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ABBOTT, J. E.: The Maratha Poet-Saint Dasopant Digambar ... 251 

ALBRIGHT, W. F.: New Light on Magan and Meluha 317 

The Name and Nature of the Sumerian God Uttu .... 197 

BARRET, L. C.: The Kashmirian Atharva Veda, Book Nine ... 105 
BARTON, G. A: The Archaic Inscription in Decouvertes en Chaldee, 

Plate Ibii 338 

BENDER, H. H.: Two Lithuanian Etymologies 186 

The Etymology and Meaning of Sanskrit garutmant . . . 203 
BLAZE, F. R.: The Part Played by the Publications of the United 
States Government in the Development of Philippine Lin- 
guistic Studies 147 

BROOKS, B. A.: The Babylonian Practice of Marking Slaves ... 80 
BROWN, W. N. : A Comparative Translation of the Arabic Kalila wa- 

Dimna, Chapter VI 215 

DEB, H. K.: India and Elam 194 

DOUGHERTY, R. P.: Nabonidus in Arabia 305 

GOTTHKIL, R.: Ignaz Goldziher 189 

GRAT, L. H.: The Indian God Dhanvantari 323 

GRIIRSON, G. A.: Shahbazgarhi uthdnam; Sauraseni locative in e . 211 
HAAI, G. C. 0.: Recurrent and Parallel Passages in the Principal 

Upanishads and the Bhagavad Gita 1 

HAUPT, P.: The Sumerian Affixes tarn and kam 301 

Heb. kohen and qahal 372 

Heb. qitor a doublet of 'a$dn 375 

HODOUS, L.: The Reception of Spring, observed in Foochow, China 53 

LUTZ, H. F.: Sanduarri, King of Kundi and Sizu 201 

The Root yp, edelu in Egyptian 202 

The Meaning of Babylonian bittu 206 

A Note regarding the Garment called $S and its Etymology 207 

The hagoroth of Genesis 3 1 208 

Ku, "thread, cord" in Egyptian 209 

Nin-Ural and Nippur 210 

MACHT, D. I.: A Pharmacological Note on Psalm 689 280 

MANNING, C. A.: Prester John and Japan 286 

MERCER, S. A B.: Divine Service in Early Lagash 91 

POPENOB, P. .-Scale-Insects of the Date-Palm 205 

The Pollination of the Date-Palm 343 

SAUXDERS, V.: Some Allusions to Magic in Kautilya's Arthaiastra . 76 
SCHMIDT, N.: Traces of Early Acqaintance in Europe with the Book 

of Enoch 44 

SCHOFF, W. H.: Aloes 171 

Camphor 866 

Regencies in Babylon 871 

SUKTHAWKAB, V. S.: Studies in Bhisa, HI 69 

TEDESCO, P.: Neu-Persisch yorda 295 



Norms OF THE SOCIETY 213, 377 


PEESOHAUA 214, 378 

SPECIAL NOTICE to authors and publishers of books on oriental 

subjects 214, 378 







INTENSIVE STUDY of those wonderful old treasuries of Hindu 
theosophic lore, the Upanishads and the Bhagavad-Gita, is 
requisite for any understanding of their contents, except of 
the most superficial kind. For adequate interpretation of their 
meaning one must take into account the background of Vedic 
ritual and of legendary lore, the origin and development of 
metaphysical conceptions in India, the sequence and inter- 
relation of the various texts, and other matters of a similar 
nature. In intensive study of this kind it is naturally essential 
to make careful comparison of expressions of the same thought 
in various passages and to assimilate and combine, or on the 
other hand differentiate and contrast, the statements, according 
to their nature and their context; and it is to facilitate such 
comparison that I have prepared for publication the present 
collection of recurrences and parallels, which constitutes a 
by-product, so to speak, of certain work in this field upon 
which I have been engaged for a number of years. 

The material here assembled falls, broadly speaking, into 
three categories: (1) repeated episodes and passages, long or 
short; (2) recurrences of the same ideas and of the same 
similes; (3) allusions and the like. As will be seen at a glance, 
this collection of repetitions and parallels differs altogether in 
scope and in arrangement from Col. George A. Jacob's Con- 
cordance to the Principal Upanishads and Bhagavad-Gitd 
(Bombay, 1891), which is invaluable for tracing a presumable 
quotation, studying a technical term, or investigating a special 

1 JAOS 42 

2 George C. 0. Haas 

usage. The present paper, while omitting notice of the repetition 
of brief formulas and phrases (see a subsequent paragraph), 
includes similarities of thought and of imagery, which are in 
many cases not revealed by a concordance, as well as numerous 
references to other Sanskrit texts; and its sequential arrange- 
ment makes available, section by section and line by line, 
without the necessity of search or collation, the material gathered 
in relation to each Upanishad and thus renders it serviceable 
in connection with consecutive reading or critical examination 
of any portion of the text. 1 

The following texts have been included in this study: 

Brhad-Aranyaka [Brh.] I$a, or Ifevasya 

Chandogya [ChincL] Mundaka [Mund.] 

Taittirfya [Tait.] Prasna 

Aitareya [Ait.] Mandukya [Hand.] 

Kausltaki [Kauf.] Svetasvatara [vet] 

Kena, or Talavakara Maitri, or Maitrayana 

Katha, or KSthaka Bhagavad-Glta [BhG.] 

The Upanishads are taken up in the order here given, which 
is the approximate order of their antiquity, so far as that has 
been ascertained (cf. Hume, Thirteen Principal Upanishads, 
London, 1921, p.xii xiii). The Bhagavad-Grlta, which is included 
because of its close association for many centuries with the 
Upanishads, is placed last, as not being strictly a text of the 
same class. 

It has seemed worth while to add also a number of references 
to the Mah&narayana Upanishad, which clearly belongs in the 
group of older Upanishadic texts. The numerous minor and 
later Upanishads, however, have not been included in the scope 
of this study; recurrent passages in them are for the most 
part merely quotations from the earlier treatises, and inclusion 
of references to them would have added considerably to the 

* To make sure that nothing of consequence should be overlooked, I 
have gone thru every page of Jacob's Concordance after completing my 
own collection of material, and I have examined also the annotations in 
the translations of Deussen and of Hume. It is a pleasure to acknow- 
ledge the help derived from the labors of these scholars, and especially 
also to express my appreciation of comments and suggestions received 
from Professors A. V. Williams Jackson, E. Washburn Hopkins, Louis 
H. Gray, Franklin Edgerton, and Mr. Charles Johnston. 

Recurrent and Parallel Passages in the Principal Upanishads 3 

length of this paper without commensurate advantage. On the 
other hand numerous references to other Sanskrit texts, espe- 
cially to the philosophic sections of the Mahabharata, have 
been inserted because of their interest. I include also, for the 
convenience of the reader, a few stray citations of important 
Brahmana parallels, tho I have not made a search for others 
of the same kind. Quotations of Vedic mantras and the like 
in the Upanishads are not noted unless the passage happens 
to be considered in another connection. 

In order to avoid needless expansion, it has been found 
necessary to omit notice of the repetition of brief formulas and 
phrases, as well as of sentences and turns of expression recurring 
at intervals in a series of sections, but found nowhere else. As 
chief among these may be mentioned the following: 

apa punannrtyum jayati Brh. 1. 2. 7; etc. [see 8]. 

esa ta dtmd sarvdntarah Brh. 3. 4. 1 ; etc. 

ato 'nyad drttam Brh. 3. 4. 2 ; etc. 

dugdheannddo bhavati Chand. 1. 3. 7 ; etc. 

sarvam dyur eti Chand. 2. 11.2; etc. 

etad evdmrtam drstvd trpyati Chand. 3. 6. 3; etc. 

vdff eva brahmanaS caturthah pddah Chand. 3. 18. 3; etc. 

ndsydvarapurusdh kslyante Chand. 4. 11.2; etc. 

etad amrtam abhayam etad brahma Chand. 4. 15. 1 ; etc.; Maitri2. 2. 

bhavaty asya brahmavarcasam kule Chand. 5. 12. 2; etc. 

annamayam hivdg iti Chand. 6.5.4; etc. 

sa ya eso 'nimaitaddtmyamsvetaketo ChSnd. 6. 8. 6 7; etc. 

8a yo . . . brahmety update bravltv iti Chand. 7. 1.5; etc. 

sarvcsu lokesu kdmacdro bhavati Chand. 7. 25. 2; etc. 

saisd prdne sarvdptir Kauf. 3. 3, 4. 

tad eva brahma updsate Kena4 8. 

All the occurrences of these expressions can be found, if required, 
in Jacob's Concordance. 

No attempt has been made to decide whether one parallel 
passage is quoted from another. In many instances there is 
undoubtedly distinct quotation from an older and more authori- 
tative Upanishad; in others the passages are drawn from a 
common source, as in the case of citations from the Yedas 
and related texts; some of the minor correspondences may be 
fortuitous, due to the similarity of subject and point of view. 
On quotations from and allusions to the Katha Upanishad in 
the Svetasvatara consult Deussen, Sechzig Upanishad' 8 des 
Veda, p. 289; on quotations in the Maitri, p. 312313; for 

4 George C. 0. Haas 

comment on special parallels see the references to Deussen in 
4, 125, 210, below. For thoro discussion of parallels between 
the Upanishads and the Mahabharata see Hopkins, Great 
Epic of India (New York, 1901), p. 2746, cf. p. 85190; 
consult also the collection of references in Holtzmann, Das 
MahabJidrata (Kiel, 1895), 42026.2 

Before concluding these introductory paragraphs I wish to 
call attention briefly to a specially interesting group of parallel 
passages assembled in a Conspectus 3 on an adjoining page- 
relating to the elements of man's constitution designated by 
the term nddi. Despite the suggestion of the phrase hrdayasya 
nadyas, we have here no reference to arteries or veins, nor on 
the other hand to nerves or analogous filaments of the bodily 
structure; the details of the description preclude any anatomical 
identification. These vessels are stated to be minute as a hair 
divided a thousandfold; they are filled with substance of various 
colors; they conduct the prdna, or life energy; they have a 
special relation to the phenomena of sleep; one of them is the 
means of egress from the body at death; and so on. It is 
evident that, in using the term nadi, the writers of the Upani- 
shads had in mind those same vessels that are so elaborately 
described, in later Hindu writings on Yoga and related subjects, 
as channels of variously specialized vital energy in the subtle 
'etheric' vehicle that co-exists as a counterpart of the gross 
physical body in the composite human organism. In fact, the 
Maitri Upanishad (at 6. 21) actually mentions the name of the 
principal channel, Susumnd, which is so frequently referred to 
in connection with the companion channels Ida and Pingala 
in later texts. We must therefore avoid the misleading trans- 
lation 'artery' or 'vein' and choose as a rendering some word 
of less definite connotation, such as 'duct', or 'tube', or 'channel'. 4 

* The earliest collection of comparative material relating to the Upa- 
nishads, so far as I know, is that of "Weber, Indische Studien, 1. 247302; 
380456 (I860); 2.1111; 170236 (1853); 9.1173 (1865). 

Each individual statement in the Conspectus has prefixt to it the 
serial number of the entry under which its parallels are recorded. State- 
ments markt with the same number thus relate to the same phase of the 
subject and may profitably be compared with one another. 

* Woods, in translating Yoga-sutra 3. 31, renders the word 'tube' (The 
Yoga-system of Pataftjali, Cambridge, Mass., 1914, p. 261). 

Recurrent and Parallel Passages in tJie Principal Upanishads 5 


C. Calcutta text of the Mahabharata. 

D. Deussen, Sechzig Upanishad's des Veda, Leipzig, 1897. 
M M&dhyaindina recension of Brh. [ Sat. Br. 10. 6. 4 5 ; 

14.49], ed. and tr. O. Bohtlingk, St. Peters- 
burg, 1889. 
MahSnar. Mahanarayana Upanishad. 

= indicates 'recurs verbatim at'. 

=(var.) indicates 'recurs, but with one or more variants, at 7 . 
:$ indicates 'substantially the same passage recurs at', 

cf. indicates 'something of a similar nature is found at'. 

[ ] square brackets enclose descriptive words indicating 

the passage or subject matter referred to. 
a dash replaces Sanskrit words omitted for brevity, 

the reference being to the entire passage from the 

first word printed to the last. 

. . . three points indicate the omission of irrelevant words. 

098 heavy-face figures refer to the serial numbers of the 

entries in the list of recurrences and parallels. 

Particular attention is called to the somewhat arbitrary use 
of the signs and <> These do not indicate that a following 
reference is coextensive with the passage in question. What 
is equal or similar is the passage referred to, not necessarily 
the section of an Upanishad indicated by the numerical desig- 
nation. Thus 'Katha 4. 9 a b Brh. 1. 5. 23' means (not that 
the two lines of the Katha stanza constitute all of Brh. 1. 5. 23, 
but) that the two lines occur in the section of Brh. indicated. 
Where the passage to which reference is made is in metrical 
form, the citation can of course be given exactly. 

George C. 0. Haas 



(see page 4) 

Bfh. 2. 1. 19 

24 yadd susupto bhavati yadd na 
kasyacana veda 

25 hitd ndma nddyo dvdsaptatisaha- 

26 hrdayat puritatam abhiprati- 
s thanie 


Brh.4.2.2 3 

61 [Indha (Indra) and VirSj] 
68 ya eso 'ntar hrdaye lohitapindo . . . 

64 enayor esd sriih samcarani t/aisd 
hrdayda urdhva nady uccarati 

65 yathd keSah sahasradhd bhinna 
25 evam asyaita hitd ndma nadyo 

'ntar hrdaye pratisthitd bhavanty eva 
tdbhir vd etad dsravad dsravati (tas- 
mdd esa praviviktdJidratara ivaiva 
bhavat'y asmac charlrdd dtmanah) 


25 td vd asyaita hitd ndma nddyo 
65 yatha keSah sahasradhd bhinnas 
tdvatdnimnd tisthanti 
71 suklasya nilasyapingalasyahari- 
tasya lohitasya purnd 

Brh. 4. 4. 89 

84 anuh panthd vitatah purdno . . . 
249 tena dhird apt yanti brahmavi- 
dah svargam lofcam ita urdhvam 

71 tasmin chuklam uta nllam dhuh 
pingalam haritam lohitam ca 

84 esa panthd brahmand hdnuvittas 
249 tenaiti brahmavit punyakrt tai- 
jasas ca 


25 atha yd eta hrdayasya nddyas 

71 tdh pingalasydnimnas tisthanti 
suklasya nilasyapitasya lohitasyety. . . 

84 tad yathd mahdpatha dtata . . . 
evam evaitd ddityasya rasmaya . . . 

24 tad yatraitatsuptah samastah 
samprasannah svapnam na vijdndty 
dsu tadd nddisu srpto bhavati 

Chand. 8. 6. 6 Katha 6. 16 
247 satam caikdcahrdayasyanddyas\ 
64 tdsdm murdhdnam abhinihsr- 
taikd | 

249 tayordhvam ayann amrtatvam eti\ 

250 visvann anyd utkramane bha- 

Tait. 1. 6. 1 

265 sa ya eso ''ntar hrdaya dkd6ah 
tasminn ayampuruso manomayah . .. 

266 antarma tdlukeya esa stanaivd- 

Kau?. 4. 19 

25 hitd ndma hrdayasya nddyo 

26 hrdayat puritatam abhipratan- 

65 yathd sahasradhd keso vipdtitas 
tdvaa anvyah 

71 pingalasydnimnd tisthante &uk- 
lasya krsnasya pltasya Tohitasyeti 

24 tdsu tadd bhavati yadd suptah 
svapnam na kamcana pasyaty 

Mund. 2. 2. 6 

247 ard iva rathandbhau samhatd 
yatra nddyah 

265 sa eso 'ntas car ate 

Prasna 3. 67 
247 atraitad ekasatam nddlndm 

25 tdsdm satam satam ekaikasydm 
dvdsaptaiir dvdsaptatih pratisakhd- 
nddisahasrdni bhavanty 

486 dsu vydnas carati 

249 athaikayordhva uddnah . . . 

Maitri 6.21 

64 urdhvagd nddi susumndkhyd 
486 prdnasamcdrim 

266 tdlvantarvicchinnd 

249 tayd . . . urdhvam utkramet 

Maitri 6.30 
265 ... | dlpavad yah sthito hrdi \ 

71 sitdsitdh kadrumldh \ kapild 
mrdulohitdh j| 

64 urdhvam ekah sthitas tesdm \ 
249 yo bhittvd suryamandalam\brah- 
malokam atikramya \ tena yanti 
par dm gatim \\ 

260 yad asydnyad rasmisatam | . . . | 
tena devanikdydnam \ svadhdmdni 
prapadyate \\ 

Maitri 7. 11 

61 [Indra and Virafl 
265 samdgamas tayor eva \ hrdaydn- 
targate susau \ 

68 tejas tallohitasydtra \pinda evo- 
bhayos tayoh \\ 

64 hrdaydd dyatd tdvac \ caksusy 
asmin pratisthitd \ sdranl sd tayor 
nddi | avayor'eka dvidha satl \\ 

Recurrent and Parallel Passages in the Principal Upanishads 7 


1 Brh. 1.2.3 sa tredhd "tmdnam vyakuruta = 5 Maitri 6.3. 

2 Brh. 1. 2.4 manasd vdcam mithunam samdbhavad cf. mana 

evdsydtma vdg jdyd Brh. 1. 4. 17. 

3 Brh. 1.2. 7 apa punarmrtyum jayati (recurs thrice) an 

old formula; it occurs, for example, in Tait. Br. 3. 11. 8. 6 
(cf. Kaus.Br.25.1). 

4 Brh. 1. 3. 121 [contest of gods and devils] <> Chand. 1. 2; 

Jaiminlya Up.Br.l. 18.5; cf. ibid. 2. 1.1; 2.4.1 (Oertel, 
JAOS 15.240245). (According to D.p.69, the Brh. 
version is older than that in Chand.) On the superi- 
ority of breath see 124. 

5 Brh. 1. 3. 22 [sa + ama = sdma(n)] O Chand. 1. 6. 1, etc.; 

cf. Brh. 6. 4. 20. See also Chand. 5. 2. 6. (Oertel, JAOS 
16.235, in a note on Jaiminlya [Talavakara] Up.Br.l. 
546, assembles refs. to numerous similar passages, to 
which should be added Ait. Br. 3. 23.) 

6 Brh. 1. 3. 23 [etymological explanation of udgitha] cf. 

Chand. 1.6. 7 8.J 

7 Brh. 1.41 dtmaivedam agra Oslt O Brh. 1. 4. 17; Ait. 1. 1; 

cf. Maitri 2.6, and see 10. 

8 Brh. 1.4. 6 [food and the eater of food] cf. Maitri 6.10. 

9 Brh. 1.4. 7 sa esa iha pravista -- vis'vambharakuldye 


10 Brh. 1. 4. 1011 brahma [vd idam agra dsit (var.) 

Maitri 6.17; cf. 7. 

11 Brh. 1. 4 1516 [desires, etc.] cf. Chand. 8. 1. 6 8. 2. 10. 

See also 457. 

12 Brh. 1.4. 17 dtmaivedam agra dsid eka eva see 7. 

13 Brh. 1.4 17 mana evdsydtma vdg jdyd see 2. 

14 Brh. 1.4 17 pdnktam idam], sarvam ya evam veda 

O Tait. 1. 7. 

15 Brh. 1. 5. 3 manasd hy eva pas yati mana eva Maitri 6. 30. 

16 Brh. 1.5. 14 15 s&lasakalas see 501. On the wheel 

analogy in 1. 5. 15 see 434, 522. 

17 Brh. 1.5. 17 20 [Transmission ceremony] see 313. 

On the special use of the signs =, Q, and , see page 5. 

8 George C. 0. Haas 

18 Brh. 1. 5. 23 yatas codeti gacchati [AV. 10. 18. 16 a b] 

Katha 4. 9 a b. sa evddya sa u sva[s] Katha 4. 1 3d. 

19 Brh.1.6.1 nama rupam karma cf. MBh.12.233.25 (C.8535). 

20 Brh. 2. 1. 119 [dialog of Gargya and AjataSatru] <>Kaus.4. 

119. Cf. Brh. 3. 9. 1017. 

21 Brh. 2. 1. 5 purnam apravarti = Chand. 3. 12. 9 ; Kaus. 4. 8. 

22 Brb. 2. 1. 15 [Ksatriya instructing Brahman] cf. Chand. 5. 

3.5,7; Kaus. 4. 19; and the implication in Chand. 1. 8. 2. 

23 Brh. 2. 1.17 [ether within the heart] see 265. 

24 Brh. 2. 1. 19 yadd susupto bhavati . . . tabhih pratyavasrpya 

cf. Chand. 8. 6. 3; Kaus. 4. 19. 

25 Brh. 2. 1. 19 hitd nama nddyo O Brh. 4. 3. 20 ; Kaus. 4. 19 ; 

PraSna 3.6; cf. Yajnavalklya Dharma-sutras 3.108. 
See 65, 70, 247. 

26 Brh. 2. 1. 19 hrdaydt purltatam dbhipratisthante 

O Kaus. 4. 19. 

27 Brh. 2. 1. 20 [spider and thread analogy for creation] cf. 

Mund. 1. 1. 7a ; Svet. 6. 10 b. (The simile recurs in a different 
connection in Maitri 6. 22.) 

28 Brh. 2. 1.20 [sparks from fire as analogy of creation] 

see 421. 

29 Brh. 2. 1. 20 sarve prdndh satyasya satyam *= (var.) 

Maitri 6. 32. 

30 Brh. 2. 1. 20 prana vai esa satyam = Brh. 2. 3. 6. 

31 Brh. 2. 2.4 sarvasydttd ya evam veda cf. Chand. 5.2.1; 

see also Brh. 6. 1.14; Chand. 5. 18. 1. 

32 Brh. 2. 3. 1 dve rupe murtam caivdmurtam ca *= (var.) 

Maitri 6.3; dve rupe recurs also at Maitri 6.15; 
cf. murtir amurtimdn Maitri 6. 14 end, and see 498. 

33 Brh. 2. 3. 3, 5 [formless Brahma] cf. Mund. 2. 1.2 a. 

34 Brh. 2. 3. 3 [Person in the sun] see 149. 

35 Brh. 2. 3. 5 [person in the right eye] see 61 and cf. 177- 

36 Brh. 2. 3. 6 [lightning as descriptive of the divine Person] 

cf. Brh. 5. 7; Kena 29. 

37 Brh. 2. 3. 6 neti neti see 57. 

38 Brh. 2. 3. 6 prana vai esa satyam = Brh, 2. 1. 20. 

39 Brh. 2. 4 [dialog of Yajiiavalkya and Maitreyi] O Brh. 4. 5. 

40 Brh. 2. 4. 5 end [O 4. 5. 6 end] dtmano . . . vijndnenedam 

sarvam viditam see 409. 

41 Brh. 2. 4. 10 [~ (var.) 4. 5. 1 1] (var.) Maitri 6. 32 ; the 

Recurrent and Parallel Passages in the Principal Upanishads 9 

part rgvedo vydkhyandny recurs also at Brh. 4. 1.2; 
similar lists at Chand. 7. 1.2, 4; 7.2.1; 7.7.1; Maitri6.33; 
cf. also Mund. 1.1.5. 

42 Brh. 2. 4. 12 [simile of the solution of salt] see 210. 

43 Brh. 2. 4. 12 na pretya samjna 'sti cf. MBh. 12. 219. 2 a b 

(C. 7931). 

44 Brh. 2. 4. 14 [duality involved in cognition] Brh. 4. 

5.16 O 4.3.31; c Maitri 6.7. 

45 Brh. 2. 5. 15 yathd rathanabhaii samarpitd Chand. 7. 

15.1; see 434. 

46 Brh. 2.5.19 rupam bdbhilva -= Katha 5. 9 b ; 5. 10 b. 

47 Brh. 2. 6 [Line of Tradition, vamsa] O Brh. 4. 6 ; cf. 6. 5. 

The course of doctrinal transmission is traced also at 
Brh. 6. 3. 6 12; Chand. 3. 11. 4 O 8.15; Mund. 1. 1.1 2; 
BhG.4. 1 2. (For a discussion of the Brh. lists see 
D. p. 376 378.) 

48 Brh. 3. 2. 13 punyo vai punyena pdpena (var.) 

Brh. 4. 4. 5. 

49 Brh. 3. 5. 1 putraisandyds ca esane eva lhavatas 

O Brh. 4. 4. 22. 

50 Brh. 3. 6 idam sarvam . . . otam ca protam ca = (var.) 

Maitri 6.3; cf. Brh. 3. 8; Mund. 2. 2. 5 b; Maitri 7.7. 
On water as a primal substance see 112. 

51 Brh. 3. 6 [gradation of worlds] cf. Kaus. 1. 3. 

52 Brh. 3. 7 esa antarydmi cf. Mand. 6. 

53 Brh. 3. 8. 8 9 [characterization of the Imperishable] 

c Mund. 1. 1. 67 and see 412. 

54 Brh. 3. 9. 19,18,26 end [dialog of Yajnavalkya and 

gakalya] O Jaiminlya Br.2.76 77 (Oertel, JAOSI&. 

55 Brh. M 3. 9. 3 [Vasus] vdsayante cf. Chand. 3. 16. 1. 

56 Brh. 3. 9. 4 [Rudras] rodayanti cf. Chand. 3. 16. 3. 

57 Brh. 3. 9. 26 sa e$a neti nety na risyati Brh. 4. 2. 4 ; 

4.4.22; 4.5.15; neti neti recurs also at Brh. 2. 3. 6. 

58 Brh. 3. 9. 28, stanzas 4 5 [man cut down like a tree] 

cf. MBh. 12. 186. 14 (C. 6896). 

59 Brh. 4. 1. 2 [literature-list] see 41. 

60 Brh. 4. 2. 2 ... santam indra ity devdh Ait 3. 14 

O Sat Br. 6. 1. 1. 2 (cf. 1 1). Cf. Ait Br. 3. 33 ; 7. 30. 
61 Brh. 4. 2. 23 [Indha (Indra) and Viraj] c Maitri 7. 11, 

10 George C. 0. Haas 

stanzas 1 3, and the allusion in Tail 6; the 'person 
in the right eye' is referred to also at Brh. 2. 3. 5; 
5.5.2; Kaus.417; cf. 177. 

62 Brh.4.2.3 [ether within the heart] see 265. 

63 Brh. 4. 2. 3 ya eso 'ntar hrdaye lohitapindo Q Maitri 7.11, 

stanza 2, c. 

64 Brh.4.2.3 yaisd tydaydd urdhvd nddy uccarati cf. 

Chand.8.6.6 Katha 6.16; PraSna 3.7; Maitri 6.21; 
6. 30; 7. 11, stanza 3. 

65 Brh. 4. 2. 3 yathd kesah sahasradha bhinna[s] == Brh. 4. 

3.20 OKaus.419. 

66 Brh.4.2.3 hitd ndma nddyo see 25. 

67 Brh. 4. 2. 4 sa esa neti nety see 57. 

68 Brh. 4 3. 16 sa vd esa buddhdntdyaiva Brh. 4. 3. 34. 

69 Brh. 4. 3. 1 9 yatra supto pasyati = Mand. 5. 

70 Brh. 4. 3. 20 hitd ndma nddyo tisthanti see 25, 65. 

71 Brh. 4 3. 20 suUasya mlasyapurnd Q Brh. 4 4. 9 a h ; 

Kaus.419; Maitri 6.30. 

72 Brh. 4 3. 20 [dream experiences] c Chand. 8. 10 ; Prasna 


73 Brh. 4 3. 22 [ethical distinctions superseded] c Kaus. 3. 1. 

74 Brh. 4 3. 31 [duality involved in cognition] see 44. 

75 Brh. 4 3. 33 [gradation of blisses] <> Tait.2.8 [<> gat. 

Br. 14 7. 1. 3139 Brh. M 4 3. 3139]. Cf. the gra- 
dation of worlds, 51. 

76 Brh. 4. 3. 34 recurs entire in Brh. 4. 3. 16. 

77 Brh. 4 4 2 [unification of the functions at death] see 320. 

78 Brh. 4 4. 2 atmd niskramati murdhno vd cf. Tail 1. 

6.1; note also Ait. 3. 12 (siman)', see 249. 

79 Brh. 4 4. 4 [analogy of the transformation of gold] cf. 

Maitri 3.3. 

80 Brh.44.5 punyahpunyena pdpena -=(var.)Brh.3.2.13. 

81 Brh. 4 4 6 [he who desires and he who is free from 

desire] cf. Mund.3.2.2. 

82 Brh. 4. 4 6 [acts determine one's reincarnate status] 

see 192.; 

83 Brh. 4.4 7 yadd sarve pramucyante [stanza] Katha6.14. 

84 Brh. 4. 4 8 9 anuh panthd . . . ea panthd cf. Chand. 8. 

6.2 and see 249. 

85 Brh. 4. 4. 9 tasmin chviklam lohitam ca see 71. 

Recurrent and Parallel Passages in the Principal Upanishads 11 

86 Brh. 4. 4. 1 Isa 9. Erh. M 4. 4. 10 = I& 12. 

87 Brh. 4. 4. 11 (var.) Ia 3; pada a recurs also as 

Katha 1.3c. 

88 Brh.4.4.14b _ (var.) Kena 13b. 

89 Brh.4.4.14c d Svet.3. lOc d. On pada c see 

also 541. 

90 Brh. 4. 4. 1 5 c d see 369. 

91 Brh. 4. 4. 16 c jyotisam jyotir cf. Mund. 2. 2. 9 c. 

92 Brh.4.4.18a c O Kena 2 a c; see 333. 

93 Brh. 4. 4. 19 (var.) Katha 4.11a b; 4.10c d. 

94 Brh. 4. 4. 21 [stanza] cf. Mund. 2. 2. 5 c d. 

95 Brh. 4. 4. 22 [ether within the heart] see 265. 

96 Brh. 4. 4. 22 sarvasyesanali sarvasyddhipatih = Brh.5.6. 

Cf. visvddhipo vet. 3.4b, and see 98. 

97 Brh. 4. 4. 22 na sddhund kaniydn = Kaus. 3. 8. C 

Maitri 2. 7. 

98 Brh. 4. 4. 22 esa sarvesvara setur vidharana (var). 

Maitri 7. 7. The phrase esa sarvesvara recurs Mand. 6. 
esa setur vidharana asanibheddya O Chand. 8. 4. 1 ; 
cf. Mund. 2. 2. 5d; Svet. 6. 19c. See 96. 

99 Brh. 4. 4. 22 putraisandyas ca bhavatas O Brh. 3. 5. 1. 

100 Brh. 4. 4. 22 sa esa neti nety see 57. 

101 Brh. 4. 4. 22 end [moral self-judgment escaped by the 

'knower'] c Tait.2.9; see also Chand. 4. 14. 3. On 
cessation of karma see 449. 

102 Brh. 4.5 [dialog of YajnavalkyaandMaitreyl] <>Brh.2.4. 

103 Brh. 4. 5. 6 end [2.4.5 end] dtmani . . . vijndta idam 

sarvam viditam see 409. 

104 Brh. 4. 5. 11 [literature-list] see 41. 

105 Brh. 4. 5. 13 prajndnaghana eva MancJ-S* On the 

reference to salt see 210. 

106 Brh. 4. 5. 15 [duality involved in cognition] Brh. 2. 

4.14 O4.3.31; cf. Maitri 6.7. 

107 Brh. 4. 5. 15 sa esa neti nety see 57. 

108 Brh. 4. 6 [Line of Tradition, vamsa] O Brh. 2. 6; 

see 47. 

109 Brh. 5.1 purnampurnamevava&syate [stanza <>AV. 10. 

8. 29] O MBh. 5. 46. 10 (C. 1755). 

110 Brh. 5. 4 tad vai tad c etad vai tat Katha 4 3, 5, etc. 

111 Brh. 5. 4 satyam brahma cf. Chand. 8. 3. 4. 

12 George C. 0. Haas 

112 Brh. 5. 5. 1 [creation from water] c Ait. 1.1 3; 

Katha 4.6. On water as a primal substance cf. also 
Brh. 3. 6; Chand. 7. 10. 

113 Brh. 5. 5.1 tad etat tryaksaram satyam iti OChand.8.3.5. 

114 Brh. 5. 5. 2 [person in the right eye] see 60 and cf. 177. 

115 Brh. 5. 6 the thought and similes recur at Chand. 3. 14. 

2 3; see 165. On sarvasyesdnah sarvasyddhipatih 
see 96. 

116 Brh. 5. 7 [Brahma as lightning] cf. Brh. 2. 3. 6 ; Kena 29. 

117 Brh. 5.9 [universal fire] = Maitri 2. 6. On the digestive 

fire cf. Maitri 6.17; on the bodily heat and the sound 
heard on stopping the ears cf. Chand. 3. 13.8; Mai- 
tri 6.22. 

118 Brh. 5. 10 [course of the soul after death] cf. in 

general 127, 128. 

119 Brh. 5.13. 1 uhfhamprdno utthdpayaty <>Kaus.3. 3. 

120 Brh. 5. 14. 17 [G-ayatri meter] see 159. On tuny a 

(3,4,6,7) see 519. 

121 Brh. 5. 14. 45 ,- [Savitrl stanza] see 130. 

122 Brh. 5.15 = Is"a 15 18. The stanza hiranmayena 

pdtrena etc. = (var.) Maitri 6.35. With the 'golden 
vessel' cf. Mund.2-i2.9a. 

123 Brh. 6. 1. 15 O Chand. 5. 1. 15. 

124 Brh. 6. 1. 7 14 [rivalry of the functions and superiority 

of breath] <> Chand. 5. 1. 6 5. 2. 2 ; Kaus. 2. 14 (9) ; 
c also Brh. 1.3.1 19; Chand. 1.2. 19; Kaus.3.2-3; 
Prana2.2 4; see also MBh.14.23.6 22 (C. 689 708). 
Cf. the somewhat similar story at Ait. 3.1 10. 

125 Brh. 6. 2. 1 16 [pancdgnividyd and the course of the 

soul in incarnations] O Chand. 5. 3 10. (D.p. 137 
139 has an extended discussion and tabular comparison 
of these parallels, incl. also Brh.M [Sat. Br. 14. 9. 1 . 1216] ; 
see also D.p. 132 133.) 

126 Brh. 6. 2. 2 [worlds reacht after death] cf. Brh. 1.5. 16; 

Mufld.2-l.6c d. 

127 Brh. 6. 2. 15 [course to the Brahma-world] O Chand. 4. 

15.56; 5.10.12; cf. Mund. 1.2. 5,6,11; 3.1.6; 
PraSna 1.10; Maitri 6.30 end; BhG. 8. 24,26. See also 
Brh. 5. 10. 

128 Brh. 6. 2. 16 [course to the lunar world and to rebirth] 

Recurrent and Parallel Passages in the Principal Upanishads 13 

3 Chand. 5. 10. 3 6; cf. PraSna 1.9; Mund.1.2.7 10; 
BhG.8.25,26. See also Brh. 5. 10. 

129 Brb.6.3.2 [oblations in incantation ceremony] 3 Chand. 5. 

2.49; cf. Kaus. 2. 3 (2). 

130 Brh. 6. 3. 6 [Savitrl stanza] quoted also at Svet.4. 18c; 

Maitri 6. 7; 6. 34. Cf. Brh. 5. 14.45; Chand. 3. 12. 

131 Brh. 6. 3. 612 [Line of Tradition, vamsa] see 47. 

132 Brh. 6. 3. 12 [reviving of a dried stump] <> Chand. 5. 2. 3. 

133 Brh. 6. 3. 12 [restrictions on imparting mystic knowledge] 

cf. Chand. 3.11.56; Mund.3. 2. 10 11; Svet.6.22; 
Maitri 6. 29; BhG.18.67. 

134 Brh. 6. 4. 1 e$dm vai bhiitdndm osadhaya = (var.) 

Chand. 1. 1. 2. 

135 Brh. 6. 4 3 lomdni larhti Chand. 5. 18. 2. 

136 Brh. 6. 4. 9 angdd angdt adhijdyase [2 lines] = Kaus. 2. 


137 Brh. 6. 4. 12 [deprivation of an offender] cf. Katha 1. 8. 

138 Brh. 6. 4.20 [ama and sd] see 5. 

139 Brh. M 6. 4. 26 asmd bhava [stanza] (var.) Kaus. 2. 


140 Brh. 6. 5 [Line of Tradition, vamsa] see 47. 

141 Chand. 1. 1. 1 Chand. 1. 4. 1. 

142 Chand. 1. 1. 2 esdm Wiutdndm osadhayo rasa -= (var.) 

Brh. 6. 4.1. 

143 Chand. 1. 1. 89 [the syllable Om] O Tait. 1. 8. 

C 726, 818. 

144 Chand. 1. 2 [contest of gods and devils] see 4. 

145 Chand. 1.3. 3 [explanation of vydna] cf. Maitri 2.6. 

146 Chand. 1.41 Chand. 1. 1. 1. 

147 Chand. 1. 5. 1 atha khalu esa pranava Maitri 6.4, 

148 Chand. 1. 6. 1 [sd + ama sdma(n)] see 5. 

149 Chand. 1.6. 6 atha ya e$o puru?o Maitri 6.1; 

Mahanar. 13 (Atharv. rec. 12.2). On the 'golden Person 
in the sun' see also Brh. 2.3.3; Maitri 6.35. 

150 Chand. l. % 6. 7 8 [etymological explanation of udgltha] 

cf. Brh. 1. 3. 23. 

151 Chand. 1. 7. 5 ya e?o 'ntar akfini purufo drfyate see 177. 

152 Chand. 1.8. 2 brdhmanayor vadator see 22. 

153 Chand. 2. 21.1 [Agni, Vayn, Aditya] cf. the similar 

14 George C. 0. Haas 

collocation at Chand. 3. 15. 6; Maitri 4.5; 6.35; note 
also Chand. 2. 24. 5, 9, 14. 

154 Chanel 2. 23. 2 (3) [Prajapati produced bhur, bhuvah, 

svar] see 180. 

155 Chand.3.1.2 [nectar in the sun] cf.Tait. 1.10; Maitri 6. 35. 

156 Chftnd. 3.11.1 3 [perpetual illumination in the Brahma- 

world] cf. Chand. 8. 4. 12; &vet.4.18a; Maitri 6.24; 
and see 387. 

157 Chand.3.11.4 [Line of Tradition] <> Chand.8.15; 

see 47. 

158 Chand. 3. 11.5 6 [restrictions on imparting mystic 

knowledge] see 133. 

159 Chand. 3. 12 [Gayatrl meter] cf. Brh. 5. 14.1 7; see 

also BhG.10.35b. 

160 Chand. 3. 12. 7 [space as Brahma] cf. Chand. 3. 18. 1. 

161 Chand. 3. 12. 9 purnam apravarti = Brh. 2. 1. 5. 

162 Chand. 3. 13. 8 [bodily heat; the sound heard on stopping 

the ears] see 117. 

163 Chand. 3. 14. 1 sarvam khalv idam brahma (var.) 

Maitri 4.6. 

164 Chand. 3. 14. 1 [purpose determines state after death] 

see 786. 

165 Chand. 3. 14. 23 the thought and some of the words 

recur at Brh. 5. 6; cf. Maitri 7. 7 init. manomayah 
akatiatmd = Maitri 2. 6. With manomayah pranasariro 
cf. Mum}. 2. 2. 7 e. On the epithet akd$dtman see 656. 

166 Chand. 3. 14.4 [all doubts cleared away] cf. Mund. 2. 2. 8b. 

167 Chand. 3. 15. 6 [Agni, Vayu, Aditya] see 153. 

168 Chand. 3. 16 [analogy of man's life and the sacrifice] 

OJaiminlya Up.Br. 4.2.1 (Oertel, ^0/915.245246). 

169 Chand. 3. 16.1 [Vasus] vdsayanti cf. Brh. M 3. 9. 3. 

170 Chand. 3. 16. 3 [Rudras] rodayanti cf. Brh. 3. 9. 4. 

171 Chand. 3. 19. 1 adityo brahmety Maitri 6. 16. 

172 Chand. 3. 19. 1 [primordial Non-being] <> Chand. 6.2.1; 

Tait. 2. 7. 

173 Chand. 3. 19. 1 [the cosmic egg] cf. Maitri 6. 36, stanza; 

c also MBh. 12. 311. 3 4 (C. 11571 2); and see 
Hopkins, Great Epic, p. 187. 

174 Chand. 4. 3. 1 7 O Jaiminlya Up. Br. 3. 1. 12 (Oertel, 

JAOS 15.249251). 

Recurrent and Parallel Passages in the Principal Upanishads 15 

175 Chand. 4.4.5 [bringing of fuel as sign of pupilship] 

cf. Chand. 5. 11. 7; 8.7.2; etc.; Kaus.1.1; 4.19; 
Mun<J.1.2.13; PraSna 1.1. 

176 Chand. 4. 14. 3 [evil adheres not to the 'knower'] c 

Brh. 4. 4. 22 end; Tait.2.9; Ia 2d; see also 449. On 
the simile of water and lotus-leaf see 607. 

177 Chand. 4. 15.1 yaeso'ksinipuruso brahmeti ChSnd.8. 

7.4; cf. 1.7.5; see also 35, 60. The part esa atmeti 
brahmeti Chand. 8. 3. 4; 8.8.3; 8.10.1; 8.11.1; 
Maitri 2. 2. 

178 Chand. 4. 15. 5 6 [course to the Brahma-world] see 127. 

179 Chand. 4. 16 [silence of the Brahman priest at the sacri- 

fice] O JaiminlyaUp.Br.3.4.2 (Oertel, JAOS 15. 

180 Chand. 4. 17.1 3 [Prajapati produced bhur, bhuvah, 

svar] O Chand. 2. 23. 2 (3); cf. Maitri 6. 6. 

181 Chand. 5. 1.1 5 O Brh. 6. 1. 1 5. (For discussion of 

this parallel see D. p. 132 133.) 

182 Chand. 5. 1. 6 5. 2. 2 [rivalry of the functions] see 124. 

183 Chand. 5. 2. 1 na ha vd evamvidi bhavatiti see 31. 

184 Chand.5.2.2 purastacadbhihparidadhati O Maitri 6. 9. 

185 Chand.5.2.3 [reviving of a dried stump] O Brh. 6. 3. 12. 

186 Chand. 5. 2. 4 9 [oblations in incantation ceremony] 

see 129. 

187 Chand. 5. 2. 6 amo ndmdsy see 5. 

188 Chand. 5. 3 10 \pancdgnividyd and the course of the 

soul in incarnations] see 125. Sections 4 10 are 
apparently alluded to in Mund.; see 426. 

189 Chand. 5. 3. 5, 7 [Ksatriya instructing Brahman] see 22. 

190 Chand.5.3.5 yath&ham e$dm ntivaksyam $:Pragna6.1. 

191 Chand. 5. 10. 16 [course to the Brahma-world and to 

the lunar world] see 127, 128. With 5.10.46 cf, 
Muni2.1.6b d; see 426. 

Chand. 5. 10.7 thoughts and acts determine one's rein- 
carnate status] cf. Brh. 4. 4. 6; Kaus.1.2; Katha 3. 
78; 5.7; PraSna 3.3 [see 481]; 3.7; Svet.5.7,12; 
Maitri 3.2; 6.34, stanzas 3 1 Cf. also Manu- 
smrti 12. 55; Yajnavalklya Dharma-sutras 3.207; 
MBh.14.36.30 31 (C. 1016 7); and see in general 
236, 786. 

16 George C. 0. Haas 

193 Chand. 5. 10. 9 a b cf. MBh.14.51.18 (C. 1442). 

194 Chand. 5. 11. 12 cf. the similar introduction PraSna 1.1. 

195 Chand. 5. 11. 7 [bringing of fuel] see 175. 

196 Chand. 5. 18. 1 sarvesu Idkesu annam atti see 31. 

197 Chand. 5. 18. 2 lomdni larhir = Brh. 6. 4. 3. 

198 Chand. 5. 19 23 ['Hail!' to prana, apana, etc.] cf. 

Maitri 6.9. 

199 Chand. 5. 24. 3 [simile of the reed laid on a fire] cf. 

MBh.13.26.42 (C.1800). 

200 Chand. 6. 1. 3 yena avijndtam vijndtam see 409. 

201 Chand. 6. 2.1 [primordial Non-being] <> Chand.3.19.1; 


202 Chand. 6. 2. 34 lahu sydm prajdyeyeti = Tait. 2. 6. 

Cf. Brh. 1.2. 4; 1.4.3. 

203 Chand. 6. 3. 1 triny eva liijani udbhijjam see 298. 

204 Chand. 6. 4. 5 cf. Mund. 1.1.3; see 409. 

205 Chand. 6. 5. 1 tasya yah sthavistlw dhdtus cf. Maitri 2. 6. 

206 Chand. 6. 7 [a person consists of sixteen parts] see 501. 

207 Chand. 6. 8. 6 tad uktam purastdd namely at 6.4.7 


208 Chand. 6. 8. 6 vdnmanasi devatdydm Chand. 6.15.2; 

cf. PraSna 3.910. 

209 Chand. 6. 9. 1 [unified condition of honey] cf. Maitri 6. 22. 

210 Chand. 6. 13 [solution of salt in water] cf. Brh. 2. 4. 12 ; 

Maitri 6.35; 7.11. (The allusion to salt in Brh. 4. 
5.13 is apparently a modified form of Brh. 2. 4. 12; 
see D.p.481.) 

211 Chand. 6. 15. 1 [consciousness of a dying person] 

O Chand. 8. 6. 4. 

212 Chand. 6. 15. 12 [unification of the functions at death] 

see 320. 

213 Chand. 6. 15. 2 van manasi devatdydm see 208. 

214 Chand. 7. 1.1 adhihi lhagavo cf. Tait. 3.1. 

215 Chand. 7. 1. 2, 4 [literature-list] see 41. 

216 Chand. 7. 1.3 [ignorance of Atman confest] cf. Maitri 1.2. 

217 Chand. 7. 1. 3 tarati sokam dtmavid O Mund. 3. 2. 9. 

218 Chand. 7. 2. 1 (var.) Chand. 7. 7. 1. See also 41. 

219 Chand. 7.9.1 yady api -- vijndtd bhavati (var.) 

Maitri 6.11. 

220 Chand. 7. 10 [water as a primal substance] see 112. 

Recurrent and Parallel Passages in the Principal Upanishads 17 

221 Chand. 7. 1 5. 1 yatha vd ard nabhau samarpita <> Brh. 2. 

5. 15; see 434. 

222 Chand. 7. 1623 vijijiiasitavya see 638. 

223 Chand. 7. 24. 1 sve mahimni see 590. 

224 Chand. 7. 25. 12 cf. Mund. 2. 2. 11. 

225 Chand. 7.25.2 atmaratir dtmaknda <> Mund. 3. 1. 4c. 

226 Chand. 7. 26. 2 na pasyo [stanza] = (var.) Maitri 7. 11, 

stanza 6. 

227 Chand. 7. 26. 2 [the Atman manifold] cf. Maitri 5.2; 

6.26 end. 

228 Chand. 7. 26. 2 [a pure nature requisite for mystic attain- 

ment] cf. MuBd.3-l.8c d. 

229 Chand. 7. 26. 2 [liberation from all knots (of the heart)] 

see 396. 

230 Chand. 7. 26. 2 tamasas pdram see 787. 

231 Chand.8.1.1 5 [Brahma-city, abode] cf. Katha 2.13d; 

Mund. 2. 2. 7c; 3. 2. la b,4d; see also 543. On the 
'ether within the heart' see 265. 

232 Chand. 8. 1. 1 yad anvestavyam yad vdva vijijndsitavyam 

see 638. 

233 Chand. 8. 1. 5 na vadhendsya hanyate Chand. 8. 10.2; 

8.10.4; cf. Katha 2.18d BhG.2.20d. 

234 Chand. 8. 1. 5 asmin kdmdli samahitd (var.) Maitri 6. 


235 Chand. 8. 1. 5 esa dtmd satyasamkalpo Chand. 8. 

7.1; 8.7.3; (var.) Maitri 7.7. The epithets vijara 
vimrtyu vi&dka recur also at Maitri 6. 25; 7.6. 

236 Chand. 8. 2 [creative power of desire] cf. Munol. 3. 1. 10. 

Cf. in general 81, 786. 

237 Chand. 8. 3. 4 e?a samprasddo etad brahmeti Mai- 

tri 2.2. As far as rupendbhinifpadyate the passage 
recurs also at Chand. 8. 12.3. See also 177. 

238 Chand. 8. 3. 4 eiasya brahmano ndma satyam cf. 

Brh. 5. 4. 

239 Chand. 8. 3. 5 triny aJqardni satiyam iti O Brh. 6. 5.1. 

240 Chftnd. 8. 4. 1 sa setur vidhrtir asamlheddya see 98. 

241 Chanel 8. 4. 12 [endless day] see 156. 

242 Chand. 8. 5. 3 [marvels of the Brahma-world] cKaus.l.3. 

243 Chand. 8. 6. 1 yd eta hrdayasya ndjyas Idhitasyeti 

366 25, 71. 

a JA08 42 

18 George C. 0. Haas 

244 Chand. 8. 6. 2 yatha mahdpatha cf. Brh.4.4.8 9. 

245 Chand. 8. 6. 3 tad yatraitatsuptah nddlsu srpto bhavati 

see 24. tad svapnam na vijdndty recurs at 
Chand. 8. 11.1. 

246 Chand.8. 6. 4 [consciousness of a dying person] Chand.6. 


247 Chand.8.6.6 satamcaikacahrdayasyanddyas -=Katha6. 

16 OPra$na3.6; cf. Mund.2. 2.6; Maitri6.30 (rasmi- 
satam). See also 25, 65. 

248 ChSnd. 8. 6. 6 tdsdm mitrdhanam abhiniksrtaikd see 64. 

249 Chand.8.6.6 tayordhvamdyannamrtatvameti Katha6. 

16; cf. Brh.4.4.8 9; Pra^na 3.7; Maitri6.21; 6.30; 
7.11, stanza 3. 

250 Chand.8.6.6 visvahnanyautkramanebhavanti Katha 

6. 16 O Maitri 6. 30. 

251 Chand.8. 7 8 [instruction of gods and devils] cf. 

Maitri 7. 10. 

252 Chand.8. 7.1; 8.7.3 esa atmd satyasamkalpo see 235. 

253 Chand. 8. 7. 3 so 'nvestavyah sa vijijndsitavyali see 638. 

254 Chand.8. 7.4; 8.8.3; 8.10.1; 8.11. 1 esa dtmeti brah- 

meti see 177. 

255 Chand.8. 10 [dream experiences] cf. Bj-h. 4.3. 20; 

PraSna 4 5. 

256 Chand. 8. 10. 2 ; 8. 10. 4 na vadhendsya hanyate see 233. 

257 Chand. 8.11. 1 tad svapnam na vijdndty Chand.8. 

6.3; see 245. 

258 Chftnd. 8. 12. 3 esa samprasddo rUpenabhinispadyate 

see 237. 

259 Chand. 8. 12. 4 [the soul as agent in the senses] see 333. 

260 Chand.8. 13 vidhuya pdpam see 449. 

261 Chand. 8. 13 alcrtam . . . brahmaloJcam cf. akrtah [lokah] 

Mund.1.2. 12b. 

262 Chand. 8. 15 [Line of Tradition] <> Chand. 3. 11. 4; 

see 47. 

263 Chand.8. 15 [conditions of attainment] see 526. 

264 Tait.1.1 <> Tait.1.12. 

265 Tait. 1. 6. 1 sa ya eso 'ntar hrdaya aMsah tasminn ay am 

puruso manomayah cf. Mund.2. 2. 6; Maitri 6.30; 
7.11, stanza 2. For the 'ether within the heart' see 

Recurrent and Parallel Passages in the Principal Upanishads 19 

Brh.2.1.17; 4.2.3; 4.4.22; Chand.8.1.1 3; Maitri6. 

266 Tait. 1.6. 1 antarena taluke sendrayonili cf. talvan- 

tarvicchinnd Maitri 6. 21. 

267 Tait. 1. 6. 1 yatrdsau kesdnto slrsakapak see 78. 

268 Tait. 1. 7 pdriktam idam sarvam ya evam veda 

O Brh.1.4.17. 

269 Tait, 1.8 [the syllable Om] O Chand. 1.1.8 9. C 

726, 818. 

270 Tait. 1.10 [nectar in the sun] cf. Chand. 3. 1.2; 

Maitri 6.35. 

271 Tait. 1. 12 O Tait. 1. 1. 

272 Tait.2.2a d anndd vai antatali = Maitri 6.11. 

See esp. 728. 

273 Tait 2. 2k n anndd bhutdni ucyate Maitri 6. 12. 

See esp. 728. 

274 Tait. 2. 2 5 annarasamaya etc. see 649. 

275 Tait 2. 4 yato vdco [stanza] (var.) Tait. 2. 9. 

276 Tait. 2. 4 dtmd vijhdnamayah cf. Mund.3. 2. 7c; also 

PraSna 49 (vijnandtmari). 

277 Tait. 2. 5 dtmd "nandamayah cf. Tait. 2. 8 end; 3. 

10.5; Mand.5. 

278 Tait. 2. 6 bahu sydm prajdyeyeti see 202. 

279 Tait. 2. 7 [primordial Non-being] <> Chand. 3. 19.1; 


280 Tait. 2. 7 tat sukrtam uqjate cf. Ait. 2. 3. 

281 Tait. 2. 8 bhid 'smdd [stanza] O Katha 6. 3. 

282 Tait. 2. 8 [gradation of blisses] see 75. 

283 Tait. 2. 8 sa yas cdyampuruse dnandamayam titmdnam 

upasamkrdmati Tait. 3. 10. 4 5. See also 277. 

284 Tait 2. 9 yato vdco [stanza] (var.) Tait. 2. 4. 

285 Tait 2. 9 [moral self-judgment escaped by the 'knower'J 

see 101. 

286 Tait 3. 1 adhlhi bhagavo brahma (5 times) cf. Chand. 


287 Tait. 3. 1 [creation and reabsorption of beings] see 532. 

288 Tait. 3. 10. 4 [brahmanali parimara] O Ait Br. 8. 28, 

where this incantation is described. Cf. the daiva pari- 
mara of Kaus.2. 12(8). 

289 Tait. 3. 10. 45 sa yas cayam puru?e etc. see 283. 

20 George C\ 0. Haas 

290 Ait. 1. 1 dtmd vd idam eka evdgra see 7. 

291 Ait 1. 23 [creation from water] see 112. 

292 Ait 2. 3 puruso vdva sukrtam cf. Tait. 2. 7 d. 

293 Ait. 3. 110 [efforts of various bodily functions] see 124. 

294 Ait 3. 12 etam eva simdnam cf. 78. 

295 Ait 3. 14 ... santam indra ity devdh see 60. 

296 Ait. 4. 6 $ Ait. 5. 4. 

297 Ait 5. 2 prajndnam . . . dhrtir . . . smrtih cf. 

Maitri 6.31. 

298 Ait 5. 3 Ujdmtardni codbhijjani cf. Chand. 6.3.1; 

see also Manusmrtil.43-46; MBh.12.312.5 (0.11594); 
14.42.33 (0.1134). 

299 6 Kaus. 1.1 [bringing of fuel] see 175. 

300 Kaus. 1.2 yathdkarma yathdvidyam cf. yathdkarma 

yaihdsrutam Katha 5. 7 d. On the dependence of one's 
reincarnate status on past acts see 192. 

301 Kaus. 1. 3 [gradation of worlds] cf. Brh. 3. 6. 

302 Kaus. 1.3 [marvels of the Brahma-world] cf. Chand. 8. 5. 3. 

303 Kaus. 1.4 [looking down on chariot-wheels] cf. 

Maitri 6. 28 end. 

304 Kaus. 1.7(6) [series of terms: prdna, vac, etc.] cf. 

Kaus. 2. 15 (10). 

305 Kaus. 2. 1 tasmai vd etasmai daddma ta iti Kaus. 2. 


306 Kaus. 2. 8 (5) yat te susimam hrdayam [stanza] recurs in 

altered form at Kaus. 2. 10(6). 

307 Kau. 2.11(7) angdd aiigdt adhijdyase [2 lines] 

= Brh. 6. 4. 9. 

308 Kaus. 2. 11 (7) atmd bhava [stanza] (var.) Brh. M 6. 



Kaus. 2. 11 (7) 
Kaus. 2. 12 (8) 
Tait. 3. 10. 4. 

md vyathisthdh BhGr. 11. 34. 
daivah parimara cf. brahmanah parimara 


Kaus. 2. 14 (9) 
Kaus. 2. 14 (9) 

[rivalry of the functions] see 124. 
akasatmd see 656. 

Note that a translation of this Upanishad is comprised in A. Berriedale 
Keith's Sankhayana Aranyaka, London, 1908, p. 1641 (Oriental Trans- 
lation Fund, new series, vol. 18). 

Recurrent and Parallel Passages in the Principal Upanishads 21 

313 Kaus. 2. 15 (10) [Transmission ceremony] cf. Brh.1.5. 

1720. With the series of terms (vac, prana, etc.) 
cf. the series in Kaus. 1.7(6). 

314 Kaus. 3. 1 [deeds of Indra] cf. Ait. JBr. 7. 28 ; TS. 2. 5. 1. 

315 Kaus. 3.1 [ethical distinctions superseded] cf. Brh.4. 


316 Kaus. 3. 2 3 [superiority of prana} see 124. 

317 Kau.3. 3 the latter half of this section parallels the 

former (tho not so clearly in the recension publish! 
in the AnandaSrama Sanskrit Series, which has omissions 
and additions). 

318 Kau. 3. 3 uktham prano utthapayaty Brh. 5. 13. 1 . 

319 Kau?.3.3 [unification of the functions in sleep] ^Kaus. 

4.20; cf. PraSna 4.2; Mand.5 (eJnbhutah). 

320 Kaus. 3. 3 [unification of the functions at death] cf. 

Brh. 4. 4. 2; Chand. 6. 15. 1 2; see also BhG.15.8. 

321 Kaus. 3. 8 [spokes fixt in the hub] see 434. 

322 Kaus. 3. 8 na sddJmnd kamydn = Brh. 4. 4. 22. Cf. 

Maitri 2.7. 

323 Kaus. 4.1 19 [dialog of Gargya and Ajatas*atru] 

O Brh. 2. 1. 1 19. Of. Brh. 3. 9. 1017. 

324 Kaus. 4. 19 [bringing of fuel as sign of pupilship] 

see 175. 

325 Kaus. 4. 19 [K$atriya instructing Brahman] see 22. 

326 Kaus. 4. 19 hitd ndma hrdayasya nddyo see 25. 

327 Kaus. 4. 19 hrdaydt puntatam abhipratanvanti see 26. 
3*28 Kaus. 4. 19 yathd sahasradhd keso vipdtitas see 65. 

329 Kaus. 4. 19 pingalasydnimnd lohitasyeti see 71. 

330 Kaui?.4. 19 tdsu tadd bhavati paAyaty see 24. 

331 Kau?. 4. 20 (19) [unification of the functions in sleep] 

see 319. 

332, Kaus. 4. 20 sa esa iha pravi?ta visvambharakuldye 
O Brh. 1.4. 7. 

333 Kena 2a c O Brh. 4. 4. 18a c. Cf. Chftnd. 8. 12. 4; 

Maitri 6.31; see also Brh. 2. 4. 11; Kaus. 3. 4. Kena 
id ISd 

334 Kena 3 a b [the Supreme not to be apprehended by 

the senses] see 394. 

335 Kena 3e h - (var.) Isft 10; see 404. 

22 George C. 0. Haas 

336 Kena 13b - (var.) Brh. 4. 4. 14 b. Kena 13d-2d. 

337 Kena 29 [lightning as suggestive of Brahma] cf. 

Brh.2.3.6; 5.7. 

338 7 Katha 1.1 the same story, partly in the same words^ 
is found in Tait.Br.3.11.8. 

339 Katha 1. 3c Brh. 4. 4. lla (var.) Ik 3a. 

340 Katha 1.7 cf. Vasistha Dharma-i&stra 11.13, where 

the words recur. 

341 Katha 1.8 [deprivation of an offender] c Brh. 6. 4. 12. 

342 Katha 1.12 d - Katha 1.18d. 

343 Katha 1.17c d. -= (var.) vet.4.11c d. 

344 Katha 1.21b c [question declared difficult; another 

choice advised] cf. Maitri 1 . 2. 

345 Katha 1.26 [dissatisfaction with life] see 587. 

346 Katha 2.4 = (var.) Maitri 7. 9. 

347 Katha 2.5 (var.) Mund.1.2.8; Maitri 7.9. 

348 Katha 2.7 cf. BhGr.2.29. 

349 Katha 2. 12 b gudham anupravistam guhdhitam cf. 

Katha 3. Ib; 4.6c; Mund.2.1.8d; 3.1.7d; Maitri 2. 6; 

350 Katha 2.13d vivrtam sadma see 231. 

351 Katha 2. 15 O BhG. 8. 1 1. 

352 Katha 2.16 (var.) Maitri 6. 4. 

353 Katha 2.18,19 = (var.) BhG. 2. 20, 19. On Katha 2.18d 

see 757. 

354 Katha 2.20 - (var.) gvet. 3. 20; etc. [see 544]. On the 

doctrine of prasdda cf. also Mund. 3. 2. 3 [see 356]; 
Svet.6.21; and see Hopkins, Great Epic, p. 188. 

355 Katha 2.22 cd Katha 4.4c d. 

356 Katha 2. 23 - Mund. 3. 2. 3. 

357 Katha 3. Ib guliam pravistau see 349. 

358 Katha 3. Id pancagnayo ye ca trinaciketali Manu- 

smrti 3.185a; cf. MBh. 13.90. 26c (C. 4296 a). 

359 Katha 3. 35 [the soul riding in the chariot of the 

body] c vet.2.9c; Maitri 2.34; 2.6 end; 44; 
see also MBh. 3. 2. 66 (C.112); 3.211.23 (C. 13942); 

7 On parallels between Katha and MBh. see Hopkins, Great Epic, 
p. 2932. 

Recurrent and Paralkl Passages in the Principal Upanishads 23 

5.34.59 (C.1153); 5.46.5 (C.1745); 11.7.13 (C.175); 
12.240.11 (C.8744); 14.51.3 (C.1426); Markaijdeya 
Puranal.42(43); Bohtiingk, Ind. Spruche, 1118; 
'Tschhakli' Up., D. p. 846 847. 

360 Katha 3.4 [the soul called 'the enjoyer'] cf. Svet.l. 

8c,9b,12c; and esp. Maitri 6.10. 

361 Katha 3.7 9 [rebirth or release according to one's 

thoughts and acts] see 192. 

362 Katha 3.9d [RV.1.22.20a] Maitri 6.26; also Ra- 

mayana G.6.41.25cL 

363 Katha 3. 1012 (var.) MBh.12. 247. 3-5 (C. 8953 

5). Katha 3. 10 <> BhG. 3. 42; cf. MBh. 12.297. 19c d 
(C. 10919a b). 

364 Katha 3. 15 <> MBh. 12. 240. 1718 (C. 87501). 

365 Katha 4. la pardnci khdni vyatrnat cf. khanlmdni 

bhittvd Maitri 2.6. 

366 Katha 4.3d Katha 5. 4d. 

367 Katha 4.3; 4.5; etc. etad vai tat cf. tad vai tat 

Brh. 5. 4 

368 Katha 44c d Katha 2.22c d. 

369 Katha 45c d Katha 4. 12c d; Brh.4.415c-d. 

Pada c recurs also as Katha 4. 13c; pada d as la 6d. 

370 Katha 4. 6 yah piirvam tapaso jdtam adbhyah see 112. 

On guhdm pravisya (pada c) see 349. 

371 Katha 4. 9a b [AV. 10. 18. 16a b] Brh. 1. 5. 23. 

372 Katha 4.10c d, lla b (var.) Brh.4.4.19c,d,a,b. 

373 Katha 4. 12 a b [person of the size of a thumb] 

see541. Katha 4.12 a, c 4.13 a, c. Katha 4.12 c-d 
4.5c d; see 369. 

374 Katha4.13b [light without smoke] see 658. 

375 Katha 4.13d sa evddya sa u va[s] Brh. 1.5. 23. 

376 Katha 5. la [eleven-gated citadel, the body] see 543. 

377 Katha 5.2 [RV.4.40.5] recurs Mahanar. 10.6 (Atharv. 

rec. 9. 3). 

378 Katha 5. 3c madhye vdmanam dsinam see 541. 

379 Katha 5. 4 d Katha 4. 3 d. 

380 Katha 5.6 b guhyam brahma see 535. 

381 Katha 5. 7d yathdkarma yathdsrutam cf. yathdkarma 

yathdvidyam Kan?. 1. 2. Regarding the dependence of 
one's reincarnate status on past acts see 192. 

24 George C. 0. Haas 

382 Katha 5.8 cf Katha 6. Ic f. 

383 Katha 5. 9b (-10b) Brh. 2. 5. 19. 

384 Katha 5.9c( lOc, lie), 12a sarvabhutdntaratmd cf. 


385 Katha 5.12 - (var.) S vet. 6. 12. Katha 5. 12 c d 

(var.) 5.13c d. 

386 Katha 5. 13a b - Svet. 6. 13a b. 

387 Katha 5.15 Mund.2.2.10; Svet.6.14. Cf. Maitri6.24; 

BhGr. 15.6, 12. Cf. ekah suryali sarvam idam vibMti 
MBh.3.134.8 (C, 10658). 

388 Katha 6. 1 [eternal fig-tree with root above] see 813. 

Katha 6.1c f = 5.8c f. 

389 Katha 6.3 <>Tait.2.8. 

390 Katha 6.9 = (var.) vet. 4. 20; Mahanar.1.11; MBh.5. 

46.6 (C.1747). See esp. also 541. 

391 Katha 6. 10 -= Maitri 6. 30. Pada d recurs BhG. 8. 21. 

392 Katha 6. lie apramattas cf. Mund.2.2.4; 3.2.4b 


393 Katha 6. lid prdbhavapyayau cf. Mand.6. 

394 Katha 6.12 [the Supreme not to be apprehended by 

the senses] cf. Kena 3a b; Mund. 3. 1.8a b. 

395 Katha 6. 14 = Brh. 4. 4. 7. 

396 Katha 6.15 [liberation from the knots of the heart] 

cf. Chand.7.26.2; Mund.2.2.8a; 3.2.9. 

397 Katha 6.16 -Chand.8.6.6 See 247 250. 

398 Katha 6. 17a b [person of the size of a thumb] 

see 541. 

399 I6a 2d na karma lipyate nare see 176. 

400 !sa 3 see 87. 

401 ISa 5 O Bh G- 13 - 15 - Cf. Mund. 2.1. 2b. 

402 L& 6 <> Bh GU- 29 ; MBh. 12. 240. 21 (C.8754); Ma- 

nusmrti 12.91; cf. also BhG.4.35c d; MBh. 5. 46. 25 
(C.I 784) [with him socet cf. Iga 7c]; Apastamblya 
Dharma-sutras 1.23.1. For recurrences of pada d 
see 369. 

403 I&L 9 [stanza] = Brh. 4. 4. 10. 

404 Ii& 10 (var.) Kena 3e h. Is"a lOc d- 13c d. 

405 fea 11 = Maitri 7. 9. Cf. L& 14. 

406 fts 12 - Brh. M 4. 4. 10. 

Recurrent and Parallel Passages in the Principal Upanishads 25 

407 LSa 1518 Brh. 5. 15. I& 15 (var.) Maitri 6.35. 

408 Mund. 1. 1. 12 [Line of Tradition] see 47. 

409 Mund. 1.1.3 kasmin . . . vijndte sarvam idam vijhdtam 

cf. Brh.2.4.5 end; 4.5.6 end; Chand.6.1.3. With 
the whole section cf. esp. also Chand.6.4.5. 

410 Mund. 1.1.4 para caivdpard ca see 498. 

411 Mund. 1.1.6 7 [characterization of the Imperishable] 

cf. Brh. 3. 8. 89. 

412 Mund. 1. 1. 6d [the Imperishable as the source of beings] 

c Mand.6; &vet.5.5a; note also Svet.4. lla; 5. 2 a 

413 Mund. 1. 1. 7 [spider and thread analogy for creation] 

see 27. 

414 Mupd. 1. 1. 9 a Mund. 2. 2. 7a; cf. sarvajiia Mand. 6. 

415 Mund. 1.2.4 [the seven flames] cf. Mund.2. 1.8b; 

PraSna 3.5. 

416 Mund. 1. 2. 5, 6, 11 [course to the Brahma-world] see 127. 

417 Mund. 1. 2. 7 10 [course to 'heaven* and to rebirth] 

c BhG.9.21 and see 12S. 

418 Mund. 1.2. 8 (var.) Katha 2.5; Maitri 7.9. 

419 Mund. 1.2. 12b akrtcJi [lokali] cf. akrtam . . . brahma- 

lokam Chand.8. 13. 

420 Mund. 1.2. 12c [bringing of fuel as sign of pupilship] 

see 175. 

421 Mund. 2. 1. 1 [sparks from fire as analogy of creation] 

cf. Brh. 2.1. 20; Maitri 6.26,31. On the creation and 
reabsorption of beings see 532. 

422 Mund. 2. 1.2 a [the Purusa is formless] cf. Brh. 2. 3. 5. 

423 Mufld. 2. 1. 2b sa bdhydbhyantaro cf. L& 5; BhGk 13. 15. 

424 Muni 2. 1. 3 <> Pras*na 6. 4; see 503. 

425 Mun<J.2.1.4d esa sarvabhiitdntardtmd cf. Katha 5.9 c 

( 10c,llc),12a. 

42i Mund. 2. 1.5 6 these 2 stanzas seem to be an epitome 
of Chftnd.5.4 10: fire whose fuel is the sun, 5.4; 
rain from Soma, 5.5; crops from earth, 5.6; procreation, 
6.7 8; sacrifices, etc., 5. 10. 3; the year, 5. 10.2; worlds of 
moon and sun [see 127, 128], 5. 10.23. The course from 
Soma to earthly embodiment, alluded to in Mupd,2. 
1.5, appears in fuller form in Chand.5. 10. 4 6. 

26 George C. 0. Haas 

427 MmuJ.2.1.8-9 (var.) Mahanar. 10. 2 3 (Atharv. 

rec.8.4 5). On the 'seven flames' (8b) see 415. On 
guhteaya nihittih (8d) see 349. 

428 Mun<J.2.2.1a avih savnnihitam ct Maitri 6. 27. See 535. 

429 Mund. 2. 2. Id [Being and Non-being] cf. PraSna 2.5d, 

and see also Svet.4. 18 b. (In Prana 4. 5 the words 
have a different meaning.) 

430 Mupd. 2. 2. 3 4 [bow and arrow analogy for Yoga] 

cf. Maitri 6.24; 6.28. The technical term apramatta 
recurs at Katlia 6. lie; cf. also Mund.3.2.4b (pramdddt). 

431 Mufld. 2. 2. 5b otam see 50. 

432 Mund.2.2.5c tarn evaikam janatha vimunca cf. 


433 Mund.2.2. 5d [A tman a bridge to immortality] see 98. 

434 Mund. 2. 2. 6 ar& iva rafhanabhau nadyali see 247. 

The spoke and hub simile recurs verbatim at Pra6na 
2.6a; 6.6a; and also at Brh.2.5.15; Chand. 7.15.1; 
Kau?.3.8. (Wheel analogies are found also atBrh.l. 
5.15; Svet.1.4.) 

435 Mund. 2. 2. 6 sa eso 'ntas carate see 265. 

436 Mund. 2. 2. 6 tamasah parastat see 787. 

437 Mund. 2. 2. 7a Mund. 1. 1. 9a; cf. Mand. 6 (sarvajna). 

438 Mu?d.2.2.7c [Brahma-city] see 23L 

439 Mund. 2. 2. 7e manomayali pranasariranetd c Chand. 3. 

14.2; see 165. 

440 Mus<J.2.2.8a [liberation from the knot(s) of the heart] 

see 396. 

441 Mund. 2. 2. 8 b [all doubts cleared away] cf. Chand. 3. 


442 MuncJ. 2. 2. 8c [cessation of karma] see 449. 

443 Mund. 2. 2. 8 d [the higher and the lower Brahma] 

see 498. 

444 Mund. 2. 2. 9 a [highest golden sheath] cf. Brh.5.15 

See 122. 

445 Mun<}. 2. 2. 9 c jyotisam jyotis cf. Brh. 4. 4. 16c. 

446 Mun<}. 2. 2. 10 = Katha 5. 15 ; Svet. 6. 14. See 387. 

447 Mund. 2. 2. 11 cf. Chand. 7. 25. 12. 

448 Mund. 3. 1. 12 Svet. 4. 6 [EV. 1. 1 64. 20] ; 4. 7. 

449 Mud.3.1.3ac (var.) Maitri 6. 18. With punya- 

pdpe vidhuya (pada c) cf. vidhuya pdpam Chand. 8. 13. 

Recurrent and Parallel Passages in the Principal Upanishads 27 

For cessation of karma see also Mund. 2. 2.8 c and 
cf. 176. 

450 Mund. 3. 1. 4c dtmaknda dtmaratih <> Chand. 7. 25. 2. 

451 Mund. 3. 1. 5 a b tapasft . . . brahmacaryena cf. brahma- 

caryena tapasd Brh. M 4. 4. 22; also Chand. 2. 23. 1 ; 
PraSna 1.2,10; 5.3. 

452 Mund. 3. 1.5c antaJi sarire jyotirmayo cf. yo'yam . . . 

lirdy antar jyotih purusah Brh. 4. 3. 7. 

453 Mund. 3. 1. 6 [path to the gods (devaydna)] see 127. 

454 Mund. 3. 1. 7d nihitam guhdydm see 349. 

455 Mund. 3. 1.8 a b [the Supreme not to be apprehended 

by the senses] see 394. 

456 Mund. 3.1.8 c [a pure nature requisite for mystic 

attainment] cf. Chand. 7. 26. 2 (sattvasuddhili)', cf. 
also Mund. 3. 1.9, 10; 3.2.6. 

457 Mund. 3. 1. 10 [creative power of desire] cf. Brh.l. 

4.15 end; Chand. 8. 2. 

458 Mund. 3. 2. la b [Brahma-abode] see 231. 

459 Mund. 3. 2.2 [he who desires and he who is free from 

desire] cf. Brh. 4. 4 6. 

460 Mund. 3. 2. 3 Katha 2. 23. C 354. 

461 Mund. 3. 2. 4b pramdddt cf. the technical term apra- 

matta Katha 6. lie; Mund. 2. 2. 4. 

462 Mund. 3. 2. 4d [Brahma-abode] see 231. 

463 Mund. 3. 2. 6 (var.) Mahanar. 10. 22 (Atharv. rec. 10. 6). 

464 Mund. 3. 2. 78 [unification in the Supreme Imperishable] 

parallel in thought and simile to PraSna 6.5; see esp. 
also Pragna 4.711 and cf. MBh.12.219.42 (C.7972); 
14.33.7 (C.919). Mun(}.3.2.7d=(var.) Maitri6.18. 
On the 'fifteen parts 7 see 501. On rijndnamaya dtman 
see Tait. 2. 4 and cf. vijndnatman Prasna 4.9. 

465 Mund. 3. 2. 9 ndsydbrahmavit kuk bhavati Mand. 10. 

466 M up d. 3. 2. 9 [brahmavU] tarati Mam Q Chand. 7. 1. 3. 

467 Mund. 3. 2. 9 [liberation from the knots of the heart] 

see 396. 

468 MuflcJ. 3. 2. 10 11 [restrictions on imparting mystic 

knowledge] see 133. With ekar$im (lOb) cf. eka r?ir 
Prasna 2.11a. 

469 PraSna 1.1 cf. the similar introduction Chand. 5.11.12. 

28 George C. 0. Haas 

470 PraSna 1.1 [bringing of fuel as sign of pupilship] 

see 175. 

471 PraSna 1. 2, 10 [tapas, brahmacarya, sraddhd] see 451. 

472 PraSna 1.5 adityo ha vai prdno cf. PraSna 3.8. 

473 Prana 1. 8 vtevarupam harinam [stanza] = Maitri 6. 8. 

474 PraSna 1.910 [two paths, the southern and the 

northern] see 127, 128. 

475 Pras*na 1. 14 [food as the source of creatures] see 728. 

476 Pras*na 2.24 [superiority of prdna among the bodily 

functions] see 124. 

477 PraSna 2. 5 d [Being and Non-being] see 429. 

478 Pragna 2. 6 a [spokes fixt in the hub] =Pras*na 6. 6 a; 

Mund. 2- 2. 6 a; see 434. 

479 Pras"na 2.1 la eka rsir cf. ekarsim Mund. 3.2. 10 b. 

480 Pras*na 3.3 atmana esa prdno jay ate cf. Mund. 2. 1.3 a; 

PraSna 6.4. 

481 PraSna 3.3 mano['dhi]krtendydty asmin charlre (on 

text and interpretation consult Hume, Thirteen Princi- 
pal Upanishads, p. 383, n. 2) see 192. 

482 PraSna 3. 5 [etymological explanation of samdna] cf. 

PraSna 4.4; Maitri 2.6. On the food-offering see 
Chand.5.19, etc. 

483 Pra$na3.5 [the seven flames] cf. Mund. 1.2. 4; 2.1.8b. 

484 Pras*na 3. 6 atraitad ekasatam nddmdm see 247. 

485 Pra^na 3. 6 dvasaptatih nddlsdhasrani see 25. 

486 Pras*na 3. 6 dsu vydnas carati cf. Maitri 6. 21 (prdna- 


487 Prasna 3. 7 athaikayordhva uddnah see 249. 

488 Pras*na 3. 7 [acts determine one's reincarnate status] 

see 192. 

489 PraSna 3. 8 adityo prana udayaty cf. Pras"na 1. 5. 

490 PraSna 3.9 10 upasdntatejdh yuktah cf. Chand.6. 

8.6; 6.15.2. 

491 PraSna 3.10 [thought determines state after death] 

see 786. 

492 Prasna 4.2 [unification of the functions in sleep] 

see 319. 

493 PraSna 4.4 [etymological explanation of samdna] see 482. 

494 Pras*na 4.5 [dream experiences] cf. Brh.4.3.20; 

Chand.8. 10. On sac casac ca see 429. 

Recurrent and Parallel Passages in the Principal Upanishads 29 

495 Pragna 4.7 11 [unification in the Supreme Imperish- 

able] see 464. 

496 PraSna 4. 8 [Samkhya enumeration] see 522. 

497 Prasna 4.9 cf. Maitri 6.7 end. On vijnandtman 

see 464. 

498 Prasna 5.2 [the higher and the lower Brahma] 

Maitri 6. 5; c Mund. 1. 1. 4; 2. 2. 8d; Maitri 6. 
22-23. See also 32. 

499 Prasna 5. 3 [tapas, brahniacarya, sraddhd] see 451. 

500 Prasna 5. 5 [snake freed from its sluf] cf. Kaus. Br. 18. 7 

(see also Ait. Br. 6. 1 end); MBh. 12. 219. 48 (C. 79789). 
The snake-skin simile is used in another application 
in Brh. 4. 4. 7. 

501 Prasna 6.12 [the purusa with sixteen parts] cf. 

Brh.1.5.14 15; Chand.6.7. Cf. the 'fifteen parts', 
Mund.3.2.7a. Cf. also MBh. 12. 242. 8 a b (C.8811)= 
(var.) 14.51.31a b (C.1455); 12.304.8 (C. 11324); 
note also 12.210.33 (C.7674); and consult Hopkins, 
Great Epic, p. 168. (See Sat. Br. 10. 4. 1. 17; and also 
VS. 8. 36, where Prajapati is called sodasin.) 

502 Pras"na6.1 ndhamimamveda navaksyam Chand.5. 


503 Prasna 6. 4 sa [purusa] prdnam asrjata see 480. 

504 PraSna 6. 4 kham vdyur prthiw- Mund. 2. 1. 3. 

505 PraSna 6. 5 [unification in the cosmic Person] see 464. 

506 Prasna 6. 6 a [spokes fixt in the hub] PraSna 2. 6a; 

Mund. 2. 2. 6 a; see 434. 

507 Mand.l triMldtltam cf. paras trikdldd 6vet.6.5b. 

508 Mand. 3 saptdiiga ekonavimsatimiikhaJi see 522. 

509 Mand. 4 praviviktabhuk cf. Brh.4.2.3 end. 

510 Maijd. 5 yatra supto patyati Brh. 4. 3. 19. 

511 Mand. 5 ekibhutaJi [unification in sleep] see 319. 

512 Man<}.5 prajfidnaghana eva Brh. 4. 5. 13. 

513 Man(J- 5 dnandamayo hy dnandabhuk see 277. 

514 Mapd. 6 e?a sarvejvara see 98. 

515 Mand. 6 e?a sarvajna cf. Mund. 1. 1. 9 a 2. 2. 7a. 

516 Maod.6 eso 'ntarydmy cf. Brb.3.7. 

517 Mapd. 6 e$a yonifi sarvasya see 412. 

518 Mapcl.6 prabhavdpyayau cf. Katha 6. lid. 

30 George C. 0. Haas 

519 Mand. 7, 12 [fourth, or superconscious, state] cf. Maitri 

6.19; 7.11, stanzas 7 8. See also the use of turlya 
at Brh.5.14.3 7. 

520 Mand. 10 nasyabrahmavit kule bhavati Mund. 3. 2. 9. 

5218 Svet.1.2 kalasvabhavo cf. Svet.6. la b. 

522 vet. 1.4 5 [numerical allusions to series of philo- 
sophic terms] cf. Hand. 3; vet. 6. 3; Maitri 3.3 
(caturjalam caturdasavidham caturasitidhd parinatam)', 
6.10; see also BhGr. 7.4 and the Samkhya list at 
Pras*na 4.8. The 'three paths' are mentioned again 
at vet. 5. 7c. On the 'fifty spokes' see Samkhya- 
karika 46. With the wheel analogy cf. Brh.1.5. 15; 
MBh. 14. 45. 19 (C. 1234 42) and see 602. 

523 Svet.l.8c,9b,12c [the soul called 'the enjoy er'] see 360. 

524 Svetl.Sd Svet.2.15d; 4.16d; 5.13d; 6.13d. 

525 Svet. 1. 14 [Brahma is hidden] see 535. 

526 vet.2.8 15 [rules for Yoga] cf. Katha 6. 10 17; Maitri 6. 

1830; and esp. BhG.6.10 26; 5.2728; see also 
Chand. 8. 15. With same sucau Svet. 2. lOa cf. Maitri 6. 
30 init.; Chand. 8. 15 (sucau dese). With the 'sixfold 
Yoga' of Maitri 6. 18 cf. Patanjali's Yoga-sutras 2. 29. 

527 Svet. 2. 9c [chariot yoked with vicious horses] clearly 

an allusion to Katha 3.35; see 359. 

528 6 vet. 2. 12 b [earth, water, fire, air, ether] the same 

cpd. recurs Svet.6.2d; cf. Maitri 6.4; BhGr. 7. 4; and 
also MBh. 3. 210. 17 (C. 13914); 3.211.3 (C. 13922); 12. 
311.10 (C. 11578). 

529 vet.2.15d Svet.l.Sd; 416d; 5.13d; 6.13d. 

530 Svet.2.16 [VS. 32. 4] (var.) Mahanar. 1. 13 (Atharv. 

rec. 2. 1). pratyanjands tisthati vet. 2. 1 6d = S vet. 3. 2c. 

531 Svet.3.1d see 541. 

532 Svet. 3. 2 d [creation and reabsorption of the world and 

of all beings] cf. Tait.3.1; Mund.2.1.1; Svet.4.1a c; 
Maitri 6.15,17; BhG.8.18 19; cf. also MBh. 5. 44. 30 
(C.1713); Manusmrti 1.52,57; Kumarasambhava 2.8. 

8 On quotations from and allusions to Katha in vet. see D. p. 2 
on parallels between vet. and MBh. see Hopkins, Great Epic, p. 28. 

Recurrent and Parallel Passages in the Principal Upanishads 31 

533 Svet 3. 3 [RV. 10. 81. 3 (var.)] (var.) Mahanar. 1. 14 

(Atharv. rec. 2. 2). 

534 Svet 3. 4 (var.) Svet. 4. 12; Mahanar. 10. 19 (Atharv. 

rec. 10. 3). Pada d recurs as Svet. 4. Id. On visvadhipo 
(pada b) see 96. 

535 Svet.3.7b [Brahma hidden in all things] cf. Katha 

5. 6b; Mund. 2. 2. la > Maitri 6. 27); Svet. 1. 14; 

536 Svet. 3. 7c see 553. 

537 Svet. 3. 8c d [VS. 31. 18] Svet. 6. 15c d. Svet. 3. 

8b-=BhG.8.9d; see 787. 

538 Svet. 3. 9 Mahanar. 10. 20 (Atharv. rec. 10. 4). On the 

'tree establisht in heaven' see 388. 

539 Svet.3.10b anamayam recurs as an epithet of Brahma- 

Atman at Maitri 6.26. 

540 Svet.3.10c d -= Brh.4.4.14c d. On pada c see 

also 541. 

541 Svet 3. 13 a b [person of the size of a thumb, seated 

in the heart of creatures] Katha 6. 17a b; cf. 
Katha 4. 12 a; 4. 13 a; 5.3c (madhye vamanam aslnam); 
Svet.5.8a; Maitri 6.38 end; cf. also MBh. 3. 297.17 
(0.16763); 5.46.15,27 (C.I 764, 1786); for angusthamd- 
trah purusah see also MBh. 12. 284. 175 a (C. 10450a) 

Svet 3. 13b d 4. 17b d. Svet. 3. 13c d - Katha 
6.9c d [see esp.390]; with pada c cf. MBh.12.240.15 
(0.8748). Svet 3. 13d recurs also as Brh.4.4.14c; 
Svet 3. Id; 3.10c; c4.20d. 

542 Svet 3. 16, 17a b BhG. 13. 13, 14 a b; see 805. 

543 Svet 3. 18 (var.) MBh. 12. 240. 32 (C. 8765). navad- 

vdre pure dehl BhG. 5. 13; cf. pur am ekddas'advdram 
Katha 5. la. (For other epic parallels see Hopkins, 
Great Epic, p. 166 and n. 3.) See also 231. 

544 Svet 3. 20 [TA. 10. 10.1] - Mahanar. 10. 1 (Atharv. 

rec. 8. 3); (var.) Katha 2.20; <> MBh. 12. 240. 30 
(0.8763). The phrase anor amyan (pada a) recurs 
also BhG.8.9b; MBh. 5. 46. 31 (0.1790). On the 
doctrine of prasada see 354. 

545 Svet 4.1 [creation and reabsorption of the world] 

see 532. Pada d recurs Svet 3. 4; see 534. 

32 George C. 0. Haas 

546 Svet 4. 5 (var.) Mahanar. 10.5 (Atharv. rec. 9. 2). Of. 

abhdti suklam iva lohitam ivdtho krsnam MBh. 5. 
44.25 (C.1709); also MBh. 12.302.46 (a 11259). 

547 Svet 4. 6 [RV. 1. 164. 20] -= Mund. 3. 1. 1. 

548 Svet 4. 7 Mund. 3. 1. 2. 

549 Svet. 4. lla yo yonim yonim adhitisthaty eho see 412. 

550 Svet. 4. lib = Mahanar. 1. 2 a. 

551 Svet 4. lie d -= (var.) Katha 1. 17c d. 

552 Svet. 4, 12 = (var.) Svet 3. 4; Mahanar. 10.19 (Atharv. 

rec. 10. 3). 

553 Svet 4 14 = (var.) Svet 5. 13. Pada c recurs also as 

3.7c; 4.16c. 

554 Svet.4.16d -=vet.l.8d; 2.15d; 5.13d; 6.13d. 

555 Svet. 4. 17b d see 541. 

556 Svet. 4. 18 a [no day or night] see 156. 

557 vet.4.18c [Savitri stanza] see 130. 

558 Svet.4.19 [VS.32.2c d,3a b;TA.10.1.2] Mahanar.l. 

10; O MBh. 12. 240. 26 (C.8759). 

559 Svet. 4. 20 = (var.) Katha 6.9; Mahanar. 1. 11. 

560 vet.5.2a = Svet. 4. lla; see 412. With 5.2c d c, 


561 Svet 5. 6 a [the One as the source of all] see 412. 

562 Svet. 5.5 c cf. the similar line Svet.6.4b. 

563 Svet. 5. 7, 12 [acts determine one's reincarnate status] 

see 192. 

564 Svet.5.7c [three paths] cf. Svet.l.4d. 

565 Svet. 5. 8 a [of the size of a thumb] see 541. 

566 Svet 5. 13 = (var.) Svet. 4. 14. Pada c recurs also as 

3.7c; 4.16c. Pada d 1.8d; 2.15d; 4.16d; 6.13d. 

567 Svet. 6. la b svdbhdvam eke . . . Jcdlam tathdnye cf. 

Svet. 1.2 a. 

568 Svet. 6. 2 [earth, water, fire, air, ether] see 528. Pada 

b 6.16b. 

569 Svet 6. 3 c [numerical allusions to Samkhya terms] 

see 522. 

