvenience  and  wastefulness  of  issuing  large  texts  in 
many  small  parts  (as  is  so  often  done  in  the  East)  ;  the  impor- 
tance of  the  native  divisions  of  the  texts,  and  (at  the  same  time) 
of  possibly  other,  but  truly  convenient,  means  of  citation;  the 
need  of  practical  and  intelligently  made  indexes;  the  great 
importance  of  clear  typography  and  other  externals.  Not  long 
after,  Mr.  Hewavitarne  passed  away;  but  the  administrators  of 
the  'Simon  Hewavitarne  Bequest'  are  now  issuing  most  beauti- 
ful and  practical  and  scholarly  volumes,  one  after  another, 
which  are  certain  to  be  of  immense  help  for  the  progress  of  Bud- 
dhist studies.9* 

Before  passing  on,  I  must  call  to  your  notice  a  letter  from 
Mr.  N.  B.  Utgikar,  Secretary  of  the  Maha-bharata  Publication,  and 
Professor  P.  D.  Gune,  Secretary  of  the  Bhandarkar  Institute  in 
Poona,  sent  with  the  prospectus  of  the  new  edition  of  the  Maha- 

9  See  JBAS  for  1919,  p.  277. 

9a  A  brief  extract  from  the  preface  to  my  memorial  may  here  .be  given : 
"The  first  thing  that  I  would  urge  upon  you  is  the  tremendous  usefulness 
and  importance  of  co-operation — untrammeled  by  any  petty  personal  jeal- 
ousies. If  you  can  secure  for  your  undertaking,  genuine  and  true-hearted 
scholars  who  are  imbued  with  the  true  spirit  and  precepts  of  The  Exalted 
One,  half  the  battle  will  be  won. ' ' 


238  Charles  R.  Lanman 

bharata  already  mentioned,  and  asking  for  suggestions  regarding 
the  work  undertaken  and  the  methods  of  preparing  the  edition  as 
outlined  in  the  prospectus,  and  for  advice  on  other  relevant  mat- 
ters which  the  prospectus  may  not  have  noticed.  The  most 
eminent  authority  among  us,  Professor  Hopkins,  has  already 
responded — as  I  am  glad  to  learn.  In  a  multitude  o'f  counsellors 
there  is  wisdom.  Any  colleague  who  has  often  vainly  wished 
that  the  old  editions  might  have  been  made  more  conveniently 
usable,  will  find  pleasure  and  honorable  satisfaction  and,  I 
believe,  also  profit  in  accepting  this  most  kind  invitation. 

One  brief  corollary  to  this  I  should  like  to  draw  in  passing. 
And  that  is,  that  there  is  now  very  much  that  is  distinctively 
Indian,  which  will  very  soon  have  passed  away.  Western 
scholars  must  go  to  India,  and  go  speedily,  if  they  are  to  make 
the  observations  and  records  which  must  be  made  soon  or  never. 
A  remarkable  illustration  of  this  point  is  that  remarkable  book 
of  Sir  George  Grierson's,  Bihar  Peasant  Life.  A  large  part  of 
the  edition  was  destroyed,  so  that  the  book  is  of  extremest  rarity 
and  worth  its  weight  in  silver  and  more.  While  he  was  in  active 
service,  he  conceived  the  idea  of  photographing  the  natives  as 
engaged  in  their  various  industries  and  using  their  primitive 
implements,  often  so  like  those  of  centuries  ago  that  the  precious 
volume  is  frequently  an  illustrated  commentary  upon  books  one 
or  two  thousand  years  old.  The  introduction  of  modern  agri- 
cultural and  other  machinery  into  India  will  soon  make  an  under- 
taking like  that  of  Grierson  too  late,  if  indeed  it  be  not  so  already. 

Or,  to  take  another  case,  when  I  was  in  Benares,  beautiful 
lithographed  texts  of  the  Upanishads  with  the  commentaries  of 
Illustrious  Sankara  were  offered  to  me,  which  fortunately  I  pur- 
chased. (A  specimen,  the  Kena,  lies  on  the  table.)  I  do  not 
think  that  such  works  can  be  picked  up  now.  Recent  Hindu 
pupils  have  told  me  that  they  have  never  even  seen  such  books. 
And  for  accuracy  and  general  excellence  they  are  of  large  prac- 
tical value.  They  are  doubtless  the  work  of  old-time  Benares 
pandits  qui'e  innocent  of  Occidental  learning,  who  were  at  once 
competent  Sanskritists  and  skilful  lithographers. 

As  further  evidence  of  the  modern  spirit  in  India,  must  not  be 
left  unnoticed  the  activity  recently  shown  in  the  organization  of 
societies  for  co-operation  in  scholarly  research.  The  Pan  jab 
Historical  Society  was  founded  in  1910  by  scholars  of  the  Pan  jab 


India  and  the  West  239 

University, — doubtless  not  without  the  stimulus  and  help  of  Dr. 
Vogel,  a  distinguished  pupil,  and  now  the  successor  at  Leyden, 
of  the  greatest  Dutch  Indianist,  Hendrik  Kern,  himself  once  a 
professor  at  Benares.  Thus  Kern,  being  dead,  yet  speaketh. 
Another  organization  of  promise  is  the  Bihar  and  Orissa 
Research  Society,  which  already  has  to  its  credit  the  edition  of 
the  great  inscription  of  Kharavela,  king  of  Kalinga.  Strong  and 
promising  is  the  Hyderabad  Archaeological  Society,  founded  in 
1915,  and  with  the  resources  of  the  Government  of  the  Nizam 
behind  it.10 

These  things  show  that  the  Indianists  of  India  already  realize 
the  importance  of  turning  to  account  the  modern  methods  of 
organization  and  business  efficiency,  and  the  modern  progress  of 
the  graphic  arts.  The  value  of  organization,  and  of  combining 
the  labors  of  isolated  scholars  for  well-considered  ends,  is 
splendidly  illustrated  by  the  Series  called  Kavya-mala  of  Bom- 
bay, and  by  the  Anandasrama  Series  of  Poona.  As  regards  wide 
circulation  and  usefulness,  complete  works  issued  in  such  large 
groups  or  series  as  those,  and  in  such  form  as  only  a  strong  and 
adequate  printing  establishment  can  give  them,  have  an  enor- 
mous advantage  over  works  issued  singly  or  in  incomplete  parts, 
and  at  some  obscure  and  feeble  press,  and  in  a  small  edition. 
The  work  of  eminent  printers,  such  as  the  late  Java j I  Dadaji  of 
Bombay,  seems  to  me  to  be  a  very  substantial  service  to  science, 
and  as  such  to  deserve  generous  recognition  from  scholars. 

That  India,  with  her  great  learning,  is  eager  to  adopt  modern 
methods  to  make  that  learning  available  to  her  own  sons  and  to 
us,  and  is  ready  to  join  hands  with  us  of  the  West  in  order  to 
make  her  spiritual  heritage  enrich  our  too  hurried  life, — this 
much  is  clear.  It  remains  (of  the  few  things  that  one  may  con- 
sider in  so  brief  a  time)  to  emphasize  some  of  the  tasks  which 
seem  to  be  most  immediate  and  most  pressing. 

And  first  may  be  said  what  I  said  years  ago  in  one  of  the 
earliest  volumes  (vol.  4)  of  the  Harvard  Oriental  Series:  Make 
available  to  the  West  good  Sanskrit  texts  and  good  English 
translations  thereof.  The  labors  of  the  last  seventy  years  have 
given  to  the  world  of  scholars  editions  of  most  of  the  really  great 
works  of  the  Indian  antiquity — the  Jaina  texts  excepted.  Roth 

10  See  JEAS  1919,  p.  631. 


240  Charles  R.  Lanman 

and  Whitney,  Weber,  Aufrecht,  Max  Miiller,  von  Schroeder,  have 
given  us  the  Vedas.  The  Hindus  themselves,  the  Epos.  Rhys 
Davids  and  his  collaborators  of  the  Pali  Text  Society,  the  texts 
of  Buddhism.  The  World- war  is  perhaps  the  end  of  this  pio- 
neering period.  It  is  not  the  least  disparagement  to  these  brave 
pioneers  to  say  that  these  first  editions  ought  now  to  be  regarded 
as  provisional,  and  that  the  coming  generation  of  Indianists  must 
set  to  work  to  make  new  editions,  uniform  in  general  plan  and 
in  typography,  and  provided  with  manifold  conveniences  for 
quick  and  effective  study,  such  as  it  would  have  been  most 
ungracious  even  to  expect  in  an  editio  princeps.  To  illustrate : 
Aufrecht  has  printed  the  text  of  the  Rigveda  as  solid  prose,  like 
a  German  hymn-book.  It  is  incontestable  that  hosts  of  critical 
facts  which  it  needed  the  expert  eye  and  mind  of  a  Bergaigne  to 
discover  from  Aufrecht 's  or  Miiller 's  texts,  would  have  been 
obvious  almost  to  beginners  from  a  Rigveda  text  printed  so  as  to 
show  its  true  metrical  character.1051 

There  still  remain  very  important  texts  of  which  good  editions 
and  versions  in  Occidental  style  are  a  pressing  need.  Only  two 
such  will  I  mention,  but  they  are  texts  of  absolutely  transcendent 
importance.  One  is  Bharata's  Natya-sastra,  the  oldest  funda- 
mental work  upon  dramaturgy  and  theatric  arts.  This  we  may 
hope  to  receive  from  the  hand  of  Professor  Belvalkar.  The 
other  is  the  Artha-sastra  of  Kautilya,  Chandragupta's  prime 
minister,  the  greatest  Indian  writer  upon  the  science  of  govern- 
ment. Considering  the  age,  authorship,  scope,  and  intrinsic 
interest  of  the  treatise,  the  future  student  of  this  science  may  not 
ignore  it.  It  abounds  also  in  discussions  of  most  modern  topics, 
such  as  profiteering,  control  of  liquor-traffic  and  prostitution, 

10*  Rudolph  Roth's  last  letter  to  Whitney  is  dated  Tubingen,  23  April,  1894. 
Roth  says:  "An  Lanman,  der  mir  den  Harvard  Phormio  als  Gruss  gesehiekt 
hat,  habe  ich  heute  eine  Karte  abgelassen  und  ihn  gemahnt  fur  kimftig 
auch  eine  Ausgabe  des  Rigveda  im  Auge  zu  behalten.  .  .  .  Eine  Ausgabe 
des  Rigveda  nach  der  Gestalt  der  Verse,  wie  unser  Atharvaveda,  ist  absolut 
notwendig.  Ich  wundere  mich,  dass  andere  nicht  darauf  gedrungen  haben. 
Die  Art  Miillers  und  Aufrechts  ist  hunger leiderisch.  Ich  selbst  bediene 
mich  deshalb  nie  der  Ausgaben,  sondern  nur  meiner  Abschrift,  die  richtig 
angelegt  ist." 

The  postal  card  I  still  have.  In  it  Roth  mentions  his  article,  Eeclitsclirei- 
bung  im  Veda  (ZDHG,  vol.  48,  p.  101),  as  relevant  to  the  problems  of  a 
new  edition. 


India  and  the  West  241 

public  stables  and  laundries,  use  of  poison-gases,  and  so  on.  Of 
this,  the  learned  Librarian  of  Mysore,  R.  Shamasastri,  working 
in  a  most  admirable  spirit  of  co-operation  with  Fleet  and  Thomas, 
Jolly  and  Barnett,  and  other  Western  Indianists,  has  already 
given  us  an  excellent  provisional  text  and  version. 

Other  tasks  I  will  not  try  to  specify  for  the  coming  Indianists. 
But  to  them,  by  way  of  needed  warning,  one  word!  It  is  a 
deplorable  misdirection  of  power  to  spend  toil  and  money  over 
the  corrupt  manuscript  readings  of  third-rate  ritual  texts  or  over 
books  of  pornography, — so  long  as  the  Buddhist  and  Jaina  scrip- 
tures are  largely  untranslated,  so  long  as  new  texts  and  versions, 
or  even  well-revised  and  annotated  ones,  of  the  Vedic  literature, 
of  the  treatises  on  medicine  and  law  and  philosophy,  of  the 
dramas  and  stories  and  epics,  are  still  desiderata, — in  short,  so 
long  as  work  of  really  first-rate  importance  still  remains  to  be 
done. 

At  present,  for  whatever  causes,  the  future  of  humanistic 
studies  does  not  look  bright.  Schools  for  advancing  material 
progress  flourish  as  never  before.  In  devotion  to  the  things  of 
the  spirit  there  is  a  falling  off.  For  our  future  as  a  nation  this 
is  a  very  real  danger.  To  meet  it,  we  must  awaken  the  interest 
of  many  young  students.  To  this  end,  better  elementary  text- 
books are  an  indispensable  means.  And  for  this  reason,  I  believe 
that  the  work  of  providing  such  books  is  at  the  present  time  more 
important  than  even  the  work  of  enlarging  the  boundaries  of  our 
science.  I  am  convinced  that  one  single  year  of  Sanskrit  study 
may,  with  proper  books,  be  made  so  fruitful,  that  any  one  who 
intends  to  pursue  linguistic  studies — be  he  Latinist  or  Hellenist 
or  Anglicist — may  well  hesitate  to  forego  the  incomparable  dis- 
ciplinary training  which  it  offers. 

Of  'proper  books,'  the  first  is  an  elementary  Sanskrit  grammar. 
Such  a  book  I  have  long  had  in  hand.  But  for  the  war,  it  might 
already  have  been  issued.  The  inflection  and  sound-changes  of 
the  Sanskrit  are  very  far  less  difficult  than  is  commonly  supposed. 
The  right  method  of  teaching  Sanskrit  is  to  separate  the  difficul- 
ties of  the  language  from  those  of  the  writing.  The  reason  why 
so  many  a  beginner  balks  at  the  outset,  is  that  these  difficulties  are 
not  separated,  and  that  he  has  to  grapple  with  them  all  at  once. 
Accordingly  I  am  casting  the  elementary  grammar  into  a  form 
which  employs  only  Roman  transliteration.  The  use  of  Roman 
16  JAOS  40 


242  Charles  R.  Lanman 

type  makes  clear  to  the  eye,  instantly  and  without  a  word  of 
comment,  countless  facts  concerning  the  structure  of  the  lan- 
guage which  it  is  utterly  impossible  to  make*  clear  in  Nagarl  let- 
ters, even  with  a  good  deal  of  added  comment.11  Moreover,  by 
combining  ingenious  typography  with  Roman  letters,  it  is  possi- 
ble, literally,  to  accomplish  wonders  for  the  visualizing  memory, 
I  have  already  succeeded  in  tabulating  the  paradigms  of  declen- 
sion and  conjugation  (always  in  parallel  vertical  columns)  in 
such  a  way  that  even  beginners  admit  that  a  real  and  speedy  mas- 
tery of  the  common  forms  is  an  easy  matter. 

This  elementary  grammar  is  to  be  very  brief.  I  think  that 
some  fifty  pages  will  suffice  to  give  all  the  grammatical  facts 
needed  for  the  first  year  of  reading  of  judiciously  selected  texts. 
Stenzler's  famous  grammar  shows  how  easily  it  may  happen 
that  brevity  is  attained  at  the  expense  of  clearness  and  adequacy. 
On  one  of  his  title-pages  Joseph  Wright  cites  the  couplet,  'Nur 
das  Beispiel  fiihrt  zum  Licht ;  Vieles  Reden  thut  es  nicht.'  This 
I  too  have  taken  to  heart.  The  examples  have  been  gathered  and 
culled  with  extremest  care,  and  are  often  combinations  of  such 
frequent  occurrence  as  to  be  worth  learning  as  a  help  in  reading. 

The  addition  of  explanatory  or  illustrative  material  to  the  sec- 
tions of  a  grammar  in  such  a  way  as  to  interrupt  the  sequence  of 
the  descriptive  exposition  is  a  fatal  procedure.  This  is  proved 
beyond  a  shadow  of  doubt  by  the  Sanskrit  grammar  of  Albert 
Thumb.  And  yet  the  illustrative  material,  drawn  from  lan- 
guages usually  familiar  among  us  (English,  Greek,  Latin),  is 


11  This  is  due  to  the  fact  that  the  Nagari  writing  is  partly  syllabic,  that 
a  consonantal  character  carries  with  it  an  inherent  unwritten  vowel  a,  unless 
that  vowel  is  expressly  negated  by  a  subscript  stroke  or  by  some  other  and 
written  vowel.  Thus  the  one  single  character  for  ma  means  two  sounds, 
m  and  a,  of  which  the  m  may  be  the  end  of  one  word,  and  the  a  the  initial 
of  the  next.  I  can  cite  nothing  analogous  from  English  but  a  line  from  the 
WMmsey  Anthology  of  Carolyn  Wells  (New  York,  1906),  p.  52:  'I'm 
sorry  you've  been  6  o  (=sick  so)  long;  Don't  be  disconsolS. '  Here  the 
one  character  6  (=six— sick  s)  designates  sounds  belonging  in  part  to  the 
word  sick  and  in  part  to  the  word  so. 

At  first  blush,  the  critic  may  say  that  the  use  of  Eoman  letters  is  by 
itself  enough  to  condemn  this  book,  so  far  as  Hindu  learners  are  concerned. 
But  a  most  intelligent  Maratha  pupil  is  of  contrary  opinion.  I  am  not  with- 
out hope  that  my  paradigm-tables  in  Eoman  letters  may  prove  so  successful 
as  to  convince  even  Hindu  teachers  of  their  usableness  with  beginners. 


India  and  the  West  243 

exceedingly  helpful,  and  may  even  be  made  highly  entertaining. 
For  this  reason  I  propose  to  give  a  running  Comment  on  my 
Grammar,  entirely  separated  from  the  Grammar,  but  bound  up 
with  it  as  an  appendix  between  the  same  pair  of  covers,  and 
with  the  section-numbers  of  the  Comment  corresponding  through- 
out with  those  of  the  Grammar,  so  that  reference  from  the  one 
to  the  other  is  'automatic.' 

To  make  it  easy  to  learn  to  read  Sanskrit  in  Nagarl  characters, 
I  am  making  a  small,  but  quite  separate  volume.  This  is  not  to 
be  taken  up  until  the  beginner  has  acquired  a  considerable  vocab- 
ulary of  common  Sanskrit  words,  and  such  familiarity  with  the 
not  too  numerous  endings  and  prepositional  prefixes,  and  with 
the  rules  of  vowel-combination,  as  shall  enable  him  quickly  to 
separate  the  confusingly  run-together  words.  For  this  book,  I 
believe  that  some  of  the  salient  facts  of  Indian  palaeography  can 
be  used  to  great  practical  advantage.  One  should,  for  example, 
never  begin  with  the  initial  forms  of  the  vowels,  but  rather  with 
the  medial  forms  in  conjunction  with  a  preceding  consonant.  I 
do  not  think  that  the  historical  identity  of  form  between  medial 
and  initial  u  was  ever  suggested  to  me  by  either  a  book  or  a 
teacher  in  my  early  years,  nor  yet  the  relation,  of  long  u  to  short 
u.  And  even  to  this  day,  the  form  of  r  in  groups  beginning  or 
ending  with  r  is  treated  as  an  anomaly ;  whereas,  in  fact,  it  is  the 
r  that  stands  by  itself  which  is  anomalous  (in  appearance,  at 
least:  for  the  apparent  anomaly  is  very  easily  explained).  By 
printing  this  book  about  the  Nagarl  alphabet  at  Bombay,  at  the 
Nirnaya  Sagara  Press,  and  with  the  rich  and  admirable  type- 
fonts  of  that  Press  at  command,  it  will  be  very  easy  to  make 
scores  of  matters  clear  which  are  now  stones  of  stumbling  for  the 
beginner. 

The  way  thus  cleared  for  teaching  quickly  and  effectively  the 
essentials  of  Sanskrit  grammar,  and  incidentally  also  the  main 
structural  features  of  our  native  English  (of  which  even 
advanced  students  are  now  lamentably  ignorant), — it  will  then 
be  in  order  to  induct  the  beginner  into  the  literature.  At  pres- 
ent, he  reads,  between  October  first  and  Christmas,  usually  about 
five  chapters  of  Nala,  or  about  seven  pages  of  the  big  oblong 
Bombay  edition  of  the  Maha-bharata.  This  would  be  a  pitiful 
showing,  if  it  were  possible  to  do  better  with  books  now  avail- 
able; but  I  fear  it  is  not.  .The  next  step  is  then  to  prepare  a 


244  Charles  R.  Lanman 

number  of  little  text-books  (they  must  be  little  books)  from 
which  the  beginner  can  see  for  himself  how  exceedingly  easy  the 
easy  epic  texts  are.  These  texts  must  be  chosen  with  skill  and 
common  sense  and  good  taste.  They  must  be  purged  of  long- 
winded  descriptive  passages.  They  must  not  be  puerile.  (This 
objection  lies  against  many  much-read  fables  of  the  Hitopadesa : 
these  are  quite  proper  for  Hindu  boys  studying  Sanskrit  at  the 
age  of  ten,  but  not  for  our  students  of  twenty  or  more. )  Above 
all,  they  must  be  in  simple  unstilted  language,  entertaining,  full 
of  rapidly  moving  action  and  incident.  These  requirements  can 
all  be  met  by  an  abbreviated  text  of  the  story  of  Nala. 

Some  sixty  years  ago,  Charles  Bruce,  a  pupil  of  Roth,  trimmed 
down  the  story  from  about  a  thousand  quatrains  to  about  the 
half  of  that.  It  can  be  reduced  to  even  narrower  compass,  and 
without  impairing  the  charm  of  the  really  beautiful  story,  and 
so  that  a  beginner  can  easily  read  and  understand  and  enjoy  the 
substance  of  the  entire  poem  in  the  first  two  or  three  months  after 
the  very  start.  To  this  end  I  propose  to  print  the  Sanskrit  text, 
each  quatrain  in  four  octosyllabic  lines,  with  suspension  of  the 
sound-changes  at  the  end  of  the  first  and  third,  and  with  a  simple 
English  version  in  a  parallel  column  at  the  right.12  Thus 
divested  of  the  wholly  adscititious  difficulties  of  the  strange 
alphabet  and  of  all  avoidable  running-together  of  the  words, — it 
is  simply  amazing  to  find  how  easy  a  really  easy  and  well-chosen 
piece  of  the  great  epic  may  be  made  for  an  intelligent  young 
student  who  has  mastered  the  principal  inflections  and  sound- 
changes. 

Two  other  little  anthologies  are  called  for :  one  of  interesting 
brief  stories  from  the  Maha-bharata,  and  one  from  the  Ramayana. 
From  the  former,  the  gakuntala-story  ought  certainly  to  be  read, 
as  presenting  the  material  of  Kalidasa's  famous  play.  The  story 
of  Yayati  (1.  76-),  the  Gambling-scene  (2.  60-),  the  wonderful 
Night-scene  on  the  Ganges  (15.  32-),  in  which  the  fallen  heroes 
come  forth  and  talk  with  the  living,  the  Great  Journey  (17), — 
these  and  many  others  are  available  as  easy  and  readable  and 
characteristic  specimens  of  the  Great  Epic. 

12  Specimens  of  this  typographic  procedure  may  be  seen  in  the  article  on 
Hindu  Ascetics  in  the  Transactions  of  the  Am.  Philological  Association  for 
1917,  vol.  48. 


India  and  the  West  245 

As  long  as  on  the  earth  the  hills 
Shall  stand,  and  rivers  run  to  sea, — 
So  long  the  Tale  of  llama's  Deeds 
Throughout  the  world  shall  famous  be. 

So  says  the  Ramayana  itself  (1.  2.  36).,  in  almost  the  very  words 
of  Virgil,  In  freta  dum  fluvii  current,  dum  montibus  umbrae,  etc. 
There  is,  I  think,  no  other  more  immediate  way  of  acquainting 
the  Occidental  with  the  very  spirit  of  the  Hindu,  than  by  famil- 
iarizing him  with  a  reasonable  number  of  episodes  from  the  Tale 
of  Rama's  Deeds,  the  epic  that  has  long  been  the  Bible  of  untold 
millions  and  is  so  today. 

A  similar  volume  of  quatrains  (variously  called  proverbs, 
Spriiche,  epigrams),  each  complete  in  itself  and  with  a  real  point, 
each  in  simplest  language  and  meter,— would  be  useful  as  provid- 
ing matter  for  learning  by  heart.  I  am  convinced  that  the 
student  of  Sanskrit  should  begin  committing  such  stanzas  to 
memory  at  the  very  first  lesson,  just  as  beginners  in  French  are 
wont  to  learn  LaFontaine.  Such  quatrains  are  easily  culled 
from  the  Maha-bharata,  or  from  the  collections  of  Parab  or  Boht- 
lingk.  A  small  anthology  of  passages  illustrating  the  Hindu 
sense  of  humor  would  be  very  taking  with  beginners.  Parab 
gives  many  such.13  An  occasional  selection  from  the  Maha- 
bharata,  like  the  Jackal's  Prayer  (12.  180),  might  well  be  put 
with  it. 

These  little  books  are  only  four  of  a  considerable  number  that 
the  Indianists  owe  to  the  beginners.  There  should  be  one  made 
up  of  extracts  from  the  Ocean  of  the  Rivers  of  Story  or  Katha- 
sarit-sagara.  This  should  include  characteristically  diverse 
selections,  such  as  Upakosa  and  the  Four  Gallants  (4.  26-86), 
part  of  the  Book  of  Noodles  (61),  and  some  of  the  Vampire- 
stories  (75-99),  such  as  the  amusing  tale  of  the  Father  who  mar- 
ried the  Daughter  and  his  Son  who  married  her  Mother. 
Another  should  give  extracts  from  the  Puranas.  Thus  from  the 
Vishnu,  what  could  be  more  interesting  for  the  man  who  reads 
of  the  achievements  of  modern  astronomy,  than  the  Hindu 
theories  (6.  3-)  of  the  evolution  and  dissolution  of  the  universe? 
and  what  could  be  finer  and  more  fit  for  the  century  of  the  World- 

13  Subhasita-ratna-bhandagara,  2d  ed.,  Bombay,  1886,  p.  622.  See  also 
Bohtlingk,  suni  drste,  etc.,  eJcond  mnsatir  naryah,  etc. 


246  Charles  R.  Lanman 

war  than  the  Earth-song  (4.  24)  ?  At  least  four  small  volumes 
should  be  devoted  to  specimens  from  the  Rigveda,  the  Atharva- 
veda,  the  Brahmanas,  and  the  Upanishads.  These  last  might 
well  be  entitled  '  Theosophy  of  the  Hindus :  their  doctrine  of  the 
all-pervading  God/ 

Two  Sanskrit  dictionaries  are  greatly  needed.  The  wonderful 
thesaurus  of  Bohtlingk  and  Roth  was  finished  almost  half  a  cen- 
tury ago,  and  (as  the  exploitation  of  the  Artha-sastra,  for  exam- 
ple, and  of  other  texts  makes  evident)  needs  now  to  be  thoroughly 
revised  and  brought  up  to  date.  For  this  very  purpose  there  is 
in  London,  at  the  India  Office  Library,  a  large  amount  of  unpub- 
lished lexicographical  material  which  came  from  Aufrecht  and 
Cappeller.  But  who  is  to  find  the  money  for  so  large  an  under- 
taking ?  and  when  and  where  may  we  look  for  two  such  giants  as 
Bohtlingk  and  Roth  to  do  that  Herculean  task  ? — But  not  only  is 
a  revised  lexicon  on  a  grand  scale  a  desideratum, — even  more 
pressing  is  the  need  of  a  dictionary  of  moderate  compass  for  the 
use  of  beginners.  For  this  purpose  Cappeller 's  was  good,  and 
its  price  was  small,  but  it  is  out  of  print.  The  second  edition  of 
Monier  Williams 's  is  full  and  accurate,  but  its  price  was  64  shil- 
lings before  the  war.  All  things  considered, — typography  and 
size14  and  scope  and  low  price, — Macdonell's  Sanskrit-English 
Dictionary,  issued  in  1893,  is  of  incomparable  excellence.  But 
the  copies  were  all  sold  by  1910,  and  the  book  has  now  been  unob- 
tainable for  ten  years.  All  these  three  dictionaries  were  printed 
from  type  and  not  from  electrotype  plates.  This  was  a  very 
great  and  most  unfortunate  mistake.  For  a  new  issue  cannot 
be  made  except  by  setting  up  the  entire  work  from  a  to  izzard, 
and  at  an  expense  which  is  now  commercially  almost  out  of  the 
question. 

Dictionaries,  like  tables  of  logarithms,  ought  never  to  be 
printed  except  from  electrotype  plates.  As  for  Macdonell's  book, 
its  whole  life  upon  the  market  was  only  seventeen  years,  a  period 
lamentably  short  when  compared  with  the  time  (the  time  of 
an  expert)  which  the  author  spent  in  writing  it.  Instead  of  a 
separate  glossary  for  each  of  the  little  volumes  of  text  mentioned 
above,  it  would  be  far  better  to  have  a  small  but  adequate  dic- 

14  Its  weight  is  a  trifle  over  3  pounds ;  that  of  the  St.  Petersburg  Lexicon 
is  over  34. 


India  and  the  West  247 

tionary  like  Macdonell's.  I  am  at  a  loss  to  know  what  course  to 
suggest  at  this  time,  which  is  so  critical  for  the  maintenance  of 
Indie  studies.  But  as  soon  as  the  costs  of  production  are  lower, 
I  think  the  best  plan  would  be  to  reset  Macdonell's  dictionary, 
even  if  it  were  practically  unchanged,  and  to  electrotype  the 
work,  so  that  a  new  issue  of  say  five  hundred  copies  could  be 
struck  off  at  any  time  as  needed,  and  with  small  expense. 

As  was  just  said,  the  present  time  is  indeed  a  critical  one  in 
the  history  of  Oriental  studies.  The  war  brought  us  to  a  height 
of  moral  elevation  and  of  enthusiasm  for  the  noblest  ideals, 
which,  on  such  a  scale,  was  without  precedent  in  human  history. 
Among  the  signs  of  the  unhappy  reaction  that  has  set  in,  are  the 
fatal  dawdlings  of  partisan  politics  and  the  wr anglings  for 
bonuses.  Another  is  the  feebler  interest  in  things  which, 
although  not  in  a  material  way,  do  yet  most  truly  enrich  our  life. 
But,  with  all  the  political  and  economic  miseries  that  the  war  has 
brought  us,  it  has  also,  for  better  or  worse,  brought  the  East 
nearer  to  the  West.  With  this  hard  fact  we  must  reckon. 
Students  of  the  Orient  must  so  direct  their  work  as  to  make  it 
most  effective  in  helping  our  countrymen  to  understand  and 
respect  our  neighbors  across  the  Pacific,  and  to  deal  justly  and 
honorably  with  them.  We  must  realize  that  their  prophets  and 
saints  and  sages  have  made  great  attainments  in  what  is  most 
truly  'the  fulness  of  life.'  And  to  make  this  fact  clear  to  the 
Occident,  we  must  faithfully  devote  ourselves  to  just  such  pro- 
saic tasks  as  those  which  I  have  outlined.  If  these  are  well  done, 
done  by  teachers  who  themselves  have  the  teachable  habit  of 
mind  and  never  forget  the  broader  bearings  of  their  life-work, 
we  may  hope  that  Oriental  studies  will  not  fail  to  maintain  their 
value  and  to  justify  the  belief  in  their  practical  and  political 
significance. 


STUDIES  IN  BHASA 

V.  S.  SUKTHANKAE 
ARCHAEOLOGICAL  SURVEY  OF  INDIA 

Introduction 

No  METHODICAL  STUDY1  has  yet  been  made  of  the  thirteen 
anonymous  dramas  issued  as  Nos.  XV-XVII,  XX-XXII,  XXVI, 
XXXIX,  and  XLII  of  the  Trivandrum  Sanskrit  Series  and 
ascribed  by  their  editor,  Pandit  T.  Ganapati  Sastri,  to  the  cele- 
brated playwright  Bhasa.  The  first  attempt  at  a  comprehensive 
review  of  the  plays — and  the  only  one  that  has  contributed  sub- 
stantially to  our  knowledge  of  them — is  found  in  the  editor 's  own 
introductions  to  the  editio  princeps  of  the  Svapnavasavadatta 
and  that  of  the  Pratimanataka  respectively.  Opinion  may  be 
divided  as  to  whether  the  learned  editor  has  fully  vindicated  his 
claims  regarding  the  age  of  the  dramas  or  the  authorship  of 
Bhasa,  but  it  seems  unquestionable  that  the  arguments  brought 
forward  by  him  in  support  of  his  case  deserve  serious  considera- 
tion. Another  approach  to  a  study  of  these  dramas  is  found  in 
the  introduction  to  a  subsequent  edition2  of  the  Svapnavasava- 
datta  by  Prof.  H.  B.  Bhide.  This  author  replies  to  the  arguments 
of  a  scholar  who  had  in  the  meanwhile  published  an  article  in  a 
vernacular  journal  calling  into  question  the  conclusion  of  Gana- 
pati Sastri  regarding  the  authorship  of  Bhasa,  and  attempts  to  re- 
establish it  by  adducing  fresh  proofs  in  support  of  it.  Mr.  Bhide 
then  turns  his  attention  to  the  question  of  Bhasa 's  age,  which  he 
endeavors  to  fix  by  what  may  be  termed  a  process  of  successive 
elimination.  Incidentally  it  may  be  remarked  that  his  arguments 
lead  him  to  assign  the  dramas  to  an  epoch  even  earlier  than  that 
claimed  for  them  by  Ganapati  Sastri.3  While  it  would  be  invid- 

1 A  complete  bibliography  of  the  literature,  Indian  (including  the  works 
in  vernaculars,  of  which  there  is  a  considerable  number  already)  and 
European,  bearing  on  the  subject,  will  be  the  theme  of  a  separate  article. 

2  The  Svapna  Vasavadatta  of  Bhasa  edited  with  Introduction,  Notes 
etc.  etc.  by  H.  B.  Bhide,  .  .  .  with  Sanskrit  Commentary  (Bhavnagar, 
1916). 

'According  to  Ganapati  Sastri  the  author  of  these  dramas,  Bhasa,  'must 
necessarily  be  placed  not  later  than  the  third  or  second  century  B.  C. '; 
according  to  Mr.  Bhide,  475  B.  C.  to  417  B.  C.  would  be  the  period  of 
Bhasa. 


Studies  in  Bhdsa  249 

ious  to  belittle  the  work  of  these  pioneers  in  the  field  and  deny 
them  their  meed  of  praise,  it  must  nevertheless  be  confessed  that 
their  investigations  are  characterised  by  a  narrowness  of  scope 
and  a  certain  perfunctoriness  of  treatment  which  unfortunately 
deprive  them  of  all  claims  to  finality.  Vast  fields  of  enquiry  have 
been  left  practically  untouched ;  and,  it  need  not  be  pointed  out, 
a  study  of  these  neglected  questions  might  seriously  modify  the 
views  on  the  plays  and  the  playwright  based  on  the  facts  now 
available. 

Nor  have  the  critics4  of  Ganapati  Sastri,  who  challenge  his 
ascription  of  the  plays  to  Bhasa,  attempted — perhaps  they  have 
not  deemed  it  worth  their  while  to  attempt — to  get  below  the 
surface;  their  investigations  confine  themselves  to  a  very 
restricted  field,  upon  the  results  of  which  their  conclusions  are 
based.  Corresponding  to  the  different  isolated  features  of  these 
plays  selected  by  them  for  emphasis,  different  values  are  obtained 
by  them  for  the  epoch  of  these  dramas ;  and  having  shown  that 
these  dates  are  incompatible  with  the  probable  age  of  Bhasa, 
these  writers  have  considered  their  responsibility  ended. 

Now  whatever  opinion  may  be  held  regarding  the  age  of  these 
plays  it  seems  undeniable  that  they  are  worthy  of  very  close 
study.  Their  discovery  has  given  rise  to  some  complicated  lit- 
erary problems,  which  demand  elucidation.  Their  Prakrit, 
which  contains  some  noteworthy  peculiarities,  requires  analysis ; 
their  technique,  which  differs  in  a  marked  manner  from  that  of 
hitherto  known  dramas,  requires  careful  study ;  their  metre,  with 
its  preponderance  of  the  sloka,  and  their  Alamkara  of  restricted 
scope,  both  call  for  minute  investigation.  The  fragment5  Caru- 
datta  alone,  of  which  the  Mrcchakatika  looks  almost  like  an  en- 
larged version,  suggests  a  whole  host  of  problems.  Some  verses 
(or  parts  of  verses)  from  these  dramas  are  met  with  again  in 
different  literary  works;  we  find  others  referred  to  in  critical 
works  of  different  epochs :  have  they  been  borrowed  or  quoted 
(as  the  case  may  be)  from  our  dramas?  If  so,  what  chronologi- 

4  Prof .  Pandeya  in  the  vernacular  periodical  Sdradd  (Vol.  1,  No.  1),  who 
assigns  the  plays  to  the  10th  century  A.  D.;  and  Dr.  L.  D.  Barnett  in 
JEAS,  1919,  pp.  233f.,  who  ascribes  them  to  an  anonymous  poet  of  about 
the  7th  century  A.  D. 

'Thereon  see  my  article  '  '/ Charudatta " — A  Fragment'  in  the  Quarterly 
Journal  of  the  Mythic  Society  (Bangalore),  1919. 


250  y.  8.  Sukthankar 

cal  conclusions  follow  from  these  references?  Some  of  these 
questions  have  never  been  dealt  with  at  all  before;  there  are 
others  whose  treatment  by  previous  writers  must  be  called  super- 
ficial and  unsatisfactory ;  but  all  of  them  merit  exhaustive  investi- 
gation. In  these  Studies  I  shall  try  to  discuss  various  prob- 
lems connected  with  these  plays  with  all  the  breadth  of  treatment 
they  require.  I  hope  that  they  will  in  some  measure  answer  the 
demand. 

At  first  I  shall  devote  myself  to  collation  of  material;  subse- 
quently, when  I  have  a  sufficient  number  of  facts  at  my  disposal, 
duly  tabulated  and  indexed,  I  shall  turn  my  attention  to  the  ques- 
tion of  the  age  and  the  authorship  of  these  dramas,  and  consider 
whether,  from  the  material  available,  it  is  possible  to  deduce  any 
definite  conclusions  regarding  these  topics.  From  the  nature  of 
the  case  it  may  not  be  possible  to  find  for  the  question  of  the 
authorship  an  answer  free  from  all  elements  of  uncertainty ;  but 
it  is  hoped  that  the  cumulative  evidence  of  facts  gleaned  from  a 
review  of  the  plays  from  widely  different  angles  will  yield  some 
positive  result  at  least  regarding  their  age. 

In  conclusion  it  should  be  made  clear  that  nothing  is  taken  for 
granted  regarding  the  author  or  the  age  of  these  plays.  It  fol- 
lows, therefore,  that  the  choice  of  the  title  *  Studies  in  Bhasa, '  or 
the  expression  '  dramas  of  Bhasa '  if  used  in  the  sequel  with  refer- 
ence to  them,  does  not  necessarily  imply  the  acceptance  of  the 
authorship  of  Bhasa ;  the  use  of  Bhasa 's  name  should  be  regarded 
merely  as  a  matter  of  convenience,  unless  the  evidence  adduced 
be  subsequently  found  to  justify  or  necessitate  the  assumption 
involved. 

I.  On  certain  archaisms  in  the  Prakrit  of  these  dramas. 
The  scope  of  this  article,  the  first  of  the  series,  is  restricted  to  a 
consideration  of  certain  selected  words  and  grammatical  forms, 
occurring  in  the  Prakrit  of  the  dramas  before  us,  which  arrest  our 
attention  by  their  archaic  character.  There  are  many  other  ques- 
tions relative  to  the  Prakrit  of  these  plays  which  await  investiga- 
tion, such  as,  for  example,  its  general  sound-system,  its  varieties, 
its  distribution,  etc. :  they  will  be  dealt  with  in  subsequent  arti- 
cles. 'Archaic'  and  'modern'  are  of  course  relative  terms.  The 
words  noticed  below  are  called  '  archaic '  in  reference  to  what  may 
be  said  to  be  the  standard  dialect-stage  of  the  Prakrit  of  the 


Studies  in  Bhdsa  251 

dramas  of  the  classical  period,  such  as  those  of  Kalidasa.  No 
comparative  study  has  yet  been  made  of  the  Prakrit  of  Kalidasa 
and  his  successors  with  a  view  to  ascertaining  the  developmental 
differences  (if  any)  obtaining  between  them;  marked  differences 
there  are  none ;  and  we  are  constrained,  in  the  absence  of  detailed 
study,  to  regard  the  Prakrits  of  the  post-Kalidasa  dramas  as 
static  dialect-varieties  showing  only  minute  differences  of  vocab- 
ulary and  style. 

Methodologically  the  question  whether  all  these  thirteen  anony- 
mous plays  are  the  works  of  one  and  the  same  author  should  have 
been  taken  up  first  for  investigation.  But  even  a  cursory  exam- 
ination of  these  plays  is  enough  to  set  at  rest  all  doubts  regard- 
ing the  common  authorship ;  moreover  the  point  has  already  been 
dealt  with  in  a  fairly  satisfactory  manner  by  the  editor  of  the 
plays,  whose  conclusions  have  not  hitherto  evoked  adverse  com- 
ment. The  question  will,  however,  in  due  course  receive  all  the 
attention  and  scrutiny  necessary. 

Meanwhile  we  will  turn  to  the  discussion  of  what  I  regard  as 
archaisms  in  the  Prakrit  of  these  plays. 

AN   ALPHABETICAL  LIST   OF   SELECTED   ARCHAISMS. 

1.     amhdam  (=  Skt.  asmdkam). 

Svapna.  27  (twice;  Ceti),  28  (Ceti);  Panca.  21  (Vrddhagopa- 
laka)  ;  Avi.  25  (Dhatrl),  29  (Vidusaka). 

amhdam  is  used  in  the  passages  just  quoted;  but  in  other 
places  the  very  same  characters  use  the  later  form  amhdnam, 
which  is  formed  on  the  analogy  of  the  thematic  nominal  bases : 
cf .  Ceti  in  Svapna.  24,  32 ;  Vrddhagopalaka  in  Panca.  20,  21 ;  and 
Dhatrl  in  Avi.  23.  The  latter  form  occurs,  moreover,  in  Caru. 
1  (Sutradhara),  34  (Ceti).  The  form  amhd(k)am,  it  may  be 
remarked,  is  neither  mentioned  by  grammarians6  nor  found  in 
the  dramas  hitherto  known.  But  Pali,  it  will  be  recalled,  has  still 
amMkam,  and  Asvaghosa's  dramas  (Lliders6a  58)  have  pre- 
served the  corresponding  tum(h)dk(am).  Owing  to  the  simul- 

6  Thus,  for  instance,  Markandeya  in  his  Prakrtasarvasva  (ed.  Grantha- 
pradarsani,  Vizagapatam,  1912),  IX.  95,  lays  down  specifically  that  the 
gen.  phi.  of  the  1st  pers.  pron.  in  Saurasenl  is  amham  or  amhdnam. 

*a  Here  and  in  similar  ref erances  '  Liiders '  stands  for  Liiders,  BruchstiicTce 
Buddhistischer  Dramen  (Kleinere  SansTcrit-Texte,  Heft  I),  Berlin  1911. 


252  V.  S.  SukthanJcar 

taneous  occurrence  in  our  dramas  of  both  the  forms  in  the  speech 
of  one  and  the  same  character,  we  are  not  in  a  position  to  decide 
at  this  stage  whether  the  amhaam  of  our  manuscripts  is  a  genu- 
inely archaic  use  of  the  word  or  whether  there  is  a  contamina- 
tion here  with  the  Skt.  asmdkam.  It  may  again  be  that  the  prom- 
iscuous use  of  the  doublets  points  to  a  period  of  transition. 

2.     Root  arh-. 
Svapna.  7  (Tapasi)  ;  Abhi.  5  (Tara). 

Twice  the  root  appears  in  Prakrit  passages  in  these  dramas 
with  unassimilated  conjunct:  once  as  a  nominal  base  arhd 
(Svapna.  7)  and  again  as  a  verbum  finitum  arhadi7  (Abhi.  5). 
In  the  latter  case  the  editor  con  jectur  ally  emends  the  reading  of 
the  manuscripts  to  arihadi.  A  priori  the  conjunct  rh  seems 
hardly  admissible  in  a  Prakrit  dialect  ;8  and  one  is  tempted  to  fol- 
low the  editor  of  the  dramas  in  regarding  it  as  a  mistake  of  the 
scribe.  In  the  £aurasem  of  later  dramas  an  epenthetic  i  divides 
the  conjunct:  arih-  (Pischel  140).  Of  this  form  we  have  two 
instances  in  our  dramas:  arihadi  in  Pratima.  6  (Avadatika)  and 
anarihani  in  Abhi.  15  (Sita).  In  another  place,  however,  the 
word  appears  with  an  epenthetic  u9 :  Abhi.  60  (Sita)  we  have 
anaruhdni  (instead  of  anarihani)  in  a  passage  which  is  otherwise 
identical  with  Abhi.  15  quoted  above.  Thus,  an  emendation 
would  have  seemed  inevitable  in  the  two  isolated  instances  con- 
taining the  conjunct,  had  not  the  Turf  an  manuscripts  of  Asva- 
ghosa's  dramas,  with  which  our  manuscripts  will  be  shown  to 
have  a  number  of  points  in  common,  testified  to  the  correctness  of 
the  reading,  by  furnishing  a  probable  instance  of  the  identical 
orthographic  peculiarity.  In  a  passage  from  a  speech  placed  in 
the  mouth  either  of  the  Courtesan  or  the  Vidusaka  (and  therefore 
Sauraseni)  occurs  a  word  that  is  read  by  Prof.  Liiders  as  arhessi 
(Liiders  49).  Unfortunately  the  portion  of  the  palm-leaf  which 
contains  the  conjunct  rh  is  chipped,  and  the  reading,  therefore, 

7  The  actual  reading  of  the  text  is     a(rhatriha)di,  meaning  apparently 
that  the  MS.  reading  is  arhadi  and  that  the  editor  would  emend  to  arihadi. 

8  See  Pischel,  Grammatik  d.  Prakrit- Sprachen  (abbreviated  in  the  sequel 
as  < Pischel '),  §332. 

9  Pischel   (§  140)    remarks  that  the  Devanagari  and  South-Indian  recen- 
sions of  £akuntala   and  Malavika,  and  the  Priyadarsika,  have  aruhadi  in 
Sauraseni;    according  to  him  it  is  an  incorrect  use. 


Studies  in  Bhdsa  253 

cannot  claim  for  itself  absolute  certainty.  However  that  may  be, 
Prof.  Liiders  appears  to  have  in  his  own  mind  no  doubt  regard- 
ing the  correctness  of  the  reading  adopted  by  him.  Should  this 
restoration  be  correct,  we  should  have  a  precedent  for  our  seem- 
ingly improbable  reading.  It  is  not  easy  to  explain  satisfactorily 
the  origin  of  this  anomaly.  We  can  only  conjecture,  as  Prof. 
Liiders  does,  that  the  conjunct  rh  was  still  pronounced  without 
the  svarabhakti,  or  was  at  any  rate  written10  in  that  manner. 
Assuming  that  our  reading  of  the  word  arh-  in  both  sets  of 
manuscripts  is  correct,  this  coincidence,  which  is  a  proof  as  posi- 
tive as  it  is  fortuitous  of  the  affinity  between  our  dramas  and 
those  of  Asvaghosa,  has  an  importance  which  cannot  be  over- 
rated. 

3.     ahake  (—  Skt.  aham). 
Caru.  23  (gakara). 

Occurs  in  these  dramas  only  once  in  the  (Magadhi)  passage 
just  quoted.  £akara  uses  only  in  two  other  places  the  nomina- 
tive case  of  the  pronoun  of  the  first  person,  namely  Caru.  12 
(which  is  a  verse),  and  15;  in  both  these  instances,  however,  as 
elsewhere  in  our  dramas,  occurs  the  ordinary  Tatsama  aham. 
The  derivation  of  ahake  is  sufficiently  clear ;  and  since  in  Saura- 
seni  and  Magadhi  the  svdrthe-sufRx  -ka  may  be  retained  unaltered 
(Pischel  598),  the  form  is  theoretically,  at  any  rate,  perfectly 
regular.  It  has  moreover  the  sanction  of  the  grammarians,  being 
specifically  noticed  in  a  Prakrit  grammar,  namely  the  Prakrta- 
prakasa  (11.  9)  of  Vararuci,  which  is  the  oldest  Prakrit  grammar 
preserved  (Pischel  32).  In  his  paradigma  of  the  1st  pers.  pron. 
Pischel  encloses  this  form  in  square  brackets,  indicating  there- 
with that  there  are  no  instances  of  its  use  in  the  available  manu- 
scripts. Probably  this  view  represents  the  actual  state  of  things 
in  Pischel's  time.  It  would  be  wrong  on  that  account  to  regard 
its  occurrence  here  as  a  pedantic  use  of  a  speculative  form  which 
is  nothing  more  than  a  grammarian's  abstraction.  For  we  now 
have  in  Asvaghosa  7s  dramas  an  authentic  instance  of  the  use  of  a 
still  older  form,  ahakam,  in  the  '  dramatic '  Magadhi  of  the  Dusta 

10  It  would  be  worth  while  examining  the  Prakrit  inscriptions  to  ascertain 
whether  they  contain  any  instances  of  this  usage,  and  if  so  to  determine  its 
epochal  and  topographical  limits. 


254  V.  8.  Sukthankar 

(Bosewicht)  ;  Liiders  36.  The  ahake  of  these  dramas  and  of 
Vararuci  stands  midway  and  supplies  the  necessary  connecting 
link  between  the  ahakam  of  Asvaghosa  and  the  hake,  hag(g)e  of 
later  grammarians  and  dramatists.  The  legitimacy  and  archaism 
of  ahake  may,  therefore,  be  regarded  as  sufficiently  established. 
Incidentally  the  correspondence  with  Vararuci  is  worthy  of  note. 
— The  occasion  for  the  use,  in  this  instance,  of  the  stronger  form 
ahake^  instead  of  the  usual  aham,  appears  to  be  that  the  con- 
text requires  an  emphasis  to  be  laid  on  the  subject  of  the  sen- 
tence :  ahake  ddva  vancide  .  .  .  'Even  711  have  been  duped  .  .  .' — 
The  later  forms  hake,  ha(g)ge  occur  neither  in  the  preserved 
fragments  of  Asvaghosa 's  dramas  nor  in  our  dramas,  a  fact  which 
is  worthy  of  remark. 

4.     ama. 

Svapna.  45  (Vidusaka),  80  (Padmavati),  etc.;  Caru.  4  (NatI), 
20  (Sakara) ;  etc.  etc. 

An  affirmative  particle  occurring  very  frequently  in  these 
dramas  and  used  in  all  dialects  alike.  This  word,  which  is  met 
with  also  in  the  modern  Dravidian  dialects,  where  it  has  precisely 
the  same  sense,  seems  to  have  dropped  out  of  the  later  Prakrit. 
It  need  not  on  that  account  be  set  down  as  a  late  Dravidianism 
introduced  into  the  manuscripts  of  our  dramas  by  South  Indian 
scribes,  for  its  authenticity  is  sufficiently  established  by  its  occur- 
rence in  Pali  on  the  one  hand  and  in  the  Turfan  manuscripts  of 
Asvaghosa 's  dramas  on  the  other  (Liiders  46). 

5.     karia  (=  Skt.  krtvd) . 

Svapna.  52  (Vidusaka),  63  (Vasavadatta),  70  (Pratihari) ; 
Pratijna.  10,  11,  and  15  (Hamsaka),  41,  45,  and  50  (Vidusaka)  ; 
«tc.  etc. 

The  regular  Saurasem  form  is  kadua  (Pischel  581,  590).  But 
Hemacandra  (4.  272)  allows  also  karia.  While  this  rule  of  the 
grammarian  is  confirmed  by  the  sporadic  occurrence  of  kari(y)a 
in  manuscripts,  it  is  interesting  to  remark  that  it  is  met  with 
also  in  a  Sauraseni  passage  in  Asvaghosa 's  dramas  (Liiders  46). 

11  [Editorial  note. — The  suffix  Tea  cannot,  in  my  opinion,  have  this  mean- 
ing. Here  it  is  very  likely  pitying  ("poor  unlucky  I");  or  it  may  be 
jvdrthe. — F.  E.] 


Studies  in  Bhdsa  255 

According  to  Pischel  (KB  8.  140,  quoted  by  Liiders  in  Bruch- 
stucke  Buddhistischer  Dramen,  p.  48,  footnote  3)  the  use  of 
karia  is  confined  exclusively  to  the  Nagarl  and  South  Indian  re- 
censions of  £akuntala  and  Malavika.  But  its  occurrence  in 
the  Turf  an  manuscripts  of  Asvaghasa's  dramas  shows  that  it  is 
a  genuinely  archaic  form  and  not  a  vagary  of  South  Indian  or 
Nagarl  manuscripts. — kadua  does  not  occur  in  our  dramas,  nor  in 
the  preserved  fragments  of  Asvaghosa's  dramas.  Incidentally 
we  may  note  that  our  plays  also  furnish  instances  of  the  use  of 
the  parallel  form  gacchia  (Skt.  gatvd)  of  which  the  regular 
(later)  Saurasem  form  is  gadua;  see  Oaru.  1,  etc.  etc. 

6.     kissa,  kissa  (=  Skt.  kasya). 

Avi.  16  (Vidusaka),  20  (Nalinika),  71  and  73  (Vidusaka) ; 
Pratima.  6  (Sita) ;  Caru.  24  (gakara). 

The  dialects  are  Saurasem  (kissa)  and  Magadhi  (kissa).  For- 
mally these  words  represent  the  genitive  singular  of  the  inter- 
rogative pronoun,  but  here  as  elsewhere  they  are  used  exclusively 
in  the  sense  of  the  ablative  kasmat — 'why?',  'wherefore?'. 
Neither  of  these  words — in  this  stage  of  phonetic  development — 
occurs  in  the  Prakrit  of  the  grammarians  and  other  dramatists 
(with  but  one  exception),  which  have  kisa  (kisa)  instead  (Pischel 
428).  kissa  occurs  frequently  in  Pali,  kissa  is  used  by  the  Dusta 
('Bosewicht')  in  Asvaghosa's  dramas  (Liiders  36)  ;  in  both  these 
instances  the  words  have  precisely  the  same  sense  as  here.  Like 
ahake  (above  no.  3),  kissa  (kissa)  corresponds  exactly  to  the 
theoretical  predecessors  of  forms  in  use  in  the  Prakrit  of  later 
dramas,  kisa  occurs  once  in  these  plays  also :  Svapna.  29  (Ceti). 

Unless  a  period  of  transition  be  assumed,  kissa  would  appear  to 
be  the  right  form  to  use  here.  For,  kisa  may  represent  the  spur- 
ious correction  of  a  learned  transcriber;  but  were  kisa  (kisa)  the 
original  reading  in  all  these  places,  it  would  be  difficult  to  explain 
the  deliberate  substitution  of  an  archaic  kissa  (kissa)  in  its  place. 
In  other  words  I  assume  the  principle  of  progressive  correction, 
that  is  the  tendency  of  successive  generations  of  scribes  to  mod- 
ernize the  Prakrit  of  older  works  so  as  to  bring  it  in  line  with  the 
development  of 'the  Prakrit  of  their  own  times.  Unless,  there- 
fore, as  already  remarked,  it  is  assumed  that  the  simultaneous  use 
of  the  two  forms  be  regarded  as  indicating  a  period  of  transition, 
kissa  (kissa)  would  appear  to  be  the  form  proper  to  the  dialect 


256  V.  S.  Sukthankar    . 

of  our  dramas.  In  passing  it  may  be  pointed  out  that  kissa 
(kissa)  cannot  be  arrived  at  by  the  Prakritization  of  any  Sanskrit 
form;  therefore  a  question  of  contamination  does  not  rise  in 
this  case. 

7.     khu  (=Skt.  khalu). 

Svapna.  5  (Vasavadatta),  7  (Tapasi),  11  (Padmavati),  13 
(Ceti),  etc.  etc. 

Written  almost  throughout  without  the  doubling  of  the  initial. 
Now  the  rule  deduced  from  an  observation  of  the  usage  of  manu- 
scripts appears  to  be  that  after  short  vowels  and  after  e  and  o 
(which  then  are  shortened  under  those  circumstances),  we  should 
have  kkhu;  after  long  vowels,  however,  khu  (Pischel  94).  This 
rule  applies  to  £auraseni  and  Magadhi  alike.  But  in  the  manu- 
scripts of  Asvaghosa's  dramas  the  initial  is  never  doubled;  and 
in  our  text  of  the  present  plays  there  are  only  two  instances  of 
the  doubling,  both  of  which  are  spurious  and  due  to  mistakes  of 
copyists.  We  will  turn  our  attention  to  these  first.  They  are : — 
(1)  Abhi.  23  (Sita) :  aho  aarund-kkhu  issard,™  and  (2)  Pratima. 
22  (Sita)  :  nam  saha-dhamma-drim-kkhu  ahath.  It  is  quite  evi- 
dent that  the  doubling  in  these  instances,  which  takes  place  after 
the  long  finals  d  and  I,  is  contrary  to  every  rule,  and  is  nothing 
more  than  a  mistake  of  some  transcriber.  It  may  therefore  be 
assumed  that  at  the  stage  in  which  the  dialects  of  our  dramas 
find  themselves  the  doubling  of  the  initial  in  khu  had  not  yet 
taken  effect.  We  notice  here,  however,  the  first  step  taken  to  its 
treatment  as  an  enclitic.  In  the  dramas  of  Asvaghosa  khu  re- 
mains unaltered  throughout  with  undoubled  initial  ;13  but  in  our 
dramas  we  find  frequently  hu  substituted  for  it  in  the  combina- 
tions na  +  khu  and  kim  nu  +  khu:  Svapna.  23  (Vasavadatta), 
58  (Vidusaka),  63  (Vasavadatta),  etc.;  Pratijna.  9  (Hamsaka) ; 
Panca.  20  (Vrddhagopalaka) ;  Avi.  79  (Nalinika),  82  (KurangI), 
92  (Nalinika) ;  etc.  etc.  Sporadically  khu  is  retained  unaltered 
even  in  these  combinations.1* 


12  But  note  Svapna.  27  (Vasavadatta) :  aho  akaruna  Ichu  issard.  Of 
course  the  retention  of  the  intervocalic  Tc  is  unjustifiable. 

"Prof.  Liiders  does  cite  °t.ldchu  in  Asvaghosa's  dramas;  but,  as  he  him- 
self points  out,  it  is  far  from  certain  that  we  have  the  particle  TcTiu  before 
us  (Liiders  51,  footnote  3). 

"For  instance,  Trim  nu  Jehu,  Svapna.  63  (Vasavadatta). 


Studies  in  Bhdsa 

8.     tava  (=  Skt.  tava). 

Svapna.  17  (TapasI),  40  (Padmavati),  78  (Dhatri) ;  Pratima.  8 
(Avadatika) ;  etc.  etc. 

This  is  the  usual  form  of  the  word  in  our  plays  in  all  dialects 
alike ;  in  addition,  of  course,  the  old  enclitic  te  (de)  is  also  in  use. 
The  Saurasem  of  Asvaghosa's  dramas  furnishes  also  an  example 
of  its  use  in  the  Prakrit  of  dramas  (Liiders  46), 'and  it  is  com- 
mon enough  in  Pali.  On  the  other  hand  the  later  forms 
tu(m)ha,  and  tujjha  are  unknown  alike  to  the  Prakrit  of  Asva- 
ghosa  and  these  plays.  According  to  Prakrit  grammarians  and 
the  usage  of  the  manuscripts  of  later  dramas  tu(m)ha  (and  not 
tava)  is  proper  to  £aurasem  ;15  evidently  this  represents  the  state 
of  things  at  a  later  epoch.  The  use  of  tava  seems  later  to  be 
restricted  to  MagadhI,  Ardhamagadhi,  and  Jaina  Maharastri 
(Pischel  421). 

9.     tuvam  (=  Skt.  tvam). 

Svapna.  37  (Padmavati),  38  (Vasavadatta),  53  (Padminika),  54 
(Padminika),  55  (Padminika);  Pratijna.  40  (Vidusaka),  42 
(VidtLsaka)  ;  Avi.  73  (Vidusaka),  77  (Vidusaka),  79  (Kurangi)  ; 
Uru.  104  (Durjaya)  ;  Caru.  2  (Nati) ;  etc.  etc. 

This  form,  in  which  the  assimilation  has  not  yet  taken  effect, 
disappeared  from  the  Prakrit  of  later  dramas,  which  substitute 
tumam  in  its  place.  But  it  is  mentioned  by  Prakrit  grammarians 
(Pischel  420),  and  it  is  the  regular  form  of  the  nominative  case 
of  the  2nd  pers.  pron.  in  Pali  and  inscriptional  Prakrit.  It  was, 
moreover,  in  use  still  in  Asvaghosa's  time  (Liiders  46),  which  is 
significant  from  our  viewpoint.  The  later  form  tumam  occurs 
sporadically  in  our  dramas  also :  Svapna.  78  (Dhatri)  ;  Pratijna. 
58  (Bhata  and  Gatrasevaka),  62  (Bhata)  ;  Avi.  29  (Vidusaka), 
92  (Vasumitra).  In  respect  to  the  references  from  the  Pratijna. 
(58,  62)  it  should  be  remarked  that  the  manuscripts  upon  which 
our  text  is  based  are  just  at  this  place  defective,  and  full  of 
mistakes;  consequently  the  readings  adopted  in  the  text  cannot 
by  any  means  be  looked  upon  as  certain. — Twice  tuvam  is  used 
in  the  accusative16  case:  Uru.  105  (Durjaya),  Caru.  71  (Ganika). 

15  See  Pischel  421  for  a  discussion  of  the  merits  and  use  of  the  different 
Prakrit  equivalents  of  Skt.  tava. 

19  In  the  paradigma  of  the  pronoun  of  the  2nd  pers.  Pischel  gives  the 
form  tuvam  for  the  nom.  and  ace.  sing.,  but  he  encloses  it  in  square  brackets. 
17  JAOS  40 


258  V.  S.  Sukthankar 

But  the  usual  form  of  the  accusative  case  in  our  plays,  as  in  later 
Prakrit,  is  tumam:  e.  g.  Svapna.  27  and  32  (Ceti). 

10.     dissa-,  dissa-  (==  Skt.  drsya-). 

Svapna.  70  (Pratihar!)  ;  Avi.  22  (Nalinika),  70  (Vidusaka)  ;  Pra- 
tijna.  58  (Bhata)  ;  Bala.  50  (Vrddhagopalaka)  ;  Madhyama.  4 
(Brahman!)  ;  Uru.  101  (Gandhari)  ;  Abhi.  54  (Sita)  ;  Cam.  16 
(Sakara)  ;  Pratima.  5  (Sita)  ;  etc. 

In  the  above  instances  we  have  the  root-form  dissa-.  On  the 
other  hand,  in  a  number  of  other  places  the  later  form  disa-,  with 
the  simplification  of  the  conjunct,  has  been  used.  The  relation 
dissa-:  disa-  is  the  same  as  that  of  kissa:  ktsa  discussed  in  para- 
graph 6.  According  to  Pischel  dissa-  occurs  in  the  Ardhama- 
gadhi  of  the  Jaina-  canon,  but  not  in  the  dramas,  which  substitute 
dlsa-  instead  (Pischel  541).  This  later  form  disa-  is  met  with 
in  our  dramas  only  in  :  Avi.  28  (Vidusaka),  91  (Vasumitra) ; 
Pratijna.  54  (Vidusaka)  ;  Caru.  16  (Sakara).  It  is  worth  noting 
that  in  one  instance  (Caru.  16)  the  two  forms  occur  on  the  same 
page  and  are  placed  in  the  mouth  of  the  same  character  (Sakara) . 
The  remarks  made  in  paragraph  6  on  the  relation  of  the  forms 
kissa:  Msa  are  also  applicable  here.  It  is  interesting  to  note 
that  the  passive  base  dissa-  is  in  use  not  only  in  Pali,  but  also  in 
Asvaghosa's  dramas  (Luders  58). 

11.     vaam  (=  Skt.  vayam). 

Svapna.  31  (Vidusaka)  ;  Avi.  93  (Vasumitra)  ;  Caru.  49  (Vidu- 
saka). 

In  Svapna.  (p.  31)  the  word  is  spelt  vayam;  but  in  conformity 
with  the  orthography  of  the  manuscripts  of  our  dramas,  which 
omit  the  intervocalic  y,  the  reading  vaam  should  be  adopted  also 
in  this  instance.  The  form  proper  to  Sauraseni,  to  which  dialect 
all  the  above  passages  belong,  is  amhe  (Pischel  419).  But  it  is 
interesting  to  note  that  Vararuci  (12.  25)  and  Markandeya 
70,  according  to  Pischel  419,  permit  the  use  of  va(y}am  in 
Sauraseni.  And  again  in  the  dramas  of  Asvaghosa  we  do 
actually  meet  with  an  instance  of  the  use  of  vayam  in  a  dia- 
lect which  is  probably  Sauraseni  (Luders  58).  The  form  amhe 
does  not  occur  in  the  preserved  fragments  of  Asvaghosa's  dramas. 
And  in  our  plays  it  occurs,  as  far  as  my  observation  goes,  only 
three  times :  twice,  curiously  enough,  in  the  sense  of  (the  nomi- 


Studies  in  Bhdsa  259 

native  case  of)  the  dual  dvdm  (Abhi.  48;  Pratima.  58),  and  once 
in  the  accusative17  case  (Pratima.  35).  va(y)am  may  therefore 
be  regarded  as  a  form  peculiar  and  proper  to  the  older  Prakrits. 

SUMMARY 

Above  have  been  set  forth  a  number  of  peculiarities  of  vocabu- 
lary and  grammar  in  which  the  Prakrit  of  our  dramas  differs 
from  that  of  the  dramas  of  Kalidasa  and  other  classical  play- 
wrights. Every  one  of  these  peculiarities  is  shared  by  the 
Prakrit  of  Asvaghosa's  dramas.  In  some  instances  the  archaic 
and  the  more  modern  form  are  used  side  by  side  in  our  dramas : 
e.  g.  amhdam  and  amhdnam;  tuvam  and  tumam;  kissa  and  kisa; 
dissa-  and  dlsa-;  arh-,  arih-  and  aruh-.  But  in  other  instances 
the  archaic  forms  are  used  to  the  exclusion  of  the  later  forms: 
e.  g.  ahake  (later  hage),  va(y)am  (later  amhe,  Nom.  Plu.),  tava 
(later  tumha),  karia  (later  kadua),  and  dma  (obsolete).  The 
absence  of  doubling  of  the  initial  of  the  particle  khu  after  e 
and  o  may  be  taken  to  indicate  an  epoch  when  the  shorten- 
ing of  the  final'  e  and  o  had  not  yet  taken  effect.  Worthy  of 
special  note  are  the  forms  ahake  and  ama,  which  not  only  are 
unknown  to  later  Prakrit,  but  are  not  the  regular  tadbhavas  of 
any  Sanskrit  words.  It  should  also  be  remembered  that  ahake 
and  va(y)am  (used  in  our  plays  practically  to  the  exclusion  of 
hage  and  amhe  respectively)  are  noticed  in  Vararuci's  Prakrta- 
prakasa,  which  is  believed  to  be  the  oldest  Prakrit  grammar 
extant. 

The  affinities  with  Asvaghosa  's  Prakrit  pointed  out  above  have 
a  bearing  on  the  age  of  our  dramas  which  will  receive  our  atten- 
tion in  due  course.  Meanwhile  it  will  suffice  to  note  that  these 
affinities  go  far  to  prove  that  below  the  accretion  of  ignorant  mis- 
takes and  unauthorised  corrections,  for  which  the  successive  gen- 
erations of  scribes  and  *  diaskeuasts '  should  be  held  responsible, 
there  lies  in  the  dramas  before  us  a  solid  bedrock  of  archaic  Pra- 
krit, which  is  much  older  than  any  we  know  from  the  dramas  of 
the  so-called  classical  period  of  Sanskrit  literature. 


17  It  should  be  remarked  that  amh-  is  the  regular   base  of  the  oblique 
<?ases  of  this  pronoun,  and  that  amhe,  accus.,  is  regular  in  all  dialects. 


CINNAMON,  CASSIA  AND  SOMALILAND 

WILFRED  H.  SCHOFF 

THE  COMMERCIAL  MUSEUM,  PHILADELPHIA 

THE  ANCIENT  SEMITES  sometimes  took  their  tribal  totems  from 
trees,  which  they  thought  of  as  animate.  The  leaves,  bark,  gum 
or  wood  of  such  trees  they  conceived  as  preserving  the  attributes 
of  the  tree  itself.  Thickets,  groves  or  forests  of  such  trees  were 
sacred  places,  to  trespass  in  which  was  disastrous.  Setting  fire  to 
such  a  thicket  to  bring  the  ground  under  cultivation  is  said,  in 
more  than  one  Arabian  story,  to  have  brought  about  the  depar- 
ture of  spirits  of  the  trees  in  the  form  of  flying  serpents  who 
brought  death  to  the  intruders.  From  very  early  times  certain 
trees  and  plants  were  thought  to  possess  special  virtues  for  cere- 
monial purification,  and  it  is  not  impossible  that  such  uses  ante- 
dated animal  sacrifice  as  a  means  of  atonement  to  the  higher 
powers.1  Echoes  of  such  beliefs  may  be  found  in  the  Old  Testa- 
ment fable  of  the  trees  that  chose  the  bramble  to  be  their  king.2 

Among  known  products  of  Arabia,  those  especially  valued  for 
purposes  o£  purification  were  the  lemon  grass  (idhkhir)3 — of 
which  the  woody  root  is  more  fragrant  than  the  hollow  stem  (An- 
dropogon  schoenanthus) — which  grows  tall  and  strong  in  the 
valleys  of  streams  in  both  Arabia  and  Somaliland;  the  senna 
(Cassia  angustifolia) ,  a  leguminous  shrub  native  in  the  Somali 
uplands;  the  myrrh  (Balsamodendron  myrrha),  a  small  tree 
whose  rudimentary  leaves  offer  little  evaporating  surface  to  the 
blazing  sun  of  its  native  uplands;  the  acacia  (Acacia  seyal), 
yielding  a  valued  hard  wood  and  a  gum  of  specific  virtue;  the 
balsam  (Balsamodendron  gileadense),  a  poorer  cousin  of  the 
myrrh ;  the  sweet  flag  or  calamus  (Acorus  calamus) ;  the  ladanum 
or  rock  rose  (Cistus  villosus) ;  the  fragrant  blooming  kadi  or 
screw  pine  (Pandanus  odoratissimus)  ;  and  most  valued  of  all,  the 
frankincense  (Boswellia  Carterii),  a  fully-leaved  small  tree  which 
requires  more  water  than  the  myrrh  and  grows  therefore  in  val- 

1-W.  Kobertson  Smith,  The  Religion  of  the  Semites,  133;  cf.  Herodotus, 
3.  107. 

a  Judg.  9.  8.  sqq. 
3  Smith,  op.  cit.  142. 


Cinnamon,  Cassia  and  Somaliland  261 

leys  at  the  base  of  hills,  which  attract  some  of  the  moisture  of  the 
monsoons,  around  the  enclosed  bays  of  South  Arabia  and  the  val- 
leys of  the  Horn  of  Africa. 

So  firmly  rooted  was  the  belief  in  the  efficacy  of  the  lemon  grass 
that  Mohammed,  in  making  his  reservations  of  sacred  land  in 
Arabia,  on  which  it  was  forbidden  to  cut  fodder,  fell  trees,  or 
hunt  game  (the  natural  products  of  the  holy  soil  being  exempt 
from  human  appropriation),  was  compelled,  we  are  told  by  Rob- 
ertson Smith,  to  except  the  lemon  grass  because  of  an  ancient  cus- 
tom that  allowed  it  to  be  cut  for  certain  purposes,  'for  entomb- 
ment and  purification  of  houses, '  uses  which  persist  to  the  pres- 
ent day.*  Myrrh  also  had  its  peculiar  uses  for  the  entombment 
of  the  dead;  senna  and  frankincense  for  the  purification  of  the 
living.  Ritual  observance  in  various  faiths  in  our  own  day  calls 
for  a  strict  fast  before  partaking  of  the  sacrament.  In  more 
primitive  times,  and  even  today,  as  Robertson  Smith  shows  of  the 
Masai  in  East  Africa,5  such  observance  requires  not  only  fasting, 
but  the  use  of  strong  purges  that  the  body  may  contain  nothing 
unclean  and  the  individual  thus  more  surely  make  his  atonement. 
Such  was,  probably,  one  of  the  objects  of  the  formulae  of  the 
Babylonians  quoted  by  Dr.  Jastrow,  which  depended  apparently 
upon  senna  as  a  prime  ingredient.6 

Frankincense  had  a  religious  value  greater  than  the  rest, 
whether  its  odor  was  used  in  the  form  of  ointments  or  was  pro- 
duced by  burning  the  gum  as  an  altar  sacrifice.  No  other  prod- 
uct of  antiquity  was  collected  with  such  strict  religious  precau- 
tions. The  Periplus  tells  us  that  it  could  be  gathered  only  by 
certain  individuals;7  Pliny  adds  that  they  must  be  men  upright 
in  life,  living  in  celibacy  during  the  gathering  season;8  and 
Marco  Polo  tells  of  the  islands  off  the  south  coast  of  Arabia9 
whereof  one  was  reserved  for  the  women  and  the  other  for  the 
men  during  the  gathering  season. 

Such,  in  brief,  were  the  principal  media  of  purification  of  the 
early  Semitic  world.  The  demand  for  them  in  neighboring  coun- 

4  Smith,  op.  tit.  142. 

5  Smith,  op.  tit.  434. 

6  Trans.  Eoy.  Soc.  Med.  7.  2.  133. 

7  Periplus,  29.  32. 

8  Pliny,  H.  N.  12.  30. 

9  Marco  Polo,  30.  31. 


262  Wilfred  H.  Schoff 

tries  gave  a  very  early  impetus  to  international  commerce. 
Egyptian  records  as  early  as  the  5th  Dynasty  tell  of  Punt  expe- 
ditions yielding  incense  and  aromatics.  The  well-known  Punt 
reliefs  of  the  18th  Dynasty  tell  of  frankincense  and  myrrh,  oint- 
ments and  fragrant  woods.10  Babylonian  and  Assyrian  tribute 
lists  tell  of  the  same  substances,  and  of  leaves  used  for  the  cere- 
monial purgatives.11  It  is  here  that  the  literary  tradition  brings 
in  the  words,  cinnamon  and  cassia,  which  refer  today  to  the  bark 
and  wood  of  the  tree  laurel  of  India  and  tropical  Asia  (Cinna- 
momum  tamala) .  But  it  would  seem  that  such  reference  is  not 
borne  out  by  the  original  texts. 

The  occasion  for  this  doubt  is  the  well-known  fact  that  laurel 
varieties  will  not  grow  where  lime  is  present  in  the  soil,  that  they 
require  considerable  moisture,  and  the  tree  laurel  in  particular 
abundant  seasonal  rainfall.12  In  the  Somali  peninsula,  which 
the  Greeks  and  Romans  thought  to  be  the  home  of  the  cinnamon, 
calcareous  rock  is  everywhere  found,  the  uplands  being  thereby 
arid,  while  calcareous  clay  is  characteristic  of  the  river  bottoms. 
These  conditions,  with  scanty  rainfall  and  high  average  tempera- 
ture, make  it  improbable  that  laurel  varieties  ever  grew  there. 
The  same  testimony  is  furnished  alike  in  geological  history  and 
in  modern  exploration.  Fossil  cinnamomums  are  found  in  Asia 
but  not  in  Africa.13  R.  E.  Drake-Brockman,  a  British  officer 
stationed  at  Berbera,  made  special  inquiries  some  years  ago  at 
my  request,  interviewing  Somali  traders  from  all  the  caravan 
routes  and  showing  them  cinnamon  bark,  wood  and  leaf.  He 
found  them  utterly  ignorant  of  any  such  product,14  and  writes, 
*  had  cinnamon  been  a  product  of  the  Horn  of  Africa  it  is  hardly 
reasonable  to  suppose  that  it  would  have  so  completely  disap- 
peared. I  have  never  met  with  it  in  any  part  of  the  interior, 
nor  do  those  Somalis  who  are  acquainted  with  the  imported  arti- 
cle know  of  the  existence,  even  of  an  inferior  quality  of  it. 
Frankincense  and  myrrh  are  collected  today,  as  they  were  two 
or  three  thousand  years  ago,  in  what  is  now  British  Somaliland. ' 

A  recent  Italian  expedition  headed  by  Bricchetti  explored  all 

10  Breasted,  Ancient  Eecords  of  Egypt,  1.  161;    2.  265,  etc. 

11  Cf.  Harper,  Assyrian  and  Babylonian  Literature,  pp.  52,  134-136,  etc. 

12  Watt,  Commercial  Products  of  India,  pp.  311-313. 

13  Engler  and  Prantl,  Die  naturlichen  Pflanzenfamilien,  3.  3.  157-163. 

14  British  Somaliland,  pp.  6,  8,  9. 


Cinnamon,  Cassia  and  Somaliland  263 

parts  of  Italian  Somaliland,  bringing  back  a  full  botanical  col- 
lection, reported  on  by  Professor  R.  Pirotta  of  Rome,  in  which  no 
laurel  varieties  appear.15  Similarly  negative  results  are  found  in 
subsequent  Italian  colonial  reports.  Mr.  S.  E.  Chandler,  of  the 
Imperial  Institute,  in  a  recent  letter  expresses  similar  views: 
'  The  crux  of  the  question  is  whether  any  Lauraceous  bark  was,  or 
could  have  been,  obtained  from  the  indigenous  flora  from  the 
Horn  of  Africa.  So  far  as  I  can  ascertain,  the  answer  is  in  the 
negative.  No  cinnamomums  occur  in  tropical  Africa.'  On 
this  opinion  Mr.  H.  W.  Dickinson,  of  the  Science  Museum,  South 
Kensington,  observes:  'He  practically  negatives  the  possibility 
that  any  tree  of  the  cinnamon-bearing  laurel  variety  could  have 
been  obtained  from  the  Horn  of  Africa.'  The  researches  of 
Robertson  Smith  apparently  yielded  nothing  concerning  cinna- 
mon, which  does  not  appear  among  his  lists  of  ceremonial  sub- 
stances valued  by  the  ancient  Arabs.  The  literary  tradition, 
however,  is  explicit  as  to  substances  bearing  the  names,  cinna- 
mon and  cassia.  The  explanation  may  be  found  by  inquiring 
into  the  significance  of  the  names  themselves. 

So  far  as  the  Egyptian  reliefs  are  concerned,  Dr.  Breasted 
informs  me,  the  translation,  cinnamon,  is  merely  hypothetical, 
the  original  being  tyspsy  from  the  root  spsy,  meaning  Ho 
sweeten ' :  so  that  the  word  designates  nothing  more  than  a  wood 
or  product  of  fragrant  or  agreeable  taste. 

In  a  list  of  commercial  substances  clearly  of  ceremonial  appli- 
cation in  Ezekiel  we  find  as  products  of  South  Arabia  mp  and 
i"0p  translated  in  our  English  versions  as  cassia  and  calamus.18 
In  the  LXX  the  verse  is  lacking,  but  mp  appears  as  Kaaia 
among  the  products  of  Judah.  The  PUp  may  be  either  the 
sweet  flag  or  the  lemon  grass.  Hip,  possibly  connected  with  a 
root  Tip  'to  cut',  suggests  rather  the  Babylonian  kasu,  the 
Somaliland  senna. 

This  leguminous  shrub,  still  known  botanically  as  Cassia  and 
native  in  the  'Horn  of  Africa,  reaches  the  market  in  two  forms — 
the  long,  stiff  pods,  and  the  tender  leaves.  The  pods  are  gath- 
ered from  the  plant  and  tied  in  bundles  without  covering.  The 
plant  is  cut  down  and  spread  in  the  sun  to  dry.  The  leaves  are 

15  Bricchetti,  Somalia  e  Benadir,  pp.  628-629,  700-726. 

16  Ezek.  27.  19. 


264  Wilfred  H.  Schoff 

then  stripped  off  and  packed  in  bags.  Senna  reaches  the  market 
in  both  forms,  and  from  the  same  places,  to  this  day,  and  is  de- 
scribed in  the  pharmaceutical  books  as  folia  sennae  and  folliculi 
sennae.17  A  dealer  in  drugs  tells  me  that  he  is  now  carrying 
'Tinnevelly  pods'  (Somali  senna)  for  the  first  time  to  meet  the 
insistent  demand  of  Russian  Jewish  women;  a  curious  survival 
indeed,  if  that  race  came  originally  from  South  Arabia. 

The  tabernacle  specifications  in  Exodus,18  probably  later  in 
their  present  form  than  the  text  of  Ezekiel,  give  in  this  connec- 
tion three  substances  —  HJp  »  Hip  and  f  D3p  ,  rendered  by  the 
LXX  /caAa/xoy,  tpis,  and  /aiWjiwojuov.  The  rendering  iris  is  inter- 
esting, this  being  the  orris  root  of  commerce  noted  by  Theo- 
phrastus19  as  an  ingredient  of  sacred  ointments  among  the 
Greeks,  but  found  by  them  much  nearer  home  than  Arabia. 
Ktvra/Mo/Aov  raises  at  once  our  question  of  the  laurel  product  to 
which  the  word  is  now  applied.  The  Hebrew  form  D£O"[DJp 
suggests  not  only  that  the  substance  was  sweet,  but  also  that  there 
might  be  a  [DJp  that  was  not  sweet  ;  and  the  form  pD3p  may  pos- 
sibly be  a  verbal  noun  derived  from  a  root  DJp,  to  set  up,  erect 
or  bundle,  applicable  to  any  product  brought  in  that  form  by  the 
caravans,  including  the  roots  of  the  lemon  grass.  There  is,  of 
course,  some  doubt  as  to  the  existence  of  such  a  root,  but  a  similar 
form  pp  means,  to  set  up,  build  up,  and  hence  to  nest;  and 
Herodotus  seems  to  have  such  a  meaning  in  mind  when  he  says 
that  'cinnamon  comes  from  great  birds'  nests  in  India.'20  That 
the  form  of  the  package  is  still  considered  in  commerce,  I  note 
from  a  modern  specification  for  licorice  coming  from  a  merchant 
in  Valencia,  Spain,  which  passed  over  my  desk  a  few  days  ago  : 
'  Natural,  in  branches,  completely  dried,  in  bales,  perfectly  fas- 
tened, without  burlap.'  In  a  Psalm  of  uncertain  date21  we  have 
the  words  fiiyyp  and  ni^JlN  rendered  by  the  LXX  Kaa-ia 
and  araKTrj  (a  word  applied  alike  to  myrrh  and  balsam)  and  in 
a  passage  in  Proverbs,22  flD^  and  D^JIN  rendered  by  the  LXX 


17  Fliiekiger  and  Hanbury,  Pharmacographia,  art.  t  Senna  '. 

18  Exod.  30.  23-24. 

19  Theophrastus,  H.  P.  9,  9,  2. 

20  Herodotus  3.  110. 

21  Ps.  45.  8. 
22Prov.  7.  17. 


Cinnamon,  Cassia  and  Somaliland  265 

and  KPOKLVOV,  saffron  (Crocus  sativus),  an  interesting 
reading  again  suggesting  substitution  of  a  substance  found  nearer 
the  Greek  world.  Finally  in  the  late  text  of  Ben  Sira23  we  have 
in  a  list  of  ceremonial  perfumes,  KiiW/wofiov  and  d<77raAa0os,  but 
no  cassia.  Aspalathus  ( Genista  acanthoclada)  is  an  aromatic 
shrub  native  in  Palestine;  so  that  in  Ben  Sira's  day,  notwith- 
standing the  maritime  trade  of  the  Red  Sea  was  far  more  active 
than  formerly,  the  products  of  the  south  were  not  exclusively 
specified  for  the  '  sweet  savor  unto  the  Lord. ' 

The  Hebrew  writings  give  us,  then,  two  substances: 
things  bundled;  and  PRp  things  cut;  with  a  variant, 
things  stripped.  The  difference  no  doubt  was  that  the  first, 
whatever  its  nature,  could  be  tied  to  a  camel's  back  as  a  fagot 
or  bundle  of  twigs,  sticks  or  roots,  while  the  second  had  to  be 
packed  in  bags. 

The  Greek  geographers  knew  little  of  Arabia,  but  they  dili- 
gently pieced  together  their  scraps  of  information  in  a  definite 
form,  hardly  warranted  by  the  material.  The  Persian  Empire 
had  established  for  the  first  time  a  sovereignty  coterminous  with 
the  Greek  and  the  Hindu  worlds,  and  a  Greek  adventurer2*  in 
the  employ  of  a  Persian  monarch  had  demonstrated  the  feasibility 
of  navigation  between  India  and  Egypt.  Following  the  con- 
quests of  Alexander,  this  sea  trade  was  steadily  developed,  but 
principally  by  Arabian  and  Indian  enterprise,  for  the  Greeks  give 
us  mainly  second-hand  information  until  after  the  Christian  era. 
Herodotus,25  who  had  personally  visited  bothBabylonia  and  Egypt, 
mentions  Kama  as  a  spice  brought  from  Arabia,  and  remarks  that 
the  Greeks  took  the  word  /ctwafuo/xov  from  the  Phoenicians  as  an 
equivalent  to  /ca/o</>ea,  cut  sticks,  apparently  still  making  the  dis- 
tinction primarily  from  the  form  of  package.  One  of  the  earliest 
Greek  geographers  to  give  us  details  of  trade  is  Agatharchides,26 
a  tutor  of  one  of  the  Ptolemies,  perhaps  librarian  of  Alexandria, 
who  had  an  attractive  literary  style  but  no  personal  knowledge 
of  lands  beyond  Egypt.  He  links  together,  in  a  passage  describ- 
ing the  region  of  the  elephant  hunts,  KapBafwv  and  palm ;  again, 


23Eeclus.  24.  15. 

M  Seylax  of  Caryanda :    Herodotus,  4.  44. 

25  Herodotus,  2.  86;  3.  111. 

28  Agatharchides,  ap.  Diod.  84.  103;    ap.  Phot.  87,  97,  101,  102,  103,  110. 


266  Wilfred  H.  Schoff 

among  products  brought  to  Palestine  by  the  South  Arabian  cara- 
vans, he  mentions  frankincense.  He  describes  the  country  of  the 
Sabaeans  as  a  land  yielding  balsam  and  cassia,  having  great 
forests  of  myrrh  and  frankincense,  with  KLwafaupov  <£om£  and  cala- 
mus. This  cinnamon-palm  suggests  the  kadi  of  Yemen,  which 
Glaser27  proposed  to  identify  with  the  Hip  of  Ezekiel ;  though 
for  that  I  should  rather  suggest  idhkhir  or  lemon  grass.  Herod- 
otus says  that  cassia  '  grows  in  a  shallow  lake,  '28  suggesting  a  rush 
or  grass  of  some  sort.  Agatharchides  goes  on  to  tell  of  the  great 
wealth  of  the  Sabaeans  derived  from  their  trade  in  incense  and 
aromatics,  and  of  the  enervating  effects  of  their  spicy  breezes — a 
romantic  flourish,  derived  perhaps  from  taboo,  but  effectively  used 
by  Milton  in  his  Paradise  Lost.29  He  refers  elsewhere  to  ship- 
building industry  at  the  mouth  of  the  Indus. 

Artemidorus  copied  from  Agatharchides,  and  Strabo30  in  turn 
from  Artemidorus  without  other  knowledge  of  the  eastern  sea 
trade  than  he  could  obtain  by  talking  with  Alexandrian  merchants 
who  told  him  that  about  120  ships  sailed  from  Myos-hormos  to 
India.  Strabo  takes  for  granted  the  Sabaean  forests  of  Agathar- 
chides without  locating  them.  The  military  expedition  of  Aelius 
Gallus  penetrated  as  far  as  the  Sabaean  capital  in  Strabo 's  day. 
The  commander  was  Strabo 's  friend,  and  personally  told  him  the 
details  of  the  enterprise.  As  they  reported  no  spice  forests,  Strabo 
says  only  that  the  expedition  turned  back  two  days '  journey  from 
the  land  of  spices.  Indeed  this  mythical  forest  which  Strabo 
pushes  out  at  first  in  South  Arabia,  and  finally  in  the  Horn  of 
Africa  to  Cape  Guardafui  itself,  reminds  one  very  much  of  the 
Western  Sea  where  the  sun  sets,31  which  similarly  recedes  in  the 
Chinese  Annals  from  Lop-Nor  to  the  mouth  of  the  Tagus.  Cinna- 
mon, cassia  and  other  spices,  he  says,  are  so  abundant  in  the  land 
of  the  Sabaeans  that  they  are  used  instead  of  sticks  and  firewood ; 
and  again,  pitch  (perhaps  balsam)  and  goats'  beards  are  burned 
to  ward  off  the  noxious  effects  of  the  spicy  atmosphere.32  Herod- 
otus has  a  similar  story  about  safeguarding  the  frankincense 

91  STcizee,  p.  41. 

28  Herodotus  3.  110. 

29  4.  156-165. 

30  Strabo,  16.  4.  19;    3.  5.  12;    16.  4.  22-24. 

81  Hirth,  China  and  the  Roman  Orient,  pp.  51,  77;    Chau  Ju-Tcua,  p.  153. 
32  Strabo,  16.  4.  19;    cf.  Smith,  op.  cit.  325,  331. 


Cinnamon,  Cassia  and  Somaliland  267 

gatherers  by  burning  styrax.33  Here,  surely,  we  have  echoes  of 
Semitic  sacrifice  and  purification  ritual,  further  suggested  by  the 
statement  that  the  gatherers  wear  skins,  evidently  from  the  sacri- 
ficial victims.  The  country  of  the  Sabaeans,  he  says,  produces 
myrrh,  frankincense  and  cinnamon  (evidently  copying  from 
Agatharchides'  cinnamon-palm),  while  along  the  coast  are  found 
balsam,  sweet-smelling  palms,  calamus,  and  another  kind  of 
herb  of  very  fragrant  smell,  but  which  is  soon  dissipated.  Thus 
far  Arabia.  On  the  African  side34  he  brings  us  to  the  frankin- 
cense country  with  its  promontory,  temple  and  grove  of  poplars, 
its  rivers  Isis  and  Nilus,  both  producing  myrrh  and  frankincense, 
beyond  which  lies  the  tract  that  bears  the  false  cassia,  frankin- 
cense, and  in  the  interior,  cinnamon,  from  which  flow  rivers 
which  produce  rushes  in  abundance  (probably  the  lemon-grass). 
We  have  here  a  word  '  cinnamon '  taken  from  Agatharchides  who 
applied  it  to  a  palm,  and  referred  to  Cape  Guardafui  as  the  ex- 
treme limit  of  Strabo's  nautical  knowledge.  But  he  says  also 
that  cassia  was  '  the  growth  of  bushes, '  and  that,  according  to  some 
writers,  'the  greater  part  of  the  cassia  is  brought  from  India/ 
Nothing  that  Strabo  says  of  the  cinnamon  identifies  it  clearly  with 
the  laurel  family ;  nor,  indeed,  is  this  the  case  until  we  come  to  the 
author  of  the  Periplus,  who,  after  the  countries  yielding  myrrh 
and  frankincense,  describes  Ras-Hafun  below  Cape  Guardafui  as 
a  place  where  cinnamon  was  largely 'produced/35 — a  phrase  which 
can  be  applied  to  a  transit  trade,  such  as  other  items  in  the  list 
would  indicate  this  to  have  been.  This  led  Cooley  to  conclude 
that  there  was  near  the  eastern  coast  below  Cape  Guardafui  a 

33  Herodotus  3.  107;  cf.  Smith,  op.  tit.  437. 

34  Strabo,  16.  4.  14. 

35  Periplus:—  8  (Malao)  'E/c0^oeTcu. . .  Ka<r<rla  <TK\-ript>Tepa  Kal  dotaKa  Kal  (idxcip, 
ra  e/s  '  Apafilav  irpoxupovvra. 

10  (Mosyllum)  'Et-dyerai.  .  .  Kcurfftas  XP^a  T\€i<rrov  (Stb  Kal  /j.ei£6vwv  T\olu)v 
Xpyfa  T&  tfjLTr6piov)  Kal  a\\r]  e&udia  Kal  apw/j.ara . . .  (Cassia  trade  meant  larger 
ships). 

12  (Aromatum  emporium)  Ilpoxwpet . . .  ra  irpoei-p^va  •  ytverai  8t  ra  iv  curry 
Kaffffia  Kal  ytfeip  Kal  ao'tcpy  Kal  apb)/j.a  Kal  /j.dy\a  Kal  /AOT&  Kal  \if3avos.     (An  import 
and  export  list  in  which  yiverai  can  stand  for  tK(ptpcrai  -,  while  ylfap  may  rep- 
resent idhkhir.) 

13  (Opone)  efr  fyv  Kal  afcy   yevvdrai  Ka<r<rla    Kal  apufj.a  Kal  /*0Tci>   Kal    8ov\iKa 
Kpd<r<rova,  a  els  Atyvirrov  Trpoxwpet  fj.d\\ov ...  (a  transit  trade,  so  indicated  by 
the  slaves  alone). 


268  Wilfred  H.  Schoff 

range  of  hills  having  silicious  rock  and  soil  and  a  sufficient  rain- 
fall to  grow  the  tree  laurel.36  This  was  merely  inference  and  is 
not  borne  out  by  the  Italian  explorations.  The  question  could, 
no  doubt,  be  settled  definitely  by  local  examination  of  the  Wadi 
Darror,  which  empties  on  the  coast  just  below  Ras-Hafun. 

The  description  of  the  author  of  the  Periplus37  is  of  the  laurel 
product  known  to  us  as  cinnamon ;  he  calls  it  /cao-o-t'a  throughout. 
It  could  have  been  brought  to  Cape  Guardafui  in  the  Indian  ships 
he  saw  there.  In  describing  the  exports  at  the  ports  of  India  he 
uses,  not  this  word,  but  jjiaXaftaOpov  (tamalapatra,  or  leaf  of  the 
tamala  tree,  the  botanical  Cinnamomum)  ,38  This  ^aXd^aOpov  was 
one  of  the  most  treasured  ingredients  of  ointments  in  the  Roman 
world,  but  was  much  confused  with  vapSos,  a  name  in  which  there 
was  also  confusion  as  between  the  spikenard  (Nardostachys  jata- 
mansi),  a  tall  herbaceous  plant  of  the  western  Himalayas,  and 
the  citronella  (Andropogon  nardus),  a  near  cousin  to  the  lemon 
grass  of  Arabia.39  Strabo  says  in  one  passage  that  'the  same 
tracts  produce  cassia,  cinnamon,  and  nard.  '40  A  modern  descrip- 
tion of  the  essential  oil  distilled  from  one  of  these  Indian  grasses 
is  that  'its  odor  recalls  cassia  and  rosemary,  but  a  strong  per- 
sistent odor  of  oil  of  cassia  remains.'  This  recalls  Pliny's  de- 
scription of  cinnamon  as  the  spice,  sweet  as  a  rose  but  hot  on  the 
tongue41  (which  he  seems  to  connect  with  Guardafui  as  a  product 
merely  transshipped  there),  and  since  his  day  the  words,  cinna- 
mon and  cassia,  have  been  applied  exclusively  to  the  tree  laurel 
of  India.  Before  the  opening  of  regular  sea  trade  from  India 
which  led  in  turn  to  the  sudden  wealth  of  the  Sabaeans  in  the 
second  century  B.  C.,  there  is  no  proof  that  this  South  and  East 
Indian  spice  reached  the  world's  markets  or  was  meant  by  the 
words,  cinnamon  and  cassia.  Cassia  leaves  or  strippings  is 
clearly  senna  in  the  Babylonian  records.  Laurel  bark  is  not  pur- 
gative, but  astringent,  and  does  not  fit  the  case  at  all.  In  Ezekiel 
it  is  uncertain  whether  senna  or  lemon  grass  is  meant;  the  lat- 
ter, more  probably.  In  the  Psalms  and  Proverbs  lemon  grass, 

™JBAS  1849;  19.  166-191. 

37  Periplus,  56,  63. 

38  Watt,  op.  cit.  311-313. 

39  Watt,  op.  cit.  450-462. 

40  Strabo,  16.  4.  25. 

41  Pliny,  H.  N.  6.  29. 


Cinnamon,  Cassia  and  Somaliland  269 

sweet  flag  or  some  such  fragrant  substance  is  indicated.  Cinna- 
mon, things  bundled,  in  Exodus  may  be  the  roots  of  the  lemon 
grass,  or  the  sweet  flag ;  in  Babylonian  records  and  elsewhere,  the 
pods  of  the  senna.  Cassia  itself  could  be  a  hollow  grass,  for 
Galen  translates  it  as  <n5piy£  or  reed.42  Cinnamon,  as  Herodotus 
said,  was  merely  another  word  for  cut  sticks.  It  is  only  by  a 
secondary,  interpretation  that  it  becomes  'pipe',  or  that  the  idea 
of  a  pipe  is  applied  to  the  tender  rolled-up  bark  of  the  tree  laurel. 
These  caravan  terms  have  gone  through  a  course  similar  to  that  of 
the  "V5D,  which  began  as  the  blue  jasper  of  Egypt,  then  became 
the  <ra7r<£«/oos  or  lapis  lazuli  of  Media  and  Badakshan,  and  finally 
the  sapphire,  or  blue  corundum  of  Ceylon.  The  weight  of  evi- 
dence is  against  any  production  of  laurel  cinnamon  in  '  Panchaia, 
with  its  incense-bearing  sands '  ;43  and  in  its  bearing  on  the  ques- 
tion of  the  antiquity  of  sea  trade  in  the  Indian  Ocean  it  may  be 
said  that  if  cinnamon  was  laurel,  it  came  from  India :  if  it  grew 
in  Somaliland,  it  was  not  laurel. 

The  mediaeval  Arab  geographers  are  almost  as  indefinite  as 
their  Greek  predecessors.  Abu'1-Fadl  Ja'far,  a  twelfth-century 
writer,  correctly  connects  nard  (sunbul)  with  lemon-grass 
(idhkhir)  and  speaks  of  a  'swallows'  nard'  from  India  that  sug- 
gests the  birds'  nest  of  Herodotus.  Ibn-al-Baitar,  whose  drug 
treatise  of  the  thirteenth  century  contains  much  useful  informa- 
tion, lists  cinnamon  under  Dar  glnl,  t Chinese  tree'  (a  curious 
title  if  the  product  had  ever  originated  in  Arabian  territory)  and 
distinguishes  dar  §im  ad-dun,  dar  sus  true  Kirfa  (this  word 
being  the  same  as  the  Karphea  of  Herodotus)  and  Kir  fat  al-Kar- 
anful,  ' clove  Kirfa'.  He  mentions  still  another  variety,  'known 
by  its  bad  odor,'  which  he  calls  zinzibar,  apparently  our  ginger. 
Obviously  these  trading  terms  cover  various  botanical  species. 

We  cannot  assume  critical  botanical  knowledge  among  semi- 
savage  peoples.  The  minute  descriptions  of  fragrant  gums  sug- 
gest that  the  ancients  classified  them  according  to  the  size,  shape, 
color  and  clearness  of  the  piece,  rather  than  the  botanical  orders 
of  the  trees  that  produced  them.  So,  likewise,  with  the  caravan 
traders  who  made  their  painful  journey  of  seventy  days  along  the 
hot  sands  of  Arabia  from  Minaea  to  Aelana  (140  shif tings  of 


"Antid.  1.  14. 

43  Vergil,  Georg.  2.  139. 


270  Wilfred  H.  Schoff 

camel  load  at  the  best  of  it)  :44  what  more  probable  than  that  the 
camel  drivers  should  have  the  bag  and  the  bundle  in  mind  as  the 
things  to  be  handled,  and  that  these  very  general  terms  should 
have  been  specifically  applied  in  consequence  to  the  substances 
which  it  paid  them  best  to  carry?  A  less  crudely  physical  con- 
ception of  holiness  would  perhaps  have  crowded  out  the  senna 
first  of  all ;  a  change  from  nomadic  to  agricultural  habits  would 
have  increased  the  cultivation  of  fragrant  grasses  and  brought 
in  new  aromatic  plants  for  ceremonial  use ;  and  finally  the  laurel 
of  India,  for  which  the  Roman  Empire  developed  a  craze  and  for 
which  it  was  willing  to  pay  any  fabulous  price  asked,45  would 
have  appropriated  to  itself  the  ancient  terms;  cinnamon  for  the 
bundled  bark,  cassia  for  the  treasured  leaf,  and  curiously  enough, 
by  confusion  with  the  senna  pod  and  the  less  precious  substances 
classified  under  the  same  name,  for  the  woody  parts  of  the  Cin- 
namomum  rather  than  the  paXdpaOpov  or  leaf. 

We  may  guard  against  too  specific  an  interpretation  of  these 
early  trading  terms  by  remembering  the  dragon's  blood,  or 
KLwdpapL,  a  term  growing  likewise  out  of  early  animistic  beliefs, 
which  was  applied  by  the  Greeks  and  Romans  indiscriminately  to 
the  gum  of  the  Socotrine  dracaena,  the  red  oxide  of  iron,  and  the 
red  sulphide  of  mercury.  Pliny  tells  us  of  a  Roman  physician 
who  thought  he  had  prescribed  the  vegetable  product,46  but  his 
patient  took  the  Spanish  ore  and  died ! 

44  Cf.  Strabo,  16.  4.  25. 

45  Strabo,  16.  4.  4. 

48  Pliny,  E.  N.  33.  38 ;    8.  12. 


EVIL-WIT,  NO-WIT,  AND  HONEST-WIT 

FRANKLIN  EDQERTON 
UNIVERSITY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA 

THERE  is  a  well-known  story  in  the  first  book  of  the  Pancatan- 
tra,  which  is  variously  called  Dustabuddhi  and  Dharmabuddhi, 
Badheart  and  Goodheart,  or  Dustabuddhi  and  Abuddhi,  The 
Treacherous  Man  and  the  Simpleton.1  These  variations  in  title 
ar  due  to  an  apparent  discrepancy  between  the  catch-verse  and 
the  prose  story.  It  is  the  purpose  of  this  paper  to  explain  and 
remove  this  apparent  discrepancy. 

The  catch-verse  to  the  fable  reads  in  the  Tantrakhyayika2  as 
follows : 

dustabuddhir  abuddhis  ca  dvdv  etdu  dhinmatdu  mama 
tanayend  'tipdnditydt  pita  dhumena  mdritah. 
ll  hav  a  very  low  opinion  of  both  the  evil-minded  man  (Evil-wit) 
and  the  fool  (No-wit)   alike.     The  son,  because  he  was  all  too 
clever,  caused  his  father 's  deth  by  smoke. ' 

I  shall  consider  later  the  variants  of  the  other  versions ;  for  the 
present  let  me  merely  say  that  there  is  no  dout  that  T  's  version, 
just  quoted,  is  that  of  the  original  Pancatantra  in  all  respects, 
except  that  possibly  in  the  third  pada  the  synonym  putra  may  hav 
occurd  insted  of  tanaya,  'son'.  There  is,  at  any  rate,  no  dout 
that  the  original  Pancatantra  did  not  mention  Dharmabuddhi, 
'  Good-heart '  or  '  Honest-wit, '  in  the  stanza,  and  that  it  did  speak 
of  Dustabuddhi  and  Abuddhi,  'Evil-wit'  and  'No-wit',  or  the 
evil-minded  man  and  the  fool. 

The  story  then  begins,  virtually  in  identical  language  in  all 

1  The  story  is  number d  in  the  several  versions  as  follows  (note  that  after 
the  name  of  each  version  I  enclose  in  parenthesis  the  abbreviation  of  the 
name  which  I  shall  use  in  this  paper)  :    Tantrakhyayika  (T)  I.  15;    Southern 
Pancatantra  (SP)  I.  14;   Nepalese  (N)  II.  14;    Textus  simplicior  (Spl),  ed. 
Kielhorn-Buhler,   I.   19;    Purnabhadra    (Pn)    I.   26;    Somadeva    (So)    I.   11 
(Kathasaritsagara,  ed.  Durgaprasad  and  Parab,  60.  211   ff.)  ;     Ksemendra 
(Ks)     I.     14     (sivadatta    and    Parab,    Brhatkathamaiijarl,     16.    369    ff.; 
Mankowski,  I.   116  ff. ;     references  are  made  first  to  the  former,  then,  in 
parenthesis,  to  the  latter)  ;    Old  Syriac  (Sy)  I.  13.     The  story  is  not  found 
in  the  Hitopadesa. 

2  T  vs  I.  167.     In  the  other  versions  the  vs  occurs:    SP  I.  141,  N  II.  114, 
Spl  I.  396,  Pn  I.  389,  Sy  I.  101;  cf.  So  60.  210   (?),  Ks  16.  368   (I.  115). 


272  Franklin  Edgerton 

Sanskrit  versions  (except  Ks,  see  below)  :  'In  a  certain  locality 
there  livd  two  merchants'  sons  who  wer  f rends,  and  their  names 
wer  Dustabuddhi  and  Dharmabuddhi  (Evil-wit  and  Honest-wit) . ' 
It  goes  on,  also  in  substantially  identical  fashion :  The  two  went 
on  a  trip  together,  and  Honest-wit  found  a  purse  of  money, 
which  he  shared  with  his  frend.  Returning  home,  they  buried 
most  of  the  money  in  a  secret  place,  agreeing  to  take  equal 
amounts  as  they  needed  it.  Evil-wit  stole  it  all,  and  then 
accused  his  frend  of  having  done  so.  The  case  came  before  the 
court,  and  Evil-wit  volunteerd  to  call  as  witness  the  devatd 
(spirit)  in  the  tree  at  the  base  of  which  the  money  was  buried. 
The  court  adjournd  to  the  next  day,  when  .all  proceeded  to  the 
place  in  order  to  take  the  tree-spirit's  testimony.  But  Evil-wit 
had  hidden  his  father,  in  spite  of  the  latter 's  protest,  in  the  trunk 
of  the  tree;  and  when  they  put  the  question  'Who  stole  the 
money  ? ',  the  father,  impersonating  the  tree-spirit,  replied  *  Hon- 
est-wit'. The  latter,  conscious  of  innocence,  lighted  a  fire  in  the 
hollow  trunk  of  the  tree,  which  soon  brot  Evil-wit's  father  tum- 
bling down,  half-choked  and  blinded.  The  truth  of  course  was 
thus  revealed. 

Thruout  this  story  no  other  name  than  Dharmabuddhi,  'Hon- 
est-wit', is  used  for  the  righteous  merchant  in  any  Sanskrit  recen- 
sion. Only  in  the  offshoots  of  the  Pahlavi  translation  is  he  cald 
'the  simpleton'  (Schulthess,  'der  Einfaltige'),  representing, 
apparently,  the  Sanskrit  word  Abuddhi.  But  in  view  of  the 
unanimity  of  all  the  Sanskrit  versions  it. can  scarcely  be  douted 
that  the  Pahlavi  is  secondary,  and  that  the  original  had  in  the 
prose  story  the  name  Dharmabuddhi.  Evidently  the  Pahlavi  has 
taken  the  name  Abuddhi  from  the  catch-verse  and  applied  it  to 
the  honest  merchant  in  the  prose  story. 

The  problem  that  confronts  us  is  then  this.  In  the  original 
form  of  the  catch-verse  are  mentiond  only  two  names  or  epithets 
— Dustabuddhi,  '  Evil- wit, '  and  Abuddhi,  '  No-wit. '  In  the  orig- 
inal of  the  following  prose  ar  likewise  mentiond  only  two  names — 
Dustabuddhi, '  Evil- wit, '  and  Dharma-buddhi, '  Honest-wit. '  It 
has  always  been  assumed — not  unnaturally — that  we  must  infer 
from  this  the  equation  Abuddhi  =  Dharmabuddhi ;  or  in  other 
words,  that  the  person  cald  'No-wit'  in  the  verse  is  cald  'Honest- 
wit'  in  the  prose. 

It  seems  to  me,  however,  that  we  should  hesitate  long  before 


Evil-wit,  No-wit,  and  Honest-wit 


273 


accepting  this  equation,  for  several  reasons.  In  the  first  place,  the 
literary  harshness  assumed  is  such  as  could  hardly  be  paralleld 
in  the  original  Pancatantra.  The  name  Honest- wit  would  be 
substituted  baldly  for  No-wit  (the  righteous  man  for  the  simple- 
ton), without  a  word  of  motivation  or  explanation,  with  nothing 
to  indicate  that  it  is  not  the  simplest  and  most  natural  sequence 
in  the  world !  It  almost  passes  belief  that  any  story-teller  could 
be  so  slovenly ;  and  the  story-teller  of  the  original  Pancatantra 
was  in  general  anything  but  slovenly. 

In  the  second  place,  is  there  anything  in  the  story  to  justify 
calling  Dharmabuddhi  a  'simpleton'?  Hertel  (Tantrdkhydyika, 
Translation,  p.  51,  n.  2)  says  his  dullness  consists  in  the 
fact  that  he  entertaind  frendly  feelings  for  Dustabuddhi  and 
divided  his  find  with  him.  But  a  much  more  prominent  place  in 
the  story  is  occupied  by  the  scheme  by  which  Dharmabuddhi 
exposes  the  trick  playd  upon  him  by  Dustabuddhi;  and  in  this 
incident  Dharmabuddhi  shows  markt  cleverness.  It  seems  a 
priori  unlikely  that  a  person  capable  of  such  shrewdness  would 
be  cald  a  'fool/ 

These  considerations  suggest  that  perhaps  all  previous  inter- 
preters may  hav  been  wrong  in  assuming  the  identity  of  Abuddhi, 
the  'No-wit'  of  the  catch- verse,  with  Dharmabuddhi,  the  'Hon- 
est-wit' of  the  prose  story.  There  is,  in  fact,  not  a  single  par- 
ticle of  evidence  to  show  that  this  identity  was  felt  by  the  author 
of  any  Sanskrit  recension.  More  than  this:  there  is  clear  and 
decisiv  evidence  to  prove  that  in  som  Sanskrit  recensions,  at 
least,  just  the  opposit  was  tru;  it  is  Dustabuddhi,  'Evil- wit/ 
whom  they  consider  the  '  fool ',  not  Dharmabuddhi,  '  Honest- wit. ' 
And  this  is,  when  one  thinks  about  it,  just  what  the  story  clearly 
means  to  teach  (compare  the  last  paragraf  of  this  article,  below). 
The  catch-verse  and  the  prose  story  ar  in  perfect  agreement  on 
this  point,  that  Evil-wit  proves  himself  a  fool  and  causes  the 
deth  of  his  own  father  by  being  too  clever  and  tricky.  Let  us 
examin  the  evidence  which  shows  that  certain  Sanskrit  recen- 
sions regard  it  in  this  light. 

1.  In  the  prose  story  of  all  Sanskrit  recensions  (I  use  the  term 
'prose'  loosely  to  include  the  poetic  versions  of  So  and  Ks,  dis- 
tinguishing thus  their  versions  of  the  story  proper  from  their 
versions  of  the  original  catch- verse),  the  name  Dustabuddhi, 
'Evil- wit,'  is  always  used  without  variant  for  the  villain  except 

18  JAOS  140 


274  Franklin  Edgerton 

that  Spl  uses  the  synonym  Papabuddhi  (copied  also  in  Pn  in  one 
or  two  places  where  it  follows  Spl),  and  except  also  for  Ks, 
which  is  peculiar  and  highly  interesting.  Ks  368  (115)  repro- 
duces the  original  catch- verse  thus : 

abuddhiyogdd  adhamdh  sarvadd  vipaddspadam 
pita  dhumena  nihatah  sutend  'dharmabuddhind. 
' Because  of  their  folly  (no-wit)  the  base  ar  always  subject  to 
disasters.  The  Dishonest- witted  (a-dharma-buddhi)  son  kild  his 
father  with  smoke.' — In  the  following  story,  representing  the 
original  prose,  Ks  begins  with  the  statement:  'There  wer  once 
two  f rends,  Honest-wit  (Dharmabuddhi)  and  No-wit  (Abuddhi).' 
The  name  of  the  villain  occurs  later  on  five  times  more — twice  as 
Abuddhi,  'No-wit/  twice  as  Dustabuddhi,  'Evil- wit,'  and  once 
as  Durbuddhi,  a  synonym  for  the  latter.  It  certainly  needs  no 
argument  to  show  that  Ks  thot  of  Abuddhi  as  a  synonym,  not  of 
Dharmabuddhi,  but  of  Dustabuddhi. 

2.  The  variants  of  the  catch-verse,  quoted  abov  in  its  T  form, 
in  other  Sanskrit  recensions,  show  that  they  too  had  the  same 
understanding.  The  Jain  versions  (Pn  and  Spl)  read  for  the 
first  half  of  the  catch  verse:  dharmabuddhir  abuddhis  (Spl 
Jcubuddhis)  ca  dvdv  etdu  viditdu  mama.  (It  is  noteworthy  that 
one  manuscript  of  T  reads  just  as  Pn  does  in  the  first  pada. )  It 
is  obvious  that  to  these  versions  also  Abuddhi  is  the  same  as 
Dustabuddhi.  In  SP  we  find:  dustabuddhir  dharmabuddhir 
dvdv  etdu  vanigdtmajdu.  So  the  edition ;  but  several  of  the  best 
mss.  (recension  a)  either  agree  absolutely  with  T  or  point  in 
that  direction ;  and  N  agrees  with  T.  This  is  sufficient  to  prove 
that  T's  reading  was  that  of  the  tru  and  original  SP  text,  and 
of  the  original  Pane.  However,  the  readings  of  the  secondary 
SP  mss.  and  of  the  edited  text  ar  interesting  as  showing  that  the 
writers  of  these  codices  or  their  archetype  felt  averse  to  a  reading 
which  seemd  to  identify  Abuddhi  with  Dharmabuddhi,  the  sim- 
pleton with  the  honest  man,  when  the  clear  intention  of  the  story 
is  inconsistent  therewith. 

My  explanation  is  that  the  original  catch-verse  red  like  T, 
but  that  Abuddhi, '  No-wit, '  was  not  intended  to  refer  to  Dharma- 
buddhi, 'Honest-wit,'  in  the  following  story.  On  the  contrary, 
the  meaning  of  the  catch-verse  is  that  Dustabuddhi,  '  Evil- wit, '  is 
just  as  bad  as  (any,  indefinit)  Abuddhi,  'No-wit;'  in  short,  that 
'honesty  is  the  best  policy.'  The  catch-verse  says :  'I  hav  just  as 


Evil-wit,  No-wit,  and  Honest -wit  275 

low  an  opinion  of  Evil- wit  as  of  No-wit ;  one  is  as  bad  as  the  other. 
And  to  prove  it,  I  refer  you  to  the  case  of  Evil-wit  who  caused 
his  father's  deth  by  his  excess  of  cunning,  thereby  showing  him- 
self no  better  than  a  fool,  or  a  No-wit. ' 

This  is  the  only  explanation  that  does  justis  to  the  point  of 
the  story  and  avoids  the  unendurable  harshness  of  naming  a 
caracter  in  the  catch-verse  by  a  name  wholly  inconsistent  with 
the  name  he  bears  in  the  actual  story.  The  variations  of  the  sev- 
eral recensions  ar  due  to  their  failure  to  see  the  point  of  the 
term  Abuddhi,  'No-wit,'  in  the  catch- verse.  They  all,  except 
Pahlavi,  support  my  contention  that  Honest- wit  cannot  hav  been 
identified  with  No-wit ;  and  Pahlavi  is  proved  to  be  secondary  by 
the  fact  that  all  Sanskrit  recensions,  without  exception,  ar  unani- 
mous in  using  the  term  Dharmabuddhi  in  the  prose  story  for  the 
caracter  which  Pahlavi  calls  'the  simpleton'.  This  confusion  of 
Pahlavi  is  explaind  by  the  same  misunderstanding  which  was 
found,  with  different  results,  in  various  of  the  Sanskrit  recen- 
sions. 

The  location  of  the  fable  in  the  frame  story  of  Pane.  Book  I 
shows  that  'honesty  is  the  best  policy'  is  what  it  intends  to 
teach.  It  is  told  by  the  jackal  Karataka  to  warn  the  evil-minded 
and  trecherous  Damanaka  of  the  fate  that  is  in  store  for  him  if 
he  follows  in  the  course  he  has  begun.  Damanaka  is  the  proto- 
type of  Dustabuddhi,  '  Evil-wit, '  and  Karataka,  the  teller  of  the 
story,  means  to  let  him  see  that  evil-mindedness  is  really  folly  and 
brings  one  to  disaster.  To  represent  Dharmabuddhi,  'Honest- 
wit,  '  as  foolish  would  spoil  the  moral  that  is  obviously  intended. 


THE  TOWER  OF  BABEL 

E.  G.  H.  KRAELING 
UNION  THEOLOGICAL  SEMINARY 

EVER  SINCE  it  became  definitely  known  that  the  great  and 
imposing  ruins  of  Birs  Nimrud  were  remnants  of  the  ziqqurrat  of 
Borsippa,  the  view  that  they  represented  the  Tower  of  Babel  has 
been  abandoned  by  most  scholars.  This  view,  according  to  Kol- 
dewey,  the  excavator  of  ancient  Babylon,  was  tenable  only  so 
long  as  Oppert's  fantastic  ideas  as  to  the  extent  of  the  city  found 
credence.  It  is  now  held  as  almost  certain  that  Marduk's  famous 
Temple  Esagila,  with  its  ziqqurrat  E-temen-an-ki,  is  the  structure 
referred  to  in  Gen.  II.1  It  seems  to  me  however  that  the  ancient 
and  traditional  identification  of  the  'tower  of  Babel'  with  the 
site  of  Birs  Nimrud  must  be  revived. 

It  is  plainly  the  intention  of  Gen.  11.  1-9  to  tell  that  Yahweh 
hindered  the  builders  of  the  tower,  so  that  they  could  not  com- 
plete their  work.  For  only  to  the  temple  with  its  tower  and 
not  to  the  residential  sections  can  the  statement  in  v.  8,  'They 
had  to  stop  building  the  city'  apply.  Since  the  temple  of  an 
ancient  city  was  its  real  heart  and  centre  this  synecdoche  is  not 
surprising.  Furthermore  a  cessation  of  'building  the  city' 
would  not  become  very  easily  the  part  of  a  story  if  referring  to 
the  residential  part,  but  a  great  temple  tower  that  had  remained 
a  torso  or  had  fallen  into  decay  would  stimulate  the  imagination 
profoundly.  To  this  Birs  Nimrud  bears  ample  testimony,  for 
the  travellers  of  all  times  have  been  deeply  stirred  by  the  sight 
of  its  vast  ruins.  The  story  of  Gen.  11,  then,  clearly  arose  and 
circulated  at  a  time  when  the  tower  referred  to  had  been  a  torso 
for  a  considerable  period. 

1  Cf.  Koldewey,  Das  wiedererstehende  Babylon,  1913,  and  Die  Tempel  von 
Babylon  und  Borsippa,  1911.  The  long  lost  tablet  describing  Esagila  in  its 
final  grandeur  has  been  rediscovered  and  published  by  Scheil  in  Memoires 
de  I' Academic  des  Inscriptions  et  Belles  Lettres,  vol.  39  (1913),  p.  293  f. 
But  the  famous  Bel-Temple  described  by  Herodotus  does  not  seem  to  have 
been  the  one  at  Babylon,  which  was  no  longer  standing  in  the  days  of 
the  Greek  author,  but  rather  the  temple  of  Borsippa.  Cf.  Delitzsch  in 
Festschrift  fur  Eduard  Sachau,  1915,  p.  97  f. 


The  Tower  of  Babel  277 

Now  the  J  source  from  which  Gen.  11.  1-9  is  taken  seems  to 
have  originated  at  the  time  of  Solomon,  970-932  B.  C.2  If  this 
dating  may  be  regarded  as  fairly  secure  we  must  suppose  that 
the  story  of  the  tower  of  Babel  is  an  llth  century  story  and  that 
the  tower  at  this  time  had  the  incomplete  or  dilapidated  appear- 
ance therein  described. 

Unfortunately  our  knowledge  of  the  history  of  the  temples  of 
Babylon  and  Borsippa  is  very  meagre.  We  may  here  well  omit 
the  references  to  them  in  very  early  times.  Suffice  it  to  say  they 
had  their  ups  and  downs,  as  the  so-called  Kedorlaomer  texts 
show,  which  speak  of  the  pillage  of  Ezida  and  Esagila  by  the 
hostile  Elamite.3  During  the  period  of  the  Cassite  rule,  lasting 
over  500  years,  Babylonia  seems  to  have  enjoyed  prosperity  and 
no  doubt  the  temples  were  well  taken  care  of.  King4  has  recently 
called  attention  to  a  boundary  stone  of  Merodach  Baladan  I 
(1201-1181),  one  of  the  last  rulers  of  the  Cassite  dynasty,  on 
which  appears  the  symbol  of 'the  god  Nabu  (the  stylus)  supported 
by  a  horned  dragon  set  off  against  a  four-stage  tower,  which  can 
be  none  other  than  the  ziqqurrat  of  Borsippa,  E-ur-imin-an-ki. 
At  this  period,  then,  'the  house  of  the  seven  stages  of  heaven  and 
earth'  was  only  a  four  story  structure,  but  we  may  assume  that 
it  was  in  good  condition  and  had  been  well  cared  for  by  the  king. 
The  fall  of  the  Cassite  Dynasty,  1150  B.  C.,  brought  a  repetition 
of  the  conditions  that  had  existed  before  Hammurapi — invasion 
by  the  Elamites.  We  learn  that  the  statue  of  Marduk  was  even 
carried  off  by  them  from  Esagila,  but  there  is  no  record  of  how 
they  dealt  with  the  temples.  Under  Nebuchadrezzar  I,  however, 
a  few  years  later,  Babylon  recovered  the  Marduk  statue  and 
regained  its  independence.  Among  the  following  kings  many 
bear  names  compounded  with  Marduk,  and  were  no  doubt  zealous 
in  providing  for  this  god's  shrine.  But  the  unsettled  conditions 
of  the  period,  the  disturbance  caused  by  the  Aramaean  migration 
and  by  the  rise  of  the  Assyrian  power  in  the  north  do  not  argue 
for  an  age  of  prosperity  in  Babylon,  and  only  in  prosperous  days 

3  Procksch,  Die  Genesis,  1912,  p.  17. 

3  Re-edited  by  Jeremias  in  Festschrift  fur  Hommel.  Cf.  also  Das  Alte 
Testament3,  1916,  p.  280  f.  Esarhaddon  began  to  rebuild  Esagila  and  the 
operations  were  continued  by  Ashurbanipal  and  Shamash-shum-ukin  j  cf. 
Streck,  Ashurlanipal  II,  1916,  p.  146,  p.  246  f.,  etc. 

'History  of  Babylon,  p.  79. 


278  E.  G.  H.  Kraeling 

are  building  operations  carried  on  extensively  by  kings.  But 
the  ziqqurrat  of  Babylon  seems  to  have  been  standing,  for  when 
Sennacherib  (705-681),  the  conqueror  of  Babylon,  entered  the 
city  he  devastated  the  temple,  tore  down  the  ziqqurrat,  and  threw 
it  into  the  Arahtu  canal.5 

The  ziqqurrat  of  Borsippa  however  seems  also  to  have  experi- 
enced a  destruction,  and  perhaps  at  an  earlier  time.  Of  especial 
importance  in  this  connection  is  the  inscription  of  Nebuchadrez- 
zar's cylinder.8  'At  that  time  E-ur-imin-an-ki,  the  ziqqurrat  of 
Barsip  which  a  previous  king  had  made — 42  cubits  he  had  ele- 
vated it,  not  had  he  raised  its  head,  from  a  distant  day  it  had  col- 
lapsed, not  were  in  order  the  outlets  of  its  water,  rain  and  storm 
had  removed  its  bricks,  the  bricks  of  its  covering  were  split  open, 
the  bricks  of  its  body  were  heaped  up  like  a  ruin  mound — Mar- 
duk,  my  lord,  aroused  my  heart  to  construct  it.'  Now  it  must 
be  emphasized  that  the  activity  of  the  previous  king  referred  to 
was  also  one  of  restoration,  since  the  temple  tower  was  only  ele- 
vated 42  cubits.7  The  four-stage  tower  of  the  days  of  Merodach 
Baladan  I  was  much  higher!  The  necessary  conclusion  there- 
fore is  that  this  older  temple  had  been  destroyed  or  had  fallen 
into  ruin,  and  that  later  on  a  king,  who  ruled  a  long  time 
before  Nebuchadrezzar,  had  begun  its  restoration.  The  par- 
tially restored  ziqqurrat  had  also  in  the  course  of  time  fallen 
into  ruins.  This  obviously  compels  us  to  seek  a  much  earlier 
date  for  the  destruction  of  the  temple  than  that  of  Sennacherib. 
In  fact  the  attempt  at  restoration  may  antedate  this  king  and  is 
perhaps  to  be  accredited  to  Merodach  Baladan  II  (721-710)  who 
calls  himself  'the  worshipper  of  Nebo  and  Marduk,  the  gods  of 
Esagila  and  Ezida,  who  provided  abundantly  for  their  gates  and 
made  shining  all  their  temples,  renewed  all  their  sanctuaries.'8 

6  Bavian  Inscription,  III  E  14,  1.  51. 

8  Langdon,  Neubabylonische  Konigsinschriften,  1912,  p.  98  f . ;  cf .  also  p. 
114. 

7Cf.  with  this  the  statement  in  Langdon,  p.  60  (Col  I.  44  f.)  that 
Nabopolassar  raised  the  ziqqurrat  of  Babylon  30  cubits.  In  both  cases  it 
does  not  seem  clear  whether  this  means  from  the  base  up.  Thirty  cubits 
is  not  even  the  height  of  the  lowest  stage  of  Nebuchadrezzar's  Tower. 
Furthermore  Bawlinson  claims  to  have  found  the  three  copies  of  the 
cylinder  above  quoted  on  the  corners  of  the  third  stage  of  E-ur-imin-an-ki, 
indicating  that  here  the  work  of  Nebuchadrezzar  began. — He  figured 
about  8  metres  to  every  stage;  cf.  JEAS  18,  pp.  1-34,  on  the  excavations. 

*  Cf .  the  Black  Stone  Inscription. 


The  Tower  of  Babel  279 

It  seems  most  likely  that  immediately  after  the  fall  of  the  Cassite 
dynasty  Ezida  and  E-ur-imin-an-ki,  whether  by  violence  or  by 
neglect,  fell  into  ruins.  It  seems  to  have  a  peculiar  significance 
that  the  Assyrians  in  the  9th  century  founded  another  temple  by 
the  name  of  Ezida  at  Nineveh  and  adopted  to  a  very  great  extent 
the  worship  of  the  god  Nabu.9  If  the  shrine  at  Borsippa  had 
been  flourishing  in  those  days  such  action  would  not  have  been 
very  likely.  Thus  while  the  continuity  of  the  temple  of  Babylon 
seems  to  be  assured  to  the  time  of  Sennacherib,  there  is  ground 
for  supposing  that  that  of  Borsippa  fell  into  ruin  right  after  the 
Cassite  era,  in  other  words  at  the  time  of  the  rise  of  the  Hebrew 
kingdom  in  Palestine  when  the  Jahvist  lived. 

But  an  additional  argument  from  the  mythological  point  of 
view  speaks  most  emphatically  for  the  tower  of  Borsippa.  In 
the  137th  Fable  of  Hyginus  we  are  told  that  ages  ago  mankind 
spoke  only  one  language.  But  after  Mercury  had  multiplied 
the  languages  and  divided  the  nations,  strife  began  to  arise 
among  them.  Zeus  was  angered  at  Mercury's  act  but  could  not 
change  it.  The  tradition  presupposed  in  this  fable  seems  to  have 
no  other  analogy  in  Graeco-Roman  legend.  And  if  we  recall  that 
Mercury  is  the  equivalent  of  the  Oriental  Nabu  we  must  imme- 
diately ask  ourselves  whether  this  is  not  an  eastern  myth  that 
was  imported  with  so  much  other  Asiatic  lore  in  the  Hellenistic 
era.  The  god  Nabu  is  the  author  of  written  language — the  cryp- 
tic signs  that  seem  so  wonderful  to  the  uninitiated;  the  art  of 
writing  is  once  called  'the  mother  of  language  and  the  father  of 
wisdom.'10  Equally  mysterious,  however,  must  have  seemed  the 
sound  of  foreign  tongues.  Who  else  could  be  their  originator  in 
a  Babylonian  speculative  system  than  the  god  Nabu?  True, 
we  have  no  direct  testimonial  to  this  in  the  inscriptions.  But  if 
Gen.  11  originated  in  Babylonia — and  of  this  there  can  be  no 
doubt — then  Yahweh  has  assumed  in  the  present  version  the  role 
of  some  Babylonian  deity,  and  this  deity  by  every  argument  of 
analogy  and  probability  can  only  have  been  Nabu.  We  should 
expect  the  story  of  the  dispersion  of  tongues  to  be  centered  at 
Nabu's  shrine  in  Borsippa,  rather  than  at  Marduk's  sanctuary  in 
Babylon. 

6  Of.  Streck,  op.  tit.  2,  272  f.     Shamash-shum-ukin,  Stele  Inscr.  S1  1.  13  f., 
says  that  he  renewed  the  walls  of  Ezida  which  had  grown  old  and 
under  a  former  king. 

10  Cf .  Jeremias  in  Eoscher  's  Lexicon  3.  56. 


280  E.  G.  H.  Kraeling 

The  motif  of  the  deity's  prevention  of  the  completion  of  the 
tower  can  however  be  no  integral  part  of  the  official  cult  story  of 
Ezida.  This  element  was  added  at  a  time  when  Ezida  and  its 
ziqqurrat  were  greatly  neglected.  One  might  be  inclined  to 
assign  this  motif  entirely  to  the  imagination  of  that  early  Hebrew 
story-teller  who  saw  in  the  scene  of  ruin  Yahweh's  verdict  upon 
the  self-aggrandizement  of  the  people  of  Babylonia.  Yet  it  also 
seems  possible  that  the  idea  of  the  jealous  deity,  that  is  afraid  of 
men's  prowess  and  intervenes  in  order  to  defeat  their  attempt  to 
overthrow  him  by  destroying  the  ladder  on  which  they  seek  to 
climb  into  heaven,  shimmers  through  the  story.  The  descent  of 
the  deity  for  punitive  purposes  (v.  7)  finds  an  analogy  also  in  a 
passage  of  the  so-called  Kedorlaomer  texts :  'If  the  king  does  not 
speak  righteousness,  inclines  toward  wickedness,  then  his  shedu 
will  descend  from  Esharra,  the  temple  of  all  the  gods. ?11  It  may 
well  be  therefore  that  this  element  goes  back  to  a  pre-Hebraic 
stage.  Gunkel's  view  that  the  story  was  heard  from  Aramaean 
Beduin  on  the  Babylonian  border12  may  not  be  very  far  from  the 
truth.  The  point  of  view  certainly  cannot  be  that  of  the  native 
Babylonian  citizen.  Perhaps  an  ancient  Hebrew  forerunner  of 
Herodotus  who  visited  Babylonia  as  tradesman  and  came  into 
contact  with  the  roving  Chaldaean  Aramaeans  brought  back  the 
story  to  Palestine  as  he  heard  it  from  the  lips  of  these  nomads 
somewhere  near  the  great  ruins  of  Birs  Nimrud. 

A  third  stage,  however,  in  the  development  of  the  story  is 
assuredly  Palestinean — that  is  its  attraction  away  from  Borsippa 
to  Babel.  Naturally  a  traveller  would  relate  it  in  connection 
with  his  visit  to  the  metropolis  since  the  name  of  Borsippa  was 
too  obscure  and  unimportant  for  his  hearers.  And  since  '  Babel  * 
lent  itself  so  excellently  to  a  pun  with  Mlal  'to  confuse',  the 
original  reference  to  Nabu's  temple  was  lost.  Gunkel  has  seen 
that  the  emphasis  on  the  root  pu$,  'to  scatter,'  thrice  repeated, 
prepared  the  way  for  another  etymology  which  has  been  obliter- 
ated— that  of  the  temple  or  ziqqurrat.13  His  own  suggestion  of 
an  appellation  like  lpi$u'  (the  'white'  tower)  is  of  no  value,  for 

11  Of.  Jeremias,  Das  Alte  Testament,  p.  180. 

"  Gunkel,  Die  Genesis*,  ad  loc. 

18  Gunkel  divides  the  story  into  two  sources — a  city  version  and  a  tower 
version;  so  also  Procksch,  who  however  maintains  that  the  story  is  a 
unity  in  its  present  form  because  of  the  excellent  metre. 


The  Tower  of  Babel  281 

the  towers  were  many-colored.  In  seeking  the  original  name  we 
must  remember  that  the  key  form  for  the  etymology  is  always  the 
last  one  used — here  heffydm  (v.  9).  There  is  no  other  Baby- 
lonian temple  name  s'o  nearly  like  this  as  E-zi-da,  especially  if  we 
recall  that  Sumerian  E  (house)  appears  as  he  in  Hebrew  (cp. 
hekal  =  ekallu) .  The  form  Hezida  is  the  most  likely  representa- 
tion of  the  name  in  Hebrew.  An  identity  of  all  consonants  is 
not  necessary;  cp.  'Esaw  =  se'ar,  Gen.  25.  25,  etc.,  where  a  mere 
vocalic  correspondence  was  found  sufficient.14  In  view  of  all  the 
other  material  we  have  presented  it  seems  certain  that  this  name 
once  stood  in  the  text.  That  the  pun  is  made  with  the  name  of 
the  temple  Ezida,  rather  than  with  the  tower  E-ur-imin-an-ki, 
presents  no  difficulty  since  even  in  the  Babylonian  texts  the  lat- 
ter is  only  rarely  mentioned.  The  shorter  and  more  familiar 
name  of  the  greater  complex  of  the  temple  was  more  likely  to  be 
perpetuated. 

Originally  a  cult  story  of  Ezida,  then  a  popular  Aramaean 
legend,  then  a  Babylonian  reminiscence  of  a  Hebrew  traveller, 
and  eventually  a  vehicle  of  deep  religious  and  philosophical 
thought — such  is  the  evolution  of  Gen.  11.  1-9.  Surely  a  fas- 
cinating bit  of  history  down  whose  vistas  we  here  can  glance. 

14  A  much  worse  pun  on  the  name  of  Ezida  with  Uza  occurs  in  a 
Babylonian  text,  cf.  King's  The  Seven  Tablets  of  Creation,  1.  209  ff.  Eev. 
7,  and  Jeremias,  Altorientalische  Geisteskultur,  1913,  p.  30  note.  It  seems 
likely  however  that  the  Hebrews  heard  a  corrupt  form  of  the  name,  else  a 
pun  with  sid  'arrogance'  would  have  been  more  attractive. 


BRIEF    NOTES 

The  First  Expedition  of  the  Oriental  Institute  of  the  University 

of  Chicago 

This  expedition  was  intended  to  be  a  preliminary  reconnois- 
sance  of  the  needs  and  opportunities  for  field  research  in  the 
Near  East  since  the  changes  resulting  from  the  great  war;  but 
it  was  also  hoped  that  many  opportunities  for  the  purchase  of 
antiquities  and  historical  documents  of  the  ancient  Orient  might 
present  themselves.  These  aims  were  in  the  main  fulfilled. 
After  attending  the  important  joint  meeting  of  the  Royal  Asiatic 
Society,  the  Societe  Asiatique,  and  the  American  Oriental  Soci- 
ety in  London  early  in  September,  1919,  Professor  Breasted  pro- 
ceeded to  Paris  where  he  purchased  a  valuable  collection  of 
Oriental  antiquities,  chiefly  Egyptian,  including  especially  a 
finely  illuminated  hieratic  papyrus  of  the  Book  of  the  Dead. 

The  remainder  of  the  trip  to  Egypt  via  Venice  was  beset  with 
many  difficulties,  but  Dr.  Breasted  reached  Cairo  by  the  end  of 
October,  having  fallen  in  with  Professor  Clay  of  Yale  on  the 
way.  A  few  weeks'  work  in  the  Cairo  museum  viewing  the 
many  new  accessions  there,  included  a  study  of  the  new  Cairo 
fragments  of  the  so-called  Palermo  Stone,  which  disclosed  the 
existence  of  a  new  dynasty,  or  group  of  at  least  ten  kings  of 
united  Egypt  who  ruled  before  Menes,  that  is  before  the  begin- 
ning of  the  usually  recognized  dynastic  period.  Extensive  pur- 
chases of  antiquities  in  the  hands  of  dealers  were  also  made,  and 
a  trip  up  the  river  as  far  as  Luxor  extended  these  purchases  to 
Upper  Egypt.  This  brief  notice  does  not  permit  the  mention 
even  of  the  leading  items  of  these  large  accessions.  An  interest- 
ing feature  of  the  work  in  Egypt  was  an  airplane  trip  along  the 
pyramid  cemeteries  on  the  margin  of  the  Sahara  for  sixty  miles, 
on  which  Professor  Breasted  was  able  to  make  a  series  of  air- 
plane views  of  these  great  tomb  groups,  with  the  especial  pur- 
pose of  locating  prehistoric  cemeteries  which  might  show  up  in 
the  negatives,  though  not  visible  on  the  ground.  This  oppor- 
tunity was  available  through  the  kind  offices  of  Lord  Allenby, 
who  is  much  interested  in  archaeological  research.  The  mem- 
bers of  the  expedition  assembled  in  Cairo  and  Upper  Egypt  dur- 


Brief  Notes  283 

ing  December,  1919,  and  January,  1920,  and  some  of  them 
pushed  up  the  Nile  as  far  as  the  First  Cataract.  Early  in  Feb- 
ruary, all  five  of  the  men  belonging  to  the  expedition  were  in 
Cairo  ready  to  leave  for  Asia.  They  included  Prof.  D.  D.  Luck- 
enbill,  Ludlow  S.  Bull  and  William  F.  Edgerton,  both  fellows 
of  the  University  of  Chicago,  and  Prof.  A.  W.  Shelton  of  Emery 
University,  besides  the  director,  Professor  Breasted. 

The  party  sailed  from  Port  Said  on  Feb.  18th,  1920,  and  after 
transshipment  in  Bombay  arrived  in  Basrah  on  March  9.  Every 
facility  was  afforded  the  expedition  by  the  British  authorities, 
and  by  March  16  the  party  was  ready  to  leave  Basrah  for  a 
rapid  survey  of  the  leading  sites  in  Babylonia.  The  Basrah- 
Baghdad  railway  line  had  been  completed  and  opened  only  a  few 
weeks  before  and  the  party  was  thus  the  first  archaeological  expe- 
dition to  make  the  Basrah-Baghdad  trip  with  the  use  of  this 
line,  which  greatly  facilitated  the  journey.  The  first  stop  was 
at  Ur,  now  called  'Ur  Junction'  (!),  whence  the  party  visited 
the  ruins  of  Ur  and  Eridu,  using  Ford  vans  furnished  by  the 
British  Army,  and  proceeded  also  via  Nasiriyah  up  the  Shatt 
el-Hai  some  eighty  miles  as  far  as  Kal'at  es-Sikkar.  From  this 
point  Tell  Yokha  was  visited,  besides  a  number  of  unidentified 
sites  of  which  there  are  many  on  both  sides  of  the  Shatt  el-Hai, 
especially  above  Kal'at  es-Sikkar  on  the  east  side  of  the  Shatt. 
Returning  to  the  railway  at  Ur  Junction  the  trip  up  the  Eu- 
phrates to  Baghdad  was  made  by  rail,  stopping  at  all  the  well- 
known  sites,  especially  Babylon,  left  precisely  as  last  worked  by 
the  Germans  under  Koldewey. 

The  Tigris  trip  was  likewise  made  by  rail  as  far  Kal'at  Sher- 
gat  (the  spellings  are  those  of  the  new  British  survey),  that  is 
some  eighty  miles  below  Mosul  and  Nineveh.  All  the  leading 
sites  as  far  as  Khorsabad  were  visited  and  studied.  While  there 
had  been  more  than  one  dangerous  corner  of  Babylonia  through 
which  the  expedition  passed,  it  was  on  the  Tigris  journey  that 
the  most  hazardous  situations  were  first  experienced.  On  arriv- 
ing at  Shergat  on  the  return  trip  the  railway  was  cut  by  the 
Arabs  and  also  broken  in  two  other  places  by  a  heavy  storm. 

On  the  return  to  Baghdad  the  Civil  Commissioner,  Col.  A.  T. 
Wilson,  the  British  Governor  General  of  Mesopotamia,  asked  the 
expedition  to  proceed  up  the  Euphrates  to  Salihiyah,  some  300 
miles  above  Baghdad,  in  order  to  record  and  rescue  as  far  as 


384  Brief  Notes 

possible  some  extraordinary  Roman  paintings  disclosed  by  the 
•excavation  of  a  rifle  pit.  The  British  authorities  civil  and  mili- 
tary furnished  the  transportation,  seven  automobiles,  and  leav- 
ing Baghdad  on  April  29th,  the  expedition  reached  the  vast 
Roman  fortress  of  Salihiyah  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Euphrates 
on  May  4th.  The  paintings,  which  proved  to  be  of  unusual  inter- 
est, were  duly  photographed  and  as  carefully  studied  as  the  time 
would  permit,  and  on  the  morning  of  May  5th,  the  expedition 
shifted  to  five  Turkish  arabanahs  or  native  wagons,  and  entering 
the  Arab  State  threw  themselves  upon  the  protection  of  the 
local  officials  of  King  Faisal.  Moving  up  the  right  bank  of  the 
Euphrates  through  Der  ez-Z6r  and  past  the  mouths  of  the 
Khabur  and  the  Balikh,  the  expedition  reached  Aleppo  in  safety 
on  the  fifth  of  May,  1920,  being  the  first  group  of  non-Moslems 
to  cross  the  Arab  State  since  its  proclamation  in  March,  of  the 
same  year.  Although  the  expedition  passed  directly  over  the 
fighting  ground  between  Arabs  and  British,  it  met  with  the 
friendliest  reception  from  all  the  sheikhs,  and  learned  much  of 
the  present  situation  in  King  Faisal's  dominions.  The  occasion 
which  made  it  possible  for  an  American  expedition  to  take  the 
risk,  however,  was  not  only  the  friendly  feeling  of  the  Arabs 
toward  Americans.  It  was  likewise  the  fact  that  the  British 
had  just  drawn  in  their  front  on  the  Euphrates  about  a  hundred 
miles  down  river  from  Salihiyah  to  a  point  just  above  Anah. 
As  a  result  the  Arabs  were  momentarily  feeling  in  the  best  of 
humors,  during  which  the  American  party  managed  to  slip 
through  in  safety.  The  chief  danger  for  the  time  was  from 
brigands. 

As  there  was  imminent  danger  that  the  railway  south  of 
Aleppo  would  be  cut  by  the  Arabs  in  order  to  hamper  the  French, 
the  expedition  made  haste  southward,  stopping  only  at  Tell  Nebi 
Mindoh,  the  ancient  Kadesh  of  Ramses  IPs  famous  battle.  A 
careful  reconnoissance  of  this  place  was  made,  and  after  a  visit 
at  Baalbek  the  expedition  hurried  out  of  the  hazardous  regions 
of  inner  Syria  and  made  its  headquarters  at  Beyrut,  whence 
the  leading  sites  along  the  ancient  Phoenician  coast  were  in- 
spected. After  a  brief  visit  to  Damascus  and  two  conferences 
with  King  Faisal,  the  expedition  shifted  to  Palestine,  but  here, 
just  as  in  Syria,  conditions  were  too  disturbed  to  permit  much 
work.  The  Plain  of  Megiddo,  where  the  party  endeavored  in 


Brief  Notes  285 

vain  to  reach  Tell  el-Mutesellim,  was  quite  unsafe,  and  even 
Jericho  was  inaccessible  from  Jerusalem. 

The  conditions  as  to  available  labor  for  excavation,  the  times 
of  year  when  such  work  would  least  disturb  the  demand  for 
agricultural  labor,  the  varying  scale  of  wages,  especially  the 
increase  in  wages  resulting  from  war  conditions,  available  vacant 
land  for  disposal  of  dump, — all  these  local  questions  condition- 
ing excavations  were  examined  at  most  of  the  leading  sites  in 
Western  Asia  except  in  Asia  Minor,  where  the  rebellion  of  Mus- 
tafa Kamal  Pasha  made  the  country  quite  inaccessible.  At  the 
same  time  the  legal  conditions  and  the  regulations  of  government 
to  which  such  work  would  be  subject  were  taken  up  with  the 
French  and  British  authorities.  A  valuable  collection  of  cunei- 
form documents  and  works  of  art  was  obtained  in  Western  Asia 
also,  besides  a  group  of  some  250  Cappadocian  tablets  purchased 
in  Cairo. 

Dr.  Luckenbill  remained  in  Beyrut  to  develop  the  large  series 
of  negatives  taken  by  the  expedition  in  Western  Asia,  while  the 
rest  of  the  party  returned  to  Cairo,  especially  to  look  after  the 
shipment  of  purchases  to  America.  On  hearing  of  the  facts 
observed  by  the  expedition  in  Asia  Lord  Allenby  requested  Pro- 
fessor Breasted  to  change  his  route  and  to  return  to  America  via 
London  in  order  to  report  in  person  to  Premier  Lloyd-George 
and  to  the  Foreign  Minister,  Earl  Curzon.  Professor  Breasted 
therefore  left  for  London  in  June  with  letters  from  Lord  Allenby 
to  the  two  ministers  and  reported  as  desired.  The  antiquities 
secured  have  since  arrived  safely  in  America,  but  it  will  be  long 
before  they  can  be  properly  installed  and  exhibited. 

JAMES  H.  BREASTED 

University  of  Chicago 
September  10,  1920 


NOTES  OF  THE  SOCIETY 

The  following  have  been  added  to  the  Committee  on  Enlarge- 
ment of  Membership :  President  Talcott  Williams,  Dr.  J.  E, 
Abbott,  Professors  F.  R.  Blake,  A.  V.  W.  Jackson. 

On  page  221  of  the  last  (June)  number  of  this  volume  (40)  of 
the  JOURNAL,  in  the  report  of  the  Proceedings  at  Ithaca,  the 
paper  on  'Notes  on  Criticism  of  Inscriptions:  I,  The  Behistan 


-286  Notes  of  Other  Societies 

Inscription  of  Darius  the  Great'  was  erroneously  attributed  to 
Professor  M.  Jastrow  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania.  The 
paper  was  by  Professor  R.  G.  Kent  of  the  University  of  Pennsyl- 
vania. The  copy  red  correctly,  and  was  correctly  set ;  the  galley 
proof  was  correct;  but  by  som  strange  accident  the  change  was 
made  in  the  printers'  offis  after  galley  proof,  and  the  error  was 
overlookt  in  page  proof.  The  editors  and  the  printers  both 
deeply  regret  the  annoying  mistake,  and  tender  their  apologies  to 
Professor  Kent. 


NOTES  OF  OTHER  SOCIETIES,  ETC. 

Dr.  Louis  H.  Gray,  as  delegate  of  the  American  Council  of 
Learned  Societies  devoted  to  Humanistic  Studies,  has  presented 
a  report  on  the  transactions  of  the  meeting  of  the  Union  Acad- 
emique  Internationale,  held  in  Brussels,  May  26-28,  1920.  The 
following  is  a  summary  of  the  more  important  points  in  the 
report. 

Since  the  first  session  of  the  Union  at  Paris,  the  academies  of 
Rumania,  Portugal,  Serbia,  and  Norway  have  adhered  to  the 
Union. 

The  Union  approved  in  principle  several  scholarly  projects  to 
l)e  undertaken  under  its  auspices.  Among  these  were  (1)  a 
revision  of  Du  Cange,  (2)  an  edition  of  the  works  of  Grotius,  (3) 
a  catalog  of  Greek  alchemic  manuscripts,  (4)  a  corpus  of  Attic 
Tases. 

It  proved  impracticable  to  obtain  a  fixt  date  for  the  meetings  of 
the  Union,  as  the  American  delegate  had  been  instructed  to  pro- 
pose. Regarding  the  American  proposals  dealing  with  the  OIL 
and  GIG,  the  delegate  reports  that  'there  is,  on  the  one  hand,  no 
desire  to  take  over  enterprises  of  international  scholarly  impor- 
tance from  countries  not  represented  in  the  Union;  but,  on  the 
other  hand,  there  is  still  less  feeling  that  it  would  be  possible  to 
collaborate  with  the  countries  in  question. ' 

The  American  Delegate  suggests  that  serious  efforts  be  made  to 
.secure  funds  to  support  the  extraordinary  budget  of  the  Union 's 
secretariat,  as  for  instance  by  levying  a  small  additional  tax  on 
the  members  of  the  component  societies.  He  also  suggests  that 
in  the  future  the  American  delegates  be  chosen  from  scholars  pro- 
ceeding from  America  to  Europe  during  the  period  between  the 
sessions  of  the  American  Council  and  those  of  the  Union,  and  that 


Notes  of  Other  Societies  287 

if  possible  they  should  be  persons  who  have  been  personally  pres- 
ent at  the  sessions  of  the  American  Council,  in  order  that  they 
may  be  directly  acquainted  with  the  discussions  which  have  taken 
place  of  projects  to  be  presented  to  the  Union. 

The  Pontificio  Istituto  Biblico  in  Rome  has  published  the  first 
three  parts  of  its  new  journal  Biblica  (1920,  pp.  1-428),  bearing 
on  Bible  studies.  While  the  editorial  tongue  is  Latin  the  various 
articles  appear  not  only  in  that  language  but  also  in  Italian, 
French,  Spanish,  English,  German.  To  the  leading  articles  a 
Latin  summary  is  prefixed.  A  full  and  admirably  arranged  bib- 
liography is  part  of  the  contents,  along  with  personal  notes  and 
correspondence.  Biblica  is  received  in  exchange  by  the  Library 
of  this  Society.  The  same  Institute  also  announces  the  publica- 
tion of  a  series  entitled  Orient  alia,  i.  e.  'commentarii  de  rebus 
assyro-babylonicis,  arabicis,  aegyptiacis  et  id  genus  aliis/  The 
first  fascicle  announced  will  contain  articles  by  A.  Deimel. 

La  Service  des  Antiquites  et  des  Beaux  Arts  de  la  haute  Com- 
mission de  la  Rep.  Franchise  en  Syrie  (Beyrouth)  announces  the 
publication  of  a  new  archaeological  series  under  the  title  Syria. 
This  will  be  received  in  exchange  by  our  Library. 

The  Societe  des  Etudes  Armeniennes  has  been  established  in 
Paris  for  the  promotion  of  researches  and  publications  relating 
to  Armenia.  It  will  publish  the  Revue  des  fitudes  Armeniennes, 
the  first  fascicle  of  which  is  to  appear  this  year.  The  Adminis- 
trateur-Archiviste  is  Prof.  F.  Macler,  3  Rue  Cunin-Gridaine, 
Paris. 

The  Societe  Ernest  Renan  was  organized  at  its  first  general 
meeting  on  December  18,  1919.  The  Society  'a  pour  objet  de 
remettre  en  lumiere  la  tradition  franchise  dans  le  domaine  de 
1'histoire  et  de  la  philosophic  religeuses,  d'en  montrer  la  con- 
tinuite  et  la  richesse.'  It  will  publish  a  bimensual  Bulletin  and 
has  commissioned  the  preparation  of  a  new  edition  of  Astruc's 
Conjectures  sur  la  Genese  and  of  a  bibliography  of  Renan.  The 
Secretaire  general  is  M.  Paul  Alphandery,  104  rue  de  la  Faisan- 
derie,  Paris,  XVI,  France. 

Of  the  last  year's  staff  at  the  American  School  of  Oriental 
Research  in  Jerusalem  Professors  Worrell  and  Peters  returned 
home  in  July,  Professor  Clay  in  September.  Dr.  Albright  has 
become  Acting  Director  of  the  School  and  will  be  assisted  by 
the  FeUow,  Dr.  C.  C.  McCown. 


288  Personalia 

The  British  School  of  Archaeology  in  Palestine  was  formally 
opened  on  August  9,  with  addresses  by  the  High  Commissioner, 
Sir  Herbert  Samuel,  Pere  Lagrange,  Professor  Garstang  and 
Dr.  Albright.  Dr.  Garstang  has  begun  excavating  Ashkelon  in 
behalf  of  the  Palestine  Exploration  Fund.  A  committee  includ- 
ing representatives  of  the  Schools  of  Archaeology  and  the  various 
nationalities  has  been  appointed  by  the  High  Commissioner  to 
assist  in  drafting  a  law  of  antiquities. 

Of  the  last  year's  staff  at  the  American  School  of  Oriental 
Research  in  Jerusalem,  Professors  Worrell  and  Peters  returned 
home  in  July,  Professor  Clay  in  September.  Dr.  Albright  has 
become  Acting  Director  of  the  School  and  will  be  assisted  by  the 
Fellow,  Dr.  C.  C.  McCoun. 


PERSONALIA 

Eabbi  ELI  MAYER,  of  Albany,  died  July  29.  He  became  a 
member  of  the  Society  this  year. 

Professor  FRIEDRICH  DELITZSCH  has  announced  his  retirement 
from  his  professorship  at  the  University  of  Berlin. 

Mr.  BENJAMIN  SMITH  LYMAN,  of  Philadelphia,  a  Life  Mem- 
ber of  this  Society  and  a  founder  of  the  Oriental  Club  of  Phila- 
delphia, died  August  30,  at  the  age  of  84  years. 

Prof.  FRIEDRICH  SCHWALLY,  of  the  University  of  Konigsberg, 
died  February  6,  1919. 

A  private  communication  announces  that  Prof.  WILHELM 
BOUSSET,  of  the  University  of  Gottingen,  died  this  year. 

Prof.  CAMDEN  M.  COBERN,  of  Allegheny  College,  Meadville, 
Pa.,  a  member  of  this  Society,  died  May  3. 


THE  TEXTUAL  CRITICISM  OF  INSCRIPTIONS 

ROLAND  G.  KENT 

UNIVERSITY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA 

1.  SCHOLARS  ARE  NOW  well  equipped  with  treatises  upon  the 
corruptions  which  are  found  in  manuscripts,  and  upon  the  man- 
ner in  which  editors  must  proceed  as  they  make  up  a  corrected 
text.     We  may  mention,  in  this  connection,  the  following  selected 
authorities,  most  of  which  contain  references  to  earlier  works : 

James  Gow,  A  Companion  to  School  Classics*,  47-66  (1891). 

W.  M.  Lindsay,  An  Introduction  to  Latin  Textual  Emendation 
based  on  the  Text  of  Plautus  (1896). 

Harold  W.  Johnston,  Latin  Manuscripts,  79-99  (1897). 

F.  W.  Shipley,  Certain  Sources  of  Corruption  in  Latin  Manu- 
scripts: a  study  based  upon  two  manuscripts  of  Livy:  Codex 
Puteanus  (fifth  century),  and  its  copy  Codex  Reginensis  762 
(ninth  century),  in  Amer.  Journ.  Archaeology,  7.  1-25,  157- 
197,405-428  (1903). 

2.  "Well  adapted  as  these  are  for  their  purpose,  which  is  to 
acquaint  the  scholar  with  the  '  rules  of  the  game '  in  the  criticism 
and  the  emendation  of  manuscript  texts,  as  he  edits  or  elucidates 
them,  they  do  not  so  well  serve  for  the  handling  of  inscriptional 
texts.     For  the  manuscripts  may  be  the  results  of  one  copying 
after  another,  each  new  copy  suffering  perhaps  additional  cor- 
ruption at  points  which  are  already  corrupt ;  but  an  inscription  is 
in  practically  all  instances  merely  transferred  from  a  manuscript 
draft  to  its  permanent  position  on  stone  or  bronze,  and  therefore 
less  subject  to  complicated  corruption.     At  the  same  time,  the 
speed  with  which  a  copyist  transcribes  with  pen  upon  paper  or 
upon  parchment,  is  a  factor  leading  likewise  to  greater  error  than 
the  slowness  with  which  the  engraver  transfers  his  text,  letter  by 
letter  (not  word  by  word),  to  its  place  of  permanent  record.     On 
the  other  hand,  the  inscription  may  be  copied  in  an  alphabet  dif- 
fering from  that  in  which  the  original  draft  stands,  and  this  will 
produce  a  series  of  corruptions  to  which  manuscript  copies  rarely 
afford  parallels,  except  that  we  may  compare  the  manner  in 
which  Greek  words  in  Latin  texts  have  been  miscopied  by  the 
19  JAO3  40 


290  Roland  G.  Kent 

scribes ;  or  unless  we  include  within  our  field  the  manuscripts  of 
India  and  of  the  Avesta. 

3.  For  these  reasons,  it  is  my  intention  to  examine  critically 
the  accepted  or  suspected  errors  in  certain  inscriptions  of  formal 
character,  which  should  be  written  with  a  considerable  degree 
of  care,  and  should  therefore  not  contain  many  errors  of  a  hap- 
hazard nature,  in  order  to  determine  precisely  the  kinds  of  errors 
which  actually  do  occur  in  inscriptions.     The  results  and  the 
principles  thereby  reached,  even  if  not  revolutionary,  will  be 
a  firm  basis  on  which  philologists  may  found  their  utilization  of 
the  linguistic  evidence  furnished  by  inscriptional  forms — evi- 
dence which,  for  ancient  languages,  has  no  rival  for  validity 
excepting  only  the  remarks  of  contemporary  writers  upon  points 
of  grammar  and  pronunciation. 

4.  Variations  from  an  original  copy  may  be  classified  in  sev- 
eral wrays.     Johnston  (pp.  80  ff.)  prefers  a  scheme  based  chiefly 
upon  the  causes:     (1)    Unavoidable  changes;    (2)    Intentional 
changes;  (3)  Accidental  changes,  including  (a)  those  of  the  ear, 
(b)  those  of  the  eye,  (c)  those  of  the  memory,  (d)  those  of  the 
judgment.     Lindsay    (p.    10)    groups    them   mainly   by   their 
results:    (1)  Emendation,  (2)  Transposition,  (3)  Omission,  (4) 
Insertion,  (5)  Substitution,  (6)  Confusion  of  Letters,  (7)  Con- 
fusion of  Contractions.     Neither  of  these  classifications,  however, 
is  free  from  its  disadvantages,  since  the  divisions  and  subdi- 
visions prove  not  to  be  mutually  exclusive  in  practice;  and  for 
dealing  with  inscriptions,  where  the  corruptions  are  not  of  such 
complicated  nature  as  those  in  manuscripts,  it  seems  better  to 
revert  to  the  old  and  simple  classification  of  (1)  Loss,  (2)  Addi- 
tion, (3)  Change,  with  subdivisions  which  will  be  developed  as 
met  with. 

5.  It  must  be  understood  that  it  is  not  within  the  province  of 
the  present  investigation  to  include  phenomena  which  rest  upon 
a  conventionalized  orthography  or  upon  confusion  in  pronun- 
ciation.    In  Latin  inscriptions  of  the  older  period,  the  failure  to 
double  the  consonants  in  writing  would  not  here  be  handled,  since 
that  is  a  convention  of  the  alphabet  in  use ;  but  a  doubling  of  a 
consonant  which  should  not  be  doubled  would  be  taken  into 
account.     Similarly,  in  a  Latin  inscription  of  the  later  period, 
the  variation  between  e  and  ae  results  from  confusion  in  the  pro- 
nunciation, and  is  valuable  as  evidence  for  the  pronunciation  of 


The  Textual  Criticism  of  Inscriptions  291 

the  time;  it  is  not  the  purpose  here  to  deal  with  such  matters. 
The  editor  of  a  text  must,  it  is  true,  eliminate  such  corruptions 
as  well  as  the  grosser  errors  (e.  g.,  Plaut.  Epid.  231  crutulam 
BJ,  for  crocotulam,  found  in  A) ;  but  errors  or  orthographic 
variations  which  rest  merely  upon  conventions  in  spelling  and 
confusion  in  the  sounds,  must  in  inscriptions  be  left  as  precious 
evidence  for  the  student  of  philology.  Our  purpose  is,  then,  to 
prepare  the  text  of  certain  inscriptions  in  such  a  way  that  the 
philologist  may  use  it  with  confidence  in  reconstructing  the  his- 
tory of  the  language;  and  to  fix  the  rules  and  principles  for 
handling  other  inscriptions. 

6.  Again,  we  are  not  to  deal  with  restorations  of  missing 
characters,  which,  so  far  as  no  traces  remain,  are  entirely  con- 
jectural; nor  may  we  accept  such  conjectures  in  poorly  pre- 
served portions  and  then  seek  to  find  errors  in  the  few  characters 
which  are  to  be  read ;  such  a  procedure  would  be  quite  unscien- 
tific.    Our  attention  is  to  be  directed  to  those  words  and  char- 
acters which  are  legible,  and  our  field  overlaps  that  of  conjec- 
tural restoration  only  when  characters  are  preserved  in  part,  so 
that  they  may  be  read  in  more  than  one  way ;  in  this  situation  we 
can  hardly  draw  a  definite  line  of  demarcation  between  restora- 
tion and  textual  criticism. 

7.  For  this  purpose  the  following   inscriptions  have   been 
selected : 

I.     Old  Persian:  the  Inscription  of  Darius  the  Great,   at 
Behistan. 

II.  Greek :  the  Bronze  Tablets  with  the  treaties  between  Nau- 
pactus  and  the  Hypocnemidian  Locrians,  and  between  the  Oean- 
theans  and  the  Chaleians. 

III.  Oscan :  the  Tabula  Bantina. 

IV.  Umbrian :  the  Bronze  Tables  of  Iguvium. 

V.  Latin :  the  preamble  to  the  Edict  of  Diocletian  fixing 
maximum  prices. 

I.     The  Behistan  Inscription  of  Darius  the  Great. 

8.  The  Inscription  of  Darius  the  Great,  cut  high  up  on  the 
face  of  the  cliff  at  Behistan  in  Western  Persia,  records  the  acces- 
sion of  Darius  to  the  throne  of  Persia  and  his  successful  sup- 
pression   of   a   number   of   revolts    against   his    power.     It   is 
engraved  in  a  cuneiform  syllabary,  the  conventions  of  which  are 
well  determined  and  familiar  to  scholars  (cf.,  for  example,  E.  L. 


292  Roland  G.  Kent 

Johnson,  Historical  Grammar  of  the  Ancient  Persian  Language, 
29-35 ;  also  R.  G.  Kent,  JA08  35.  325-329,  332,  on  special  points) . 
The  text  is  presented  in  the  cuneiform  syllabary,  with  translitera- 
tion, translation,  and  critical  annotations,  by  L.  W.  King  and 
R.  C.  Thompson,  The  Sculptures  and  Inscription  of  Darius  the 
Great  on  the  Rock  of  Behistun  in  Persia,  1-91  (1907),  a  publica- 
tion of  the  British  Museum  embodying  the  results  of  their  reex- 
amination  of  the  rock  and  its  inscription;  this  is  the  definitive 
text.  A  transliteration  and  translation,  with  critical  notes  and 
vocabulary,  is  contained  in  H.C.Tolman,  Ancient  Persian  Lexicon 
and  Texts  (1908) ;  and  the  same  scholar's  Cuneiform  Supplement 
(1910)  contains  an  autographed  copy  of  the  text  in  the  cunei- 
form, and  as  an  appendix  B.  L.  Johnson's  Index  Verborum  to 
the  Old  Persian  Inscriptions,  which  is  a  complete  word  concor- 
dance :  these  two  volumes  are  Nos.  VI  and  VII  in  the  Vanderbilt 
Oriental  Series.  These  will  be  referred  to  hereafter  by  easily 
recognizable  abbreviations. 

9.  The  most  striking  feature  of  the  inscription  is  the  extreme 
care  with  which  it  is  engraved,  demonstrable  errors  being  very 
few,  now  that  the  text  has  been  definitively  recorded  by  KT. 
But  this  care  is  not  to  be  wondered  at ;  for  without  it  the  record 
would  have  become  a  hodge-podge,  since  23  of  the  36  characters 
of  the  syllabary  are  transformable  into  other  characters  by  the 
addition  or  the  subtraction  of  a  single  stroke,  and  eleven  of  the 
remaining  thirteen  are  convertible  by  subtracting  one  stroke  and 
adding  another — in  some  cases  this  being  merely  a  placing  of  the 
same   stroke   in   a   new   position.     Besides   this,    King   Darius 
attached  a  high  value  to  the  records,  as  is  evident  from  his  injunc- 
tions for  their  preservation  in  4.  69-80,  and  must  have  placed 
the  work  in  charge  of  his  most  skilled  engravers. 

10.  There  are  a  few  points  which  lie  on  the  border-line 
between  orthographic  convention  and  epigraphic  error.     It  is  a 
convention  that  an  absolutely  final  short  a  be  written  with  the 
sign  of  length,  and  that  final  i  or  u  be  followed  by  the  correspond- 
ing semivowel.     But  when  an  enclitic  follows,  the  a  or  ya  or  va, 
respectively,  may  be  omitted;  the  examples  are  listed  in  Stud. 
§13,  §8,  §7  (—  R.  G.  Kent,  Studies  in  the  Old  Persian  Inscrip- 
tions, in  JAOS  35.  321-352) ;  and  the  same  variation  occurs  in 
the  final  sound  of  the  prior  element  of  compounds.     Further, 
there  are  a  few  instances  where  the  a  is  not  written  to  show  the 
graphic  length  of  the  final  a,  but  the  instances  are  chiefly  where 


The  Textual  Criticism  of  Inscriptions  293 

the  word  forms  a  unit  with  the  following :  e.  g.,  the  genitive  of  a 
month  name  in  -ahya  before  mdhyd  'month'  and  the  genitive  of 
a  personal  name  before  puPa  'son'  and  sometimes  before  taumdyd 
1  family '.  Other  examples  of  this  phenomenon  must  be  regarded 
as  errors  (Stud.  329  ftn.). 

11.  After  the  characters  with  inherent  i  ( j*  d{  mi  v*)  or  u  (ku 
gu  tu  du  nu  mu  ru),  it  is  a  convention  to  repeat  the  vowel  as  a 
separate  character;  doubtless  because  after  other  consonants, 
where  for  want  of  the  special  character  the  sign  with  inherent 
a  was  written,  the  i  or  u  was  of  necessity  represented  separately. 
But  sometimes  after  the  signs  with  inherent  i  or  u  the  separate 
vowel  sign  was  omitted,  though  not  so  often  as  it  was  inserted. 
The  examples  of  omission  of  i  are  the  following : 

armtniyaiy  (araminaiyaiya)  2.  33-34,  39,  44,  48;  but  arminiya  2.  29, 

3.  78-79,  4.  29,  arminiyaiy  2.  59,  63,  armina  1.  15,  arminam 
2.  30,  32,  50,  52   (all  these  with  aramiina-).     Some  of  these 
examples  are  mutilated,  but  they  can  be  read  with  sufficient 
accuracy  to  determine  the  presence  or  absence  of  the  i. 

v^am  1.  69,  71;  v^dpatiy  3.  26  (and  restored  in  2.  16) ;  v^ya] 

4.  66  (always  v*0a-  in  the  Behistan  Inscription). 
v{6aibaisacaa  1.  65 ;  the  normalized  spelling  is  not  entirely  certain. 
v'stdspa  1.  4,  2.  93,  94,  97,  3.  4,  7,  A.  5;  v4staspam  3.  2,  3; 

v^tdspahya  1.  2-3,  4,  A.  3,  5-6  (always  t>*sa£0asapa-  on  the 
Behistan  Inscription).  Some  of  the  examples  are  mutilated, 
but  the  absence  of  the  i  is  always  determinable. 

12.  The  omission  of  u  after  consonants  with  inherent  u  seems 
to  occur  in  this  inscription  only  in  the  name  Ndbukudracara, 
which  appears  as  nabaukudaracara  in  1.  78-79,  84,  93,  but  with  the 
full  writing  (-kuuda-)  in  3.  80-81,  89  (restored),  4.  14,  29-30,  D. 
3-4, 1.  5-6  (-da-  omitted;  see  §24,  below). 

13.  The  erratic  writings  after  ha  are  listed  in  Stud.  §24,  and 
need  not  be  discussed  here. 

14.  Finally,  we  should  note  that  in  the  Behistan  Inscriptions 
the  words  are  carefully  separated  by  an  angled  sign  with  the 
apex  to  the  left.     This  sign  precedes  the  word  rather  than  follows 
it,  for  where  the  sense  suffers  a  paragraph  break  there  is  a  blank 
on  the  surface  of  the  rock  and  the  word-divider  comes  after  the 
blank,  just  before  the  initial  word  of  the  new  paragraph.     Since 
the  five  columns  form  a  continuous  text,  the  divider  does  not 
occur  at  the  end  of  the  first  four.     The  end  of  the  fifth  is  illegi- 


294  Roland  G.  Kent 

ble ;  yet  the  divider  probably  stood  there,  for  in  the  short  inscrip- 
tions labeling  the  figures  of  the  sculptures,  which  are  complete 
texts  in  themselves,  it  is  found  at  the  end  of  all  except  two  (H 
and  K) .  Between  §3  and  §4  of  A  (line  13) ,  KT  give  no  divider ; 
but  Tolman  CS  43  gives  it.  We  might  note  that  the  last  stroke 
of  the  preceding  character,  /i°,  is  identical  with  the  divider,  and 
that  this  may  have  led  to  confusion  either  of  the  engraver  or  of 
the  modern  copyist. 

I.     Errors  of  Omission. 

15.  1.  50  hacaa  <  darasama  seems  to  stand  for  hacaa  <  dara- 
(ugaa  <  dara}sama,  •=  haca  draugd  darsam,  the  omission  being 
due  to  the  repetition  in  the  text  of  the  four  identical  characters 
a  <  dara,  so  that  the  engraver  passed  from  the  one  set  to  the 
other  with  omission  of  the  two  intervening  characters  (cf.  Stud. 
§33-§46,  especially  §44).     This  species  of  error  may  be  termed 
Haplography  with  Skipping. 

16.  1.  54-55  aura/mazaama  for  aura/mazadaama  =  Auramaz- 
dam,  with  omission  of  da.     The  omission  was  made  easy  by  the 
fact  that  da  is  formed  of  one  horizontal  stroke  above  two  vertical 
strokes,  while  a,  which  follows  da,  consists  of  one  horizontal  stroke 
above  three  vertical  strokes.     The  two  letters  are  so  similar  that 
the  omission  is  almost  an  haplography;  as  however  they  are  not 
absolutely  identical,  this  species  of  error  may  be  termed  Pseudo- 
Haplography. 

17.  1.  78-79  naba/ukudaracara,  as  also  at  1.  84  and  1.  93,  lacks 
the  character  u  after  ku,  as  was  noted  in  §12.     The  omission 
seems  to  be  favored  not  only  by  a  certain  superfluousness  of  the 
vowel  character  after  the  consonant  with  inherent  u,  but  by  the 
likeness  of  the  following  letter.     The  u  is  the  divider  followed  by 
a  horizontal  stroke  above  two  vertical  strokes ;  da  is  one  horizontal 
stroke  above  two  vertical  strokes.     The  u  is  therefore  identical 
with  the  divider  plus  da.     It  is  possible  that  here  again  is  an 
example  of  Pseudo-Haplography,  though  the  fact  that  this  omis- 
sion occurs  three  times  in  rapid  succession  is  rather  evidence  that 
it  is  not  a  mere  error  of  script. 

18.  1.  95-96  a/paisaima  •=  apisim,  for  nominative  apis  plus  the 
enclitic  sim.     But  as  geminates  are  never  written  in  this  sylla- 
bary, it  is  better  to  regard  apisim  for  apis-sim  as  an  orthographic 
convention  than  as  an  example  of  true  Haplography. 


The  Textual  Criticism  of  Inscriptions  .      295 

19.  3.  38-39  vahaya/zadaatahaya  and  3.  46  vahayazadaatahaya,  — 
Vahyazddtahya;  3.  49  and  again  3.  51  ahata  =  ahanta. 

These  four  words,  found  within  a  few  lines  of  each  other,  share 
the  same  error,  the  failure  to  write  the  conventional  final  a  for 
a  short  a  which  was  not  protected  by  a  final  consonant.  The  fact 
that  in  the  first  three  of  the  examples  the  next  word  begins  with 
a,  might  seem  to  be  a  factor  in  the  failure  to  write  the  final  a; 
but  the  same  paragraphs  include  five  or  more  instances  where 
the  conventional  final  a  is  written  even  though  the  next  word 
begins  with  the  same  character.  These  four  words  then  seem  to 
represent  the  engraver 's  resistance  to  the  unphonetic  writing ;  for 
the  a  inherent  in  the  preceding  consonant  sign  was  adequate  to 
represent  the  short  vowel,  and  was  so  used  if  the  short  vowel  was 
followed  by  a  weak  final  consonant  not  represented  in  writing. 
This  might  be  termed  Omission  for  Phonetic  Accuracy. 

20.  3.  77  ua  for  utaa  —  utd.     As  the %  omitted  ta  bears  no 
close  resemblance  to  either  the  preceding  or  the  following  char- 
acter, this  error  may  be  classed  as  Omission,  without  any  contrib- 
uting factor. 

21.  4.  72  ava6aasataa  —  avaOdstd,  is  hardly  to  be  interpreted 
without  emendation.     The  simplest  correction  is  that  of  Hoff- 
mann-Kutschke  (quoted  Tolman  Lex.  69,  CS.  v),  who  thinks  that 
it  is  really  two  words,  avaOd  std,  run  together  by  the  failure  of  the 
engraver  to   represent   the   divider.     Since  sa  consists    of   two 
dividers  under  a  horizontal  stroke,  this  is  a  possible  instance  of 
Pseudo-Haplography ;  but  the  interpretation  'stand  thou  thus 
<and>  guard  <them>'  for  the  two  words  and  the  following 
pari[ba]ra  leaves  the  final  verb  without  its  pronominal  object, 
which  is  unusual  in  the  inscription,  and  makes  the  uncompounded 
std  assume  the  s  which  would  be  proper  only  after  prefixes  ending 
in  i  or  u  and  after  the  reduplication  in  i.     Yet  as  the  s  is  found 
in  aistata  and  extended  in  niyastdyam  niyastdya,  such  an  exten- 
sion to  std  is  not  too  unlikely. 

22.  Tolman  7s  emendation,  making  the  sa  a  miswriting  for  the 
word  divider,  and  td  the  pronominal  object  of  the  following  verb, 
is  improbable,  since  the  demonstrative  stem  ta-  is  not  found  as  a 
separate  word  elsewhere  in  the  Old  Persian  inscriptions,  and  the 
addition  of  the  two  strokes  to  the  divider  so  as  to  make  the  sa  is 
an  unlikely  error. 

23.  4.  83  u]taa[na  <  na]ama  =  U]td[na  n]dma,  is  the  proba- 


296  Roland  G.  Kent 

ble  restoration  of  the  passage,  but  KT  76  ftn.  2  state  that  the  gap 
has  room  for  only  two  characters,  not  three.  It  is  likely 
that  either  the  first  or  the  second  na  was  omitted;  an  omission 
which  may  be  termed  Tele-Haplography,  and  is  to  be  defined  as 
the  failure  to  write  one  of  two  identical  characters  or  groups  of 
characters  which  are  not  contiguous,  though  the  intervening 
character  or  characters  remain.  There  is  a  possible  alternative, 
that  it  was  the  divider  which  was  omitted;  since  the  symbol  na 
consists  of  two  horizontal  strokes  followed  by  the  divider,  the 
omission  of  the  divider  at  this  point  would  be  an  instance  of 
Pseudo-Haplography. 

24.  I.  5-6  nabaukuura/cara  for  nabaukuudaracara  —  Nabukudra- 
cara,  has  lost  the  da.     This  is  an  easy  example  of  Pseudo-Hap- 
lography, since  u  is  the  same  as  da  with  a  prefixed  divider :  thus 
uda  =  <  dada. 

25.  1. 11  baabarauva  for  baabairauva  =  Bdbirauv.     The  i  of  the 
second  syllable  is  omitted,  although  the  preceding  consonant  has 
inherent  a,  and  neither  the  preceding  nor  the  following  character 
closely  resembles  i.     This  must  be  classed  as  simple  Omission. 

II.  Errors  of  Addition. 

26.  1.   23   tayanaa  <  manaa  stands  for   tayaa  <  manaa  =  tyd 
mand.     The  sign  na  is  repeated  from  the  following  word.     This 
repetition  of  a  character  in  a  position  separated  by  one  or  more 
letters  from  its  rightful  place,  may  be  termed  Tele-Dittography. 

27.  4.  44  upaava]rataiyaiya  has  repetition  of  iya  at  the  end  of 
the  word,  according  to  Tolman,  Lex.  122  (where  other  interpre- 
tations also  are  listed),  and  is  to  be  normalized  as  updvartaiy,  a 
first  singular  middle.     This  is  a  typical  example  of  normal  Dit- 
tography. 

III.  Errors  of  Change. 

28.  3.   55   agaurata  for   agaubata  =  agaubata.     The  sign   ra 
consists  of  three  parallel  horizontal  strokes  followed  by  one  ver- 
tical stroke ;  ba  consists  of  two  horizontals  followed  by  one  ver- 
tical.    The  error  here  is  therefore  made  by  adding  one  horizontal 
stroke,  which  changes  &°  to  ra;  this  may  be  termed  Change  by 
Addition. 

29.  3.  66  gaduutava,  =  Gandutava,  seems  to  be  an  error  for 
Gandumava,  in  view  of  the   kantuma  +  at  the  corresponding 
place  in  the  Elamitic  version,  though  KT  confirm  the  reading  ta 


The  Textual  Criticism  of  Inscriptions  297 

rather  than  ma.  Since  m°  is  made  of  one  horizontal  stroke  fol- 
lowed by  three  verticals,  and  ta  is  made  of  two  horizontals  fol- 
lowed by  three  verticals,  this  is  a  second  instance  of  Change  by 
Addition. 

30.  3.  67  arara  for  abara  —  alar  a.    By  the  omission  of  one 
horizontal  stroke,  ba  is  transformed  into  r°  (cf.  on  3.  55  above, 
where  the  converse  change  is  discussed).     This  may  be  termed 
Change  by  Subtraction. 

31.  4.  71-72  da/tasa  should  probably  be  u/tava  —  utava  (Hoff- 
mann-Kutschke,  quoted  by  Johnson  IV.  27,  cf.  Tolman  Lex.  98). 
The  divider  prefixed  to  da  produces  u,  and  a  short  horizontal 
stroke  prefixed  to  sa  produces  va.     It  may  be  that  these  strokes 
originally  stood  on  the  rock,  and  that  they  have  become  illegible 
through  weathering ;  but  if  nothing  has  so  disappeared,  this  word 
gives  two  more  examples  of  Change  by  Subtraction.     The  divider 
is  recorded  by  KT  as  legible  before  the  da;  the  reduction  of  <  u 
(=  <  <d°)  to<cZfl  shows  also  a  haplological  element.     This  par- 
ticular variety  of  Change  by  Subtraction  might  be  termed  Semi- 
Haplology. 

32.  4.  71  and  73  viikanaahaya  =  vikandhy,  4.  77  viikanaah°'dJiisa 
=:  vikanahadis  (so  read  by  Jackson)  were  read  by  KT  as  having 
sa  and  not  ka.     In  view  of  viyakan  1.  64  and  nikantuv  4.  80,  it 
seems  certain  that  these  are  forms  from  the  root  kan;  and  if  sa 
really  stands  on  the  Rock,  it  is  another  instance  of  Change  by 
Subtraction,  for  one  vertical  stroke  followed  by  three  horizontals 
forms  ~ka,  and  one  vertical  followed  by  two  horizontals  forms  sa. 

33.  I  hesitate  to  list  further  possible  errors  from  the  text  of 
the  Behistan  inscription.     Scholars  have  made  many  conjectures, 
as  may  be  seen  by  examining  the  critical  apparatus  in  Tolman, 
Lex.,  but  most  of  the  conjectures  do  not  deserve  consideration 
since  the  minute  collation  by  KT.     The  following  might,  how- 
ever, be  listed,  even  if  only  to  support  the  actual  text : 

1.  22,  4.  66-67  ufrastam;  4.  38  ufrastam;  4.  69  ufrasta-  (cf. 
Stud.  §64-§69.)  The  variation  between  s  and  s  is  merely  the 
result  of  leveling  (Stud.  351,  ftn.  4). 

1.  30  hamata  for  *hamamatd  almost  certainly  represents  the 
actual  pronunciation,  and  is  therefore  not  an  example  of  Hap- 
lography,  but  an  example  of  Haplology  (Stud.  §46). 

1.  86-87  usa /baaraima  is  by  many  scholars  supposed  to  lack  two 
signs  at  the  end  of  the  prior  line :  usa  tara/baaraima  =  ustrabdrim 


298  Roland  G.  Kent 

1  camel-borne, '  cf .  Avestan  ustra  '  camel. '  But  usabdrim  may  be 
correct,  if  usa  was  a  doublet  form  of  ustra  as  asa  was  of  aspa 
'horse'  (Stud.  §47-§51). 

1.  87  asama=asam;  2.  2,  71,  3.  41,  72  asal)aaraibaisa  =  asabaribis. 
The  establishment  of  asa  as  a  doublet  of  aspa  makes  emendation  of 
these  forms  superfluous  (cf.  Stud.  §50). 

2.  74  harabaanama  <=  harbdnam  'tongue'.     KT  36  ftn.  4  explain 
it  as  from  the  root  in  Latin  sorbed;  this  eliminates  the  need  of 
correction  (cf.  Tolman  Lex.  134). 

2.  75  and  89  ucasma  'eye'  may  be  correct,  though  somewhat 
indistinct  on  the  Rock  (cf.  Weissbach  ZDMG  61.  726,  quoted  by 
Tolman  Lex.  75). 

3.  8  Bakatam  is  the  correct  singular  form,  and  not  an  error  for 
Oakata,  which  is  the  correct  plural  form,  required  in  the  other 
eighteen  passages  where  the  word  is  used  (cf.  Bartholomae,  as 
quoted  by  Tolman  Lex.  95). 

4.  6  adamsim:  the  explanation  of  the  difficult  enclitic  is  given 
Stud.  §52-§63,  especially  §63. 

4.  65  +  +  manuuvatama  or  +  +  tunu-  or  +  +  tuunu- :  the  reading  is 
too  uncertain  for  the  passage  to  be  used  here. 

4.  89  i[ya]  dlpi  (the  illegible  gap  has  space  for  but  one  char- 
acter, according  to  KT  77  ftn.  5) ;  4.  90  iya  [d]ipi.     This  iy* 
is  not  to  be  emended  to  iyama  =  iyam,  but  is  to  be  read  ly,  from 
Indo-European  *l  (Stud.  348,  ftn.  2). 

5.  11  utd  <  daiy  <  marda  '  and  he  annihilated  them. '     Objec- 
tion has  been  taken  to  daiy  as  an  orthotone  and  as  an  accusative. 
But  the  change  of  enclitics  to  orthotones  and  vice  versa  can  be 
paralleled  elsewhere,  and  the  form  of  the  accusative  plural  in 
Old  Persian,  outside  the  enclitic  pronouns  (which  can  have  no 
nominative),  is  invariably  that  of  the  nominative  plural  (Stud. 
336,  ftn.  2),  notably  in  the  third  person  pronouns  (avaiy,  imaiy, 
tyaiy).     The  orthotone  value  and  the  nominative  form  as  accusa- 
tive therefore  go  hand  in  hand,  and  mutually  confirm  the  reading 
of  the  text  rather  than  make  it  suspicious. 

34.  In  the  passages  of  the  Behistan  Inscription  which  are 
surely  or  probably  miswritten,  therefore,  we  have  found  errors 
of  the  following  kinds,  which  have  been  defined  as  they  were 
met: 


The  Textual  Criticism  of  Inscriptions 


299 


I.     Errors  of  Omission: 

Omission,  with  no  apparent  motive  :  20,  25. 
Omission  for  Phonetic  Accuracy:    19. 
Haplography  :    18. 
Haplography  with  Skipping:    15. 
Tele-Haplography  :    23. 
Pseudo-Haplography  :   16,  17,  21,  23,  24. 
II.     Errors  of  Addition  : 

Dittography:  27. 
Tele-Dittography  :  26. 
III.     Errors  of  Change  : 

Change  by  Addition  :  28,  29. 

Change  by  Subtraction  (including  Semi-Haplogra- 

phy:  31):  30,  31,  32. 

35.     For  convenience,  the  following  index  of  passages,  topics, 
and  words  discussed  above,  is  appended  : 


Passages: 

1.  23  ty<an>d  mand  24 
1.  30  hamdtd  33 
1.  50  hacd  dra(uga  dar)sam  15 
1.54-55  auramaz(d)am  16 
1.  65  viQaibaisaca  11 
1.  78-79,  84,  93  Nabukudracara  12,  17 
1.86-87  usdbarim  33 
1.  87  asam  33 

1.  95-96  apisim  18 

2.  74  harMnam  33 

2.  75,  89  ucasma  33 

3.  8  eakatam  33 

3.  38-39,  46  Valiyadatahya  19 
3.  49,  51  dhanta  19 
3.  55  agwuhata  28 
3.  66  Gandumava  29 
3.  67  dbara  30 

3.  77  u(t)d  20 

4.  6     adamsim  33 

4.  44  upava]rtaiy<.aiy>  27 
4.  65  -j.  -f  manuvatam  or 


4.  71,  73  vikanahy  32 
4.  71-72  utova  31 
4.  72  avaea  sta  21,  22 
4.  77  vikanahadis  32 


4.83  Utd[(na)  n]dma  23 

4.  89,  91  ly  dipi  33 

5.  11  utd  daiy  marda  33 

I.  5-6  Nabuku(d}racaro,  12,  24 
I.  11  Bab(i)rauv  25 


Topics: 

Enclitic  pronouns  33    (bis) 
Final  vowels  10,  19 
Geminated  consonants  18 
Inherent  i  11 
Inherent  u  11,  12,  17 
Vowels  after  ha  13 
Word  divider  14,  22,  23,  31 

Words: 
armina  11 
arminiya  11 
asabaribis  33 
ufrasta  ufrasta  33 
taumdyd  10 

Nabukudracara  12,  17,  24 
puera  10 
mahyd  10 
vi0a  11 
vistdspa  11 


MALOBA,  THE  MARATHA  SAINT 

JUSTIN  E.  ABBOTT 

SUMMIT,  NEW  JERSEY 

THE  STORY  OF  MALOBA,  as  related  by  Mahipati  in  his  Bhak- 
talilamrita,  is  tragic  in  the  extreme,  and  well  illustrates  the 
Hindu  conception  of  God,  as  a  very  present  help  in  time  of 
trouble. 

That  Maloba  was  an  historic  personage  need  not  be  seriously 
questioned  on  the  ground  of  the  miraculous  element  in  his  story. 
Dnyaneshwar,  Namdev,  Eknath,  Tukaram,  and  Ramdas,  of 
unquestioned  historic  standing,  all  have  the  miraculous  woven 
into  the  accounts  of  their  lives.  It  is  a  Hindu  feeling  that  those 
who  live  so  near  to  God,  as  do  the  true  saints,  are  agents  through 
whom  God  manifests  His  power,  and  that  He  is  sure  to  do  so 
when  they  are  in  distress. 

Mahipati  (b.  1715,  d.  1790)  is  par  excellence  the  biographer  of 
the  Maratha  saints,  but  he  was  not  a  higher  critic  of  his  sources 
of  information.  He  accepted  the  traditional  stories  as  true. 
His  Bhaktavijaya,  Santalilamrita,  and  Bhaktalilamrita  contain 
long  lists  of  authors  and  works  used  by  him.  No  evidence  sug- 
gests that  he  might  have  been  an  inventor  of  Lives.  He  antici- 
pates the  charge,  however,  and  in  his  Santalilamrita  1.  67-69 
says,  'You  will  raise  this  doubt  in  your  mind  and  say,  "You 
have  drawn  on  your  own  imagination. ' r  This  is  not  so.  Listen. 
Great  Poet-saints  have  written  books  in  many  languages.  It  is 
on  their  authority  that  I  write  this  Santalilamrita.  If  I  wrote 
on  my  own  authority,  my  statements  would  not  be  respected.  The 
Husband  of  Rukmani  is  witness  to  this,  who  knows  all  hearts'. 
If  Mahipati  drew  his  information  from  unhistoric  sources, 
Maloba  may  not  stand  in  the  list  of  actual  saints,  but  the  story, 
illustrating  the  Hindu  idea  of  God's  intervention  in  the  calam- 
ities befalling  his  saints,  will  not  lose  its  point  thereby. 

With  data  so  meagre,  it  is  useless  to  speculate  on  the  date  of 
Maloba,  for  in  the  very  unchronologically  arranged  lists  of  saints 
as  given  by  Shekh  Mahamad  (in  1696),  by  Jayaramasuta  (c. 
1718),  by  Mahipati  (1715-1790)  and  by  Moropant  (1729-1794), 
the  name  appears  among  those  of  both  earlier  and  later  date. 


Mdlobd,  the  Mardthd  Saint  301 

There  have  been  published  English  translations  of  the  Abhangs 
of  the  Poet-Saint  Tukaram  and  there  are  translations  of  small 
portions  of  the  works  of  other  Maratha  Saints,  but  the  intensely 
interesting  accounts  of  their  lives,  handed  down  by  tradition, 
and  related  in  verse  by  the  poet  Mahipati,  though  they  have  fre- 
quently been  summarized  have  never  been  published  in  an  Eng- 
lish translation.  Mahipati 's  account  of  their  lives  is  worthy  of 
translation,  for  it  reveals  accurately  and  most  vividly  the  Hindu 
ideal  of  a  true  saint. 

Mdlobd,  the  Mardthd  Saint 
Translation  of  Mahipati's  Bhaktalildmrita,  41.  148-213. 

41. 148.  There  once  lived  in  the  Province  of  Varhad1  a  Bhakta2 
named  Maloba,  a  man  of  supremely  noble  character.  He  was  a 
worshiper  of  Vithoba.3  (149)  He  was  a  gentleman  and  mer- 
chant, respected  and  worthy.  His  business  took  him  in  time  to 
the  Karnatak,  to  which  country  he  removed  with  his  family,  and 
there  he  made  his  home,  but  remembering  Vithoba  in  his  heart. 

(150)  He  had  a  son  of  noble  qualities,  by  the  name  of  Narhari. 
Both  son  and  father  excelled  in  goodness  of  character,  and  pos- 
sessed minds  ever  discriminating   (between  right  and  wrong). 

(151)  They  regarded  all  mankind  as  themselves.     They  were 
compassionate  to  all  creatures.     To  the  needy  and  to  guests  they 
were  generous  in  gifts  and  hospitality.     (152)  They  were  con- 
stant in  their  worship  of  Vishnu.     They  greatly  loved  the  ser- 
vices of  song  in  praise  of  Hari.     They  were  ever  ready  in  minis- 
tering to  the  saints,  and  they  never  uttered  an  untruth. 

(153)  After  some  days  of  sojourn  (in  the  Karnatak)  Maloba 's 
wife  died.  This  caused  great  sorrow  to  his  heart.  '  What  shall  I 
do?'  he  cried.  (154)  But  finally  he  reasoned  to  himself  thus: 
'It  is  well,  after  all,  that  the  snare  of  this  world  has  been 
broken/  And  bringing  to  mind  the  Husband  of  Rukmani,  he 

1  Varhad,  a  District  in  the  Bombay  Presidency. 

2  In  the  word  Bhakta  is  implied  not  only  one  who  formally  worships,  but 
one  whose  character  is  marked  by  godliness,  moral  purity,  and  sincerity. 

3  The  sacred  city  of  Pandharpur  has  an  ancient  temple  with  an  image 
within  representing  a  figure  standing  on  a  brick.     God,  as  represented  by 
this  idol,  has  the  name  of  Vithoba,  Viththal,  Pandurang,  Pandharinath,  and 
Husband  of  Eukmani.    Vishnu,  Krishna,  Hari,  Lord  of  Heaven,  etc.,  are 
used  synonymously  with  Vithoba. 


302  Justin  E.  Abbott 

destroyed  the  very  seat  of  Ignorance.  (155)  But  Maloba  soon 
came  under  pressure  of  public  opinion.  A  Southern4  bride  was 
found  for  him.  The  marriage  took  place  hastily.  Later  this 
union  proved  the  cause  of  great  pain  to  Maloba. 

(156)  Some  days  passed,  when  suddenly  the  father  of  the 
bride  appeared.  He  was  of  the  Nameless5  caste.  He  recognized 
his  daughter.  (157)  He  went  to  Maloba  and  told  him  his  story 
from  beginning  to  end,  his  town,  his  name,  and  all  his  cir- 
cumstances. (158)  'I  am  of  the  lowest  caste,'  he  said.  'My 
daughter  was  stolen  away  in  the  dead  of  night  by  a  thief. 
You  have  made  her  your  wife.  It  is  evident  you  have  com- 
mitted a  sin.'  (159)  Maloba  listened  to  his  story,  and  an 
agony  of  contrition  filled  his  soul.  'Oh  save  me,  Oh  save  me, 
Lord  of  Heaven,'  he  cried.  (160)  'Of  all  sinners  in  this  uni- 
verse, I  am  the  one  great  sinner.  Could  all  sins  be  collected 
together,  and  formed  into  a  human  statue,  I  am  it.  0  Purifier 
from  Sin,  0  Thou  who  hast  mercy  on  the  lowly,  I  lay  my  case 
before  Thee. '  (161)  Maloba  now  called  his  wife  to  him,  and  said, 
'Do  you  recognize  your  father  ? '  She  acknowledged  all,  but  made 
no  further  reply.  (162)  Maloba  said  to  the  Nameless,  'Take 
away  your  daughter,  and  as  for  me  I  will  do  whatever  the  Brah- 
mans  prescribe.'  (163)  The  Nameless  replied,  'Of  what  use  for 
me  to  take  away  a  defiled  vessel?  My  caste  fellows  will  accuse 
me  of  wrong,  and  then  what  shall  I  do?'  (164)  And  with  this 
the  Nameless  left  for  his  village.  The  affair  now  become  every- 
where publicly  known,  and  people  remarked,  'She  has  defiled 
him/  (165)  The  rascal  who  had  given  this  Southern  bride  in 
marriage,  accompanied  by  his  children,  stole  away  by  night  and 
left  the  country. 

(166)  Maloba,  in  worldly  things,  was  a  rich  man.  Naturally 
therefore  sycophants  gathered  at  his  home.  But  when  this  great 
calamity  befell  him,  they  all  deserted  him  and  fled.  (167)  His 
noble-hearted  son,  Narhari,  alone  remained  by  his  side.  All  din- 
ner-brothers at  once  disappeared.  ( (168)  The  Brahmans  excom- 
municated him.  His  relatives  abandoned  him.  Through  repent- 
ance, however,  he  now  fully  atoned  for  his  sin.  (169)  He  called 

4 1  am  uncertain  of  the  meaning  of  hedichi.  I  have  assumed  it  to  be  a 
variant  of  hedhichi,  southern. 

5  Anami~k,  Nameless,  is  used  by  Mahipati  as  synonymous  with  Mahar,  one 
of  the  lowest  castes. 


MMobd,  the  MardtM  Saint  303 

the  Brahmans  together,  and  had  them  rob  him  of  all  his  wealth. 
As  a  loving  Bhakta,  he  now  spent  all  his  time  in  the  worship  of 
Hari.     (170)   Maloba  finally  called  together  a  large  assembly 
of  Brahmans,  and  prostrated  himself  on  the  ground  before  them.  * 
With  joined  hands  he  exclaimed,  'Prescribe  at  once  a  penance.' 

(171)  The  Brahmans,  the  Vedic  pandits,  the  learned  Shastris 
consulted  the  sacred  texts  and  commentaries,   and  found  the 
penance  to  be  suicide.     There  was  no  other  adequate  penance. 

(172)  After  listening  to  the  decision  of  the  Brahmans,  Maloba 
replied,  'I  think  so  also;  but  prescribe  the  method.'     (173)  The 
Earth-immortals  answered,  'Search  for  a  large  cavity  in  a  tam- 
arind tree.     Crawl  into  it,  and  have  the  space  within  filled  with 
cowdung  fuel.     (174)  Then  set  it  afire  with  your  own  hands.     In 
performing  this  penance  of  suicide  all  your  sin  will  be  destroyed. ' 

(175)  Maloba  listened  and  agreed,  remarking,  'Whatever  one 
does,  one  must  suffer  the  effects.     There  is  no  escape  whatever.' 

(176)  And  so  Maloba  sat  gladly  within  the  cavity  of  the  tree, 
the  cowdung  fuel  packed  around  him,  and  set  it  afire.     In  his 
heart  he  contemplated  the  image  of  Pandurang,  and  earnestly 
invoked  him. 

(177)  '0  Dweller  in  Pandharpur ',  he  cried,  '0  Vithabai,  my 
family  goddess !  Come  quickly  and  deliver  me  from  my  Karma. 
(178)  Those  who  were  friends  because  of  my  wealth,  whom  I  had 
regarded  as  dear  relatives,  even  they,  as  the  end  of  my  life  comes, 
have  all  forsaken  me  and  fled.  (179)  And  now,  as  I  am  entirely 
stripped  of  all  repute  among  men,  of  honor,  of  son,  of  wife,  of 
wealth,  do  Thou  break  my  bodily  bond.  (180)  Though  many 
other  calamities,  greater  than  even  this,  should  come  upon  me; 
though  the  heavens  should  fall  crashing  on  my  body ;  yet,  0  Hari, 
this  only  would  I  ask  for,  that  I  may  remember  Thee  in  my 
heart. '(181)  Then,  with  firm  determination,  Maloba  closed  his 
eyes,  his  heart  contemplating  the  image  of  Vithoba,  the  source  of 
joy  and  peace  to  his  devotees.  (182)  With  fixed  concentration 
of  mind  his  lips  repeated  the  names  and  attributes  of  God.6 
'0  Keshava,  Narayana,  Slayer  of  Madhu,  Purifier  from  Sin, 
Ocean  of  Mercy,  (183)  0  Unchangeable  One,  Infinite  One, 


6  The  technical  term  Namasmarana,  literally  'remembering  name(s) ', 
stands  for  more  than  mere  remembering.  It  includes  the  repeating  aloud  of 
God's  various  names  and  attributes,  as  is  well  illustrated  in  verses  182-185 
above. 


304  Justin  E.  Abbott 

Govinda,  Supreme  Being,  Saccidananda,  Savior  of  the  World. 
Source  of  Happiness,  Shri  Mukunda,  "World's  Guru,  (184) 
Shri  Bam,  Baghupati,  Slayer  of  Ravana,  Destroyer  of  Demons, 
Founder  of  Religion,  Lord  of  the  World,  who  with  mighty  power 
released  Vrindaraka,  (185)  0  Krishna,  0  Vishnu,  0  Dark-Com- 
plexioned  One,  0  Protector  of  thy  Bhaktas,  O  Thou  Being  of 
Goodness,  this  only  I  ask  of  Thee,  0  Atmaram,  that  in  this  my 
worship  there  may  be  love. ' 

(186)  As  Maloba  thus  worshipped  full  of  love,  and  tears  of 
love  streamed  from  his  eyes,  suddenly  the  Lord  of  Heaven  came 
to  his  rescue.  (187)  The  kindled  fire  had  become  a  roaring 
flame,  but  to  his  body  it  felt  cool.  No  part  of  his  body  was  so 
much  as  scorched.  (188)  The  Brahmans  exclaimed  to  one 
another,  'The  wonderfully  mysterious  might  of  God's  Name! 
The  fire,  indeed,  has  not  been  able  to  burn  him,  for  the  Life  of 
the  World  has  been  his  protector.  (189)  Once  long  ago,  when 
Hiranyakashipu7  attempted  to  burn  the  Bhakta  Prarhad  in  fire, 
the  fire  would  not  burn  him.  And  so  it  is  with  this  man. '  Thus 
exclaimed  ttye  Brahmans  to  one  another.  (190)  The  fire  in  the 
cavity  burnt  itself  out;  the  live  coals  became  extinguished  and 
fell  to  the  ground.  The  glorious  loving  Bhakta  now  crawled  out 
of  the  cavity  and  descended  to  the  ground.  (191)  The  people 
all  marvelled  and  exclaimed,  'Blessed  is  this  loving  Bhakta.  In 
his  distress  the  Husband  of  Rukmani  came  to  his  aid.  A  won- 
derful miracle  has  taken  place.'  (192)  The  Brahmans  now  said 
to  Maloba,  '  It  is  you  who  are  holy  and  righteous.  In  your  dis- 
tress Pandharinath  came  to  your  help.  You  are  wholly  without 
blame. r 

(193)  Maloba  now  relinquished  his  occupation  and  commer- 
cial business,  and  gave  himself  up  to  performing  Kirtans8  in 
praise  of  Hari.  His  words  were  words  of  grace;  his  teach- 
ings the  blessed  teachings  of  a  saint.  (194)  And  the  daugh- 


7  The  well  known  mythical  story  (Vishnu  Purana  1.  17)  of  Hiranya- 
kashipu, the  godless,  blaspheming,  atheistic  king  of  the  Demons  (Daityas), 
to  kill  whom  Vishnu  had  to  assume  the  fourth  incarnation,  Narasinha,  half 
man,  half  lion.  Hiranyakashipu  was  incensed  at  the  piety  of  his  son,  Prarhad 
(or  Pralhad;  Sanskrit  Prahrada)  and  sought  to  destroy  him  by  burning 
him  alive,  and  by  other  cruel  means,  but  God's  power  always  saved  him 
from  even  the  slightest  injury. 

•"Eeligious  cantatas. 


Maloba,  the  Mardthd  Saint  305 

ter  of  the  Nameless,  whom  he  had  married  without  realizing 
her  caste,  profited  by  the  good  companionship  with  him,  and 
experienced  sincere  repentance  of  heart.  (195)  She  said  to 
Maloba,  'Tell  me  some  means  of  salvation,  by  which  I  may 
attain  to  a  different  birth.'  And  this  indeed  took  place.  (196) 
Maloba,  the  Vaishnav  Bhakta,  listened  to  her  and  replied,  'In 
this  affair  you  have  committed  no  wrong  whatever.  It  is  true 
your  father  has  deserted  you,  but  I  will  continue  to  give  you 
food  and  clothing.  (197)  If  you  ask  me  for  the  means  of  salva- 
tion, hold  in  your  heart  what  I  have  already  told  you,  namely, 
keep  Shri  Hari  in  your  remembrance  without  ceasing,  and  have 
no  concern  about  anything  else.'  (198)  To  all  this  the  young 
woman  assented,  and  from  a  distance  bowed  low  to  him.  Maloba 
had  a  small  hut  built  for  her  at  some  distance  from  his  house, 
and  there  she  lived.  (199)  She  kept  her  clothes  and  vessels 
clean,  and  regularly  performed  her  baths.  She  learned  to  love 
the  repeating  of  God's  names  and  attributes,  and  her  thought 
never  turned  from  it.  (200)  Maloba  would  send  her,  by  the 
hand  of  his  servant,  food  served  in  a  dish.  This  was  all  she 
would  eat,  and  then  she  would  give  herself  up  to  repeating 
God's  names  and  attributes.  (201)  By  this  contact  with  the 
good,  she  attained  a  character  of  goodness,  and  Narayana,  in  his 
graciousness,  would  reveal  himself  to  her  sight.  (202)  Days 
passed  in  this  way,  and  the  end  of  her  life  now  approached.  The 
angel  of  Vishnu  carried  off  her  soul  and  took  it  to  heaven.  (203) 
Maloba  learned  the  news  that  she  was  dead.  '  Who  is  there  who 
will  be  willing  to  speed  her  corpse  on  its  good  way?'  said  he. 
(204)  'No  outcaste  or  Shudra  will  even  touch  her/  Maloba 
thought  and  decided;  'I  will  do  it  myself,'  he  said.  (205)  'I 
was  the  cause.  She  has  suffered  intensely,  and  now  that  she  has 
gone  hence,  I  must  perform  her  funeral  rites.'  (206)  Thus 
thinking  and  determining  he  proceeded  to  enter  the  hut.  Open- 
ing the  door,  he  looked  toward  the  corpse,  when  behold,  it  had 
changed  into  a  mass  of  flowers.  (207)  'This,'  he  exclaimed,  'is 
the  mighty  glory  of  the  worship  of  Vishnu,  made  evident  to  the 
sight  of  men.  By  this  He  has  truly  increased  the  praise  of  his 
servants. ' 

(208)  From  that  day  men  everywhere  began  to  honor  Maloba. 
'The  Husband  of  Rukmani  was  his  help,'  they  exclaimed,  'and 
delivered  him  out  of  his  great  trouble.'  (209)  From  that  day 

20   JAOS  40 


306  Justin  E.  Abbott 

also  Maloba  began  to  give  Kirtans  that  appealed  to  the  tender 
sentiment,  and  pious  listeners  were  moved  in  their  hearts  to 
deep  emotion.  ( (210)  In  Kirtans  the  nine  sentiments  are  used, 
and  listened  to  by  the  devotees  of  Vishnu,  but  the  supreme  means 
for  the  realizing  of  the  presence  of  God  is  the  tender  (karuna) 
sentiment.9  (211)  The  desire  was  now  begotten  in  Maloba 's 
heart  to  reach  the  other  side  of  the  ocean  of  this  worldly  life,  and 
so  using  the  tender  (karuna)  sentiment  he  pled  with  God. 
(212)  This  Bhakta  of  God  now  felt  the  desire  to  meet  with  God, 
and  so  he  went  into  the  forest,  and  there  tenderly  pled.  (213) 
The  Lord  of  Heaven  heard  his  cry,  and  quickly  came,  for  this 
conforms  to  his  character,  a  character  described  by  Shri  Vyasa 
in  his  Song  of  Praise. 

'The  nine  sentiments  or  passions  are  Shringara,  love;  Hasya,  mirth; 
Karuna,  tenderness;  Raudra,  anger;  Vira,  heroism;  Bhayanaka,  fear; 
BIbhatsa,  disgust;  Adbhuta,  astonishment;  Shanta,  peace. 


GILGAMES  AND  ENGIDU,  MESOPOTAMIAN  GENII  OF 

FECUNDITY 

W.  F.  ALBRIGHT 
AMERICAN  SCHOOL  OF  ORIENTAL  EESEARCH  IN  JERUSALEM 

Two  OF  THE  MOST  INTERESTING  FIGURES  in  ancient  mythology 
are  the  heroes  of  the  Babylonian  national  epic,  Gilgames  and 
Engidu.  In  this  paper  they  will  be  studied  in  as  objective  a 
way  as  possible,  avoiding  the  knotty  problems  connected  with  the 
evolution  of  the  epic.  Even  on  the  latter,  however,  some  light 
may  be  thrown.  A  thousand  and  one  tempting  ideas  come  to 
mind,  but  our  materials  are  still  too  scanty  for  the  composition  of 
a  successful  history  of  Mesopotamian  literature  and  religion,  as 
shown  by  the  recent  attempt  of  the  brilliant  philosopher  of 
Leipzig,  Hermann  Schneider.1  Thanks  to  the  discovery  of  the 
temple  library  of  Nippur,  Sumerian  literature  is  swelling  so 
rapidly  that  few  theories  can  be  regarded  as  established  beyond 
recall.  On  the  other  hand,  our  knowledge  is  now  sufficiently 
definite  to  permit  lucrative  exploitation  of  comparative  mythol- 
ogy and  civilization;  indeed,  since  many  of  these  problems  may 
be  treated  on  the  molecular,  if  not  the  atomic  principle  (cf.  JBL 
37.  112),  their  solution  is  an  indispensable  prerequisite  to  the 
future  history  of  Babylonian  thought.  My  general  attitude 
towards  the  methods  and  theories  of  comparative  mythology  is 
succinctly  given  JBL  37.  111-113. 

The  name  Gilgames  is  usually  written  dGI$-GIN  -(TU)-MAS, 
read  Gi-il-ga-mes(s),ihe  TtAya/Ao?  of  Aelian,  De  natura  anim.,  12, 
21  (Pinches,  Babylonian  and  Oriental  Record,  vol.  4,  p.  264). 
CT2  12.  50.  K  4359,  obv.  17,  offers  the  equation  GIS-GIN-MAS- 

1  See  his  Kultur  und  Deriken  der  Babylonier  und  Juden,  Leipzig,  1910. 

2  Note  the  following  abbreviations  in  addition  to  those  listed  JAOS  39. 
65,  n.  2:    ARW  =  Archiv  fur  Religionswissenschaft;  BE  =  Publications  of 
the  Babylonian  Expedition  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania;  GE  =  Gil- 
games-epic;    HT  —  Poebel,  Historical  Texts;  JE A  =  Journal  of  Egyptian 
Archaeology;     KTRI  =  Ebeling,     Keilschrifttexte    aus    Assur    religiosen 
Inhalts;  M"  =  Haupt,  Das  Babylonische  Nimrodepos;  PSBA=Proceedings 
of  the  Society  of  Biblical  Archaeology;  RA  =  Revue  d'Assyriologie;  RHR 
=  Revue  de  I'Eistoire  des  Religions;   UG  =  Ungnad-Gressmann,  Das  Gil- 
gamesch-Epos,  Gottingen,  1911 ;    ZDHG  =  Zeitschrift  der  Deutschen  Mor- 
genldndischen  Gesellschaft. 


308  W.  F.  Albright 

SI  —  Gis-gibil-ga-mes;  CT  18.  30  ab.  6  ff.  gives  KALAG-GA- 
IMIN  —  ilGis-giUl-ga-mes,  muqtaUu,  'warrior,'  and  dlik  pdna, 
'champion,  leader.'3  The  latter  ideogram  is  merely  an  appella- 
tive describing  him  as  'the  seven-fold  valiant.'  The  full  form 
of  his  name,  dGis-gil)il-ga-mes  (cf.  SGI  87),  is  often  found  on 
early  monuments,  especially  seals  and  votive  inscriptions  from 
Erech  and  the  vicinity.  In  a  sacrificial  list  from  Lagas  (De  la 
Fuye,  Documents,  54.  10.  6  ;  11.  5)  his  name  appears  in  the  form 
dGis-gibil-gin-mes.  As  the  sibilant  must  have  been  primarily 
s  (see  below),  the  second  element  takes  the  variant  forms  ginmas, 
games,  and  ginmes.  Since  the  first  of  these  writings  is  late,  it 
may  be  overlooked  in  fixing  the  original  pronunciation;  the 
other  forms  point  to  a  precursor  *ganmes,  which  became  ginmes 
by  vocalic  harmony,  and  games  by  syncope.  The  primary  form 
of  the  name  was,  therefor,  *Gibilganmes,  whence,  by  contraction, 
Gilgames,  the  meaning  of  which  will  be  considered  below. 

According  to  Sumerian  historiographers  (Poebel,  HT  75), 
Gilgames  was  the  fifth  king  of  the  dynasty  of  Eanna  (name  of 
the  ziqqurat  of  Erech),  succeeding  Meskingaser  son  of  Babbar 
(the  sun-god),  who  reigned  325  years,  Enmerkar,  his  son  (420), 
Lugalbanda,  the  shepherd  (1200),  and  Dumuzi,  the  palm-culti- 
vator (100). 5  The  hero  himself  was  the  son  of  the  goddess  Nin- 
sun,  consort  of  the  god  Lugalbanda,  and  of  A6,  the  enu  or  ramku 
(isib )  -priest  of  Kullab,  a  town  as  yet  unidentified,  but  certainly 
near  Erech.  A  is  also  called  the  mes-sag  Unug  (CT  24.  35.  29- 
30),  'chief  scribe  of  Erech,'  an  epithet  translated  CT  16.  3.  88  (cf. 
Schroeder,  MVAG  21,  180)  by  nagir  Kulldbi  (the  relation  of 
Erech  and  Kullab  was  like  that  existing  between  Lagas  and 
Girsu).  His  consort  is  called  Ningarsag,  or  Nin-gu-e-sir-ka,  both 

8  In  dlik  pdni  as  a  heroic  appellative  we  may  possibly  have  the  source  of 
the  Babylonian  royal  name  Orchamus  of  Ovid,  Met.  4,  212,  since  opxapos, 
'  leader  of  a  row, '  might  well  be  a  translation  of  the  expression  into  Greek. 

*Langdon,  Tommys  and  Ishtar,  p.  40,  n.  1.  reads  the  name  dGi-btt-aga- 
mis,  taking  TU  to  be  originally  MIR  =  ago,  (Br.  6945),  and  rendering  'The 
god  Gibil  is  commander. '  This  is  mere  guess-work. 

6  Poebel  took  £u-GAgunu  to  be  equivalent  to  &ft-GA  'fisherman/  but  Bar- 
ton (Archaeology  and  the  Bible,  p.  264,  n.  3)  is  almost  certainly  right  in 
explaining  the  group  as  8&-PES,  and  translating  'palm-tree-fertilizer/ 
an  ideal  occupation  for  a  god  of  fecundity. 

6  See  Fortsch,  OLZ  18.  367  ff.  Sum.  a  means  'father'  (for  a' a,  ada)  ;  A 
may  have  been  himself  a  figure  of  the  Attis  type.  Was  his  consort  originally 
Ama,  'mother'  (cf.  Ama  Engur)  like  Anatolian  Ma? 


Gilgames  and  Engidu  309 

figures  closely  related  to  Ninsun.  In  the  Babylonian  recension  of 
the  second  tablet  of  GE,  recently  published  by  Langdon,  the 
mother  of  Gilgames  bears  the  name  rvmtu™  so,  supuri  Ninsunna, 
the  rimat  Ninsun  of  the  Assyrian  version  (Poebel,  OLZ  17.  4  ff.). 
The  'wild-cow  of  the  fold'  corresponds  to  Leah,  consort  of  the 
ab(b)ir  Iacaqob,  'bull  Jacob/  as  pointed  out  JBL  37. 117. 

The  king-list  gives  Gilgames  only  126  years,  hardly  more  than 
Tammuz,  who  was  torn  away  in  the  flower  of  his  youth.  Evi- 
dently there  is  a  close  relation  between  the  hero 's  vain  search  for 
immortality  and  the  short  duration  of  his  career.  Like  the 
son  of  Peleus  and  Thetis  he  was  doomed  to  die  young,  a  fate 
which  was  presumably  the  original  reason  assigned  for  his  quest 
of  life.  The  morbid  fear  of  death  and  the  desire  to  be  freed  from 
the  venereal  disease,  which,  as  Haupt  has  made  probable,  the  vin- 
dictive Istar  had  inflicted  upon  him,  are,  at  all  events,  secondary 
motives,  characteristic  of  a  rather  corrupt  and  cynical  society, 
such  as  may  well  have  existed  in  Erech  during  the  last  part  of 
the  third  millennium.  From  SLT,  No.  5,  it  appears  that  Gil- 
games  preserved  the  title  of  high-priest  of  Kullab  (en  Kul- 
abki-ge)  after  being  elevated  to  the  throne.  Both  in  GE  and  its 
Sumerian  prototype  he  appears  as  the  builder  of  the  wall  of 
Erech,  a  tradition  mentioned  in  an  inscription  of  Anam  of  Erech 
(twenty-second  century).  According  to  GE  11.  322  he  was 
assisted  in  this  work  by  seven  wise  architects  (note  the  motive  of 
the  seven  sages).  In  the  Sumerian  text  of  a  Gilgames-epic,  pub- 
lished by  Langdon,  we  read  (obv.  15-20;  Engidu  seems  to  be 
addressing  the  hero)  : 

Unugki  gis-kin-ti  dingir-ri-e-ne-ge 
e-an-na  e-an-ta  e-de 

dingir-gal-gal-e-ne  me-bi  ba-an-ag-es-dm 
bad-gal  bad  an-ni  ki-us-sa 
ki-ma-mag  an-ni  gar-ra-ni 
sag-mu-e-sum  za  lugal  ur-sag-bi  = 

'In  Erech,  the  handiwork7  of  the  gods, 
Eanna,  the  temple  which  reaches  heaven,8 

7  Sum..  gis-Tcin-ti  (literally  <  wooden-work  taken  hold  of;  contrast  SLT 
125),  whence  IcisTcittu  and  TcisTcattu  (M.  753,  4033),  means  both  ' handiwork/ 
and  '  artisan ' ;  cf .  Langdon,  Grammatical  Texts,  p.  26,  n.  2. 

8Cf.  Gudea,  Cyl.  A,  17,  18,  etc.,  for  an-ni  us-sa,  'reach  heaven';  the  inser- 
ton  of  Tci  does  not  affect  the  sense,  nor  is  the  oxymoron  intentional. 


310  W.  F.  Albright 

Where  the  great  gods  gave  their  decrees, 

The  great  wall,  the  wall  which  reaches  heaven, 

The  mighty  structure,9  of  celestial  construction, 

Thou  hast  the  supremacy  (hast  made  head) ;  thou  art  king  and 

hero. ' 

This  passage  implies  that  Gilgames,  of  whom  it  is  said  (obv.  10- 
11)  gub-gub-'bu-de  su(KU)-su-u-de  dumu-lugal-la  da-ri  e-ne  = 
1  standing  or  sitting,  ever  the  son  of  a  king  is  he, '  built  the  tem- 
ple Eanna  and  the  wall  of  the  city.  A  reference  to  the  erection 
of  Eanna  is  found  GE  1,  10 ;  see  Poebel,  HT  123.  The  founding 
of  the  city  itself  is  ascribed  in  the  Sumerian  chronicle  to  Enmer- 
kar,  lii  Unuga  mu-un-da-du-a. 

As  might  be  expected,  Gilgames  was  regarded  as  the  special 
patron  of  the  city,  a  position  in  which  he  may  easily  have  enjoyed 
more  popularity  than  the  distant  god  of  heaven,  Anu,  theoretic- 
ally the  patron  of  Erech.  Several  centuries  before  Anam,  Utu- 
gegal  (ca.  2600),  the  liberator  of  Babylonia  from  the  yoke  of 
Guti,  says  in  his  triumphal  inscription  ( Col.  3,  1  ff. ;  see  RA  9. 
115)  :  dGis-gibil-ga-mes  du[mu]  dNin-sun-na-ge  maskim-su  ma- 
an-sum;  dumu  Unug-ga  dumu  Kul-ab-ka  sd-gul-la  ~ba-an-gar  = 
i  G,  the  son  of  N,  he  gave  him  as  a  guardian  genius ;  the  people  of 
Erech  and  Kullab  he  (Gilgames)  made  joyous  of  heart.'  He 
received  divine  honors  at  Lagas  and  Nippur,  presumably  also 
elsewhere,  while  his  cult  survived  into  Assyrian  times;  cf.  the 
image  (Qolmu)  of  Gilgames  mentioned  Harper,  Letters,  1.  56. 

In  turning  to  consider  the  original  nature  of  Gilgames,  his 
solar  characteristics  become  immediately  apparent.  The  hero's 
adventures  in  the  epic  remind  one  involuntarily  of  the  deeds  of 
Heracles  and  Samson,  whose  essentially  solar  nature  is  clear, 
even  after  sundry  adscititious  elements  have  been  eliminated; 
mythology  is  a  liberal  master,  employing  motives  of  the  most 
varied  origin  in  its  service.  Like  the  sun-god,  Samas,  our  hero 
(see  the  incantatory  hymn,  NE  93)  is  the  da,' an  Anunnaki,  'the 
judge  of  the  A';  like  the  sun,  again,  he  is  the  hd'it  kibrati,  'the 
overseer  of  the  regions' ;  it  is  expressly  stated  (NE  93.  8)  that  the 
powers  of  Samas  are  delegated  to  him.  Gilgames  figures  as  Ner- 
gal,  lord  of  the  underworld,  in  SLT,  No.  6,  obv.  3.  10  f.,  ki-dg 
dEres-ki-gal  dGis-gibil-ga-mes  lugal-kur-ra-ge  =  'the  beloved  of 

9  Ki-ma  —  M-md  (Jci-gar;  cf.  du(l)-mar-ra  and  M-dur,  both  := 


Gilgames  and  Engidu  311 

E,  Gilgames,  lord  of  the  mountain  (i.  e.,  the  underworld).'  In 
Langdon,  Liturgies,  No.  8,  rev.  3,  he  receives  the  appellation 
umun-ki-ga-ge,  'lord  of  the  underworld/  In  the  epic  his  mis- 
tress is  Ishara,  a  form  of  Istar  with  marked  chthonic  associations. 
Whatever  we  may  think  of  Egyptian  and  Greek  parallels,  in 
Babylonia  it  is  the  sun-god  who  appears  as  judge  both  of  the  liv- 
ing and  of  the  dead,  spending  his  time  as  he  does  half  with  the 
shades  and  half  with  mortals.  While  the  writing  dGis,  found  in 
the  Meissner  fragment  and  the  Philadelphia  text  of  the  second 
tablet,  is  an  abbreviation  (cf.  Poebel,  OLZ  17.  5),  it  is  interesting 
to  note  that  dGis  is  explained  as  Samas,  and  that  gis  also  =  isdtu, 
'fire'  (SGI  98).  As  these  equations  suggest,  Gilgames  stands  in 
close  relation  to  the  fire-gods  (naturally  in  many  respects  solar) 
Nusku  (cf.  Hommel,  OLZ  12.  473  ff.),  Gibil  (cf.  his  name),  and 
Gira  (cf.  Maqlu  1.  37  ff.),  who  shares  some  of  his  attributes.  In 
fact,  Gira's  ideogram  dGI$-BAR  (for  reading  cf.  Meissner,  OLZ 
15.  117;  for  Gira  <  Gisbara  cf.  JAOS  39.  87,  note;  this  god 
must  not  be  confused  with  dGlR,  for  whom  see  below)  may  be 
partly  responsible  for  the  late  writing  of  the  name  of  the  hero  as 
dG!S-GIN-BAR  (MAS) . 

In  the  capacity  of  solar  hero,  Gilgames  has  much  in  common 
with  'his  god'  (ilisu,  GE  6.  192)  Lugalbanda.  It  may  even  be 
shown  that  the  saga  of  Gilgames  has  been  enriched  by  the  spoils 
of  the  latter.  In  the  story  of  the  birth  of  Gilgamos,  reported  by 
Aelian,  the  Babylonian  king  Seuechoros  ('Seuyxopos) ,  warned  by 
the  astrologers  that  his  daughter  would  bear  a  son  who  would 
deprive  him  of  the  kingdom,  shut  her  up  in  the  acropolis.  How- 
ever, she  was  mysteriously  visited,  and  bore  a  son,  who  was  forth- 
with thrown  from  the  tower.  An  eagle  caught  the  child  on  its 
outstretched  wings,  and  saved  it  to  fulfil  the  decrees  of  fate.  As 
Aelian  observes,  this  is  the  well-known  motive  of  Perseus,  while 
the  Babylonian  sources  available  assign  the  Aeneas  motive  to  the 
hero,  who  was  the  son  of  a  priest  of  Kullab  (originally  a  god)  by 
the  goddess  of  fertility.  Lugalbanda,  on  the  other  hand,  so  far 
as  the  texts  inform  us,  follows  the  Perseus  recipe.  He  is  the  son 
of  the  sun-god,  who,  we  may  suppose,  had  visited  his  mother  in 
the  guise  of  a  golden  shower  ;10  he  passes  his  youth  as  a  shepherd 

10  The  motive  of  the  golden  shower  is  Oriental  as  well  as  Hellenic,  and 
may  safely  be  postulated  as  a  common  explanation  of  the  mode  of  solar  gen- 


312  W.  F.  Albright 

before  mounting  the  throne.  It  is  very  important  to  note  that 
his  predecessor,  Enmerkar,  is  not  called  his  father;  he  may 
safely,  however,  be  regarded  as  his  grandfather.  Now,  2eu??x°pos 
is  to  be  read  EV^O/DOS  ;  the  initial  C  is  simply  dittography  of  the 
final  C  in  the  preceding  word  /foortAevWros.  Euechoros  bears  the 
same  relation  to  Enmerkar  (pronounced  Enuerkar)  as  Euedora- 
(n)chos  does  to  Enmeduranki  (cf.  also  EveoWos  for  Enmeduga, 
pronounced  Enuedok).  We  may,  therefor,  tentatively  supply 
the  missing  details  of  the  Babylonian  legend.  Lugalbanda  was 
the  son  of  Enmerkar 's  daughter  by  Samas.  Being  thrown  from 
the  tower  by  his  grandfather's  command,  an  eagle  rescues  him; 
an  eagle  carries  the  related  Etana  to  heaven  in  a  similar  story. 
Lugalbanda  grows  up  as  a  shepherd,  and  on  reaching  manhood 
is  elevated  by  the  favor  of  the  gods  to  his  rightful  throne.  In 
the  later  form  of  the  story,  transferred  to  Gilgames,  the  hero 
becomes  a  gardener,  since  this  occupation  had  become  the  legend- 
ary prerequisite  of  kingship,  as  in  the  sagas  of  Sargon  the  Elder 
and  Ellil-bani  of  Isin. 

My  reconstruction  of  the  Lugalbanda  myth  is  supported  by 
the  indications  in  the  fragments  published  HOT,  Nos.  8-11,  all 
belonging  to  a  single  epic,  probably  part  of  the  Lugalbanda  cycle, 
as  follows  from  the  mention  of  the  storm-bird  Im-dugud  (Zu)  in 
11,  3.  From  this  text  we  learn  that  Enmerkar,  son  of  [Mes- 
ingaser]  (8,  rev.  10),  was  a  mighty  king,  ruling  in  Kullab  with- 
out a  rival  (8,  obv.  4  if.).  Unfortunately,  however,  the  throne 
has  no  heir  (9,  rev.  5  f. :  aratta  [LAM-KftR-RU -KI]  ds-ba  -  -  - 
a-bil  [=  l-bil  (RA  10.  97)=ablu]  nu-tug-da).  The  poem  goes 
on  to  introduce  the  kurku  bird  (9,  rev.  9  if.) :  kur-gl9"  ki-a  [  ] 
pa-te-si  Sumerki-ra  [  ]  mu-da-ku-u-de  kin-gi-a  En-me-ir-kdr  en- 
nun  [  ]  =  l  The  kurku  bird  in  the  land  [  ]  the  viceroy  of  Sumer 
[  ]  to  nourish  [  ]  the  messenger  of  Enmerkar  [held]  watch/ 
Tho  the  name  of  Lugalbanda  does  not  occur,  we  can  hardly  doubt 
that  this  passage  alludes  to  the  rescue  of  the  youthful  hero  from 
his  hostile  grandfather  by  the  kurku  bird  (who  may  be  an  inter- 

eration.  In  Hindu  tales  (Indian  Antiquary,  Vol.  20,  145;  Vol  21,  p.  374) 
a  traveler,  before  setting  out  on  a  journey,  tells  his  pregnant  wife  that  the 
birth  of  a  son  will  be  announced  to  him  by  a  shower  of  gold,  of  a  daughter 
by  a  shower  of  silver.  These  showers  are  primarily  metaphoric  expressions 
for  the  golden  and  silver  rays  of  the  sun  and  moon,  respectively  male  and 
female  according  to  the  most  general  belief. 


Gilgames  and  Engidu  313 

mediary  for  Zu,  whose  relations  with  our  hero  would  then  date 
from  the  latter 's  infancy). 

Lugalbanda,11  with  the  consort  Ninsun,  was  the  principal  god 
of  Marad,12  whence  he  bore  the  name  Lugal-Marada  (AMAR- 
da),  and  of  Tuplias  (Asnunnak)  in  eastern  Babylonia.  He  also 
received  divine  honors  at  Erech  and  Kullab,  especially  during  the 
dynasty  of  Amnanu  (ca.  2200).  Accordingly  he  is  listed  among 
the  legendary  kings  of  the  postdiluvian  dynasty  of  Erech.  Lugal- 
banda and  Ninsun  were  worshiped  also  elsewhere,  as  at  Lagas 
and  Nippur ;  a  patesi  of  the  former  city  bears  the  name  Ur-Nin- 
sun.  Lugalbanda  belongs  to  the  same  class  of  modified  sun-gods 
as  Ninurta,  and  hence  is  combined  with  Ninsubur  and  Ningirsu, 
deities  of  this  type  (HR  59,  rev.  23  f.) .  In  a  hymn  published  by 
Radau  (Hilprecht  Anniv.  Vol.,  Plates  6-7;  cf.  p.  418),  he  is 
addressed  as  kug™  dLugal-banda  gu-ru-um  Mr-ra  =  'holy  L, 
offspring  of  the  mountains,'  and  identified  with  Babbar  (Samas)  : 
sul  dBabbar  zi-zi-da-zu-de  kalam  igi-mu-e-da-zi-zi  =  'ILeTO  Bab- 
bar,  when  thou  risest,  over  the  land  thy  eye  thou  dost  lift,'  etc. 
Like  Gilgames,  and  other  old  gods  of  productivity,  he  came  to 
occupy  a  prominent  position  in  myth  and  legend,  thanks  to  the 
annual  celebration  of  his  adventures  in  mimetic  fertility  rites. 
I  would  not  attempt  to  decide  whether  his  role  as  shepherd  came 
from  solar  symbolism  (cf.  AJSL  34.  85,  n.  2),  or  is  on  a  par  with 
the  pastoral  aspect  of  other  gods  of  fecundity  (cf.  JBL  37.  116 
f.) ;  both  conceptions  doubtless  played  a  part. 

Around  the  figure  of  Lugalbanda  seasonal  and  reproductive 
myths  soon  crystallized,  later  spreading  from  their  original  home, 
and  developing  into  the  heroic  legend,  the  prototype  of  the  true 
saga,  with  its  historical  nucleus  and  lavish  display  of  mythical 
and  romantic  finery.  The  saga  could  not  spring,  as  some  appear 
to  think,  full-armed  from  the  popular  fancy,  but  had  to  grow 
apace  as  utilitarian  cult-motives  whetted  the  imagination. 
Lugalbanda  became  the  focus  of  a  legendary  cycle  of  very  great 


11  Eadau,  Hilprecht  Anniv.  Vol.,  p.  429,  points  out  that  Lugalbanda  as  lord 
of  Tuplias  is  Tispak,  the  am-banda  =  rimu  eqdu   (Ar.  '  dqada  =  sadda)  ; 
hence  his  name  means  '  mighty  king, '  rather  than  '  wise  king. ' 

12  Modern  Wannet  es-Sa'dun,  on  the  Euphrates,  nearly  due  west  of  Nippur; 
see  Clay,  OLZ  17.  110  f.,  and  Thureau-Dangin,  EA  9.  84. 

18  For  reading  Tcug  cf.  Luckenbill,  AJSL  33.  187. 


314  W.  F.  Albright 

interest,14  since  its  perfected  form,  found  in  the  myth  of  Lugal- 
banda  and  Zu,  is  written  in  Sumerian,  while  our  Gilgames-epic 
is  a  Semitic  composition,  however  much  it  may  have  drawn  on 
Sumerian  sources.  Besides  the  Assyrian  translation  of  over  a 
hundred  lines  (KB  6.  1.  46  ff.)  we  now  possess  goodly  fragments 
of  the  original  Sumerian :  CT  15.  41-43 ;  HOT,  Nos.  14-19,  and 
probably  also  8-11  (see  above) ;  in  Nos.  20-21  we  have  part  of  a 
chronicle  dealing  with  events  during  the  reigns  of  Lugalbanda 
and  his  successor  Tammuz  (cf.  HT  117).  Most  of  the  latter  text 
apparently  refers  to  Lugalbanda,  since  Tammuz  is  not  mentioned 
until  the  close.  Along  with  victorious  invasions  of  Elam, 
Halma  (•=  Guti),  and  Tidnum  (=Amuru),  a  disastrous  flood 
which  overwhelmed  Eridu  is  described  (obv.  11-12)  :  a-uru-gul- 
la-ge  [  ]  NUN-KI  a-gal-la  si-a  [  ]  =  'the  waters  of  the  destruc- 
tive deluge Eridu,  flooded  by  the  inundation  [  ].'  In  con- 
nection with  this  the  deus  ex  machina,  Ninlil,  comes  on  the  scene ; 
despite  the  pseudo-historical  setting  we  are  dealing  with  myth. 

The  story  of  Lugalbanda  and  Zu,  personification  of  the  hurri- 
cane, is  primarily,  as  has  often  been  observed,  the  contest  between 


14  It  is  possible  that  the  saga  of  Nimrod  may  be  an  offshoot  of  the  Lugal- 
banda cycle  rather  than  of  the  Gilgames  cycle,  especially  since  the  former 
seems  to  have  been  much  more  important  than  the  latter  in  early  times,  and 
from  a  home  in  Marad  more  likely  to  influence  the  west  than  the  latter, 
whose  hearth  was  Erech.  As  lord  of  Marad  Lugalbanda  is  the  Lugal-Mardda 
or  the  *Nin-Mardda,  just  as  Nergal-Lugalgira  is  the  Nin-Girsu,  the  lord  of 
Girsu,  and  as  Marduk  is  the  Nin-Tintir  (HE  59,  obv.  47),  Ellil  the  Nin- 
Nibru,  or  Lord  of  Nippur  (Hid.  9) ;  cf.  also  Sin  the  Bel-ILarran,  etc.  The 
heroic  shepherd  and  conqueror  of  wild-beasts,  *Nimardd,  may  thus  have 
become  the  mighty  hunter,  Nimrod,  just  as  Dagdn  becomes  Dagdn,  and 
Haddd  'ASwSos.  Similarly  the  shepherd  Damn  (Tammuz)  became  in  Byblos 
the  hunter  Adonis.  The  figure  of  Nimrod  was  probably  influenced  by  the 
impressive  monumental  representations  of  the  Assyrian  Heracles;  he  may 
easily  reflect  a  western  l Orion, '  but  Eduard  Meyer's  view  that  he  was 
primarily  a  Libyan  l  Jagdriese'  is  gratuitous.  The  recent  historical  theories 
are  still  less  felicitous:  Sethe  (Hastings'  Encyclopaedia  of  Religion  and 
Ethics,  Vol.  6,  p.  650)  holds  that  Nimrod  is  a  corruption  of  the  official  name 
NebmuDcerec  of  the  indolent  Amenophis  III,  appearing  in  cuneiform  as 
Nimmurija;  Van  Gelderen  (Expositor,  1914,  pp.  274  if.)  explains  Nimrod  as 
a  corruption  of  Naramsin,  historically  possible,  but  phonetically  incredible. 
Jensen's  explanation,  deriving  Nimrod  from  *Namurta,  his  reading  of 
NIN-IB,  is  antiquated  by  the  discovery  of  the  correct  reading  Ninurta,  which 
became  Iwusta  (JAOS  38.  197),  a  form  quite  unlike  Nimrod. 


Gilgames  and  Engidu  315 

the  sun  and  the  storm-clouds,  whom  he  subdues,  just  as  Marduk 
overcomes  Ti'amat  in  the  cosmogonic  reflection  of  the  motive. 
Without  entering  into  an  elaborate  discussion  of  the  myth,  which 
I  hope  to  treat  elsewhere,  I  will  call  attention  to  an  episode  which 
has  apparently  influenced  the  Gilgames  cycle.  Lugalbanda 's 
journey  to  Mount  Sabu,  where  the  wine-goddess  Ninkasi-Siris 
helps  him  to  outwit  Zu  and  recover  the  tablets  of  fate,  is  in  some 
respects  the  prototype  of  Gilgames'  visit  to  the  wine-goddess 
Sabitu.  In  GE  the  episode  of  Sabitu 's  mountain  paradise  is 
decidedly  in  the  air ;  in  the  older  recension,  however,  it  is  clearer ; 
instead  of  being  merely  in  charge  of  a  station  on  the  hero 's  route 
to  Elysium,  she  is  his  real  goal.15  Only  after  he  despairs  of 
securing  from  her  the  immortality  for  which  he  yearns  does  he 
undertake  the  perilous  voyage  to  Utnapistim.  As  I  shall 
show  in  detail  elsewhere,  the  wine-goddess  Sabitu  becomes  in 
effect  the  divinity  of  life;  in  her  hands  was  supposed  to  rest 
the  bestowal  of  eternal  life,  so  far  as  this  was  terrestrially 
obtainable.  Her  name  is  derived  from  Mount  Sabu,16  the 
abode  of  Ninkasi,  with  whom,  as  will  be  shown  elsewhere, 
Siduri  Sabitu  is  essentially  identical.  I  have  proved,  AJSL  35. 
179,  that  the  neighboring  Mount  Hasur,  the  abode  of  Zu,  is 
Kasiari-Masius,  and  that  Sabitu 's  garden  lay  in  the  same 
region,  which  corresponds  to  the  northern  habitat  of  the  soma, 
as  well  as  to  the  vineyard-paradise  of  Anatolia.  As  clearly 
indicated  in  the  fragments  of  the  myth,  Lugalbanda  recovers  the 
dupsimati  by  inviting  the  bird  to  a  banquet,  and  intoxicating 
him  with  the  aid  of  the  goddess  of  conviviality — a  motive  which 
reappears  in  a  multitude  of  similar  tales  of  the  Marsyas  type. 
The  motive  is  closely  associated  with  the  soma  cycle  of  the  Indo- 
Iranians,  as  will  be  shown  in  another  article ;  two  distinct  motives 
have  evidently  been  fused,  the  eagle  being  the  tertium  compara- 
tionis.  The  dupwmati  belong  with  the  motive  above  referred  to, 
as  they  appear  also  in  the  creation  myth ;  Lugalbanda  originally 

15  Of.  JAOS  38.  61-64;  additional  evidence  will  be  adduced  in  my  article 
'  The  Mouth  of  the  Eivers, '  AJSL  35.  161-195,  and  in  a  paper  entitled  '  The 
Goddess  of  Life  and  Wisdom,'  to  appear  in  AJSL. 

"Mount  Sabu,  probably  the  name  of  a  northern  mountain,  near  Gasur- 
Kasiari-Masius  (see  my  article  in  AJSL,  cited  in  the  preceding  note),  was 
perhaps  selected  because  of  the  paronomasia  with  sabti,  'wine/  and  its 
congeners. 


316  W.  F.  Albright 

goes  after  the  fertilizing  rains,  symbolized  by  wine,  just  as  Indra 
wrests  the  soma  from  the  bird  Garuda,  and  bestows  it  upon  the 
thirsty  land.  As  the  draught  of  the  gods  is  also  the  potion  of 
immortality,  this  is  at  the  same  time  a  journey  in  search  of  life. 
That  Gilgames'  visit  to  Sabitu  was  originally  vicarious,  made 
on  behalf  of  his  people,  is  highly  probable ;  he  was  a  god  of  fer- 
tility (see  below).  The  individualizing  of  the  myth  naturally 
resulted  in  the  idea  that  his  mission  was  vain ;  did  he  not  die  at 
a  relatively  early  age  (see  above)  ?  The  journey  to  the  Mouth 
of  the  Rivers,  originally  to  bring  the  inundation,  has  undergone 
the  same  modification.  As  Lugalbanda  is  a  more  pronounced 
sun-god  than  Gilgames,  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  solar  motives 
are  unquestionably  worked  in  with  our  episode ;  GE  9,  Col.  4,  46, 
the  nightly  journey  of  the  sun  thru  the  harrdn  Samsi  of  the 
underworld,  in  order  to  be  reborn  from  the  womb  of  the  mother- 
goddess  the  next  morning,  is  expressly  alluded  to.  It  may  be 
that  the  myth  has  gained  admission  to  the  epic  cycle  thru  the 
influence  of  the  solar  analogy. 

In  the  cult,  at  least,  the  solar  side  of  Gilgames  was  quite  subordi- 
nate to  his  aspect  as  a  god  of  fecundity.  The  chthonic  character 
of  our  divinity,  while  in  its  specific  development  implying  solar 
relationship,  is  no  less  an  indication  of  kinship  with  gods  of  vege- 
tation. We  cannot,  therefore,  be  surprised  to  find  many  Tummuz- 
motives  in  the  cycle  of  Gilgames;  his  amours  with  Ishara  and 
Istar  are  vegetation-myths  (cf.  JBL  37.  115-130).  Some  of  the 
evidence  presented  to  show  that  Gilgames  was  primarily  a  god 
of  vegetation  by  Schneider,  in  his  suggestive  essay,17  is  not  valid, 
but  the  main  thesis,  if  somewhat  broadened  to  include  the  various 
functions  of  a  god  of  fertility,  is  certainly  correct.  Equally 
cogent  is  Prince's  view  (Bdbyloniaca,  2.  62-64),  tho  the  explana- 
tion of  dGl8-GIN-MA&  as  'heros  divin  de  la  production'  leaves 
the  older  writings  of  the  name  entirely  out  of  consideration.  The 
symbol  of  the  god  was  the  ^a-am  dGilgames  (CT  15.  14,  rev.  11, 
13),  with  the  Semitic  equivalent  ildaqqu  (for  *i$-daqqu,  'small 
tree'),  'sprout,  slip.'  Hommel  (OLZ  12.  473  ff.)  has  ingeniously 
connected  the  f^a-am  (lit.  'plant  of  the  water  of  the  wild  bull') 
with  the  cylinder  of  Sargon  the  Elder,  representing  a  hero  of  the 
Gilgames  type  watering  a  wild-bull  from  a  stream,  over  which  a 

17  Zwei  Aufsatze  zur  EeligionsgeschicTite  Vorderasiens,  pp.  42-84. 


Gilgames  and  Engidu  317 

young  shoot  is  growing.  The  scene  is  evidently  symbolical ;  the 
stream  is  the  Euphrates,  which  provides  growing  vegetation  and 
browsing  cattle  alike  with  the  needful  moisture.  Similar  repre- 
sentations, primarily  serving  the  purpose  of  sympathetic  magic, 
will  be  treated  below.  The  a-am  zi-da  of  Gudea,  Cyl.  A,  5,  8, 
and  6,  9,  is  a  cult  object,  apparently  a  lustral  laver,  like  the  abzu; 
in  Gudea 's  dream  it  is  placed  before  him,  toward  the  sunrise,  a 
position  forcibly  reminding  one  of  the  basin  in  the  git  Samsi  of 
&ilhak-in-&usinak  (RT  31.  48),  also,  of  course,  placed  toward 
the  sunrise.  The  name  may  indicate  that  the  basin  was  placed 
on  the  back  of  a  bull,  just  as  the  laver  of  Solomon's  temple  was 
supported  by  twelve  bulls,18  symbolizing,  as  will  be  shown  else- 
where, the  origin  of  the  water  from  the  mouth  of  the  bull  Enki, 
lord  of  the  fresh  water  (see  below),  or  his  attendant  bulls,  the 
gud-sig-sig,  donors  of  the  fecundating  water  of  the  two  rivers.19 
The  gis-a-am,  which  presumably  derived  its  name  from  the  a-am 
by  its  side,  from  which  it  drew  moisture,  like  the  ildaqqu  on  the 
bank  of  the  river,  may  have  been  a  symbolic  tree  or  post,  like  the 
wooden  pole  of  Asirat  or  the  dd-pillar  of  Osiris.20 

18  In  this  connection  I  may  take  up  the  problem  touched  JAOS  36.  232. 
Both  Tciiidr-Tci-ur,  'platform/  and  Tciiior-lciuru,  'laver,'  are  ultimately  identi- 
cal.    Primarily   Tci-ur  meant  'base,   f oun da tion -platform '    (durussu  —  isdu, 
temennu) ,  whence,  like  M-gal,   '  surface,  site,  ground, '   it  is  used  metaphori- 
cally for  'Hades'   (cf.  Langdon,  Liturgies,  p.  138).     The  explanation  of 
M-ur  as  nerib  erqiti™,  'entrance  to  the  under- world, '  reminds  one  of  the 
Egyptian  mastaba,  which  served  as  a  link  between  the  two  worlds.     The 
shrine  e-Tci-ur  in  Nippur  reminds  one  of  a  shrine  near  Thebes  which  seems 
to  have  been  regarded  as  an  entrance  to  the  underworld;  cf.  Foucart,  PSBA 
32.  102  ff.     The  laver  Tciuru  may  have  received  its  name  from  being  on  a 
platform,  or  it  may  symbolize  the  lower  world,  like  the  apsu,  the  big  laver 
from  which  the  egubbe  were  replenished;  see  my  article  on  'The  Mouth  of 
the  Bivers,'  AJSL  35.  161-195. 

19  Cf.,  for  the  present,  Frank,  "Religion,  p.  275. 

20  When  a  tree  in  which  a  great  numen  of  fertility  resided  died,  the  trunk 
often  remained  an  object  of  veneration,  being  replaced  finally  by  a  symbolic 
post,  usually  representing  a  palm  or  cedar.     Lutz  has  brilliantly  shown  that 
the  dd-pillar  was  a  stereotyped  palm;  etymologically  it  belongs,  as  I  shall 
show   elsewhere,   with   Assyr.   gaddu,   'sign-post.'     It  may  be   added   that 
Osiris  is  the  masculine  counterpart  to  Asirat,  as  both  Ember  and  myself  have 
concluded  for  different  reasons;  the  old  West-Semitic  god  Asir,  a  god  of 
fertility  with  lunar  associations,   seems   to  be   identical  with   Osiris    (for 
*Asireu,  Asir).     For  Osiris  and  the  moon  cf.  JAOS  39.  73,  n.  15. 


318  W.  F.  Albright 

In  view  of  the  close  relation  of  Gilgames  to  the  gods  Gibil, 
Samas,  and  Tammuz,  I  would  explain  the  namQ*Gis-gibil-gan-mes 
(see  above)  as  meaning  primarily  'torch-fecundating  hero'  (i.  e., 
the  hero  who  fecundates  with  the  torch  of  fertility).21  Accord- 
ing to  a  vocabulary  cited  SGI  68,  gis-gibil  •=  i$cu  kabbu  and 
d^gibil  =.  ICQU  irru,  both  meaning  '  fire-stick, '  or  '  fire-brand. '  In 
the  above-quoted  hymn,  Gilgames  is  called  rabbit2  sa  nise,  'the 
torch  (which  illumines)  the  people. '  Similarly  we  read  KTRI 1, 
No.  32,  obv.  33 ;  Samas  diparka  Jcdtim  mdtdti  = '  Samas,  thy  torch 
overwhelms  the  lands. '  The  metaphoric  allusion  to  the  sun  as  a 
lamp  is  familiar ;  cf .  Swra  25,  62,  where  the  sun  is  called  sirdg, 
and  note  that  Gibil  was  symbolized  by  a  lamp.  This  explanation 
of  gis-gibil  is  much  more  likely  than  the  one  advanced  SGI  87 ; 
at  the  same  time  it  is  perfectly  possible  that  the  name  Gilgames 
was  later  thought  to  mean  'ancestral  hero,'  or  the  like.  My 
translation  of  gan  as  '  fecundity '  is  strongly  favored  by  the  names 
&agan  and  Sumugan  (see  below).  Our  name  falls  in  the  same 
category  as  Dumu-zi-abzu  (Tammuz),  'the  loyal  child  of  the  sub- 
terranean lake'  representing  vegetation  as  perennial,  never-fail- 
ing, a  happy  state  which  the  auspicious  name  of  the  god  was 
fancied  to  aid  in  producing.23  Gilgames  was  worshiped  as 
patron  of  the  growing  forces  of  nature,  felt  to  emanate  from  the 
warm  rays  of  the  sun.  Hence  he  is  a  vegetation  god,  and,  like 
the  plants  over  which  he  presides,  his  quest  of  eternal  life  is 
doomed  to  failure.  Thru  his  association  with  the  sprouting  and 
vigorous,  instead  of  with  the  fading  and  dying,  with  the  virile 
male  rather  than  with  the  ewe  and  lamb,  he  is  placed  in  con- 
scious opposition  to  Tammuz,  the  darling  of  women,  who  comes 
to  grief  thru  the  wiles  of  Istar. 

21  Contrast  the  formation  of  the  name  with  others  in  the  same  royal  list : 
Mes-anni-pada,  '  Hero  chosen  by  heaven ; '  Mes-Tciag-nuna,  '  Hero;  loved  by  the 
prince'  (Ana,  god  of  heaven)  ;  Meskingaser,  perhaps  'Hero  sent  by  the  lord' 
(kinga  —  Mn-ge-a;    ser  older  form  of  ner).    Even  in  name  these  are  lay 
figures. 

22  Eead  rabbu,  from  rbb,  f  shoot  arrow,  flash, '  instead  of  rappu,  as  in 
Delitzsch,  Lesestucke5 ',  p.  178a;    cf.  nablu,  ' flame, '  from  ribl,  ( shoot  arrow,' 
etc.     I  shall  discuss  the  word  elsewhere. 

23  Dumu-zi-abzu  is  thus  a  name  like  Apam-napat,  '  offspring  of  the  water, ' 
an  Indo-Iranian  genius  of  fecundity  (cf.  Gray,  AEW  3.  18  ff.).     In  the 
arid  lands  of  Gentral  Asia  the  subterranean  water-supply  was  all-important, 
and  the  vegetation  which   depends  on  it  was  most  appropriately  termed 
'child  of  the  water.' 