570 Svet.6.4b cf. the similar line Svet. 5. 5 c. 

571 Svet. 6. 5 b paras trikdldd cf. trikdUtltam Mand. 1. 

572 Svet 6. 6 a [the world-tree] see 388. 

573 Svet 6. 10 b [spider and thread analogy for creation] 

see 27. 

Recurrent and Parallel Passages in the Principal Upanishads 33 

574 S vet 6. 11 [the one divinity hidden in all things] 

see 535. 

575 Svet.6.12 = (var.) Katha5.12; see also Kafta 5.1 3c d. 

576 Svet. 6. 13a h ~ Katha 5. 13a b. On Svet. 6. 13 d 

see 524. 

577 $ vet. 6. 14 = Katha 5.15; Mund. 2. 2. 10. See 387. 

578 Svet.6.15c-d [VS. 31. 18] -= Svet.3.8c d. 

579 Svet.6.16 ksetrajna see 804. vet.6.16b = 6.2b. 

580 Svet. 6. 19 c [Brahma a bridge to immortality] see 98. 

581 Svet. 6. 21 a [doctrine of prasada] see 354. 

582 Svet.6. 22 [restrictions on imparting mystic knowledge] 

see 133. 

5839 Maitri 1. 2 [smokeless fire] see 658. 

584 Maitri 1.2 [ignorance of Atman confest] cf. Chand. 7. 1.3. 

585 Maitri 1.2 [question declared difficult; another choice 

advised] cf. Katha 1. 21 b c. 

586 Maitri 1. 3 [pessimistic description of the human body] 

cf. Maitri 3.4; also Manusmrti 6.76 77 _ MBh.12. 
329.4243 (C. 12463 4); Visnusmrti 96.4353. 

587 Maitri 1. 3 [dissatisfaction with aspects of human life] 

cf. Manusmrti 6.62; see also Katha 1.26; and cf. in 
general Visnusmrti 96. 27 f; Yajnavalklya Dharma- 
sutras 3.6364. 

588 Maitri 2. 2 esa samprasddo etad brahmeti see 237. 

589 Maitri 2. 34 [the body like a cart] see 359. 

590 Maitri 2.4 suddhali putah sve mahimni tisthaty 

> Maitri 6. 28. This passage is referred to in 6. 31 : 
yo 'yam suddhali putah sunyah sdntddUaksanoktah. 
Cf. sve mahimni [pratixthitaJi] Chand. 7. 24. 1 ; sve ma- 
himni tisthamdnam Maitri 6.38. 

591 Maitri 2. 5 so 'm$o 'yarn prajdpatir Maitri 5. 2. 

The group of terms samkalpddhyavasdydbhimdna- 
recurs (transposed) in 6.10 and 6.30. On the term 
teetrajna see 804. 

592 Maitri 2. 6 [Prajapati alone in the beginning] see 7. 

593 Maitri 2. 6 [explanation of vydna] cf. Chand. 1. 3. 3. 

For an elaborate discussion of parallels between Maitri and MBh. 
ee Hopkins, Great Epic, p. 88 48; see also D. p. 312818. 

8 JAOB 43 

34 George C. 0. Haas 

594 Maitri 2.6 yo 'yam sthavistho dlidtur annasya cf. 

Chand. 6. 5. 1. 

595 Maitri 2.6 [etymological explanation of samana] cf. 

Prasna 3.5; 4.4. 

596 Maitri 2. 6 [universal fire ; sound heard on stopping 

the ears] quoted from Brh. 5. 9; see esp. 117. 

597 Maitri 2. 6 nihito guhdydm see 349. 

598 Maitri 2. 6 manomayah akdsdtmd = Chand. 3. 14. 2. 

See 656. 

599 Maitri 2. 6 khdnimdni bhittvd cf. Katha 4. 1 a. 

600 Maitri 2. 6 pancahhl rasmibhir visaydn atti = Maitri 6. 3 1 . 

601 Maitri 2. 6 end [the hody as a chariot] see 359. 

602 Maitri 2.6 end [the hody like a potter's wheel] cf. 

Maitri 3.3. See also 522. 

603 Maitri 2. 7 sitdsitaih harmaphalair anabhibhuta iva 

see 97. 

604 Maitri 2.7 preksakavad avasthitah svasthas ca cf. 

preksakavad avasthitah swthah Samkhyakarika 65. 

605 Maitri 3.1 [pairs of opposites] cf. Maitri 3.2; 6.29; 

BhG.7.27 28. 

606 Maitri 3.2 [acts determine one's reincarnate status] 

see 192. 

607 Maitri 3.2 [water on a lotus-leaf] cf. Chand. 4. 14. 3 ; 

BhG.5.10; see also MBh.3. 213. 20 b (C.13978d); 12. 
187. 24d (C.6922d); 12.242.18b (C.8821b); and 
Dhammapada 401. 

608 Maitri 3. 2 gunaughair uhyamdnah khacarah = Mai- 

tri 6.30. 

609 Maitri 3. 2 nibadhndty dtmand ' ' tmdnam cf. badhndty 

dtmdnam dtmand Samkhyakarika 63. 

610 Maitri 3.3 yah Jcartd so 'yam vai bhutdtmd etc. cf. 

Manusmrti 12.12. 

611 Maitri 3.3 [analogy of the transformation of iron] 

cf. Brh. 4. 4. 4. 

612 Maitri 3.3 caturjdlam caturdas'avidham caturasUidhd 

parinatam see 522. 

613 Maitri 3.3 [wheel driven by the potter] cf. Maitri 2.6 


614 Maitri 3.4 [pessimistic description of the human body] 

see 586. 

Recurrent and Parallel Passages in the Principal Upanishads 35 

615 Maitri 3. 5 [characteristics of tamos and rajas] see 810. 

616 Maitri 4. 4 end [chariot-rider] see 359. 

617 Maitri 4.5 [Agni, Vayu, Aditya] see 153. 

618 Maitri 4. 6 brahma khalv idam vdva sarvam = (var.) 

Chand. 3.14.1. 

619 Maitri 5. 2 so 'mso 'yam prajdpatir = Maitri 2. 5 ; 

see esp. 591. The text calls attention to this reiteration; 
asya prdg uktd etas tanavah. 

620 Maitri 5.2 [the Atman manifold] cf. Chand. 7. 26. 2; 

Maitri 6.26 end. 

621 Maitri 6.1 athayaeso puruso = Chand. 1.6. 6; see 149. 

622 Maitri 6. 3 dve rupe murtam cdmurtam ca see 32. 

623 Maitri 6. 3 sa tredhd "tmdnam vyakuruta = Brh.l.2.3. 

624 Maitri 6. 3 sarvam idam otam protam caiva see 50. 

625 Maitri 6.4 atha khalu esa pranava = Chand. 1.5.1. 

626 Maitri 6. 4 pranavdkhyam vimrtyum recurs with the 

addition of visokam at Maitri 6.25; 7.5. 

627 Maitri 6. 4 nihitam guhdydm see 349. 

628 Maitri 6. 4 [the Lone Fig-tree with root above] see 388. 

629 Maitri 6. 4 [ether, air, fire, water, earth] see 528. 

630 Maitri 6. 4 tasmdd om ity updsita see 726. 

631 Maitri 6.4 etad evdksar am [stanza] =(var.) Katha2.16. 

632 Maitri 6. 5 [the higher and the lower Brahma] quoted 

from Eras' na 5.2; see 498. 

633 Maitri 6.6 [Prajapati produced lihur y bhuvah, svar] 

see 180. 

634 Maitri 6. 7 [ Savitn stanza] see 130. 

635 Maitri 6.7 [the All-pervader as agent in the bodily 

functions] cf. Pra^na 4.9. 

636 Maitri 6.7 [duality of knowledge transcended] cf. 

Brh.2.4.14-4.5.15; also 4.3.31. 

637 Maitri 6. 8 e?a hi khalv atmes'andli ndrayano recurs 

with the addition of acyuto in Maitri 7.7. 

638 Maitri 6. 8 esa vdva jijndsitavyo'nvestavyaJi <> Chand. 8. 

7.3; cf. Chand. 7. 23 (etc.); 8.1.1. 

639 Maitri 6. 8 vitvarupam harinam [stanza] Pra$na 1.8. 

640 Maitri 6.9 adbhih purastdt [and infra uparistdt] part- 

dadhati Chand. 5. 2. 2. 

641 Maitri 6.9 ['Hail!' to prana, apdna, etc.] cf. Chand. 6. 


36 George C. 0. Haas 

642 Maitri 6. 10 [the soul called 'the enjoyer'] see 360. 

643 Maitri 6. 10 [fourteenfold course] see 522. 

644 Maitri 6. 10 sainkalpddhyavasdydbhimdnd see 591. 

645 Maitri 6.10 [food and the eater of food] cf. Brh.1.4.6. 

646 Maitri 6. 11 na yady asndty drastd bhavati = (var.) 

Chand. 7. 9. 

647 Maitri 6.11 annad vai antatah = Tait. 2. 2 a d. 

See 728. 

648 Maitri 6. 12 anndd bhutdni ucyate = Tait. 2.2k n. 

See 728. 

649 Maitri 6.13 with the series anna,prdna, manas, vijndna, 

dnanda cf. the series annarasamaya to dnandamaya 
in Tait. 2. 2 5. See also 690. 

650 Maitri 6. 14 end halo murtir amurtimdn see 32. 

651 Maitri 6. 15 [two forms of Brahma] see 32. 

652 Maitri 6. 15 [origin, growth, and death of creatures] see 532. 

653 Maitri 6. 15 hdlah pacati bhutdni [stanza] == (var.) 

MBh.l2.240.25(C.8758). Pada d = BhG.15.ld. Pada 
a recurs at MBh.11.2.24 (C.69). 

654 Maitri 6. 16 ddityo brahmety = Chand. 3. 19. 1. 

655 Maitri 6. 17 brahma ha vd idam agra dstd eko see 10 

and cf. 7. 

656 Maitri 6. 17 (esa) dJcdsdtmd this epithet is found besides 

only at Chand. 3. 14.2 (quoted Maitri 2.6) and, in a 
different application, at Kaus. 2. 14 (9). Cf. dkdsa- 
ariram brahma Tait. 1.6.2. 

657 Maitri 6.17 [creation and reahsorption of the world] 

see 532. 

658 Maitri 6.17 [the Supreme like a smokeless fire] cf. 

Katha4.13b; MBh.12.250.7 (C.9044); 12.306.20 
(C. 11387). The simile occurs in another connection 
at Maitri 1.2. 

659 Maitri 6.17 [digestive fire in the stomach] cf. Brh.5.9 

(quoted Maitri 2.6). 

660 Maitri 6. 17 yas caiso 'gnau sa esa eka = Maitri 7.7. 

Cf. Chand. 3. 13. 7. 

661 Maitri 6. 1830 [rules for Yoga] see 526. 

662 Maitri 6. 18 yadd posy an vihaya [stanza, padas a c] 

-=(var.) Mund.3. 1.3 a c; see 449. On pada d of 
this stanza see 464. 

Recurrent and Parallel Passages in tlie Principal Upanishads 37 

663 Maitri 6. 19 [fourth, or super-conscious, state] see 519. 

664 Maitri 6. 19 tac ca lingam nirdsrayam [stanza, p&da d] 

cf. nirasrayam lingam Samkhyakfirika 41. 

665 Maitri 6.20 tadd "tmand "tmanam drstvd nirdtmd 

bhavati O MBh. 3. 213. 27c d (C. 13986c d). 

666 Maitri 6. 20 cittasya hi prasddena [stanza] = (var.) 

MBh. 3. 213. 24 (C. 13983); 12.247.10 (C.8960); recurs 
Maitri 6.34. (For discussion see Hopkins, Great 
Epic, p. 4243.) 

667 Maitri 6. 21 urdhvagd nddl susumnakhyd see 64. 

668 Maitri 6. 21 prdnasarncdrinl see 486. 

669 Maitri 6. 21 tdlvantarvicchinnd see 266. 

670 Maitri 6. 21 tayd urdhvam utkramet see 249. 

671 Maitri 6.2223 [the higher and the lower Brahma] 

see 498. 

672 Maitri 6. 22 [the spider and his thread] see 27. 

673 Maitri 6. 22 [sound heard on stopping the ears] see 117. 

674 Maitri 6. 22 [ether within the heart] see 265. 

675 Maitri 6. 22 [unified condition of honey] see 209. 

676 Maitri 6.22 dve brahmam veditavye [stanza] = MBh. 12. 

233.30 (C.8540 1); padas c d are quoted in Sarva- 
dar&nasamgraha p. 147, 1. 2 (Bibl. Ind., Calcutta, 1858). 

677 Maitri 6. 23 tac chdntam visnusamjnitam Maitri 

7.3; the words acalam visnusamjnitam recur also in 
Maitri 6.38. See also 362. 

678 Maitri 6.24 [bow and arrow analogy for Yoga] 

see 430. 

679 Maitri 6.24 [what is not enveloped in darkness] 

cf. 156. 

680 Maitri 6.24 [Brahma shines in sun, moon, etc.] see 387. 

681 Maitri 6. 25 pranavdMiyam visokam recurs at 

Maitri 7.5 and, without the last word, at 6.4; see 
also 235. Cf. Mund.3.2.9. 

682 Maitri 6. 26 andmaye 'gnau see 539. 

683 Maitri 6. 26 visnoh paramam padam see 362. 

684 Maitri 6.26 aparimitadhd cdtmdnam vibhajya etc. 

see 227. 

685 Maitri 6.26 valinet ca yadvat [stanza] Maitri 6.31. 

On the issuance of sparks from fire as an analogy of 
creation see 421. 

38 George C. 0. Haas 

686 Maitri 6. 27 [warmth of the body as the heat of Brahma] 

cf. Chand.3.13.8 and see 117. 

687 Maitri 6. 27 dvih san ndbhasi nihitam cf. Mund.2.2.1a; 

see 535. 

688 Maitri 6. 27, 28 [ether within the heart] see 265. 

689 Maitri 6.28 [bow and arrow analogy for Yoga] 

see 430. 

690 Maitri 6. 28 [dispersal of the fourfold sheath of Brahma] 

: Maitri 6. 38. The adj. caturjdla occurs also in 3. 3. 
On the 'fourfold sheath 7 see Tait. 2.14 (annarasamaya, 
prdnamaya, manomaya, and vijndnamaya dtmari). 

691 Maitri 6.28 suddhali putali sve mahimni tisthati 

see 590. 

692 Maitri 6.28 [looking down on a rolling chariot-wheel] 

cf. Kaus. 1.4 end. 

693 Maitri 6.28 sadbhir mdsais [stanza] = MBh. 14. 19. 

66c d (C. 598); cf. 12. 241. 32c d (0.8799). With 
nityayuktasya dehinah (pada b) cf. BhG.8. 14 d. (For 
discussion see Hopkins, Great Epic, p. 4546.) 

694 Maitri 6.29 [pairs of opposites] cf. Maitri 3.1,2; 

BhG. 7. 2728. 

695 Maitri 6. 29 [restrictions on imparting mystic knowledge] 

see 133. 

696 Maitri 6. 30 sucau dese see 526. 

697 Maitri 6. 30 [meditation upon the Eeal, sacrifice to the 

Real] cf. Maitri 6.9. 

698 Maitri 6.30 puruso f dhyavasdyasamkalpdbhimdnalingo 

see 591. 

699 Maitri 6. 30 manasd liy eva patyati mana eva 

= Brh. 1, 5. 3. 

700 Maitri 6.30 gunaughair uhyamdnah khacaro 

= Maitri 3.2. 

701 Maitri 6. 30 atra hi sarve kdmdh samdhitd see 234. 

702 Maitri 6. 30 yada pancdvatisthante [stanza] see 391. 

703 Maitri 6. 30 [northern course to Brahma] see 127. 

704 Maitri 6. 30 dipavad yali sthito lirdi see 265. 

705 Maitri 6. 30 sitdsitdh mrdulohitdh see 71. 

706 Maitri 6. 30 urdhvam ekah sthitas tesdm see 64. 

707 Maitri 6.30 yo bhittvd suryamandalam pardm gatim 

see 249. 

Recurrent and Parallel Passages in tlie Principal Upanishads 39 

708 Maitri 6. 30 yad asydnyad rasmisatam prapadyate 

see 247, 250. 

709 Maitri 6.31 [the soul as agent in the senses] see 333. 

710 Maitri 6. 31 pancabhl rasmibhir visaydn atti Maitri 2. 6. 

711 Maitri 6. 31 yo 'yam Suddhah laksanoktali see 590. 

712 Maitri 6. 31 vdk srotram caksur manah prdna ity eke 

cf. Kena 2; see 333. 

713 Maitri 6.31 dhrtih smrtih prajndnam ity eke cf. 

Ait. 5. 2. 

714 Maitri 6. 31 vdhnet ca yadvat [stanza] = Maitri 6. 26. 

See 421. 

715 Maitri 6. 32 sarveprdndh satyasya satyam iti (var.) 

Brh. 2. 1. 20. 

716 Maitri 6. 32 [literature-list] see 41. 

717 Maitri 6. 34 [Savitrl stanza] see 130. 

718 Maitri 6. 34 cittam eva hi samsdram [stanza] see 192. 

Padas c d-=(var.) MBh.14.51.27c d (C.1451); see 
Hopkins, Great Epic, p. 4243. 

719 Maitri 6. 34 cittasya hi prasddena [stanza] see 666. 

720 Maitri 6. 35 hiranmayena pdtrena [stanza] = (var.) 

Brh. 5. 15; Is"a 15. 

721 Maitri 6. 35 [Person in the sun] see 149. 

722 Maitri 6.35 [nectar in the sun] cf. Chand. 3.1.2; 

Tait. 1. 10. 

723 Maitri 6. 35 [simile of the solution of salt] see 210. 

724 Maitri 6. 35 atra hi sarve kdmdh samdhita ity see 234. 

725 Maitri 6. 36, stanza [the cosmic egg] see 173. 

726 Maitri 6.37 tasmdd om ity tejas Maitri 7. 11. 

tasmdd updslta recurs also at Maitri 6. 4. Cf. 
BhG.17.24 [see 818]; also 143. 

727 Maitri 6. 37 tat tredlid prdne ~- Maitri 7. 11. 

728 Maitri 6.37 agnau prdstd [stanza] = Manusmrti 3. 76; 

-(var.) MBh.12.263.11 (0.94067;; O Bh GK 3 - 14 ; 
cf. Tait 2. 2 (quoted Maitri 6.11,12); PraSna 1.14. 

729 Maitri 6. 38 [cleaving the fourfold sheath of Brahma] 

see 690. 

730 Maitri 6. 38 acalam vifnusanynitam see 677. 
Tit! Maitri 6.38 sve mahimni tisthamdnam see 590. 

7:t2 Maitri 6.38 end [person of the size of a thumb] 


40 George C. 0. Haas 

733 Maitri 6.38 end atra hi sarve Mmdh samdhitd ity 

see 234. 

734 Maitri 7. 3 tac chdntam visiiusamjnitam see 677. 

735 Maitri 7. 5 pranavakhyam visokam see 681. 

736 Maitri 7. 7 dtmd 'ntarhrdaye 'niydn see 165. 

737 Maitri 7. 7 asminn otd imdh prajdh see 50. 

738 Maitri 7. 7 esa dtmd satyakdma see 235. 

739 Maitri 7. 7 esa paramesvara setur vidharana see 98. 

740 Maitri 7. 7 esahikhalvdtmesdnahnardyandh see 637. 

741 Maitri 7. 7 yas caiso 'gnau sa esa ekdk see 660. 

742 Maitri 7. 9 duram ete [stanza] = (var.) Katha 2. 4. 

743 Maitri 7.9 vidydm cdvidydm ca [stanza] = la 11. 

744 Maitri 7. 9 avidyaydm [stanza] = (var.) Katha 2. 5 ; 

Mund. 1. 2. 8. 

745 Maitri 7.10 [instruction of gods and devils] cf. 

Chand.8.7 8. 

746 Maitri 7.11 tat tredhd prdna = Maitri 6.37. 

747 Maitri 7.11 [simile of the solution of salt] see 210. 

748 Maitri 7. 11 tasmad om ity tejah see 726. 

749 Maitri 7. 11, stanza 1 [Indra and Viraj] see 61. 

750 Maitri 7. 1 1, stanza 2 samdgamas tayor susau cf. 265. 

751 Maitri 7.11, stanza 2 tallohitasyatra pinda =8=Brh. 4.2.3. 

752 Maitri 7.11, stanza 3 hrdaydd dyatd tdvac caksusy 

asmin pratisthitd see 64. 

753 Maitri 7. 11, stanza 6 na paJyan sarvasah = (var.) 

Ohand. 7. 26. 2. 

754 Maitri 7.11, stanza 7 [fourth, or superconscious, state] 

see 519. 

755 * o BhG. 2.13 - Visnusmrti 20. 49. 

756 BhG. 2. 17b yena sarvam idam tatam = BhGr. 8. 22d; 

18.46b; MBh. 12.240.20d (C.8753d); cf. BhG.9.4; 

757 BhG. 2. 19, 20 = (var.) Katha 2.19,18. With BhG. 2. 

20 d cf. na vadhenasya hanyate Chand.8.1.5; 8.10.2,4. 

758 BhG. 2. 22 Visnusmrti 20.50. 

i o No note has been taken of the recurrence of a number of padas of 
purely formulaic character, and parallels between parts of BhG. are 
recorded under the first of the passages only. 

Recurrent and Parallel Passages in Vie Principal Upanishads 41 

759 BhG. 2. 23 -25, 27, 28 (var.) Visnusmrti 20.5153, 


760 BhG. 2. 29 cf. Katha 2. 7. 

761 BhG. 2. 46 =(var.) MBh.5.46.26 (C.1785). 

762 BhG.2.61a b O BhG. 6. 14c d. 

763 BhG. 2. 70 - Visnusmrti 72. 7. 

764 BhG.2. 71c nirmamo nirahamkdrah BhG.12.13c; 

see 803. 

765 BhG. 3. 13 cf. BhG.4.31a and see Manusmrti 3.118. 

766 BhG. 3. 14 O Maitri 6.37, stanza; see 728. 

767 BhG. 3. 23c d BhG. 4. lie d. 

768 BhG. 3. 35 a b BhG. 18. 47a b. 

769 BhG. 3. 42 <> Katha 3.10; see esp. 363. 

770 BhG.4.16d BhG. 9. Id. 

771 BhG.4.21c d karmakurvanndpnotikilbisam -=BhG.18. 

47c d. 

772 BhG. 4. 35 c d yena bhiltdny . . . drdksyasy dtmany 

see 402. 

773 BhG. 5. 10 [water on a lotus-leaf] see 607. 
773a BhG. 5. 13 [nine-gated citadel] see 543. 

774 BhG. 5. 18 (var.) MBh. 12. 240. 19 (C. 8752). 

775 BhG.6.5c d = (var.) MBh.5.34.64c d (C.1158c d). 

776 BhG.6.7c,d BhG. 12. 18c,b. 

777 BhG. 6. 1026 [rules for Yoga] see 526 and note 762. 

778 BhG.6.23a-b (var.) MBh. 3. 2 13.33 cd (13992 cd). 

779 BhG. 6. 29 OL&6; see esp. 402. 

780 BhG. 6. 35 cf. Patanjali's Yoga-sutras 1.12. 

781 BhG. 6. 45 tato ydti pardm gatim BhG.13.28; 16.22; 

cf.8.13; 9.32; Maitri 6.30 [707]; and see 792, 249. 

782 BhG. 7. 4 [earth, water, fire, air, ether] see 528; c 

also 522. 

783 BhG.7.10d BhG.10.36b. 

784 BhG. 7. 24 par am bhdvam ajdnanto mama BhG. 9. 1 1. 

785 BhG.7.27 28 [pairs of opposites] cf. Maitri 3. 1,2; 6.29. 

786 BhG. 8. 5 6 [last thoughts determine state after death] 

cf. Chftnd. 3. 14. 1 ; Prasna 3. 10. Cf. in general 192, 457. 

787 BhG. 8. 9 d 6 vet. 3. 8 b. The phrase tamasafi parastdt 

recurs Muntf.2.2.6; MBh. 5. 44. 29 a (C.1712a); cf. 
tamasas param Chand. 7. 26. 2. On anor aniydmsam 
in pada b see 544. 

42 George C. 0. Haas 

788 BhG. 8. 11 <> Katha 2. 15. 

789 BhG.8.14d nityayuktasya yoginah see 693. 

790 BhG. 8. 1 7 Manusmrti 1.73. 

791 BhG. 8. 18 19 [creation and reabsorption of beings] 

see 532. 

792 BhG. 8. 21b tarn ahuli paramdm gatim = Katfia 6. 10 d 

(tdm); see 391 and cf. 781. 

793 BhG. 8. 21c d O BhG. 15. 6c-d. 

794 BhG. 8. 2426 [course to the Brahma-world and to the 

lunar world] see 127, 128. 

795 BhG.9.5b =BhG.11.8d. 

796 BhG. 9. 21 [rebirth when merit is exhausted] cf. 

Mund. 1. 2. 10 and see 128. 

797 BhG. 9. 32 = (var.) MBh. 14. 19. 61 (C. 593). 

798 BhG. 9. 34 O BhG. 18. 65. 

799 BhG. 10. 35 b [Gayatri meter] cf. Brh.5.14.1 7; 


800 BhG.ll.18b = BhG. 11. 38 b. 

801 BhG.11.25d = BhG.11.45d. 

802 BhG. 11. 34 = Kaus. 2. 11 (7). 

803 BhG. 12. 13 cf. MBh. 12.237. 34 (C. 8679 80). BhG.12. 

13c recurs as 2.71c; cf. also 18.53 [816]. 

804 BhG.13.1 2 = (var.) Visnusmrti 96.97 98. The term 

ksetrajna occurs also at vet. 6. 16 c; Maitri 2.5. 

805 BhG.13.13,14a-b == Svet.3.16,17a b. BhG.13.13 = 

MBh. 12. 240. 29 (0.8762); (var.) MBh. 12.302. 17 
(0.11230); 14.19.49 (0.5801); 14.40.4 (0.1087). 

806 BhG. 13. 14-18 = (var.) Visnusmrti 97.17 21. 

807 BhG. 13. 15 O L& 5; cf. Mund. 2. 1. 2b. 

808 BhG. 13. 19 cf. MBh. 12. 217. 7c (C.7848c). 

809 BhG. 13. 30 -= MBh. 12. 17.23 (var. in C. 12. 533); cf. 

Katha 6.6. 

810 BhG. 14.5 18 [sattva, rajas, tamas] cf. Maitri 3.5; 

see also Manusmrti 12. 24 40; Yajnavalkiya Dharma- 
sutras 3. 137139; MBh. 12. 194. 2936 (C. 7094 
7102); 12.219.2531 (0.795561). 

811 BhG. 14. 18 cf. MBh. 12. 314. 34 (C. 116378). 

812 BhG. 14. 21 [crossing over the Gunas] cf. MBh. 12. 

251.22 (0.9085) and see Patanjali's Yoga-sutras 

Recurrent and Parallel Passages in the Principal Upanishads 43 

813 BhG.15. 13 [eternal fig-tree with roots above] cf. 

Katfia 6. 1; Maitri 6.4; see also Svet. 3.9c; 6. 6 a. 
BhG. 15. Id = Maitri 6.15, stanza, pada d. 

814 BhG.15. 6, 12 see 387. 

815 BhG.15. 8 see 320. 

816 BhG. 16. 18 ahamkdram Jcrodham = BhG. 18. 53. 

817 BhG. 16. 21 Visnusmrti 33. 6. 

818 BhG. 17. 24 cf. Apastamblya Dharma-sutras 

and see 143, 726. 

819 BhG. 18. 67 [restrictions on imparting mystic knowledge] 

see 133. 




To WHAT EXTENT the literature ascribed to Enoch was known 
in Europe during the early Christian centuries cannot be deter- 
mined with certainty. The larger part of Ethiopic Enoch was 
extant in a Greek translation, as the Syncellus fragments and 
the Gizeh MSS show. There was also a Latin version, probably 
of the same portions, and no doubt made from the Greek. 
Twelve years ago ('The original language of the Parables of Enoch 7 
in Old Testament and Semitic Studies in Memory ofW. R. Harper, 
Chicago, 1908) I attempted to show that Book II, comprising 
chs. 37 71, was translated directly from the Aramaic, and that 
the strange silence of all Patristic writers as to this remarkable 
book, whose Christian coloring, at least in its present form, 
would have been especially tempting to them, renders it doubtful 
whether it was ever translated into Greek. Some eminent Aramaic 
scholars, among them Noldeke, declared themselves convinced so 
far as my first contention was concerned, but hesitated to accept 
the argumentum e sikntio. Charles, in The Book of Enoch 
(Oxford, 1912) and Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old 
Testament, II (Oxford, 1913), criticises in detail both of these 
positions, and finds himself unable to accept either. I reserve 
for another place a more exhaustive consideration of his argu- 
ments than could be given in my articles on Enoch in The 
New International Encyclopaedia ed. 2 (New York, 1915) and 
the Encyclopaedia Americana (New York, 1918). The Slavonic 
Enoch was a translation of a Greek text which in its earliest 
form probably goes back to a Hebrew or Aramaic original. 
No MS. of the Greek text has yet been found, and it seems 
to have left no important traces in Byzantine literature, though 

Traces of the Book of Enoch in Europe 45 

it must have been read in Constantinople as well as in Alexandria. 
My conclusions in regard to the two recensions of Slavonic 
Enoch I have already presented to this Society. 

The Hebrew Enoch is known to us partly from the Sefer 
Hekaloth of R. Ishmael (Lemberg, 1864), partly from the Sefer 
Hekaloth or Book of Enoch, published from a Munich MS. by 
Jellinek (Vienna, 1873). A more complete MS. still lies in the 
Bodleian waiting for the hand of a competent editor and trans- 
lator. The Hebrew Enoch contains material that appears to 
have been drawn from both Ethiopic and Slavonic Enoch, 
possibly in their original Semitic form, as well as from other 
sources. It is significant that it reveals no signs of acquaintance 
with the Parables of Enoch. The fact that it is now in Hebrew 
does not prove that it was originally composed in this language. 
Books were sometimes translated from Aramaic into Hebrew, 
when the former had ceased to be the vernacular of the Jews. 
Kennicott, in hisFetfws Testamentum HebraicumlH (Oxford, 1780), 
prints a Hebrew version of the Aramaic portions of DanieL 
Aside from the Syncellus excerpts, the Latin fragments, the 
Hebrew Enoch, known almost exclusively in certain Jewish 
circles, and the Secrets of Enoch preserved among the Slavs, 
mediaeval Europe seems to have been ignorant of the works 
ascribed to the antediluvian patriarch. 

But in the humanistic period indications begin to appear 
among Christian scholars in the western world of acquaintance 
at least with the existence of some books bearing the name of 
Enoch. It may not be without its value to pursue these traces. 
According to Fabricius (Codex Pseudepigraphus Veteris Testa- 
ment^ Hamburg, 1722, p. 215), it was said by many, on the 
testimony of Keuchlin, that Pico della Mirandola had purchased 
a copy of the book of Enoch for a large sum of money. This 
statement raises a number of questions to which, so far as I 
am aware, no consideration has yet been given by scholars. 
What is the nature of Reuchlin's testimony as regards Pico's 
purchase? Martin (Le livre tffinoch, Paris, 1906, p. cxxxvii) 
remarks concerning the passage in Fabricius: 'II ne dit pas 
oil Keuchlin avance ce fait'. Again, does Pico himself say 
anything on the subject? If he actually bought a copy of the 
book of Enoch, what was the character of this work, and in 
what language was it written? What did Keuchlin know 

46 Nathaniel Schmidt 

about this book, and had he any knowledge of Ethiopic? Finally, 
it may be of interest to inquire, though this question is not 
suggested by the words of Fabricius, why Potken, in writing 
to Reuchlin, spoke of the letters used by Prester John and his 
people as 'Chaldaean' or 'Chaldic', and why others continued 
to use these terms. 

In Reuchlin's treatise 'De arte cabalistica', published in 1517 
(appended to Opera omnia Johannis Pid Mirandulae, Basel, 
1572), Simon, the Jew, does not question the possible survival 
of some such books as that of Enoch, but declares that he 
cannot afford, like Mirandola, to buy at great expense the seventy 
books of Ezra, among which it may have a place, even if these 
books had really survived, and were offered for sale. After 
mentioning that the books of Enoch and Abraham, our father, 
were cited by men worthy of faith and that others were 
referred to by Moses and Joshua, in the books of the Maccabees, 
and by Ezra, he continues: 'pari exemplo innumeri nostro seculo 
autores periere, tametsi non dubitamus superesse plurima, quae 
ipsi necdum uidimus, nee istam de me gloriam cum Mirandulo 
iactare possum, quod quae ille quondam Ezra de cabalisticis 
secretis septuaginta coscribere uolumina iussit, ea mihi summa 
impensa conquisierim, cui ne tantidem prope auri et argenti 
sit, quo eos libros, si superarent, ac offerentur licitari queam' 
(p. 3028). 

Mirandola himself speaks of his purchase and indefatigable 
study of these seventy books which he unhesitatingly identifies 
as the seventy books Ezra had been ordered to deliver only to 
such as were wise among the people (IV Esdras, xiv, 46). In 
his * Apologia', written in 1489 (Opera omnia, p. 178), he quotes 
this passage in IV Esdras, explains the transmission of secret 
knowledge, or Cabbala, from Moses to the time of Ezra, when 
it was 'in plures libros redacta', and adds: 'quos ego libros 
summa impensa mihi conquisitos (neque enim eos Hebraei 
Latinis nostris communicare uolunt) cum diligenter perlegerim, 
uidi' etc. In 'De hominis dignitate' (ib. p. 330) he relates how 
Pope Sixtus IV (147 1- 1484) had made great efforts to have 
them translated, and that at his death three of them had been 
rendered into Latin. He then declares: 'hos ego libros non 
mediocri impensa cum comparassem, summa diligentia, indefessis 
laboribus cum perlegissem, uidi in illis (testis est Deus) reli- 

Traces of the Book of Enoch in Europe 47 

gionem non tarn Mosaicam quam Christianam'. There can be 
no doubt tbat Pico secured an interesting set of books, counted 
the MSS. carefully to see that they were seventy in number, 
paid a large sum for them, and devoted much time to their 
study. But it may perhaps be suggested without discourtesy 
that he did not read them all. His solemn attestation refers 
to the Christian, rather than Mosaic, flavor he found in them, 
not without the aid of the allegorical, tropological, and anagogic 
methods to which he refers. Modern scholars sometimes make 
unexpected discoveries even in their own libraries. It is strange 
that he should have condemned the necromancers for the 
'incantations and bestialities' they said they had from Solomon, 
Adam, and Enoch ('Apologia', p. 181), without confronting 
them with the authority of the Book of Enoch which he had 
in his own collection. For the catalogue raisonne of his caba- 
listic codices given by Gaffarel in 1651 (reprinted in Wolf, 
Bibliotheca Hebraica, I, Hamburg, 1715) in its account of the 
very first MS. presents extracts from the Book of Enoch. It 
is possible, therefore, that Pico's collection contained a copy 
of the Hebrew Enoch. But it is not inconceivable that, 
besides this book, or parts of it, there may also have been a 
copy of the Ethiopic Enoch. Gaffarel's list is not likely to 
have been complete, and would naturally not include any work 
he could not himself read. 

Reuchlin refers directly to the Book of Enoch in De verbo 
mirifico, written in 1494 (Lyon, 1552, p. 92 f.) Here Sidonius 
lashes the gallows-birds who place splendid titles in front of 
the volumes they offer, falsely declaring that one is the Book 
of Enoch, another the Book of Solomon: 'suspendunt furciferi 
prae foribus uoluminum splendidos titulos et modo hunc esse 
librum Enoch, quern diuiniorem ante ceteros fuisse uetustas 
asseruit, modo ilium Salomon is mentiuntur, facile indoctis 
auribus irrepentes'. He prefaces these remarks with the Horatian 
'parturiunt montes, nascetur ridiculus mus'. Could he have 
maliciously included Pico among the 'indoctis'? It is evident 
that Reuchlin had heard before 1494 of a separate Book of 
Enoch being offered for sale. Was this the Hebrew or the 
Ethiopic Enoch? Or was it a late forgery on the basis of 
Josephus, as Reuchlin thought? His scepticism clearly led him 
too far afield; but there is no evidence to decide the question. 

48 Nathaniel Schmidt 

Johann Potken published at Rome in 1513 his Alphabetum 
sen potius Syllabarium liter arum Chaldaearum, Psalter ium 
Chaldaeum, etc. In a letter dated 25 Jan., 1515, he wrote to 
Reuchlin informing him that a very learned man, whose name 
and position he temporarily withheld, was preparing a dialogue 
in his (Reuchlin's) defense. 'Id nunc te scire sufficiat 7 , he says, 
'quod et latinus et graecus est, etiam quo ad hebraeam et baby- 
lonicam, hoc est vulgare chaldaicam, quam Hebraei Europam 
incolentes, suis, hoc est hebraeis, characteribus effigiant etiam 
a me Joanne literas veras chaldias, quibus Presbyter Johannes 
et sui in eorum sacris utuntur non ignaviter didicit' (Johann 
ReuMiris Briefwechsel, gesammeU und heraiisgegeben von Ludwig 
Geiger, Tubingen, 1875, p. 236). The scholar referred to was 
Georgius JBenignus, Nazarene archbishop. Under date of 13. Sept., 
1516, Potken wrote again to Reuchlin: 'ero in te linguam ipsam 
Chaldiam docendo tuus Barnabanus' (ib. p. 258). In 1518 he 
published at Cologne Psalterium in quatuor linguis: hebraea, 
graeca, chaldaea, latina. Geiger's mistaken notion (1. c., p. 258) 
that the Chaldaean language of which Potken spoke is what 
we now call Samaritan, which he supposed at that time was 
generally designated as 'Chaldiaca' in distinction from 'Chaldaica' 
or 'Chaldaea 7 , must be due to the fact that he had not seen 
Potken's earlier edition of the Psalter, and cannot even have 
examined the Polyglot from whose colophon he quotes some 
sentences. A glance would have been sufficient to show that 
Potken's 'Chaldaean 7 or 'Chaldic' text is Ethiopic in script as 
well as language. 

Geiger was amazed that Potken should have supposed that 
the Chaldaean, which he himself imagined to be the Samaritan, 
was spoken in India, and puts an exclamation point after the 
name of this country. But the archbishop of Cologne was not 
quite so wrong. In his youth Potken had learned the art of 
printing from copper-plates; in his old age he used this know- 
ledge to print for the first time Ethiopic texts, and proposed 
with the aid of his pupil, Johannes Soter, or Heylaffis, to edit 
also Arabic texts. He may not have known in 1518 that 
Justiniani had already published the Arabic text of the Psalter 
in 1516. Before 1513 Potken had lived 'multa lustra', probably 
therefore during the last decade of the 15th century and the 
first decade of the 16th, in Rome, where he came in contact 

Traces of the Book of Enoch in Europe 49 

with various orders of Abyssinian monks and mendicant friars. 
He found that their home was 'India major', by which he ex- 
plains that he meant Ethiopia, south of Egypt. The vast and 
little known African territory supposed to be ruled by the king 
of Abyssinia, vulgarly called Presbyter Johannes, and by his 
vassals, seems to have been designated 'India maior' in distinction 
from the 'India minor 7 reached by Vasco da Gama going east 
and Christopher Columbus going west. From these monks he 
learned sufficiently what he called the true Chaldaean language 
to publish, on his return to Germany, the Ethiopic Psalter in 
neatly cut Ethiopic letters. His words are: 'Statui iam senex 
linguas externas aliquas discere: et per artem impressoriam, 
quam adulescens didici, edere, ut modico aere libri in diversis 
linguis, formis aenaeis excusi emi possint. Cumque maximam 
Indiae maioris, quae et Aethiopia sub Aegypto est, regis (quern 
uulgo Presbyterum Johannem appellamus) a puero audissem 
potentiam: eumque et populos sibi parentes, Christum humani 
generis redemptorem colere: et non ignorans quod alii septua- 
ginta K-eges Christiani ipsius Indiae maioris primario regi, cui 
ad praesens Dauid nomen est, et Noad hoc est Noe patrem, 
ac Schendri id est Alexandrum auum, eum in regno praece- 
dentes habuit, uasalli, omnes in tot regnorum ecclesiis, monasteriis, 
et aliis piis locis Chaldaea in eorum sacris uterentur lingua: 
magno desyderio: dictorum regnorum diuersorum ordinum 
monachos, et fratres mendicantes, qui turn Romae pereg(r)ina- 
tionis causa erant, adii: assiduoque labore non sine temporis 
iactura quorum idoneum interpretem reperirem minime linguam 
ipsam Chaldaeam ab eis ad tantam sufficientiam didici, ut mihi 
persuaderem me posse Psalterium Dauid arte impressoria edere, 
ut et quinquennio uix exacto, Romae edidi. Sed cum homo 
Germanus in patriam post raulta lustra reuersus, patriae me 
fatear debitorem: Psalterium ipsum, non modo in hac Chaldaea, 
per me in Europam importari coepta: sed et Hebraea, et Graeca, 
ac Latina, linguis, imprimi iuraui' (colophon at the end of 
Psalterium, Cologne, 1518). 

How did Potken arrive at the conclusion that Prester John 
and his people employed the original Chaldaean letters for 
which the Hebrews in Europe had substituted their own 
characters, and that the Ethiopic was the true Chaldaean 
language? Two possible explanations have occurred to me. 

JAO8 49 

50 Nathaniel Schmidt 

In the 14th and 15th centuries numerous magical and astro*- 
logical works had been translated into Ethiopic, and the 
Abyssinian monks may have described some of these which 
Potken associated with the 'Chaldaeans' in the sense of 'Magi* 
or 'diviners* which it already has in the book of Daniel. Or 
they may have claimed, as they no doubt rightly could, that 
some of their books of Chaldaean, meaning thereby Aramaic, 
origin, had been brought to their far-off country by Aramaic- 
speaking Jews or Christians. On the whole the latter view 
is perhaps the more probable. There is no indication that 
Potken was shown a copy of the book of Enoch. Nor does 
he seem to have been able to persuade Reuchlin to learn his 
true Chaldaean. If he had, Reuchlin's interest in the book of 
Enoch might have led him to make inquiries as to its existence 
among the Abyssinians. 

A few years later Guillaume Postel was actually shown a 
copy of Ethiopic Enoch in Rome and had its contents ex- 
plained to him by an Abyssinian priest. In his De originibus 
(Basel, 1553) he relates: 'Audivi esse Romae librorum Enoch 
argumentum, et contextum mihi a sacerdote Aethiope (ut in 
Ecclesia Reginae Sabba habetur pro Canonico libro instar 
Moseos) expositum, ita ut sit mihi varia supellex pro Historiae 
varietate'. That various parts of the book were explained to 
him is also indicated by the subtitle: 'ex libris Noachi et 
Henochi, totiusque avitae traditionis a Moysis tempore servatae 
et Chaldaicis litteris conscriptae'. Postel visited Rome after 
his return from Constantinople and Asia Minor c. 1536. He 
also designated the Ethiopic characters as Chaldaean. 

Pierre Gassendi published his Viri illustris Nicolai Claudii 
Fobridi de Peiresc, senatoris Aquisextensis, Vita at the Hague, 
1655 (3d ed. by Strunzius, Quedlinburg, 17061708). "Under 
the year 1633 he relates (II, iv, p. 284) that at the same time 
when the Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians and other 
works were brought from Egypt and Constantinople, Gilles de 
Loches (Aegidius Lochiensis), a Capucinian monk, also returned 
from Egypt, where for seven years he had devoted himself to 
Oriental languages. He now told Peiresc that there were many 
rare codices in various convents. One contained 8000 volumes, 
a large part of which had notes from the age of the Antonines. 
Among others Gilles said that he had seen Mazhapha Einok, 

Traces of tiie Book of Enoch in Europe 51 

or the Prophecy of Enoch, setting forth things that would 
happen as the end of the world approached, a book hitherto 
not seen in Europe, written in the letters and language of 
the Ethiopians, or Abyssinians, among whom it had been 
preserved. Peiresc was filled with such a desire to buy it 
at any price that he finally, sparing no expense, was able to 
secure it. As the title is correct, there can be no doubt today 
that Gilles de Loches actually had before him the Ethiopic 

But it has been supposed by many that Peiresc was deceived. 
Martin voices the generally accepted opinion when he says: 
'Malheureusement Peiresc avait et6 trompe par des vendeurs 
malhonnetes ou ignorants. Le manuscrit qu'il s'etait procure fut 
achete apres sa mort par Mazarin, et d6pos6 a la Bibliotheque 
Mazarine. Apres beaucoup d'efforts pour en obtenir une copie 
exacte, le celebre Ludolf se rendit a Paris pour Tetudier, en 
1683, et il constata, en le comparant aux fragments du Syncelle, 
qu'il ne contenait pas le Libre d'Henoch' (op. Z., p. cxxxviii). 
But Ludolf s own words clearly show that he had before him 
a MS. which at least contained long excerpts from the Ethiopic 
Enoch. He says: 'Tandem sub finem anni 1683, ipse Lutetiam 
Parisiorum veni, atque librum hunc in Bibliotheca Regia, quo 
ex Mazariniana translatus fuerat, reperi, deaurato involucro, 
tamquam egregius aliquis liber esset, obtectum, cum titulo: 
Revelationes Enochi Aethiopice. Sed Henochi non esse ex 
ipso statim titulo apparet, in quo autor libri Bahaila-Michael, 
diserte nominatur: qui ex veteribus frag in out is has quisquilias 
compilavit, quales nobis Josephus Scaliger de Egregoriis e libro 
Georgii Syncelli, qui etiam titulum Enochi habuit, publicavit. 
Contuli locum illius, et ibi muito plures artes, quas Angeli 
homines docuisse dicuntur, quam in fragmento Scaligeri reperi, 
Henochus passim citatur. Continet etiam peculiarem tractatum 
de nativitate Henochi, unde fortassis libro nomen. Vcrum tarn 
crassas ac putidas fabulas continet, ut vix legere sustmuerim' 
(Historia Aethiopica, Francfort, 1681, p. 347). He then gives 
the exordium by Baba Bahaila-Michael, a description of Setnael 
and his war with the archangel Michael, adding : 'judicent jam 
lectores, quam pulchrae hae sint revelationes Enochi, tarn 
pulchro involucro, tantisque sumptibus dignae; libentius de 
stultissimo hoc libro tacuissemus, nisi jam apud tot claros viros 

52 Nathaniel Schmidt 

hie illic mentio illius facta fuisset'. Ludolf, who did not be- 
lieve that there ever was a book of Enoch, may be pardoned 
for being as sceptical about this MS. as Sir William Jones 
was in regard to Anquetil Duperron's Zend Avesta. Better 
things were expected of Enoch and Zoroaster. There is les?. 
excuse for modern editors and commentators repeating with 
approval the disdainful remarks of Ludolf. It should be 
obvious to them that Bahaila-Michael was not obliged to 
translate Scaliger's edition of the Syncellus fragments into 
Ethiopic, and that he had no difficulty in securing a copy of 
Ethiopic Enoch, which he provided with a preface and expanded. 
It is no more remarkable that the story of Setnael and the 
account of the birth of Enoch should have been added in this 
MS. than that some extant MSS. contain the story of Methu- 
selah. Some scholar ought to imitate Ludolf s zeal by searching 
the Bibliotheque Rationale for this MS. and publishing it, if 
it is still in existence. It is fair to conclude that before Bruce 
brought back from Abyssinia three copies in 1773 Ethiopic 
Enoch had been seen by Guillaume Postel, Grilles de Loches, 
Claude Peiresc, and even Job Ludolf; and that it may have 
been in the library of Pico della Mirandola and at least heard 
of by Johann Reuchlin. 




ONE OF THE JOYFUL DAYS of the year was that on which 
the new spring was received in the eastern suburb of the city. 
The Chinese divide their year not only into four seasons, the 
eight seasons, the twelve months, .but they also have twenty- 
four solar periods or breaths. The first of these twenty-four 
periods is called the commencement of spring. The day is 
fixed by the time when the sun is fifteen degrees in the con- 
stellation Aquarius. 

The ceremony of receiving the spring is a very ancient one. 
In the Li Chi, in the rescripts for the first month of the year, 
we read: 'This is the month in which the reign of spring is 
inaugurated. Three days before the inauguration of spring, 
the chief secretary informs the son of heaven of the fact 
saying: "On a certain day spring will commence. The great 
power of spring is manifested in the element wood (i. e. 
vegetation)." The son of heaven thereupon practices abstinence. 
On the day when spring arrives, the son of heaven conducts 
the three superior ministers of state, the nine secondary ministers 
of state, the princes and the grand prefects to meet the spring 
in the eastern suburb. Upon his return he distributes gifts in 
the court of the palace to the superior ministers, the secondary 
ministers, the princes and the grand prefects.' 

In China the reception of spring was a state ceremony, but 
it was perhaps the most popular state ceremony, for all the 
people entered very heartily into it The customs described 
in this article belong to the Ch'ing dynasty which has passed 
away. The new ceremonial in harmony with republican ideas 

54 Lewis Hodous 

has not been established yet. On the day before the commence- 
ment of spring the marine inspector, the two magistrates of 
Foochow and their deputies met together in the yamen of the 
prefect in Foochow City. They were dressed in fur-lined 
garments. On their heads they had caps with a button in the 
form of a crane. They rode in open sedan chairs. At the 
prefect's yamen they found a bountiful feast and after the feast 
they started with their retinue toward the eastern suburb. 
The procession was headed by a band of musicians. There 
were the tablets with the titles and offices of the magistrates. 
There were one or more umbrellas with ten thousand names 
given to a popular official when he leaves his post. All official 
decorations were exhibited on this occasion which was made 
as magnificent as possible. Behind the open sedan chairs of 
the officials followed a long line of attendants each carrying 
a bouquet of artificial flowers belonging to the spring season. 
On this day the prefect had the right of way through the 
streets, and so the viceroy and the higher officials residing in 
Foochow made this their at-home day, in order to avoid the 
unpleasantness of yielding the right of way to an inferior 

The procession filed through the crowded streets, through 
the east gate to a pavilion called the pavilion of the spring 
bull. Here on an altar stood the spring bull. His ribs were 
made of mulberry wood plastered over with clay and covered 
with colored paper. Beside the bull was an image of the 
tutelary god of the current year, called T'ai Sui, the Great 
Year. In the monthly rescripts of the Li Chi he is called 
Kou Mang. The god is connected with the star Jupiter, 
whose revolution in twelve years gives it great power over the 
years on earth and the events which happen in them. Before 
these two images was a table with candles, an incense burner, 
fruits, and cups of wine. In front of the table were mats for 
the officials. Only the civil officials take part in this ceremony. 
The prefect stands before the table, the others take places 
behind him. On each side is a ceremonial usher who directs 
the ceremony. The ceremonial usher gives the order to kneel. 
The officials all kneel and bow three times. They arise. An 
attendant at the left of the prefect hands a cup to him and 
then pours the wine into it. The official raises it three times 

The Reception of Spring 55 

up to his forehead and then gives it to the attendant. Then 
the prefect bows three times, the others likewise bow. Then 
the musicians form into line, the music strikes up. The clay 
bull and the image of T'ai Sui are carried on a float into the 
city. The officials bring up the rear. As the bull passes 
through the streets the people throw salt and rice at it. This 
is said to avoid the noxious vapours called shaeh'i. This 
throwing of salt and rice may possibly correspond to the 
custom mentioned in the Li Chi. 'The son of heaven ordered 
the officers to perform the great ceremonies for the dissipation 
of pestilential vapours, to dismember the victims and disperse 
them in the four directions, to take out the clay bull and 
thereby escort the cold vapours. 7 

When the procession arrives at the yamen of the prefect, 
the officials form a circle about the bull. Each one strikes 
the bull with a varicolored stick three times, breaking off pieces 
of clay. The sound for the character three also means to 
produce and hence is regarded as propitious. The bits of clay 
and other parts of the bull are picked up by the crowd. Some 
people throw lumps of clay to their pigs to stimulate their 
growth to attain the size of the bull. 

Besides this public ceremony there is a reception to spring 
in each household. A table is placed in the main reception 
hall at the edge of the court. On it are put an incense-burner, 
candles, flowers, and three cups of wine. The head of the 
family takes three sticks of incense, lights them, raises them 
to his forehead, and then places them into the burner. Then 
he kneels and bows thrice. Fire-crackers are let off, idol paper 
is burned. Some families invite Taoist priests to recite in- 
cantations on this day. 

On this day the children are not whipped, nor scolded. All 
unpleasant things are avoided, the nightsoil is not removed. 
All things with strong odors are avoided. 

What is the significance of the bull and the image of T'ai 
Sui? They contained an epitome of the coming year. All the 
details of their anatomy were carefully fixed the year before 
in the sixth month by the Imperial Board of Astronomy in 
Peking. The bull was made after the winter solstice on the 
first day denoted by the cyclical character shen. The ribe 
were made of mulberry wood because this is one of the trees 

56 Lewis Hodous 

which hud very early and hence possess much of the yang 
principle. The clay was taken from hefore the temple of K'ai 
Ming Wang who was at one time ruler in Fukien. The bull 
was four feet high to represent the four seasons. He was 
eight feet long in imitation of the eight seasons into which 
the Chinese divide the year. The tail was one foot and two 
inches long to represent the twelve months of the year. The 
Chinese count ten inches to the foot. 

Thus far the anatomy of the hull is readily understood. 
What follows is very simple if we once ohtain the key. The 
Chinese have ten characters which are called stems, and twelve 
other characters which are called branches. The first stem 
character is placed before the first branch character and the 
second stem character before the second branch character and 
so on until all the combinations have been made. They number 
sixty in all and are called the Chia izu, the cycle. The 
cyclical signs were early applied in numbering days. Probably 
during the Han dynasty the cycle was applied to the years. 
The twelve branches are employed as names of the twelve 
hours into which the Chinese day is divided. Now these stem 
characters and branch characters belong to one of the five 
elements, or primordial essences, water, fire, wood, metal, and 
earth. These primordial essences are attached to certain colors. 
These essences either repress one another as water does fire, 
or they produce one another as water produces wood. Here 
then we have the simple principles of a profound science. In 
order to understand the application we must remember that a 
character is not a mere sign of an idea. The character is 
the double of the object which it signifies. It has a very real 
power over the object. 

The different parts of the bull's anatomy are colored with 
various colors. These colors are determined by the cyclical 
characters. For example, the cyclical characters for the year 1911 
were Sing hai. The head of the bull is determined by the 
first character sing. Sing belongs to metal. Metal is white. 
Hence the head of the bull in 1911 was white. The color of 
the body is determined by the second character in the cycle, 
namely, hai. Now hai belongs to water and water is black 
and hence in 1911, the last celebration under the dynasty, the 
body of the bull was black. 

The Reception of Spring 57 

Each important part of the bull's anatomy corresponds to 
the cyclical character of the day, or the branch character for 
the hour of the day at which the procession takes place. We 
can readily imagine the refinement to which this can be carried. 
Once grant the premises, and the whole system is very logically 

The year many belong to the male principle or it may belong 
to the female principle. In case the year belongs to the 
male principle, the mouth of the bull is open. If the year 
belongs to the female principle the mouth of the bull is closed. 
If the year belongs to the male principle the tail of the bull 
is on the left side, because the left side belongs to the male 
principle. The reason for this is that the male principle 
belongs to the east. The emperor sits facing the south or is 
supposed to sit that way. His left is toward the east and 
hence the left belongs to the male principle. 

As to the image of Kou Mang, who is the tutelary god of 
spring and is regarded as the tutelary god of the year, there 
are definite regulations. The image of this tutelary god is 
three feet, six inches, and five tenths of an inch high. If we 
remember that a Chinese foot has ten inches, we shall see 
that his height represents the three hundred and sixty five 
days of the year. He holds a whip in his hand which is two 
feet four inches long and represents the twenty-four seasons. 
The age of the image, the color of his clothing, the color of 
his belt, the position of his coiffure, the holding of his hand 
over his left ear, or his right ear, his shoes, his trousers, in 
short every detail of his image is determined by the cyclical 
characters for the year, the day, the hour and the elements 
and colors which correspond to them, and by the quality which 
the five elements possess of either repressing or producing one 

The nose of the bull has a ring of mulberry wood. In Kou 
Mang's hand is a whip. The rope may be made of flax, grass- 
cloth fiber, or silk according to the cyclical characters of the 
day. If the inauguration of spring takes place before the new 
year, the tutelary god of the year stands in front of the bull. 
If the inauguration of spring takes place five or more days 
after the New Year, the image is behind the bull. If it takes 
place between these dates, the image stands at the side of the 

58 Lewis Ho&ous 

bull. This position of the tutelary god of the year tells the 
husbandman whether to begin planting early or late. If the 
image stands in front of the bull the planting will be early 
in the New Year. The popular view held that if the image 
had both hands over his ears there would be much thunder. 
If he held his hand only over one ear there would be less 

It is unnecessary to go into further details. The bull and 
the image of the guardian deity of the year epitomized the 
great events in the year to be. The ceremony was not only 
symbolic of the sun's power to bring the blessings of the year. 
It was a method of inducing the sun to return and dispense 
his gifts to expectant men. It left behind it a confidence 
and hope that the spring thus well begun would issue forth 
into summer and be crowned with bountiful harvests in the 

This ceremony, so simple and beautiful, connects the Chinese 
with Europe with its May day and various other customs of 
ushering in the Spring of the Year. 



(Continued from JAOS 41. 107 ff.) 

III. On the relationship "between the Cdrudatta and the 
Mrcchakatika. l 

THE CLOSE CORRESPONDENCE between the anonymous fragment 2 
Carudatta and the celebrated Mrcchakatika, 3 attributed to 
King Sudraka, inevitably necessitates the assumption of a genetic 
relationship, and indisputably excludes the possibility of inde- 
pendent origin. 

It is commonly taken for granted 4 that the Carudatta is the 
original of the Mrcchakatika, a relation which does not, however, 
necessarily and immediately follow from the terseness or brevity 
of one, nor from (what amounts to the same thing) the length 
and prolixity of the other; for, in adaptation, abridgment is as 
common and natural a determining principle as amplification. 6 
In view of the intrinsic importance of the question, it seemed, 

1 A paper presented at the One Hundred Thirty-third Meeting (Balti- 
more, 1921) of the Amer. Or. Soc., under the title: 'The Carudatta and the 
Mrcchakatika: their mutual relationship'. 

' See thereon my article, ' "Charudatta" A Fragment 1 in the Quarterly 
Journal of the Mythic Society (Bangalore), 1919. 

Ed. N. B. Godabole, Bombay, 1896. 

For instance, Ganapati Sastri in the Introduction to his editions of 
the Svapnavasavadatta (p. xxxviii), and the Carudatta (p. i); Lindenau, 
Bhdsa-Studien (Leipzig, 1918), p. 11; and Barnett (hesitatingly) Bulletin 
of the School of Oriental Studies, vol. I, part III (1920), pp. 86ff. 

Some attempt has already been made in India to discredit the 
authenticity of the Carudatta; see, for instance, RangacSrya Raddl, 
Vividha-jnana-vistdra (Bombay), 1916, and P. V. Kane, ibid. 1920; Bhatta- 
natha Svamin, Indian Antiquary, roL 46, pp. 189 ff. 

60 V. 8. Sukihankar 

therefore, desirable to undertake an unbiased and exhaustive 
investigation so as to remove (if possible) the haze of uncer- 
tainty surrounding the subject. 

Only the resemblances between the two plays appear hitherto 
to have attracted any attention; 6 the differences between them 
are, however, equally remarkable and much more instructive. 
A careful comparative study of the two versions produces 
highly valuable text-critical results, which help further the 
understanding of the plays and throw unexpected light on the 
subject of our inquiry. 

Regarding their relationship there are only two logical 
possibilities: either, one of the plays has formed directly the 
basis of the other, or else both of them are to be traced to a 
common source. In the former case we are called upon to 
answer the question, which of the two plays is the original; 
in the latter, which of them is closer to the original. 

We cannot be too careful in deciding what is original and 
what is not. The original may have been concise and well- 
proportioned, and later clumsy attempts at improvement may 
have introduced digressions, tiresome repetitions and insipid 
elaborations; on the other hand, the original may have been 
prolix and loose, and subsequent revision may have pruned 
away the redundancies. Again, one may feel justified in assuming 
that the inaccuracies and inconsistencies of the original would 
be corrected in a later revised version; but one must also 
readily concede that a popular dramatic text like the Mrccha- 
katika, after it had been written down, during its migrations 
through centuries over such a vast territory as India, may 
have undergone occasional distortion and corruption. 

Every change, however minute, presupposes a cause; even 
the worst distortion was ushered in with the best of intentions, 
and though it may not always be possible to trace a given 
change to its proper cause, we are safe in assuming that in a 
limited number of favorable instances the intrinsic character 
of the passages under consideration may spontaneously suggest 
the cause for the change, and readily supply a clue to the 
relative priority and posteriority of two variations. In isolated 

See particularly Ganapati Sastri, Svapnavasavadatta, Introduction, 
pp. xxxviii-xlii. 

Studies in Bliasa 


instances we could saj no more than that the change in a 
certain direction appears more probable than a change in the 
contrary direction. But the cumulative force of a sufficient 
number of analogous instances, all supporting one aspect of 
the question, would amply justify our giving precedence to that 
particular alternative and treating it as a working hypothesis. 
The problem, therefore, before us is to collect such instances, 
in which the motive for the change is directly perceptible 
and capable of objective verification. The cumulative effect of 
the indications of these scattered traces should not fail to give 
us the correct perspective. This digression was necessary in 
order to explain the methodology underlying the present 

The textual differences between the two versions comprise a 
large mass of details of varying importance. The selection 
presented below, though conditioned on the one hand by the 
requirements of the present inquiry, is by no means exhaustive; 
for lack of space, only a few typical examples have been singled 
out for discussion. 


We shall now proceed to a discussion of the textual variations, 
roughly classified here under four headings: 1. Technique; 
2. Prakrit; 3. Versification; and 4. Dramatic incident. 

1. Technique. 

In point of technique the Carudatta differs from the Mrccha- 
katika (as from other classical dramas) in two striking parti- 
culars. In the first place, the usual nfindl is missing, in both 
the available manuscripts of the Carudatta; in the second place, 
there is no reference to the name of the author or the play 
in the sthapana, winch does not contain even the usual address 
to the audience. 

The Mrcchakatika, as is well known, begins with two bene- 
dictory verses; the name of the play is announced in the opening 
words of the sutradhara; then follow five verses which allude 
to the play, the playwright, 7 and other details not directly 
connected with the action, 

7 The verses in the prologue which refer to the death of the alleged 

62 V. S. Sukthaiikar 

Elsewhere 8 I have tried to show that the Carudatta is a 
fragment. I hold, accordingly, that we should not be justified 
in basing our conclusions regarding the technique of termi- 
nation on the data of the fragment preserved. 

Worth noting appears to be the fact that in the stage 
directions of the Carudatta, the hero is never called by his 
name or his rank, but merely by the character of the role he 
plays, nayaka. Professor Ltiders 9 has already drawn attention 
to two other instances of this usage (if it may be called a 
usage), namely, a drama belonging to the Turfan fragments, 
and the play Nagananda attributed to Harsa. Prof. Liiders 
sees in it an archaism intentionally copied by the author of 
of the Nagananda. At present we can, it seems to me, do 
nothing more than record this third instance of its occurrence 
in a play of uncertain age and authorship. 

2. Prakrit. 

In the first article of this series, it was shown in a general 
way that the Prakrit of the whole group of plays under 
consideration was more archaic than the Prakrit of the classical 
plays. 10 This statement holds good also in the particular 
case of the Carudatta and the Mrcchakatika. A comparison 
of parallel passages in the two plays shows that the Mrccha- 
katika invariably contains Middle-Prakrit 11 forms in place 
of the Old-Prakrit forms of the Carudatta. Here are the 

The Absolutive of the roots gam and kr. Caru. has the 
Old-Prakrit gacchia and karia (kalia): Mrccha. gadua and 
kadua. Cf. in particular Caru. 1 geham gacchia jdnami with 
the corresponding passage, Mrccha. 7 geham gadua jdnami. 
The form gadua, which never occurs in the Caru., is used uni- 
formly in the Mrccha. For the absolutive of &r; 12 karia 

author are palpably later additions. This self-evident fact does not, 
however, necessarily justify the assumption that there was no reference 
whatsoever to the author in the prologue of the original draft. 

& See above, footnote 2. 

Bruchstilcke Buddhistischer Dramen (Kleinere Sanskrit- Texte, Heft I), 
Berlin, 1911, p. 26. 

10 Above, vol. 40, pp. 248 ff. Liiders, op. tit., p. 62. 

12 See above, vol. 40, p. 254. 

Studies in Bhdsa 63 

(Saurasem) Cam. 46, kalia (Magadhl) Caru. 23: kadua (Sau- 
raseni and Magadhl) Mrccha. 53, 212, 213, etc. In the Cam. 
Jcadua never occurs; conversely karia is never met with in the 

Pronoun of the 1st Person; nom. sing. Caru. 23 we have 
the Old-Magadhi ahake 1 * (but never hage or hagge): Mrccha. 
(passim) hay(g)e (but never dhdke). Noteworthy is the following 
correspondence. Cam. I. 12c aham tumam ganhia: Mrccha. 
I. 29 c ese hage genhia. Nom. plu. Caru. 49. has the Old- 
Prakrit vaarn: 1 * Mrccha. (passim) anihe. The form amhe (nom. 
plu.) is never met with in the Caru., and conversely vaam 
never occurs in the Mrccha. 

Pronoun of the 2nd Person; nom. sing. Caru. (passim) we 
have Old -Prakrit tuvam: 16 Mrccha. (passim) tumam. Cf. 
especially Caru. 34 kim tuvam, etc., with the corresponding 
passage Mrccha. 79 hanje tumam mae saha, etc. Gen. sing. 
Caru. uniformly tava: 16 Mrccha. sometimes tuha. Cf. in parti- 
cular Caru. 25 tava geham pavitthd with Mrccha. 59 tuha geham 

The Neuter plu. of nom. and ace. of thematic stems ends in 
the Caru. invariably in -dni (-dni in the ASvaghosa fragments): 
in the Mrccha. it ends in -dim. 

Treatment of the assimilated conjunct. Retained in Caru. 16 
dissadi 11 (as in the Turfan fragments): simplified in Mrccha. 

is See above, vol. 40, p. 263. Dr. Truman Michelson has drawn my 
attention to an article of his (Indogermanische Forschungen, vol. 23, p. 129) 
in which he points oat that the Mlgadhl ahakc occurs several times in 
the Devanigarf recension of the Sakuntala. The paragraph on this word 
in my article cited above needs modification in view of this fact. The 
statement that ahakc is archaic is none the less correct. 

" See above, vol. 40, p. 258. 

" See above, vol. 40, p. 257. In the references under no. 9 the last item 
'Caru. 2 (Nat!)' is a mistake. Here tuvam is used for the ace. sing., and 
not for the nom. sing, as implied. Accordingly, on the same page, in 1. ', 
from bottom, read 'thrice' instead of 'twice', and add this instance. Caru. 
instances of tuvam (nom. sing.) are Caru. 34 (GanikS), 47 (Cett), etc. 

" See above, vol. 40, p. 257. 

17 See above, vol. 40, p. 258. The form 4U-, with the simplified conjunct, 
is met with on the same page (Ciru. 16), spoken by the same character, 

64 V. 8. Sukthankar 

41 disantl. The root-form diSs- (diss-) is never met with in the 
Mrccha., which shows uniformly dis- (dis-). 

Vocabulary. Caru. uniformly geha (Skt. grha): Mrccha. 39 
ghala. Cf. especially Caru. 16 edam tassa geham with Mrccha. 39 
vdmado tassa ghalam. The Old Prakrit affirmative particle 
awo, 18 which occurs in Pali and the Turfan fragments and 
which figures so conspicuously in Caru. (e.g. pp. 4, 20, 64, etc.), 
is never met with in the Mrccha. There is one other thing 
to he noted about the difference in the vocabulary of the two 
versions. "While the Mrccha. contains a number of Des*i words 
(not found in the CSru.), the vocabulary of the Caru. consists 
notably of pure tatsamas and tadbhavas. Here follow some 
of the Del words which occur in the Mrccha. Mrccha. 17 
chivia, 'having touched', from root chiv (Hem. 4. 182) with the 
reflexes in the Tertiary Pkts., Hindi chuna, Marathi sivane, 
'to touch'; Myccha. 104 dhakkehi, 'shut', from dhakkai, dhakkei, 
traced by Pischel (Grammatik 221) to a root *sthak, with 
reflexes in the Tertiary Pkts., Hindi dhakna, Marathi dhdkne, 
'to cover'; Mrccha. 134 uddhehi, 'open', for which in the corre- 
sponding passage of the Caru. (p. 19) we have a tadbhava of 
the root apd + vr, 19 and which for that reason is particularly 
worthy of note; Mrccha. 207 karatta-daim, 'malevolent ogress' 
(cf. Marathi kdratd, a term of abuse, and ddkin, 'ogress'). 

3. Versification. 

In the verses common to the two plays the Mrcchakatika 
almost always offers better readings, of which a few are cited 

For Caru. I. 3b yathdndhakdrad iva dipadarsanam, we have 
Mrccha. I 10 b, ghandndhakdresv iva, etc., in which ghana- is 
substituted for the tautologous yaiha. 

Similarly, instead of the Prakrit line Caru. I. 10 b jaha 
sigdli via fcukkulefii, containing the same fault, we have Mrccha. I. 
28 b vane siati via kvkkulehim, in which vane takes the place 
of jaha. 

^ See above, vol. 40, p. 254. 

*' The text reading is avdvuda, imp. 2nd sing., which is evidently 
incorrect. "What the correct form should be I am unable to say. The 
initial letters avdvu of the word show unmistakably that the root is 
apd -f vr. 

Studies in Bhdsa 65 

F or ^ Caru. I. 3c yo yati dasdm daridratam f we have Mrccha 
I. 10 c yo yati naro daridratam. It is correct to say dasdm 
daridrdm f but dasdm daridratam is clumsy, to say the least. 

Caru. I. 23 a begins esd hi vdsu; instead, we have Mrccha. 
I. 41 a esd si vdsu. The si which takes the place of hi eli- 
minates the expletive hi, and adds moreover another sibilant 
to the row of alliterating syllables. In the same verse, for 
kujdhi Jcanddhi of the Caru., we have akkosa vikkosa in the 
Mrccha., which serves better the purpose of the anuprasa, the 
dominating alamkara of this verse. Similarly in d, instead of 
maliessalam of the Caru., we have sambhum sivam in the 
Mrccha., which latter reading contains an additional sibilant 
as well as a pleonasm. 20 These are minor details, but they 
all tend in the same direction. 

For Caru. I. 25 a akdmd hriyate 'smdbhih, we have Mrccha. 
I. 44 a sakdmdnvisyate 'smabhih. The reason for the change is 
not obvious, as in the foregoing instances. But a closer exa- 
mination of the context will show that the reading of the 
Mrccha. marks a distinct improvement, in so far as it implies 
a more minute analysis of character. In the Caru. the ingenuous 
Vita inculpates akara and himself by admitting that they 
were engaged in carrying away forcibly an unwilling maiden. 
In the Mrccha. the artful Vita, readily inventing a plausible 
lie and explaining that they were following a girl who was 
willing, offers undoubtedly a much better excuse. 

Caru. I 29 a describes the moon as klinnakharjurapdndu, 
'pale as the moistened fruit of the date': Mrccha. I. 57 a has 
kdminigandapdndu, 'pale as a maiden's cheek'. The former is 
original and naive, the latter polished but hackneyed; the latter 
harmonizes better with the sentiment of grngara which pervades 
the last scene of the first act, and is more in keeping with 
the tradition of the later enervated rasa theory. 

For Cam. III. 3d visdnaJcotwa nimajjamdnd, 'like the tip 
of a tusk sinking in the water', the Mrccha. (III. 7d) has 
tik?nam visdtidgram ivdvasistam, 'like the sharp tip of a tusk 
that alone remains visible'. As far as the sense goes there is 
not much to choose between them; but the line from the Cam. 

o According to Lalla Dikshita, commentator of the Mrcchaka^ika: 
vyarthaikartham apdrtham bhavati hi vacanam fakdnuya (Mrccha. 28). 

6 JA08 42 

66 V. S. Sukthankar 

contains one serious defect. In classical Skt. the root ni-majj 
is used exclusively with Paras, terminations; nimajjamdnd is, 
in other words, nothing less than a gross grammatical blunder. 21 

With Caru. III. 6b auryam na kdrkasyatd, cf. Mrccha. III. 
12 b cauryam na saury am hi tat. kdrkasyatd of the Caru. is 
an anomalous word, being a double abstract formation. The 
Mrccha. eliminates this anomaly by substituting instead caurya, 
which, incidentally, rhymes with the succeeding saurya. 

These few instances 22 must suffice to illustrate the statement 
made above, that the Mrccha. verses are largely free from the 
flaws of the corresponding verses of the Caru. It should, 
however, be remarked that in a vast number of cases it is not 
possible to assign an adequate reason for the change: the 
different readings appear to be just arbitrary variations. 

4. Dramatic Incident. 

The Mrcchakatika shows a marked improvement in the 
selection and arrangement of the incidents of the action. 

The action of the Carudatta begins with a soliloquy of the 
Vidusaka followed by a lengthy dialogue between the Nayaka 
and the Viduaka. The hero is conversing with his friend, 
deploring his poverty. This dialogue is brought to an abrupt 
end by the scene introducing Vasantasena, who appears on 
the street outside pursued by the Sakara and the Vita (Caru. 10). 
In the Mrcchakatika (p. 25) the abruptness of the change of 
scene is skillfully avoided by the addition of the following 
words placed in the mouth of Carudatta: 

bhavatu \ tistha tdvat \ aham samddhim nirvartaydmi, 

'Very well. "Wait awhile and I will finish my meditation.' 
These words of Carudatta serve admirably to adjust the time 
relation of the different events. The playwright here unmista- 
kably indicates that the succeeding scene, which introduces the 
offers of love by Sakara, their indignant rejection by Vasan- 
tasena, and her subsequent escape, develops during Carudatta's 

" Similar solecisms, met with in other dramas of this group, are 
discussed by me in the second article of the series (above, vol. 41, 
pp. 121 ff.). 

It may be remarked that there are no verses in the second act of 
the Carudatta, and only seven in the fourth act. 

Studies in JBhdsa 67 

samadhi. Furthermore, as indicated by the subsequent words 
of Carudatta (Mrccha. 43): vayasya samdptajapo 'smi, 'Friend, 
my meditation is over', Vasantasena's reaching the door of 
Carudatta's house coincides exactly in point of time with the 
emergence of Carudatta from his samadhi. The words of 
Carudatta quoted above, which serve to link together these 
various groups of incidents, are missing in the Carudatta. 

Here is another example. In the fourth act of the Carudatta 
(p. 72), Sajjalaka comes to the house of the Ganika to buy 
Madanika's freedom. He stands outside the house and calls 
out for Madanika. Madanika, who is waiting on the heroine, 
hears him and, seeing that her mistress is musing on other 
things, slips away and joins Sajjalaka. The defect of this 
arrangement is obvious: it is inconsistent and illogical. With 
stolen goods in his possession Sajjalaka sneaks to the house 
of the heroine with the object of secretly handing over the 
spoils of his theft to Madanika. Under these circumstances 
it is the height of indiscretion to stand outside the house of 
the heroine and shout for his mistress at the top of his voice. 
Again, if Madanika is able to hear Sajjalaka, so should Vasan- 
tasena, who is sitting close by, be able to hear him. Apparently 
she fails to do so owing to her preoccupation; but this is a 
circumstance that could not have been foreseen even by a 
scientific burglar like Sajjalaka. The situation in the Mrccha- 
katika (p. 169) is much more realistic. On reaching Vasantasena's 
house, Sarvilaka, instead of calling out for Madanika, hangs 
about outside the house waiting his opportunity. The meeting 
of the lovers is brought about in the following manner. Soon 
after Sarvilaka reaches the house of Vasantasena, the latter 
sends away Madanika on an errand; on her way back, Madanika 
is discovered by Sarvilaka, whom she thereupon naturally joins. 

One more instance, which is the last. A time analysis of 
the first three acts of the Carudatta will show that the incidents 
developed in these acts are supposed to take place on three 
consecutive days, the sixth, seventh and eighth of a certain 
lunar fortnight. Here are the specific references. Carudatta 7, 
the Vida?aka, in speaking of the Nayaka, applies the adjective 
satthlkidadevakayya to him, which incidentally shows that that 
day was the sixth. Latter on in the same act (Cam. 30), 
addressing the Ceti, the Vidu^aka says: 

68 V. S. Sukthankar 

satthle sattamle a dhdrehi \ aliam atthamie anaddhde dhdra'issam. 

The arrangement he proposes is that the Ceti should guard 
the jewels of the Ganika on the sixth and the seventh, and 
that he should take over the charge of them on the eighth. 
In the third act we have a confirmation of the same arrange- 
ment Caru. 53, Cetl remarks: 

iam suvannabhatvdam satthle sattamle (parivetthdmi?) \ atthaml 

khu ajja. 

The Cetl, appearing before the Vidusaka, with the jewels, on 
the night of the eighth, points out that she has guarded them 
on the sixth and the seventh, and adds that that day being 
the eighth it is the turn of the Vidusaka. Later on in the 
same act (Caru. 65), the Brahmani, the hero's wife, incidentally 
mentions that she was observing on that day the Fast of the 
Sixth 23 , to which the Vidusaka pointedly retorts that that day 
was the eighth and not the sixth 24 . These various references 
leave no doubt that the events that form the action of the 
first three acts are supposed to take place within the span of 
three consecutive days. 

There are in the play some further chronological data, which 
we must also take into consideration. They comprise two 
lyrical stanzas which describe respectively the rising and the 
setting of the moon. In that elegant little verse (Caru. I. 29) 
beginning with 

udayati hi sasarikali klinnakharjurapanduh 

the moon is described as rising, late in the evening, after the 
lapse of a short period of darkness following upon sunset, during 
which Vasantasena escapes from the clutches of the evil akara. 
In the third act, on his way home from the concert, Carudatta, 
in a lyrical mood, recites another verse (Caru. III. 3), beginning 


asau hi dattvd timirdvakds'am 
astam gato hy astamapaksacandrah,' 25 

and having for its theme the setting moon. 

21 The words of the Brahmani are: nam satthim uvavasdmi. 
2* The Vidusaka observes: atthaml khu ajja. 

25 Translation: 'For yonder the Moon of the Eighth, giving place to 
darkness, has sunk behind the western mount.' 

Studies in Bhasa 69 

This is the chronological material of the Carudatta. Let 
us turn for a moment to the Mrcchakatika and examine its 
data. Here also apparently the same conditions prevail. Appa- 
rently the events of the first three acts take place on three 
consecutive days, but only apparently so. There is nothing in 
the play itself from which the duration of the action could be 
precisely computed. 

To begin with, the reference to the sasthl is missing from 
the opening words of the Vidusaka in the first act. In place 
of satthikidadevakayya of the Carudatta, we have the reading 
siddhikidadevakajja, in which siddhl takes the place of satthl. 
Likwise we find that all subsequent references to the lunar 
dates are missing from the succeeding speeches of the Vidusaka 
and the Servant. An entirely different scheme has been 
adopted for the division of labor between the Vidusaka and 
the Servant. The Servant explains in the third act (Mrccha.137) 
the arrangement arrived at as follows: 

ajja mittea edam tarn suvannabhandaam mama diva tuha 

lattim ca, 

'Maitreya, here is the golden casket, that's mine by day and 
yours by night'-, no reference here to the satthl, sattaml and 
atthami of the Carudatta. This is not all. The verse from 
the third act of the C&ru. cited above, containing a reference 
to the date, has also been substantially modified. Caru. III. 3b 
specifically states the date to be eighth: astam gato hy astama- 
paksacandrah. In the Mrcchakatika version the line reads 
(Mrccha. III. 7b): astam vrajaty unnatakotir induh* The phrase 
unnatakoti has taken the place of astamapaksa, which brought 
in its train, naturally, the change of gato to a word like 
vrajati. It is true that later on, in the same act of the 
Mrcchaka^ika (p. 159), the Vadliu, Caru datta's wife, refers to safthi, 
saying that she is observing the raanasatthl (ratnasasthi).* 1 
But here also a significant omission confronts us. The Vidusaka, 
instead of correcting her, accepts her statement with the necklace, 
and there the matter rests. 

" The present tense vrajati gives better sense than the past gato, in 
regard to the simile contained in lines c and d. 

*? Instead of the vague natthl of the Carudatta we hare the more 
specific raananatthi in the Mrochakatika. 

70 V. S. Sukihankar 

Aft remarked above, apparently the joint duration of the 
first three acts of the Mrcchakatika is also three days. But 
I have grave doubts whether any strict proof can be brought 
forward to support such an assumption. I have read the drama 
carefully and I have failed to find any allusion that necessitates 
such a time scheme. However that may be, it is absolutely 
certain that the specific references of the Carudatta to the 
lunar dates are conspicuous by their absence in the other play. 

At this place it may be observed that the tithi-scheme of 
the Carudatta taken in conjunction with the references to 
moon-rise and moon-set in the verses already cited involves a 
chronological inconsistency, so minute and so latent as to be 
hardly noticeable. But the inconsistency is, nevertheless, an 
undeniable fact. For, the rising of the moon late in the evening 
and the setting of the moon at or about midnight 28 are 
phenomena that inherently belong to two different lunar fort- 
nights. Only in the dark fortnight does the moon rise late 
in the evening: and only in the bright fortnight does the 
moon set at or shortly after midnight. In other words, if the 
moon is seen rising late in the evening on any particular day, 
it is nothing less than a physical impossibility that after an 
interval of forty-eight hours the moon should be seen setting 
at or about midnight. 

The general time-scheme of the Carudatta has thus been 
shown to contain a latent contradiction from which the Mrccha- 
ka^ika is wholly free owing to the absence therein of any 
specific references to the days on which the action takes place. 

Are these variations arbitrary; or are they directly or in- 
directly related; and if so how? 


Briefly summarized, the significant differences between the 
two versions discussed above are the following. Firstly, in point 
of technique, the Carudatta differs conspicuously from the other 
play in the absence of the nandl, and in having a rudimentary 
sthapana. Secondly, the Prakrit of the Carudatta is more 
archaic than that of the Mrcchakatika, in so far that the 

M According to the words of the hero, just preceding the verse asau 
hi dattva, etc. (Caru. III. 3): updrudho 'rdharatrah (Caru. 50). 

Studies in Bhasa 71 

former contains a number of Old-Prakrit forms not found in 
the latter. Thirdly, as regards versification, the text of the 
Mrcchakatika marks an advance upon the other play in the 
following directions: rectification of grammatical mistakes; 
elimination of redundancies and awkward constructions; and 
introduction of other changes which may he claimed to he 
improvements in the form and substance of the verses. Fourthly 
and lastly, because of suitable additions and omissions the 
Mrcchakatika presents a text free from many of the flaws, 
such as unrealities and inconsistencies, in the action of the 

These are the facts of the case. Do these facts enable us 
to decide the question of priority and anteriority? 

Let us assume first, for the sake of argument, that the 
Carudatta contains older material (at least in respect of the 
passages discussed above) which was worked up later into the 

The differences in the technique neither support nor con- 
tradict definitely such an assumption. The nandl, for all we 
can say, may have been lost. The words ndndyante tataJi 
pravisati sutradharah do not militate against such a supposition: 
they could be used with or without a nandl appearing in the 
text. Moreover, we cannot, in the present state of our know- 
ledge, rightly evaluate the absence of all reference to the name 
of the play and the playwright in the sth&pana. 29 To say 
that in pre-classical times that was the practice is begging 
the question. The only technique of introduction with which we 
are familiar is the well-known classical model. Again the only 
play which is definitely known to antedate the classical plays 
is the Turfan fragment of ASvaghosa's drama. Unfortunately, 
as the beginning of the Sariputraprakarana 30 is missing, we 
we are not in a position to say whether the prologue of the dramas 
of Asvagho^a conformed to the standard of the classical dramas, 
or that of the dramas of the group under consideration. \\ < 
are therefore bound to admit that at present we have no clear 
evidence that can aid us in placing with any degree of assurance, 

* The references in the text-books of rhetoric and dramaturgy are 
obscure and partly contradictory. 

so Ed. Liiders, Sittungsbcrichte d. kgl. prcuss. Ak. d. Wits. 1911. 

72 F. 8. Sukthankar 

chronologically or topographically, a drama with the technical 
peculiarities of the Carudatta. 

But the priority of the Carudatta version would explain, 
and satisfactorily explain, all the other differences between 
the two plays. It would explain the presence of archaisms in 
the Prakrit of the Carudatta. It would explain why many of 
the verses of the Mrcchakatika are free from the flaws of the 
corresponding verses of the Carudatta; the grammatical 
corrections one may he justified in regarding as an indication 
of an increasingly insistent demand for scrupulous purity of 
language. The hypothesis would lastly explain the reason for 
the differences in the incidents of the action of the play. 
All this is legitimate field of 'diaskeuasis', and is readily 

Let us now examine the other possibility, and try to explain 
the divergences on the assumption of the priority of the Mrccha- 
katika version. 

The question of the technical differences between the plays 
has been dealt with already. It was submitted that this part 
of the evidence was inconclusive; it supported neither one side 
nor the other. 

We will proceed to the next point, the Prakrit. 31 On the 
assumption of the priority of the Mrcchakatika version, it is 
at first sight not quite clear, how the Carudatta should happen 
to contain Prakrit forms older than those found in (what is 
alleged to be) a still older play. But a little reflection will 
suffice to bring home to us the fact that it is not impossible to 
account for this anomaly. We have only to regard the Carudatta 
as the version of a different province or a different literary tradition, 
which had not accepted the innovations in Prakrit that later 
became prevalent. In other words we have to assume merely 
that the Prakrit neologisms of the Mrcchakatika are unauthorized 
innovations and that the Carudatta manuscripts have only 

3i Until we have before us most carefully edited texts, any linguistic 
conclusion based upon minute differences in the form of Pkt. words, as 
appearing in the text-editions employed, must needs be regarded as 
tentative, a point not sufficiently emphasized in my article dealing with 
Prakrit archaisms (above, vol. 40, pp. 248 ff.). It may, however, be pointed 
out that no amount of critical editing can disturb the general inference 
that the dramas of this group contain quite a number of Old-Pkt. forms. 

Studies in JBhdsa 73 

preserved some of the Old-Prakrit forms of the original Mrccha- 
katika. 32 This does not, however, necessarily make the Carudatta 
version older than the Mrcchakatika version. The Carudatta 
would become a recension of the Mrcchakatika with archaic 
Prakrit. Thus the Prakrit archaisms of the Carudatta may 
be said to be not irreconcilable with the general priority of 
the Mrcchakatika version. 

It is much more difficult to explain why the Mrcchakatika 
should consistently offer better readings of the verses. Some 
of the discrepancies could perhaps be explained away as the 
result of misreading and faulty transcript, but not all. We 
could not explain, for instance, why the excellent pada: 
tiksnam visdndgram ivdvasistam should have been discarded, 
and another, visdnakotiva nimajjamand, be substituted, forsooth 
with the faulty nimajjamand. Why should there be a change 
in the first place, and why should the change be consistently 
for the worse? We could not reasonably hold the copyists 
guilty of introducing systematically such strange blunders and 
inexcusable distortions. 

Let us combine the archaisms of the Prakrit with the imper- 
fections of the Sanskrit verses. On the assumption of the 
posteriority of the Carudatta, we are asked to believe that 
while the compiler of the Carudatta had carefully copied out 
from older manuscripts all the Prakrit archaisms, he had 
systematically mutilated the Sanskrit verses, which is a reductio 
ad absurdum! 

Let us proceed to the fourth point. The theory of the 
priority of the Mrcchakatika, which could with difficulty be 
supported in the case of the divergencies already considered, 
breaks down altogether when we try to account for the in- 
consistencies in the action of the Carudatta in general, and 
in particular the presence of the tithi-scheme, which latter 
serves no purpose, aesthetic or didactic, but on the other hand 
introduces gratuitously an indisputable incongruity. The deleting 
of the whole tithi-scheme admits of a simple, self-evident ex- 
planation, acceptable to every impartial critic. But, assuming 

Or that the Old-Prakrit forms had been substituted for the Middle- 
Prakrit forms, because the local tradition demanded the use of Old- 
Prakrit forms. 

74 V. S. Sukthcmkar 

that the original play contained no trace of it, can any one 
pretend to be able to give a satisfactory reason for the deliberate 
introduction of the tithi-scheme? 

Taking all things into account, we conclude, we can readily 
understand the evolution of a Mrcchakatika version from a 
Carudatta version, but not vice versa. The special appeal of 
this hypothesis lies in the fact that it explains not merely 
isolated variations, but whole categories of them: it implies 
the formulation of a single uniform principle to explain divers 

It may be that I have overlooked inconsistencies and flaws 
in the Mrcchakatika version, absent from the other, which 
could be better explained on the contrary supposition of the 
priority of the Mrcchakatika version. If so, the problem 
becomes still more complicated, and will need further investi- 
gation from a new angle. I merely claim that I have furnished 
here some prima facie reasons for holding that the Carudatta 
version is on the whole older than the Mrcchakatika version; 
hence (as a corollary) if our Carudatta is not itself the original 
of the Mrcchakatika, then, we must assume, it has preserved 
a great deal of the original upon which the Mrcchakatika 
is based. 



THROUGH AN INTEREST in magic in general I have been led 
to undertake an extended study of the subject in early Sanskrit 
literature. In the course of my research, upon looking through 
Kautilya's ArthaSastra, to see if by chance there might be a 
mention of magic, I was surprised to find a remarkable number 
of references to the subject some of it very black. This is 
indeed surprising when we consider the fact that this book is 
a work on the Science of Government written by the Prime 
Minister of Chandragupta. 1 

Throughout the work there are frequent allusions to sorcery, 
demons, obsessed persons, incantations, witchcraft, etc. To 
select a few instances: an obsessed person (upagrhita) may not 
make legal agreements; 2 a plaintiff in a lawsuit, if he is not a 
Brahman, may, on. failure to prove his case, be caused to 
perform such acts as drive out demons; 3 witchcraft employed 
by a husband to arouse love in a wife or by a lover to win 
the affections of a maiden is no offence, but the practice must 
not be indulged in if it is injurious to others. 4 Special spies 
may pretend to use witchcraft in an effort to detect criminal 
tendencies in youths. 6 

The third chapter of the fourth book is headed 'Counter-action 

1 Text, R. Shama Sastri, Artha&dstra of Kavtilya, revised edition, 
Mysore, 1919. Transl. id. Kautilya's Arthatastra, Bangalore, 1915. 

2 Text, p. 148, 1. 13. upagrhita here seems to have the sense of obsession 
by an evil spirit. Transl. p. 188. 

> Text, p. 160, 1. 3; tr. p. 191. 

* Text, p. 236, 1. 17; tr. p. 296. 

Text, p. 212, 1. 16; tr. p. 266. 

76 Virginia Saunders 

against sudden attacks' (upanipdta-pratikdrah).* These possible 
attacks are eight in number and are called 'great perils 
through divine decree* (daivdni mahdbhaydni), consisting in 
fire, flood, plague, famine, rats, tigers, snakes, and demons. In 
the case of flood, plague, rats, snakes, and demons, magic is 
used in the following ways: 

When the floods come, in addition to the very practical use 
of planks, bottle-gourds, trunks of trees and canoes, recourse 
shall be had to ascetics with a knowledge of magic (mdydyo- 
gavidas), and persons learned in the Vedas shall perform 
incantations against rain. 7 

In the case of plague, besides the aid of physicians with 
their medicines and spending the nights in devotion to the 
gods, ascetics endowed with supernatural powers (siddhatdpasds) 
shall perform auspicious and purificatory ceremonials, cows 
shall be milked on cremation grounds, and the trunk of a 
corpse shall be burned. If the disease has attacked the cows 
a 'half nlrajana' (ardhanirdjana) should be performed in the 
cow stalls. This swinging of lights was apparently for the 
purpose of placating the demons causing disease in the cattle. 8 

In danger from rats, beside the resorting to poison, auspicious 
ceremonials by magicians may be employed. 9 These magical 
performances are unfortunately not described. 

In the case of snakes, those persons having a knowledge of 
poisons shall proceed with mantras and herbs, or there may 
be employed the very practical means of assembling and killing 
the snakes (sambhuya vopa sarpdn hanyuti). Also those who 
are learned in the Atharvaveda may perform auspicious rites. 11 
The reader who is familiar with the Atharvaveda will recall 
the incantation hymns against snakes. 12 

In danger from demons, experts in magic and those acquainted 
with the Atharvaveda shall perform demon-destroying rites 

Text, p. 207; tr. p. 261. 

7 Text, p. 208, L 2; tr. p. 262. 

8 Text, p. 208, 1.9; tr. p. 262. 
Text, p. 209, 1. 1; tr. p. 262. 

10 Text, p. 209, 1. 16; tr. p. 263. The text seems dubious and may 
be corrupt. 

11 Text, p. 210, 1. 1; tr. p. 262. 

i* Av. 10. 4; 7. 56; 6. 56; 6. 12; 5. 13. 

Some Allusions to Magic in Katdilya's Arthasdstra 77 

(raksoghnani karmdni). 1 * To ward off demoniacal influences 
special acts of worship at a shrine (caitya-pujdh) should be 
performed at the changes of the moon, with an offering of a 
goat, a banner, an umbrella, and something which seems to be 
some kind of representation of a hand. 14 Also the incantation, 
which begins vas cardmaJi ('we worship you'), should continually 
be performed. 15 I have not been able to identify the quotation 
indicated by this catch-plirase, vas, etc. At the end of this 
chapter it is stated that those who are experts in magical arts 
and have supernatural powers should be honored by the king 
and caused to dwell in his kingdom. 

The fourteenth book contains the principal magic of the 
whole work. 16 This book is divided into four chapters. The 
first, entitled 'Means of injuring an enemy', is composed mainly 
of formulas for the use of materials which, when burned, will 
cause smoke that is poisonous to men and beasts, bringing 
either death or disease. From the ingredients I should judge 
these devices would do all claimed for them. With these 
poison-gas recipes there are also two or three rather magical- 
sounding suggestions, but this chapter mainly contains purely 
material devices to be employed. 

The second chapter of this book has all sorts of formulas 
for deceiving the enemy. 17 Some of them would probably 
succeed but there is doubt about the others. The idea seems 
to be to cause the enemy to believe that his opponent has 
great magical power. There is a paste to turn the hair white 
and one to turn the body black; mixtures to rub on the body 
which can be set fire to without burning the skin; oil to put 
on the feet so that a man may walk over hot coals without 
being burned; the method of making a ball, with fire inside, 
which can be put in the mouth and cause a man to seem to 
be breathing out fire and smoke; one may walk fifty yojanas 
unwearied if he wears camel-skin shoes covered with banyan 
leaves and smeared with the serum of the flesh of an owl and 

Text; p. 210, 1. 8; tr. p. 264. 
4 Text, p. 210, 1.4; tr. p. 264. 
> Text, p. 210, 1. 6; tr. p. 264. 
Text, p. 410; tr. p. 496. 
" Text, p. 414; tr. p. 600. 

78 Virginia Saunders 

a vulture. Also, one can prevent any other fire burning in 
a certain place by producing a fire in the following manner: 
by the friction of a black-and-white bamboo stick on the rib 
bone of the left side of a man who has been slain with a 
sword or impaled, or by rubbing a human bone on the rib 
bone of another man or woman. This fire must then be 
circumambulated three times from right to left as is usual in 
black magic. t8 At the end of this chapter the author says 
one may bring about peace by causing fear in the enemy 
through exhibiting these marvels which he has mentioned. 

The third chapter in the fourteenth book is pure, unmixed 
magic. 19 In order to see clearly in the dark the following 
method should be used: Having taken the left and the right 
eye of a cat, a camel, a wolf, a boar, a porcupine, a vaguli, 
a naptrka (some kind of night-bird) and an owl, or of one or 
two or many such nightroving animals, one should make two 
kinds of powder. Then having anointed his right eye with 
the powder from the left eyes and his left eye with the powder 
from the right eyes he can see in the darkest night. 20 

Or if invisibility is desired, having fasted three nights one 
should, on the day of the star Pushya, sprinkle with the milk 
of goats and sheep, barley planted in soil placed in the skull 
of a man who has been killed by a sword or has been impaled. 
Then, having put on a garland of the barley which sprouts 
from this, he may walk invisible. 21 

The skin of a snake filled with the ashes of a man bitten 
by a snake will cause beasts to be invisible. 22 

There are five sets of mantras in this chapter, to be used in 
connection with certain of the magical performances, and the 
names of many demons are called upon. There is much 
preparation to be made before the use of the mantras. For 
example, having fasted for three nights one should, on the 
dark fourteenth day of the month of the star Pushya, purchase 
from a woman of an outcast tribe some fingernails. Then, 

t Text, p. 418, 1.1; tr. p. 504. 
is Text, p. 418; tr. p. 505. 
20 Text, p. 418; 1. 11 ; tr. p. 505. 
Text, p. 418, 1.17; tr. p. 605. 
Text, p. 419, 1. 14; tr. p. 506. 

Some Allusions to Magic in Kaidilya's Artha4astra 79 

together with some beans, having kept them unmixed in a 
basket, one should bury them in the cremation grounds. Having 
dug them up on the second fourteenth day, and having pounded 
them up with aloes, one should make little pills. Wherever 
one of the pills is thrown, after chanting the mantra, all 
will sleep. 28 

The aims of the other magical formulas with mantras attached 
are: to cause a door to open of itself, to cause a cart drawn 
by bullocks to appear and to take the invoker travelling through 
the sky, to cut a bowstring without touching it. 

A different method of procedure is used in the following 
rite: when the image of an enemy is bathed in the bile of a 
brown cow which has been killed with a sword on the four- 
teenth day of the dark half of the month, the enemy becomes 
blind. 2 * 

The ingredients mentioned in some of the formulas are 
almost equal to those of Macbeth's witches. If the nail of the 
little finger, some part of the nimb tree and of the mango tree, 
honey, the hair of a monkey, and the bone of a man, are 
wrapped in the garment of a dead man and are buried in the 
house of a certain man or are walked over by him, that 
man, his wife and children and his wealth will not last three 
fortnights. 21 

This chapter ends with the statement that one should by 
means of mantras and medicines protect one's own people and 
do injury to those of the enemy. 

Evidently the enemy was expected to use some of the same 
methods, for the fourth and last chapter of the fourteenth book 
is composed of antidotes for poisons employed by him. 

The magic in this work seems to me to be of enough interest 
aud importance to lead one to go into it more deeply in 
connection with the magic contained in the better known 
Sanskrit literature, and this I hope to do. 

Text, p. 420, 1. 12; tr. p. 507. In this connection of. BY. 7. 66. 
> Text, p. 423, L 11 ; tr. p. 610. 
" Text, p. 423, 1. 18; tr. p. 610. 




A PRACTICE connected with Babylonian slavery, knowledge 
of which is involved in considerable obscurity, is that of the 
method of marking slaves. The interpretation of this custom 
depends largely upon the meaning assigned to galdbu, i dbuttu, 
and muttatu. Laws I and II of the Sumerian Family Laws 
provide as the penalty to be imposed on a child who repudiates 
his parents: DUBBIN MI-NI-IN-A-A, for disloyalty to 
for disloyalty to mother. The sign transliterated DUBBIN 
may mean 'a sharp pointed instrument 7 , 'finger', or 'nail-mark' 
(OBW104). But DUBBIN MI-NI-IN-&A-A is translated 
in the Akkadian text, u-gal-la~ab-su. This part of the law 
has been translated by Lenormant (EA3, p. 22), 'ils lui rasent'; 
by Sayce (Records of the Past 3, p. 24) 'confirming it by (his) 
nailmark (on the deed)'; by Oppert (Doc. Jur. 56, 1. 26) 'et 
confirmat ungue impresso'; by Miiller (Gesetze Ham. 270) 'macht 
er ihm ein Mai'; and Winckler (Gesetze Ham. 85), 'soil er ihm 
die Marke schneiden.' Haupt in his Sumerische Familien- 
Gesetze (p. 35) stated that the expression should not be read 
'er legt ihm den Fingernagel an,' but 'er scheert es.' Jensen 
(KB 6, p. 377, 1.11) believed galdhu to mean 'cut', referring to 
incised marks, and DUBBIN to be the instrument of cutting. 
MUTTATI-A-NI DUBBIN &A-NE-IN-SI-E& is translated 
in the Semitic text murut-ta-as-su u-galrbu-ma, which Sayce 
translated 'his hair is cut off 7 ; Oppert (Doc. Jur. 57, 1.31) 'et 

i For an early interpretation of galdbu and muttatu, see ZA 3, 
pp. 101, 231. 

The Babylonian Practice of Marking Slaves 81 

sigillo impresso confirmat'; Berlin (TSBAS p. 255), 'his phallus 
and nails also they shall cut him 7 ; Miiller (Gesetze Ham. 271), 
'ihm ein Mai auf sein Gesicht macht'; and Winckler (Gesetze 
Ham. 85), 'so soil man ihm seine Marke schneiden'. The 
sign -.y^y is, according to Barton, of unknown origin (OBWA26), 
and is usually read muttatu (Br. 9861, M. 7487). The phonetic 
U-I in the Code has been read galabu (Br.7148, M.5143), 
and appears only in Col. XXXV, 226, 227, where it refers 
both to the agent of the operation and the operation itself. 
These laws provide that if a U-I, without the consent of the 
owner of a slave, ab-bu-ti warad la se-e-im u-gal-li-ib, his hand 
should be cut off; and if any one deceive a &TJ-I and induce 
him to ab-bu-ti warad la $e-e-im u-gal-li-ib, that man should 
be put to death, and the U-I upon swearing he did not 
mark the slave knowingly, should go free. Ab-bu-ti has been 
interpreted in these laws as 'a mark'. 2 The expression 
la $e-e-im has been translated: Scheil (DP 4, p. 156), 
'inalienable'; Winckler (Gesetze Ham. 63) 'unverkauflich(?)'; 
Peiser (KU 1, p. 63), 'unsichtbar'; Harper (p. 81), 'that he 
cannot be sold', and Barton, 3 'unsalable'. 127 provides that 
if a man falsely accuse a sacred woman, he shall be brought 
before the judge and mu-ut-ta-zu u-galrla-bu. 

The word abuttu is employed also in 146 which states 
that if an amtu who has borne children attempt to take rank 
with her mistress, the mistress may ab-bu-ut~tam i-sa-ak-ka-an- 
$i-ma, and count her among the maid servants. This has been 
interpreted by Scheil (DP 4, p. 71), Mine marque elle lui fera'; 
Winckler, 4 'zur Sklavenschaft soil sie sie tun'; Peiser (K U 1, p. 42), 
'Fesseln legt sie ihr an'; Harper (p. 51) and Barton,* 'she 
may reduce her to bondage'. That the Sumerian laws remained 
in force for a long period, we have evidence from documents re- 
<juiring this same type of punishment in the case of a child 
who repudiates his adoptive father (Schorr 9), a woman her 
sister (op. cit. 5), a slave her mistress (op. cit. 77), a slave his 
mistress who has adopted him (op. cit 35), the daughter of a 

> Scheil, DP 4, p. 166; Johns, Bab. and ABB. 68; KU 1, p. 68; Barton, 
Arch, and Bible, 836; Miiller 60, Winckler 68. 
Arch, and Bible, p. 385. 
Gctctze Ham. 42, cf. n. 2. 
1 Arch, and Bible, p. 827. 

JAO8 42 

82 Beatrice Allard Brooks 

sacred woman her adoptive mother (op. cit. 83), and a son his 
adoptive parents (op. cit. 8). In all these documents the custom 
is expressed by use of the word galabu alone. Muttatu galdbu 
appears as the penalty inflicted on the loser of a law-suit 
(op. cit. 263, 264). 

Galabu is related to the Hebrew gallfib, 'barber' cf. Ez. 5 i . 
Johns (ADD 2, 174) believes the amel U-I or galdbu to 
be a haircutter, who 'cut, or scratched, a mark on the skin 
of a slave, to serve as a mark of ownership'. The U-I is 
mentioned with lists of officials. 6 Meissner (MAP p. 152), 
would read galdbu in the contract literature 'em Mai machen', 
rather than 'scheeren' (Haupt, Sum. Fam. Oes. 35). It is 
used not only in contract literature, but in omen and magical 
texts. Galdbu describes the treatment to be practised on a 
snake if he appeared to a man at a certain time as an ill- 
omen; 7 and it is used with zimri to indicate bodily injury 
(op. cit. 1, p. 369). The word occurs in a Cappadocian tablet, 
where it has been translated 'castration 7 . 8 The custom of 
castrating slaves has been common, as for example, among 
the Romans. 9 According to Xenophon, 10 such treatment was 
thought to make them better servants because they had no 
family ties. It would however be absurd to suppose that this 
was a customary mark of slavery in Babylonia. 

Abuttu, according to Delitzsch (HWB 13) and Muss-Arnolt 
(Diet. 12), means 'fetter'. Haupt (Sum. Fam. Ges. 35) identifies 
it with rrpty 'service', and Zimmern (BB 59) with tony, 'to 
bind'. Besides the occurrences above quoted, dbuttu is used 
in a birth-omen text which states what will happen if a woman 
bear a child db-bu-ut-ta (Jastrow, Eel. 2, p. 928). With this 
text Jastrow compares another line which interprets an omen 
in case a woman bears a child bi-4r-tum, which he translates 
'with a fetter', but which Frank (Studien 152, 1. 20) leaves 

e MAP p. 130; AJ8L 21, p. 75. 

^ Jastrow, Bel. 2, p. 778. The snake's head is to be covered and his 
sides galabu. 

8 Babylonica 2, p. 29 and note. 

Cf. Buckland, W. W., .The Roman Law of Slavery p. 8 etc. 
1 Cyrop.l vs. 60 65. Cf. also Haupt's interpretation of DUBBIN in 
some passages as signifying 'castrate', ZJST2, p. 271, ASKT86, 1.62; 
60, 1. 3. 

The Babylonian Practice of Marking Slaves 83 

untranslated. In the birth omen texts abuttu has been inter- 
preted 'Fessel' by Jastrow, and 'SklavenmaT by Dennefeld. 11 
Abuttu is employed with sabatu and the expression is trans- 
lated by Zimmern (BB 59) and King, 12 'to go security for', 
'to intercede for'. 

MuttatUy commonly translated 'forehead', appears in a Neo- 
Babylonian sign list translated by Haupt (Sum.Fam. Ges. p. 71); 
a brief bilingual vocabulary in the same work has muttum. 13 
Holma 14 stated that muttatu referred to the head, probably 
the forehead, and that it was at least one of the seats of 
the mark put on slaves. It occurs also in birth omen texts 
(Jastrow Eel. 2. 913). Muttatu appears more frequently than 
the other words involved in this discussion, but in some cases 
it is clearly to be interpreted other than 'forehead' or 'hair'. 
In one instance it is an object offered as a gift to a deity, 
probably meaning a head-band. 15 In K. 2007, Ob. 18 we find 
muttat mati, here interpreted by Jastrow (Rel. 2, 921. n. 8) 
as 'the front side' of a piece of land, and by Dennefeld (op. 
cit. 54) as a 'part' of the land, but by Frank (Studien, 149) 
as 'Stirne'. Likewise in the birth omen text occurs the ex- 
pression muttat lisanirsu Sa imitti la 6o&, here referring to a 
part of the tongue. It has been considered a synonym for 
labdru (BA 1, p. 513). 

Connected with this discussion is the problem of the inter- 
pretation of bukdnu. This has been supposed to refer to a 
ceremony which took place at the time of the transaction of 
a sale, originally a slave sale. Meissner (MAP 120) suggests 
its connection with Talm. }3tt '(M6rser>Stopsel, Pistill', 
and denies its connection with (toxavT). Daiches 16 follows 
Meissner and Delitzsch (HWB 172 b ); Schorr (ABB No. 17, 
1. 10) follows Meissner and Daiches. Langdon (ZA 25, p. 208), 
in discussing the expression i?u tag, Semitic bukanan utak 

" Bab.-Ass. Gebwttomina 64, 1. 20; 109, 1. 5; 195, 1. 4; cf. also Holma, 
Die Namen der Korpertcilc im Assyrisch-Babt/lonischen, p. 18, n. 2. 

1 * Bab. Magic and Sorcery 169. 

" P. 73 (Text II R 36,6366), of. Haupt' s comparison with Syriac. 

" Die Namen der Kdrperteile, p. 86. 

" Cf. Langdon, Neubab. Kdnigtinschriften, p. 70, 1.16. But it may 
mean 'hair', and be analogous to No. 6 is. 

" Altbabylonisclx Rechttwhtndcn, No. 1. 

Beatrice Allard Brooks 

(CT4, 33 b , 10; 6, 40 b , 8), states that the earlist occurrence of 
the phrase is in a record of a slave purchase by LugaluSumgal 17 , 
where the expression is gis-a ib-ta-balres. He concludes that 
because the phrase occurs in a grammatical text (K. 46) in a 
section concerning slavery, it was originally connected with 
slave sales, and that the bukanu may have been a die or stamp 
with a short handle. The beginning of Col. IV of K. 46 is 
unfortunately destroyed, but these lines evidently relate to the 
punishment to be inflicted on a runaway slave. * 8 

3. DUBBIN mi-ni-in-kud 

a mark they shall cut(?) 
on him, 

4. GAR in-ni-in-sar 

in fetters they shall place 

5. azag-ku in-ni-in-si 

for money they shall sell 

6. sar-a-ni nu uk-si-in-gin 

to his lord he shall not go 

7. e sar-a-ni-ta ba-da-ga-a 
from the house of his lord 

he disappeared. 

8. ba-da-ga-a-ta im-ma-an- 


On account of his flight 
they shall return him: 

9. ba-da-ga-a-ta inwna-an-si- 

e a-ta 

On account of his flight 
they shall turn him from 
mankind. 19 


they shall brand him, 

ab-bU'Ut-tum i-ak-ka-an-su 
a fetter they shall put on him. 

a-na kaspi (i-nam-din-su) 
for money they shall give him 

a-na bel-su (ul u-tar) 

to his lord he shall not return, 

is-tu bit bel-su 

from the house of his lord he 

is-tu ih-faku 

On account of his flight they 

shall turn him: 
is-tu ihliku u-te-ru-(?) 

on account of his flight they 
shall turn him (from man- 

BA 4 (3), PI. X, No. 32. 

18K.46 in II R 12 13; ASKTW; AL* 91 f.; Lenormant, Choix, 
No. 12 p. 20. Earlier interpretations: Oppert Doc. p. 10, E A 2 p. 4ff., 
3 p. Iff., 223, 226, 232. 

lfl 0JBTT62K Or 'from sonship'. 

The Babylonian Practice of Marking Slaves 


10. gis gir-gir na-in-gar kur-sa-a sa-na se-pi-Su 

In bonds they shall place A fetter on his feet they shall 
him, put, 

11. URUDU kes-kes im-ni-in- sar-Sar-ra-ta i-pa-ir 

bonds of bronze they shall 

12. gis i-na ib-ta-an-bal 2 * 

a wooden shackle he shall 

13. lu-da"(?) -ga-a gis-e-lu 
An escaped man, verily he 

was captured, 

14. igi-ni-na nwn-bal 

on his face shall be made 
(the mark of) a foreigner. 

bonds they shall put on, 

bu-kan-na u-se-ti-4k 

a shackle he shall drag. 

ha-laq sa-bat 

(As) a fugitive captured, 

i-na pa-ni-su ik-kur 
on his face he shall be made 
strange. 23 

The first lines of this text show similarity with the Sumerian 
Family Laws. The text seems to indicate that the bukdnu 
was a shackle worn on the foot. But Schorr (p. 116) states 
that this expression is found in land as well as slave sales of 
northern Babylonia (Babylon, Sippar, Dilbat) from the earliest 
time to SamSuiluna. The so-called 'slave tags' were of clay, 
not of wood, else we should be tempted to establish their 
identity with the gi8 GAN-NA (bukdnu). Whether the bukdnu 
represented the handing over of a staff by the seller to the 
purchaser as a symbol of agreement is not certain. 24 If the 
bukdnu was an instrument used for marking a slave it is not 
likely that it would have been used in land deals. 

Langdon finds evidence of a real mark made on a slave in 
the use of Sindu timtu, Code Col. XXII 67, pointing out 
the suggestion of Ungnad in OLZ which offers the inter- 
pretation, 'a mark burned into the flesh'. But Langdon con- 
cludes that since the Code has a law concerning the changing 

MA 1121 b . 

0BT79; cf. also MA 162 b . 
M Haupt reads *u. 

21 I am indebted to Professor Barton for this interpretation of 
lines 9, 13, 14. 

" Jastrow, Civilisation, 342. 

86 Beatrice Allard Brooks 

of a slave-mark, the custom might well have been that of 
painting (OLZ 12, p. 113). With this may be compared a 
document containing the phrase si-in-du a amtu-u-tu, 'sign 
of her slavery 1 (BA 4 p. 11). 

Reiser 55 calls attention to a class of temple officials, the 
siraqu, mentioned in a number of tablets belonging to the 
Yale Babylonian Collection, a class of persons who bore a 
mark with which they were perhaps branded. From No. 120 
1. 4, Reiser suggests that this mark, used also on animals, 
may have been a star. But what function these siraqu had, 
we do not know. It is possible, if siraqu is to be identified 
with the root saraqu, 'to give', that they may have been slaves 
handed over to the temple as donations. This, however, is 
purely conjectural. 

The slave-mark may have been on the hand (Holma, op. cit. 
p. 120). According to Clay 26 a slave was said to be twice 
branded on the right hand, the expression being sat-rat. A 
mark may, according to Holma (op. cit. p. 28), have been made 
on the ear, similiar to the Hebrew custom, Ex. 21 6. 

Do any of these theories adequately explain the laws? There 
appears to be no reason for doubting that galdbu means cutting 
or scraping of some kind, but the real nature is not clear. 
Code 226, 227 indicate that the operation was performed 
by a special person who made it his business, and it is to be 
noted that these laws directly follow those dealing with physi- 
cians and their practice. They further indicate, from the 
seriousness of the penalty attached, that the operation was of 
importance. Whether la se-e-im in this law is to be read 
'unsalable' or 'unsightly' has been questioned. The root D^ 
may mean 'fixed', 'decreed', 'purchased 1 . If all slaves were 
galdbu, it is not clear why anyone would want to submit a 
slave to this operation again; it is therefore more reasonable 

Bab. Inscrip. in Collection of J. B. Nies, 1, p. 9. 

28 J. P. Morgan 2, p. 36. With this it is interesting to compare No. K. 
(dated 411 B. C.) in Sayce-Cowley Assouan- Papyri, which refers in 11. 4 
and 5 to the marking of a slave. Whether Yod of the Aramaic is to be 
interpreted 'hand' has been questioned (p. 48, no. 4). If the real meaning 
were known, we might find here an interesting analogy between Baby- 
lonian and Egyptian Jewish custom. 

The Babylonian Practice of Marking Slaves 87 

to suppose that the law refers to a mark of mutilation which 
would render the slave of no commercial value. And since 
a Babylonian slave might, if he had sufficient funds, buy his 
way out of slavery, one questions whether this 'slave-mark' 
was of a permanent nature, if applied to all slaves. The 
custom may have been merely the shaving of the head and 
beard. The prevalence among the Semites of shaving the head, 
not only as a badge of slavery, but as a sign of mourning, 
and as a penalty for breaking marriage vows, 27 furnishes a 
strong argument for the existence of the custom among the 
Babylonians. But this treatment would not be lasting and 
archaeological evidence shows no uniformity in the represen- 
tation of headdress or beards of slaves, nor would it seem 
probable that the shaving of a slave's head without the 
permission of the owner would require so severe a penalty. 
Further, the generally accepted theory of Meyer 28 that the 
Sumerians shaved their heads close while the Semites did not, 
precludes the theory that the slave-mark was merely a cutting 
of the hair. If the process was that of incising or tattooing 
on the forehead, it is curious that there is no evidence in the 
sculpture, even though the human head is usually rendered 
in profile, of an attempt to distinguish slaves by representing 
such markings. There is no evidence that incision was made 
in the ear; the sculptures show that the servile classes wore 
no ear-ring, while the king and official attendants are seldom 
depicted without it. It might be conjectured that the incising 
was done on the top of the head and the hair allowed to grow 
over it; this would in part satisfy the objection that a freed 
slave would have to bear his marks for life, always failing to 
be recognized as a freeman. The testimony of the monuments 
of the custom of leading captives by means of a hook through 
the lip, together with the fact that abuttu may mean 'fetter', 
suggests the possibility that a metal ring was attached to a 
slave, which, upon his being freed, was cut off. K. 46, Col. IV, 
mentioned above, suggests that a metal fetter was attached to 
the feet of a fugitive slave as punishment In this connection 

" WZKM19, p. 91 f.; cf. also Wellhauten, Rette Arab. Heid. 196 f. 
" Sum. und Srm. p. 24, n. 3. 

88 Beatrice Allard Brooks 

may be noted a letter of Nebuchadrezzar 29 which appears to 
be a reply to a letter of appeal made by some prisoners of 
consequence who were held in durance and compelled to go 
under service. The prisoners had protested against their 

A document which more than any other seems to shed 
light on this problem is from the time of Ammiditana, and 
cites the case of a man who was bought as a slave in a 
foreign land and later returned to Babylon, his native city 
(Schorr, 37). After five years, he was summoned and told, 
el-li-ta db'bu-ut-ta-Jca gu-ul-lu-ba-at. The document farther 
states that he was told he could enter the ridtiti, but that he 
refused and said he would claim share in his father's estate. 
It provides that the brothers shall not refuse him this share, 
even though he has been temporarily reduced to slavery. But 
the meaning of elrli-ta db-bu-ut-ta-ka gu-ul-lu-ba-at has been 
thus interpreted: Schorr, 'Du bist frei, deine Sklavemnarke ist 
(hiermit) abgeschnitten'; Peiser (KU14Q), *Deutlich(?) ist Dein 
Sklavenmal geschnitten' ; Johns (Bab. and Ass. 176), 'thy ahuttu 
is clearly branded'. Ellita, from ellft,, usually means 'bright', 
'clean*, and is employed in adoption documents to express the 
ceremony which symbolized the adoption of slaves. It is not 
clear what the ceremony was, but it seems intended to represent 
a cleansing. This phrase of our document might mean, 'thou 
art cleansed, thy mark is cut off'. The fact that this man 
had been a slave in a foreign land would require his rein- 
statement as a free citizen, and allow the use of the same word 
as in an adoption tablet. Now if we interpret this either 
'thou art free', or 'thou art cleansed', the whole phrase would 
imply that the dbuttu was of such a character that it could 
be obliterated. If we accept the interpretation of ellita as 
'clearly', the document becomes more intelligible and offers 
a partial solution of the question of the nature of the custom. 

According to the text of this document, which is published 
only in C. T. 6, 29, the fj af y>-^ told the slave he could 
go with the UKU-US ( ridu sa sabe pi.), f? gn^J f^* has 
been read by Schorr a-bi sale mes, and by Daiches A-KAR 

* r.BCVol.3, No.l. cf. 1L 13-16. Of. Bibliotfoca Sacra, 77, No, 307, 
p. 362. 

The Babylonian Practice of Marking Slaves 89 

mes. But Meissner 30 read A. EDIN me$. It is not certain 
what class of society these persons belonged to, but in Nikolsky, 
Documents, No. 32, 1. 6 the expression designates an official. 
So far as we now know, the sdbe was one of the lowest classes 
of society. This man was told that his abuttu was clear and 
that he could go with the riduti, or overseers of the sa&e; 
it was evidently because his abuttu was visible that he was 
classed with the sdbe. Code 16 would imply that a fugitive 
slave was liable to be called to serve as a public slave and K 46 
quoted above shows that a fugitive slave was liable to receive 
a mark which would make him an outcast. 280 provided 
that a slave bought in a foreign land, if he returned later to 
his native city, must be released. 31 The man mentioned in this 
document had been a freeman in Babylon, had gone to a 
foreign country and been reduced to a warad, but still bore a 
mark of slavery. Returning to Babylon, as a warad who had 
been free-born he wished to claim share in his father's estate, 
but as he had a slave-mark he was assigned to the riduti. It 
would therefore appear that only the sdbe had a permanent 
'slave-mark'. This theory accounts for the occurrence of the 
custom in the Sumerian Family Laws and the contracts; it 
accounts for the severity of the punishment inflicted on one 
who galabu a slave without the owner's permission, such a 
mark would render him unsalable by a private individual for 
the mark would make him a public slave, or state property; 
and it explains 146 of the Code, for it is to be assumed 
that women as well as men belonged to the sabe class. We 
still lack evidence to prove the real character of this mark; 
while archaeological data are wanting to establish what the mark 
was, documentary evidence strongly indicates that whatever it 
was, it was of a comparatively permanent nature. 

Additional Note: The publication of the newly discovered 
Assyrian Law Code (Jastrow, JA08 41. Iff.) presents a few 
points for discussion in connection with the problem of the 
marking of slaves. The practice of boring the ear seems 
definitely to appear in this code. But here it is a penalty, 
imposed in the one case upon a man who allows a harlot to 

'o M 8813, and cf. HWB 79*. 
Cf. TFZJ&TAfW, pp. 886-98. 

90 Beatrice Allard Brooks 

appear veiled, 39, and in the other upon a person who holds 
another for debt, 43. In the former law it is further stipu- 
lated that the offender shall serve one month's royal service. 
Does the connection of these two penalties imply that the in- 
fliction of the one made suitable the performance of the latter? 
Attempt has been made in this article to indicate the possi- 
bility that since not all who were slaves had a mark, and 
since the mark appears to have been permanent and something 
of a disgrace, it was only persons of the lowest class of slaves 
who bore a real mark. It may be, therefore, that 39 tends 
to corroborate this theory. But the statement of the custom 
of boring the ear, analogous to the Hebrew practice of the 
Covenant Code, does not prove that this was the method of 
marking slaves in general or public slaves in particular. 
Furthermore, 4 legislates that the penalty imposed upon a 
male or female slave who receives stolen goods be the cutting 
off of the nose and ear. This same penalty is imposed in 
other instances, cf. 4, 5, 39, where the offender is not a 
slave. The purpose of the penalty seems to be to inflict 
punishment and disfiguration. If the ear was the member that 
bore the sign of servitude, is it probable that it would have 
been cut off? If the boring of the ear in the manner desig- 
nated was practised on a large group of persons, and not 
merely on the occasional offender, again we ask, why do we 
find no trace of it in sculpture? The Assyrian Code un- 
fortunately does not throw any new light on the Mesopotamian 
custom in question. 



THE OBJECT of this study is to describe as clearly as possible 
the elements of divine service in early Sumeria. The elements 
are taken to be gods, temples, priests, sacrifices, altars, dedi- 
cations, ritual, and festivals. Our study will be confined to 
early Lagash, that is, from the earliest times in Lagash to the 
end of the reign of Urukagina, when Lagash was captured 
by Lugalzaggisi. It will be based upon only those inscriptions 
which can be dated with certainty. They are the royal in- 
scriptions, the numerous business tablets, and seal cylinders 
and other similar works of art. 1 

At an early date in the development of Southern Babylonia 
the city of Lagash became an important centre, and conse- 
quently its god became powerful. 2 Lagash must have been 

Abbreviations of less common use in this article are: Amherst^ 
T. G. Pinches, The Amherst Tablets, Pt I, London, 1908; ClfT Clay, 
Miscellaneous Inscriptions in the Yale Babylonian Collection, New 
Haven, 1915; Dec. -= Heuzey, Decouverts en Chaldee, Paris, 1887 ff.; DP 
Allotte de la Fiiye, Documents prfsargoniques, Pans, 1908 ff.; KSA 
King, A History of Sumer and Akkad, N. Y., n. d.; KSTD*-> Keiser, 
Selected Temple Documents of the Ur Dynasty, New Haven, 1919; KU 
Kohler und Ungnad, Hammurabi's Gesett, Leipzig, 1904 ff.; Nik.-* 
Nikolski, Drevnosti Vostochniya, S. Petersbourg, 1906; Nou. Fouill. 
Cros, Heuzey, Thureau-Dangin, Nouvclles Fouilles de Tello, Paris, 1910 f.; 
BT<7 Thureau-Dangin, Recueil de Tablettes Chaldtennes, Paris, 1903; 
SAK Thureau-Dangin, Die 3umerischen und Akkadischen Konigs- 
inschriften, Leipzig, 1907; TSA de Genouillac, Tablfttes Sumeriennes 
Archaiques, Paris, 1909; Ward in Gurtiss Curtiss, Primitive Semitic 
Religion of To-day, Chicago, 1902. 

1 For the idea of god in Sumeria and early Babylonia, tee Mercer, 
Religious and Moral Ideas in Babylonia and Assyria, Milwaukee, 1919, ch.2. 

92 Samuel A. B. Mercer 

connected with Nippur, for Ningirsu, the god of Lagash, is often 
called the warrior god of Enlil of Nippur. 3 Ningirsu's name 
means lord, or lady, of Girsu, one of the four quarters of the 
city of Lagash. He was considered the son of Enlil, and his 
consort was the goddess Bau. Three of his daughters are 
mentioned in the inscriptions of early Lagash, 4 and four others 
are named in the inscriptions of the reign of Gudea. 5 Besides 
these there grew up around Ningirsu a regular family of gods. 
There were DUN-x, 6 Ninsar, the sword-hearer of Ningirsu, 7 
NinSah, 8 Ninharsag, 9 and Nina, 10 a water-goddess and deity 
of oracles and dreams, after whom one of the earliest kings 
of Lagash, Ur-Nina, was named. There were other deities 
who associated themselves with Ningirsu, such as, Dumuziahzu, 11 
DUN-Sag-ga, 12 son of Ningirsu, Impae, 13 Lama, 14 Lugaluru, 15 
Ninki, 16 Innina, 17 Urnuntaea, 18 and Zazari. 19 Enlil, king of 
lands, was also associated with Ningirsu. 20 But while there 
were many temples and shrines in Lagash and many deities 
were worshipped, nevertheless Ningirsu and his great temple, 
E-ninnii, were the centre of the city's worship. As prince, lord, 
king, and god, Ningirsu received the adoration of gods and 
men. His special emblem was Imgig, the lion-headed mytho- 
logical eagle, which was usually represented as standing on 
two lions. 21 These early Sumerian gods are represented with 
flowing hair, bound with a double fillet; with cheeks and upper 
lip shaven, with a long beard, and nude to the waist, the legs 
being clad in a close-fitting garment. They usually carry a 
war-mace, and are often equipped with a great net ($us-gal) 
in which they trap their enemies. 

Around Ningirsu and his associated deities clustered all the 
details of official worship, and they were the object of the 
people's veneration. Divine worship was the most compelling 
force in early Sumeria, and we shall find that it and its 

SAK 38; GUI, No. 4, Col. 1. 

* SAKUg 2, 10-12. Cyl. B 11, 3ff. SAK 36 I 3. 

7 SAK42 c 21ff. s SAK42 a 4. SAK20 b 2. 

10 SAK 2 a. "SAK20b2. "SAKMgZ. 

" SAK 44 g 2. " SAK 56, 20. SAK 18, 6. 

" SAK 18, 3. n SAK 20 b 2. " SAK 44 g 2. 

i SAKMg 2. 20 SAKl 1. 21 SAKU e; KSA 98. 

Divine Service in Early Lagash 93 

influence permeated and controlled society. There was nothing 
more real than the existence of the gods, and their worship 
was the people's most serious duty. 

The central and most important building in a Sumerian 
city was the temple. The exact form and arrangement of the 
Sumerian temple as it existed in Early Lagash are unknown. 
There are only very scanty remains of Ningirsu's temple, and 
these date from the time of Ur-Bau and Gudea. But judging 
by our knowledge of the temple and temple-area at Nippur 
in the time of Ur-Engur, the temple itself was in the form 
of a rectangle with inner and outer chambers, and with a 
great tower or ziggurat. 22 The temple-area was irregular in 
form, but covering about six times as much ground as the 
temple. The Sumerian sign for temple is a rectangle with 
cross-bars, which points to the usual form of the earliest 

In Lagash there were, as we shall see, many temples, but 
the most important one stood in Girsu and was called E-ninnu. 
It was the temple of Ningirsu. In the other three quarters 
of the city, Nina, Uruazagga, and Uru, were important temples. 
But shrines and smaller temples were numerous. 

Temples were usually constructed at the command of the 
gods. Thus Gudea was directed by his god to build a temple, 
and an interesting plaque 23 shows TJr-Nina, of Lagash, carrying 
a basket filled with material probably for the building of 
Ningirsu's temple. The historical inscriptions are full of 
references to the building or restoring of temples by the kings 
for various gods. 14 

Archaeological excavations teach us that the Sumerian temple 
was built of brick, but it was finished inside with wood. 25 It 
is likely that a temple could contain a chapel, for the term 
eS (e. g. eS Qir-zu SAK 6 i, etc.) is used in such a way, in 
relation to the regular term for temple, (e. g. e d Nind, 
SAK 4 e, 2), that it seems to indicate a chapel. 2 * There is 

" If c-PA means temple tower (cf. Gudea St. 6 1, 15) there is evidence 
that the tower was common in Early Lagash, e. g., SAK 2 a 4, 3; 6/23. 
M Die. pi. 2 bis. E. g. 8AK2 etc. 8AK*a 6, etc. 

' Contrast* however, ti-DUG-RU and H-gi gi-KA-na, SAK 30a 
2-3; 326. 

94 Samuel A. B. Mercer 

however no doubt about tbe meaning of Mr. We read of 
the Mr d Enlil, Mr d Niiiharsag, Mr *Ningirsu, and Mr d BdbMr 
(SAK 38, 2, 14 18) in connections which leave the meaning 
doubtless. The Sumerian sign for Mr is a square with strokes 
across the four sides, and indicates a simple square hut built 
of reeds. Another word used in a similar connection, ti-ra-as, 
seems to indicate a palace chapel. Thus we meet not only 
with the phrase e ti-ra-a (SAK 24d 2, 4) but also with e-gal 
ti-ra-as. Now, while e may mean either a temple or room in 
a temple (&4ST42&4, 24), yet the term e-gal always means 
palace, and the phrase e-gal ti-ra-as would seem to mean palace- 
chapel (SAK 22, 7, 19).27 The bur-sag was also a chapel. We 
read of a bur-sag of d Bau to which offerings were brought 
for her (SAK 46 h 2, 1 3) and it is called an e temple, or 
room in a temple. 28 Still another word which may have been 
used for chapel is mal-lu-ur, although the context leaves the 
matter uncertain (SAK 46 ft 2, 46). 

The more important temples had spacious yards or fore- 
courts, where was usually to be found a well (SAK 28i 3), 
where, if we can judge from later use, a part of the service was 
performed. 29 Each temple had its store-houses and magazines, 
where dates (e-engur-ra-kalumma), wine (e-KA-@AR),*i and 
corn (kirmahhu, G-udea, Cyl. A 28, 56) were kept. 32 From 
the account of Urukagina's reform we learn indirectly of the 
lands, oxen, and asses which the temples possessed, and how 
the priests had become rich and powerful. 

Associated with some of the temples of important deities 
there was a sacred grove (tir-azag). Thus, Entemena built 
one for Ninharsag and also for Nina and for Ninmah. 33 But 
whether any part of the temple service was conducted there 
it is impossible to say. It would seem, from inscriptions of 
the time of G-udea, that the grove was a garden where vines, 
palms and flowers were cultivated for use in the services of 
the temple. 

In the temple itself were various objects the exact use of 

Contrast, however, Gudea, Cyl. A 10, 1518. 
2 8 SAK42b 4, 24. Gudea, Stat. B 4, 12f. so SAEWa 4, 2ff. 

31 SAK42b2, 6. ** SAK38n 2, 19f. 33 SAKWab; 32a2; 

32 f 2930. 

Divine Service in Early Lagash 95 

which cannot be always ascertained, although they were most 
likely used in connection with the services. Many of these 
objects were dedicated to the gods. Thus, in the temple of 
Ningirsu, in the time of Urukagina, was a M-AB, which may 
have been a chapel (SAK 58k 5, 3f); and* in the same reign 
a Td-KU-akMl-Li-ni was dedicated to DunSagga (SAK 426 2, 9), 
Other similar objects are referred to, e.g., Hi~en-da-ka (SAK 58. 
5, 1), Im-dub-ba and nam-nun-da-ki-gar-ra (SAK 38, 2 and 4), 
ib-gd-KA-KA-a-DU (SAK 10 a 4), a-hus (SAKW&3), a-EDIN 
and nin-gar (SAK 2 a 34) ib-gal (SAK 26 23), ki-nir 
(SAK4e3), and URU-NIG (SAK4f2). Besides these objects 
that cannot be identified, there were many others that were 
dedicated for use or for ornamentation in the temples. Such 
were, an onyx bowl dedicated to Bau by Ur-Nina (SAK 8p), 
the famous silver vase dedicated by Entemena to Ningirsu 
(SAK 34/i), a stalagmite vessel dedicated toDun-x by Entemena 
(SAK 34g)\ and various other vessels were dedicated to such 
deities as Ningirsu and Nina. 34 It was customary to dedi- 
cate war maces, 34 and plaques as votive offerings were probably 
attached to the walls of shrines and temples. Votive pillars 
and blocks of stone were also common, 36 and they may have 
been considered especially sacred because of some association 
with a deity or with some ceremonial act. Statues of deities 
were sometimes dedicated and erected in temples, where such 
deities were venerated. 37 Some of the objects in the temple 
bore names, such as, <d Ningirsu interceded in the temple of 
Uruk with d Bau for Urukagina 1 , 3 8 and the furnishings of the 
temple were adorned with gold and silver. 39 
The chief temples of Lagash, in this early period, were: 
e-ninnii of Ningirsu (SAK 34fc 1819) 
e-gi-piwa of Ningirsu (SAK d) 
e-unug ki of Ningirsu and Bau (SAK4Ad) 
e-adrda of im-Sagga of Enlil (SAK 30 a 1 [RUckseiteJ) 
e-an-na of Innina (SAK 58fc 5, 5) 
e-me-JjuS-gal-an-ki of Galalim (SAK 426 3) 
e-engur of Nina (SAK 58, 1 [Ettckseite], 67) 

E. g. to Ningirsu by Enannatum, a bw-tum-ga* (&4JT28a); to 
Nina a lum-maft (SAKVBk). B.g. SAK tie; 34 i. 

M SAKGk, 26^. 7 B. g. 8AK*b,c, 4c. SAKHd. 

54 JT 36m 2; CMI No. 4, cols. l-ll. 

96 Samuel A. B. Mercer 

There are other references to temples in Lagash which bore 
no specific name. Such as: 

e-Ningirsu (SAK 4/ 1) 

e-Bau (SAK42b3) 

6-Nina (SAK 2 a 1) 

e-Babbar (SAK 44/) 

e-Ama-geStin (SAK 58k 2) 

6-Dumuzi-abzu (SAK 58fc 5) 

e-Gatumdug (SAK 4 e 4) 

e-Hegir (SAK 44c 2630) 

e-Impae, e-Urnuntae, and e-Zazari (SAK 4Ag 2) 

e-Anna (Innina) (SAK 10 a 4) 

6-Lama (SAK 44g 2, 68) 

e-Lugaluru (SAKSSkl) 

e-Nindar (SAK 58fc 5) 

e-Nimmal) (SAK 32/ 27) 

e-Ninmarki (SAK 4c 3) 

e-Ninar (15: 42 c 21 24) 

The king among the early Sumerians, as elsewhere, was the 
representative of the gods, and as such was the priest par 
excellence. In fact, the Sumerian king bore a title which 
marked him as the man of his god. He was called patesi. 
In Early Lagash this term was interchangeable with lu'gal, 
the word for king, for while we read of the patesi of a town 
or the patesi of a god we never find the phrase patesi' of a 
king. Eannatum invariably styled himself patesi. Later it was 
looked upon as less kingly. 40 Sometimes the king was called 
patesigal, the great patesi, to represent his office as ideal 
high priest. 

With the multiplication of royal duties, the king was gradually 
obliged to delegate his priestly acts to others. This began to 
be so before the earliest date of which we have historic records. 
Then there arose an official priesthood. But always the office 
of the priest remained a high one, and sometimes a royal person 
acted as an official priest. Thus, both Enetarzi and Enlitarzi 
were priests before they became patesi and king. Both were 

*o C. Frank, Studien ew Babylonischen Religion, Strassburg, 1911, 
-42 81106*1. 

Divine Service in Early Lagash 97 

priests of Ningirsu. 41 And Hi, priest of Ninab or Ninni-eg, 
was appointed by Entemena as patesi of Umma. 42 So important 
and influential was the priesthood that events were dated 
according to the time of their installation, e.g., mu en woS-e- 
ni-pad, the year the priest was installed; 43 mu en la-tug, the 
year the priest was invested. 44 But their influence was often 
used to further their own interests, so much so that Urukagina's 
reform centered mainly around the excesses of the priesthood. 
There were many classes of priests. The commonest priestly 
class was the sangu (Ideog. $ID). The sangu was always 
the servant of some deity, such as Lugalkigalla, priest of 
Ningirsu, 45 Luenna, priest of Ninmarki; 46 or of some temple, 
such as the high priest of Girsu. 47 There were also palace 
priests. 4 ^ At the head of the sangu stood the sangu-mdh, or 
high priest. He was usually a very influential man. Thus? 
Dudu, high priest of Ningirsu, was called the servant of 
Entemena, 49 dates referred to him, and he was represented 
on bas reliefs. 50 Another priestly class was the muslahhu. The 
word means serpent-driver, and points to some species of 
serpent-worship. There was a chief serpent-priest (muslalah- 
gal), bl and he is represented on the so-called family-has relief, 52 
wearing a short dress with plain body. He must have been 
a very important man to have been thus pictured with the 
royal family. A third class of priests was the kalu, whose 
fees were reduced by Urukagina. 53 And there was likewise a 
kalamah or chief kalu. b4 "What their particular function was 
is not yet clear, although they would seem to have been 
connected with the musical department of the temple. 56 Other 
priestly classes were the utug, b * or anointers, at whose head 
stood the utug-nun-ne, or great sutug (posisu); 57 the abarakku, 
a kind of anointing priesthood; 58 and the ndru, a musical 

.You. Fouill. I 52-63; JB2U16. ' SAKM, 3-4. 

* KSTD 103. KSTD 107. Q. A. Barton, Sumerian 

Business and Administrative Documents, Philadelphia, 1916, No. 2, rev. II. 
" Nou. FouiU. I 6263. " Amherst, tablets in Brussels p. 12. 

ETC 61, 6. CMI No. 4, Col. in. o Die. pL 6 to, 

fig. 2 et p. 906. it 8AKB y 2. " Dec. 2 ter 1; 2 bit 1. 

> 8AK4g 4, 2; TSA 9 I 72. " TSA 2 rev. I. &41T60, 

10, 22; of. Frank, op. cit. 6-7. SAKML " SAKUg 4, 12. 

" &i!T48A4,4; of. Frank, op. cit 12ff. 

7 JA08 42 

98 Samuel A. B. Mercer 

order. 69 There were also seers and diviners (Sulrdumu), 
but the dtipu and bdru, who became so famous later, as in- 
cantation priests, do not appear in the Early Lagash period. 
Some priests sacrificed and some took care of the food, etc., 
of the temple, but no distinguishing mark between them has 
as yet been discovered. 

There were also priestesses, but they were not as common 
as the priests. The nin-dingir* 1 priestesses were, in the 
Hammurapi period, cloistered nuns. 62 Priestesses were some- 
times of royal blood, if we may judge from Lidda, the 
daughter of Ur-Nina, who held a high rank in the temple 
hierarchy. 63 

Very little can be learned about the personal habits and 
practices of Sumerian priests of this early period. It is, 
however, certain that they married (JKT(716), and that they 
kept servants (RTC 16). It is probable that they lived on the 
lands of the temple. 64 A has relief gives us a fair idea of the 
appearance of a priest. 65 It shows a beardless man, with upper 
part of the body and feet naked. Another plaque, but per- 
haps later than the period under consideration, has a bearded 
priest, dressed in a long mantle hanging from his left shoulder. 
His upper lip is shaven, and he wears a turban, similar to 
those known to have been worn during the Hammurapi 
period. 66 

The central act of worship in Early Lagash was the sacri- 
fice. This was so much so that the temple was sometimes 
referred to as a place of offering. 67 In fact, the temple was 
the home of sacrificial worship. ^ The res sacrifidi varied. 
Eannatum offered to Enzu of Ur a sacrifice of four doves, 69 
to Babbar of Larsa two doves and bulls, 70 and to Ninharsag 
of Kish two doves. 71 To Enki of Eridu and to his daughter 
Nina fish were offered in sacrifice. 72 But the material of 

5 SAK 2, note a, no. 4. eo RTG 16. ei SAK 5, 10, 12. 

2 KUII 120b. Plaque of Ur-Nina, Dec. pi. 2 bis. 

6* RA 7, 182. es Dfa pi. I, fig. 2, et p. 87-91. 

Dec. p. 251. 7 E. g. e sa-dtig-ka-ni, temple of her (Bau) 

offering, 8AK46h 2, 2. es E. g. e sd-dug an-na il-a-ni, the temple 

where heavenly offerings are presented, SAK4Ac32. 69 SAK 16, 21. 
'o SAK 16, 1, 3340. TI SAK 14, 18. " S AK 14, 19 ; 

Amherst, 1. 

Divine Service in Early Lagash 99 

sacrifice was almost limitless. Animals, fish, birds, cakes, 
clothes, metals etc., were offered on various occasions. 

Liquid offerings, or libations, were likewise common. Water 
was often offered 73 and fonts were built to contain such water 
(SAK 26 5), of which there were several varieties, the abzu 
(SAK 26 5), the abzu-banda (SAK 4 f 4, 6) and the dbzu- 
pasirra (SAK 30 a 5). The water contained in these fonts 
may have been also used for other purposes. Libations of 
oil were common, 74 and in later times wine was offered in 
libation (Grudea Cyl. B 5, 21). 

It is not possible to say with certainty whether or not the 
people of Early Lagash offered human sacrifice. There is, 
however, a significant picture on a plaque published by Ward 
in Curtiss, fig. 6, which depicts a sacrificial service. There is 
an altar with flames rising from the oil(?) offering. A kid and 
a bird are offered. Besides that there is a man seized by two 
others and brought towards the altar. There is no legend, 
but the scene suggests that the seized man is to be offered 
as a sacrifice. So far as I am aware, this is the only evidence 
for human sacrifice in Early Lagash. But this is far from 

In the inscriptions of Early Lagash there are a few places 
where offerings are mentioned in connection with the statues 
of human beings. 75 But there is here no evidence that such 
human beings are deifiecl. There is nothing to show that 
these offerings were anything eke than gifts placed beside the 
statue of human beings in their honour, in much the same 
way that we place wreaths on a statue. Otherwise, the offerings 
were made in the same way and for the same reason that 
the Sumerians of this early time placed drink, food, and a 
bed in the graves of the dead. 76 

Memorial or votive offerings were often placed in the temples. 
These usually took the form of inscribed plaques, with a hole 

" Ward in Curtiss, fig. 8. 

Ward in Curtiss, fig. 7, where the flame indicates the burning oil. 

i* Thus, offerings were made in the reign of Lugalanda in connection 
with the statue of Ur-Nina, KSA 169; offerings were also made for the 
statue of Sagiag, wife of Urukagina, TSA 84 VI and rev. VI. 

" 8AKMg 5-6 ; 60,9. 

100 Samud A. B. Mercer 

in the centre, whereby they were suspended vertically on the 
walls. Other objects were offered as memorials, such, for 
example, as the clay object in the form of an inscribed olive 
offered in honour of Ningirsu by Urukagina (SAK 44). 

Related to the sacrificial service, but not a sacrifice, was 
the service of dedication. Exactly what the form of this 
service was, it is impossible to say; even as it is impossible 
to say what were the details of the service of sacrifice. But 
the inscriptions are full of references to objects that were 
dedicated to the gods in the great temples of Lagash. We 
think at once of the great silver vase which Entemena dedi- 
cated to Ningirsu in E-ninnu to ensure the preservation of 
his own life (SAK 34ft). It is one of the most precious objects 
which archaeology has recovered from the graves of the past. 
Ur-Nina dedicated a canal to Nina (SAK 2), and one to 
Enlil of Nippur (KSA 107); and a warrior dedicated his arms 
to Ningirsu. 77 The pouring of a libation sometimes accompanied 
a dedication service. 7 8 

The central object in divine service was the altar, which 
itself was a dedicated object. The earliest Sumerian altar was 
a square boxlike object with one high shelf at the back. On 
the altar was placed the material of sacrifice and on the shelf 
was usually set a vase. Ward in Curtiss, fig. 1, shows two 
flat cakes on the altar, with a vase, over which a libation is 
poured; fig. 2 represents an altar with a pile of cakes and a 
bird, probably a dove; fig. 3 shows an altar with cakes and 
the head of a goat, and a worshipper approaching with a goat 
in his arms; and fig. 4 depicts an altar with a cup, from which 
rises a flame, an indication of burning oil. A later, but still 
early, form of Sumerian altar was what has been called the 
hour-glass altar an altar in the shape of an hour-glass. Ward 
in Curtiss, fig. 5, represents a marble altar from which rise 
two flames (or branches) and a worshipper approaches with 
an animal in his arms; fig. 6 shows an hour-glass altar with 
two flames (or branches), a kid, a bird, and a man being 
brought by two other men towards the altar; fig. 7 represents 
an altar with flames, and a worshipper who holds a goat on 
one arm and with the other pours a libation. He is attended 

77 Dec. pi. 1 bis, fig. 1, and p. 164166. 78 ^SA 112. 

Diwne Service in Early Lagash 101 

by two persons, one with a pail, the other with cakes. Fig. 8 
shows a double hour-glass altar, and a worshipper, who pours 
a libation from a slender vase. All these plaques with the 
exception of figures 5 and 6 show a god or goddess to whom 
the sacrifice is being offered. What have been called flames 
in some of these scenes may have been palm branches or 
flowers. 79 The hour-glass altar was very old; indeed, it may 
have been quite as old as the square altar, for it is the hour- 
glass altar which is seen in the oldest script. There it is 
represented with fire burning on the top. 80 

The ritual of the temple centered around the altar. There 
the deity was present with his symbols of office. The altar is 
usually represented as standing before the deity, and between 
him and the worshipper. In his presence the suppliant pours 
his libation or offers his sacrifice. The material of libation, 
water, oil or wine, is kept in a vase, but the material for 
sacrifice lies on the altar, or, in the case of animals, is brought 
to the altar by the worshipper. The suppliant is sometimes 
attended by servers who carry material for the sacrificial 
service. Sometimes the worshipper is led into the presence 
of the deity by a priest. 81 

The central figure in divine service is the priest. Ur-Nina, 
as patesi, presents his offerings to his god with bare feet and 
body, and when such high officials appear as suppliants on 
their own behalf they are led before the deity by a goddess. 
The priest, however, usually leads the ordinary worshipper 
before the altar, and it is the priest who does the manual 
acts. He stands nude before the altar, and presents the ob- 
lations, which he receives from the suppliant and his attendants, 
and reads the prayers. 82 The worshipper then stands with 
hands clasped upon the breast, or folded at the waist, or in a 
perpendicular position before the face, palms inward, in an 
attitude of humility, while the priest raises his hand in the 
attitude of adoration and prayer. 83 In some parts of the 

Die. p. 211. w Barton, op. eft. No. 1, Cols. IL6, II. 6. 

i These points are illustrated on the figures in Ward in Curtiss. 
M CM I No. 4, CoL IV. Die. pi. 1 bit, fig. 1. See also S. Langdon, 
'Gesture in Snmerian and Babylonian Prayer', JRAS 1919, 581666, 
which came to hand after this article was composed. 

102 Samuel A. B. Mercer 

service there is probably kneeling and bowing, if we may so 
conclude from the fact that even the god Ninsah kneels and 
bows before Ningirsu when he intercedes for the life of Uru- 
kagina. 84 When Eannatum prayed to Ningirsu for victory 
over Umma, he lay flat upon his face and saw in a dream 
his god who assured him that Babbar would advance at his 
right hand. Whether such prostrations were common in litur- 
gical worship cannot at present be ascertained. 

Music must have played a part in the temple ritual for we 
read of the 'chief temple singer' 85 in the time of Urukagina, 
and by the time of Gudea it was common. There may have 
also been religious processions, for from the time of Gudea 
we have detailed evidence of such a procession. 86 In this 
procession were four sacred ministers. The first carried in his 
hands a musical instrument, the second held a sort of adze, 
the third had his hands joined and in the attitude of prayer, 
and the fourth had his hands crossed on his breast. Following 
these was another person, with hands crossed, and a singing 
woman carrying a musical instrument. The deity is also 
depicted, as well as the bull for sacrifice. This scene may well 
have been often duplicated long before the time of Gudea and 
perhaps during the period of Early Lagash. 

What use was made of onions in the temple service cannot 
be determined, but there is an account of Eannatum's presenting 
a mortar to the temple of Ningirsu for pounding onions in 
connection with the temple ritual (SAK 28 a). 87 It is also 
uncertain whether the burial service was held in the temple. 
But considering the fact that the temple was the centre of 
all religious and civil life of the community, it is most likely 
that it was there that such important services were held. We 
gain a good idea of the ritual of a funeral ceremony from 
the Stela of the Vultures. 88 A bull, lying on his back and 
bound to a stake driven in the ground, is depicted, with a row 
of six lambs, or better, kids, decapitated. Then there are two 
large water pots in which are standing palm branches. A 

* SAK&a 6; 6 5. 85 TSA No. 2, rev. I; No. 5, obv. II. 

86 Dec. p. 219221. 87 For the oath as a temple ceremony 

and its ritual, see Mercer, 'The Oath in Sumerian Inscriptions', JAOS33, 
3350. 88 D'QC, passim. 

Divine Service in Early Lagash 103 

youth pours water for a libation, and bundles of faggots are 
near for the burning of the sacrifice. It is probably Eannatum 
himself who presides as priest. At any rate such ceremonies 
must have been quite elaborate, and have taken place before 
the altar in the temple. 

A festival is usually the occasion of most elaborate cere- 
monies in divine service. There is abundant evidence that 
the Sumerians of Early Lagash observed many festivals. There 
was the Feast of Bau (DP 96, 5), the Feast of Dim-ku 
(Nik. 183, 2; ETC 35, G), the Feast of Se-kii (ETC 35, 6), the 
Feast of Lugal-uru (DP 105, 7), the Feast of Ne-[gun]-ka 
(Nik. 187, 2) and the Feast of Nina (ETC 30, 2). When Ur- 
Nina built the Tirash, a festival in honour of Ningirsu was 
celebrated on the day of the New Moon. Then there were 
festivals of increase and of eating of grain (ETC 33). But of 
the ritual and ceremonial detail of these festivals we have no 
knowledge. In later times a New Year's feast was celebrated 
in Lagash in honour of the marriage of Ningirsu and Bau, 
when processions were held; in Babylonian and Assyrian times 
the akitu or Feast of the New Year was held with great 
ceremony; and in Assyrian times there was a 'Festival House', 
in which such ceremonies were probably held (MDOG Nr. 33). 
It may be assumed that the people of Early Lagash had their 
festivals on which processions and divine service were held, but 
for detailed information about them we must await further 
work of the archaeologist and linguist. 

Divine service in Early Lagash was held in honour of many 
deities, but especially in that of Ningirsu and his consort Bau, 
in the great temple, 6-ninnO, the cathedral of Lagash. There 
were other temples in Lagash; there were many priests and 
priestesses; but in -ninnu we can safely suppose that the 
patesi, or priest-king, often pontificated as patriarch or arch- 
bishop. Under him served a whole hierarchy, beginning with 
the &angu-mdh, high-priest or bishop, and ending with the 
humblest of the clergy. They all had their part to play in 
the divine service, the details of which we may know better in 
the future. The central act of worship was the sacrifice, though 
there were also libations and other minor services of prayer, 
praise and dedication. Services varied in ritual according as 
they were more or less solemn, and we may be sure that on 

104 Samud, A. B. Mercer 

great festivals the ceremonial was rich and varied. The norm 
of correct ceremonial was probably to be found in the great 
E-ninnu, where Ningirsu appeared in all his divinity, and where 
the royal patesi sometimes celebrated. Imagination must suffice, 
for the present, to enable us to see the stately procession of 
sacred ministers and choristers move in solemn manner towards 
the great altar, the presence of Ningirsu ; to watch the genu- 
flections, bowing, and prostrations; to see the sacrificial elements 
offered up with suiting dignity; to hear the music and solemn, 
words of dedication and consecration; to see those varied 
colours, to hear those strange sounds and to experience the 
sensations which those far-off people felt as they took part in 
their service of prayer and praise, adoration and dedication, 
worship and sacrifice. The corner of the veil which separates 
us from a full knowledge of the life of the Ancient Orient 
has been raised, and we await with patience, but deep interest, 
its gradual lifting that we may attain a clearer and still clearer 
vision of it all. 




TWENTY YEABS AGO at this writing my work on the Paippa- 
lada was begun; including this book nearly one half of the 
manuscript has been published. The Paippalada has been a 
disappointment because of its corrupt text, which is worse 
than was at first realized. The somewhat informal mode of 
presenting the text has drawbacks as well advantages but it 
is necessary: the transliterated text is the most important 
feature and with it in hand any one can test the suggested 
emendations. In emending it has been my endeavor at all 
times to keep as close to the ms. as possible and to make 
only such suggestions as can be explained by principles of 
textual criticism. The treatment of several hymns in this 
book is not out of accord with this endeavor. The appearance 
of a given passage in other texts does not change the problem 
tho complications may be added: it remains a problem of 
textual criticism. 

The Paippalada has not as yet furnished any important 
new material to enrich Atharvan literature. It probably will 
add to our understanding of the relations of Vedic schools 
and texts, and in this respect it may indeed prove itself of 
great worth. 1 Some of the possibilities in this direction are 
suggested in my article Paippalada and Big Veda* 

Just here I desire to record my thanks for the kindly ex- 
pressions of encouragement received from a number of scholars 

' Roth, Der AV in Kaschmir, pp. 19, 90. 

1 Studies in honor of Maurice Bloomfitld, pp. 118. 

106 L. C. Barret 

who are interested in Sanskrit studies: and in particular my 
thanks to Maurice Bloomfield, teacher, and Franklin Edgerton, 
fellow-student, and editor of Book Six of this text, who have 
been ever generous with helpful and valuable advice. 

Of the ms. This ninth book in the Kashmir ms. begins 
lllb20 and ends f. 133b 7, covering slightly more than 
eleven and one half folios: the numbers just quoted are those 
which stand in the upper right corner of each page of the 
facsimile, *120ab 129aV being omitted. On the birchbark 
the numbers are at the lower left corner of the reverse of 
each folio; the birchbark omits the numerals '102111': all 
my references are by the numbers in the upper right corner. 
There is but one slight defacement in this book: most of the 
pages have 18 or 19 lines, a few 20 or 21. 

Punctuation, numbers, &c. Within the individual hymns 
punctuation is most irregular; the colon mark is occasionally 
placed below the line of letters rather than in it. At f. 132 a 3 
accents are marked on two padas. The hymns are grouped in 
anuvakas: the first has five kandas all properly numbered, with 
'ami 1' after the fifth ; the second has six kandas all properly 
numbered, with 'anu 2' after the sixth; the third has nine 
kandas all properly numbered, but 'anu 3' is lacking after the 
ninth; for the fourth anuvaka the ms. seems to give nine 
kandas but the numbering is confused for '!' appears thrice 
('2' does not appear), '38' appear next consecutively, and at 
the very end is 'zz zz anu 7 zz', which should doubtless be 'zz 
9 zz anu 4 zz'. In the edited text however anuvaka 4 has five 
hymns. In the case of hymn 21 the material belongs together 
and regardless of kanda numbers the edited form will surely 
be approved: so also for hymn 23. The unity of the material 
edited as hymn 22 is not quite so distinct, but the habit of 
this ms. in dealing with a refrain was the deciding influence 
in making the arrangement given; in hymn 25 the situation 
is similar but the indications of a refrain are clear. There are 
only a few corrections, marginal or interlinear; one omitted 
pada is supplied in the margin. 

Extent of the book. The book as edited has 25 hymns, of 
which one is all prose, one partly prose, and one is a group 
of brahmana passages with quasi mantras. The normal number 
of stanzas is probably 12, continuing the progression of pre- 

The Kashmirian Atharva Veda 107 

ceding books: 8 hymns are edited as having 12 stanzas each. 
Assuming the correctness of the stanza division as edited we 
make the following table. 

1 hymn has 6 st =6 stanzas 

3 hymns have 7 st each = 21 
1 hymn has 8 st =8 

4 hymns have 10 st each 40 , 
1 hymn has 11 st = 11 
8 hymns have 12 st each = 96 

1 hymn has 13 st = 13 

2 hymns have 14 st each 28 
1 hymn has 15 st = 15 
1 * 17 st = 17 
1 21 st -SI* 

_l_ . 28 st -28 

25 hymns have 304 stanzas 

New and old material. There are 17 hymns in this book 
which may be called new tho some of these contain several 
stanzas appearing in other texts. The number of essentially 
new stanzas is 184, and the new pad as are 692 (repetitions 
not subtracted); new also are the 12 formulae of hymn 20, 
and the 12 brahmanas and quasi mantras of hymn 21. 

Of the hymns in S. 5 seven are represented here more or 
ten completely; one hymn of S. 19 appears here. 



(S. 5. 27.) 

[f. 11 Ib 20] navamam arambhas krtah z [f. 112 a] oA namo 
narayanaya z om namas sarikabhagavatyaih om namas sa- 
rasvatyaih zz zz [2] oift urdhva asya samidho bhavanty 
urdhva sukra suclhsy agneh dyumattama supratikasya su- 
[^|nos tanunapad ambhasuro visvcvedah devo devasu devas 
patho yukta madhva ghrtena | ma(4]dhva yajftam naksati 
prinano nurasahsas suksad devas savita visvavarah ascha- 
ya[5]m eti savasa ghrtena Tde vahnim namasadhrim sruco 
dhvaresu | prayutsu sruve ksatasya [6] mahimanam agne- 

108 L. C. Barret 

svenamindrasu prayutsu | vasuS cetistho vasudhatama ca | 
dvaro [7] devlr anyasya visved vrata dadahte gneh | uru- 
vyacasva dhamna pacyamana te sya vrsano [8] divya na 
yona | usasanaktesam yajnam avatam adhvaram nah daiva 
hotara imam a[9]dhvaram no agner jihve bhi graitah krnuta 
na svistim tisro devlr barhir edam [10] sadahtv ida sara- 
svatl | mahabharatl grnana | tarn nas turisam adbhutam 
puruksu [11] tvasta suvlryam rayas posam visvata nabhim 
asmahe | vanaspate va srja rara[12]nas sumana devebhyah 
agnir havyam samita sudayati agne svaha krnu[13]hi jata- 
veda in dray a bhagam | visve deva havir idam jusantaih 

Z X Z 

For the introductory phrases read: navamam arambhas krtah 
z om namo narayanaya z om nama^ cai'ikabhagavatyai z oin 
namas sarasvatyai zz zz 

For the hymn read: urdhva asya samidho bhavanty urdhva 
^ukra Soclnsy agneh | dyumattama supratikasya sunoh z 1 z 
tanunapad asuro vi^vaveda devo devesu devah | patho 'yukta 
madhva ghrtena madhva yajnam naksati prinanah z 2 z na- 
ra^anso c gnis sukrd devas savita vi^vavarah | acchayam eti 
^avasa ghrtena z 3 z ide vahnim namasagnim sruco f dhvaresu 
prayatsu | sruve yaksad asya mahimanam agneh z 4 z t sven a- 
mindrasuprayutsuf | vasu^ cetistho vasudhatamas ca z 5 z 
dvaro devlr anv asya viSved vrata dadante 'gneh | nruvyacasa 
dhamna patyamanah z 6 z te asya vrsanau divya na yona 
usasanakta | imam yajnam avatam adhvaram nah z 7 z daiva 
hotara imam adhvaram no agner jihvayabhi grmtam | kynutam 
nas svistim z 8 z tisro devlr barhir edam sadantv ida sarasvatl 
mahabharatl grnanah z 9 z tan nas turipam adbhutam pu- 
ruksu | tvata suvlryam rayas posam vi syatu nabhim asme 
z 10 z vanaspate Va srja raranas sumana devebhyah | agnir 
havyam Samita sudayati z 11 z agne svaha krnuhi jataveda 
indraya bhagam | vi^ve deva havir idam jusantam z 12 z 1 z 

In editing this I have followed KS to some extent, parti- 
cularly in the division of stanzas. In 2c possibly 'nakti should 
be read. In 4 a Ppp is unique and so doubtful; its sruve in 
4c is also unique, but Edgerton would read sa yaksad with 
other texts. In 7 a vrsanau does not give a good comparison 
and perhaps should not be suggested; all others yosane. 

The Kashmirian Atharva Veda 



(g. 5. 28.) 

[f. 112a 14] yajuhsi yajfte sami svahagnes pravidvan iha 
vo yunaktu yunaktu devas sa[15]vita prajanan yasmin yajfie 
sayuja svaha | indra yukthamadani ya[16jjne asmin pra- 
vidvan pranaktu sayujas svaha chandahsi yajnam marutas 
sva[17]ha | mateva putram piprtesyuktva **aisa navida priyo 
yajuhsi sistah | [18] patmbhir vatehi yukta yem agah barhisa 
proksanebhir yajnam tanvanadi[19]tis svaha | visnur yunaktu 
bahudha upasmin yajfte sayuja svaha | tvasta [20] yunaktu 
bahudha virupasmin. indro yunaktu bahudha viryany asmin. 
so[f. 112b]mo yunaktu bahudha payahsy asmin. | bhago yu- 
naktv asiso ny asmasmin yajne sa[2]yuja svaha | asvina 
vrahmanetam arvag vasatkarena yajftam vardhayantau sva- 
ha | [3] vrhaspate vrahmanosy arvan yajftam vayam sva- 
ritam yajamanaya dhehi svaha | [4] z 2 z 

Read: yajun?i yajne samidhas svahSghis pravidvan iha YO 
yunaktu z 1 z yunaktu devas savita prajanann asmin yajne 
sayujas svaha z 2 z indra ukthamadani yajne asmin pravidvan 
yunaktu sayujas svaha z 3 z chandansi yajne marutas svaha 
mateva putram piprteha yuktah z 4 z praisa nivida apriyo 
yajunsi Sistah patmbhir vahateha yukta^ z 5 z eyam agan 
barhisa proksanlbhir yajnam tanvanaditis svaha z 6 z vis^ur 
yunaktu bahudha tapahsy asmin yajne sayujas svaha z 7 z 
tvas^a yunaktu bahudha virupasmin z 8 z indro yunaktu 
bahudha viryany asmin z 9 z somo yunaktu bahudha pa- 
yansy asmin z 10 z bhago yunaktv fi^iso nv asma asmin 
yajne sayujas svaha z 11 z asvina vrahmanetam arvag va- 
satkarena yajnam vardhayantau svaha | vrhaspate vrahmanehy 
arvan yajno ay am svar idam yajamanaya dhehi svaha z 12 z 2 z 

The edited text is assimilated to that of .: the greatest 
difficulty is in 12d, where it might be possible to read yajnam 
ay an : dhehi at the end of the pada is somewhat open to 
suspicion. In 12 a and 12c the . readings vrahmana vat am 
and Yrahmana yfthy might be intended. 

[f. 112b 4] Spas punantu varunas punatv ay a ca ya? 
pavate visvadanlm | yajno [5] bhago adhivaktadhivantSgnii 

110 L. C. Barret 

ca nas pavayetam suryasya | dasasirso dasaji[6]hvarabhe 
viruko bhisak. | ma te risah khanitasmai ca tva khana- 
masi | dasara[7]trena kilamasya virudha veda bhesajarh ya- 
tas tud abhriyakhanam kilasam na[8]sayamasi te | apsv 
anya virohati dhatvamn anyadhi tisthati | kilasam anya 
ni[9]mnasad varcasanya sam afljatu | ajyena ghrtena juhomi 
kilasabhesajam [10] virudhan agnes samkase kilasam nanu 
vidyate | pisangam r up ay a bhavati ka[ll]kalmasam uta 
samdrsi | kilasa nasyetas paras pra tva daksami vlru[12]dha 
yani prthag utpatanti naksattraniva samdrsi | kilasam sar- 
vam na[13]sayam no bhivadyema virudha yadi va puruse- 
sitat kilasa pary aja[14]gah namo namasyamo devan pratyak 
kartaram rschatu | sirsnas te skandebhyo lala[15]tat pari 
karnayoh osadhya kilasam nasayami te | sasta varna itya[16]n 
aratis sahosadhi grivabhyas ta usnihabhyas kikasabhyo 
anukyat. | [17] ahsabhyarh te dorbhyam bahubhyam pari 
hastayoh prstibhyas te parsvabhyarh sro[18]nibhyarh sasa | 
urubhyarh dve sthlvadbhyam prapadabhyam | osadhya [19] 
varsajutaya kilasam nasayama te | sasta varna ityan aratis 
saho[f. 113a]sadhi | gravabhyas ta usnihabhyas kikasabhyo 
anukyat. ahsabhyarh te dobhyam ba[2]hubhyam pari hasta- 
yoh | prstibhyas te parsvabhyam sronibhyam pari bhahsase | 
urii[3]bhyarh dve sthlvadbhyam parsnibhyam prapadabhyam | 
osadya varsajutaya kilasam na[4]sayamase | sasta varna 
ityanurotis sahausadhi z 3 z 

Read: apas punantu varunas punatv ay am ca yas pavate 
visvadanlm | yajno bhago adhivaktadhivaktagni^ ca nas pava- 
yetam surya^ ca z 1 z da^a^irso da^ajihva arabhe virudho 
bhiak | ma te risan khanita yasmai ca tva khanamasi z 2 z 
da^aratrena kilasasya virudha veda bhe?ajam | yatas tad abhri- 
yakhanam kilasam naSayamasi z 3 z apsv anya vi rohati 
dhanvany anyadhi tithati | kilasam anya nlnaad varcasanya 
sam anjatu z 4 z ajyena ghrtena juhomi kilasabhesajam | vl- 
rudham agnes samkase kilasam nanu vidyate z 5 z pisangam 
rupe bhavati kalmaam uta samdrsi | kilasa nasyetas paras 
pra tva dhaksami virudha z 6 z yani prthag utpatanti na- 
ksatramva samdr^e | kilasam sarvam na^ayan fno bhivadyemaf 
virudha z 7 z yadi va purusesitah kilasam pary ajagan | namo 
namasyamo devan pratyak kartaram rcchatu z 8 z sirsnas te 
skandhebhyo lalatat pari kar^ayoh | osadhya varsajutaya kila- 

Tl\e Kashmirian Atharva Veda 111 

sam nagayami te | Sasta varfla ity fan aratisf sahausadhih 
z 9 z grivabhyas ta usnihabhyas klkasabhyo anukyat | osa- 
dhya | sasta z 10 z ansabhyam te dorbhyam bahu- 
bhyam pari hastayoh | osadhya | Sasta z 11 z prstf- 
bbyas te parsvabbyam Sronibhyam pari bhansasah | osadhya ; 
s*asta z 12 z urubbyam te 'stblvadbbyam parsnibhyam 
prapadabhyam | osadhya varsajutaya kilasam na^ayami te ^ 
^asta varna ity fan urotisf sabausadbih z 13 z 3 z 

Our 2cd is edited to tbe form given in KauS. 33. 9ab; 
our division of stanzas may be wrong bere. For lOab and 13ab 
see S. 2. 33. 2ab and 5ab (Paipp. 4. 7. 2 and 6). The ar- 
rangement of stt. 913 seems correct but it is possible that 
13 is not the correct total number of stanzas in the hymn. 

[f. 113 a 4] sahai[5]va vo hrdayani saha vijftanam astu vah 
sendro vrttraha karat saha devo vrha[6]spatih | 
Read sahendro vrtraha in c. 

samanam astu vo hrdayam samanam uta ro manah sa- 
manam agnir vo deva[7]s 

The right-hand margin has samana hrdayam manah pathah, 
with indication that it is to be read after devas. 

Read vo in b, and samanam in d; it would be an improve- 
ment if we could read for d samana hrdayani vah (. 6. 64. 3c). 

sa rastram upadhvam | sam jamdhvam sahahrdayat sarve 
sarhmanam asta va | 

Read: samanaih rastram upadhvam sam jamdhvam sahrda- 

sarve * * * samanam astu vah z 3 z 
This has some similarity to &. 6. 64. 1. 

nasto [8] vo manyur jlrae rsyt saha | jlvatha bhadrayah 
yatha putras pravavada pit|-[0]bhyam vadatu priyam | 

In a I would read syat, tho risyat might be considered; in 
b remove colon after saha and read bhadraya; in c pravRva- 
dah ( prattling?). 

sahaiva vo dhanyani samanas pasavas ca vah saha prthi- 
vyam [10] virudhas saha vas santv osadhls 
Read osadhih at the end of d, and punctuate. 

112 L. C. Barret 

saha diksa saha yajrio vivaho vas sahama[ 1 1 ]tih saha 
prapharva nrtyanti saha vastriyasatam | 

In b read sahamatilj, in c probably nrtyantu: for d we 
might read saha vas striya asatam. This is st. 6. 

sahaivo viryani satya[12]ni randhayadhvai sa patattrimm 
isum anyassai hetis asyata 

In ab read sahaiva vo vlryany asatyani, tho the last word 
is somewhat doubtful; also "dhve is probable. In c read saha 
patatrinlm, in d anyasmai hetim. 

sarh vasyami su[13]matim madhuna vacamam rirasam 
yusmakam anye srnvantuditam sangathe jane | 

Read vas"ayami in a, and in b possibly vacasa rlrasan. 

[14] yusman amittra vrnutan isman apratijana uta | yu- 
smai jnatitvarh prestham tv a[15]mrtam martyaya ca | 

In ab read amitra vrnutam yusman prati , in c yusme; 
perhaps the rest can stand, but a verb at the end of c would 
seem better; possibly presyantu. 

sarh samidyas samakaram sa yutha gavam iva | sama- 
[16]nam astu vo mano jyestham vijnanam anvatah 

In a samidhas may be possible, with samakaran; in b read 
saha; at the end of d perhaps an vita, but invata might also 
be considered. 

yad im yad esam hrdayam tad esam [17] hrdaye bha- 
vat. | atho yad esam hrdam tad esam hrdi srutam | 
Read Im in a, probably hrdayam in c; Sritam in d. 

samanam astu vo [18] manas srestham vijnanam anvatah 
yad im yad esam mana esam yani manahsi ca madhri- 
[19]yagendra tas chrnu rathe padav ivahitau z 4 z 

Read: samanam astu vo manas" Prestham vijnanam anvita | 
yad im yad esam mana esam yani manansi ca | madryag endra 
tac chrnu rathe padav ivahitau z 12 z 4 z 

The general arrangement of the last three stanzas is not 
wholly satisfactory, but it appears fairly certain that the hymn 
has 12 stanzas. 

The Kashmirian Atharva Veda 113 


(S. 19. 6.) 

[ 113 a 19] sahasrabahu-[20]s purusas sahasraksas sa- 
hasrapat. | sa bhumim visvato vrtvaty atisthad dasa-[21] 
ngulam. tribhis padbhir dyam arohat pad asyehabhavat 

^ punah tatha vyakramud visyam [f. 113b] asanasayan. | tS- 
vanto sya mahimanas tato jyayahs ca purusah pad asya 

visva [2J bhutani tripad asyamrtam divi | purusa evedam 
sarvam yad bhutarh yas ca bhavyam | u[3]tamrtatvasyesvaro 
* yad anyenabhavat sahah yat purusam vyadadhus katidha 
vyam akalpa[4]yan. mukham kim asya kim bahu kim uru 
padav ucyete | vrahmano sya mukham a[5]sita bahu rSjanyo 
bhavat. madhyam tad astu yad vaisyas padbhyarh sudro 
ajayata | [6] viral agre samabharad virajo adhi paurusat. | sa 
jato abhy aricyata pasca[7]d bhumim atho pura | yat puru- 
sena havisa deva yajftam atanvata | vasanto a[8]syasld 
ajyam grisma idhmas sarad dhavih | tarn yajnam pravrsat 
prauksarh purusam [9] jatam akramah tena deva ayajanta 
sadhya vasavas ca ye | tasmad asva a[10]jayanta ye ca ke 
cobhayadatah gavo ha jajnire tasmat tasmaj jata aja-[ll] 
vayah tasmad yajnat sarvahuta rcas samani jajftire | chando 
ha jajfti[12]re tasmad yajus tasmad ajayata | tasmad yajftat 
sarvahutas sambhrtam prsadajyam [13] pasus tan cakrire 
vayavyan aranyan gramyas ca ye | saptasyassan pa[14]ridha- 
yas tri sapta samidhas krtah deva yajftam tanvana abadhnan 
purusam [15] pasum | murdhno davasya vrhato ahsavas 
saptatl rajas somasyajayanta jS[16]tasya purusad adhi zz 5 zz 
anu i zz 

Read: sahasrabahus puruas sahasraksas sabasrapat | sa I 
bhumim visvato vrtvaty atisthad da^angulam z 1 z tribhis 
padbhir dyam arohat pad asyehabhavat punab | tatha vya- 
kramad vi^vann aanana^ane anu z 2 z tavanto r sya mahima- j 
nas tato jyayans* ca purusah | pad asya vi^va hhatani tripad 
asyamrtaih divi z 3 z puru?a evedam sarvam yad hhutam vac V 
ca bhavyam | utamrtatvasye^varo yad anyenabhavat saba z 4 z 
yat puru?aih vy adadbus katidha vy akalpayan | mukhaih kim M 
asya kim bahu kim uru padav ucyete z 5 z vrahmano 'sya 
mukham asld bahu rajanyo 'bhavat | madhyaih tad asya yad * 
vaisyas padbhyam ^udro ajayata z 6 z viral agre sam abhavad ^ 
virajo adhi purusab | sa jato aty aricyata pa&ad bhumim atho * 

8 JAO8 43 

114 L. C. Barret 

purah z 7 z yat purusena havisS deva yajnam atanvata | va- 
santo asyasld ajyam grlsma idhma& sarad dhavih z 8 z taiii 
yajnam pravrsa prauksan purusam jatam agras*ah | tena deva 
ayajanta sadhya vasavag ca ye z 9 z tasmad as>a ajayanta 
ye ca ke cobhayadatah | gavo ha jajnire tasmat tasmaj jata 
ajavayah z 10 z tasmad yajnat sarvahuta rcas samani jajnire | 
chando ha jajnire tasmad yajus tasmad ajayata z II z tasmad 
yajnat sarvahutas sambhrtam prsadajyam | paSuns tang cakrire 
vayavyan aranyan gramyaS ca ye z 12 z saptasyasan pari- 
dhayas trih sapta samidhas krtah | deva yad yajnam tanvana 
abadhnan purusam pas*um z 13 z murdhno devasya vrhato ans"a- 
vas sapta saptatlh | rajnas somasy ajayanta jatasya purusad 
adhi z 14 z 5 z anu 1 z 

This version of this hymn is almost identical with that of .; 
the omission of stanzas 7 and 8 of . is almost surely due to 
accident. When the AV versions are compared with the 
others the similarity of S. and Ppp. is the more impressive; 
note particularly our 4c and lie. Whitney reports some 
variants from two recensions of this hymn given in the rcaka 
of the Kathas; in 5b he reports enam for vi of &: note our 
ms. reading vy enam-; and I have allowed cakrire to stand 
in our 12 c because it is reported from the rcaka; these read- 
ings are further indications of close connection between Ppp. 
and Katha texts. In 5d I think the ms. intends ucyete, tho 
Roth (quoted by Whitney) read it ucyate, which is said to be 
the Katha reading. 


-f [f. 113b 16] imam khanasy osadhi[17]m adrstamahamm 
aham | asvasyavo dadati tva vairupo vajimvati | 

Read khanamy in a, and probably dahanlm aham in b ; the rest 
seems good, tho there may be a corruption at the beginning of c. 

[18] nadrsta vo jihvas santi na danta harhnor adhi napi 
. madhyanyam siras te yu[19]yam kim karisyatah zz zz ofn 
te yuyam kiih karisyatah 

Read hanvor in b, and karisyatha in d; delete om &c.; 
^ madhyanyam is given only by native lexicons and may not be 
correct here. 

The Kashmirian Atharva Veda 115 

om indramittra [20] indram hata nu va hyasti nuncanam 
indro vas sarvasam sakam sakras trnesu [21] vrttraha 

For a we may read indrSmitra indrahata; for b I would 
adopt Bloomfield's emendation of KauS 116. 7c na va ihastu 
nyancanam; in d read trnedhu vrtraha. 

asvatarah | ayassaphan ya indro adhi tisthati tvair vo pi 
nahyeff. 114a]te mukhanyad uca sarpinah 

Without the colon pada a can stand; read yaft in b. In c 
read tair vo 'pi, and for d probably mukham yad uta sarpa- 
nam. In c a subject for nahyete is needed. In d Edgerton 
would read sarpinam. 

apinaddham adrstana mukham pada drter iva | utai[2]sam 
jihva jisunta na danta harhnor adhi | 

Read adr?tanam in a, padam in b, and hanvor in d; for 
jisunta I can see nothing. 

avadhikam asrgada nyakrodada[3]lipsata | abhitsam sarve- 
sam amtvani ye drstas prthivlksikah 

I am inclined to accept avadhikam (from a-vadha); for b 
read ni krodada alipsata. In c read abhaitsam, for d ye 
'drsta? prthivlksitah: ankan is the best suggestion I can make 
for amtvani. This is st 6. 

rsya[4]sas paurusakso darbhaso virana uta mauftja adrstas 
sairyas sarve sa[5]kam ni jasyaca | 

With purusaksaso we would have a possible form for pada 
a; in b read vairina, in d jasyata, Cf. RV 1. 191. 3bc and 7d. 

adrstanam sapta jata prthivi nisase mahl | tan indro [6] 
bahubhyam sarvan sakro nupavapat. 