Gilgames  and  Engidu  319 

It  is  also  theoretically  possible  that  the  name  Gilgames  means 
'Torch  of  the  (god)  "Hero  of  fecundity/'  '  a  theophorous  for- 
mation containing  the  divine  name  Gan-mes.24-  It  is  noteworthy 
that  a  god  Games  seems  to  have  been  known,  to  judge  from  the 
city-name  Kargamis,  Karkemis  (the  shift  in  sibilants  is  regular 
in  northern  Mesopotamia),  'quay  of  Games.'  Virtually  all  the 
names  of  river-ports  beginning  with  kar  (Assyr.  kdru),  'quay,' 
have  a  divine  name  as  second  element ;  thus,  to  illustrate  without 
attempting  to  exhaust  the  list,  we  find  in  the  Kossean  period  Kar- 
Adad,  Kar-Bamti,  Kar-Bau,  Kar-Bel-matati,  Kar-Damu,  Kar- 
Dunias,25  Kar-Ndbu,  Kar-Ninlil,  Kar-Ninurta,  Kar-Nusku,  Kar- 
&amas.  For  various  reasons,  which  I  will  not  give  here,  I  am 
inclined  to  see  in  Games26  the  precursor  of  the  great  Euphratean 
god  Dagan.27 

The  most  sympathetic  feature  of  the  Gilgames-epic  is  the 
enduring  intimacy  between  the  king  of  Erech  and  his  companion, 
the  erstwhile  wild-man  Engidu.  So  harmonious  is  their  friend- 
ship that  the  latter  almost  seems  a  mere  shadow,  designed  solely 

24 Gan-mes  would  be  a  form  like  ukldn-mes,  ' senator'  (pursumu}.  The 
word  gan,  ' fertility'  (=ge),  is  found  especially  in  ama-gan  (see  below), 
and  in  Sa-gan,  Sumu-gan,  and  Gan,  names  of  the  god  of  fertility. 

25  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  Streck  's  explanation  of  Kardunias  is  bet- 
ter than  Busing's  (see  ZA  21.  255  ff.,  and  contrast  OLZ  11.  160,  n.  1).  Kar- 
Dunias  may  have  been  originally  the  Kossean  name  of  a  city  in  north-eastern 
Babylonia,  on  the  frontier. 

20  It  is  not  impossible  that  our  Games,  later  pronounced  *Gauis,  is  the  Gs  of 
Brgs  (Assyr.  Mar  Gusi)  in  the  Zakir  inscription.  The  older  form  may 
survive  in  the  Moabite  Kammos  (Assyr.  Kammusu),  for  *Kammes,  like 
Sargon  for  SarJcen,  etc. — it  was  long  ago  suggested  that  KarJcemis  meant 
'fortress  of  Chemosh' — which  would  then  belong  to  the  Amorite  period  of 
contact  with  Mesopotamia,  like  Damn  and  Lafymu  (Schroder,  OLZ  18.  291 
f.,  294  f.),  IsJjara  and  Dag  an,  while  Gos  would  be  a  much  later,  Aramaean 
loan,  like  "11 /K  for  Ilumer,  Iluuer,  NikTcal  for  Ningal,  Nsk  for  Nusku,  etc. 

27  Dagan,  like  Adad,  with  whom  he  alternates,  was  originally  a  weather- 
god;  his  name  is  connected  with  the  root  dg,  'be  cloudy,  rainy'  (Ar.  dagga, 
ddgd,  dagana}.  From  the  nature  of  things  most  gods  of  productivity  are 
also  regents  of  the  weather,  and  conversely.  The  ichthyoid  development  of 
Dagan  in  Palestine  is  due  to  popular  etymology  connecting  the  name  with 
dag,  'fish,'  as  natural  for  a  maritime  people.  Heb.  ddgdn,  'grain,'  is 
probably  on  a  par  with  Lat.  Ceres,  Assyr.  Nisaba;  cf.  the  precisely  similar 
use  of  Pales,  Sumuqan,  and  Heb.  'astarot  haggon.  Sanchuniathon  's  explana- 
tion of  the  name  Aayuv  from  dagan,  eireidrj  evpe  fflrov,  is  another  artificial 
etymology,  impossible  from  the  Assyrian  standpoint. 


320  W.  F.  Albright 

to  act  as  the  hero's  mentor,  a  reflection  of  his  buoyant  ideal  of 
life  and  dismal  picture  of  death.  The  parallelism  is  so  close 
that  the  complementary  element  found,  for  example  in  the  story 
of  David  and  Jonathan,  or  in  that  of  Etana  and  the  eagle,  where 
one  supplies  the  lacks  of  the  other,  is  wanting.  Gressmann  has 
happily  directed  attention  to  the  contrast  between  Gilgames,  the 
exponent  of  civilization,  and  Engidu,  the  child  of  nature,  who 
develops  successively  thru  the  stages  of  love  for  animals,  for 
woman,  and  for  a  friend  (UG-  92  ff.).  The  discovery  of  the 
Babylonian  text  of  the  second  tablet  has  confirmed  Gressmann 's 
view;  after  the  vivid  description  of  Engidu 's  initiation  into  the 
benefits  and  snares  of  civilization,  and  his  grapple  with  Gilgames 
to  free  the  latter  from  the  allurements  of  Ishara,  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  the  thought  of  the  gifted  poet  has  been  correctly 
divined.  Here,  however,  as  in  the  story  of  Joseph,  we  must  not 
rate  the  inventive  genius  of  ancient  rhapsodists  too  highly,  tho 
they  were  sometimes  able  to  construct  surpassingly  beautiful 
edifices  when  the  material  lay  at  hand.  Engidu  is  not,  as  might 
be  fancied  from  the  standpoint  of  literary  analysis  alone,  an  arti- 
ficial creation  of  the  poet ;  he  is  a  figure  of  independent  origin, 
related  in  character  to  Gilgames,  and  attracted  to  him  under  the 
influence  of  the  motive  of  the  Dioscuri;  Engidu  corresponds  to 
Castor,  while  his  companion,  who  remains  inconsolable  after  the 
death  of  his  'younger  brother',  is  Polydeuces.2? 

The  fundamental  identity  of  Engidu  with  Gira-Sakan-Sumu- 
qan  is  now  generally  recognized  (cf.  Jensen,  Kosmologie,  p.  480 
f.).  Their  resemblance  is  indicated  in  the  epic  by  the  phrase 
lubusti  labis  kima  ilGlR  (I,  Col.  2,  38),  'he  is  dressed  in  a  gar- 
ment like  Sumuqan,'  which  is  naturally  a  euphemism  for  'naked.' 
Both  Sumuqan  and  Engidu  are  patrons  and  protectors  of  the 
bul  geri,  especially  of  the  gazelle ;  after  death  the  latter  descends 
to  Hades  to  live  with  the  former,  who,  being  a  god  of  fertility, 
must  die. 

It  is  impossible  to  reach  a  definite  conclusion  in  regard  to  the 


28  The  most  popular  conception  of  the  heavenly  twins  exhibits  them  as 
the  sun  and  moon,  so  it  is  by  no  means  improbable  that  Gilgames  and  Engidu 
in  this  role  represent  the  sun  and  moon,  respectively,  as  suggested  by  Lutz. 
It  is,  at  all  events,  clear  from  the  present  investigation  that  all  Gilgames' 
astral  affinities  appear  to  be  with  the  sun,  while  part,  at  least,  of  Engidu 's 
are  with  the  moon. 


Grilgames  and  Engidu  321 

oldest  name  of  our  deity,  as  a  result  of  the  welter  of  names  and 
the  confusion  of  ideograms  which  greet  us.  Thureau-Dangin 
(Lettres  et  contrats,  p.  60;  RA  11.  103)  thinks  that  the  most 
ancient  reading  is  Gir,  but  the  reading  ftg  is  also  possible.  CT 
12.  31,  the  god's  name  is  written  with  the  character  AN&U;  Sa 
IV,  11  gives  the  value  anse  to  GIR,  a  confusion  due  to  the  close 
resemblance  in  form  between  the  signs.  As  the  original  form  of 
GIR,  a  lion's  head  (Barton,  No.  400),  shows,  our  god  was  pri- 
marily leonine  (ug  —  ldbbu,  nesu,  umu,  'lion';  umu,  nuru,  Samas, 
1  light,  sun')  ;  from  Sum.  gir  is  derived girru,  'lion,'  properly  'the 
mighty  one,'  like  Ar.  'asad.  The  lion  is,  of  course,  a  typically 
solar  animal  (see  below).  The  vocabularies  give  for  dGlR  the 
pronunciations  8akan  (CT  12.  31,  38177.4),  gakkan  (CT  29.  46. 
9),  and  Sumuqan  (CT  24.  32.  112),  Sumugga  (CT  29.  46.  8),  a 
reading  which  was  perhaps  the  most  common,  as  it  appears  writ- 
ten phonetically  Su-mu-un-ga-an  (SLT,  No.  13,  rev.  12). 
Sumugan  (Akkadian  Sumuqan)  is  probably  equivalent  to  later 
Sumerian  gan-sum-mu,  'giver  of  fecundity';  Sagan  (later  Sakan, 
Sakkan,  like  Makkan  for  Magan)  is  an  abbreviation  of  Ama- 
sagan-gub  (CT  29.  46. 12),  written  Ama-GAN  +  SA-gub  in  a  cyl- 
inder published  by  Thureau-Dangin  (RA  11,  103  f.),  a  name 
which  means  'He  who  assists  mothers  in  child-birth'  (ama-gan  = 
ummu  dlittu;  see  above).  CT  29.  46  gives  as  ideographic  equiva- 
lents of  GIR,  G1R-GAZI  AM,  GAN,  and  MAS,  all  referring  to 
his  functions  as  patron  of  animal  productivity. 

The  name  Engidu  (CT  18.'  30.  10)  is  written  in  the  Assyrian 
recension  of  GE  dEn-ki-du,  in  the  southern  text  dEn-ki-du(g)  • 
we  also  find  the  writing  with  a  parasitic  nasal  dEn-ki-im-du(SLT 
178,  n.  2).  Langdon's  explanation  as  belu  sa  er$itam  utahhadu 
(du  =  tahddu),  'Lord  who  fructifies  the  earth,'  may  be  correct. 
In  view,  however,  of  KI-Dfi  =  KI-GAL,  both  pronounced  sur 
(SGI  252)  =  berutu,  'depths'  (mat  berutu  =  qibiru,  'grave' 
=  aralu;  note  that  Heb.  bor  and  sahat  =  se'ol),  Zimmern's 
idea29  seems  preferable,  and  Engidu  may  be  rendered  'Lord  of 
the  underworld,'  like  Enki,  which  almost  certainly  has  this 
meaning.  Enki-Ea  and  Gira-Sumuqaii  were  originally  related 

29  See  KB  6.  1.  571  f.,  and  KA T3  568,  n.  6.  8ur  means  'depth,  source' 
(asurrdku  is  'ground-water,  source- wa ter '  contrast  SGI  251),  'gulch'  (fyarru, 
SGI  252),  and  perhaps  'submerge'  (sur  =  ZAE —  tardru  [AJSL  34.  244. 
91],  otherwise  gigri,  loc.  tit.}. 

21    JAOS  40 


322  W.  F.  Albright 

figures;  the  latter  is  mentioned  after  Ea-bel-hasisi,  'Ea  the  lord 
of  wisdom,'  in  the  Mattiuaza  treaty.30  Most  interesting  is  the 
divine  name  dSumugan-sigga-bar,  'Sumuqan  the  wild-goat/  since 
it  virtually  identifies  our  deity  with  Ea.31  In  an  incantation  over 
the  holy  water  (ASKT  77,  No.  9,  6)  we  read :  a  sigga-bar-ra-mis2 
-zid-de-es-dug-  [ga]  =' water'  which  by  the  wild  goat  (Ea;  cf. 
next  line :  ka-kug  dEn-ki-ge  na-ri-ga-dm,  l  the  holy  mouth  of  Enki 
is  pure')  is  continually  made  soft  (Akkadian  very  free,  m,u  sa  ina 
apsi  kenis  kunnu).'  Engidu's  own  character  as  donor  of  fertil- 
izing water  to  vegetation  is  clear  from  SLT,  No.  13,  rev.  13  :  [En- 
ki]-im-du  ab-si-im-ma  e-pa-ri  gi-ir-za-al  [se-gu]-nu  ma-a  = 
'Engidu,  who  makes  abundant  (zal  =  sutabru,  'be  sated  with') 
the  irrigating  ditches  and  canals  for  the  herbage,  who  causes  the 
sesame  ( ?)33  to  grow.'  He  also  appears  as  a  satyr,  or  vegetation 
spirit  GE  I,  Col.  2,  36  f . ;  ubbiis  pirttu  kima  sinnisti;  [pi]  tiq  pir- 
tisu  uhtannaba  kima  Nisaba  =  'he  is  decked  with  hair  like  a 
woman :  the  growth  (lit.  formation)  of  his  hair  is  as  luxuriant  as 
(standing)  grain.' 


30  OLZ  13,  296. 

31  Ea  is  given  the  name  dDdr,  the  divine  wild-goat  (ibex),  IVE  25,  40a. 
and  dDdr-abzu,  'ibex  of  the  nether  sea,'  HE  55,  27c,  whence  in  the  list  of 
divine  barks,  K  4378,  his  ship  is  called  the  gismd-ddr-abzu.     The  ddr-dbzu 
appears  in  art  as  a  goat-fish,  sugur-mds  (cf.  JAOS  39.  71,  n.  12.) 

32Delitzsch  (SGI  146)  prefers  to  read  geme  (dug-ga),  but  the  parallel 
form  gis-dug-ga  does  not  make  this  necessary.  The  reading  mi  is  proved  by 
the  gloss  mi  to  SAL  in  SAL-zid-dug  in  a  text  published  by  Thureau-Dangin 
in  EA  11.  144.  14.  Some  of  the  passages  where  our  word  occurs  will  not  admit 
Delitzsch's  rendering.  Assyr.  Icunnu  (cf.  KB  6.  1.  435),  from  Tcanu,  means 
properly  'fix,  appoint,  assign,  apply'  (the  root  tin,  whence  Tcdnu  and  sakanu, 
means  'set,  establish'),  hence  'apply  a  name'  in  Ar.  and  Heb.,  'count'  in 
Eg.  (cm*),  and  in  Assyr.  'make  fitting,  suitable,  adorn,  care  for'  (like 
H33 ,  Job  32,  21;  this  illustrates  the  connection  between  Ar.  'ahaba,  'pre- 
pare,' and  Heb.  371K,  'love').  Eth.  melceniat,  'cause,  opportunity,  pre- 
text,' seems  to  afford  a  parallel  to  Lat.  opportunitas,  properly  'fitness.' 

33  Barton's  explanation  of  gu  as  'sesame'  (BA  9.  2.  252)  seems  plausible; 
the  ideogram  means  'oil  of  heaven,'  corresponding  to  Sem.  samasscmmu 
('sun-plant,'  Haupt).  Sum.  gunu  may  even  stand  for  *musni  (the  oldest 
form  of  the  word,  reflected  by  the  ideogram  8E-GI$-NI)>  *muni  (like 
mutin,  'vine,'  for  mustin  >  gestin)  >  *munu  (by  vocalic  harmony)  >  gunu. 
An  increasing  number  of  parallels,  which  I  am  collecting,  .shows  that  such 
a  relation  between  EME-KU  and  EME-SAL,  or  litanic  (Haupt)  forms  is 
quite  regular. 


Gil  games  and  Engidu  323 

Like  Tammuz,  the  dSib  (  =  re'u)*4  Sumuqan  is  a  shepherd, 
guardian  of  all  animal  life,  wild  as  well  as  tame.  KTRI,  No.  19, 
obv.  2  f .,  Sumuqan  is  called  ndqidu  ellum  massu  sa  Ani  sa  ina  put 
karsi  ndsu  sibirra  =  4  holy  shepherd,  leading  goat  of  Anu,  who 
carries  the  shepherd's  staff  before  the  flock  ( ?).'  In  13  we  hear 
of  the  bul  Sumuqan,  his  cattle,  and  in  15  his  name  is  followed  by 
nam(m)aste  sa  <}i[rim],  'the  beasts  of  the  plain.'  The  text  is  a 
hymn  to  Samas;  in  the  first  line  we  must  read  il8umuqan  ma 
(!)r[u]  nardmka,  'S,  the  son  whom  thou  lovest';  Sumuqan 
was  the  son  of  the  sun.  Similarly,  SLT,  No.  13,  rev.  13,  we 
find  Su-mu-un-ga-anzi-gdl  si-in-ba-ar  u-si-im-dib-a  —  *  S,  who 
oversees  living  creatures  and  provides  them  with  herbage.' 
Accordingly,  when  wild  animals  were  needed  for  sacrificial  pur- 
poses, Sumuqan  had  first  to  be  appeased,  that  his  dire  wrath  over 
the  slaughter  of  his  creatures  might  be  averted.  In  the  interest- 
ing *  scape-goat'  incantation  (ASKT,  No.  12  ),35  Enki,  after  giv- 
ing Marduk  his  commission,  instructs  him:  dSumuqan  dumu 
dBabbar  sib-nig-nam.-ma-ge  mas-dd  dEdin-na  gu-mu-ra-ab-tum- 
ma;  dNin-ildu  (IGI-LAMGA-GID)  lamga-gal-an-na-ge  illuru™ 
su-kug-dim-ma-na  gu-mu-ra-ab-tum-ma;  mas-dd  dEdin-na  du-a 
igi-dBabbar-su  u-me-ni-gub.  lugal-e  -  -  -  mas-da  igi-dBabbar-su 
ge-en-sig-ga  (rev.  10  ff^^'Let  Sumuqan,  sun  of  Samas,  shepherd 
of  everything,  bring  a  gazelle  of  the  desert;  let  Ninildu,  the 
great  artificer  of  heaven,  bring  a  bow  made  by  his  pure  hands ; 

place  the  gazelle  toward  the  sun.  Let  the  king shoot  the 

gazelle,  (facing)  toward  the  sun.'  When  the  gazelle  is  shot,  the 
sin  and  sickness  of  the  king  leave  him  and  enter  the  beast. 
Zimmern,  Ritualtafeln,  No.  100,  25,  a  wild-sheep,  [sa]  ibbanu  ina 
supuri  elli  ina  tarboQi  sa  Gira  (written  Glr-ra)  =  'which  was 
created  in  the  pure  enclosure,  in  the  fold  of  Gira'  (i.  e.,  in  the 
wilderness),  is  presented  for  sacrifice. 

Sumuqan  is  in  a  special  sense  the  god  of  animal  husbandry,  the 
fecundity  of  cattle,  and  even  their  fructification  being  ascribed  to 


34  Of.  Zimmern,  Tamuz  (Alh.  Sachs.  Ges.  Wiss.,  Vol.  27),  p.  8. 

35  While  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  tnds-gul-dub-'ba  was  killed  before  the 
termination  of  the  ceremony,  the  scape-goat  was  turned  loose  to  be  devoured 
by  wild-beasts,  which  amounts  to  the  same  thing,  so  Prince  and  Langdon  are 
justified  in  employing  the  term.     For  the  debate  between  Prince  and  Fossey 
see  JA,  1903,  133  ff. 

30  For  reading  see  Langdon,  EA  12.  74.  17,  and  79,  n.  7. 


324  W.  F.  Albright 

his  agency.37     Thus  we  read   (ibid.  35  ff.)  :    andsikunusi  -  -  - 

puhdtta sa  azlu  la  ishitu  elisa,  rihut  Sumuqan  Id  imquta  ana 

libbisa  =  'I  bring  you  a  ewe-lamb,  upon  which  a  wild-sheep  has 
not  yet  leaped,  into  which  the  sperm  of  Sumuqan  has  not  yet 
fallen.'  The  most  important  passage  is  Maqlu,  7,  23-30,  hith- 
erto misunderstood : — siptu :  ardhika  rdmdm  ardhika  pagri  kima 
Sumuqan  irhu  bulsu  lahru  immersa  $abitu  armasa  atdnu  mursa, 
nartabu  ergiti™  irhu  erQiti™  imhuru  zersa.  addi  sipta  ana 
rdmdm' a;  lirM  rdmdmma  lise$i  lumnu,  u  kispi  sa  zumri'a  lis- 
suhu  ildni  rabuti  =  Incantation :  I  impregnate  thee,  myself ;  I 
impregnate  thee,  my  body,  just  as  Sumuqan  impregnates  his  cat- 
tle, and  the  ewe  (conceives)  her  lamb,  the  gazelle  her  fawn,  the 
she-ass  her  colt,  (just  as)  the  noria38  impregnates  the  earth,  and 
the  earth  conceives  her  seed.  I  apply  the  incantation  to  myself ; 
may  it  impregnate  me  and  remove  the  evil ;  may  the  great  gods 
extirpate  the  enchantment  from  my  body. '  In  the  same  way  we 
have,  PSBA  23,  121,  rev.  11,  kima  samu  irhu  irgiti  im'idu  sammu 
=  tjust  as  heaven  impregnates  earth  (with  rain)  and  herbage 
increases.'  The  passage  has  been  misunderstood  also  by  Lang- 
don,  Tammuz  and  Ishtar,  p.  93,  n.  8 ;  rahu  has  just  as  concrete 
a  meaning  here  as  GE  I,  Col.  4,  21. 

As  patron  of  animal  husbandry  Sumuqan  becomes  the  princi- 
ple of  virility.  Hence  his  association  with  the  remarkable  rite  of 
masturbation,  by  the  ceremonial  practise  of  which  evil  was 
expelled.  We  need  not  suppose  that  in  Assyrian  times  the  rite 
was  more  than  symbolical ;  originally,  however,  it  must  have  been 
actually  performed.  In  Egj^pt  one  of  the  most  popular  myths 
represented  the  creator,  Atum,  as  creating  the  gods  in  this  way 
(cf.  Apophis-book,  26,  24  f . ;  Pyramid  1248:  'Atum  became  an 
onanist  [ius'ij,]  while  he  was  in  Heliopolis.  He  put  his  phallus  in 
his  fist,  in  order  to  satisfy  his  lust  with  it  [udnf  hnrif  m  hf'f,  irf 

37  To  use  current  terminology,  he  is  the  mana  residing  in  the  male. 

88  The  gi$apin  —  nartdbu  was  probably  a  great  undershot  water-wheel,  Ar. 
no,  lura;  Heb  'of an,  'wheel'  may  be  derived  from  epinnu  (cf.  Maynard, 
AJSL  34.  29)  <  apin  (in  this  connection  I  would  like  to  point  out  another 
Hebrew  word  derived  from  Sumerian  [cf.  AJSL  34.  209] :  morac),  'threshing 
sledge, '  is  Sum.  marrag  =  narpasu,  with  the  same  sense,  as  is  certain  from 
the  ideogram  (cf.  SGI  175),  which  means  'sledge  to  thresh  grain,'  or  tribula). 
The  ancient  Babylonians  may  also  have  employed  the  cerd  (Meissner,  BA 
5.  1.  104  f.). 


Gilgames  and  Engidu  325 

ndm  mt  imf].  The  two  twins,  Su  and  Tefene,  were  born').89 
The  Aegaean  peoples  doubtless  possessed  similar  ideas  about  the 
origin  of  life,  preserved  in  a  modified  form  in  the  hermaphrodite 
god  of  fecundity,  Phanes,  who,  according  to  Suidas,  was  por- 
trayed alSolov  txMV  7r€/3'  TV  Trvyty,  'penern  habens  iuxta  nates.'40 
There  is  no  direct  trace  of  an  onanistic  theory  of  creation  in  Baby- 
lonia ;  the  magical  ceremony  in  Maqlu  is  evidently  based  on  a  fer- 
tility charm,  not  dissimilar  to  the  many  cases  gathered  by  Frazer, 
Schroder,  and  others,  where  a  sexual  union  of  some  kind  is  exe- 
cuted or  symbolized  in  order  to  induce  fertility  by  homeopathic 
magic.  We  may  safely  trace  our  peculiar  brand  of  symbolic 
magic  to  pastoral  customs ;  both  in  Babylonia  and  in  Greece  the 
practise  of  onanism  is  connected  with  the  satyr-shepherds  Sumu- 
qan  and  Pan.41  A  curious  aetiological  explanation  of  the  custom 
is  given  by  Dion  Chrysostom  (Roscher,  III,  1397)  :  tAeyc  Se  W^wi/ 

Trjv  crvvovGLav  TavTrjv  €vprj/j.a  etvat  TOT)  Ilavds,   ore   TT}?    H^ov?    €pa<r8el<i   OVK 

Aa/3etv*  *  *  TO'TC  ovv  rov  'Ep/^v  (the  ithyphallic,  like  Eg.  Min) 

avTOV    *  *  *    O.TT     CKCLVOV    8e    TONS     Troi/xeras     XP>7°"&u     /aa^ovras. 

The  story  is  perhaps  late ;  the  idea  that  Pan 's  raAaiTnopta  conse- 
quent on  the  escape  of  the  elusive  nymph  was  cured  in  this  way  is 
sufficiently  grotesque  to  be  ancient,  but  hardly  naive  enough. 
Onanism  was,  of  course,  common  among  shepherds,  a  virile  race, 
often  deprived  of  female  companionship,  and  forced  to  while 
away  tedious  siestas  with  the  flocks,  a  necessity  which  gave  rise  to 

38  A  similar  conception  is  reflected  in  Pyr.  701:  su'd  Tti  -  -  -  r  'gbj,  tp 
m'stf,  r  ~bnit  imit  &/'/  — 'Make  Teti  more  flourishing  (greener)  than  the 
flood  of  Osiris  that  is  upon  his  lap  (the  Nile),  more  than  the  date  which  is  in 
his  fist'  (the  date,  like  the  fig,  has  phallic  significance).  According  to  this 
extraordinary  conception,  the  Nile  arises  thru  the  continuous  masturbation  of 
Osiris ;  later  the  grossness  of  the  symbolism  was  softened  by  speaking  merely 
of  the  efflux  (rdu)  of  the  god's  body,  which  does  not,  of  course,  refer  to  the 
ichor  of  the  decomposing  corpse,  but  to  the  fecundizing  seed.  The  Egyptians 
also  fancied  that  the  Nile  was  the  milk  of  Isis  (Pyr.  707,  etc.).  The  Sumer- 
ians  fancied  that  the  silt  in  the  rivers  was  caused  by  Innina's  washing  her 
hair  in  the  sources  (see  especially  ASKT,  No.  21),  and  that  the  rivers  were 
the  menstrual  flow  from  the  lap  of  the  earth-goddess  (JAOS  39.  70). 

40  In  art,  at  least,  Hermaphrodite  is  less  grotesque,  resembling  rather  Eg. 
H'pi,  the  Nile-god. 

41  Pan  stands  for  *Hauv,  connected  with  pastor  and  Pales;  Sumuqan  and 
Nisaba  are  employed   for   'cattle,'   and   'grain,'  precisely  like  Pales  and 
Ceres.     Both  Engidu  and  Pan  are  associated  with  springs  and  fountains, 
where  their  '  heart  became  merry,  in  the  companionship  of  the  beasts. ' 


326  W.  F.  Albright 

bestiality  as  well  (see  below),  as  illustrated  by  an  amusing  story 
in  Aelian,  De  nat.  anim.,  6,  42. 

The  relation  of  Sumuqan  to  the  reproduction  of  animals  is 
drastically  represented  in  archaic  seal-cylinders  (cf.  Ward,  Seal 
Cylinders,  No.  197,  etc.,  and  especially  the  beautiful  seal  in  De  la 
Fuye,  Documents,  1,  plate  9),  where  a  naked  god  with  a  long 
beard  and  other  marks  of  virility  (the  heroic  type)  grasps  a  gazelle 
by  the  horns  and  tail  in  such  a  way  that  the  sexual  parts  come 
into  contact.42  The  reason  for  the  frequency  of  this  motive  on  the 
early  cylinders  is  not  hard  to  find.  Many,  if  not  most  of  the  seals 
in  a  pastoral  country  like  early  Babylonia  belonged  to  mem  who 
had  an  active  interest  in  the  prosperity  of  the  flocks  and  herds. 
Our  scene  belongs  primarily  to  the  category  of  sympathetic 
magic ;  by  depicting  the  lord  of  increase  in  his  fecundating  capac- 
ity the  flock  would  become  more  prolific.  The  origin  of  many 
similar  representations  on  the  monuments  must  be  explained  on 
this  principle.  One  of  the  clearest  cases  is  the  scene  showing  two 
genii  of  fertility  (Heb.  KeruMm)  shaking  the  male  inflorescence 
over  the  blossoms  of  the  female  date-palm,  with  the  winged  solar 
disk  above  to  bestow  early  maturity  of  fruit  (cf.  Von  Luschan, 
Die  ionische  Sdule,  pp.  25  if.)43  The  Sumuqan  motive  was  as 
completely  misunderstood  in  the  process  of  mechanical  imitation 

42  In  this  connection  may  be  mentioned  two  cylinders  published  by  Tos- 
canne,  EA  7.  61  ff.,  so  far  unexplained.     One  represents  a  female  squatting 
over  a  prostrate  man,  while  another  man  seizes  her  wrist  with  his  right  hand, 
drawing  a  dagger  with  his  left.     The  second  shows  a  similar  nude  figure 
hovering  in  the  air  (so;  contrast  Toscanne)  before  a  man,  who  holds  a  lance 
to  ward  her  off.     These  creatures  are  ghouls,  the  Babylonian  arddt  lili; 
the  seals,  which  belonged  to  harem  officials,  may  have  had  apotropaeic  pur- 
pose.    A  commentary  is  provided  by  Langdon,  Liturgies,  No.  4,  14  ff . : 

sd-U-dg  Mr-Mr-ri-de 

sd-M-dg  ur-i-ri-de  (for  u-ri-ri  =  u-Tcu-lcu?} 

sd-Tci-dg  an-ta  im-du-dim  dub  sa  ( ?) 

[  ]  Jcalag  a-gi-dim  ge-ra-ra  = 

'When  the  beloved  (of  the  Ultt)  was  stretched  (in  sleep), 
When  the  beloved  lay  sleeping  (  ?), 

Upon  the  beloved  like  a  storm  from  above  coming  down  (?), 
[  ]  the  man  like  a  flood  verily  she  overwhelmed. ' 

43  A  similar  motive  is  found  on  a  cylinder  in  the  collection  of  Dr.  J.  B. 
Nies,  representing  a  figure  stretching  out  his  hands,  from  which  sprouts 
grow,  over  a  flock,  as  if  in  blessing. 


Gilgames  and  Engidu  327 

as  the  palm-tree  motive.44  The  phallism  disappears ;  the  gazelle 
even  becomes  bearded,  and  is  transformed  into  a  bull-man  wrest- 
ling with  the  hero  (contamination  with  the  beast-combat  motive). 
In  some  of  the  cylinders  the  latter  seems  to  be  protecting  the 
gazelle  from  a  lion  which  is  in  the  act  of  springing  upon  her. 

The  hero  in  this  scene  is  unquestionably  Sumuqan-Engidu, 
whose  association  with  the  gazelle  is  familiar  from  the  epic  as 
well  as  from  the  passages  cited  above.45  Jastrow  pointed  out 
long  ago  (AJSL  15.  201)  that  Engidu,  like  Adam,  was  supposed 
to  have  had  intercourse  with  the  beasts  before  knowing  woman. 
GE  2  describes  very  vividly  how  Engidu  lived  with  the  gazelles, 
protecting  them  from  the  hunter,  accompanying  them  to  the 
watering  place,  and  drinking  milk  from  their  teats  (GE,  Lang- 
don,  Col.  3,  1-2).  When  he  returned  after  his  adventure  with 
the  courtesan  to  consort  with  the  gazelles,  they  failed  to  recog- 
nize him,  as  his  wild  odor  had  been  corrupted  by  the  seven  days ' 
liaison  with  the  emissary  of  civilization.  So  fixed  was  his  semi- 
bestial  character  that  he  apparently  follows  the  mos  pecudum 
even  with  the  samhat  (Jensen,  KB  6.  1.  428).  Of  course,  the 
above  described  representation  is  not  purely  symbolical  in  char- 
acter; the  idea  doubtless  came  from  current  practises.  The 
gazelle,  so  beautiful  and  graceful,  and  so  easily  tamed,  was  pre- 
sumably employed  in  the  ancient  Orient  for  the  same  purpose  as 
the  goat  in  Mediterranean  countries,  and  the  llama  or  alpaca  in 
Peru.  An  anatomical  reason  for  the  superiority  of  the  gazelle 
in  this  respect  is  stated  in  the  Talmudic  tractate  'Erubim,  fol. 
54  b,  commenting  on  the  significant  expression  D*3ilK  rf7'K » 
Prov.  5,  19,  in  the  usual  fashion :  PO'IUTI  ")¥  HOm  rfytf  TO 

mm  nm  t\x  roitrao  nywz  ny&n  nyw  ^  rftjra  ty 
.ruwao  nyco  nyen  nyv  ^  frr-ioft  ty  p'nn 

The  gazelle  was  associated  with  the  cult  of  the  goddess  of 
fecundity  among  the  Western  Semites  and  in  Arabia ;  some  refer- 
ences to  the  older  literature  are  given  by  Wood,  JBL  35.  242  f. 
At  Mekka  small  golden  images  of  the  gazelle  were  worshiped. 

44  As  a  sequel  to  the  series  of  illustrations  given  by  Von  Luschan,  note  a 
relief  from  the  Parthian  period,  figured  in  Andrae,  Hatra,  II,  149,  forming 
a  sort  of  transition  to  the  familiar  heraldic  group  of  the  lion  and  unicorn, 
'fighting  for  the  crown.' 

45  Sura  11,  59,  '  There  is  not  a  beast  whose  forelock  (nagiia}  he  does  not 
grasp, '  might  almost  have  referred  to  Sumuqan,  so  similar  is  the  posture. 


328  W.  F.  Albright 

The  West-Semitic  god  Resep  was  a  gazelle-god;  a  gazelle  is 
carved  on  the  forehead  of  his  statuettes  (Miiller,  Egyptological 
Researches,  Vol.  1,  p.  33).  Of  special  importance  is  the  fact  that 
the  gazelle  was  sacred  to  the  ithyphallic  Min  of  Koptos,  also  an 
onanist,  and  presumably  equally  devoted  to  his  favorites,  who 
enjoyed  the  honors  of  mummification.  The  gazelles  were  later, 
in  the  interests  of  decency  (  ?  )  ,  and  in  accordance  with  ideas 
elsewhere,  transferred  to  Isis  (Aelian,  op.  cit.  10,  23)  :  o-e'/ftnxn  8c 

apa  01  avrol  KoTrrtrai  /cat  ^Xetas  SopKaSas  KCU  eK^eoixriv  avras,  TOV?  8e 
apptvas  (naturally!)  KaTaOvovcrw.  aOvpfAa  Se  etrai  TOLS  0r)X.tia<;  TT/S  YI<nSos 


It  may  further  be  shown  that  our  divinity  was  regarded  in  one 
important  myth  as  the  son  of  the  sun-god  by  a  gazelle.  First, 
however,  we  must  return  to  the  lion-god,  ftg  or  Glra,4Q  who  repre- 
sents the  solar  heat  both  in  its  destructive  and  in  its  fecundating 
aspects.  Hence  the  god  of  pestilence,  the  lion  (KB  6.  1.  60.3) 
Irra  or  Nergal,  is  associated  with  Gir-ra  (CT  25.  50.  15),  and 
Ninurta  is  compared  (Radau,  BE  29,  No.  4,  1)  to  the  lion-god 
who  prowls  in  the  night  looking  for  prey  (dGir-ra-dlm  ge-a 
du-du).  The  lion-god  is  found  elsewhere,  especially  in  Asia 
Minor,  where  the  Anatolian  Heracles  (Sandon,  etc.)  is  repre- 
sented standing  on  a  lion  (see  Frazer,  Adonis,  Attis,  and  Osiris* 
pp.  127,  139,  184).  In  Egypt  the  ferocious  goddess  of  war  and 
destroyer  of  mankind,  Shmt,  is  lion-headed.  The  intimate  rela- 
tion between  Gira  and  Nergal  (Lugalgira)  appears  from  the  fact 
that  both  are  gazelles  as  well  as  lions  ;  Nergal  is  called  the  masda 
in  the  vocabularies  CT  11.  40,  K  4146.  22-23,  and  CT  12.  16b. 
38-39.  As  a  gazelle-god  he  is  patron  of  productivity  ;  his  special- 
ized aspect  of  lord  of  the  underworld  was  developed  after  he  had 
been  admitted  to  the  greater  pantheon  of  Babylonia. 

We  should  certainly  expect  to  find  some  reflection  of  so  popular 
a  deity  and  hero  as  Sumuqan-Engidu  in  the  list  of  post-diluvian 
kings,  along  with  Tammuz,  Lugalbanda,  and  Gilgames.  Nor  are 
we  deceived  ;  one  can  hardly  doubt  that  Gira  is  the  successor  of 
Qalnmum,  'young  ram,'  and  Zuqdqip,  'scorpion,'  and  the  pre- 
decessor of  Etana,  whose  name  is  variously  written  Ar-uu,  Ar- 
uu-u,  and  Ar-bu-um.  The  word  was  also  used  commonly  as  a  per- 

^Engidu  is  called  nim.ru  sa  ceri,  '  panther  of  the  desert'  (GE  10.  46). 
Sum.  ug  or  glr  seems  to  have  denoted  both  'lion'  and  'panther.' 


Oil  games  and  Engidu  329 

sonal  name;  see  Chiera,  Personal  Names,  Part  I,  p.  64,  No.  275: 
Ar-uu-um,47  Ar-bu[-um],  Ar-mu-e-um  (No.  276  is  the  correspond- 
ing fern.,  Ar-ui-tum,  Ar-mi-tum).  We  can  identify  our  name 
without  hesitation  with  Heb.  'arie,  'lion/  Eth.  arue,  'beast,'  Ar. 
arud,  'ibex'  ;48  aruu  stands  for  *aruaiu,  a  form  like  arnabu,  'hare' 
(Ar.  'arnab),  which  also  is  a  common  proper  name  (cf.  Chiera, 
No.  277,  Arnabtu™).  Now,  Aruum  is  called  the  son  of  a  gazelle 
in  HGT,  Nos.  2  and  5.  It  is  true  that  in  No.  3  we  have  mas-en-dd 
=  miuskenu,  for  mas-da  =  Qabitu,  but  this  is  evidently  a  scribal 
error.49  The  existence  of  a  predecessor  of  Gilgames  named 
'Lion'  appears  further  from  GE  6.  51-52;  rationalism  has  trans- 
formed the  lion-god  into  an  animal  loved  by  Istar,  more  Pasi- 
phaes.  Fecundizing  demigods  were  often  regarded  as  born  of 
animal  mothers ;  cf .  JBL  37.  117.  The  father  of  Aruum  was,  of 
course,  Samas,  also  the  parent  of  the  related  Meskingaser  and 
Lugalbanda,  as  well  as  of  the  bull-god  ilGUD  mar  il8amas  (Den- 
nefeld,  Geburtsomina,  p.  37,  19).  In  this  connection  it  may  be 
noted  that  these  three  Semitic  animal  names  all  belong  to  the 
dynasty  of  Kis,  while  the  rulers  of  the  following  kingdom  of 
Eanna  are  all  Sumerian.  This  is  probably  due  to  the  fact  that 
the  Sumerian  legends  current  in  northern  Babylonia,  which 
became  predominantly  Semitic  long  before  the  south,  were  early 
Semitized. 

A  most  curious  reflection  of  the  cycle  of  Sumuqan-Engidu  is 
found  in  the  popular  Indian  story  of  'Gazelle-horn'  (Rsya- 
srnga),50  best  treated  by  Liiders  (Nach.  Gott.  Ges.  Wiss.,  PhiL- 
hist.  Klasse,  1897,  pp.  87  ff.)  and  Von  Schroder  (Mysterium  und 
Mimus,  pp.  292-303).  There  are  two  principal  recensions,  San- 
skrit and  Pali,  both  based  upon  a  common  prototype,  now  lost, 
as  Liiders  has  shown.  Schroder  has  adopted  the  dramatic 
theory  of  Hertel,  and  pointed  out  further  that  the  representation 
was  a  mimetic  fertility  charm.  According  to  the  first  recension, 


47  Cf .  CT  4.  50,  and  6.  42a,  where  the  name  also  occurs. 
48 For  the  development  'ibex/  cf.  Eg.  m'hd,  'oryx  antelope,'  lit.  'white 
lion.' 

49  There   is  much    confusion   between   masda,    '  gazelle, '    and   masenda  = 
musTcenu;  cf.  CT  11.  40,  K  4146,  25-26,  and  CT  12.  16.  41-42. 

50  Cf.  also  Jensen,  ZDMG  67,  528,  who,  as. of  ten,  goes  altogether  too  far 
in  the  exuberance  of  discovery. 


330  W.  F.  Albright 

Rsyasrnga  is  the  son  of  a  gazelle,  made  pregnant  by  drinking 
from  water  in  which  a  holy  man  has  bathed.  He  groAvs  up  to  be  a 
hermit  (wild  man)  in  the  forest,  associating  with  animals  and 
ignorant  of  woman.  "When  a  drought  afflicts  the  land,  the  king 
is  informed  by  the  Brahmans  that  it  cannot  be  checked  until  the 
hermit  is  brought  to  the  court.  After  a  courtesan  has  seduced 
him  from  his  ascetic  life,  rain  falls.  In  the  Buddhist  Jataka, 
Sakra  (Indra)  sends  a  three  years'  famine  upon  the  land,  and 
refuses  to  remove  the  ban  until  the  obnoxious  hermit  is  seduced 
by  the  king's  daughter.  The  princess  succeeds,  by  a  familiar 
ruse,  and  Sakra  is  pacified.  The  hermit  relates  the  experience 
to  his  father,  who  admonishes  him,  and  draws  him  back  to  his 
ascetic  career;  the  last  is  naturally  a  Buddhistic  modification, 
quite  foreign  to  the  original  tale.  The  ascetic  character  of 
*  Gazelle-horn '  is  on  a  par  with  the  Sicilian  Santa  Venera 
(Venus),  and  cannot  be  regarded  seriously.  His  wild  character 
is  original,  as  also,  evidently,  his  intimate  association  with 
gazelles;  on  a  relief  of  Amaravati  (Liiders,  p.  133)  he  is  por- 
trayed as  a  man  with  long  braided  hair,  a  skin  over  his  shoulder 
and  a  girdle  about  his  hips,  in  the  company  of  three  gazelles. 

In  the  Gilgames-epic  Engidu  is  molded  by  Aruru,  the  creatress 
of  man ;  he  lives  in  the  wilderness,  consorting  with  the  gazelles, 
and  protecting  them  against  the  hunter.  The  latter  protests  to 
Gilgames,  who  sends  a  courtesan  to  seduce  the  wild  man,  a  com- 
mission which  is  duly  executed.  As  seduction  of  the  male  is  a 
very  common  motive  in  the  cult-legends  of  Oriental  gods  of  fer- 
tility (see  JBL  37.  123  f.),  we  may  safely  assume  that  the 
theme  was  once  the  subject  of  mimetic  representation  in  Baby- 
lonia. The  form  of  the  story  which  has  been  incorporated  into 
QE  is  much  modified  to  suit  the  new  situation.  Moreover,  it  is 
here  associated  with  the  motive  of  the  creation  of  the  first  man, 
describing  his  intercourse  with  animals,  his  seduction,  and  the 
fall  from  primitive  innocence  which  ensued  (Jastrow,  loc.  cit.). 
The  myth  current  among  the  worshipers  of  Sumuqan  must  have 
been  somewhat  different.  In  the  first  place,  the  hero  is  a  child  of 
the  sun  by  a  gazelle.  Being  a  demi-god,  he  is  not  content  with 
breaking  the  snares  of  the  hunter,  and  filling  up  his  pits;  he 
sends  a  famine  against  the  land.  This  is  a  motive  familiar  else- 
where, as  in  the  legends  of  'Brauron  and  Munichia,  whose  inhabi- 
tants kill  a  she-bear  and  are  punished  by  Artemis  with  famine 


Gilgames  'and  Engidu  331 

and  pestilence.  Similarly,  according  to  a  legend  preserved  in 
the  Qur'an,  God  sent  a  supernatural  camel  to  test  the  Thamudites 
(7,  71  ff.;  11,  67  ff.;  26,  155  ff.;  54,  27  ff.),  imposing  the  condi- 
tion that  they  must  share  their  fountain  with  the  ndqatu  'lldhi 
alternate  days.  Disregarding  warnings,  they  houghed  the  camel, 
and  were  destroyed  by  a  cataclysm.  Another  parallel  is  found  in 
Persia,  if  we  accept  Carney's  doubtful  explantion  of  the  punish- 
ment of  Masya  and  Masyoi  (JAOS  36.  315). 

We  may  reconstruct  the  myth  of  Sumuqan  very  plausibly, 
after  making  the. necessary  alterations  in  the  form  found  in  GE. 
The  king  sends  a  courtesan  to  seduce  the  god  or  hero  of  fertility ; 
with  sexual  union  the  charm  is  broken,  and  rain  returns  to  the 
land.  Whether  this  was  the  exact  form  of  the  myth  or  not  is, 
of  course,  doubtful;  it  is,  however,  evident  that  all  the  elements 
are  here  from  which  precisely  such  a  tale  as  the  Rsyasrnga-story 
may  be  derived  in  the  most  natural  way.  Jensen  is  certainly 
wrong  in  seeing  here  a  direct  loan  from  GE,  as  the  gazelle-mother 
does  not  occur  in  the  latter.  But  it  is  very  probable  that  our 
story  goes  back  eventually  to  a  Mesopotamian  origin ;  in  no  other 
case  that  I  have  seen  is  the  likelihood  so  great.  Indologists  who 
regard  all  Hindu  fiction  as  autochthonous  would  do  well  to  read 
Gaston  Paris 7  posthumous  monograph  on  the  origin  and  dif- 
fusion of  the  'Treasury  of  Rhampsinitus '  (RHR  55.  151  ff.,  267 
ff . ) .  No  doubt  a  few  stories  retold  in  other  countries  originated 
in  the  prolific  climate  of  Babylonia. 

The  conceptions  of  Sumuqan  hitherto  considered  exhibit  him 
as  a  lion,  like  Nergal,  a  wild-goat,  like  Ea,  a  gazelle,  like  Nergal, 
Resep,  and  Min.  Besides  these  three  animal  incarnations,  we 
have  a  fourth,  the  ass,  as  appears  from  the  vocabulary  CT  12.  31, 
38177,  4-5,  where  dAN&U  has  the  pronunciation  Sakan  (see 
above).  That  this  datum  is  not  due  to  graphic  corruption  with 
G1R  is  perfectly  evident  from  the  context,  which  is  devoted  to 
ass-names.  Moreover,  the  dAN$U  appears  in  early  proper 
names. 

Ass-worship  did  not,  so  far  as  we  know  now,  attain  much 
importance  in  any  Mediterranean  country  except  Anatolia, 
where  we  find  the  Phrygian  ass-divinity  Silenus,  reflected  in  the 
legendary  Midas,  whose  person,  despite  its  mythical  robe,  is  a 
reminiscence  of  a  historical  dynasty  of  Phrygian  kings  (Mita  of 
Muske).  Another  ass-god  was  Priapus,  whose  cult  centered  in 


332  W.  F.  Albright 

« 

Lydia  and  Mysia  (Lampsacus),  to  whom  the  ass  was  sacrificed, 
and  who  in  some  myths  was  the  son  of  an  ass  (Roscher,  III,  2970) . 
In  Egypt,  from  the  Hyksos  period  on,  Set  (Sts,  Sth)  of  Avaris 
was  worshiped  as  lord  of  Asia  under  the  form,  of  an  ass(ElQ),) 
which  led  to  the  Egypto-Hellenistic  libels  regarding  the  worship 
of  laho  as  an  ass  in  Jerusalem.  The  beast  of  Set  was  originally 
perhaps  an  ant-bear  (Schweinfurth),  at  all  events  not  an  ass,  so 
we  may  ascribe  the  identification  of  the  no  longer  recognized 
figure  with  the  ass  to  Hyksos  (i.  e.  Anatolian)  influence.51  The 
association  of  the  ass  with  fecundity  might  be  illustrated  by  a 
mass  of  evidence,  mythological,  pornographic,  and  philological. 
The  quasi-divine  nature  of  the  ass  appears  from  Juvenal's  state- 
ment (6,  334)  that  prominent  Roman  matrons  consorted  with  the 
animal  at  the  orgies  of  the  'Bona  Dea.'  That  bestiality  of  this 
sort  was  practised  elsewhere  is  clear  from  Apuleius,  Met.,  10, 
22,  and  Lucian's  Aovxios  r/  6Vos,  which  draws  freely  from  Syro- 
Anatolian  tales  and  customs. 

As  might  be  expected,  the  fecundizing  sun  was  symbolized  as 
an  ass,  and  c>  was,  accordingly,  one  of  the  solar  names  in  the 
Egyptian  litany  (PSBA  15.  225).  Solar  eclipses  were  fancied  to 
be  caused  by  a  huge  serpent  (hiu),  which  swallowed  the  ass  of 
heaven,  a  catastrophe  depicted  most  vividly  in  the  vignettes 
accompanying  the  text  of  the  Book  of  the  Dead  (ibid.  pi.  13,  fac- 
ing p.  219). 52 

We  have  also  direct  evidence  that  the  ass-god  £akan  was  identi- 
fied with  the  moon  in  the  name  dEN-ZU-dAN8U  —  Sin-Sakan, 
'Sakan  is  the  moon.'53  The  only  other  clear  lunar  ass  with 


81  Of.  also  Miiller,  OLZ  16.  433-6.  Schiffer's  Marsyas  theory  (cf.  OLZ  16. 
232)  is  untenable;  while  an  ass-god  may  well  have  been  worshiped  in  Damas- 
cus, the  Assyrian  name  Sa  imcresu,  '  (City)  of  asses,'  refers  to  the  extensive 
caravan  trade  of  the  latter  (Haupt,  ZDMG  69,  168-172).  Another  dlu  sa 
imere,  in  the  Zagros,  is  mentioned  among  the  conquests  of  the  Elamite  king 
&ilhak-in-i§usinak  (ET  33.  213.  14). 

52  The  Egyptians  also  believed  in  an  obscene  ass-demon ;    cf .  Moller,  Sitz. 
Berl.  Akad.,  1910,  p.  945. 

53  Pinches,  PSBA  39,  PI.  10,  rev.  37.     The  suggestion  (ibid.  p.  94)  that 
'Sakkan  -  -  -  would  seem  to  be  a  parallel  to  the  Hebrew  Shekinah,  and  -  -  - 
comes  from  the  same  root'  would  probably  be  rejected  by  the  author  now. 
Even  this  is  superior  to  the  views  expressed  by  Ball,  PSBA  32.  64-72,  where 
among  other  gems  we  find  the  idea  that  SeTccm  ben  Hamor  is  Sctk'an  mar 
imeri. 


Oil  games  and  Engidu  333 

which  I  am  acquainted  is  the  Iranian  three-legged  Khara  (i.  e. 
'ass/  mod.  /iar),  standing  in  the  cosmic  sea  Vourukasa,  related 
both  to  the  three-fold  moon  (cf.  Siecke,  Hermes,  pp.  67  ff.)  and  to 
the  three-legged  Priapus,54  whose  phallic  nature  shows  transpar- 
antly  thru  the  metonymy.  The  motive  was  familiar  to  the  Indo- 
Iranians,  as  appears  from  the  three-legged  Indian  Kubera  (cf. 
Hopkins,  JAOS  33.' 56,  n.  1). 

Finally  I  will  call  attention  to  some  curious  parallels  between 
Egyptian,  Mesopotamia!!,  and  Indo-Iranian  mythology,  sug- 
gested by  the  equation  Sin  —  Sakan.  Blackman,  in  a  valuable 
article,  JEA  3,  235-249,  has  proved  that  one  of  the  writings  of 
the  name  of  the  moon-god  Hnsu,  i  the  wanderer, '  represents  him 
as  the  royal  placenta,  M-nisut,  hnsu,  a  conception  paralleled 
among  the  Baganda.  The  real  meaning  of  the  idea  has  been 
cleared  up  by  Van  der  Leeuw's  happy  suggestion  (JEA  5.  64) 
that,  since  the  Pharaoh  was  the  incarnation  of  the  sun-god  Rec, 
his  astral  placenta,  in  which  his  k'  was  embodied,  was  the  moon, 
often  considered  by  the  Egyptians  as  the  k'  of  the  sun.  The 
moon's  shape  is  such  that  it  might  easily  be  compared  to  a  pla- 
cental  cake,  or  a  womb,  as  was  commonly  done  in  Babylonia.  In 
the  great  hymn  to  Sin  (IV R  9),  the  moon  is  called  (line  24)  : 
ama-gan-nigin-na  mulu  si-ma-al-la-da  (so  SGI  223)  ki-dur-mag 
ne-in-ri  'Mother  (Sem.  rimu,  'womb')  who  bears  all  life,  who 
together  with  living  creatures  dwells  in  an  exalted  habita- 
tion.' The  idea  that  the  moon  is  the  womb  whence  all  life 
springs  is  most  natural;  does  not  the  roscida  luna  exhibit 
a  monthly  failing  and  dimming  corresponding  often  exactly  to 
the  menstrual  period?  Hence,  by  a  most  natural  development 
under  the  influence  of  the  life-index  motive,  the  moon  becomes 
the  index  of  human  life,55  and  especially  of  the  permanence  of 
the  reigning  dynasty ;  an  eclipse  foretokened  disaster  to  the  state. 
These  conceptions  may  easily  be  illustrated  from  the  inscriptions. 
CT  16.  21. 184  f.  we  have :  lugal-e  dumu-dingir-ra-na  ud-sar  dSin- 
na-dim  zi-kalam-ma  su-du  =  '  The  king,  son  of  his  god,  who  like 
the  crescent  moon  holds  the  life  of  the  land. '  The  principle  that 
the  mutations  of  the  moon  are  an  index  to  the  health  and  pros- 
perity of  men  could  hardly  be  stated  more  clearly.  The  moon 

54  See  Theocritus,  Ep.  4,  2-3,  VVKIVOV  dpriyXv^es  %oa.vov, 

66 1  hope  to  discuss  this  Babylonian  conception  elsewhere. 


334  W.  F.  Albright 

is  the  index  of  the  dynasty  in  the  text  of  Agum  II,  Col.  8,  3  ff. ; 
il8in  ilNannar  same  zer  sarruti  ana  ume  ruquti  liddis  =  '  May  Sin, 
divine  luminary  of  heaven,  renew  the  royal  seed  to  distant  days, ' 
i.  e.,  may  the  dynasty  renew  itself  spontaneously  like  the  moon 
(Vedic  taniinapdt,  '  self  -created'),  which  is  called  (TVR.  9.  22) 
gi-rim  ni-ba  mu-un-dim-ma,  '  fruit  which  thru  itself  is  created.  '56 
To  appreciate  the  intimate  relationship  between  the  Babylonian 
and  the  Egyptian  conceptions  it  must  be  remembered  that  the 
placenta  and  navel-string  are  among  the  most  primitive  of  life- 
indices;  see  Hartland,  in  Hastings'  Encyclopaedia  of  Religion 
and  Ethics,  Vol.  8,  p.  45  a. 

A  further  striking  parallel  to  these  conceptions  is  found  in 
Indo-Iranian  mythologj^.  The  lunar  genius  Narasansa-  Nair- 
yosanha  (Neryosang)  is  called  'the  king-navel'  (cf.  Gray,  ARW 
3.  45-49),  properly  'the  royal  navel-string'  (the  umbilical  cord 
often  takes  the  place  of  the  placenta  in  folklore).  After  Hille- 
brandt's  treatment  of  Narasansa  (Vedische  Mythologie,  II,  pp. 
98  ff.) ,  his  lunar  character  is  certain  ;  in  the  Rg-veda,  3.  29. 11,  he 
is  called  'son  of  his  own  body,  the  heavenly  embryo'  (or  'womb/ 
garbho  asuro} ;  his  title  gndspati,  'lord  of  women,'  reflects  the 
widespread  popular  view  that  female  life  varies  with  the  moon. 
The  Bundahisn,  Ch.  15,  tells  us  that  Neryosang  received  two- 
thirds  of  Gayomart  's  semen  for  preservation ;  elsewhere  we  learn 
that  the  seed  of  the  primeval  bull  was  kept  in  the  moon,  whence, 
therefore,  the  race  of  animals  sprang,  just  as  the  moon  was  the 
father  of  Apis  in  Egyptian  mythology  (cf.  JAOS  39.  87,  n.  42). 
I  am  not  competent  to  decide  whether  Carnoy  is  justified  in  com- 
bining the  motives  of  Gaya  and  the  bull,  thus  deriving  the  seed 
of  man  from  the  moon  (JAOS  36.  314) .  At  all  events  the  theory 
is  good  Indo-European,  as  is  the  association  of  the  placenta  with 
the  moon ;  cf .  '  Mondkalb, '  referring  to  a  false  conception  (Kalb 
connected  with  garbha,  SeA.<£vs,  'womb'),  but  originally,  perhaps, 
to  the  placenta. 

In  concluding  this  paper,  I  wish  to  repeat,  with  emphasis,  the 
remarks  made  JAOS  39.  90,  regarding  the  vital  importance  of 
combining  the  philological  and  comparative  mythological 

56  Note  ideogram  for  Zirru  (SGI  225),  'priest  of  Sin,'  EN-NUNUZ-ZI, 
literally  'priest  of  the  constant  offspring  (of  heaven)  '.  Sum.  nunuz  means 
also  '  egg ' ;  the  moon  might  easily  be  called  '  egg  of  heaven. ' 


Gilgames  and  Engidu  335 

methods  in  the  study  of  cuneiform  religious  literature.  Surely 
it  is  no  longer  necessary  to  stress  the  unique  significance  of  the 
latter  for  the  solution  of  comparative  religious  problems.57 

57  In  the  year  that  has  elapsed  between  the  preparation  of  the  paper  and 
the  correction  of  the  proofs,  much  new  material  has  become  available  some 
of  which  should  be  mentioned. 

The  Sumerians  had  a  special  word  for  'life-index,'  for  so  I  would  inter- 
pret izkim-tila,  lit.  'sign,  index  of  life,'  rendered  inadequately  in  Babylonian 
by  tukultu,  '  support, '  and  Qiptu,  ' pledge. '  Sometimes  the  king  is  the  izlci/m- 
tila  of  the  god  (especially  Samas),  and  at  times  the  god  is  the  izkim-tila  of 
the  king,  respectively  as  the  soul  of  the  god  was  thought  to  reside  in  the  king, 
or  the  soul  of  the  king  in  the  god.  For  passages  cf.  SGI  28  and  Zimmern, 
Konig  Lipit-lstars  Vergottlichung,  p.  25. 

In  a  Neo-Babylonian  text  published  by  Thureau-Dangin,  EA  16.  145.  8-9, 
Lugal-gir-ra  is  identified  with  Sin,  Gilgames  with  Meslamtaea  and  Nergal 
of  the  underworld.  As  pointed  out  above,  Lugal-gira  is  identical  with  Gira- 
Sakan,  so  our  association  of  Engidu-Sakan  with  the  moon  is  confirmed.  In 
the  same  way,  as  Thureau-Dangin  observes  (p.  149),  Gilgames  'est  ainsi 
nettement  caracterise  comme  dieu  solaire. ' 

Schroeder,  MVAG  21.  180  f.,  shows  that  the  reading  Lugalbanda  is  gratu- 
itous, and  that  we  must  read  Lugalmarda,  or  Lugalmarada,  identified  in  his 
vocabulary  with  Ninurta.  As  late  as  the  second  century  A.  D.  Ninmarada 
seems  to  have  been  worshiped  under  the  name  of  Nimrod  by  the  Aramaean 
population  of  Hatra  (OLZ  23.  37).  Kraeling's  suggestion  En-marad, 
quoted  by  Prince  in  his  article  JAOS  40.  201-203,  is  nearly  correct;  Prince 
suggests  that  the  name  stands  for  Sum.  ning-lj'ud  —  nin-gud,  'brilliant 
hunter. ' 


NOTES  ON  THE  DIVYAVADANA 

MAURICE  BLOOMFIELD 
JOHNS  HOPKINS  UNIVERSITY 

1.     On  the  practice  of  giving  animals  intoxicating  drink. 

THE  SAINT  Svagata  is  delegated  by  the  Buddha  to  convert  the 
murderous  Naga  (serpent)  Asvatirthika.  In  this  he  succeeds  so 
well  as  to  compel  thereby  the  admiration  of  the  Brahman  Ahitun- 
dika, who  has  previously  fled  from  fear  of  that  Naga  to  the  city  of 
£ravasti.  This  brings  the  Svagata  story,  Divyavadana  xiii,  to  p. 
188,  line  12.  At  that  point  the  story  goes  on  to  say  that  King 
Prasenajit  Kausala  takes  Ahitundika  into  his  employ,  with  the 
words:  sa  (sc.  Ahitundika)  rdjnd  Prasenajibd  Kdusalena  hasti- 
madhyasyopari  visvdsikah  sthdpitah.  Naturally  the  vocabu- 
lary to  the  Divyavadana  marks  the  word  hastimadhya  with 
an  interrogation  mark.  A  later  suggestion  in  the  notes  on 
p.  706,  'does  this  mean,  "he  was  set  over  ten  billions  of  ele- 
f ants  ? ", '  does  not  invalidate  that  interrogation  mark.  Ten  bil- 
lions— the  Lexicons  rather  give  ten  thousand  billions  for  madhya 
— is  a  pretty  large  order  even  for  a  Buddhist  text.  But  it  is 
necessary  to  fit  this  word  madhya  into  the  sequel  of  the  story,  to 
wit:  Emend  madhya  to  madya,  'intoxicating  liquor.'  The  pas- 
sage above  means:  'He  (namely,  Ahitundika)  was  placed  in 
charge  of  the  elef ants'  liquor.'  In  the  sequel  Ahitundika,  now 
liquor  trustee,  in  order  to  show  his  appreciation  of  Svagata 's 
saintly  power,  invites  him  to  dinner  in  Sravasti.  Svagata  accepts 
the  invitation,  comes  to  Sravasti,  and  is  entertained  by  Ahitund- 
ika with  a  full  meal.  At  the  close  Ahitundika  becomes  anxious 
about  Svagata 's  digestion  (p.  190,  1.  3)  :  dryena  Svdgatena 
pramta  dhdrah  paribhukto  no  jarayisyati.  He  decides  to  give 
him  water  to  promote  the  digestive  processes ;  Svagata  accepts  it. 
Then  on  p.  190,  line  7  the  following  statement  is  made :  tena  (sc. 
Ahitundikena)  pdnakam  s&jjikrtya  hastimaddd  angulih  prti- 
ksiptd.  Read,  on  account  of  the  non-existing  combination 
pra  +  d  +  ksip,  instead  of  prdksiptd,  prdk  ksiptd:  'While  prepar- 
ing the  drink  Ahitundika 's  finger  was  thrust  forth  from  the  ele- 
fants'  liquor.'  Cf.,  on  p.  82,  1.  21,  the  parallel  expression, 
angulih  patitd.  The  implication  is,  that  one  of  Ahitundika 's 


Notes  on  the  Divydvaddna  337 

fingers,  wet  with  the  elef ants'  booze,  got  into  the  water  about  to 
be  drunk  by  Svagata  (Svdgatena  tat  pdnakam  pit  am).  That 
the  Arhat  should  do  this  is  ascribed  to  carelessness:  asaman- 
vdhrtydrhatdm  jndnadarsanam  na  pravartate,  'When  Saints  are 
careless  they  lose  the  sight  of  knowledge. ' 

Svagata  takes  leave  from  his  host  with  thanks,  and  walks  in  a 
street  of  £ravasti,  covered  with  mats  (in  his  honor,  we  may 
assume).1  He  gets  a  touch  of  the  sun,  and  shaken  by  the  booze 
falls  to  the  ground :  sa  tdm  (sc.  vithim)  atikrdnta  dtapena  prspho 
(so  the  mss. :  read  sprsto2)  madyaksiptah  prthivydm  nipatitah. 
The  story  in  the  mouth  of  the  Buddha  is  an  extreme  plea  for 
monks'  total  abstinence :  tasmdn  na  bhiksund  madyath  pdtavyam 
ddtavyam  vd, '  a  monk  shall  neither  drink  nor  give  to  drink  intox- 
icating liquor.'  And  later  again  (p.  191, 1.  2  if.)  more  explicitly, 
as  applying  to  the  present  case:  mdm  ~bho  bhiksavah  sdstdram 
uddisyddbhir  (text,  incorrectly,  uddisyddbhir)  madyam  apeyarn 
adeyam  antatah  kusdgrendpi,  'With  me,  the  Teacher,  as  author- 
ity, 0  ye  Monks,  liquor  with  water  shall  not  be  drunk  or  given 
(to  drink),  even  with  the  tip  of  a  blade  of  grass!' — Svagata,  we 
may  assure  the  reader,  is  properly  cared  for ;  the  Buddha  him- 
self conjures  by  magic  over  Svagata  a  hut  made  of  leaves  of  the 
suparna  tree,  lest  any  one  seeing  him  in  that  state  become  disaf- 
fected from  the  teaching  of  the  Blessed  One. 

The  practice  of  giving  strong  drink  to  animals,  in  order  to 
•  make  them  mettlesome,  is  sufficiently  attested.  In  the  present- 
day  story  (paccuppanna-vatthu)  of  the  Cullahansa  Jataka  (533), 
Devadatta,  hater  of  the  Buddha,  and  ever  gunning  for  him 
(unsuccessfully,  of  course),  has  personally  made  sundry  attempts 
on  the  Buddha's  life.3  Foiled,  he  exclaims,  'Verily  no  mortal 
beholding  the  excellent  beauty  of  Gotama's  person  dare 
approach  him.  But  the  King's  elef  ant,  Nalagiri,  is  a  fierce  and 
savage  animal,  who  knows  nothing  of  the  virtues  of  the  Buddha, 

1  Or,  perhaps  rather  in  honor  of  the  Buddha,  who  happens  at  that  time  to 
be  in  Sravasti. 

2  Perhaps  the  editors  are  right  in  suggesting  prsthe  sprsto,  changed  by 
a  sort  of  haplography  to  prs(the  sprs}to.    But  the  word  prsthe,  'on  the 
back/  is  pretty  certainly  not  required;   this  is  shown  by  p.  6,  third  line  from 
bottom:   suryahsubWi  sprsta  atapitah. 

8  An  echo  of  this  story  in  Parker,  Village  Folk-Tales  of  Ceylon,  vol.  iii, 
p.  306. 

22    JAOS  40 

\ 


338  Maurice  Bloomfield 

the  Law,  and  the  Assembly.  He  will  bring  about  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  ascetic. '  So  he  goes  and  tells  the  matter  to  the  King. 
The  King  readily  falls  in  with  the  suggestion,  summons  his  ele- 
f ant-keeper,  and  thus  addresses  him,  'Sir,  to-morrow  you  are  to 
make  Nalagiri  mad  with  drink,  and  at  break  of  day  let  him  loose 
in  the  street  where  the  ascetic  Gotama  walks.'  Devadatta  asks 
the  keeper  how  much  rum  the  elefant  is  wont  to  drink  on  ordi- 
nary days,  and  when  he  answers,  'Eight  pots/  he  says,  'Tomor- 
row give  him  sixteen  pots  to  drink,  and  send  him  on  the  street 
frequented  by  the  ascetic  Gotama.'  But  the  Buddha  converts, 
yea,  even  the  rum-mad  elefant.  Nalagiri,  on  hearing  the  voice  of 
the  Master,  opens  his  eyes,  beholds  the  glorious  form  of  the 
Blessed  One,  and,  by  the  power  of  the  Buddha,  the  intoxicating 
effects  of  the  strong  drink  pass  off.  Dropping  his  trunk  and 
shaking  his  ears  he  falls  at  the  feet  of  the  Tathagata.4  Then  the 
Master  addresses  him, '  Nalagiri,  you  are  a  brute-elef ant ;  I  am  the 
Buddha-elefant.  Henceforth  be  not  fierce  and  savage,  nor  a 
slayer  of  men,  but  cultivate  thoughts  of  charity.'  The  elefant 
becomes  good,  being  henceforth  known  as  Dhanapalaka  (Keeper 
of  Treasure),  established  in  the  five  moral  laws. 

Mettlesome  horses  also  were  given  strong  drink,  either  to 
inspirit  them,  or  to  restore  them  after  great  fatigue.  In  Valod- 
aka  Jataka  (183)  such  horses  returning  from  battle  are  given 
(fermented)  grape-juice  to  drink;  this  they  take  without  getting 
intoxicated.  But  the  fermented  leavings  of  the  grapes  are 
strained  with  water  and  given  to  donkeys,  who  then  romp  about 
the  palace  yard,  braying  loudly.  The  Bodhisat,  the  King's 
adviser,  draws  the  moral,  applicable  to  this  day : 

'  This  sorry  draught,  the  goodness  all  strained  out, 

Drives  all  those  asses  in  a  drunken  rout : 

The  thorobreds,  that  drank  the  potent  juice, 

Stand  silent,  nor  skip  capering  about.  '5 

Animals  also  intoxicate  themselves  without  knowing  that  they  do  : 
cats,  with  fermented  liquor,  in  Kumbha  Jataka  (512) ;  a  jackal, 
in  Sigala  Jataka  (113)  ;  a  pair  of  crows,  in  Kaka  Jataka  (146). 
All  come  to  grief.  A  delicious  bit  of  satire,  extant  in  a  modern 
version,  tells  in  Guthapana  Jataka  (227)  how  a  drunken  beetle 

4  Of.    the   conversion    of   the   elefant   Marubhuti   in    Parsvanatha    Caritra 
1.  815ff. 

5  Bouse 's  Translation  of  The  Jataka,  vol.  ii,  p.  66. 


Notes  on  the  Divydvaddna  339 

comes  to  grief  :6  Citizens  of  the  kingdoms  of  Anga  and  Magadha, 
traveling,  used  to  stay  in  a  house  on  the  confines  of  the  two  king- 
doms, there  drink  liquor,  and  eat  the  flesh  of  fishes.  A  certain 
dung-beetle,  led  by  the  odor  of  the  dung,  comes  there,  sees  some 
of  the  liquor  shed  upon  the  ground,  and  for  thirst  drinks  it,  and 
returns  to  his  lump  of  dung,  intoxicated.  When  he  climbs  upon 
it  the  moist  dung  gives  way  a  little.  *  The  world  cannot  bear  my 
weight ! '  he  exclaims.  At  that  very  instant  a  maddened  elef ant 
comes  to  the  spot,  and  smelling  the  dung  retreats  in  disgust. 
The  beetle  sees  it.  'Yon  creature,'  he  thinks,  'is  afraid  of  me, 
and  see  how  he  runs  away!  1  must  fight  with  him!'  So  he 
challenges  him: 

*  Well  matched !  for  we  are  heroes  both :  here  let  us  issue  try : 
Turn  back,  turn  back,  friend  Elef  ant !    Why  would  you  fear 

and  fly ; 
Let  Magadha  and  Anga  see  how  great  our  bravery ! ' 

The  elef  ant  listens,  turns  back,  and  replies : 

*  I  would  not  use  my  foot  nor  hand,  nor  would  my  teeth  I  soil ; 
With  dung,  him  whose  sole  care  is  dung,  it  behooveth  me  to 

spoil !  ' 

And  so  dropping  a  great  piece  of  dung  upon  him,  and  making 
water,  he  kills  him  there  and  then,  and  scampers  into  the  forest, 
trumpeting. 

The  modern  instance  is  of  a  mouse  which  happens  upon  drip- 
pings from  a  whiskey-barrel,  drinks  its  fill,  and  becomes  a  bit 
squiffy;  then  places  itself  astride  on  the  barrel,  and  exclaims: 
'  Now  come  on  with  your  blankety  cat ! '  Nothing  is  new  under 
the  sun,  but  the  old  story  is  in  a  deeper  vein  of  humor. 

2.  On  certain  standing  epithets  of  Buddhist  Arhats. 
As  one  of  the  many  repeated  or  stenciled  passages  character- 
istic of  the  text  of  the  Avadanas  there  occurs  in  Divyavadana  six 
times,  or  perhaps  more,  a  passage  which  describes  the  state  of 
mind  of  him  who  has  attained  to  highest  monkhood  or  Arhatship. 
The  published  text  has  not  in  all  places  the  same  form,  and  some 
of  its  words  need  explaining.  On  p.  97,  vdcdvasdne  Bhagavato 
munddh  samvrttds  trdidhdtukavitardgdh  samalostakdncand  akds- 

6  Closely  following  Kouse  's  picturesque  rendering  in  the  Cambridge  Trans- 
lation, vol.  ii,  p.  148. 


340  Maurice  Bloomfield 

apdnitalasamacittd  vdsicandanakalpd  vidydviddritdndakosdvidyd 
vijndh7  pratisamvitprdptdh  etc.  In  the  remaining  passages  where 
the  same  state  of  mind  is  predicated  of  a  single  Arhat  (arhan 
samvrttah  etc.),  namely  pp.  180,  240,  282,  488,  492,  most  of  the 
words  remain  essentially  the  same,  but  there  are  also  the  follow- 
ing variations : 

p.  180,  vidydviddritdndakoso  vidydbhijnah,  pratisamvitprdp- 
tah, 

p.  240,  avidydviddritdndakoso8  vidydbhijndpratisamvitprdp- 
tah, 

pp.  282,  488,  492,  vidydviddritdndakoso  vidydbhijndpratisam- 
vitprdptah. 

After  proper  correction  there  remains  the  plural  form,  p.  97, 
vidydviddritdndakosd  vidydbhijiidpratisamvitprdptdh;  the  singu- 
lar form,  vidydviddritdndakoso  vidyabhijnapratisamvitpraptak. 

The  same  cliche  occurs  frequently  in  Avadanasataka,  Speyer  rs 
text,  vol.  i,  pp.  96, 1.  6 ;  104, 1.  7 ;  207, 1. 12 ;  vol.  ii,  p.  129,  etc.  The 
editor  seems  to  have  been  in  doubt,  for  a  time  at  least,  as  to  the 
correct  reading  of  one  of  the  words ;  he  is  finally  mistaken  as  to 
another.  The  printed  text  of  Avadanasataka  has  on  p.  96,  1.  7 : 
samalostakdncana  dkdsapdnitalasamacitto  vdsicandanakalpo  vid- 
ydviddritdndakoso vidydbhijndpratisamvitprdpto  etc.  On  p.  104, 
1.  7  there  is  vdsl  candanakalpo ;  but  on  p.  207, 1.  12  vdsicandana- 
kalpo (so  the  Editor's  final,  correct  decision,  Additions  and  Cor- 
rections, p.  208;  and  Index,  p.  234,  under  vdsicandanakalpa) . 
As  regards  vidydviddritdtidakoso  the  editor,  on  p.  Ixxiii,  note  127, 
argues  in  favor  of  °kalpo  'vidydviddritdndakoso,  a  construction 
which  has  also  occurred  to  the  Editors  of  the  Divyavadana,  p. 
240,  1.  24,  but  which,  be  it  noted,  does  not  tally  with  the  plural 
version  on  p.  97,  stated  above.  Against  grammar,  Speyer  would 
construe  avidydviddritdndakosa  as  meaning  'whose  egg-shell  of 
ignorance  has  been  cleft,'  but  the  correctly  construed  vidydvid- 
dritdndakosa  yields  about  the  same  result,  'the  egg-shell  (of 
whose  existence  in  ignorance,  avidyd  implied)  is  cleft  by  knowl- 
edge.' 'Imprisonment  within  the  egg-shell  of  life  thru  nesci- 
ence' is  the  point  under  either  construction.  See  Divyavadana, 
p.  203 : 

1  Corrected  in  the  Errata  to  °kosa  vidyavijnah. 

8  The  a  at  the  beginning  of  this  extract  represents  the  avagraha  of  the 
editors. 


Notes  on  the  Divydvaddna  341 

tulyam  atulyam  ca  sambhavam  bhavasamskdram  apotsrjan 
munih, 

adhydtmaratah  samdhito  hy  abhinat  kosam  ivdndasambhavak. 

According  to  the  Editors  of  the  Divyavadana,  in  a  note  on  p.  706, 
the  Pali  of  the  Mahaparinibbanasutta  (3.  10)  reads  for  pada  d, 
abhida  kavacam  iv'  attasambhavam,  'he  cleft,  as  tho  a  coat  of 
mail,  his  own  existence's  cause'  (by  means  of  his  vidyd  as  a  Muni 
or  Arhat). 

The  remaining  descriptions  of  Arhat  condition  seem  not  quite 
clear  to  the  Editors  and  Translators  of  the  two  Avadana  texts. 
Feer,  on  p.  14  of  his  translation  of  Avadanasataka,9  translates, 
once  for  all,  the  passage  ,from  samalostakdncana  to  vidydbhijnd- 
pratisamvitprdpto  as  follows:  'Tor  fut  a  ses  yeux  de  la  rouille, 
la  voute  celeste  comme  le  creux  de  la  main.  II  etait  froid  comme 
le  sandal;  la  science  avait  dechire  les  tenebres  qui  1'envellop- 
paient,  la  possession  claire  et  distincte  des  connaissances  superi-' 
cures  de  la  science  lui  etait  acquise. '  Some  help  or  correction  may 
be  gained  from  a  metrical  parafrase  of  this  Arhat-c^ic/ie  in  stanza 
327  of  the  metrical  text,  Avadanamala,  nr.  91,  published  by 
Speyer  in  the  Preface  to  his  Edition  of  the  Avadanasataka,  p. 
Ixxiii : 

suvltardgdh  samalostahemd  dkdsacitto  ghanasdravdsi, 
bhindann  avidyddrim  ivdndakosam  prdpad  abhijndh  pratisam- 
vidas  ca. 

As  regards  samalostakancana,  or  samalostaheman,  'he  who 
regards  gold  and  a  lump  of  dirt  as  of  equal  value,'  see  Boht- 
lingk's  Lexicon.  This  is  the  yogi  samalostdsmakdncana  of 
Bhagavadgita  6.  8 ;  14.  24 ;  or  the  paramahansah  samalostds- 
makdncanah  of  Asrama-Up.  4,  showing  the  continuity  between 
the  Sarimyasin  of  the  Upanisads  and  the  Buddhist  Arhat. 
It  is,  as  it  were,  put  into  practice  at  the  end  of  Mugapakkha 
Jataka  (538)  by,  bhanddgdresu  kahdpane  assamapade  vdlukd 
katvd  vikirinsu,  'money  in  the  treasuries,  being  counted  as  mere 
sand,  was  scattered  about  in  the  hermitage. '  Feer 's  rendering  of 
lost  a  by  '  rust, '  tho  recorded  in  native  lexicografy,  strains  need- 
lessly to  conform  to  the  biblical  idea. 

The  compound  dkdsapdnitalasamacitta  seems  to  mean,  'he  in 

9  Annales  du  Musee  Guimet,  vol.  xviii. 


342  Maurice  Bloomfield 

whose  mind  the  palm  of  his  hand  is  like  ether, '  i.  e.  'ho  for  whom 
the  plainest  reality  is  no  better  than  the  most  ethereal  substance. ' 
The  palm  of  the  hand  is  the  most  real  thing :  '  When  one  cannot  in 
darkness  discern  the  palm  of  one's  own  hand,  then  one  is  guided 
by  sound,'  Brhad-Aranyaka  Upanisad  4.  3.  5.  Ether  is  subtle, 
invisible,  and  touches  upon  '  emptiness, '  '  nothingness ' :  yac 
chusiram  tad  dkdsam,  'akasa  is  hollow,'  Garbha-Up.  1.  In  Amr- 
tabindu-Up.  11  akasa  sunya  means  'empty  space.'  In  the  Avad- 
anamala passage  (Speyer,  p.  Ixxiii,  stanza  327)  dkdsacitta  seems 
to  mean,  'he  whose  mind  is  (empty  like)  ether.' 

As  regards  vdsicandanakalpa,  Feer  reads  merely  candanakalpa 
which  accounts  for  his,  'il  etait  froid  comme  le  sandal.'  The 
Editors  of  the  Divyavadana  leave  the  word  unexplained ;  Speyer, 
1.  c.,  note  126,  remarks  that  ghanasdravdsi  in  the  Avadanamala 
answers  to  the  enigmatical  epithet  vdsicandanakalpa.  The  latter 
compound  means,  'he  for  whom  the  (cooling)  sandal  is  not  differ- 
ent from  a  (painful)  Kword.'  In  Bhavabhuti's  Malatimadhavam, 
act  X,  stanza  10  (p.  257  of  M.  R.  Telang's  edition,  Bombay,  1892), 
the  same  antithesis  is  used  to  express  the  quick  succession  of  good 
and  evil  in  man 's  fate : 

kim  ayam  asipattracandanarasacchatdsdrayugapadavapdtah, 
analasphulingakalitah  kim  ayam  anabhrah  sudhdvarsah. 

'Is  it  that  sharp-edged  swords  and  drops  of  sandal 

In  the  same  shower  commingle  ? 

Is  it  that  sparks  of  fire  and  streams  of  nectar 

Descend  together  from  unclouded  skies?' 

Sandal  is  the  Hindu  beau-ideal  of  a  cooling  substance;  it  cures 
fever.  The  pain  of  a  sword  is  conceived  as  burning,  in  absolute 
antithesis.  In  the  pretty  story  of  Purnaka,  Divyavadana  pp. 
30ff.,  a  man  carrying  wood  cast  up  by  the  ocean  comes  along 
trembling  with  cold.  Purnaka  investigates  the  wood,  finds  it 
to  be  sandal,  recognizes  its  cooling  property,  buys  it,  and 
cures  with  it  the  fever  of  the  King  of  Surparaka.  The  streets 
of  the  city  of  Sudarsana  are  sprinkled  with  sandal-water,  to  make 
them  cool,  as  well  as  fragrant,  Divyavadana  p.  221, 1.  5.  The  yet 
more  curious  ghanasdravdsi  of  the  Avadanamala  seems  to  be  a 
nominative  from  a  stem  ghanasdravdsin,  perhaps  in  the  sense  of 
'  regarding  camf  or  as  a  sword. '  The  Hindus  ate  camf or  as  a  sort 
of  sweetmeat,  as  is  stated  in  the  proverb,  Bohtlingk's  Indische 


Notes  on  the  Divydvaddna  343 

Spriiche,  nr.  6921 :  dantapdtah  katham  na  sydd  atikarpurabhak- 
sandt, '  the  teeth  of  him  that  eats  too  much  camf or  are  sure  to  fall 
out ; '  cf .  Pet.  Lex.  s.  vs.  karpura  and  karpurandlikd. 

3.  On  some  correspondences  between  Buddhist  Sanskrit  and 
Jaina  Sanskrit. 

Amidst  the  countless  Paliisms  or  back-formations  from  Pali  in 
the  Buddhist  Avadana  texts  none  are  more  interesting  than  those 
which  occur  also  in  Jaina  Sanskrit,  a  language  which  in  its  turn 
is  tainted  by  the  literary  and  religious  Prakrits  (Maharastri  and 
Jaina  Prakrit),  familiarly  used  by  the  Jainas.  Thus  both  Avad- 
ana Sanskrit  and  Jaina  Sanskrit  have  a  'root'  vikurv  (vi  +  kurv), 
1  to  perform  magic  or  miracles. '  In  the  Avadanas  this  '  Sanskrit ' 
root  is  a  back-formation  of  Pali  vikubb  (vikubbana,  'miracle'). 
Thus  Divyavadana  269,  line  7,  praydnti  .  .  .  divdukaso  niriksitum 
Sdkyamuner  vikurvitam,  'the  gods  proceed  to  examine  £akya- 
muni's  miracle. '  On  p.  403, 1.  21  vikurvate  occurs  in  the  sense  of 
'play  pranks  with':  Kundlo  .  .  .  pitrd  sdrdham  vikurvate.  In 
Avadanasataka,  vol.  I,  p.  258,  1.  9,  vikurvita  is  again  'miracle', 
and  in  Saddharmapundarlka  occur  the  abstract  nouns  vikurvd 
and  vikurvana  (Pali  vikubbana)  :  pp.  446,  456,  472  of  Kern  and 
Nanjio's  edition;  note  especially  the  tautological  compound 
vikurvana-prdtihdrya,  'magic  miracle,'  on  p.  456,  and  the  suc- 
cession bodhisattva-vikurvayd  .  .  .  bodhisattva-prdtiJidryena  on  p. 
472.  The  noun  vikurvana  occurs  also  in  Lalitavistara  (ed.  Lef- 
mann),  p.  422, 1.  9 ;  see  also  Mahavastu  (ed.  Senart),  vol.  i,  p.  425. 

In  Jaina  Sanskrit  vikurv  appears  to  be  an  independent  retro- 
grade formation  of  Prakrit  viuvvai,  viuvvae  (past  participle 
viuvviya;  gerund  muvviuna) ;  see  Pischel,  Grammatik  der  Pra- 
krit-Sprachen,  §508.  The  verb  is  particularly  common  in  Pars- 
vanatha  Caritra,  in  the  sense  of  'produce  by  magic':  1.  601;  2. 
352,  411;  5.,  101;  6.  1129;  8.  384.  Thus,  1.  601,  vikurvya 
mahatlm  sildm,  'having  produced  by  magic  a  big  rock;'  2.  352, 
vikurvya  sinharupam,  'having  assumed  magically  the  form  of  a 
lion. '  Further  examples  may  be  seen  in  my  Life  of  Pdrsvandtha, 
p.  222,  where  this  Prakritism  figures  as  one  of  a  fairly  extended 
list  of  the  same  sort.  The  '  root '  vikurv  I  remember  to  have  seen 
also  in  Rauhineya  Carita. 

In  Divyavadana  occur  eight  times  apparent  derivatives  from 
a  causative  dhmdpayati,  in  the  sense  of  '  cause  to  burn, '  '  consign 


344  Maurice  Bloomfield 

to  flames.'  The  word  is  restricted  to  descriptions  of  cremation. 
Speyer,  Avadanasataka,  vol.  ii,  p.  209,  has  corrected  these  read- 
ings to  derivatives  from  dhydpayati,  retrograde  Sanskrit  from 
Pali  jhdpeti,  'consign  to  fire/  primary  jhdyati,  'burn'  (Childers), 
from  root  jhdi  =  the  Sanskrit  root  ksdi,  'burn.'  On  p.  350, 1.  19, 
the  Divyavadana  mss.,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  read  dhydpitah,  and 
Skt.  Buddhist  (Mahayana)  texts  handle  the  root  dhydi,  'burn,' 
quite  familiarly  (Avadanasataka,  Mahavastu,  Lalitavistara,  etc. ; 
see  Speyer,  1.  c.). 

The  analog  of  this  in  Jaina  Sanskrit  is  a  root  vidhydi  (vi  + 
dhydi)  which  is  in  the  same  way  =  Pali-Prakrit  root  vi-jhdi,  in 
the  opposite  sense  to  dhydi,  namely,  'go  out,'  'become  extin- 
guished.' I  have  not  met  with  simple  dhydi  in  Jaina  Sanskrit 
texts,  but  it  may  be  there.  Derivatives  from  vi  +  dhydi  are  espe- 
cially frequent  in  Parsvanatha  Caritra  and  Samaradityasarii- 
ksepa.  The  instances  from  these  texts  are  gathered  in  my  Life  of 
Parsvanatha,  pp.  220,  221  (where  other  references) ;  they  include 
primary  and  causative  verbs  (vidhydpaya-) ,  as  well  as  noun 
derivatives  (vidhydpana) . 

The  question  arises  whether  these  identical  retrograde  forms 
grew  up  independently,  from  Pali  on  the  one  side,  from  Prakrit 
on  the  other.  This  is,  of  course,  possible,  but  I  should  like  to 
point  out  that  Parsvanatha  Caritra  and  Samaradityasariiksepa 
are  the  Jaina  replicas  of  Avadana  texts,  both  treating  'of  the 
fruits  of  action  or  moral  law  of  mundane  existence'  (karmaploti, 
karmapdka,  karmavipdka)  ;  see  Speyer,  Avadanasataka,  vol.  ii, 
Preface,  p.  i.9a 

°a  This  parallelism  between  Buddhist  and  Jaina  Avadana  texts  is  brought 
out  by  Salibhadra  Carita  2.  1 :  tena  dandvaddnena  prlnito  dharmabhupatih, 
yam  prasddam  addt  tasmdi  tasya  tilayitum  stumah.  The  word  ddndvaddna 
here  refers  to  the  wonderful  result  (comm. :  avadanam  atyadbhutam  karma) 
in  a  second  birth  of  a  self-sacrificing  gift  of  food  by  a  young  shepherd, 
Samgama,  to  an  ascetic  who  arrived  at  his  village  to  break  a  month's  fast. 
In  the  second  birth  the  soul  of  Sariigama,  reborn  as  Salibhadra,  attains  to 
Arhatship.  This  is  described  in  terms  parallel  to  the  Buddhist  Avadana 
cliches  discussed  in  the  preceding  section  (2)  of  this  paper.  See  Salibhadra 
Carita  7.  94,  where  Salibhadra  is  described  as  samatasindhu,  samasajjanadur- 
jana,  and  vaslcandanakalpa,  'ocean  of  equanimity',  'he  who  regards  good 
and  evil  men  alike',  and  'he  for  whom  the  (cooling)  sandal  is  not  different 
from  a  (painful)  sword.'  It  is  hardly  likely  that  such  parallelism  is  entirely 
spontaneous.  Note  that  vaslcandanakalpa  is  not  quotable  from  Brahmanical 
sources,  whence  the  Jairias  might  have  derived  it. 


Notes  on  the  Divydvaddna  345 

4.     On  the  meaning  of  asvapana. 

On  p.  526,  lines  23,  25,  occurs  the  otherwise  unquoted  dsvd- 
panam,  which  the  Editors  translate  by  'sleep.'  It  means  'sleep- 
ing-charm ' :  aparena  samayena  rdjnah  sdntahpurasydsvdpanam 
dattvd,  '  on  another  occasion  she  gave  to  the  King  and  his  zenana 
a  sleeping-charm.'  Similarly  (1.  25)  mayd  Sinhakesarino  rdj- 
nah sdntahpurasydsvdpanam  dattam.  The  word  is  identical  in 
meaning  with  avasvdpanikd,  Parisistaparvan  2.  173 ;  avasvdpini, 
Rauhineya  Carita  14 ;  and  both  avasvdpinl  and  avasvdpanikd  in 
Parsvanatha  Caritra  5.  85,  113.  See  my  Life  and  Stories  of  the 
Jaina  Savior  Pdrsvandtha,  p.  233.  It  is  rather  remarkable  that 
finite  verb  forms  of  neither  d  +  svap  nor  ava  +  svap  are  quotable. 

5.     On  different  authorship  of  the  individual  avaddnas. 

The  Avadanas  of  the  present  collection  are  on  the  whole  writ- 
ten in  the  same  style,  which  betrays  itself  by  its  luxurious  breadth ; 
by  repeated  idioms  and  expressions;  by  longer  recurring  pas- 
sages, or  cliches;'10  and,  of  course,  by  the  grammatical  habits  com- 
mon to  the  Paliizing  Avadana  language.  Yet  there  is  sufficient 
evidence  that  they  are  not  from  the  same  original  source.  Even 
in  their  final  redaction,  controlled  as  it  is  by  similar  didactic  aims 
and  the  conventions  of  this  type,  distinctions  between  Avadana 
and  Avadana  are  not  wanting.  The  Editors,  p.  vii,  note,  point 
to  the  flowery  style  of  xxii  and  xxxviii.  The  thirty-third  Ava- 
dana does  not  run  true  to  form  in  subject-matter  and  style.  Ava- 
danas xvii  and  xviii 'differ  from  the  rest  in  the  use  of  transitional 
particles  which  continue  the  thread  of  the  story. 

In  this  regard  all  are  very  lavish.  It  is  not  necessary  to  say, 
pp.  223,  1.  14;  233,  1.  10,  pascdt  te  samlaksayanti;  or  yatas  te 
samlaksayanti,  'then  they  reflect,'  because  the  text,  innumerable 
times,  gets  along  with  sa  samlaksayati,  'he  reflects,'  e.  g.,  three 
times  on  p.  4.  The  most  common  particles  of  continuance  are 
atha  and  tatah,  swelling  from  these  light  words  to  cumbrous  ex- 
pressions like  tatah  pascdt,  twice  on  p.  11 ;  athdparena  samayena, 
pp.  23,  1.  11 ;  62,  1.  20 ;  319,  1.  22 ;  tena  khalu  samayena,  pp.  32,  1. 
14 ;  36, 1.  16 ;  44, 1.  8 ;  318, 1.  5 ;  320, 1.  9, 19 ;  321, 1. 1. 

Among  these  particles  of  continuation  two  are  formed  upon 
relative  pronoun  stems,  namely,  ydvat  and  yatah,  in  the  sense, 

10  See  Feer,  Avadana- Sataka,  pp.  2ff. 


346  Maurice  Bloomfield 

perhaps,  of  'whereupon/  as  compared  with  atha  or  tatah,  in  the 
sense  of  'then. '  The  use  of  ydvat  is  favored  thru  the  collection  as 
a  whole.  The  use  of  yatah  belongs  to  Avadanas  xvii  and  xviii. 
In  looking  thru  Avadanas  i,  ii,  iii,  xiii,  xix,  xxii,  xxiii,  and  xxviii, 
I  have  found  yatah  a  single  time  in  iii,  p.  61,  t.  23 ;  in  Avadana 
xviii  I  have  counted  yatah  71  times;  in  that  part  of  Avadana 
xvii  which  deals  with  the  story  of  Mandhatar,  pp.  210-226,  yatah 
occurs  26  times.  .  This  great  predilection  for  yatah  reaches  a 
sort  of  climax  in  the  formulaic  passage,  yato  bhiksavah  samsaya- 
jatah  sarvasamsayacchettdram  Buddham  Bhagavantam  prc- 
chanti,  in  xviii,  p.  233,  1.  17;  241,  1.  17.  The  same  formula 
occurs  often  without  any  introductory  particle  (bhiksavah 
samsayajdtdh  etc.)  ;  e.  g.  p.  191,  1.  5.  Both  Avadanas  show,  in 
addition,  a  marked  liking  for  pascdt,  as  an  apparent  syn- 
onym of  yatah.  In  Avadana  xviii  pascdt  occurs  15  times; 
in  Avadana  xvii,  11  times  (once,  p.  214,  1.  7,  yatah  pascdd  to- 
gether). And  this  latter  feature  individualizes  also  Avadana 
i,  where  pascdt  occurs  5.  9;  6.  16;  and  tatah  pascdt,  9.  21, 
25;  11.  10,  14;  16.  5;  23.  9.  On  the  other  hand  the  long 
Avadana  ii  does  not  show  a  single  case  of  pascdt.  Clearly,  the 
distribution  of  these  particles  will  furnish  a  criterion  by  which  to 
determine  partly  the  stratification  of  the  collection. 

The  story  of  Mandhatar  (with  pun  on  his  name :  mam  dhdtar, 
'Me-sucker,'  'Thumb-sucker')  begins  in  Mahabharata  3.  126;  7. 
62;  and  enters  Buddhist  literature  with  Mandhatu  Jataka  (258), 
continuing  in  Milindapanho  4.  8.  25 ;  Dhammapada  Commentary 
14.  5 ;  Divyavadana  xvii ;  and  in  the  Tibetan  version,  Schiefner, 
Melanges  Asiatiques,  October  1877  =  Kalston,  Tibetan  Tales,  pp. 
Iff.  The  Divyavadana  version,  as  well  as  the  Tibetan  version,  is 
a  closely  corresponding  copy  of  a  Mahayana  original  which  we  do 
not  possess.  We  cannot  therefore  tell  whether  the  yatah  in  this 
story  is  derived  from  this  source.  Avadana  xviii,  according  to 
the  Editors,  repeats,  with  some  variations,  Nr.  89  of  Ksemendrars 
Bodhisattvavadanakalpalata  (in  course  of  publication  in  Bibl. 
Ind.) ;  see  Feer,  1.  c.  p.  xxviii;  Speyer,  Avaddnasataka,  vol.  ii,  pp. 
v  and  xi. 

6.     Running  comments. 

In  WZKM  16.  103ff.,  340ff.  (Vienna,  1902)  the  late  Professor 
Speyer,  who  afterwards  (1906, 1909)  gave  us  an  excellent  edition 


Notes  on  the  Divydvaddna  347 

of  the  Avadanasataka,  published  a  series  of  text  emendations, 
translations,  and  comments  upon  the  Divyavadana,  as  edited  by 
Cowell  and  Neil  in  1886.  His  remarks  are  in  general  very  much 
to  the  point,  tho  not  entirely  free  from  error,  as  when  he  emends 
uddisyadbhir  on  p.  191,  1.  3,  to  uddisya  bhavadbhir,  instead  of 
uddisyadbhir  (madyam  apeyam),  see  above,  p.  337.  I  add  here 
a  modest  aftermath  of  comments,  some  of  which  will  occasionally 
correct  Speyer,  as  he  corrected  the  Cambridge  edition.  Others 
concern  points  which  have  escaped  his  vigilant  eye.  I  am  sure 
that  successive  readers  will  find  yet  more;  indeed,  without  dis- 
paragement of  the  Cambridge  scholars,  a  new  edition,  based  upon 
better  mss.  and  a  wider  knowledge  of  Mahayana  language  and 
literature,  more  particularly  Avadana  literature,  will  in  time  be 
required. 

P.  4,  1.  22.  JE£otikania,  starting  on  a  mercantile  expedition,  is 
instructed  by  his  father  to  stay  in  the  middle  of  his  caravan, 
because  there,  as  he  reasons  plausibly,  is  safety  from  robbers. 
And  he  concludes  with  the  words :  na  ca  te  sdrthavdhe  hatah  sdr- 
tho  vaktavyah.  Speyer,  1.  c.,  p.  107,  regards  this  bit  of  text  as 
corrupt  and  nonsensical.  The  Editors  seem  also  to  have  been 
puzzled,  since  they  mark  the  word  sdrthavdhe  with  'Sic  MSS.' 
Speyer  proposes  a  radical  emendation,  to  wit :  na  ca  te  sdrthike- 
bhyah  so  'rtho  vaktavyah,  'but  you  must  not  tell  it  to  the  mer- 
chants (viz.  that  you  will  take  your  place  in  the  centre,  and 
why).'  Speyer  seems  to  have  in  mind  that  such  conduct  would 
lay  Kotikarna  open  to  the  suspicion  of  cowardice,  a  thing  which 
the  rather  garrulous  text  does  not  say.  Perhaps  we  may  trans- 
pose the  two  similar  words  sdrthavdhe  and  sdrtho,  reading,  na  ca 
te  sdrthe  hatah  sdrthavdho  vaktavyah,  'And  in  thy  caravan  a 
slain  leader  shall  not  be  spoken  about. '  Which  is  euf emistic  for, 
'It  shall  not  happen  that  you,  the  leader  of  your  caravan,  shall 
come  to  grief.'  The  expression  is  very  close  to  what  in  ordi- 
nary Sanskrit  would  be :  na  ca  te  sdrthe  hatah  sdrthavdha  iti  vak- 
tavyam, '  In  thy  caravan  it  shall  not  be  said :  ' '  The  leader  of  the 
caravan  has  been  slain." 

On  p.  7,  1.  1,  the  word  pithitah,  '  covered, '  '  closed, '  for  which 
the  Editors  would  read  pihitah  (so  on  p.  554,  last  line  but  one), 
must  be  allowed  to  stand.  It  not  only  occurs  in  Lalitavistara 
(see  Bo.  Lex.  s.  v.  pithay),  but  also  in  Saddharmapundarika, 
Kern  and  Nanjio's  edition,  p.  260:  tisrndni  durgatmdm  dvdram 


348  Maurice  Bloomfield 

pithitam  bhavisyati,  narakatiryagyoniyamalokopapattisu  na 
patisyati, '  The  door  to  three  misfortunes  will  have  been  shut ;  he 
will  not  fall  into  the  fate  of  hell-inhabitant,  animal,  or  world  of 
Yama.'  Wackernagel,  Altindische  Grammatik,  pp.  123  bottom, 
254  top,  rightly  explains  it  as  a  Hyper-Sanskritism,  on  the  anal- 
ogy of  tatM:  Prakrit  taha  (but  not  Pali). 

Speyer,  1.  c.,  p.  112,  argues  plausibly  that  sukhapratibuddhah 
on  p.  115, 1.  25  be  changed  to  suptapratibuddhah,  because  the  lat- 
ter wording  occurs  in  the  same  Avadana,  p.  113,  1.  17.  He  may 
be  right,  yet  there  is  no  compelling  reason  why  the  author  should 
not  modulate  his  thought  to  this  extent.  The  notion  of  '  blissful 
sleep'  is  familiar  from  Upanisad  to  Parsvanatha  Caritra:  e.g., 
Kath.  Up.  1. 11 ;  Prasna  Up.  4. 1.  In  Brahma  Up.  1  susupta  is  the 
designation  of  one  that  has  enjoyed  blissful  sleep ;  Devadatta  in 
that  state  enters  into  bliss  like  a  wishless  child:  yathd  kumdro 
niskdma  dnandam  upaydti,  tathdivdisa  devadattdh  svapna  dnan- 
dam  upaydti.  The  terms  sukhasvapna  (Parsvanatha  2.  972), 
sukhasupti,  sukhasuptikd,  and  sukhasupta  are  familiar.  In  our 
text,  p.  115,  1.  25,  sukhapratibuddhah  is  preceded  by  pramudita- 
mandh.  The  hero  of  the  story  has  been  having  a  very  pleasant 
dream  indeed :  a  divinity  has  promised  him  in  succession  the 
blandishments  of  four  Apsarases,  eight  Kinnara  maidens,  and 
then  again  sixteen  and  thirty-two  of  the  same  sort.  Under  these 
circumstances  pramuditamandh  sukhapratibuddhah  is  pretty 
good  sense  and  Sanskrit. 

On  p.  132, 1. 14  a  certain  householder,  when  a  famine  is  impend- 
ing, asks  his  treasurer :  bhoh  purusa  bhavisyati  me  saparivdrdndm 
dvddasa  varsdni  bhaktam.  This  must  mean,  'I  say,  Sir,  will 
there  be  for  me  and  my  retinue  food  for  twelve  years?'.  All 
mss.  have  saparivdrdndm  which  the  Editors  properly  mark  with 
'sic.'  The  many  solecisms  of  the  ms.  tradition  should,  perhaps, 
not  stand  in  the  way  of  changing  the  form  to  saparivdrasya. .  Cor- 
rectly the  singular,  rdjd  sdntahpuraparivdrah,  on  p.  526,  1.  27; 
or,  several  times  on  p.  488,  Mahdpanthakah  pancasataparivdrah. 
Still  the  collective  singular  may  be  here,  by  curious  idiom, 
swelled  into  the  plural,  in  accordance  with  its  intrinsic  meaning. 

On  p.  153,  1.  14  the  text  reads:  yasya  (sc.  Cundasya)  tdvad 
vayam  sisyapratisisyakaydpi  na  tulydh.  Read  sisyapratiswyata- 
ydpi, i  Whose  like  we  are  not  in  quality  of  being  pupil,  and  pupil 
of  a  pupil. '  Cunda  's  spiritual  descent  is  described  in  1.  5,  as  f ol- 


Notes  on  the  Divydvadana  349 

lows :  sramanasya  Gdutamasya  Sariputro  ndma  sisyas  tasya 
Cundo  ndma  srdmanerakah.  A  pupil  of  Sariputra  and  no  less 
than  a  '  grand-pup il'  of  the  Buddha  is  fitly  described  as  above. 
On  p.  249, 1.  4  Speyer,  1.  c.,  p.  125,  emends  plausibly  pravesakdni 
to  pravesitdni.  Conversely  t  for  k  on  p.  573, 1.  22,  where  Speyer 's 
emendation  (1.  c.,  p.  361)  of  avatarisyati  to  avakarisyati  is  surely 
correct.  And  again  on  p.  84,  1.  15,  according  to  Speyer,  p.  Ill, 
akrtapunyakdh  for  meaningless  akrtapunyatdh.  Obviously  k 
and  t  are  readily  confused  in  Nepalese  mss. 

A  number  of  times  the  text  has  the  form  saknosi  or  saknosi, 
'thou  art  able,'  which  is  to  be  emended  to  sakto  'si,  particularly 
because  there  is  no  form  saknosi.  On  p.  207,  1.  6,  the  printed 
text  has  saknosi,  but  the  mss.  read  saknosi;  on  pp.  129,  1.  2;  279, 
1.  23 ;  536,  11.  6,  23  the  edition  itself  as  well  as  the  mss.  have 
saknosi.  On  p.  304, 1.  2,  the  edition  has  sakto  'si  with  three  mss., 
but  a  fourth  again  has  saknosi.  This  shaky  tradition,  taken  by 
itself,  is  best  made  stable  by  adopting  sakto  'si;  this  is  supported 
by  the  first  person  saktdham  (feminine)  on  p.  612,  1.  3.  All 
forms,  of  course,  with  the  infinitive.  In  the  Nepalese  ms.  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  the  ultimate  source  of  the  more  modern 
copies  used  by  the  Editors,  t  and  w, particularly  in  consonant  com- 
binations, must  have  been  much  alike,  judging  from  the  formula 
mulanikrnta  iva  drumah  (thus  mss.),  for  the  Editors'  correct 
mulanikrtta  iva  drumaJi,  'like  an  uprooted  tree,'  e.  g.  p.  387, 1.  6 ; 
p.  400,  1.  17.11  The  suspicious  form  ndpinl  for  ndpitl,  'female 
barber,'  on  p.  370,  11.  1,  3,  is  probably  due  to  the  same  confusion. 
Conversely. t  takes  the  place  of  n  in  satta0  for  santa0,  p.  291, 1.  8. 

When  a  Buddha  steps  within  a  city  gate  to  perform  a  miracle, 
a  long  list  of  wonderful  and  portentous  things  happen.  Two  pas- 
sages describe  these  miracles,  pp.  250,  lines  22  ff.,  and  364,  lines 
27  if.  The  longer  of  these  passages,  which  are  two  recensions  of 
one  another,  contains  among  other  things  the  statement :  mudhd 
garbhimndm  strmdm  garbhd  anulomibhavanti,  'mislocated  foe- 
tuses of  pregnant  women  right  themselves ;  '12  both  versions  con- 

11  So.  also  Avadanasataka  i,  p.  3,  1.  16  (and  often) ;    cf.  nikrntitamulam,, 
Divyav.,  p.  537,  1.  14,  and  mulanikrntita  i/va  drumali,  p.  539,  1.  5,  which 
show  the  participle  in  another,  but  correct  way. 

12  This  refers  perhaps  to  the  common  Avadana  cliche  about  the  birth  of 
children,  e.  g.,  Divyav.  i,  etc.; 

nr.  11.) 


350  Maurice  Bloomfield 

tain  the  frase  hadinigadabaddha)  'bound  by  fetters  and  chains,'13 
which  recurs  essentially  in  Saddharmapundarika,  pp.  440,  450. 
For  hastinah  kroncanti, i  elef  ants  trumpet, '  on  p.  251, 1.  2,  we  have 
correctly  on  p.  365,  1.  7,  hastinah  krosanti.  For  peddkrtd  alam- 
kdrd  madhurasabddn  niscdrayanti  on  p.  251,  1.  4  we  have  more 
correctly  on  p.  365,  1.  8,  peddgatd  alamkdrd  madhurasabdam  nis- 
cdrayanti, 'jewels  in  their  caskets  (peddgatdh)  emit  a  sweet 
sound. '  The  word  pedd  which  is  translated  by  the  Editors 
doubtfully  by  '  basket '  is  not  otherwise  quoted  in  tfre  Lexicons : 
it  recurs  in  Avadanasataka,  vol.  ii,  p.  12,  1.  13,  being  the  fairly 
common  Prakrit  pedd,  'box;'  see  the  Agaladatta  (Agadadatta) 
stories  in  Jacobi's  Maharastri  Tales,  pp.  67,  11.  34,  36,  39;  75, 
1.  1.  Cf.  Skt.  bhusana-petikd  l jewel-casket,'  and  kosa-petaka 
'treasure-chest.' 

On  p.  299,  11.  lOff.  the  mss.  have  the  following  text:  evam 
aparam  aparam  te  dyusmatd  Mahdmdudgalydyanena  samyag 
avavdditdh  (one  ms.  avavoditdh;  one  ms.  avabodhitdh)  samyag 
anusistdh,  'Thus  again  and  again  they  wrere  taught  perfectly, 
instructed  perfectly  by  the  illustrious  Mahamaudgalyayana. ' 
The  same  text  with  avoditdh  for  avavdditdh  on  p.  300,  1.  2. 
Speyer,  1.  c.,  p.  128,  argues  plausibly  in  favor  of  avoditdh  as  the 
only  correct  grammatical  form.  Yet  in  Saddharmapundarika  4, 
p.  101,  1.  3ff.  the  printed  text  reads:  tato  bhagavann  asmabhir 
apy  anye  bodhisattvd  avavaditd  abhuvann  uttardydm  samyaksam- 
bodhdv  anusistds  ca.  So  also  the  Pet.  Lex.,  citing  this  passage. 
This  form  the  Cambridge  Editors  obviously  had  in  mind  when 
they  marked  with  an  exclamation  mark  the  form  avoditdh,  on  p. 
300.  Since  ava  and  o  are  practically  one  and  the  same  in  a  Pali- 
izing  Sanskrit  text,  it  would  seem  that  the  total  of  tradition 
inclines  to  avavaditdh,  which  is  probably  felt,  Hyper-Sanskriti- 
cally,  to  be  the  correct  way  of  speaking. 

On  p.  302,  1.  26,  nayena  kdmamgamah  is  improved  by  Speyer, 
1.  c.,  p.  129  to  na  yenakdmamgamah,  'not  allowed  to  go  where  one 
likes.'  Read  na  yena  kdmamgamah,  which  was  probably 
Speyer 's  intention. 

I  doubt  whether  Speyer,  1.  c.,  p.  343,  is  right  in  questioning  the 
Editors'  text  on  p.  338,  1.  17:  tatrdika  rsih  sasukladharmah, 

"Precisely  the  second  passage  reads  (with  ms.  vars.),  Jiadinigadacarakd- 
vabaddMnam. 


Notes  on  the  Divydvaddna  351 

where  he  would  divide  sa  sukladharmah.  In  a  Paliizing  Sanskrit 
text  sasukladharmdk  as  positive  to  asukladharmah  is  no  more 
strange  than  is  sakubbato,  as  positive  to  akubbato,  in  Dhamma- 
pada.  Prakritizing  Jaina  Sanskrit  texts  do  the  same;  e.  g.  sa- 
jndna,  'knowledge/  positive  to  a-jnana,  'ignorance.'  So  Pra- 
krit sa-vilakkha,  'embarrassed,'  in  Jacobi,  Maharastri  Tales  17. 
3;  sa-sambhanta,  'terrified,'  ib.  7.  34;  sa-sarikiya,  'suspicious,' 
ib.  67.  30 ;  68. 15 ;  sa-siniddha,  'friendly, '  ib.  22.  19.  In  Divyava- 
dana  43.  28  sa-krtakaraputa,  'with  folded  hands;'  on  82.  16, 
sa-rujjdrta,  'tortured  by  disease;'  and  several  times,  152.  3,  158. 
19,  637.  25,  sa-brahmacdrin,  'chaste.'  The  positive  sa  carries 
with  it  a  certain  emfasis. 

On  p.  372, 1.  10,  Prince^  Asoka,  having  been  sent  by  his  father, 
King  Vindusara,  to  besiege  the  city  of  Taksasila,  is  received 
peacefully  by  its  citizens,  and  shown  every  honor:  mahatd  ca 
satkdrena  Taksasildm  pravesita  evam  vistarendsokaJi  svasardjydm 
pravesitaJi.  Burnouf,  Introduction  a  I'histoire  du  Bouddhisme 
Indien,  p.  362,  note  2,  suggests  doubtingly  khasardjyam  for 
svasardjyam,  but  this  does  not  suit.  Read  (with  haplografy) 
svavasardjyam,  'And  having  been  introduced  into  Taksasila  he 
thus  at  length  entered  upon  the  supreme  authority  (of  a  Cakra- 
vartin) . '  In  the  sequel  this  is  just  what  happens,  namely,  Asoka 
starts  his  empire  in  Taksasila,  gradually  extends  it,  establishes 
his  84  edicts,  becomes  a  just  emperor  under  the  sobriquet  Dhar- 
masoka,  'Asoka  of  the  Law.'  Svavasardjya  is  identical  with 
svdvasya,  'supreme  rule,'  which  figures  in  Aitareya  Brahmana  8. 
17, 18, 19  by  the  side  of  the  similar  words,  sv&rajya,  pdramesthya, 
and  mdhdrdjya.  The  text  of  the  Divyavadana  is  not  exempt 
from  such  peccadilloes;  see,  e.  g.  adhva(ga)gana,  'crowd  of  trav- 
ellers,' pp.  126,  1.  2;  148,  1.  14;  182,  1.  7;  see  Index,  under 
adhvagana,  and  Speyer,  1.  c.,  p.  114,  who  points  out  the  unmutil- 
ated  reading  in  Avadanasataka,  nr.  19.  On  p.  279,  1.  12,  srad- 
dhate  is  also  haplografic  for  sraddadhate,  'he  believes,'  an  easier 
correction  than  sraddhatte.  The  Editors,  curiously  enough,  seem 
to  be  content  with  sraddhate. 

On  p.  419,  1.  17  the  printed  text  has :  samudrdydm  prthivydm 
janakdyd  yadbhuyasd  Bhagavacchdsane,  'bhiprasanndh.  The 
Editors  in  the  foot-note  suggest  questioningly  dsamudrdydm, 
with  the  result,  'On  the  earth,  to  the  limit  of  the  ocean,  people 
became  the  more  inclined  to  the  teaching  of  the  Bhagavat.' 
This  is  not  questionable ;  on  p.  364, 1.  9,  tasya  ydvad  dsamudrdydm 


352  Maurice  Bloomfield 

sabdo  visrtah,  'the  sound  of  that  spread  over  (the  earth)  as  far 
as  the  ocean.'  The  expression  dsamudrdydm  prthivydm  occurs 
moreover  on  p.  381,  1.  4,  and  it  is  parafrazed  on  p.  433,  1.  1, 
by,  samudraparyantdm  mahdprthivim. 

On  p.  500, 1.  5,  in  the  course  of  the  Musaka  story,  the  following 
sentence  is  badly  constructed:  tena  tesdm  kaldydndm  stokam 
dattam  sltalam  ca  pdniyam  pdtam.  The  last  word  needs  correc- 
tion, and  I  think  that  the  reading  of  one  ms.,  namely  pdyam, 
points  to  pay  it  am, i  given  to  drink. ' 

On  p.  523,  last  line,  a  father  tells  his  son  who  wants  to  go  to 
sea  on  a  commercial  venture  that  this  is  unnecessary,  because  he, 
the  father,  has  inexhaustible  wealth :  putra  tdvat  prabhutam  me 
dhanajdtam  asti  yadi  tvam  tilatandulakulatthddiparibhogena 
ratndni  me  paribhotsyase  tathdpi  me  bhogd  na  tanutvam  parik- 
sayam  parydddnam  gamisyanti.  I  had  corrected  the  senseless 
paribhotsyase  to  paribhoksyase,  when,  later  on,  I  noticed  the 
parallel  on  p.  4,  1.  7 :  putra  tdvantam  me  ratnajdtam  asti  yadi 
tvam  tilatandulakolakulatthanydyena  ratndni  paribhoksyase 
tathdpi  me  ratndndm  pariksayo  na  sydt.  In  both  passages  the 
father  says  to  the  son,  that  no  matter  how  much  of  his  substance 
(oil  and  grain)  he  might  consume  he  could  not  exhaust  his  (the 
father's)  wealth.  Just  as  paribhoksyase  corrects  paribhotsyase, 
the  word  °nydyena  on  p.  4,  1.  7  is  hardly  in  the  picture,  as 
judged  by  °paribhogena  on  524,  1.  1.  I  miss  the  word  ddi,  'and 
so  forth,'  on  p.  4,  but  the  proper  reading  does  not  suggest  itself. 

On  p.  577,  1.  21ff.  the  text  reads,  na  ca  tvayd  mam  muktvd 
any akasy acid  ddtavyam,  'And  you  must  not  give  (the  key)  to 
any  one  but  myself.'  Here  any  akasy  acid  is  to  be  changed  to 
anyasya  kasya  cid  (haplografic) ;  the  passage  recurs  at  the  bot- 
tom of  the  page  in  the  form,  na  ca  tvayd  mdm  muktvdnyasya  na 
kasyacid  ddtavyam,  where  the  second  na  is,  perhaps,  to  be  thrown 
out. 

P.  579,  1.  26,  in  the  statement,  aham  dryasya  Mahdkdtydyanas- 
yopasthdpakah,  where  upasthdpaka  makes  no  sense,  read  upas- 
thdyaka:  (I  am  Great  Katyayana's  adjutor.'  See  upasthdyakdh 
on  p.  426,  1.  29,  and,  more  particularly,  Avadanasataka,  vol.  i,  p. 
214,  1.  6,  vayam  bhagavan  bhagavata  upasthdyakdh  (see  also 
Speyer,  Index,  ad.  voc.).  Similarly  the  improbable,  tho  not 
unconforming,  pdpayati,  Divyav.,  p.  398,  1.  17,  is  to  be  changed 
to  pdyayati,  '  give  drink. ' 


LITHUANIAN  KLONAS,  KLUONAS  'A  PLACE   WHERE 
SOMETHING  IS  SPREAD  OUT' 

HAROLD  H.  BENDER 
PRINCETON  UNIVERSITY 

LITHUANIAN  klonas  (Nesselmann)  'ein  hinter  den  Wirtschafts- 
gebauden,  bes.  hinter  der  Scheune  und  dem  Garten  gelegener 
Ort ;  dann  auch  die  von  dem  Wohnhause  abgelegen  gebauten 
Wirtschaftsgebaude'.  arklius  i  klonq  paleisti  (Nesselmann)  'die 
Pferde  auf  den  Platz  hinter  der  Scheune  treiben'.  klounas 
(Geitler,  Litauische  Studien,  92)  "(=  klonas,  Ness.)  bedeutet 
auch  die  Tenne".  klunas  (Bezzenberger,  Beitrdge  zur  Ge- 
schichte  der  litauischen  Sprache,  295)  'Tenne,  Scheune'. 
klunas  (Schleicher,  Litauische  Sprache,  II.  282)  'Raum  hinter 
dem  Hause  nach  dem  Felde  zu'.  kluonas  (Leskien,  Nomina,  196, 
361)  'Tenne,  Scheuer'.  klonas,  klunas  (Kurschat)  'der  Bleich- 
platz  hinter  der  Scheune'.  klons  (Bezzenberger,  Litauische 
Forschungen,  126)  :  dpatinis  klons  'der  Platz  unter  dem  Of  en', 
virszujis  klons  'die  Decke  auf  dem  Of  en',  klonas  (Leskien, 
Nomina,  197)  'place  where  cattle  graze \  kluonas  (Lalis)  'barn, 
barnyard'. 

I  propose  to  embrace  all  of  the  above  words  under  a  klonas, 
klunas  'a  place  where  something  is  spread  out'  and  to  connect 
this  klonas,  klunas  with  kloju,  kloti  'to  spread  out'.  Only  one 
or  two  of  these  words  have  hitherto  received  etymological  treat- 
ment. Leskien 's  Ablaut  (379)  goes  no  further  than  connecting 
klunas  (beside  klonas)  'Bleichplatz  hinter  der  Scheune'  with 
Lett,  kluns  'Estrich*.  None  of  the  group  is  assigned  to  any 
root  by  Nesselmann  or  Kurschat,  or  by  Leskien,  either  in  his 
Ablaut  or  in  his  Nomina.  Bruckner,  Die  slavischen  Fremd- 
worter  im  Litauischen,  94,  considers  klonas  '  Wirtschaftsgebaude ' 
and  klounas  'Tenne'  Slavic  loanwords:  White  Russian,  Polish 
dial,  kluna  'Scheuer',  Little  Russian  klun,  kluna.  Bezzen- 
berger, BB  17.  215,  relates  Old  Lith.  klunas  'Tenne,  Scheune'  = 
Samogit.  klouns,  Lett,  klons  'Tenne,  Estrich'  with  Lith.  kulti, 
Lett,  kult  'dreschen',  Lett,  kuls  'Tenne,  Estrich'.  He  adds  that 
White  Russian,  Little  Russian  kluna  'Scheune'  is  perhaps  bor- 
rowed from  the  Lith.,  but  that  klunas, klons  are  certainly  not  from 
23  JAOS  40 


354  Harold  H.  Bender 

the  Slavic.  Berneker,  Slavisches  etymologisches  Worterbuch, 
I.  522-3,  derives  Little  Russian,  White  Russian  kluna  from  Polish 
dial,  klunia  for  *klonia,  which  he  attaches  to  Old  Bulg.  "klong, 
kloniti  '  neigen,  beugen ' ;  the  latter  he  is  inclined  to  consider  an 
iterative  formation  to  a  lost  present  *kli-nQ,  which  was  conceived 
as  *klm-Q,  and  to  connect,  with  GutturalwecJisel  (kf  in  slonp, 
sloniti),  with  the  root  k'lei-  in  Skr.  srdyati,  Gk.  K\LV<O,  Goth,  hldins, 
Lith.  szleju,  szleti  'anlehnen',  sztijqs  'sich  geneigt  habend, 
schief ',  etc.  Of  the  Polish  dial,  klunia  for  *klonia  Berneker  says, 
' '  Entlehnung  aus  lit.  kluonas  l  Tenne,  Scheuer ' ;  klonas  bei  Kur- 
schat  'Bleichplatz  hinter  der  Scheune';  le.  kluns  'Estrich'  erk- 
lart  die  Form  nicht ;  gegen  Bezzenberger  BB  17.  215".  Finally, 
Brugmann,  Grundriss2,  II.  1.  259,  points,  with  a  single  line,  in 
the  right  direction,  * '  Lit.  klonas  '  Bleichplatz  hinter  der  Scheune ', 
zu  klo-ti  'hinbreiten'  ". 

The  basic  idea  of  klonas,  klunas  (on  uncertainty  and  confusion 
between  u  and  o  in  the  Lith.  dialects  see,  among  others,  Leskien, 
Ablaut,  378)  is  that  of  a  place  where  something  is  spread  out, 
e.  g.  the  bleaching  place  near  the  house  or  barn,  the  small  pasture 
in  the  same  location,  the  threshing  floor,  barn  floor  (and  then,  by 
synecdoche,  barn),  barn  yard,  the  space  above  or  under  the  stove. 
Formally,  klonas  bears  exactly  the  same  relation  to  kloju,  kloti 
that  Old  Lith.  planas  (i.  e.  plonas)  'Tenne'  bears  to  ploju,  ploti 
t  breitschlagen '  and  that  stonas  '  Stand r  bears  to  stoju,  stoti 
'treten,  stehen'.  The  IE.  belongings  of  kloju,  kloti  are  clear: 
Lett,  kldju,  kldt  'hinbreiten,  breit  hinlegen';  Old  Bulg.  klady, 
klasti  i  laden,  legen' ;  Goth,  af-hlafian  '  iiberbiirden ' ;  OHG.  hladan 
'laden'.  Cf.  Brugmann,  Grundriss2,  II.  3.  368;  Berneker,  Slav, 
etym.  Wb.,  I.  508. 

Leskien,  Ablaut,  376,  gives  only  five  Lith.  words  under  the 
group  of  kloju,  klojau,  kloti  'zudecken'.  The  following  list  will 
extend  his  group  and  at  the  same  time  throw  semasiological  light 
upon  the  nouns  grouped  together  above  in  the  first  paragraph. 
The  words  included  there  are  no't  repeated  here;  regular  com- 
pound verbs  are  omitted  unless  they  are  valuable  semantically. 

kloju,  kloti  '  decken,  iiberdecken ;  den  Fussboden  ausdielen ;  das 
Bett,  ein  Nest  machen;  zum  Dreschen  anlegenr  (Nesselmann) ; 
'hinbreiten,  breit  hinlegen  (z.  B.  ein  Bett ;  Getreide  auf  die  Tenne 
zum  Dreschen  breit  hinlegen)  ;  breit  bedecken'  (Kurschat). 
apklodas  (Ness.)  'das  Gezimmer  zu  einem  Bau'.  apkloju, 


Lithuanian  klonas,  klunas 


355 


apkloti  '  herumlegen,  befleihen,  bedecken;  eine  Wand  bekleiden* 
(Ness.)  ;  'hinbreitend  (oder  breitlegend,  z.  B.  mit  Brettern, 
Laken)  etwas  bedecken'  (Kur.).  apklotis  fern.  (Ness.)  'Deck- 
bett'.  inklode,  iklode  (Ness.)  'Bodenbrett  eines  Lastwagens'. 
iszkloju,  iszkloti  'den  Boden  tafeln,  pflastern,  ausdielen'  (Ness.) ; 
stubq  dekiais  iszkloti  'ein  Zimmer  mit  Decken  auslegen  oder  aus- 
schlagen'  (Kur.).  klodas  (L alls)  'layer,  bed,  stratum'.  Jdodinu, 
klodinti  caus.  (Kur.)  'mit  etwas  Breitem  bedecken'.  klojlmas 
'das  Auslegen;  das  Lager,  die  Lage  zum  Dreschen;  die  Tenne' 
(Ness.) .;  'das  Spreiten,  Breitlegen;  die  Dreschtenne;  die  zum 
Dreschen  ausgespreitete  Getreidelage '  (Kur.) ;  'spreading,  cover- 
ing; threshing  floor,  barn  floor;  (Eng.-Lith.  Diet.)  barn'  (Lalis). 
klojys  (Ness.)  'eine  Lage  zum  Dreschen,  das  Getreide,  das  auf 
einmal  auf  die  Dreschtenne  gelegt  wird'.  klostau,  klostyti 
(Kur.)  ' fortgesetzt  breiten,  spreiten  und  decken'.  klota  (Ness.) 
'das  Pflaster  im  Hause,  das  Ziegel-  oder  Fliesenpflaster'.  klote 
(Lalis)  'cover,  bed  cover,  blanket',  pakloda,  paklodas  (Ness.) 
'  eine  holzerne  Schlittenschiene ;  das  Unterf utter  im  Kleide,  unter 
dem  Sattel,  das  Bolster ;  ein  Bettlaken,  auch  ein  Umschlagelaken, 
in  dem  man  Kinder  auf  dem  Riicken  tragt,  und  das  man  gegen 
den  Regen  gebraucht;  auch  das  Saelaken,  in  welchem  der  Sae- 
mann  die  Saat  tragt'.  paklode  (Lalis  paklode,  paklote)  'Bett- 
laken'. pakloju,  pakloti  (Ness.)  'decken,  unterbreiten ;  aus- 
spreiten;  Getreide  zum  Dreschen  anlegen;  holzerne  Schienen 
unter  den  Schlitten  legen;  das  Bett  machen'.  paklotis  fern. 
(Ness,  also  masc.)  'Unterbett'  (Ness.);  'Streu'  (Bezzenberger, 
Beitr.  zur  Geschichte  d.  lit.  Spr.,  308) ;  'spread,  bedding'  (Lalis). 
paklotuve  (Ness.)  'Matratze,  Polster;  Filzdecke  unter  dem  Sat- 
tel'. priklodas  (Ness.)  'Deckbett;  Beispiel,  Paradigma'.  uz- 
klodas,  iizkloda,  uzklode  (Lalis  uzklote;  cf.  paklode  above) 
(Ness.)  'Bettdecke,  meistens  von  grober  Leinwand,  die  iiber  das 
aufgemachte  Bett  gebreitet  wird'.  uzklonis  masc.  (Kur.)  'ein 
Grasplatz  hinter  dem  Hause,  hinter  der  Scheune ;  so  ziemlich  das 
was  klonas'.  uzklotuve  (Ness.)  'Deckbett,  Bettdecke'. 


WHERE  WAS  SAKADVIPA'IN  THE  MYTHICAL 
WORLD-VIEW  OF  INDIA? 

WILLIAM  FAIEPIELD  WARREN 
BOSTON,  MASSACHUSETTS 

AN  ARTICLE  of  rare  interest  on  the  above  question,  from  the 
pen  of  Professor  W.  E.  Clark  of  Chicago  University,  is  presented 
in  the  October,  1919,  issue  of  this  JOURNAL.  In  it  is  given  the 
result  to  date  of  long  and  wide  researches.  It  must  be  confessed 
that  the  result  is  far  from  satisfying.  In  a  single  sentence  we 
are  given  the  largely  conflicting  conclusions  of  nine  prominent 
Orientalists,  and  then  the  names  of  fourteen  other  scholars  who, 
despairing  of  success  in  locating  'the  illusive  isle',  simply  assign  it 
to  'the  realm  of  fancy.' 

The  present  writer  cannot  claim  linguistic  qualification  to  take 
a  part  in  this  high  debate,  but  he  has  in  mind  a  few  questions, 
which  very  possibly  may  aid  the  better  qualified  in  discovering 
one  reason  for  the  many  failures  of  the  past. 

1.  What  kind  of  a  region  is  this  which  we  wish  to  locate  ? 
Obviously  it  is  a  'dvipa',  whatever  that  may  mean,  and  it  must 

be  a  place  fitted  to  serve  as  the  abode  of  certain  finite  intelli- 
gences. 

2.  Is  it  one  of  the  notable  'seven'  dvipas  which  are  repre- 
sented as  severally  surrounded  by  one  of  the  seven  concentric 
seas? 

Probably,  for  it  is  often  so  listed. 

3.  Which  is  the  first,  and  which  the  last,  of  the  seven  as 
listed  in  the  Puranas  ? 

The  first  is  Jambudvipa,  the  last  Pushkaradvipa. 

4.  Where  does  the  Vishnu  Purana  locate  the  seven  ? 

After  naming  them  it  says,  'Jambudvipa  is  the  centre  of  all 
these,  and  the  centre  of  Jambudvipa  is  the  golden  mountain 
Meru. ' 

5.  And  what  is  Jambudvipa,  according  to  the  same  Purana? 
Our  Earth,  'a  sphere',  the  abode  of  living  men. 

6.  Where  does  the  Surya  Siddhanta  locate  Mount  Meru  ? 
At  the  north  pole  of  the  Earth  sphere. 


•     Where  was  Sakadvipa?  357 

7.  What  extra-terrestrial  bodies,  according  to  Plato  and  the 
astronomers  of  his  time,  center  in  our  Earth  and  revolve  about  it? 

Seven  homocentric  globes,  each  solid,  yet  so  transpicuous  that 
though  we  dwell  inside  them  all,  we  may  gaze  right  through  the 
whirling  seven  every  cloudless  night  and  behold  the  vastly  more 
distant  stars  unchangeably  'fixed'  in  or  on  the  outermost  of  all 
the  celestial  spheres,  the  eighth.  Reread  the  memorable  cosmo- 
graphical  passage  in  Plato 's  Eepublic.  , 

8.  How  were  these  seven  invisible  globes  supposed  to  be  re- 
lated to  the  planets  that  we  see  ? 

The  moon  we  see  was  represented  as  in  some  way  made  fast 
to  the  'first'  or  innermost  of  the  seven,  and  the  movement  of  the 
visible  Luna  enables  us  to  infer  that  one  month  is  the  time  re- 
quired by  the  invisible  'Lunar  Sphere'  in  the  making  of  one 
revolution.  Of  course,  as  every  schoolboy  should  know,  the 
Lunar  Sphere  incloses  the  whole  Earth,  shutting  it  in  on  every 
side.  The  second  of  the  seven,  far  out  beyond  the  lunar  on  every 
side,  was  supposed  to  be  the  Sphere  of  Helios,  the  Solar  Sphere. 
Then  at  ever  increasing  distances  revolved  the  concentric  spheres 
of  Mercury,  Venus,  Mars,  Jupiter  and  Saturn.  In  each  case  the 
luminary  we  study  with  the  telescope  is  as  distinct  from  the 
sphere  to  which  it  is  attached  as  a  locomotive 's  headlight  is  from 
the  engine  which  bears  it.  Indeed,  Milton  calls  the  visible  planet 
the  'officious  lamp'  of  its  invisible  sphere.  The  'Music  of  the 
Spheres ',  as  so  often  explained,  was  supposed  to  result  from  their 
diverse  rates  of  motion  in  revolution,  and  from  their  harmonic 
adjustment  as  to  distance  from  each  other. 

9.  If  now  in  Hindu  thought  the  seven  concentric  dvipas  are 
(or  originally  were)  simply  the  concentric  invisible  spheres  of  the 
ancient  Babylonian  and  Greek  astronomers,  and  the  seven  con- 
centric seas  that  separate  them  simply  the  intervening  concentric 
spaces,   oceanic  in  magnitude,   what   passages   in  the   Kurma 
Purana  are  at  once  seen  to  need  no  further  harmonizing  ? 

The  passages  cited  by  Professor  Clark  in  last  line  of  note  on 
page  218  and  line  following.  The  two  'surroundings'  by  one  and 
the  same  sea  are  no  more  difficult  of  conception  than  is  a  sur- 
rounding of  the  spheres  of  Jupiter  and  Mars  by  the  sphere  of 
Saturn.  So  also  it  is  now  plain  how  £akadvlpa  can  be  'north'  of 
Meru  and  at  the  same  time  'east'  of  it.  It  is  both. 


358  William  Fair  field  Warren 

10.  Has  this  view  of  the  dvipas  and  of  the  seven  concentric 
seas  ever  been  proposed? 

Certainly,  more  than  thirty  years  ago.  See  page  459  of  Para- 
dise Found,  by  W.  F.  Warren,  Boston,  1885.  Also  his  Earliest 
Cosmologies,  New  York  1909,  page  91,  n.  et  passim. 

11.  What  does  Professor  Clark  say  of  the  distance  of  Sakad- 
vipa  from  the  abodes  of  men? 

'  The  distance  was  never  traversed  by  human  feet,  it  was  trav- 
elled through  the  air. '  Note  eight,  page  210. 

12.  When  Narada  starts  for  Sakadvipa,  what  direction  does 
he  take  ? 

Not  a  northward,  not  an  eastward,  not  a  southward  or  west- 
ward ;  simply  upward.  He  ' soars  into  the  sky.'  Page  231. 

13.  If  he  keeps  on  in  his  upward  flight  until  he  reaches  the 
last  heaven  this  side  of  Pushkaradvipa  what  kind  of  tenants 
will  he  there  find  ? 

Beings  *  white'  and  'sinless.'  See  the  description  in  article  of 
Professor  Clark,  pages  234ff.  One  statement  reads:  'The  efful- 
gence which  is  emitted  by  each  of  them  resembles  the  splendor 
which  the  sun  assumes  when  the  time  comes  for  the  dissolution  of 
the  universe. '  Unearthly  to  say  the  least. 

14.  What  is  the  weight  of  the  garments  of  one  of  these  beings 
according  to  the  Buddhist  scriptures  ? 

Divide  one  ounce  into  one  hundred  and  twenty-eight  parts  and 
one  of  these  parts  will  balance  the  garments  in  weight.  In  the 
ascending  order  of  the  heavens  it  is  the  last  in  which  clothing  of 
any  kind  is  en  regie. 

15.  Name  of  this  heaven,  next  below  Pushkara,  in  what  seems 
to  have  been  the  orthodox  Puranic  list  ? 

SAKADVIPA. 

Small  wonder  that  our  results  are  unsatisfactory  so  long  as 
we  place  polar  Meru  somewhere  among  the  Himalayan  ranges, 
and  unremittingly  scan  all  procurable  maps  of  Asia  for  a  region 
which  is  measureless  miles  above  our  heads. 


BRIEF    NOTES 

A  remark  on  Egyptian  r  'part' 

It  is  a  well-known  fact,  that  in  Egyptian  the  word  for  mouth, 
r,  has  also  the  meaning  'part. '  Difficulty,  however,  arises  as  soon 
as  an  attempt  is  made  to  explain  the  change  of  meaning.  Sethe, 
in  his  brilliant  monograph  Von  Zahlen  und  Zahlworten  bei  den 
alien  Aegyptern,  Strassburg,  1916,  p.  86,  takes  into  account  a 
few  possibilities  that  might  have  been  instrumental  for  this 
change.  According  to  him,  it  may  have  been  considered  a 
1  mouthful,'  analogous  to  the  Hebrew  yad,  which  was  used  to 
express  the  fractions,  and  which  as  such  a  designator  may  have 
been  thought  of  as  a  'handful' ;  or  else  as  'part'  of  the  body,  like 
Greek  ju-cpos,  or  as  'edge',  'rim'  or  'side.'  Apart  from  this  use 
of  r  'part'  in  the  designation  of  fractions,  the  use  of  r  'mouth' 
in  a  metaphorical  sense  for  'chapter,'  'saying/  as  a  'part'  of  a 
literary  production  is  very  common. 

In  an  entirely  unique  way  I  find  this  word  in  my  perusal  of 
Erman's  'Reden,  Rufe  und  Lieder  auf  Graeberbildern  des  Alten 
Eeiches'  (Abh.  der  Preus.  Akad.  der  Wissenschaften) ,  Berlin, 
1919.  On  page  18  we  read  that  a  man  calls  to  the  butcher, 
'Free  me  from  him!  this  steer  is  mighty.'  The  answer,  which 
the  butcher  returns,  concerns  us  here.  He  calls  back :  ndr  sw  r 
mnh  m  r-k.  Erman  renders  this  by  'Halt  ihn  ordentlich  mit(  ?) 
deinem '  But  this  sentence  allows  no  other  transla- 
tion than:  'Hold  him  properly  for  thy  part!'  The  use  of 
the  preposition  m  particularly  favors  this  translation.  The 
answer  contains  thus  a  slight  rebuke  to  the  man,  who  sits  between 
the  horns  of  the  steer  and  holds  him  down  for  slaughter.  The 
sense  is  thus:  'Instead  of  calling  for  my  help,  tend  to  your  own 
part  of  the  work  well. ' 

H.  F.  LUTZ 

University  of  Pennsylvania 

Bharata's  treatise  on  dramaturgy  (Ndtya-sdstra) 

Some  of  the  members  of  our  Society  will  be  interested  to  learn 
of  certain  items  from  letters  written  from  Poona,  India,  by  Pro- 
fessor Belvalkar.  He  has  in  hand  an  edition  and  annotated  ver- 


360  Brief  Notes 

sion  of  this  ancient  and  exceedingly  important  treatise.  The 
items  illustrate  clearly  some  of  the  enormous  advantages  which 
native  Indianists  have  over  us  Indianists  of  the  Occident. 

He  tells  me  that  his  article  upon  the  material  available  for  a 
critical  edition  of  this  treatise  (see  Sanskrit  Research,  1.  37-)  has 
brought  fruitful  replies  from  various  parts  of  India :  1.  Report 
of  a  complete  ms.  of  the  text  at  Chidambaram  (otherwise,  Chil- 
ambaram :  South  Arcot,  Madras,  a  few  miles  south  of  Cuddalore) ; 
2.  Report  of  the  discovery  in  Malabar  of  an  almost  complete  ms. 
of  Abhinavagupta 's  commentary  on  the  text;  3.  Information  as 
to  93  fine  images  painted  on  the  inner  walls  of  a  temple  of  the 
XIII.  century,  illustrating  the  various  dancing  postures  enumer- 
ated in  chapter  4,  stanzas  33  to  53  of  our  treatise.  What  is  more : 
above  each  picture  is  a  description  of  each  posture,  the  descrip- 
tion (in  Grantha  characters)  agreeing  word  for  word  with  those 
given  in  our  treatise,  chapter  4,  stanzas  99-.  The  pictures  enable 
us  to  understand  Bharata  clearly. 

CHARLES  R.  LANMAN 

Harvard  University 

PERSONALIA 

Dr.  B.  LAUFER,  curator  of  anthropology  in  the  Field  Museum 
of  Chicago,  was  elected  an  honorary  member  of  the  Finnish 
Archaeological  Society  of  Helsingfors  on  the  occasion  of  the  fif- 
tieth anniversary  of  this  Society  on  November  6,  1920,  and  a  cor- 
responding member  of  the  Societe  des  Amis  de  1'Art  Asiatique, 
Hague,  Holland.  He  was  recently  appointed  also  Honorary 
Curator  of  Chinese  Antiquities  in  the  Art  Institute  of  Chicago. 

In' commemoration  of  the  labors  of  Prof.  FRIEDRICH  HIRTH, 
of  Columbia  University,  who  attained  the  age  of  75  years  in  April 
of  this  year,  a  'Festschrift  fur  Friedrich  Hirth'  is  announced 
by  the  Beitrdge  zur  Kenntnis  der  Kultur  und  Kunst  des  fernen 
Ostens  (Oesterheld  &  Co.,  Berlin). 

The  Rev.  C.  H.  W.  JOHNS,  M.A.,  Litt.D.,  late  Master  of  St. 
Catharine.'s  College,  Cambridge  University,  and  Assyriologist, 
died  in  August. 

Prof.  RICHARD  GOTTHEIL,  of  Columbia  University,  is  attached 
to  the  University  of  Strasbourg  for  the  present  academic  year. 

Dr.  HENRY  SCHAEFFER  has  become  Professor  of  Old  Testament 
Exegesis  in  the  Lutheran  Theological  Seminary,  Chicago. 


NOTES  OF  THE  SOCIETY 

In  accordance  with  Art.  V,  §2,  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
Society,  the  Executive  Committee,  thru  the  Corresponding 
Secretary,  reports  the  following  actions  taken  by  it  since  the  last 
annual  meeting  of  the  Society. 

Pursuant  to  a  vote  of  the  Society  (see  Proceedings,  in  JOURNAL, 
40.  222),  the  Executive  Committee  took  under  consideration  the 
proposal  contained  in  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Co-opera- 
tion with  the  other  Oriental  Societies  (JOURNAL,  40.  215-216)  that 
this  Society  co-operate  with  the  other  Oriental  Societies  in  regard 
to  planning  a  General  Dictionary  of  Buddhism  and  issuing  an 
appeal  for  aid  in  its  preparation.  The  following  resolution  was 
submitted  to  each  member  of  the  Committee  by  the  Secretary  and 
was  approved  by  four  out  of  the  five  members  (Professor  Clay 
being  absent  from  the  country  and  unable  to  respond),  on  or 
before  June  4,  1920. 

'  Whereas,  the  American  Oriental  Society,  at  its  meeting  held 
in  Ithaca,  N.  Y.,  on  April  6  and  7,  1920,  referred  the  report  of  the 
Standing  Committee  on  Co-operation  with  Other  Oriental  Socie- 
ties to  the  Executive  Committee  with  power  to  act  upon  the  pro- 
posal contained  in  the  report  that  this  Society  co-operate  with  the 
other  Oriental  Societies  in  regard  to  planning  a  General  Diction- 
ary of  Buddhism  and  issuing  an  appeal  for  aid  in  its  prepara- 
tion: 

The  Executive  Committee,  on  behalf  of  the  American  Oriental 
Society,  hereby  gives  the  general  approval  of  the  Society  to  this 
undertaking  and  authorizes  its  representative  on  the  Committee 
for  planning  the  Dictionary  to  join  in  signing  and  circulating 
the  appeal  that  may  be  approved. ' 

Thereafter  Professor  James  H.  Woods,  who  is  the  representa- 
tive of  this  Society  on  the  joint  Committee  for  planning  the  Dic- 
tionary of  Buddhism,  on  his  return  from  the  joint  meeting  of 
Asiatic  Societies  held  in  Paris  in  July,  1920,  submitted  to  the 
Executive  Committee  the  subjoined  'Projet  de  Circulaire'  with 
the  request  that  this  Society  authorize  its  circulation  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  French  and  the  British  Societies  had  already 
agreed  to  do.  This  request  was  transmitted  to  each  member  of 
the  Committee  by  the  Secretary,  and  the  issuance  of  the  circular 
appeal  was  unanimously  approved  by  them,  on  or  before  Sept.  28, 
1920. 


362  Notes  of  the  Society 

On  Saturday,  Oct.  23,  a  meeting  of  the  Executive  Committee 
was  held  at  Columbia  University,  New  York  City,  all  the  members 
being  present.  The  minutes  of  actions  already  taken  thru 
correspondence  votes  (as  stated  above),  were  unanimously  rati- 
fied and  approved. 

A  resolution,  'that  the  American  Oriental  Society  extend  to 
the  Asiatic  Societies  of  England,  France,  and  Italy  an  invitation 
to  hold  a  joint  meeting  in  this  country  at  the  time  of  the  annual 
meeting  of  the  American  Society  in  1921,  or,  if  it  seems  prefer- 
able, at  some  other  time  in  that  year, '  was  referred  to  the  decision 
of  the  Board  of  Directors,  in  such  manner  as  the  President  of  the 
Society  might  direct. 

The  matter  of  the  investment  of  any  uninvested  capital  belong- 
ing to  the  Society  having  been  referred  to  the  Executive  Commit- 
tee by  the  Board  of  Directors,  it  was  voted :  '  That  the  investment 
of  such  part  of  the  funds  of  the  Society  as  may  seem  wise  shall  be 
referred  to  the  Treasurer  with  power  to  act,  after  consultation 
with  and  upon  the  advice  of  the  Treasurer  of  Yale  University/ 

The  affairs  of  the  Committee  on  Preparation  of  a  Statement 
setting  forth  the  Scope,  Character,  Aims,  and  Purposes  of  Orien- 
tal Studies  having  been  referred  to  the  Executive  Committee  by 
the  Board  of  Directors,  it  was  voted :  '  That  the  President  appoint 
a  committee  from  among  the  younger  members  of  the  Society  to 
prepare  a  statement  setting  forth  the  aims  and  the  importance  of 
Oriental  Studies,  such  committee  to  report  to  the  Executive  Com- 
mittee at  its  next  meeting. ' 

CHARLES  J.  OGDEN, 

Corresponding  Secretary. 

PROJET  DE  CIECULAIBE 

LA  FEDERATION  DES  SOCIETES  ASIATTQUES  (Amerique,  Angleterre,  France, 
Italie),  a  pris  1 'initiative  d'une  publication  qui  grouperait  dans  un  effort 
eommun  des  equipes  nationales  de  savants  orientaux  et  occidentaux.  Elle  a 
entrepris  la  preparation  d'un  Dictionnaire  General  du  Bouddhisme  (doc- 
trine, histoire,  geographic  sacree,  etc.)  fond6  sur  un  depouillement  direct  des 
sources  ( Sanscrit,  pali,  tibetain,  chinois,  japanais,  langues  de  1'Indoehine  et 
de  1'Asie  Centrale)  et  elabore  par  des  sp6cialistes  locaux  dans  chacun  des 
pays  de  civilisation  bouddhique,  sous  le  controle  d  'un  Comite  de  direction  elu 
par  les  Societes  federees. 

Une  pareille  entreprise  exige  le  concours  d'un  nombre  considerable  de 
travailleurs  qu'il  est  necessaire  de  retribuer,  et  elle  comporte  des  le  de"but 
des  frais  eleves  de  mise  en  oeuvre  et  de  materiel.  Le  prix  de  revient  total, 


Notes  of  Other  Societies  363 

encore  impossible  a  preciser,  atteindra  des  centaines  de  milliers  de  francs. 
Pour  couvrir  ces  depenses,  les  Societes  Federe"es  sollicitent  la  generosite  des 
souscripteurs.  En  tant  que  religion,  philosophie,  litterature,  art,  le  boud- 
dhisme  a  joue  dans  le  monde  un  role  trop  considerable  pour  qu'un  homme 
cultive  puisse  a  'y  declarer  indifferent. 
Les  souscriptions  sont  revues. 

The  Directors,  at  the  Annual  Meeting,  authorized  the  Editors 
to  undertake  the  preparation  of  an  Index  of  Volumes  21-40  of  the 
JOURNAL.  Prof.  R.  K.  Yerkes  has  kindly  consented  to  prepare 
this  Index,  and  it  will  appear  in  1921,  to  be  sold  at  cost.  It  will 
be  recalled  that  the  Index  to  Volumes  1-20  was  prepared  by  Mrs. 
George  F.  Moore  and  appeared  in  Vol.  21. 

The  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Middle  West  Branch  of  the 
Society  will  be  held  at  the  University  of  Wisconsin,  Madison, 
Wis.,  February  25-26.  Communications  for  the  program  should 
be  sent  to  the  Secretary,  Prof.  A.  T.  Olmstead,  706  So.  Goodwin 
St.,  Urbana,  111. 


NOTES  OF  OTHER  SOCIETIES 

A  Joint  Meeting  of  the  Oriental  Societies  of  France,  Great 
Britain,  Italy  and  America  was  held  in  Paris,  July  6-8.  The 
representatives  of  the  American  Society  present  were  Drs.  Clay, 
Gottheil,  Gray  and  Woods.  The  sessions  were  divided  into  two 
sections,  of  Near  Asia  and  Far  Asia.  M.  Senart,  President  of 
the  French  Society,  gave  a  reception  on  Wednesday  and  there  was 
a  dinner  on  Thursday.  The  following  was  the  program : 

M.  E.  Gottheil.     Sur  une  nouvelle  typographic  orientale. 

M.  Goloubew.  Sur  1 'organisation  au  Musee  Guimet,  d'un  depot  de  cliches 
arche"ologiques. — Communications  de  MM.  Pelliot  et  Lartigue  sur  leurs  ex- 
pe*ditions  en  Extreme-Orient.  Projections. 

Sir  G.  A.  Grierson:     Eeport  on  the  Linguistic  Survey  of  India. 

M.  MeiUet:     Sur  le  caractere  des  Gathas. 

Dr.  H.  B.  Morse:     The  super  cargo  in  the  China  trade,  circa  1700. 

M.  Cffides:     Les  origines  de  la  dynastie  de  Sukhodaya. 

M.  A.  T.  Clay :     The  Amorite  name  Jerusalem. 

Dr.  Cowley:     A  Hittite  word  in  Hebrew. 

M.  Chabot:  Traces  de  1 'influence  juive  dans  les  inscriptions  palmyre'ni- 
ennes. 

Prof.  St.  Langdon.  Sumerian  Law  Codes  and  the  Semitic  Code  of  Ham- 
murabi. 


I 


364  Notes  of  Other  Societies 

M.  Minorsky:     La  secte  persane  des  All-Allah!. 

M.  Longworth  Dames:  The  Portuguese  and  Turks  in  the  Indian  Ocean 
in  the  XVIth  Century. 

M.  P.  Pelliot:  Un  vocabulaire  arabe-mongol  et  un  vocabulaire  sino- 
mongol  du  XlVe  siecle. 

M.  Archambault:  Le  sphinx,  le  dragon  et  la  colombe,  d'apres  les  monu- 
ments de  la  Nouvelle-Caledonie. 

M.  Krenkow:  The  second  volume  of  the  Kitab  al  Ma'ani  of  Ibn 
Qutaiba. 

M.  Gaudef  roy-Demombynes :  Le  manuscrit  d  'Ibn  Khaldoun  des  Qaraouin 
de  Fez. 

M.  Thureau-Dangin.     Eituel  du  temple  d'Anou  a  Ourouk. 

M.  Casanova:     Un  alphabet  magique. 

M.  Cl.  Huart:  Un  commentaire  du  Goran  en  Ture  d'Asie  Mineure  (xv6 
siecle). 

M.  C.  D.  Blagden:     BesumS  of  Malay  Studies. 

M.  Masson-Oursel :  Sur  la  signification  du  mot  dharma  a  travers  1  'histoire 
del'Inde. 

M.  Mukerjee:  Belvedere  (an  archaeological  Account  of  a  home  occupied 
by  the  Lieut.-Governor  of  Bengal). 

M.  G.  Ferrand:     La  Chine  dans  Ya'kiibi. 

M.  Sidersky:     L'astronomie  et  la  science  orientale. 

M.  Deny:     Futuwet  nameh  et  romans  de  chevalerie  turcs. 

M.  Delafosse:     Sur  1 'unite  des  langues  negro-afrieaines. 

M.  Bourdais:  L 'action  originelle  des  forces '  naturelles  dans  le  premier 
6crit  de  la  Genese. 

M.  Dan  on :     Sources  ottomanes  inedites  de  1  'histoire  des  Tartares. 

The  second  general  meeting  of  the  Palestine  Oriental  Society 
(see  above,  p.  76)  was  held  in  Jerusalem  on  May  25.  The  follow- 
ing papers  were  presented :  Professor  Clay,  '  The  Amorite  origin 
of  the  name  of  Jerusalem';  Pere  Lagrange,  'Les  noms  geogra- 
phiques  de  Palestine  dans  1'ancienne  version  des  Evangiles' ;  Mr. 
Phythian- Adams,  'An  early  race  of  Palestine';  Mr.  Idelson,  'A 
comparison  of  some  ecclesiastical  modes  with  traditional  syna- 
gogual  melodies';  Pere  Dhorme,  'L'assyrien  au  secours  du  livre 
de  Job ' ;  Dr.  Albright,  '  Mesopotamian  influence  in  the  temple  of 
Solomon';  Pere  Decloedt,  'Note  sur  une  monnaie  de  bronze  de 
Bar  Cochba';  Mr.  H.  E.  Clark,  'The  evolution  of  flint  instruments 
from  the  early  palaeolithic  to  the  neolithic';  Mr.  Ben  Yehuda, 
'The  language  of  the  Edomites';  Mr.  Rafaeli,  'Recent  coin  dis- 
coveries in  Palestine';  Professor  Peters,  'Notes  of  locality  in  the 
Psalter';  Mr.  J.  D.  Whiting,  'The  Samaritan  Pentateuch';  Mr. 
Tolkowsky,  'A  new  translation  of  metheg  ha-ammah,  2  Sam.  8. 1' ; 
Mr.  Lind,  'Prehistoric  Palestine';  Professor  Worrell,  'The  inter- 


Notes  of  Other  Societies  365 

change  of  Sin  and  Shin  in  Semitic  and  its  bearing  on  polarity'; 
Pere  Orfali,  'Un  sanctuaire  canaaneen  a  Siar  el  Ganem';  Mr. 
Eitan,  'Quelques  racines  incommes  dans  le  livre  de  Job';  Dr. 
Slousch,  'Nouvelle  interpretation  d'une  inscription  phenicienne '. 
The  Society  is  preparing  to  publish  its  proceedings.  The  present 
membership  in  Palestine  numbers  145. 

The  reorganized  University  of  Strasbourg  announces  a  depart- 
ment of  the  History  of  Religions,  which  will  include  members  of 
both  the  Catholic  and  Protestant  faculties.  M.  Alfaric  has  been 
appointed  to  the  newly  created  chair  of  History  of  Religions. 
The  program  of  lectures  for  this  year  includes  general  courses, 
and  courses  on  the  Egyptian,  Semitic,  and  Indo-European  Relig- 
ions, and  Christianity,  primitive,  mediaeval  and  modern. 

The  lectures  for  this  winter  under  the  auspices  of  the  American 
Committee  on  the  History  of  Religions  are  being  given  by  Dr. 
Frederick  J.  Bliss,  on  the  subject,  The  Secret  Cults  of  Syria,  cov- 
ering the  history  and  tenets  of  the  Isma'ilis,  the  Nusairis  and 
the  Druses.  These  lectures  are  given  at  Union  Seminary,  Uni- 
versity of  Pennsylvania,  Johns  Hopkins  University,  Auburn 
Theological  Seminary,  Rochester  Theological  Seminary,  Cornell 
University,  Meadville  Theological  Seminary,  Oberlin  University, 
University  of  Chicago,  and  Hartford  Theological  Seminary. 

The  first  volume  of  the  ANNUAL  of  the  American  School  of 
Oriental  Research  in  Jerusalem  has  appeared  under  the  editor- 
ship of  Prof.  Charles  C.  Torrey.  The  papers,  all  contributed  by 
former  Directors  of  the  School,  are :  'A  Phoenician  Necropolis  at 
Sidon,'  by  C.  C.  Torrey;  'The  Walls  of  Jerusalem,'  by  H.  G. 
Mitchell ;  '  Survivals  of  Primitive  Religion  in  Modern  Palestine, ' 
by  L.  B.  Paton;  'Gleanings  in  Archaeology  and  Epigraphy,'  by 
"W.  J.  Moulton.  The  volume  is  illustrated  with  77  plates.  It  is 
published  by  the  Yale  University  Press. 

An  Asiatic  Society  has  been  organized  at  the  University  of  Illi- 
nois with  a  membership  already  of  over  forty.  The  purpose  is 
expressed  in  the  constitution  as  follows:  (1)  interest  in  the 
Asiatic  peoples,  their  history,  civilization,  and  present  problems ; 
(2)  scientific  instruction  and  research  on  Asiatic  topics,  includ- 
ing the  development  of  the  University  Library  and  the  Oriental 
Museum;  (3)  social  intercourse  among  members  on  the  basis  of 
these  common  interests.  Members  are  to  be  chosen  from  faculty 


366  Notes  of  Other  Societies 

and  both  American  and  Asiatic  students,  on  the  basis  of  scholar- 
ship and  interest  in  this  development.  Members  returning  to 
the  Orient  become  corresponding  members  and  without  dues, 
with  the  hope  that  they  will  retain  a  permanent  interest  in  the 
development  of  Asiatic  studies  at  the  University  and  in  the  edu- 
cation of  their  fellows.  Officers  have  been  chosen  as  follows: 
President,  Professor  E.  B.  Greene,  Department  of  History;  Vice 
President,  A.  P.  Paterno,  Philippines;  Secretary,  Professor  A. 
T.  Olmstead,  Department  of  History;  Treasurer,  B.  N.  Bysack, 
India;  Executive  Committee,  Professor  David  Carnahan,  Dean 
of  Foreign  Students;  N.  Uyei,  Japan;  C.  C.  Yu,  China;  F.  S. 
Eodkey,  America. 

The  Ecole  Biblique  of  the  Dominican  Monastery  in  Jerusalem 
has  been  officially  recognized  as  the  French  School  of  Archaeology 
in  Jerusalem  and  will  doubtless  be  affiliated  with  the  proposed 
French  School  in  Syria.  The  Pontifical  Institute  (Jesuit)  in 
Rome  is  establishing  a  similar  school  in  Jerusalem  under  the 
auspices  of  the  Italian  government. 

The  Department  of  Antiquities  of  the  Government  of  Palestine 
has  granted  the  following  concessions  for  excavation :  to  the  Uni- 
versity of  Pennsylvania  Museum,  Beisan ;  to  the  Jewish  Archae- 
ological Society,  Tiberias  and  Artuf;  to  the  Dominicans  in 
Jerusalem,  'Ain  Duk,  near  Jericho.  A  group  of  Swedish  and 
Finnish  archaeologists  are  seeking  a  consession  for  Tell  el-Kadi, 
near  Banias,  in  French  territory. 


LIST  OF  MEMBERS 

The  number  placed  after  the  address  Indicates  the  year  of  election, 
t  designates  members  deceased  during  the  past  year. 


HONORARY   MEMBERS 

Sir    EAMKRISHNA    GOPAL    BHANDARKAR,    C.I.E.,    Deccan    College,    Poona, 

India.     1887. 

Prof.  CHARLES  CLERMONT-GANNEAU,  1  Avenue  de  1'Alma,  Paris.    1909. 
Prof.  T.    W.    RHYS    DAVIDS,    Cotterstock,    Chipstead,    Surrey,    England. 

1907. 

Prof.  BERTHOLD  DELBRUCK,  University  of  Jena,  Germany.     1878. 
Prof.  FRIEDRICH  DELITZSCH,  University  of  Berlin,  Germany.    1893. 
Prof.  ADOLPH  ERMAN,   Berlin-Steglitz-Dahlem,  Germany,  Peter  LennSstr. 

72.     1903. 

Sir  ARTHUR  EVANS,  Ashmolean  Museum,  Oxford,  England.     1919. 
Prof.  EICHARD  GARBE,  University  of  Tubingen,  Germany.     (Biesinger  Str. 

14.)     1902. 

Prof.  KARL  F.  GELDNER,  University  of  Marburg,  Germany.     1905. 
Prof.  IGNAZ  GOLDZIHER,  vii  Hollo-Utcza  4,  Budapest,  Hungary.     1906. 
Sir  GEORGE  A.  GRIERSON,  C.I.E.,  D.Litt.,  I.C.S.    (retired),  Bathfarnham, 

Camberley,  Surrey,  England.      Corporate  Member,  1899;    Hon.,  1905. 
Prof.  IGNAZIO  GUIDI,  University  of  Eome,  Italy.     (Via  Botteghe  Oscure 

24.)     1893. 
Prof.  HERMANN   JACOBI,    University   of   Bonn,   59    Niebuhrstrasse,   Bonn, 

Germany.     1909. 
Prof.  SYLVAIN  LEVI,  College  de  France,  Paris.     (9  Eue  Guy-de-la-Brosse, 

Paris,  Ve.)     1917. 

Prof.  ARTHUR  ANTHONY  MACDONELL,  University  of  Oxford,  England.     1918. 
Prof.  EDUARD  MEYER,  University  of  Berlin,  Germany.     (Gross-Lichterfelde- 

West,  Mommsenstr.  7.)     1908. 

Prof.  THEODOR  NOLDEKE,  Karlsruhe,  Germany,  Ettlingerstr.  53.     1878. 
iProf.  HERMANN  OLDENBERG,  University  of  Gottingen,  Germany.     (27/29 

Nikolausberger  Weg.)     1910. 
Prof.  EDUARD    SACHAU,    University    of    Berlin,    Germany.      (Wormserstr. 

12,  W.)     1887. 

Prof.  ARCHIBALD  H.  SAYCE,  University  of  Oxford,  England.     1893. 
Prof.  V.   SCHEIL,  Membre  de  PInstitut  de  France,  4bis  Eue  du  Cherche- 

Midi,  Paris,  France.     1920. 
EMILE  SENART,  Membre  de  PInstitut  de  France,  18  Eue  Francois  Ier,  Paris, 

France.     1908. 
Prof.  C.  SNOUCK  HURGRONJE,  University  of  Leiden,  Netherlands.     (Witte 

Singel  84a.)     1914. 
F.    W.    THOMAS,    M.A.,    Hon.    Ph.D.,    The   Library,    India    Office,    London 

S.  W.  1,  England.     1920. 
FRANQOIS  THUREAU-DANGIN,  Musee  du  Louvre,  Paris,  France.     1918. 

[Total:  25] 


368  List  of  Members 

CORPORATE   MEMBERS 

Names  marked  with  *  are  those  of  life  members. 

Kev.  Dr.  JUSTIN  EDWARDS  ABBOTT,  120  Hobart  Ave.,  Summit,  N.  J.    1900. 

Mrs.  JUSTIN  E.  ABBOTT,  120  Hobart  Ave.,  Summit,  N.  J.     1912. 

Pres.  CYRUS  ADLER  (Dropsie  College),  2041  North  Broad  St.,  Philadelphia, 

Pa.     1884. 

Prof.  ADOLFH    ERMAN,   Berlin-Steglitz-Dahlem,    Germany,   Peter    Lennestr. 
Dr.  WILLIAM  FOXWELL  ALBRIGHT,  American  School  for  Oriental  Research, 

Jerusalem,  Palestine.     1915. 
Dr.    THOMAS   GEORGE   ALLEN    (Univ.    of   Chicago),    5743   Maryland   Ave., 

Chicago,  111.     1917. 
Dr.  OSWALD  T.  ALLIS,  26  Alexander  Hall,  Princeton  Theological  Seminary, 

Princeton,  N.  J.     1916. 

FRANCIS  C.  ANSCOMBE,  Johns  Hopkins  University,  Baltimore,  Md.     1918. 
SHIGERU  ARAKI,  Care  of  S.  Chujo,  21  Hayashicho,  Hongoku,  Tokyo,  Japan. 

1915. 

Prof.  J.  C.  ARCHER  (Yale  Univ.),  571  Orange  St.,  New  Haven,  Conn.     1916. 
Prof.   KANICHI   ASAKAWA,   Yale   University   Library,   New  Haven,   Conn. 

1904. 
Prof.  WILLIAM  FREDERIC  BADE   (Pacific  School  of  Eeligion),  2616  College 

Ave.,  Berkeley,  Calif.     1920. 
CHARLES  CHANEY  BAKER,  Care  International  Petroleum  Co.,  Apartado  162, 

Tampico,  Mexico.     1916. 

Hon.  SIMEON  E.  BALDWIN,  LL.D.,  44  Wall  St.,  New  Haven,  Conn.     1898. 
*Dr.  HUBERT  BANNING,  17  East  128th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1915. 
PHILIP  LEMONT  BARBOUR,  Care  Mrs.  Geo.  H.  Moore,  7  West  92d  St.,  New 

York,  N.  Y.     1917. 

Prof.  LEKOY  CARR  BARRET,  Trinity  College,  Hartford,  Conn.     1903. 
Prof.  GEORGE  A.  BARTON,  Bryn  Mawr  College,  Bryn  Mawr,  Pa.     1888. 
Mrs.  DANIEL  M.  BATES,  51  Brattle  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass.     1912. 
Prof.  L.  W.  BATTEN    (General  Theol.  Seminary),  3   Chelsea  Square,  New 

York,  N.  Y.     1894. 
Prof.  HARLAN  P.  BEACH  (Yale  Univ.),  346  WiUow  St.,  New  Haven,  Conn. 

1898. 

Miss  ETHEL  BEERS,  3414  South  Paulina  St.,  Chicago,  111.     1915. 
*Dr.  SHRIPAD  K.  BELVALKAR,  Deccan  College,  Poona,  via  Bombay,  India. 

1914. 

Miss  EFFIE  BENDANN,  420  West  121st  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1915. 
Prof.  HAROLD  H.  BENDER,  Princeton  University,  Princeton,  N.  J.     1906. 
E.  BEN  YEHUDA,  Care  of  Zionist  Commission,  Jerusalem,  Palestine.     1916. 
Prof.  C.  THEODORE  BENZE,  D.D.  (Mt.  Airy  Theol.  Seminary),  7304  Boyer 

St.,  Mt.  Airy,  Pa.     1916. 

OSCAR  BERMAN,  Third,  Plum  &  McFarland  Sts.,  Cincinnati,  Ohio.     1920. 
PIERRE  A.  BERNARD,  662  West  End  Ave.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1914. 
ISAAC  W.  BERNHEIM,  Inter  So.  Bldg.,  Louisville,  Ky.     1920. 
Prof.  GEORGE  E.  BERRY,  Colgate  University,  Hamilton,  N.  Y.     1907. 
Prof.  JULIUS  A.  BEWER,  Union  Theological  Seminary,  Broadway  and  120th 

St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1907. 


List  of  Members  369 

Dr.  WILLIAM  STURGIS  BIGELOW,  60  Beacon  St.,  Boston,  Mass.    1894. 

Prof.  FREDERICK  L.  BIRD,  606  Beall  Ave.,  Wooster,  Ohio.     1917. 

CARL  W.  BISHOP,  University  of  Pennsylvania  Museum,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

1917. 
Dr.  FRANK  EINGGOLD  BLAKE  (Johns  Hopkins  Univ.),  109  W.  Monument  St., 

Baltimore,  Md.     1900. 

Dr.  FREDERICK  J.  BLISS,  1155  Yale  Sta.,  New  Haven,  Conn.     1898. 
Prof.  CARL  AUGUST  BLOMGREN  (Augustana  College  and  Theol.  Seminary), 

825  35th  St.,  Eock  Island,  111.     1900. 
Prof.  LEONARD  BLOOMFIELD  (Univ.  of  Illinois),  804  W.  Oregon  St.,  Urbana, 

111.     1917. 
Prof.  MAURICE   BLOOMFIELD,   Johns   Hopkins   University,   Baltimore,  Md. 

1881. 

PAUL  F.  BLOOMHARDT,  601  Cathedral  St.,  Baltimore,  Md.     1916. 
Dr.  ALFRED  BOISSIER,  Le  Eivage  pres  Chambery,  Switzerland.     1897. 
Prof.  GEORGE  M.  BOLLING  (Ohio  State  Univ.),  777  Franklin  Ave.,  Columbus, 

Ohio.     1896. 

Prof.  CAMPBELL  BONNER,  University  of  Michigan,  Ann  Arbor,  Mich.     1920. 
Prof.  EDWARD  I.  BOSWORTH    (Oberlin  Graduate   School  of  Theology),  78 

So.  Professor  St.,  Oberlin,  Ohio.     1920. 

Prof.  JAMES  HENRY  BREASTED,  University  of  Chicago,  Chicago,  111.    1891. 
Miss  EMILIE  GRACE  BRIGGS,  124  Third  St.,  Lakewood,  N.  J.     1920. 
Prof.  C.  A.  BRODIE  BROCKWELL,  McGill  University,  Montreal,  P.  Q.,  Canada. 

1920. 

Eev.  CHARLES  D.  BROKENSHIRE,  Lock  Box  56,  Alma,  Mich.     1917. 
Mrs.  BEATRICE  ALLARD  BROOKS,  Wellesley,  Mass.     1919. 
MILTON  BROOKS,  3  Clive  Row,  Calcutta,  India.     1918. 
Eev.  Dr.  GEORGE  WILLIAM  BROWN    (Transylvania  College),  422   Davidson 

Court,  Lexington,  Ky.     1909. 

LEO  M.  BROWN,  P.  O.  Box  953,  Mobile,  Ala.     1920. 
Dr.  WILLIAM  NORMAN  BROWN,  Johns  Hopkins  University,  Baltimore,  Md. 

1916. 

Prof.  CARL  DARLING  BUCK,  University  of  Chicago,  Chicago,  111.     1892. 
LUDLOW  S.  BULL,  Litchfield,  Conn.      1917. 

ALEXANDER  H.  BULLOCK,  State  Mutual  Building,  Worcester,  Mass.     1910. 
Dr.  E.  W.  BURLINGAME,  98  Chestnut  St.,  Albany,  N.  Y.     1910. 
Prof.    JOHN    M.    BURNAM    (Univ.    of    Cincinnati),    3413    Whitfield    Ave., 

Cincinnati,  Ohio.     1920. 

CHARLES  DANA  BURRAGE,  85  Ames  Building,  Boston,  Mass.     1909. 
Prof.  EOMAIN  BUTIN,  Catholic  University  of  America,  Washington,  D.  C. 

1915. 
Prof.   HOWARD   CROSBY  BUTLER,  Princeton   University,   Princeton,   N.  J. 

1908. 
Prof.  MOSES  BUTTENWIESER  (Hebrew  Union  College),  257  Loraine  Ave., 

Cincinnati,  Ohio.     1917. 
Prof.  EUGENE  H.  BYRNE    (Univ.   of  Wisconsin),   240   Lake  Lawn  Place, 

Madison,  Wis.     1917. 
Prof.    HENRY   J.    CADBURY,    1075    Massachusetts    Ave.,    Cambridge,    Mass. 

1914. 

24    JAOS  40 


370  List  of  Members 

Eev.  Dr.  JOHN  CAMPBELL,  3055  Kingsbridge  Ave.,  New  York,  N.  Y.  1896. 
Eev.  ISAAC  CANNADAY,  M.A.,  541  Lexington  Ave.,  New  York,  N.  Y.  1920. 
Prof.  ALBERT  J.  CARNOY,  50  rue  des  Joyeuses  Entrees,  Louvain,  Belgium. 

1916. 

Dr.  .1.  M.  CASANOWICZ,  U.  S.  National  Museum,  Washington,  D.  C.     1893. 
Eev.  JOHN  S.  CHANDLER,  Sunnyside,  Eayapettah,  Madras,  Southern  India. 

1899. 

Dr.  F.  D.  CHESTER,  The  Bristol,  Boston,  Mass.     1891. 

Dr.  EDWARD  CHIERA  (Univ.  of  Pennsylvania),  1538  South  Broad  St.,  Phila- 
delphia, Pa.     1915. 
Prof.  WALTER  E.   CLARK,  Box  222,  University  of  Chicago,   Chicago,  111. 

1906. 
Prof.  ALBERT  T.  CLAY  (Yale  Univ.),  401  Humphrey  St.,  New  Haven,  Conn. 

1907. 

tProf.  CAMDEN  M.  COBERN,  Allegheny  College,  Meadville,  Pa.     1918. 
*ALEXANDER  SMITH  COCHRAN,  820  5th  Ave.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1908. 
ALFRED  M.  COHEN,  9  West  4th  St.,  Cincinnati,  Ohio.     1920. 
Dr.  GEORGE  H.  COHEN,  120  Capitol  Ave.,  Hartford,  Conn.     1920. 
Eabbi  HENRY  COHEN,  D.D.,  1920  Broadway,  Galveston,  Texas.     1920. 
Eabbi  SAMUEL  S.  COHEN,  4100  Washington  Boulevard,  Chicago,  111.     1917. 
KENNETH  COLEGROVE,  105  Harris  Hall,  Evanston,  111.     1920. 
*GEORGE  WETMORE  COLLES,  62  Fort  Greene  Place,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.     1882. 
Prof.  HERMANN   COLLITZ    (Johns   Hopkins  University),   1027   Calvert  St., 

Baltimore,  Md.     1887. 
Prof.  C.    EVERETT    CONANT,    Univ.    of    Chattanooga,    Chattanooga,    Tenn. 

1905. 
Dr.  ANANDA  K.   COOMARASWAMY,  Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston,  Mass. 

1917. 

EDWIN  SANFORD  CRANDON,  Transcript  Office,  Boston,  Mass.     1917. 
Eev.  WILLIAM  MERRIAM  CRANE,  Eichmond,  Mass.     1902. 
Prof.  GEORGE  DAHL  (Yale  Univ.),  51  Avon  St.,  New  Haven,  Conn.     1918. 
Prof.  JOHN  D.  DAVIS,  Princeton  Theological  Seminary,  Princeton,  N.  J. 

1888. 

Prof.  FRANK  LEIGHTON  DAY,  Eandolph-Macon  College,  Ashland,  Va.     1920. 
Prof.  IRWIN  H.  DE  LONG,  Theological  Seminary  of  the  Eeformed  Church, 

Lancaster,  Pa.     1916. 

EGBERT  E.  DENGLER,  2324  North  Broad  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1920. 
Prof.  ALFRED  L.  P.  DENNIS,  University  of  Wisconsin,  Madison,  Wis.     1900. 
Mrs.  FRANCIS  W.  DICKINS,  2015  Columbia  Eoad,  Washington,  D.  C.    1911. 
Dr.  VICCAJI  DINSHAW,  Mahabubnagar,  Haidarabad,  India.     1915. 
Eev.  Dr.  D.  STUART  DODGE,  99  John  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1867. 
Louis  A.  DOLE,  Urbana,  Ohio.     1916. 
LEON  DOMINIAN,  Cosmos  Club,  Washington,  D.  C.     1916. 
Eev.  A.  T.  DORF,  1635  N.  Washtenaw  Ave.,  Chicago,  111.     1916. 
Prof.  EAYMOND  P.  DOUGHERTY,  Goucher  College,  Baltimore,  Md.     1918. 
Eev.  WALTER  DRUM,  S.J.,  Woodstock  College,  Woodstock,  Md.     1915. 
Eev.  WM.  HASKELL  Du  BOSE,  University  of  the  South,  Sewanee,  Tenn. 

1912. 
Prof.  F.  C.  DUNCALF,  University  of  Texas,  Austin,  Texas.     1919. 


List  of  Members  371 

Dr.  GEORGE  S.  DUNCAN,  2900  7th  St.,  N.  E.,  Washington,  D.  C.     1917. 
Prof.  FRANKLIN  EDGERTON  (Univ.  of  Pennsylvania),  107  Bryn  Mawr  Ave., 

Lansdowne,  Pa.     1910. 

WILLIAM  F.  EDGERTON,  Danby  Eoad,  Ithaca,  N.  Y.     1917. 
Mrs.  ARTHUR  C.  EDWARDS,  309  West  91st  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1915. 
Prof.  GRANVILLE  D.  EDWARDS  (Missouri  Bible  College),  811  College  Ave., 

Columbia,  Mo.     1917. 

Dr.  ISRAEL  I.  EFROS,  146  North  Broadway,  Baltimore,  Md.     1918. 
Prof.  FREDERICK  G.  C.  EISELEN,  Garrett  Biblical  Institute,  Evanston,  111. 

1901. 
Rabbi  ISRAEL  ELFENBEIN,  M.A.,  L.H.D.,  2309   Thomas   St.,   Chicago,  111. 

.    1920. 

ALBERT  W.  ELLIS,  40  Central  St.,  Boston,  Mass.     1917. 
WILLIAM  T.  ELLIS,  Swarthmore,  Pa.     1912. 

Dr.  AARON  EMBER,  Johns  Hopkins  University,  Baltimore,  Md.     1902. 
Prof.  HENRY  LANE  ENO,  Princeton  Univ.,  Princeton,  N.  J.     1916. 
Eabbi  HARRY  W.  ETTELSON,  Hotel  Lorraine,  Broad  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

1918. 
Prof.  C.  P.  FAGNANI  (Union  Theol.  Seminary),  606  W.  122d  St.,  New  York, 

N.  Y.     1901. 
tProf.  EDWIN  WHITFIELD  FAY  (Univ.  of  Texas),  200  West  24th  St.,  Austin, 

Texas.     1888. 

Eabbi  ABRAHAM  J.  FELDMAN,  Keneseth  Israel  Temple,  Broad  St.,  Phila- 
delphia, Pa.     1920. 

Dr.  JOHN  F.  FENLON,  Catholic  Univ.  of  America,  Washington,  D.  C.     1915. 
Dr.  JOHN  C.  FERGUSON,  Peking,  China.     1900. 

Eabbi  JOSEPH  L.  FINK,  540  South  6th  St.,  Terre  Haute,  Ind.     1920. 
Dr.  HENRY    C.    FINKEL,    District   National   Bank   Building,    Washington, 

D.  C.     1912. 
CLARENCE  S.  FISHER,  University  of  Pennsylvania  Museum,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

1914. 
Eev.  Dr.  HUGHELL  E.  W.  FOSBROKE,  General  Theological  Seminary,  Chelsea 

Square,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1917. 
Prof.  JAS.  EVERETT  FRAME  (Union  Theol.  Seminary),  Broadway  and  120th 

St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1892. 

Eabbi  LEO  M.  FRANKLIN,  M.A.,  10  Edison  Ave.,  Detroit,  Mich.     1920. 
Eabbi  SOLOMON  B.  FREEHOF,  3426  Burnet  Ave.,  Cincinnati,  O.     1918. 
MAURICE  J.  FREIBERG,  First  National  Bank  Bldg.,  Cincinnati,  O.     1920. 
SIGMUND  FREY,  632  Irvington  Ave.,  Huntington  Park,  Calif.     1920. 
tProf.    ISRAEL    FRIEDLAENDER    (Jewish    Theol.    Seminary),    29    Hamilton 

Terrace,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1920. 

Prof.  JOHN  FRYER,  2620  Durant  Ave.,  Berkeley,  Cal.     1917. 
Prof.  LESLIE   ELMER   FULLER,    Garrett   Biblical   Institute,   Evanston,   111. 

1916. 
Prof.  KEMPER  FULLERTON,  Oberlin   Theological  Seminary,  Oberlin,  Ohio. 

1916. 

tDr.  WM.  HENRY  FURNESS,  3d,  1906  Sansom  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1913. 
Dr.  MAUDE  H.  GAECKLER,  Baylor  College,  Belton,  Texas.     1915. 


372  List  of  Members 

Dr.  CARL  GAENSSLE  (Concordia  College),  3117  Cedar  St.,  Milwaukee,  Wis. 

1917. 

ALEXANDER  B.  GALT,  2219  California  St.,  Washington,  D.  C.     1917. 
Mrs.  WILLIAM  TUDOR  GARDINER,  29  Brimmer  St.,  Boston,  Mass.     1915. 
EGBERT  GARRETT,  Continental  Building,  Baltimore,  Md.    1903. 
Eev.  FRANK  GAVIN,  S.S.J.E.,  St.  Francis  JJouse,  Cambridge,  Mass.     1917. 
Dr.  HENRY  SNYDER  GEHMAN,  5720  North  6th  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1916. 
EUGENE  A.  GELLOT,  290  Broadway,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1911. 
Rev.  F.  GEORGELIN,  S.M.,  S.T.L.,  Marist  College,  Brookland,  D.  C.    1916. 
Miss  ALICE  GETTY,  75  ave.  des  Champs  Elysees,  Paris,  France.     1915. 
Prof.  BASIL  LANNEAU  GILDERSLEEVE  (Johns  Hopkins  University),  1002  N. 

Calvert  St.,  Baltimore,  Md.     1858. 
DWIGHT  GODDARD,  Lancaster,  Mass.     1920. 

Eabbi  S<  H.  GOLDENSON,  Ph.D.,  4905  Fifth  Ave.,  Pittsburgh,  Pa.     1920. 
Eabbi  SOLOMON  GOLDMAN,  55th  &  ScoviUe  Sts.,  Cleveland,  O.     1920. 
PHILIP  J.  GOODHART,  21  West  81st  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1920. 
Prof.  ALEXANDER    B.    GORDON,    Presbyterian    College,    Montreal,    Canada. 

1912. 
Prof.  EICHARD  J.  H.  GOTTHEIL,  Columbia  University,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

1886. 

KINGDON  GOULD,  165  Broadway,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1914. 
Prof.  HERBERT  HENRY  GOWEN,  D.D.  (Univ.  of  Washington),  5005  22d  Ave., 

N.  E.,  Seattle,  Wash.     1920. 

Prof.  ELIHU  GRANT,  Haverford  College,  Haverford,  Pa.     1907. 
Dr.  Louis  H.  GRAY,  108  West  78th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1897. 
Mrs.  Louis  H.  GRAY,  108  West  78th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1907. 
M.  E.  GREENEBAUM,  4504  Drexel  Blvd.,  Chicago,  111.     1920. 
Prof.  EGBERT  F.  GRIBBLE,  Mercedes,  Texas.     1918. 
Dr.  ETTALENE  M.  GRICE,  Care  of  Babylonian  Collection,  Yale  University, 

New  Haven,  Conn.     1915. 

Miss  LUCIA  C.  G.  GRIEVE,  Violet  Hill  Farm,  Martindale  Depot,  N.  Y.     1894. 
Dr.  HERVEY  D.,  GRISWOLD,  307  Eddy  St.,  Ithaca,  N.  Y.     1920. 
Prof.  Louis  GROSSMANN   (Hebrew  Union  College),  2212  Park  Ave.,  Cin- 
cinnati, Ohio.     1890. 

Pres.  W.  W.  GUTH,  Ph.D.,  Goucher  College,  Baltimore,  Md.     1920. 
*Dr.  GEORGE  C.  O.  HAAS,  323  West  22d  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1903. 
Eev.  K.  K.  HADDAWAY,  2504  Garrison  Ave.,  Baltimore,  Md.     1918. 
Miss  LUISE  HAESSLER,  100  Morningside  Drive,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1909. 
Dr.   GEORGE  ELLERY  HALE,  Director,  Mt.  Wilson   Observatory,   Pasadena, 

Calif.     1920. 

Dr.  B.  HALPER,  1903  North  33d  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1919. 
Mrs.  IDA  M.  HANCHETT,  523  Fourth  Ave.,  Council  Bluffs,  Iowa.     1912. 
Prof.  MAX  HANDMAN,  University  of  Texas,  Austin,  Texas.     1919. 
Prof.  W.  H.  P.  HATCH,  Cambridge  Theological  School,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

1920. 
Prof.  PAUL  HAUPT   (Johns  Hopkins  Univ.),  215  Longwood  Eoad,  Eoland 

Park,  Baltimore,  Md.     1883. 


List  of  Members  373 

DANIEL  P.  HAYS,  115  Broadway,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1920. 

Mrs.  EDWARD  L.  HEINSHEIMER,  3584  Alaska  Ave.,  Cincinnati,  O.     1920. 

Eabbi  JAMES  G.  HELLER,  3634  Beading  Road,  Cincinnati,  O.     1920. 

Prof.  MAXIMILIAN  HELLER  (Tulane  Univ.),  1828  Marengo  St.,  New  Orleans, 

La.     1920. 

EDWARD  A.  HENRY,  Box  217,  University  of  Chicago,  Chicago,  111.     1917. 
PHILIP  S.  HENRY,  1402  Massachusetts  Ave.,  Washington,  D.  C.     1914. 
Prof.  HERMANN  V.  HILPRECHT,  1321  Spruce  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1887. 
Prof.  WILLIAM    J.    HINKE    (Auburn    Theol.    Seminary),    156    North    St., 

Auburn,  N.  Y.     1907. 
Prof.  EMIL  G.  HIRSCH  (Univ.  of  Chicago),  3612  Grand  Boulevard,  Chicago, 

IU.     1917. 

BERNARD  HIRSHBERG,  260  Todd  Lane,  Youngstown,  Ohio.  1920. 
Prof.  FRIEDRICH  HIRTH,  Clemenstr.  30,  Miinchen,  Germany.  1903. 
Dr.  PHILIP  K.  HITTI  (Columbia  University),  2929  Broadway,  New  York, 

N.  Y.     1915. 
Eev.  Dr.  LEWIS  HODOUS   (Hartford  Seminary  Foundation),  9  Sumner  St., 

Hartford,  Conn.     1919. 

THEODORE  HOFELLER,  59  Ashland  Ave.,  Buffalo,  N.  Y.     1920. 
G.  F.  HOFF,  403  Union  Bldg.,  San  Diego,  Calif.     1920. 
Dean  ALICE  M.  HOLMES  (Colby  College),  Foss  Hall,  Waterville,  Me.     1920. 
*Prof.   E.   WASHBURN   HOPKINS    (Yale  Univ.),   299   Lawrence  St.,   New 

Haven,  Conn.     1881. 

SAMUEL  HORCHOW,  1307  Fourth  St.,  Portsmouth,  Ohio.     1920. 
Prof.  STANLEY  K.,  HORNBECK,  University  of  Wisconsin,  Madison,  Wis.     1917. 
Prof.  JACOB  HOSCHANDER,  3220  Monument  Ave.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1914. 
HENRY  E.  HOWLAND,  Natural  Science  Building,  Buffalo,  N.  Y.     1907. 
Dr.  EDWARD  H.  HUME,  Changsha,  Hunan,  China.     1909. 
Prof.  EGBERT  ERNEST  HUME  (Union  Theol.  Seminary),  606  W.  122d  St., 

New  York,  N.  Y.     1914. 

*Dr.  ARCHER  M.  HUNTINGTON,  15  West  81st  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1912. 
t  SOLOMON  T.  H.  HURWITZ,  217  East  69th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1912. 
Prof.  ISAAC  HUSIK  (Univ.  of  Pennsylvania),  408  S.  9th  St.,  Philadelphia, 

Pa.     1916. 
Prof.  MARY   INDA   HUSSEY,   Mt.   Holyoke   College,   South   Hadley,   Mass. 

1901. 

*JAMES  HAZEN  HYDE,  18  rue  Adolphe  Yvon,  Paris,  France.    1909. 
Prof.  WALTER  WOODBURN  HYDE,  College  Hall,  University  of  Pennsylvania, 

Philadelphia,  Pa.     1920. 
Prof.  HENRY  HYVERNAT  (Catholic  Univ.  of  America),  3405  12th  St.,  N.  E. 

(Brookland),  Washington,  D.  C.     1889. 

IKBAL  ALI  SHAH,  University  Union,  Edinburgh,  Scotland.     1920. 
Eabbi  EDWARD  L.  ISRAEL,  Springfield,  111.     1920. 
MELVIN  M.  ISRAEL,  50  East  58th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1920. 
Prof.  A.  V.  WILLIAMS  JACKSON,  Columbia  University,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

1885. 
Mrs.  A.  V.  WILLIAMS  JACKSON,  Care  of  Columbia  University,  New  York, 

N.  Y.     1912. 


374  List  of  Members 

Prof.     FREDERICK    J.     FOAKES     JACKSON,    Union     Theological    Seminary, 

Broadway  &  120th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1920. 
Rev.  ERNEST  P.  JANVIER,  care  Ewing  Christian  College,  Allahabad,  India. 

1919. 
Prof.  MORRIS  JASTROW,  JR.  (Univ.  of  Pennsylvania),  248  South  23d  St., 

Philadelphia,  Pa.     1886. 

tEev.  HENRY  F.  JENKS,  Canton  Corner,  Mass.     1874. 
Prof.  JAMES    EICHARD    JEWETT,    Harvard    University,    Cambridge,    Mass. 

1887. 

FRANK  EDWARD  JOHNSON,  421  Washington  St.,  Norwichtown,  Conn.     1916. 
B.  F.  JOHNSTON,  Chang  Wang  Hutung,  The  Old  Drum  Tower  Eoad,  Peking, 

China.     1919. 

FLORIN  HOWARD  JONES,  Box  95,  Coytesville,  N.  J.     1918. 
Miss  ALICE  JUDSON,  Green  Hall,  University  of  Chicago,  Chicago,  111.     1920. 
JULIUS  KAHN,  429  Wick  Ave.,  Youngstown,  Ohio.     1920. 
VAHAN  H.  KALENDERIAN,  Columbia  University,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1920. 
Eabbi  JACOB  H.  KAPLAN,  780  E.  Eidgeway  Ave.,  Cincinnati,  O.     1918. 
Eev.  Dr.  C.  E.  KEISER,  Lyon  Station,  Pa.     1913. 
Prof.  MAXIMILIAN  L.  KELLNER,  Episcopal  Theological  School,  Cambridge, 

Mass.     1886. 
Prof.  FREDERICK  T.  KELLY  (Univ.  of  Wisconsin),  2019  Monroe  St.,  Madison, 

Wis.     1917. 
Pres.  JAMES  A.   KELSO,   Western   Theological   Seminary,   Pittsburgh,   Pa. 

1915. 

Prof.  ELIZA  H.  KENDRICK,  Wellesley  College,  Wellesley,  Mass.     1896. 
Prof.  CHARLES    FOSTER    KENT    (Yale    Univ.),    415    Humphrey    St.,    New 

Haven,  Conn.     1890. 
Prof.  EOLAND    G.    KENT,   University   of   Pennsylvania,   Philadelphia,   Pa. 

1910. 

LEEDS  C.  KERR,  5238  Westminster  Place,  Pittsburgh,  Pa.     1916. 
I.  KEYFITZ,  6044  Woodlawn  Ave.,  Chicago,  111.     1920. 
Prof.  GEORGE  L.  KITTREDGE  (Harvard  Univ.),  9  Hilliard  St.,  Cambridge, 

Mass.     1899. 

EUGENE  KLEIN,  1318  Chestnut  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1920. 
Dr.  K.  KOHLER    (Hebrew  Union  College),  3016  Stanton  Ave.,  Cincinnati, 

Ohio.     1917. 
Eev.  EMIL  G.  H.  KRAELING,  Ph.D.    (Union  Theol.  Seminary),  132  Henry 

St.,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.     1920.   ' 
Eev.  GEORGES   S.  KUKHI,  Care  Y.  M.   C.  A.,  Davies-Bryan  Bldg.,  Cairo, 

Egypt.     1917.  . 

Eev.  Dr.  M.  G.  KYLE,  1132  Arrott  St.,  Frankford,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1909. 
HAROLD  ALBERT  LAMB,  7  West  92d  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1920. 
Prof.  GOTTHARD  LANDSTROM,  Box  12,  Zap,  Mercer  Co.,  N.  Dak.     1917. 
*Prof.  CHARLES  EOCKWELL  LANMAN  (Harvard  Univ.),  9  Farrar  St.,  Cam- 
bridge, Mass.     1876. 

Prof.  KENNETH  S.  LATOURETTE,  Denison  University,  Granville,  Ohio.     1917. 
Dr.  BERTHOLD  LAUFER,  Field  Museum  of  Natural  History,  Chicago,  HI. 

1900. 


List  of  Members  375 

Rabbi  JACOB  Z.  LAUTERBACH,  Ph.D.,  Hebrew  Union  College,  Cincinnati,  Ohio. 
1918. 

Rabbi  MORRIS  S.  LAZARON,  1712  Linden  Ave.,  Baltimore,  Md.     1917. 

D.  A.  LEAVITT,  44  N.  Ashland  Blvd.,  Chicago,  111.     1920. 

T.  Y.  LEO,  Chinese  Consulate,  18  Broadway,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1916. 

Rabbi  GERSON  B.  LEVI,  5000  Grand  Boulevard,  Chicago,  111.     1917. 

SAMUEL  J.  LEVINSON,  522  East  8th  St.,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.     1920. 

Dr.  FELIX  A.  LEVY,  707  Melrose  St.,  Chicago,  111.     1917. 

Dr.  H.  S.  LINFIELD,  Dropsie  College,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1912. 

Prof.  ENNO  LITTMAN,  University  of  Bonn,  Bonn,  Germany.     1912. 

Mrs.  LEE  LOEB,  53  Gilbert  St.,  Charleston,  S.  C.     1920. 

Prof.  LINDSAY  B.  LONGACRE,  2272  South  Filmore  St.,  Denver,  Colo.     1918. 

Rev.  ARNOLD  LOOK,  Crozier  Seminary,  Bradford,  N.  Y.     1920. 

Dr.  STEPHEN  B.  LUCE,  University  of  Pa.  Museum,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1916. 

Prof.  DANIEL  D.  LUCKENBILL,  University  of  Chicago,  Chicago,  111.     1912. 

Dr.  HENRY  F.  LUTZ,  4509  Springfield  Ave.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1916. 

Prof.  ALBERT  HOWE  LYBYER  (Univ.  of  Illinois),  1009  W.  California  St., 
Urbana,  111.  1917. 

t*BENJAMiN  SMITH  LYMAN,  269  South  4th  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1871. 

Prof.  DAVID  GORDON  LYON,  Harvard  University  Semitic  Museum,  Cam- 
bridge, Mass.  1882. 

ALBERT  MORTON  LYTHGOE,  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 
N.  Y.  1899. 

Prof.  CHESTER  CHARLTON  McCowN,  D.D.  (Pacific  School  of  Religion),  2223 
Atherton  St.,  Berkeley,  Calif.  1920. 

Prof.  DUNCAN  B.  MACDONALD,  Hartford  Theological  Seminary,  Hartford, 
Conn.  1893. 

Dr.  D.  I.  MACHT,  Dep't  of  Pharmacology,  Johns  Hopkins  University,  Monu- 
ment and  Washington  Sts.,  Baltimore,  Md.  1918. 

RALPH  W.  MACK,  3836  Reading  Road,  Cincinnati,  O.     1920. 

Rabbi  EDGAR  F.,  MAGNIN,  2187  West  16th  St.,  Los  Angeles,  Calif.     1920. 

Prof.  HERBERT  W.  MAGOUN,  70  Kirkland  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass.     1887. 

WALTER  A.  MAIER,  70  Toptiff  St.,  Dorchester,  Mass.     1917. 

Prof.  HENRY  MALTER  (Dropsie  College),  1531  Diamond  St.,  Philadelphia, 
Pa.  1920. 

Rabbi  Louis  L.  MANN,  575  Orange  St.,  New  Haven,  Conn.     1917. 

Rabbi  JACOB  R.  MARCUS,  Hebrew  Union  College,  Cincinnati,  O.     1920. 

RALPH  MARCUS,  531  West  124th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1920. 

ARTHUR  WILLIAM  MARGET,  157  Homestead  St.,  Roxbury,  Mass.     1920. 

HARRY  S.  MARGOLIS,  Hebrew  Union  College,  Cincinnati,  0.     1920. 

Prof.  MAX  L.  MARGOLIS  (Dropsie  College),  152  W.  Hortter  St.,  Philadel- 
phia, Pa.  1890. 

Prof.  ALLAN  MARQUAND,  Princeton  University,  Princeton,  N.  J.     1888. 

Dr.  JAMES  P.  MARSH,  1828  Fifth  Ave.,  Troy,  N.  Y.     1919. 

Pres.  H.  I.  MARSHALL  (Karen  Theol.  Seminary),  Insein,  Burma,  India. 
1920. 

JOHN  MARTIN,  North  Adams,  Mass.     1917. 

Prof.  D.  ROY  MATHEWS,  1401  East  63d  Place,  Chicago,  111.     1920. 


376  List  of  Members 

tEabbi  ELI  MAYER,  Ph.D.,  Capitol  Station,  Box  I,  Albany,  N.  Y.     1920. 

Eev.  Dr.  JOHN  A.  MAYNARD,  175  9th  Ave.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1917. 

Prof.   THEOPHILE  J.   MEEK    (Meadville   Theological   Seminary),    650   Arch 

St.,  Meadville,  Pa.     1917. 

HENRY  MEIS,  806  Walnut  St.,  Cincinnati,  O.     1920. 
Prof.  SAMUEL  A.  B.  MERCER  (Western  Theol.  Seminary),  2738  Washington 

Boulevard,  Chicago,  111.     1912. 

E.  D.  MESSAYEH,  49  East  127th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1919. 
Mrs.  EUGENE  MEYER,  Seven  Springs  Farm,  Mt.  Kisco,  N.  Y.     1916. 
Eev.  Dr.  MARTIN  A.  MEYER,  3108  Jackson  St.,  San  Francisco,  Cal.     1906. 
MYRON  M.  MEYEROVITZ  (Hebrew  Union  College),  538  Eockdale  Ave.,  Cin- 
cinnati, O.     1920. 
Dr.    TRUMAN   MICHELSON,   Bureau   of   American  Ethnology,   Washington, 

D.  C.     1899. 

Mrs.  HELEN  LOVELL  MILLION,  Hardin  College,  Mexico,  Mo.     1892. 
Eabbi  Louis  A.  MISCHKIND,  M.A.,  Box  725,  Wheeling,  W.  Va.     1920. 
GEORGE  TYLER  MOLYNEUX,  1401  East  60th  St.,  Chicago,  HI.     1919. 
Prof.  J.  A.  MONTGOMERY  (Univ.  of  Pennsylvania),  6806  Greene  St.,  Ger- 

mantown,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1903. 

*Mrs.  MARY  H.  MOORE,  3  Divinity  Ave.,  Cambridge,  Mass.     1902. 
Dr.   EILEY   D.    MOORE,    Div.    of   Physical    Anthropology,    U.    S.    National 

Museum,  Washington,  D.  C.     1916. 

Eev.  HUGH  A.  MORAN,  221  Eddy  St.,  Ithaca,  N.  Y.     1920. 
Prof.  JULIAN  MORGENSTERN  (Hebrew  Union  College),  764  Greenwood  Ave., 

Cincinnati,  Ohio.     1915. 

*EFFINGHAM  B.  MORRIS,  "Ty.'n-y-Coed,"  Ardmore,  Pa.     1920. 
Prof.  EDWARD  S.  MORSE,  Salem,  Mass.     1894. 
Eev.  HANS  K.  MOUSSA,  Jefferson,  Wis.     1906. 

Mrs.  ALBERT  H.  MUNSELL,  65  Middlesex  Eoad,  Chestnut  Hill,  Mass.     1908. 
Dr.   WILLIAM  MUSS-ARNOLT,  245  East  Tremont  Ave.,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

1887. 
Eev.  Dr.   THOMAS   KINLOCH  NELSON,  Virginia  Episcopal    School,   Lynch- 

burg,  Va.     1920. 

Eev.  Dr.  WILLIAM  M.  NESBIT,  477  Main  St.,  Orange,  N.  J.     1916. 
Prof.  W.  E.  NEWBOLD,  University  of  Pennsylvania,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1918. 
EDWARD  THEODORE  NEWELL,  American  Numismatic  Society,  156th  St.  and 

Broadway,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1914. 
Eev.  Dr.  JAMES  B.  NIES,  Hotel  St.  George,  51  Clark  St.,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

1906. 
Ven.  Archdeacon   WILLIAM    E.    NIES,   Union    Bank,    Geneva,    Switzerland. 

1908. 

Mrs.  CHARLES  F.  NORTON,  Transylvania  College,  Lexington,  Ky.     1919. 
Miss  EUTH  NORTON,  Johns  Hopkins  University,  Baltimore,  Md.     1918. 
Dr.  WILLIAM  FREDERICK  NOTZ,  1727  Lament  St.,  N.  W.,  Washington,  D.  C. 

1915. 
Et.  Eev.  Mgr.  DENNIS  J.  O'CONNELL,  800  Cathedral  Place,  Eichmond,  Va. 

1903. 
Dr.  FELIX,  Freiherr  von  OEFELE,  326  E.  58th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1913. 


List  of  Members  377 

Prof.  HANNS  OERTEL,  Yale  University,  New  Haven,  Conn.     1890. 

HERBERT  C.  OETTINGER,  8th  &  Walnut  Sts.,  Cincinnati,  O.     1920. 

Dr.  CHARLES  J.  OGDEN,  628  West  114th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1906. 

Dr.  ELLEN  S.  OGDEN,  Hopkins  Hall,  Burlington,  Vt.     1898. 

Prof.  SAMUEL  G.  OLIPHANT,  Grove  City  College,  Grove  City,  Pa.     1906. 

Prof.  ALBERT  TENEYCK  OLMSTEAD  (Univ.  of  Illinois),  706  S.  Goodwin  St., 

Urbana,  111.     1909. 
Prof.  PAUL  OLTRAMARE    (Univ.  of  Geneva),  Ave.  de  Bosquets,  Servette, 

Geneve,  Switzerland.     1904. 
Prof.  LEWIS  B.  PATON,  Hartford  Theological  Seminary,  Hartford,  Conn. 

1894. 

EGBERT  LEET  PATTERSON,  Sheilds,  Allegheny  Co.,  Pa.     1920. 
Dr.  CHARLES  PEABODY,  197  Brattle  St.r  Cambridge,  Mass.     1892. 
Prof.  GEORGE  A.  PECKHAM,  Hiram  College,  Hiram,  Ohio.     1912. 
HAROLD  PEIRCE,  222  Drexel  Bldg.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1920. 
Prof.  ISMAR  J.  PERITZ,  Syracuse  University,  Syracuse,  N.  Y.     1894. 
Dr.  JOSEPH  Louis  PERRIER   (Columbia  Univ.),  315  West  115th  St.,  New 

York,  N.  Y.     1920. 
Prof.  EDWARD  DELAVAN   PERRY    (Columbia  Univ.),   542  West  114th  St., 

New  York,  N.  Y.     1879. 

Dr.  ARNOLD  PESKIND,  2414  East  55th  St.,  Cleveland,  O.     1920. 
Eev.  Dr.  JOHN  P.  PETERS,  225  West  99th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1882. 
Prof.  WALTER  PETERSEN,  Bethany  College,  Lindsborg,  Kan.     1909. 
JULIUS  I.  PEYSER,  208  Wilkins  Bldg.,  Washington,  D.  C.     1920. 
EGBERT  HENRY  PFEIFFER,  39  Winthrop  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass.     1920. 
Hon.    WILLIAM    PHILLIPS,    Woodley,    Woodley    Lane,    Washington,    D.    C. 

1917. 

tT.  EAMAKRISHNA  PILLAI,  Thottakkadu  House,  Madras,  India.     1913. 
JULIAN  A.  POLLAK,  927  Eedway  Ave.,  Cincinnati,  O.     1920. 
PAUL  POPENOE,  Thermal,  Calif.     1914. 

Prof.  WILLIAM  POPPER,  University  of  California,  Berkeley,  Cal.     1897. 
Prof.  IRA  M.  PRICE,  University  of  Chicago,  Chicago,  111.     1887. 
Dr.  JULIUS  J.  PRICE,  94  Fairview  Ave.,  Plainfield,  N.  J.     1917. 
Prof.  JOHN   DYNELEY   PRINCE    (Columbia   Univ.),    Sterlington,   Eockland 

Co.,  N.  Y.     1888. 

CARL  E.  PRITZ,  101  Union  Trust  Bldg.,  Cincinnati,  O.     1920. 
Eev.  FRANCIS  J.  PURTELL,  S.T.L.,  Overbrook  Seminary,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

1916. 

Dr.  GEORGE  PAYN  QUACKENBOS,  Colonial  Heights,  Tuckahoe,  N.  Y.     1904. 
Eabbi  MAX  EAISIN,  LL.D.,  1093  Sterling  Place,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.     1920. 
Prof.  H.  M.  EAMSEY,  Seabury  Divinity  School,  Faribault,  Minn.     1920. 
Dr.  JOSEPH  EANSOHOFF  (Univ.  of  Cincinnati),  7th  &  Eace  Sts.,  Cincinnati, 

O.     1920. 

MARCUS  BAUH,  951  Penn  Ave.,  Pittsburgh,  Pa.     1920. 
Prof.  JOHN  H.  EAVEN  (New  Brunswick  Theol.  Seminary),  185  College  Ave., 

New  Brunswick,  N.  J.     1920. 

Dr.  JOSEPH  EEIDER,  Dropsie  College,  Broad  and  York  Sts.,  Philadelphia, 
Pa.     1913. 


378  List  of  Members 

JOHN  EEILLY,  JR.,  American  Numismatic  Society,  156th  St.  and  Broadway, 

New  York,  N.  Y.     1918. 

Eev.  Dr.  A.  K.  EEISCHAUER,  Meiji  Gokwin,  Tokyo,  Japan.     1920. 
Prof.   GEORGE  ANDREW  EEISNER,   Museum   of   Fine   Arts,   Boston,   Mass. 

1891. 
Et.  Eev.  PHILIP  M.  EHINELANDER,  Church  House,  12th  and  Walnut  Sts., 

Philadelphia,  Pa.     1908. 

Prof.  GEORGE  H.  EICHARDSON,  Trinity  Eectory,  Logansport,  Ind.     1917. 
EGBERT  THOMAS  EIDDLE,  St.  Charles  Seminary,  Overbrook,  Pa.     1920. 
Eev.  CHARLES  WELLINGTON  EOBINSON,  Bronxville,  N.  Y.    1916. 
Prof.  GEORGE  LIVINGSTON  EOBINSON   (McCormick  Theol.  Seminary),  2312 

N.  Halsted  St.,  Chicago,  111.     1892. 
Prof.  JAMES  HARDY  EOPES   (Harvard  Univ.),  13  Follen  St.,  Cambridge, 

Mass.     1893. 

HARRY  L.  EOSEN,  831  South  3d  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1919. 
Dr.  WILLIAM  EOSENAU,  Johns  Hopkins  University,  Baltimore,  Md.     1897. 
Dr.  JOSEPH  G.  EOSENGARTEN,  1704  Walnut  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1917. 
*JuLius  EOSENWALD,  Care  of  Sears,  Eoebuck  and  Co.,  Chicago,  111.     1920. 
Miss  ADELAIDE  EUDOLPH,  115  West  68th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1894. 
Dr.  ELBERT  EUSSELL,  Woolman  House,  Swarthmore,  Pa.     1916. 
Eabbi  SAMUEL  SALE,  4621  Westminster  Place,  St.  Louis,  Mo.     1920. 
Eabbi  MARCUS  SALZMAN,  Ph.D.,  94  West  Eoss  St.,  Wilkes  Barre,  Pa.     1920. 
Eev.  Dr.  FRANK  K.  SANDERS,  25  Madison  Ave.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1897. 
Mrs.  A.  H.  SAUNDERS,  552  Eiverside  Drive,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1915. 
Prof.  HENRY  SCHAEFER  (Lutheran  Theol.  Seminary),  1016  South  llth  Ave., 

Maywood,  Chicago,  111.     1916. 

Dr.  ISRAEL  SCHAPIRO,  Library  of  Congress,  Washington,  D.  C.     1914. 
Dr.  JOHANN  F.  SCHELTEMA,  Care  of  Kerkhaven  and  Co.,  115  Heerengraeht, 

Amsterdam,  Netherlands. 

t* JACOB  H.  SCHIFF,  52  William  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1920. 
JOHN  F.  SCHLICHTING,  1430  Woodhaven  Blvd.,  Woodhaven,  N.  Y.     1920. 
Prof.  NATHANIEL  SCHMIDT,  Cornell  University,  Ithaca,  N.  Y.     1894. 
WILFRED  H.  SCHOFF,  Commercial  Museum,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1912. 
Prof.  H.  SCHUMACHER,  Catholic  University  of  America,  Washington,  D.  C. 

1916. 

WILLIAM  BACON  SCOFIELD,  Worcester  Club,  Worcester,  Mass.     1919. 
Prof.  GILBERT  CAMPBELL  SCOGGIN,  University  of  Missouri,  Columbia,  Mo. 

1906. 

Dr.  CHARLES  P.  G.  SCOTT,  49  Arthur  St.,  Yonkers,  N.  Y.     1895. 
Prof.  JOHN  A.  SCOTT,  Northwestern  University,  Evanston,  111.     1920. 
*Mrs.  SAMUEL  BRYAN  SCOTT  (nee  Morris),  2106  Spruce  St.,  Philadelphia, 

Pa.     1903. 

Dr.  MOSES  SEIDEL,  9-11  Montgomery  St.,  New  York,  ]Sf.  Y.     1917. 
Eev.  Dr.  WILLIAM  G.  SEIPLE,  125  Tsuchidoi-machi,  Sendai,  Japan.     1902. 
O.  E.  SELLERS,  Lexington,  Mo.     1917. 
MAX  SENIOR,  21  Mitchell  Bldg.,  Cincinnati,  O.     1920. 
Dr.  HENRY  B.  SHARMAN,  North  Truro,  Mass.     1917. 
Eev.  WILLIAM  SHELLABEAR,  2512  Guilford  Ave.,  Baltimore,  Md.     1919. 


List  of  Members  379 

Prof.  CHARLES  N.  SHEPARD  (General  Theol.  Seminary),  9  Chelsea  Square, 

New  York,  N.  Y.     1907. 

CHARLES  C.  SHERMAN,  447  Webster  Ave.,  New  Kochelle,  N.  Y.     1904. 
GYOKSHU  SHIBATA,  330  East  57th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1920. 
Eabbi  ABBA  HILLEL  SILVER,  The  Temple,  East  55th  St.  &  Central  Ave., 

Cleveland,  O.     1920. 

HIRAM  HILL  SIPES,  Kajahmundry,  Godavery  District,  India.     1920. 
JACK  H.  SKIRBALL,  Hebrew  Union  College,  Cincinnati,  O.     1920. 
*JOHN  E.  SLATTERY,  14bis  rue  Montaigne,  Paris,  France.     1903. 
Prof.  HENRY  PRESERVED  SMITH  (Union  Theol.  Seminary),  Broadway  and 

120th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1877. 

Prof.  JOHN  M.  P.  SMITH,  University  of  Chicago,  Chicago,  111.     1906. 
Dr.  LOUISE  P.  SMITH,  Wellesley  College,  Wellesley,  Mass.     1918. 
Eev.  JOSEPH  E.  SNYDER,  Box  796,  Fargo,  N.  Dak.     1916. 
Prof.  EDMUND  D.  SOPER,  Northwestern  University,  Evanston,  111.     1920. 
ALEXANDER  N.   SPANAKIDIS,  University  of  Pennsylvania   Museum,   Phila- 
delphia, Pa.     1920. 
Dr.  DAVID  B.  SPOONER,  Ass't.  Director  General  of  Archeology  in  India, 

"Bemnore,"   Simla,  Punjab,  India.     1918-. 

Prof.  MARTIN  SPRENGLING,  University  of  Chicago,  Chicago,  111.     1912. 
Prof.  WALLACE  N.  STEARNS,  McKendree  College,  Lebanon,  111.     1920. 
Dr.   W.   STEDE,   "Wynbury,"   Howard  Eoad,   Coulsdon,    Surrey,   England. 

1920. 

Eev.  Dr.  JAMES  D.  STEELE,  15  Grove  Terrace,  Passaic,  N.  J.    1892. 
M.  T.  STERELNY,  P.  O.  Box  7,  Vladivostok,  East  Siberia*    1919. 
Eabbi  EMMANUEL  STERNHEIM,  M.S.P.,  1400  Douglas  St.,  Sioux  City,  Iowa. 

1918. 

Mrs.  W.  YORKE  STEVENSON,  251  South  18th  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1919. 
Eev.  ANSON  PHELPS  STOKES,  D.D.,  Woodbridge  Hall,  Yale  Station,  New 

Haven,  Conn.     1900. 

Eev.  Dr.  JOSEPH  STOLZ,  4714  Grand  Boulevard,  Chicago,  111.     1917. 
Hon.  MAYER  SULZBERGER,  1303  Girard  Ave.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1888. 
A.  J.  SUNSTEIN,  Farmers  Bank  Bldg.,  Pittsburgh,  Pa.     1920. 
Prof.  LEO  SUPPAN   (St.  Louis  College  of  Pharmacy),  2109a  Eussell  Ave., 

St.  Louis,  Mo.     1920. 
Prof.    GEORGE    SVERDRUP,    JR.,    Augsburg    Seminary,   Minneapolis,   Minn. 

1907. 

tEev.  HENRY  SWIFT,  Plymouth,  Conn.     1914. 

WALTER  T.  SWINGLE,  Bureau  of  Plant  Industry,  Washington,  D.  C.     1916. 
Prof.  F.  J.  TEGGART,  University  of  California,  Berkeley,  Cal.     1919. 
EBEN  FRANCIS  THOMPSON,  311  Main  St.,  Worcester,  Mass.     1906. 
Prof.  HENRY  A.  TODD  (Columbia  Univ.),  824  West  End  Ave.,  New  York, 

N.  Y.     1885. 
Prof.  HERBERT  GUSHING  TOLMAN,  Vanderbilt  University,  Nashville,  Tenn. 

1917. 

*Prof.  CHARLES  C.  TORREY,  Yale  University,  New  Haven,  Conn.    1891. 
I.  NEWTON  TRAGER,  944  Marion  Ave.,  Avondale,  Cincinnati,  O.     1920. 
Eev.  ARCHIBALD  TREMAYNE,  4138  Brooklyn  Ave.,  Seattle,  Wash.     1918. 


380  List  of  Members 

TSEH  LING  Tsu,  1201  W.  Clark  St.,  Urbana,  111.     1918. 
DAVID  ARTHUR  TURNURE,  109  East  71st  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1920. 
DUDLEY  TYNG,  Milford,  Mass.     1920. 

Eev.  SYDNEY  N.  USSHER,  44  East  76th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1909. 
Eev.  Dr.  FREDERICK  AUGUSTUS  VANDERBURGH  (Columbia  Univ.),  55  Wash- 
ington Sq.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1908. 

ADDISON  VAN  NAME  (Yale  Univ.),  121  High  St.,  New  Haven,  Conn.    1863. 
Mrs.  JOHN  KING  VAN  EENSSELAER,  157  East  37th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

1920. 
Prof.  ARTHUR  A.  VASCHALDE,  Catholic  Univ.  of  America,  Washington,  D.  C. 

1915. 

LUDWIG  VOGELSTEIN,  61  Broadway,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1920. 
Miss  CORNELIA  WARREN,  Cedar  Hill,  Waltham,  Mass.     1894. 
Prof.  WILLIAM  F.  WARREN    (Boston  Univ.),  131  Davis  Ave.,  Brookline, 

Mass.     1877. 

Eev.  SAMUEL  W.  WASS,  177  Soudan  Ave.,  N.  Toronto,  Canada.     1917. 
Prof.  LEROY  WATERMAN,  Univ.  of  Michigan,  Ann  Arbor,  Mich.     1912. 
Prof.  J.  E.  WERREN,  1667  Cambridge  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass.     1894. 
ARTHUR  J.  WESTERMAYR,  12-16  John  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1912. 
MORRIS  F.  WESTHEIMER,  Traction  Bldg.,  Cincinnati,  O.     1920. 
MILTON  C.  WESTPHAL,  Cornell  University,  Ithaca,  N.  Y.     1920. 
Pres.  BENJAMIN   IDE  WHEELER,  University  of  California,  Berkeley,  Cal. 

1885. 

JOHN  G.  WHITE,  Williamson  Building,  Cleveland,  Ohio.     1912. 
*Miss  MARGARET  DWIGHT  WHITNEY,  227  Church  St.,  New  Haven,  Conn. 

1908. 

PETER  WIERNIK,  220  Henry  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1920. 
HERMAN  WILE,  Ellicott  St.  cor.  Carroll  St.,  Buffalo,  N.  Y.     1920. 
Prof.   HERBERT  L.   WILLETT    (Univ.    of    Chicago),    6119   Woodlawn    Ave., 

Chicago,  111.     1917. 
Mrs.  CAROLINE  EANSOM  WILLIAMS,  The  Chesbrough  Dwellings,  Toledo,  Ohio. 

1912. 
Prof.  CLARENCE  EUSSELL  WILLIAMS,  St.  Stephen's  College,  Annandale-on- 

Hudson,  N.  Y.     1920. 
Hon.  E.  T.  WILLIAMS  (Univ.  of  California),  1410  Scenic  Ave.,  Berkeley,  Cal. 

1901. 
Prof.  FREDERICK  WELLS  WILLIAMS  (Yale  Univ.),  155  Whitney  Ave.,  New 

Haven,  Conn.     1895. 

Mrs.  F.  W.  WILLIAMS,  155  Whitney  Ave.,  New  Haven,  Conn.     1918. 
Prof.  TALCOTT  WILLIAMS,  Columbia  University,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1884. 
Prof.   CURT  PAUL  WIMMER,   Columbia   University,   College   of   Pharmacy, 

115  West  68th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1920. 

HERBERT  E.  WINLOCK,  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1919. 
Eev.  Dr.  WILLIAM  COPLEY  WINSLOW,  525  Beacon  St.,  Boston,  Mass.    1885. 
Eev.  Dr.  STEPHEN  S.  WISE,  23  West  90th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1894. 
Prof.  JOHN  E.  WISHART,  6834  Washington  Ave.,  St.  Louis,  Mo.     1911. 
HENRY  B.  WITTON,  290  Hess  St.,  South,  Hamilton,  Ontario.     1885. 
Prof.  Louis  B.  WOLFENSON    (Univ.  of  Wisconsin),   1113  W.  Dayton   St., 

Madison,  Wis.     1904. 


List  of  Members  381 

Dr.  HENRY  A.  WOLFSON,  35  Divinity  Hall,  Cambridge,  Mass.     1917. 
HOWLAND  WOOD,  Curator,  American  Numismatic  Society,  Broadway  &  156th 

St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1919. 

Prof.  IRVING  F.  WOOD,  Smith  College,  Northampton,  Mass.     1905. 
Prof.  WILLIAM  H.  WOOD  (Dartmouth  CoUege),  23  North  Main  St.,  Hanover, 

N.  H.     1917. 
Prof.  JAMES   H.  WOODS    (Harvard  Univ.),   179   Brattle   St.,   Cambridge, 

Mass.     1900. 
Prof.  WILLIAM  H.  WORRELL  (Hartford  Seminary  Foundation),  133  Whitney 

St.,  Hartford,  Conn.     1910. 

Prof.  JESSE  ERWIN  WRENCH  (Univ.  of  Missouri),  1104  Hudson  Ave.,  Colum- 
bia, Mo.     1917. 
Rev.   Dr.  EOYDEN   K.  YERKES    (Philadelphia  Divinity   School),  Box   247, 

Merion,  Pa.     1916. 

Dr.  S.  C.  YLVISAKER,  Luther  College,  Decorah,  la.     1913. 
Eev.  Dr.  ABRAHAM  YOHANNAN,  Columbia  University,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

1894. 

Louis  GABRIEL  ZELSON,  427  Titan  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1920. 
Rev.  ROBERT  ZIMMERMAN,  S.  J.,  St.  Xavier's  College,  Cruickshank  Road, 

Bombay,  India.     1911. 
JOSEPH   SOLOMON   ZUCKERBAUM    (Mizrachi    Teachers'    Institute),    2    West 

lllth  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1920. 
Rev.  Dr.  SAMUEL  M.  ZWEMER,  Cairo,  Egypt.     1920. 

[Total:    472} 


JOURNAL 


OF  THE 


AMERICAN  ORIENTAL  SOCIETY 

EDITED    BY 

JAMES  A.  MONTGOMERY    FRANKLIN  EDGERTON 

Professors  in  the  University  of  Pennsylvania 

VOLUME  41 


Jn  iiemnnam  torrt0  tatroro,  3fr. 


PUBLISHED  FOR  THE  AMERICAN  ORIENTAL  SOCIETY 
YALE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

NEW  HAVEN,    CONNECTICUT,    U.  8.  A. 

1921 


Printed  by  The  John  C.  Winston  Company, 
Philadelphia,  Pa.,  U.  S.  A, 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

IN  MEMORIAM  MORRIS  JASTROW,  JR.         ......  322 

Portrait   ........... 

MORGENSTERN,  J.:  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr.,  as  a  Biblical  Critic   .          .  322 
BARTON,  G.  A.:    The  Contributions  of  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr.,  to  the 

History  of  Religion 327 

CLAY,  A.  T. :  Professor  Jastrow  as  an  Assyriologist        .          .          .  333 

Bibliography  of  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr.                         .          .          .          .  337 


ADLER,  C.:  A  New  Hebrew  Press      .         .         .         .  .         .     225 

BARBOUR,  B.  L.:  Burugaski,  a  Language  of  Northern  Kashmir  .  .  60 
BARRET,  L.  C.:  The  Kashmirian  Atharva-Veda,"  Book  Eight  .  .  264 

-  Note  on  Paippalada  6.18 318 

BARTON,  G.  A.:  Notes  on  Dr.  Peters'  Notes  and  Suggestions         .          .     150 
BISHOP,  C.  W. :  The  Elephant  and  its  Ivory  in  Ancient  China      .          .     290 
BLAKE,  F.  R.:  A  New  Method  of  Syntactical  Arrangement  .          .     467 

BLOOMFIELD,  M.:  The  Hittite  Language    ......     195 

-  On  a  Possible  Pre-Vedic  Form  in  Pali  and  Prakrit  .     465 
BROWN,  G.  W.:   Note  on  Angaros,  in  Montgomery's  'Aramaic  Incanta- 
tion Texts  from  Nippur'     .          .          .                   .          .          .          .     159 

CHIERA,  E. :  A  New  Creation  Story  .......     459 

CLAY,  A.  T.:  The  Antiquity  of  Babylonian  Civilization        .          .          .241 

-  A  New  King  of  Babylonia   .          .          .'         .          .          .313 
Gobryas,  Governor  of  Babylonia  ....     466 

DOUGHERTY,  R.  P. :  Ancient  Teima  and  Babylonia  ....  458 
EDGERTON,  F. :  On  the  Doubling  of  Consonants  in  the  Seam  of  Certain 

Pali  Compounds .462 

EFROS,  I.:  An  Emendation  to  Jer.  4.  29  .  .  .  .  .75 

GOTTHEIL,  R. :  An  Answer  to  the  Dhimmis  .....  383 
GRIERSON,  G. :  Representation  of  Tones  in  Oriental  Languages  .  .  235 
HOMMEL,  F. :  The  Oldest  Dome-Structure  in  the  World  .  .  .  230 
JACKSON,  A.  V.  W. :  The  Location  of  the  Farnbag  Fire,  the  Most  Ancient 

of  the  Zoroastrian  Fires      .          .          .          .          .         .          .          .81 

JASTROW,  M.,  JR.:  An  Assyrian  Law  Code  .....  1 

-  Huruppati, 'Betrothal  Gifts' 311 

KENT,  R.  G. :  Addendum  on  a  Difficult  Old  Persian  Passage         .          .       74 
LEVITAN,  I.  S.:  Dr.  Efros'  Emendation  of  Jer.  4.  29    .          .          .          .     316 

MICHELSON,  T.:  Note  on  Magadhi  ahake   ......     459 

Once  More  Shahbazgarhi  utthanam        ....     460 

-  The  Locative  Singular  of   Masculine  and  Neuter  i  and 

u  Stems  in  SaurasenI  Prakrit  .          .          .          .          .  .          .461 

MONTGOMERY,  J.  A.:  The  'Two  Youths'  in  the  LXX  to  Dan.  6    .         .     316 
NORTON,  R.:  Note  on  Tantrakhyayika  IV,  A  286        ....       76 

OLMSTEAD,  A.  T. :  Shalmaneser  III  and  the  Establishment  of  the  Assyrian 

Power  345 


PAGE 
PETERS,  J.  P.:   Notes  and  Suggestions  on  the  Early  Sumerian  Religion 

and  its  Expression     .........     131 

-  The  Tower  of  Babel  at  Borsippa  .          .  .     157 

PRINCE,  J.  D.:   Possible  Non-Indo-European  Elements  in  'Hittite'        .     210 
SAUNDERS,  V.:   Some  Literary  Aspects  of  the  Absence  of  Tragedy  in  the 

*    ^Classical  Sanskrit  Drama  . .152 

SCHMIDT,  N. :  The  Two  Recensions  of  Slavonic  Enoch  .          .          .     307 

SUKTHANKAR,  V.  S.:  Studies  in  Bhasa,  II  .....     107 

THAYER,  G.  W.:  A  Rare  Work  by  Sir  Henry  Miers  Elliot    ...       73 
TOLMAN,  H.  C.:  Persian  Words  in  the  Glosses  of  Hesychius          .          .     236 


PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE  SOCIETY  AT  BALTIMORE,  1921  ....     161 
PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE  MIDDLE  WEST  BRANCH,  1921  .         .         .  188 

NOTES  OF  THE  SOCIETY 78,  238,  320,  472 

NOTES  OF  OTHER  SOCIETIES,  ETC.    ...  78,  238,  320,  473 

PERSONALIA    .         ....         .         .         .  79,  160,  239,  320,  474 

CONSTITUTION  AND  BY-LAWS  or  THE  SOCIETY  .....    475 

LIST  OF  MEMBERS  479 


AN  ASSYRIAN  LAW  CODE 

MORRIS  JASTROW,  JR. 

UNIVERSITY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA 

I 

TWENTY  YEARS  AGO,  the  French  expedition  excavating  at  Susa 
under  the  direction  of  M.  Jacques  de  Morgan  discovered  the 
magnificent  diorite  block — about  eight  feet  high — containing  on 
its  two  sides  the  famous  Babylonian  Code  of  the  Babylonian  king 
Hammurabi  (2123-2081  B.  C.)  which  since  its  first  publication 
by  Professor  Vincent  Scheil1  has  been  the  subject  of  constant  study 
by  Assyriologists  as  well  as  by  students  of  the  history  of  law.* 
The  discovery  of  this  code  in  almost  perfect  condition — except 
for  some  columns  intentionally  polished  off  by  the  vandal  Elam- 
itic  conqueror3  who  carried  the  Code  as  a  trophy  of  war  from 
Babylon  to  Susa  and  had  no  doubt  intended  writing  an  inscrip- 
tion glorifying  himself  on  the  erased  portion4 — was  heralded  at 
the  time  as  one  of  the  most  important  contributions  to  our 
knowledge  of  social  conditions  and  of  legal  practice  in  Babylonia 
during  the  second  millennium  B.  C.  What  Hammurabi  did  was 
to  codify  existing  laws  and  to  prescribe  methods  of  judicial  proce- 

1  Memoires  de  la  Delegation  en  Perse,  Vol.  4  (Paris  1902). 

2  Despite  the  subsequent  translations  into  English  and  German  by  Johns, 
Harper,  Rogers,  Winckler,  Peiser,  Miiller,  Ungnad  and  others,  a  new  transla- 
tion, embodying  the  results  of  detailed  investigations,  correcting  erroneous 
readings,  filling  up  gaps  and  giving  a  more  accurate  rendering  of  the  legal 
phraseology,  is  very  much  needed.     New  fragments  of  the  Code  on  clay 
tablets  are  constantly  turning  up.     So  since  the  publication  by  Ungnad  hi 
1909,  of  the  'Stele'  text  and  of  many  Babylonian  and  Assyrian  fragments  on 
clay  tablets  (Keilschrifttexte  der  Gesetze  Hammurabis),  a  large  tablet  found  at 
Nippur  has  been  published  by  Poebel,  Historical  and  Grammatical  Texts  (Uni- 
versity of  Pennsylvania  Museum — Babylonian  Section,  Vol.  5,  Philadelphia 
1914),  No.  93,  a  fragment  by  Clay  in  Miscellaneous  Inscriptions  in  the  Yale 
Babylonian  Collection  (New  Haven,  1915),  No.  34,  and  four  fragments  by 
Schroeder  in  his  Keilschrifttexte  aus  Assur  Verschiedenen  Inhalts  (Leipzig  1920), 
Nos.  7  and  190-192. 

3  The  gap  can  be  partially  filled  out  by  fragments  of  copies  of  the  Code  on 
clay  tablets. 

4  The  conqueror  of  Babylonia  who  carried  off  the  trophy  was  probably 
Sutruk-NaJjunte,  c.  1100  B.  C. 

1    JAOS  41 


2  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr. 

dure  which,  as  the  thousands  of  legal  documents  found  in  Baby- 
lonian mounds  testify,  continued  in  vogue  for  many  centuries, 
aye  to  the  end  of  the  Babylonian  period,  though  no  doubt  some- 
what modified  from  time  to  time,  as  conditions  changed.5  A 
discovery  made  by  the  German  explorers  of  the  mound  of  Kaleh- 
Shergat — the  site  of  Assur,  the  earliest  capital  of  Assyria6 — and 
now  published  in  a  volume  of  texts  from  Assur,7  takes  equal  rank 
with  the  finding  of  the  Hammurabi  Code,  for  the  German 
explorers  found  an  Assyrian  Code  of  Laws  that  appears  to  have 
been  fully  as  extensive  as  the  Code  of  Hammurabi,  if  not  more  so. 
Moreover,  this  Assyrian  Code,  we  have  every  reason  to  believe, 
occupied  the  same  position  in  the  north  that  Hammurabi's  Code 
did  in  the  south.  Through  this  new  code  we  now  have  the  means 
of  instituting  a  comparison  between  legal  procedure  and  enact- 
ments in  Assyria  with  those  prevailing  in  Babylonia.  Each  code 
reflects  admirably  the  social  conditions  existing  in  the  country  for 
which  it  was  drawn  up;  and  the  contrast  between  the  spirit  of  the 
Hammurabi  Code  and  that  revealed  in  the  new  Assyrian  Code 
is  exceedingly  instructive  for  a  comparative. study  of  the  older 
and  more  refined  Babylonian  culture  with  the  rougher  and  cruder 
civilization  of  militaristic  Assyria. 

Exactly  when  and  on  what  part  of  the  mound  the  portions  of 
the  Code  recovered  were  found,  the  editor  of  the  text,  Dr.  Otto 
Schroeder,  does  not  tell  us.  It  probably  formed  part  of  the 
extensive  library  archive  discovered  at  Assur,  of  which  the  six 
volumes  of  religious  texts8  published  by  Dr.  Erich  Ebeling  give 
us  hundreds  of  specimens.  This  archive  is  considerably  older 
than  the  great  library  gathered  by  King  Ashurbanapal  (668-626 
B.  C.)  and  discovered  by  Layard  in  the  ruins  of  the  king's  palace 

6  Hammurabi's  Code  itself  gives  evidence  of  modification  in  the  application 
of  legal  principles  to  changing  conditions.  See  Jastrow,  'Older  and  Later 
Elements  in  the  Code  of  Hammurabi'  (JAOS  Vol.  36,  pp.  1-33). 

6  Excavations  were  carried  on  at  Kaleh-Shergat  by  the  German  Orient 
Society  from  1903  till  the  spring  of  1914.     The  same  society  excavated  the 
mounds  covering  the  site  of  Babylon  and  other  mounds  in  the  south  from 
1899  till  the  spring  of  1917,  when  the  definite  advance  of  the  British  troops 
into  Mesopotamia  compelled  the  abandonment  of  the  work. 

7  Otto  Schroeder,  Keilschrifttexte  aus  Assur  Verschiedenen  Inhalts  (Leipzig 
1920,  being  the  35th  volume  of  the  Wissenschaftliche  Veroffentlichung  der 
Deutschen  Orient-Gesellschaft),  Nos.  1-6  and  143-144  and  193. 

8  Keilschrifttexte  aus  Assur  religiosen  Inhalts  (6  parts  Leipzig  1915—1919). 
Several  additional  volumes  are  announced  as  in  preparation. 


An  Assyrian  Law  Code  3 

i 

at  Kouyunjik — on 'the  site  of  ancient  Nineveh — about  65  years 
ago.  Unfortunately,  the  Assyrian  Code  is  far  from  being  perfect. 
Only  one  tablet  of  the  series  which  comprised  the  laws  is  in  a 
good  state  of  preservation,  though  even  this  tablet,  comprising 
eight  columns — four  on  the  obverse  and  four  on  the  reverse  with 
about  100  lines  to  each  column — contains  some  serious  gaps,  and 
many  of  the  lines  are  only  partially  preserved.  A  second  tablet, 
likewise  of  eight  columns  but  less  well  preserved,  furnishes  us  with 
18  laws  additional  to  the  55  to  be  distinguished  in  the  other  tablet, 
but  of  the  rest  of  the  Code  we  have  only  fragments — seven  in  all- 
in  Dr.  Schroeder's  volume.9  *  The  two  large  tablets — Nos.  1  and  2 
of  Schroeder's  edition — evidently  belong  to  the  same  series,  and 
since  text  No.  1  contains  the  date,  and  a  part  of  the  eighth  column 
is  uninscribed  (for  the  reason  that  the  text  had  come  to  an  end), 
we  may — provisionally  at  least — assume  that  this  tablet  is  the 
last  of  the  series.  Text  No.  2,  therefore,  represents  an  earlier 
tablet  in  the  series.  We  are  unable  to  say  how  many  tablets  the 
series  in  its  complete  form  comprised.  Judging  from  the  detailed 
manner  in  which  the  laws  are  set  forth  in  texts  Nos.  1  and  2  as 
well  as  in  the  seven  small  fragments,  it  is  easier  to  err  on  the  side 
of  underestimation  than  of  overestimation.  Text  No.  1  is  almost 
entirely  taken  up  with  laws  in  which  women  enter  as  the  subject, 
though  the  variety  of  themes  introduced  is  large.  Text  No.  2, 
so  far  as  preserved,  is  confined  to  laws  about  fields  and  houses, 
and  the  treatment  is  equally  detailed.  If  the  Code  covered  as 
wide  a  scope  as  that  of  Hammurabi— and  there  is  no  reason  to 
suppose  that  it  did  not — at  least  three  more  tablets  must  be 
assumed  for  the  whoJe  series.  Since  each  tablet  of  8  columns  must 
have  contained  over  800  lines,10  we  would  thus  have  a  series  of 
over  4,000  lines  as  a  minimum,  but  the  series  may  well  have  con- 
sisted of  considerably  more  than  five  tablets.  Dr.  Schroeder 
notes  (PL  14)  that  there  are  traces  of  effaced  characters  in  the 
lower  part  of  the  uninscribed  portion  of  the  eighth  column.  No 
doubt  the  name  of  the  series  was  given  and  the  number  of  the 
tablet  in  the  series.  Of  the  colophon,  however,  we  have  only 


9  The  more  complete  of  the  two  large  tablets  is  No.  1  in  Schroeder's  edition 
covering  Plates  1-13;  the  other  less  complete  tablet  is  No.  2,  covering  Plates 
14-18  and  the  seven  fragments  are  Nos.  3-6  (PI.  18-21),  143-144  (PI.  89) 
and  193  (PI.  106  [obv.]  and  107  [rev.]). 

10  Text  No.  1  comprised  828  lines. 


4  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr. 

t 

the  date,  indicated,  as  usual  in  Assyrian  documents,  according  to 
the  eponym  for  the  year  in  which  the  document  was  drawn  up.11 
The  name  of  the  eponym  in  text  No.  1  is  only  partially  preserved. 

So, u Since  no  such  name  occurs  in  eponym  lists 

that  have  come  down  to  us,  we  can  only  conclude  from  the 
character  of  the  writing,  from  the  manner  of  writing  words  and 
from  indications  of  language  that  the  text  dates  from  about  1500 
B.  C.  A  date  before  1000  B.  C.  is  made  probable  also  from  the 
occurrence  of  the  old  Assyrian  name,  Sarati,12  for  the  sixth  month 
in  the  colophon  instead  of  the  later  Ululu,  which  is  more  common 
after  900  B.  C.,  though  the  older  names  of  months  are  occasionally 
met  with  even  after  that  date.  As  for  the  seven  smaller  frag- 
ments, published  by  Schroeder,  while  there  can  be  no  doubt  that 
they  are  parts  of  the  same  Code  as  texts  Nos.  1  and  2,  it  is  not 
certain  that  they  all  belong  to  one  and  the  same  copy.  There 
were  no  doubt  several  copies  in  the  archive  discovered  at  Assur; 
and  judging  from  the  greater  length  of  the  lines,  Nos.  6  and  143 
and  144  may  represent  parts  of  a  second  copy.  On  the  other 
hand,  none  of  the  fragments  duplicate  any  of  the  preserved  portions 
of  texts  Nos.  1  and  2,  nor  can  we  fit  any  of  the  fragments  into  the 
gaps  in  these  two  texts.  For  the  present,  we  must,  therefore, 
leave  the  question  as  to  the  relationship  of  the  seven  fragments  to 
the  two  large  tablets  in  abeyance.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  more 
fragments  of  the  Code  will  turn  up  in  Berlin  or  in  Constantinople, 
and  one  may  venture  to  express  the  hope  that  the  authorities  of 
the  British  Museum  or  of  the  Louvre,  now  that,  through  the 
authority  of  their  governments,  access  can  be  had  to  the  collec- 
tions of  the  Constantinople  Museum,  will  hav«  a  search  made  for 
fragments  of  the  Code  and  make  them  accessible  to  scholars 
through  an  early  publication.  No  greater  service  could  be  rendered 
at  present  to  Oriental  scholarship  than  to  supplement  the  publica- 


11  The  years  of  a  king's  reign  were  drawn  up  in  lists  prepared  by  the  scribes 
to  act  as  a  guide  in  fixing  dates.     The  king  himself  was  the  eponym  (limu) 
for  his  first  year,  but  each  succeeding  year  had  a  different  eponym  after 
whom  the  year  was  dated.     It  is,  therefore,  only  in  the  case  that  we  have 
the  list  of  all  the  eponyms  for  any  reign  that  we  can  fix  accurate  dates  for 
Assyrian  documents.     See  Rogers,  Cuneiform  Parallels  to  the  Old  Testament 
(New  York  1912),  pp.  219-238,  now  to  be  supplemented  by  texts  Nos.  19-24 
of  Schroeder 's  volume;  and  perhaps  also  No.  16. 

12  Written  Sa-ra-a-ti  (cf.  VR  43,  32  occurring  also  in  Cappadocian  tablets), 
and  the  day  appears  to  be  the  second. 


An  Assyrian  Law  Code  5 

tion  of  the  German  Orient  Society,  if  happily  some  portions  of 
the  Code  should  have  found  their  way  to  Constantinople,  to  which 
centre  apparently  all  the  finds  made  at  Assur  were  shipped  before 
the  division  was  made  with  the  Berlin  Museum.  German  scholars 
can  no  doubt  be  depended  upon  to  make  a  further  search  for  frag- 
ments in  the  share  of  the  tablets  that  were  assigned  to  the  Berlin 
Museum. 

II 

Too  much  praise  cannot  be  bestowed  upon  the  authorities  of 
the  German  Orient  Society  for  placing  such  portions  of  the  Code 
as  have  been  identified  at  the  disposal  of  scholars,  even  before 
the  appearance  of  the  translation  and  interpretation  which  the 
editor,  Dr.  Otto  Schroeder,  announces  as  in  preparation.  The 
full  credit  to  be  given  to  him  for  his  editio  princeps  will  not  be 
diminished  if  meanwhile  independent  translations  of  the  Code 
published  by  him  should  be  made  by  others.  The  importance  of 
the  Code  for  our  knowledge  of  social  conditions  in  ancient  Assyria, 
as  well  as  for  purposes  of  comparison  with  the  Hammurabi 
Code  and  for  the  fragments  that  we  have  of  a  Sumerian  Code, 
forming  the  prototype  for  the  compilation  made  by  the  scribes  of 
Hammurabi,13  not  only  justifies  an  immediate  translation  into 
English,  but  makes  it  desirable  that  independent  renderings  should 
be  made  accessible  to  those  interested  in  the  ancient  civilization 
of  Mesopotamia  and  to  students  of  the  development  of  law  and 
of  legal  institutions  and  procedure.  The  Code  fairly  bristles  with 
difficulties,  and  it  will  be  by  the  combined  and  independent  efforts 
of  many  scholars  only  that  we  shall  be  able  to  reach  a  definite 
interpretation,  and  to  solve  the  difficulties  inherent  in  the  many 
new  terms  revealed  by  the  Code,  in  the  complicated  syntactical 
constructions  as  well  as  in  the  strange  verbal  and  noun  forms 
encountered. 


13  The  credit  belongs  to  Professor  Clay  of  having  discovered  and  published 
the  first  fragment  of  such  a  Sumerian  Code,  forming  No.  28  of  the  texts  gathered 
by  him  in  his  splendid  volume  Miscellaneous  Inscriptions  in  the  Yale  Babylonian 
Collection.  Two  further  fragments  in  the  collection  of  the  University  of 
Pennsylvania  Museum  were  published  by  Dr.  H.  F.  Lutz  in  his  volume  of 
Selected  Sumerian  and  Babylonian  Texts  (Philadelphia  1919)  Nos.  101  and  102. 


r 


6  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr. 

Before  giving  my  translation  of  texts  Nos.  1  and  2,14  to  which 
I  have  added  notes,  restricted  to  the  most  essential  explanations, 
it  may  be- useful  to  summarize  the  general  character  of  the  Code. 

Ill 

It  is  probably  fair  to  assume  that  the  new  Assyrian  Code  repre- 
sents a  codification  of  existing  usage  in  legal  decisions  and  proce- 
dure at  the  time  of  the  codification,  as  is  the  case  with  the  Ham- 
murabi Code.  We  may,  therefore,  judge  both  Codes  by  the 
spirit  which  breathes  through  them.  From  this  point  of  view, 
the  Assyrian  Code  although  half  a  millennium  later  than  Ham- 
murabi's compilation  reveals  a  harsher  and  cruder  aspect  which 
crops  out  more  particularly  in  the  frequency  of  punishments  that 
stand  in  no  logical  association  with  the  crime  but  are  either 
intended  to  humiliate  an  offender  or  to  inflict  bodily  torment, 
due  to  the  survival  of  the  primitive  (though  natural)  spirit  of 
vengeance  for  an  injury  or  wrong.  Among  such  punishments  we 
find  with  nauseating  frequency  the  cutting  off  of  the  ear  or  the 
nose  or  both,  or  boring  the  ear  and  mutilating  it,  or  mutilating 
the  entire  face,  lashes  varying  in  number  from  20  to  100  blows, 
castration15  in  two  instances,  public  exposure  by  taking  an  of- 
fender's clothes  away,  and  in  one  case  impalement,  to  be  carried 
out  even  on  a  dead  body.16  Now  some  of  these  punishments  likewise 


14  Of  the  seven  fragments,  I  have  contented  myself — at  the  close  of  this 
article — with  a  summary  of  the  contents  so  far  as  this  can  be  determined. 
In  the  case  of  one  of  the  larger  fragments,  No.  6,  it  is  possible  to  restore 
portions  of  four  laws  with  some  certainty,  but  not  without  some  conjectures 
that  cannot  at  present  be  confirmed. 

I  wish  to  acknowledge  valuable  aid  received  from  my  friend,  Charles  H. 
Burr,  Esq.,  of  the  Philadelphia  Bar,  in  selecting  the  proper  legal  terms,  and 
who  placed  his  profound  and  accurate  legal  knowledge  at  my  disposal  for  un- 
raveling some  of  the  intricacies  in  the  Code.  I  also  owe  to  Drs.  Chiera  and 
Lutz  some  suggestions  made  in  the  course  of  our  study  of  the  Code  in  the 
Assyrian  Seminar  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania. 

15  The  term  used  occurs  in  the  Code    for    the    first  time — but  one  may 
feel  quite  sure  that  the  proposed  explanation  (see  Note  64  to  §  14  of  Text 
No.  1)  is  correct. 

16  Text  No.  1  §  51,  the  case  of  a  woman  who  by  malpractice  brings  on  a 
miscarriage.      Besides  being  impaled  she  is  to  have  no  burial — the  most 
horrible  curse  from  the  Babylonian-Assyrian  point  of  view,  and  even  if  she 
dies  under  the  illegal  operation,  the  impalement  is  to  be  carried  out  on  the 
corpse  which  is  to  remain  unburied. 


An  Assyrian  Law  Code  7 

occur  in  the  Hammurabi  Code,  but  with  much  less  frequency — in 
itself  an  indication  of  the  growth  of  social  refinement.  There  is 
only  one  instance  of  whipping  as  a  punishment  in  the  Hammurabi 
Code,  viz.:  in  the  case  of  a  freeman  striking  another  (§202). 
The  offender  receives  60  lashes  with  an  oxtail  and,  as  is  added, 
'in  public',  to  show  that  humiliation  as  well  as  bodily  torment 
was  intended.  Impalement  is  imposed  as  a  punishment  in  the 
case  of  the  woman  (§  153)  who  conspires  for  the  death  of  her 
husband.  Cutting  off  the  ear  is  prescribed  as  a  punishment  (a) 
for  the  slave  who  strikes  a  freeman  (§  205)  and  (b)  for  the  slave 
(§  282)  who  repudiates  his  owner.  Castrating  an  offender  or 
removing  his  or  her  clothes  does  not  occur;  and  it  is  perhaps 
significant  also  of  the  difference  in  the  relations  of  the  populace  to 
the  ruler  (or  to  the  government  as  we  would  say)  in  the  south  from 
those  prevailing  in  the  north,  that  forced  labor  which  is  a  most 
frequent  punishment  in  the  Assyrian  Code — called  'service  of  the 
king'  and  generally  for  one  month,  imposed  for  every  variety  of 
offenses — is  entirely  absent  from  the  Hammurabi  Code.  Even 
more  significant  as  illustrating  the  divergent  spirit  of  the  two 
codes  is^the  observation  to  be  made  that  bodily  punishments  in 
most  instances  in  the  Hammurabi  Code  stand  in  some  logical 
association  with  the  crime,  whereas  in  the  Assyrian  Code  such 
association  is  exceptional.  According  to  the  Hammurabi  Code 
an  offender's  fingers  are  cut  off  in  four  instances  (a)  in  the  case 
of  a  son  striking  his  father  (§  195),  (b)  branding  a  slave  without 
the  consent  of  the  owner  (§  226),  (c)  stealing  from  a  field  which 
one  has  been  hired  to  cultivate,  (d)  the  case  of  a  physician  who 
by  an  operation  brings  about  the  patient's  death  or  destroys  the 
patient's  eye  (§  218).  In  all  these  cases,  the  punishment  is  pre- 
scribed on  the  principle  that  the  hand  which  did  the  deed  should 
be  mutilated;  and  even  the  still  harsher  punishment,  prescribing 
that  the  breasts  of  a  wet-nurse  are  to  be  cut  off  (§  194),  who 
substitutes  a  child  for  one  entrusted  to  her  care  that  has  died, 
betrays  this  association.  In  the  Assyrian  Code — so  far  as  pre- 
served— there  are  only  two  instances  (No.  1,  §§  8-9)  of  such 
connection.  The  woman  who  assaults  a  man — 'stretches  out 
her  hands',  as  the  phrase  runs — and  injures  him,  has  her  finger 
cut  off,  and  vice  versa  if  the  man  assaults  a  woman.  In  further 
association  between  the  crime  and  the  punishment,  we  find  that 
the  man  who  in  a  brawl  bites  a  woman  has  his  lower  lip  chopped 
off.  The  punishment  falls  on  the  hand  or  on  the  lip  that  com- 


8  Morris  Jaslrow,  Jr. 

mitted  the  deed.  Outside  of  these  instances  bodily  punishments 
in  the  Assyrian  Code  are  imposed  without  any  association  with 
the  crime  committed. 

Another  feature  of  the  Code  of  a  general  character  is  the  cruder 
method  of  judicial  procedure  in  comparison  with  the  Hammurabi 
Code.  The  constant  formula  'they  seize  him  (or  her)  and  deter- 
mine his  (or  her)  guilt'  shows  to  be  sure  the  existence  of  an 
established  court  which  tries  an  offender,  but  the  phrase  is  also 
applied  (Text  No.  1,  §  14)  to  individuals.  Witnesses  (§11) 
may  '  seize'  an  adulterer  and  put  him  to  death,  which  is  clearly  a 
survival  of  an  age  in  which  punishment  was  imposed  by  individuals 
or  by  any  body  of  citizens.  Besides  such  instances  of  'lynch 
law',  recognized  as  legitimate,17  we  have  the  frequent  phrase, 
'he  may  do  as  he  pleases',  applied  to  the  husband  or  father  in  the 
case  that  his  wife  or  his  daughter  has  committed  an  offense.  We 
actually  find  the  husband  authorized  to  impose  punishment  on 
his  wife  (Text  No.  1,  §  3)  and,  what  is  more,  the  same  punishment 
that  he  imposes  upon  his  wife  is  meted  out  to  the  one  who  is  an 
accessory  to  a  crime.  The  husband  is  free  either  to  cut  off  his 
wife's  ear  in  case  of  theft  or  not  to  do  so  (Text  No.  1,  §  4).  He 
may  kill  her  or  not  if  he  discovers  her  with  another  man  (Text 
No.  1,  §  14);  and  equal  liberty  is  given  to  him  in  the  treatment 
of  his  daughter  who  has  committed  an  offense. 

All  this  points  quite  clearly  to  the  existence  of  less  settled  con- 
ditions in  the  north  during  the  second  millennium  B.  C.,  in  contrast 
to  what  one  finds  in  the  Hammurabi  Code,  which  does  not  intro- 
duce any  such  phrase  as  'he  may  do  as  he  pleases'.  It  assumes 
throughout  judicial  procedure  by  a  recognized  officially  consti- 
tuted tribunal  which  pronounces  the  verdict  and — apparently— 
is  the  sole  body  to  authorize  the  carrying  out  of  its  decrees. 

Wife  and  daughters  in  the  Assyrian  Code  are  regarded  entirely 
from  the  early  point  of  view  as  forming  part  of  the  possessions  of 
a  man,  over  whom  he  has  full  authority.  Whereas  the  Hammurabi 
Code  in  theory  still  recognizes  this  relationship,  in  practise  the 
many  laws  bearing  on  the  relationship  of  husband  to  wife,  and  of 
father  to  children,  tend  towards  curbing  the  authority  of  the 
husband  and  father,  as  the  laws  dealing  with  slaves  and  with 
debtors  tend  to  reduce  the  arbitrary  power  of  the  master  over 


17  It  is  said  (Text  No.  1  §  14) :  no  guilt  attaches  to  those  who  thus  kill  an 
adulterer. 


An  Assyrian  Law  Code  9 

his  slaves  and  of  the  creditor  over  his  debtor.  In  the  Assyrian 
Code,  divorce  is  treated  in  a  single  paragraph  (§36)  which  gives 
the  husband  the  choice — according  'as  his  heart  moves  him',  as 
the  phrase  runs — to  give  his  wife  something  when  he  dismisses 
her  or  to  send  her  away  empty-handed.  The  Hammurabi  Code 
has  quite  a  number  of  restrictions  to  such  an  arbitrary  procedure. 