Read jatan in a, and possibly nirmame in b: sarvan in c, 
nv apavapat in d. 

vayasyantu sapta jStadrstas purusS[7]disa | gr5vnahsun 
iva somasya tayaham sarvan pra mrnimasi | 

For ab read vy asyantu sapta jata adr?tas purusadaS ca; 
in c -an^un; in d tan, tho tayaha would seem good save for 
the sudden change of meter; the echo of several AY padas 
beginning tayaham may have been at work. 

116 L. C. Barret 

atmaja ye va[8]stij5rusa ya utodima tebhyah khanamy 
osadhim tebhyo bimbi vadhas krta | 
Read in ab ya atmaja ye vasthija arusa; in d krta. 

adr[9]stebhyas tarunebhyo dhavabhya sthavirebhyah ahar- 
sam ugram osadhim tebhyo bimbi vadhas krta z 

In b we might perhaps read dhavebhyas (from dhu); read 
aharsam in c, and krta in d. 

[10] ye ca drsta ye cadrstas titflambhyalunahs ca ye | 
tenagne sarvan sandaha [11] krimm anejito jahi z I z 

Read: ye ca drt& ye cadrstas titllaS calinas ca ye | tenagne 
sarvan sandaha krimln anejato jahi z 12 z 1 z 


[f. 114a 11] sitajalayata sitavata [12] upagantu himenagni- 
navrto himenagnis parivrta ta tva deva uru[13]ndhamnat 
samudriyam ajavayah 

In ab we may read without much hesitation Sitajala upayata 
Sitavata; in d parlvrtah; in e tarn tva urudharah, and in f 

himo jaghana vo jam himo vaksam hi ma[14]tsati | hi- 
mad adhi prayamasi hime gyavimocanam | 
In a read 'jam, in b vaksan, in d 'gnivimocanam. 

himavatam sadhara[15]nardhendras saptavadhre | avaka 
tatra rohatu khale pari bilam tava | 

In a himavantam unless himavatam be possible, and ata- 
dharam seems probable; in b possibly anardhendras: in d 
read gale. 

arci[16]s te agne prathamam anganam aparam uta | 
grbnami vrahmana nama dhama[17]dha parussaruh 

In b read anganam aparam, in c grbhnami, for d dhama- 
dhama parus-paruh. 

Sitika nama te mata jalaso nama te pita i[18]ha tvam 
antara bhava bahikum astu yad rapa 

In d read bahlkam and rapah. This is st. 5. 

hime jatodake vrddha sindhu[19]tas paryabhrta | taya te 
agrabham namasvam ivasvapidhanya 
In b read 'bhrta, in d abhidhanya. 

The Kashmirian Atharva Veda 117 

ama [, 114b] namasy osadhe tasyas ta nama jagrabhah | 
agastyasya putraso ma vidhatu purusa[2Jn mama | 

In b read te and jagrabha; vidhyantu would give a good 
sense to padas cd. 

ma no agne tanvam sa vasam sya ririsah | 

Reading ma vasam asya we have a fairly good meaning. 

This is all the ms. offers for this stanza, I think; it does not 

seem to belong with what precedes or follows. 

yam ta samudraja vayam aroha[3]ma svastaye | divas 
tadavapad rundharat samudriya 

In a probably tva; in c I can only suggest devas tvam 
avavapad; for d probably urudharat samudriyat. 

apa hiranakumbho ha[4]rito vakabhih | parivrte tenagnim 
samayamasi | 

Read hiranyakumbho, Vakabhih and tenagnim; In can do 
nothing more towards restoring the stanza. This is st. 10. 

samayamy arcir agne si[5]sas tastumavidha | grbhite dya- 
vaprthivi grbhitam parthivam rajah 
For b I can offer nothing; the rest is correct. 

ni mu[6]ftjesu yad udakam ni nadresu yad antaram | yat 
samudre yat sindhau tenagnyam samayama[7]si | 

The margin corrects to nabhresu. I would suggest nir for 
ni in a and b with abhresu in b; a form such as gantu would 
then have to be understood. In d read tenagnim. 

vetamasyavakaya nadasya viranasya ca | rohitakasya vrksa- 
sya[8]gnisamanam ud dhare 
Read vetasasya- in a. 

ayati uta jaryo vi te harantu yed rapas par5yati[9] pa- 
ravatam parS vahantu yat tapah 

In a ftyatlr seems necessary, and after it something like 
udadhara; in b yad rapafc before colon. 

himasya tv5 jarfiyunagne para vya[10]y&masi | iltike ^itim 
it karo himake himam it kira z 2 z 

Read: himasya tvft jarayunftgne para vyayamasi | Sltike sltam 
it karo himake himam it karah z 15 z 2 z 

Padas ab appear &. 6. 106. 3ab and elsewhere; . has in b 
sale pari. 

118 L. C. Barret, 


[f. 114b 11] akrnvata langalena padvata pathayisnuna 
langulagrha [12] carakrasur vrkenaivam asvina | 

In a read akrnvata; for cd grhyacarkrsur vrkena yavam 
asvina. But a dual in c would be smoother, and we might 
consider carkarsathur. 

deva etam madhuna samyuktam yavam sa[13]rasvatyam 
adhu manav acarakrasu | indra asit serapatis satakratus 
ki[14]nasaman marutas sudanavah 

In b read adhi and acarkrsuh, in c sirapatis", in d kinaSa 
asan. This stanza appears in S. 6. 30. 1, and elsewhere. 

hiranmayam kalamam sudanavo divya[15]ya krtam | ava- 
bhrtam asvina saragham madhu | tato yavo virohat so bha- 
va[16]d visadusana 

Omitting sudanavo we would get a good pada a, but how 
it got in is not clear; remove colon and read krtam: the next 
pada is good if avabhrtam is acceptable as an aorist. In cd 
read vy arohat so c bhavad visadusanah. I suspect that we 
have here the remains of two stanzas, tho I edit them as one. 

yavarvayam saraghayas prsaya masv abharat. | 

Read: yavamayas saraghayas posaya madhv abharat | tato 

o o z 4 z 

I feel fairly certain that the refrain should be understood 
here as indicated; cf. below, hymn 11 st. 11, for a variant of 
the stanza. The emendation to posaya is somewhat unsatis- 

[17] yad vrkam madhupavana savardhayattam asvina | 
Read: yad vrkam madhupavanam sam vardhayatam aSvina | 
tato z 5 z 

This restoration I think is in the right direction. 

kairanda nama saratho [18] vrkasya samsyadhi | tato yato 
virohat so bhavad visadusanah 

With saragho pada a can stand; in b mansad adhi is the 
only possibility that occurs to me. Read cd as above. 

yad asya [f. 115 a] bharatho madhu saragha sarthas carat, 
sadyas tu sarvato yuvam punar a dhattam asvina 

The Kashmirian Atharva Veda 119 

Pada a can stand; in b saratha for sarthaS might be con- 
sidered but it has little to commend it. In c read yavam. 
Edgerton would read for pada a yad asyas saragho madhu. 

yo vain digdha[2]viddho hidestopacarat. tirthe radhram 
iva majjantam ut tarn bharatam asvinah z 3 z 

Read: yo vam digdhaviddho 'hidasta upacarat | tirthe ra- 
dhram iva majjantam ut tarn bharatam aSvina z 8 z 3 z 


[. 115 a 3] sa yam vahanty astayoga sadyoga yam caturga- 
va | sarve te visam vidhatam ugro madhyama[4]sir iva | ya- 
syaiva prasarpasy angam-angam parus-paruh tasmad visam 
vi badhasva ugro ma[5]madhyamasir iva | sakamlam cana 
te yuvanyan hanty osadhlh yavaid yavayayad go[6]r asvat 
purusad visam yavo raja yavo bhisag yavasya mahima 
mahan. yavasya [7] mantham papivan indras cakara vlryaih | 
a bharamrtam ghrtasya puspam a rabha | [8] anabhrisato- 
sadhai idarh dusayad visam iha yantu digdhaviddha sudra 
rS[9]janya uta | caksur me sarva drsyate yarhtu kada pu- 
nah z 4 z 

Read: sa yaih vahanty astayoga sadyoga yam caturgavah 
sarve te visam vi badhantam ugro madhyamas'lr iva z 1 z 
yasya yava prasarpasy angam-angam parus-paruh | tasmad 
visam vi badhasa ugro madhyama^lr iva z 2 z s*akalam chi- 
natti yavo 'nyan hanty osadhih | yavo ya ayad yavayad gor 
aSvat purusad visam z 3 z yavo raja yavo bhisag yavasya 
mahima mahan | yavasya mantham papivan indras* cakara 
vlryam z 4 z a bharamrtam ghrtasya ghrtasya puspam a 
rabha | anabhrikhatausadhir idam dusayad visam z 5 z iha 
yantu digdhaviddha^ Sudra rajanya uta | caksur me sarva 
fdrSyate yayanti kada cana z 6 z 4 z 

In Ic vi might well be omitted. St. 2 has appeared as 
Ppp. 8. 3. 11, and S. 4 9. 4, with variants: in c I have followed 
. tho we might of course read badhaevogro. The emendations 
in 3 a and 3c are rather violent but not improbable. In 6cd 
perhaps sarvan and ya ayanti. In 5b bhara might be read 
for rabha. 

120 L. C. Barret 


[f. 115 a 10] jivatave na martave siras tarabhamahe | ra- 
sam visasya navidam udhnas phe[ll]na madann iva 

Read ta a in b, and udhnas phenarii in d. Pada a as here 
appears Ppp. 5. 17. 8e, and PB. 1. B. 18d; RV. 10. 60. 9c has 
mrtyave. Padas cd have appeared Ppp. 2. 2. 3. 

bhumya madhyad divo madhya bhumyamtvad atho divah 
madhye pr[12]thivya yad visam tad vaca dusayamasi | 
In ab read divo madhyad bhumya madhyad. 

asvatthe nihatam visam kapagle [13] nihatam visam. si- 
lay am jajne taimatas prathamo visadusani | 

In a and b nihatam is possible tho nihitam would seen 
better. In d read dusanah; Edgerton would retain dusanl, 
thinking that taimatas is corrupt. 

vi[14]sasyaham vairdakasya visasya dalbhyasya ca | atho 
visasya maittrasya samanim [15] vacam agrabham | 
Read baindakasya in a, and Samanim in d. 

tad id vadamtv arthita uta sudra utarya visanam visva- 
[16]gartanam sarvathaivarasam visam 

Read in ab vadantv arthita utaryah; in d visam. 

purusas tvamrta kanvo visa prathama[17]m avayam. | ya- 
tha tanvaropayas tathasy arasam visam | 

With avayat in b the first hemistich can stand, but I have 
some doubts about pada a; pada b = . 4. 6. 3b (cf. Ppp. 
5. 8. 2 b). In c tanvo aropayas (nom. pi. of aropi) seems prob- 
able to me. This is st. 6. 

yad vo deva [18] upacika ud veham susiram dadhuh ta- 
tramrtamyasiktam us ca[f. 115b]kararasam visam 

In b read yad vedham susiram, in c *mrtasy; for d tac 
cakararasam vii?am. For pada a cf. . 6. 100. 2 a; on upacika 
see Ppp. 1. 8. 4. Our cd have appeared as Ppp. 5. 8. 8cd. 

sakuntika me vravid visapuspam dhayantika na ropayati 
na sada[2]yaty arasam sarvyam visam z abhy apaptani 
durgani saris sakunayo yatha | 

For a read Sakuntika me 'vravid, in d aravyam visam; in 
e probably apaptan. The last two padas seem best placed in 
this stanza. Padas abc have appeared Ppp. 4. 19. 6. 

The Kashmirian Atharva Veda 121 

[3] ihendranim varunanim sinlvalim krukosyam grhafi su- 
raputram de[4]vam yacamo visadusanam | 

For krukosyam at the end of b I see nothing, unless it 
might he a form krus": in c read suraputran, and in d dusanam. 

alakam vyalakam yavarh jalpa jigT[5]mahe | carad visam 
yava bhisag vayam ischasamahe 

Probably pada a can stand; in b we might read kalpam 
and take jiglmahe as a formation from ga (to go) after the 
manner of mimlte from ma. In c Sarad and yavad seem prob- 
able; in d possibly ic chfisfimahe, but this is very doubtful. 

asta dyaur athat prthi[6]vy asthad visvam idam jagat. | 
asthur visvasyaropayo anadvahas krsa[7]yavah 

Read asthad and asthat in a; in c I would read visasya, 
which is supported by the reading of a similar stanza on 
f. 25 Ib whose padas cd are asthur visasya bhltayas pratikula 
ivabalah. For padas ab see S. 6. 44. 1; 77. 1; Ppp. 3. 40. 6. 

yavat suryo vitapati yavas cabhi va pasyati | tenaham 
indra [b] tat tena krnomy arasarh visam ud visam arasam 
visam adhobhage rasam visam z [9] z 5 z 

Eead: yavat suryo vitapati yavac cabhi vipaSyati | tenaham 
indra tat tena krnomy arasam visam | tad visam arasam visam 
adhobhage 'rasam visam z 12 z 5 z 

The division into stanzas is not wholly satisfactory; in par- 
ticular one may suspect that two padas have been lost before 
yavat sttryo. 


[L 115 b 9] matarisva sam abharad dhata sam adhat paruh 
indragnl a[10]bhy araksatam tvastfi nabhim akalpayat. 
bhagas tvabhy anaksad rudras te asu[ll]m Sbharat. ratrls 
tvabhy agopaya sa tvam bhute ajayatam. | dyftu[12]? tfiyur 
gopayad antariksam amum tava | mata bhutasya bhavyasya 
prthij 1 .'i |thi vl tvabhi raksatu | ySm tva dev5s sam adadus 
sahasvapurusam sa[ 14|tlm | sftje vittam asyejam apfija vyajfi 
visam yas purastfit pra[15]syandante divS naktarh ca yoaitah 
fipa? puras sravantls ta ubhe vi[ 1 GJsadusanl | fitaspas te 
varsam asid agnis chayfibhavat tamah | [17] ulvam tc abhram 
aslt s& tvam bhute ajfiyatdm. | | gandharvas te mQlam fisli 

122 L. C. Barret 

chakhapsarasas tava | [f. 116 a] marlcir asarh purnani sinivali 
kularh tava | ajara devadadur amr[2]tam martyesv a | ta- 
syaitad agram adade tad u te visadusanam z anabhrau kha- 
nama[3]nam viprarh gambhirepsam bhisak caksur bhisak 
khane tad u te visadusanam | yas pu[4]rastad vitisthanti 
gavas pravrajimr iva | amrtasyeva vasy ato hasy a-[5] 
rundhatl yomayas svaraghaya prsaya madhv abharat. | tato 
yavas praja[6]yatas so bhavad vimadusana | yavasyaitat 
palalino godumasya ti[7]lasya ca | vriher yavasya vasadai- 
vena krnomy arasam visam | mahi[8]yonyo samudras syan 
na nirdam nrcayava | tarn deva guhyam ami[9]nam samu- 
dras ca ud abharam ] samudras ca udabhrtya utama puska- 
[lOJradaduh asyas prthivya devyas caksur akasyam asi vi- 
sadu[ll]sanam z 6 z anu z 2 z 

Read: matariva sam abharad dhata sam adadhat paruh | 
indragnl abhy araksatam tvasta nabhim akalpayat z I z bha- 
gas tvabhy araksad rudras te asum abharat | ratrls tvabhy 
agopayan sa tvam bhute ajayathah z 2 z dyaus t& ayur go- 
payad antariksam asum tava | mata bhutasya bhavyasya pythivi 
tvabhi raksatu z 3 z yam tva devas sam adadhus sahasrapu- 
rusam satlm | saje vittam asyejam apaja vyaja visam z 4 z 
yas purastat prasyandante diva naktam ca yositah | apas pu- 
rastat sravantis ta u te visadusanlh z 5 z atapas te varsam 
asid agni^ chayabhavat tava | ulbam te abhram aslt sa tvam 
bhute ajayathah z 6 z gandharvas te mulam asic chakhapsa- 
rasas tava | marlcir asan parnani sinivali kulam tava z 7 z 
ajara deva adadhur amrtam martyesv a | tasyaitad agram 
adadhe tad u te visadusanam z 8 z anabhrayah khanamana 
vipra gambhlre c pasah | bhisak caksur bhisak khanam tad u 
te visadusanam z 9 z yas purastad vitisthanti gavas pravra- 
jinlr iva | amrtasyeva va asy ato hasy arundhatl z 10 z yava- 
mayas saraghayas posaya madhv abharat | tato yavas praja- 
yata so c bhavad visadusanah z 11 z yavasyaitat palalino go- 
dhumasya tilasya ca | vriher yavasya daivena krnomy arasam 
visam z 12 z mahlyonau samudras syan f na nirdam nrcaya- 
vaf | tarn deva guhyam asinam samudrac cod abharan z 13 z 
samudrac codabhrtyot tarn puskara adadhuh | asyas prthivya 
devyas caksur akasyam asi visadusanam z 14 z 6 anu 2 z 

With our 9ab cf. Ppp. 8. 8. 9ab (- &. 19. 2. Sab); it would 
seem that somewhere in the transmission of the text an attempt 

The Kashmirian Afharva Veda 123 

was made to put the adjectives of these pSdas into the neuter, 
harking back perhaps to the previous stanza. St. 11 here is 
almost identical with st. 4 of hymn 8. I feel doubtful about 
several of the suggestions offered, particularly in 13 a. Edgerton 
would suggest for 14 a b samudrac codabhratota tarn puskaram 
dadhuh, or something similar. 


[f. 116 a 11] samanam artham paryanti [13] deva rupo ru- 
pam tapasa vardhamana | ud aditam abhi mam vi[14]santi 
tad eko rupam amrtatvam esarh 

In a read parayanti, in b rupam-rupam and vardhamanah: 
in c read tad adityam and sam viSanti, in d ekarupam and 

devo devebhir agamam mari[15]ham no aditis pita suprlta 
jatavedasam ekarupo guha bhavam 

In a read agaman, in b manhan: for c probably suprito 
jatavedas san, in d bhavan. 

[16] atithyam agnir avatu deva ubhayebhis pitrbhis sam- 
vidanah | maha[17]n mariya upa bhaksam agam mam gur- 
bhadityam nivistavahnih 

In c possibly varlyan may be read, and agan ; pada d prob- 
ably begins with sam and has adityan, but I cannot make 
any thing of gurbh unless gurta (aorist) is acceptable. 

tavi[18]anti purusam sayanam prana nistva nisasanty enam 
te no ratrya [19] sumanasyamanah ahva raksahitv ahrni- 
yamanam | 

Read: ta avi^anti purusam Sayanam pranft vistvii ni saina- 
yanty enam | te no ratrya sumanasyamana ahna raksantv 
ahrnlyamanah z 4 z 

The suggestion in b is somewhat bold but I have consider- 
able confidence in it 

pasubhyo na|2(|s pasupataye mrdas sarvasyo nir hSya- 
tam ma nas prano pu rl[f. 116b]ri^ah 

In a I think we should read pa^upate: in d read pranopa. 
The remainder I cannot restore; there are only nine syllables 
out of which to make two(?) pftdas. 

124 L. C. Barret 

vayus satye dhismtah pranapanam abhiraksam pradayur 
edi [2] mam | deva yatta prajapata sadityas ca yemire | 

In a read 'dhisritah for b possibly pranapanav abhiraksan; 
for c possibly pradadad ayur eti mam ; in d yatah prajapatyah. 

The grouping of these padas into one stanza is not wholly 
certain, and throughout the rest of the hymn there are dif- 
ficulties in the division into stanzas. 

pusa ra&misu [3] yattadityo visnur akrame sva roham 
diva rohati | 

Read: pusa ramisu yatah | adityo visnur akrame sva rohan 
divam rohati z 7 z 

pra yatu devas savi[4]tu sarve tvasta rupani pihsatu 
amjanto madhuna payo 

Read savita in a; I would delete sarve, and have the next 
three words stand as pada b (= . 5. 25. 5b). For c perhaps 
we may read anjanto madhuna payah, but yunjanto would be 

atandram yatu[5]m asvinam visve devah prayatanadi- 
tyassas sajosasas puras pa[6]scat svastaye | 

Read: atandram yatam asVinau vi^ve devah prayatana | 
adityasas sajosasas puras pascat svastaye z 9 z 

vrahma varma vrhaspatis samgavo no bhi raksatu | devo 
de[7]vais purohita | maruto vrsnya nagamat satyadharmana 
utaye | 

In b read f bhi; in d possibly na agamant; I would remove 
the colon after pada c. In b samgave would be somewhat 

a[8]parahnesu jindhatah indro raja divas pari rahan mi- 
maya tisthasi | [9] sa naimas kalpayad disah z i z 

Read: aparahnesu jinvita indro raja divas pari | rohan mi- 
maya fti?thasi sa na imas kalpayad diah z 11 z 1 z 

Pada d would be improved by omitting na. 


& 5. 30. 110. 

[f. 126b 9] avatas te paravatas pa[10]ravatas ta avata | 
iheva bhava ma nu ga ma purvah anu ga gata | na [11] 

The Kashmirian Atharva Veda 125 

mum badhnami te dudham yas tvabhi cerus purusah so 
yad aruno danah [12] unmocanapramocane ubhaya vada 
vadami te | yadadrohita sepi[13]se stri pumse citya z yad 
enaso matariktas chese pitrsutad uta | [14] unmocanapramo- 
cane | ubhaya vaca vadami te | yat te mata ya[15]t te pita 
jaman bhrata ca sarjata | pratyak chevasya bhesajaradastim 
[16] kraomi te | yehi yehi punar ehi sarvena sanasa saha | 
sa[17]to yamasyasanu gadhi jlvapura hi | anuhatah punar 
ehi vidva[18]udayanam pathah arohanas akramanam jivato 
jivato yanam sa [19] bibhen na parisyasi jaradastir bhavi- 
syasi nir vocamam yaksmas ange[20]bhyo angajvaram tava | 
sirsarogam angarogam yas ca te hrdayamaya | ya-[ 117 a] 
yaksma syenaiva prapattatad vaca"nuttah parastam rsi 
bodhapratibodhav asva[2]pno yas ca jagavi | te te pranamya 
goptaro diva svapnarii ca jagratu z 2 z 

Read: avatas te paravatas paravatas ta avatah | ihaiva bhava 
ma nu ga ma purvan anu ga gatan asum badhnami te dydham 
z 1 z yat tvabhicerus purusah svo yad arano janah | unmoca- 
napramocane ubhe vaca vadami te z 2 z yad dudrohitha Se- 
pi?e striyai pumse acittya | unmo z 3 z yad enaso ma- 
trkrtac chese pitrsutad uta | unmocanapramocane ubhe vaca 
vadami te z 4 z yat te mata yat te pita jamir bhrata ca sar- 
jata | pratyak chevasya bhesajam jaradastim krnomi te z 5 z 
ehy ehi punar ehi sarvena manasa saha | dutau yamasya manu 
ga adhi jlvapura ihi z 6 z anulmtah punar ehi vidvan uda- 
yanam pathah | arohanara akramaijam jlvato-jlvato f yanam z 7 z 
ma bibher na marisyasi jaradastir bhavisyasi | nir avocam aham 
yaksmam angebhyo angajvaram tava z 8 z Sirsarogam angaro- 
gam ya ca te hrdayamayah | yaksma^ Syena iva prapatad 
vacanuttah parastaram z 9 z rsi bodhapratibodhav asvapno 
yad ca jagrvih | tau te pranasya goptarftu diva svapnam ca 
jagratuh z 10 z 2 z 

The text is edited to a fairly close accord with that of S. 
In la Ppp. is better; in 4b S. has pitrkrtac ca yat; 5c seems 
possible as given, but might well be only a corruption of the 
S. form; in 6c sado would seem good and nearer to our ms.; 
in 10 cd Edgerton would read te te goptaro jagraty; 
in 10 d . has naktam ca jagrtam. Other variants are not 

The ms. clearly indicates the end of a hymn here, and 

126 L. C. Barret 

there seems to be justification for it in that the next stanza 
(& 11) has somewhat the tone of an opening stanza. With 
some hesitation 1 keep the division. 


(. 5. 30. 11-17.) 

[f. 117 a 3] ayam agnir upasadya iha surya ud etu te | ud 
ehi mrtyor gambhirat krschra[4] cit tamasas pari | namo 
yamaya namamo stu mrtyave namas piturbhyah uta [5] 
ye nayanti | utaparinasya yo veda tvam agnim puro da- 
dhe | aitu prana ai[6]tu mana aitu caksur atho balam | sa- 
riramam asya sam vida tat padbhyam [7] pratisyatu | pra- 
nenagnaya caksusa sam srjemam samlraya | tanva [8] sam 
srjanena votthamrtasya ma mrta mo su bhumigrho bhu- 
vat. | ma te prana [9] upa dasam mapano pa dhaya te | 
suryas tvadhipatir martyor ud ayaschati rasmi[10]bhih | 
imam tar vadaty ugra jihva manispada tataya romam vi 
nayasah | [11] satam romic ca uksana | ayam lokas priya- 
tamo devanam aparajitah [12] tasmai tvam iha jajnise 
adrstas purusa mrtyave | tasmai tvani hveyama[13]si ma 
pura jaraso mrdha z 3 z 

Read: ayam agnir upasadya iha surya ud etu te | ud ehi 
mrtyor gambhirat krcchrac cit tamasas pari z 1 z namo ya- 
maya namo 'stu mrtyave namas pitrbhya uta ye nayanti | utpa- 
ranasya yo veda tarn agnim puro dadhe <sma aristatataye> 
z 2 z aitu prana aitu mana aitu caksur atho balam | s"arlram 
asya sam vidam tat padbhyam pra tis^hatu z 3 z pranenagne 
caksusa sam srjemam samlraya tanva sam sarjanena | vettha- 
mrtasya ma mrta mo su bhumigrho bhuvat z 4 z ma te prana 
upa dasan mapano 'pi dhayi te | suryas tvadhipatir mrtyor 
ud ayacchatu ra^mibhih z 5 z iyam antar vadaty ugra jihva 
panispada | taya rogam vi nayama^ gataih ropl^ ca takmanah 
z 6 z ayam lokas priyatamo devanam aparajitah | yasmai 
tvam iha jajnise distas purusa mrtyave | tasmai tvanu hva- 
yamasi ma pura jaraso mrthah z 7 z 3 z 

The variations from . here are few and not important; the 
restoration of the end of 2 d seems necessary. In 3 d we might 
well read prati as in .; in 7d adrstas as in our ms. does 
not seem possible. 

The Kashmirian Atharva Veda 127 


(S. 5. 17. 1-7, 10, 11.) 

[f. 117 a 13] tarn vadam pratha vrahmakilvi[14]se kuparas 
salilo matarisva | vlduharas tapa ugram mayobhuva apo 
[15J po devis prathamaja rtasya somo raja prathamo vra- 
jayam punah prayascha[16]d ahrniyamanah anvantitva va- 
runo mittro asid agnir hota hasta[17]grhna ninaya | haste- 
naiva grahya adir asya vrahmajayeti ced avocat. [18] na 
dutaya prahyatasta esa tatha raste gupitam ksattriyasya | 
yam a[19]hus tarakam vikesldat pragamam avapabhyamana 
sa vrahmajaya pra [f. 117 b] tinotu rastram yatra prapaddi 
samu ulkakhimam vrahmacarl carati vevisa[2]d visas sa 
devanam bhavaty ekam angam tena jayam anv avindad 
vrhaspatis so[3]mena nihatam juhvam na devah deva eta- 
syapajayamtu purve saptarsaya[4]s tapas te ye niseduh 
bhima jaya vrahmanasyapinihita dugdharh da[5]dati parame 
vyoman. | ya gar bhavapabhy ante jagad yas capilupyate | 
vira [6] ye hanyonte mitho vrahmajaya hinasti tarn. | sarva 
garbhas pra vyathante ku[7]mara dasamasya asmin rastre 
niruddhyate vrahmajayaditya punar vai de[8]va adadus 
punar manusya uta | raj anas satyarh krnvano vrahmajayaih 
na pu[9Jnar daduh | yo punardaya vrahmajayaih krtva de- 
vair nakilvisarh urjam pr[10]prthivya bhaktobhagayam upa- 
sate z 4 z 

Read: te 'vadan prathama vrahmakilbise * kuparas salilo ma- 
tariva | vlduharas tapa ugram mayobhuva apo devLs pratha- 
maja rtasya z I z somo raja prathamo vrahmajayaih punah 
prayacchad ahnilyamanah | anvartita varu90 mitra asid agnir 
hota hastagrhya ninaya z 2 z hastenaiva grahya adhir asya 
vrahmajayeti ced avocat | na dutaya praheya tastha esa tatha 
rastram gupitam ksatriyasya z 3 z yam ahus tarakaih fvike^ldat 
praggramam avapadyamanam | sa vrahmajaya pra dunoti rastram 
yatra prapadi da^a ulkaslman z 4 z vrahmacarl carati vevisad 
visas sa devanani bhavaty ekam angam | tena jayam anv 
avindad vrhaspatis somena nitarii juhvam na devab z 5 z deva 
etasyam ajayanta purve saptarsayas tapas te ye nisedub | bhima 
jaya vrahmapasyapanlta durdham dadhati parame vyoman 
z 6 z ye garbha avapadyante jagad yac capalupyate | vira ye 
hanyante mitho vrahmajaya hinasti tan z 7 z sarve garbhas 
pra vyathante kumara da^amasyab | yasmin rastre nirudhyato 

128 L. C. Barret 

vrahmajayacittya z 8 z punar v5i deva adadus punar manu- 
sya uta | rajanas satyarii krnvana vrahmajayam punar daduh 
z 9 z punardaya vrahmajayam krtva devair nikilbisam | urjam 
prthivya bhaktvorugayam upasate z 10 z 4 z 

This text agrees almost entirely with that of .; our Sab 
are new, and 8cd = . 12 cd. In 4a Ppp. probably has a 
variant from the . text tarakaisa vikes"lti; except for the 
lack of iti, vikeSi ruk would seem good; in 4b & has duchu- 
iiaih grumam. In 6 a . has avadanta. 

The fact that RV. 10. 109 has seven of these stanzas (lack- 
ing our 4, 7, and 8) makes it reasonable to follow the Ppp. 
ms. in counting this as a separate hymn. . 5. 17 has been 
recognized as a composite hymn. 


[f. 117b 10] na tatra dhenu drohe [11] nanadvan sahate 
dhuram vijani yatra vrahmano ratim vasati papaya | [12] 
na varsam maittravarunam vrahmajyam abhi varsati | asmai 
samitis kalpate [13] na mitt ram nay ate vasam | asunmati 
carati vrahmajayam ^alam panktis pra[14]disas catasrah yah 
ksattriyas punar enam dadatu sa divo daram yaya[15]tu 
prapmaih | yo punardaya | vrahmajayam raja kalpe na pa- 
dyate | du[16]ryono sma osadhir yakasyabhivapasyati visam 
usnaty apa vi[17]sam usnati virudham yo vrahmajayam na 
punar dadati tasmai devas su[18]dhiyam digdham asyam | 
tat padayo disa striyas purve vrahmana vrahma [f. 118 a] 
ced dham agrahlt sa eva patir ekadha vrahmaneva patin 
na raja nota vaisyat tat su[2]ryas pravruvann ayatu paftca- 
bhyo manavebhyah z 5 z 

Read: na tatra dhenur dohya nanadvan sahate dhuram | vi- 
janir yatra vrahmano ratrim vasati papaya z 1 z na varsam 
maitravarunam vi'ahmajyam abhi varsati | nasmai samitis kal- 
pate na mitram nayate va^am z 2 z fasunmati carati vrahma- 
jaya s*alam panktis pradi^a catasrah | yah ksatriyas punar 
enam dadatu sa divo daram yayatu praplnam z 3 z punar- 
daya vrahmajayam raja kalpe na padyate | duryone e sma osa- 
dhir yakasyabhivipa^yatl z 4 z visam usnaty apam visam usnati 
virudham | yo vrahmajayam na punar dadati tasmai devas 
svadhitim digdham asyan z 5 z uta yat patayo daa striya 

The Kashmirian Atharva Veda 129 

purve 'vrahmanah | vrahma ced dhastam agrahlt sa eva patir 
ekadha z 6 z vrakmaija eva patir na raja nota vaiSyafc | tat 
suryas pravruvann eti pancabhyo manavebhyah z 7 z 5 z 

St. 1 is S. 5. 17. 18; st. 2 is S. 5. 19. 15; stt. 6 and 7 are 
S. 5. 17. 8 and 9. In la Edgerton suggests dohaya which is 
in some ways better than dohya; in 3c he would read dive, 
and perhaps dharam. In 3c dadati might be read; the whole 
stanza is unclear to me. 


(S. 5. 18, in part.) 

[f. 118 a 2] naitam te devadadu[3]s tubhyarh nrpate attave 
ma vrahmanasya rajanya gam jighatso nadyah aksa[4]dugdho 
raj any as papanmam aparajitah | sa vrahmanasya gam adya- 
tadvya [5] jivani ma sva nir vai ksattram nayati hanta 
varco gnir valabdhah prtannotu rastram [6] yo vrahmanam 
devabandhum hinasti tasya pitfnam apy etu lokam. | devapl- 
[7]yuhs carati martyesu garaglrtyo bhavaty asthibhuyarh yo 
vrahmanam manyate anna[8jm eva sa visasya pivati taimata- 
sya visam sa pivati taimataih pasyann agnim pra [9] sidati | yo 
vrahmanasya sraddhanam abhi nara manyate satapastha ni 
slda[10jta tarn na sikhanota niskidam anna yo vrahmanS 
nandas sadv anamita manya[ll]te | ya enarii hanya mrda ma- 
ny amano devapi banakamo na cinta san tasce [12] andho 
hrdaye agni bandho ubhainam dasto nabhasi carantam | na 
vrahmano [13] hihsitavagnes priyatama tanuh somo hy 
asya dayada indro syabhisa[14jstipat. | agnir vai nas pada- 
vaya somo dayada ucyate | jayatabhi[ lojsasta indras tat 
satyam dcvasamhitam | avistitaghahavisa prajakur i[16]va 
sarmana | vrahmanasya rajanyas trpsls gur anadyah 
z 6 z 

naitam te devft adadus tubhyam nrpate attave | ma vrahma- 
nasya rajanya gam jighatso 'nadyam z 1 z aksadrugdho ra- 
janya? papa atmaparajitah | sa vrahmanasya gam adyad adya 
jivani ma 6vah z 2 z nir vai ksatram nayati hanti varco 'gnir 
ivalabdhab pra dunoti rastram | yo vrahmapam devabandhum 
hinasti na sa pitrnam apy etu lokam z 3 z devaplyu.4 carati 
martyesu garaglrno bhavaty asthibhuyan | yo vrahmanam ma- 
nyate annam eva Sa visasya pibati taimatasya z 4 z visaih 

9 JA08 43 

130 L. C. Barret 

sa pibati taimatam paSyann agnim pra sldati | yo vrabmana- 
sya sad dhanam abhi narada manyate z 5 z Satapastba ni 
sldata tarn na Saknoti niskbidam | annam yo vrabmanam 
nandan svadv admit! manyate z 6 z ya enam banyan mrdum 
manyamSno devaplyur dhanakamo na cittat | sam tasyendro 
brdaye agnim indba ubbe enam dvisto nabhasl carantam z 7 z 
na vrabmano binsitavyo 'gneh priyatama tanuh | somo by 
asya dayada indro 'syabhiastipah z 8 z agnir vai nas pada- 
vayab somo dayada ucyate | jayate 'bbi^asta indras tat satyam 
devasambitam z 9 z avistitagbavisa prdakur iva carmana | vra- 
bmanasya rajanya trsfcaisa gaur anadya z 10 z 6 z 

Tbe text as edited is verbally fairly close to tbat of S. 
For 6 a . bas satapas^bam ni girati, and 6c bas malvas for 
our nandan (ms. nandas). For 9cd . bas (in its st. 14) ban- 
tabbi^astendras tatba tat vedbaso vidub ; it would improve our 
text to read c bbis"astim. St. Sab is new; cd = & 5. 19. 9cd. 
S. 5. 18. 812 and 15 do not appear in tbis bymn according 
to our ms.; all but 12ab appear in tbe next bymn. Tbere 
is no reason to object to tbe Ppp. arrangement except tbat 
tbe number of stanzas in tbe bymn is less tban tbe norm for 
tbis Book 9. 


(Stanzas from . 5. 18 and 19.) 

[f. 118 a 17] isur iva digdha nrpate prdakur iva gopate | sa vra- 
hmanasyesun di[18]gdha taya vidhyatu pltaya | tiksna isavo 
vrahmana hetisanto yam assa[19]nti sarvyah ni sa mrsam | 
anuhayati tapasa manyuna cota d*rad abhinda[f. 119a]nti 
te taya | jihva bhya bhavati kunmalam van nadika danta 
tapasasiddhi[2]gdha tebhir vrahma vidyatu devaplyam 
nirjalai vanurbhir devajuteh ye vra[3]hmanarii hihsitaras 
tapasvinam manisinam vrahmacaryena srantam ava[4]nti- 
mad bhavita rastram esam tapasaiva nihatam nanu vetu 
ye sahasram ara[5]jamn asarh dasatad uta tebhyas pra vra- 
vimi tva vaitahavyas parabhuvam gau[6]r eva tan hanya- 
mano vaitavyah ivacarat. | ye kesaraprapumdayas caru- 
ma[7]da upecaram abhimatra jayanti nod ivi divi pasprsam 
srga hih[8]satva vrahmim amumbhavyam parabhuvam | ye 
vrhatsamanam angirasam alpa[9]yam vrahmanam janah | 

The Kashmirian Atharva Veda 131 

tetvak stokam ubhayadan yat stokany amayat. | [10] ye 
vrahmanam pratyusthlvam yas casmai sulkam Isire | astras 
te madhye kuly[lljyas kesan akhadantasate | astapadi ca- 
turaksi catussrota ca[12]turhanuh dvijihva dviprana bhutva 
sa rastram avi dhunute z [13] z 7 z 

In f. 119 a 1 the margin corrects bhya to dya and ddhi to di. 

Read: isur iva digdha nrpate prdakur iva gopate | sa vrahma- 
nasyesur digdha taya vidhyati plyatah zlz tlksnesavo vrahmana 
hetimanto yam asyanti ^aravyam na sa mrsa [ anuhaya tapasa 
manyuna cota durad ava bhindanti te taya z 2 z jihva jya 
bhavati kulmalaiii van nadika dantas tapasa sudigdhah | tebhir 
vrahma vidhyati devaplyum nirjalair dhanurbhir devajutaih 
z 3 z ye vrahmanam hinsitaras tapasvinam manlsinam vrahma- 
caryena bantam | avartimad bhavita rastram esam tapasaiva 
nihatam f nanu vetuf z 4 z ye sahasram arajann asan da^ata 
uta | tebhyas pra vravimi tva vaitahavyas parabhavan z 5 z 
gaur eva tan hanyamana vaitahavyan ivacarat | ye fkesara- 
prapumdayad caramajam apeciran z 6 z atimatra ajayanta nod 
iva divam asprSan | prajam hinsitva vrahmaijlm asambhavyam 
parabhavan z 7 z ye vrhatsamanam angirasam arpayan vrah- 
mai^am janah f^etvak stokam ubhayadan yat stokany amayatf 
z 8 z ye vrahmajiam pratyasthlvan ye casmai Suklam Isire | 
asnas te madhye kulyayas kesan khadanta asate z 9 z astapadi 
caturaksi catu^srotra caturhanuh | dvijihva dviprana bhutva sa 
rastram ava dhunute z 10 z 7 z 

St. 4 is new. S. 5. 18. lib has avatirat which perhaps should 
be read in Ppp. 6b; and 6c looks very like a corruption of 
the form in S. The S. reading of 5. 19. 2cd is petvas tesam 
ubhayadam avis tokany avayat; perhaps this should be read 
in Ppp. st. 8, with ubhayadann as emended by Whitney. 


(Of. . B. 19.) 

[fc 118b 13] vrahmagavi pasyamana yfivat sfibhi vajahga- 
he | te[ 14[jo rastrasya nir hanti na viro jfiyate pumfin. fikra- 
manena vai devfi [15] dvisanto ghnanti pSurusam te ajarh 
vrahmajam ksettre tfi anrtavftdi[16Jnam. | vi?am etad deva- 
krtam rftjfi varuno avravlt. | te vrfihmanasya [17] gam du- 
gdhvS rastre jfigara kas cana | tad vai rfistram 2 sravati 

132 L. C. Bwret 

bhinnam na[18]vam ivodakam | vrahmano yatra jlyate tad 
rastram a sravati chinnam [19] navam ivodakam | vrahmano 
yatra jiyate tad rastram havi duschuna | [20] ekasatam vai 
javata bhumir ya dvidhunatas praja hihsatva vrahmi[f. 119 a]m 
amumbhavyam parabhuvarh | yam ud ajam grsayo mam- 
sinas sapusatam vrhatim [2] devajutam | sa vrahmajyam 
pacati padyamana rastram asya vrhatl yas ca varcah [3] 
vaca vrahmanam ischati jamiyam hanti cibhya mittraya 
satye druhyati yam deva ghnanti paurusam. z 8 z 

In the top margin of f. 119 a stands pacyama above padya- 
mana of line 2. 

Read: vrahmagavl pacyamana yavat sabhi vijangahe | tejo 
rastrasya nir hanti na vlro jay ate puman z I z akramanena 
vai deva dvisanto ghnanti purusam | te ajan vrahmajyam 
ksetre 'thanrtavadinam z 2 z visam etad devakrtam raja varuno 
avravlt | na vrahmaasya gam jagdhva ras^re jagara kas cana z 3 
z tad vai rastram a sravati bhinnam navam ivodakam | vrah- 
ma0 yatra jiyate tad rastram hanti ducchuna z 4 z ekasatam 
vai Janata bhumir ya vyadhunuta | prajam hinsitva vrahmanim 
asambhavyam parabhavan z 5 z yam ud ajan rsayo manlsiijas 
fsapusatam vrhatlm devajutam | sa vrahmajyam pacati pacyama- 
na rastram asya vrhati yac ca varcah z 6 z vaca vrahma^m 
icchati tjS- m iyam hanti cittya | mitraya satye druhyati yam 
deva ghnanti purusam z 7 z 8 z 

Stt. 2, 6, and 7 are new; st. 5 = 5.18.12. Edgerton suggests 
saptaSatam in 6b. In st. 7 we need an accusative; jamim ayam 
is the only suggestion I have. 


[f. 119 a 4] ekapas chanda ekakasu[5]fi ca ta apnoti cava 
ca rundhe prathamaya ratnya prathamaya samidha dvi- 
pa[6]^ chando dvipadas ca pasun. tad apnoti cava ca rundhe 
dvitiyaya ratnya [7] dvitiyaya samidha z tripas chandas 
trms ca lokan. sa tad apnoti ca[8]va carundhe trtiyaya ratnya 
trtlyaya samidha | catuspas chandas catuspa[9]das ca pasun. tad 
apnoti cava ca rundhe caturthya ratnya caturthya samidha | 
panca [10] disas panca predisas tad apnoti cava ca rundhe 
pancamya ratnya pancamya sa[ 1 1 ]midha | traistubhams 
chando virajam svarajam samrajarh tad apnoti cava ca 

The Kashmirian Atharva Veda 133 

rundhe [12] sasthya ratnya sasthya samidha | sapta pranarh 
saptapanam saptarsis ca tad apno[13]ti cava ca rundhe sapta- 
mya ratnya saptamya samidha | ojas ca tejas ca saha[14]$ ca 
balam ca tad apnoti cava ca rundhe astamya ratnya astamya 
samidha | [15] ambhas ca mahas ca annarh ca annadyarh 
ca tad apnoti cava ca rundhe navamya ra[16]tnya navamya 
samidha | vrahma ca ksattram cendriyarh ca vrahmana- 
varcasarh ca tad a[17]pnoti cava ca rundhe dasamya ratnya 
dasamya samidha | visvavasu ca sarva[18]vasu ca tad apnoti 
cava ca rundhe ekadasa ratnyekadasya samidha [19] panktams 
chandas prajapatirh sarhvatsararh tad apnoti cava rundhe 
dvadasya ratnya dvaff. 119h]dasya samidha z 9 z 

Read: ekapac chanda ekapadaS ca pa^un sa tad apnoti cava 
ca rundhe prathamayS rStrya prathamaya samidha z 1 z dvipac 
chando dvipada ca pa^un e rundhe dvitlyaya ratrya 
dvitlyaya samidha z 2 z tripSc chandas trlnS ca lokan sa 
rundhe trtlyaya ratrya trtlyaya samidha z 3 z catuspac chanda^ 
catu<?pada4 ca pa^un sa rundhe caturthya ratrya caturthya 
samidha z 4 z panca di^as panca ca pradi^as sa rundhe 
pancamya ratrya pancamya samidha z 5 z traistubham chando 
virajam svarajam samrajam sa rundhe sasthya ratrya sasthya 
samidha z 6 z sapta pranan saptapanan saptarsliiS ca sa 
rundhe saptamya ratrya saptamya samidha z 7 z oja ca tejas' 
ca sahaS ca balam ca sa rundhe astamya ratryastamya 
samidha z 8 z ambhas* ca mahaS cannam cannadyam ca sa 
rundhe navamya ratrya navamya samidha z 9 z vrahma 
ca ksatram cendriyam ca vrahma?avarcasam ca sa rundhe 
dasamya ratrya dasamya samidha z 10 z visvavasu ca sarva- 
vasu ca sa rundha ekada^ya ratryaikada^ya samidha 
7. 1 1 z p&nktam chandas prajapatim saihvatsaram sa tad apnoti 
cava ca rundhe dvadasya ratrya dvadadyft samidha z 12 z 9 
z anu 3 z 


[f. 119bl] oift yo v5 ekasarftvam nirvaped ekarsim evft- 
[2]nu nivapet. | esa va cka rsir yad agnih eka rsim cftiva 
lokarh ca[3]va rundhe | eka rsir iva tapatye eka rsir iva 
didSya eka rsi[4]r ivannSdo bhavati | ya evam vada | sa 
evam vidvSn prftsnlySd etftm eva [B] devatftm manasfidhyfi- 

134 L. C. Barret 

yed eka rses tva caksusa pasyami eka rses tva [6] hasta- 
bhyam arabhed eka rses tvasyanu prasnamy eka rses 
tva jathare sa[7]dhayamlti sa yatha hutam istarh prarsmyad 
evainarh prasnati vai dvi&a[8]ravarh nirvapet pranapanav 
evavanu nirvaped etc ve pranapanau [9] yan matarisva 
cagnis ca | pranapanau caiva lokam cava rundhe jyog ji- 
[lOJvati sarvam ayur eti na pura jarasah pramiyate yah 
prasnlya[ll]d etam eva devatam manasadhyayet pranapa- 
nayos tva caksusa pa[12]syami | pranapanayos tva hasta- 
bhyam arabhet pranapanayos tvasya[13]nu prasnami pra- 
napanayos tva z vai trisaravarh nirvapet trmy eva [14] 
trikadrukadrukany anu nirvaped etam vai trini trika- 
drukany anu [15] nir vaped etani vai trini trikadrukany 
ajuryajus samani ya[16]juhsi vrahmanam vrahma caiva 
lokam cava rundhe vrahmanavarcasT [17] bhavati yas pra- 
^niyad etam eva devatam manasadhyayed vrahmanas tva 
[18] caksusa pasyami vrahmanas tva hastabhyam arabhed 
vrahmanas tvamyena pra[19]snami vrahmanas tva z vai 
catusaravarh nirvapes catasra evorvir anu ni[20]rvaped eta 
vai scatasra urvlr yad diso disas caiva lokam cava rundhe 
ka[f. 130a]lpante smai diso disam priyo bhavati yas prasni- 
yad etam eva devatam mana[2]sadhyayed disanam tva 
caksusa pasyami disanam tva hastabhyam arabhed di[3]sanam 
tva caksusa pasyami disanam tva hastabhyam arabhed disa- 
nam tvamye[4]na prasnami disanam tva z vai pancasaravarh 
nirvaped vaisvanaram eva panca[5]murdhanam anu nirvaped 
etc vai vaisvanaras pancamurdha yad dyaus ca prthivl ca [6] 
rasavatiparh vaisvanaram caiva lokam cava rundhe vaisva- 
naram tapati vaisvanarlva [7] didaya vaisvanarlvannado 
bhavati yas prasniyad etam eva devatam mana[8]sadhyayad 
vaisvanarasya tva caksusa pasyami vaisvanarasya tva ha- 
stabhya[9]m arabhed vaisvanarasya tvasyena prasnami 
vaisvanarasya tva hastabhyam ara[10]bhed vaisvanarasya 
tvasyena prasnami vaisvanarasya tva z vai satsaravam 
nirvape[ll]t sadyamna eva devan anu nirvaped ete vai 
sadyavano deva yad rtava rtuhs cai[12]va lokam cava 
rundhe kalpantaismai rtavo nartusv avrscatu rtunam [13] 
priyo bhavati yas prasniyad etam eva tarh manasadhyayed 
rtunam tva [14] caksusa pasyami rtunam tva hastabhyam 
arabhed rtunam tvasyena pra[15]snami rtunam tva vai 

The Kashmirian Atharva Veda 135 

saptasarSvarh nirvape saptarsln evanu nirvape[16]d etc vai 
saptarsayo yat pranapanavyana saptarslns caiva lokarh 
cava [17] rundhe saptarsir iva tapati saptarsir iva didaya 
saptarsivannado [18] bhavati yas prasniyad etam eva deva- 
tarh manasadhyayet saptarsmam [19] tvam caksusa pasyami 
saptarsmarh tva hastabhyam arabhet saptarsma[20]syena 
prasnami saptarsmam tva z z yo va astasaravam nirva- 
pe[f. 130b]d virajas evastapadin anu nirvaped esa vava 
virad astapadir yad dyaus ca [2] prthivi capas cosadhaya 
ca virajad yasmihs ca loke musmihs ca vai[3]raja rsabha 
ity anem ahur yas prasniyad etam eva devatam manasa- 
[4]dhyed virajas tva caksusa pasyami virajas tva hastabhyam 
arabhed vira[5]jas tva caksusa pasyami virajas tva hasta- 
bhyam arabhed virajas tva[6]syena prasnami virajas tv 
z i z vai navasaravarh nirvapen navaya[7]mna eva devan 
anu nirvaped ete vai navayavano deva yan masa masa[8]s 
caiva lokarh cava rundhe kalpante smai masa masanarh 
priyo bhavati [9] yas prasniyad etam eva devatam mana- 
sadhyayen masanarh tva ca[10]ksusa pasyami masanam 
tva hastabhyam arabhen masanam tvasyena [11] prasnami 
masanam tva z vai dasasaravam nirvapedam eva dhenum 
a[12]nu nirvaped esa vavav ida dhenur yad yajnas pasava 
idarh caiva dhe[13]num ca yajftarh ca lokam ca pasus cava 
rundhe kalpante smai ido idarh [14] priyo bhavati yas 
prasniyad etam eva devatam manasadhyayed i[15J<Jayas 
tva caksusa pasyamldayas tva hastabhyam arabhed ida- 
[16]ySs tvasyena pra^namidayas tv5 z z yo vS ekadasa- 
sallTjravarh nirvaped rohitam evanu nirvaped esa vai ro- 
hito yad indra indrarh [18] caiva lokam cava rundhe kalpante 
smai indriya vai priye indras ca bhava[19Jti yas prSsnlyid 
etam eva devatam manasadhyayed indrasya tva [f. 131 a] 
caksusa pasyamlndrasya tva hastabhyam arabhed indrasya 
tvasyena prsn5mTndra[2]ndrasya tvS jathare z z yo vfti 
dvadasasaravarh nirvaped visvamni eva [3] devfin anu nir- 
vaped ete vai visve devfi yad idarh sarvarh viivShs cfiiva 
deva lo[4]kam cava rundhe kalpante smai visve devfih 
priyo visvesSrh devfinarh bhava[5)ti ya evam veda | sa evarh 
vidvSn prSinlyad etam eva devatfirh manasfidhyfi[G]yed 
visvesSrh tv5 devSnSrh caku?ft paiyftmi vUvesam tvft de- 
vanarh hastft[7]bhyfim firabhed viive^ftm tvi devanfim 

136 L. C. Barret 

asyena prasnami visvesam tva devanam [8] tva jathare sa- 
dayamiti sa yatha humam istam prasniyad evainam pra- 
sna[9]ti z i z 

Read: yo va ekas*aravam nirvaped ekarsim evanu nirvapet | 
esa va ekarsir yad agnih | ekarsim caiva lokam cava rundhe | 
ekarsir iva tapaty ekarsir iva dldayaikarsir ivannado bhavati 
ya evam veda | sa evam vidvan prasniyad etam eva devatam 
manasadhyayet z 

ekayses tva caksusa pa^yamy ekares tva hastabhyam arabhe | 
ekarses tvasyena pra^namy ekapses tva jatbare sadhayaml z 
iti sa yatba hutam istam prasniyad evainam pra^nati z 1 z 

yo vai dvi^aravam nirvapet pranapanav evanu nirvapet | ete 
vai pranapanau yan matari!va cagni^ ca | pranapanau caiva 
lokam cava rundhe | jyog jivati sarvam ayur eti na pura jara- 
sah pra mlyate ya evam veda | sa z 

pranapanayos tva caksusa pagyami pranapanayos tva nasta- 
bhyam arabhe | pranapanayos tvasyena praSnami pranapanayos 
tva jathare sadhayami z iti sa z 2 z 

yo vai triaravam nirvapet triny eva trikadrukany anu nirva- 
pet | etani vai trini trikadrukani yad rcas samani yajunsi 
vrahmanam | vrahma caiva lokam cava rundhe | vrahmana- 
varcasi bhavati ya evam veda | sa z 

vrahmanas tva caksusa pasyami vrahmanas tva hastabhyam 
arabhe j vrahmanas tvasyena prasnami vrahmanas tva jathare 
sadhayami z iti sa z 3 z 

yo vai catu^aravam nirvapec catasra evorvlr anu nirvapet | 
eta vai catasra urvlr yad disah | di^a caiva lokam cava rundhe | 
kalpante 'smai di^o dis"am priyo bhavati ya evam veda | sa z 

di^anam tva caksusa pasyami di^anam tva hastabhyam 
arabhe | di^anam tvasyena prasnami di^anam tva jathare sa- 
dhayami z iti sa z 4 z 

yo vai pancas*aravam nirvaped vai^vanaram eva paiicamur- 
dhanam anu nirvapet | esa vai vais>anara? pancamurdha yad 
dyau^ ca prthivl ca trasavatipam | vais*vanaram caiva lokam 
cava rundhe | vai^vanara iva tapati vai^vanara iva dldaya vai^- 
vanara ivannado bhavati ya evam veda | sa z 

vai^vanarasya tva caksusa paSyami vai^vanarasya tva hasta- 
bhyam arabhe | vais>anarasya tvasyena pra^nami vai^vanarasya 
tva jathare sadhayami z iti sa z 5 z 

yo vai sats*aravam nirvapet sadyamna eva devan anu nirvapet | 

The Kashmir ian Atharva Veda 137 

ete vai sadyamano deva yad rtavah | rtung caiva lokaih cava 
rundhe | kalpante 'sma rtavo nartusv avrScyatartunam priyo 
bhavati ya evam veda | sa z 

rtunam tva caksusa paSyamy rtunam tva hastabhyam arabhe | 
rtunam tvasyena praSnamy rtunam tva jathare sadhayami z 
iti sa z 6 z 

yo vai saptaSaravam nirvapet saptar?ln evanu nirvapet | ete 
vai saptarsayo yat pranapanavyanah | saptarslns* caiva lokaih 
cava rundhe | saptarsir iva tapati saptarsir iva dldaya sap- 
tarsir ivannado bhavati ya evam veda | sa z 

saptarslnam tva caksusa pa^yami saptarslnam tva hastabhyam 
arabhe | saptarslnam tvasyena prasnami saptarslnam tva j at h arc 
sadhayami z iti sa z 7 z 

yo jva asta^aravam nirvaped virajam evastapadlm anu nir- 
vapet | esa vai virad astapadlr yad dyau^ ca prthivl capa 
causadhaya^ ca | virajaty asmin ca loke ^usmin^ ca | vairaja 
rsabha ity enam ahur ya evam veda | sa z 

virajas tva caksusa pa^yami virajas tva hastabhyam arabhe | 
virajas tvasyena praSnami virajas tva jathare sadhayami z iti 
sa z 8 z 

yo vai navaSaravam nirvapen navayamna eva devan anu 
nir vapet | ete vai navayamano deva yan masah | masa caiva 
lokam cava rundhe | kalpante 'smai masa masanaih priyo 
bhavati ya evam veda | sa z 

masanam tva caksusa pa^yami masanam tva hastabhyam 
arabhe | masanam tvasyena prasnami masanaih tva jathare 
sadhayami z iti sa z 9 z 

yo vai dada^aravam nirvaped idam eva dhenum anu nirvapet | 
esa va ida dhenur yad yajnas padavah | idam caiva dhenuih 
ca yajnaih ca lokam ca pas"uns cava rundhe | kalpante 'sma ida 
iduih priyo bhavati ya evam veda | sa z 

idayas tva caksusa pa^yamldayas tva hastabhyam arabhe | 
icjayas tvasyena praSnamldayas tvi jathare sadhayami z iti 
sa z 10 z 

yo va ekadas*aSar&vam nirvaped rohitam evanu nirvapet | esa 
vai rohito yad indrah | indram caiva lokam cava rundhe | kalpante 
'sma indriya vai priya indrasya bhavati ya evam veda j sa z 

indrasya tva caksusa pagyamlndrasya tva hastabhyam arabhe | 
indrasya tvasyena prasnamlndrasya tva jathare sadhayami z 
iti sa z 11 z 

138 L. C. Barret 

yo vai dvada$aaravam nirvaped viSvan eva devSn anu nir- 
vapet | ete vai vigve deva yad idam sarvam | vis'vans' caiva 
devan lokam cava rundhe | kalpante 'smai vis*ve devah priyo 
viSvesam devanam bhavati ya evam veda | sa evam vidvan 
pras*nlyad etftm eva devatam manasadhyayet z 

vigve^am tva devanam cak?usa pagyami vivesam tva devanam 
hastabhyam arabhe | viSvesam tva devanam asyena praSnami 
viSvesam tva devanam jathare sadhayami z iti sa yatha hutam 
istam prS^nlyad evainam pranati z 12 z 1 z 

The ms seems to count this as two hymns, the first ending 
being indicated in f. 130b 7, but the unity of these groups has 
induced me to count them together as one hymn: moreover 
the norm in this book seems to be 12 stanzas. The ms at 
130b 14 has kalpante smai ido idam as if from stem id, but 
elsewhere in the immediate context the stem is clearly ida so 
we might emend to ida idanam. 


[f. 131 a 9] imam satarh nir vapa odanasya tasya pantha 
mucyatam kilvi[10]sebhyah abhi drohad enaso duskrtas ca 
punatu ma pavanais pavitrah bhadrau [11] hastau bhadra 
jihva bhadram bhavatu me vacah mahyam pavitram oda- 
nam vrahmana ni[12]r vapamasi | hastabhyam nir vapa- 
masi | yan me garbhe sati mata cakara [13] duskrtam ayam 
ma tassad odanas pavitras patv ahhasah | yad urvacinam 
ai[14]kahayanad anrtam kim codimah yad duskrtam yas 
chamalam yad enas cakrma [15] vayarh yan mataram yat 
pitaram yad rajamadriyamsisah yan matrghna [16] yat 
pitrghna bhrunaghna yat sahasimah cyavadata kunakhina 
stenena [1 7] yas cahasimah susundanam pauscalanam tat krnam 
yad annam asimah [18] yad apam api jahur munmrjy apapi 
sodakam. z i z yad ukta [19] vamanyato vayarh vrahma- 
nasya nijaghnunsu padavagam upedima | yad vra-[f. 131 b] 
hmacarye snatacarye anrtam kim codima kilasena duscar- 
mana vande yat saha[2]$imad dharabhisiktena ma | yatra 
ksettram abhi tisthatasvam va yam nir emi[3]se yad aksesu 
hiranyaye gosv asvesu yad dhane anrtam kim codima ca- 
ksu[4)r jayam svarh dasim sutikam lohitavatirn asuddham 
yad ipeyima j [5] parividyas parividanenabhyavastra tena 

The Kashmir ian Atharva Veda 139 

paribhaksatena dvidusupatya [6] yat sahasima | yad ukta- 
sidam vimejamad vimeyam dhanakamya ya [7] dvaye kam 
ya traye kam upayai kam iti yad dadau yat paramana sa- 
[8]valam apakvarh marisam asimah z 2 z yad annam asima 
va[9]yam ad annam annakamyodanasyapi sacya | yad vi- 
dvahso yadi [10] vidvaso anrtam kim codimah ayam ma 
tasmad odanas pavitra[ll]s patv ahhasah yed devasya sa- 
vitus pavitram sahasradharam vitatham hi[12]ranmayam 
yenendrav apunamnartisartyas tenayam mam sarvapasum 
puna[13]tu | yenapunat savita revatir atho yenapunita va- 
runasya vayah [14] y enema visva bhuvanani putas tenayam 
mam sarvapasum puna[15]tu | atikramasi duritam yad eno 
jahami ripum [16] parame sadhasthe | yenendrava pu- 
namnati duritam yad eno jahami [17] ripum parame sa- 
dhasthe yenendrava punamnati duskrtas tham a ruhe[18]ma 
sukrtasu lokarh ma yaksmarhm ihamistam arihanto vi-[19] 
gatu nah samaiva puny am astu no trnarh nayatu duskrtam 
imam pa[20]camy odanam pavitram pacanaya kam sa ma 
muncatu duskrtad vismaff. 132a]smasmas cainasas pari z 4 z 
Read: imam fsatam nir vapa odanasya tasya pantha mucya- 
t aih kilbi^ebhyah | abhi drohad enaso duskftac ca punatu ma 
pavanai? pavitrah z I z bhadrau hastau bbadra jihva bhadram 
bhavatu me vacah | mahyam pavitram odanam vralimana nir 
vapamasi hastabbyam nir vapamasi z 2 z yan mayi garbbe 
sati raata cakara duskrtam | ayam ma tasmad odanas pavitras 
patv anhasah z 3 z yad arvacinam aikaliayanad anftam kim 
codima | z 4 z yad duskrtam yac cbamalam yad ena 
cakrma vayam | * z 6 z yan mataram yat pitaram yad va 
jamataram binsmab | z 6 z yan matrghna yat pitrghna 
l)lminagbna yat sab asima I z 7 z Syavadata kunakbina 
stenena yat sabasima | z 8 z ^undanam pau?kalanam tat 
-J-krnam yad annam a^ima | z 9 z yad apam api fjabur 
munmrjy apapif sodakam | z 10 z yad uktav ftmanyato 
vayam vrabmanasya nijagbnaUu fpadavagam uf pedima | 

/ 1 1 z yad vrabmacarye snatacarye c nrtam kim codima | 

/ 1 2 / kilasena du^carmana bapdena yat sabasima | 
z 13 z yad dharabhisiktena * * sabasima | z 14 z yatra 
ksetram abhitasthfttbasvaiii va yan niremise | z 16 z yad 
akse?u hiranyaye gosv as>esu yad dbane 'nrtaih kim codima | 

z 16 z fcaksur jayarii sv&m daslm sutikam lohitavatlm 

140 L. C. Barret 

aSuddbam yad upeyima | z 17 z parividya tp&rivedanena- 
bhyavastratena paribhaksitena didisupatya yat sabasima | 
z 18 z yad fuktasldam vimejamf yad vimeyam dbanakamyab | 
z 19 z yad dvaye kam yat traye kam ubhaye kam iti yad 
dadau | 8 z 20 z yat paramanam Sevalam apakvam maiisam 
a&ma | z 21 z yad annam aSima vayam yad annam 
annakamya odanasySpi s*acya | z 22 z yadi vidvanso yadi 
vavidvanso 'nrtam kim codima | ayam ma tasmad odanas 
pavitras patv anbasah z 23 z yad devasya savitus pavitram 
sahasradbaram vitatam hiranmayam | yenendro apunad anartam 
artyas tenayam mam sarvapa^um punatu z 24 z yenapunat 
savita revatlr atbo yenapunlta varuna^ ca vayah | yenema vi^va 
bbuvanani puta tenayam mam sarvapasum punatu z 25 z ati 
kramami duritam yad eno jabami ripram parame sadbastbe | 
yenendra eva punati duskptas tarn a rubema sukrtam u lokam 
z 26 z fma yaksmamm ibamitam aribanto vigatuf nab | 
samaiva punyam astu nas tynam nayatu duskj-tam z 27 z imam 
pacamy odanam pavitram pacanaya kam | sa ma muiicatu 
duskytad vi^vasmac cainasas pari z 28 z 2 z 

Tbe restoration of a refrain in tbe edited text is done witb 
confidence altbo it involves making one bymn wbere tbe ms indi- 
cates tbree, as sbown by tbe numerals in f. 131 a 19, f. 131 b 8; tbe 
unity of tbe material as edited is clear. For our 4ab see . 10. 
5. 22ab; 5a=& 7. 65. 2a; for 6ab cf. S. 6. 120. Ib; for Sab 
cf. S. 7. 65. Sab; 13b = & 7. 65. 3b; for st. 26 see TB. 3. 7. 12. 5. 


[f. 132 a 1] sahasraksarh satadharam rsibhis pavanam [2] 
krtam | tena tena sahasradharena pavamanas punatu mam 
yena putam antariksarh [3] yasmin vayur adhisrutah yena 
pute dyavaprthivi apas puta atho svah yena [4] pute aho- 
ratre disas puta uta yena pradisah yena putau suryascandra- 
masau [5] naksattrani bhutakrtas saha yena puta | yena puta 
vedir agnayah paridhaya[6]s saha yena puta yena putam 
barhir ajyam atho havih yena putau yajfio vasa[7]tkara 
hutahutih yena putau vrihiyavabhyam yajno adhinirmitah 
yena pu[8]tasva gavo atho puta ajayavah z 5 z yena puta 
rcas sa[9]mani yajur vrahmana saha yena putam yena pu- 
tan atharvangiraso devata[10]s saha yena puta | yena puta 
rtavo yenantava yebhyas samvatsaro adhini[ll]rmitah | yena 

The Kashmirian Atharva Veda 


put! vanaspatayo vanaspatya osadhayo vidadha[12]s saha 
yena put! | yena puta gandharvapsarosas sarpapunyajanah 
saha [13] yena putah yena putas parvata himavanto vaisv!- 
naras paribhavas saha ye[14]na putah yena put! nadyas 
sindhavas samudr!s saha yena putah yena put! [15] visve 
devas paramesthi prajapatih yena putas praj!patih lokarh 
visvam [16] bhutam svar !jabh!ra | yena putas sthanayitnur 
ap!m vatsas praj!patih yena pu[17]tam rtam satyam tapo 
diksa putayate | yena putam idam sarvam yad bhutam yas 
ca [18] bhavyam yena sahasradh!rena pavam!nas pun!tu 
mam z 6 z 

Read: sahasrakam gatadharam ribhi pavanam krtam | tena 
sabasradharena pavamanas punatu mam z I z yena putam 
antarikam yasmin vayur adhiSritah | tena z 2 z yena 
pute dyavaprthivl apa? puta atho svah | tena z 3 z yena 
pute ahoratre di^a? puta uta yena pradi^ah | tena z 4 z 
yena putau suryacandramasau naksatrani bhutakrtas saha yena 
putah | tena z 5 z yena puta vedir agnayah paridhayas 
saha yena putah | tena z 6 z yena putam barhir ajyam 
atho havir yena puto yajno va?atkaro hutahutih | tena 
z 7 z yena putau vrlhiyava yabhyam yajno adhinirmitah | 
tena z 8 z yena puta ava gavo atho puta ajavayah | 
tena z 9 z yena puta rcas samani yajur vrahmanam 
saha yena putam | tena a z 10 z yena puta atharvangiraso 
devatas saha yena putah | tena e z 11 z yena puta rtavo 
yenartava yebhyaji samvatsaro adhinirmitah | tena z 12 z 
yena puta vanaspatayo vanaspatya oadhayo vlrudhas saha 
yena putalj | tena z 13 z yena puta gandharvapsarasas 
sarpapunyajanah saha yena putah | tena z 14 z yena 
putas parvata himavanto vaivanaras paribhavas saha yena 
putah | tena z 15 z yena puta nadyas sindhavas samudras 
saha yena putafc | tena z 16 z yena puta viSve deva? 
paramesthi prajapatih | tena z 17 z yena putas prajapatir 
lokam visvam bhutam svar ajabhara | tena z 18 z yena 
putas stanayitnur apam utsas prajapatifc | tena z 19 z 
yena putam rtam satyam tapo diksa putayate | tena z 20 z 
yena putam idam sarvam yad bhutam yac ca bhavyam | tena 
sahasradharepa pavamana? punatu mam z 21 z 3 z 

The arrangement made for st. 7 may not be correct, as the 
ms. reading havi^ may indicate the end of a hemistich. At 

142 L. C. Barret 

the end of 19b putayate for prajapatih would be much better, 
and possibly it should be read. 


( 5. 20.) 

[f. 132a 18] uscairghoso [19] dundubhis satvanatham va- 
naspatyas sambhrta usriyabhih vacam khanvano [f. 132b] 
damayan sapattran sihhaiva dvesamn abhi tahstanayati | 
sihhaivattamdravayo vi[2]baddho abhikrandamn rsabho va- 
sitam iva | nrsa tva vadhrayas te sapatnan indra[3]s te susmo 
bhimatisahah samjayah prtana urdhvamayu grhya grhnano 
[4] bahudha vi caksah z devim vacasagurassu medha sa- 
tfnam upa bha[5]rassu vedah vrseva yutham sahasam vi- 
dano gavyarhn abha roha samdhanajit su[6]ma viddhi hrda- 
yam paresam. hutva graman pracyuta yantu sattravah [7] 
dundubhir vacam prayatam vadantim asrnvati nathita gho- 
[8]sabuddha nan putram dhavatu hamgrhyamittre bhitah 
samare vadhanah dhi[9]bhis krtas pu bharassu vacam ud 
dharsayas saptanam ayudhani amittrase[10]nanam abhija- 
jabhano dimad vala dundubhe sunrtavat. | purvo du[ll]ndu- 
bhe visahasva satrun bhumyas prsthe vada bahu rocamanah 
indrase[12]din satvanas samhuyasva | amittrair amittran 
ava jamghamhi antareso [13] nabhasi ghoso astu prthak 
te ddhanayo yantu sibham | abhi kranda stanayoya[14]tpi- 
pana slokakrtraturyaya sraddhl sankrandanas prasraveno 
dhrsnu[15]senas pravedakrd bahudha gramaghosi | srayo 
vadhvano vayunani [17] vidvan kirti bahubhyo vi bhaja 
dviraje z sriyasketo vasudhis sahi[17]yan mittram dadhanas 
tvisito vipascit. | afisun iva srava vrsane [18] drir gavyam 
dundubhe adhi nrtya vedah satrusam msad abhimatisa- 
[f. 133a]ho gavesanah sahamanodabhrt. | vagvi mindram 
prtanayassu vacam sangama[2]jibhya esam ud vadehah 
abhyudusyan samatho gamistha madho jayata prtana[3]sad 
ayodhyah indrena klipto vitatha nicikyud yubhyotano dvi- 
satam yahi si[4]bham. z 7 z 

Read: uccairghoso dundubhis satvanayan vanaspatyas sam- 
bhrta usriyabhih | vacam ksnuvano damayan sapatnan sinha 
iva dvesann abhi tanstaniti z I z sinha ivastanid druvayo 
vibaddho abhikrandann rsabho vasitam iva | vrsa tvam vadhrayas 

The Kashmirian Atharva Veda 143 

te sapatna indras te u?mo 'bhimatisahah z 2 z saihjayan 
prtana urdhvamayur grhya grhnano bahudha vi caksah | daiviih 
vacam a gurasva vedhas satrunam upa bharasva vedab z 3 z 
vrseva yutham sahasa vidano gavyann abhi roha sandhanajit | 
sue a vidhya hrdayam paresam hitva graman pracyuta yantu 
satravah z 4 z dundubber vacaiii prayatam vadantim asrnvati 
nathita ghosabuddba | nan putram dhavatu hastagrbyamitri 
b bit a samare vadhanam z 5 z dhlbbi? krta? pra bharasva 
vacam ud dharsaya satvanam ayudbani | amitrasenam abhi- 
janjabhano dyumad vada dundubhe sunrtavat z 6 z purvo 
dundubhe vi sahasva ^atrun bbumyas prtbe vada bahu roca- 
manab | indramedl satvanas saiii bvayasva mitrair a in it ran 
ava janghanlhi z 7 z antareme nabhasl gho?o astu prthak te 
dhvanayo yantu ^ibham | abbi kranda stanayotpipana^ ^lokakrn 
mitraturyaya graddhl z 8 z sankrandanas prastavena dhrsnu- 
?epas pravedakrd babudba gramaghol | Sreyo vanvano vayu- 
nani vidvan klrtim bahubbyo vi bbaja dviraje z 9 z reyaketo 
vasudhitis sablyan mitram dadbanas tviito vipa^cit | an^un iva 
grava t^r?ane 'drir gavyam dundubhe adhi nrtya vedah z 10 z 
atru$an nlad abbimati?aho gavesanah sabamana udabbrt | 
vagvl mandraiii pra tanayasva vacam samgramajityayesam ud 
vadeha z 11 z acyutacyut samado gami$tho mrdho jeta prtanaad 
ayodhyah | indrepa klpto vidatha nicikyad dhrdyotano dvi- 
satam yahi sibham z 12 z 4 z 

In 3b if vi cak?ab is not acceptable perhaps vicakah would 
be good. In 10 c has gravadhisavane, which might be restored 
here. The hymn shows a number of interesting variants from 
the text of S. Edgerton would read svardhl with 6 in 8d. 


[f. 133 a 4] imSs tapantv osadhir osadhlnam ay am rasah 
asvatthas te yam hf[5]dy agnir bhuto vy osatu pra patano 

In c read 'yam, for e probably pra patanu mamadhyah. 

yatha sutarh laksa rakta mfijycnanu si[6]syadhyate | evft 
te kama sarpantv ahtv arthasu majjasu pra 

In a sutram seems probable, and raktam; for b I would 
suggest madbyenanu sisyadati : in cd read kamafr sarpat? 
antar arthesu; read for e as in st 1. 

144 L. C. Barret 

yatha kusthas prayasyati yath [7] dahyate arcisa | eva 
te dahyatam manah pra 

In a kusthas seems a little suspicious but I can suggest 
nothing else; for d read as st. le. 

pumsas kustham pra ksarati stokadhlbhir a[8]bhrtah sa 
te hrdaye vivarta tan manadhlbhis tava pra | 

Again kus^ham is suspicious; in b read stoka a: in c I 
would suggest vavartti, in d tan mana a, and e as in st. 1. 

esa te stoko hrdayaih digde[9]vesu pra padyata | astra- 
khanam yathesta kamo vidyatu tamava pra z 

Read: esa te stoko hrdayam digdhevesuh pra padyatam | 
astrakhanam yathesita kamo vidhyatu tva mama pra patanu 
mamadhyah z 5 z 

hariteti su[10]skaksas sarvada hrdayamayl trihaste anyam 
aschahsur atho tva sabhi socatu pra z 

Read ksa in a; I can do nothing with pada c; in d read 
sabhi, or perhaps cabhi. Read e as in st. 1. 

[11] socmud astu te sayanam socanud apa vesanam | su- 
cim astu te mano yatha tvanarama[12]sa 

Considering merely the letters we might emend to ocinud 
and okanud, but ocivad and ^okavad would seem better in 
the context ; in b read api. In c gucidam would seem possible 
but I would suggest s"osidam; in d possibly tvam araso c sah. 
Only here is *pra' (indicating repetition of le) lacking, and 
I would restore the pada. 

vacina manas sapro nir mam aya mamgathesu capanam 
tvabhi socatu | stoka sto[13]ka uttarottara pra 

In a probably arvacinam manas, in b samgathesu, but for 
the rest of ab I can suggest nothing. In c tapanam seems 
probable; for d read stokah stoka uttarottarah, for e as in st. 1. 

antar mahatu carmanosthivahsebhir abhrtam sarvan ya- 
jftah pra ya[14]sayad idadhibhis tava pra 

In padas ab I can make no suggestion: in c possibly ya- 
say&d; the rest seems possible, with e as in st. 1. The margin 
suggests ita for ida. 

hrdaye tu sam rddhyataih svair dahsebhir esate | agnis 
ka[15]masya yo mahan sa mahyam rundhayatu tva prah z 8 z 

The Kashmirian Atharva Veda 145 

Head: hrdaye tu sam rddhyatam svair dansebhir e?ate | 
agni kamasya yo mahan sa mahyam randhayatu tva prapa- 
tanu mamadhyah z 10 z 

The numeral *8' given in the ms. indicates the 8th kancja 
of the 4th anuvaka, thus ending this hymn here; but the 
abbreviations (here prah) indicating the refrain pada continue 
to st. 15 of my arrangement and then in st. 16 the pada is 
given in full; this fact and the subject-matter induce me to 
edit the next seven stanzas as part of this hymn. 

asvam agnim ajyam [16] dra tani krnve manojavam | 
agnis carum ivarcisa kamo vidhyatu tva mama prah 

In ab we may probably read ajyam indram tan u and ja- 
van; pada e as in st. 1. 

[17] z sayanam agnaminam asvatthasya savasinau cara- 
tum upatisthanta samadhibhi[18]r vi viddhyatam pra | 

In a I would suggest agna aslnam, in c possibly carantam 
uta tisthantam; in d mania', and possibly vidhya tarn; pada 
e as in st. 1. 

carantim stha tisthantam asidam upa samsati | resma 
trnam eva ma[f. 133b]ttvatu vaham kamaratho mama pra z 

The following suggestions may be possible; for a carantam 
ca tisthantam ca, in b upamam satl; in c iva mathn&tu, in 
d vahan; pada e as in st. 1. 

yathendrayasuran arundhayatu vrhaspa[2]tih eva tvam 
agne asvatthan amun amayam iha naya prah 

Read arandhayad in b, and probably mahyam in d; e as 
in st. 1. 

aham te manada[3]dhe gudena saha medina | deva ma- 
nusya gandharvas te mahyam randhayatu tva prah 
Read mana a dade in a, randhayantu in d; e as in st. 1. 

[4] yathasvatthasya parnani nilayanti kada cana | evasau 
mama kame[5]na mava svapsit kada cana | pra patatito 

Read nilayanti in b; I believe that pada e here is intended 
to be the same as st. le. 

kustham tapanta marutas sa[6]dhyarh dvarajanam svara- 
yanto arcisa yatha nas svapat katama^ canahavaiva ga-[7] 

10 JA08 42 

146 L. C. Barret 

schan mamadhyah zz zz anu 7 zz ity atharvanika[8]pai- 
paladasakhayam navamas kanda samaptah zz zz 

Read: kustham tapanta marutas sadhyam fdvarajanam sva- 
rayanto arcia | yatha na svapat katama^ canahavaiva gacchan 
mamadhyah z 17 z 5 z anu 4 z 

ity atharvapikapaippaladaSakhayam navama kandas sama- 
ptah zz 

In pada b we might read svarajanam, but the first two 
padas are not clear; the general intent of the hymn is how- 
ever clear enough. 





WHEN THE UNITED STATES took possession of the Philippine 
Islands at the close of the Spanish- American War in 1898, 
a great amount of work on the native languages had already 
been done, chiefly hy the Spanish missionaries of the various 
religious orders, who compiled grammars, dictionaries, phrase- 
hooks, and religious manuals for the purpose of bringing the 
natives into the fold of the Roman Catholic Church. Of the 
forty or fifty different languages spoken in the Archipelago 
about two dozen had up to that time received more or less 
treatment, and were more or less familiar to students of Philippine 

The seven principal languages, Tagalog, Bisaya (in its three 
chief dialects, Cebuan, Hiliguayna or Panayan, and Samaro- 
Leytean), 2 Uoko, Pampanga, Bikol, Pangasinan, and Ibanag, 

t My Bibliography of the Philippine Languages, Part I, .7A0S 40 (1920) 
pp. 2570, will be referred to in this article as BB. Since the publi- 
cation of this work, my friend, Prof. Otto Scheerer of the University of 
the Philippines at Manila, has sent me a type-written list of over a 
hundred additional titles (including 16 MSS), at least half of which are 
important works. These additional titles, which will furnish the basis 
for a supplement to BB to be published later, will be referred to in this 
article as & 

i The less known Bisaya dialects are the Haraya of the island of 
Panay, Bisaya of Mindanao, the dialect of Bohol, and the dialect of 
Masbate and Ticao. The Aklan dialect, mentioned by Beyer, Population 
of the Philippine Islands in 1916, pp. 24, 27, 40, as spoken on the island 

148 Frank E. Blake 

were set forth in fairly good dictionaries and grammars, 3 and 
were each represented by a considerable number of texts, 
chiefly of a religious character. 4 Grammars and dictionaries 
of some sort, and a certain amount of text, also existed for 
the two Moro languages, Magindanao and Sulu, and for the 
Tiruray of Mindanao. 5 Dictionaries and texts were available 
for the study of the Chamorro language of Guam (including 
a Spanish grammar in Chamorro), for the language of the 
Caroline Islands (also some few grammatical notes), and for 
the Gaddan(g) of North Luzon. For the Bagobo of Mindanao 
there was a fairly good dictionary, Bagobo-Spanish and Spanish- 
Bagobo with a few grammatical remarks. For the following 
there were short word-lists with some text or some brief 
grammatical discussion, or both, viz., Tagbanua (text, gram, 
remarks), Zambal (text), Kalamian (text), 6 Negrito (gram, 
remarks), Palau (gram, remarks). The following were represented 
only by brief word-lists, viz., Atas, Bilaan, Ginaan, Igorot dialects 
(Banawe, Bontok, Benget, Lepanto), Manobo, Samal, Tagakaolo. 
Texts without word-lists or grammar were in existence for the 

of Panay, is perhaps the same as Haraya, which does not appear in Beyer 
as a Bisaya dialect. Scheerer in S mentions a dialect Aklanon in the 
list of those languages of which he has collected stories, etc. Otherwise 
the name is entirely unknown to me. For the material available for the 
study of these dialects both before and after 1898, of. table on p. 166 f. 

3 Of. my 'Contributions to Comparative Philippine Grammar', JAOS^H 
(1906) p. 323, n. 2; also BB under the various languages. 

* Cf. my article 'Philippine Literature', American Anthropologist, 13 
(1911) pp. 449-457. 

5 For the bibliography of these languages and those mentioned subse- 
quently in this paragraph, cf. BB, under language in question. 

The language here called Kalamian is the language so called by 
Jeronimo de la Virgen de Monserrate (cf. BB 190). Whether the text 
BB 103, said by Retana to be in Agutayna = Kalamian, and the MS 
texts BB 453, 454, none of which I have seen, are in the same language, 
is not certain, as there is apparently more or less confusion between the 
names Kalamian and Kuyo (cf. next note). Beyer in Population of the 
Philippine Islands in 1916, Manila, 1917, p. 49, says Kalamian 'is related 
to the Bisayan dialects, but is more like the Tagbanua speech of Palawan 
than anything else. A special dialect called Agutaino is said to be spoken 
on the small island of Agutaya'. Scheerer in his treatise on the Batan 
dialect (cf. below p. 151, No. 15) on p. 15 says he has reason to believe 
Kalamian is a Tagbanua dialect: so also in S. 

United States Publications on Philippine Languages 149 

Batan of the Batan Islands (also some grammatical remarks), 
for the Isinay of North Luzon (including a Spanish grammar 
in Isinay) and for the Kuyo 7 of the Kuyo Islands. The same 
is also true of the Ilongot or Egongot of North Luzon, tho 
an otherwise unknown grammar of this language is listed by 
Barrantes (BB 218). References to the Tingyan of North 
Luzon are said hy Conant to be contained in H. Meyer's 
Eine Weltreise (BB 246), and the Igorot dialect of Abra 
province in North Luzon was represented by a single poem 
(BB 151). 

In addition to these works there were also a number of 
books or articles on special linguistic topics, and some in which 
the languages were treated from a comparative point of view. 
The most important of these special topics are, viz., the native 
alphabets, native poetry, the numerals, the Sanskrit element 
in Tagalog and Bisaya, the Chinese element in Malay, plant 
names, names of persons, and the Spanish of the Philippine 
Islands. 8 Most of the works of a comparative character were 
merely comparative word and phrase lists, tho there were a 
few of some importance, viz., the general account of the 
languages of the Philippine group in Friedrich Muller's Gfrund- 
riss der Sprachtvissenschaft (BB 258); Gabelentz (G. von der) 
and Meyer's contributions to our knowledge of the Melanesian, 
Micronesian, and Papuan languages (BB 157); H. C. von 
Gabelentz' article on the passive (BB 158); and Kern's treat- 
ment of the connective particles (BB 197). 9 Finally special 
linguistic bibliographies had been prepared by Blumentritt 
and Barrantes (cf. BB, pp. 2528). 

Since the occupation of the Philippine Islands by the United 
States in 1898, the following five steps forward in Philippine 

t Whether the texts given under Kuyo in BB are all in the tame 
language, I cannot say. According to the Report of the Philippine 
Commission, 1900, vol. 3, p. 79, Calamian, Agutiano (sic! Agutayna), and 
Ooyuno ( Kuyo) are distinct languages or dialects; Beyer, op. cit. t p. 25, 
seems to identify Kalamian and Kuyonon ( Kuyo). 

Cf. BB under Alphabets, Chinese, General Philippine Linguistics, 
Literature, Malay, Malayo-Spanish, Names, Numerals, Poetry, Sanskrit, 

Cf. BB under Comparative Philippine Grammar and Vocabulary, 
and General Philippine Linguistics. 

150 Frank R. Blake 

linguistic studies may be noted. 1) Our knowledge of some 
of the better known languages, particularly Tagalog, has been 
increased and deepened: 2) additional texts in the native 
tongues, particularly portions of the Bible, have been published: 

3) a number of grammatical sketches and grammars of 
languages not before treated to any extent have appeared: 

4) a complete Bibliography of Philippine languages is in process 
of compilation: 5) considerable progress has been made in the 
scientific and comparative study of the languages. 

The object of the present article is to give some account 
of those government publications which deal either directly or 
indirectly with Philippine languages, and to consider to what 
extent the present status of Philippine linguistic studies is due 
to the activities of the United States government either in 
this country or in the Philippine Islands. 

The following is a list of books and articles of a more or 
less linguistic character, whose publication is the result of 
government support, arranged in the order of their publication: 
the numbers in parentheses are the numbers of the titles in 
BB; ESP = Ethnological Survey Publications, Department 
of the Interior (Philippines); BS = Government Bureau of 
Science, Division of Ethnology Publications, Manila (a conti- 
nuation of ESP)] PJS= Philippine Journal of Science, published 
by the Bureau of Science, Manila. 

1. El archipielago filipino: Colleci6n de datos . . . Washington, 

1900, Tom. I, pp. 26147 passim and pp. 221238 (trans- 
lated in Report of Philippine Commission for 1900, 
vol. Ill, pp. 14128 passim and pp. 397412). (8) 

2. Mason, 0. T. Blumentritt's list of the native tribes of 
the Philippines and the languages spoken by them. Report 
of the Smithsonian Inst. for 1899 (1901), pp. 527-547. 

3. The geographic names in the Philippine Islands. Special 
report of the U. S. Board on Geographic names, "Washington, 

1901, pp. 59. (164) 

4. Merrill, E, D. A dictionary of the plant names of the 
Philippine Islands. Publications of Bureau of Government 
Laboratories, Manila, 1903, pp. 193. (240) 

5. Porter, R. S. A primer and vocabulary of the Moro 
dialect (Magiiidanau). Washington, 1903, pp. 77. (289) 

United States Publications on Philippine Languages 161 

6. Reed, W. A. Negritos of Zambales. ESP, II, 1, Manila, 

1904. (293) 

7. Jenks, A. E. The Bontok Igorot. ESP, I, Manila, 1905. 

8. Scheerer, O. The Nabaloi dialect. ESP, II, 2, Manila, 

1905, pp. 97-178. (335) 

9. Saleeby, N. M. Studies in Moro history, law, religion. 
ESP, IV, 1, Manila, 1905. (312) 

10. MacKinlay, W. E. W. A handbook and grammar of the 
Tagalog language. Washington, 1905, pp. 264 + 6 charts. 

11. Census of the Philippine Islands, voLI, Washington, 1905. (91) 

12. Worcester, D. C. The Non-Christian tribes of Northern 
Luzon. PJS, I, 1906, pp. 791875. (377) 

13. Smith, C. C. A grammar of the Magindanao tongue. 
Washington, 1906, pp. 80. (353) 

14 Saleeby, N. M. History of Sulu. BS, IV, 2, 1908. (313) 

15. Scheerer, 0. The Batan dialect as a member of the 
Philippine group of languages. BS, V, 1, Manila, 1908, 
pp. 9131. (337) 

16. Conant, C. E. "F" and "V" in Philippine languages. 
BS, V, 2 t Manila, 1908, pp. 135-141. (105) 

17. Clapp, W. C. A vocabulary of the Igorot language as 
spoken by the Bontok Igorots: Igorot- English and English- 
Igorot. BS, V, 3, Manila, 1908, pp. 141236. (99) 

18. Swift, H. A study of the Iloko language. Washington, 
1909, pp. 172. (354) 

19. Christie, E.B. The Subanuns of Sindangan Bay. BS,VI,l 
Manila, 1909. (97) 

20. Barton, R. F. The Harvest-feast of the Kiangan Iftigao. 
PJS, VI, D, 1911, pp. 81103. (S) 

21. Beyer, H. 0. and Barton, R. F. An Ifugao burial cere- 
mony. PJS, VI, D, 1911, pp. 227252. (S) 

22. M(iller)?, M. L. Review of Allin's 'Standard English- 
Visayan dictionary'. PJS, VI, D, 1911, p. 281. (213) 

2.*. Scheerer, 0. On a quinary notation among the llongots 
of Northern Luzon. PJS, VI, D, 1911, pp. 47 49. (838) 

24. Review of C. W. Seidenadel's 'The first grammar of the 
language spoken by the Bontok Igorot'. PJS, VI, D, 1911, 
pp. 271281. (341) 

152 Frank E. Blake 

25. Miller, M. L. The Mangyans of Mindoro, PJS, VII, D, 
1912, pp. 135156. (248) 

26. Schneider, E. E. - - Notes on the Mangyan language. 
PJS, VII, D, 1912, pp. 157178. (343) 

27. Waterman, M. P. A vocabulary of Bontok stems and 
their derivatives. BS, V, 4, Manila, 1913, pp. 239299. 

28. Elliott, C. W. A vocabulary and phrase book of the 
Lanao Moro dialect. BS, V, 5, pp. 301328, Manila, 1913. 

29. Robertson, J. A. The Igorot of Lepanto. PJS, IX, D, 
Manila, 1914, pp. 465529. (8) 

30. Vanoverbergh, M. A grammar of Lepanto Igorot as it 
is spoken at Bauco. BS, V, 6, Manila, 1917, pp. 331425. 

31. Reyes, F. D. Review of H. 0. Beyer's 'Population of the 
Philippine Islands in 1916'. PJS, XIII, D, 1918, pp. 4142. 

In addition to these works and articles there are a few 
remarks in certain government reports on the general character 
and future of the native languages, and with regard to their 
use in the schools, viz.: 

32. Reports of Philippine Commission for 1901 and 1908. 
Washington, 1901, p. 539 f; 1909, pp. 817 819. (S) 

33. Fifteenth, Seventeenth and Eighteenth annual reports of 
Director of Education. Manila, 1915, pp. 6870; 1917, 
p. 20; and 1918, p. 54. (S) 

34. Report of Governor General for 1918. Washington, 1919, 
p. 110. (S) 

Of these, Nos. 22, 24, 31 are reviews; Nos. 2, 3, 4 are lists 
of names; Nos. 1, 6, 7, 9, 1 1, 12, 14, 19, 20, 21, 25, 29, to which must 
be added Nos. 32, 33, 34, treat of languages only incidentally, 
their chief interest being ethnological or general; Nos. 15, 16, 23 
are special treatises on linguistic points; Nos. 17, 26, 27 are word 
lists or dictionaries; Nos. 5, 8, 10, 13, 18, 28, 30 are grammars or 
grammatical sketches. 

Of the reviews, Nos. 22 and 31 are brief and unimportant : 
No. 24 contains a long review of SeidenadePs very creditable 
Bontok grammar, over three pages of which are devoted to an 
approbation of the author's futile attempt to show that the 

United States Publications on Philippine Languages 153 

so-called passive verbs of the Philippine languages are not to 
be regarded as passive, but as active, because of the perfectly 
familiar fact that they correspond in meaning to the active 
verbs of other languages. 10 

Of the lists of names the only one that has any direct bearing 
on languages is No. 2, which is a list of the names of the chief 
tribes of the Archipelago with an indication of their habitat 
and language. This was very useful for a time, but is now 
superseded for the most part by H. O. Beyer's Population of 
the Philippine Islands in 1916, published by the Philippine 
Education Co., Inc., Manila, 1917. 

The linguistic material in the third group of titles may be 
described as follows. No. 1, El Archipielago filipino, contains, 
in the discussion of the geography of the islands, a statement 
in the case of each island or district of the name or names 
of the language or languages spoken there. In addition to 
this there are about fifteen pages dealing with the native 
alphabets and general character of the Philippine languages, 
illustrated by a number of examples taken from the most 
important tongues. No. 6, Reed's Negritos of Zambales, contains 
in an appendix about four pages of comparative vocabularies 
of a hundred Zambal and Negrito words. Some words used 
by the Negritos are also discussed in the main body of the 
work. No. 7, Jenks's Bontok Igorot, contains a final chapter 
of twenty-two pages on language, chiefly a topically arranged 
vocabulary of Bontok. This chapter includes also a compara- 
tive vocabulary of about eighty English, Malay, Sulu, Benget 
Igorot and Bontok Igorot words. The preceding chapters 
serve to some extent as a commentary on the Bontok words 
in the vocabularies. No. 9, Saleeby's Studies in Moro history, 
etc., contains a number of plates giving specimens of native 
Moro texts, together with translations of the same in the body 
of the work; No. 14, his History of Sulu, gives the trans- 
lations of a number of Moro historical documents. No. 11, 
The Census, has on pp. 412, 448, 449, 461, 515, and 516, some 
remarks on the languages. No. 12, Worcester's Non-Christian 
Tribes, has on p. 861 a few remarks on dialect groups. No. 19, 

'o Cf. my review of this work in American Journal of Philology, 
vol. 31, 8, whole No. 128, 1910, pp. 841-844. 

154 Frank E. Blake 

Christie's Subanuns, gives a good account of the region occupied 
hy the Subanuns and of their subdivision into groups, and 
contains, moreover, about nine or ten pages of word lists and 
about four pages of native text and translation. Some words 
and phrases are also explained in the body of the work. 
No. 20, Barton's Harvest-feast of the Kiangan Ifugao, contains 
several pages of Ifugao texts, and explains a number of 
Ifugao words. No. 21, Beyer and Barton's Ifugao burial cere- 
mony, gives the explanation of a number of Ifugao words and 
expressions as well as the text and translation (about a dozen 
lines) of an Ifugao song. No. 25, Miller's Mangyans, devotes 
two pages to a discussion of the native alphabet. No. 29, 
Robertson's Igorot of Lepanto, gives the meaning of a number 
of Igorot terms including the names of the months. The 
government reports, Nos. 3234, deal briefly with the topics 
already mentioned above p. 152. 

Of the three treatises on special grammatical points, No. 15, 
Scheerer's Batan dialect, investigates the relationship between 
Batan and the other Philippine languages and the Formosan 
dialects. It consists of four parts. First is given a lexical 
comparison of 113 Batan words with their semantic corre- 
spondents in 19 Philippine languages and in the chief Formosan 
dialects, preceded by a brief introductory description of the 
languages and a brief bibliographical list. Second there follows 
a discussion of the results of the lexical comparison, the general 
conclusion being that while Batan is undoubtedly a member 
of the Philippine group, it shows no special closer relationship 
with any of the other Philippine languages compared. There 
is also some brief comment on the Formosan dialects. The 
third part shows how Batan conforms to the general principles 
of word formation and derivation common to the Philippine 
languages, while part four discusses in some detail from a 
comparative point of view the important verbal derivatives 
made with the prefix i and with the suffixes en and an. The 
work has two appendices; the first giving the Apostles' Creed 
in Batan preceded by the English and Spanish versions, and 
followed by the text a second time with interlinear English 
translation; the second adducing evidence to show that the 
llocano (Hoko) language is practically uniform thruout the 
territory in which it is spoken, with only slight dialectic 

United States Publications on Philippine Languages 155 

differences. No. 23, Scheerer's Quinary Notation, is an interesting 
treatment of the peculiar system of counting by fives instead 
of by tens, employed by the Ilongots of North Luzon. The 
article is based on an old catechism, the only Ilongot text 
available (BB 53). No. 16, Conant 7 s Fand V, discusses the various 
cases of the occurrence of these sounds, which are comparatively 
rare in the whole Malayan group, in the Philippine languages. 

Of the three word lists, No. 26, the Mangyan list of Schneider, 
is very brief, containing 109 words and the chief numerals 
compared with their cognates in other Philippine languages. 
The two Bontok Igorot vocabularies of Clapp, No. 17, and 
Waterman, No. 27, are much more extensive. The two works 
are complementary in character, Clapp's containing the words 
arranged alphabetically without regard to root, in two parts, 
Igorot-English and English-Igorot; Waterman's grouping the 
various Bontok words under the roots from which they are 
derived. As is usually the case with vocabularies prepared 
by those who have no special scientific linguistic training, the 
treatment of symbolic words (i. e. such words as pronouns, 
prepositions, adverbs, particles, etc.) is very poor and incomplete. 
The treatment of the verb is also unsatisfactory, no effective 
attempt being made to distinguish between active and passive, 
tho the notes on the verbal prefixes which precede Waterman's 
vocabulary partly compensate for this defect. On the whole 
the two vocabularies are little more than word lists with English 
translation, but in conjunction with Seidenadel's Bontok 
grammar, English-Bontok vocabulary, and Bontok texts (55345), 
they furnish good material for the study of Bontok Igorot 

Of the seven grammars, only three can properly be called 
by that name, viz., No. 30, the Lepanto Igorot grammar of 
Vanoverbergh, No. 13, the Magindanao grammar of Smith, 
and No. 18, the Boko grammar of Swift, and of these the last 
two are respectively a word for word translation, and an adap- 
tation, of previous Spanish works. The other four works are 
only imperfect grammatical sketches, consisting very largely of 
lists of words and phrases, but with some meager grammatical 
comment interspersed. 

Vanoverbergh's grammar of Lepanto Igorot is a fairly good 
sketch of the dialect spoken at Bauco, tho it is admittedly 
very incomplete, and intended by the author to form a groundwork 

156 Frank R. Blake 

for further study of the dialect. It is divided into eleven 
chapters treating respectively of phonology, articles, nouns, 
adjectives, pronouns, numerals, verbs, adverbs, prepositions, 
conjunctions, and interjections. The work suffers from a lack 
of examples, particularly of examples in complete sentences, 
but furnishes a welcome addition to the material available for 
the study of Igorot dialects. 11 

Smith's translation of Juanmarti's Magindanao grammar 
(BB 194) is a great improvement in type and in page arrange- 
ment over the older Spanish work, but it contains nothing 
original except one page (8), which purports to give the 
pronunciation of the letters, but in reality gives for the most 
part only the Spanish names for the letters, and the pronun- 
ciation of the vowels in those names, e. g., 6 He (e as in 
end), J Hota (o as in note, and a as in arm). 

Swift's Iloko grammar, which is based on the Gramdtica 
hispanottocana of Naves (BB 259), is an excellent little work, 
consisting of a convenient rearrangement of the grammatical 
material contained in Naves, without the Iloko exercises. 
While, as the author states, there is nothing original in the 
material, he has produced as the result of his efforts what is 
practically a new grammar, and what is moreover the best 
hand-book treating any of the languages that has been issued 
by the government. About half the grammar is devoted to 
the treatment of the verb, pp. 57 112, but the author does 
not succeed in making entirely clear the difficult question of 
the verbals (or formulas as he calls them). The grammar is 
followed by a vocabulary, pp. 115 161, of words and roots 
occurring in the work. This is more than a mere word list, 
as it contains many examples and explanations. An index, 
pp. 163 172, completes the work. 

MacKinlay's Tagalog Handbook, No. 10, is perhaps the most 
pretentious work issued by the government. Its author is 
a man of evident scholarly attainments who has spent 
considerable time in the islands, and who, besides having a 
conversational command of Tagalog, is familiar with several 
other Philippine languages, e. g., Iloko and Bikol. The book 

11 Cf. my extended review of this work in the American Journal of 
Philology, vol. 39, 4, whole No. 156, 1918, pp. 418420. 

United States Publications on Philippine Languages 157 

is divided into eight sections, treating respectively the articles; 
pronouns; nouns; adjectives; numerals; adverbs, prepositions, 
and conjunctions; verbs; and contracted verbal forms. The 
seventh section, verbs, pp. 105 247, occupies more than half 
the work; section eight is simply a table covering about two 
pages. These eight sections are preceded by an introduction 
giving a fairly complete bibliography of grammatical and 
lexicographical works on Tagalog, some discussion of the 
general features of the language, some remarks on pronun- 
ciation, and a number of the most common and indispensable 
conversational phrases. The last section is followed by a series 
of folders designed to give, by a peculiar type scheme, a clear 
and comprehensive idea of the Tagalog verb, and a number 
of indexes complete the work. In spite of the erudition of 
the author and of the special advantages which he has enjoyed, 
the work is distinctly disappointing. The grammatical remarks 
are very meager and unsatisfactory, and refer for the most 
part to morphology, little attention being paid to syntax. The 
book adds practically nothing to the grammatical knowledge 
which was already available in the various Spanish grammars, 
and is indeed inferior to many of them in this respect. It is 
really little more than a collection of words, phrases, and 
sentences, arranged with some appearance of order under 
various grammatical categories or topics. Its chief value lies 
in the lists of the different classes of words, which are in 
many cases excellent, and in the material it furnishes for the 
study of Tagalog idioms. 

Porter's Magindanao primer, No. 5, consists chiefly of an 
English-Moro vocabulary, pp. 19 71, to which is prefixed 
about eight and a half pages of grammatical remarks and 
paradigms, and four and a half pages of conversational phrases. 
At the end of the book are about four and a half pages dealing 
with the writing of the language. The work is crude and 
unscientific, but contains a considerable amount of useful 
material for the study of Magindanao in the conversation and 
in the numerous examples of phrases and complete sentences 
which are given in the vocabulary. 

Scheerer's Nabaloi dialect, No. 8, is a grammatical sketch 
devoted mainly to an exposition of the elementary grammatical 
facts of the language, arranged under the heads of the various 

158 Frank R. Blake 

parts of speech. This is followed by about two pages of 
conversational phrases, some account of the popular songs of 
the Nabaloi, a topically arranged vocabulary, pp. 157 171, 
and an appendix giving a translation of an account of a 
Spanish expedition into the Nabaloi country in 1829. The 
work is weak in the discussion of the verbal forms. Aside 
from the recording of the elementary facts of the language, 
and the registering of some of its most common words, the 
chief importance of the work lies here again in the considerable 
number of examples of the use of words, particularly of verbs, 
which it contains. 

Elliott's Lanao Moro vocabulary, No. 28, contains a brief 
statement of some of the grammatical features of the dialect. 
After an introduction of about a page and some treatment 
of the spelling, pronunciation, and parts of speech (about 8 pp.), 
there follow about seven pages of word lists topically arranged, 
and three pages of idioms and sentences. The grammatical 
part of the work is entirely unsatisfactory, the most important 
part of speech, the verb, being given up by the author in 
despair. His lists of words and sentences, however, have their 

The Government in its policy towards the native tongues 
has apparently centered its attention chiefly on three groups 
of languages, viz., 1) Tagalog, the language of Manila, and the 
most important language of the archipelago, and Iloko, the 
most important language of the civilized Filipinos in Northern 
Luzon; 2) the languages of the Moros or Mohammedan tribes 
of Mindanao and the Sulu Islands; and 3) the languages of 
the Igorots of Northern Luzon. As a beginning, such a 
policy is excellent, but unfortunately it gives no promise of 
advancing beyond this initial stage. The treatment of the 
languages in question has been very superficial, and other 
languages that have just as good a claim to consideration, 
e. g., Bisaya, have so far been entirely ignored. 

On the whole the work done under government auspices 
has added comparatively little to our knowledge of the languages 
of the Philippine Islands. The government has produced a few 
incomplete grammatical sketches and vocabularies, some lists 
of geographical and botanical terms, and has given some brief 
treatment of the general features of the languages, and a 

United States Publications on Philippine Languages 159 

considerable amount of linguistic information in publications 
devoted primarily to ethnology, but in the aggregate this does 
not amount to a great deal. Little has been done besides 
furnish a rather small body of linguistic raw material, which 
can be utilized by later workers in the Philippine field. The 
most important works on Philippine languages published since 
1898 have been printed without government assistance. 

The chief of these works published independently of the 
government, grouped under the five heads enumerated above 
(p. 150), are the following. 

Of works which add to our knowledge of languages already 
well known, the most important are those which deal with 
Tagalog. Here may be mentioned a number of new dictionaries, 
Neilson, English-Tagalog and Tagalog-English (55260% 260 b ); 
Nigg, Tagalog-English and English-Tagalog (BB 262); Serrano 
Laktaw, Tagalog-Spanish (BB 352): several new grammars, 
e.g., Lendoyro's (55206), L. Bloomfield's (55 47): and some 
conversation and phrase books (55 124, 136, 203). 12 In the 
other languages the most important works are as follows, viz.: 
Batan The Spanish-Batan dictionary prepared by various 

Dominicans, assisted by 0. Scheerer (55 131). 
Bikol Vera Gramatica hispano-bikol (55363). 
Bisaya -- 1) Guillen's Cebuan grammar, published 1898 
(55 170). 

2) Romualdez 1 Samaro-Leytean grammar (55 306). 

3) P. de la Rosa's manual of Spanish in the dialect of 
Masbate and Ticao (55 308). 

Caroline Is. Fritz's grammar of the language of the Central 

Carolines (55 153 b ). 
Chamorro 1) Fritz's Chamorro grammar and dictionary 

(German-Chamorro and Chamorro-German) (55152,153*). 
2) Safford's Chamorro grammar (55 311). 

a The following are the chief titles after 1898 dealing with Tagalog 
that are given by Scheerer in S, viz.: 

1. Calderon, S. G. Munting diccionario na Ingles-tagalog. Manila, 1916, 
pp. 279, 16x11.5 cm. 

2. Diccionario ingles-espafiol-tagalog (con paries de la oracion y 
pronunciacion figurada). Manila, 1916, pp. 664, 28.6x17 cm. 

3. Daluz Torres, E. Manga unang hakbang sa ikadudunong (a Tagalog 
primer). Manila, 1906, pp. 96, 17.5x12.6 cm. 

160 Frank R. Blake 

Iloko 1) Floresca's English-Hoko vocabulary (BB 150). 

2) Williams' grammatical sketch of the language (BB 375). 
Pampanga 1) Parker's English-Spanish-Pampanga dictionary 
(BB 280). 

2) G. Magat Gramatica qng sabing castila, t capampangan. 
Manila, 1915, pp. 281, 18.5x13 cm (#). 

There are also some new editions of works published prior 
to 1898, which in some cases at least are probably only reprints 
of former editions, e. g., Campomanes' Tagalog grammar 
(BB 81), Pellicer's Pangasinan grammar (BB 282), Sanchez 
de laEosa'sSamaro-Leytean dictionary (321,322), R.Serrano's 
dictionary of terms common to Spanish and Tagalog (349; 8.) 

Under the head of new texts are especially to be mentioned 
L. Bloomfield's Tagalog texts with accompanying English trans- 
lation on the opposite page (BB 47) and Seidenadel's Bontok 
texts with interlinear translation (BB 345). Other texts are 
translations of the Gospels in Tagalog, Iloko, Bikol, Pangasinan, 
Bontok, Ifugao and probably other languages; a number of 
Batan texts (264,366); and Buffum and Lynch's Sulu 
primer ( 75).i 

Of languages which were unknown or practically unknown 
in 1898, only two, Bontok andPalau, have received any attention 
from persons not connected with the government. Bontok is 
treated in Seidenadel's grammar of Bontok ( 345), which, 
in spite of some defects, is the best grammar of a Philippine 
language yet published; 14 Palau or the language ofthePelew 

4. Fernandez, E. and Calderon, S. G. Vocabulario tagalog- castellano- 
ingles con partes de gramatica y frases usuales. 2 a ed., Manila, 1917, 
pp. 269, 13x19 cm. 

5. Ignacio, R. Vocabulario bilingue espanol-tagalo-tagalo-espanol. Manila, 
1917, pp. 212-1-3, 18.5x13 cm. 

6. Oelpz (= Lopez), M. H. Dictionary pahulugan (Diccionario) English- 
Tagalog. Manila, 1909, pp. 136, 18.5x13.5 cm. 

7. Paglinawan, M. Gramaticang kastila-tagalog. Manila, 1914: ler tomo, 
pp. 301; 2o tomo, pp. 275: 18.5x13.5 cm. 

8. Bagong bokabulario at aklat ng mga salitaan, sa kastila at. tagalog 
6 Nuevo vocabulario y manual de conversacion en espanol y tagalog. 
Maynila, 1915, pp. 236. 

13 Additional texts are mentioned by Scheerer in S. 
n Cf. my review of this work already mentioned above, n. 10; also the 
various other reviews cited in BB 110, 202, 290, 341. Scheerer in S cites 

United States Publications on Philippine Languages 161 

Islands is set forth in the grammar and dictionary of Walleser 
(BB 372, 373). 

Of bibliographical works dealing specifically with Philippine 
languages the only one of any extent since 1898 is BB; for 
general Philippine bibliographies dealing with the languages 
only as one of many topics, and some brief lists of linguistic 
titles, subsequent to 1898, cf. BB, pp. 27, 28. 

In comparative grammar the chief work has been done by 
Scheerer, Conant, and myself, Scheerer's Particles of relation 
in Isinay, Conant's treatment of the Pepet vowel and of the 
RGH and RLD consonants, and my own articles on Philippine 
pronouns and numerals, and on various points of Philippine 
syntax are especially important. Brandstetter's monographs 
on general Indonesian (Malayo-Polynesian) grammar may be 
added here as they usually treat to some extent the languages 
of the Philippines. Two articles by former students of mine 
are also worthy of mention, W. G. Seiple's Polysyllabic roots 
with initial P in Tagalog y and L. B. Wolfenson's The infixes 
la, li, lo in Tagalog (BB 347 b , 376).^ 

Of works of a miscellaneous or general character not falling 
under any of the five heads just enumerated, may be mentioned 

an additional one by Adriani in Tijdschrift van het Bataviaasch 
Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen, Deel LV, afl. 4,6 en 6, 
Batavia, 1913, pp. 601-617. 

i For a practically complete list of articles by these six authors cf. BB 
under their names. Scheerer's supplement furnishes the following 
additional titles, viz., 

1. Brandstetter, R. Die Lauterscheinungen in den indoneaisohen Sprachen. 
Luzern, 1915, pp. 99, 8. 

2. -- Die Reduplikation in den indianischen, indonesischen und indo- 
germanischen Sprachen. Luzern, 1917, pp. 38,8*. 

3. Conant, C. E. Indonesian / in Philippine languages, JAOS, vol. 36, 1916, 
pp. 181-196. 

4. Scheerer, 0. The languages of the Philippines. Cablenews- American 
Yearly Review Number, Manila, 1911, pp. 98-99. 

5. - Outlines of the history of exploration of the Philippine languages 
and their relatives in East and West The Philippine Review. voL 8, 
No. 1-2 (Jan.-Feb., 1918), pp. 59-67. 

Several other works which treat Philippine languages from a com- 
parative point of view are given by S, the most important being 
Brandes, J.-Het infix IN... Album Kern, Leiden, 1908, pp. 199-204. 

11 JAO8 49 

162 Frank R. Blake 

two treatises on Sulu and Tagbanua writing (BB 79, 307); 
my own brief sketches of Philippine Literature (BB 40), and 
of the Sanskrit element in Tagalog (BB 28); and a number 
of reviews (cf. Reviews in BB). 

What numerical relation the works resulting from government 
activities bear to the whole body of works published both be- 
fore and after 1898 will appear from the following table. 
This contains a complete list of the numbers of all works 
given in BB which were published in 1898 or after, (MSS, 
of course, are not included), arranged in the order of the topics 
of the general index in BB\ the numbers referring to government 
publications are starred; the total number of printed titles (both 
before and after 1898) in BB is indicated by a small sub- 
script number following the name of the topic; (1. e.) = later 
edition of work first published before 1898, (r) = review, (?) = 
date of publication uncertain; works published in 1898 are 
followed by ('98). 

Alphabets 23 79,307.17 

Batan 6 131, 264, 336, *337, 366. 

Bikol 12 363. 


in general 5 30,31, 107. 
dialect not stated 15 100,*213(r). 
Cebuan 13 170 ('98). 
Masbate and Ticao t 308. 
Samaro-Leytean 8 306, 321 (I.e.), 322 (I.e.). 

Caroline Is. 7 153 b . 

Chamorro 8 109, 152, 153 a , 311. 

is The additional titles given in 8 fall under the following heads, viz., 
Batan, Bikol, Bontok, Caroline Is., Comparative Grammar and Vocabu- 
lary, General Linguistics, Ifugao, Iloko, Kuyo, Literature, Negrito, Pam- 
panga, Poetry, Reviews, Spanish grammars in native dialects, Spelling, 
Sulu, Tagalog, Tingyan. The effect of adding these to the list would 
simply be to increase the disparity between the numbers of governmental 
and non-governmental publications, as very few of these are due to 
government activity. For those which are, cf. the list of government 
publications above, p. 150 ff., Nos. 20, 21, 29, 3234. 

IT *248, not listed under this head in BB, should be added here, as 
the two page account of Mangy an is almost exclusively occupied with 
the Mangy an alphabet. 

United States Publications on Philippine Languages 163 

Comparative Grammar and Vocabulary 61 29, 30, 31, 33, 34, 
35, 36, 41 (r) 42, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, *105, 
108, 109, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 145 (Le.), *189,227,*337, 
340, 347 b , 376, 378 (r), 379 (r) [37 titles]. 
English Grammar in Tagalog! 159. 

General Philippine Linguistics 60 ~8, 16,26,27,38,40,60,91, 
93, 106, 135, *164, 207(?), 215, 216, *236, *240, 268(?), 279, 
299, *301 (r), 303, 339, 377, 380 [25 titles]. 
Ifugaoj 222 b . 

in general 4 98. 

Benget 2 *189. 

Bontok 10 37 (r),*99, 110 (r), *189, 202 (r), 290(r),*341 (r), 
345, *374 [9 titles]. 

Inibaloii *335. 

Kankanai t *337. 

Lepanto 3 45(r),*362. 
Boko 16 150/354,375. 
Bongot 4 *338. 
Isinay 5 115,340. 
Lana! *137. 
Literature 6 40, 228. 
Madagascan 2 64, 227. 
Magindanao n *289, "312, *353. 
Malay n *313. 
Mangyan 4 *248,*343. 
Names (Personal, Race, Place) 13 -92,93,95,106,*164,*236, 

268 (?), 279 [8 titles]. 
Names (Plant) 2 *240. 
Names (Utensils, Animals)! 60. 
Negrito 10 92, *293. 
Numerals 6 34, *338, 347 
Pampanga 13 111, 280. 
Pangasinan 4 282 (L e.). 
Pelewls. (Palau) 6 114,372,373. 
Poetry 4 346. 
Reviews 13 ~37, 41, 45, 46, 110, 208, *213, 290, *301, *341, 378, 

379, 380 [13 titles]. 
Sanskrit 6 28. 
Semitic, 29. 

164 Frank R. Blake 

Spanish grammars in native dialects 15 none. 18 

Spellings 268(?). 

Subanun 2 *97, 149. 

Sulu 10 75, 79, *189, *312, *3 1 3. 

Tagalog 95 28, 29, 30, 32, 35, 39, 43, 44, 46 (r), 47, 64, 78, 81 (1. e.), 
94, 95, 124, 134, 136, 145 (1. e.), 159, 203, 206, *217, 227, 228, 
229, 260% 260 b , 262, 272, 346, 347 a , 347 b , 352, 376 [35 titles]. 

Tagbanua 4 307. 

Tiruray u 113. 

In the case of those works which are most important for the 
study of the chief Philippine languages, the table on pp. 166 f. 
shows what proportional relation works issued under the 
auspices of the government bear to those published thru other 
means. The table gives in compact form the character of the 
material available for the study of Philippine languages; the 
name of the author or the first important word of the title 
when the author is unknown is given in every column but the 
last (text), with a reference to BB\ the existence of more or 
less text for the language in question is indicated by x; 
O in a column indicates that no works of this kind exist for 
the language; -j- after a name indicates brief lists or notes 
only; MS works are indicated by brackets; S = Scheerer's 
supplement; PhiL -= a Philippine language. The European 
language employed in these works is Spanish unless otherwise 
indicated, in which case e = English, g= German, d=Dutch, 
f= French. Works prepared under government auspices are 
starred; those published during or after 1898 are in italics: 
a work first published before 1898, but having one or more 
later editions after 1898, has the reference number alone in 
italics. References to texts are given in all instances where 
there are less than three; also in some other cases. 

Of the following languages not given in the adjoining table 
only brief word lists or brief specimens of text have been 
published, viz., Atas, JBilaan, Ginaan, Igorot, (Abra, Banawe, 

ia None of those listed under this topic in BB, are later than 1898; 
Nos. 193, published 1887, and 308, published 190&, apparently belong here. 
Scheerer in S also lists some published after 1898, viz., in Tagalog by 
Paglinawan (cf. n. 15, No. 7), in Pampanga by Magat (cf. p. 160, under 

United States Publications on Philippine Languages 165 

Benget, Kankanai 19 ), Mangyan, Manobo, Samal, Subanun, 
Tagakaolo, Tingyan (cf. BE, index). Of these the Benget list in 
Jenks's JBontok Igorot (189), the Mangyan material in Miller (248) 
and Schneider (343), and the Subanun material in Christie (97), 
are the result of government activity. 

A number of additional languages are treated in unpublished 
MSS. For Iruli, Igolot (doubtless Igorot, but what dialect is 
uncertain), Iraya (Egongot?), Itawi, Ituy (?), Yogad, cf. BB 407, 
414, 431, 433, 468. Scheerer in 8 mentions the following 
manuscripts as being in his possession, viz., lists of Mamanua 
(2 pp.) and Itbayat; a phrase book of Bontok and Kalingga; 
and a collection of popular stories, etc. in the following dialects, 
viz., Aklan6n, Apayao, Inibaloi, Inivatan (=Batan), Isinay, 
Itneg (= Tingyan), Itbayat, Ifuntok (= Bontok), Kalingga 
(partly in press), Katawan (=Kankanae), Mangyan, Panga- 
sinan, Sambale, Tagalog. 

The printed works listed in the foregoing table are in many 
cases very good, and it is possible with their assistance to acquire 
a considerable knowledge of many of the languages, but in the 
case of no language is it possible to get answers to all the 
problems which naturally arise in the study of any form of 
speech, and there is no case in which the arrangement of 
the material in the various grammars could not be greatly 
improved. The dictionaries, moreover, are in most cases little 
more than extensive word-lists, and the material in the phrase 
books is usually very meager. Briefly stated there is no 
language in the list, the material for whose study does not 
stand in great need both of improvement and completion. 

On the whole we may say there has been comparatively 
little progress in the development of our knowledge of Philippine 
languages in the period of more than two decades since 1898. 
But this is perhaps not surprising, considering the lack of 
interest on the part of the government, and taking into con- 
sideration the fact that the three chief workers in this country 
and the Philippines can devote only a limited portion of their 
time to these subjects, one of them being a teacher of German, 

A brief MS list of 60 words also exists, of. BB 416, and Scheerer 
has collected some texts (cf. next paragraph). 


Frank R. Blake 

X X X X 



00 O 



o o 

s & 

tsj & 



* 3 



O *rfO O O 











Isll Is 8 







t s? 

o cp "! 

o o 



w S 




'o o 



o o o 






g w 


United States Publications on Philippine Languages 167 

















^F OT * 




~a s ? 

n 1 ^ 








168 Frank R. Blake 

another a teacher of Modern Languages, and a third a teacher 
of Semitic Languages and General History. 

It is to be hoped that in future the Government will pursue 
a more liberal policy towards the study of Philippine languages. 
In the first place it is important from a scientific point of 
view that the languages should he registered and studied, just 
as is being done in the case of our Indian dialects, ere they 
die out before the advance of English. In the second place 
from a practical point of view it is essential that !a thoro 
knowledge of the language should be possessed by those who 
work among the natives in order that these workers may under- 
stand the native manners and customs, and in order that 
communication between whites and natives may be simplified 
and facilitated. 

The chief needs of Philippine linguistic studies may be briefly 
stated as follows. In the first place those who collect linguistic 
material among the natives, whether government employees or 
not, should have some measure of linguistic training. They 

2 <> The titles of native texts given in S which are to be added here 

1. American Bible Society Nan Evanhelio an inkulit hi Luke (Gospel 
of St. Luke in Ifugao). Manila, 1915, pp. 126, 13x9.5 cm. [For 
Ifugao cf. also Nos. 20, 21, p. 151. 

2. British and Foreign Bible Society, London Nan Evanhelio isnan 
apotaku ya enigtwentaku Jesu Kristo ai naikolit ken Santo ai Marko 
(Gospel of St. Mark in Bontok-Igorot). Kobe, 1912, pp. 41. 18.5x12 cm. 

3. Moss, C. K. and Kroeber, A. L. Nabaloi (Inibaloi) Songs. University 
of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, 
Vol. 15, No. 2, Berkeley, 1919, pp. 187206. 

4. The Sulu News (Ing Kabaytabayta an sug): a monthly newspaper in 
English and Sulu. Zamboanga, Mindanao, P. I. 

5. A MS Egongot (Ilongot) catechism of 51 pp. 80 in possession of 
0. Scheerer. 

21 All Kalamian and Kuyo texts in BB are here cited on account of 
the ambiguity associated with these names (cf. nn. 6 and 7) : S gives also 
the following 

1. Catecismo cuyono. Adalan sa mga cristianos nga insulat sa cuyonon 
ig sa isarang P. Agustino Recoleto. 2 a ed., Manila, 1904, pp. 72, 
14x10.5 cm. 

2. (Catecismo cuyono) Parangadien sa mga Cuyonong cristianos nga 
sinulat sa Padre Exprovincial Fr. Pedro Gibert. Manila, 1907, pp. 32, 
12x8.5 cm. 

United States Publkations on Philippine Languages 169 

should possess at least an elementary knowledge of the science 
of Phonetics, and a good working knowledge of general gramma- 
tical principles, so that they can know what to look for or 
ask for in their search for linguistic material. 22 

Secondly, good manuscript works already prepared should 
be published as soon as possible. Here are especially to be 
mentioned, e. g n Garvan's work on Negrito (BE 426); the Batan 
and Zambal Grammars, and the word lists, native texts, etc. 
in the possession of Scheerer (cf. table on p. 166 f., and works 
mentioned on pp. 165, 168); Conant's Bisaya dictionary (##412); 
and others (cf. BB 383473). 

Thirdly, numerous texts, especially folk stories and poems, 
should be collected, particularly in the less known tongues. 

Fourthly, really first class grammars and dictionaries of the 
most important languages of the islands should be prepared, 
in addition to the imperfect grammars already in existence. 
At the very least this should be done for Tagalog, Bisaya, 
Boko, Magindanao, and Sulu. 23 

22 Where the workers in the field have not these qualifications, it is 
possible, at least to some extent, to supply this lack by issuing a series 
of instructions to them covering the matters they are investigating. At 
the suggestion of one of my Philippine correspondents, Mr. Luther Parker 
of Laoang, Ilocos Norte, I have recently sent out about a hundred mimeo- 
graphed circulars of instruction dealing with the construction of coordi- 
nated ideas in Philippine languages, for distribution and use in the 
Islands, and I have already collected in this way much valuable material. 
It is interesting to note that Dr. Frank Sanders, Chairman of our 
Committee on Enlargement of Membership, has independently conceived 
the notion of applying this principle of instructing workers in the 
Oriental field on a far more extensive scale, and is at present at work 
on plans for translating his ideas into action. 

M j have prepared a Tagalog grammar which is intended to furnish a 
complete account of the linguistic phenomena of the language, and also 
to serve aa a model of arrangement for other Philippine grammars. 
This grammar has received the endorsement of some of the foremost 
Malayo-Polynesian scholars in Holland (Profs. Junker and Juynboll of 
Leyden), and will soon be published as the first of a special series of 
Oriental Publications by the American Oriental Society. I have also 
prepared preliminary grammatical sketches for the other languages here 
mentioned, but much work remains to be done before any other complete 
grammar will be ready for publication. Conant would probably be 
prepared to write a Cebuan grammar. 

170 Frank R. Blake 

Fifthly, briefer grammatical studies and vocabularies of as 
many as possible of the other languages should be prepared, 
based on existing grammars, vocabularies, and texts, where 
these exist, and supplemented in every case by intercourse 
with intelligent natives, especially those who understand 

Sixthly, a complete bibliography of all works written in any 
Philippine dialect should be published. 25 

Finally, a comparative grammar should be prepared giving 
a complete account of all the linguistic phenomena of a dozen 
or more of the principal languages from both a scientific and 
a practical point of view, and registering the special peculia- 
rities of all the other dialects about which anything is known. 26 

** I have made preliminary studies of a number of the languages in this 
group, viz., Pampanga, Pangasinan, Ibanag, Bikol, Chamorro, etc. Scheerer 
would probably be prepared to write grammars of Batan, Inibaloi, 
(=Nabaloi), Isinay, and possibly of other languages. 

25 BB contains a list of the most important works dealing with 
Philippine languages, including all texts in any except the seven principal 
dialects. This will be supplemented shortly by a number of additional 
titles furnished by Scheerer (cf. S) and others in the islands. The work 
on the second part of my Bibliography, works in the seven principal 
dialects, has already reached an advanced stage of preparation. 

26 Besides the work of this character done before 1898 (cf. above 
p. 149), and in addition to monographs by Conant, Scheerer, myself, 
and others on comparative topics, I have projected a series of Contri- 
butions to Comparative Philippine Grammar which are intended to form 
the basis for a comparative grammar of the type just described. Two 
of these Contributions have already been published, viz., I. General 
features, phonology, and pronouns, and II. Numerals. III. Noun formation, 
is in an advanced stage of preparation. The other Contributions projected, 
on many of which a considerable amount of preliminary work has been 
done (cf. Blake in BB\ are as follows, viz., IV. Verb formation, 

V. Particles (Adverbs, Prepositions, Conjunctions, and Interjections), 

VI. The Noun and its modifiers, VII. The ideas 'to be' and 'to have', 
VIII. Active and Passive constructions, IX. Construction of particles, 
X. The use of ligatures, XL The expression of various symbolic ideas 
(a. indefinite pronominal ideas, b. modal auxiliary ideas), XII. Verbs 
derived from other parts of speech, XIII. Elements of comparative 
vocabulary and conversation in the chief languages. 



ELSEWHERE I have referred to the early conception of trees 
and plants as animate, and to the belief that divine life or 
protection might be transmitted and an offender purified by 
eating the leaves, bark, gum or wood, or by breathing the 
smoke of their burning. 1 Notable among products valued for 
purposes of purification were the lemon grass, senna, myrrh, 
balsam, and frankincense. The present inquiry has to do with 
the aloe and the several products, diverse in nature and 
origin, to which that name has been applied. 

Frazer tells of the procedure of a British East African 
tribe to escape the impurity of bloodshed. For the man- 
slayer was everywhere considered unclean, and his impurity 
extended to his tribe. This uncleanness lasted for four days, 
during which he might not go home and must remain alone 
eating only specified food. At the end of the fourth day he 
must purify himself by taking a strong purge made from the 
leaves of the tegetet tree, and by drinking goat's milk mixed 
with blood. 2 In another East African tribe the sorcerer expels 
the sin by a ceremony, of which the principal rite is an 
emetic, the sin being conceived in both cases as a sort of 
morbid substance to be expelled, confession and absolution 
being, as Frazer observes, a purely physical process of relieving 
the sufferer of a burden which sits heavy on his stomach 
rather than on his conscience. 

So Robertson Smith remarks that redemption, substitution, 
purification, atoning blood, and garment of righteousness 

JA08 40, Part IV, 260-270. 

> Taboo and the Perils of the Soul, 176, 314. 

172 WUJred H. Schoff 

are all terms which in some sense go back to ancient ritual. 
The fundamental idea of ancient sacrifice is sacramental; 
communion and all atoning rites are ultimately to be regarded 
as owing their efficacy to a communication of divine life to 
the worshipers. 3 In primitive ritual this conception is grasped 
in a purely physical and mechanical shape, as indeed in 
primitive life all spiritual and ethical ideas are still wrapped 
up in the husk of material embodiment. His conclusion was 
that a ritual system must always remain materialistic, even if 
its materialism is disguised under the cloak of mysticism. But 
it may be questioned whether 

Purge me with hyssop and I shall be clean, 

Wash me and I shall be whiter than snow 4 
may not still have a more direct appeal and significance than 

I have blotted out as a cloud thy transgressions, 

And as a mist thy sins. 5 

Perfumes played a similar part, a sweet savor being regarded 
not only as agreeable to deity, but as proceeding from the 
divine being animating the tree. Especially among the Semites 
was perfume, as Pliny remarked, 6 a very holy thing, which 
Herodotus 7 tells us they used in purification; and clothing 
worn on sacred or festal occasions was perfumed. 8 In many 
cases the gums or resins used as medicine would, when burned, 
give forth a fragrant incense; and this fact may explain the 
looseness in application of some of their names. Among these 
is the medicinal aloe, the sacredness of which as a means and 
sign of purification is indicated to this day by the fact that 
the Muhammadans regard it as a symbolic plant, and that 
especially in Egypt those returning from a pilgrimage to Mecca 
hang it over their street doors as token that they have per- 
formed the journey. Curiously the same name has been ap- 
plied to an Eastern incense in high favor among the Chinese, 
and to another incense, perhaps not the same, used by the 

3 Religion of the Semites, 439. 
* Ps. 51 7. 

5 Isai. 4422. 

6 H.N. 1264. 

7 1 198. 

8 Gen. 27 15, 27. 

Aloes 173 

Parsees of India, and variously called aloe wood, gharu wood, 
eagle wood, calambac, and by the Chinese, linking incense' 
(referring to its very high specific gravity), and in India agar 
or agur, referred to Sanskrit a + guru, not heavy an obvious 
absurdity unless we allow for another strange grouping of 
such substances according to aroma rather than appearance, 
whereby aloe wood and ambergris have been sometimes as- 
sociated. The subject is important, not solely to the pharma- 
cologist, for it raises questions of early commerce as to which 
there has been much misunderstanding. 

In the Amarna tablets Hommel 9 called attention to a 
substance, aigalluhu, strongly suggestive of the Greek agcd- 
lochon, the name now applied to the incense aloe. In the 
Hebrew Scriptures are four references which have been a 
stumbling block to the translators. In the story of Balaam in 
Numbers is the line 'as dhalim planted of the Lord 7 (246). 
In Proverbs (7 17), 'I have perfumed my bed with myrrh, 
ahdlim and cinnamon 7 . In Psalms (459), 'myrrh, dhaloth and 
cassia are all thy garments'. And in the Song of Songs (4u), 
'all trees of frankincense, myrrh and dhaloth with all the chief 
spices'. The last two are passages suggesting the festivals at 
a royal wedding, or state ritual of some sort. In most modern 
versions all four are translated 'aloes', and so recent a lexico- 
grapher as Loew 10 asserts as a matter beyond question that 
all four are aloe wood and holds that they are identical with 
the almuy (I Kings 10 11-12) an identification as to which 
I feel wholly skeptical Almug or algum, while identified by 
some with or laghu, so strongly suggests an Arabic 
origin that one need hardly go farther than al-mugra-(t) 11 , a 
South Arabian name for myrrh or frankincense; while the 
analogy of the Egyptian 18th Dynasty temples, with their 
balustrades set about with frankincense trees brought from 
Punt, strongly suggests that these trees of the Ophir voyages 
were incense trees also a supposition strengthened by the 
application of the same word to a tree of Lebanon, probably 

Expotitory Times, 9. 586. Winokler left it unexplained in his 

Aram&i$cke Pflantamamen, 895. 

" Bent, Southern Arabia, 446: of. AMM?*, Periplus, 10. 

174 Wilfred H. Schoff 

the cedar, 12 valued not only as a building timber, but on 
account of its aromatic wood used in medicine and ceremonial 
For ahalim or dhcUoth one's first impulse is again to inquire 
in South Arabia, the source of so many aromatics, where Bent 
reports hal as a word used in Socotra for perfume generally; 13 
but I am rather inclined to follow the thought of Cheyne and 
Barton that the word ahalim is corrupt, and that it was 
originally e(i)lim^ terebinth, the difference in old Hebrew script 
between the h and the i being no more than the shifting of 
a single stroke. 15 This is supported by the Greek text which 
assumes ohalim and renders skenai 'tents', being followed by 
the Latin Vulgate, tdbernaculi: that is, at a time when the 
Eastern sea trade was admittedly active and aloe wood might 
have been imported, the best scholarship knew nothing of it, 
and the assumption of the Indo-Chinese wood did not find 
its way into the versions until after the Reformation, or after 
the Portuguese conquests in the East. 

As for the two bridal songs, in one the LXX has stable 
which could mean any fragrant gum, and in the other aloth 
which might be the Arabic al e ud, i. e. any fragrant wood: 
but of the terebinth more anon. It may be well now to recall 
the nature of these diverse products. 

The medicinal aloe is the product of a plant, Aloe Perryi, 
of the lily family (similar in appearance and longevity to the 
century plant), which grows on the chalky plateau of Socotra 
and in various districts of South Arabia and Somaliland. The 
Ptolemies planted colonies in Socotra to stimulate its cultivation. 
The gatherer punches a little hole in the leaf and inserts a stick, 
on which the juice exudes. The first product is a watery sap ; 
the second a thicker gum; and the third after six weeks or 

12 2 Chron. 2?. Cf. Cheyne, Expos. T. 9:470473. 

is Op. cit. 448. 

14 The Jewish Encyclopaedia, sub verbo 'Aloe'. Hommel (Expos. T. 9 : 526) 
suggests Babylonian uhulu, a vegetable substance often named along with 
tabtu, incense (later also 'salt' ; and in modern times al-kali), and connects 
its ideogram through ildig, with vildig and bdolah, rendered bdellium. 
Delitzsch (Paradies 104) cites elammdku as one of the woods used by 
Sennacherib in building his palace, which Meissner classifies as cypress. 

is But the writer of the Epistle to the Hebrews (82) quotes from 
the Septuagint version: 'the true tabernacle which the Lord pitched'. 

Aloes 175 

more of bleeding, a dark hard resinous substance which is 
the most valuable. But this is not the most productive method 
of treatment According to Bent, 16 the aloe gatherers dig a 
hole in the ground and line it with skin; then they pile leaves, 
points outward, all around until the pressure makes the juice 
exude. When it has dried for about six weeks it is nearly 
hard and is ready for the market, being shipped from time 
immemorial to the ports of western India, whence it is redistri- 
buted. The Socotrans call it tayif but the Arabs sabr or 
sibar which has passed into European languages: Spanish 
acibar and Portuguese azevre] but this word sabr the Arabs 
use also for myrrh, and the two products are not dissimilar, 
both being dark and of bitter taste. The root meaning seems 
to be 'to tie up 7 , or in the second stem 'to heap up', and 
reminds one forcibly of that passage in the Periplus 17 describing 
the gathering of gums in South Arabia, in which it is said 
that the gum 'lies in heaps all over the country, open and 
unguarded, for neither openly nor by stealth can it be loaded 
on ship without the King's permission'. And a striking feature 
of the Deir-el-Bahari reliefs are these same heaps of gum 
which the workmen shovel into bags to be carried on board 
ship. 18 The association of myrrh and aloes appears in the 
Song of Songs, 19 which has another curious expression, 'thy 
lips are as lilies dropping with flowing myrrh' 20 . Both products 
are covered by the same trade name sabr, 21 and the aloe 
is the product of a lily. The same association appears in 
John 1939. 

The word 'aloe' seems to be derived from an Arabic root, 
lawaya, to bend or twist, and could refer to any product 
obtained by bending or doubling back a growing branch, or 
otherwise injuring it whereby an excrescence would be produced 
charged with accumulated and hardened sap. It could also 
refer to diseased growths produced by bark-splitting, insect 

Op. *., 881. 
" Periplus, 32. 
Cf. Navffle's illustration in Deir-d- Safari, Egypt Exploration Fund. 

" 4 14. 

" 6 is. 

" GL the Sfobr of Marco Polo. 

176 Wilfred H. Schoff 

stings or bacteriological action. It seems quite possible that 
it included the bent galls which are so characteristic of the 
Pistacia varieties that produce gum mastic and gum terebinth, 
also growths on varieties of the cedar and juniper, more 
specifically alluded to under the term 'thyine wood'. It is not 
impossible that it included the balsams. Dr. J. B. Nies (Ur 
Dynasty Tablets, 152, 169) gives a cuneiform sign li which he 
connects with gub, cedar, cypress or juniper, and reads the 
temple name E-bil-li, as 'house of cedar fire'. He thinks that 
Zt and sim were juniper berries used as incense. I am inclined 
to think that resinous growths, or the resin itself, may also 
have been included. Dioscorides says that the resin of tere- 
binth was exported from Arabia Petraea, and that it was 
produced in Judaea, Syria, Cyprus, Libya and the Cyclades. 22 
An inscription of Sargon, the Assyrian, in 715 B. a, tells 
how he received from Egypt, Syria, Arabia, Sabaea, the sea- 
coast and the desert, precious stones, ivory, usu wood, spices 
of all kinds, horses and camels; and Hirth would identify this 
usu with the su-ho-yu of the Chinese Annals, which he thinks 
was storax. 23 This storax was a concoction of numerous aro- 
matics, having as its basis the sap of the Syrian sweet gum, 
as to which the Chinese recorded that it was 'not a natural 
product, but made by mixing and boiling the juices of various 
fragrant trees; the natives thus make a balsam and sell the 
dregs to the traders of other countries. It goes through many 
hands before reaching China, and when arriving there is not 
so very fragrant'. Subsequently a sweeter storax from the 
Java rose- mallow, a near cousin of the sweet gum, won a place 
of favor in the Chinese market, but never drove out the 
Arabian product, which Hirth tells us still reaches the ports 
of China in vessels from Bombay, transshipped from ports of 
the Persian Gulf or Gulf of Aden. A similar instance is the 
frankincense, for which a substitute is the benzoin, a corrupt 
form of luban jawi, or Sumatra incense. The 'ointment of 
spikenard, very precious', mentioned in the Gospels, contained 

22 In passing, I wish to testify to the thoroughness of Sprengel's 
Commentary on DioscorideB. Written a century ago, it still outranks 
most of its successors. 

23 China and the Roman Orient, 266; cf. Delitzsch, Paradies 285. 

Aloes 177 

perhaps very little either of spikenard or the better-known 
lemon-grass nard, which we call citronella; and in Islamic 
times nadd meant something altogether different The nadd 
for the special use of the caliphs was composed of ambergris, 
musk, aloes and camphor, and that prepared for perfuming 
the Ka'ba on Fridays and the sacred rock of the temple at 
Jerusalem was made of pure Tibetan musk and Shihr ambergris 
with no aloes or camphor. 24 

So most of these aromatics reached the market after dilution or 
adulteration. The Arab, Jaubarl, gives a recipe for making aloe 
wood. He directs that olive wood be steeped in the juice of grapes 
set on the fire and covered with rose water, into which chips 
of true aloe wood are placed. Then simmer and dry in the 
shade and, he says, you get an unmatched aloe. 'Sir John 
Mandeville' makes the same complaint of balm, for, says he, 
men sell a gum that they call turpentine instead of balm, 
and they put thereto a little balm to give good odor, and 
some put wax in oil of the wood of balm and say that it is 
balm, for so the Saracens counterfeit by subtilty of craft for 
to deceive the Christian men'; 25 whereby we learn that Foe's 
mournful lines were literally true: 

'Is there is there balm inGilead? tell me tell me,I implore! 
Quoth the raven "Nevermore". 7 

The Persian Empire for the first time brought the coasts 
of India and the Levant within the same commercial system, 
and the Zoroastrian ritual made of fire and incense perhaps 
a more general use than any previous cult. That the aromatics 
of Semitic lands were drawn upon is fully known, and at this 
time we may infer the first systematic use of aromatics from 
India, including the gharu, eagle or aloe wood, produced to 
some extent in India proper, but more abundantly and in 
higher quality in Indo-China and the Archipelago. This 
substance, which seems to be that described by Dioscorides 
under the name agattochon, belongs to an order of which 

' Cf. Nuwairi, quoting Tamlmi. Most of the Arabic citations in this 
paper are from Ferrand's Textcx Arabc* Persons ct Turks relatifs a 
'erne Orient. The classical references are conveniently assembled in 
Coedes, Textes d'auteurs grecs et latins relatifs a I'Extreme Orient. 

Travels, Chap. 7. 

" Aquilaria Agallocha, order Thymctiaceae. 

12 JA08 42 

178 Wilfred H. Schoff 

many varieties have sweet sap useful in perfumery, but in its 
natural state the fragrance is insignificant. When the tree is 
injured or in a diseased condition, its sap collects in dark, 
hardened masses in the trunk and branches, the resin being 
somewhat similar in appearance to that of the Socotran aloe, 
but of much finer fragrance and of very high specific gravity. 
Medicinally it is useful, not as a purge, but as a febrifuge. 
To gather the resin, whole trees may be cut down without 
obtaining anything, while others will be found full of resin 
pockets, of which no outward sign exists. The tree is cut 
down and allowed to decay for a few months in the tropical 
jungle, when little but the heavy resin remains; or to hasten 
the operation the branches or the trunk itself may be cut 
into smaller sections and piled together in a pit. Edrisi 
says that the roots are dug, then the top taken off and 
the hard wood scraped until frayed, and then again scraped 
with glass and put in bags of coarse cloth. Yakut says that 
the aloe must be hard and heavy: if the cuttings do not 
sink in the water it is not choice wood. If they sink, it is 
pure aloe wood there is none better. The Chinese Chau 
Ju-Kua calls it ch'on hsiang, 'sinking incense' and observes 
that the hard wood and joints which are hard and black 
and sink in water are so called, while those which float on 
the surface are of less value and are called 'chicken bone 
perfume'. 27 Marco Polo tells of its use by conjurers in Cambodia. 
If a man falls sick conjurers dance until one falls in a trance 
and says what harm the sick man has done to some other 
spirit. Then the friends bring the things specified for sacrifice 
and the conjurers come and take flesh broth and drink and 
aloes wood and a great number of lights and go about 
scattering the broth and the meat and drink, and when all 
that the spirit has commanded has been done according to 
ceremony, then it shall be announced that the man is pardoned 
and is speedily cured and presently the sick man gets sound 
and welF.28 

As to the use of these resins in purification, Plutarch says 

27 Hirth, Chau Ju-Kua, 204208. 

28 II. 50. The Cordier-Yule edition has a useful analysis of Marco's 
classification of the aloe. 

Aloes 179 

that it was 'not considered fitting to worship with sickly 
bodies or souls 7 . As an incense to purify the air at dawn they 
burned resin, and at noon myrrh because its hot nature 
succesfully dissolved and dissipated the turbid element in the 
air drawn up from the ground by the force of the sun. These 
impurities were better driven away if woods of a dry nature 
were burned, such as cypress, juniper and pine. Aristotle asserts 
that the sweet-smelling exhalation of perfumes conduces no 
less to health than enjoyment, and if amongst the Egyptians 
they call myrrh *bal 7 and this word signifies 'sweeping out of 
impurities', the name furnishes some evidence for Plutarch's 
explanation of the reason for which it is used. 29 

With the development of philosophic thought, especially 
after the Persian Empire, ideas regarding the uses of incense 
would seem to have been modified to make it applicable more 
especially to the spiritual side of the personality. Plutarch, 
for example, says of the Egyptian kyphi that it 'fans up the 
fire of the spirit connate with the body;' and Philoponus: 'as 
this gross body is cleansed with water, so is that spiritual 
body by purifications of vapors, for it is nourished with certain 
vapors and cleansed with others 7 . 30 

This aloe wood, calambac, sinking incense, or honey incense 
has been in very general use from India eastward. That it 
was ever anything but a rare exotic in Semitic or Mediterranean 
countries may be doubted, and that it was ever included in 
the Hebrew Scriptures among familiar native trees is, as 
Barton remarks, 'more than doubtful 7 . It was clearly known 
at about the Christian era, for the Book of Enoch, where the 
eastern journeys of Enoch are described, mentions a valley 
having fragrant trees such as the mastic, and east of them 
other valleys of fragrant cinnamon, still further eastward valleys 
of nectar and galbanum, and beyond these 'a mountain to the 
east of the ends of the earth whereon were aloe trees; and 
all the trees were full of stacte, being like almond trees, and 
when one burned it, it smelled sweeter than any fragrant odor 7 . 31 

De Is. et Osir. 80. 2. 

JO In Aristoteli. de Anima, 19. 24; cf. Mead, The Subtle Body, 67-68, 

I Enoch 2831. 

180 Wilfred H. Schoff 

But classical writers are notably silent concerning aloe 
wood. For generation after generation in speaking of the 
wealth of the East they mention the silk of the Seres, the 
laurel and sometimes the pepper of India, and the spices 
of Arabia; but a rather thorough search discloses nothing 
further about aloe until Cosmas Indicopleustes, the Greek 
monk of the 6th century, who remarks in his Christian Topo- 
graphy 32 that Ceylon received from Tzinista a combination 
of Burma and Yun-nan silk, aloe, cloves and sandalwood. 

At this point we may let the Arab writers take up the tale. 
Ya'kubl, writing in the 9th century, distinguishes between the 
aloe of Kakula or Khmer and that of Champa, also an aloe 
of Kita', the best Chinese variety. He refers to another 
variety, kaSur, as soft and ashen gray, which we may suspect 
to have been ambergris. The fifth voyage of Sindbad mentions 
the Isle of Khmer as producing the Sanfi or Champa aloe. Ibn 
Khordadhbeh, in the 9th century, refers to the Kingdom of 
Jawaga (Sumatra) as producing aloes and the information is 
confirmed by Abu Zaid in the 10th century. The Island of 
Kalah, he says, which belongs to the King of Jawaga, is the 
'center of the commerce of aloes, camphor, sandalwood, ivory, 
tin, ebony, brazil wood, spices of all kinds, and other things 
too numerous to mention.' The Digest of Marvels, dating 
about 1000, gives similar information and extends the aloe 
trade to the rather fabulous country of Wak, which may have 
embraced the eastern islands from Japan to the Philippines. 
Edrlsl mentions several places in the Indo-Chinese peninsula 
as producing aloe. Yakut, at the end of the 12th century, 
gives the curious piece of misinformation already referred to, 
in connection with Kulam in South India, which he mentions 
as a center in trade of aloe, camphor, resins and barks. Aloe, 
he says, 'is brought northward by the sea. It is not drawn, 
yet it arrives at the shore. The aloe of Khmer begins to dry 
in its native land and continues to dry at sea. The king 
levies one-tenth of the aloe upon those who gather it at the 
beach'. This can hardly be other than floating ambergris 
(the product of disease or indigestion in whales), but there is 

32 XI. 337. 

Aloes 181 

no similarity in the two products, and no connection except 
that they were ingredients in the strong perfumes favored by 
the Muhammadans. This confusion of ambergris with aloe 
can certainly not have been due to appearance. As already 
stated, ambergris and musk, aloe and camphor, were all 
ingredients in the nadd of the caliphs that no longer contained 
nard. The confusion may have been due to that cause, or to 
a plain misreading of the Arabic, for s6r, aloes or myrrh, and 
'nbr, ambergris, are written so nearly alike that it might take 
a careful reader to distinguish between them. 

Yakut quotes a verse of an Arabian poet, Abu'l-' Abbas as- 
Sufri; 'It exhales a perfume as penetrating as musk rolled in 
the fingers, or as Kalahi aloe'. Ibn al-Baitar, writing in the 
13th century, quotes the earlier description of Dioscorides 
and Galen referring to aloe as an incense, a perfume for the 
person or clothing, and in medicine as a remedy against fever 
and congestion. Avicenna enumerates several varieties, the best 
sorts being those which sink in water, and refers to the custom 
of burying the wood until it decays and nothing but the resin 
is left. Ibn Sa'id, also of the 13th century, refers to the aloe 
of Jawa, black, heavy and sinking in water as if it were a 
stone. Wassaf, at the end of the 13th century, waxes poetic 
about the Island of Mul Sawa, one of the conquests of Kublai 
Khan: 4 The creative power of the Almighty', says he, 'has 
embalmed this place and its neighborhood in the perfume of 
the aloe and the clove. The very parroquets cry out in Arabic, 
'I am a garden, the glory and joy whereof are the envy of 
Paradise. For jealousy of my wealth the shores of Oman 
shed tears like pearls. The aloe of Khmer burns in my censers 
like wood on the fire.'" 

Abul-Fida tells of the mountains of Kamrun, a barrier 
between India and China, where aloes grow. Ibn Batuta, in 
the 14th century, tells of the gathering of the aloe in In do- 
China and notes that in Muhammadan countries the trees are 
considered private property, but there they are wild and 
common. He made a visit to the king of Jawa and was 
present at the wedding of the king's son, being dismissed 
thereafter with gifts of aloe, camphor, cloves and sandalwood. 
Ibn lyas, in the 16th century, tells of the city of Kabul as 
exporting grapes, coconuts, aloe of delicate aroma and iroo. 

182 Wilfred H. ScJioff 

Abu'1-Fazl, at the end of the 16th century, speaks of 'ud or 
aloe wood, 'called in India agar\ as 'the root of a tree which 
is cut off and buried; that part which is worthless perishes; 
the remainder is pure aloes. The information of ancient 
writers to the effect that the tree grows in central India is 
absurd and fanciful'. All the varieties he mentions come from 
Indo-China or the Archipelago. The best, he says, 'is that 
which is black and heavy; put in water it lies at the bottom; 
it is not fibrous and it readily crumbles; the sort that floats 
is considered valueless; it centers freely into composition of 
perfumes. When one eats it one becomes joyous. It is generally 
used as incense, and in the form of powder its best qualities 
are used to rub into the skin and dust into the clothing'. 

Sulaiman tells of the uses of aloe among the Chinese. When 
a man dies, says he, 'he is not interred until some subsequent 
anniversary of his death. The body is placed in a bier and 
kept in the house, lime being put on it for preservation, but 
in the case of a prince, aloe and camphor are used instead 
of lime. The dead are mourned three years. Those who do 
not mourn are beaten with rods, whether men or women, the 
people saying, "What, are you not afflicted by the death of 
your relatives?" Then the body is interred in a tomb as 
among the Arabs 7 . 

The confusion in these substances is indicated in a passage 
in Jaubarl, a recipe for making myrobalan. First, he says, 
take a little true myrobalan, then one part each of gall-nut 
(terebinth?), myrrh and gum. Instead of myrrh other manu- 
scripts at this passage have sibar as-sukutri, Socotrine aloes; 
but this word sibar, as already stated, refers indiscriminately 
to aloes and myrrh, and there is another word, kdtir or hutar, 
which covers both aloes and dragon's blood. The modern 
Arabic version of the Psalms renders cassia as sallh, which 
is the word for myrobalan; which, in turn, means no more 
than an acorn, or fruit, used in ointments. 

Why now the name agar or agur by which this Eastern 
resin is generally known in India? The Sanskrit lexicographers 
give a + guru, 'not heavy', and they give as a synonym, laghu, 
'light'. Professor Edgerton tells me that the latter word is 
not applied to aloe in the literature, and that while the form 
a + guru is unimpeachable, he will go so far as to say that 

Aloes 183 

the derivation looks 'a little fishy 7 . While the incense is in 
constant use by the Parsees, Professor Jackson tells me that 
the word is quite certainly not Persian, and in conversation 
with a Zoroastrian priest, Jal Pavry, he finds that the incense 
is prepared by combining agar with luban (no doubt frankincense) 
and boi identification uncertain. 33 Sir Dinshah E. Wacha, a 
leading Parsee of Bombay, who is a member of the Indian 
Imperial Council, tells me that agar is burned with Zanzibar 
sandalwood and frankincense, both as incense and for purifi- 
cation of dwellings, and that it comes to Bombay from Arabia 
While he may possibly be mistaken as to its origin, I incline 
to accept the statement, and to think that an agar usable as 
incense may have figured in early trade from Arabia, and may 
still figure, just as Arabian storax still reaches China in 
competition with the better quality that comes from Java. But 
the East Indian aloe or eagle-wood is not, and, so far as 
known, has never been a product of Arabia. What then may 
it have been? Cedar and juniper are possibilities. Henry Salt, 34 
writing about a century ago, before modern transportation had 
revolutionized commerce, mentions among exports at Aden, 
coffee, myrrh, aloes, frankincense and mastic. Dioscorides 
mentions mastic or terebinth as exported from Central Arabia. 
But in South Arabia and Socotra the name aloe was applied 
also to the lily family. Chau Ju-Kua correctly describes the 
Socotrine aloe and transcribes it as lii hivui, which is pretty 
close to an Arabic luwiyy. 

The derivation of a trade name like this can hardly be more 
than conjectural. There is a port Agar on the Arabian shore 
of the Persian Gulf at the upper end ot the Bay of Bahrein. 
Until a century ago the same name was borne by an important 
trading city a few leagues inland now named Hofhuf. The 
classical geographers all mention a tribe named Agraei as 
dominating the Central Arabian caravan routes. In modern 

According to Dr. Laufer (Smo-Jrantra, 462) this is a Baluchi name 
for bdellium, the resin of Baltamodrndron Muknl. According to ' 
West (Pahlavi Texta, S. B. E. V..1. V in Iranian literature 'whatever 
root, or gum, or wood is scented, they call a scent (bod)\ 

3 Travels in Abyssinia, 106. 

To the suggestion that agar may be a Dravidian word, it can only 

184 Wiljred H. Schoff 

Arabic this central region is still El Hejr. The name means 
merely 'stony', and was correctly Latinized as Arabia Petraea. 
The district between the valley of Hadramaut and the South 
Arabian coast is also known as El Hejr. On the Somali coast 
Drake-Brockman found hagar as a variety of incense gum. 36 
Ibn Jam! says about rhubarb that 'if one associates with it 
myrobalan of Kabul, aloes of Socotra and agaric, its action 
is thereby strengthened 7 . Agaric was a corky fungus growing 
on rotten wood, and no doubt would be a dependable emetic, 
and perhaps in sufficient quantity a positive poison. "While 
Dioscorides would derive its name from a tribe of Agari 
in Sarmatia, it seems more likely that it goes back to the 
same root meaning 'to bend', that is, a bump, or excrescence. 
Finally there is the early Semitic root 'gr meaning 'to scratch', 
hence, to scrape up, gather, or collect; hence, from scraping 
together, to hire' for wages, and by transfer to the person 
hired, a public courier or royal messenger. The writing which 
the messenger carried was in Persian engareh. The word 
passed into Greek as angaros, messenger, hence angelos or 
angel. While this could have had some bearing on the gathering 
of the resin by scratching the leaf or bark, I do not press 
the point. 

'Perhaps 't is pretty to force together 
Thoughts so all unlike each other;' 

and this is unavoidable in dealing with ancient commerce. 
The Jewish Prayer Book, in its 'Blessings on Various Occasions', 
classifies the fragrant substances for which blessings are to 
be offered, as Fragrant Woods or Barks, Odorous Plants, 
Odorous Fruits, Fragrant Spices, and Fragrant Oils. Greater 
nicety of distinction may not have been expected of priest or 
people. In the aloe we seem certainly to have an ancient 
trade name that referred to disease, injury or decay in several 
trees or plants which appeared in the form of swellings or 

be said that the synonyms in modern Dravidian languages, supplied by 
Watt, have no resemblance to such a form. 

36 Of. Bulletin of the Imperial Institute, London 1914, Vol. XII, 
pp. 11 27. Habbak hagar is Commiphora Hildebrandtii, a near cousin of 
the myrrh. 



growths, resulting in dark aromatic resins somewhat similar 
in appearance, bitter in taste and fragrant in the burning, 
conceived of originally as the dried blood of the in-dwelling 
divinity, and consequently as a means of purification. The 
definite limitation of the term in Biblical translations to a Far 
Eastern product unknown in Biblical times is an unfortunate 
anachronism for which the responsibility rests, not with the 
text itself, but with uncritical readers of the accounts of later 
exploration, too ready to identify new knowledge with ancient 


Lithuanian vydraga "virago" 

UNDER THE suffix -ago, Leskien, Bildung der Nomina im Litau- 
ischen, p. 525, includes "vydraga KLD [ 'eine Furie, besonders 
von einer bosen Htindin'; N aus BdQu 1 'eine freche Magd', 
sieht aus wie ein slav. Fremdwort". But Leskien gives no 
evidence of Slavic origin, and vydraga seems very clearly to 
be a derivative in -ga (for the suffix see Leskien, Nomina, 523) 
from vijdra (vidras m.) "storm". Lalis, Lithuanian-English 
Dictionary 3 , 419, gives vydraga "hag, fury, stormy woman, 
virago". Lalis's "stormy woman" is an etymologically exact 
and literal translation, altho Lalis, like Nesselmann and Kur- 
schat, does not know wjdra, and thus overlooks the rather 
obvious derivation of vydraga. It is unnecessary to give seman- 
tic parallels, but one may notice, from the same IE. root, 
Lith. audra "Flut, Sturm, Sturmen, Toben, Tosen, Getose" 
(Lalis, "storm, tempest"; fig. "storm, fury"), and Eng. to storm 
"to give vent boisterously to rage or passion". For the Lith. 
and IE. belongings of wjdra, vidras, see Leskien, Nomina, 
438, 436; Brugmann, Grundriss 2 , II. 1. 379; Walde, Lateinisches 
etymologisches Worterbuch 2 , s. v. ventus. 

1 Leskien's KLD = Kurschat, Littauisch-deutsches Worterbuch; N = 
Nesselmann, Worterbuch der littauischen Sprache; Bd = Brodowski, 
Lexicon Lithuanico-Germanicum et Germanico-Lithuamcum (early 
18th century MS.); Qu = "ein anonymes, hochst sauber geschriebenes 
Deutsch-littauisches Worterbuch in zwei starken Quartbanden, . . . mit 
Brodowski's Lexikon verwandt, aber nicht identisch" (cf. Nesselmann, p. VI). 

Two Lithuanian Etymologies 187 

Lithuanian zogis "meadow-drain, gully" 

IN Nesselmann Wb., p. 550, appears zogis m. "eine vom Wasser 
verdorbene Stelle auf Wiesen"; no connection is indicated with 
any other Lithuanian word. Kurschat LDWb. 523 cites zidgis, 
ziogys m. "in poln. Litt. 'ein Wiesenfltiftchen, Bach'". Bezzen- 
berger, Litauische Forschungen, pp. 203, (205, 178), quotes 
from two authorities ziogys, which we may render, by following 
up his cross references and his reference to Nesselmann, as 
"ein kleiner Sumpfbach, ein Wasserloch auf einer Wiese; 
Rinne, Rinnsel", with a Lithuanian example (of a synonym) 
meaning "his tears began to fall in streams down his cheeks". 
Lalis LEDict. 3 434 has ziogis m. "rivulet, streamlet, brook". 

Several interesting discussions of the word may be found 
in the Mitteilungen der Litauischen literarischen Gesellschaft 
(hereinafter abbreviated as MLQ-.). Under the title "Litauische 
WSrter, die im Nesselmannschen Worterbuche nicht vorfindlich 
sind" Ziegler (MLG. I. 21) has the following to say of zogis: 
"Die Bedeutung ist nicht rich tig angegeben; zogis bezeichnet 
ein Gewasser, welches sich an niedrigen Stellen findet, und 
nach gewohnlich kurzem Verlaufe in ein grofieres mtindet. 
Nach meiner Meinung kommt es von zogauju ["I yawn"] oder 
zoju ["I gape"] her, weil es an seiner MQndung am breitesten, 
einem aufgesperrten Rachen nicht ganz unahnlich ist." In an 
article entitled "Bemerkungen zum Vocabularium von Ziegler" 
Jacoby says (MLG. I. 137): "zdgis bezeichnet eine Wasserstelle 
unweit eines Flusses, meistens ein alter Ausrifl, der bei hohem 
Wasserstande vom Flusse aus sich mit Wasser fttllt, also bei 
niedrigem Wasserstande wieder trocken wird; im erstern Falle 
wird darin gern gefischt (f zogi zvejoti). Verschieden davon 
ist dwriburys, allerdings auch ein ehemaliger AusrilJ eines 
Flusses, aber von solcher Tiefe, daft das Wasser darin stehen 

According to Hoffheinz (MLG. IV. 274, 279 see map 
opposite 206) ziogis, which he translates as "Graben, Bach", 
appears in proper names about the Erakerorter Lank, a small 
lake near the mouth of the Memel (Niemen) River. The name 
of a small stream that empties into an arm of the Memel and 
thence into the lake, Lydektoge or Lidekseoge, is interpreted 
by Hoffheinz as "Hechtgraben, von lydeka und tioguF. One 

188 Harold H. Bender 

of the thirty-two definitely distinguished and named parts of 
the Krakerorter Lank through which the nature of the bottom 
permits the fishermen successfully to draw their drag-nets is 
called Ziagis, which floffheinz identifies with ziogis "G-raben, 

I find no citations for zogis other than those I have given, 
and I know of no attempt to explain it etymologically save 
the unsuccessful one by Ziegler. Leskien, Bildung der Nomina 
im Litauischen, p. 300, gives no connections for his ziogis, ziogys 
"Bachlein", and includes it in a group in which "kerne Beziehung 
zu einem in der Sprache gebrauchlichen Verbum vorliegt oder 
die Beziehung nicht klar ist". But an examination of the 
various conceptions of the word should give us something that 
is basically common to all. The connotation seems to be that 
of a runnel or gully which may normally be merely swampy 
or even dry, but which in time of freshet either pours its 
water from a meadow into a stream or permits the backwater 
of the stream partially to inundate the meadow. In either 
event the rivulet muddies the stream and the adjacent meadow 
becomes covered with a deposit of silt which tends to make 
the grass unfit for grazing and to injure the meadow. 

This leads us rather directly to the verb zagiu, zagti, which 
is given the following meanings: "versehren, unrein machen" 
(Nesselmann Wb. 538); "in Siidlitt. 'unrein machen', zunachst 
vom Wasser" (Kurschat LDWb. 514); "to sully, pollute, imp- 
ure, defile, debauch" (Lalis LEDict. 3 428). Notice also Kur- 
schat's (p. 515) vandeni izagti "das Wasser verunreinigen" and, 
in Lalis, zaginti, izagii, suzagti. zogis m. may bear the same 
ablaut relation to zagiu as zodis m. to zadu, mozis m. to mazas, 
Idonis m. to klanas, lobis m. to labas, &c. So far as I know, 
zagiu has not been identified outside of Baltic or in fact 
outside of Lithuanian, for I am very skeptical as to the rela- 
tionship to zagiu of the Lettish words which Leskien (Ablaut 
der Wurzelsilben im Litauischen, p. 376) connects with it. 
But I do propose that zayiu be taken out of Leskien's list 
of primary verbs in a without ablaut, and that a new a-o 
ablaut group be formed from zogis and zagiu. 



DB. IONAZ GOLDZIHEB, Professor at the University of Buda- 
pest, Hungary, had been an honor to the membership of our 
Society since the year 1906. His death on November 13, 1921, 
has removed from the learned world the one who not only had 
penetrated furthest into the real essence of Islam, but who 
had also made himself most thoroughly acquainted with every 
excrescent movement to which it has given life. To many 
persons, Islam represents a political organization; to others it 
is merely a religious system. In reality, it is both, and it is 
something more. It connotes a definite and certain philosophical 
view of life. As its influence stretches from Morocco to China 
and to the Malay States, it has come into contact with the 
most varied forms of government and with every kind and 
class of man. In this wonderful sweep of its power, it has 
learned much, and it has taught more. But it has seldom 
budged from the root ideas in which it was born and nurtured. 

To be at home in the mass of deed, thought and writing that 
this progress has brought forth needs a brilliant and capacious 
intellect Such was that of Goldziher. Born in Stuhlweissen- 
burg, Hungary, June 22, 1850, at an early age he was 
introduced not only into the secular learning of the schools of 
his day, but also into the Hebrew and Rabbinic dialectics 
that have grown up around the Bible and the Talmud; and 
his doctor's dissertation showed his leanings, as it dealt with 
a certain Tanhum of Jerusalem, a liberal Arabico-Hebraic 
exegete of the thirteenth century. It was just this training in 
argumentation that made it possible for Goldziher to penetrate 
where others were afraid to tread, and to discern the minute 

190 Richard GottMl 

differences which have produced so many so-called sects in 
Islam and have divided its devotes into so many categories, 
each category following a specific line of devotion or of action. 
During his training in Semitics he had the benefit of sitting 
at the feet of the foremost leaders in France and in Germany - 
de Sacy and Fleischer (1870). In 1872 he became Privat- 
docent at the University of Budapest; but, because of his race 
and of his religion (to which he was attached devotedly), it 
was not until the year 1894 that he was appointed professor. 
During this whole time he met his material necessities by 
acting as secretary of the Jewish Community in the Hungarian 
capital and as lecturer on Religious Philosophy at the Rab- 
binical Seminary. 

Book-study was, however, not sufficient for him. He felt the 
need of coming into closer relations with those who professed 
the religion that he was studying with so much care. In 1873, 
and once or twice afterwards, he went as a student through a 
good part of the Mohammedan Near East, drinking deeply 
at such fountains as the public and private libraries at 
Damascus, and sitting at the feet of the learned men who had 
made al-Azhar famous. Nor did he neglect the language of 
the streets nor the poetry of their denizens. He spoke Arabic 
very fluently; and I remember well how, at the Congress of 
Orientalists held in Geneva in the year 1894, he privately 
rebuked a number of young Egyptians who were hilariously 
drinking wine, telling them that if only out of respect for the 
religion they represented, they ought at least to show outward 
respect for its tenets. 

There are few Semitic scholars of our day who have published 
as much as has Goldziher. But not for one moment did he 
ever deviate from the high standard of scholarship that he 
set for himself. He was meticulously exact in all details, in 
all his proofs, in all his citations. But he never permitted this 
extreme care to lead him into the blind alley of mere "Ge- 
lehrsamkeit" or into the show-window of a pack of citations 
for citation's sake. As a true scholar, the larger and weightier 
problems whether they were of philology, of history, or of 
philosophy were continually before his mind. 

What all this means one can realize, if one thinks for a 
moment that there is hardly a volume of the ZDMG, since 

Ignaz Goldzilier 191 

vol. 28, which does not contain one or more contributions 
from his pen, that many have appeared in the WZKM, in 
Islam, in the JRASj in the JQR, in the Denkschriften der 
Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften as well as in the 
Encyclopedia of Islam which is now going through the press. 

But the great value of Goldziher's numerous works lies in 
the fact that he levelled new paths for us to walk on in 
dealing with the evolution of Islam. In the introduction to 
voL 26 of the ZA, which was dedicated to him upon the 
occasion of the celebration of the fortieth anniversary of his 
connection with the University of Budapest, NOldeke says 
to him: "Ich hebe hervor, dass erst Sie das Wesen der mus- 
limischen normativen Tradition ins wahre Licht gestellt haben". 
And, in like manner, it was he who first attacked the problem 
of Shiism (WZKM 13; KADW 75) - - a subject which had 
been quite neglected by European scholars. In his "Zahiriten" 
(1884), Goldziher for the first time brought light into an 
obscure, though important, drift in the interpretation of the 
Koran and showed its influence upon the practical workings 
of Mohammedan law. In his "Muhammedanische Studien", he 
gives us an insight into the Shu'ubiyyah which touches upon 
the delicate question of the relations of Arabs to non- Arabs 
within the charmed circle of Islam; and in his edition of the 
writings of Ibn Tumart (1903), together with its learned preface, 
he has given us the material with which to study the beginnings 
of the Almohad invasion of Spain in the twelfth century. 

A subject of equal interest to all those who deal with Mo- 
hammedan questions is that of the Hadlth or Tradition con- 
cerning the Exegesis of the Koran, which Goldziher has treated 
in a broad and masterly manner in the second volume of his 
tf Muhammedanische Studien" (1890). With these as a basis 
he enlarged upon the subject in his lectures at the University 
of Upsala, which are printed under the title "Die Richtungen 
der Islamischen Koranauslegung" as vol 7 of the series of the 
de Goeje Stiftung. Along the same line run his publication 
and translation of al-Ghazali's attack upon the B&tiniyyah 
sect, the sect of those who looked for hidden meanings in the 
words of the Mohammedan scriptures (published as vol. 3 in 
the same series). 

One has only to go through the array of Goldziher's many 

192 Richard Gottlidl 

articles to see the diversity of his interests in matters affecting 
Islam. From his "Jugend- und Strassenpoesie in Kairo" 
(ZDMG 33) to his edition of the poems of Jarwal ibn Aus 
al-Hutai'ah, the wandering poet whose biting sarcasm Omar 
himself feared (ZDMG 46, 47); from his "Eulogien der Mu- 
hammedaner" (ZDMG 50) to his "Stellung der alten islamischen 
Orthodoxie zu den antiken Wissenschaften" (KPAW, 1915), no 
subject was strange to him. And, at the same time, he never 
forgot his own people and their literature. Many articles in 
Jewish periodicals stand as witnesses to this and especially 
his careful edition of the Arabic text in Hebrew characters 
of the philosophical work entitled "Ma' am al-Nafs" ("The 
Essence of the Soul", AKGW, 1907). 

By the general public Goldziher will be remembered best 
by reason of his "Vorlesungen iiber den Islam" (1910) the 
first intelligent and consecutive presentation of the system of 
Islamic doctrine and tradition, based upon the widest possible 
study of all its ramifications. The lectures were intended 
originally to have been delivered under the auspices of the 
American Committee for Lectures on the History of Religions; 
but at the last moment the arrangements went awry, and they 
were published in book form. An English translation of these 
lectures appeared in this country for a while, but then 
suddenly hid its head in blushing concealment. 

Since the Geneva Congress of Orientalists in 1894, where 
I made the personal acquaintance of Goldziher, it has been my 
good fortune to remain in constant connection with him. In 
1910 I had the pleasure of spending an evening with him in 
his own study and of seeing the wonderful collection of books 
that he had accumulated. Unfortunately, when he came to 
this country in 1910 for the purpose of attending a congress 
of religions, I was in the Near East and missed him. In 1921 
I had three communications from him; but he complained 
much about his declining health especially in the last one, 
dated May 4 th . But up to the very end he showed the same 
desire to read, to learn, to know. The war had made a 
serious break in his studies, and had cut him off from his 
customary learned and literary connections in many lands, 
especially in America. It is certain that the war had affected 
him in other ways also; and his end on November 13 th , 1921, 

Ignaz Goldziher 193 

did not come in the circumstances in which his friends would 
have wished. 

Deeply pious in his own soul, and passionately attached to 
his own faith, he had a wide breadth of vision that permitted 
him to approach other religious systems with affectionate care. 
I am sure that he felt as did the Mohammedan when he 
wrote: <UJ ^iyLl ^\ ^ (Ifcd I, 202). 

U JA08 41 

India and Elam 

Indologists are aware that when Gautama Buddha lived and 
preached, Bimbisara ruled in Magadha. Five Puranas, incor- 
porating a dynastic account of the post-Mah&bharata period, 
namely, Matsya, Vayu, Brahmanda, Visnu, and Bhagavata, 
agree in pointing to one SiSunaka or iunaga as the founder 
of the dynasty to which Bimbisara belonged. 1 It is true that 
the Ceylon chronicles place SiSunaka (whom they call Susunaga) 
six generations later than Bimbisara. 2 But Pur&nic authority 
is, in this matter, more to be relied upon than confused re- 
collections conjured up in chronicles of distant Ceylon. 

The Puranas posit three kings between is*unaka and Bim- 
bisara. The Matsya counts 154 years from the accession of 
SiSunaka to the termination of Bimbis&ra's reign. The Vayu 
reckons the interval between the same two events as one of 
164 years, while the Brahmanda's total is 174 years. 3 Copyists' 
mistakes are probably responsible for this divergence, the '26 1 
and '28' years assigned respectively to Kakavarnin and Bim- 
bisara in the Matsya's original being misread as '36' and '38', 
a common enough blunder, occasioned by the similarity between 
va and tra which was likely to make sadvimsat and astavimsat 
appear sattrimsat and astdtrimsat. 4 The Matsya total, 154 years, 
should be preferred to the bigger totals given in the Vayu and 
the Brahmanda, since the Matsya contains the oldest version 
of the dynastic account. 5 

According to Ceylonese tradition, towards which Western 
scholars, sceptical at first, are gradually assuming an attitude 

1 Pargiter, Dynasties of the Kali 4ge (Oxford, 1913), p. 21. 

2 Dipavamsa, ch. V; Mahavamsa, ch. IV. 

3 Pargiter, op. cit. t p. 21. 

4 Ibid., p. xxiii. 
6 Ibid., p. xiv. 

Brief Notes 195 

of faith, Buddha died in the 8th year of AjataSatru, successor 
to Bimbisara, that year corresponding to 544 B. c. 6 Northern 
tradition represents Buddha to have died in the 5th year of 
AjataSatrru 7 Bimbisara's last year is thus placed 551 or 548 
B. c., and iunaka's accession, being (according to the Matsya 
Purana) 154 years earlier, falls in the year 705 or 702 B. c. 

To Assyriologists the name Sisundka, Sisundga or Susundga 
inevitably recalls the designation Susinak or Susunqa adopted 
in those days and earlier still by native kings of Susa (Elam).8 
Sisundka, if taken as a Sanskrit compound made up of sisu 
and ndkdj would mean nothing; and we know that Indian kings 
of that period, choosing to adopt Sanskritic names, usually 
selected names with a meaning. In a commentary on the Ceylon 
chronicle, the Mahavamsa, we find a traditional account of the 
name Susundga. 9 It is clear from this account, though we 
need not believe every word of it, that tradition, too, failed to 
connect the first element susu with Sanskrit sisu. Susinak of 
Elam could be easily transformed into 8iunaka by metathesis 
of the first two syllables, and the transformation would come 
in handy to an Indian purdnakdra naturally disposed to look 
out for Sanskritic names. The Ceylon form Susundga is nearer 
still to the Elamite Susunqa. 

Susinak or Susunqa means 'the Susian'. Could a Susinak 
have come to rule over Magadha about 700 B. c.? No very 
close examination of the history of Elam is required for a satis- 
factory answer to this very relevant question. After 720 B. c. 
when Sargon of Assyria carried out a campaign against Elam, 
the latter country adopted the policy of helping Babylonia 
against Assyria. About 704 B. c. the combined forces of Elam 
and Babylonia were overthrown at Kis. Elam now set herself 
on a war of revenge. She formed a confederacy, embracing 
numerous neighboring states, to humble Assyria; but that con- 
federacy was broken by Sennacherib in a battle at Khaluli 
(691 B. c.). 10 Is it not likely that India was included by the 

Mahdvamsa, ch. II; Smith, Oxford History of India (1919), p. 59. 
The date 544 B. G. is deduced from data in Dipavamsa and Mahdvamta. 
^ Rockhill, Life of the Buddha, p. 91. 
' Saycc, Records of the Past, N. S., vol. V, p. 148. 
9 Tumour, Mahawanso (1887), p. xx\ 
Encyclopedia Britannica (llth ed), article 'Elam'. 

196 Brief Notes 

Elamite king in this quest of alliance? The territorial limits 
of Elam are given differently by different classical authors, but 
some writers define the country as 'lying between the Oroatis 
and the Tigris, and stretching from India to the Persian Gulf.' l l 
Could India be left out, as at any rate a potential ally, by 
Elam in her life- and- death struggle with Assyria? An Elamite 
prince of the blood royal, a Susinak, would be the most suitable 
person to be entrusted with a mission to India. The mission 
could readily secure hospitality in an Indian Court, and there 
is nothing strange in the Susinak afterwards carving out a 
kingdom for himself within the borders of India. Benares, for 
instance, would form a most convenient centre of political in- 
trigue. The Puranic account indicates, in fact, that Sisunaka, 
placing his son on the throne of Benares, 'proceeded towards' 
(srayisyati) or 'started an expedition against' (samyasyati) 
Girivraja, the capital of Magadha; 12 and he may have begun 
his career here as a minister, as the Mahavamsa asserts. 13 
The Puranas further emphasize that the descendants of isu- 
naka were ksatrabandhavah. 1 * The term rdjanyabandhu, a 
synonym of ksatrabandhu, is used in early Indian literature to 
denote a rdjanya or 'a prince', but usually with a depreciating 
sense. 15 In later literature, however, e. g., in the Manava 
Dharmas'astra, the terms ksatra, ksatrabandhu, rdjanya and 
rdjanyabandhu are used without discrimination. 16 How did 
the elevation in meaning of the terms ksatrabandhu and raja- 
nydbandhu come about? The answer, 1 think, is pretty simple. 
These compounds originally meant, in all probability, 'kinsman 
of a prince', i. e. of a prince native to India. Foreign invaders 
of a princely origin, even upstart adventurers who rise from 
the ranks, usually attempt, and succeed in their attempt, to 
effect matrimonial alliances with ruling dynasties of established 
dignity. They would not be generally acknowledged as ksatriydh 
or rdjanydh at first, and would be designated ksatrabandhavah 
or rdjanydbandhavah. Gradually, however, the distinction would 

11 Ibid. 

* 2 Pargiter, op. cit., p. 21. 