The  assumption  throughout  the  Babylonian  Code  is  that  a 
man  divorces  his  wife  either  because  she  is  childless  or  because  of 
some  charge  against  her.  In  the  former  case  it  is  provided  (§  138) 
that  the  marriage  settlement  and  dowry  be  returned  to  the  wife. 
If  there  was  no  marriage  settlement,  the  husband  gives  his  wife 
60  shekels  of  silver  on  divorcing  her  (§  139).  She  is  not  sent 
away  'empty-handed'.  If  there  are  children  (§  137),  the  divorced 
wife  receives  her  dowry  and  sufficient  maintenance  to  rear  her 
children;  and  upon  their  reaching  the  age  of  majority,  she  is 
given  a  share  of  her  former  husband's  estate  equivalent  to  the 
portion  of  one  son  and  is  free  to  marry  whom  she  chooses.  The 
husband  is  prohibited  (§  148)  from  divorcing  his  wife  because 
she  has  become  afflicted  with  disease.  He  must  keep  her  and 
support  her  in  his  house  as  long  as  she  lives,  but  if  she  prefers  to 
live  elsewhere,  she  receives  her  dowry.  Only  in  case  there  is  a 
definite  charge  of  neglecting  her  husband  and  her  household,  of 
being  a  'gad-about',  is  she  sent  away  empty-handed  (§  141). 
Moreover,  the  wife  has  a  right  to  bring  a  charge  of  neglect  or  of 
improper  conduct  against  her  husband,  and  if  the  charge  is  estab- 
lished (§  142)  she  recovers  her  dowry  and  goes  to  her  father's 
house. 

It  is  in  keeping  with  the  general  attitude  toward  the  wives  and 
daughters  as  the  property  of  the  husband  and  father  that  the 
wife  and  daughter  can  be  sold  or  pledged  for  debt  to  a  creditor. 
The  Hammurabi  Code  (§  117),  while  recognizing  the  right,  changes 
the  transfer  to  a  limited  indenture  for  three  years,  and  provides 
that  'in  the  fourth  year  they  (wife,  son  and  daughter)  must  be 
given  their  freedom';  and  as  a  further  provision,  dictated  by 
humane  considerations,  the  master  who  sells  a  female  slave  who 
has  born  him  children  for  debt,  must  ransom  the  woman  (§  119). 
There  is  no  time  limit  to  the  pledging  of  a  member  of  a  man's 
household  in  the  Assyrian  Code.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  pre- 
cisely in  connection  with  this  subject,  that  we  find  the  newly 
discovered  code  striking  a  higher  note.  It  is  provided  (Text 
No.  1,  §  47)  that  a  creditor  who  holds  his  debtor's  daughter  for 


10  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr. 

debt  cannot  hand  her  over  to  a  third  party  without  the  consent 
of  the  father.  In  case  the  father  is  dead,  the  opportunity  must 
be  offered  to  the  brothers  to  redeem  their  sister  and  a  period  of  one 
month  must  be  allowed  to  any  brother  who  is  desirous  of  doing  so. 
As  a  further  protection  to  the  unfortunate  daughter,  it  is  provided 
that  if  the  man  who  holds  her  for  her  father's  debts  treats  her 
badly  (§38)  she  may  be  rescued  by  any  one,  who,  however,  must 
pay  the  full  value  of  the  girl  to  the  creditor,  in  order  to  marry 
the  girl. 

The  unquestionably  harsher  aspects  of  the  Assyrian  Code  as  a 
whole  in  comparison  with  the  Hammurabi  Code  must  not  blind 
us  to  the  tendency  to  be  noted  towards  protecting  those  whose 
position  is  dependent  upon  others.  So,  e.  g.,  Text  No.  1,  §45 
imposes  on  the  sons  to  support  their  widowed  mother  in  case  the 
father  has  failed  to  make  provision  for  her;  and  it  is  added  they 
should  do  so  tenderly  as  one  treats  'a  bride  whom  one  loves'. 
If  she  happens  to  be  a  second  wife,  and  has  no  children  of  her 
own,  then  the  duty  of  support  falls  upon  the  children  of  the  first 
wife.  She  is  to  have  a  home  with  one  of  the  children. 

The  woman  abandoned  by  her  husband  who  has  deliberately 
gone  away  or  who  has  been  captured  while  in  government  service 
is  taken  care  of.  The  duty  is  imposed  on  her  to  remain  faithful 
to  her  husband  for  a  term  of  years — two  (Text  No.  1,  §  44)  or 
five  (Text  No.  1,  §  35)  according  to  the  conditions  of  the  deser- 
tion— and  if  the  husband  has  left  her  without  maintenance,  the 
woman  can  appeal  to  the  state  to  step  in  (Text  No.  1,  §  44), 
which  makes  over  to  her  during  her  husband's  absence  the  'field 
and  house',  as  the  phrase  runs,  for  her  support.  If,  however,  she 
marries  within  the  interval,  her  husband  on  his  return  can  claim 
His  wife,  while  the  children  born  to  the  second  husband  belong 
to  the  latter. 

From  the  sociological  point  of  view  the  new  code  is  of  extra- 
ordinary interest.  It  reveals  a  state  of  society  in  which  sexual 
immorality  had  become  sufficiently  rampant  to  necessitate  the 
large  number  of  paragraphs — no  less  than  14  in  the  preserved 
portions  of  the  Code— that  deal  with  the  various  degrees  of  illicit 
and  unnatural  sexual  intercourse  and  the  varying  circumstances 
under  which  it  takes  place.  The  'procuress'  appears  by 
the  side  of  the  'adulterer'.  The  harlot  is  a  fixed  institution 
(Text  No.  1,  §§39  and  50).  Sodomy  and  malpractice  find  a  place 
in  the  Code  (Text  No.  1,  §§  18,  19  and  51).  On  the  other  hand 


An  Assyrian  Law  Code  11 

in  the  regulation  of  property  rights  we  find  comparatively  advanced 
legislation  to  prevent  encroachment  on  a  man's  domain.  Text 
No.  2 — so  far  as  preserved — deals  largely  with  the  regulation  of 
property  rights.  The  one  who  removes  boundaries  is  severely 
punished,  and  a  distinction  is  made  between  a  'large'  and  a  'small' 
trespass  of  this  character  (Text  No.  2,  §§8  and  9).  Light  is 
thrown  on  agricultural  methods  by  provisions  against  using  prop- 
erty not  belonging  to  one  for  digging  a  well,  for  planting  orchards, 
or  for  making  bricks  (Text  No.  2,  §§  10,  12-15).  Irrigation  is 
regulated  (Text  No.  2,  §§  17-18)  and  the  division  of  an  estate 
carefully  provided  for  (Text  No.  2,  §§  1-5).  Of  special  interest 
is  the  elaborate  procedure  for  the  purchase  of  an  estate 
(Text  No.  2,  §  6)  for  a  proclamation  to  be  made  three  times, 
calling  upon  all  who  have  a  claim  on  an  estate  to  appear  before 
the  recorder  and  deposit  their  claims,  in  written  form.  A  month's 
time  is  allotted  for  such  notice  and  the  purchase  is  made  in  the 
presence  of  a  group  of  officials  which  includes  a  representative  of 
the  king,  the  surrogate,  the  city  scribe,  the  recorder,  the  prefect, 
and  three  magistrates. 

Another  feature,  meriting  special  notice,  are  the  provisions  for 
the  regulation  of  the  dress  of  women  when  appearing  in  public 
(Text  No.  1,  §39).  The  paragraph  in  question  enables  us  to 
trace  back  the  veiling  of  women — still  so  widespread  in  the  Near 
East — to  the  second  millennium  B.  C.;  and  the  point  of  view  from 
which  veiling  and  covering  of  the  head  (by  which  a  complete 
enveloping  is  meant)  is  regarded,  is  instructive  for  the  light  that 
it  sheds  upon  the  origin  of  the  custom.  Wives  and  daughters 
are  to*  be  veiled  or  to  have  their  heads  covered,  or  both,  to  mark 
them  as  the  property  of  the  husband  and  father,  and  as  a  warning 
to  others  to  keep  their  hands  off.  Hence  the  hierodule  who 
remains  unmarried — who  belongs  to  the  temple  and  not  to  any 
man — is  to  be  unveiled,  and  likewise  the  harlot,  because  she 
belongs  to  any  man.  A  severe  punishment  is  imposed  upon  a 
harlot  who  appears  veiled  in  public,  as  also  upon  the  one  who 
sees  her  thus  disguised  and  fails  to  report  her  'to  the  palace'. 
The  original  purpose  of  the  veiling  shades  overjnto  the  factor  of 
social  distinction  and  accordingly  slave  girls  are  likewise  to  go 
unveiled.  This  gradual  change  in  the  custom  is  again  of  special 
interest,  because  in  other  respects,  the  Assyrian  Code  is  marked 
rather  by  the  absence  of  class  distinctions,  in  contrast  to  the 
Hammurabi  Code  which  is  full  of  special  legislation  for  the 


12  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr. 

'plebeians'18  and  'slaves'  by  the  side  of  'freemen'  who  form  a 
species  of  aristocracy.  It  is  of  course  possible  that  in  the  missing 
portions  of  the  Code  the  same  distinctions  were  introduced,  but 
their  absence  in  the  preserved  portions  is  at  least  worth  noticing. 
Society  both  in  Babylonia  and  Assyria  had  passed  beyond  the 
stage  of  recognizing  the  'clan'  or  kinsman  as  representing  a  social 
unit  at  the  time  when  the  two  Codes  now  at  our  disposal  were 
compiled,  and  it  may  well  be  that  the  further  stage  of  a  sharp 
division  of  classes  was  reached  in  the  south  long  before  it  made 
its  appearance  in  the  north. 

Lastly,  the  new  Code  is  of  interest  because  of  the  additions  that 
it  furnishes  to  legal  phraseology.  Besides  the  terms  above  noted, 
we  encounter  here  for  the  first  time  the  term  for  debtor  (hdbbulu) 
as  against  bel  hubulli  for  creditor — already  known  to  us.  We 
have  the  distinction  between  the  amiranu,  'the  eye  witness',  and 
the  ismednu  'the  one  who  hears  a  report'. 

The  person  pledged  for  debt  (tadinanu}  and  various  officials 
for  land  transactions  enter  upon  the  scene.  The  term  for  the 
raising  of  loans  (kidu)  on  deposits  or  on  property  is  another 
interesting  addition.  Lying  outside  the  strictly  legal  province, 
we  have  also  the  many  new  grammatical  forms  which  show  a 
wider  divergence  in  the  speech  of  the  north  during  the  second 
millennium  from  that  of  the  south  than  we  had  hitherto  sus- 
pected.19 

Reserving  a  further  and  more  detailed  study  of  the  Code  in 
comparison  with  the  Hammurabi  Code,  in  which  the  laws  common 
to  both  will  be  placed  in  parallel  columns  and  which  will  further 
reveal  the  different  social  conditions  prevailing  in  Babylonia — so 
essentially  a  cultural  power — as  against  those  in  a  militaristic 
state  like  Assyria,  let  us  now  turn  to  the  translation  of  the  Code 
itself. 


18  See  C.  H.  W.  Johns  on  these  distinctions  in  his  valuable  work  on  The 
Relations  between  the  Laws  of  Babylonia  and  the  Laws  of  the  Hebrew  Peoples 
(London  1914)  p.  8.     We  owe  to  Johns  the  correct  interpretation  of  the 
term  Mas-En-Kak  =  muskcnu  as  the  'plebeian'  in  the  Hammurabi  Code. 

19  The  grammar  of  the  Code  merits  a  detailed  study  which  will  no  doubt 
be  undertaken  by  some  Assyriologist.     As  a  single  illustration,  we  may  call 
attention  to  the  constant  use  of  the  ending  uni  in  the  plural  of  verbs,  as  in 
classical  Arabic. 


An  Assyrian  Law  Code  13 

1 

(Badly  preserved.  Treats  of  the  case  of  a  woman — the  wife 
of  a  man  or  a  man's  daughter — entering  a  temple  apparently  to 
make  restitution  for  something  that  she  has  stolen.  The  part 
dealing  with  the  punishment  is  too  mutilated  to  be  made  out.20) 

2 

If  a  woman,  be  she  the  wife  of  a  man  or  a  man's  daughter,  does 
not  confess21  the  theft  or  under  pressure22  makes  restitution,  that 
woman  bears  her  sin23;  on  her  husband,  her  sons  and  her  daugh- 
ters she  has  no  claim.24 

3 

If  a  man  is  sick  or  has  died  (and)  his  wife  steals  something 
from  his  house,  whether  she  gives  it  to  a  man  or  to  a  woman,  or 
to  anyone  whomsoever,  the  wife  of  the  man  as  well  as  the  receivers 
shall  be  put  to  death;  or  if  the  wife  whose  husband  is  living  steals 


20  The  law  is  the  first  of  a  group  dealing  with  theft  committed  by  a  woman, 
who  as  wife  or  daughter  is  a  man's  property.  The  Hammurabi  Code  deals 
with  theft  from  a  temple — and  to  which  it  adds  'or  from  a  palace' —  in§§  6-8. 
It  decrees  that  both  the  thief  and  receiver  of  the  stolen  property,  are  put  to 
death,  but  the  severity  of  the  old  law  is  modified  by  the  exception  (§  8)  that 
in  case  the  stolen  object  is  an  ox  or  ass  or  sheep  or  pig,  the  thief  if  a  freeman 
is  to  restore  thirty  fold  the  value  of  what  he  took,  and  if  he  be  a  plebeian 
ten-fold;  and  only  in  case  he  have  not  the  wherewithal  to  make  restitution 
is  he  put  to  death.  The  Hammurabi  Code  has  no  special  laws  with  regard 
to  women  who  steal,  from  which  we  may  conclude  that  in  §§  6-8  the  conven- 
tional phrase  beginning  'if  a  man/  etc.,  applies  to  women  as  well. 

"Text  has  ta-tak-ti-bi  =  taktibi  with  a  redundant  initial  syllable,  for  which 
there  are  several  examples,  for  example,  ta-at-ta-al-pa-at  (col.  1,  83)  =talpat] 
ta-(at)-ta-a$-bat=ta$bat  (Col.  3,  52). 

22  Mi-ki-it  pi-e,  the  ideographic  writing  for  which  Ka-ta  8ub-ba  (II  Rawlin- 
son  39, 13a-b)  shows  that  it  is  to  be  rendered  'falling  of  the  mouth',  in  contrast 
to  Ka-ta  E=§i-it  pi-i  (II  Rawlinson  12a-b),  'utterance'.  'Falling  of  the 
mouth'  cannot  mean  'silently',  for  which  we  have  'closing  of  the  mouth' 
(  =  si-kur  pi-i,  ib.  lib).  I  take  the  phrase  to  mean  that  the  stolen  property 
is  restored  under  pressure. 

23 1.  e.,  she  is  guilty,  a-ra-an-sd  ta-ma-as-si,  is  a  parallel  to  the  Hebrew 
phrase  in  the  Priestly  Code  nasa  fret  'bearing  sin',  e.  g.,  Lev.  19.  17;  22.  9; 
24.  15;  Num.  9.  13,  etc.,  in  the  sense  of  being  guilty. 

24  la-a  i-jpar-ri-i-bi,  'she  shall  not  approach',  i.  e.,  she  has  no  claim  on  any 
members  of  her  family.  Cf.  §  26,  the  husband  'shall  not  approach'  the  house 
of  his  father-in-law,  i.  e.,  has  no  claim  on  it,  if  at  the  time  of  divorce  from 
his  wife,  she  is  living  in  her  father's  house. 


14  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr. 

from  the  house  of  her  husband,  whether  she  gives  it  to  a  man 
or  to  a  woman  or  to  any  one  whomsoever,  the  man  seizes25  his 
wife  and  imposes  punishment26;  and  on  the  receiver  of  the  stolen 
property  which  she  has  given  away,  (the  same)  punishment  is  to 
be  imposed27  that  the  husband  imposes  on  his  wife. 

4 

If  a  male  slave  or  a  female  slave  receives  anything28  from  the 
wife  of  a  man,  the  nose  and  the  ear  of  the  slave,  male  or  female, 
shall  be  cut  off,  and  for  the  stolen  property29  full  restitution  must 
be  made.30  Either,  the  man  cuts  off  his  wife's  ear,  or  if  he  releases 
her,31  and  does  not  cut  off  her  ear,  then  also  (the  ear)  of  the  slave, 
male  or  female,  shall  not  be  cut  off,  and  they  need  not  make 
restitution  for  the  stolen  property. 

5 

If  a  man's  wife  steals  something  from  a  man's  house  and  through 
someone  else  it  is  restored,  the  owner  of  the  stolen  property  must 


25  u-ba-ar  from  ba'aru  'catch',  as  in  the  phrase  'they  seize  him  and  determine 
his  guilt,'  used  throughout  the  Code  for  arresting  a  person  and  convicting 
him  of  a  crime. 

26  lj.i-4-ta  literally  'sin',  but  here  as  throughout  the  Code  for  'guilt'  (like  the 
Hebrew  het)  and  also  'punishment'.     This  authority  given  to  the  husband 
to  'seize'  his  wife  and  impose  punishment  on  his  wife  (as  on  his  daughter)  in 
certain  cases  is  a  survival  of  primitive  conditions  when  punishment  was 
meted  out  by  individuals  and  not  by  a  judicial  tribunal.     See  above,  and 
parallels  in  Post,  Afrikanische  Jurisprudenz,  Vol.  2,  p.  140  scq.     Note  also 
that  the  punishment  meted  out  to  the  receiver  follows  the  arbitrary  one- 
that  the  man  imposes  on  his  wife. 

27  Generally  the  impersonal  'they'  with  plural  of  the  verb  is  used  in  the 
part  of  the  law  announcing  the  decision.     It  seems  preferable  to  render  this 
by  the  use  of  the  passive,  since  the  code  does  not  tell  us,  except  in  certain 
specific  instances,  who  actually  carries  out  the  punishment.     It  is  interesting 
to  note  that  here  as  in  other  instances,  e.  g.,  §  4,  the  accessory  to  a  crime 
receives  a  punishment  equal  to  that  of  the  main  offender.      Modern  law 
provides  that  the  accessory  can  never  receive  punishment  in  excess  of  what  is 
imposed  on  the  main  offender. 

28 1.  e.  stolen. 

29  sur-ka,  the  'stolen'  property. 

30  u-mal-lu-^u,  literally  'they  fill  out'. 

*lti-us-sar,  used  throughout  the  Code  in  the  sense  of  'letting  one  go'.  A 
synonym  is  patdru  'redeem',  e.g.,  §  5,  though  this  verb  is  also  used  as  the 
Biblical  equivalent  in  the  sense  of  'buying  off',  e.  g.,  §  47. 


An  Assyrian  Law  Code  15 

swear  that  when  it  was  taken  'the  stolen  property  was  in  my 
house32.'  If  the  husband  ehooses  he  may  restore  the  stolen 
property  and  redeem  her  (i.  e.  his  wife)33  and  cut  off  her  ear, 
but  if  her  husband  does  not  wish  to  redeem  her,  then  the  owner 
of  the  stolen  property  may  take  her34  and  cut  off  her  nose. 

6 

If  a  man's  wife  puts  a  pledge35  in  pawn36,  the  receiver  must 
surrender  it  as  stolen  property.37 


If  a  woman  stretch  out  her  hands  against  a  man,  they  seize 
her.     She  must  pay  30  manas  of  lead  and  she  receives  20  lashes. 

8 

If  a  woman  in  a  brawl  injures  a  man's  testicle,  they  cut  off  one 
of  her  fingers;    and  if  the  man  engages38  a  physician  and  the 


32 1.  e.,  he  must  identify  the  stolen  property. 

33  i-pa-at-tar-si,  a  synonym  of  ussuru  'let  her  go'  (above  §  4) .  The  implica- 
tion in  the  Assyrian  Code  is  that  a  woman  who  steals  something  from  a 
man's  house  (not  her  husband's)  forfeits  her  liberty,  unless  her  husband 
makes  good  the  theft. 

34 1.  e.,  as  his  property,  and  presumably  either  to  sell  her  or  to  reduce  her 
to  servitude. 

36  ma-as-ka-at-ta  (from  sakdnu}  is  'something  put  on  deposit' ;    it  occurs 
again  in  Text  No.  6  obv.,  11,  and  as  in  our  passage  with  ina  kidi,  and  finds 
its  equivalent  in  the  phrase  of  the  Hammurabi  Code,  §  7  ana  ma§sarutim  'for 
safe  keeping'.     This  law  provides  that  the  receiver  of  stolen  property  is  put 
to  death,  even  though  he  only  accepted  it  for  safe  keeping.     As  the  accessory 
to  the  crime  he  receives  the  same  punishment  as  the  main  offender . 

**i-na  ki-i-di.  According  to  Cuneiform  Texts  XXVII,  PI.  12,  11,  ki-di 
is  a  part  of  the  palace,  but  our  passage,  as  well  as  §  43,  where  the  phrase  is 
again  met  with,  leaves  no  doubt  that  ina  kidi  may  designate  the  raising  of 
money  on  some  object  of  value — real  or  movable  estate.  It  is  therefore  the 
equivalent  to  our  'in  pawn'.  The  kidu  of  the  palace  may  therefore  be  a 
storing  place  of  some  kind. 

37  The  woman  is  punished  according  to  the  law  set  forth  in  the  previous 
paragraphs. 

38  ur-tak-ki-is  from  rakasu  'to  contract',  from  which  we  have  riksu  and 
riksdtu  used  in  the  Hammurabi  Code  and  in  the  Assyrian  Code,  as  well  as  in 
legal  documents  for  a  'contract'. 


16  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr. 

other  testicle  of  itself39  is  destroyed,  compensation40  shall  be 
offered;  or  if  in  a  fight  the  second  testicle  is  (also)  crushed,  the 
fingers41  of  both  hands  they  mutilate.42 

9 

If  a  man  stretches  (his)  hand  against  the  wife  of  a  man,  treating 
her  roughly43  (?),  they  seize  him  and  determine  his  guilt44.  His 
fingers  are  cut  off.  If  he  bites  her,  his  lower  lip  with  the  blade45  (?) 
of  a  sharp  (?)  axe  is  cut  off. 

10 
(Covering  Col.  I,  97  to  II,  13.) 

(Deals  with  murder,  but  the  text  is  too  fragmentary  to  be 
translated.) 

11 

If  a  man's  wife  goes  out  into  the  highway  (and)  a  man  seizes 
her,  without  even  proposing  intercourse  with  her46  and  not  giving 
her  the  chance  to  protect  herself,47  but  seizes  her  by  force  and 


*til-ti-§d=istisa,  occurring  again,  col.  3,  56  (§  23)  in  the  sense  of  'by 
itself',  independently,  etc. 

40 1  read  [mu]-ri-im-ma  tar-ti  i-si.    Murim  from  ramu  'offer'  or  'grant'. 

"I  supply  [Rit-Lal]  Mes=ntfe  (like  Hammurabi  Code  §§  195,  218,  226, 
253)  or  perhaps  we  are  to  read  [Sti-si]  Mes  =  ubanate)  'fingers'. 

42  i-na-bu-lu. 

43  ki-i  bu-ri  e-pu-us-si.     The  context  points  to  some  violent  assault,  like 
scratching  or  tearing  the  flesh.     Burn  ordinarily  means  a  'young  animal', 
which  however  is  hardly  in  place  here. 

44  ub-ta-e-ru-u-u§  uk-ta-i-nu-ti-us,  the  standing  phrase  throughout  the  Code 
for  what  we  call  arrest  and  trial.     See  above,  p.  8.       From  the  same  stem 
ba'dru  'catch',  we  have  in  the  Hammurabi  Code  the  official  Su-ya  =  6a'irw 
as  the  'constable'  (§§  26-28,  30  and  32,  36,  37,  etc.),   while  uktin  'to  fix  the 
guilt'  occurs  in  §§  1-3  and  127  of  the  Hammurabi  Code. 

46  [me]-ri-im-ti,  the  meaning  of  which  is  to  be  deduced  from  the  context. 

46  la-a  ni-ik-ki-me  ib-ti-bi-a-as-se  'does  not  say  to  her  nikkime',  the  latter 
term  being  the  proposal  to  the  woman  to  give  herself  to  the  man.  The  under- 
lying stem  naku  was  recognized  many  years  ago  by  Oppert  as  denoting 
sexual  intercourse.  It  occurs  in  the  Code  in  a  variety  of  verbal  forms;  also 
the  noun  form  naikanu  for  the  ravisher  or  adulterer.  See  Meissner,  Assyrische 
Studien,  4,  p.  10  and  the  passages  there  quoted. 

47 1.  e.,  there  is  no  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  man  to  try  to  persuade  the 
woman,  but  he  uses  force,  while  she  makes  no  advances  on  her  part. 


An  Assyrian  Law  Code  17 

rapes  her,48  whether  he  merely  overpowers49  the  man's  wife,  or 
actually  has  intercourse  with  her,60  the  witnesses51  may  seize  him 
and  put  the  man  to  death.  No  guilt52  attaches  to  the  woman. 

12 

If  the  wife  of  a  man  leaves  her  house  to  meet  a  man  at  a  ren- 
dezvous53 and  he  rapes  her,  knowing  that  she  is  another  man's 
wife,  then  they  also54  put  the  wife  to  death. 

13 

If  a  man  has  intercourse  with  a  man's  wife,  whether  in  an 
interior56  (?)  or  on  the  highway,  knowing  that  she  is  another 
man's  wife,  they  (mutually)  agreeing56  to  do  so  in  the  manner 
customary  between  a  man  and  his  wife57,  the  man  is  adjudged  to 
be  an  adulterer.58  But  if  he  did  not  know  that  she  was  another 


48  it-ti-ak-si  I,  2  from  ndku  as  above. 

49  ik-&i-du-u§  'conquers  her'. 
60  i-ni-ku-ti-ni. 

81  §e-bu-iu,  who  are  called  in  to  testify  to  the  assault.    From  the  interesting 
circumstance  that  the  word  sebutu  means  both  'elders'  and  'witnesses',  one 
is  tempted  to  conclude  that  the  'witness'  in  Babylonian  and  Assyrian  law 
was  a  'professional'  witness.     The  'elders'  in  early  society  would  form  the 
natural  tribunal;    and  they  would  be  the  ones  called  in  to  witness  a  legal 
document  or  to  be  present  at  the  trial  of  an  offender  and  to  hear  testimony 
in  regard  to  the  offender,  even  though  they  may  not  have  actually  been 
present  at  the  commission  of  the  crime.    'From  this  point  of  view,  we  can 
understand  the  extension  of  the  term  'elder'  to  the  very  general  sense  of 
'witness',  and  its  still  later  use  without  reference  to  any  professional  status. 

82  Or  'punishment'.     The  term  is  again  fyi-i-ta  as  above,  note  26. 

83a-$ar  us~pu-ti-ni  'a  place  where  (people)  gather',  i.  e.,  the  woman  delib- 
erately goes  out  to  meet  a  man. 

64  tfy  the  conjunction  which  as  often  has  the  force  of  'also'.  The  law  assumes 
that  the  man — as  in  §11 — is  likewise  put  to  death. 

66  bit  al-tam-me — a  new  word  which  from  the  context  must  designate  an 
interior  in  contrast  to  'highway'.  It  is  quite  possible  that  a  bed-chamber  or 
even  a  brothel  is  meant. 

66  Literally  'saying' . 

'•'  I.  e.,  as  though  they  were  man  and  wife.  Note  (as  in  §  22)  the  elaborate 
legal  phraseology  to  prove  that  it  is  a  genuine  case  of  adultery. 

88  na-i-ka-na.  See  above,  note  46.  The  punishment  being  death  for  the 
man  according  to  the  principle  involved  in  §  11,  it  was  not  considered  neces- 
sary to  specify  it  again. 

2    JAOS  41 


18  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr. 

man's  wife,  the  adulterer  goes  free.59     The  man  seizes  his  wife 
and  can  do  what  he  pleases  with  her.60 

14 

If  a  man  discovers  his  wife  with  a  man,61  they  seize  him  and 
determine  his  guilt,  and  both  of  them  are  put  to  death.  There 
is  no  guilt62  because  of  him.  But  if  he  is  caught  and  either 
before  the  king  or  before  judges  is  brought,  they  (i.  e.,  the  judges) 
seize  him  and  determine  his  guilt.  If  the  man  has  already  put 
his  wife  to  death,  then  the  man63  is  also  put  to  death.  If  he 
has  cut  off  his  wife's  nose,  the  man  (i.  e.,  the  adulterer)  is  to  be 
castrated64  and  his  whole  face  65  mutilated.66 


69  za-a-ku,  the  regular  term  in  this  Code  as  in  the  Hammurabi  Code  for 
acquittal,  though  also  used  in  the  wider  sense  of  being  free  from  any  further 
obligation,  as  e.  g.,  in  text  No.  2,  §  6  (col.  3,  47),  as  well  as  to  indicate  that 
something  is  at  the  'free'  disposal  of  another,  e.  g.,  §  37  (col.  5,  25). 

60  I.  e.,  the  wife  is  turned  over  to  the  husband  and  he  imposes  punishment, 
as  in  §  3,  according  to  his  pleasure. 

61  Literally:    'he  takes  the  man  away  from  his  wife'. 

62  The  addition  of  this  phrase  a-ra-an-sti  la-as-sti,  'there  is  no  guilt  because 
of  him',  shows  that  in  this  case,  'they'  are  not  'the  judges,  but  individuals — 
perhaps  witnesses  called  in  by  the  husband — who,  as  we  would  say,  lynch  the 
man  after  ascertaining  that  he  is  guilty,  i.  e.,  that  he  knew  that  it  was  another 
man's  wife. 

63  a-i-la  another  form  for  amelu   (pronounced  awelu  'man'.      See  Muss- 
Arnolt,  Assyrian  Dictionary,  p.  3a. 

64  a-na  sar-ri-se-en  u-tar  (see  also  §  19),  more  literally  'he  is  made  an  eunuch'. 
I  owe  to  my  colleague,  Prof  essor*  Montgomery,  the  happy  suggestion  that 
we  have  in  the  word  sarsen  the  name  for  the  'eunuch',  corresponding  to  the 
Hebrew  saris,  which  is  no  doubt  taken  over  from  the  Akkadian.     The  mean- 
ing fits  the  context,  and  the  punishment  of  castration  is  appropriate  for  the 
adulterer  caught  in  the  act  in  case  the  husband  has  already  taken  the  law 
into  his  hands  by  cutting  off  his  wife's  nose.     It  is  even  more  appropriate 
as  a  punishment  (§  19)  for  the  one  who  is  guilty  of  sodomy.     These  are  the 
only  two  occurrences  of  the  punishment  in  the  Code;  and  it  is  thus  interesting 
to  be  able  to  trace  the  custom  of  castration  to  so  early  a  date.     Professor 
Montgomery's  suggestion  disposes  of  Schroeder's  view  (in  the  brief  description 
of  the  Code,  page  viii)  that  sarsen  means  'prison'.     There  is  no  evidence  for 
imprisonment  as  a  punishment  either  in  Babylonia  or  Assyria,  whereas,  as  is 
well  known,  the  eunuch  figures  frequently  among  the  escort  of  the  king  on 
Assyrian  monuments.     The  form  sarsen  with  the  formative  en  (by  the  side 
of  an)  is  proper  for  the  designation  of  a  class;   and  now  that  the  word  by 
itself  has  been  encountered  in  an  Assyrian  text,  there  is  no  longer  any  reason 
to  question  that  the  rob  sd-ris  mentioned  in  the  cuneiform  inscriptions  is 
the  'chief  eunuch'.     Furthermore,  the  explanation  of  sa-ris  as  though  com- 


An  Assyrian  Law  Code  19 

(The  rest  of  the  paragraph — four  lines  apparently — is  broken 
off.) 

15 

If  a  man  [violates]67  another  man's  wife,  her  mouth68  

there  is  no  guilt  attaching  to  the  man.  The  husband  can  impose 
punishment  on  his  wife  according  to  his  pleasure.  But  if  by 
force  he  has  violated  her,  they  seize  him  and  determine  his  guilt, 
the  punishment  being  the  same  as  that  imposed  upon  the  man's 
wife.69 

16 

If  a  man  says  to  another,  thy  wife  has  been  raped,70  and  there 
are  no  witnesses,  they  bind  him  (i.  e.  the  accused)  in  fetters  and 
take  him  to  the  river.71 

17 

If  a  man  says  to  his  companion,  whether  in  private  or  in  a 
brawl,72  'thy  wife  has  been  raped  and  I  caught  her',  but  it  turns 
out  that  he  could  not  have  caught  her,  and  the  man  actually  did 
not  catch  her  (in  the  act),  he  receives  40  lashes  and  must  perform 


posed  of  sd  and  ris  ('head'),  still  maintained  by  Zimmern,  Akkadische 
Fremclworter ,  page  6,  is  to  be  abandoned  in  view  of  our  sarsen  which 
clearly  points  to  a  stem  sarasu.  At  the  most,  it  might  be  claimed  that  sd-ri.s- 
is  an  etymological  play  upon  the  supposed  meaning  of  sarsen,  but  even  this 
is  unlikely  and  certainly  an  unnecessary  supposition. 

65 1.  e.,  ears  and  nose  are  cut  off  and  possibly  his  eyes  are  put  out.  We 
have  not  actually  encountered  this  method  of  punishment,  except  in  the 
historical  annals  of  Assyrian  kings  as  meted  out  to  the  enemy. 

66  i-na-ku-ru,  'they  destroy'. 

67  To  be  supplied.    The  half  of  the  line  is  broken  away. 

68  No  doubt  in  the  sense  of  'consent.'     The  balance  of  the  line  is  broken 
away.    The  context  indicates  that  the  woman  gave  herself  to  the  man  willingly. 

69 1.  e.,  whatever  the  man  would  do  to  his  wife,  in  case  she  were  guilty,  is 
done  to  the  adulterer. 

70  il-ti-ni-ik-ku. 

71 1.  e.,  for  an  ordeal,  to  test  the  truth  of  the  charge.  The  ordeal  occurs 
again,  §§23,  24;  also  in  the  Hammurabi  Code  §§2  (suspect  of  sorcery)  and 
§  132  (suspect  of  adultery). 

72 1.  e.,  when  others  are  present  to  hear  what  is  said.  It  is  rather  charac- 
teristic of  social  conditions  in  Assyria,  that  the  word  for  a  'fight',  becomes  a 
synonym  of  'in  public'. 


20  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr. 

one  month's  royal  service.     They  summon  him73  and  one  talent74 
of  lead  he  must  hand  over. 

18 

If  a  man  in  private  spreads  the  report75  about  his  companion 
that  someone  has  had  (unnatural)  intercourse  with  him,76  or 
in  a  brawl  in  the  presence  of  men77  says  to  him:  'Someone  has 
had  (unnatural)  intercourse  with  thee  and  I  caught  thee  (in  the 
act)/  whereas  there  was  no  possibility  of  this  and  that  man  did 
not  catch  him  (in  the  act),  he  receives  50  lashes,  and  must  per- 
form one  month's  royal  service.  They  summon  him,  and  he 
must  hand  over  one  talent  of  lead. 

19 

If  a  man  has  (unnatural)  intercourse  with  his  companion,78 
they  seize  him  and  determine  his  guilt.  If  he  actually  had  inter- 
course with  him,  then  he  is  castrated.79 

20 

If  a  man  strikes  a  man's  daughter,  so  that  there  is  a  miscarriage,80 
they  seize  him  and  determine  his  guilt.  Two  talents  and  30 

78  i-ga-di-mu-us  (also  col.  2,  92),  literally  'they  bring  him  into  the  presence', 
i.  e.,  of  the  court. 

74  3600  shekels. 

75  a-ma-ta  is-kun. 

76  He  accuses  his  fellow  of  sodomy.     The  same  verb  (it-ti^ni-ku-u-us)  is 
used  as  in  the  case  of  rape  and  adultery. 

77  Erem  (mes),  literally  'soldiers',  but  frequently  used  for  men  in  'general'. 
The  contrast  is  here  as  in  §  17  between  a  private  and  a  public  statement. 

78  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  here  and  in  the  preceding  law  sodomy  is 
meant.     Through  omen  texts  we  learn  of  the  varieties  of  unnatural  inter- 
course that  were  known  to  Assyrians  and  practised  by  them.    See  the  examples 
of  such  practices  discussed  by  Meissner  Assyrische  Studien,  4  (MVAG,  Vol. 
12),  pp.  11-13.     Strangely  enough,  the  prognostication  in  one  case  is  favor- 
able, to  wit,  that  a  man  who  succeeds  at  sodomy  will  become  a  leader. 

79  a-na  sd-vi-se-en,  ti-tar-ru-us,  i.  e.,  'they  make  him  an  eunuch',   as  above 
§  14,  note  64. 

80  Literally  'she  drops  what  is  within  her'. 


An  Assyrian  Law  Code  21 

mana81  of  lead  he  must  hand  over;    he  receives  50  lashes  and 
must  perform  one  month's  royal  service. 

21 

If  some  man  who  is  neither  her  father,  brother  nor  son  seizes 
a  man's  wife  on  the  road,82  he  must  swear  an  oath  that  he  did 
not  know  that  she  was  a  man's  wife,  and  hand  over  2  talents  of 
lead  to  the  husband. 

(The  continuation  (Col.  3,  1-13)  is  mutilated.  It  set  forth 
variant  circumstances  attending  the  assault,  in  which  the  woman 
shares  the  guilt.  The  river  ordeal  is  provided — apparently  for 
both — though  they  are  not  fettered  (as  in  §  16).  From  the 
closing  lines  which  read:  'When  the  man  returns  from  the  river, 
he  is  given  the  same  punishment  by  the  husband  as  the  latter 
imposed  on  his  wife/  we  may  conclude  that  the  guilty  wife,  as  in 
other  instances  (e.  g.  above  §§3,  15,  etc.)  was  punished  by  her 
husband.  It  would  also  appear  that  surviving  a  river  ordeal  was 
not  regarded  as  complete  vindication,  but  only  proved  that  the 
man  merited  a  milder  punishment  than  death.  Similarly  in  §  23.) 

22 

If  a  man's  wife  takes  another,  man's  wife  into  her  house  for 
sexual  intercourse83  and  the  man  (i.  e.,  the  one  into  whose  house 
the  woman  was  taken)  knew  that  it  was  another  man's  wife  (and) 
had  intercourse  with  her  as  with  another  man's  wife,  and  in  the 


81  A  total  of  9000  shekels.  This  law  finds  a  complete  parallel  in  §  209  of 
the  Hammurabi  Code,  which  reads:  'If  a  man  strikes  a  man's  daughter  so 
that  she  has  a  miscarriage,  he  shall  pay  10  shekels  of  silver'.  In  the  case  of 
'a  woman  of  lower  rank,  the  fine  is  only  5  shekels  and  in  the  case  of  a  slave 
2  shekels.  If  the  woman  dies,  the  fine  is  30  shekels  in  the  case  of  a  woman 
of  lower  rank,  20  shekels  for  a  slave,  while  in  the  case  of  the  free  woman,  the 
lex  talionis  is  put  in  force  and  the  man's  daughter  is  put  to  death.  If  we 
assume  that  the  fine  in  lead  is  calculated  according  to  the  proportionate 
value  between  lead  and  silver,  then  5400  shekels  of  lead  =  10  shekels,  would 
give  us  a  proportion  of  1  to  540.  The  fine  however  may  have  been  con- 
siderably larger  in  Assyria. 

8?  The  assumption  is  that  any  one  who  takes  hold  of  a  woman  on  the  road 
and  who  is  not  closely  related  to  her  has  designs  upon  her. 

83  a-na  ni-a-ki. 


22  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr. 

manner  customary  between  a  man  and  his  wife,84  the  woman  is 
adjudged  a  'procuress'.85  But  if  no  intercourse  as  between  a 
man  and  his  wife  had  actually  taken  place,  then  neither  the 
adulterer  nor  the  procuress  have  done  anything.86  They  shall 
be  released.87  And  if  the  man's  wife88  did  not  know  (of  the  plot) 
and  she  entered  the  house  of  the  woman,  trusting  the  man's 
attitude  towards  her,89  who  had  intercourse  with  her  and  if  after 
leaving  the  house,  she  confesses90  to  having  had  intercourse,  that 
woman  -is  to  be  released — she  is  guiltless.91  The  adulterer  and 
the  procuress  are  put  to  death.  But  if  the  woman  does  not 
confess,  the  husband  may  impose  punishment  on  his  wife  as  he 
pleases;92  and  the  adulterer  and  the  procuress  are  put  to  death. 

23 
If  the  wife  of  a  man  in  the  face  of  her  husband93  and  of  her  free 


84  Note  again  the  redundancy  of  legal  phrases  (as  above  in  §13)  to  make  it 
certain  that  actual  adultery  had  taken  place,  which  in  the  full  legal  sense 
involves  a  knowledge  on  the  part  of  the  adulterer  that  he  was  acting  with 
another  man's  wife,  and  that  the  act  was  fully  consummated  in  the  normal 
manner.  Moreover,  one  of  the  main  points  in  this  law  is  to  ascertain  the 
guilt  of  the  'procuress'. 

86  mu-um-me-ri-tu — a  new  word,  the  meaning  of  which  is  certain  from  the 
context,  and  which  sheds  light  on  social  conditions  in  Assyria.     The  under- 
lying stem  appears  to  be  amdru  'surround',  the  mummeritu  being  the  woman 
who  'enmeshes',  i.  e.,  the  ensnarer.    Cf.  Prov.  7.  23. 

86 1.  e.,  the  man  is  not  adjudged  an  adulterer,  nor  is  the  woman  legally  a 
'procuress'  if  the  intercourse  has  not  actually  taken  place. 

87  The  mere  intent  does  not  constitute  a  misdemeanor  or  a  crime.     The 
point  of  view  in  this  law  is  consistently  directed  towards  the  wife  as  the 
husband's  property.     If  no  injury  to  the  property  has  been  done,  there  is  no 
case. 

88  Namely,  the  wife  who  was  brought  into  another  man's  house  did  not 
know  of  the  plot. 

89  ki-i  pi-i  kenu  ameli  a-na  eli-sd — an  interesting  phrase,  to  indicate  that 
she  had  no  cause  for  suspicion. 

80  tak-ti-bi,  'says,'  which  may  merely  indicate  that  she  reports  the  occur- 
rence to  her  husband. 

91  za-ku-at  (as  above  §  13)  literally — 'free'  of  blame  or  guilt. 

92  Again  punishment  meted  out  by  the  husband  and  according  to  his  pleas- 
ure, as  in  §§3  and  13. 

93  So  the  phrase  runs  (i-na  pa-ni  mu-ti-sa)  which  appears  to  mean — as  the 
Hebrew  liphne  is  often  used — in  spite  of  her  husband,  against  his  protest. 


An  Assyrian  Law  Code  23 

will94  is  carried  off,95  be  it  into  any  large  city96  or  into  a  suburb,97 
where  by  appointment98  she  enters  the  house  of  an  Assyrian,99 
and  without  the  mistress  of  the  house100  stays  (there),  [or  if  his 
wife  (7)]1  has  died,  (but)  the  master  of  the  house  did  not  know 
[that  it  was]2  another  man's  wife  who  [was  taken]3  into  his  house, 
(and)  [by  stealth  (?)]4  that  woman  was  taken,5  then  the  master 
of  the  house6  whose  wife  in  his  [face]  of  her  own  accord  [was 
carried  off],7  shall  take  his  wife.  The  wife  of  the  man  who  as  his 
wife  through  her  fault8  was  seized9 — her  ear  they  cut  off;  and  if 
her  husband  so  chooses,  he  (i.  e.,  the  adulterer)  must  give  3 
talents  and  30  mana  of  lead  as  her  purchase  price,10  or  if  he  (i.  e., 
the  aggrieved  husband)  chooses,  he  may  take  his  wife  away.11 

But  if  the  owner  of   the  house  knew  that  it  was  a  man's 
wife  who  was  taken  into  his  house  without  the  mistress  of  the 


94  ra-ma-an-ld  'willingly'. 

96tal-da-da-at=ta$dadat  from  sadddu  'drag'.  In  this  same  law  we  have 
(col.  3,  73)  tal-du-du-ti-ni, — to  be  supplied  also  in  line  54. 

96  dlu  am-me-e^im-ma  (see  Muss-Arnolt,  Assyrian  Dictionary,  p.  57b)  in 
contrast  to  dlu  fyur-bu-u-ti,  'suburb'. 

97  On  the  sign  used  for  city  in  this  combination,  see  Meissner,  Seltene 
Assyrische  Ideogramme,  No.  540.     It  is  clearly  dlu  with  the  plural  sign  to 
indicate  the  towns  adjoining  a  city;  literally,  therefore,  'near-by  towns'. 

98  a-sar  biti  ud-du-si-i-ni,  literally:    'the  place  of  a  house  fixed  for  her'  or 
by  her,  i.  e.,  at  an  appointed  house. 

99  bit  as-su-ra-ia.    See  §  43  (col.  6,  40-41),  where  also  an  Assyrian  man  or 
woman  is  specified. 

100  is-tu  belit  biti,  i.  e.,  the  mistress  of  the  house  is  not  there.   There  is  no 
suspicion  of  any  'procuress'  in  the  case. 

1  The  text  at  the  beginning  of  this  line  is  defective.     I  suspect  a  reading 
like  [lu-u  assati]-su  mit-ta-at  'or  that  his  wife  is  dead',  to  account  in  some 
other  way  for  the  woman  being  in  the  house  alone  with  a  strange  man.     The 
traces  as  given  by  Schroder  can  hardly  be  correct. 

2  Supply  ki-i  according  to  the  traces. 

3  Supply  [us-bu]-lu-u-ni. 

4  Traces  point  to  [ina  su-ur-fyi]-  it-ti  from  sartiku  'steal' . 

6  Read  ta-ta-a§-bat,  with  the  same  overhanging  la  as  in  the  two  examples 
above  given,  §  2,  note  21. 

6 1.  e.,  the  aggrieved  husband. 

7  Read  [tal-du]-du-u-ni  as  below  in  line  73.    See  above  note  95. 

8  il-ti-sd,  as  above,  §  8  note  39. 

9  u?-bu-tu-ni  here  in  the  sense  of  'being  caught'. 

10 1.  e.  12,600  shekels.  A  certain  ambiguity  arises  in  these  laws  because  of 
the  constant  change  of  subject  in  the  succeeding  verbs,  but  the  context  clearly 
shows  that  the  adulterer  may  purchase  the  man's  wife  whom  he  has  raped. 

11 1.  e.,  the  husband  takes  her  back. 


24  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr. 

house,12  he  must  pay  three  times  the  amount.13  And  if  he  denies 
it  and  says  that  he  did  not  know,  they  take  him  to  the  river;14 
and  if  the  man  in  whose  house  the  man's  wife  was  seized  returns 
from  the  river,15  he  must  pay  three  times  the  amount.  If  the 
man  whose  wife  in  his  face  was  carried  off  of  her  own  accord, 
returns  from  the  river,16  he  is  free17 — the  river  (sc.  ordeal)  settles 
all  for  her.18  And  if  the  man  does  not  cut  off  the  ear19  of  his  wife 
who  in  his  face,  of  her  own  accord,  had  been  carried  off,  he  takes 
his  wife  back  and  imposes  nothing  further  upon  her. 

24 

If  a  woman  is  retained  in  her  father's  house20  and  her  husband 
has  died,  the  brothers  of  her  husband  may  not  divide21  (the 
estate)  even  though  she  has  no  son.  Whatever  her  husband 
has  voluntarily22  assigned  to  her,  the  brothers  of  her  husband 
cannot  annul23;  it  is  not  to  be  included  in  the  division.  As  for 


12  Clearly,  the  wife  of  the  man  into  whose  house  the  woman  was  taken  is 
meant  and  who  (according  to  line  48  above)  had  nothing  to  do  with  the 
crime.  Instead  of  the  sign  for  woman  (Dam)  I  read  Nm  =  belit,  as  in  line  48, 
and  supply  biti  at  the  end  of  the  line.  A  confusion  between  Dam  and  Nin 
is  easily  possible.  The  original  probably  has  Nin. 

13 1.  e.,  of  the  purchase  price  as  above  given  or  37,800  shekels  in  lead. 

"  To  submit  to  an  ordeal  as  above,  §  15. 

16 1.  e.,  survives  the  ordeal,  by  not  being  drowned,  which  survival  appar- 
ently saved  him  only  from  the  death  penalty. 

16  He  also  must  submit  to  an  ordeal,  because  of  the  denial  of  the  charge 
that  he  has  brought  against  his  wife  and  her  seducer. 

17  za-a-ku. 

18  gi-im-ri-sd,  literally,  'all  of  her',  i.  e.,  the  ordeal  on  the  part  of  the  two 
men  decides  her  fate. 

19  Which  he  has  a  right  to  do,  as  above  (col.  3,  57)  set  forth.      Schroeder's 
text  by  a  slip  has  assat-su  'his  wife'   (accidentally  repeated  because  of  its 
occurrence  in  the  next  line)  instead  of  uz-ni-sd  'her  ear'. 

20  A  standing  phrase  to  indicate  that  she  is  being  supported  by  her  father 
and  does  not  live  with  her  husband.    The  Hammurabi  Code,  §  142,  likewise 
implies  that  the  woman  separated  from  her  husband  goes  to  her  father's 
house. 

21 1.  e.,  the  whole  of  the  estate  among  themselves. 

22  du-ma-a-ki,  a  word  occurring  here  for  the  first  time,  so  far  as  I  can  see, 
and  which  is  found  again,  Col.  3,  97  (§  25)  and  5,  22  (§  37).     The  context 
makes  it  clear  that  it  designates  what  her  husband  has  of  his  own  accord 
given  to  his  wife  during  the  time  that  she  lived  with  him.     I  take  the  word 
from  the  stem  damaku,  'to  be  gracious'. 

23  fyal-1pu-4i~ni,  literally  'destroy'. 


An  Assyrian  Law  Code  25 

the  balance  of  what  the  gods  have  provided24  they  are  entitled 
to  it.25    They  need  not  submit  to  a  river  ordeal  or*  to  an  oath.26 

25 

If  a  woman  is  retained  in  her  father's  house  and  her  husband 
dies,  whatever  her  husband  has  voluntarily  assigned  to  her,  if 
there  are  children,  they  may  take  it,27  but  if  there  are  no  children, 
she  takes  it. 

26 

If  a  woman  is  retained  in  her  father's  house,  her  husband  may 
enter  it  (and)  any  marriage  gift28  which  her  husband  had  given 


*4A  curious  phrase,  the  meaning  of  which  must  be  deduced  from  the 
context.  It  seems  to  be  the  equivalent  of  our  'what  Providence  has 
granted',  though  it  may  also  have  a  more  technical  import. 

26  ba-ar-ru  i-lefy-ki-u.  Literally:  'they  take  as  seized.'  The  phrase  would 
seem  to  indicate  that  the  brothers  of  the  deceased  lay  then*  hands  on  any- 
thing which  was  not  explicitly  given  by  the  husband  to  his  wife. 

26  The  brothers  need  not  submit  to  an  ordeal  nor  swear  an  oath  that  they 
have  not  taken  anything  which  belongs  to  the  wife.  They  may  settle  the 
estate  without  further  formalities,  as  handing  in  a  sworn  account  and  the 
like. 

27 1.  e.,  a  woman  separated  from  her  husband  has  no  claim  to  the  estate  of 
her  husband,  if  there  are  children.  The  widow  is  obliged  to  give  up  any- 
thing that  he  may  of  his  own  free  will  have  given  her  during  his  lifetime. 
This  is  consistent  with  the  law  of  divorce,  as  set  forth  in  §  36.  According  to 
the  Hammurabi  Code  (§  150),  the  children  have  no  claim  after  the  death  of 
their  father  on  anything  devised  by  him,  by  a  duly  sealed  document,  to  his 
wife. 

28  man-ma  nu-du-wn-na-a  used,  as  in  the  Hammurabi  Code,  §§  171-172, 
to  designate  the  present  which  the  husband  gives  to  his  wife  at  the  time  of 
marriage,  whereas  the  bride's  dowry  which  her  father  gives  her  is  called 
Seriktu  which  to  be  sure  likewise  means  'a  present'.  Occasionally  (so  e.  g. 
Ranke  Babylonian  Legal  and  Business  Documents  from  the  Time  of  the  First 
Dynasty  of  Babylon,  Nos.  84,  33  and  101,  13)  wudunnu  is  used  for  the  'dowry', 
and  this  usage  is  met  again  in  Talmudic  literature  in  the  corresponding  nedunya 
(see  Marcus  Jastrow,  Talm.  Dictionary,  p.  878a) — applied  to  the  wife's  dowry 
from  her  father.  The  term  is  no  doubt  borrowed  from  Babylonian  phrase- 
ology. As  a  survival  of  marriage  by  purchase,  we  have  a  third  term  tirfyatu 
which,  originally  given  to  the  father  or  to  the  widowed  mother,  is  afterwards 
'tied'  to  the  wife's  'girdle',  as  the  phrase  runs  (see  Schorr,  Altbabylonische 
Rechtsurkunden,  p.  293,  and  the  references  there  given),  and  settled  upon  her 
by  the  father  or  husband.  The  purchase  price  appears  to  have  become  a 
mere  formality  in  the  course  of  time,  as  we  may  conclude  from  the  sum  of 
one  shekel  being  named  in  a  document  as  the  tirfyatu  (Schorr,  i6.,  No,  36), 


26  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr. 

her,  he  may  take,  but  he  has  no  claim  on  the  house  of  her  father.29 

• 

27 

If  a  woman  enters  a  man's  house30  as  a  widow31  and  removes32 
her  minor33  son  of  her  own  accord34  from  the  house  of  her  brother 
who  brought  him  up,  but  no  document  of  his  adoption  had  been 
drawn  up,  he  does  not  receive  any  share  from  the  estate35  of  the 
one  who  reared  him86;  nor  can  one  take  him  as  a  pledge37  (for 
debt).  From  the  estate38  of  his  parents  he  receives  the  share 
due  to  him.39 


though  in  other  instances  the  amount  given  (19  shekels,  Schorr  No.  1,  and 
4  shekels,  ib.,  No.  3)  indicates  the  gradual  shading  over  of  the  'purchase  price' 
to  a  money  dowry  for  the  wife.  By  special  agreement,  according  to  Babylon- 
ian usage  (Schorr,  ib.,  No.  1),  the  tirfyatu  may  revert  to  the  wife  in  case  of 
divorce.  We  thus  have  four  terms  that  must  be  distinguished  from  one 
another  (1)  nudunnu,  the  obligatory  gift  of  the  husband  at  the  time  of  mar- 
riage. (2)  dumaku,  'act  of  grace'  or  any  voluntary  gift  given  by  the  husband 
after  marriage,  (3)  seriktu,  the  gift  of  father  to  bride,  and  (4)  tir^atu,  originally 
purchase  price  and  then  the  marriage  settlement  on  the  wife. 

29  The  phrase  used  is  a-na  sd  bit  a-bi-sd  la-a  i-fya-ar-ri-db,  i.  e.,  'he  is  not  to 
draw  near  to  anything  which  is  of  the  house  of  her  father,'  by  which  is  clearly 
meant  that  he  has  no  claim  on  his  father-in-law's  property,  merely  because 
his  wife  has  chosen  to  live  there. 

30 1.  e.,  remarries. 

31  (al-)ma-at-tu  (  =  almantu)  like  Col.  4,  71.     Cf.  the  corresponding  Hebrew 
term  'ctbn&nfih. 

32  na-§a-a-at,  more  literally  'plucks  away'. 

33  Read  sd  ur-da,  from  ridu  'lead',  i.  e.,  one  whom  one  leads,  to  designate  a 
small  child.     Riddu,  from  this  stem  is  one  of  the  terms  for  'offspring'  (Muss- 
Arnolt,  Assyrian  Dictionary,  p.  956b.). 

34  il-ti-ld,  as  above  §§8  and  23. 

35  bitu,  'house',  in  the  sense  of  'estate',  as  in  the  preceding  paragraph. 
26 1.  e.,  from  the  boy's  uncle. 

37  fyu-bu-ul-li  is  the  common  word  for  'interest',  but  the  original  meaning 
of  the  underlying  stem  appears  to  be  'to  pledge',  as  in  Biblical  Hebrew.     The 
meaning  'interest'  would  therefore  be  a  derived  one,  pointing  to  the  view 
originally  taken  of  'interest'  as  a  'pledge'  for  the  return  of  the  debt  in  full. 
In  fact,  what  became  interest  on  a  debt  may  originally  have  been  partial 
payment  in  lieu  of  the  whole,  so  that  each  payment  actually  diminished  the 
amount  of  the  debt.     The  intent  of  the  paragraph  is  to  provide  that  the 
boy  is  not  to  be  held  as  a  pledge  for  the  debt  of  his  uncle,  since  he  was  not 
legally  adopted  and  therefore  does  not  belong  to  him.     It  is  clear  from  this 
restriction,  that  adopted  as  well  as  natural  sons  could  be  pledged  for  debt, 
as  well  as  wives  and  daughters. 

38  Again  bitu,  'house'. 

"  fci-i  ba-ti-Su  'according  to  his  share'.    See  Text  No.  2,  §  1. 


An  Assyrian  Law  Code  27 

28 

If  a  woman  enters  her  husband's  house,40  her  dowry41  and 
whatever  she  removes  from  .her  father's  house  or  what  her  father- 
in-law  upon  her  entering  gave  her,  is  free42  for  her  children.  The 
children  of  her  father-in-law  may  not  touch  it,43  and  if  her  husband 
repudiates  her,44  then  he  may  give  it  to  his  children,  according  to 
his  pleasure. 

29 

If  a  father  brings  to  the,  house  of  the  father-in-law  of  his  son45 
a  gift  of  anything  that  may  be  carried,46  the  daughter  is  not  thereby 
pledged47  to  his  son;  and  if  there  is  another  son  whose  wife  is 
retained  in  the  house  of  her  father,48  and  (the  son)  dies,  then  the 
wife  of  the  dead  son  is  handed  over  as  a  possession49  to  his  other 
son.50 

(Or)  if  the  master  of  the  daughter,51  whose  daughter  has  received 

40 1.  e.,  marries  him  and  lives  in  his  house. 

41  si-ir-ki-sd,  for  which  see  above  to  §  25,  note  28. 

42  za-a-ku — here  used  in  the  sense  that  the  mother  has  the  sole  right  to  will 
such  possessions  to  her  children.     So  also  in  the  Hammurabi  Code,  §  150, 
which  specifies  that  the  mother  may  will  it  to  any  child,  but  not  to  any  brother 
of  hers.     It  must  remain  in  her  husband's  family.     Presumably,  the  same 
liberty  was  granted  the  wife  in  Assyria,  though  the  code  does  not  specify 
this. 

43  la-a  i-kar-ri-bu  as  above  §  26,  etc.    Her  brothers-in-law  have  no  claim 
upon  what  her  father-in-law  has  given  to  her. 

44  i-bu-ak-si  from  abdku  'overthrow',  here  in  the  sense  of  'cast  aside'.     In 
case  of  divorce,  therefore,  the  dowry  and  all  gifts  are  retained  by  the  husband, 
though  in  trust,  as  would  appear,  for  his  children  among  whom  he  may  dis- 
tribute such  property  in  any  way  that  he  likes. 

46 1.  e.,  a  betrothal  gift  for  the  prospective  daughter-in-law. 

48  The  phrase  is  intended  legally  to  define  what  constitutes  movable  property. 
47  ta-ad-na-at  from  tadanu.     The  gift  of  the  father-in-law,  though  a  part  of 

the  formal  betrothal  rites,  still  customary  in  the  modern  Orient  (see  notes 
60  and  61,  to  §  41  below),  yet  does  not  pledge  the  prospective  father-in-law 
to  give  his  son  to  the  girl  if  certain  circumstances  should  arise;  nor  is  the 
father  of  the  girl  absolutely  pledged  by  such  a  gift  to  give  his  daughter  to 
the  young  man.  The  case  is  different  (§  30,)  if  the  young  man  makes  a  be- 
trothal gift  to  his  prospective  wife. 

48 1.  e.,  the  wife  is  separated  from  her  husband  and  lives  with  her  father. 

49  a-na  a-fyu-zi-ti,  i.  e.,  for  marriage. 

60 1.  e.,  the  son,  despite  the  betrothal  gift,  must  marry  his  deceased  brother's 
widow. 

51  bel  marti — here  intended  clearly  as  a  synonym  for  abu  'father'.  He  is 
the  bel  biti  'master  of  the  house',  as  he  is  elsewhere  designated. 


28  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr. 

the  gift  is  not  willing  that  his  daughter  should  be  pledged  by 
it,52  he,  (i.  e.,  the  father  of  the  young  man),  is  free  to  take  away 
the  gift  which  had  been  brought  to  his  daughter-in-law,53  (and) 
to  give  it  to  his  son.  And  if  he  chooses,  whatever  has  been  given— *• 
in  lead,  silver,  gold,  or  anything  except  food,  the  capital  thereof 
he  may  take  back.54  As  for  food — he  has  no  claim  upon  it.55 

30 

If  a  man  sends  a  gift56  to  the  house  of  his  father-in-law67  and 
his  wife  dies,  and  if  his  father-in-law  has  other  (daughters)  and 
the  father-in-law  is  willing,  he  may  marry58  another  daughter 
in  place  of  his  dead  wife,  or  he  is  free  to  take  back  whatever 
money59  may  have  been  given  (sc.  to  the  wife).  Grain  or  sheep 


"I.  e.,  he  does  not  wish  his  daughter  to  be  regarded  as  pledged  by  the 
gift  and  desires  to  be  free  to  break  the  betrothal,  which  is  entirely  a  matter 
between  the  parents  of  the  prospective  pair. 

63kal-la-a-su=kallatsu.  Kallatu  is  the  ordinary  term  for  bride  (as  in 
Hebrew)  and  then  for  daughter-in-law,  as  the  bride  of  a  man's  son.  To  her 
own  father,  the  bride  remains  the  'daughter',  as  her  father  continues  to  be 
the  bel  marti.  The  underlying  stem  of  kallatu  designates  the  wife  as  the 
one  'shut  in'.  Similarly  the  Sumerian  term  E-ge-a,  is  'the  one  shut  in  in  the 
house'.  She  is  'kept'  (as  the  term  runs  throughout  the  Assyrian  Code)  either 
in  the  house  of  her  husband,  or,  if  separated  from  her  husband,  in  the  house 
of  her  father. 

64 1.  e.,  the  father-in-law  has  a  claim  on  the  capital  of  any  gift  that  he  may 
have  sent,  if  the  girl's  father  does  not  wish  his  daughter  to  be  pledged  by  the 
betrothal  gift.  He  is  not  entitled,  however,  to  interest  on  anything  which 
(like  food)  may  be  used. 

66  Any  food  sent  by  a  man  to  his  prospective  daughter-in-law  was  intended 
to  be  eaten.  It  is  therefore  put  on  a  par  with  interest  on  which  the  father- 
in-law  has  no  claim. 

66  zu-bu-ul-la-a,  which,  as  a  betrothal  gift  of  the  prospective  husband, 
constitutes  a  definite  pledge  to  marry  the  girl,  in  contrast  to  the  gift  of  the 
father  of  the  young  man  which  is  not  an  irrevocable  pledge. 

67 1.  e.,  for  his  prospective  wife  living  in  her  father's  house. 

*>*  ih-fya-az,  'takes',  i.  e.,  he  marries  the  deceased  wife's  sister.  By  the 
betrothal  gift  of  the  prospective  husband  to  a  girl,  the  latter  is  viewed  before 
the  law  as  a  wife,  even  though  she  dies  before  marriage  had  actually  taken 
place. 

69  Ku-babbar>  'silver',  here  used  as  in  the  Hammurabi  Code,  or  'money'. 
The  use  of  the  term  is  purely  conventional,  just  as  the  Latin  'pecunia'  became 
a  general  term  for  'money',  without  reference  to  its  original  meaning  as 
possessions  in  cattle. 


An  Assyrian  Law  Code  29 

or  any  kind  of  food  is  not  given  back  to  him60;   (only)  money  he 
receives  back.61 

31 

If  a  woman  is  retained  in  the  house  of  her  father,  her  gift62 
which  was  given  to  her,  whether  she  takes  it  [to  the  house]63  of 
her  father-in-law  or  does  not  take  it,  cannot64  serve  as  an  asset65 
[after  the  death  (?)]66  of  her  husband. 

32 

(Very  fragmentary,  with  the  exception  of  the  closing  lines. 
The  paragraph  likewise  deals  with  the  status  of  the  woman  living 
in  the  house  of  her  father,  whose  husband  has  died67  and  who 
has  no  children.  Apparently,  if  there  are  no  other  brothers,  she 
is  given  to  her  father-in-law  as  a  possession.68  The  closing  lines 
read:  'If  her  (husband)69  and  her  father-in-law  have  died  and 
she  has  no  son,  she  has  the  status  of  a  widow70  and  may  go 
wherever  she  pleases'.) 

33 

If  a  man  marries71  a  widow,  without  drawing  up  a  formal 


60 1.  e.,  actual  food  sent  to  be  consumed  is  not  to  be  returned  if  the  pros- 
pective son-in-law  does  not  wish  to  marry  a  sister  of  his  deceased  bride. 
He  is  pledged  by  any  betrothal  gift  to  marry  the  girl,  but  not  one  of  her 
sisters. 

61 1.  e.,  only  cash  gifts  are  to  be  given  back. 

62  a-na  nu-du-nu-sd.    So  the  traces  at  the  beginning  of  the  badly  preserved 
line.    On  nudunnft,  the  marriage  gift  of  her  husband,  see  above,  §  25  note  29. 

63  So  evidently  to  be  supplied  in  the  gap. 

64  Read  [la-a  na-]as-i$i. 

66  fyu-bu-ul-li  as  above,  §  27, — as  a  pledge  for  debt.  A  creditor  of  her  hus- 
band has  no  claim  on  it. 

66  According  to  the  traces  [ar-ki-ti  mi]-i-ta. 

67  Read  [u  mu-ut-sa  me]-it  mare  [la-a  i-ba]-as-si.     That  there  are  no  chil- 
dren follows  also  from  the  closing  lines. 

68  a-na  e-mi-sd  a-na  a[hu-zi]-ti  i-id-dan-si — as  in  note  49.   I.  e.,  the  father-in- 
law  must  marry  her,  which  reminds  us  of  the  Judah-Tamar  episode  in  Gene- 
sis, 38. 

69  Read  [mu-ut-]la. 

70  al-ma-at-[tu]  si-i-it,  i.  e.,  her  legal  status  is  that  of  a  widow,  and  the  law 
regarding  widows  takes  its  course.     The  bond  with  the  family  into  which 
the  girl  has  married  is  dissolved  if,  at  the  time  when  her  husband  died,  there 
are  no  brothers,  and  the  father-in-law  is  no  longer  living. 

71  Literally,  'takes'. 


30  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr. 

contract  and  for  two  years  she  is  retained  in  his  house,  that  woman 
need  not  leave  (sc.  the  house).72 

34 

If  a  widow  enters  the  house  of  a  man,  whatever  she  brings 
along73  belongs  to  her  husband,  but  if  the  man  goes  to  the  widow,74 
whatever  he  may  have  brought,75  all  of  it  belongs  to  her. 

35 

If  a  woman  is  retained  in  her  father's  house,  albeit  that  her 
husband  had  placed  a  house  at  her  disposal  for  shelter,76  but 
her  husband  has  gone  to  the  field77  without  leaving  her  oil,  wool 
or  clothing  or  any  produce  or  food  or  anything,  and  does  not 
bring  her  any  produce  from  the  field,  that  woman  for  five  years 
must  be  faithful  to  her  husband,78  and  not  go  to  live  with  any 
(other)  man;  whether  there  be  children,  who  are  hostile79  (to 
her)  and  have  withdrawn  themselves  (?),80  that  woman  must  be 
faithful  to  her  husband,  (and)  not  go  to  live  with  any  (other  man) ; 
or  whether  there  be  no  children,  she  for  five  years  must  be  faithful 
to  her  husband,  but  on  the  approach81  of  the  sixth  year  she  may 


72 1.  e.,  Living  with  a  man  for  two  years  constitutes  what  we  would  call  a 
common-law  marriage.  According  to  the  Hammurabi  Code,  §  128,  the 
formal  contract  is  essential  to  constitute  a  woman  as  a  legal  wife,  but  perhaps 
this  was  not  meant  to  apply  to  marriage  with  widows. 

78  na-?a-tu-u-ni,  i.  e.,  transfers  from  her  home  to  the  man's  house. 

74 1.  e.,  goes  to  live  with  the  widow. 

76  na-a?-?u-w-ni.  The  assumption  in  both  instances  is  that  there  is  no 
formal  marriage  by  means  of  a  contract.  The  widow  is  a  free  agent  and 
can  live  with  a  man  without  becoming  his  possession  by  virtue  of  a  contract. 
She  can  dispose  of  her  property  if  she  takes  the  man  into  her  house  and  has 
a  claim  on  what  he  brings,  but  if  she  goes  to  live  with  the  man  in  his  house, 
she  forfeits  the  claim  to  what  she  had  before  taking  this  step, 

76  a-na  ba-at-ti,  from  the  verbal  stem  batu,  'to  shelter',  from  which  we  get 
bltu  'house'.  The  case  is  that  of  a  woman  who  is  separated  from  husband 
because  of  non-support. 

77 1.  e.,  has  gone  away. 

78  pa-ni  mu-ti-sd  ta-da-gal,  'the  face  of  her  husband  she  is  to  look  up  to' — 
a  phrase  indicating  that  she  must  be  faithful  to  her  husband.     See  Muss- 
Arnolt,  Assyrian  Dictionary,  p.  240a. 

79  in-wa-ku-u-ru  from  nakaru,  'to  be  hostile'. 

80  e-ik-ku-lu  from  kalu  'hold  back',  i.  e.,  do  not  support  her. 

81  i-na  ka-ba-a-si,  'at  the  threshold,'  from  kabasu,  'to  tread'. 


An  Assyrian  Law  Code  31 

go  to  live  with  the  husband  of  her  choice.82  Since  her  husband 
upon  going  away  has  never  come  near  her,  she  is  free83  to  take 
another  husband. 

(Or)  if  he  delays  for  a  term  of  five  years  of  his  own  accord 
without  coming  near  her,  or  a  distaste  (?)84  for  the  city  has  seized 
him  and  he  has  fled,  or  he  is  taken  as  a  rebel85  and  detained,86 
(or)  on  his  going  away  a  woman  takes  hold  of  him  who  gives 
herself  (to  him)  as  his  wife,  and  he  takes  her  as  his  wife;87  (or) 
if  the  king  sends  him88  to  another  country  and  he  delays  for  a 
period  of  five  years  and  his  wife  has  remained  faithful  to  him, 
and  has  not  lived  with  any  (other)  man89.  But  if  within90  the 
five  years  she  goes  to  live  with  (another)  man,  and  bears  (him) 
children,  to  her  absent  husband  has  not  been  faithful  according 
to  the  contract,91  then  she  must  take  him92  back  and  as  for  her 
children,  he  (i.  e.,  the  second  husband)  takes  them.93 

82  Literally,  'of  her  heart',  i.  e.,  she  may  take  another  husband. 

83  za-ku-at,  i.  e.,  free  to  decide.    It  is  a  clear  case  of  desertion. 

84  ka  a-li,  'distaste  of  the  city',  corresponding  to  the  phrase  ali-sti  i-zi-ru-ma 
in-na-bi-tu,  'he  hated  his  city  and  fled'  in  §  136  of  the  Hammurabi  Code  which 
forms  a  parallel  to  this  section  of  our  law.     Note  that  as  in  our  text,  so  the 
Hammurabi  Code  adds  'and  fled'.     By  the  side  of  dlisu  izir,  it  has  also  the 
synonymous  phrase  'he  deserts  (id-di)  his  city  and  flees'.     For  the  under- 
lying stem  of  ka  ('to  spit  out'  and  then  'despise')  see  Muss-Arnolt,  Assyrian 
Dictionary  90  Ib.     Perhaps  one  a  has  dropped  out,  so  that  we  should  read, 


85  Read  sa-ar-[ri], 

86  Read  i4-ta-a 

87  1.  e.,  he  comes  across  some  woman  and  he  marries  her.     We  must  supply 
that  in  that  case  his  wife  is  likewise  free  to  take  another  husband,  since  it  is 
a  clear  case  of  desertion. 

88  il-ta-par-§u  from  saparu. 

89  Supply  that  in  that  case  she  is  also  free  to  marry,  on  the  assumption 
that  her  husband  is  dead. 

90i-na  pa-ni. 

91  as-sum  ri-ik-sat  literally  'because  of  the  contract',  i.  e.,  in  view  of  the 
contract.     The  marriage  contract  is  meant  which  probably  stipulated  that 
the  wife  must  remain  faithful,  etc. 

92  a-na  Itf-a-sd,  meaning  the  first  husband. 

93  While  there  is  a  certain  ambiguity  in  the  text  owing  to  the  frequent  shift- 
ing of  the  subject  of  the  verb,  the  context  as  well  as  the  comparison  with  the 
Hammurabi  Code  points  to  the  children  of  the  second  marriage  remaining 
as  the  second  husband's  property.     Desertion  is  treated  in  the  Hammurabi 
Code  in  §§  133-136,  all  dealing  with  the  case  of  the  husband  being  captured. 
According  to  the  first  three  paragraphs,  if  the  husband  has  left  maintenance 
in  the  house,  the  wife  has  no  right  to  go  to  another  man,  and  if  she  does, 


32  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr. 

36 

If  a  man  divorces94  his  wife,  if  he  chooses  he  may  give  her  some- 
thing, and  if  he  does  not  choose,  he  need  not  give  her  anything 
and  she  goes  away  empty-handed.95 

37 

If  a  woman  is  kept  (in  the  house  of)  her  father  and  her  husband 
divorces  her,  any  voluntary  gift96  that  he  has  bestowed  upon  her, 
he  may  take,  but  on  her  marriage  settlement97  which  she  brought 
with  her  he  has  no  claim98;  it  is  free99  for  the  woman. 

38 
If  a  man  has  given  another  man's  daughter100  to  a  husband,1 


she  is  drowned  ('thrown  into  the  water' — not  a  river  ordeal,  but  actually 
drowned).  If  the  husband  has  not  left  maintenance  for  his  wife,  then  the 
latter  if  she  goes  to  another  man  and  bears  him  children  must — as  in  our 
Code — go  back  to  the  first  husband  upon  his  return.  The  children  from  the 
marriage  with  the  second  husband  belong  to  the  second  husband.  The 
woman,  however,  receives  no  further  punishment,  since  the  first  husband 
left  no  maintenance  for  her.  If,  however,  (§  136)  the  husband  deliberately 
deserts  his  wife  who  thereupon  marries  another,  the  husband  on  his  return 
cannot  take  his  wife,  because,  as  the  text  adds,  'he  took  a  distaste  for  his 
city  and  fled'.  There  is  no  specification  of  any  time  limit  in  the  Hammurabi 
Code. 

94  e-iz-zi-ib,  from  ezebu,  'forsake' — likewise  in  the  Hammurabi  Code    the 
term  for  divorce  §§  137-141  and  148. 

95  ra-ku-ti-e-sd. 

96  du-ma-lfi,  as  above,  §§  24-25. 

97  li-ir-fya-ti.     See  note  28  to   §  26.     Our  passage  is  conclusive  evidence 
that  by  the  time  of  the  Code  the  'purchase  price'  for  the  wife  had  become 
the  marriage  settlement,  devised  for  her  by  her  father. 

98  la-a  i-kar-ri-ib  as  in  §§  26,  28,  etc. 

*9  za-a-ku,  i.  e.,  entirely  at  the  disposal  of  the  woman  and  free  of  any  claim 
to  be  made  upon  it. 

100  Literally,  'one  who  is  not  his  daughter'.  The  case  is  that  of  a  girl  held 
for  a  debt  contracted  by  her  father  and  who  has  been  handed  over  by  him  to 
a  third  party  as  a  wife.  According  to  §  47,  this  cannot  be  done  without  the 
consent  of  the  father  if  he  is  living,  and  if  the  father  be  dead,  the  opportunity 
must  be  given  to  one  of  her  brothers  to  redeem  her,  before  the  creditor  can 
give  a  pledged  girl  to  a  man.  Our  law  assumes  that  whatever  formalities 
are  necessary  have  been  fulfilled,  and  takes  up  the  question  what  the  husband 
must  do  upon  receiving  the  girl  from  her  father's  creditors. 

1  a-na  mu-ti,  used  for  'husband'  throughout  this  Code. 


An  Assyrian  Law  Code  33 

her  father  having  been  at  some  previous  time2  a  debtor3  for  a 
transaction,4  at  the  settlement5  of  a  former  business  partner- 
ship,6 he  (i.  e.,  the  husband)  must  go  (and)  pay  against  the  pledg- 
ing7 of  the  girl  the  price8  of  the  girl.  If  he  cannot  give  the 
pledge,9  then  the  man10  takes11  the  one  pledged.12 

But  if  she  is  living  in  misery,13  she,  is  free14  to  any  who  rescues 
her15;   and  if  the  one  who  takes  the  girl16,  be  it  that  a  document 


*  sum-ma  pa-ni-ma,  'if  formerly',  detailing  how  the  girl  came  to  be  held, 
because  at  some  period  in  the  past  her  father  had  contracted  a  debt  which 
he  could  not  pay. 

3  fyab-bu-ul — (occurring  again  §  47)  'the  pledger',  clearly  the  term  for  the 
debtor — as  against  bel  hubulli,  'the  owner  of  the  pledge',  i.  e.,  the  creditor. 

4  ki-i  §a-par-ti,  occurring  again  §  43  and  Text  No.  6,  obv.  8  and  14.     In  the 
latter  two  passages  sapartu  is  used  in  contrast  to  kaspu,  'money'  or  cash, 
from  which  we  may  conclude  that  sapartu,  literally  'a  shipment',  from  sapdru, 
'to  send',  designates  a  business  transaction  in  products  or  property  as  against 
a  money  loan  or  other  cash  transaction. 

5  §e-su-bat,  st.  constr.  of  se&ubtu  from  asabu,  'to  dwell,  settle",  etc.,  is  the 
exact  equivalent  to  our  'settlement'. 

8  um-mi-a-nu  pa-wi-u.  On  ummianu  (also  Text  No.  6,  rev.  21  and  25)  as 
a  business  partnership,  see  the  passages  in  Schorr,  Altbabylonische  Rechts- 
urkunden,  Index  s.  v.  p.  557. 

7  ina  eli  ta-di-na-a-ni — the  latter  a  substantive  formation  in  anu  like  naikanu, 
'adulterer'  (above  §  22),  amiranu,  'eyewitness'  (Text No.  1,  §46)  smdafyizdnu, 
'the  taker'  in  our  law,  (see  note  16),  from  taddnu,  to  give  as  security  and  the 
like.     Tadinanu  is,  therefore,  the  object  or  person  pledged. 

8  §lmu,  'price,'  i.  e.,  the  market  value  of  the  girl.     The  husband,  who  thus 
receives  a  girl  as  his  wife,  must  pay  her  value  to  the  one  from  whom  he  takes 
her  and  who  had  held  her  as  a  pledge  or  security  for  a  debt  remaining  at  the 
time  of  a  dissolution  of  a  business  partnership. 

9  a-na  ta-da-a-ni  la-as-su,  more  literally:    'it  is  not  to  him  to  pledge,'  i.  e., 
he  has  not  the  wherewithal  to  take  over  the  pledge,  i.  e.,  the  girl. 

18 1.  e.,  the  one  mentioned  at  the  beginning  who  held  the  girl  as  a  pledge 
for  her  father's  debt.  Presumably  the  father  is  dead  (see'  §  47),  and  there 
was  no  brother  to  redeem  the  girl  or  none  willing  to  do  so. 

11 1.  e.,  he  retains  the  girl  or  takes  her  back  from  the  husband. 

11  ta-di-na-na  as  above,  note  7,  i.  e.,  the  girl  as  the  one  pledged. 

I3i-na  lum-ni,  a  very  general  phrase  to  indicate  bad  treatment  on  the 
part  of  the  one  who  held  her  for  debt,  though  possibly  the  husband  who 
obtains  her  by  paying  her  market  value  is  meant. 

14  Read  [za]-ku-at,  i.  e.,  she  may  be  rescued  by  anyone. 

16  mu-bal-li-ta^ni'M,  literally,  'who  restores  her  to  life',  an  interesting 
expression  for  the  rescuer. 

16  Read  a-bi-za-a-[nu  §d]-a  Sal,  'the  taker  of  the  girl.'  See  on  the  formation 
above,  note  7. 

3    JAOS  41 


34  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr. 

is  drawn  up  for  him17  or  that  a  claim  is  put  in  for  him,18  settles19 
for  the  price  of  the  girl,  the  one  pledged20  [is  taken  away  (?)]. 

39 

The  first  15  to  20  lines  of  this  law,  which  deals  with  the  manner 
in  which  women  of  various  grades  and  classes  should  appear  on 
the  street,  are  badly  preserved.  So  much,  however,  is  clear  that 
the  law  begins  by  setting  forth  that  married  women  and  unmarried 
daughters  'when  they  go  out  in  the  highway'21  are  to  appear 
with  their  heads  [covered].22  The  same  applies  to  a  third  class  of 
women — perhaps  "concubines'  (§ugetim),  who  are  mentioned  in 
the  Hammurabi  Code  §§  137,  144-145  and  183-184  by  the  side 
of  the  chief  wife.  There  is  a  further  specification  in  regard  to 
daughters  who  should  be  veiled,23  — perhaps  those  betrothed — 
whether  in  street  dress24  or  in  [house  (?)]  garments.25 

17  ul-ta  ru-ti-su  =  ustaru-sti. 

18  Read  ru-gu-[wn-ma]-a  ir-ti-si-ii-[ni-e-es-sfu]   (cf.   §  53,  Col.  8,   14)   'they 
grant  a  claim  for  him'. 

19  Read  u-sal-lim,  'he  makes  good',  as  against  i-sal-lim,  'he  pays'. 

20  One  would  have  expected  ta-di-na-a-na  [i-lek-Jfi] — i.  e.,  'he  (the  rescuer) 
takes',  but  the  reading  is  ta-di-na-a-nu  in  the  nominative  case  which,  there- 
fore, demands  a  verb  in  the  passive  sense.     It  is  possible,  however,  that  nu 
is  a  slip  for  na.     In  any  case  the  meaning  is  perfectly  clear  that  the  rescued 
girl  goes  to  the  rescuer  upon  his  redeeming  her  by  paying  her  market  value. 

21  Read  sd  a-na  ri-be-ti  [ti-il-la-ku-ti-ni].     The  beginning  of  the  sign  ti  is 
visible.     Cf .  11.  57  and  59. 

22  The  verb  is  broken  off.    We  must  supply  la-a  pa-at-tu  u-ni,  'not  uncovered' 
or  some  such  form  as  kuttumuni  from  katdmu,  'cover'.     Cf.  the  description 
of  the  night  as  the  kallatum  kuttumtum,  'the  covered  bride'  (Malflu  Series, 
ed.  Tallqvist,  1 .  2) — pointing  incidentally  to  the  custom  of  covering  or  veil- 
ing the  bride.     At  all  events,  the  context  points  clearly  to  the  statement 
that  the  women  are  to  go  about  with  covered  heads. 

23  Read  pa-as-  [§u-na-at-tu-u-ni],  followed  by  kakfyad-si-na  (la-a  pa-at-tu-u-ni] 
i.  e.,  they  must  be  both  veiled  and  with  their  heads  covered.     The  covering 
of  the  head  does  not  refer  to  a  hat  or  bonnet,  but  means  that  women  must 
conceal  their  entire  head  by  a  drapery,  as  is  still  the  custom  in  parts  of  Syria 
and  in  Tunis,  Algiers  and  Morocco.     See  the  illustrations  in  Ploss-Bartels 
Das  Weib  (9th  ed.  Vol.  1,  pp.  527  and  531). 

uKu  (  —  lubustu}  sd  ri-be-ti,  'dress  of  the  highway'. 

86  Specification  broken  off.  It  is  reasonable  to  conjecture  that,  by  way  of 
contrast,  house  garments  were  mentioned. 


An  Assyrian  Law  Code  35 

When  the  text  again  becomes  legible  (after  two  entirely  effaced 
lines),  it  reads  as  follows: 

she  need  [not] 

be  veiled.26     In  the  daytime  when  on  the  highway27 .she 

goes  about,  she  is  to  veil  herself.  The  captive  woman,28  who 
without  the  mistress  [of  the  house]29  goes  about  on  the  highway, 
is  to  be  veiled.  The  hierodule30  who  is  married31  to  a  man  is  to 


26  Read  [la-a  up-ta]-a§-§a-[an],  as  in  lines  57  and  65  of  col.  5,  from  pc§anu, 
which,  in  the  meaning  of  'conceal',  occurs  in  the  Babylonian  text  of  the 
Behistun  Inscription,  line   102   (tapi§sinu,   'thou   coverest  up';    see  Muss- 
Arnolt,  Assyrian  Dictionary,  p.  815b).   The  frequent  occurrence  of  this  stem 
in  our  law  and  in  various  forms   (tu-up-ta-a§-§a-an,    pa-as-§u-un-ta,    i-pa- 
a?-?a,  u-pa-a§-$a-an,  etc.)  leaves  no  doubt  as  to  the  meaning  'to  veil'.     We  are 
perhaps  to  supply  I'when  in  the  house,!  she  need  [not]  be  veiled'. 

27  i-na  ri-be-ti,  equivalent  to  our  'in  public'.     What  class  of  women  are 
here  referred  to  who  are  to  be  veiled  in  the  daytime  on  the  highway,  but 
otherwise  not,  can  unfortunately  not  be  determined,  because  of  the  break  in 
the  tablet — perhaps  the  widow,  for  whom,  as  we  have  seen,  there  was  a 
special  legislation,  e.  g.  §§  33-34. 

28  e-si-ir-tu,  i.  e.,  the  woman  captured  in  war  for  whom,  it  will  be  recalled, 
special  provision  is  also  made  in  the  Deuteronomic  Code,  Dt.  21.  10-14. 
According  to  our  Assyrian  Code,  a  man  may  recognize  the  captive  woman 
as  his  wife  (§  40),  just  as  according  to  Deuteronomy  he  is  urged  to  legiti- 
matize a  captive  woman  as  his  wife;  and  though  free  to  dismiss  her,  if  he  no 
longer  cares  for  her,  he  cannot  sell  her.    The  position  of  the  esirtu,  not  actually 
married  to  the  master  of  the  house,  would  correspond  to  the  modern  'mis- 
tress'.    She  would  be  required  to  go  veiled  in  public,  to  mark  her  as  the 
property  of  a  man. 

29  Read  belit  blli,  as  in  §  23. 

zoka-di-il-tu  =  kadistu,  'the  sacred  one',  the  well-known  name  for  a  class  of 
temple  prostitutes  or  hierodules.  According  to  our  Code,  the  kadistu  could 
either  be  married  or  unmarried.  The  Hammurabi  Code,  on  the  other  hand 
(§  181),  assumes  that  Nu-Gig  (  =  kadistu,  Brunnow  No.  3017),  like  the  Nu- 
Mas  (=zermasitu,  see  Meissner,  OLZ  8,  p.  358),  as  a  rule  remains  unmarried, 
for  it  stipulates  that  these  two  classes  of  votaries  receive  their  'dowry'  from 
their  father  just  the  same.  See  examples  of  a  kadistu  holding  property  in 
her  own  name  in  Schorr,  Altbabylonische  Rechtsurkunden,  Nrr.  182  and  280. 
If  the  translation  of  i-na  ir-si-ti-sd,  'at  her  betrothal',  in  No.  211.  6,  is  correct, 
she  could  also  marry;  and  this  is  confirmed  by  the  statement  in  a  school 
text  furnishing  extracts  from  a  Sumerian  Code  of  Laws  (VR  25.  lOc-d), 
which  takes  up  the  case  of  a  man  marrying  a  kadistu,  despite  her  status. 
The  kadistu  appears  to  act  frequently  as  a  wet-nurse,  e.  g.,  Schorr,  Nos.  78 
and  241,  where  'hierodules'  appear  as  witnesses  in  a  case  involving  the  fee  to 
be  given  to  a  wet-nurse.  From  this,  we  may  also  conclude  that  the  kadiStu 
could  marry  or  could  become  the  mistress  of  the  priest,  as  intimated  by 
Herodotus,  1.  181.  'The  priestess  of  Marduk',  likewise  mentioned  in  the 


36  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr. 

be  veiled  on  the  highway.  The  one  who  is  not  married  is  to 
have  her  head  uncovered  on  the  highway.32  The  unclean33 
[woman]  is  to  be  veiled,  the  harlot34  is  not  to  be  veiled;  her  head 
is  to  be  uncovered.35  Whoever  sees  a  veiled  harlot  shall  seize 
her.36  He  shall  summon  witnesses  and  bring  her  to  the  palace.37 

Hammurabi  Code,  §  182,  might  also  be  married,  as  Schorr,  No.  280.  14, 
shows,  but  the  Nin-An  ('woman  of  a  god'),  another  class  of  votaries  who 
live  in  cloisters,  it  would  appear  from  the  Hammurabi  Code,  §  127,  must 
remain  virgins,  as  one  may  also  conclude  from  §  110,  prescribing  severe 
punishment  for  a  Nin-An  who  enters  a  wine-shop,  which  was  the  brothel  in 
•Babylonia  and  Assyria. 

31  sd  mu-tu  ify-zu-si-ni,  'whom  a  man  has  taken',  sc.  as  a  wife,  afyazu  being 
the  regular  term  for  taking  in  marriage. 

32  Since  she  does  not  belong  to  any  man,  she  need  not  be  marked  as  a  warn- 
ing to  those  who  might  approach  her. 

83  la-a-tu,  see  Muss-Arnolt;  Assyrian  Diet.  p.  464b.  Because  of  the  demon 
of  sickness  or  of  uncleanliness  within  her,  she  must  warn  those  whom  she 
encounters  not  to  come  near  her,  as  the  leper  in  the  Priest  Code  (Lev.  13. 
45)  must  go  uncovered  of  head,  but  cover  his  upper  lip  and  cry  'unclean, 
unclean'. 

34  Kar-lil  =  fyarimtu   (Briinnow,  No.  7745)  is  the  common  'woman  of  the 
street',  as  she  is  called  in  a  Sumerian  Code  (Lutz,  Selected  Sumerian  and 
Babylonian  Texts,  No.  102,  col.  2.  12).     She  is  not  a  hierodule  as  Langdon 
renders  (Journal  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society,  October,  1920,  p.  506). 

35  Jfakkad-sa  pa-at-iu — which  shows  that  the  phrase  in  the  Priestly  Code 
usually  translated  'to  let  the  hair  of  the  head  go  loose'  means  rather  that 
she  is  not  to  go  'covered  of  head'.    So  in  Num.  5.  18,  the  case  of  the  woman 
suspected  of  adultery — who  is  for  the  time  being  put  on  a  plane  with  the 
harlot — must  have  her  head  uncovered,  while  undergoing  the  ordeal  to  deter- 
mine her  guilt  or  innocence.    The  harlot  is  to  be  marked  by  being  both  unveiled 
and  uncovered  of  head.     The  veiling  of  women  which  can  now,  through  our 
Code,  be  traced  back  in  the  East  to  the  middle  of  the  second  millennium, 
appears  to  be  the  custom  introduced  by  a  more  advanced  society  and  as  a 
protection  to  the  master  of  the  household,  so  that  every  one  may  recognize 
his  wife  and  his  daughters  and  his  mistress  as  his  possessions,  and  forbidden 
to  everyone  else.     Hence  the  harlot  as  belonging  to  everyone  must  not  veil 
herself  or  cover  her  head.     The  veiling  naturally  leads  to  the  introduction 
of  the  social  factor.    The  veil  becomes  the  distinguishing  mark  of  the  mistress 
of  the  house  and  therefore  slave  girls  marked  as  such  in  other  ways  are  not 
to  be  veiled.    For  a  further  discussion  of  this  law  with  its  bearings  on  Biblical 
passages  mentioning  the  veil,  and  on  the  custom  of  veiling  in  Mohammedan 
countries,  see  an  article  by  the  writer  on  'Veiling  in  Ancient  Assyria'  to  appear 
in  the  Revue  Archeologique. 

36  Read  i-$a-ba-as-si=i§abat-si,  as  shown  by  the  parallel  i-sa-ba-at-si  (line 
90) .     The  sign  ?a  has  dropped  out  or  has  been  omitted  by  Schroeder. 

87  a-na  pi-i  ekal-lim,  literally,  'to  the  entrance  of  the  palace'. 


An  Assyrian  Law  Code  37 

Her  finery38  they  shall  not  take  away,  (but)  the  garment  in  which 
she  is  seized  shall  be  taken  away.39  She  receives  50  lashes,  and 
pitch40  they  pour  on  her  head.  And  if  a  man  sees  a  harlot  veiled 
and  lets  her  go,41  (and)  does  not  bring  her  to  the  palace,  that 
man  receives  50  lashes,  his  batikan^  (and)  his  garment  are  taken 
away.  His  ear  they  pierce,43  boring  it  with  a  drill44  and  attaching 
it  (i.  e.,  the  lobe)  to  the  back45  (sc.  of  the  ear)  and  he  must  perform 
one  month's  royal  service.  Slave  girls  are  not  to- go  veiled.46  If 
one  sees  a  maid  veiled,  one  must  seize  and  bring  her  to  the  palace. 
They  cut  off  her  ear,  and  the  garment  in  which  she  is  seized  is 
taken  away.47  If  a  man  sees  a  maid  veiled  and  lets  her  go,  does 
not  seize  her  and  does  not  bring  her  to  the  palace,  they  seize  him 


38  &u-ku-ut-ta,    'precious,    costly'    (Muss-Arnolt,    Assyrian    Dictionary,    p. 
1035a),  here  seems  to  refer  to  the  harlot's  ornaments. 
89 1.  e.,  she  is  probably  exposed. 

40  fct-ra-a,  for  which  Hommel  long  ago  suggested   'pitch'    (Muss-Arnolt, 
Assyrian  Dictionary,  p.  432b).     Since  pitch  was  used  for  caulking,  the  term 
also  acquired  the  force  of  'caulking'  in  the  sense  of  filling  up  with  pitch.     So 
in  the  Deluge  Story  (Gilgamesh  Epic  XI,  66). 

41  u-ta-as-sar  (also  line  95)  from  asaru,  which  among  many  meanings  also 
has  the  force  of  'let  go',  and  from  which  the  intensive  form  ussuru  means  to 
'release,  acquit',  etc.,  as  used  in  our  code,  e.  g.,  §  4. 

42  ba-a-ti-lpa-an-su  (so  also  to  be  supplied  in  line  104)  is  an  implement  of 
some  kind  made  of  iron  (Muss-Arnolt,  p.  206b)  but  exactly  what  is  meant  is 
hard  to  tell — perhaps  a  sword,  or  possibly  the'  ornamental  stick  (like  a  mace- 
head)  which,  according  to  Herodotus,  I.  §  195,  every  freeman  carried. 

43  u-pal-lu-u-su,  from  palasu,  'to  pierce'. 

44i-na  ib-li,  evidently  designating  the  boring  instrument. 

46  a-na  ku-tal-li-su.  The  pierced  lobe  of  the  ear  is  bent  back  and  attached 
with  an  awl  to  the  back  of  the  ear.  This  is  apparently  done  to  disfigure  the 
individual.  The  piercing  alone  without  the  attaching  of  the  lobe  to  the 
back  of  the  ear  occurs  in  our  text,  §  43,  as  a  punishment  for  the  one  who 
retains  an  Assyrian  man  or  woman  in  his  house  for  debt.  .  The  'boring  of 
the  ear'  in  the  Covenant  Code  (Ex.. 21.  6)  and  in  the  Deuteronomic  Code 
(Deut.  15.  17)  for  the  slave  who  declines  to  accept  his  freedom,  must'  have 
been  originally  a  form  of  branding  the  slave.  Perhaps  a  clay  tag  was  attached 
to  the  pierced  lobe,  identifying  the  slave.  The  Biblical  law  wrhich  proposes 
to  modify  the  law  of  slavery  by  limiting  slave  service  (in  the  case  of  Hebrews) 
to  a  period  of  six  years — practically  an  indenture — retains  the  old  custom 
of  thus  branding  slaves,  but  limits  it  to  slaves  who  decide  to  remain  with 
their  master. 

46  Because  belonging  to  a  lower  class  of  society.    Slave  girls  no  doubt  were 
distinguished  in  some  other  way,  perhaps  by  a  tag  attached  to  the  ear  or  by 
a  brand  on  the  forehead. 

47  As  a  female  slave,  she  is  not  supposed  to  have  any  finery. 


38  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr. 

and  determine  his  guilt.  He  receives  50  lashes.  They  pierce 
his  ear,  boring  it  with  a  drill  (and)  attaching  it  [to]  its  [back] 
(sc.  of  the  ear).  His  [batikan]48  and  his  clothing  [are  taken  away] ;49 
[he  must  perform]50  one  month's  royal  service. 

40 

If  a  man  places51  his  captive  woman52  veiled  among  five  (or) 
six53  of  his  companions'  (and)  in  their  presence  veils  her54  and 
says  'she  is  my  wife', — then  she  is  his  (legal)  wife.  The  captive 
woman,  who  in  the  presence  of  men55  is  not  Ceiled,  and  her  hus- 
band does  not  say  'she  is  my  wife' — is  not  a  (legal)  wife;  she  is  a 
captive56  woman.  If  the  man  dies  and  there  are  no  children  to 
his  veiled  wife,57  the  captive58  children  are  regarded  as  (his) 
children.59  They  receive  their  share. 

41 
If  a  man  on  the  day  of  blessing  (?)60  pours  oil  on  the  head  of  a 

48  The  traces  point  clearly  to  [ba-ti-]-ka-an-su  as  above,  line  82. 

49  So  the  traces  as  above,  line  80.    60  So  to  be  filled  out  as  above,  line  87. 
61  u-se-si-ib,  or  as  we  would  say  'introduces  her'.     62  e-si-ir-tu-su. 

63  Expressed  by  the  numeral  five,  followed  by  six  without  any  connecting 
particle.  To  introduce  a  veiled  woman  to  five  or  six  individuals  is  equivalent 
to  a  public  announcement  of  her  status. 

54  u-pa-$a-an-si.     w  $abe,  'soldiers',  but  used  for  men  in  general  as  in  §  18. 

56  e-si-ir-tu-u-ma  si-i-it,  i.  e.,  her  status  is  that  of  an  esirtu.  She  is  the 
man's  mistress,  not  his  legal  wife. 

67 1.  e.,  his  legitimate  wife. 

58  es-ra-a-ti,  plural  of  esirtu,  i.  e.,  the  children  of  the  captive  mistress. 

59 1.  e.,  as  the  legitimate  heirs. 

60  i-na  umi  ra-a-ki — an  obscure  phrase.  The  act  here  referred  to  of  pouring 
oil  on  a  man's  daughter  appears  to  be  some  ceremony  performed  by  the 
father  on  a  prospective  daughter-in-law,  marking  his  acceptance  of  the  marri- 
age agreement  which,  in  accordance  with  custom,  was  arranged  by  the  parents 
of  the  young  couple.  The  pouring  of  the  oil  might  be  a  form  of  blessing  to 
symbolize  the  hoped-for  fertility  from  the  union.  But  what  is  the  raku 
day?  According  to  IIR  36,  No.  3.  72,  ra-a-ku  is  entered  as  an  equivalent  of 
the  Sumerian  Sar,  which  has  such  meanings  as  'blessing,  fertility,  increase, 
offspring,'  and  the  like  (see  Briinnow,  Nrr.  8218;  8226-8228;  8231-8232, 
etc.).  Tentatively,  therefore,  one  may  assume  that  the  phrase  stands  in 
connection  with  the  blessing  of  the  prospective  bride  by  the  father-in-law. 
Among  the  Moroccans  to  this  day,  there  are  special  designations  for  the 
days  marking  the  betrothal  ceremonies,  as  the  'day  of  finishing'  and  'the 
day  of  fulfillment',  etc.  See  Westermarck,  Marriage  Ceremonies  in  Morocco, 
p.  31.  At  all  events,  the  ceremony  of  anointing  the  head  of  the  bride  consti- 
tutes a  symbolic  acceptance  of  the  marriage  arrangement,  after  which  the 
engagement  can  not  be  revoked. 


An  Assyrian  Law  Code  39 

man's  daughter,  or  in  a  sakultu  brings  products  (?)61  there  can  be 
no  revocation.62 

42 

If  a  man,  be  it  that  he  pours  oil  on  the  head63  or  brings  pro- 
ducts(?),  and  the  son  for  whom  she  was  intended  as  a  wife  dies 
or  flees,  he  is  to  give  her  to  anyone  whom  he  pleases  among  his  re- 
maining sons  from  the  eldest  to  the  youngest  whose  years  are  10.64 
If  the  father  dies,  and  the  son  for  whom  he  had  intended  (sc.  the 
girl)  as  a  wife  dies,  any  son  that  there  may  be  of  a  deceased  son 
whose  years  are  ten  marries  her65;  and  if  at  the  end  of  ten  years 


61  Even  more  obscure  is  the  second  symbolical  ceremony  here  described. 
To  judge  from  the  context,  the  sakultu  is  a  receptacle  in  which  something  is 
carried  to  the  bride,  while  the  word  that  follows  fyu-ru-up-pa-a-li  (pi.  of 
fyuruptu)  would  represent  gifts  of  some  sort.  The  only  meaning  we  have 
for  the  underlying  stem  hardpu  is  'to  pluck,  tear'  and  the  like  (gathered  from 
a  Syllabary,  Sc.  222;  Muss-Arnolt,  p.  339b),  from  which  we  get  fyarpu  'harvest 
time'  (cf.  Hebrew  fyoreph).  The  most  plausible  guess,  therefore,  is  that 
fyuruppati  are  field  products,  offered  to  the  bride — perhaps  again  as  a  symbol 
of  the  hoped-for  fruitfulness  of  the  union.  Such  gifts  form  part  of  the  betrothal 
ceremonies  among  the  Moroccans  of  the  present  time.  See  Westermarck  ib. 
pp.  33,  43,  45,  47,  etc.  (wheat,  butter,  flour,  sugar;  also  sheep). 

62tu-ur-ta  la-a  u-ta-ar-ru,  literally:  'a  revocation  they  cannot  revoke'— 
the  term  used  being  the  same  (from  tdru,  'return,  restore,'  etc.)  which  is  else- 
where in  the  Code  used  for  restitution,  e.  g.,  §  2.  The  two  ceremonies  repre- 
sent the  agreement  on  the  part  of  the  prospective  father-in-law  to  the  marri- 
age. Hence  the  obligation  resting  on  the  latter — as  set  forth  in  the  next 
law — to  provide  a  husband  for  the  girl  from  among  his  sons,  if  the  son  intended 
for  the  girl  dies  before  the  marriage  takes  place. 

63  Sc.  'of  a  man's  daughter,'  as  in  the  previous  paragraph.     Note    that 
ina  umi  rdki  and  ina  sakulti  are  omitted  in  this  abbreviated  description  of 
the  ceremony. 

64  Note  the  construction,  '(a  son)  who  has  his  ten  years',  as  in  Hebrew  'a 
son  of  ten  years'.    The  age  of  ten  is,  therefore,  the  minimum  age  of  betrothal 
for  the  young  man.     Early  betrothals — even  before  the  age  of  puberty — are 
still  customary  in  the  East.     See,  e.  g.,  Lane,  Modern  Egyptians,  1,  p.  214 
(betrothals  at  8  or  7  years  of  age),  Westermarck,  Marriage  Ceremonies  in 
Morocco,  pp.  34-48.  49,  and  Ploss-Bartels,  Das  Weib  (9th  ed.  Leipzig,  1908), 
1,  pp.  698,  702,  704,  etc.     The  point  of  our  law  is  that  the  prospective  father- 
in-law  is  obliged  to  provide  a  husband  for  the  prospective  daughter-in-law, 
after  the  ceremonies  described  have  been  performed. 

™  ib-ha-az — the  usual  term  for  'marriage'  as  above  pointed  out.  The 
case  assumed  appears  to  be  that  there  are  no  brothers  of  the  deceased  pros- 
pective husband  living,  in  which  case  one  of  the  grandsons  must  marry  the 
girl,  provided  he  is  of  age,  i.  e.,  10  years  old. 


40  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr. 

the  sons  of  any  son  are  (still)  minors,66  the  father  of  the  girl 
may,  if  he  pleases,  give  his  daughter  (in  marriage),67  and,  if  he 
pleases,  he  may  make  recompense68  by  agreement69;  and  if 
there  is  no  (other)  son,70  whatever  may  have  been  received  in 
money (?)71  or  anything  except  food,72  the  capital73  (thereof)  is 
to  be  returned,  but  any  food  is  not  to  be  returned. 

43 

If  an  Assyrian  man  or  an  Assyrian  woman74  is  retained75  for 
a  transaction,76  whatever  its  amount,77  in  the  house  of  a  man, 

6(1  si-ify-hi-ru  'are  small' — still  too  young  to  be  betrothed.  The  father  of 
the  girl  need  not  wait  any  longer  if  he  has  a  chance  to  marry  off  his  daughter. 

67 1.  e.,  to  any  one  of  these  minors,  despite  their  minority. 

68  tu-ur-ta  ....  u-ta-ar. 

89a-nto  mi-it-ka-ar,  which  apparently  means  that  the  relatives  of  the  one 
to  whom  the  girl  was  betrothed  must  be  recompensed  for  the  failure  of  the 
carriage,  agreement. 

70 1.  e.,  no  brother  of  the  deceased  prospective  husband  or  no  grandson. 

71  The  text  has  Na,  the  sign  for  'stone',  used  as  a  determinative  before 
stones  and  metals,  but  which  acquired  a  more  general  sense  to  designate  any 
inorganic  substance,  as  against  the  sign  for  'plant'  for  organic  substances  of 
any  kind     In  legal  phraseology  Na  appears  to  have  been  applied  to  any 
metal  used  in  coinage,  'lead,  silver  or  gold',  as  is  more  specifically  indicated 
in  another  passage  in  the  Code,  §  29  (col.  4,  37). 

72  As  above  in  §§  29-30,  it  is  assumed  that  food  given  to  anyone  is  for 
consumption  and  is  not  to  be  reckoned  as  a  betrothal  gift  that  may  under 
certain  circumstances  be  taken  back.     This  would  tend  to  confirm  that 
fyuruppdti  (above,  note  61)  at  all  events  include  food  products  as  is  the  case 
in  Moroccan  betrothal  ceremonies. 

73  bakfad  as  in  §  29. 

74  The  specific  references  to  Assyrians  in  the  Code  (see  above  §  23,  col.  3. 
46)  and  Text  No.  6  obv.,  20,  in  Schroeder's  volume  and  No.  143  (PI.  89, 
obv.  8)  are  of  interest  as  showing  that  there  was  not  in  Assyria  'one  law  for 
the  native  and  the  stranger',  which  is  the  ideal  in  the  Priestly  Code  (Ex.  12. 
49;  Num.9.  14). 

75 1.  e.,  as  a  pledge.  From  this  passage  it  appears  that  men  as  well  as 
women  were  held  as  hostages  for  debt,  though  the  purpose  of  the  law  is  to 
prevent  Assyrians  from  being  so  held.  Hence  the  severe  punishment  meted 
out  to  those  who  committed  the  crime.  The  law,  however,  does  not  apply 
to  wives,  minor  sons  and  unmarried  daughters  who  could  be  thus  pledged— 
whether  Assyrians  or  not — by  the  husband  and  father,  and  retained  by  the 
creditor. 

76  sa-par-li  as  above  §  38  (also  Text  No.  143,  obv.  7). 

77  am-mar  slmi-Sti,  i.  e.,  for  the  amount  of  the  transaction. 


An  Assyrian  Law  Code  41 

the  full  amount  is  taken  away,78  and  he  is  obliged  to  give  a  quit- 
tance.79   They  mutilate  his  ear  by  boring.80 

44 

If  a  woman  is  pledged81  [to]82  her  husband  who  has  been  captured 
by  an  enemy,  and  she  has  neither  father-in-law  nor  son,83  for  two 
years  she  must  remain  faithful  to  her  husband.84  (But)  during 
these  two  years  she  may  go  and  testify  that  she  has  not  had  any 
support  and  that  she  is  a  dependent  (?)  upon  the  palace.85  She 

78 1.  e.,  the  creditor  as  a  fine  forfeits  the  value  of  the  transaction  by  order  of 
the  court. 

79  i-na-at-tu  i-ba-afy-ka-an.     My  translation  rests  on  the  interpretation  of 
ibakkan  as  a  denominative  verb  of  bul$anu,  which  is  of  frequent  occurrence  in 
sale  documents  dealing  with  slaves  or  real  estate,  to  indicate  that  the  trans- 
action is  legally  concluded.     The  phrase  in  business  documents  reads:    'he 
has  handed  over  the  bufyanu'.     (See  the  passages  in  Schorr,  Altbabylonische 
Rechtsurkunden,  s.  v.,  p.  516.)   The  ideographic  designation  (Gis)  Gan,  shows 
that  the  bukanu  was  a  utensil  of  some  kind  (cf .  Ungnad,  Zeits.fur  Assyriologie, 
23,  p.  88)  used  as  a  symbol  and  serving,  therefore,  as  a  formal  recognition 
of  the  transaction.     If  the  bukanu  was  (as  is  generally  assumed)  a  'staff', 
we  would  have  an  analogous  practice  in  the  lex  salica  to  which  B.  Fehr, 
Hammurapi  und  das  Salische  Recht,  p.  40,  called  attention.     But  whatever 
the  symbol  was,  it  served  as  a  receipt,  and  our  verb  (the  intensive  form  points 
to  its  being  a  denominative)  is  therefore  to  be  taken  in  the  sense  of  a  legally 
completed  transaction.     Literally,  therefore,  'It  is  proper  (or  obligatory) 
that  he  (sc.  the  offender)  should  hand  over  the  bufyanu' . 

80  u-hap-pa,  from  fyipu,  'destroy'.    On  the  boring  of  the  ear,  see  above  §  39. 

81  ta-ad-na-at,  Permansive  3d  person  fern,  from  tadanu,  which  we  encoun- 
tered above,  §  29.    The  woman  is  betrothed  but  not  actually  married. 

82  Read  a-na. 

83  She  is  deprived  of  support  by  her  husband,  and  has  no  one  to  look  after 
her.     Her  father-in-law,  presumably,  is  dead  and  she  has  no  offspring. 

84  pa-ni  ta-ad-da-gal  as  above,  §  35,  to  indicate  that  she  is  not  free  to  marry 
until  after  the  expiration  of  two  years. 

85  The  text  is  defective  at  the  beginning  of  the  line,  so  that  there  is  a  doubt 
as  to  the  term  to  be  supplied  before  sd  ekal-lim,  'of  the  palace'.    Three  signs 
are  clear,  to  wit:    la-i-tu.     The  traces  of  the  one  preceding  la  point  to  kal. 
It  may  be,  therefore,  that  she  is  designated  as  'a  bride  of  the  palace',  but  this 
is  unlikely  for  two  reasons:    (1)  the  meaning  is  obscure,  and  (2)  we  should 
expect  kal-la-tu.     Furthermore,  there  is  room  for  another  sign  before  kal. 
The  most  probable  restoration  seems  to  me  to  be  tuk-kal-la-i-tu  from  takalu, 
'to  entrust',  designating  the  woman  as  one  whose  charge  falls  to  the  state, 
in  view  of  the  fact  that  she  is  left  without  support  in  consequence  of  her 
betrothed 's  departure.     It  is  assumed  that  her  betrothed  has  been  captured 
while  in  the  service  of  the  state  (dan-na-at  sarri,  'service  of  the  king',  line  82). 


42  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr. 

has  no  one86  to  support  her  and  whose  service87  she  might  do. 
She  is  a88 

(At  this  point  and  for  seven  lines  the  text  is  defective.  There 
is  apparently  a  reference  to  the  state(?)  stepping  forward  to 
'support  her'  by  placing  a  field  and  house — presumably  the 
entailed  property  of  her  husband  for  which  she  is  held — at  her 
disposal.  She  is  represented  as  again  'going'  to  testify  that  she 
has  'no  support'.  When  the  text  becomes  legible  it  reads  as 
follows :) 

The  judges  immediately (?)89.  .  .  .shall  ask  the  magistrates90  of 
the  city  that  they  go  to  the  field  in  that  city  and  turn  over91 
the  field  and  the  house  to  be  used  for  her  support  for  two  years. 
She  occupies  it  and  they  draw  up  a  document  for  her.  Upon 
the  completion  of  the  two  years,  she  may  go  to  live  with  the 
man  of  her  choice.92  A  document  for  her  as  of  widowhood93 
they  draw  up.  If  at  any  future  time  her  lost  husband  returns  to 


Another  reading  which  is  possible  is  suk-kal-la-i-tu,  a  feminine  adjectival 
form  for  sukkallu  designating  a  'deputy' — some  one  attached  to  a  high  official 
(see  Johns,  Assyrian  Deeds  and  Documents,  Vol.  2,  p.  88).  In  any  case  the 
term  used  defines  the  dependent  position  of  the  woman,  which  is  further 
described  in  the  following  line — unfortunately  still  more  defective. 

86  Read  [la]-ds  sd,  'there  is  not  to  her',  i.  e.,  she  has  no  one. 

87  In  return  for  her  support.     Read  [si-pa-]ar-su  ti-ip-pa-as,  as  in   §  45 
(col.  6,  108). 

88  Her  status  is  further  defined,  but  the  line  is  too  broken  to  be  restored. 
The  word  hu-ub-si  (genitive),  perhaps  'attached',  points  to  another  designa- 
tion of  the  deserted  woman  as  dependent  upon  the  state,  which  must  step  in 
to  'support  her',  as  is  indicated  at  the  close  of  the  following  line — likewise 
defective. 

89  Read  ha-sis,  favored  by  the  traces,  the  meaning  of  which  fits  the  context. 

90  (Lu)Gal  (Mes)(  =  rabuti)  sd  a-li,  a  class  of  officials  often  mentioned  in 
legal  documents  of  Assyria.      See  Johns,  Assyrian  Deeds  and  Documents, 
2,  p.  155,  for  their  functions. 

91  up-pu-su,  literally,  'to  be  made',  i.  e.,  converted  to  her  use.     The  expres- 
sion 'field  and  house',  must  be  taken  in  the  general  sense  of  property — a 
dwelling  and  means  of  support  through  a  cultivated  field — placed  at  the 
disposal  of  the  deserted  woman. 

92  Literally,  'of  her  heart,'  i.  e.,  she  is  free  to  marry  anyone  whom  she 
chooses  if  her  husband  does  not  return.     The  paragraphs  in  the  Hammurabi 
Code  (§§  133-135)  dealing  with  the  captured  husband  (see   above,  to  §  35) 
mention  no  time  limit. 

93  dup-pa  sd  ki-i  al-ma-ti,  i.  e.,  she  is  given  the  status  of  a  widow,  free  to 
marry  again.     The  assumption  is  that  her  betrothed  from  whom  she  had 
not  heard  for  two  years,  is  dead. 


An  Assyrian  Law  Code  43 

the  land,  he  may  take  away  from  his  wife  what  she  may  have 
secured  on  loan,94  (but)  on  her  sons  whom  she  bore  to  her  second 
husband  he  has  no  claim.95  Her  second  husband  takes  (them). 
The  field  and  the  house  which  for  her  support  at  the  full  value 
were  deeded  (to  her)  as  a  loan,96  if  he  (sc.  her  first  husband)  was 
not  in  the  service  of  the  king,97  he  must  refund  what  was  deeded  to 
her98  and  (then)  take  (it).  But  if  he  does  not  come  back  and  dies 
in  another  country,  then  his  field  and  his  house  in  place  of  what 
the  king  gave99  is  to  be  given. 

45 

If  a  woman  whose  husband  dies  had  not  left  the  house  of  her 
husband  within  a  year,100  and  if  her  husband  has  not  assigned1 

94  a-na  ki-i-di,  as  above,  §  6  (col.  1,  71). 

95  la-a  i-bar-ri-ib  'he  may  not  draw  nigh'  in  the  sense  of  having  no  claim, 
as  above  §§  26,  28,  37,  etc.  '  This  is  in  agreement  with  §  135  of  the  Ham- 
murabi Code — the  case  of  a  woman  whose  husband  (without  providing  for 
her  support)  has  been  captured  and  who  marries  another  man  and  has  chil- 
dren through  him.     She  must  go  back  to  her  husband  on  his  return,  but  the 
children  belong  to  their  father,  i.  e.,  to  the  second  husband.     The  assumption 
in  §§  134  and  135  is  that  the  husband  has  been  captured  while  on  'royal 
service' — as  in  our  text. 

96  Again  a-na  ki-i-di,  which  here  is  equivalent  to  our  loan.     The  reference 
is  to  the  action  of  the  state  which  had  placed  the  field  and  house  at  her  dis- 
posal for  two  years  for  her  support. 

97 1.  e.,  had  not  gone  away  in  public  service,  whether  to  war  or  on  some 
mission  as  is  assumed  in  the  first  part  of  the  law.  The  phrase  used,  a-na 
dan-na-at  sarri,  'the  service  of  the  king',  occurs  a  number  of  times  in  the 
Hammurabi  Code,  e.  g.,  §  27,  which  also  bears  on  our  law.  It  reads:  'If 
a  garrison  officer  or  constable  returns  from  the  service  of  the  king  after  they 
have  given  his  field  or  his  plantation  to  another,  upon  his  return  to  the  city, 
they  restore  to  him  his  field  or  his  plantation  and  he  attends  to  his  business 
(sc.  as  before)'.  Assuming  that  this  was  also  the  law  in  Assyria,  the  man 
who  goes  away  on  private  business  is  at  a  disadvantage,  in  being  obliged  to 
refund  the  state  for  the  support  of  his  wife  during  his  absence. 

98  ki-4  ta-ad-nu-ni,  i.  e.,  he  must  pay  the  sum  'pledged'  or  deeded  to  her 
before  he  can  get  possession  of  his  property — the  field  and  house. 

99  His  estate  falls  to  the  State,  in  return  for  the  support  given  her  for  two 
years  by  placing  a  property  at  her  disposal.     It  is  interesting  to  note  that 
the  king  in  this  Assyrian  Code  is  still  looked  upon  as  the  source  and  represen- 
tative of  all  governmental  authority,  but  the  use  of  the  plural  verb  (id-du- 
nu-u-ni  with  a-sar  sarri)  also  shows  that  the  term  has  become  a  conventional 
one  for  the  state  or  the  court  as  a  collective  body. 

100  I.  e.,  had  not  separated  from  him  within  a  year  of  his  death. 
1  U-tu-ra-as-se  (=isturasa),  'written  for  her'. 


44  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr. 

anything  to  her,  in  a  house  of  one  of  her  sons,  whichever  one  she 
chooses,  she  may  dwell.  The  sons  of  her  husband  are  to  support2 
her  with  her  food  and  her  drink3.  As  to  a  bride  whom  one  loves 
they  should  attach  themselves  to  her.4  And  if  she  was  a  second 
wife6  and  had  no  sons  of  her  own,  (with  those  of)  the  first  wife6 
she  is  to  dwell.  Together7  they  should  support  her.  If  she  has 
sons  of  her  own,  the  sons  of  the  former  wife8  may  decline  to  sup- 
port her.  In  a  house  of  her  own  sons,  whichever  one  she  chooses, 
she  is  to  dwell.  Her  own  sons  are  to  support  her  and  she  shall 
do  their  service.9  And  if  among  the  sons  of  her  husband,  the 

one  who  had  taken  her  [to  support]  her 

(The  rest  of  the  law — four  lines — is  broken  off.  Presumably,  it 
stipulated  that  if  the  son  in  whose  house  she  lived  dies,  then 
another  son  must  take  his  place  for  the  support  of  the  mother, 
the  last  word  of  the  law,  'support  her',  is  preserved.) 

46 

If  a  man  or  a  woman  practice  sorcery10  and  they  are  caught  in 
the  act,  they  seize  them  and  determine  their  guilt.  Anyone  who 

2  u-sd-ku-lu-u  si,  literally:  'feed  her'. 

3  u-kul-ti-sd  u  ma-al-ti-sa. 

4  u-ra-ak-ku-su-ni-es-se,  from  rakasu,  'to  bind'.     This  is  the  single  passage 
in  the  Code  in  which  a  note  verging  on  a  gentle  sentimentalism  is  struck. 
The  sons  should  treat  the  widowed  mother  lovingly  and  with  attachment 
to  her. 

5  ur-ki-it-tu,  corresponding  to  the  Sumerian  egirra  in  the  Sumerian  Code 
(Lutz,  Sumerian  and  Babylonian  Texts,  No.  102,  col.  1,  2,  etc.)  to  designate 
a  second  wife  by  the  side  of  the  first  one! 

6  il-te-en-tu  =  istentu,  'first'. 

7  a-na  pu-u^-ri-su-nu,  'together',  i.  e.,  each  bearing  his  share. 

8  pa-ni-ti,  i.e.,  the  first  wife  who  may  still  be  living,  though  the  term  may 
also  imply  that  she  has  died. 

9  si-par-su-nu-  (as  in  §  44  above),  the  same  expression  as  in  the  frequent 
reference  to  'service  of  the  king'.     The  mother  is  to  render  service  in  return 
for  her  support,  to  assist  in  the  household  of  the  son  with  whom  she  lives  or 
in  the  field. 

10  kis-pi,  the  same  term  which  is  used  in  the  second  law  of  the  Hammurabi 
Code  dealing  with  the  charge  of  sorcery  preferred  against  someone  and  pro- 
viding a  river  ordeal  for  the  one  suspected,  if  the  charge  cannot  be  definitely 
established.     If  he  succumbs  to  the  ordeal  (i.  e.,  the  river-god  drowns  him), 
then  his  property  goes  to  the  accuser.     If  he  is  proved  innocent,  he  takes  the 
property  of  the  accuser  who  is  put  to  death.     It  is  characteristic  of  primitive 
law  everywhere  to  forbid  sorcery  and  to  punish  the  offender  with  death. 
See  Post,  Afrikanische  Jurisprudenz,  2.  p.  64-67.     See  also  Ex.  22.  17,  and 
the  long  list  of  various  classes  of  sorcerers  and  demons,  Deut.  18.  10-11. 


An  Assyrian  Law  Code  45 

practises11  sorcery  is  to  be  put  to  death.  A  man  who  witnessed 
the  performance  of  sorcery,  or  the  one  who  from  the  mouth  of  an 
eye  witness12  to  the  sorcery  heard  him  say  about  them,13  'I  saw 
it',  any  one  who  hears14  (this),  must  go  (and)  report  it  to  the 
king.15  If  a  witness  who  was  (supposed)  to  report  to  the  king 
denies  it,  and  in  the  presence  of  Mercury,16  the  son  of  the  Sun, 
declares17  that  he  did  not  say  so, — he  is  free.18  The  eye  witness19 
"who  (is  reported  to  have)  said  so  and  denies  it,  the  king  interro- 
gates him  as  much  as  possible  and  sees  his  back.20  The  sorcerer21 
on  the  day  that  they  bring  him  (sc.  to  the  king)  shall  be  forced 
to  confess,  and  one  should  tell  him22  that  'from  the  oath23  which 
thou  hast  sworn  to  the  king  and  to  his  son,  he  (i.  e.,  the  king)  will 


11  mu-up-pi-sd-na. 

12  a-mi-ra-a-ni,  literally:  'the  one  who  saw',  an  eye-witness. 

13  About  the  man  or  woman  suspected  of  sorcery. 

14  §d-mi-a-nu  'the  hearer',  i.  e.,  'an  ear-witness.' 

16 1.  e.,  either  of  these  two  kinds  of  witnesses  (a)  the  amiranu,  the  direct 
witness  and  (b)  the  samianu,  the  one  who  heard — and  therefore  an  indirect 
witness — must  report  the  occurrence  to  the  king.  This  direct  reference  to 
the  king — and  later  on  in  the  law  also  to  the  king's  son  (as  the  heir  to  the 
throne) — may  be  taken  as  an  indication  of  the  antiquity  of  the  law,  just  as 
in  the  Hammurabi  Code  the  section  dealing  with  sorcery  belongs  to  the 
oldest  stratum  of  the  Code.  See  Jastrow,  'Older  and  Later  Elements  in  the 
Code  of  Hammurabi'  (JAOS  36,  p.  32). 

16  The  god  Gud  ('bull')  is  the  planet  Mercury,  frequently  mentioned  in 
Astrological  texts.  Mercury 'as  the  smallest  of  the  five  planets  known  to 
the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians  and  being  always  near  the  sun  is  appropriately 
designated  as  the  son  of  the  sun-god  (Shamash).  This  reference  to  'Gud,  the 
son  of  Samas'  occurs  again  in  an  omen  text,  Cuneiform  Texts,  XXVII,  4.  19 
(  =  P1.  6,  15),  describing  twins  born  to  a  woman,  'with  a  joint  like  Mercury, 
the  son  of  the  Sun'  (sc.  is  joined  to  the  sun).  It  is  a  case  like  that  of  the 
famous  Siamese  twins. 

17 1.  e.,  swears. 

18  za-3-ku. 

19  a  mi-ra-a-nu. 

20  Exactly  what  is  meant  by  this  phrase  is  not  clear — perhaps  'he  dismisses 
him'. 

21  a-$i-pu. 

22  u  §u-ut  i-ka-ab-bi,  i.  e.,  warn  him. 

23  ma-mi-ta,  i.e.,  the  clearance  oath. 


46  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr. 

not  absolve  thee.24  According  to  the  document  which  is  sworn 
to  the  king25  and  his  son,  thou  hast  sworn.'26 

47 

If  a  man  who  has  retained27  the  daughter  of  a  man  who  is  his 
debtor,28  as  a  pledge  in  his  house,  asks  her  father,  he  may  give 
her  to  a  man;  (but)  if  her  father  is  not  willing  he  cannot  give 
(her).29  If  her  father  has  died,  the  owner30  must  ask  among  her 
brothers.  To  each  one  of  her  brothers  in  turn31  he  shall  speak, 
and  if  one  brother  says :  '  I  will  redeem32  my  sister  in  one  month /- 
if  at  the  end  of  the  month  he  does  not  redeem  (her),  the  master33 
is  at  liberty,  to  declare  her  free34  and  to  give  her  to  a  man. 

(Of  the  rest  of  the  law — 18  lines — only  partial  lines  are  preserved. 
The  case  of  a  harlot  who  dies  is  referred  to  towards  the  close.) 

48 

(The  first  six  lines  of  this  law  are  badly  preserved.  From  the 
first  line  which  may  be  restored  as  follows: 

'[If  a  man]  strikes  [the  wife  of  a  man]/ 

the  general  subject  is  revealed.  There  is  also  an  indication  in 
the  sixth  line  that  a  miscarriage  (or  a  still  birth  [?])  has  taken 
place  in  consequence  of  the  blow.  The  text  then  continues  as 
follows :) 

He  must  make  restitution  for  human  life.35    And  if  the  woman 

24  la-a  i-pa-M-ra-ku-nu.  The  sorcerer  is  to  be  warned  of  the  consequences 
of  perjury. 

26 1.  e.,  the  written  testimony. 

26  ta-am-a-a-ta,  i.e.,  the  written  deposition  stands  against  him,  if  it  is  found 
that  he  is  guilty  of  sorcery. 

27  The  girl  is  held  for  debt. 

28  bab-bu-li-su.    See  above,  §  38,  note  3. 

29 1.  e.,  the  father's  consent  must  be  given  to  the  girl's  being  handed  over  to 
a  third  party. 

30  belu,  i.  e.,  bel  biti,  'the  master  of  the  house',  in  this  case,  the  creditor. 

31  §u-ut,  equivalent  here  to  our  'respectively'. 

32  a-pa-tar.    See  note  to  §  5. 

33  Again  belu.    See  the  above  note  30. 

34  ti-zak-ka-a-si,  here  in  the  sense  of  not  being  obliged  to  undergo  any  further 
formalities.     He  can  dispose  of  the  girl  freely. 

36  nap-sd-a-ti  u-ma-al-la  (referring  to  what  precedes),  set  forth  in  the  form 
of  a  general  legal  principle,  and,  therefore,  repeated  at  intervals  in  the  law 
as  a  standing  phrase,  as  the  result  of  the  blow.  Cf.  Text  No.  2,  §  1,  nap-sd- 
a-ti  ik-mu-ur  'he  destroyed  human  life',  napsati  though  a  plural  is  used 
collectively  for  'human  life'. 


An  Assyrian  Law  Code  47 

dies,  they  put  the  man  to  death.  In  compensation36  for  her  (lost) 
offspring,  he  must  make  restitution  for  human  life.  And  if  the 
husband  of  that  woman  has  no  son,  and  they  strike  his  wife  so 
that  she  has  a  miscarriage,  in  compensation  for  her  (lost)  offspring, 
they  put  the  one  who  struck  the  blow  to  death.37  And  if  what  was 
in  her  womb  was  a  (developed)  foetus38,  he  must  make  restitution 
for  human  life. 

49 

If  a  man  strikes  the  wife  of  a  man  not  yet  advanced  in  preg- 
nancy39 so  that  she  has  a  miscarriage,40  for  that  guilt  he  must  hand 
over  two  talents  of  lead.41 

50 

If  a  man  strikes  a  harlot42  so  that  she  has  a  miscarriage,  blow  for 
blow  they  impose  upon  him.  He  must  make  restitution  for  human 
life.43 

51 

If  a  woman  with  her  consent  brings  on  a  miscarriage,44  they 
seize  her  and  determine  her  guilt.  On  a  stake  they  impale  her46 


36  ki-i-mu-ti,  'in  place  of . 

37  The  milder  law  in  §  20,  imposing  a  fine,  lashes  and  public  service,  applies 
to  a  man's  daughter.     The  severer  punishment  here  is  for  two  reasons,  (1)  it 
is  a  man's  wife,  and  (2)  there  is  no  male  offspring  and  there  may  be  none  in 
the  future,  because  of  injury  to  the  woman. 

38  §u-fya-ar-tu,  i.  e.,  'a  little  one' — to  designate  that  the  woman's  pregnancy 
was  advanced  to  the  extent  of  a  developed  foetus,  close,  therefore,  to  being 
an  actual  human  life. 

89  la-a  mu-ra-bi-ta,  'not  large'  through  pregnancy,  by  way  of  contrast  to  a 
woman  dropping  a  suhartu,  according  to  the  previous  instance. 

40  Afterwards,  in  consequence  of  the  injury. 

41  The  same  fine  as  in  §  20,  the  pregnant  daughter  of  a  man,  but  without 
the  50  lashes  and  one  month's  royal  service. 

42  Kar-lil  (  =  fyarimtu)  as  in  §  39;  also  §  47  towards  the  close. 

43  The  law  does  not  specify  in  what  manner.     It  is  hardly  to  be  assumed 
that  in  the  case  of  one  striking  a  harlot,  the  offender  is  put  to  death  if  by  a 
premature  birth  a  human  life  is  lost.     The  restitution  is  more  probably  a 
fine  to  be  fixed  by  the  court,  or  by  agreement  with  the  woman. 

44  I.  e.,  by  malpractice. 

46  The  Hammurabi  Code  (§  153)  prescribes  impaling  for  the  woman  who 
conspires  for  the  death  of  her  husband. 


48  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr. 

and  do  not  bury  her46;  and  if  through  the  miscarriage  she  dies, 
they  (likewise)  impale  her47  and  do  not  bury  her;  and  when  they 
curse48  that  woman  because  of  her  miscarriage,  they  say  [to  her 

(?)]49  ........................................................ 

(The  rest  of  the  law  —  nine  lines  —  is  broken  off.) 

52 

(Of  this  law  only  a  few  signs  of  the  last  four  lines  are  left.  It 
likewise  dealt  with  striking  a  woman,  slave  girls  and  perhaps 
others.) 

53 

[If  a  man]  takes  a  virgin  from  the  house50  of  her  father,  [and 
against  her  will  (?)]51  does  not  return  (her)  to  him;  and  if  [by 
force?]52  she  had  not  been  deflowered53  and  had  not  been  handed 
over54,  nor  held  as  a  claim  on  the  house  of  her  father,  any  man 


46  No  burial  was  the  worst  curse  that  could  be  imposed  upon  any  one.     It 
meant  that  the  etimmu,  or  shade  of  the  dead,  wandered  about  without  a 
resting  place  in  Arallu  —  the  gathering-place  of  the  dead  —  suffering  pangs  of 
hunger  and  thirst.     See  the  vivid  description  at  the  close  of  the  Gilgamesh 
Epic  (Jastrow,  Religion  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria,  p.  512). 

47  1.  e.,  they  impale  the  corpse  —  a  good  instance  of  Assyrian  barbarism. 
See  Post  Afrikanische  Jurisprudenz,  2,  p.  46,  for  examples  of  punishment 
extended  even  to  the  corpse  —  characteristic  of  primitive  society,  though  it  is 
worth  noting  that  (as  Mr.  C.  H.  Burr  informs  me)  the  same  punishment  was 
imposed  on  the  corpses  of  suicides  in  England  till  1823,  and  their  personal 
property  was  confiscated  till  as  recently  as  1870. 

48  Read  [i-iz}-zi-ru-u-§i. 

49  The  form  of  the  curse  was  presumably  given. 

60  Read  [is-tu  bit  a-]bi-i-§d  [u§-bu-]tu-ti-ni. 

61  One  hesitates  between  supplying  a-na  bi-li-§d,  'to  her  house',  which  would 
make  a  somewhat  awkward  construction,  and  ina  pa-ni-ld  (cf.  §  23),  in  con- 
trast to  ra-ma-an-sd,  'with  her  consent',  in  §  54. 

62  Are  we  perhaps  to  read  [ina-ewu-ka],  'by  force'?     The  traces  of  £a  are 
clear  in  Schroeder's  copy. 

63la-a  pa-ti-a-tu-ti-ni,  'not  opened'  ,  the  general  term  for  the  untouched 
virgin  or  animal.  One  is  reminded  of  the  law  in  the  fragment  of  a  Sumerian 
Code  published  by  Clay,  Miscellaneous  Inscriptions  in  the  Yale  Babylonian 
Collection,  No.  28,  §§  6-7,  where  a  distinction  is  made  between  a  girl  abducted, 
but  not  'known'  (i.  e.,  not  raped)  and  one  who  was  abducted  and  'known'  or 
actually  seduced. 

64  la-a  afy-za-tu-ti-ni,  'not  taken',  i.  e.,  'not  taken  by  any  one  as  a  wife,' 
here  applied  to  the  girl  captured,  but  not  actually  handed  over  to  some  man. 


An  Assyrian  Law  Code  49 

who  whether  within  a  city  or  outside,  whether  at  night  on  a  high- 
way or  at  an  eating  house,55  or  at  a  city  festival  forcibly  (?)66 
seizes  the  virgin  (and)  violates  her,67  the  father  of  the  virgin  takes 
the  wife  of  the  seducer58  of  the  virgin  and  gives  her  to  be  ravished. 
To  her  husband  he  does  not  return  her;  he  takes  her  away  (from 
him).59  The  father  of  the  ravished  girl  gives  her  as  a  possession60 
to  the  seducer.  If  the  man  has  no  wife,  then  three  times  the 
purchase  price  of  the  virgin  the  seducer  must  give  to  her  father. 
The  seducer  who  marries  her  cannot  spurn  her.61  If  the  father 
does  not  wish  to  receive  three  times  the  price  of  the  girl,62  he  may 
give  his  daughter  to  any  whom  he  pleases. 

54 

If  a  virgin  with  her  consent  gives  herself  to  a  man,63  the  man 
must  swear  an  oath  (sc.  to  that  effect).  On  his  (sc.  the  adulterer's) 
wife64  there  is  no  claim.  The  seducer  gives  three  times  the  price 
of  the  virgin,  and  the  father  can  do  to  his  daughter  what  he  pleases. 


66  bit  ka-ri-e-ti,  'house  of  feasting',  which  seems  to  correspond  to  our 
'restaurant'. 

66  ki-i  da-'a-a^ni,  an  obscure  phrase  but  for  which  I  suggest  a  meaning 
'duress'.  Cf.  di'atu  for  'distress',  Ungnad,  Babylonische  Brief e,  p.  286. 

87  ti-ma-an-zi-e-  e-§i,  from  mazu,  'to  press' — an  euphemistic  term  to  indicate 
rape.  It  is  not  surprising  to  find  so  many  terms  in  Assyrian  for  sexual  inter- 
course. Modern  Arabic  is  full  of  them,  and  in  fact  most  languages  have  a 
large  variety  of  such  terms — some  popular,  and  some  of  a  literary  origin. 

68  na-i-ka-a-na  used  for  the  adulterer  (above  §  22),  as  well  as  for  the  seducer 
of  a  virgin. 

59  A  curious  and  barbarous  punishment  that  the  innocent  wife  of  the  seducer 
should  suffer  for  the  crime  of  her  husband  and  be  made  the  victim  in  the 
same  way  as  the  virgin  was  victimized,  but  quite  in  keeping  with  the  crude 
application  of  the  lex  talionis  which  marks  this  Assyrian  Code. 

60  a-na  a-fyu-zi-ti,  'as  a  possession' — here,  no  doubt,  in  the  sense  of  marriage. 

61  la-a  i-sa-ma-ak-si  from  samdku,  which  from  the  context,  as  well  as  from 
a  passage  in  an  incantation  text  in  which  a  form  of  the  verb  has  been  found 
(Muss-Arnolt,  Assyrian  Dictionary,  p.  766a),  must  have  some  such  meaning 
as  'reject,  dispose  of,'  and  the  like. 

62 1.  e.,  he  declines  to  receive  the  large  indemnity  which,  however,  involves 
his  giving  the  girl  to  the  seducer. 

63 1.  e.,  is  not  taken  from  the  father's  house  as  in  §  53. 

84  a-na  as§ati-su  la-a  i-fcar-ri-i-bu,  i.  e.,  the  action  set  forth  in  the  preceding 
law  cannot  be  followed,  in  case  the  virgin  willingly  gave  herself  to  the  man. 

4    JAOS  41 


50  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr. 

55 

(The  text — fourteen  lines — is  mutilated  beyond  certain  recovery. 
The  law  continues  the  general  subject  of  illicit  intercourse,  and 
at  the  close  provides  that  if  the  suspected  woman  is  'released  of 
her  guilt/  the  husband  by  a  document  gives  his  wife  a  quittance.65 
Apparently,  it  is  added  that  if  he  had  mutilated  his  wife's  ear,66 
'there  is  no  guilt  attaching  to  him.') 

This  completes  Text  No.  1  in  Schroeder's  publication.  If  the 
colophon  had  been  preserved  in  full,  we  would  be  able  to  indicate 
the  place  of  the  tablet  in  the  series.67  All  that  is  left  of  the  colo- 
phon, however,  is  the  date  according  to  the  custom  of  the  Assyrian 
scribes,  viz.: 

The  month  of  Sardti   (6th  month)   2d  day  eponymate  of 

Sa u 

Such  dating  prevents  us  from  fixing  the  reign  in  which  the  tablet 
was  drawn  up,  unless  we  happen  to  have  a  list  of  eponyms  in 
which  the  name  occurs.  That  is  not  the  case  in  this  instance. 

TEXT  No.  2.68 
1 

(Beginning  mutilated.  The  subject  of  the  first  six  laws  [covering 
Col.  II  and  III]  is  the  division  of  an  estate  among  brothers.) 

ground69 

[the  oldest  son]  sets  aside70  and  takes  two  parts71  [as  his  share],72 


65  i-ba-ka-an,  as  above,  §  43. 

66  uz-[ni-sd\  u-fyap-pa,  as  above,  §  43. 
97  See  the  remarks  above,  p.  4. 

68  Schroeder,  No.  2  (PI.  14-18)  is  likewise  a  tablet  of  four  columns  each  on 
obverse  and  reverse,  belonging  to  the  same  series  as  No.  1.    It  is  badly  broken. 
The  1st  and  8th  columns  are  entirely  gone,  and  of  the  other  six  columns  none 
is  complete.    Assuming  that  it  contained  as  many  as  55  laws  (like  Text  No.  1), 
the  18  laws  preserved  would  represent  not  more  than  one-third  of  the  tablet. 

69  fya-lpi-ri  =  kakfyaru,  'ground',  as  Col.  5,  19  (§  13). 

70  i-na-sa-ku.     The  elder  brother  has  the  first  claim,  for  which  in  Sumero- 
Babylonian  legal  phraseology  there  is  a  special  term  Sib-ta,  =  elitum  (Schorr, 
Altbabylonische   RecMsurkunden,   s.v.,    p.   573)    as  against  ffa-la  =  zittu,    the 
general  term  for  'portion'  or  'share'. 

71  ka-a-ta,  'hands',  i.  e.,  two  shares.      Cf.  above,  Text  No.  1,   §  27,   ki-i 
ka-ti-sti,  'his  share'. 

72  To  be  supplied  as  in  Text  No.  2,  §  2  (line  21)  a-na  zitti-su. 


An  Assyrian  Law  Code  51 

[and]  his  brothers  afterwards  in  turn73  set  aside  and  take  (sc. 
their  share).  From  the  field  any  expenditure  (?)74  and  all  the 
outlays75,  the  younger  son  subtracts  (?).76  The  oldest  son  sets 
aside  the  one  part  of  his  share,  and  in  return  for  his  second  part77 
exacts78  service  to  him79  from  his  brothers. 


If  one  among  the  brothers  of  an  undivided  estate80  destroys81 
human  life,82  they  hand  him  over  to  the  owner  of  the  human  life. 
If  the  owner  of  the  human  life  chooses,  he  may  kill  him  and  if 
he  chooses  to  be  gracious,83  he  merely  takes  away  his  share.84 

3 
If  one  among  the  brothers,  of  an  undivided  estate,  either  [meets 


73  ur-ki  a-ha-is,  in  which  combination  the  second  word  has  the  force  of 
'brother  by  brother'  and  is  a  variant  form  to  ahames,  'together'. 

74  K-kil(f  )-li  mi-im-ma.      Sikillu — if  the  reading  is   correct, — may  be   a 
variant    form    of    sikiltu,    'expenditure' (?)     (Ungnad,    Babylonische     Briefe, 
No.  218,  31-32). 

75  ma-na-ha-a-ti,  plural  of  tnnntihhi,   which  is  of  frequent   occurrence    in 
legal  documents  as  well  as  in  the  Hammurabi  Code,  (§§47  and  49),  and  has 
the  force  of  our  'outlay',  for  the  improvements  made  on  a  property. 

76  us-sa-ak  for  usnasak  (?). 

77  M-ni-ti  ka-ti-su. 

78  i-§a-al-li  from  salu — perhaps  in  the  sense  of  'implores'  or  'demands'. 

79  §u-pur-su,  'his  work',  i.  e.,  his  share  of  the  work  on  the  estate,  which  the 
brothers  must  perform  at  the  demand  of  the  older  brother. 

80  la  zi-zu-u-tu,  i.e.,  before  the  settlement  is  made. 

81  Read  ik-mu-ur  from  kamaru,  a  synonym  of  ddku,  'kill'   (Muss-Arnolt, 
Assyrian  Dictionary,  p.  397b). 

82  nap-sd-a-ti,  'human  life'  as  above,  No.  1,   §  48,  which  here  appears  to 
refer  to  the  household  or  retinue  of  the  estate,  just  as  in  Hebrew  the  cor- 
responding word  has  this  force,  e.  g.,  Gen.  12.  5,  'all  the  nefesh  which  they 
had  acquired  in  Harran',  i.  e.,  the  household.   Perhaps  the  livestock  was  also 
included  in  the  general  term. 

83  im-ma-an-ga-ar  from  magaru,  'to  be  favorable')  and  the  like. 

84  a-na  zitti-su.     It  rests  with  the  elder  brother  either  to  kill  his  brother, 
or  to  pardon  him  and  to  take  his  share — again  an  illustration  of  the  crude 
spirit  of  the  Code  which  regards  not  the  crime  primarily,  but  the  property 
loss  involved  in  a  human  life,  arid  therefore  leaves  it  optional  with  the  'owner' 
to  exact  punishment  or  not. 


52  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr. 

with  an  accident  (?)]85  or  flees,  his  share  falls  to  the  king,86  [accord- 
ing to]  his  pleasure.87 

4 

(This  law — likewise  dealing  with  an  undivided  estate — is  too 
badly  preserved  to  permit  of  a  translation.) 

5 

(Of  this  law,  continuing  the  same  general  subject,  only  the  ends 
of  eight  lines  are  preserved.) 

688 

(The  beginning  of  this  law,  revealing  in  a  most  interesting 
manner  the  procedure  in  ancient  Assyria  for  disposing  of  an 
estate,  is  broken  off.  When  the  text  becomes  intelligible,  it  reads 
as  follows:) 

for   silver89    [a  man  wishes  to  acquire],  he  must  agree 

[in  regard  to  the  field  and]  house,  not  [to  acquire  it]90  for  silver, 
for  one  month.91  The  [surrogate]92  within  the  city  of  Asshur 
shall  cause  proclamation93  to  be  made  three  times.  Three  times, 
he  shall  cause  the  field  and  house  which  is  to  be  acquired  to 
be  proclaimed  in  the  city,  to  wit94:  the  field  and  house  which 

85  Text  defective.  Some  phrase,  indicating  that  one  of  the  brothers  died 
is  demanded  by  the  context,  as  a  comparison  with  the  above  text  No.  1, 
§  42  (col.  6.  22),  'he  either  dies  or  flees',  shows. 

88 1.  e.,  as  we  would  say,  'to  the  state'. 

87  Read  [ki-i]  li-ib-bi-i-su,  i.e.,  the  king  may,  if  he  chooses,  confiscate  the 
share.     It  reverts  to  the  state. 

88  More  than  one  law  may  be  missing  between  the  end  of  Col.  2  and  the 
beginning  of  the  third  column. 

89  A  missing  line  described  the  prospective  purchaser. 

90  Read  la-a  [u-lei?-1fi[-u-ni,  favored  by  the  traces. 

91  I.e.,  there  shall  be  a  delay  of  one  rmmth. 

92  The  traces  point  to  [lu]Il  (like  lines  28,  31,  36,  40,  etc.),  an  official  of 
some  kind — perhaps  to  be  read  kinattu,  if  the  restoration  of  the  determinative 
Lu  before  ll  in  Cuneiform  Texts  XIX,  PI.  27  (K  2061,  obv.  24)  is  correct. 
See  Meissner,  Seltene  Assyr.  Ideogramme  No.  4385.     The  restoration  finds 
support  from  II  Rawlinson,  PI.  48.  3a,  where  Ner-Gal  with  the  force  of  'lord' 
is  likewise  equated  with  kinattu.     On  the  other  hand,  the  official  designated 
by  ll  might  also  be  read  fnafyru,  'first  officer'  (Meissner  ib.  No.  4386).     In 
any  case  the  ideographic  designation  having  the  value  of  'to  be  high',  points 
to  an  official  of  high  standing,  a  surrogate  charged  with  announcing  and  super- 
intending the  disposal  of  estates. 

93  ti-sa-a$-sa=from  Sasu,  'to  call  out'. 

84  ma-a,  introducing  the  formal  wording  of  the  official  proclamation  to  be 
made  three  times  during  the  month,  as  a  notice  to  all  concerned. 


An  Assyrian  Law  Code  53 

belongs  to  N.N.  the  son  of  N.N.95  within  the  confines96  of  this 
city,  I  wish  to  acquire  [for  silver  (?)].97  Whatever  their  de- 
mands98 and  (whatever)  claims  there  may  be,"  let  them  draw  up 
their  documents  and  in  the  presence  of  the  recorder100  let  them 
deposit  them,  and  let  them  put  in  a  claim1  so  as  to  make  it  free2 
to  be  disposed  of. 

If  within  this  month,  fixed  as  the  time  limit,3  they  have  not 
neglected4  to  produce  their  documents  and  in  the  presence  of  the 
recorder  have  deposited  them,  then  the  man  shall  take  to  the 
full  extent  of  his  field.5 

On  the  day  that  the  surrogate(?)  makes  proclamation  within 
the  city  of  Asshur,  one  as  a  secretary (?)6  in  place  of  the  king,  the 
city  scribe,7  the  surrogate  and  the  recorder  of  the  king  shall 
assemble8  to  dispose  of  the  field  and  house  within  the  city.  (With) 
the  prefect9  and  three  magistrates10  of  the  city  standing  by,  the 

95  an-na-na  mar  an-na-na,  'this  one,  son  of  this  one'.     See  Meissner,  ib., 
No.  7829. 

96  A-Gdr  =  ugaru,  a  term  of  frequent  occurrence  in  legal  documents,  and  here 
used  to  indicate  that  the  property  lies  within  the  confines  of  the  city. 

97  a-na  [§arpi]  (?). 

98  Read  [la-a]  -fya-su-nu. 

99  Read  da-[ba]-ab-su-nu.     Cf.  Schorr,  Altbabylonische  Rechtsurkunden  No. 
149.  16  (dibbati). 

100  ki-pu-u-ti,  occurring  again  lines  24  and  43,  evidently  designates  the  office 
of  the  recorder. 

1  li-id-bu-bu — from  dababu,  for  which  see  Schorr,  ib.,  p.  372  note. 

2  lu-zak-[ki]-u-ma. 

3  e-da-nu  =  adannu,  'time  limit'  occurs  also  in  Text  No.  143.     See  Muss- 
Arnolt,  Assyrian  Dictionary,  p.  21a. 

4 1  suggest  reading  la-a  ma-sd-e  and  combining  masu  'forget,  neglect,'  etc., 
with  the  following  verb — it-ta-al-lu-ni-en-ni  IV,  2  from  elu,  'bring  up'  or 
'produce'. 

6  a-na  si-ir  ekli-§u  i-sal-lim,  literally,  'completing  to  the    border   of    his 
field',  i.  e.,  the  purchaser  shall  acquire  the  full  estate. 

8  Numeral  one,  followed  by  i-na  sukkalli  sd  pa-ni  sarri,  which  would  appear 
to  designate  an  official  acting  as  the  representative  of  the  king.     For  officials 
designated  by  an  introductory  sa,  see,  e.  g.,  Johns,  Assyrian  Deeds  and  Docu- 
ments, 2,  p.  165.     The  addition  of  ina  sukkalli  I  take  as  a  designation  of  the 
secretarial  bureau,  but  the  entire  passage  must  remain  obscure  until  we  find 
further  references  to  the  office  intended  in  some  Assyrian  legal  document. 

7  dup^-sar  ali. 
*iz-za-zut  'stand'. 

9  fya-zi-a-nu,  an  official  of  frequent  occurrence  in  official  documents  and 
who  appears  to  have  been  the  prefect.     See  Johns,  ib.,  Vol.  2,  p.  148  seq. 

10  Gal(Mes)  =rabuti,  as  above,  No.  1,  §  44. 


54  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr. 

surrogate  shall  make  the  announcement.  They  shall  hand  over 
the  documents  that  have  been  drawn  up. 

But  if  within  this  month,  the  surrogate  three  times  makes 
proclamation,  and  within  this  month  any  one's  document11  was 
not  brought,  (and)  in  the  presence  of  the  recorder  was  not  de- 
posited, then  on  the  field  and  house  he  lays  his  hand.12  The  one 
who  caused  the  proclamation13  of  the  surrogate  to  be  made  is 
free14  to  act.  Three  documents  of  the  proclamation  of  the 
surrogate  which  the  judges15  shall  draw  up  [are  to  be  deposited 
in  the  presence  of  the  recorder].16 

(Rest  of  the  law  is  broken  off.) 


(Only  partial^  preserved.  It  deals  with  some  wrong  com- 
mitted against  an  owner  of  a  house,  for  which  a  fine  of  one  talent 
of  lead,  blows  and  a  month's  royal  service  is  imposed,  besides 
handing  over  twice  the  value  of  the  house.) 

8 

If  a  man  extends17  a  'large'18  boundary19  from  his  companion, 
they  seize  him  and  determine  his  guilt.  He  must  hand  over  three 
times  the  area  of  what  he  has  extended.20  One  of  his  fingers  is 


"Text  has  'his  document',  meaning  the  document  of  any  interested  party. 

12  Jpa-su  e-li,  'raises  his  hand',  in  the  sense  of  taking  possession,  as  in   §  10 
of  Text  No.  2  (col.  4,32.) 

13  a-na  mu-sa-as-si-a-ni  from  sasu,  for  musassianu. — i.   e.,   the    one    who 
brings  about  the  proclamation. 

14  za-a-ku,  i.  e.,  all  formalities  have  been  complied  with  and  the  estate 
can  be  disposed  of. 

18 1.  e.,  all  the  other  officials  involved. 

16  To  be  supplied  and  favored  by  the  traces.     Read  [a-na  pa-ni  1$i-pu}-u-tu 
[is-ku-nu-u-ni] . 

17  us-sa-am-me-ify,  from  samahu,   'to  add',  i.  e.,  enlarges  his  boundary  by 
encroaching  on  his  neighbor's  property. 

18  'Large'  in  contrast  to  a  'small'  boundary  in  the  following  law  must  refer 
to  an  extensive  encroachment  as  against  taking  only  a  small  section  away 
from  some  one. 

19  ta-Jiu-u-ma,  the  same  term  that  we  find  in  Talmudic  jurisprudence,    no 
doubt  borrowed  from  Babylonia.     See  Marcus  Jastrow,  Talmudic  Dictionary, 
p.  1160b. 

20 Literally:  'The  field  as  much  as  he  has  extended  it,  three  times  (as  much) 
he  must  hand  over'. 


An  Assyrian  Law  Code  55 

cut  off;  he  receives  100  blows21  and  he  must  perform  one  month's 
royal  service. 

9 

If  a  man  removes  a  'small'22  boundary  of  an  enclosure,23  they 
seize  him  and  determine  his  guilt.  He  must  hand  over  one  talent 
of  lead  and  restore  three  times24  as  much  of  the  field  as  he  ex- 
tended. He  receives  50  blows  and  must  perform  one  month's 
royal  service. 

10 

If  a  man  in  a  field  that  is  not  his  digs  a  well  and  makes  a 
trench  (?)25  (and)  seizes20  the  trench  for  his  well,  he  receives  30 
blows  and  [he  must  perform]  20  days  royal  service. 

(Of  the  balance  of  the  law  only  the  beginnings  of  the  lines  are 
preserved.) 

11 

(Of  this  law  only  the  beginnings  of  the  last  12  lines  are  pre- 
served. It  deals  with  a  field,  which  is  shared  with  an  ummidnu — 
apparently  a  partner  as  in  No.  1,  §  38  [col.  5.  29].) 

12 

If  a  man  in  a  field  [which27   ]  lays  out  an 

orchard  (and)  [digs]28  a  well,  (and)  the  owner  of  the  field  sees 


21  The  highest  number  of  blows  named  in  the  Code.     The  severity  of  the 
punishment  shows  how  seriously  this  crime  was  viewed.     In  view  of  the 
frequent  denunciation  in  the  Old  Testament  of  those  who  remove  boundaries 
(e.  g.,  Hos.  5.  10;  cf.  Deut.  27.  17;   Prov.  22.  28),  this  law  of  the  Assyrian 
Code  is  particularly  interesting. 

22  I.  e.,  only  takes  a  small  piece  of  land  away  from  his  neighbor.   See  note 
18  above. 

23  a-bu-ra-a-ni,  from  abaru,  'enclosure'  (Muss-Arnolt,  Assyrian  Dictionary, 
p.  9b. 

24  So  read  according  to  Schroeder's  errata  to  his  edition  (p.  xxviii). 

25  du-un-na,  used  for  a  'couch'  or  'bed',  (Muss-Arnolt  Assyrian  Dictionary, 
p.  259b),  but  here  would  appear  to  designate  a  trench  into  which  the  water 
of  the  well  is  allowed  to  flow. 

26  Jfa-a-su  e-li,  'he  lays  his  hand',  here  (as  above,  §  6,  note  12),  in  the  sense 
of  illegally  using  the  trench  to  fill  his  well. 

27  The  ends  of  the  lines  in  this  law  are  broken  off.    Evidently  the  man  had 
no  control  over  the  field,  but  exactly  in  what  relation  he  stood  to  it  is  a  matter 
of  conjecture.     Perhaps  we  are  to  complete  the  line  to  $d-a  [a-na  za-lpa-pi], 
'a  field  which  was  taken  for  cultivation'.     Cf.  Hammurabi  Code,  §§  60-61. 

88  ify-ri  to  be  supplied  as  above. 


56  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr. 

the  trees  that  he  (sc.  the  man)  raises  without  [protesting(?)],29 
the  orchard  is  [free]30  for  the  cultivator.31  The  field  as  a  field 
belongs  to  the  owner  of  the  orchard.32 

13 

If  a  man  on  ground  that  is  not  his,33  cultivates  an  orchard  or 
digs  a  well,  whether  he  raises  vegetables34  or  trees,  they  seize  him 
and  determine  his  guilt.  On  the  day  that  the  owner  of  the  field 
goes  out  (sc.  to  inspect  what  has  been  done),35  he  may  take  away 
the  orchard  together  with  its  improvement.36 

14 

If  a  man  on  ground  that  is  not  his,  breaks  it  up(?)37  and  bakes 
bricks,  they  seize  him  and  determine  his  guilt.  He  must  hand 
over  three  times  the  amount  of  ground38;  and  his  bricks  are  taken 
away  from  him.  He  receives  50 (?)39  lashes  and  must  perform 
[one  month's]40  royal  service. 

15 

[If  a  man]  on  ground  that  is  not  his 41  and  bakes 

bricks,  they  take  away  [the  bricks  and  50(?)]  blows  they  give 
him42  and  he  must  perform  one  month's  royal  service. 


29  The  word  is  broken  off,  but  the  context  points  to  a  term  like  'protest', 
perhaps  la-a  iJf-bi. 

30  Read  za-\a-ku\,  i.e.,  he  has  the  right  to  the  crop. 

31  na-di-a-ni,  i.  e.,  from  nadu,  the  one  who  cultivated  it. 

32 1.  e.,  the  ground  for  further  cultivation  remains  in  the  possession  of  the 
original  owner  of  the  orchard. 

33  i-na  la-a  ba-fyi-ri-i-su,  for  fyakkaru,  as  above,  Text  No.  2,  §  1. 

34  ur-Jpi,  'greens'.     We  still  call  a  dealer  in  vegetables  a  'green  grocer'. 

35  The  assumption  being  that  he  voices  his  protest  in  contrast  to  his  silent 
assent  in  §  12. 

36  ma-na-fya-a-ti-su,  more  literally  'the  outlays'  on  it,  for  which  no  compen- 
sation need  be  given. 

37  ig-lu-su-ma  from  galdsu,  the  meaning  of  which  is  to  be  gathered  from  the 
context. 

88  Sc.  that  he  has  used. 

89  The  text  is  uncertain.     The  number  may  be  40  or  50 — more  probably 
the  latter. 

40  To  be  supplied  as  the  usual  phrase  in  connection  with  fixed  labor. 

41  The  verb  which  would  have  indicated  what  the  man  did  in  addition  to 
baking  bricks  is  broken  off. 

42  Read  \i-ma\-  fyu-§u-u-u§,  according  to  Schroeder's  errata  to  his    text 
(p.  xxviii). 


An  Assyrian  Law  Code  57 

16 

(This  law  is  entirely  broken  away.  If  we  may  assume  that  it 
extended  into  Col.  VI,  we  may  conclude  from  the  law  following 
that  it  dealt  with  providing  irrigation  for  fields  adjoining  one 
another,  but  it  is  of  course  possible  that  there  was  more  than 
one  law  included  between  Col.  5.  39  and  the  beginning  of  Col.  6.) 

17 

[If  it  is  canal]43  water  which  is  collected  among  them44  into  a 
reservoir  for  irrigation,45  [the  owners]46  of  the  fields  divide  up 
among  themselves,47  and  each,  according  to  the  extent48  of  his 
field,  does  (his)  work,  and  irrigates49  his  field.  But  if  there  is  no 
harmony50  among  them,  the  judges51  ask  each  one52  about  the 
agreement53  among  them,  and  the  judges  take  away  the  docu- 
ment54 and  (each)  one  must  do  (his)  work.  (Each)  must  direct55 


43  Since  in  the  following  law  it  is  'rain  water'  which  is  to  be  used  in  common, 
the  natural  contrast  to  be  expected  here  would  be  water  from  a  canal,  which 
is  gathered  in  a  reservoir  and  thence  directed  into  the  fields. 

44 1.  e.,  by  agreement  among  the  owners  of  adjacent  fields.  The  previous 
law,  no  doubt,  specified  who  'they'  were. 

45  Read  [sd  a]-na  si-i-fa  [a-na  sd]-ka-a-wi  [il-lil-ku-ti-ni,  as  in  the  following 
law  (col.  6.  23).    Sakanu  would  appear  from  the  context  to  be  the  term  for 
'reservoir'. 

46  Supply  [Nin](Mes)  =bele,  as  in  the  following  law  (col.  6.  24). 

47  is-tu  a-fya-is. 

48  a-na  si-ir,  'up  to  the  border',  as  above  in  §  6. 

49  i-sa-afy-ki  from  hku  'to  water'. 

50  ma-ag-ru-tu  from  mqgaru,  which  among  various  meanings  has  the  force 
of  'to  agree'.     Such  quarrels  among  those  using  water  in  common,  must  have 
been  as  frequent  in  Babylonia  and  Assyria  as  disputes  about  wells  in  Palestine. 
Cf.  Gen.  26.  15-32. 

51  Di-Tar(Mes)  =daidne,  'judges',  but  here  used  collectively  for  'court'  and 
therefore  construed  in  this  law  and  in  the  following  one  with  a  verb  in  the 
singular,  as  e.  g.,  i-sd-'a-a-al,  'asks',  i§-§a-bat,  'seizes',  in  our  law,  and  i-lefc-ki, 
'takes  away'  in  the  following  law  (col.  6.  34). 

62  amelu,  here  in  the  sense  of  'each  man' . 

83  ma-ag-ru,  i.  e.,  what  understanding  there  was  regarding  the  share  each 
one  was  to  perform.  There  is  the  same  double  entente  in  the  Babylonian  stem 
magdru  as  in  the  English  term  'agree',  used  for  'harmony',  and  for  'an  agree- 
ment' . 

54  dup-pa,  i.  e.,  the  written  agreement  among  the  owners  of  the  fields. 

65  i-lelf-fa,  'take',  out  of  the  reservoir  and  direct  into  the  field. 


58  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr. 

those  waters  by  himself,  and  irrigate  his  field,  but  any  one  else's56 
he  is  not  to  irrigate. 

18 

If  it  is  rain-water57  which  is  collected  among  them  into  a  reser- 
voir for  irrigation,  the  owners  of  the  fields  divide  among  them- 
selves. Each  man  according  to  the  extent  of  his  field  does  (his) 
work  and  irrigates  his  field.  And  if  there  is  no  harmony  among 
them,  whatever  agreement  there  may  have  been  among  them, 
the  court  takes  away  the  document  of  (each)  man,  because  of  the 
failure  to  agree.58  (The  continuation  is  broken  off.)59 

The  balance  of  the  sixth  column  of  the  tablet  is  mutilated  and 
in  part  entirely  broken  off.  It  is  not  even  possible  to  estimate 
how  many  laws  are  missing — perhaps  two.  Of  the  seventh  column 
only  the  remains  of  twenty-four  lines,  comprising  two  laws,  are 
preserved.  Both  deal  with  agricultural  matters,  showing  that 
the  general  subject  of  the  previous  column  was  continued. 

Of  the  additional  seven  fragments  of  the  Code  published  by 
Schroeder,  while  some — particularly  No.  6  (PI.  20-21) — are  quite 
extensive,  none  is  sufficiently  preserved  to  give  a  continuous  text. 
All  therefore  that  can  be  done  for  the  present  is  to  indicate  the 
contents  of  the  fragments,  so  far  as  this  can  be  determined. 

(a)  Of  fragment  No.  3,  only  parts  of  seven  lines  are  preserved. 

(6)  Fragment  No.  4  contains  portions  of  five  laws.  The  sub- 
ject of  the  first  two  seems  to  be  injuries,  and  of  the  last  two,  con- 
tracts. 

(c)  Fragment  No.  5  contains  parts  of  two  laws.     The  character 
of  the  first  is  uncertain.      The  second  deals  with  horse  herds 
(re'u  su-gul-li  sd  sise,  'caretaker  of  herds  of  horses').     In  Assyrian 
letters,  we  hear  much  of  furnishing  horses  for  the  royal  stables 
and  for  the  army;   and  we  would,  therefore,  expect  stock  farms 
to  be  introduced  into  an  Assyrian  Code. 

(d)  Fragment  No.  6  gives  portions  of  11  laws.     The  subjects 
are,  slave  girls,  the  daughter  of  a  man  or  his  wife  retained  as  a 


66 1.  e.,  in  order  to  avoid  further  disputes,  no  work  is  to  be  done  in  common. 
67 'Water  of  the  god  Adad'  =zunnu,  rain,  in  contrast,  therefore,  to  the 
kind  of  water  mentioned  at  the  beginning  of  the  previous  law. 
68  a-na  eli  la-a  ma-ag-ru-u-lu. 
89  There  is  a  reference  to  five  magistrates  (rabuti). 


An  Assyrian  Law  Code  59 

pledge  for  debt,  transactions  regarding  horses,  oxen,  and  asses; 
theft,  stolen  property  put  on  deposit,  stolen  property  restored 
through  a  companion. 

(e)  Fragment  No.  7  (No.  143  of  Schroeder's  edition,  PL  89) 
gives  portions  of  four  laws  covering  monetary  transactions,  indi- 
viduals held  as  pledges  for  debt,  and  guarantees. 

(/)  Fragment  No.  8  (No.  144  of  Schroeder's  edition,  PI.  89)— 
small  portion  of  one  law. 

(g)  Fragment  No.  9  (No.  193  of  Schroeder's  edition,  PI.  107 
and  106) — bits  of  six  laws,  dealing  with  agriculture. 

[As  this  article  goes  through  the  press,  the  first  volume  of  Bruno 
Meissner's  very  valuable  new  work,  Babylonien  und  Assyrien 
(Heidelberg,  Winter  1920),  reaches  me,  in  which,  on  pages  175-179, 
he  summarizes  some  of  the  contents  of  the  new  code  and  discusses 
a  number  of  the  laws.  Much  to  my  satisfaction,  I  find  that  he 
confirms  Professor  Montgomery's  supposition  above  set  forth  that 
in  the  term  sarsen  (§§14  and  19)  we  have  the  Assyrian  term  for 
'eunuch'  and  that  castration  was,  therefore,  a  form  of  punish- 
ment in  Assyria  as  far  back  as  the  date  of  the  Code.  I  also 
owe  to  Meissner  the  correct  interpretation  of  the  verb  tadanu  in 
the  sense  of  being  'pledged'  to  marry  in  §  29  of  Text  No.  1 
(which  applies  also  to  §  44)  and  I  have  embodied  this  view, 
as  well  as  one  or  two  other  suggestions  derived  from  incidental 
references  to  social  conditions  as  set  forth  in  Chapter  XII  of 
Meissner's  work  dealing  with  'The  family  and  daily  life'.] 


BURUgASKl,  A  LANGUAGE  OF  NORTHERN  KASHMIR 

PHILIP  LEMONT  BARBOUR 

COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY 

•^ 

FAR  IN  THE  GREAT  NORTHWEST  of  India,  lying  close  to  the 
borders  of  Turkistan,  is  the  valley  of  the  Hunza  River.  Along 
its  northern  banks  lives  a  tribe  of  people  who,  tho  formerly  war- 
like and  aggressive,  are  now  industrious  and  peaceable.  On  the 
south  side  are  men  of  a  different  sort :  quieter,  and  more  orthodox 
Muhammadans.  Yet  these  two  tribes  speak  very  slightly  differ- 
ing dialects  of  the  same  tongue.  This  language,  called  Burugask! 
by  the  best  authorities,  is,  like  most  primitive  tongues,  possessed 
of  qualities  which  are  very  strange  to  the  peoples  of  the  Western 
World.  Indeed,  Burugaskl  has  one  phenomenon  which  I  have 
been  unable  to  find  in  any  one  of  some  250  languages  and  dialects 
which  I  have  investigated. 

The  object  of  this  article  is  to  give  a  brief  summary  of  the 
main  peculiarities  of  the  tongue,  and  to  discuss  its  possible  linguistic 
relationships  and  offer  some  possible  explanation  of  its  origin. 
Later  on  I  hope  to  be  able  to  offer  a  scientific  grammar. 

Burugaskl  possesses  two  main  distinctive  features.  The  most 
important  of  these  to  my  mind  is  the  so-called  system  of  pro- 
nominalization.  And  in  the  second  place  there  is  the  use  of  the 
vigesimal  system.  Several  others  might  be  mentioned,  but  these 
seem  to  me  the  most  important  ones.  It  is  these  elements,  then, 
that  we  must  look  for  in  other  tongues  in  order  to  classify  the 
language.  This  problem  has  been  investigated  by  Grierson, 
Leitner,  and  others,  but  the  verdict  so  far  has  been  'unclassifiable'. 
I  say  this  with  the  reservation  of  a  statement  by  Prof.  Trombetti 
which  I  will  discuss  later. 

Let  us  now  look  into  this  matter  and  see  whether  we  shall  again 
justify  the  opinion  of  Grierson  or,  failing  to  do  that,  offer  some 
constructive  criticism  of  our  own. 

As  I  have  said  before,  the  '  pronominalized '  quality  of  Burugaskl 
is  the  most  striking  one.  It  consists  in  the  prefixing  of  a  particle 
derived  from  the  personal  pronouns,  and  pronominal  in  effect, 
to  certain  nouns,  adjectives,  prepositions,  and  verbs.  The 
principle  underlying  these  several  cases  is  fundamentally  the  same. 
(In  fact,  the  actual  form  varies  but  slightly,  as  we  shall  see.)  Dr. 


Buru^aski,  a  Language  of  Northern  Kashmir  61 

Leitner,  the  original  discoverer  of  Burugaski  to  the  western  races 
of  the  earth,  explains  the  pronominalization  as  follows:  to  the 
primitive  mind  the  idea  of  '  head ',  for  instance,  is  so  closely  asso- 
ciated with  the  idea  of  its  possessor  that  the  two  can  not  be 
separated.  Accordingly  we  find  the  mental  concept  reflected  in 
the  speech.  There  is  no  word  for  'head'  in  the  abstract;  it  is 
necessary  to  say  whose  head,  either  its  present  owner,  or,  if  sep- 
arated from  the  body,  its  past  possessor.  Thus  we  have  words 
for  'my  head',  'thy  head',  'his  head',  and  so  forth,  all  quite 
distinct  from  one  another,  yet  all  founded  upon  the  same  root  by 
means  of  prefixes.  Nevertheless  we  do  not  find  this  root  as  a 
separate  entity.  It  is  invariably  accompanied  by  one  of  the 
prefixes. 

The  pronominalization,  to  continue  our  abstract  from  Dr. 
Leitner,  is  therefore  confined  to  words  of  family  relationship, 
parts  of  the  body,  and  mental  conceptions — -all  of  them  expressing 
qualities,  be  they  physical  or  mental,  which  can  not  be  separated 
from  their  owner.  They  may  be,  as  remarked  above,  expressed 
in  a  noun,  a  verb  (usually,  if  not  invariably,  a  compound  with 
one  of  the  pronominalized  nouns  as  a  component),  an  adjective 
(always  a  compound),  or  a  preposition  (these  are  very  few  and 
no  regular  rule  is  deduced).  In  the  case  of  the  verbs,  the  suffixes 
for  the  personal  endings  may  also  be  derived  from  the  same  per- 
sonal-pronominal roots.  Thus  in  the  pronominalized  verbs  we 
have  the  prefix  and  the  suffix  both.  Such  is  Dr.  Leitner's  opinion 
on  the  matter. 

Important  as  is  the  explanation  and  theory  of  so  distinguished 
a  scholar  as  Leitner,  there  seem  to  me  to  be  some  reasons  for 
modifying  it.  There  are,  however,  few  'first  opinions'  which 
survive  the  erosive  effect  of  time.  Facts  discovered  later  con- 
tradict even  the  most  logical  theories. 

Now  as  regards  the  Burugaski  system  of  pronominalization, 
which  by  its  very  nature  causes  a  lack  of  certain  abstract  terms 
in  the  language,  it  is  well  to  observe  that,  while  there  are  cases 
of  primitive  tongues  having  different  words  for  objects  expressed 
in  more  advanced  languages  by  a  compound  formed  of  a  general 
word  plus  a  specific  modifier,  these  cases  do  not  parallel  ours. 
In  them  it  is  a  question  of  an  entire  lack  of  abstract  terms.  In 
Buruc.askl,  on  the  other  hand,  altho  there  is  no  word  for  'head', 
there  is  a  root  expressing  that  idea.  Tho  various  personal  prefixes 
are  attached,  that  does  not  hide  the  significance  of  the  existence 


62  Philip  Lemont  Barbour 

of  the  root  idea  in  the  language.  To  evidence  the  distinction  I 
am  making,  I  will  quote  several  cases  from  other  tongues.  Dr. 
Romanes1  cites  the  following  examples:  the  Society  Islanders 
have  different  words  for  'dog's  tail',  'bird's  tail',  etc.,  but  no 
word  for  'tail'.  The  Mohicans  have  different  words  for  various 
kinds  of  cutting,  but  no  verb  ' to  cut'.  They  can  say  ' I  love  you', 
or  'I  love  him',  and  so  forth,  but  they  have  no  way  of  expressing 
the  simple  idea  'to  love'.  The  Choctaws  have  no  word  for  the 
genus  'oak'.  The  Australians  have  no  expression  for  'tree'  in 
the  abstract,  nor  for  'bird',  or  'fish',  etc.  The  Eskimos  can  say 
they  are  fishing  seal,  or  whale,  and  the  like,  but  they  can  not 
invite  anyone  to  go  fishing  with  them  without  specifying  what, 
where,  when,  or  how  they  are  going  to  fish. 

I  need  quote  no  more  of  these  cases  to  prove  that,  with  the  sole 
exception  of  the  Mohican  verb  forms,  there  is  no  real  resemblance 
between  any  of  these  and  Burugaskl.  In  all  of  them  the  root 
too  is  absent.  Not  so,  however,  in  the  language  we  are  studying, 
While  the  Kanjuti's  (or  Burugaskl-speaking  man's)  mind  may  not 
now  be  a,ble  to  separate  the  idea  of  a  part  of  the  body,  or  what 
not,  from  the  idea  of  its  owner,  his  mind  must  at  some  time 
have  had  the  power  to  conceive  the  root  word  to  which  he  has 
attached  his  pronominal  prefix — and  there  Dr.  Leitner's  theory 
seems  inadequate. 

Far  more  likely  does  it  appear  to  me  that  the  root  word  once 
existed  and  that  the  constant  use  of  these  now  pronominalized 
words  with  the  possessive  pronouns  led  to  the  unifying  of  the  two 
parts  into'  one  word.  Subsequently,  probably  owing  to  a  con- 
traction, the  significance  of  the  possessive  prefix  was  lost,  to  a 
certain  extent,  and  the  second  half  of  the  compound,  the  general 
term,  lost  its  individual  entity.  Then  the  possessive  pronoun 
was  again  added,  and  we  find  them  now  saying  'my  my  head', 
for  instance.  It  is  a  similar  case  to  that  of  the  Southerner,  who, 
as  the  story  goes,  had  heard  '  dam- Yankee '  used  together  so  much 
that  he  reached  the  age  of  discretion,  so-called,  without  knowing 
that  the  phrase  was  not  a  word.  I  might  also  cite  the  use  in 
modern  English  of  'the  hoi  polloi'  as  another  example  of  how 
easily  two  words  often  used  together  become  as  one,  frequently 
resulting  in  the  addition  of  a  superfluous  particle  before  them. 

1  Geo.  J.  Romanes,  Mental  Evolution  in  Man,  New  York  City,  1898,  pp. 
350-353. 


Buru<;aski,  a  Language  of  Northern  Kashmir  63 

Some  day  future  nations  may  he  saying  that  we  lacked  the  mental 
acumen  necessary  to  understand  the  original  Greek.  We  too  may 
be  classed  with  the  primitive  savage. 

To  return  to  the  subject,  my  analysis  of  the  pronominalization 
is  further  borne  out  by  the  fact  that  the  Kanjutis,  according  to 
Dr.  Leitner,  have  been  a  free  race,  living  in  the  same  locality, 
and  governed  by  the  same  line  of  kings,  or  chiefs,  for  about  a 
thousand  years.  Their  isolation  has  been  almost  complete  for  a 
millenium  and  a  half.  This  is  time  enough  for  a  language  to 
decay  as  well  as  to  advance,  and  their  separation  from  the  out- 
side world  would  probably  have  not  made  for  linguistic  develop- 
ment. Certainly  this  isolation  would  have  dulled  their  intelligence 
rather  than  sharpened  it.  Moreover  it  is  generally  acknowledged 
that  the  people  speaking  Burusaski  are  an  intelligent  race,  far 
above  the  Society  Islanders,  for  instance.  Thus  the  only  logical 
conclusion  seems  to  me  to  be  that  the  primitive  qualities  of  the 
language  are  due  to  decay.  This  alone,  to  my  mind,  can  explain 
such  qualities  in  a  tongue  whose  speakers,  according  to  all  indi- 
cations, are  a  very  old  race. 

Turning  now  to  the  other  main  peculiarity  referred  to  above, 
it  will  repay  us,  I  believe,  to  look  into  this  matter  of  the  vigesimal 
system.  We  may  be  able  to  discover  some  analogies  that  will  be 
of  assistance  in  classifying,  or  otherwise  theorising  about,  Buru- 
gaski.  In  the  first  place  we  are  reminded  of  the  peculiar  French 
usage  in  the  instance  of  70,  80,  and  90.  Instead  of  continuing 
the  decimal  system,  French  suddenly  branches  out  into  the  vigesi- 
mal, e.  g.,  70,  soixante-dix;  80,  quatre-vingt;  90,  quatre-vingt-dix. 
This  is  a  survival  of  a  former  complete  vigesimal  system.  Thus 
we  find  in  early  French  treiz  vinz,  'sixty',  treiz  vinz  et  dix,  'seventy', 
etc.2  It  is  even  continued  beyond  one  hundred,  so  that  we  find 
six  vinz,  'one  hundred  and  twenty'.  In  the  Keltic  languages, 
also,  we  find  this  system,3  and  it  is  generally  agreed  that  it  was 
thru  the  contact  with  the  Keltic  that  Old  French  developed  this 
un-Romance  quality.  But,  if  this  system  is  foreign  to  the  Latin 
tongues,  is  it  not  also  foreign  to  the  Indo-European  in  general? 
The  answer  is  decidedly  affirmative.  Whence,  then,  did  the  Kelts 


2  Friedrich    Diez,    Grammatik    der   Romanischen   Sprachen,     Bonn,     1882, 
pp.  725-726. 

3  Holger    Pedersen,     Vergleichende    Grammatik    der    Keltischen    Sprachent 
Gottingen,  1913,  p.  134. 


64  Philip  Lemont  Barbour 

derive  their  mode  of  counting?  I  will  not  stop  here  to  go  into 
any  detail,  but  will  merely  outline  a  theory  that  presents  itself 
to  my  mind.  The  Kelts  may  also  have  inherited  the  system  from 
still  earlier  possessors  of  French  soil.  These  tribes  have  now  all 
died  out,  save  the  Basques  who,  I  believe,  are  connected  with  the 
early  (tho  not  the  earliest4)  inhabitants  of  Europe.  (That  the 
Basques  should  have  invaded  Europe  later  than  the  Kelts  seems 
to  me  highly  improbable.)  Their  language  still  uses  the- vigesimal 
system,  and  that  is  the  only  common  ground  it  has  to  stand  on 
with  any  language  that  exists  or  is  known  to  have  existed  near 
the  present  abode  of  the  Basques.4 

This  is  all  rather  far  afield,  yet  I  do  not  regard  it  as  time  wasted, 
for  it  illustrates  the  importance  of  the  numerical  system  in  unravel- 
ling linguistic  mysteries.  Besides  this,  I  regard  the  numerical 
system  as  of  considerable  importance  in  the  classification  of  a 
tongue.  Altho  Prof.  Trombetti,5  among  others,  cites  the  wide- 
spread use  of  the  vigesimal  system,  still  I  should  be  very  much 
inclined  to  investigate  carefully  any  tongue  that  was  within  the 
limit  of  possibility  geographically,  and  that  made  use  of  that 
system.  The  mere  fact  that  the  vigesimal  system  is  widespread 
is  no  proof  that  two  languages  using  it  are  not  connected.  More 
extensive  notice  of  this  will  be  taken  later  on. 

After  these  all  too  few  remarks  regarding  the  two  distinctive 
features  of  Burugaski  I  will  now  turn  to  the  discussion  of  the 
linguistic  affinity  of  the  tongue  and  see  what  can  be  said  regarding 
its  classification.  Should  no  classification  be  possible  as  yet,  I 
will  at  least  offer  some  suggestions  as  regards  its  more  distant 
relationships;  and  at  the  same  time  see  what  can  be  said  about 
its  origin. 

It  is  evident  from  the  most  superficial  survey  that  Burugaski  is 
not  an  Indo-European  tongue.  Authors  (such  as  Sir  Aurel  Stein 
in  his  Ancient  Khotan  and  in  other  works)  who  have  had  nothing 
else  to  say  in  regard  to  it  have  remarked  that  the  language  could 
not  be  Aryan.  And  they  mean  Aryan  in  the  broadest  sense  of 
Indo-European.  There  is  not  the  slighest  resemblance  in  vocabu- 
lary, syntax,  or  any  other  way. 


4  Wm.  Z.  Ripley,  Races  of  Europe,  New  York,  1898,  p.  200.  See  also  page 
198  for  further  information  regarding  the  migrations  of  the  race. 

6  Prof.  Alfredo  Trombetti,  Saggi  di  Glottologia  Generate  Comparata,  1913, 
vol.  2,  p.  9. 


Buru$aski,  a  Language  of  Northern  Kashmir  65 

After  ruling  out  this  possibility  we  may  next  turn  to  another 
great  group  of  tongues  that  is  a  near  neighbor,  namely  the  Tibeto- 
Burman  group.  Of  this  group  the  language  geographically  nearest 
to  the  Hunza  is  Baltl.  A  somewhat  careful  comparative  study  of 
Balti  and  our  language  reveals  not  the  slightest  resemblance. 
Nor,  in  fact,  can  any  similarity  be  traced  in  the  entire  Tibeto- 
Burman  stock-in-trade.  Here  again  we  are  compelled  to  agree 
with  Grierson  and  the  others.  Yet  there  is  one  branch  of  the 
Tibeto-Burman  group,  known  as  the  Himalayan  pronominalized 
branch,  that  has  many  features  quite  opposed  to  the  general  run 
of  things  in  its  parent.  Indeed  it  was  for  a  time  doubtful  how 
to  classify  these  pronominalized  languages.  They  are  found  in 
little  bunches  scattered  thru  the  southern  slopes  of  the  Himalayas, 
reaching  as  far  west  as  Ladakshan.  The  dialects  spoken  there 
have  the  greatest  number  of  foreign  elements  of  any  of  the 
Tibetan  tongues.  Yet,  strange  as  it  may  seem,  these  idiosyn- 
cracies  apparently  border  upon  a  relationship  to  Burugaski.  I 
will  not  discuss  the  resemblances  at  any  length,  but  will  merely 
remark  that  these  likenesses,  far  fetched  as  they  seem,  are  among 
the  few  that  offer  even  a  slight  ray  of  hope  to  the  comparative 
philologist  in  search  of  a  classification  for  Burugaski.  The  main 
point  is  that  the  western  Himalayan  pronominalized  languages 
also  use  the  vigesimal  system.  Their  pronominalization  is  some- 
what different  from  that  in  the  Burugaski,  however.  In  the 
Himalaj^an  tongues  a  prominal  suffix  is  used  on  verbs  to  form  a 
primitive  yet  regular  system  of  conjugation.  Here  we  find  a 
support  for  Whitney's  theory  regarding  the  origin  of  verbal 
endings.  The  occurrence  of  the  vigesimal  system  in  these 
languages  I  regard  as  important,  however,  as  it  is  in  direct  oppo- 
sition to  some  of  the  main  principles  of  the  Tibeto-Burman 
languages.  More  will  be  said  of  this  later  when  I  am  discussing 
the  Munda  or  Kolarian  languages. 

Turning  now  to  the  North,  we  find  the  Tartar,  Turki,  Uigur, 
and  other  dialects  and  languages.  Here  again  we  must  be  dis- 
appointed, as  regards  finding  relationships,  for  these  tongues  are 
utterly  devoid  of  the  pronominal  system,  or  of  vigesimalization, 
and  have  so  few  resemblances  in  vocabulary  that  they  must  be 
borrowed  words.  The  only  word,  in  fact,  that  I  have  so  far 
discovered  in  common  is  the  Turk!  timur  or  temur,  'iron',  which 
is  also  found  in  Burugaski  in  the  form  dmr,  comar,  and  with 
various  other  spellings.  It  is  undoubtedly  a  borrowed  word, 

5    JAOS  41 


66  Philip  Lemont  Barbour 

however,  because  it  is  also  found  in  the  Indo-Iranian  or  Pigaca 
dialects  of  Afghanistan  and  the  Northwest  Frontier  Province. 

Now  we  must  go  farther  afield.  The  other  languages  of  India 
offer  themselves  for  inspection,  and  accordingly  we  turn  to  the 
Dravidian  group.  This  is,  with  the  sole  exception  of  Brahui, 
limited  to  the  southern  part  of  India.  Philologists  and  ethnologists 
almost  universally  agree  that  the  Dravidians  came  into  India 
from  the  same  direction  as  did  the  Aryans,  leaving  a  colony  in 
Baluchistan,  which  today  speaks  a  Dravidian  tongue,  Brahui.6 
Might  not  they  have  left  another  such  island  in  northern  Kashmir? 
Alas,  Brahui  presents  striking  similarities  to  the  other  Dravidian 
languages,  but  BurugaskI  has  practically  no  resemblance  at  all. 
It  would  make  a  wonderful  story  if  the  Burugaski-speaking 
Kanjutis  were  a  sort  of  little  pond  left  by  the  onsweeping  tidal- 
wave  of  the  great  Dravidian  racial  migration.  This  would  be  a 
source  of  splendid  fiction,  but  I  fear  the  novelist  will  have  to  seek 
elsewhere  for  his  story. 

A  page  or  so  above  I  mentioned,  in  connection  with  the  Hima- 
layan pronominalized  languages,  the  Munda  or  Kolarian  group  of 
tongues.  It  is  to  this  group  that  we  must  now  direct  our  glance. 
Separated  as  this  group  is  by  a  dozen  degrees  of  latitude,  it  does 
not  seem  to  offer  much  promise  as  a  related  class.  Yet  here 
again  we  find  the  vigesimal  system  of  counting.  We  also  find 
a  well-developed  declension  and  conjugation,  bordering  more  in 
type  upon  the  Burugaski.  And,  more  than  this,  there  seems  to 
be  a  very  slight  connection  in  the  vocabulary.  From  this,  how- 
ever, we  must  be  careful  in  drawing  our  conclusions.  The  present- 
day  knowledge  of  the  morphology  and  etymology  of  BurugaskI  is 
too  meager  to  be  sure  that  we  are  not  mistaking  an  ending  for  an 
essential  part  of  the  word.  Still  I  am  including  a  list  of  the  very 
few  resemblances  I  have  been  able  to  trace:  Bur.  tsil,  ' water', 
Himalayan  pron.  langs.  ti  (which  Grierson  thinks  is  related  to 
Santali  dak  and  to  Bahnar  dak  of  the  Mon  Khmer  languages); 
Bur.  haghur,  'horse',  Kanasi  (Him.  pron.  lang.)  ghora,  Janggall 
ghorya;  Bur.  (i)mupag7  'nose',  Santali  mu,  Bahnar  mu;  Bur. 
sah  'sun',  Santali  sin,  Selong  (Mon  Khmer  lang.)  sen;  Bur.  api, 


6  On  the  general  relationship  of  Brahui  to  the  Dravidian  tongues  see 
D.  Bray,  The  Brahui  Language,  Part  1,  Calcutta,  1909,  pp.  8-19. 

7 1  might  add  that,  besides  being  pronominalized,  which  I  have  indicated 
by  parentheses,  pa$  seems  to  me  an  ending,  cf.  (i)mukaq  'cheek'. 


Buru^aski,  a  Language  of  Northern  Kashmir  67 

'not',  (apparently  from  or  connected  with  be  'no'),  Santali  ban, 
Rengao  bi;  Bur.  hir*  'man',  Santali  hdr.  These  are  about  the 
only  words  out  of  some  two  hundred  compared  that  show  the 
slightest  resemblance,  and  the  similarity  is  very,  very  slight  in 
many  if  not  all  of  these  cases.  Yet  it  is  necessary  to  remember 
that  a  great  interval  of  space  intervenes  and  the  languages  might 
have  so  drifted  apart  that  only  very  slight  resemblances  should 
be  traceable. 

The  Mon  Khmer  languages  in  eastern  India  and  Burma  seem 
to  have  a  basic  resemblance  to  the  Munda,  but  beyond  that  and 
the  few  verbal  analogies  presented  in  the  preceding  paragraph 
they  offer  little  similarity.  They  are  monosyllabic,  and  show 
some  connection  with  the  Chino-Siamo-Tibeto-Burman  group  on 
the  one  hand  and  the  Australo-Indonesian  on  the  other.  Slight 
as  are  these  resemblances,  it  seems  most  important  that  various 
scholars  of  world-wide  repute  accept  this  fundamental  affinity 
referred  to  above,  and  equally  able  ones  have  not  been  able  to 
refute  the  theory  entirely.  The  Chinese-Siamese  group  can  be 
dispensed  with  summarily  as  it  is  related  to  the  Tibeto-Burman 
and  is  like  it  in  most  matters  of  principle. 

As  regards  the  classification  of  Burugaski,  this  seems  to  leave  us 
just  where  we  started.4  Yet  there  are  a  few  more  theories  and 
possibilities  remaining.  An  article  entitled  The  Khajuna  Language 
by  Hyde  Clarke  in  the  Indian  Antiquary,  1.  258,  Bombay  1872, 
suggests  a  possible  connection  with  the  Agaws,  Waags,  Falashas, 
Fertits,  Dizzelas,  and  Shankalis  of  Abyssinia,  also  the  Abxas,  in 
Caucasia,  the  Rodiyas,  of  Ceylon,  and  the  Galelas,  of  the  Indian 
Archipelago.  He  also  instances  'a  Siberian  and  two  American 
Indian'  tongues  as  possible  relatives.  He  then  assumes  an  auto- 
chthonous population  of  India  speaking  the  parent  of  this  group, 
presumably  driven  out  by  the  first  comers  of  the  present  Indian 
tongues.  Not  even  a  name  is  lacking :  the  Siberio-Nubian  group. 
As  the  name  of  the  Siberian  tongue  was  not  given,  I  was  not 
able  to  identify  the  language  he  had  reference  to,  tho  I  investi- 
gated the  Yukaghir  and  Siberian  Eskimo  modes  of  speech  with 
no  results.  What  I  could  glean  from  a  careful  study  of  the 
material  relating  to  the  Abxas  language  in  R.  von  Erckert's  Die 
Sprache  des  Kaukasischen  Stammesy  Wien  1895,  failed  to  convince 
me  of  the  possibility  of  any  valuable  results  being  obtained  there. 

8  Cf .  Lat.  vir,  Skt.  vlra. 


68  Philip  Lemont  Barbour 

An  investigation  of  the  African  languages  referred  to  by  Mr. 
Clarke  also  failed  to  throw  any  light  on  the  subject.  What 
relation  there  is  between  these  languages  and  Burugaski  would 
certainly  only  be  evident  to  one  who  could  speak  all  of  these 
languages  as  a  native.  Perhaps  even  he  could  not  trace  any 
connection. 

I  need  go  no  farther  to  demonstrate  the  difficulties  of  applying 
this  grouping  to  Burugaski.  Search  as  I  might,  moreover,  from 
the  Basque  of  Western  Europe  to  the  Ra-txa-hu-ni-ku-i9  of  the 
Caxinauds  of  Brazil,  from  O  jib  way  to  Finnish,  I  could  discover 
no  tongue  having  the  two  particularly  distinctive  features  that  I 
mentioned  at  the  outset.  Whatever  tongue  is  connected  with 
Burugaski  has  apparently  lost,  in  the  course  of  time,  these  valuable 
identification  marks.  To  me  the  closest  resemblance  seemed  to 
lie  in  the  Munda  languages.  That  is  too  remote  a  resemblance, 
however,  to  presume  any  'blood  tie'. 

Since  the  writing  of  this  article  I  have  received  a  letter  from  Sir 
George  Grierson  in  which  he  referred  to  a  possible  connection 
with  Mongolian  and  Manchu.  I  had  investigated  this  to  some 
slight  extent.  The  possibility  seemed  too  doubtful  to  bother  to 
make  mention  of  it.  I  was  pleased  to  hear  that  he  too  had  felt 
it  was  'doubtful'.  The  investigation  of  the  enormous  number  of 
languages  which  might  show  some  small  resemblance  to  Burugaski 
is  necessarily  a  rather  superficial  one.  The  two  languages  men- 
tioned above  have  been  somewhat  neglected  in  this  article  for 
that  very  reason.  The  letter  from  Grierson  has  thus  only  con- 
firmed the  opinion  I  had  received  from  my  own  altogether  too 
summary  investigations  in  that  line. 

Hence  we  must  again  come  to  the  same  conclusion  which 
Grierson  and  other  authorities  have  arrived  at.  There  is  appar- 
ently no  language  on  the  face  of  the  earth  which  is  sufficiently 
closely  connected  with  Burugaski  to  admit  of  the  latter's  being 
classified  with  it.  Such  a  classification  to  my  mind  would  require 
a  considerable  amount  of  similarity  in  fundamental  principles,  as 
well  as  a  reasonably  large  coincidence  or  resemblance  in  vocabulary. 
In  other  words,  it  must  be  possible  to  draw  some  philological  or 
morphological  laws  from  these  principles  for  them  to  be  of  any 
real  value  for  grouping.  From  the  preceding  paragraphs  this  is 
evidently  not  possible.  If,  then,  clutching  as  a  drowning  man  at 

9  Abreu,  J.  C.  de,  Ra-txa-hu-ni-ku-i,  Rio  de  Janeiro,  1914. 


Buru<;aski,  a  Language  of  Northern  Kashmir  69 

anything,  we  even  enlarge  our  definition  to  such  an  extent  as 
almost  to  include  Nahuatl  in  the  same  group  as  Sanskrit,  we  shall 
be  but  little  better  off.  It  may  be  the  lack  of  material  on  Buru- 
c.aski  that  causes  this  difficulty,  however,  and  it  is  quite  possible 
that,  when  new  data  are  acquired,  a  definite  connection  may  be 
established.  I  have,  in  spite  of  this,  decided  to  append  an  out- 
line of  a  theory  which  may  seem  to  be  a  classification  of  the 
language.  This  it  most  definitely  is  not.  I  do  not  feel  that  the 
suppositions  entertained  in  it  are  a  basis  for  a  classification. 
They  are  merely  attempts  to  explain  the  few  resemblances  and 
coincidences  which  I  have  stated  above. 

.Now  in  conclusion  I  have  a  rather  novel  and  romantic  (tho 
Ijjiope  not  impossible)  theory  of  my  own  to  propose.  It  is  an 
attempt  to  account  for  the  presence  of  Buru^aski  in  its  present 
location.  If  nothing  more  than  the  suggestion  of  a  theory  more 
probable  than  any  previous  one  is  accomplished,  I  shall  be  content. 
So  I  offer  it,  not  without  some  hesitation,  for  what  it  may  be 
worth. 

India,  by  virtue  of  the  fertility  of  its  soil  and  the  equable  climate 
in  many  of  its  parts,  is  the  most  natural  place  in  the  world  to 
expect  to  find  prehistoric  remains.  The  country  includes,  of 
course,  all  varieties  of  climate  and  altitude,  but  in  some  regions 
offers  unequalled  advantages  for  the  development  of  early  man. 
Almost  without  doubt,  moreover,  these  qualities  always  obtained 
in  much  the  same  places  as  today.  We  know,  by  geological  evi- 
dence, that  the  Archean  or  earliest  known  rock  formations  are 
to  be  found  under  and  at  the  surface  of  a  large  part  of  India. 
Hence,  taking  into  consideration  its  tropical  to  semitropical 
location,  we  may  expect  to  discover  burial  sites  and  other  evidences 
of  paleolithic  man.  In  this  we  are  not  deceived.  Such  remains 
are  found  in  the  Madras  district,  for  instance.10  From  these 
earliest  traces  we  have  an  almost  complete  scale  of  remains  down 
thru  the  neolithic  age,  etc.,  to  historical  times.  We  therefore 
know  that,  long  before  the  historic  and  protohistoric  invasions, 
man  was  in  India. 

The  subsequent  history  of  these  primitive  human  beings  is  not 
definitely  known.  It  is  certain,  however,  that  there  were  two 
main  groups  of  them.  By  far  the  larger  portion  was  in  the  Deccan. 
Smaller  communities  existed,  possibly  not  so  early,  in  the  older 

10  Smith,  V.  A.  The  Oxford  History  of  India,  Oxford,  1919,  pp.  1-10. 


70  Philip  Lemont  Barbour 

regions  of  the  North.  Altho  there  is  no  positive  proof  (indeed 
compared  to  Europe  there  is  little  proof  of  such  things  in  India 
at  all),  man  has  probably  existed  in  Kashmir  since  a  very  early 
date.  His  development  there  would  be  more  or  less  like  that  of 
man  in  the  South.  There  would  probably,  however,  have  been 
little  mutual  influence.  The  Northern  race  also  was  probably 
fairer,  tho  not  much  so,  than  the  Southern. 

Resigning  ourselves  now  entirely  to  theory,  it  is  to  be  expected 
that  the  Gangetic  basin  would  later  have  become  the  meeting 
ground  of  these  races.  The  Southern  type  possibly  even  spread 
to  the  Eastern  reaches  of  the  Indus.  This  meeting  of  the  tribes 
would  tend  to  stimulate  progress  in  both  of  them  and  might  very 
likely  give  rise  to  a  third  race.  This  birth  I  have  assumed  as 
taking  place.  The  race  may  not  necessarily  have  been  separated 
ethnically  from  the  parent,  but  may,  at  the  time  of  the  earliest 
immigrations  of  foreigners,  have  merely  been  a  race  in  the  embryo. 
A  linguistic  differentiation  would  have  taken  place  at  an  early 
date.  This  would  have  been  the  case  particularly  if  the  earliest 
invasions  were  taking  place  at  the  time  of  which  I  am  speaking. 
The  presence  of  another  tongue  is  productive  of  great  changes  in 
a  language,  even  in  a  comparatively  few  years:  witness  the 
growth  of  English  in  the  years  immediately  following  the  Norman 
conquest. 

From  this  we  obtain  the  first  premise  for  our  theory,  namely ^ 
that  not  long  before  the  Dravidian  and  Aryan  invasions  of  India 
there  existed  in  Northern  India  a  race  possessing  a  sharply  defined 
language  of  its  own. 

At  a  later  date  came  the  parents  of  the  modern  Dravidian 
tongues.  There  is  little  doubt  that  the  Dravidians  were  exogenous. 
Where  did  they  come  from?  That  they  entered  from  the  North- 
east is  highly  dubious.  Even  more  so  is  the  theory  that  they 
came  from  the  so-called  Lenmrian  continent,  which  is  fabled  to 
have  existed  in  the  Indian  Ocean  to  the  southwest  of  India.  The 
only  remaining  theory  is  the  one  that  they  came  from  the  North- 
west. Assuming  this  to  be  the  most  logical  theory,  the  Dravidian 
people  and  their  language  must  have  come  in  contact  with  the 
aforesaid  hypothetical  race  of  Northern  India.  From  this  tempor- 
ary nexus  there  would  have  resulted  some  linguistic  intermingling. 
A  more  important  result  was  forthcoming,  however.  The  people 
already  in  the  region  were  pushed  apart.  The  larger  portion 
turned  southward  while  some  tribes  turned  to  the  North  and  then,. 


Buru^aski,  a  Language  of  Northern  Kashmir  71 

when  they  reached  the  Himalayas,  to  the  West.  While  in  this 
region  they  met  with  the  tribes  of  Tibetan  origin  and  brought 
about  the  linguistic  change  discernible  in  their  languages  today. 
In  the  meantime  the  branch  that  went  to  the  South  and  later  to 
the  East  became  the  fathers  or  at  least  the  uncles  of  the  modern 
Munda  tongues.  These,  however,  have  undergone  great  change 
through  their  contact  with  the  Mon  Khmer  and  other  languages 
of  the  East. 

The  forerunners  of  the  Aryan  invasions  later  drove  the  Northern 
branch  of  my  hypothetical  people  up  to  the  North  of  where  the 
Aryans  entered.  The  main  body  of  Indo-European  tribes  thus 
did  not  come  into  direct  contact  with  them.  The  indigenous 
tribes  of  the  North,  however,  did  come  into  contact  with  these 
more  advanced  peoples.  Thus  we  have  the  opposing  influences 
of  the  Northern  and  Southern  paleolithic  tribes  on  this  split  race. 
As  the  natural  result  of  this,  the  division  soon  grew  to  appalling 
dimensions.  If  this  theory  is  anywhere  near  the  truth,  it  is  more 
surprising  to  me  that  there  are  now  any  resemblances  at  all 
between  the  modern  descendants  of  those  peoples,  than  that 
those  resemblances  are  so  few. 

Our  second  premise,  then,  is  that  this  Northern  India  race  was 
split  by  successive  invasions  and  gradually  drifted  apart  until  one 
section  was  finally  in  the  far  Northwest  and  the  other  in  the 
extreme  Southeast.  • 

With  the  passing  of  centuries  one  stream  of  people  after  another 
poured  over  the  Northwest  passes  until  the  Northern  branch  of 
the  race  for  the  greater  part  lost  its  individual  entity  and 
assimilated  the  languages  of  the  invaders.  A  few  remnants,  how- 
ever, of  the  ancient  people,11  entering  valleys  impenetrable  to 
the  armies  of  olden  times,  continued  their  now  isolated  existence 
down  to  the  present  day.  The  final  separation  of  the  race  prob- 
ably dates  from  about  the  5th  century  after  Christ.  This  is  the 
approximate  date  set  for  the  beginning  of  the  independence  of 
the  Hunza  and  Nagar  tribes  by  Dr.  Leitner  in  his  Hunza  and 
Nagar  Handbook.  The  millenium  and  a  half  of  division  from 
the  other  related  tribes  located  in  the  upper  courses  of  the  Yassin 


11  Sir.  G.  A.  Grierson,  Linguistic  Survey  of  India,  vol.  8,  part  2,  p.  551, 
which  I  have  received  since  the  paragraph  referred  to  was  written,  also 
speaks  of  the  fact  that  the  Buruc,askl-speaking  peoples  of  today  are  remnants 
of  a  former  larger  race. 


72  Philip  Lemont  Barbour 

River  has  had  but  little  effect  on  the  language  of  the  two  sections. 
Only  complete  or  nearly  complete  isolation  could  have  produced 
such  results. 

So,  as  the  conclusion  and  completion  of  our  theory,  we  may 
assume  that  the  modern  Burugaski  and  Wurgkl  or  Wargikwar 
languages  or  dialects  are  the  most  direct  and  least-changed 
descendants  of  the  prehistoric  and  even  pretraditional  tribe  whose 
existence  was  assumed  in  the  first  of  these  statements. 

In  concluding  let  me  call  special  attention  to  two  arguments 
in  support  of  this  rather  elaborate  theory,  which  may  not  have 
been  brought  out  with  sufficient  clearness  above. 

In  the  first  place  we  have  the  unaccountable  resemblance  of 
the  Himalayan  pronominalized  dialects  to  the  Munda  group. 
Munda  traditions  point  to  a  migration  of  that  race  from  the 
North  and  West,  but  these  traditions  are,  for  the  most  part, 
comparatively  recent.  Hence  they  would  offer  but  little  support 
to  a  theory  of  the  Munda  peoples  coming  from  beyond  the  moun- 
tains. Moreover,  these  tribes  are  typically  aboriginal,  or  endo- 
genous. They  are  more  similar  to  the  autochthonous  tribes  of 
the  interior  of  the  Deccan  than  to  any  of  the  Northern  invaders. 
Yet  they  are  far  more  developed  than  the  traces  of  aborigines 
found  at  the  present  day  in  that  region. 

In  the  second  place,  the  connection  of  the  Munda  tribes  with 
the-Mon  Khmer  and  other  tribes  of  the  East,  in  a  linguistic  way, 
must  somehow  be  accounted  for.  This  will  illustrate  the  difficulty 
of  accounting  for  this  very  complex  state  of  affairs  in  the  compass 
of  one  brief  article.  The  other  arguments  have  been  mentioned 
at  sufficiently  great  length  in  the  preceding  paragraphs  not  to 
necessitate  their  repeating. 

From  this  it  will  be  seen  that  some  such  theory  as  the  one 
outlined  above  is  required  to  account  for  the  numerous  problems 
that  arise  in  connection  with  the  presence  of  Burugaski  and 
several  other  languages  in  their  present  locality,  as  well  as  the 
peculiar  common  linguistic  substratum  of  India.  As  I  have  said 
before,  my  best  reward  will  be  the  awakening  of  interest  in  this 
problem,  which  I  regard  as  of  considerable  importance  in  settling 
many  linguistic  ' mix-ups'.  With  this  I  take  my  leave  of  a  labor 
that  has  been  the  most  fascinating  I  have  ever  undertaken. 


BRIEF  NOTES 

A  Rare  Work  by  Sir  Henry  Miers  Elliot 

READERS  of  the  JOURNAL  may  be  interested  to  know  of  a  work 
-on  the  history  of  India  which  seems  to  be  practically  unknown, 
though  by  no  less  important  a  scholar  than  Sir  Henry  Miers  Elliot. 
This  work  has  recently  come  into  the  possession  of  the  Cleveland 
Public  Library's  John  G.  White  Collection  of  Folklore  and 
Orientalia,  already  rich  in  material  on  the  history  and  civilization 
of  India,  and  is  herewith  called  to  the  attention  of  historians  and 
Orientalists. 

Sir  Henry  Miers  Elliot's  life  work,  the  Mohammedan  historians 
of  India,  has  come  down  chiefly  in  two  works.  One  is  the  Biblio- 
graphical Index  to  the  Historians  of  Muhammedan  India,  of  which  the 
first  and  only  volume  was  issued  at  Calcutta  in  1849.  After  his 
death  his  manuscripts  were  edited  by  Dowson  in  eight  volumes  as 
The  History  of  India,  as  Told  by  Its  Own  Historians  (London,  1867- 
77) .  Both  works  are  well  known ;  they  are  to  be  found  in  a  num- 
ber of  libraries,  and  naturally  in  the  White  Collection. 

In  Elliot's  last  days  it  appears  that  he  doubted  the  powers  of  his 
mind,  and,  to  test  them,  wrote  the  book  here  discussed.  The  title- 
page  reads:  "Appendix  to  the  Arabs  in  Sind,  Vol.  Ill,  part  1  of  the 
Historians  of  India.  Cape  Town,  Saul  Solomon  &  Co.,  1853." 
This  was  issued  in  paper  covers,  the  front  cover  bearing  a  note: 
"For  Private  Circulation.  40  Copies."  It  contains  283  pages, 
plus  three  preliminary  leaves;  thus  it  is  a  work  of  some  size.  It 
includes  essays  on  the  history  of  Sind,  warfare  in  India,  the  ethnol- 
ogy of  Sind,  and  a  38-page  bibliographical  excursus  on  Indian 
Voyages  and  Travels — the  last  a  particularly  useful  compilation. 
•  The  White  copy  came  from  the  library  of  Sir  R.  C.  Temple,  the 
well-known  scholar.  It  contains  a  letter,  dated  1871,  from  Elliot's 
brother,  from  which  I  quote  the  following  extracts : 

' .  .  .  I  send  herewith  a  brochure  written  by  my  brother  at  the 
Cape  during  the  illness  which  terminated  in  his  death.  He  told 
me  that  he  wrote  it  to  satisfy  himself  that  the  powers  of  his  mind 
were  not  impaired.  It  is  of  course  very  rare;  for  no  more  than  40 
copies  were  printed,  of  which  number  more  than  half,  I  think,  were 
sent  into  Germany,  amongst  whose  scholars  his  labours  were  and 
are  held  in  the  highest  estimation. ' 

If  additional  testimony  of  the  "  Appendix  to  the  Arabs  in  Sind" 


74  Brief  Notes 

were  needed,  it  may  be  had  in  the  fact  that  no  allusion  to  it  appears 
in  the  introduction  to  the  History  of  India  as  Told  by  Its  Own 
Historians,  cited  above,  nor  in  Stanley  Lane-Poole's  sketch  of  Elliot 
in  the  Dictionary  of  National  Biography. 

GORDON  W.  THAYER 
Librarian  of  the  John  G.  White  Collection 
Cleveland  Public  Library 


Addendum  on  a  difficult  Old  Persian  passage 

IN  JAOS  35.  344-350,  I  discussed  the  difficulty  in  the  Behistan 
inscription  of  Darius,  col.  4,  lines  2-8,  part  of  which  reads,  in  literal 
translation:  'By  the  grace  of  Ahuramazda,  in  one-and-the-same 
year  after  that  I  became  king,  I  fought  nineteen  battles;  by  the 
grace  of  Ahuramazda,  I  smote  him  and  took  captive  nine  kings 
.  .  .'  The  crux  lies  in  adamsim  ajanam  'I  smote  him',  where  we 
should  expect  the  plural  pronoun.  Certain  editors  do  indeed 
emend  the  text  to  give  a  plural  form,  but  in  my  article  above  cited 
I  showed  that  there  were  certain  inconcinnities  and  concords  ad 
sensum  even  in  the  Old  Persian  inscriptions  themselves,  scanty  as 
is  the  material  which  they  furnish.  I  was  able  also  to  furnish  some 
parallels  from  English,  from  Latin,  and  from  Greek.  The  con- 
clusion was  that  him  referred  to  a  singular  collective  idea,  'the  foe/ 
extracted  from  hamarand  'battles/ 

The  conviction  that  this  interpretation  is  correct  is  strengthened 
by  the  finding  of  other  parallels  sporadically  since  the  writing  of 
that  article.  Acts  8,  5  4>tXi7T7ro5  St  Ka,T€\0a)V  €ts  ryv  iro\w  TTJS 
Sa/xapias  €Ktj pv<r<T€v  avroi?  TOP  XpiaTOP,  showrs  (like  four  pas- 
sages cited  JAOS  35.  349)  a  plural  pronoun  with  its  antecedent  im- 
plied in  a  city  name.  Sail.  Cat.  18.1  Sed  antea  item  coniuravere  pauci 
contra  rem  publicam,  in  quibus  Catilinafuit;  de  qua  quam  verissume 
potero  dicam,  contains  qua  with  an  antecedent  coniuratio  implied 
in  the  verb  coniuravere.  Sail.  Cat.  56.  5  Interea  servitia  repudiabat, 
cuius  initio  ad  eum  magnae  copiae  concurrebant,  has  cuius  with  the 
plural  antecedent  servitia,  which  is  doubly  peculiar,  since  servitium 
is  properly  abstract,  'slavery/  and  if  made  concrete  should  be  col- 
lective, as  it  often  is;  but  as  a  concrete  the  word  is  sometimes 
made  to  denote  an  individual  slave,  and  therefore  capable  of  use  in 
the  plural.  This  seems  a  favorite  use  of  Sallust  (Cat.  24,  4;  46,  3; 
50,  1;  56,  5;  JUQ  66,  1),  though  it  occurs  in  other  authors  also. 


.    Brief  Notes  75 

The  value  for  the  Old  Persian  passage  is  that  it  furnishes  a  plural 
antecedent,  which  is  then  understood  collectively  and  referred  to 
by  a  singular  pronoun.  While  one  might  perhaps  take  cuius  as 
cuius  rei,  the  use  of  the  neuter  pronoun  in  this  way  (where  ambigu- 
ous with  other  genders),  without  express  antecedent  in  the  same 
number  and  gender,  is  extremely  rare,  and  that  cuius  is  actually 
feminine  with  ellipsis  of  rei  is  even  less  likely.  In  the  next  passage 
there  can  be  no  refuge  to  such  subtleties:  Sail.  Hist.  frag.  p.  133, 
§  15,  Eussner  (in  the  Oration  of  Licinius  Macer  to  the  plebs)  ne  vos 
ad  virilia  ilia  vocem,  quo  tribunos  plebei  modo,  modo  patricium  magi- 
stratum,  libera  ab  auctoribus  patriciis  suffragia  maiores  vostri  para- 
vere;  quo  has  as  its  antecedent  virilia  ilia,  thought  of  as  a  singular 
collective.  Another  passage  is  Livy  42.  8.  7  quas  ob  res  placere 
senatui  M.  Popillium  consulem  Ligures  pretio  emptoribus  reddito 
ipsos  restituere  in  libertatem  bonaque  ut  Us,  quidquid  eius  reciperari 
possit,  reddantur  curare:  in  which  the  antecedent  of  the  singular 
eius  is  the  plural  bona,  as  a  logical  collective  singular.  Cf .  also  the 
singular  use  of  news  in  English,  as  in  The  news  is  good. 

These  passages  lend  additional  support  to  the  interpretation  of 
adamSim  ajanam,  given  JAGS  35.  344-350. 

ROLAND  G.  KENT 

University  of  Pennsylvania 


An  Emendation  to  Jer.  4-  %9 
In  Jer.  4.  29,  we  read  as  follows  nrm   nffp  HOTl  BHB  ^IpD 

M  pin  ny\n  T»yn  to  tiy  owai  D^ya  wa  Tjrn  to 

|rQ:  'From  the  noise  of  the  horsemen  and  those  that  shoot 
w'.th  the  bow,  fleeth  the  whole  city;  they  go  into  thickets,  and 
clim,b  up  upon  the  rocks:  every  city  is  forsaken,  and  not  a  man 
dwelleth  therein/  The  word  D^y  presents  some  difficulty  as  it 
is- not  found  elsewhere  in  the  Bible  in  the  sense  of  'thickets.' 
We  ought  to  read  D^IQ  'into  ditches.'  Cf.  2  Kings  3.  16,  Wp 
D'OJ  D^  rim  ^mn:  'Make  this  valley  full  of  ditches.'  As  a 
parallel  passage  where  ditches  or  caves  are  mentiened  together 
with  rocks  as  hiding  places,  Isaiah  2.  19  may  be  cited;  see  also 
2  Sam.  17.  18.  This  emendation  gains  plausibility  from  the 
Sep".  rendering  crmjXaLa,  which  has  led  some  to  read 

or  nnyo2  neither  of  which  is  as  near  our  text. 
T  :  • 

ISRAEL  EFROS 
Baltimore 


76  Brief  Notes 

Note  on  Tantrakhyayika  IV,  A  286 

A  recent  textual  study  of  Book  IV  of  the  Tantrakhyayika 
brings  up  again  the  subject  treated  by  Edgerton  in  his  criticism 
of  Hertel's  Das  Pancatantra:  seine  Geschichte  und  seine  Verbreitung 
(Leipzig  and  Berlin,  1914),  in  AJP  S6-.259  ff.  Hertel  maintained 
in  his  Translation  of  the  Tantrakhyayika  (1909)  that  in  numer- 
ous cases  the  true  readings  of  the  original  Pancatantra  could  be 
proved  to  be  found  in  the  Tantrakhyayika  alone,  or  even  in  the 
sub-recension  Tantrakhyayika  a  alone, — even  sometimes  when 
all  other  versions  of  the  Pancatantra  agreed  on  a  different  reading. 
He  based  this  conclusion  on  several  points,  one  of  them  dealing 
with  the  frame-story  of  Book  IV,  which  I  wish  to  take  up  briefly. 
(For  Hertel's  argument  on  this  point  see  his  Translation  of  Tantr., 
Einleitung,  88  ff.) 

The  story  of  the  Ape  and  the  Crocodile,  the  frame-story  of 
Book  IV,  is  fairly  well  known,  and  may  easily  be  obtained  from 
the  translation  just  cited.  I -shall  limit  myself  to  the  single  point 
at  hand.  The  treacherous  crocodile,  in  his  attempt  to  get  the 
monkey  into  his  power,  offers  him — in  most  versions — the  hos- 
pitality of  his  own  home  and  a  visit  to  his  family.  To  this  some 
versions  add  the  sensual  joys  of  the  fruit-laden  island  where  the 
home  is  alleged  to  be.  Tantrakhyayika,  however,  does  not 
depend  on  these  attractions,  but  is — according  to  Hertel — far 
better  motivated  psychologically,  in  that  it  makes  the  crocodile 
offer  not  a  visit  to  his  own  home,  but  the  delights  of  an  equally 
charming  island  inhabited  by  three  young  and  beautiful  she-apes. 
This  gives  a  very  specific  and  definite  turn  to  the  'sinnliche 
Vergnugungen'  promised,  and  is  used  by  Hertel  as  an  argument 
for  the  greater  originality  of  Tantrakhyayika.  The  sentence  in 
question  reads:  atra  mayd  'bhinavayduvanasampannd  rupavalyas 
tisro  vdnaryo  (mss.  ndryo,  Hertel  em.)  drstapurvdh  (so  both  edd., 
but  Hertel's  translation  seems  to  indicate  that  he  intended  to 
read  'drsta0)  prativasanti  sma. 

On  pp.  260  ff.  of  the  article  cited  above,  Edgerton  refutes  the 
position  of  Hertel  from  the  internal  evidence  of  Tantrakhyayika 
itself,  showing  that  the  following  speeches  of  the  monkey  are 
inconsistent  with  Hertel's  assumptions.  He  does  not,  however, 
point  out  that  the  sentence  quoted  above  from  Tantr.,  on  which 
Hertel's  case  rests,  is  itself  an  interpolation,  or  at  least  an  evident 
borrowing  from  another  passage  later  on  in  Book  IV. 


Brief  Notes  77 

Namely :  in  the  story  of  the  Ass  without  Heart  and  Ears  (IV.  2 
of  Tantrakhyayika,  but  the  only  emboxed  story  found  originally 
in  Book  IV,  in  my  opinion),  there  is  a  like  situation.  The  jackal 
who  seeks  to  get  an  ass  for  his  master,  the  sick  lion,  makes  a  like 
play  on  the  lecherous  nature  of  the  ass  in  describing  the  delights 
of  the  forest  where  the  lion  is  waiting  for  him.  In  this  description 
occurs  the  following  sentence  (Tantr.  p.  153  11.  7  f.):  asydm 
vanardjydm  abhinavayduvanasampannds  catasro1  rupavatyo  rdsabhyo 
'drstapurvd  api  manye  'nendi  'va  nirvedend  'pakrdntdh.  The  simi- 
larity between  this  sentence  and  that  quoted  above  seems  to  be 
too  striking  to  be  accidental,  and  I  believe  that  the  latter  passage 
is  the  source  from  which  the  former  is  borrowed.  Such  borrow- 
ings from  one  part  of  the  text  to  another  are  not  rare  in  the 
Pancatantra.  That  the  borrowing  was  in  the  direction  indicated, 
not  in  the  reverse  direction,  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  the  other 
Pafic.  versions  are  in  substantial  agreement  with  Tantr.  in  the 
story  of  the  Ass  without  Heart  and  Ears,  while  in  the  other 
passage  Tantr.  stands  alone. 

This  does  not  mean  that  the  offer  of  '  specifically  sexual  pleasures' 
(I  quote  Edgerton  1.  c.  p.  261)  was  not  made  in  the  story  of  the 
Ape  and  the  Crocodile,  but  rather  that  the  redactor  of  Tantr. 
made  more  clear  a  veiled  allusion  of  the  original  version,  of  which 
indication  is  given  in  the  later  denouement  of  several  versions. 
At  any  rate,  the  idea  expressed  in  the  words  quoted  from  Tantr. 
A  286  cannot  be  used  as  proof  that  the  original  contained  such  an 
idea,  since  it  is  borrowed  practically  word  for  word  from  the 
story  of  the  Ass  without  Heart  and  Ears. 

RUTH  NORTON 

Johns  Hopkins  University 


1  The  Jain  versions  read  tisro  instead  of  catasro,  and  this  was  probably  what 
the  original  Pancatantra  had.  Indeed,  the  fact  that  Tantr.  itself  reads  tisro 
in  the  borrowing  of  the  sentence,  A  286,  may  be  taken  as  an  indication  that 
the  Tantr.  itself  originally  had  tisro.  Possibly  the  reading  catasro  is  a 
mere  manuscript  corruption  (based  on  an  original  *ca  tisro?}. 


NOTES  OF  THE  SOCIETY 

The  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Society  will  be  held  in  Baltimore  in  Easter 
week,  March  29-31,  upon  the  invitation  of  Johns  Hopkins  University  and 
Goucher  College.  The  meeting  of  the  Directors  will  be  held  on  Monday 
evening,  March  28. 

A  special  meeting  of  the  Directors  of  the  Society  was  held  in  New  York 
City,  November  27,  1920,  to  consider  certain  matters  of  business  referred  to 
them  by  the  Executive  Committee.  The  Directors  took  action,  which  was 
corroborated  by  a  vote  by  mail  of  absent  members,  cordially  inviting  the 
Asiatic  Societies  of  France,  Great  Britain  and  Italy  to  unite  in  joint  session 
with  this  Society  at  its  coming  Annual  Meeting  in  Baltimore.  The  Secretary 
has  accordingly  issued  the  invitations. 


NOTES  OF  OTHER  SOCIETIES 

The  Archaeological  Institute  of  America  and  the  American  Philological 
Association  held  their  annual  meetings  at  Johns  Hopkins  University,  Balti- 
more, December  28-30.  Topics  of  general  Oriental  interest  presented  in 
the  program  of  the  Institute  were  'Roman  Wall  Paintings  on  the  Upper 
Euphrates'  by  Prof.  J.  H.  Breasted,  and  'A  Papyrus  Manuscript  of  a  Part 
of  the  Septuagint'  by  Prof.  H.  A.  Sanders;  in  the  program  of  the  Philological 
Association,  'On  the  Language  of  the  Hittites'  by  Prof.  M.  Bloomfield, 
'Bellerophon's  Tablets  and  the  Homeric  Question  in  the  Light  of  Oriental 
Research'  by  Prof.  N.  Schmidt,  and  'A  Translation  of  the  Peta  Vatthu,  I  and 
II '  by  Dr.  H.  S.  Gehman.  The  officers  of  the  Institute  were  reelected.  The 
officers  of  the  Philological  Association  elected  for  the  present  year  are  Prof. 
W.  B.  McDaniel,  president;  Prof.  F.  G.  Allinson  and  Prof.  F.  K.  Rand, 
vice-presidents;  Prof.  C.  P.  Bill,  secretary  and  treasurer. 

The  Society  of  Biblical  Literature  and  Exegesis  held  its  annual  meeting 
at  the  General  Theological  Seminary,  New  York,  December  27-28.  The 
Presidential  address  by  Prof.  A.  T.  Clay  was  an  illustrated  account  of  'A 
Eecent  Journey  through  Babylonia  and  Assyria.'  Other  topics  of  general 
interest  presented  were,  'Ensilage  in  the  Bible'  by  Prof.  P.  Haupt,  'Canticles 
as  a  Conventionalized  Tammuz-Ishtar  Liturgy'  by  Prof.  T.  J.  Meek,  and 
an  illustrated  description  of  'A  Papyrus  Manuscript  of  a  Part  of  the  Septua- 
gint' by  Prof.  H.  A.  Sanders.  New  officers  elected  are  Prof.  K.  Fullerton, 
president;  Prof.  H.  A.  Sanders,  vice-president. 

The  Managing  Committee  of  the  American  School  of  Oriental  Research  in 
Jerusalem  held  its  annual  meeting  in  connection  with  the  Biblical  Society. 
The  Executive  Committee  was  reelected  and  Prof.  W.  J.  Moulton  was  added 
to  it  as  representing  the  Society  of  Biblical  Literature.  Dr.  W.  F.  Albright 
was  reappointed  Acting  Director  of  the  School  for  1921-22,  and  Prof.  W.  J 
Hinke,  of  Auburn  Theological  Seminary,  was  appointed  Annual  Professor 
for  the  same  year.  At  a  subsequent  meeting  of  the  Executive  Committee, 
on  January  31,  Prof.  M.  G.  Kyle,  of  Xenia  Theological  Seminary,  who  has 
gone  to  Palestine  for  some  months'  sojourn,  was  appointed  a  Lecturer  in  the 


Notes  79 

School  for  this  year,  and  it  having  been  announced  that  Prof.  Morris  Jaa- 
trow,  Jr.,  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  was  expected  to  spend  the  year 
1921-22  in  the  Orient,  he  was  appointed  Lecturer  in  the  School  for  that 
season. 

The  following  is  the  program  of  the  Fourth  General  Meeting  of  the  Pales- 
tine Oriental  Society  held  in  Jerusalem  January  19:  'Traditions  secondaires 
gur  la  grotte  de  Macpelah'  by  Pere  Abel;  'Political  Parties  in  Palestine: 
Qaisi  and  Yemeni'  by  Mr.  E.  N.  Haddad;  'Le  sacrifice  dans  le  tribu  des 
Fuqara'  by  Pere  Jaussen;  'La  ville  de  Ramses  d'apres  les  documents  egyp- 
tiens'  by  Pere  Mallon;  'The  excavations  at  Tiberias'  by  Dr.  Slousch;  'The 
Melodic  Theme  in  Ancient  Hebrew  Prayers'  by  Mr.  A.  Z.  Idelson;  'Haunted 
Springs  and  Water-Demons  in  Palestine'  by  Dr.  Canaan;  'A  Visit  to  Petra 
by  an  Englishman  in  1852'  by  Mr.  L.  G.  A.  Cust. 

The  Directors  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  Museum  have  decided 
to  excavate  Bethshean  (Scythopolis)  in  the  Jordan  Valley.  The  funds  are  in 
hand  and  permission  has  been  secured  from  the  local  government. 

The  organization  last  summer  of  the  Dutch  Oriental  Society  (Oostersch 
Genootschap  in  Nederland)  is  announced,  with  its  seat  in  Leiden.  Dr. 
C.  Snouck  Hurgronje  is  provisional  president,  and  Dr.  J.  Ph.  Vogel  (address 
Noordeindsplein  4a)  is  secretary. 


PERSONALIA 

WILLIAM  H.  FURNESS,  3D,  M.  D.,  a  Member  of  this  Society,  died  at  Wal- 
lingford,  Pa.,  August  11,  1920,  in  his  fifty-fifth  year.  An  explorer  in  the 
Far  East,  he  was  the  author  of  Head  Hunters  of  Borneo,  Stone  Money,  and 
other  learned  publications. 

JOSEPH  G.  ROSENGARTEN,  LL.D.,  a  Member  of  this  Society,  died  in  Phila- 
delphia on  January  14,  at  the  age  of  eighty-five.  His  life  was  one  of  broad- 
minded  devotion  to  all  public  causes,  civic,  educational  and  philanthropic, 
and  he  was  a  benefactor  of  Oriental  and  archaeological  enterprises. 

It  is  announced  that  the  remaining  manuscript  left  behind  by  the  late 
Prof.  C.  H.  W.  JOHNS,  of  Cambridge  University,  for  the  completion  of  his 
Assyrian  Deeds  and  Documents,  will  be  edited  by  Mrs.  Johns. 

In  celebration  of  the  fortieth  anniversary  of  the  doctorate  of  Professor 
MAURICE  BLOOMFIELD,  fourteen  of  his  pupils  have  just  published  a  volume 
entitled  'Studies  in  Honor  of  Maurice  Bloomfield,  Professor  of  Sanskrit  and 
Comparative  Philology  in  the  Johns  Hopkins  University,  Baltimore  Mary- 
land' (Yale  University  Press,  New  Haven,  1920;  pp.  xxxii,  312;  $6.00). 
The  volume  contains  a  biographical  sketch  and  bibliography  of  Professor 
Bloomfield's  writings  to  date,  in  addition  to  the  fourteen  articles,  which  are 
mostly  devoted  to  Indological  or  Comparative- Philological  subjects.  The 
names  of  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  'Subscribers  and  Cooperating  Dedi- 
cators', who  joined  the  contributors  in  honoring  Professor  Bloomfield,  are 
also  printed  in  the  volume. 


80  Notes 

Dr.  Louis  H.  GRAY,  attached  successively  to  the  American  Commission 
to  Negotiate  Peace  and  to  the  U.  S.  Embassy  at  Paris,  has  accepted  an 
appointment  at  the  University  of  Nebraska  as  Associate  Professor  of  Phil- 
osophy, and  is  lecturing  on  Civilizations  of  the  Orient,  Oriental  Philosophies 
and  Oriental  Religions. 

Dr.  D.  G.  HOGARTH,  Keeper  of  the  Ashmolean  Museum,  etc.,  has  been 
visiting  this  country  in  February  and  March.  He  has  lectured  at  the  Uni- 
versity of  Pennsylvania,  Yale  University,  the  University  of  Wisconsin,  and 
at  Chicago,  Cincinnati,  and  other  points.  On  March  4  he  addressed  a  joint 
session  of  the  Oriental  Club  and  the  Classical  Club  of  Philadelphia. 


THE  LOCATION   OF  THE  FARNBAG  FIRE,   THE 
MOST  ANCIENT  OF  THE  ZOROASTRIAN  FIRES 

A.  V.  WILLIAMS  JACKSON 
COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY 

1.  General  Divisions  of  the  Sacred  Fires  in  Avestan  and  Pahlavi 

AMONG  THE  SACRED  FIRES  of  Zoroastrian  antiquity,  as  reflected 
in  the  Avesta  and  clearly  portrayed  in  the  Pahlavi  literature  of 
Sasanian  times,  there  seem  to  be  three  which  stand  out  as  most 
holy  and  most  ancient.1  According  to  a  special  grouping  they 
represent  a  threefold  division  of  the  sacred  element,  corre- 
sponding to  the  social  division  of  the  community  into  three  classes, 
priests,  warriors,  and  laborers. 

This  threefold  classification,  based  on  the  social 
order, — as  contrasted  with  a  fivefold  division  of 
fire  according  to  its  manifestation  and  place  of  origin  (namely, 
light  of  heaven,  bodily  warmth,  heat  in  trees  and  plants,  lightning, 
and  the  altar-fire,  far  example,  Ys.  17.  11;  Bd.  17.  5;  Ztsp.  11. 
5-8) — is  foreshadowed  in  the  Avesta  (Sir.  1.9;  2.  9)  and  is  often 
referred  to  in  Pahlavi  literature.2 

The  names  of  these  three  specially  sacred  fires, 
which  undoubtedly  had  separate  temples  dedicated  to  their  service 
from  the  earliest  times,  are  given  in  Pahlavi  (though  with  varia- 
tions in  spelling)  as  follows:  1.  Atar6  Farnbag  (or  -bag),  the  fire  of 
the  priests;  2.  Ataro  Gushnasp,  the  fire  of  the  warriors;  3.  Atar6 
Burzin-Mitro,  the  representative  fire  of  the  laboring  class.  Thus 
among  other  Pahlavi  passages  may  be  cited  Denkart  (9th  century 
A.  D.)  6.  293,  the  text  of  which  I  here  transliterate,  retaining  the 
'Huzvarish'  (or  Auzvdrisri)  Semitic  forms  when  they  occur  in  the 
text,  and  transcribing  them  in  general  according  to  the  traditional 
manner  of  reading,  but  adding  in  parentheses  ( )  the  corresponding 
Iranian  equivalents. 

Compare  Yasna  17.  11;  Slroza  1.  9;  2.  9;  Biindahishn  17.  5-8;  Zat- 
sparam,  11.  8-10;  and  see  other  citations  below;  consult  also  the  references 
to  Pahlavi  works,  Arabic  and  Persian  texts,  and  the  writings  of  modern 
authorities,  including  Darmesteter,  referred  to  in  the  footnotes  to  Jackson, 
Zoroaster,  pp.  98-100. 

•  Cf.  Darmesteter,  Le  ZA  1.  149-157. 

6     JAOS41 


82  A.  V.  Williams  Jackson 

Dk.  6.  293.  Ataro  I  Farnbdg  pavan  (pa)  dsravandn  gas 
karto  yegavlmunet  (estet);  va  Ataro  I  Gusnasp  pavan  (pa)  drtes- 
tdrdn  gas  karto  yegavlmunet  (estet);  va  Ataro  I  Bilrzln-Mitrd  pavan 
(pa)  vdstryosdn  gas  karto  yegavlmunet  (estet). 

1  The  Fire  which  is  Farnbag  has  made-  its  place  among 
the  priests;  and  the  Fire  which  is  Gushnasp  has  made  its 
place  among  the  warriors;  and  the  Fire  which  is  Burzm- 
Mitro  has  made  its  place  among  the  agriculturists.'3 

2.  The  Location  of  the  Three  Oldest  Fire-temples 

When  making  the  first  two  of  my  four  journeys  through  Persia 
I  was  able  to  identify  with  considerable  accuracy,  I  believe,  the 
site  of  the  second  and  third  of  these  fires,  namely  that  of  the 
warriors  and  that  of  the  laboring  class.  Thus,  the  seat  of  the 
great  fire  temple  Atar  Gushnasp,  that  of  the  warriors,  was  shown 
to  be  located  (as  Rawlinson  foresaw)  among  the  ruins  of  Takht-i 
Sulaiman,  midway  between  Urumiah  and  Hamadan,  which  I 
visited  in  1903  and  described  with  full  references  in  Persia  Past 
and  Present,  pp.  124-143.  The  location  of  the  Mithra  fire,  that 
of  the  laborers,  I  identified  with  reasonable*  certainty,  in  1907, 
as  being  near  the  village  of  Mihr,  half-way  between  Miandasht 
and  Sabzavar  on  the  Khurasan  road  to  Nishapur,  and  gave  a 
detailed  account  of  the  probable  situation  in  the  volume  From 
Constantinople  to  the  Home  of  Omar  Khayyam,  pp.  211-217. 

There  still  remained  open,  however,  the  question  of  the  location 
of  the  Atar  Farnbag,  the  fire  of  the  priests. 

3.  The  Farnbag  Fire  in  particular 

This  sacerdotal  fire  was  probably  the  most  ancient  and  cer- 
tainly the  most  venerated  of  the  holy  fires  in  Iran,  because  it  was 
the  earthly  representative  in  particular  of  the  Avestan  Atar 
Spmista,  'Holiest  Fire'  (Ys.  17.  11),  which,  according  to  the  com- 


3Dk.  6.  293,  text  ed.  D.  D.  P.  Sanjana,  The  Dinkard,  vol.  12,  p.  11-12; 
tr.  p.  12,  Bombay,  1911;  cf.  D.  M.  Madan,  Pahlavi  Dinkard,  vol.  2,  p.  536, 
Bombay,  1911.  On  this  same  threefold  division  according  to  the  social  classes, 
see  also  the  Pahlavi  work  Karnamak-l-Artakhshlr-l-Papakan,  1.  13,  ed. 
D.  D.  P.  Sanjana,  pp.  3-4  (text),  p.  3  (transl.),  Bombay,  1896;  ed.  E.  K. 
Antia,  p.  3  (text),  p.  4  (transl.),  Bombay,  1900;  id.  p.  4,  n.  8  (citation  from 
the  'Afrm-i-Hamkare'  in  the  Iran.  Bd.). 


The  Location  of  the  Farnbag  Fire  83 

mentary  of  the  Pahlavi  version  of  the  Avesta,  Phi.  Ys.  17.  67 
[  =  11],  'is  the  one  (burning)  in  Paradise  in  the  presence  of  Ormazd 
in  a  spiritual  state/  zak  (o)  I  den  (andar)  Garotmdn  pes  i  Auharmazd 
pavan  (pa)  menoklh  yegavlmunet  (estet).4  The  name  of  this 
priestly  fire,  it  should  be  furthermore  noted,  appears  in  Sasanian 
an<^  later  Persian  times  either  as  Farnbag,  Froba,  or  as  Khurrad, 
Khurdad,5  these  two  sets  of  forms  being  respectively  a  corruption 
of  a  theoretic  Avestan  form  *Hvareno-bagha  or  of  *Hvareno-data, 
that  is,  the  fire  'of  the  Glory  (xvardnah-)  Divine/6  or  the  fire 
'Glory-given' — see  Darmesteter,  Le  ZA  1.  153,  and  Jackson,  Zor. 
p.  99. 

In  the  last-mentioned  volume  (Zor.  p.  99,  n.  4)  I  noted  from  the 
Indian  recension  of  the  Bundahishn,  17.  5-6,  the  tradition 
that  this  famous  fire  existed  as  early  as  Yima's  reign,  having  been 
established  in  the  Khorasmian  land,  or  east  of  the  shore  of  the 
Caspian  Sea,  and  was  removed  by  Vishtasp  to  Kabul.  In  other 
words,  according  to  the  reading  and  interpretation  of  the  Pahlavi 
name  'KavuF  as  Kabul  in  the  texts  of  the  Indian  Bundahishn 
then  available  (and  adopted  by  Dr.  West  in  his  translation, 
SBE  5.  63),  the  fire  was  removed  southeastward  into  what  is 
now  the  province  of  Afghanistan.  At  the  same  time,  however, 
I  observed  that  Darmesteter,  Le  ZA  1.  153-154,  gave  reasons  for 
believing  that  it  was  not  removed  eastward  but  to  the  southwest 
of  Iran,  to  a  locality  in  the  province  of  Fars,  or  Persis  Proper, 
especially  on  the  authority  of  some  Arab-Persian  geographical 
writers.  On  the  whole,  at  that  time  (1899),  in  favoring  the  view 
that  the  noted  pyraeum  was  located  at  Kabul,  I  followed,  though 
with  some  reserve,  the  tradition  in  the  current  editions  of  the 
Indian  recension  of  the  Bundahishn  by  Westergaard  and 
by  Justi  (afterwards  by  Un valla),  and  the  translation  by  West. 

Upon  returning  from  the  American  Relief  Commission  to  Persia 


4Cf.  also  Ztsp.  11.  1,  2,  6;  Dk.  7.  3.  73,  75,  78;  likewise  Bd.  17.  1,  3,  but 
on  the  misplacing  of  the  attribute  spdnist  in  the  latter  see  Darmesteter, 
Le  ZA  1.  150,  and  Windischmann,  Zor.  Studien,  p.  88;  cf.  furthermore,  West, 
SBE  5.  61,  n.  2. 

6  On  the  variety  of  spellings  in  the  texts  see  West,  in  SBE  5.  63,  n.  3; 
Darmesteter,  Etudes  Iraniennes,  2.  83-84.  Throughout  the  present  article 
the  transliteration  as  Farnbag  (with  long  a)  has  been  adopted  unless  there 
were  special  occasion  to  draw  attention  to  a  textual  reading  -bag  (with 
short  a). 

6  More  literally,  'the  Glory  (which  is)  Divinity'. 


84  A.  V.  Williams  Jackson 

in  1918-19,  I  had  occasion  to  take  up  the  entire  matter  again  in 
the  light  of  the  Iranian  recension  of  the  Bundahishri,  the 
so-called  'Great  Iranian  Bundahishn,'  which  had  meanwhile 
become  accessible  to  me  in  the  photo-zincographed  facsimile  of 
the  TD  manuscript,  edited  by  T.  D.  Anklesaria  and  his  son 
Behramgore  T.  Anklesaria,  Bombay,  1908.  It  is  the  purpose, 
therefore,  of  this  paper  to  review  the  whole  subject  of  the  Farnfeg 
Fire  and  present  all  the  data  that  I  have  been  able  to  gather  from 
Zoroastrian  and  Muhammadan  sources  in  regard  to  the  question 
of  its  location. 

4.  The   Statements  in  the   Pahlavi  Bundahishn    regarding   the 
Location  of  the  Farnbag  Fire 

Assuming,  as  above  explained,  that  the  Farnbag  Fire  of  the 
sacerdotal  class  is  the  earthly  representative  of  the  Atar  Spanishta, 
or  'Holiest  Fire/  of  the  Avesta,  I  shall  take  up  the  most  important 
Pahlavi  passage  relating  to  it,  which  is  found  in  the  Bundahishn, 
giving  it  first  (a)  in  the  Indian  recension  and  second  (b)  in  the 
divergent  Iranian  recension,  and  then  (c-r)  shall  add  a  general 
discussion  of  the  subject,  drawing  from  other  sources  as  well.7 

a.  Indian  recension  of  Bundahishn  17.  5-6 

(Principal  variations  from  the  Iranian  recension  are  indicated  by 

spaced  letters) 8 

Rd.  17.  5-6  (Ind.  rec.).  Va  Yim  den  (andar)  xutaih  hamdk 
kdr  pavan  (pa)  alyyarih  [1]  valmansdn  (osdn)  kola  (har)  si  dtd§ 
avlrtar  kart;  az-as  Atar 6  Farnbag  val  (avo)  ddt-gds  pavan  (pa) 
gadman  (khurah)-homand  kof  I  pavan  (pa)  Xvdrazm  y  etlbunast 
(nisast)  yegavlmunct  (estet).  Mun  (ka)-sdn  Yim  bard  (be)  kirlnet* 
gadman  (khurah)  I  Yim  min  (az)  y adman  (dast)  I  Dahdk  Atar 6  I 
Farnbag  bozet.  Den  (andar)  xutaih  Vistdsp  Malkd  (Sdh) 


1  On  the  general  characteristics  of  the  Indian  and  the  Iranian  recensions  of 
the  Bundahishn  see  West,  Pahlavi  Literature,  in  Geiger  and  Kuhn,  Grundriss 
d.  iran.  Philologie,  2.  91-102;  Anklesaria,  Bundahishn,  Introd.  pp.  xxix-xxxvi. 

8  The  following  texts  of  the  Indian  recension  have  been  compared — N.  L. 
Westergaard,  Bundehesh,  p.  41,  Copenhagen,  1851;     F.  Justi,  Der  Bundehesh, 
p.  41,  Leipzig,  1868;   M.  N.  Unvalla,  The' Pahlavi  Bundehesh  (lithographed), 
p.  48,  Bombay,  1897;    Pazand  text,  ed.  E.  K.  Antia,  Pazend  Texts,  p.  81, 
Bombay,  1909.     For  the  text  of  the  Iranian  recension  see  below. 

9  The  reading  kirlnet  'sawed'  is  the  correct  one,  see  note  12  below. 


The  Location  of  the  Farnbag  Fire  85 

pavan  (pa)  petdklh  min  (az)  Den  az  Xvdrazm  val  (avo)  rosan  kdf 
pavan  (pa)  K  dv.uli  stdn10  Kdvulw  i  matd  (deh)  yetlbunast 
(nisast),  cigiin  kevan  (nun)-icn  tamman  (and)  katrunel  (mdnet). 

'  And  in  the  reign  of  Yim  every  action  was  more  fully  per- 
formed through  the  assistance  of  all  these  three  fires;  there- 
upon the  Fire  Farnbag  was  established  at  the  lawful 
place  [i.  e.  temple]  on  the  glory-having  mountain  which  is  in 
Khvarazm.  When  they  sawed  Yim  in  twain,12  the  Fire 
Farnbag  saved  the  glory  of  Yim  from  the  hand  of  Dahak.13 
In  the  reign  of  King  Vishtasp,  upon  revelation  from  the 
Religion,  it  was  established  out  of  Khvarazm,  upon 
the  shining  mountain  in  Kavulistan,  the  district  of 
K  a  v  u  1  (Kabul),14  just  as  it  there  even  now  remains.' 

Two  deductions  may  be  made  so  far  as  the  Indian  recension  is 
concerned : — 

The  first  is  that  the  Farnbag  Fire  was  originally  located  in 
Khvarazm.  This  is  also  in  accord  with  the  statement  of  the 
Pahlavi  Selections  of  Zdt-sparam,  11.  9:  'The  place  of  the  Fire 

10  There  seems  to  be  no  doubt  in  the  reading  in  the  Indian  recension  of 
the  Phi.  text  Kdvlstdn  Kdvl;  the  Pazand  text  (ed.  Antia,  p.  81)   has 
Kdvalstdn  Kdri  dez — the  last  two  words  (instead  of  Kabul)  being  noteworthy 
in  connection  with  the  reading  of  the  Iranian  recension,  as  discussed  further  on. 

11  So  rightly   (Phi.  kevan  or  kanu)   in  Westergaard,  Unvalla,  as  against 
Justi's  text  knpc ;  the  Pazand  (ed.  Antia,  p.  81)  has  nunci. 

12  This  is  the  best  reading  and  rendering  of  the  text  (Phi.  karlnet),  just  as 
in  Bd.  1.  5,  Spltur  zak  (dno)-l  yehevunt   (bud)   levatman  (avd)  dam  (?  Wg.  p. 
77,  1.  9)    Dahak  Yim  bard  (be)  kirlnet,  'Spitur  was  he  who,  along  with  the 
creature  (?)  Dahak,  sawed  Yim  in  twain.'    See  also  Justi,  Bund,  transl.  pp. 
23,  44.     The  allusion  (as  was  emphasized  by  Darmesteter,  Etudes  Iraniennes, 
2.  70,  84,  Paris,  1883)  is  to  the  well-known  Iranian  tradition,  as  old  as  the 
Avesta  (Yt.  19.  46,  Spilyurdm  Yimokdrsmtem)  that  Spityura,  the  false  brother 
of  Yima,  together  with  the  monstrous  tyrant  Dahaka  sawed  Yima  in  two. 
See  also  Firdausi,  Shdh-ndmah    (ed.  Vullers)   1.   34,  Dahak  b-arrah  mar  urd 
ba-du  nlm  kard,  ' Dahak  with  a  saw  cut  that  one  (Jamshld)  in  two  halves'; 
cf.  also  Mohl,  Livre  des  rois,  1.  47. 

13  In  the  somewhat  mythological  account  given  in  the  Avesta  (Yt. 19.47-51) 
of  the  struggle  between  the  Fire  and  Dahaka  and  Spityura,  who  sawed  Yima 
in  twain,  the  'Glory'  (X vardnah)  when  saved  by  the  Fire  expands  as  far  as 
the  Sea  Vourukasha  (i.  e.  Caspian),  thus  pointing  to  the  fact  that  it  was 
originally  associated  with  the  Khorasmian  region. 

14  The  reading  Kavul  (Kabul)  is  correct,  see  n.  10  above.   For  a  late  Rivayat 
tradition  associating  a  portion  of  the  Khordat  (Farnbag)  fire  with  Kangra 
in  India,  see  Darmesteter,  Le  ZA  1.  154. 


86  A.  V.  Williams  Jackson 

Farnbag  was  formed  on  the  Gadman-homand  ('glorious')  mountain 
in  Khvarazm.'15  It  agrees  likewise  with  the  Iranian  Bundahishn, 
cited  below,  as  well  as  with  the  traditions,  quoted  further  on, 
from  the  Arab-Persian  sources.  It  should  be  remarked,  moreover, 
that  the  designation  'glorious  (gadman-homand)  mountain  in 
Khvarazm/  which  is  found  equally  in  the  Iranian  recension  below 
and  is  taken  by  Dr.  ^/est  (SEE  5.  63)  as  a  proper  name,  refers  to 
the  mountain  being  resplendent  through  the  illumination  of  the 
sacred  fire,  as  does  also  the  'shining  (rosari)  mountain  in  Kavul- 
istan'  to  which  it  was  removed,  although  the  name  and  place 
of  the  latter  are  quite  different  in  the  Iranian  recension. 

The  second  deduction  is  that  the  Indian  version  regards  the 
fire  as  having  later  been  transferred  to  the  region  of  Kabul, 
although  some  reasons  will  hereafter  be  noted  for  raising  the 
question  whether  the  Indian  text,  with  Kdvulistan  and  Kavul, 
may  not  be  due  in  part  to  a  misreading  of  an  older  Iranian  arche- 
type. However  that  may  be,  it  is  proper,  before  .proceeding 
farther,  to  give  support  for  the  Indian  claim  of  the  removal  of  the 
fire  to  Kabul. 

One  argument  in  support  of  it  may  be  drawn  from  the  fact  that 
an  old  Pahlavi  legend  regarding  the  immortal  hero  Keresasp 
(Av.  Kdr9saspa),  who  had  once  sinned  by  perpetrating  an  act 
against  fire,  associates  his  name  in  part  with  Kabul,  while  in  the 
A  vesta  itself  also,  in  Vd.  1.  9  (33-36),  Keresaspa  is  mentioned 
in  connection  with  the  region  Vaek9r9ta,  for  the  Pahlavi  version 
which  gives  Kdpul,  i.  e.  Kabul.16  This  old  Pahlavi  legend  regard- 
ing Keresasp's  affront  to  fire  and  his  consequent  punishment  after 
death  is  found  in  Dk.  9.  15.  1-4,  being  briefly  summarized  from 
the  original  Avestan  Sutkar  Nask,  and  is  given  with  fuller  details 
in  a  Pahlavi  Rivayat  which  in  some  manuscripts  precedes  the 
Ddtistdn-l  Denlk.  According  to  this  tale  the  soul  of  Keresasp, 
when  barred  entrance  into  heaven  by  the  outraged  fire,  makes 
appeal  to  Ormazd  and  to  Zoroaster,  as  intercessor  in  his  behalf, 
beginning  his  plea  with:  'I  have  been  a  priest  of  Kdpul(?)'  i.  e. 
Kabul — aegh  (ku)  Kdpul(f)  aerpato  but  homanam  (am).17  But 

15  See  Ztsp.  11.9,  tr.  West,  in  SEE  5.  186. 

16  Besides  Vd.   1.  9,  Keresaspa  is  mentioned  in  the  Avesta  also  in  Ys.  9. 
10-11;  Yt.  5.  37-38;   13.61,136;   15.27-28;   19.38-44. 