13 Mdhavamsa, ch. IV. 

it Pargiter, op. cit., p. 21. 

is Macdonell and Keith, Vedic Index, sub voce 'Rajanyabandhu'. 

is Of. Manu, V. 320 and II. 38, 49, 65, with one another. 

Brief Notes 197 

disappear, and the descendants of a ksatrdbandhu would come 
to be regarded as ksatriyah themselves. In the M&nava Dhar- 
maSastra the distinction could hardly be observed, since its 
ethnic outlook on Ksatriyas was so broad that Sakas, Yavanas, 
Pahlavas, and even Clnas, were held by its author to have 
been Ksatriyas by race, who had been rendered outcast only 
by long abstention from Brahminical ways of life and protracted 
separation from Brahmins. 17 If, therefore, Sisunaka was origin- 
ally an Elamite prince who afterwards made himself master 
of Magadha, he would, in the plenitude of his power, naturally 
seek the hand of an Indian princess of a Ksatriya house; and 
his descendants could very properly be designated ksatraban- 
dhaval in early Sanskrit records. That some of his descendants 
intermarried with well-established indigenous dynasties is known 
from literary evidence. Thus, Bimbisara is stated to have mar- 
ried a sister of Prasenajit of the Iksvaku dynasty, 18 and Udayana 
of Kausambl is represented as having taken to wife a sister 
of DarSaka, grandson of Bimbisara. 19 

Our finding throws some light on the fact, long familiar to 
the scholarly world, that brisk trade began between India and 
Babylonia about 700 B. c. 20 With the advent of an Elamite 
dynasty into Magadha, commerce would be fostered between 
India and Babylonia, Elamite policy being at that time pro- 
Babylonian. We are also able to understand the presence of 
so-called Assyrian, but really Babylonian, elements in early 
Indian art. Babylonian influence, traced in other spheres of 
Indian cultural activity, receives, too, an intelligible explanation. 


Calcutta, India 

The Name and Nature of the Sumtrian Ood Uttu 

JA08 40, 73 f. the writer discussed the character of the 
Sumerian god Uttu (TAG-KU) and proposed to consider him 
as the god of commerce and the arts of civilization. Originally, 

11 Manu, X. 44. 

Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, p. 8. 
> Bhftsa, Svapnavdnaradattd, Act I. 
*> Rhys Davids, op. cit., p. in. 

198 Brief Notes 

I thought, he was a god of fertility, perhaps with solar asso- 
ciations, to judge from the similarity between the name Vttu 
and Utu = Babbar, as well as from certain analogies. That 
he was a patron of culture and a god of fertility may be 
regarded as certain, but the explanation of his name, as well 
as the consequent deductions, was wrong. The true explanation 
is furnished by CT19. 17, Col. I. 6ff. and CT II. 48. 32 ff. In 
the first passage we have: 
KI(u-tu) KI: ersitim Safplitim], "lower world" 
kttr-nu-ge-a : 

ki-ur : duruf&u], "foundation platform" (JAOS 40. 317) 

ki-ur-ra : nerib ersitim, "entrance to the (under) world". 

The second passage has: 
JciMu: KI-K[I]: mdtu saplfUu], "lower world" 

: :[ J 

utte : : [erjsitu saplfUu]. 

The etymology of the word utu-utte has been given by De- 
litzsch, SGI 44, who correctly identifies it with nt-tu: ereb- 
Samsi, "sunset", lit. "entrance of the sun (into the underworld)". 
Delitzsch does not strengthen his position by repeating the 
hazardous combination of Gr. "E/o/3os with erebu, but there are 
excellent parallels in the semantic development of Sum. edin, 
"western desert, underworld" (AJSL 35. 171, n. 2) and Egypt. 
Imnty, "west, underworld". The word uttu-utu-utte then 
means properly "netherworld", but since our divinity is a god 
of fertility we must refer it to the subterranean world of life, 
and not to Hades proper. That uttu is associated with the 
aps ft, appears from its synonym kukku, which elsewhere is an 
equivalent of gug (LU), "chaos", from which it is derived. The 
Babylonians, like the Hellenes, conceived of chaos as an 
amorphous fluid mass, closely related to the apsu, Heb. tehom. 
In the Flood-poem, line 88, we read: m'lr kukke (like asib- 
kusse) ina llldti usaznanu Samutu kibdti = "The regents of the 
kukku will cause the (storm) clouds to rain down hail (Ungnad, 
ZDMG 73. 165) in the evening". Here the idea that the 
ultimate source of rain is the subterranean ocean is ex- 
pressed as clearly as in Amos and the Avesta. 

If uttu is a synonym of ki, "underworld" (Zimmern, against 
Jastrow) we would expect the lord of the uttu, the rnu'w kukki, 
to be called the En-uttu, just as En-ki is the lord of the ki. 

Brief Notes 199 

Nor are we disappointed. In a very important tetragonal 
cylinder, published by Reiser in Babylonian Inscriptions in the 
Collection of J. B. Nies, No. 23, this very god En-ut appears. 
The opening of the text is best preserved, but has been un- 
fortunately misunderstood throughout by the editor, so I will 
give my own translation: 

1. To thee, apsft, seemly maiden (ki-sikil [mej-te-gal),* 

2. To the house of the ocean (? e-gur [?]-ra) may thy king 
betake himself, 

3. En-ut, king of the apsfi. 

4. Thy quay of malachite he has [ ] 

5. [ ] lapis lazuli he has come to thee. 

6. The house of Enki, the pure - 

7. Bull, king [ ] hero endowed with might (a for d?), 

8. In himself (m-U) he meditated, together (diS-bi) he con- 

9. To the house of the ocean (?), which is Enki's pure sea 
([aj-ab'ba kug me-a), 

10. Where in the midst of the apsti, a great sanctuary is 

11. [ ] the pure might (?) of heaven, 

12. The apsti, the pure place (resp. maiden), the place of 
determining fates, 

13. [ ] the ear of king En-ut, 
14 [Enk]i, lord of determining fates, 

15. [Nug]immut (so!), lord of Eridu (i. e., the apsti), 

* * # 

20. The apsti, life of the land, the beloved of En-ut 

21. The pregnant one, 2 [] perfect in fulness (sukud-da turn-ma) 

* * * 

23. The nether sea, the life of the land a rival has not, 3 

24. The mighty river, rushing over the land. 

In the badly mutilated second and third columns we read 
the name En-ut in connection with the various works of fertility 

t We have here a paronomasia associated with a profound mythical 
conception. The word ki-gikil (10, not Jh-r/, Thureau-Dangin, RA 17. 88 f.) 
means literally "pore place", but also "virgin, maiden". 

' For this meaning of si-tag, or tag-it, lit "full of tide", see AJSL 
86. 181, n. 5. 

Or "In the nether tea a rival he has not". 

200 Brief Notes 

in a number of places; toward the end of the tablet Enki and 
his sukkal Isimu appear (Keiser reads the name Isimu wrongly, 
and renders "messenger of the yellow scorpion".) 

From this text it is clear that En-ut 4 is merely a variant 
form of Enki or Ea, since both receive the same appellations, 
and Nugimmut is given as a title to En-ut. With Ea, wisdom 
and fire, 5 from which spring the human arts and crafts of 
civilization, have their source in his nether ocean; in the myth 
of Cannes, whose cuneiform original remains to be discovered, 
the god rises from the sea (properly the apsti) and teaches 
men the amenities of culture. In Uttu, the patron of commerce, 
we have a third Babylonian figure of the Prometheus type, a 
true culture-hero. 

In our text, the apsti, the Sumerian virgin-mother Engur, 
or Nammu, appears as a virgin, into whose fertile womb her 
lord, En-ut, pours his fertilizing seed and renders her pregnant. 
But we have learned that uttu is really a synonym of abzu 
and engur, so we should expect Uttu to be originally feminine, 
like Engur-Apsu, and to show the same androgynous tendencies 
as Apsu-Ti'amat, Tammuz, IStar, and the ancient oriental gods 
of fertility in general. Nor are we misled. Schroder's valuable 
publication, Keilschrifttexte aus Assur verschiedenen Inhalts, 
No. 63, Col. III. 41 states that *TAK-KUQXo. 65, Col. III. 18 
glosses d TAK-KU by ut) is the daughter of Anu (mdrat Ann). 
Uttu is therefore, according to another theory, of even greater 
antiquity, we may suppose, a form of Istar, since the latter 
is also marat Anim, as well as mdrat Sin. Cne of the greatest 
weaknesses in the critical study of Assyro-Babylonian religion 
is the failure to distinguish sharply between different theories, 
which were current often simultaneously, and appear, as in 
Egypt, even in the same composition. It is one of the great 
merits of Jastrow to have stressed the principle of distinct 
theories, held originally by special schools of theologians, and 
later syncretized. 

American School in Jerusalem 

* It is possible that the divine name En-ut-ti-la means "Lord of the 
nether sea of life", but more likely that the rendering "Lord of the day 
of life" is correct. 

AJSL 35. 165. 

Brief Notes 201 

Sanduarri, king of Kundi and Sizti 

In the account of Esarhaddon's expedition against Abdi-mil- 
kutti, king of Sidon, Kundi and Sizu are allied with the 
Phoenician king against the Assyrians. Delitzsch, Parodies, 
p. 283, considered the possibility that these cities were situated 
near Sidon. He remarked that the name Kundi is reminiscent 
of the name of the village 'Ain Kundya near Hasbeya east 
of Sidon. KA 3 , p. 88 identifies Kundi with Amhiale and Sizu 
with Sis, in Cilicia. To seek the cities in Cilicia is difficult 
according to the account of Esarhaddon. The latter assembled 
the kings of the land of the Haiti and all the rulers of the 
sea-coast into his presence (upahirma sarrani mat Haiti u dhi 
tamtim kali&unu ina pania). The king of Cilicia and his city- 
chiefs evidently were still at peace with Assyria at the time 
of the conquest of Sidon and the war against Sanduarri. It 
is not until the next campaign that Esarhaddon actually 
warred against the people of Cilicia (ukabis ktiudi nise ww* 
Hi-lak-ki', IR 1. 45, Col. 2). It is, therefore, more likely to 
suppose that the allies of Abdi-milkutti were Syrian or Phoe- 
nician rather than Cilician towns. 

The name of the king of these two cities may probably 
throw some light on the question. A king of Cilicia was named 
Sa-an-dar-(s>r-me, III R 18, II, 113; Ann. II, 75; he gave 
his daughter in marriage to Ashurbanipal. Other names which 
have a similar initial element are Sandaksatru (Iranian accord, 
to Justi, IN p. 283) and Sandapi (probl. for Sanda-dapi, Sayce, 
PSBA 28, p. 92). The initial element in these three names is 
sanda. The element is, therefore, not completely the same as 
that in the name Sanduarri, where it is sandu, once written 
sa-an-du-ii, and this has probably nothing whatever to do with 
the element sanda. Therefore another explanation must be 
sought for. A possibility is the Egyptian origin of the name. 
Sa-an-du-(u)-ar-ri might well stand for s'-n-dw'-R', i. r.. 'the 
worshipper of Re"'. Two objections might be rai8ed against 
this interpretation. It might be said that 'the person of the 
praise of Re", i. e., 'the worshipper of Re'' is no personal 
name and, therefore, is improbable. Tet this would not stand 
without parallel. In K 3082 3 2027 K 3086 the king of Tyre 
is called fro-'o-iu, which is certainly not his name but the 

202 Brief Notes 

Hebrew tya. This instance would meet the objections against 
a name which is rather an epithet. The second objection might 
be directed against the fact that this puts an Egyptian over 
two Phoenician or Syrian cities at a time when we should 
not expect it. Yet it is altogether not improbable that the 
Egyptian Sanduarri was a man who had been raised to the 
rank of a chieftain over two rather insignificant places by the 
king of Sidon, for personal or political reasons. The Phoenician 
cities were always the good friends of Egypt. Thus the king 
Tirhakah of Egypt is called a friend of Ba'alu of Tyre (Ba-'a-lu 
sar mat Sur-ri $a a-na Tar-Jcu-u Sar vndt Ku-u-si ip-ri-$u it- 

The Tell el-Amarna letters represent the element Re' by the 
syllables ri-ia (nimmuria, Amenhotep III; naphuria, Amenho- 
tep IV), a representing the 'Ain. We would have in Sanduarri 
the omission of the closing guttural, which, again, is not a 
point against the Egyptian interpretation of the name. 

University of California 

The root ^T, edelu in Egyptian 

Pognon, Bav. 131 referred Babylonian daltu, 'door' to the 
root ^T, edelUj 'to bar, bolt, lock up, shut up'. He has been 
followed by Earth, ZDMG Vol. 41 (1887), p. 607, and this 
etymology has been accepted since by most scholars (see the 
Hebrew dictionaries sub deleth). That this etymology indeed 
is correct is shown by the Egyptian, which has preserved the 
root *?T, edelu, although, as far as I know, no reference has 
ever been made to it. ^T is preserved in the verb idr (determ., 
wall and strong arm), Aeg. Zeitschr. 1868, p. 112 with the 
meaning l to lock up, bolt, bar, fortify'; Sethe, Urhunden, 4, 
p. 1174 Idr. t (determ., house), 'a locked up place, a bolted 
place', thence also 'a fort, a fortress'. The root Idr (idr, idl) 
has undergone metathesis in the word dry, Copt. THp, 'boundary'. 
That metathesis took place is shown by the writing Idr (Copt. 
Apnx) with the same meaning 'boundary 7 . The idea of 'door' 
is also preserved in this word. 

Furthermore, it should be noted that the Egyptian word 
for 'hand', commonly transliterated d. t (Copt. TOOT) does not 

Brief Notes 203 

merely go back to dr. t (U. 3, 550, T. 29, 32, P. 6, 113, M. 781, 
N. 179, 1138) but to dry. t (so Eecueil de Travaux, 31, 30), 
which again in turn goes back to the root Idr, idr, idl, edelu, 
'to lock, to close' etc. The same root ^T, edelu must, there- 
fore, also underlie the Hebrew T, 'hand', which underwent 
practically the same deterioration as the Egyptian d. t. 

H. P. Lurz 
University of California 

The etymology and meaning of Sanskrit garutmant 

In the post-Vedic literature and in the native lexicons ga- 
rutmant is a noun and signifies sometimes bird in general, 
and sometimes the mythical bird Garuda in particular. The 
word appears twice in RV., once in VS., and twice in AV. 
(but AV. 9. 10. 28 is RV. 1. 164. 46). In the Veda it always 
occurs with suparnd] the latter word is usually taken as a 
noun, and the garutmant as an adjective with the meaning 
'winged'. But I consider suparnd the adjective and suggest 
that in the Veda, as in the later literature, garutmant is a 
noun, and that the phrase should be rendered 'the beautiful- 
winged (mythical) bird' or 'the beautiful-winged Garutmant 
(- Garucja)'. The adjectival usage of suparnd and its literal 
meaning were too familiar in the Veda to permit the probability 
of the meaning 'winged' for garutmant: 'the winged beautiful- 
winged one'. In addition to vs. 46, with its combination sa 
suparnd garutmdn, the word suparnd occurs five times in RV. 
1. 164, each time with distinctly adjectival force, modifying 
nouns like sakhi, hdri, vdyasd. Moreover, Garuda and Garut- 
mant are united by their common association with the sun, 
an association that is clear, at least as to the fact 

The Western translators do indeed occasionally render ga- 
rutmant by Garutmant, and the Hindu commentator of the 
AV. suggests at 4. 6. 3 the equation Garutmant Garucja, 
but the suggestion is not accepted by Whitney-Lanman, and 
they, together with Monier-WilLiams, Uhlenbeck, Brugmann, 
and other scholars, are inclined to agree, by statement or by 
inference, upon *winged (garutmant) bird or eagle (suparna)'. 
Pet. Lex. is non-committal as to meaning, but considers the 
Vedic gartttmant an adjective, as does Grassmann. 

204 Brief Notes 

The interpretation 'winged', for garutmant, apparently owes 
its persistence, and probably its origin, to the Vedic association 
of the word with suparnd, which often means 'bird'; to the 
general predominance of the adjectival use of the suffix -mant] 
to the frequency of the possessive idea in want- derivatives 
(nearly two-thirds of all examples); 1 and to the fact that 
wings are the most obvious possession of birds. It is required 
by Ragh. 3. 57, where flying arrows are likened to winged 
serpents, but it is not required by any passage in the Veda. 
And, as Pet. Lex. says, 'die Bedeutung "geflugelt" scheint fur 
den Veda schon deshalb zweifelhaft zu sein, weil sie Nir. 7. 18 
ganz fehlt'. It has no linguistic basis unless garut means 'wing', 
and there is no evidence of an independent garut 'wing', save 
as it is assumed to explain garutmant. 

Grassmann, JSFPF&., explains garutmant as meaning 'die 
Hohe des Himmels innehaltend, in der Hohe schwebend', and 
derives the garut from *gar, gir, which means 'to praise, honor', 
and which he takes to mean basically 'to raise, exalt'. Uhlen- 
beck, AiWb.j and Brugmann, GrundriJJ 8 , 1. 599, are inclined 
to compare the word with Lat. voldre 'to fly'. But neither of 
these etymologies is semantically and phonetically convincing. 
Nir. 7. 18 connects garutmant with garana 'swallowing', but 
this derivation has not won any measure of the acceptance 
that it deserves. There seems to be no reasonable objection 
to considering garut a derivative in -t like RV. marut(vant), 
niyut(vant), vidyut (vidyunmant), vihut(mant) from the 
strong form of the root gr, gir fyirdti; Lat. vordre, Gk. /2<v>a, 
Lith. gerti) 'to swallow', which one finds in the noun-derivatives 
gard, etc. The force of -mant would be that of a noun-suffix 
of agency, 2 or one expressing the idea 'connected with' or 
'relating to'. 3 From this root is usually derived garuda, which 
is likewise the name of a mythical bird: 'das alles verschlingende 
Feuer der Sonne' (Pet. Lex.). Garuda may even be a corruption 
of garutmant ; cf. Roth's Erlauterungen zum Nirukta, p. 107. 


Princeton University 

i Cf. Bender, The Suffixes mant and vant in Sanskrit and Avestan, 
pp. 60, 61. 

2 Cf. Bender, op. cit., p. 68. a Ibid., p. 66. 

Brief Notes 205 

Scale-Insects of the Date-Palm 

Classical Arabic lexicographers describe Ui as *a dust that 
comes upon unripe dates, spoiling them and rendering them 
like the wings of the jundab' (a sp. of locust). They describe 
^A* as 'a blight incident to palms, like dust falling upon the 
unripe dates, preventing them from becoming ripe and rendering 
them tasteless', or 'a thick crust that comes upon unripe dates'. 
Finally, to explain J^^ y^l, 'the palms had, upon their 
unripe dates, what resembled a bark or crust, which the people 
of al-Madinah call &'. 

These three words, none of which is defined intelligibly to 
a date- grower, are probably one and the same thing. I suspect 
that the original is ^y**, from which Ui would come by me- 
tathesis; while yU, an easy mispronunciation of ^yU, would 
easily be ascribed to the root gafara = to cover, veil, or 

The original meaning of yafa is apparently the chaff of 

There can be no doubt, I think, that these terms all refer 
to attacks of a scale insect, of which there are two that infest 
the fruit of the date-palm. 

One of these (Phoenicococcus marlatti) is flesh-colored, and 
habitually lives at the base of the leaves, far inside the trunk 
of the palm, but comes out in migration twice a year or of- 
tener. By sucking the juices out of a developing bunch of 
dates, it causes a shriveling which at Biskra, Algeria, is now 
called khdmij (i. e., debility), while the insect is there called 
armud (i. e., ash-colored). At Baghdad *o!o describes a palm 
attacked by this scale, 5^ meaning to butcher or cut meat 
in pieces, since the insect looks not unlike a tiny piece of raw 
meat, flattened out 

The other insect (Parlatoria blanchardi) is white, and lives 
on the leaves for the most part. At Baghdad it is now called 
'urrah, from its resemblance to the droppings of birds. At 
Biskra it goes by the name of subbdJt, which properly describes 
a salt efflorescence. 

The only clue to the identity of the yafa is the statement 
that it looks like the wings of the jundab; this conveys nothing 
to me, however, for I am not acquainted with that species of 

206 Brief Notes 

locust. Possibly the term was applied to both species of scale 
without distinction. From the description of its effects, how- 
ever, I believe it refers to the Phoenicococcus or so-called 
Marlatt scale. 

As the classical lexicographers usually admitted only words 
current before Islam, it may fairly be said that this scale 
insect has a written history of more than 1300 years. It 
would be interesting to know whether any other of these minute 
pests has such a long record in literature. 


Coachella, Calif. 

The meaning of Babylonian bittu 

The Assyro-Babylonian Dictionaries are still doubtful as 
to the meaning of Uttu. Delitzsch, HWB p. 192 does not 
give any conjecture at all, while Muss-Arnolt, ABHWB, p. 204 
notes down "according to Ball, PSBA XII, 221, a kind of 

Bittu (or also battu) is ideographically written ne-gar-ra; 
gar, according to Delitzsch, Sum. Glossar, p. 210, having the 
meaning "einschranken, einengen", ramdsu, u einfassen". Ne- 
gar-ra is an active participle with prefix ne and affix a (see 
Delitzsch, Sum. Gram. p. 123) and therefore means "das Ein- 
engende, das Umfassende", which, of course, at the first thought 
would be the girdle. That this is really the case, and that 
the meaning of bittu, battu is "girdle, belt", becomes clear 
when we consider similar words in the cognate languages. 
Bittu, first of all, is a contraction with reduplicated t, going 
back to bintu or bantu. Bantu equals Egyptian bnt, "girdle", 
and Hebrew CM^K with the same meaning, although here it is 
generally the "priestly girdle". 

The Hebrew and the Egyptian words have often been com- 
pared with our own tt band", German "Binde, Band", but these 
words are certainly not borrowings from Indo-European; they 
are purely Semitic. 

The primary meaning of the stem *t3il seems to be "to 
encircle, to be all around" and this meaning is preserved in 
the Babylonian adverb battubatti, battibatti, battabatta, which 
is a reduplication of bantu, and has the meaning "circle", "all 

Brief Notes 207 

around", "all about". A goodly number of Semitic words 
meaning "girdle", by the way, are derivatives of verbs whose 
meanings express exactly this idea. The fact that "binden, 
umbinden" comes near to the meaning of the stem *B22, and 
has the same consonantic skeleton is merely accidental. 

University of California 

A note regarding the garment called ^ Jo and its etymology 

Ibn-Batutah narrates that "the people of Mecca possess 
elegance and neatness in their garments. They wear mostly 
white ones and among their costumes are seen the clean and 
immaculate ^^> garments": ^ iilk>^ ^JjU> ^-tJ ** JA\^ 
*l>Lo Joi^iU U jo\ <>4 r ?Uj> ^ ^/^ u** 1 -^ r^** ^ f^5 v^^-Jt 

The >jo is described as a tfubbah (~4) or dir* (|jj), being 
short and sleeveless. This sleeveless tunic may be the one 
represented already in the Egyptian monuments (vide Rosellini, 
Monumenti civ., I, pi. LX VII), which show a Beduin's garment 
reaching from the arm-pit to the knees. About the waist down 
it was wrapped twice, and one lower corner of the wrapping 
was fastened to the girdle. 

The word ^>jo, of course, has no etymological connection 
with >jo "body' 1 , Hebrew fl$, although Lane, in his Dictionary, 
for instance, discusses the word in one and the same article 
with >jo "body". The word ^jo meaning "a short sleeveless 
tunic" goes back to a root bdn which has been preserved in 

Egyptian (1 3 %r&/i ^ ' '% ?&/.)> and which here 
v Jl /ww* Jl W.^1 J& JL wl/1 

has the meaning "to tie, to bind". Bdn in its turn is a 
transposed form of the verb bit, Semitic *&J2, of which I spoke 
in my note on bittu. 

The name, therefore, would show that the O Jo garment, 
like the shimlah, for instance, which is also represented in the 
Egyptian monuments, is a very old costume, although there 
is no doubt that it, like other garments, was subject to deve- 
lopment in the course of time. 


Unirenity of California 

208 Brief Notes 

The hagoroth of Genesis 3? 

The hagorah in later time designates without exception a 
certain kind of loin-girdle (II Sam. 18 11; I Kings 2 5; II Kings 
3 21 etc.); only in one passage, Gen. 3 7, does it apparently 
denote a kind of apron, which was made of fig-leaves, and 
which seemingly differed only in regard to material from the 
ordinary loin-cloth, or the short skirt as worn for instance by 
the early Sumerians. It would therefore appear that the word 
liagordh, as many other words designating garments, has under- 
gone a change of meaning. That this, however, is not the 
case, it is the object of the following note, to show. 

Some of the archaic Babylonian cylinder seals present to 
us the fact that it was the custom among the early Sumerians 
simply to tie a cord a few times around the loins. To the 
front of the cord were attached generally two small pieces of 
cloth to hide the privy parts; these two flaps serving a similar 
purpose as the Phallustasche among the pre- dynastic Egyptians, 
and among the Libyans down to a comparatively late period. 
For this ancient Sumerian custom see for instance Ward, 
Seal Cylinders of Western Asia, p. 43, No. 110 a and p. 55, 
No. 138 b. The statue of the god Min, discovered at Koptos, 
and now in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford, shows as the 
only garment a girdle which is wound eight times round the 
body, one end of the girdle falling down the right side and 
widening toward the base. Among the lower classes in Egypt 
in the time of the Old and Middle Kingdoms it was often 
customary to wear only a girdle from which hung a special 
small piece of cloth, which could be pushed to the side or 
even to the back in case it was in the way during hard work 
(see e. g. Davies, The Mastaba of Ptahhetep, II, pis. 5, 7, 8, 
17, 21, 22, 23; Lepsius, Denkmaler, II, 61 b, 69, 70, 101 b, 102). 
Sometimes the middle piec6 was drawn between the legs, and 
the end fastened to the girdle in the back, like an infant's 

These considerations would tend to show that the hagoroth 
mentioned in Genesis 3 7 consisted of girdles which were 
wound once or more often around the loins, and to which were 
fastened, instead of the pieces of cloth, fig-leaves, which had 
been sewed together. 

Brief Notes 209 

In view of the fact, furthermore, that the text reads 

rftin it seems most likely that the hagorah, or hagor in the 
other passages where the word occurs, no more means "girdle", 
than it does "apron" or "loin-cloth" in Genesis 3 7. In every 
instance it means the girdle plus the additional shame-cover, 
be it in the form of leaves or in the form of small pieces of 
cloth. The hagorah is the oldest piece of garment seen on 
the monuments both of Egypt and Sumer, and, of course, was 
the predecessor of the loin-cloth. 

The hagorah, in other words, is very similar to the priestly 
mikhnas, which may be a development of the hagorah. Accord- 
ing to Exod. 28 42 the mikhnas serves the purpose "I&5 niDD^ 
V$r D^DVHjn D^flBB 'T]& Josephus describes the mikhnas 
similarly as "a girdle composed of fine twined linen and is 
put about the privy parts, the feet to be inserted into them 
in the manner of breeches, but about half of it is cut off, and 
it ends at the thighs, and is there tied fast". Brown-Driver- 
Briggs renders mikhnas by "drawers" which of course is ab- 
solutely wrong. Notice especially that also Josephus terms 
the mikhnas a "girdle", and his description leaves no doubt 
what we have to understand by it Also here as in the case 
of the "layman's" hagorah it is primarily a girdle, to which, 
however, is fastened a piece of cloth which is drawn between 
the legs and fastened at the back of the girdle; the cloth 
being wide enough to cover the loins and especially the inner 
part of the upper legs. It thus resembled somewhat short 
breeches as indicated by Josephus. 

H. F. Lurz 

University of California 

KQ, "thread, cord? 1 in Egyptian 

In Egyptian the idea of "spinning" is expressed by the word 

a from which the verbal noun sty.t Q, 

<. "thread, cord" is derived. The root %, Coptic 

is preserved in Hebrew ^ "warp", which is given in 
Hebrew dictionaries under the root nntf. It is rather curious 
that in Arabic the root appears with > and O in ^*~> and 

14 JA08 42 

210 Brief Notes 

(^X-*>, which verbs in the fourth stem mean "to make a warp". 
The fluctuating writing of the dental may here point to a 
foreign origin of the stem. 

Side by side with sty appears in Egyptian the word I ^Jv^i 

also meaning "to spin". This word is of interest. Its real 
nature has not been detected so far. It is obviously not a 
causative form of an otherwise unknown verb tfc?, but composed 
of the verb sty "to spin" and k3 "thread, cord", which of 
course is the Babylonian ku, Hebrew 1j?. The composite verb 
should therefore be transcribed by $tyk3 and has the meaning 
"to spin the thread". 

University of California 

Nin-Ura$ and Nippur 

The name of the god Nin-IB has been read in a number 
of ways; thus the readings Nirig, Ninrag, or Enu-retfl have 
been proposed in addition to the more recent readings of the 
name Inurta, Inmashtu, and Nin-UraS. I quite agree with 
the reading of the name as Nin-Uras, but I disagree completely 
with the interpretations of the name as given so far for the 
following reasons. 

In order to explain the name of a god or his attributes he 
has to be dealt with locally, that is, he has to be studied in 
relation to the local cult and in relation to the national mytho- 
logy. If this, of course, can not be done, as a second expediency 
it becomes necessary to look across the frontiers of the land 
and explain it by drawing on some foreign pantheon. This, 
however, is absolutely unnecessary in the case of Nin-Uras'. 
The name can well be explained from the Babylonian side 
and mythological considerations show beyond doubt that Nin- 
Uras' was an older Sumerian god than Enlil, or was at least 
a god who played a more important role in ancient Sumer 
than Enlil. 

Nin-Uras', let it first be said, gave his very name to the 
city of Nippur, for Nin-Uras'su, which stands for Nin-buras^u, 
or possibly Nin-purasu, means the "Lord in Bur"; whatever 
meaning bur or pur, which passed into wur, and finally into 

Brief Notes 211 

ur may have had is irrelevant for the present Nippur, there- 
fore, goes back to Nin-bur, or Nin-pur, the original name of 
the god. The name thus was given to the place at a time 
when the people were still in the animistic stage of religion. 
Nin-Ura thus was the oldest and most renowned spirit of the 
place, and in time gave his name to it This is in perfect 
harmony with Babylonian mythology. Nin-Uras' of Nippur in 
the astral mythology of Babylonia figures as the planet Saturn. 
Although the particular myth in which Nin-Uras' figures as 
Saturn has not yet been recovered from the ground of Baby- 
lonia, there is absolutely no doubt that, in view of the wide- 
spread myth of the elder god slain by the younger, Nin-Ura 
the elder god was slain by the younger god Enlil in the same 
fashion as was Saturn by Jupiter etc. 

H. F. Lurz 
University of California 

Slialibazgarln uthanam; Saurasem locative in 6 

May 1 supplement Dr. Truman Michelson's remarks on 
Shahbazgarhl uthanam (JAOS 41. 460) by referring to an 
article on The Linguistic Relationship of the Shahbazgarhl In- 
scription on pp. 725 ff. of the JEAS for 1904? I there pointed 
out that this inscription was incised in the neighbourhood oi 
what is now the country in which the Modern Pi&aca (or, as 
I now call them, Dardic) languages are spoken at the present 
day, and that numerous instances of its phonetic peculiarities 
are paralleled by forms in these tongues. This country was 
also the home of the KaikSya Pai&cikl of MarkandSya, with 
which the Dardic languages closely agree 1 . 

Even the Pai&ci Prakrit of Hemacandra (spoken apparently 
in Central India) shows a weak sense of the difference between 
dental and cerebral t (He. 4. 311), and this is much more 
prominent in the Dardic languages. In Siuii, the language 
of Gilgit, the pronunciation of dentals and cerebrals fluctuates, 
ami my latest authority, a skilled phonetician, who is stationed 
in the country, informs me that the usual pronunciation of 

> See ZDMG 66. 77 ff. for resemblances between them and Hfimacandra's 

212 Brief Notes 

both approaches that of the English alveolars. Even in so 
Sanskrit-ridden a language as literary Kashmiri, there are 
many instances of the interchange of cerebrals and dentals. 
As an extreme example, in poetry Tindrazlth (= Indrajit) 
rhymes with cttthu (== drsta). 

Coming now to Dr. Michelson's uthdnam, it -may be noted 
that relations of this word are common in Dardic, and that 
they nearly all agree with Markandeya's Saurasenl in preserv- 
ing the dental th. Maiya has yuth-, Kashmiri has ywoth-, and 
BaSgali Kafir has yut- or yust-. So, in the related Sindhl 
we have yuth-, and in Lahnda the word uthd, up, above. 
Horn (Grundriss der neupersischen Etymologic, 84) refers the 
Baloci yvust- to ava + ystd-, but it is equally possible that 
it as well as the above forms come from ut + ysthd-, like the 
Saurasem utthido. 

I would therefore suggest that the Shahbazgarhi uthdnam 
is to be referred to the ancestor of Dardic, rather than to 
auraseni influence. 

On page 462 of the same number of the JAOS Dr. Michel- 
son refers to Markandeya's rule that in Saurasenl, the locative 
singular of a-bases ends only in e, while in the case of i- and 
w-bases it ends in mmi. For the latter he offers three possible 
explanations (himself preferring the first), viz. (1) that Maha- 
rastrl has influenced aurasem, (2) that Markandeya has made 
a mistake, and (3) that the manuscripts of his grammar need 

Regarding the third suggested explanation, I may state that 
I have five MSS. of tne grammar, and that on this point they 
all agree with the printed text. Regarding the second sug- 
gestion, as MarkandSya is entirely borne out by Rama-barman 
(TarkavaglSa) in the chapter referring to ^auraseni in the 
Prdhrta-halpataru, (II, x, 14, ed eva neh sydd, id-ud-antayor 
mmih), it appears that, at least according to the eastern school 
of Prakrit grammarians, he has made no mistake, and that 
Dr. Michelson's preference for his first explanation is amply 


Camberley, England 


The Executive Committee, at a meeting held in New York on June 2, 
1922, voted "that Professors Hopkins and Torrey, and the Editors of the 
Journal, be appointed to act as a provisional committee to supervise the 
publication of Dr. Blake's Tagalog Grammar and Professor Edgerton's 
Pancatantra Reconstructed and to make all contracts requisite for that 

By unanimous vote the Executive Committee has, since the recent 
meeting of the Society in Chicago, elected the following persons to 
membership in the Society: 

Prof. A. E. Bigelow, 
Mr. Dhan Gopal Mukherji, 
Rev. Dr. Z. T. Phillips, 
Dr. Najeeb M. Saleeby, 
Mr. Samuel Seligman. 

The names of the new members elected at Chicago will be printed in 
the Proceedings of the meeting, which will be published in the next 
number of the JOURNAL. 


At the meeting of the American Historical Association held in St. Louis 
in December, 1921, a luncheon conference on .the Far East was held, at 
which Prof. K. S. Latourette presided, and at which papers were presented 
by Mr. Langdon Warner, of the Philadelphia Museum, on Prince Shotoku 
of Japan, and by Prof. M. I. Rostovreff, of the University of Wisconsin, 
on relations between prehistoric culture in Southern Russia and China 
as indicated by ornamentation on pottery. The section on Ancient 
History held a session on the Roman Empire, at which Prof. A. T. Olmstead 
spoke on the importance of oriental elements in the empire's history and 
culture. The section on the History of Culture was presided over by 
Prof. J. H. Breasted of the University of Chicago, who spoke on the 
oriental basis of all culture and on problem! of the future. At a luncheon 
conference on the History of Science Prof. Breasted spoke on the scientific 
advancement made by the Egyptians, and Prof. C. H. Haskins of Harvard 
University spoke on the relations between eastern and western scientific 
knowledge in the Middle Ages. 


The Gypsy Lore Society is resuming its activities, interrupted since 
1914, by publishing the first quarterly number of Volume 1 of the Third 
Series of its Journal. Those who are interested in the work of the 
Society may apply for further information to the Honorary Secretary, 
Mr. T. W. Thompson, M. A., Repton, Derby, England. The Editor of 
the Journal is Mr. E. 0. Winstedt, M. A., of 181 Iffley Road, Oxford. 


A cablegram received on June 18 from Jerusalem announces the death 
of Rev. Dr. JAMES B. NIES, a former president of the American Oriental 
Society, and for many years one of its most valued members. 

Professor GEORGE A. BARTON has been appointed to fill the position at 
the University of Pennsylvania left vacant by the death of Professor 
Morris Jastrow Jr. 


To authors and publishers of books on oriental subjects 

The Directors of the American Oriental Society have instructed the 
editors to enlarge the JOURNAL and to devote approximately one-fourth 
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They reserve the right to decide in the case of each book whether a 
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Mr. Edgerton, and those on Semitic and allied fields to Mr. Margolis. 



STUDIES IN THE PANCATANTRA or its 'Western' representative, 
the Kailla wa Dimna, suffer greatly from the lack of a defini- 
tive text of the Arabic version, and, of course, still more from 
the total loss of the Pehlevi from which the Arabic is trans- 
lated. The existing editions of the Arabic are wholly unsatis- 
factory and should be replaced by a text which aims to give 
at least the sense of Ibn al-Moqaffa"s version. 1 Such a text 
would have to be prepared after an examination not only of 
the known Arabic Mss. but also of the many ofishoots of the 
Arabic, that is, the translations into Hebrew, Syriac, Spanish, 
Persian, Greek, and other languages. At times it would be 
necessary to make comparisons with the Old Syriac translation 
from the lost Pehlevi and with the Sanskrit versions, which 
latter will soon be most happily accessible in Professor Edger- 
ton's reconstruction of the original Sanskrit Pancatantra. 2 

It is the lack of some such text that has led me to prepare 
this paper. When Professor Edgerton first undertook his 
reconstruction, he began with Book II of the Pancatantra, 
and at the time I entered upon the work with him. To render 

The difficulties in the way of such a text are enormous (set Noldeke 
in ZDM.O 69. 794806 or in the Introduction to his Burzocs Einleitung\ 
but I understand that Professor Sprengling is hard at work on the pro- 
position ; it is to be hoped that he will not find the difficulties insuperable. 
For a discussion of the literary history of the Kailla wa-Dinma, see Hertel, 
Das Pancatantra p. 362 ff., and Chauvin, Bibliographic det outrages arabes, 
vol. 2. 

a This work, announced in JAOS 88. 273, is now ready for the press. 
For an estimate of the relative value of the Sanskrit versions, tee Edgerton 
in AJP 36. 44 ff. and 253 ff. 

16 JA08 42 

216 W. Norman Brown 

our work more effective I determined to make a translation 
of some such hypothetical Arabic text as that indicated above, 
and naturally attacked first that portion of the Arabic which 
corresponds to Book II of the Sanskrit, this portion being 
chapter 6 in Cheikho's text. 

In dealing with my problem I began with the text of Cheikho, 
which is the best of the Arabic versions yet published, and 
this I translated to the best of my ability. I compared this 
translation with a translation of the text as edited by Khalll 
al-Yazijl (Beirut, 1902) which the late Professor Jastrow was 
kind enough to read in an advanced class during the academic 
year of 1916 17. These I have further compared with de 
Sacy's text (Paris, 1816), which is frequently followed by Khalll, 
and with various offshoots of the Arabic (see the list below). 
I have also availed myself of scattered and brief reports of 
other, unedited, mss. and of the translation of the Old Syriac. 
At times I have also given critical notes from the Sanskrit, 
altho in general I avoid this procedure, because the Sanskrit 
versions often differ widely and no one is to be trusted by 
itself unless it is given support by others. 3 

At this point I showed my ms. to Professor Jastrow who, 
altho he could give only a very few hours to the task, made 
a number of valuable suggestions. Later I showed it to Pro- 
fessor Sprengling of the University of Chicago, who has been 
studying the Kallla wa-Dimna for several years, and he most 
generously went over the whole work minutely, adding a great 
many notes, some of which affected the translation and others 
the comparisons. These have been of inestimable value, and I 
have tried to acknowledge my indebtedness by making a free 
use of his initials ('M. S.') at those points where he has 
helped me. 

The translation as it here appears aims to reproduce in 
English the sense of Ibn al-Moqaffa"s text, altho it is possible 
that I sometimes, tho not intentionally, come closer to the sense 
of the lost Pehlevi than of the original Arabic. To effect my 
purpose I have frequently added in square brackets words 

3 In the cases where I have quoted the Sanskrit I have done so only 
after feeling sure that the Sanskrit represents something appearing in 
the original Pancatantra. 

A Comparative Translation of the Arabic Kalila Wa-Dimna 217 

reproducing ideas which my comparative examination leads me 
to believe were present in the earliest Arabic but are missing 
in Cheikho. Similarly, I indicate in the notes those passages 
in which I think Cheikho's text is expanded. In all cases I 
quote my authorities. 

For convenience I have divided the translation into num- 
bered sections, which are followed in most cases by other 
numbers in parentheses, the latter referring to corresponding 
sections in the Sanskrit Reconstruction referred to above. 

My translation does not aim to have literary grace, but I 
trust that my effort to 'be literal' has not been carried to a 
point where obscurity of meaning is the result. 

Unfortunately I have no acquaintance with any Semitic 
language but Arabic; hence I have trusted to translations of 
Hebrew and Syriac. 

The texts on which my comparisons are based are referred 
to by the following abbreviations: 

Arabic texts 

Ch P. L. Cheikho, La version arabe de Kalilah et Dimnah 

d'apres le plus ancien manuscript date. Beirut. 1905. 

Kh Khalil al-Yaziji, Kitab Kaludti wa-Dimnah. Beirut. 

deS S. de Sacy, Calila et Dimna ou Fables de Bidpai. 

Paris. 1816. 
Offshoots of the Arabic, sometimes spoken of herein as 

*the versions' 

J Hebrew of R. Joel. Text and translation by J. Deren- 

bourg. Bibliotheque de l f ecole des hautes etudes, vol. 49. 

JC John of Capua's Latin Directorium Vitae Humanae. 

Text with notes by J. Derenbourg. Ibid., vol. 72. This 

is the translation of a text of J. 

BdB Anthonius von Pforr's Das Buch der Beispide der 
alien Weisen. This is the translation of a text of J. 
It is mostly quoted by M. S. 

OSp Old Spanish. I have used the annotated text of 
J. A. Bolufer, La antigua version castettana del Calila 
y Dimna. Madrid. 1915. 

El Hebrew of Jacob ben Eleazar. Text by J. Deren- 
bourg, Bibliotheque de Vecok des hautes etudes, vol. 49. 
Quoted mostly by M. 8. 

218 W. Norman Brown 

NS New Syriac. Text by W. Wright, The Book of Kalilah 

and Dimnah. Oxford. 1884. Translation by I. Gr. 

N. Keith-Falconer, Kalilah and Dimnah, or the Fables 

of Bidpai. Cambridge. 1885. 
Gk Src^vmys KCU 'IxvrjXdr-rjs in the version of Stark. Quoted 

only by M. S. 
ASu Persian Anwar-i-Suhaili. Text by J. "W. J. Ouseley. 

Hertford. 1851. I have used the translation by A, 

N. Wollaston, Anwar-i-Suhaili, or Lights of Canopus. 

2d ed. London. 1904. 

Syriac translation of the Pehlevi 
OS The later edition of the text and translation by F. Schult- 

hess, Kalila und Dimna. Berlin. 1911. 
The Sanskrit versions of the Paiicatantra are referred to 
by full name without abbreviations. 


1. The king said to the wise man: 4 I have heard the fable 
of the two friends whom the false trickster separated [and the 
termination of his lawsuit afterwards]. 5 Now give me a fable 
concerning sincere friends how the beginning of their friendship 
came about, and how they profited, each of them from the other. 
The wise man said: 

2 (vs. 1). The intelligent man 6 thinks nothing equal to sin- 
cere friends; for friends are of the greatest help in securing 
benefits and of the greatest consolation in misfortune. As an 
example there is the fable of the crow, the ringdove, the 
mouse, the tortoise, and the gazelle. 

3 (2). The king said: How was that? 

4 (3, 4, 5). The philosopher said: They say that there was 

* Kh (deS), Dabshalim, the king, said to Baidapa, the philosopher; OS, 
Dbsrm sprach; OSp and NS like Ch, but reading 'philosopher' instead of 
'wise man'. (Guidi's ms. F=deS; Guidi's V and M = Ch; Gk like NS. M. S.) 

s Supplied from Kh (deS), supported by J (JC) and OSp. ASu para- 
phrases. (NS, Gk, and El omit, with Ch. M. S.) 

6 Ch is mispunctuated: the point should follow ^J^aJl not 

A Comparative Translation of the Arabic KaUla Wa-Dimna 219 

in a certain land 7 a place full of game in which hunters used 
to hunt; and in this place there was a large tree with great 8 
branches covered with leaves. In it was the nest of a crow. 

5 (6). One day while the crow was on the tree, he saw a 
hunter approaching the tree, ugly in appearance and of evil 
state. On his shoulder he carried a net and in his hand a 
staff. The crow was frightened by him and said: 

6 (7). Assuredly something, [either my destruction or the 
destruction of someone else,] 9 has brought this man to this 
place, and I shall [remain until I] 9 see what he is going to do. 

7 (8). The hunter approached, spread his net and scattered 
[upon it] 10 his 11 grain, and hid himself in a place nearby. 

8 (9, 10). He waited only a short time until a dove which 
was called 'the ringdove' passed by him. She was the mistress 
of many doves, who were with her. 12 The ringdove perceived 
the grain, but did not perceive the net, and they fell into it 
[in order to pick up the grain, and they were caught in the 
net] 13 together. 

9 (11, 12). Then the hunter came near them quickly, 14 
being glad over them; and every dove struggled frantically 
from her own direction, striving for herself. 15 And the ring- 
dove said to them: 

7 The Arabic and its offshoots are hopelessly at sea in handling the 
place names which the Sanskrit had here. OS, however, is good, reading 
Dfeinbt and Mhllub, which well represent such forms as daksinffpatha 
(the south-land) and MahilSropya: the reading was, in the south-land in 
the city of Mahildropya. 

Thus Ch and a Ms. in the British Museum against the field which 
says 'many'. M. 8. 

Supplied from Kh; similar phraseology in Ms. in British Museum 
quoted in Ch's note, also in J (JC), OSp, NS, and OS. 

o Supplied from deS etc., NS, ASu, El; OSp, J (JC), there; Gk, 
under it. M. S. 

" Ch alone; deS and texts that follow him, Vie grain; all others 
some grain. M 

" DeS (Kh) with J and OS, the mistress of the doves and many dovts 
were with her. M. 8. 

" Supplied from Kh, supported by J (JC); other texts briefer and 
like Ch. 

" Thus Ch, supported by OSp and J; deS, Kh, and Gk, rejoicing. M. S. 

DeS, Kh, etc., began to struggle in her own snares and to seek deli- 
verance for herself. M. S. 

220 W. Norman Brown 

10 (13,14). Do not fight with each other ^ as you seek 
escape, and let not anyone of you be more anxious about her 
own life than about the life of her companion; but do you 
all assist each other so that we may perhaps lift up the net, 
and each of us shall be freed thru the others. They did this 
and carried off the net, and flew with it into the sky. 17 

11 (15, vs. 2). The hunter followed themes for he thought 
that they would go a short distance when the net would be- 
come too heavy for them and they would fall. 

12 (17). *he crow said: I shall follow them that I may see 
what is the outcome of this affair of theirs with the hunter. 

13 (16, 18). The ringdove turned around and saw the hunter 
following them with his hope of them not cut off, and she 
said to her companions: I see that the hunter is determined 
to pursue you, and if you keep right on over the fields you 
will not be concealed from him. But if you direct yourselves 
to gardens 19 and inhabited regions, it will not be long until 
your goal is hidden from him, and he will turn back, losing 
hope of you. 20 

14 (22, 23). And as for this (net) with which we are 
distressed near the inhabited regions and the fertile land is 
a place in which I know is the hole of a mouse. He is a 
faithful friend to me; and, if we go to him, he will cut the 
net away from us and the injuries we suffer from it. 21 

ia Keeping the text ^^blsaj which is supported by OS 'kampfet nicht 
einzeln'. Ch's emendation ^jJ^livXS is suggested by the corruption 
^^liu^found in deS and Kh. 

n Kh, They all acted together, and sprang up with a single spring, 
and all of them together carried off' the net by their concerted action; 
and they arose with it into the sky. Also OS, J (JC), OSp, and NS are 
fuller than Ch. 

13 Disregarding minor differences in this section, deS 'he did not give 
up hope' should be notejl, borne out by all the versions. Only OS is 
here defective. M. S. 

1 9 Emending r^.^vJ 1 to .-^asO 1 . 

20 And if you keep . . . hope of you: in this passage Kh, the offshoots 
of the Arabic and OS use pronouns of the first person, not the second. 

21 OS, so that we shall become free; J and OSp, and he will free us; 
Kh omits. 

A Comparative Translation of the Arabic Kallla Wa-Dimna 221 

15 (19). They directed themselves 22 as the ringdove had 
indicated, and became concealed from the hunter. And he 
turned back, having lost hope of them. 

16 (17). But the crow did not turn back, for he desired 
to see whether they had a trick to employ for extrication from 
the net, that he might learn it and it might be a resource 
for him in case this thing should happen to him. 23 

17 (24). And when the ringdove reached [the hole of] 24 
the mouse with them, she commanded the doves to descend, 
and they descended, 

18 (25). and found around the hole of the mouse a hundred 
entrances which he had prepared for dangers; for he was 
experienced and clever. 

19 (27 29). The ringdove addressed him by name now 
his name was Izak 25 and the mouse answered her from his 
hole saying: Who are you ? She said: I am your friend, 
the ringdove. 

20 (30 32). He approached her quickly, but when he saw her 
in the net he said to her: How did you fall into this plight? 
For you are clever. 26 The ringdove said: Do you not know that 

21 (vs. 3). there is nothing good or bad that is not predestined 
for him upon whom it falls, both as regards its time and its 
duration? 27 

" Thus Ch and ASu; deS (with Eh etc), OSp, J (JO), and NS, and 
they did. M. S. 

*> It is carious that with all versions supporting Ch, OS the raven 
went with them to see the finish seems nearer deS (with Kh and Mosul ed., 
which draw upon deS). M. S. 

24 Inserted from J (.1C), NS, and OSp (M. S. adds Gk and ASu). 
Also in OS. 

35 There are a number of variations of this name in the versions, but 
the significant ones are those of deS, NS, and ASu (Zirak), OSp (Zira), 
OS (Zir for Zirg). (There is hardly any doubt that Zirak is the correct 
form. M.S.) 

* Ch alone against all others, including OS, tho this is foolishly 
expanded. The phrase recurs in an expansion M stupid as OS here, Ch, 
p. 140, 1. 7 (our section 198). ASu has a similar statement after the 
dove's first sentence about fate. M 

" Hardly more than a hackneyed phrase, 'in his day and time', in the 
use of which Ch stands alone, tho precisely here the addition of hack- 
neyed phrases abounds in the versions. M. 8. [It probably rcpretenU 
the Sanskrit original, ydvac ca yadd ca, etc. F. .] 

222 W. Norman Brown 

22 (vs. 4). And fate has brought me into this plight; for 
this it was which showed me the grain but blinded my sight 
in regard to the net until I was entangled in it, I and my 

23 (vs. 5). There is nothing strange in my case and my 
ineffectiveness in opposing fate; for not even he who is stronger 
and greater than I can oppose fate. Indeed, the sun and the 
moon are darkened when this is decreed for them. 

24 (vs. 6). And indeed fish are caught in the watery deep 2 8 
and birds are brought down from the air. The cause thru 
which the weak man obtains what he needs is the same as 
that which separates the clever man from his desire. 

25 (34, 35). Then the mouse began to gnaw the meshes in 
which the ringdove was, but the ringdove said to him: Begin 
with the meshes of my companions, then come to my meshes. 

26 (36, 37). She repeated the speech to him several times, 
but the mouse paid no regard to her speech. Then he said 
to her: You constantly repeat this remark to me, as tho you 
had no pity 29 for yourself. You have no regard for any duty 
toward it (i. e. your own person or life). 3 <> 

27 (38). The ringdove said: Do not blame me for what 
I command you, for nothing impels me to this except (the 
fact) that I bear the burden of rulership over all these doves, 
and consequently have a duty toward them. And truly they 
have paid me my due by obedience and counsel; for thru 
their obedience and their help Allah saved us from the owner 
of the net. 3 1 

28 (39, 40). But I feared that, if you should begin by 
cutting my meshes, you would grow weary, and when you had 
completed that be negligent of doing this with the meshes of 
some that were left; but I knew that, if you should begin 
with them and I should be the last, you would not be content, 

28 Ch with OSp, J (JC), Gk, El, ASu, and OS. Guides Mss. V and M 
with NS, water. M. S. 

2 E.h, need; so also J. (Kh, with Mosul, 4th ed. adds, nor solicitude; 
deS with Ch. NS corresponds more to JC and BdB than to J. M. S.) 

30 The translation of this last sentence is by Dr. Sprengling. 

31 J (JC) and OSp, hunter; NS and ASu, fowler. (Gk, T&V rod fypevrov 
iraylSuv, ASu, ed. Ousely >^^ CX*o.>}\ ; NS has the same word in Syriac 
letters, which may mean hunter, fotoler, or fisher. M. S.) 

A Comparative Translation of the Arabic KaUla Wa-Dimna 223 

even tho weariness and lassitude should seize you, to avoid 
the labor of cutting my meshes from me. The mouse said: 

29 (vs. 7). This is one of the things that increase the 
affection and love of those who love you and feel affection 
for you. 

30 (41, 42). Then the mouse began to gnaw the net (and 
continued) until he finished it. And the ringdove and her 
doves went away to their home, returning safely. 

31 (43, 44). When the crow saw the deed of the mouse and 
the rescue of the doves by him, he desired the friendship of 
the mouse and he said: 32 I am without safety in a situation 
like that which befell the doves and I have need of the mouse 
and his love. 

32 (45 47, 49). So he approached the mouse's hole. Then 
he called him by his name, and the mouse answered him: Who 
are you? He said: I am a crow; affairs have gone so and so 
with me. I saw your affair (with the doves) and your faith- 
fulness to your beloved friends, and how Allah benefited the 
doves thru it, as I saw. I longed for your friendship, and I 
have come to you for this. 

33 (51). The mouse said: There is no basis for union be- 
tween me and you. 

34 (vs. 8). For it behooves the wise man to seek only that 
which is possible, and to refrain from seeking that which may 
not be, lest he be considered a fool like a man who wishes 
to make ships run in 33 the land and wagons on 33 the water. 

35 (TS. 9). How can there be a way to union between me 
and you? For I am only food and you the consumer. 

36 (52). The crow said: 

37 (vs. 10). Consider that my eating you, even tho you are 
food for me, would not satisfy me in any respect; 34 whereas 
your continued life and your affection would be more advan- 

OSp, J (JC), NS, ASu add, within (to) himself. M. S. 

Ch with NS, ASu, and Gk. Guidi's MSB V and M, OSp, J (JC, BdB) 
have the same preposition in both places and thus miss the distinction, 
a fine point of style such as Ibn al Moqafia' was noted for. OS indeed 
supports the second group. M. EL 

34 The Arabic idiom corresponds exactly to English, 'is of those things 
which are of no use at all to me'. M. S. 

224 W. Norman Brown 

tageous to me and more conducive to safety as long as I 
remain alive. 

38 (53). You are acting unworthily in sending me away 
disappointed when I have come seeking your affection. For 
indeed the beauty of your character has become manifest to 
me, even tho you do not endeavor to make it manifest yourself. 

39 (vs. 13). For the intelligent man his superiority is not 
concealed, even tho he strives to conceal it. (It is) like musk 
which is hidden and sealed; but this does not prevent its odor 
from spreading. 

40 (? 56). Do not disguise 36 your character from yourself 36 
and do not deny me your love and your kindliness. 

41 (59). The mouse said: The strongest enmity is that of 
nature, [nam odium accidentale cessat cum cessat accidens, 
odium vero substantiale non potest cessare,] 37 which (enmity 
of nature) is of two sorts. The one is an enmity which is equal 
on both sides, 3 8 like the enmity of the elephant and the lion, 

The text reads ^*S. I accept Cheikho's conjecture on p. 54, 1. 19, 
of his text >j*^, which is supported in sense by J (JC) and OSp. 
(Cheikho's second conjecture ^^XiX^ 'thy nature will certainly not change 
against thee' seems to correspond better to Hertel, Tantrakhyayika, trans- 
lation, p. 64, vs. 24. Cheikho's text seems to have in mind the well-known 
idiom *~^* *, short for ^JJt ^J>* t^Js- 'he reproached him for his act', 
but leaves *^JuX=L in the air. The parallelism of the western versions (J, 
OSp) is more perfect. It is not easy to decide : (1) is the good parallelism 
original and *^-^* a scribal error, ^ attracted from cJUila., or (2) is the 
more crude, difficult Ch the original and the change to <J^ of the 
Westerns (J, OSp) a piece of editorial finessing by a clever copyist? M. S.) 

36 J (etc.) and OSp, against or toward me. M. S. 

7 Supplied from J (JC, BdB), using text of JC, supported by ASu. 
Cf. Sanskrit in text of Biihler and Kielhorn (Textus Simplicior) II, p. 8. 
1. 10 ff, dvividham vdiram bhavati sahajam krtrimam ca . . . kdranena 
nirvrttam krtrimam, tat tadarhopakdrakarandd gaccJiati, svdbhdvikam ca 
punah katham api na gacchati, 'Enmity is of two sorts, spontaneous and 
artificial. Artificial arises from a cause. Therefore it vanishes on the per- 
formance of a benefit that fits it (the cause) ; the innate (enmity), however, 
vanishes thru no means whatever.' 

as Text reads *)^UcvX* (excessive); I read v>UxX* as in Cheikho's 
ms. B ; see his note (also the reading of Djahiz, Kitab al IJaiawan. M. S.). 
The meaning is supported by Mosul, 4th ed. and Kh ^IXX*, a Q d by 
OSp, egital; (add Gk, AvrepurTiic/i, and in general ASu and NS. M. S.). Cf. 
OS, gegenseitige. 

A Comparative Translation of the Arabic Kallla Wa-Dimna 225 

for often the lion kills the elephant, and often the elephant 
kills the lion; and the other is an enmity in which the injury 
is from only one of the two upon the other, like the enmity 
which exists between me and the cat, and like the enmity 
between me and you. 39 For the enmity with me exists not in 
(consequence of) any injury that can come from me to you, 
but because of what can come from you to me. The natural 
enmity knows no peace that does not ultimately return to 
enmity. There is no peace to the enmity, neither by anything 
inherited nor by any interference from outside. 40 

42 (vs. 15). For water, even tho it is heated and its heating 
extends for a long time this does not prevent it from quen- 
ching fire when it is poured upon it. 

43 (vs. 17). But the man with an enmity 41 which he has 
tried to reconcile is like a man with a snake which he carries 
in his palm. 42 

44 (vs. 18). But the wise man* never associates with a 
shrewd foe. 

45 (60). The crow said: I have understood what you have 
said, and you are verifying the excellence of your character. 
And recognize the truth of my words and do not interpose a 
difficulty between our relationship by saying 'We have no 
way to union'. 

46 For intelligent and noble men seek union and a way to 
it for every good purpose, 4 3 

47 (vs. 22). Friendship between the good is hard to break 

" Djahi?, Kitab al JJaiawan omits, supported by Gk, and reads what 
follows in 3d pers. instead of 2d. This is supported also by ASu (which 
inserts 'between wolf and sheep 1 instead of the very obvious argumentum 
ad hominem insertion 'between thee and me'). M. S. 

" 'Neither by ... outside', translation by M. 8. Other Arabic texts 
omit as do also OSp, NS, ASu, and OS. J says, sur une paix, succedant 
a unt teUe haine, on ne povrrait s'appuycr, ni $'y fier; JC, nee est con- 
fidendum de pace inimici. 

Ivh and deS, who has an enemy, probably supported by J (JO), OSp, 
and OS. (J and OSp may translate Oh as well as deS; ASu directly 
supports Ch; OS corresponds to J and OSp, but not exactly to deS, 
renders the sense of, and probably the same Pehlevi as, Oh. M. S.) 

" DeS, Kh, Cheikho's Ms. B, NS, $leevc or garment; OSp and OS, 
bosom; but J (JC), hand. Confusion between J and JX 

" DeS, Kh, . . . noble men seek no reward for a kindness. X 

226 W. Norman Brown 

and easy to join: it may be likened unto a golden waterjar, 
which is hard to break, easy to repair and to restore if a 
break happens to it. But friendship between the wicked is easy 
to break, hard to repair, like a waterjar of pottery, which the 
least injury breaks; and then it can never be pieced together. 
48 (vs. 21). The noble man feels love for the noble on meet- 
ing him only once or on an acquaintance of (but) a day. But 
the ignoble does not unite with anyone except on account of 
fear or greed. 

49 (61). You are noble and I need your love; and I shall 
remain at your door without tasting food [or drinking] 44 until 
you make friends with me. 45 

50 (62, 63). The mouse said: I accept your friendship, for 
never in any case have I withheld his necessity from one in 
need. I began with you as I did (merely) thru desire of justi- 
fying myself, so that, even tho you should be deceiving me, 
you should not be able to say, 'I found the mouse weak in 
good sense, easy to trick'. 

51 (64, 65). Then he came out from his hole and stood at 
the door, and the crow said to him: What keeps you at the 
door of your hole, and what prevents you from coming out to 
me and joining me? Have you still doubt? 

52 (66). The mouse said: The people of this world give each 
other two kinds of things and make alliances on the basis of 
them. They are the heart and property. Those who exchange 
hearts are true and loyal (friends); but those who exchange 
property are those who assist and benefit each other that each 
of them may enjoy the benefit (secured) from the other. Whoever 
does good merely to secure a return or to win some worldly 
profit in what he gives and takes he is like the hunter when 
he casts grain (upon the ground) for the birds. He does not 
desire to benefit them thereby, but himself. But the exchange 
of the .heart is superior to the gift of property. 

" Supplied from J (JC) and OSp, supported by OS. (On the other 
hand NS, ASu, and El support the published Arabic texts, seeming to 
point to an Eastern as against a Western reading; it seems to me that 
'water' could more easily have been added than omitted. ASu expands 
differently. M. S.) 

Kh adds, and know that if I had wished to injure you, I should 
Jiave done so while circling in the air above your head, at the time when 
you were cutting the meshes of the doves. 

A Comparative Translation of the Arabic KalUa Wa-Dimna 227 

53 (67). I feel confident in respect to you of your heart, 
and I present you with the same from me. It is no evil opinion 
that prevents me from coming out to you; but I realize that 
you have friends whose nature is like yours, but whose attitude 
toward me is not like your attitude toward me. I fear that 
some of them will see me with you and will destroy me. The 
crow said: 

54 (vs. 24). It is one of the marks of a friend that he is a 
friend to his friend's friend and an enemy to his friend's enemy. 
I will have no companion or friend who does not love you. 
For it would be easy for me to cut off (from my friendship) 
anyone who is of this sort, just as the sower of sweet basil, 
when there sprouts among the basil any growth that will injure 
it and corrupt it, uproots it and uproots some of the basil 
with it. 4 * 

55 (68, ?vs. 25, 69, 72). Then the mouse came out to the 
crow, and they shook hands and made friends, and each enjoyed 
the company of his companion. They remained thus for some 
days, 47 or as long as Allah wished. 

56 (73, 75). [Until when some days had passed for them] 4 ^ 
the crow said to the mouse: Your hole is near the road of 
men, and I fear that someone may throw (stones 49 ) at me. 

57 (76, 77). But I know a secluded place, and (there) I have 
a friend, a tortoise. (It is) well supplied with fish, and I can 
find there what (I need) to eat. I desire to go to her (the 
tortoise) and dwell with her in safety. 50 

58 (78, 79). The mouse said: May I not go with you? For 

4 For the translation of the last clause, which is a little obscure, I 
am indebted to Dr. Sprengling. 

" At this point J (JC) and OSp add, relating stories, fables, and 

" Supplied from deS, Kh, supported by OSp and ASu; cf. J, longtemps 
(JC, moram). 

" Guidi's Mss. V and M actually supply this word. M. S. 

* As Dr. Sprengling remarks, Ch is corrupt and cannot be properly 
translated as it stands, while Guidi unfortunately does not quote the 
passage. The translation here printed is substantially a translation of deS 
and Kh, with the exception that 'I can find* is in those texts 'we . . .' 
As he also points out, to her 1 and 'with her* are supported by OSp and 
NS; Guidi's V and M say 'go there* but omit 'with her'. 

228 W. Norman Broivn 

I feel averse to this place of mine. The crow said: Why do 
you feel averse to your place? 

59 (80). The mouse said: I have tales and stories (concer- 
ning that 51 ) which I shall tell you when we arrive at the place 
we have in mind. 

60 (81). The crow seized the tail of the mouse and flew 
with him until he arrived at the place he had in mind. 

61 (82). When he drew near the place 52 in which the tor- 
toise was and the tortoise saw the crow and a mouse with him, 
she was frightened at him, for she did not know that it was 
her friend, and she dived into the water. 

62 (83, 84). The crow set down the mouse, alighted on a 
tree, 53 and called the tortoise hy name. 

63 (85, 86). She recognized his voice, came out to him and 
welcomed him, and asked him whence he came. 

64 (88). The crow told her his story from the time when 
he had followed the doves, (including) what had happened there- 
after between him and the mouse until they had come to her. 

65 (89). When the tortoise heard of the mouse's deed, she 
was astonished at his intelligence and faithfulness, and she 
welcomed him, saying: What drove you to this land? 

66 (90). The crow said to the mouse: Where are the tales 
and stories which you said you would tell me? Tell them now 
that the tortoise asks you for them. For the tortoise in her 
relation to you is in the same position as I. The mouse hegan 
his story and said: 

Story 1: Mouse and Two Monks 

67 (91). The first place where I dwelt was in a certain 
city 54 in the house of an ascetic. The ascetic had no family. 

si The words for this phrase appear in Guidi's Ms. V. M. S. 

DeS, Kh, OS, OSp, J (add Gk and El, M. S.), spring, NS fen (pesida 
in Syriac means "fountain or spring", M. S.); ASu, fountain. 

3 Ms Jos. Derenbourg (see his JC, p. 144, note 1), Thereupon the crow 
descended to tlte earth, deposited the mouse from his mouth, flew up to his 
nest (sic! covert?) in the top of the tree. OSp, J (etc.), Gk, ASu, and OS 
support Ms. Derenbourg to the extent of adding here, on the earth (or, 
ground) ; NS, at the water's edge; El, mercifully (i. e. softly), n^ena, per- 
haps to be emended to r6n&3, 'in a hollow'. M. S. 

54 Of the various names in the Mss. OS is best: Mhllub, for Sanskrit 

A Comparative Translation of the Arabic Kallla Wa-Dimna 229 

68 (92). Every day there was brought to him a basket of 
food, of which he ate as much as he needed. Then he put the 
rest of the food in it and hung it up in his house. 

69 (93). I used to watch the ascetic until he went out. 
When he went out I would jump up into the basket; and I 
would leave no food in the basket, but I would eat it and 
throw it to the (other) mice. 55 

70 (94). The ascetic continually tried to hang up this basket 
in such a way 55 that I could not reach it, but he never suc- 
ceeded in this. 

71 (95). One night a guest came to the ascetic. 

72 (96, 97). They ate the evening meal together, until when 
they engaged in conversation, 57 the ascetic said to the guest: 
From what land are you, and what place is your present 

73 (98). Now the guest was a man who had traveled the 
world and seen strange sights, and he began to tell the ascetic 
in what lands he had set foot and what things he had seen. 

74 (99, 100). In the midst of this the ascetic clapped his 
hands from time to time to frighten away the mice. 58 The 
guest became angry and said: 

75 (101). I am telling you my adventures, 59 but you clap 
your hands as tho ridiculing my account. What made you 
ask me? 

76 (102, 103). The ascetic apologized to the guest and said: 
I have been paying attention to your account, but I clapped 
my hands to frighten away the mice, 60 for they annoy me. 

" J (JC, BdB), NS, Eleazar add, which were in the house; OS, which 
were with me. The word other 1 appears in all the versions (except El) 
and OS. DeS Ms. 1489, my companions among the mice; ms. 1502, his 
companions. M. S. 

DeS, Kb, in a place I could not reach; similarly OSp, J (JC). 

17 The text in Ch needs a slight correction, see Cheikho's note on p. 54 
of his edition. 

DeS, Kh, to frighten me away from the basket; so also OSp, and 
similarly J (JC); NS, to scare the mice lest they come near the basket; 
ASu similar to Ch and NS. (Gk, 4*4 fc*rr6pK; Schulthess, note 226 to 
OS, quotes from Puntoni's ed: V&*. w. itf fc^for. M. S.) 

NS, you have asked me to tell you my history, and now that I begin 
to teU it ... Cf. OS, Da erzahle ich dir t was du mich gcfragt hast. 

^ DeS (Kh), Gk, NS, El, and OS, a mouse. M. S. 

230 W. Norman Brown 

I cannot put food (anywhere) in the house that they do not 
eat it. 

77 (104). The guest said: Is it a single mouse or many? 

78 (105). The ascetic said: Truly, the mice [of the house] 
are many, but it is a single mouse among them that outwits 
me, and I cannot circumvent him with any device. 

79 (106). The guest said: This is not without a reason. 62 
Verily you bring to my mind the remark the man made to his wife. 

80 (vs. 27). There is surely a reason why this woman sells 
(exchanges) husked sesame for unhusked. 

81 (107). The ascetic said: How was that? (Fable.)** The 
guest said: 

Story 2: Husked for Unhusked Sesame 

82 (108). I once stayed with a man in such and such a city. 
We ate the evening meal together. 

83 (109). Then he spread a carpet for me, and the man 
retired to his own carpet and to his wife. Between me and 
them was a lattice of reeds, and once during the night 64 I 
heard the man and his wife talking, and I listened to their 
conversation. Then the man said: 

84 (110). I wish to invite a company to take a meal with 
us to-morrow. 

85 (HI). His wife said: How can you invite people to your 
table when there is no more (food) in your house 65 than is 
necessary for your family? For you are a man who never saves 
anything and lays it by for the future. 

86 (112). The man said: Have no regret for what we have 
given away and eaten up! 

87 (vs. 28). For saving and laying up~often the end of him 
who practises them is like the end of the wolf. 

ei Supplied from deS and Kb, supported by J (JC) and OSp; cf. OS, 
Her sind vide Mduse. (Ch is supported by Gk and NS; El, many mice 
frequent mouseholes; ASu indecisive. M. S.) 

* Emending Cb (j*\) from ms. Jos. Derenbourg (JC, p. 145, note 7) 
to read ^ ; supported by OSp, ASu, and (weakly) NS. M. S. 

63 Word inserted in text of Ch as the introduction to a new story. 

c* DeS, Kb, toward the end of the night; so also J; but JC, circa 
mediam noctem (add BdB, nachtes. M. S.). 

es Emending ^.v>J>. to ^^?; sense supported by J (JC), OSp, and 
ASu (also El, in my house; NS and OS indecisive. M. S.). 

A Comparative Translation of the Arabic Kaltia Wa-Dimna 231 

88 (113). The wife said: What was it that happened to the 
wolf?** (Fable)** The man said: 

Story 3: Too Greedy Wolf (Sanskrit, Jackal) 

89 (114). A 67 hunter went out one morning with his bow 
and arrows, desiring to hunt and to indulge in the chase. 

90 (115). He had not gone far before he shot a gazelle and 
struck it down. He carried it on\ returning homeward with it. 

91 (116). A boar 6 ^ met him on the way; and the boar came 
on against the man when he saw him. 69 

92 (117, 118). The man threw down the gazelle, took his 
bow, and shot the boar so that (the arrow) passed thru his 

93 (119). The boar [. . .] 70 charged the man, and struck him 
a blow with his tusk that knocked the bow and arrows from 
his hand, [and ripped open his belly], 71 and they (both) fell 
down together dead. 

94 (120 122). A hungry wolf came upon them, and when 
he saw the man, the gazelle, and the boar [dead] 72 he felt 
assured within himself of an abundance of food, and said: It 
is fitting that I lay by what I can for the future. 

95 (vs. 29, 123). For that man is without will-power who 
neglects to save and to lay by. I propose to save and heap 

" Ch (and NS?) against the field. DeS (with Mosul, 4th ed. and Eh), 
and how was that; supported by OSp, J (JO, BdB), El, ASu, and OS. 
Gk omits; NS, and what befell him. M. S. 

" DeS (with Mosul, 4th ed. and Kh), OSp, J (JC, BdB), Gk, NS, ASu 
add, They say that . . . With Ch only El and OS. M. S. (However, the 
Sanskrit agrees with Ch. W. N. B.) 

" DeS, Kh, NS, and OS, wild boar (also J etc. M. 3.). 

Ch's text seems corrupt here. It should read 'When the man saw 
him, he threw down . . .' This would make it conform to OS, JC, and 
the Sanskrit versions. 

Some phrase, just what is uncertain, is missing here. The versions 

J, JC, and ASu have phrases such at 'maddened by the pain of the 
wound' (JC) or tho mortally wounded' (ASu). (J, in spite of Deren- 
bourg's translation, supports ASu. M. S.) The Sanskrit versions also vary 
in their phraseology, 
it Supplied from J (JC). supported by Sanskrit ASu says 'hunter's 
breast 1 . 
Supplied from J (JC), OSp (add Gk and EL M. S.), and ASu; sup- 
ported by OS. (Slightly different phrase in NS. M. S.) 
If JA08 42 

232 W. Norman Brown 

up what I have found, and content myself for to-day with this 
how-string. 7 3 

96 (124). Then he approached the how to eat its string. 

97 (125). When he cut the string, the bow unbent and 
rebounded and struck the mortal spot in his neck, 7 4 and he died. 

98 (126). I have told you this story merely that you may 
know that greed in saving [and laying by] 75 is disastrous in 
the end. 

99 (127). The woman said: What you have said is right. 
We have some rice and sesame which will be food (enough) 
for a company of six or seven. 

100 (128). I shall prepare the food to-morrow, and do you 
invite whom you wish for dinner. 76 

101 (129). The woman arose at dawn, took the sesame, and 
husked it. Then she spread it out in the sun to dry, and said 
to her husband ['s boy]: 77 Drive away the birds and the dogs 
from this sesame. 

102 (130). The woman went away on some business and 
work of her (own). The man 7 ^ was negligent, and a dog came 
to the sesame and began to eat it. 79 

7 DeS and Kh, This man, the deer, and the boar the eating of them 
will suffice me for a long while. But I shall begin with this bow string 
and eat it, for it will be nourishment for to-day; (Kh only), and I shall 
save the rest for to-morrow and the following (days). ASu similar, but fuller. 

7* Text very uncertain. OS and NS (JC?) make the string strike him; 
deS (Kh), supported by OSp, El, ASu, ms. Jos. Derenbourg say, the end 
or point of the bow; Gk, r6 Aos (bow?); BdB, 'der stral' of an 'annbrost T 
(crossbow). With Ch, J seems to name simply the bow. Ch and ms. Jos. 
Derenbourg, vital part; Ch and deS (Kh), J, of the neck; ms. Jos. Deren- 
bourg, vital part of the wolf; Gk, ASu, heart; El, gullet; OSp, head; NS, 
according to Keith-Falconer, testicles, but very uncertain, may be neck 
or vital spot or vital spot of neck; OS mouth. M. S. 

7* Supplied from deS (Kh), ^supported by OSp, NS, and ASu. 

7 Note distinction between \wX* ('to-morrow') and *\J^ ('dinner'). M. S. 

77 DeS and Kh, boy or slave (&)', J and JC, boy; OSp, esclavo pequeno; 
but NS and ASu (add El. M. S.), husband. Note OS, husband's pupil, 
corresponding to Sanskrit Sisya, pupil. 

7 DeS and Kh, correctly, boy. See preceding note. 

79 J (JC etc.), ms. Jos. Derenbourg (add El and a possible reading of 
deS and Kh. M. S.) add, and staled upon it. OSp supports this but omits 
the words 'to eat it' (so also Gk. M. S.). OS says merely, frass davon, as 
does Ch (also NS; ASu, put his mouth in it. DeS and Kh may also be 
read, disturb it. M. S.). 

A Comparative Translation of the Arabic Kallla Wa-Dimna 233 

103 (131). The woman saw this, considered it (the sesame) 
defiled, and was loath that any of her guests should eat it. 

104 (132). She took it to the market and exchanged it for 
unhusked sesame, measure for measure. 

105 (133). This she did while I was in the market seeing 
what she did. 

106 (134). I heard a man say: There is surely a reason 
why she gives this husked sesame for unhusked sesame. 

107 (135). Just such is my opinion of this mouse, which you 
tell me jumps to the basket wherever you place it. There is 
surely a reason why he is able to do this, but not his com- 

108 (136). Get me an ax [that I may dig out his hole and 
investigate his circumstances to some extent. The ascetic bor- 
rowed an ax from one of his neighbors] 80 and he brought it 
to the guest. 

109 (138). At that time I was in a hole that was not mine, 
listening to their conversation. 

110 (140). Now my hole was in a place in which were a 
thousand dinars I do not know who put them (there). I used 
to spread them out and exult over them, and waxed strong 
thru their strength 81 whenever I thought of them. 

111 (141). The guest dug out my hole until he reached the 
dinars. Then he took them and said to the ascetic: This it 
was that empowered that mouse to jump where he did. 82 

112 (vs. 30). For wealth brings increase of power and 

Ill* (150). And you will see that after to-day the mouse 
will never regain the power and daring for (accomplishing) 
that which used to be possible for him in times past. 83 

Supplied from deS and Kb, supported in general by OSp, J, Jc 
ASu, and OS. 

I am indebted to M. S. for this translation of ly)l.<,>. 

* DeS and Kb, This mouse has not been able to jump where he hat 
been accustomed except thru the aid of these dinars. So also OSp (add 
J etc. M. S.) OS similar both to these and to 

This section in deS and Kb, You will see that hereafter he will not 
be able to spring up to the place to which he used to spring. OSp, NS, 
and OS similarly. JC reads, Nunc vero ridebis ipsum nihil posse, MM 
habebit prerogativam ceteris muribus (so also J). (Gk supports the general 

234 W. Norman Brown 

114 (151). I heard the guest's remark and recognized [that 
it was true (and I felt)] 84 in my soul despondency and 
a diminution of the pride in myself. 

115 (142). I went from my hole to another hole. 

116 (143, 144). And I realized 85 the degradation of my 
position among the mice and diminution of their respect for me. 
For they imposed upon me the task of jumping to the basket 
to which I had accustomed them. 86 

117 (149). [I tried this often, but] 87 I was too weak for this. 

118 (152). [The weakness of my state became apparent to 
the mice,] 88 and they avoided me and began to say among 
themselves: The brother of luck has come to nought. 89 [Leave 
him and covet no more what he has to offer, for we see that] 88 
he is rapidly approaching a state in which he will have need 
that some of you feed him. 

statement of Ch and has nothing else. OS has the specific 'springing' 
statement only, but adds comparison with other mice. J (with JC and 
BdB) have the general statement (like Ch) and the comparison. El and 
NS have the specific 'springing', the general statement, and the com- 
parison. ASu is too freely translated to make sure. M. S.) 

Supplied from J (JC), OSp, and NS; OS similar. (Gk and ASu 
similar to Ch. M. S.) 

86 Text, \^j*\ CUax^ol ; translation that of M. S. This makes better 
sense in view of section 136, but the translation 'At dawn I realized' is 
perhaps supported by other texts; see the next note. 

8* DeS and Kh, When it was the next day (or morning) tlie mice that 
were with me assembled (J s JC, OSp, and NS, add according to their 
custom) and said: Hunger has come upon us, and you are our hope (J, 
JC, OSp, and NS add, do what you are accustomed to do). And I went 
with the mice to the place from which I used to jump up to the bag. 
OS is similar. 

87 Supplied from deS and Kh, supported by OSp; cf. J, malgre mes 
efforts. (J's translation is free. As literal as possible, JC, nisus fui illuc 
ascendere, equivalent to NS, strove with all my might. Gk, *ai /i^XXwi* 
TT) 775 flvirrfiriffai 7-77 x^ T P1- v ^Sea fidruv oik cSvvtf&qv ; OS has not the 'many 
times' or 'several times'. M. S.) 

88 Two insertions from deS and Kh, supported by J (with JC and BdB) ; 
(add OSp, which is the nearest to the Arabic. M. S.) 

8 Ch literally, The brother of the epoch (age, lifetime) has perished 
(come to nought). I do not know this, nor can I find it, as an idiom, 
which it may well be. It might mean, the lifelong friend, the peer of the 
age, the matchless one, or, the brother of luck (Bolufer, el hermano de la 
fortuna). M. S. 

A Comparative Translation of the Arabic Katila Wa-Dimna 235 

119 (153). So they all repudiated me and attached them- 
selves to my enemies and they began [to divulge] 90 my faults 
and defects to everyone to whom they spoke of me. 91 I said 
to myself: 

120 (vs. 31). I see no followers or brothers or family or 
friends or helpers except as an adjunct to wealth. I see 
nothing that makes virtue manifest except wealth, and there 
is no judgment or power except thru wealth. 

121 (vs. 32). I have found that whoever is without wealth 
when he strives for anything, poverty prevents him from 
(attaining) what he desires and hinders him from realizing 
his aim, just as the water of the rains of summer is cut off 
in the wadis. It cannot reach the sea or a river before the 
earth absorbs it, and has not 92 the capacity thru which to 
reach its goal. 

122 (vs. 34). And I found that whoever has no friends has 
no family; whoever has no child has no memorial; whoever 
has no intelligence has nothing in this world or in the next 
world; and whoever has no wealth has nothing at all 93 

o Supplied from Ms. Jos. Derenbourg. M. S. 

i This section is mostly translated by M. S., who also notes that deS, 
Kb, OSp, and OS say, . . . defects to my haters and enmers. 

M The word 'not' is not in the text but obviously belongs there. 

" This rendition is from the version quoted by Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi I. 
313 (see Cheikho's note). It comes nearer the Sanskrit original than 
does any other Arabic version. The Sanskrit (best in Purnabhadra II, 
vs. 80) says: 'Empty is the house of him who has no son; empty is the 
heart of him who has no true friend. The directions (i. e. the world) 
are empty for the fool; everything is empty for the poor man.' Kh says, 
'And I found that whoever has no friends has no family; whoever has 
no child has no memorial; whoever has no wealth has nothing in either 
this world or the next'. So OSp and, with some transpositions and 
corrections, OS. J says, 'Puis j'ai trouv, que tous ceux qui sont sans 
fortune, n'ont pas de freres; qui n'a pat do freres est prive de famillci 
s'il n'a pas de famille, il n'a pas d'enfants; sans enfants, on ne perpetue 
pas sa memoire; celui dont personne ne conserve la memoire, est comme 
s'il n'avait pas d'intelligence ; et sans intelligence, on n'a rien en ce monde, 
ni dans le monde a venir; on n'a ni passe ni avenir'. So also JC. Ch 
it badly garbled. (Ch, 'And I found tome of the brethren, who had 
neither wealth, nor kinsfolk, nor offspring, nor memorial (or fame), and 
he who has no wealth, hat no brains in the estimation of men (or, hat 
no bloodwit or stronghold among men), and neither this world nor the 
next' This is a very simple corruption, by the insertion of 

236 W. Norman Brown 

123 (vs. 33). For a man when need afflicts him, his friends 
desert him and he is despised among his relatives. Often he 
lacks the means of subsistence and (lacks) those things which 
he needs for himself and his family. 

124. Until he seeks that which will make him despair of his 
religion, and he is lost; and then he loses this world and the next. 

125 (155). [There is nothing worse than poverty.] 96 

126 (vs. 37). [The tree growing in a salt marsh, 94 eaten 
from every side, is (in a state) better than 95 the state of the 
poor man who is in want of human possessions.] 96 

127 (vs. 39). Poverty is the source of every trial, and brings 
unto him who suffers it the hatred of men. And besides he 
is robbed of intelligence and valor, and is deprived of wisdom 
and refinement, and is subject to suspicion. 97 

128 (vs. 40). [For he upon whom poverty descends has no 
means of escape from] 98 loss of shame. 98 * Whoever loses his 
shame loses his joy; 99 and [whoever loses his joy] 100 is hated; 101 

one misreading of J\ for V, and omission of one &*, of the text of deS 
and Kh, with OSp; merely expanded in J, JC, and BdB; much abbre- 
viated in Gk; changed partly from lack of understanding, partly for 
religious reasons in NS; and, I believe, it underlies the much expanded 
ASu also. M. S.) 

*. NS adds, and the interior of which is consumed by rottenness, and 
its fruit more bitter than aloes of Socotra. (Of. Parnabhadra II, vs. 84, 
where the tree is described as worm-eaten). 

* Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi with J (etc.), OSp, and NS ; deS and Kh read, is like. 

s These two sections supplied from passage quoted by Ibn 'Abd 
Rabbihi I. 313 (see Cheikho's note); section 126 also appearing in deS 
and Kh. The two sections are supported by J, JC, OSp, and NS. J, with 
JC, has here an insertion which, as Derenbourg points out, is taken from 
Job 12 17, w, 20. 

OSp also, suspicion; deS, Kh, and Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi, a mine of 
slander. The last mentioned adds, is become the gathering place of evils; 
cf. J, entasse les adversites (JC, aggregat tribulationes). (OSp, slightly 
transposed, also adds, e es suma de todas tribitlaciones. M. S.) 

Supplied from Kh, supported by J, JC, OSp, and OS. 

* I have translated Kh here. Ch attaches this passage to section 127 
and reads, and is deprived of shame. (Thus OSp which, repeating the 
statement about 'shame', inserts it the first time before the addition quoted 
in note 97. M. S.) 

9 OSp, nobleza de coragon. 

100 Supplied from Kh. 

101 Kh, hates himself. 

A Comparative Translation of the Arabic Kalila Wa-Dimna 237 

whoever is hated is ruined; whoever is ruined suffers sorrow; 
whoever suffers sorrow is deprived of his unterstanding and 
loses his prudence and his intellectual grasp. And whoever 
is stricken in his intelligence and his prudence and his intellec- 
tual grasp the most of his speech is (operative) to his disad- 
vantage, not to his advantage. 102 

129. I found that when a man becomes poor whoever 
used to trust him suspects him, and whoever used to think 
well of him thinks ill of him. And if someone other than he 
does wrong, (people) think of him in connection with it (i. e. 
suspect him), and he becomes a repository for suspicion and 
ill repute. 

130. There is no quality which is a virtue in a rich man 
that is not a fault in a poor man. For if he is brave, he is 
called rash; if he is generous, he is called a trouble-maker; 103 
if he is forbearing, he is called weak; if he is sedate, he is 
called a dunce; if he is eloquent, he is called a babbler; if 
he is reserved, he is called stupid. 

131 (vs. 42). Death is better than poverty, which drives him 
who is subject to it to begging more especially begging from 
the stingy and niggardly. 

132 (vs. 41). For the noble man, even tho he should be 
compelled to insert his hand into the mouth of a dragon and 
extract poison and then swallow it, this would needs be easier 
for him than to beg of the stingy and niggardly. 

133 (vs. 44). It is said that he who is afflicted with a 
disease of the body that will not quit him, or with separation 
from his friends and brothers, or with exile (in a land) where 
he knows no place to rest by night or rest by day, and from 
which he has no hope of returning, or with poverty that compels 
him to beg surely life for him is death, and death is relief. 

IM QSp very close; Kb secondary; JO, 'Et quicumque vulneratus eat 
yulnere paupertatis impossible est quod non tollatur sibi mansuetudo et 
acquiratur promptitude, et quicumque caret mansuetudine operum. caret 
nobilitate, (add from J, et quicumque operum caret nobilitate peccabit, et 
quicumque) peccabit praecipitabitur, et quicumque praecipitabitur contris- 
tatur, et quicumque contristatur perdit intellectum et obliviscitur sue 
intelligentie.' (Gk in abbreviated form, as is NS; ASu, much changed 
and expanded, also supports this section. M. 8.) 

w DeS, Kh, J (JO), OSp (add ASu. M. S.), spendthrift (Gk, 
n ml fttdrcuvr. Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi supports Oh. M. S.) 

238 W. Norman Brown 

134 (156). Often a man has an aversion to begging and 
(yet) has need, which brings him to stealing and robbing; 
and stealing and robbing are worse than (the misfortune) that 
he was avoiding. For it is said: 

135 (vs. 43). Dumbness is better than eloquence in lying; fraud 
is better than violence and injury; 104 and poverty is better than 
ease and affluence (obtained) from the riches of (other) men. 