17  See  West,  in  SBE  18.  373,  and  the  text  ed.  B.  N.  Dhabar,  The  Pahlavi 
Rivayat  accompanying  the  Dadistan-i  Dlnlk,  p.  67,  Bombay,  1913;  and  con- 
sult especially  the  references  to  the  whole  Keresaspa  legend  in  Darmesteter, 
Le  ZA,  2.  626,  nt  58, 


The  Location  of  the  Farnbag^  Fire  87 

there  is  some  uncertainty  as  to  the  textual  reading,  which  is 
written  Kdpur  (not  with  the  usual  sign  for  I,  and  with  a  long  u) ; 
and  another  reading  of  the  characters  as  Kdj  li,  meaning  'would 
that  I'  had  been  a  priest,  has  been  suggested,  which  accords  with 
the  Persian  version  which  has  kds  ke,  'would  that,'  altering  the 
rest  of  the  sentence  to  match  this.18  There  is,  moreover,  no 
actual  reference  to  the  Farnbag  Fire  by  name,  though  it  may  be 
implied.  So  this  argument  for  Kabul  as  a  whole  is  not  entirely 
convincing. 

The  second  point  that  may  be  urged  in  favor  of  viewing  the 
transference  of  the  Farnbag  Fire  southeastward  from  Khwarazm 
is  found  in  the  fact  of  its  association  with  Peshyotanu  (Av. 
P9$otanu),  the  immortal  son  of  Vishtasp  and  ruler  of  Kangdez, 
which  was  somewhere  in  the  eastern  region.19  According  to  the 
Pahlavi  Bahman  Yasht  (Byt.  3.  29,  30,  37),  Peshyotanu  will  appear 
at  the  final  millennium  and  celebrate  the  worship  'of  the  Gadman- 
homand  ("glorious"),  which  they  call  Roshan5-kerp  ("luminous 
form"),  which  is  established  at  the  lawful-place  (ddto-gds,  i.  e. 
temple)  of  the  victorious  Farnbag  Fire/20  This  celebration  will  be 
accompanied  also  by  the  ritual  worship  of  the  other  two  most 
sacred  fires,  Gushnasp  and  Burzin-Mitro.  Dr.  West  (SBE  5. 
227  n.  1)  saw  in  the  passage  quoted  an  allusion  to  the  removal  of 
the  Farnbag  Fire  from  the  'Glorious'  mountain  in  Khvarazm 
to  the  'shining'  mountain  in  Kavulistan,  of  Bd.  17.  5,  6,  above 
cited.  In  the  text  itself,  however,  there  is  no  actual  mention  of 
Kabul,  any  more  than  there  is  of  the  locality  of  the  other  two  fires 
which  co-operate;  nevertheless  Peshyotanu,  ruler  of  Kangdez, 
belongs  more  particularly  to  Eastern  Iran  as  does  also  in  general 
his  father  Vishtasp. 

18  See  Dhabar,  op.  tit.  p.  66,  n.  8,  and  cf.  West,  op.  tit.  p.  373,  n.  5;  on  the 
Persian  version  also  see  E.  K.  Antia,    The  Legend  of  Keresaspa,  in  Spiegel 
Memorial  Volume,  p.  94,  Bombay,  1908. 

19  Various   conjectures   have   been  made   regarding   the   locality   of   Phi. 
Kangdez  (Av.  Kanha,  Pers.  Gang-diz);   for  example  the  region  of  Tashkend 
has  been  suggested  by  F.  Justi,  Beitr.  z.  alien  Geog.  Persiens,  2.  20-21,  Giessen, 
1869-1870  (Marburg  Univ.-program) ;   cf.  W.  Geiger,  Ostiranische  Kultur,  pp. 
52-54,  Erlangen,  1852.    The  territory  of  Bukhara,  or  even  Khiva,  has  been 
proposed  by  Darmesteter,  Le  ZA  2.  380,  n.  70.    It  would  be  fanciful  to  guess 
Eomduz,  east  of  Balkh  in  Afghanistan,  because  of  the  spelling. 

20  See  text  and  transliteration  of  Byt.  3.  29,  ed.  K.  A.  D.  Nosherwan,  The 
Pahlavi  Zand-i-Vo  human  Yasht,  pp.  17,  20,  Bombay,  1900;  and  cf.  translation 
by  West,  in  SBE  5.  227. 


88  A.  V.  Williams  Jackson 

• 

Thus  much  having  been  said  in  favor  of  the  removal  of  the 
Farnbag'Fire  to  Kabul,  on  the  testimony  of  the  Indian  Bunda- 
hishn,  we  may  now  turn  to  a  quite  different  statement  on  the  older 
authority  of  the  Iranian  Bundahishn. 

b.  Iranian   recension   of  Bundahishn  17.  5-6 

(Principal  variations  from  the  Indian  recension  are  indicated  by 
spaced  letters)21 

Bd.  17.  5-6  (Iran.  rec.).  Va  Yim  den  (andar)  xutdlh-l  hamdk6 
kdr  pavan  (pa)  alyydrih-i  valmansdno  (osdn)  kola  (har)  si  aids' 
avlrtar  hamal™  karto;  az-as  Ataro  G  a  dm  an  (Khurah)  val 
(avti)  I  ddto-gds  pavan  (pa)  gadman  (khurah)-homand.  kofo  pavan 
(pa)  Xvdrazm  nisdsto.  Amat(ka)-sdno  Yim  bard  (be)  kirlnetti 
gadman  (khurah)  i  Yim  min  (az)  y adman  (dast)  I  Dahdko  Atar6 
Gadman  (khurah)  bozenet.  Den  (andar)  xutdnh  Vistdspo  Malkd 
(Sdh)  pavan  (pa)  petdklh  min  (az)  Deno  min  (az)  Xvdrazm  val 
(avo)  rosano  kof-  I  Kavdrvand?3  Kdr  6  matd  (deh)  vas't(?)24' 
nisdsto-hdmand,  cigun  kavan(nun)-ic  tamman  (and)  katrunSt 
(mdnet) . 

It  will  be  observed  that  a  large  part  of  the  Iranian  recension  of 
Bd.  17.  5-6  is  the  same  as  the  Indian  version  transliterated  and 
translated  above,  except  that  the  fire  is  called  Atarti  Gadman 
(Khurah),  'Fire  of  Glory/  which  is  only  another  way  of  saying 
Atar6  Farnbag,  'Fire  of  the  Glory-divine'  (according  as  the  Semitic 
or  Iranian  designation  is  chosen) ;  and  both  recensions  agree  that 
the  fire  was  originally  in  Khvarazm.  But  in  the  latter  part  of  the 
passage  there  is  a  very  noteworthy  difference  in  the  Iranian 
version  regarding  the  place  to  which  the  fire  was  removed.  In 
contradistinction  to  the  Indian  Bundahishn,  which  locates  the 
transferred  fire  'upon  the  shining  mountain  in  Kavulistan,  the 
district  of  Kavul  (Kabul)/  the  Iranian  Bundahishn  says: 

'In  the  reign  of  King  Vishtasp.  upon  revelation  from  the 
Religion,  it  became  established  out  of  Khvarazm,  on  the  shin- 
ing mountain  of  Kavarvand  ("vaporous")  in  the 
K  a  r  district,  just  as  it  there  even  now  remains.' 

21  See  text  ed.,  in  photozincograph  process,  by  T.  D.  Anklesaria  with  intro- 
duction by  B.  T.  Anklesaria,  The  Bundahishn,  being  a  Facsimile  of  the  T.  D. 
Manuscript  brought  from  Persia,  pp.  124-125,  Bombay,  1908. 

22  So  me.  adds  hamal,  'always'. 

23  So  the  Pahlavi  word  k  n  drn  n  d  is  to  be  read.     See  below. 

24  So  at  least  it  seems  that  this  and  the  following  word  are  to  be  read. 


The  Location  of  the  Farnbdg  Fire  89 

The  old  local  name  of  the  mountain,  which  became  illuminated 
when  the  sacred  fire  was  transferred  to  it,  I  decipher  from  the 
original  Pahlavi  script  (k  n  drn  n  d)  as  Kavdrvand, — the  Pahlavi 
sign  for  v  and  n  being  the  same — and  suggest  connecting  it  with 
Mod.  Pers.  kavdr,  'vapor,  mist  which  appears  in  summer  nights/26 
and  comparing  the  common  suffix  -vand  (-vant),  'possessing',  in 
such  mountain-names  as  Revand  (Av.  Raevant) ,  Arvand  or  Alvand 
(Av.  Aurvant),  Damavand,  and  Skt.  Himavant.26 

The  next  point  is  to  identify  the  'Kar  district,'  or  town,  indi- 
cated by  Phi.  Kdrd  matd  (deh)  of  our  Iranian  recension,  where 
the  fire  was  located  on  the  Kavarvand  mountain.  The  photo- 
zincographed  copy  of  the  text  plainly  reads  Kdrd  matd,  and  it 
should  be  particularly  noted  that  the  Pazand  version  even  of  the 
Indian  Bundahishn,  ed.  Antia,  p.  81,  as  remarked  above,  p.  85, 
n.  10,  also  gives  Kdri  dez  (although  preceded  by  Kdvalstan,  which 
in  itself  may  have  been  due  to  some  original  misreading  of  the 
obscure  Kavdrvand,  unfamiliar  in  India,  as  previously  hinted). 
I  do  not  know  the  source  of  Darmesteter's  reading  (Le  ZA  1.  154) 
Karikan  matd,  '\e  pays  de  Karikan,'  regarding  which  he  adds, 
'le  pehlvi  Karikan  serait  en  persan  Karyan' ;  but  he  was  certainly 
on  the  right  track  when  he  went  on  to  suggest  that  the  place  was 
to  be  identified  with  Kariyan  in  Fars,  celebrated  for  its  sacred 
fire  which  had  been  transported  there  from  Khvarazm,  as  reported 
by  Mas'udl,  4.  76,  cf.  Yakut,  p.  471. 

Kariyan27  is  the  name  of  a  small  town  and  district  of  the  old 
province  of  Fars,  being  located  about  ten  miles  southwest  of 

25  See  F.  Steingass,  Pers.-Eng.  Diet.  p.  1057a.     The  place  is  n  o  t  to  be  con- 
fused with  Kavar  or  Kuvar,  a  town  southeast  of  Shiraz,  although  that  is 
also  in  Fars,  cf.  Le  Strange,  Lands  of  the  Eastern  Caliphate,  p.  253,  Cam- 
bridge, 1905.     It  should  be  added  that  a  Mod.  Pers.  paraphrase  of  Avesta 
Slroza  1.  9  (cited  by  Spiegel,  Av.  Ubersetzt,  3.  199^  n.  2,  Leipzig,  1863;  id. 
Comm.  iiber  d.  Av.  2.  697,  Vienna,  1868)  places  the  Adar  Fra  or  Farnbag  Fire 
'on  the  mountain  Kankarah'  (bar  kuh-i  Kdnkorah),  the  interpretation  being 
evidently  due  to  a  misreading  of  Phi.  Kavarvand.   Cf .  furthermore  Hoffmann, 
Ausziige,  p.  285,  n.  2239. 

26  Possibly  Damavand  (judging  from  various  spellings,  Armen.  DambGvdnd, 
Arabic  Dumbavand  beside  Damavand  and  Dabavand,  and  a  Pazand  translitera- 
tion as  Dumavand,  in  Paz.  Jamdspi,  ed.  Modi,  pp.  67,  114;  cf.  also  Marquart 
Erdnsahr,  p.  127)  may  be  derived  from  an  original  A.v.*dunmdvant,  'having 
vapor'.      So    I    find    Salemann,  in    Grdr.  iran.  Phil.  1,    p.  266;    but  this  is 
opposed  by  Bartholomae,  AirWb.  s.v.  dunman,  col.  749. 

27  On  such  formations  in  -an  see  Noldeke,  Gesch.  d.  Pers,  u.   Amber,  aus 
Tabari,  p.  112,  n.  1. 


90  A.  V.  Williams  Jackson 

Juwafm  (Juwun),  roughly  midway  between  Siraf  (Tahiri)  on  the 
Persian  Gulf  and  Darabjird  in  the  interior,  or  again  inland  between 
Jahram  and  Lars,  and  is  still  marked  on  modern  maps  as  approxi- 
mately situated  between  lat.  28°  1'  and  long.  53°  1',  not  far  from 
Harm.28  According  to  the  medieval  Oriental  geographers  it  was 
celebrated  in  antiquity  for  its  strong  fortress,  crowning  a  hill-top, 
and  as  being  the  site  of  an  ancient  fire-temple  from  which  the 
Zoroastrian  priests  distributed  the  sacred  fire  to  other  places.29 
As  the  identification  of  Kariyan  with  the  'Kar  district  (or  town)' 
of  the  Pahlavi  text  seems  to  be  correct,  judging  from  the  various 
old  allusions,  I  shall  proceed  below  to  give  all  the  data  that  I  can 
find  regarding  the  subject  in  the  Arab-Persian  geographical  and 
historical  sources.30 

Before  presenting  the  material  from  these  Oriental  sources, 
however,  I  shall  insert,  as  a  parenthetic  paragraph,  an  important 
account  of  Kariyan  byuan  English  traveler  who  visited  it  some 
forty  years  ago.  It  is  the  only  modern  description  of  the  place 
that  I  know,  among  the  long  list  of  travels  in  Persia,  and  I  found 
it  just  after  this  article  was  completed  and  ready  to  be  sent  to  the 
press,  but  happily  in  time  for  insertion  here.  The  description  is 
by  Edward  Stack,  of  the  Bengal  Civil  Service,  who  visited  Kariyan, 

28  See  map  at  end  of^Curzon,  Persia,  vol.  2,  London,  1892;   also  Edward 
Stanford,  Map  of  Persia,  London,  1887  (Indian  Survey) ;  and  especially  com- 
pare Le  Strange,  Lands  of  the  Eastern  Caliphate,  Map  vi.     Consult  further- 
more the  map  in  W.  Tomaschek,  Zur  Topographic  von  Persien,  in  SiUb.  d. 
kais.  Akad.  d.  Wissenschaften,  phil.-hist.  Cl.,  vol.  108,  p.  652,  Vienna,  1885; 
likewise  the  map  in  E.  Stack,  Six  Months  in  Persia,  1.  72,  London,  1882 
(cited  below).     It  should  be  observed,  in  passing,  that  the  name  *Kariydn, 
as  Ramm  al-Kariyan,  '  Tribe  of  Kariyan.'  appears  as  a  local  designation  of 
several  places  in  the  Province  of  Fars  (see  Istakhrl  1.  114  1.  6;  cf.  1.  99  1.  2; 

1.  141  1.  4;  Ibn  Haukal,  2/186,  1.  7;  cf.  2.  180  1.  5;  Mukaddasi,  3.  424  1.  6; 

2.  447  1.  8;  2.  454  1.  7);  but  the  tribe  in  general  is  not  to  be  confused  with 
our  Kariyan  of  the  Fire- temple,  as  noted  also  by  Hoffmann,  Auszuge,  p. 
284,  n.  2237;  compare  likewise  the  discussion  by  Schwarz,  Iran  im  Mittelalter, 
2.  91-92. 

29  See  Le  Strange,  op.  cit.  p.  255   (with  references);    P.  Schwarz,  Iran  im 
Mittelalter  aus  den  arabischen  Geographen,  2.  91-92;    3.  137,  Leipzig,  1910, 
1912;  also  A.  Christensen,  L' Empire  des  Sassanides,  p.  65,  Copenhagen,  1907. 
On  an  old  Kurdish  tribe  of  Kariyan,  see  Hoffmann,  Ausziige,  p.  285;    Le 
Strange,  Description  of  the  Province  of  Fars,  p.  L3,  London,  1912. 

30 1  may  add  that  I  had  practically  completed  collecting  these  data  before 
having  access  to  G.  Hoffmann,  Auszuge  aus  Syrischen  Akten  persischer 
Martyrer,  pp.  281-289,  Leipzig,  1880,  which  served,  however,  as  a  most 
admirable  supplement  as  the  footnotes  hereafter  will  abundantly  show. 


The  Location  of  the  Farnbag  Fire  91 

March  19,  1881,  and  devotes  a  half  dozen  pages  to  the  town  and 
its  environs  (calling  it  'Karyun,'  correctly  enough  after  the  local 
pronunciation  of  the  name  today),  in  the  first  of  his  two  volumes 
entitled  Six  Months  in  Persia,  1.  117-123  (New  York,  1882, 
Putnams).  His  record  has  all  the  more  value  when  used  as  a 
supplement  to  the  Arab-Persian  geographers,  of  a  thousand 
years  before,  about  whom  he  knew  nothing.  It  unconsciously 
supports  their  testimony  as  to  the  antiquity  of  the  town,  its  hills 
and  fertile  suburban  districts,  and  especially  it  mentions  'the  fort 
of  the  Fire-well,  so  called  from  the  discovery  of  naphtha  in  a  well 
hard  by.'  The  features  that  are  characteristic  in  Stack's  account 
for  comparison  with  the  older  Oriental  writers  are  here  indicated 
by  spacing  the  words.  He  rightly  described  Kariyan  as  three 
miles  distant  from  Harm,  which  is  also  still  indicated  in  the  maps; 
and  both  places  at  the  time  of  his  visit  were  suffering  seriously 
from  'the  effects  of  drought  and  famine'  then  prevailing  in  Persia. 

E.  Stack,  Six  Months  in  Persia,  1.  118-123:  'Harm  is  a 
large  village,  with  extensive  date-groves,  and  perhaps  two 
hundred  houses.  It  was  deserted  and  in  ruins;  we  could  find 
no  quarters  there.  Karyun  is  still  larger;  it  must 
have  had  a  population  of  2000  souls,  but  we  could  find 
only  three  families  in  the  whole  place  ...  Two  other 
forts  [besides  a  modern  one]  stand  in  the  plain,  a  mile  east 
of  Karyun.  One  is  the  Mud  Fort  (Qala-i-Gili) ,  built  when 
Karim  Khan  was  reigning  in  Shiraz  (1780);  it  is  a  square 
earthwork  with  a  side  of  120  yards,  and  had  a  tower  every 
twelve  yards.  The  other  is  the  fort  of  the  Fire- 
well,  so  called  from  the  discovery  of  naphtha 
in  a  well  hard  by;  it  is  a  tower  girt  with  a  wall, 
on  a  mound.  Forts  and  well  are  in  ruins  now. 
Karyun  stands  in  the  middle  of  three  rocky 
hills,  and  these,  also,  are  said  to  have  been  forti- 
fied. I  went  up  one  hill  with  some  men  of  the  village. 
They  stopped  at  the  foot,  picked  up  bones,  and  said,  "These 
are  the  bones  of  men,"  and  proceeded  to  tell  me  the  fol- 
lowing story: — Shah  Karan  was  besieged  here 
by  12,000  Mussalmans,  when  the  Arabs  first  invaded 
Persia.  [The  story  continues  with  an  account  of  Shah 
Karan's  successful  resistance  at  first,  until  he  was  betrayed 
through  the  treachery  of  his  own  wife,  and  fell  into  the  hands 


92  A.  V.  Williams  Jackson 

of  the  Arabs,  and  the  fortress  was  taken].  Such  was  the 
legend  of  Karyun.  Shah  Karan  was,  of  course,  afire- 
worshipper  [and  a  footnote  adds,  "the  Chah  Tashi 
(atashi)  or  fire-well,  was  perhaps  a  holy  place  in  Shah  Qaran's 
time"]31  and  [he]  seems  to  be  a  semi-historical  personage. 
He  is  credited  with  having  made  sixty  qanats  (underground 
conduits  for  water).  It  is  probable  enough,  too,  that 
Karyun  may  be  an  ancient  place.  In  a  country 
like  Persia,  where  the  habitable  spots  have  been  marked  out 
by  Nature  from  the  beginning  of  the  world,  the  smallest 
human  settlement  in  the  desert  may  date  back  thou- 
sands of  years.  It  is  at  least  true  of  Karyun  that 
the  r  u  i  n  s  of  a  f  o  r  t  do  actually  stand  on  the  hill,  and 
that  bones  are  plentiful  in  the  dry  torrent  beds.  What  with 
relics  of  mortality,  ruins,  and  robbers,  Karyun  was  an  emi- 
nently cheerful  place.  My  guides  said  there  were  twenty 
inhabited  houses;  I  doubt  it.  The  place  was  once 
flourishing  and  well-built.  Conical  domes  of 
abambars  (water-cisterns)  rose  among  the  houses,  testifying 
to  a  large  water-supply  and  large  population 
in  former  years  .  .  .  In  good  seasons,  the  plain 
where  these  villages  [Kariyan  and  Harm]  (and  a  few  others) 
are  situated  ought  to  be  extremely  rich.  I  saw  some 
very  fine  wheat  under  Karyun.  An  ancient  qanat  waters 
Karyun,  and  an  unsuccessful  attempt  has  recently  been  made 
by  Lutf  Ali  Khan  [the  governor]  to  strike  out  another.7 

Keeping  in  mind  this  interesting  modern  account  of  Kariyan 
with  its  'fort  of  the  Fire-well/  named  from  a  fountain  of  naphtha 
and  marked  by  a  ruined  wall  and  tower  crowning  a  mound,  and 
remembering  the  legend  of  its  hill-top  fastness,  so  long  impregnable, 
we  may  now  turn  to  the  Arab-Persian  records  of  the  place,  which 
date  a  millennium  earlier.  From  their  allusions  to  Kariyan  it 
will  become  perfectly  clear  that  the  town,  like  the  other  places, 
Darabjird,  al-Baida,  Nasa,  Fasa,  that  are  mentioned  in  connection 
with  the  sacred  fire  now  under  investigation,  was  certainly  located 
in  the  Province  of  Fars.  Concerning  that  there  remains  no 
question. 

1  The  Persian  chal.-dtasi  signifies  'fiery  well'. 


The  Location  of  the  Farnbag  Firt  93 

5.  Arab-Persian  Allusiom  to  the  Farnbag  Fire 

c.  Ibn  Fakih  al-Harnadhani  (903  A.  D.) 
The  earliest  Arab-Persian  geographer  to  refer  to  the  Farnbag 
Fire,  under  the  title  Adhar-Khurrah,  was  Ibn  Fakih  of  Hamadan, 
Persia  (903  A.  D.).  In  his  Arabic  account  of  an  ancient  fire- 
temple  in  the  district  of  Farahan,  near  Hamadan,  he  goes  on  to 
mention  several  other  well  known  sacred  fires  in  different  places, 
one  of  which  was  '  The  Fire  Adhar-Khurrah  and  fire  of  Jamm  ash- 
Shidh  (Jamshid),  which  is  the  oldest.'32  This  he  also  says  was 
originally  in  Khvarazm,  and  was  removed  by  the  Sasanian  mon- 
arch Anushirvan  (he  does  not  mention  Vishtasp)  to  Kariyan, 
adding,  moreover,  that  at  the  time  of  the  Arab  conquest  a  part  of 
it  was  carried  for  safety  to  Fasa,  a  town  which  is  likewise  in  Fars. 
Ibn  Faklh's  statement  (ed.  De  Goeje,  Bibl  Geog.  Arab.  5.  246, 
Leyden,  1885)  may  be  translated  as  follows: 

Ibn  Fakih  al-Hamadhani,  5.  246  1.  8  f.  'As  regards  the 
fire  of  Jamm  ash-Shldh  (Jamshid)  it  is  the  Adhar- 
Khurrah  (i.  e.  Fire  Farnbag) .  It  was  in  Khwarazm, 
and  Anushirwan  removed  it  to  al-Kariyan. 
Now  when  the  Arabs  came  into  power,  the  Magians 
were  afraid  that  it  would  be  extinguished.  So  they 
divided  it  into  two  parts,  one  part  (remained)  in  al- 
Kariyan,  and  one  part  was  carried  to  Fasa,33  thinking 
that  if  one  of  them  should  be  extinguished  the  other  would  be 
left/34 

d.  Mas'udi  (943  A.  D.) 

The  most  important  passage  to  be  brought  into  connection  with 
the  Bundahishn  account  is  the  reference  to  the  fire  of  Jamshid 
(i.  e.  the  Farnbag  Fire)  in  Mas'udi,  Muruj  adh-Dhahab  ('The 


3J  Lit.  'first',  ed.  De  Goeje,  5.  246. 

33  The  town  Fasa  is  some  fifty  miles  west  of  Darabjird;    but  it  must  be 
noted  that  Mas'udi  (see  below)  says  Nasa  (Nisa).     Incidentally  it  may  be 
remarked  that  Fasa  is  particularly  mentioned  in  connection  with  Zoroaster 
and  Bishtasp  (Vishtasp)  by  Tha 'alibi,  tr.  H.  Zotenberg,  pp.  255,  262,  Paris, 
1900.    On  Fasa  see  Le  Strange,  op.  cit.  pp.  290,  293,  294;  'Schwarz,  op.  cit. 
2.  97-100,  but  there  is  no  special  mention  of  a  fire-temple  in  connection  with 
this  industrial  town.     It  is  possible  that  Fasa  in  Ibn  Fakih  is  misread  for 
Nasa  (see  below) . 

34  Ed.  De  Goeje,  5.  246;    cf.  also  tr.  Gottheil,  References  to  Zoroaster,  in 
Classical  Studies  in  Honour  of  Henry  Drisler,  p.  45,  New  York,  1894. 


94  A.  V.  Williams  Jackson 

Golden  Meadows/  text  and  French  tr.  by  Barbier  de  Meynard, 
Les  Prairies  dor,  4.  75-76,  Paris,  1865).  Mas'udi,  after  mention- 
ing ten  celebrated  pyraea,  comes  to  speak  of  the  fire  of  Jamshid, 
which  Vishtasp  (Bishtasp  or  Yistasf),  at  the  direction  of  Zoro- 
aster, removed  from  Khvarazm  to  Darabjird,  the  chief  city  in  the 
land  of  Fars.  (For  this  latter  sentence  in  the  original,  Hoffmann, 
Auszuge,  p.  285,  suggests  reading,  'nach  der  Stadt  [al-Karian, 
einer  Dependenz  von]  Darabgerd,  einer  Kura  im  Lande  Pars'— 
giving  his  reasons  for  the  conjecture  in  a  footnote,  n.  2240). 
Mas'udi  goes  on  to  state  that  King  Kai  Khusrau  (who  lived 
between  the  time  of  Jamshid  and  Vishtasp)  had  worshiped  this 
fire  while  it  was  in  Khvarazm,  and  he  notices  also  the  divergent 
tradition  that  it  was  Anushirvan  who  had  removed  it  to  Kariyan,35 
repeating  likewise  that  at  the  time  of  the  Muslim  conquest  the 
fire  was  divided  for  the  purpose  of  safety,  a  part  being  left  in 
Kariyan  and  a  part  removed  to  Nasa  and  al-Baida  in  Fars.  As 
noted  below,  both  these  latter  places  (or  practically  the  same 
place)  are,  like  Kariyan,  situated  in  the  Fars  Province.  The 
whole  passage  from  Mas'udi  is  here  translated. 

Mas'udi,  -Muriij  adh-Dhahab,  ed.  Barbier  de  Meynard, 
4.  75-76.  'Zaradusht  directed  King  Yistasf  (i.  e.  Vish- 
tasp) that  he  should  search  for  the  fire  which  had  been 
venerated  by  King  Jam.  He  made  search  and  found  it 
in  the  city  of  Khvarazm,  and  Yistasf  then  removed  it  to 
the  city  D  a  r  a  b  j  i  r  d,36  of  the  land  of  Fars  and  its  country. 
In  our  time,  the  year  332  [A.  H.  =  943  A.  D.],  this  temple  is 
called  Adharjuy,  and  the  translation  of  this  is  'Fire-stream' 
(or  Fire-river),  adhar  being  one  of  the  names  for  'fire'  and 
juy  being  one  of  the  names  for  'river'  in  old  Persian.  The 
Magians  revere  this  fire  in  a  manner  in  which  they  revere 
no  other  fires  or  fire-temples. 

'In  Persian  (tradition)  it  is  reported  that  when  Kai  Khus- 
rau37 went  forth  to  make  war  against  the  Turks,  and  marched 


36  See  the  citation  above  from  Ibn  Fakih  al-Hamadham;  but  observe 
some  of  the  statements  given  below  which  would  militate  against  the  Anushir- 
van tradition. 

38  For  Hoffmann's  suggested  emendation  'to  the  city  [al-Karian,  a  depend- 
ency of]  Darabjird'  see  the  introductory  paragraph  above. 

87  As  remarked  above,  Kai  Khusrau  lived  about  two  hundred  years  before 
Vishtasp  according  to  the  traditional  dates,  see  Jackson,  Zoroaster,  p.  180. 


The  Location  of  the  Farnbdg  Fire  95 

to  Khvarazm,  he  inquired  there  about  that  fire,  and  when  he 
found  it  he  venerated  it  and  worshiped  it. 

'And  it  has  been  said  [by  others]38  that  A  n  u  s  h  i  r  - 
van  was  the  one  who  removed  it  to  al-K  a  r  i  y  a  n. 
The  appearance  of  Islam  caused  fear  to  the  Magians  lest 
the  Musulmans  should  extinguish  it;  so  they  left  a  part  (lit. 
some)  of  it  at  al-Kariyan  and  removed  a  part  (lit.  some)  of 
it  to  Nasa39  and  al-Baida  in  the  district  of  Fars,  so  that  one 
of  them  should  be  left  in  case  the  other  was  extinguished/40 

e.  Shahrastani  (1086-1153  A.  D.)— based  largely  on  Mas'udI 

Quite  an  extended  notice  of  various  fire-temples  and  their 
founders  is  given  by  Abu'1-Fath  Muhammad  ash-Shahrastanl 
in  his  well-known  'Book  of  Religious  and  Philosophical  Sects' 
(Kitab  al-Milal  wa'l-Nihal,  text  ed.  Cureton,  part  1,  pp.  197-198, 
London,  1842;  German  tr.  by  Haarbriicker,  1,  pp.  298-299,  Halle, 
1850).41  As  Shahrastani  was  a  native  of  the  large  village  of 
Shahrastan  in  Khurasan,  being  born  there  in  1086  A.  D.,  and  had 
studied  at  Nishapur,  he  must  have  had  a  good  knowledge  of 
Persian  traditions  regarding  the  sacred  fires.  When,  however,  he 
comes  to  speak  of  the  fire  of  Jamshid  he  follows  Mas'udI  rather 
closely  in  his  statements  regarding  Khvarazm,  Darabjird,  and 
the  tradition  mentioned  above  with  respect  to  Anushirvan  and 
the  transference  of  the  fire  to  al-Kariyan  (erroneously  written  in 


38  See  Ibn  Falph,  cited  above,  and  Shahrastani  (after  Mas'udI),  cited  below. 

39  The  text  here  reads  Nasd  (not  Fasa  as  in  Ibn  Faklh,  cited  above) ;   so 
also  Shahrastani  (based  on  Mas'udI)  has  Nasa,  as  quoted  below.     Nasa  and 
al-Baida  (the  latter  meaning  in  Arabic  'The  White'  town)  are  names  for  the 
same  town  (or  possibly  for  two  places  merged  into  one  town,  like  the  modern 
Isfahan-JuFah),  located  about  twenty  miles  northward  from  Shlraz  in  the 
Province  of  Fars  (cf.  Muk.,  p.  432,  1);   the  Persians  called  it  also  Nasatak 
(1st.  p.  126,  11  ff.),  signifying  according  to  Yakut  (1.  791,  20,  and  cf.  4.  778,  6), 
Dar-i  Isfld,   'White  Palace' — see  Schwarz,   Iran  im  MiUelalter,    1.    16-17, 
Leipzig,  1896;   Le  Strange,  Lands  of  the  Eastern  Caliphate,  p.  280  (and  map, 
p.  249). 

40  For  help  in  connection  with  the  translation  of  the  various  Arabic  passages 
throughout,  I  am  particularly  indebted  to  my  assistant,  Dr.  A.  Yohannan  of 
Columbia  University;  and  also  to  my  former  pupil,  Professor  William  Popper 
of  the  University  of  California.    This  special  passage  from  Mas'udI  is  rendered 
likewise  by  Hoffmann,  Ausziige,  pp.  285-286. 

«  Cf.  C.  Huart,  Hist.  Arab.  Lit.,  p.  268,  New  York,  1903. 


96  A.  V.  Williams  Jackson 

the  text  as  al-Karman,  and  not  to  be  confused  with  Kirman).42 
The  special  passage  follows. 

Shahrastani,  ed.  Cureton,  p.  197-198  (cf.  Haarbrucker, 
1.  pp.  298-299).  'Kushtasf  gave  orders  that  the  fire  which 
Jam  venerated  should  be  sought  for,  and  they  found  it  in 
the  city  of  Khvarazm,  and  transported  it  to 
Darabjird.  It  was  called  Azar-Khu[r]a;43  and  the  Mag- 
ians  venerate  it  more  than  (all)  the  others.  And  when  Kai 
Khusrau  went  out  to  war  against  Afrasiyab,  he  venerated  it 
and  worshiped  it.  It  is  said  that  it  was  Nushirvan 
who  transferred  it  to  Kariyan;44  they  left  some  of  it 
there  and  carried  some  of  it  to  NasaV 

f.  Istakhrl  (951  A.  D.) 

The  somewhat  earlier  geographer  Abu  Ishak  al-FarisI  al- 
Istakhri  (951  A.  D.)  alludes  to  Kariyan  and  its  impregnable 
fortress  which  crowned  the  Mountain  of  Clay,  and,  a  few  para- 
graphs beyond,  he  states  that  the  fire-temple  of  al-Kariyan  was 
the  most  famous  in  Fars. 

Istakhrl,  ed.  De  Goeje,  1.  117  1.  2  f.  The  fortress  of  al- 
Kariyan45  is  built  upon  the  Mountain  of  Clay  (Jabal  Tin)*6 
Muhammad  ibn  Wasil  attacked  it  with  his  army  (because) 
Ahmad  bin  al-Hasan  al-Azdi  had  intrenched  himself  within 
it,  but  he  was  not  able  to  take  it.'  And  Istakhrl  continues, 
some  paragraphs  further  on  (p.  118  1.  6  f.)  to  say:  'The 
fire-temples  of  Fars  exceed  my  power  of 
enumeration,  as  there  is  no  city,  village,  or  place  with- 
out a  large  number  of  these  fire-temples;  but  a  few  of 
them  are  more  celebrated  and  surpass  the  others  in  impor- 
tance. Of  these  is  the  Fire-temple  of  al-Kariyan, 


48  See  also  Hoffmann,  p.  285,  n.  2240. 

43  On  the  reading  see  Hoffmann,  p.  286  (last  paragraph),  with  references. 

44  See  remarks  above  on  the  erroneous  spelling  Karman  in  the  text  instead 
of  Kariyan. 

48  v.  1.  Kariban,  Kadhiyan,  Kaviydn. 

48  This  is  the  same  mountain  as  Kavarvand  of  the  Pahlavi  text,  but  there 
is  no  connection  to  be  traced  between  the  name  in  Arabic,  Tin,  'clay'  and 
Phi.  Pers.  Kavarvand;  consult  also  above,  p.  89,  n.  25,  and  the  reference 
to  Hoffmann,  Ausziige,  p.  285,  n.  2239. 


The  Location  of  the  Farnbdg  Fire  97 

which  is  known  as  A^ar  Farrd,  and  as  the  Fire-temple  ba- 
Khurrah,  that  is  the  Fire  Khurrah'  (cf.  Adhar-Khurrah, 
above).47 

g.  Ibn  Haukal  (978  A.  D.) 

Ibn  Haukal  (978  A.  D.)  follows  the  statements  of  Istakhrl  prac- 
tically verbatim  with  regard  to  the  large  number  of  fire-temples 
in  Fars,  the  most  important  being  that  at  Kariyan;48  and  (like 
Mas'udi,  also  above)  he  says  that  this  pyraeum  was  called  Nar- 
juy,  Tire-stream'  (with  the  variant  reading  Nar  Farra,  cf.  Adhar- 
Khurrah).  The  passage  follows  and  should  be  compared  with 
the  others  previously  given. 

Ibn  Haukal,  ed.  De  Goeje,  2.  189  1.  5:  'But  the  fire 
t  e  m  p  1  e  s  of  it  (i.  e.  of  the  Province  of  Fars)  are  excessive 
in  number  and  the  mind  is  incapable  of  grasping  it,  as  there 
is  no  city,  village,  or  place,  which  has  not  in  it  a  large  number 
of  these  fire-temples  besides  those  famous  ones  which  surpass 
the  rest  in  importance.  Of  these  (latter)  is  the  Fire- 
temple  of  al-Kariyan  which  is  called  the  temple 
of  Ndr-juy  i.  e.  "  Fire-stream"  (v.  1.  Nar  Farra)  and  the 
Fire-temple  ba-Khurrah.' 

h.  Mukaddasi  (985  A.  D.) 

There  is  an  allusion  likewise  to  the  Kariyan  fire-temple  in  the 
geographical  work  of  Abu  'Abdallah  al-Makdasi,  or  Mukaddasi 
(985  A.  D.),  as  he  is  more  commonly  called. 

Mukaddasi,  ed.  De  Goeje,  3.  427  1.  12  f.:  'Kariyan49 
is  small,  but  its  suburban  villages  are  well-populated.50  In 


47  The  reading  Nar  Farrd,  i.  e.  'Fire  Farra'  is  the  correct  one  as  construed 
from  the  variants  in  the  Arabic  texts.     See  also  especially  Hoffmann,  p.  284, 
and  his  remarks;    compare  likewise  Schwarz,  Iran,  2.  91,  with  references 
not  only  to  Istakhrl,  p.  118,  1.  8  (just  quoted),  but  also  to  Baladhurl,  p.  389, 
1.  13  (ed.  De  Goeje,  I<eyden,  1866),  where  Kariyan  may  be  implied  though 
not  mentioned. 

48  For  a  reference  likewise  to  the  'Zam  (town  or  territory)  Kariyan'  see 
W.  Ouseley,  Or.  Geog.  of  Ebn  Haukal,  p.  91,  London,  1800,  and  see  above,  n. 
28. 

49  v.  1.  Kariban. 

60  For  an  idea  of  the  fertility  of  the  suburban  districts  around  Kariyan  see 
the  passage  cited  from  Stack  above,  p.  92. 

7   JAOS  41 


98  A.  V.  Williams  Jackson 

it  there  is  a  fire-temple  that  is  highly  venerated, 
and  they  carry  the  fire  from  it  to  (all  parts  of)  the 
world!'51 

i.  Yakut  (1225  A.  D.) 

Similar  (and  including  a  repetition  from  Istakhri)  is  the  state- 
ment of  Yakut  in  his  great  geographical  dictionary,  Mu'jam  al- 
Buldan,  ed.  F.  Wiistenfeld,  4.  224-225,  Leipzig,  1869;  cf.  French 
tr.  by  Barbier  de  Meynard,  Diet,  de  la  Perse,  p.  471,  Paris,  1861. 
The  passage  runs  as  follows: 

Yakut,  ed.  Wustenfeld,  4.  224-225;  cf.  Fr.  tr.  Barbier  de 
Meynard,  p.  471:  'Kariyan  is  a  small  city  in  Fars, 
and  its  suburban  villages  are  well-populated.  In  it  there 
is  a  fire-temple  which  is  highly  venerated  by 
the  Magians,  and  its  fire  is  carried  to  (all  parts 
of)  the  world.  Istakhri  says  that  among  the  fort- 
resses of  Fars  which  have  never  been  taken  is  the 
fortress  of  al-Kariy  an,  -  which  is  on  the  Mountain  of 
Clay  (Jabal-Tiri).  'Amru,  son  of  Laith  as-Saffar,52  attacked 
it  and  besieged  in  it  Ahmad  ibn  Hasan  al-Azdl,  with  his 
army;  but  he  was  not  able  to  take  it,  and  withdrew.'53 

j.  Kazvlnl  (1275  A.  D.) 

This  statement  is  repeated  in  substance  also  in  the  'Cosmog- 
raphy' of  Zakariyya  al-Kazvinl  (1203-1283  A.  D),  who  was  a 
Persian,  though  writing  in  Arabic,  and  derived  his  name  from  his 
native  place,  Kazvin  in  Azarbaijan. 

Kazvlnl,  Athar  al-Bilad,  ed.  F.  Wustenfeld,  2.  162  1.  5  f., 
Gottingen,  1848 ;  'Kariyan  is  a  city  in  the  land  of 
Fars,  in  which  there  is  a  fire-temple  held  in  high 
esteem  by  the  Magians,  and  its  fire  is  carried 
»  to  other  fire- temples  in  the"  world.  Istakhri  says : 
"One  of  the  fortresses  that  can  never  be  taken  is  the  fortress 
of  Kariyan;  it  is  situated  on  the  Mountain  of  Clay 
(Jabal  min  Tin),  and  has  several  times  been  besieged  but 
has  never  been  taken". 


61  Besides  this  passage  there  are  two  mere  mentions  of  Kariyan  in  Mule., 
pp.  62,  454;  see  also  above,  note  28. 

62  i.  e.  the  Saffarid  ruler  in  the  latter  half  of  the  ninth  century  A.  D. 
"There  is  a  mere  mention  of  'the  fortress  of  Kariyan 'also  in  Yakut,  3. 

p.  338. 


The  Location  of  the  Farnbdg  Fire  (.M> 

k.  An  earlier  passage  in  Alb  Irani  (973-1048  A.  D.) 

There  is  a  long  and  important  earlier  passage  in  the  famous 
'Chronology'  of  Alblruni  (Abu  Raihan  Muhammad  al-Blrunl), 
which  has  a  special  bearing  on  the  Adhar-Khurrah  (or  Farnbag) 
fire-temple  in  Fars.  It  is  of  particular  interest  because  this  cele- 
brated scholar  was  born  in  one  of  the  suburbs  of  Khvarazm  (973 
A.  D.),  and  his  family  was  of  Persian  origin.  It  will  be  noted  that 
while  he  does  not  mention  Kariyan  by  name,  speaking  simply  of 
'the  famous  fire-temple  in  Adhar-Khura  in  Fars',  or  again  of  'the 
town  Adhar-Khura/  his  allusion  is  undoubtedly  to  the  famous 
Farnbag  Fire  of  Jamshid,  referred  to  several  times  above,  under 
this  or  similar  forms,  as  located  at  Kariyan;  and  this  is  further 
borne  out  by  the  fact  that  Alblruni's  statement  shows  that  it  was 
situated  somewhere  in  the  general  region  of  Darabjird.  It  is 
expressly  to*  be  observed,  moreover,  that  Alblruni's  account 
proves  that  this  sacred  fane  must  have  been  celebrated  long 
before  the  time  of  Anushirvan,  because  that  Sasanian  mon- 
arch's grandfather,  King  Feroz  (Peroz),  who  ruled  459-484  A.  D., 
visited  it  and  prayed  there  for  rain  to  relieve  the  dire  affliction 
of  drought  which  was  devastating  Eranshahr.  This  fact  regarding 
Feroz  at  that  time  is  all  the  more  important  as  recorded  by  a 
chronologist,  and  it  seems  to  indicate  that  the  Anushirvan  tradi- 
tion was  a  later  one  or  is  to  be  otherwise  explained.  I  select  the 
significant  portions,  relating  to  the  fire-temple,  from  the  long 
account  which  AlbirunI  gives,  Chronology,  tr.  E.  Sachau,  pp.  215- 
216  (  =  ed.  Sachau,  Leipzig,  1878,  pp.  228-229),  London,  1879. 

AlbirunI,  Chronology,  tr.  Sachau,  pp.  215-216:  'Once  in 
the  time  of  Feroz  [459-484  A.  D.],  the  grandfather  of  Ano- 
shirwan,  the  rain  was  kept  back,  and  the  people  of  Eranshahr 
suffered  from  barrenness.'  [The  account  then  continues  to 
.  describe  the  measures  which  Feroz  took  to  relieve  the  distress 
of  his  people,  even  'borrowing  money  from  the  properties 
of  the  fire-temples  to  give  to  the  inhabitants  of  Eranshahr'; 
it  then  describes  the  king's  act  of  veneration  at  the  chief 
pyraeum  as  follows.]  'Now  Feroz  went  to  the 
famous  fire-temple  in  Adharkhura  in  Fars;54 
there  he  said  his  prayers,  and  asked  God  to  remove 
that  trial  from  the  inhabitants  of  the  world.'  [After  describ- 

64  Lit.  'to  the  fire-temple  known  as  Adharkhura  in  Fars.' 


160  A  \V\WilUams  Jackson 

ing  his  meeting  with  the  priests,  his  fervent  supplications  at 
the  altar,  and  his  pious  gifts  to  the  shrine,  the  account  con- 
tinues.] 'Then  he  started  from  the  townAdhar- 
khura  in  the  direction  of  the  town  Dara  (i.  e. 
Darabjird).  But55  having  come  as  far  as  the  place  where 
is  now  the  village  called  Kam-Feroz  in  Far s — 
it  was  at  that  time  an  uncultivated  plain — a  cloud  rose  and 
brought  such  copious  rain  as  had  never  been  witnessed  before, 
till  the  rain  ran  into  all  the  tents,  the  royal  tent  as  well  as 
the  other  ones.  Feroz  recognized  that  God  had  granted  his 
prayer  ...  He  did  not  leave  this  place  before  he  had 
built  the  famous  village  which  he  called  Kam-Feroz.  Feroz 
is  his  name,  and  kdm  means  "wish";  so  that  it  signifies  "that 
he  had  obtained  his  wish".  ' 

From  the  above  account  it  is  clear  that  the  fire:temple  was 
somewhat  distant  from  Darabjird,  since  he  proceeded  from  it 
'in  the  direction  of  the  town  Dara.'56  As  the  district  of  Kam- 
flruz  lies  north  of  Shiraz  on  the  map,57  Feroz  must  have  passed 
a  long  way  beyond  Darabjird,  if  we  are  to  locate  Kariyan  as 
above  indicated.  Under  any  circumstances  the  Adhar-khura 
(Farnbag)  Fire  was  regarded  by  Albiruni  (like  the  other  authori- 
ties) as  situated  in  the  Province  of  Fars.  So  much  is  clear. 

1.  Incidental  allusions  in  the  Persian  Epic  of 
FirdausI  (1000  A.  D.) 

There  are  a  couple  of  incidental  allusions  to  the  Fire  Khurrad 
or  Khurdad  (which  is  the  same  as  the  Farnbag  Fire,  as  noted  at 
the  beginning  of  this  article)  in  the  Shdh-namah  of  Firdausl.58 
Thus  it  is  mentioned  as  one  of  the  three  most  sacred  fires  in  a 
verse — chu  Adhar  'Gush[ri\asp  u  chu  Khurrad  u  Mihr — in 
connection  with  the  history  of  King  Ardashir  of  Fars,  the  founder 
of  the  Sasanian  Empire  (therefore  antedating  Anushirvan),  the 
poetical  story  running  parallel  in  general  with  the  earlier  Pahlavi 

55  More  literally,  'and  then  when  he  arrived  at'. 

66  So  also  Hoffmann,  p.  287. 

67  See  Le  Strange,  p.  249,  and  cf.  p.  280;  also  Schwarz,  Iran  im  Mittelalter, 
1.  40-41. 

"  Cf.  also  Hoffmann,  pp.  288-289. 


The  Location  of  the  Farnbag  Fire  101 

work  cited  below.59  But  there  is  nothing  definite  beyond  the 
general  association  with  Fars  to  indicate  the  precise  site  of  the 
temple.  Pointing  to  Fars  likewise  is  the  fact  that  when  Ardashlr 
went  out  to  fight  against  Bahman,  son  of  Ardavan,  as  FirdausI 
has  it,  he  repaired  first  to  the  temples  of  Khurrad  and  R  a  m  — 
sill  Adhar  Ram  u  Khurrad  —  to  pray  for  victory.60 

m-n.    Two    later    Persian    allusions   in   the  Burhan-i 
i*  and  the  Farhang-i  *Jahangiri 


Two  later  Persian  works  refer  to  the  Farnbag  fire-temple  as 
Khurdad  or  Adhar-Khurdad  (cf.  above).  Thus: 

The  Burhan-i  Kati*,  compiled  by  Muhammad  Husain  of  Tabriz, 
in  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century  (lithographed  edition, 
India,  1305  A.  H.  =  1888  A.  D.),61  v.l,p.  366,  col.  2,1.  7,  has  simply: 
'Khurdad  is  the  name  of  a  fire-temple,  very  large 
and  high/  but  records  under  another  entry  (Burhan,  v.  1, 
p.  27,  col.  2,  1.  26):  'Adhar  Khurdar  (sic!)  is  the  name  of  a  fire- 
temple  of  Shiraz;  some  know  it  as  the  fifth  (fire-temple),  and  they 
write  it  also  as  Adhar-Khurdad,  with  long  u.'  (On  this  reference 
to  Shiraz  see  especially  what  is  remarked  below  in  the  next 
paragraph.)  The  Burhan  (v.  1,  p.  28,  col.  2,  1.  3)  has  further- 
more an  entry  under  the  variant  Khurin,  as  follows:  'Adhar 
Khurin  is  the  fifth  of  all  the  seven  fire-temples  of  the  Parsis;  the 
details  regarding  it  are  recorded  under  the  word  Adhar  Ayln' 
(where  notice  is  taken  of  the  presumed  connection  of  the  seven 
fire-temples  with  the  planets). 

More  important  is  the  seventeenth  century  Persian  lexicon 
Farhang-i  Jahanglrl  (lithographed  edition,  Lucknow,  1293  A.  H. 

69  See  FirdausI,  Sh&h-namah,  tr.  G.  A.  and  E.  Warner,  6.  212f  cf.  391, 
London,  1912;  Mohl,  Le  Livre  des  rois,  5.  218;  and  compare  D.  D.  P. 
Sanjana,  Karn&me  I  Artakhshir,  p.  (88)  2,  extracts  from  the  Shah-namah 
(Pers.  text). 

60  See  Warner,  6.  226,  1.  11;  Mohl,  5.  238;  and  Sanjana,  Karname,  p.  (9,7), 
11  (extracts  from  the  Shah-namah.    Cf.  also  a  mere  mention,  Mohl,  5.  416.) 

61  The  author  of  the  Burhan-i  Kati*  completed  his  dictionary  1062  A.  H. 
=  1651  A.  D.,  and  dedicated  it  to  Sultan  'Abdullah  Kutubshah  b.  Kutubshah, 
who  ruled  at  Golkonda,  India,  1035-1083  A.  H.     Besides  the  India  litho- 
graphed copy  above  quoted,  there  is  also    a    lithographed    edition  of  the 
Burhan-i  gati',  published  in  Persia,   1247  A.  H.  =  1831  A.  D.,  which  has 
also  been  consulted. 


102  A.  V.  Williams  Jackson 

=  1876  A.  D.),  which  gives,  v.  1,  p.  57, 11.  1-3,  a  list  of  seven  noted 
Atash-Kadahs,  or  fire-temples,  the  fifth  of  which  is  Adhar- 
Khurin,  called  also  (more  accurately  on  p.  58)  Adhar-Khurdad 
(i.  e.  Farnbag  Fire).  Its  location  is  placed  at  Shiraz — that  is  in 
Fars — which  was  probably  cited  as  conveying  to  an  Indian  reader 
of  the  time  of  the  Emperor  Jahangir  somewhat  of  an  idea  of  the 
temple's  location  in  that  province.  At  any  rate  the  tradition  as 
to  the  Province  of  Fars  seems  to  be  followed.  The  passage  runs 
thus: 

n.  The  Farhang-i  Jahdnglri,  v.  1,  p.  58,  1.  11  f.:  'Adhar- 
Khurdad  was  a  very  high  fire-temple  edifice  in 
Shiraz;  it  was  the  fifth  of  all  the  seven  fire-temples 
which  the  Parsis  had,  and  they  call  it,  also  Adhar- 
Khurin.'  And  further  on,  p.  58,  1.  21,  he  records: 
'Adhar-Khurm  is  the  name  of  the  fifth62  of  the  seven  fire- 
temples  which  the  Parsis  have ;  it  is  called  also  'Adhar- 
Khurdad/ 

6.  Supplementary  Allusions  in  Pahlavi  Literature 

Having  sufficiently  established  the  fact  that  the  reference  in  the 
Iranian  Bundahishn  seems  to  be  fully  borne  out  by  the  Arab- 
Persian  writers  in  regard  to  locating  the  transferred  Farnbag  Fire 
in  the  Province  of  Fars,  we  may  revert  once  more  to  the  Pahlavi 
literature  and  add  one  or  two  references  which  may  lend  additional 
weight  to  this  view. 

o.  Pahlavi  fidrndmak-i  Artakhshir-l  Pdpakan  (sixth  century 

A.  D.  ?) 

From  the  entire  context  of  a  passage  in  the  Pahlavi  work 
Kdrndrqak-i  Artakhshir-l  Pdpakan,  4.  6,  it  is  evident  that  'the 
Portal  of  the  Fire  Farnbag' — babd  (ddr)  I  Ataro  I  Farnbag — at 
which  Ardashir,  the  first  Sasanian  king,  and  thus  long  prior  to 
Anushirvan,  prayed  for  victory,  was  located  in  Fars.63  There  is 

92  The  text  here  by  an  oversight  reads  'sixth'. 

63  See  ed.  D.  D.  P.  Sanjana,  Karname,  Bombay,  1896,  text,  p.  23,  transla- 
tion, p.  20,  and  cf.  pp.  3,  4,  40;  cf.  likewise  ed.  K.  A.  D.  Nosherwan,  Bombay, 
1896,  text,  p.  14,  transliteration,  p.  8;.  and  also  ed.  E.  K.  Antia,  Bombay, 
1900,  p.  19;  furthermore,  Th.  Noldeke,  Gesch.  d.  Artachslr  I  Papak&n,  in 
Bezzeriberger 's  Beitrdge,  4.  46-47,  Gottingen,  1878, 


The  Location  of  the  Farnbag  Fire  103 

no  mention  in  the  text  of  the  place  itself  where  the  well-known 
fire-temple  was  situated,  but  as  Ardashir  started  on  his  march  from 
a  point  on  the  'sea-coast'  of  the  Persian  Gulf,  where  he  founded 
a  new  fire-shrine  called  'Bukht  Artakhshlr/  proceeding  by  the 
way  of  'Ramishn-I  Artakhshlr/  from  which  he  went  on  to  the 
'Portal  of  the  Farnbag  Fire/  and  thence  to  Stakhar  (Persepolis), 
it  is  probable  that  the  site  of  the  famous  pyraeum  may  once  again 
be  identified  with  Kariyan  in  the  Province  of  Fars.64. 

p.  Mention  of  the  Farnbag  Fire  in   the  Artd   Viraf 

In  the  Pahlavi  book  Aria  Viraf,  1.  21,  28,  the  company  of 
priests  and  people  who  gather  to  choose  one  of  their  number, 
destined  to  behold  in  a  trance  a  vision  of  heaven  and  hell,  assemble 
for  this  purpose  'in  the  Portal  of  the  Victorious  Fire  Farnbag'— 
pavan  (pa)  babd  (ddr)  I  peruzkar  Ataro  I  Farnbag — but  nothing 
definite  is  stated  as  to  its  location,  though  it  should  be  noted  that 
Stakhar  (Persepolis)  in  Fars  is  mentioned  incidentally  somewhat 
before  (AV.  1.  7),  thus  pointing  apparently  to  the  Fars  province.65 

q.  Mere  allusions  to  the  Fire  Farnbag  in  the 
Phi.  work  Nirangistdn 

There  are  several  ritualistic  allusions  to  the  Fire  Farnbag  in  the 
Pahlavi  work  Nlrangisidn,  but  as  they  are  only  ceremonial  in 
content  they  add  no  information  in  regard  to  the  location  of  the 
fire-temple  itself.  They  are  recorded  here  simply  for  the  sake  of 
fulness:  ffir.  2.  6,  B,  14-15;  2.  19,  53,  62;  2.  19.  A,  21  (transl.  S.  J. 
Bulsara,  Aerpatastdn  and  Nlrangastdn,  pp.  227,  316,  318,  322, 
Bombay,  1915). 

64  See  Karname,  4.  1-19.  Similarly  Hoffmann,  Auszuge,  pp.  287-288,  gives 
arguments  in  this  connection  also  in  favor  of  identifying  the  scene  of  the 
visit  with  Kariyan.  It  might  be  possible  furthermore  to  suggest  that  the 
port  on  the  sea-coast  was  Siraf ;  the  precise  location  of  Ramishn-I  Artakhshlr 
(Ram  Ardashir)  appears  not  to  be  certain — see  Schwarz,  Iran,  2.  68. 

66  See  Hoshang,  Haug  and  West,  Book  of  the  Arda  Viraf,  1.  21,  28,  London 
and  Bombay,  1872.  It  is  to  be  observed  that  Haug  (and  West),  op.  tit.  p. 
146,  n.  3,  follows  the  idea  (based  then  on  the  Indian  Bundahishn)  that 
the  temple  was  in  Kabulistan;  on  the  other  hand,  Adrien  Barthelemy,  Arta 
Viraf -Namah,  p.  146,  n.  10,  Paris,  1887,  is  in  favor  of  Istakhar,  that  is,  in 
Fars,  as  the  probable  place.  See  also  Justi's  view,  below,  p.  106,  n.  70. 


104  A.  V.  Williams  Jackson 

r.  Ahigh-priest  named  Atur  Farnbag  Farukhzat 

Merely  by  way  of  supplement  it  may  be  added  that  the  cele- 
brated Zoroastrian  high-priest  Atur  Farnbag  Farukhzat  of  Fars, 
who  flourished  early  in  the  ninth  century  A.  D.  and  is  well  known 
through  his  share  in  the  work  of  compiling  the  Denkart  as  well  as 
otherwise  in  Pahlavi  literature,  evidently  owed  his  name  to  his 
pontifical  office  in  connection  with  the  Farnbag  Fire-temple.66 
It  was  he  who  refuted  the  'Accursed  Abalish/  a  heretical  Gabar 
of  Stakhar  in  Fars,  in  a  religious  disputation  held,  about  825 
A.  D.,  before  Ma'mun,  Caliph  of  Baghdad,  as  told  in  the  Pahlavi 
treatise  Matlgan-l  Gujastak  Abolish,  ed.  and  tr.  into  French  by 
A.  Barthelemy,  Paris,  1887.  The  'accursed'  heretic,  who  was  a 
native  of  Stakhar,  had  once  been  a  believer,  but  had  received  some 
affront  in  a  fire-temple,  in  consequence  of  which  he  became  a 
renegade  to  the  faith,  entering  into  ardent  religious  discussions 
alike  with  Zoroastrians,  Arabs,  Jews,  and  Christians  of  Fars.  He 
finally  repaired  to  Ma'mun's  court  at  Baghdad,  where  he  was 
utterly  worsted  in  debate  by  Atur  Farnbag  Farukhzat,  who,  with 
other  theological  scholars,  had  been  summoned  thither  by  the 
Caliph  to  dispute  with  him  (cf.  GA  15-25).  Although  the  fire- 
shrine  at  which  Abalish  originally  met  with  the  rebuff  that  turned 
him  into  an  apostate  is  not  to  be  identified  with  the  Farnbag 
temple,  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  great  ecclesiastic,  Atur  Farnbag 
Farukhzat,  owed  his  own  name  to  his  ministry  upon  the  famous 
Farnbag  Fire  of  Fars.67 


66  Regarding  this  noted  prelate  see  West,  in  Grundriss  d.  iran.  Philol.  2.  91, 
105;  id.  in  SEE  18.  289;  vol.  24,  introduction  pp.  26,  27;  vol.  37,  introd.  pp. 
31,  32,  37.      He  must  have  been  a  native  of  Fars  if  we  may  judge  from  the 
context  of  Phi.  Datistan-l  Denlg,  88.  2  (cf.  tr.  in  SBE  18.  252),  and  he  is 
mentioned  also  in  the  Pahlavi  works  Epistles  of  Mdnushclhr,  1.  39;  Shgv.  4. 
107;  9.  3;  10.  55;  Dk.  4.  2;  5.  1,  2,  3. 

67  According  to  the  text  of  GA.  2-5,  'Abalish  of  Stakhar  .  .  .  went  to  the 
Fire-temple  of  Pusht  (?)',  where  he  received  the  original  affront,  but  there 
is  uncertainty  as  to  deciphering  the  name  of  the  temple — dtas-gds  I  Pust  (?); 
see  Barthelemy,  Gujastak  Abalish,  p.  7,  Paris,  1887.     Barthelemy  doubtfully 
suggests,  with  a  query,  to  read  pavan  yazdt  (?);   but  the  Pazand  version  has 
Pust  and  the  Persian  gives  Plst.     It  is  not  to  be  confused  with  Pusht  near 
Nishapur,  or  with  Bust  in  Sistan,  because  the  locality  involved  appears 
certainly  to  be  that  of  Istakhr  or  its  vicinity — seeJBarthelemy,  op.  cit.  p. 
40,  n.  3  and  n.  4.     There  is  a  fire-temple  written  as  Adhar  Push  in  the  litho- 
graphed edition  of  the  Farhang-i  Jahdngiri,  I.  p.  57  1.  2  (see  above),  but 
that  is  apparently  a  mistake  for  Nush  Adhar  in  the  same  work  2.  p.  245  1.  4 


.      The  Location  of  the  Farnbag  Fire  105 

• 

The  material  which  has  been  brought  together  above  comprises 
all  that  I  have  thus  far  been  able  to  find.68  We  are  therefore  pre- 
pared to  summarize  it  and  present  the  main  results. 

7.  Summary  and  Conclusion 

The  traditions  regarding  the  Farnbag  Fire,  or  fire  of  Jamshid, 
so  far  as  available,  seem  to  agree  as  to  the  fact  that  it  was  estab- 
lished by  Jamshid  originally  in  Khvarazm  (Khiva),  but  was 
removed  from  there  later,  in  the  time  of  Zoroaster,  to  another 
locality. 

The  tradition  found  in  the  Indian  recension  of  the  Bunda- 
hishn,  that  the  fire  was  transferred  to  the  region  of  Kabul,  appears 
to  have  far  less  authority  on  its  side  (even  if  Vishtaspa  was  asso- 
ciated more  particularly  with  the  east),  and  it  may  rest  on  a  mis- 
taken reading  of  the  difficult  Pahlavi  name  of  the  mountain,— the 
obscure  word  'Kavarvand/  of  a  more  original  copy,  being  wrongly 
interpreted  as  a  mountain  in  'Kavulistan/  that  being  naturally 
better  known  to  a  writer  in  India.  Scholars  who  are  familiar  with 
the  character  of  the  Pahlavi  script  will  best  appreciate  this  possi- 
bility. 

The  Iranian  Bundahishn,  on  the  other  hand,  which  is  the 
older  recension,69  definitely  reads  mountain  of  Kavarvand,  and 
places  this  in  the  'Kar  d 'strict,'  all  of  which  appears  to  agree  with 
the  numerous  Arab-Persian  writers  who  locate  this  sacred  fire- 
temple  at  Kariyan  in  Fars;  it  is  in  keeping  also  with  the  couple 
of  other  Pahlavi  allusions  which  tend  to  show  that  its  site  was  in 
Fars.  In  any  case  the  stronger  testimony  is  to  the  effect  that 
the  temple  was  situated  in  the  Fars  Province,  and  thus  in  south- 

(where  the  other  reading  Adhar  Push  is  also  noted);  cf.  likewise  Burhdn-i 
Kati1,  2.  457,  col.  1.  1.  2  (Indian  lithographed  edition)  or  2.  283,  1.  23  (of  the 
Persian  lithograph),  and  similarly  Nush  Adhar  in  Firdausi's  Shah-namah,  ed. 
Vullers,  3.  1560,  1.  2;  1709,  1.  6;  1723, 1.  19. 

68  There  are  some  stray  allusions  to  the  general  subject  of  this  and  other 
Zoroastrian  fires  scattered  through  the  well-known  work  of  Thomas  Hyde, 
Hist.  Relig.  Vet.  Persarum,  Oxford,  1700  (e.  g.  pp.  102,  104). 

69 1  am  fully  convinced  that  the  Great  Iranian  Bundahishn  represents  the 
older  recension  of  this  notable  work  even  though  the  chief  manuscript  in 
which  it  is  preserved  happens  to  be  about  180  years  younger  than  the  earliest 
codex  in  which  the  Indian  Bundahishn  is  found,  the  latter  being  dated  1350 
A.  D,  For  dates  see  T.  D.  and  B,  T.  Anklesaria,  Bund,  Introd.  pp.  xxvii, 
xxxv. 


106  A.  V.  Williams  Jackson 

• 

western  Iran.  The  whole  of  the  old  Oriental  testimony  is  borne 
out  by  the  ruins  of  the  fire-temple  still  existing  at  Kariyan  and 
the  modern  account  of  the  town  and  its  legends  given  in  the 
English  passage  quoted  above. 

This  fact  is  of  further  interest  because  it  connects  the  religious 
activity  of  Zoroaster's  patron  Vishtaspa  with  the  west  as  well  as 
the  east,70  which  is  allowed  also  by  tradition,  as  shown  by  a  part 
of  the  evidence  collected  by  the  present  writer  in  Zoroaster,  pp. 
182-225,  to  which  may  be  added  references  in  Tha 'alibi,  tr.  Zoten- 
berg,  pp.  255,  262.  It  may  likewise  be  stated  that  the  tradition 
which  makes  Anushirvan  (instead  of  Vishtaspa)  the  one  who 
removed  the  fire  from  Khvarazm  appears  certainly  to  be  of  later 
origin. 

On  the  whole,  therefore,  we  may  sum  up  by  saying  that,  even 
if  we  were  inclined  to  enter  into  a  compromise  by  conceding  that 
the  .original  fire  of  Jamshid  might  possibly  have  been  divided,  the 
evidence  in  favor  of  the  Iranian  Bundahishn  would  still 
be  too  strong  and  would  lead  us  to  decide  that  the  F  a  r  n  b  a  g 
Fire,  when  transferred,  was  located  in  the  Province  of 
Fars,  and  in  all  likelihood  the  site  was  at  Kariyan  as 
shown  above. 

In  conclusion  I  may  add,  that  while  I  have  had  to  remove  a 
good  deal  of  old  dust  to  discover  the  ashes  of  this  most  ancient 
and  sacred  Zoroastrian  fire,  I  still  cherish  the  hope  that  I  may 
have  kindled  some  sparks  anew  so  as  to  inspire  others  to  make 
further  researches  and  throw  more  light  on  this  question  of 
interest  in  connection  with  one  of  the  great  historic  religions  of 
the  East. 


70  It  should  especially  be  observed  that  F.  Justi,  in  Preussische  Jahrbiicher, 
vol.  88,  pp.  255-259,  Berlin,  1897,  argues  for  associating  Vishtaspa  with 
the  west  of  Iran,  and  p.  257  locates  the  Farnbag  Fire  in  Persis,  i.  e.  the 
Province  of  Fars,  at  Istakhr;  see  Jackson,  Zoroaster,  pp.  221-222. 


STUDIES   IN  BHASA 

V.  S.  SUKTHANKAR 

FORMERLY  WITH  ARCH/EOLOGICAL  SURVEY  OP  INDIA 
(Continued  from  JAOS  40.  248  ff.) 

II.  On  the  versification  of  the  metrical  portions  of  the  dramas. 

The  following  notes  are  the  result  of  an  attempt  to  study  inten- 
sively certain  characteristics  of  the  versification  of  the  metrical 
portions  of  these  dramas  which  seemingly  distinguish  the  latter 
from  those  of  the  works  of  the  classical  period,  and  which,  more- 
over, appear  to  suggest  points  of  contact  with  the  epic  literature. 
The  present  investigation  deals  mainly  with  the  metres  and  the 
metrical  solecisms  of  Sanskrit  passages.  The  analysis  of  the 
metres  comprises,  besides  a  review  of  the  metres  conducted  with 
special  reference  to  the  preponderance  of  the  Sloka,  a  tabular  con- 
spectus of  the  metres  (arranged  in  the  order  of  frequency)  showing 
the  number  of  occurrences  of  each  according  to  the  dramas  in 
which  they  are  found,  and  secondly,  a  list  showing  specifically  the 
distribution  of  the  verses  in  each  metre  in  the  several  plays.  The 
section  dealing  with  the  solecisms  has  a  twofold  purpose:  firstly, 
to  ascertain  their  exact  number  and  nature,  and  secondly  to  discuss 
their  significance.  Other  aspects  of  versification,  such  as  Allit- 
eration, Rhyme,  and  Figures  of  Speech,  will  be  considered  in  a 
separate  article  dealing  with  the  Alamkaras. 

ANALYSIS  OF  METRES. 

Specifically,  the  verses1  in  each  metre  occur  in  the  several  plays 
as  follows: 

Sloka,  Svapna.  I.  2,  7,  10,  15;  IV.  5,  7-9;  V.  6-11;  VI.  3,  6,  7, 
9,  11-14,  16-19:  Pratijna.  I.  1,  2,  7,  9,  10,  15-17;  II.  52-7,  10, 
11,  13;  III.  3,  7-9;  IV.  9,  11,  15,  16,  18,  20-22,  24-26:  Panca. 

I.  2,  7,  8,  11,  12,  15,  16,  24,  26,  32,  33,  35,  36,  41,  42,  44,  48-54; 

II.  4,  6,  8,  12-14,  16,  17,  19-21,  23,  25,  28,  34,  36-38,  41,  47-50, 
52,  53,  55-59,  61-69,  71;   III.  9,  10,  13,  15,  17-21,  23-26:   Avi. 
I.  4;   II.  4,  10;  IV.  7,  14;  V.  3;  VI.  3,  6-8,  12-14,  17,  22:  Bala. 
I.  3,  11-13,  15-17,  20,  25-27;  II.  8,  9,  11,  13-19,  25;  III.  7-10,  12, 

1  Prakrit  verses  are  marked  with  an  asterisk  (*). 

2  In  verse  5  of  the  second  Act  of  the  Pratijna.,  b  is  defective. 


108 


V.  S.  Sukthankar 
TABLE  OF  METRES 


• 

03 

1 

W 

l<73 

.'S. 

:-i" 

Z 

PH 

i 

ȣ 
1 

< 

A 

13 

PC 

Madhyama. 

Dutav. 

4 
J 

S 

^03 

3 

•£ 

!£ 

^2 
<j 

1 

Pratima. 

1 

1  Sloka.  
2  Vasantatilaka  .... 
3  Upajati3 

26 
11 
? 

29 
8 
4 

76 
9 
IP 

15 

27 
23 

37 
26 
IP 

33 
6 
3 

22 
13 
7 

22 

8 

7 

4 
6 

9 

12 
16 
6 

68 
15 
10 

17 
12 

7 

75 
22 
T> 

436 
179 
121 

4  SardulavikrTdita  .  .  . 
5  Malim  

6 

5 
5 

9 

7 

5 
3 

4 
6 

1 

4 

2 

7 

8 
? 

2 
6 

21 

7 

15 
11 

5 
4 

9 
10 

92 

7? 

6  Puspitagra  
7  Vams'astha4  .  .  . 

2 

3 

3 

4 
1? 

11 
1 

2 
1 

3 
1 

2 

1 

?, 

4 

1 

22 
1 

2 
4 

4 
4 

55 
35 

8  galim  
9  Sikharim  
10  Praharsini5  
1  1  Arya  

3 
2 

3 

4 
1 

1 

6 
6 
3 

2 
3 
2 

1 

2 
g 

1 
1 

1 

1 

1 
1 

4 

1 

1 
? 

3 

5 
3 

? 

22 
19 
17 
11 

12  Sragdhara  
13  Harini  
14  Vaisvadevl6  
15  Suvadana7  
16  Upagiti8....  ,  
17  Dandaka9 

1 

1 

2 

1 

3 

i  i 

1 
1 

1 

1 

1 

2 

2 
2 

1 
4 

2 

8 
8 
5 
4 
1 
1 

18  10  

1 

1 

19  Drutavilambita  .  .  . 
20  Prthvl  

i 

1 

1 
1 

21  Bhujarhgaprayata11 
22  Vaitallya12  
23  u  .... 

^    1 
1 

1 

1 

1 
1 

Total  . 

57 

67 

15? 

97 

103 

51 

56 

5? 

?5 

66 

154 

55 

157 

1092 

3  Including  Indravajra  and  Upendravajra.  Schema:  -  — ,  - 

4  Schema:  - 

5  Schema:  —    •— ,  — 

6  Schema:  -  •—  ,— 

7  Schema:  -  ._,_-  —t v_ 

8  Schema:  a  and  c  12  morse;  b  and  d  15  morae. 

9  Schema:  -  -  +  7  amphimacers. 

10 'Abbreviated    Dandaka'     (24   syllables);    its  schema: - 
amphimacers.     See  below. 

"Schema:  —  -  — ;  or  four  consecutive  bacchii. 

12  See  below,  footnote  18. 

13  Undetermined  Prakrit  metre.     Its  schema  is: 


+  6 


(a  and  c  12  morse;  b  and  d  14  morse). 


Studies  in  Bhdsa  109 

13,  16;  IV.  10,  12;  V.  14,  16-20:  Madhyama.  2,  7,  12-23,  28-31, 
33-40,  42-45,  47,  49,  50:  Dutav.  1,  2,  7,  8,  16,  17,  20,  25-27,  29- 
31,  33,  34,  36,  38,  43,  46,  50,  55,  56:  Dutagh.  6,  7,  15,  17,  18,  21, 
24-26,  28,  29,  31,  32,  37-40,  42,  44,  48-50:  Karna.  2,  7,  12,  25: 
Uru.  33,  37,  41-44,  46,  49,  50,  62,  64,  65:  Abhi.  I.  3,  8,  12,  15, 
18-21,  23,  24;  II.  3,  7,  12,  13,  15,  16,  18-20,  23,  24;  III.  5,  6,  8-11, 
13-15,  18,  20,  22,  24-26;  IV.  4,  8-11,  14,  16,  19-22;  V.  2,  5,  8-10, 
12,  14,  17;  VI.  8-10,  18,  20,  22,  23,  25-29,  35:  Caru.  I.  7,  19,  22, 
24,  25,  27,  28;  III.  12,  14-17,  19;  IV.  2,  3,  5,  7:  Pratima.  I.  4, 

6,  9-13,  15-17,  19-21,  23,  24,  26-28,  31;  II.  3,  5,  6,  8-12,  15-18, 
20;  III.  4-6,  8,  10,  12,  14,  16,  19,  20,  23,  24;  IV.  3-5,  11,  12,  14, 
15, 19,  26,  28;  V.  6,  8,  9,  12-15,  20-22;  VI.  5,  9-11,  13-15;  VII.  5, 

8,  13,  15. 

Vasantatilaka,  Svapna.  I.  4,  6,  11;  IV.  2;  V.  1-3;  VI.  2,  4,  5, 
15:  Pratijna.  I.  4,  6;  II.  2,  9;  III.  4;  IV.  5,  7,  8:  Panca.  I.  18, 
29,  34,  37,  39;  II.  27,  31,  42;  III.  22:  Avi.  I.  2,  6,  11;  II.  1,  2, 

7,  13;  III.  1,  7,  8,  10,  12,  15-17,  19;  IV.  1,  5,  8,  13,  18,  22;  V.  2, 
7;  VI.  1,  11,  19:  Bala.   I.  5,  8,  23;  II.  1-4,  6,  7,  10,  21,  22;  III.  2, 

5,  14;  IV.  6,  8,  11,  13;  V.  1,  3,  6,  8,  10,  11,  15:  Madhyama.     1,  3, 

8,  11,  27,  48:  Dutav.     3-5,  11-14,  23,  41,  42,  44,  49/54:  Dutagh. 
1,  5,  11,  14,  23,  35,  45,  52:  Kama.    4,  6,  9,  16,  21,  24:  Uru.     2,  3t 
7,  9,  11,  12,  19,  22,  31,  32,  36,  40,  54,  59,  60,  66:  Abhi.     I.  1,  4, 

9,  11;  III.  21,  27;  IV.  7,  13,  23;  V.  4,  7,  13,  16;  VI.  1,  7:  Caru. 

I.  2,  5,  8*,  9,  11,  18;  III.  1,  2,  5,  10,  18;  IV.  4:  Pratima.     I.  7,  8, 
22;  II.  2,  4;  IV.  1,  2,  16,  22,  24;  V.  10,  11;  VI.  4,  6,  7,  12;  VII.  4, 

6,  7,  9-11. 

Upajdti  (including  Indravajra  and  Upendravajrd) ,  Svapna. 
V.  5,  13:  Pratijna.  I.  5,  12;  II.  1;  IV.  3:  Panca.  I.  1,  10,  13, 
19,  23,  27,  31,  40,  43,  46;  47;  II.  9,  11,  30,  60,  70;  III.  3,  12,  14: 
Avi.  I.  3,  9,  10;  II.  8,  9,  12;  III.  6,  18;  IV.  2,  6,  15-17,  21;  V.  1, 
5;  VI.  2,  5,  10,  15,  16,  20,  21:  Bala.  I.  2,  4,  7,  2114,  22,  24,  28; 

II.  5,  12,  20,  23,  24;  III.  4,  6;  IV.  4,  5,  9;  V.  2,  7:   Madhyama. 

9,  41,  51:  Dutav.     9,  18,  19,  22,  28,  52,  53:  Dutagh.     2,  9,  10,  16, 
19,  30,  36:   Karna.     13,1715:  Uru.     30,  38,  45,  47,  48,  55:   Abhi. 
I.  26;   II.  14;   HI.  3,  19;   IV.  6;  V.  1,  11;   VI.  14,  21,  32:   Caru. 

14  Pada  a  of  verse  21  of  the  first  Act  of  the  Bala.  is  a  VamSastha  line. 
16  Pada  b  of  verse  17  of  the  TCarna.  is  a  VamSastha  line. 


110  V.  S.  Sukthankar 

I.  4,  10*16,  12*,  23*;  III.  3,  7;  IV.  1:  Pratima.     I.  1,  29;  III.  15; 
IV.  9,  13,  25;  V.  3-5;  VI.  16;  VII.  3,  14. 

Sardulavikridita,  Svapna.  I.  3,  8,  12;  IV.  1;  V.  4,  12:  Pratijna. 
I.  8;  III.  5,  6;  IV.  13,  17:  Paiica.  I.  4,  5,  9,  55;  II.  26,  29,  39; 

III.  6,  7:   Avi.     III.  3,  20;   IV.  4,  10,  11:   Bala.     I.  1;    III.  3; 

IV.  1,  7:   Madhyama.     26:   Dutav.  _24,  32:   Dutagh.     3,  8,  12, 
22,  27,  34,  41,  51:  Kama.     10,  15:  Uru.     1,  4,  13-18,  21,  23-25, 
28,  29,  34,  35,  51-53,  58,  63:  Abhi.     I.  5;  II.  4,  6,  10,  22;  III.  1; 
IV.  1,  2;  V.  6;  VI.  3,  16,  19,  30,  31,  34:  Cam.    I.  6;  III.  6,  8,  11, 
13:  Pratima.     I.  3,  5;  II.  2,  19;  IV.  23,  27;  V.  1,  16;  VI.  3. 

Malini,  Pratijna.  I.  11,  14;  II.  3;  IV.  4,  14:  Panca.  I.  38, 
45;  II.  5, 15,  45;  III.  2,  4:  Avi.  II.  5;  III.  2;  IV.  9:  Bala.  I.  9, 
10;  III.  11,  15;  IV.  3;  V.  12:  Madhyama.  5,  6,  32,  46:  Dutav. 
10,35,39,40,45,47,48:  Dutagh.  43, 46:  Kama.  1,3,14,18-20: 
Uru.  6,  20,  26,  27,  39,  56,  57:  Abhi.  I.  16,  25;  II.  8,  9,  21,  26; 
IV.  15;  V.  15;  VI.  4,  6,  11:  Cam.  I.  13,  14',  17,  29:  Pratima. 

I.  14,  25;  III.  9,  21;   IV.  10,  21;   V.  7;  VII.  1,  2,  12. 

Puspitagrd,  Svapna.  I.  5;  VI.  1:  Pratijna.  II.  12;  IV.  6, 
10:  Panca.  I.  17,  30;  II.  35,  51:  Avi.  II.  11;  III.  4,  9,  11,  13; 
IV.  12,  20;  V.  4;  VI.  4,  9,  18:  Bala.  I.  14;  V.  9:  Madhyama. 
4,  24,  25:  Dutav.  6,  37:  Abhi.  I.  6,  14,  22;  II.  2,  5,  11,  17,  25; 
III.  2,  16,  23;  IV.  3,  5,  12,  18;  V.  3;  VI.  2,  12,  13,  17,  24,  33: 
Cam.  I.  16,  20:  Pratima.  II.  21;  IV.  18;  V.  19;  VI.  8. 

Vamsastha,  Pratijna.     III.  2;    IV.  19,  23:    Panca.     I.  20,  25; 

II.  1,  18,  32,  33,  43,  44;  III.  1,  8,  11,  16:  Avi.    IV.  23:  Bala.     I. 
18:    Madhyama.     10:    Dutav.     21:    Dutagh.      13,  33:    Kama. 
8,  11,  22,  23:  Uru.     8:  Abhi.     I.  2:  Cam.     I.  3,  15*,  26;  III.  4: 
Pratima.     III.  13;  IV.  20;  VI.  1,  2. 

Salim,  Svapna.     I.  13;    IV.  6;    VI.  10:    Pratijna.     I.  13,  18; 

II.  14;   IV.  12:   Panca.     I.  22,  28;   II.  2,  10,  40,  46:   Avi.     I.  7; 

III.  5:  Bala.     I.  29:  Dutagh.     20:  Abhi.     I.  13:  Cam.     III.  9: 
Pratima.     II.  13;  III.  18;  V.  17. 

16  Pada  a  of  verse  10  of  the  first  Act  of  Cam.  is  defective.  Perhaps  we 
have  to  read  riubandhaanti  instead  of  anubandhaanti  of  the  text;  cf.  the 
(Prakritic)  loss  of  the  initial  of  adhi  in  epic  verse  and  that  of  apt  in  the  com- 
pound (a)pihita  (from  api  +  dha)  even  in  classical  Sanskrit.  Or  better  still, 
in  view  of  the  position  of  the  caesura,  delete  the  final  syllable  hi  of  amhehi  and 
read  amhe'  arivbandhaanti,  amhe  being  the  shorter  form  of  the  Instr.  Plu.; 
cf.  Pischel,  Grammatik  d.  Prakrit-Sprachen,  §  415. 


Studies  in  Bhdsa  111 

Sikharim,  Svapna.  I.  14,  16:  Pratijna.  II.  4:  Panca.  I.  3, 
14,  21;  II.  7,  22,  24:  Avi.  I.  5;  II.  3;  III.  14:  Uru.  61:  Abhi. 
IV.  17:  Pratima.  II.  14;  III.  1,  2,  22;  IV.  7. 

Prahar§inl,  Panca.  II.  3,  54;  III.  5:^  Avi.  I.  8;  IV.  3:  B^la. 
I.  6;  V.  13:  Dutagh.  4:  Kama.  5:  Abhi.  I.  7,  10,  17;  III.  17: 
Cam.  IV.  6:  Pratima.  I.  30;  IV.  6;  V.  18. 

Arya,  Svapna.  I.  1;  IV.  3,  4:  Pratijna.  IV.  1*:  Bala.  I.  19*; 
III.  1*;  V.  4*:  Caru.  I.  1*,  21:  Pratima.  I.  2;  II.  7. 

Sragdhara,  Avi.  I.  1,  12;  IV.  19:  Bala.  IV.  2:  Dutav.  51: 
Abhi.  III.  7,  12:  Pratima.  IV.  17. 

Harini,  Svapna.  VI.  8:  Dutagh.  47:  Uru.  5,10:  Pratima. 
I.  18;  HI.  17;  IV.  8;  V.  2. 

Vaisvadevi,  Svapna.  1,9:  Pratijna.  1.3;  II.  8:  Abhi.  II.  1; 
VI.  5.  —  Suvadand,  Panca.  I.  6:  Dutav.  15:  Pratima.  III. 
7,  ll.—  Upagiti,  Bala.  V.  5*.  —  Dandaka,  Avi.  V.  6. - 
'Abbreviated'  Dandaka17,  Pratima.  III.  3.  —  Drutavilambita, 
Abhi.  III.  4.  —  Prihvl,  Avi.  II.  6.  —  Bhujamgaprayata,  Abhi. 
VI.  l5.  —  Vaitaliya18,  Pratijna.  III.  1*.  —  ?  (Undetermined 
Prakrit  metre),  Pratijna.  IV.  2*. 

The  lists  given  above  supplement  incidentally  the  data  of  the 
metrical  collections  of  Stenzler,  edited  by  Kiihnau,  ZDMG  44.  1  ff., 
with  the  material  placed  at  our  disposal  through  the  discovery  of 
this  important  group  of  dramas.  A  comparison  of  our  material 
with  that  brought  together  by  Stenzler  shows  that,"  with  the 
exception  of  what  I  have  called  above  the  'abbreviated  Dandaka' 
of  twenty-four  syllables  and  an  undetermined  Prakrit  metre,  the 
metres  of  these  dramas  are  those  of  the  classical  poesy. 

In  the  Hindu  works  on  Sanskrit  prosody  we  come  across  a 
group  of  metres  which  have  this  characteristic  in  common  that 
they,  on  analysis,  are  found  to  consist  of  six  light  syllables,  fol- 
lowed by  a  series  of  amphimacers.  The  best  known  variety  is  the 

"Seep.  112  below. 

18  Read  b  as:  pldim-upadedum  uvatthi(d)a.  The  Vaitallya  stanza  should 
have  14  monp  in  a  and  c,  and  16  in  b  and  d;  all  the  padas,  moreover,  should 
end  in  an  amphimacer  followed  by  an  iambus.  The  first  part  of  c  is  defective, 
in  that  it  measures  only  five  morae  instead  of  the  six,  which  are  necessary. 
Note  that  the  close  of  all  the  four  padas  answers  correctly  the  requirements 
of  the  definition. 


112  V.  S.  Sukthankar 

Dandaka  with  its  sub-classes,  consisting  of  six  light  syllables 
followed  by  seven  or  more  amphimacers19.  A  well-known  example 
is  Malatlmadhava,  V.  23,  which  is  a  metre  of  54  syllables  consisting 
of  six  light  syllables  and  sixteen  amphimacers.  Metres  of  the 
same  scheme  consisting  of  less  than  twenty-seven  syllables  are 
not  unknown  and  are  cited  by  prosodists  under  different  names.20 
The  shortest  of  these,  formed  of  twelve  syllables  (six  light  syl- 
lables and  two  amphimacers21),  is  called  Gaurl  in  Pirigala's 
Chandassutra.  According  to  the  commentator  Halayudha,  there 
are  between  the  Gaurl  and  the  shortest  Dandaka  (of  twenty-seven 
syllables)  four  other  metres  formed  by  the  successive  addition  of 
one  amphimacer,  each  having  a  special  name.  Pirigala  mentions 
the  name  of  only  one  of  them,  namely,  the  one  which  contains 
four  amphimacers.22  In  the  different  manuscripts  of  the  text  and 
the  commentary  it  is  variously  called  Vanamala,  Mahamalika, 
Naraca,  etc.;  the  names  of  the  other  three  have  not  been  handed 
down.  Now  we  have  in  our  dramas  an  instance  (Pratima.  III.  3 : 
patitam  iva  sirah  pituh,  etc.)  of  one  of  the  unnamed  metres  referred 
to  in  Halayudha's  commentary.  It  has  twenty-four  syllables  con- 
sisting of  six  light  syllables  and  six  amphimacers.  This  metre 
differs  from  the  shortest  Dandaka  in  containing  only  one  amphi- 
macer less  than  the  minimum  number  requisite ;  I  have  accordingly 
called  it  the  'abbreviated  Dandaka'.  It  may  be  noted  that  the 
verse  cited  above  is  the  only  instance  hitherto  discovered  of  this 
rare  metre.  Besides  the  'abbreviated  Dandaka',  our  dramas 
include  also  an  example  of  the  fuller  form  with  twenty-seven 
syllables  (Avi.  V.  6). 

Among  the  fixed  syllabic  metres  the  Vasantatilaka  and  the 
Upajati  (including  the  Indravajra  and  Upendravajra)  are  the 
favorite  metres  of  the  author.  Out  of  a  total  of  1092  verses  (San- 
skrit and  Prakrit)  included  in  the  dramas  there  are  179  Vasan- 
tatilakas23  and  121  Upajatis.24  Among  the  metres  of  the  San- 
skrit, verses,  the  five  metres  Bhujamgaprayata,  the  24-syllable 
'Dandaka',  the  27-syllable  Dandaka,  Drutavilambita  and  Prthvl 

19  Vide  the  Dandakas  in  Stenzler's  collections,  ZDMG  44.  1  ff. 

20  Pingala7.  33  ff.  (Weber,  ISt.  vol.  8,  pp.  405  ff.)  and  Pingala  8.  5  (Weber, 
1.  c.  p.  419),  for  which  references  I  am  indebted  to  Prof.  Franklin  Edgerton. 

21  Schema:  -  — . 
"Pingala  8.  17,  and  Halayudha  (Weber,  1.  c.). 

23  Including  one  in  Prakrit. 

24  Of  which  three  are  in  Prakrit. 


Studies  in  Bhdsa  113 

occur  only  once  each.  Worth  noting  is  perhaps  the  fact  that  there 
are  no  examples  of  these  five  metres  in  the  preserved  fragments  of 
Asvaghosa's  dramas25;  for  it  shows  at  any  rate  that  they  did  not 
figure  very  conspicuously  in  them. 

A  metre  which  deserves  special  mention  is  the  Suvadana,  one 
of  the  metres  which  these  dramas  have  in  common  with  the 
Asvaghosa  fragments.  Our  list  includes  four  instances  of  this 
uncommon  metre:  two  in  the  Pratima.  (III.  7,  11)  and  one  each  in 
the  Panca.  (I.  6)  and  the  Dutav.  (verse  15).  The  Suvadana26 
(a  metre  of  twenty  syllables)  differs  from  the  Sragdhara  (twenty- 
one  syllables)  only  in  its  final  foot;  the  first  fifteen  syllables  of 
both  have  the  identical  schema;  yet  there  are  far  fewer  instances 
of  the  Suvadana  in  Sanskrit  literature  than  of  the  Sragdhara. 
Until  the  discovery  of  the  fragments  of  Asvaghosa's  plays  there 
was  only  one  solitary  example  known  of  its  use  in  a  drama;  that 
was  Mudraraksasa  IV.  16,  which,  by  the  way,  was  mistaken  by 
Stenzler27  for  Sragdhara.  But  now  we  have  besides  quite  a  number 
of  instances  in  Asvaghosa's  dramas,  to  which  Prof.  Liiders  has 
drawn  attention  in  his  remarks  on  the  versification  of  those  plays. 

The  Arya,  which  must  originally  have  been  a  Prakrit  metre, 
and  its  varieties,  are  used  very  sparingly  by  our  author,  though 
they  figure  so  prominently  in  the  Mrcchakatika  and  the  dramas  of 
Kalidasa.  In  our  plays  there  are  only  eleven  Aryas  (of  which 
five  are  Prakrit)  and  one  (Prakrit)  Upagiti.  Compare  with  this 
Kalidasa's  Vikramorvasi  which  has  as  many  as  31  Aryas  out  of  a 
total  of  163  verses,  and  the  Malavikagnimitra  with  35  Aryas  out 
of  a  total  of  96  verses. 

There  are  in  this  group  of  plays  thirteen  Prakrit  verses,  of  whiih 
five  are  Aryas,  one  Upagiti,  three  Upajatis,  one  Varhsastha,  a 
(defective)  Vaitaliya,  and  lastly  an  undetermined  Prakrit  measure; 
the  last  may  be  only  a  piece  of  rhythmic  prose.  The  versification 
of  the  Prakrit  verses  does  not  call  for  any  special  comment. 

We  shall  now  turn  to  the  consideration  of  a  unique  feature 
of  the  versification  of  these  dramas,  namely,  the  preponderance 
of  the  Sjoka.  The  analysis  of  the  metres  shows  that  out  of  1092 
verses  which  these  dramas  contain,  436  are  Slokas:  in  other 
words  the  Sloka  forms  nearly  forty  per  cent  of  the  total,  which,  it 

26  Liiders,  Bruchstucke  Buddkistischer  Dramen,  Berlin  1911. 

28  Its  schema  is:  —  — ,  —  — , ~  ~  — »— • 

27  Kuhnau,  ZDMG  44.  1  ff . 

8    JAOS  41 


114  V.  S.  Sukthankar 

will  be  admitted,  is  a  remarkably  high  proportion.  Indeed  in 
many  individual  dramas  of  this  group  the  proportion  rises  still 
higher:  in  some  it  is  as  high  as  fifty  per  cent,  and  in^a  few  it  is 
higher  still.  In  the  Svapnavasavadatta  there  are  26  Slokas  out  of 
a  total  of  57  verses;  in  the  Dutaghatotkaca  22  out  of  52;  in  the 
Pancaratra  76  out  of  152;  and  in  the  one-act  play  Madhyamgf- 
vyayoga  there  are  as  many  as  33  Slokas  out  of  a  total  of  51  verses. 
Notably  the  proportion  of  this  metre  is  very  low  in  the  Avima- 
raka,28  where  there  are  only  15  Slokas  out  of  a  total  of  97  verses. 
It  is  well  known  that  works  of  the  epic,  Puranic,  devotional, 
and  Sastric  or,  didactic  order  formed  the  field  par  excellence  of 
the  Sloka.  The  dramatists  made  use  of  this  unpretentious  metre 
rather  sparingly;  they  must  have  found  it  too  commonplace.  The 
later  fixed  syllabic  metres  with  their  sonorous  and  complicated 
rhythms  were  more  suited  to  their  flamboyant  style.  The  greater 
the  number  of  these  in  a  play  the  greater  the  camatkara,  the 
greater  the  skill  of  the  playwright.  For  this  reason,  it  seems  to 
me,  the  simple  Sloka  epicus  lost  ground  in  the  drama,  where  it 
must  once  have  figured  prominently,  in  favor  of  the  fancy  metres. 
The  old  Tristubh  of  the  vedic  and  epic  literature,  however,  main- 
tained its  popularity  even  in  the  classical  period.  A  few  figures 
are  quoted  to  show  the  actual  proportion,  in  different  dramas,  of 
the  Slokas  to  the  total  number  of  verses29.  Bhavabhuti  is  the 
only  dramatist  of  the  classical  period  who  employs  the  Sloka  on 
a  large  scale  in  two  out  of  the  three  plays  attributed  to  him.  Out 
of  a  total  of  385  verses  in  the  Mahaviracarita,  129  are  Slokas; 
while  in  the  Uttararamacarita  the  ratio  is  89  :  253;  the  Sloka 
thils  forms  about  a  third  of  the  total  number  of  verses  in  these 
dramas.  This  is  the  highest  proportion  reached  in  any  one  drama 
or  a  group  of  dramas  by  the  same  author,  except  the  dramas  which 
are  the  subject  of  these  Studies.  In  the  Malatimadhava  the  ratio 
drops  to  14 : 224.  In  the  plays  of  Kalidasa  the  Slokas  are  few  and 
far  between.  For  the  Malavikagnimitra  the  figures  are  17:96; 
for  Sakuntala  36:230;  for  the  Vikramorvasi  30:163.  We  may 
further  compare  the  figures  for  other  dramas.  In  the  Ratnavali 


28  In  the  other  non-epic  dramas  of  this  group  the  proportion  is  not  so  low; 
in  Svapna.  it  is  26:57;  Pratijna.  29:  67;  Cam.  17:  55. 

29  The  figures  h&ve  been  computed  from  the  data  of  Stenzler's  collections, 
loc.  cit.     They  \fill  be  of  course  different  for  the  different  recensions  and 
editions. 


Studies  in  Bhdsa  115 

the  ratio  is  9:85;  in  the  Nagananda  24: 114;  in  the  Mudraraksasa 
22:163;  in  the  Venlsariihara  53 : 204 ;  in  the  Prabodhacandrodaya 
36:190;  in  the  Mrcchakatika  85:336:  in  these  dramas  the  Sloka 
thus  forms  on  an  average  about  20-25  per  cent  of  the 'whole. 
These  figures  make  abundantly  cleaj  that 
the  preference  for  the  Sloka  is  a  feature  of 
metrical  technique  in  which  our  plays  differ 
from  all  dramas  of  the  classical  age. 

As  to  the  structure  of  the  Sloka  it  may  be  remarked  that  the 
posterior  pada  has  invariably  the  diiambic  close;  sometimes  even 
at  the  sacrifice  of  grammar  as  in  Pratima.  III.  8:  pratimdm  kim 
na  prcchase,  where  the  final  is,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  a  syllaba  anceps. 
The  prior  pada  ends  as  a  rule  with  the  pathya  foot  •->-  -— ; 
occasionally  however  it  ends  with  one  of  the  vipula  forms.  Con- 
cerning the  vipulas  the  following  particulars  will  be  found  to  be  of 
interest.  There  is  a  complete  absence  of  the  fourth  vipula,  and 
comparative  rarity  of  the  second;  noticeable  is  also  a  partiality 
for  the  first  vipula  which  is  used  about  twice  as  frequently  as  the 
third  variety.  In  the  third  vipula  the  caesura  is  without  exception 
after  the  fifth  syllable,  which  usually  follows  —  —  ^  — .  The 
precedent  foot  of  the  first  vipula  is  commonly  —  -  -  or  —  ^ 

and  only  occasionally  —  —  ^  — ,  of  which  latter,   as  is  well 

known,  the  post-epic  style  has  increasingly  fewer  cases30. 

The  analysis  given  above  shows  that  the  Sloka  of  our  dramas  is 
of  the  refined  type,  not  different  at  all  from  the  classical  model. 
The  percentage  of  vipula  forms  in  these  Slokas  is  somewhat 
lower  than  in  the  classical  epics  like  the  Raghuvamsa,  Kumara- 
sambhava,  Kiratarjunlya  and  Sisupalavadha.  One  reason  for  the 
low  proportion  may  be  the  following.  In  epic  and  lyric  poetry, 
where  the  Slokas  (whenever  they  form  the  running  metre  of  a  whole 
adhyaya  or  chapter)  follow  each  other  in  scores  and  hundreds,  the 
vipula  forms  crept  in  inevitably  and  may  even  have  been  intro- 
duced as  an  agreeable  change  from  the  monotonous  rhythm  of  an 
immutable  octosyllabic  schema.  With  the  limited  number  of  the 
Slokas  occurring  in  a  drama  it  was  comparatively  easier  to  pro- 
duce a  larger  proportion  of  'good'  Slokas;  moreover  owing  to  the 
intervening  prose  and  the  sprinkling  of  fancy  metres  the  need  for 
variation  was  not  as  keenly  felt. 

In  connection  with  this  predilection  for  the  Sloka  epicus  I 

30  Jacobi,  Das  Ramayaria,  pp.  80  ff.;  I  St.  vol.  17.  443  f. 


116  V.  S.  Sukthankar 

may  draw  attention  briefly  here  to  certain  passages  individualised 
by  containing  shorter  or  longer  runs  of  Slokas.  Here  the  prose 
is  unimportant,  while  the  verses  with  fancy  metres  are  mostly 
lyrical;  the  Sloka  is  in  these  passages  the  dynamic  element.  A 
typical  instance  is  the  section  of  the  Madhyamavyayoga  from 
verse  12  to  verse  45.  This  passage,  containing  34  verses,  includes 
as  many  as  28  Slokas,  and  only  6  fancy  metres.  Moreover,  it 
will  be  noticed,  the  dialogue  is  carried  on  in  simple  unadorned 
Slokas,  the  contents  of  which  are  not  at  all  lyrical  but  include  just 
what  is  necessary  for  the  progress  of  the  action  of  the  drama. 
The  prose  cannot  be  entirely  dispensed  with,  but  it  makes  the 
distinct  impression  of  being  secondary  in  importance.  Another 
such  passage  is  Paiica.  Act  II  from  verse  47  to  the  end.  It 
includes  25  verses  of  which  as  many  as  21  are  Slokas  and  only  four 
fixed  syllabic  metres.  A  piece  shorter  still  is  Pratima.  Act  I  from 
verse  9  to  verse  28,  which  includes  a  group  of  16  Slokas  punctuated 
with  4  fancy  metres.  These  passages  rather  suggest  to  my  mind 
rudimentary  attempts  at  dramatisation  which  are  not  quite  eman- 
cipated from  the  limitations  of  the  epic  prototype. 

The  following  list  of  set  phrases  and  conventional  Comparisons 
(the  number  of  which  can  easily  be  increased31)  borrowed  by  our 
author  directly  from  the  epics  illustrates  in  a  striking  manner 
how  deeply  he  is  indebted  to  the  epic  sources  for  his  inspiration. 

(i)  acirenaiva  kalena,  Pratima.  IV.         32aoirenaiva  kalena,  MBh.  9.  2.  58; 
26  c;   with  the  variation  su-  Ram.  5.  26.  23;  6.  61.  20,  etc. 

cirenapi  kalena,  ibid.  26  a 

(ii)  kampayann  iva  medinim,  Paiica.         kampayann  iva  medinim,  MBh.  2. 
11.21  29.7;  8.  34.  58;    9.  18.  26,  etc.; 

Ram.  (Gorr.)  6.  37.  101;  Ram. 
6.  56.  13;  67.  115;  and  variations, 
MBh.  3.  78.  3;  9.  30.  60;  Ram. 
(Gorr.)  3.  62.  31;  Ram.  3.  67.  13. 
Also  compare  such  expressions  as 
nadayann  iva  medinim,  purayann 
iva  medinim,  and  darayann  iva 
medinim  occurring  in  the  epics. 

31  Only  such  passages  have  been  enlisted  below  as  occur  in  both  the  epics, 
and  occur  there  very  frequently. 

32  In  this  list  MBh.  refers  to  the  Bombay  edition  of  the  Mahabharata;  Ram. 
to  the  Bombay  edition  of  the  Ramayana;  Gorresio's  edition  is  distinguished 
from  the  latter  by  the  addition  of  Gorr.  in  parentheses. 


Studies  in  Bhdsa 


117 


(iii)  saktih    kalanlakopama,     Abhi. 
VI.  8 


(iv)  nay  ami    Yamasadanam,    Prati- 
ma. V,  22 


(v)  prasadam  kartum  arhasi,  Panca. 
11.68 


(vi)  madasalalitagaml  mattamatan- 
galilah,  Abhi.  II.  9;  and,  mat- 
tamatangalilah^  Abhi.  IV.  15 

(vii)  sambhramotphullalocana,  Du- 
tav.  verse  7;  Cam.  IV.  3 


(viii)  sucirenapi     kalena,     Pratima. 
IV.  26  a 


sak.sat  kalantakopamah,  MBh.  3. 
157.  50;  Ram.  6.  88.  2;  Ram. 
(Gorr.)  6.  45.  19.  Cf.  also  kalan- 
takayamopamah,  MBh.  3.  22.  31; 
27.  25;  4.  33.  25;  Ram.  (Gorr.) 
3.  32.  5;  6.  49.  36,  etc. 

anayad  Yamasadanam,  MBh.  6.  54. 
81;  7.  19.  15;  Ram.  (Gorr.)  3.  34. 
31;  75.28.  Compare  also  yiyasur 
Yamasadanam,  MBh.  1.  163.  10; 
RUm.  (Gorr.)  6.  57.  23. 

prasadam  kartum  arhasi,  MBh.  9. 
35.  72;  Ram.  4.  8.  19;  Ram. 
(Gorr.)  2.  110.  7,  etc. 

mattamatangagaminam,  MBh.  3.  80. 
14;  277.  9;  Ram.  2.  3.  28;  Ram. 
(Gorr.)  6.  37.  61,  etc. 

vismayotphullalocanah,  MBh.  1. 136. 
1;  13.14.386;  Ram.  7.  37.  3,  29; 
Ram.  (Gorr.)  4.  63.  10,  etc. 

(See  above  the  references  under 
no.  i.). 


And  lastly  (ix)  with  the  following  phrases  from  the  bharaiav&kya 

imam  apj  mahirii  krtsnam,  in  Pratijna.,  Panca.,  Avi.,  and  Abhi.; 
mahlm  ekatapatrankam,  in  Svapna.,  Bala.,  and  Dutav.; 
raja  bhumim  praSastu  nah,  Pratima.; 

compare  the  hemistich  from  the  Mahabharata: 

ya  imam  prthivlm  krtsnam   ekacchatram   pra£asti  ha. — MBh.    12. 
321.  134. 

In  conclusion  I  shall  add  a  few  words  on  the  structure  of  the 
verses.  The  style  of  the  author  is  notably  simple  and  vigorous. 
The  lucidity  of  the  verses-  is  due  as  much  to  the  absence  of  long 
and  complicated  compounds  as  to  the  arrangement  of  words  and 
phrases  chosen  with  due  regard  to  the  position  of  the  csesura; 
almost  invariably  the  caesura  falls  at  the  end  of  a  complete  word. 
The  half-verse  is  in  general  independent  of  the  rest  of  the  verse  in 
sense;  but  often  it  is  connected  with  it  syntactically.  Inside 
the  half -verse  the  padas  are  sometimes  even  eiiphonically  inde- 
pendent; for  instance,  Bala.  II.  4  there  is  hiatus  between  a  and  b 
vigahya  ulkdm,  a  phenomenon  common  in  the  epics33  but  rare  in  the 


»  See  Hopkins?  The  Qreat  Epic  of  India,  pp.  197  f . 


118  V.  S.  Sukthankar 

works  of  the  classical  period.  On  the  other  hand  metre  requires 
the  sandhi34  in  Panca.  I.  19  (a  and  b) :  mitrany  acaryam^.  With- 
out the  sandhi  we  should  have  a  superfluous  syllable  in  a,  and  a 
metrically  faulty  line;  with  the  sandhi  we  have  a  perfect  Upajati 
line.  Pratima.  IV.  24d,  which  commences  with  the  enclitic  me, 
shows  again  that  c  and  d  are  to  be  treated  as  a  single  sentence ;  for, 
an  accentless  word  cannot  stand  at  the  beginning  of  a  pada  any 
more  than  at  the  beginning  of  a  sentence.  Instances  of  the  sacri- 
fice of  grammar  are  discussed  in  a  separate  section.  Here  it  will 
suffice  to  draw  attention  to  the  rhythmic  lengthening  in  anukar$a 
(Panca.  II.  7)  and  the  use  of  the  uncommon  parsm  (with  the  long 
final)  in  Svapna.  V.  12  and  mauU  in  Uru.  verse/59  (see  PW.  s.  v.); 
the  form  pars^l,  it  should  be  added,  is  not  metrically  conditioned. 
Similar  lengthening  of  the  stem-vowel  is  to  be  observed  in  niyatl 
(Pratima.  I.  21),  in  the  sense  'destiny',  of  which  only  the  form  with 
the  short  i  is  cited  in  the  dictionaries.36 


METRICAL  SOLECISMS  (SANSKRIT) 

The  list  of  solecisms  in  the  language  of  these  dramas  appended 
by  Pandit  Ganapati  Sastri  to  his  edition  of  the  Pratimanataka 
(Trivandrum  Sanskrit  Series,  No.  XLII)  is  a  contribution  to  lit- 
erary history  of  which  the  full  import  appears  not  to  have  been 
generally  realised.  The  significant  thing  is  not  the  fact  that 
some  solecisms  have  been  found  in  these  dramas.  Every  Sanskrit 
work,  I  suppose,  if  submitted  to  a  rigorous  examination  by  a 
competent  critic,  will  yield  at  least  a  few  grammatical  errors,  which 
is  not  to  be  wondered  at  in  view  of  the  history  of  the  language 
and  the  intricacies  of  its  grammar.  The  interest  about  the  sole- 
cisms in  our  dramas  lies  principally  in  their  character  and  their 
number.  I  am  persuaded  that  it  will"  not  be  possible  to  name  a 
reputable  author  of  the '  classical  period  whose  work  or  works 
could  be  shown  to  contain  a  proportionate  number  of  gram- 
matical 'mistakes'  of  the  same  order  as  those  about  to  be 
discussed. 

34  Seldom  in  the  Ramayana. 

35  Compare  a  very  similar  instance  in  Mfilatlmadhava  X.  1  (a  and  b) :  vise- 
§aramydny  acesfitani. 

86tTo  the  word  with  the  long  final,  a  different  meaning  is  assigned  by 
lexicographers. 


Studies  in  Bhasa  119 

The  first  requisite  in  this  connection  was  to  ascertain  exactly 
the  points  in  which  the  language  of  these  dramas  differs  from  the 
literary  Sanskrit  of  the  classical  period.  Admirable  as  the  list 
prepared  by  the  learned  Pandit  is,  it  seemed  to  me  that  it  needed, 
for  the  purpose  in  view,  revision  and  rearrangement  in  certain 
respects.  The  list  of  Ganapati  Sastri  includes,  on  the  one  hand, 
certain  items  which  do  not  strictly  belong  there;  on  the  other 
hand,  it  omits  certain  others  which  have  an  important  bearing 
on  the  subject.  For  instance,  the  Prakrit  examples,  to  which 
the  rules  of  Panini's  grammar  cannot  be  expected  to  apply,  have 
been  palpably  misplaced.  It  seemed  to  me  also  best  to  separate 
the  solecisms  occurring  in  the  verses,  of  which  the  form  is  fixed  by 
the  metre,  from  those  occurring  only  in  the  prose  passages,  which 
are  more  liable  to  be  mutilated  in  the  course  of  transmission. 
Again,  certain  details  in  the  Pandit's  list  refer  only  to  metrical37 
irregularities  and  have  no  connection  with  grammatical  sole- 
cisms as  such.  Lastly,  certain  positive  solecisms,  which  were 
explained  away  by  the  editor  in  the  footnotes  of  the  text  editions 
of  the  various  dramas38  and  therefore  not  considered  at  all  subse- 
quently, had  to  be  added  to  the  list.  Through  these  additions 
and  omissions  a  new  list  resulted.  This  list,  appended  below, 
includes  only  such  metrical  forms  as  offend  against  the  literary 
Sanskrit  as  represented  in  the  works  of  the  classical  age.  It  may 
be  added  that  the  dramas  contain  a  few  more  irregularities  in 
the  non-metrical  portions,  which  by  their  nature  are  not  as  cer- 
tain and  in  their  character  not  as  important;  they  will  be  dealt 
with  later  in  another  connection. 

Few  scholars,  if  any,  will  be  prepared  to  accept  Pandit  Gana- 
pati Sastri's  chronological  scheme  in  which  a  date  is  assigned  to 
the  author  of  these  dramas  prior  to  the  period  of  Pam'ni,  for 
whom  the  now  commonly  accepted  date  is  ca.  500  B.  C.  The 
posteriority  of  these  dramas  with  reference  to  the  Astadhyayl  is, 
I  may  say,  axiomatic.  Taking  our  stand  on  this  assumption  we 
have  to  understand  and  explain  the  solecisms  as  best  as  we  can. 
It  has  been  surmised  that  when  grammar  has  been  sacrificed  we 
have  in  the  vast  majority  of  cases  to  do  with  metrical  necessity; 
obviously  the  corresponding  correct  forms  would  not  otherwise 
have  been  found  in  other  passages  where  metrical  considerations 


"  See  Pratima.  IV.  24;  Bala.  II.  4;  Abhi.  VI.  30. 
38  See  Bala.  II.  11,  and  Svapna.  V.  5. 


120  V.  S.  Sukthankar 

do  not  interfere.  What  has  perhaps  been  lost  sight  of  is  that  these 
solecisms  are  not  arbitrary,  but  that  they  belong  to  a  well-defined 
class  of  irregularities,  irregularities  which  are  common  enough 
in  certain  branches  of  Sanskrit  literature,  but  which  now,  for  the 
first  time,  have  been  shown  to  exist  in  the  drama  also. 

The  category  of  works  in  which  similar  deviations  have  hitherto 
been  met  with  are  of  the  epic,  Puranic  and  Sastric  order.  These 
works  are  known  to  contain  abundant  instances  of  ungrammatical 
and  almost  promiscuous  use  of  the  Atmanepada  and  Parasmaipada 
forms;  examples  of  irregular  feminine  participles,  absolutives  and 
a  variety  of  other  abnormalities  like  those  met  with  in  our  dramas. 
Such  violations  of  (Sanskrit)  grammar  are  particularly  common 
in  the  epics;  they  have  accordingly  been  regarded  as  forming 
'epic  Sanskrit'.  The  free  use  of  the  'epic'  solecisms  in  a  drama  is, 
as  already  observed,  a  new  factor  in  our  knowledge  o!f  the  Hindu 
drama,  and  is  particularly  worthy  of  our  attention  in  connection 
with  the  theory  concerning  the  part  that  epic  recitations  have 
apparently  played  in  the  evolution  of  the  Hindu  drama,  at  least 
of  its  epic  variety.39 

It  is  plain  that  our  dramatist  derives  his  authority  for  the 
use  of  the  irregular  forms  from  epic  usage.  Such  being  the  case, 
the  question  naturally  arises  whether  the  author,  in  exercising  this 
licence,  went  so  far  as  to  invent  new  and  spurious  forms  as  occa- 
sion demanded  them,  or  whether  he  had  availed  himself  merely 
of  such  solecisms  as  were  sanctioned  by  epic  usage.  The  corre- 
spondence, if  proved,  would  bring  to  a  sharper  focus  the  depend- 
ence of  our  author  upon  the  epic  source.  As  the  following 
analysis  will  show,  the  solecisms  of  our  dramas  can  indeed,  with 
but  insignificant  exceptions,  be  specifically  traced  back  to  the 
epics.  Quotations  from  the  epic  sources  have  been  added  in  order 
to  facilitate  reference  and  comparison. 

The  solecisms  have  been  arranged  under  the  following  heads: 
(i)  Irregular  sandhi;  (ii)  use  of  Atmanepada  for  Parasmaipada, 
and  (iii)  vice  versa;  (iv)  change  of  conjugation;  (v)  irregular 
feminine  participle;  (vi)  irregular  absolutive;  (vii)  simplex  for  the 
causative;  (viii)  irregular  compounds;  (ix)  irregular  syntactical 
combination;  and  (x)  anomalous  formations. 

39  Liiders,  Die  Saubhikas.  Ein  Beitrag  zur  Geschichte  des  indischen  Dramas. 
Siteungsberichte  d.  konigl.  preuss.  Akadewie  d.  Wissenschaften ,  1916r 


,S7//c//r.s  in.  Bhdsa  121 

LIST  OF  SOLECISMS 

Irregular  Sandhi 
1.  putrah  +  Hi  =  putreti 

jnayatam  kasya  putreti. — Bala.  Act  if.  Verse  11. 

Here  metri  causa  the  hiatus  (between  a  and  i)  required  by 
Skt.  grammar  has  been  effaced.  The  emendation  suggested  by 
the  editor,  putro  'bhut  for  putreti,  is  uncalled  for.  This  is  a  clear 
case  of  'epic'  sandhi.  Instances  of  the  effacement  of  the  hiatus 
effected  by  the  combination  of  the  remaining  final  a  with  the 
following  vowels  are  exceedingly  common  in  epic  Skt. ;  a  common 
example  is  tatovdca  (  =  tatah+uvdca),  quoted  by  Whitney,  Sanskrit 
Grammar,  §  176b;  for  examples  from  the  Ramayana,  see  Bohtlingk, 
'  Bemerkenswerthes  aus  Ramajana'.40  Cf.  also  no.  2  below. 
It  should  be  noted  that  this  solecism  could  not  be  an  accidental 
slip;  it  must  be  the  result  of  a  conscious  effort.  It  is  needless  to 
add  that  there  are  no  examples  of  such  a  sandhi  in  the  prose  of  the 
dramas. 

2.  Avantydh  -f  adhipateh  =  Avantyddhipateh 

smaramy  Avantyadhipateh  sutayah. — Svapna.  V.  5. 

Here  again  we  have  a  conscious  effacement  of  the  hiatus  between 
d  and  a.  The  editor  tries  to  circumvent  the  assumption  of  a 
'mistake'  by  explaining  Avantyddhipati  as  a  compound  of  Avanti-\- 
d+adhipati,  evidently  an  unsatisfactory  explanation.  Instances 
of  such  effacement  are  exceedingly  common  in  the  epics  and  the 
earlier  texts.  See  Whitney's  Sanskrit  Grammar,  §  177b:  Holtz- 
mann41  cites  the  instances  from  the  Mahabharata  and  Bohtlingk 
from  the  Ramayana42,  which  need  not  be  reproduced  here.  This 
is  the  only  instance  in  these  dramas  of  the  effacement  of  similar 
hiatus. 


40  For  four  books  of  the  Ramayana:    Berichle  d.  phil.-hist.    Cl.  d.  konigl. 
sdchs.  Gesell  of.  Wiss.  1887,  p.  213. 

41  See  Holtzmann,  Grammatisches  aus  dem  Mahabharata,  p.  4. 

42  Bohtlingk,  op.  cit. 


122  V.  S.  Sukthankar 

Use  of  Atmanepada  for  Parasmaipada 
3.  gamisye 

gamisye  vibudhavasam. — Bala.  V.  19. 

Metri  causa  the  Atm.  form  is  used  in  order  to  save  a  syllable, 
though,  as  is  well  known,  in  classical  Skt.  the  root  gam  is  used 
exclusively  with  Parasm.  terminations;  of  course  in  prose  passages 
where  metrical  considerations  do  not  interfere,  the  Parasm.  is 
regularly  used  by  our  author.  The  Parasm.  form  (gamisyasi) 
occurs  also  in  Madhyama.  verse  47.  In  his  list  of  Skt.  roots  Whit- 
ney marks  gamisyate  with  E.  An  epic  example  is 

Ram.  5.  56.  29:  gamisye  yatra  Vaidehi. 

4.  garjase 

kirii  garjase  bhujagato  mama  govrsendra. — Bala.  III.  14. 

As  in  the  preceding  instance  the  Atm.  form  is  used  metri  causa; 
here  in  order  to  secure  a  long  final.  In  classical  Skt.  the  root  garj, 
when  used  as  root  of  the  first  class,  takes  exclusively  Parasm. 
terminations.  PW.  quotes  a  number  of  instances  of  the  use  of  the 
middle  pres.  part,  from  the  epics,  but  not  any  of  the  middle  pres. 
ind.  Where  the  pres.  part,  is  used,  the  middle  pre*s.  ind.  could  be 
used  with  equal  justification,  if  the  necessity  arose.  I  therefore 
xplain  the  solecism  on  the  ground  of  epic  usage. 

5.  draksyate  (Active) 

katham  aganitapurvarh  draksyate  tarn  narendrah. — Pratijna. 
I.  11. 

As  in  the  foregoing  instance  the  Atm.  is  used  in  order  to  secure 
a  long  final;  in  classical  Skt.  the  future  is  formed  exclusively 
with  Parasm.  terminations.  Epic  examples  of  the  Atm.  future  are 

Ram.  1.  46.  13:  bhrataram  draksyase  tatah, 

Ibid.  2.  6.  23:  Ramam  draksyamahe  vayam, 

Nala.  12.  93:  draksyase  vigatajvaram. 

Other- examples  (cited  in  PW.)  are:    MBh.  3.  14728;    13.  964; 
Hariv.  10735;  and  Ram.  2.  83.  8;  3.  42.  49. 

6.  prcchase 

strigatam  prcchase  katham. — Panca.  II.  48. 
pratimam  kirn  na  prcchase. — Pratima.  III.  8. 
In  classical  Skt.  the  root  pracch  is  exclusively  Parasm.;    the 
Atm.  termination  is  used  here  in  order  to  have  a  long  final.     In 


Studies  in  Bhdsa  123 

the  first  example  the  length  is  almost  imperative  for  the  sake  of 
the  compulsory  diiambic  close  of  the  posterior  pada  of  the  Sloka; 
in  the  second  it  is  preferred,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the 
final  syllable  of  the  pada  is  a  syllaba  anceps.  The  medium  is  used 
only  for  metrical  reasons,  as  seen  from  Panca.  II.  6,  which  offers 
an  example  of  the  Parasm.  prcchati.  PW.  quotes  numerous 
instances  of  the  use  of  the  Atm.  from  the  epics,  the  Bhagavata 
Pur.,  and  Manu.  The  epic  examples  are 

MBh.  1.  1451:  karmasiddhim  aprcchata, 

Ibid.  3.  2583:  Damayantim  aprcchata; 

also  MBh.  3.  12070;  13.297. 

7.  bhrasyate 

daivapramanyad  bhrasyate  vardhate  va. — Pratijna.  I.  3. 

This  is  either  the  third  pers.  sing,  of  a  root  of  the  fourth  class, 
or  a  passive  form  of  the  root.  The  classical  usage  knows  only 
bhrasyati  and  bhramsate  in  the  active  sense,  bhramsate  could  have 
been  used  without  prejudice  to  the  metre.  As  the  form  is  not 
metrically  fixed,  it  is  difficult  to  say  whether  the  author  should  be 
held  responsible  for  it;  apparently  all  three  mss.  of  the  drama 
agree  in  containing  the  same  reading  bhrasyate.  There  is  abundant 
authority  in  the  epics  for  the  form  bhrasyate}  whether  regarded  as 
active  or  passive.  The  epic  examples  are 

MBh.  3.  603:  yair  naro  bhrasyate  sriyah, 

Ibid.  3.  1048:  bhrasyate  slghram  aisvaryat; 

Ram.  3.  45. 12 :  ye  tiksnam  anuvartante  bhrasyante  saha  tena  te, 

Ibid.  6.  75.  36:  kim  cic  cabhrasyata  svarah. 

8.  ruhyatc 

kale  kale  chidyate  ruhyate  ca. — Svapna.  VI.  10. 

Here  chidyate  is  passive;  but  ruhyate  ('thrives')  should  be  active. 
The  classical  Skt.  admits  only  rohati.  Now  the  whole  phrase 
chidyate  ruhyate  ca  is  parallel  to  bhrasyate  vardhate  va,  Pratijna. 
I.  3.  It  seems  to  me  therefore  better  to  emend  the  text  reading  to 
rohate,  for  which  PW.  cites  Brhatsamhita  54.  95:  rohate  sasyam. 
But  the  pass,  ruhyate  is  quoted  with  the  mark  E.  against  it  in 
Whitney's  list  of  Skt.  roots  and  is  therefore  not  absolutely  inad- 
missible. Either  form  (ruhyate  or  rohate)  is  repugnant  to  classical 
usage;  and  rohati  is  unsuitable  here  for  metrical  reasons. 


124  V.  S.  Sukthankar 

9.  tsroipyate 

katham  apunisavakyam  srosyate  siddhavakyah. — Pratijna.  1. 11. 

Metri  causa  for  sroxyati.  In  classical  Skt.  the  root  sru  is  used 
exclusively  with  Parasm.  terminations;  but  in  the  epics  the 
Atm.  forms  are  remarkably  common.  The  Parasm.  form  (sro§yasi) 
occurs  in  Avi.  II.  5.  Epic  examples  of  Atm.  are 

Ram.  (Gorr.)  5.  23,  18:  Ramasya  dhanusah  sabdarh  srosyase 
ghoranisvanam, 

Ibid.  5.  69.  26:  na  cirac  chrosyase  dhvanim.  (Note  that  the 
final  of  srosyase  is  prosodically  long  here.) 

Other  examples  are:  MBh.  9.  105,  107;  7.  2725;  13.  1119;  14. 
424;  Ram.  (Gorr.)  2.  120.  22;  5.  23.  18. 

Use  of  Parasmaipada  for  Atmanepada 
10.  aprccha  (Imp.  2nd  pers.  sing.) 

aprccha  putrakrtakan  harinan  drumams  ca. — Pratima.  V.  11. 

Metri  causa  for  aprcchasva,  the  only  form  possible  in  classical 
Skt.  Even  in  the  epics  the  only  Parasm.  form  used  is  apparently 
the  Imp.  2nd  pers.  sing.  The  epic  example  quoted  in  PW.  is 

MBh.  14.  403 :  aprccha  Kuf  usardula  gamanam  Dvarakam  prati. 
Svapna.  16  dprcchdmi  occurs  in  a  prose  passage.  It  is  to  be  noted 
that  the  sentence  containing  this  word  rests  on  the  authority  of 
one  ms.  only,  and  is  not  essential  to  the  context;  it  may  therefore 
be  corrected  or  deleted,  as  deemed  advisable. 

11.  upalapsyati 

tarn  hatva  ka  ihopalapsyati  ciram  svair  duskrtair  jivitam. — 
Dutagh.  verse  8. 

In  classical  Skt.  the  root  upa+labh  is  never  used  with  any  but 
Atm.  terminations.  The  epics  contain  examples  of  Parasm,  The 
Mahabharata  examples  are 

MBh.  7.  3070:  na  te  buddhivyabhicaram  upalapsyanti 
Pandavah, 

Ibid.  1.  1046:  tatha  yad  upalapsyami. 

12-14.  parisvaja,  parisvajati,  parisvajami 

(a)  gadham  parisvaja  sakhe. — Avi.  VI.  1. 

(b)  drstir  na  trpyati  parisvajatlva  sangam. — Avi.  III.  17.  x 

(c)  putram  piteva  ca  parisvajati  prahrstah. — Avi.  IV.  8. 

(d)  parisvajami  gadham  tvam. — Bala.  II.  9. 


Studies  in  Bhasa  125 

Examples  a,  b  and  d  are  metrically  conditioned;  in  example  c 
the  Parasm.  appears  to  have  been  used  on  the  analogy  of  the  other 
forms.  The  present  reading  in  example  c  is  based  on  the  authority 
of  two  mss.  Compare  example  d  with  Madhyama.  verse  22: 
parisvajasva  gadharh  mam,  where  metre  does  not  stand  in  the  way 
of  the  Atm.  form.  Only  epic  examples  are  available  for  the  use  of 
Parasm. 

MBh.  4.  513 :  parisvajati  Pancall  madhyamam  Pandunandanam, 

Ram.  3.  38.  16:  Slta  yam  ca  hrstil  parisvajet. 

Change  of  Conjugation43 
15-16.     vljanti;  vljantah  (pres.  part.) 

snehal  lumpati  pallavan  na  ca  punar  vijanti  yasyarh  bhayat 

vljanto  malayanila  api  karair  asprstabaladruma. — Abhi.  III.  1. 

Metri  causa  for  classical  vljayanti  and  vljayantah,  from  vlj*  to 
fan  or  to  cool  by  fanning.  Epic  examples  of  the  use  of  vlj  as  a 
root  of  the  first  or  sixth  class  are 

Hariv.  13092:  vljanti  balavyajanaih, 

MBh.  7.  307:  jalenatyarthasltena  vijantah  punyagandhina. 

Irregular  Feminine  Participle 
17.  rudanti- 

svairasano  Drupadarajasutam  rudantlm. — Dutav.  verse  12. 

The  classical  form  is  rudati.  But  in  the  epics  the  form  rudanti 
is  particularly  common,  whenever  metrical  conditions  call  for  it. 

MBh.  2.  2249:  tatha  bruvantlrh  karunam  rudantlm; 

Ram.  2.  40.  29:  susruve  cagratah  strinam  rudantlnarh  maha- 
svanah, 

Ibid.  2.  40.  44:  tatha  rudantlm  Kausalyam. 

Other  examples  are:  MBh.  3.  2686;  Ram.  2.  40.  29;  3.  51. 
42;  5.  26.  42. 

Irregular  Absolutive 

18.  gihya 

vyadhamosmam  grhya  caparh  karena. — Dutagh.  verse  20. 
.    It  is  unthinkable  that  this  form  could  be  used  by  any  poet  of 
the  classical  period.     In  the  epics,  however,  it  is  regularly  substi- 

43  This  may  be  regarded  as  the  use  of  the  simplex  for  the  causative. 


126  V.  S.  Sukthankar 

tuted  for  grhltvd  whenever  metre  requires  it.  .  See  Whitney's  Sans- 
krit Grammar,  §  990a.  Other  irregular  absolutives  like  this  used 
in  the  epics  are:  arcya,  Iksya,  usya,  tyajya,  pldvya,  etc.  Of  these 
grhya  is  the  commonest.  Holtzmann  cites  thirteen  examples  from 
the  Mahabharata,  adding  that  there  are  many  more;  Bohtlingk 
(op.  cit.)  mentions  nearly  twenty  examples  from  the  Ramayana. 

Simplex  for  the  Causative 
19.  sr avati 

sarais  channa  margah  sravati  dhanur  ugrarh  garanadim. — 
"  Panca.  II.  22. 

In  epic  Skt.  the  simplex  is  frequently  used  for  the  causative 
stem:  Holtzmann  (to  Whitney's  Sanskrit  Grammar,  §  1041) 
mentions  vetsydmi  (for  vedayisydmi) ,  veda  (for  vedaya),  ramantl 
(ior^ramayanti),  abhivddata  (for  abhivddayata) ,  cudita  (for  codita), 
etc.  I  have  not  been  able  to  trace  a  specific  use  of  sravati  for 
srdvayati. 

20.  vimoktukdma- 

bhuyah  paravyasanam  etya.vimoktukama. — Avi.  I.  6. 

Metri  causa  for  vimocayitukdmd.     See  the  preceding.     Specific 

use  is  not  traceable  elsewhere. 

\ 

Irregular  Compounds 
21.  sarvardjnah  (Ace.  plu.) 

utsadayisyann  iva  sarvarajfiah. — Dutav.  verse  9. 

Used  irregularly  for  sarvardjdn,  though  not  conditioned  metri- 
cally. The  reading  is  based  apparently  on  the  authority  of  three 
mss.  The  epics  contain  quite  a  considerable  number  of  similar 
formations.  Thus,  MBh.  4.  527  Matsyardjnah;  ibid.  1.  169 
Matsyardjnd;  ibid.  9.  2756  Yaksardjnd;  ibid.  14.  1997  Dharmard- 
jnd. — Avi.  p.  110  we  have  Kdsirdjne  instead  of  the  grammatically 
correct  Kdsirdjdya.  This  must  be  set  down  as  the  error  of  a 
copyist,  for  we  have  in  the  very  same  play  the  correct  compounds 
Sauvlrardjena,  and  Sauvirardja-Kdsirdjau  (Avi.  p.  11);  and 
there  is  nothing,  as  far  as  I  can  see,  that  can  be  added  in  justifica- 
tion of  the  use  of  an  incorrect  form  in  a  prose  passage43*1. 

43a  [Except  that  the  language  was,  to  this  author,  too  much  a  living  thing 
to  be  comprest  in  a  grammarian's  straight- jacket.  F.  E.] 


Studies  in  Bhasa  127 

22.  vyudhoras- 

vyudhora  vajramadhyo  gajavrsabhagatir  lambapinamsabahuh. 
— Madhyama.  verse  26. 

Metri  causa  for  vyudhoraska-,  which  is  required  according  to 
Pan.  5.  4.  151,  and  found  used  in  Raghu.  1.  13  and  Kumara.  6.  51, 
as  also  in  the  MBh.  and  Ram.  But  the  MBh.  supplies  itself  a 
precedent  for  the  use  of  the  unaugmented  stem  vyudhorqs,  cf.  MBh. 
1.  2740,  4553. 

23.  tulyadharma- 

evam  lokas  tulyadharmo  vananam. — Svapna.  VI.  10. 

All  three  mss.  of  the  drama  read  tulyadharmo.  According  to 
Pan.  5.  4.  124  dharma  at  the  end  of  a  Bahuvrihi  compound  becomes 
dharman,  a  rule  which  is  strictly  observed  in  classical  Skt.  But  in 
epics  dharman  is  used  freely  also  in  Tatpurusa  compounds  and, 
vice  versa,  dharma  in  Bahuvrihi  compounds.  Holtzrnann  cites 

MBh.  12.  483:    rajan  viditadharmo  'si. 

-  The  emendation   tulyadharma   suggested  by  the  editor  is  un- 
called for. 

Irregular  Syntactical  Combination 
24.  Use  of  yadi  with  cet 

istam  ced  ekacittanam  yady  agnih  sadhayisyati. — Avi.  IV.  7. 

This  pleonasm  (of  which  I  have  not  seen  any  instances  in  classical 
Skt. )  is,  I  think,  to  be  traced  also  to  the  epics,  from  which  here  are 
two  instances: 

Ram.  2.  48.  19:   Kaikayya  yadi  ced  rajyam; 

MBh.  1.  4203:  yady  asti  ced  dhanarh  sarvam. 

This  combination  of  yadi  and  cet  recurs  in  a  prose  passage  of 
another  drama  of  this  group  (Pratijna.  p.  70).  And  though  the 
reading  of  the  text  is  based  on  the  concordant  readings  of  three 
mss.,  the  combination  seems  harsh,  and  hardly  appropriate  in 
prose. 

Anomalous  Formations 

We  shall  now  proceed  to  consider  certain  anomalous  formations 
for  which  there  seems  to  be  neither  grammatical  justification  nor 
literary  authority. 


128  V.  S.  Sukthankar 

25.  pratydyati 

na  pratyayati  sokarta. — Abhi.  II.  24. 

Ganapati  Sastri  explains  it  as  prati+d+ayati  (from  Rt.  ay  to 
go).  To  me  it  seems  to-be  merely  a  confusion  between  the  simplex 
pratyeti  and  the  causative  pratydyayati;  or  rather  a  haplological 
contraction  of  pratydyayati  with  the  meaning  of  the  simplex.  A 
similar  ungrammatical  contraction  appears  to  be  the  one  to  be 
discussed  next. 

26.  samasvasitum 

Lankam  abhyupayami  bandhusahitah  Si  tarn  samasvasitum. — 
Abhi.  VI.  19. 

This  is  a  clear  case  of  a  poet's  compromise  between  samasvasitum 
and  samdsvdsayitum. 

The  irregularity  to  be  discussed  next  appears  to  be  as  arbitrary 
as  the  last  two. 

27.  Stem  yudh  as  masc. 

maharnavabhe  yudhi  nasayami. — Svapna.  V.  13. 

As  the  adjective  maharnavabhe  in  this  pada  shows,  the  author 
treats  the  word  yudh  as  a  masculine  noun.  But  it  always  appears 
as  a  feminine  word  in  literature,  and  is  quoted  as  such  by 
lexicographers. 

In  addition  to  the  above,  Pandit  Ganapati  Sastri  mentions 
three  other  metrical  forms  as  irregular.  They  are  indeed  irregular 
in  so  far  that  the  formations  are  ungrammatical.  But  they  appear 
to  have  been  accepted  in  the  literary  dialect  as  good  Sanskrit.  The 
Pandit  objects  to  the  Atm.  use  of  rusyate  (Panca.  II.  45).  The 
Parasm.  occurs,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  in  Panca.  I.  38  and  II.  58,  67 
in  verse  and  in  Madhyama.  p.  18  in  prose;  moreover  in  Panca. 

I.  38  the  Parasm.  form  is  not  metrically  necessary.     In  spite  of  all 
this  the  Atm.  form  is  not  wrong.     Whitney  cites  it  with  E+  in  his 
list  of  Sanskrit  roots,  and  according  to  Apte's  dictionary  (s.  v. 
ru§)  the  form  rusyate  does  occur,  though  'rarely'.    It  is  thus' plain 
that  it  was  a  current  form.     The  Atm.  of  abhikdnkse  (Pratijna. 

II.  4)  is  common  in  the  epics;   but  even  for  the  classical  dialect, 
the  dictionaries  cite  the  root  as  -Ubhayapadin.     The  imp.  2nd 
sing,  unndmaya  (Pratima.  IV.  16  =  VII.  7)  is  also  included  by  the 
editor  in  his  list  of  solecisms.     But  ndmayati  is  cited  by  Whitney 
with  the  mark  IL  S.-f;    while  PW.  quotes  both  namaydti  and 
ndmayati)  adding  'mit  prapp.  angeblich  nur  namayati'. 


Studies  in  Bhdsa  129 

Index  of  verses  that  have  been  shown  to  contain  solecisms.44 

Svapna.  V.  5,  13;  VI.  10 

Pratijna.  I.  3,  11 

Panca.  II.  22,  48 

Avi.  I.  6;  III.  17;  IV.  7,  8;  VI.  1 

Bala.  II.  9,  11;  III.  14;  V.  19 

Madhyama.  v.  26 

Dutav.  vv.  9,  12 

Dutagh.  vv.  8,  20 

Abhi.  11.24;  III.  1;  VI.  19 

Pratima.  III.  8;  V.  11 

Of  the  twenty-seven  solecisms  dealt  with  above,  three  (nos. 
25,  26  and  27)  are  anomalous  and  peculiar  to  these  dramas;  two 
(nos.  19  and  20)  belong  to  a  class  not  unrepresented  in  the  epics; 
but  the  remaining  twenty-two  were  shown  to  be  specifically 
traceable  to  the  epics  themselves.  Now  of  these  twenty-two 
some  may  again  be  nothing  more  than  instances  of  individual 
caprice;  others  may  be  the  results  of  lapsus  memoriae,  in  other 
words,  pure  and  simple  blunders.  But  it  would  be,  in  my  opinion, 
quite  wrong  to  hold  that  they  are  all  of  a  form  purely  arbitrary. 
And  what  is  of  moment  is  that  for  the  majority  of  them  it  would 
be  impossible  to  find  authority  in  classical  works.  It  seems  to 
me  beyond  all  doubt  certain  that  the  author  derives  his  sanction 
for  their  use  from  a  class  of  works  different  from  the  dramas  of 
the  classical  epoch;  they  involve  the  deliberate  exercise  of  a 
liberty  which  may  justly  be  regarded  as  the  prerogative  of  the 
rhapsodists. 

Here  follows  a  list  of  solecisms  selected  from  the  above  and 
arranged  in  the  order  corresponding  to  the  degree  of  certainty 
with  which  it  can  be  said  of  them  that  they  lie  outside  the  range 
of  the  license  enjoyed  by  classical  dramatists:  the  effacement  of 
hiatus  in  putreti  and  Avantyddhipateh;  the  absolutive  grhya;  the 
Atmanepada  of  gamisye;  the  compound  sarvardjnah;  the  At- 
manepada  of  prcchase;  the  Parasmaipada  of  dprccha,  parisvaja(ti), 
and  parisvajdmi;  and  the  rem.  part,  rudantim. 


44  It  should  be  noted  that  the  solecisms  occur  not  only  in  the  dramas  which 
derive  their  plot  from  the  epics  and  the  Puranas,  but  also  in  the  dramas  of 
which  the  plot  is  drawn  from  other  sources.  No  solecisms  have  been  found 
in  Karna.,  Uru.  and  Cam. 

9   JAOS  41 


130  V.  S.  Sukthankar 

I  am  not  oblivious  of  the  fact  that  the  classical  rule  allowed 
the  use  of  ma$a  for  mdsa,  provided  the  metrical  norm  was  ob- 
served; but  I  am  fully  persuaded  that  no  playwright  of  the 
classical  age,  who  aspired  not  to  pass  for  an  ignoramus,  would, 
to  such  a  degree,  indulge  in  a  license  which  was  little  more  than 
an  unequivocal  confession  of  incompetence.  If,  therefore,  we 
attempted  to  find  for  our  group  of  plays  a  place  within  the  frame- 
work of  the  classical  drama,  we  should  first  have  to  account  for 
this  apparent  reaction  from  the  tradition  of  the  classical  drama 
implied  by  the  occurrence  of  the  solecisms  pointed  out  above. 

SUMMARY 

The  foregoing  investigation  leads  to  the  inevitable  conclusion 
that  the  Sanskrit  of  the  verses  included  in  these  dramas,  which 
differs  in  certain  minute  particulars  from  the  Sanskrit  of  the 
classical  drama,  reflects  a  stage  of  literary  development  preceding 
the  classical  drama,  which  culminates  in  the  works  of  Kalidasa 
and  Bhavabhuti.  But  our  conclusions  regarding  the  Prakrit  of 
these  dramas,  which  formed  the  subject  of  the  first  Study,  con- 
verged to  the  same  point.  They  revealed  in  an  equally  forcible 
manner  a  stage  of  development  of  the  Middle  Indian  dialects 
older  than  that  preserved  in  the  classical  drama.  While  the 
Prakrit  betrays  its  affinities  with  the  Prakrit  of  the  fragments  of 
AsVaghosa's  dramas,  the  Sanskrit  of  the  metrical  portions  of  our 
plays  is  found  to  be  linked  with  the  language  of  the  epics. 

I  will  not  venture  to  draw  any  definite  chronological  conclu- 
sions regarding  the  dramas  from  these  divergences  and  affinities, 
nor  attempt  to  account  for  them  here.  I  shall  content  myself 
for  the  present  with  having  stated  the  facts  of  the  case. 

Post-scriptum.  It  should  have  been  made  clear  that  the 
references  to  the  Svapnavasavadatta  follow  the  pagination  and 
the  text  of  the  second  edition  of  the  play,  Trivandrum  1915.^ 


NOTES  AND   SUGGESTIONS   ON   THE   EARLY 

SUMERIAN   RELIGION  AND   ITS 

.EXPRESSION 

Especially  in  the  Nippurian  Liturgies  published  by  Prof.  George  A.  Barton  in 
his  Miscellaneous  Babylonian  Inscriptions,  Vol.  1. 

JOHN  P.  PETERS 
UNIVERSITY  OF  THE  SOUTH 

1.  IN  THEIR  GENERAL  NATURE  the  tablets  published  in  Barton's 
volume   are  liturgies,   not  historical   documents,   or  foundation 
cylinders  containing  merely  inscriptions  of  record.       They  are 
intended  for  liturgical  use  in  some  form.     They  contain  historical 
elements,  but  these  are  incidental.     Neither  political  history  nor 
natural  history,  such  as  the  account  of  creation  and  the  like,  are 
the  primary  purpose  and  intention  of  these  documents.     They 
may  be  intended  for  one  single  event,  or  for  stated  and  regular 
use,  but  they  are,  -all  alike,  liturgies. 

2.  In  studying  and  interpreting  these  primitive  rituals  there 
are  certain  special  features  of  Babylonian  life  which  must  be  taken 
into  account:    (a)  inundations  of  the  rivers  as  the  great  source 
of  fertility  on  which  the  land  depends;  but  (b)  these  inundations 
may  also  produce  great  disaster,  drowning  people,  flocks  and  herds, 
unless  these  have  some  place  of  refuge  from  the  inundations  or 
some  protection  against  them-.     Hence  the  necessity  of  the  raised 
mound  or  terrace  for  the  town  or  village,   dominated  by  the 
mountain  house  of  the  god,  who  thru  these  becomes  their  pro- 
tector against  the  injury  of  the  inundation,  and  at  the  same  time 
partner  with  the  inundating  stream  to  secure  to  the  inhabitants 
and  their  possessions  safety,  and  to  the  land  fertility.     Hence 
the  deity  to  whom  they  look  for  prosperity  and  safety  is  double, 
expressed  on  the  one  side  in  the  rivers  and  that  for  which-  the 
rivers  stand,  the  inundation  and  fertilization  of  the  land,  and  on 
the  other  in  the  mountain  house  and  that  for  which  it  stands,  a 
protection  of  the  people  and  their  possessions  against  destruction 
by  these  floods.     As  civilization  advanced  both  of  these  elements 
were  extended,  the  rivers  and  their  inundations  being  magnified 
in  their  extent  and  their  benefit  by  a  system  of  canalization,  and 
the  mountain  house  by  the  dykes  and  dams  thru  which  canals, 
rivers  and  inundations  were  regulated  and  controlled. 


132  John  P.  Peters 

(c)  The  mystery  of  sex  and  the  propagation  of  life  by  pro- 
creation profoundly  affected  early  thought  in  Babylonia.     Pro- 
creation was  in  fact  creation,  and  creation  was  thought  of  and 
expressed  in  terms  of  procreation.     It  was  the  physical  act  of  sex 
intercourse  between  gods  and  goddesses  by  which  all  things  were 
brought  into  being,  or  were  annually  or  at  stated  intervals  repro- 
duced.    Hence  these  ancient  liturgies  are  full  of  sex,  descriptions 
of  and  reference  to  the  act  of  sex  relationship  between  gods  and 
goddesses  or  their  representatives.     Hence  also  the  immense  quan- 
tities of  sexual  emblems  found  at  Nippur  and  elsewhere,  connected 
with  the  ritual  or  worship  of  gods  and  goddesses.     The  mounds 
at  Nippur  were  fairly  strewn  with  phallic  emblems,  and  these 
were  discovered  in  large  numbers  in  all  strata  of  the  excavation.1 

Generally  speaking  the  god  element  was  represented  in  the 
mountain-house;  the  goddess  in  the  rivers  and  inundations.  It 
was  the  proper  union  of  these  two  as  man  and  wife  which  pro- 
duced prosperity  and  security,  and  toward  the  consummation  of 
which  early  Sumerian  ritual  and  liturgy  were  directed. 

(d)  Rain  was  of  little  relative  value  in  Babylonia,  because  of 
the  inundations;    and  in  fact  the  rain,  because  of  its  torrential 
character,  injuring  the  mud  buildings  and  incommoding  and  dis- 
tressing the  occupants  of  those  and  of  the  still  more  primitive 
abodes  of  reeds  and  mats,  was  regarded  rather  as  detrimental 
than  helpful,  the  more  particularly  as  the  rainy  season  was  the 
period  of  violent  storms  of  wind,  with  terrifying  thunder  and 
lightning,  and  hail  mixed  with  the  rain.    Hence  the  wind  and  rain 


1  Prof.  Hilprecht,  to  whom  was  assigned  this  work,  made  a  large  collection 
of  these  emblems,  exhibiting  a  regular  series,  commencing  with  the  crudest 
representation  of  the  male  member,  generally  in  clay,  sometimes  in  stone,  and 
developing  into  conventionalized  spikes  or  cones,  such  as  are  found  inscribed 
in  such  large  numbers  at  Tello,  but  which  were  more  rare  and  uninscribed  at 
Nippur.  Unfortunately,  this  large  and  valuable  collection  of  phallic  emblems, 
exhibiting  their  development  from  a  crude  realism  to  a  highly  conventional- 
ized form,  was  destroyed  thru  the  ignorance  of  the  Turkish  officials.  Our 
Turkish  Commissioner  absolutely  refused  to  list  with  the  antiquities  dis- 
covered this  collection,  and  the  similar  collection  of  pottery  sherds.  We 
transported  them,  however,  to  Baghdad,  and  they  were  deposited  in  the  Serai 
with  our  other  collections,  but  when  those  collections  reached  Constantinople 
the  boxes  containing  the  phallic  emblems  and  the  potsherds  were  missing. 
As  far  as  we  could  discover  the  boxes  were  opened  in  the  Serai  at  Baghdad,  the 
contents  thrown  away  or  destroyed,  and  the  boxes  appropriated  by  some 
official  of  that  woodless  country  as  valuable  graft. 


Notes  on  the  Early  Sumerian  Religion  133 


storms,  with  thunder  and  lightning  accompanying  them,  appear 
in  the  earliest  inscriptions  as  evils  to  be  averted.  They  express 
the  ill  will  of  god  or  goddess,  or  of  demons  which  are  wreaking 
their  spite  on  men.  I  attempted  to  bring  this  out  in  an  article 
entitled,  'The  Worship  of  Tammuz,'  printed  in  the  Journal  of 
Biblical  Literature,  Vol.  36  (1917).2 

(e)  Besides  the  injuries  to  flocks  and  herds  and  human  beings 
wrought  by  the  floods  when  uncontrolled,  there  is  also  a  further 
injury  in  the  shape  of  sickness.     As  the  floods  recede,  malaria 
and  fever  develop.     The  autumn,  after  the  fall  of  the  water,  is 
the  time  of  fever  and  sickness  thruout  Babylonia.     Hence  some 
of  the  references  to  sickness  which  occur  in  these  liturgies,  and 
the  petitions  addressed  to  both  god  and  goddess  to  avert  it. 
These  sicknesses  are  of  course  attributed  to  evil  spirits,  but  those 
evil  spirits  are  connected  with  the  floods,  hence  part  of  the  object 
of  the  rituals  is  to  induce  the  gods  and  goddesses  who  bring  and 
control  floods  to  control  their  consequences,  i.  e.  the  evil  spirits 
who  produce  disease. 

(f )  In  the  paper  above  referred  to  on  the  Tammuz  cult  I  dis- 
cussed somewhat  also  the  relation  of  these  floods  and  their  retro- 
gression before  agriculture,   and   the  nature  and  origin  of  the 
Tammuz  cult.     I  endeavored  to  point  out  that  a  number  of  the 
liturgies  which  Langdon  has  brought  together  in  his  Sumerian  and 
Babylonian  Psalms  are  really  liturgies  connected  with  the  vernal 

2 '  During  the  six  months  November-April  rain  is  liable  to  fall,  often  in 
torrential  abundance,  and  accompanied  at  times  with  violent  gales,  and  with 
thunder  and  lightning.  It  is  especially,  however,  the  months  of  January 
and  February  in  which  the  storms  are  most  frequent,  violent  and  destructive, 
constituting  at  times  very  calamities,  the  rain  washing  down  sections  of  the 
adobe  buildings,  and  beating  thru  the  flimsy  huts  of  reeds  and  mats,  which 
latter  are  sometimes  completely  torn  to  pieces  by  the  violent  gales.' 

'They  are  really  more  afraid  of  the  fury  of  the  elements  than  of  the  dangers 
of  war,  and  are  absolutely  helpless  and  useless  in  the  face  of  such  a  storm.' 

'The  cold  storms  of  December,  January  and  February  are  especially  trying. 
For  days  the  people  are  continually  drenched,  their  huts  are  wet  and  dripping, 
even  if  they  resist  the  storm;  they  can  light  no  fires  to  cook  by,  and  the  whole 
aspect  of  human  life  of  the  region  is  one  of  utter  misery.' 

'  It  is  these  winter  storms,  with  their  attendant  suffering,  fear  and  destruc- 
tion, which  are  the  ground  and  motive  of  a  number  of  old  Sumerian  peni- 
tential psalms  and  hymns  to  En-lil,  the  great  god  of  the  storm  spirits,  at 
Nippur;  and  some  of  these  Nippurian  psalms  are,  I  fancy,  liturgies  of  what 
we  might  call  the  vernal  house  cleaning,  the  repairing  and  setting  in  order  of 
the  mud  built  temples  year  by  year  after  the  winter  storms  were  past.' 


134  John  P.  Peters 

restoration  of  the  temples  and  other  buildings  injured  and  destroyed 
by  the  winter  rains  and  storms.3 

2.  In  these  early  Sumerian  liturgies  sun,  moon  and  heavenly 
bodies  play  practically  no  part.     As  I  tried  to  point  out  in  the 
above  mentioned  paper  the  Tammuz  cult  was  originally  associated 
with  the  rise  and  fall  of  the  rivers.     It  was  that  which  determined 
the  month  of  Tammuz,  which  was  coincident  with  the  turn  of 
the  sun  downward  at  the  summer  solstice.     As  the  Sumerians 
began  to  observe  and  better  understand  the  heavens,  this  knowl- 
edge was  incorporated  in  the  Tammuz  myth,  and  affected  the 
Tammuz  cult.     He  became  the  child  Of  Shamash.     Similarly  other 
cults  were  affected,  until  ultimately  we  have  a  highly  developed 
moon  and  astral  worship,  the  beginnings  of  which  we  find  in  the 
Sumerian  period.    The  question  arises  whether  this  cult  originated 
in  Sumer,  or  whether  it  was  brought  in  by  the  Semites  of  the 
west  and  north,  whose  religion  had  developed  in  a  different  milieu. 
I  am  inclined  to  think  that  the  latter  was  the  fact,  namely  that, 
having  its  origin  among  the  Semites,  it  found  the  occasion  of  its 
adoption  in  Babylonia  in  the  increased  knowledge  and  observation, 
among  the  Sumerians,  of  the  heavens,  and  their  relation  to  the 
life  of  man.       It  belongs,  therefore,  to  the  secondary,  not  the 
primary  stage  of  the  Sumerian  religion,  beginning  but  not  yet 
developed  in  these  liturgies. 

3.  Originally,  apparently,  the  Sumerians  recognized  two  great 
deities,  male  and  female,  whose  union  procured  prosperity  and 

3  'Temples  and  houses  are  damaged  or  destroyed,  not  by  some  outside 
foe,  as  Langdon  supposes,  but,  as  his  own  translations  show,  by  the  rain,  the 
thunder,  the  lightning  and  the  hail,  which  work  the  havoc.  It  is  En-lil.  the 
lord  of  the  storm  demons,  whose  word  and  whose  spirit  (better  wind)  cause 
devastation  thru  the  celestial  torrents  of  the  rainy  season,  washing  down  mud 
walls  and  bringing  disaster  on  the  temples  and  towns,  or  who  releases  the 
Anunnaki  and  other  similar  powers  to  work  havoc  in  the  storms,  the  hostile 
agencies  mistaken  by  Langdon  and  others  in  some  cases,  I  think,  for  the 
Elamites  or  other  fleshly  foes.  So  in  Tablet  1  of  the  liturgy  whose  name, 
according  to  Langdon's  translation,  is  "Like  the  spirit  itself  immutable,"  we 
find  this  vivid  picture  of  the  destruction  wrought  by  En-hTs  word — wind  and 
thunder: — 

The  word  which  stilleth  the  heavens  on  high. 

The  word  which  causeth  the  earth  beneath  to  shudder. 

The  word  which  bringeth  woe  to  the  Anunnaki. 

His  word  is  an  onrushing  storm,  which  none  can  oppose. 

His  word  stills  the  heavens  and  causes  the  earth  to  retire. 

Mother  and  daughter  like  a  cane  mat  it  rends  asunder.' 


Notes  on  the  Early  Sumerian  Religion  135 

security,  as  described  above.  These  were  in  essence  the  same  in 
each  place,  but  assumed  various  names  in  different  localities. 
Thus  differentiated  they  came  to  be  regarded  as  separate  deities, 
and  were  adopted  by  one  place  from  another,  with  a  tendency  to 
a  specialization  of  function,  making  them  in  the  end  separate 
gods.  This  was  true  especially  of  the  male  element  of  deity, 
which  seemed,  somehow,  to  lend  itself  more  readily  to  polytheism 
than  the  female,  which  latter  presented  itself  much  more  as  a 
unity,  merely  called  by  different  names. 

4.  With  the  development  of  the  city  element  and  the  necessity 
of  the  enlargement  of  mound  and  temple  and  other  human  works 
for  the  control  and  utilization  of  the  inundations  came  the  exalta- 
tion of  the  city  ruler,  the  king,  thru  whom  these  works  were 
executed  and  made  to  function,  and  hence  his  deification  and  his 
partial  or  complete  assimilization  with  the  male  deity  as  the 
author  and  creator  of  those  works. 

5.  There  were  also  various  spirits,  largely  if  not  altogether 
harmful,  expressions  of  animism,  which  wrought  evil  in  storms, 
sickness,  etc.,  but  which  might  be  and  were  subjected  or  pro- 
pitiated thru  the  great  gods  and  'goddesses  and  their  power. 
Some  of  these  were  ultimately  brought  into  connection  or  assim- 
ilated with  the  Semitic  elemental  or  heavenly  deities. 

6.  These  are  the  conditions  and  the  concepts  of  the  older 
Sumerian   religion,  'out  of  which  was  developed   the   Sumerian 
pantheon  and  later,  thru  the  intermixture  of  Semitic  gods  and 
religious  concepts,  that  more  intricate  and  elaborate  Babylonian 
religion   which   connects   itself   especially   with   Babylon.      The 
liturgies  from  Nippur  published  by  Barton,  the  so-called  Paradise 
Epic  of  Langdon,  and  the  Tammuz  and  other  liturgies  commented 
on  by  me  in  the  paper  in  JBL  above  referred  to,  but  more  espe- 
cially some  of  the  first  named  Nippurian  liturgies  of  Barton,  repre- 
sent the  earliest  stages  of  this  religious  development,  which  I  have 
felt  it  necessary  to  summarize  thus  briefly  as  an  introduction  to, 
and  the  basis  of  my  comments  on  the  tablets  themselves. 

NOTES   ON   THE   LITURGIES 

NUMBER  1  is  designated  by  Barton  as  a  foundation  cylinder  of 
the  nature  of  an  incantation,  written  at  a  time  when  the  temple 
at  Nippur  was  repaired,  probably  because  of  a  plague  which  had 
visited  the  city,  apparently  from  Kesh.  It  is  perhaps  the  oldest 
religious  text  in  the  world  'of  equal  if  not  greater  antiquity  than 


136  John  P.  Peters 

the  Pyramid  Texts  of  Egypt/  Jn  spite  of  its  fragmentary  condi- 
tion it  is  possible  to  trace  liturgical  divisions  in  this  tablet  by 
such  cries  as  that  in  (i)  5,  (v)  14,  (vii)  5:  'Unto  Sir  there  is  a 
cry/  which  introduces  or  closes  a  motive.  There  are  notes  here 
and  there  of  oblations,  of  water,  as  in  (v)  10,  of  food  as  in  (v) 
12.  There  are  references  to  the  fires  for  sacrifice,  as  in  (xi)  8, 
(xiii)  3,  which  latter,  'the  '  fiery  offering'  to  Enlil,  is  immediately 
preceded  by  the  libation  to  Sir;  there  are  also  indications  of  a 
progress,  that  is  that  this  liturgy  was  in  the  nature  of  a  proces- 
sional, somewhat  in  that  regard  like  Psalm  118  of  the  Hebrew 
Psalter;  and  there  is  something  of  a  dramatic  or  semi-dramatic 
nature  in  the  way  the  incantation  or  enchantment  which  must 
be  used  to  abate  ill  is  put  into  the  mouth  of  the  deity,  as  in  the 
first  few  lines  of  (v). 

This  particular  liturgical  tablet  connects  itself,  as  Barton  has 
pointed  out,  with  repairs  and  restorations  of  the  temple.  These 
were  done  by  the  king  of  Kesh,  for  which  he  proclaims,  or  it  is 
proclaimed  for  him  by  the  priest,  that  he  receives  the  food  of  life 
from  Enlil.  So  it  begins  (i)  1-4:  'He  came  forth,  from  Kesh  he 
came,  the  food  of  life  Enlil  gives  him.'  This  is  followed  by  the 
cry  to  Sir,  who  is  also,  as  Barton  points  out,  the  serpent  and 
Ninkharsag,  and  indeed  the  mother  goddess  in  all  her  different 
forms,  to  grant  favor  and  to  give  life,  or  because  she  grants  favor 
and  gives  life,  whichever  is  the  correct  translation. 

In  column  (ii)  goddess  and  god  are  brought  together.  He  is 
the  protector,  the  man,  the  husband,  the  hero,  Enlil;  she  is  the 
Tigris  and  Euphrates.  His  praise  is  continued  thru  the  greater 
part  of  column  (iii).  He  is  the  lord  of  the  sanctuary,  whose 
province  it  is  to  make  strong  the  new  temple  platform,  to  protect 
the  habitation;  but  with  him  in  verse  10  is  combined  the  goddess, 
as  the  'well  of  the  mighty  abyss.7  This  was,  I  should  suppose, 
the  ritual  well  which  existed  in  Nippur,  close  to  the  great  Ziggurat, 
in  character  and  meaning  similar  to  the  huge  bowl  in  the  Hebrew 
temple,  a  symbol  or  expression  of  the  life-giving  power  of  the 
water  from  the  abyss  of  waters  beneath  the  earth,  the  representa- 
tive of  the  female  or  life-producing  element  in  the  deity.  Then 
(11  and  12)  the  garment4  and  the  goat  for  an  offering  are  made 
ready,  and  in  column  (iv),  verse  3,  the  musicians  are  directed  to 


4  Does  this  refer  to  the  donning  of  other  garments  for  the  religious  cere- 
mony, or  to  a  gift  of  garments  for  temple  use? 


Notes  on  the  Early  Sumerian  Religion  137 

% 

break  into  music  and  singing,  the  verses  following  containing 
their  song,5  which  tells  of  Enlil  as  a  'bird'  who  protects  city  and 
temple,  who  gives  the  increase  of  crops,  who  controls  the  inunda- 
tions, against  whom  the  cloud  demon  is  impotent.  The  comple- 
ment of  this  is  column  (v),  the  song  of  Ninkharsag,  sung  or  chanted 
in  her  name  by  the  priest  Bada,  a  sort  of  praise  of  the  holy  house, 
bright  and  pure  with  the  fires  of  cedar  wood.  Following  this 
come  oblations  and  libations  to  §ir,  the  whole  ending  with  the 
words:  'Unto  Sir  there  is  a  cry/  closing  perhaps  a  section  in  this 
processional  ritual  or  liturgy.  Column  (vi)  is  an  address  to  the 
king  of  Kesh,  who  is  directed  to  raise  his  eye  'to  the  source  of 
life/  if  that  be  a  correct  translation,  and  then  in  verses  13  and 
14  the  kingly  virtues  are  set  forth  in  connection  with  him,  very 
much  as  they  are  set  forth  in  connection  with  the  Messianic  king 
in  Psalm  72  of  the  Hebrew  Psalter.  It  is  the  king's  part  to  hold 
up  and  strengthen  the  weak;  the  king  must  give  protection  to  the 
lowly,  etc.  This  motive  ends  with  a  reference  to  the  platform, 
which  seems  to  have  been  a  contribution  from  the  king  of  Kesh 
to  the  temple,  of  which  there  is  continual  praise  thruout  the  poem; 
following  which  comes  one  of  the  refrains:  'Unto  §ir  there 
is  a  cry.' 

The  fragmentary  remainder  of  columns  (vii)  and  (viii),  with 
the  beginning  of  col.  (ix),  seems  to  consist  of  praises  connected 
with  the  king  of  Kesh's  work  in  the  restoration  of  the  temple, 
the  glorification  of  that  work,  and  the  setting  it  before  the 
divinity  as  a  means  of  procuring  favor;  or  possibly  some  parts 
of  this  are  Enlil's  answering  recognition  of  the  virtue  of  that 
work.  With  verse  9  of  column  (ix)  we  are  definitely  and  cer- 
tainly dealing  with  the  god  and  with  his  creation  by  'cohabita- 
tion with  Sir,  the  brilliant  wife'  of  'a  strong  one/  'a  full  grown 
ibex,  whom  he  commanded  to  guard  life/  i.  e.  who  is  placed  as 
the  guardian  or  representative  of  life  in  the  temple.  This  seems 
to  indicate  the  use  in  Babylonian  temples  of  something  familiar 
in  the  Assyrian  and  Hittite  temples,  as  also  in  the  temple  at 
Jerusalem,  those  colossal  animals  which  were  representatives  of 
the  divinity  or  guardians  of  the  approach  to  the  god.6  In  column 

6  Much  as  in  Psalm  68,  v.  11  in  the  Hebrew,  where  we  have  a  rubric  directing 
that  the  singers  shall  sing  at  that  point  in  the  Psalm. 

6  So  in  the  Hebrew  story  of  Eden  Cherubim  'keep  the  way  of  the  tree  of 
life.'  No  such  figures  have  been  found  in  Babylonian  temples;  but  we  have 
very  old  tablets  from  Nippur  representing  the  ibex  in  connection  with  deity. 


138  John  P.  Peters 

(x)  we  pass  over  from  the  male  to  the  female  deity:  'its  lady  is 
strong,  its  god  is  just,'  in  verses  8,  11  and  12,  and  her  praise  and 
her  functions  are  continued  in  column  (xi). 

At  the  close  of  this  column  we  have  a  very  strong  statement  of 
just  that  relation  of  the  mountain  house  and  the  river  to  one 
another  of  which  I  have  spoken,  the  combination  of  which  brings' 
fortune:  'the  great  divine  river  to  thy  vegetation  comes.  For 
the  overflow  of  the  divine  river  the  wall  thou  makest/  i.  e.  to 
prevent  excessive  overflow  of  that  river .  It  is  the  combination 
of  these  two  that  produces  the  fertility  which  is  celebrated  in  the 
well-preserved  column  (xii),  which  is  a  description  or  enumera- 
tion of  the  products  of  the  fields.  In  (xiii)  we  come  again  to  the 
combined  offering,  once  the  libation  bowl  to  Sir,  the  water  deity, 
twice  the  fiery  offerings  to  Enlil  at  Nippur,  and,  inserted  between 
these  latter,  'to  Ishtar  from  the  land  of  Aleppo,'  and  'to  Enki  in 
the  deep/  for  protection  against  sickness.  It  is  on  account  of  this 
that  Barton  has  suggested  that  the  tablet  was  written  because  of 
a  plague.  I  think  it  is  rather  a  reference  to  the  customary  sick- 
nesses which  follow  the  recession  of  the  inundations,  which  the 
god  is  asked  to  avert  (see  introductory  remarks). 

If  line  6  of  column  (xiii)  is  correctly  translated  ('Ishtar  from 
the  land  of  Khalab')  we  have  the  invocation  of  a  goddess  from 
another  region,  and  in  this  case  a  Semitic  goddess,  representing 
just  that  sort  of  combination  and  relationship,  the  existence  of 
which  I  have  suggested  in  my  preliminary  remarks,  which  ulti- 
mately brought  about  a  fusion  of  Semitic  and  Sumerian  cults, 
and  the  development  of  the  great  Babylonian  religion.  I  suspect 
that  here  and  elsewhere  in  this  liturgy  where  we  find  mention  of 
Enki  and  Enzu,  the  gods  of  Ur  and  Eridu,  these  are  used  inter- 
changeably with  Enlil,  the  interchange  evincing  that  they  are 
one  and  the  same  god,  under  the  different  names  of  the  chief  gods 
of  Nippur,  Ur  and  Eridu.  The  consciousness  of  their  identity 
was  not  yet  lost,  so  that,  when  the  god  of  one  place  is  named,  it 
is  only  a  difference  in  name  not  a  real  difference  in  deity.  Thus 
Enlil  is  called  Enki,  as  god  of  the  deep.  But  with  the  foreign 
goddess  I  fancy  that  the  case  is  different. 

Column  (xiv)  begins  with  Enlil's  declaration  that  'Removed 
is  the  sickness  from  the  land/  and  we  have  that  assurance  of  the 
favor  of  the  gods,  and  that  the  prayers  of  the  suppliants  are 
granted,  which  is  common  at  the  close  of  Sumerian  psalms,  and 
which  meets  us  also  over  and  over  again  in  the  Hebrew  Psalter. 


Notes  on  the  Early  Sumerian  Religion  139 

This  is  followed  by  an  outburst  of  praise  to  the  great  god  by 
whom  it  is  wrought  (xv),  which  is  repeated  again  in  the  first  part 
of  (xvi).  To  say  over  again  the  same  thing  which  has  already 
been  said  before  is  a  very  common  ritual  practice  the  world  over. 
So.  here  we  have  over  again  the  prayer  that  sickness  may  be  ban- 
ished, the  assurance  of  blessing  and  protection,  of  the  increase 
of  cattle,  etc. ;  then  -again  the  prayer  against  the  sickness,  promise 
of  good  beer,  of  abundant  wool,  of  flour  and  garden  produce,  of 
the  expulsion  of  sickness,  of  the  driving  away  of  demons  from 
the  fold.  Back  and  forth  this  goes  on  to  the  end,  with  reference 
to  'the  well  of  the  abyss/  the  inundations,  the  libations,  offer- 
ings, etc.  In  column  (xix)  12  comes  the  rubric,  'Let  the  meal 
offering  be  abundant,'  etc.  Apparently  the  liturgy  ends,  as  do 
some  of  the  Hebrew  psalms,  with  the  declaration  of  satisfaction 
and  exultation  on  the  part  of  the  'men/  the  worshippers,  sure 
that  the  prayer  of  the  liturgy  is  answered. 

I  think  it  is  plain  that  this  is  a  liturgy  for  a  processional  march 
thru  or  about  the  temple  to  the  altar  and  the  well,  with  sacrifices, 
music  and  singing,  in  connection  with  the  erection  or  repair  of 
the  great  temple  platform  by  a  king  of  Kesh,  as  a  result  of  which 
Enlil  and  Sir  are  expected  to  give  blessings  of  fertility  and  avert 
the  evils  caused  by  the  storm  demons  and  the  demons  of  sickness. 
But  such  liturgies,  composed  perhaps  on  some  earlier  model  or 
out  of  some  former  occasional  liturgy  for  a  special  occasion  and 
a  special  temple,  were  likely  to  be  used  again.  A  stated  feast 
grew  out  of  a  special  celebration,  or  the  form  used  for  one  special 
occasion  was  later  adapted  for  other  occasions.  We  have  abundant 
evidence  of  this  in  liturgies  which  have  come  down  to  us,  where 
alternatives  are  given  for  use  at  Nippur,  ,Ur,  Babylon  and  the 
like,  and  places  left  for  insertion  of  the  names  of  different  gods. 
It  was  the  possibility  or  the  .actuality  of  re-use  or  adaptation  which 
led  to  such  careful  storing  of  liturgies  like  this  in  the  temple 
archives,  and  their  recopying  thru  at  least  three  millennia,  down 
almost  to  the  commencement  of  our  era. 

NUMBER  2  is  difficult  and  enigmatical,  as  Barton  says.  He 
suggests  that  it  is  a  liturgy  for  the  inspection  of  the  victim  from 
which  the  oracle  is  given  for  a  certain  'Allu-Kal,  who  wished  to 
rebuild  the  temple.'  So  it  commences  'The  great  ...  is 
cut  open,  the  oracle  comes  forth';  and  later  we  read:  'May 
there  stand  the  dwellings  of  cedar';  and  again:  'His  god  shall 
fasten  the  foundation  firmly;  with  cedar  he  shall  build.  Strong 


140  John  P.  Peters 

are  the  houses;  the  dwelling  is  of  aromatic  wood,  the  great  dwelling 
of  EnlnY  It  is  so  fragmentary  that  one  can  scarcely  restore  the 
ritual  acts  from  what  remains,  but  it  seems  apparent  from  the 
above  that  it  was  a  formula  or  a  liturgy  in  connection  with  the 
erection  of  a  temple. 

NUMBER  3.  A  colophon  says  that  this  is  the  first  tablet  of  a 
series  'of  my  great  warrior,'  and  Barton  points  out  that  the  great 
warrior  thus  deified  was,  from  the  context,  Dungi,  king  of  Ur. 
The  object  of  this  liturgy  is  indicated,  I  think,  in  the  very  last 
verses,  (vi)  lines  36  and  37.  Line  36  is  of  the  nature  of  a  rubric 
directing  the  pouring  of  the  libation,  accompanying  which  is  the 
cry  for  blessing  for  the  city:  'Bless  it,  for  the  city  a  blessing.' 
It  is  apparently  a  liturgy  to  be  used  at  stated  sacrificial  festivals 
for  or  to  the  divine  king,  as. on  his  birthday  or  the  anniversary  of 
his  accession.  He  was  worshipped,  as  would  appear  from  (ii) 
lines  7-14,  as  the  representative  of  the  immediate  relation  to  the 
city  of  both  the  male  and  female  elements  in  the  deity.  He  is 
Enlil  on  earth,  line  8,  but  also  he  is  Ninlil  (14);  he  is  the  great 
bull,  EnliPs  representative  (9),  and  he  is  the  holy  dun-animal, 
Ninlil's  representative  (13);  he  is  the  bull  of  life  (ii.  4)  and  he  is 
the  great  serpent.  In  general  this  liturgy  is  the  glorification  of 
the  divine  king,  Dungi,  but  it  chants  his  praises  more  particu- 
larly as  the  warrior  and  the  huntsman.  He  is  also,  however,  the 
guardian  of  the  city,  it  is  he  who  brings  justice  (ii)  19,  (v)  19, 
and  favors  the  working  man  (ii)  18,  which  is  somewhat  similar  to 
(vi)  13,  14  of  Tablet  1.  The  description  of  the  qualities  of  the 
king  in  this  tablet  as  in  that  reminds  one  somewhat  of  the  Hebrew 
Psalm  72,  while  the  tendency  to  deification  suggests  Psalms  2 
and  110  of  the  Hebrew  collection.7  The  titles  'Great  bull  of  the 
dwelling'  (ii.  9),  and  'great  holy  dim-animal'  (13)  suggest  colossal 
guardian  animals  before  the  temple,  representing  the  presence  of 
the  divinity.  It  is  interesting  to  observe  that  the  king  is  not 
only  a  bull,  a  dim-animal,  a  lion,  an  ox,  a  shepherd  and  a  steward, 


7  In  answer  to  my  question,  is  the  translation  chariot  correct  (ii  6)?  What 
sort  of  a  chariot?  This  is  several  hundred  years  before  the  supposed  intro- 
duction of  the  horse,  and  the  war  chariot  with  the  horse.  Is  this  simply  a 
wagon  for  driving  or  carrying  burdens?  By  what  was  it  drawn?  By  bulls 
or  oxen?  Dr.  Barton  says:  'that  chariots  or  wagons  (the  ideogram  is  that 
later  used  for  chariot)  are  older  than  Dungi  is  shown  by  Gudea.  Cyl.  A.  VI 
17  describes  a  chariot  drawn  by  an  ass;  cf.  col.  vii,  19  ff.  The  temple  Enimu 
has  a  chariot-house  attached  (Col.  XXVIII,  16).' 


Notes  on  the  Early  Sumerian  Religion  141 

etc.,  but  also  'a  growing  wall/  and  'a  grateful  shade/  figures  used 
likewise  in  Hebrew  poetry.  He  is  also  represented  in  his  relation 
to  Ninlil  as  the  flood,  a  refreshing,  life-giving  stream  (iv)  25. 
In  (ii)  26  he  is  the  child  of  the  goddess,  the  most  natural  sort  of 
identification  with  the  divinity.  In  (vi)  7,  8,  he  stands  and 
prays  by  'the  beam.'  Is  this  a  wooden  pole  like  the  Asherah, 
which  represented  the  female  attribute  of  deity  in  Israelite  temples? 

In  verse  9  and  10  he  prays  by  'the  wall/  and  on  this  I  think  I 
can  throw  some  light  from  personal  experience.  At  the  northern 
corner,  or  more  accurately  at  the  northwest  side  of  the  northern 
corner  of  the  temple  enclosure  at  Nippur  was  a  very  striking  wall 
built  of  baked  brick  with  cement.  In  front  of  this  all  along  we 
found  quantities  of  phallic  emblems.  It  seemed  to  be  a  prayer 
wall.  The  ritual  seems  to  have  been  to  touch  the  phallic  emblem 
to  the  wall  in  supplication  or  petition,  letting  it  fall  at  the  foot  of 
the  wall,  if  it  did  not  stick  in. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  Loftus  found  at  Erech  a  wall  built 
entirely  of  inscribed  cones  laid  one  upon  another.  Now  these 
cones,  as  our  collections  of  phallic  emblems  showed,  were  con- 
ventionalized forms  of  the  phallus.  That  wall  built  of  these 
emblems  wa  ,  I  think,  in  its  nature  or  its  use  similar  to  the  wall 
of  the  temple  at  Nippur  just  described,  the  praying  wall  for  this 
particular  ritual.  I  found  a  similar  wall,  a  little  different  in 
construction,  but  which  suggests  a  combination  of  the  two,  at 
Tello.  When  I  first  visited  Tello,  in  1889,  de  Sarzec,  who  was 
extremely  jealous  and  suspicious  of  visitors  to  his  excavations, 
affected  t^  be  ill,  and  the  excavations  were  discontinued  during 
the  day  or  two  of  my  stay.  He  did  not  wish  me  to  se3  his  work, 
and  would  not  even  show  me  the  objects  excavated.  He  was 
very  courteous  in  other  ways.  He  gave  me  a  very  good  lunch, 
and  housed  me  very  nicely,  but  his  jealousy  prevented  me  from 
really  seeing  his  work  and  his  methods.  It  chanced,  however, 
that  my  commissioner,  who  was  with  me,  had  formerly  been 
with  de  Sarzec,  and  under  his  escort  I  went  around  a  small  portion 
of  the  work.  At  that  time  I  noted  a  wall  which  seemed  to  have 
no  rhyme  or  reason,  connecting  with  nothing,  in  which  were 
embedded  some  of  the  inscribed  cones.  The  following  year  I 
again  visited  Tello.  The  excavations  had  ceased.  De  Sarzec 
had  returned  to  France,  and  I  understood  that  the  excavations 
had  been  definitely  given  up.  Accordingly,  I  felt  myself  at  liberty 
to  make  such  researches  as  I  wished.  I  went  to  the  wall  which  I 


142  John  P.  Peters 

had  seen  the  year  before,  and  which  I  suspected  was  in  nature 
akin  to  the  wall  of  cones  found  by  Loftus  in  Erech,  and  removed 
two  or  three  of  the  large  mud  bricks.  I  took  out  from  that  very 
small  section  of  the  wall  about  a  bushel  of  inscribed  cones,  which 
had  been  built  into  or  thrust  into  the  wall.  That  I  suppose  was 
a  prayer  wall. 

Now  note  that  praying  by  '  the  beam'  and  praying  by  '  the  wall' 
are  placed  together.  If  'the  beam'  is,  as  I  have  suggested,  the 
pole  or  the  asherah,  which  represents  the  female  element;  then 
praying  by  the  wall  would  seem  to  represent  the  male  side.  In 
one  case  the  female  and  in  the  other  case  the  male  emblem  of  sex 
is  used. 

In  (vi)  12  and  following  lines  the  reference  to  the  roaring  lion, 
and  the  lion  hunt : 

Let  the  roaring  lion  come, 

He  shall  not  depart: 

Let  his  plan  be  frustrated! 

On  the  mountain  his  whelps  I  verily  will  seize; 

His  grown  ones  with  a  snare  I  will  verily  catch; 

As  lord  I  will  catch  them; 

As  lord  I  will  hold  them! 

reminds  me  of  a  tablet  found  at  Nippur,  of  late  date,  but  inter- 
esting as  showing  the  important  part  which  the  lion  played  in 
Babylonian  life,  namely  an  ex  voto  for  deliverance  or  success  in  a 
lion  hunt,  representing  a  man  killing  or  attacking  a  rampant 
lion  with  a  dagger  or  short  sword. 

NUMBER  4,  which  Dr.  Barton  calls  '  A  myth  of  Enlil  and  Ninlil/ 
was,  I  think,  a  liturgy  to  be  used  to  invoke  the  flood,  particularly 
to  be  used,  therefore,  at  the  time  when  the  flood  ought  to  come, 
in  order  to  secure  its  coming.  Sometimes  the  flood  comes  a 
little  earlier,  sometimes  a  little  later.  Whenever  there  is  delay 
in  the  coming  of  the  flood,  there  is  naturally  very  great  anxiety. 
Religiously  that  is  the  time  for  special  supplication  to  the  deity 
to  bring  the  flood.  The  method  of  doing  this  is  of  the  nature  of 
sympathetic  magic,  telling  the  story  of  the  coming  of  the  flood, 
etc.  This  is  one  of  the  most  vivid  and  picturesque  of  all  the 
tablets,  perhaps  the  most  so.  It  brings  out  in  the  strongest  way 
the  religious  ideas  which  I  have  suggested,  what  the  relation  is 
between  mountain  and  dyke,  the  male  divinity  on  the  one  hand, 
and  the  winding,  twisting,  serpent-like  river,  the  great  inundation, 
the  female  deity  on  the  other.  Watching  from  the  mountain 


Notes  on  the  Early  Sumericm  Religion  143 

house8  for  the  coming  of  the  river  is  the  watching  of  the  god 
himself,  i.  e.  of  the  mountain  house  which  represents  the  god,  and 
the  delight  and  joy  of  the  watcher  is  the  joy  of  the  god  himself. 
There  is  in  this  liturgy  so  vivid  a  picture  of  this  watching  that  it 
made  me  feel  as  though  I  were  back  on  top  of  the  old  mountain 
house,  looking  out  over  the  plain,  watching  for  the  earning  of  the 
inundations,  seeing  the  serpent-like,  beautiful  stream  approaching 
and  the  glimmering  light  reflected  from  its  surface,  falling  in  love 
with  it,  as  it  were  filled  with  a  passion  for  it.  It  was  so  vivid  that 
I  can  realize  and  act  it  out  and  feel  it  in  myself;  how  she  entices 
him,  how  he  takes  her  as  his  wife  and  she  yields  to  him. 

(i)     15.      The  holy  river,  the  woman  Idazagga,  did  not  flow. 
Ninlil  stood  on  the  bank  of  the  canal  Nunbiir; 
With  holy  eyes  the  lord  of  ...  eyes  looked  upon  her; 
The  great  mountain,  father  Mulil,  of  holy  eyes,  with 

his  eyes  looked  upon  her; 
Her  shepherd,  he  who  determines  fate  of  the  holy 

eyes,  with  his  eyes  looked  upon  her; 
The  exalted  father  rising,  ran;    he  seized  her;    he 

kissed  her; 

The  heart  of  the  lady  exulted;   her  heart  was  cap- 
tivated, she  wished  it;  she  gave  herself  to  him; 
.     .     .     .     He  received  her;  he  cohabited  with  her; 
He  caused  it  to  rain. 

Then,  the  same  attitude  which  is  depicted  in  the  Hebrew  story, 
historically  in  the  case  of  Amnon  and  Tamar,  allegorically  in  the 
third  chapter  of  Genesis;  to  the  man  the  relation  is  one  that 
somehow  has  in  it  a  sense  of  sin,  of  something  wrong,  of  something 
that  weakens  or  injures;  and  now  that  it  is  accomplished,  that 
she  is  his,  that  'the  holy  river  .  .  .  flowed'  (i.  23)  he  repulses 
and  upbraids  her: 

To  his  wife  in  anger  he  said:  'Did  I  not  yield  to  thee?' 
To  Ninlil  in  anger  he  said:  'Did  I  not  yield  to  thee?' 
.     .     .     .     '  did  I  not  embrace  thee?    Did  I  not  know  thee? 
....     I  kissed  thee;  I  knew  thee; 
.     .     .     thou  didst  seize  me;  I  submitted; 

thou  didst  lie  down;  thou  didst  gain  the  mastery; 
.     .     .     thou  wast  enticing;  thou  wast  mighty.' 


8  This  term  'mountain  house',  applied  to  the  old  Sumerian  temple,  is  very 
familiar  to  the  Hebrew  student  from  its  similar  application  in  the  Hebrew 
scriptures.  Cf .  for  example,  Jer.  26,  18. 


144  John  P.  Peters 

To  the  woman,  as  represented  in  (ii),  however,  it  is  entirely 
different.  To  her  it  is  the  completion  of  her  being,  joy  and  the 
production  of  offspring.  She  speaks  to  Enlil  in  his  wrath,  she 
grasps* his  hand: 

In  a  dwelling  with  offspring  thou  shalt  lie  down. 

To  her  husband  she  spoke;  to  his  anger  she  gave  a  kiss; 

Resting  her  head  on  her  husband  she  kissed  him. 

Standing  brilliant  by  Enlil,  her  husband,  her  heart  rejoiced. 

The  liturgies  in   (ii)  11  and  following  seem  to  represent  some 

procession,  and  some  acts  of  some  description,  the  opening  of  the 

gates,  as  in  Psalm  24  of  the  Hebrew  Psalter,  and  an  answering 

back  and  forth.     So: 

Enlil,  the  hero  came; 

Enlil,  the  hero  entered; 

and  with  Enlil"  marched  the  50  great  gods,  and  the  seven  gods 
of  fate.  They  cast  out  the  evil  things  from  the  city;  Ninlil  came 
and  they  stood  before  the  temple  and  Enlil  called : 

O  man  of  the  great  gate!  man  of  the  lock! 

Man  of  the  strong  word;  man  of  the  lock! 

Thy  lady,  Ninlil  is  here,  etc. 

There  is  at  different  points  the  cry  of  rejoicing,  indicating  for 
what  purpose  the  liturgy  is  used,  as  in  (ii)  23  'Thy  lady,  Ninlil/ 
the  coming  of  the  river.  Enlil  comes  into  his  temple  with  great 
power  and  might  and  high  praise,  and  Ninlil  comes  with  him  (as 
(iii)  36,  37,  and  again  (iv)  24),  giving  grass  to  the  flock  and 
clothing  the  weak,  while  Enlil,  the  mighty  hero,  flashes  his 
weapon  and  overthrows  all  foes.  The  object  of  the  whole  is  to 
bring  about  the  union  of  Enlil  and  Ninlil,  to  bring  the  fertilizing 
flood  to  be  the  wife  of  the  great  god  Enlil,  that  so  flocks  and  herds, 
fields  and  grain  may  have  blessing.  All  ends  with  a  burst  of 
praise,  as  in  some  of  the  Hebrew  psalms:  'Enlil  is  lord,  Enlil  is 
king';  and  the  last  two  verses  are  'high  praise  to  mother  Ninlil, 
to  father  Enlil,  praise.' 

NUMBER  5.  This  fragment  Barton  suggests  belongs  to  an 
incantation  ritual,  to  avert  destructive  storms;  to  which  I. have 
nothing  to  add. 

NUMBER  6.  With  regard  to  No.  6,  however,  which  Barton  calls 
'A  Prayer  for  the  City  of  Ur,'  I  would  ask  whether  it  is  not  in 
nature  precisely  the  same  as  5,  and  would  refer  here  to  my  article 
on  the  Tammuz  liturgies  above  referred  to,  where  I  tried  to  point 
out  that  some  of  the  liturgies  published  b}^  Langdon,  which  he 


Notes  on  the  Early  Sumerian  Religion  145 

supposed  referred  to  Elamite  destructions  of  Nippur  and  the  like, 
plainly  referred  to  injury  done  by  storm,  and  were  liturgies  for 
what  I  called  the  vernal  house  cleaning,  the  vernal  restoration  of 
the  temples  after  the  destructive  winter  storms.  Naturally  in 
rituals  the  destruction  done  is  exaggerated,  and  so  it  must  not 
be  taken  literally  here  as  to  actual  amount.  If  this  suggestion  is 
correct,  then  Nos.  5  and  6  are  twins,  and  their  purpose  is  prac- 
tically the  same;  or  perhaps  the  first  is  an  incantation  to  avert 
the  storms,  the  second  a  litany  or  liturgy  of  restoration  after  the 
damage  done.  A  few  verses  will  illustrate  this,  I  think: 

Joy  from  the  fold  is  snatched;  the  storm  the  cow  cuts  off. 

The  thicket  of  reeds  he  overthrows. 

Joy  is  borne  away  by  the  whirlwind,  by  the  wind  no  tall 

grass  is  left. 
Ekharra  utters  a  curse,  and 

Its  land  .  .  .  the  whirlwind  extends  over  it. 
So  they  cry  to  'my  lady/  acknowledge  her  might,  beg  forgive- 
ness for  the  sins  of  the  city,  offer  Isbtar  cakes  to  Enlil,  tell  him 
of  the  disaster  and  beg  him  to  intervene,  for  his  'temples  are 
destroyed  like  a  jar  that  is  smashed,  thy  city,  the  second  which 
thou  foundedst,  is  struck  down;  it  cries  out.  Thy  house  weeps; 
0  speak,  lift  it  up.' 

Then  Ninlil  becomes  the  intercessor;  as  protrectress  of  the  city 
her  tears  flow;  she  cries  before  him,  begging  respite  for  the  city 
whose  temple  has  been  shattered,  whose  beloved  priests  can  no 
longer  approach  him.  Unfortunately  the  close  of  this  liturgy  is 
wanting.  The  Ishtar  cakes  in  (ii)  31,  which  appear  again  in  the 
following  tablet,  line  14,  naturally  remind  one  of  the  women  who 
le  the  cakes  for  the  queen  of  the  heavens  in  Jeremiah  44.  19, 
it  here  they  appear,  altho  called  Ishtar  cakes,  to  be  offered  to 
ilil,  not  to  his  spouse. 

NUMBER  7,  entitled  by  Barton  'A  Hymn  to  Ibisin/  is  in  its 
nature  and  use  similar  to  No.  3,  to  be  used  on  the  birthday  or 
accession  to  the  throne,  or  at  some  such  stated  time,  of  the  king 
of  Ur,  in  this  case  Ibisin,  who  is  regarded  as  divine.  It  celebrates 
the  good  work  that  he  has  done,  his  power,  etc.  He  has  built 
the  house  of  Enlil;  he  has  caused  proper  sacrifices  to  be  offered; 
he  celebrates  the  feasts  of  the  gods;  he  has  done  everything  to 
make  them  comfortable  and  happy,  and  hence  to  win  their  favor 
for  the  people;  he  protects  the  temple  and  so  thru  his  benevolent 
power  joy  comes  to  his  land.  And  the  pity  of  it  is,  as  Barton 

10    JAOS  41 


146  John  P.  Peters 

points  out,  that  he  was  an  inglorious  king,   who  did  nothing 
worth  while. 

NUMBER  8  is  designated  by  Barton  as  'A  New  Creation  Myth/ 
and  I  think  correctly;  but  this  creation  myth  is  liturgical  also, 
in  the  same  sense  as  104  in  the  Hebrew  Psalter,  or  the  psalms 
preceding  and  succeeding  that.  Such  psalms  sing  of  the  glory  of 
God  in  the  universe,  in  creation  and  the  like,  or  in  the  history  of 
His  people,  thus  magnifying  God  that  so  His  favor  may  be  won 
for  the  suppliants,  who  make  their  oblations  and  offer  their 
sacrifices  unto  Him.  Such  compositions  are  extremely  interesting 
as  setting  forth  the  ideas  of  the  people  using  them  with  regard 
to  creation  and  cosmogony,  or  with  regard  to  the  administration 
by  God  of  the  world.  Here  we  have  a  creation  myth  which  is 
characteristically  Babylonian.  That  is,  I  mean  to  say,  to  appre- 
ciate it,  one  must  see  things  from  the  standpoint  of  the  Babylonian 
conditions  of  life,  climate,  rivers  and  all.  First  we  have  the 
'mountain  of  heaven  and  earth/  and  the  assembly  of  the  great 
gods  looking  down  from  heaven  and  observing  what  happens. 
There  is  nothing  on  earth,  just  as  in  the  second  chapter  of  Genesis 
there  was  at  first  nothing  on  the  earth,  no  tree  had  been  born,  no 
grass  had  sprung  up,  land  and  water  were  not  separated.  There 
were  no  temple  terraces,  no  sheep,  no  cattle,  no  crops,  no  wells, 
no  canals,  the  very  names  of  the  gods  and  the  demi-gods  and  the 
demons  thru  whom  these  things  exist  and  who  exist  in  connection 
with  them  were  not  known.  There  was  no  grain  of  any  sort,  no 
possessions,  no  dwellings.  Then  comes  procreation,  with  frank 
mention  of  the  sexual  organs.  Thru  the  act  of  union  of  god  and 
goddess  mankind  comes  into  the  world,  but  naked  and  homeless, 
without  houses,  without  clothing.  Then  they  begin  with  rushes 
and  reed  ropes  to  make  dwellings  and  form  families  or  tribes; 
then  to  water  the  ground,  to  get  gardens  and  grow  greens.  On  the 
reverse  we  are  told  of  further  developments,  in  no  very  evident 
systematic  order,  to  be  sure;  flocks  enclosed  in  folds,  for  protec- 
tion against  the  storms,  a  more  developed  agriculture,  civic 
development,  with  law  given  from  the  gods,  increase  of  wealth, 
bringing  danger  of  attack,  and  hence  houses  and  cities  of  brick; 
and  at  the  end,  what  we  should  expect  earlier,  man  and  his  help- 
meet, as  in  the  Hebrew  story.  While  I  have  called  this  a  liturgy, 
and  presume  that  it  was  sung  as  such  in  temple  services,  there  are 
in  it  no  liturgical  and  ritual  notes  such  as  exist  in  all  the  other 
tablets  considered.  It  is  purely  a  hymn. 


Notes  on  the  Early  Sumerian  Religion  147 

NUMBER  9  tells  somewhat  dramatically  the  tale  of  the  rise  to 
power  as  king  of  Isin  of  Ishbiurra  of  Mair,  the  Sumerian  patriot, 
summoned  by  Father  Enlil  to  break  the  bonds  of  the  oppressed, 
like  Moses.  Barton  calls  it  'An  Oracle  for  Ishbiurra,  founder  of 
the  dynasty  of  Isin.'  I  think  it  is  a  Te  Deum  or  hymn  of  triumph 
for  Ishbiurra's  victories,  something  like  Exodus  15,  or  2  Sam.  22, 
if  I  may  again  compare  with  Hebrew  Psalms  and  liturgies. 

NUMBER  10  Dr.  Barton  calls  'An  excerpt  from  an  exorcism.' 
What  is  here  published,  and  which  Dr.  Barton  notes  is  part  of  a 
larger  text,  consists  of  two  fairly  equal  stanzas,  the  first  closing 
with  a  statement  that  Enlil's  priests  are  making  Ishtar  cakes,  or 
a  direction  to  them  to  make  Ishtar  cakes  for  his  sanctuary;  and 
the  second  with  the  bidding  to  make  Ishtar  cakes  for  his  temple, 
Emakh.  The  first  stanza,  preceding  the  clause  about  the  Ishtar 
cakes,  is  a  glorification  of  Enlil,  as  prince  who  terrifies  the  land 
with  darkness,  and  rejoices  it  with  light,  who  give  abundance, 
who  inhabits  the  mountain,  a  protector  and  creator.  The  second 
stanza  is  an  appeal  to  him  dwelling  in  the  mountain,  the  just 
shepherd,  to  speak  the  word  of  command  which  brngs  blessing. 
I  fancy  that  this  is  the  liturgy  for  the  ritual  act  of  making  the 
Ishtar  cakes  (lines  12  and  22),  the  incantation  to  be  sung  during 
the  process.  If  that  be  so,  then  we  have  here  also  some  intimation 
of  the  use  and  purpose  of  Ishtar  cakes,  to  please,  propitiate  and 
strengthen  Enlil,  that  he  may  speak  the  word  of 'life. 

NUMBER  11  is  a  fragment  of  the  text  misnamed  by  Dr.  Langdon 
'Liturgy  to  Nintud  on  the  Creation  of  Man  and  Woman/  which 
needs  for  its  understanding  the  remaining  portions. 

In  these  notes  I  have  followed  Dr.  Barton's  translations  which, 
considering  the  difficulties  of  the  language  and  the  fragmentary 
character  of  the  texts,  he  would  be  the  first,  I  fancy,  to  designate 
as  tentative.  I  have  ventured  to  comment  on  them  at  all  only 
because  as  I  read  and  studied  his  translations  and  his  notes  I 
have  felt  that  out  of  my  personal  experience  in  the  country  of 
these  Liturgies  I  was  able  to  understand  and  appreciate  some 
points  which  the  text  scholar  might  overlook. 

As  elucidating  further  the  liturgical  use  of  these  texts  I  desire 
to  call  attention  also  to  the  text  published  by  Langdon  under 
the  title  The  Sumerian  Paradise  of  the  Gods,  and  recently  repub- 
lished  by  Mercer  in  the  Journal  of  the  Society  of  Oriental  Research. 
This  was  a  liturgy  to  be  used  in  connection  with  a  feast  either  of 
fertilization,  of  the  coming  of  the  fertilizing  floods,  or  possibly  of 


148  John  P.  Peters 

harvest  or  sowing,  I  am  inclined  to  think  the  former.  As  this 
liturgy  itself  indicates,  bearing  out  the  account  which  has  come 
down  thru  Herodotus,  and  our  discoveries  of  abundant  use  of 
sexual  emblems  at  Nippur  and  elsewhere,  and  especially  of  the 
thrusting  of  a  phallus  into  a  wall,  the  ritual  for  procuring  the 
fertilization  of  the  crops  was  connected  with  sexual  license  on  the 
part  of  the  worshippers.  This  is  a  '  sympathetic'  ritual  act, 
participating  in  and  thus  promoting  the  union  of  god  and  goddess 
by  which  fertilization  is  produced.  Generation  plays  a  mighty 
part  in  such  early  religious  documents,  as  in  early  ritual,  the 
perpetual  miracle  and  mystery  of  the  origin  of  life.  Enlil,  the 
great  god  of  Nippur,  looks  down  from  his  mountain  house  on  the 
beautiful  serpent,  the  winding  river,  lying  before  him,  and  is 
enticed,  and  she  becomes  his  mate.  This  beautiful  goddess, 
whose  floods  give  birth  to  trees  and  grain  and  flocks  and  all  that 
man  needs,  brings  also  destruction  with  her  storms  and  floods, 
and  sickness,  as  the  aftermath  of  her  inundations.  It  is  the  rule 
and  dominance  of  the  river  by  the  Lord  of  the  mountain  house,, 
with  his  temples  and  cities  and  terraces  and  dikes,  which  brings 
to  men  the  blessing  of  wealth,  and  worship  and  ritual  must  be 
developed  for  maintaining  and  controlling  the  one  and  the  other. 
In  these  texts  one  gets  glimpses  of  the  very  foundation  concep- 
tions of  the  religion  of  Babylonia,  speculations  on  the  develop- 
ment of  its  civilization,  and  occasional  allusions  to  events  of  its 
history. 

OBVERSE 

1.  2.  The  salutation  to  the  god  and  goddess  in  their  holy 
shrine,  the  mountain  of  Dilmun;  a  sort  of  'oyez,  oyez.' 

3-12.  The  glorification  of  the  holy  sanctuary  in  which  Enki 
cohabits  with  his  mate.  Does  this  use  of  '  mountain  of  Dilmun' 
imply  a  legend  which  goes  back  of  Nippur,  ascribing  the  origin 
of  its  shrine  and  its  cult  to  an  older  derivation  from  Dilmun? 

13-30.  The  recital  of  conditions  before  the  love  and  copulation 
of  god  and  goddess;  before  the  god  of  the  mountain  house,  of 
cities  and  terraces  and  dikes,  and  the  goddess  of  the  river,  and  its 
floods  made  benevolent  by  canals,  were  brought  together.  Nature 
could  not  function  aright,  all  was  perverted. 

31-11.  6.  As.  in  the  Bible  story  of  the  garden  of  Eden  it  is  the 
woman  who  with  the  serpent  entices  man  to  the  sexual  act  which 
shall  make  him  the  producer  of  life,  like  to  the  gods,  living  on 
forever,  so  in  this  recital  it  is  the  female  part,  the  goddess,  who 


Notes  on  the  Early  Sumerian  Religion  149 

entices  the  god.  A  canal  there  must  be,  the  river  must  be  brought, 
by  the  taming  of  which  under  him  the  water  of  life  may  be  given 
to  the  land. 

7-19.  The  recital  ends  in  a  burst  of  prayer  and  praise  for  the 
coming  of  the  water,  closing  with  the  assurance  of  fulfilment  of 
the  petition  in  the  usual  ritual  manner. 

20-45.  Then  comes  the  impregnation  of  the  goddess  and  the 
birth  of  Tagtug.  This  is  not  three  impregnations  and  three 
births,  but  one,  sung  three  times  over  in  liturgical  fashion  with 
variations,  to  give  emphasis  and  solemnity.  Thru  it  one  sees 
also  the  kind  of  ritual  acts,  symbolical  and  actual,  which  were 
part  of  the  service  of  this  festival. 

REVERSE 

13-48.  This  brings  the  life-giving  power  of  the  water,  or  the 
product  of  the  water,  Ninkur's  sons,  Tagtug,  who  in  some  symbolic 
fashion  seems  to  be  brought  into  the  temple  and  enthroned  there, 
displacing  Enki  in  a  sort  of  feast  of  misrule.  Then  Enki  comes 
as  a  husbandman,  a  gardener,  with  similar  symbolism,  and  is 
admitted  thus  into  his  own  temple,  where  he  proceeds  to  honor 
Tagtug  and  place  him  on  the  great  throne  in  the  chief  sanctuary. 

Then  follows  a  recitative,  telling  of : 

II.  7-15,  the  planting  of  the  fruits,  born  of  the  mating  of  god  and 
goddess,  and,  16-36,  the  blessing,  naming  and  designation  of  all 
the  fruits  sprung  from  their  union. 

37-111.  23.  Then  comes  the  purposeful  and  dramatic  clash  of 
disharmony,  as  a  foil  the  better  by  contrast  to  bring  out  the  desired 
effect.  Ninharsag,  wrathful,  demands  her  place  and  reward  and 
honor  in  the  sanctuary,  that  she  who  has  born  Tagtug  be  received 
into  the  shrine  and  honored  there,  which  is  done  and  she  'sat 
down  in  majesty.' 

24-42.  Then  follows  a  recitative  describing  the  many  children 
born  of  the  happy  union  of  god  and  goddess,  who  have  power  to 
heal  all  ills  of  man;  closing  with  a  hymn  of  praise,  43-50,  to  all 
these  divine  generations',  to  which  is  added  51,  in  behalf  of  the 
scribes  who  write  the  sacred  texts,  the  god  of  scribes,  Nidaba. 


NOTE   ON   DR.    PETERS'    NOTES    AND    SUGGESTIONS 
ON  THE  EARLY  SUMERIAX  RELIGION  AND  ITS  EXPRESSION 

GEORGE  A.  BARTON 
BRYN  MAWR  COLLEGE 

THE  TEXTS  PUBLISHED  in  my  Miscellaneous  Babylonian  Inscrip- 
tions are  most  of  them  extremely  difficult,  especially  in  their 
present  fragmentary  condition.  I  have  read  Dr.  Peters'  com- 
ments on  them  with  much  interest  and  am  grateful  to  him  for  his 
attempt  to  elucidate  their  meaning  from  the  knowledge  gained  by 
his  experience  in  Babylonia.  His  observations  in  most  instances 
commend  themselves.  It  is  a  question  whether  he  has  not  at 
times  over-worked  the  liturgical  idea.  While  I  have  that  feeling 
in  reading  his  notes,  I  am  not  prepared  to  say  that  he  has. 

The  object  of  the  present  note  is  to  discuss  Dr.  Peters'  sugges- 
tion that  text  No.  1  is  a  hymn  or  liturgy  in  part  in  praise  of  a 
king  of  Kesh,  who  had  rebuilt  the  temple  at  Nippur.  This 
possibility,  though  it  occurred  to  me  when  editing  the  text,  was 
not  seriously  entertained,  because  so  little  is  known  historically  of 
Kesh,  that  such  a  consideration  seemed  to  land  us  in  an  historical 
mist.  The  suggestion  is,  however,  worthy  of  more  serious  con- 
sideration than  was  then  given  it.  If  it  should  turn  out  to  point 
to  an  historical  fact,  it  might  open  a  new  vista  in  Babylonian 
history. 

The  ideogram  employed  in  our  text  for  Kesh  is  Brlinnow,  No. 
10859  (=  CT  11.49,  32  ab).  The  question  is,  does  this  ideogram 
designate  a  city  that  was  later  designated  by  another  ideogram, 
or  does  it  refer  to  a  city  never  designated  by  another  ideogram? 
If  the  latter  alternative  is  true,  then  Kesh  disappeared  at  the 
dawn  of  written  history  and  we  know  practically  nothing  about 
it.  If  the  former  is  true,  then  it  is  possible  that  something  of  its 
later  history  is  known,  or  at  least  ascertainable.  Clay  (Empire 
of  the  Amorites,  p.  104)  identifies  Kesh  with  Opis.  He  does  this 
on  the  authority  of  Thureau-Dangin,  who  in  SAK,  pp.  20,  21,  read 
the  ideogram  UQU-Kesh.  Later  in  his  work,  however,  (p.  225 
note  d)  Thureau-Dangin  recognized  UflU  as  referring  to  Opis. 
Clay's  identification  is  accordingly  erroneous.  Kesh  is  designated 
by  quite  a  different  ideogram.  If  Kesh  were  the  same  as  Opis, 


1 


Note  on  Dr.  Peters'  Notes  and  Suggestions  151 

and  this  foundation  cylinder  celebrated  the  repair  of  the  temple 
of  Enlil  by  a  king  of  Opis,  it  might  record  an  historical  incident 
in  the  work  of  one  of  those  kings  of  Opis  whose  names  are  recorded 
on  the  dynastic  tablet  discovered  some  years  ago  by  Scheil.  In 
that  case  the  cylinder  would  be  older  by  one  or  two  hundred  years 
than  the  date  assigned  it  in  my  book.  There  is,  however,  no 
satisfactory  evidence  known  to  me  for  the  identification  of  Kesh 
with  Opis. 

A  stronger  argument  for  the  identification  of  Kesh  with  Kish 
could  be  made.  The  ideogram  for  Kesh  (Ki-e-es,  Briinnow, 
10859)  is  also  transliterated  Kish  (Ki-'-is,  Briinnow,  10860). l 
The  dynasty  to  which  Naram-Sin  and  Shargalisharri  belonged 
was  a  dynasty  of  Kish  and  Agade,  and  if  Kesh  were  an  archaic 
designation  of  Kish,  the  city  might  so  be  referred  to  in  a  poetical 
composition  such  as  our  cylinder  contains.  The  identification  of 
Kesh  with  Kish  seems  to  be  accepted  by  Thureau-Dangin  (SAK 
225  note  d),  and  by  Harper,  who  translated  the  ideogram  by  the 
name  Kish  (Code  of  Hammurabi,  p.  5).  In  the  code,  however, 
the  god  of  Kish  is  Za-ma-ma  (read  by  Clay,  Za-ba-ba),  while  the 
god  of  Kesh  is  Ma-ma.  As  the  syllables  md  and  ma  are  repre- 
sented in  the  two  names  by  different  cuneiform  signs,  and  Kesh 
and  Kish  are  designated  by  Different  ideograms,  it  seems  precari- 
ous to  assume  that  the  two  cities  were  the  same. 

Kesh  was  apparently  situated  somewhere  near  Kish  and  Opis 
(Thureau-Dangin,  loc.  cit.).  There  is  no  evidence  known  to  me 
of  a  king  or  dynasty  of  Kesh  that  conquered  Babylonia.  Never- 
theless Dr.  Peters'  idea  that  the  jcylinder  celebrates  the  work  of 
a  king  who  rebuilt  the  temple  commends  itself  as  probable.  It 
is  not  necessary  to  assume  that  this  monarch  was  a  king  of  Kesh; 
if  he  proceeded  to  Nippur  from  Kesh,  where  he  had  made  some 
conquest,  or  repaired  some  temple,  the  conditions'  of  our  text 
would  be  fulfilled. 

While,  therefore,  I  am  favorably  inclined  to  Dr.  Peters'  inter- 
pretation of  the  text,  I  am  inclined,  while  awaiting  fuller  informa- 
tion as  to  the  locality  and  identity  of  Kesh,  tentatively  to  hold 
as  before  that  in  all  probability  the  cylinder  is  from  the  time  of 
Naram-Sin. 


1  The  city  of  Kish  is  usually  denoted  by  a  different  ideogram  (Briinnow, 
No.  8904  and  Meissner,  No.  6688).  In  the  one  passage  known  to  me  in 
which  this  ideogram  is  syllabically  defined  (Reisner's  Hymnen,  57.  13,  14)  the 
name  is  spelled  Ki-si,  not  Ki-i-is. 


SOME    LITERARY    ASPECTS    OF    THE    ABSENCE 

OF  TRAGEDY   IN   THE   CLASSICAL  SANSKRIT 

DRAMA 

VIRGINIA  SAUNDERS 
NEW  YORK  CITY 

EVERYONE  who  is  acquainted  with  Sanskrit  dramatic  literature 
is  aware  that  one  of  the  most  striking  characteristics  of  the  so-called 
classical  drama  is  the  absence  of  a  tragic  ending.  The  discovery 
of  the  manuscripts  of  the  thirteen  plays  attributed  to  Bhasa  proves 
that  this  was  not  true  of  the  older  dramas,  as  some  of  them  are 
real  tragedies.  But  this  fact  only  makes  more  puzzling  and  more 
interesting  the  problem  of  the  consistency  with  which  the  later 
dramatists  avoided  the  tragic  ending. 

In  a  number  of  the  later  plays  there  are  many  distressing  occur- 
rences during  the  progress  of  the  action,  but  there  is  never  any 
tragedy  in  the  sense  of  calamity  which  remains  at  the  close  of  the 
last  act.  There  are  near  approaches  to  this  but  the  tragic  outcome 
is  always  prevented  by  the  timely  assistance  of  a  friend  or  the 
intervention  of  the  gods'. 

As  Dr.  Lindenau  has  pointed  out  in  his  Bhasa-Studien,1  there 
must  have  been  known  to  Bhasa  a  form  of  the  Natya-Sastra  older 
than  the  recension  we  have.  In  this  older  form  the  strict  rules 
concerning  the  happy  ending  were  probably  lacking.  In  the 
Bharata  known  to  us,  however,  and  in  other  dramaturgical  works, 
the  rules  on  this  point  of  avoiding  an  unhappy  ending  are  very 
definite  and  they  were  very  strictly  followed  by  the  classical 
dramatists. 

The  text-books  of  dramaturgy,  as  we  have  them,  in  giving  the 
different  conclusions  which  a  play  might  have,  seem  to  make  no 
provision  for  anything  opposed  to  the  ultimate  happiness  of  the 
hero  and  heroine,2  and  it  is  distinctly  stated  that  the  death  of  the 
hero  or  principal  person  should  not  occur  anywhere  in  the  play.3 

1  Bhasa-studien:  Ein  Beitrag  zur  Geschichte  des  altindischen  Dramas,  von 
Dr.  Max  Lindenau,  Leipzig  1918,  p.  29. 

'See  G.  C.  O.  Haas,  Dasarupa,  tr.  and  text  (1912),  pp.  92  and  145;  LeVi, 
Le  theatre  indien  (1890),  p.  86. 

3  DR,  p.  93. 


Absence  of  Tragedy  in  the  Classical  Sanskrit  Drama        153 

Concerning  one  type  of  play4  it  is  stated  that  the  death  of  a  great 
person  must  not  be  presented  even  though  it  took  place  in  the 
legend  from  which  the  plot  is  derived.5  Not  only  must  the  hero 
and  the  heroine  suffer  no  calamity  at  the  end  of  the  play  but  they 
must  not  even  be  sorrowful. 

There  were  a  number  of  violations  of  the  rules  concerning  the 
things  considered  indecorous  to  present  before  the  eyes  of  the 
audience,6  but  usually  they  took  place  off-stage.  Even  the  death 
of  the  hero  and  heroine  occurs  but  there  is  always  a  quick  restora- 
tion and  all  ends  happily.7 

I  have  said  that  the  dramatists  of  the  later  plays  adhered  strictly 
to  the  rules  regarding  the  happy  ending.  I  recognize  the  fact  that 
the  rules,  as  we  know  them,  may  have  been  made  after  the  plays 
were  written,  but  even  if  this  were  so  there  must  have  been  a  strong 
tradition  which  had  become  firmly  established,  otherwise  there 
would  never  have  been  the  remarkable  consistency  we  find  in  the 
technique  of  the  plays. 

Whether  written  or  unwritten  there  seems  no  doubt  that  a  deep 
veneration  for  these  rules  is  the  cause  of  lack  of  tragedy  in  the  later 
Sanskrit  drama. 

There  is  no  reason,  I  believe,  to  think  that  some  of  the  writers 
of  these  plays  could  not  have  written  real  tragedies  if  they  had  so 
wished.  There  is  an  abundance  of  evidence  to  show  that  these 
playwrights  were  keen  psychologists,  and  they  were  certainly  well 
versed  in  the  working  out  of  cause  and  effect.  With  these  qualifi- 
cations and  the  ability,  so  amply  proved  in  numerous  passages,  to 
portray  deep  and  noble  emotions,  we  are  justified  in  concluding 
that  the  failure  to  write  tragedy  was  not  due  to  the  inability  of  the 
writers.. 

In  spite  of  the  fine  qualities  of  many  of  the  Sanskrit  plays  we  are 
almost  sure,  in  reading  those  which  are  essentially  potential 
tragedies,  to  find  ourselves  wishing  they  had  continued  so  to  the 
end.  The  effect  upon  us  is  that  of  the  modern  melodrama — the 
heart  may  be  satisfied  but  the  artistic  sense  suffers  a  shock. 

It  is  the  purpose  of  this  paper  to  consider  how  a  few  of  these 


4  Ihamrga. 

6DR,  p.  105;  Levi,  p.  145. 

6  For  examples  see  Mrcchakatika,  Act  3,  and  Viddhasalabhanjika,  Acts  3 
and  4,  Gray  tr.,  JAGS  vol.  27. 

7  See  Canda-Kau&ka,  Nagananda,  and  Mrcehakatika. 


154  Virginia  Saunders 

plays  could  be  changed  into  tragedies  without  altering  the  psy- 
chology of  the  characters,  in  fact  changing  nothing  but  the  ending, 
and  perhaps  making  a  slight  readjustment  of  scenes. 

Let  us  take,  for  example,  the  Vikramorvasi  of  Kalidasa.  In 
order  to  obtain  the  invariable  happy  conclusion  the  author  has 
greatly  changed  the  original  story  of  UrvasI  and  King  Pururavas, 
which  allowed  them  to  remain  together  so  long  as  the  King  did  not 
behold  the  son  to  be  borne  to  him  by  UrvasI.  By  removing  the 
inevitable  tragedy  of  such  a  love  Kalidasa  has  weakened  his  drama 
from  the  artistic  standpoint.  Although  he  had  a  fine  tragic  plot 
all  ready  for  his  poetic  touch,  in  order  to  avoid  the  tragedy,  he 
lowered  his  heroine  from  her  divine  estate  and  even  caused  the 
great  divinity,  Indra,  to  break  his  word. 

Practically  the  only  change  of  any  importance  needed  to  make 
a  tragedy  of  the  Vikramorvasi  would  be  in  the  last  scene.  We  can 
easily  imagine  the  fine  scene,  between  UrvasI  and  Pururavas,  that 
Kalidasa  might  have  written,  in  which  the  king  is  in  a  tragic 
conflict  of  emotion  between  his  joy  in  beholding,  for  the  first  time, 
his  son  and  heir,  and  his  agony  of  sorrow  at  the  loss  of  Urva§I 
resulting  from  the  sight  of  this  same  child. 

A  further  example  is  the  Uttara-Rama-Carita  of  Bhavabhuti. 
Out  of  the  material  of  this  play  could  have  been  made  a  great 
tragedy.  If  Rama's  moral  conflict  between  his  kingly  duties  and 
his  love  for  his  wife  had  been  kept  the  central  theme,  and  the 
whole  play  had  thus  been  based  upon  it ;  if  the  banishment  of  Sita, 
after  much  inward  struggle  and  spiritual  suffering,  had  come 
toward  the  end  of  the  play,  we  might  have  had  a  tragedy  worthy 
even  of  Shakespeare.  This  would  have  been  the  more  assured 
through  Bhavabhuti's  power  of  description,  his  tenderness  and 
beauty  of  thought,  and  his  inherent  sense  for  the  dramatic. 

The  Nagananda  of  Harsa  could  quickly  be  transformed  into  a 
tragedy  by  changing  some  of  the  lighter  scenes  slightly  and  elimi- 
nating the.  intervention  of  the  gods  at  the  end.  If  Jlmutavahana 
were  not  restored  to  life  the  play  would  be  not  only  more  tragic 
but  more  artistic.  A  fine  contrast  could  have  been  made  between 
the  hero's  love  for  his  bride  and  his  devotion  to  what  he  felt  to  be 
his  compelling  duty.  The  hero  has  sacrificed  his  life  willingly  and 
we  feel  that,  according  to  all  the  rules  of  art,  he  should  not  come  to 
life  again. 

Bhavabhuti's  Malatlmadhava  has  often  been  called  the  Romeo 
and  Juliet  of  the  Sanskrit  drama.  To  any  one  who  is  not  familiar 


Absence  of  Tragedg  in  the  Classical  Sanskrit  Drama        155 

with  the  subject  this  comparison  with  Shakespeare's  play  would 
naturally  imply  that  Malatlmadhava  is  a  tragedy.  There  is  a 
similarity,  indeed,  between  the  two  dramas  in  many  points,  and 
there  are  several  near  approaches  to  tragedy  in  this  Sanskrit  play, 
but  all  ends  well.  This  play  is  very  dramatic  and  the  elements 
of  tragedy  are  strong.  To  develop  these  but  few  changes  would 
need  to  be  made.  The  father  of  Malati  should  appear  as  one  of 
the  principal  characters.  His  fear  of  the  king's  disfavor  could  be 
strongly  dwelt  upon  and  contrasted  with  his  love  for  his  daughter. 
By  showing  this  conflict  as  a  moral  struggle  the  tragic  note  would 
be  established  at  once.  Nandana,  the  king's  favorite,  to  whom 
the  king  wishes  Malati  married,  would  have  to  appear  in  person 
in  order  to  give  a  contrast  with  Madhava,  the  hero.  The  very  fine 
scene  at  the  end,  in  which  Malati  wanders  upon  the  field  of  the 
dead  and  is  finally  about  to  be  offered  as  a  victim  to  the  dreadful 
goddess  Camunda,  need  not  have  been  changed  at  all.  All  that  is 
needed  to  make  the  play  a  real  Romeo  and  Juliet  is  to  delay  the 
hero  in  his  arrival  upon  the  field  of  the  dead  just  about  one  minute. 
Such  an  ending  would  be  just  retribution  to  the  father  for  sacri- 
ficing his  child's  happiness  rather  than  risk  the  king's  disfavor. 

The  Canda-Kausika  of  Kshemisvara  is  filled  with  tragic  incidents 
from  the  time  the  king  is  cursed  by  the  angry  hermit  to  the  end 
of  the  play,  when  the  little  prince,  whose  death  occurs  as  the 
final  overwhelming  sorrow,  is  restored  to  life  by  the  gods  and  the 
king  receives  again  his  lost' kingdom.  Nothing  but  divine  inter- 
vention could  possibly  have  saved  this  play  from  being  a  complete 
tragedy. 

These  are  suggestions  simply  to  show  how  some  of  the  Sanskrit 
dramas  might  have  been,  without  much  change  excepting  the 
final  outcome,  made  tragedies  worthy  of  high  honor,  and  how  these- 
have  probably  been  lost  to  us  through  the  rules  prohibiting 
unhappy  endings. 

I  have  not  mentioned  the  incident  in  Harsa's  Priyadarsika  of  the 
heroine  being  bitten  by  a  serpent  and  seeming  to  be  dead,  nor  in 
the  Mrcchakatika,  ascribed  to  Sudraka,  of  the  apparent  killing  of 
Vasantasena,  because  they  are  merely  dramatic  devices  used  to 
further  the  plot  and  not  the  logical  tragic  result  of  previous  actions. 
These  incidents  might  be  compared  to  the  supposed  death  of 
Hermione  in  the  Winter's  Tale,  of  Imogen  in  Cymbeline,  or  of  Hero 
in  Much  Ado  About  Nothing.  I  should  mention  in  this  connec- 
tion the  Svapriavasavadatta,  one  of  the  Bhasa  plays.  In  this- 


156  Virginia  Saunders 

play  the  false  report  of  the  Queen's  death  is  used  to  bring  about 
the  happy  ending.  Here  the  audience  knows  from  the  beginning 
that  the  Queen  is  not  really  dead. 

We  know  that  at  least  as  early  as  Kalidasa  the  strict  rules, 
whether  written  or  traditional,  barring  tragedy  from  the  Hindu 
stage,  were  firmly  established  and  closely  observed.  What  caused 
the  introduction  of  these  rules  we  do  not  know.  Keith  has  attempt- 
ed to  explain  the  invariable  happy  ending  by  finding  its  origin  in 
the  ritual  of  the  spririg.  festival  in  which  summer  triumphs  over 
winter.8  Of  course  in  the  light  of  the  Bhasa  plays  this  explanation 
would  lose  its  force.  Lindenau  believes  the  solution  is  to  be 
sought  in  the  simple  fact  of  the  dramatists'  yielding  to  the  taste 
and  demand  of  the  public.9 

I  cannot  feel  that  the  last  word  has  been  said  on  this  very  inter- 
esting phase  of  Hindu  thought  as  shown  in  the  drama.  The  evi- 
dence does  not  seem  yet  to  be  sufficient  for  a  final  judgment.  Per- 
haps Dr.  Belvalkar,  in  his  promised  critical  edition  of  the  Natya- 
Sastra,  will  have  some  new  theory  to  offer  which  may  help  to 
clear  up  the  problem. 


8  'Origin  of  the  Drama',  JRA.S  1912,  p.  423. 

9  Bhasa-studien,  p.  31,  note  1. 


BRIEF   NOTES 

The  Tower  of  Babel  at  Borsippa 

I  am  pleased  to  see  that  Dr.  Kraeling  (above,  p.  276  ff.)  main- 
tains the  identification  of  the  Tower  of  Babel  with  Birs  Nimrud. 
That  has  been  my  view  ever  since  I  first  saw  the  remarkable  ruins 
of  Birs  Nimrud  in  1889.  They  are  far  more  striking  to  the  eye 
than  anything  in  Babylon,  and  they  lie  sufficiently  near  to  Babylon 
to  make  the  ordinary  man  connect  them  with  the  famous  name 
of  Babel,  for  indeed  Borsippa  must  have  seemed  to  him  no  more 
than  a  suburb  of  the  great  city.  It  seems  to  me,  however,  that 
Dr.  Kraeling  has  omitted  the  best  evidence  of  his  theory,  which 
I  cited  in  Nippur  (Vol.  1,  217)  in  .1897.  Because  it  was  written 
so  long  ago  that  it  has  passed  out  of  mind,  I  venture  to  quote  the 
passage : 

'In  the  clay  cylinders  of  Nebuchadrezzar  found  by  Sir  Henry 
Rawlinson  in  the  corners  of  the  Ziggurat  of  Birs  Nimrud,  we  read: 

"Nebuchadrezzar,  king  of  Babylon,  the  rightful  ruler,  the 
expression  of  the  righteous  heart  of  Marduk,  the  exalted  high 
priest,  the  beloved  of  Nebo,  the  wise  prince  who  devotes  his  care 
to  the  affairs  of  the  great  gods,  the  unwearying  ruler,  the  restorer 
of  Esagila  and  Ezida,  the  son  and  heir  of  Nabopolassar,  king  of 
Babylon,  am  I. 

"  Marduk  the  great  god  formed  me  aright  and  commissioned  me 
to  perform  his  restoration;  Nebo,  guider  of  the  universe  of  heaven 
and  earth,  placed  in  my  hand  the  right  sceptre;  Esagila,  the  house 
of  heaven  and  earth,  the  abode  of  Marduk,  lord  of  the  gods,  Ekua, 
the  sanctuary  of  his  lordship,  I  adorned  gloriously  with  shining 
gold.  Ezida  I  built  anew,  and  completed  its  construction  with 
silver,  gold,  precious  stones,  bronze,  musukkani  wood,  and  cedar 
wood.  Timinanki,  the  ziggurat  of  Babylon,  I  built  and  com- 
pleted; of  bricks  glazed  with  lapis-lazuli  (blue)  I  erected  its 
summit. 

"At  that  time  the  house  of  the  seven  divisions  of  heaven  and 
earth,  the  ziggurat  of  Borsippa,  which  a  former  king  had  built 
and  carried  up  to  the  height  of  forty-two  ells,  but  the  summit  of 
which  he  had  not  erected,  was  long  since  fallen  into  decay,  and  its 
water  conduits  had  become  useless;  rain  storms  and  tempests  had 
penetrated  its  unbaked  brick-work;  the  bricks  which  cased  it 


158  Brief  Notes 

were  bulged  out,  the  unbaked  bricks  of  its  terraces  were  converted 
into  rubbish  heaps.  The  great  lord  Marduk  moved  my  heart  to 
rebuild  it.  Its  place  I  changed  not  and  its  foundation  I  altered 
not.  In  a  lucky  month,  on  an  auspicious  day  I  rebuilt  the  unbaked 
bricks  of  its  terraces  and  its  encasing  bricks,  which  were  broken 
away,  and  I  raised  up  that  which  was  fallen  down.  My  inscriptions 
I  put  upon  the  kiliri  of  its  buildings.  To  build  it  and  to  erect  its 
summit  I  set  my  hand.  I  built  it  anew  as  in  former  times;  as  in 
days  of  yore  I  erected  its  summit. 

"Nebo,  rightful  son,  lordly  messenger,  majestic  friend  of 
Marduk,  look  kindly  on  my  pious  works;  long  life,  enjoyment  of 
health,  a  firm  throne,  a  long  reign,  the  overthrow  of  foes,  and 
conquest  of  the  land  of  the  enemy  give  me  as  a  gift.  On  thy 
righteous  tablet  which  determines  the  course  of  heaven  and  earth, 
record  for  me  length  of  days,  wr^te  for  me  wealth.  Before  Marduk, 
lord  of  heaven  and  earth,  the  father  who  begat  thee,  make  pleasant 
my  days,  speak  favorably  for  me.  Let  this  be  in  thy  mouth, 
'Nebuchadrezzar,  the  restorer  king.'  ' 

Nebuchadrezzar  describes  the  condition  in  which  the  ziggurat 
was  when  he  found  it.  It  was  built  long  before  his  day,  and  built 
with  very  ambitious  ideas.  It  was  forty-two  ells  in  height,  but 
the  summit  had  never  been  completed.  The  consequence  of  this 
failure  to  erect  the  summit  was  that  the  water  struck  into  the 
unprotected  mud  bricks  forming  the  mass  of  the  interior  of  the 
ziggurat,  dissolved  them,  and  broke  and  bulged  out  the  casing 
walls  of  baked  bricks  by  which  the  different  terraces  were  held  in, 
reducing  the  whole  to  a  huge  mass  of  ruins.  The  water  conduits 
referred  to  are  such  as  Haynes  found  on  the  sides  of  the  ziggurat 
at  Nippur,  designed  to  carry  off  the  water  from  the  surfaces  of  the 
upper  terraces,  and  save  the  whole  structure  from  decay.  These 
conduits  are  useful  only  in  case  proper  arrangements  are  made  to 
carry  into  them  the  water  falling  on  the  surfaces  of  the  upper 
terraces.  The  failure  in  this  case  to  ' erect  the  summit',  and  the 
consequent  soaking  of  the  water  into  the  clay  bricks  of  the  interior, 
soon  rendered  these  conduits  useless. 

The  striking  similarities  of  this  story  to  that  of  the  Tower  of 
Babel  are,  outside  of  the  site,  the  extremely  ambitious  nature  of 
this  ziggurat  of  Borsippa  which  Nebuchadrezzar  found  in  ruins, 
and  the  fact  that  after  it  had  been  raised  to  a  great  height  the 
work  was  abandoned,  leaving  the  building  in  such  an  incomplete 
condition  that  its  ruin  was  inevitable. 


Brief  Notes  159 

\ 

As  Nebuchadrezzar  found  it,  the  tower  was  little  more  than  an 
enormous  mass  of  ruins.  He  built  it  over  entirely, 'and  made  it  a 
seven-staged  ziggurat.  It  is  the  ruins  of  Nebuchadrezzar's  ziggurat 
which  constitute  the  present  Birs  Nimrud,  and  the  explorations 
which  have  been  conducted  there  revealed  the  seven  stages  still 
existing. 

Now,  Nebuchadrezzar  gives  no  similar  description  of  the  ruined 
and  incomplete  condition  of  any  other  ziggurat  which  he  rebuilt. 
He  rebuilt,  among  other  places,  the  ziggurat  of  Esagil  in  Babylon, 
but  he  says  nothing  of  its  ruined  condition.  Evidently  the  ruined 
condition  of  the  ziggurat  at  Borsippa,  in  connection  with  its 
great  size  and  ambitious  design,  made  a  strong  impression  upon 
his  mind,  or  the  mind  of  the  writer  of  his  inscription.  This  is  not 
a  positive  proof  that  it  made  a  similar  impression  on  the  world  at 
large,  yet  the  natural  induction  is  that  the  ruined  condition  of 
this  ziggurat  was  notorious,  and  impressed  all  beholders.  How 
long  before  the  time  of  Nebuchadrezzar  it  had  fallen  into  such  a 
condition,  it  is  impossible  from  our  present  information  to  say. 
Nebuchadrezzar  says  'long  since',  and  does  not  mention  the 
name  of  the  original  builder,  calling  him  merely  'a  former  king', 
as  though  its  original  construction  were  a  thing  of  the  remote  past, 
the  details  of  which  were  long  since  forgotten.  But  whatever  the 
date,  Nebuchadrezzar's  account  of  the  ruins  of  this  ziggurat 
corresponds  so  well  with  the  story  of  the  eleventh  chapter  of 
Genesis,  that  one  is  inclined  to  attach  that  story,  at  least  tenta- 
tively, to  this  ruin.  The  proximity  of  the  site  to  Babylon  led  to 
its  connection  with  that  well-known  name,  Babel,  in  the  Hebrew 
story. 

VOHN  P.  PETERS 

University  of  the  South     • 

Note  on  Angards,  in  Montgomery's  l Aramaic  Incantation 
Texts  from  Nippur' 

In  Montgomery's  Incantation  Texts  from  Nippur,  page  196, 
there  is  the  translation  of  a  lengthy  charm  on  behalf  of  one 
Mesarsia,  in  which  a  large  number  of  non-Semitic  deities  and 
demons  are  invoked.  In  line  7  of  this  charm  occurs  the  formula, 
'In  the  name  of  Angaros'.  In  view  of  the  fact  that  certain  Indian 
names  certainly  occur  in  these  incantations, — Hindu  in  Nos.  24 
and  40,  and  Hinduitha  in  number  38,  — it  does  not  seem  improbable 


160  Brief  Notes 

that  this  name  is  to  be  identified  with  that  of  Angiras,  sometimes 
a  deity  and  sometimes  a  semi-divine  being  of  Indian  mythology. 
Angiras  is  frequently  identified  with  Agni,  the  fire  god,  in  the 
Vedas,  but  is  also  the  progenitor  of  a  line  of  priests.  In  many 
passages  he  is  the  father  of  Brihaspati,  and  in  Rig  Veda  2.  23.  18- 
is  identified  with  Brihaspati  or  Brahmanaspati,  the  'Lord  of  the 
Charm'.  In  view  of  the  fact  that  Angiras  is  so  frequently 
invoked  or  utilized  in  Indian  magic,  the  importation  of  his  name 
into  Mesopotamia  would  seem  quite  possible.  In  the  Atharva 
Veda,  19.  34.  1,  we  have  him  identified  with  a  magical  plant: 
'Jangida,  thou  art  Angiras:  thou  art  a  guardian,  Jangida.  Let 
Jangida  keep  safely  all  our  bipeds  and  our  quadrupeds'  (Griffith's 
translation).  When  one  remembers  that  a  common  name  for  tHis 
Veda  is  'Atharvangirasah,'  and  even  'Angirasa  Veda',  and  that 
this  is  preeminently  the  book  of  the  ancient  priestly  magicians, 
the  probability  of  the  identification  seems  increased.  The  6  in 
the  final  syllable  of  Angaros  is  just  what  we  would  expect  to  rep- 
resent the  a  in  the  nominative  Angiras. 

Among  other  proper  names  which  may  possibly  be  Indian,  one 
may  note  Arsi  in  37,  line  5,  which  may  well  be  Sanskrit  Rishi, 
and  Darsi,  called  the  foreigner,  in  No.  29.  This,  meaning  'seer', 
though  used  ordinarily  only  in  composition  in  Sanskrit,  is  used  as 
a  noun  in  Hindi. 

GEORGE  WILLIAM  BROWN 

Transylvania  College 

PE'RSONALIA 

PROFESSOR  RICHARD  GOTTHEIL,  at  present  on  duty  at  the  University  of 
Strasbourg,  contributes  a  note  on  the  death  of  M.  MAX  VAN  BERCHEM  who  died 
in  the  past  winter  at  his  home  in  Geneva,  in  his  fifty-sixth  year.  He  has 
been  since  1892  the  organizer  and  director  of  the  Corpus  of  Arabic  Inscriptions. 
The  Egyptian  division  of  the  work  has  appeared,  and  he  was  engaged  in  over- 
seeing in  Cairo  the  printing  of  the  division  on  Palestine  when  his  last  illness 
overtook  him.  Dr.  Gottheil  adds:  'His  skill  in  deciphering  the  tangled 
inscriptions  upon  mosque  walls  and  upon  other  buildings  was  wizard-like. 
But  his  far-reaching  knowledge  and  his  well-poised  judgment  held  his  skill 
in  proper  bounds;  and  his  writings  are  fascinating  for  their  historic  richness 
and  for  the  wonderful  stories  that  he  forced  stone  and  mortar  to  tell. ' 

M.  PAUL  PASCAL  HENRI  POGNON,  retired  Consul  General  of  France,  died 
at  Chambery,  France,  March  16,  1921.  His  long  diplomatic  residence  in 
the  East,  at  Aleppo  and  elsewhere,  gave  him  the  opportunity  of  firsthand 
research  in  antiquities  and  he  contributed  several  notable  works  in  Assyrian 
and  Aramaic  studies  and  archaeological  exploration. 


PROCEEDINGS 

OF  THE 

AMERICAN   ORIENTAL  SOCIETY 
AT  THE   MEETING  IN   BALTIMORE,   MARYLAND,   1921 

The  annual  sessions  of  the  Society,  forming  its  one  hundred 
and  thirty-third  meeting,  were  held  in  Baltimore,  Maryland, 
at  Johns  Hopkins  University  and  Goucher  College,  on  Tuesday, 
Wednesday,  and  Thursday  of  Easter  Week,  March  29,  30,  and 
31,  1921. 

The  following  members  were  present  at  one  or  more  of  the 
sessions : 


Adler 

Barret 

Barton 

Bates,  Mrs. 

Benze 

Bernstein 

Blake 

Bloomfield,  M. 

Brown,  W.  X. 

Butin 

Casanowicz 

Collitz 

Danton 

DeLong 

Dickins,  Mrs. 

Dominian 

Dougherty 

Duncan 

Edgerton,  F. 

Ember 

Gibble 


Greene,  Miss 

Hamme 

Haupt 

Hume,  R.  E. 

Hussey,  Miss 

Jackson,  A.  V.  W. 

Jackson,  Mrs. 

Jastrow 

Johnson,  N.  T. 

Kayser 

Macht 

Mann,  J. 

Margolis,  M.  L. 

Matthews,  I.  G. 

Michelson 

Moncure 

Montgomery 

Morgenstern 

Muss-Arnolt 

Newell 

Nies,  J.  B. 


Norton,  Miss 

Notz 

Ogden 

Patterson 

Pavry 

Robinson,  D.  M. 

Rosenau 

Sanders,  F.  K. 

Saunders,  Mrs. 

Schapiro 

Schmidt 

Schoff 

Seidel 

Sukthankar 

Swingle 

Wicker,  Miss 

Williams,  T. 

Yeaworth,  Miss 

Yohannan 

[Total:  61} 


THE  FIRST  SESSION 

The  first  session  was  held  on  Tuesday  morning  beginning  at 
9.47  A.  M.,  at  Johns  Hopkins  University,  the  President,  Doctor 
Talcott  Williams,  being  in  the  chair.  The  reading  of  the  Pro- 
ceedings at  Ithaca  in  1920  was  dispensed  with,  as  they  had  already 
been  printed  in  the  JOURNAL  (40.204-223) :  there  were  no  correc- 
tions and  they  were  approved  as  printed. 

11    JAOS  41 


162  Proceedings  of  the 

Professor  Haupt,  as  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Arrange- 
ments, presented  its  report  in  the  form  of  a  printed  program. 
The  succeeding  sessions  were  appointed  for  Tuesday  afternoon 
at  half  past  two,  Wednesday  morning  at  half  past  nine,  Wednesday 
afternoon  at  half  past  two,  and  Thursday  morning  at  half  past 
nine.  It  was  announced  that  the  sessions  on  Wednesday  would 
be  held  at  Goucher  College,  and  that  the  session  on  Wednesday 
afternoon  would  be  devoted  to  papers  dealing  with  the  historical 
study  of  religions,  and  papers  of  a  more  general  character.  It 
was  announced  that  the  President  and  Trustees  of  the  Johns 
Hopkins  University  would  entertain  the  members  at  a  luncheon 
at  the  Johns  Hopkins  Club  on  Tuesday  at  1  p.  M.;  that  there 
would  be  an  informal  gathering  at  the  same  place  on  Tuesday 
evening;  that  the  President  and  Trustees  of  Goucher  College 
would  entertain  the  members  at  a  luncheon  in  Catherine  Hooper 
Hall  on  Wednesday  at  1  P.  M.  ;  and  that  the  annual  subscription 
dinner  would  be  at  the  Canary  Inn  on  Wednesday  at  6.30  P.  M. 

REPORT  OF  THE  CORRESPONDING  SECRETARY 

The  Corresponding  Secretary,  Doctor  Charles  J.  Ogden,  pre- 
sented the  following  report : 

During  the  past  year  the  correspondence  of  the  Society  has  increased  in 
bulk  almost  alarmingly;  but  when  the  matters  of  routine  are  sifted  out,  the 
residue  of  sufficient  importance  to  report  is  not  too  large. 

From  abroad  the  Corresponding  Secretary  received  notice  last  September 
of  the  organization  of  a  Dutch  Oriental  Society,  entitled  'Oostersch  Genoot- 
schap  in  Nederland',  for  the  purpose  of  promoting  in  that  country  the  study 
of  the  languages,  literatures;  history,  ethnology,  and  archaeology  of  the  East. 
The  seat  of  the  Society  is  at  Leiden,  and  the  President  is  Dr.  C.  Snouck  Hur- 
gronje.  The  Board  of  Directors  of  this  Society,  at  its  special  meeting  in 
November  last,  took  cognizance  of  the  organization  of  the  Dutch  Oriental 
Society  and  extended  greetings  to  it  officially. 

The  Secretary  regrets  to  report  that  the  British,  French,  and  Italian  Asiatic 
Societies  have  been  unable  to  accept  the  invitation  extended  to  them  by  the 
Directors  of  this  Society  to  participate  in  this  meeting,  which  would  thereby 
have  assumed  the  character  of  a  joint  meeting  of  the  four  Societies.  The 
letters  of  Lord  Reay,  President  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society,  and  of  M.  Senart, 
President  of  the  Societe  Asiatique,  indicate  the  various  difficulties,  such  as 
the  season  of  the  year  and  the  unfavorable  conditions  for  travel,  which  made  it 
impossible  to  secure  the  attendance  of  representatives  of  those  Societies.  The 
Secretary  would  in  this  regard  urge  upon  the  Society  the  advisability  of  con- 
sidering with  some  care  the  status  of  its  international  relations,  in  order  that 
it  may  be  prepared  to  co-operate  effectively  with  the  Federated  Asiatic  Socie- 


American  Oriental  Society  163 

ties  abroad.  This  is  the  more  advisable  because  it  is  proposed  at  the  next  joint 
meeting  in  1922  to  regulate  definitely  the  rotation  and  the  date  of  those  to 
follow. 

The  increase  in  the  Society's  membership  last  year,  gratifying  as  it  has  been, 
has  made  the  task  of  keeping  a  correct  list  of  the  members'  names  and  addresses 
more  difficult,  particularly  when  the  migratory  habits  of  Americans  are  taken 
into  account.  The  Secretary  has  received  much  help  in  this  matter  from  other 
officers,  especially  from  the  Treasurer  of  the  Society  and  from  the  former 
Secretary-Treasurer  of  the  Middle  West  Branch;  but  he  would  ask  the  members 
in  general  to  furnish  him  with  any  information  they  possess  concerning  changes 
in  address,  title,  academic  connection,  and  the  like,  both  for  themselves  and 
for  their  friends. 

Since  the  last  meeting,  the  death  of  one  honorary  member,  Professor  Olden- 
berg,  has  been  reported.  The  corporate  membership,  which  was  356  at  the 
opening  of  the  last  meeting,  was  increased  to  478  by  the  election  at  that  time 
of  122  new  members;  but  the  losses  during  the  year  by  death  (10)  and  by 
resignation  (10)  amount  to  20,  so  that  the  present  number  of  corporate  mem- 
bers is  458.  Such  a  net  gain  of  over  one  hundred  is  a  welcome  augury  for  the 
continued  growth  of  the  Society. 

In  concluding  this  report,  it  is  fitting  briefly  to  commemorate  those  mem- 
bers whose  deaths  have  been  reported  since  the  last  meeting. 

Professor  HERMANN  OLDENBERG,  for  many  years  of  the  University  of  Kiel, 
but  latterly  of  the  University  of  Gottingen,  was  one  of  our  honorary  members. 
His  scholarly  interests  were  centered  about  the  earlier  religious  literature  of 
India,  both  in  the  orthodox  form  of  the  Veda  and  in  the  great  heresy  of  Bud- 
dhism. His  earliest  works  were  editions  of  Buddhist  texts,  and  his  general 
outline  of  Buddhism,  entitled  Buddha,  sein  Leben,  seine  Lehre,  seine  Gemeinde, 
first  published  in  1881,  went  through  many  editions.  Later  he  occupied  himself 
especially  with  the  criticism  and  exegesis  of  the  Rig  Veda,  as  his  works  Die 
Hymnen  des  Rigveda  (1888),  Die  Religion  des  Veda  (1894),  and  Rigveda; 
textkritische  und  exegetische  Noten  (1909-1912),  bear  witness,  altho  he  surveyed 
the  wider  field  of  Indian  literature  as  well.  One  of  his  last  books,  Die  Lehre 
der  Upanishaden  und  die  Anfdnge  de.s  Buddhismus  (1915),  was  a  fitting  linking 
of  the  two  chief  lines  of  his  activity.  Elected  in  1910.  Died  on  March  18,  1920. 

Rev.  HENRY  SWIFT,  M.A.,  formerly  rector  of  St.  Peter's  Church,  Plymouth, 
Conn.,  who  as  a  chaplain  in  the  United  States  Army  spent  twelve  years  in  the 
Philippines  and  made  many  translations  from  various  languages  for  the 
Government.  Elected  in  1914.  Died  on  January  14,  1920. 

T.  RAMAKRISHNA  PILLAI,  of  Madras,  India,  for  twenty-five  years  a  fellow 
of  the  University  of  Madras  and  an  active  member  of  the  Tamil  Lexicon  Com- 
mittee from  its  beginning.  Elected  in  1913.  Died  on  February  29,  1920. 

Professor  CAMDEN  M.  COBERN,  of  Allegheny  College,  Meadville,  Pa.,  a 
diligent  and  enthusiastic  scholar,  who,  before  giving  up  pastoral  work  for  his 
academic  position,  had  had  practical  experience  in  research  and  excavation  in 
Egypt  and  Palestine.  Tho  always  interested  in  the  broader  aspects  of  Biblical 
study,  he  felt  the  importance  for  it  of  the  results  of  archaeological  exploration 
and  wrote  extensively  on  this  topic,  his  latest  work  being  The  New  Archeological 
Discoveries  (1917).  Elected  in  1918.  Died  on  May  5,  1920. 


164  Proceedings  of  the 

Professor  ISRAEL  FRIEDLAENDER,  of  the  Jewish  Theological  Seminary,  New 
York  City,  a  profound  student  of  medieval  Judaism  and  Mohammedanism,  was 
killed  last  summer  in  the  Ukraine  while  engaged  in  succoring  his  distressed 
coreligionists.  He  was  a  member  of  this  Society  from  1904  to  1915  and  con- 
tributed an  important  article  on  "The  Heterodoxies  of  the  Shiites  in  the  Pre- 
sentation of  Ibn  Hazm'  to  Volumes  28  and  29  of  the  JOURNAL.  Re-elected  in 
1920.  Died  on  July  5,  1920. 

Rabbi  ELI  MAYER,  Ph.D.,  of  Albany,  N.  Y.,  formerly  associate  rabbi  of 
Congregation  Rodeph  Shalom  of  Philadelphia.  Elected  in  1920.  Died  on 
July  29,  1920. 

WILLIAM  HENRY  FURNESS,  3d,  M.D.,  of  Philadelphia,  whose  activities  were 
not  limited  to  the  medical  profession  but  covered  a  wide  range  of  scientific 
endeavor.  His  interest  in  the  Farthest  East,  aroused  thru  his  travels,  resulted 
in  the  publication  of  Home  Life  of  Borneo  Head-Hunters  (1902)  and  subse- 
quently of  UAP,  the  Island  of  Stone  Money  (1910).  Elected  in  1913.  Died  on 
August  11,  1920. 

BENJAMIN  SMITH  LYMAN,  of  Philadelphia,  one  of  our  oldest  members,  a 
geologist,  mining  engineer,  and  inventor,  who  in  the  pursuit  of  his  profession 
explored  the  oil  fields  in  India  and  spent  six  years  in  Japan  as  chief  geologist 
and  mining  engineer  for  the  Japanese  Government.  He  maintained  his  interest 
in  the  Far  East  thruout  his  life  and  was  the  author  of  many  papers  on 
technical  subjects.  Elected  in  1871.  A  life  member  of  the  Society.  Died  on 
August  30,  1920. 

JACOB  H.  SCHIFF,  of  New~York  City,  who  in  addition  to  his  distinction  as  a 
financier  was  a  munificent  patron  of  Jewish  learning  and  had  recently  testified 
to  his  appreciation  of  Oriental  studies'  by  becoming  a  life  member  of  this 
Society.  Elected  in  1920.  Died  on  September  25, -1920. 

JOSEPH  GEORGE  ROSENGARTEN,  LL.D.,  of  Philadelphia,  who  was  not  only 
prominent  in  that  city  for  many  years  as  a  man  of  affairs  and  a  benefactor  of 
education,  but  also  manifested  his  scholarly  tastes  by  his  numerous  researches 
into  the  part  that  the  earlier  immigrants  from  Continental  Europe  played  in 
American  history.  Elected  in  1917.  Died  on  January  14,  1921. 

JOSEPH  RANSOHOFF,  M.D.,  professor  at  the  Medical  College  of  the  Univer- 
sity of  Cincinnati  and  a  surgeon  of  international  reputation.  Elected  in  1920. 
Died  on  March  10,  1921. 

Upon  motion  the  report  of  the  Corresponding  Secretary  was 
accepted.  Brief  remarks  were  made  concerning  several  of  the 
late  members:  Doctor  Williams  spoke  of  Lyman,  Furness,  and 
Friedlsender;  Professor  Montgomery  of  Rosengarten;  Professor 
Bloomfield  of  Oldenberg. 

A  letter  of  greeting  from  Professor  Lanman  was  read. 

REPORT   OF  THE  TREASURER 

The  Corresponding  Secretary  presented  the  report  of  the 
Treasurer,  Professor  A.  T.  Clay,  and  that  of  the  Auditing  Com- 
mittee : 


American  Oriental  Society  165 

RECEIPTS  AND  EXPENDITURES  FOR  THE  YEAR  ENDING  DEC.  31,  1920 

Receipts 

Jan.  1,  1920  Balance .' , $3,707.35 

Annual  Dues 1,970 . 15 

Dues  paid  in  advance  by  prospective  members 52 . 88 

Life  Memberships 300.00 

Interest  on  Bonds: 

Virginia  Ry m $50.00 

Lackawanna  Steel " 100.00 

Minn.  Gen.  Elec 50.00 

—      200.00 
Dividends: 

Chic.  R.  I.  &  Pac '     120.00 

Interest  on  deposit 187 . 29 

Subscription  for  Publication  Fund 1 . 00 

Repayment  Author's  alterations 9.00 

Sales -. 1,395.02 

For  offprints 1 . 73 


$7,944.42 

Expenditures 

Printing  Journal  Vol.  39,  No.  5 $343 . 09 

40,  No.  1 470.21 

40,  No.  2 528.44 

40,  No.  3 401.48 

40,  No.  4  on  account 500 . 00 

J.  A.  Montgomery,  Honorarium 100 . 00 

Franklin  Edgerton,  Honorarium 100.00 

Contribution  to  American  Council  of  Learned  Societies 25 . 00 

Expenses,  Committee  on  Cooperation  with  Soc.  As 25.00 

Library  Expense,  postage .50 

Middle  West  Branch  Expense 107 . 50 

Editors'  Expense 41 . 56 

Corresponding  Secretary's  Expense $25.00 

( 1oi  responding  Secretary,  clerical .80 

Corresponding  Secretary,  printing  and  stationery 85.07 

110.87 
Treasurer's  Expense: 

Clerical $21 . 75 

Printing ." 52.48 

74.23 
Membership  Committee  Expense: 

Printing  and  stationery $36 . 50 

Clerical 22.78 

Postage -. 34 . 02 

—  93.30 

Jan.  1,  1921— Balance 5,023.24 


$7,944.42 


166  Proceedings  of  the 

The  following  funds  are  held  by  the  Society : 

Charles  W.  Bradley  Fund $3,000 . 00 

Alexander  I.  Cotheal  Fund ; 1,500.00 

William  Dwight  Whitney  Fund 1,000.00 

Life  Membership  Fund 2,450 . 00 

Publication  Fund 78 . 50 

The  foregoing  funds,  the  interest  on  which  is  used  for  publication  purposes, 
are  represented  in  the  assets  of  the  Society  held  by  Yale  University  for  the 
Treasurer,  which  on  January  1,  1921,  were  as  follows: 

Cash. . .  > $5,023.24 

Bonds: 

$2,000  Lackawanna  Steel  Co.  5's  1923  (present  value) 1,870.00 

1,000  Virginian  Railway  Co.  5's  1962  (present  value) 820.00 

1,000  Minneapolis  General  Electric  Co.  5's  1934  (present  value)  840. 00 
Stocks: 

20  shares  Chicago,  Rock  Island  and  Pacific  Railway  pfd.  (present 

value) 1,240.00 

(Received  in  the  reorganization  of  the  road  in  exchange  for  $2,000 
5%  bonds  of  1932). 

For  the  information  of  the  Society  it  may  be  added  that  since  January  1, 
there  have  been  purchased  $4,000  (par  value)  United  States  Third  Liberty 
Loan  bonds  at  a  cost  of  $3,608.60,  which  will  make  them  yield  5.92%. 

REPORT  OF  THE  AUDITING  COMMITTEE 

We  hereby  certify  that  we  have  examined  the  account  of  the  Treasurer  of 
the  Society,  and  have  found  the  same  correct,  and  that  the  foregoing  account 
is  in  conformity  therewith.  We  have  also  compared  the  entries  with  the 
vouchers  and  the  account  book  as  held  for  the  Society  by  the  Treasurer  of 
Yale  University,  and  have  found  all  correct. 

CHARLES  C.  TORREY 
F.  W.  WILLIAMS 

Auditors. 
NEW  HAVEN,  March  22,  1921. 

Upon  motion  the  reports  of  the  Treasurer  and  of  the  Auditing 
Committee  were  accepted. 

It  was  also  voted :  that  the  Society  extend  its  thanks  to  Doctor 
Grice  for  the  admirable  assistance  which  she  has  rendered  to  the 
Treasurer  and  Librarian,  especially  during  the  last  year. 

REPORT   OF   THE   LIBRARIAN 

The  Corresponding  Secretary  presented  the  report  of  the 
Librarian,  Professor  A.  T.  Clay,  and  upon  motion  it  was  accepted. 

The  books  and  periodicals  received  during  the  year  have  been  catalogued 
and  placed  upon  the  shelves.  The  accession  list,  here  appended,  shows  a 


American  Oriental  Society  167 

large  increase  over  previous  years.  A  number  of  inctnhcrs  have  inquired 
for  hooks  during  the  year,  and  in  most  cases  have  been  supplied  either  from 
our  own  Library  or  from  the  Yale  University  Library. 

The  work  of  cataloging  the  books  and  periodicals  was  completed  several  years 
ago,  but  owing  to  the  war  no  steps  were  taken  to  publish  the  catalogue. 
Through  the  generosity  of  Prof.  J.  R.  Jewett  and  the  late  Mrs.  J.  B.  Nies, 
sufficient  funds  are  available,  now  included  in  the  assets  of  the  Society,  to  put 
the  material  into  shape  for  the  printer;  but  funds  are  needed  for  the  printing 
of  the  catalogue.  A  supplement -to  the  JOURNAL,  similar  to  the  proposed 
index,  of  about  eighty  pages,  containing  "a  title  a  line,"  would  suffice.  If 
provision  were  made  for  this,  the  printing  could  begin  before  Christmas. 

Nearly  a  complete  set  of  the  JOURNAL  and  the  PROCEEDINJS  of  the  Society 
have  been  sent  to  the  University  of  Lou  vain.  Unfortunately,  owing  to 
missing  numbers,  and  the  lowness  of  the  stock  of  certain  parts,  there  are  a 
few  lacunae. 

The  Librarian's  difficulties  have  been  greatly  increased  in  connection  with 
the  task  of  supplying  parts  of  our  JOURNAL,  missing  on  account  of  the  war, 
which  have  been  asked  for  by  European,  Asiatic,  and  American  subscribers  and 
exchanges.  Such  requests  are  being  received  almost  daily.  This  necessitates 
much  detailed  work  on  the  part  of  the  Librarian.  The  shipment  of  the  reserve 
stock  from  Germany  has  made  it  possible  to  supply  our  own  members  with 
many  missing  parts,  which  were  lost  during  the  war.  The  surplus  stock 
of  Vol.  40,  Part  1,  is  exhausted.  Unless  a  way  is  devised  to  secure  copies  from 
members  who  do  not  care  to  preserve  them,  this  will  also  occasion  difficulties. 

Through  the  activities  of  the  Yale  University  Press  the  subscription  list 
of  the  JOURNAL  has  been  greatly  increased,  especially  in  certain  countries. 
In  certain  other  lands,  where  in  the  past  the  JOURNAL  has  been  generously 
distributed,  we  have  had  scarcely  a  single  subscription.  The  exchange  list 
for  many  years  has  contained  narres  of  institutions,  which  long  before  the 
war  ceased  to  send  us  their  publications,  or  which  have  never  sent  them. 
The  Society,  it  seems  to  the  Librarian,  should  have  a  standing  committee  on 
exchanges,  which  should  give  due  attention  to  this  matter,  and  to  which 
proposals  regarding  exchanges  could  be  referred. 

The  current  periodicals  received  have  been  catalogued,  also  the  books, 
with  the  exception  of  the  Siamese  texts  and  Bibliotheca  Indica  series.' 
These  are  to  be  done. 

Accessions  to  the  Library 

American  school  of  oriental  research  in  Jerusalem.     Bulletin. 
Ananda  Ranga  Pillai.     Diary,  v.  7. 

Ananga  Ranga,  or,  The  theatre  of  Cupid.     (Sanskrit  text.) 
Andrae,  T.     Die  Person  Muhammeds  in  Lehre  und  Glauben  seiner  Gemeinde. 

1917. 
Banabhatta.    Kadambari  of  Banabhatta  (Purvabhaga,  pp.  1-124  of  Peterson's 

ed.)  with  notes  by  P.  V.  Kane.     1920. 
Rankipore.     Oriental  public  library.     Catalogue  of  the  Arabic  and  Persian 

manuscripts,  v.  6.     1918. 

Bhandarkar  Institute.     Annals,  v.  1,  pt.  1.     1918-19. 
Bhattoji  Dikshita's  Siddhantakaumudi,  v.  2.     1920. 


168  Proceedings  of  the 

Brandsteter,  R.     Architektonische  Sprachverwandtschaft  in  alien  Erdtcilen. 

1920. 

Bushnell,  D.  I.,  Jr.  Native  cemeteries  and  forms  of  burial  east  of  the  Missis- 
sippi. 1920.  (Smithsonian  Institution.  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology. 
Bulletin  71.) 

Clemen,  C,    Fontes  historiae  religionis  Persicae.     1920. 
Cowley,  A.  E.     The  Hittites.     1920.     (Schweich  lectures  for  1918.) 
Dastur  Meherji-rana  and  the  Emperor  Akbar;   being  a  complete  collection 
of  the  editorials  and  contributions  relating  to  this  controversy  conducted 
in  the  Indian  press.    Collected  by  Kharshedji  Manekji  Shastri  (Nariman) . 
1918. 
Delaporte,  L.     Les  monuments  du  Cambodge;  etudes  d'architecture  khmere, 

livr.  2.     1920. 
Epigraphia  Birmanica;   being  lithic  and  other  inscriptions  of  Burma.     1919. 

v.  1,  pt.  1. 
Farquhar,  J.  N.     The  religious  quest  of  India,  an  outline  of  the  religious 

literature  of  India.     1920. 

Feng-Hua  Huang.     Public  debts  in  China.     1919.     (Studies  in  history,  eco- 
nomics  and   public   law,    ed.   by   the   faculty   of   Political   Science    of 
Columbia  University,  v.  85,  no.  2.) 
Grierson,  G.  A.,  comp.  Indo-Aryan  family,  north-western  group.     Specimens 

of  Sindhi  and  Lahnda.     1919. 

Guesdon,  J.     Dictionnaire  Cambodgien-francais.     2.  fasc.      1919. 
Hogarth,  D.  G.     Hittite  seals.     1920. 
Holy  places  of  Mesopotamia,  printed  and  engraved  by  the  Supt.  Govt.  press, 

Basrah.     1920. 
Ibn  al-'Arabi.     Kleinere  Schriften  des  Ibn  al-'Arabl.     Nach  Handschriften 

hrsg.,  von  H.  S.  Nyberg.      1919. 

Karlgren,  B.     Etudes  sur  la  phonologie  chinoise,  I.     1915. 
Kaye,  G.  R.      A  guide  to  the  old  observatories  at  Delhi,  Jaipur,  Ujjain, 

Benares.     1920. 

Kharosthi  inscriptions  discovered  by  Sir  Aurel  Stein  in  Chinese  Turkestan, 
pt.  1.     Transcribed  and  ed.  by  A.  M.  Boyer,  E'.  J.  Rapson  and  E.  Senart. 
1920. 
Kharshedji  Manekjee  Shastri  (Nariman)  pub.  by  Ervad  Dara  S.  Dastur  Shapur 

Dastur-meherji-rana.     1918. 

Kohut,  A.     The  ethics  of  the  fathers.     Ed.  by  B.  A.  Elzas.     1920. 
Kolmodin,  J.     Traditions  de  Tsazzega  et  Hazzega;    annales  et  documents. 

1914. 
Laotze's  Tao  and  Wu  wei.     Tr.  by  D.  Goddard.     Wu  wei,  an  interpretation 

by  H.  Borel.     Tr.  by  M.  E.  Reynolds,     c.1919. 
Littmann,  E.  Zigeuner-Arabisch ;  Wortschatz  und  Grammatik  der  arabischen 

Bestandteile  in  den  morgenlandischen  Zigeuner-Sprachen.     1920. 
Mahzor  Yannai,  a  liturgical  work  of  the  Vllth  century.     Ed.  ...  by  Israel 
Davidson.     1919.     (Texts  and  studies  of  the  Jewish  Theological  Seminary 
of  America,  v.  6.) 
Mehta,  S.  S.    A  manual  of  Yedanta  philosophy  as  revealed  in  the  Upanishadas 

and  the  Bhagavadgita.     1919. 
Morgenstern,  J.    A  Jewish  interpretation  of  the  book  of  Genesis.     1919. 


American  Oriental  Society  169 

Narasimhachar,  R.     The  Lakshmidevi  temple  at  Doddagaddavalli.      1919. 

(Mysore  archaeological  series.) 
O'Connor,  V.  C.  S.     An  eastern  library.     1920. 
Oriental  advisory  committee.     Report  on  the  terminology  and  classifications 

of  grammar.     1920. 

Pitha  walla,  M.     Afternoons  with  Ahura  Mazda.     1919. 
Pithawalla,  M.     If  Zoroaster  went  to  Berlin;    or,  The  ladder  of  perfection. 

2d  ed.     1919. 
Rabbath,  A.,  comp.     Documents  inedits  pour  servir  a  1'histoire  du  Christian- 

isme  en  Orient  (XVIe-XIXe  siecle)  t.  3,  fasc.  3,  pub.  avec  notes  et  tables 

par  le  P*.  F.  Tournebize. 
Rangacharya,  V.      A  topographical  list  of  the  inscriptions  of  the  Madras 

presidency,  collected  till  1915.     1919.     3  v. 
Sushil  Kumar  De.     History  of  Bengali  literature  in  the  19th  century,  1800- 

1825.     1919. 
Swanton,  J.  R.     A  structural  and  lexical  comparison  of  the  Tunica,  Chiti- 

macha,    and    Atakapa    languages.      1919.       (Smithsonian    Institution. 

Bureau  of  American  Ethnology.     Bulletin  68.) 

Siamese  Texts 

Abu  Hassan,  a  poem  composed  by  order  of  H.  M.  Rama  V.     B.  E.  2462. 

Ancient  Cambodian  laws  on  slavery.     B.  E.  2462. 

Ancient  songs  from  the  time  of  Ayuddhya.     B.  E.  2463. 

Bang  Chang,  Genealogy  of  the  family  of.     (2d  ed.)     B.  E.  2462. 

Bhuvanetr  Narindr  Riddhi,  prince.     Manibijali,  a  play.     [n.  d.] 

Chulalongkorn,  king.     A  poem  on  the  names  of  H.  M.  Rama  IV'S  children. 

B.  E.  2461. 

A  collection  of  chronicles,  v.  IX-XII,  XIV,  XVI-XIX.     B.E.  2461-2463. 
A  collection  of  plays  for  marionettes.     B.E.  2462. 

A  collection  of  poems  composed  by  H.  M.  the, second  king  of  Siam.    B.E.  2463. 
A  collection  of  poetical  works  engraved  on  stone-slabs  in  Vat  Phra  Jetubon. 

B.E.  2462. 
A  collection  of  riddles,  composed  during  the  reign  of  H.  M.  King  Rama  V. 

B.E.  2463. 

A  collection  of  travels,  pt.  II.     B.E.  2461. 

Damrong  Rajanubhab,  prince.     History  of  Chinese  porcelain.     B.E.  2460. 
Damrong  Rajanubhab,  prince.     History  of  the  reign  of  H.  M.  Rama  II. 

B.E.  2459. 
Damrong  Rajanubhab,   prince.      History  of  the  wars  between  Siam   and 

Burma  during  the  XVIth-XVIIIth  centuries.     B*.E.  2463. 
Damrong  Rajanubhab,  prince.     A  history  of  Vat  Mahadhatu.     B.E.  2461. 
Desana  Mahajati,  a  sermon;    being  a  translation  of  the  Vessantara-jataka. 

B.E.  2463. 
Dhananjai  Chieng  Mieng,  the  Siamese  Eulenspiegel,  according  to  the  version 

in  the  Northern  provinces.     B.E.  2463. 
The  Jataka,  or,  Stories  of  the  Buddha's  former  births;   tr.  from  the  Pali  into 

Siamese.     Book  1,  v.  1  (2d  ed.);   Book  3,  pt.  2.     B.E.  2462. 
Krom  Luang  Wongsa,  prince.     A  treatise  on  medical  property  of  various 

herbs.     B.E.  2462. 


170  Proceedings  of  the 

A  list  of  royal  names  and  titles,  v.  2.     B.E.  2463. 

Mahavamsa,  tr.  into  Siamese,  v.  III.     B.E.  2463. 

Mahavana,  a  sermon  on  an  episode  of  the  life  of  Vessantara.     B.E.  2462. 

Manners  and  customs,  pt.  II-VII.     B.E.  2462-2463. 

Milinda   Panha,   the   questions   of   king   Milinda;     tr.  .  .  .  from   Pali   into 

Siamese,  v.  1-2.     B.E.  2462. 
Nang  Manora  .and  Sangkh  Thong;    two  ancient  plays  from  the  time  of 

Ayuddhya. 
"Nariramya."     A  collection  of  poems  formerly  printed  in  the  "Nariramya". 

B.E.  2462. 

An  old  sermon  on  an  episode  in  the  life  of  Vessantara.     B.E.  2461. 
Pali  and  Siamese  stanzas  recited  during  the  Visakhaplya  festival.     B.E.  2462. 
Panhadhammavinichaya,   explanations  on  various  points  of  religious  doc- 
trine (2ded.).     B.E.  2462. 

Paramanujit  Jinoros,  prince.     Moral  precepts  of  Krishna.     B.E.  2462. 
Phya  Prajakich  Korachakr.     The  languages  and  dialects  spoken  in  Siam. 

B.E.  2462. 
Phya  Ratanakul  Atulyabhakt.      Genealogy  of    some  old  Siamese  families 

'  B.E.  2463.     2  v. 

A  poem  on  the  demise  of  H.M.  the  second  king  of  Siam.     B.E.  2461. 
Poems  on  the  names  of  the  boats  conveying  lamps  and  offerings  down  the 

river  during  the  "Loi  Krathong  Pradip"  festival.     B.E.  2461. 
Poetical  record  of  a  journey  to  India.     B.E.  2462. 
A  poetical  record  of  the  journey  of  Phya  Mahanubhab  to  China  in  B.E.  2324. 

B.E.  2461. 

Pussadeva.     A  sermon  from  the  Akankheyya  sutta.     B.E.  2462. 
Pussadeva.     A  sermon  from  the  Daliddiya  sutta.     B.E.  2462. 
Pussadeva.     A  sermon  from  the  Dhammuddesakatha.     B.E.  2462. 
Pussadeva.     A  sermon  from  the  Dighajinukoliyaputta  sutta.     B.E.  2462. 
Pussadeva.     A  sermon  from  the  Kalama  sutta.     B.E.  2461. 
Pussadeva.     A  sermon  from  the  Lekhapatida  sutta.     B.E.  2462. 
Pussadeva.     A  sermon  from  the  Namassana  gatha.     B.E.  2462. 
Pussadeva.     A  sermon  from  the  Parabhava  sutta. 
Pussadeva.     A  sermon  from  the  Pavaragatha  maraovada.     B.E.  2162. 
Pussadeva.     A  sermon  from  the  Sangahavatthu  and  Devatabali.     B.E.  2463. 
Pussadeva.     A  sermon  from  the  Subha  sutta. 
Raja  nitisastra.     Pali  text  with  the  Siamese  version.     B.E.  2463. 
Rama  III.     A  poem  in  praise  of  H.M.  Rama  III.     B.E.  2462. 
Rama  IV.     A  collectiqn  of  letters  by  H.M.  King  Rama  IV.     B.E.  2462. 
Rama  IV.     On  the  style  of  royal  letters.     B.E.  2463. 
Rama  IV.     Prologue  for  the  Royal  theatre.     B.E.  2463. 
Rama  IV.     Sermon  on  the  life  of  Vessantara.     B.E.  2463. 
Rama  V.    A  collection  of  moral  stanzas  composed  by  H.  M.  Rama  V  and  other 

members  of  the  royal  family.     B.E.  2463. 
Rama  V.     A  treatise  on  ceremonial.     B.E.  2463. 
Ramayana.     Fragments  of  the  Siamese  Ramayana.     B.E.  2461. 
The  romance  of  Khun  Ch'ang  Khun  Phen,  a  poem  for  recitation,  v.  III. 

B.E.  2461. 
Royal  proclamations  conferring  titles  upon  members  of  the  royal  family 

during  the  present  reign.     B.E.  2463. 


American  Oriental  Society  171 

Sasariayupakkhakatha,  a  sermon. 

Sattariyadhanakatha,  a-sermon. 

A  sermon  on  chastity.     B.E.  2462. 

Solasapanha,  pt.  V-VI;  tr.  from  the  Pali  into  Siamese  by  the  late  Patriarch 

Pussadeva.     B.E.  2461-62.     2  v. 
>comdet  Phra  Vanarstu.     Culayuddhakaravamsa,  Siamese  chronicle  .  .  .  Pali 

text  with  the  Siamese  version.     B.E.  2463. 
Sommot  Amarabandhu.      Royal  decrees  appointing  Chao  Phyas  since  the 

foundation  of  Bangkok.     B.E.  2461. 
The  story  of  Inao.     B.E.  2462. 

Bibliotheca  Indica:   Sanskrit  Series 

Amara-tlka-kamadhenuh,    the  Tibetan  version  of    Amara-tika-kamadhenu, 

a  Buddhist  Sanskrit  commentary  on  the  Amarakosa.     1912. 
Amarako§ah,  a  metrical  dictionary  of  the  Sanskrit  language,  with  Tibetan 

version.     Fasc.  I-II.     1911-12. 
Anumana  Dldhiti  Prasarini,  by  Krishna  Das  Sarvabhauma.     Fasc.  I-1II. 

1911-12. 
Atmatattvaviveka,  or,  Bauddhadhikara,  a  refutation  of  Buddhist  metaphysics 

by  Udayanacarya.     Fasc.  II.     1914. 
Avadana  Kalpalata,  with  its  Tibetan  version,     v.  1,  fasc.    IX-XIII;    v.  2, 

fasc.  IX-XI.     1911-18. 
Bardic  and  historical  survey  of  Rajputana;  a  descriptive  catalogue  of  Bardic 

and  historical  mss.     Section  I,  pt.  I-II,  Section  II,  pt.  I.     1917-18. 
Bardic  and  historical  survey   of  Rajputana.      Vacanika  Rathora  Ratana 

Singhaji  ri  Mahesadasota  rl  Khiriya  Jaga  rl  kahi.     Pt.  I.     1917. 
Bardic  and  historical  survey  of  Rajputana.      Veli  Krisana  RukamanI  rl 

Rath6ra  raja  Prithi  Raja  kahi.     Pt.  I.     1919. 

Baudhayana  srauta  sutram,  v.  II,  fasc.  IV-V;   v.  Ill,  fasc.  I-II.     1911-14. 
The  Bhasavrittih  of  Purusottama  Deva.     v.  1,  fasc.  1.     1912. 
Bhattadipika,  v.  II,  fasc.  II.     1912. 
The  Qatapatha  Brahmana  of  the  White  Yajurveda,  with  the  commentary  of 

Sayanacharya.     v.  IX,  fasc.  I-II.     1911-12. 
Gatasahasrika-prajna-paramita,  a  theological  and  philosophical  discourse  of 

Buddha  with  his  disciples.      Pt.   1,  fasc.  XV-XVII;    pt.   II,  fasc.  I. 

1911-14. 
Qri    Qantinatha    Caritra,    or    a    biography    of    Qantinatha,    by    Qri    Ajita 

Prabhacarya.     Fasc.  IV.     1914. 

Dharmabindu,  a  work  on  Jaina  philosophy,  by  Haribhadra.     Fasc.  I.     1912. 
Kavi-kalpa-lata,  a  work  on  rhetoric,  by  Devesvara.     Fasc.  1.     1913. 
Kiranavali,  by  Udayanacarya.     Fasc.  I-III.     1911-12. 
Mahabhasyapradlpoddyota,  or,  a  commentary  on  Panini's  grammar,    v.  IV, 

fasc.  III.     1912. 

Maitri,  or,  Maitrayaniya  upanisad.     Fasc.  I-II.     1913-19. 
Mugdhabodha  Vyakarana,  by  Vopadeva.     v.  I,  fasc.  I-VI. 
The  Nirukta,  with  commentaries,     v.  I,  fasc.  II.     1912. 
Nityacarapradipah,  by  Narasimha  Vajapeyi.     v.  II,  fasc.  IV.     1911. 
Nyaya-bindu,  a  bilingual  index  of.     1917. 


172  Proceedings  of  the 

Nyaya-varttika-tatparya-parisuddhi,     by     Udayanftchfirya.        Fasc.      I-V. 

1911-18. 
Nyaya-varttikam,    a    gloss    on    Vatsyayana's    commentary    of    the    Nyaya 

aphorisms.     Fasc.  VII.     1914. 

The  Padumawati  of  Malik  Muhammad  Jaisi.     Fasc.  VI.     1911. 
Prajfiakaramati's    commentary    to    the    Bodhicaryavatara    of    Qantideva. 

Fasc.  VI-VII.     1912-14. 
Prthviraja  Vijaya,  a  Sanskrit  epic  with  the  commentary  of  Jonaraja.     Fasc. 

I-II.     1914-18. 

Ravisiddhanta  manjari,  by  Mathuranatha  Sarma*.     1911. 
§addarsana-samuccaya,  or,  A  review  of  the  six  systems  of  philosophy.     Fasc. 

'  III. 

Saduktikarnamrita,  by  Sridhara  Dasa.     Fasc.  I.     1912. 
Samaraicca  Kaha,  by  Haribhadra.     Fasc.  IV-VII. 
Siva-parinayah.     Fasc.  I-II.     1913-14. 
Smritiprakasha,  by  Vasudeva  Ratha.     Fasc.  I.     1912. 
Sri  Surisarvasvam,  by  Sri  Govinda  Kavibhusana  Samantaroy.     Fasc.  I-III. 

1912-14. 

The  Suryya  Siddhanta.     Fasc.  II.     1911. 

The  Tantravarttika  of  Rumania  Bhatta.     Fasc.  IX-XV.     1911-18. 
Tattvacintamani  Didhiti  Prakasa,  by  Bhavananda  Siddhanta-vagisa.     v.  1 

fasc.  IV-VI.     1911-12. 
Tattvacintamani    Didhiti    Vivriti,    by    Gadadhara    Bhattacharyya.      v.    1, 

fasc.  III-VIII,  v.  II,  fasc.  I-II,  v.  Ill,  fasc.  I.  1911-14. 
Tirthacintamani  of  Vacaspati  Misra.  Fasc.  II-IV.  1911-12. 
The  Upamitibhavaprapanca  Katha  of  Siddharsi.  Fasc.  Ill,  pt.  2,  fasc.  XIV. 

1912-14. 
Vajjalaggam,  a  Prakrita  poetical  work  on  rhetoric  with  Sanskrit  version. 

Fasc.  I.     1914. 

The  Vidhana-parijata.     v.  II,  fasc.  V,  v.  Ill,  fasc.  I.     1911-12. 
VisVahitam,  by  Mathuranatha  Sarma.     1913. 
The  YogaSastra,  by  Sri  Hemachandracharya.     Fasc.  IV-V.     1916-18. 

Bibliotheca  Indica:    Arabic  and  Persian  Series 

The  Akbarnama  of  Abu-1-Fazl,  tr.  by  H.  Beveridge.     v.  Ill,  fasc.  II-IV, 

VI,  VIII,  IX-X.      1911-18. 
'Amal-1-Salih,  or,  Shah  Jahan  Namah  of  Muhammad  Salih  Kambu,  Fasc. 

I-III.     1912-18. 

The  Faras-nama  of  Zabardast  Khan.     1911. 
Farldatu'1-Asr;    a  comprehensive    index    of    persons,    places,    books,    etc., 

referred  to  in  the  Yatimatu'1-dahr,  the  famous  anthology  of  Tha'alibi. 

1915. 

Gubriz,  by  Agha  Muhammad  Kazin  Shirazi  and  R.  F.  Azoo.     1912. 
Hadiqatu  1-Haqiqat,  or  the  enclosed  garden  of  the  truth.     1911. 
Haft-Iqlim,  or,  The  geographical  and  biographical  encyclopaedia  of  Amfn 

Ahmad  Razi.     Fasc.  1.     1918. 
History  of  Shustar.     1914. 
Kashf  al-Hujub  wal  astar  'an  Asma'al-Kutub  wal  Asfar,  or,  The  bibliography 

of  Shfa  literature.     Pt.  1,  fasc.  I-II.     1912-14. 


American  Oriental  Society  173 

The  Ma'asir-i-rahlmi  of  Mulla  'Abd  ul-Baqi  Nahavandl.    Pt.  I,  fasc.  II-IV. 

1911-13. 
Marhamu'l-'Ilali'l-Mu'dila,    by  al-Imarn  Abu   Muhammad    'Abdullah    Bin 

As'ad  al-Yafi'i.     Fasc.  III.     1917. 
Memoirs  of  Shah  Tahmasp.     1912. 

The  Muntakhab-al-Labab  of  Khan  Khan,  pt.  Ill,  fasc.  III-IV.     1913. 
Muntakhabu-t-tawarikh,  by  'Abdu-1-Qadir  Ibn  i  Muluk  Shah,    known    as 

al-Badaom.     v.  Ill,  fasc.  II-III.     1913-14. 
The  odes  of  Sheikh  Muslihu-d-din  Sa'di  Shirazi.     Pt.  I.     1919. 
Shah-'Alam  Nama.     Fasc.  I-II.     1912-14. 

Bibliotheca  Indica:    Tibetan  Series 
Minor  Tibetan  texts,  I.     1919. 
Prajna-pradipah,  a  commentary  on  the  Madhyamaka  sutra,  by  Bhavaviveka. 

1914. 
The  story  of  Ti-med-kun-den,  a  Tibetan  Nam-thar.     1912. 

REPORT  OF  THE  EDITORS   OF  THE  JOURNAL 

Professor  J.  A.  Montgomery,  Senior  Editor  of  the  JOURNAL, 
presented  the  report  of  the  Editors,  and  upon  motion  it  was 
accepted. 

We  have  increased  the  size  of  last  year's  volume  to '382  pages  as  against 
352  pages  for  the  previous  year,  and  hope  this  year  to  make  the  volume  400 
pages.  We  regret  to  report  that  the  bill  for  last  year's  volume,  despite 
strictest  efforts  at  economy,  was  extravagantly  large.  We  have  changed 
printers,  having  given  the  work  to  the  John  C.  Winston  Company  of  Phila- 
delphia, and  we  hope  that  in  the  matters  of  finance  and  expedition  the  new 
arrangements  will  be  satisfactory.  We  take  this  opportunity  to  inform 
contributors  that  they  will  be  held  strictly  to  account  for  all  expenses  incurred 
for  imperfect  copy  or  for  subsequent  corrections.  In  this  day  of  expensive 
printing  it  is  a  boon  to  the  scholar  to  have  his  work  printed  gratuitously  but 
he  cannot  expect  the  Society  which  gives  him  this  opportunity  to  pay 
unnecessary  costs. 

A  suggestion  was  made  from  the  floor  that  the  Editors  take  note 
of  the  desirability  of  having  the  date  of  issue  of  each  part  of  the 
JOURNAL  printed  on  its  cover. 

The  Corresponding  Secretary  presented  the  report  of  the 
Executive  Committee,  as  printed  in  the  JOURNAL  (40.361-2): 
it  was  accepted. 

ELECTION   OF  MEMBERS 

The  following  persons,  recommended  by  the  Directors,  were 
duly  elected  corporate  members  of  the  Society;  the  list  includes 
some  elected  at  a  later  session: 


174 


Proceedings  of  the 


Mr.  Marcus  Aaron 

Prof.  S.  Krishnaswami  Aiyangar 

Prof.  Herbert  C.  Alleman 

Mr.  L.  A.  Ault 

Rabbi  Dr.  Henry  Barnston 

Prof.  F.  C.  Beazer 

Rabbi  Louis  Bernstein 

Prof.  D.  R.  Bhandarkar 

Mr.  Emanuel  Boasberg 

Swami  Bodhananda 

Rev.  August  M.  Bolduc 

Mr.  David  A.  Brown 

Mr.  G.  M.  L.  Brown 

Mr.  Henry  Harmon  Chamberlin 

Prof.  Ramaprasad  Chandra 

Mr.  Charles  P.  Coffin 

Prof.  George  H.  Danton 

Prof.  Israel  Davidson 

Rev.  Edward  Slater  Dunlap 

Rev.  J.  F.  Edwards 

Rabbi  Dr.  H.  G.  Enelow 

Pres.  Milton  G.  Evans 

Mr.  George  Albert  Field 

Dr.  Louis  Finkelstein 

Rabbi  Solomon  Foster 

Mr.  W.  B.  Frankenstein 

Mr.  J.  Walter  Freiberg 

Dr.  Harry  Friedenwald 

Rev.  P.  B.  Gibble 

Prof.  William  Creighton  Graham 

Prof.  Evarts  B.  Greene 

Miss  Lily  Dexter  Greene 

Prof.  Leon  Gry 

Rev.  Alexander  D.  Hail 

Rev.  Edward  R.  Hamme 

Rev.  Charles  W.  Hepner 

Prof.  William  Bancroft  Hill 

Rev.  Dr.  Charles  T.  Hock 

Mr.  Albert  D.  Hutzler 

Rev.  Dr.  Moses  Hyamson 

Mr.  T.R.Hyde 

Mr.  Harald  Ingholt 

Mr.  Franklin  Plotinos  Johnson 

Dr.  Helen  M.  Johnson 

Mr.  Nelson  Trusler  Johnson 

Mr.  Charles  Johnston 

Rev.  Dr.  Robert  Johnston 

Mr.  Felix  Kahn 

Rabbi  Dr.  C.  E.  Hillel  Kauvar 


Prof.  Elmer  Louis  Kayser 

{lev.  James  Leon  Kelso 

Prof.  Anis  E.  Khuri 

Prof.  Taiken  Kimura 

Rabbi  Samuel  Koch 

Pandit  D.  K.  Laddu 

Miss  M.  Antonia  Lamb 

Mr.  Ambrose  Lansing 

Mr.  Simon  Lazarus 

Rabbi  David  Lefkowitz 

Mr.  Isidor  S.  Levitan 

Dr.  Robert  Cecil  MacMahon 

Rev.  Dr.  Judah  L.  Magnes 

Dr.  Jacob  Mann 

Dr.  Clarence  A.  Manning 

Prof.  I.  G.  Matthews 

Rabbi  Raphael  Hai  Melamed 

Rev.  John  Moncure 

Mr.  Robert  Mond 

Hon.  Roland  S.  Morris 

Rev.  Dr.  Philip  Stafford  Moxom 

Sardar  G.  N.  Mujamdar 

Mr.  Adolph  S.  Oehs 

Mrs.  Myer  Oettinger 

Prof.  Charles  A.  Owen 

Pres.  Charles  Thomas  Paul 

Jal  Dastar  Cursetji  Pavry 

Prof.  M  arshall  Livingston  Perrin 

Mr.  D.  V.  Potdar 

Rev.  Dr.  Sartell  Prentice 

Rev.  Dr.  A.  H.  Pruessner 

Prof.  Alexander  C.  Purdy 

Rev.  Dr.  Charles  L.  Pyatt 

Dr.  V.  V.  Ramana-Sastrin 

Dr.  Edward  Robertson 

Prof.  David  M.  Robinson 

Hon.  Simon  W .  Rosendale 

Dr.  Samuel  Rothenberg 

Prof.  Henry  A.  Sanders 

Mr.  Gottlieb  Schaenzlin 

Mr.  Adolph  Schoenfeld 

Rabbi  \\illiam  B.  Schwartz 

Prof.  Helen  M.  Searles 

Mr.  H.  A.  Seinsheimer 

Prof.  W.  A.  Shelton 

Mr.  Andrew  R.  Sheriff 

Rev.  Wilbur  M.  Smith 

Rabbi  Dr.  Elias  L.  Solomon 

Mr.  Herman  Steinberg 


American  Oriental  Society 


175 


Mr.  Max  Steinberg 

Mr.  H  orace  Stern 

Prof.  Frederick  Annes  Stuff 

Dr.  V.  S.  Sukthankar 

Rev.  William  Gordon  Thompson 

Baron  Dr.  Gyoyu  Tokiwai 

Prof.  Ram  Prasad  Tripathi 

Prof.  Harold  II.  Tryon 

Rabbi  'Jacob  Turner 

Rev.  Dr.  L.  Leander  Uhl 

Rev.  John  Van  Ess 

Dr.  J.  Ph.  Vogel 

Rev.  Dr.  Edmund  A.  Walsh,  S.  J. 

Mr.  Felix  M.  Warburg 


Miss  Isabella  C.  Wells 
Mr.  O.  V.  Werner 
Dr.  Richard  B.  Wetherill 
Mr.  Fred  B.  Wheeler 
Rev.  Dr.  Wilbert  W.  White 
Miss  Ethel  E.  Whitney 
Miss  Carolyn  M.  Wicker 
Rabbi  Johan  B.  Wise 
Mr.  Unrai  Wogihara 
Prof.  A.  C.  WToolner 
Mr.  John  M.  W^ulfing 
Miss  Eleanor  F.  F.  Yeaworth 

[Total:  124] 


Professor  Jastrow  for  the  Publication  Committee  reported  that 
the  times  seemed  inopportune  for  an  attempt  to  secure  a  publica- 
tion fund. 

After  discussion  it  was  voted:  that  the  Society  recommend  to 
the  Board  of  Directors  that  the  publication  of  Blake's  Grammar 
of  the  Tagalog  Language  be  undertaken. 

It  was  also  voted:  to  refer  to  the  Board  of  Directors  for  con- 
sideration the  matter  of  use  of  income  from  the  Society's  invested 
funds  for  publication. 

The  Committee  on  Cooperation  with  Foreign  Oriental  Societies 
reported  on  its  activities. 

It  was  voted  that  the  Recording  Secretary  send  the  greetings  of 
the  Society  to  Professor  B.  L.  Gilder  sleeve. 

The  President,  Dr.  Talcott  Williams,  delivered  an  address  on 
' The  Caliphate.' 

President  Goodnow,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University,  extended  a 
cordial  welcome  to  the  Society  in  a  brief  address:  after  which  the 
first  session  was  adjourned  at  12.25  p.  M. 


THE  SECOND  SESSION 

The  second  session  was  called  to  order  by  President  Williams 
at  2.30  P.  M.  on  Tuesday  afternoon.  The  reading  of  papers  was 
immediately  begun. 

Miss  RUTH  NORTON,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University:  The  Vedic  vrkls- 
declension  from  a  new  angle. — Remarks  by  Prof.  Bloomfield,  Dr.  Ogden,  and 
the  author  of  the  paper. 


176  Proceedings  of  the 

Dr.  MOSES  SEIDEL,  of  Rabbi  Isaac  Elchanan  Theological  Seminary,  New 
York  City:  The  Root  sa'al  and  the  Etymology  of  S&ol. — Remarks  by  Prof. 
Haupt. 

This  paper  tries  to  prove  that  sa'al  has  also  the  meaning  'bid/  'decree.' 
These  connotations,  which  go  back  to  an  original  meaning  'cut,'  'split,' 
make  it  probable  that  SS'ol  originally  meant  'cleft/  'ravine.' 

President  CYRUS  ABLER,  of  Dropsie  College,  Philadelphia:  A  New  Hebrew 
Press  in  America. — Remarks  by  Dr.  Williams  and  Prof.  Montgomery. 

The  object  of  this  paper,  besides  giving  certain  information,  is  to  point 
out  the  possibility  of  enlarging  this  Hebrew  Press  into  a  general  Oriental 
press. 

Dr.  FRANK  R.  BLAKE,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University:  (a)  A  New  Method 
of  Syntactical  Arrangement;  (b)  The  Present  Status  of  Philippine  Linguistic 
Studies. 

(a)  There  are  two  familiar  methods  of  syntactical  arrangement;   the 
formal,  in  which  the  use  of  forms  is  explained,  and  the  logical,  in  which 
various  expressions  for  the  same  idea  are  grouped  together.      A  third 
method  of  arrangement  is  the  combinatory,  where  the  combinations  of 
each  part  of  speech  with  all  possible  modifying  ideas  are  discussed.     This 
is  the  most  important  of  the  three,  as  it  shows  how  the  combinations  of 
which  speech  consists  are  actually  made.      In  a  good  syntax,  all  the 
syntactical  material  of  a  language  should  be  arranged  separately  accord- 
ing to  both  combinatory  and  formal  methods,  with  occasional  shifts  in 
both  parts  to  the  logical  point  of  view. 

(b)  There  are  between  forty  and  fifty  Philippine  languages.'     Up  to 
the  time  of  the  Spanish- American  War,  in  1898,  the  seven  principal 
languages,  Tagalog,  Bisaya,  Iloko,  Pangasinan,  Pampanga,  Bikol,  and 
Ibanag,  and  about  a  dozen  of  the  lesser  known  tongues  had  been  more  or 
less  thoroughly  treated,  though  the  work  was  largely  unscientific  and 
incomplete.  Since  that  time  the  work  already  done  has  been  broadened  and 
deepened,  one  new  language,  Bontok  Igorot,  has  received  a  comparatively 
thorough  treatment,  and  the  foundations  of  a  Comparative  Philippine 
Grammar  have  been  laid. 

Professor  GEORGE  A.  BARTON,  of  Bryn  Mawr  College:  (a)  The  Archaic 
Inscription  in  Decouvertes  en  Chaldte,  PI.  Ibls;  (b)  Statement  on  the  Meso- 
potamian  School  of  Archaeology  in  Baghdad. 

Rev.  EDWARD  R.  HAMME,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University:  The  Ostrich  in 
Job  39,  13-18. — Remarks  by  Professors  Jastrow  and  Haupt. 

V.  18,  followed  by  v.  17,  should  stand  after  v.  13  where  we  must  read 
kgndfranndnd  (AJSL  32,  143;  ZA  33,  63)  n&ldmd,  d-has&rd  ebrd  y8-nd<;d; 
v.  18a:  Be-'et  bam-meroQ  tasri'  =  Arab,  tusri*  (ZA  33,  62)  or  tu'arris 
(Franz  Delitzsch,  lob2  514,  below).  Ki  in  v.  17  is  concessive,  while  in 
v.  14  it  is  due  to  vertical  dittography;  also  the  ba  before  bind,  at  the 
end  of  v.  17,  is  dittography.  In  v.  14b  read  "die  and  ttbamm&mtm 
=  S  mShammSmd  UMn;  in  v.  15:  ye-tiskdh  and  ragli  (WF  217)  tfztirehd; 
in  v.  16:  tasqih,  k8-lo-ldh,  Idriq  =  IS-hartq,  and  bal-tifhdd  (she  fears  not  to 
frustrate  her  labor). 


American  Oriental  Society  111 

Professor  FRANKLIN  EDGERTON,  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania:  On 
the  Doubling  of  Consonants  in  the  Seam  of  certain  Pali  Compounds,  such  as 
anuddayd,  patikkula.  (To  be  printed  in  the  JOURNAL.) — Remarks  by  Dr. 
Michelson,  Dr.  Ogden,  and  the  author  of  the  paper. 

The  secondary  doubling  of  the  consonant  in  such  cases  may  be  due  to 
proportional  analogy  with  other  cases  in  which  the  second  member 
began  in  Sanskrit  with  two  consonants,  which  were  simplified  to  one  in 
Pali  except  in  compounds,  but  in  compounds  appeared  with  double 
consonants;  e.  g.,  kama  (Skt.  krama):  anukkama  (Skt.  anukrama)  = 
day  a:  anu(d}daya. 

Professor  AARON  EMBER,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University:  (a)  The  Phonetic 
Value  of  several  of  the  Egyptian  Alphabetic  Signs  and  their  Correspondence 
Etymologically  in  the  other  Semitic  Languages;  (b)  Metathesis  in  Old 
Egyptian. — Remarks  by  Dr.  Williams,  Professors  Jastrow  and  Haupt,  and 
the  author. 

(a)  The  'snake'  represents  the  sound  of  palatalized  g.     It  should  be 
transliterated  by  $.     Etymologically  it  usually  corresponds  to  Semitic 
gtmel  and  g  add  (Q,  d  and  z ) .    The  pronunciation  of  the  Q add  in  Egyptian 
approximated  that  of  the  gimel  when  palatalized.      Occasionally  the 
'snake'  represents  a  more  original  q  (which  was  palatalized  in  Egyptian) 
or  'aiin.     In  a  number  of  old  Egyptian  words  d  represents  a  more  original 
g.     Parallels  in  Arabic  dialects.     The  sign  usually  transliterated  by  t 
represents  the  sound  of  palatalized  k,  and  should  be  transliterated  by  c. 
At  first  palatalization  of  k  took  place  only  in  proximity  to  an  i-vowel, 
but  later  it  was  extended  to  other  cases.     Parallels  in  Arabic  dialects,  etc. 

(b)  Metathesis  is  more  common  in  Egyptian  than  in  any  of  the  other 
Semitic  languages.     In  most  cases  it  is  due  to  the  presence  in  the  stem 
of  one  or  more  of  the  following  consonants:    1,  n,  r,  h,  h,  and  sibilants. 
Examples:     hut,    nosQ<^.hmt    (partial  assimilation)  <Mm— Heb.   ho^dm, 
Ass.  hutimmu,  Arab.  h'i\m;    sn',  granary  =  Arab,  saglat,  heap  of  grain; 
hpd,  thigh  =  Arab,  fahid;    ngh.t,   tooth   (Copt,  naghe]   connected  with 
Arab,  nahid,  sharp,  pointed;  hnmw,  ram  =  Arab,  haml;  etc. 

Rev.  JOHN  MONCURE,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University:  Compensation  of 
Gemination  by  Insertion  of  Nasals. 

Compensation  of  gemination  by  insertion  of  nasals  is  due  to  a 
reaction  against  assimilation  of  antedental  n.  When  this  reaction  set  in, 
an  n  (or,  before  b,  an  m)  was  erroneously  inserted  in  some  derivatives 
of  stems  mediae  geminatae  (Assyr.  zumbu,  fly,  for  zubbu)  or  in  cases 
where  the  gemination  was  due  to  progressive  assimilation  (Assyr.  gumbu, 
finger =$ubbu  =  £ub'u)  or  to  the  stress  on  the  preceding  vowel  (Assyr. 
imandad,  he  measures  =imaddad=imddad}.  Cf.  Haupt,  Purim,  p.  23, 
1.  21;  JHUC,  No.  316,  p.  12. 

Dr.  TRUMAN  MICHELSON,  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology,  Washing- 
ton, D.  C.:  Some  Middle  Indie  Notes. — Remarks  by  Prof.  Edgerton  and  the 
author. 

V.  S.  Sukthankar,  JAOS.  40,  253,  entirely  overlooks  the  fact  that 
thirteen  years  ago  I  pointed  out  that  Magadhl  ahake  occurs  a  few  times 
in  the  Devanagarl  redaction  of  the  Sakuntala. — ^aurasenl  utthido  (with 

12     JAOS  41 


178  Proceedings  of  the 

dental  tth)  is  additional  proof  that  Shahbazgarhi  uthanam  is  a  genuine 
native  word,  and  not  a  'Magadhism.'—  Markandeya  at  IX.  63  gives 
an  anomalous  form  for  the  loc.  sing,  in  Sauraseni. 

Mr.  WILFRED  H.  SCHOFF,  of  the  Commercial  Museum,  Philadelphia: 
Aloes. — Remarks  by  Professors  Jackson  and  Edgerton. 

This  paper  is  an  inquiry  into  the"  migration  of  a  trade-name  from  a 
drug  to  an  incense,  both  used  in  ceremonial  purification,  similar  in  appear- 
ance and  in  manner  of  preparation  for  the  market;  together  with  some 
account  of  the  information,  wise  and  otherwise,  given  concerning  them 
in  ancient  writings. 

Dr.  DAVID  I.  MACHT,  of  the  Department  of  Pharmacology,  Johns  Hopkins 
University:  A  Pharmacognostic  and  Pharmacological  Study  of  Biblical 
Incense. 

The  author  has  made  an  inquiry  into  the  botanical  and  pharmacognostic 
characteristics  of  the  various  ingredients  of  Biblical  incense  and  has 
collected  pictures  and  specimens  of  a  number  of  the  same.  Following 
this  attempt  at  identification  of  the  constituents,  two  series  of  original 
experiments,  were  made.  In  one  research  the  fumes  of  a  number  of 
gum-resins,  etc.,  were  examined  with  respect  to  their  antiseptic  prop- 
erties. In  another  experimental  investigation  an  inquiry  was  made  into 
the  possibility  of  narcotic  or  sedative  action  of  such  fumes.  The  results 
of  these  investigations  have  led  to  data  which  will  be  of  interest  not  only 
to  the  pharmacologist,  but  also  to  the  student  of  the  Bible. 

The  session  adjourned  at  5.40  P.  M. 

THE  THIRD   SESSION 

The  third  session  was  called  to  order  by  President  Williams  on 
Wednesday  morning  at  9.37  o'clock  at  Goucher  College.  The 
reading  of  papers  was  immediately  begun : 

Dr.  V.  S.  SUKTHANKAR,  of  New  York  City:  The  Carudatta  and  the 
Mrcchakatika :  their  mutual  relationship.  [To  be  printed  in  the  JOURNAL.] — 
Remarks  by  Prof.  Edgerton  and  Dr.  Michelson. 

Professor  MARY  I.  HUSSEY,  of  Mt.  Holyoke  College:  Notes  on  an  Unpub- 
lished Ritual  Tablet  in  the  Harvard  Semitic  Museum. — Remarks  by  Prof. 
Jastrow  and  Dr.  Rosenau. 

Professor  MAX  L.  MARGOLIS,  of  Dropsie  College,  Philadelphia:  The  Text 
of  Sirach  4,  19.— Remarks  by  Prof.  Haupt. 

In  addition  to  the  obvious  correction  in  verse  19a,  delete  19cd,  and 
read  in  19b  u&hisgartlhu  be{ad  sordro. 

Dr.  W.  NORMAN  BROWN,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University:  Hindu  Stories  in 
American  Negro  Folklore. 

About  sixty  of  the  stories  reported  by  collectors  of  American  Negro 
folk-tales  are  paralleled  in  Indian  fiction.  These  are  of  three  sorts: 


American  Oriental  Society  179 

(1)  Those  which  have  traveled  from  India  to  America  either  by  way  of 
Europe  or  by  way  of  Africa.  The  stories  first  started  on  their  long 
journeys  perhaps  before  the  time  of  Solomon.  (2)  Those  which  have 
traveled  from  Africa  to  both  India  and  America.  These  are  very  few. 

(3)  Those  which  both  India  and  the  Negroes  have  drawn  from  the 
universal  fiction  of  the  world.  The  place  of  origin  of  the  tales  of  this 
last  class  cannot  be  determined.  Illustrations  of  all  three  types  of  tales. 

Professor  GEORGE  H.  D ANTON,  of  Tsing  Hua  College,  Peking,  and  New 
York  University:  A  Preliminary  Announcement  of  a  Study  of  Chinese 
Village  Names. — Remarks  by  Prof.  Jackson  and  Dr.  Williams. 

The  announcement  contemplates  no  more  than  a  statement  of  the 
problem  and  of  the  method  used.  The  object  of  the  study  is  twofold: 
first,  to  examine  the  Chinese  words  for  village  and  to  work  out  a  study 
in  generalization  of  terms.  A  crystalization  process  is  observable. 
Secondly,  an  attempt  will  be  made  to  examine  into  the  bases  of  Chinese 
imagination  as  evinced  by  the  variety  and  connotations  of  the  terms  used 
for  village.  The  material  is  mainly  from  Chihli  Province,  but  there  is 
an  ample  check-list  from  the  other  sections  of  China. 

Mrs.  VIRGINIA  SAUNDERS,  of  New  York  City:  Some  Allusions  to  Magic 
in  the  Arthas"astra.  [To  be  printed  in  the  JOURNAL.] 

This  paper  deals  with  some  allusions  to  magic  in  ArthaSastra,  bk.  4, 
ch.  3;  bk.  14,  chs.  1-4,  as  phases  of  Hindu  magic  in  general. 

Mr.  LEON  DOMINIAN,  of  Washington,  D.  C.:  The  People  of  Justinian's 
Capital. — Remarks  by  Prof.  Jastrow  and  Dr.  Williams. 

An  inquiry  into  the  life  of  the  contemporaries  of  Justinian  in  Byzantium 
must  take  into  account  the  background  provided  by  the  capital's  former 
history  and  its  location  on  the  borderland  of  two  continents.  Within 
the  city  the  consolidation  of  the  policies  inaugurated  by  Constantine 
was  well  advanced.  Asiatic  influence  assumed  growing  importance. 
This  and  other  influences  were  reflected  iri  the  different  levels  of  Byzantine 
society.  The  masses  of  the  plain  people  exerted  considerable  power  at 
court.  Among  leaders  progressive  thought  was  not  unusual  although 
constantly  checked  by  convention. 

Professor  RAYMOND  P.  DOUGHERTY,  of  Goucher  College:  The  Goucher 
College  Babylonian  Collection. 

In  1918  Goucher  College  secured  a  collection  of  nearly  a  thousand 
Babylonian  tablets,  most  of  which  belong  to  the  Neo-Babylonian  and 
Persian  periods.  As  a  part  of  the  temple  archives  of  Erech,  they  present 
additional  data  for  the  reconstruction  of  the  industrial,  social  and  religious 
life  of  that  ancient  city,  and  also  furnish  valuable  lexicographical  material. 

Dr.  JACOB  MANN,  of  the  Baltimore  Hebrew  College:  On  some  Early 
Karaite  Bible  Commentaries. — Remarks  by  Prof.  Margolis. 

Among  the  Mss.  of  the  Cairo  Genizah,  now  in  Cambridge  and  London, 
I  have  found  several  fragments  of  Bible  commentaries  in  Hebrew  by 
early  Karaite  writers,  probably  of  the  ninth  century.  The  fragments 
extend  to  portions  of  Genesis,  Leviticus,  Hosea,  Joel,  Ecclesiastes,  and 


180  Proceedings  of  the 

Daniel,  and  are  a  welcome  addition  to  our  very  scanty  knowledge  of 
early  ICaraite  Bible  exegesis.  Of  the  several  topics  dealt  with  in  these 
commentaries  there  should  be  singled  out  the  Biblical  conception  of 
angels,  whom  one  author,  probably  identical  with  Daniel  b.  Moses  al- 
Kumisi,  deprives  of  any  influence.  This  was  in  opposition  to  the  theory 
of  an  Intermediary,  akin  to  Philo's  Logos,  introduced  into  Karaism  by 
Benjamin  al-Nahawendi. 

Dr.  WILLIAM  ROSENAU,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University:  Harel  and  Ha-ariel 
in  Ezek.  43,  15. — Remarks  by  Professors  Haupt,  Morgenstern,  Margolis,  and 
Montgomery. 

Rev.  Dr.  ABRAHAM  YOHANNAN,  of  Columbia  University:  Notes  on  Theo- 
dore bar  Khoni's  Syriac  Account  of  Manichaeism. 

This  paper  discusses  several  of  the  difficult  passages  in  Theodore  bar 
Khoni's  Syriac  account  of  Manichaeism  and  proposes  a  somewhat  differ- 
ent explanation  of  them  from  those  previously  suggested.  Among  these 
crux-passages  in  the  edition  of  the  text  (with  French  translation)  by  H. 
Pognon,  Paris,  1898,  cf.  also  the  French  revision  by  F.  Cumont,  La 
Cosmogonie  manicheenne,  Brussels,  1908,  are:  .(1)  Pognon,  p.  129  (189), 
cf.  Cumont,  p.  29,  the  passage  containing  agganl;  (2)  Pognon,  p.  129 
(190),  cf.  Cumont,  p.  29,  the  simile  v&aikh  mSnatha  bSlaisha;  also  (3) 
Pognon,  p.  128  (187),  cf.  Cumont,  p.  29,  bin  Rabba. 

The  Corresponding  Secretary  reported  that  the  Directors 
recommended  the  election  of  Pere  M.-J.  Lagrange  of  Jerusalem  as 
an  Honorary  Member  of  the  Society:  the  report  was  accepted 
and  Pere  Lagrange  was  duly  elected. 

It  was  also  reported  that  the  Directors  recommended  the 
election  of  the  following  to  be  Honorary  Associates:  Charles  R. 
Crane,  Otis  A.  Glazebrook,  Frank  J.  Goodnow,  Henry  Morgen- 
thau,  Paul  S.  Reinsch,  and  William  Howard  Taft:  this  report 
was  accepted  and  they  were  duly  elected. 

Prof.  Jastrow  for  the  Committee  on  the  Nomination  of  Officers 
for  1921  reported  nominations  for  the  several  offices  as  follows: 

President — Rev.  Dr.  James  B.  Nies,  of  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

Vice-Presidents — Prof.  Maurice  Bloomfield,  of  Johns  Hopkins 
University;  Prof.  Nathaniel  Schmidt,  of  Cornell  University; 
Prof.  A.  T.  Olmstead,  of  the  University  of  Illinois. 

Corresponding  Secretary — Dr.  Charles  J.  Ogden,  of  New  York 
City. 

Recording  Secretary — Prof.  LeRoy  C.  Barret,  of  Trinity 
College. 

Treasurer — Prof.  Albert  T.  Clay,  of  Yale  University. 

Librarian — Prof.  Albert  T.  Clay,  of  Yale  University. 


American  Oriental  Society  181 

Editors  of  the  Journal — Prof.  James  A.  Montgomery,  of  the 
University  of  Pennsylvania;  Prof.  Franklin  Edgerton,  of  the 
University  of  Pennsylvania. 

Directors,  term  expiring  1924 — Prof.  George  A.  Barton,  of 
Bryn  Mawr  College;  Prof.  Julian  Morgenstern,  of  the  Hebrew 
Union  College;  Mr.  Wilfred  H.  Schoff,  of  the  Commercial  Museum, 
Philadelphia. 

The  officers  thus  nominated  were  duly  elected. 

The  session  adjourned  at  12.45  P.  M. 

THE  FOURTH   SESSION 

The  fourth  session  was  called  to  order  at  Goucher  College  on 
Wednesday  at  3  P.  M.  The  reading  of  papers  was  immediately 
begun : 

Professor  JAMES  A.  MONTGOMERY,  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania: 
Statement  on  the  American  School  of  Oriental  Research  in  Jerusalem. 

Professor  MAURICE  BLOOMFIELD,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University:  The 
Language  of  the  Hittites.  (Printed  in  the  Journal,  41,  195  ff.) — Remarks  by 
Prof.  Jackson. 

Professor  MORRIS  JASTROW,  JR.,  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania:  Veiling 
in  Ancient  Assyria. — Remarks  by  Prof.  Morgenstern  and  the  author. 

Mrs.  EDITH  P.  DICKINS,  of  Washington,  D.  C.:  Rabi'a,  a  Moslem  Saint  of 
the  Eighth  Century. — Remarks  by  Prof.  Jackson. 

Professor  PAUL  HAUPT,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University:  (a)  The  Rainbow 
after  the  Deluge;  (b)  The  Fall  of  Samaria. — Remarks  by  Prof.  Jastrow  and 
the  author  of  the  paper. 

(a)  NIM-MES  in  1.  164  of  the  Flood-tablet  means  muscaria  (Arab. 
maddbb).     When  Istar  sees  the  gods  gather  around  the  offerer  like  a 
swarm  of  flies   (because  there  had  been  no  offerings  during  the  Flood; 
cf.  Ovid,  Met.  1,  248)  she  is  so  incensed  that  she  takes  the  great  fly- 
brushes  of  her  father  Anu  to  drive  away  the  gods.      Fly-brushes  are 
ancient  Oriental  symbols  of  sovereignty.     Anu  is  the  father  and  king  of 
the  gods  (like  Zeus).     Both  in  Assyria  and  Egypt  kings  were  attended 
by  flappers  with  large  fly-brushes.     In  processions  at  certain  festivals 
attendants  on  the  Pope  still  carry  flabella.     KB  5,  47*  Winckter  mistook 
NIM,  fly,  for  BAN,  bow    (cf.  KAT*  517,  1.  7).      A  Jewish  priest  in 
Babylonia   (c.  500  B.  C.)  may  have  made  the  same  mistake,  and  the 
rainbow  after  the  Deluge  in  Gen.  9,  13   (P)  may  be  due  to  this  mis- 
understanding (cf.  also  KB  6,  32,  5;  ATAO*  143). 

(b)  The  prediction  of  the  fall  of  Samaria  (721  B.  c.)  in  Am.  3,  3-4,  3, 
which  should  be  preceded  by  1,  2,  was  composed  about  737;   the  fall  of 
Arpad   (the  Galilean  stronghold  Irbid  or  Arbela,  which  appears  in  the 


182  Proceedings  of  the 

OT  also  as-Riblah  and  Beth-Arbel)  in  740  and  the  deportation  (2  K 
15,  29)  of  the  Galileans  in  738  opened  Amos'  eyes,  so  that  he  foresaw 
the  fall  of  Samaria  and  the  deportation  of  Israel.  This  poem  of  the 
Israelitish  gardener  (who  lived  in  Judah  after  he  had  been  banished  from 
the  Northern  Kingdom  about  743)  consists  of  three  sections,  each  com- 
prising two  triplets  with  3+2  beats  (JBL  35,  287;  ZDMG  69,  170, 
1.  35;  AJSL  27,  29,  n.  37;  Monist  29,  299,  n.  18). 

Professor  A.  V.  WILLIAMS  JACKSON,  of  Columbia  University:  Studies  in 
Manichaeism. 

The  paper  presents  some  of  the  results  of  a  study  of  the  fragments  of 
Manichaean  manuscripts  discovered  in  Chinese  Turkistan,  as  supple- 
menting the  previously  available  sources  of  our  knowledge  of  Man- 
ichaeism. Emphasis  is  laid  on  the  Zoroastrian  elements  in  the  religion 
of  Mani,  and  an  interpretation  is  given  of  some  of  the  fragments  that 
relate  to  the  life  of  this  religious  teacher  of  the  third  century  A.  D. 

Professor  ROBERT  E.  HUME,  of  Union  Theological  Seminary,  New  York 
City:  A  Presentation  of  a  New  Translation  of  the  Principal  Upanishads. 

I.  The  fascination  of  the  work,  continued  through  a  period  of  255 
years,  of  translating  the  Upanishads:  Chronological  lists  of  transla- 
tions into  different  non-Indian  languages :  Persian,  Latin,  English,  Ger- 
man, French,  Italian,  Swedish.  II.  Striking  estimates  by  non-Hindus  of 
the  value  of  the  Upanishads :  (a)  favorable;  (b)  unfavorable.  III.  Strik- 
ing estimates  by  Hindus  of  the  value  of  the  Upanishads:  (a)  favorable; 
(b)  unfavorable.  IV.  An  original  estimate  of  the  ethical  value  of  the 
Upanishads  on  the  basis  of  twelve  passages,  controverting  Deussen's 
position  in  the  section  on  'Die  Ethik  der  Upanishads'  in  his  'Die  Phil- 
osophic der  Upanishads.' 

Professor  JULIAN  MORGENSTERN,  of  the  Hebrew  Union  College,  Cincinnati: 
The  Seven  Fifties,  a  Study  of  the  Ancient  Canaanite  Agricultural  Calendar. 
— Remarks  by  Prof.  Montgomery  and  Dr.  Williams. 

In  certain  districts  of  Palestine  the  peasants  divide  the  year,  beginning 
with  Easter,  into  seven  periods  of  approximately  fifty  days  each,  called 
'The  Seven  Fifties'.  Each  period  begins  with  a  religious  festival.  A 
similar  practice  is  observed  by  the  Samaritans  and  in  the  Syrian  Church. 
Other  instances  of  the  division  of  time  into  fifty-day  periods  are  found 
in  different  parts  of  the  Semitic  world,  usually  connected  with  the  observ- 
ance of  important  festivals.  This  practice  existed  also  in  ancient  Israel. 
It  is  undoubtedly  of  pre-Israelite  origin,  and  in  all  likelihood  constituted 
the  practical  religious  and  economic  calendar  system  of  the  ancient 
Canaanites,  and  perhaps  also  of  other  ancient  agricultural  Semites. 

Professor  NATHANIEL  SCHMIDT,  of  Cornell  University:  Daniel  in  the 
Lions'  Den  and  Androcles  in  the  Arena. 

The  Old  Greek  Version,  for  which  Theodotion's  was  substituted, 
reveals  an  older  form  of  the  story  than  the  present  Aramaic  text,  and  is 
free  from  many  of  the  difficulties  of  the  latter.  When  the  translation 
was  made,  Daniel  was  not  spied  upon  and  accused  before  the  king  by  a 
vast  crowd  of  officials,  but  qnly  the  two  fellow-presidents  were  spies 


American  Oriental  Society  183 

and  accusers,  and  only  they  and  their  families  were  slain  by  the  lions. 
The  decree  did  not  forbid  a  petition  of  any  god  or  man  save  the  king  only; 
it  seems  to  have  prohibited  the  worship  of  any  god  without  the  king's 
permission.  There  was  no  reference  to  the  unchanging  law  of  the  Medes 
and  Persians.  The  story  of  Androcles,  as  told  by  Aulus  Gellius  in  his 
Nodes  Alticae,  appears  to  go  back  to  Jewish  sources.  It  is  possible  that 
both  of  these  stories,  in  spite  of  their  legendary  character,  to  some  extent 
reflect  observations  of  the  actual  habits  of  lions. 

Professor  GEORGE  S.  DUNCAN,  of  the  American  University  and  the  Y.  M. 

C.  A.  School  of  Religion,    Washington:     Spittle   in   the   Oldest   Egyptian 

Texts. 

In  the  oldest  hieroglyphic  inscriptions  in  tombs  of  the  Fifth  and  Sixth 
Dynasties  at  Sakkara,  spittle  plays  an  important  role.  Spittle  on  the 
face  expels  the  demon  of  evil.  It  produces  ceremonial  purification.  It 
heals  wounds.  As  a  preventive  of  sickness  spittle  was  applied.  It  was 
also  used  to  keep  people  from  becoming  aged.  There  appears  to  be, 
behind  all  this  usage,  the  idea  that  the  evil  spirit  producing  the  ill  must  be 
banished.  One  may  compare  the  use  of  spittle  by  Jesus  in  curing  the 
deaf,  dumb,  and  blind.  Pliny,  Suetonius,  and  Tacitus  speak  of  the 
medicinal  value  of  human  saliva. 

The  session  adjourned  at  5.40  P.  M. 

THE  FIFTH   SESSION 

The  fifth  session  was  called  to  order  by  the  President,  Dr. 
Williams,  at  Johns  Hopkins  University  on  Thursday  at  9.35  A.  M. 

The  Corresponding  Secretary  reported  that  the  Directors  had 
voted  to  accept  the  invitation  of  the  Middle  West  Branch  of  the 
Society  for  a  joint  meeting  to  be  held  at  Chicago  during  Easter 
Week  of  1922.  The  report  was  accepted. 

A  brief  report  was  received  from  the  delegates  to  the  American 
Council  of  Learned  Societies  devoted  to  Humanistic  Studies. 

On  recommendation  of  the  Directors  it  was  voted  to  amend 
Article  IV  of  the  Constitution  so  as  to  read: 

ARTICLE  IV.  1.  Honorary  members  and  honorary  associates  shall  be 
proposed  for  membership  by  the  Directors,  at  some  stated  meeting  of  the 
Society,  and  no  person  shall  be  elected  a  member  of  either  class  without 
receiving  the  votes  of  as  many  as  three-fourths  of  all  the  members  present 
at  the  meeting. 

2.  Candidates  for  corporate  membership  may  be  proposed  and  elected  in 
the  same  manner  as  honorary  members  and  honorary  associates.  They  may 
also  be  proposed  at  any  time  by  any  member  in  regular  standing.  Such  pro- 
posals shall  be  in  writing  and  shall  be  addressed  to  the  Corresponding  Sec- 
retary, who  shall  thereupon  submit  them  to  the  Executive  Committee  for  its 
action.  A  unanimous  vote  of  the  Executive  Committee  shall  be  necessary  in 
order  to  elect. 


184  Proceedings  of  the 

On  recommendation  of  the  Directors  it  was  voted  to  amend 
By-Law  VIII  so  as  to  read: 

VIII.  Candidates  for  corporate  membership  who  have  been  elected  shall 
qualify  as  members  by  payment  of  the  first  annual  assessment  within  one 
month  from  the  time  when  notice  of  such  election  is  mailed  to  them,  or,  in  the 
case  of  persons  not  residing  in  the  United  States,  within  a  reasonable  time. 
A  failure  so  to  qualify,  unless  explained  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  Executive 
Committee,  shall  be  construed  as  a  refusal  to  become  a  member.  If  an}'  cor- 
porate member  shall  for  two  years  fail  to  pay  his  assessments,  his  name  may, 
at  the  discretion  of  the  Executive  Committee,  be  dropped  from  the  list  of 
members  of  the  Societ3r. 

A  communication  from  Sir  George  Grierson  was  presented  by 
the  Corresponding  Secretary  and  referred  to  the  Editors  of  the 
Journal  as  a  committee  with  power  to  add  to  their  committee. 

At  ten  o'clock  the  Society  paid  silent  tribute  to  the  memory  of 
Cardinal  Gibbons  lately  deceased. 

The  presentation  of  papers  was  resumed : 

Rev.  Dr.  JAMES  B.  NIBS,  of  Brooklyn,  N".  Y.:  Proof  that  Bashaishdagan 
is  a  Place-name. — Remarks  by  Prof.  Jastrow. 

Rev.  P.  B.  GIBBLE,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University:  Mistranslated  Passages 
in  Job. — Remarks  by  Professors  Jastrow,  Haupt,  and  Ember. 

The  phrase  mistranslated  skin  for  skin  (2:4)  means  lit.  a  skin  in 
separation  from  a  skin,  i.  e.,  two  separate  skins;  Job  is  protected  by  two 
sheepskin  coats  (DB  1,  625).  Even  if  he  has  lost  his  outer  coat,  i.  e., 
his  wealth  and  his  children,  he  has  still  his  inner  coat,  his  health  and  his 
wife,  so  that  he  may  have  children  again,  and  he  may  recover  his  wealth. 
tyaiqaddesem  (1,  5)  means  he  made  them  clean  themselves  (JBL  38,  144). 
Le-hitiaggeb  fal  Zahye  (1,  6)  signifies  to  place  themselves  over  against 
JffVH,  to  line  up  opposite  Him  (JBL  32,  112.  121).  The  name  Job  is 
connected  with  Arab,  iyab,  return,  and  denotes  a  man  who  came  back 
(42,  10),  i.  e.,  regained  his  former  condition  (8GI  99;  SG  §  177,  b).  Uz 
is  the  region  of  Antioch;  al-'Agi,  the  Orontes,  denotes  the  Uzean  (river). 
For  Sabeans  and  Chaldeans  (1,  15.  17)  we  must  read  sobd,  raiders,  and 
pdrdsim,  riders  (JBL  38,  157;  31,  67). 

Miss  ELEANOR  F.  F.  YEAWORTH,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University:  The  Pre- 
formatives  of  the  Semitic  Imperfect. — Remarks  by  Prof.  Haupt. 

Arab,  naqtul  is  conformed  to  taqtul;  whereas  Heb.  iiq\ol  is  influenced 
by  niq\ol  =  mni-qtul;  Assyr.  nini,  we  =  na%ni  =  ndni  =  ndna  =  na'na  = 
ana'na,  a  reduplication  of  ana,  I,  which  is  shortened  from  andku  (BA  1, 
17).  H  is  often  secondary  (ZA  33,  63,  below).  In  aqtul  this  ana  is 
reduced  to  a,  just  as  the  prepositions  ana  and  ina  appear  as  prothetic  aleph; 
cf.  Talmud,  abbdbd,  at  the  door  =  ina  bdbi  (JSOR  1,  41).  The  pre- 
formatives  of  the  third  person  were  originally  u  and  i;  i  became  $a,  and 


American  Oriental  Society  185 

u,  under  the  influence  of  {a:  {a  (OLZ  12,  212).  The  generic  differentia- 
tion of  hH,  hi  is  secondary;  cf.  Aram,  abtihi,  his  father;  \ctmth,  his  day  = 
idmahi  (contrast  VG  303,  y;  310,  n.  1;  312,  G). 

Mr.  WALTER  T.  SWINGLE,  of  the  Bureau  of  Plant  Industry,  Washington, 
D.  C.:  (a)  The  Multindex  System  for  Finding  Chinese  Characters  and  its 
Uses;  (b)  Notes  on  the  Gazetteers  and  other  Geographical  Works  in  the 
Library  of  Congress  Chinese  Collection. — Remarks  by  Prof.  Haupt,  Dr. 
Williams  and  the  author  of  the  pa^  er. 

(a)  The  most  pressing  need  of  China  today  is  for  an  efficient  and 
accurate  system  of  indexing  Chinese  characters.     Only  men  with  superb 
memories  could  pass  the  old  style  examinations.     They  did  not  need 
indexes.     Under  the  modern  educational  system  indexes  became  indis- 
pensable.    A  new  system  has  been  worked  out  in  the  Bureau  of  Plant 
Industry  of  the  Department  of  Agriculture  and  in  the  Library  of  Congress 
which,  it  is  believed,  offers  an  easy  and  certain  method  of  indexing  Chinese 
characters.     Examples  of  this  method  are  shown. 

(b)  A  Chinese  district  corresponds  roughly  to  the  county  of  America 
but  has  four  times  the  population;    a  prefecture  of  China  corresponds 
roughly  to  a  congressional  district,  but  has  four  times  the  population; 
and  a  Chinese  province  corresponds  roughly  to  a  state,  but  has  about 
eight  times  the  population.      Each  of  these  territorial  units  has  its 
official  gazetteer,  usually  reprinted  and  even  rewritten  every  50  or  75 
years.     These  gazetteers  are  replete  with  information  of  great  interest 
to  the  geographer,  naturalist,  historian,  and  sociologist.     The  Library  of 
Congress  has  brought  together  the  largest  collection  of  these  works  to  be 
found  outside  of  China. 

Professor  FRANKLIN  EDGERTON,  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania:  Glean- 
ings from  the  Pancatantra. 

Illustrations  of  the  important  results,  text-critical  and  hermeneutic, 
which  careful  comparative  study  of  the  different  versions  of  the  Panca- 
tantra produces. 

It  was  voted  to  refer  the  matter  of  the  publication  of  Professor 
Edgerton's  reconstruction  of  the  Pancatantra  to  the  Publication 
Committee  with  the  recommendation  that  the  publication  be 
undertaken. 

Professor  MAURICE  BLOOMFIELD,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University:  On  a 
Pre-Vedic  Form  in  Pali  and  Prakrit. — Remarks  by  Prof.  Jackson,  Dr.  Ogden, 
and  the  author  of  the  paper. 

Professor  PAUL  HAUPT,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University:  (a)  Egyptian 
Boomerangs;  (b)  The  Names  of  Mount  Hermon. 

(a)  In  ancient  Egypt  wild  birds  were  brought  down  with  the  throw- 
stick  or  taken  in  a  clap-net.  Some  of  the  throw-sticks  were  sickle- 
shaped,  like  the  Australian  boomerangs,  so  that  they  resembled  a  bow; 
but  Heb.  moqes,  throw-stick,  is  not  connected  with  qdst,  bow:  it  must 


186  Proceedings  of  the 

be  derived  from  iaqds  —  naqds,  to  strike.  Syr.  gdfdhtd  (Luke  21,  35)  is 
derived  from  a  causative  of  Heb.  pah,  clap-net,  with  g  for  s  owing  to  h. 
Am.  3,  5b  means:  Does  a  clap-net  fly  up  from  the  ground  without  catch- 
ing a  catch  (lakud)?  This  is  preceded  by  the  gloss,  or  variant,  Does 
a  bird  ever  fall  to  the  ground  without  a  throw-stick? 

(b)  Cuneiform  Sirara=£iridn  (Deut.  3,  9)  suggests  that  the  i  should 
stand  before  the  r,  and  that  the  final  n  is  due  to  dissimilation.  £i'6n 
(Deut.  4,  48)  may  represent  an  Egyptian  form  of  the  name,  with  ' 
'  instead  of  r  (AZ  51,  111,  No.  9).  Also  Senir  (  =  Tdl'at  Milsd,  EL  51) 
may  be  dissimilation  for  Serir,  so  that  both  &&ntsr  and  &i(r}6n  may  be 
connected  with  sardru,  to  shine  (JBL  36,  141).  All  three  names  mean 
shiny,  i.  e.,  white,  snowy  mountain  (cf.  Montblanc). 

Dr.  W.  NORMAN  BROWN,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University:  The  Wonderful 
Tar-Baby  Story:  its  place  of  origin. 

The  'tar-baby'  motif  appears  seven  times  in  Hindu  fiction.  This 
has  led  folklorists  since  the  time  of  Joseph  Jacobs  to  assume  that  India 
is  the  home  of  that  story,  but  the  view  needs  reexamination.  The  theme 
has  never  taken  hold  of  the  Hindu  mind;  there  are  no  evidences  that 
the  Hindus  have  carried  it  with  them  to  China,  Siam,  Cambodia,  and 
the  lower  Malay  Peninsula,  or  that  they  have  given  it  to  the  Semitic 
world.  On  the  contrary  it  is  the  grand  theme  of  Negro  fiction,  and  has 
been  carried  by  them  wherever  they  have  gone.  It  is  likely  that  the 
Negroes  originated  the  motif  and  took  it  to  India,  first  in  very  early 
times  and  again  in  modern  times. 

Professor  AARON  EMBER,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University :  (a)  The  J.  T.  Dennis 
Collection  of  Egyptian  Antiquities;  (b)  The  Etymologies  of  Hebrew  ham, 
'father-in-law,'  and  of  Egyptian  'ibd,  'month.' 

(a)  Through  the  death  of  the  late  Mr.  James  Teackle  Dennis  the 
Johns  Hopkins  University  has  recently  come  into  possession  of  a  great 
deal  of  Egyptian  material.     In  the  collection  there  are  about  125  scar- 
abaei  of  different  sizes  and  materials,  some  with  cartouches.     Among 
other  objects  we  may  mention:    Several  fine  necklaces  of  the  18th  and 
19th  dynasties;    several  pre-historic  slate-palettes;    a  number  of  pre- 
historic jars  found  at  Abydos;    alabaster  offering  jars;    diorite  dish; 
head-support;    bronze  articles  found  at  Thebes;    arrows   (llth  dyn.); 
ushebties;  toys,  etc. 

(b)  The  original  meaning  of  ham  was  kinsman,  blood-relation.     It  is 
connected  with  Arab,  hammat,  kinsmen,  relatives,  family,  and  hamim, 
kin,  relative,  from  the  stem  hamma,  be  hot.     Semantic  development: 
be  hot,  glow,  ardent,  related.     Number  of  parallels  for  the  change  of 
meaning  may  be  cited.     Arab,  nasib  denoted  originally  blood-relation 
but  came  to  be  used  for  relation  by  marriage  (brother-in-law,  father-in- 
law,  son-in-law).     Cf.  gahr,  hot,  burning,  and  gihr,  relation  by  marriage: 
son-in-law,    brother-in-law.      Egyptian    'ibd,   month,    meant   originally 
moon.     It  is  connected  with  the  Semitic  stem  'bd,  to  wander. 


American  Oriental  Society  187 

Dr.  Talcott  Williams  made  some  informal  remarks,  based  on 
his  personal  observations,  regarding  the  veiling  of  women  in  the 
Near  East. 

The  President  announced  the  formal  presentation  by  title  of 
the  following  papers: 

Dr.  GEORGE  C.  O.  HAAS,  of  New  York  City:  Recurrent  and  Parallel  Pas- 
sages in  the  Principal  Upanishads  and  the  Bhagavad-Gita. 

Dr.  JULIUS  J.  PRICE,  of  Plainfield,  N.  J.:  Medicine  in  the  Talmud. 

The  President  announced  the  appointment  of  the  following 
committees: 

On  Nominations  for  1922 — Prof.  Jackson,  Prof.  Allen,  and 
Mr.  Dominian. 

Auditors  for  1922— Prof.  F.  W.  Williams  and  Prof.  Torrey. 

On  Arrangements  for  1922 — Prof.  Breasted,  Prof.  Allen, 
Prof.  Price,  Prof.  Luckenbill,  Dr,  Laufer,  and  the  Correspond- 
ing Secretary. 

On  motion  of  Prof.  Jastrow  the  following  resolution  was  un- 
animously adopted: 

RESOLVED,  That  the  thanks  of  the  American  Oriental  Society  be  extended 
to  the  President  and  the  Trustees  of  the  Johns  Hopkins  University  for  welcom- 
ing the  Society  in  the  Civil  Engineering  Building  during  the  sessions  on 
Tuesday  and  Thursday,  and  for  entertaining  the  members  at  luncheon  on 
Tuesday;  likewise  to  the  President  and  the  Trustees  of  Goucher  College  both 
for  hospitably  placing  their  buildings  at  the  disposal  of  the  Society  during  the 
Wednesday  sessions  and  for  the  luncheon  tendered  to  the  members  on  that 
day.  The  Society  wishes  also  to  record  its  sincere  appreciation  of  the  offer 
made  by  the  Rector  and  the  Faculty  .of  the  Catholic  University  of  America  to 
welcome  the  members  on  Thursday  in  Washington,  an  offer  which,  through  the 
sad  coincidence  on  that  day  of  the  funeral  of  his  late  Eminence,  James  Cardinal 
Gibbons,  became  impossible  of  fulfilment,  to  our  deep  regret.  Finally,  the 
members  of  the  Society  would  express  their  heartiest  thanks  to  the  local 
members,  and  especially  to  the  efficient  Committee  of  Arrangements,  under 
the  skilled  leadership  of  the  Chairman,  Professor  Haupt,  for  their  hospitality 
extended  on  Tuesday  evening  at  the  dinner  and  informal  gathering  at  the 
Johns  Hopkins  Club  and  for  their  unfailing  attention  to  the  comfort  and  con- 
venience of  the  members  thruout  the  meeting. 

The  Society  adjourned  at  12.43  P.  M.  to  meet  in  Chicago  in  1922. 


PROCEEDINGS 

OF   THE 
MIDDLE  WEST  BRANCH 

OF  THE 

AMERICAN   ORIENTAL  SOCIETY 
AT  ITS  FIFTH  MEETING  AT  MADISON,  WIS.,  FEBRUARY  25-26, 1921 

The  Fifth  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Middle  West  Branch  was  held 
at  Madison,  Wisconsin,  February  25-26,  1921,  as  guests  of  the 
University  of  Wisconsin.  The  local  committee,  consisting  of 
Professors  E.  H.  Byrne,  F.  T.  Kelly,  A.  G.  Laird,  G.  Showerman, 
M.  S.  Slaughter,  R.  H.  Whitbeck,  with  Professor  L.  B.  Wolfenson 
as  chairman,  provided  generously  for  the  comfort  and  entertain- 
ment of  the  members.  Through  their  efforts,  practically  all  of 
the  visiting  members  were  assigned  to  rooms  at  the  University 
or  the  Madison  Club,  and  all  meals  were  taken  in  common  at  the 
former.  On  Friday  evening,  Professor  Byrne  entertained  the 
members  at  a  smoker  at  his  house  and  on  Saturday  noon  the 
local  members  gave  the  visiting  members  a  luncheon  at  the 
Madison  Club.  At  these,  the  members  met  some  of  the  local 
faculty  who  "were  most  nearly  interested  in  our  work.  In  the 
absence  of  President  Birge,  Dean  Sellery  gave  us  a  cordial  welcome. 

The  members  present  were  Allen,  Breasted,  Bull,  Byrne, 
Edgerton  (W.  F.),  Fuller,  Kelly.  Leavitt,  Luckenbill,  Lybyer, 
Morgenstern,  Olmstead,  Price,  Rostovtzeff,  Waterman,  Wolfenson, 
Ylvisaker.  At  the  business  session,  the  retiring  secretary-treasurer 
made  his  last  formal  report,  pointing  out  that  the  branch  had 
steadily  grown  each  year,  even  during  the  war,  until  today  it  had 
116  members  in  its  territory.  The  nominating  committee,  con- 
sisting of  Messrs.  Byrne,  Luckenbill,  and  Waterman,  reported 
the  following  who  were  unanimously  chosen:  President,  Professor 
A.  T.  Olmstead,  University  of  Illinois;  Vice-President,  Professor 
F.  C.  Eiselen,  Northwestern  LTniversity;  Secretary-Treasurer, 
Dr.  T.  George  Allen,  University  of  Chicago;  Executive  Committee, 
Professor  A.  H.  Lybyer,  University  of  Illinois;  Dr.  Berthold 
Laufer,  Field  Museum.  Professor  Breasted  presented  an  invita- 
tion from  the.  University  of  Chicago,  the  Field  Museum,  and  the 
Art  Institute,  to  hold  the  1922  meeting  in  Chicago.  On  motion 


Middle  West  Branch  189 

of  Professor  Morgenstern,  the  Middle  West  Branch  accepted  the 
invitation  and  at  the  same  time  invited  the  parent  organization 
to  meet  with  it  on  this  occasion.  On  motion  of  Professor  Price, 
the  Branch  expressed  its  heartiest  thanks  to  the  University  of 
Wisconsin  and  the  local  committee  for  the  excellent  arrangements, 
to  the  local  members,  Messrs.  Byrne,  Kelly,  and  Wolfenson,  for 
the  luncheon  at  the  Madison  Club,  and  to  Professor  Byrne  for 
the  smoker  held  at  his  house. 

Opportunity  for  informal  discussion  has  always  been  given  at 
the  Middle  West  Branch  meetings,  and  at  Madison  two  such 
discussion-groups  were  formed.  After  the  formal  meeting  of 
Friday  afternoon,  the  members  adjourned  to  the  University  Club, 
where  Professor  Rostovtzeff,  formerly  of  the  University  of  Petro- 
"grad  and  now  of  the  University  of  Wisconsin,  presented  the  chief 
needs  of  students  of  the  classical  land  system  which  might  be 
supplied  by  Orientalists.  The  great  question,  he  believed,  was  as 
to  the  tenure  of  the  land,  whether  it  was  held  virtually  in  fee 
simple,  or  whether  title  was  vested  in  the  king.  Professor  Breasted 
pointed  out  that  the  conditions  in  Ptolemaic  and  Roman  Egypt 
could  be  traced  back  much  earlier,  but  the  material  was  scanty. 
Professor  Morgenstern  pointed  out  the  Biblical  parallels  and  the 
light  which  might  be  gained  from  a  study  of  the  later  Jewish 
writings.  Professors  Luckenbill,  Price,  and  Olmstead  all  dis- 
cussed the  land  system  in  the  Tigris-Euphrates  valleys,  with  the 
general  consensus  that  private  ownership  appears  early  and 
continues  constant,  although  large  tracts  did  belong  to  the  royal 
domain,  and  although  conditions  closely  analogous  to  medieval 
serfdom  were  found  outside  the  estates  belonging  to  the  citizens 
of  'free  cities'  with  chartered  rights. 

A  more  formal  symposium  on  the  Unity  of  Early  History  was 
held  Saturday  morning.  Professor  J.  H.  Breasted,  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  Chicago,  opened  the  discussion  of  the  general  problem. 

Professor  M.  Rostovtzeff  discussed  the  Unity  of  Ancient  Culture 
in  the  Copper  Age,  especially  as  shown  in  the  pottery  and  animal 
style  in  the  neolithic  and  copper  periods. 

Close  resemblances  in  the  style  of  pottery  and  decorations  and  in 
plastic  reproductions  of  animals,  etc.,  found  in  prehistoric  remains  all 
over  the  Near  East — in  Elam,  Turkestan,  Baluchistan,  and  the  Caucasus, 
and  as  far  west  and  north  as  the  lower  Danube  and  Dniepr — point  to  a 
common  cultural  origin.  Yet  there  are  marked  differences.  E.g.  in 
the  east,  geometric  patterns  like  the  spiral  and  meander  evolved  out  of 


190  Proceedings  of  the 

animal  motives,  while  in  the  west  the  former  precede  the  latter  chrono- 
logically. The  modes  of  burial  in  the  two  regions  are  also  different: 
in  the  east,  individual  graves;  in  the  west,  places  that  are  half  sepulchres, 
half  temples. 

The  discussion  was  closed  by  a  brief  presentation  of  Babylonian 
and  Assyrian  Influences  in  the  Ancient  World  by  Professor  A.  T. 
Olmstead  of  the  University  of  Illinois. 

In  the  same  group  might  well  be  placed  the  Presidential  Address, 
The  Four  Quadrants  of  Asia,  by  Professor  A.  H.  Lybyer,  of  the 
University  of  Illinois. 

It  is  helpful  in  approaching  Asiatic  History  to  bear  in  mind  the  obvious 
geographical  subdivision  of  the  continent.  Thus  many  relationships 
become  clearer,  and  aid  is  given  toward  grasping  the  unity  of  the  whole, 
which  is  otherwise  in  danger  of  being  obscured  by  the  vastness  and  com- 
plexity of  the  subject.  Thus,  too,  the  relations  between  the  fields  of 
different  Orientalists  become  easier  of  definition. 

Starting  from  the  Pamirs  as  a  center,  four  mountain  ranges  radiate  to 
the  northeast,  southeast,  south,  and  west;  the  Tian  Shan,  Altai,  Yablonai, 
and  Stanovoi  mountains,  with  the  height  of  land  which  continues  on  to 
the  East  Cape;  the  Himalaya  mountains  and  the  ridges  down  the  Malay 
Peninsula  to  Singapore;  the  Suleiman  Mountains  to  Karachi;  and  the 
Hindu  Rush  as  far  as  the  Caspian  Sea.  Thus  Asia  is  divided  into  East, 
South,  West,  and  North  Quadrants.  The  last  is  largest,  approaching 
twice  the  size  of  the  United  States;  the  east  quadrant  is  one  and  a  half 
times,  the  west  quadrant  nine  tenths,  the  south  quadrant  one  half  the 
size  of  the  United  States. 

The  mountains  vary  in  effectiveness  as  barriers.  Those  between  the 
east  and  the  south  quadrants  are  approximately  impassable;  each  of  the 
others  contains  a  number  of  good  passes.  The  areas  in  each  quadrant 
are  further  subdivided;  in  the  east,  China  proper,  Manchuria,  Mongolia, 
Chinese  Turkestan,  Thibet;  in  the  south,  the  plains  of  North  India,  the 
mountain  district,  and  the  Deccan;  in  the  west,  Mesppotamia,  Persia, 
Arabia,  Syria,  Anatolia;  in  the  north,  Russian  Turkestan  and  Siberia. 
In  each  case,  the  subdivision  first  named  was  apparently  the  first  to 
develop  a  civilization  which  exercised  profound  influence  over  its  whole 
quadrant. 

With  these  fundamental  subdivisions  in  mind,  every  aspect  of  Asiatic 
studies  can  be  located  and  related  to  the  others,  while  many  old  problems 
are  advanced  toward  solution  and  many  new  ones  are  suggested.  Arch- 
aeology has  made  a  good  beginning  only  in  the  western  quadrant,  and 
may  well  give  more  attention  to  the  others.  Anthropology  is  conditioned 
by  the  movements  of  mankind  within  and  between  the  quadrants. 
Languages  and  the  systems  of  writing,  the  domestic  and  the  fine  arts', 
folk-lore,  scientific  knowledge,  and  philosophy,  were  all  modified  in  their 
extension  and  influence  by  this  fundamental  geographical  basis.  The 


Middle  West  Branch  191 

history  of  civilization  observes  that  very  diverse  systems  appeared  in 
the  several  quadrants.  The  whole  east  quadrant  had  a  special  quality 
which  may  be  called  Chinese;  the  south  is  as  clearly  Hindu;  the  west, 
apparently  more  diverse  in  many  ways,  still  as  a  whole  forms  in  its 
ancient  phase  the  background  of  European  civilization.  The  north  was 
the  least  distinct  in  the  past  since  much  of  it  was  a  thinly  settled  waste: 
still,  Central  Asia  may  have  played  a  greater  part  than  is  now  proved, 
as  may  be  revealed  in  the  future  by  thorough  archaeological  study  of 
wonderful  sites  like  Merv  and  Samarkand. 

Great  religions  are  related  to  the  quadrants:  Confucianism  grew  up  in 
the  east;  Hinduism  in  the  south  threw  off  Buddhism  which  disappeared 
there  but  travelled  around  the  Pamirs  and  across  the  east  quadrant  to 
Japan;  the  west  developed  Zoroastrianism,  Judaism,  Christianity,  and 
Islam,  and  the  latter  has  come  near  to  prevailing  there  of  late;  the  north 
has  no  such  claim  to  originality,  unless  it  should  appear  that  the  funda- 
mental religion  of  the  Indo-European  peoples  developed  there. 

Historically,  the  entire  story  can  be  given  the  correct  interpretation 
by  remembering  the  fact  of  the  quadrants.  Consider  the  advances 
toward  and  the  retreats  from  political  unity  in  each  quadrant;  the  west 
quadrant  was  united  under  the  Persians,  under  the  Macedonians  (except 
Arabia),  and  under  the  Saracens  (except  Asia  Minor);  the  east  quadrant, 
save  for  some  outlying  portions,  was  united  as  China  at  several  different 
periods;  the  south  was  nearly  unified  under  the  Moguls  and  completely 
under  the  English.  The  north  was  held  for  a  short  time  by  the  Mongols, 
and  again  by  the  Russians.  Only  one  empire,  that  o"  the  Mongols, 
has  come  near  to  uniting  all  Asia.  It  held  the  east,  north,  and  most  of 
the  west  quadrant,  and  on  two  sides  entered  the  south  quadrant  for  a 
slight  distance. 

At  the  present  time,  the  imperial  rule  of  Britain  and  Russia  sways 
completely  the  south  and  north  quadrants,  with  some  tendency  to 
impinge  through  the  mountain  barriers  upon  the  other  two  quadrants. 
But  Britain  is  endeavoring  to  retain  India  within  her  empire  by  granting 
extreme  concessions  to  Hindu  nationalism.  In  the  east  and  west  local 
nationalism  is  strong.  Japan  and  China  no  longer  seem  destined  to  be 
ruled  from  Europe;  the  ambitions  of  Russia,  Britain,  France,  and  Italy 
to  partition  the  west  quadrant  bid  fair  to  fail  before  the  patriotism  of 
Turks,  Arabs,  and  Persians. 

General  also  in  its  nature  was  the  paper  by  Professor  R.  H. 
Whitbeck  of  the  University  of  Wisconsin  on  the  Influence  of 
Geographical  Environment  upon  Religious  Beliefs. 

Influence  of  geographical  environment  on  the  religion  of  a  primitive 
people  is  shown  in  various  ways.  First,  and  often  most  markedly,  in  the 
personification  of  benevolent  or  malevolent  powers  of  nature  which 
prominently  affect  the  people.  Second,  in  different  conceptions  of 
happiness  projected  into  the  future  life  (heaven  is  warm  and  hell  cold 
in  Norse  mythology,  the  reverse  is  true  in  southern  climates).  Third, 
in  religious  phraseology,  especially  in  metaphors  drawn  from  natural 
surroundings. 


192  Proceedings  of  the 

Rev.  J.  Astrup,  of  Natal,  South  Africa,  presented  an  interesting 
account  of  the  ruins  of  Rhodesia,  aqueducts,  terraced  slopes, 
gold  mines,  and  buildings.  More  detailed  descriptions  were 
given  of  the  well-known  ruins  of  Zimbabwe,  and  an  attempt  was 
made  to  connect  them  with  more  northern  civilizations. 

The  question  of  ' Boats'  or  ' Towns'  on  Predynastic  Egyptian 
Pottery  was  discussed  by  Mr.  W.  F.  Edgerton  of  the  University 
of  Chicago. 

Certain  paintings  on  'decorated'  pottery  of  the  so-called  Naqada 
type,  were  recognized  by  their  first  discoverers  as  boats.  The  majority 
of  scholars  have  continued  to  regard  them  as  boats;  but  a  minority 
have  tried  to  prove  that  they  represent  towns  or  other  enclosures  on 
land.  Several  details  of  boat  construction  can  be  traced  from  the  earliest 
known  picture  of  a  boat,  thru  the  disputed  Naqada  paintings  and  later 
predynastic  boats,  down  into  dynastic  times.  The  curious  break  in  the 
middle  of  the  bank  of  oars,  and  all  the  other  details  which  have  led  some 
scholars  to  deny  that  the  Naqada  paintings  represent  boats,  have  their 
counterparts  in  other  pictures  which  are  admitted  to  represent  boats. 
This  systematic  comparison  of  details  with  undoubted  pictures  of  boats, 
therefore,  ^hows  that  the  objects  painted  on  the  Naqada  vases  must 
also  be  boats. 

Dr.  T.  George  Allen  of  the  University  of  Chicago  told  the 
Story  of  an  Egyptian  Politician. 

A  squeeze  brought  back  from  Egypt  by  the  1919-20  expedition  of  the 
University  of  Chicago  adds  a  new  historical  text  to  the  few  now  known 
from  the  disturbed  period  between  the  Old  and  the  Middle  Kingdoms. 
The  stele  represented  belonged  to  a  Southern  general  and  Chief  of  Inter- 
preters named  Dmy,  who  was  evidently  an  expert  politician.  For  he 
states  that  he  got  on  with  'any  general  who  went  down  (stream)';  that 
he  made  an  expedition  to  Abydos,  perhaps  under  the  protection  of  the 
lion  god  Mahesa;  that  he  'taxed  the  people  of  Wawat  for  any  overlord 
who  arose'  in  his  nome,  and  raided  Gwt  (Canopus?);  and  that  (as  a 
consequence)  he  filled  his  father's  house  with  luxuries.  The  stele  was 
dedicated  by  Dmy's  first-born  son,  Hotep,  who  is  shown  embraced  by 
his  wife  N-teshnes. 


The  Functions  of  the  Officers  of  the  Temple  of  Ningirsu,  by 
Professor  Ira  M.  Price  of  the  University  of  Chicago. 

Discussed  the  fifteen  officers  named  by  Gudea  (Cyl.  B.vi.ll-xii.25) 
in  the  temple  of  fininnft  at  Lagash.  The  first  and  last  were  entrusted 
with  the  establishment  and  administration  of  government,  the  second 
with  the  food  supply,  the  third  and  fourth  with  preparation  for  and 


Middle  West  Branch  193 

prosecution  of  war,  the  fifth  with  advice  and  counsel,  the  sixth  and  seventh 
with  the  apartments  of  good  things  or  pleasure,  the  eighth  and  ninth 
with  animal  husbandry,  the  tenth  and  eleventh  with  music,  the  twelfth, 
thirteenth,  and  fourteenth  with  irrigation,  agriculture,  and  the  royal 
park  system. 

Professor  D.  D.  Luckenbill  reported  briefly  on  the  Babylonian 
antiquities  acquired  by  the  Chicago  Expedition  to  the  Near 
East,  and  especially  on  the  complete  prism  of  Sennacherib  which 
gives  an  earlier  form  of  the  expedition  against  Hezekiah  than  that 
found  in  the  Taylor  Cylinder. 

Professor  Julian  Morgenstern  of  Hebrew  Union  College,  gave 
a  new  interpretation  of  Exodus  4  :  24-26,  and  Professor  Leslie 
E.  Fuller,  of  Garrett  Biblical  Institute,  spoke  on  the  Conception 
of  God  in  the  Jewish  Apocalypses. 

Pre-Israelite  Laws  in  the  Book  of  the  Covenant  were  found  by 
Professor  Leroy  Waterman  of  the  University  of  Michigan. 

Analysis  of  sources  and  analogies  of  history  lead  us  to  anticipate 
Pre-Israelite  laws  in  the  earliest  Hebrew. Codes.  The  decalog  and  pentad 
structure  of  the  Book  of  the  Coven  nt  emphasizes  the  early  character  of 
the  Covenant  Code.  It  is  not,  however,  all  equally  ancient.  The  so- 
called  'Precepts'  are  to  be  eliminated  as  secondary.  The  'Judgments' 
that  remain,  by  every  test,  point  to  a  very  high  antiquity.  A  criticism 
of  the  traditions  which  relate  these  laws  directly  with  Moses  and  indirectly 
with  Joshua,  confirms  the  Palestinian  origin  of  the  laws  themselves. 
A  comparison  of  the  Judgments,  in  their. pentad,  decalog  structure,  with 
the  Code  of  Hammurabi  tends  to  confirm  the  Canaanite  origin  of  the 
Judgments  in  their  present  arrangement.  The  Hebrew  tradition  itself 
probably  retains  a  fading  memory  of  the  adoption  of  these  laws  by  Israel. 

The  Old  Testament  Attitude  toward  Labor  was  the  title  of  the 
paper  of  Mr.  D.  A.  Leavitt,  of  the  University  of  Chicago. 

Before  the  exile,  labor  is  simply  "  taken  for  granted  unreflectively, 
while  only  incidentally  we  get  the  nomadic  interpretation  of  settled 
industry  as  a  curse,  or  the  agricultural  attitude  toward  it  as  a  means  to 
a  good  end.  The  Sabbath,  however  observed,  was  neither  cause  nor 
result  of  a  theory  of  labor.  With  the  exile  developed  individualism, 
legalism,  and  reflection.  .  In  Proverbs,  labor  is  a  synonym  for  righteous- 
ness, as  helping  to  secure  the  wealth  that  betokens  God's  favor,  and  is 
more  respectable  than  idleness.  But  Qoheleth  regards  it  only  as  a 
meaningless  drudgery,  unless  one  enjoys  the  fruits  of  labor  as  he  goes 
along.  Job  is  distinctive  in  bearing  witness  to  deplorable  economic 
conditions  so  long  disregarded.  He  shows  the  only  socially  minded 
outlook  in  the  Old  Testament,  outside  of  Prov.  31. 

13    JAOS   U 


194 


Proceedings  of  the  Middle  West  Branch 


In  the  absence  of  their  authors,  the  following  papers  were 
read  by  title:  Divine  Service  in  Ur,  Professor  Samuel  A.  B. 
Mercer,  Western  Theological  Seminary;  The  Ethical  Standards 
of  the  Early  Hebrew  Codes,  Professor  J.  M.  P.  Smith,  University 
of  Chicago;  Notes  on  the  Textual  Problem  of  the  Arabic  Kalila 
wa  Dimna,  Professor  Martin  Sprengling,  University  of  Chicago; 
Persian  Words  in  the  Glosses  of  Hesychius,  Dean  H.  C.  Tolman, 
Vanderbilt  University. 

A.  T.  OLMSTEAD, 
Secretary-Treasurer. 


THE  HITTITE   LANGUAGE 

MAURICE  BLOOMFIELD 
JOHNS  HOPKINS  UNIVERSITY 

IN  THE  SUMMER  OF  1916  there  came  to  the  hands  of  American 
scholars  a  report  by  Professor  Friedrich  Hrozny,  of  the  University 
of  Vienna,  printed  in  the  Mittheilungen  der  Deutschen  Orient- 
Gesellschaft,  Nr.  56  (December,  1915),  in  which  he  dealt  with  the 
Efittite  language.  Professor  Hrozny  was  one  of  a  group  of  Orien- 
talists commissioned  by  the  Berlin  Deutsche  Orient-Gesellschaft 
to  decifer  the  Hittite  cuneiform  documents  which  had  been 
excavated  a  number  of  years  before  by  Professor  Hugo  Winckler 
in  Boghazkoi  in  Cappadocia,  and  which  were  then  deposited  in 
the  Imperial  Ottoman  Museum  in  Constantinople.  No  com- 
munication of  an  historical  or  filological  character  could  have 
been  more  startling;  Professor  Hrozn£  claimed  that  Hittite  was 
Indo-European,  and  inaugurated  his  thesis  by  a  sensational  ex- 
hibit of  etymological  and  grammatical  illustrations.  One  thing 
was  clear  without  further  ado:  if  his  illustrations  were  based 
upon  sound  deciferment  of  the  cuneiform  characters;  if  his 
translations  were  impeccable;  if  the  resulting  speech  units 
admitted  of  no  other  linguistic  interpretations  than  those  pro- 
posed, and  if  they  did  not  represent  merely  a  small  selection  of  I. 
E.  assonances,  such  as  any  language  might  furnish;  then  Hittite 
must  be  Indo-European. 

Hrozny  promised  a  full  treatise,  but  during  the  troubled  years 
following  not  much  reached  our  shores,  except  reviews  of  his 
thesis  by  various  European  scholars,  the  majority  of  whom 
accepted  his  conclusions  without  any  kind  of  reservations,  tho  a 
sceptical  voice  or  two  could  be  heard  in  the  midst  of  the  chorus 
of  acclaim.  Not  until  the  spring  of  1920  were  we  privileged  to 
see  Hrozny 's  full  treatise,  entitled  'Die  Sprache  der  Hethiter', 
published  in  Leipzig  in  1917;  and  it  is  this  treatise,  along  with  a 
volume  of  Hettitic  cuneiform  texts  of  Boghazkoi,  in  transcrip- 
tion, translated  and  commented  upon  by  the  same  scholar,  which 
furnish  the  main  basis  of  the  present  discussion.1  In  addition, 

1  Hethitische  Keilschrifttexte  aus  Boghazkoi,  in  Umschrfft  mit  Ubers?tzung 
und  Kommentar,  von  Friedrich  Hrozn£.  i.  Lieferung,  Leipzig,  1919.  Subse- 
quently appeared  a  treatise  by  Carl  J.  S.  Marstrander,  entitled  Caractere 


196  Maurice  Bloomfald 

it  is  quite  certain  that  the  Boghazkoi  inscriptions  are  closely 
related  to  the  two  Arzawa  letters  found  among  the  Tel-el-Amarna 
tablets,  containing  correspondence  between  the  Pharaoh  Amen- 
hotep  iii  and  the  Arzawa  potentate  Tarhundaraba.  Just  what 
Arzawa  is — Cilicia,  Commagene,  Cyprus — has  remained  uncertain. 
It  was  near  Hatti;  its  relationship  with  Hittite  cannot  be 
questioned;  and  Hrozny  uses  its  evidence  on  a  familiar  par  with 
Hittite.  In  fact,  Hrozny  may  be  said  to  s.tart  with  certain  results 
or  assumptions  regarding  the  character  of  Arzawa  which  were 
made  by  Knudtzon  (supplemented  by  Bugge  and  Torp)  in  his 
monograf  on  the  Arzawa  letters  in  1902.2  Thus  the  forms  u-i- 
e-nu-un  and  up-pa-ah-hu-un  are  explained  by  Hrozny  (p.  127), 
after  Knudtzon  (pp.  54,  55),  as  preterites  first  sing,  act.,  both  in 
the  sense  of,  'I  have  sent.'3. 

Since  the  appearance  of  Hrozny's  Language  of  the  Hittites 
there  have  been  further  important  developments.  First,  I  may 
mention  an  inscription  which  contains  Sanskrit  words,  especially 
the  odd  numerals  from  one  to  seven  in  the  forms  aika,  tiera,  pansa, 
and  satta,  in  close  vicinity  to  the  cuneiform  signs  of  these 
numerals  by  wedge  count.4  The}r  occur  in  composition  with  a 
word  vartana,  again  obviously  Sanskritic,  as  epithets  of  horses  in 
a  sort  of  LTTTTLKIJ  composed  by  'Kikkuli5  from  the  land  Mittani', 
and  lend  obvious  support  to  the  four  much-discussed  names  of 
Vedic  gods  (Mitra,  Varuna,  Indra,  and  the  Nasatyas),  dis- 
covered long  ago  by  Hugo  Winckler.6  Dr.  Forrer  thinks  that 
these  Sanskrit  traces  are  to  be  assigned  to  the  'Urinder',  whose 
original  home  he  places  on  the  right  bank  of  the  river  Kur  (Cyrus) 
up  to  the  Kaspian  sea,  and  that  they  crossed  the  Kaukasus  into 


Indo-Europe  :n  de  la  Langue  Hittite,  Christiania,  1919,  in  which  the  author 
with  even  greater  assurance  treats  the  same  language  as  Indo-European. 
His  explanations  of  the  fenomena  often  differ  markedly  from  Hrozny 's.  Cf. 
also  Ferdinand  Sommer,  'Hethitisches',  in  Boghazkoi-Stvdien,  4.  Heft  =  iii. 
Stuck,  1.  Lieferung  (1920),  p.  1. 

2  Die  zwei  Arzawa-Briefe,  die  altesten  Urkunden  in  indogermanischer  Sprache, 
Leipzig,  1902. 

3  Cf.  Arzawa-Briefe,  pp.  132,  133. 

4  See  Jensen,  Sitzungsber.     d.  preuss.     Akad.,  1919,  pp.  367  ff.;   Ferdinand 
Sommer,  'Hethitisches',  pp.  2ff.  (Boghazkoi-Studien,  4.    Heft  =  iii.  Stuck,  1. 
Lieferung). 

6  The  name  calls  up  sharply  Kilikia. 

6  Mittheilungen  der  Deutschen  Orient-ge.sellschaft,  No.  35. 


77/6'  UittUc  lAunjuaye  197 

Hittite  land  at  about  2500  B.  C.7  More  likely  they  came  to  the 
Hittites  from  Mittani.  It  seems  quite  clear  that  both  the  god 
names  and  the  'horse  numerals',  as  we  may  now  call  them,  arc 
not  'Aryan',  but  Sanskrit;  the  numeral  aika,  as  compared  with 
aiva,  the  Achemenidan  Persian  and  Avestan  form,  as  well  as  the 
specific  Vedic  form  of  the  four  god  names,  makes  this  almost 
certain. 

Simultaneously  Forrer,  in  the  paper  just  quoted,  and  Hrozny, 
in  an  essay  published  in  1920,8  show  that  the  Boghazkoi  inscrip- 
tions contain  many  languages  in  cuneiform  script.  Forrer  counts 
eight,  of  which  the  language  hitherto  designated  flatly  as  Hittite 
comprises  about  nine  tenths  of  the  entire  material.  Forrer  finds 
in  addition:  Sumerian,  Akkadian,  'Urindisch',  Harrian,  Proto- 
Hittite,  Luvian,  and  Palaic.  Hrozny  does  not  differ  much. 
When  the  texts  say  'he  speaks  Hittite'9  they  mean  not  the 
assumed  I.  E.  Hittite,  but  the  autochthonous  Proto-Hettitic, 
described  by  Forrer,  1.  c.,  p.  1033  ff.;  this  is  neither  Indo- 
European,  nor  Shemitic,  nor  at  the  present  time  correlated  with 
any  other  group  of  languages.  On  the  other  hand  the  supposedly 
I.  E.  Hittite  seems,  according  to  both  authors,  to  be  well  entitled 
to  the  name  Kanesian,  named  after  the  city  of  Kane§.  But  this 
latter  designation  is  never  indicated  by  an  ethnical  adjective  as 
is  the  case  with  the  other  languages  (Harlili,  Hattili,  Luili,  Pala- 
umnili).  Instead  there  occurs,  more  frequently  than  the  men- 
tion of  Kanes,  the  ethnical  designation  Nasili,  which  Forrer 
takes  to  be  the  same  as  Kanesian,  but  Hrozny  renders  it  by  'our' 
(i.  e.  'our  language',  'the  home  language'),  from  a  glibly  assumed, 
and  more  than  dubious  stem  nas  =  l.  E.  nos.  Under  these  circum- 
stances the  interrelation,  if  any,  between  Kanes  and  Nasili  is 
wholly  puzzling,  tho  it  does  seem  that  both  refer  to  the  main 
language  whose  character  we  are  about  to  discuss. 

The  Luvian  which  seems  to  have  been  spoken  in  the  land  or 
the  city  of  Lujja10  (MAT  ^^Lu-u-i-ia}  is  regarded  by  Hrozny 

7  'Die  acht  Sprachen  der  Boghazkoi-Inschriften',   von  Dr.  Emil  Forrer, 
Sitzungsber.   d.  pr'itss.  Akad.,  1918,  p.  1036. 

8  'tjber   die   Volker   und   Sprachen   des   alten  Chatti-Landes',   Boghazkoi- 
Studien,  5.  Heft  =  iii.  Stuck,  2.  Lieferung. 

9  Nu  hattili  halzai. 

10  Hrozny  shows  some  reason  for  identifying  Lujja  with  Arzawa;    see  his 
paper,  pp.  39  ff. 


198  Maurice  Bloomfield 

as  an  even  more  corrupt  I.  E.  language  and  dialect  than  Kanesian. 
I  shall  refer  to  its  character  below. 

Hrozny's  work  will  certainly  count  among  the  most  memorable 
events  in  the  history  of  language  and  ethnology.  The  acumen, 
learning,  and  infinite  diligence,  displayed  by  the  author  is  excelled 
only  by  the  depth  of  his  sincerity  and  the  fervor  of  his  conviction 
which  almost  reminds  one  of  the  profet.  I  should  say  that  there 
is  not  the  least  attempt  to  minimize  difficulties,  or  to  bend  the 
object  to  his  purpose.  If,  nevertheless,  his  exposition,  especially 
in  the  matter  of  etymology,  does  at  times  become  what  we  might 
call  teleological,  let  him  who  finds  himself  in  the  lure  of  such  a 
theory,  yet  applies  it  more  objectively,  or  is  more  keenly  intent 
upon  the  all-important  truth, — let  him  throw  the  first  stone. 

On  the  face  value  of  his  text-readings,  interpretations,  and 
grammatical  estimates  Hrozny  makes  out  a  strong  case.  There 
are,  however,  from  the  start,  difficulties  and  tangles.  Cuneiform 
is,  at  the  best,  a  poor  vehicle  for  Indo-European.  The  Kanesian 
Hittite  inscriptions  are  unilingual,  in  the  main  to  be  explained 
out  of  themselves.  But  a  large  part  of  this  Hittite  is  expressed  in 
Sumero-Akkadian  ideograms,  as  well  as  in  syllabic  Akkadian 
words.  It  may  be  presumed  that  such  words  were  pronounced 
Hittite,  in  the  manner  in  which  words  written  in  a  sort  of  Hebrew 
were  pronounced  by  their  Persian  equivalents  in  Pehlevi.  This 
has  both  its  good  and  its  bad  side.  The  good  side  is,  that  the 
lexical  meaning  of  many  words  is  relatively  clear  from  the  begin- 
ning, which  often  insures  a  general  conception  of  what  a  given 
passage  is  about.  On  the  other  hand  it  leaves  uncertain  the 
pronunciation  of  these  semi-Akkadian  words,  for  they  were  pro- 
nounced Hittite.  The  final  outcome  is  this:  the  Akkadian 
material,  by  itself  fonetically  and  grammatically  indeterminable, 
realty  furnishes  the  start  and  the  concrete  basis  for  Hittite  inter- 
pretation. The  known  meaning  of  the  Akkadian  words  leads  on 
to  the  interpretation,  and  to  some  extent  the  text  reading  of  the 
unknown  Hittite  words.  There  is  in  the  volume  of  texts  of  1919 
scarcely  a  sentence  that  is  not  part  Akkadian.  I  have,  however, 
the  impression  that  there  are  few  sentences  whose  sense  is  perfectly 
clear.  Hrozny  himself  leaves  much  untranslated,  and  resorts  to 
many  an  interrogation  mark.  Aside  from  material  imperfections, 
i.  e.,  fractures,  lacunas,  and  indistinct  writing,  the  subject 
matter  is  often  turgid,  or  guess-work.  In  other  words,  the 
filological  basis  of  Hittite  is  by  no  means  stable;  it  will  require 


The  Hittite  Language  199 

many  successive  corrections.  Under  such  circumstances  even  the 
most  conscientious  interpreter,  who  has  arrived  at  a  settled  theory 
as  to  the  character  of  the  language,  is  thereafter  sure  to  be  under 
the  influence  of  that  theory.  Let  us  pick  at  random  one  or  two 
sentences  whose  writing  is  quite  clear.  P.  168,  11.  16  and  17  of 
the  Hittite  texts,  we  read: 

A.  BU.  lA-ma-kan  I.  NA.  MAT  ALUMi-it-ta-an-ni  ku-it  an-da 
a-sa-an-du-li-es-ki-it  na-a§-kan  a-sa-an-du-li  an-da  is-ta-an-da-a-it. 
Hrozny  translates  this :  'When  (kuit)  my  father  further  in  the  land 
Mittani  dwelled,  he  in  dwelling  therein  was  hesitating.'  The 
capitals  are  Akkadian.  In  the  Hittite  itself  the  word  asanduleskit, 
'dwelled/  is  explained  as  a  preterite  from  a  sfc-stem  based  upon  a 
present  participle  asand,  extended  by  a  an  agent  suffix  id,  the 
participle  asand  being  from  the  root  es  'to  be'.  The  second 
occurrence  asanduli  is  explained  as  an  action  noun  'in  dwelling' 
from  part  of  the  same  materials.  That  is,  going  about  the  other 
way,  the  root  es  'to  be',  which  appears  here  as  as,  a  by  no  means 
agreeable  change,11  makes  a  participle  asand,  'being';  this  is 
extended  by  a  suffix  ul  which  makes  out  of  it  an  action  noun, 
'act  of  being';  and  to  this  is  added  the  present  system  ending 
sk.  I  presume  that  few  students  of  I.  E.  speech  will  think  that 
the  term  'monstrous'  is  too  strong  for  such  a  bit  of  formative 
history.  But  what  is  more  important  is,  that  everything  con- 
cerning the  word  is  really  guess-work:  word-form  and  meaning — 
and  consequent  sense  of  the  entire  passage.  The  verb  is-ta-an- 
da-a-it,  which  reminds  Professor  Kretschmer  of  'stand',  is  entirely 
too  glib  in  its  pretense. 

One's  attention  is  arrested  by  p.  180,  lines  8  and  9: 
Nu-za  ANSU-KTJR-RApl  ni-ni-in-ku-un  nam-ma  a-pi-e-da-ni 
MU-ti  I.  NAM^T  Arzawwa  i-ia-an-ni-ia-nu-un-mit 
'Now  warriors  and  horses  I  gathered.  Thereupon  in  this  year  to 
the  land  Arzawa  I  went'.  The  two  verbs  in  -un  mark  high 
water  in  the  assumed  I.  E.  morfology  of  Hittite,  for  -un  is  sup- 
posed to  be  I.  E.  -om,  first  person  sing.  pret.  active,  as  in  Gr. 
fyepov  =  Skt.  dbharam.  But  the  lexical  matter  shows  just  about 
how  Hittite  looks:  yanniyanun  is  supposed  to  be  an  extension 
of  a  verb  yannai  (i-ia-an-na-i)  'he  goes',  whereas  nininkun  'I 
gathered',  supported  elsewhere  by  forms  niniktat  and  niniktari  in 
the  sense  of  'it  collected  itself,  or  'it  was  collected',  is  interpreted 

11  This  interchange  between  e  and  a  is,  however,  not  uncommon. 


200  Maurice  Bloomjleld 

entirely  from  the  connection.    And  the  particle  -mil  at  the  end  of 
.yanniyanun  and  the  end  of  the  sentence  is  also  curious. 

On  the  other  hand  we  must  not  neglect  to  point  out  sentences 
as  beguiling  as  this : 

Nu  ku-is  A.NAllu  SAMS!"*  i-da-a-lu-us  tu-uk-ka  a-pa-a-as  i-da- 
a-lus  e-es-du  ma-a-nas  A.  NA  SAMSl  f  am61  KUR  tu-uk-ka-as  am61 
KUR  e-es-du:  'Now  he  who  is  evil  to  my  sun  (i.  e.  my  majesty) 
he  shall  be  evil  to  thee.  If  he  shall  be  an  enemy  to  my  majesty, 
he  shall  be  thy  enemy'.  In  support  of  this:  ma-an  su-me-es-ma 
ku-wat-ka  i-da-a-lu  i-ia-at-te-ni :  'if  moreover  ye  perform  some 
eviF  (Sprache  der  Hethiter,  pp.  110  and  117). 

The  Boghazkri  inscriptions,  as  well  as  the  Arzawa  letters,  go 
back  to  perhaps  as  early  a  date  as  1500  B.  C.;  yet,  according  to 
any  showing,  both  these  Hittite  forms  are  in  a  state  of  advanced 
or  secondary  development,  far  exceeding  e.  g.  the  Gothic  of  the 
fourth  century  A.  D.,  or  the  Lithuanian  of  much  later  date. 
The  archaic  quality,  or  degree  of  preservation,  of  an  I.  E.  language, 
corresponds  in  general  with  its  antiquity.  Yet  here  is  said  to  be 
the  oldest  dated  Indo-European  in  a  condition  which,  if  I  guage 
it  aright,  might  be  compared  to,  but  hardly  reached  by,  a 
modern  Italian  dialect,  remembering  that  such  comparisons  can 
be  made  only  in  a  very  general  way.  The  relation  of  this  Hittite 
Indo-European  to  the  total  of  Indo-European  is  entirely  passive 
or  parasitic;  it  is  explained  from  and  as  Indo-European,  it  ex- 
plains practically  nothing  Indo-European.  I  must  disarm  here 
the  prospective  argument  that  Hittite  is  profoundly  affected  by 
the  aboriginal  or  native  non-Indo-European  Anatolian  with  which 
it  blended  into  the  existing  product.  This  may  be  so,  but  the 
secondary  character  of  Hittite  morfology  is  practically  all  due  to 
Indo-European  manoeuvers.  A  form  like  akkuskinun,  'I 
drank',  contains  the  root  aku  or,  elsewhere,  eku  (Lat.  aqua), 
with  the  two  present  affixes  sk  and  nu,  and  the  personal  ending 
m — all  Indo-European:  root,  two  present  tormatives,  and  per- 
sonal endings;  za-ah-hi-ia-u-wa-as-ta-ti  'thou  shalt  fight',  p.  182, 
1.  13  of  the  texts,  is  explained*  from  a  stem  zahhais,  zahhia,  about 
equal  to  Skt.  sahas,  'strength',  Goth,  sigis,  with  three  denomina- 
tive I.  E.  formatives  -?/,  -w,  and  -st.  Forms  like  these  abound 
thruout  the  texts;  even  the  most  plastic  secondary  developments 
of  I.  E.  speech  in  other  quarters  fail  to  produce  types  of  this  sort. 
Another  matter  is  scarcely  less  striking,  tho  perhaps  more 
easily  accounted  for.  It  concerns  the  literary  and  stylistic 


The  Hittite  Language  201 

quality  of  the  Hittite,  which  is  of  the  lowest  order.  I  have 
recently  pointed  out12  that  Western  Asia  is  at  all  times,  and 
certainly  round  about  1500  B.  C.,  practically  inarticulate  as 
regards  literary  contents,  expression,  and  style.  There  is  not  in 
the  volume  of  inscriptions  before  us  a  single  sentence  that  rises 
above  banality  of  contents  and  crudity  of  expression  and  style. 
This  fenomenon  is  by  no  means  favorable  to  the  I.  E.  character 
of  the  language;  it  must,  if  possible,  be  accounted  for  by  the 
assumption  that  the  invading  In  do-Europeans  were,  at  that  early 
time,  so  completely  absorbed  by  the  Anatolian  aborigines  as  to 
have  given  up  every  trace  of  their  ethnic  character.  The  reverse 
has  happened  in  India,  in  Persia,  and  particularly,  in  Greece, 
where  the  invaders  found  the  advanced  material  civilizations  of 
the  Mycenaeans  and  Minoans,  who,  apparently,  were  even  more 
inarticulate  than  the  Western  Asiatics,  but  upon  whom  they 
impressed  their  national  character  so  as  to  result  in  the  final 
composite  of  Greek  art  on  the  material  side,  and  Greek  literature, 
mythology,  and  filosofy  on  the  mental  side. 

Hrozny  makes  out  the  feeblest  case  imaginable  on  the  ground 
of  etymology  and  fonetics.  But  if  we  take  his  text-readings, 
interpretations,  and  grammatical  estimates  at  their  face  value, 
his  plea  for  I.  E.  morfology  in  Hittite  is,  on  the  surface  at  least, 
strong  enough  to  captivate,  if  not  to  convince. 

Let  us  go  in  medias  res. 

There  is  a  non-thematic  or  m^-verb  yami,  which  means,  rather 
unexpectedly,  'I  make'  (not  'I  go').  Its  conjugation  in  the 
present  active  is  as  follows : 

Singular  Plural 

1.  yami  yaweni 

2.  yasij  yesi  yatteni 

3.  yazi,  yazzi,  yezzi,  yizzi  yami,  yenzi 

This  paradigm  is  certainly  impressive,  and  it  has  impressed. 
I  would  remark  that  the  z  of  the  third  person  forms  is  not  as  simple 
as  it  might  seem.  We  instinctively  think  with  the  author  that 
it  is  for  t,  mouillated  by  i  (cf.  Gr.  <TL  for  ri}.  But  the  participle 
present  in  Hittite  ends  according  to  the  same  grammatical  theory 
in  za,  e.  g.,  adanza,  'eating'13:  adanzi,  'they  eat'.  Now  the  morfo- 


12  Transactions  of  the  American  Philological  Association,  vol.  L,  p.  76. 

13  The  type  is  nominative  singular;  one  would  expect  adanzas. 


202  Maurice  Bloomfield 

logical  Connection  between  these  two  types  in  I.  E.  is  everywhere 
such  that  the  third  plural  of  the  present  in  -nti  minus  the  i  is  the 
stem  of  the  participle  ((j)€povTL:<f>epovT-).  The  explanation  of 
-zi  thru  palatalization,  therefore,  leaves  za  unexplained.  We 
encounter  the  same  difficulty  several  times  more:  zig  is  assumed 
to  be  the  word  for  'thou',  where  both  the  z  and  the  i  are  difficult 
(comparison  with  Gr.  crv-yc  is  a  whitened  sepulchre).  The 
assumed  root  ad  'eat'  shows  the  forms  ezzazi,  ezzazzi,  'he  eats'; 
ezzateni  'ye  eat';  ezzaten,  ezaten,  'eat  ye';  and  ezzai,  'he  eats', 
flanked  by  adanzi,  'they  eat',  and  adanza,  'eating'.  Disturb- 
ingly the  same  type  of  participle  papranza,  'cooking',  occurs  also 
as  paprandaza  (p.  83),  and  furthermore  the  whole  class  is  sup- 
posed to  have  passive,  as  well  as  active  value.  As  inspection 
narrows  down  to  the  two  elements  zi  and  za,  there  steals  upon 
me  the  sense  of  the  presence  of  two  particles,  post-positive 
conglutinates,  adverbial,  deictic,  or  localizing,  and  this  impres- 
sion is  not  weakened  by  the  apparent  existence  of  an  infinitive- 
supine  in  -wanzi,  -uwanzi,  which  interchanges  with  a  parallel 
form  without  -zi,  e.  g.  su-ma-as  wa-al-ah-hu-wa-an-zi  u-iz-zi  'he 
comes  to  annihilate  you',  and  bi-es-ki-u-wa-an  ti-i-ia-u-e-ni  'we 
come  to  furnish  (cavalry)';  see  p.  91.  It  is  barely  possible 
that  Hittite  interpretation  will  have  to  contend  sooner  or  later 
with  a  different  theory,  according  to  which  it  is  not  inflectional 
at  all,  in  the  sense  of  I.  E.,  or  even  Shemitic.  It  may  be  a  lan- 
guage which  has  no  morfology  in  the  sense  to  which  we  are 
accustomed,  but  rather  carries  on  its  correlations  by  means  of 
deictic,  modifying,  allusive  particles  of  great  mobility  and  freedom 
of  position.  I  recommend  the  inspection  of  the  element  za  in  a 
variety  of  other  connections,  particularly  as  imbedded  in  long 
groups  of  other  particles :  ZAG  -za,  'to  the  right  side'  (which,  by 
the  way,  varies  with  ZAG  -az);  see  pp.  4,  11,  13,  etc.;  nu-za, 
and  nu-za-kan,  'now  then' ;  ma-ah-ha-an-ma-za-kan,  'when  further 
for  me';  am-mu-ug-ma-za,  am-mu-ug-wa-za,  am-mu-uk-ka-za,  'I 
further',  and  'me  further';  see  za  in  the  Index  to  the  Grammar, 
particularly  pp.  102,  106. 

The  present  indicative  of  yami  as  given  above  is  not  the  only 
type  of  present  inflection  in  the  singular.  There  is  another, 
about  as  glaringly  different  as  can  be  imagined,  in  which  the 
three  singular  forms  are  represented  by  ddhhi,  'I  give',  datti  or 
daitti,  'thou  givest',  and  dai,  'he  gives'.  Many  verbs  show  freely 
forms  of  both  types.  Thus  arnumi,  'I  bring'  makes  its  second 


The  Hiltite  Language  203 

singular-  either  arnusi,  or  arnutti;  the  third  person  of  da  'give'  is 
either  ddi,  or  -ddizzi,  and  the  inflection  of  pa  'give'  or  'draw'  is  in 
the  singular: 

1.  pdimi  or  pahhi,  'I  give', 

2.  pdisi  or  paitti,  'thou  givest', 

3.  paizzi  or  pai,  'he  gives'.14 

The  thought  comes  to  the  mind  of  the  author,  well-versed  as 
he  is  in  I.  E.  organisms,  that  the  inflection  pahhi,  paitti,  pai  rep- 
resents the  o-verb,  or  thematic  conjugation.  With  pahhi  he 
compares  I.  E.  *bhero  (<f>epa>),  but  this  is  hardly  more  than  what 
the  physicians  call  a  placebo.  The  h  of  the  form  is  a  persistent 
'formative'  element  (p.  177)  so  that  the  ending  is  hi.  The  form 
ddi  reminds  Hrozny  of  Gr.  <£e/>€i,  itself  problematic;  Scheftelo- 
witz  thinks  of  Aryan  e  (=  ai),  the  middle  ending  of  the  first  and 
third  singular  perfect  (p.  2,  note  2).  No  real  conviction  of  either 
speaker  or  hearer  goes  with  this.  Again,  if  we  confront  mi  and 
'  ti  as  first  and  second  person  suffixes,  we  can  hardly  fail  to  remember 
the  same  two  suffixes  in  Arzawa  at  the  end  of  nouns  in  the  sense 
of  'mine'  and  'thine'  (Knudtzon,  Zwei  Arzawa  Briefe,  p.  41; 
Bugge,  p.  100;  Torp,  p.  113).  These  same  suffixes,  as  well  as 
forms  mu,  and  ta  (du),  appear  also  in  the  Boghazkoi  documents 
(p.  120,  and  p.  128)  with  the  full  measure  and  weight  of  non- 
Indo-European  conglutinates ;  explanation  of  one  without  the 
other  seems  to  be  illusory.  It  is  as  tho  in  I.  E.  Greek  one  could 
say  not  only  ^q/u  'I  say',  but  also  OIKO-/ZI  'my  house'. 

Perhaps  second  in  importance  as  regards  organic  appearance 
and  breadth  of  scope  are  the  noun-stems  in  a,  i,  and  u,  making 
nominatives  in  as,  is,  and  us.  An  Indo-Europeanist's  mind  is 
sure  to  respond  to  the  stimulus  of  w-stems.  This  category,  when 
oxytone,  is  the  very  own  of  primary  adjectival  function,  describing 
fysical  properties.  In  Latin  adjectives  in  u  have  regularly  been 
extended  into  u-i  stems.  In  order  to  be  on  familiar  ground  I 
cite  first  Latin  sudvis,  brevis,  levis,  pinguis,  mollis,  tenuis',  in 
order  to  show  both  the  extent  and  primary  lexical  character  of 
the  same  type  I  cite  in  addition  Skt.  trsus  =  Goih.  fraursus, 
'dry';  Skt.  prthus  =  Avestan  para/m,  Gr.  TrXarus,  'broad'; 
Skt.  mrdus  =  Gr.  /JpaSvs,  'slow';  Skt.  purus  =  Gr.  TroXus, 
'much';  Skt.  dsus  =  Gr.  WKVS,  'swift';  Skt.  urus  =  Gr.  evpvs, 

14  Note  the  two  somewhat  different  paradigms  given  by  Sommer,  1.  c.,  p.  1. 


204  Maurice  Bloomficld 

'broad';  Skt.  rjus,  'straight';  rbhusj  'clever';  Greek 
'sweet';  ftaOvs,  'deep';  Goth,  tulgus,  'firm'.  In  early  I.  E., 
t^-stems  have  scarcely  a  respectable  rival  in  this  semantic  field, 
except  perhaps  the  primary  adjectives  in  -ro  (tpvOpo-s  =Skt. 
?'udhirds  =  ~Lsit.  ruber,  'red';  Skt.  c#ra-s  =  OHG  heitar,  'bright'). 
Of  both  these  types  of  adjectives,  which  pervade  to  this  day  every 
nook  and  corner  of  I.  E.  speech,  not  a  single  one  is  to  be  found  in 
this  Hittite  of  1500  B.  C.;  yet  their  type  of  inflection  is  supposed 
to  have  remained  over.  It  is  as  though  a  Parisian  salad  had  been 
carried  through  the  house  of  Hatti,  and  had  left  behind  nothing 
but  its  soup^on  of  onion  aroma.  The  results  of  speech  mixture  are 
varied  and  not  easy  to  predict,  but  it  is  difficult  to  conceive  pro- 
cesses apparently  so  concerted  and  intentional  as  to  wipe  out  all 
such  words  as  'sweet',  'short',  'light',  'thick',  'thin',  'soft',  'broad', 
'wide',  'dry',  'swift',  etc.,  etc.,  of  the  invading  language,  yet  leave 
behind  the  inflection  of  these  words  as  the  orfaned  result,  so 
to  speak. 

Something  very  like  this  has  happened  to  the  ^-sterns.  No 
Indo-European  scholar  can  visualize  i-stems  without  the  abstract 
-ti  stems,  like  Skt.  gdtis  =  ^8Acns  =  Goth.  qumf)(i)s',  or  Skt.  mat's, 
Lat.  men(ti)s,  Goth.  ga-mund(i)s;  Skt.  sthitfs,  Gr.  orcuris,  Lat. 
static.  They  still  control  I.  E.  abstract  expression  everywhere, 
as  in  English  station,  convention,  mention.  There  is  not,  as  a 
matter  of  fact,  among  the  u-  and  i-stems  a  single  etymology 
which  can  claim  standing;  this  as  part  expression  of  the  wider 
fact  that  Hittite  I.  E.  etymology  rests  on  a  basis  whose  shakiness 
cannot  easily  be  overstated. 

We  come  to  the  a-stems,  nominative  as,  accusative  an.  Echoes 
sound  from  many  quarters  of  Western  Asiatic  speech.  Kossaean 
suryas',  Chaldic  (Vannic)  -s(e)  (with  accusative  wz)15;  Mittani 
quasi-nominatives  and  accusatives  in  s  and  n16;  even  Lycian 
figures  in  a  way17.  This  declension,  the  well-known  second 
declension  of  Greek  and  Latin  grammar,  holds  in  Hittite  for  both 
masc.  and  fern.;  thus:  annas  'mother';  SAL-wos  'woman';  GIM- 
as  'slave-girl'.  Again  there  is  not  a  single  even  remotely  respect- 
able I.  E.  etymology  for  this  most  pervasive  class,  involving 

15  Hrozny,  p.  27,  note. 

16  Bork,  Die  Mitannisprache,  p.  46;    see  especially  the  proper  names  in 
as  on  p.  88  of  the  text. 

17  Hrozny,  p.  49. 


The  Hittite  Language  205 

either  a  noun  or  an  adjective.  The  paradigms  of  a-stems,  on  pp. 
44,  45,  look  very  good  on  paper;  still,  nominative  and  genitive 
singular,  as  well  as  genitive  and  dative  plural  end  alike  in  as; 
the  loc.  sing,  in  az  is  entirely  unexplained;  the  ace.  plur.  ends  in 
?/.sr.  Outside  the  paradigm  there  is  considerable  mixture  between 
as  and  is;  the  number  'one'  in  nom.  sing.  masc.  appears  as  1-aS 
or  l-is  (Hrozny  92),  and  see  in  general  pp.  16,  24,  29,  36,  38.  The 
like  of  this  is  not  unknown  elsewhere.  There  is  also  mixture 
between  as  and  i/s;  see  p.  30.  Still  there  seems -no  reason  to 
question  that  us,  is,  and  as  figure  in  subject  words  very  regularly; 
all  three  occur  together  in  the  sentence,  p.  166,  line  10  of  the 
text  volume:  memir  A.  BU.  SU-wana§  kuis  LUGAL  MATHatti 
eSta  nuwaras  UR.  SAG-is  LUGAL-us  esta,  They  said,  "His 
father,  who  was  for  us  king  of  the  land  Hatti,  now  he  was  a  brave 
king."  Morfologically  this  pervades  the  language  as,  perhaps, 
its  strongest  plea  for  I.  E.  character.  Still  there  are  notable  cross 
circumstances:  all  these  stems  show  also  a  nominative  in  sa: 
Telibinusa  'name  of  a  Hittite  god'  (p.  3);  by  the  side  of  IR-as 
and  Ill-is  'slave',  also  IR-sa  (p.  30);  Mariasa  'name  of  a  person' 
(p.  36);  apdsa,  'this  one'  (texts,  p.  100,  1.  15);  EN-urtosa,  'name 
of  a  person',  (texts,  p.  136,  1.  8);  and  in  Arzawa  first  letter,  1.  23 
halugalatasa,  'messenger'.  There  is,  moreover,  an  independent 
post-positive  pronoun  nominative  as,  accusative  an,  which  differs 
in  no  wise  from  the  nom.  and  ace.  case-endings  -as  and  -an;  this 
may  be  added  to  an  existing  inflected  expression,  as  in  the  express- 
ion kuis-as  imma  kuis  'whoever',  accusative  kuinan  imma  kuin; 
tu-uk-ka-as  'he  to  you'  (p.  110).  Out  of  this  perplexity  seems  to 
arise  the  question  whether  all  these,  as,  is,  us,  are  not,  once  more, 
post-positive  deictic  particles.  With  every  inclination  to  follow 
Hrozny 's  methodic  and  brilliant  exposition,  it  seems  difficult  that 
the  material  body  of  all  I.  E.  u-,  i-,  and  a-stems  should  have  dis- 
appeared while  leaving  behind  their  ghostly  endings;  better  the 
opposite  alternative,  that  a  variety  of  cuneiform  syllables  con- 
taining s  preceded  by  different  vowels  chance  to  lend  themselves, 
in  a  surprising  manner  to  be  sure,  to  correlation  with  the  endings 
of  these  stems  current  in  I.  E. 

Still,  a  theory  as  to  linguistic  appurtenance  derives  its  strength 
from  cumulation.  Hittite  exercises  its  most  bewitching  enchant- 
ment in  the  domain  of  pronouns.  I  have  always  held  that  the 
best  test  for  admission  to  I.  E.  membership  is  thru  numerals, 
pronouns,  and  nouns  of  relationship.  A  puckish  prank  (as  in 


206  Maurice  Bloomfield 

Kretan)  makes  Hittite  write  its  numerals  by  wedge  count;  the 
nouns  of  relationship  are  either  nursery  words,  or  in  Akkadian 
writing.  Not  so  the  pronouns.  They  appear  in  syllabic  Hittite 
writing.  Thus  the  personal  pronouns,  reduced  to  their  lowest 
terms,  present  themselves  in  the  following  rhythmic  shape : 

I  Thou 

Nom.          ug,  uga,  ugga  zig,  ziga,  zigga,  zikka 

Gen.  ammel  tuel 

Dat.  Ace.    ammug,  ammuga,  tug,  tuga,  tugga,  tukka,  dukka 

ammugga,  ammukka 

We  Ye 

Nom.          anzds  sumes,  sumds 

Gen.  anzel  sumel,  sumenzdn 

Dat.  Ace.    anzds  sumds,  summes,  sumes 

After  recovering  from  the  general  effect  of  this  list,  there  are 
a  few  interesting  circumscriptions,  ug,  etc.,  is,  of  course,  assumed 
to  be  ego,  whereas  zig,  etc.,  are  compared  with  cruyc.  But  it  is 
unlikely  that  the  g  of  one  form  is  not  the  g  of  the  other,  and  zi 
is  not  <rv  nor,  as  far  as  can  be  seen,  anything  else  Indo- 
Europeari.  The  forms  ammug,  etc.,  are  both  nom.  and  ace.; 
they  are  compared  with  Gr.  cjioiye,  but  it  seems  far  more 
natural  again  to  identify  the  final  syllable  with  the  fundamental 
ug,  etc.  Therefore,  the  same  seems  true  of  the  sound  ug  in 
tug,  etc.  The  'ye'-stem  suma  is  not  so  easily  correlated  with  I.  E. 
yusme  as  the  author  thinks;  and  its  genitive  su-me-en-z-an,  by 
the  side  of  which  exists  a-pi-en-za-an  'eorum',  and  also  an  in- 
dependent su-ras  en-z-an  'your',  is  perplexing  (pp.  115,  116). 
Doubtless  some  of  these  difficulties  can  be  ironed  out  by  assum- 
ing sundry  processes  of  analogy  which  will  present  themselves  in 
different  ways  to  different  experts.18  Perhaps  more  important 
is  the  almost  impalpable  air  of  Indo-Europeanism  which  per- 
vades this  sfere  of  expression,  and  I  personally  have  felt  at 
times  in  the  mood  to  capitulate  right  here. 

The  question  reaches  its  climax  in  the  relative,  interrogative, 
and  indefinite  pronoun  kuis,  neuter  kuit,  genitive  singular  kuel', 
nominative  plural  kues.  The  indefinite  is  expressed  also  by 
duplication,  kuis  kuis,  neuter  kuit  kuit;  or  by  kuis  ki,  neuter 

18  Cf.  Marstrander,  pp.  7  ff. 


The  Hittite  Language  207 

kuit  ki.  Comparisons  are  unnecessary.  There  are  here  also 
difficulties  in  detail,  but  they  may  be  surmounted  in  future.  It 
seems  well-nigh  unimaginable  that  this  part  of  Hrozny's  theory 
does  not  hit  the  nail  on  the  head.  Yet  with  it  goes  a  remarkable 
corollary  which  is  almost  in  the  nature  of  a  paradox.  All  students 
of  Lycian  seem  now  agreed  that  its  stem  ti  is  the  relative  stem  = 
I.  E.  qi  (Latin  qui-),  and  that  the  combination  ti-ke  is  the  indefinite; 
e.  g.  in  the  epitaf,  ti  nte  hri  alahadi  tike,  nte  ti  hrppitadi  tike,  'qui 
intus  violat  (?)  aliquem,  vel  intus  superimponit  aliquem'.19 
Lydian  also  has  the  words  his,  hid,  which  Littmann  identifies 
with  Lat.  quis,  quid',  see  his  Lydian  inscriptions.  Danielsson, 
'Zu  den  Lydischen  Inschriften',  p.  41,  points  out  also  Lyd.  k  as 
the  enclitic  copulative  (Lat.  que).  Hrozny,  pp.  191  ff.  has  an 
appendix  of  considerable  length  which  deals  with  correspondences 
between  Hittite  and  Lydian.  A  door  must  be  either  open  or 
shut:  if  these  comparisons  are  .correct  both  Lycian  and  Lydian, 
as  well  as  Hittite,  are  Indo-European,  and  that,  too,  of  a  degree 
of  depravation,  unparalleled  in  any  pidgin-dialect. 

A  word  as  to  the  'Luvian'.  Forrer,  1.  c.,  p.  1034,  quotes  from 
unstated  sources  a  number  of  Luvian  grammatical  and  lexical 
forms,  some  of  which  have  I.  E.  coloring,  others  being  decidedly 
strange.  Thus  he  quotes  as  forms  of  'a  pronoun',  kui,  kuiha, 
kuis,  kuisha,  kuistar,  and  kuinza.  He  notes  a  number  of  redupli- 
cated verbs  which  look  Indo-European:  tatarhandu,  tatarijam- 
man,  tatarrijamna,  mimentowd,  hohoijanda  (by  the  side  of 
hoijadda),  and,  with  'Attic  reduplication',  elelhdndu  (by  the  side 
of  elhddu).  The  endings  of  the  verb  are  du,  andu,  indu,  remind- 
ing Forrer  of  the  Lydian  -d  and  ent.  For  the  substantive  he 
quotes  -anza,  and  -inzi  in  the  plural;  they  may  bear  upon  our 
discussion  of  -zi  and  -za,  above,  p.  201  f. 

Hrozny,  in  his  above  mentioned  essay  on  the  peoples  and 
languages  of  the  Chatti  land,  pp.  35  ff.,20  quotes  one  or  two  Luvian 
passages  and  discusses  some  words.  The  passages,  evidently 
obscure  in  meaning,  are  not  translated,  but  they  show  some 
words  which  resemble  Kanesian  Hittite.  Thus  kuinzi,  'which,' 
with  plural  meaning  and  ending  -nzi  (see  Forrer 's  statement, 

19  See  Vilh.  Thomsen,  Etudes  Lyciennes,  p.  9.     Hrozny,  p.  49,  remarks 
that  the  Lycian  a-stems  correspond  to  a  remarkable  degree  with  the  Hittite 
a-stems. 

20  See  p.  36,  lines  22  ff.,  30  ff.,  and  p.  37,  lines  36  ft.  of  the  cuneiform  texts. 


208  Maurice  Bloomfield 

just  quoted);  azzastan,  'eat  ye',  which  reminds  Hrozny  of 
Kanesian  azzasteni,  and  ezzasten,  in  the  same  sense;  vassantari, 
Kanesian  vessanta,  'they  clothe  themselves'.  Hrozny  thinks  that 
Luvian  is  a  dialect  of  Kanesian,  or  a  language  closely  related, 
in  which  I.  E.  structure  is  practically  effaced.  The  problem  is 
very  obscure,  but  it  would  seem  rather  to  point  the  other  way, 
namely,  that  Luvian  is  not  I.  E.,  and  that  many  of  the  alleged 
I.  E.  fenomena  of  Kanesian  are  only  seemingly  so,  for  the  very 
reason  that  they  reappear  in  non-I.  E.  Luvian.  The  future  will 
decide. 

As  far  as  I  can  see  the  I.  E.  aspects  of  Hittite  have  no  basis 
in  any  known  historic  colonizations  by  Indo-Europeans  of  parts 
of  Asia  Minor.  The  Phrygian  from  Thrace  and  the  Armenian  of 
unknown  provenience  settled  in  Anatolia  at  a  later  time.  In 
900  B.  C.,  Vannic  or  Chaldic  (cuneiform)  was  still  spoken  in 
Urartu,  the  land  later  settled  by  the  Armenians.  The  older 
Phrygian  inscriptions  are  not  earlier  than  500  B.  C.  The  Toch- 
arians,  Italo-Celtic  emigrants,  seem  to  have  passed  thru  Asia 
Minor  on  their  way  to  their  permanent  home  in  far-away  Chinese 
Turkestan,  but  we  have  no  record  of  Tocharian  that  is  not  about 
2000  years  younger  than  the  Hittite  age.  An  I.  E.  migration 
from  the  south-west  of  Europe  must  have  settled  in  various  parts 
of  Asia  Minor  many  centuries  prior  to  1500  B.  C.,  and  prior  to 
the  recorded  history  of  Indo-Europeans  in  Celtic,  Italic,  or 
Hellenic  lands.  For  it  must  have  taken  hundreds  of  years  of 
mixture  with  the  Anatolian  aborigines  before  such  languages  as 
Hittite,  or  Lycian  and  Lydian  (if  these  two  are  also  I.  E.),  could 
evolve  out  of  such  a  symbiosis.  And,  be  it  understood,  this  Indo- 
European  must  then  be  assumed  to  be  about  3000  years  younger 
in  quality  than  the  faint  traces  of  I.  E.  Aryan  which  are  found  in 
the  scant  Urindisch  of  the  'horse  numerals'  and  the  four  Vedic 
gods. 

My  readers  will  ask  point-blank:  'Is  Hittite  Indo-European?' 
I  answer  that  it  seems  to  contain  an  injection  of  I.  E.  material  in 
a  composite  pidgin-Kanesian,  but  even  of  this  I  do  not  feel  quite 
certain.  When  Tocharian  came  to  light,  the  numerals  alone 
settled  its  status:  Hittite  has  no  numerals.  They  should  sound 
from  2-5 :  du-uwa,  tre-i-es,  ke-tu-wa-res,  pe-en-ku-we  or  pi-in-ku-we. 
When  Tocharian  came  to  light  the  nouns  of  relationship  settled 
its  status:  pdcar  'father';  macar,  'mother';  pracar,  'brother'. 
The  Hittite  words  for  father  and  mother  are  either  Anatolian 


The  Hittite  Language  209 

nursery  words:  addas  or  attas,  'father',  annas  'mother',  or  they 
are  written  in  Babylonian  (Shemitic)  A.  BU  'father';  AHI-IA 
'of  my  brother';  AHATU,  'sister'.  The  Hittite  before  us  has, 
with  the  exception  of  the  noun  wadar,  said  to  mean  'water',  which 
is  also  written  widar;  genitive  wedenas,  u-e-te-na-as,  wideni, 
hardly  a  single  noun  of  I.  E.  etymology.  The  inflection  of  the 
noun  is  by  no  means  conclusively  Indo-European.  The  verbal 
inflections  are  at  points  (not  all  of  them  brought  out  here) 
bewitchingly  Indo-European;  at  other  points  they  are  not  less 
bewilderingly  mystifying.  From  the  point  of  view  of  verb  ety- 
mology there  are  not  a  dozen  verbs  that  are  securely  Indo-Euro- 
pean, and  the  total  of  etymology,  with  the  exception  of  pronomi- 
nal etymology — and  here  again  really  only  the  interrogative- 
indefinite  pronoun — is  the  weakest  link  in  the  chain.  The  heap- 
ing of  conglutinative  particles  (e.  g.,  ma-ah-ha-an-ma-za-kan 
'when  further  mine',  p.  39),  combined  with  the  conglutinative 
use  of  personal  pronouns  at  the  end  of  nouns,  is  non-Indo-Euro- 
pean, and  deserves  special  investigation.  Finally,  the  over-ripe 
condition  of  language  at  the  earliest  dating  known  to  I.  E.  speech 
history  (1500  B.  C.)  bids  us  hold  still  a  while  longer,  on  the  off- 
chance  that  we  are  facing  a  perplexing  illusion. 


14    JAOS  41 


POSSIBLE  NON-INDO-EUROPEAN   ELEMENTS 
IN   'HITTITE' 

J.  DYNELEY  PRINCE 
COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY 

IN  1915,  I  published  a  paper  on  'The  Hittite  Material  in  the 
Cuneiform  Inscriptions'1  as  set  forth  by  Friedrich  Delitzsch  in  his 
Sumerisch-Akkadisch-Hettitische  Vokabularfragmente.2  After  an 
analysis  of  the  scanty  material  of  Delitzsch's  fragments,  I  reached 
the  conclusion  that  this  language  was  probably  not  IE.3  in  char- 
acter, but  showed  marked  non-Aryan  peculiarities,  an  opinion 
which  Professor  Maurice  Bloomfield  had  already  expressed  in  his 
able  treatise  on  the  language  of  the  Arzawa  letters,4  which  is  now 
recognized  as  the  same  idiom  as  that  of  the  'Hittite'  cuneiform 
inscriptions. 

At  present  the  most  important  contributions  towards  Hittitology 
are  undoubtedly  Ferdinand  Hrozny's  masterly  special  plea5  for 
the  IE.  character  of  this  language  and  his  published  texts  from 
Boghazkii,  embracing  temple,  omen  and  oracle,  ceremonial,  and 
historical  material.6  Since  these  publications,  however,  Hrozny 
has  definitely  shown  that  the  language  designated  formerly  by 
him  and  others  as  'Hittite'  is  not  really  entitled  to  this  name,7  as 

1  Amer.  Journal  of  Semitic  Languages,  32.  38-63. 

2  Kim.  Akademie  der  Wissenschaften,  Berlin,  1914. 

3  The  following  abbreviations  have  been  used  in  this  article:   A.  =  accusa- 
tive; Akkad.  =  Akkadian  (Assyro-Babylonian  Semitic);  Av.  =Avestan;  BO.  = 
Boghazk  i  Inscriptions,  mentioned  here  note  6;   Cher.  =  Cheremissian ;   D.= 
dative;    Esth.  =Esthonian;    Finn.  =Finnish   (Suomi);    G.  =genitive;    'H'  = 
Hrozny's  'Hittite'  language;    Hr.  =  Hrozn£,  Die  Sprache  der  Hethiter,  men- 
tioned  note   5;     IE.  =  Indo-European;     Lapp.  =  Lappish;     N.=  nominative; 
OHG.=Old  High  German;    San.  =  Sanskrit;    Sum.  =Sumerian;    Sum.  Gr.= 
Delitzsch,  Grundzuge  d.  Sumerischen  Grammatik,  Leipzig,  1914;    Szinnyei  = 
Jozef  Szinnyei,  Finnisch-Ugrische  Sprachwissenschaft,  Leipzig,  1910;   Wotj.= 
Wotjak. 

4  Amer.  Journal  of  Philology,  25.  1  ff. 

5  Die  Sprache  der  Hethiter,   ihr  Ban  in  Zugehorigkeit  zum  indogermanischen 
Sprachstamm,  Leipzig,  1917. 

6  Hethitische  Keilschrifttexte  aus  Boghazkoi,  Leipzig,  1919, 

7  Ueber  die  Volker  u.  Sprachen  des  alien  Chatti-Landes,  Leipzig,  1920,  pp. 
29-30.    Another  work  on  the  subject  of  the  multiplicity  of  languages  in  these 
Boghazk  i  inscriptions,  not  at  present  accessible  to  me,  has  been  recently 
published  by  Forrer. 


Possible  Non-Indo-European  Elements  in  'Hittite'        211 

the  genuine  Hittite  or  Chatti  language,  which  appears  in  BO 
2002,  obv.  1,  64,  was  very  evidently  a  non- Aryan  speech  entitled 
xattili  in  Hrozny's  'Hittite'  material  and  not  in  any  way  resembling 
the  latter  idiom.8  We  are  consequently  forced  to  indicate  this 
supposed  IE.  'Hittite'  of  Hrozny,  for  which  there  is  as  yet  no 
certain  designation,9  as  'Hittite'  (abbrev.  'H')  and  to  use  the 
term  Hittite)  without  quotation  marks,  as  denoting  the  appar- 
ently genuine  Chatti  (xatti)  or  Hittite,  known  in  'H'  as  xattili. 

The  object  of  the  following  study  is  to  examine  especially  some 
important  points  in  the  morphology  of  the  'H'  as  given,  appar- 
ently with  great  correctness,  by  Hrozny,  in  order  to  determine 
whether  or  not  some  of  the  most  salient  forms  are  of  non- Aryan, 
rather  than  IE.  character.  I  lay  especial  stress  on  morphology 
rather  than  on  similarities  in  vocabulary  or  radicals,  since  many 
such  seeming  resemblances  may  well  be  based  on  accident  or 
borrowing,  possibilities  which  render  mere  Gleichklang  a  dangerous 
criterion  in  speech  comparison.  As  is  well  known,  words  and 
even  radicals  may  pass  between  languages  of  inherently  differing 
stocks.  The  same  principle  seems  to  be  true  of  the  transfer  of 
phonetics,  which,  as  Franz  Boas  has  indicated,10  occurs  not  infre- 
quently in  American  languages  of  widely  varying  bases  and 
particularly  in  the  adoption  by  the  African  Bantu  of  the  clicks  of 
the  Bushmen  and  Hottentots,  in  spite  of  the  enmity  between 
these  groups  and  the  Bantu.  Similarly,  morphological  charac- 
teristics may  probably  pass  from  one  language  to  another  of  a 
radically  variant  grammatical  system  and,  as  Boas  believes,  may 
even  modify  fundamental  structural  characteristics.11  Such  pro- 
cesses may  have  been  primarily  due  to  the  presence  of  a  large 
number  of  alien  wives  and  mothers  in  primitive  tribes,  and 

8Cf.  especially  the  Chatti  =  real  Hittite  material  in  the  above 'cited  work, 
26;  31-32;  34.  Among  the  Chatti  names  of  occupations,  the  word  (amel) 
vil-m-du-uk-ka-ra-am  =  (amel)  KA-SU-GAB  (?)-as  'cup-bearer'  is  especially 
striking  as  apparently  containing  the  elements  vin  (y>in)  'wine'  and  the 
Sum.  word  dulp  'vessel' +the  probably  Chatti  ending  -aram,  i.  e.,  vindukkaram 
'the  one  concerned  with  (aram)  the  wine-cup'  vin-dukC?).  This  was  probably 
a  loan-word.  The  rest  of  the  Chatti  material  is  at  present  beyond  our  range  of 
knowledge  for  comparison  with  known  elements.- 

9  Unless  we  accept  Hrozny's  nasili  'in  our(?)  language';   probably  'in  this 
language'  (see  below,  B.,  I.,  b).     The  term  'Kanesian'  is  suggested  by  Forrer 
and  is  provisionally  accepted  by  some  scholars. 

10  Amer.  Anthropologist,  22.  372. 

11  76.  22.  373. 


212  ./.  Dyneley  Prince 

secondarily  to  inter-cultural  influences.  In  this  'FT,  in  spite  of 
the  apparent  IE.  morphological  basis,  it  will  appear  from  the 
present  paper  that  other  than  Aryan  influences  seem  to  have 
been  present  in  the  formation  of  much  of  the  'H'  morphology. 

A.     RADICALS 
I.     Personal  and  Demonstrative  Pronouns 

The  paradigms  of  the  1  and  2  personal  pronouns,  as  given  by 
Hrozny,  are  as  follows  (Hr.:  1  p.  sg.,  104-105;  1  p.  pi,  114;  2 
p.  sg.  111;  2p.pl,  118): 

1  p.  sg.  2  p.  sg. 

N.      ug,  uga,  ugga;  ammug,  am-  zig,  ziga,  zigga,  zikka 

muga,     ammugga,     am- 

mukka 

G.      ammel  tuel 

D.  \  ammug,  ammuga,  ammug-  tug,  tuga,  tugga,  tukka,  dukka 
A.  /      ga,  amukka 
Loc.  prob.  ammedaz  .     prob.  tuedaz 

.  pi.  Pi. 

N.      anzds  sumes,  sumds 

G.      anzel  sumel,  sumenzdn  (surasenzanf ) 

D.  \  sumds,  summds 

^  anzas 


A.  J  sumes,  summes,  sumds 

Loc.  prob.  sumedaz 

Comitative  (? )  sumdsila 

In  spite  of  apparent  resemblances  to  IE,  these  pronouns 
present,  none  the  less,  non-Aryan  aspects  in  many  particulars. 
Thus,  Hr,  98,  connects  ug,  uga,  etc,  with  Lat.  ego;  Greek  cyoi; 
Goth,  ik,  etc,  in  spite  of  the  strange  initial  u-,  instead  of  the  IE.  e, 
a  variation  not  satisfactorily  explained  by  his  comparison  of  the 
'unclear'  Old  Slav,  az  'I.'  It  is  much  more  likely  that  'H'  ug, 
uga,  etc,  stand  for  original  mug,  muga  (m  =  w,  a  common  phenom- 
enon), especially  as  the  forms  ammug,  ammuga,  etc,  appear  in 
the  N,  D,  and  A.  apparently  arbitrarily.  Furthermore,  the 
'H'  suffix  (D.  and  A.)  of  the  1  p.  sg.  is  -mu  (see  below,  B,  I.), 
showing  the  same  element  (-m-). 

But  this  m-element  is  not  essentially  IE.;  cf.  Sumerian  mae 
T;  mara  'to  me';  Asiatic  Turkish  men  (Osmanli  ben)  T;  also 


Possible  Non-Indo-European  Elements  in  'Hittite'         213 

Finno-Ugric :  Finn,  mind]  Lapp,  mon;  Cher,  men,  etc.,  with  m 
throughout  the  dialects.  Most  striking  is  also  Georgian  me  T; 
cemi  'of  me',  etc. 

With  these  'FT  1  p.  sg.  mugr-forms  should  be  compared  the 
2  p.  sg.  zig,  ziga,  etc.,  returning  phenomenally  to  tu-  in  the  oblique 
relations  of  the  pronoun,  and  showing  the  D.  (rarely  A.)  pro- 
nominal suffix  -ta,  used  with  nouns.  The  sibilant  in  zig  can 
hardly  be  explained  satisfactorily  on  the  basis  of  Greek  <ru,  even 
with  Doric  TV  in  the  background.  Finno-Ugric  also  has  the 
interchange  between  sibilant  (s)  and  t,  but  this  is  not  seen  intra- 
dialectically,  but  always  between  different  idioms;  cf.  Finn. 
sind;  Lapp,  ton,  don.  On  the  other  hand,  in  Lakish  1  p.  sg.,  we 

.do  find  na  T;  gen.  ttul  'of  me'  (possibly  =  *ntul),  which  is  an 
intra-dialectic  change  of  consonant  in  a  non-Aryan  language,  but 
not,  I  think,  applicable  here.  It  is  possible  that  'H'  zig  may 
have  been  pronounced  zig  or  cig  (thus,  Weidner,  Studien,12  -152); 
cf .  also  the  Sumerian  interchange  of  z  and  z  possibly  =  s  (Prince, 
'Phonetic  Relations  in  Sumerian,'  JAOS  39.  271).  The  Sum.  z 
interchanges  also  with  s  and  even  with  n  (op.  cit.  270).  The 

. 'H'  zig,  *zig,  therefore,  reminds  one  more  of  Sum.  zae  'thou'; 
zara  'to  thee,'  than  of  any  IE.  form.  The  'H'  2  p.  verbal  ending 
-si  (see  below,  C.,  II.)  contains  perhaps  the  same  zi,  ^'-element 
of  the  2  p.  pronoun  and,  although  alternating  with  -ti  in  the 
second  conjugation,  rather  speaks  for  the  ^'-pronunciation  of  zig. 
The  difficult  problem  here  is  presented  by  the  oblique  'H'  in- 
forms of  the  2  p.  pronoun.  Instead  of  tuel,  tug,  one  would  expect 
ziel  (or  zel),  zig,  or,  at  least,  zuel,  zug.  The  interesting  possibility 
arises  that  tuel,  tug,  etc.,  may  be  a  writing  representing  an  aspi- 
rated pronunciation  of  t,  either  as  th  (in  think),  or  actually  zu, 
zu(t).  In  this  connection  should  be  noted  the  'H'  d-form  dukka, 
parallel  with  tukka,  tug,  etc.,  possibly  indicating  a  c?2-pronuncia- 
tion(?).  Hrozny  intimates  throughout  his  work  that  'H'  is  a 
palatalizing  language,  witness  especially  the  -nzi  3  p.  pi.  of  verbs 
below,  equated  by  Hrozny  with  IE.  -nt,  -nd  (see  below  C.,  Ill,  on 
palatalization).  The  whole  question  is  shrouded  in  doubt, 
especially  in  connection  with  the  2  p.  pronoun,  as  even  a  pure 
^-element  here  would  not  necessarily  connote  Aryan  origin  (see 
the  Finno-Ugric  forms  cited  just  above). 


12  Ernst  F.  Weidner,  Studien  zur  Hethitischen  Sprachwissenschaft,  Leipzig, 
1917,  unfavorably  commented  on  by  Hr.,  194-211. 


214  /.  Dyneley  Prince 

Another  problem  arising  in  this  connection  is  the  appearance 
of  the  -g  in  the  1  p.  sg.  mug,  muga,  etc.,  and  in  the  2  p.  sg.  zig, 
ziga,  etc.  (note  also  tug,  tuga).  The  presence  of  forms  in  -k  such 
as  ammukka,  dukka,  precludes  the  possibility  of  this  g  representing 
an  ngf-nasal  which  might  remind  us  of  the  n-element  in  Finn. 
mi-nd  'I',  si-nd  'thou,'  Turk,  me-n  'I,'  etc.  Nevertheless,  the 
'H'  -o-final  looks  most  unlike  an  Aryan  termination.  Further- 
more, where  is  the  true  D.  sign  of  these  'H'  pronouns,  both  in  the 
sg.  ammug,  zig,  oblique  tug,  and  in  the  pi.  anzd$,  1  p.,  sumes, 
sumds,  2  p.  (see  below  B.,  I. ;  B.,  II. )?  These  forms  seem  to  appear 
indifferently  for  practically  all  case-relations,  even  the  nomina- 
tive. Only  in  tu-  do  we  find  what  seems  to  be  a  specific  oblique 
form.  Contrast  this  with  Av.  1  p.  N.  azem;  G.  mana;  D.  malbyd; 
A.  mam;  San.  N.  aham;  G.  mama;  D.  mahyam;  A.  mam;  2  p. 
Av.  turn,  tu;  G.  tava;  D.  talbyd;  A.  thwam;  San.  N.  tvam;  G. 
tava;  D.  tubhyam;  A.  tvam.  Considered  in  the  light  of  present 
knowledge,  the  'H'  1  and  2  p.  sg.  pronouns  do  not  seem  to  show 
strong  IE.  characteristics. 

The  1  p.  pi.  element  -nz- 'in  anzds,  etc.,  is  compared  by  Hrozny 
(112)  with  Germ,  uns,  ons;  Lat.  nos,  Slav.  n(a)s.  The  s  of 
these  IE.  forms  is  usually  regarded  as  a  pi.  sign  (Brugmann, 
Grundriss,  2.  2. 120,  379, 406)  and  the  question  here  is  as  to  whether 
the  z  of  the  'H'  anz-  is  really  a  plural.  Hrozny  (10)  is  not  satis- 
factory on  this  point,  as  his  argument  amounts  to  a  mere  cate- 
gorical statement.  The  ordinary  'H'  pi.  ending  is  -s.  The  'IT 
suffix  of  the  1  p.  pi.  is  apparently  -nas,  i.e.,  n+a-freal  pi.  s  here 
(Hr.  130).  The  resemblance  of  these  'IT  anz-  and  possibly  -nas 
forms  to  IE.  is  certainly  striking  (note  Av.  1  p.  pi.  enclitic  no; 
San.  nas)  and  the  forms  may  really -be  IE.  Note,  however,  that 
the  prefix  a-  of  'H'  anz-  should  be  compared  with  the  a-  of  ammug, 
1  p.  sg.,  as  a  possible  carrier  of  the  characteristic  pronominal 
element.  Non-Aryan  morphology  can  hardly  be  cited  in  this 
connection,  unless  one  thinks  of  Turk,  biz  (  =  m-z)  and  1  p.  pi. 
suffix  -miz  'our';  cf.  Finn,  me  'we'  and  Sum.  men  'we.' 

Similarly  'H'  sumds  'you,'  pi,  so  strikingly  like  modern  Persian 
sumd  (Greek  u/x€ts,  Lesbian  V/A/JL*),  seems  an  IE.  radical,  not 
at  all  recalling  non- Aryan  forms  such  as  Turk,  siz  'you'  (pi.). 
Probably  the  'H'  A.  suffix  was  -svmasv  (Hr.  131-132)  derived,  as 
Hrozny  supposed,  from  the  fuller  sumds.  But  this  suffix  -smas 
is  doubtful  for  the  2  p.  pi.,  as  the  3  p.  pi.  suffix  is  also  -smas  (see 


Possible  Non-Indo-European  Elements  in  'Hittite'        215 

below,  C.,  I.).    Here  no  decision  can  be  reached  with  the  present 
material. 

There  is  no  direct  pronoun  of  the  3  p.  in  'H,'  but  the  demonstra- 
tive apds  'this  one'  serves  in  this  capacity  (Hr.  138).  Note  the 
declension : 

Masc.  and  Fern.  (?)  So-called  Neuter  (see  below 

C.,  I.) 

N.  apds  apdt 

G.  apel 

D.  apia;  apedani;  apidani 

A.  apun;  apedan  .     apdt;  apeda 

Loc.  .  apez;  apiz;  apiaz 

Comitative  apdsila  (?) 

pi. 

N.  apuS 

G.  apenzan 

D.  apedas;  apidas 

A.  apus 

Hrozny  himself  admits  that  this  ap,  a6-stem  may  not  be  of  IE. 
origin  (137),  but  he  prefers  to  connect  it  with  the  Lycian  pro- 
noun ebe  'this  one'.  His  tentative  association  of  apds  with  the 
Elamic  demonstrative  ap  and  even  with  Lydian  bi-s  'he'  (191) 
is  probably  correct;  compare  also  the  non- Aryan  Sumerian 
demonstrative  fo'-elements  in  such  forms  as  lu-bi  'that  man' 
(Delitzsch,  Sum.  Gr.,  35).  Here  then  we  have  what  is  most 
probably  a  non-Aryan  element,  whereas  the  'H'  demonstrative 
pron.  tat  'that  one'  (Hr.  136)  is  highly  suggestive  of  IE.  connec- 
tion; cf.  Av.  and  San.  neuter  demonstr.  tat.  On  the  other  hand, 
in  this  connection  must  be  compared  the  Finno-Ugric  £-demon- 
stratives:  Finn,  td;  Wogul  t'e,  t'i,  Lapp,  ta,  etc.,  so  that  even 
here  the  IE.  character  of  the  radical  is  not  fully  de terminable. 
The  'H'  demonstr.  nas,  so-called  neut.  nat  (Hr.  134),  also  used 
as  a  3  p.  'he,  she,  that  one,'  may  not  be  IE.,  as  it  suggests  the  Sum. 
common  demonstrative  ne-element  (Delitzsch,  op.  cit.  34),  which 
carries  also  a  -na  3  p.  suffix  in  Sumerian.  With  this  'H'  nas,  cf. 
also  'H'  eni  'this  one'  (Hr.  135),  which  seems  to  contain  the  same 
n-stem,  possibly  of  non-Aryan  origin. 


216  J.  Dyneley  Prince 

II.     Relative,  Interrogative,  and  Indefinite  Pronouns 

The  'H'  so-called  relative,  interrog.  and  indej.  pron.  kuis  (Hr. 
144,  147  ff.)  is  declined  as  follows: 

Masc.  and  Fern.  (?)  so-called  Neuter 

N.      kuis  kuit 

G.      kuel 
D.      kuedani 

A.      kuin  kuit 

Loc.  kuez  (notkuedaz!) 

pi. 

N.      kues,  kuis  kue,  kui  (fern.) 

G. 

D.      kuedas  (once  kuitas) 

A.      kues,  kue  (?)  kue,  kui 

Hrozny  compares  this  with  the  IE.;  viz.,  Av. :  N.  kd,  kas-, 
A.  k9m;  San.:  N.  kas,  G.  kasya,  A.  kam  (better  Av.  N.  A.  cis, 
San.  N.  A.  neuter  kim  and  the  particle  cit,  as  showing  the  /-vowel) ; 
Lat.:  qui,  quis,  Greek :.r  15,  ri  (144).  The  'H'  kuis  seems  often 
to  be  an  unaccented  enclitic  and  may  occur  thus  in  the  middle 
and  even  at  the  end  of  a  relative  clause,  a  proof,  according  to 
Hrozny  (144),  that  the  relative  was  developed  from  an  indefinite. 
But  such  a  construction  may  also  be  suggestive  of  un-Aryan 
influence,  even  though  the  kui-root  may  itself  be  of  IE.  origin; 
cf.,  for  structure  only,  the  Mitanni  apparently  enclitic  relative 
-ne  (H.  Winckler  in  Mitteil  d.  Vorderasiat.  Ges.  1909;  45;  76), 
the  authenticity  of  which  Mitanni  form,  however,  is  rejected  by 
Hrozny  (144,  n.  3).  In  Turkic,  relative  relation  is  frequently 
expressed  by  participles  with  personal  suffixes,  as  gordijim  adem 
'the  man  whom  I  saw,'  a  construction  common  to  many  agglutina- 
tive languages.  Note  the  following  examples  of  the  use  of  the 
'H'  kuis,  kuit,  which  seem  to  indicate  that  a  definite  decision 
regarding  it  cannot  yet  be  reached:  ki  kuit  kus  XU-XAR-RI 
xallaranni  'after  these  oracles  have  (had?)  been  received  (?)', 
BO  2.  1.  21.  Note  also  kuitmanzaskan  'before  (conj.)  he',  BO 
2.  1.  31.  Observe  kuedas  UD-XI-A  'several  days',  BO  2.  142 
(is  kuedas  dative  pi.?).  This  last  example  is  clearly  indefinite, 
as  is  tapassar  ILUM  kuiski  iazi  'a  disease  some  god  or  other 
makes'  (BO  2.  2.  2).  Or,  can  this  mean:  'the  god  makes  (causes) 


Possible  Non-Indo-European  Elements  in  'Hittite'        217 

some  disease  or  other'?  Here,  however,  seems  to  belong  ILUM 
kuiSki  'some  god,'  BO  2.  2.  25.  But  in  BO  2.  2.  21:  ILlM-tar 
kuit  KIL-DI-af  'when  the  deity  appeared,'  we  have  the  kuit  as  a 
conjunction.  Note  also  the  'H'  kuit  =  Akkad.  minu  'how'  (Prince, 
op.  cit.  57)  and  Delitzsch,  op.  cit.,  X.  rev.  10:  =  Akkad.  mail  'how 
long.'  Kuis  seems  really  to  be  demonstrative  in  Prince,  57-58: 
natta  kuis  walkissaras  'one  (who  'is)  not  strong.'  In  Delitzsch, 
IX.  I.  18:  UD-KAM-as  anian  kuis  essai  'that  which  is  the  daily 
offering'  (Hr.  205:  anian  is  a  participle),  we  have  an  apparent 
neuter  use  of  the  'masc.-fem.'  kuis,  i.  e.,  kuis  here  = 'that  (thing) 
which'  (see  below  C.,  I.,  on  gender). 

As  to  the  supposed  IE.  origin  of  'H'  kuis,  note  the  indefinite- 
interrogative  fc-element  in  Finno-Ugric  and  Turkic:  Magyar  ki; 
Syryenian  and  Wotj.  kin;  Cher,  ku,  all  = 'who'  (Szinnyei,  113); 
also  Finnish  ku;  Lapp,  ko,  etc.,  and  especially  Magyar  hod  ( =  *kod) 
with  the  meaning  'how,'  with  which  cf.  'H'  kuit,  frequently  = 
'how.'  In  short,  the  fc-form  is  in  itself  alone  not  a  sign  of  IE. 
origin.  It  is  quite  possible  that  'H'  kui-  may  originally  have 
meant  'person,  thing/  in  other  words,  kui-  may  have  been  an 
indefinite,  from  which  its  general  use  was  developed.  It  seems 
by  no  means  certain  that  we  have  an  IE.  particle  in  'H'  kuis. 


B.     CASE-ENDINGS 
I.     Pronominal  Endings 

There  are  certain  endings  peculiar  to  the  'H'  pronouns  which 
merit  a  brief . discussion  at  this  point.  These  are  (a)  G.  sg.  and 
pi.  -el,  in  ammel.  tuel,  anzel,  sumel,  apel.  (b)  Comitative  (?) 
-ila  in  sumdsila  (?),  apdsila  (?).  (c)  G.  pi.  -enzan  in  sumenzan 
(  =  suras[TJenzan),  apenzan.  (d)  Loc.  sg.  and  D.  sg.  and  pi. 
rf-insert  in  ammedaz,  tuedaz,  and.  (probably)  sumedaz;  D.  sg. 
apedani,  apidani;  D.  pi.  apedas;  also  in  D.  sg.  kedani,  from  kas 
'this'  (140). 

(a)  There  seems  to  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  G.  character  of  the 
'H'  -eZ-endings,  none  of  which  are  inflected,  but  which  are  pure 
genitives  used  as  possessives.  For  the  inflected  possessive  suffixes, 
see  below,  B.  III.  These  forms  ammel,  tuel,  etc.,  occur  in  so 
many  cases  prefixed  to  Akkad.  ideographic  combinations,  indicat- 
ing respectively  the  1  and  2  person,  that  their  possessive  meaning 


218  J.  Dyneley  Prince 

seems  perfectly  clear;  cf.  ammel-wa13  MU-DI-IA  'my  spouse' 
(Hr.  108);  tuel  MARE-KA  'thy  children',  etc.,  passim. 

What  is  this  -el  which  has  so  un-Aryan  an  appearance?  Hrozny 
points  out  (191),  referring  to  Kretschmer,  that  Lydian  has  a  G. 
-I  occurring  especially  in  adjectives.  But  there  is  a  similar  refer- 
ring I.  in  Kushite  (non-Semitic)  Abyssinian  (Enno  Littmann, 
Lydian  Inscriptions,  Part  1,  1916,  77).  Hrozny  devotes  a  long 
treatise  (50-59)  to  the  'IT  formative  Z-element,  connecting  it 
with  IE.  formative  I  in  such  words  as  Lat.  humilis,  from  humus 
'ground',  etc.  He  does  this  because  'H'  seems  to  show  gentilicia 
in  -I  (for  examples,  see  Hr.  51).  Hrozny  associates  this  gentilic 
genitive  I  with  the  participial  formative  I  in  'H'  sarnikzi-el.  He 
also  compares  IE.  nomina  agentis  in  -el,  -el,  -il,  such  as  Lat.  figulus 
'potter',  OHG.  tregil  'bearer'  and  the  Slavonic  preterite  participle, 
as  delal  'having  done'.  But  after  this  argument  in  favor  of  the 
IE.  origin  of  the  'H'  I,  Hrozny  mentions  (57)  that  a  similar  I 
exists  outside  of  IE.,  i.  e.,  in  Etruscan,  Lakish  and  Avar,  as  Lakish 
na  T,  ttul  'of  me,  my'.  He  is  inclined  to  the  view  that  this  non- 
Aryan  I  may  have  had  an  IE.  origin.  He  compares  the  'H'  G.  -I 
in  the  pronouns  with  the  G.  -r-  in  Gothic  unsara  'of  us,  our/ 
Armenian  mer  'our!'  He  adds  (59)  that  the  Turkic  gentilicia 
and  adjectives  in  li,  lu  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  'H'  I,  as  Turkic 
li,  lu  come  from  an  earlier  -lik,  -luk  (thus  Bittner).  Even  admit- 
ting this  latter  statement  to  be  so,  the  same  /-formative  was 
present  in  Turkic  -lik,  -luk  as  in  -li,  -lu,  since  the  final  -k  in  Turkish 
was  merely  a  nominal-adjectival  termination,  used  in  Osmanli 
for  nouns  alone. 

(b)  Closely  connected  with  this  question  is  that  of  the  sup- 
posed 'H'  Comitative  in  -ila,  as  sumdsila,  apdsila.  Hrozny 
admits  (118)  the  unclearness  of  the  passages  containing  these 
forms,  which,  therefore,  may  well  be  doubted.  If,  however, 
these  were  genuine  comitatives,  they  would  suggest  rather  Turkic 
-ile(n)  'with'.  Furthermore,  the  term  nasili,  which  Hrozny 
thinks,  probably  correctly,  indicates  the  language  known  to  us 
as  'Hittite',  he  derives  from  the  suffix  nas  'our'  and  this  deriva- 
tive Z-element,  seen  also  in  xattili  =  the  real  Chatti  or  Hittite 
language  (Volker  u.  'Sprachen,  3  ff.).  Hrozny 's  rendering  of 


13  The  suffix  -wa  is  not  part  of  the  genitive  here,  but  a  mere  particle,  prob- 
ably meaning  'indeed'.  A  similar  particle  exists  in  Mongolian  (Japanese),  as 
watakushi  wa  'I  indeed',  but  with  nominative  force.  See,  however,  below,  n.  15. 


Possible  Non-Indo-European  Elements  in  lHittite'        219 


nasili  as  'our  language',  paralleling  Slavonic  naski  'in  our  speech'; 
vaski  'in  your  tongue',  is  probably  not  accurate,  as  'H'  nas  means 
'this'  as  well  as  'our,'  so  that  nasili  could  simply  mean  'in  this 
language'  (see  above,  n.  9). 

In  view  of  the  un-Aryan  appearance  of  referring  I  and  of  its 
widespread  use  in  languages  of  varying  provenance,  the  IE. 
origin  of  the  'H'  I  (-el,  -il,  etc.)  is  very  doubtful. 

(c)  The  G.  pi.  -enzan  in  sumenzan,  apenzan  suggests  un-Aryan 
morphology,  but  of  what  origin  it  is  impossible  to  determine. 

(d)  What  is  the  origin  of  the  infix  -d-?     Hrozny  refers  (138, 
n.  3)  to  an  original  -da,  -to(?),  which  he  associates  with  the 
jo-element  of  Greek  OVTOS  'this',   and  Slav,  k-to  'who/      This 
seems    a    far-fetched    conclusion.       The     'H'     D.     ending    -ni 
(  =  -anni),  suffixed  to  this  -da-  in  such  forms  as  kuedani,  also 
without  -da-  in  idaluanni  (Hr.  65,  n.  4)  'to  the  evil  person,'  is  far 
more  suggestive  of  Finnic  than  of  IE.;   cf.  Lapp,  mu-ni  'to  me'; 
tu-ni  'to  thee'  (Szinnyei,  71).     It  is  possible  that  the  -da-  in  'H' 
D.  and  Loc.  forms  may  be  cognate  with  the  Sumerian  -da-,  also 
of  locative  signification  (Delitzsch,  Sum.  Gr.,  127),  and  may  not 
be  IE.  at  all. 

II.     Noun  Inflection 

The  'H'  nominal  inflection  is  much  more  Indo-European  in 
appearance  than  that  of  the  pronouns.  Thus,  the  very  evident 
occurrence  of  a-,  i-,  u-stems,  to  which  case-endings  are  suffixed, 
is  strongly  suggestive  of  IE.  Note  the  following  declensions: 

w-stems 

Telibinu-s-a  (conjunctive  -a) 

Telibinu-w-ass (a) ;    Telibinu 

Telibin-i 

Telibunu-n 


a-stems 

i-stems 

N. 

antuxsa-s 

xalki-s 

G. 

antuxsa-s 

xalki-as 

D. 

antuxs-i 

xalk-i 

A. 

antuxsa-n 

xalki-n 

Loc. 
Abl. 

(antuxsa-z) 
antuxsi-t(d) 

(xalki-az) 
xalki-t(d) 

N. 

G. 

D. 

A. 

Loc. 

Abl. 


antuxs-es 
antuxs-as 
antuxs-as 
antuxs-us 


pi. 

(xalki)-es       idalau-es 

(xalki)-as 

xalki-as 

xalki-us 


antuxsi-t(d) 


xarnau-wa 


220  J.  Dyneley  Prince 

Here  it  will  be  observed  that  'H'  -s  resembles  Av.  San,  N.  -s, 
save  that  in  'H'  the  so-called  N.  -s  may  have  a  non-Aryan  indica- 
tive force  in  some  instances,  a  phenomenon  which  seems  also 
true  of  the  other  'H'  cases.  Thus,  xalugatallasmis  'my  messenger' 
(109)  shows  the  s-suffix  after  both  the  noun  and  the  pronominal 
suffix.  Note  also  forms  like  apds-ila,  sumds-ila,  mentioned 
above,  with  -ila  affixed  to  the  apparent  N.  -s,  and  especially 
nasili  'in  this  language'  (see  above  B.,  I.,  b).  The  same  application 
of  the  case-ending  appears  in  the  accus.  xalugatallanmin  'my 
messenger'  (124).  It  must  be  noted  that  these  pronominal 
endings  -mis,  -min  are  genuine  suffixes  and  not  separates  like  Lat. 
meus,  meum.  Note,  furthermore,  that  in  the  w-class,  the  G. 
Telibinu  occurs  without  G.  -s.  The  -z-sign  oi  the  D.,  common 
throughout  the  declensions,  although  perhaps  corresponding  to 
the  IE.  locative  ending  -i,  as  suggested  by  Kretschmer.  (Hrozny, 
'H',  p.  9),  rather  than  to  Av.  San.  D.  -e,  is  even  more  suggestive 
of  the  Finno-Ugric  Lative-Dative  -i,  as  Lapp,  par"  nai  'to  the 
son';  monnai  'to  the  egg';  johkoi  'to  the  river'  (Szinnyei,  71). 
Note,  however,  Lycian  D.  -i  in  ladi  'to  the  spouse'  from  lada 
(Hr.  49). 

The  'H'  Loc.  -az  is  a  real  puzzle.  There  is  no  IE.  corresponding 
form.  It  is  true,  Hrozny  compares  Lycian  -azi,  -ezi  (10,  n.  4) 
formatives  of  ethnica,  but  in  the  pre-Hellenic  Lemnos  inscrip- 
tion, -asi,  presumably  also  ethnic,  occurs  in  force  in  a  language 
which  was  not  IE.  (Bugge,  Verhdltnisse  d.  Etrusker  zu  den  Indo- 
germanen,  109  ff.).  Hrozny  also  refers  to  the  Greek  adverb 
Ovpacri  'before  the  door',  as  a  possible  cognate.  But  there  are 
locatives  in  a  sibilant  (z,  s,  c)  in  the  Caucasian  dialects  (Erckert, 
Die  Sprache  d.  Kaukas.  Stammes,  2.  223),  a  comparison  which 
Hrozny  arbitrarily  rejects.  Finno-Ugric  shows  also  a  well- 
marked  sibilant  locative,  as  Finn,  ma-ssa  'in  the  land';  kyla-ssd 
'in  the  village'  (-ssa  =  -sna,  Szinnyei,  78).  How  far  any  of  these 
stems  may  be  compared  with  the  'H'  locative  -az  is,  of  course, 
uncertain,  but  it  is  probable  that  this  -az  is  not  IE. 

'H'  Abl.  -it(d)  seems  to  be  a  cognate  of  Av.  San.  Abl.  -t;  original 
in  a-stems  -at;  and  secondary  in  i-stems:  Av.  -oil;  w-stems:  Av. 
-aot. 

The  'H'  pi.  also  presents  few  non- Aryan  peculiarities.  The 
coincidence  of  the  G.  and  D.  pi.  in  -as  is  striking,  but  cf. 
Goth.  G.  unsara  'of  us',  unsis  'to  us'  with  (i)s-  dative.14 

14  In  Goth,  the  pronominal  D.  sign  is  possibly  the  i-  or  tt-vowel+s,  as  mis 
'to  me',  un-sis  'to  us',  izwis  'to  you',  thus  'to  thee'. 


Possible  Non-Indo-European  Elements  in  'Hittite'        221 
I  am  unable  to  comment  on  the  so-called  'neuter'  'FT  Abl.  pi. 

C.  I.  Gender 

Finally,  in  this  connection  arises  the  question  as  to  the  existence 
of  grammatical  gender  in  'IT.  The  fact  that  in  Delitzsch  (Vo- 
kabularfragmente,  IX.  6)  we  find  walkissaras  =  Akkad.  leu  'strong/ 
but  GUN  walkissaras  =  Akkad.  letum  'strong'  (fern.)  would  appear 
to  indicate  a  lack  of  feminine  grammatical  designation  for  nouns, 
already  mentioned  by  me  (Hittite  Material,  41).  It  is  highly 
likely  at  the  present  showing  that  'H'  lacked  distinctive  feminine 
and  also  neuter  terminations.  Hrozny,  throughout  his  discussion 
of  the  declensions,  admits  the  merging  of  the  feminine  with  the 
masculine.  In  the  combination  GUN  walkissaras  'strong'  (fern.), 
Hrozny  reads  for  GUN,  SAL-za,  implying  an  unknown  'H'  word 
for  'woman',  ending  in  -z,  and  renders  'strong  woman/  but  it  is 
much  more  likely  that  GUN  here  =  the  Sum.  ideogram  'heavy, 
gravid,  pregnant',  hence  'female'  (possibly  GUN  =  Akkad.  biltu 
'tribute'  was  applied  to  beltu  'lady,  woman').  Even  if  the  pre- 
formative  of  walkissaras  were  SAL-za?  rather  than  GUN,  this  is 
more  likely  to  have  been  a  feminine  distinctive  and  not  a  qualify- 
ing word.  Had  SAL-za  (GUN)  meant  'woman',  the  Akkad. 
rendering  would  have  been  assatum  letum  'strong  woman'  and 
probably  not  letum  alone.  Lack  of  grammatical  gender  is  very 
un-Aryan  and  appears  in  the  Turkic  and  Finno-Ugric  group. 
For  such  distinctive  prefixed  gender  words,  cf.  Osmanli  erkek 
'male',  used  before  both  human  and  animal  names,  as  erkek 
arslan  'male  lion',  and  qyz  'female'  before  human  names,  as  qyz 
qardas  'sister',  and  disi  before  animal  names  alone,  as  disi  arslan 
'lioness',  etc.  While  it  is  true  that  prehistoric  IE.  did  not  make 
distinctions  of  gender  in  forms  of  personal  pronouns,  nor  of  all 
nouns,  there  was  nevertheless  a  careful  distinction  in  many  pro- 
nominal and  nominal  and  most  adjectival  terminations,  although 
the  distinction  was  not  carried  so  far  as  in  some  modern  IE. 
languages.  It  is  a  question  whether  the  lack  of  gender  in  such 
modern  IE.  tongues  as  Persian,  Hindustani  and  Armenian  is  not 
the  result  of  non-Aryan  influences,  such  as  that  of  Turko-Tatar, 
rather  than  an  independent  IE.  tendency  towards  genderlessness, 
such  as  appears,  for  example,  in  modern  English. 

15  Has  this  so-called  Abl.  -wa  any  connection  with  the  -wa  mentioned  above 
in  n.  13,  this  article? 


222  J.  Dyneley  Prince 

It  seems  significant  also  that  'IT  'neuter'  forms,  especially 
pronominal  forms  in  -t,  as  not,  tat,  apat  (see  above  A.,  I.)  are  all 
capable  of  being  regarded  also  as  masc.  pis.;  cf.  Hrozny.  Volker 
u.  Sprachen,  26,  line  5:  nat  paratianzi  'these  ones  (masc.  pi.) 
come  forth.'  In  other  words,  it  .is  doubtful  whether  there  really 
was  a  neuter  in  'IT.  In  short,  the  whole  question  as  to  Hrozny 's 
gender  distinctions  is  very  doubtful,  the  probability  rather  being 
that  'H'  was  a  genderless  idiom,  similar  in  this  respect  to  Asiatic 
non-Aryan  forms  of  speech. 

C.  II.     Pronominal  Suffixes 

As  has  already  been  noted  above  (A.,  I.),  the  'H'  pronouns 
have  D.  and  A.  suffixes  -mu,  1  p.  sg.;  -nas,  1  p.  pi.;  -ta,  2  p.  sg.; 
-sma§,  2  p.  pi.  But  the  suffix  of  the  3  p.  pi.  is  also  -smas,  so  similar 
to  that  of  the  2  p.  pi.  as  to  arouse  suspicion,  or,  at  any  rate,  to 
awaken  confusion  in  the  mind  of  the  student.  Hrozny  himself 
admits  the  danger  of  misunderstanding  in  this  connection  (131), 
as  this  -smas-  suffix  must 'mean  'to  them'  and  not  'to  you'  in 
many  forms  (such  as  those  cited  in  133).  Hrozny's  derivation  of 
the  3  p.  pi.  -smas  from  some  cognate  of  San.  asmai  'to  him'; 
Umbrian  esmei  =  ~La,t.  huic,  seem  very  far-fetched,  especially  as 
there  is  no  established  IE.  form  of  the  3  p.  pronoun  in  'H'  (see  on 
apas,  above  A.,  I.).  Note  here,  however,  the  D.  suffix  of  the 
3  p.  sg.  -si  'to  him,  to  her'  (132),  discussed  in  the  following  para- 
graph. 

None  of  the  above  mentioned  suffixes  are  possessive  in  character. 
The  true  possessive  'H'  suffixes  are  appended  to  the  nouns  qualified 
and  apparently  declined  with  the  same  case-endings  as  the  nouns, 
which  do  not  lose  their  own  case-endings  (see  above  on  xalugatal- 
lasmis',  B.,  II.).  These  'H'  -m-,  -t-,  -s-  possessive  suffixes  do  not 
necessarily  imply  IE.  connection,  as  we  find  precisely  the  same 
style  of  possessives  in  Finno-Ugric;  viz.,  1  p.  -m;  2  p.  -t;  3  p. 
-s;  cf.  Szinnyei,  114:  Magyar  karo-m  'my  arm';  karo-d  'thy  arm'; 
Lapp,  ahce-s  'his  father'.  It  is  curious  that  the  Finno-Ugric  pi. 
possessives  do  not  show  the  same  analogy  with  the  'H',  as  Finno- 
Ugric  simply  pluralizes  the  -m,  -t,  -s  by  adding  the  pi.  ending  -k 
(Szinnyei,  114).  In  'H'  as  in  Finno-Ugric  the  1  and  2  p.  posses- 
sive suffixes  seem  to  be  formed  from  the  pronouns  themselves,  as 
'H'  1  p.  mi-s  horn  mug,  2  p.  -tis  from  tug.  As  to  the  connection 
of  the  'H'  3  p.  suffix  -si,  -sis  with  any  other  'H'  element,  this 
must  be  left  for  the  present  without  suggestion,  as  the  'H'  3  p. 


Possible  Non-Indo-European  Elements  in  (Hittitey        223 

pronoun  was  apas  (see  above,  A.,  I.).  It  is  interesting  to  notice 
that  a  demonstrative  s-element  is  common,  to  all  the  Finno- 
Ugric  languages;  cf.  Finn,  se,  Esth.  sen,  Lapp,  son,  Syr.  si,  sy,  'he, 
they'. 

C.  III.     Verbal  Endings. 

Lack  of  space  forbids  a  detailed  study  of  the  'IT  verb,  but  it 
may  be  remarked,  in  connection  with  the  pronominal  suffixes 
just  treated,  that  the  problem  of  the  verbal  personal  suffixes  of 
the  present  tense  is  very  interesting/  There  are  two  distinct  'H' 
conjugations  differing  in  the  present  tense  as  follows: 

1  ja-mi  'I  make'  (not  'go'!)  (152)  dd-(x)xi  'I  give'  (160) 

2  ja-si  (je-si)  da-tti 

3  ja-zi,  etc.  dd-i 

Pi. 

1  ja-weni  (dd-weni) 

2  ja-tteni  da-tteni 

3  ja-nzi  (je-nzi)  dd-nzi 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  these  forms  resemble  very  closely 
the  ancient  IE.  verbal  morphology  in  the  singular;  cf.  San.  yd-mi. 
yd-si,  yd-ti;  pi.  yd-masi,  yd-iha,  yd-nti.  And  yet,  on  close  examina- 
tion there  is  some  room  for  doubt  even  here.  How  are  the  'H' 
3  p.  sg.  -zi  and  the  3  p.  pi.  -nzi,  as  contrasted  with  Av.  San.  -ti,  3 
p.  pi.  -nti  to  be  explained?  The  supposition  that  'H'  -zi  may  be 
a  palatalization  of  an  original  -ti  in  these  forms,  seems  strange  in 
view  of  the  presence  of  z  in  the  'H'  participle  in  -za,  as  adanza 
'eating',  and  adanzi  'they  eat'  (cf.  Prof.  Bloomfield's  article  'The 
Hittite  Language'  in  this  volume,  p.  201  f. ).  It  is  certainly  striking 
to  find  in  Finno-Ugric  the  personal  verbal  singular  endings  1  p.  -m, 
2  p.  -ti  and,  most  startling  of  all,  in  some  idioms,  3  p.  -se;  thus: 
Magyar  also-m  'I  sleep';  ese-m  'I  eat';  Finn,  mene-t  'thou  goest', 
the  t  alternating  in  the  dialects  with  I  (Magyar  also-l  'thou  sleep- 
est')  and  n  (Wogul  minne-n  'thou  goest');  Esth.  surek-se  'he  is 
dying';  Cher,  tolne-ze  'he  will  come',  Wotj.  basto-z  'he  will  take, 
etc,  (Szinnyei,  148-150).  Furthermore,  the  'H'  1  and  2  pi. 
endings  -weni  and  -tteni  do  not  have  an  IE.  appearance;  contrast 
the  San.  -masi  and  -tha,  cited  just  above,  and  Av.  -mahi  and  -tha. 
Were  it  not  for  the  very  evident  non-Semitic  character  of  'H', 
the  casual  observer  might  be  reminded  of  the  Semitic  (Assyrian) 
1  and  2  pi.  endings  -ni  and  -tunul  The  'H'  -theni,  however,  has 
been  compared  with  Vedic  2  p.  pi.  -tana  (secondary  tenses)  or 


224  .7.  Dyneley  Prince 

-thana  (primary  tenses),  a  possible  connection.  Finally,  in  this 
connection,  how  are  we  to  explain  the  'H'  verbs  with  1  p.  pres.  in 
-xit16  in  verbs  which  have  lost  the  -z-  of  the  3  p.  pres.  entirely  (see 
above  daxxi,  3  p.  dai)*? 

The  conclusion  almost  forces  itself  upon  the  philologist  that 
'H'  displays  a  mixed  and,  at  the  present  moment,  in  many  instances 
untraceable  morphology.  It  is  yet  too  early,  in  view  of  the  great 
uncertainty  of  many  translations  from  'H'  texts,  to  come  to  a 
definite  decision,  but  it  is  highly  possible  that  this  idiom  may 
have  to  be  classified  eventually  in  a  group  by  itself,  perhaps 
standing  half  way  between  IE.  and  non-Aryan  idioms  such  as 
Finno-Ugric  and  Turkic.17  I  am  aware  that  many  IE.  philolo- 
gists have  already  rejected  the  idea  that  there  can  be  any  con- 
nection between  non-Aryan  languages  and  IE.,  preferring  to 
regard  radical  morphological  resemblances,  such  as  those  pointed 
out  in  the  present  study,  as  either  accidental  or  form-borrowings 
from  IE.  on  the  part  of  ancient  non-IE,  idioms.  Henry  Sweet  in 
his  striking  article  on  linguistic  affinity  (Otia  Messeiana,  1900- 
1901,  113-126)  called  attention  to  and  laid  emphasis  upon  such 
radical  similarities,  and  Szinnyei  (20)  cites  a  number  of  salient 
examples  of  apparent  root-relationships  between  Finno-Ugric 
and  IE.  Especially  noticeable  among  these  are  Wogul  wit,  Cher. 
wiit,  Finn,  vete-,  Magyar  viz  =  IE.  ved-  (cf .  Phrygian  ^eSrj )  'water' ; 
Finn,  vetd  'draw';  Cher,  wud-  wid-  'lead';  Magyar  vdzd-  'lead'  = 
IE.  uedh  'lead',  as  Slav,  vedu  'I  lead',  etc.  Furthermore,  the  A. 
suffix  in  -m,  as  Finn.  n  =  m,  Cher,  -m,  =  IE.  -m,  is  of  interest  in 
this  connection. 

In  view  of  the  many  doubtful  points  to  which  attention  has 
been  called  in  the  present  paper,  it  would  seem  advisable  to  await 
further  developments  of  Hittitology  before  the  decision  is  reached 
that  we  have  in  'H'  a  regular  IE.  idiom,  standing  on  the  same 
plane  as  Sanskrit,  Old  Persian,  or  Avestan. 

16  The  verbal  -xi,  1  p.,  is  a  strange  phenomenon  in  'H'.     May  it  be  com- 
pared with  the  Slavonic  1  p.  -ck  of  Aorists,  as  bych  'I  were,  would  be'  (passim), 
or  is  it  an  entirely  un-Aryan  form?      [The  ch  of  Slavonic  aorists  probabh' 
goes  back  to  IE.  s. F.  E.I 

17  Carl  J.  S.  M arstrander,  Professor  of  Celtic  at  Christiania,  Norway,  pub- 
lished in  1919,  Caractere  indo-europeen  de  la  langue  hittite,  in  which   he   seeks 
to  prove  that  'H'  belonged  to  the  western  group  of  IE.  languages,  with  Ger- 
manic,  Italo-Celtic,   and  Greek,   and  shows  especial  affinities  with   Italic, 
Celtic,  and  Tokharian,  the  recently  discovered  idiom  of  the  Indo-Scythians. 
On  this  latter  subject,  cf.  Sitzungsberichte  der  kon.  preuss.  Akademie  d.  Wis- 
senschaften,  39  (1908).  924. 


A  NEW  HEBREW  PRESS 

CYRUS  ADLER 

DROPSIE  COLLEGE 

FOR  A  NUMBER  OF  YEARS  there  has  been  an  increasing  demand 
for  Hebrew  printing  in  America  principally  due  to  the  great 
increase  of  the  Jewish  population.  This  demand  for  ordinary 
purposes  has  been  met  by  an  increase  in  the  amount  of  hand  type 
in  various  printing  offices  and  more  especially  by  the  creation  of 
linotype  machines  with  Hebrew  faces.  These  latter  are  without 
vowel  points.  They  involve  in  addition  the  difficulty  inherent 
in  the  breaking  up  of  an  entire  line  in  the  case  of  a  single  error 
with  all  the  probabilities  of  the  introduction  of  fresh  errors  upon 
resetting. 

Owing  to  the  limited  quantity  of  hand-type,  books  of  any  length 
are  usually  set  up  in  a  single  sheet  or  at  best  in  a  few  sheets  at  a 
time  and  then  either  printed  off  or  stereotyped  making  corrections 
impossible  as  the  work  proceeds. 

As  is  well  known  Hebrew  printing  in  quantity  required  for 
American  books  and  journals  was  frequently  done  in  Germany, 
England  or  Holland.  I  had  felt  for  some  time  that  this  practice 
was  undesirable  and  reduced  Hebrew  publication  in  America  to  a 
provincial  status. 

Some  years  ago  the  Jewish  Publication  Society  of  America 
undertook  the  publication  of  a  series  of  Jewish  Classics  (Text  and 
Translation)  in  twenty-five  volumes,  and  this  undertaking  together 
with  the  interruption  of  mail  facilities  due  to  the  war  emphasized 
the  need  for  a  Hebrew  Press. 

Through  the  generosity  of  the  late  Jacob  H.  Schiff,  Louis 
Marshall,  Esq.,  and  a  number  of  other  gentlemen  in  New  York, 
Philadelphia  and  Baltimore  a  fund  was  placed  at  the  disposal  of 
the  Publication  Society  for  the  creation  of  a  Hebrew  Press. 

After  fully  considering  the  subject  it  was  decided  to  adopt  the 
monotype  system.  This  system,  which  first  came  into  use  in 
1899,  not  only  makes  type  but  also  sets  it  in  lines  justified  more 
accurately  than  can  be  done  by  hand.  It  is  a  combination  of  a 
type-caster  and  a  type-setting  machine  equipped  with  an  automatic 
justifying  mechanism.  Each  monotype  character  is  on  a  separate 
body  so  that  corrections  and  alterations  are  made  as  readily  as 
with  hand-set  type. 

15    JAOS  41 


226  Cyrus  Adler 

In  the  monotype  system  two  machines  are  used:  a  paper  per- 
forator and  a  type-caster.  The  keyboard,  or  perforator,  produces 
a  ribbon  of  paper  which  controls,  by  means  of  the  perforations, 
the  casting  machine  just  as  a  paper  roll  controls  an  automatic 
player  piano.  The  kej^board,  which  is  not  unlike  a  typewriter 
(its  key  arrangement  is  the  universal  typewriter  keyboard), 
consists  of  a  punching  and  counting  mechanism.  When  a  key 
is  depressed  the  punches  for  this  character  perforate  the  paper 
and  at  the  same  time  the  width  of  this  character  is  registered  by 
the  counting  mechanism;  the  paper  ribbon  (about  four  and  one- 
half  inches  wide)  then  automatically  advances  to  receive  the  record 
of  the  next  key  struck.  As  in  a  typewriter,  a  bell  signals  the 
operator  to  end  the  line,  and  when  this  is  done,  a  scale  indicates 
the  keys  to  be  struck  to  justify  the  completed  line.  No  calculation 
whatever  is  required,  for  the  counting  mechanism  not  only  de- 
termines the  amount  the  line  is  short  of  the  required  measure,  but 
it  also  divides  this  by  the  number  of  spaces  in  the  line  and  indicates 
the  keys  to  strike  to  produce  the  proper  size  spaces  to  make  this 
line  the  correct  length.  When  the  ribbon  unwinds  at  the  caster, 
the  first  perforations  for  the  line  are  these  justifying  perforations, 
which  cause  the  caster  to  adjust  its  space-sizing  mechanism  to 
produce  the  proper  size  spaces  for  the  line. 

The  Duplex  Keyboard  is  a  further  development  of  the  Mono- 
type; it  introduces  a  new  process  to  the  printing  industry.  It  is 
like  the  ordinary  monotype  keyboard  except  that  it  is  equipped 
with  two  perforating  and  counting  mechanisms  and  consequently 
simultaneously  produces  two  different  paper  ribbons  for  quite 
independent  type  sizes  and  width  lines.  With  this  keyboard  an 
article  may  be  set  in  10  point  for  a  magazine  while  at  the  same 
time  the  same  matter  is  produced  in  12  point  for  publication  in 
book  form.  Either  set  of  perforating  and  counting  mechanisms 
may  also  be  used  independently  of  the  other  set.  This  matter  of 
different  point  sizes  may  be  alternated,  each  on  its  own  ribbon; 
for  example,  the  text  of  a  book  in  large  type  and  the  footnotes  in 
a  smaller  type. 

The  Casting  Machine  is  a  complete  type-foundry,  making  type, 
borders,  quads  and  spaces  in  all  sizes  from  5  to  36  point  inclusive. 
This  type  may  be  put  in  cases  and  set  by  hand  like  foundry  type, 
or,  when  the  caster  is  controlled  by  a  ribbon  perforated  by  the 
keyboard,  the  type  in  any  sizes  from  5  to  14  point  is  delivered,  in 
any  measure  required,  up  to  60  picas,  upon  ordinary  galleys  in 


A  New  Hebrew  Press  227 

perfectly  justified  lines.  In  short,  its  product  is  exactly  the  same 
as  hand-set  foundry  type  and  is  handled,  corrected,  and  made  up 
in  the  same  way. 

Under  this  general  plan  two  machines  have  been  built  to  pro- 
duce Hebrew  composition.  The  keyboard  has  been  provided 
with  keys  bearing  the  Hebrew  characters.  This  was  done  by 
exchanging  the  complete  keybanks,  key-bars  and  stop-bars, 
substituting  those  carrying  the  Hebrew  characters  for  the  ones 
with  the  English  characters.  The  paper  ribbon  is  perforated 
exactly  the  same  as  it  would  be  for  English  composition.  In 
setting  Hebrew  composition  the  characters  are  set  in  one  line  and 
the  vowel  points  and  accents  are  set  in  the  following  line  so  that 
they  come  directly  above  or  below  the  characters  which  they  affect. 

The  composition  with  vowel  points  required  the  adoption  of 
an  ingenious  standardization  system  which  not  only  constitutes 
an  original  contribution  to  the  art  of  Hebrew  printing,  but  its 
principles  may  be  applied  to  other  Oriental  languages.  The  set 
size  of  the  characters  or  their  widths  has  been  standardized  into 
two  units:  eighteen  and  nine.  English  characters  have  widths 
ranging  to  twelve  units.  Thus — the  wide  characters  like  aleph, 
he,  mem,  sade  are  arranged  in  eighteen  unit  set  sizes,  while  the 
narrow  characters  like  nun,  wau,  gimel,  are  set  in  nine  units. 
The  vowel  points  have  also  been  standardized  to  match  the 
eighteen  unit  characters  and  another  set  of  vowel  points  for  the 
nine  units.  The  reducing  of  the  set  size  to  a  two  unit  system, 
eighteen  and  nine,  eliminates  all  the  possible  difficulties  which  a 
compositor  would  otherwise  have  if  he  had  to  match  as  in  English 
a  larger  variety  of  units. 

The  Hebrew  matrix  case  consists  of  about  225  characters  and 
includes  in  addition  to  all  the  letters  of  the  alphabet  those  char- 
acters which  carry  the  dagesh  and  holem,  so  that  they  may  be  set 
with  one  touch.  The  matrix  case  also  contains  the  superior 
characters,  the  numbers,  vowel  points,  musical  accents,  and  the 
punctuation  marks.  Thus  all  conceivable  kinds  of  Hebrew 
composition,  straight  matter,  table  work,  composition  with  or 
without  vowel  points,  notes,  may  be  set  using  but  one  matrix  and 
on  the  same  keyboard.  It  will  be  possible  to  set  scientific  articles 
which  require  a  mixture  of  English  and  Hebrew,  and  all  sorts  of 
faces,  without  making  any  insertions  by  hand.  The  convenience 
of  this  can  be  readily  seen  when  setting  glossaries,  dictionaries; 
encyclopedic  articles,  indexes;  in  short,  wherever  several  languages 


228  Cyrus  Adler 

or  variations  of  style  of  type  are  required.  As  many  as  six  different 
faces  of  type  may  be  set  on  one  line.  The  principal  change  in  the 
mechanism  is  at  the  Casting  Machine  where  the  type  is  produced. 
The  matrices  of  each  character  are  placed  in  the  matrix  case 
upside  down.  In  addition  to  turning  the  characters  around, 
the  lines  as  they  come  out  of  the  machine  are  assembled  in  the 
reverse  order  from  English  composition.  That  is — instead  of  the 
lines  as  they  come  out  being  pushed  onto  a  galley  or  tray  toward 
the  right  they  are  pushed  toward  the  left.  This  combination 
of  turning  the  characters  around  and  assembling  the  lines  in  the 
reverse  order  makes  the  Hebrew  composition  read  from  right  to 
left  instead  of  from  left  to  right  as  in  English. 

The  lay-out  of  the  keyboard  could  not  follow  any  older  system, 
but  was  so  arranged  as  to  produce  the  maximum  speed  and  con- 
venience for  the  compositor. 

A  work  under  this  plan  is  always  printed  from  new  type.  The 
cost  of  electrotyping  is  unnecessary  as  the  paper  rolls  can  be 
stored  away  in  a  small  space  and  new  castings  made  from  them 
if  a  new  edition  is  required.  The  space  for  storing  electrotypes  is 
also  saved. 

In  the  matter  of  the  economy  of  time  it  can  be  stated  that  the 
Jewish  Publication  Society  is  employing  a  skilled  type-setter  from 
Wilna  who  formerly  worked  for  the  Romm  firm  of  that  city, 
which  published  the  great  Talmud.  This  man,  though  a  novice 
on  the  Monotype  machine,  nevertheless  has  set  up  a  galley  of 
Hebrew  type  with  vowels  on  the  machine  in  forty-five  minutes  as 
against  four  hundred  and  fifty  minutes  by  hand. 

It  may  fairly  be  said  that  a  revolution  in  Hebrew  printing  has 
thus  been  effected.  The  Jewish  Publication  Society  of  America 
may  lay  claim  to  having  adapted  the  Monotype  system  to  the 
full  use  of  Hebrew  composition.  It  has  not  only  initiated  the 
idea  but  its  special  committees  on  Hebrew  printing  have  con- 
tributed nearly  all  the  ideas  which  have  enabled  the  producers 
of  the  machine  to  utilize  it  for  the  purposes  of  Hebrew  printing. 

As  for  the  face  itself,  a  word  should  be  said.  The  original 
effort  was  to  maintain  a  tradition  of  the  Hebrew  printing  as 
known  in  America.  Faces  of  early  .Hebrew  type  vary,  of  course, 
very  greatly  in  Turkey,  Italy,  Germany,  Poland,  Russia,  Holland 
and  England.  In  some  cases  they  obviously  imitate  a  local 
manuscript  style.  A  study  of  early  Hebrew  printing  in  America 
and  especially  of  works  of  considerable  length  made  it  plain  that 


A  New  Hebrew  Press  229 

the  American  types  were  descended  from  Holland  which  in  its 
turn  seems  to  have  gone  back  to  Venice.  Accordingly,  some 
prints  were  taken  of  works  published  by  the  distinguished  Man- 
asseh  Ben  Israel  (1604-1657)  who  was  at  once  author,  printer, 
and  statesman  and  whose  features  are  known  to  us  by  a  splendid 
etching  of  Rembrandt.  From  these  characters  an  artist  drew 
the  designs  for  the  Monotype  machine.  These  were  carefully 
studied  and  slight  alterations  made  to  prevent  possible  confusion 
of  letters  like  daleth  and  resh,  gimel  and  nun,  samech  and  final  mem. 
A  face  was  thus  finally  secured  which  it  is  believed  combines 
beauty  with  clearness.  The  machines  are  being  constructed  to 
carry  six  sizes  of  type. 

Aside  from  presenting  this  statement  my  purpose  in  bringing 
the  subject  before  the  Society  is  to  enable  the  members  to  con- 
sider whether  the  Society  desires  to  supplement  this  enterprise. 

The  Jewish  Publication  Society  has  expended  some  $14,000 
up  to  now  in  building  two  machines  carrying  six  sizes  of  type. 
Hebrew  is  ample  for  its  purpose.  I  have  ascertained  that  for  a 
maximum  cost  of  $500  per  language  any  other  alphabet  which 
would  lend  itself  to  the  Monotype  system  could  be  added. 

This  press,  which  I  hope  will  be  ready  for  practical  purposes 
by  the  end  of  May,  will  be  at  the  service  of  anyone  up  to  its 
capacity.  Being  operated  by  a  Society  which  does  not  seek 
profits,  it  may  aid  in  solving  some  of  the  financial  questions 
•  connected  with  the  printing  of  Hebrew  and  other  Oriental  texts 
in  America. 

March  29,  1921 


THE    OLDEST    DOME-STRUCTURE    IN    THE    WORLD 

FRITZ  HOMMEL 
UNIVERSITY  OF  MUNICH 

THE  REPRESENTATION  of  'the  oldest  monumental  dome-struc- 
ture' given  by  Dr.  H.  F.  Lutz  in  this  JOURNAL,  vol.  39  (1919), 
p.  122,  from  one  of  the  famous  'palettes  en  schiste',  or  slate  pallets 
of  the  beginnings  of  Egyptian  civilization,  has  a  long  and  inter- 
esting history  which  I  will  give  in  outlines  in  the  following  pages. 

A.  The  history  oT  'one  of  the  oldest  known  temples  in  Egypt'. 
In  the  Pyramid  Inscriptions  (ed.  by  Kurt  Sethe)  two  temples  are 
named  more  than  thirty  times  in  close  connexion,  viz.,  pr-wr  f 
with  many  slight  variants,  i.  e.,  'the  house  of  the  prince',  or  'the 
great  house',  and  pr-nw,  i.  e.,  'the  house  of  the  heavenly  ocean', 
or  pr-nsr,  'the  house  of  diadem  (?)',  or,  perhaps,  'of  watching'. Q1 
As  it  is  seen  easily,  the  latter  is  the  temple,  given  by  Prof.  Lutz 
from  the  'palette  en  schiste  avec  scenes  de  chasse'. 

(a)  pr-wr  and  pr-nw  (or  pr-nsr)  named  together  (I  cite  the  para- 
graphs of  the  edition  of  Sethe) : 

Pyr.  256a  god  Min  js  hnt  pr-wr  pr-nw  (var.  jtrt  p.  p.,  jtrt  chapel 
or  a  similar  meaning),  comp.  below  1998a. 

Pyr.  425c  the  two  pr,  the  double  ox  and  the  obelisk  thn-b' 
together  with  sp'  (larva?)  in  an  exorcism-formula,  comp.  below 
669  (the  two  pr  and  sp'-wr). 

Pyr.  577 c,  d  (  =  645b),  Osirian  text:  'the  gods  are  in  brother- 
hood with  thee  in  thy  name  snwt,  ^  y,  they  do  not  repel  (twr) 
thee  in  thy  name  jtrt  pr-wr  pr-nw'.  Comp.  also  1830c,  d. 

Pyr.  645b  (comp.  577,  c,  d  and  1830,  c.  d.). 

Pyr.  669ab,  comp.  425;  not  the  ideograms,  but  pr-wr  and  pr-nw 
are  meant  by  'the  two  pr\ 

Pyr.  73 Ic  (Osirian  text).  Osiris  judging  the  gods  m  hnt  jtrt 
pr-wr  (and)  pr-nw  (ideog.  with  det.  Q);  comp.  2005a. 

Pyr.  757b  jtrt  pr-wr  pr-nw  p-t  (of  heaven);  comp.  757b  (the 
throne  of  Osiris). 

Pyr.  852bc  pr-wr  pr-wr  (here  phonetically  with  id.)  pr-n-s-r 
and  id.  (Osirian  text!). 

$ — D  p 

1 1  transcribe  ^|°  \  always  pr-wr  (with  a  hyphen)  and  [J  always  pr-nw. 


The  Oldest  Dome-Structure  in  the  World  231 

Pyr.  896c  Osiris  standing  before  jtrt  pr-wr  pr-nw  like  Anubis. 

Pyr.  1009a  (Osirian  hymn)  no  mourning  in  jtrt  pr-wr  pr-nw 
=  1978a. 

Pyr.  1068cd  the  enneas  in  On  m  hnt  (before)  jtrt  pr-wr,  m  dd 
b-t  pr-nw  (comp.  288b,  1362c). 

Pyr.  1159b  Hnt  jtrt  pr-wr  pr-nw  (comp.  1157b  Osiris  and  1159a 
£pd-wr). 

Pyr.  1182c  he  goes  up-stream  to  Hnt-jtrt  pr-wr  pr-nw. 

Pyr.  1262b  they  place  thee  (O  Osiris)  before  jtrt  pr-wr  pr-nw 
of  the  souls  of  On  (Osirian  text). 

Pyr.  1297e  (  =  1369bc  and  2017bc)  jtrt  pr-wr  in  Upper-Egypt 
(sm*),  jtrt  pr-nw  in  Lower  Egypt  (mh'-t) — Osirian  text. 

Pyr.  1345b  Osiris  m  hnt  jtrt  pr-wr  pr-nw  (comp.  pr-wr  alone 
2572b). 

Pyr.  1362c  (comp.  another  variant  2010a)  qj  ddbt  pr-wr  pr-nw 
pr-nw  (the  latter  in  the  dual)  Grgw-b'k2  (comp.  719a).  Osirian 
text;  comp.  288b  and  1064cd. 

Pyr.  1369bc  =  1297cd  =  2017bc,  Osirian  text  (see  above). 

Pyr.  1541b  (Osiris)  m  jtrt  pr-wr  pr-nw  j'ht  (comp.  1862b,  and 
1992a). 

Pyr.  1552b  Hnt-mnt-f  offers  to  jtrt  pr-wr  (with  two  strokes, 
meaning  pr-wr  and  pr-nw) ;  comp.  155la  tph-t  pr-nw  hymn  to 
Osiris-Nile. 

Pyr.  1830cd  (Osirian  text)  see  above  577cd  (and  645b). 

Pyr.  1862b  (Osirian  text)  he  stands  in  jtrt  pr-wr  pr-nw  j'fy-t 
(comp.  1541b  and  1992a).  Comp.  also  1867b  (Anubis  and  pr-wr). 

Pyr.  1978a  (Osirian  hymn)  no  mourning  in  jtrt  pr-wr  pr-nw, 
see  1009a. 

Pyr.  1992a  see  1541b  and  1862b;  and  comp.  1992b  (throne  of 
Gb  before  jtrt  pr-wr). 

Pyr.  1998a  thou  standest  on  the  top  (or  front,  hntj)  of  the 
brotherhood  (&nwt)  of  pr-wr  pr-nw  like  Min.  Comp.  above  256a. 

Pyr.  2005a  comp.  above  73 Ic. 

Pyr.  2017bc  =  1297e  and  1369bc  (see  above). 

(b)  pr-wr  alone: 

Pyr.  370b  with  Nbtj  (  =  Sts,  Seth). 

Pyr.  627a  Itf-wr  (Osiris  as  the  great  sawer)  of  pr-wr  in  triumph 
over  Seth. 

2  Grgw-b'k  is  probably  Ke/oKewn/ois  in  the  Fayoum, 


232  Fritz  Hommel 

Pyr.  648d  Osiris  is  named  pr-wr  pr-wr  (phonetically  and  id.); 
folk-etymology  with  wr  'greater'  than  his  enemy. 

Pyr.  689c  the  god  Pr-wr  (only  phonet.,  withoutjdeogr.). 

Pyr.  910b  Nhbt  of  Nhb-nw,  lady  of  pr-wr  pr-wr  (phon.  and  id.). 

Pyr.  938a  m  hnt  jtrt  pr-wr  wr(-r)-t  (comp.  125 Id).  The  vari- 
ant gives  pr-nw  wr-t. 

Pyr.  1251d  m  hnt  jtrt  pr-wr  wr-t  (comp.  938a)  and  god  Bdw. 

Pyr.  1288a  pr  (pi.)  wr  (pi.)  jmw  jwn-nw  (On) — here  meaning 
pr-wr  and  pr-nw;  lit.  the  great  houses. 

Pyr.  1462c  pr-wr  (in  a  connexion  which  is  obscure  to  me).     • 

Pyr.  1867b  like  Anubis  upon  x  (man  with  knife)  pr-wr  (comp. 
1862b  pr-wr  pr-nw). 

Pyr.  1992b  Gb  before  jtrt  pr-wr  (comp.  1992a  pr-wr  pr-nw). 

Pyr.  2094b  (Osirian  text)  standing  in  pr-wr,  sitting  with  the 
two  enneads. 

Pyr.  2172b  Nut  bears  thee  like  Orion,3  she  makes  thy  standing 
place  before  jtrt  pr-wr  (comp.  1345b  the  variant  pr-wr  pr-nw, 
without  the  passage  mentioning  Orion). 

(c)  pr-nw  alone: 

Pyr.  244b  245a  bull  of  Horus  and  the  god  Jm-tpht-f  (i.  e.,  he 
who  is  in  his  spring-fountain,  or  fountain-cavern,  with  det.  pr-nw). 

Pyr.  268d  hntj  tpht  with  det.  nw  three  times  repeated  (comp. 
[]  =  pr-nw). 

Pyr.  288d  m  Dd-t  (det.  of  local  name),  var.  m  Ddbt  and  det. 
pr-nw.  Comp.  1064d  and  1362c. 

Pyr.  444b  tpht  pr-nw  (charm-text,  sp'  Hr,  and  house  of  the  bull 
of  the  fountain-cavern). 

Pyr.  682a  god  Jm-tpht-f  (here  with  det.  pr,  instead  of  pr-nw}. 

Pyr.  810c  tpht  pr-nw  wr.  t  jwn-nw  (var.  ^  instead  of  pr-nw; 
comp.  Kees,  Der  Opfertanz,  p.  130). 

Pyr.  852d  tph-t  pr-nw  are  opened,  var.  cq. 

Pyr,  1078b  tphwt  pr-nw  (three  times  [_])  are  opened. 

Pyr.  1139b  hm  pr-nw  of  the  goddess  Jmt-t  (comp.  1128c  Osiris). 

Pyr.  1438  Pr  nw  and  id.  pr-nw  ([_]);  there  the  birth  of  the  god 
Wp-w'wt,  the  standing  jackal.  Wp-w'wt  must  be  here  a  name  of 
the  Nile. 

Pyr.  155 Id  (hymn  to  Osiris-Nile)  tph-t  pr-nw  (  =  house  of  pr-nw 
of  Osiris). 


8  Comp.  R.  T.  2.,  pi.  XVI,  No.  116  pr-wr  s'h,  and  tomb  of  Mtn  (Berlin)  G  X, 
( =  E,  2  of  the  other  edition)  prince  of  Pr  wr  s'h  (here  a  local  name). 


The  Oldest  Dome-Structure  in  the  World  233 

Pyr.  1557b  (in  the  same  hymn)  tph-t-f  (viz.  of  the  Nile)  with 
det.  Pr  instead  of  pr-nw. 

Pyr.  1680b  thou  (o  Wr)  hast  opened  tpht  (det.  si  instead  of 
pr-nw). 

In  resuming,  the  following  is  remarkable:  Though  some  times 
Pr-wr  is  specialized  for  Upper  Egypt,  and  similarly  Pr-nw  for 
Lower  Egypt  (see  above  Pyr.  1297e),4  originally  both  sanctuaries 
belonged  closely  together  and  were  situated  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Assuan,  where  the  tpht  (the  subterranean  source  of  the  Nile) 
and  the  gbhw  had  their  home. 

Both  sanctuaries  were  connected  with  the  corn  god  Osiris, 
especially  the  pr-wr,  his  holy  sepulchre,  on  whose  top  his  son 
Anubis  was  lying.  Comp.  Royal  Tombs,  2,  pi.  XVI,  No.  116, 
where  the  pr-wr,  originally  a  granary  with  a  ladder  of  three  degrees, 
is  clearly  represented  as  a  house  with  the  lying  jackal  of  Anubis, 
according  to  the  ingenious  interpretation  of  my  son-in-law,  Dr. 
Theodor  Dombart.  The  three  degrees  of  the  ladder  became  here 
the  two  fore-legs  and  the  nose  of  the  jackal,  and  the  two  funnel- 
stakes  became  the  two  ears.  Comp.  also  Pyr.  896c  and  1867b. 

Sometimes  pr-wr  is  connected  with  Orion,  with  Seth  Nubti, 
with  Geb,  with  Nhb-t  and  with  Min  of  Panopolis  (Khemmu) — 
see  above. 

While  pr-nw,  the  birth  place  of  Wp-w't  (here  a  symbolic  name 
for  the  Nile?)  is  generally  connected  with  the  tph-t,  the  holy 
fountain-cavern  of  the  great  river  of  Egypt. 

In  Royal  Tombs,  2,  pi.  VI  A  (lot  Dyn.)  stands  the  symbol  of 
the  goddess  Neith  before  the  pr-wr,  and  an  ibis  (?)  upon  the  pr-nw,5 
while  a  bull  (in  the  net)  is  placed  before  it;  comp.  the  double- 
ox  by  the  side  of  the  pr-nw  on  the  slate-palette,  and  comp.  above 
Pyr.  425c. 

Old  pictures  of  the  pr-wr  are  found  also  in  Royal  Tombs  1, 
pi.  X,  No.  11  =  pi.  XVI,  No.  20  (king  Den)  and  Medum,  pi. 
IX  (tomb  of  Ra-hotep)  and  pi.  XVII  (tomb  of  Nofer-ma't). 
Comp.  also  the  seal  cyl.  of  Negadeh,  Aeg.  Z.  34  (1896),  p.  160, 
Abb.  4:  three  fishes,  tree  and  pr-wr  (?);  the  tree  is  the  sycamore 
of  the  tomb  of  Osiris  (Pyr.  1485-1491).  In  later  times  we  find 
(e.  g.,  in  How,  7.  nome  of  Upper-Egypt)  the  sycamore  by  the 

4  And  comp.  the  Palermo  chronicle,  rev.  3.  1. 

5  Comp.  the  great  mace  of  Ner-mer,  where  we  also  find  the  picture  of  a 
pr-nw  with  an  ibis  therein  (see  e.  g.,  Capart,  p.  241). 


234  Fritz  Hommel 

side  of  pr-nw  (instead  of  pr-wr),  which  is  a  secondary  confusion. 
B.  That  Dr.  Lutz  is  right  in  saying:  'the  pre-dynastic  Egyptian 
dome-structure  ultimately  goes  back  to  Babylonia',  is  proved  by 
a  series  of  important  discoveries  which  were  published  in  my 
'Beitrage  zur  morgenldndischen  Altertumskunde' ',  pp.  17-32  (II.  'Die 
beiden  altesten  babylonischen  and  agyptischen  Heiligtumer'), 
Muenchen,  1920,  Franz'sche  Buchhandlung  (Hermann  Luk- 
aschik).  Compare  especially  my  remarks  on  e-nunna  =  kummu 
(variant  kupy,  dome-structure,  German  'Kuppel')  in  connection 
with  the  naqab  apsi  or  fountain-spring,  and  Egyptian  e-nw,  in 
connection  with  the  tph-t,  the  fountain  cavern  of  the  Nile 
(see  above). 


BRIEF  NOTES 

Representation  of  tones  in  Oriental  languages 

A  Note  on  the  Representation  of  Tones  in  Oriental  Languages 
appeared  on  pp.  453ff.  of  the  Journal  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society 
for  October  1920,  and,  at  the  risk  of  appearing  egotistical,  I  venture 
to  draw  the  attention  of  the  Members  of  the  American  Oriental 
Society  to  the  proposals  contained  therein.  I  believe  that  all 
Orientalists  who  have  anything  to  do  with  the  Far  East  have  long 
felt  the  need  of  one  universal  system  of  representing  tones  for 
all  languages,  instead  of  the  varying  systems  and  confusion  that 
exist  at  the  present  day.  I  in  no  way  assume  that  the  system  pro- 
posed by  me  is  the  best  possible,  and,  if  a  better  and  more  con- 
venient is  suggested,  I  shall  be  the  first  to  welcome  it.  Anyhow, 
perhaps  it  may  be  taken  by  American  Orientalists  as  a  starting 
point  for  the  consideration  of  the  subject. 

The  Note  is  the  outcome  of  a  Committee  held  in  London,  of 
which  the  principal  members  were  Mr.  Lionel  Giles,  of  the  British 
Museum,  Sir  Denison  Ross,  Director  of  the  School  of  Oriental 
Studies,  and  Dr.  Thomas,  the  Librarian  of  the  India  Office,  and 
was  drawn  up  at  their  request,  but  on  my  own  responsibility.  It 
was  laid  before  the  Joint  Meeting  of  Oriental  Societies  held  in 
Paris  in  July  1920,  at  which  were  present  representatives  of  the 
American  Oriental  Society,  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society,  and  the 
Societe  Asiatique.  The  Proceedings  of  that  Meeting  were  pub- 
lished in  the  Journal  Asiatique  for  July-September  1920,  and  on 
page  192  there  will  be  found,  under  the  heading  "  Rapport  dela 
Commission  des  Transcriptions,"  the  following  recommendation: 

Le  Comite  donne  son  approbation  cordiale  au  systeme  de 
representation  des  tons  expose  par  Sir  George  Grierson  dans  un 
article  qui  a  ete  communique  en  manuscrit  a  la  Commission  (et 
public  ulterieurement  dans  le  Journal  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society 
octobre  1920). l 

GEORGE  A.  GRIERSON 

Camberley,  Surrey,  England 

1  Editorial  Note. — The  Editors  commend  to  the  thoughtful  consideration 
of  the  members  of  the  Society  and  readers  of  the  JOURNAL  Sir  George  Grierson's 
illuminating  study  of  a  system  for  representing  tones.  We  hope  in  the  near 
future  to  be  able  to  publish  an  article  by  a  well-known  American  authority 
illustrating  the  use  of  the  proposed  system. 


236  Brief  Notes 

Persian  Words  in  the  Glosses  of  Hesychius 


Our  glossographer  defines  apft^o?  as  a  Persian  loan  word 
signifying  'eagle'  (aero?).  It  is  doubtless  the  Younger  Avesta 
zrdzifra,  'darting  straight  down/  Sanskrit  rjipya,  an  epithet  of 
syena,  'falcon',  in  Rig  Veda  4.  27.  4;  38.  2.  The  prius  of  the  com- 
pound may  have  appeared  in  Ancient  Persian  as  *ardi  (I.E.  r§?, 
Ar.  rzi),  the  sound  representing  Ar.  z  being  shown  in  the  cuneiform 
syllabary  regularly  as  d,  sometimes  as  z.  This  distinction  involves 
the  mooted  question  of  dialects  within  the  ancient  language 
itself  (cf.  Meillet,  Gram,  du  Vieux  Perse,  3-9;  Johnson,  Hist. 
Gram,  of  Anc.  Pers.  Lang.,  157,  158)  as  well  as  phonetic  influence 
and  formulaic  usage  (cf.  Stonecipher,  Graeco-Persian  Proper 
Names,  6-8).  Without  doubt  the  more  correct  transliteration 
of  the  Persian  word  would  be  a/>£i<£o5  <  ap&fyos  reproducing 
as  it  does  the  exact  form  of  the  original.  If  we  accept  the  dialect 
hypothesis  it  seems  that  the  forms  with  z  predominate  in  the 
Greek  transference  even  where  the  Ancient  Persian  shows  the 
regular  d,  e.g.  tApio/3ap£>dvr)<;<ariya+vardana) 
<  Midra  +  vardana. 

2. 

An  Ancient  Persian  word  which  has  not  survived  is 
described  as  6  yScuriXevs  irapa  IIc/XTou?.  We  may  conjecture 
that  it  was  a  royal  title  and  not  the  word  for  'king.'  The  prius  I 
connect  with  the  Ancient  Persian  vid-,  'royal  house,'  Avestan  vis. 
Its  application  to  the  reigning  dynasty  is  clearly  shown  in  the 
following  passages:  Behistan  Inscription  of  Darius  the  Great, 
I,  70-71,  hamataxsaiy  vasnd  auramazddha  yald  Gaumata  hya 
magus  vl$am  tydm  amdxam  naiy  pardbara,  (I  labored  by  the  grace 
of  Ahura  Mazda  that  Gaumata  the  Magian  might  not  take  away 
our  dynasty;'  Persepolis  Inscription  of  Darius,  e,  23-24  siydtis 
axsatd  hauvciy  aura  nirasdtiy  abiy  imam  vifiam,  'Welfare  undis- 
turbed will  descend  through  Ahura  upon  this  dynasty;'  Naks-i- 
Rustam  Inscription  of  the  same  monarch,  a,  52-53,  mam  aura- 
mazdd  pdtuv  hacd  ga[std]  utdmaiy  vi&am  utd  imam  dahydum,  'may 
Ahura  Mazda  protect  me  from  evil  and  my  dynasty  and  this 
country.' 

The  same  problem  is  presented  in  the  Greek  transliteration  of 
Ancient  Persian  $   <I.E.  k,  as  in  the  case  of  Ancient  Persian 


Brie}  Notes  237 

d   <I.E.   g.      Here  again  we  find  cr  often  representing  $,    e.g. 
McurioTTjs  <maidistaj  ^aToicnrrjs  <  data+aspa. 

The  posterius  may  be  connected  with  the  Middle  Persian  tak, 
'strong,'  seen  as  the  prius  in  the  Ancient  Persian  proper  name 
taxmaspada,  .'possessing  a  hero-army.'  If  our  conjecture  be 
correct,  in  addition  to  the  formulaic  phraseology  of  the  'king  of 
kings,'  (xsdyaftiya  xsdya&iydndm)  we  restore  another  epithet  of 
despotic  arrogance,  /Jioraf  ,  'hero  of  the  royal  race.' 

3.  O 


Hesychius  notes  OTTOLCTTOV'  TO  ec^oSioy.  ITepcrai  (MS.,  not 
oL,  Philol.  12.  616;  Herwerden,  Lex.  OTra&iv)  .  The 
Ancient  Persian  word  seems  clearly  to  be  compounded  of  the 
prefix  upa,  'unto'  and  the  root  sta,  'stand.'  In  the  sense  of  'stand 
by,  aid'  the  word  upastd  occurs  twenty-four  times  in  the  Achaemen- 
idan  inscriptions  and  in  a  special  application  would  convey  the 
meaning  contained  in  &£o8ioi>,  'supplies  for  the  road,  support, 
assistance.'  As  shown  in  the  related  Sanskrit  upasthdna  the 
meaning  'approach'  would  flow  easily  from  the  etymology  even 
if  the  compound  is  not  found  with  this  signification  either  in  the 
inscriptions  or  in  the  Younger  Avesta,  and  in  that  sense  it  would 
approximate  the  Greek  e<£o8os.  * 


A  curious  formation  is  ap,a£aKapav  defined  as  TroXc/xctv.  We 
are  reminded  of  the  oft  recurring  hamaranam  cartanaiy,  'to  make 
battle'  and  are  tempted  to  regard  cifta£a-  as  an  incorrect  trans- 
ference of  apapa-  (Anc.  Pers.  hamarana,  'battle'  from  ham,  to- 
gether' -far,  'come').  To  defend  the  f  one  must  posit  *hamaza 
(ham,  +  *aza,  cf.  Avesta  az  'drive').  The  posterius  Kapav< 
Ancient  Persian  kar  'make'  is  clear. 

H.    C/TOLMAN 
Vanderbilt  University 


NOTES  OF  THE  SOCIETY 

Acting  under  Article  IV,  Section  1,  of  the  Constitution,  as  amended  at  the 
last  annual  meeting,  the  Executive  Committee  has,  by  unanimous  vote, 
elected  the  following  to  membership  in  the  Society: 

Rabbi  Harry  H.  Mayer, 
Prof.  H.  B.  Reed, 
Mr.  A.  K.  Schmavonian, 
Prof.  Jacob  Wackernagel. 

Rev.  Dr.  Frank  K.  Sanders,  25  Madison  Avenue,  New  York  City,  has 
accepted  the  chairmanship  of  the  Committee  on  Enlargement  of  Membership 
and  Resources,  made  vacant  by  the  resignation  of  Prof.  Julian  Morgenstern. 

At  the  meeting  recently  held  in  Baltimore,  the  Directors  voted  that  foreign 
societies  and  individuals,  who  were  receiving  the  JOURNAL  in  1914,  should  be 
permitted  to  continue  or  renew  their  subscriptions,  and  to  fill  lacunae  in  their 
files  since  1914,  at  pre-war  rates  of  exchange  ($5.00  =  1  Pound  =25  francs  =  20 
marks,  etc.).  Notice  is  hereby  given  of  this  ruling,  which  goes  into  effect  at 
once.  The  Executive  Committee  was  empowered  by  the  Directors  to  apply 
the  principle  thus  laid  down  to  individual  cases  at  its  discretion. 


NOTES  OF  OTHER  SOCIETIES,  ETC. 

The  American  School  of  Oriental  Research  in  Jerusalem,  hitherto  in  charge 
of  an  Executive  Committee  affiliated  with  the  Archaeological  Institute,  the 
Society  of  Biblical  Literature  and  the  American  Oriental  Society,  has  been 
incorporated  under  the  laws  of  the  District  of  Columbia  as  the  American 
Schools  of  Oriental  Research.  This  action  was  approved  at  a  meeting  of  the 
Managing  Committee  (consisting  of  the  Contributors,  etc.)  held  in  New  York, 
June  3.  Its  purpose,  as  set  forth  in  the  Articles  of  Incorporation,  is:  "To  pro- 
mote the  study  and  teaching  and  to  extend  the  knowledge  of  Biblical  literature 
and  the  geography,  history,  archaeology,  and  ancient  and  modern  languages 
and  literatures  of  Palestine,  Mesopotamia  and  other  Oriental  countries,  by 
affording  educational  opportunities  to  graduates  of  American  Colleges  and 
Universities  and  to  other  qualified  students,  and  by  the  prosecution  of  Oriental 
research  and  excavations  and  exploration."  The  new  incorporation  will  thus 
include  the  proposed  School  at  Baghdad  and  any  similar  undertakings  in  the 
Near  Orient.  The  Trustees  number  fifteen,  three  of  whom  represent  the 
affiliated  societies,  the  remainder  being  elected  by  the  Contributors  in  groups 
of  four  for  three  years.  The  first  board  of  Trustees  consists  of:  James  C. 
Egbert  (President  of  the  Archaeological  Institute),  Warren  J.  Moulton  (Society 
of  Biblical  Literature),  Wilfred  H.  Schoff  (American  Oriental  Society),  Cyrus 
Adler,  Benjamin  W.  Bacon,  George  A.  Barton,  Howard  Crosby  Butler,  Albert 
T.  Clay,  A.  V.  Williams  Jackson,  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr.,  James  A.  Mont- 
gomery, Edward  T.  Newell,  James  B.  Nies,  James  H.  Ropes,  Charles  C. 


Notes  239 

Torrey.  Most  of  these  gentlemen,  with  John  B.  Pine,  Esq.,  were  the  incor- 
porators.  The  first  meeting  of  the  Trustees  was  held  in  New  York  on  June  17 . 
The  following  officers  were  elected:  James  A.  Montgomery,  president;  James 
C.  Egbert,  vice-president;  George  A.  Barton,  secretary  and  treasurer;  Wilfred 
H.  Schoff,  associate  secretary.  Dr.  W.  F.  Albright,  present  acting  director, 
was  appointed  director  of  the  School  for  the  coming  year. 

The  Society  of  Biblical  Literature  and  Exegesis  has  appointed  a  committee 
to  inquire  into  the  feasibility  of  compiling  a  catalogue  of  the  Biblical  manu- 
scripts in  this  country.  The  committee  consists  of  Prof.  C.  C.  Edmunds 
(General  Theological  Seminary),  Prof.  A.  Marx  (Jewish  Theological  Seminary), 
and  Prof,  H.  P.  Smith  (Union  Theological  Seminary),  chairman.  A  brief 
questionnaire  has  been  issued  inquiring  as  to  the  location  of  manuscripts  and 
the  willingness  of  owners  to  participate  in  the  catalogue.  It  is  especially 
intended  to  obtain  knowledge  of  manuscripts  in  private  hands.  Information 
should  be  sent  to  the  chairman. 

The  Palestine  Oriental  Society  held  its  sixth  General  Meeting  in  Jerusalem 
on  May  4.  The  program  of  papers  consisted  of :  'A  Year's  Work  in  Palestine,* 
Prof.  J.  Garstang;  'Un  hypoge"e  juif  a  Bethphage",'  Le  Rev.  Pere  Orfali; 
'Solomon  as  a  Magician  in  Christian  Legend,'  Dr.  C.  C.  McCown;  'Origine 
du  pluriel  simple  dans  les  langues  semitiques,'  Mr.  Israel  Eitan;  'Methods 
of  Education  and  Correction  among  the  Fellahin,'  Mr.  E.  N.  Haddad;  'Sites 
of  Ekron,  Gath  and  Libnah,'  Dr.  W.  F.  Albright.  It  is  requested  by  the 
secretary,  the  Rev.  Herbert  Danby,  that  newcomers  to  Palestine  who  are 
interested  in  the  Society,  should  communicate  with  him. 

The  name  of  the  Ecole  Biblique  de  St.  fitienne  of  the  Dominican  Convent 
in  Jerusalem  has  been  changed  to  1'Ecole  franc. aise  archeologique  de  Palestine. 
The  change  of  name  is  significant  of  the  recognition  of  the  School  by  the  French 
government. 


PERSONALIA 

Prof.  H.  ZIMMERN,  of  Leipzig,  has  succeeded  Prof.  Friedr.  Delitzsch  at 
the  University  of  Berlin. 

Dr.  H.  F.  LUTZ,  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  has  accepted  the  newly 
established  chair  of  Egyptology  and  Assyriology  at  the  University  of 
California. 

Prof.  JOHN  P.  PETERS  was  the  lecturer  this  year  on  the  Bross  Foundation 
of  Lake  Forest  College.  His  subject  was  "Bible  and  Spade." 

Prof.  OTTO  BARDE^HEWER,  of  Munich,  professor  of  the  New  Testament 
and  Patristic  scholar,  editor  of  Bfblische  Studien,  died  March  19. 

Dean  ALFRED  E.  DAY,  of  the  American  University  of  Beirut,  has  published 
a  circular  giving  a  system  of  transliteration  of  Arabic,  with  primary  regard  to 
the  usage  of  that  University. 


240  Notes 

Mr.  W.  E.  STAPLES,  of  Victoria  College,  University  of  Toronto,  has  gained 
the  Thayer  Fellowship  in  the  American  School  of  Oriental  Research'  in 
Jerusalem  for  1921-22. 

Professor  FRANZ  CUMONT  has  been  visiting  this  country.  He  came  to 
deliver  the  Silliman  Lectures,  at  Yale  University,  his  subject  being  the  Astral- 
Cults.  These  he  repeated  at  Union  Seminary,  and  he  also  lectured  at  the 
University  of  Pennsylvania,  the  University  of  Wisconsin,  and  the  Pacific 
School  of  Religions,  Berkeley,  Calif. 

Professor  MORRIS  JASTROW,  JR.,  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania;  died 
suddenly  at  Jenkintown,  Pa.,  on  June  22,  at  the  age  of  fifty-nine  years.  He 
had  been  a  member  of  the  Society  since  1886,  had  served  it  as  President,  and 
at  the  time  of  his  death  was  a  Director. 


THE  ANTIQUITY  OF  BABYLONIAN   CIVILIZATION 

ALBERT  T.  CLAY 
YALE  UNIVERSITY 

SOME  YEARS  AGO  it  was  suggested  that  the  scribe  of  Nabonidus 
(555-538)  made  a  mistake  in  stating  that  Naram-Sin  lived  3200 
years  earlier;  that  instead,  he  should  have  written  2200  years. 
This  would  make  the  date  of  Naram-Sin  about  2750  B.  C. 
Although  there  were  reasons  for  reducing  the  older  figure,  many 
Assyriologists,  including  the  writer,  felt  that  until  conclusive 
evidence  was  forthcoming  it  was  inadvisable  to  lop  off  1000 
years.  Recent  discoveries  have  shown  that  the  date  2750  B.  C. 
is  not  far  from  correct.1  The  date  of  Sargon,  the  founder  of 
Akkad,  following  the  chronology  given  in  the  dynastic  tablets 
which  are  discussed  below,  would  then  be  about  2847-2791  B.  C. 

About  twenty-five  years  ago,  when  some  European  savants 
regarded  Sargon  and  Naram-Sin  as  legendary  characters,  Haynes 
at  Nippur  was  digging  through  the  pavement  which  was  laid  in 
the  temple  peribolos  by  one  of  these  kings.  Beneath  the  pave- 
ment of  Naram-Sin  he  found  thirty  feet  of  accumulations  of 
debris.  Everything  that  was  discovered  belonging  to  the  time 
of  Sargon  and  Naram-Sin,  letters,  legal  documents,  temple  admin- 
istrative archives,  and  the  art,  indicated  a  highly  developed  state 
of  civilization.  But  what  is  more  to  the  point  in  this  connection, 
everything  which  was  found  in  the  strata  beneath  Naram-Sin/s 
pavement,  and  everything  found  elsewhere  which  belonged  to  the 
period  prior  to  Sargon,  pointed  to  a  long  antiquity  for  the  culture 
represented  by  what  was  discovered.  The  character  of  the 
earliest  script  belonging  to  this  age  seemed,  on  palaeographical 
grounds,  to  carry  us  back  to  a  time  many  centuries  prior  to  the 
days  of  Sargon.  The  signs  of  even  the  earliest  known  writing 
are  so  far  removed  from  the  original  hieroglyphs  that  it  is  only 
by  the  help  of  the  values  which  we  know  the  signs  possess  that 
we  can  make  reasonable  guesses  as  to  what  the  original  pictures 
of  some  of  them  might  have  been,  while  the  majority  are  con- 

1  While  there  are  no  data  at  present  to  connect  the  V  Uruk  dynasty  with  that 
of  III  Ur,  the  number  of  kings  in  the  lists  given  us  by  the  Babylonian  his- 
torians does  not  permit  a  large  gap,  if  any. 

16     JAOS  41 


242  Albert  T.  Clay 

ventionalized  to  such  an  extent  that  even  this  is  not  possible. 
The  work  of  the  sculptor  in  stone  and  bronze  had  been  developed 
to  such  excellence  that  we  can  only  infer  that  it  required  a  long 
period  to  lead  up  to  what  had  been  produced.  The  artistic 
ingenuity  displayed  by  the  lapidary  in  metamorphizing  a  bit  of 
stone  into  a  beautiful  gem,  an  art  which  even  before  Sargon's 
age  was  greatly  conventionalized  and  at  its  very  height,  also 
forces  one  to  conclude  that  a  long  period  in  the  development  of 
this  art  preceded. 

There  was  a  time  when  it  seemed  justifiable  to  take  compara- 
tively little  notice  of  the  history  that  preceded  Sargon;  but  so 
much  has  recently  been  brought  to  light  that  we  are  now  in  a 
position  to  clarify  our  views  concerning  this  earlier  period. 

During  the  past  two  decades  a  number  of  tablets  and  fragments 
have  been  found  presumably  all  dating  from  the  third  millennium 
B.  C.,  which  have  proved  to  be  chronological  works  by  ancient 
Babylonian  historians.  In  the  reconstructed  list  which  follows, 
this  material  is  marked  A  to  E. 

(A)  In  1906,  Hilprecht  published  the  reverse  of  a  fragmentary 
tablet  which  had  been  found  in  the  Nippur  Library,  giving  the 
names  of  kings  and  the  years  they  ruled,  of  the  Ur  and  Nisin 
dynasties.2     This  was  republished  by  Poebel,  in  1914,2a  who,  with 
the  help  of  other  texts,  succeeded  in  reading  also  the  obverse  of 
the  tablet,  which  contained  the  earliest  dynasties. 

(B)  In  1911,  Pere  Scheil  published  a  very  important  tablet,  in 
the  possession  of  Mr.  Bernard  Maimon,  which,  although  frag- 
mentary, gives  the  six  dynasties  between  Akshak  and  Gutium 
inclusive,  with  the  names  of  rulers  and  number  of  years  they 
reigned.3 

(C)  In  1912,  Thureau-Dangin  published  an  important  tablet  of 
Utu-hegal,  king  of  Erech,  in  which  he  tells  how  he  terminated 
the  rule  of  Gutium  over  Babylonia.4     This  enables  us  to  restore 
what  is  now  known  as  the  V  Uruk  dynasty  to  its  proper  place. 

(D)  In  1914,  Poebel  published  several  tablets,  discovered  in 
the  Library  at  Nippur,  one  of  which  was  written  by  a  scribe  in 
the  fourth  year  of  Ellil-bani,  of  the  Nisin  dynasty,  i.  e.,  about 


*BE  XX.  1. 

2a  HGT  y  5 

8  Comptes  rendus  de  I'Acad.  des  Inscr.  1911,  606  ff. 
*RA  IX.  114ff. 


The  Antiquity  of  Babylonian  Civilization  243 

2200  B.  C.  These  texts  give  the  names  of  134  kings  who  ruled 
Babylonia  prior  to  his  time.  Another  historiographer,  who  wrote 
during  the  reign  of  Damiq-ilishu,  the  last  king  of  the  same  dynasty, 
had  given  a  similar  list.  A  summary  informs  us  that  there  were 
eleven  'cities  of  royalty/  one  of  which  had  enjoyed  five  different 
dynasties,  and  the  others,  one,  three,  and  four  dynasties  re- 
spectively; this  covers  139  kings  who  ruled  Babylonia.  The 
date  of  the  later  scribe  brings  us  close  to  the  beginning  of  Ham- 
murabi's reign,  about  2123  B.  C.  Unfortunately  these  tablets5 
have  come  down  to  us  in  a  fragmentary  condition,  most  important 
parts  being  missing. 

(E)  An  important  fragment  of  a  similar  list  from  the  same 
source,  has  recently  been  published6  by  M.  Leon  Legrain,  in  which 
the  three  missing  cities  of  the  eleven  are  given,  namely,  JJamazi, 
Adab,  and  Mari,  making  the  list  complete. 

Several  attempts  have  been  made  at  reconstructing  the  sum- 
mary given  at  the  close  of  the  tablet  published  by  Poebel,  repre- 
senting these  'cities  of  royalty',  in  the  order  in  which  they  first 
became  seats  of  the  dynasties.7  With  the  aid  of  the  additional 
light  furnished  by  the  fragment  published  by  Legrain,  I  offer  in 
the  following  a  new  attempt  at  reconstructing  the  summary,  as 
well  as  the  list  of  dynasties. 

4  kingdoms  of  Kish 

5  kingdoms  of  Uruk 
3  kingdoms  of  Ur 

1  kingdom  of  Awan 
1  kingdom  of  JIa[mazi]8 
[2  kingdoms  of  Adab] 
[1  or  2  kingdoms  of  Mari] 
[1  or  2  kingdoms  of  Akshak] 
1  kingdom  of  Akkad 
1  kingdom  of  Guti 
1  kingdom  of  Nisin 


6  For  these  texts  see  Poebel,  HOT  Nos.  2,  3,  4,  and  5. 

6  The  Museum  Journal,  1920,  175  ff. 

7  Poebel,  HT  87  ff.     Ungnad,  ZDMG  1917,  162  ff.     Hommel  in  Nies,  Ur 
Dynasty  Tablets,  205  ff.    Meissner,  Babylonien  und  Assyrien,  1920,  23  ff. 

8  In  answer  to  an  inquiry  Doctor  Legrain  informed  the  writer  after  collating 
the  tablet  published  previously  (see  HOT  2.25),  that  the  character  which  is 
preserved  is  #a.     This  unquestionably  shows  that  the  tablet  read  Ifamazi. 


244 


Albert  T.  Clay 


RECONSTRUCTED  LIST  OF  ROYAL  CITIES 


I 

Kish 

23   kings 

18,000+  years 

D< 

I 

Uruk 

11(?) 

tt 

2,171+      " 

I 

Ur 

4 

a 

171 

Awan 

3 

a 

356 

E< 

II 

Kish 

4(?) 

ti 

3,792 

JJamazi 

K?) 

tt 

7           t{ 

I 

Adab*a 

2(?) 

tt 

II 

Ursb 

4(1) 

ti 

108 

r 

II 

Adab 

1 

it 

90 

1 

Mari 

3(?) 

it 

30+      " 

I(?)  Akshak80         1(?) 

tt 

III 

Kish8d 

3(?) 

tt 

II 

Uruk9 

3(?) 

ti 

f  II(?)Akshak 

6 

n 

99 

3007(?)B.  C. 

\ 

Kish 

8 

tt 

106 

2978(?)B.  C. 

B< 
* 

III 

Uruk 

1 

tt 

25 

2872(?)B.  C. 

Akkad 

12 

tt 

197 

2847(?)B.  C. 

IV 

Uruk 

5 

it 

26 

2650(?)B.  C. 

h 

Gutium 

21 

it 

125 

2624(?)B.  C. 

C 

V 

Uruk 

1 

ti 

25(?)     " 

2499(?)B.  C. 