136 (158). Now I had seen the guest when he took out 
my dinars and divided them with the ascetic. The ascetic 
put his share in a wallet (of leather) and placed it at his 
head for the night. I desired to get some of the dinars and 
return them to my hole, for I hoped that thru this some of 
my strength would return to me and some of my friends would 
come back to me. 

137 (159). I crept up while the ascetic was asleep until 
I was at his head. 

138 (160). I found the guest awake with a stick by him, 
and he struck me a painful blow on the head with it. 

139 (161). And I hurried back to my hole. 

140 (162). When my pain had subsided, greed and cupidity 
again gained control of me and overcame my discretion, and 
I went out moved by a desire similar to my former desire, 
until I was near, while the guest was watching me. Then he 
brought down the stick upon my head again with a blow 
that drew blood from it; and I rolled over upon my back 
and my belly until I reached my hole. And there I fell down 
in a faint. And there befell me so great a pain on account 
of wealth that I cannot to this day (bear to) hear mention 
of wealth; for terror seizes me thereat. 105 

104 This second contrast, not found in the other Arabic texts or the 
offshoots thereof, seems incorrect. OS says, besser ein Kastrat als fin 
Ehebrecher', cf. the Sanskrit (Southern Pancatantra II, vs. 38; and Ptlrna- 
bhadra II, vs. 90), where the verse is : 'Better silence than speech that is 
false; better impotence than intercourse with another's wife ; better death 
than delight in slander; better food from begging than ease thru the 
enjoyment of others' riches.' 

105 The first part of this sentence is very clumsy in Ch; the trans- 
lation is by M. S. (literally, And there befell me of pain a pain such 
as befell on account of wealth). M. S. also quotes the variant of deS 
and Kh, supported by OSp, J, and Gk, And there befell me such pain as 
to render money hateful to me, so that I cannot hear it mentioned, but 
that at the mention of money fear and trembling pervade me. 

A Comparative Translation of the Arabic Kdfila Wa-Dimna 239 

141 (163). Then I recovered consciousness, and I found 
that the troubles of this world only greed and cupidity bring 
them upon the people who suffer them. 

142 (vs. 45). The man of the world never ceases falling 
into troubles and difficulties, for greed and cupidity never 
cease frequenting him. 

143 (vs. 48). I saw that the difference between generosity 
and niggardliness is great. 

144 (vs. 49). For I have found that it is easier for the 
greedy to encounter terrors and to endure distant journeys 
in search of wealth than it is for the generous to extend his 
hand to grasp wealth. i 6 

145 (vs. 47). I have never seen anything equal to con- 
tentment. 107 

146 (vs. 46, ? 164). I have heard that wise men have said, 
'There is no wisdom like deliberation, no piety [like restraint 
from doing what is forbidden, no lineage] J <> 8 like beauty of 
character, and no wealth like contentment. It is fitting to 
endure that which there is no means of altering. 1 1 9 

147 (vs. 50). For it has been said: 'The most excellent of 
good works is mercy; the summit of love is confidence; the 

io DeS, 'I found that it was easier for me (Eh adds, to encounter 
terrors and) to endure distant journeys in search of wealth than to 
extend the hand to him who is generous in the matter of wealth (Kh 
adds, how much more to to him who is stingy in the matter of it)'. The 
difference between deS and Kh here was pointed out to me by M. S. 

197 JC (J similar): 'Inveni enim, quomodo qui contentus est sua por- 
cione bonorum nee appetit ultra quam datum fuerit sibi, dives est, et 
illud ei valet plus quam omnes divitie.' (Guidi's mss. F and M add after 
'contentment', and I have found satisfaction and contentment both are 
the true riches. M. S.) 

" Supplied from Kh (add Guidi's mss. F and M. M. S.), supported 
by OSp. (J and 1 similar to Ch, in whose text the accidental omission 
is merely a bit clearer. M. S.) 

*o Is it pure accident that BdB, which almost certainly represents 
here a different Hebrew than that preserved in the printed text or in JC, 
teems nearer than all others to Hertel't Tantrikbyayika, vs. 78 (p. 79 of 
translation)? BdB says, 'Und hort die wysen vier ding sprechen: es sy 
kein vernunfft besser dann des, der sein eigen sach wol betracht, and 
niemans edel bei gut sitten, und kein better rychtum, dann da man 
sich ben u gen lasst, und der sy wyss, der sich davon thii, das jm nit 
werden mag'. M. S. 

240 W. Norman Brown 

summit of intelligence is discrimination between what may be 
and what may not be, and peace of mind and beauty [of 
character] 110 and abstinence from that which there is no 
means of accomplishing. 

148 (165 a). And my state became such that I was content 
and satisfied, 111 and I removed from the house of the ascetic 
into the desert. The mouse, the friend of the crow, said to the 
tortoise: 115 I had a friend among the doves, whose friendship 
for me antedated the friendship of the crow. 113 Then the 
crow informed me of that (friendship) which existed between 
you and him, and told me that he desired to come to you; 
and I was eager to come to you with him. 

149. For I hate solitude. For truly there is no earthly 
joy that compares with the companionship of friends, and no 
sorrow equal to separation from friends. 

150 (vs. 51). I have made trial, and I know that it is not 
fitting for an intelligent man to seek from the world more 
than the daily bread with which he fends off want and distress 
from himself; and that which easily fends off these from him 
is merely food and shelter, so long as (sufficient) expanse of 
land (for living) is provided, and nobility of soul. 114 

151 (vs. 52). Even if the world and what is in it were given 

no Supplied from extract 46 in Guidi, Studii sul Testo Ardbo del Libro 
Calila e Dimna, pp. 50 and xxvii. On the translation I have been 
assisted by M. S. 

in Guidi's mss. supported by OSp, 'My affairs advanced unto satis- 
faction with my condition and contentment with what was at hand. 7 M. S. 

11* The mouse . .. tortoise: unoriginal passage, found only in Ch. (In 
the middle of this paragraph, after the mouse has told of his friendship 
with the dove and the crow and just as he is about to tell how the 
crow led him to the tortoise, Kh inserts, and he turned to the tortoise 
and said. M. S.) 

us DeS and Kh, thru his friendship the friendship of the crow was 
procured for me. So also in sense J (JC, BdB), OSp, NS, ASu, and OS. 
(Gk supports Ch, as El seems to. Ch seems to be a simple misreading 
J^^-M* for <3^*^, in Arabic a difference of a single point. This caused 
the insertion of <J-^*, without which the sentence with <3^* could n t 
be read. M. S.) 

11* The clause 'so long . . . soul' is not found in OSp, J, El, and Gk, 
and differs widely in the texts of Ch, deS (with Kh), Mosul (4th ed.), 
and NS, while OS seems not to have it. It appears to be most dubious, 
perhaps only a petty gloss varied according to pious fancy. M. S. 

A Comparative Translation of the Arabic Katila Wa-Dimna 241 

to a man, he could never profit by any of it except that 
little with which he could fend off want from himself! As for 
what is in excess of that, it is in a place which he cannot 
attain (i. e. where it is of no service to him). 

152 (165 b). It is in this frame of mind that I have come 
here with the crow, for I am a brother to you; and of this 
sort let my place also be in your heart. 

153 (166). When the mouse finished his speech, the tortoise 
answered him in gentle, sweet words, saying: I have heard 
your speech; and, what a delightful speech! were it not 
that I see you do not take account of the rest of the things 
which are within you and of your exile among us. 115 It should 
not be thus. 116 

154 (vs. 54). Know that beauty of speech is not complete 
without [beauty of] 117 deeds. The sick man who knows a 
remedy for his disease if he does not treat himself with it, 
his knowledge is of no value to him, and he obtains no relief 
or ease. 

155 (170). Make use of your knowledge and act according 
to your intelligence! Do not grieve over the paucity of your 

156 (vs. 63). For the man of valor is honored (tho) without 
wealth, like a lion which is feared even when in repose; but 
the rich man who is without valor is despised even tho he 
has much wealth, like a dog, which is despised among men, 
even tho wearing a necklace and anklets [of gold.] 1 is 

its Translation uncertain. M. S. suggests: 'You do not mention a rem- 
nant (a number) of matters, some of which were on your mind (or, in 
yourself) and nothing of your exile among us;' or, as a variant trans- 
lation, reading <J as Q: 'to what you mention there belong the rest of 
the things, of which and of your exile among us there was something on 
your mind 1 . My own idea is that the passage may mean : 'You look only 
on the dark side of your situation, and fail to be happy over the bright 
tide, namely, your own good qualities and our good company*. 

" Kh and Cheikho's Ms. G, Drive this from your heart! 

" 7 Supplied from deS and Kh, supported by J (JC), OSp, and NS. 
(Gk, El, and OS support Ch. M. S.) 

" Supplied from Kh and Cheikho's Ms. B, supported by J (with JC). 
So in Sanskrit (TantrikhySyika II, vs. 99). (Gk also with Cheikho's 
Ms. B; but OSp, NS, and OS support Ch. M. S.) 

242 W. Norman Brown 

167 (167, vs. 57). Be not distressed in your soul because of 
your exile! 

158 (vs. 58). For the intelligent man is never in exile; for 
he never goes abroad but that he takes with him enough 
intelligence to suffice him, 119 like the lion which never wanders 
around without the strength with which he obtains his living 
wherever he turns his face. 

159 (169). So turn your helpful suggestions to advantage 
for 120 yourself, since you deserve good. And if you do this, 
good will seek you out, 

160 (vs. 59). just as water seeks the level, and water-birds 
the water. 

161 (vs. 60). For distinction is obtained only by the per- 
spicuous man, the resolute, who seeks (it). 

162 (vs. 61). But as for the lazy, vacillating man, the irres- 
olute, who trusts (to others) distinction never befriends him, 
just as a young woman finds no profit in the company of an 
old man. 121 

163 (vs. 66). Let it not grieve you to say, *I was wealthy 
and I have become needy.' For wealth and the rest of the 
goods of the world their coming is quick when they come, 
and their departure is sudden when they depart, like a ball, 
which is swift in rising and quick in falling. 

164 (vs. 67). It is said that there is no permanency or 
stability in certain things in the shadow of the cloud, the 
friendship of the ignoble, the love of women, false praise, and 
great wealth.^ 

165 (vs. 70). Much wealth never brings elation to an 
intelligent man, nor does the scarcity of it dispirit him. But 
his wealth is his intelligence and those good deeds which he 
has previously performed; for he is assured that he will never 

n In the translation of this part of section 158 I have received 
considerable help from M. S. 

120 DeS and Kh, So take good care of... M. S. 

121 DeS with J (JC) says, as to a young woman the company of a 
decrepit old man gives no pleasure. Ch, apparently followed by OSp, 
misreads u-OJL3 for e-^JaS. M. S. 

122 Gk reads rt> TOV vtov (ppbrqua instead of 'the shadow of the cloud'. 
ASu announces six things and inserts, as fourth, between 'love of women' 
and 'false praise', the word 'beauty'. M. S. 

A Comparative Translation of the Arabic Kalila Wa-Dimna 243 

be despoiled of what he has done, nor will he ever be punished 
(in the next world) for anything he has not done. 

166 (vs. 71). And it is fitting that he should not neglect 
the concerns of the other world, nor the making of provision 
for them. For death is always unexpected when it comes. There 
is no time that has been fixed upon between it and anyone. 

167 (174). But you have no need of my admonitions, because 
you are well aware of what is good for you. 123 However, 
I thought to pay you your due of respect, for you are our 
brother and whatever we have is at your service. 

168 (175). When the crow heard the tortoise's reply to the 
mouse, and her graciousness toward him, and the beauty of her 
speech to him this pleased him, and delighted with it he said: 

169 (176). You have pleased and gratified me, for you are 
justified in rejoicing over your heart just as I rejoice over it. 124 

170 (vs. 73). Now of the people of the world the chief in 
the matter of intensity of happiness and nobility of life and 
fairness of fame is he whose dwelling 125 does not cease to be 
well trodden on the part of his brothers and friends of good 
character, and with whom there never fails to be a throng of 
people whom he delights and who delight him, and whose 
necessities and concerns he supports (literally, he is behind). 

171 (vs. 75). For when a noble man stumbles, he is not 
raised up by any but a noble man, just as when an elephant 
is mired, only elephants can extricate him. 

172 (vs. 76). The intelligent man does not look at (take 
thought about) a kindness he performs, however great it may 
be. Even tho he risks his life or exposes it for (performing) 

i" Translation of the last clause by M. S. 

'* Translation of last clause partly by M. S.; cf. JC, tu autem gaudere 
debts in animo tuo in to quod deus per fecit te in omni bono. So J; of. 
OS, abcr auch du darfst dick fiiglich dcincr Taten und dciner Recht- 
sctoffcnheit frcuen. 

" Reading with Cheikho's Ms. B *U-> instead of AX*.; ('his foot'). 
Cf. deS and Eh, whose house never cease* to be inhabited by friends > ; 
OS is similar. J is like Ch : see JC, pet non commoveatur a suis amicis. 
(There is no doubt that J read J^>; he has it in the Hebrew; but he 
changed the verb to mut 'slip* or 'stumble', and left out jlji ^ ; 
i. e., J simply misread, as did text of Ch, and then made the best he 
could out of a bad reading. M. S.) 

244 W. Norman Brown 

some sort of kindness, he does not consider 126 this a fault. 
Rather he knows that he risks only the perishahle for the 
eternal, and buys the great with the small. 

173 (vs. 77). The most fortunate of men is he who most 
frequently causes to prosper (the suit) of one who seeks protec- 
tion or begs. 127 

174 (vs. 74). But he who does not share his wealth is not 
considered rich. 12 

175 (177). While the crow was talking a gazelle approached 
them running. 

176 (178). The crow was afraid of him, likewise the mouse 
and the tortoise. 

177 (179 181). The tortoise jumped into the water; the 
mouse entered a hole; and the crow flew up and alighted upon 
a tree. 

178 (182). The deer drew near the water and drank a little 
of it. Then he stood up in fear to look (around). 

179 (183, 184). Then the crow hovered in the sky to see if 
he could observe anyone seeking the deer. He looked in every 
direction but saw nothing. Then he called to the tortoise to 
come out of the water, and said to the mouse: Come out, for 
there is nothing to fear here. 

180 (185). The crow, the mouse, and the tortoise assembled 
at their place. 

181 (186). On seeing the gazelle looking at the water and 
not drinking, the tortoise said to him: Drink if you are thirsty, 
and fear not; for there is nothing to frighten you. 

182 (188). The gazelle drew near them, and the tortoise 
welcomed him and greeted him, and said to him: Whence have 
you come? 

183 (189). He said: I have been 12 in these plains (literally, 
deserts) [a long time] 130 and hunters (literally, mounted archers) 

126 Emending >^ to ^ as in ms. Jos. Derenbourg. 

I" Translation of this section largely by M. S. 

I" Ms. Jos. Derenbourg, And he is not accounted as living who is 
expelled from human society to solitude. A similar clause is supported 
by J (JC, tho fragmentary) and ASu. OSp different, but still with a 
parallel clause. M. S. 

i" Kh and OSp. have grazed. 

130 Supplied from J (with JC, BdB), longues annees; cf. OS, schon 
lange Zeit. 

A Comparative Translation of the Arabic Kafila Wa-Dimna 245 

have never ceased pursuing me from place to place. To-day I 
saw an old man, 13 * and I feared that he might be a hunter. 
So I came (here) in terror. 

184 (190). The tortoise said: Fear not, for we have never 
seen any hunters here at all. We will grant you our love and 
our dwelling-place, and pasturage is near us. 

185 (191). The gazelle desired their friendship and remained 
with them. They had a shelter of trees to which they used to 
come every day, and where they assembled and diverted them- 
selves with stories and conversed. 

186 (192). Now one day the crow, the mouse, and the tor- 
toise were waiting at the shelter at their appointed time, but 
the gazelle was absent. They waited for him a while, [but he 
did not come]. 132 

187 (193). When a long time had elapsed, they feared that 
harm had befallen him. 

188 (194). They, [the mouse and the tortoise,] 133 said to the 
crow: Fly up and see if you observe the gazelle in any of those 
(misfortunes) that distress us. 

189 (195). The crow circled around and looked, and, behold, 
the gazelle was in a hunter's net. 134 

190 (198). He flew away swiftly to inform the mouse and 
the tortoise. 

i3i Text l^y DeS and Kh read \x*> ('figure, phantom'); this 
is better; cf. OS, etwa$. M. S. 

<" Supplied from deS and Kh, supported by J and OSp. (Add 1. 
I am not sure that the fullest text, as represented by deS, OSp, and J, 
is the best JC and Bdfi do not support J, but with NS come nearer 
to supporting Ch. El seems to omit in turn the initial phrase of 187. 
The two phrases, end of 186 and beginning of 187, really say the same 
thing in a slightly different way, and I am not at all sure that the fuller 
text is the better. M. S.) 

< Supplied from deS and Kh, supported by J (JC) and OSp. (OS 
and ASu agree with Ch. NS, curiously, agrees with Tantrakhyayika in 
having the tortoise alone make the request. M. S.) 

'" NS adds, 'And he descended to him, and said: Brother, who has 
caused you to fall into this net? The gazelle answered: Is it not the 
hour of death? But if you have some plan try it.' Curiously, NS is the 
only version of the K and D that in this place agrees with the Sanskrit 
texts (Sanskrit Reconstruction 196, 197). OSp and El have a lacuna here 
and put the speech of the mouse in Sanskrit 201 into the mouth of the 
crow, who in those versions, as in NS, flies down to the deer. 

246 W. Norman Brown 

191 (199). The tortoise and the crow said to the mouse: 
This situation is hopeless except for you. Therefore help our 

192 (200 202). The mouse ran quickly until he reached the 
gazelle, and said: How did you fall into this misfortune? For 
you are one of the sharp-witted. The gazelle said: 

193 (vs. 78). Is sharp wit of any avail against the predestined, 
the hidden, 135 which cannot be seen or avoided? 

194 (223). And while they were (engaged) in conversation, 
the tortoise came to them. 

195 (224, 225). The gazelle said to her: You have not done 
right in coming to us. 136 

196 (226, 227). For when the hunter comes and the mouse 
shall have finished cutting my bonds, I shall quickly outstrip 
him. The mouse has a roomy refuge among his holes, 137 and 
the crow can fly away. But you are slow and have no speed, 138 
and I am fearful of the hunter on your account. The tortoise 

197 (vs. 81). It is not considered living when one is separated 
from his friends. 139 

198 (vs. 83). For help toward the appeasing of cares and 
the consolation of the soul in misfortunes lies in the meeting 

* Accepting Cheikho's emendation of a.*.*;* J\ for A^u*J\ supported 
by OSp, encubiertas. JC says, que desuper lata est (J similar) ; NS, which 
is from above. 

136 Translation of final clause by M. S. 

137 Ch is inferior; deS and Kh, the mouse has many holes; J, la souris 
trouvera assez de cachettes et de trous (JC almost identical); OSp, el mur 
a muechas cuevas que estan por aqui. 

"a Text reads dbUX** N. Cheikho suggests ^J ^y*& V which is the 
reading of deS and Kh and conforms in meaning with J and JC. Bo- 
lufer, editor of OSp, suggests the root ^U which seems to be the source 
of the Spanish reading. 

139 J (literal translation by M. S.), an intelligent (man) does not con- 
sider that he lives after the separation of the friends; OSp, he is not con- 
sidered wise or living who separates himself from his friends; OS, Wer 
nicht mit seinen Freunden und Nachsten lebt und dennoch leben will, ist 
unvernunftig. (This OS is gained only by emendation and appears to me 
uncertain, tho I have nothing better to offer 'is without under- 
standing' holds good ; El, a man is not accounted wise who is isolated by 
separating himself from his friends; Gk, 'A/3for 6 /*6ti T> rS>v <t>i\uv 
plot. M. S.). 

A Comparative Translation of the Arabic Kdttla Wa-Dimna 247 

of a friend with a friend when each has revealed 140 to his 
companion his sorrow and his complaint. 

199 (vs. 84). When separation occurs between a trusting 
friend and his confidant, he (the friend) is robbed of his heart 
and denied his happiness and deprived of his insight. 

200 (228, 229). The tortoise had not yet finished her speech 
when the hunter came up, and at the same time as this the 
mouse finished (cutting) the snares. The gazelle escaped; the 
crow flew up; and the mouse entered the hole. 141 

201 (230, 231). When the hunter came to his snares and 
saw that they had been cut, he was astonished ; and he began 
to look around him, but he saw nothing except the tortoise. 14 * 

202 (232). He took her and bound her with the cords. 

203 (233). The gazelle, the crow, and the mouse assembled 
without delay, and they saw the hunter just as he was taking 
up the tortoise and binding her with the cords. At this their 
grief became oppressive, and the mouse said: 

204 (vs. 86). It seems that we never pass the last stage of 
one misfortune without falling into another that is worse. 

205 (vs. 86). He was right who said, ( A man does not cease 
walking firmly as long as he does not stumble; but if he stumbles 
once while walking on uneven ground, the stumbling continues 
with him, even tho he walks on even ground/ 

206 (vs. 87, 234, ?235). Verily, the fate that was mine, which 
separated me from my family, my possessions, my home, and 
my country, was not to give me my fill until it should sepa- 
rate me from all that I was living with of the companionship 
of the tortoise, 143 the best of friends, 

207 (vs. 88). whose love does not look for recompense nor 
seek a return, but whose love is a love of nobility and loyalty, 

" Text u*aS\. I accept Cheikho's emendation j**\ which is the 
reading of ms. Jos. Dcrenbourg. 

"' DeS and Kh (M. 3. adds ASu) add, and only the tortoise remained ; 
JC similar. (But J, BdB, OSp, 1, Ok, and 03 like Ch. M. 8.). 

i" DeS and Kh add, crawling along; cf. OS, wie tie ihre$ Weget tog. 

i" This translation is partly that of M. 8. I emend ^ to U as in 
de Sacy's ms. 1508 and ms. Joe. Derenbourg, which, as translated by 
M. S., say, could not be satisfied until it should separate me from at much 
at I had of the friendship of the tortoise. M. 3. rejects this emendation, 
but emends *~acc*> to 4ol*x*, and translates, . . . separate me from 
everyone with whom I lived of the companions of the tortoise. 

248 W. Norman Brown 

208 (vs. 89). a love that exceeds the affection of a parent 
for a child, 

209 (vs. 90). a love which nothing brings to an end except 

210 (vs. 92). Alas for this body, over which misfortune is 
the regent that never ceases to maintain sway and to cause 

211 (vs. 93). Nothing is permanent for it (the body) or endu- 
ring with it, just as ascendancy is not permanent with stars 
in the ascendant, nor descendancy with (stars in) the descen- 
dant; but in their revolution the ascendant never fails to become 
the descendant, and the descendant the ascendant, and the 
rising the setting, and the setting the rising. 

212 (vs. 94). This grief reminds me of my (former) griefs, 
like a wound that has healed upon which a blow falls; for 
(then) two pains come together upon him who has it the pain 
of the blow and the pain of the breaking open 144 of the wound. 145 

213 (236). Just so is he who has assuaged his wounds in the 
company of his friends, and then has been bereft of them. 

214 (237a). The crow and the gazelle said to the mouse: 
Our grief and your grief and your words, 146 tho eloquent, are 
of no avail whatever for the tortoise. Cease this, and concern 
yourself with finding (a means of) liberation for the tortoise. 
For it has been said: 

215. 'Men of valor are known only in battle, [men of] 147 
probity in business, family and child in poverty, and friends 
in adversities.' 

216 (237 b). The mouse said: I consider it a good plan, that 

i" Text reads ^U^l for which Cheikho proposes J*U^)l M. S. 
suggests with deS and Kh JUiX>\ 'which is said of wounds while 
JoU^J\ is said only of bones.' 

i J (JC), NS, and probably OSp (llaga) speak of an ulcer. In J etc. 
the ulcer is lanced by a surgeon and the patient suffers the double pain 
of the ulcer and the operation. 

u DeS reads, ... are one, but . . . This is probably correct; cf. OSp, 
Nuestro dolor e el tuyo uno es, e maguer mucho se diga ... M. S. 

"7 Supplied on the basis of deS and Kh, supported by OSp, lo fieles; 
NS, the upright wan; OS, der Redliche (emended from the Arabic, but 
emendation practically certain. J should be translated 'possessor of 
honesty', exactly equivalent to Arabic; ASu, masters (possessors) of 
lionesty; El, the trusted one; Gk, 6 5* 7rwr6j. M. S.) 

A Comparative Translation of the Arabic Kalila Wa-Dimna 249 

217 (238). you, o gazelle, shall run on until you are near the 
hunter's road, and shall lie down as tho wounded and dead. 1 ^ 

218 (239, 241a). And the crow shall alight upon you as tho 
he were about to eat you, the hunter following. Then be (keep) 
near him: And 149 

219 (240). I hope that if he observes you, he will put down 
the things he has with him his bow and his arrows, and 
the tortoise 150 and will hasten to you. 

220 (242). When he draws near you, you must flee from 
him, limping, so that his lust for you will not be lessened. 
Offer him this opportunity several times, (remaining still) until 
he comes near you. 151 Then take him away thus as far as 
you can. 152 

221 (241 b). I hope that the hunter will not return until I 
have finished cutting the cord with which the tortoise is bound, 
and we have left with the tortoise and reached our home. 

222 (243). The gazelle and the crow did this, acting in 
concert and wearying 153 the hunter for a long while. 154 Then 
he turned back. 

" Emending CX*X* (disabled) to CX~, as suggested by Bolufer, 

supported by OSp. Other versions incomplete: deS and Kb, as tho wounded; 

!S if you had received a severe wound; J, as tho near unto' death; 

. uasi mortuum. (Add BdB, als ob er tod sy; Gk, u> Kxp&r; ASu, as 

tho weary and wounded; El omits. M. S.) 

" Translation of last sentence by M. S. who remarks: Cb differs more 
or less from deS and Eh and the other versions, especially OSp, in which 
the mouse follows the hunter and it is the mouse, not the hunter, that 
observes in 219. In OS the mouse follows the hunter, but the hunter 
observes as in Ch. 

" J (JC, BdB), the net; OSp, the crossbow, the net and the tortoise] 
OS, the tortoise . . . with the bow and the net. (Add Gk, the bow and the 
quiver; ASu, deS, and Kb, the tortoise with the utensils; NS, the tortoise. 

I" DeS and Kb, until he is far from us. Offshoots of the Arabic 

>r abbreviate. 

155 Translation of this sentence by M. 8. 

> Text U*3; perhaps bettor ^o\ ('the hunter followed ...'), as 
suggested by Bolufer. This is supported by Kh and OSp (add J, with 
JO and BdB, El, NS, and ASu. M. 8.). 

DeS and Kh, 'The gazelle and the crow did what the mouse had 
told them, and the hunter came near them. The gazelle drew him on 
pretended flight until he had led him far from the mouse and the 
tortoise.' J and JC similar but shorter. 

250 W. Norman Brown 

223 (244). Meanwhile the mouse had cut the tortoise's cords r 
and they two saved themselves together. 155 

224 (246). When the hunter came, he found the cord cut; 
and he reflected on the matter of the gazelle that limped and 
the crow that seemed to he eating the gazelle and yet was not 
eating, and on the cutting of his snares 156 before this. He grew 
worried and said: This place is nothing else than a place of 
sorcerers or a place of jinns. Then he returned to the place 
from which he had come at first in search of something, without 
looking toward it. 157 

225 (247). The crow, the gazelle, the tortoise, and the mouse 
went away to their shelter safe and secure. 15 8 

226 (vs. 96). [If it happens that these creatures despite their 
smallness and weakness could effect their escape from the bonds 
of destruction time after time thru their love and loyalty and 
firmness of heart and the aid of one to the other; then men, 
who are endowed with understanding and intelligence and the 
instincts of good and evil and the gift of discrimination and 
knowledge, should much more readily unite and help one 
another .] 15 

227 (Colophon). This is the illustration of the mutual aid 
of friends. End of the Chapter of the Ringdove. 

i DeS and Kh (connected with the preceding), 'while the mouse 
busied himself -with cutting the thong until he had cut it and had escaped 
with the tortoise.' M. S. observes that the order of telling the events in 
Ch is perhaps nearer OS, while OSp also supports Ch. 

is* Text i_y?^\ J^j^b- This is corrupt but perhaps represents a 
phrase meaning 'how the deer lay down.' However, I have substituted 
the reading of deS and Kh, *XfjLa. ^ajyu^, which may be correct. 
Their sense is supported by OSp and J (JC, BdB). 

i" DeS and Kh, 'Then he returned to the place from which he had 
first come, not seeking (to take away) anything nor ever turning toward 
it.' OSp somewhat similar; JC, et dbiit in mam suam cum timore 
(essentially like J and BdB). (El, and he returned in fear and haste. 
Ch must be emended from deS to be readable, by simply inserting "^ before 
^*k and reading ^ for *&. Then Ch means exactly the same thing 
as deS '(Kh). Cf. Bolufer. M. S.). 

iss J (JC, BdB), OSp (M. S. adds NS, El, and the expanded ASu) 
insert here, The king said to the philosopher. The other versions, like the 
Sanskrit texts, omit this statement. 

1" This entire section, omitted in Ch, is supplied from deS and Kh. 
Parallels, less expanded, appear in other Arabic Mss. (see Cheikho's note) 
and in J (JC), OSp, NS, and OS. 



Sources of information 

TWENTY YEAKS AGO Dasopant Digambar was hardly more 
than a mere name in Western India. In 1902, however, that 
enthusiastic and devoted scholar, Yishvan&th Kashin&th R&j- 
wade, in one of his journeys of research, discovered at Amba 
Jogai (Mominabad) in the Haidarabad State, a branch of the 
descendants of Dasopant, possessing many manuscripts of the 
voluminous works of this poet-saint, and in addition an account 
hi< life, in manuscript, by an unknown author. Mr. RajwJUje 
mblished a short account of his discovery in the series known 

In 1904, Mr. Vinayak Laxaman Bhave, the well known 
'holar of Marathi literature (in 1919 the author of Maharashtra 
it, History of Marathi Literature) published in the series 
rn as Maharashtrakavi the Dasopant Charitra (Life of 
>pant) which had been discovered by Mr. Rajwa4e. The 
rascript of this work, and the only one known to exist, was 
x\\ 'ii to Mr. Bhave by one of Dasopant's descendants at Amba 
Jogai, SI i rid liar Avadhuta Deshpancje, the 12th in the line of 
disciplesl i ip-descent. 

In 1905 Mr. V. L. Bhave published in the Maharashtrakavi 
two chapters of Dasopant's great work, the Gltftrnava, a com- 
mentary on the Bhagavadgita, the manuscript of which bad 
been given him by Shridhar Avadhuta Deshpancje. 

In 1912 Mr. Shankar Shri Krishna Dev, of Dhulia, also an 
enthusiastic and devoted student of the Maratha Poet-Saints, 
published in the Journal of the Bharat Itihas Sanshodhak 

252 Justin E. Abbott 

Maijdal, Vol. 4, Part 1, page 10, a short note on Dasopant 
and his Marathi and Sanskrit works. 

In 1914 Mr. Dev published in the Proceedings of the Bharat 
Itihas Sanshodhak Mandal the Grantharaj of Dasopant. The 
preface contains such information regarding Dasopant as Mr. 
Dev was able to collect. 

In 1915 Mr. Y. L. Bhave published in the Journal of the 
Bharat Itihas Sanshodhak Mandal, Vol. 12, page 106, a sum- 
mary of Dasopant's Santavijaya. 1 

In 1919 Mr. Bhave published his History of Marathi Lite- 
rature (Maharashtra Sarasvat). See page 117 for his account 
of Dasopant and his works. On page 145 a facsimile of what 
is believed to be Dasopant's handwriting is given. Mr. Bhave's 
chapter on Mahipati and other historians (Mahlpati va itar 
Charitrakar), containing a reference to Dasopant, is a reprint 
with slight changes of his article printed in the Journal of 
the Bharat Itihas Sanshodhak Mandal, Vol. 12, page 108. 

Early references to Dasopant 

Mahlpati (1715 1790) in his Bhaktavijaya, written in 1762, 
Chap. 57, 178, merely mentions his name in the list of Saints. 

In the invocation to Bhaktalllamrit (written in 1774), Chap. 1, 
Dasopant is described as one who had received the blessing of 
atta (Datta anugrahi). 

In Bhaktalllamrit Chap. 22, 48 to 68, the meeting of Eknath 
and Dasopant in a forest is recorded. In chapter 22, 79 to 
101, there is an account of a visit paid by Dasopant to Eknath 
at Paithan. 

Moropant (1729 1794) in his Sanmanimala, Jewel-necklace- 
of-Saints, says: 

Dasopantin held Gitarnava mdnavd savd lakh 

Grantha parama dustara to na tayachijase na Vasavala Uha. 

Jayaramasuta, a disciple of Ramdas (1608 1681), mentions 
Dasopant in his Santamalika. See Kavyetihasasangraha, No. 24, 
Part 3, page 33. 

Girdhar, a disciple of Ramdas, in his Shri Samarthapratapa 
16, 34 mentions Gitarnava as the work of Dasopant. 

i Mr. Bhave thinks Mahipati must have been acquainted with this 
work, see page 112. 

TJie Maratha Poet-Saint Dasopant Digambar 253 

The published works of Dasopant 

Granthardj. This was printed in 1914 by Mr. 8. S. Dev of 
Dhulia from four MSS, two of which he obtained at Amba 
Jogai, and two from Yekhehal, found in the Math of Atmaram, 
the author of Shri Dasavishramadhama. These MSS are de- 
signated by Om, Shri, Ra, and Ma, and their dates Mr. Dev 
gives as 1728, 1578, 1678, 1758 respectively. The Ms Om was 
used for printing, but the variations found in Shri, Ma, and 
Ma are indicated in foot notes. In printed form the Grantha- 
ruj covers 196 pages. 2 

The Grantharaj is a philosophical work in verse, consisting 
of eight chapters (Prdkaran) put in the form of a dialogue 
between Guru and Disciple. The Disciple asks questions regar- 
ding the true meaning ofBandha (Bondage of the Soul), Moksha 
(Deliverance) and Jivanmukti (Deliverance though still living). 
The answers of the Guru are in accord with the usual Vedantic 
formulae, and are corroborated by quotations from the Brihad- 
aranyaka, Taittirlya and Chandogya Upanishads. 

Gitarnava. The two first chapters of this work were publi- 
shed by Mr. V. L. Bhave in 1905, in the Maharashtrakavi 
series. The MS was given him by Shriflhar Avadhuta Desh- 
pande of Amba Jogai. The age of the MS is not indicated. 
The Gitarnava is a commentary on the 18 chapters of the 
Bhagavadglta. Every word of the original is commented upon, 
the whole making a voluminous work, said to consist of 125,000 
verses. In the second chapter the author inserts at some length 
a story of human life and its sorrows, also an amusing story 
at considerable length, of a Brahman, who even under the 
greatest pressure refused to use Prakrit for communication, 
employing only Sanskrit 

Ddsodigambarkrit Santavijaya. Mr. Bhave, in the Journal 
of the Bharat Itihas Sanshodhak Manual, 1915, vol 12, page 
106, gives a summary of the 34 chapters of the Santavijaya, 
with its long list of Maratha Saints, beginning with Dny&nadey. 

List of published and unpublished Works 
The following list of 52 works of Dasopant in Marathi and 

Sanskrit is given by Mr. S. S. Dev. See preface to the Gran- 

tharaj, ) 

See Preface to (Jranthariti, page IS. 


Justin E. Abbott 





Prabodhodaya Purvardha 

Prabodhodaya Uttarardha 


Vakyavritti (in prose) 

Panchlkaran (written on cloth) 















Atrip anchakapradh ana yantra 





Historical Notes 

Dasopant Digambar was born in A. D. 1551 and died in 
1615. 3 He was thus the contemporary of the great Poet-Saint 
EknSth (15481609) and tradition records their meeting to- 
gether. 4 He lived during the reign of that tolerant Mohammedan 
Emperor Akbar, but under the immediate rule of the Moham- 
medan king at JBedar, Ali Barid Shah. 5 When Dasopant died 

Bhaktiraj aka vac ha 

Vaj rap anj araka vacha 



Daaa, Dvadasa, and Sata Namavali 











Gltaprab andhastotra 









3 More exactly, in Indian chronology, he was born in Shaka 1473, 
Bhadrapada, Vadya 8 and died in Shaka 1537 Magha, Vadya 6. This I 
give on the authority of Mr. VishvanSth Kashinath Rajwade. See Gran- 
thamala of 1902, also Mr. S. S. Dev in preface of Grantharaj page 2. Also 
Mr. V. L. Bhave in Maharashtra Saras vat page 117. I am unaware of 
their authority, but presume the dates were obtained locally from Daso- 
pant's descendants at Amba Jogai. 

< Mahipati in his Bhaktalllamrit, Chap. 22, 4868 and 81101. 

5 The Bands were generals in the army of the Bahmani kings at Bedar, 

The Maratha Poet-Saint Dasopant Digambar 255 

(1615), Tukaram at Dehu and Rftmdas at Jamb were boys of 
seven years of age. 

It is true of Dasopant, as of the other Maratha Poet-Saints, 
that there is very little known of his life from a strictly histo- 
rical point of view. The method that some of the biographers 
of the Maratha saints are adopting, of separating from the 
mass of tradition the miraculous, and calling that part legen- 
dary, and the balance historical, or probably historical, is mis- 
leading, and is to be rejected. With few exceptions, the plain 
fact is, that during the lifetime of these saints no eyewitness 
recorded the events of their lives. Stories were however handed 
down from generation to generation in the line of their family 
or discipleship. These traditions have in some instances been 
collected by some "lover of the Saints", and have been recorded, 
as in the case of Mahlpati in his Bhaktavijaya or Bhaktall- 
lamrit. These are not historical records in any sense. It is 
misleading to regard them as such. They may of course con- 
tain parts that are historical, but the only true course is to 
regard all as traditional, with the exception of what may in 
special instances be corroborated by outside evidence. I have 
therefore made two divisions the historical, and the traditional. 

The Historical Division 

At Amba Jogai, also known as Mominabad, in the Haidarabad 
State, there is the Samddhi, or tomb, of Dasopant Digambar. 
There are also at the same place two families claiming descent 
from Dasopant, the one called the major branch (Thorleil devghar), 
the other the minor branch (Dhdkten devghar). In the major 
branch the present representative in the line of discipleship is 
Slnidhar Avadhuta Deshpande. There is also a branch of the 
family at Bavagi near Bedar, and still another at Chandrapur 
near Nagpur. 6 All these branches are said to possess manu- 
script copies of Dasopant's works. 7 

i dynasty. All Band Shah, under whom 

Dasopant mast have lived, died in 1689. See Kincaid's Hintory of the 
Maratha People, The Bahmani Kingdom, pages 00 to 79 and 102. 

6 The family line is as follows: Digambar, Dasopant, Dattajipant, 
VishvabhSr, D&sobi, Dattaji, Devaji, Vishvambhar, Gurubora, Aradhata, 
irada, Vishvambhara. See Rajwa4e in Grantharallff under Disopant, 
and Maharashtra Sirasrat, page 119. 

' Grantharaj, page 4 of preface. Also Mahirashtrakari, Part 2, page 89. 

256 Justin E. Abbott 

It is evident from the voluminous nature of Dasopant's works, 
their contents, language, style, etc., that he was a man of lear- 
ning and of piety, and given to untiring labor. 

The question of his influence on his own and following times 
is not easy to answer. Copies of his works have been thus far 
found only with his descendants, and in the Math of Atmaram, 
the author of Shri Dasavishramadhama, at Yekhehal. His 
Gitarnava was however known to Moropant (1729 1794), and 
Mahlpati(1715 1790) relates of Dasopant's meeting Eknath on 
two occasions. His works were probably known to Ramdas. The 
evidence of this is twofold. (1) Girdhar, the disciple of Ramdas, 
in his Samarthapratapa, 8 conceives of a banquet given by Ramdas 
to authors past and present, at which the viands were their 
respective literary works. Dasopant is mentioned as guest, and 
the Gitarnava as his special contribution to the banquet: Daso 
Digambara svayanpald sovale Gfitarnavarasin sampurna jevile 
(Shri Samarthapratapa 16, 34). (2) There is a very noticeable 
similarity between some portions of Ramdas' Dasbodh and the 
Grantharaj and the Gitarnava. Compare Ramdas 7 picture of 
human life in Dasbodh (Dashak 3, Samas 1 4) with Gitarnava 
Chap. 2, 21152175, and Grantharaj Chap. 3, 55 and following 

The Traditional Division 

What is traditionally recorded ol Dasopant is found in the 
Dasopantcharitra, the work of an unknown author, printed by 
Mr. V. L. Bhave in the Maharashtrakavi series. Mr. Bhave 
states that he also came into possession of another Dasopant- 
charitra, very modern and not thought worthy of printing. 

Mahipati in his Bhaktalllamrit, Chap. 22, 4868 and 79101, 
relates the meeting of Eknath with Dasopant on two occasions. 

Doubtless many local traditions regarding Dasopant could 
be collected from his present descendants at Amba Jogai and 
other places mentioned above. 

The following is a translation of that portion of the Daso- 
pantcharitra that covers the eventful incident in Dasopant's 
early life, when in his great distress God came in the form of 

8 Shri Samarthapratapa by Girdhar, page 99; published by S. S. Dev at 
Dhulia in the Ramdas and Ramdasi series, 1912 (shaka 1834). 

The Maratha Poet-Saint Dasopant Digambar 257 

a humble servant to deliver him from the designs of the Moham- 
medan king. The remaining portion of the Dasopantcharitra 
I shall give only in summary. 

Shri Ddsopantcharitra 

(1) Obeisance to Shri Ganesh! Obeisance to Shri Saraswatl! 
Obeisance to Shri Dattatreya, the First Guru! Om! Obeisance 
to Thee, O Digambar, the Good-Guru, Joy-Innate, Ocean-of- 
Happiness ! Sun - that - drives - away - the - darkness - of- Ignorance, 
Ganesh-in-form ! Obeisance to Thee! (2) One need merely call 
on Thee, Ganapati, and all the illusion of corporeal conscious- 
ness vanishes. Thou alone appearest in all existences, the 
Inner-Soul-of-all, Merciful One! (3) Victory, Victory to Thee, 
Primal Maya, Mother- of- the-World! O Divine Moon in the 
forest of Joy! Thou who yearnest for thy worshipers! Thou- 
who-pervadest- the -Universe, Thou Joy -of -the -Universe! O 
Sharada! (4) Now let me praise my caste Deity, who at the 
mere uttering of his name manifests himself in my lotus-heart, 
and shows his love without and within; (5) Whose praises 
Vyasa and others sing, whom Brahma and the other Gods 
meditate upon, Martanda, my caste Deity. (6) When one medi- 
tates upon him in one's lotus -heart, its emotion is that of 
delight in his lotus-feet. And through it I shall certainly gain 
richness of expression. (7) Singing also with love the praises 
of my Mother and Father, who are in truth the abode of all 
the Deities, and receiving on my head their blessing, I have 
become the object of their love. (8) Now let me sing the praises 
of the good Saints who are the heavenly jewels in the ocean 
of Absence-of-Feeling. With their assurance of full success, the 
composing of this book will now proceed. (9) Dattatreya, the 
three-faced in form, the object of meditation for Brahma and 
the other gods, the inner sanctuary of the Upanishads, the in- 
M- nit able glory of the Vedas and other Scriptures, (10) He is 
my Good-Guru, His name is Shri Digambar, Giver-of-innate- 
Joy, the Inner-Soul-of-the-Animate-and-Inanimate, Lord-of-All. 
(11) Listen with joy to the story of his descent, that has taken 
place in varied forms from age to age, a story that is the 
happy quintessence of happiness. (12) He the Primal Chtru, 
King of Yoga, the Original -Seed -of -the -Universe, descended 
voluntarily in the form of man to save the world. (13) Though 

258 Justin E. Abbott 

he truly appeared man, he was not man, but Lord-of-All. It 
is His story that I wish in substance to bring to my own mind. 
(14) But the inspiration of the mind, and the enlightenment 
of the intellect is truly the Good-Guru himself. Who can sing, 
and how can one sing His praises without His aid? (15) He 
entering into speech causes it to flow by His own power. Hence, 
kind listeners, give attention now with joyful heart. 

(16) The Deshpandya of Narayanpeth, whose name was Digam- 
barraya, and whose wife's name was Parvati, stood first among 
those of good repute. (17) I know not how, in this or another 
life, they may have adored Shri Hari, but in their womb 
Avadhuta descended in the form of a son. (18) His name was 
Daso Digambar, who truly was Lord also; from whose mouth 
there issued the voluminous "Commentary on the Glta", con- 
sisting of 125,000 verses. (19) This Maharaj Dasopant, having 
the very form of Shri Datta, descended verily for the saving 
of the world into that household. (20) He whose face was full 
of smiles, long -eyed, straight -nosed, of fair complexion, his 
hands reaching to his knees, possessed of every noble quality, 
and beyond all comparison, descended into this world. (21) His 
Mother and Father, rich in their good fortune, joyfully spent 
their money and performed for him at the proper time the 
ceremonies of the sacred thread and of marriage. (22) Listen 
now with love to what happened to mother, father and son after 
the above events. 

(23) Digambarraya was the Deshasth of the five Mahals, 
Narayanpe^h and the other peths. Being a very competent 
man he was the chief official of these petlis. (24) It was the 
rule that he should despatch the whole of the revenue of that 
district to the Government at Bedar. (25) It happened, how- 
ever, in a year of failure of rain, that the Government money 
was not despatched, and he was called to Bedar. (26) The 
Bahamani king had authority over the whole country, and lived 
at Bedar, hence Digambar was called there. (27) He was in 
default by 200,000 rupees. Now listen to the story in detail of 
what happened to him. (28) They thus questioned him: "As 
there is a debit balance against you of Government money, 
how can you expect to be released without making it good?" 
(29) He replied: "It is because of failure of rain that this 
balance of Government money stands against me. Have mercy 

The Maratha Poet-Saint Dasopant Digambar 259 

therefore. I ask your forgiveness. (30) If you give me your 
assurance, I will make the effort and raise the money." The 
king listened, and replied thus: (31) "I must have the money, 
if you are to be released. Obtain some security from the people 
here, or leave your son here, and go, and send back the money.*' 
(32) Listening to the demand of his Lord, the man thought 
to himself: "How can I leave my child here and go!" (33) When 
Digambar had been brought to Bedar, his son had come with 
him, the son who was an Avatar, Dasopant Mahftraj. (34) As 
the king looked upon the boy he was greatly pleased with 
him, and said: "What a wonderful image God has made out 
of Beauty! (35) As I look at the child", he said to himself, 
"my craving is not satisfied by occasional glimpses. What a 
statue of Happiness! (36) If I had such a jewel in my house 
he would become the Lord of my realm. As I look over the 
whole animate and inanimate world I see no one equal to him. 
(37) Let all my wealth vanish, but this child I must have for 
my own." This idea came to his mind because he had no child 
of his own. (38) Still further he thought: "He looks like a 
Twice-born boy, but I see him stamped with a royal mark. 
(39) As I look at his moon-face, my chakor-eye gazes unsatisfied. 
If I can adopt him as my own son I shall place him on the 
royal throne." (40) Having determined on this plan he said 
to Digambar: u Leave your son here and go back to your home. 
(41) Make a promise of one month, and go from here quickly. 
As soon as I receive the money your son will be returned to 
you. (42) If however at the end of the month", the king con- 
tinued, "the money does not arrive, your son will be initiated 
into my caste. Know this for a certainty." (43) In conformity 
with this, the king made him give a written agreement The 
man, being helpless, gave such a writing. (44) Having given 
the document, Digambar left for his home, but with his heart 
full of anxiety. u Shall I ever see my son again?" he cried. 
(45) "How difficult of apprehension God is!" he thought "How 
can I go and leave my son! He is not my son, but my very 
life. How can I leave him here?" (46) With mind full of 
anxiety, he thought however of Shri Avadhuta. Listen, O 
pious ones, to what he said to his son. (47) tt O my son! my 
babe! How beautiful to me your body! To leave you but a 
moment seems to me like an age! (48) Burn, burn to ashes 

260 Justin E. Abbott 

my life! Burn, burn to ashes my worldly affairs! You are my 
very life, how can I leave you and go!" (49) What did the 
noble son reply? "He, the King of the Yoga, dwelling in the 
heart, is concerned with his own honor. Why do you worry? 
(50) He is our caste Deity, He will preserve me. When He, 
the Soul-of-the- World, is with me, why fear? (51) At the mere 
thought of him worldly fears fly away. By the mere thought 
of him one is united with the Only-One. By the mere thought 
of him innate joy is aroused. What are these contemptible 
things of life to Him? (52) Do not hesitate, go home. He 
will provide the money, and we shall soon meet again." (53) The 
father listened to the words of his son, and immediately started. 
Keeping the image of Avadhuta in his heart, he arrived at 
his home. (54) Compassionate listeners, hearken with deep 
respect to what happened after he had returned to his home. 
(55) Near Bedar was the shrine of Nrisiihha, called Nrisimha 
Spring. The boy went there every day for his bath. (56) The 
King had granted him an allowance of a rupee a day, to meet 
the expense of his meals at this place, but what was food to 
him! (57) He would perform his bath, and give the rupee to 
the Brahmans, himself fasting, and meditating upon the image 
of Datta. (58) That meditation, which to him was drinking 
nectar, continuing every day, made the child appear glorious 
to all. (59) All the men and women of the place looked on 
the beautiful child with tender feelings, and made their many 
observations. (60) Some said: "He is possessed indeed with 
noble qualities." Others: "The Infatuation of the G-od-of- 
Love!" Still others: "Blessed is his mother, to have given 
birth to such a son!" (61) The Brahmans said: "He is not a 
mere child. His characteristics are not those of a mere child. 
He is a perpetual Yogdbhrashta. We cannot understand 
him. (62) The money he receives for himself he gives to the 
Brahmans. We do not know whether he eats or remains 
fasting. (63) His father has gone and left him, but he is not 
troubled thereby. He is simply a mass of Glory! May Shri 
Hari protect him! (64) The Mohammedan King of this Prov- 
ince has no son, and desires to make him his son! But may 
the Husband of Uma, the Lord of Kailas, Shri Shankar, 
protect him from this." (65) Others remarked: "The Deity whom 
he worships will certainly protect him. Be assured that through 

The Maratha Poet-Saint Dasopant Digambar 261 

Him the boy will be freed. 71 (66) Thus the various classes of 
people remarked to one another, but in the boy's heart there 
was not the least concern. (67) The King, however, was 
counting the days. "How many will complete the month? 
When shall I with joy place him on the throne?" 

(68) Back in the home, however, the Mother and Father 
were in deep anxiety. Unable to raise the money by their 
efforts, they became much depressed. (69) Day by day rolled 
on, and the last day of the month arrived. The money had 
not come from the Father: but what did the child do? (70) 
He thought thus: "My birth took place with ease in the Brah- 
man caste. I am, however, in supreme perplexity. (71) In the 
8,400,000 births, attaining a human body is difficult, and attain- 
ing of birth in the Brahman caste still more difficult. (72) 
Now what is to be in reality my future condition? To whom 
shall I go for protection? Who. will preserve my Brahman- 
hood? (73) The month is gradually coming to an end. Whence 
can the money be obtained? How can I be freed? Whom can 
I meet to deliver me?" (74) While he was thus anxious in mind 
the month came to its last day. At dawn the Mohammedan 
king said to the boy: (75) "I shall certainly wait until the 
evening. If the money comes by then, I shall truly send you 
back to your Father. (76) But if the money does not come 
to-day, I shall assuredly make you a Mohammedan," (77) As 
these words, like a lightning-bolt, fell on the boy's ears, they 
pierced through his heart There was no deliverance now for 
dim except through Datta. (78) His lotus-face wilted. Tears 
of pain flowed from his eyes. His heart was overcome with 
emotion. It was all incomprehensible. (79) He thought to 
himself: "Up to now I did have hope from my Father. Now 
I see no hope. I cannot discern the future. (80) I can see 
no one to ward off this calamity but the special Deity whom 
I worship, whom Brahma and other gods meditate upon." 
(81) With this feeling in his mind, he concentrated, and placed 
his meditation at the feet of Avadhuta, crying to Him for 
help. (82) "Victory, victory to Thee, 8on-of-Atri, Home-of-Joy, 
Creator-of-Happiness, Thou whom multitudes worship. To 
whom can I now go for protection but to Thee, Shri King- 
<>ga? (83) Although Thou pervadest everything, Thou art 
without qualities, and unattached. Thy indivisible nature is 

262 Justin E. Abbott 

incomprehensible to Brahma and the other Gods. (84) Thy glory 
is incomprehensible. Wonderful are Thy acts, ever new! Thou 
All-witness, All-illuminate, Self-existent-in-form, Omnipresent! 
(85) Thou art Lord-of-All, therefore Thou art called Lord-of- 
the-World. One does not see at all in Thee the delusion of 
world-existence, so called. (86) Thou art Spotless, Changeless, 
taking form for the sake of Thy worshipers. Thou movest in 
the animate and inanimate world, O Thou-of-my-heart, Merci- 
ful-One! (87) There is no one as compassionate as Thou, no 
one so pitiful. Thou alone feelest for me tender compassion, 
O Thou Source-of-Soleness, Ocean-of-Pity! (88) Thou art the 
Non-Dual, Existence, Intelligence, Joy, Yearner-for-Thy- 
worshipers, Source-of-Innate-Joy ! Thou claimest to be the 
Protector- of- Thy-worshipers, O Digambar! (89) If Thou art 
in truth the Protector of Thy worshipers, Thou wilt to-day 
prove it true. Thou art in truth one who yearns over the 
distressed, Giver-of-Joy, Inner-Soul, Digambar! (90) My 
Father, from whose seed I was begotten, remains far away. 
Thou art the Father who art in my heart. Therefore I cry 
to Thee. (91) Thou art the Mother and Father of the Uni- 
verse. Thou art He who cares for the Universe. Thou art 
the support of the Universe. The Pervader-of-the-Universe, O 
Soul-of-the-Universe, Lord-of-All! (92) This Tiger of a Moham- 
medan seeks to swallow me whole. But by the sword of Thy 
Mercy quickly kill him, and save me, Merciful One! (93) 
This Ocean of a Mohammedan seeks to drown me, but Thou 
art my Saviour, O Holder-of-the-Helm ! Deliver me, com- 
passionate One! (94) This Death-Serpent 'of a Mohammedan 
desires to bite me, and change me into one dead, but since 
Thou in Thy form of Pure-Intelligence art the Snake-Charmer, 
what fear have I? (95) This Hand-cuff of a Mohammedan 
with extreme haste seeks to manacle me, but Thou, Mighty 
Advocate, break the hand-cuff quickly, Brother of the 
Distressed! (96) This Forest-fire of a Mohammedan seeks to 
force me into the fire, but Thou, Cloud of Compassion, rain 
and cool the fire, O Thou of Dark-form! (97) Who aside 
from Thee can protect me, a child? But Thou, Protector-of- 
the-Distressed, run, run, O Shri Avadhuta! For what extrem- 
ity art Thou waiting? (98) Whilst Thou art waiting for that 
extremity I shall certainly lose my life. So run, run quickly 

The Maratha Poet-Saint Ddsopant Dlganibar 263 

to my help and ward off the evil. (99) If a Mother should 
neglect her child, then who would care for it? Thou art truly 
my M.ther dear, take me on Thy lap. (100) As the Sun goes 
to its setting tonight my Brahmanhood will suffer loss. This 
Thou knowest, O Thou who boldest the Rod, Ocean-of-Mercy, 
Compassionate One! (101) My pure pearl of Brahmanhood 
the King would sink in a Mohammedan hole. Protect me, O 
Preserver - of-the - Distressed, Punisher - of- the -Wicked ! (102) 
AVard off, ward off this unbearable calamity, 0! O! Digam- 
bara! Aside from Thee, O Digambara, I have no one!" (103) 
A < lie thus meditated in his heart, tears flowed from his eyes. 
His face turned to every quarter. He could not think what 
more to do. 

(104) An hour only of the day now remained. The King 
could not contain himself for joy. He called the Mohammedan- 
ordained Kajis, and gave them his orders. (105) Calling 
together high and low, and many brahmans also, he put this 
question to them all. (106) tt The father of the boy made an 
agreement of a month. The month is today completed. What 
shall we now do? (107) 'If I do not send the money within 
the month, you may make him a Mohammedan.' You know 
this is the agreement made by his father. (108) I am not 
responsible for the words of this agreement. You have of 
your own accord come together this night Now what answer 
do you men and women, all here together, give to this?" 
(109) As they heard these harsh words, tears flowed from all 
eyes. All were choked with emotion, they could utter no 
words. (110) A great crowd of Brahmans was there, but no 
answer escaped their lips. With drooping faces they began 
to cry to God for His help. (Ill) "O God, Thou who hast 
a yearning for Thy worshipers! O God, Thou who carest for 
the Brahman caste, O God! Thou Great- Wave-of- Mercy, what 
a sight is this that Thou lookest upon! (112) This child is an 
ornament to the Brahman caste. This child is possessed of 
noble qualities. This child is the very life of our life. Protect 
him. protect him, Ob Compassionate-Oner (113) The child 
was now brought into the assembly. He was without bodily 
consciousness. The Soul that takes cognizance of the body had 
been summoned away in contemplation of the Only-One 
(114) His eyes remaining closed, he was imploring his Pro- 

1P JAOS 41 

264 Justin E. Abbott 

tector. This Protector was self-existent in his own heart. 
(115) He did not see men, but Janardan in man. His feelings 
found their full joy in Janardan, while in bodily unconscious- 
ness. (116) Listen with joy to what the Good-Guru, Shri 
Digambar, the Protector-of-the-Distressed, now did. 

(117) Becoming a Mahar (padewdr), a staff in his hand, 
a blanket on his shoulder, and with cash and bills of exchange 
in hand, he suddenly appeared there in their midst. (118) He 
greeted them with "Salam! Salam!" Looking all around He 
saw extreme bewilderment. He was the Supreme Being in 
reality, but none of the dull of wit recognized him. (119) "Take, 
take these bills of exchange," cried, without doubt, the Pro- 
tector-of-the-Distressed, but the cry was really this: "Preserve 
the Brahmanhood of the child." But no one recognized Him. 
(120) So again Shri Digambar exclaimed: "See here! I, a 
Mahar, have come here. Ask me why, Sirs, and I will tell 
you the reason." (121) An officer then said to him: "Well, 
where are you from? Who are you?" He replied: "I have 
come from Narayanpeth. See, I have come bringing these 
bills of exchange." (122) With these words in their ears the 
joy of all present was more than the heavens could contain. 
A flood of delight came flowing down the heart-streams of all. 
(123) Indeed what a flood of joy broke loose! What a rain- 
fall of delight! What a well of happiness was discovered! It 
was joy everywhere. (124) As when a sinking ship reaches 
the shore; as when a dying man obtains the drink that gives 
immortality, there is joy, so all there present were filled with 
joy. (125) The total eclipse that the Moon-face of every one 
had suffered through sorrow, as Demon Ketu, now ended 
through their prayer to Avadhuta. (126) The assembly of 
Brahmans now exclaimed to the child: "Blessed, blessed is 
your fortune. He whose joy is non-duality, your Caste-Lord, 
being your helper, how can there be fear? (127) Now open 
your lotus-eyes. Your Father has sent the money. He (God) 
is before you in the form of a man." (128) The moment the 
boy heard this through the door of his ear, he opened his 
eyes and looked around, and there stood before him his Caste- 
Lord in human form. (129) Tears of love flowed from the 
boy's eyes. He fell prostrate in the presence of the assembly. 
His lips were unable to utter a word for joy. He began to 

The Maratha Poet-Saint Dasapant Digambar 265 

drown in the ocean of innate joy. (130) In describing that 
joy, the hungry are satisfied. How much more others! Who 
can fully describe that joy? (131) Just as the Moon, with its 
sixteen phases, arises on the night of full-moon, so now the 
Moon-face of the boy shone forth. (132) His lotus-face, that 
had been drooping in the night of sorrow, now filled out at 
the rising of the Sun Digambar. (133) The bees of Brahmans, 
taking their honey of happiness from his lotus-face, became 
Brahma-joy and sank in the ocean of Brahma-joy. (134) The 
King now questioned the man. "Hullo! Whence are you? 
Who are you? Who sent you?" (135) He replied: tt l am 
the servant of Digambar. Regarding me as very faithful, he 
placed these bills of exchange in my hand and sent me here." 
(136) The King exclaimed: "You are a servant of how long 
standing? Tell me at once your name." 137) He replied: 
"My name is Dattaji. I am Digambar's servant from seven 
generations. You ask about my stipend? My food is all I 
ask of him. (138) He can never do without me a single mo- 
ment. In waking hours, in deep sleep, or in dreams I am 
always at his side. (139) If he leaves me for a single moment 
it seems equal to an age. But because He has sent me here 
for this child I am here. (140) Here, see, are bills of exchange 
for the balance due you. These bills are absolutely good, payable 
at sight, and in cash. (141) If you do not trust these bills 
of exchange, I have the cash with me. I will pay you abso- 
lutely in full, receive it now." (142) Thus speaking he poured 
out a pile of money. All who saw it viewed it with wonder. 
(143) The man certainly stood there until the money bad been 
counted. Was he man? He was Shri Avadhuta, My Lord, 
Shri Digambar. (144) Blessed are these fortunate people there 
assembled! Blessed the King of good repute! Blessed that 
Maharaj Child, that Avatar into this world! (145) Men wear 
themselves out tor him in Yoga, sacrifices, and the like; they 
spend a whole life going on pilgrimages to sacred waters. Very 
hard, very hard indeed for them! But can they get a reve- 
lation of Him like this? (146) Blessed is my Shri Digambar. 
Putting aside the Majesty of His Lordship, He took the form 

tof a Mah&r, and ran to the help of his worshipers. (147) He 
n whom there is no small ness or greatness, He whom the four 
Vedas have attempted in vain to describe, He whom the six 

266 Justin E. Abbott 

shastras were unequal to, and the eighteen (Purans) wholly 
fail in their attempt. (148) The majesty of whose Maya is 
Creation and the other acts; even She cannot know his phases, 
such is He, King and Lord! (149) He to whom there is no 
coming or going, who fills the whole world to its absolute 
fulness, to call him a Mahar is strange indeed! (150) He is 
in Mahar and King alike. He fills all animate and inanimate 
things, hut for his worshipers' sake he chooses from time to 
time to manifest such deeds. (151) Well, after the King had 
counted out the money he exclaimed: "Where is the Mahar? 
Give him a stamped receipt." (152) Who was the Mahar? 
Where was He? Where he manifested himself, there he 
vanished! But the King's heart was pierced at once. (153) He 
cried out: "Bun, run, where is that Mahar? My eyes are 
bursting to see him again. He seems to me to be the light 
of the eye! (154) Let this heap of money burn to ashes! 
Burn to ashes! Because of it I failed to converse with him. 
I am a mass of sin, and yet he visited me. (155) Has he 
disappeared by casting a spell on this assembly? Where could 
he have gone, escaping the vision of all here? (156) I had 
intended to give him a rich gift that would overwhelm him, 
and to send back this child in his company. (157) Search! Search 
everywhere! Where, where has he gone? Bring him quickly 
before me! I am waiting for him." (158) His servants replied: 
"He was here a moment ago, but where he has now gone, 
escaping the vision of all, we do not know." (159) He whom 
Brahma and the other Gods are unable to see, how can he 
be found by human beings? He only can have a vision of him 
who is united at his Good-Guru's feet. (160) Still, because 
the King was good, and the people there also good, Shri 
Avadhuta had given a manifestation of himself in human 
form. (161) Blessed be that City of Vidur, called Bedar! 
Here for the help of his worshipers the Supreme manifested 
himself. (162) So also to help Damajipant the Yearner-for- 
his-worshipers, Shri Jagajjefthi joyfully and hastily ran from 
Pandhari. (163) The King, in the midst of the Brahman 
assembly, gazing again and again at the child, exclaimed with 
joyful emotion: (164) "Blessed is His divine power! Blessed 
is this child! Blessed does his Caste appear! God has saved 
him from shame! (165) I must send this child back to his 

The Maratlia Poet-Saint Dasopant Digambar 267 

father. He is a mass of glory! I love him greatly." (166) The 
Brahmans from all sides now said to the King: "While medi- 
tating on God he used to fast. The money you allowed him 
he gave to the Brahmans. (167) That meditation was his food. 
By that meditation he has become free. By that meditation 
pity was aroused for him in your heart." (168) After listening 
to all the remarks, the King warmly embraced the child, and 
said: "I will richly clothe him and send him back." (169) He 
had a necklace made of the nine jewels brought, and bracelets 
and other ornaments, and many rich garments, and adorned 
the child. (170) He had a new comfortable litter brought, 
and in his joy said: "Be seated in it, in my presence." 
(171) With added pleasure he continued: "You are very dear 
to me. Leaving your Father at home, come every year to 
visit me." (172) Thus with hurried words, he gave joy to the 
lovely boy and sent him to his home. 

(173) Now let us turn to what was happening there. Mother 
and Father were in distress night and day for their son, be- 
cause they had not sent the money. (174) The Mother mourned: 
u Oh my little babe! My eyes are wasting away in not seeing 
you! When will they be filled with the sight of you? Will 
it be possible to see you again? (175) For twelve years I was 
not a moment without you. Who will now bring about a 
meeting with my child? To whom shall I go in supplication? 
(176) This separation has attacked my whole body. It is not 
separation, but wasting disease. What physician shall I suppli- 
cate? (177) This separation in the form of a horrible demon 
has completely possessed me. What exerciser shall I meet 
who will apply his supernatural powers to give me back my 
son? (178) For twelve years I nursed and cared for him! 
What a thing this King has done! How hard my fate to be 
separated from my babel (179) How is it possible to have 
my son again 1 How is it possible to greet again that image 
>t! Who will bring to my sight this very life of mine? 
(180) Let my life go, if need be, but let me meet again my 
Jewel-son." Thus speaking, her eyes were filled with tears, 
and she seemed about to die. (181) The women and men of 
tin- town and certain of her relations sought to comfort her 
in various ways, but she was unconsoled. (182) "I am a most 
unfortunate one! How can I expect to own so great a trea- 

268 Justin E. Abbott 

sure? Who has taken from me, a blind woman, my staff of 
a son? (183) What terrible sin have I committed? What 
failing has Hari-Hara seen in me? What have I failed in 
the recitation of their deeds, that I should receive this? 
(184) Or, have I insulted Sddhus or Saints? Or have I 
brought discord in the relationships of brotherhood or sonship, 
that I should have to suffer this sorrow?" (185) While she 
was thus bitterly mourning and loudly wailing, some people 
brought the welcome news: "Your son has come. (186) He 
is seated in a litter/' they said. "He is accompanied by a 
large crowd. He is in the temple outside the city-gate. He 
will soon be here at his home." (187) The Mother replied: 
"Why this jesting, when you see me in grief?" While she 
was saying this, that joy of hers came and bowed before 
her. (188) When the Mother looked up, behold it was indeed 
her son standing before her, but in her confused mind she 
said: "Am I awake, or is it a dream?" (189) Separation from 
her son had caused her bodily unconsciousness, and in the reality 
of seeing her jewel of a son, she was drowning in the sea of joy. 
(190) The Father now came running, and saw him making 
his prostrate obeisance, and standing with hands palm to palm 
in delight. (191) Streams of tears of love flowed from the eyes 
of both. They embraced with love, and kissed one another in 
their joy. (192) It seemed to them then, as when nectar is 
given to one about to die, or as when one about to drown is 
suddenly drawn out by some one. (193) The fulness of joy 
that the Mother and Father of Krishna had, when he came 
from Mathura and Gokul, these had even more. (194) Both 
began to drown in the ocean of happiness. The joy of each 
the Heavens could not contain. Their happiness they could 
not contain within themselves, but through their organs of 
sense it became broadcast. (195) When they looked up to the 
ten directions they seemed all joy. The sorrow of separation 
totally disappeared as he saw the moon -face of his son. 
(196) Then all the relatives assembled, and with them many 
mendicants, and the father gratified them all by gifts and 
honors. (197) He invited the Brahmans and the men in autho- 
rity, and gave a feast and presented gifts to Brahmans. It 
seemed (to the father) as though his son were just born again, 
(198) or as if he had just escaped from the jaws of a tiger, 

The Maratha Poet-Saint Ddsopant Digambar 269 

or as if, carried off by a serpent, he had heen dropped, or as 
if by good fortune he had drunk nectar, and come back again 
to life. (199) In bis joy he forgot even to ask the son what 
had taken place, and how he had succeeded in returning. He 
was simply dazed. (200) Things continued thus for a few days. 
Then the Father questioned his son: "How did your escape 
take place? Tell me. (201) Or did you come away without 
taking leave? For if so, there will be trouble. Tell me, my boy, 
all in detail. (202) The King is wholly avaricious. How would 
he let you go without the money? How did you get free? It 
seems all wonderful to me! (203) He was watching for the 
opportunity to make you a Mohammedan. Who had mercy on 
you and freed you? How did you obtain the palanquin and 
these other pomps? (204) What generous, benevolent person, 
an Ocean-of-mercy, could you have met who would pay the 
debt, and free you, son?" 

(205) The son listened to the words of his Father, and 
replied with a confused air: "Why, you sent the money, and 
because of it I am come. (206) You made the agreement that 
as soon as you returned home you would send the money 
within the month. As the month came to its end, listen to 
what happened. (207) On the last day, as the last hour arrived, 
I was taken into the assembly where also Brahmans had been 
summoned, and the King then said: (208) "To-day the month 
is fulfilled. I am not responsible for the words of the agreement, 
that if the money is not sent by your father I may make you 
night a Mohammedan." (209) The Brahmans listened to 
these harsh declarations, and could not think what to do or 
say. They stood silent, looking at one another, and not a word 
was able to escape their lips. (210) The faces of all drooped. 
They were choked with emotion, their eyes were filled with 
tears, they lost the power of speech. (211) How can I describe 
my condition? I had lost bodily consciousness in my fear of 
what might take place. (212) I had ceased entirely to hope 
that my eyes would again behold your feet, and so kept my 
mind on our Caste-Lord. (SI 3) The Brahmans with one accord 
were praying to the Husband of Uma: 'Run, run, to our help, 
O Husband-of-Gauri! Protect this child! (214) This child is 
absolutely without a protector, but Thou art one who yearns 
for Thy worshipers, O Protector of the weak! Run, run to 

270 Justin E. Abbott 

our help! Lord of Kailas, O Merciful-One, Shri Shankar!' 
(215) As the people were thus calling for help, what should 
happen? It will rejoice your soul to hear of it. (216) The 
Kajis were all ready in the assembly to initiate me into their 
beliefs, when most suddenly your messenger appeared. (217) He 
had his blanket on his shoulder, his complexion was that of a 
dark cloud, he looked again and again towards me, and 
exclaimed, smiling with joy: (218) 'I have come! I have come, a 
servant of Digambarraya. I am his faithful servant; hence he 
has sent all the needed money by my hand. (219) I have bills 
of exchange. If you have not confidence in them, then I will 
pour out this pile of money, and you can at once count it 
(220) Whatever is due you, take in full. I will give you 
however much money you may demand. (221) I am his mes- 
senger, and I have uncountable money. Take this at once and 
let his son go.' (222) As they heard these words of the 
messenger, their joy was more than the heavens could contain. 
It seemed to them as it would to a man who might obtain a 
life-giving potion when at the point of death. (223) All their 
lotus-faces that had drooped now blossomed out. The messenger 
was, as it were, in the form of the rising sun. (224) The 
anxiety of mind that filled me was also dissipated by the 
sun-messenger. His light spread without and within, and over- 
flowed the ten directions. (225) The King's officer said to 
him: 'Who are you? Whence have you come?' He replied: 
'I am from Narayanpeth; I have come with the money.' 
(226) Thus replying, he poured out a pile of money. All were 
astonished as they saw the money. (227) While the money 
was being counted he stood mutely by. When the avaricious 
King looked up the man was gone. (228) 'Search! Search for 
him!' cried the King, in great concern. When he was not 
found, the people said: 'He was here but a moment ago.' 

(229) In the King's heart arose a great desire to see him 
again. But no one could find him, though all looked for him. 

(230) Some said: 'Has he bewitched us and disappeared ?' Thus 
the varied classes of men made their various remarks to one 
another. (231) Even I did not see him, but he was looking at 
me with great affection. (232) While the money was being 
counted he was standing looking at me, and was saying 'Send 
him back'. (233) He seemed infinitely near to me, and it 

The Maratha Poet- Saint Dasopant Digambar 271 

seemed to me as though I should wave my offering about 
him. (234) He was my very life, or my Brahmanhood 
itself. Therefore He had come. Such was my joy! (235) 
How can I describe to you the emotions of this joy! He 
was not a messenger, but Joy itself, so it seemed to me. 
(236) The King then exclaimed: 'Blessed is your father, blessed 
his family line, true to his word, a noble jewel. 1 (237) Thus 
rejoicing, he honoured me, gave me jeweled ornaments, and 
sent me on my way. (238) He had a new easy palanquin 
brought, and had me seat myself in it in his presence. He 
spoke most kind words to me, and sent me to see you again. 
(239) And now, if I have your blessing I shall be happy for 
ever. Your feet are Joy itself." So saying, he worshiped his 

(240) When the father heard these words of his son, his 
eyes were filled with the water of love, and to what he said 
hearken, ye pious folk. (241) "How could there have been 
money with me? Who could have sent that messenger? I 
cannot understand this! Whence could the man have come? 
Who could he have been? I do not know. (242) I am abso- 
lutely without money. Whence then could I have sent the 
full amount of money? I had given up all hope of you, and 
lived overwhelmed with anxiety. (243) But blessed is my Lord 
Avadhuta, who is the Caste-deity of my Caste. It must 
sorely be He who came and freed you, my son! (244) There 
are no limits to His kindness. He is my very own, my relation, 
my inner soul, the Merciful -One! (245) I am just a sinner 
e all sinners. There is no end to my transgressions. But 
He is the Yearner- after -His -Worshipers, the Saviour- of -the- 
World, the Giver-of-Joy-to-the- World. (246) In describing whom 
the Vedas had to be dumb, the Six Shastras failed in their 
attempt, and the eighteen (purans) became dejected; how 
impossible then for others to describe Him! (247) At whose 
lotus-feet Indra and all the other Gods, becoming as bees, sip 
ith delight; (248) He who is a Bee in the lotus-mind 
o Yogi, Attributeless, Changeless, Unattached, Ever-happy, 
Pure, Indivisible, Indestructible, (249) for whom good deeds 
are done, for whom austerities are performed, for whom the 
Rajayogi wears himself out, and yet He is not discovered even 
by these. (250) Those who spend all their lives in visiting 

272 Justin E. Abbott 

sacred waters, even they do not attain Him. How is it that 
He became pleased with me, a lowly man, He who yearns for 
the lowly, the -Merciful -One! (251) He who longs for His 
worshipers, Wish-giving-Tree, All-Helper, Satisfier-of-Desires, 
Who-delights-the- Yogis -heart, Who - gives - rest -to - all-mankind ! 
(252) Because His slave fell into distress He quickly ran to 
his aid. Such is the Year ner-for-His- Worshipers, the Lord-of- 
the-Earth. What can I do to repay Him? (253) The infant 
does not serve its Mother, hut still she has compassion on it. 
So my Lord came quickly to my aid. (254) I knew not how 
to worship Him, I knew not how to sing His praises, I knew 
not at all how to call Him to my aid. (255) I am the lowest 
of the low, the greatest sinner of all sinners. My transgressions 
are truly immeasurable. I cannot understand how He should 
have mercy upon me. (256) He whom hundreds of thousands 
of worshipers ever place in the depth of their hearts, He does 
not visit even them. How then has He revealed Himself to 
me, one so lowly? (257) He who should be worshiped by the 
sixteen modes of worship, He who should be seated in the 
temple of the heart, He is my Lord, Digambar, the Protector 
of the lowly, Merciful-One! (258) Thou didst forget altogether 
the dignity of Thy Sovereignty and becamest a Mahar, and 
truly didst deliver Thy slave! (259) O my Digambar, Saviour 
of the Needy, my Digambar, Compassionate One, my 
Digambar, Remover-of-Sin, Ocean-of-Happiness, Dark-formed- 
One! (260) my Digambar, King -of -the -Yoga, Giver -of- 
Blessing-to-Atri, Helper-of-Thine-Own, Thou didst leap down 
of Thine own free choice to help, Dattatreya, Store-house- 
of-Mercy! (261) Extinguisher-of-the-fire-of-Destruction, Lover- 
of- Yogis, Willing-Nourisher-of-the-Universe, Womb-of-Intelli- 
gence, King-of-Accomplishers, Lover-of-Thine-own! Why hast 
Thou become (for me) an Ocean -of -Pity? (262) Ocean -of- 
Knowledge, Without -beginning -or -end, Nourisher-of-the-Uni- 
verse, Avadhuta, Free -from -Maya -yet -associated -with -Maya, 
Ruler of Maya, Primal-Guru! (263) Thou art truly in the form 
of Shiva, God-of-Gods, Yearner-after-the-lowly, O Digambar, 
Sovereign -of -the -World! (264) Dark- as -a -dark-cloud, Lotus- 
eyed, Remover -of -the -evil -of- the -Kaliyuga, Mine -of -Mercy, 
Beyond-cause-and-effect, Without-qualities, Spotless, Unassociat- 
ed. (265) How is it that Thou for me in my need becamest 

The Marafha Poet-Saint Ddsopant Diganibar 273 

a Mahar, O Shri Digambar? I am a transgressor! O forgive 
me this transgression, Ocean-of-Mercy! 

(266) As he thus cried aloud, love-tears streamed from his 
eyes. His eight feelings flooded him within and without; he 
trembled and perspired. (267) He lost all bodily consciousness. 
"Is it I who am speaking to my son?" All thought of self 
absolutely vanished, and he was lost in happiness. (268) After 
a moment he said to his son in his joy: "Blessed, blessed are 
you, chief of true worshipers; the Brother -of -the -Needy has 
visited you. (269) I was indeed cruel and harsh. I, seduced 
by the love of my life, left you, my boy, in the care of that 
cruel one, and returned home. (270) What kind of a Mother 
or Father am I? What kind of a Protector am I? This 
appears evident to all. Your Father is our Caste Lord. (271) He, 
the-Mother-and-Father-of-the-universe, He, the Helper-6f-His- 
Worshipers, the Protector-of-His- Worshipers, the Yearner-for- 
His- Worshipers, Giver -of- Joy -to -His -Worshipers, Deliverer- 
from-fear, Enemy-of-this-worldly-existence, (272) He it was who 
became a Mahar, and rushed to your aid as your Protector. 
There is no limit to your good fortune. You have seen that 
image! (273) One must also declare the King blessed. One 
must declare that country blessed, and blessed are its people, 
for they actually saw that image! (274) He whom Brahma and 
the other Gods find difficult of access, how came He to be 
easy of access? He the Helper -of -His -Worshipers, Lover-of- 
His- Worshipers! Wonderful are the deeds of the Lord! (275) I 
am simply outside of good fortune, I am simply filthy. How 
could I expect a sight of my Lord? (276) Blessed are you, 
Chief-Crown-Jewel-of-the-King-of- Worshipers I Blessed are you 
in the Three Worlds! Therefore you easily met Him Who- 
holds-the-rod-in-his-hand. (277) Through you I have become 
blessed. Your acquired merit of a previous birth is not a 
common one. Through you we shall be honored everywhere 
and always." 

(278) Hearing his Father thus speaking, the boy thought to 
himself: u The Son-of-Atri must have revealed himself, for my 
lowly self, this Yearner-after-the-lowly, Merciful-One! (279) I 
had thought that my Mother and Father had felt anxious for 
me, and had sent their messenger to free their son! (280) I 
was evidently freed by that messenger. I see now that all 

274 Justin E. Abbott 

these (worldly things) are of no meaning to me. (281) Those 
who gave this body of mine birth bear heavy anxiety for me. 
Under their bringing up this body has grown. (282) To think 
thus seems to me infinite foolishness. Rather should I look to 
Him who freed me. (283) He is my Mother and Father. He 
is my Sister and Brother. He is my Protector. It is to Him 
that I must look. (284) He whom I had not meditated upon, 
nor sung His praises; He whose form I had not brought to 
mind, yet who felt concern for me, to that Lord I must con- 
tinually look! (285) He who showed His power and preserved 
my Brahmanhood, He in truth is my Swami. To live without 
Him is to waste my life! (286) I have possessed this body for 
sixteen years without effort (on my part), but during it I have 
not seen the Lord -of -the -World, my Helper, my Sovereign 
King. (287) To forsake Him and live in worldly existence, 
how can it bring happiness? That Swami is my helper. Is it 
a laudable thing to live without him? (288) If for the future 
I live without him how can I expect happiness? My life will 
be spent quickly, and I may not again be born a man. (289) It 
is only after thousands of rebirths that I am possessed of this 
human body. I must make use of this happy possession. 
(290) Without the possession of a human body how can the 
seeing of Shri Datta take place? To see Shri Datta this human 
body seems to me necessary. (291) If I am born into a body 
other than human, there can be no knowledge of what my 
body is, then how can I at all possess the supreme knowledge? 
(292) The substance of that supreme knowledge is this; the 
inner meaning of all the Vedas is this the possession of Shri 
Digambar. I must obtain it! (293) To remain here at home, 
and try to acquire Him will never be possible. Home, wife, 
and so on are but forms of sorrow. (294) In association with 
them come desires and hates, and the idea of Great-Difference 
will increase. How then can I acquire Sacchidananda, my 
Swami Digambar? (295) In association with them, worldly 
existence will only increase, and I shall continually have to 
feel concern about happiness and pain. (296) Worldly existence 
is the jaw-of-death itself. Many have fallen into it. Even 
Brahma and the other Grods knew not their end! What indeed 
can it be? (297) Whence have we come, whither are we to 
go? Who am I? What is my condition? How am I to 

The Maratha Poet-Saint Dasopant Digambar 275 

support wife and child and so on? (298) These form our snares, 
association with them is our snare, hard to avoid. To give 
them up is the easy way to escape from them. (299) Burn up, 
burn up association with them. Burn up, burn up all bodily 
consciousness. In association with them I shall never find rest 
(300) Association with them is even worse than would be the 
state of a poor wretch who sought to make his bed on living 
coals! (301) If I say they are Mother and Father, and there- 
fore I must now care for them, when their Mother and Father 
passed into the next world who cared for them there? 

(302) Janardan is in this whole world. He is All in All. Who 
then is anyone's cherisher? Who then is anyone's supporter? 

(303) Whatever being comes to birth, it happens to him accor- 
ding to his Karma. He cannot find liberation until he reaps 
the result (of Karma). Such is the flow of birth and death. 

(304) Why should a seeing man leap into a fire plainly before 
him? It would bring him to hopelessness. What of happiness 
does he lack? (305) The door to the acquisition of happiness 
is this birth into a human body. Shall I reject this happiness 
and continually concern myself with bodily and household 
affairs? (306) No! No longer let this be my concern, but let 
it be how I may attain to Shri Avadhuta. I must devote 
myself to the certain attaining of him. (307) Through whom 
may come about the meeting with Digambara, at His feet I 
will make great haste and place my forehead." (308) After 
thinking thus, what did Dasopant do, the royal image (of the 
I M vine)? He who descended to this earth an avatar? He said to 
himself: (309) u lf I inform my Mother 'and Father of this, 
and they refuse consent, and I remain with them, how will it 
be possible to meet Avadhuta?" (310) So what did this chief- 

1-of-worshipers plan and carry out 9 Be gracious to me, 
a lowly man. Oh listen and hear! 

(311) He had heard the story that had come down from 
mouth to mouth, from father to SOD, that at M&tapur in the 
Sahyadri mountains Shri Digambar dwelt (312) He said t<> 
himself: "Unless I go there I shall not meet with the Son-of- 
Atri. I will go at once without letting any one know." 
) Thus determining, and fixing his thought on the feet of 
Digambar, this chief-jewel-among- worshipers, Maharaj Dftsopant, 
started on his way. 

276 Justin E. Abbott 

Summary of verses 314 to 778 

With his mind absorbed in the contemplation of Dattatreya, 
Dasopant continued on his way. He first came to the town 
of Hilalpur. The kulkarni of Hilalpur and Dokolgi, named 
Krishnajipant, was sitting in the shade of a tree when Daso- 
pant came by. To Krishnajipant he seemed the very image of 
Avadhuta, God himself. He fell at his feet and embraced him, 
urging him to come to his house. Dasopant pleaded that duty 
called him onward, and continued his journey. 

He next reached Premapur, and worshiped in the temple 
there. Further on he arrived at Nandigram, also called Nanded, 
where the GS-autami river flowed. Here he bathed and per- 
formed religious rites. For food he lived on whatever was 
given to him. His meat and drink were contemplation of 
Avadhuta. The people here were curious about him and asked 
him questions. "Where does your father live?" He replied: 
"Avadhuta is my mother and father, my protector. I have no 
one but him." Continuing on his way he now came to Ganga- 
pur and began climbing the mountain to Matapur, the original 
seat of Avadhuta. Full of joy and love he entered first the 
temple of Amba, worshiping and praying that she would help 
him to meet Avadhuta. He remained here five days, and then 
ascended the higher spurs of the mountain, stopping by the 
way at the temple of Anasuya. Finally he reached the shrine 
of Digambar, his caste Deity. People wondered at him, and 
asked about his parentage. He replied: "God is my Mother 
and Father, my Sister and Brother. I have no one but him." 
For twelve years he sojourned here. Avadhuta at last appeared 
to him in a dream and said: "Go down from here to Rak- 
shasabhuvan, on the banks of the Ganga, where are my padukas. 
There perform austerities and I will easily be seen by you." 
In obedience to this dream he journeyed down to Rakshasa- 
bhuvan, on the banks of the Godavarl. Here, on the sands of 
the river by the padukas of Digambar, he began his austerities. 
He continued these for twelve years, when finally Digambar 
manifested himself to him, and with his six arms embraced 
him, each addressing the other in words of love and praise. 9 

The only known manuscript of this work ends abruptly here. Presu- 
mably the lost portion completes the narrative of DSsopant's life. 

The Maratha Poet-Saint Dasopant Digambar 277 

The following is a translation of the two incidents in the 
life of Dasopant told by Mahlpati in his Bhaktalllamrit. 

BhaktaUlamnt 22, 4865 

(48) As Eknath journeyed on, his heart always full of joy, 
he unexpectedly met Dasopant in his path. (49) From child- 
hood Dasopant had cherished the desire for a visible mani- 
festation of Shri Dattatreya. He had therefore undertaken 
severe austerities in this loving desire. (50) You may ask how 
he performed them. Listen, ye fortunate hearers. He abandoned 
all his friends and went alone into the forest. (51) He lived 
on fallen leaves. He took not the least care of his body. He 
slept on the bare rock, enduring cold and heat. (52) If any 
human being unexpectedly appeared he would run away from 
him. Without ceasing he kept Shri Dattatreya in his mind. 
(53) From these austerities, lovingly carried on, he finally lost 
bodily consciousness, and because he lay on rocks his body was 
covered with sores. (54) For twenty years he carried on 
austerities in this way; then finally Dattatreya gave him a 
visible manifestation of himself. (65) As Dattatreya embraced 
him, his body became divine, and through the blessing bestowed 
upon him he became a prolific poet. (56) And through the 
grace of the Sadguru, and his good fortune, there came to 
him great wealth, and the respect of great men, as they 
recognized his great intelligence. 

) Dasopant had placed his abode in Amba Jogai. He 
had heard of Shri Eknath's good fame from everyone's lips. 
(58) As Eknath was returning from the supreme pilgrimage 
(Benares), the two unexpectedly met They embraced one 
another with great joy in their hearts. (59) They embraced 
one another's feet. They conversed together about their joy and 
happiness. Eknath, full of joy, said to Dasopant: "This is a 
fortunate meeting." (60) After much solicitation Dasopant took 
Eknath to his home. Waves of joy and happiness arose in 
his soul, and with pure reverence he paid him respect 
(61) They dined on daintily cooked food. Then came the 
listening to the reading of the Bhagavat, and at night Hari 
f ans took place, that deeply moved all as they listened. 

(62) A month thus passed, and then Eknath asked leave to 
go on. Dasopant pleaded with him to accept horses and money 

278 Jmtin E. Alibott 

for the journey and its expenses. (63) Shri Eknath, however, 
had a mind indifferent to worldly things, and would take none 
of Dasopant's wealth. Nor would he even take a horse, "be- 
cause," said he, "the way is difficult." (64) In leaving, Eknath 
said to Dasopant: "I am to celebrate at my home the festival 
of the birthday of Krishna. At that time come to the sacred 
city of Pratishthana." (65) "I certainly will come," he replied. 
They made one another namasMra. Shri Eknath hastened 
on his journey, and arrived at the sacred city of Pratishthana. 