A( 

III 

Ur 

5 

ti 

117          " 

2474(?)B.  C. 

I 

Nisin 

16 

ti 

225 

2357(?)B.  C. 

139 

*a  This  dynasty  is  proposed  to  account  for  the  kings  whose  inscriptions  were 
found  by  Banks  at  Bismaya. 

*b  The  number  of  years  for  this  dynasty  is  obtained  by  subtracting  the  num- 
ber of  kings  and  the  years  of  the  first  and  third  dynasties  from  the  total  given 
for  all  three.  On  the  two  known  kings  assigned  to  this  dynasty,  cf .  HT  196. 

8°  The  existence  of  two  Akshak  dynasties  rests  upon  slender  grounds.  Zuzu 
of  Akshak,  whom  Eannatum  conquered  (SAK  p.  20),  may  only  have  been 
an  ally  of  Mari. 

8d  It  would  seem  as  if  Eannatum  had  founded  this  dynasty  and  that  Enbi- 
Ashtar  was  the  last  king  of  it. 

9  The  three  kings  are  only  tentatively  assigned  to  this  dynasty. 


The  Antiquity  of  Babylonian  Civilization 


245 


I  Kish  Kingdom 


9     Kalumum 

900  years 

10    Zugagib 

840     " 

11     Arwu,  son  of  a  mushkenu 

720     " 

12    Etana,  the  Shepherd 

625     " 

13    Baliqam,  son  of  Etana 

410     " 

14     En-men-nun-na 

611      " 

15    Melam-Kish 

900     " 

16     Bar-sal-nun-na,  son  of  Melam-Kish          1 

,200     " 

17     Me-za-mug(?),  son  of  Bar-sal-nun-na 

18     En-gis(?)-gu(?),  son  of  Bar-sal-nun-na 

19     En(?)-.  .  . 

20     ...-za(?) 

21     En(?)-... 

22     ... 

900     " 

23     Ag(?),  son  of  En(?) 

625     " 

23  kings                                                  18 

,000  +  x  years 

Eanna  or  I  Uruk  Kingdom 

1     Mesh-kin-gasher,  son  of  Shamash 

325  years 

2     En-mer-kar,  son  of  Mesh-kin-gasher 

420     " 

3     Lugal-Marda,  the  Shepherd                       1 

,200     " 

4     Dumu-zi  (or  Tammuz),  the  Hunter  (?) 

100     " 

5     Gilgamesh,  son  of  the  Highpriest  of 

Kullab 

126      " 

6     ...  -lugal,  son  of  Gilgamesh 

11(?)  kings  (about  5  missing)                 2 

,171  +  years 

I  Ur  Kingdom 

1     Mesh-anni-pada 

80  years 

2     Mesh-kiag-nunna,  son  of  Mesh-anni-pada 

30     " 

3    Elulu10 

25     " 

4    Balulu10 

36     " 

4  Kings 

171     " 

10The  new  fragment  published  by  Legrain  makes  it  possible  to  restore  the 
names  E-lu[-lu]  and  Ba-lu[-lu];  Museum  Journal,  Dec.  1920,  p.  179. 


246  Albert  T.  Clay 

A  wan  Kingdom 

3  kings  356  years 

II  Kish  Kingdom 
Mesilim 
Lugal-tarsi 
Ur-sag 

4(?)  kings  3,792  years 

JIamazi  Kingdom 

1     ...  -ni-ish  7  years 

I  Adab  Kingdom8* 

Lugal-dalu 
Me-igi-. . . 
2(?)  kings 

II  Ur  Kingdom8b 

Annani 

Lu-Nannar,  son  of  Annani 

4(?)  kings  108  years 

II  Adab  Kingdom 

Lugal-anna-mundu11 

1  king  90  years 

Mari  Kingdom 

Ansir  30      " 

...-gi 

I-[sh]ar-Shamash 


3(?)  kings  30+  years 

I(?)  Akshak  Kingdom80 

1     Zuzu 

III  Kish  Kingdom8d 
1     Eannatum 
Lugal-tarsi 
3     Enbi-Ashtar 
3(?)  kings 
II  Uruk  Kingdom9 

Enshagkushanna 
Lugal-kigub-nidudu 
Lugal-kisalsi 
3(?)  kings 

1  See  Poebel,  BE  VI.  2,  130,  and  HT  p.  128. 


The  Antiquity  of  Babylonian  Civilization 


247 


Akshak 

1  ...-zi 

2  ...-dalulu 

3  UR-UR 

4  BA-SA-Sahan 

5  Ishu-il 

6  Gimil-Sin,  son  of  Ishu-il 

6  kings 

IV  Kish  Kingdom 

1  KU-Bau  or  Bau-ellit 

2  BA-SA-Sin,  son  of  Ku-Bau 

3  Ur-dZababa 

4  Zimutar 

5  Uzi-watar,  son  of  Zimutar 

6  El-muti 

7  Imu-Shamash 

8  Nania,  the  Jeweler 

8  kings 

III  Uruk  Kingdom 

1     Lugal-zaggisi,  son  of  Ukush 


30  years  3077(?)12 
12      "     3047(?) 
3035(?) 


6 

20  " 

24  " 

7  " 

99  years 


3029(?) 
3009(?) 
2985(?) 


14  years  2978(?) 


25 

6  " 

30  " 

6  " 

11  " 

11  " 

3  " 

106  years 


2964(?) 
2939(?) 
2933(?) 
2903(?) 
2897(?) 
2886(?) 
2875(?) 


25  years  2872(?) 


12  The  dates  from  Utu-hegal  backward  are  uncertain,  because  the  25  years 
assigned  that  ruler  are  conjectural  and  also  because  it  is  not  known  whether 
any  other  kings  intervened  between  his  time  and  the  reign  of  Ur-Engur  of  Ur. 
The  date  2123  B.  C.,  usually  accepted  for  the  beginning  of  Hammurabi's 
reign,  is  used  as  a  starting  point.  Thureau-Dangin,  using  his  conjectural 
reading  of  14  years  for  MI  32  :  15,  makes  the  last  year  of  Larsa  2123  -  29 
(43  -  14)  =2094  B.  C.  as  the  close  of  Rim-Sin's  reign.  As  he  ruled  61  years, 
the  beginning  then  would  be  2155.  Assuming  that  Rim-Sin  overthrew  the 
dynasty  of  Nisin  when  he  captured  the  city  of  Damiq-ilishu,  Thureau-Dangin 
decides  that  the  last  year  of  Nisin  was  2132  B.  C.  This  makes  the  Nisin  and 
Larsa  dynasties  begin  in  the  same  year,  2357.  The  date  recently  published 
by  Dr.  Grice  (Chron.  p.  20),  namely,  'The  year  he  smote  with  his  weapon  the 
army  of  Elam  and  Zambia,  king  of  Nisin,'  which  she  conjectured  refers  to  Sin- 
idinnam,  since  this  king  of  Larsa  used  the  title  of  'King  of  Sumer  and  Akkad,' 
would  seem  to  show  that  this  is  at  least  approximately  correct.  It  is  to  be 
noted,  however,  that  according  to  these  dates  Zambia  reigned  one  year  after 
the  close  of  Sin-idinnam.  Moreover,  it  is  not  impossible  that  the  Nisin  dynasty 
came  to  a  close  when  the  Nisin  era  began.  If  this  should  prove  correct  it  will 
require  a  modification  of  the  synchronisms,  and  will  probably  make  Sin- 
iqisham  the  contemporary  of  Zambia. 


248 


Akkad  Kingdom 


Albert  T.  Clay 


1 

Sharru-kin12a 

55     "     2847(?) 

2 

Uru-mush,  son  of  Sharru-kin 

15     "     2792(?) 

3 

Manishtusu,  son  of  Uru-mush 

7     "     2777(?) 

4 

Naram-Sin,  son  of  Manishtusu 

56     "     2770(?) 

5 

Shargali-sharri,  son  of  Naram-Sin 

25     "     2714(?) 

6 

.  .  . 

7 

Igigi 

8 

Imi 

9 

Nanum 

3      "     2689(?) 

10 

Ilulu 

11 

Dudu 

21      "     2686(?) 

12 

Gimil-Dur-x,  son  of  Dudu 

15     "     2665(?) 

12  kings 

197  years 

IV  Uruk  Kingdom 

1 

Ur-nigin 

3  years  2650(?) 

2 

Ur-gigir,  son  of  Ur-nigin 

6     "     2647(?) 

3 

Kudda 

6     "     2641  (?) 

4 

BA-SA-ili 

5     "     2635(?) 

5 

Ur-Shamash 

6     "     2630(?) 

5  kings 

26  years 

Gutium 

Kingdom 

1 

Imbia 

5  years  2624(?) 

2 

Ingishu 

7     "     2619(?) 

3 

Warlagaba 

6     "     2612(?) 

4 

larlagarum 

3(?)  "     2606(?) 

8 

[        ]-gub12b 

9 

[        ]-ti 

10 

[        ]-an-gub 

11 

[        ]-bi 

Ar  lagan 

E-ir-ri-du-pi-zi-ir 

12&Legrain  has  quite  recently  discovered  an  additional  fragment  of  the 
tablet  published  which  determines  the  relationship  of  the  first  five  kings  of 
the  dynasty  and  the  years  they  ruled.  See  Museum  Journal,  1921,  p.  75. 

ub  The  same  fragment  found  by  Dr.  Legrain  furnishes  the  traces  of  the 
eighth  to  the  eleventh  names  of  this  dynasty. 


The  Antiquity  of  Babylonian  Civilization 


249 


La-si-ra-ab 
Si-u-um 

21 

Tirigan 

21  kings13 

125 

years 

V  Uruk  Kingdom 

1 

Utu-fregal 

25(?) 

years 

2499(?) 

III 

Ur 

Kingdom 

1 

Ur-Engur 

18 

(i 

2474 

2 

Dungi,  son  of 

Ur-Engur 

58 

tf 

2456 

3 

Amar-Sin,  son 

of  Dungi 

9 

ti 

2398 

4 

Gimil-Sin,  son 

of  Amar-Sin 

7 

tt 

2389 

5 

Ibi-Sin,  son  of 

Gimil-Sin 

25 

tt 

2382 

5  kings 

117 

years 

Nisin  Kingdom 

1 

Ishbi-Urra,  a  man  from  Mari 

32 

years 

2357 

2 

Gimil-ilishu,  son  of  Ishbi-Urra 

10 

tt 

2325 

3 

Idin-Dagan,  son  of  Gimil-ilishu 

21 

(f 

2315 

4 

Ishme-Dagan, 

son  of  Idin-Dagan 

20 

tt 

2294 

'5 

Libit-Ishtar 

11 

H 

2274 

6 

Ur-Enurta 

28 

It 

2263 

7 

Bur-Sin,  son  of  Ur-Enurta 

21 

ft 

2235 

8 

Iter-plsha,  son  of  Bur-Sin 

5 

tt 

2214 

9 

Urra-imitti 

7 

11 

2209 

10 

Sin(?)- 

\ 

fl 

2202 

11 

Ellil-bani 

24 

tt 

2201 

12 

Zambia 

3 

tt 

2177 

13 

. 

5 

tl 

2174 

14 

Ea... 

4 

tl 

2169 

15 

Sin-magir 

• 

11 

tt 

2165 

16 

Damiq-ilishu, 

son  of  Sin-magir 

23 

tt 

2154 

16  kings 


225J     years 


Like  similar  lists  of  other  ancient  peoples,  the  years  of  the  early 
rulers  are  given  in  fabulous  numbers.  Leaving  these  out  of  con- 
sideration and  allowing  only  an  average  of  fifteen  years  for  each 


13  Poebel's  text  as  well  as  the  photograph  read  21. 
confirms  this. 


Legrain's  fragment 


250  Albert  T.  Clay 

reign,  we  have  a  list  of  rulers  extending  beyond  4000  B.  C.  Ungnad's 
conjectural  date  for  the  beginning  of  the  first  dynasty  of  Ur,  that 
is  exclusive  of  the  first  two  dynasties  containing  thirty-four  kings, 
is  3927  B.  C.14  Meissner  also  fixes  the  beginning  of  this  dynasty 
at  about  3900  B.  C.15  The  minimum  date,  therefore,  for  the  I  Kish 
dynasty  would  be  several  centuries  earlier. 

It  seems  proper  in  this  connection  to  inquire  whether  it  is  reason- 
able to  assume  that  the  early  Babylonian  historians  had  adequate 
data  at  their  disposal  upon  which  to  base  these  chronological  lists. 
Although  some  progress  has  been  made  in  excavating  the  mounds 
of  the  land,  it  can  properly  be  said  that  this  work  has  only  been 
begun.  While  in  a  few  of  the  mounds  excavations  have  been 
systematically  conducted,  only  the  surface  of  others  has  been 
scratched,  while  hundreds  of  mounds  are  practically  untouched. 
Yet,  in  spite  of  this  fact,  we  have  in  our  possession  the  original 
inscriptions  of  many  of  the  rulers  whose  names  are  given  in  the 
lists,  as  well  as  a  vast  amount  of  material,  by  the  help  of  which 
much  that  has  been  handed  down  by  these  historians  can  be  fully 
verified.  We  are  justified  in  concluding,  even  from  the  imperfect 
work  as  yet  done  on  the  mounds,  that  the  historian  in  the  advanced 
civilization  of  the  Sargon  and  Nisin  eras,  as  well  as  centuries  earlier, 
had  abundant  data  at  his  disposal  from  which  to  give  us  this  skele- 
ton of  history;  and  that,  except  for  the  longevity  of  some  of  the 
rulers,  we  may  look  upon  the  data  as  being  of  a  comparatively 
trustworthy  character. 

The  period  in  which  we  are  especially  interested  in  this  connec- 
tion is  that  which  is  covered  by  the  list  of  kings  prior  to  Sargon, 
and  which  is  represented  by  the  thirty  feet  of  accumulations  of 
debris  beneath  Naram-Sin's  pavement  at  Nippur,  and  by  material 
found  at  such  sites  as  Adab,  Fara,  Tello,  etc. 

Going  backward  from  the  time  of  Sargon,  let  us  briefly  note  some 
of  the  verifications  of  the  reconstructed  list.  Sargon's  predecessor, 
named  Lugal-zaggisi,  who  is  well  known  through  his  own  inscrip- 
tions, conquered  Western  Asia  from  the  Persian  Gulf  to  the 
Mediterranean.16  Other  inscriptions  inform  us  that  Sargon  con- 
quered him  17  and  gained  title  to  his  territory.  Ku-Bau,  or  Bau- 


"  ZDMG  1917,  p.  166. 

15  Bdbylonien  und  Assyrien,  1920,  p.  28. 

16  OBI  87.  36  ff. 

17  HOT  34  I.  23  ff. 


The  Antiquity  of  Babylonian  Civilization  251 

ellit,  as  her  name  is  written  elsewhere,18  is  known  from  an  omen 
text,  according  to  which  she  subdued  the  land.19  The  names  of 
rulers  mentioned  in  the  reconstructed  list,  such  as  Eannatum  (of 
the  III  Kish  kingdom),  who  had  been  a  Patesi  of  Lagash,  and 
who  conquered  Mari,  Akshak,  and  Kish,  and  became  the  mighty 
possessor  of  the  whole  land,  is  also  a  well  known  figure  in  Baby- 
lonian history.20  While  excavations  in  Mesopotamia  proper  have 
not  yet  been  begun,  we  can  verify  the  statement  that  there  were 
one  or  more  Mari  dynasties.  A  headless  statue  of  a  king  of  Mari, 
whose  name,  perhaps,  following  Ungnad,21  is  to  be  restored  I-[§]ar- 
Shamash,  is  in  the  British  Museum;  and  in  the  inscription  engraved 
on  it  he  calls  himself  patesi-gal  of  Enlil;  from  which  it  may  be 
inferred  that  he  ruled  Babylonia.22  An-an-ni  (of  the  II  Ur  king- 
dom), the  builder  of  the  gis-sar-mah  of  the  temple  at  Nippur,  is 
known  through  an  inscription  found  in  that  city,  as  is  also  that 
of  his  son  and  successor  Lu-Nannar.  They  are  tentatively 
assigned  to  a  dynasty  of  Ur,  because  the  latter's  name  is  com- 
pounded with  that  of  the  god  Nannar,  the  patron  deity  of  that 
city.23  We  have  inscriptions  referring  to  Lugal-anna-mundu24,  as 
well  as  to  Lugal-dalu,  Me-igi . .  . ,  kings  of  Adab.  In  this  city,  as 
also  at  Lagash,  inscriptions  have  been  found  belonging  to  Mesilim, 
king  of  Kish.25  The  Elamite  city,  JIamazi,  we  know  figured  in  the 
early  history  of  Babylonia,  for,  as  already  mentioned,  it  had  been 
conquered  by  an  early  patesi  of  Kish,  named  Utug.26  Awan,  also 
an  Elamitic  city,  mentioned  as  a  royal  city  in  the  dynastic  lists, 
is  known  to  have  paid  tribute  to  Sargon.27 

In  previous  years  Gilgamesh  of  the  earliest  Erech  dynasty,  the 
hero  of  the  epic  which  bears  his  name,  was  regarded  as  a  mythical 
personage;  but  from  a  number  of  sources  it  is  now  definitely 
known  that  he  was  an  important  king  of  Erech;  that  he  built  the 
shutummu  of  the  temple  and  the  wall  of  that  city;28  and  that  he 


18  VR  44  I.  19. 

19  CT  28.  6. 

20  SAK  22.  21  f. 
21Cr  V.  2  (12146). 

22  Poebel,  HT  p.  190;  Clay,  Empire  of  the  Amorites,  p.  104. 

23  See  Poebel,  HT,  p.  128. 

24  BE  VI.  2.  130;  and  HOT  75. 

25  Banks,  Bismya,  p.  201. 

26  OBI  102  and  109. 

27  Poebel,  HT  p.  128. 

28  Cf.  SAK  p.  222. 


252  Albert  T.  Clay 

also  built  a  part  of  the  temple  at  Nippur.29  Besides  the  epic,  still 
other  traditions  of  Gilgamesh  have  been  handed  down.  Tammuz, 
about  whose  name  are  gathered  the  wide-spread  myths  connected 
with  him  and  Ishtar,  was  also  a  king  of  Erech.  The  Historical 
Epic  published  by  Poebel  shows  that  there  was  an  invasion  in  the 
time  of  Tammuz  by  Elam.30  Sin-idinnam  of  Larsa  informs  us  that 
Tammuz  built  the  wall  of  Dur-Gurgurri.31  While  the  religious 
literature  is  full  of  mythological  references  to  Tammuz,  the 
Babylonian  historian,  in  his  list  of  kings,  simply  names  him  as  a 
ruler,  stating  that  he  was  a.  hunter,  and  that  he  came  from  the 
city  gA-Aki. 

Going  still  further  back,  the  dynastic  lists  inform  us  that  Lugal- 
Marda,  a  prominent  deity  of  later  times,  preceded  Tammuz  as 
king  of  Erech,  and  that  he  conquered  and  destroyed  the  city 
IJA-A,  and  conducted  wars  'with  Elam  below,  JJalma  above,  and 
Tidnum  in  the  West.'32  The  lists  also  show  us  that  Etana,  the 
hero  of  the  epic  which  bears  his  name,  who  was  subsequently  also 
deified,  was  the  twelfth  king  of  the  earliest  known  dynasty,  that 
of  Kish. 

We  thus  find  in  Babylonia  a  process  analogous  to  what  took  place 
in  Greece;  epics  were  directly  based  on  historical  personages. 
Many  deities  turn  out  to  be  deified  kings  or  queens.  It  is  not 
improbable  that  even  the  goddess  Ishtar  may  prove  to  have  been 
originally  some  notable  human  figure;  at  all  events  the  facts  at  our 
disposal  assure  us  that  the  Babylonian  historians,  with  temple 
libraries  and  archives  of  many  cities  at  their  disposal,  with  royal 
letters  and  votive  inscriptions  in  great  numbers  (of  which  some 
have  already  been  recovered),  have  in  these  lists  furnished  us 
with  the  names  of  historical  personages  and  not  with  fictitious 
characters.  We,  therefore,  may  confidently  claim  that  Sargon  was 
far  from  being  the  first  ruler  to  build  up  a  great  nation  in  Western 
Asia,  reaching  from  Elam  to  the  Mediterranean;33  and  we  must 
reject  the  statement  that  the  earliest  emergence  of  the  Sumerian 

*9  Poebel,  H T  p.  123. 
80  Ibid.,  p.  123. 
31  CT  15.18. 

33  Breasted,  Ancient  Times,  p.  122;  Wells,  Outline  of  History,  p.  191,  etc. 
P.  V.  Myers  in  his  Ancient  History  is  more  guarded  in  the  presentation  of 
this  subject,  p.  51. 


The  Antiquity  of  Babylonian  Civilization  253 

city-kingdom  was  in  the  thirty-first  century  B.  C.34  The  writer 
feels,  on  the  basis  of  the  new  material,  that  he  is  justified  in  declin- 
ing to  modify  his  view  on  the  antiquity  of  Babylonian  civilization. 
Moreover,  it  is  still  an  open  question  whether  the  'first  rise  of 
civilization  anywhere  on  the  globe7  was  in  Egypt,  as  is  claimed,35 
or  even  in  Babylonia. 

It  is  not  possible  to  give  even  the  barest  outline  of  a  history  of 
Babylonia  without  considering  that  of  Elam,  the  neighboring 
country  to  the  east,  because  the  history  of  the  two  lands  is  insep- 
arably connected.  A  tablet  dealing  with  the  reign  of  Lugal-Marda, 
king  of  the  I  Uruk  dynasty,  the  second  known  in  Babylonian  his- 
tory, informs  us  of  an  invasion  of  a  city  Ezen+Azakkl  by  the 
Elamites.  This  was  the  second  time  that  they  'came  forth  from 
the  mountains'.36  But  what  is  more  important,  as  pointed  out,  the 
dynastic  lists  show  that  the  Elamite  city  Awan  was  the  fourth  of 
the  ruling  cities,  and  that  later  on  Jfamazi,  another  Elamite  city, 
held  the  hegemony.  Utug,  one  of  the  early  patesis  of  Kish,  tells 
of  his  having  conquered  JJamazi.37 

M.  de  Morgan,  a  trained  archaeologist,  employing  modern 
methods,  spent  more  than  ten  years  in  excavating  at  the  Elamite 
city  Susa,  and  at  Mussian,  about  93  miles  west  of  Susa.  At  Susa 
he  cut  through  no  less  than  25  metres  of  accumulation,  and  was 
able  to  trace  strata  which  represented  a  period  from  the  Neolithic 
to  the  present  time.  He  noted  here  two  distinct  strata  in  the  pre- 
historic period.  The  first  of  these  was  distinguished  from  the 
second  by  a  fine,  wheel-made,  red  pottery  which  was  polished,  and 
decorated  with  black  bands.  It  was  also  decorated  with  designs 
laid  on  in  brown  color.  The  freely-painted  patterns  included 
geometric,  spherical,  and  herring-bone  designs.  Animal  and  vege- 
table forms  also  were  used  in  these  designs.  Since  no  Neolithic 
period  has  been  noted  for  Babylonia  we  scarcely  expect  to  find 
pottery  of  this  sort  in  that  land;  although  at  Eridu,  Thompson, 
who  excavated  during  the  war  for  the  British  Museum,  informs  us 
he  found  fragments  similar  to  this  Elamite  pottery.  M.  de  Morgan 


34  Breasted,  Scientific  Monthly,  1920,  p.  200. 

35  Chicago  University  Record,  Oct.  1920,  p.  242.   It  is  interesting,  however, 
to  note  that  Wells  says:   'At  Nippur  evidence  of  a  city  community  existed 
there  at  least  as  early  as  5000  B.  C.,  and  probably  as  early  as  6000  B.  C.,  an 
earlier  date  than  anything  we  know  of  in  Egypt.'     Outline  of  History,  p.  184. 

36  Poebel,  HT  122. 

37  OBI  108  and  109. 


254  Albert  T.  Clay 

has  shown  that  the  pottery  he  discovered  in  Elam  has  great  simi- 
larity to  that  belonging  to  pre-historic  Egypt.38  Attention  has 
been  called  by  Sayce  to  its  resemblance  to  pottery  found  in  Cap- 
padocia,  in  Turkestan,  and  in  Syria.39 

The  second  pre-historic  period  of  Susa  represents  a  retrogression 
in  development,  for  the  pottery  is  porous  and  coarser;  but  near 
the  close  of  this  period,  stone  cups  and  vases  appear.  The  writing 
found  in  the  early  historical  period,  known  as  the  proto-Elamite, 
which  has  no  connection  with  the  Sumerian  system,  appears  to 
have  had  a  long  development  prior  to  the  earliest  known;  for  the 
signs  have  already  lost  their  pictorial  character.  In  the  period 
when  Babylonian  viceroys  ruled  at  Susa,  which  is  coincident  with 
what  we  call  the  age  of  Sargon,  it  seems  that  the  Semitic  syllabary 
and  even  the  Babylonian  language  displaced  the  early  Elamite 
script  and  language,  although  the  latter  continued  to  be  used  for 
accounts,  inventories,  and  other  ordinary  purposes.  At  this  early 
period,  therefore,  Semites  exerted  such  an  influence  upon  Elam 
that  their  language  and  system  of  writing  were  adopted  by  that 
land,  for  we  find  the  native  princes  using  the  system  in  their 
memorial  and  monumental  records.40 

The  results  at  Mussian  were  somewhat  different  for  the  Neo- 
lithic period,  this  city  apparently  having  been  established  at  an 
earlier  date  than  Susa.  In  this  period  crude  pottery  made  by  hand 
was  used.  This  was  followed  by  the  period  of  the  delicately  made 
pottery,  characteristic  of  the  earlier  period  at  Susa;  and  by  a  third 
of  a  still  higher  character,  when  copper  was  extensively  used  and 
displaced  the  flint  and  obsidian  tools  and  weapons. 

There  is  no  trace  of  a  Neolithic  period  in  Babylonia,  although 
Taylor  in  his  excavations  at  Eridu  found  flint  implements,41  as 
did  also  Thompson  at  the  same  site.42  In  fact  they  have  been 
found  lying  on  the  surface  of  other  mounds,43  doubtless  indicating 
that  in  certain  periods  they  were  imported  as  cheap  material  for 
the  poorer  population.  It  seems  that  copper  was  also  used  in 
Babylonia  at  a  very  early  time.  Haynes  reported  having  found 
some  of  the  metal  in  one  of  the  lowest  strata  at  Nippur.  At  Fara, 

38  Revue  de  I'Ecole  d'Anthropologie,  1907,  p.  410  f . 

39  See  Sayce,  Archaeology  of  the  Cuneiform  Inscriptions,  p.  47. 

40  See  King,  Sumer  and  Akkad,  p.  289. 

41  JRAS  15,  p.  410,  plate  II. 

42  See  Wells,  Outline  of  History,  I,  p.  188. 

43  Banks,  Bismya,  p.  103. 


The  Antiquity  of  Babylonian  Civilization  .  255 

the  pre-diluvian  city  of  Shurippak,  one  of  the  most  ancient  known 
in  the  valley,  copper  was  also  found  in  the  earliest  strata.44 

The  indications  are  that  in  Elam  with  its  valleys  so  well  adapted 
for  agriculture,  with  its  hills  for  grazing,  its  quarries  for  stone,  its 
mines  for  metal,  and  its  forests,  man  throve  long  before  the  time 
when  through  intelligence,  skill,  and  labor  it  was  possible  for  him 
to  live  in  alluvial  Babylonia.  Moreover,  the  indications  are  that 
Elam  developed  its  civilization  as  early  as  Babylonia,  if  not  earlier. 
From  these  considerations  it  becomes  apparent  why  the  present 
writer  cannot  follow  the  view  that  a  so-called  Egypto-Babylonian 
culture  '  brought  forth  the  earliest  civilization  in  the  thousand 
years  between  4000  and  3000  B.  C.,  while  all  the  rest  of  the  world 
continued  in  Stone  Age  barbarism  or  savagery/  and  that  the 
diffusion  of  civilization  from  this  so-called  Egypto-Babylonian 
culture  centre  began  after  3000  B.  C.  to  stimulate  Europe  and  inner 
Asia  to  rise  from  barbarism  to  civilization.45 

What  is  true  of  the  antiquity  of  Elam's  civilization,  to  the  east  of 
Babylonia,  is  also  true  of  the  antiquity  of  her  western  neighbor; 
it  is  also  impossible  to  write  a  history  of  Babylonia  without  includ- 
ing that  of  Amurru.  In  the  light  of  the  material  which  the  present 
writer  assembled  from  cuneiform  and  other  sources,  there  can  be 
no  doubt  whatever  that  the  civilization  of  Mesopotamia  and 
Syria  not  only  synchronized  with  the  earliest  known  in  Babylonia, 
but  also  that  these  are  the  lands  whence  the  Semitic-Babylonians 
came.46  Not  only  do  the  antediluvian  kings  of  Babylonia  bear 
West  Semitic  names,  but  also  the  first  five  known  rulers  of  the  Kish 
dynasty.  Lugal-Marda,  one  of  the  kings  of  the  early  Erech 
dynasty,  conquered  Tidanum  or  Tidnum,  an  early  name  of 
Amurru.47  This  is  the  land  of  JJumbaba,  with  whom  Gilgamesh 
fought.48  Mari,  on  the  Euphrates,  was  the  capital  of  I-[sh]ar- 
Shamash,  (previously  read  .  .  . -um-Shamash) ,  who  called  himself 
patesi-gal  of  Enlil.49  In  the  time  of  Eannatum  this  city  was  allied 


44  King,  Sumer  and  Akkad,  24  ff. 
46  Breasted,  Scientific  Monthly,  1919,  p.  577. 

46  Clay,  Amurru  the  Home  of  the  Northern  Semites,  and  The  Empire  of  the 
Amorites. 
"Poebel,  #T117. 

48  See  the  Empire  of  the  Amorites,  p.  87,  and  Jastrow-Clay,  An    Old    Baby- 
lonian Version  of  the  Gilgamesh  Epic,  p.  25. 

49  CT  5.  2. 


256  .  Albert  T.  Clay 

with  Akshak  against  him;50  and  Sargon  informs  us  that  he  captured 
Mari.61  In  a  paper  published  more  than  a  decade  ago  on  the  study 
of  the  names  of  the  Nisin  rulers,  the  writer  advanced  the  view 
that  Nisin  was  ruled  by  Western  Semites.52  A  few  years  later 
Barton  published  an  inscription  which  confirmed  this  conjecture, 
showing  that  Ishbi-Urra,  the  founder  of  the  dynasty,  was  'a  man 
from  Mari.'53  In  other  words,  like  Eannatum  of  Lagash,  who  made 
Kish  the  seat  of  his  Empire,  Ishbi-Urra  of  Mari  made  Nisin  his 
capital.  Then  followed  the  suggestion,  since  Ishar-Shamash,  king 
of  Mari,  called  himself  patesi-gal  of  Enlil,  that  possibly  Mari  may 
well  have  been  the  seat  of  a  Babylonian  kingdom.54  Such  a  view 
is  now  confirmed  by  Legrain's  fragment  of  a  dynastic  list  referred 
to  above.55  The  fragment  shows  beyond  doubt  that  Mari  was 
the  capital  of  Babylonia  centuries  before  Sargon's  time;  and  that 
it  was  one  of  the  eleven  capitals  of  early  kingdoms.  Amurru  thus 
steps  upon  the  scene  as  an  actual  Empire  in  the  fourth  millennium 
B.  C. 

In  this  connection  still  another  discovery  recently  made  should 
be  mentioned.  In  a  text  published  by  Schroeder,  the  city  Mari 
is  equated  with  shadu  erinu,  'cedar  mountain',  and  with  main  hatti, 
which  seems  to  imply  that  the  land  of  the  Hittites  and  very 
probably  the  Lebanon  region  were  at  one  time  dominated  by  the 
city  Mari.65* 

Legrain's  tablet  not  only  conclusively  shows  that  the  history 
and  culture  of  Amurru  had  a  great  antiquity,  settling  this  matter 
beyond  any  further  cavil,  as  well  as  the  fact  that  the  Amorite 
civilization  was  already  ancient  when  it  is  claimed  Arabs  first 
began  to  pour  into  Syria  and  Mesopotamia,56  but  also  the  fact  that 


60  RA  III.  106  ff. 

61  HOT  34,  col  5,  and  6.  4. 

62  JAOS  28.  142. 

63  Barton,  Babylonian  Texts,  9.  2. 

64  See  Poebel,  HT  101;  and  The  Empire  of  the  Amorites,  pp.  104,  107. 
66  Museum  Journal,  Dec.  1920,  175  ff. 

56a  See  MDOG  35. 183  :  11.  The  writer's  attention  was  called  to  this  passage 
by  Dr.  W.  F.  Albright. 

66  See  Clay,  Empire  of  the  Amorites,  27  ff.  Winckler's  thousand-year  period- 
ical disgorging  theory,  to  account  for  the  Semites  in  Syria  and  Babylonia, 
which  has  been  adopted  by  so  many,  finds  no  support  as  investigations  proceed. 
The  ultimate  origin  of  the  Semites  may  be  Arabia,  Abyssinia,  or  Armenia,  as 
certain  scholars  have  maintained  (see  Barton,  Semitic  Origins,  and  JAOS  35, 
214  ff.;  Noeldeke,  Encyclopedia  Britannica,  XXVI,  p.  640,  etc.),  but  historical 


The  Antiquity  of  Babylonian  Civilization  257 

the  city  Mari,  played  such  an  important  r61e  in  Babylonian  history 
furnishes  proof  for  a  very  important  link  in  the  writer's  theory  con- 
cerning the  Amorite  origin  of  the  Semitic  Babylonian  culture.57 

The  idea  that  the  Semitic  Babylonian  was  the  language  brought 
by  the  Arabs  with  them  from  the  desert  into  Babylonia,  and  that  it 
there  developed,  under  certain  influences,  into  what  was  later 
called  Akkadian,  finds  no  support  in  a  study  of  the  language.  The 
close  affinity  of  the  Semitic  Babylonian  to  the  Hebrew  and  Ara- 
maic, as  against  the  Arabic,  has  been  fully  demonstrated.  But 
what  is  more  to  the  point  in  this  connection  is  the  fixed  character 
of  the  grammatical  peculiarities  of  the  language  in  the  earliest 
inscriptions,  so  distinct  from  the  other  Semitic  groups,  which  makes 
it  appear  reasonable  to  infer  that  it  had  a  long  development  under 
Sumerian  influences  prior  to  the  earliest  known  period.  And 
what  is  true  of  the  language  is  also  true  of  the  script.  The  study 
of  the  phonograms  used  in  the  inscriptions  of  the  Akkad  dynasty, 
those  used  in  the  Semitic  inscriptions  of  the  same  era  found  in 
Elam,  and  those  belonging  to  the  period  of  the  Ur  dynasty,58 
especially  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  Semites  employed  many 
phonetic  values  which  the  Sumerians  did  not  have,  permits  us  to 

or  archaeological  data  do  not  show  that  a  wave  from  the  desert  furnished 
Babylonia  with  its  first  Semites,  in  the  dynasty  of  Sargon,  about  2500  B.  C., 
nor  Syria  and  Mesopotamia  with  Arabs,  called  Hebrews,  Amorites,  Moabites, 
and  Edomites  about  1500  B.  C.  (Luckenbill,  Biblical  World,  1910,  p.  22, 
and  AJSL  28,  p.  154);  nor  that  the  Hebrews  represent  one  of  these  'wild 
hordes  from  the  Arabian  wilderness,'  whom  a  wave  of  migration  brought 
into  Palestine  between  1400  and  1200  B.  C.  (Breasted,  Ancient  Times,  pp.  102, 
104,  200  f.).  For  other  recent  references  to  the  theory  see  Rogers,  History  of 
Babylonia  and  Assyria,  2,  p.  6;  Macalister,  Civilization  in  Palestine,  p.  27; 
King,  History  of  Babylon,  p.  125,  etc. 

67  In  Legrain's  discovery  support  is  also  found  for  the  idea  advanced  by 
the  writer  that  the  deity  of  the  city  Mari  is  Mari,  which  is  also  written  Mar, 
Marki,  Mer,  Me-*ir,  Mi-ir;   with  the  common  interchange  of  mem  and  waw 
written  We-4r,  also  11  (see  Empire,  p.  71  f.).     And  since  Mar-tu=  Amurru, 
which  interchanges  with  Mar  (see  Empire,  p.  68),  it  follows  that  like  Ami  and 
Antu,  which  apparently  were  the  deities  of  the  city  now  called  'Anah  and 
Anathoth,  below  the  city  Mari  on  the  Euphrates,  Mar  and  Martu  were  identi- 
fied with  that  city.     Further,  this  discovery  supports  the  view  that  the  name 
Amurru,  which  was  also  written  Tltf  or  Uru  (see  Amurru,  p.  102),  was  very 
probably  given  to  the  geographical  extension  of  Amurru  into  Babylonia, 
doubtless  at  the  time  the  Amorites  held  sway  over  that  land;   especially  be- 
cause the  same  cuneiform  ideogram  BUR-BUR  stood  for  "Ori  (later  called 
Akkad)  as  well  as  Amurru  (or  Ari)  {Amurru  p.  104). 

68  Ungnad,  'Materialien  zur  altakkadischen  Sprache/  MVAG  1915,  2. 

17    JAOS  41 


258  Albert  T.  Clay 

conclude  also  that  while  the  Semitic  syllabary  goes  back  to  the 
Sumerian,  its  wide  divergence  already  in  this  early  age  implies 
that  it  had  been  adopted  long  anterior  to  the  period  to  which  the 
earliest  Semitic  inscriptions  belong. 

It  must  be  regarded  as  unfortunate  that  such  Semitic  centres  as 
Opis  and  Akkad,  which  did  not  flourish  in  later  periods,  not  only 
have  not  been  excavated,  but  are  not  even  definitely  located;  and 
that  only  a  little  work  has  thus  far  been  done  at  Kish.  Genouillac 
in  1912  spent  some  weeks  excavating  at  El  Ohemir,  the  mounds 
covering  that  ancient  city;  but  the  material  he  discovered  remains 
unpublished  in  Constantinople.  A  Semitic  inscription  on  stone, 
however,  belonging  to  the  archaic  period,  apparently  found  at 
Kish  or  Delehem,  was  published  by  Nies.59  It  is  a  list  of  sales  of 
certain  pieces  of  land,  and  is  one  of  the  earliest  Semitic  inscriptions 
known.  From  paleographical  evidence,  it  appears  to  have  been 
written  many  centuries  before  the  time  of  Sargon.  But  the  Semitic 
inscription  which  the  ancient  scribe  copied  from  a  statue  of  Lugal- 
zaggisi  at  Nippur60  would  be  sufficient  to  show  that  the  Semitic 
language  was  written  before  Sargon's  time. 

Certainly  those  who  hold  that  the  Semitic  inhabitants  in  Baby- 
lonia and  Amurru  owed  their  presence  there  to  successive  waves 
from  Arabia  will  find  little  justification  for  their  views  in  a  study 
of  the  Semitic  Babylonian  syllabary;  and  especially  for  the  claim 
that  after  the  conquest  of  Sargon,  his  nomad  tribesmen  from  Ara- 
bia dropped  their  unsettled  life,  forsook  their  tents,  and  took  up 
fixed  abodes,  when  'a  Semitic  language  began  to  be  written  for 
the  first  time'.61  Such  views  must  be  abandoned. 

The  glimpse  that  the  early  historians  give  us  into  the  earliest 
known  period  in  Babylonian  history  enables  us  to  determine  not 
only  that  the  tribal  state  had  long  since  passed,  and  that  the  days 
of  independent  city-states  were  over,  but  that  imperialism  was 
already  well  established.  We  find  North  and  South  united,  and 
governed  by  a  central  authority.  We  find  the  Semite  ruling  the 
Sumerian.  While,  as  already  mentioned,  the  first  known  rulers 
of  the  Kish  dynasty  bear  Semitic  names,  those  of  the  last  ten  of 
the  twenty-three  are  written  in  Sumerian.  En-me-nun-na,  the 
first  bearing  a  Sumerian  name,  is  not  called  the  son  of  Baliqam 


69  Nies  and  Keiser,  Historical,  Religious  and  Economic  Texts,  No.  2. 

60  See  HOT  34,  col.  10.  4  ff . 

61  Breasted,  Ancient  Times,  p.  123. 


The  Antiquity  of  Babylonian  Civilization  259 

(who  was  the  son  of  Etana),  which  may  mean  that  he  was  an 
usurper.  It  is  not  improbable  also,  although  his  name  was  written 
in  Sumerian,  that  it  was  Semitic.  We  find  the  temple  Eanna  at 
Erech,  so  prominently  mentioned  in  the  literature  and  history  of 
the  land,  not  only  already  in  existence  in  this  early  period,  but 
that  it  gave  its  name  to  the  second  known  dynasty.  How  much 
earlier  Eanna  had  been  established,  and  how  many  other  of  the 
well-known  temples  were  then  in  existence,  we  cannot  surmise  at 
present.  And  it  should  be  added  that  several  of  the  kings  of  the 
earliest  two  known  dynasties  had  made  such  an  impression  upon 
their  age  by  their  powerful  deeds  that  they  have  been  immortalized 
in  literature  and  art,  not  confined  to  the  history  of  Babylonia. 

The  glimpse  we  get  into  this  early  chapter  of  Babylonian  history 
not  only  affords  material  for  reflection,  but  it  is  suggestive  of  many 
questions  that  we  should  like  to  see  solved.  We  ask  ourselves 
what  was  the  impelling  force  in  the  political  development  which 
brought  about  the  formation  of  this  Empire?  Was  this  hegemony 
due  to  one  race  or  religious  centre,  desiring  power  and  tribute 
after  having  triumphed  over  the  other?  Had  the  open  and  defence- 
less character  of  the  country  anything  to  do  with  the  union  of  the 
city-states?  Was  the  desire  to  have  a  central  authority  due  to 
prudential  reasons,  so  that  their  irrigation  system  could  be  prop- 
erly regulated;  for  we  know  that  in  this  land,  where  the  rainfall 
is  so  small,  life  is  dependent  upon  the  rivers?  As  investigations 
proceed  and- other  sites  are  excavated,  more  light  upon  the  situa- 
tion may  be  expected;  but  with  it  more  problems  to  be  solved  will 
arise. 

It  has  been  assumed  by  Poebel  that  the  ascendency  of  Kish 
followed  the  deluge.  It  is  not  improbable  that  the  inundation 
which  made  such  an  impression  upon  the  ancient  Babylonians  did 
shortly  precede;  although  it  is  also  probable  that  the  list  simply 
marks  the  beginning  of  the  first  hegemony,  or  the  first  one  of  the 
postdiluvian  period.  Of  course  no  one  would  attempt  to  assert 
that  there  was  not  a  period  when  the  settlements  of  people  grad- 
ually developed  into  cities,  and  existed  as  independent  principal- 
ities. Babylonian  civilization  did  not  rise  like  a  deus  ex  machina. 

In  the  fragmentary  creation  myth  found  in  the  Nippur  library, 
and  published  by  Poebel,  it  is  said  that  the  creator  'founded  five 
cities  in  clean  places.'  All  but  one62  of  these  cities  are  known  or 
identified.  Larak,  the  Larancha  mentioned  by  Berosus  as  the  city 

62  Bad -\-nagar-dis,  HT  43. 


260  Albert  T.  Clay 

in  which  three  of  the  antediluvian  kings  ruled,  does  not  seem  to 
have  been  mentioned  in  the  postdiluvian  periods,  except  in  the 
contracts  of  the  time  of  Artaxerxes  I  and  Darius  II.  In  one  of 
these  texts  we  are  informed  that  the  city  was  on  the  bank  of  the 
'old  Tigris'.63  Shurippak,  another  of  the  cities,  was  the  home  of 
the  Babylonian  Noah.  Fara,  on  the  Shatt  el-Kar,  which  was  once 
the  Euphrates,  is  identified  as  that  city.64  The  excavations  at  this 
site  by  Koldewey  and  Andrae  have  yielded  inscribed  material  of 
a  very  archaic  period.65  The  other  two  cities,  Eridu  and  Sippar, 
are  well  known;  the  creation  stories  prominently  mention  also 
Nippur  and  Erech.  Naturally,  these  myths  are  based  upon  late 
impressions  concerning  the  antiquity  of  these  cities. 

Nippur  is,  doubtless,  one  of  the  earliest  cities  of  the  plain.  The 
legend  connecting  Lugal-Marda,  a  king  of  the  second  dynasty, 
with  the  theft  of  the  tablets  of  fate  from  the  palace  of  Enlil;66 
the  reference  in  the  early  Babylonian  version  of  the  Gilgamesh  epic 
in  which  Enkidu  tells  the  hero,  'Enlil  has  decreed  for  thee  the  king- 
ship over  men';67  as  well  as  references  to  Nippur  and  her  deity, 
would  seem  to  imply  that  the  position  of  Enlil  as  'the  lord  of 
lands'  was  established,  doubtless,  long  before  the  hegemony  of 
Kish  was  created.  We  know  that  when  Babylon  secured  the 
hegemony  in  Hammurabi's  time,  the  latter  endeavored  to  rob 
Enlil  of  his  position.  Nippur  was  so  well  established  long  before 
the  ascendency  of  Kish  as  the  chief  sanctuary  of  the  land,  that  it 
had  maintained  its  position  until  the  time  of  Hammurabi.  At 
present  there  is  nothing  known  upon  which  even  a  plausible  con- 
jecture can  be  based  as  to  why  Nippur  and  her  deity  came  to 
occupy  this  unique  position  in  Babylonia.  Moreover,  when  we 
reflect  upon  the  discoveries  made  by  Haynes  in  the  strata  beneath 
Naram-Sin's  level,  in  connection  with  other  discoveries  made  else- 
where, we  begin  to  realize  that  two  thousand  five  hundred  years 
is  an  extremely  low  estimate  for  the  period  represented  by  the 
thirty  feet  of  accumulations  below  that  ruler's  pavement. 

Whether  prior  to  the  establishment  of  this  urban  civilization 
there  was  a  tribal  state  in  Babylonia  remains  to  be  determined. 


«  Clay,  MrsDrs,  II.  181.  7. 

64  Hommel,  Grundriss,  p.  264. 

65  See  MDOG  15.  9  f.,  17.  4  f. 

66  See  KB  46  ff . 

67  See  Jastrow  and  Clay,  An  Old  Babylonian  Version  of  the  Gilgamesh  Epic, 
p.  68. 


The  Antiquity  of  Babylonian  Civilization  261 

Certainly  prior  to  the  time  when  Kish  secured  the  dominancy  of 
the  land  there  must  have  been  a  long  period,  at  the  beginning  of 
which  the  Semites  entered  the  country.  With  their  knowledge  of 
irrigation,  they  gradually  harnessed  the  rivers  and  made  it  possible 
to  establish  the  first  settlements  in  the  alluvium.  It  was  during  this 
period  that  the  land  was  entered  by  the  Sumerians,  who,  according 
to  the  belief  of  certain  scholars,  assimilated  the  civilization  of  the 
conquered  by  adopting  their  Semitic  gods,  and  imposed  upon  them 
at  the  same  time  their  own  advanced  culture,68  which  had  its 
origin  and  development  elsewhere,  perhaps  in  Central  Asia. 

Egyptian  archaeologists  inform  us  that  pre-historic  man  lived 
in  the  terraces  along  the  Nile;  and  that  the  alluvium  was  formed 
only  about  six  to  eight  thousand  B.  C.  It  is  not  improbable  that 
this  was  about  the  time  the  alluvium  of  the  Tigro-Euphrates  valley 
was  ready  to  receive  man.  Prior  to  his  entrance  upon  this  deposit 
it  is  reasonable  to  hold  that  he  occupied  the  regions  further  up  the 
two  rivers.  Above  Hit,  where  the  alluvium  begins,  there  are  nat- 
ural agricultural  districts,  not  only  close  to  the  rivers,  but  also 
over  widespread  areas.  For  example,  Willcox,  who  has  studied 
the  rivers  in  the  interests  of  his  engineering  undertakings,  was  so 
impressed  with  agricultural  possibilities  of  the  region  south  of 
'Anah  that  he  has  attempted  to  locate  'the  Garden  of  Eden'  in 
this  region.  Five  or  six  thousand  years  ago,  before  the  'degrada- 
tion of  the  cataracts',  he  tells  us,  in  this  country  there  was  a  free 
flow  for  irrigation  purposes.69  It  was  here  that  the  Semite  who 

68  See  Edward  Meyer,  Sumerier  und  Semiten,  whose  chief  argument  is  that 
the  bald  and  beardless  Sumerians  pictured  their  gods  with  hair  and  beards 
after  the  manner  of  the  Semites.     This  position  seems  to  be  verified  more 
and  more  as  we  become  acquainted  with  the  material  from  the  early  period. 

69  From  the  Garden  of  Eden  to  the  Crossing  of  the  Jordan,  3  ff.     The  statement 
has  recently  been  made  that  agriculturally  this  country  could  not  support  a 
kingdom.     This  observation  must  be  due  to  the  fact  that  the  road  which  the 
observer  took  is  for  the  greater  part  far  removed  from  the  river.     Sir  William 
Willcox's  description  of  this  country  is:   'Garden  succeeds  garden,  orchards 
and  date-groves  lie  between  fields  of  corn  or  cotton,  and  life  and  prosperity 
are  before  us  wherever  the  water  can  reach.     Though  to-day,  owing  to  the 
degradation  of  the   cataracts — a   degradation  whose  steady   progress   was 
noticed  by  the  writers  of  the  Augustan  age, — water-wheels  are  necessary  to 
irrigate  gardens,  the  benches  of  river  deposit  above  the  highest  floods  of  our 
time  prove  that  in  days  not  very  remote  the  water  led  off  from  above  the 
cataracts  irrigated  with  free  flow  gardens  situated  a  little  down-stream  of 
them  and  out  of  reach  of  the  floods.    Such  was  the  Garden  of  Eden  of  the 
Bible. '     '  In  the  tract  stretching  from  this  reach  of  the  Euphrates  to  Damascus 
wild  wheat,  too,  has  its  home.' 


262  Albert  T.  Clay 

moved  into  the  plain  of  Shinar  very  probably  learned  the  art  of 
irrigation. 

The  first  people  who  moved  into  Babylonia  had  little  or  no 
chance  to  develop  large  settlements,  because  each  year  the  floods 
would  drive  them  away.  The  rivers  had  to  be  harnessed  and  the 
floods  controlled  before  permanent  settlements  were  possible. 
This  involved  the  intelligent  and  united  effort  of  many,  having 
considerable  knowledge  of  natural  laws,  and  a  people  who  were 
amenable  to  regulations  upon  which  they  had  agreed.  It  was 
necessary  not  only  for  the  individual  to  cooperate  with  his  neigh- 
bor, but  also  for  the  urban  communities  to  cooperate  with  each 
other  in  their  effort  to  control  the  floods.  This  being  true,  no  other 
conclusion  can  be  reached  than  that  civilization  had  its  dawn  in 
a  remoter  period;  nor  may  we  assume  that  there  was  a  period  in 
Babylonia  when  people  lived  in  a  state  of  savagery. 

The  important  work  that  lies  immediately  before  us,  besides 
deciphering  and  publishing  the  tens  of  thousands  of  records  already 
recovered,  is  the  excavation  of  a  certain  number  of  well-selected 
sites  in  Western  and  Central  Asia;  so  that  we  can  gradually 
recover  knowledge  concerning  their  lost  civilizations.70  Of  the 


70  In  Babylonia  there  are  thousands  of  square  miles  of  territory  which  have 
not  even  been  explored.  Captain  Bertram  Thomas,  an  Assistant  Political 
Officer,  who  had  been  stationed  at  Kalat  Sikar  on  the  Shatt  el-Hai,  informed 
the  writer  that  on  a  journey  through  the  vast  territory  east  of  that  river  he 
found  the  dry  beds  of  four  great  canals  paralleling  the  Shatt  el-Hai,  the 
shores  of  which  were  lined  with  hundreds  of  tells;  and  yet  only  three  ancient 
sites  are  recorded  on  the  maps  of  that  entire  region;  namely,  Tello,  Surgul, 
and  El-Hibba.  Four  expeditions  have  been  conducted  at  Nippur,  lasting  a 
little  over  five  years.  With  as  large  a  force  as  has  been  used,  it  will  require 
nearly  a  century  to  complete  the  excavations  at  that  site.  Erech,  Ur,  and 
many  other  sites  will  require  as  much  time.  While  Hall  was  digging  at  Ur, 
two  years  ago,  he  sent  a  gang  to  attack  a  small  mound  several  miles  north  of 
that  city,  called  Tell  Obeid,  too  small  to  have  been  recorded  on  the  maps. 
Almost  at  once  they  came  upon  bronze  objects  of  the  early  period,  which  are 
more  remarkable  than  any  yet  found  in  Babylonia.  The  country  is  literally 
covered  with  larger  and  smaller  tells.  The  same  is  true  of  ancient  Assyria. 
Some  work  has  been  done  at  a  few  major  mounds,  but  hundreds  remain  unre- 
corded in  any  form.  In  digging  graves  a  native  found  some  bronze  objects 
in  a  low  and  insignificant  mound  south  of  Nineveh,  called  Balawat,  which 
when  later  excavated  proved  to  be  a  palace  of  Shalmaneser  III,  where  the 
now  famous  bronze  gates  were  found.  East  of  Assyria  the  country  is  covered 
with  thousands  of  tells  representing  ancient  civilizations;  in  one  or  several  of 
these  we  may  discover  the  oldest  traces  of  the  Sumerian  civilization. 


The  Antiquity  of  Babylonian  Civilization  263 

thousands  of  mounds  in  Western  Asia  outside  of  Babylonia  and 
south  of  Carchemish,  systematic  excavations  have  been  conducted 
only  at  two  in  Elam;  and  excepting  Palestine,  at  not  a  single  one 
in  Syria  and  Mesopotamia  proper. 

It  is  the  opinion  of  the  writer  that  when  such  sites  as  Aleppo, 
or  some  of  the  many  tells  in  its  vicinity,  Byblos,  Haran,  Werdi 
(the  ancient  Mari),71  'Anah,  and  other  sites  on  the  Euphrates,  are 
excavated,  we  shall  find  that  the  ancient  culture  of  Syria  and 
Mesopotamia,  known  as  Amurru  in  ancient  times,  synchronized 
with  the  earliest  found  in  Egypt,  and  that  it  was  indigenous,  and 
not  dependent  culturally  upon  what  happened  to  drift  in  from  the 
so-called  Egypto-Babylonian  group. 

m  Clay,  Empire  of  the  Amorites,  p.  110. 


THE  KASHMIRIAN   ATHARVA-VEDA,   BOOK  EIGHT 
EDITED  WITH  CRITICAL  NOTES 

LEROY  CARR  BARRET 

TRINITY  COLLEGE,  HARTFORD,  CONN. 

INTRODUCTION 

IN  EDITING  this  eighth  book  of  the  Kashmirian  Atharva-Veda 
the  material  is  presented  in  the  manner  used  in  editing  Books  5 
and  7  (published  in  volumes  37  and  40  of  this  JOURNAL).  The 
transliteration  (in  italics)  is  not  given  line  for  line  but  is  continuous, 
with  the  number  of  each  line  in  brackets.  About  forty  per  cent  of 
the  ms  has  now  been  published.  When  the  numerous  unsolved 
passages  are  contemplated,  little  satisfaction  can  be  felt  in  pub- 
lishing these  successive  books:  but  in  the  larger  aspects,  when  the 
Paippalada  is  compared  with  other  texts,  the  work  appears  more 
worth  doing  and  it  seems  possible  that  some  valuable  results  will 
ultimately  be  attainable. 

The  abbreviations  employed  are  the  usual  ones,  except  that  '&' 
is  used  to  refer  to  the  AV  of  the  Saunakiya  School,  and  'ms'  (sic) 
is  used  for  manuscript.  The  signs  of  punctuation  used  in  the  ms 
are  fairly  represented  by  the  vertical  bar  (  =  colon)  and  the  'z' 
(  =  period);  the  Roman  period  is  used  for  virdma]  daggers  indi- 
cate a  corrupt  reading;  asterisks  indicate  lacunae. 

Of  the  ms. — This  eighth  book  in  the  Kashmir  ms  begins  on 
f!04bl  and  ends  at  f  11  Ib20— seven  and  one  half  folios.  There 
is  no  defacement  of  any  consequence;  most  of  the  pages  have  19 
or  20  lines,  tho  3  have  18  lines  and  one  has  21. 

Punctuation,  numbers,  etc. — Within  the  individual  hymns  punc- 
tuation is  most  irregular:  the  colon  mark  is  a  few  times  placed 
below  the  line  of  letters  rather  than  in  it.  At  fllOa,  lines  11  and  12, 
accents  are  marked  on  two  padas.  The  hymns  are  grouped  in 
anuvakas,  of  which  there  are  four  with  five  hymns  in  each :  anu  1 
no  5  has  no  kanda  number  after  it  but  only  anu  5  (sic),  and 
similarly  after  anu  4  no  5  there  is  written  only  anu  5.  There  are 
only  a  few  corrections  marginal  or  interlinear.  At  the  end  of 
hymn  no  9  stands  some  prose  which  does  not  seem  to  be  a  part 
of  the  hymn:  the  ms  however  gives  no  indication  of  this.  After 
the  numeral  stands  'apnupavrahmasuktam.l  zz'  and  in  the  left 
margin  is  a  star  and  the  words  'vrahmasuktarh  karananV  At 


The  Kashmirian  Atharva-Veda  265 

the  bottom  of  f!07b  in  smaller  characters  and  in  parentheses  is 
written  a  variant  of  hymn  10  st  12  which  is  given  in  lines  17  and 
18  of  f 107b. 

Extent  of  the  book. — This  book  contains  20  hymns  of  which  2  are 
prose.  The  normal  number  of  stanzas  in  a  hymn  is  clearly  11; 
17  hymns  are  edited  as  having  11  stanzas  each,  tho  in  5  or  6  of 
these  there  is  some  slight  chance  for  doubts.  Assuming  the  cor- 
rectness of  the  stanza  divisions  as  edited  below  we  make  the 
following  table : 

17  hymns  have  11  stanzas  each  =  187  stanzas 

1  hymn  has      12  stanzas  =     12 

2  hymns  have  13  stanzas  each  =    26 

20  hymns  have  225  stanzas. 

New  and  old  material. — There  are  11  hymns  of  this  book  which 
may  be  called  new,  tho  two  of  them  embody  material  appearing 
as  complete  hymns  in  S,  and  others  contain  some  stanzas  or  padas 
already  familiar.  The  number  of  essentially  new  stanzas  is  114 
and  the  new  padas  are  approximately  467. 

Of  the  hymns  of  S  appearing  in  this  book  2  are  in  §  4,  4  in  §  5, 
1  in  §  6,  and  2  in  S  19;  and  2  hymns  of  the  RV  appear  here. 
§  6.25  is  used  as  part  of  our  hymn  16  and  S  19.2  as  part  of  our 
hymn  8. 

ATHARVA-VEDA  PAIPPALADA-SAKHA 
BOOK  EIGHT 

1 
(§5.11) 

[f!04bl]  athd$tamam  likhyate  z  z  om  namo  ndrdyandya  z  om 
namas  sivdbha-[2]gavatydi  z  z  om  kayd  diva  asurdya  pravdmah 
kathd  pitre  harayes  tve-[3]sunrmnah  \  prsnir  varuna  dak§indm 
daddvdn  punarmaghatvam  manasd  cikitse  \  [4]  na  kdmena  punar- 
magho  bhavdmi  samprschi  kam  prschim  etdm  updjet.  \  kena  [5]  ma 
tvam  atharvam  kdvyena  kena  jdtendsi  jdtaveddh  satvasam  gabhlran 
kdvyena  satvam  [6]  jdtendsmi  jdtaveddh  ma  me  ddso  ndryo 
mahitvam  vratar  mimdya  yad  aham  ha-[7]nisya  na  tvad  anyah 
kivitaro  na  vedhd  anu  dhirataro  varuna  svadhdvah  tvam  anga  visvd 
[8]  janmdni  vettha  matam  na  tuj  jano  mam  vibhdyah  z  tvam  hy 
anga  varuna  svadhdvo  [9]  visvd  vettha  janmd  sraddhadanl  te  \  kimm 


266  LeRoy  Carr  Barret 

end  rajasa§  paro  sti  kim  avarend  [10]  avaram  asura  \  ya  ekam  end 
rajasa§  paro  sti  parekena  duddhyam  tyajanyat.  [11]  tatve  vidvdn 
varuna§  pravravlm  adhovacasas  panayo  bhavantu  nlclr  mdsd  [12] 
yd  upa  sarpantu  riprd  tvam  hy  anga  varuna  vravlsi  \  punarmaghe§v 
avadydni  bhu-[\3]ri  so  kha  pdnvad  bhyavatdvacd  bhur  md  tvd  vocamn 
arddhassam  jandsah  a  md  vo-[14]camn  arddhassam  jandsah  punas 
te  prsnim  janabhir  daddsi  \  stotram  mesvam  d  yd-[15]hi  jane§v  antar 
devesu  manusesu  riprd  \  yd  te  stotrdni  bandhandni  ydni  de-[16]hi 
tarn  mahyam  yaditatvam  asti  \  yadyo  nas  saptapatas  sakhdsas 
samdno  ba-[l7]ndhur  varunas  samd  jdh  vada  vditad  vamdam  samd 
jd  dajdmi  tubhyam  yaditatva-[lS]m  asti  \  devo  devdya  grnate  vayodhd 
vipro  viprdya  stuvate  sumedhdh  a-[19]jijano  hi  varuna  svadhdvam 
atharvanam  pitaram  visvadevam  tasmd  urvd-[flQ5a]yu§  krnuhi 
prasastam  sakhd  no  sti  varunas  ca  bandhuh  z  1  z  • 

For  the  introductory  phrase  and  invocation  read:  athastamarh 
likhyate  z  z  oih  namo  narayanaya  z  om  namas  ^ivabhagavatyai  z 

For  the  hymn  read:  om  katha  divyayasuraya  pravadah  katha 
pitre  haraye  tvesanrmnah  |  prsnim  varuna  daksinam  dadavah 
punarmaghatvam  manasa  cikitse  z  1  z  na  kamena  punarmagho 
bhavami  samprcche  kam  prsnim  etam  upaje  |  kena  sa  tvam 
atharvan  kavyena  kena  jatenasi  jatavedah  z  2  z  satyam  aham 
gabhlras  kavyena  satyam  jatenasmi  jatavedah  |  na  me  daso 
naryo  mahitva  vratarh  mimaya  yad  aham  dharisye  z  3  z  na  tvad 
anyah  kavitaro  na  vedha  anyo  dhirataro  varuna  svadhavah  | 
tvam  anga  visva  janmani  vettha  sa  cin  nu  tvaj  jano  mayl  bibhaya 
z  4  z  tvam  hy  anga  varuna  svadhavo  visva  vettha  janma 
t^raddhadanite  |  kim  ena  rajasas  paro  'sti  kim  avarenavaram 
amura  z  5  z  yad  ekam  ena  rajasas  paro  'sti  para  ekena  fdudahyam 
cid  anyat  |  tat  te  vidvan  varunas  pra  vravimy  adhovacasas 
panayo  bhavantu  mcair  dasa  ya  upa  sarpantu  fripra  z  6  z  tvam 
hy  anga  varuna  vravlsi  punarmaghesv  avadyani  bhuri  |  mo  §u 
fpanv  abhy  etavato  bhur  ma  tva  vocann  aradhasam  janasah  z  7 
z  ma  ma  vocann  aradhasam  janasah  punas  te  prsnim  jaritar 
dadami  |  stotram  me  visvam  a  yahi  janesv  antar  devesu  manusesu 
vipra  z  8  z  ya  te  stotrani  bandhanani  yany  antar  devesu  manusesu 
vipra  |  dehi  tan  mahyam  yad  adattam  asti  yujyo  nas  saptapadas 
sakhasah  z  9  z  sama  nau  bandhur  varuna  sama  ja  veda  vaitad 
t vamdam  sama  ja  |  dadami  tubhyam  yad  adattam  asti  yujyas  te 
saptapadas  sakhasmi  z  10  z  devo  devaya  grnate  vayodha  vipro 
vipraya  stuvate  sumedhah  |  ajijano  hi  varuna  svadhavann  athar- 
vanam pitaram  vai^vadevam  |  tasma  urvayus  krnuhi  prasastam 
sakha  no  'sti  varuna^  ca  bandhuk  z  11  z  1  z 


The  Kashmirian  Atharva-Veda  267 

In  st  la  the  correction  pravadab  is  very  uncertain;  the  ms 
points  rather  to  a  form  of  bru.  Edgerton  suggests  bravama. 
In  5b  it  is  possible  that  the  ms  has  only  a  corruption  of  the  § 
form  supranite:  and  in  6b  perhaps  durnasam  as  in  §  is  intended. 
As  the  hymn  is  very  unclear  it  is  hard  to  edit  the  Paipp  text  with 
any  confidence. 

2 

(8  5.13) 

vr§d  me  ravo  [2]  rabhasd  ni  tanyatur  ugrena  tarn  vacasd  bddhdi  in 
te  |  aham  tarn  asya  grabhir  agrabha  rasam  jyo-[3]ti§eva  tapasod 
ayatu  suryah  \ 

With  na  for  ni  pada  a  can  stand,  tho  rabhasa  is  suspicious;  in 
b  read  badhe:  in  c  grbhir  agrabham  seems  good,  in  d  etu. 

yat  te  modaka  visam  tat  tdbhir  agrabham  grhridmi  madhya-[4]m 
utdvasam  bhiyasd  nesad  dtu  te  \ 

In  a  modakam  would  not  seem  good;  read  'podakam  with  S; 
in  b  tat  ta  etabhir :  in  c  I  would  supply  from  §  and  read  madh- 
yamam  uttamam  rasam;  for  d  read  utavamam  °  nesad  ad  u  te. 

balena  te  balam  harmi  tarmd  sanmi  te  tamnu  \  r-[5]sena  harmi  te 
visam  ahe  maristd  md  jivl  pratyag  arbhetu  tvd  visam  \ 

In  a  read  hanmi,  for  b  (which  may  be  a  gloss)  tanva  hanmi  te 
tanum,  in  c  visena  hanmi:  in  d  I  would  suggest  marisya,  and 
jivih;  in  e  read  abhy  etu. 

asitasya  [6]  tayimdtasya  babhror  upodakasya  ca  \  mdtrdhastasva 
manyor  jydm  ugrasyava  dhanyano  vi  mu-[7]ncdmi  rathdn  iva  \ 

In  a  read  taimatasya :  in  c  probably  satrasahasya,  in  d  ugrasyeva 
dhanvano.  Padas  ab  occur  Ppp  1.44.  lab. 

kdildt  pr$nir  upatarni  babhuvd  me  sunutdsitallkd  \  [8]  md  nas 
caksus  kdmam  aprsthdtdsydvayddvdu  var§e  ramadhvam  \ 

Probably  the  reading  intended  here  is  that  of  §  with  slight 
variations ;  we  might  read  then :  kairata  prsna  upatrnya  babhrav 
a  me  grnutasita  allkah  |  ma  nas  sakhyus  sthamanam  api  sthata- 
sravayanto  varse  ramadhvam. 

As  given  here  pada  d  lacks  one  syllable;  §  has  ni  vise. 

dlakd  ca  vyacalu  ptvd  [9]  yas  te  mdtd  ca  vidma  te  vidvato  baddhato 
bandhus  sa  rasas  kim  karisyasi  \ 

For  pada  a  I  can  get  nothing;  read  pita  in  b:  f or  c  read  vidma 
te  visvato  bandhu,  in  d  so  'rasas. 

udakuld-[W]yd  duhi  jdtd  jdsvasaghnyd  pratamgarta  druhasm  u§dhm 
arasdn  akah 


268  LeRoy  Carr  Barret 

In  a  read  duhita,  for  b  probably  jata  dasya  asiknyah  as  sug- 
gested by  Whitney:  if  the  first  word  of  pada  c  is  pratankam,  as 
in  S,  the  rest  of  the  pada  might  be  dudruhuslr  tho  the  gender  of 
this  does  not  go  smoothly  with  the  next  pada. 

kanva  [11]  svdvid  avravld  gired  avacarantikd  yah  kdsyemd  khani- 
tramds  tdsdm  ara-[l2]matamam  visam  \ 

Possibly  pada  a  can  stand:  S  has  karna  svavit  tad;  in  b  read 
girer,  in  c  kas  cemah  khanitrimas,  in  d  arasatamam. 

tdvucam  na  tdvucam  naher  asiktam  tdvucendrasam  visam 

With  naher  and  a  colon  after  asiktam  this  may  stand.  §  has 
tabuvam  na  tabuvam  na  ghet  tvam  asi  tabuvam;  the  naher 
asiktam  of  our  ms,  however,  is  probably  only  a  corruption  of  na 
ghed  asi  tvam. 

tastuvam  naha-[l3]r  isiktam  trastuvam  tastuvendrasam  vi§am.z 
It  would  seem  possible  to  read  tastuvam  naher  asiktam  tastuvam. 

rasam  te  he  vi§am  iyam  krnotv  osa-[l4]dhih  trdyamdndm  sahamdndm 

sahasvatls  ahdtdyad  gor  asvdt  purusdd  vi-[l5]sam  z  2  z 

Read:   arasam  te  'he  visam  iyam  krnotv  osadhih  |  trayamanam 

sahamanam  sahasvatim  fahatayad  gor  asvat  purusad  visam  z  11 

z  2  z 

Our  pada  c  is  S  8.2.6c  but  there  iha  huve  follows:   if  the  words 

in  c  were  nominatives  I  would  read  in  d  sa  ghatayad. 

3 

(S  4.9) 

[f!05a!5]  yad  dnjanam  trdikankudam  jdtam  himavatas  pari  \  ydtfn£ 
ca  [16]  sarvdn  jambhaya  sarvds  ca  ydtudhdnyah  utevdsi  paripdnam 
ydtujambha-[l7]nam  dnjanah  utdmrtatvesyesisa  utdsas  pitubhojanam. 
parimdnam  [18]  purusdndm  parimdnam  rakdm  asi  \  asmdndm 
sarvatdmi  pari-  [f  105b]  mdndhi  tastise  \  parlmdm  pari  nas  priyam 
pari  was  pdhy  ad  dhanam  rdtiram  no  ma  td-[2]rin  md  tar  as  kim  cand 
mamat.  na  tarn  prdpnoti  sapatho  na  krtyd  ndbhisocanam.  ndinam 
ni  [3]  niskandham  asnute  yas  tvam  bibharty  dnjanah  dsamartnyd 
dusvapnyd  k§ettriyds  chapathdd  uta  \  dra-[4]hddes  caksuso  ghordt 
tasmdn  nas,  pdhy  anjana  \  trayo  casdmjanasya  takmd  baldsd-[5]d 
ahe  var§isthah  paksatdndm  trikakun  ndma  te  pita  vrtrasydsya 
kanlnikd  parva-[6]tasydsy  aksdu  devebhis  sarvdi  proktam  paridhir 
ndma  vdsi  \  vedo  hi  veda  te  ndma  gandha-[7]rvdparivdcanam  \  yatdn- 
jana  prajdyase  ta  tehy  ari^tatdtaye  z  yadi  [8]  vdsa  trdikakudam  yadi 
vdsanum  ucyase  \  ubhaya  te  bhadrl  ndmnls  tdbhyan  na-[9]§  pdhy 


The  Kashmirian  Atharva-Veda  269 

anjana  yasydnjanah  \  prasarpasy  dngam  angam  parus  paruh  tasmdd 
yak^mam  vi  [10]  bddhadhvam  ugro  madhyamaslr  iva  \  ndino  ghnantu 
parydyano  na  manvd  iva  gaschati  \  [11]  jane  ma  na  pramlyate  yas 
tvam  bibharty  anjana  \  idam  vidvdn  dnjanas  satyam  vaksya-[l2] 
mi  ndnrtam  .  saneyam  asvam  gam  vdsd  dtmdnam  tava  pduru$ah  z  3  z 

Read:  yad  anjanarh  traikakudarh  jatarh  himavatas  pari  | 
yatuns  ca  sarvan  jambhaya  sarvas  ca  yatudhanyah  z  1  z  utaivasi 
paripanam  yatujambhanam  anjana  |  utamrtatvasyesisa  utasas 
pitubhojanam  z  2  z  paripanam  purusanam  paripanam  gavam 
asi  |  asvanam  arvatam  paripanaya  tasthise'z  3  z  parimam  pari 
na§  priyam  pari  nas  pahi  yad  dhanam  |  aratir  no  ma  tarin  ma 
tarit  kim  cana  mamat  z  4  z  na  tarn  prapnoti  sapatho  na  krtya 
nabhisocanam  |  nainam  viskandham  asnute  yas  tvam  bibharty 
anjana  z  5  z  asanmantryad  dusvapnyat  ksetriyac  chapathad  uta  | 
durhardas  caksuso  ghorat  tasman  nas  pahy  anjana  z  6  z  trayo 
dasa  anjanasya  takma  balasa  ad  ahih  |  varsisthah  parvatanarh 
trikakun  nama  te  pita  z  7  z  vrtrasyasi  kaninika  parvatasyasy 
aksyau  devebhis  sarvaih  pr  ok  tarn  paridhir  nama  va  asi  z  8  z 
vedo  hi  veda  te  nama  gandharvaparivadanam  |  yad  anjana 
prajayase  tad  ehy  aristatataye  z  9  z  yadi  vasi  traikakudarh  yadi 
vamanam  ucyase  |  ubhe  te  bhadre  namni  tabhyam  nas  pahy 
anjana  z  10  z  yasy anjana  prasarpasy  angam-angam  parus-paruh  | 
tasmad  yaksmam  vi  badha  tvam  ugro  madhyamaslr  iva  z  11  z 
nainam  ghnanti  paryayino  na  sannah  ava  gacchati  |  jane  sa  na 
pramlyate  yas  tvam  bibharty  anjana  z  12  z  idarii  v  id  van  anjana 
satyam  vaksyami  nanrtam  |  saneyam  asvam  gam  vasa  atmanam 
tava  purusa  z  13  z  3  z 

In  st  2d  Whitney  reports  the  Paipp  reading  as  pitrbhojanam, 
which  is  much  better  than  pitu°;  the  latter  is  not  strong,  if  indeed 
possible.  Our  st  4  is  nearly  S  2.7.4  where  prajam  stands  for  our 
priyam;  parimam  is  probably  correct  and  the  difficulty  in  priyam. 
St  9  here  is  new,  and  perhaps  the  whole  first  hemistich  should  be 
enclosed  in  daggers;  pada  b  is  certainly  not  satisfactory.  St  11 
is  a  variant  of  RV  10.97.12;  the  reading  of  our  ms,  badhadhvam, 
may  be  due  to  influence  of  RV;  if  so  we  might  do  well  to  follow 
S  more  closely.  St  12ab  appears  S  6.76.4;  13cd  appears  RV 
10.97.4. 

4 

(S  5.16) 

[f!05b!3]  ya  ekavrso  si  srjdraso  si  yo  dvivrso  si  \  yas  trvrso  si  yas 
catuvr-[l4:]so  si  yas  pancavrso  sa  yah  sadvrso  si  yas  saptavrso  si  yo 


270  LeRoy  Carr  Barret 

astavr-[l5]so  si  yo  navavrso  si  \  yo  dasavrso  si  \  yiipodako  si  srjaraso 
[16]  si  z  4  z 

Read:  ya  ekavrso  'si  srjaraso  'si  z  1  z  yo  dvivrso  'si  °  °  z  2  z 
yas  trivrso  'si  °  °  z  3  z  yas  caturvrso  'si  °  °  z  4  z  yas  pancavrso 
'si  °  °  z  5  z  yah  sadvrso  'si  °  °  z  6  z  yas  saptavrso  'si  °  °  z  7  z 
yo  astavrso  'si  °  °  z  8  z  yo  navavrso  'si  °  °  z  9  z  yo  dasavrso  'si 

0  z  10  z  yo  'podako  'si  srjaraso  'si  z  11  z  4  z 

5 

(8  5.15) 

[f!05b!6]  ekd  ca  me  dasa  cdpavaktrdrosadhe  yadicdda  da-[l7]tdvari 
madhu  tvd  madhuld  karat,  dve  ca  me  visantis  ca  tisras  ca  me  trinsa- 
[18]s  catasras  ca  me  catvdrisans  ca  \  panca  ca  me  pancdsas  ca  \  sat 
ca  me  sastis  ca  \  [19]  sapta  ca  me  saptatis  ca  \  asta  ca  me  asltis  ca  \ 
nava  ca  me  navatis  ca  \  da-  [flOGa]  sa  ca  me  satam  ca  \  satam  ca 
me  sahasram  cdpavaktrdrosadhe  yadicdda  dhatdvari  ma-[2]dhu  tvd 
madhuld  karat. z  anu  5  z 

Read:  eka  ca  me  dasa  capavaktara  osadhe  |  rtajata  rtavari 
madhu  tva  madhula  karat  z  1  z  dve  ca  me  vinsatis  capavaktara 
0  |  °  °  z  2  z  tisras  ca  me  trinsac  capavaktara  °  |  °  °  z  3  z  catvara^ 
ca  me  catvarinsac  capavaktara  °  |  °  °  z  4  z  panca  ca  me  pancasac 
capavaktara  °  °  z  5  z  sat  ca  me  sasti£  capavaktara  °  °  z  6  z 
sapta  ca  me  saptatis  capavaktara  °  |  °  °  z  7  z  asta  ca  me  aslti£ 
capavaktara  °  |  °  °  z  8  z  nava  ca  me  navatis  capavaktara  °  |  ° 
z  9  z  dasa  ca  me  satam  capavaktara  °  |  °  °  z  10  z  satam  ca  me 
sahasram  capavaktara  osadhe  |  rtajata  rtavari  madhu  tva  madhula 
karat  z  11  z  5  z  anu  1  z 

In  S  the  end  of  the  stanzas  runs  madhu  me  madhula  karah. 

6 

(§  4.20) 

[f!06a2]  a  pasyasi  prati  pasyasi  para  [3]  pasyasi  pasyasi  \  dydm 
antariksam  dd  bhumim  tat  sarvam  devi  pasyasi  z  tisro  diva-[4]s 
tisras  prthivl  sat  cemas  sudiso  mahi  \  tathdham  sarvd  ydt^n  apas- 
ydmi  [5]  devy  osadhe  \  suparnasya  divyasya  tasya  hdsi  kanmikd  \ 
sd  bhumim  dro-[6]her  mahyam  srdntd  vadhur  iva  \  tdvan  me  sahas- 
rdkso  devo  daksine  hastddadat.  \  [7]  tendham  sarvam  pasydmy 
adbhutam  yas  ca  bhavyam  \  yathd  svd  caturakso  yathdsva  sydvo 
rva-[S]tdm  yathdgnir  visvatas  pratyan  evd  tvam  asy  osadhe  \  kas- 
yapasya  caturaksas  syamnyd-[9]s  caturaksd  \  vldhre  suryam  iva 
sarpantam  md  pisdcam  tiras  kara  \  darsaye  [10]  ma  ydtudhdndn 
savaya  ytitudhdnyah  \  dpasprg  eva  tisthantam  darsaya  md  [11]  kiml- 


The  Kashmirian  Atharva-Veda  271 

dinam  tad  agrabham  paripanam  ydtudhdndt  kimldina  \  tenaham 
sarvam  pa-[l2]sydmy  uta  sudram  utaryam  \  yathd  suryas  candra- 
masyd  visvd  bhutd  vipasyata  \\  [13]  evd  vipasyatd  tvam  aghdyun 
mopagdd  iha  \  yo  antariksena  patati  bho-[l4]mls  copasarpati  \  divam 
yo  many  ate  ndtham  tvam  pisdcam  drse  kuru  \  aviskrnu-[\5\sva 
rupdni  mdtmdnam  api  ruhatd  \  evd  sahasracakso  tvam  prati  pasyd- 
[lQ]my  dyata  z  1  z 

Read:  a  pa6yasi  prati  pasyasi  para  pasyasi  pa£yasi  |  dyam 
antariksam  ad  bhumim  tat  sarvam  devi  pasyasi  z  1  z  tisro  divas 
tisras  prthivih  sat  cemas  pradiso  mahih  |  tathaham  sarvah  yatun 
pasyami  devy  osadhe  z  2  z  suparnasya  divyasya  tasya  hasi  kanl- 
nika  |  sa  bhumim  aroher  vahyam  sranta  vadhur  iva  z  3  z  tavan 
me  sahasrakso  devo  daksine  hasta  a  dadhat  |  tenaham  sarvam 
pasyami  yad  bhutarh  yac  ca  bhavyam  z  4  z  yatha  sva  caturakso 
yathasvas  syavo  'rvatam  |  yathagnir  visvatas  pratyann  eva  tvam 
asy  osadhe  z  5  z  kasyapasya  caturaksas  sunyas  ca  caturaksyah  | 
vidhre  suryam  iva  sarpantarh  ma  pisacarh  tiras  karah  z  6  z  darsaya 
ma  yatudhanan  darsaya  yatudhanyah  |  apassprg  eva  tisthantarh 
darsaya  ma  kimidinam  z  7  z  ud  agrabham  paripanam  yatudhanat 
kimidinah  |  tenaham  sarvam  pasyamy  uta  sudram  utaryam  z  8  z 
yatha  suryas  candramas  ca  visva  bhuta  vi  pasyatah  |  eva  vipas- 
yatat  tvam  aghayur  mopagad  iha  z  9  z  yo  antariksena  patati 
bhumya  yas  copasarpati  |  divarh  yo  manyate  natharh  tarn  pisa- 
carh drse  kuru  z  10  z  aviskrnusva  rupani  matmanam  apa  guhathah 
|  eva  sahasracakso  tvam  prati  pasyasy  ayatah  z  11  z  1  z 

In  4a  tan  would  rectify  the  meter.  Stt  5  and  9  are  new,  also 
7cd. 


[fl06a!6]  sduksejdns  tvodans  tumalam  patisthdma  updrsa-[\l^tam 
ahindm  sarvesdm  visam  arasam  kffyv  osadhe  \ 

In  the  first  two  padas  I  can  get  nothing  more  than  the  division 
of  the  words;  the  second  hemistich  is  correct. 

asvakrandasya  vdndasya   [18]   praddkor  gonuser  uta   \  svitrdndm 
sarvesd  visam  arasam  krnv  osadhe  \ 

In  ab  we  might  read  asvakrandasya  bandasya  prdakor  gonaser 
uta;  the  lexicons  give  gonasa  (sic)  as  the  name  of  a  snake:  read 
sarvesarh  in  c. 

dydmpd-[l$]kasya  gavakasya  godhdpisther  aher  uta  \  asitdndm  etaj 
jdtam  ariste     [flOGb]  rasam  krdhi  \ 

In  pada  a  jambhakasya  seems  possible,  and  we  might  possibly 
accept  the  next  two  names  as  they  stand;  in  d  read  'rasam. 


272  LeRoy  Carr  Barret 

etaj  jdtam  svajdndm  tad  a  babhro  rasam  krdhi  \  sarvasya  babhro 
bhesajyaslya  [2]  vidusam  \ 

In  b  probably  the  best  correction  would  be  tad  u  babhro  'rasam ; 
in  c  read  bhesaji:  pada  d  probably  begins  jyasiya  (cf  st  lid)  but 
no  good  suggestion  comes  to  me;  perhaps  it  is  connected  with 
jya  'overpower' :  read  visadusani. 

trdyamdnd  pravravitu  sarvam  rdjno  mahmdm  tirascardjdir  asitd-[3]n 
athopasayds  ca  ye  \ 

In  b  ahinam  would  seem  more  probable;  in  c  then  we  would 
read  tirascarajer  asitad  (  =  S  7. 56. la),  and  in  d  athopasayas.  But 
we  might  also  read  sarvari  raj  no  ahinam,  and  then  in  c  tirascarajin 
asitan. 

sdnsdn  ydtudhdnam  sahasa  ydtudhdnyah  sasahasvdn  sd-[4]saha  mam 
hdndma  jagrabha  \  mahasmdkam  pdidvenogrena  vacasd  mama  \ 

The  following  tentative  reconstruction  is  .  offered :  sahasvan 
yatudhanam  sasaha  yatudhanyah  sahasvan  sasaha  |  sam  ha  nama 
jagrabha  tmahasmakam  paidvenogrena  vacasa  mama.  Perhaps 
masmakam  would  be  good. 

andhdyun-[5]s  ca  hudaydm  ca  sapathdns  ca  ratha  vrihah  sdmd  uta 
padyatdm  sarvan  arasam  a-[6]kah 

Probably  the  first  pada  can  stand,  tho  the  names  (?)  are  new; 
for  b  sapathan  saratham  vrhah  would  be  fairly  good.  For  c  read 
sama  uta  padyantarii,  and  in  d  arasan. 

asitasya  vidradasya  harito  yasya  vidradha  \  imamksl  vidradhdndm 
yo  sr-[7]jdm  tvayi  td  ajljdnat. 

In  a  read  vidradhasya,  in  b  yas  ca  vidradhah:  for  the  rest  I 
have  no  suggestions.  Pada  a  =  Ppp  1.90.  la. 

ya  svjijdndm  nllagrivo  ya  svajdndm  harlr  uta  \  [8]  kalmasapuscham 
osadhe  jambhaydmy  arundhatl  \ 

Read  yas  in  a  and  b,  harir  in  b;  in  c  read  °puccham,  in  d 
jambhayasy  arundhati.  This  stanza  appears  NilarU  21,  which 
has  in  a  and  b  svajanan,  with  variant  svajananam;  in  d  it  has 
jambhayasv. 

may  am  sala*a  jahi  jastah  [9]  pitarasmdt  sad  visam  \  imd  hy  asmd 
osadhim  dhardmy  arundhatlm  \ 

For  ab  I  can  suggest  nothing :  in  c  read  imam,  in  d  arundhatlm. 

etaj  jd-[W]tam  praddkundm  arasam  jlvale  krdhi  \  indrasya  bhadrikd 
vlruj  jyasl-[ll]ya  visadusani  z  2  z 

Read:  etaj  jatam  prdakunam  arasam  jlvale  krdhi  |  indrasya 
bhadrika  viruj  f  jyasiya  visadusani  z  11  z  2 


The  Kashmirian  Atharva-Veda  273 

8 

(Stt  7-11  are  §  19.2.) 

[flOGbll]  satam  arvdk  prasyandante  prasyandante  sa-[\2]tam  para 
satam  vfttrasya  kdnddni  tebhyo  dpo  vidhdvatdh  antarik§e  pathayi-[13] 
slavo  nabhasa§  pari  jajnire  \  dpo  hiranyavarnds  ids  te  bhavantu  sarh 
hr-[l4]de  sam  te  santu  hfdayydya  sam  te  hrdaydbhyah  \  sam  te  aka 
klosadbhyas  cam  u  te  [15]  yamnvestebhyah  \  yad  angdir  apa  sasprse 
yas  chirsnd  yas  ca  prstibhih  dpas  tat  sa-[16]rvam  ra$  karan  tva§td 
ristam  ivdnasah  sam  hrdena  hrdayam  opasena  sam  opa-[l7]sah 
adbhir  muncdpas  sitam  tdrsnebhyo  tas  sam  etu  te  \  dcaranti§  par- 
vatebhyo  de-[lS]vlr  devebhyas  pari  \  dpo  yam  adya  prdpan  na  sa 
risydt  pdurusah  sam  tdpo  hdima-[l9]vatls  sam  te  santuscha  sa  te 
sanisyaddpah  sam  u  te  santu  var§ydh  san  tdpo  dha-  [f  107a]  nvinyds 
sam  u  te  santanyapyd  sam  te  khanitramdpah  sam  yd§  kumbhebhir 
dvrtd  anabhrayah  [2]  khanamdnd  viprd  gambhirepsd  bhisagbhyo 
bhisakvardpo  vatsd  vaddmasi  z  [3]  apdm  aha  divydndm  mdsrodas- 
ydndm  apdm  aha  pranejane  §vd  bhavata  vd-[4]jinah  tdpas  sivdpo 
avayaksmamkaramr  apah  athdiva  drsyate  may  as  tvdbhya-[5]tva- 
bhe§aji  z  5  z 

In  Ic  the  ms  corrects  to  (ka)nva(ni);  also  to  sarh  ta  in  st  3, 
and  to  °dyo  in  5d. 

Read:  satam  arvak  prasyandante  prasyandante  satam  parah  | 
satam  vrtrasya  kandani  tebhya  apo  vidhavantam  z  1  z  antarikse 
pathayisnavo  nabhasas  pari  jajnire  |  apo  hiranyavarnas  tas  te 
bhavantu  sam  hrde  z  2  z  sam  te  santu  hrdayaya  sarh  te  hrdaya- 
yapah  |  sarh  te  aha  klomabhyas  sam  u  te  anuvestebhyah  z  3  z  yad 
ahgah*  apas  pasprse  yac  chirsna  yac  ca  prstibhih  |  apas  tat  sarvarh 
nis  karan  tvasta  ristam  ivanasat  z  4  z  sam  hrdayena  hrdayam 
opasena  sam  opasah  |  adbhh-  muncapa  sitam  ftarsnebhyo  'tas 
sam  etu  te  z  5  z  acarantis  parvatebhyo  devlr  devebhyas  pari 
apo  yam  adya  prapan  na  sa  risyat  purusah  z  6  z  s"arh  ta  apo 
haimavatis  sam  u  te  santutsyah  |  s"am  te  sanisyada  apa^  ^am  u 
te  santu  varsyah  z  7  z  sam  ta  apo  dhanvanyas*  sam  u  te  santv 
anupyah  |  s"am  te  khanitrima  apa§  ^am  ya§  kumbhebhir  avrtah 
z  8  z  anabhrayah  khanamana  vipra  gambhlre  'pasah  |  bhisagbhyo 
bhisaktara  apo  acchavadamasi  z  9  z  apam  aha  divyanam  aparh 
srotasyanam  |  apam  aha  pranejane  'sva  bhavata  vajinah  z  10  z 
§am  ta  apas*  siva  apo  ayaksmamkaranir  apah  |  athaiva  drsyate 
may  as  tas  tvabhiyantu  bhesajih  z  11  z  3  z 

In  Id  vidhavata  would  be  nearer  the  ms.  In  2a  patayisnavo 
might  be  better.  In  3d  anuvestebhyah  is  a  conjecture.  Most 

18    JAOS  41 


274  LeRoy  Carr  Barret 

of  5cd  is  somewhat  in  doubt.  In  8d  §  has  abhrtah  which  is  better, 
but  avrtah  seems  entirely  possible.  In  9b  our  ms  reading  seems 
to  indicate  the  form  given  by  the  S  mss,  which  can  stand  as 
Whitney  points  out.  In  lla  our  ms  is  in  the  same  condition  as  the 
§  mss,  and  I  have  adopted  the  amended  text  of  Roth- Whitney ; 
but  in  cd  have  tried  to  keep  close  to  our  ms. 

9 

[f!07a5]  vrahmajyesthds  sambhrtd  virydni  vrahmdgre  jye$tham  [6] 
divam  a  tatdnah  bhuidndm  vrahma  prathamo  dhi  jajne  tendrhati 
vrahmand  [7]  spardhattim  kah 

In  a  read  °jyestha,  in  b  a  tatana,  in  c  'dhi,  in  d  spardhitum. 
This  is  S  19.22.21  and  23.30;  the  Roth-Whitney  text  has  by 
emendation  in  c  prathamo  ha. 

vrahmeme  dydvdprthivi  vrahmeme  sapta  sindhavah  vrahmame  sar- 
vadd-[S]dityd  vrahma  devd  updsate  \ 
Read  vrahmeme  in  c. 

vrahma  vrdhmano  vadati  \  vrahma  rdtrl  nivasate  \  [9]  sdvitre  vrahmatio 
jdtam  vrahmandgnir  virocate  \ 

In  a  vrahmano  vadanti  might  be  better:  the  ms  perhaps  reads 
vadatirh. 

vrahma  osadhayo  na  ti§thanti  vra-[10]hma  varsantu  vr§tayah  vra- 
hmedam  sarvam  dtmanvad  ydvat  saryo  vi  patyati  \ 

For  a  read  vrahmausadhayo  ni  tisthanti,  in  b  var^anti,  in  d 
suryo.  For  c  cf  §  10.8.2c  and  11.2.10c. 

vrahma  hotd  [11]  vrahma  yajno  vrahmand  suro  mitd  \  adhvaryur 
vrdhmano  jdto  vrahma^et  tirate  [12]  havih 

In  b  read  svaravo  mitah;  probably  d  can  stand  tho  vrahmanot 
tirate  might  be  considered.  But  this  stanza  occurs  S  19.42.1 
where  the  mss  have  brahmano  antarhite,  which  Roth-Whitney 
have  emended  to  antarhitam;  this  is  a  somewhat  easier  reading. 

vrahma  mrco  ghrtavatlr  vrahma  rsabho  bhadraretd  vrahma  gdvo 
havi$kr-[l3]ta  \  vrahma  rathasya  devasya  yujje  ydti  svaramkrtd  \ 

Read  sruco  in  a,  bhadraretah  in  b,  haviskrtah  in  c,  daivasya  in 
d;  for  e  probably  we  may  read  yuje  yati  svaramkrtam.  Pada  a  = 
§  19.42  2a.  The  ms  corrects  to  (ya)te  in  e. 

vrahmand  sddam  vanati  vra-[l4]hmand  yujyate  rathah  vrahmand 
puru$o  bhy  apdnam  vyathate  caran 
In  c  read  'bhy,  in  d  caran. 


The  Kashmirian  Atharva-Veda  275 

vrahmano  jdtd  r-[15]$a?/o  vrahmano  rdjanyd  uta  \  vrahmedam  vra- 
hmano jdtam  vrahmano  vi§yannam  \ 

In  d  I  would  suggest  visyannam  annam. 

vrahma  [16]  sudra  rdjanydndm  vrahmdi§dm  uta  cik§atah  vrahmdi$dm 
bhadram  sadanam  vrahmandi-[17]sdm  sabhd  sadd  \ 

In  a  sudra  does  not  seem  good  and  I  would  read  s"ubha;  in  b 
possibly  siksitam;  possibly  d  can  stand,  but  consider  also 
sabhasadam. 

vrahma  ddsad  vrahma  ddsdd  vrahmese  kitavd  uta  \  stripum-[lS]sdu 
vrahmano  jdtdu  striyo  vrahmotha  vdvand  \ 

In  a  we  might  read  ca  sad  and  casad,  but  this  does  not  fit  very 
well  with  the  rest;  in  b  vrahmeme,  in  d  vrahmota  vavana. 

vrahmobhyato  nivato  vrahma  sarva  [19]  sarvato  vdnaspatyd  parvatd 
vlrudhah  vrahmedam  sarvam  antrd 

Read:  vrahmodvato  nivato  vrahma  *  *  sarvatah  |  vanaspatyah 
parvata  virudho  vrahmedam  sarvam  antara  z  11  z  4  z 

The  ms  has  several  light  strokes  over  sarva  seeming  to  intend 
its  deletion;  in  the  indicated  lacuna  a  verb  might  well  have  stood. 
The  ms  does  not  indicate  the  end  of  the  hymn  at  this  point,  but 
what  follows  does  not  seem  to  me  to  be  a  part  of  the  hymn. 

utdndm  antara  dyd-  [f!07b]  vdprthivl  ubhe  \  vrahmdivdbhavad 
uttaram  jdtavedo  adad  vajro  ydtudhdnam  ma-[2]hdbalam.  bhavasarvdu 
upusiyam  hetim  asmdi  nayasitdu  visrjatdm  va-[3]dhdya  z  4  z 
apnupavrahmasuktam.  1  zz 

Read  bhutanam  antara,  bhayasarvau  tapusim  and  possibly 
nayisthau;  with  these  corrections  we  seem  to  have  a  fair  reading. 
In  the  colophon  the  transliteration  should  perhaps  be  aprupa0; 
possibly  aparupavrahmasuktam  is  the  correct  title.  In. the  left 
margin  at  the  top  of  f!07b  is  a  star  and  also  vrahmasuktarii 
karanam. 

10 

[f!07b3]  yad  asvind  osadhl-[4]sv  d  siktam  puskarasrajd  virudho 
madhu  bibhratmah  tinaham  asya  murdhdna-[5]m  abhisincdmi  ndyah 

In  b  read  siktam;  in  c  probably  bibhrati  (omitting  nah);  for 
de  tenaham  asya  murdhanam  abhisificami  naryah.  For  b  cf 
§  3.22.4f  etc.,  for  de  cf  Ppp  4.10.7de. 

asvind  puspdd  adhi  mdksikam  madhu  sambhrtam  \  [6]  anne  lavanena 
madhuma  tena  \ 

In  a  read  yad  asvina  °;  for  c  I  would  suggest  anne  'lavane 
madhumat;  read  de  as  in  st  1. 


276  LeRoy  Carr  Barret 

asvina  guggulum  \  dnjane  madhu  sambhrtam  \  [7]  yad  asmin  madhugo 
madhu  \ 

The  transliteration  at  the  beginning  of  b  is  not  sure;  the  sign 
after  the  colon  is  that  for  medial  a,  not  initial  a. 

In  ab  I  would  read  yad  asvina  gugguluny  aiijane  °;  in  c  ma- 
dughe:  supply  de  as  in  st  1. 

yad  asvina  ksa  madhu  gosv  asvesu  yan  ma-[8]dhu  \  surdydm  sic- 
yamdndydm  klldle  dhi  yan  madhu  tena  \ 

In  a  the  letters  ksa  are  probably  the  remains  of  some  word  in 
the  locative  case,  possibly  makse;  in  b  read  gosv,  in  d  'dhi:  for 
ef  read  tenaham  °  as  in  st  1. 

yad  asvi-[9]nd  govarcasam  hiranyavarcasam  hastivarcasam  asvina  \ 
tenaham  asyd  [10]  murdhdndm  abhisincdmi  nary  ah 

Read  murdhanam  in  c;  the  omission  of  hiranya0  would  rectify 
the  meter. 

abhi  nandam  abhi  mo  jam  abhi  ta-[Il]lpam  krnomi  te  \  yd  te  bhagam 
vattayetdm  asvina  puskarassrjd  \ 

In  a  read  modam;  for  c  a  te  bhagam  vartayetarh;  in  d 
puskarasraja. 

yad  apsu  [12]  te  varcas  subhage  jihvdydm  te  madhulaka  \  aksdu  na 
karanl  tavat  putikam  [13]  madhumattaram  \  dsitasya  taldseva 
vrksdivdpatika§  pati  \ 

It  would  seem  best  to  omit  te  in  pada  a;  in  b  read  madhulakam. 
In  c  read  aksyau  and  tava,  but  for  na  karanl  I  have  no  suggestion; 
in  d  read  pratikarh  (the  ms  seems  to  make  this  correction).  In  e 
perhaps  asitasi  is  possible;  in  f  read  vrksa  ivapatikas  patih. 

tvam  samagra-[14]bhit  pumsas  syena  ivdnydn  patantrinah  dyi  te 
hdrsam  udakam  apo  bhagd-[l5]disecanam  \ 

In  a  read  samagrabhis,  in  b  patatrinah;  for  ayi  in  c  I  can  see 
nothing;  read  'harsam,  in  d  possibly  bhagabhisecanah. 

yat  te  varco  pakrdntam  manasya  praticaksanah  punas  tad  asvina 
tvayy  d  [16]  dattdm  puskarasrajdh 

In  a  read  'pakrantarii,  for  b  probably  manas  ca  praticaksanam ; 
for  d  a  dhattarh  puskarasraja. 

abhi  tvd  varcasdsTJam  divyena  payasd  saha  \  ya-[l7]thd  pativinsyaso 
deva  rgbhyo  manumattard  \ 

In  a  read  °srjan;  in  c  read  pativansyaso,  in  d  devrbhyo  ma- 
dhumattara.  Cf  Ppp  4.2.7;  §  4.8.6. 


The  Kashmirian  Atharva-Veda  277 

bhagam  te  mittrdvarund  bhagam  [18]  divi  sarasvatl  \  bhagam  te 
asvinobhd  dattdm  \  ddattdrh  pu§karasraja  z 

In  a  read  mitra0,  in  b  devi;  in  cd  asVinobha  dhattam  puskara- 
sraja. 

The  line  beginning  with  divi  is  the  last  line  on  f!07b;  but  just 
below  in  the  margin  in  a  sort  of  parenthesis  the  ms  has  the  stanza 
with  some  variants,  thus:  bhagam  te  mittravarunau  bhagam  divi 
sarasvatl  bhagam  te  asvinau  devau  adattam  puskarasrjam. 
pathah.  This  marginal  text  agrees  with  RV  10.184.3  in  having 
asvinau  devau  in  c,  where  the  text  in  the  main  body  of  our  ms 
agrees  with  S  5.25.3c.  Cf  Ppp  5.11.6. 

pati  [flOSa]  pati  te  raja  varunas  patim  devo  vrhaspati§  patim  ta 
indras  cagnis  ca  patim  data  [2]  daddtu  te  z  5  z  anu  2  zz 

Read:  patim  te  raja  varunas  patim  devo  vrhaspatih  |  patim 
ta  indra£  cagnis  ca  patim  dhata  dadhatu  te  z  12  z  5  z  anu  2  z 

With  this  cf  as  for  last  stanza,  but  particularly  MG  2.14.6. 

11 

[f!08a2]  catasras  te  khala  sraktlr  atho  ma-[3]dhyam  aham  khala  ] 
dhdrds  catasras  tosydmi  \  vedim  mdnusyavardhamm  z 
Delete  colon  at  end  of  c  and  read  probably  posyami. 

urjasva-[4]tam  d  rabhadhvam  sphdtivantam  punldi  nah  bijasyd- 
bhydvodhd  bhagditu  puro-[5]gava  \ 

In  a  read  urjasvantam,  in  b  punita,  for  d  bhaga  etu  purogavah. 

bhagasya  hanadvdhdu  yanjdta  rdsirvdhandu  adhds  prthivydh  klld-[6] 
lam  ihd  vahattam  asvind 

In  a  read  hana°,  for  b  yunjate  rasivahanau;  in  c  adhas,  in  d 
vahatam. 

abhihitah  parihito  dhdnena  vibhus  prabhuh  dhartd  ma-[7]nusydndm 
jajne  devdndm  djyam  khala 

In  b  paribhuh  would  seem  better  in  meaning  and  rhythm;  read 
khalah  in  d. 

srucd  sampam  srnlkd  pa-[8]riskrta  \  kmdsd  sam  no  tdro  bljaddsld 
dhavismatih 

The  long  i  of  "sid"  in  pada  d  is  not  perfect. 

For  the  first  hemistich  I  can  get  nothing  more  than  the  trans- 
literation; it  lacks  four  syllables.  In  c  klnasas  and  'taro  may  be 
possible;  in  d  read  dhavismati. 

ihendra  mu-[9]stir  dhya  srjasva  purndv  iha  sdumanasas  sam  rddhya- 
tdm  hotdro  ye  ca  gandharvds  ta  [10]  hi  sphdtim  mam  d  vahah  \ 


278  LeRoy  Carr  Barret 

Read:  ihendra  pustirh  vi  srjasva  purnam  iha  saumanasas  sam 
rddhyantam  |  hotaro  ye  ca  gandharvas  te  hi  sphatim  sam 
avahan  z  6  z 

The  emendations  are  of  course  only  suggestions. 

atipasyo  nrcdyakayadukas  pakvam  a  bhara  [11]  Isdnd  gandharvd 
bhuvanasya  sa  vahantu  khale  sphdti-[l2]m  ihdsdunrtdm  ca  \ 

In  the  first  hemistich  I  can  make  no  suggestion.  In  c  ya  isana 
would  be  better  but  ya  is  not  necessary;  in  d  read  sam  vahantu; 
a  fifth  pada  is  indicated  which  might  possibly  be  reconstructed 
into  iha  sam  vahan  rtarh  ca,  but  this  is  mere  guessing. 

d  pascdd  d  purastdd  uttardd  adhardd  uta  \  indrd-[l3]ya  vasor  isdnah 
khale  sphatim  sam  dhdn 

In  c  indro  'yam,  or  yo,  would  seem  better ;  the  ms  in  the  margin 
has  a  correction  "dra".  In  d  read  sam  avahat:  or  sama  vahan. 

sphatim  indrah  khale  bahvl-[l4]m  ihotprdnam  ut  prnat.  \  sphdti  me 
visve  devd  sphatim  somo  atho  bhagah  |  [15] 

In  b  read  prnat,  and  possibly  ihotparanam  (  =  complete  fulness) 
In  c  read  sphatim  and  devas. 

sphdtir  me  astu  hastayoh  sphdtir  yatra  ma  rdrabhe  \  satahastenam  ut 
prna  sa-[16]mudrasyeva  madhyatah 

In  b  atra  would  seem  better;  for  c  read  satahastena  mot  prnas. 

iha  me  bhuya  bhara  yathdham  kdmaye  tathd  yatheya-[l7]m  udya 
sphdydtditrdiva  hastinas  saha  z  1  z 

Read:  iha  me  bhuya  a  bhara  yathaharh  kamaye  tatha  | 
yatheyam  adya  sphayate  yatraiva  hastinas  saha  z  11  z  1  z 

Pada  d  may  need  emending.  The  entire  hymn  is  of  course  very 
uncertain,  but  it  is  clear  that  it  belongs  in  the  sphere  of  S  3.24. 

12 

[fl08a!7]  svadviyam  td  asvind  [18]  sure  krnutdm  puskarasrajd  \  yam 
asincan  sdudhanvmd  visve  devd  maru-[19]dgand  yarn  asvindsincatdm 
ma  mund  bahu  dhdvatu  \ 

In  pada  a  we  may  probably  read  svadvlm  tvasvina;  in  c 
asincan  saudhanvana,  in  d  marudganah;  in  f  sa  sura. 

svddo  svddi-  [f!08b]  yarni  bhava  madhor  madhutard  bhava  \  atha 
rsyesyayavamdrsyevdktyam  subhage  bhava  \ 

In  a  read  svadoh  svadiyasi:  in  cd  I  can  get  nothing  satisfactory. 

abhrd  jdtam  [2]  varsd  jdtam  atho  jdtam  vidam  pari  \  atho  samudrdj 
jdtam  tat  surddaganam  bhava  \ 


The  Kashmirian  Atharva-Veda  279 

In  a  read  abhraj  and  varsaj,  in  b  divas;  in  d  probably  sura- 
dharanarii. 

nd-[3]dlndm  dsi  janusd  sd  surddharanl  bhava  \  sakhd  hi  bhadrasthdsi 
vrksa  svd-[4]du  vikamgata  \ 

Read  asi  in  a,  sakha  and  °sthasi  in  c,  and  for  d  probably  vrksah 
svadur  vikankatah. 

asuras  ta  urdhvanabhasas  cakdra  prathamas  svare  \  sure  ddsas  ci 
tvd  gr-[5]he  siras  cdndhasya  cakratu 

Possibly  padas  ab  can  stand;  in  c  I  can  get  nothing  out  of 
dasas  ci;  for  d  possibly  we  may  read  suras  candhas  ca  cakratulj. 

nis  puspakam  kaslkdyd  nir  dhdrdyd  surdm  uta  \  u-[$\d  ihi  vdjinlvati 
kim  ankatlsv  ischati  \ 

Read  dharaya  in  b,  ehi  in  c,  and  ankatisv  icchati  in  d. 

kim  etam  janydsate  gasfa-[7]r  dbhidhrsnava  sure  devi  pariprehi 
mddayantl  janam  janam 

In  a  read  janya  asate,  in  b  'gastlr  abhidhrsnavah. 

asyd  grhnd  [8]  sthdlena  gam  asvam  dhdnyam  vasu  sd  surd  bahu 
dhdvatu 

In  a  read  grhnami  and  perhaps  yasya:  if  the  stanza  ever  had 
a  fourth  pada  I  would  suspect  that  it  stood  as  pada  c. 

dcarantls  parvate-[9]  bhya§  khanamdnd  anabhraya  \  ydsdm  samudre 
samsthdnam  ydsdm  ndsti  nivesanam  \  [10]  Ids  te  dadatu  vudbudam 
idam  kuru  cemdm  surdm 

In  b  read  anabhrayah,  in  e  budbudarh:  for  ab  see  above  no 
8.6a  and  9a. 

yam  hrdd  kdmaydmahe  tdva-[ll]n  ma  bhagas  tdm  asvind  tdvan  md 
van  sarasvatl  ay  am  devo  mayulasas  svasurd-[l2]d  ^ranam  dadat.  \ 
At  the  beginning  of  b  and  c  tarn  ma  would  seem  to  be  the  correct 
reading;  in  c  possibly  vahat  for  van:  for  mayulasas  I  have  no 
suggestion  but  madhulakas. 

samsravandt  parisravar^d  giribhyas  parydbhrtah  ma-[l3]dhye  satasya 
mapsisko  nadvdn  ima  mehatu  z  2  z 

Read:  samsravanah  parisravana  giribhyas  pary  abhrtah  | 
madhye  satasya  f  mapsisko  'nadvan  ima  mehatu  z  11  z  2  z 

In  a  prasravana  would  be  somewhat  better.  [In  c  sarpiso? — 
F.  E.] 


280  LeRoy  Carr  Barret 

13 

(RV  4.58) 

[fl08b!3]  samudrdd  urmi  [14]  madhuman  ud  arad  upansuna  sam 
amrtatvam  dnat.  ghrtasya  ndma  guhyam  [15]  yad  asti  jihvd  devdndm 
amrtasya  ndbhih  hvayam  ndma  pra  vravdmd  [16]  ghrtasydsmin 
yajne  dhdraydmd  navobhih  \  upa  vrahmds  chrnavas  chasya-[l7] 
mdnam  catussrngo  vamld  gora  etat.  \  catvdri  srngas  trayo  asya  pddd 
[18]  dvi  slrse  sapta  hastdso  asya  \  tridhd  baddho  vj-sabho  roravlti  maho 
devo  [19]  martydn  a  vivesa  \  tridhd  hi  kam  panibhir  guhyamdnam 
gavi  devdso  ghr-[20]tam  anv  avindan.  \  indra  ekam  surya  ekam 
jajdna  vendd  ekam  svadhayd  ni-  [f!09a]  s  krtak§uh  \  etd  arsanti 
hrdydt  samudrds  chatavrajd  nipund  ndvacakse  \  ghrtasya  dhdrd  \  [2] 
abhi  cdkaslsi  hiranyayo  ritaso  madhya  dsdm  samyak  sravanti  sarito 
na  devd  \  [3]  antar  hrdd  manasd  suyamdndh  ete  arsanty  urmayo 
ghrtasya  mrgd  iva  ksipano-[4]r  Isamdndh  z  om  mrga  iva  k$ipanor 
l§amdnds  sindhor  ivam  prddhvane  su-[5>]ghandso  vdtah  primayas 
patayanti  yahvdm  ghrtasya  dhdrd  arso  na  vdji  kdsthd-[6]bhirmarty 
urmibhis  pinvamdnah  abhi  pravanti  samaneva  yosds  kalydnya 
ssaya-[7]mdndso  agnim  \  ghrtasya  dhdrds  samidho  nasanti  id  ju§dno 
haryati  [8]  jdtaveddh  kanyd  iva  vdtam  atetavd  u  \  anya  jdnd  abhi 
cdkasiti  \  [9]  yatra  somas  suyate  yatra  yajno  ghrtasya  dhdrd  abhi  tat 
pavante  \  abhy  arsa  [10]sustutim  gavyam  djam  assdsu  bhadrd 
dravindni  dhatta  \  imam  yajnam  nayata  [11]  devatd  no  ghrtasya 
dhdrd  madhumat  plavante  \  dhdman  te  visvam  bhuvanam  adhi  sr-[12] 
tarn  antas  samudre  hrdy  antar  dyu$i  \  apdm  anlkdt  samidhdd 
ydbhrtas  tapa-[13]sydmi  madhumantam  kur  urmim.  z3  z 

Read:  sumudrad  urmir  madhuman  ud  arad  upansuna  sam 
amrtatvam  anat  |  ghrtasya  nama  guhyam  yad  asti  jihva  devanam 
amrtasya  nabhih  z  1  z  vayam  nama  pra  vravama  ghrtasyasmin 
yajne  dharayama  namobhih  |  upa  vrahma  srnavac  chasyamanam 
catussrngo  'vamid  gaura  etat  z  2  z  catvari  srnga  trayo  asya  pada 
dve  slrse  sapta  hastaso  asya  |  tridha  baddho  vrsabho  roravlti 
maho  devo  martyan  a  vivesa  z  3  z  tridha  hi  kam  panibhir  guhya- 
manarh  gavi  devaso  ghrtam  anv  avindan  |  indra  ekam  surya  ekam 
jajana  venad  ekam  svadhaya  nis  tataksuh  z  4  z  eta  arsanti  hrdy  at 
samudrac  chatavraja  ripuna  navacakse  |  ghrtasya  dhara  abhi 
cakaslmi  hiranyayo  vetaso  madhya  asam  z  5  z  samyak  sravanti 
sarito  na  dhena  antar  hrda  manasa  suyamanah  |  ete  arsanty 
urmayo  ghrtasya  mrga  iva  ksipanor  Isamanah  z  6  z  sindhor  iva 
pradhvane  sughanaso  vatapramiyas  patayanti  yahvah  |  ghrtasya 
dhara  aruso  na  vaji  kastha  bhindanty  urmibhis  pinvamanah  z  7  z 


The  Kashmirian  Atharva-Veda  281 

abhi  pravante  samaneva  yosas  kalyanyas  smayamanaso  agnim  | 
ghrtasya  dharas  samidho  nasante  ta  jusano  haryati  jatavedah 
z  8  z  kanya  iva  vahatum  etava  u  afijy  an j  ana  abhi  cakasiti  yatra 
somas  suyate  yatra  yajfio  ghrtasya  dhara  abhi  tat  pavante  z  9  z 
abhy  arsata  sustutirh  gavyam  ajim  asmasu  bhadra  dravinani 
dhatta  |  imam  yajnarh  nayata  devata  no  ghrtasya  dhara  madhumat 
pavante  z  10  z  dhaman  te  visvarii  bhuvanam  adhi  sritam  antas 
samudre  hrdy  antar  ayusi  |  apam  anikat  samithad  ya  abhrtas 
tarn  asyama  madhumantarh  ta  urmim  z  11  z  3  z 

In  addition  to  RV  this  hymn  appears  in  VS,  KS;  and  parts 
elsewhere.  In  4a  all  others  read  hitarii,  in  lie  all  others  read 
anike  samithe :  other  variants  are  not  so  striking. 

14 

(RV  1.95) 

[fH09al3]  dve  virupa  carata  svarthe  a-[l4]nydnyd  vatsas  upa  dhd- 
payete  \  harir  anyasydm  bhavati  svadhdvan  sukro  anya-[l5>]sydm 
dadrse  suvarcdh  z  dasemam  tvdstur  janayanta  garbham  atandrd-[lQ] 
so  yuvatayo  vibhrtam  \  tigmdnikam  suyasasam  janesu  virocamdnam 
[17]  paridhlm  nayanti  \  trlni  jdnat  prati  bhusanty  asya  samudra 
ekam  divy  eka-[18]m  apsu  \  purvdm  anu  pradisam  pdrthivdndm 
fbhun  prasdsad  vi  dadhd-  [f!09b]  v  anu§thu  z  ka  imam  vo  ninyam 
d  ciketu  vatso  mdtrn  janayati  svadhdvan.  \  dvistyo  va-[2]vardhate 
cdrur  dsu  jihvdndm  urdhva  svayasdm  upasthe  \  ubhe  tvastur  vi- 
bhy antar  jdyamd-[3]t  pratlclm  sinham  prati  jo§ayate  \  ubhe  bhadre 
josayete  na  mene  gdvo  na  vdgrd  u-[4]pa  tasthur  evdi  \  sa  daksindm 
daksapatir  babhuvdyunjanti  yam  daksinato  havirbhih  [5]  ud  yam- 
yaml  saviteva  bdhu  ubhe  sama  yajate  bhima  runjan.  \  us  chukram 
asmad  dhru-[6]m  ajate  samasmd  navd  mdtrbhyo  nasand  jahdti  \  tvesam 
rupam  krnuta  uttaram  [7]  yat  samprncdnas  sadanam  gobhir  adbhih  \ 
kavir  vradhvam  pari  samrjyate  dhlsmd  deva-[8]tdtd  savitur  babhuva  \ 
uru  te  jrayas  patesu  badhnam  virocamdnam  mahisasva  dhd-[9]ma  \ 
visvebhir  dgne  svayasor  iddho  dadbhebhis  pdyubhis  pdtv  asmdn.  \ 
dhanvam  sro-[10]tas  kpnate  garbham  urmim  sukrdir  urmibhir  abhi 
naksati  ksdm  \  visvd  sandni  [11]  jatharesu  dhatte  tun  navdsu  carati 
prasusu  z  eva  no  agre  samidha  ghrndno  [12]  revat  pdvakas  sravasd 
vi  bhdhi  \  tan  no  mittro  varuno  mdmahantdm  aditis  sindhu-[13] 
§  prthivi  uta  dyduh  z  4  z 

Read:  dve  virupe  caratas  svarthe  anyanya  vatsam  upa  dha- 
payete  |  harir  anyasyam  bhavati  svadhavan  ^ukro  anyasyam 
dadrse  suvarcah  z  1  z  dasemam  tvastur  janayanta  garbham 


282  LeRoy  Carr  Barret 

atandraso  yuvatayo  vibhrtam  |  tigmanikam  svaya£asam  janesu 
virocamanam  pari  sim  nayanti  z  2  z  trini  jana  prati  bhusanty 
asya  samudra  ekam  divy  ekam  apsu  |  purvam  anu  pradisarh 
parthivanam  rtun  prasasad  vi  dadhav  anusthu  z  3  z  ka  imam  vo 
ninyam  a  ciketa  vatso  matfr  janayata  svadhabhih  bahvinarh 
garbho  apasam  upasthan  mahan  kavir  nis  carati  svadhavan 
z  4  z  avistyo  vardhate  carur  asu  jihmanam  urdhvas  svayasa 
upasthe  |  ubhe  tvastur  bibhyatur  jayamanat  pratici  sihham 
prati  josayete  z  5  z  ubhe  bhadre  josayete  na  mene  gavo  na  vasra 
upa  tasthur  evaih  |  sa  daksanam  daksapatir  babhuvayufijanti 
yam  daksinato  havirbhih  z  6  z  ud  yamyamiti  saviteva  bahu  ubhe 
sicau  yatate  bhima  rfijan  uc  chukram  fasmad  dhrumf  ajate 
simasman  nava  matrbhyo  vasana  jahati  z  7  z  tvesam  ruparh 
krnuta  uttaram  yat  samprficanas  sadane  gobhir  adbhih  |  kavir 
budhnarh  pari  marmrjyate  dhis  sa  devatata  samitir  babhuva 
z  8  z  uru  te  jrayas  pary  etu  budhnam  virocamanam  mahisasya 
dhama  |  vi^vebhir  agne  svayasobhir  iddho  'dabdhebhis  payubhis 
pahy  asman  z  9  z  dhanvan  srotas  krnute  gatum  urmim  ^ukrair 
urmibhir  abhi  naksati  ksam  |  visva  sanani  jatharesu  dhatte  'ntar 
navasu  carati  prasusu  z  10  z  eva  no  agne  samidha  grnano  re  vat 
pavaka  sravasa  vi  bhahi  |  tan  no  mitro  varuno  mamahantam 
aditis  sindhus  prthivi  uta  dyauh  z  11  z  4  z 

The  text  presented  here  is  in  almost  complete  agreement  with 
that  of  RV;  from  which  our  4cd  is  supplied,  the  omission  being  due 
to  a  sort  of  haplography.  In  6cd  it  may  be  unwise  to  retain 
°ayufijanti  where  RV  has  °anjanti;  in  lla  RV  has  vrdhano. 

15 

[f  109bl3]  yo  jdmadagnya  iha  kdusika  dtreya  u-[14]ta  kdsyapo  yah 
bhdradvdjd  gdutamd  yam  vasi$thds  tebhyas  pravruma  iha  ki-[15] 

z 
Read  ye  vasisthas  and  kilbisani. 

agastya  yas  kanva§  kutsdpasravand  visvariipdh  ga-[lQ]rgd  mudgald 
ayaskds  sdunakds  sarnkftayo  vrdhmand  ye  na  dugdhd-[l7]s  tadydh 
pravruma  iha  kilvisdni  \ 

Read  agastyo,  garga,  and  drugdhas  tebhyah  °  °  kilbisani.  A 
colon  should  stand  before  garga.  I  suppose  that  ayaskas  is  a 
proper  name.  Edgerton  suggests  yaskas. 

yo  no  tisthdd  vrdhmano  nd-[lS]dhamdnendtyena  trpta  uta  dhdiryena 
visve  devd  upadrastdro  tra  tasmi-[19]n  isam  samnaydm  kilvi$yam 
I  would  suggest  here  'tisthad  and  °arthyena;  read  'tra  tasminn, 


The  Kashmirian  Atharva-Veda  283 

and  at  the  end  samnayan  kilbisyam.  A  colon  should  stand  before 
visve. 

ydropayam  kilvi§e  vrdhmanasydthd-[20]ni  jlnansi  bahudhd  du§krtdni 
|  anuti§tham  proktdtmd  nu  tarn  nidhatte  ta-[2l]smdi  tad  devd  uta 
vesayanti  \ 

We  might  read  yaropayan  kilbise  vrahmanasya  yani  jlnansi  °; 
this  assumes  a  form  jinas  meaning  "misery"  or  the  like.  Read 
anutisthan  and  tan  nidhatte. 

ndsniydm  na  piveyam  na  sdita  na  ninsdibhu  jd-  [fllOa]  yam  nota 
putram  vrahmakilvise  proktdud  eva  tisthesv  aritasya  panthd 

The  ms  in  the  margin  corrects  to  (nihsai)  tu  ja. 

Read  nasnlyan  na  pibeta  na  sayita  na  ninslta  °  °  prokte;  after 
a  colon  we  might  read  something  like  ud  eva  tisthet  sa  rtasya 
panthah. 

satarcino  sddhyamd  [2]  ye  maharsayah  ksudrasuktdndm  uta  yd 
prajeha  x^indm  ydni  janimd-[3]ni  vidmas  tebhyah  pravruma  iha 
kilvisdni  z 

Read  madhyama,  in  accord  with  the  margin;  vidma  and 
kilbisani. 

sodaryatydm  pancadasa-[$\nam  satdndm  trayastrinsad  uta  sisyantu 
devdh  ekasmin  viddhe  sarve  rupyamtv  ad  vrd[5]hmanakilvi$am 
anv  avindam  \ 

At  the  beginning  perhaps  sodayanam  would  be  a  better  reading; 
for  sisyantu  probably  siksanti;  colon  after  devah.  Read  rupyanti 
tad,  and  probably  avindan. 

tasmdi  tad  druhydd  didam  ndyad  yo  no  tisthdd  yo  no  jd-[6]tdsmin. 
\  vrahmanasya  kilvisam  ndthitasya  sodaryatdm  ischato  vrdhmane-[7] 
§u\ 

I  would  suggest  druhyad;  for  didam  we  might  think  of  didyan 
but  it  does  not  yield  a  very  good  meaning.  Read  'tisthad  and 
jato  'smin;  also  kilbisam  and  icchato. 

uttisthad  vrdhmands  sam  vidadhvam  jltam  ydcami  punar  ditu  sarvam 
indrdgnl  vi-[8\sve  devds  te  me  jitam  punar  a  vardhayantu  z 

For  yacami  we  might  read  yacchami;  place  colon  after  sarvam. 
Pada  c  lacks  several  syllables;  jitam  is  probable  in  d. 

sa  dlrgham  dyus  krnoti  supra-[9]jdye  jigischati  \  yo  vrahmanasya 
vrdhmano  huto  nnatu  kilvise  \ 

Read  suprajayai  and  probably  jigi?ati  in  b;  for  d  perhaps  huto 
'nnam  atti  kilbise. 


284  LeRoy  Carr  Barret 

ndsya  ]10]  prajdm  sarvo  hanti  na  rudro  hanti  ndsani  z  yo  vrahma- 
ndsya  vrdhmanas  satydm  [11]  vadati  kilvise  \ 

In  b  read  nasanih,  in  c  vrahmanasya,  in  d  kilbise.  The  margin 
suggests  satye  in  d. 

tvdm    somapltho    juguthe    nrcaksdd    grdvabhis    saha    yo    vrd-[l2] 
vrdhmanasydstdm  hrdas  surydivdpdlupat  tamah 

In  a  we  may  perhaps  read  tarn  and  jughuse,  in  b  nrcaksa:  in  c  yo 
vrahmanasyastarii,  supposing  that  hrdas  is  a  corrupted  verb  form. 
For  d  read  surya  ivapalupat  tamah. 

ya  utthdya  kilvise  vrd-[l3]hmanasydmnam  dischamn  avdyate  utdinam 
dydvdprthivl  santaptdmmathditv  aktasya  [14]  panthdm  z  5  z  anu  3  z 

Read:  ya  utthaya  kilbise  vrahmanasyannam  ecchann  avayate 
|  utainam  dyavaprthivi  santaptam  athaitv  rtasya  pantham 
z  13  z  5  z  anu  3  z 

The  suggestions  offered  in  this  hymn  will  be  recognized  as 
tentative;  the  division  into  stanzas  is  not  wholly  satisfactory. 
The  main  outlines  are  fairly  clear  but  many  details  are  obscure, — 
at  least  to  me. 

16 

[fllOa!4]  nava  ca  yd  navatis  carudhd  vak§andnu  \  ya-[15]das  tas  sarvd 
nisyanty  anuttds  pratthajno  mayah 

In  ab  read  carudha  vaksana  anu;  for  c  probably  itas  tas  sarva 
nasyantv  as  in  §;  in  d  anuttas  might  be  possible,  and  also  many  ah, 
but  pratthajno  seems  hopeless.  Stt  1-3  here  are  similar  to  S  6.25 
but  vary  widely  in  the  b  and  d  padas. 

sapta  ja  yas  saptatis  carudhd  [16]  vaksandnu  \  yadas  tas  sarvd 
nisyanty  dnuttdh  pratthajno  mayas 
In  a  read  ca  yas;  the  rest  as  in  st  1. 

panca  ja  yd  pa-[17]ncasas  carudhd  vaksandnu  \  yadas  ids  sarva 
nasyanty  anuttds  pratthajno  [18]  mayah 

In  a  read  ca  yah  pancasac;  the  rest  as  in  st  1. 

urubhydm  dvesthlvadbhydm  parsnibhydrii  bhansamah  striyd  jdrdiva 
putthaglna  pra-[19]mrmmasi  \ 

In  a  read  te  'sthivadbhyam,  in  b  bhansasah,  and  cf  S  2.33.5; 
for  c  we  might  consider  striya  jarayv  iva,  tho  it  is  short;  in  d  we 
might  read  putthagin  as  an  accusative  plural,  but  I  cannot  deduce 
a  satisfactory  meaning  for  it.  The  form  pratthajno  of  Stt  1-3  is 
probably  a  corruption  of  putthagi.  Edgerton  thinks  of  jara  in  c. 


The  Kashmirian  Atharva-Veda  285 

anasrptdm  ahane§u  puk^ndm  pdplydm  Samidvatim  [fllOb]  tdm 
etdm  tasyundm  daslm  pradahatas  cyukdkani  \ 

For  a  I  suggest  as  a  possible  reading  anusrptarh  dahanesu,  and 
for  b  puksnarh  papim  samidvatim.  In  c  read  dasyunam  dasim, 
in  d  pradahetas. 

prapatdti  sukajndli  suke-[2]§  kukltako  yathd  \  svakve  te  tripum 
dhuksami  sd  nasisyasi  putihagl  \ 

With  putthage  pada  d  can  stand;  I  can  do  nothing  with  the 
rest. 

yaddsyd-[3]s  sukve  dahebhyadd  murdhdnam  agnind  \  tdm  etd  tasyund 
daslm  pratthagena  la-[4]yisyate  \ 

In  the  margin  dahebhyada  is  corrected  to  dahed  ya(da). 

In  a  read  srakve  dahed;  for  c  we  should  probably  read  the 
same  form  as  in  5c:  for  pada  d  the  best  I  can  offer  is  putthage  no 
lavisyate. 

samvatsaram  ajaro  surebhyas  patam  krimlt.  \  yatra  ksettrasya  dur- 
gandhi  ut  te  [5]  tarn  nyancanam 

For  padas  ab  I  can  offer  nothing  beyond  the  division  of  the 
words.  In  c  read  ksetrasya,  and  for  d  tat  ta  etan  nyancanam. 

nditat  tava  mdtrnam  sthdm  na  te  ta  nyancanam.  asmdkam  etad 
virebhyo  [Q]  devdis  prajananam  krtam.  z 

In  a  I  would  suggest  satrnam  sthama,  which  would  seem  more 
probable  if  te  stood  for  tava;  for  b  read  na  ta  etan  nyancanam. 
The  rest  seems  correct. 

girote  smi  putam  udakam  himavatsu  tatropa  praskadya  [7]  n?tu 
prajdmi  yuthega  putthagl  \ 

In  a  perhaps  we  may  read  karoti  te  'smai  putarh;  in  b  tad 
udakam  would  improve  the  rhythm.  In  cd  we  might  possibly 
read  nrtu  prajami  yuthegan  putthagin. 

sa  tvam  gobhir  asvdis  prajayd  prajananam  bhava  \  [8]  yo  md  tatra 
prdhlsl  yatra  jlvantu  bhadrayah  z  1  z 

Read:  sa  tvam  gobhir  asvais  prajaya  prajananam  bhava  |  yo 
ma  tatra  prahaislr  yatra  jlvanti  bhadraya  z  11  z  1  z 

It  is  evident  that  the  emendations  suggested  are  based  almost 
entirely  on  palaeography;  the  first  four  stanzas  give  a  hint  of  the 
intent  of  the  hymn,  but  uncertainty  as  to  the  word  putthagi  adds 
to  the  too  numerous  difficulties  in  the  rest. 


286  LeRoy  Carr  Barret 

17 

(S  19.19) 

[fllObS]  mittras  prthi-[9]vyodakrdmat  tarn  puram  pro,  naydmi  va  \ 
tarn  a  visat  tarn  pra  visatu  srd  va  sa-[W]rma  ca  varma  ca  yaschatu  \ 
vdyur  antarantariksenos  suryo  divas  candramd  naksattrdi-[ll] 
r  u  |  soma  osadhlbhrt.  yajno  daksindbhrt.  samudro  nadlbhrt. 
vrahma  vrahma-[l2]  cdribhrt.  indro  vlryenodakrdmat  tdm  devd- 
mrtenodakrdman  tdm  puram  pra  [13]  naydmi  va  \  te  ma  visantu  te 
md  pra  visantu  te  \  vas  carma  ca  varma  ca  yaschatu  \  [14]  prajdpatih  \ 
prajdbhir  udakrdmat  tdm  puram  pra  naydmi  va  \  tdm  a  visa-[I5]ntu 
td  pra  visantu  sd  vas  sarma  ca  varma  ca  yaschatu  z  2  z 

Read:  mitras  prthivyodakramat  tarn  puram  pra  nayami  vah  | 
tarn  a  visata  tarii  pra  vi£ata  sa  vas  sarma  ca  varma  ca  yacchatu 
z  1  z  vayur  antariksenodakramat  tarn  °  °  |  °  °  z  2  z  suryo  divodak- 
ramat  tarn  °  °  |  c  °  z  3  z  candrama  naksatrair  udakramat  tarn 

0  |  c  °  z  4  z  soma  osadhibhir  udakramat  tarn  °  °  |  °  °  z  5  z 
yajno  daksinabhir  udakramat  tarn  °  °  |  °  °  z  6  z  samudro  nadibhir 
udakramat  tarn  °  °  °  °  z  7  z  vrahma  vrahmacaribhir  udakramat 
tarn  °  °  |  °  °  z  8  z  indro  vlryenodakramat  tarn  °  °  |  °  °  z  9  z  deva 
amrtenodakramans  tarn  °°|00zlOz  prajapatih  prajabhir  udakra- 
mat tarn  puram  pra  nayami  vah  |  tarn  a  visata  tarn  pra  visata  sa 
vas  6arma  ca  varma  ca  yacchatu  z  11  z  2  z 

18 

[fllOb!5]  savyanja-[16]ntas  prakrsanta  yad  vo  deva  upocire  \  tdm 
ebhyas  satyd  mdsim  indra  khalvdm  [17]  samrddhayah 

For  pada  a  sarhvyajantas  prakrsanto  would  seem  good;  pada 
b  can  stand;  in  c  I  am  not  sure  of  the  division  of  words,  but 
have  thought  of  masam  to  match  khalvam;  in  d  read  khalvan 
samarddhayah. 

anadvdhas  satydvdnas  slram  srnotu  me  vacah  \  atrdhlta-[lS]d  vijdyate 
tat  parjanyo  bhi  vovrsat. 

Read  krnotu  in  b;  in  c  atra  hy  etad  might  stand;  in  d  'bhi 
vivrsat  seems  possible. 

divydpo  va  sakvanr  anu  mantu  gahvare  \  [19]  urjasvatl  ghrtavatis. 
payasvatlr  drse  bhavatha  md  guhd 

For  pada  a  read  divya  apo  vai  sakvarir,  in  b  ramantu;  in  c 
urjasvatir. 

ud  ehi  [20]  vdjimvati  purnapdtrd  tvislmatl  duhdnd  pusa  raksatd  \ 
kd-  [fllla]  mam  esdm  sam  d  prnah 


The  Kashmirian  Atharva-Veda  287 

Read  posam  raksathah  in  c;  correct  punctuation.  Pada  a 
appeared  above  in  12. 6c. 

ahinsltd  phalavati  satavalsam  virohatu  imam  saha-[2]srabhogdsyd 
indra  updvatu  \ 

Read  ahinsita  in  a,  satavalsa  in  b;  in  cd  we  might  safely  read 
imam  sahasrabhogam  asya  °  . 

asvind  phdlam  kalpayetdm  updvatu  vrhaspa-[3]tih  yathdmad  bahu- 
dhdnyam  ayaksmam  bahupdurusam  \ 

Read  phalam  in  a,  yathasad  in  c,  and  °  purusam  in  d.  This 
stanza  occurs  also  in  Kaus  20.5. 

yad  vo  devd  uposire  \  [4]  iha  bhuyas  sydd  iti  \  iha  tarn  utprndm 
vayam  devlm  upahvaydmahe 

In  pada  a  read  upocira  without  following  colon;  if  utprnam  is 
good  padas  cd  can  stand:  but  cf  above,  11. 9b. 

i-[5]dam  va  utprndd  iti  sphdtim  va  utprndd  iti  \  rdsim  me  vardhaydd 
iti  [6]  sphdtim  cakdro  bahukdra  sphirasphostdya  maksikah 

If  the  colon  is  left  where  it  is,  the  first  three  padas  may  stand, 
tho  the  change  of  person  is  sudden;  for  de  I  would  suggest 
sphatimkaro  bahukaras  sphirasphotaya  maksikah. 

asmin  dhdm  nupyate  [7]  yavo  vrlhir  atho  tilah  tasya  grhmta  yat  kftam 
pariksdya  catussatam 

For  pada  a  read  asmin  dhaman  ny  upyate;  in  d  perhaps 
paricayya. 

sa-[8]rkdryavan  naydvas  ca  krdivft  kinca  yad  wf§e  \  tad  vdi  sphdtir 
updyatl  [9]  sarvam  evdtiricyasi  \ 

The  following  is  a  possible  form  for  this  stanza:  sakaravan 
nayavac  ca  kriyavat  kin  ca  yad  vrse  |  tad  vai  sphatir  upayati 
sarvam  evatiricyate. 

saham  jane  para  jahi  sahasrdposamandaye  \  [10]  bahvl  no§adhl 
bhava  samudrasyeva  samsrava  z  3  z 

Read:  sahan  jane  para  jahi  sahasraposamandaye  |  bahvl  na 
osadhe  bhava  samudrasyeva  sarhsravah  z  11  z  3  z 

19 

[flllalO]  djydd  ajas  sa-[ll]mabhavad  desebhya  odandya  yendtipasyan 
vrhaspatis  sa  vdi  pancodano  [12]  bhavat.  catudhriyatdm  samabhava 
|  odanas  tvam  vrhaspate  ajajydj  jdtas  sa  [13]  esdm  pancamo  bhava 
dhumena  divam  dpnoty  antyariksam  adhosmand  \  disdpno-[14] 
tu  cakqusd  ajas  pancamodanasyavah  \  yat  te  mdtd  yat  te  pita  bhrdtaro 


288  LeRoy  Carr  Barret 

ya-[15]s  ca  mesvd  \  ajam  pancodanam  paktva  sarve  tarn  upajivita  \  yat 
te  purve  [16]  pardgatdpare  pitaras  ca  ye  \  tebhyo  ghftasya  kullitu 
satadhdrdm  vinrtlm  [17]  ye  sarvadd  dadaty  evdra  caranty  odanam  te 
vdi  yamasya  rdjydd  uttare  lokdsa-[lS]te  |  ndtirdtrdpnotu  ndinam 
dpnoty  ukthyah  ndgnistomdpnoty  ajam  pancduda-[19]nam  savam 
dasardtrena  samyato  dvddasdhena  kalpate  \  dlrghamdtrena  [20]  sam- 
yato  jas  pancaudanas  savah  ya  esdm  barhisyam  sarvam  yan  nastam 
yas  ca  [flllb]  sa  \  yatam  yas  ca  stenopdyati  ya  esdm  pancamo 
bhava  \  yd  purvam  patim  vitvd  yathdnnam  [2]  vindate  param. 
pancdudanamdanam  ca  tdv  atam  pacato  na  vy  dncatah  \  samdnaloko 
[3]  bhavati  punarbhavdparas  patih  ajam  ca  pancodanam  daksinya- 
jyotisam  dadat.  [4]  z  4  z 

Read:  ajyad  ajas  samabhavad  desebhya  odanaya  |  yenatipasyan 
vrhaspatis  sa  vai  pancaudano  'bhavat  z  1  z  catus  srayatarh  sama- 
bhava  odanas  tvam  vrhaspate  |  aja  ajyad  jatas  sa  esaih  pancamo 
bhava  z  2  z  dhumena  divam  apnoty  antariksam  athosmana  |  disa 
apnoti  caksusa  ajas  pancaudanas  savah  z  3  z  yat  te  mata  yat 
te  pita  bhrataro  yac  ca  te  svasa  |  ajam  paficaudanarii  paktva 
sarve  tarn  upajivata  z  4  z  ye  te"  purve  paragata  apare  pitaras  ca  ye 
|  tebhyo  ghrtasya  kulyaitu  satadhara  vyundatl  z  5  z  ye  sarvada 
dadati  ye  varam  caranty  odanam  |  te  vai  yamasya  raj  y ad  uttare 
loka  asate  z  6  z  natiratra  apnoti  nainam  apnoty  ukthyah 
nagnistoma  apnoty  ajam  paficaudanarii  savam  z  7  z  dasaratrena 
samyato  dvadasahena  kalpate  |  dlrghamatrena  samyato  'jas 
pancaudanas  savah  z  8  z  yad  esarii  barhisyarh  sarvarh  yan  nastarh 
yac  ca  sarhyatam  |  yac  ca  tenopayati  sa  esarii  pancamo  bhava 
z  9  z  ya  purvarh  patirii  vittvathanyarii  vindate  'param  |  pafi- 
caudanarii ca  tav  ajaih  pacato  na  vy  aficatah  z  10  z  samanaloko 
bhavati  punarbhuvaparas  patih  |  ajarii  ca  paficaudanarii  dak- 
sinajyotisarii  dadat  z  11  z  4  z 

In  2a  the  emendation  may  not  be  wholly  satisfactory  as  to  form 
but  the  intent  seems  fairly  sure.  St  5  is  S  18.3.72,  the  reading 
of  which  is  adopted;  Stt  10  and  11  appear  S  9.5.27  and  28,  with 
variation  in  lOd. 

20 

[flllb4]  suryo  md  varcasokrtukrtdm  asvinobhd  \  dditya  urdhva  [5] 
uttaram  asdu  md  varcasoksatu  \  varcasd  mam  pitur  agnir  varcasd 
md  vrhaspa-[6]tih  surdyds  sicyamdndyds  klldla  varcasenasd  tena 
mdsasvino-[7]bhd  \  uksatdm  puskarasraja  \  varcasvdn  me  sukham 
astu  rocamdnam  visdsa-[8]hi  \  yo  md  hiranyavarcasam  krnomi 
pasyatd  priyam  \  madhor  aham  madhu-[9]taro  madhumdn  mad- 


The  Kashmirian  Aiharva-Veda  289 

humattarah  \  mam  anu  pravisantu  varca  r$abho  vd§itdm  iva  \  [10] 
yada  mam  janamdnam  avarcasvasd  kanikradam  \  yathd  kanikradas 
ca-[ll]rdni  varcasd  ca  bhagena  ca  \  varcasdgni  md  dadhati  varcaso 
yadati  su-[l2]ryah  ydvad  varco  god  dhirhiranyas  tdvan  me  varco 
bhuydt.  z  ydvat  tvam  de-[13]va  suryodyann  abhdiva  pasyasi  \  tdvan 
md  varcasdbhy  ava  pasya  parno  bhagasyd-[l4]ham  bhutvd  uks.am 
varcaso  ratham  \  sa  md  vahatu  sarvadd  \  yusmantam  suvarcasam 
bha-[15]bhagendham  parihito  varcasd  dravinena  ca  \  yathd  carani 
sarva-[lQ]dd  rocamdnam  vibhdvasuh  yavd  md  bhagdgamad  evd  md 
varcdgamat.  [17]  evd  md  tejdgamad  evd  md  yasdgamat.  hiranyena 
cakrena  bhaga-[lS]sydpihato  grhah  tarn  yugjdpi  vrahmand  tasya  me 
dattam  asvind  dattam  me  [19]  puskarasrajah  z  anu  5  zz  ity  athar- 
vanikapdippalddasd-[20]khdydm  astamas  kdndds  samdptah  z  z 

Read :  suryo  ma  varcasokgatuksatam  asvinobha  |  aditya  urdhva 
uttarann  asau  ma  varcasoksatu  z  1  z  varcasa  marii  fpitur  agnir 
varcasa  ma  vrhaspatih  |  surayas  sicyamanayas  kilalo  varcasa 
yena  |  tena  mam  asvinobha  uksatam  puskarasraja  z  2  z  varcasvan 
me  mukham  astu  rocamanam  visasahi  |  yo  ma  hiranyavarcasam 
krnomi  pasyatarh  priyam  z  3  z  madhor  aharh  madhutaro  ma- 
dhuman  madhumattarah  |  mam  anu  pravisatu  varca  rsabho 
vasitam  iva  z  4  z  yada  mam  janamanam  favarcasvasa  kanikradam  f 
|  atha  kanikradac  carani  varcasa  ca  bhagena  ca  z  5  z  varcasagnir 
ma  dadati  varcasa  dadati  suryah  |  yavad  varco  gor  hiranyasya 
tavan  me  varco  bhuyat  z  6  z  yavat  tvam  deva  suryodyann  abhy 
ava  pasyasi  |  tavan  ma  varcasabhy  ava  pasya  *  *  z  7  z  piirno 
bhagasyaham  bhutva  taksan  varcaso  ratham  |  sa  ma  vahatu 
sarvadayusmantam  suvarcasam  z  8  z  bhagenaham  parihito  varcasa 
dravinena  ca  |  yatha  carani  sarvada  rocamano  vibhavasuh  z  9  z 
eva  ma  bhaga  agamad  eva  ma  varca  agamat  |  eva  ma  teja  agamad 
eva  ma  yasa  agamat  z  10  z  hiranyayena  cakrena  bhagasyapihito 
grhah  |  tarn  fyugjapi  vrahmana  tasya  me  dattam  asvina  dattam 
me  puskarasraja  z  11  z  5  z  anu  5  z 

ity  atharvanikapaippaladasakhayam  astamas  kandas  samap- 
tah  z 

In  st  2a  °  mannapatir  might  be  considered  as  a  possibility.  All 
of  5ab  seems  unclear  to  me:  in  lie  yufije  api  might  be  possible. 
The  lacuna  indicated  in  7d  is  my  conjecture. 


19    JAOS  41 


THE  ELEPHANT  AND  ITS  IVORY  IN  ANCIENT  CHINA 

CARL  W.  BISHOP 
UNIVERSITY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA  MUSEUM 

FEW  MAMMALS,  probably,  have  so  forcibly  impressed  themselves 
upon  the  imaginations  of  the  peoples  coming  in  contact  with 
them  as  has  the  elephant.  Living,  he  has  not  only  been  the 
noblest  of  big  game  animals,  but  has  shown  himself  susceptible  of 
taming  and  of  utilization  in  a  variety  of  ways  for  the  purposes  of 
peace,  of  war,  and  of  religion.  Dead,  his  ivory  has  been  eagerly 
sought  after,  and  from  palaeolithic  times  has  formed  one  of  the 
principal  media  for  the  expression  of  the  aesthetic  impulses  of  the 
artist.  It  would  seem,  in  fact,  that  the  ancient  trade  in  ivory 
has  not  as  yet  had  accorded  to  it  the  study  which  it  merits.  Trade 
of  a  sort,  more  often  than  not  probably  of  an  intermittent,  tribe- 
to-tribe  variety,  has  of  course  been  going  on  the  world  over,  from 
an  extremely  early  period;  and  in  the  long  run  it  has  no  doubt 
played  a  more  important  part  in  the  diffusion  of  culture  elements 
than  any  other  agency.  Early  commerce,  however,  in  the  very 
nature  of  the  case  was  always  restricted  to  certain  very  definite 
classes  of  objects — those,  namely,  which  combined  in  themselves 
the  qualities  of  high  value,  of  durability,  and  of  easy  transport. 
Among  such  were  amber,  jade,  spices,  and  silk.  Such,  too,  in  a 
preeminent  degree,  was  ivory. 

In  view  of  the  really  great  importance  of  the  ivory  trade  in  all 
ages,  it  seems  rather  curious  that  so  little  attention  has  been 
paid  hitherto  to  the  distribution  of  the  elephant  in  protohistoric 
and  early  historic  times.  It  is  the  purpose  of  this  paper  to  present 
a  brief  synopsis  of  the  available  data  concerning  the  Asiatic 
elephant  and  the  traffic  in  its  ivory  during  the  earlier  historical 
periods  in  regions  where  it  has  now  disappeared,  and  particularly 
in  ancient  China. 

We  are  indebted  for  our  first  definite  notices  of  the  elephant  in 
western  Asia  to  the  Egyptian  monuments,  and  especially  to  those 
of  the  XVII Ith  Dynasty.  These  not  only  mention  ivory,  both  in 
the  tusk  and  in  the  form  of  manufactured  articles,  among  the 
items  of  tribute  and  booty  brought  to  Egypt  as  a  result  of  the 
Syrian  expeditions  of  the  Pharaohs;  but  the  living  animals  them- 
selves are  spoken  of  more  than  once  in  the  same  connection. 


The  Elephant  and  its  Ivory  in  Ancient  China  291 

Thothmes  II,  for  example,  received  elephants  brought  to  him 
by  his  Syrian  tributaries,  a  fact  which  indicates  not  merely  that 
the  animal  existed  in  western  Asia  but  that  it  was  already  being 
tamed.1  Again,  a  little  later,  Thothmes  III  is  recorded  as  having 
slain  no  less  than  a  hundred  and  twenty  elephants,  for  the  sake 
of  their  ivory,  in  a  great  hunt  in  the  land  of  Nii,  in  northern  Syria, 
not  far  from  the  great  bend  of  the  Euphrates;  the  killing  of  so 
large  a  number  on  a  single  occasion  indicates  that  the  creature 
must  then  have  occurred  in  considerable  herds.2 

It  may  be  suggested  in  this  connection  that  perhaps  the  area 
under  discussion  was  inhabited  not  by  the  Asiatic  but  by  the 
African  elephant.  For  we  know  that  Egypt  itself  was  the  home 
of  the  latter  in  predynastic  times;3  and  it  is  comparatively  but  a 
short  distance  from  the  valley  of  the  Nile  to  northern  Syria. 
This  suggestion,  however,  is  definitely  negatived  by  the  manner 
of  representing  the  Syrian  elephant  on  the  monuments,  where  it 
is  clearly  shown  with  the  high  concave  forehead  and  small  ears 
of  the  Asiatic  type,  as  distinct  as  possible  from  the  low  convex 
skull  and  enormous  ears  of  the  African  form.4 

The  Assyrian  notices,  dealing  with  a  period  somewhat  later, 
tell  much  the  same  story.  Tiglath-Pileser  I  (ca.  1100  B.C.) 
tells  us  that  he  killed  ten  elephants  and  took  four  alive  in  the 
Haran  region,  along  the  middle  Euphrates,  not  so  very  far,  in  fact, 
from  the  scene  of  the  great  hunt  of  Thothmes  III  on  the  other 
side  of  the  same  river  nearly  four  hundred  years  earlier.5  Again, 
in  the  first  half  of  the  9th  century,  elephants  are  mentioned  among 
the  animals  kept  in  the  menagerie  of  Ashur-nazir-pal  at  Kalhu.6 
Additional  and  extremely  interesting  information  regarding  the 
former  distribution  of  the  Asiatic  elephant  is  also  given  by  the 
famous  Black  Obelisk  of  Shalmaneser  II,  dating  from  about 
the  middle  of  the  same  century.  This  monument  enumerates 
among  the  articles  of  tribute  received  from  the  countries  of  Yakin 
and  Adini,  near  the  head  of  the  Persian  Gulf,  both  ivory  and 

1  Dr.  J.  H.  Breasted,  A  History  of  Egypt  (New  York,  1905),  p.  271. 

2  Breasted,  op.  tit.  p.  304. 

*  Breasted,  op.  tit.  p.  130. 

4Cf.  Revue  d' ethnographic,  No.  3  (1884),  p.  281;  also  Gaston  Maspero, 
The  Struggk  of  the  Nations  (London,  2nd  edit.,  1910),  p.  285. 

*  A.  T.  Olmstead,  in  JAOS  37.  177. 
e  Olmstead,  JAOS,  38.  250. 


292  Carl  W.  Bishop 

elephant  skins.7  These  items,  and  particularly  the  latter,  would 
suggest  that  the  elephant  was  native  to  those  regions;  but  on  the 
other  hand  they  might  conceivably  have  been  imported  overseas 
from  India,  so  that  this  evidence  is  not  quite  decisive  for  the 
former  existence  of  the  elephant  there.  About  another  statement 
upon  this  same  monument,  however,  there  can  be  little  doubt. 
Among  the  various  items  of  tribute  from  the  land  of  Musri  are 
mentioned  living  elephants.  Now  Musri  has,  it  is  true,  been 
somewhat  variously  located;  but  in  this  instance  it  is  apparently  to 
be  identified  with  a  region  lying  somewhere  to  the  northeast  of 
the  center  of  the  Assyrian  power,  and  not  far  from  the  southern 
extremity  of  the  Caspian  Sea.  Most  writers  who  have  touched 
upon  this  question  have  taken  it  for  granted  that  these  elephants 
must  somehow  have  been  obtained  ultimately  from  India,  merely 
because  that  is  the  nearest  land  where  elephants  are  now  found. 
That  this  assumption  is  a  wholly  gratuitous  one  need  scarcely 
be  said.  Fortunately  we  have  independent  confirmation  of  the 
Assyrian  statements  regarding  the  occurrence  of  elephants  in  the 
south  Caspian  region.  Ancient  Persian  traditions  embodied  in 
the  Shdhndma  speak  of  the  hero  Rustum  killing  numerous  elephants 
in  battle  in  Mazanderan,  in  the  course  of  his  war  with  the  king  of 
that  country.8  With  the  fullest  possible  allowance  for  the  un- 
historical  character  of  these  legends,  yet,  taken  in  connection 
with  the  Assyrian  statements,  they  surely  render  it  probable, 
if  not  certain,  that,  as  Sir  John  Malcolm  suggested  long  ago,9 
elephants  must  once  have  abounded  in  the  warm,  humid,  and  well 
wooded  country  about  the  southern  shores  of  the  Caspian  Sea. 

Of  the  vast  importance  of  the  part  played  by  ivory  in  the 
aesthetic  life  of  the  ancient  peoples  of  Mediterranean  and  Meso- 
potamian  regions  it  is  unnecessary  to  speak  here.  Much  of  this 
ivory  we  know  was  drawn  from  Africa  and  from  India;  but  part 
of  it,  at  least  in  the  earlier  periods,  was  undoubtedly  of  western 
Asiatic  origin,  as  in  fact  the  monuments  show  to  have  been  the 
case  in  Egypt. 

7  Cf.  article  by  Rev.  V.  Scheil  on  'The  Inscriptions  of  Shalmaneser  II,'  in 
Records  of  the  Past,  N.  S.,  No.  IV.,  p.  79;  also  Rev.  Wm.  Houghton,  'On  the 
Mammalia  of  the  Assyrian  Sculptures/  Transactions  of  the  Society  of  Biblical 
Archaeology,  vol.  V.  (1877),  p.  348. 

8  Shdhndma  (Trubner's  Oriental  Series),  vol.  2,  p.  73  sq. 

9  Col.  Sir  John  Malcolm,  The  History  of  Persia  (2  vols.,  London,  1815),  vol. 
1,  p.  35  and  note. 


The  Elephant  and  its  Ivory  in  Ancient  China  293 

Exactly  when  the  elephant  finally  disappeared  from  western 
Asia,  although  it  had  apparently  done  so  well  before  the  middle 
of  the  first  millennium  B.C.,  we  do  not  know.  We  hear  nothing 
more  of  its  occurrence  there  for  some  centuries,  until  the  battle 
of  Gaugamela,  in  331  B.C.,  when  an  Indian  contingent  from  the 
west  bank  of  the  Indus  is  recorded  to  have  brought  with  it  fifteen 
elephants.10  As  a  result  of  the  conquests  of  Alexander  the  Great, 
the  custom  of  using  elephants  in  war  was  borrowed  for  a  season 
in  western  regions ;  but  the  animals  thus  employed  were  all  drawn 
at  first  from  India,  and,  later  on,  to  some  extent  from  northern 
Africa,  where,  although  now  extinct,  the  species  still  survived  for 
some  centuries  after  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  Era.  Indirect 
evidence  of  the  fact  that  the  elephant  had  entirely  disappeared 
from  those  countries  in  Asia  west  of  India  in  which  it  formerly 
occurred  is  afforded  by  the  marches  of  Alexander  himself;  for 
as  it  happens,  the  route  followed  by  him  led  through  every  one 
of  those  regions,  and  yet  we  hear  nothing  as  to  wild  elephants 
being  found  by  him  in  any  of  them. 

The  history  of  the  elephant  in  India  does  not  fall  within  the 
scope  of  this  paper.  It  is  worth  remarking,  however,  that  a 
people  called  the  Seres  are  mentioned  by  classical  writers  as  being 
great  elephant  users,  while  the  same  name  was  undoubtedly  that 
by  which  the  ancient  Chinese  were  best  known  to  the  western 
world.  Greek  and  Roman  writers,  from  the  time  of  Ktesias 
downward,  mention  the  Seres  repeatedly,  in  a  large  proportion 
of  instances  in  such  a  way  as  to  indicate  conclusively  that  the 
people  whom  they  had  in  mind  were  the  Chinese.  That  the 
name  was  also  applied  to  various  Indian  peoples,  however,  is 
beyond  doubt;  and  it  was  the  latter  clearly  who  were  the  elephant 
users — not  the  Seres  of  China. 

Of  any  occurrence  of  the  elephant  in  ancient  times  in  the  regions 
north  of  India  and  Iran  there  is  practically  no  evidence.  As  will 
presently  appear,  the  creature  once  existed,  and  that  well  within 
the  historical  period,  in  western  China,  in  an  area  adjoining  what 
is  now  the  arid  Central  Asiatic  region.  And  as  has  been  seen  it 
was  also  in  all  probability  once  found  at  the  opposite  extremity  of 
this  desert  belt,  in  the  district  around  the  southern  end  of  the 
Caspian.  Granted  that  former  greater  degree  of  humidity  which 
seems  to  have  prevailed  in  this  now  dry  central  zone,  there  is  no 

10  Arrian,  Anabasis,  Bk.  3,  ch.  8. 


294  Carl  W.  Bishop 

reason  apparently  why  the  elephant  might  not  then  have  extended 
from  northern  Iran  right  around  to  western  China,  through  the 
basins  of  the  Oxus,  the  Jaxartes,  and  the  Tarim.  But  direct 
evidence  that  this  was  actually  the  case  is  wanting.  True,  there 
are  various  references  to  elephants  in  connection  with  this  region, 
some  of  them  legendary,  others  undoubtedly  historical.  In  the 
Shdhndma,  for  instance,  we  are  told  that  one  of  the  allies  of 
Afrasiyab,  the  king  of  Chin  (which  has  been  conjecturally  identified 
with  the  ancient  Chinese  state  of  Ch'in,  occupying  the  modern 
Shen-hsi  and  Kan-suh),11  made  use  of  war  elephants.  Buddhist 
records  of  the  post-Christian  period  also  speak  of  elephants  in 
these  parts,  while  there  are  occasional  references  to  their  being 
sent  by  some  of  the  petty  Central  Asiatic  states  as  tribute  to  the 
court  of  China.  All  these  statements,  however,  have  to  do  with 
tame  elephants;  and  in  spite  of  the  enormous  difficulty  of  trans- 
porting such  bulky  animals  over  the  passes  between  India  and 
Turkestan  it  is  perhaps  the  case  that  these  animals  were  all 
originally  obtained  from  the  valley  of  the  Indus.  The  Chinese 
writer,  Ma  T'uan-lin,  it  is  true,  speaks  of  the  fauna  of  the  land 
of  the  T'iao-chi  (who  were  perhaps  the  people  we  know  as  the 
Tajiks)  in  such  a  way  as  to  imply,  apparently,  that  the  elephant 
was  native  there;  but  the  passage  is  too  ambiguous  to  build  upon.12 

That  the  elephant  ever  existed  during  the  historic  period  in 
any  of  the  great  Asiatic  islands  except  Ceylon,  Sumatra,  and 
Borneo,  where  it  still  occurs,  and  in  Sulu,  where  it  was  exterminated 
by  the  Moros  about  a  hundred  years  ago,13  there  is  no  reason  to 
believe,  although  fossil  forms  occur  in  them  as  far  north  as  Japan. 
In  China,  however,  the  case  is  far  otherwise.  Here  once  more  we 
come  upon  distinct  and  indisputable  references  to  the  elephant, 
and  that  too  within  comparatively  recent  times. 

Three  or  four  thousand  years  ago,  when  the  ancient  culture  of 
the  country  was  taking  form  in  the  lower  Yellow  River  Valley, 


11  The  Works  of  Sir  William  Jones  (London,  1807),  vol.  3,  p.  146. 

12  Quoted  by  Remusat,  Nouveaux  melanges  asiatiques,  1.  206. 

13  The  elephants  of  Sulu  are  known  to  have  been  feral,  and  the  same  is  perhaps 
true  of  those  in  North  Borneo,  although  the  evidence  here  is  less  conclusive. 
On  the  latter,  see  The  China  Review,  7.  3;  upon  the  former,  Dr.  N.  M.  Saleeby, 
'The  History  of  Sulu/  in  Publications  of  the  Bureau  of  Science,-.  Division  of 
Ethnology,  vol.  4,  part  3,  Manila,  1908,  pp.  150,  161,  165,  168;    also  Capt. 
Thomas  Forrest,  'A  Voyage  to  New  Guinea,'  pp.  320-335;  Forrest  visited 
Jolo  toward  the  end  of  the  18th  century. 


The  Elephant  and  its  Ivory  in  Ancient  China  295 

China  north  of  the  Yangtse  was  a  region  of  wide  expanses  of 
grassland,  of  rolling  prairie  and  flat  alluvial  plain,  with  considerable 
forest,  particularly  in  the  hilly  districts  of  the  modern  Shan-tung 
and  Shan-hsi  and  western  Ho-nan;  there  were,  too,  innumerable 
shallow  lakes,  reedy  meres,  and  vast  extents  of  swamp.  The 
climate,  though  continental,  was  perhaps  rather  milder  than  now, 
and  there  appears  to  have  been  a  somewhat  greater  degree  of 
humidity. 

The  aspect  of  the  country  which  we  now  call  southern  China 
was  widely  different.  There,  instead  of  wide  alluvial  plains,  was 
a  picturesque  region  of  mist-veiled  hills  and  quickening  streams 
and  blowing  woodland,  with  a  warm,  moist  climate  and  a  very 
rich  vegetation  partaking  throughout  much  of  the  area  of  a 
subtropical  nature,  while  in  the  extreme  south  its  character  was, 
as  it  still  is,  genuinely  tropical. 

This  distinction  in  the  aspect  of  the  two  halves  of  the  country 
and  the  type  of  their  vegetation  is  reflected  too  in  their  fauna! 
According  to  Wallace,  the  bulk  of  China  Proper  belongs  to  the 
Manchurian  subregion  of  the  Palsearctic  region,  while  the  south 
is  embraced  in  the  Oriental  region,  the  line  between  the  two 
zoological  provinces  extending  roughly  along  the  southern 
border  of  the  Yangtse  valley.14  In  ancient  times,  however,  the 
boundary  appears  to  have  been  farther  to  the  north,  for  many  at 
least  of  the  larger  mammalian  forms  of  the  Oriental  region  are 
found  occurring  then  throughout  the  Yangtse  valley  and  even  to 
the  north  of  it;  among  these  were  the  elephant,  the  rhinoceros, 
and  the  tapir. 

At  the  commencement  of  their  true  historical  period,  a  little 
less  than  three  thousand  years  ago,  the  ancient  Chinese  people 
formed  a  congeries  of  semi-independent  feudal  states  located 
on  both  sides  of  the  lower  course  of  the  Yellow  River,  under  the 
sway  of  a  ruler  of  rather  primitive  king-priest  type,  and  possessing 
an  archaic  but  very  rich  Bronze  Age  civilization. 

This  ancient  culture  has  of  late  been  attracting  no  little  notice 
for  its  achievements  in  the  realm  of  the  aesthetic.  Heretofore  it 
has  been  best  known  for  its  splendid  sacrificial  vessels  of  bronze, 
decorated  in  a  highly  conventionalized  and  largely  geometric 
symbolism  and  unsurpassed  anywhere  else  for  their  barbaric 


14  A.  R.  Wallace,  The  Geographical  Distribution  of  Animals  (London,  1876), 
vol.  1,  p.  220  sq.,  and  map  at  beginning  of  volume. 


296  Carl  W.  Bishop 

grandeur  and  their  monumental  simplicity  and  majesty.  For 
our  knowledge  of  the  development  of  Chinese  art  in  other  fields 
we  have  thus  far  been  dependent  upon  surviving  literary  remains; 
for  archaeological  excavation  upon  any  adequate  scale  has  yet 
to  be  undertaken  in  China.  But  these  written  sources  are  sufficient 
to  show  that  the  high  standards  attained  by  the  bronze-founder 
were  equalled  by  the  worker  in  wood,  in  jade,  in  silk,  in  leather, 
in  featherwork,  and  notably  in  ivory. 

Chinese  ivory  workers  have  always  stood  in  the  very  front 
rank  of  their  craft.  For  intricacy  and  grace  of  design,  for  complete 
mastery  of  technique,  and  for  skill  in  execution,  some  of  the 
modern  products  of  the  Canton  shops  have  probably  never  been 
excelled.  The  ancient  Chinese  work  in  ivory,  with  its  roots 
extending  far  back  into  prehistoric  time,15  belonged  to  an  entirely 
different  school  of  art,  with  designs  based  primarily  upon  the 
same  magico-religious  symbolism  displayed  by  the  great  bronze 


The  purposes  for  which  ivory  was  used  by  the  ancient  Chinese 
craftsman,  and  his  manner  of  using  it,  were  practically  the  same 
as  was  the  case  in  ancient  Babylonia  and  Assyria  and  Egypt  and 
the  old  Aegean  lands.  This  parallelism,  in  fact,  extends  so  far 
and  in  such  detail,  particularly  in  point  of  technique,  that  it  is 
difficult  not  to  feel  that  there  must  have  been  some  interchange 
of  ideas,  in  all  probability  along  the  line  of  the  ancient  trade  route 
through  Central  Asia.  For  instance,  in  both  regions  ivory  in 
early  times  was  very  extensively  used  as  a  decorative  inlay  on 
wood;  and  in  both,  as  the  supply  became  gradually  less,  the 
expedient  was  adopted  of  replacing  it  with  mother-of-pearl. 

Ivory  is  mentioned  in  the  Chou-li,  or  'Ritual  of  the  Chou 
Dynasty/  as  one  of  the  'eight  raw  materials.'  One  of  the  prin- 
cipal uses  to  which  it  was  put  was  the  adornment  of  woodwork  of 
various  sorts,  including  chariots  of  state,  which  were  decorated 
with  a  richness  hardly  equalled  in  the  cars  of  the  warriors  of 
Pharaoh  or  the  heroes  of  Homer.16  It  was  used  too  in  the  man- 
ufacture of  weapons — for  bow-tips,  archers'  thimbles,  and  sword 

15  The  character  for  'elephant'  (No.  4287,  p.  440,  in  Giles'  Dictionary,  edit. 
1892)  has  the  secondary  meanings  of  'ivory'  and  of  'figure'  or  'image';   the 
latter,  in  spite  of  the  fanciful  conjectures  of  later  Chinese  scholars,  undoubtedly 
point  to  the  use  of  ivory  for  the  carving  of  amulets  and  the  like  in  very  ancient 
tunes. 

16  Le  Tcheou-li,  ou  Rites  des  Tcheou  (tsl.  Edouard  Biot,  1851),  Bk.  27.  4. 


The  Elephant  and  its  Ivory  in  Ancient  China  297 

hilts.  It  also  appears  in  the  form  of  various  articles  of  dress  and 
the  toilet,  such  as  amulets,  combs,  and  hairpins;  for  the  Chinese 
noble  of  that  day  wore  his  hair  long  and  done  up  in  a  knot  on  the 
top  of  the  head.17  In  the  form  of  a  spike,  used  for  untying  knots 
(the  ancient  JChinese  used  no  buttons  in  fastening  then*  garments) , 
it  was  worn  suspended  at  the  girdle,  its  assumption  being  one  of 
the  tokens  of  maturity.18  Ivory  goblets  are  also  mentioned;19 
and  the  tyrant  Chou  Hsin,  last  ruler  of  the  ancient  Shang  dynasty, 
is  said  to  have  been  the  first  to  employ  ivory  as  the  material  for 
his  chopsticks.  For  the  present  the  earliest  extant  specimens  of 
Chinese  worked  ivory  which  we  can  even  approximately  date 
appear  to  be  those  accidentally  unearthed  some  years  ago  at 
An-yang  Hsien,  in  northern  Ho-nan,  on  the  site  of  one  of  the 
capitals  of  this  same  dynasty;  these  are  probably  of  the  latter 
half  of  the  second  millennium  B.  C.,  and  consist  of  amulets  and 
minor  ornaments  of  very  archaic  type. 

To  meet  such  a  demand  the  supply  must  have  been  both  large 
and  constant;  and,  in  view  of  the  conditions  governing  trade  in 
ancient  times,  it  must  in  all  probability  have  been  drawn  from 
some  source  close  at  hand.  Such,  in  fact,  from  the  surviving 
records,  we  know  to  have  been  the  case. 

That  the  elephant  formerly  existed  in  ancient  China  Proper 
itself — that  is,  in  what  we  know  nowadays  as  North  China — is 
more  than  probable.20  But  it  appears  to  have  become  quite 
extinct  there  by  the  time  of  the  earliest  contemporary  historical 
records  that  have  come  down  to  us — that  is,  by  the  beginning  of 
the  first  millennium  B.  C. — and  to  have  survived  in  popular 
recollection  only  as  one  of  the  dangerous  and  destructive  wild 
animals  of  the  region  which  were  subdued  by  the  mighty  heroes 
of  old.  The  story  that  the  mythical  emperor  Shun  had  elephants 
to  plow  his  fields  and  birds  to  weed  the  grain21  is  of  course  pure 
folklore;  but  it  suggests  at  least  that  in  the  days  when  the  legend 
took  form  elephants  were  believed  to  have  existed  once  upon  a 


17  The  Book  of  Odes  (Legge's  translation),  Pt.  1,  Bk.  4.  3. 
"  Odes,  Pt.  1,  Bk.  5.  6. 

19  John  Steele,  The  I-li  (London,  1917;  Probsthain's  Oriental  Series),  1.  131, 
134,  158. 

20  Biot  (  Journal  asiatique,  Dec.,  1843  )  in  placing  the  northern  limit  of  the 
elephant  in  ancient  China  at  28°,  was  undoubtedly  in  error,  for  it  can  be 
shown  to  have  extended  at  least  as  far  north  as  latitude  35°. 

21  The  legend  is  quoted  in  The  Chinese  Repository,  6  (1837),  p.  131. 


298  Carl  W.  Bishop 

time  in  northern  China.  Better  authenticated,  perhaps,  is  the 
statement  that  the  illustrious  Duke  of  Chou,  who  is  believed 
to  have  flourished  about  eleven  hundred  years  before  our  era, 
drove  away  the  tigers,  leopards,  rhinoceroses,  and  elephants  which 
infested  the  land  in  his  day.22  His  success  with  the  tigers  and 
leopards,  unfortunately,  was  only  partial;  but  that  the  elephant, 
and  perhaps,  too,  the  rhinoceros,  disappeared  from  northern  China 
at  about  that  time  is  probable  enough. 

This  legendary  evidence  regarding  the  former  existence  of  the 
elephant  in  northern  China  is  confirmed  in  a  measure  by  the 
extremely  early  occurrence  of  the  written  character  denoting 
that  animal;  the  importance  of  the  creature  in  the  life  of  the 
people  is  indicated  by  this  very  fact  that  it  had  devoted  to  it  one 
of  the  extremely  small  number  of  primitive  pictographs  which 
constituted  the  Chinese  system  of  writing  in  the  days  of  its  be- 
ginnings. Its  failure  however  to  pass  into  mythology  as  did  the 
alligator  and  the  rhinoceros  (memories  of  which  undoubtedly 
contributed  to  the  later  concepts  of  the  dragon  and  the  k'i-liri) 
suggests  that  so  far  as  the  ancient  Chinese  culture  area  proper 
was  concerned,  its  extinction  and  consequent  passing  out  of  the 
popular  imagination  must  have  taken  place  rather  early.  The 
same  conclusion  must  be  drawn,  too,  from  the  relatively  unim- 
portant and  scarcely  recognizable  designs  to  which  it  gave  rise 
in  the  ancient  symbolic  art.  The  part  which  the  elephant  plays 
in  the  popular  mythology  and  art  of  the  present  day  is  of  course 
due  to  much  later  Indian  and  Buddhistic  influences. 

The  written  evidence,  such  as  it  is,  is  in  entire  harmony  with 
the  foregoing  conclusion.  Contemporary  mention  of  the  elephant 
as  a  native  of  any  of  the  original  Chinese  states  is  wholly  lacking. 
References  to  ivory,  both  as  a  raw  material  and  as  a  worked 
product,  are,  on  the  other  hand,  very  numerous;  but  these  invari- 
ably point  to  southern  regions  then  quite  outside  the  ancient 
Chinese  culture-area  as  the  source  of  supply.  The  Book  of  Odes, 
one  of  the  oldest  of  surviving  literary  remains,  tells  us  that  the 
wild  non-Chinese  tribes  of  the  Hwai  river  region  paid  a  tribute 
which  consisted  in  part  of  ivory.  The  same  is  recorded,  by  the 
Chou-li,  of  the  districts  of  Yang  and  Ching,  which  between  them 
included  pretty  much  the  whole  of  the  Yangtse  valley  below  the 

22  Legge;  The  Life  and  Works  of  Mendus  (London  1875)  Bk.  3,  Pt.  2, 
chap.  9, 


The  Elephant  and  its  Ivory  in  Ancient  China  299 

famous  gorges;  this  name  'Ching/  by  the  way,  means  'the  jungle/ 
and  indicates  something  of  the  character  of  the  country  in  those 
days;  it  was  in  this  region,  about  seven  or  eight  hundred  years 
before  our  era,  that  the  'barbarian'  kingdom  of  Ch'u  arose.  The 
Yu-kung,  which  in  its  present  form  probably  dates  from  a  time 
fairly  early  in  the  first  millennium  B.  C.,  speaks  of  the  'Country 
of  Docile  Elephants'  (Yu-hsiang  Chou23)  in  what  is  now  southern 
Ho-nan;  this  name,  if  it  means  anything  at  all,  rather  suggests 
not  only  that  elephants  were  found  in  this  section  of  Central 
China  then,  but  that  they  were  actually  tamed.  It  is  perhaps 
significant  that  the  non-Chinese  state  of  Ch'u,  already  mentioned, 
where,  as  will  presently  appear,  elephants  were  tamed,  later 
occupied  part  of  this  same  region.  In  the  Shan  Hai  Ching,  which, 
whatever  the  date  of  its  present  recension,  undoubtedly  contains 
very  ancient  elements,  mention  is  made  of  elephants  in  the  Min 
Mountains,  in  what  is  now  central  Sze-ch'uan,  while  the  Erh-ya 
records  them  as  being  plentiful  in  the  Liang  range,  in  the  north- 
eastern part  of  the  same  province.24  The  Tso-ch'uen,  a  com- 
mentary on  the  Spring  and  Autumn  Annals  of  Confucius,  states 
that  there  is  much  ivory  in  Ch'u,25  and  it  further  tells  us  that  there 
was  a  regular  trade  in  ivory  and  hides — presumably  those  of  the 
rhinoceros — between  Ch'u  and  China  Proper. 

It  is  clear  then  that  whatever  may  have  been  the  case  in  pre- 
historic times,  by  the  middle  of  the  first  millennium  B.  C.  the 
habitat  of  the  elephant  in  China  had  become  restricted  to  the 
Yangtse  valley,  from  Sze-ch'uan  to  the  sea,  and  the  regions  still 
farther  south  and  west,  forming  a  continuous  area  with  those 
Indo-Chinese  lands,  such  as  Burma,  the  Laos,  and  Siam,  where  it 
still  occurs  in  a  native  state.  It  is  apparent  too  that  although  no 
part  of  this  vast  region  came  under  Chinese  political  dominance 
in  any  real  sjense  of  the  word  until  about  two  centuries  before 
our  era,  a  brisk  trade  in  ivory  had  long  been  going  on  with  the 
more  advanced  communities  of  North  China,  precisely  comparable 
to  the  old  amber  trade  between  the  Mediterranean  lands  and  the 
Baltic. 


23  Terrien  de  Lacouperie,  The  Western  Origins  of  the  Ancient  Chinese  Civiliza- 
tion, p,  186,  note  756. 

24  For  these  and  other  references  to  the  elephant  in  the  ancient  Chinese 
records,  see  T.  de  Lacouperie,  loc.  cit. 

25  See  Legge's  translation,  under  years  637,  607  B.C, 


300  Carl  W.  Bishop 

Although  there  is  some  reason  to  believe  that  this  southern 
region  was  originally  occupied  only  by  a  sparse  and  very  primitive 
hunting  population  of  negrito  affinities,  at  the  time  when  it 
begins  to  come  within  the  purview  of  history  it  was  inhabited  by 
various  Mongoloid  stocks,  mainly,  it  would  appear,  of  the  Mon- 
Khmer  group.  Already,  however,  the  great  T'ai,  or  Shan,  race 
had  come  into  evidence.  Exactly  where  this  people  originated 
we  do  not  know;  but  its  strongest  and  most  advanced  branches 
were  then  located  in  the  valley  of  the  Yangtse. 

The  latter  fact  is  not  without  its  bearing  upon  the  subject  of 
this  paper ;  for  the  Shan  race  has  always  been  associated  with  the 
elephant  in  a  peculiarly  intimate  way.  This  condition  still  holds, 
for  nowhere,  even  in  India  itself,  does  this  animal  occupy  such  an 
important  place  in  the  life  of  the  people  as  in  the  territories  still 
inhabited  by  the  members  of  the  Shan  race,  such  as  Siam,  for 
example,  or  the  Shan  States.  The  same,  apparently,  has  been 
true  from  prehistoric  times,  when  the  center  of  gravity  of  the 
race  was  in  what  is  now  central  China,  far  to  the  northeast  of  its 
present  location.  The  few  surviving  instances  of  the  taming 
of  the  elephant  in  ancient  China  refer  to  regions  then  under  Shan 
influence.  Even  the  very  name  used  for  the  creature  in  many 
of  the  languages  of  eastern  Asia  is  closely  akin  to,  if  not  actually 
borrowed  from,  the  Shan  word.  In  Siam  it  is  chang',  in  the 
British  Shan  States  this  becomes  tsang]  in  northern  China  it  is 
pronounced  hsiang;  in  Cantonese,  tsong]  by  the  Hakkas,  siong', 
in  Annam,  long.  The  modern  Japanese  name,  zo,  seems  to  have 
come  from  some  form  like  dzang26  and  was  in  all  likelihood  bor- 
rowed from  one  of  the  Yangtse  River  dialects. 

The  earliest  of  all  the  states  of  the  T'aic  stock  known  to  us 
historically  was  that  of  Ch'u,  already  referred  to  in  connection 
with  the  ivory  trade  between  the  Yangtse  valley  and  ancient 
China  Proper.  This  state  occupied  a  territory  now  comprised 
in  the  two  provinces  of  Hu-peh  and  Hu-nan,  embracing  both 
banks  of  the  middle  Yangtse,  and  its  principal  capital  was  most 
strategically  located  not  far  from  the  present  Ichang,  just  at  the 
foot  of  the  famous  gorges.  From  the  first  it  was  aggressive  and 
warlike,  and  at  various  times  extended  its  annexations  now 
northward,  at  the  expense  of  the  old  purely  Chinese  states,  now 


26  Cf.  the  Japanese  'To,'  from  the  Chinese  T'ang,'  the  name  of  the  dynasty 
which  ruled  China,  A.  D.  618-906. 


The  Elephant  and  its  Ivory  in  Ancient  China  301 

eastward,  down  the  Yangtse,  and  again  far  to  the  south  and  west, 
into  regions  utterly  unknown  to  the  ancient  Chinese  themselves. 
One  of  its  conquests  in  the  last-named  direction  looks  like  a 
definite  and  well  planned  effort  to  get  control  of  the  key  to  the 
Indian  trade  route,  the  region  between  the  upper  waters  of  the 
Yangtse  and  those  of  the  Irawaddy. 

Among  the  various  indications  pointing  to  a  connection  between 
the  ancient  inhabitants  of  Ch'u  and  the  modern  peoples  of  the 
T'aic  stock  is  the  fact  that  elephants  were  tamed  and  kept  at 
their  court.  Their  motive  for  this  does  not  appear;  but  we  are 
perhaps  justified  in  surmising  that  it  had  a  religious  basis.  Many 
of  the  existing  branches  of  the  T'ai  race  believe  that  every  animal 
has  a  guardian  spirit  with  mysterious  powers  for  good  and  ill. 
There  is  also  a  belief  among  some  of  the  Indo-Chinese  peoples 
that  the  spirits  of  deceased  chiefs  and  medicine-men  enter  into 
various  animals,  such  as  the  tiger  and  the  elephant,  and  continue 
in  these  forms  to  exert  their  influence  on  behalf  of  their  people. 
Ideas  such  as  these  occur  throughout  this  region,  and  are  undoubt- 
edly at  the  back  of  the  custom  of  reverencing  white  elephants,  as 
in  Burma  and  Si  am.  There  the  Buddhists  with  their  usual 
syncretizing  proclivities  claim  that  the  sacred  animal  is  the 
incarnation  of  a  Buddha;27  but  perhaps  the  Siamese  notion  that 
if  the  white  elephant  dies  the  king,  too,  will  die  within  the  year 
is  a  trace  of  an  older  belief,28  for  we  are  told  that  anciently  the 
kings  of  Siam  called  themselves  'sons  of  the  White  Elephant/ 
and  that  the  proper  name  of  the  latter  was  taboo.29  At  all  events 
the  peoples  of  Indo-China  are  unanimous  that  the  white  elephant 
is  a  necessary  adjunct  of  royalty,  and  that  the  want  of  one  at  the 
court  is  most  ominous.30  Perhaps  it  was  some  similar  idea  that 
led  to  the  custom  of  keeping  elephants  at  the  court  of  ancient 
Ch'u,  although  it  is  only  fair  to  say  that  this  is  purely  surmise. 
We  do  know,  however,  that  the  beasts  were  not  kept  confined, 
but  were  tamed,  and  taught  to  allow  themselves  to  be  driven  or 
led  by  their  keepers. 


27  Sir  John  Bowring,  The  Kingdom  and  People  of  Siam  (London,  1857),  vol.  1, 
p.  471;    Mrs.  Ernest  Hart,  Picturesque  Burma,   Past  and  Present  (London, 
1897),  p.  167 

28  Bowring,  op.  tit.  1.  473  (quoting  Pere  Bruguiere,  Annales  de  la  Foi,  XXV.) 
**Ibid.  1.473s?. 

30  Mrs.  L.  J.  Curtis,  The  Laos  of  North  Siam  (Philadelphia,  1903),  p.  95. 


302  Carl  W.  Bishop 

Toward  the  close  of  the  sixth  century  B.  C.  Ch'u  was  invaded 
and  for  the  moment  overrun  by  the  state  of  Wu,  or,  as  the  word 
was  perhaps  then  pronounced,  Ngu,  another  non-Chinese  kingdom 
located  lower  down  the  Yangtse  with  its  capital  at  the  modern 
Soochow.  Defeated  in  the  field,  the  armies  of  Ch'u  took  refuge 
behind  the  walls  of  their  capital;  but  these  (doubtless  of  rammed 
earth)  were  overthrown  by  the  invaders,  who  directed  against 
them  the  waters  of  the  Siang  River.  As  a  last  resort,  we  are  told, 
the  king  of  Ch'u  then  took  his  elephants  and  tied  torches  to  their 
tails  and  urged  them  against  the  inrushing  enemy,  but  to  no 
avail.31 

This  is  the  sole  reference,  so  far  as  I  am  aware,  to  the  use  of  the 
elephant  in  war  in  ancient  China.  That  such  use  was  a  customary 
one  seems  unlikely;  for  in  the  first  place,  had  it  been  so  we  should 
almost  certainly  have  heard  of  other  instances  of  it,  as  for  example 
in  the  great  work  'On  the  Art  of  War/  by  Sun-Tzu,  written  just 
about  this  time.  Moreover,  the  defeated  king  would  scarcely, 
in  such  case,  have  turned  to  his  elephants  only  as  a  last  resort; 
while  the  method  of  urging  them  against  the  foe  by  the  use  of 
fire  seems  rather  a  counsel  of  despair.  It  is  curious  to  note  that 
the  general  of  another  Shan  state,  Siam,  in  the  course  of  a  war 
with  Cochin  China,  over  two  thousand  years  later,  made  use  of 
precisely  the  same  stratagem,  attacking  the  enemy's  camp  with 
several  hundred  elephants  to  whose  tails  burning  torches  were 
tied;  in  this  instance  the  device  met  with  better  success,  and  over 
a  thousand  of  the  enemy  were  destroyed.32 

The  sole  trustworthy  reference  that  I  have  found  to  the  use 
of  the  elephant  in  any  of  the  arts  of  peace  in  ancient  China  relates 
to  the  construction  of  a  tomb  for  a  member  of  the  royal  family 
of  Wu,  the  other  non-Chinese  state  just  mentioned  as  being  at 
war  with  Ch'u;  and  here  we  are  merely  informed  that  these 
animals  were  employed  in  the  execution  of  the  work,  no  details 
being  given,  and  no  clue  of  any  kind  enabling  us  to  learn  whether 
the  practice  was  a  usual  one  or  not.33 

All  that  we  can  be  certain  of  then  is  that  the  ancient  non- 
Chinese  peoples  of  the  Yangtse  basin  not  merely  hunted  the  ele- 

31  P.  Albert  Tschepe,  S.J.,  Histoire  du  Royaume  de  Tch'ou  (Changhai,  1903) , 
p.  263  and  note  5. 

32  Bowring,  op.  cit.  1.  221. 

33  Prof.  E.  H.  Parker,  Ancient  China  Simplified  (London,  1908),  p.  258. 


The  Elephant  and  its  Ivory  in  Ancient  China  303 

phant  for  his  ivory  and  perhaps  his  skin,  but  that  they  also  caught 
and  tamed  him  and  kept  him  at  court.  This,  however,  seems 
to  have  been  the  extent  of  their  practice,  and  in  fact  it  is  perhaps 
the  case  that  the  two  instances  just  cited  of  the  utilization  of  the 
creature  in  any  way  further  than  this  have  found  a  place  in  the 
records  precisely  on  account  of  their  exceptional  character.  That 
certain  Indo-Chinese  peoples  did  eventually  learn  to  make  use 
of  the  elephant  in  various  ways,  and  notably  in  war,  is  true.34 
But  this  development  did  not  take  place  until  considerably  later, 
and  appears  to  have  been  connected  in  some  way  with  the  great 
expansion  of  Indian  influence  in  the  Bay  of  Bengal  and  adjacent 
regions,  in  times  shortly  preceding  and  following  the  commence- 
ment of  the  Christian  Era.  That  it  did  not  take  place  upon 
Chinese  soil  is  certain,  and  although  the  use  of  elephants  in  war 
and  pageantry  was  later  introduced  into  China,  it  was  only  as  an 
exotic  custom,  which  no  more  took  root  there  than  it  did  in  Med- 
iterranean regions. 

With  the  great  increase  of  civilization  in  the  Yangtse  valley 
about  the  middle  of  the  first  millennium  B.C.  the  elephant  under- 
went a  swift  diminution  in  numbers.  Its  complete  extinction 
there  before  the  close  of  the  4th  century  B.  C.  may  perhaps  be 
inferred  from  a  remark  of  a  minister  of  Ch'u,  who  in  the  year 
308  B.  C.  is  recorded  as  speaking  of  the  stag  as  the  noblest  of  the 
beasts  of  chase;35  and  this  he  would  scarcely  have  done  had 
animals  like  the  elephant  and  the  rhinoceros  still  survived  in  the 
country. 

In  the  regions  farther  to  the  west  and  south,  however,  the  case 
was  far  otherwise.  It  is  perhaps  significant  that  the  order  in 
which  the  elephant  disappeared  in  these  various  areas  coincides 
exactly  with  that  in  which  they  were  taken  possession  of  by 
Chinese  civilization.  In  the  modern  Sze-ch'uan,  where,  as  we 
have  already  seen,  elephants  are  noticed  by  the  earlier  Chinese 
records  as  numerous,  they  must  have  been  found  well  into  the 
period  of  the  Han  Dynasty  (206  B.  C.-220  A.  D.),  for  we  read 
that  they  were  sent  by  the  native  chiefs  as  tribute  to  the  Chinese 


34  MacGowan,  The  Imperial  History  of  China,  p.  210,  mentions  an  instance  in 
Cochin  China  in  the  5th  century  A.  D.  The  terror  inspired  among  the  Chinese 
soldiers  on  this  occasion  suggests  that  the  elephant  was  quite  unknown  to 
them  at  that  period. 

36  Tschepe,  op.  tit.  p.  318. 


304  Carl  W.  Bishop 

court,  at  Ch'ang-an  (in  the  modern  Shen-hsi),  where  they  were 
kept  in  the  Imperial  menagerie.36  It  is  perhaps  worth  noting 
that  it  was  under  this  dynasty  that  the  elephant  was  first  intro- 
duced into  Chinese  art  in  a  naturalistic  way,  in  distinction  from 
the  far  more  ancient  symbolic  and  almost  unrecognizably  con- 
ventionalized designs  to  which  it  had  given  rise  in  the  old  hieratic 
art.  After  the  Han  Dynasty,  notices  regarding  the  elephant  as 
indigenous  to  Sze-ch'uan  apparently  cease,  and  no  doubt  about 
that  time  it  underwent  there  too  the  extinction  which  had  already 
overtaken  it  in  the  lower  portions  of  the  Yangtse  valley. 

The  Two  Kwang'  provinces  (Kwang-tung  and  Kwang-hsi) 
though  annexed  long  before,  were  not  absorbed  by  the  Chinese 
in  any  real  sense  until  after  the  advent  of  the  T'ang  Dynasty,  in 
the  7th  century.  Elephants  had  always  been  numerous  in  these 
tropical  southern  regions.  It  was  no  doubt  because  of  this  fact 
that  the  great  Ch'in  Shih  Huang-ti  gave  to  the  province  into 
which  he  erected  the  extreme  southern  portion  of  his  vast  domin- 
ions the  name  of  Hsiang  Kiun,  or  'Commandery  of  the  Elephants.' 
Under  the  Han  Dynasty,  just  mentioned,  which  succeeded  the 
Ch'in  at  the  close  of  the  3rd  century  B.  C.,  a  portion  of  northern 
Kwang-hsi  was  known  as  Hsiang  Chou,  or  'District  of  the  Ele- 
phants.'37 The  Shuo-iven,  of  the  close  of  the  first  century  A.  D., 
defines  the  elephant  as  'a  large  beast  with  long  proboscis  and 
tusks,  occurring  in  Kiang-nan.'38  The  province  of  Kiang-nan 
under  the  Ming  Dynasty  (1368-1644  A.  D.)  consisted  of  the  two 
modern  provinces  of  An-hui  and  Kiang-hsi,  lying  athwart  the 
lower  Yangtse  and  representing  roughly  the  old  barbarian  kingdom 
of  Wu.  But  the  Kiang-nan  of  the  time  of  the  Shuo-wen  was 
undoubtedly  literally  the  region  'South  of  the  Yangtse,'  as  the 
name  signifies.  That  this  was  so  that  work  itself  indicates  in 
another  place,  where  it  states  more  specifically  that  the  elephant 
occurs  in  Nan-Yiieh,  a  region  now  represented  by  the  'Two 
Kwang'  provinces.  Here,  it  appears,  it  long  persisted,  for  it  is 
said  to  have  been  numerous  in  southern  Kwang-tung  in  the  7th 
century,  while  as  late  as  the  10th  we  find  elephants  employed 
in  putting  to  death  criminals  at  Canton,39  then  the  capital  of  a 
semi-independent  kingdom. 

36  A.  Wylie,  Journal  of  the  Anthropological  Institute,  11  (1882),  p.  113. 

37  Dr.  S.  Wells  Williams,  Syllabic  Dictionary  (Shanghai,  1874),  p.  792. 

38  Cf.  Rev.  Frank  H.  Chalfant,  'Early  Chinese  Writing'  (Memoirs  of  the 
Carnegie  Museum,  vol.  4,  no.  1,  Sept.,  1906),  plate  I. 

39  See  article  in  The  Chinese  Repository,  2.  (1833),  p.  151. 


The  Elephant  and  its  Ivory  in  Ancient  China  305 

The  evidence  of  place-names,  so  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  trace 
it,  confirms  what  we  glean  from  the  written  records.  Such  names 
having  to  do  with  the  elephant  are,  so  far  as  my  notes  indicate, 
almost  wholly  absent  in  northern  China,  while  in  the  south  and 
west  they  are  by  no  means  unknown.  Among  such  are  Ta  Hsiang 
Ling  and  Hsiao  Hsiang  Ling  ('Great  Elephant  Pass'  and  'Little 
Elephant  Pass',  respectively)  in  Sze-ch'uan,  west  of  Mt.  Omei; 
Hsiang  Po  ('Elephant  Neck'),  a  hamlet  in  the  extreme  west  of 
Yiin-nan;  and  Hsiang  Shan  ('Elephant  Hill'),  near  Canton. 
Many  of  these  names  now  have  attached  to  them  explanations 
drawn  from  the  exploits  of  Buddhist  saints  or  popular  heroes;40 
but  in  most  instances,  as  is  usually  true  in  such  cases,  the  names 
are  doubtless  far  older  than  the  explanations. 

It  was  in  Ytin-nan  that  the  elephant  survived  longer  than  any- 
where else  in  the  region  now  comprised  within  the  boundaries 
of  the  Chinese  Republic.41  It  is  barely  possible,  in  fact,  that  it 
may  still  occur  in  the  forests  at  one  point  just  within  the  south- 
western border  of  that  province.42  In  Yiin-nan  there  sprang  up, 
shortly  before  the  Christian  Era,  another  center  of  Shan  culture, 
which  lasted,  through  various  vicissitudes  and  changes  of  dynasty, 
until  the  13th  century,  when  it  was  swamped  by  the  great  Mongol 
flood  which  overwhelmed  so  much  of  Asia  and  Europe  at  that 
time.  As  in  all  Shan  countries,  so  here  too  the  elephant  played 
an  important  part  in  the  life  of  both  rulers  and  people,  in  court 
pageantry,  as  a  riding  animal,  and  as  a  bearer  of  burdens.43  That 
it  was  native  to  the  region  and  not  drawn  from  Burma  or  other 
Indo-Chinese  regions,  as  was  the  case  with  the  elephants  used  by 
the  Chinese  emperors  in  later  times,  we  know  from  various  his- 
torical references.  It  would  appear  from  the  statements  of 
Marco  Polo  that  the  Shan  people  of  Yiin-nan  did  not  employ 

40  See,  e.g.,  R.  F.  Johnston,  Peking  to  Mandalay  (London,  1908),  p.  421, 
note  14. 

41  Cf.  Navarette,  'Account  of  the  Empire  of  China,'  in  Churchill,  Voyages 
(London,  1744),  vol.  1,  chap.  17  (p.  37);    'In  the  province  of  Jun-nan  there 
are  very  good  elephants  bred.' 

42  L.  Richard,  A  Comprehensive  Geography  of  the  Chinese  Empire  and  its  De- 
pendencies (Shanghai,  1908;   trsl.  by  M.  Kennelly,  S.J.),  p.  17;   A.  R.  Col- 
quhoun,  .Across  Chryse,  vol.  2,  p.  65;   Major  H.  R.  Davies,  Yun-nan,  pp.  86, 
134;  Fred  W.Carey,  'Notes  of  a  Journey  Overland  from  Szemao  to  Rangoon,' 
Journal  of  the  North-China  Branch  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society,  36  (1905),  p/6. 

43  Prof.  E.  H.  Parker,  'Early  Laos  and  China,'  China  Review,  Sept.-Oct., 
1890. 

20    JAOS  41 


306  Carl  W.  Bishop 

the  elephant  in  war;  for  he  asserts  categorically  that  the  Mongols 
encountered  war-elephants  for  the  first  time  at  the  battle  of 
'Unciam'  (Yung-ch'ang),44  which  they  fought  against  the  Burmese 
in  1277,45  after  they  had  completed  the  overthrow  of  the  Shan 
kingdom  in  Ytin-nan.  That  war-elephants  were  later  used  in 
that  province,  however,  in  the  Ming  Dynasty,  we  know;  notably 
was  this  the  case  with  the  last  scion  of  that  house  to  offer  resistance 
to  the  conquering  Manchus  in  the  middle  of  the  17th  century; 
he,  we  are  told,  raised  in  Yim-nan,  whither  he  had  fled,  an  army 
of  200,000  men  and  600  elephants;  but  the  latter,  the  account 
goes  on  to  state,  did  more  hurt  to  their  own  side  than  to  that  of 
the  enemy.46  It  must  have  been  not  long  after  this  period  that 
the  elephant  practically  disappeared  from  this  remote  western 
province,  its  last  refuge  on  Chinese  soil;  for  the  Manchu  emperors 
were  forced  to  draw  for  those  which  they  maintained  at  their 
court  in  Peking  upon  regions  outside  of  China  Proper.47 

Thus  the  fate  which  overtook  the  elephant  in  both  the  eastern 
and  the  western  extremities  of  its  ancient  habitat  has  been  pre- 
cisely the  same.  It  would  appear,  indeed,  that  it  can  maintain 
itself  in  the  presence  of  man  only  in  regions  which  have  not  ad- 
vanced beyond  the  hunting  and  planting  stage  of  cultural  evolu- 
tion, and  where  the  demand  for  ivory  is  purely  local  and  relatively 
slight.  Once  true  agriculture  and  intertribal  commerce  are 
introduced,  the  creature's  fate  is  sealed.  In  China,  just  as  in 
Mesopotamia  and  Syria,  the  growth  of  population  and  the  cease- 
less demand  for  ivory  combined  to  bring  about  the  extinction  of 
this  great  animal,  almost  the  last  of  the  tribes  of  giant  mammals 
that  roamed  over  the  globe  during  the  Tertiary.  While  it  existed, 
however,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  ivory  trade  played  a 
part  in  the  diffusion  of  the  Chinese  type  of  civilization  among  the 
peoples  of  southeastern  Asia  quite  comparable  to  the  influence  of 
the  ancient  amber  trade  in  early  Europe  or  to  that  of  the  modern 
ivory  trade  in  Africa,  where  conditions  are  no  doubt  in  many 
respects  similar  to  those  which  existed  in  the  protohistoric  period 
in  what  is  now  South  China. 


44  Colquhoun,  op.  tit.,  vol.  2,  p.  277. 

45  Yule  and  Cordier,  Marco  Polo,  vol.  2,  p.  104  and  note  3. 

46  Navarette,  in  Churchill,  Voyages,  1.  338. 

47  Cf.  The  Chinese  Repository,  vol.  9  (1840),  pp.  453,  470. 


THE  TWO  RECENSIONS  OF  SLAVONIC  ENOCH 

NATHANIEL  SCHMIDT 
CORNELL  UNIVERSITY 

THE  BOOK  OF  THE  SECRETS  OF  ENOCH  is  known  to  us  through 
an  Old  Slavonic  version  of  which  there  are  two  recensions.  One 
is  represented  by  Codex  Chludovianus,  written  in  Southern  Russia 
in  1679  and  published  by  Popov  in  1880,  and  Codex  Belgradensis, 
written  in  Bulgaria  in  the  16th  century  and  discovered  by  Sokolov 
in  1880.  The  other  is  found  in  Codex  Belgradensis  Serbius, 
written  in  the  16th  century  and  published  by  Novakovig  in  1884; 
Codex  Vindobonensis  Slavonicus  125,  written  in  the  16th  century 
and  collated  by  Bonwetsch;  Codex  Moscovitanus  Barsovii, 
written  in  the  17th  century;  and  a  number  of  fragments  published 
by  Popov,  Pypih,  and  Tichonravov,  some  of  them  as  old  as  the 
14th  century.  It  has  become  customary  to  designate  the  former 
recension,  which  is  longer,  as  A,  and  the  latter  as  B.  Of  A  an 
English  translation  was  made  by  W.  R.  Morfill,  which  was  pro- 
vided with  an  introduction  by  R.  H.  Charles  (The  Book  of  the 
Secrets  of  Enoch,  Oxford,  1896).  Nathanael  Bonwetsch  gave  a 
German  Version  of  both  A  and  B  (Das  slavische  Henochbuch, 
Berlin,  1896).  Excerpts  of  A,  of  sufficient  length  to  give  a  good 
idea  of  its  contents,  were  rendered  into  Latin  by  Stephanus 
Szekely  (Bibliotheca  Apocrypha,  Freiburg,  1913);  and  both  A  and 
B  were  translated  by  Nevill  Forbes  in  R.  H.  Charles'  Apocrypha 
and  Pseudepigrapha  of  the  Old  Testament,  II,  Oxford,  1913. 

Charles,  Bonwetsch,  and  Szekely  agree  in  regarding  B  as  a  mere 
resume  of  A,  or  as  an  incomplete  and  truncated  text,  while  they 
consider  A,  aside  from  a  few  minor  interpolations,  as  in  the  main 
a  dependable  rendering  of  the  Greek  original.  This  view  has  been 
adopted  by  Harnack  (Geschichte  der  altchristlichen  Literatur,  II,  1, 
Berlin,  1897),  Littmann  (Jewish  Encycl  V,  New  York,  1903), 
Bousset  (Die  Religion  des  Judentums,  Berlin,  1903),  and  Schurer 
(Geschichte  des  Judischen  Volkes,  III,  4th  ed.  Leipzig,  1909). 
Bonwetsch  (Theologische  Literatur zeitung,  1896,  p.  155)  called 
attention  to  the  fact  that  the  question  whether  A  and  B  already 
existed  as  independent  recensions  in  the  Greek  had  not  been 
raised  by  Charles,  but  did  not  discuss  it  himself,  though  it  may 
perhaps  be  inferred  from  his  emphasis  upon  the  substantial 


308  Nathaniel  Schmidt 

identity  of  the  two  recensions  in  the  parts  they  have  in  common 
that  he  regarded  B  as  the  work  of  a  Slavonic  excerptor.  Bousset, 
on  the  other  hand,  is  likely  to  have  thought  of  two  recensions,  as 
he  lays  much  stress  upon  the  superiority  of  B's  readings  in  a 
number  of  places. 

On  the  assumption  that  A  on  the  whole  represents  most  faith- 
fully the  Greek  original  many  passages  and  turns  of  expression 
have  been  cited  to  prove  that  the  book  was  written  in  Egypt  by 
a  Hellenistic  Jew.  It  is  a  significant  fact,  however,  that  all  these 
passages,  with  a  single  exception,  are  wanting  in  B.  From  1.  1 
it  has  been  inferred  that  the  author  used  the  Greek  version  of  the 
Old  Testament.  A's  statement  that  Enoch  was  165  years  old 
when  he  begat  Methuselah  no  doubt  came  from  this  source;  but 
B  does  not  mention  this  irrelevant  circumstance,  and  only  refers 
to  the  fact  that  Enoch  was  365  years  of  age  when  the  story  begins. 
In  1.  10  Gaidad  is  found  among  the  sons  of  Enoch,  as  in  the 
Greek  version;  he  is  absent  in  B,  as  in  the  Masoretic  text.  50.  4 
is  said  to  be  a  close  rendering  of  the  Greek  version  of  Deut.  33.  35. 
But  the  expression  'The  avenger  on  the  great  day  of  judgment' 
is  not  found  in  any  Greek  manuscript  or  daughter- version.  It 
seems  to  be  a  phrase  coined  from  the  general  impression  of  the 
Old  Testament  passage,  and  may  have  been  suggested  by  the 
Hebrew  text,  just  as  the  paraphrase  in  Rom.  12.  19;  Heb.  10.  30 
was  from  the  Greek.  Five  passages  have  been  claimed  to  be 
quotations  from  the  Greek  text  of  Ecclesiasticus,  viz.  43.  2,  3  from 
23.  7  and  10.  20  ff.;  47.  5  from  1.  2;  51.  1,  3  from  7.  32  and  2.  4; 
61.  2  from  39.  25;  and  65.  2  from  17.  3,  5.  But  47.  5  is  not  found 
in  B;  the  'good  houses  and  evil  habitations  in  the  great  aeon', 
mentioned  in  B  (61.  2),  are  not  referred  to  in  Ecclus.  39.  25;  in 
the  other  three  places  the  language  is  nowhere  closer  to  the  Greek 
version  than  to  the  Hebrew  text,  and  the  expressions  are  of  such  a 
general  character  that  it  is  not  even  necessary  to  suppose  a 
dependence  on  the  work  of  Siracides  in  Hebrew.  An  author  may 
certainly  affirm  that  'none  is  greater  than  he  who  feareth  God', 
counsel  men  to  'stretch  out  their  (your)  hand  to  the  poor',  and 
declare  that  God  has  given  man  'eyes  to  see,  and  ears  to  hear, 
and  the  heart  to  think',  without  being  suspected  of  having  copied 
such  phrases  from  some  book  that  happens  to  be  known  to  us. 
The  suggestion  has  been  put  forth  tentatively  and  dubiously  that 
65.  4  is  derived  from  Wisdom  of  Solomon,  7.  17,  18.  If  such  a 
dependence  is  extremely  doubtful  as  regards  A,  it  is  wholly 


The  Two  Recensions  of  Slavonic  Enoch  309 

improbable  in  the  case  of  B.  It  cannot  be  proved  that  B  shows 
any  familiarity  with  the  Greek  version. 

An  important  indication  of  Hellenistic  influence  in  A  is  the 
derivation  of  the  name  of  Adam  in  30.  13  from  the  Greek  designa- 
tions of  the  four  quarters  of  the  world.  All  the  more  significant 
is  the  fact  that  this  passage  is  not  found  in  B.  In  30.  3,  A  gives 
the  Greek  names  of  the  five  planets,  Kronos,  Aphrodite,  Ares, 
Zeus,  and  Hermes,  besides  the  sun  and  the  moon.  This  passage 
is  likewise  absent  in  B.  There  are  several  statements  concerning 
the  calendar  which  seem  to  imply  an  astronomical  knowledge 
more  likely  to  have  existed  among  Egyptian  than  Palestinian 
Jews;  such  as  those  referring  to  the  Metonic  cycle  of  19  years 
(16.  8),  the  28-year  period  (15.  4),  the  532-year  period  (16.8), 
and  the  length  of  the  year  as  365J4  days  (14.  7).  Charles  at  once 
suspected  16.  8  of  being  an  interpolation  in  A;  very  naturally  so, 
as  the  532  years'  cycle  was  established  by  Victorinus  of  Aquitania 
in  the  5th  century  A.  D.  The  shorter  periods  were  not  unknown 
to  Palestinian  writers.  But  none  of  these  statements  are  found 
inB. 

Certain  doctrines  supposed  to  be  distinctive  of  the  Hellenistic 
Jews  of  Egypt  have  been  pointed  out,  such  as  the  pre-existence  of 
the  soul  (23.  5),  the  seven  natures,  or  qualities,  of  man  (30.  9), 
the  possibility  of  seeing  the  angels  (31.  2),  the  two  ways,  light  and 
darkness  (30.  15);  evil  being  due  to  ignorance  (30.  16),  and  the 
divine  demand  for  purity  of  heart,  rather  than  for  sacrifices  which 
are  nothing  (45.  3).  Some  of  these  conceptions  were  held  by 
Palestinian  Jews.  But  the  passages  in  A  in  which  they  are  pre- 
sented are  not  found  in  B.  The  same  is  true  of  30.  16  in  which 
the  influence  of  Platonic  thought  may  possibly  be  seen.  Only 
one  doctrine  that  may  be  of  Hellenistic  origin  is  met  with  both  in 
A  and  B.  In  24.  2  both  recensions  state  that  God  has  created 
the  existent  from  the  non-existent,  the  visible  from  the  invisible. 
This  seems  indeed  closely  akin  to  the  thought  of  Philo.  But 
whether  the  statement  could  not  have  been  made  by  an  Aramaic- 
speaking  Jew  in  Palestine  is  by  no  means  certain.  It  may  have 
been  only  a  protest  against  the  notion  that  the  world  was  created 
out  of  previously  existing  material,  without  any  connection  with 
Greek  speculation.  In  25.  1  the  statement  is  wanting  in  B,  but 
it  appears  in  25.  2.  Influence  of  Egyptian  mythology  has  been 
seen  in  ch.  25.  The  bursting  of  Adoil  and  the  coming  forth  of 
the  great  light  remind  us  of  the  world-egg  out  of  which  the  light 


310  Nathaniel  Schmidt 

breaks  forth.  This  egg-theory  of  the  universe,  however,  is  not 
limited  to  Egypt.  It  underlies  the  creation-story  in  Gen.  1.  1-3. 
Curiously  enough,  it  is  a  great  stone,  according  to  B,  that  comes 
forth  out  of  Idoil  (idu  il,  'divine  fountain'?).  If  there  is  not  a 
mistranslation,  this  may  point  to  another  form  of  the  myth,  in 
which  the  earth  as  a  huge  stone  comes  out  of  the  watery  chaos, 
'the  fountain  of  God'.  Phoenixes  and  Chalkydries,  serpents  with 
crocodile  heads,  are  mentioned  by  A  (12.  11),  but  not  by  B.  In 
19.  6,  however,  Phoenixes  occur  in  B;  but  so  they  do  also  in 
Ethiopic  Enoch. 

There  is  an  interesting  difference  between  A  and  B  as  regards 
Satan.  In  the  former  recension  the  angels  fall  'with  their  prince' 
(12.  3)  or  'with  their  prince  Satanael'  (18.  3);  'one  of  the  arch- 
angels' falls  (29.  4  ff. ) ;  and  Satanael  flees  from  heaven,  enters  the 
serpent,  and  deceives  Eve.  Of  all  this  there  is  not  a  word  in  B. 
Finally,  it  should  be  mentioned  that  neither  the  prohibition  of 
the  oath  (49.  1)  nor  the  institution  of  the  eighth  day  as  the 
first-born,  i.  e.  the  chief  day  (33.  1),  is  referred  to  in  B. 

In  view  of  the  character  of  the  material  in  A,  not  found  in  B,  it 
is  well-nigh  inconceivable  that  the  latter  can  be  a  resume  made 
by  a  Slavonic  writer.  How  could  a  Christian  Slav,  living  some- 
where in  Bulgaria,  or  even  in  Constantinople,  in  the  10th  or  llth 
century,  have  possessed  such  a  marvelous  acquaintance  with  the 
peculiar  tendencies  of  thought  among  the  Hellenistic  Jews  of 
Egypt  which  distinguished  them  from  the  Aramaic-speaking  Jews 
of  Palestine?  How  could  he  have  acquired  such  unerring  skill  as 
would  have  enabled  him  to  detect  and  eliminate  practically  every 
expression  that  revealed  the  slightest  touch  of  Greek  influence? 
And  what  could  have  been  his  motive?  It  is,  of  course,  equally 
impossible  to  imagine  an  Old  Slavonic  writer  of  that  age  adding, 
out  of  his  extraordinary  erudition,  and  to  serve  some  doctrinal 
interest,  all  the  plus  of  A.  There  were,  consequently,  two  Greek 
recensions,  probably  translated  at  different  times.  B,  no  doubt, 
was  the  earliest  version.  A  later  scholar,  finding  a  Greek  manu- 
script containing  a  longer  text,  naturally  followed  the  already 
existing  version,  except  where  there  was  an  important  divergent 
reading,  and  translated  independently  the  additional  passages. 

As  regards  the  Greek  recensions  it  can  scarcely  be  thought 
probable  that  an  Alexandrian  Jew  should  have  gone  to  work 
deliberately  to  cut  out  everything  that  savored  of  Hellenistic 
thought,  without  ever  revealing  such  a  doctrinal  position  as 


The  Two  Recensions  of  Slavonic  Enoch  3H 

would  make  this  procedure  intelligible,  e.  g.  by  preaching  the 
advent  of  the  Messiah  or  the  resurrection  of  the  dead,  or  by 
some  sign  of  an  anti-Hellenic  bias.  Every  consideration  appears 
to  lead  to  the  view  that  the  Greek  manuscript  used  by  the  author 
of  the  Slavonic  recension  A  represented  an  expanded  text  made 
by  an  Alexandrian  Jew  who  felt  that  there  were  many  things  that 
could  be  profitably  added  to  the  book  he  had  before  him  and  was 
copying.  This  book  itself,  fortunately,  was  not  supplanted,  but 
found  its  way  into  the  Slavonic  church  as  well  as  the  interpolated 
edition. 

The  peculiar  character  of  the  Greek  original  of  B  is  probably 
due  to  its  being  a  translation  of  an  Aramaic  or  Hebrew  work, 
written  in  Palestine  before  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  in  70  A.  D.  A 
Hebrew  original  of  some  parts  of  Slavonic  Enoch  has  been  sug- 
gested by  Charles.  He  gives  two  reasons:  the  quotation  of  this 
book  in  six  passages  of  the  Testaments  of  the  Twelve  Patriarchs 
which  he  regards  as  having  been  written  in  Hebrew,  viz.,  Simeon 
5,  Levi  14,  Judah  18,  Dan  5,  Naphtali  4,  Benjamin  9,  and  the 
affinities  between  this  book  and  a  work  extant  in  Hebrew  called 
and  referred  to  twice  in  Zohar  under  the  title  "1SD 
.  Schtirer  (Theologische  Literaturzeitung,  1896,  p.  347 
ff.)  has  convincingly  shown  that  our  Slavonic  Enoch  cannot  have 
been  the  work  quoted  in  the  six  passages,  that  there  are  three 
other  passages,  Levi  10  and  16  and  Zebulon  3,  where  also  the  book 
of  Enoch  is  quoted,  but  nothing  even  remotely  like  it  is  found  in 
Slavonic  Enoch,  and  that  the  description  of  the  seven  heavens 
differs  so  radically  that  there  is  not  a  single  point  on  which  they 
agree.  The  probability  is  that  there  are  more  Enoch  books  to 
discover.  Charles  does  not  deem  it  possible  to  indicate  the  parts 
that  could  have  belonged  to  the  Semitic  original. 

There  is  nothing  that  forbids  the  assumption  that  practically 
all  of  B  represents  the  text  written  in  Palestine.  The  absence  of 
the  Messianic  hope  has  been  cited  against  such  a  possibility.  But 
there  are  other  parts  of  the  Enoch  literature,  and  many  other 
works  besides,  undoubtedly  written  by  Jews  in  Palestine,  in  which 
that  hope  is  not  expressed.  Nor  is  the  peculiar  conception  of  the 
life  to  come  a  valid  ground  of  objection.  There  is  no  allusion  to 
a  resurrection;  the  souls  of  men  go  to  mansions  appropriate  to 
their  character  immediately  after  death;  yet  there  is  a  final 
judgment  day.  The  doctrines  of  the  future  life  are  evidently 
fluctuating.  There  is  a  certain  affinity  to  the  Essene  teaching; 


312  Nathaniel  Schmidt 

yet  the  author  was  not  an  Essene.  He  believed  in  oaths,  in 
sacrifices,  and  in  visiting  the  temple  three  times  a  day,  which 
would  scarcely  have  been  possible  if  he  had  not  lived  in  Jerusalem. 
There  are  no  signs  in  B  of  distinctively  Christian  influence.  It  is 
impossible  to  decide  whether  the  book  was  written  in  Hebrew  or 
Aramaic.  The  Greek  version  may  have  been  made  in  the  1st 
century  A.  D.  At  any  rate,  it  was  earlier  than  Origen  who;  refer- 
ring to  the  Shepherd  of  Hermas  (Maud.  1.1),  says  (De  principiis 
1.  3.  2):  'sed  et  in  Enoch  libro  his  similia  describuntur'.  That 
is  true  of  Slavonic  Enoch  (24.  2;  47.  3),  but  not  of  Ethiopic 
Enoch.  Harnack  has  rightly  laid  stress  on  the  singular  libro; 
Origen  found,  apparently,  Slavonic  Enoch  as  a  part  of  his  Enoch 
book.  What  this  book  contained  at  the  time  is  difficult  to  deter- 
mine. In  De  principiis  4.  35  he  quotes  from  it  'ambulavi  usque 
ad  imperfectum'  and  'universas  materias  perspexi'  which  are  not 
found  in  either  Ethiopic  or  Slavonic  Enoch;  nor  is  there  the 
slightest  evidence  that  it  contained  Eth.  Enoch  xxxvii-lxxi,  a 
book  of  which  no  trace  is  extant  in  Patristic  literature,  as  the 
present  writer  has  shown  (Original  Language  of  the  Parables  of 
Enoch,  Chicago,  1908).  The  copy  of  the  Enoch  book  from  which 
the  first  Ethiopic  version  was  made  does  not  seem  to  have  con- 
tained either  Slavonic  Enoch  or  Ethiopic  Enoch  xxxvii-lxxi. 

The  expanded  edition  underlying  A  may  not  be  so  late  as  the 
5th  century,  as  the  reference  to  the  532  years'  cycle  may  be  one 
of  the  last  interpolations.  Additions  were  probably  made  at 
different  times.  Some  of  them  are  open  to  the  suspicion  of 
Christian  origin,  such  as  the  condemnation  of  sacrifices  (45.  3  A), 
the  prohibition  of  oaths  in  very  nearly  the  words  of  Jesus  (49.  1. 
2  A),  and  the  statement  concerning  the  establishment  of  the 
eighth,  i.  e.  the  first  day  as  preeminent  (33.  1.  2  A).  Because 
Christian  interpolations  were  sometimes  very  clumsy,  as  in 
Oracula  Sibyllina,  Testamenta  XII  patriarcharum,  and  other  works, 
which  probably  Tertullian  had  in  mind  when  he  accused  the  Jews 
of  removing  expressions  '  quae  Christum  sonant'  (De  cultu  femi- 
narum,  1.  3),  it  is  not  necessary  to  suppose  that  they  must  all 
have  been  of  this  character.  A  Christian  hand  may,  here  and 
there,  have  retouched  very  delicately,  yet  none  the  less  effectively, 
a  Jewish  original  which  it  copied.  The  fate  of  the  two  Greek 
recensions  before  the  translation  of  B  into  Old  Slavonic  is  wholly 
unknown;  but  much  copying  and  further  corruption  from  this 
source  are  not  likely  between  the  5th  and  10th  centuries. 


BRIEF  NOTES 

A  new  king  of  Babylonia 

A  small  temple  document,  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  C.  C.  Gar- 
bett,  of  London,  furnishes  us  with  the  name  of  a  new  king,  pre- 
sumably of  Babylonia.  It  is  from  the  archives  of  the  Temple  of 
Nergal,  in  Udani.  The  writer  knows  of  no  other  occurrence  of 
this  place-name  in  cuneiform  literature.  The  provenance  of  the 
tablet  is  unknown.  The  name  of  the  king,  Marduk-bel-zer,  is  also 
unknown.  The  general  character  of  the  tablet  resembles  some  of 
those  belonging  to  the  ninth  and  eighth  centuries  B.  C.,  which 


mm  itpb 

m 


have  been  published  by  the  writer  in  Babylonian  Records  in  the 
Library  of  J.  P.  Morgan,  Part  I.  It  is  not  improbable  that  Marduk- 
bel-zer  is  one  of  the  missing  rulers  of  that  period.  The  tablet  reads : 

88  shaggullu,  including  1  .  .  .,  and  1  mashaddu,  the  Temple  of 
Nergal  of  Udani  intrusts  to  Belshunu  of  the  Temple  of  Nergal  of 
Udani.  (It  is  dated)  Udani,  9th  day  of  Tebet,  of  the  accession 
year  of  Marduk-bel-zer,  the  king.  Scribe:  Nabu-abi-ludari,  (who 
was  the)  officer  of  utensils. 

ALBERT  T.  CLAY 

Yale  University 


314  Brief  Notes 

Quruppati,  'betrothal  gifts' 

In  the  recently  published  Assyrian  Code  (Otto  Schroeder, 
Keilschrifttexte  aus  Assur  verschiedenen  Inhalts,  1920,  Nos.  1-6; 
143-144  and  193),  there  occurs  in  §§  41  and  42  of  Text  No.  1 
(pi.  8,  col.  6,  14-39)  a  term  hu-ru-up-pa-a-ti  (col.  6,  17  and  20)  in 
a  context  which  makes  it  quite  clear  that  ' betrothal  gifts'  of  some 
kind  are  intended.  I  suggested  this  interpretation  in  my  transla- 
tion of  the  Code  (JAOS  vol.  41,  No.  1,  p.  39,  note  61),  but  I  did 
not  recognize  that  an  explanation  of  the  term  lay  at  hand  in  a 
Talmudic  passage,  Treatise  Kiddushin  (Talmud  Babli),  6a: 
ha-'omer  harupati  mekuddeset.  'If  a  man  says  (to  a  woman)  my 
harupah,  she  is  betrothed';  and  the  text  goes  on  to  say,  'for  in 
Judea  they  call  the  betrothed  ('arusdh)  harupdh.' 

Dr.  Siegmund  Frey  (of  Huntingdon  Park,  California)  was  kind 
enough  to  call  my  attention  to  this  passage  which  bears  directly 
on  the  term  huruptu,  of  which  huruppdti  is  the  plural  form.  More- 
over, we  have  the  Niphal  form  of  the  stem  hdrap  in  Biblical 
Hebrew  used  in  the  sense  of  'betrothed',  in  Lev.  19.20,  siphdh 
neherepet  la-' is,  'A  maid  betrothed  to  a  man'.  Talmud  Babli 
Gittin  43a  (see  Marcus  Jastrow,  Talmudic  Dictionary,  p.  500a) 
discusses. the  detailed  circumstances  involved  in  the  term  siphah 
neherepst  while  in  Talmud  Babli  Kerithoth  lib  neherpdh  is 
incidentally  explained  as  synonymous  with  be'uldh  'married'. 
The  Talmud  itself  suggests  two  explanations  for  this  use  of  the 
Niphal  of  hdrap  in  the  sense  of  betrothed;  (1)  that  the  underlying 
stem  means  to  'grind'  so  that  a  neherepet  is  'one  crushed  by  a  man' 
(Talmud  Jerushalmi  Kiddushin  I,  59a  top),  or  (2)  that  the  term 
means  to  'change  one's  condition'  (Talmud  Babli  Kerithoth  lla). 
See  Marcus  Jastrow  ib.,  p.  505a. 

It  is  questionable  whether  either  of  these  explanations  is  correct, 
and  I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  we  come  nearer  to  the  associa- 
tion of  ideas  involved  if  we  start  from  some  such  meaning  as 
'pluck,  tear',  for  the  stem.  This  meaning  is  vouched  for  in  Assyrian 
hardpu,  from  which  we  get  harpu  'harvest'  as  the  plucking  season ; 
and  similarly  horep  in  Hebrew  is  primarily  the  autumn  or  harvest 
season  and  only  by  a  natural  extension  applied  to  the  'winter'. 
In  Talmudic  usage,  tar'dh  hardpdh  is  'the  market  soon  after  crop' 
(Marcus  Jastrow,  ib.  505a). 

The  'plucked  (or  "torn")  maid'  might  be  taken  either  in  the 
sense  of  the  deflowered  or  as  the  one  'gathered  in'  by  a  man — 


Brief  Notes  315 

the  captive  woman  who  would  naturally  be  reduced  to  the  position 
of  serfdom  in  ancient  society. 

At  all  events,  the  comparison  with  the  Biblical  and  Talmudical 
passage  makes  it  clear. that  huruptu  is  to  be  connected  with  the 
idea  of  'betrothed'.  In  §  41  of  text  No.  1  of  the  Assyrian  Code, 
two  ceremonies  are  described  which  make  the  agreement  to  marry 
a  woman  final.  It  is  said  that  if  ina  umi  rdki  one  pours  oil  on  the 
head  of  a  daughter  or  if  one  in  a  sakultu  brings  huruppdti,  'there  can 
be  no  revocation'.  The  umu  rdku  must  be  'the  day  of  betrothal' 
(see  my  note  60,  L  c.  p.  38)  and  the  pouring  of  oil  would  be  an 
appropriate  betrothal  ceremony,  performed  as  may  be  concluded 
from  §  42,  by  the  prospective  father-in-law.  The  sakultu  is  appar- 
ently a  receptacle  in  which  the  huruppdti  are  brought,  like  the 
tene  (Deut.  26.  2,  4)  or  the  sal  (Jud.  6.  19;  Num.  6.  75,  etc.), 
in  Hebrew,  while  the  huruppdti  are  clearly  betrothal  gifts.  They 
may  have  been  fruits,  as  I  suggested  in  the  note  to  my  translation 
referred  to  at  the  beginning  of  this  article,  though  I  would  not  now 
press  this  point.  The  analogy  with  the  custom  still  prevailing 
among  Moroccans  as  described  by  Westermarck,  Marriage  Cere- 
monies in  Morocco,  pp.  33,  43,  45,  47,  etc.,  would  suggest  rather 
that  the  huruppdti  consisted  of  a  selection  of  provisions  for  the 
household,  wheat,  butter,  flour  and  perhaps  also  meat.  In  §  42, 
the  umu  rdku  and  sakultu  are  omitted,  but  clearly  only  by  way  of 
abbreviation,  for  the  same  two  ceremonies  are  referred  to — the 
pouring  of  oil  and  the  bringing  of  betrothal  gifts — and  as  in  §  41, 
it  is  assumed  that  either  of  these  two  ceremonies  (lu  ...  lu  'either 
...  or')  binds  the  father  to  give  his  son  to  a  girl  picked  out  to  be 
his  wife.  The  law  says  that  if  after  either  of  these  two  ceremonies 
has  been  performed,  the  son  dies  or  flees,  the  father  is  obliged  to 
substitute  another  son  as  the  husband  for  the  girl. 

It  appears,  therefore,  that  in  Assyria  and  no  doubt  also  in 
Babylonia,  the  betrothal,  marked  by  some  ceremony,  was  binding 
even  before  an  actual  marriage  had  taken  place.  In  fact  the 
betrothal  was  the  marriage,  as  everywhere  in  primitive  society 
and  down  to  a  late  period  of  social  advance.  The  single  act  of 
betrothal  through  some  symbolical  act  fixed  the  status  of  the  girl 
as  a  wife.  The  same,  as  we  know,  continued  to  be  the  case  among 
the  Hebrews  in  Old  Testament  times  and  underlies  the  marriage 
laws  of  the  Jews  in  the  Talmudic  period.  See  Jacob  Neubauer, 
Zur  Geschichte  des  Biblisch-Talmudischen  (MVAG  Vol.  24, 
1919),  pp.  185-189.  Even  when  a  distinction  between  betrothal 


316  Brief  Notes 

('erusin)  and  marriage  (kiddustn)  set  in,  the  betrothal  act  con- 
tinued to  be  regarded  as  binding.  The  formal  marriage  was 
merely  a  fulfillment  of  the  betrothal. 

fMoRRis  JASTROW,  JR. 
University  of  Pennsylvania 

Dr.  Efros1  Emendation  of  Jer.  4.  29 

The  emendation  by  Dr.  Efros  to  Jer.  4.29,  to  read  D*OJ1,  'into 
ditches',  instead  of  D^^yi,  'into  thickets',  published  in  the  JOURNAL, 
p.  75,  is  uncalled  for.  There  is  no  difficulty  in  the  text  as  it  stands. 
His  main  objection  is,  that  the  term  D^iy  is  not  used  elsewhere  in 
the  Bible  in  the  sense  of  'thickets'.  Is  this  the  only  word  in  the 
Bible  that  has  no  companion?  Besides,  the  term  D^ia  as  found  in 
the  Bible,  denotes  a  well,  cistern,  or  reservoir,  where  water  is  kept, 
and  is  not  a  fit  place  for  hiding  or  protection  (see  2  Kings,  3.16; 
Jer.  14 . 3.).  The  word  fcOJJ  in  Syriac,  or  fcON  in  Talmudic  Aramaic, 
means  a  wood,  thicket,  or  forest.  Wherever  is  found  in  the 
Bible  the  word  iy,  'a  wood',  the  Peshitto  renders  fcOJJ,  e.  g., 
Ps.  96.12. 

ISIDOR  S.  LEVITAN 
Baltimore,  Md. 

The  'two  youths'  in  the  LXX  to  Dan.  6 

At  the  Baltimore  meeting  of  the  Society  Prof.  Nathaniel  Schmidt 
made  an  argument  for  the  superiority  of  the  Septuagintal  form  of 
Dan.  6. over  the  Massoretic.  He  found  in  the  Hebrew  an  absurd 
midrashic  expansion  which  penalized  all  the  three  presidents  and 
120  satraps  with  all  their  families  by  their  condemnation  to  the 
lions'  den,  a  hecatomb  feast  indeed!  He  pointed  out  that  in  the 
LXX  the  guilty  conspirators  are  limited  to  Daniel's  two  fellow- 
presidents,  and  hence  the  carnage  at  the  end  of  the  story  was 
moderate  enough.  Now  the  major  premise  of  midrashic  extrava- 
gance as  necessarily  secondary  is  precarious;  midrash  is  often 
rationalized  by  a  second  hand,  and  this  is  often  the  case  with  the 
rationalistic  Greek  translators.  Further,  a  close  examination  of 
the  LXX  text  shows  that  Dr.  Schmidt's  preference  for  it  is  con- 
tradicted. He  makes  much  of  the  Suo  i/eai/tcneot  v.  4  (Mass.  5), 
but  why  should  the  co-presidents  be  called  'youths'?  The  word  is 
appropriate  to  Daniel  and  the  other  three  'boys'  in  1.4,  and  to  the 
harem  officials  of  Xerxes  in  Est.  2.2  =  ne'arim,  but  not  to  those 
exalted  triumvirs.  The  LXX  does  not  repeat  the  absurdity; 
in  v.  24  (25)  they  appear  as  'those  two  men.7 


Brief  Notes  317 

The  text  of  LXX  vv.  3b,  4  is  manifestly  composite  and  syntac- 
tically disturbed,  and  'the  two  youths'  appear  to  be  an  arrant 
insertion.  We  read  (I  letter  the  successive  sections  for  conven- 
ience of  reference) : 

(a)  Then  the  king  counselled  to  establish  Daniel  over  his 
whole  kingdom 

(b)  and  the  two  men  (av8pe?)  whom  he  established  with 
him  and  127  satraps. 

(c)  And  when  the  king  counselled  to  establish  Daniel  over 
his  whole  kingdom, 

(d)  then  took  counsel  and  decision  among  themselves  the 
two  youths 

Evidently  (b)  in  its  position  is  absurd,  and  (c)  is  a  doublet  to  (a). 
We  have  to  omit  (c).  Now  the  present  writer  is  convinced  that 
the  LXX  to  cc.  3-6  is  a  translation  of  a  variant  Aramaic  text 
(Hebrew  in  the  Song  of  the  Three  Holy  Children),  which  accounts 
for  the  eccentricities  of  the  LXX  in  these  chapters.  If  this  is  the 
case,  (b)  contains  the  subject  of  the  verb  in  (d).  What  was  a 
nominative  in  the  original  the  translator  understood  as  an  accusa- 
tive, the  doublet  (c)  having  interfered  with  the  construction. 
The  change  in  construction  having  been  made,  he  gratuitously 
brought  in  ol  8vo  veavifTKOi  as  the  subject  to  the  verb  in  (d), 
itself  marked  as  a  gloss  by  its  position  at  the  end  of  the  clause. 
His  VCOLVUTKOI  appears  to  be  a  reminiscence  of  the  'three  youths' 
in  1  Esd.  3.4,  where  mention  of  them  is  made  after  listing  the 
officers  of  the  realm  and  'the  127  satraps',  which  latter  item  he 
carried  over  into  his  form  of  Dan.  6.1.  He  had  also  probably  in 
mind  the  rivalry  of  two  of  the  youths  against  the  third,  there 
Zorobabel,  here  Daniel,  The  present  passage  originally  read,  'And 
the  two  men  whom  he  established  with  him  and  127  satraps  took 
counsel',  etc.  That  is,  the  Semitic  copy  of  the  LXX  made  all 
those  officials  conspirators,  but  the  Greek  translator  rationalized. 
Once  again  he  followed  his  original  contribution  by  adding  '[those] 
two  [men]'  in  v.  24  (25).  The  LXX  is  here,  as  in  general,  no 
authority  for  an  earlier  and  better  text.  The  earliest  form  of  the 
story  may  have  made  the  two  men  the  sole  conspirators  and  can 
possibly  be  recovered  by  a  few  excisions,  but  this  was  early 
obscured  in  the  existing  forms  of  the  tradition. 

JAMES  A.  MONTGOMERY 
Philadelphia,  Divinity  School 


318  Brief  Notes 

Note  on  Pdippaldda  6.  18 

When  Edgerton  published  Paipp  Bk  6  (JAOS  34.  374ff.)  he 
was  not  satisfied  with  the  form  of  this  hymn  as  edited.  Several 
times  I  have  attacked  it  without  success;  but  having  recently 
worked  out  a  good  reconstruction  it  seems  worth  while  to  publish 
it,  not  because  of  any  particular  value  in  the  hymn  itself,  but 
rather  because  it  so  neatly  shows  that  others  than  the  first  editor 
of  the  Paipp  text  have  plenty  of  opportunities  to  do  good  work 
on  the  text;  and  because  it  is  an  excellent  example  of  this  manu- 
script's mode  of  abbreviation  of  stanzas  by  omitting  not  only 
identical  refrain-padas  but  also  identical  words  of  padas  which 
are  similar  and  similarly  placed  in  their  respective  stanzas. 
Edgerton  has  discussed  this  fully  (JAOS  34.  377):  the  best 
example  is  Paipp  4.  30  (JAOS  35.  86).  A  comparison  of  the 
transliteration  and  the  reconstruction  will  reveal  the  situation: 
of  course  the  verse  divisions  indicated  in  the  transliteration  reflect 
the  edited  form  of  the  text. 

Transliterated  text 

[f95b!3]  sam  ma  sincantu  [14]  marutas  sam  pusd  sam  vrhaspatih 

sam  may  am  agnis  simcatu  prajayd  ca  [15]  dhanena  ca   \  dlrgham 

dyus  krnotu  me  \ 

sam  md  sincantv  ddityds  sam  ma  si  [16]  ncantv  agnayah  indras 

sam  asmdn  simcatu 

sincantv  anusd  sam  arkd  rsa  [17]  yas  ca  ye  \  pusd  sam  sincatu 
gandharvdpsarasas  sam  md  sincantu  devatdh  [18]  bhagas  sam 
sincatu  prthivl  sam  md  sincantu  yd  diva  \  antariksam  sam 
[19]  sincantu  pradisas  sam  md  sincantu  yd  disah  dsd  sam 
sincantu  kr  [20]  sayah  sam  md  sincantv  osadhlh  satfimds  sam 
sincantu  nabhyas  sam  md  si  [f96a]  ncantu  sindhavah  samudrds 

sam  \ 

sam  mas  sincantv  dpas  sam  md  sincantu  vr  [2]  stay  ah  satyam  sam 

asmdna  sincatu  prajayd  ca  dhanena  ca  \  dirgham  dyus  kr  [3]  notu 

me  z  1  z 

Edited  text 

sam  ma  sincantu  marutas  sam  pusa  sam  brhaspatih  | 
sam  mayam  agnis  sincatu  prajaya  ca  dhanena  ca  dlrgham 
ayus  krnotu  me  z  1  z 

sam  ma  sincantv  adityas  sam  ma  sincantv  agnayah  | 
indras  sam  asman  sincatu    °  °  °  °  °  °  °  °  °  °  *°  °  °  °  °  z  2  z 


Brief  Notes  319 

<  sam  ma  >  sincantv  arusas  sam  arka  rsayas  ca  ye  | 

pQsa  sam  <asman>  sincatu  °°°°°°°°<>°°°ooz3z 
<sarh  ma>  gandharvapsarasas  sam  ma  sincantu  devatah  | 

bhagas  sam  <asman  sincatu>  00°°°<>°°<><>°00Z4Z 
<sam  ma>  sincatu  prthivl  sam  ma  sincantu  ya  divah  | 

antariksarh  sam  <  asman  sincatu  >  °°°«°°°ooooz5z 
<sam  ma>  sincantu  pradisas  sam  ma  sincantu  ya  disah  | 

asa  sam  <asman  sineatu>     °  °  °  °  °  °  °  °  °  °  °  c   °  °  z  6  z 

<  sam  ma  >  sincantu  krsayah  sam  ma  sincantv  osadhih  | 
somas  sam  <asman  sincatu>    °o°ooo°ooooooz7z 

<sam  ma>  sincantu  nadyas  sam  ma  sincantu  sindhavah  | 
samudras  sam  <  asman  sincatu  >      °°oooooooooz8z 

sam  ma  sincantv  apas  sam  ma  sincantu  vrstayah  \ 
satyam  sam  asman  sincatu  prajaya  ca  dhanena  ca  dirgham 
ayus  krnotu  me  z  9  z 

Notes 

In  general  the  reconstruction  justifies  itself,  but  a  few  comments 
are  apposite.  As  edited  here  the  hymn  has  nine  stanzas,  the  nor- 
mal number  for  Bk  6:  moreover  hymn  19  is  a  close  parallel  to 
hymn  18  and  it  has  nine  stanzas.  These  two  hymns  have  prac- 
tically the  same  intent  and  are  very  similar  in  structure:  19.  Icde 
read  ksetram  sam  asman  sincatu  prajaya  ca  dhanena  ca  |  ayus- 
mantam  krnotu  mam,  and  the  other  stanzas  change  only  the 
noun  in  pada  c:  these  padas  are  abbreviated  in  the  same  manner 
as  the  cde  padas  of  18. 

In  18.  3a  arusas  was  suggested  to  me  by  Edgerton;  it  seems 
good. 

Padas  5c  and  8c,  as  edited,  have  more  than  eight  syllables; 
justification  may  be  found  in  19.  9c  sarasvati  sam  asman  sincatu, 
written  out  in  full  in  the  ms,  and  in  19.  7c  where  the  abbreviation 
is  daksina  sam,  which  may  without  hesitation  be  completed  with 
asman  sincatu. 

Pada  7c,  somas  for  sarhmas,  may  cause  some  doubts;  but  not 
serious  doubts,  I  hope. 

LEROY  C.  BARRET 

Trinity  College,  Hartford,  Conn. 


NOTES  OF  THE  SOCIETY 

The  Executive  Committee,  acting  under  Article  IV,  Section  2,  of  the 
Constitution,  as  amended  at  the  1921  Annual  Meeting,  has  elected  the  follow- 
ing to  membership  in  the  Society: 

MR.  R.  D.  BANERJI  MR.  FREDERICK  MOORE 

MR.  EMERSON  B,  CHRISTIE  PROF.  H.  NAU 

PROF.  A.  B.  DHRUVA  PROF.  EDOUARD  NAVILLE 

MR.  ABRAM  I.  ELKUS  MR.  NAOYOSHI  OGAWA 

PROF.  A.  B.  GAJENDRAGADKAR  REV.  DR.  THOMAS  PORTER 

MRS.  H.  P.  GAMBOE  MR.  G.  ROWLAND  SHAW 

PROF.  SHIVAPRASAD  GUPTA  PROF.  V.  V.  SOVANI 

PROF.  MUHAMMAD  ISMAIL  MR.  J.  F.  SPRINGER 

PROF.  FLEMING  JAMES  REV.  THOMAS  STENHOUSE 

DEAN  MAXIMO  M.  KALAW  FATHER  M.  VANOVERBERGH 

PROF.  L.  H.  LARIMER  REV.  HORACE  K.  WRIGHT 
PROF.  JAMES  C.  MANRY 

The  Executive  Committee  has  voted  that  the  current  volume  of  the 
JOURNAL,  Volume  41,  shall  be  dedicated  to  the  memory  of  the  late  Professor 
Morris  Jastrow,  Jr. 


NOTES  OF  OTHER  SOCIETIES,  ETC. 

Notice  has  been  received  of  the  founding  of  a  new  periodical  entitled 
Mitteilungen  zur  osmanischen  Geschichte,  published  at  Vienna  by  Hb'lzel. 
The  editors  are  Prof.  Dr.  Friedr.  Kraelitz  and  Dr  Paul  Wittek.  Band  I, 
Heft  1,  has  appeared. 

Volume  1  (parts  1-4)  of  the  Journal  of  the  Palestine  Oriental  Society, 
published  in  Jerusalem,  has  appeared,  under  the  editorship  of  Messrs. 
Dhorme,  Danby,  Yellin.  It  contains  articles  by  Lagrange,  Albright, 
McCown,  Yellin,  Worrell,  Raffaeli,  Decloedt,  Clay,  Slousch,  Peters,  Eitan, 
etc.  Subscriptions,  at  $4.00,  may  be  sent  to  Dr.  E.  M.  Grice,  Babylonian 
Collection,  Yale  Univ.,  New  Haven,  Conn. 

The  operations  o*  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  Museum  expedition  at 
Beisan,  Palestine,  began  June  20,  under  the  charge  of  Dr.  Clarence  S. 
Fisher. 

PERSONALIA 

PROF.  C.  EVERETT  CONANT,  until  recently  connected  with  the  University 
of  Chattanooga,  has  accepted  a  position  at  Carleton  College,  Northfield, 
Minnesota. 

DR.  V.  S.  SUKTHANKAR  has  left  the  United  States.  His  address  is  22 
Carnac  Road,  Kalbadevi  P.  O.,  Bombay,  India. 


MORRIS  JASTROW,  JR. 


21    JAOS  41 


Jfflemoriam 

MORRIS  JASTROW,  JR. 


MORRIS  JASTROW  JR.  AS  A  BIBLICAL  CRITIC 

JULIAN  MORGENSTEKN 
HEBREW  UNION  COLLEGE 

IN  HIS  PRESIDENTIAL  ADDRESS  at  the  annual  meeting  of  the 
Society  of  Biblical  Literature  in  1916,  Professor  Jastrow  formulated 
his  conception  of  the  fundamental  task  of  Biblical  Criticism  and 
of  the  methods  by  which  this  task  must  be  performed.  He  entitled 
his  address  'Constructive  Elements  in  the  Critical  Study  of  the  Old 
Testament n.  This  title  suggests  the  main  thesis  of  all  his  Biblical 
research.  He  held  that  Biblical  Criticism  must  be  constructive 
in  the  truest  sense  of  the  term.  In  this  address  he  said,2  'Because 
of  the  bearings  of  both  Old  and  New  Testament  criticism  on  some 
of  the  fundamental  problems  of  religious  thought,  .  .  .  the  critic 
should  feel  the  obligation  to  correlate  the  bearings  of  his  results 
on  traditional  points  of  view,  which  in  turn  are  so  closely  bound 
up  with  current  doctrines  and  beliefs/  And  again  in  the  same 
address,3  'Our  endeavor  in  the  critical  study  of  the  Old  Testament 
needs  to  be  directed  ...  to  a  larger  extent  than  heretofore  towards 
determining  the  conditions  underlying  a  document — if  a  legal 
document  to  the  social  status  and  the  institutional  ideas  revealed 
by  it,  if  a  pure  narrative  to  the  relationship  between  the  lives  of 
the  individuals  and  the  events  narrated,  if  folk-lore  to  the  point 
of  view — tribal  or  individual — from  which  the  tradition  sets  out, 
and  if  in  the  domain  of  religious  thought  or  emotion  to  the  indi- 
vidual thoughts  and  emotions  that  called  forth  the  production. 
The  result  will  be  in  every  case  a  stronger  emphasis  on  the  con- 
structive elements  to  be  extracted  from  a  document  or  a  purely 
literary  production,  supplemental  to  the  critical  analysis  which 
must  as  a  matter  of  course  precede/ 

*JBL3Q  (1917).    1-30. 

2  P.  3. 

»P.23. 


Morris  Jastrow  Jr.  as  a  Biblical  Critic  323 

Manifestly  Jastrow  was  not  content  to  follow  mechanically  the 
conventional  path  of  Biblical  Criticism.  He  seemed  to  feel  that 
in  present-day  research  there  was  too  much  sheep-like  following 
in  the  beaten  track  which  the  pioneers  of  the  modern  school  had 
marked  out,  a  too  unquestioning  acceptance  of  earlier  hypotheses 
and  conclusions,  a  too  pronounced  tendency  to  regard  the  infinite 
mass  of  textual  emendations  and  verse  assignments  as  the  be-all 
and  end-all  of  scientific  investigation,  a  too  blind  intolerance  of 
new  methods  of  investigation  and  of  unorthodox  hypotheses. and 
conclusions.  In  the  preface  of  his  Hebrew  and  Babylonian  Tradi- 
tions* he  said,  'One  can  readily  understand  how  even  learned  and 
conscientious  scholars  through  a  determination  to  cling  to  certain 
views  can  acquire  an  attitude  of  mind  which  prevents  them  from 
weighing  evidence  judiciously  and  fairly.  This  observation  applies 
particularly  to  those  who  deceive  themselves  by  imagining  that 
they  are  pursuing  studies  in  an  open-minded  spirit,  whereas  in 
reality  they  are  merely  seeking  a  confirmation  of  views  which  they 
hold  quite  independently  of  their  studies,  and  generally  held 
antecedent  to  any  investigation.  But  the  observation  may  be 
extended  also  to  scholars  of  a  more  scientific  type  who,  in  a  spirit 
of  reaction  against  views  which  they  have  come  to  regard  as 
untenable,  fail  to  penetrate  into  the  depths  of  their  subject  because 
too  much  absorbed  in  the  externalities — in  textual  criticism,  or  in 
investigations  of  special  points  without  reference  to  the  necessary 
relationship  of  even  the  infinitesimal  parts  of  a  subject  to  the 
subject  as  a  whole.' 

It  is  clear  that  Jastrow  regarded  the  Bible  as  far  more  than  a 
mere  book,  to  be  subjected  to  mere  literary  analysis  and  textual 
emendation;  it  was  the  remains  of  an  ancient  national  literature, 
varied  and  noble;  it  was  a  precious  document  of  the  life,  ideals 
and  aspirations  of  a  peculiar  people  and  the  record,  or  at  least  the 
earliest  and  most  important  part  of  the  record,  of  their  contribu- 
tion to  civilization.  And  the  final  aim  of  the  study  of  the  literature 
and  history  of  any  people,  he  held,  must  be  the  better  understand- 
ing of  the  life  and  institutions  of  that  people,  their  origins,  evolu- 
tions, achievements  and  contributions  to  the  world's  culture. 

Certainly  this  is  no  mean  program  for  any  science.  And  certainly 
Biblical  scholars  will  not  question  the  validity  of  Jastrow's  main 
thesis.  The  measure,  therefore,  of  Jastrow's  work  as  a  Biblical 

4  P.  x  seq. 


324  Julian  Morgenstern 

critic  is  the  determination  of  the  degree  to  which  he  adhered  to  his 
program  and  achieved  constructive  and  worthy  results. 

Jastrow  was  not  primarily  a  Biblical  critic.  Rather  he  was  by 
natural  interest  and  early  scientific  training  a  Semitist,  particularly 
in  the  fields  of  Hebrew,  Arabic  and  Assyrian  languages  and  liter- 
atures. In  addition,  due  largely  to  the  fine  influence  of  his  learned 
father,  Jastrow  was  acquainted  with  Jewish  rabbinic  literature, 
particularly  the  Aggada,  with  its  treasures  of  ancient  tradition. 
For  this  reason  undoubtedly  he  knew  how  to  evaluate  tradition, 
and  steadily  insisted  upon  its  importance  as  one  of  the  indispensable 
elements  in  the  constructive  study  of  the  Bible.5  Nor  were  his 
interests  in  Semitic  studies  predominantly  philological,  although 
in  this  province,  too,  he  showed  himself  again  and  again  a  complete 
master.  The  culture  and  institutions  of  the  Semitic  peoples 
attracted  him  most,  and  above  all  else  Semitic  religions  in  all  their 
manifold  aspects.  But  these  very  facts  made  it  certain  that  he 
would  in  time  concern  himself  with  Biblical  research,  and  that, 
too,  upon  a  broad  and  varied  scale.  And  these  facts  also  probably 
explain  why  in  most  of  his  work  in  the  Biblical  field  he  was  so 
decidedly  unconventional  both  in  aim  and  in  method. 

His  earliest  study  in  Arabic  and  Hebrew  philology  appeared  in 
1885;  his  first  Assyriological  study  in  1887.  But  his  first  con- 
structive investigation  of  a  Biblical  problem  was  not  published 
until  1892,6  and  even  it  was  in  character  more  Assyriological  than 
Biblical.  Other  studies  of  similar  nature  followed  in  rapid  suc- 
cession during  the  next  two  years  and  at  brief  intervals  thereafter. 
These  Biblical-Assyriological  studies  reached  their  climax  in  his 
Hebrew  and  Babylonian  Traditions  (1914). 

Not  until  1894  did  Jastrow's  first  specifically  Biblical  study 
appear.7  This,  too,  was  speedily  followed  by  several  similar  papers, 
largely  philological  in  character,  yet  dealing  directly  with  neither 
the  so-called  Lower  nor  Higher  Criticism,  but  rather  with  impor- 
tant institutions  of  the  religion  of  Israel.8 

6  Note  his  fine  use  of  a  tradition  recorded  in  Midrash  Bereshith  Rabba  in  his 
paper,  'Palestine  and  Assyria  in  the  Days  of  Joshua/  ZA  7  (1892).  1-7. 

6  Op.  cit. 

7 'The  Element  "Bosheth"  in  Hebrew  Proper  Names,'  JBL  13  (1894). 
19-30. 

8  'Hebrew  Proper  Names  Compounded  with  "Yah"  and  "Yahu,"'  JBL  13 
(1894).  101-127;  'The  Origin  of  the  Form  "Yah"  of  the  Divine  Name,' 
ZAW  16  (1896).  1-16;  'The  Name  Samuel  and  the  Stem  "Sha'al/"  JBL  19 
(1900).  82-105,  and  others. 


Morris  Jastrow  Jr.  as  a  Biblical  Critic  325 

However,  it  must  not  be  imagined  that  Jastrow  had  no  sympathy 
with  the  tasks  and  methods  of  Lower  and  Higher  Criticism.  He 
merely  regarded  them  and  the  conclusions  which  they  established, 
not  as  ends  in  themselves,  as  so  many  Biblical  scholars  have  done 
and  still  do,  but  only  as  means  to  a  far  greater  end;  yet  they  were 
for  him  important  and  indispensable  branches  of  Biblical  Science, 
in  every  way  worthy  of  consideration  and  investigation.  As  might 
be  expected,  therefore,  in  these  two  fields  also  he  made  significant 
contributions.  In  the  field  of  Lower  Criticism  several  of  his  writ- 
ings may  be  cited,  such  as  Note  on  a  Passage  in  Lamentations  (2 :6),9 
On  Ruth  2:8™  I  Kings  18:2;11  and  especially  Joshua  3:16.™ 

In  the  field  of  Higher  Criticism  his  research  was  of  a  far  pro- 
founder  character,  and  his  contribution  far  more  unique  and 
significant.  As  he  worked  deeper  and  deeper  into  Biblical  investi- 
gation he  developed  a  theory  of  literary  evolution  that,  in  a  way, 
modified  materially  the  established  hypothesis  of  a  number  of 
original  independent  documentary  sources.  Jastrow's  variant 
hypothesis  might  perhaps  be  called  appropriately  the  theory  of 
systematic  literary  accretion.  He  argued  that  in  general  the 
various  books  or  units  of  Biblical  writing  began  with  #  single 
composition  or  document  of  a  single,  pronounced,  obvious  purpose 
and  point  of  view;  then,  as  generations  passed  and  new  ideas  and 
doctrines  developed,  different  writers  in  successive  ages  recast 
the  original  work  in  various  ways,  by  internal  changes  of  words 
or  phrases,  by  omissions  here  and  there,  and  above  all  else  by 
insertions  and  additions  of  varying  extent  and  character,  which 
reflect  a  later  and  usually  orthodox  point  of  view,  and  which  differ 
so  markedly  from  the  original  book  or  document,  that  their  second- 
ary character  is  readily  apparent. 

Jastrow  applied  this  hypothesis  to  Babylonian  literature  as  well 
as  to  the  Bible.13  But  he  made  the  most  varied  and  far-reaching 
application  of  it  to  the  books  and  documents  of  the  Old  Testament. 


3  Z AW  15  (1895).    287. 
™JBLI5  (1896).     59-62. 
"JBL17  (1898).     108-110. 

12  JBL3Q  (1917).    53-63. 

13  Note  his  treatment  of  the  Gilgamesh  Epic  in  The  Religion  of  Assyria  and 
Babylonia  (1898),  467-517,  and  'Adam  and  Eve  in  Babylonian  Literature', 
AJSL  15  (1899).     193-214;   'On  the  Composite  Character  of  the  Babylonian 
Creation  Story/  in  the  Noldeke  Festschrift  (1906)  2.     969-982;  and  'Old  and 
Later  Elements  in  the  Code  of  Hammurapi,'  JAOS  36  (1916).     1-33. 


326  Julian  Morgenstern 

Unquestionably  the  underlying  principle  of  the  hypothesis  is  sound 
and  uncontrovertible  in  so  far  as  it  affects  documents  of  small 
compass  and  manifestly  single  character  and  scope.  Accordingly 
in  some  of  his  first  writings  in  which  he  applied  this  theory  to  its 
fullest  extent  he  made  invaluable  contributions  to  Biblical  Science, 
notably  in  Wine  in  the  Pentateuchal  Codes,1*  The  'Nazir'  Legisla- 
tion,15 and  The  So-called  Leprosy  Laws.16 

But  Jastrow  carried  this  hypothesis  much  farther  than  this,  and 
argued  that  the  literary  history  of  even  entire  Biblical  books,  as 
for  instance  Joshua17,  can  be  reconstructed  in  quite  the  same 
manner.  This  is  the  dominant  theme  of  his  two  late  works,  A 
Gentle  Cynic  (1919)  and  The  Book  of  Job  (1920).  He  endeavors 
to  prove  that  both  Ecclesiastes  and  Job  began  each  as  a  document 
voicing  decidedly  unorthodox  beliefs  and  questions  that  were 
current  in  certain  free-thinking  circles  in  post-exilic  Judaism. 
Then  each  document  was  gradually  and  systematically  recast 
and  enlarged  by  internal  emendations  and  additions  of  a  pro- 
nouncedly pietistic  character,  which  so  changed,  or  seemed  to 
change,  the  doubting,  questioning,  almost  heretical  character  of 
the  original  books  that  they  could  be  included  eventually  in  the 
canon  of  sacred  Jewish  writings.^  A  treatment  of  somewhat 
similar  nature  promises  to  underly  Jastrow's  forthcoming,  pos- 
thumous work  on  The  Song  of  Songs. 

Certainly  the  hypothesis  is  original  and  striking,  and  its  appli- 
cation to  Job  and  Ecclesiastes  bold  and  unreserved,  just  as  the 
conclusions  based  upon  it  are  far-reaching  and  significant  in  the 
extreme.  Whether  this  hypothesis  and  this  analysis  and  recon- 
struction of  the  text  of  these  books  will  stand  the  test  of  repeated 
investigation  and  application  by  other  scholars,  it  is,  of  course, 
still  too  early  to  tell.  But  whatever  be  the  outcome  of  this  test, 
certainly  it  can  not  be  gainsaid  that  far  more  than  any  Biblical  critic 
before  him,  Jastrow  has  demonstrated  that  glosses  and  additions 
to  the  original  text  are  not  insignificant  incidents,  merely  to  be 
determined  and  then  dismissed  as  of  no  importance.  Rather,  he 
has  shown  conclusively,  additions,  emendations  and  glosses  are 
frequently,  if  not  generally,  purposed  and  significant,  that  they 

14  JAOS  33  (1913).     180-192. 

15  JBL  33  (1914).    266-285. 

16  JQR  (new  series),  4  (1914).    357-418. 

17 'Constructive  Elements  in  the  Study  of  the  Old  Testament/  JBL  36 
(1917).  23,  note  24. 


.         Morris  Jastrow  Jr.  as  a  Biblical  Critic  327 

reflect  the  changing  point  of  view  and  theology  of  later  ages,  and 
have  a  deep  historical  value. 

And  just  in  this  insistence  upon  the  historical  significance  of 
glosses,  emendations  and  other  accretions  to  the  original  text,  and 
upon  the  importance  of  tradition  as  a  historical  source,  Jastrow 
has  promoted  greatly  the  method  of  the  scientific  study  of  the 
Bible  just  as  by  his  many  investigations  of  the  social  and  religious 
institutions  of  ancient  Israel  he  has  enriched  our  knowledge  of  the 
life  and  achievement  of  the  Hebrew  people.  Surely  this  is  con- 
structive, scientific  study  of  the  highest  type.  And  surely,  there- 
fore, we  must  acknowledge  that  Jastrow  realized  his  ideal  of  what 
Biblical  study  should  be,  and  that  his  work  as  a  Biblical  critic  is 
of  eminent  and  permanent  value. 

We  are  his  debtors.lf  We  mourn  his  all-too-early  loss,  and 
especially  when  we  think  of  all  that  he  might  have  achieved,  had 
he  been  permitted  to  fill  out  the  traditional  allotted  span  of  human 
life,  and  in  those  remaining  years  develop  his  hypothesis  and  meth- 
ods further,  and  apply  them  to  other  Biblical  books  and  other 
problems  of  Biblical  Science.  Yet  just  we  who  labor  in  the  Biblical 
field,  with  its  uplifting  message  of  hope  and  trust,  have  learned  the 
lesson  not  to  grieve  too  much  for  what  might  have  been,  but  to 
believe  with  firm  faith  that  what  is,  is  for  the  best,  and  to  be 
thankful  for  the  rich  blessings  we  have  enjoyed.  And  so  we  shall 
ever  cherish  in  loving,  grateful  memory  the  life,  the  friendship 
and  the  work  of  that  '  gentle '  scholar,  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr. 


THE   CONTRIBUTIONS  OF  MORRIS  JASTROW  JR.   TO 
THE  HISTORY  OF  RELIGION 

BY  GEOEGE  A.  BARTON 
BRYN  MAWR  COLLEGE 

PROFESSOR  JASTROW 's  many-sided  abilities  were  conspicuously 
manifested  in  his  contributions  to  the  historical  study  of  religion. 
In  this  field  no  American  scholar  has  done  so  much  as  he  to  stimu- 
late an  intelligent  interest.  His  own  contributions  to  the  subject 
were  of  the  greatest  value,  and,  as  Secretary  for  many  years  of 
the  "American  Committee  for  Lectures  on  the  History  of  Re- 
ligions," and  as  Editor  of  a  series  of  "  Handbooks  on  the  History 
of  Religions",  he  became  the  moving  spirit  of  undertakings  which 
have  greatly  enriched  the  literature  of  the  subject  by  the  labors 
of  others. 


328  George  A.  Barton 

Before  speaking  of  this  more  general  work,  it  will  be  well  to 
think  of  Professor  Jastrow's  own  contributions  to  this  discipline. 
In  so  doing  we  shall  depart  somewhat  from  chronological  sequence 
and  mention  first  his  second  important  publication  on  the  subject, 
his  Study  of  Religion,  published  in  the  "  Contemporary  Science 
Series"  edited  by  Havelock  Ellis  (Scribners,  1901).  The  book 
fulfilled  a  two-fold  purpose :  It  was  designed  to  serve  as  an  intro- 
duction to  the  study  of  religion — an  introduction  in  which  a  stu- 
dent could  learn  the  limits  and  aims  of  the  study — as  well  as  to 
teach  a  scientific  method  of  pursuing  it.  In  accomplishing  this 
aim  Jastrow  made  an  advance  at  many  points  over  his  pre- 
decessors and  so  contributed  materially  to  the  development  of 
the  science  to  which  he  aimed  to  introduce  the  student. 

The  book  was  divided  into  three  parts.  Part  I  treated  of  the 
"  General  Aspects  "  of  religion.  Under  this  head  he  gave  a  history 
of  the  development  of  the  science  from  Alexander  Ross's  Religions 
of  the  World  (1653)  down  to  the  great  scholars  of  the  nineteenth 
century — F.  Max  Miiller,  Tiele,  ReVille,  and  Pfleiderer.  The 
classification  of  religions,  the  character  and  definition  of  religion, 
and  the  origin  of  religion  were  also  discussed. 

In  Part  II,  Professor  Jastrow  discussed  the  relation  of  religion  to 
ethics,  philosophy,  mythology,  psychology,  history,  and  culture. 
In  these  discussions  the  aim  is  to  teach  the  reader  a  scientific 
method  of  pursuing  the  study.  In  Part  III,  where  such  topics 
as  the  treatment  of  sources,  and  the  status  of  the  subject  in 
colleges  and  universities,  and  the  function  of  museums  in  the 
study  of  religion  are  discussed,  Professor  Jastrow  completes  the 
setting  forth  of  a  right  method  and  brings  his  readers  abreast  of 
the  status  of  the  subject  at  the  time  his  book  was  written.  It  is 
a  work  which  covers  a  wide  field  and  reveals  the  versatility  and  the 
universal  human  interest  of  its  author.  Professor  Jastrow  was  the 
last  one  to  expect  his  fellow-workers  to  agree  with  every  position 
which  he  took,  but  those  who  differed  with  him  on  minor 
points  gratefully  acknowledged  that  the  book  not  only  supplied 
a  long-felt  need  by  giving  us  an  excellent  handbook,  but  that  in 
many  ways  its  author  had  made  real  and  permanent  advance  over 
his  predecessors.  Now,  after  the  lapse  of  twenty  years,  the  book 
is  without  peer  in  its  special  sphere. 

Professor  Jastrow's  greatest  contributions  to  knowledge  were, 
however,  made  by  his  researches  into  the  religion  of  Babylonia 
and  Assyria.  Before  he  began  his  work  the  religion  of  these  two 


Contributions  of  Morris  Jastrow  Jr.  to  History  of  Religion    329 

civilizations,  which  bear  to  each  other  the  relation  of  mother 
and  daughter,  had  never  received  adequate  treatment.  Brief 
sketches  of  it  had  been  given  in  the  general  histories  of  these 
countries,  but  always  in  the  briefest  outline.  Jeremias  had  given 
a  somewhat  more  extended  sketch  in  Chantepie  de  la  Saussaye's 
Lehrbuch  der  Religiongeschichte,  but  that  was  all  too  brief.  Sayce 
had  in  1887  published  his  Origin  and  Growth  of  Religion  as  Illus- 
trated by  the  Religion  of  the  Ancient  Babylonians,  but  his  treatment 
was  too  chaotic  and  at  many  points  too  unreliable  to  be  of  much 
service.  To  Professor  Jastrow  belongs  the  credit  of  having  given 
the  world  the  first  scientific  and  adequate  account  of  this  religion 
when,  in  1898,  he  published  his  Religion  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria 
(Boston:  Ginn  &  Company)  in  the  series  of  handbooks  of  which 
he  was  the  editor.  The  aim  of  the  book  was  to  bring  the  knowledge 
of  the  subject  up  to  date,  to  discuss  contending  theories  and  indi- 
cate the  author's  opinion  on  mooted  points,  but  to  refrain  from 
speculating  upon  what  was  uncertain.  This  aim  was  so  happily 
realized  that  the  book  was  at  once  recognized  in 'all  countries  as 
the  one  standard  authority  on  its  subject.  The  development  of 
the  extensive  pantheon  was  traced  from  the  earliest  times  through 
all  periods  of  the  history  till  Babylonia  and  Assyria  disappeared, 
and  in  a  series  of  chapters  on  the  religious  literature  of  the  Babylon- 
ians, the  reader  was  given  an  introduction,  by  means  of  transla- 
tions, to  the  magical  texts,  the  prayers  and  hymns,  the  penitential 
psalms,  the  oracles  and  omens,  the  cosmology  of  the  Babylonians, 
the  Gilgamesh  epic,  and  to  their  myths  and  legends.  By  means 
of  these  translations  the  student  was  brought  into  the  religious 
atmosphere  of  these  ancient  peoples  as  he  could  have  been  in  no 
other  way.  Chapters  were  also  devoted  to  the  Babylonian  views 
of  life  after  death,  and  to  the  temple  and  cult  in  Babylonia.  This 
last  topic  had  scarcely  been  treated  systematically  by  any  previous 
writer. 

The  book  placed  Professor  Jastrow  at  once  in  the  front  line  of 
the  world's  Assyriologists.  Every  part  of  it  was  based  on  a  first- 
hand study  of  the  original  sources. 

A  few  years  later  Professor  Jastrow  was  invited  to  bring  out  a 
German  edition  of  this  invaluable  book.  It  was  to  be  published 
at  Giessen  and  to  appear  in  "parts".  He  began  the  task  and  the 
first  "part"  was  published  in  1902.  Between  1898  and  1902  a 
large  number  of  new  texts  had  been  published,  and,  as  the  years 
went  by,  the  volume  of  new  material  increased.  True  to  his 


330  George  A.  Barton 

scholarly  instincts,  Professor  Jastrow  made  himself  familiar  with 
the  whole  of  this  as  it  was  published,  and  incorporated  in  his  book 
such  contributions  as  it  made  to  the  knowledge  of  Babylonian 
and  Assyrian  religion.  The  result  was  that  the  "parts"  multiplied 
in  number  and  continued  to  appear  from  1902  to  1912.  The 
volumes  increased  from  one  to  two,  and  the  second  of  these  was 
double  the  thickness  of  an  ordinary  book.  The  Religion  of  Baby- 
lonia and  Assyria  of  1898  had  contained  780  pages;  Die  Religion 
Babyloniens  und  Assyriens  of  1912  contains  more  than  1650  pages. 

In  the  German  edition  knowledge  of  every  part  of  the  subject 
is  advanced,  but  probably  the  greatest  contribution  made  by  the 
volume  was  Jastrow's  discovery  of  the  part  played  by  hepato- 
scopy,  or  divination  from  the  liver,  in  Babylonian  life.  That  in- 
stinct which  prompted  him  to  go  in  all  his  work  to  original  sources, 
led  him  not  only  to  make  a  prolonged  study  of  the  cuneiform  divin- 
ation texts,  but  to  accompany  this  study  with  the  actual  examina- 
tion of  the  livers  of  sheep,  the  animal  whose  liver  the  Babylonians 
had  employed.  The  result  was  not  only  the  .clearing  up  of  many 
obscure  passages  in  the  divination  texts,  but  the  opening  of  a  new 
vista  in  our  knowledge  of  Babylonian  customs.  The  work  as  a 
whole  is  monumental.  America  has  had  during  the  last  thirty 
years  four  or  five  exceptionally  productive  Assyriologists,  but,  of 
all  the  works  they  have  produced  there  is  no  other  single  one  that 
compares  with  this  work  of  Professor  Jastrow  in  range,  compre- 
hensiveness, and  importance.  It  will  probably  be  a  long  time 
before  a  work  treating  of  these  religions  will  be  written  that  will 
at  all  compare  with  this  great  book. 

A  by-product  of  Professor  Jastrow's  magnum  opus  was  his 
Aspects  of  Belief  and  Practice  in  Babylonia  and  Assyria,  which 
appeared  in  1911.  It  was  Professor  Jastrow's  contribution  to  the 
"American  Lectures  on  the  History  of  Religion" — a  series  the  in- 
ception of  which  was  due  largely  to  his  vision  and  energy.  As 
one  who  knew  its  author  expected,  this  book  contained  a  fresh 
treatment  of  Mesopotamian  culture  and  religion,  of  the  pantheon, 
of  Babylonian  divination  and  astrology,  of  the  temple  and  cult, 
of  ethics  and  the  life  after  death.  At  the  time  it  was  written  Jas- 
trow was  fresh  from  his  discoveries  in  divination  and  so  gave  an 
enthusiastic  and  full  treatment  of  this  and  kindred  topics.  His 
book  is  twice  the  thickness  of  the  other  volumes  of  the  series. 
It  is  a  most  valuable  compendium  in  English  of  the  heart  of  the 
greater  German  work. 


Contributions  of  Morris  Jastrow  Jr.  to  History  of  Religion    33 1 

Professor  Jastrow  was  possessed  of  a  fine  sense  of  humor.  It 
kept  all  his  work  sane.  He  had  spent  much  time  on  the  divination 
and  astrology  of  these  peoples,  but  he  realized  that,  except  that 
astrology  led  to  a  certain  degree  of  astronomical  knowledge,  the 
Babylonian  systems  led  to  no  practical  result.  They  were  waste 
time.  Nevertheless  he  was  able  to  quote  with  approval,  at  the 
end  of  his  chapter  on  astrology,  the  remark  of  Bouche-Leclercq, 
that  "it  is  not  a  waste  of  time  to  find  out  how  other  people  have 
wasted  theirs." 

Another  contribution  of  Professor  Jastrow  to  the  history  of 
religion  is  his  Hebrew  and  Babylonian  Traditions,  1914,  a  volume 
which  presents  in  an  enlarged  form  his  Haskell  lectures,  delivered 
at  Oberlin  college  in  1913.  For  more  than  a  dozen  years  before 
its  publication  a  group  of  German  scholars  had  been  claiming  not 
only  that  all  Israel's  thought  was  derived  from  Babylonia,  but  that 
all  the  important  persons  mentioned  in  the  Old  Testament  were 
not  persons  at  all,  but  forms  of  Babylonian  mythical  stories. 
Out  of  the  fullness  of  his  knowledge  Professor  Jastrow  presented 
a  sane  and  scholarly  comparison  of  the  traditions  of  the  two 
peoples,  giving  to  the  Babylonians  their  due  in  crediting  them,  as 
others  had  done,  with  furnishing  the  Hebrews  with  many  of  the 
traditions  contained  in  the  early  chapters  of  Genesis,  but  showing 
how  independent  of  Babylonian  influence  many  aspects  of  Hebrew 
tradition  were.  His  chapters  on  the  "Hebrew  and  Babylonian 
Sabbath",  "Views  of  Life  after  Death",  and  "Hebrew  and 
Babylonian  Ethics",  are  most  interesting  and  important. 

Mention  must  also  be  made  of  the  masterly  sketch  of  the 
Babylonian  and  Assyrian  Religion  contained  in  Chapters  IV  and  V 
of  Professor  Jastrow's  Civilization  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria,  and 
that  on  the  same  religion  in  Religions  of  the  Past  and  Present,  edited 
by  his  colleague,  Professor  Montgomery.  In  these  sketches  his 
vast  stores  of  knowledge  and  his  rare  powers  of  presentation  enabled 
him  to  present  masterly  sketches,  scientific  in  character,  and  de- 
lightful to  read. 

In  the  volume  last  mentioned  we  have,  fortunately,  a  sketch  of 
the  rise  and  characteristics  of  Mohammedanism,  which  exhibits 
the  same  qualities  at  their  very  best.  This  masterly  lecture,  with 
its  analysis  of  the  elements  which  enter  into  Islam,  its  apprecia- 
tion, its  criticism,  and  the  clearness  and  virility  of  its  presentation, 
makes  one  regret  that  circumstances  did  not  lead  Professor  Jastrow 
to  write  more  upon  that  religion. 


332  George  A.  Barton 

Lack  of  space  makes  it  impossible  to  speak  of  Professor  Jastrow's 
services  to  the  history  of  religion  rendered  in  the  publication  of 
numerous  articles  in  periodicals  and  encyclopedias.  These 
articles  were  often  of  great  importance.  Some  of  them  other  men 
would  have  made  into  a  book.  In  conclusion,  emphasis  should  be 
laid  upon  the  fact  that  Professor  Jastrow's  service  to  the  science 
of  religion  was  not  confined  to  his  own  weighty  contributions  to 
its  literature.  He  rendered  an  equally  great  service  by  organizing 
enterprises  which  called  forth  the  contributions  of  others.  It 
was  he  who  conceived  the  idea  of  a  series  of  handbooks  on  the 
history  of  religion,  the  publication  of  which  was  undertaken  by 
Ginn  &  Company,  of  Boston.  Professor  Jastrow  became  editor 
of  the  series  and  induced  the  other  scholars  to  write  their  books. 
Indirectly,  therefore,  we  owe  to  him  such  important  works  as 
Toy's  Introduction  to  the  History  of  Religion,  Hopkins'  Religions 
of  India,  Chantepie  de  la  Saussaye's  Religion  of  the  Teutons,  and 
Peters'  Religion  of  the  Hebrews — books  which  have  been  of  inestima- 
ble service  to  American  scholars  and  have  greatly  enriched  the 
world's  historical  literature.  It  was  in  this  series  that  Jastrow's 
own  book,  The  Religion  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria,  first  appeared. 

In  addition  to  this,  the  organization  of  "The  American  Lectures 
on  the  History  of  Religions"  was  due  to  Professor  Jastrow's  energy 
and  initiative.  At  a  meeting  of  fifteen  persons  called  to  consider 
the  subject,  held  in  Philadelphia  on  December  30th,  1891,  it  was 
Professor  Jastrow  who  submitted  a  plan  for  establishing  such  a 
lecture  course,  to  be  given  in  different  American  cities.  The 
general  scheme  was  approved,  and  Professor  Jastrow  was  a  member 
of  the  committee  appointed  to  work  out  a  plan  for  carrying  it 
into  effect.  This  committee  reported  at  a  meeting  held  at  Union 
Theological  Seminary  in  New  York  on  February  6th,  1892.  Their 
plan  was  approved  and  an  association  was  formed  to  put  it  into 
operation.  Professor  Jastrow  became  secretary  of  this  association 
— an  office  which  he  held  until  his  death.  As  always  in 
such  organizations,  it  is  the  secretary  who  has  the  laboring 
oar,  and  Professor  Jastrow  was  the  guiding  spirit  of  the  asso- 
ciation. It  is  to  this  association,  and  therefore  to  Professor  Jas- 
trow, that  we  owe  that  series  of  brief,  readable,  and  authoritative 
volumes,  in  which  Brinton's  Religion  of  Primitive  Peoples,  Rhys- 
Davids'  History  and  Literature  of  Buddhism,  Budde's  Religion 
of  Israel  to  the  Exile,  Cheyne's  Jewish  Religion  after  the  Exile, 
Knox's  Religions  of  Japan,  De  Groot's  Religion  of  the  Chinese, 


Contributions  of  Morris  Jastrow  Jr.  to  History  of  Religion    333 

BloomfielcTs  Religion  of  the  Veda,  Steindorf  s  Religion  of  the 
Ancient  Egyptians,  Cumont's  Astrology  and  Religion  Among  the 
Greeks  and  Romans,  and  Hurgronje's  Mohammedanism,  have 
appeared.  Professor  Jastrow's  own  contribution  to  the  series 
has  already  been  mentioned.  It  is  a  remarkable  series;  each, 
like  the  volumes  of  the  series  which  Professor  Jastrow  edited,  is 
the  work  of  an  eminent  specialist.  The  giving  of  these  lectures 
and  the  publication  of  the  volumes  have  done  much  to  educate 
American  people,  and  have  placed  within  the  reach  of  all  an 
authoritative  and  readable  outline  of  the  great  religions  of  the 
world. 

The  task  of  speaking  of  the  products  of  Professor  Jastrow's 
many-sided  abilities  in  other  fields  falls  to  others.  His  work  in  the 
field  of  which  we  have  been  speaking  illustrates  one  of  the  finest 
traits  of  his  character — his  stimulating  influence  upon  other  scholars 
and  his  generosity  in  appreciating  their  work.  The  eminent  men 
who  wrote  the  books  mentioned  above  felt  this  influence,  and  the 
humble  and  obscure  worker,  however  small  his  contribution,  found 
in  Professor  Jastrow,  if  his  contribution  possessed  any  merit,  a 
cheering  and  encouraging  critic  and  friend.  America  has  had 
but  one  other  scholar  (the  late  Professor  C.  H.  Toy  of  Harvard) 
whose  stimulating  influence  called  forth  from  others  a  degree  of 
labor  at  all  approaching  that  which  Professor  Jastrow  elicited. 
Such  men  stand  far  above  their  contemporaries  in  the  scholarly 
influence  which  they  wield.  They  evoke  in  others  a  devotion  to 
the  search  for  truth  which  multiplies  many  fold  the  mere  labor  of 
their  own  hands.  It  is  one  of  life's  highest  privileges  to  have 
known  them.  The  world  seems  poor  without  them.  Their  mem- 
ory is  a  precious  treasure. 


PROFESSOR  JASTROW  AS  AN  ASSYRIOLOGIST 

ALBERT  T.  CLAY 
YALE  UNIVERSITY 

WHILE  STUDYING  ABROAD,  Arabic  was  looked  upon  by  Jastrow 
as  his  major  subject;  however,  he  paid  special  attention  also  to 
Assyriology,  and  attended  lectures  under  such  scholars  as  De- 
litzsch,  Oppert,  and  Halevy. 

Three  years  after  receiving  his  degree  at  Leipzig  we  find  his 
first  contribution  to  Assyriology  in  a  note  of  several  pages  which 


334  Albert  T.  Clay 

appeared  in  the  Zeitschrift  fur  Assyriologie  on  'A  passage  in  the 
Cylinder  Inscription  of  AshurbanapaP.  Two  years  later,  following 
other  brief  communications,  his  first  conspicuous  article  appeared 
in  the  text,  translation,  and  commentary  of  a  fragment  of  'A 
Cylinder  of  Marduk-shapik-zirim.'  It  is  to  the  credit  of  Jastrow 
that  by  clever  reasoning  and  on  palseographical  grounds  he  placed 
this  hitherto  unknown  king  in  the  Pashe  Dynasty,  of  which  only 
four  of  the  eleven  kings  had  up  to  that  time  been  identified;  and 
he  actually  proposed  that  he  be  placed  as  the  founder  of  the 
dynasty.  This  was  confirmed  by  an  inscription  in  the  Yale 
Collection  published  thirty  years  later  (Misc.  Inscr.  p.  49). 

In  1891  he  published  'A  Fragment  of  the  Babylonian  Dibbarra 
Epic/  which  appeared  in  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  Series  in 
Philology,  Literature,  and  Archaeology;  and  a  few  years  later 
'A  New  Fragment  of  the  Babylonian  Etana  Legend '  in  the  Beitrdge 
zur  Assyriologie.  Both  publications  were  based  upon  original 
inscriptions  found  in  private  hands.  The  latter  added  materially 
to  our  knowledge  of  the  Etana  Legend.  In  both  treatises  Jastrow 
showed  remarkable  scholarly  acumen  in  handling  original  material. 
It  was  his  good  fortune  a  few  years  later  to  find  also  another 
fragment  of  the  Etana  Legend  in  private  hands,  both  of  these 
having  come  from  the  Library  of  Ashurbanapal  in  Nineveh.  This 
was  published  in  Vol.  30  of  this  JOURNAL. 

Early  in  his  career  Jastrow  was  attracted  to  the  study  of  the 
religion  of  the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians.  In  1898  he  published 
his  Religion  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria  as  the  second  volume  in  the 
Series  of  Handbooks  on  the  History  of  Religions,  of  which  he  was 
the  editor.  It  was  a  very  ambitious  undertaking  owing  to  the  state 
of  our  knowledge  at  that  time.  He  fully  realized  that  the  knowl- 
edge of  the  subject  was  rapidly  increasing,  and  that  it  was  con- 
stantly necessary  to  change  the  perspective  and  readjust  views, 
yet  he  felt  there  was  sufficient  reason  for  sifting  the  certain  from 
the  uncertain  and  for  formulating  his  opinions,  and  thus  preparing 
the  way  for  other  works  that  would  follow.  It  was  no  small  task 
to  gather  the  material,  digest  and  present  it.  But  the  work  was 
so  successfully  handled  that  it  remained  the  chief  treatise  on  the 
subject  until  it  was  supplanted  by  his  larger  work,  Die  Religion 
Babyloniens  und  Assyriens,  which  appeared  in  seventeen  parts, 
between  the  years  1903  and  1913.  It  was  first  intended  that  this 
should  be  a  translation  of  the  English  work  into  German,  but 
during  the  process  of  revising  and  enlarging  it,  Jastrow  became 


Professor  Jastrow  as  an  Assyriologist  335 

especially  interested  in  the  subject  of  divination  through  hepato- 
scopy  and  astrology,  with  the  result  that  as  he  devoted  himself  to 
the  study  of  the  many  new  texts  appearing  during  the  time  his 
work  grew  to  such  proportions  that  instead  of  one  volume,  three, 
comprising  over  1700  pages  of  closely  printed  text  and  notes, 
were  required  to  present  his  contributions  on  the  subject.  While 
others  had  preceded  him  in  the  study  of  Babylonian  divina- 
tion, Jastrow's  interpretation  of  the  many  new  texts,  the  study  of 
the  religious  rites,  practices,  and  beliefs  of  other  peoples,  and  his 
wide  knowledge  of  religions  in  general  enabled  him  to  produce  a 
work  that  will  be  quoted  for  years  to  come.  By  his  philological 
work  and  interpretation  of  omen  texts,  hundreds  of  obscure  words 
were  discussed,  many  of  which  received  their  explanation  for  the 
first  time.  One  important  discovery  after  another  was  made, 
resulting  in  many  contributions  being  presented  in  our  journals, 
for  example,  on  'The  Signs  and  Names  for  the  Liver  in  Babylonia/ 
'The  Liver  in  Antiquity  and  the  Beginnings  of  Anatomy/  etc. 
In  this  field  Jastrow  achieved  his  greatest  success,  and  left  his 
name  indelibly  written  upon  our  knowledge  of  the  subject. 

In  1911  Jastrow  published  a  volume  entitled  Aspects  of  Re- 
ligious Belief  and  Practice  in  Assyria  and  Babylonia,  being  the 
American  Lectures  on  the  History  of  Religion,  delivered  at  different 
institutions.  In  this  work  he  gives  not  only  a  summary,  in  a 
popular  and  readable  form,  of  all  researches  in  the  field,  but  he 
took  the  opportunity  to  recast  certain  views  on  the  pantheon  and 
the  cult,  thus  making  them  accord  with  the  new  material  which 
had  been  brought  to  light.  There  can  be  little  doubt  but  that  his 
new  presentation  of  the  pantheon  in  this  work  is  a  distinct  advance 
upon  all  previous  attempts.  He  also  attempted  to  distinguish  be- 
tween what  he  called  the  popular  religion  and  the  artificial  form 
given  to  it  in  the  official  cult  by  the  priests,  in  their  efforts  to  bring 
the  beliefs  into  accordance  With  their  theological  speculations. 
This  work  is  the  best  compendium  at  present  on  the  subject. 

In  1915  Jastrow  published  a  much  needed  work  on  The  Civiliza- 
tion of  Babylonia  and  Assyria.  This  is  a  survey  of  the  entire  field 
on  a  much  larger  scale  than  had  hitherto  been  attempted  in 
English.  In  it  he  gives  the  results  of  the  activities  of  explorers, 
decipherers,  and  investigators  in  this  field  of  research.  It  is  also 
a  compendium  on  the  customs  and  manners,  the  religion,  law, 
commerce,  art,  architecture,  and  literature  of  the  Babylonians 
and  Assyrians.  In  this  work  he  has  admirably  selected  what  was 


336  Albert  T.  Clay 

most  important  for  a  general  view,  and  also  what  was  most  char- 
acteristic, and  has  grouped  his  material  in  a  very  satisfactory  form. 

His  study  of  some  of  the  legends  for  his  history  of  the  Baby- 
lonian religion  was,  at  the  time,  an  advance  upon  previous  efforts, 
particularly  that  of  the  Gilgamesh  Epic.  The  acquisition  of  two 
tablets  of  an  earlier  version  of  this  epic  by  the  Pennsylvania  and 
the  Yale  Collections  naturally  aroused  his  interest,  resulting  in 
one  of  his  latest  contributions  to  Assyriology,  entitled  An  Old 
Babylonian  Version  of  the  Gilgamesh  Epic,  published  in  1920,  in 
the  preparation  of  which  the  present  writer,  as  joint  author,  took 
a  minor  part.  In  the  study  of  these  two  texts  Jastrow's  critical 
faculties  enabled  him  to  advance  materially  the  interpretation 
of  the  epic  as  well  as  its  analysis  into  its  component  parts. 

His  last  contribution  to  Assyriology  was  his  article  on  'An 
Assyrian  Law  Code/  which  appeared  in  Part  I  of  this  volume  of 
the  JOURNAL  (pages  1  to  59).  It  was  the  first  translation  which 
appeared  of  two  large  texts  from  tablets  discovered  at  the  site  of 
ancient  Assur,  and  published  by  Schroeder. 

The  extent  of  Jastrow's  work  in  Assyriology  cannot  be  appre- 
ciated by  a  glance  at  his  bibliography  under  that  subject,  for 
many  of  his  contributions,  listed  under  other  subjects,  are  based 
more  or  less  upon  his  investigations  in  that  field. 

Jastrow's  erudition,  his  wide  horizon,  and  his  experience  in  the 
critical  analysis  of  ancient  documents,  enabled  him  to  leave  the 
beaten  path  with  its  conventional  views,  and  discuss  legends,  epics, 
and  other  texts  independently.  His  excellent  preparation  gave 
him  a  view-point  that  few  enjoyed;  and  his  efforts  resulted  not 
only  in  contributions  which  are  remarkably  suggestive,  but  which 
are  full  of  discoveries  and  conclusions,  many  of  which  will  stand 
the  test  of  time.  Especially  in  the  subject  of  the  religion  of  the 
Babylonians  and  Assyrians,  Jastrow  made  himself  without 
doubt  the  leading  authority  in  the  world. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  MORRIS  JASTROW,  JR. 

COMPILED  BY 
ALBERT  T.  CLAY  AND  JAMES  A.  MONTGOMERY* 

ABBREVIATIONS 

AJSL  American  Journal  of  Semitic  Languages  and  Literature. — BA 
Beitrage  zur  Assyriologie. — Bib.  W.  Biblical  World. — Hebr.  Hebraica. — Ind. 
Independent. — JAOS  Journal  of  the  American  Oriental  Society. — JBL  Journal 
of  Bibiical  Literature. — JQR  Jewish  Quarterly  Review. — PAOS  Proceedings 
of  the  American  Oriental  Society. — S.  S.  Times  Sunday  School  Times. — 
ZA  Zeitschrift  fur  Assynologie.-Z.4TPF  Zeitschrift  fur  die  alttestamentliche 
Wissenschaft. 

(a)  ARABIC 
Abn  Zakarijja  Jahja  ben  Dawud  Hajjug  und  seine  zwei  grammatischen 

Schriften  iiber  die  Verben  mit  schwachen  Buchstaben  und  die  Verben 

mit  Doppelbuchstaben.     ZATW  v  (1885),  192-221. 
The  Grammatical  Works  of  Abu  Zakariyya  Yahya  ben  Dawud  Hayyug. 

PAOS  xiii  (1888),  295-296. 
On  a  Fragment  of  Hayyuj's  Treatise  on  Weak  Verbs.     PAOS  xiv  (1889), 

38-40. 

An  Arabic  Tradition  of  Writing  on  Clay.     ZA  x  (1895),  99. 
Weak  and  Geminative  Verbs  in  Hebrew  by  Abu  Zakarijja  Jahja  Ibn  Dawud 

of  Fez.   .    .    .  The  Arabic  text  published  for  the  first  time.     Leiden, 

1897  (356  pp.). 

(b)  BABYLONO-AS SYRIAN 
Passage  in  the  Cylinder  Inscription  of  Asurbanabal  (V  R.  2,  col.  2,  121-125). 

ZA  ii  (1887),  353-356. 
Notes  on  the  Monolith  Inscription  of  Shalmanessar  II.    Hebr.  iv  (1887-1888), 

244-246. 

Note  on  the  Proper  Name  "Bu-du-ilu."     PAOS  xiii  (1888),  146-147. 
On  Assyrian  and  Samaritan.     PAOS  xiii  (1888),  147-150. 
On  Ikonomatic  Writing  in  Assyrian.     PAOS  xiii  (1888),  168-172. 
Corrections  to  the  Text  of  the  Black  Obelisk  of  Shalmaneser  II.     Hebr.  v 

(1888-1889),  230-242. 
On  the  Assyrian  "kuduru"  and  the  Ring  of  the  Sun-god  in  the  Abu-Habba 

tablet.     PAOS  xiv  (1889),  95-98. 

*  In  March,  1910,  in  commemoration  of  the  twenty-fifth  anniversary  of 
Professor  Jastrow's  membership  in  the  Faculty  of  the  University  of  Penn- 
sylvania, the  compilers  published  the  bibliography  of  their  preceptor,  colleague 
and  friend.  It  is  with  affectionate  devotion  to  his  memory,  that  they  reprint 
that  work  and  add  the  scientific  and  literary  publications  of  the  last  eleven 
years  of  Dr.  Jastrow's  life.  They  express  their  obligations  to  Dr.  E.  Cbiera  of 
the  University  of  Pennsylvania  and  Miss  Kathrme  B.  Hagy  of  the  University 
Library,  for  their  valuable  assistance  in  this  compilation. 
Dec.  15,  1921. 

22    JAOS  41 


338  Albert  T.  Clay  and  James  A.  Montgomery 

The  Textbooks  of  the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians.    PAOS  xiv  (1889),  170-171. 
The  Ashurnasirbal  Slabs  belonging  to  the  New  York  Historical  Society. 

PAOS  xiv  (1889),  138-140. 
A    Cylinder   of    Marduktabikzirim,    Text,    Translation   and   Commentary. 

ZA  iv  (1889),  301-323. 
"Epeshu."    ZA  iv  (1889),  406-408. 

The  Cuneiform  Tablets  of  Tell  El-Amarna.  The  Nation,  1889,  345-346. 
Assyrian  Vocabularies.  ZA  iv  (1889),  153-162  (1);  v  (1890),  31-46  (2). 
Azuru.  ZA  v  (1890),  295-296. 

Ethics  of  the  Assyrians  and  Babylonians.     Ethical  Record,  July,  1890,  65-77. 
A  Fragment  of  the  Babylonian  "Dibbarra"  Epic.     "U.  of  P.  Series  in  Phil- 
ology," vol.  1,  no.  2.     (Phila.,  1891,  42  pp.). 
Letters  of  Abdi-Kheba.     Hebr.  ix  (1892-1893),  24-16. 
Marduktabikzirim  or  Mardukshabikzirim.     ZA  viii  (1893),  214-219. 
Mushannitum.     Hebr.  x  (1893-1894),  193-195. 

A  New  Fragment  of  the  Babylonian  Etana  Legend.     PAOS  xvi  (1894),  162. 
Note  on  the  term  "Mushannitum."     PAOS  xvi  (1894),  192. 
A  Legal  Document  of  Babylonia,  dealing  with  the  Revocation  of  an  Illegal 

Sale.      In   ''Oriental  Studies  of  the  Oriental  Club  of  Philadelphia." 

Boston,  1894,  pp.  116-136. 

The  Two  Copies  of  the  Tablet  of  Rammannirari  I.     ZA  x  (1895),  35-48. 
Ilubidi  and  Yaubidi.    ZA  x  (1895),  222-235. 
Inscription  of  Rammannirari  I.     AJSL  xii  (1895-1896),  143-172. 
A  New  Fragment  of  the  Babylonian  Etana  Legend.     BA  iii  (1895-1898), 

363-383. 

Textbook  Literature  of  the  Babylonians.     Bib.  W.  ix  (1897),  248-268. 
New  Babylonian  Version  of  the  Account  of  the  Deluge.     Ind.  (1898),  i,  178 

seq.,  211  seq. 

The  Babylonian  term  Shualu.     AJSL  xiv  (1897-1898),  165-170. 
A  Legal  Document  from  Babylonia.      In   "Pennsylvania  Law  Series,"  ii 

(1898),  15-38. 
Religion  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria.     In  "Series  of  Handbooks  on  the  History 

of  Religions,"  vol.  2.     Boston,  1898,  780  pp. 
Adrahasis  and  Parnapistim.    ZA  xiii  (1898),  288-301. 
Nebopolassar  and  the  Temple  to  the  Sun-God  at  Sippar.     AJSL  xiv  (1898- 

1899),  65-86. 

The  Palace  and  Temple  of  Nebuchadnezzar.    Harper's  Magazine,  Apr.,  1902. 
Die  Religion  Babyloniens  und  Assyriens  (in  parts  beginning  1903).    Vol.  1, 

1905;   vol.  2-3,  1912;    with  album  of  plates.     Giessen. 
The  God  Ashur.     JAOS  xxiv  (1903),  282-311. 
Revised  Chapters  on  Babylonia  and  Assyria.     In  A  History  of  All  Nations, 

v.  1.  &  2,  ed.  by  J.  H.  Wright.     Lea  Bros.  &  Co.,  Phila.,  1905. 
E-kish-shir-gal.     ZA  xix  (1905),  135-142. 
Religion  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria.     Hastings'  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  Extra 

Vol.  (1904),  531-584. 

A  New  Aspect  of  the  Sumerian  Question.    AJSL  xxii  (1905-1906),  89-109. 
A  Babylonian  Parallel  to  the  Story  of  Job.    JBL  xxv  (1906),  135-191. 
A  Babylonian  Job.     Contemporary  Review,  Dec.,  1906. 
Did  the  Babylonian  Temples  have  Libraries?     JAOS  xxvii  (1906),  147-182. 


Bibliography  of  Morris  Jastrow  Jr.  339 

On  the  Composite  Character  of  the  Babylonian  Creation  Story.     In  Oriental- 

ische  Studien,  in  honor  of  Theodore  Noldeke's  70th  birthday.      1906. 

vol.  2,  969-982. 

Notes  on  Omen  Texts.    AJSL  xxiii  (1906-1907),  97-115. 
Signs  and  Names  for  the  Liver  in  Babylonian.     ZA  xx  (1907),  105-129. 
Khabil  and  Ekha.     ZA  xx  (1907),  191-195. 
The  Liver  in  Antiquity  and  the  Beginnings  of  Anatomy.     Transactions  of 

the  College  of  Physicians  of  Philadelphia,  xxix,  117-138,  and  University 

of  Pennsylvania  Medical  Bulletin,  Jan.,  1908,  pp.  238-245. 
Sign  and  Name  for  Planet  in  Babylonian.     Proc.  of  the  Am.  Phil  Soc.,  xlvii 

(1908),  141-156. 
Hepatoscopy  and  Astrology  in  Babylonia  and  Assyria.     Proc.  of  the  Am. 

Phil  Soc.,  xlvii  (1908),  646-676. 
Urumush.  ZA  xxi  (1908),  277-282. 
An  Omen  School  Text.  In  Old  Testament  and  Semitic  Studies  in  Memory  of 

W.  R.  Harper,  ii  (1908),  279-326. 
Dil-bat.    ZA  xxii  (1909),  155-165. 
Babylonian  Orientation.    ZA  xxiii  (1910),  196-208. 
Shu-Bi-Ash-A-An.    ZA  xxiii  (1910),  376-377. 

Another  Fragment  of  the  Etana  Myth.    JAOS  xxx  (1909),  101-131. 
Sumerian  Glosses  in  Astrological  Letters.     Babyloniaca,  iv  (1910),  227-235. 
The  Liver  in  Babylonian  Divination   (Proceedings  of  the  Numismatic  and 

Antiquarian  Society  of  Philadelphia),  1907  pp.  23-27. 
Sun  and  Saturn.  Revue  d'  Assyriologie,  vii  (1910),  163-178. 
Months  and  Days  in  Babylonian- Assyrian  Astrology.  AJSL  xxvi  (1910), 

151-155. 

Signs  and  Names  of  the  Planet  Mars.     AJSL  xxvii  (1910),  64-83. 
The  Etana  Myth  on  Seal  Cylinders.     JAOS  xxx,  part  iv  (1910),  101-131. 
Aspects  of  Religious  Belief  and  Practice  in  Babylonia  and  Assyria.    ' 'American 

Lectures  on  the  History  of  Religions,  10th  Series."    New  York.  1910 
(Also,  some  forty  articles  on  gods  and  heroes  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria  in 

the  llth  edition  of  the  Encyclopaedia  Britannica.) 
Carl  Frank,    Studien   zur   Babylonischen   Religion.      AJSL   xxviii    (1912), 

146-152. 
Bildermappe  mit  273  Abbildungen  sammt  Erklarungen  zur  Religion  Baby- 

loniens  und  Assyriens.     Giessen,  1912. 
The  Medicine  of  the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians.     The  Lancet,  Oct.  18,  1913, 

pp. 1136-42. 
An  Assyrian  Mediaeval  Tablet  in  the  Possession  of  the  College  of  Physicians. 

Transactions  of  the  College  of  Physicians  of  Philadelphia   (1913),  pp. 

365-400. 
Abstract  of  a  Paper  on  the  Babylonian-Assyrian  Birth  Omens  and  the  History 

of  Monsters.      Proceedings  of  the  Numismatic  and  Antiquarian  Society 

of  Philadelphia  (1913),  pp.  217-223. 
The  Medicine  of  the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians.     Proceedings  of  the  Royal 

Society  of  Medicine,  vii  (1914),  pp.  109-176. 
Hebrew  and  Babylonian  Traditions.     The  Haskell  Lectures,  1913,  Olerlin 

College.     New  York,  1914. 
Babylonian   and  Assyrian   Birth   Omens   and   their  Cultural   Significance. 

Religions-geschichtliche  Versuche  und  Vorarbeiten,  xiv,  1914. 


340  Albert  T.  Clay  and  James  A.  Montgomery 

Hebrew  and  Babylonian  Views  of  Creation.  Philadelphia,  1915.  In  Uni- 
versity of  Pennsylvania  Lectures,  1915,  pp.  191-240. 

The  Civilization  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria.  Its  Remains,  Language,  History, 
Religion,  Commerce,  Law,  Art  and  Literature.  Philadelphia,  1915. 

Sumerian  View  of  Beginnings.     Revue  Archeologique,  1916,  pp.  358-372. 

Sumerian  and  Akkadian  Views  of  Beginnings.  JAOS  xxxvi  (1916),  pp. 
274-299. 

Older  and  Later  Elements  in  the  Code  of  Hammurabi.  JAOS  xxxvi  (1919), 
pp.  1-33. 

Sumerian  Myths  of  Beginnings.     AJSL  xxxiii  (1917),  pp.  91-144. 

Babylonia  and  Assyria.  (Translator  with  others.)  New  York,  1917.  (Sa- 
cred Books  of  the  East,  vol.  1.) 

Religion  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria.  In  Montgomery,  Religions  of  the  Past 
and  Present.  1918,  pp.  50-75. 

£-Nu-Sub-Bft  Sipti.     AJSL  xxxvii  (1920),  pp.  51-61. 

Assyrian  Law  Code.    JAOS  xxxi  (1921),  pp.  1-59. 

Quruppati,  Betrothal  Gifts.     JAOS  xli  (1921),  pp.  314-316. 

An  Old  Babylonian  Version  of  the  Gilgamesh  Epic  (with  A.  T.  Clay).  Yale 
Oriental  Series:  Researches,  vol.  i,  part  3.  New  Haven,  Conn.,  1921. 

Veiling  in  Ancient  Assyria.     Revue  Archeologique.     In  press. 

(c)  HEBREW  AND  OLD  TESTAMENT 
Greek  words  in  the  Book  of  Daniel  (translated  from  the  French  of  Prof. 

Hartwig  Derenbourg).     Hebr.  iv  (1887-1888),  7-13. 
Palace  at  Susa  and  the  Book  of  Esther.    S.  S.  Times,  Feb.,  1889. 
Old    Testament    and    Recent    Assyriological    Research.      Ind.    liii    (1891), 

2449-2453,  2515-2517. 

How  to  Study  Hebrew.     Jewish  Messenger,  May,  1892. 
Palestine  and  Assyria  in  the  Days  of  Joshua.    ZA  vii  (1892),  1-7. 
Egypt  and  Palestine,  1400  B.  C.     JBL  xi  (1892),  95-124. 
The  Oldest  Piece  of  Jerusalem  History.    S.  S.  Times,  Aug.  26,  1893. 
Excavations  at  Sendschirli  and  Some  of  their  Bearings  on  the  Old  Testament. 

Bib.  W.  ii  (1893),  407-417. 

The  "  Men  of  Judah"  in  the  El-Amarna  tablets.     JBL  xii  (1893),  61-72. 
The  Bible  and  the  Assyrian  Monuments.     Century  Mag.,  Jan.,  1894,  395-411. 

(Also  translation  into  French  by  E.  Lacordaire,  Revue  des  Revues,  1894, 

227-235.) 

Hebrew  Prophets  in  their  Historical  Setting.     Reform  Advocate,  Feb.  20,  1894. 
Archaeology  as  a  Factor  in  Old  Testament  Study.    /S.  S.  Times,  Aug.  18,  1894. 
The  Element  Bosheth  in  Hebrew  Proper  Names.    JBL  xiii  (1894),  19-30. 
Hebrew  Proper  Names  Compounded  with  "Yah"  and  "Yahu".      JBL  xii 

(1894),  101-127. 

Note  on  a  Passage  in  "Lamentations"  (chap.  2,  6).     ZATW  xv  (1895),  287. 
On  Ruth  2  :  8.    JBL  xv  (1896),  59-62. 

Origin  of  the  form  Yah  of  the  Divine  Name.    ZA  TW  xvi  (1896),  1-16. 
Avenger,  Kinsman  and  Redeemer,  in  the  Old  Testament.     Ind.,  Aug.  27, 

1896. 

Note  on  Meshek  and  Tubal.    AJSL  xiii  (1896-1897),  217. 
The  Original  Character  of  the  Hebrew  Sabbath.     American  Journal  of  The- 
ology, ii  (1898),  312-362. 


Bibliography  of  Morris  Jastrow  Jr.  341 

I  Kings,  18,  21.    JBL  xvii  (1898),  108-110. 

Canaan.     Encyc.  Biblica,  vol.  1  (1899),  638-643. 

Dust,  Earth  and  Ashes  as  Symbols  of  Mourning  among  the  Ancient  Hebrews. 

JAOS  xx  (1899),  130-150. 

Adam  and  Eve  in  Babylonian  Literature.     AJSL  xv  (1899),  193-214. 
The  name  Samuel  and  the  Stem  "  Sha'al."    JBL  xix  (1900),  82-105. 
Genesis  XIV  and  Recent  Research.     JQR  xiii  (1901),  42-57. 
Hebrew  and  Babylonian  Accounts  of  Creation.     JQR  xiii  (1901),  620-654. 
Hamites  and  Semites  in  the  10th  Chapter  of  Genesis.    Proceedings  of  the  Ameri- 
can Philosophical  Society,  xiii  (1904),  173-207. 
Races  of  the  Old  Testament.     Hastings'  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  Extra  Vol. 

(1904),  72-83. 

The  Tower  of  Babel.     Ind.  Iviii  (1905),  822-826. 
Ro'eh  and  Hozeh  in  the  Old  Testament.     JBL  xxviii  (1909),  52-56. 
Canaan,  Canaanite.    In  Encyclopaedia  Biblica,  pp.  638-643. 
Wine  in  the  Pentateuchal  Codes.    JAOS  xxxiii  (1913),  pp.  180-192. 
So-called  Leprosy  Laws.    JQR,  iv  (1914),  pp.  357-418. 
The  "Nazir"  Legislation.     JBL  xxxiii  (1914),  pp.  266-285. 
The  Day  after  the  Sabbath.    AJSL  xxx  (1914),  pp.  94-110. 
Constructive  Elements  in  the  Critical  Study  of  the  Old  Testament.     JBL 

xxxvi  (1917),  pp.  1-30. 
Joshua  3  :  16.    JBL  xxxvi  (1917),  pp.  53-62. 
A  Gentle  Cynic,  being  a  Translation  of  the  Book  of  Koheleth,  commonly 

known  as  Ecclesiastes,  stripped  of  later  additions ;  also  its  origin,  growth 

and  interpretation.     Philadelphia,  1919. 
The  Book  of  Job:   Its  Origin,  Growth  and  Interpretation;   together  with  a 

New  Translation  Based  on  a  Revised  Text.     Philadelphia,  1920. 
Poem  on  Job.     Nation,  Jan.  29,  1921. 
The  Song  of  Songs,  being  a  Collection  of  Love  Lyrics  of  ancient  Palestine. 

Philadelphia,  December,  1921. 

(d)   JUDAICA 

Jewish  Grammarians  of  the  Middle  Ages.  Hebr.  iii  (1886-1887),  103-106, 
171-174;  iv  (1887-1888),  26-32,  118-122;  v  (1888-1889),  115-120. 

Cities  of  the  Plain  in  Talmud  and  Midrash.     S.  S.  Times,  Feb.,  1887. 

Notes  on  the  Jews  of  Philadelphia  from  Published  Annals.  Publications  of 
the  American  Jewish  Historical  Society,  i  (1892),  49-61. 

The  First  Publication  of  a  Jewish  Character  in  Philadelphia.     Ibid.,  63-64. 

The  Use  of  a  Jewish  Library.     Jewish  Exponent,  Nov.  2,  1894. 

Documents  Relating  to  the  Career  of  Isaac  Franks.    Ibid.,  v  (1896),  7-34. 

References  to  Jews  in  the  Diary  of  Ezra  Stiles.    Ibid.,  x  (1902),  5-36. 

Jewish  Philosophy  and  Philosophical  Writers.     Ency.  Americana  (1903). 

(e)  OTHER  ORIENTALIA 

The  Wolfe  Expedition  to  Mesopotamia.     The  American,  Aug.,  1886. 
Persian  Art  in  Susa.     N.  Y.  Times,  Dec.  9,  1888. 

Present  Status  of  Semitic  Studies  in  this  Country.     Hebr.  v  (1888-9),  77-79. 
On  the  Founding  of  Carthage.     PAOS  xv  (1890),  70-73. 
Cradle  of  the  Semites.     Philadelphia,  1890. 
A  Phoenician  Seal.    Hebr.  vii  (1890-1891),  256-267. 


342  Albert  T.  Clay  and  James  A.  Montgomery 

A  New  Decipherment  of  the  Hittite  Inscriptions.    S.  S.  Times,  Jan.  17,  1893. 
Hittites.    Ency.  Biblica,  vol.  2  (1901)  2094-2100. 
The  Hittites  in  Babylonia.     Revue  Semitique,  xviii  (1910),  87-96. 
Einleitung  to  Bartels,  W.  von,  Die  Etruskische  Bronzeleber  von  Piacenza, 

pp.  3-5,  1910. 

(f)  HISTORY  OF  RELIGION 

Mohammedanism.     Univ.  of  Pa.  Publications.     Philadelphia,  1892. 
Recent  Movements  in  the  Historical  Study  of  Religions  in  America.    Bib.  W. 

i  (1893),  24-32. 
Scope  and  Method  of  the  Historical  Study  of  Religions.      Proceedings  of 

1st  Congress  of  Anthropology,  Chicago,  1893,  287-297. 
The  Jewish  Question  in  its  Recent  Aspects.     International  Journal  of  Ethics 

vi  (1896),  457-479. 

The  Modern  Attitude  towards  Religion.     Ethical  Series,  vol.  4  (1897).  no.  8. 
Islamism.     Progress,  vol  3  (1897),  no.  6. 
Historical  Study  of  Religions  in  Universities  and  Colleges.    JAOS  xx  (1899), 

317-325. 
First  International  Congress  of  the   History  of  Religions.      International 

Journal  of  Ethics,  x  (1900),  no.  4. 

Tearing  of  Garments  as  a  Symbol  of  Mourning.    JAOS  xxi  (1900),  23-39. 
Study  of  Religion.      In   "Contemporary  Science  Series."      London,   1901 

(451  pp.). 
Baring  of  the  Arm  and  Shoulder  as  a  Sign  of  Mourning.    ZATW  xxii  (1902), 

117-120. 

Creation  Legends  in  Ancient  Religions.     Harper's  Magazine,  June,  1902. 
Religions  Many;  Religion  One.     In  Publications  of  New  York  State  Conference 

on  Religion,  no.  1,  New  York,  1903. 

Ethical  and  Religious  Outlook,  1905.     In  Ethical  Addresses,  xii  (1905),  no.  1. 
The  Religion  of  the  Semites;  being  the  President's  Address,  Semitic  Section 

3d  International  Congress  for  the  History  of  Religions,  Oxford,  September, 

1908  (Transactions,  vol.  i). 
Third  International  Congress  for  the  History  of  Religions.      (The  Nation, 

Oct.  1,  1908.) 

Anointing.     Hastings'  Dictionary  of  Religion  &  Ethics,  vol.  1  (1908),  555-557. 
Astrology.     (Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  ed.  1910). 
Omens.     Ibid. 

The  Bearded  Venus.     Revue  Archeologique,  4me  Serie,  vol.  xv,  1911,  271-298. 
Historical  Study  of  Religions.    Old  Penn,  March  11  and  25,  1911. 
The  Liver  as  the  Seat  of  the  Soul.    Studies  in  the  History  of  Religions  presented 

to  Professor  Toy,  New  York,  1912,  pp.  143-168. 
On  Babylonian,  Etruscan  and  Chinese  Divination.     Actes  du  IVe  Congres 

international e  de  FHistoire  des  Religions,  (1913),  pp.  106-111.       Also 

in  Records  of  the  Past,  xii  (1913),  pp.  13-16. 
Introduction  to  Goldziher,  Ignaz,  Mohammed  and  Islam.     1917. 
Mohammedanism.     In  Montgomery,  Religions  of  the  Past  and  Present,  1918, 

pp.  211-243. 

Religion,  the  Scope  and  Method  of  the  Historical  Study  of  Religions.     Me- 
moirs  of   the   International  Congress  of  Anthropology.       Chicago,  pp. 

287-297. 


Bibliography  of  Morris  Jastrow  Jr.  343 

(g)  POLITICAL 

The  War  and  the  Bagdad  Railway.     Philadelphia,  1917  (with  a  new  preface, 

Philadelphia,  1918). 

The  War  and  the  Coming  Peace.    The  Moral  Issue.    Philadelphia,  1918. 
Objections  to  a  Jewish  State.     Menorah  Journal,  1918. 
Zionism  and  the  Future  of  Palestine:  The  Fallacies  and  Dangers  of  Political 

Zionism.    New  York,  1919. 
Turks  and  the  Future  of  the  Near  East.     American  Academy  of  Political  and 

Social  Science,  No.  1303,  1919. 
Language  Map  of  Europe  and  the  Near  East.    Editor.     Rand  and  McNally, 

Chicago,  1920. 

The  Eastern  Question  and  its  Solution.     Philadelphia,  1920. 
East  and  West:   An  Analysis  of  Eastern  and  Western  Civilizations.     1921. 

(Address  in  full  forms  chapter  of  The  Eastern  Question  and  its  Solution.) 

In  University  of  Pennsylvania  Lectures,  1918-19,  pp.  409-413. 

(h)  MISCELLANEOUS 

The  Pott  Library.     PAOS  xiv  (1888),  3-4. 

Pen  Pictures  of  Paris  Worthies.     Jewish  Messenger,  Sept.  and  Oct.,  1887 

(five  articles). 
The  Library  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania.     Harper's  Weekly,  Feb.  14, 

1891. 

Magic  and  Prodigy  in  the  East.     Poet-lore,  iv  (1892),  118-125. 
The  University  Libraries.     In  Benjamin  Franklin  and  the  University  of  Penn- 
sylvania, ed.  F.  N.  Thorpe.     Washington,  1893  (pp.  387-395). 
Selected  Essays  of  James  Darmesteter,  edited  with  an  introductory  memoir. 

Boston,  1898,  310  pp.     (The  translation  of  the  Essays  from  the  French 

by  Mrs.  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr.) 
Records  of  the  Past.     In  Triumphs  and  Wonders  in  the  Nineteenth  Century. 

Philadelphia,  1899. 
Cornelius  Petrus   Tiele,   in   Commemoration  of  his   Seventieth   Birthday. 

Open  Court,  xiv  (1900),  728-733. 
Cornelius  Petrus  Tiele.     Ind.,  liv  (1902),  510-512. 

The  14th  International  Congress  of  Orientalists.     The  Nation,  Sept.  10,  1908. 
Horace  Howard  Furness.     Old  Penn,  1913. 
Useful  vs.  Useless  Knowledge.     Old  Penn,  1914. 
Canon  Cheyne.    Nation,  March  11,  1915. 

Sir  Gaston  Maspero.     Proc.  Am.  Phil.  Soc.,  Iv  (1916),  pp.  v-xiii. 
William  Hays  Ward.    JAOS  xxxvi  (1916),  pp.  233-241. 
World's  Highway.    Nation,  August  31,  1916. 
Joseph  Halevy.    Nation,  Nov.  29,  1917. 
Study  of  History  and  the  Value  of  the  Classics.     1919. 
Joseph  George  Rosengarten.     Proc.  Am.  Phil.  Soc.,  1921,  pp.  iii-ix. 

(i)  EDITORIAL  WORK 

Editor  of  "Handbooks  on  the  History  of  Religion", 

Editor  in  conjunction  with  Prof.  Gottheil  of  the  "Semitic  Study  Series". 

Editor  of  the  Dept.  of  the  Bible  in  the  Jewish  Encyclopaedia,  vols.  i  and  ii. 


344  Albert  T.  Clay  and  James  A.  Montgomery 

Editor  in  charge  of  the  Semitic  Dept.  of  the  International  Encyclopaedia 

(several  hundred  articles). 

Associate  Editor  of  the  American  Journal  of  Semitic  Languages. 
Associate  Editor  of  the  American  Journal  of  Theology. 

(j)  UNPUBLISHED  BOOKS  AND  PAPERS 

Priest,  Prophet  and  Rabbi.     University  of  California  Lectures. 

The  Ancient  and  the  Modern  East.  (East  and  West;  Greece  as  the  Link 
between  East  and  West;  The  Contribution  of  the  Hebrews;  The  Place 
of  Egypt,  Babylonia  and  Assyria.) 

The  War  and  the  Eastern  Question. 

Papers  and  Addresses:  Kant  on  Eternal  Peace. — Job  and  the  Mystery  of 
Life. — Woman  and  Suffrage. — Purim. — English,  French  and  German 
Culture. — Immortality  among  the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians. — Biblical 
Criticism  and  Biblical  Ethics. — The  Essentials  of  Religion. — The  Eastern 
Question  at  the  Peace  Conference. — New  Lamps  for  Old. 
(It  is  hoped  that  many  of  these  compositions  may  be  published.) 


SHALMANESER  III  AND  THE  ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE 
ASSYRIAN   POWER 

A.  T.  OLMSTEAD 
UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 

WHEN  SHALMANESER  III  ascended  the  throne  of  his  father  in 
860,  he  was  no  longer  a  young  man,  for  the  reign  of  Ashur-nasir- 
apal  had  lasted  no  less  than  twenty-five  years,  and  he  himself 
owned  a  son  old  enough  to  accompany  him  on  distant  campaigns 
two  years  later.  His  first  step  was  to  make  a  clean  sweep  of  his 
father's  officials,  who  were  replaced  with  others  nearer  his  own 
age.  Ashur-bel-ukin  was  appointed  turtanu;  Ashurrbana-usur 
became  the  chief  musician;  Abu-ina-ekalli-lilbur,  whose  name, 
'May  the  father  grow  old  in  the  palace/  indicated  a  hereditary 
position,  very  appropriately  was  chosen  chamberlain  of  the  palace. 
Not  one  of  the  men  who  surrounded  the  person  of  the  king  or  ruled 
in  the  provinces  had  previously  held  office  high  enough  to  be 
entered  in  the  eponym  lists.1 

Thanks  to  the  efforts  of  Ashur-nasir-apal,  the  foreign  situation 
was  by  no  means  threatening,  though  it  offered  encouraging  oppor- 
tunities for  war  if  the  new  king  cherished  such  ambitions.  During 
the  entire  quarter-century,  Assyria  had  enjoyed  a  peace  with 
Babylonia  which  had  never  been  formally  broken,  even  when 

1  This  article  continues  previous  studies  in  the  earlier  history  of  Assyria  in 
AJSL  36.  125  ff.;  JAOS  37.  169  ff.;  38.  209  ff.  The  chief  sources  are  the 
royal  inscriptions,  best  published  in  N.  Rasmussen,  Salmanasser  den  II's 
Indskriften,  1907;  for  criticism  of  the  sources  and  further  bibliography,  cf. 
Olmstead,  Historiography,  21  ff.  Added  material  is  found  in  the  Assyrian 
Chronicle,  last  publication,  Olmstead,  JAOS  34.  344  ff.  Most  valuable  are 
the  Balawat  Gate  reliefs,  Pinches,  The  Bronze  Ornaments  of  the  Palace  Gates 
of  Balawat,  1880;  King,  Bronze  Reliefs  from  the  Gates  of  Shalmaneser,  1915; 
cf .  for  discussion,  Billerbeck,  BA  6.  1  ff.  The  Babylonian  expeditions  are  dis- 
cussed in  AJSL  37.  217  ff.  The  provincial  development  is  investigated  JAOS 
34.  344  ff.;  Amer.  Political  Science  Rev.  12.  69  ff.  Lack  of  space  prevents  dis- 
cussion of  the  scanty  cultural  data,  of  the  rise  of  the  Haldian  kingdom,  and 
of  the  earlier  Hebrew  history.  A  map  of  the  northeast  frontier  is  given  at 
the  close  of  this  article;  four  others  will  be  found  JAOS  38.  260  ff.  My 
colleagues  of  the  Cornell  Expedition,  Professor  J.  E.  Wrench  of  the  University 
of  Missouri,  and  Dr.  B.  B.  Charles  of  Philadelphia,  have  drawn  my  attention 
to  added  topographical  data  found  in  Arabic,  Syriac,  Armenian,  and  Byzan- 
tine Greek,  but  all  have  been  verified. 


Shalmaneser  III  and  Establishment  of  Assyrian  Poiver    347 

Nabu-apal-iddina  violated  his  neutrality  by  sending  troops  to  the 
support  of  the  Assyrian  rebels  in  the  middle  Euphrates  valley. 
Neither  on  the  east,  where  the  restless  Median  tribes  were  just 
beginning  to  appear  on  the  Assyrian  horizon,  nor  on  the  west, 
where  the  Aramaean  invasion  for  the  moment  had  been  checked, 
was  immediate  danger  to  be  apprehended.  Syria  offered  much 
valuable  booty,  but  it  was  too  disunited  and  too  distant  for  any 
fear  on  the  part  of  Assyria.  On  the  north  alone  was  there  cause 
for  concern.  Urartu,  or,  to  use  the  term  preferred  by  the  natives 
themselves,  Haldia,  was  developing  a  formidable  power  behind 
the  protection  of  the  Armenian  mountains,  and  had  already 
forced  a  reluctant  notice  from  the  scribes  of  Ashur-nasir-apal. 
Indeed,  the  last  recorded  campaign  of  the  reign  had  been  necessi- 
tated by  the  intrigues  of  that  state,  and  the  failure  of  the  official 
historians  to  mention  the  part  played  by  Urartu  was  simply  con- 
fession of  failure  to  win  back  the  lost  laurels. 

Nor  did  his  son  dare  a  direct  attack  on  Haldia  at  first.  In  the 
very  beginning  of  his  accession  year,  for  he  had  been  enthroned 
early,  Shalmaneser  collected  his  foot-soldiers  and  his  chariots  and 
entered  the  defiles  of  Simesi  land,  the  rough  Tiyari  region  where 
almost  to  our  own  day  the  Christian  mountaineers  have  preserved 
a  hardly-won  independence.  No  opposition  had  been  previously 
encountered,  mute  evidence  that  the  wars  of  his  father  on  this 
frontier  had  not  been  without  result,  that  the  country  to  the 
immediate  northeast  of  Nineve'h  now  recognized  the  Assyrian 
overlordship.  The  first  acquisition  of  the  reign  was  Aridi,  the 
fortress  of  Ninni,  commanding  the  valley  of  the  Upper  Zab.2 
The  scene  of  plunder,  the  pillar  of  heads,  the  burning  alive  of 
youths  and  maidens,  indicated  that  the  new  king  was  to  be  no 
less  harsh  in  dealing  with  rebels  than  his  terrible  father.  In  con- 
sequence, all  the  chiefs  from  whom  Ashur-nasir-apal  had  exacted 
tribute,  Hargians,  Harmasians,  Simesians,  Simerians,  Sirishians, 
and  Ulmanians,  appeared  before  his  son.3 

Climbing  out  of  the  Zab  valley,  Shalmaneser  descended  into 
Hubushkia4  by  a  mountain  pass  and  over  hills  which  reached  to 

2  Aridi  is  probably  Julamerik. 

3  Mon.  I.  14  if. — The  chronological  difficulties  as  to  separation  of  the  first 
two  years  disappear  if  we  use  only  the  earliest  source,  the  Monolith,  and  take 
the  'in  the  beginning  of  my  reign  in  my  first  year'  as  lumping  together  the 
first  two  years,  the  date  Aim  XIII  marking  the  dividing  line. 

4  Hubushkia  is  Sert  according  to  the  Sargon  tablet,  307,  Thureau-Dangin, 
Huitieme  Campagne  de  Sargon,  xi.    The  route  was  then  by  the  pass  back  of 
Julamerik  and  down  the  Bohtan  Su. 


348  A.  T.  Olmstead 

heaven  like  the  point  of  an  iron  dagger,  where  a  passage  for  the 
chariots  could  be  made  only  with  much  labor  on  the  part  of  the 
pioneers.  The  capital  of  the  same  name  was  soon  a  smoking  ruin, 
and  its  Nairi  prince,  Kakia,  after  a  struggle  in  the  mountains, 
begged  the  royal  pardon.  The  Haldian  frontier  was  reached  at 
Sugania,  a  tiny  fortress  perched  upon  a  high  rock  at  the  junction 
of  two  small  affluents  of  the  Upper  Tigris.  Around  the  arched 
bridge  it  commanded,  the  Assyrians  constructed  a  circular  camp 
with  a  gate  at  either  exit  of  the  road.5  The  king  set  forth  in  his 
chariots,  attended  by  others  in  which  were  carried  the  standards. 
Arrived  at  the  doomed  city,  he  dismounted,  and,  still  surrounded 
by  his  body  guards,  shot  his  arrows  against  the  fortress.  The 
main  attack  was  launched  by  the  archers,  but  sappers,  protected 
by  long  leather  robes,  were  employed  to  loosen  the  stones  in  the 
walls,  and  other  soldiers  attempted  an  assault  with  ladders.  The 
natives  resisted  with  bow  and  spear  until  the  houses  were  fired, 
when  they  abandoned  the  struggle.  Opposite  the  town,  a  pillar  of 
heads  was  erected,  and  the  survivors,  naked  save  for  the  peculiar 
'liberty  caps'  and  up-tilted  shoes,  their  necks  bound  in  a  yoke  to 
a  long  rope  and  their  hands  tied  behind  their  backs,  were  dragged 
before  the  official  who  stood,  club  of  office  in  hand,  to  receive  them. 
Operations  recommenced  with  a  skirmish  in  the  open.  Opposed 
were  the  little  Haldians,  clad  in  short  robes  or  entirely  naked, 
armed  with  long  or  short  lances,  and  defended  by  the  short  round 
shield  and  greaves.  In  their  formation,  pairs  of  archers  and 
shield-bearing  lancers,  they  had  followed  Assyrian  custom.  Four- 
teen of  the  surrounding  villages  went  up  in  smoke,  the  men  were 
impaled  on  stakes  set  in  the  wall,  the  severed  heads  were  hung  in 
the  gates.  The  invaders  cut  down  the  palm  trees,  surprisingly 
far  north  until  we  remember  that  today  they  still  flourish  fruitless 
on  the  warm  shores  of  Lake  Van,  and  captive  horses  recall  to  our 
minds  the  fact  that  Armenia  has  always  been  famous  for  the 
fineness  of  its  breed.  The  strangest  trophy  was  a  rough  platform 
on  wheels,  so  ponderous  that  eleven  men  were  needed  to  pull  it 
along  by  means  of  ropes  over  their  shoulders.  On  it  was  a  huge 
grain  jar,  no  less  than  eight  feet  high,  held  in  place  by  a  man 
mounted  beside  it,  and  guarded  by  poles  in  the  hands  of  the  three 

5  Sugania  cannot  be  Shokh,  the  Kurdish  name  of  Tauk,  Layard,  Nineveh 
and  Babylon,  420,  as  Billerbeck,  BA  6.  8,  since  Hubushkia  is  now  known 
to  be  Sert.  The  troops  may  have  gone,  not  via  Bitlis,  but  by  the  valley  to 
the  east  where  Sakh  and  Sakh  Dagh  may  represent  Sugania. 


Shalmaneser  III  and  Establishment  of  Assyrian  Power    349 

men  behind.  In  camp,  the  grain  was  ground,  the  dough  mixed 
on  the  floor,  and  the  bread  baked  in  the  round  mud  oven.  The 
eunuch  camp-prefect  made  frequent  trips  in  his  chariot  to  oversee 
the  collection  of  the  booty,  which  was  packed  in  camp  under  his 
business-like  direction. 

The  army  descended  to  a  plain  for  its  next  encampment,  a 
rectangular  walled  enclosure,  studded  with  battlemented  towers 
within  whose  protection,  in  one  corner,  stood  the  royal  tent. 
Quitting  this  place,  the  army  pushed  on  over  mountains  so  steep 
and  by  roads  so  execrable  that  it  was  necessary  for  the  attendants 
to  drag  the  chariot  horses  up  the  slopes  by  main  force.  Without 
encountering  further  resistance,  Shalmaneser  reached  Lake  Van  at 
a  village  where  the  mountains  ranged  about  the  curving  shore. 
The  procession  to  the  water's  edge  was  formed,  first  the  two  royal 
standards,  then  the  monarch  on  foot,  his  high  officials,  the  musi- 
cians playing  on  harps,  finally  the  bulls  and  rams  destined  for  the 
sacrifice.  The  royal  effigy  had  been  carved  on  a  low  cliff  over- 
hanging the  water,  where  Shalmaneser  appeared  as  he  was  wont 
to  be  seen  on  state  occasions,  richly  robed  and  with  scepter  and 
tiara,  but  unarmed,  in  token  of  the  peaceful  character  of  his  mis- 
sion. The  standards  were  set  up,  with  a  tall  candlestick  by  their 
side,  the  king  assumed  an  attitude  of  adoration,  two  bulls  and  four 
rams  were  slaughtered  and  presented  on  the  three-legged  altar 
before  the  stele,  the  libations  were  set  forth  in  a  jar  on  an  ox-footed 
support.  Portions  of  the  slain  animals  were  thrown  by  the  soldiers 
into  the  lake  to  be  consumed  by  the  fish,  turtles,  and  wild  swine 
that  swarmed  the  shore  or  the  waters. 

The  raid  had  caused  much  damage  to  a  corner  of  Haldia,  but  it 
was  only  a  corner,  and  Arame,  the  Haldian  king,  had  not  even 
been  engaged.6  Winter  was  approaching  and  the  passes  would 
soon  be  closed;  Shalmaneser,  therefore,  decided  to  return,  and  by 
the  same  route.  On  his  way,  Asau  of  Gilzan  brought  in  his  gifts, 
the  horses,  cattle,  and  sheep  we  have  come  to  expect,  and  with 
them  two  humped  camels  of  the  Bactrian  breed.7  The  winter 
months  were  utilized  by  Shalmaneser  in  securing  recognition  of 
his  suzerainty  in  Babylonia.  Nabu-apal-iddina  made  a  formal 
alliance  which  brought  him  under  Assyrian  control  as  surely  as 

6  Arame  is  the  traditional  king  of  Armenia,  Aram  according  to  Moses  of 
Chorene,  1.  13  f.;   cf.  Rawlinson,  JRAS  (OS)  12.  446  n.l. 

7  Account  based  primarily  on  the  Balawat  sculptures,  eked  out  by  the 
Monolith  and  by  the  topographical  data. 


350  A.  T.  Olmstead 

any  'ally'  of  Rome;  the  gods  acknowledged  his  direct  rule  when 
he  sacrificed  to  Marduk  and  Nabu  in  Babylon  and  Borsippa.8 

The  Armenian  campaign  had  been  a  mere  reconnaissance  in 
force,  but  it  had  indicated  with  sufficient  clearness  that  it  would 
be  no  easy  matter  to  develop  successes  on  this  frontier,  and  it  had 
suggested  that  the  material  returns  might  not  pay  the  expenses 
of  equipping  an  army.  If  plunder  were  desired,  Syria  always  lay 
open  to  attack,  and  it  was  in  this  direction  that  the  next  offensive 
was  planned.  Lucky  and  unlucky  days  played  a  large  part  in 
Assyrian  life;  we  realize  the  difference  from  the  modern  concep- 
tion when  we  find  the  army  leaving  Nineveh  on  the  thirteenth  of 
Airu,  the  beginning  of  May.  Hasamu  and  Dihnunu  were  traversed, 
and  the  boundary  of  Bit  Adini  was  reached  at  Lalate,  whose  inhab- 
itants thought  only  of  flight  to  the  hills.  A  battle  was  contested 
under  the  walls  of  Kiraqa,  and  Ahuni,  the  new  master  of  Adini, 
was  forced  to  take  refuge  behind  its  fortifications.  Resistance  still 
continued  and  the  Assyrian  troops  were  in  danger  of  attack  from 
the  rear.  They  did  succeed  in  securing  possession  of  the  Aramaic 
settlement  of  Bur  Marna,  the  'Spring  of  our  Lord,'  and  when  the 
pillar  of  heads  was  set  up,  the  threat  was  sufficient  to  bring  in  the 
contributions  of  Habini  of  Til  Abni  and  of  Gauni  of  Sarugi,  whose 
name  is  connected  with  the  Hebrew  patriarch  Serug.9 

Rafts  laid  on  inflated  skins  carried  the  Assyrians  across  the 
Euphrates  to  Qummuh,  the  tribute  of  Qataz-ilu  was  received  as  in 
867,  Paqarhubuni  submitted,10  the  domains  of  Adini  were  left 
behind,  and  the  cities  of  Gurgum  were  reached  in  the  plain  about 
Marqasi,  the  modern  Marash.11  Shalmaneser  was  gratified  by  the 
gifts  handed  over  by  Mutallu,  which  included  his  daughter  and 

8  MDOG  28.  24  f .  places  the  offerings  before  the  account  of  the  Anu-Adad 
temple  and  is  dated  in  the  month  Muhur  ilani,  day  five,  year  one  of  my  royalty, 
that  is,  859.    The  alliance,  Synchr.  Hist. 

9  Hasamu,  the  Hasame  of  the  Harran  Census,  is  Hosslwe,  on  the  west  end 
of  Jebel  Abd  el  Aziz,  Kraeling,  Aram  and  Israel,  59,  n.  2.  Schiffer,  Aramaer, 
64,  on  the  basis  of  the  Harran  Census,  restored  Saru.  . .  as  Sarugi,  the  well- 
known  Seruj  of  later  times.    Kiraqa  is  restored  by  Rasmussen,  ad  loc.    The 
country  of  Giri  Adad  is  missing,  but  Sayce,  RP2  4.  59,  rightly  restored  Ashsha 
on  the  basis  of  Ashur  nasir  apal,  Ann.  3.  94,  where  he  is  called  Giri  Dadi. 

10  Here  written  Pakarruhbuni,  identified  by  Streck,  ZDMG  1908,  765  n.  2, 
with  the  land  Paqaiahubi  written  on  a  bone  ring,  Lehmann-Haupt,  Materialien, 
83.     It  must  be  near  Samosata,  as  the  Diarbekir-Samsat-Marash  road  was 
evidently  taken. 

11  Cf .  Olmstead,  Sargon,  95. 


Shalmaneser  III  and  Establishment  of  Assyrian  Power    351 

her  dowry.  When  he  turned  southwest,  he  found  his  way  blocked 
by  a  coalition  of  all  the  more  important  North  Syrian  chiefs  which 
had  come  together  at  Lutibu.  Ahuni  of  Adini,  Sangara  of  Car- 
chemish,  Sapalulme  of  Hattina,12  and  Haianu  of  Samal  were  the 
leaders.  The  last  country  had  already  been  known  to  the  Egyp- 
tians as  Samalua,  and  its  present  ruler,  Haya,  had  been  preceded 
by  an  unnamed  father  and  a  grandfather  Gabbar.13  The  conflict 
resulted  in  a  tactical  victory  for  the  Assyrians,  but  the  allies  suc- 
ceeded in  preventing  the  siege  (5f  Samal  and  Shalmaneser  had  to 
console  himself  for  the  loss  of  its  spoil  with  the  barren  honor  of 
erecting  a  stele  under  the  Amanus  at  the  source  of  the  Saluara 
River.14 

The  way  was  open  to  the  south.  The  Assyrian  forces  crossed 
the  Orontes  and  appeared  before  the  Hattinian  fortress  of  Alisir, 
not  far  from  where  in  time  to  come  was  the  site  of  the  mighty  city 
of  Antioch.15  Again  the  allies  blocked  the  way,  aided  now  by  Kate 
of  Que  or  Cilicia,16  by  Pihirim  of  Hiluka,  the  name  whence  came 
our  Cilicia,  though  at  this  time  it  was  north  of  the  Gates,  and  by 
Bur  Anata  of  lasbuqa,17  an  Aramaean  as  his  name  compounded 
with  the  goddess  Anath  shows.  Again  the  allies  went  down  to 
defeat  and  Bur  Anata  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  conquerors,  but 
once  more  the  victory  was  followed  by  no  important  results  and 
Shalmaneser  was  forced  to  content  himself  with  tribute  from  the 
'kings  of  the  sea  coast.' 

The  quadrangular  camp  with  overhanging  towers  was  pitched 
on  the  seashore,  and  the  king  took  his  stand  before  it  under  an 

12  In  JAOS  38.  247,  I  doubted  the  correctness  of  the  reading  Hattina  for 
the  more  usual  Patina.    The  spelling  in  the  Boghaz  Koi  document,  Ha-at-ti- 
ni-wi-na,  Forrer,  SB  Berl.  Akad.,  1919,  1032,  proves  that  I  was  too  conserva- 
tive. 

13  List  of  Thothmes  III,  314;  Tomkins,  TSBA  9.  251;  H.  633;  the  native 
record,  von  Luschan,  Mitth.  Or.  Sammlungen,  14.  375;    Littmann,  SB  Berl. 
Akad.,  1911,  976;      §amalu  was  taken  in  728  by  Muawiya,  Tabari  in  Brooks, 
JHS  18.  199;  it  was  a  part  of  the  Syrian  Thaghr  and  was  taken  by  Harun  al 
Rashid  in  780,  see  al  Baladhuri,  170;  Yaqut,  s.  v.  'Barnaul  (colloquial  Samalu),' 
Hitti,  Origins  of  the  Islamic  State,  263,  but  the  Assyrian,  as  so  often,  proves 
the  pointing  of  the  Arabic. 

14  For  the  Saluara  River,  cf .  Sachau,  SB  Berl  Akad.,  1892,  329  ff. 

15  Amiaud-Scheil,  ad  loc.,  read  Alimush. 

16  So  restored  by  Rasmussen  on  the  basis  of  Obi.  132,  as  against  Harper, 
ad  loc.,  who  reads  Kateshu. 

17  Schiffer,  Aramaer,  89  n.  2,  compares  the  Ishbak  of  Gen.  25.  2.   Add  also 
Ada  the    .  .  taianf 


352  A.  T.  Olmstead 

umbrella,  surrounded  by  his  guards  and  attendants,  the  most 
important  of  whom  were  the  three  turtanus  who  faced  him.  The 
master  of  ceremonies,  turning  backward,  beckoned  for  the  ambas- 
sadors to  approach.  The  two  representatives  of  Tyre  and  Sidon, 
accompanied  by  their  sons,  thereupon  advanced,  their  hands 
raised  in  adoration.  Their  beards  were  pointed,  their  double  robes 
were  long  and  clinging,  their  turbans  were  wound  with  ribbons 
which  fell  to  their  necks,  their  shoes  were  upturned.  Behind  them 
came  the  tribute  bearers,  some  with  trays  filled  with  oriental  sweet- 
meats, others  with  boxes  on  their  padded  shoulders  or  huge 
caldrons  carried  like  caps  on  their  heads.  The  last  of  the  proces- 
sion stood  in  the  water  to  unload  their  boat,  for  it  was  too  shallow 
to  permit  reaching  the  land.  The  boats  were  long,  narrow  craft, 
each  with  two  men,  who  steered  and  rowed,  or  rather  poled  them 
along,  by  oars  without  oarlocks.  Ropes  attached  to  the  upstand- 
ing heads  of  camels  at  the  high  prows  and  sterns  held  them  fast 
to  the  shore.  They  were  piled  high  with  bales,  dark  blue  wool, 
wool,  lapis  lazuli,  shamu,  ingots  of  gold,  silver,  lead,  and  copper. 
Cloth  was  carried  on  poles  suspended  from  men's  shoulders,  and 
one  great  jar  required  special  attention  as  it  was  handed  from  the 
boat  to  the  shore.  Whole  trees  and  beams  of  cedar,  in  themselves 
sufficient  to  repay  the  Assyrians  for  the  long  trip,  were  brought 
down  and  piled  up.  Across  the  water  could  be  seen  a  rocky  islet, 
which  bore  a  town  with  high  battlemented  walls  and  possessed 
two  gates.  From  it  came  forth,  their  hands  laden  with  gifts,  the 
chief  and  his  wife,  her  skirt  tucked  up,  her  hair  flowing.18 

A  second  stele  was  set  up  at  Atalur,  on  a  cliff  by  the  seashore, 
where  one  day  Antioch's  seaport,  Seleucia,  was  to  be  located,  and 
where  the  king's  predecessor,  Ashur-rabi,  had  already  left  a 
memorial  of  his  presence.19  The  return  journey  was  equally 
prosperous.  The  Hattinians,  clad  in  short  girdled  tunics  and  pro- 
tected only  by  round  helmets  and  neck-pieces,  were  easily  defeated 
in  detail.  The  Assyrian  soldiers  seized  them  by  the  hair,  stabbed 


18  Schlumberger  fragments,  Lenormant,  Gazette  Arch.,  4,  pi.  22  ff . 

19  Obi.  gives  Lallar  as  the  name  of  the  mountain  and  this  has  regularly  been 
quoted  as  if  it  had  as  good  or  better  authority  than  Atalur.     Our  study, 
Historiography,  26  f.,  showing  the  inaccuracy  of  the  Obi.  for  this  earlier  period, 
should  forever  banish  Lallar  from  topographical  discussions.    The  form  Atalur 
is  further  confirmed  by  Mt.  Atilur,  following  Libnanu  (Lebanon),  II  R  51,  1. 
It  cannot  possibly  be  in  the  Alexandretta  region  (Billerbeck,  BA  6.  79  f.), 
as  a  glance  at  the  route  placed  on  the  map  will  show. 


Shalmaneser  III  and  Establishment  of  Assyrian  Power    353 

them,  and  decorated  their  chariots  with  the  severed  heads.  Several 
of  the  Hattinian  towns,  Taia,  Nulia,  Butamu,  fell  into  the  Assyrian 
hands.  Hazazu  was  a  good-sized  fort  on  a  low  artificial  mound 
which  witnessed  to  the  respectable  antiquity  that  already  lay 
behind  it.  When  the  troops  in  heavy  armor  began  the  escalade 
and  the  town  was  already  on  fire,  the  townspeople  could  not  resist. 
The  king  received  his  prisoners  under  a  canopy  held  by  his  servants 
and  placed  before  the  round  camp.  Great  was  the  contrast 
between  the  richly-clad  Assyrian  officials  who  introduced  them 
and  the  long  line  of  captives,  some  without  a  stitch  of  clothing, 
their  necks  in  a  rope  and  their  hands  tied  behind  them,  the  women 
with  their  hair  hanging  down  their  backs  and  clothed  in  gowns 
which  reached  only  to  elbows  and  ankles.  Tribute  from  another 
Arame,  the  king  of  Gusi,  closed  the  year.20 

The  eponym  office  was  assumed  by  the  king  himself  in  858. 
Nineveh  was  again  left  on  the  lucky  thirteenth  of  Airu.  Accom- 
panied by  the  crown  prince,  he  hastened  by  the  direct  road  to  Til 
Barsip,  the  capital  of  Bit  Adini,  which  commanded  one  of  the 
most  important  fords  of  the  Euphrates,  where  to  this  day  the 
islands  show  in  summer  and  a  ferry  crosses.  The  city  was  large 
as  such  cities  went,  the  ramparts  on  the  land  side  were  strong,  a 
quay  cut  to  the  river  through  the  conglomerate  testified  to  commerce 
by  water,  and  the  character  of  the  people  was  indicated  by  the 
expected  Hittite  sculpture  in  basalt.21  Leaving  the  capital  to 
be  reduced  in  a  later  campaign,  Shalmaneser  crossed  the  stream 


20  Mon.  I.  29  ff . ;  for  Hazazu,  cf .  JAOS  38. 248  n.  67 ;  F.  J.  Arne,  UAnthropolo- 
gie,  20.  24,  found  seeming  traces  of  palaeolithic  remains  at  Tell  Azaz.  Taia  is  the 
Tae  of  Tiglath  Pileser  IV,  Ann.  144,  the  modern  Kefr  Tai,  not  far  from  Aleppo, 
Tomkins,  Bab.  Or.  Rec.,  3.  6.    Nulia  may  be  Niara,  Ptol.  5.  14,  10;  Hartmann, 
ZA  14.  339.    The  sea  is  that  of  Antioch,  Winckler,  Forsch.  1.  104.     Butamu  is 
the  Badama  of  Yaqut,  s.v.,  in  the  Azaz  district,  'its  mention  being  in  the  tradi- 
tion of  Adam,'  that  is,  it  was  believed  to  have  had  an  early  origin.    For  Gusi, 
note  that  Heraclius  sent  his  brother  Theodore  against  the  Arabs,  and  they 
came  to  Gusit,  a  village  near  Antioch,  where  there  was  a  stylite  named  Simeon, 
and  here  they  were  defeated  by  the  enemy,  Michael  Syr.,  trans.  Dulaurier, 
JA  4^S.  13.  321. 

21  For  Til  Barsip,  the  present  Tell  Ahmar,  cf.  Thompson,  PSBA  34.  66  ff.; 
Hogarth,  Accidents  of  an  Antiquary's  Life,  173  ff.;  Liverpool  Annals,  2,  177; 
Bell,  Amurath,   28  ff.;  Sayce,   PSBA    33.   174,  identifies  it  with  a  Greek 
Barsampse  which  I  do  not  recognize. 

23   JAOS  41 


354  A.  T.  Olmstead 

in  full  flood  and  collected  the  plunder  of  six  of  the  Adini  cities.22 
While  the  monarch  remained  in  his  camp  with  his  eunuchs,  the 
crown  prince  led  his  troops  against  Dabigu,  a  double-walled  city 
with  battlemented  outworks  in  the  plain,  and  defended  against 
assaults  by  ladders  or  through  mines  by  archers  armed  with  short 
swords.23  In  the  siege  of  Til  Bashere,  the  king  seated  himself 
under  a  canopy  erected  between  the  camp  and  the  beleaguered 
city,  that  he  might  watch  the  operation  of  a  new  contrivance,  a 
ram  on  six  wheels,  directed  by  a  man  in  a  sort  of  cupola  on  the  top, 
which  was  attacking  the  tower  guarding  the  lone  gate  in  the  long 
wall.  The  defenders  dropped  stones  upon  it,  but  in  vain;  the  city 
on  the  low  mound  which  gave  so  commanding  a  position  to  the 
crusading  Turbessel  was  taken,  and  the  inhabitants  deprived  of 
hands  and  feet  and  impaled  about  the  walls,  above  which  pro- 
jected the  gable  of  the  palace  of  'Hittite  fashion'  so  popular  among 
the  Assyrians  a  century  later.  The  citizens  of  the  upper  town, 
bearded  men  wearing  liberty  caps,  with  long  double  robes  open 
at  the  side  and  pointed  shoes,  were  led  with  ropes  about  their 
necks;  the  matrons,  their  hair  below  the  waist  and  bare-legged, 
followed  meekly,  and  dromedaries  and  mules  brought  out  the 
couches  and  other  furniture  which  were  considered  worthy  of 
removal.  The  whole  convoy  was  under  the  direction  of  the  crown 
prince,  whose  uncertain  stand  in  his  chariot  was  made  easier  by 
the  protecting  arm  of  his  attendant.  His  presence  was  also  indi- 
cated by  the  smaller  tent  at  the  side  of  the  larger  one  occupied 
by  his  father  and  by  the  double  guard  which  watched  the  camp.24 

22  The  other  four  are    ...  .a(?)ga;   Tagi,  the  Tuka  of  Tiglath  Pileser  IV; 
Surunu,  the  Saruna  of  the  same,  Rost,  Tiglat-Pileser,  85,  possibly  Sauron 
east  of  Niara,  more  probably  Sarun  northwest  of  Tell  Basher;    if  the  next 
is  read  as  naturally,  Paripa,  it  may  with  Sachau,  ZA  12.  48,  be  identified  with 
Paphara,  Ptol.  5.  14,  10;   if  Patalpa,  with  Schiffer,  Aramaer,  64,  it  might  be 
connected  with  Tulupa,  six  miles  from  Turbessel  (Tell  Basher),  William  of 
Tyre,  17.  17. 

23  Dabigu  is  the  modern  Dabiq,  Sachau,  ZA  12.  48.    The  caliph  Suleman 
followed  the  custom  of  his  family  in  making  it  his  headquarters  during  attacks 
on  Massisa,  died  here  in  717  A.  D.,  and  was  buried  in  the  tell  called  Tell 
Suleman,  Yaqut,  s.  v.  In  778,  Uthman  made  Dabekon  his  base  against  Ger- 
manicia-Marash,  Theoph.,  421,  cf.  431. 

24  The  same  curious  refusal  to  accept  a  reading  which  might  connect  with 
an  important  later  site  which  has  been  manifested  in  the  case  of  Anat  and 
Bagdadu,  is  seen  in  Til  Bashere.    Sayce,  RP2  4.  62  n.  1,  cf.  Htising,  OLZ  1.  360, 
had  already  made  the  identification,  but  Peiser,  KB  1.  160,  after  correctly 
transliterating  in  his  text,  in  his  translation  follows  Delitzsch,  Parodies,  264, 


Shalmaneser  III  and  Establishment  of  Assyrian  Power    355 

Changing  his  direction,  Shalmaneser  fell  upon  the  territories 
of  Carchemish.  The  capture  of  Sazabe25  brought  the  coalition  to 
terms,  and  the  narrative  for  the  remainder  of  the  year  is  made 
up  of  the  list  of  tribute  furnished  by  the  various  princes.  That  the 
numbers  have  grown  in  the  process  of  transmission  is  to  be  expected, 
but  in  spite  of  this,  we  are  given  a  valuable  insight  into  the  eco- 
nomic life  of  North  Syria.  The  ruler  of  Hattina  or  Unqi  brought 
three  talents  of  gold,  a  hundred  of  silver,  three  hundred  of  copper, 
the  same  of  iron,  a  thousand  articles  of  that  metal,  a  thousand 
dresses  and  cloaks,  twenty  talents  of  purple,  five  hundred  cattle, 
and  five  thousand  sheep.  For  its  collection,  it  was  necessary  to 
penetrate  the  great  swamp  of  Unqi,  access  to  which  could  be  gained 
only  by  flat-bottomed  boats  that  could  pass  anywhere  in  the 
shallows.  Two  men,  their  long  hair  bound  with  fillets  and  their 
clothes  as  abbreviated  as  might  be  expected  of  an  aquatic  folk, 
rowed  and  steered  them  by  oars  hung  in  thongs,  while  the  wild 
ducks  flew  before  them.  Shalmaneser  did  not  trust  himself  to 


with  Mabashere.  Hogarth,  Accidents,  165,  reports  the  find  of  many  Hittite 
cylinders  and  other  small  objects,  but  wrongly  calls  it  Pitru.  It  is  referred 
to  by  Matthew  of  Edessa,  1.  5.  Tell  Bashir  was  a  fortified  qal'a  and  an  exten- 
sive kura,  inhabited  by  Armenian  Christians,  with  outlying  settlements  and 
markets,  well  cultivated  and  peopled,  Yaqut,  s.  v.  Its  greatest  claim  to  fame 
is  that,  as  Turbessel,  it  was  the  capital  of  the  famous  Crusader,  Jocelyn  of 
Courtenay,  Rey,  Colonies  franques,  322.  Gregory  the  Priest,  the  Armenian 
historian,  Rec.  Hist.  Crois.,  Hist.  Arm.  1.  162  ff.,  tells  us  that  Masud,  after 
the  capture  of  Marash,  invaded  the  territory  of  Thil  Avedeatz,  now  called 
Thlpashar,  in  1149;  the  next  year  he  unsuccessfully  attacked  it;  two  years 
later  it  surrendered  to  the  son  of  Zangi,  lord  of  Aleppo,  though  the  inhabitants 
were  allowed  to  withdraw  to  Antioch.  Dr.  B.  B.  Charles,  who  visited  it  in  the 
spring  of  1908,  writes  as  follows:  'The  mound  lies  in  the  rolling  plains  five 
hours  southeast  of  Aintab,  and  is  the  most  impressive  object  in  the  whole 
region.  It  is  long  and  narrow,  about  a  hundred  feet  high,  and  is  surrounded 
by  a  low  ellipse  of  mound  formation  which  marks  the  line  of  an  early  wall, 
with  gateway  at  east  and  west.  Just  beyond  the  west  gate  is  the  ziaret  of 
Qara  Baba,  "Black  Father."  Well-squared  blocks  of  basalt  and  red  pottery 
may  indicate  Hittite  occupation.  The  mound  is  called  Seraser  or  Seleser 
Hissar,  which  may  be  a  Kurdish  twisting  of  Sary  Hissar,  Yellow  Castle,  or 
it  may  even  be  a  corruption  of  Jocelyn.'  Curiously  enough,  in  1837,  its  name 
was  Qyzyl  Hissar,  'Red  Castle,'  Poujoulat,  Voyage,  1.  438.  Sayce,  RP2  1.  109, 
followed  by  Kraeling,  Aram  and  Israel,  20,  is  incorrect  in  connecting  the  Bishri 
of  Tiglath  Pileser  I  with  Tell  Basher. 

25  Sazabe  may  be  the  Shadbo  of  the  Syriac  Mar  Mu'ain  legend,  Delitzsch, 
Paradies,  268,  and  the  Sesben  of  Thutmose  III,  248,  Tomkins,  TSBA,  9.  245, 
Sayce,  PSBA  33.  175. 


356  A.  T.  Olmstead 

such  uncertain  protection,  but  contented  himself  with  a  position 
on  the  shore  across  the  water  from  where,  on  a  low  mound  in  the 
midst  of  the  swamp,  stood  the  capital,  a  double-gated  fortress  with 
battlemented  walls.  Under  the  parasol  which  the  damp  heat 
demanded,  he  received  the  Hattinian  monarch,  aping  the  Assyrian 
with  his  long  fringed  robe  and  shawl.  With  him  were  his  nobles, 
with  long  hair  on  head  and  face,  long  robes  carefully  draped,  and 
the  inevitable  Hittite  upturned  shoes.  Among  them  was  to  be 
observed  a  man  with  a  strongly  negroid  face,  mute  witness  to  race 
mixture.  The  plundering  was  thorough,  and  the  attendants  car- 
ried off  their  goods  in  baskets  and  sacks,  skins  filled  with  wine, 
trays  heaped  with  valuables,  tusks  of  elephants.  From  a  smaller 
castle,  also  on  a  mound  in  the  water,  came  other  suppliants,  bear- 
ing the  same  gifts,  but  with  different  dress,  short  robes  which 
exposed  their  bare  limbs,  and  the  regulation  shoes,  Aramaeans 
who  had  forced  themselves  in  by  the  side  of  their  Hittite  neighbors. 
A  third  castle  in  the  swamps  furnished  additional  gifts  of  horses 
and  cattle,  the  latter  to  this  day  driven  in  huge  herds  along  the 
watery  ways.  One  of  these  Aramaeans  trudged  along,  on  his  back 
a  huge  wine  jar  which  was  destined  to  be  placed  later  on  a  tripod 
by  the  table  under  the  tent  which  Shalmaneser  had  caused  to  be 
pitched  some  distance  back  from  the  shore.  The  tragedy  behind 
the  curt  statement  of  the  annals,  'his  daughter  with  her  rich  dowry 
I  received/  is  sensed  in  the  half-grown  Hittite  maiden,  her  hair 
barely  reaching  to  her  neck,  who  stretched  out  her  hands  in  vain 
supplication  to  the  relentless  conqueror  who  had  determined  to 
immure  her  in  his  harem.26 

Sangara  was  not  so  rich  as  the  king  of  Hattina,  for  the  commer- 


26  References  in  Egyptian  records  and  in  the  Amarna  letters  are  to  Coele- 
Syria,  not  to  Unqi.  The  earliest  certain  reference  is  in  832  where  the  Assyr. 
Chron.  uses  it  while  the  Obelisk  has  Hattina.  Tiglath  Pileser  IV  regularly 
uses  Unqi,  Ann.  92,  145.;  'Amq  occurs  in  the  native  Zakar  inscription.  It 
was  known  to  the  Greeks  as  Amykes  Pedion,  Polyb.  5.  59,  10;  and  Amyke, 
Malalas,  1.  257.  The  form  'Umqa  is  said  to  occur  in  Syrian  Martyrologies. 
The  Romans  from  Marash  sustained  a  defeat  here  in  694,  Baladhuri,  189,  cf. 
Brooks,  JHS  18.  207,  cf .  189.  As  a  kura,  first  of  Antioch  and  then  of  Aleppo, 
it  was  the  source  of  most  of  the  grain  which  supplied  the  former  city,  Yaqut, 
s.  v.  In  1272,  it  was  ravaged  by  the  Mongols,  the  expedition  of  Lajin  passed 
through  it  in  1298,  in  1381  it  was  the  scene  of  a  decisive  defeat  of  the  Arabs 
from  Aleppo  by  the  Turkumans,  Weil,  Gesch.,  4.  73,  211,  539.  Amaiq  was 
occupied  by  John  Comnenas  in  1136,  Chron.  L.  Arm.,  Rec.  Hist.  Crois.,  Hist. 
Arm.,  1.  616. 


Shalmaneser  III  and  Establishment  of  Assyrian  Power    357 

cial  predominance  of  North  Syria  was  yet  to  be  gained  by  Car- 
chemish.  His  gifts  were  but  three  talents  of  gold,  seventy  of  silver, 
thirty  of  copper,  a  hundred  of  iron,  twenty  of  purple,  five  hundred 
weapons,  five  hundred  cattle,  and  five  thousand  sheep,  horses, 
buffaloes,  and  goats,  but  he  made  up  the  account  by  presenting 
a  hundred  noble  maidens,  whom  the  scribe  cynically  lists  between 
the  weapons  and  the  cattle.  Four  of  Sangara's  castles,  all  located 
along  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates,  on  low  mounds  and  without 
the  usual  overhanging  platforms,  were  forced  to  disgorge.  The 
citizens,  headed  by  Sangara  himself  and  his  two  beardless  sons, 
were  not  unattractive;  profiles  less  sharp  than  those  of  the  Assyr- 
ians, noses  straight,  short  hair  and  beards.  The  common  sort 
had  retained  their  ancestral  garb,  the  conical  twisted  turbans, 
the  long  double  robes,  the  upturned  shoes,  but  Assyrian  fashions 
had  conquered  the  nobility,  who  wore  the  long  single  robe  and  the 
coat  with  plain  sleeves  which  characterized  the  victors.  Haianu 
of  Samal  offered  ten  talents  of  silver,  ninety  of  copper,  thirty  of 
iron,  three  hundred  articles  of  clothing,  the  same  number  of  cattle, 
and  ten  times  that  number  of  sheep,  two  hundred  cedar  beams, 
two  homers  of  cedar  BE,  as  well  as  his  daughter. 

Whatever  we  may  think  of  these  indemnities,  the  direct  result 
if  not  the  direct  incentive  of  the  expedition,  and  however  exag- 
gerated these  statistics  may  be,  we  have  no  reason  to  doubt  the 
amount  of  the  yearly  assessments,  for  their  very  modesty  is  the 
best  proof  of  their  authenticity.  Hattina  gave  a  talent  of  silver, 
two  of  purple,  a  hundred  cedar  beams;  Samal  gave  ten  manas  of 
gold,  a  hundred  cedar  beams,  and  a  homer  of  cedar  BE;  Agusi 
gave  ten  manas  of  gold,  six  talents  of  silver,  five  hundred  cattle, 
and  five  thousand  sheep;  Carchemish  provided  but  a  mana  of 
gold,  a  talent  of  silver,  and  two  of  purple;  Qummuh  furnished 
twenty  manas  of  silver  and  three  hundred  beams. 

The  interest  of  this  passage  is  great.  For  the  first  time,  we  are 
afforded,  not  statistics  of  booty  taken  in  raids,  but  a  formal 
tribute  list.  Noteworthy  is  the  disproportion  between  the  indem- 
nity demanded  from  those  who  resisted  or  rebelled  and  the  annual 
tribute  which  was  barely  one  percent  of  the  other.  It  paid  to 
submit.27 

Ahuni  of  Adini  was  not  one  of  those  who  preferred  an  inexpen- 
sive submission,  for  in  the  very  next  year,  857,  Shalmaneser  was 

27  For  fuller  discussion,  cf.  Olmstead,  Amer.  Political  Science  Review,  12. 
69  ff. 


358  A.  T.  Olmstead 

again  called  to  the  west.  Inspired  by  the  growing  power  of 
Haldia,  Ahuni  broke  his  pledges  and  led  the  whole  of  his  army 
against  the  Assyrian  border.  The  Monolith,  erected  four  years 
later,  describes  in  detail  the  manner  in  which  Shalmaneser  marched 
forth  at  the  head  of  his  troops  for  the  third  time  on  the  same  lucky 
thirteenth,  the  thirteenth  of  July;  the  contemporary  record,  set 
up  in  Til  Barsip  itself  immediately  after  its  occupation,  admits  that 
the  operation  was  entrusted  to  his  general.  It  was  this  general 
who  drew  nigh  to  the  mountain  which  the  enemy  had  chosen  as 
a  battle  ground,  who  blew  like  the  fierce  windstorm  that  breaketh 
the  trees,  let  fly  his  troops  like  a  hawk  against  his  opponents, 
and  drove  Ahuni  like  a  thief  out  of  the  camp,  so  that  the  king 
might  despoil  his  royal  treasures.  The  name  was  changed  to 
Kar  Shulmanasharidu  in  honor  of  the  sovereign  whose  fort  it 
became.  Two  mighty  lions  of  basalt,  inscribed  with  a  record  of 
the  conquest,  were  placed  in  the  southeast  gate,  while  inside  the 
walls  was  a  stele  in  basalt  where  Shalmaneser  was  to  be  seen 
addressing  the  rival  prince  with  his  conical  cap.28  The  other 
occupied  cities  were  given  similar  Assyrian  names.  Chief  among 
them  was  Pitru  on  the  Sagura  river,  known  to  readers  of  the 
Bible  as  Pethor,  the  home  of  Balaam,  which  had  its  name  changed 
to  Ashur-utir-asbat,29  and  Mutkinu  on  the  opposite  shore,  where 
Tiglath  Pileser  had  settled  colonists,  only  to  have  them  ousted 
by  the  Aramaeans  in  the  days  of  Ashur-rabi.30  Bit  Adini  was  not 
completely  Assyrianized,  for  a  century  later  Amos  saw  the  cutting- 
off  of  the  scepter-bearer  of  Beth  Eden  still  in  the  future,  and  its 
captivity  was  remembered  as  late  as  the  days  of  Sennacherib 
(Amos  1.  5;  2  Kings  19.  12). 

The  season  was  still  early  and  a  far-reaching  plan  of  operations 
had  been  worked  out,  with  intent  to  punish  the  Armenian  prince 
who  dared  contest  the  control  of  the  Euphrates  crossing.  Turning 
back  from  the  river,  the  Assyrians  filed  along  the  slopes  of  the 

28  Thompson,  PSBA   34.  66  ff.;    Hogarth,  Accidents,   op.  p.   175;    Bell, 
Amurath,  28  ff . 

29  That  Pitru  is  the  Pethor  in  Aram  Naharaim  of  Numb.  22.  5;  Deut.  23.  5, 
has  been  accepted  since  the  earliest  days  of  Assyrian  study.    It  is  the  Pedru 
of  Thothmes  III,  Muller,  Asien,  291.     Sayce,  PSBA  33.  177,  locates  it  at 
Seresat.    The  Sagura  is  the  Sajur,  Delitzsch,  Paradies,  183.    The  other  cities 
were  Aligu  (Asbat  la  kunu) ;   Nappigi  (Lita  Ashur) ;   Ruguliti  (Qibit  Ashur) ; 
Shaguqa,  the  Shaqlq  Dabbm,  a  small  fort  near  Antioch,  Yaqut,  s.  v. 

37.  180;  38.  211. 


Shalmanescr  III  and  Establishment  of  Assyrian  Power    359 

huge  Sumu  mountain  down  into  Bit  Zamani,  and  thence  through 
the  wild  mountain  paths  of  Namdanu  and  Merhisu  to  Enzite  in 
Ishua.  At  the  source  of  the  Tigris,  at  Saluria  and  under  Mount 
Kireqi,  amidst  the  most  savage  of  scenery  and  among  tribes  as 
wild  today  as  they  were  when  their  ancestors  resisted  the  march  of 
Assyrian  armies,  the  full-grown  West  Tigris  emerges  in  a  gorge 
whose  walls  had  already  been  adorned  with  the  sculptures  of  the 
first  Tiglath  Pileser.  At  this  time,  Shalmaneser  carved  the  first 
of  the  reliefs  which  were  to  commemorate  his  visit  to  so  astound- 
ing a  spot.31 

31  The  Tigris  Grotto  was  visited  by  the  C'ornell  Expedition,  but  there  is 
little  to  add  to  the  excellent  account  of  Lehmann-Haupt,  Armenien,  1.  430  ff.; 
Verh.  Berl.  Anthr.  Ges.,  1901,  226  ff.;  Belck,  Ztf.  f.  Ethnologic,  1899,  248  ff. 
The  question  of  identifications  has  not  been  so  successfully  handled.  The 
modern  name  is  undoubtedly  Belqalen,  as  we  established  by  repeated  question- 
ing, but  this  is  as  undoubtedly  a  Kurdish  corruption  of  Dhi'l  Qarnain,  for  in 
the  days  of  Yaqut,  s.  v.,  Dijle,  the  castle  above  'Ain  Dijle,  was  known  as  Hisn 
Dhi'l  Qarnain,  'Alexander's  Castle.'  Dhi'l  Qarnain,  belonging  to  Amida,  was 
conquered  by  lyad  in  639,  Waqidi,  quoted  Tomaschek,  SB  Wien,  133.  4,  16, 
who  also  quotes  Evlia  Effendi  as  giving  Shatt  i  Zhu'l  Qarnain  as  the  Tigris 
source,  but  I  cannot  verify  the  reference.  Finally,  Taylor,  in  the  middle  of 
the  last  century,  heard  the  term  applied  to  the  whole  country  beyond  the 
castle,  Jour,  Roy.  Geog.  Soc.,  35.  42.  In  view  of  all  this,  it  is  difficult  to  see 
how  Lehmann-Haupt  can  say  'Wenn  die  Kurden  Bylkalen  mit  Dhulkarnain 
in  Verbindung  bringen,  ...  so  ist  dies  eine  jeglicher  wissenschaftlicher 
Zulassigkeit  entbehrende  Volks-Etymologie/  Verh.  Berl.  Anthr.  Ges.,  1901, 
229  n.l.  The  identification  is  in  its  turn  a  misunderstanding,  for  which  Yaqut 
himself  affords  the  correction.  According  to  an  earlier  account,  for  which  he 
gives  an  elaborate  pedigree,  'the  first  source  of  the  Dijle  is  at  a  place  called 
'Ain  Dijle,  two  and  a  half  days  from  Amid,  at  a  place  known  as  Haluras,  from 
a  dark  cavern.'  He  then  inserts  an  interpolation  referring  to  Nahr  el  Kilab, 
the  Arghana  stream,  as  the  first  tributary,  coming  from  Shimshat,  and  to 
Wadi  Salb,  between  Mayafarkin  and  Amid,  that  is,  the  Ambar  Chai.  The 
earlier  account  then  continues  'It  is  said  it  issues  from  Haluras,  and  Haluras 
is  the  place  at  which  'Ali  the  Armenian  suffered  martyrdom.'  Then  comes  a 
second  interpolation  taking  up  the  tributaries,  beginning  with  Wadi  Satldama, 
which  comes  from  Darb  al  Kilab.  We  must  insist  on  this  interpolation,  as 
otherwise  our  passage  would  refer  to  the  Wadi  Salb  which  in  reality  is  excluded 
as  being  an  affluent,  not  the  original  stream.  Haluras  may  be  traced  back 
to  the  Syriac  Holuris  and  the  Armenian  Olorh  (Vartan,  quoted  by  Tomaschek, 
1.  c.).  The  name  is  further  seen  in  the  pass  Illyrison,  near  the  pass  Sapcha, 
and  eight  miles  from  Phision,  the  modern  Fis,  Procop.  Aed.  3.3;  its  earliest 
form  is  Ulurush,  Tiglath  Pileser  IV,  Ann.  177,  of  736.  We  may  not  compare 
Saluria,  which  survives  in  Salora  on  the  Dibene  Su  just  north  of  the  town  of 
that  name.  Nor  may  Illyrison  be  connected  with  Lije,  for  this  is  the  Elugia 
of  Tiglath  Pileser  IV,  Ann.  181,  the  Legerda  (MS.  legerat)  of  Tac.  Ann.  14.  25, 


360  A.  T.  Olmstead 

The  pass  of  Enzite  next  saw  the  advance  of  the  Assyrian  forces. 
Having  thus  penetrated  within  the  border  range,  they  crossed  the 
Arsania,  the  eastern  branch  of  the  Euphrates,  and  entered  Suhme, 
stormed  its  capital  Uashtal,  and  took  its  ruler,  Sua,  prisoner. 
Thence,  they  descended  into  Daiaeni,  where  they  were  again  in 
territory  once  raided  by  Tiglath  Pileser.  Shalmaneser,  if  we  may 
accept  the  double  testimony  of  inscriptions  and  sculptures  that 
he  was  present  in  person,  was  at  last  before  the  capital  of  Arame, 
Arzashkun,  on  a  rocky  elevation  north  of  Lake  Van,  double  walled 
and  with  towers.  In  the  ensuing  action,  the  little  Haldians,  armed 
with  swords  and  javelins,  and  wearing  helmets,  short  skirts,  and 
pointed  shoes,  put  up  a  good  resistance,  and  even  dared  to  seize 
the  bridles  of  the  cavalry  and  chariot  horses  in  the  vain  attempt 
to  stop  the  Assyrian  advance.  The  mounted  archers  completed 
their  discomfiture,  the  footmen  stabbed  them  or  hacked  off  the 
legs  of  the  dead  and  wounded.  They  managed  to  reach  the  gates, 
and  under  the  protection  of  their  companions'  shields,  set  fire  to 
the  city.  The  town  was  soon  burning  and  the  main  body  of  the 
Haldians,  hurrying  through  the  mountains,  found  that  they  had 
arrived  too  late.  Arame  was  driven  back  in  confusion  to  the  hills 
where  he  suffered  a  second  defeat.  The  accustomed  pillar  of 
heads  and  the  stakes  with  impaled  prisoners  were  followed  by  the 
erection  of  a  stele  on  Mount  Eretia.  Only-  then  could  the  Assyr- 
ians march  down  to  the  lake  and  repeat  the  ceremonies  which 
had  marked  the  beginning  of  the  reign.32 

as  Lehmann-Haupt  points  out,  Verh.  Berl.  Anthr.  Ges.,  1900,  439,  n.,  though 
in  Ztf.  f.  Ethnologic,  1899,  253,  he  argues  that  the  correct  form  of  the  modern 
place  is  Lije,  Ilije  being  folk  etymology!  For  Kireqi,  cf.  Craig,  ad  loc. ;  Streck, 
ZDMG  1908,  759.  Ishua  is  the  Isuwa  of  the  Boghaz  Koi  tablets,  according 
to  Streck,  Babyloniaca,  2.  245.  The  identity  of  Alzi  with  Enzite  is  proved  by 
Obi.  42  which  gives  all  the  names  save  Enzite  whose  place  is  taken  by  Alzi. 
32  Mon.  2.  40  ff. — The  start  from  the  Tigris  Tunnel  proves  the  use  of  the 
pass  called  Citharizon  in  Byzantine  times  when  it  had  a  special  official  to 
guard  it.  Billerbeck,  BA  6.  39,  argues  for  the  Harput  pass,  but  this  would 
be  very  roundabout  from  the  Tigris  Tunnel,  and  the  distance  actually  traversed 
north  of  the  barrier  chain  is  too  short  for  an  advance  from  so  far  west.  We 
ourselves  came  south  through  the  Harput  pass,  but  we  went  almost  to  Diar- 
bekir  before  turning  north  again  to  the  Tunnel.  The  Mush  pass  is  too  far 
east  to  be  connected  with  Alzi.  The  Arsania  is  still  called  the  Arsanias  Su, 
and  Suhme  must  be  the  region  about  Mush.  Arzashku  may  well  be  the  Ardzik 
west  of  Melazgerd,  Maspero,  Hist.  3.  61,  n.  4.  Belck,  Verh.  Berl.  Anthr.  Ges., 
1893,  71,  identifies  Akuri  or  Agguri  near  Ararat  with  Adduri.  Eretia  may  be 
Ereshat  near  Arjish;  just  before  were  the  cities  Aramale  and  Zanziuna,  with 
a  king  ,  .  .  utu. 


tilialtnaneser  III  and  Establishment  of  Assyrian  Power    361 

Over  mountains  so  high  that  the  attendants  must  needs  lead 
the  chariots,  the  army  continued  to  Gilzan,  where  camp  was 
pitched  before  the  chief  castle  which  was  situated  on  a  high  hill 
beyond  a  stream.  The  inhabitants,  led  by  their  chief  Asau,  were 
clad  in  the  long  double  robe,  up-turned  shoes,  and  filleted  hair, 
which  characterised  the  Hittites  and  contrasted  so  strangely  with 
their  Semitic  countenances.  Some  brought  kettles  on  their  heads 
or  skins  of  wine  slung  over  their  backs;  others  drove  horses,  cattle, 
sheep,  goats,  not  to  forget  the  seven  two-humped  camels.  To 
judge  from  the  bronze  door  representations,  they  were  barely  the 
size  of  ponies;  after  the  lapse  of  a  generation,  the  Obelisk  pre- 
sented them  grown  to  twice  the  height  of  a  man,  and  the  tribute 
had  likewise  grown,  adding  all  sorts  of  minerals  and  royal  robes. 
Asau  was  ordered  to  receive  within  his  temple  a  stele  of  Shal- 
maneser,  and  the  campaign  was  brought  to  a  close  by  the  capture 
of  Shilaia,  the  fort  of  Kakia  of  Hubushkia.33 

So  long-continued  an  expedition,  sweeping  around  a  stretch  of 
territory  a  thousand  miles  in  an  air  line,  seems  almost  incredible, 
and  perhaps  the  task  was  divided  among  various  armies.  Even  if 
the  hastiest  of  raids,  it  must  have  completely  exhausted  the 
Assyrians.  Quite  naturally,  the  year  856  witnessed  but  two  cam- 
paigns of  decidedly  minor  importance,  in  which  the  king  took  no 
part.  Ahuni  of  Adini  still  persisted  in  his  'rebellion';  the  castle  of 
Shitamrat,  on  a  steep  rock  by  the  side  of  the  Euphrates,  was  taken 
in  three  days — according  to  the  scribe  who  here  quotes  literally 
a  passage  from  the  records  of  the  king's  father.34  The  land  of 
Zamua,  so  often  visited  by  the  troops  of  Ashur-nasir-apal,  was 
now  coming  to  be  called  Mazamua;  the  inhabitants  fled  before 
the  Assyrian  advance  to  a  sea  on  which  they  embarked  in  ships  of 


33  Mon.  2.  60  ff.— Billerbeck,  BA  6.  43  f.,  takes  the  expedition  due  east 
across  the  boundary  mountains,  along  the  Khoi-Dilmun  road,  then  due  south 
and  not  far  west  of  the  Urumia  sea,  finally  back  to  Assyria  by  the  Keleshin 
pass.     Something  is  evidently  wrong  with  our  source,   the  topographical 
confusion  is  so  extraordinary,  especially  in  the  concluding  statement  that  after 
the  capture  of  a  Hubushkian  fort,  the  army  came  out  by  the  pass  Kirruri  above 
Arbela.     This,  of  course,  is  the  worst  nonsense,  as  a  glance  at  the  relative 
positions  of  Hubushkia,  Kirruri,  and  Arbela  will  show.     Perhaps  the  best 
conjecture  is  that  the  army  went  down  the  valley  of  the  Bitlis  Chai. 

34  Mon.  2.  69  ff.;   cf.  Ashur-nasir-apal,  Ann.  1,  50  f.;   Streck,  ZA  19.  236. 
The  Euphrates  was  not  crossed,  therefore  the  identification  with  Rum  Qal'a, 
Maspero,  Hist.  3.  68  n.  3,  is  impossible. 


362  A.  T.  Olmstead 

urbate  wood,  but  the  invaders  pursued  on  rafts  of  skins  and  'dyed 
the  sea  with  their  blood  like  wool.'35 

The  contemporary  Monolith  inscription  gave  no  campaign  for 
855.  A  few  years  later,  the  door  sculptures  showed  the  subjuga- 
tion of  Anhite  of  Shupre.  One  scene  illustrated  the  siege  of  Uburi. 
The  main  fortification  was  in  three  sections,  each  with  a  gate,  the 
central  portion  on  a  high  hill,  the  others  on  somewhat  lower  ones. 
There  were  two  outforts,  one  already  in  the  hands  of  the  besiegers. 
The  attack,  under  the  personal  direction  of  the  king,  was  carried 
on  entirely  by  archers,  on  foot  or  in  chariots.  An  unnamed  city 
was  also  shown,  again  situated  on  three  hills.  On  one  was  an 
outfort,  with  the  wall  extending  down  to  lower  ground.  From 
the  crest  of  the  next,  the  walls  of  the  main  settlement  stretched 
across  a  gully  and  covered  all  the  third  elevation.  What  the  cap- 
tives had  already  suffered  is  indicated  grimly  by  a  high  isolated 
pillar  before  which  were  heaped  three  piles  of  heads.  The  crown 
prince  had  already  appeared  in  the  battle,  well  protected  by  the 
tall  shield  in  the  hands  of  his  squire;  he  now  took  charge  of  the 
train  of  captives,  the  men  naked  and  yoked,  the  women  in  long 
robes,  though  the  only  hint  of  booty  was  a  lone  horse.  The  cap- 
tives were  presented  to  a  high  official,  the  governor  of  Tushhan, 
who  stood  at  the  gate  of  the  walled  city  on  a  low  hill.  This  cam- 
paign, which  in  reality  was  carried  out  not  earlier  than  853,  was 
in  later  editions  of  the  annals  moved  forward  to  fill  the  gap  in 
the  year  855.36 

A  glance  at  the  Assyrian  Chronicle  shows  why  the  Monolith 
placed  no  foreign  expeditions  in  this  year  855.  A  new  turtanu, 
Dan-Ashur,  has  by  854  taken  the  place  of  the  Ashur-bel-ukin  of 
857,  and  a  new  chamberlain,  Bel-bana,  appears  in  851.  The  for- 
mer officials,  we  can  hardly  doubt,  fell  into  disgrace  as  a  result  of 
a  palace  revolution,  and  it  was  this  crisis  at  home  which  prevented 
an  expedition. 

We  cannot  too  much  regret  the  misfortune  which  has  prevented 
us  from  learning  more  of  this  Dan-Ashur.  We  may  be  sure  he  was 
a  man  of  exceptional  force,  for  otherwise  he  could  not  have  ruled 
Assyria,  in  spite  of  disaffection,  for  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  cen- 

35  Mon.  2.  75  ff.— For  Mazamua,  cf.  Billerbeck,  Suleimania,  38  ff.;  the  sea 
can  only  be  Zeribor,  ibid.  47.     The  route  would  be  that  back  of  Penjwln, 
Murray,  Guide,  323,  which  probably  is  connected  with  the  Bunagishlu  pass. 
The  cities  are  Nikdime  and  Nikdera. 

36  Bulls,  66  f.;  restored  from  Obi.  52  ff. 


Shalmaneser  III  and  Establishment  of  Assyrian  Power    363 

tury.  Near  the  end  of  this  long  period,  from  833  onward,  when  he 
and  his  royal  master  had  both  long  since  passed  their  prime,  the 
conduct  of  the  wars  was  regularly  entrusted  to  Dan-Ashur,  and, 
what  is  still  more  to  the  point,  "the  fact  was  mentioned  in  the  royal 
annals.  With  this  amazing  tribute  to  the  position  he  had  secured, 
we  may  bracket  the  attempted  pushing  back  of  the  period  when 
he  came  to  power.  The  same  Obelisk  edition  which  gives  him  such 
great  honor,  just  once  breaks  its  custom  of  dating  by  the  regnal 
years.  This  is  in  856,  when  the  date  given  is  the  eponymy  of 
Dan-Ashur,  though  the  official  from  whom  the  year  was  actually 
named,  Ashur-bana-usur,  held  that  office  in  826  as  he  had  thirty 
years  before!  We  shall  meet  Dan-Ashur  again,  as  the  cause  for 
the  great  revolt  at  the  end  of  Shalmaneser's  reign.37 

Affairs  at  home  once  more  in  order,  it  was  possible  to  turn  to 
foreign  conquests.  In  the  opening  days  of  May,  the  Assyrian 
armies  undertook  a  new  enterprise  which  was  important  enough 
in  itself,  and  was  to  have  still  greater  significance  in  the  minds  of 
modern  students,  for  in  this  year  854  Assyria  was  brought  face  to 
face  with  a  little  state  in 'Palestine  which  was  to  secure  undying 
fame  by  its  religion  and  its  literature. 

The  first  stop  was  at  the  river  Balih,  where  a  certain  Giammu 
had  retained  his  independence  in  the  heart  of  Mesopotamia.  The 
inhabitants  feared  at  the  royal  approach,  and  themselves,  that  is 
to  say,  the  Assyrian  partizans,  put  Giammu  to  death.  Shal- 
maneser entered  the  towns  of  Kitlala  and  Til  sha  Balahi,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  make  the  land  an  integral  part  of  Assyria,  in  sign  of 
which  the  Assyrian  gods  were  placed  in  the  temple  and  a  cere- 
monial feast  was  celebrated  in  the  palace  of  the  late  ruler.  The 
booty  from  his  treasury  was  carried  off  to  Assyria,  and  the  failure 
to  name  a  new  king  indicated  that  the  incorporation,  long  ago 
demanded  by  the  necessities  of  the  case,,  was  at  last  being  carried 
into  effect.38 

The  next  objective  was  Kar  Shulman  asharidu,  as  Shalmaneser 
insists  on  calling  Til  Barsip,  and  once  more  the  Euphrates  was 
passed  at  its  flood.  At  Ashur  utir  asbat,  to  which  he  grudgingly 
gives  its  native  name  of  Pitru,  he  received  tribute  from  the  kings 

37  See  further  Olmstead,  JAOS  34.  347;  Historiography,  27. 

38  Mon.  2.  78  ff.— The  reading  Til  sha  Balahi,  Tiele,  Gesch.,  200,  is  finally 
proved  by  the  Palihi  of  the  Boissier  fragments,  RT  25.  82;    Tell  Balikh  is 
another  name  for  the  Tell  Mahra  celebrated  in  Syriac  literary  history,  Yaqut, 


364  A.  T.  Olmstead 

of  the  vicinity,  among  whom  were  Sangara  of  Carchemish,  Kun- 
dashpi  of  Qummuh,  Arame  of  Gusi,  Lalli  of  Melidia;  further  up 
the  Euphrates,  Haianu  of  Samal,  Kalparunda  of  Hattina  and 
Gurgum.  The  goal  of  all  his  efforts  in  this  region  was  Halman,  as 
important  then  as  a  religious  center  as  it  is  today,  under  its  half- 
westernized  name  of  Aleppo,  as  a  center  of  trade  and  transporta- 
tion. In  the  beginning  of  the  fourteenth  century,  it  had  been 
brought  by  Subbi  luliuma  within  the  Hittite  empire,  its  king  had 
proved  his  loyalty  by  his  death  at  the  hands  of  the  Egyptians  in 
the  battle  of  Kadesh,  another  ruler  had  made  himself  a  subject 
ally  by  a  treaty  with  Dudhalia,  and  a  Hittite  inscription  still 
survives.  Then  there  is  silence  until  we  find  Shalmaneser  sacrific- 
ing to  the  local  Adad,  in  the  central  shrine  for  that  most  character- 
istic of  West  Semitic  deities.  In  this  manner,  Shalmaneser  made 
good  his  title  to  be  considered,  by  gods  as  by  men,  the  rightful 
ruler  of  North  Syria.39 

39  The  earliest  site  of  Aleppo  was  at  Ain  Tell,  one  hour  north  of  the  city, 
where  neolithic  remains  were  found  by  Neophytus-Pallary,  L'Anthropologie, 
25.  12  ff.  The  H'-r'-bw  of  the  Amenemhab  inscription  may  be  Aleppo,  Miiller, 
Asien,  256;  Researches,  I,  pi.  33.  The  chief  of  Hy-r'-b'  at  Kadesh,  Lepsius, 
Denkmaler,  3.  161;  cf.  Breasted,  Records,  3.  154;  Hy-r'-p'  of  the  Hittite 
treaty,  27,  is  taken  as  Aleppo,  ibid.  171;  but  Miiller,  MVAG  7.  5.  38  argues 
that  no  North  Syrian  state  is  represented,  and  connects  it  with  Herpa.  It  is 
Halba  in  the  Boghaz  Koi  records,  Winckler,  OLZ  10.  351  n.  1.  Petrie  argues 
from  its  non-appearance  in  the  Amarna  letters  that  Nariba-Nerab  is  the  earlier 
site,  Hist.  Egypt,  2.  316,  but  he  forgets  the  Hittite  inscription,  cf.  Olmstead- 
Charles-Wrench,  Hittite  Inscriptions,  44  ff.  In  the  classical  period,  the  name 
survived  in  the  name  of  the  stream,  Chalos  according  to  the  reading  of  the 
MSS.  in  Xenophon,  Anab.  1.  4.  9,  the  correct  form  being  probably  the  Chalbas, 
Choerob.  in  Theodos.  f.  44,  in  Bekker,  Anecd.  Gr.  1430,  the  modern  Quweq. 
Seleucus  Nicator  changed  its  name  to  Beroea,  App.,  Syr.  57;  Yaqut,  s.  v. 
Haleb.  Here  the  Jewish  high  priest  Menalaus  was  murdered  by  Antiochus 
Eupator,  2  Mace.  13  :  4;  Jos.  Ant.  12.  385.  Demetrius  II  besieged  his  brother 
Philip  here,  and  Strato,  tyrant  of  Beroea,  called  in  Mithridates  the  Parthian 
to  take  the  Seleucid  king  prisoner,  Jos.  Ant.  13.  384.  Heracleon  of  Beroea 
revolted  from  Antiochus  Grypus  in  95  B.  C.,  Posidonius  (4)4,  Athen.  4.  38; 
Trogus,  39,  actually  says  he  reigned,  that  is,  as  king  of  Syria.  His  son  Diony- 
sius  was  later  tyrant  of  Beroea,  Strabo  16.  2,  7;  cf.  linger,  Philologus,  55.  116  ff. 
In  the  time  of  Strabo,  I.  c.,  it  was  a  small  town.  The  editors  of  the  Delphine 
Pliny,  ad  5.  19,  read  a  coin  of  Antoninus  Pius  as  Sy(riaca)  Be(roea)  L(egionem) 
E(xcepit),  thus  proving  it  the  seat  of  a  legion,  and  that  this  was  at  one  time 
the  IV  Parthica  seems  indicated  by  the  Kuartoparthoi  from  Beroea  of  Theo- 
phyl.  2.  6,  9.  It  was  on  the  road  of  Julian,  Ep.  27.  Ptol.  5.  14,  13  makes  Cha- 
lybonitis  and  Chalybon  distinct  from  Beroea.  As  Beroea,  it  appears  in  the 


Shalmaneser  III  and  Establishment  of  Assyrian  Power    365 

Soon  after,  the  invaders  were  in  the  territory  of  Irhuleni  of 
Hamath,  and  no  difficulty  was  experienced  in  looting  the  frontier 
cities  and  in  burning  the  royal  palaces  within.  Parga,  for  example, 
stood  on  a  low  artificial  mound  defended  by  a  stream  and  by  its 
high  battlemented  towers,  above  whose  walls  appeared  to  the 
wayfarer  high  buildings  with  flat  roofs  and  many  windows.  The 
assault  was  launched  under  the  protection  of  a  small  fort  and  was 
assisted  by  a  moveable  ram,  or  rather  sow,  with  staring  eyes, 
projecting  snout,  and  heavy  necklace,  moved  forward  by  a  kneeling 
man  behind  whom  stood  archers  encased  in  the  rear.  The  defend- 
ers were  unusually  brave,  for  they  fought  from  the  open  space  in 
front,  as  well  as  from  the  walls.40  Adennu,  a  smaller  fort  of  the 
same  character  and  with  the  same  situation,  was  attacked  by  the 
king  in  person  and  with  all  his  troops.  It  was  finally  taken  by 
escalade,41  and  the  Assyrians  advanced  without  further  resistance 
up  the  Orontes  valley,  through  orchards  laden  with  figs,  to 
Qarqara42.  Although  the  fort  was  small  and  the  mound  on  which 
it  stood  was  not  particularly  elevated,  its  battlemented  towers 
were  much  above  the  average  height  and  its  position  was  strategic, 
for  its  loss  would  permit  direct  attack  upon  Hamath. 

At  this  point,  Shalmaneser  found  his  way  blocked  by  a  coalition 
of  a  size  rarely  seen  in  Syria.  At  the  head,  Shalmaneser  places 
Bir  idri  or  Hadadezer  of  Damascus,  a  name  which  certainly  is  not 

Antonine  Itinerary,  193  f.,  but  not  as  a  road  center.  As  Callicome,  it  is  a 
center  to  a  route  to  Edessa,  191,  and  to  Larissa,  195.  The  identity  of  the  two 
is  shown  by  identity  of  distance,  18  m.p.,  of  Beroa-Calcida  and  Callicome- 
Calcida,  cf.  also  the  distance,  24  m.p.,  Callicome-Bathnas.  At  first,  its  church 
was  under  Antioch,  Geo.  Cypr.,  861,  later  it  became  autocephalic,  No't.  in 
Gelzer,  Byz.  Ztf.,  1.  250.  It  last  appears  as  Barawwa,  Yaqut,  s.  v.  Haleb. 
Among  its  captivities  may  be  mentioned  those  by  Chosrhoes,  Chron.  Edess. 
105;  by  Nicephorus,  Glycas,  570;  by  Timur,  Neshri,  ed.  Noldeke,  ZDMG 
15.  360.  The  Arabic  literature  on  Haleb  is  enormous,  and  we  may  simply 
note  the  vivid  picture  by  Ibn  Jubair,  251  ff.,  and  the  reference  to  the  Hittite 
inscription,  ascribed  to  Ali  b.  Abu  Talib. 

40  Dhorme,  RA  9.  155,  identifies  Barga  with  the  place  in  Amarna,  K.  57. 
The  third  city  was  Argana. 

41  Adennu  is  the  modern  Dana  in  the  Jebel  er  Rlha  in  the  center  of  one  of 
the  ruin  fields  explored  by  the  Princeton  Expedition.     It  is  the  Atinni  of 
Tiglath  Pileser  IV,  Ann.  130;  and  probably  the  Adinnu  of  the  letters  H.  314, 
500,  642,  as  well  as  the  Atinu  of  H.  762,  cf.  Johns,  AJSL  22.  229.    Hartmann, 
ZDPV  23.  145,  however,  identifies  with  Tell  Lotmin,  northeast  of  Hamath, 
the  al  Atmin  of  Yaqubi,  Sachau,  ZA  12.  47. 

42  For  Qarqara,  cf .  Olmstead,  Sargon,  52. 


366  A.  T.  Olmstead 

the  same  as  the  Biblical  Ben  Hadad,  but  whose  relation  to  the 
other  known  rulers  of  that  city  is  shrouded  in  mystery.43  Accord- 
ing to  the  Assyrian  statistics,  his  troops  consisted  of  twelve  hun- 
dred chariots,  the  same  number  of  cavalry,  and  twenty  thousand 
foot.  Irhuleni  comes  next  with  seven  hundred  chariots,  the  same 
number  of  cavalry,  and  ten  thousand  foot.  Somewhat  to  our 
surprise,  the  third  place  is  taken  by  Ahabbu  of  Sirla'  or  Ahab  of 
Israel,  though  this  particular  incident  is  not  mentioned  in  the 
sacred  book.  Exaggerated  as  the  two  thousand  chariots  and  the 
ten  thousand  soldiers  assigned  to  him  may  be,  they  do  prove 
that  Israel  was  a  fairly  considerable  state  as  states  went  in  Syria, 
while  the  fact  that  Ahab  has  the  largest  number  of  chariots  found 
in  the  coalition  is  the  more  remarkable  since  the  Biblical  narrative 
of  the  wars  with  Ben  Hadad  imply  that  Israel  was  particularly 
deficient  in  this  respect.  Of  the  less  important  contingents  which 
played  a  part  in  this  epoch-making  conflict,  we  have  five  hundred 
Guai  from  Cilicia,  a  thousand  Egyptians,  whose  aid  may  not  be 
unconnected  with  the  appearance  of  the  name  of  Osorkon  II  in 
Ahab's  palace  at  Samaria,44  a  series  from  the  Phoenician  states, 
ten  chariots  and  ten  thousand  foot  from  Irqanata,  two  hundred 
from  Mattan  baal  of  Arvad,  the  same  from  Usanata,  thirty  char- 
iots and  ten  thousand  foot  from  Adoni  baal  of  Shiana,  a  thousand 
camels  from  Gindibu,  the  Arab,  first  indication  that  the  true  Arabs 
are  following  the  Aramaeans  in  their  invasion  of  the  Fertile  Cres- 
cent, and  ten  thousand  foot  from  Baasha,  the  son  of  Ruhubi, 
the  Ammonite.45 

43%  The  whole  problem  is  discussed  in  detail  by  Luckenbill,  A  JSL  27.  267  ff . 

44  Reisner,  Harvard  Theol  Rev.  3.  248  ff. 

45  Irqanata  is  the  Erkatu  ('-r-q'-tw)  of  the  42d  year  of  Thothmes  III,  Lepsius, 
Denkmaler,  3.  30;  Miiller,  Asien,  247;  Breasted,  Recmds,  2.  214  f.,  the  Irqata 
of  the  Amarna  letters  where  the  mention  of  Sumuru  (Simyra-Sumra)  shows  it 
to  be  identical  with  'Arqa,  Gen.  10.  17,  which  has  the  same  form,  'Arqa,  in 
the  annals  of  Tiglath  Pileser  IV,  146.    For  the  classical  Arke-Caesarea  and 
the  modern  'Arqa,  cf.  Robinson,  Bibl.  Res.,  3.  579.    Usanata  is  the  Usnu  of 
Tiglath  Pileser  IV,  Ann.  146.     The  order  is  Simirra,  Arqa,  Usnu,  Sianu. 
Delitzsch,  Paradies,  282,  identified  it  with  Qal'at  el-Hosn,  but  there  is  no 
proof  that  this  was  occupied  until  crusading  times;   also,  it  was  on  the  sea 
shore,  Tiglath  Pileser  IV,  Ann.  125.    It  may  be  Orthosia-Artuzi,  whose  earlier 
name  is  unknown.    Shiana  is  the  Siana  of  the  Tiglath  Pileser  passage,  the  Sin 
of  Gen.  10.  17;  and  the  Sinnas  of  Strabo,  16.  2.  18,  in  the  mountains  not  far 
from  Botrys-Batrun.     It  is  usually  identified  with  a  certain  Syn,  'ein  halb 
Meile  vom  Nahr  'Arqa,'  mentioned  by  Breitenbach  in  his  Reise  of  1486-87, 
quoted,  Gesenius,  Handworterbuch,  s.  v.  Sini,  but  the  place  is  absent  on  later 
maps  and  we  heard  of  no  such  locality  when  in  this  region. 


Shalmaneser  III  and  Establishment  of  Assyrian  Power    367 

On  their  own  confession,  the  battle  did  not  begin  auspiciously 
for  the  Assyrians.  The  king  ensconced  himself  in  a  tent  set  up  on 
a  rock  near  the  river.  The  sculptures  make  a  very  unusual  admis- 
sion, for  they  show  the  troops  of  Hamath,  archers  with  pointed 
helmets  or  in  chariots  much  like  the  Assyrian,  pressing  over  the 
Assyrian  dead  to  meet  the  main  forces  of  the  king.  The  written 
record  claims  a  complete  victory.  The  blood  of  the  vanquished 
was  made  to  flow  down  over  the  passes  of  the  district,  the  field 
was  too  narrow  to  throw  down  their  bodies,  the  broad  field  alone 
availed  for  their  burial,  and  at  that,  their  corpses  blocked  the 
Orontes  like  a  dam.  The  number  of  slain  grew  with  the  passage 
of  time,  from  fourteen  thousand  to  twenty  thousand  five  hundred, 
to  twenty-five  thousand,  to  twenty-nine  thousand.  Pursuit  was 
continued  from  Qarqara  to  Kilz.au  and  to  the  Orontes, — and  the 
Monolith  inscription  comes  to  a  sudden  end.  Had  this  famous 
conflict,  because  of  its  connection  with  Israel  perhaps  the  best 
known  of  Assyrian  battles,  been  the  overwhelming  victory  claimed, 
we  should  not  have  to  record  the  careful  avoidance  of  Syria  which 
marks  the  last  few  years.46  Immediately  after  the  battle,  the 
coalition  fell  to  pieces,  and  Ahab  determined  to  attack  his  late  ally, 
the  king  of  Damascus.  With  the  aid  of  Jehoshaphat  of  Judah, 
Ramoth-Gilead  was  besieged,  but  Ahab  met  his  death  and  the 
host  disbanded  (2  Kings,  22). 

Our  written  records  give  for  the  year  853  a  raid  against  Habini 
of  Til-Abni.  Without  the  sculptures,  we  should  never  have  sus- 
pected the  importance  of  the  expedition  or  of  Habini  himself. 
His  reception  was  in  truth  very  different  from  that  accorded  other 
conquered  rulers.  He  did  indeed  make  obeisance,  bowing  his  head 
before  the  king  as  he  stood  resting  on  his  bow,  but  he  made  his 
approach  from  his  fully  fortified  camp,  in  chariots  which  in  form 
as  in  trapping  of  the  horses  were  in  the  best  Assyrian  style,  and 
he  was  accompanied  by  attendants  who  exemplified  all  the  latest 
fashions  of  the  Assyrian  upper  classes.  Their  hair  hung  in  a  mass 
at  the  nape  of  the  neck,  and  their  beards  were  long  and  square  cut, 
like  that  of  Shalmaneser  himself,  and  in  sharp  contrast  to  the 
pointed  beards  affected,  not  only  by  the  princes  of  the  other  sub- 
jugated peoples,  but  by  the  lower  class  Assyrians  as  well.  Habini 
wore  the  long  fringed  robe  and  the  fringed  jacket  with  diagonal 
opening,  and  had  just  laid  aside  his  ornamented  Assyrian  sandals. 

46  Mon.  2.  87  ff.;  zigat,  Delitzsch,  MDOG  36. 16;  Olmstead,  Historiography, 
22. 


368  A.  T.  Olmstead 

In  him,  we  obviously  have  a  ruler  well  out  of  the  ordinary,  thor- 
oughly Assyrianized,  and  too  important  to  be  harshly  treated. 

Turning  north,  the  Assyrians  reached  the  town  of  Kulisi,47 
a  small  castle  on  the  Tigris  with  double  wall  and  two-storied 
gateway.  The  inhabitants,  with  the  short  skirts  and  round 
Haldian  shields,  were  stabbed  and  mutilated,  their  severed  limbs 
piled  in  heaps,  their  heads  covered  the  burning  city.  Their  rebel 
chief  and  his  followers  were  impaled  naked  about  the  walls  or 
along  the  river. 

Up  the  valley  of  the  Tigris  the  Assyrians  continued  until  they 
reached  the  'source  of  the  Tigris,  the  place  whence  the  waters  flow, 
the  cave  of  the  river'  pictured  in  the  sculptures.  In  one  scene,  the 
mountains  sweep  in  a  long  curve  around  the  water,  on  the  far 
side  of  which  is  a  fortress,  with  square  gateway  between  towers. 
Stone  pillars  with  round  balls  on  their  tops  flank  the  opening.  In 
the  water,  a  sculptor  works,  mallet  on  chisel,  at  a  representation 
of  the  king,  which  is  complete  save  that  the  surrounding  cartouche 
is  still  to  be  incised.  So  perfect  is  the  royal  figure  that  an  official 
already  stands  on  a  platform  erected  among  the  rocks  and  adores 
his  master's  effigy.  Other  Assyrians  lead  up  a  ram  for  the  sacrifice 
and  drag  on  his  back  a  reluctant  bull  destined  to  meet  the  same 
end.  In  a  second  scene,  we  have  a  long  parade  of  soldiers,  foot  and 
horse,  up  the  course  of  the  stream.  At,their  head  is  the  king,  whose 
sad  lack  of  horsemanship  is  indicated  by  his  riding  straight-legged 
and  with  huge  stirrups  tied  to  the  horse-blanket,  not,  in  the  only 
fashion  known  to  the  oriental  expert,  with  hunched-up  knees  and 
bareback.  The  royal  chariot  and  those  which  bear  the  standards 
are,  of  course,  a  part  of  the  picture  and  so  are  the  calf  and  the  ram 
destined  for  the  sacrifice.  Through  three  openings,  we  see  trees 
and  soldiers,  waist-deep  in  the  icy  waters,  who  uphold  torches  to 
lighten  the  gloom.  On  the  rock  at  the  entrance  is  the  niche  with 
the  conventional  royal  figure,  while  on  a  smaller  rock  in  the 
water  stands  the  sculptor  putting  on  the  finishing  touches  under 
the  direction  of  the  official  who  stands  by  his  side.  The  accuracy 
of  the  picture  is  proved  by  the  reliefs  surviving  unto  this  day, 
one  on  the  wall  of  the  passage  where  the  Tigris  for  the  moment 
comes  to  the  light  before  again  plunging  into  the  mountain,  the 
other  in  a  huge  upper  cave  decorated  with  great  stalactites  and 
stalagmites,  where  in  prehistoric  times  the  river  once  found  its 

47  The  royal  city  of  Mutzuata. 


Shalmaneser  III  and  Establishment  of  Assyrian  Power    369 

outlet.  Above  still  towers  the  cliff  up  which  lead  rock-cut  stairs, 
and  on  its  summit  are  the  terraces  that  mark  the  site  of  the  settle- 
ment which  once  dominated  the  source  of  the  sacred  stream.48 

The  two  years  which  followed  were  occupied  by  the  Babylonian 
troubles.49  From  850  to  837,  our  information  is  scanty  i  the 
extreme.  Such  and  sucii  an  event  took  place  in  such  and  such  a 
year  of  the  reign,  that  we  may  confidently  set  down,  but  details 
of  strategy  and  topography  elude  us.  At  first,  the  west  demanded 
attention.  The  still  unconquered  cities  belonging  to  Sangara 
of  Carchemish  were  reduced  and  then  came  the  turn  of  Arame, 
king  of  Agusi.  His  capital,  Arne,  was  unusually  well-defended. 
It  was  situated  on  a  high  mound,  its  walls  were  of  a  decided  height, 
and  instead  of  the  usual  adobe,  stone  was  used  in  its  construction, 
the  resulting  slope  presenting  very  real  difficulties  to  the  attacking 
party.  An  action  before  the  walls  forced  the  natives  to  retire 
within  their  fortifications,  but  the  fight  was  continued  by  the 
bowmen  on  both  sides.  The  Assyrian  reserves  hastened  from  the 
distant  camp  over  the  dismembered  bodies  which  still  covered  the 
ground  from  the  former  battle,  and  assaulted  the  city  to  such 
effect  that  it  fell  an  easy  prey  with  all  its  animal  wealth.50 

In  those  days,  Shalmaneser  contested  anotherj  battle  further 
south  with  the  twelve  Syrian  allies,  headed  again  by  Bir-idri  and 
Irhuleni.  The  cities  of  Sangara  and  of  Arame  were  raided  the 
next  year  (849) .  Passing  along  the  line  of  the  Amanus,  he  overran 
Mount  laraqu  and  descended  into  the  lower-lying  cities  of  Hamath. 
He  first  encamped  before  Ashtamaku,  a  double-walled  and  battle- 
mented  fort  on  a  low  mound.  The  attack  was  confided  to  the 
crown  prince,  who,  at  the  head  of  his  cavalry  and  chariots,  rode 
over  the  dead  in  pursuit  of  the  fleeing  leaders  of  the  enemy.  One 

48  Bulls,  75  ff.;    cf.  Belck,  Verh.  Berl.  Anthr.  Ges.,  1900,  455;    Lehmann- 
Haupt,  Armenian,  1.  430  ff. 

49  Discussed  in  detail,  Olmstead,  AJSL  37.  217  ff. 

50  Bulls,  84  ff.;  cf.  Maspero,  PSBA  20.  125  ff.  Arne,  the  Arnu  of  H.  321  and 
the  Arranu  of  H.  502,  may  possibly  be  identified  with  Qarne,  from  which  we 
have  horses  along  with  those  from  Kusa  (Caesum?),  Dana,  Kullania,  and  Isana, 
all  in  this  general  region,  H.  372;  Pinches,  PSBA  3.  13.    This  may  be  the 
Qarnini  of  the  revenue  list,  III  R,  53,  36,  and  the  Kama  of  the  Medinet  Habu 
list  of  Ramses  III,  Sayce,  PSBA  25.  310.    Agusi  appears  again  in  743,  when 
it  was  under  Mati  ilu,  Tiglath  Pileser  IV,  Ann.  60  ff . ;  and  as  the  Gusit  near 
Antioch  of  Michael  the'  Syrian,  trans.  Delaurier,  JA  4  Ser.,  13,  321.     The 
reliefs  add agda. 

24    JAOS  41 


370  A.  T.  Olmstead 

of  them  escaped  up  the  slope  to  the  city,  the  horse  of  the  other 
stumbled  and  the  occupant  was  compelled  to  stretch  out  his  hands 
in  surrender.  The  archers  shot  at  the  city  until  the  dead  hung 
down  over  the  walls  and  the  defenders  begged  for  mercy.  Another 
city,  in  a  grove  of  scrub  oak  near  the  river,  was  taken  by  escalade, 
and  the  decapitated  heads  of  its  defenders  floated  along  on  the 
waves  of  the  stream.  Bir-idri  and  the  allies  who  had  come  to  the 
help  of  'Irhuleni  were  defeated,  and  ten  thousand  of  their  troops 
destroyed.  Irhuleni  was  shut  up  in  his  double-walled  fortress  with 
its  gable-roofed  houses,  where  he  had  made  himself  comfortable 
on  a  couch  of  Assyrian  form,  with  the  flay  flapper  and  shawl  of 
the  eunuch  attendant  and  with  the  long  fringed  robe  and  drapery 
of  an  Assyrian  monarch.  These  could  not  protect  him  from  the 
Assyrian  fury  and  he  too  was  forced  to  ask  for  quarter.  Irhuleni 
was  permitted  to  retain  his  Assyrian  dress,  even  to  the  pointed 
helmet,  provided  only  he  bowed  down^jin  worship,  and  the  youthful 
prince  destined  to  be  his  successor  was  allowed  to  approach  in  his 
chariot  and  surrounded  by  his  fellows  ;\the  common  people  were 
treated  more  roughly/jtheirjclothes  stripped'off,  thei/necks  inserted 
in  a  yoke,  their  women  in  too  scanty  clothing  bewailing  their 
disgrace  with  hand  raised  to  head.  On  his  return  journey,  Appar- 
anzu,  one  of  Arame's  villages,  was  taken,  and  the  Assyrians 
received  the  tribute  of  the  Hattinian  Kalparunda,  gold,  silver, 
lead,  horses,  and  cattle,  sheep  and  clothes.  The  campaign  was 
ended,  as  was  many  another,  by  the  cutting  of  cedar  beams  in 
the  Amanus.51 

Only  a  raid  across  the  upper  Euphrates  to  Paqarahubuni  in  the 
mountains  marked  the  year  848,  and  the  next  saw  only  one  against 
latu,  reached  by  the  pass  of  the  Ishtars  and  so  in  Kashiari.52  The 
year  846  again  found  Shalmaneser  fighting  the  allies  in  central 
Syria.  They  had  proved,  in  spite  of  his  boasts  of  victory,  no  mean 
enemies,  and  he  now  made  one  supreme  effort  to  overcome  them. 
The  'numberless  levies  of  troops  from  the  whole  of  his  wide  extend- 
ing dominions  were  called  out'  to  the  number  of  one  hundred  and 
twenty  thousand,  a  maximum  for  the  size  of  the  Assyrian  armies 
and  an  indication  of  the  gravity  of  the  crisis.  The  supreme  effort 

51  Bulls,  90  ff. — Apparanzu  is  Abarraza  of  the  Antonine  Itinerary,  on  the 
Ciliza-Zeugma  road,  a  genuine  route,  though  the  distances  are  far  too  small. 
Perhaps  the  Kiepert  map  identification  with  the  Baraja  on  the  Quweq  is 
correct. 

.  213. 


Shalmaneser  III  and  Establishment  of  Assyrian  Power    371 

was  made  and  Syria  remained  unconquered.  Haldia  was,  there- 
fore, emboldened  to  adopt  a  forward  policy,  and  the  more  pressing 
needs  on  this  frontier  permitted  Syria  to  rest  for  the  present.  The 
sources  of  the  Tigris  were  again  reached,  and  another  rock  record 
was  prepared,  the  barrier  range  was  penetrated  by  the  Tunibuni 
pass,  and  the  Haldian  cities  were  overrun  as  far  as  the  sources  of 
the  Euphrates.  Such  sacrifices  as  the  sacred  spot  demanded  were 
offered,  and  the  rock  was  inscribed  not  far  from  where  the  tribute 
of  Daieni  was  received  from  its  ruler  Asia.53 

An  expedition  to  the  Armenian  highlands  was  once  more  fol- 
lowed by  a  period  of  inactivity.  The  year  844  witnessed  merely 
a  brief  campaign,  into  Namri  land,  across  the  river  Azaba,  the 
Zab,  and  against  Marduk-mudammiq,  whose  good  Babylonian 
name  testified  to  Babylonian  influence  in  this  neighbor  land.  On 
the  Assyrian  approach,  he  took  to  the  hills,  leaving  behind  his 
riches  and  his  gods,  and  his  vacant  office  was  granted  to  a  new 
ruler  whom  we  know  only  as  lanzu,  the  native  Kashshite  word 
for  king.54  For  the  succeeding  year,  the  scribe  could  think  of 
nothing  but  a  cedar-cutting  trip  to  the  Amanus.55 

Conditions  had  become  more  propitious  in  central  Syria  by  842. 
At  the  instigation  of  the  Hebrew  prophet  Elisha,  Ben  Hadad,  if 
he  be  the  same  as  Hadadezer,  had  been  smothered  while  sick,  and 
Hazael,  the  usurping  son  of  a  nobody,  had  taken  his  place  (2  Kings 
8.  7  ff.).  The  confederacy  completely  broke  down  as  a  result  and 
the  war  with  Israel  entered  a  more  active  phase  with  the  attempt 
of  Jehoram  to  win  back  Ramoth-Gilead.  Where  the  Barada 
breaks  through  the  Anti-Lebanon,  under  Mount  Sanir,56  Hazael 

53  Bulls,  98  ff. — All  the  Tigris  inscriptions,  latest  edition,  Lehmann-Haupt, 
Materialien,  31  ff.,  seem  to  date  from  this  expedition,  cf.  especially  Belck, 
Verh.  Berl.  Anthr.  Ges.,  1900,  455.    The  Cornell  expedition  secured  squeezes 
of  these  inscriptions,  now  deposited  in  the  Oriental  Museum  of  the  University 
of  Illinois  through  the  kindness  of  Dr.  B.  B.  Charles  of  Philadelphia.    From 
the  Tigris  source,  the  Assyrians  could  have  entered  Armenia  only  by  the 
Citharizon  or  the  Mush  pass;  the  former  is  eliminated  by  identification  with 
that  of  Enzite,  therefore  it  must  be  the  latter. 

54  The  Kashshite  vocabulary,  first  published  Delitzsch,  Kossdcr,  25;  better 
by  Pinches,  JRAS  1917,  102. 

55  Obi.  93  ff . 

56  Saniru    must    be  placed   about   Suq  Wadi   Barada,    where    the    river 
of  that  name  breaks  through  the  Anti-Lebanon,   with  which   agrees  the 
location    of    Sanir   north    of    Damascus   by  the   Arabs,   e.  g.,  Baladhuri, 
112.    The  gloss  in  Dt.  3.  9,  in  its  present  form,  states  that  'the  Sidonians  call 
Hermon  Sirion  and  the  Amorites  call  it  Senir,'  which  disagrees  with  the  Assyr- 


372  A.  T.  Olmstead 

made  his  stand,  but  his  fortified  camp  was  stormed  with  a  loss 
of  sixteen  thousand  foot,  eleven  hundred  and  twenty-one  chariots, 
and  four  hundred  and  seventy  cavalry.  The  Assyrians  felled  the 
orchards  which  filled  the  fertile  valley  and  appeared  before 
Damascus.  The  walls  were  too  strong  for  assault  and  Shalmaneser 
had  not  the  patience  for  a  formal  siege,  so  was  forced  to  content 
himself  with  a  plundering  raid  in  the  Hauran  mountains,  to  the 
east  and  south,  whose  rich  volcanic  soil,  then  as  now,  made  it  the 
granary  of  the  Syrian  area.57 

Shalmaneser  then  struck  back  to  the  coast,  through  that  plain 
of  Esdraelon  which  has  always  been  the  route  from  Damascus 
and  the  Hauran  to  the  sea.  On  a  projecting  cliff  which  he  calls 
Bali-rasi,  'Baal's  Head,'  and  which  may  well  be  intended  for  the 
projecting  headland  of  Carmel  where  Elijah  had  contended  with 
the  priests  of  Baal  a  few  years  before,  he  placed  a  stele.58  Shortly 
after,  he  received  tribute  from  the  Tyrians,  the  Sidonians,  and 
laua  of  the  house  of  Humri,  or,  being  interpreted,  Jehu,  the  son 
of  Omri.59 

ian  and  Arab  location,  unless  we  attach  Senir  to  the  whole  Anti-Lebanon 
including  Hermon,  which  is  improbable.  The  gloss  seems  to  have  been  earlier 
than  the  Chronicler,  though  the  manner  in  which  he  states,  1  Chron.  5.  23, 
that  the  half  tribe  of  Manasseh  increased  'from  Bashan  to  Baal  Hermon  and 
Senir  and  Mount  Hermon/  shows  that  he  did  not  have  it  in  its  present  form. 
That  the  addition  of  Mount  Hermon  is  not,  with  Curtis,  ad  loc.,  'a  phrase 
explaining  Senir  as  Mount  Hermon,'  is  shown  by  the  Greek,  where  Lebanon 
is  added  and  is  no  doubt  original.  The  author  of  Canticles  4.  8,  a  North  Israel- 
ite, also  realized  that  they  were  separate,  though  closely  connected.  Ezek. 
27.  5  shows  the  use  of  fir  trees  from  Senir  for  ship  planks.  A  striking  fact 
which  should  not  be  overlooked  is  that  the  Greek  on  Dt.  3.  9,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  the  single  MS.  x,  almost  the  most  Massoretic  of  all  the  Greek  MSS., 
Olmstead,  AJSL  34.  152,  does  not  support  the  reading  Sirion  at  all  but  gives 
the  Phoenician  name  of  Hermon  as  Sanior,  that  is,  the  same  consonants  as 
Senir. 

57  KTA  30;  Rogers,  Parallels,  298  f.;  for  death  of  Hadadezer,  cf.  Lucken- 
bill,  Exp.  Times,  23.  284. 

58  Identical  in  name,  though  not  in  location,  with  the  Theuprosopon  south 
of  Tripolis,  Strabo  16.  2,  15.    The  current  identification  is  with  the  Dog  River 
north  of  Beirut,  where  we  actually  have  several  unidentified  stelae,  Sayce, 
RP*  4.  44,  n.  2;   cf.  Boscawen,  TSBA  7.  341.    Against  it  is  the  lack  of  proof 
for  the  use  of  the  Beirut-Damascus  road  in  antiquity  and  the  difficulty  of 
return  from  the  Hauran  by  this  route;   there  is  no  statement  that  the  king 
visited  Tyre  and  Sidon,  though  the  order  of  mention  might  indicate  passage 
from  south  to  north,  in  which  case  the  old  camel  route,  now  the  line  of  the 
railroad  from  Damascus  to  Haifa,  would  have  been  followed. 

69  III  R.  5,  6;  Bulls,  Supplement. 


Shalmaneser  III  and  Establishment  of  Assyrian  Power    373 

After  Ahab's  death  before  Ramoth-Gilead,  his  weakly  son 
Ahaziah  reigned  two  years  (853-852)  and  in  want  of  issue  was 
followed  by  his  brother  Jehoram  (852-842).  The  next  year,  the 
long  reign  of  Jehoshaphat  came  to  an  end  and  another  Jehoram 
ruled  Judah  (851-843).  Jehoshaphat  had  been  a  loyal  vassal  of 
Ahab  and  we  can  hardly  consider  the  identity  of  name  accidental. 
Mesha  of  Moab  revolted  and  declared  in  his  unique  inscription 
that  he  saw  his  pleasure  on  Omri's  son,  so  that  Israel  perished 
with  an  everlasting  destruction.60  We  must  be  selfishly  thankful 
that  he  caused  it  to  be  inscribed  before  the  episode  was  finished, 
when  Moab  was  wasted  by  the  invasion  of  the  three  kings,  and 
only  the  sacrifice  of  his  first-born  forced  them  to  decamp  hurriedly 
(2  Kings  3).  The  usurpation  of  Hazael  offered  excellent  oppor- 
tunities to  reclaim  Ramoth-Gilead,  but  its  successful  siege  only 
led  to  the  usurpation  of  Jehu  and  the  murder  of  Jehoram  of  Israel 
and  Ahaziah  (843-842)  of  Judah. 

By  the  religious  reforms  of  Jehu,  Yahweh  ruled  supreme  in  the 
royal  court,  but  it  was  not  so  sure  that  he  held  first  place  in  men's 
hearts.  Tyre  of  necessity  opposed  his  rule,  and  Athaliah,  with  the 
manly  spirit  of  her  mother,  took  over  the  inheritance  of  her  mur- 
dered son  and  Baal's  house  received  the  dedications  of  the  Yahweh 
temple.  As  Shalmaneser  passed  through  Israelite  territory,  Jehu 
appeared  before  him  and  the  reliefs  of  the  Black  Obelisk  immor- 
talize the  Hebrew  ruler  as  he  bowed  to  the  earth  before  the  great 
king  and  his  attendant  eunuchs.  A  file  of  men  in  long  double  gar- 
ments brings  huge  ingots  of  unworked  metals,  gold,  silver,  and  lead, 
small  golden  pails  of  not  inartistic  design,  bowls,  cups,  and  ladles. 
Some  carry  on  their  backs  sacks  filled  with  precious  objects,  one 
holds  a  scepter,  another  raises  aloft  a  high  thin  drinking  goblet, 
others  bear  bundles  of  weapons  (III  R  5,  6). 

For  the  years  again  succeeding,  the  Assyrian  material  is  most 
scanty.  A  cedar-cutting  trip  to  the  Amanus  in  841  confirms  the 
success  of  the  year  previous,  and  the  invasion  of  Qaue  in  the  year 
following  was  a  belated  chastisement  of  the  forces  which  had  taken 
part  in  the  battle  of  Qarqara  fourteen  years  before.  For  839,  the 
official  scribe  has  carelessly  omitted  the  campaign;  the  Chronicle 
and  the  sculptures  on  the  Obelisk  show  that  it  was  against  Marduk- 

60  Latest  edition,  S.  Sidersky,  Rev.  Archeologique,  5  ser.  10.  59  ff.,  with 
bibliography. 


374  A.  T.  Olmstead 

apal-usur,  the  ruler  of  Suhi  on  the  middle  Euphrates.61  The 
Obelisk  shows  the  wild  beasts  in  the  palm  groves  along  the  river, 
the  tribute  of  golden  pails,  bowls,  the  bars  of  lead,  the  elephants' 
tusks,  the  varicolored  cloths  draped  over  poles  and  carried  between 
two  men. 

There  succeeded  a  campaign  against  Danabi  in  North  Syria 
and  a  last  attempt  to  reduce  the  cities  of  Hazael  in  838  was  no 
more  of  a  success.  Tyre,  Sidon,  and  Byblus  furnished  fresh  proof 
that  the  Phoenicians  were  prepared  to  pay  any  reasonable  tribute 
if  their  control  of  the  trade  routes  should  be  free  from  interference; 
Hazael  was  a  different  proposition  and  Shalmaneser  was  forced 
to  be  content  with  placing  on  a  bit  of  black  marble  the  ludicrously 
inappropriate  inscription  'Booty  from  the  temple  of  the  god  Sher 
of  Malaha,  residence  of  Hazael  of  the  land  of  Damascus,  which 
Shalmaneser,  the  son  of  Ashur-nasir-apal,  king  of  Assyria,  brought 
within  the  walls  of  the  city  of  Ashur'.62 

The  complete  failure  of  Assyria  in  the  west  meant  ruin  for  those 
who  had  taken  her  side.  Hazael  again  began  to  attack  Jehu,  and 

61  Forrer,  MVAG  20.  3,  9  ff.,  has  shown  that  the  third  line  of  the  obverse 
of  the  Chronicle  fragment  Rm.  2,  97,  is  to  be  restored  Su(?)-hi  instead  of  Qum- 
muhi  as  I  have  done,  that  the  scribe  has  omitted  this  from  the  Obelisk  inscrip- 
tion, although  leaving  traces  in  the  numbers  of  campaigns  and  in  spite  of  the 
pictured  representations.    He  has  also  shown  that  Shulmu-bel-lamur,  eponym 
of  840,  should  be  assigned  to  Ahi-Suhina.    Thus  all  my  attributions  of  office 
and  place  attacked  should  be  shifted  one  move  until  the  eponymy  of  Shal- 
maneser.   This  is  confirmed  by  the  appearance  of  the  same  officials  in  the  same 
office  elsewhere  and  fills  the  gap  of  office  in  829  in  my  edition.    Unfortunately, 
he  does  not  know  my  studies  of  the  Chronicle,  published  in  Sargon,  1908,  and 
in  JAOS  34.  344  ff.,  1914.    In  general,  his  reconstructions  of  the  various  docu- 
ments were  anticipated,  but  his  independent  discovery  has  corroborative 
value.    All  dates  before  785  are  reduced  by  him  one  year,  as  he  explains  the 
difficulty  in  the  group  789-785  as  due  to  two  eponyms  in  one  year  for  786; 
I  still  prefer  my  explanation  of  scribal  error  as  worked  out  in  the  complete 
edition.    He  begins  the  Sargon  fragment  with  720,  ascribes  lines  eight  to  ten 
to  713,  and  the  last  four  and  two  respectively  to  707  and  706.  Again  I  may 
state  that  my  earlier  reconstruction  and  dating  seem  preferable.     In  particu- 
lar he  notes  that  while  we  knew  of  a  trip  in  713  to  Ellip,  'dass  auch  eine  Unter- 
nehmung  nach  Musasir  stattfand  ist  neu,'  though  thirteen  years  ago  the 
whole  matter  was  discussed  in  my  Sargon. 

62  Obi.  99  ff.;  Assyr.  Chron.  for  Qummuh  in  841  and  Danabi  in  839;  the 
marble  'perle:,  KTA  26;    MDOG  39.  45.  Danabi  is  Tennib  SSW.  of  'Azaz, 
Noldeke,  ZA  14.  10;   the  Tinnab,  a  large  town  of  Aleppo,  Yaqut,  s.  v.    It  is 
very  doubtful  if  it  is  to  be  identified  with  the  better  known  Tunip  of  Egyptian 
times,  of.  Miiller.  A.xien  257  f . 


Shalmaneser  III  and  Establishment  of  Assyrian  Poiver    375 

the  whole  of  the  east  Jordan  country,  Gilead  and  Bashan,  the 
tribal  territories  of  Gad,  Manasseh,  and  Reuben,  to  Aroer  on  the 
Arnon  which,  a  few  short  years  ago  Mesha  had  boasted  his  own, 
fell  into  his  hands  (2  King  10.  32  ff),  and  Amos  condemned  the 
manner  in  which  Damascus  had  threshed  Gilead  with  threshing 
implements  of  iron  (Amos  1.  3  ff).  Jehu  was  more  successful  in 
the  sister  kingdom,  where  Athaliah  (842-837)  by  her  insistence 
on  the  ancestral  Baal  cult  had  alienated  the  powerful  priesthood 
of  her  adopted  country.  The  infant  son  of  Ahaziah  had  been 
saved  by  his  aunt  Jehosheba  from  the  slaughter  of  the  remainder 
of  the  seed  royal;  her  husband  Jehoiada,  the  chief  priest  of  Yah- 
weh,  persuaded  the  foreign  body-guard  to  support  the  legitimate 
claimant.  Athaliah  was  slain,  and  the  enraged  populace  destroyed 
the  Baal  temple  with  the  Tyrian  priest  Mattan. 

Jehoahaz  (815-799)  was  still  less  able  to  defend  himself  against 
Hazael,  who  took  for  himself  the  whole  Philistine  plain,  and 
Jehoash  (837-798)  of  Judah  saved  himself  from  complete  ruin 
only  by  sending  to  Hazael  all  his  treasures.  The  son  of  Hazael, 
the  last  Bar-Hadad,  was  a  man  of  lesser  caliber,  and  Israel  recov- 
ered its  lost  cities  (2  Kings  12  f.;  6  f.). 

Foiled  in  the  south,  Bar-Hadad  turned  his  attention  to  North 
Syria,  where  Hamath  was  now  ruled  by  a  certain  Zakar,  who  in 
all  probability  came  originally  from  Laash,  the  Luhuti  of  Shal- 
maneser's  record,  for  he  adds  it  to  Hamath  as  territory  ruled. 
Thanks  to  his  god,  Baalshamain,  he  was  made  to  rule  in  Hazrak, 
the  Biblical  Hadrach  and  the  Assyrian  Hatarika,  on  the  Orontes 
a  short  distance  south  of  Hamath.63  If  before  this  Hazrak  had 
belonged  to  Damascus,  we  can  understand  why  Bar-Hadad  formed 
an  alliance  against  him.  Of  the  ten  kings,  we  have  mention  of 
Bar-Gush,  king  of  Agusi  or  Arpad,  the  king  of  Quhweh  or  Cilicia, 
the  king  of  the  Umq  we  have  learned  of  as  the  equivalent  of  Hat- 
tina,  the  king  of  Gurgum,  the  king  of  Samal,  the  king  of  Meliz 
or  Melitene;  it  is  the  usual  catalogue  of  the  kings  of  North  Syria. 
They  fell  upon  him  suddenly  and  all  laid  siege  to  Hazrak,  raised 
a  wall  higher  than  the  wall  of  that  city,  and  dug  a  ditch  deeper 
than  its  moat.  Then  did  Zakar  lift  up  his  hands  to  Baalshamain 
and  Baalshamain  answered  him  and  sent  by  the  hand  of  seers  and 
men  expert  in  numbers  and  thus  did  Baalshamain  say:  'Fear  not, 
for  I  have  made  thee  king  and  I  will  stand  by  thee  and  I  will 

63  For  the  exact  site,  concealed  by  Pognon,  cf.  Lidzbarski,  Ephemeris,  3. 175- 


376  A.  T.  Olmstead 

rescue  thee  from  all  these  kings  who  have  made  siege  against 
thee.'  So  Zakar  appointed  men  of  Hazrak  for  charioteers  and  for 
horsemen  to  guard  her  king  in  the  midst  of  her,  he  built  her  up 
and  added  a  district  to  her  and  made  it  her  possession  and  made  it 
his  land.  And  he  filled  with  men  all  these  fortresses  on  every  side 
and  he  built  temples  in  all  his  land.  The  stele,  written  in  a  curious 
mixture  of  Aramaic  and  Phoenician,  did  he  set  up  before  Al-Ur, 
not  to  speak  of  his  other  gods,  Shamash  and  Sahar  and  the  gods  of 
heaven  and  the  gods  of  earth,  and  upon  it  he  wrote  that  which  his 
hands  had  done.64 

Thus  the  western  policy  of  Assyria  was  a  failure,  her  friends 
suffered,  and  the  only  interest  of  succeeding  campaigns  lies  in  the 
new  fields  attempted.  Through  Nairi,  the  Assyrians  marched  to 
Tunni,  a  mountain  of  silver,  muli,  and  white  limestone,  took  cut 
stone  from  the  quarries,  and  left  in  return  a  stele.  They  ended 
with  Tabal  or  eastern  Cappadocia,  where  twenty-four  kings  handed 
over  their  quota,  and  with  Que,  where  the  lands  of  Kate,  the 
nasaru,  were  ravaged  (837). 65  The  next  year  Uetash,  the  fort  of 
Lalli  of  Milidia  (Melitene),  was  assaulted  and  the  kings  of  Tabal 
presented  their  tribute.  With  835,  the  Obelisk  begins  to  narrate 
events  at  first  hand,  and  consequently  we  have  somewhat  more 
detail,  but  the  events  themselves  are  scarcely  more  important. 
The  lanzu  established  in  Namri  in  844  had  become  hostile,  was 
driven  to  the  mountains,  and  made  a  prisoner.  Twenty-seven 
kings  of  the  Parsua  land  paid  their  dues  when  he  appeared  in 
their  country,  and  in  the  Missi  land  Shalmaneser  found  a  posses- 
sion of  the  Amadai.  This  at  least  is  worthy  of  our  most  careful 
notice,  for  it  marks  the  first  appearance  of  the  Medes  in  written 
history.  The  return  journey  saw  a  stele  erected  in  Harhar  and  its 
inhabitants  led  in  captivity  to  Assyria.66 

The  year  following  saw  the  Assyrians  on  the  opposite  frontier. 

64  Pognon,  Ins.  szmitiques,  2,  no.  86;    I  have  in  general  followed  the  text 
and  translation  of  Torrey,  JAOS  35.  353  ff . 

65  The  difficult  Obi.  104  ff.  is  now  largely  supplanted  by  the  Berlin  Ins., 
3.  1  ff.;  of.  Delitzsch,  MDOG  21.  52  f.;  Meissner,  OLZ  15.  145  ff. 

66  Obi.  107  ff. — The  Hashmar  pass  must  be  that  between  Bane  and  Sakkiz, 
later  taken  by  Sargon,  Thureau-Dangin,  Campagne,  iii,  which  is  2180  m.  high. 
The  route  would  be  down  the  Jaghatu  Su.  Parsua  and  Missi  are  located  by 
the  Sargon  tablet,  cf .  the  map  in  Thureau-Dangin,  op.  cit.    The  cities  of  Namri 
are  Sihishalah,  perhaps  Shlag,  Bit  Tamul,  probably  Tamontal,  Bit  Sakki, 
almost  certainly  Sakkiz,  Bit  Shedi,  Kuakinda,  Tarzanabi,  Esamul,  Kinablila. 
Between  the  Amadai  and  Harhar  is  given  Araziash. 


Shalmaneser  III  and  Establishment  of  Assyrian  Power    377 

Que  was  entered  through  the  Amanus  Gates  and  Timur  was  taken 
from  Kate,  but  this  was  only  a  raid,  as  was  the  seizure  of  Muru, 
a  fort  of  the  still  independent  Arame  of  Agusi,  though  a  palace 
was  erected  therein.  A  more  extensive  raid  was  that  of  835  when 
Tulli,  who  had  just  displaced  Kate,  surrendered  as  soon  as  he  saw 
his  fort  Tanakun  in  Assyrian  possession.  His  gifts  included  silver, 
gold,  iron,  cattle,  and  sheep.  The  inhabitants  of  Lamena  found 
refuge  in  the  hills  and  the  expedition  ended  with  the  capture  of 
Tarzi,  Tarsus,  which  was  at  this  time  taking  the  place  of  Mallus 
as  the  central  point  in  the  Cilician  plain,  as  the  terminus  of  the 
great  route  which  led  through  the  Cilician  Gates  to  the  plateau 
of  Asia  Minor,  and  as  the  outlet  of  the  famous  Hittite  silver  mines 
to  the  north  of  the  mountains  whose  wealth  was  to  make  the  name 
of  Tarshish  world  famous.  Tulli  was  in  his  turn  deposed,  his 
place  taken  by  Kirri,  brother  of  the  former  ruler,  and  cedars  were 
cut  in  the  Amanus  for  use  in  the  city  of  Ashur.67. 

The  absence  of  references  to  Haldia  in  the  last  few  years  is 
noticeable  and  cannot  be  accidental.  A  change  of  rulers  which 
meant  a  change  of  dynasty,  Sardurish  the  son  of  Lutiprish  taking 
the  place  of  Arame,  seemed  to  promise  a  check  for  his  dangerous 
neighbor.  Strange  to  relate,  Shalmaneser  did  not  himself  under- 
take this  expedition,  perhaps  the  most  important  in  the  second  half 
of  the  reign.  Stranger  still,  the  official  annals  emphasize  the  fact 
that  it  was  led  by  Dan-Ashur,  the  turtanu.  First  to  be  reached 
was  Bit-Zamani,  whose  independence,  however  qualified,  strikes 
us  as  a  little  peculiar,  until  we  examine  the  state  of  organization 
on  this  frontier.  Ishtar-emuqaia,  governor  of  Tushhan  at  the 
bend  of  the  Tigris,  appears  as  early  as  868,68  but  Ninib-kibsi-usur 
in  839  rules  only  the  Nam  lands,  and  the  cities  Andi,  Sinabu, 
Gurruna,  Mallani,  and  the  land  Alzi,69  and  it  is  not  until  800  that 

67  Obi.  132  ff . — Tanakun  is  identified  with  a  Greek  Thanake  which  I  cannot 
locate,  Sayce,  Expos.  Times,  15.  284.     Its  site  is  probably  Topraq-Qale,  on 
the  Cilician  side  of  the  Amanus  Gates.    The  reference  to  the  mountains  and 
its  seeming  position  on  the  direct  road  from  the  Gates  to  Tarsus  led  me  to 
locate  it  at  Yalan  Qale  at  the  east  end  of  the  pass  through  the  Jebel  Nur. 
For  name,  we  may  compare  the  Limenia  of  the  Tecmorian    ins.,  Ramsay 
Hist.  Geog.,  413.    The  Chronicle  repeats  the  'against  Que'  a  second  time  under 
this  year;  Forrer,  MVAG  20.  3,  13,  may  be  correct  in  seeing  in  this  proof  of 
two  expeditions  in  one  year,  but  his  identification  with  Lamos-Lamotis-Lamas 
Su  southwest  of  Tarsus,  though  seductive,  is  not  quite  sure. 

68  Andrae,  Stelenreihen,  no.  99. 

69  Ibid.  no.  47;  of.  Forrer,  op.  cit.  12. 


378  A.  T.  Olmstead 

Marduk-shimeani  appears  as  governor  of  Amedi.70  Haldia  was 
entered  by  the  Ammash  pass  and  the  Euphrates  was  crossed. 
Shalmaneser  claims  the  usual  victory  over  his  Haldian  opponent, 
but  if  it  were  in  reality  a  defeat,  we  could  understand  more  easily 
why  Sardurish  could  induce  the  Hattinians  to  dethrone  and  kill 
their  pro-Assyrian  prince  Lubarna  and  place  on  his  throne  a 
usurper  named  Surri.  Again  Dan-Ashur  was  given  command. 
Surri  died  a  natural  death  which  the  scribe  attributed  to  the 
offended  majesty  of  the  god  Ashur,  and  his  erstwhile  followers 
handed  over  his  sons  and  accomplices  for  impalement.  Sasi 
declared  his  adherence  to  the  Assyrian  cause  and  was  made  king, 
subject  to  heavy  tribute  of  metals  and  ivory.  The  royal  figure 
was  installed  in  the  temple  at  Kunulua,  but  no  attempt  was  made 
to  turn  the  region  into  a  province.71 

Only  a  rapid  raid  against  Kirhi  and  Ulluba  is  listed  for  the  year 
830,  and  the  geography  shows  that  there  had  been  retrocession 
of  the  Assyrian  sphere  of  influence  under  the  attacks  and  intrigues 
of  Haldia.  Dan-Ashur  crossed  the  Upper  Zab  the  next  year  and 
forced  the  payment  of  tribute  from  Datana  of  Hubushkia,  then 
produced  a  similar  result  in  the  case  of  Maggubbi  of  Madahisa, 
and  drove  out  Udaki  from  Zirta,  capital  of  the  Mannai.  The  last 
reference  is  of  interest,  for  it  affords  the  first  knowledge  of  the 
people  who  were  to  be  associated  so  constantly  with  the  Assyrians 
in  their  last  hundred  years.  The  next  to  be  invaded  was  Haruna, 
whose  capital,  Masashura,  was  taken,  and  whose  prince,  Shul- 
ushunu,  was  granted  peace.  Artasari  of  Paddira  is  likewise  an 
interesting  individual,  for  his  name,  compounded  with  the  com- 
monest Iranian  element,  shows  how  the  new  race  was  coming  in. 
Parsua,  still  attempting  to  retain  complete  independence,  was  the 
last  to  be  visited.72 

70  Ibid.  no.  39. 

71  Obi.  141  ff.— The  form  Seduri  is  probably  due  to  assimilation  to  the  god 
Siduri;   that  he  was  identical  with  Sardurish  was  first  indicated  by  Sayce, 
JRAS  NS  14.  404.  Belck,  Verh.  Berl  Anthr.  Ges.,  1894,  486  (cf.  Lehmann,  ZA 
11.  200  ff.),  and  often,  argues  that  the  Sardurish  of  the  native  inscriptions, 
Sayce  1  f .,  was  earlier  and  different  from  our  Seduri,  but  without  a  shred  of 
proof  and  contrary  to  all  the  evidence,  cf .  Olmstead,  Sargon,  36  n.  35,  and  now 
also  Forrer,  MVAG  20.  3,  22.      For  Ammasherub,  cf.  Hommel,  Gesch.,  600. 
Name  and  location  alike  prove  identification  with  the  Mush  pass,  the  Gozme 
Gedik  of  6645  ft.,  Lynch,  Armenia,  2.  396. 

72  Obi.  159  ff. — Rasmussen,  Indskriften,  39,  identifies  our  Datana  with  the 
Dadi  of  Hubushkia  of  Shamshi-Adad,  Ann.  2.  37.    For  Zirta  or  Izirta,  cf. 
Olmstead,  Sargon,  107,  n.  21;   Thureau-Dangin,  Campagne,  iv;  it  may  now 


Shalmaneser  III  and  Establishment  of  Assyrian  Power    379 

Conditions  were  becoming  increasingly  bad.  The  king  might 
celebrate  his  thirty-year  jubilee  with  all  due  ceremony,73  but 
Dan-Ashur  was  in  control  of  the  administration,  Haldia  was  con- 
tinually increasing  in  power,  and  the  tribes  to  the  north  and  west 
were  throwing  in  their  lof  with  it  instead  of  Assyria.  One  more 
effort  was  made  by  Dan-Ashur  to  answer  complaints  at  home  by 
conquests  abroad.  While  the  king  remained  in  his  palace,  the 
unwearied  old  man  undertook  an  ambitious  expedition.  Datana 
of  Hubushkia  was  the  first  to  feel  his  heavy  hand  and  then  Musasir, 
another  state  destined  to  play  a  most  important  part  in  the  next 
century.  The  fortress  of  Saparia  captured,  he  felt  that  he  could 
venture  against  Haldia  itself.  Failing  here,  he  turned  east  and 
went  down  to  Gilzan  where  Upu  presented  his  tribute  as  did  the 
men  of  the  neighboring  states.  From  Parsua,  he  descended  to 
Namri,  and  so  through  the  pass  of  Simesi  above  Halman  back  to 
.  Assyria.74 

be  located  at  Sauch  Bulaq.  The  Mannai  are  the  Minni  of  Jer.  51.  27;  the 
Minyas  of  Nicolaus  of  Damascus,  Jos.  Ant.  1.  95;  cf.  Rawlinson,  JRAS(OS) 
12.  446.  For  the  common  Shurdia,  I  read  Pad-di-ra,  a  very  easy  correction 
palaeographically,  comparing  the  Paddira  of  Shamshi-Adad,  Ann.  2.  7,  and 
the  Paddir  of  Ashur-bani-apal,  Cyl.  B.  3.  59.  The  raid  was,  therefore,  up 
the  Zab  to  Merwan,  then  to  Kochanes  and  the  Kaliresh  pass  to  Ushnu. 
Beyond,  the  course  is  conjectural. 

73  For  the  second  time,  the  king  did  something  before  the  face  of  Adad  and 
Ashur,  but  the  crucial  word  is  doubtful.    Norris,  Assyr.  Diet.,  106,  quoted 
Amiaud-Scheil,  Salmanasar,  70,  would  read  bu-u-[na]  and  Rasmussen  makes 
out  the  first  half  of  the  na.    With  this  reading,  we  would  naturally  translate 
with  Amiaud-Scheil,  'fixer  la  face  en  presence  d'Assur  et  Adad/  cf .  for  bunu 
Muss-Arnolt,  Diet.,  ad  loc.,  and  compare,  with  Tiele,  Gesch.,  204,  the  similar 
celebrations  in  Egypt  in  honor  of  the  completion  of  the  thirtieth  year  of  the 
reign.    The  present  view  seems  to  read  pu-u-[ri]  which  would  mean  holding 
the  office  of  eponym  a  second  time,  cf.  Peiser,  KB  4.  106  n.;  Muss-Arnolt,  s.  v., 
for  possible  connection  with  the  Purim  feast.    Pleasant  as  it  would  be  to  have 
an  Assyrian  prototype  of  that  much-discussed  feast,  it  is  certain  that  Shal- 
maneser was  not  eponym  until  828,  after  our  inscription  had  been  completed, 
and  thus  the  puru  interpretation  is  thrown  completely  out  of  court. 

74  Obi.  174  ff. — The  route  taken  was  up  the  Zab  to  about  Merwanen  where 
he  touched  a  corner  of  Hubushkia,  and  then  east  to  Musasir,  the  region  of 
the  Nihail  chain,  as  the  Sargon  Tablet  shows.    The  raid  across  the  Haldian 
border  must  have  taken  place  about  Bash  Qala  or  Khoshab.    Saparia  is  Zibar 
on  the  Upper  Zab,  and  may  be  connected  with  the  older  name  Subartu.    He 
then  went  down  into  Gilzan  to  the  east,  about  Dilman.    The  states  mentioned 
after  Gilzan  are  Mannai,  Burisai,  Harranai,  Shashganai,  Andiai,  a  people  whose 
name  began  with  a  vertical  stroke  and  ended  with  ....  rai,  and  he  then 
still  further  descended  to  a  state  whose  name  begins  with  two  and  then  one 


380  A.  T.  Olmstead 

With  this  campaign  of  828,  the  narrative  of  the  Obelisk  comes  to 
an  abrupt  end.  The  scribe  claims  the  usual  great  success,  but  his 
best  skill  cannot  conceal  its  virtual  failure.  There  is  not  even  the 
briefest  mention  of  the  numerous  structures  erected  during  the 
reign,  though  we  may  be  sure  that  it  was  the  original  plan  to 
inscribe  their  recital  on  the  well-carved  stone.  When  we  turn  to 
the  Assyrian  Chronicle,  we  find  under  this  same  year  828,  not  an 
expedition  against  foreign  enemies,  but  the  single  ominous  word 
'revolt/  and  the  word  is  repeated  for  five  years  more.  For  a  quar- 
ter of  a  century,  Dan-Ashur  had  been  the  actual  ruler  of  the 
empire,  and  so  notorious  was  his  usurpation  of  the  supreme  power 
that  it  was  he  and  notjiis  nominal  master  to  whom  was  ascribed 
the  glory  of  successful  campaigning  in  the  magnificent  series  of 
reliefs  which  were  to  commemorate  the  reign.  In  contrast  to  the 
sharp  individuality  with  which  Dan-Ashur  stands  out,  Shalmaneser 
is  a  colorless  figure.  His  relations  with  his  turtanu,  who  held  office 
for  a  quarter  of  a  century,  a  term  almost  without  parallel  in  the 
east,  do  not  speak  for  his  strength  of  character.  We  know  how  he 
left  the  command  of  armies  in  his  later  years  to  Dan-Ashur, 
although  his  turtanu  must  have  been  at  least  as  old  as  himself; 
in  his  earlier  years,  he  claims  to  have  exercised  the  leadership  in 
person,  but  the  more  truthful  pictorial  records  make  it  certain 
that  in  some  cases  he  was  not  present,  and  of  others  we  may  make 
the  same  conjecture.  When  he  does  appear  in  the  field,  he  rarely 
descends  from  the  chariot  to  engage  actively  in  the  fighting.  In 
the  chariots,  both  he  and  the  crown  prince  require  a  third  man  to 
hold  the  shield  and  by  an  arm  thrown  about  the  waist  to  prevent 
them  from  falling  to  the  ground.  The  one  occasion  when  Shalman- 
eser appears  on  horseback,  it  is  with  the  awkwardness  of  a  man 
not  accustomed  to  ride  and  unable  to  keep  a  firm  seat.  In  his 

horizontal  stroke,  and  took  their  cities  of  Pirria  and  Shitiuaria,  evidently  along 
the  west  shore  of  Lake  Urumia.  The  Parsua  cities  are  Bushtu,  Shalahamanu 
and  Kinihamanu.  Bushtu  is  a  common  name,  and  may  be  identical  with 
others.  Burisai  may  be  found  in  the  Burasi-Berozi  on  the  upper  Dilman 
stream  with  Billerbeck,  Suleimania,  156.  Harrania  is  the  Harrana  of  Knudt- 
zon,  Gebete,  35,  an  oracle  which  asks  whether  the  Ishkuzai  who  are  in  the 
Mannai  region  will  leave  the  pass  of  the  city  of  Hubushkia  and  go  to  Harrania 
and  Anisus.  Andiu  is  said  by  Adad  nirari  to  be  far  distant,  Kalhu  ins.,  9; 
and  Sargon,  Ann.  81,  confirms  its  close  connection  with  Hubushkia  and  the 
Mannai.  Sayce,  RP2  4.  51,  n.  3,  identifies  Shitiuaria  with  the  Haldian  Shati- 
raraush.  The  conclusion  is  topographically  impossible;  the  pass  of  Simesi  is 
too  far  north,  Halman-Holwan  equally  too  far  south.  The  topography  of  the 
preceding  marches  forces  us  to  believe  that  the  Hashmar  pass  is  meant. 


Shalmaneser  III  and  Establishment  of  Assyrian  Power    381 

* 

foreign  policy,  he  imitated  his  father,  even  to  the  copying  of  his 
father's  set  phrases  in  his  own  formal  inscriptions.  He  was  most  at 
home  in  the  audience  chamber,  where  he  could  hold  the  arrows 
gracefully  in  one  hand,  the  bow  in  the  other,  resting  on  the  ground, 
the  ornamental  sword  remaining  at  his  side,  displaying  the  tiara 
and  fillet,  the  long  hair  ribbons,  the  fringed  robe  and  shawl  that 
came  to  his  sandalled  feet.75  Significant,  too,  is  the  fact  that  the 
highest  court  officers,  many  of  the  commanders  in  the  field,  the 
prefect  of  the  camp,  all  the  men  most  closely  connected  with  his 
person,  were  eunuchs,  and  we  may  without  too  much  danger 
of  error  conjecture  that  Dan- Ashur  himself  belonged  to  the  same 
unfortunate  and  detested  class. 

Shalmaneser  had  been  accompanied  on  his  expeditions  by  his 
son,  the  crown  prince,  as  early  as  858,  and  thenceforth  the  reliefs 
represent  him  with  considerable  frequency.  If  we  are  to  identify 
him  with  Ashur-dan-apal,  he  must  have  been  by  this  time  no  less 
than  forty-five  years  old.  A  prince  of  such  mature  age  could 
hardly  suffer  in  silence  a  usurpation  of  power  so  great  that  the 
turtanu's  name  was  glorified  in  the  official  records  destined  to  go 
down  to  posterity,  while  his  own  exploits,  though  represented 
anonymously  in  the  earlier  sculptures,  were  in  later  times  entirely 
missing.  The  unanimity  with  which  all  Assyria  arose  is  in  itself 
proof  of  the  general  feeling  that  his  cause  was  just.  At  the  head 
of  the  revolt  stood  Nineveh  which  might  find  some  excuse  in  the 
neglect  of  the  king.  Ashur  had  been  the  special  protege*  of  Shal- 
maneser. Practically  every  building  of  importance,  the  double 
wall,  the  Anu-Adad  temple,  the  Ishtar  and  Ashur  temples,  all 
had  been  restored  in  the  most  generous  fashion.76  Yet  Ashur, 
too,  went  over  to  the  enemy.  Imgur-Bel  had  been  adorned  with 
the  magnificent  palace-gates  to  whose  bronze  decorations  we  owe 
the  proof  of  the  age  of  Ashur-dan-apal,  but  the  gift  could  not 
restrain  it  from  revolt.  Shibaniba  and  Dur-Balat  in  the  first 
range  of  mountains  to  the  northeast,  Zaban  with  its  command 
of  the  debatable  land,  Arrapha  with  its  control  of  the  mountains, 
the  sacred  city  of  Arbela,  all  of  Upper  and  Lower  Assyria  acknowl- 
edged the  new  claimant  to  the  crown.  The  majority  of  the  newly- 
acquired  provinces  and  dependencies  seized  the  opportunity  to 
free  themselves.  The  Aramaeans  in  particular,  Shima,  Tidu, 
Nabalu,  Kapa,  Huzirina,  Amedi,  Til-Abni,  Hindanu,  Kurban, 

75  TSBA  6.  pi.  8. 

76  Andra,  MDOG  54.  21. 


382  A.  T.  Olmstead 

all  the  states  whose  names  have  become  familiar  from  the  reports 
of  the  last  two  reigns,77  swelled  the  armies  of  the  pretender.  A 
definite  understanding  between  these  Aramaeans  and  the  revolting 
Assyrians  existed,  as  is  shown  by  the  letter  'concerning  the  rebel' 
which  was  written  in  Aramaic  by  Kabti,  the  scribe  of  Ashur-dan- 
apal.78  Only  Kalhu  remained  true  to  the  old  king  and  his  eunuchs. 
To  meet  the  reproach  that  the  turtanu  and  not  Shalmaneser 
was  the  actual  ruler,  the  king  had  taken  upon  himself  the  eponym 
office  in  the  very  year  the  revolt  broke  out,  but  the  expected  result 
had  not  followed  and  the  insurrection  continued  unabated.  In 
its  midst,  Shalmaneser  passed  away,  and  left  the  insurrection  as 
a  heritage  to  his  son  Shamshi-Adad  (825-812).  Two  more  years 
the  rebels  held  out  and  then  the  revolt  collapsed.  Why,  with 
everything  in  its  favor  in  the  beginning,  it  ultimately  failed,  is 
one  of  the  mysteries  we  so  often  meet  in  tracing  the  history  of 
reform  movements.  Like  so  many  attempted  reforms,  the  most 
obvious  result  was  the  damage  accomplished.  Coming  at  a  time 
when  the  man-power  was  already  weakening,  it  marked  the  defi- 
nite passage  into  decline,  a  decline;  which  ended  only  with  the  fall 
of  the  dynasty.79. 

77  Shamshi  Adad,  Ann.  1.  45  ff. — Shibaniba  was  the  province  of  the  eponym 
for  787,  Johns,  Deeds,  no.  653,  and  cf .  Olmstead,  JAOS  34.  364.    It  occurs  in 
Sennacherib,  Bavian  ins.,  9,  which  locates  it  close  to  that  place.    Dur-Balat 
is  the  near-by  Kurdish  hamlet  of  Balata  where  we  spent  a  smoky  evening 
protected  from  a  blizzard.    Adi  is  not  far  away,  no  less  than  the  Shekh  Adi 
which  is  the  center  of  the  Yezidis  or  'Devil  Worshippers.'   Amat  is  Amada 
east  of  Akra.    Kapa  is  Hassan  Kef.     Parnunna  is  the  seat  of  an  eponym  in 
755  and  probably  in  785,  Olmstead,  1.  c.    For  Kurban,  cf.  Olmstead,  Sargon, 
152.  Others  are  Ishshibri,  Bit  Imdira,  Shibtinish,  Kibshuna,  Urakka,  Dariga. 

78  Copy  of  ancient  letter  sent  to  Sargon,  H,  872;  Johns,  Jour.  Theol.  Stud., 
6.  631.  Hommel,  PSBA  18.  182,  identifies  Ashur-dan-apal  with  Sardanapallus, 
and  Belyses  with  Marduk-balatsu-iqbi.    He  might  have  added  the  date  given 
by  Eusebius  to  Sardanapallus,  835,  yet  Sardanapallus  must  be  Ashur-nasir-apal. 

79  For  the  provisional  government,  cf.  Olmstead,  Amer.  Political  Science 
Rev.,  12.  69  ff.;   add  now  the  scanty  information  in  Andrae,  Stelenreihen,  to 
the  discussion  of  the  officials  of  the  reign,  Olmstead,  JAOS  34.  346  ff.    No 
attempt  to  discuss  the  buildings  or  indeed  the  general  culture  is  made  in 
this  article. 


AN  ANSWER  TO  THE  DHIMMIS* 

RICHARD  GOTTHEIL 
COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY 

IN  THE  MEMORIAL  VOLUME  published  in  memory  of  our  late 
colleague  President  William  W.  R.  Harper,  I  have  gone  a  little 
into  the  history  of  the  relation  to  each  other  of  the  three  great 
religious  systems  which  have  existed  in  nearly  all  Islamic  countries, 
except  Arabia,  since  the  foundation  of  the  Moslem  Church.  In 
the  East  that  relation  still  plays  a  part — often  a  dominant  one — 
in  commercial  life.  No  attempt  even  is  made,  as  we  do  in  the 
West,  to  'camouflage'  the  situation.  The  text  and  translation 
that  I  publish  in  the  following  pages  are  a  further  contribution  to 
the  subject. 

The  little  Ms.  from  which  it  is  taken  bears  the  title:  'An 
answer  to  the  Dhimmis  and  to  those  that  follow  them.'  Its 
author,  GhazI  ibn  al-Wasiti  (i.  e.  from  Wasit  on  the  Tigris)  does 
not  try  nor  does  he  pretend  to  give  a  presentation  of  his  subject 
from  a  technically  legal  or  theological  point  of  view,  as  many  have 
done  who  have  written  upon  the  subject.  He  tries,  rather,  to 
give  a  history  of  that  relation  from  the  time  of  the  Prophet  down 
to  his  own  day  in  a  series  of  stories;  citing  the  chief  incidents — 
as  he  considers  them — that  have  occurred  to  point  the  moral  to 
be  drawn  from  that  relation.  Of  course  he  is  one-sided;  so 
would  be  a  Christian  or  a  Jewish  author  writing  in  his  day.  It  is 
an  ex-parte  statement,  designed  to  prove  the  excellence  of  his  own 
people  and  his  own  faith,  and  to  expose  the  obliquity  of  'the 
others.'  We  need  not  be  too  hard  in  our  judgment  of  GhazI. 
He  feels  strongly  for  his  own  side;  and,  as  he  is  evidently  a  man 

*  The  Editors  and  the  Author  of  this  article  desire  to  express  their  acknowl- 
edgement of  the  courtesy  of  the  Mergenthaler  Linotype  Company  of  New 
York  in  furnishing  gratuitously  the  composition  of  the  Arabic  text  by  the  lino- 
type process.  They  believe  it  is  the  first  time  that  a  scholarly  text  in  Arabic 
has  been  published  by  that  process.  The  editor  of  the  text  would  very  much 
have  desired  to  vocalize  it  in  certain  cases  and  to  employ  the  hemza  and 
teshdid.  He  had  especially  desired  to  vocalize  the  passages  in  verse,  but  the 
linotype  process  is  not  yet  adapted  to  expressing  the  vowel  signs.  The 
insertion  of  the  folio  pagination  in  the  Arabic  text  was  made  after  the  type 
lines  were  cast,  and  accordingly  the  foliation  is  approximate,  within  half  a  line. 


384  Richard  Gottheil 

of  some  temper,  he  does  not  mince  matters,  nor  does  he  take  the 
edge  off  his  wbrds.  But,  we  must  remember  that  pungent  ex- 
pressions are  permitted  in  the  politest  near-Eastern  society  which, 
with  us,  would  never  for  a  moment  be  permitted  above  or  beyond 
the  smoking-room.  And  if  we  do  remember  this,  we  shall  not 
be  shocked  beyond  measure  to  find  the  adjective  'cursed'  pre- 
fixed to  every  mention  of  Jew  or  Christian ! 

The  anecdotes  are  interesting  just  because  they  are  trivial. 
They  open  the  lattice  a  little,  and  permit  a  peep  here  and  there 
into  the  private  life  of  the  people  which  too  often  is  guarded 
from  our  sight  by  official  and  pompous  historians.  The  soreness 
of  the  relations  between  the  Copts  and  the  Moslems  in  Egypt 
comes  clearly  into  view — even  the  peculiarity  in  this  relation; 
for  the  author — to  his  credit  be  it  said — is  quite  conscious  of  the 
necessity,  of  the  non-Moslem  population  to  the  country,  if  the 
more  important,  and  especially  the  Secretarial,  positions  were  to 
be  filled.  As  is  natural,  he  is  particularly  violent  against  such  as 
openly  profess  Islam,  while  still  at  heart  remaining  Christians. 
One  can  understand  such  feeling;  and  it  is  evident  that  he  has 
in  mind  some  particular  persons  belonging  to  this  class  whose 
shadows  had  fallen  across  his  own  path,  though  he  does  not  men- 
tion them  by  name. 

About  the  author  I  can  find  nothing  in  the  various  books  of 
reference;  the  one  or  two  facts  that  can  be  put  down  are  those 
that  follow  of  necessity  out  of  his  little  compilation.  The  latest 
datable  reference  that  he  makes  is  in  the  year  1292,  during  the 
reign  of  the  Mameluke  Sultan  Kala'un  in  Egypt.  Though  living 
in  that  country,  GhazI  was  for  a  time  in  the  service — so  he  him- 
self relates — of  al-Malik  al-Ashraf  Muthaffar  al-Dm  Musa  of 
Emesa  (1245-1262),  the  son  of  al-Mansur  Ibrahim,  the  last  of 
the  Ayyubites  there  of  the  line  of  Shirkuh,  the  father  of  Saladin. 
The  coming  of  the  Mogul  Khan  Hulagu  in  1262  evidently  ended 
his  services  in  northern  Syria.  The  treatise,  then,  must  have 
been  written  in  Egypt  towards  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  or  the 
beginning  of  the  fourteenth  century.  We  should  expect  it  at 
such  a  time;  for,  then,  hot-headed  Ulemas  were  apt  to  make  life 
a  burden  for  both  Copts  and  Jews  in  the  land  of  the  Pharaohs. 

The  small  Ms. — the  property  of  the  Library  of  Columbia  Uni- 
versity— is,  so  far  as  I  can  tell,  unique.  It  evidently  was  not  so 
at  one  time;  for  the  first  leaf,  giving  the  title  and  seven  lines  of 
the  first  section,  were  added  at  some  later  time  and  from  some 


An  Answer  to  the  Dhimmis  385 

other  copy;  paper  and  script  are  glaring  evidence  of  this.  How 
late,  I  do  not  know.  Upon  the  inside  of  this  first  leaf  there  is 
the  Turkish  sign-manual  and  the  name  al-Haj  Hasan  Muhammad 
Efendi ...  in  the  year  1171  [A.  H.] — evidently  the  name  and  date 
of  a  late  owner. 

The  Ms.  itself  is  written  with  a  great  deal  of  care.  It  is  fully — 
one  might  say,  over-punctuated;  and  the  section-headings  are 
done  in  large  gilded  script.  This  goes  so  far  that  the  letter  ra  is 
most  often  distinguished  from  the  zai  by  a  half-circle  super- 
imposed; as,  in  like  manner,  the  sin  is  distinguished  from  the 
shin.  The  ha  is  made  evident  by  a  superimposed. final  ha  and  the 
sad  by  a  sub-imposed  final  sad.  Even  the  vowel  letters,  when 
indicating  a  long  vowel  preceding,  are  provided  with  jezm.  For 
this  superabundance  the  scribe,  and  not  the  author,  is  to  be 
blamed — which  does  not,  however,  prevent  him  from  making  the 
mistakes  natural  to  a  scribe;  e.  g.  he  writes — with  consistency  it 
must  be  said — iblkhdn  for  ilkhdn,  probably  because  in  one  passage 
the  original  copy  missed  a  dot  under  the  yd.  And,  it  must  be 
added,  the  multitude  of  signs  makes  the  reading  more  than 
usually  difficult. 

I  have  translated  quite  literally;  and  only  with  the  idea  of 
giving  sense,  not  with  the  thought  of  literary  polish.  I  have 
added  the  fewest  possible  notes — only  when  they  appeared  to  be 
absolutely  necessary.  In  some  difficult  situations,  I  have  profited 
from  the  good  advice  and  the  knowledge  of  my  colleagues,  Dr. 
Philip  Hitti  and  Prof.  William  Popper. 


25    JAOS  41 


386  Richard  Gottheil 

uJ        -ill     p-  »  iJJl 


0  J*  4l) 


JiU3  Oioj^lJI  oj^JI  Aj 
^0)J  JA!  o^aJj  CJI 


2a 


2h 


dDUJI 


\S 

j^^lJJI  ^.1^   ^ 
dL^-VJUJIj>  JjllJ 


l  4JL*^2J   U  ioJLUli  ^Ji^    i«ji«  ULA>  tS    C 

U^  4l!l 
LUJI 


UII 


Sb 


An  Answer  to  the  Dhimmis  387 


"    VI  ljL.1  £U»  Vjt  J^j  ^  4l!l  JB 

jj  £,j,  ^  *Ujl 
^T  VI  lyL.J  ^JJI 


<d)l       L. 


Jj i  Ji5j*  j^i^ii  *-Vfrybj  <^2A)\j  jj>.j  ^  ADI  p^j,  diioii 

sj  1    •    I    ,      III   1    11       I 
*   Ift-^ol  /jJJUl  ylu  .V^-J 


j&   U>  jJo  JJ          Ut    ll 


13  ._ 


-Alt  ^y  ^Lj  A__J^  Alii  J^  Alii  J^j  JG^dUo     jUlj 

•d^  o^01  L^  ^  r^t  ^^  A  Jl3'VJls 
J15  U  A)  Jffi         4JJ1 

-All 


!3»^iu   Jlii 
V  A^.  A!)  I    J?J     lj>.  /y  JU>.|  ;»LoVJ  JU  dJUJiU 

l_5      •*    LJ .          L>.  ^^ 


^'  cy'J  <^^b  *fr*-  jjl  Jl»  <iDa 

WV4)> 


388  Richard  Gottheil 


4a 


Ail  Ua>-l 


41  U 

^  _  s      ADI  ^jb  ^jS  u 

4lll  JB  U^j  -iiiJI  o^i  JJI  -Ul  J^ 
-Jl^  *d)l  jjp  ^»  I  Ijl  ^  Ujj 
ii  U  4  U^^  *  VI  Jl  V  Wj  V1 

4b 

4U1 


Jb-lj  -J^l  ^  (JA£\    Uj  Jb-l    U  <JI    *3^ 


IS1 
\»\ 


1*41)1^. 

AJJi  *JSI  SI  *AJ>  Vj  JJI  ^J  ^-  SI  ^A^l;  V  «CP  ^1)1 

»4l)l    ^AJUol    SI 


An  Answer  to  the  Dhimmis  389 


JU 

V*N  ^  ^  J^  J^J  *t"  f  ^  '^^ 
JUVI 


j\3  JUj    U    »4JLc-  Al 

r  V  *^'^     jl^Vl  c^/  j  ^  VI  -l>)l  ^1      V 


5h 


Jf  Jii  jjj  OU  03  ^y  l^aJI  jli 

JUVI 


UJ15  JJI 


U       l^j  dli  ^     <^  \»    *  11^    4, 


II      ll         \    IISi  AjJb  ^.o  ^IDI 


a>- 

U  JIS  <c*  4lil      j  SJL-P     1     \  c^^  *^*    VI 
pji"  ^ 


dU>.  UJlS^bl  c^a 

fia 


£*£•   Ull  ^OJlJI  ,J-£J   UAJ^  A^-LLc-j  *^J' 

i 


390  Richard  Gottheil 


dlii 
y_  JJ  ^a-J 


V 


i^/ol 

4 — Oj  aJU£j  Alii  J^  dDJa   »     ^LJ 

u  dJtu^ 

dLlc-     *.t"^l    Jl  (Jl*3  «Uc-  A!)!    J?j   .^e-   Jj  S  il 

^1    I   ^  4J  J\5  c^LlxJI  ^o   C.^3  UU    »iJLj   dll  Jli3  ^j^ 
fib 

12 


djyui    sujij  o^-^1  c^  ^»j»"  o- 


,  Ul  o»l  ,' 

••    \        tl        1  **l  •     *  .*« 

^ji  c^yoi  J3i  ^y  (*-*^  6r*t 

7a 

JJ  <U^J     UJ 


An  Answer  to  the  Dhimmis  391 

JU  c^  Ju  ^  J     \\  dl!i  J  ,^  U3 

***         ^          •   *  %^  ^*«     •» 


4i!l  ^j  ^J          JU  • 

JI  JL*]   c.jLj^    IJLA    *<_ 

UL  LU          U       1    IUI 


4JJI  JL*]   c.jLj        IJLA    *<_J^J     Lo   p 


x*j 


7h 


o'l     Ui 


U)  i«i  >l3 

Ji3    ^Jb  UJIj 


«IH; 

8a 

JUc. ,  ji  «UP  A!IL  j 


J.-JI.WJ 

k-J  ut  ,J  <5^j  Nj  •  »  M  i»  V*  ^:.L.ll  ^  b  ^  ^  J_y 


lil 


f        -/          -^        ~  .^  ^.p  ~>.~7^'^  ^ 

iW  V-.rt 


p — £Ji£  l^i  ^  jls  •  JL«J  UI  J 
l  UI  ly-l  aJJI  y  ^ 


392  Richard  Gottheil 

Jli  ^JJI  VU  Oi^-i-V 


cSh 


4l)l  oJ 

451 


JJJI 


Vr  ^  L 

VI  wJI         UJI    11      njJI       ioJJI       a>.l 


A!)  I 

^     *-X*0     Lol     * 

A-JI     ^li  *         J^^  L.     L    iJJI  c 

jU-  v^^  ^^r^4 

^  jU  I  dJlj  <J 
Ub         Iju^  oo  4ill 


J*«iUl 
UUJIj  4l)l  J^-j  ^  dlJ^  UUI  ,>JI  ly 

9a 

^!>xJI  dlli  J 
LAM  bl 


<>•  f   u 

^  lyU^li  diJl  >l  ^W  ^  Jl  lraJ  lil  ^  LJ 
jjl  ^ji  iLJIj  it^Jl,  ^  ^l^j,  ^Ul 

J  lu  •*!)!  la  1^5  iX«  OJ  D    Jl>_j  •  dyjj  4l!l  i_-,^-i  LJ  jjjj  Vj 


An  Answer  to  the  Dhimmis  393 


lOa 


Ul      J         kP       11       li*»      J  JJ  U- 


o     ul     4  _  !yj  c> 
Lji  <J  V 


»<ij  iJI 

U^aP    O     C^J 

J  1  —  *^x>-  l^U  ^* 

AJJIj  Jl5j  U^i  JalJ^li 


*ljj     jljil  JJI 

^*  J^  «-r 

^T  f  I>L.I  ^oli  l^t  JU; 


^  Ug9  c-^wllj 
l  ^U  li^iJI  iVl 


&Jlj 


394  Richard  Gottheil 

L»  ' 


Ji  J  (>Juji  jb-u, 


i"  U  j^  O^oLJI  J  Ujol  JB  JJI  JL* 


10h 

D       jJ 


J^-l   U  fr- 
>j&  ^  VI   ^  —  ^  J^  Jj 


JLP  OL 

Jyu 


*dUl  J\ 


Uo   OA|_))|   dl!S 

U      \3 


i  U 


Uil 


An  Answer  to  the  Dhimmis  395 


4  —  ^uJj 


4111 


12a 


\JjJI  ^ 

LJI  J^?j  lil  ^^ 


LbJ  l^JLu  V  jlj  il^JI  p^  ?j>-3  c^jWJIj  ^^fJl  <> 


\  —  J 

U  4jL4j  DJ^|  ^y  c^j^j  *JJI  <*>-j  y»\k!l  dlljl 

^Jb^«  oj\j^\  jjM    J  *C£.  jlLLJI   li 

OJI  i^JI  J  iSU  jUJI  Wr  f  lil  J  >  cilJ 


4  -  ^M-JjOl  4^"    (J*       A^O-JI      ^  ^>-    A^o 


JiiJI  U  Vj  >  b  II  ^jUJI  0-  Jb.1 

LJ       V>      i  u 


Jb-y  D^Jo  jliVl  (j>yj  jiLJl 


396  Richard  Gottheil 

-jUl    rtii    LL         2>-\3 


12h 


jl  J\ 


(J 

<-Jl    iJiA  4—  LJ 


IBa 

L  U 


u  ^U  JJI  J^j  ^jb-  *UP  AJJl  ^j  Axijl  j 

U  AJJlj  <£2jt^   ^loljl  J\3*4L£  4J  ^W*lj 

j  JG  •  dl±5  Nl^  c£il  ^  ^yv.  ci^  U  jpjZ 
jTC  Ju  c-^  ^^Jl  JU  (J*^  (3**^^  (^  J^* 

Ale-  AJJI   ^j   ^JlUI   jS'^^Lj   4^j^l?  dLlj  JU  JL^aJ 


^  jlS    451       S 

4  —  R*5j   <^l«j    oJJL 

ill  dJUl     L."<Ai  Ui-4_i;  ^  i-UJ  ^ 

^T  ,>.  iii  jl  ^  ^\i  Jtf*  J-  dUJI  J  JU» 

i^ij  •  >. 


An  Answer  to  the  Dhimmis  397 


dliJJ 


to 


jl  JiUI  dAii  ^kJ 


ill  _  ,  ^1  AlJI  dU^  J  JB  ^LJI  j^j  lilj  --UJI 


_  Lo  A 

^  _  ^^  ^^3  W-^ 


>J    ^jput 

ld*p-  jju;  J  Uj*  ^^  <y  ^ 


14h 


0-  o    j 


o    lj  JC>JI      o>-V  frlLil  V  j 

JLL^  <Gj 


398  Richard  Gottheil 


,J  \LiI\j 


eJL/?l 

\j  7- 

ioj 


;uio 
JUI  ol' 

15a 

>*»., 


aL  eUjJ^j  LB^^J.j  ojjy  ajl  «j>^A3  l* 

i  _  ^  «-Jt  jJI  J-^^  Ud 
\j|        " 


j  -J  j      jl  4jUli»i 
Ui^UJI  :>C^j  AJ^I  o^Uli      IJI  cfAi  ib 


15b 


j£  JJI    ^jJJ 
JUI 


JcJI 


jUJ  o^l  Ujli  s^UIl     l^-j      U  b  4JU 

^LP  aim    ui  ju  A! 


An  Answer  to  the  Dhimmis  399 

.J  rr.  .,.,.  Jl  Jl£  (j-J^ 


IDI  jU>-l   ^o  4)  Uj  oJb 

fl  dUi  ^-3-  Jlj  jl  ^15  jl  £ 

dib 


AJL»»  AJL>»  Q.g,t5  j  C^tfl^aJ  J  iojll*  ^J^*  oJjJ 

dlli  jWL  JiUI       //S 

v_^j 


Jb  «Jij  I^A-J  Ub  JiJUJI 
JaiUJl  J^"l  jl  Jl  l/i*j  41.  (5jUJI  oUj 

dl!i  (^1^   4^lLo   4_jtf  j*.  JAP-J  Uc-  JaJjIj 


ft    iJb*          i"    I^HJj, 

Jjb  4JI  J^Jj  O  ^Jt  ^j  iJUl 
3     1     l  '-i* 


400 


Richard  Gottheil 


<)l  J-JI  £> 


u  it  v,  .in  U^-i  *\fr\» 


17a 


dU 


4  —  :*) 


JL^JI 


::JI  Ji>UI 


17h 


l  dUi 


JUJI 


cOli  /j|  jU^I  dlJi  ^  ^  Ul 

-Jl  o 


Uj 


b-lj  <jU- 

Ui 


JCLc-  ^5   JJ^  <1  J/U 
JL>UJI         \3  4l!  I 


An  Answer  to  the  Dhimmis  401 


18h 


l       MJ  V>L)I 


**m  o\  ^Jb  £*>  frl_yi)l  **  £»JJI  £»j  ^uDI  Jjlj 

18a 
rcJLil    fr^li'^-^o   jU-Jb    *LJI          t  U  4ji   4jJb 

<>•  <—  ^  fy&   W?  jte^J 

•  VUI  Li*  ^  J^jb  Uj 

Jiil  p? 


1  —  «3    ^J  4_Jl  ^!j  JJ  —  II    1  —  i£ 

1  JL. 


19a 
26    JAOS  41 


J—  rib  v^-5  V 

j   J*>eJ  VI    /«  —  aJ  jl  J^  ^»  oj  —  lail   /«  —  S^IJ 


402  Richard  Gottheil 


JL>UI   ^Ij  O^i   j^  ^jl   JlS^i^aJI  jluJI 


19b 


Jl  cUUI  J13I  U^j  Jij  c£jU)l 
L^ll  J^J  JU  Alii 
IJJLP!  61  Jl  l^lb  ^  pLI  w  lylolj  ^1/V1  A.V 

j 


20a 


J  J>   ^Jl   jyL   Vj       I^A\U   JUI   ^   OljWI    pr 

i  J5" 


< 


An  Answer  to  the  Dhimmis  403 


JU>JI 


ciUl 


20b 


JjJI       4JJI 


J^  ^  JL^.  >JI 

** 


dJUi  ^  lai/.  V^1  v1 

c- 


-ji  dlJL. 
I 


^lUlj  JU 

iUJI    ^  iSljJlji    *Ja)l    <J\ 

dlii 


21  a 


l^i   AJU  ^^-J  ^ 

>U  VI  J  A-.J;   AJ          Lio  U  A>w 


404  Richard  Gottheil 

-  *u* 


1  jlj  oit^l  JU  i5^j  2  UJI 
4Aj\9  ^yL-j  oillnl  jl^  oU- 

<] 


jl   jljJl  OyJ   oUJJ 


JO!  dU  Ul  jW  o-  J^>)l  6 


U  J^l  v^JJi;  l^iUI  ^j>  Ui 
A)  Jl5j 


-£•  IS  jLxJ^JI  <]  Jlii 

^J&  dA — d>-  t-^- J  9  cUi*5  J  O  ^^    U  U  ciWj    U*  ;j  ^Ju    U 
21  h 

»  ciJUU. 


r 


j    j  4^       j  o       ^  —  ^p^* 

22a 

3    4-Jb"    j.1    C-Jlj    J-i    IJL—AJ      la*    ^    I^a3   ^y^*  —  iJI 
ai  JLjl  \  4J  Jlij 

)    U 


^^J  C>Ulj 


An  Answer  to  the  Dhimmis  405 


JUI 


u/i  61  Jo  V 

4  _  lj  I)  jl  iol^  <!jjJI  <^t^  ^  «-^" 

23a 

Jl  —  Jl   C^J 


dl!i     LJi 


22b 


JU 
l  ^5jc        IJI  ^ 


w  -w    ^ 

A  I     ~t  I       •?        "•  I     H       .        .<••-  Vfl        I    .t          A  4     «MI  •       I 

>o^ 

:       \-e 


406  Richard  Gottheil 


23b 

/•.L^-j   1 — y    ^l>jJ. 


24a 

U  £•  a^a)  §*M\J     U 


j>JI  * 


ci»aJI  dlJ  ^  jU 
*  ^  _  ^ 


£      til 

J 


JU  TC>J|J  Jo) 
^*  J  U 


24h 


An  Answer  to  the  Dhimmis  407 

1-*  * 


Jl  «Ju>Jj  AJ 


. jl»        .        ^,  ^-^Ltt\  til    cflLa 

\  <«/~  ^^ 


^  ^\U  JLP  ^ 


^xl  dJLJl  o^  c>* 


^r  0" 


£     *J*  <J*  jU^iJl   OJ^>eJ 


408  Richard  Gottheil 

2f5b 

>L_Jb  u-^J  Cio-Jlj     L^aJI  v!yl 


26a 


26b 


JlSJI  .J 


dli 

Ij^  a>t^ 
r- 


<)j:> 
dl!i        jj 


jL^Jlj  <JJJI 
UJIdL;  c_il£j  J>.j  ^  4111  J 


dUi 


JLJI 


An  Answer  to  the  Dhimmis 


409 


-  4i)l  JL^  ^  Ji,  ol  3i 


V4' 


6^  L.  jl^l  J>!  cp 


d_JI  o 

27a 


27b 


o 


Jl5j 


il  ^iUi  j/  JJI  vl^l  <c 


JG  wll  oUJI  c 
]l  cJ 

ATJ>-I 


l    3J  5L 


410  Richard  Gottheil 


28a 


28b 


^Vl  dUl*  *^j  4]  I  J^i  s^LJI  jU 

dl]  (JJI  JJI  Li*  j 


-  —  li!U-  ^5ol  y  V^A  -Uc.  1  J..M  ..lj  j  dXojJL 

<)    ^o    ^   A]  Vl   ^OJ*  J-JI 


I  jldl  >"  ^oll  cJL-  >kJI  dUl  uUJI 


u 


ADI  ^  < 

^Jui 


W-  wi 

jj^lj^j  i 
c£jU)l 

<!jjJl  Ju-  o^*( 
US' 


An  Answer  to  the  Dhimmis 


411 


l  AliJI   L> 


jUJ 


US'  «J1     "jjj  J^J  Lj  ^ 


&• 


29a 


oy»liiJi 


^UiJI  dJUl  ulLLJ 

J  ^11  ixc.  JA!  -jf 


f 


3  Lo 


UJI 


OJ>T 


il    cfJiLJJ 


oyb  Ull  ^A  Ua 

<UI  dWL  6LUJJ 


oJ<£> 


-Jl 


'  -  r    V^^-^    Oj       «"^      ^  -  *•"- 


29h 


ll 


£4  4P-  j   jJ 


ill    »  Wl 


412  Richard  Gottheil 


SOb 


BOa 

4l)l  oJUT  j»AJ1  dJUl 


U  ( 

^       UJI  ^li 


/  JUI  ^>U1I  c^jU^^     jj  cJ^!l  cilii  ^3  ^J 

J 


j  -JJI  4^-j  jlDJI 
-c.  iU  dlli    ^ 


0! 


An  Answer  to  the  Dhimmis  413 

4_J 


JUJl 


<i3  r-t5  jfJ?  L 
«f 


OIK 

.HID 


3.S 
I  JyJI  j^aJI  ds)*^l  o-Jj  j^Jl  ^Jl  J^ouJI 


«>• 
dlii        ttJ 


t° 


^^  U 

411   ^o   ^jl^*J^>   oLiOA   4»! 

a-  ui^1  ^^  dJUl  oUJiJI  3  jUJI 


414  Richard  Gottheil 


UIj  JUiJl 
\  —  Tl      0  4  —  iu-iJI  «cLL-  »l  —  \ 


£tiWl  ^JJI  jlUfll  IJ^  £ 

Jy  ^  OUJI  ^  JB  lo  ^IDIj  ^^  JV>JI  ilJVl 


ijill  iJJI          iUJVl  oOA  Jj  IS' 


dlii  lyiTl  ^JJI 


JLA!   oLu 


f-  U^VI 

dJUl 


o    l  SL»-  o  ^i  UJ 

\UI  iijL.  ^  J  j^  *M  ^'OjjUj  VI  4 
l  jl^Jl  >  jii  V  jl  i^Ul  IVl  > 

£jjfLjl  <^^J1  V  V  cl^9  ^£ 

*J*  <J  ^^ 

oo  Vl  ,J^i  Vj  v^Jbo  Vj*JJbJj  US'       o^j    HJI  dJUU 


J|UH  dll 


An  Answer  to  the  Dhimmis  415 


Rfta 

^  —  ^       '^^"  ^1  —  *^  ^ 


fJ  lyVj  ouJI 
c£jUJIj  ^^Jl  l^ 
A!)|  J^j  ^  JUT  Alii  vlo  ^JLJI  JU  c^ 


oi  ^Julj  IJoJI 

*1  —  albJI   l~*  *  J^     '^J^  AJJI  JJI 


VJU^ 

t  II        •  *  I       ***        '•"!       I  I 

ijt-^alo  O  ^J  C^JJI^^r^J  Ar^'  (V  j^*^l 

^^  X— •***  *• 

J"';L*  L.JI  -i  -,uix,  >^Ji  -i»  .  ,^ui  iJ  - 

(__     J  .s  -     Jtr  .  .  ^ 


Z~*\   aiLo    ^J^JI^oVl   i».Ll^|    ^^li^V   ^io   JA! 


cJy  jy*ji 


zj$ 

JW-     j 


i  UJI 
-All 


416  Richard  Gottheil 


TRANSLATION 

In  the  name  of  the  merciful  and  gracious  God!  Praise  be  to 
God  for  having  given  us  the  religion  of  Islam !  Prayer  and  Praise 
to  the  best  of  all  Creatures!  Pray  God  for  him — that  he  grant 
him  peace,  as  well  as  his  family  and  his  noble  and  spotless  com- 
panions. Now,  this  small  treatise  demands  that  we  should  follow 
the  folk  of  tradition  and  gain  the  victory  for  the  people  of  the 
(real)  faith  and  the  truth,  and  that  we  should  answer  those  who 
differ  with  them  or  who  follow  their  own  inclination  without 
possessing  any  true  knowledge.  I  am  of  opinion — putting  my 
trust  in  God — that  (fol.  2a)  the  protected  people  who,  not  being 
subjected  to  fear,  have  been  allowed  to  live  freely  in  Egyptian 
and  Syrian  regions,  some  of  them  unbelievers  belonging  to  the 
Jewish  faith  and  others  to  sects  of  the  Christians,  are  worse  unbe- 
lievers and  more  stiff-necked  than  those  who  wield  the  sword  and 
who  have  kept  their  hold  over  Islam  by  oppression  and  tryanny. 

Now,  in  order  that  there  may  be  brought  to  light  by  means  of 
(extracts  from)  the  exalted  sciences  (of  Islam)  what  injuries 
Islam  can  inflict  upon  them  in  the  wish  to  cleanse  the  days  of  the 
exalted  Sultanate  of  their  filthiness,  just  as  it  has  blotted  out  their 
strong  and  well-defended  kingdoms,  their  lofty  and  towering 
fortifications,  and  has  turned  them  into  hiding  slinkers — there 
being  disclosed  in  the  accounts  dealing  with  the  reign  of  his  excel- 
lent majesty  a  degree  of  merit  which  did  not  belong  to  (any  other) 
Sultan  of  the  East  or  of  the  West,  so  that  in  doing  so  he  trod  the 
paths  of  the  Prophet  of  God,  of  the  Righteous  Caliphs  and  the 
noble  Sultans —  (in  order  to  do  this)  I  have  composed  this  Preface 
and  two  Sections.  The  Preface  will  contain  whatsoever  the  Holy 
Book  has  to  say  on  the  subject  and  whatsoever  has  been  handed 
down  in  tradition  from  the  Prophet.  The  first  section  will  in- 
clude that  which  has  come  to  us  from  the  Prince  of  the  Faithful, 
Umar  ibn  al-Khattab,  his  immediate  followers  (fol.  2b)  and 
those  of  the  Banu  Umayyah  who  followed  them,  as  well  as  the 
Banu  Abbas,  the  Egyptian  rulers  and  the  like.  The  second 
section  will  deal  with  events  that  have  happened  in  this  our  own 
time  and  the  truth  of  which  is  fortified  by  the  testimony  of  leading 
men.  That  which  I  have  written  I  have  divested  of  all  possible 
ambiguity.  I  have  made  it  certain  by  investigations  that  no  one 
will  be  able  to  counter,  oppose  or  throw  upon  a  side;  so  that  any 
one  who  reflects  upon  all  this  and  studies  the  matter  in  its  whole 


An  Answer  to  the  Dhimmis  417 

and  its  various  parts,  will  know  that  I  have  sought  nothing  more 
than  to  earn  the  good  will  of  my  Master  and  to  draw  nearer  to 
Allah  in  all  that  I  have  set  down  with  my  fingers.  I  ask  God's 
help;  for  all  must  rely  upon  His  favor  and  His  mercy. 

Preface;  that  which  is  found  in  the  Splendid  Book. 
God  said1:  'O  ye  who  believe,  do  not  take  Jews  and  Christians 
as  partners,  one  with  the  other — for  those  of  you  who  do  so 
practically  belong  to  them.'  Further2:  'O  ye  who  believe,  do 
not  take  as  partners  those  who  are  inimical  to  me.'  Further3: 
'Make  war  upon  those  who  do  not  believe  (fol.  3a)  in  Allah,  in 
the  Last  Day  and  who  do  not  hold  forbidden  that  which  Allah 
and  his  Messenger  have  so  held — as  well  as  those  to  whom  a 
revelation  has  been  given,  who  do  not  judge  justly — until  they 
pay  the  poll-tax  willingly,  being  few  in  number.'  The  Christians 
are  worse  than  are  the  Jews  in  the  matter  of  Polytheism,  just  as 
the  Jews  are  worse  than  are  the  Christians  in  the  matter  of  un- 
belief and  stiff-neckedness.  For  this  reason  Allah  has  branded 
the  one  with  his  anger  and  the  other  with  error.  Further4 :  '  Allah 
said,  O  ye  that  believe,  have  nought  to  do  with  such  as  make 
sport  and  fun  of  your  faith — to  whom  a  revelation  was  given 
prior  to  your  own.  Indeed,  the  rank  unbelievers  are  to  be  pre- 
ferred. Fear  Allah,  if  you  are  true  Believers.' 

Traditions  handed  down  from  the  Prophet. 
Muslim  in  his  Sahih  says,  on  the  authority  of  'Aishah :  Once  the 
Prophet  went  out — it  was  before  the  battle  of  Badr;  and  when  he 
was  in  Harrat-al-Wabrah, 5  a  man  came  up  to  him  of  whom  it  was 
said  that  he  was  daring  and  generous.  The  friends  of  the  Prophet 
were  glad  to  see  him.  This  man  said  to  the  Prophet  (fol.  3b.) : 
'I  have  come  in  order  to  be  one  of  your  followers  and  to  share 
your  fate.'  The  Prophet  answered:  'Dost  thou  believe  in  Allah 
and  in  his  Prophet?'  The  man  said  'No!'  To  which  the  Prophet 
replied:  'Go  whither  thou  earnest  from.  I  can  take  no  help 
from  an  idolater.'  So  he  went  his  way  until,  one  day,  he  met 
the  Prophet  under  a  tree,  and  the  same  conversation  took  place. 
Again,  he  went  his  way  until  he  met  the  Prophet  in  the  desert, 

1  Quran  5.  56. 
*ib.  60.1. 
3  ib.  9.  29. 
4ife.  5.62. 

6  Yakut  II.  253  gives  both  forms  'Wabrah'  and  'Wabarah'.     He  also 
mentions  Muslim  as  his  source. 

27    JAOS  41 


418  Richard  Gottheil 

when  the  latter  said  to  him:  'Dost  thou  believe  in  Allah  and  in 
his  Prophet?'  To  which  the  man  answered  'Yes.'  'Then,  follow 
me/  said  the  Prophet. 

For  this  reason  the  Imam  Ahmad  ibn  Hanbal  said:  'No  help 
must  be  accepted  from  either  Jews  or  Christians  in  any  of  the 
official  acts  of  the  Muslims,  e.  g.  the  poll-tax.'  In  like  manner 
*Abu  Hanlfah,  al  Shafi'i  and  other  legal  authorities  hold  that  it  is 
not  lawful  to  appoint  one  of  them  to  a  position  of  influence  in  any 
province  or  to  any  station  of  trust;  for  unbelief  is  inconsistent 
with  authority  and  with  trust.  The  injunction  of  Allah:  'Do 
not  ask  help  of  an  idolater'  includes  asking  them  for  help  in 
defence,  employing  them  as  governors,  as  clerks,  and  the  like 
(fol.  4a).  The  general  term  used  must  be  applied  in  all  cases 
and  can  not  be  confined  to  a  special  case.  In  saying  this  he 
strengthens  his  position  by  two  considerations.  The  one  is  that 
he  gives  their  idolatry  as  a  reason  for  withholding  the  appeal  for 
help;  and  this  reason  applies  equally  to  all  such  appeals.  The 
second  is  that  since  he  has  not  asked  help  from  them  in  military 
matters,  in  which  there  is  neither  official  appointment,  nor  raising 
him  to  a  position  of  trust,  nor  elevating  in  rank — when  it  comes 
to  positions  of  authority  and  of  dignity,  it  is  even  less  meet  and 
proper.  For  this  reason  the  legal  authorities  are  agreed  that  it 
is  impossible  to  put  them  in  governing  positions  or  in  stations  of 
power  or  in  places  of  weight  in  a  council;  nor  can  they  be  allowed 
to  build  their  houses  higher  than  those  of  Muslims,  nor  can  they 
be  greeted  first.  When  they  are  met  on  the  road,  they  should 
be  compelled  to  take  to  the  narrowest  part  of  it.  It  will  be  seen 
that  the  prohibition  of  asking  them  for  help  is  general  in  its  tenor 
— it  being  understood  to  refer  to  all  unbelievers  (living)  among 
the  People  of  the  Book.  This  decision  he  bases  upon  his  belief 
in  Allah  and  in  his  Prophet.  For  just  as  soon  as  any  one  of  the 
People  of  the  Book  declares  the  law  of  Allah  and  of  his  Prophet 
to  be  untrue,  and  disobeys  the  demands  as  laid  down  by  the 
Prophet  of  Allah,  idolatry  adheres  to  him. 

In  this  respect  Allah  says6:  'They  have  taken  their  clergy  and 
their  monks  as  their  masters,  but  not  Allah  and  the  Messiah  son 
of  Mary.  They  were  commanded  to  serve  only  one  God;  there 
is  none  other  than  He.  Praise  be  to  Him;  far  be  He  from  that 
which  they  associate  with  him'  (fol.  4b). 

•  Quran  9,  31. 


An  Answer  to  the  Dhimmis  419 

We  .have  a  tradition  that  has  come  to  us  from  Abu  Bakr  al- 
Athram7,  one  of  the  most  important  traditionists;  it  comes  down 
to  us  through  the  Imam  Ahmad  ibn  Hanbal  and  others  and  is 
cited  in  the  (former's)  collection  of  traditions,  on  the  authority 
of  Abu  Musa  al-Ash'ari,  to  wit:  The  Commander  of  the  Faith- 
ful, 'Umar  ibn  al-Khattab,  ordered  him  to  bring  an  account  of 
that  which  he  had  received  and  that  which  he  had  expended 
(written)  upon  a  piece  of  parchment.  Now,  Abu  Musa  had  a 
Christian  for  scribe;  and  this  man  brought  the  account  to  the 
Caliph.  'Umar  wondered  at  Abu  Musa  employing  such  a  man 
and  said:  'Verily,  this  man  is  very  careful;  call  him  that  he 
read  the  Koran  for  me.'  But,  Abu  Musa  answered:  'He  will 
not  be  willing  to  come  to  the  mosque.'  'Is  he  ritually  unclean?' 
asked  'Umar.  'No,'  answered  Abu  Musa,  'he  is  a  Christian.' 
Whereupon  'Umar  upbraided  me,  struck  my  thigh  so  hard  with  his 
hand  as  almost  to  break  it,  and  said:  'Have  nothing  to  do  with 
the  Christians,  seeing  that  Allah  has  put  them  at  a  distance; 
have  no  faith  in  them,  seeing  that  Allah  distrusts  them;  and  do 
not  esteem  them,  seeing  that  Allah  has  humbled  them.' 

The  Imam  Ahmad  ibn  Hanbal  has  the  following  tradition — 
coming  from  Harb  al-Kirmani,  in  a  group  of  questions  that  he 
put  to  'lyad  al-Ash'ari  — :  Abu  Musa  had  taken  a  Christian  for 
scribe;  of  which  action  'Umar  disapproved.  Abu  Musa  objected: 
'But  his  work  is  bound  to  be  of  service  to  me'  (fol.  5a).  'Umar 
retorted:  'Have  no  faith  in  them,  seeing  that  Allah  distrusts 
them;  do  not  esteem  them,  seeing  that  Allah  has  humbled  them; 
have  nothing  to  do  with  them,  seeing  that  Allah  has  put  them  at 
a  distance.' 

Some  Muhajirs  came  to  'Umar  ibn  al-Khattab  with  wealth 
gotten  at  Al-Bahrein.  'Umar  said  to  them:  'O  Company  of 
Muslims — may  Allah  have  mercy  upon  you — much  riches  have 
come  into  our  hands.  If  you  desire,  we  can  measure  it.  If  you 
desire,  however,  we  can  weigh  it.  Again,  if  you  desire,  we  can 
count  it.'  One  of  the  men,  however,  came  to  him  and  said:  'O 
Commander  of  the  Faithful,  we  have  seen  how  the  Persians  have 
instituted  a  system  of  Diwans8.'  So,  'Umar  commanded  that 
Diwans  should  be  instituted  in  the  various  governmental  districts; 
and  when  instituting  such  Diwans,  he  wrote  to  all  his  governors 
not  to  appoint  in  the  service  any  unbeliever,  be  he  Jew  or  Christian. 

7  Who  he  is  I  am  unable  to  find  out. 

8  For  the  general  traditions  concerning  such  Diwans  and  their  origin,  see 
Biladhuri  Futuh,  p.  193. 


420  Richard  Gottheil 

Mu'awiyyah  ibn  Abi  Sufyan  wrote  to  the  Commander  of  the 
Faithful,  'Umar  ibn  al-Khattab,  as  follows :  '  In  my  district  there 
is  a  Christian  scribe,  without  whom  I  can  not  complete  the  taking 
of  the  poll-tax.  I  am  unwilling  to  continue  employing  him  with- 
out some  word  from  you/  'Umar  answered  his  letter  as  follows: 
'May  Allah  keep  us  and  you  in  good  health!  I  have  read  your 
letter  concerning  the  Christian.  My  answer  is  this.  The  Christian 
is  to  be  considered  as  if  he  were  dead  and  gone;  (fol.  5b)  in  no 
tradition  and  in  no  narrative  is  there  any  mention  of  an  idolater 
being  given  an  administrative  charge  during  the  times  of  the 
Prophet,  of  Abu  Bakr,  'Umar,  'Uthman  or  of  'All/ 

The  following  tradition  comes  from  Abu  Mashja'ah  ibn  Rabi', 
one  of  the  leading  traditionists :  When  the  Commander  of  the 
Faithful,  'Umar  ibn  al-Khattab,  came  to  Syria,  Constantine  the 
Patriarch  of  Syria9  appeared  before  him  and  said :  '  0  Commander 
of  the  Faithful,  Abu  'Ubaidah  ibn  al-Jarrah  has  put  a  poll-tax 
upon  us;  do  you  write  a  note  to  me  concerning  it/  'Umar  refused 
to  do  this,  saying :  '  What  tax  has  he  laid  upon  you?'  Constantine 
answered :  '  He  has  laid  a  tax  of  four  dirhems  and  a  woolen  cloak 
upon  every  chief  of  tribe;  and  not  a  single  man  has  dared  to 
speak  with  'Umar  except  with  Abu  'Ubaidah's  permission/  Where- 
upon 'Umar  turned  to  Abu  'Ubaidah:  'What  have  you  to  say  to 
this?'  'He  has  lied  about  me/  said  Abu  'Ubaidah;  'I  came  to 
equitable  terms  with  him.  Do  you  yourself  come  and  assign  the 
rate  of  tax/  'Umar  said  to  Constantine:  'Abu  'Ubaidah  is  more 
trustworthy  than  are  you/  'Yes/  answered  Constantine:  'Abu 
•Ubaidah  has  told  the  truth;  it  is  I  who  have  lied/  Then  said 
'Umar:  'What  induced  you  to  do  so?'  'I  wanted  (fol.  6a)  to 
deceive  you/  said  Constantine,  'but  you  were  too  clever  for  me/ 
So  'Umar  laid  a  tax  upon  the  wealthy  of  48  dirhems;  upon  those 
of  middling  fortune,  of  24  dirhems,  and  upon  the  poor  of  12  dir- 
hems. He  also  gave  orders  that  the  Christians  should  not  build 
new  churches  nor  erect  crosses,  where  Muslims  lived,  and  that 
they  should  not  ring  their  church-bells  except  in  the  interior  of 
their  churches;  (saying)  'we  ought  to  have  the  power  to  divide 
up  their  dwellings  with  them,  so  that  Muslims  may  share  these 
with  them/  (He  added):  'I  do  not  trust  you;  I  shall  take  the 
southern  part  of  the  land  around  their  churches  as  places  for 

9  Who  is  this  Patriarch?  Is  he  Constantine  the  son  of  Heraclius?  Abu 
'Ubaidah  ibn  al-Jarrah  had  command  over  the  Syrian  army  and  conquered 
Damascus. 


An  Answer  to  the  Dhimmis  421 

Mohammedan  Mosques,  as  they  are  situate  in  the  very  middle 
of  the  various  cities/  It  was,  further,  ordered  that  they  should 
not  drive  swine  amongst  the  Muslims;  that  they  should  entertain 
any  guests  that  might  come  to  them  for  three  days  and  three 
nights;  that  they  should  carry  those  who  came  on  foot  from  one 
village  to  another;  that  they  should  give  such  ones  good  advice 
and  not  maltreat  them,  and  that  they  should  not  show  too  much 
consideration  for  an  enemy.'  He  said  further:  'We  consider  it 
lawful  to  shed  their  blood  and  to  take  captive  their  children  and 
their  wives.  In  such  manner  a  compact  and  an  agreement  are 
made  with  Allah,  and  proper  protection  is  assured  the  Muslims.' 
Constantine  answered:  'Put  this  down  in  writing  for  us!' 
While  the  document  was  being  drawn  up,  'Umar  bethought  him- 
self and  said  twice :  '  I  must  make  an  exception  for  you  in  regard 
to  a  whole  army  of  difficulties.'  Then  he  added:  'Here  are  your 
two  times.'  Now  when  the  document  was  finished,  (fol.  6b) 
Constantine  said:  'Come,  O  Commander  of  the  Faithful,  go 
among  the  people;  tell  them  that  which  you  have  done  for  me 
and  about  the  poll-tax  that  you  have  set  in  my  case.'  So  'Umar 
went  and  spake  as  follows:  'Praise  be  to  Allah!  I  render  praise 
to  him  and  I  ask  him  for  aid.  He  whom  Allah  leads  can  not  go 
astray,  and  he  whom  Allah  does  lead  astray,  for  such  a  one  there 
is  no  (other)  leader.'  But  that  cursed  Nabatean  injected:  'Allah 
leads  no  man  astray.'  Then  said  'Umar:  'What  sayeth  the 
Nabatean?'  The  answer  came:  'He  says  that  Allah  leads  no 
man  astray.'  To  which  'Umar  replied:  'Verily,  we  have  not 
given  thee  that  which  we  have  given  with  the  idea  that  thou 
shouldst  attack  us  in  our  faith.  By  him  in  whose  hands  is  my 
soul,  if  thou  doest  such  a  thing  again,  I  shall  strike  that  in  which 
are  thy  two  eyes  (i.  e.,  thy  face).'  We  must  keep  in  mind  that 
which  this  dog  has  criticized  as  well  as  that  which  the  Commander 
of  the  Faithful  'Umar  has  said,  the  terms  he  laid  down  and  the 
return  given  to  him  when  the  Caliph  answered  his  criticism;  how 
he  warned  Constantine  that  some  of  the  Copts  were  lording  it 
over  the  Muslims;  that  they  were  holding  Muslims  as  bond-men, 
bond- women  and  slaves;  that  they  were  raising  their  watch-towers 
and  buildings  too  high;  that  they  were  arraying  themselves  in 
the  finest  clothing  possessed  by  the  Muslims — not  to  mention  that 
they  had  acquired  precious  stones,  brocades  and  gardens,  as  well 
as  merchandise  brought  from  over  land  and  sea,  and  how  they 
pursued  doggedly  pleasures  of  various  kinds.  He  complained, 


422  Richard  Gottheil 

also,  about  a  certain  Christian  coming  from  Morocco,  destitute 
and  moneyless;  one  of  those  poverty-stricken  Christians  like 
those  who  make  begging  their  livelihood.10  He  did  chores  (fol.  7a) 
in  the  meanest  of  places,  which  places,  afterwards,  he  plundered — 
using  that  which  he  had  stolen  for  the  purpose  of  giving  bribes. 
Finally,  he  was  able  to  raise  himself  to  the  highest  position  there, 
being  transferred  from  one  post  to  the  other  until  he  was  placed 
in  charge  of  the  army  and  the  finances.  It  needed  only  a  little 
time  and  he  was  rebuilding  the  gardens,  the  irrigation  canals  and 
various  broken-down  properties.  But  in  order  to  accomplish  all 
this  he  had  to  plunder  the  treasury  of  the  Muslims,  which  he 
divided  up  with  the  lowest  and  the  vilest  among  them. 

The  following  comes  to  us  upon  the  authority  of  'Abd-al- 
Rahman  ibn  'Uthman:  This  letter  was  written  to  'Umar  when 
he  made  peace  with  the  Christians  of  Syria:11 

'This  letter  is  sent  to  'Abd  Allah  'Umar,  the  Commander  of 
the  Faithful,  by  the  Christians  of  Syria.  Verily,  when  you  came 
to  us,  we  begged  safety  for  ourselves,  our  children  and  our  pos- 
sessions on  condition  that  we  would  not  build  in  our  cities  and 
in  the  country  near  them  either  monastery,  church  or  monk's  cell; 
that  we  would  not  rebuild  any  such  that  may  be  in  ruins,  nor  raise 
up  that  which  Muslims  have  torn  down;  that  we  would  not  refuse 
permission  to  any  Muslim  to  enter  our  Churches,  either  by  day 
or  by  night;  that  we  would  open  their  gates  to  passers-by  and 
to  travellers,  and  grant  hospitality  for  three  daj^s  to  any  Muslim 
that  passes  by  our  door;  that  we  would  not  receive  into  our 
churches  or  into  our  dwellings  any  spy;  that  we  would  not  prac- 
tice any  deception  to  the  prejudice  of  the  Moslems;  (fol.  7b.) 
that  we  would  not  teach  the  Kuran  to  our  children;  that  we 
would  neither  preach  the  Trinity  nor  invite  anyone  to  accept  the 
doctrine;  that  we  would  not  restrain  any  of  our  relatives  from 
becoming  Moslems  if  they  so  wish;  that  we  would  show  proper 
deference  to  the  Moslems,  offering  them  our  seats  if  they  desire 
to  sit  down;  that  we  would  not  try  to  imitate  them  in  any  part 
of  their  dress;  that  we  would  not  use  the  same  fore-names  that 
they  use;  that  we  would  not  ride  upon  saddles,  nor  wear  swords, 

10  Evidently  a  monk. 

11  Several  recensions  of  this  letter  have  come  down  to  us.     Probably  most 
of  them  are  spurious,  as  Miednikoff  and  Caetani  hold  rightly.     See  the  latter 's 
Annali  32  p.  958.     Even  the  name  of  the  chief  ecclesiastic  at  Damascus  is 
held  to  be  unknown.    See  de  Goeje,  Memoire  sur  la  Conquete  de  la  Syrie,  p.  83. 


An  Answer  to  the  Dhimmis  423 

nor  bear  nor  carry  any  form  of  weapon  whatsoever;  and  that  we 
would  strike  the  clappers  softly  in  our  churches.  When  we  ac- 
company our  dead,  we  will  not  raise  our  voice  in  chanting.  We 
will  not  run  to  the  aid  of  a  slave  when  the  weapon  of  the  Moslems 
is  ready  to  fall  upon  him;  we  will  not  visit  such  in  their  dwellings 
nor  set  them  right  upon  the  road.' 

Now,  when  the  Commander  of  the  Faithful  had  read  this  com- 
munication, he  added  these  words :  '  We  make  this  agreement  for 
ourselves  and  for  all  our  people.  For  doing  so,  we  receive  pro- 
tection. Should  we  deviate  from  any  condition  upon  which  we 
have  agreed  with  you  and  for  which  we  in  our  persons  have  become 
guarantees — then,  we  no  longer  are  to  enjoy  protection;  and  you 
can  do  with  us  as  riotous  and  uproarious  people  are  dealt  with. 
Let  those  who  reflect  consider  these  conditions  with  care;  let 
them  be  thoughtful  of  their  dress  and  their  mounts  and  how  they 
address  the  rich  and  such  ilk  among  Moslem  men  and  women. 
Verily!  There  is  no  real  power  excepting  such  as  resides  in  Allah, 
the  High  and  the  Mighty {' 

(fol.  8a)  'Umar  ibn  al-'AzIz,  the  chief  of  the  Banu  Umayyah 
wrote  to  his  lieutenants  in  the  various  provinces  as  follows :  'Umar 
sends  you  greetings.  He  cites  to  you  from  the  Book  of  Allah, 
about  which  there  is  no  uncertainty12:  '0  ye  who  believe!  The 
non-Moslems  are  nothing  but  dirt.  Allah  has  created  them  to  be 
partisans  of  Satan;  most  treacherous  in  regard  to  all  they  do; 
whose  whole  endeavor  in  this  nether  life  is  useless,  though  they 
themselves  imagine  that  they  are  doing  fine  work.  Upon  them 
rests  the  curse  of  Allah,  of  the  Angels  and  of  man  collectively.' 
Know,  then,  that  they  who  have  gone  before  you  died  simply 
because  they  refused  to  accept  the  truth  and  stretched  out  the 
hand  of  wickedness.  I  have  heard  of  some  Moslems  in  times  gone 
by,  that  when  they  arrived  in  a  certain  country,  the  non-Moslems 
came  to  them  and  asked  them  for  assistance  in  their  municipal 
affairs  and  in  keeping  their  books,  because  the  Moslems  were 
expert  in  book-keeping,  in  tax-gathering  and  in  running  business 
affairs.  There  can  be  no  prosperity,  nor  can  there  be  any  real 
management  when  one  makes  use  of  anything  that  angers  Allah 
or  his  Prophet.  Indeed,  there  was  a  time — Allah  has  brought  it 
to  an  end — when  one  did  not  know  of  a  governor  who,  having  a 
single  man  living  in  his  province  connected  with  any  religion 

12  Quran  9.  28. 


424  Richard  Gottheil 

other  than  Islam,  did  not  visit  him  with  exemplary  punishment. 
For  the  abolition  of  their  own  governments,  and  their  having 
reached  the  low  station  to  which  Allah  had  degraded  them  was  in 
itself  abasement  and  derogation.  Let  every  one  of  you  write  to 
me  (fol.  8b.)  what  he  has  done  in  his  province. 

He  commanded  that  both  Jews  and  Christians  should  be  for- 
bidden to  ride  upon  saddles;  that  no  one  belonging  to  the 
'  Protected  Peoples'  should  be  allowed  to  enter  a  public  bath  on 
Friday,  except  after  Prayer-time.  He  ordered,  further,  that  a 
guard  should  be  set  to  watch  both  Jews  and  Christians  whenever 
they  slaughtered  an  animal,  so  that  the  guard  should  mention  the 
name  of  Allah  and  of  his  Prophet  (at  such  slaughter).  His 
governor  over  Egypt,  Hayyan13,  wrote  to  him:  '0  Commander 
of  the  Faithful!  If  things  continue  as  they  are  now  in  Egypt,  all 
the  '  Protected  Peoples'  will  soon  become  Moslems  and  then  we 
shall  cease  to  get  any  money  (taxes)  from  them.'  Whereupon 
'Umar  sent  to  him  a  messenger  strong  in  character  saying:  'Go 
down  to  Egypt  and  give  Hayyan  thirty  stripes  with  a  whip  upon 
his  head  as  a  punishment  for  that  which  he  has  written,  and  tell 
him  as  follows:  "Take  care,  O  Hayyan;  whosoever  has  become 
a  Moslem,  do  not  ask  the  poll-tax  from  him.  I  only  wish  that  the 
whole  bunch  of  them  would  become  converted.  Verily!  Allah 
has  sent  Mohammed  as  a  preacher,  not  as  a  tax-gatherer." 

When  the  Banu  Umayyah  once  again  admitted  the  Christians 
as  scribes  in  their  various  provinces  and  countries,  Muhammad 
ibn  Yazid  al-Ansari14  wrote  the  following  verses  to  'Abd  al- 
Malik: 

'O  ye  sons  of  Umayyah,  drive  away  the  uncircumcised  tongues,  as 
ordained  by  the  prophet  of  Allah  and  the  Caliphs; 

Do  not  appoint  Copts  to  be  scribes  for  your  government  work; 
doing  so  constitutes  wrong  and  sin.  (fol.  9a) 

You  should  be  leaders,  from  whom  a  light  shines  over  one's  tracks, 
continuing  to  be  bright  even  when  one  stands  still.' 

Then,  'Abd  al-Malik  gave  orders  that  as  long  as  he  ruled, 
neither  Jew  nor  Christian  should  be  appointed  to  office;  and  he 
finished  off  in  cold  blood  all  those  who  had  appointed  such. 

13 1.  e.  Hayyan  ibn  Shuraih. 

14  He  was  official  scribe  of  the  Caliph  'Abd  al-Malik;  Tabari,  Annaks  2, 
1168. 


An  Answer  to  the  Dhimmis  425 

Khalid  ibn  Safwan  wrote  to  'Amr  ibn  al-'As,  when  the  latter 
was  governor  of  Egypt: 

'Oh  'Amr!  thy  right  hand  has  charge  of  our  Egypt;    and  thou 

art  all-powerful  over  it  in  all  righteous  and  just  action. 
Kill  with  thy  sword  anyone  who  opposes  thy  will,  and  make  the 

Copts  the  conquered  of  thy  sword. 
Through  them  wrong-doing  has  become  established  within  her 

borders  and  her  people  have  seen  oppression  and  excess. 
Rely  not  upon  the  Christians;   they  are  folk  who  are  opposed  to 

the  very  law  of  the  Almighty,     (fol.  9b) 
Remember  the  Commander  of  the  Faithful  and  his  behest;    if 

thou  desirest  to  be  obedient  to  him, 
Do  not  keep  any  engagement  made  with  an  Unbeliever;   do  not 

observe  any  compacts  arrived  at  with  him  or  any  agreement.' 

During  that  very  night15  'Amr  saw  in  his  sleep  a  Christian  talk- 
ing and  reciting  certain  verses,  while  he  pointed  at  'Amr  with  his 
hand : 

'A  noble  girl — they  robbed  her  of  her  mother  and  reviled  her  by 

treading  her  with  their  feet. 
Then  they  set  her  as  ruler  over  them;    but  beware  when  your 

enemy  becomes  your  ruler/16 

'Amr  awoke  in  fright  and  said:  'By  Allah!  I  have  not  given 
them  jurisdiction  over  any  subject  that  Islam  has  withdrawn  from 
them' ;  and  he  gave  command  that  all  the  Copts  should  be  removed 
from  office. 

Al-Kisa'i17  used  to  teach  al-Ma'mun  how  to  read  the  Koran, 
he  (al-Kisa'i)  standing  behind  a  curtain.  Whenever  the  prince 
made  a  slip,  al-Kisa'i  was  accustomed  to  beat  with  a  stick  upon 
a  pillow.  Al-Ma'mun  had  reached  the  passage:  '0  ye  who 
believe,  do  not  take  Jews  and  Christians  as  leaders,  etc.,  etc.' 
Al-Kisa'i  beat  with  his  stick,  and  al-Ma'mun  thought  that  he 
had  made  a  mistake.  So  he  commenced  to  re-read  the  passage 
in  the  same  manner  as  he  had  read  it  the  first  time.  Again  al- 
Kisa'i  struck;  (fol.  lOa)  and  then  al-Ma'mun  understood  that 

15  Evidently,  the  night  on  which  he  had  received  the  verses  from  Khalid. 

16 1  am  told  that  these  are  popular  verses  sung  over  the  wine-cups.  The 
vine  is  apostrophized  as  a  girl  and  sung  to  as  such. 

17  Evidently,  the  great  philologist,  Abu  al-Hasan  'AH  ibn  Hamzah,  who 
taught  also  Ma'mun,  the  other  son  of  Harun  al-Rashid. 


426  Richard  Gottheil 

al-Kisa'i  wished  to  call  his  attention  to  the  meaning  of  the  holy 
verse,  and  he  gave  orders  that  neither  Jew  nor  Christian  should 
remain  in  a  position  of  authority  in  any  province,  either  in  secre- 
tarial nor  financial  matters. 

During  the  reign  of  Harun  al-Rashid,  al-Fadl  ibn  Yahya17 
was  appointed  to  be  governor  in  Khorassan,  and  Ja'far  his  brother 
was  placed  in  charge  of  the  Dlwan  of  Seals.  The  two  built  private 
and  public  mosques,  established  other  public  benefactions,  [and 
constructed1  the  cisterns  connected  with  the  public  fountains,  as 
well  as  schools  for  the  Moslem  orphans,  to  whom  they  gave  all 
the  substance  at  their  disposal.  Both  of  them  removed  the  non- 
Moslems  from  the  Diwans  and  from  all  other  offices.  Al-Fadl 
destroyed  their  strongholds  and  their  places  of  worship  in  Khoras- 
san, and  gave  orders  that  it  should  be  made  impossible  for  them 
to  paint  white  anything  that  might  be  left  of  their  churches,  lest 
they  should  look  like  the  Mosques  of  the  Moslems  in  the  various 
countries. 

'Amr  ibn  'Abd  Allah  mentions  the  following:  Al-Ma'mun 
consulted  me  in  connection  with  certain  complaints  made  by  the 
Moslems  regarding  their  treatment  by  the  Copts  of  Egypt,  saying : 
'O  'Amr,  do  you  know  anything  about  the  origin  of  the  Copts?' 
I  answered:  'They  are  the  remnants  (fol.  lOb)  of  the  people  of 
the  Pharaohs  who  (at  one  time)  were  in  Egypt.'  He  said:  'Tell 
me  something  about  them.'  I  answered:  '0  Commander  of  the 
Faithful !  When  the  Persians  wrenched  the  power  out  of  the 
hands  of  the  Pharaohs,  they  killed  all  the  Copts;  and  those  only 
were  left  alive  who  were  able  to  flee  and  to  hide  in  Esne  and  in 
al-Uksurain.18  There  they  studied  medicine  and  secretarial  work. 
Then  they  returned;  and  the  best  among  them  served  the  Persians 
as  physicians  and  as  scribes.  But  they  acted  deceitfully  and 
corresponded  with  the  Greeks,  telling  them  all  about  the  Persians, 
the  number  of  soldiers  they  had;  informing  them  of  the  secret 
counsels  of  the  Persians  in  that  which  concerned  their  rule  over 
Egypt  and  urging  the  Greeks  to  come  to  their  aid  and  possess 

1?a  Al-Fadl  and  Ja'far,  grandsons  of  Khalid  the  Barmecide.  Al-Fadl  was 
governor  of  Khorasan  between  794  and  796  A.D. 

18  The  text  has  \^\  — but  the  writer  must  refer  to  \i~A,  Yakut  1.  265,  in 
the  farthest  part  of  Sa'id  or  Upper  Egypt  (Blochet,  Histoire  d'figypte,  p.  148). 
Al-Uksurain  was  also  in  that  region.  Cfr.  Ibn  Dukmak,  Kitdb  al-Inti§ar, 
v.  31;  though  I  am  not  at  all  sure  of  the  pronunciation.  De  Sacy,  Abdallatif, 
p.  702,  'Aloksorein'. 


An  Answer  to  the  Dhimmis  427 

themselves  of  the  land.  They  made  clear  to  them  the  reasons 
why  they  ought  to  arrive  at  power.  So  the  Greek  kings  came 
together,  mustered  an  army,  invaded  the  country,  took  possession 
of  it  and  presided  over  the  killing  off  of  the  Persian  kings  and  their 
followers,  setting  up  the  faith  of  the  Trinity.  They  were  able  to 
gain  the  country  into  their  power.  By  the  deception  that  they 
practised,  they  attained  their  full  desire  and  destroyed  the  rule  of 
the  Persians.  One  of  the  poets  said  in  regard  to  them: 

1  Cursed  be  both  Christian  and  Jew;  in  our  generation  they  have 

accomplished  amongst  us  their  every  desire; 
They  have  gone  out  as  physicians  and  as  scribes,  in  order  to  steal 

souls  and  to  gain  riches.'19 

It  happened  in  the  days  of  al-Mahdl  that  a  lot  of  Moslems  came 
to  one  of  the  ascetics,  (fol.  lla)  complaining  about  the  Christians. 
This  ascetic  belonged  to  the  entourage  of  al-Mahdl.  He  was 
asked  to  tell  what  he  knew  about  these  Christians:  for  some  of 
the  Moslems  had  been  hurt  in  their  person,  others  in  their  pocket. 
Those  who  felt  injured  in  their  person  were  those  Moslems  who 
had  lost  their  positions  and  had  been  superseded  by  Christians. 
Those  who  felt  injured  in  their  pockets  were  those  who  had  been 
brought  to  financial  ruin.  The  ascetic  had  an  interview  with  al- 
Mahdl,  to  whom  he  told  what  he  had  heard  the  people  say.  Then 
he  recited  to  him  the  verses : 

'By  my  father  and  my  mother,  either  my  dreams  have  led  me 

awry,  or  both  my  mind  and  my  thought  have  gone  astray. 
Whosoever  is  unfaithful  to  the  religion  of  the  prophet  Mohammed 

— can  such  a  one  have  anything  to  do  with  the  affairs  of  the 

Moslems? 
If  their  swords  are  not  drawn  against  us,  then  are  their  pens,  which 

are  as  sharp  as  swords/ 

Al-Hakim,  who  claimed  descent  from  the  Fatimides,  saw  in  a 
dream  how  the  Creator,  in  the  form  of  a  man,  was  borne  upon 
hands  until  he  reached  the  gate  of  the  castle,  where  he  died.  He 
tried  to  explain  this  dream  to  himself  and  said:  The  truth  can 
be  seen  plainly  all  over  the  world;  but,  before  it  reaches  us,  it 
has  become  corrupt.  He  thought  little  of  himself  and  of  his 
family.  He  thought  equally  little  of  Jews  and  Christians.  So  he 

19 1.  e.  the  physician  stole  the  souls  and  the  scribes  the  riches  of  the  people. 


428  Richard  Gottheil 

ordered  that  the  Church  of  the  Resurrection  in  Jerusalem  should 
be  destroyed,  (fol.  lib)20  sending  the  following  word:  'His 
Highness  the  Imam  commands  that  the  Resurrection  be  destroyed, 
making  its  top  level  with  its  bottom  and  its  length  with  its 
breadth.'  He  also  caused  the  convent  called  al-Kusair  to  be 
demolished,  as  well  as  a  large  church  in  Damietta.  This  occurred 
in  the  year  391  (A.H.),21  on  the  17th  of  Sha'ban.  Further,  he 
sent  word  that  Jews  and  Christians  should  be  reviled;  making  it 
unlawful  for  them  to  accept  secretarial  positions,  to  act  as  physi- 
cians to  any  Moslem;  ordering  that  not  one  of  them  should  ride 
upon  a  horse  or  a  mule — being  permitted  to  mount  an  ass  only 
when  seated  upon  a  pack-saddle;  that  no  Christian  should  be  given 
the  [by-j  name  Abu  Shakir,  Abu  al-Fadl  or  Abu  al-Futuh;  that 
neither  Christian  nor  Jewish  women  should  wear  boots  of  yellow 
leather,  but  gaiters,  one  red  and  the  other  black.  Further,  he 
ordered  that  their  women  be  allowed  to  enter  the  public  baths 
only  if  wooden  crosses  were  suspended  from  their  jiecks;  and  that 
Jewish  women  should  suspend  pieces  of  dried  camel's-skin22  from 
their  necks.  The  men  were  to  do  likewise;  the  weight  of  each 
cross  and  of  each  piece  of  skin  to  be  four  pounds.  It  was  he  that 
published  broadcast,  so  that  the  word  spread  out  over  the  whole 
world,  that  the  Jews  and  the  Christians  were  treacherous  folk, 
and  that  Allah  would  put  his  curse  upon  anyone  that  gave  them 
a  beautiful  robe  to  wear,  Islam  having  deprived  them  of  such  dress. 
Then  he  gave  orders  that  by  the  side  of  every  church  in  Egypt  a 
mosque  and  a  minaret  should  be  built,  (fol.  12a.)  the  minaret 
being  raised  higher  than  any  part  of  the  church,  wherever  that 
church  could  be  seen.  In  like  manner,  he  built  within  the  grounds 
of  every  monastery  a  mosque.  One  of  these  he  built  in  the 
Monastery  al-Kusair,  which  the  Christians  however  kept  closed 
until  the  days  of  the  Sultan  al-Malik  al-Thahir,  when  there  hap- 
pened in  connection  with  it  something,  the  reason  for  which  I 
can  only  desire  that  our  Lord  the  Sultan  will  ask  me  about.  Then 
the  Sultan  insisted  upon  its  use  as  a  mosque. 

In  such  manner  there  appeared  in  the  days  of  our  Master  the 
Sultan  a  minaret  in  the  church  al-Mu'allakah  in  Kasr  al-Sham' 

20  Al-MakrizI,  Khitat  (Isted.),  II.  287;  Ibn  al-Kalanisi,  Hist,  of  Damascus 
(Ed.  Amedroz),  pp.  67-8. 

21  Ca.  1000  A.D.     On  the  general  treatment  accorded  to  non-Moslems  by 
al-IJakim,  see  Wiistenfeld,  Fatimiden,  pp.  179,  198;   Lane-Poole,  History  of 
Egypt,  pp.  126  seq. 

22  Perhaps  better,  'a  piece  of  wood'. 


An  Answer  to  the  Dhimmis  429 

in  Cairo.  Now,  the  Christians  had  [as  it  were]  stolen  the  Minaret 
just  mentioned,  having  hidden  it  and  made  it  unseen  from  the 
side  of  the  church,  making  it  a  part  of  the  church  itself.  This 
had  been  done  in  connivance  with  the  man  who  had  been  Muezzin 
of  the  Mosque  for  a  period  of  thirty  years.  When  the  scoundrel 
finally  died  and  the  duties  of  Muezzin  came  into  other  hands,  the 
new  Muezzin  found  what  looked  like  a  closet  and  traces  of  steps 
leading  up  to  a  closed  door.  So  he  brought  a  ladder,  opened  the 
door  and  came  upon  the  minaret.  He  made  the  affair  known 
(fol.  12b)  and  took  his  stand  in  it  proclaiming  the  Idhan.  But 
the  Christians  worked  the  people  up  against  the  Muezzin,  so  that 
he  was  beaten  with  whips,  driven  from  the  Mosque  and  forced  to 
earn  his  livelihood  acting  as  servant  for  one  man  and  as  scribe  for 
another.  The  matter  came  to  the  ears  of  the  Amir  Zain  al-Din 
Katbugha  the  younger  brother  of  al-Mansur,  who  took  it  up  and 
referred  it  to  the  Amir  Husam  al-Din  Turnutai23  of  al-Mansur 
and  to  the  Amir  Zain  al-Din  Katbugha  the  Elder.24  The  Muezzin 
was  reinstated  by  definite  order  at  the  above-mentioned  mosque. 
In  the  days  of  al-Ma'mun  al-'Abbasi  a  certain  Jew  rose  in 
position  so  that  he  came  to  sit  in  a  station  more  elevated  than 
even  the  Mohammedan  dignitaries.  One  of  the  nobles  of  the 
court  played  the  following  trick  upon  him.  He  sent  a  scrap  of 
paper  to  al-Ma'mun  on  which  was  written: 

'  0  Son  of  him,  loyalty  to  whom  was  to  be  found  among  all  people, 

and  whose  word  was  law  binding  upon  us, 
We  who  feel  thus  believe  that  he  whom  thou  honorest  is  nothing 

but  a  Liar.' 

Al-Ma'mun  answered  him:  'You  are  right!  You  have  done 
well  to  call  my  attention  to  it' — ordering  at  once  that  the  Jew 
should  be  drowned.  Then  al-Ma'mun  told  those  who  were  pres- 
ent the  story  of  al-Mikdad  ibn  al-Aswad  al-Kindi,  (fol.  13a)  a 
friend  of  the  Prophet25 — how,  when  he  was  on  one  of  his  journeys, 
he  was  accompanied  for  a  whole  day  by  a  Jew.  When  morning 
broke,  al-Mikdad  remembered  the  saying  handed  down  from  the 
Prophet :  '  No  Jew  is  on  good  terms  with  a  Moslem  unless  he  has 

23  So  punctuated  in  ms.     Perhaps  better,  Turuntai,  the  chief  vizier  of  the 
Mamluke  Khalll,  ca.  1290  A.D;  Van  Berchem,  p.  319. 

24  Viceroy,  and  afterwards  virtually  Sultan. 

25  Especially  concerned  in  driving  the  Jews  out  of  Khaibar.     Ibn  Hisham, 
p.  779. 


430  Richard  Gottheil 

up  his  sleeve  some  scheme  to  trap  him.'  Then  al-Mikdad  said 
to  the  Jew:  'By  Allah!  When  you  leave  me  you  will  have  to 
tell  me  what  crime  you  are  meditating  against  me,  or  else  I  shall 
have  to  kill  you.'  The  Jew  answered:  'If  I  tell,  have  I  your 
promise  to  do  me  no  harm?'  Al-Mikdad  said:  'Yes' — binding 
himself  by  an  oath.  Then  the  Jew  added:  'Since  I  have  been 
traveling  with  you,  I  have  been  planning  for  you  to  loose  your 
head,  so  that  I  might  trample  it  under  my  foot.'  'How  right  was 
the  Prophet  of  Allah — Allah  grant  him  peace!',  rejoined  al-Mikdad. 

The  story  is  told  that  during  the  life  of  one  of  the  kings  a  Jew 
known  as  al-Haruni  (the  Aaronide),  who  enjoyed  high  rank  at 
his  hands,  played  a  game  of  chess  with  him  in  his  drinking-room, 
on  the  promise  that  (if  he  won)  he  might  ask  something  for  him- 
self. Having  won  the  game,  he  asked  the  king  to  redeem  his 
promise.  The  king  then  said:  'Ask  what  you  wish.'  The  man 
answered:  'May  the  king  order  that  the  verse  reading  "Verily, 
the  true  religion  is  Islam"26  be  stricken  from  the  Koran.'  Straight- 
way the  king  cut  off  his  head.  (fol.  14a) 

I  have  it  from  most  trustworthy  sources  that  the  physician 
Moses  was  ill  and  the  Kadi  al-Fadil27  went  to  pay  him  a  visit. 
Now,  the  physician  was  an  intelligent  and  decent  fellow.  So  he 
said  to  al-Fadil :  '  Your  good  manners  have  led  you  to  come  and 
visit  me.  I  beg  of  you  not  to  let  any  Jew  doctor  you;  for,  with 
us,  anyone  who  dishallows  the  Sabbath  has  forfeited  his  life  to  us.' 
So  the  Kadi  forbade  the  practice  of  medicine  by  the  Jews  or  that 
they  should  be  employed  in  its  service. 

The  story  is  told  about  a  certain  Jew  that  he  was  accustomed 
to  come  to  one  of  the  financiers — a  witless  sort  of  a  fellow — 
bringing  him  in  place  of  taxes  due  a  certain  amount  of  copper. 
But  the  financier  refused  to  accept  it  of  him.  When  the  Jew  took 
it  back  he  said:  'Allah  curse  him  who  gave  it  to  me';  and  that 
simpleton  thought  that  he  referred  to  someone  other  than  himself. 

I  have  heard  tell  by  someone  in  whom  I  have  trust  that  a  Jew 
wrote  upon  a  piece  of  paper  which  he  put  in  his  turban  to  the 
effect  that  he  who  cursed  him  should  be  cursed,  and  he  should  be 
reviled  who  reviled  him.  Then,  whenever  anyone  cursed  him  he 
would  say  to  that  person:  'Your  curse  is  upon  my  head!'  At 
another  time  he  put  by  in  his  house  two  pieces  of  wood,  giving  to 

«  Quran  3.  17. 

27  The  celebrated  chancellor  of  Saladin. 


An  Answer  to  the  Dhimmis  431 

one  piece  the  name  'prosperity'  and  to  the  other  (fol.  14a)  'grace.' 
Whenever  he  came  across  a  Moslem,  he  would  greet  him  with  the 
words :  l  God  grant  you  in  the  morning  or  in  the  evening  prosperity 
and  grace.'  The  cursed  Jew  meant,  of  course,  the  two  pieces  of 
wood. 

A  trustworthy  fellow  told  me  that  a  Jew  in  Bilbais  asked  per- 
mission from  the  governor  Safi  al-Din  ibn  Shukr  to  take  in  a 
guest  who  had  presented  himself.  This  permission  was  granted. 
The  guest  did  in  the  house  whatsoever  he  desired.  When  the 
time  came  to  prepare  the  meal,  the  Jew  said  to  his  wife:  'Do  as 
the  (Mosaic)  law  prescribes!'  She  said:  'No!'  He  answered: 
'I  command  you  to  do  so.'  So  she  went  into  the  house  and  came 
out  carrying  a  dish  containing  urine.  She  began  to  take  of  it 
with  a  spoon  and  to  throw  it  all  over  the  dishes  and  the  food. 
The  governor  was  told  about  this  and  cited  the  Jew  before  him, 
who  confirmed  the  truth  of  the  story,  saying:  'We  Jews  believe 
that  whosoever  desecrates  the  Sabbath  has  forfeited  his  life 
according  to  our  Law.  When  we  can  not  kill  him,  we  put  urine 
into  his  food.'  The  governor  had  the  Jew  bound  and  killed  and 
the  food  thrown  away. 

At  the  time  of  al-Hafith  (fol.  14  b.)28  there  lived  Muwaffak- 
al-Din  ibn  al-Khattab,  a  very  learned  man.  The  Kadi  al-Fadil 
came  to  visit  him;  he  being  one  of  the  most  influential  and  impor- 
tant men  of  his  day  having  jurisdiction  over  the  Dlwans  where  the 
records  were  kept.29  Now  it  was  a  custom  of  the  kings  of  Egypt 
not  to  allow  any  property  to  be  apportioned  to  the  soldiery,  but 
that  the  soldiers  should  be  paid  out  of  the  public  treasury  as  was 
the  custom  in  Mesopotamia.  From  the  day  that  al-Fadil  had 
come  into  the  country,  he  had  sent  Muwaffik  al-Din  and  such 
members  of  the  army  in  his  retinue  who  had  vision  and  under- 
standing, together  with  trustworthy  Muslim  notaries  and  Christian 
scribes  who  were  known  for  their  scribal  talents  and  their  com- 

28  A  second  hand  has  added:    'who  was  descended  from  the  Fatimides'. 
The  whole  story  is  to  be  found  in  Makrizi,  Khitat  (1st  ed.)  I.  405;    (2d  ed.) 
II.  248. 

29  The  text  has    li-J  VI  j  j£j1  >*Jl.  Is  this  simply  a  mistake  for  \£J  VI  ^t  j'j«* 
For  the  use  of  the  plural,  see  the  decree  of  Kait-Bey  (874  A.  H.)  in  an  inscrip- 
tion found  at  Hama,  in  Van  Berchem,  Inschriften  aus  Syrien,  Mesopotamien 
und  Kkinasien,  1909  [B.  A.  vii],  p.  25;    Corpus  Inscriptionum  Arabicorum, 

I.  507.     Mafcrizi  reads:  ^ 


432  Richard^Goltheil 

petence  in  surveying  land,  into  all  the  various  provinces  of  Egypt 
in  order  to  verify  the  reports  brought  concerning  the  various 
sections,  and  to  find  out  the  kind  of  planting  that  was  done  in 
regular  rotation.  In  regard  to  these,  registers  were  drawn  up  — 
worked  out  with  painstaking  study  —  of  the  lands  held  as  fiefs  and 
of  the  fields.  The  copy  of  these  registers  was  deposited  with  the 
government.30  Now,  when  four  months  of  the  year  had  gone  by, 
other  men  of  the  army  who  had  exhibited  bravery,  heroism  and 
courage  were  sent  out;  as  well  as  Muslim  scribes  who  had  been 
proved  trustworthy  and  understanding  in  dealing  with  the  ac- 
counts of  state,  together  with  some  Christians,  to  gather  the  one- 
third  tax  appropriated  (fol.  15a)  to  be  used  to  pay  the  expenses 
of  the  army.  Others  were  sent  out  to  some  of  the  districts,  in 
order  to  survey  them  as  was  the  custom.  So,  overseers,  inspectors 
and  notaries  set  out;  but  [one  of]  the  Christians  gave  all  sorts  of 
excuse  that  had  prevented  his  coming,  and  overtook  the  others 
only  on  the  second  day  of  their  journey.  The  rest  preceded  him, 
he  following  after  them.  When  he  came  opposite  to  a  certain 
section  of  land  and  desired  to  take  a  ferry-boat  to  reach  it,  having 
come  to  the  other  side,  the  owner  of  the  ferry-boat  asked  him  for 
his  fee.  Then  the  Christian  had  a  fuss  with  the  man,  reviled 
him,  and  addressed  him  in  coarse  language,  saying:  'I  am  the 
surveyor  of  this  piece  of  land;  would  you  ask  me  to  pay  for 
crossing  this  ferry?'  To  which  the  man  replied:  'If  I  have  any 
tillable  ground  —  take  it.'32  At  the  same  time  he  seized  hold  of 
the  bridle  of  the  beast  upon  which  the  Christian  was  riding.  So 
the  Christian  paid  the  fee  and  the  ferryman  gave  back  the  bridle. 
Now  when  the  Christian  surveyed  this  piece  of  land,  he  added 
twenty  faddan  on  to  the  whole  amount;  and  in  one  of  the  accounts 
—  the  one  dealing  with  it  —  he  left  a  blank  space.  When  this 
account  came  to  be  revised,  the  law  clerks  called  attention  to  the 
omission.  Whereupon,  the  Christian  took  it  back  in  order  to  fill 
out  the  blank  space,  in  which  he  wrote:  'The  land  of  a  bridle- 
man  —  adding  the  name  of  the  ferryman,  twenty  faddan  of  cotton- 
land,  to  be  taxed  four  dinar  a  faddan.'  The  document  was  taken 
to  the  official  bureau,33  where  it  was  decided  to  grant  the  man  a 


30  Text:  v-AJl   ^.jljoJl  «*Ur  j  .  I  am  guessing  somewhat  in  my  translation. 

31  Literally7  'in  collecting  the  riches'. 

32  'But  the  ferry  is  mine,  and  you  must  pay  the  fee'. 

33  For  wUl  o\j>_*   in  our  text,  Ma^rizI  has  J*»VI 


An  Answer  to.  the  Dhimmis  433 

certain  leeway  in  the  matter  of  payment,  (fol.  15b.)  Then,  when 
the  proper  time  to  demand  the  poll-tax  had  come,  those  who  were 
accustomed  to  gather  the  money  were  sent  out.  They  came  to 
the  aforementioned  place  and  sought  contributions  from  those 
who  possessed  arable  lands.  The  owner  of  the  ferry-boat  was 
asked  to  give  one-third  of  his  wealth,  i.  e.  26  dinar.  This  he  refused 
to  do,  saying  :  '  If  I  have  any  standing  corn  —  why,  come  and  take 
it.'  No  attention  was  paid  to  him,  but  the  overseer  gave  him  a 
thorough  beating  with  whips,  asking  him  for  evidence  regarding 
his  rating  and  the  reasons  why  the  authorities  had  so  rated  him. 
He  forced  the  man  to  sell  the  ferry,  as  well  as  other  property 
that  he  possessed,  and  took  the  sum  he  had  demanded  originally. 
Now,  the  one  who  had  been  treated  so  unjustly  fled  out  of  fear 
that  he  would  be  asked  to  give  the  remainder  of  what  he  possessed. 
He  came  to  Cairo,  explaining  the  predicament  in  which  he  found 
himself  to  his  friends  and  asking  their  help  to  suggest  to  him  the 
means  to  extricate  himself  from  this  difficulty.  One  of  these 
friends  said  to  him:  'The  Caliph  is  accustomed  to  sit  near  the 
"  Prayer-leader"  in  the  Sakifah,34  so  as  to  have  a  good  view 
through  the  gate  of  the  Citadel.  Let  the  fellow  who  thinks  he 
has  been  misused  come  to  him  at  that  moment  and  call  attention 
to  himself  saying:  "  There  is  no  God  but  Allah  and  Mohammed 
is  the  prophet  of  Allah;  'All  is  the  vice-gerent  of  Allah."  The 
Caliph  will  then  hear  what  he  says  and  will  believe  that  God  has 
enabled  the  man  in  his  person  and  with  his  tongue,  to  bring  his 
complaint  before  him.  He  will  listen  to  what  he  has  to  say  or 
he  will  turn  the  matter  over  to  some  vizier,  some  Kadi  or  some 
WahV  So  the  man  hastened  to  place  himself  opposite  the  Sakifah, 
and  cried  aloud  in  the  terms  suggested.  The  Caliph  did  indeed 
call  to  him,  (fol.  16b)  heard  what  he  had  to  say,  and  asked  for  an 
explanation  of  the  whole  matter.  He  summoned  Muwaffak  al- 
Dm  ibn  al-Khattab  and  had  the  account  sheets  dealing  with  the 


34  Who,  or  what  is  rt-~*l  ?      The  reading  here  ^uil  must  be  wrong. 

Makrizi  in  the  companion  passage  has  AaJL-Jl  •  though  in  his  general  descrip- 
tion of  Cairo  at  the  time  of  the  Fatimides  (2d  ed.  2.  181),  he  also  has  the 
reading  AuAuJl  —  or,  I  ought  to  say  the  ms.  upon  which  the  two  editions  are 

based.     From  the  citations  in  Dozy,  s.  v.   4A*3*»  ,  it  is  quite  evident  that  it 

was  a  sort  of  covered  portico.  It  was  near  the  Bab  al-'Id  on  the  one  side, 
and  the  Khazanat  al-Bunud  on  the  other. 

28    JAOS  41 


434  RichardjGottheil 

district  in  question  brought  to  him  covering  a  number  of  years 
back.  These  were  gone  over  and  compared,  year  by  year.  No 
mention  whatsoever  was  found  of  any  'land  of  the  bridle-man.' 
So  al-Hafith  ordered  the  Christian  to  be  brought  before  him  and 
prescribed  that  he  should  be  nailed  in  a  boat,  given  all  sorts  of 
food  to  eat  and  chicken-broth,  as  well  as  the  choicest  drinks  mixed 
with  musk  to  drink.  He  became  the  talk  of  the  whole  of  Egypt; 
and  it  soom  became  noised  over  the  whole  of  Syria  and  Egypt 
that  al-Hafith  was  engaged  in  preventing  the  '  Protected  Peoples' 
from  reaching  high  positions.35 

This  practice  continued;  the  Christians  suffered  under  it  and 
commenced  to  die  off.  Finally,  al-Hafith  got  hold  of  a  skilled 
astrologer,  to  whom  he  bound  himself  hand  and  foot,  making  his 
every  act  depend  upon  the  opinion  of  this  astrologer,  whether  the 
matter  was  of  much  or  of  little  import.  A  lot  of  the  leading 
Christians  imagined  that  they  would  play  a  trick.  They  came  to 
this  astrologer,  and  offered  him  two  thousand  dinars  cash,  pre- 
senting to  him  one  of  their  number  known  as  al-Akhram  ibn 
Abl  Zakariyyah,  and  said:  'We  want  you  to  recognize  the  linea- 
ments of  this  man  in  the  rising  of  the  southern  Sirius  star;  but, 
do  not  mention  his  name.  You  will  add  that  this  points  to  the 
fact  that  if  some  Christian — giving  here  a  description  of  this  Ibn 
Abi  Zakariyyah — (fol.  16b)  be  appointed  Wali,  the  Nile  will  rise 
above  its  usual  height;  prices  will  mount;  flocks  and  vegetables 
will  thrive;  the  sea-catch  will  be  great  with  whiting  and  other 
kinds  of  fish;  business-men  will  come  over  land  and  over  sea; 
and  the  King's  laws  will  rule  over  the  finest  places  and  the  very 
best  situations.' 

Now,  this  dog  of  an  astrologer  did  even  more  than  had  been 
suggested  to  him  by  the  slanderer  and  crooked  fellow.  For,  while 
that  bear  al-Hafith  waited  for  his  decisions  connected  with  the 
rising  of  Sirius,  the  other  fellow  asked  that  the  leading  Christians 
be  brought — whom  he  looked  over  very  carefully.  The  Christians, 
however,  did  not  put  forward  Ibn  Abi  Zakariyyah  for  many  days. 
But  the  demand  for  this  cursed  fellow  became  so  insistent  that, 
finally,  he  was  produced  and  stood  before  al-Hafith.  The  Sultan 
appointed  him  in  authority  and  put  out  Muwaffak  al-Dln — a 
Moslem,  an  excellent,  truthful  man,  for  the  sake  of  such  a  treach- 

36  My  translation  is  in  the  nature  of  a  guess.     MakrM  says: 


An  Answer  to  the  Dhimmis  435 

erous  dog  as  he.  In  such  manner  he  gave  back  to  the  Copts  the 
power  they  had  possessed  previously  and  made  it  possible  for 
them  to  be  haughty  and  proud  over  the  Moslems.  The  Copts 
proceeded  to  dress  in  the  most  elaborate  style,  to  ride  upon  mules 
and  upon  piebald  horses.  They  made  it  hard  for  the  Moslems 
to  earn  their  livings;  until  out  of  their  own  midst  came  the 
inspectors  and  the  heads  of  the  various  government  departments, 
even  in  matters  dealing  with  the  religious  mortmain  and  legal 
bequests.36  (fol.  17a).  They  even  made  retainers,  slaves  and 
prisoners  out  of  Moslem  men  and  women.  One  of  the  Moslems 
was  so  importuned  that  he  was  led  to  sell  his  daughters — and 
this  through  the  disgraceful  conduct  of  Ibn  Dukhkhan,37  God's 
curse  be  upon  him — who  were  bought  by  a  Christian  and  actually 
taken  possession  of  by  him.  In  regard  to  this  a  learned  man 
wrote  the  following  verses: 

'When  the  Christians  decide  to  rejoice  and  become  intoxicated 

because  they  ride  upon  mules  and  use  saddles, 
When  the  whole  Empire  of  Islam  is  humbled  and  the  command 

rests  in  the  hand  of  the  unbelievers, 
Then  say  to  the  one-eyed  Imposter38 — if  you  ever  had  an  idea  to 

come  forth,  now  is  your  time  to  do  so.' 

The  state  of  affairs  with  this  damned  fellow  and  with  the 
Christians  endured  down  to  the  days  of  al-'Adid,39  who  was 
descended  from  the  Fatimides,  when  Abu  al-Fadl  ibn  Dakhkhan, 
the  Christian,  came  into  prominence  and  dominated  the  mind  of 
al-'Adid.  The  force  of  his  influence  became  greater  than  that  of 
Ibn  Zakariyyah  so  that  he  was  a  powerful  authority  in  the  govern- 
ment, because  of  the  foolishness  shown  by  those  who  were  near 
to  al-'Adid.  They  were  so  wanting  in  intelligence  that  when — just 
at  this  time — a  Christian  turned  Moslem  and  remained  so  for  a 
time  but  then  repented,  this  damned  Ibn  Dukhkhan  was  able  to 
persuade  al-'Adid  to  (fol.  17b)  allow  the  man  to  remain  a  Christian 
and  not  be  opposed.  The  Governor  of  the  day  did  not  approve 

36  In  general,  on  the  position  of  the  Copts  at  this  time,  see  Lane-Poole, 
op.  cit.  p.  169. 

37 1  can  find  no  further  reference  to  this  man. 

38 1.  e.  anti-Christ.  On  his  one-eyedness  cf.  e.  g.  al-Mutakki  in  his  Mun- 
takhib  Kanz  al-'Umal  on  the  margin  of  Ibn  Khalil's  Musnad,  6,  37: 

^Jl  jjcl  JUoJl  c-Jl  ol  VI  ^-J  c^  U»U  o* 

39  1160-1171,  A.D. 


436  Richard  Gottheil 

of  this  and  set  a  lot  of  people  on  the  renegade,  to  bring  him  so 
that  he  (the  governor)  might  put  him  to  death.  The  Christian 
told  this  to  Ibn  Dukhkhan,  who  went  into  the  Mosque  at  Cairo, 
took  a  good  look  over  the  treasures  it  contained  and  stole40  the 
dishes  of  some  of  the  lamps.  This  act  he  then  ascribed  to  the 
Kadi,  and  made  it  known  publicly  that  the  Kadi  was  a  thief  and 
had  appropriated  the  appurtenances  of  the  Mosque.  The  result 
of  all  this  was  that  the  Sheikh  Zain  al-Dln  ibn  Naja,  the  Hanba- 
lite  preacher,  coming  into  town  was  told  what  this  cursed  Ibn 
Dukhkhan  was  doing  in  the  matter  of  the  reconverted  Christians, 
as  well  as  about  his  dealings  with  the  Kadi. 

Now,  the  aforementioned  Zain  al-Din  had  great  influence  with 
al-Malik  al-'Adil  Nur  al-Din  Mahmud  ibn  Zanki42 — God  have 
mercy  upon  him!  Al-'Adid  commanded  the  aforementioned 
preacher  to  take  his  place  in  the  Mosque  of  Cairo  and  commence 
his  discourse,  as  was  his  custom.  Intimate  friends  of  al-'Adid 
would  then  come  in  together  with  relatives  of  his,  some  wise  men, 
Kadis,  Emirs,  soldiers  and  common  people.  In  the  meantime, 
Zain  al-Din  had  arranged  with  the  Koran-Readers  that  were  on 
duty  that  they  should  commence  by  reciting  the  verse:  'On  the 
day  (fol.  18a)  that  Heaven  shall  bring  obvious  smoke.'43  [This 
took  place]  and  the  Sheikh  Zain  al-Din  began  to  relate  all  that 
he  possibly  could  about  the  wickedness  of  al-Dukhkhan  and  to 
detail  the  harm  that  was  being  occasioned  through  it  to  the  eyes 
and  the  minds  of  the  people,  the  injury  to  their  constitutions — 
and  more  to  this  effect.  Then,  he  went  on  to  blame  the  Christians 
in  general,  to  criticize  their  faith  and  their  agreeing  to  recognize 
as  Master  one  who  had  been  killed,  crucified  and  buried.  He 
explained  how  they  were  mixed  up  in  the  matter  of  the  fire  that 
had  been  lit  at  the  Church  of  the  Resurrection  in  Jerusalem;44 
and  how  they  had  led  people  astray  by  saying  that  it  was  a  fire 
that  had  come  down  [from  heaven]  on  to  the  grave  of  the  Crucified 
One.  Further,  he  charged  Christian  kings  with  errors;  and  he 
showed  how  their  viziers  and  lieutenants  had  erred  in  the  matter 

40  From  the  context,  this  must  be  the  meaning;  though  the  use  of   y*£-  in 

this  connection  is  peculiar. 

41  His  full  name  was  Zain  al-Din  ibn  Naja.     See  Ibn  al-Athlr,  Chronicon, 
11.  263. 

42  Atabeg  of  Syria,  1146-1173. 

43  Quran  44.  9. 

44  This  refers  evidently  to  the  occurrences  on  the  Sunday  before  Easter. 


An  Answer  to  the  Dhimmis  437 

of  accounts  and  property.  He  adduced  proof  that  those  whom 
they  had  taken  into  their  service  had  done  contrary  to  the  will 
of  Allah  as  laid  down  in  the  Holy  Koran  in  regard  to  them  and 
in  the  authentic  sayings  of  the  Prophet  of  Allah,  as  well  as  con- 
trary to  the  practices  of  the  righteous45  caliphs.  Then  he  men- 
tioned that  there  are  some  who  say  that  'the  Father,  the  Son 
and  the  Holy  Ghost  are  one  God/  and  he  recited  the  Verse: 

'How  does  he  square  the  count  who  makes  God  three,  while  still 
maintaining  that  He  is  One?'  (fol.  18b.) 

The  preacher  continued  to  attack  the  lineage  of  the  Christians 
and  the  little  regard  they  had  for  their  own  persons,  in  that  they 
ate  swine's  flesh;  how  they  were  addicted  to  taking  strong  drinks 
in  the  company  of  their  wives,  their  daughters  and  other  members 
of  their  families,  both  grown  up  and  young;  and  how  at  times 
they  slept  in  their  drinking-houses  for  a  whole  night — men  and 
women  mixed  together.  He,  then,  cited  the  verses  of  'Umara  of 
Yemen46  in  regard  to  Ibn  Dukhkhan,  in  connection  with  his 
disapproval  of  his  conduct  in  the  matter  of  his  allowance47: 

'Say  to  Ibn  Dukhkhan  when  you  meet  him  and  his  whole  face  is 
sweating  because  he  is  filled  with  wine, 

May  my  competitor  be  condemned  even  if  he  is  much  more  than 
those  mentioned  in  the  Surah  al-Zukhruf  ;48 

Strike  him  down  into  the  lowest  depths,  even  though  he  carry 
himself  high  between  priests  and  archbishops. 

Time  has  put  you  in  authority  over  the  destinies  of  man;  there- 
fore, shave  off  their  beards  resolutely  and  pluck  out  their  hair; 

Acquire  money  and  pile  it  up.     Stock  up  goods,  gain  much  and 
steal,  be  treacherous  and  rob,  plunder  and  filch; 

Weep  and  say,  "not  a  dirhem  has  come  into  my  possession"- 
make  the  sign  of  the  cross,  sing  ribald  songs  and  swear; 

Seize  what  you  can  while  you  have  the  opportunity  and  before  the 
Evangel  is  superseded  by  the  Koran.'  (fol.  19a) 
Then  he  began  to  tell  the  tale  of  the  converted  Christian  and 

what  he  had  done  to  the  ICadi.     The  whole  assembly  made  off 

45 1.  e.  the  early  ones. 

46  Umara  of  Yemen,  1121-1175.     See  Brockelmann,  Gesch.  der  Arab.  Lit., 
1.  333.     In  the  edition  of  Derenbourg,  p.  215,  the  verses  against  Ibn  Dukh- 
khan can  be  found. 

47  For  the  following  verses,  see  Derenbourg's  ed.,  p.  294. 
48 1.  e.  43,  referring  to  Pharaoh,  Moses  and  Jesus. 


438  Richard  Gottheil 

to  al-'Adid  and  farced  him  to  arrest  Ibn  Dukhkhan  and  seize  all 
the  contents  of  his  dwelling.  There  were  found  in  it  one  hundred 
and  twenty-five  letters  written  in  non- Arabic  characters.49  These 
were  carried  to  Shawar,  the  Vizier  of  al-'Adid.  The  official 
translators  were  summoned.  They  read  these  letters;  and,  lo 
and  behold!  it  turned  out  that  they  had  come  from  the  Franks 
in  Acre,  Tyre  and  Cyprus  as  answers  to  letters  of  the  cursed 
rascal  to  the  writers,  in  which  he  had  told  them  all  that  was 
happening  in  the  various  parts  of  the  land — how  there  were  but 
few  soldiers,  how  al-'Adid  was  poorly  protected,  [thus]  embold- 
ening them  to  take  action  against  him,  and  instigating  the  King 
Murri50  quickly  to  make  an  incursion  into  Eg}Tpt.  He  so  adorned 
the  undertaking  and  spoke  so  well  of  it  as  to  make  the  Moslems 
appear  despicable;  but  giving  dignity  to  the  word  of  the  Christians 
and  elevating  the  position  of  the  priests  and  the  monks.  [He, 
also,  spoke  about]  repairing  the  Churches,  rebuilding  their  com- 
munity property,  as  well  as  aiding  in  the  increase  and  the  growth 
of  their  pay.  They  [it  turned  out]  had  thanked  him  for  all  this 
[information],  had  praised  him  and  had  told  him  of  their  firm 
intention  to  come  and  to  settle  in  Egypt. 

Ibn  Dukhkhan  was  put  to  death  upon  the  spot;  and  al-'Adid  gave 
orders  that  there  should  be  demanded  of  the  Christians  to  return 
the  pay  and  the  poor-tax  that  they  had  received  during  [the  last] 
five  years,  and  that  there  should  be  left  to  each  single  one  (fol. 
19b)  of  them  not  more  than  a  single  dirhem  each  month;  and 
that  when  he  grew  old,  each  one  should  be  put  to  death,  in  order 
that  his  fate  might  serve  as  an  example  to  others.  But  that  very 
year  did  not  come  to  an  end  without  the  Frank  King,  Murri, 
collecting  a  large  army  and  invading  Egypt.51  He  had  every 
person  in  Bilbais  killed,  being  roused  to  indignation  by  the  lot 
that  had  befallen  Ibn  Dukhkhan.  Shawar  came  to  the  city  of 
Cairo  with  many  men  from  al-Kasriyyah52  and  burned  the 
houses  of  the  Christians,  killing  and  plundering  as  he  went. 

When  the  Sultan  al-Malik  al-Nasir  Salah  al-Din  came  into 
power,  the  Christians  corrupted  his  Kurdish  lieutenants  and 

49  Probably  in  Latin,  as  they  came  from  the  Crusaders. 

60  Muri,  Ibn  lyas,  Ta'rlkh  Mi§r,  67,  3  f.  b.  =  Amalric,  King  of  Jerusalem. 
I  have  not  been  able  to  find  any  other  account  of  this  treacherous  action  laid 
by  our  author  at  the  door  of  the  Christians  of  Egypt. 

61  September,  1163. 

62 1  can  not  find  any  such  place  mentioned  in  any  of  the  reference  books. 


An  Answer  to  the  Dhimmis  439 

asked  help  of  those  of  them  who  had  openly  professed  Islam,53 
that  they  should  return  to  their  service.  They  made  these 
foolish  Kurds  believe  that  the  Moslems  were  unable  to  fill  the 
offices  of  scribes;  that  they  squandered  whatsoever  money  they 
possessed;  and  in  such  manner,  by  their  craftiness,  they  succeeded 
in  securing  control  over  countries  and  territories  —  seizing  what- 
soever was  to  be  found  in  the  treasury  and  whatsoever  food  there 
was  for  the  soldiers  and  the  officers.  However,  some  of  the 
Moslem  scribes,  trusty  and  faithful,  were  not  carried  away;  and 
one  of  them  composed  the  following  verses  : 

'The  stupidity  and  foolishness  of  the  Christians  have  exhausted 

me  bodily  —  and  the  high  nose  they  point  at  every  Moslem. 
They  make  an  incursion  into  the  Treasury  quite  openly  —  nor  do 

they  fear  giving  one  a  hit  for  the  sake  of  stealing  a  quarter  of  a 

dirhem.   (fol.  20a) 
You  can  see  a  Copt  at  the  buzzing  of  every  fly;  and  his  pens  are 

more  numerous  than  anything  else  that  is  sharp-pointed. 
It  is  true  they  gained  in  this  world  that  which  they  sought;  but 

their  final  resting-place,  together  with  the  multitude,  is  Hell 

Fire/ 

The  Christians  remained  free  to  do  as  they  pleased  in  the 
various  countries,  among  the  various  tribes  and  in  government 
positions  —  masters  over  the  persons  of  the  Moslems,  over  their 
property  and  over  their  situations. 

In  the  days  of  the  Sultan  al-Malik  al-§alih  Najm  al-Dln 
Ayyub,  a  Moslem  went  into  the  Suk  al-Tujjar54  in  Cairo.  He 
had  with  him  a  title-deed  to  some  money  owing  to  him  by  a 
soldier.  The  document  was  all  finished,  and  needed  only  the 
necessary  signatures  of  the  witnesses.  The  man  came  across  two 
Christians.  They  were  clothed  in  bodices  and  in  garments  that 
had  wide  sleeves,  just  as  Moslems  of  the  noble  class  are  dressed. 
The  Moslem  thought  really  that  they  were  nobles.  He  spread 
the  document  out  before  them  and  they  signed  it  —  their  very  act 
being  a  jeer  at  the  Moslems.  This  fact  was  brought  to  the  atten- 
tion of  the  Sultan  al-Malik  al-Salih;  and  he  gave  orders  that 
those  Christians  should  receive  a  beating,  that  they  should  be 


63  The  text  has:   j-^i       l  b-^1  jl       '    .      Perhaps  one  ought  to  trans- 
late: 'until  they  were  forced  to  return  to  their  service'. 
"The  'Merchants'  Bazaar'—  or  'Street'. 


440  Richard  Gottheil 

forced  to  wear  girdles  and  to  put  on  the  distinctive  mark  that 
they  were  not  Moslems;  that  they  should  be  prevented  from 
making  themselves  look  like  Moslems,  and  that  they  should  take 
the  proper  low  and  humble  station  to  which  Allah  had  degraded 
them. 

But,  [despite  these  regulations]  the  Christians  began  to  make 
their  way  again  and  to  increase  in  influence  from  the  beginning 
(fol.  20b)  of  the  reign  of  al-Mu'izz55  —  in  such  manner  that  it 
was  necessary  for  every  Emir,  as  he  came  and  went  in  each  reign, 
to  have  a  Christian  scribe.56  Just  as  soon  as  it  would  be  found 
out  from  the  slaves  of  the  Sultan  of  the  day  who  it  was  whose 
face  exhibited  the  features  of  rule  and  of  power,57  some  Christian 
fellow  would  get  in  touch  with  him  through  the  assistance  of  the 
scribes  of  the  Emirs  —  a  lieutenant  or  his  servants,  though  the 
latter  had  no  authority  over  him  and  no  title.  Yet  he  was  ser- 
viceable to  the  Emir,  he  accompanied  him  and  carried  out  the 
obligation  under  which  he  was  to  him.  [For  this  reason,]  when- 
ever the  word  was  passed  to  him,  he  would  change  his  servants; 
he  would  make  one  of  them  his  secretary  or  his  chamberlain. 
This  went  so  far,  that  his  secretary  was  able  to  have  his  say  over 
such  things  as  the  drinking  of  wine,  the  inviting  of  guests,  the 
giving  of  charity  —  in  a  manner  that  can  not  even  be  recorded; 
not  to  mention  other  things  that  went  even  beyond  this.  He, 
then,  made  him  wish  to  increase  his  wealth,  to  proffer  counsel,  to 
repair  water-wheels  and  estates58,  to  enlarge  the  administration, 
to  increase  expenditures  —  so  that  [in  the  end]  he  was  compelled 
to  become  covetous,  to  fall  into  breaches  of  trust,  and  to  rob  his 
master  of  his  money,  the  while  associating  this  cursed  fellow  with 
him.  At  times  he  inspired  him  with  fear  and  trembling  —  saying 
that  the  Emirs  would  importune  their  chamberlains  and  secre- 
taries. He  gave  him  various  examples  of  cases  like  this  that  had 
occurred  to  him.  He  even  seized  his  chamberlain  (fol.  21a)  on 
account  of  the  wrongs  he  had  done  and  the  spoliations  he  had 
been  able  to  verify  and  make  certain  as  having  been  committed 

«  1250-1257  A.D. 

58  The  ms.  here,  and  a  little  further  down,  has  an  impossible  form  :   «-«*»j* 
—  unless  it  is  used  in  derision  as  'scribelet'. 

67  A  somewhat  free  and  uncertain  translation  of  the  Arabic: 


68  Text  has    U-»  J    .    Is  this  a  pi.  of 


An  Answer  to  the  Dhimmis  441 

by  him — instilling  into  him  fear  of  the  punishment  that  would 
come  to  him  and  the  chastisement  he  would  suffer  because  of  it; 
even  showing  him  that  he,  when  he  would  have  no  proofs  by 
which  to  free  himself  from  suspicion,  and  without  which  he  would 
die  under  the  punishment,  would  be  forced  to  steal  and  to  commit 
breaches  of  trust. 

The  following  was  accomplished  by  one  of  the  most  powerful 
and  eloquent  of  the  Christian  secretaries  of  the  Emirs;  the  cun- 
ning that  he  exhibited  in  connection  with  his  chamberlain  was 
successful  for  two  reasons.  One  reason  was  the  close  acquaint- 
ance of  the  scribe  with  the  entourage  of  the  Emir.  The  second 
was  that  the  chamberlain,  being  one  of  the  youngest  of  the  Mogul 
Mamluks,  was  not  free  to  ride  anywhere  or  to  stop  anywhere 
except  in  the  company  of  the  Emir.  Now  it  happened  that  the 
Emir  had  entrusted  the  chamberlain  with  three  thousand  dinars 
for  the  expenses  of  the  two.  When  this  money  was  spent,  the 
chamberlain  said  to  the  secretary:  'Make  up  the  accounts  for 
us,  in  order  that  we  may  get  the  signature  of  the  Emir  in  the 
customary  manner,  verifying  the  expenditure  of  the  money.'  So, 
he  made  out  the  accounts,  and  said  to  the  chamberlain:  'Why, 
the  expenses  amount  to  two  hundred-and-fifty  dirhems  above  and 
beyond  the  three  thousand.'  To  this  the  Chamberlain  said :  'I'm 
glad  of  it.'  But  the  Secretary  answered:  'You  are  a  mere  boy, 
and  are  not  able  to  distinguish  that  which  is  hurtful  to  you  from 
that  which  is  of  advantage.  Now,  I  am  going  to  do  you  a  friendly 
service.  When  it  turns  out  that  you  were  cognizant  (fol.  21b)  of 
this  accounting,  and  the  Emir  becomes  aware  of  it — why,  he  will 
ask  you  to  make  good  that  which  you  have  spent,  two  hundred- 
and-fifty  in  every  three  thousand  dirhems;  and  he  will  accuse 
you  of  perfidy.'  In  such  manner  he  filled  him  with  fear  of  receiv- 
ing a  beating,  of  being  discharged  from  his  chamberlainship  and 
of  being  degraded  in  his  rank.  He  worked  on  the  chamberlain 
for  so  long  a  time,  that  he  at  length  misused  his  trust  and  actually 
robbed  his  master  of  money. 

Further,  most  of  the  scribes  of  the  Emirs  would  acquire  power 
over  a  servant  of  the  palace  by  giving  him  presents  of  beautiful 
crowing  quails,  or  by  sending  him — say — a  carpet,  a  prayer-rug 
or  the  like.  Then  he  would  say  to  him:  'Tell  the  household  of 
what  service  I  have  been,  and  that  I  love  the  Emir  so  much  that 
I  should  like  to  do  much  for  him — to  give  him  advice,  to  care  for 
his  property  and  his  crops.'  Then,  in  order  to  carry  out  his 


442  Richard  Gottheil 

cunning,  he  would  use  pieces  of  Alexandrian  cloth,  quite  expensive, 
made  of  pleasing  stuff59  and  of  variegated  hue.  He  would  say  to 
this  servant:  'Tell  the  household  that  this  new  stuff  has  just 
come  out  and  that  I  wanted  it  to  be  offered  to  the  household. 
Whatsoever  part  of  it  pleases  them  —  or,  even,  if  they  should 
desire  anything  else  —  they  should  let  me  know;  in  order  that  I 
advise  the  Emir  to  send  grain  from  his  lands  and  his  warehouses 
to  Alexandria.'  Then,  the  servant  would  make  the  rest  of  the 
household  desire  things  by  saying:  'The  household  of  a  certain 
Emir  has  large  quantities  of  this  stuff  (fol.  22a)  ;  and  this  some- 
thing would  do  splendidly  for  the  dress  of  such  and  such  a  lady.' 
The  dog  would  be  thanked  for  this  his  advice  and  would  be  told: 
'Advise60  the  Emir  to  send  the  grain  to  Alexandria,  so  that  we 
may  have  the  good  fortune  to  pick  out  for  ourselves  some  of  it 
that  pleases  us.'  Then,  this  dog  got  together  with  the  Chamber- 
lain of  the  Emir,  told  him  so  much  about  Alexandria  as  to  make 
him  yearn  for  it  —  for  the  good  things  found  there,  for  its  gardens 
and  its  precious  objects,  its  delights  and  its  pleasures,  just  those 
things  that  the  Chamberlain  liked.  He  excited  his  taste  by 
letting  him  have  samples  of  various  kinds  of  enjoyment  —  enjoy- 
ing rest,  using  fine  cloth,  keeping  company  and  seeing  sights. 

The  two  came  to  an  agreement,  that  both  he  and  this  Chamber- 
lain would  go  to  the  Emir  and  tell  him  that  in  Alexandria  grain 
was  worth  so-and-so-much  in  coined  silver;  and  that  the  value 
of  every  dirhem  of  molten  silver  was  two-and-a-half  in  the  coined  ; 
and  that  there  would  result  from  such  trading  quite  a  tidy  sum. 
[He  added]:  'Let  us  then  purchase  in  Alexandria  linen,  bring  it 
back  with  us,  guaranteeing  to  the  Emir  the  grain  of  a  third  of 
the  money  spent  —  especially  if  the  Emir  will  procure  a  letter  of 
the  Sultan  to  the  Wali  of  Alexandria  that  he  should  turn  over  the 
wheat  to  the  millers.  Thus,  an  increasing  number  of  people  will 
make  money,  and  the  whole  world  will  be  in  good  humor.' 

The  Emir  ordered  the  two  to  go  ahead,  and  to  take  also  the 
[other]  crops  for  sale.  The  cursed  fellow  went  ahead,  stealing  in 
various  ways  the  property  (fol.  22b)  of  those  whom  he  was 
serving.  The  intelligence  of  those  whom  he  served  was  not  great; 
he,  also,  profited  by  the  care  of  his  friends,  who  showed  him 
various  instances  of  friendship.  So,  he  went  ahead,  robbing  those 


69  £^     .  See  Dozy  s.  v. 

60  Ms.  has  "Shir"  in  place  of    ,/H    ,  iv.  conj,  of 


An  Answer  to  the  Dhimmis  443 

whom  he  served  in  many  directions;  e.  g.  withholding  some  of  the 
wares  as  they  were  being  laden  in  ships;  in  the  hiring  of  ships; 
stealing  when  buying  and  selling  wheat.  He  stole  when  buying 
the  cloth,  he  cheated  in  the  price,  and  he  stole  again  from  the  cloth 
when  it  was  received.  He  got  into  his  own  service  the  young 
men  of  this  Emir  who  were  attached  to  him,  by  making  presents 
to  them  of  handkerchiefs  and  head-bands.61  He  bettered  his  own 
condition  by  that  which  he  brought  [from  Alexandria!  and  by  the 
linen  goods  that  he  carried  to  the  palace  of  the  Emir.  They 
clothed62  .  .  .  with  cloth  for  the  chief  scribe,  as  if  the  money  for 
it  had  come  out  of  his  own  pocket.  He  asked  help  from  the 
household  of  the  Emir  and  from  his  young  men  in  preventing 
troubles  from  coming  upon  him,  in  order  that  the  gates  should 
be  closed  against  those  who  knew  of  his  perfidy,  lest  he  be  be- 
trayed to  his  master. 

This  disorder  increased  until  [news  of]  it  reached  the  Sultan  of 
the  day;  for  every  one  of  the  scribes  of  the  Emirs  had  to  be 
either  a  child  of  one  of  the  Sultan's  scribes  or  a  relative.  Now 
when  any  one  of  the  scribes  attached  to  the  court  had  an  occasion 
or  chance  to  cheat  or  to  rob  or  to  take  to  himself  money  (fol.  23a) 
belonging  to  the  public  treasury,  or  to  do  any  other  of  the  shame- 
less or  high-handed  tricks  of  the  Christians — e.  g.  when  they 
committed  heinous  crimes  by  interfering  with  Moslem  women  or 
drinking  wine  in  the  month  of  holy  Ramadan — he  would  ask  help 
of  the  Emirs  to  rid  him  of  his  troubles  by  means  of  their  scribes 
in  various  ways.  Thus,  if  he  were  one  of  those  accused63  by  the 
Government,  this  scribe  would  tempt  the  Emir  whose  help  he 
had  demanded  for  the  one  accused  by  vacating  the  royal  laws 
governing  his  feudal  estates.  He  would  tempt  him  still  further 
by  making  him  desire  to  buy  land  from  the  feudal  lords;  and  by 
offering  to  force  the  attendants  on  the  land  to  aid  him  in  culti- 
vating and  seeding  it;  and  if  it  were  a  place  proper  for  wine- 
pressing,  that  he  should  receive  wood  from  the  royal  demesne; 
that  he  should  be  assisted  in  producing  seed,  in  paying  all  that 
was  due  the  government  and  in  carrying  out  all  measures  neces- 

61  tk***4    might  mean  one  of  various  things. 

62  The  text  gives  no  sense:  ^j$Ls)V»4»  Ul  u^Alioj   .    I  do  not  know  what 
4j  UJl    is  in  this  connection. 

63  Read    ^Jj-Ol  <y>~*    and  not  as  in  ms., 


444  Richard  Gottheil 

sary.  If  everything  could  not  be  done,  he  hoped  that  the  greatest 
part  could  be  effected. 

Some  of  them  gave  money  liberally — horses,  linens  and  the 
like.  Now  the  Emir  to  whom  I  am  referring  went  so  far  as  him- 
self to  go,  together  with  his  officer,  to  have  a  personal  interview 
with  the  Sultan,64  whenever  the  dog  of  a  fellow  saw  that  he  was 
not  succeeding.  He  overrode  his  authority,  persisting  with  the 
help  of  the  cursed  fellow,  so  that  he  betrayed  the  trust  (fol.  23b) 
of  those  who  had  had  faith  in  him.  He  even  increased  his  rob- 
beries, his  seizures  and  his  plunderings,  relying  upon  those  who 
protected  him  because  of  the  bribes  they  received  and  the  presents. 

Turn  away  from  other  [and  similar]  stories  that  I  might  relate 
to  you  if  I  wanted.  Had  I  the  power,  or  could  I  rely  upon  suffi- 
cient strength,  I  would  relate  particulars  of  many  circumstances 
connected  with  the  scribes  of  the  Christians,  and  how  many  of 
them  would  have  proclaimed  Islam  openly,  had  they  not  been 
afraid  of  being  killed  or  punished — even  giving  their  very  names. 
I  could  recount  the  story  of  every  one  of  them  taken  in  by  his 
own  artifice,  or  by  his  own  evil  conduct  counted  among  the 
trespassers — doing  wrong,  straying  from  the  right  path,  a  big 
fool,  a  bastard  and  one  despised.  I  could  disclose  the  state  of 
every  one  who  professed  Islam  [merely]  with  some  trick  in  mind. 
I  could  explain  the  condition  in  which  he  was,  due  to  those  who 
were  haughty  in  their  ravings — by  their  lies  condemning65  every 
learned  Moslem  as  faulty,  so  that  calamities  came  upon  him  like 
the  falling  of  arrows — always  going  further  in  his  treachery  and 
robbery  and  increasing  in  his  greed.  In  reality,  his  profession  of 
Islam  was  only  a  blind.  He  was  using  it  as  a  ladder  to  reach 
the  height  at  which  he  was  aiming — more  devilish  than  the  devil, 
the  very  elixir  of  lying  (fol.  24a)  and  fraud.  He  would  take  an 
oath  on  the  faith  of  Islam — which  constituted  an  untruth.  Out 
of  clean  cloth  he  would  fashion  that  which  never  had  occurred, 
by  means  of  falsehood  and  misstatement.  He  had  been  amongst 
the  lowest  of  the  low  among  the  Christians,  the  biggest  liar,  the 
one  who  possessed  least  shame  and  truthfulness;  the  greatest  in 
impudence,  with  an  inborn  disposition  to  do  things  disgraceful  and 
vicious.  By  such  means  he  was  able  ostensibly  to  free  himself 

64  My  translation  is  free;  the  text,  jUaJLJi)  tl>Jb«iJ)  J\  ,  does  not  seem  to 
be  right. 

66  Reading  Mukhatt'ian.     Ms.  has  Mukhattin. 


An  Answer  to  the  Dhimmis  445 

from  the  lower  position  accorded  the  Christians,  the  ignominy  of 
paying  the  head-tax,  and  to  prevent  himself  from  falling  into 
despite.66  Openly,  he  would  converse  just  like  a  Moslem — in 
order  to  preserve  his  fortune  and  his  person,  and  that  he  might 
have  an  opportunity  to  cheat  and  to  despoil.  In  fact,  publicly 
he  was  a  Moslem;  but,  as  soon  as  he  entered  his  house  he  found 
his  wife,  his  sons,  his  daughters,  his  relations  and  the  relations  of 
all  his  people  Christian — and  he  was  a  Christian  with  them  in 
very  truth,  fasting  during  their  fasts,  and  breaking  the  fast  at 
the  same  time  they  did.  Had  anyone  taken  the  trouble  to  observe 
him,  they  would  have  found  that  he  had  led  the  life  of  a  Christian 
for  more  than  twenty-five  years.  Now,  his  appointment  had 
lasted  only  for  five;  and  during  these  years  his  fees  could  not 
have  amounted  to  more  than  two-hundred  dinars  for  all  this  time. 
Yet,  you  would  have  found  his  possessions  and  his  manner  of 
living  to  be  such  as  to  require  thousands  of  dinars;  not  to  men- 
tion the  brocade,  the  dyed-goods,  the  precious  stones  that  he  had 
—the  servants,  the  slaves,  the  marked  horses,  (fol.  24b)  the 
flocks,  the  buffaloes,  and  the  merchandise  that  had  come  over 
land  and  sea.  On  the  other  hand,  imagine  the  condition  of  the 
greatest  and  most  loyal  Moslems,  who  have  done  service  to 
kings  and  to  sultans  during  the  last  fifty  years — functionaries 
with  high  pay  and  of  distinction — how  they  turned  their  pay  and 
the  moneys  they  expended  into  expressions  of  loyalty;  each  one 
of  them  spending  the  money  received  in  his  office  in  the  interests 
of  the  Sultanate  and  in  increasing  its  splendor  by  means  of  horse- 
men and  young  men  and  by  his  own  fine  experience.  If  ever 
these  inherited  anything,  they  spent  it.  Indeed,  at  the  end  of 
their  life  they  were  in  debt  and  poor,  because  of  the  strength  of 
mind  they  had  shown  and  their  fidelity  [to  the  ruling  house]. 

Now,  when  the  un-eyelashed  Tartars  obtained  possession  of  Syria 
the  well-guarded,  the  learned  Abu  al-FaoVil67  ibn  Ukht  al-Makin 
ibn  al-'Amid,  known  as  Secretary  of  War  in  Damascus,  went  to 
Hulagu,  King  of  the  Tartars.  He  carried  with  him  much  money 
from  his  uncle,  the  afore-mentioned  al-Makin,  and  from  the  rich 
Christians  in  Damascus,  as  well  as  presents  and  gifts.  He  was 
aided  especially  by  the  governor  of  Irbil,68  who  succeeded  in 

66  Both  here  and  further  on  ms.  has   <i»1  ,  where  one  would  expect  <>' 
67 1  am  unable  to  identify  this  man.     Ms.  has  for    JUl  . 

68  Ms. 


446  Richard  Gottheil 

obtaining  a  firman  from  Hulagu,  sending  his  command  to  the 
inhabitants  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  Empire,  in  Jazirat-ibn- 
'Umar69  (fol.  25a)  and  the  whole  of  Syria  that  every  religious  sect 
could  proclaim  its  faith  openly  —  whether  Christian,  Jew,  Magian, 
Sun-worshipper  or  idolater;  and  that  no  Moslem  should  disap- 
prove of  any  one  of  the  faiths  or  oppose  them  in  language  or  in 
deed.  Whoever  should  do  anything  like  this  was  to  be  put  to 
death.  Then,  this  cursed  fellow  was  able  to  make  Hulagu  covetous 
by  telling  him  that  the  schools,  business-quarters,  Mosques  and 
hospitals  were  all  to  be  in  the  hands  of  the  Moslems;  and  that, 
because  of  collusion  one  with  the  other,  they  do  not  pay  that 
which  is  due  to  the  King;  the  Kadi  being  one  of  their  own  men, 
just  as  the  witnesses  are  of  their  body.  He  [the  Secretary  of 
War]  therefore  laid  it  down  that  one-third  of  all  the  religious 
mortmain  should  be  seized  and  given  to  Hulagu.  In  doing  this, 
the  intention  the  cursed  fellow  had  was  to  destroy  the  forms 
customary  in  Islam  by  weakening  the  legal  lights,  by  throwing 
despite  upon  the  Kadis,  and  by  trampling  under  foot  the  holy 
law.  He  returned  with  a  firman  in  his  favor,  ordering  him  to 
allow  the  various  faiths  to  practise  their  religion  openly  and  to 
seize  one-third  of  the  religious  mortmain.  He  stopped  at  Saida- 
naya,70  and  sent  to  the  Christians  in  Damascus  to  tell  them  that  he 
was  coming  with  a  firman  from  Hulagu  and  that  they  had  won  a 
victory  over  Islam.  He  said  to  them:  'Come  out  to  meet  me 
with  the  crosses  .on  the  croziers,  with  Evangels  (fol.  25b)  clothed 
in  brocade,  shining  white  cloth71  and  satin  —  the  censers  full  of 
aloes-wood,  with  deacons  and  priests  in  their  capes,  the  Metro- 
politan bishops  decked  out  with  their  jewels,  and  with  them  the 
holy  wine  uncovered.' 

This  occurred  during  the  middle  days  of  the  month  of  Ramadan 
in  the  year  658.  72  The  wine  was  on  trays  of  silver  and  gold  and 
in  golden  flasks  and  bowls.  They  came  out  to  meet  him  in  parties 
and  singly.  In  such  manner  the  fellow  and  those  with  him  entered 
the  City  of  Damascus  in  open  daylight,  with  drums  and  trumpets, 
cymbals,  silver-inlaid  censers.73  .  .  .  raising  cries  in  a  loud  voice, 


69  Ms.    ^^  ^\ 

70  Ya^ut,  3.  441. 

71  A  guess.    The  text  has   o*jj    ;   jj  =  glisten,  and    c*i»  ,  calico. 

72  1.  e.  1259  A.D. 

73  Ms.  has    «U*laj!j  'and  incrustations'.    I  believe  the  conjunction  must 
be  a  mistake. 


An  Answer  to  the  Dhimmis  447 

carried  by  this  large  multitude — the  most  frequent  of  which  were : 
'the  Messiah  Jesus  son  of  Mary!'  and  'the  Holy -Cross!'  When- 
ever they  passed  by  a  Mosque  or  a  Madrasah,  they  halted  there 
and  sprinkled  upon  the  doors  [of  these  buildings]  wine  from  the 
residue  in  the  flasks  out  of  which  they  had  drunk,  loudly  wishing 
'  long  life'  to  the  dynasty  of  Hulagu :  '  who  has  pledged  victory  to 
us,  and  the  triumph  of  our  true  religion  over  the  religions  of  the 
Liars.'  On  that  day  there  was  not  one  single  Christian — of  the 
common  people  and  the  lowest,  or  of  the  highest  and  the  wealthiest 
—who  did  not  put  on  his  finest  apparel.  Their  women  decked 
themselves  out  with  jewels  and  necklaces  (fol.  26a).  On  that 
day — it  was  in  the  sacred  month  of  Ramadan,  when  Allah  openly 
showed  their  godlessness — the  Moslems  suffered  abasement  and 
anguish  of  heart.  They  broke  out  in  weeping,  in  the  shedding 
of  hot  tears;  and  they  besought  Allah  to  remove  from  them  all 
this  sadness. 

Upon  the  second  day  after  the  entrance  of  the  cursed 
Abu  al-Fada'il,  the  firman  was  read  out  publicly  in  the  Maidan 
of  Damascus..  On  that  day  two  persons  came  to  me.  One  of 
them  was  named  'Izz  ibn  Amsaina  al-Wasiti.  He  was  a  man 
known  for  his  attainments — especially,  for  his  ability  to  write  in 
gold.  The  second  was  the  Kadi  Mubashshir  ibn  al-Kastalam, 
acquainted  in  government  circles  and  with  Vezirs.  They  told  me 
that  the  Christians  had  exhibited  a  treatise  composed  by  al- 
Mu'tamin  ibn  al-'Assal  al-Mustaufi  in  Damascus  in  the  days  of 
al-Malik  al-Nasir.74  This  treatise  [the  author]  had  entitled: 
'The  Whetted  Sword,  an  Answer  to  the  Koran.'  A  summons  was 
issued  against  him  publicly  on  the  'Bridge  of  the  Feltworkers'75 
in  Damascus.  But,  at  that  moment  he  was  paying  a  visit 
to  al-Shams  al-Jazarl,  the  bookseller,  known  as  al-Fashushah 
(Mr.  Irresolute) ;  and  the  two  were  studying  carefully  the  afore- 
mentioned book.  That  which  had  struck  their  minds  especially 
in  the  book  was  how  this  cursed  fellow  had  tried  to  prove  in  it 
(fol.  26b)  that  the  expression:  ' Bismillahi-rrahman-ir-rahim' 
can  be  interpreted  as  containing  the  words:  'The  Messiah,  son 
of  God.'76  The  cursed  fellow  did  not  know  that  any  particle, 

74  Probably  Nasir  Salah  al-Dln  Yusuf  of  Aleppo,  1250-1260,  who  ruled 
over  Damascus. 

76 1  can  not  find  mention  of    ^o\J)l  ^^--j*-    'Bridge  of  the  Feltmakers'  in 

al-KalanasI's  description. 
76  By  some  sort  of  Atbash? 


448  Richard  Gottheil 

noun  or  verb  that  contains  two  letters  or  more  can  be  mutated 
[to  mean  something  else].  He  said  that  the  Holy  Book  contains 
the  passage:77  'Verily,  the  like  of  Jesus  with  Allah,  etc.'; 
that  it  also  mentions  Mary  the  sister  of  Aaron,  whose  son 
was  Imran  (Amram).  He  added  that  the  name  of  Jesus 
among  the  Jews  was  Joshua;  that  Mary  the  mother  of 
Jesus  was  the  daughter  of  a  Jew;  that  her  mother's  name  was 
Hannah;  and  that  no  such  name  as  'Isa  was  used  by  them  or 
was  known  to  them.  The  cursed  fellow  added  further  :  '  Did  not 
he  who  gave  the  Koran  know  that  between  Mary  on  the  one 
hand  and  Moses  and  Aaron  on  the  other  there  were  thousands  of 
years.'  He  declared  the  story  of  al-Khidr  (St.  George),  Peace  be 
upon  him!,  to  be  untrue,  saying  that  we  had  no  mention  of  him 
[in  the  Koran],  The  Christians  say  that  his  name  was  the  Holy 
St.  George,78  and  that  he  lived  a  long  time  after  the  Messiah. 
Cursed  fellow  !  he  declared  many  similar  stories  to  be  apocryphal  ; 
e.  g.  the  history  of  Solomon,  Peace  be  upon  him!,  and  Bilkis,  and 
all  the  other  events  that  are  connected  with  his  name.  He  threw 
doubt  upon  the  'Cave-Dwellers.'79  He  went  even  so  far  as  to 
say  that  this  was  merely  the  foolish  talk  of  storytellers. 

Now,  just  at  this  time  I  was  in  the  service  (fol.  27a)  of 
the  Sultan  al-Malik  al-Ashraf  Muthaffar  al-Din  Musa,80  the  ruler 
of  Emesa  —  God  keep  him  in  mercy  and  favor!  So,  I  went  in 
person  to  the  'Bridge  of  the  Feltmakers,'  and  interviewed  al- 
Shams  al-Jazari  the  bookseller;  and  I  asked  him  to  let  me  see 
the  aforementioned  book.  He  swore  that  he  had  given  it  to  the 
cursed  al-Mu'tamin;  and  that,  in  his  presence,  the  latter  had 
torn  it  to  pieces  and  destroyed  the  very  paper  upon  which  it  was 
written.  Then,  I  presented  myself  before  the  Sultan  al-Malik 
al-Ashraf  —  sending,  of  my  account,  one  of  my  servants  in  whom 
I  had  full  trust,  to  bring  al-Jazari.  I  related  to  the  Sultan  what 
had  happened;  and  he  said:  'Get  the  book  and  produce  the 
fellow.  I'll  have  the  head  of  al-  Mu'tamin  cut  off.'  I  asked  the 
cursed  fellow  for  the  book.  He  denied  that  he  had  it;  saying: 
'It  was  not  at  all  in  my  own  handwriting;  and,  [anyhow],  I  tore 
it  to  pieces.'  Then,  I  took  him  to  my  own  house  and  questioned 
him  minutely.  I  threatened  him  and  frightened  him.  The 

77  Quran  3.  52. 


79  The  Seven  Sleepers  of  Ephesus. 

80  1245-1262. 


An  Answer  to  the  Dhimmis  449 

while,  a  number  of  Damascus  Christians — among  whom  were  al- 
Makln  ibn  al-Mu'tamid  and  al-Rashld,  known  as  Katib  al- 
Taftisi,  as  well  as  a  number  of  the  leading  and  wealthy  Christians — 
arose  and  went  to  the  Thahiri  Garden,  to  al-Sibban,81  the  Tartar 
general.  It  was  said  that  he  was  a  cousin,  on  the  mother's  side, 
of  Hulagu.  He  was  authoritative  in  tone,  bloodthirsty  and  an 
unbeliever.  The  Christians  brought  him  a  goodly  sum  of  money; 
and  told  him  that  a  firman  of  the  Ilkhan82  had  appeared  to  the 
effect  that  everyone  should  have  the  right  to  profess  his  faith 
(fol.  27b)  openly  and  his  religious  connection;  and  that  the 
members  of  one  religious  body  should  not  oppose  those  of  another; 
further,  that  the  Secretary  of  the  Sultan  al-Malik  al-Ashraf  had 
seized  the  author  of  the  book  written  against  our  faith,  and  that 
he  intended  to  have  him  put  to  death.  Thereupon,  al-Sibban 
sent  to  the  Kadi  Shams  al-Dln  al-Kumml,  the  Tartar  repre- 
sentative in  Damascus — who  was  then  in  the  Dar  al-Sa'adah 
Palace — telling  him  to  have  an  audience  of  al-Malik  al-Ashraf 
and  to  say  to  him :  '  This  .  .  .  83of  yours  has  disobeyed  the  firman 
of  the  Ilkhan;  he  shall  die!'  Al-Kummi  asked  my  master  for 
my  services;  related  to  me  all  that  had  occurred,  and  said:  ' These 
fellows  are  unbelievers  and  wicked.  There  is  no  difference  be- 
tween a  Moslem  and  a  Christian.  If  you  thwart  this  Christian 
you  yourself  will  be  hurt;  your  master  will  be  harmed;  and  you 
both  will  get  the  reputation  with  Hulagu  of  having  done  that 
which  is  prohibited.  The  faith  of  Islam  has  claims  upon  whom- 
soever asks  its  protection,  even  if  he  is  other  than  you  [i.  e.  not  a 
Moslem].84  This  whole  affairs  has  become  notorious;  the  great, 
the  prominent,  the  learned  men  in  Damascus — all  know  about  it.' 
Allah,  however,  made  it  possible — a  very  short  time  after  this — 
for  the  Sultan  al-Malik  al-Muthaffar  Saif  al-Dln  to  break  the 
tail  of  the  cursed  Tartars;  and  the  Moslems  were  able  to  seize 
this  cursed  fellow,  Fada'il85  ibn  Ukht  al-Makin  ibn  al-'Amld. 

81  Who  is  Sibban? 

82  Ms.  has  <j^J  •     These  Ilkhans  formed  a  dynasty  in  Persia;    and  for 
many  years  disputed  the  power  of  the  Egyptian  Mamluke  Sultans  of  Egypt. 

83  Ms.  has  <j*&>    .  Is  it  composed  of   <ib»  ,  pi.  of    «&»    ,  'a  part  cut  off', 
and  the  ending      •>.   ? 

84 1  have  translated  somewhat  literally. 

85  MsA  has     Jjsii    .     I  have  restored    the    former    reading  J»*U»i  .     I 
should  perhaps,  have  put  'Abu  al-Fada'jT. 

29    JAOS  41 


450  Richard  Gottheil 

He  was  given  into  the  custody  of  the  Emir  Sharaf  al-Din  Kairan 
al-Fahri,  head  of  the  household  of  the  Sultan  al-Malik  al-Mu- 
thaffar,  who  punished  him  (fol.  28a),  and  made  him  pay  a  fine. 
But,  the  Christian  scribes  worked  secretly  and  had  this  cursed 
fellow  gotten  out  of  prison  and  hurried  to  Mosul.  There  he  met 
al-Rashld  al-TaflsI;  and  they  did  all  manner  of  things  to  the 
hurt  of  the  Moslems,  the  mention  even  of  which  is  impossible. 
In  fact,  they  were  the  cause  why  the  people  of  Mosul  were  put  to 
the  sword  while  in  chains. 

In  the  days  of  the  Sultan  al-Malik  al-fhahir,86  a  lot  of  sincere 
Moslems  from  the  country  of  the  Tartars  told  him  that  al-Makln 
ibn  al-'Amld,  the  Secretary  of  War,  was  corresponding  with 
Hulagu  in  reference  to  the  Egyptian  army,  its  men  and  its  com- 
manders. Al-Malik  al-fhahir  had  him  seized,  with  the  intention 
of  having  him  put  to  death.  His  condition  was  much  worse  than 
that  of  those  who  were  governed  by  Christian  Emirs — he  was 
confined  in  prison  for  more  than  eleven  years.  Then,  through 
payments  of  money,  his  release  was  effected.  In  order  to  put 
through  this  release,  it  was  considered  proper  by  Moslems  to  seize 
the  property  of  Christians,  their  wives  and  their  very  lives.  In 
the  end,  not  a  single  Christian  and  not  a  single  Jew  remained  in 
the  land.  Now,  Sa'id  al-Daulah,87  Chief  Minister  in  Baghdad 
and  Mesopotamia,  was  busy  doing  whatever  injury  he  could  to 
the  Moslems  and  elevating  the  status  (fol.  28b)  of  the  Jews.  Then 
[Sa'id]  struck  at  Arghun88  and  plotted  against  him  with  someone 
who  gave  him  poison,  after  he  had  impounded  the  wealth  of 
Islam,  raised  the  condition  of  the  Jews,  and  brought  Islam  into 
despite.  Indeed,  these  two  cursed  religions  were  always  on  the 
lookout  for  an  occasion  to  arise  in  which — Allah  forbid! — they 
could  do  some  injury  to  Islam  by  pickjng  a  quarrel. 

Now,  when  a  knowledge  of  that  which  I  have  related  had 

86 1.  e.  al-Thahir  Rukn-al-Din  Baybars,  Bahri  Mamluke,  1260-1277,  the 
founder  of  the  dynasty.  William  of  Tripoli  says  that  'he  was  just  to  his  own 
people  and  even  kind  to  his  Christian  subjects'.  Lane-Poole,  op.  oil.,  p.  263. 
His  Empire  was  threatened  by  the  Persians. 

87  Usually  called  Sa'd  al-Daulah,  'who  was  hated  by  the  Moslems  as  a  Jew, 
and  unpopular  with  the  Moslem  grandees;  during  Arghun's  last  illness,  a  few 
days  beiore  his  death,  he  was  deprived  of  his  office  and  his  life  by  his  enemies'; 
Encyclopedia  of  Islam,  p.  430.    He  was  killed  March  5,  1291;  Jewish  Encyclo- 
pedia, s.  v. 

88  Fourth  Ilkhan  of  Persia,  1284-1291. 

88a  March  and  April,  1265.     Lane-Poole,  op.  cit.  p.  267. 


An  Answer  to  the  Dhimmis  451 

become  common  property,  I  suggested  to  the  high  government 
to  seize  the  wealth  of  those  dogs  which  they  had  stolen  from  the 
treasury  of  the  Moslems,  and  through  which  they  had  been  able 
to  establish  businesses  and  to  have  dealings  with  merchants  on 
land  and  on  sea,  in  Syria  and  in  Egypt.  Our  Master  the  Sultan 
became  thoroughly  informed  of  the  audacity  of  these  cursed 
peoples,  who  bought  the  captives  of  Tripoli — royal  princes,  rich 
women  and  Christian  notables — as  well  as  of  the  hurt  and  the 
affliction  that  was  being  wrought  by  them  upon  the  Moslems,  in 
their  various  provinces  and  to  the  very  limit  of  their  power.  So 
the  poet  says: 

'How  many  a  weak  person,  when  once  he  attains  power,  kills; 
this  is  the  customary  fate  of  the  weak!'  (fol.  29a) 

During  the  rule  of  our  Master  the  Sultan  al-Malik  al-Thahir, 
when  he  was  in  the  act  of  conquering  Caesarea  and  Arsuf,  the 
people  of  Acre  sent  to  the  Christians  in  Cairo  some  men  who  were 
secretly  to  plot  with  them  to  set  fire  to  al-Batiliyyah,89  to  burn 
the  quarter  of  Farah,90  a  mortmain  in  Egypt  belonging  to  the 
Haram  al-Sharlf,  and  many  other  places — for  the  sole  purpose 
of  putting  a  thorn  in  the  path  of  the  Sultan  al-Malik  al-Thahir 
and  of  injuring  the  Moslems.  The  fire  spread  to  a  number  of 
places  up  to  Jurun  al-Rlf.91 

People,  ready  to  offer  good  advice,  wrote  about  this  to  al- 
Malik  al-Thahir  from  European  countries.  Whereupon,  the 
Sultan  seized  the  Christians  and  the  Jews  in  Cairo  and  in  Misr, 
gathering  them  all  together  for  the  purpose  of  burning  them  in  a 
heap  at  the  stake.92  He  himself  rode  out,  accompanied  by  a 
number  of  his  Emirs  to  be  present  at  the  burning  just  on  the 
outskirts  of  Cairo;  but  Ibn  al-Kazrinl  al-Sairafi  made  his  way 
to  the  Sultan  and  said  to  him:  'I  beg  of  you,  in  the  name  of  God, 
not  to  burn  us  in  company  with  these  dogs  of  Christians — your 

•    89  A  street  in  the  Eastern  quarter  of  Cairo,  not  far  from  the  Azhar  Mosque. 
Ibn  lyas,  Ta'rlkh  Mi§r,  2.  Ill    <J^V!    -^    • 
90 1  can  not  identify  this  quarter  of  Egypt. 

91  *-*iJl  OJ,^-.     Is  this  the  name  of  a  place;    or  is  UJ^-  pi-  of  <jj>>    ? 

92  This  must  be  the  event  referred  to  by  Ibn  lyas,  op.  cit.  I.  104,  as  having 
occurred  in  the  year  663.    A  more  detailed  description  will  be  found  in  MakrizI, 
Hist,  des  hultans  Mamlouks,  tr.    Quatremere,  2.  16;    though,  according  to 
Malp-izI,  it  was  the  Atabek  Paris  al-Din  Aktai  who  interceded  for  them. 


452  Richard  Gottheil 

enemies  as  well  as  ours.  Burn  us  by  ourselves  and  away  from 
them!'  Both  the  Sultan  and  the  Emirs  laughed  at  such  buffoonery 
on  the  part  of  Ibu  al-  Kazrunl;  and  some  of  the  Emirs  came  to 
him  and  asked  him  [simply]  to  place  a  fine  upon  them,  to  let  them 
go  and  not  burn  them  at  the  stake.  The  Sultan  fixed  upon  a 
heavy  ransom  and  appointed  (fol.  29b)  the  Emir  Saif  al-Din 
Balban  al-Mahrani93  to  come  to  definite  agreements  with  them 
to  pay  a  certain  amount  each  year.  This  arrangement  held  good 
until  the  days  of  al-Malik  al-Sa'!d,94  when  a  new  agreement  was 
come  to  with  the  Christians,  limiting  their  liability  up  to  a  change 
in  reigns;  and  just  as  soon  as  our  Lord  the  Sultan  al-Malik  al- 
Mansur95 — may  Allah  sanctify  his  pure  spirit! — began  to  reign, 
the  [whole]  matter  was  arranged  by  money  and  other  bribes,  and 
that  which  had  been  laid  upon  them  was  removed. 

During  the  reign  of  al-Thahir,  also,  it  was  found  out  that  all 
the  Christians,  Armenians  and  Georgians  who  lived  near  to  the 
Church  of  the  Crucifixion  in  Jersualem  the  Holy  were  nothing 
more  than  spies  of  the  un-eyelashed  Tartars,  and  that  they  were 
accustomed  to  keep  these  informed  concerning  the  affairs  of  the 
Moslems  and  the  armies  of  Egypt  and  all  the  things  done  by  the 
Emirs — about  those  that  had  been  put  to  death  or  imprisoned, 
when  there  was  an  uprising  and  when  affairs  were  quiet;  in  fact, 
whatever  came  to  their  knowledge  through  the  Christian  pilgrims 
from  Egypt  who  visited  the  Church  of  the  Resurrection.  There- 
fore he  ordered  that  these  spies  should  be  put  to  death  together 
with  those  with  whom  they  associated.  He,  also,  had  that 
church  turned  into  a  mosque,  (fol.  30a.) 

King  al-Mansur — 96  May  Allah,  in  his  mercy,  grant  him  for- 
giveness! 

The  Kadi  of  one  of  the  Manuf  districts,97  upon  the  basis  of 
unimpeachable  testimony,  determined  that  a  new  church  had 

93  Ibn  lyas,  loc.  cit.  1.  99,  speaks  of  one       '>  jjlgJl  <jUl*  at  this  time.    Is  this 
a  mistake  of  Ibn  lyas?     Ibn  Dukmak,  Kitab  al-Intisar,  4.  119,  has  also  'al- 
Mahrani'. 

94  Evidently,  Sa'id  Nasir  al-Din  Baraka  Khan,  Bahrl  Mamluke,  1277-1279; 
Lane-Poole,  op.  cit.  pp.  227  ff. 

96  Al-Mansur  Husam  al-Din  Lajin,  1296-1298. 

96  Mansur  Saif  al-Din  Kala'un,  1279-1290. 

97  In  no  dictionary  is  this  word  to  be  found  in  this  sense;    but  see  Van 
Berchem,  Mat&riaux,  pp.  214,  219.   Lane  gives  -L.-U  as  a  synonym.      Manuf 
is  between  Tanta  and  Ashmun  in  the  delta  of  the  Nile. 


An  Answer  to  the  Dkhnnii.**  453 

been  built  in  Harwan,9*  and  that  Christians  must  have  built  it 
between  the  'Egyptian'  dynasty  and  that  of  Saladin".  The 
judge  ordered  that  it  should  be  pulled  down,  in  accordance  with 
the  law  on  that  subject,  after  having  obtained  legal  opinions 
from  the  most  prominent  jurists  in  Cairo  in  regard  to  its  destruc- 
tion. But  the  Christians  brought  much  influence  to  bear  upon 
the  Emir  Husam  al-Din  Turuntal100  al-Mansurl,  who  was  lieu- 
tenant-governor101 at  the  time,  so  that  he  had  the  Kadi  cited 
before  him  and  beaten  with  cudgels  at  the  gate  al-Karafah. 
But  the  church  remained  in  ruins  —  as  I  am  told  by  the  Emir 
Nasir  al-Din  Muhammad  al-Jaharkasi,  Governor  of  Manuf  — 
until  the  end  of  the  year  689.  103  [He  added  that]  the  supporting 
documents  in  regard  to  this  were  in  the  possession  of  the  afore- 
mentioned Nasir  al-Dm  al-Jaharkasi.  Then  in  the  year  [6]90, 
it  was  rebuilt  with  the  help  of  'Izz  al-Din  al-Kashshash,  Governor 
of  the  Gharbiyyah  province,  for  the  sake  of  Mr.  Someone  and  the 
son  of  Mr.  Someone,  scribe  of  Mr.  Someone.  Now  the  incorrupt- 
ible Musa  al-Shaubaki,  the  merchant,  formed  a  plan  and  com- 
menced to  pay  frequent  visits  to  Acre,  going  and  coming  (fol.  30b), 
until  he  had  carried  to  Acre  all  the  crops  of  the  Sultan  and  of 
some  of  the  Egyptian  Emirs  that  they  possessed  in  the  region  of 
the  Dead  Sea.  This  was  the  manner  in  which  he  brought  aid 
to  the  Franks  against  the  Moslems.  Could  I  seek  shelter  under 
some  strong  pillar,  I  would  relate  who  it  was  that  gave  the  afore- 
mentioned help  —  [which  I  do  not  do]  for  reasons  that  are  self- 
evident. 

GhazI  ibn  al-Wasiti,  the  author  of  this  book,  says  that  it  is 
not  proper  for  any  Islamic  Sultan,  King,  Governor  or  Vizier  to 
permit  the  Church  of  the  Resurrection  that  is  in  the  Holy  Jeru- 
salem to  remain  as  it  is;  since  there  the  deception  is  practised 
by  the  Christians  which  makes  it  appear  that  fire  descends  upon 
the  grave  in  which  the  Christians  think  that  the  Messiah  —  upon 
whom  be  peace  !  —  was  buried  ;  a  deception  that  is  practised  simpty 


98  1  can  not  identify  this  place.   Ibn  Dukmak,  loc.  cit.  5.  107,  has  a 

99  What  is  meant  by  these  two  terms? 

100  Chief  Vizier  of  Lajin;  Lane-Poole,  p.  285;  Van  Berchem,  p.  319. 

101  AdiLJl  i.A   ^IkjJ*  ;  Ibn  lyas,  1.1  16,  below.   [Read  third  word  na'ib.] 

102  On    Ailjdl  vlsee    Makmi    (2d    ed.)    2.    151,    185;     Van    Berchem, 

p.  521. 

103  1.  e.  1290.     Jaharkasi  =  Circassian. 


454  Richard  Gottheil 

because  of  the  tax  that  is  levied  upon  them  at  the  time  of  the 
[annual]  pilgrimage.  Then,  the  cursed  Patriarch  says  to  the  fool 
of  a  Christian  that  Moslem  witnesses  watch  this  fire,  trying  how 
to  produce  it  themselves — but  that  their  perplexity  only  increases 
and  they  lose  their  senses,  because  their  own  fire  will  not  catch. 
In  this  way  they  are  more  confirmed  than  ever  in  the  faith  of 
their  unbelieving  fathers.  This  is  true  especially  of  those  who 
are  born  [there]  and  see  this  occurrence  every  year  at  his  rising, 
(fol.  31a.)  In  addition,  the  appearance  of  this  fire  drives  the 
Christian  as  a  missionary  to  the  erring  ones;  and  it  is  made  a 
proof  [which  is  used]  to  hold  people  attached  to  the  accursed 
faith  and  religion.  [By  permitting  such  things1  the  representa- 
tives of  the  Sultan  would  be  their  supporters  in  the  persistence 
in  absurdity,  the  perseverance  in  error,  unbelief  and  atheism  and 
the  attachment  to  cheating.  If  this  church  were  destroyed,  and 
the  affair  connected  with  the  grave  and  the  fire  made  impossible, 
the  whole  truth  would  come  out,  to  wit,  that  [one  of  the]  leading 
men  of  Jerusalen  takes  a  flint,  two  woolen  threads  and  brimstone, 
and  in  the  presence  of  the  cursed  Patriarch,  strikes  fire  and  lights 
the  wick  in  a  lamp  filled  with  oil.  When  the  oil  is  finished  and 
the  lamp  which  was  called  'al-Nur'  goes  out — then,  a  little  sense 
will  come  to  those  poor  fellows,  and  they  will  realize  that  they 
have  been  fooled,  lied  to  and  led  astray.  The  circumstance  would 
be  a  powerful  influence  leading  them  away  from  their  own  faith. 
It  would  happen  that  the  majority  of  those  would  turn  and 
become  Moslems  who  had  witnessed  the  fraud  practised  by  their 
very  highest  cursed  ecclesiastic,  e.  g.  the  Patriarch,  Bishop  and 
Metropolitan.  Their  aspirations  would  become  cooled  and  their 
faith  would  wane  [simply]  because  they  missed  this  fire. 

Thus  it  happened  in  the  time  of  Mu'awiya  ibn  Abl  Sufyan 
when  he  sent  his  army  into  Cyprus.104  The  Moslem  Arabs  pene- 
trated (fol.  31b)  into  the  island  of  Cyprus  and  became  its  rulers. 
They  found  in  it  an  iron  cross  standing  upright  between  two  high 
posts.  The  Arabs  [naturally]  wondered  at  this,  and  how  it  was 
able  to  stand  upright  without  any  support.  But,  there  was  one 
man  among  them  who  had  excellent  sight.  He  came  forward 
and  pulled  up  one  of  the  posts.  The  cross  fell  over.  Attached 
to  this  post  there  was  found  a  magnetic  stone  of  the  greatest 
possible  magnitude,  both  as  regards  length  and  breadth.  He, 

104  According  to  al-Biladhuri,  p.  153,  in  the  year  28  or  29  (648-649).  I  can 
find  no  confirmation  of  the  following  story  (e.  g.  in  Tabari,  I.  2826). 


An  Answer  to  the  Dhimmis  455 

then,  threw  down  the  second  post,  and  found  the  same  to  be  the 
case  with  it.  The  explanation  is  that  the  two  magnetic  stones 
drew  the  cross,  each  to  its  own  side,  with  equal  strength,  pro- 
ducing an  equilibrium,  so  that  it  did  not  fall.  But,  when  one  of 
the  posts  fell,  the  cross  was  bound  to  fall  also.  In  such  manner 
a  fraud  that  had  been  practised  became  discovered,  and  what 
had  been  done  by  these  cursed  leading  men  among  the  Christians. 
People  recognized  that  the  whole  affair  was  an  insidious  fraud. 

I  ask  Allah  the  Most-High,  who  has  granted  to  our  Master 
the  Sultan,  son  of  the  Sultan,  the  glorious  King  Salah  al-Dln,l°rj 
victory,  many  conquests  and  desertions  of  their  faith  on  the  part 
of  the  unbelievers — such  as  he  has  never  granted  to  any  Sultan 
before  him — ,  and  who  has  united  in  his  person  good  actions  with 
the  qualities  of  bravery,  generosity,  perseverance  and  fine  per- 
sonality, that  he  cause  to  be  written  upon  the  pages  dealing  with 
the  noble  deeds  done  during  the  days  of  his  excellent  Sultanate, 
the  [account  of  the]  erasure  of  the  traces  (fol.  32a)  in  the  official 
Diwans  and  the  like  of  the  nonsense  practised  by  the  ignorant 
Copts  in  Egypt  and  in  Syria.  In  illustration  of  this  an  eminent 
man  cited  the  verse  of  al-  Hasan  ibn  al-Ma'am  :106 

'She  listened  and  said,  Lo  and  behold9     this  is  the  tread  of  the 
foot  of  a  walking  horse.' 

Although  these  words  are  strange  they  have  been  said  and  re- 
peated [in  common  parlance],  so  that  they  are  similar  to  [the  use 
of  the  expression]  'the  scorpion's  charm'  denoting  the  limit  of 
possibility,  in  that  he  said  that  she  'hears  the  tread  of  the  horse's 
hoof.'  Just  so  are  the  technical  terms  of  the  Copts,  seemingly 
nonsensical  expressions  and  strange  terms.107  When  they  are 
explained,  they  are  as  easy  as  the  simplest  rule  in  grammar,  which 
the  smallest  Moslem  children  learn  in  their  schools.  Now,  when 
a  clever  man  from  among  those  who  have  studied  this  technical 
language  goes  to  Mesopotamia,  to  Asia  Minor  or  to  Persia,  it 
serves  him  in  no  way  at  all.  Every  country  has  technical  terms 
that  are  peculiar  to  its  own  people,  or  to  a  tribe  inhabiting  that 
country,  and  are  without  any  ambiguity  whatsoever.  Now,  in  the 

105 1.  e.  Khalil  ibn  Kila'un,  1290-1293. 

106  This  can  hardly  refer  to  Abu  Nuwas,  whose  name  was  al-Hasan  ibn  Hani. 
The  verse  is  quite  unintelligible  in  this  connection. 

107  Ms.  has   o^Lc^Jl  .   Evidently,  the  author  is  making  fun  of  the  Copts. 


456  Richard  Gottheil 

region  of  Aleppo  and  Mesopotamia,  the  manner  in  which  accounts 
are  kept  and  the  records  in  their  Dlwans  had,  even  recently,108 
been  the  very  opposite  of  that  used  in  Egypt,  (fol.  32b.)  When 
the  victorious  King  Salah  al-Din  Yusuf  ibu  al-'AzIz109  came  to 
rule  over  Damascus  and  placed  some  Copts  in  various  positions 
in  the  provinces  of  Aleppo  and  Mesopotamia,  these  Copts  changed 
the  manner  of  keeping  the  accounts  to  that  of  Egypt  —  for  the 
simple  reason  that  they  were  unacquainted  with  the  method  used 
in  Syria;  according  to  which  latter  the  relation  of  the  original 
amount  to  the  exchange  and  of  the  exchange  to  the  original 
amount  is  so  regulated  that  it  is  impossible  for  a  cheat  to  use 
any  guile  and  come  off  well  with  it,110  without  its  coming  to  light 
at  once.  Up  to  the  end  of  the  Nasirite  dynasty,  it  was  the  custom 
of  the  Kings  of  Syria  and  of  their  Sultans  not  to  permit  the 
Diwan  known  as  the  Diwan  al-Istlfa111  to  be  without  Moslems, 
some  of  the  most  prominent  headmen  belonging  to  the  leading 
families  who  were  renowned  for  their  good  faith  and  for  their 
activity.  In  such  manner,  no  Jew  nor  Christian  was  alone  in 
laying  down  the  law  in  any  matter  relating  to  Syria.  He  was 
unable  to  speak  or  write  [officially]  about  an  event  that  had 
happened,  except  after  the  truth  had  been  established  by  a  Mos- 
lem. So,  the  Jew  or  the  Christian  would  prepare  the  account; 
and  the  prominent  [Moslem]  would  countersign  the  reliability  of 
the  document.  Then,  in  the  shortest  possible  time  the  Moslems 
turned  their  attention  to  accustoming  their  children  to  uncovering 
the  lies  of  these  vile  and  ignorant  people,  and,  by  their  sagacity, 
to  perfecting  themselves  to  a  great  degree  (fol.  33a)  and  to  excel- 
ling in  unearthing  the  guile  [of  others],  as  they  already  excelled 
in  the  religious  sciences.  Along  this  line  they  composed  thousands 
of  works,  wherein  they  developed  points  of  view  which  neither 
Jew  nor  Christian  could  reach.  They  were  able  to  deal  with  the 
contents  of  the  Moslem  treasury  as  dictated  by  the  Moslem 
Scriptures  and  the  traditions  of  Allah's  prophet. 

In  this  manner  the  contents  of  the  treasury  increased  —  through 
the  blessings  [of  Allah]  and  the  equity  [of  the  treasury's  governors]. 


108  Ms.    «*$£  ^J)  ^c    ?     Lane,  s.  v.  <-^J**»  <£•*&•    :    'I  me*  him  a  short 
time  ago.' 

109  'Aziz  must  be  a  mistake  for  'Ayyub  —  i.  e.  Saladin. 

110  Literally:  'to  plant  his  seed'in  it.' 

111  1.  e.  Treasury-General. 


An  Answer  to  the  Dkimmis  457 

All  noxious  prejudices  were  rooted  out,  and  all  avenues  of  injustice 
closed.  Their  guide-posts  were  battered  down;  their  disgraceful 
and  shameful  traces  were  extinguished.  Our  Master,  the  Sultan 
al-Malik  al-Ashraf  Salah  al-Dln,  [in  doing  all  this]  acted  accord- 
ing to  the  traditions  of  the  Prophet,  and  did  exactly  as  did  the 
righteous  Caliphs  and  the  just  Sultans.  Verily,  Malik  writes  in 
his  Kitab  al-Mudawwanah  al-Kvbro,112  that  the  Commander  of  the 
Faithful,  'Umar  ibn  al-Khattab  said:  'There  must  not  be  chosen, 
either  from  among  the  Jews  or  the  Christians,  diviners  or  money- 
brokers;  they  must  be  removed  from  our  market-places;  Allah 
has  made  them  unnecessary  for  the  Moslems/ 

Now,  if  this  is  so  in  questions  of  [ordinary]  buying  and  selling, 
which  are  matters  to  which  no  importance  and  no  [ethical]  value 
can  be  attached,  (fol.  3Sb)  how  much  the  more  should  it  be  the 
rule  when  the  question  of  leadership  in  an  affair  is  at  stake !  The 
Jews  hold  that  interest  may  be  taken  from  those  who  are  not  of 
their  religion;  for,  according  to  their  principles,  the  collection  of 
fortunes  is  permitted.  How,  then,  can  anyone  who  holds  it  is 
permissible  to  gain  money  out  of  Moslems  be  put  in  a  superior 
position — either  in  argument  or  in  law?  Intelligent  men  have 
said:  'What  a  wonder  it  is  to  see  a  believer  take  as  a  servant  an 
unbeliever  who  differs  from  him  in  opinion,  who  is  opposed  to 
him  in  faith  and  belief!'  They  also  have  said:  'What  a  wonder 
it  is  to  see  someone  put  aside  a  believing,  intelligent  friend  and 
be  contented  with  a  foolish,  unbelieving  enemy!'  Still  another 
has  said:  'In  a  Moslem  are  to  be  found  four  qualities  which  you 
will  not  find  in  anj^one  else — excellent  self-restraint  in  regard  to 
women,  plenitude  of  equity,  consideration  for  people  of  [other] 
faiths,  and  liberality  in  advice  to  Moslems.  In  a  Polytheist  are 
also  to  be  found  four  qualities — want  of  faith,  abundance  of  per- 
fidy, willingness  to  deceive  Moslems,  keeping  at  a  distance  people 
with  faith.' 

Finished  is  the  book  through  the  favor  of  the  Kind  One,  the 
Giver.  Praised  be  Allah!  Pray  Allah  for  Mohammed  and  his 
family  of  Pure  Ones  and  his  Companions!  Sufficient  is  Allah, 
the  trustiest  Agent. 

112 1.  e.  'The  Great  Decretal.'  This  is  really  not  the  work  of  Malik  himself, 
but  a  resume  of  his  legal  system  prepared  by  his  disciple  'Abd  al-Rahman 
ibn  al-^Casim  who  died  in  806. 


BRIEF  NOTES 

Ancient  Teimd  and  Babylonia 

An  Aramaic  inscription  found  at  Teima,  Arabia,  is  the  source  of 
our  knowledge  of  the  influence  of  Egypt  and  particularly  Baby- 
lonia upon  ancient  Teima  at  the  beginning  of  the  5th  Century 
B.  C.  See  Cooke,  North  Semitic  Inscriptions,  pp.  195-199. 
Delitzsch  in  Wo  lag  das  Paradiesf,  pp.  301ff,  shows  the  connection 
between  Arabian  Taima',  Biblical  Terna'  and  Assyrian  AlTe-ma-a, 
from  which  is  derived  the  Gentilic  term  dlTe-ma-a-a,  mentioned  by 
Tiglathpileser  IV  in  the  8th  Century  B.  C.  Teima  was  recognized 
as  an  important  city  in  antiquity  and  is  called  ©at/xa  on  Ptolemy's 
map  of  Arabia  Felix.  Hogarth  in  The  Penetration  of  Arabia,  p.  280, 
emphasizes  the  fact  that  Teima  was  'on  the  old  route  from  the 
Gulf  of  Akabah  to  the  Persian  Gulf  and  'a  dividing  point  of  roads 
from  Petra  to  Gerra  in  the  east  and  Sheba  in  the  south.' 

A  tablet  in  the  Goucher  College  Babylonian  Collection  is  of 
unusual  interest  in  this  connection.  It  shows  that  a  man  was  sent 
on  a  journey  from  Babylonia  to  mdiTe-ma-a  in  the  6th  Century 
B.  C.  The  term  mdiTe-ma-a  is  equivalent  to  'the  land  of 
Tema'  found  in  Isaiah  21.14.  Cyrus  in  his  Chronicle  states 
that  Nabonidus  was  in  AlTe-ma-a  in  the  7th,  9th,  10th  and  llth 
years  of  his  reign.  Cf.  TSBA,  Vol.  8,  pp.  139-176,  and  KB, 
Band  3,  2.  Halftc,  pp.  128-135.  Up  to  the  present  the  AlTe-ma-a 
of  this  Chronicle  has  not  been  connected  with  Arabian  Teima. 
Cf.  Tiele,  Babylonisch-Assyrische  Geschichte,  Part  1,  p.  470f. 
However,  the  clear  intimation  of  the  record  is  that  Nabonidus 
was  outside  of  mdtAkkadu  in  the  years  mentioned,  and  as  a  result 
certain  religious  ceremonies  were  not  performed  in  Babylon. 
Furthermore,  Nabonidus  is  not  mentioned  as  taking  part  in  the 
mourning  in  Akkad  for  his  mother  who  died  in  the  9th  year  of 
his  reign. 

Three  Yale  documents  throw  additional  light  upon  the  situation. 
Text  134  in  YBT,  Vol.  6,  dated  in  the  10th  year  of  Nabonidus, 
indicates  that  food  for  the  king  was  taken  to  mdiTe-ma-a.  Texts 
11  and  150  in  the  same  volume  are  royal  leases  of  land.  The 
former,  dated  in  the  1st  year  of  Nabonidus,  was  obtained  from  the 
king  himself.  The  latter,  dated  in  the  llth  year,  was  obtained 
from  Belshazzar.  Thus  all  the  documentary  evidence  now  at  our 


Brief  Notes  459 

disposal  tends  to  confirm  the  conclusion  that  Nabonidus  was 
absent  from  Babylonia  during  at  least  a  part  of  the  7th,  9th,  10th 
and  1 1  th  years  of  his  reign.  It  seems  to  the  writer  not  only  possible 
but  highly  probable  that  the  AlTe-ma-a  visited  by  Nabonidus  was 
ancient  Teima  in  Arabia.  That  the  Neo-Babylonian  empire 
included  a  large  part  of  Arabia  is  not  unlikely.  Nabonidus  may 
have  looked  after  administrative  affairs  in  Arabia,  while  Bel- 
shazzar,  as  crown  prince,  directed  the  government  at  home.  Such 
a  situation  would  be  entirely  in  harmony  with  the  high  position 
accorded  Belshazzar  as  the  second  ruler  in  the  kingdom.  We  can 
only  infer  that  a  close  relationship  existed  between  ancient  Teima 
and  Babylonia.  This  preliminary  note  will  be  followed  by  a  fuller 
discussion  in  a  future  number  of  the  JOURNAL. 

RAYMOND  P.  DOUGHERTY 
Goucher  College 

Note  on  Mdgadhl  ahake 

V.  S.  Sukthankar,  JAOS  40,  p.  253,  while  discussing  MagadhI 
ahake  and  noting  that  Pischel  brackets  the  form  as  not  being 
actually  quotable,  overlooks  the  fact  that  thirteen  years  ago  I 
pointed  out  in  Indogermanische  Forschungen  23.  129  f.  that  as  a 
matter  of  fact  it  occurs  a  few  times  in  the  Devanagarl  redaction 
of  the  Sakuntala:  see  Monier  Williams'  edition,  pp.  218,  219, 
221,  and  Godabole's  edition  (1891),  pp.  183,  184;  and  note  the 
comment  of  Raghavaghatta :  ahake:  'ham.  'Aham  arthe  'hake 
hage'  ity  ukteh. 

TRUMAN  MICHELSON 
Bureau  of  American  Ethnology, 
Washington,  D.  C. 


A  New  Creation  Story 

In  a  volume  of  tablets  published  by  H.  F.  Lutz  (Selected 
Sumerian  and  Babylonian  Texts.  PBS,  Vol.  I,  Pt.  2)  are  found 
two  very  important  documents  which  have  hitherto  escaped  the 
attention  of  scholars.  The  first  (No.  103),  referring  to  the  Fall  of 
Man,  will  probably  appear  in  A  TSL.  I  am  here  giving  a  summary 
of  the  contents  of  the  second  (No.  105) ;  a  complete  discussion  of 
it  will  be  found  in  a  future  issue  of  this  JOURNAL.  It  is  a  creation 
story,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  Eridu  appears  to  be  regarded 


460  Brief  Notes 

as  a  city  already  in  existence.  It  has  points  of  contact  with  the 
well-known  account  of  the  Marduk-Tiamat  fight,  which  it  ante- 
dates, since  this  Sumerian  document  can  be  safely  placed  about 
2000  B.  C.  A  summary  is  as  follows: 

The  god  Midimmud  speaks  to  his  messenger  Zubarra  about 
Eridu,  the  place  loved  by  the  god  Enki.  There  the  sea  meets  with 
no  opposition,  the  large  river  spreads  terror  upon  the  land,  and 
the  abyss  is  covered  by  great  storm  clouds.  The  messenger  is 
directed  to  bring  to  Enki  the  crafty  waters  of  incantation,  and 
his  own  mighty  monsters,  as  big  as  rivers.  Weapons  are  pre- 
pared, the  combat  against  the  sea  follows,  and,  as  a  result  of  this, 
the  safety  of  Eridu  is  insured.  The  god  then  proceeds  to  create 
vegetation,  birds  and  fishes.  This  done,  Enki  establishes  rain 
for  the  ocean,  overflow  for  the  abyss,  winds  for  the  sea.  For  the 
river  Euphrates  he  makes  a  river  bed,  so  as  to  control  its  course. 

EDWAKD  CHIERA 
University  of  Pennsylvania 


Once  more  Shdhbaz'garhi  uthanam 

I  have  previously  tried  to  show  that  Shahbazgarhi  uthanam 
was  a  true  native  word,  and  that  the  dental  th  was  not  merely 
graphical  for  lingual  th:  see  JAOS  30.  85,  86  and  IF  29.  224-226. 
The  publication  of  Markandeya's  Prakrtasarvasva  in  the  Grantha 
PradarsanI,  and  Hultzsch's  paraphrase  of  the  section  dealing 
with  Sauraseni  in  ZDMG  66.  709-726  makes  it  possible  to  support 
this  claim  with  additional  evidence.  Observe  that  Markandeya 
distinctly  prescribes  Sauraseni  utthido  (with  dental  tth)  but 
Maharastri  utthio  (with  lingual  tth)  as  correspondents  to  San- 
skrit utthitas  (for  ud+sthitas):  see  III.  15,  IX.  40,  IX.  137.  Hence 
we  may  infer  a  Sauraseni  word  utthanam  (with  dental  tth)  which 
would  exactly  correspond  to  Shahbazgarhi  uthanam.  That 
Rajasekhara  does  not  conform  to  the  rule  laid  down  by  Mar- 
kandeya that  in  Sauraseni  sthd  when  combined  with  ud  becomes 
utth-  (with  dental  tth)  proves  nothing;  for  years  ago  both  Pischel 
and  Konow  proved  in  detail  that  he  frequently  confuses  Saurasen! 
and  Maharastri,  and  Jacobi  implied  the  same  thing;  more  recently 
(AJP  41.  266,  267,  269)  I  have  pointed  out  a  couple  more  of  such 
blunders.  Sir  George  Grierson  in  a  letter  dated  November  15th, 


Brief  Notes  461 

1920,  calls  my  attention  to  Markandeya  VI.  4  where  Rajasekhara 
is  rebuked  for  confusing  Saurasenl  and  Maharastrl. 

TRUMAN  MICHELSON 
Bureau  of  American  Ethnology, 
Washington,  D.  C. 


The  locative  singular  of  masculine  and  neuter  i  and  u  stems  in 
Sauraseni  Prakrit 

Markandeya  at  IX.  63  gives  the  rule  that  i  and  u  stems  in  the 
locative  singular  have  the  termination  -mmi.  Now  of  course 
this  means  that  a  pronominal  ending  has  been  extended  to  nouns. 
And  this  is  precisely  where  there  is  a  difficulty:  for  it  should  be 
noted  that  in  the  pronouns  we  have  Saurasenl  -ssim,  Magadhi 
-ssim,  ArdhamagadhI  -msi,  but  Jaina  Maharastri  and  Maharastri 
-mmi.  Thus  Sanskrit  tasmin,  Saurasenl  tassim,  Magadhi  tassim, 
ArdhamagadhI  tamsi,  Jaina  Maharastri  and  Maharastrl  tammi; 
Sanskrit  etasmin,  Saurasenl  edassim,  Magadhi  edassim,  Ardha- 
magadhI eyamsi,  Jaina  Maharastrl  eyammi,  Maharastrl  eammi; 
Sanskrit  yasmin,  Saurasenl  jassim,  Magadhi  yassim,  Ardhama- 
gadhI jamsi,  Maharastrl  jammi;  Sanskrit  kasmin,  Saurasenl 
kassim,  Magadhi  kassim,  ArdhamagadhI  kamsi,  Maharastrl 
kammi;  Sanskrit  anyasmin,  Saurasenl  annassim,  Jaina  Mahara- 
strl annammi;  *imasmin,  Saurasenl  imassim,  Magadhi  imassim, 
ArdhamagadhI  imamsi,  Maharastrl  imammi.1  Observe  also  that 
Markandeya  explicitly  states  (IX.  62)  that  in  Saurasenl  nominal 
a  stems  have  the  locative  singular  in  -e,  which  is  confirmed  by 
the  best  texts.  Both  Pischel  and  Konow  have  pointed  out  that 
Rajasekhara  violates  the  dialect  by  using  -ammi  as  well  as  -e,  for 
in  Maharastrl  the  locative  singular  of  a  stems  ends  in  -ammi  as 

1 1  regard  the  ArdhamagadhI  locatives  in  -mmi  (which  occur  mostly  in 
verse,  as  can  be  seen  from  Pischel's  fine  collections)  as  simply  Maharastriisms, 
due  to  scribal  efforts  to  make  the  dialect  coincide  with  the  dialect  mostly 
used  in  literature.  The  locatives  in  -mmi  are  not  easily  explained.  See 
Pischel,  §313  end.  For  Maharastriisms  in  ArdhamagadhI  see  also  Pischel, 
§17  near  the  middle.  ArdhamagadhI  kamhi,  beside  kamsi,  is  evidently  an 
error  for  kammi:  see  Pischel,  §366a  near  the  middle.  Amg.  assim  is  an 
anomaly;  it  is  explicable  in  S.  Note  that  Rajasekhara,  in  the  Karpuramanjarl, 
twice  uses  Saurasenl  jassim  for  Maharastrl  jammi.  This  is  another  instance 
(hitherto  unreported)  where  the  author  confuses  his  dialects. 


462  Brief  Notes 

well  as  -e.2  This  last  is  intelligible  as  it  has  the  pronominal  ending 
-ammi  as  a  point  of  departure,  whereas  in  the  case  of  Sauraseni 
there  is  none.  And  it  should  be  noted  that  in  Maharastrl  i  and  u 
stems  the  same  analogical  extension  takes  place,  thus  girimmi, 
pahummi.  Accordingly  either  Maharastrl,  as  the  literary  Prakrit 
par  excellence,  has  influenced  Sauraseni,  or  else  Markandeya  has 
made  a  mistake,  or  else  the  manuscripts  of  his  grammar  are  to  be 
corrected,  for  forms  such  as  *aggissim  and  *vaussim  in  Sauraseni 
would  be  natural  analogical  extensions,  having  pronominal  -ssim 
as  the  point  of  departure.  Observe  that  Pischel  quotes  no  actual 
form  in  the  literature  for  the  Sauraseni  locative  singular  of  i  stems 
and  but  two  (in  -uni)  for  that  of  u  stems.  Till  we  have  further 
materials  it  is  impossible  to  decide  with  absolute  certainty  which 
of  the  above  hypotheses  is  correct;  but  the  first  is  the  most 
likely. 

TRUMAN  MICHELSON 
Bureau  of  American  Ethnology, 
Washington,  D.  C. 


On  the  doubling  of  consonants  in  the  seam  of  certain 
Pali  compounds 

anuddayd,  'compassion':  Skt.  anu-\-daya. 

patikkula  (beside  patikula),  'contrary':  Skt.  prati-kula. 

abhikkanta,  'lovely':  Skt.  abhi+kdnta  (not  abhi-krdnta]  cf. 
Childers  s.  v.,  and  Geiger,  Pali  Grammatik,  in  the  Grundriss, 
§33,  p.  53). 

paribbulha,  'strong',  etc. :   Skt.  pari-brdha. 

vikkhdyitaka,  one  of  the  ten  asubha  kammatthdnas,  obtaind  by 
contemplation  of  a  corpse  gnawed  by  beasts  of  prey:  Skt.  vi- 
khdditaka  (with  Prakritic  loss  of  d;  etymology  guaranteed  by 
simple  khdyita,  'eaten';  Geiger,  op.  tit.  §  36,  p.  55). 

More  or  less  plausible  attempts  have  been,  or  may  be,  made  to 
explain  the  double  consonant  in  some  (or  even  possibly  all)  of 
these  words  individually.  Thus  Anderson  suggests  that  anuddayd 
is  influenst  by  niddaya  =  nirdaya  (the  analogy  is  imperfect, 
since  anuddayd  is  a  noun,  niddaya  an  adjective  and  a  bahuvrlhi 

2  In  Magadhi  the  regular  ending  of  a  stems  for  the  locative  singular  is  -e; 
in  verse  the  Maharastrlism  -ammi  also  occurs:  see  Pischel,  §366a.  Similarly 
-ammi  in  Amg. :  the  regular  terminations  in  Amg.  are  -e  and  -amsi. 


Brief  Notes  463 

cpd.),  and  that  patikkula  goes  back  to  an  imaginary  Skt.  *pratl- 
kula  (which  theory  is  the  less  likely  because  Pali  patikula  is  also 
actually  found).  One  might  possibly — at  a  pinch — think  of 
influence  from  the  homonym  abhikkanta  =  abhikrdnta  'advanst' 
in  the  case  of  abhikkanta  'lovely',  and  of  a  vague  influence  from 
the  root  k$i  in  vikkhdyitaka. 

But  a  unitary  explanation  is  always  preferable  in  the  case  of  a 
group  of  forms  showing  such  obviously  similar  fenomena.  Meter 
cannot  be  concernd;  the  words  occur  predominantly  in  prose. 
The  iambic  law  is  not  likely  to  apply;  in  four  out  of  the  five 
words  quoted  above  the  next  syllable  is  long.  Such  suggestions 
as  the  influence  of  recessiv  accent  (Geiger  op.  cit.  §24,  p.  49)  are 
most  dubious;  many  of  the  forms  quoted  under  this  rubric  can  be 
explained  otherwise,  and  the  whole  idea  seems  to  me  not  much 
more  than  a  petitio  principii.  I  think  that  most  of  the  'vowel- 
lengthenings'  in  the  seam  of  compounds  mentioned  in  Geiger  §33, 
p.  53,  ar  different  in  character  (e.  g.  sakhlbhdva,  cf.  the  I  regular 
in  compositions  of  root  bhu  and  their  derivativs,  Whitney  Gr. 
§1094;  raja-  in  rajdpatha  stands  for  Skt.  rajah,  which  rules  it 
out;  etc.). 

I  suggest  that  the  explanation  is  this.  There  were  countless 
cases  in  Pali  in  which  a  simple  'root'  beginning  in  one  consonant 
appears  to  begin  with  a  double  consonant  as  soon  as  it  is  com- 
pounded. Of  course,  the  original  Sanskrit  had  two  consonants 
in  both  cases.  E.g.  Pali  tona  =  Skt.  krama,  but  anukkama  = 
anukrama.  From  the  point  of  view  of  Pali — which  neither  knows 
nor  cares  what  the  Sanskrit  had — such  forms  suggest  that  the 
second  element  of  a  (primarily  verbal!  see  below)  compound 
should  hav  its  initial  single  consonant  doubled.  It  is  a  case  of 
proportional  analogy:  kama:anukkama  =  dayd:anuddayd. 

It  is  quite  to  be  expected  that  this  fenomenon  should  be  nearly 
or  quite  restricted  to  verb-compounds  and  their  noun  derivativs, 
or  at  least  to  words  which  look  like  derivativs  of  compound  verbs, 
because  their  prior  member  is  a  preposition.  For  in  noun  com- 
pounds, even  when  the  second  element  originally  began  with  two 
consonants,  we  find  it  frequently  beginning  with  only  one  in  Pali, 
as  is  well  known.  This  is  of  course  due  to  the  comparativ  loose- 
ness of  noun,  as  contrasted  with  verb,  composition;  noun  com- 
pounds tend  more  to  behave  like  separate  words.  Yet  note 
jdtassara  'natural  lake':  Skt.  jdta-saras  (Geiger,  op.cit.  §33,  p.  53). 

The  list  given  at  the  hed  of  this  Note  does  not  by  any  means 


464  Brief  Notes 

claim  to  be  exhaustiv.  I  am  certain  that  there  ar  other  cases: 
these  ar  simply  the  most  certain  instances  of  those  which  I  hav 
discoverd,  mainly  from  the  lexicons  and  vocabularies.  System- 
atic serch  of  the  texts  will  undoubtedly  bring  to  light  more. 
Before  closing  I  should  like  to  refer  to  a  few  more  questionable 
cases. 

paggharati,  'trickles',  would  be  a  case  in  point  if  from  Skt. 
pra-ghr;  no  forms  of  root  gh?  occur  with  two  initial  consonants. 
But  the  derivation  cannot  be  considered  certain.  Geiger  (op.cit. 
§56.  2,  p.  67)  derives  from  Skt.  ksar,  and  deduces  (apparently 
from  forms  of  this  root  and  jhd  =  ksd,  'burn',  alone)  a  fonetic 
law  which  seems  to  me  to  hav  a  rather  questionable  basis,  positing 
a  special  treatment  of  ks  in  Pali-Prakrit  when  ks  =  Indo-Iranian 
zz.  It  must  be  admitted  that  Prakrit  pajjharai  lends  some  support 
to  this  theory. 

vissussati,  'is  dried  up',  Skt.  vi-sus,  is  quoted  by  Childers  from 
a  single  passage  only,  and  there,  as  Ch.  notes,  it  is  immediately 
preceded  by  ussussati;  the  ss  may  be  due  to  direct  influence 
from  this  adjoining  form.  Yet  I  suspect  that  the  case  belongs 
under  my  rule.  Other  occurrences,  if  there  ar  any,  would  pre- 
sumably decide. 

Compounds  beginning  with  su-  followd  by  a  doubled  consonant 
ar  open  to  the  suspicion  of  having  been  influenst  by  their  opposits 
in  (Sanskrit)  dus-;  e.g.  subbaca:  Skt.  su-vacas:  subbatta,  sup- 
patha.  So  also  suddittha  according  to  Anderson,  JPTS  1909 
p.  193 :  su-dr§ta  (which  seems  a  more  likely  derivation  than  that 
of  Geiger,  op.cit.  §24  n.  1,  p.  49,  from  su+uddittha  =  Skt.  uddista). 

Compounds  of  the  Skt.  root  srj  and  their  derivativs,  showing  ss 
(e.  g.  vissajjati),  hav  no  dout  been  partly  influenst  by  Sanskrit 
forms  beginning  in  sr  (aor.  asrdkslt  etc.);  they  would  then  be 
blend  forms  (sraj  and  sarj).  Yet  it  seems  possible  that  such 
forms  as  these  may  hav  helpt  in  the  creation  of  the  psychological 
predisposition  to  double  an  initial  consonant  of  a  root  preceded  by 
a  preposition. 

Probably  not  pertinent  at  all  ar  such  forms  as  okkattha:  Skt. 
avakrsta  and  the  like;  they  presumably  involv  mere  compensatory 
lengthening  of  the  consonant  attendant  on  shortening  of  the 
o-vowel. 

Certainly  not  pertinent  ar  blend  forms  like  upakkilesa:  Skt. 
upaklesa  (blend  of  *upakkesa  and  *upakilesa),  sassirika:  Skt. 
sasnka  (blend  of  *sassika  and  *sasinka),  etc. 


Brief  Notes  465 

Finally,  the  question  would  naturally  arise  whether  the  Prakrit 
dialects  show  tendencies  of  this  same  sort.  I  hav  examind  this 
question  in  a  somwhat  superficial  way,  but  do  not  feel  like  express- 
ing an  opinion.  The  matter  of  doubling  of  consonants  in  Prakrit 
is  much  more  confused  than  in  Pali,  and  requires  a  special  study. 

The  tendency  which  I  assume  never  acquired  anything  like 
universal  prevalence  in  Pali.  But  this  cannot  be  counted  as  a 
disproof  of  the  thesis.  Pali  fonology  is  full  of  such  tentativ 
leads,  never  fully  carried  out. 

FRANKLIN  EDGERTON 

University  of  Pennsylvania 


On  a  possible  Pre-Vedic  Form  in  Pali  and  Prakrit 

The  Pali-Prakrit  root  kaddh,  'draw',  'plow',  is  the  lexical  equiva- 
lent of  Sanskrit  /cars,  Airs,1  but  cannot  be  derived  from  its  pre- 
sumptive source  by  any  known  fonetic  process.  Analogical 
infection,  or  blend  with  any  other  root  does  not  suggest  itself, 
tho  possibilities  of  that  sort  are  not  entirely  precluded  by  mere 
negation.  But  it  is  possible  to  explain  root  kaddh  by  an  historical 
process  of  another  kind. 

The  'root-determinative'  d  attaches  itself  with  great  predilection 
in  the  Aryan  tongues  to  roots  ending  in  sibilants.  Thus  in  Vedic 
the  root  ld  =  is-d,  from  is  (ichati),  for  which  see  Johns  Hopkins 
University  Circulars  1906,  pp.  13  ff.2;  pld  =  pis-d  (JHUC.  I.e.) 
from  pis,  'crush'  (7rie£a>  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  case);  mil, 
from  *mld  =  mis-d  from  mis,  both  in  the  sense  of  'shut  the  eyes' 
(Wackernagel,  Altindische  Grammatik  i.  221  ff.). 

Some  of  those  formations  are  Indo-Iranian,  or  even  Indo- 
European:  Avestan  khraozdaiti,  'harden',  khruzda,  'hard';  San- 
skrit krudayati,  'thicken',  krodas,  'breast':  Greek  /cpvcr-rcuVa), 
'congeal'.  Sanskrit  hed,  hid,  'hate',  Avestan  zoizda,  'ugly', 
OHG.  geist  (cf.  ON.  geisa  'be  infuriated'):  Goth,  usgaisjan,  'make 
beside  one's  self.  Especially  as  regards  the  sounds  zd,  preceded 
by  r,  cf.  Aryan  mrzd,  in  Sanskrit  mrd,  Avestan  mdwzd  'pity', 
either  from  root  mrs,  'forget',  or  I.-E.  mrg  'wipe  off'. 

1  Hemacandra  4.  187;  the  basis  ka^4h  is  probably  continued  in  the  modern 
Hindu  dialects;    e.  g.,  in  Marathl  kddhnem;    see  Bloch,  Langue  Marathe, 
§§112,  231,  and  p.  308. 

2  Persistent  identifications  with   Lat.   aestumo;   Goth,  aistan;   OHG.  era; 
or  with  Skt.  yajati  (i§ta-)  are  all  wrong. 

30     JAOS  41 


466  Brief  Notes 

It  seems  hardly  possible  that  Pali-Prakrit  kaddh  does  not  con- 
tain this  same  additional  d  (kr§-d,  krz-d),  tho  there  is  no  trace  of 
it  in  Iranian  and  Vedic.  The  form  should  be  Aryan  krzd  (Avestan 
kdwzd;  Vedic  kfd).  From  this  otherwise  defunct  Aryan  krzd 
the  Pali-Prakrit  kaddh  is  derivable  by  impeccable  fonetics.  The 
assumption  is  daring  but  not  impossible  when  we  remember 
that  the  Middle-Indie  dialects  have  certainly  preserved  some 
Vedic  forms  that  are  lost  in  Sanskrit;  see  Pischel,  Grammatik  der 
Prdkrit-Sprachen,  §6  (with  bibliografy). 

MAURICE  BLOOMFIELD 

Johns  Hopkins  University 


Gobryas,  governor  of  Babylonia 

In  Revue  d'assyriologie  II.  165  ff.,  Pere  Scheil  published  a  letter 
from  Erech,  written  by  Anu-shar-usur  to  Nabu-mukin-apli  and 
Nabu-ah-iddin,  in  which  reference  is  made  to  soldiers  who  are 
on  the  li'u  'roll'  of  Nebuchadrezzar  and  Neriglissar;  and  the  fact 
that  the  captain  was  anxious  that  the  depleted  ranks  of  these 
soldiers  should  not  become  known  to  Gubaru.  From  this  Scheil 
concluded  that  Gobryas  had  already  exercised  a  high  command 
in  the  army  at  the  time  of  Nebuchadrezzar.  (See  also  King, 
A  History  of  Babylon,  p.  281.) 

The  mention  of  soldiers'  'rolls'  of  Nebuchadrezzar  and  of 
Neriglissar  when  Gobryas  was  in  control  would  at  once  suggest 
that  the  time  the  letter  was  written  was  not  in  the  time  of  Nebu- 
chadrezzar, but  when  he  was  governor,  in  the  reign  of  Cyrus; 
and  from  what  follows  this  is  shown  to  be  correct. 

In  the  writer's  Neo-Babylonian  Letters  from  Erech  (YBT  III) 
there  is  one,  No.  45,  in  which  the  Wu  'rolls'  of  Neriglissar  and  Nabo- 
nidus  are  referred  to  in  connection  with  food  for  the  soldiers  of 
Cyrus.  From  what  follows  this  was  written  in  the  same  reign, 
namely  that  of  Cyrus.  See  also  No.  81,  written  by  the  same  man. 
No.  106  also  refers  to  the  ll-e  of  Nebuchadrezzar,  Neriglissar,  and 
Nabonidus,  and  was  written  by  the  same  man,  Innina-alje-iddin, 
but  probably  in  the  following  reign  because  of  the  references  to 
Cambyses  (see  line  34). 

In  Tremayne's  Records  from  Erech,  Time  of  Cyrus  and  Cambyses 
(YBT  VII),  which  is  ready  for  the  press,  the  names  of  Nabu- 
mukin-aplu  and  Nabu-ah-iddin,  the  two  addressees  in  Scheil's 
tablet,  frequently  occur  together  as  two  officers,  the  former  as  the 


Brief  Notes  467 

shatammu  of  Eanna,  and  the  latter  as  the  shaqu  sharri  and  bel 
piqittu  of  Eanna  (see  47  :  2,  3/84  :  18,  19/94  :  3,  4,  etc.).  Nabu- 
mukin-aplu  as  the  shatammu  occurs  in  these  texts  first  in  the  sixth 
year  of  Cyrus  (YBT  VII  54  :  5),  having  followed  Nidintum-Bel 
in  this  office,  which  he  continued  to  hold  until  the  sixth  year  of 
Cambyses  (190  :  13).  Nabu-ah-iddin  held  this  office  from  the 
seventeenth  year  of  the  previous  reign  (Dougherty  YBT  VI 
156  :  3)  unto  the  fourth  year  of  Cambyses  (Tremayne  YBT  VII 
172  :  10).  The  writer  of  Scheil's  tablet,  Anu-shar-usur,  was  the 
qipu  of  Eanna  in  the  reign  of  Cyrus  (YBT  VII  7  :  7).  This  office 
was  apparently  higher  in  rank  than  the  other  two  that  have  been 
mentioned  (see  YBT  VII  7  :  7;  YBT  III  10  :  2/61  :  10). 

These  facts  show  that  the  letter  published  by  Scheil  was  written 
in  the  reign  of  Cyrus,  when  Gobryas  was  governor  of  Babylon; 
and  also  that,  until  other  evidence  is  obtained,  we  can  only  con- 
clude that  the  activity  of  Gobryas  in  Babylonia  began  with  the 
reign  of  Cyrus.  It  would  seem  also  from  the  references  to  soldiers 
as  belonging  to  rolls  of  Nebuchadrezzar,  Neriglissar,  and  Naboni- 
dus  during  the  reign  of  Cyrus  that  this  was  a  method  of  classifica- 
tion of  men  in  the  army  at  that  time. 

ALBERT  T.  CLAY 

Yale  University 


A  new  method  of  syntactical  arrangement 

Grammars  fall  roughly  into  two  classes,  the  so-called  scientific 
grammars,  in  which  an  attempt  is  made  to  marshal  all  the  phono- 
logical, morphological,  and  syntactical  facts  of  the  language  in 
question,  with  little  or  no  regard  for  vocabulary  and  idiom,  and 
the  so-called  practical  grammars,  in  which  vocabulary  and  idiom 
occupy  the  center  of  the  stage,  and  as  little  attention  as  possible 
is  devoted  to  the  study  of  forms  and  constructions. 

Many  works  of  both  classes  are  excellent  in  their  way,  but  in 
no  single  instance  does  any  grammar,  so  far  as  I  know,  accomplish 
what  I  believe  should  be  the  real  purpose  of  every  grammar, 
namely,  to  actually  teach  the  language  in  question.  By  the 
term  language  here  I  mean  at  least  that  portion  of  it  which  is 
the  common  possession  of  all  the  people  who  speak  it,  the  language 
of  e very-day  life.  The  reason  for  this  failure  of  grammar  to  teach 
language  is  not  to  be  sought  in  the  treatment  of  phonetic  or  mor- 
phological phenomena;  there  are  many  practically  perfect  pho- 


468  Brief  Notes 

nologies  and  morphologies.  It  lies  in  the  unsatisfactory  arrange- 
ment of  syntactical  material,  and  in  the  lack  of  a  good  plan  for  a 
systematic  study  of  vocabulary  and  idiom. 

The  aim  of  the  present  paper  is  to  outline  a  plan  for  the  improve- 
ment of  the  first  of  these  defects,  the  unsatisfactory  arrangement 
of  syntactical  material.  At  a  later  time  I  hope  to  offer  some  sug- 
gestions with  regard  to  the  systematic  study-  of  vocabulary  and 
idiom. 

There  are  two  well-recognized  methods  of  syntactical  arrange- 
ment.1 First,  the  formal  method,  in  which  the  uses  of  the  various 
important  words  and  forms  of  the  language  are  explained  from 
the  point  of  view  of  the  individual  word  or  form,  such  matters 
being  treated  as,  e.  g.,  the  use  of  the  article,  the  uses  of  the  various 
case  forms  of  the  noun,  and  of  the  various  tense  and  mood  forms 
of  the  verb,  etc.  Secondly,  the  logical  method,  in  which  the 
arrangement  is  based  on  the  idea  involved,  all  the  various  expres- 
sions for  the  same  idea  being  grouped  together,  e.  g.,  all  the  ways 
of  expressing  the  definite  state  of  a  noun,  all  the  ways  of  expressing 
the  various  case  relations  of  a  noun,  the  various  tenses  and  moods 
of  a  verb,  etc.  Of  these  two  methods  the  formal  is  the  one  which 
usually  forms  the  basis  of  the  ordinary  syntax. 

A  third  principle  of  arrangement,  which  is  also  employed  to 
some  extent  in  many  syntaxes,  tho  I  have  never  seen  it  formally 
recognized  as  a  principle  of  arrangement,  is  what  may  be  called 
the  combinatory  principle.  Here  the  material  is  treated  from  the 
point  of  view  of  the  combination  of  a  word  with  its  modifiers,  and 
not  from  that  of  the  individual  form  making  up  the  combination. 
This  third  principle  of  arrangement,  this  practically  unrecognized 
principle,  must  be  regarded,  I  have  come  to  believe,  as  the  funda- 
mental principle  of  any  good  syntactical  treatment. 

This  conviction  on  my  part  is  largely  due  to  my  study  of  Phil- 
ippine languages.  When  I  came  to  write  a  grammar  of  Tagalog, 
one  of  the  chief  of  this  group,  a  language  in  which  words  that 
stand  to  one  another  in  the  relation  of  modifier  and  modified  are 
usually  joined  together  by  connective  particles  (e.  g.,  ang  mabuti-ng 
tawo  'the  good  man',  guttural  nasal  ng  being  the  connective 
particle)  my  attention  was  necessarily  attracted  to  the  importance 

1  Cf.  Die  Sprachwissenschaft  .  .  .  von  G.  von  d.  Gabelentz,  2te,  verm.  u. 
verb.  Aufl.  herausg.  von  Dr.  Albrecht  Graf  von  der  Schulenburg,  Leipzig, 
1901,  pp.  85,  86;  H.  Sweet,  The  Practical  Study  of  Languages,  N.  Y.,  1900, 
pp.  125,  126. 


Brief  Notes  469 

of  the  combination  in  syntactical  study,  and  ultimately  I  found  it 
both  advisable  and  necessary  to  arrange  the  whole  syntactical 
material  of  the  language  on  the  combinatory  principle. 

This  method  of  arrangement  may  be  spoken  of  as  combinatory 
syntax  or  syntax  of  combinations.  The  combinations  it  treats  may 
be  briefly  summarized  as  follows:  Most  of  the  parts  of  speech 
may,  in  addition  to  their  use  as  separate  words,  form  the  dominant 
element  of  composite  ideas,  each  consisting  of  a  modified  word 
and  one  or  more  modifying  ideas;  the  modified  word  is,  of  course, 
in  each  case  the  dominant  element.  For  example,  in  the  English 
phrases  'this  good  man',  'which  old  man',  'any  old  man',  the  word 
'man'  is  the  dominant  element.  The  modifying  idea  may  be 
expressed  by  inflection  or  agglutination,  e.  g.,  Hebrew  kalb-i 
'my  dog',  hakkeleb  'the  dog';  by  a  single  word,  as  'this'  in  English 
'this  man';  by  several  words,  as  ce(t)-ci  in  French  cet  homme-ci; 
or  it  may  be  indicated  by  some  peculiarity  of  the  construction, 
e.  g.,  in  Hebrew  'I  have  no  bread'  is  rendered  by  'en  li  lefyem, 
where  the  construction  of  the  negative  'en  with  the  indefinite 
noun,  expresses  the  indefinite  adjectival  idea  'no'.  The  element 
that  expresses  the  modifying  idea  is  not  always  grammatically 
dependent  on  the  noun,  e.  g.,  in  Hebrew  kol  hd-andsim  'all  the 
men',  ha  anasim  'men'  is  genitive  after  kol  'all'.  The  noun  may 
be  combined  with  about  a  dozen  of  these  modifying  ideas2;  the 
verb,  with  a  half  dozen  or  more;  the  adjective,  with  three  or  four; 
and  so  on.  The  phrases  thus  formed  may  now  be  combined  in  the 
relation  of  subject  and  predicate  to  form  simple  sentences,  and 
simple  sentences  may  be  combined  to  form  compound,  complex, 
and  involved  sentences.  In  other  words  combinatory  syntax 
shows  how  to  combine  linguistic  atoms,  i.  e.,  words,  into  linguistic 
molecules,  i.  e.,  phrases,  and  how  to  form  from  these  linguistic 
molecules  linguistic  mixtures,  i.  e.,  sentences,  of  varying  degrees 
of  complexity.  It  is  evident  that  such  a  treatment  consistently 
carried  thru  will  reach  all  the  possible  combinations  in  the 
language,  and  it  is  also  clear  on  the  other  hand  that  any  conceiva- 
ble combination  in  the  language  must  find  its  place  all  ready  for 
it  in  the  system. 

The  lack  of  adequate  attention  to  the  combination  as  such  is  a 
weak  point  in  most  grammars  that  deal  with  highly  synthetic 
forms  of  speech,  as,  for  example,  Greek,  Latin,  and  Sanskrit. 

2  Cf .  my  article  Comparative  Syntax  of  the  Combinations  formed  by  the  Noun 
and  its  Modifiers  in  Semitic,  JAOS,  32  (1912),  p.  136. 


470  Brief  Notes 

Here,  tho  much  of  the  same  ground  is  covered  in  connection 
with  the  study  of  the  syntax  of  forms,  the  points  made  very 
largely  lose  their  full  effect,  because  they  are  out  of  their  proper 
connection.  It  would  serve,  for  example,  to  give  more  concrete- 
ness  and  vividness  to  the  teaching  of  Latin  if  the  combinations 
of  the  noun  with  the  various  pronominal  adjectives,  demonstra- 
tive, interrogative,  etc.,  were  learned  more  or  less  as  units,  viz., 
hie  homo,  qui  homo}  etc.,  instead  of  practically  the  whole  attention 
of  the  student  being  riveted  on  the  pronominal  adjective,  with  the 
indefinite  knowledge  added  by  way  of  appendix,  that  it  may  be 
employed  on  occasion  to  modify  a  noun.  Similarly  in  Sanskrit 
instead  of  studying  exclusively  in  a  formal  way  the  compounds 
which  make  up  so  important  a  part  of  the  language,  and  which 
constitute  one  of  the  chief  stumbling  blocks  to  the  beginner,  how 
much  more  concrete  and  definite  it  is  to  regard  them  as  variant 
ways  of  expressing  the  combination  of  noun  or  adjective  with 
different  modifying  ideas,  to  teach  a  student,  for  example,  that 
he  can  express  the  phrase  'his  man'  either  by  a  compound,  viz., 
tat-puru^ah  or  by  two  words,  viz.,  tasya  puru§ah.  Moreover  the 
eagerness  with  which  the  mind,  working  thru  the  mazes  of  a 
formal  Greek  syntax,  seizes  upon  and  holds  such  a  statement  as 
that  the  phrase  'the  wise  man'  may  be  expressed  in  the  three  ways 
6  cro<^6s  avijp,  6  avrjp  6  crowds,  or  avyp  6  ero^d?,  indicates 
the  naturalness  and  vividness  of  the  method  in  question. 

One  special  advantage  inherent  in  the  combinatory  method,  in 
which,  as  we  have  seen,  all  the  possible  combinations  of  a  language 
are  catalogued  and  discussed  in  a  regular  order,  is  the  facility  with 
which  the  syntactical  phenomena  of  languages  so  arranged  can 
be  compared;  and  no  one  will  deny  that  real  progress  in  syntactical 
study  is  contingent  on  such  comparisons. 

The  combinatory  method,  however,  in  spite  of  its  manifest 
advantages  is  not  meant  to  supersede  entirely  the  formal  and 
logical  methods.  The  three  methods  must  work  hand  in  hand  in 
order  that  all  the  phenomena  of  the  language  may  be  adequately 
treated.  I  believe  that  a  good  syntax  should  consist  of  two  parts. 
First  all  the  material  of  the  language  should  be  treated  from  the 
combinatory  point  of  view;  secondly,  the  same  material  should 
be  discussed  again  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  use  of  the  various 
forms.  Theoretically  a  third  part,  in  which  all  the  material  of  the 
language  would  be  treated  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  idea 
involved,  would  be  necessary  to  complete  the  scheme  of  a  perfect 


Brief  Notes  471 

syntax,  but  in  practise  this  is  usually  not  necessary.  It  will,  in 
most  cases,  be  found  sufficient  occasionally  to  exchange  the  com- 
binatory  or  formal  points  of  view  for  the  logical  in  parts  one  and 
two  respectively.  For  instance  in  the  case  of  such  topics  as  indefi- 
nite pronominal  ideas,  and  modal  auxiliary  ideas  such  as  may, 
can,  must,  etc.,  it  is  well  for  the  sake  of  completeness  to  add  a 
logical  treatment  to  the  combinatory  and  formal  statements. 

Of  course  such  a  method  of  syntactical  treatment  cannot  be 
carried  thru  mechanically;  its  successful  application  requires 
not  only  a  thoro  knowledge  of  the  language  in  question,  but 
also  an  acquaintance  with  the  fundamental  principles  of  linguistic 
science,  and  a  reasonable  amount  of  common  sense. 

I  am  thoroly  convinced,  after  rather  prolonged  thought  on 
the  subject,  and  after  using  the  method  here  outlined  in  my  own 
study  of  a  number  of  tongues,  that  there  is  no  language  which  will 
not  gain  greatly  by  the  application  of  this  method  to  its  syntactical 
phenomena. 

FRANK  R.  BLAKE 

Johns  Hopkins  University 


NOTES  OF  THE  SOCIETY 

The  Editors,  acting  upon  the  recommendation  of  the  Executive  Com- 
mittee, have  made  arrangements  for  printing  the  JOURNAL  in  Germany,  on 
account  of  the  very  reasonable  rates  that  can  be  procured  there.  This  ar- 
rangement will  begin  with  the  next  volume,  which  will  appear  in  two  parts. 
But  it  is  hoped,  as  soon  as  postal  conditions  warrant,  to  publish  quarterly. 


Members  and  subscribers  are  requested  to  note  that  there  will 
necessarily  be  considerable  delay  in  issuing  the  next  number  of  the  JOURNAL, 
which,  as  just  stated,  will  be  a  double  number  and  will  be  printed  in  Germany. 
Its  issuance  can  hardly  be  expected  before  May  or  June,  1922. 

On  September  27,  1921,  the  Executive  Committee  received  a  report  from 
the  Publication  Committee  on  the  cost  of  printing  in  Germany  Blake's  Tagalog 
Grammar  and  Edgerton's  Pancatantra  Reconstructed.  The  publication  of 
these  books  was  recommended  by  the  Society  to  the  Directors  (JOURNAL, 
41.  175,  185),  and  the  Directors  had  entrusted  the  matter  to  the  Executive 
Committee  with  power  to  act.  The  following  resolution  was  adopted: 

Resolved,  that  the  Executive  Committee,  having  heard  the  report 
of  the  Publication  Committee  regarding  the  cost  of  publishing  the  books 
by  Dr.  Blake  and  Professor  Edgerton,  votes  to  refer  the  publication  of 
these  books  to  the  Publication  Committee  with  power  to  act  and  with 
power  to  draw  upon  the  Treasurer  for  the  amounts  involved,  not  exceeding 
$1000. 

On  the  same  date  the  Executive  Committee  also  passed  the  following 
resolutions: 

Resolved,  that  the  Executive  Committee  recommend  to  the  Editors 
that  they  make  arrangements  to  print  the  JOURNAL  abroad  as  soon  as 
they  deem  it  advisable. 

Resolved,  that  the  Editors  take  under  consideration  the  advisability 
of  publishing  an  Oriental  Review  and  report  thereon  to  the  Executive 
Committee  or  the  Board  of  Directors  at  their  next  meeting. 

Resolved,  that  the  President  and  the  Treasurer  be  authorized  to  pur- 
chase such  an  amount  of  German  marks  as  may  be  needed  to  cover  the 
cost  of  publication  of  the  JOURNAL  during  the  coming  year  and  of  the  two 
books  recommended  for  publication. 

The  President  was  authorized  by  the  Executive  Committee  to  appoint 
a  delegate  to  represent  the  American  Oriental  Society  in  the  American  Council 
of  Learned  Societies,  in  place  of  Professor  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr.,  deceased,  such 
delegate  to  serve  until  the  next  meeting  of  the  Board  of  Directors. 

By  unanimous  vote  of  the  Executive  Committee,  the  following  have 
been  elected  to  membership  in  the  Society: 

Mrs.  Frances  Crosby  Bartter      Mr.  Merton  L.  Miller 
Dr.  Joshua  Bloch  Rev.  Omer  Hillman  Mott 

Mr.  Cecil  M.  P.  Cross  Prof.  H.  R.  Purinton 

Mr.  Benjamin  Fain  Prof.  S.  B.  Slack 

Rev.  Dr.  L.  Legrain  Prof.  Hutton  Webster 


Notes  473 

In  accordance  with  By-Law  VIII  (as  amended  in  1921),  providing  that, 
"if  any  corporate  member  shall  for  two  years  fail  to  pay  his  assessments,  his 
name  may,  at  the  discretion  of  the  Executive  Committee,  be  dropped  from  the 
list  of  members  of  the  Society,"  the  following  members,  reported  by  the  Treas- 
urer to  be  in  arrears  for  two  years  or  more,  have  been,  by  vote  of  the  Executive 
Committee,  suspended  until  their  back  dues  shall  be  paid. 

Francis  C.  Anscombe  Prof.  Enno  Littman 

Miss  Effie  Bendann  Walter  C.  Maier 

Dr.  E.  W.  Burlingame  Dr.  Riley  D.  Moore 

Edwin  Sanford  Crandon  Rev.  Hans  K.  Moussa 

Prof.  Alfred  L.  P.  Dennis  Prof.  Hanns  Oertel 

Dr.  Viccaji  Dinshaw  Dr.  Julius  J.  Price 

Louis  A.  Dole  Prof.  George  H.  Richardson 

Dr.  Henry  C.  Finkel  Prof.  H.  Schumacher 

Prof.  John  Fryer  Dr.  Charles  P.  G.  Scott 

Robert  Garrett  Dr.  Henry  B.  Sharman 

Rev.  F.  Georgelin  Rabbi  Emanuel  Sternheim 

Rev.  K.  K.  Haddaway  Dr.  Walter  T.  Swingle 

Mrs.  Ida  M.  Hanchett  Tseh  Ling  Tsu 

Dr.  Edward  H.  Hume  -                               Rev.  Samuel  W.  Wass 
T.  Y.  Leo 


NOTES  OF  OTHER  SOCIETIES,  ETC. 

A  special  meeting  of  the  American  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences  was 
held  in  Boston,  October  5-7,  to  receive  delegates  from  the  Royal  Asiatic 
Society  and  the  Societe  Asiatique  and  to  confer  on  cooperation  in  the  pro- 
motion of  Oriental  studies.  The  foreign  delegates  present  were  A.  E.  Cow- 
ley,  M.A.,  Prof.  S.  Langdon,  Lee  Shuttleworth,  Esq.,  of  Oxford;  M.  Alex- 
andre  Moret,  director  of  the  Musee  Guimet;  Prof.  Paul  Pelliot,  of  the  College 
de  France. 

The  School  of  Foreign  Service  of  Georgetown  University  announces  in 
connection  with  courses  in  Commerce,  Diplomacy,  etc.,  courses  in  Arabic, 
Chinese,  and  Japanese. 

The  Society  of  Biblical  Literature  and  Exegesis  met  at  the  Jewish 
Theological  Seminary,  New  York,  December  28-29.  In  addition  to  the  usual 
program  of  papers  there  was  a  Symposium  on  Biblical  Eschatology.  An 
evening' was  devoted  to  illustrated  addresses  on  Palestinian  and  Babylonian 
Archeology.  New  officers  elected  are:  President,  Prof.  W.  R.  Arnold  (Har- 
vard); Treasurer,  T.  J.  Meek  (Meadville  Seminary);  Editors,  Professors 
Porter,  Bacon,  Dahl  (Yale). 

In  conjunction  with  the  meeting  of  the  Biblical  Society,  the  corporation 
of  the  American  Schools  of  Oriental  Research  held  it  first  meeting.  The 
trustees  and  officers  were  reelected.  President  J.  A.  Kelso  (Western  Theo- 
logical Seminary)  and  Prof.  Nathaniel  Schmidt  (Cornell)  were  appointed 
Honorary  Lecturers  at  the  School  in  Jerusalem  for  1922-23,  and  Prof.  Paul 


474  Notes 

Haupt  (Johns  Hopkins)  Annual  Professor  for  1923-24.  It  was  decided  to 
raise  a  library  endowment  fund  in  memory  of  Dr.  Jastrow  and  a  fund  for  the 
endowment  of  the  Bagdad  School  in  memory  of  Dr.  Peters. 

The  Archaeological  Institute  of  America  met  at  the  University  of  Michigan, 
Ann  Arbor,  December  28-30.  New  officers  elected  are:  President,  Prof. 
R.  V.  D.  Magoffin  (Johns  Hopkins);  Secretary,  Prof.  D.  M.  Robinson  (Johns 
Hopkins) . 

PERSONALIA 

News  has  reached  this  country  of  the  death  of  Professor  IGNAZ  GOLDZIHER, 
of  Budapest.  Professor  Goldziher,  the  noted  Arabist  and  student  of  Islam, 
became  an  Honorary  Member  of  this  Society  in  1906. 

The  Rev.  Professor  JOHN  P.  PETERS  died  in  New  York,  November  10. 
Dr.  Peters  became  a  member  of  this  Society  in  1882.  He  was  successively 
professor  in  the  Philadelphia  Divinity  School  and  the  University  of  Penn- 
sylvania, rector  of  St.  Michael's  Church,  New  York,  and  professor  in  the 
University  of  the  South.  He  was  the  excavator  of  Nippur  and  the  author  of 
many  books  and  papers  on  biblical  and  archaeological  research. 

A  meeting  in  memory  of  the  late  Professor  MORRIS  JASTROW,  JR.,  was  held 
in  the  hall  of  the  College  of  Physicians  of  Philadelphia,  November  22.  Ad- 
dresses were  made  by  Provost  Penniman  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania, 
Dr.  George  A.  Barton,  Dr.  W.  W.  Keen,  the  Hon.  Roland  S.  Morris,  Dr.  Horace 
H.  Furness,  Miss  Agnes  Repplier,  and  Dr.  Felix  Adler;  and  a  portrait  of 
Dr.  Jastrow  was  presented  to  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  on  behalf  of  the 
donors  by  Dr.  James  A.  Montgomery.  The  meeting  was  under  the  auspices 
of  the  American  Philosophical  Society,  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  the 
American  Oriental  Society,  the  Archaeological  Institute,  the  Society  of  Biblical 
Literature,  the  American  Schools  of  Oriental  Research,  the  Oriental  Club  of 
Philadelphia,  and  several  local  societies.  The  committee  representing  the 
Oriental  Society  were  President  Nies,  Drs.  F.  Edgerton,  R.  G.  Kent,  A.  T. 
Olmstead,  N .  Schmidt,  Talcott  Williams. 

Dr.  W.  F.  ALBRIGHT,  Director  of  the  American  School  in  Jerusalem,  has 
been  elected  president  of  the  Palestine  Oriental  Society. 


CONSTITUTION  AND  BY-LAWS 

OP   THE 

AMERICAN  ORIENTAL  SOCIETY 


CONSTITUTION 

ARTICLE  I.     This  Society  shall  be  called  the  AMERICAN  ORIENTAL  SOCIETY. 
ARTICLE  II.     The  objects  contemplated  by  this  Society  shall  be: — 

1.  The  cultivation  of  learning  in  the  Asiatic,   African,   and  Polynesian 
languages,  as  well  as  the  encouragement  of  researches  of  any  sort  by  which 
the  knowledge  of  the  East  may  be  promoted. 

2.  The  cultivation  of  a  taste  for  Oriental  studies  in  this  country. 

3.  The    publication    of    memoirs,    translations,    vocabularies,    and   other 
communications,   presented  to  the  Society,   which  may  be  valuable  with 
reference  to  the  before-mentioned  objects. 

4.  The  collection  of  a  library  and  cabinet. 

ARTICLE  III.  The  membership  of  the  Society  shall  consist  of  corporate 
members,  honorary  members,  and  honorary  associates. 

ARTICLE  IV.  SECTION  1.  Honorary  members  and  honorary  associates 
shall  be  proposed  for  membership  by  the  Directors,  at  some  stated  meeting 
of  the  Society,  and  no  person  shall  be  elected  a  member  of  either  class  without 
receiving  the  votes  of  as  many  as  three-fourths  of  all  the  members  present  at 
the  meeting. 

SECTION  2.  Candidates  for  corporate  membership  may  be  proposed  and 
elected  in  the  same  manner  as  honorary  members  and  honorary  associates. 
They  may  also  be  proposed  at  any  time  by  any  member  in  regular  standing. 
Such  proposals  shall  be  in  writing  and  shall  be  addressed  to  the  Corresponding 
Secretary,  who  shall  thereupon  submit  them  to  the  Executive  Committee  for 
its  action.  A  unanimous  vote  of  the  Executive  Committee  shall  be  necessary 
in  order  to  elect. 

ARTICLE  V.  SECTION  1.  The  government  of  the  Society  shall  consist  of 
a  President,  three  Vice-Presidents,  a  Corresponding  Secretary,  a  Recording 
Secretary,  a  Treasurer,  a  Librarian,  two  Editors  of  the  JOURNAL,  and  nine 
Directors.  The  officers  shall  be  elected  at  the  annual  meeting,  by  ballot,  for 
a  term  of  one  year.  The  Directors  shall  consist  of  three  groups  of  three 
members  each,  one  group  to  be  elected  each  year  at  the  annual  meeting  for  a 
term  of  three  years.  No  Director  shall  be  eligible  for  immediate  re-election 
as  Direc'tor,  tho  he  may  be  chosen  as  an  officer  of  the  Society. 

SECTION  2.  An  Executive  Committee,  consisting  of  the  President,  Corre- 
sponding Secretary,  and  Treasurer,  and  two  other  Directors  each  elected  for 
a  term  of  two  years,  shall  be  constituted  by  the  Board  of  Directors.  The 


476  Constitution  and  By-Laws 

Executive  Committee  shall  have  power  to  take  action  provisionally  in  the 
name  of  the  Society  on  matters  of  importance  which  may  arise  between  meet- 
ings of  the  Society  or  of  the  Board  of  Directors,  and  on  which,  in  .the  Com- 
mittee's opinion,  action  cannot  be  postponed  without  injury  to  the  interests 
of  the  Society.  Notice  of  all  actions  taken  by  the  Executive  Committee  shall 
be  printed  as  soon  as  possible  in  the  JOURNAL,  and  shall  be  reported  to  the 
Directors  and  the  Society  at  the  succeeding  annual  meeting.  Unless  such 
actions,  after  being  thus  duly  advertised  and  reported,  are  disapproved  by  a 
majority  vote  of  the  members  present  at  any  session  of  the  succeeding  annual 
meeting,  they  shall  be  construed  to  have  been  ratified  and  shall  stand  as  actions 
of  the  Society. 

ARTICLE  VI.  The  President  and  Vice-Presidents  shall  perform  the  custom- 
ary duties  of  such  officers,  and  shall  be  ex  officio  members  of  the  Board  of 
Directors. 

ARTICLE  VII.  The  Secretaries,  the  Treasurer,  the  Librarian,  and  the  two 
Editors  of  the  JOURNAL  shall  be  ex  officio  members  of  the  Board  of  Directors, 
and  shall  perform  their  respective  duties  under  the  superintendence  of  said 
Board. 

ARTICLE  VIII.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Board  of  Directors  to  regulate 
the  financial  concerns  of  the  Society,  to  superintend  its  publications,  to  carry 
into  effect  the  resolutions  and  orders  of  the  Society,  and  to  exercise  a  general 
supervision  over  its  affairs.  Five  Directors  at  any  regular  meeting  shall  be  a 
quorum  for  doing  business. 

ARTICLE  IX.  An  annual  meeting  of  the  Society  shall  be  held  during  Easter 
week,  the  days  and  place  of  the  meeting  to  be  determined  by  the  Directors. 
One  or  more  other  meetings,  at  the  discretion  of  the  Directors,  may  also  be 
held  each  year  at  such  place  and  time  as  the  Directors  shall  determine. 

ARTICLE  X.  This  Constitution  may  be  amended,  on  a  recommendation  of 
the  Directors,  by  a  vote  of  three-fourths  of  the  members  present  at  an  annual 
meeting. 

BY-LAWS 

I.  The  Corresponding  Secretary  shall  conduct  the  correspondence  of  the 
Society;  and  he  shall  notify  the  meetings  in  such  manner  as  the  President  or 
the  Board  of  Directors  shall  direct. 

II.  The  Recording  Secretary  shall  keep  a  record  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
Society  in  a  book  provided  for  the  purpose. 

III.  a.     The  Treasurer  shall  have  charge  of  the  funds  of  the  Society;  and 
his  investments,  deposits,  and  payments  shall  be  made  under  the  superin- 
tendence of  the  Board  of  Directors.     At  each  annual  meeting  he  shall  report 
the  state  of  the  finances,  with  a  brief  summary  of  the  receipts  and  payments 
of  the  previous  year. 

III.  b.  After  December  31,  1896,  the  fiscal  year  of  the  Society  shall  corre- 
spond with  the  calendar  year. 

III.  c.  At  each  annual  business  meeting  in  Easter  week,  the  President  shall 
appoint  an  auditing  committee  of  two  men — preferably  men  residing  in  or 


Constitution  and  By-Laws  477 

near  the  town  where  the  Treasurer  lives — to  examine  the  Treasurer's  accounts 
and  vouchers,  and  to  inspect  the  evidences  of  the  Society's  property,  and  to 
see  that  the  funds  called  for  by  his  balances  are  in  his  hands.  The  Committee 
shall  perform  this  duty  as  soon  as  possible  after  the  New  Year's  day  succeeding 
their  appointment,  and  shall  report  their  findings  to  the  Society  at  the  next 
annual  business  meeting  thereafter.  If  these  findings  are  satisfactory,  the 
Treasurer  shall  receive  his  acquittance  by  a  certificate  to  that  effect,  which 
shall  be  recorded  in  the  Treasurer's  book,  and  published  in  the  Proceedings. 

IV.  The  Librarian  shall  keep  a  catalogue  of  all  books  belonging  to  the 
Society,  with  the  names  of  the  donors,  if  they  are  presented,  and  shall  at  each 
annual  meeting  make  a  report  of  the  accessions  to  the  library  during  the 
previous  year,  and  shall  be  farther  guided  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties  by 
such  rules  as  the  Directors  shall  prescribe. 

V.  All  papers  read  before  the  Society,  and  all  manuscripts  deposited  by 
authors  for  publication,  or  for  other  purposes,  shall  be  at  the  disposal  of  the 
Board  of  Directors,  unless  notice  to  the  contrary  is  given  to  the  Editors  at  the 
time  of  presentation. 

VI.  Each  corporate  member  shall  pay  into  the  treasury  of  the  Society  an 
annual  assessment  of  five  dollars;  but  a  donation  at  any  one  time  of  seventy- 
five  dollars  shall  exempt  from  obligation  to  make  this  payment. 

VII.  All  members  shall  be  entitled  to  one  copy  of  all  current  numbers  of 
the  JOURNAL  issued  during  their  membership.     Back  volumes  of  the  JOURNAL 
shall  be  furnished  to  members  at  twenty  per  cent  reduction  from  the  list  price. 
All  other  publications  of  the  Society  may  be  furnished  to  members  at  such 
reductions  in  price  as  the  Directors  may  determine. 

VIII.  Candidates  for  corporate  membership  who  have  been  elected  shall 
qualify  as  members  by  payment  of  the  first  annual  assessment  within  one 
month  from  the  time  when  notice  of  such  election  is  mailed  to  them,  or,  in  the 
case  of  persons  not  residing  in  the  United  States,  within  a  reasonable  time.     A 
failure  so  to  qualify,  unless  explained  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  Executive 
Committee,  shall  be  construed  as  a  refusal  to  become  a  member.     If  any 
corporate  member  shall  for  two  years  fail  to  pay  his  assessments,  his  name 
may,  at  the  discretion  of  the  Executive  Committee,  be  dropped  from  the  list 
of  members  of  the  Society. 

IX.  Six  members  shall  form  a  quorum  for  doing  business,  and  three  to 
adjourn. 

SUPPLEMENTARY  BY-LAWS 
I.  FOR  THE  LIBRARY 

1.  The  Library  shall  be  accessible  for  consultation  to  all  members  of  the 
Society,  at  such  times  as  the  Library  of  Yale  College,  with  which  it  is  deposited, 
shall  be  open  for  a  similar  purpose;   further,  to  such  persons  as  shall  receive 
the  permission  of  the  Librarian,  or  of  the  Librarian  or  Assistant  Librarian  of 
Yale  College. 

2.  Any  member  shall  be  allowed  to  draw  books  from  the  Library  upon  the 
following  conditions:    he  shall  give  his  receipt  for  them  to  the  Librarian, 


478  Constitution  and  By-Laws 

pledging  himself  to  make  good  any  detriment  the  Library  may  suffer  from 
their  loss  or  injury,  the  amount  of  said  detriment  to  be  determined  by  the 
Librarian,  with  the  assistance  of  the  President,  or  of  a  Vice-President;  and 
he  shall  return  them  within  a  time  not  exceeding  three  months  from  that  of 
their  reception,  unless  by  special  agreement  with  the  Librarian  this  term  shall 
be  extended. 

3.  Persons  not  members  may  also,  on  special  grounds,  and  at  the  discretion 
of  the  Librarian,  be  allowed  to  take  and  use  the  Society's  books,  upon  deposit- 
ing with  the  Librarian  a  sufficient  security  that  they  shall  be  duly  returned  in 
good  condition,  or  their  loss  or  damage  fully  compensated. 

II.  ON  THE  ORGANIZATION  OF  BRANCHES 

1.  To  provide  for  scientific  meetings  of  groups  of  members  living  at  too 
great  a  distance  to  attend  the  annual  sessions  of  the  Society,  branches  may  be 
organized  with  the  approval  of  the  Directors.     The  details  of  organization  are 
to  be  left  to  those  forming  a  branch  thus  authorized,  subject  to  formal  ratifica- 
tion by  the  Directors. 

2.  Upon  the  formation  of  a  branch,  the  officers  chosen  shall  have  the  right 
to  propose  for  corporate  membership  in  the  Society  such  persons  as  may  seem 
eligible  to  them,  and.  pending  ratification  according  to  Article  IV  of  the 
Constitution,  these  candidates  shall  receive  the  JOURNAL  and  all  notices  issued 
by  the  Society. 

3.  The  annual  fee  of  the  members  of  a  branch  shall  be  collected  by  the 
Treasurer  of  the  Society,  in  the  usual  manner,  and  in  order  to  defray  the 
current  expenses  of  a  branch  the  Directors  shall  authorize  the  Treasurer  of 
the  Society  to  forward  from  time  to  time  to  the  duly  authorized  officer  of  the 
branch  such  sums  as  may  seem  proper  to  the  Treasurer.     The  accounts  of  the 
Treasurer  of  the  branch  shall  be  audited  annually  and  a  statement  of  the  audit 
shall  be  sent  to  the  Treasurer  of  the  Society  to  be  included  in  his  annual  report. 

4.  The  President  and  Secretary  of  any  branch  duly  authorized  as  provided 
under  Section  1  shall  have  the  right  to  sit  ex  officio  with  the  Directors  at  their 
meetings  and  to  take  part  in  their  deliberations. 


LIST  OF  MEMBERS 

The  number  placed  after  the  address  indicates  the  year  of  election, 
t  designates  members  deceased  during  the  past  year. 


HONORARY  MEMBERS 

Prof.  BERTHOLD  DELBRUCK,  University  of  Jena,  Germany.     1878. 

Prof.  THEODOR  NOLDEKE,  Ettlingerstr.  53,  Karlsruhe,  Germany.     1878. 

Sir  RAMKRISHNA  GOPAL  BHANDARKAR,  K.C.I.E.,  Deccan  College,  Poona, 

India.     1887. 
Prof.  EDUARD  SACHAU,  University  of  Berlin,  Germany.     (Wormserstr.  12,  W.) 

1887. 

Prof.  FRIEDRICH  DELITZSCH,  Siidstr.  47n,  Leipzig,  Germany.     1893. 
Prof.  IGNAZIO  GUIDI,  University  of  Rome,  Italy.     (Via  Botteghe  Oscure  24.) 

1893. 

Prof.  ARCHIBALD  H.  SAYCE,  University  of  Oxford,  England.     1893. 
Prof.  RICHARD  v.  GARBE,  University  of  Tubingen,  Germany.      (Biesinger 

Str.  14.)     1902. 
Prof.  ADOLF  ERMAN,  University  of  Berlin,  Germany.     (Peter  Lennestr.  36, 

Berlin-Dahlem.)     1903. 

Prof.  KARL  F.  GELDNER,  University  of  Marburg,  Germany.     1905. 
Sir   GEORGE   A.    GRIERSON,    K.C.I.E.,    Rathfarnham,    Camberley,    Surrey, 

England.     Corporate  Member,  1899;  Honorary,  1905. 
fProf.  IGNAZ  GOLDZIHER,   University  of  Budapest,  Hungary,      (vii  Hollo- 

Utcza  4.)     1906. 

Prof.  T.  W.  RHYS  DAVIDS,  Cotterstock,  Chipstead,  Surrey,  England.     1907. 
Prof.  EDUARD  MEYER,  University  of  Berlin,  Germany.      (Mommsenstr.  7, 

Gross-Lichterfelde-West.)     1908. 
EMILE  SENART,  Membre  de  Flnstitut  de  France,  18  Rue  Francois  Ier,  Paris, 

France.     1908. 
Prof.    CHARLES   CLERMONT-GANNEATI,    College   de   France,    Paris,    France. 

(1  Avenue  de  FAlma.)     1909. 
Prof.  HERMANN  JACOBI,  University  of  Bonn,  Germany.     (Niebuhrstr.  59.) 

1909. 
Prof.  C.  SNOUCK  HURGRONJE,  University  of  Leiden,  Netherlands.     (Rapen- 

berg  61.)     1914. 
Prof.  SYLVAIN  LEVI,  College  de  France,  Paris,  France.     (9  Rue  Guy-de-la- 

Brosse,  Paris,  Ve.)     1917. 

Prof.  ARTHUR  ANTHONY  MACDONELL,  University  of  Oxford,  England.     1918. 
FRANC.OIS  THUREAU-DANGIN,  Musee  du  Louvre,  Paris,  France.     1918. 
Sir  ARTHUR  EVANS,  Ashmolean  Museum,  Oxford,  England.     1919. 
Prof.  V.  SCHEIL,  Membre  de  1'Institut  de  France,  4bls  Rue  du  Cherche-Midi, 

Paris,  France.     1920. 
Dr.  F.  W.  THOMAS,  The  Library,  India  Office,  London  S.  W.  1,  England. 

1920. 
ReV.   Pere   M.-J.   LAGRANGE,   Ecole  francaise  arche"ologique  de  Palestine, 

Jerusalem,  Palestine.     1921. 

[Total:  24} 


480  List  of  Members 

HONORARY  ASSOCIATES 

Hon.  CHARLES  R.  CRANE,  70  Fifth  Ave.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1921. 
Rev.  Dr.  OTIS  A.  GLAZEBROOK,  American  Consul,  Nice,  France.     1921. 
Pres.  FRANK  J.  GOODNOW,  The  Johns  Hopkins  University,  Baltimore,  Md. 

1921. 

Hon.  HENRY  MORGENTHAU,  The  Plaza,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1921. 
Dr.  PAUL  S.  REINSCH,  204  Southern  Building,  Washington,  D.  C.     1921. 
Chief  Justice  WILLIAM  HOWARD  TAFT,  The  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 

States,  Washington,  D.  C.     1921. 

[Total:  6} 

CORPORATE  MEMBERS 

Names  marked  with  *  are  those  of  life  members. 

MARCUS  AARON,  402  Winebiddle  Ave.,  Pittsburgh,  Pa.     1921. 
Rev.  Dr.  JUSTIN  EDWARDS  ABBOTT,  120  Hobart  Ave.,  Summit,  N.  J.     1900. 
fMrs.  JUSTIN  EDWARDS  ABBOTT,  120  Hobart  Ave.,  Summit,    N.  J.     1912. 
Pres.  CYRUS  ADLER  (Dropsie  College),  2041  North  Broad  St.,  Philadelphia, 

Pa.     1884. 
Prof.  S.  KRISHNASWAMI  AIYANGAR  (Univ.  of  Madras),  Sri  Venkatesa  Vilas, 

Nadu  St.,  Mylapore,  Madras,  India.     1921. 
Dr.  WILLIAM  FOXWELL  ALBRIGHT,  Director,  American  School  of  Oriental 

Research,  P.  O.  Box  333,  Jerusalem,  Palestine.     1915. 
Dr.  RUTH  NORTON  (Mrs.  W.  F.)  ALBRIGHT,  care  of  American  School  of 

Oriental  Research,  P.  O.  Box  333,  Jerusalem,  Palestine.     1918. 
Prof.  HERBERT  C.  ALLEMAN,  Lutheran  Theological  Seminary,  Gettysburg, 

Pa.     1921. 
Dr.  T.  GEORGE  ALLEN  (Univ.  of  Chicago),  5743  Maryland  Ave.,  Chicago,  111. 

1917. 
Dr.  OSWALD  T.  ALLIS,  26  Alexander  Hall,  Princeton  Theological  Seminary, 

Princeton,  N.  J.     1916. 

Prof.  SHIGERU  ARAKI,  The  Peeress  School,  Aoyama,  Tokyo,  Japan.     1915. 
Prof.  J.  C.  ARCHER  (Yale  Univ.),  84  Linden  St.,  New  Haven,  Conn.     1916. 
Prof.  KAN-ICHI  ASAKAWA,  Yale  University  Library,  New  Haven,  Conn.    1904. 
L.  A.  AULT,  P.  O.  Drawer  880,  Cincinnati,  Ohio.     1921. 
Prof.  WILLIAM  FREDERIC  BADE  (Pacific  School  of  Religion),  2616  College 

Ave.,  Berkeley,  Cal.     1920. 

CHARLES  CHANEY  BAKER,  Box  296,  Lancaster,  Cal.     1916. 
Hon.  SIMEON  E.  BALDWIN,  LL.D.,  44  Wall  St.,  New  Haven,  Conn.     1898. 
RAKHAL  DAS  BANERJI,  M.A.,  415  Malcolm  House,  Poona,  India.     1921. 
*Dr.  HUBERT  BANNING,  17  East  128th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1915. 
*PHILIP  LEMONT  BARBOUR,  care  of  Mercantile  Trust  Co.,  San  Francisco,  Cal. 

1917. 

Rabbi  HENRY  BARNSTON,  Ph.D.,  3515  Main  St.,  Houston,  Texas.     1921. 
Prof.  LsRoY  CARR  BARRET,  Trinity  College,  Hartford,  Conn.     1903. 
Prof.  GEORGE  A.  BARTON,  Bryn  Mawr  College,  Bryn  Mawr,  Pa.     1888. 
Mrs.  FRANCES  CROSBY  BARTTER,  Box  655,  Manila,  P.  I.     1921. 
Mrs.  DANIEL  M.  BATES,  51  Brattle  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass.     1912. 


List  of  Members  481 

Prof.  LORING  W.  BATTEN  (General  Theol.  Seminary),  3  Chelsea  Square,  New 

York,  N.  Y.     1894. 
Prof.  HARLAN  P.  BEACH  (Yale  Univ.),  346  Willow  St.,  New  Haven,  Conn. 

1898. 

F.  C.  BEAZER,  Wycliffe  College,  Toronto,  Ont.,  Canada.  1921. 
Miss  ETHEL  BEERS,  3414  South  Paulina  St.,  Chicago,  111.  1915. 
*Prof.  SHRIPAD  K.  BELVALKAR  (Deccan  College),  Bilvakunja  Bhamburda, 

Poona,  India.     1914. 

Prof.  HAROLD  H.  BENDER,  Princeton  University,  Princeton,  N.  J.     1906. 
E.  BEN  YEHUDA,  care  of  Zionist  Commission,  Jerusalem,  Palestine.     1916. 
Prof.  C.  THEODORE  BENZE,  D.D.  (Mt.  Airy  Theol.  Seminary),  7304  Boyer 

St.,  Mt.  Airy,  Pa.     1916. 

OSCAR  BERMAN,  Third,  Plum  and  McFarland  Sts.,  Cincinnati,  Ohio.     1920. 
PIERRE  A.  BERNARD,  Rossiter  House,  Braeburn  Club,  Nyack,  N.  Y.     1914. 
ISAAC  W.  BERNHEIM,  Inter  So.  Bldg.,  Louisville,  Ky.     1920. 
Rabbi  Louis  BERNSTEIN,  Har  Sinai  Temple,  Baltimore,  Md.     1921. 
Prof.  GEORGE  R.  BERRY,  Colgate  University,  Hamilton,  N.  Y.     1907. 
Prof.  JULIUS  A.  BEWER,  Union  Theological  Seminary,  Broadway  and  120th 

St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1907. 
Prof.  D.  R.  BHANDARKAR  (Univ.  of  Calcutta),  16  Lansdowne  Road,  Calcutta, 

India.     1921. 

WILLIAM  STURGIS  BIGELOW,  M.D.,  60  Beacon  St.,  Boston,  Mass.     1894. 
Prof.  FREDERICK  L.  BIRD,  Occidental  College,  Los  Angeles,  Cal.     1917. 
CARL  W.  BISHOP,  81  N.  Washington  St.,  Tarrytown,  N.  Y.     1917. 
Dr.  FRANK  RINGGOLD  BLAKE  (Johns  Hopkins  Univ.),  109  W.  Monument  St., 

Baltimore,  Md.     1900. 

Dr.  FREDERICK  J.  BLISS,  1155  Yale  Station,  New  Haven,  Conn.     1898. 
Dr.  JOSHUA  BLOCK  (New  York  Univ.),  346  East  173d  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

1921. 
Prof.  CARL  AUGUST  BLOMGREN  (Augustana  College  and  Theol.  Seminary), 

825  35th  St.,  Rock  Island,  111.     1900. 

Prof.  LEONARD  BLOOMFIELD,  Ohio  State  University,  Columbus,  Ohio.     1917. 
Prof.  MAURICE  BLOOMFIELD,  The  Johns  Hopkins  University,  Baltimore,  Md. 

1881. 

PAUL  F.  BLOOMHARDT,  1080  Main  St.,  Buffalo,  N.  Y.     1916. 
EMANUEL  BOASBERG,  1296  Delaware  Ave.,  Buffalo,  N.  Y.     1921. 
Swami  BODHANANDA,  care  of  The  Vedanta  Society,  117  West  72d  St.,  New 

York,  N.  Y.     1921. 

Dr.  ALFRED  BOISSIER,  Le  Rivage  pres  Chambery,  Geneve,  Switzerland.    1897. 
Rev.  AUGUST  M.  BOLDUC,  S.T.B.,  The  Marist  College,  Brookland,  Washing- 
ton, D.  C.     1921. 
Prof.  GEORGE  M.  BOLLING  (Ohio  State  Univ.),  777  Franklin  Ave.,  Columbus, 

Ohio.     1896. 

Prof.  CAMPBELL  BONNER,  University  of  Michigan,  Ann  Arbor,  Mich.     1920. 
Prof.  EDWARD  I.  BOSWORTH  (Oberlin  Graduate  School  of  Theology),  78  South 

Professor  St.,  Oberlin,  Ohio.     1920. 

Prof.  JAMES  HENRY  BREASTED,  University  of  Chicago,  Chicago,  111.     1891. 
Miss  EMILIE  GRACE  BRIGGS,  124  Third  St.,  Lakewood,  N.  J.     1920. 

31    JAOS  41 


482  List  of  Members 

Prof.  C.  A.  BRODIE  BROCKWELL,  McGill  University,  Montreal,  P.  Q.,  Canada. 

1920  (1906). 

Rev.  CHARLES  D.  BROKENSHIRE,  Lock  Box  56,  Alma,  Mich.     1917. 
Mrs.  BEATRICE  ALLARD  BROOKS,  Summit  Road,  Wellesley,  Mass.     1919. 
MILTON  BROOKS,  3  Clive  Row,  Calcutta,  India.     1918. 
DAVID  A.  BROWN,  60  Boston  Boulevard,  Detroit,  Mich.     1921. 
G.  M.  L.  BROWN,  22  East  60th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1921. 
Rev.  Dr.  GEORGE  WILLIAM  BROWN,  College  of  Missions,  Indianapolis,  Ind. 

1909. 

LEO  M.  BROWN,  P.  O.  Box  953,  Mobile,  Ala.     1920. 
Dr.  W.  NORMAN  BROWN,  The  Johns  Hopkins  University,  Baltimore,  Md. 

1916. 

Prof.  CARL  DARLING  BUCK,  University  of  Chicago,  Chicago,  111.     1892. 
LUDLOW  S.  BULL,  Haskell  Oriental  Museum,  University  of  Chicago,  Chicago, 

111.     1917. 

ALEXANDER  H.  BULLOCK,  State  Mutual  Building,  Worcester,  Mass.     1910. 
*Prof.  JOHN  M.  BURNAM  (Univ.  of  Cincinnati),  3413  Whitfield  Ave.,  Cin- 
cinnati, Ohio.     1920. 

CHARLES  DANA  BURRAGE,  85  Ames  Building,  Boston,  Mass.     1909. 
Prof.  ROMAIN  BUTIN,  Catholic  University  of  America,  Washington,  D.  C. 

1915. 

Prof.  HOWARD  CROSBY  BUTLER,  Princeton  University,  Princeton,  N.  J.    1908. 
Prof.  MOSES  BUTTENWIESER  (Hebrew  Union  College),  257  Loraine  Ave., 

Cincinnati,  Ohio.     1917. 
Prof.  EUGENE  H.  BYRNE  (Univ.  of  Wisconsin),  240  Lake  Lawn  Place,  Madison, 

Wis.     1917. 
Prof.  HENRY  J.  CADBURY  (Andover  Theol.  Seminary),  1075  Massachusetts 

Ave.,  Cambridge,  Mass.     1914. 
Rev.  JOHN  CAMPBELL,  Ph.D.,  3055  Kingsbridge  Ave.,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

1896. 

Rev.  ISAAC  CANNADAY,  M.A.,  Ranchi,  Bihar,  India.     1920. 
Prof.  ALBERT  J.  CARNOY,  50  Rue  des  Joyeuses  Entrees,  Louvain,  Belgium. 

1916. 

Dr.  I.  M.  CASANOWICZ,  U.  S.  National  Museum,  Washington,  D.  C.     1893. 
HENRY  HARMON  CHAMBERLIN,  22  May  St.,  Worcester,  Mass.     1921. 
Rev.  JOHN  S.  CHANDLER,  Sunnyside,  Rayapettah,  Madras,  India.     1899. 
Prof.  RAMAPRASAD  CHANDRA,  University  of  Calcutta,  Calcutta,  India.     1921. 
Dr.  F.  D.  CHESTER,  The  Bristol,  Boston,  Mass.     1891. 
Dr.  EDWARD  CHIERA  (Univ.  of  Pennsylvania),  1538  South  Broad  St.,  Phila- 
delphia, Pa.     1915. 
EMERSON  B.  CHRISTIE  (Department  of  State),  3220  McKinley  St.,  N.  W., 

Washington,  D.  C.     1921. 

Prof.  WALTER  E.  CLARK,  Box  222,  University  of  Chicago,  Chicago,  111.     1906. 
Prof.  ALBERT  T.  CLAY  (Yale  Univ.),  401  Humphrey  St.,  New  Haven,  Conn. 

1907. 

*ALEXANDER  SMITH  COCHRAN,  820  Fifth  Ave.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1908. 
CHARLES  P.  COFFIN,  1744-208  South  LaSalle  St.,  Chicago,  111.     1921. 
ALFRED  M.  COHEN,  9  West  4th  St.,  Cincinnati,  Ohio.     1920. 
Dr.  GEORGE  H.  COHEN,  120  Capitol  Ave.,  Hartford,  Conn.     1920. 


List  of  Members  483 

Rabbi  HENRY  COHEN,  D.D.,  1920  Broadway,  Galve.ston,  Texas.     1920. 
Rabbi  SAMUEL  S.  COHON,  6634  Newgard  St.,  Chicago,  111.     1917. 
Prof.  KENNETH  COLEGROVE,  (Northwestern  Univ.),  105  Harris  Hall,  Evans- 
ton,  111.     1920. 
Prof.  HERMANN  COLLITZ  (Johns  Hopkins  Univ.),  1027  Calvert  St.,  Baltimore, 

Md.     1887. 

Prof.  C.  EVERETT  CONANT,  Carleton  College,  Northfield,  Minn.     1905. 
Dr.  MAUDE  GAECKLER  (Mrs.  H.  M.)  COOK,  Baylor  College,  Belton,  Texas. 

1915. 

Dr.  ANANDA  K.  COOMARASWAMY,  Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston,  Mass.   1917. 
Rev.  WILLIAM  MERRIAM  CRANE,  Richmond,  Mass.     1902. 
CECIL  M.  P.  CROSS,  American  Consulate,  Aden,  Arabia.     1921. 
Prof.  GEORGE  DAHL  (Yale  Univ.),  51  Avon  St.,  New  Haven,  Conn.     1918. 
Prof.  GEORGE  H.  D  ANTON,  Tsing  Hua  College,  Peking,  China.     1921. 
Prof.  ISRAEL  DAVIDSON  (Jewish  Theol.  Seminary),  92  Morningside  Ave., 

New  York,  N.  Y.     1921. 
Prof.  JOHN  D.   DAVIS,   Princeton  Theological  Seminary,  Princeton,  N.  J. 

1888. 

Prof.  FRANK  LEIGHTON  DAY,  Randolph-Macon  College,  Ashland,  Va.     1920. 
Prof.  IRWIN  HOCH  DsLoNG   (Theol.  Seminary  of  the  Reformed  Church), 

523  West  James  St.,  Lancaster,  Pa.     1916. 

ROBERT  E.  DENGLER,  226  South  Atherton  St.,  State  College,  Pa.     1920. 
Pro-Vice-Chancellor  A.  B.  DHRUVA,  The  Benares  Hindu  University,  Benares, 

India.     1921. 

Mrs.  FRANCIS  W.  DICKINS,  2015  Columbia  Road,  Washington,  D.  C.     1911. 
fRev.  Dr.  D.  STUART  DODGE,  99  John  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1867. 
LEON  DOMINIAN,  care  of  American  Consulate  General,  Rome,  Italy.     1916. 
Rev.  A.  T.  DORF,  1635  North  Washtenaw  Ave.,  Chicago,  111.     1916. 
Prof.  RAYMOND  P.  DOUGHERTY,  Goucher  College,  Baltimore,  Md.     1918. 
fRev.  WALTER  DRUM,  S.J.,  Woodstock  College,  Woodstock,  Md.      1915. 
Rev.  WILLIAM  HASKELL  Du  BOSE,  University  of  the  South,  Sewanee,  Tenn. 

1912. 

Prof.  F.  C.  DUNCALF,  University  of  Texas,  Austin,  Texas.     1919. 
Prof.  GEORGE  S.  DUNCAN  (American  Univ.,  Y.  M.  C.  A.  School  of  Religion), 

2900  Seventh  St.,  N.  E.,  Washington,  D.  C.     1917. 
Rev.  EDWARD  SLATER  DUNLAP,  2629  Garfield  St.,  N.  W.,  Washington,  D.  C. 

1921. 
Prof.  FRANKLIN  EDGERTON  (Univ.  of  Pennsylvania),  107  Bryn  Mawr  Ave., 

Lansdowne,  Pa.     1910. 
WILLIAM  F,  EDGERTON  (Univ.  of  Chicago),  1401  East  53d  St.,  Chicago,  111. 

1917. 

Mrs.  ARTHUR  C.  EDWARDS,  309  West  91st  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1915. 
Prof.  GRANVILLE  D.  EDWAHDS  (Missouri  Bible  College),  811  College  Ave., 

Columbia,  Mo.     1917. 
Rev.  JAMES  F.  EDWARDS,  Gordon  Hall  House,  New  Nogpada  Road,  Bombay, 

India.     1921. 
Dr.  ISRAEL  I.  EFROS  (Baltimore  Hebrew  College),  2040  East  Baltimore  St., 

Baltimore,  Md.     1918. 
Prof.  FREDERICK  G.  C.  EISELEN,  Garrett  Biblical  Institute,  Evanston,  111. 

1901. 


484  List  of  Members 

Rabbi  ISRAEL  ELFENBEIN,  L.H.D.,  128  West  95th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

1920. 

ABRAM  I.  ELKUS,  111  Broadway,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1921. 
ALBERT  W.  ELLIS,  40  Central  St.,  Boston,  Mass.     1917. 
Prof.  AARON  EMBER,  The  Johns  Hopkins  University,  Baltimore,  Md.     1902. 
Rabbi  H.  G.  ENELOW,  D.D.,  Temple  Emanu-El,  521  Fifth  Ave.,  New  York, 

N.  Y.     1921. 

Prof.  HENRY  LANE  ENO,  Princeton  University,  Princeton,  N.  J.     1916. 
Rabbi  HARRY  W.  ETTELSON,  Ph.D.,  Hotel  Lorraine,  Broad  St.,  Philadelphia, 

Pa.     1918. 

Pres.  MILTON  G.  EVANS,  Crozer  Theological  Seminary,  Chester,  Pa.     1921. 
Prof.  CHARLES  P.  FAGNANI  (Union  Theol.  Seminary),  606  West  122d  St., 

New  York,  N.  Y.     1901. 

BENJAMIN  FAIN,  1269  President  St.,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.     1921. 
Rabbi  ABRAHAM  J.  FELDMAN,  Temple  Keneseth  Israel,  Broad  St.  above 

Columbia  Ave.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1920. 
Rev.  Dr.  JOHN  F.  FENLON,  Catholic  University  of  America,  Washington, 

D.  C.     1915. 

Dr.  JOHN  C.  FERGUSON,  Peking,  China.     1900. 
GEORGE  ALBERT  FIELD,  P.  O.  Box  304,  Station  B,  Montreal,  P.  Q.,  Canada. 

1921. 

Rabbi  JOSEPH  L.  FINK,  540  South  6th  St.,  Terre  Haute,  Ind.     1920. 
Dr.  Louis  FINKELSTEIN,  Jewish  Theological  Seminary,  531  West  123d  St., 

New  York,  N.  Y.     1921. 
CLARENCE  S.  FISHER,  University  of  Pennsylvania  Museum,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

1914. 
Dean  HUGHELL  E.  W.  FOSBROKE,  General  Theological  Seminary,  Chelsea 

Square,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1917. 

Rabbi  SOLOMON  FOSTER,  90  Treacy  Ave.,  Newark,  N.  J.     1921. 
Prof.  JAMES  EVERETT  FRAME,  Union  Theological  Seminary,  Broadway  and 

120th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1892. 

W.  B.  FRANKENSTEIN,  110  South  Dearborn  St.,  Chicago,  111.     1921. 
Rabbi  LEO  M.  FRANKLIN,  M.A.,  10  Edison  Ave.,  Detroit,  Mich.     1920. 
Rabbi  SOLOMON  B.  FREEHOF,  3426  Burnet  Ave.,  Cincinnati,  Ohio.     1918. 
fj.  WALTER  FREIBERG,  701  First  National  Bank  Building,  Cincinnati,  Ohio. 

1921. 
MAURICE  J.  FREIBERG,  701  First  National  Bank  Building,  Cincinnati,  Ohio. 

1920. 

SIGMUND  FREY,  632  Irvington  Ave.,  Huntington  Park,  Cal.     1920. 
HARRY  FRIEDENWALD,  M.D.,  1029  Madison  Ave.,  Baltimore,  Md.     1921. 
Prof.  LESLIE  ELMER  FULLER,  Garrett  Biblical  Institute,  Evanston,  111.     1916. 
Prof.   KEMPER  FULLERTON,   Oberlin  Theological  Seminary,  Oberlin,   Ohio. 

1916. 
Prof.   CARL  GAENSSLE    (Concordia  College),   3117   Cedar  St.,   Milwaukee, 

Wis.     1917. 

Prof.  A.  B.  GAJENDRAGADKAR,  Elphinstone  College,  Bombay,  India.     1921. 
ALEXANDER  B.  GALT,  2219  California  St.,  Washington,  D.  C.     1917. 
Mrs.  H.  P.  GAMBOE,  Kulpahar,  U.  P.,  India.     1921. 
Mrs.  WILLIAM  TUDOR  GARDINER.  29  Brimmer  St.,  Boston,  Mass.     1915. 


List  of  Members  485 

Rev.  FRANK  GAVIN,  S.S.J.E.,  637  Marshall  St.,  Milwaukee,  Wis.     1917. 
Dr.  HENRY  SNYDER  GERMAN,  5720  North  6th  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1916. 
EUGENE  A.  GELLOT,  290  Broadway,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1911. 
Miss  ALICE  GETTY,  75  Ave.  des  Champs  Elyse*es,  Paris,  France.     1915. 
Rev.  PHARES  B.  GIBBLE,  112  West  Conway  St.,  Baltimore,  Md.     1921. 
Prof.  BASIL  LANNEAU  GILDERSLEEVE   (Johns  Hopkins  Univ.),  1002  North 

Calvert  St.,  Baltimore,  Md.     1858. 
DWIGHT  GODDARD,  Lancaster,  Mass.     1920. 

Rabbi  S.  H.  GOLDENSON,  Ph.D.,  4905  Fifth  Ave.,  Pittsburgh,  Pa.     1920. 
Rabbi  SOLOMON  GOLDMAN,  55th  and  Scoville  Sts.,  Cleveland,  Ohio.     1920. 
PHILIP  J.  GOODHART,  21  West  81st  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1920. 
Prof.  ALEXANDER  R.  GORDON,  Presbyterian  College,  Montreal,  P.  Q.,  Canada. 

1912. 
Prof.  RICHARD  J.  H.  GOTTHEIL,  Columbia  University,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

1886. 

KINGDON  GOULD,  165  Broadway,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1914. 
Prof.  HERBERT  HENRY  GOWEN,  D.D.  (Univ.  of  Washington),  5005  22d  Ave., 

N.  E.,  Seattle,  Wash.     1920. 

Prof.  WILLIAM  CREIGHTON  GRAHAM  (Wesleyan  Theol.  College),  756  Uni- 
versity St.,  Montreal,  P.  Q.,  Canada.     1921. 
Prof.  ELIHU  GRANT,  Haverford  College,  Haverford,  Pa.     1907. 
Prof.  Louis  H.  GRAY,  University  of  Nebraska,  Lincoln,  Neb.     1897. 
Mrs.  Lons  H.  GRAY,  care  of  University  of  Nebraska,  Lincoln,  Neb.     1907. 
Prof.  EVARTS  B.  GREENE  (Univ.  of  Illinois),  315  Lincoln  Hill,  Urbana,  111. 

1921. 

Miss  LILY  DEXTER  GREENE,  2844  North  Calvert  St.,  Baltimore,  Md.    1921. 
M.  E.  GREENEBAUM,  4504  Drexel  Boulevard,  Chicago,  111.     1920. 
Prof.  ROBERT  F.  GRIBBLE,  Mercedes,  Texas.     1918. 
Dr.  ETTALENE  M.  GRICE,  care  of  Babylonian  Collection,  Yale  University, 

New  Haven,  Conn.     1915. 

Miss  LUCIA  C.  G.  GRIEVE,  Violet  Hill  Farm,  Martindale  Depot,  N.  Y.    1894. 
Rev.  Dr.  HERVEY  D.  GRISWOLD,  Saharanpur,  U.  P.,  India.     1920. 
Prof.  Louis  GROSSMANN  (Hebrew  Union  College),  2212  Park  Ave.,  Cincin- 
nati, Ohio.     1890. 
Prof.  LEON  GRY  (Universite  libre  d' Angers),  10  Rue  La  Fontaine,  Angers, 

M.-et-L.,  France.     1921. 
Babu   SHIVA  PRASAD   GUPTA,   Seva-Upavana,   Hindu  University,   Benares, 

India.     1921. 

Pres.  WILLIAM  W.  GUTH,  Ph.D.,  Goucher  College,  Baltimore,  Md.     1920. 
*Dr.  GEORGE  C.  O.  HAAS,  323  West  22d  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1903. 
Miss  LUISE  HAESSLER,  100  Morningside  Drive,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1909. 
Rev.  ALEXANDER  D.  HAIL  (Osaka  Theol.  Training  School),  946  of  3.  Tezu- 

kayama,  Sumiyoshi  Mura,  Setsu,  Japan.     1921. 
Dr.  GEORGE  ELLERY  HALE,  Director,  Mt.  Wilson  Observatory,  Pasadena, 

Cal.     1920. 

Dr.  B.  HALPER,  Dropsie  College,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1919. 
Rev.  EDWARD  R.  HAMME,  1511  Hanover  St.,  Baltimore,  Md.     1921. 
Prof.  MAX  S.  HANDMAN,  University  of  Texas,  Austin,  Texas.     1919. 
Prof.  PAUL  HAUPT  (Johns  Hopkins  Univ.),  215  Longwood  Road,  Roland 

Park,  Baltimore,  Md.     1883. 


486  List  of  Members 

DANIEL  P.  HAYS,  115  Broadway,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1920. 

Rabbi  JAMES  G.  HELLER,  3634  Reading  Road,  Cincinnati,  Ohio.     1920. 

Prof.  MAXIMILIAN  HELLER  (Tulane  Univ.),  1828  Marengo  St.,  New  Orleans, 

La.     1920. 

PHILIP  S.  HENRY,  Zealandia,  Asheville,  N.  C.     1914. 
Rev.  CHARLES  W.  HEFNER,  Woodstock,  Ya.     1921. 

Prof.  WILLIAM  BANCROFT  HILL,  Vassar  College,  Poughkeepsie,  N.  Y.     1921. 
Prof.  HERMANN  V.  HILPRECHT,  1321  Spruce  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1887. 
Prof.  WILLIAM  J.  HINKE  (Auburn  Theol.  Seminary),  156  North  St.,  Auburn, 

N.  Y.     1907. 
Prof.  EMIL  G.  HIRSCH  (Univ.  of  Chicago),  3612  Grand  Boulevard,  Chicago, 

111.     1917. 

BERNARD  HIRSHBERG,  260  Todd  Lane,  Youngstown,  Ohio.     1920. 
Prof.  FRIEDRICH  HIRTH,  Haimhauserstr.  19,  Mimchen,  Germany.     1903. 
Prof.  PHILIP  K.  HITTI,  American  University,  Beirut,  Syria.     1915. 
Rev.  Dr.  CHARLES  T.  HOCK  (Bloomfield  Theol.  Seminary),  222  Liberty  St., 

Bloomfield,  N.  J.     1921  (1903). 
Rev.  Dr.  LEWIS  HODOUS  (Hartford  Seminary  Foundation),  9  Sumner  St., 

Hartford,  Conn.     1919. 

THEODORE  HOFELLER,  59  Ashland  Ave.,  Buffalo,  N.  Y.     1920. 
G.  F.  HOFF,  403  Union  Building,  San  Diego,  Cal.     1920. 
Miss  ALICE  M.  HOLMES,  Southern  Pines,  N.  C.     1920. 
*Prof.  E.  WASHBURN  HOPKINS  (Yale  Univ.),  299  Lawrence  St.,  New  Haven, 

Conn.     1881. 

SAMUEL  HORCHOW,  1307  Fourth  St.,  Portsmouth,  Ohio.     1920. 
Prof.  JACOB  HOSCHANDER  (Dropsie  College),  3220  Monument  Ave.,  Phila- 
delphia, Pa.     1914. 

HENRY  R.  ROWLAND,  Natural  Science  Building,  Buffalo,  N.  Y.     1907. 
Prof.  ROBERT  ERNEST  HFME  (Union  Theol.  Seminary),  606  West  122d  St., 

New  York,  N.  Y.     1914, 

*Dr.  ARCHER  M.  HUNTINGTON,  15  West  81st  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.  1912. 
Prof.  ISAAC  HUSIK  (Univ.  of  Pennsylvania),  408  South  9th  St.,  Philadelphia, 

Pa.     1916. 

Prof.  MARY  INDA  HUSSEY,  Mt.  Holyoke  College,  South  Hadley,  Mass.  1901. 
ALBERT  D.  HFTZLER,  3  Carroll  Road,  Windsor  Hills,  Baltimore,  Md.  1921. 
Rev.  Dr.  MOSES  HYAMSON  (Jewish  Theol.  Seminary),  115  East  95th  St., 

New  York,  N.  Y.     1921. 

*JAMES  HAZEN  HYDE,  67  Boulevard  Lannes,  Paris,  France.     1909. 
Prof.  WALTER  WOODBURN  HYDE,  College  Hall,  University  of  Pennsylvania, 

Philadelphia,  Pa.     1920. 
Prof.  HENRY  HYVERNAT   (Catholic  Univ.  of  America),  3405  Twelfth  St., 

N.  E.  (Brookland),  Washington,  D.  C.     1889. 
HARALD  INGHOLT,  Graduate  College,  Princeton  University,  Princeton,  N.  J. 

1921. 
Prof.  MUHAMMAD  ISMAIL  (Forman  Christian  College),  Waris  Road,  Lahore, 

Panjab,  India.     1921. 

Rabbi  EDWARD  L.  ISRAEL,  Springfield,  111.     1920. 
MELVIN  M.  ISRAEL,  50  East  58th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1920. 
Prof.  A.  V.  WILLIAMS  JACKSON,  Columbia  University,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

1885. 


List  of  Members  487 

Mrs.  A.  V.  WILLIAMS  JACKSON,  care  of  Columbia  University,  New  York, 

N.  Y.     1912. 
Prof.  FREDERICK  J.  FOAKES  JACKSON,  D.D.  (Union  Theol.  Seminary),  Dana 

Place,  Englewood,  N.  J.     1920. 

Prof.  FLEMING  JAMES,  Berkeley  Divinity  School,  Middletown,  Conn.  1921. 
Rev.  ERNEST  P.  JANVIER,  Ewing  Christian  College,  Allahabad,  India.  1919. 
fProf.  MORRIS  JASTROW,  JR.  (Univ.  of  Pennsylvania),  248  South  23d  St., 

Philadelphia,  Pa.     1886. 

Prof.  JAMES  RICHARD  JEWETT,  Harvard  University,  Cambridge,  Mass.  1887. 
FRANK  EDWARD  JOHNSON,  421  Washington  St.,  Norwichtown,  Conn.  1916. 
FRANKLIN  PLOTINOS  JOHNSON,  Osceola,  Mo.  1921. 

Dr.  HELEN  M.  JOHNSON,  care  of  Thos.  Cook  and  Son,  Bombay,  India.    1921. 
NELSON  TRUSLER  JOHNSON,  Department  of  State,  Washington,  D.  C.    1921. 
CHARLES  JOHNSTON,  80  Washington  Square,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1921. 
REGINALD  F.  JOHNSTON,  Chang  Wang  Hutung,  The  Old  Drum  Tower  Road, 

Peking,  China.     19.19. 

FLORIN  HOWARD  JONES,  Box.  95,  Coytesville,  N.  J.     1918. 
Mrs.  RUSSELL  K.  (Alice  Judson)  JONES,  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New 

York,  N.  Y.     1920. 

FELIX  KAHN,  Hotel  Alms,  Cincinnati,  Ohio.     1921. 
JULIUS  KAHN,  429  Wick  Ave.,  Youngstown,  Ohio.     1920. 
Dean  MAXIMO  M.  KALAW,  University  of  the  Philippines,  Manila,  P.  I.    1921. 
Rabbi  JACOB  H.  KAPLAN,  780  East  Ridge  way  Ave.,  Cincinnati,  Ohio.     1918. 
Rabbi  C.  E.  HILLEL  KAUVAR,  Ph.D.,  1607  Gilpin  St.,  Denver,  Colo.     1921. 
Prof.  ELMER  Louis  KAYSER  (George  Washington  Univ.),  3129  O  St.,  N.  W., 

Washington,  D.  C.     1921. 

Rev.  Dr.  C.  E.  KEISER,  Lyon  Station,  Pa.     1913. 
Prof.  MAXIMILIAN  L.  KELLNER,  Episcopal  Theological  School,  Cambridge, 

Mass.     1886. 
Prof.  FREDERICK  T.  KELLY  (Univ.  of  Wisconsin),  2019  Monroe  St.,  Madison, 

Wis.     1917. 

Pres.  JAMES  A.  KELSO,  Western  Theological  Seminary,  Pittsburgh,  Pa.    1915. 
Rev.  JAMES  L.  KELSO,  501  North  Walnut  St.,  Bloomington,  Ind.     1921. 
Prof.  ELIZA  H.  KENDRICK,  Wellesley  College,  Wellesley,  Mass.     1896. 
Prof.  CHARLES  FOSTER  KENT,  Yale  University,  New  Haven,  Conn.     1890. 
Prof.  ROLAND  G.  KENT,  University  of  Pennsylvania,  Philadelphia,  Pa.    1910. 
LEEDS  C.  KERR,  Royal  Oak,  Md.     1916. 
ISADORE  KEYFITZ,  4920  Indiana  Ave.,  Chicago,  111.     1920. 
Prof.  ANIS  E.  KHURI,  American  University,  Beirut,  Syria.     1921. 
Prof.  TAIKEN  KIMFRA,  Tokyo  Imperial  University,  Tokyo,  Japan.     1921. 
Prof.  GEORGE  L.  KITTREDGE  (Harvard  Univ.),  9  Hilliard  St.,  Cambridge, 

Mass.     1899. 

EUGENE  KLEIN,  1318  Chestnut  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1920. 
Rabbi  SAMUEL  KOCH,  M.A.",  916  Twentieth  Ave.,  Seattle,  Wash.     1921. 
Pres.   KAUFMANN  KOHLER    (Hebrew   Union   College),   3016   Stanton   Ave., 

Cincinnati,  Ohio.     1917. 
Rev.  EMIL  G.  H.  KRAELING,  Ph.D.  (Union  Theol.  Seminary),   132  Henry 

St.,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.     1920. 
Rev.  GEORGES  S.  KUKHI,  care  of  Y.  M.  C.  A.,  Davies-Bryan  Building,  Cairo, 

Egypt,     1917. 


488  List  of  Members 

Rev.  Dr.  M.  G.  KYLE,  1132  Arrott  St.,  Frankford,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1909. 
Pandit  D.  K.  LADDU,  833  Sadashiva  Peth,  Poona,  India.     1921. 
HAROLD  ALBERT  LAMB,  7  West  92d  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1920. 
Miss  M.  ANTONIA  LAMB,  212  South  46th  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1921. 
Prof.  GOTTHARD  LANDSTROM,  Box  12,  Zap,  Mercer  Co.,  N.  Dak.     1917. 
*Prof.  CHARLES  ROCKWELL  LANMAN  (Harvard  Univ.),  9  Farrar  St.,  Cam- 
bridge, Mass.     1876. 

AMBROSE  LANSING,  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1921. 
Prof.  L.   H.   LARIMER,   D.D.,  Hamma  Divinity  School,   Springfield,   Ohio. 

1921. 

Prof.  KENNETH  S.  LATOURETTE,  Yale  University,  New  Haven,  Conn.    1917. 
Dr.  BERTHOLD  LAUFER,  Field  Museum  of  Natural  History,  Chicago,  111. 

1900. 
Rabbi  JACOB  Z.  LATJTERBACH,  Ph.D.,  Hebrew  Union  College,  Cincinnati, 

Ohio.     1918. 

SIMON  LAZARUS,  High  and  Town  Sts.,  Columbus,  Ohio.     1921. 
DARWIN  A.  LEAVITT  (Univ.  of  Chicago),  5757  University  Ave.,  Chicago,  111. 

1920. 

Rabbi  DAVID  LEFKOWITZ,  1833  Forest  Ave.,  Dallas,  Texas.     1921. 
Rev.  Dr.  LEON  LEGRAIN,  Univ.  of  Penna.  Museum,  Philadelphia,  Pa.    1921. 
Rabbi  GERSON  B.  LEVI,  Ph.D.,  5000  Grand  Boulevard,  Chicago,  111.     1917. 
Rabbi  SAMUEL  J.  LEVINSON,  522  East  8th  St.,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.     1920. 
ISIDOR  S.  LEVITAN,  124  North  Fremont  Ave.,  Baltimore,  Md.     1921. 
Rev.  Dr.  FELIX  A.  LEVY,  707  Melrose  St.,  Chicago,  111.     1917. 
Dr.  H.  S.  LINFIELD,  Bureau  of  Jewish  Social  Research,  114  Fifth  Ave.,  New 

York,  N.  Y.     1912. 

Mrs.  LEE  LOEB,  53  Gibbes  St.,  Charleston,  S.  C.     1920. 
Prof.  LINDSAY  B.  LONGACRE,  2272  South  Filmore  St.,  Denver,  Colo.     1918. 
Rev.  ARNOLD  E.  LOOK,  Crozer  Theological  Seminary,  Chester,  Pa.     1920. 
Dr.  STEPHEN  B.  LUCE,  JR.,  267  Clarendon  St.,  Boston,  Mass.     1916. 
Prof.  DANIEL  D.  LUCKENBILL,  University  of  Chicago,  Chicago,  111.     1912. 
Prof.  HENRY  F.  LUTZ,  University  of  California,  Berkeley,  Cal.     1916. 
Prof.  ALBERT  HOWE  LYBYER  (Univ.  of  Illinois),  1009  West  California  St., 

Urbana,  111.     1917  (1909). 
Prof.  DAVID  GORDON  LYON,  Harvard  University  Semitic  Museum,  Cambridge, 

Mass.     1882. 
ALBERT  MORTON  LYTHGOE,  Curator,  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New 

York,  N.  Y.     1899. 
Prof.   CHESTER   CHARLTON   McCowN,   D.D.    (Pacific   School  of  Religion), 

2223  Atherton  St.,  Berkeley,  Cal.     1920 
Prof.  DUNCAN  B.  MACDONALD,  Hartford  Theological  Seminary,  Hartford, 

Conn.     1893. 
DAVID  ISRAEL  MACHT,  M.D.,  The  Johns  Hopkins  University  Medical  School, 

Monument  and  Washington  Sts.,  Baltimore,' Md.     1918. 
RALPH  W.  MACK,  3836  Reading  Road,  Cincinnati,  Ohio.     1920. 
Dr.  ROBERT  CECIL  MACMAHON,  78  West  55th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1921. 
Dr.  JUDAH  L.  MAGNES,  114  Fifth  Ave.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1921. 
Rabbi  EDGAR  F.  MAGNTN,  2187  West  16th  St.,  Los  Angeles,  Cal.     1920. 
Prof.  HERBERT  W.  MAGOUN,  70  Kirkland  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass.     1887. 


List  of  Members  489 

Prof.  HENRY  MALTER  (Dropsie  College),  1531  Diamond  St.,  Philadelphia, 

Pa.     1920. 
Dr.  JACOB  MANN  (Baltimore  Hebrew  College),  1819  Linden  Ave.,  Baltimore, 

Md.     1921. 

Rabbi  Louis  L.  MANN,  92  Linden  St.,  New  Haven,  Conn.     1917. 
Dr.  CLARENCE  A.  MANNING   (Columbia  Univ.),   144  East  74th  St.,  New 

York,  N.  Y.     1921. 
Rev.  JAMES  CAMPBELL  MANRY   (Ewing  Christian  College,  Allahabad),  54 

Concord  Ave.,  Cambridge,  Mass.     1921. 

Rabbi  JACOB  R.  MARCUS,  Hebrew  Union  College,  Cincinnati,  Ohio.     1920. 
RALPH  MARCUS,  531  West  124th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1920. 
ARTHUR  WILLIAM  MARGET,  157  Homestead  St.,  Roxbury,  Mass.     1920. 
HARRY  S.  MARGOLIS,  Hebrew  Union  College,  Cincinnati,  Ohio.     1920. 
Prof.  MAX  L.  MARGOLIS  (Dropsie  College),  152  West  Hortter  St.,  Philadel- 
phia, Pa.     1890. 

Prof.  ALLAN  MARQUAND,  Princeton  University,  Princeton,  N.  J.     1888. 
JAMES  P.  MARSH,  M.D.,  1828  Fifth  Ave.,  Troy,  N.  Y.     1919. 
Pres.  H.  I.  MARSHALL  (Karen  Theol.  Seminary),  Insein,  Burma,  India.    1920. 
JOHN  MARTIN,  North  Adams,  Mass.   1917. 
Prof.  D.  ROY  MATHEWS,  Northwestern  Military  Academy,    Lake   Geneva, 

Wis.     1920. 
Prof.  ISAAC  G.  MATTHEWS,  Crozer  Theological  Seminary,  Chester,  Pa.     1921 

(1906). 

Rabbi  HARRY  H.  MAYER,  3512  Kenwood  Ave.,  Kansas  City,  Mo.     1921. 
Rev.  Dr.  JOHN  A.  MAYNARD  (Univ.  of  Chicago),  2132  West  110th  Place, 

Chicago,  111.     1917. 
Prof.  THEOPHILE  J.  MEEK  (Meadville  Theol.  School),  650  Arch  St.,  Mead- 

ville,  Pa.     1917. 

HENRY  MEIS,  806  Walnut  St.,  Cincinnati,  Ohio.     1920. 
Rabbi  RAPHAEL  H.  MELAMED,  Ph.D.,  1295  Central  Ave.,  Far  Rockaway, 

N.  Y.     1921. 
Prof.  SAMUEL  A.  B.  MERCER  (Western  Theol.  Seminary),  2738  Washington 

Boulevard,  Chicago,  111.     1912. 

R.  D.  MESSAYEH,  49  East  127th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1919. 
Mrs.  EUGENE  MEYER,  Seven  Springs  Farm,  Mt.  Kisco,  N.  Y.     1916. 
Rev.  Dr.  MARTIN  A.  MEYER,  3108  Jackson  St.,  San  Francisco,  Cal.     1906. 
Rabbi  MYRON  M.  MEYEROVITZ,  Alexandria,  La.     1920. 
Dr.    TRUMAN   MICHELSON,    Bureau   of   American   Ethnology,    Washington, 

D.  C.     1899. 
MERTON    L.    MILLER,   care  of  International  Banking  Corporation,  Cebu, 

P.  I.     1921. 

Mrs.  HELEN  LOVELL  MILLION,  3407  North  5th  St.,  Des  Moines,  Iowa.     1892. 
Rabbi  Louis  A.  MISCHKIND,  M.A.,  Tremont  Temple,  Grand  Concourse  and 

Burnside  Ave.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1920. 
Rev.  JOHN  MONCURE,  Box  179,  The  Johns  Hopkins  University,  Baltimore, 

Md.     1921. 
Dr.  ROBERT  LUDWIG  MONO,  7  Cavendish  Mansions,  Langham  St.,  London 

W.  1,  England.     1921. 

Prof.  J.  A.  MONTGOMERY  (Univ.  of  Pennsylvania),  6806  Greene  St.,  German- 
town,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1903. 


490  List  of  Members 

FREDERICK  MOORE,  Japanese  Embassy,  Washington,  D.  C.     1921. 

*Mrs.  MARY  H.  MOORE,  3  Divinity  Ave.,  Cambridge,  Mass.     1902. 

Rev.  HUGH  A.  MORAN,  221  Eddy  St.,  Ithaca,  N.  Y.     1920. 

Prof.  JULIAN  MORGENSTERN  (Hebrew  Union  College),  3988  Parker  Place, 
Cincinnati,  Ohio.  1915. 

*EFFINGHAM  B.  MORRIS,  "Tyn-y-Coed,"  Ardmore,  Pa.     1920. 

Hon.  ROLAND  S.  MORRIS,  1617  Land  Title  Building,  Philadelphia,  Pa.    1921. 

Prof.  EDWARD  S.  MORSE,  Salem,  Mass.     1894. 

Rev.  OMER  HILLMAN  MOTT,  Belmont  Abbey,  Belmont,  N.  C.     1921. 

Rev.  Dr.  PHILIP  STAFFORD  MOXOM  (International  Y.  M.  C.  A.  College), 
90  High  St.,  Springfield,  Mass.  1921  (1898). 

Sardar  G.  N.  MUJAMDAR,  187  Kasba  Peth,  Poona,  India.     1921. 

Mrs.  ALBERT  H.  MUNSELL,  203  Radnor  Hall,  Cambridge,  Mass.     1908. 

Dr.  WILLIAM  MUSS-ARNOLT,  245  East  Tremont  Ave.,  New  York,  X.  Y. 
1887. 

Prof.  H.  NAU  (Luther  College),  324  South  Jefferson  Davis  Parkway ,[_Ne\v 
Orleans,  La.  1921. 

Prof.  EDOUARD  NAVILLE  (Univ.  of  Geneva),  Malagny  near  Geneva,  Switzer- 
land. 1921. 

Prof.  THOMAS  KINLOCH  NELSON,  Virginia  Theological  Seminary,  Alexandria, 
Va.  1920. 

Rev.  Dr.  WILLIAM  M.  NESBIT,  Hotel  St.  George,  51  Clark  St.,  Brooklyn, 
N.  Y.  1916. 

Professor  WILLIAM  ROMAINE  NEWBOLD,  University  of  Pennsylvania,  Phila- 
delphia, Pa.  1918. 

EDWARD  THEODORE  NEWELL,  American  Numismatic  Society,  156th  St.  and 
Broadway,  New  York,  N.  Y.  1914. 

Rev.  Dr.  JAMES  B.  NIBS,  12  Schermerhorn  St.,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.     1906. 

Ven.  Archdeacon  WILLIAM  E.  NIES,  care  of  Union  Bank,  Geneva,  Switzer- 
land. 1908. 

Mrs.  CHARLES  F.  NORTON,  Transylvania  College,  Lexington,  Ky.     1919. 

Dr.  WILLIAM  FREDERICK  NOTZ.  1727  Lamont  St.,  N.  W.,  Washington,  D.  C. 
1915. 

ADOLPH  S.  OCHS,  The  New  York  Times,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1921. 

Rt.  Rev.  DENIS  J.  O'CONNELL,  800  Cathedral  Place,  Richmond,  Va.     1903. 

Dr.  FELIX,  Freiherr  von  OEFELE,  326  East  58th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1913. 

HERBERT  C.  OETTINGER,  Eighth  and  Walnut  Sts.,  Cincinnati,  Ohio.     1920. 

Mrs.  MYER  OETTINGER,  Rose  Hill  and  Redbud  Sts.,  Cincinnati,  Ohio.    1921. 

NAoiYosm  OGAWA,  Bureau  of  Education,  Government  of  Formosa,  Taihoku, 
Formosa.  1921. 

Dr.  CHARLES  J.  OGDEN,  628  West  114th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1906. 

Dr.  ELLEN  S.  OGDEN,  Hopkins  Hall,  Burlington,  Vt.     1898. 

Prof.  SAMUEL  G.  OLIPHANT,  Grove  City  College,  Grove  City,  Pa.     1906. 

Prof.  ALBERT  TENEYCK  OLMSTEAD  (Univ.  of  Illinois),  706  South  Goodwin 
St.,  Urbana,  111.  1909. 

Prof.  CHARLES  A.  OWEN,  Assiut  College,  Assiut,  Egypt.     1921. 

Prof.  LEWIS  B.  PATON,  Hartford  Theological  Seminary,  Hartford,  Conn. 
1894. 

ROBERT  LEET  PATTERSON,  Shields,  Allegheny  Co.,  Pa.     1920. 

Pres.  CHARLES  T.  PAUL,  College  of  Missions,  Indianapolis,  Ind.     1921. 


List  of  Members  491 

JAL  Dastur  CURSETJI  PAVRY,  21  Claremont  Ave.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1921. 

Dr.  CHARLES  PEABODY,  197  Brattle  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass.     1892. 

Prof.  GEORGE  A.  PECKHAM,  Hiram  College,  Hiram,  Ohio.     1912. 

HAROLD  PEIRCE,  222  Drexel  Building,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1920. 

Prof.  ISMAR  J.  PERITZ,  Syracuse  University,  Syracuse,  N.  Y.     1894. 

Dr.  JOSEPH  Louis  PERRIER,  315  West  115th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1920. 

Prof.  MARSHALL  LIVINGSTON  PERRIN  (Boston  Univ.),  Wellesley  Hills,  Mass. 

1921. 
Prof.  EDWARD  DELAV AN  PERRY  (Columbia  Univ.),  542  West  114th  St.,  New 

York,  N.  Y.     1879. 

Dr.  ARNOLD  PESKIND,  2414  East  55th  St.,  Cleveland,  Ohio.     1920. 
fRev.  Dr.  JOHN  P.  PETERS,  University  of  the  South,  Sewanee,  Tenn.     1882. 
Prof.  WALTER  PETERSEN,  Westminster  College,  Fulton,  Mo.     1909. 
ROBERT  HENRY  PFEIPFER,  39  Winthrop  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass.     1920. 
Prof.  DAVID  PHILIPSON,  Hebrew  Union  College,  Cincinnati,  Ohio.     1889. 
Hon.  WILLIAM  PHILLIPS,  American  Legation,  The  Hague,  Netherlands.    1917. 
JULIAN  A.  POLLAK,  927  Redway  Ave.,  Cincinnati,  Ohio.     1920. 
PAUL  POPENOE,  Thermal,  Cal.     1914. 

Prof.  WILLIAM  POPPER,  University  of  California,  Berkeley,  Cal.     1897. 
Rev.  Dr.  THOMAS  PORTER  (Presbyterian  Theol.  Seminary),  3  Rua  Padre 

Vieira,  Campinos,  Brazil.     1921. 

D.  V.  POTDAR,  180  Shanvar  Peth,  Poona,  India.     1921. 
Rev.  Dr.  SARTELL  PRENTICE,  127  South  Broadway,  Nyack,  N.  Y.     1921. 
Prof.  IRA  M.  PRICE,  University  of  Chicago,  Chicago,  111.     1887. 
Prof.  JOHN  DYNELEY  PRINCE  (Columbia  Univ.),  American  Legation,  Copen- 
hagen, Denmark.     1888. 

CARL  E.  PRITZ,  101  Union  Trust  Building,  Cincinnati,  Ohio.     1920. 
Rev.  Dr.  A.  H.  PRUESSNER,  Kramat  19,  Weltevreden,  Java,  Dutch  East 

Indies.     1921. 

Prof.  ALEXANDER  C.  PURDY,  Earlham  College,  Earlham,  Ind.     1921. 
Prof.  HERBERT  R.  PURINTON,  Bates  College,  Lewiston,  Maine.     1921. 
Rev.  FRANCIS  J.  PURTELL,  S.T.L.,  Overbrook  Seminary,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

1916. 
Prof.  CHARLES  LYNN  PYATT,  The  College  of  the  Bible,  Lexington,  Ky.    1921 

(1917). 

Dr.  G.  PAYN  QUACKENBOS,  Northrup  Ave.,  Tuckahoe,  N.  Y.     1904. 
Rev.  Dr.  MAX  RAISIN,  1093  Sterling  Place,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.     1920. 
Dr.  V.  V.  RAMAN  A-SASTRIN,  Vedaraniam,  Tanjore  District,  India.     1921. 
Prof.  H.  M.  RAMSEY,  Seabury  Divinity  School,  Faribault,  Minn.     1920. 
MARCUS  RAUH,  951  Penn  Ave.,  Pittsburgh,  Pa.     1920. 
Prof.  JOHN  H.  RAVEN  (New  Brunswick  Theol.  Seminary),  185  College  Ave., 

New  Brunswick,  N.  J.     1920. 

Prof.  HARRY  B.  REED,  812  North  10th  St.,  Fargo,  N.  Dak.     1921. 
Dr.  JOSEPH  REIDER,  Dropsie  College,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1913. 
JOHN  REILLY,  JR.,  American  Numismatic  Society,  156th  St.  and  Broadway, 

New  York,  N.  Y.     1918. 
Prof.  AUGUST  KARL  REISCHAUER,  Meiji  Gakuin,  Shirokane  Shiba,  Tokyo, 

Japan.     1920. 
Prof.   GEORGE   ANDREW   REISNER,   Museum  of  Fine  Arts,   Boston,    Mass. 

1891. 


492  List  of  Members 

Rt.  Rev.  PHILIP  M.  RHINELANDER,  251  So.  22d  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.  1908. 
Prof.  ROBERT  THOMAS  RIDDLE,  St.  Charles  Seminary,  Overbrook,  Pa.  1920. 
Dr.  EDWARD  ROBERTSON,  University  College  of  North  TV  ales,  Bangor, 

Wales.     1921. 
Rev.  CHARLES  WELLINGTON  ROBINSON,  Christ  Church,  Bronxville,  N.  Y. 

1916. 
Prof.  DAVID  M.  ROBINSON,  The  Johns  Hopkins  University,  Baltimore,  Md. 

1921. 
Prof.  GEORGE  LIVINGSTON  ROBINSON  (McCormick  Theol.  Seminary),  2312 

North  Halsted  St.,  Chicago,  111.     1892. 
Prof.   JAMES  HARDY  ROPES    (Harvard  Univ.),    13  Follen  St.,   Cambridge, 

Mass.     1893. 

HARRY  L.  ROSEN,  831  South  3d  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1919. 
Dr.   WILLIAM  ROSENAU,   The  Johns  Hopkins  University,   Baltimore,   Md. 

1897. 

*JuLius  ROSENWALD,  care  of  Sears,  Roebuck  and  Co.,  Chicago,  111.     1920. 
SAMUEL  ROTHENBERG,  M.D.,  22  West  7th  St.,  Cincinnati,  Ohio.     1921. 
Miss  ADELAIDE  RUDOLPH,  115  West  68th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1894. 
Dr.  ELBERT  RUSSELL,  Woolman  House,  Swarthmore,  Pa.     1916. 
Rabbi  SAMUEL  SALE,  4621  Westminster  Place,  St.  Louis,  Mo.     1920. 
Rabbi  MARCUS  SALZMAN,  Ph.D.,  94  West  Ross  St.,  Wilkes-Barre,  Pa.     1920. 
Rev.  FRANK  K.  SANDERS,  Ph.D.,  25  Madison  Ave.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1897. 
Prof.  HENRY  A.  SANDERS,  University  of  Michigan,  Ann  Arbor,  Mich.     1921. 
Mrs.  A.  H.  SAUNDERS,  552  Riverside  Drive,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1915. 
Prof.  HENRY  P.  SCHAEFFER  (Lutheran  Theol.  Seminary),  1016  South  llth 

Ave.,  Maywood,  Chicago,  111.     1916. 

GOTTLIEB  SCHAENZLIN,  2618  Oswego  Ave.,  Baltimore,  Md.     1921. 
Dr.  ISRAEL  SCHAPIRO,  Library  of  Congress,  Washington,  D.  C.     1914. 
Dr.  JOHANN  F.  SCHELTEMA,  care  of  Kerkhoven  and  Co.,  115  Heerengracht, 

Amsterdam,  Netherlands.     1906. 
JOHN  F.    SCHLICHTING,    1430   Woodhaven   Boulevard,   Woodhaven,   N.   Y. 

1920. 

fA.  K.  SCHMAVONIAN,  Department  of  State,  Washington,  D.  C.     1921. 
Prof.  NATHANIEL  SCHMIDT,  Cornell  University,  Ithaca,  N.  Y.     1894. 
ADOLPH  SCHOENFELD,  321  East  84th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1921. 
WILFRED  H.  SCHOFF,  The  Commercial  Museum,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1912. 
Rabbi  WILLIAM  B.  SCHWARTZ,  Montgomery,  Ala.     1921. 
WILLIAM  BACON  SCOFIELD,  Worcester  Club,  Worcester,  Mass.     1919. 
Prof.  GILBERT  CAMPBELL  SCOGGTN,  University  of  Missouri,  Columbia,  Mo. 

1906. 

Prof.  JOHN  A.  SCOTT,  Northwestern  University,  Evanston,  111.     1920. 
*Mrs.  SAMUEL  BRYAN  SCOTT  (nee  Morris),  2106  Spruce  St.,  Philadelphia, 

Pa.     1903. 

Prof.  HELEN  M.  SEARLES,  Mt.  Holyoke  College,  South  Hadley,  Mass.    1921. 
Dr.  MOSES  SEIDEL  (Rabbi  Isaac  Elchanan  Theol.  Seminary),  9-11  Mont- 
gomery St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1917. 

H.  A.  SEINSHEIMER,  Fourth  and  Pike  Sts.,  Cincinnati,  Ohio.     1921. 
Rev.  Dr.  WILLIAM  G.  SEIPLE,  125  Mosher  St.,  Baltimore,  Md.     1902. 
O.  R.  SELLERS,  Wentworth  Military  Academy,  Lexington,  Mo.     1917. 
MAX  SENIOR,  21  Mitchell  Building,  Cincinnati,  Ohio.     1920. 


List  of  Members  493 

G.  ROWLAND  SHAW,  Department  of  State,  Washington,  D.  C.     1921. 
Rev.  WILLIAM  G.  SHELLABEAR,  43  Madison  Ave.,  Madison,  N.  J.     1919. 
Prof.  WILLIAM  A.  SHELTON,  Emory  University,  Atlanta,  Ga.     1921. 
Prof.  CHARLES  N.  SHEPARD  (General  Theol.  Seminary),  9  Chelsea  Square, 

New  York,  N.  Y.     1907. 
ANDREW  R.  SHERIFF,  The  Chicago  Club,  404  South  Michigan  Ave.,   Chicago, 

111.     1921. 

CHARLES  C.  SHERMAN,  447  Webster  Ave.,  New  Rochelle,  N.  Y.     1904. 
GYOKSHU  SHIBATA,  330  East  57th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1920. 
Rabbi  ABBA  HILLEL  SILVER,  The  Temple,  East  55th  St.  and  Central  Ave., 

Cleveland,  Ohio.     1920. 

HIRAM  HILL  SIPES,  Rajahmundry,  Godavery  District,  India.  1920. 
JACK  H.  SKIRBALL,  Hebrew  Union  College,  Cincinnati,  Ohio.  1920. 
Prof.  S.  B.  SLACK,  Arts  Building,  McGill  University,  Montreal,  P.  Q., 

Canada.     1921. 

*JOHN  R.  SLATTERY,  14bis  Rue  Montaigne,  Paris,  France.     1903. 
Prof.  HENRY  PRESERVED  SMITH,   Union  Theol.    Seminary,    Broadway    and 

120th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1877. 

Prof.  JOHN  M.  P.  SMITH,  University  of  Chicago,  Chicago,  111.     1906. 
Dr.  LOUISE  P.  SMITH,  Wellesley  College,  Wellesley,  Mass.     1918. 
Rev.  WILBUR  MOOREHEAD  SMITH,  Ocean  City,  Md.     1921. 
Rev.  JOSEPH  E.  SNYDER,  Box  796,  Fargo,  N.  Dak.     1916. 
Rev.  Dr.  ELIAS  L.  SOLOMON  (Jewish  Theol.  Seminary),  1326  Madison  Ave., 

New  York,  N.  Y.     1921. 

Prof.  EDMUND  D.  SOPER,  Northwestern  University,  Evanston,  111.     1920. 
Prof.  VENKATESH  VAMAN  SOVANI,   Meerut  College,  Meerut,  U.  P.,  India. 

1921. 

ALEXANDER  N.  SPANAKIDIS.     1920. 
Dr.  DAVID  B.  SPOONER,  Assistant  Director  General  of  Archaeology  in  India, 

"Benmore,"  Simla,  Pan  jab,  India.     1918. 

Prof.  MARTIN  SPRENGLING,  University  of  Chicago,  Chicago,  111.     1912. 
JOHN  FRANKLIN  SPRINGER,  618  West  136th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1921. 
Prof.  WALLACE  N.  STEARNS,  McKendree  College,  Lebanon,  111.     1920. 
Dr.  W.  STEDE,  Osterdeich  195,  Bremen,  Germany.     1920. 
Rev.  Dr.  JAMES  D.  STEELE,  15  Grove  Terrace,  Passaic,  N.  J.     1892. 
HERMAN  STEINBERG,  103  Park  Ave.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1921. 
MAX  STEINBERG,  103  Park  Ave.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1921. 
Rev,     Dr.    THOMAS    STENHOUSE,    Mickley    Vicarage,    Stocksfield-on-Tyne, 

England.     1921. 

M.  T.  STERELNY,  P.  O.  Box  7,  Vladivostok,  East  Siberia.     1919. 
HORACE  STERN,  1524  North  16th  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1921. 
Mrs.  W.  YORKE  STEVENSON,  251  South  18th  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1919. 
Rev.  Dr.  ANSON  PHELPS  STOKES,  West  Stockbridge,  Mass.     1900. 
Rev.  Dr.  JOSEPH  STOLZ,  4714  Grand  Boulevard,  Chicago,  111.     1917. 
Prof.  FREDERICK  ANNES  STUFF  (Univ.  of  Nebraska),  Station  A  1263,  Lincoln, 

Neb.     1921. 
Dr.  VISHNU  S.  SUKTHANKAR,  22  Carnac  Road,  Kalbadevi  P.  O.,  Bombay, 

India.     1921. 

Hon.  MAYER  SULZBERGER,  1303  Girard  Ave.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1888. 
A.  J.  SUNSTEIN,  Farmers  Bank  Building,  Pittsburgh,  Pa.     1920. 


494  List  of  Members 

Prof.  LEO  SUPPAN  (St.  Louis  College  of  Pharmacy),  2109a  Russell  Ave., 

St.  Louis,  Mo.     1920. 
Prof.  GEORGE   SVERDRUP,    JR.,   Augsburg  Seminary,   Minneapolis,   Minn. 

1907. 

Prof.  FRED  J.  TEGGART,  University  of  California,  Berkeley,  Cal.     1919. 
EBEN  FRANCIS  THOMPSON,  311  Main  St.,  Worcester,  Mass.     1906. 
Rev.  WILLIAM  GORDON  THOMPSON,  126  Manhattan  Ave.,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

1921. 
Prof.  HENRY  A.  TODD  (Columbia  Univ.),  824  West  End  Ave.,  New  York, 

N.  Y.     1885. 
Baron  Dr.  GYOYU  TOKIWAI  (Imperial  Univ.  of  Kyoto),  Isshinden,  Province 

of  Ise,  Japan.     1921. 
Dean  HERBERT  GUSHING  TOLMAN,  Vanderbilt  University,  Nashville,  Tenn. 

1917. 

*Prof.  CHARLES  C.  TORREY,  Yale  University,  New  Haven,  Conn.     1891. 
I.  NEWTON  TRAGER,  944  Marion  Ave.,  Avondale,  Cincinnati,  Ohio.     1920. 
Rev.  ARCHIBALD  TREMAYNE,  4138  Brooklyn  Ave.,  Seattle,  Wash.     1918. 
Prof.  RAM  PRASAD  TRIPATHI,  University  of  Allahabad,  Allahabad,  India. 

1921. 
Prof.  HAROLD  H.  TRYON  (Union  Theol.  Seminary),  3041  Broadway,  New 

York,  N.  Y.     1921. 
Rabbi  JACOB  TURNER,  4167  Ogden  Ave.,  Hawthorne  Station,  Chicago,  111. 

1921. 

Rev.  DUDLEY  TYNG,  37  Congress  St.,  Milford,  Mass.     1920. 
*Rev.  Dr.  LEMON  LEANDER  UHL,  College  Bungalow,  Arundelpet,  Guntur, 

Madras  Presidency,  India.     1921. 

Rev.  SYDNEY  N.  USSHER,  44  East  76th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1909. 
Rev.  FREDERICK  AUGUSTUS  VANDERBURGH,   Ph.D.    (Columbia  Univ.),   55 

Washington  Square,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1908. 
Rev.  JOHN  VAN  Ess,  Basra,  Mesopotamia.     1921. 

ADDISON  VAN  NAME  (Yale  Univ.),  121  High  St.,  New  Haven,  Conn.     1863. 
Rev.  M.  VANOVERBERGH  (Bangar  Catholic  School),  Bangar  La  Union,  P.  I. 

1921. 
Mrs.  JOHN  KING  VAN  RENSSELAER,  157  East  37th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

1920. 
Prof.  ARTHUR  A.  VASCHALDE,  Catholic  University  of  America,  Washington, 

D.  C.     1915. 

Prof.  J.  Ph.  VOGEL  (Univ.  of  Leiden),  Noordeindsplein  4a,  Leiden,  Nether- 
lands.    1921. 

LUDWIG  VOGELSTEIN,  61  Broadway,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1920. 
Prof.  JACOB  WACKERNAGEL  (Univ.  of  Basle),  Gartenstr.  93,  Basle,  Switzer- 
land.    1921. 
Regent  EDMUND  A.  WALSH,  S.J.,  School  of  Foreign  Service,  Georgetown 

University,  506  E  St.,  N.  W.,  Washington,  D.  C.     1921. 
*FELIX  M.  WARBURG,  52  William  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1921. 
fMiss  CORNELIA  WARREN,  Cedar  Hill,  Waltham,  Mass.     1894. 
Prof.  WILLIAM  F.  WARREN  (Boston  Univ.),  131  Davis  Ave.,  Brookline,  Mass. 

1877. 
Prof.  LEROY  WATERMAN,  University  of  Michigan,  Ann  Arbor,  Mich.     1912. 


List  of  Members  495 

*Prof.  HUTTON  WEBSTER  (Univ.  of  Nebraska),  Station  A,  Lincoln,  Neb. 

1921. 

Miss  ISABEL  C.  WELLS,  1609  Connecticut  Ave.,  Washington,  D.  C.     1921. 
Rev.  O.  V.  WERNER,  1507  Metropolitan  Ave.,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.     1921. 
Prof.  J.  E.  WERREN,  1667  Cambridge  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass.     1894. 
ARTHUR  J.  WESTERMAYR,  12-16  John  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1912. 
MORRIS  F.  WESTHEIMER,  Traction  Building,  Cincinnati,  Ohio.     1920. 
Rev.  MILTON  C.  J.  WESTPHAL,  2348  Seneca  St.,  Buffalo,  N.  Y.     1920. 
RICHARD  B.  WETHERILL,  M.D.,  525  Columbia  St.,  Lafayette,  Ind.     1921. 
Pres.   BENJAMIN   IDE   WHEELER,   University  of   California,   Berkeley,   Cal. 

1885. 

FREDERICK  B.  WHEELER,  R.  F.  D.  No.  1,  Seymour,  Conn.     1921. 
JOHN  G.  WHITE,  Williamson  Building,  Cleveland,  Ohio.     1912. 
Pres.    WILBERT   W.    WHITE,    D.D.,    Bible   Teachers   Training  School,  541 

Lexington  Ave.,  New  York,  IN.  Y.     1921. 

Miss  ETHEL  E.  WHITNEY,  Hotel  Hemenway,  Boston,  Mass.     1921. 
*Miss  MARGARET  DWIGHT  WHITNEY,  227  Church  St.,  New  Haven,  Conn. 

1908. 

Miss  CAROLYN  M.  WICKER,  520  West  114th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1921. 
PETER  WIERNIK,  220  Henry  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1920. 
HERMAN  WILE,  Ellicott  and  Carroll  Sts.,  Buffalo,  N.  Y.     1920. 
Prof.  HERBERT  L.  WILLETT  (Univ.  of  Chicago),  6119  Woodlawn  Ave.,  Chicago, 

111.     1917. 
Mrs.   CAROLINE  RANSOM  WILLIAMS,   The  Chesbrough  Dwellings,   Toledo, 

Ohio.     1912. 
Prof.  CLARENCE  RUSSELL  WILLIAMS,  St.  Stephen's  College,  Annandale-on- 

Hudson,  N.  Y.     1920. 
Hon.  E.  T.  WILLIAMS  (Univ.  of  California),  1410  Scenic  Aye.,  Berkeley,  Cal. 

1901. 
Prof.  FREDERICK  WELLS  WILLIAMS  (Yale  Univ.),  155  Whitney  Ave.,  New 

Haven,  Conn.     1895. 
Mrs.  FREDERICK  WELLS  WILLIAMS,  155  Whitney  Ave.,  New  Haven,  Conn. 

1918. 

Prof.  TALCOTT  WILLIAMS,  Columbia  University,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1884. 
Prof.   CURT  PAUL  WIMMER,   Columbia  University,   College  of  Pharmacy, 

115  West  68th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1920. 
Major  HERBERT  E.  WINLOCK,  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York, 

N.  Y.     1919. 

Rev.  Dr.  WILLIAM  COPLEY  WINSLOW,  525  Beacon  St.,  Boston,  Mass.     1885. 
Rabbi  JONAH  B.  WISE,  715  Chamber  of  Commerce,  Portland,  Ore.     1921. 
Rev.  Dr.  STEPHEN  S.  WISE,  23  West  90th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1894. 
Prof.  JOHN  E.  WISHART  (Xenia  Theol.  Seminary),  6834  Washington  Ave., 

St.  Louis,  Mo.     1911. 

HENRY  B.  WITTON,  290  Hess  St.,  South,  Hamilton,  Ont.,  Canada.     1885. 
Dr.  UNRAI  WOGIHABA,  20  Tajimacho,  Asakusa,  Tokyo,  Japan.     1921. 
Prof.  Louis  B.  WOLFENSON  (Univ.  of  Wisconsin),  1113  West  Dayton  St., 

Madison,  Wis.     1904. 

Dr.  HENRY  A.  WOLFSON,  35  Divinity  Hall,  Cambridge,  Mass.     1917. 
HOWLAND  WOOD,  Curator,   American  Numismatic  Society,   156th  St.  and 

Broadway,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1919. 


496  List  of  Members 

Prof.  IRVING  F.  WOOD,  Smith  College,  Northampton,  Mass.     1905. 

Prof.  WILLIAM  H.  WOOD  (Dartmouth  College),  23  North  Main  St.,  Hanover, 

N.  H.     1917. 
Prof.  JAMES  H.  WOODS  (Harvard  Univ.),  16  Prescott  Hall,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

1900. 

Prof.  A.  C.  WOOLNER,  University  of  the  Panjab,  Lahore,  India.     1921. 
Prof.  JESSE  ERWIN  WRENCH,    (Univ.  of  Missouri),    1104   Hudson   Ave., 

Columbia,  Mo.     1917. 

Rev.  HORACE  K.  WRIGHT,  Vengurla,  Bombay  Presidency,  India.     1921. 
JOHN  MAX  WULFING,  3448  Longfellow  Boulevard,  St.  Louis,  Mo.     1921. 
Miss  ELEANOR  F.  F.  YEAWORTH,  6237  Bellona  Ave.,  Baltimore,  Md.    1921. 
Rev.  Dr.  ROYDEN  KEITH  YERKES  (Philadelphia  Divinity  School),  Box  247, 

Merion,  Pa.     1916. 

Rev.  S.  C.  YLVISAKER,  Ph.D.,  1317  Dayton  Ave.,  St.  Paul,  Minn.     1913. 
Rev.  ABRAHAM  YOHANNAN,  Ph.D.,  Columbia  University,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

1894. 

Louis  GABRIEL  ZELSON,  427  Titan  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1920. 
Rev.  ROBERT  ZIMMERMAN,  S.J.,  St.  Xavier's  College,  Cruickshank  Road, 

Bombay,  India.     1911. 
JOSEPH  SOLOMON  ZUCKERBAUM  (Mizrachi  Teachers'  Institute),  2  West  lllth 

St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1920. 
Rev.  Dr.  SAMUEL  M.  ZWEMER,  Holland.  Mich.     1920. 

[Total:  567} 


PJ  American  Oriental  Society 

Journal 
A5 

T. 40-41 


PLEASE  DO  NOT  REMOVE 
CARDS  OR  SLIPS  FROM  THIS  POCKET 

UNIVERSITY  OF  TORONTO  LIBRARY