BhaktaUlamrit 22, 79101 

(79) Two months passed in this way, and then came the 
festival of Krishna's birth. Uddhava, according to his custom, 
began to make all the necessary preparations. (80) He col- 
lected in the house an abundance of things needed to gratify 
the taste. He besmeared the walls within and without, and 
painted pictures upon them. (81) Suddenly, on the day of 
full moon, Dasopant arrived for the festival. Eknath had not 
heard that he had arrived, when unexpectedly he appeared 
at the main door. (82) A strange sight was now seen. Shri 
Datta, with his trident in his hands, stood watching at the 
entrance, as a doorkeeper. (83) Dasopant saw him, and was 
supremely amazed. He leaped from his palanquin and made 
a sashtanga namaskara. (84) He embraced Datta and ex- 
claimed: "Why have you come here?" The Son of Anasuya 
listened to the question, and replied: (85) "Eknath is not a 
human bhakta, but a visible avatar of Shri Pandurang. For 
the salvation of the world he has become an avatar in this 
Kali Yuga. (86) Only if by good fortune there exists the 
richness of a punya, performed in a former birth, can one have 
the opportunity of serving him. Know this fact for a truth. 
(87) I hold this trident in my hand, and guard securely the 
door. I will go in and inform Eknath of your presence. Until 
then, do not enter in." (88) As Avadhuta thus spoke Daso- 
pant was overcome with astonishment, and extolling Shri Nath's 
glory said: "I did not recognize his extraordinary greatness."" 
(89) Shri Datta informed Eknath that Dasopant had come to 
see him, and lovingly made him a namaskara. (90) They fell 
at each other's feet, and embraced one another. Eknath 
then took Dasopant by the hand, and led him into the house. 

The Maratha Poet-Saint Ddsopant Digambar 279 

(91) Uddhava made the proper arrangements for all the palan- 
quins and carriages. He gave the men the materials and the 
necessities for cooking. Nothing was lacking. (92) Formerly 
in the time of Shri Krishna's avatarship Uddhava was greatly 
loved by the God. The desire of Uddhava to serve the God 
was not then folly satisfied, hut that desire he was now having 
satisfied. (93) In the former birth there was the relationship 
of debtor, and so now the opportunity arrived for the unselfish 
service of Eknath. (94) Dasopant performed his bath, and 
finished his meal with Eknath. All night he sat listening to 
the Hari Kirtan, until the sun began to rise. (95) He then 
perfumed the image of Pandurang, anointed him and worshiped 
him with the various ceremonies, experiencing the while loving 
joy. (96) Festal instruments were played at the door. Festal 
invocations were sung. The Brahmans recited aloud from the 
Vedas, and finally handfuls of flowers were offered. (97) The 
days were spent in giving gifts to Brahmans, the nights in 
Hari Kirtans. From the first day of the fortnight to the 
ith, the festival was at its full. (98) On the tenth, the 
>palakala was excellently dramatized. Dasopant saw it all 
ith joy in his heart, (99) and exclaimed: "I have seen with 
own eyes the unprecedented, gracious voice of Shri Eknath, 
his make-up, his dramatic power, and his mine of philosophic 
knowledge. (100) I thought myself to be a worshiper of Datta 
in visible form, but since seeing the glory of Eknath with my 
eyes, I have become one -who -recognizes -no -difference." 
L01) The great festival being ended, there was feasting on 
twelfth day. Dasopant then took his leave, and returned 
his own home. 



WHILE THE FIRST HALF of this verse presents some difficulty 
from the etymological and grammatical point of view, the 
rendering of the passage is almost uniformly the same on the 
part of all interpreters, rabbinical and modern. The poet prays 
that the wicked might dissolve like a snail dissolving in the 
slime; literally "which passes away into dissolution.' 7 A craw- 
ling snail or slug leaves a trail of slime, and this was popu- 
larly regarded as a gradual dissolution of its body. Snails, 
both of the so-called naked variety (e. g. Umax) and of the 
shell variety (e. g. helix), were common in the Mediterranean 
regions. Of the older authorities, Rashi (1040 1105) translates 
sdblul as Umax and regards the word as coming from the same 
root from which the noun sMolet is formed, namely Sdbal, 
meaning "to flow." Altschul (1650) in his Mesudot David speaks 
of the snail as "melting in the sun." Ibn Ezra (10421167) 
gives the same etymology as Eashi. Of the more modern 
Jewish commentators, Malbim remarks that the snail is stimu- 
lated to secrete slime when it is touched. S. R. Hirsch regards 
sdblul as related to sebll, "a path", with reference to the slimy 
track left by the crawling mollusc. Alshech (1550), in his 
Romemot El, gives a similar rendition. Professor Haupt takes 
the word sdblul to come from balal (hence Aramaic tiblala), 
"pour out" or "moisten". The word temes is explained by 
general consensus from the root masas, "melt" or "dissolve", 
and on the side of form, as a noun. All commentators are 
agreed that the psalmist is referring to the apparent dissolution 
of the snail during its progress. The present author wishes to 
suggest a new and somewhat interesting interpretation which 
equally well or even better fits into the context and also 
throws some light on obscure passages in rabbinical literature. 

A Pharmacological Note on Psalm 589 281 

Bodecker and Troschel in 1854 (Ber. Akad. Wiss., p. 468) 
discovered that the secretion of various snails contains a large 
amount of acid. These investigators examined in particular 
the species of snail, Dolium Galea, and found that it secreted 
sulphuric acid. These observations have been corroborated by 
other investigators, notably by Paola Pancheri ("Gli organi e 
la secrezione del Acido Solforico nei Gastropodi", Napoli, 1869. 
Mem. estr. dal Vol. 4 degli Atti ddla reale academia dette 
scienze fisiche e matematiche). Recently the whole subject of 
acid secretion by snails has been investigated very carefully, 
from both the anatomical and the physiological point of view, 
by K. Schonlein ("Uber Sauresecretion bei Schnecken", Zeit. 
f. Biol, 36, 1898, 523) and by F. N. Schulz ("Beitrage zur 
Kenntnis der Anatomie und Physiol. einiger Saureschnecken", 
Zeit. f. allgemeine Physiol V, 1905, 206). Schulz, who has 
written the most important monograph on the subject, studied 
in particular the naked snail, Pleurobrancliaea Meckdii, but 
also examined various other naked as well as shell-bearing 
varieties, namely, Oscanius Membranaceus, Oscanius Tuber- 
culatus, Cassidaria Echinofora, a shell snail very much like the 
common garden variety (Hdix Pomatia), Dolium Galea, Murex 
Trunculus and Murex Brandaris. All of these snails were 
found to secrete sulphuric acid. It was found that the very 
acid slime secreted by various snails is produced by special 
glands, tubular in structure. The amount of acid secreted is 
something extraordinary and serves to emphasize the old adage 
that microscopic and other small creatures are really more 
wonderful in their structure than large ones. It has been 
estimated that the amount of sulphuric acid secreted by Dolium 
Galea is at least 3/ and sometimes more. Compare with this 
th< acidity of gastric juice in higher animals. According to 
Pawlow, estimates of the maximum acidity in the human 
stomach range between 0.2 0.3% free hydrochloric acid, while 
the acidity of the gastric juice of the dog yaries from 0.46 to 
0.56 / . The sulphur required to produce this amount of acid 
comes partly through a breaking down of the protoplasm itself 
and partly from salts ingested by the animal. The biological 
significance of this secretion is probably chiefly of a defensive 
but possibly also in part of an aggressive character. 

In view of these remarkable pharmacological findings in 

282 David I. Macht 

regard to the slimy secretions of snails, the scriptural passage 
under consideration admits of a new and very appropriate 
interpretation. The expression "dissolving snail" need not be 
rendered, as has been done by all interpreters, intransitively, 
referring to the apparent dissolution of the snail itself during 
its progress. The word temes may just as appropriately be 
rendered in the transitive sense, in which case the idea expressed 
is not figurative at all but an actual fact. The snail does 
actually dissolve or destroy marble, or limestone, or whatever 
other substratum it may crawl over by virtue of the highly 
acid content of its slimy secretion. The metaphor therefore 
may be taken to express the prayer of the Psalmist not only 
that the wicked may pass into dissolution as a snail appears 
to do, but that they may perish and dissolve themselves into 
nothingness because of the destruction that they spread along 
their path. 

Such a translation certainly agrees better with the Targum. 
We read, Hejc zahel tibldld de-ma 'es orheh, "Like the snail that 
crawleth and melteth (corrodes) its path." Furthermore, this 
transitive meaning of the word temes serves to explain an 
otherwise obscure passage in the Talmud. In Sabbath 77 b we 
read that the Lord created the snail for the Jcatit (bara sablul 
le-katit). The rabbinical commentators render the word katit 
as "scab". It is very plausible to assume that the snail's secre- 
tion may act favorably as a caustic in softening scabs and 
other thickenings of the skin. Acids are used by physicians 
for destroying granulations and other superfluous growths. In 
fact, an examination of the old pharmacopoeias reveals that 
snails have been used for that purpose. In the Thesaurus 
Pharmacologicus of Johannes Schroeder, 1672, a liquor limacum, 
or snail juice, is mentioned, of which the following is stated: 

"Rubri limaces concisi misceantur cum pari pondere Sal. communis, 
conjicianturque in manicam Hipp, ut in cella defluant in liquorem, quo 
dolentes partes podagricae illinuntur, & verrucae scalpello prius abrasae 
facile averruncantur." 

And again in the London Dispensatory of William Salmon, 
1702, we read on page 260 of a liquor coMearum that "it is 
good to anoint with in the gout, and it takes away corns 
and warts." 

Zwelfer in his Pharmacopoeia, 1572, gives directions for an 

A Pharmacological Note on Psalm 58 9 283 

external application in skin conditions which contains the 
following ingredients: 

Cerussae albae 

Succi limionis 


Album ovarum 






These older pharmacopoeias, of course, for the most part copy 
their information from more ancient authorities, especially Pliny. 
Pliny mentions the medicinal uses of snails or cochleae repea- 
tedly in his Natural History, especially in Book 30. Among 
other indications for the administration of snail preparations 
he speaks of podagra or gout (chapter 9, line 43) and "contra 
macidas faciei" or various blemishes of the face (chapter 4). 
References to medicinal uses of snails we find even in the 
later English dispensatories. Thus James, in his Dispensatory, 
London 1747, page 517, states that "the liquor is used to 
anoint the parts affected with gout and to extirpate warts, 
being first scraped with a penknife. It also cures prolapsus 
or falling down of the anus". Even Cullen in his Materia 
Medico, 1789, speaks of the medicinal virtue of snails. 

Perhaps the most interesting account of snails from a zoo- 
logical as well as a medical point of view is found in the long 
treatise of the medieval writer on natural history, Ulysses 
Aldrovandus. In his great work on natural history, Bonn, 
1606, volume 9, book 3, he gives a long dissertation de testaceis, 
in which he discusses various snails. Thus Book 3, chapter 29, 
contains 21 folio pages on the subject of snails. The etymology 
of the names in different languages, the morphological descrip- 
tion, the geographical distribution, the embryology and repro- 
duction, the literary allusions, the symbolism, and the uses of 
snails as foods and medicines are minutely described. In chapters 
30 to 39 various species and varieties are distinguished and 
the book contains many very valuable and beautiful wood-cuts 
of which one is here reproduced. Aldrovandus describes nume- 
rous pathological conditions for which snails or snail extracts 

284 David I. Macht 

and secretion have been employed. Here again the application 
of snail juice for the removal of warts and callosities occupies 
a prominent place. Quoting from book 3, chapter 29, page 386, 
we read, "Adamus Lonicerus scribit de stillata e limacibus 
Maio vel Octobrio mense aqua, clavum refectu, si instilletur, 
sanare ; manuumque verrucas purgare ; et ferrum in ea extinctum 
chalybis induere duritiam tradi. Et Gualther Ryffius verrucas 
et clavos percidi primum jubet, quoad eius fieri commode potest, 
deinde linteum hoc liquore madidum imponi." (Adamus Loni- 
cerus writes concerning water which is distilled from snails in 
the month of May or October, that it cures a tumor by 
refreshing it, if it is instilled, and that it purges warts of the 
hands, and that it is handed down in tradition that iron cooled 
in this puts on the hardness of steel. And Gualther Ryffius 
orders warts and tumors to be cut through first, as far as can 
be done properly, then that a linen cloth wet with this liquid 
be laid on.) 

The pharmaceutical history of snails is thus but another 
illustration among many of the popular and empirical uses of 
various substances which have in the light of modern science 
at least a modicum of rational support. 

Cochlea ex man Sannatico 



THE BELIEF that a Christian Empire existed somewhere in 
Asia as a foil and balance to the Holy Eoman Empire of the 
West was long current in Europe. It commenced in the twelfth 
century and continued in varying forms until the scientific 
exploration of Asia had rendered untenable any such theory. 
And why should this idea not have been held? It was hard 
to believe that Christianity had never taken firm root outside 
the range of classical culture. To the East there had been 
the great Nestorian Church with its centre at Edessa; and 
though heretical, it might have flourished and given effective 
aid to Christendom during the dark days when Islam was 
widening its boundaries and encroaching on the Western World. 

In addition to this desire for material aid in the struggle 
against the unbeliever, Christians seemed to be influenced by 
the teaching of the Church. "From the East light; from the 
East the Saviour." This promise fulfilled in the spread of 
Christianity into Europe might indicate that somewhere to the 
East still remained a pure and holy pattern of the Faith. 

This idea took fast hold in Russia and after the disorders 
of the seventeenth century, the Old Believers regarded the 
entire Russian Church as apostate and turned eagerly to the 
East to recover the lost hierarchy. For this purpose their 
agents travelled far and wide to see if they could not find 
some bishop who had maintained the Old Faith before the 
days of Nikon. How far deliberate fraud entered into the 
reports which were brought back we cannot determine but 
many of the agents returned with tidings of success. Others, 
more sincere, never returned, perishing in the wilderness and 
deserts of the heart of Asia. Still others tried to follow in the 

Pr ester John and Japan 287 

steps of those heroes, and to supply the demand there came 
into existence a series of guides to aid the pilgrims in their 
quest of the promised land. 

The following description of this Eastern Paradise may be 
of interest. It is published in Melnikov, Polnoye Sobraniye 
Sochinenii, VoL VII 2 , p. 23. with the title, "The Wanderer or 
route to the Kingdom of Oponia, written by a returned tra- 
veller, the monk Marko of the Topozersky Monastery, who 
had been in the kingdom of Oponia. His route/' Then comes 
the text. "The route or wanderer. From Moscow to Kazan, 
from Kazan to Ekaterinburg and to Tyumen, to Kamenogorsk, 
to the village Vybernum, to Izbensk, up the river Katunya to 
Krasnoyarsk, to the village Ustyuba, where one is to inquire 
for the hospitable Petr Kirillov. Near this place are many 
secret caves, and a little beyond are snow-capped mountains 
for three hundred versts, and the snow on these mountains 
never melts. Beyond these mountains is the village Ummenska 
(in another manuscript Ustmenska) and in it is a chapel; a 
monk, the anchorite losif. From this there is a route by the 
Chinese realm, requiring 44 days, across Guban (Gobi?), then 
to the kingdom of Oponia. There the inhabitants have a home 
in the confines of the ocean, called Byelovodiye. 1 There the 
people live on seventy islands, some of then 500 versts in 
length, and the small islands cannot be counted. The life of 
the people there is known to the devout members of the old 
rite of the Catholic and Apostolic Church. I assert this truly, 
for I was there, I the sinful and unworthy monk Marko \\ith 
two other monks. We sought with great eagerness and zeal 
in the Eastern lands the old Rite of the Orthodox hierarchy, 
which is very necessary to salvation, with the help of God, and 
we found 179 churches of the Assyrian tongue; they have an 
Orthodox patriarch, of the line of Antioch, and four metro- 
politans. And as many as forty Russian churches there have 
also a metropolitan and bishops, of the Assyrian succession. 
From the persecutions of Roman heretics much people has 
come by boat through the Arctic Ocean and by land. God is 
filling this place. If any one doubts, I will call God to wit- 
ness: the holy Sacrifice will be offered until the second coming 

White Wateri. 

288 Clarence Augustus Manning 

of Christ. In this place they receive those who come from 
Russia in the first rank. 2 They baptize always with triple 
immersion those who wish to remain to the end of their lives. 
The two monks who were with me resolved to stay there 
forever; they received holy Baptism. And they say: 'You have 
all been polluted by great and diverse heresies of Antichrist, 
for it is written: Come from out of the midst of these dishon- 
orable men and do not touch them, the serpent pursuing the 
woman; he cannot touch the woman who is hidden in the 
crevice of the earth.' 3 In these places there are no deeds of 
violence or robberies or other deeds contrary to the law. They 
have no secular government; the spiritual authorities govern 
the people and all men. There are trees equal in height to 
the highest trees. In winter there are unusual frosts with 
crevices in the earth. And there are thunders with no small 
shaking of the earth. And there are all the fruits of the 
earth; grapes and wheat grow there. And in the 'Swedish 
Pilgrim' it is said that there is no limit to their gold and 
silver, precious stones and very costly beads. And these people 
of Oponia admit no one into their land and they have war 
with no one; their country is isolated. In China there is a 
wonderful city, such as nowhere else on the whole earth. Their 
first capital is Kaban." 

This seems to indicate a direct road to the East and has 
therefore a certain geographical basis. Another version (Ander- 
son, Staroobryadchestvo i Sektantstvo, p. 174) is quite different. 
It commences in the same way but from Ekaterinburg the 
road passes to Tomsk, Barnaul, the River Katurnya and Krasny 
Yad. Then the pilgrim goes to the village of Aka and then 
to the village of Ustba, where there is the chapel of Petr 
Kirillov. He then goes to Alam (Elam?) from which point he 
can see the Snow Mountains which extend for three hundred 
versts. He then comes to Damascus where there is a chapel 
with the monk Ivan (or John). He then takes a forty day 
trip to the Kirzhissi (Kirghiz) and in four days more he comes 
to Tatania and then to Oponia in Byelovodiye. Here there 
are one hundred islands, dark forests and high mountains and 

* As heretics who are to be rebaptized. 
3 Revelation XII. 

Prester John and Japan 289 

there are no barbarians and "if all the Chinese were Christian, 
no one would ever perish." 

It will at once be noted that this route is far less possible 
geographically. The pilgrim starts for the East and then in 
some mysterious way is back in Arabia and makes his way 
through the steppes of southern Asia to an island Oponia 
which is perhaps nearer to India or central Asia than it is 
to the Pacific Islands. 

At different times during the nineteenth century, groups 01 
sectarians set out in search of this happy land (cf. Melnikov, 
op. cit. p. 24 note). Impostors found a fruitful field of operations 
in pretending that they were clergy of the Oponian Church 
visiting in Russia. Among these we may mention "Bishop" 
Arkady of Byelovodiye, who appeared at the very end of the 
century with letters from the humble Melety, Patriarch of the 
Slavonic-Byelovodiye, Kambay, Japan, Indostan, India, Anglo- 
India, Ost-India (East India?) and Yust-India, and Fest-India 
(West India?) and Africa, and America, and the land of 
TChili (Chili?) and the lands of Magelan, and Brazil, and 
Abyssinia. Among other ecclesiastics who were connected with 
this see were the humble Vasily, Metropolitan of the City of 
New York, and Zakhary, Bishop of Ameyan (Amiens) a city 
in Galia (Gaul), and Simeon, Bishop of Altorf not far from 
the Mountain Gothard. (Khokhlov, Journey of the Ural Cossack* 
to the Kingdom of Byelovodiye, with introduction by V. G. 
Korolenko, p. 8f.) We need merely add that this modest man 
had apparently studied foreign names to good effect 

There seems to be little doubt that this mysterious Byelo- 
vodiye and Oponia with its countless islands, its mountain 
peaks, and its isolated character, is Japan. So most scholars 
have assumed and Conybeare (Russian Dissenters , p. Ill) 
definitely regards the work of Mark or Marko as of the 
eighteenth century. This may be rather doubtful, since it would 
be questionable as to when the Russians first became acquainted 
with Japan. It is more interesting to ask exactly why and 
how the Russians came to assume that Japan was the home 
of Russian Old Believers. 

Conybeare (op. cit.) assumes that we have here a reflection 
of the mission of St. Francis Xavier to Japan. He had gone 
there in 1549 and had established a native Church, but this 

290 Clarence Augustus Manning 

was wiped out by persecution in 1640, although a considerable 
number of Christians remained and secretly handed down their 
faith by lay baptism. It would be interesting irony if this were 
correct. The idea that the Old Believers constantly attacking 
the Orthodox Church for making peace with the Western 
world were finding their ideal in a Western mission in the 
East would be most remarkable. Of course some tale of this 
mission might have penetrated the Archangel district where 
Marko lived, but this is unlikely. The mission of St. Francis 
Xavier had been officially and practically lost a century before 
and we should seek for some other explanation. 

Korolenko (Khokhlov, op. dt. p. 6) suggests that Marko is 
simply a Russianized form of Marco Polo, the Italian traveller 
who visited China in the thirteenth century. The strange 
adventures of such a wanderer might again drift into Russia 
under an unrecognizable form but one which appealed to the 
people. In the wilds of northern Russia this meant a form 
available for the Old Believers and those sectarians who were 
seeking the true Faith somewhere in the East. 

It may be objected that the reference to Roman persecutions 
would automatically exclude both of these hypotheses. Not so, 
for Nikon who was trying to bring the Orthodox Church into 
line with the usages of the Greeks was roundly denounced as 
a Rornanizer by his foes and he might well have been the 
persecutor referred to. Despite this, however, there remains one 
source which was still more available for the sectarians. 

Apparently the first Japanese to come to Russia was one 
Denbey, who was found on Kamchatka by explorers in 16978 
and sent to Petersburg where he arrived about 1701. Peter 
the Great used him to open a school for the study of the 
Japanese language. He was however called an Indian. (N. N. 
Ogloblin, "The First Japanese in Russia", Russkaya Starina, 
Oct. 1891, p. 11). 

India had long been known to the Russians as a Christian 
country. The tyliny handed down for centuries by oral tra- 
dition in the swamps of the north and the Archangel and 
Perm provinces told how Dyuk Stepanovich came from India 
the Rich to vist Fair Sun Vladimir. He appears as a beautiful 
young bogatyr or hero of enormous wealth and enters into 
competition with all the richest members of Vladimir's court 

Pr ester John and Japan 291 

as Churilo Plenkovich the Fop. The home of Dyuk is some- 
times Volynia and sometines India the Rich. 

This special bylina is strongly influenced by the Tale of 
the Indian Kingdom, a prose letter written by the Tsar-Priest 
John to the Emperor Manuel of Constantinople (Porfirev, 
Isioriya russkoy slovesnosti, Vol. I, p. 232). This letter was 
widely spread among the Western nations of Europe and in 
a Latin version is printed by Zarncke ("Der Priester Johannes", 
in Abhandlungen der sachsischen Gesettschaft der Wissenschaften, 
phil-hist. Klasse, VoL VII, p. 872 ft). 

We may be able to date with some degree of accuracy the 
appearance of this legend in Russia. The Ipatyevsky Chronicle 
tells that in 1165 the Tsarevich Andronikos, a foe of Manuel 
Comnenos of Constantinople, sought refuge at the court of 
Yaroslav Osmomysl of GaLich. Manuel was at this time much 
interested in placing Stefan on the throne of Hungary, and 
the combination of Andronikos and Yaroslav threatened the 
success of this scheme. It is very likely that the Tale of the 
Indian Kingdom was introduced at this period by Andronikos 
in order to persuade the Russians that Manuel was not the 
most powerful ruler in the whole world, since the Priest-King 
of India far excelled him in wealth and power. Manuel failed 
in his intrigues and ultimately became reconciled to Andro- 
nikos, who returned to Constantinople, but the legend once 
introduced remained alive. (Keltuyala, Kurs istorii russkoy 
literatury, Vol. I, Part 1, p. 991.) 

There are several details which show the striking similarity 
existing between the bylina and the tale. Thus Vladimir in 
answer to the boasts of Dyuk Stepanovich sends envoys to 
India the Rich to measure and list the wealth of the Asiatic 
ruler. As they enter the court, they greet several elaborately 
dressed women as the Queen but are informed each time that 
they are mistaken and that these are but servants dressed simply 
as compared with their mistress. After working for three 
years they decide that it will be necessary to sell Kiev in 
order to buy enough paper to finish their task. Similarly 
John writes to Manuel: "Tell your tsar Manuel: if you 
wish to know all my resources and the wonders of my 
realm of India, sell your entire Grecian realm and buy paper 
and come to my kingdom of India with your scribes and I 

292 Clarence Augustus Manning 

will let you make an inventory of my land of India and you 
will not be able to make an inventory of my kingdom before 
your death" (Porfirev, op. cit. I, p. 89). Other similarities are 
in the golden stream of Dyuk which reminds us of the Tigris 
with its golden sands. Dyuk's palace x has a golden and be- 
jewelled roof, while the roof of the Indian palace is covered 
with self-lighting carbuncles. Wonderful columns adorned with 
figures of a tsar and tsaritsa in India are decorated like the 
costly buttons on the mantles of Dyuk. 

This great wealth of India reappears in the riches of Oponia. 
A more striking similarity is the great piety and morality of 
its population. We have seen the great virtue of the Orthodox 
of Oponia. In India, "no one there lies or can lie; if any one 
attempts to lie, he immediately dies and his memory at the 
same time. We all walk in the steps of truth and love one 
another" (Keltuyala, op. cit. p. 348). The Latin version trans- 
lates this: "Inter nos nullus mentitur, nee aliquis potest mentiri. 
Et si quis ibi mentiri coeperit, statim moritur, quasi mortuus 
inter nos reputatur, nee eius mentio fit apud nos nee honorem 
ulterius apud nos consequitur. Omnes sequimur veritatem et 
diligimus apud nos invicem" ( 51 52. Zarncke, op. cit. p. 916). 

Another point of similarity lies in the great number of high 
ecclesiastics who figure in the legend. Byelovodiye had a large 
number of them as we have seen, but in this it was not behind 
India. Prester John was surrounded by a large throng of 
kings, princes, armies, and officials. "In mensa nostra comedunt 
omni die iuxta latus nostrum in dextra parte archiepiscopi XII, 
in sinistra parte episcopi XX, praeter patriarcham sancti 
Thomae et protopapatem Sarmagantinum et archiprotopapatem 
de Susis" ( 73, Zarncke, op. cit. p. 920). 

The general outlines of the Church at Oponia and in India 
are so similar that we are led to assume some relationship. 
Melnikov says (op. cit. p. 25): The rumors about "the patriarch 
of the Assyrian tongue living in Japan, spreading more and 
more widely, finally spread throughout the entire Russian Old 
Faith, exactly as the rumor spread during the middle ages and 
was accepted as truth for several centuries of the existence 
somewhere in the East of Prester John. And in fact, the whole 
surroundings of the mediaeval Prester John are absolutely 
similar to the surroundings of the Raskolnik 'Assyrian Patriarch 

Prester John and Japan 293 

who is in the kingdom of Oponia'." It is strange that Melnikov 
did not mention the possibility of a new form of the old legend 
as the basis for Oponia. This relationship is the more likely 
when we remember that the home of Marko, the Topozersky 
Monastery, is in the Government of Archangel, almost in the 
region in which the byliny were preserved for so many cen- 
turies. The wandering minstrels and preachers who were telling 
about Oponia could hardly have failed to know of the wonders 
of the Christian land of India the Rich. 

It remains now to explain the references to Antioch and 
Assyria in the story of Oponia. For some reason Antioch was 
always regarded with more favor than the other patriarchal 
sees by the Russian Old Believers. They could not bring 
themselves to believe that this see also agreed with the other 
Eastern patriarchates and they held that those Antioch eccle- 
siastics who in Russia associated with the Nikonian priests 
would be prevented by God from returning home. Similarly 
again and again the Old Believers asserted that their rites 
and traditions were not based on those of Constantinople but 
of Antioch and Syria, and apocryphal books were freely cir- 
culated under the name of various saints of Antioch. Of course 
Antioch was the most Eastern of all the sees, and its juris- 
diction extended over Orthodox Christians to the East of the 
Empire when there were any in those regions. 

Besides this, Syria and Assyria were closely associated in 
the minds of the Slavs. Another interesting example of this 
is the statement of the Monk Khrabar to the effect that the 
language which Adam and Eve spoke was Syrian and not 
Greek or Hebrew (c Novakovich, Primeri Kvyienevosti i Jatika 
starago i staro-slovenskago, p. 204). He then continues that 
after the dispersal of the languages God gave to the Assyrians 
the knowledge of magic and necromancy of different kinds. It 
was probably from such beliefs that the idea spread that the 
Syrian usages were the more ancient and therefore the more 

With such inconsistencies and conceptions well established 
it was easy for the see of Antioch to be confused and con- 
nected with India and Prester John. Otto von Freising declares 
that John was a Nestorian (Zarncke, op. cit. p. 848) but this 
is not emphasized by all the comtemporary narrators and is 

294 Clarence Augustus Manning 

probably a mere surmise. As a matter of fact the Mongol 
leader Ku-Khan, who was probably not a Christian of any 
kind, seems to have been the conqueror known in the West as 
Prester John (Zarncke, op. tit. 863). Be that as it may, we 
are not here directly concerned with the development and 
growth of the legend in its better known phases. 

Usually the legends of Prester John place his Christian 
country in the heart of Asia. Oponia is an island. It will 
however be noted that the anonymous account to which we 
owe the first information about the visit of the Patriarch John 
to Pope Calixtus (Zarncke, op. tit. p. 839) lays much stress on 
the fact that the shrine of St. Thomas is situated on a lofty 
mountain in the middle of a lake and is accessible only at the 
yearly ceremonies in honor of the saint. This detail may have 
had some effect upon the site of Byelovodiye. 

There was also in northern China a small colony of Old 
Believers who had been transported in 1686 to a site near 
Pekin after their capture at Albazin. At times attempts were 
made to provide these people with priests, but this was not 
done regularly and it is said that part of this colony was 
converted to the Roman Catholic Faith by the Jesuits 
(Khokhlov, op. cit. p. 90). We can hardly assume that these 
scattered groups had any effect on the form of the story, although 
they may have had some influence on wanderers to the East. 

We may sum up by saying that the account of Oponia 
contains no detailed description which will prove that the Old 
Believers had any substantial knowledge of Japan. An approxi- 
mation to the name of the country and a story of mountainous 
islands are all that the story contains; but on this slight frame- 
work the Old Believers drew a charming picture of an ideal 
state. To supply the details they undoubtedly turned not to 
Marco Polo nor to stories of St. Francis Xavier but to their 
own oral tradition of India the Eich. Being ignorant of the 
details of geography they embellished this with striking results. 
In consequence Prester John, driven from Persia to China 
and to Abyssinia, seems to have found a last resting place in 
Japan where he furnished a refuge for the long-suffering Old 
Believers who sought to flee from Antichrist to a new land of 
promise and of peace, of piety and devotion, the Land of the 
Rising Sun. 



MEHBEBE ZAHLWOBTEB der 2. Dekade zeigen im Mittel- und 
Neu-Persischen ein auffallendes S, bzw. z. Im Alt-Persischen, 
wo W 12 U und W 13 U vorkommen, sind sie unglucklicherweise nicht 
ausgeschrieben, sondern durch Zahlzeichen gegeben (Meillet 
VP. 37). Nur durch diesen Zufall konnte das e der spateren 
pers. Formen bisher uberbaupt ein Problem bilden, denn mit 
der Erscbliefiung der altpersischen Form ist es, wie sicb zeigen 
wird, erkliirt. 

Die spateren persischen Dialekte baben: 
mpT. 1 yazddh(dm)i duvazdah* 
mpM. u. mpB. 1 y'tdh, dv'ddh und dvb*, sytdh, dh(')rdh t 

pntdh, dh u. B. 5V*, hpdh u. hpt*, h* u. ht*, nvt* 

u. nhvt* (vgl mpM. nvh, B. nhv). 

up. yazdtih, duvdzdtih, sezdtih, fahardah, panzdali, sanzdtih, 
a)dah, haStdah (htidtfi), nutdah (nuvdzdah). 

Dagegen haben die Nord-Dialekte r-lose Formen: 
aw. *atvanda8a, dvadasa, *&rida8a, *fa&rudasa, pantadasa usw. 1 
nwT. 1 'evandas, duvade* u. duvadas.* 
chr. so^d. dvdtas. 

mpT. mittel p e r i c h (im engeren Sinne) derTurfan -Handschriftcn ; 
nwT. nordwest-iranisch der T.-H. 

mpM. u. B. mittclpersisch der Miinzen and Bucber. 

) mpT. duvdtah neben duvdtdak rielleicht nicht n verchrieben 1 ' (to 
Salemann Man. Stud. 66), tondern jongere Form. In den Para-DialekUn 
wird st>, zd>t, vgl nflfn*. dun (Mann JVt-D. 14, 15). 

> Die unbelegten Formen im Ordinale erhalten; vgl. Bartholomaa, 
Or. I,, 810). 

* nwT. einmal duvadat (im telben Text AffftMt and d*wU) i>t troU 
ost-osji. duv&d&i gegen weit-oiset. duvaddt wohl nur Defektir-Schreibttng, 
nicht altes Stammkompositaro, wie die oft-ots. Form. 

10 JA08 43 

296 Paid Tedesco 

osset. o.-oss.y uandas, duvadas (aber west-oss. duvadds), artindasusvr. 

Eine Erklarung des c(z) versucht zuerst Darmesteter tit. Ir. 
1, 147; auf ihr fufit Horn, Or. I 2, 114 u. 72: c sei von panddah 
aus tibertragen, sei in ,yaZdah l , ,duvdcdah' lautgesetzlich zu z 
geworden und von bier aus z auf panjddh riickiibertragen. 

Solcbe Ausgleicbs-Erscbeinungen gibt es in der 2. Dekade 
nun aller dings: vgl. afy. diydr-las ,13', spar as .16' nacli cvdr-las 
,14'; osset. drtindas (d. i. *&rin-dasd) nacb yuandds; dxsdrdds 
,16' nacb cippdrdds ,14' (also ,16' nacb ,14* umgeformt genau 
wie im Af/aniscben). 

Dennocb erscbeint die Yerscbleppung eines so scbweren 
Wort-Elements wie des c von pancddh, das zudem in seinem 
Ausgangspunkte nicbts fur die 2. Dekade Cbarakteristiscbes 
war, sebr unwabrscbeinlicb; ebenso die Umgestaltung der jeden- 
falls baufigeren ,11', ,12', ,13' nacb ,15'; meinem Spracbgefubl 
war en die Worter fiuvacdah'', ,secddh l von jeber unmoglicb. 

Die Scbwierigkeit der Hypotbese wird nocb grofier, wenn 
man die Frage stellt : Wie sind die Yorformen von ,yaddah' usw. 
vor Ubertragung des c zu denken? Wie man sicb ap. ,13* 
vorstellte, wissen wir: Hubscbmann P. St. Nr. 763 gibt *# r a- 
yada&a, ebenso Brugmann Gr. 2, II, 24 *& r aya*da&a. Das 
ware eine ap. Neuzusammenriickung des einfacben Zablworts 
(im Nomin.) mit *da&a. ,11' und ,12' waren analog als *aiva h - 
da&a, *duvada&a anzusetzen, was mp. *evdah, *duvadali, *sedah 
ergeben hatte. Davon batten die letzteren fur ,duvdddah l , 
,secdah l , nicbt aber das erstere fur ,yacddh ( die Basis gegeben. 

Aber genug von diesen Unformen; scbon die blofie Dis- 
kussion der Vorformen gibt die ricbtige Losung: statt der 
obigen bochst sonderbar en Neu-Zusammenruckungen wie *& r aya h - 
da&a baben wir docb naturgemafi alte Komposita vorauszu- 
setzen; diese aber konnten nur vor-persiscb 

*aivazdad > a, *duvadad-a, *&rayazda&a 

Davon ist *&rayazdad"a unmittelbar gleicb np. sezdah und 
verbindet sicb weiter mit ai, trayodasa und lat. tredecim (aus 

*aivazda&a und *duvdda&a wurden gewifi scbon friib zu 
*aivdzda&a und *duvazdad'a ausgeglicben (wobei wohl alter, 
weil einfacber, die Ubertragung der Lange in die ,ll'-Zahl; 
jiinger, vielleicbt erst nacb-altpersiscb, die das Wortbild starker 

NeurPersisdi ydzdah 297 

modifizierende des z in die ,12*-Zahl); das sind aber schon die 
unmittelbaren Vorformen von np. yazdah, duvazdah* 

Weiter ergibt sich, dafi rein lautlich die ai.-Formen ekddaSa, 
dvddasa, trayoda$a den np. ydzdah, duvdzdahj sezdah direkt 
gleich (bzw. homolog) gesetzt werden konnen. Doch ist ai. 
dvadata kaum aus *dvazdasa entstanden; eher schon ekddasa 
aus *aikdzdasa. 

ekddasa wurde bisber erklart 1. als Stamm-Kompositum 
*ekadaSa mit d nacb dvddasa und 2. als Zusammen-Riickung 
mil dem Nom. fern. 

Ersteres ist aber scbwierig, weil die ilbrigen Spracben nomi- 
nativische Zusammenruckungs-Komposita haben (so o/Soca, un- 
decim und selbst aw., wo in ,12* und ,13* Stamm-Kompositum, 
*aevandasa) und auch letzteres ist bei der relativen Seltenheit 
des Femininums nicbt wabrscheinlich. Da scbeint ein *aikdz- 
dasa parallel vor-pers. *aivdzdasa aus alterem *aikazdasa parallel 
*aivazdasa mindestens ebenso moglich. Das Eindringen des 
Langvokals in die ,ll*-Zahl konnte dann scbon indo-iran. ge- 
wesen sein, und es ist nicht ausgeschlossen, dafi die Ersetzung 
von *aivaz- (*aikaz~) dasa durcb *aivdz- (*aikaz~) da$a nicbt 
nur durch dvdda&a verursacbt wurde, sondern aucb die plu- 
ralische Bedeutung des ganzen Kompositums und seine Ver- 
biudung mit dem Plural mitgespielt bat, d. b,, dafi *aivaz- 
(*aikdz) daa in gewissem Sinne Plural-Dvandva sind. 6 

\\ ir haben also folgende Kompositionsformen: 

,11*: Durchwegs nominativisches Zusammenrtickungs-Komp.; 
und zwar im Vorderglied entweder Nom. neutr.: aw. *aevandasa 
(fortgesetzt in nwT. 'evandas, ost-oss. yuandas), griecb. o&*a 
(und lat. undecim, wenn aus *oinomdekem) 

oder Nom. mask., pers. und ind. wohl friih umgeformt in 

* ydzdah: *aivazda&a - yak: *aivaka-. Zur Gestalt der Kompositiont- 
Puge vgl. Bartholoraae Gr. I,, 804, II a): jAw. xtxir*nor-<ia (neben 
xvar*no- da), aogatdastoma; ap. vahyazddta- ; jAw. mcu-dnijahim. Das 
Alt-iranische hat im Kompositum Wortinlauts-behandlung (*&rayaz(la*a 
wie nazdiita-); daa Alt-indisohe SatrinlauU-behandlung (trayodaia gegen 


Heir Prof. Bartholomae (brieflich) lehnt das ab, weil eka- und aiva- 

ninal flektieren; doch finden sich ja auch snbstantivische Fonnen 
uey Gr. 482, b) und bleibt als Hauptxnoment der EinfluQ von 

dvddaia. [The d of ckadaia might also be explained as 'rhythmic 

lengthening 1 ; Wackernagel, AJQr. II. 1. 66. - F. .] 

298 Paul Tedesco 

Norn. Plural mask.: ai. ekadasa, ap. *aivdzda&a und Nach- 
formen (; lat. undecim, falls aus *oinozdekem). 

,12': zi.dvadasa, 
ap. *duvdda&a; gr. Svcofo/ca, StoSe/ca; lat. duodecim; 

aber Stamm-Komp. in aw. dvadasa, das wegen ost-osset. 
duvadas nicht blofi grapkisch (Defektiv-Schreibung) sein mufi 
(auch ,13* hat im Aw. entgegen dem Ind. und Pers. Stamm- 
Komp.); jedenfalls aber mufi daneben auch in den nord- 
iranischen Dialekten *duvddasa bestanden haben, denn dies 
setzen nwT. duvddes, west-oss. duvadas voraus. 

,13': Nominativisches Zusammenriickungs-Komp. in ai. trayo- 
dasa, ap. *& r agazda&a, lat. tredecim; 

aber Stamm-Komp. in aw. *&ridasa, fortgesetzt durch ost- 
osset. artindds (aus *&rindasa, nach *aivandasa umgeformtes 

,14': Aw. und ai. Stamm-Komp. (*ca&rudasa und caturdasa). 

Auffallenderweise geht also das Persische immer mit dem 
Indischen gegen das Awestische. 

Das z ist also in ,11' und ,13' altererbt; in dem dazwischen- 
liegenden ,12' jedenfalls alte Analogiebildung; von diesen drei 
Zahlwortern aus, wahrscheinlich den haufigsten der 2. Dekade, 
konnte es sich leicht ausbreiten, zumal da im Alt-persischen 
und Friihmittel-persischen das z gegeniiber den entsprechenden 
Zahlen der ersten Dekade als fur die zweite charakteristisch 
empfunden werden mufite (ap. ^'agazda&a: *& r aya h , mp. 
sezddh: se). 

Also np. nbzdah oder (nach du: nuh oder alter do: *no = 
duvazdah: x) nuvazdah; z statt des urspriinglichen Konsonanten 
in panzdah, Sdnzdah; cahdrdah durch mp. Neu-Komposition. 
[Fiir das Alt-persische ware wohl nach Mafigabe des Alt- 
indischen *ca& r uda&a wie aw. *ca&rudasa anzusetzen, was mp. 
*tasdah ergeben hatte, weshalb eben die Neu-Komposition 

' [Auch aw. Gridasa konnte (mit H. Prof. Bartholomae brieflich) Zu- 
sammenriickungs-Kompositum, mit dem Plural neutr. *ri, sein, vgl. aw. 

Gegeniiber gemeinind. trayodaGa, fortgesetzt in mi. usw. terasa, scheint 
sich das Nordwestindische mit Asoka Sahbazgarhi tidaSa (vgl. Johansson 
Sdhb. II, 77) und heutigem Basgali trits < *trida6a (wo ts < 6, d gefallen, 
vgl. dots = da$a; Konow JRAS. 1911, 20) mit dem Nordiranischen 
(Awestischen) zu verbinden. 

Neu-Persisch yazdah 


Das n dagegen in bal. (Lehnwort) senzdah, np. Mnzdah, 
Kurd. (Kirmanjl) yanzdah, dvdnzdah, (Amadia) numdah ist 
naturlich von panzdah ausgegangen wie umgekehrt Mukrl-Kurd. 
pdzdd nach yazdd. 

In diesen Zahlwortern hat sich also eine indogermanische 
Kasus-Endung (der Nom. PL *~as der o-Stamme und *-ayas der 
iiime) bis heute rein erhalten. Da also die Zahlwo'rter 
der ersten und zweiten Dekade und im Pers. auch die Zehner 
auf den Nominativ zuriickgehen,8 ist es nicht auffallend, 
wenn auch das Substantiv in der Zahlwort-Verbindung den 
alien Nom. Plur. erhalten hat, wahrend sonst der Obliquus 
durchgedrungen ist 9 Es liegt in der Natur der Sache, dafi die 
Zahlwortverbindung besonders oft auDerhalb eines eigentlichen 
Satzzusammenhanges, d. h. im Nominativ steht. 

Nur ein Punkt bleibt noch zu erklaren: die Pahlavl-Schrei- 
bung dieser Zahlworter mit 3. Diese hat ja auch offenbar 
Darmesteter und Horn zu ihrer Erklarung veranlaflt. Nach 
dem Gesagten kann man X hier zweifellos nur als Schreibung 
fur z auffassen. 

Nun wird allerdings die Gruppe zd im Pahlavl sonst "Tl ge- 
schrieben; vgl. ohrmazd, azd, nazdik usw. 

duvazddh, sezdah usw. waren aber im Mp. offenbar sowohl 
phonetisch (durch stSrkere Druckgrenze) als im SprachbewuBt- 
sein, (indem das gemeinsame Hinterglied der zweiten Dekade 
-dah abstrahiert werden muDte), deutlich aus zwei WSrtern 
zusammengesetzte Komposita. 

Sie fielen also nicht unter nazdtit usw. (noch weniger natur- 
lich unter -mazd, azd mit tautosyllabischem zd), sondern das 
Vorderglied wurde als Einzelwort geschrieben. Dann fielen 

Hubschmann's Zuruckfuhrung von se auf aw. Gen. PL 0rayqm (S. 78) 
statt den Nom. PI. 6rdyo ist pracbgeschichtlich nicht moglich; der tpat- 
altiran. Gen. PL kann nur *&rindm gelautet haben; und np. du, dahdr 
lasten ticb nor auf aw. dva, d. i. duvd, 5a&tcard, nicht auf dvayd, datur 
rqm (oder spateres *ca&vdrandm) zuriickfiihren. 

Dberhaupt ist aw. drayqm nur falsche Transskription von try' vm 

gegenuber richtigem &ryqm, d. i. 9riydm gr. Tf*u. Andrerseits ist im 

N<>m. Qmyo (tr'yv) stall *&rayo d nur graphisch nach Andreas 

Wackernagel O.V. 1911, S. 12, b). YaynObI tirai kann aw. &rayo nicht 

, sondern beruht auf Sender- En twicklung. 

Vgl. Verf. Nom. Plw. 6ff. (Am. WAW. 1921). 

300 Paul Tedesco 

aber yaz und duvaz in die Grruppe dz, raz, varaz, geschrieben 
', r'c, vr'd, see in die Gruppe mez-, (rist-) a\ez, geschrieben 
tnyc-, 'hyd, und mufiten daher y'-, dv'd-, syc- geschrieben 

tiberhaupt wird ja, um das nur einmal kurz klarzustellen, 
z intervokalisch (und nach r) im j linger en Pahlavl regelmaBig 
durch S gegeben; vgl. aufier obigen Beispielen hazdr (3) azar- 
dan (X), frazanak (S), viraz (S), azaS (X, aber sehr bemerkens- 
werter Weise Hajlabad noch ?!); nur in wenigen Wortern 
(vazist, mazandar, uzftan) t noch neben S; nur in ganz wenigen 
(frazand, nizar) nur T (vielleicht durch Kompos.-Anlaut). 

Eine ausfuhrliche Darstellung dieser Verhaltnisse und ihrer 
sprach- und schriftgeschichtlichen ratio soil ein andermal ge- 
geben werden. 

Hier geniigt es, zu erkennen, dafi, um so mehr als awestisch 
gleichartige Formen, an die man sich in der Orthographic 
hatte anlehnen konnen, nicht vorlagen, yazdah usw. im Pahlavl 
nicht anders als mit 21 geschrieben werden konnten. 10 

10 Ein treffendes Analogon zur Schreibung verdanke ich der Freund- 
lichkeit Herrn Prof. Barthelomae's : 'vcdyh, 'vcdyhyk neben 'vzdyhylt 
-= aw. uzdahyav- (Wb. 412). 



IN SUMERIAN we often find after numbers an affix tarn 
(written TA-A-AN). It is used also in Assyrian, just as we write 
1, 2 (-= It. primo, secondo) for first or second occurrence, 
respectively. We also use No. ( It. numero) for number. 
Similarly we retain the Latin preposition per in phrases like 
per day, per hour. In German you say pro anno for per annum 
(also pro Stuck). We also use the French preposition sans. 
The ta of the cuneiform affix ta-a-an may be omitted (NE 49, 
n. 12; 136, n. 15; Lyon, Sarg. 16, n. 40). 1 This omission may 
be merely graphic: 1-a-an (J2W153*) was probably pronounced 
aS-tdn. In iv R* 16, 7* (cf. 1, n. 25) Sum. dingir 1-a-an is rendered 
in the interlinear Assyrian version: ilu istdnu, the only god, 
written i$-ta-a-nu, which shows that the a was long. We say 
quarto, octavo, no matter whether we write 4 to, 8vo or 4, 8. 

This Sumerian numeral affix is preserved in Heb. 'aSte-asdr, 
eleven, 'o&2 (< f a^ten) being the Ass. eSten, one, which is the 
Sum. a*-tdn, the first syllable being the numeral, and tan the 
numeral affix. The final nasal is dropped also in the cuneiform 
texts: instead of am (a-an) we find also a (written A- A): e. g. 
Streck, Assurb. 577, 1. 11; cf. SG 198, c. For the apocope 
of the final nasal we may compare Talmud. amma\ < Ass. am- 
meni, wherefore. (Mic. 104; JBL 29. 104, n. 61; JSOR 1, 41). 
According to SG 61, n. 1 only the first syllable of Ass. e#3n, 
one, is undoubtedly Sumerian. For the adverb as~e-e$ (SG 
78, b) eZt&niS, at one, in accord, in agreement, in the same 
way, see M VAQ 26. 2, p. 43. Instead of Sa (- 4) in ASKT 
i AV 6360 has the figure 6; cf. also JBL 19. 68, n. 40. 

< For the abbreviation see vol. 87 of this JOURNAL, p. 881; cf. American 
Journal of Philology, vol. 43, p. 888. 

302 Paul Haupt 

Am (written A-AN) is a common affix in Sumerian (Br. 11401; 
SG 197-201). We have it also in dam, consort; tarn, brother; 
nam, fate, which are contractions of da (or ta) + am = (at the) 
side being (cf. Hesychius' erAev/x>s = 17 py x ovora ftovj/Btuiv) and 
declaration being (SGI v. 133. 156. 197). The abstract prefix 
nam, on the other hand, seems to be a contraction of na, 
verily (SG 100) and am, anything (SG 55, b) so that this 
nam would correspond to Heb. ti-kol (GK** 143, e; GB 
372% c; VS 110). 

Ta means in the litanic (ZA 31, 244) dialect: what? (CV 
xxxvii, ad n. 23) and this may denote something (cf. our Pll 
tell you what) or portion, amount (cf. a little what). Instead of 
to, what? we find also ta-am (SG 52, c). Also the common 
Chinese numerative ko may mean something: in the dialect of 
Shanghai ku (or kau) appears also as relative pronoun. There 
are more than 20 Chinese numeratives which are used only in 
special cases, e. g. in connection with circular things (rings, &c.) 
or globular things (pearls, &c.). Similar numeratives (or classi- 
fiers, numeral coefficients) are used in Siamese, Malay, &c. (EB 6, 
217 b ; 25, 9 b ; 17, 477 b ; Misteli, Typen des Sprachbaues, pp. 191. 
219. 263). It has recently been suggested by Husing that 
there may be some affinity between Sumerian and Burmese. 
The Mongoloid people of the Far East must have come from 
the West; the cradle of mankind seems to have been in south- 
western Europe (cf. Hrdlika, The Peopling of Asia, PAPS 
60. 545). 

For these numeratives we may compare our phrases tiventy 
head of deer or fifty sail of ships (Maxwell, Malay Manual 4 , 
pp. 70. 136). In the lingua franca of the Chinese ports and 
the Far East, known as Pidgin-English (pidgin being a Chinese 
corruption of business) we hear one piecee man or three piecee 
dollar. Similarly the driver of a Bavarian Stellwagen (stage- 
coach, omnibus) used to speak of zehn Poststucke (postal parcels) 
and sechs Stuck Fahrgaste (passengers). Just as you say in 
Malay: ampat biji telor for four eggs, the word biji, seed, being 
the numerative for globular things, so you can say in German: 
vier Stuck Eier or eine Meute von vierzig Stuck Hunden, or 
er erkgte hundert Stuck Wild (cf. also ein Laib Brot and our 
an orchestra of twenty pieces, i. e. musicians). G-er. vier Mann 
Soldaten is different from Gr. avSpts o-T/ocmamu and similar 

Sumerian Affixes tarn and kam 303 

phrases where dirfp corresponds to our Mr. in Mr. President, 
Mr. Secretary, Mr. Ambassador. For your father you say in 
French: monsieur votre pere, Ger. Ihr Eerr Vater. 

The explanation given in AJSL 20. 231, No. 24 (cf. Muss- 
Arnolt's diet. p. 1176*) that the cuneiform affix TA-A-AN is 
to he read ina dn, in amount (cf. Syr. de-kdild) is untenable; 
in the first place, TA is used in Assyrian, as a rule, for i$tu, 
from; moreover, we should expect ina dm or, rather, aw; the 
form an is the construct state of an#, just as the construct 
state of sadu, mountain, is Sad (AJSL 22. 259"*). This word 
(cf. ZA 10, 12, n. 3; ZR 64 a ) is derived from the stem of 
unutu unautu, pi. undti unaudti; Arab. ind\ Heb. cm, 
vessel. Anu, an does not mean amount, and tarn, tan is found, 
not only in Assyrian, but also in Sumerian, e. g. ASKT 55. 37 
42 and in the last line but one of the last Sumerian family-law 
(v R 25, 21). For egir-U-tam in 1. 7 cf. JAOS 38. 67; SO 
101, a'. 

Nor can we accept the view that 7-ta-a-an in an Assyrian 
text is to be read sibttan or sibltan (Streck, Assurb. 78. 577). 
Torczyner, Die Entstehung des semitischen Sprachtypus 
(Vienna, 1916) pp. 87118 (cf. especially p. 115') regards TA- 
A-AN and A-An as Semitic endings, the ta being the Semitic 
fern, t (cf. JAOS 28. 115). According to Ungnad (who had 
prepared a paper on this question for the Festschrift, which 
was planned for the seventieth anniversary ofDelitzsch, but 
could not be published) o-an, which afterwards became tf, is 
a Semitic demonstrative pronoun which may be compared to 
the ending of the emphatic state in Aramaic; he thinks it 
possible that the original form of this an or d was ammd or 
agd (OLZ 25. 8). 

Muss-Arnolt's reading ina an for TA-A-AN was based on 
AL* (1889) p. 36, No. 313: ana dn, in amount; ana-dn, however, 
on Bez old's pi. iii in PSBA 10. 418, is not the Assyrian 
preposition ana, but the Sumerian interrogative pronoun ana, 
what? (SO 52, c). This ta-am (TA-A-AN) and ana-am (A-NA- 
A-AN) corresponds to the Heb. motel QK 136, c; GB" 
193b'; cf. also ml-Aft-**, JBL 37. 217, v. 19 and Noli. 20'; 
Mic. 97 ) or to Eth. ment-nu. The Assyrian equivalent may 
have been mmo-ma or mind-mi (BA 2. 305; AJSL 28. 228. 
239). For the affix -mi see #W387; for anmtu-mi and the 

304 Paid Haupt 

vocative ilani annuti (KB 6. 62, 28; 240, 165) cf. (<2) oros. 
The -mi in Heb. imru-mi ban-nd'r, be- Absalom, look out for 
the boy, Absalom, may be miswriting for II (so (6<$3& & 2 MSS). 
The explanation given in GK 28 137, c is unsatisfactory. For 
-ma in OT see the remarks on bisu'atekd-ma (Ps. 21, 2) in 
JBL 37. 214. 

According to AL 2 (1878) p. 10, No. 97, TA-A-AN was read 
taian, tain in Sumerian and meant measure, number (cf. CG 
279; SFG 64. 4). 

While the Sumerian numerative tarn, tan may mean something, 
the affix after ordinal numbers, ham, is composed of the genitive 
particle -ha and -am: Sum. aS-ham, first, means lit. one-of being, 
being of one (SO 88). Similarly Syriac uses for the ordinals 
the cardinal numbers with the prefixed exponent of the genitive 
e. g. idiimd da-tern, the day of two = the second day (Noldeke, 
Syr. Gr.t 239). In Malay the ordinal numbers have a prefixed 
Jca: e. g. tig a, three; ka-tiga, third. "Wit z el in the first part 
of his Keilinschriftliche Studien (Leipsic, 1918) p. 89, n. 1 
combines the ordinal affix lean with gan, totality, Ass. kullatu. 
He thinks the original meaning is fulness, so that the Sumerian 
ordinal affix would correspond to the Coptic ordinal prefix meh 
(-= Eg. meh) which means orig. filling out, completing: the fifth 
of a series completes the number five. We find the same formation 
in Egyptian. But there is no evidence that Sum. gan, totality, 
means fulness. According to SG 84 the primary connotation 
of gan, totality, may be union, association. Gan denotes also 
bolt, bar (Ass. sikkuru) for fastening a door, and the original 
meaning may be fastener. A fastening binds and makes fast. 
In the cuneiform texts the ordinal affix -kam is generally 
added, not horizontally, but aslant (cf. ASKT 55. 35; iv B, 2 5. 
14 25 a ) just as we write 4 th for 4th = fourth, or as we use a 
slanting &* in making out a check for Fourhundred^twenty 
Dollars. Cf. AJP 43, 245. 




A CLAY TABLET 1 in the Goucher College Babylonian Col- 
lection, dated in the 5th year of Nabonidus (555538 B. C.), 
directed the writer's attention to a study of the relations 
existing between Babylonia and Arabia in the 6th century 
B. C. The tablet in question is a temple record stating that 
fifty shekels of silver were given to a man for a donkey and 
some flour for the purpose of making a journey to mat Te-ma-dj 
i. e., the land of Temd 2 . The document itself gives no clue 
as to where it was drawn up, but it belongs to a collection 

1 Text No. 294, Archives from Ercch, Time of Nebuchadrezzar and Na- 
bonidus, Vol. I of Goucher College Cuneiform Inscriptions. 

2 The transliteration and translation of the inscription are as follows: 
SO siqil kaspi a-na 1 imeri alakti (A-G UB-BA) u a-na qimi (ZlD-DA)-tu 
a-na md Nabu-muietiq-urra apil md fitar-na-din-ahi Sa a-na mat Te-ma-a 
iap-ra na-din arah Addaru itmu ;>kam iattu 5 kam d Nabu-nd'id far Bd- 
biliki. "Fifty shekels of silver for one road donkey and his flour are 
given to Nabu-mushetiq-urra, the son of Ishtar-nadin-abi, who is sent to 
the land of Tema. The 6th day of Adar, the 6th year of Nabonidus, king 
of Babylon". The term A-G UB-BA = alaktu - "road" (see Brunnow 11494) 
evidently means that the donkey (imeru) was capable of making a long 
journey. It seems best to connect the pronominal suffix of the phrase 
a-na qimi (ZID-DA)-tu with Nabu-mushetiq-urra, as flour was generally 
supplied for the use of human beings. Of. Strassmaier, Nbn 1066, 8. 6. 9. 
Ibid. 214, 7 and Nbk 282, 1. 2 show that it was possible to purchase a 
donkey and at least 6 kors of flour for 60 shekels of silver. According to 
Nbn 1066, 3. 1 pi of flour was dispensed as the food of 13 goldsmiths. If 
1 pi of flour represents the rations of 18 men for one day, 6 kors of flour 
would last one man 826 days (1 kor = 6/>t). Thus 6 kors of flour would 
be a liberal allowance for a journey of about 600 miles from Erech to 
Trima, and return, even if more than 1 pi were used a day. It may be 
presumed that the main purpose of the donkey was to carry this large 
supply of food for the man on his long desert march. The primary 
meaning of faparu indicates that the man was commissioned to deliver a 

306 Raymond P. Dougherty 

of nearly a thousand tablets coming mainly from Erech in 
southern Babylonia, and this practically determines its origin. 

The inscriptions of Tiglathpileser rV* (745727 B. C.) give *f 
accurate information as to the geographical position of Temd, 
for alTe-ma-a-a is associated with [al] Ma-as--a-a-a and 
al Sa-ba--a-a-a s . The list of the sons of Ishmael in Genesis 
25, 1315 includes NBVl and K&D, and it is altogether likely 
that the expression al Sa-la-'-a-a-a is an Assyrian gentilic 
equivalent of Xl$, Genesis 10, 7; 25, 3; and Job 1, 15. Thus 
the identification of mat Te-ma-a with Biblical N^ri seems 
firmly established, and that the reference is to a district in 
Arabia is equally certain 4 . 

Teimd, or Teymd (&Z&), the well-known city of Arabia, has 
already been shown to be the same as Hebrew N1JV3 and 
Assyrian cU Te-ma-a, which represents the name of the city, 
while <H Tc-ma-a-a is equivalent to Arabic Teimany, which 
means a A man of Teimd" 5 . The district in which al Te-ma-a, 
i. e., the city of Teimd, was located was called mat Te-ma-a by 
the Babylonians. Teimd was recognized as an important city 
in antiquity 6 . It is called Qalpa. on Ptolemy's map of Arabia 
Felix. However, we are indebted to modern explorers and 

* III Rawlinson, The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, 10 
No. 2, 38 ff. Cf. Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, Band II, p. 20, line 53, De- 
litzsch, Wo lag das Paradies? p. 301 f.; Schrader KAT*, p. 149; Meyer, 
Die Israeliten und ihre Nachbarstamme, pp. 318 f., 327, 346, 347, 462. For 
minor references to Teimd consult Sprenger, Die alte Geographic Arabiens, 
28, 32, 148, 220, 332. 

* Job 6, 19 associates Kirn with K2tf. In Isaiah 21, 13. 14, "The burden 
concerning Arabia" includes a reference to Kirn p v = mdt Te-ma-a. Jere- 
miah 25, 23, which mentions KO'fi, is followed by "and all the kings of 
Arabia, and all the kings of the mingled people that dwell in the wilderness". 

s Cf. Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradies? p. 303. See ibid. pp. 295 ff. for 
a discussion of all cuneiform references to Arabia. Note Text No. 175, 3, 
Archives from Erech, Time of Nebuchadrezzar and Nabonidus, for subat 
A-ra-bu = "an Arabian garment". As to Arabic Teimany, cp. K^CT, 
p. 385, Lidzbarski, Handbuch der Nordsemitischen Epigraphik, which has 
been related by some to "Temanite", Job 2, 11, etc. Note Gesenius, Buhl. 
1921, p. 877. Others derive *)&F\ from ]tm 

Consult Nicholson, A Literary History of the Arabs, p. 84, for a re- 
ference to a legend concerning Samaw'al, who lived in a castle at Teimd, 
and dug a well of sweet water. The Arabs have a tradition that Teimd 
was built by Solomon. See El-Bekri in Mara'sid, IV, 23. 

Ndbonidus in Arabia 307 

writers such as Wallin, Doughty and Hogarth 7 for detailed 
accounts concerning the city and its environs. Wallin's report 
of his visit to Teimd in 1848 makes note of its favorable lo- 
cation, its mode of irrigation, and its excellent products 8. 
Doughty, a generation later, reveals its attractive appearance 9 , 
its prosperous condition 10 , its good water supply 11 , its flourish- 

i Doughty, Travels in Arabia Deserta, 1921; Hogarth, The Penetration 
of Arabia, 1904. 

s Cyclopaedia of Biblical Literature, Vol. X,p. 242f., "Teima stands on 
a mass of crystalline limestone, very slightly raised above the surrounding 
level. Patches of sand, which have encroached upon the rock, are the only 
spots which can be cultivated. The inhabitants, however, have considerable 
date plantations, which yield a great variety of fruit, of which one kind 
is esteemed the best flavored in all Arabia. Grain is cultivated, especially 
oats of a remarkably good quality, but the produce is never sufficient for 
the wants of the inhabitants. The greater portions of the gardens are 
watered from a copious well in the middle of the village. The hydraulic 
contrivance by which water is raised for distribution through channels 
among the plantations is the same as is used through Mesopotamia as 
well as in Nejd, viz., a bucket (Arabic dullu = Assyrian dalii) of camel 
skin hung to the end of a long lever moving upon an upright pole fixed 
in the ground". 

Doughty, Travels in Arabia Deserta, 1921, Vol. I, p. 285, "Delightful 
now was the green sight of Teyma, the haven of our desert; we approached 
the tall island of palms, enclosed by long clay orchard- walls, fortified with 
high towers. Teyma is a shallow, loamy, and very fertile old flood-bottom 
in these high open plains, which lie out from the west of Nejd". "We 
entered between grey orchard-walls, overlaid with blossoming boughs of 
plum trees; of how much amorous contentment to our eyes!" 

to Ibid. p. 286, "Prosperous is this outlying settlement from Nejd, above 
any which I have seen in my Arabian travels"; p. 298 f., "Their corn plots 
are ploughed, in the fall of the year, with the well-camels, and mucked 
from the camel-yards; a top-dressing is carried upon the land from loam 
pits digged in the field's sides. There is not so good tillage in the Syrian 
villages". Doughty enumerates the following products of TcymcL: wheat, 
barley, corn, millet, tobacco, plums, pomegranates, figs, citrons, lemons, 
grapes and dates. 

11 Ibid. p. 286; "If anyone here discover an antique well, without the 
walls, it is his own; and he encloses so much of the waste soil about as 
may suffice to the watering; after a plowing his new acre is fit for sowing 
and planting of palms, and fifteen years later every stem will be worth a 
camel". "Their wells are only the wells of the ancients, which finding 
again, they have digged them out for themselves". 

308 Raymond P. Dougherty 

ing groves and gardens 12 , its valuable salt deposits 13 , its height 
of 3400 ft. above sea level 14 , its freedom from plagues and 
fevers 15 , its manufacture of sleeping carpets 16 , its trade with 
Damascus and Bagdad 17 , its extensive ruins 18 , its ancient 
inscriptions 19 , and its old importance as the center of a large 
province 20 . Hogarth emphasizes the fact that Teimd was u on 
the old route from the Gulf of Akabah to the Persian Gulf" 
and u a dividing point of roads from Petra to Gerra (on the 
Persian Gulf) in the east and Sheba in the south" 21 . It is 
in the Great Nafud, which furnishes plenty of food for horses 
and cattle and is the home of Bedouin tribesmen a large part 
of the year 22 . 

12 Ibid. p. 293. 

is Ibid. p. 296, "In the grounds below the last cultivated soil, are salt 
beds, the famous memlahdt Teyma. Thither resort the poorer Beduins, to 
dig it freely: and this is much, they say, 'sweeter' to their taste than the 
sea-salt from Wejh. Teyma rock-salt is the daily sauce of the thousand 
nomad kettles in all these parts of Arabia". See ibid. p. 287, for a sketch 
of the oases, ruins, salt grounds, etc., of Teimd* 

i< Ibid. p. 285. 

is Ibid. pp. 286f. 

i Ibid. p. 302. 

" Ibid. p. 295. 

18 Ibid. p. 287, "Old Teyma of the Jews, according to their tradition, 
had been (twice) destroyed by a flood. From these times there remain 
some great rude stone buildings; the work is dry-laid with balks and 
transoms of the same ironstone. Besides, there is a great circuit (I suppose 
almost three miles) of stone walling, which enclosed the ancient city" ; 
p. 288, "But the great mosque, whither all the males resort for the Friday 
mid-day prayers, preaching and Koran reading, stands a little without the 
suks to the eastward. It is perhaps the site of some ancient temple, for 
I found certain great rude pillars lying about it". Note also pp. 549 
and 552. 

i Ibid. pp. 291 and 296. 

20 Teimd consists of three oases, ibid. p. 533, and originally included 
seven townships. Old Teimd was the borough of the district See ibid. 
p. 551. "Like other Arab tribes the children of Temd had probably a 
nucleus at the town of Teimd, while their pasture grounds extended west- 
ward to the borders of Edom and eastward to the Euphrates, just as those 
of the Beni Shummar do at the present time". Cyclopaedia of Biblical 
Literature, Vol. X, p. 243. 

Hogarth, The Penetration of Arabia, p. 280. P. 156, ibid., notes the 
importance of the Shammar region in Arabian traffic with Babylonia. 

22 Ibid. p. 257f. 

Nabonidus in Arabia 309 

An exceedingly interesting indication of the ancient culture 
and central position of Teimd is a monument known as the 
"Tema Stone", which may be compared with the Moabite 
Stone because of its valuable Semitic inscription, dealing with 
the introduction of the worship of a foreign deity 23 . The 
script is that of "the early part of the middle period of Ara- 
maic writing". Cooke says, "Caravans (Job. 6, 19) on their 
way to Egypt or Assyria halted here (i. e., at Teimd); and 
the influence of commerce with these two countries is evident 
in this stone : the name of the priest's father is Egyptian, the 
figures of the god and his minister are Assyrian" 24 . Another 
suggestion of Mesopotamian influence upon Teimd is seen in 
certain words in the inscription supposed by some to have 
been borrowed from the Babylonians 25 . The name of one of 
the deities may also be compared with that of a Babylonian 
goddess 2 *. It is thought that the "Tema Stone" belongs to 
the 5th century B. C. and that the city enjoyed a high degree 
of civilization at that time, with its religious life largely colored 
by Babylonian influence. If this is so, we can readily under- 
stand that a similar condition prevailed in the 6th century 
B. C., and possibly earlier, for, as has been noted, Tiglath- 
pileser IV refers to the people of Teimd in the 8th century B. C. 

Half-way between Mecca and Damascus and equidistant 
from Babylonia and Egypt, it is undoubtedly true that Teimd 
occupied a strategic position in the trade routes of early 
times. Hence it is easy to perceive the importance of the 
Goucher tablet which indicates that a man was commissioned 

M CL Cooke, North Semitic Inscriptions, pp. 196199; Revue d'Assyrio- 
logic, Vol. I, pp. 41 46. Note references under Temd in Hastings' Dic- 
tionary of the Bible. 

2* Of. Cooke, ibid., p. 197. 

* Winckler suggests the following: HTtpl* sattukv, KTiD'r ttmtu, 
ami KIND asumitu. See Winckler, AUorientalische Forschungen, I pp. 188 f. 
and II pp. 76 f. Professor Montgomery has called the writer's attention 
to the fact that the first two terms may be regarded as good Aramaic words, 
while HDD has been compared by Noeldeke to Arabic k^o. 

" Cf. Cooke, ibid. p. 198, where he discusses the deity utoar. He says, 

"The name has been compared (Corp.) with that of a Babylonian goddess 

Vw, mentioned in the lexicon of Bar Bahul, and stated to be the Chaldaean 

Uent of Aphrodite, Legarde, Oesam. AbhandL 17. Another suggestion 

is that Singala (Sin-gala) is the moon-god, Neubaner, St. Bibl i 824 ft". 

310 Raymond P. Dougherty 

to make a journey from Babylonia to the land of Teimd in 
the 6 th century B. C. That such a journey was not a hardship is 
shown by the line of oases within easy reach of one another 
stretching 500 miles from the Euphrates to the city of Teimd' 11 . 
The desert was not an impassable barrier, for Nebuchadrezzar, 
having pursued the Egyptians to the border of their land after 
the battle of Carchemish in 605 B. C., upon hearing the news 
of the death of his father Nabopolassar, hurried back across 
its sands to make sure of his throne in Babylonia 28 . 

The most interesting reference to Teima in cuneiform lite- 
rature remains to be considered. In the Chronicle of Cyrus 
concerning the reign of Nabonidus and the fall of Babylon it 
is recorded that Nabonidus was in dl Te-ma-a in the 7th, 9th, 
10th and llth years of his reign, while the son of the king 
(i. e., Belshazzar), the princes and the soldiers were in matAk- 
Jcadu 2g . Pinches connects dl Te-ma-a with Te-e kia ki-ir-ba 
BdUli hi and Tu-ma M so. Aside from the difficulty of equating 
dl Te-ma-a, Te-eki and Tu-ma M, and thus proving that a 
section of the city of Babylon is meant, the statement in the 
Chronicle that Nabonidus was in dl Te-ma-a is almost imme- 
diately followed by the declaration that the king did not go 
to Babylon 31 . The conclusion is warranted that dl Te-ma-a 
was not in the city of Babylon. In fact, it is intimated that 
dl Te-ma-a was outside the country of Akkad, for the statement 
that Nabonidus was in dl Te-ma-a is opposed by the affirmation 
that Belshazzar, the princes and the soldiers were in mdtAk- 
kadu 32 . Thus it is apparent that dl Te-ma-a of the Chronicle 

27 Cf. the excellent maps at the close of Hogarth. The Penetration of 
Arabia. Ibid. opp. p. 282, gives a good photograph of the "Tema Stone". 

28 Cf. Winckler, The History of Babylonia and Assyria, p. 316. See 
Richter, Berosi Chaldaeorum Historiae, p. 66. 

2 Cf. Transactions of The Society of Biblical Archaeology, 1882, 
VoL VII, pp. 139-176; Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, Band III, 2. Halfte, 
pp. 130 f.; Beitrdge zur Assyriologie, Vol. 2, pp. 214225, 235257. 

30 Cf. ibid. p. 171, with illustration on page 152, showing plan of the 
city of Babylon, mentioning the district Tu-ma hi. 

si Ibid. pp. 156, 157, 160, 161. 

32 Cf. King, History of Sumer and Akkad, p. 12, for reference to the 
fact that the Assyrians used the term Akkad loosely for the whole of 
Babylonia. The Neo-Babylonians evidently used the term in the same 
way. Cf. Halevy, Melanges de critique et d'histoire, p. 2, note 2. 

Nabonidus in Arabia 311 

of Cyrus must be sought without the bounds not only of the 
city of Babylon but of Babylonia itself. 

The fact that important religious ceremonies were not per- 
formed in the 7th, 9th, iQth and llth years of the reign of 
Nabonidus may be adduced as corroborating evidence 33 . It 
is difficult to believe that the king failed to function at these 
exalted rites while within reach of his capital city. Further- 
more, when the mother of Nabonidus died in the 9th year 
of his reign, one of the years when he was in at Te-ma-a, he 
is not mentioned as taking part in the mourning which was 
observed in Akkad 34 . The only inference that can be drawn 
is that he was too far away to participate. Another link in 
the chain of evidence is a Yale tablet, dated in the 10th year 
of Nabonidus, when he was in & Te-ma-a, indicating that food 
for the king was taken to mat Te-ma-a 35 . The Yale Babylonian 
Collection also contains two royal leases of land issued during 
the reign of Nabonidus. One, dated in the 1st year of his 
reign, was obtained from Nabonidus himself 36 . The other, 
dated in the llth year of his reign, when he was in al Te-ma-a, 
was obtained from Belshazzar who is mentioned by name 37 . 
Thus it may be claimed that there is sufficient documentary 
proof for the conclusion that Nabonidus spent at least portions 
of the 7th, 9th, 10 th and llth years of his reign outside of 
Babylonia proper at a city called cU Te-ma-a. That this 
# Te-ma-a is the same Arabian city referred to by Tiglath- 
pileser IV can hardly be doubted. Its identification with 
Biblical NlpTi, Ptolemy's 6ou/ia and modern rfl^o seems within 
the bounds of reason, if not inevitable. 

> Cf. references given in note 81. 

Cf. Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, Vol. VII, 
p. 158 f. 

* Text No. 184, Records from Erech, Time of Nabonidvs, VoL VI of 
Yale Oriental Series, Babylonian Texts. The food wan brought back and 
sold by a slave, who was required to restore it at once to the temple in 
Erech. Cf. Text No. 181, 18, ibid., dated in 10th year, and Text No. 156, 6, 
ibid., dated in the 12th year. 

" Text No. 11, ibid. 

Text No. 160, ibid. In this text Belshazzar is presented in the role 
of an exacting lord as compared with the more gracious attitude ascribed 
to Nabonidus in Text No. 11. 

>1 JA08 42 

312 Raymond P. Dougherty 

Various reasons may be suggested for the visits of Nabo- 
nidus to at Te-ma-a, now known as Teimd. In the first place, 
as a victim of the malarial climate of Babylonia he may have 
sought relief in the clear desert air and elevated atmosphere 
of Teimd. Or, as an archaeological enthusiast and rebuilder 
of temples, he may have been attracted by the inscriptions 
and monumental structures at Teimd. Goodspeed supposes 
that Nabonidus was forced into retirement in the 7th year of 
his reign and that Belshazzar then became the real ruler of 
the nation 38 . This view cannot be substantiated. In the 
12th regnal year oaths were still sworn by the laws or decrees 
of "Nabonidus, king of Babylon, and Belshazzar, the son of 
the king" 39 . Crown prince Belshazzar, as the second ruler in 
the kingdom 40 , had almost equal authority with his father, 
but he is not mentioned as king in a single instance on the 
numerous contract tablets covering all the years ascribed to 
Nabonidus 41 . Moreover, possession of full kingly authority 

38 Goodspeed, A History of the Babylonians and Assyrians, p. 372. 

3 Texts Nos. 225 and 232, Records from Erech, Time of Nabonidus, 
Vol. VI of Yale Oriental Series, Babylonian Texts. Cf. Text No. 39 and 
discussion on page 55 of Miscellaneous Inscriptions in the Yale Babylonian 
Collection^ Vol. I of the same series, for a document dated in the 7th year 
of Nabonidus, recording two dreams which were interpreted as favorable 
to both Nabonidus and Belshazzar. See Expository Times, Vol. XXVI, 
pp. 297 299, for a corroborating text published by Pinches. These texts 
confirm the view that Nabonidus maintained his kingly authority with the 
help of Belshazzar. There is nothing to indicate that the latter revolted 
against his father. 

40 It was because of Belshazzar's position next to his father that Daniel 
was made the third ruler in the kingdom after he interpreted the hand- 
writing on the wall. See Daniel 5, 29. Josephus refers to "Baltasar, who 
by the Babylonians was called Naboandelus", and states that Baltasar 
reigned 17 years, which corresponds to the number of years ascribed to 
Nabonidus. This confusion of Belshazzar with Nabonidus is not surprising 
under the circumstances. 

<t See Strassmaier, Inschriften von Nabonidus} Clay, Legal and Com- 
mercial Transactions, dated in the Assyrian, Neo- Baby Ionian and Persian 
Periods, BE Vol. VIII, Part I; Clay, Babylonian Business Transactions 
of the First Millennium B. C., Part I of Babylonian Records in the Li- 
brary of J. P. Morgan-, Keiser, Letters and Contracts from Erech, Part I 
of Babylonian Inscriptions in the Collection of J. B. Nies; Dougherty j 

Nabonidus in Arabia 313 

by Belshazzar would have made unnecessary the non-perfor- 
mance of metropolitan rites and ceremonies during the absence 
of Nabonidus. Hence the theory that Nabonidus sought asylum 
at Teimd as a deposed monarch is far from the truth. 

Likewise, it is difficult to regard either ill health or archaeo- 
logical zeal as a sufficient explanation for the extended stay 
of a Babylonian king in Arabia, 500 miles from the seat of 
his empire, over which he still maintained control, and within 
150 miles of the Red Sea. If it must be admitted that Na- 
bonidus spent much of his time at Teimd, it is natural to 
suppose that the northern and central sections of Arabia were 
under his rule. As the inscriptions of Nabonidus deal mainly 
with his building operations very little is said in them con- 
cerning the bounds of his empire. The statement usually 
quoted belongs to his descriptions of the restoration of the 
temples in Harran and Sippar, in which he simply says that 
he caused his numerous troops to come from Gaza at the 
border of Egypt, from the upper sea (i. e., the Mediterranean), 
on the other side of the Euphrates, as far as the lower sea 
(i. e., the Persian) 42 . Such a brief geographical reference 
cannot be regarded as determining the true extent of his 
domain. In the 8th century B. C. the inhabitants of Teimd 
along with other Arabian peoples were tributary to Tiglath- 
pileser IV 43 . It is unlikely that these Arabian districts be- 
came permanently independent during the rule of the powerful 
Assyrian monarchs that followed, viz., Shalmaneser, Sargon, 
Sennacherib, 3 *Esarhaddon andAsshurbanipal. So when Nineveh 
tell in 606 B. 0. and Egypt lost to Nebuchadrezzar at Car- 
chemish in 605 B. C., we may suppose that the new regime 
in Babylonia inherited the neighboring and more distant oases 

Records from Erech, Time of Nabonidus, Vol. VI of Tale Oriental Series, 
Babylonian Texts ; Nies and Reiser, Historical, Religious and Economic 
Texts and Antiquities, Part II of Babylonian Inscriptions in the Collection 
of J. B. Nies; and Dougherty, Archives from Erech, Time of Nebuchad- 
rtuar and Nabonidus, Vol. I of Ooucher College Cuneiform Inscriptions. 
''f Langdon, Die Neubabylonischen Konigsinschriften, pp. 220 f., 
Col. I, lines 88f. 

43 See note 3. 

" Herodus, II. 141, calls Sennacherib "king of the Arabians and 

314 Raymond P. Dougherty 

of Arabia, if indeed it had not already absorbed them. The 
tradition preserved by Josephus that Nebuchadrezzar made 
Egypt a Babylonian province adds to the probability that the 
part of Arabia which was one of the highways of commerce 
and travel between the Mesopotamian and Nile valleys was 
similarly dominated 44 . 

Little light is thrown upon this problem by Greek, Latin 
and Arabic sources 45 . Ptolemy 6, 7, 17, mentions a people 
living on the Persian Gulf called Ga/xot or GC/MU. Note also 
the f-o y^, referred to by Jakut, Moscht, pp. 310, 352, 413. 
Fleischer, Hist Anteislam, p. 198, thinks that the Beni Teim 
may refer to the original inhabitants of Teimd wandering in 
different parts of Arabia. Forster, Geography of Arabia, I, 
pp. 289 f., holds similarly that the Beni Temim, who dwelt mainly 
on the shores of the Persian Gulf, sprang from the city of Teimd 46 . 

These indications that people of Teimd had their abode in 
the region of the Persian Gulf are interesting. It must be 
remembered, however, that Cyrus in his Chronicle states de- 
finitely that Nabonidus was in al Te-ma-a, i. e., the city of 
Teimd. If he had meant to convey the impression that Na- 
bonidus was simply in a district that was settled by people 
from Teimd, he would have used the more general term 
mat Te-ma-a. Furthermore, the al Te-ma-a cited by Cyrus was 
well-known or else he would have been more precise in his 
reference to the place. 

Knowledge of only one important city, thus named, has come 
down to us, and there is no doubt that Teimd in Arabia en- 
joyed a renown and prestige in the ancient Semitic world far 
beyond our present conjecture 47 . It is entirely within the 
range of historical possibility that Teimd was the political 
center from which Nabonidus governed his Arabian province, 
while Belshazzar looked after affairs in Babylonia. Such a 
situation would corroborate and give added significance to the 
position occupied by Belshazzar as an energetic and masterful 
crown prince. The most interesting revelation, however, is 

4* Cf. King, A History of Babylon, p. 278. 

45 Of. Weber, Arabien vor dem Islam, pp. 9f. 

46 Cf. note 20. 

47 See notes 18 and 20. 

Ndbonidus in Arabia 315 

that Arabia seems to have been intimately connected with 
Babylonia in the 6th century B. C. 48 

Cf. JA08 Vol. 41, p. 458 for a preliminary note on this subject 
After the writer had come to his conclusions an interesting reference in 
Tiele, Babylonisch-Assi/rische Geschichte, 1886, Part 1, pp. 470 f., was found. 
Tiele arrived at the same view concerning the location of al Te-ma-a 
without the bounds of Akkad, hut specifically states that it cannot be the 
Arabian city mentioned by Tiglathpileser IV, although he suggests no 
proof for this latter inference beyond its apparent improbability. At the 
same time he recognizes the historical enigma presented by the absence 
of Nabonidus from Babylonia but finds no solution for it Hagen in Bei- 
trage zur Assyriologie, VoL 2, 1894, pp. 236 f. and note, also decides against 
the identification of SI Te-ma-a with Teima in Arabia. His theory is that 
al Te-ma-a was the favorite residence of Nabonidus in Babylonia outside 
the capital city. He refers to the fact that it was customary for Baby- 
lonian kings to have such special living quarters from which they would 
depart for Babylon only at the time of the New Year's festival. However, 
it has already been shown that the direct intimation of the record is that 
al Te-ma-a was not in Babylonia and that Nabonidus did not go to Ba- 
bylon for the usual ceremonies at the beginning of the years he is mentioned 
as being at al Te-ma-a. This can only be explained by the supposition 
that Nabonidus was at a considerable distance from the political center 
of his kingdom. Hagen also refers to the building operations which Nab- 
onidus credits to himself at Sippar, Harran, etc., during the years when 
he spent at least part of his time at al Te-ma-a. Hence he concludes that 
al Te-ma-a must have been located in Babylonia, or the supervision of 
this work on the part of Nabonidus would have been impossible. It is 
true that the building inscriptions of Nabonidus, like those of his prede- 
cessors, are very detailed in their accounts of operations, but it is not 
necessary to suppose that everything was done under the royal eye. No 
doubt the work was supervised by special officers who made reports to 
the king when he could not be present Nabonidus, even at Teima in 
Arabia, could have kept in touch with all the affairs of his domain in 
which he was interested, as an elaborate messenger service was maintained 
in ancient times. Cf. note 2. For instance, in the first month of the 
7th year of his reign, when he was at &l Te-ma-a, he gave a command to 
Belsharrar to attend to a certain matter. Cf. Text No. 108, 13 of Re- 
fords from Erech, Time of Nabonidus, Vol. VI of Yale Oriental Series, 
Babylonian Texts. Texts NOB. 71 and 72, ibid., indicate that Nabonidus 
may also have been absent from Babylonia in the 6th year of his reign, 
as a very important question concerning the use of temple paraphernalia 
in Krech was referred to Belshazzar in that year. The records were in- 
vestigated for the purpose of determining the precedents set by Nebuchsd- 
r, Neriglissar and Nabonidus. A decision made by Nabonidus in the 


Raymond P. Dougherty 

first year of his reign was quoted. It must be presumed that a weighty 
matter was not decided without referring it to the absent king, unless a 
previous action on his part gave the needed authority. That Nabonidus 
seems to have been interested in the western part of his empire during 
the early years of his reign is indicated by the references to Hamath, 
Mt. Ammananu and the Sea of the Westland in the opening fragmentary 
lines of the Chronicle of Cyrus concerning Nabonidus. Cf. note 29. 



THE RAPIDITY with which knowledge progresses in the ancient 
Oriental field is well illustrated by the flood of new material 
with reference to Magan and Meluha. In Schroeder's new 
volume, Keilschrifttexte aus Assur verschiedenen Inherits (Leipzig, 
1920) there is some very important evidence on the subject. 
Text No. 92 is a kind of geographical handbook, describing the 
extent and the mutual relation of the dominions of Sargon II 
of Assyria, but pedantically, and not always accurately, sub- 
stituting names and terms from the age of Sargon of Akkad, 
wherever possible. Line 30 ff. reads: 120 double-hours (here) 
of marching distance (siddu) from the dam (KUNmihru) of 
the Euphrates to the border of Meluha and Mari (MjL(!)-Rt-Kl) 
which Sargon (Sarrugina), king of the world, when he conquered 
the expanse of the heavens (sic, sihip same) with might, traversed. 
Here we are informed that it was 240 marching hours from the 
fords of the Euphrates between Mari and Sumer, or Babylonia, 
as follows from line 29, to the boundary between Mari and 
Meluha. 1 But where could Mari, on the middle Euphrates, 
and Meluha in Africa have possibly met? Clay has long 

The 240 hours from the Euphrates to the Egyptian frontier imply, 
at three miles an hour, an actual marching distance of about 720 miles. 
The actual distance in a straight line from Thapsacus to Raphia, and thence 
to Pelusium is five hundred miles, but during the course of a month spent 
in walking over Palestine and Syria, the writer learned that it required 
eight marching hours to cover a distance of sixteen miles measured by the 
map, owing to the relatively large amount of climbing and detours which 
is necessary in this rough country. Accordingly, the 120 double-hours are 
precisely what we should expect Similarly, the 80 double-hours from 
Aphek to Raphia, given is Esarhaddon's report, correspond to 180 miles in 
straight line. 

318 W. F. Albright 

maintained that Mari is really synonymous with MAR-TU, 
or Amurru, and refers to Syria, as well as to the middle 
Euphrates country, but few have accepted his view. Now, 
however, it is proved for the seventh century B. c. by the 
remarkable geographical vocabulary published by Schroeder, 
No. 183, line 11, where Mari is explained by mat Haiti, the 
Hittite country, which in late Assyrian texts is the regular 
expression for Syria, including Palestine. 

In late Assyrian texts, from Sargon to As^urbanapal, Meluha 
always refers to the Ethiopia magna of the Pianhi dynasty, 
and is thus often extended to include Egypt, which formed a 
part of the Ethiopian Empire. Sargon II says, in his Triumphal 
Inscription, line 102 f., that Yamani of Ashdod fled ana itt 
Musuri $a pat mat Meluha, "to the part (lit. border) of Egypt 
which is in the territory of Meluha". The king of Meluha in 
line 109 is the Ethiopian monarch. The same usage is found 
in the texts of Sennacherib. It explains the confusion in the 
mind of Esarhaddon's scribe when he says, describing Esar- 
haddon's famous desert march to Egypt, "From Magan I 
departed, to Meluha I approached", and then mentions the 
30 double-hours from Aphek (Apqu = Fiq, east of the Sea of 
Galilee) in Samaria (Same[ri]na) to Raphia, which is just one- 
fourth the total distance from the Euphrates to the Egyptian 
frontier, in perfect agreement with the estimate given above. 
From Raphia, instead of taking the direct route by way of 
Pelusium, and attacking the strongly fortified frontier zone, 
Esarhaddon, gathering camels and supplies from "all" the 
tributary Arab sheikhs, made a terrible desert march by way, 
it would seem, of Suez, and outflanked the Egyptian army of 
defence. His description of the serpents met within the "Arabah" 
reads like an excerpt from the book of Numbers. In the Esar- 
haddon text Magan takes the place of the Mari of the geograph- 
ical inscription, since under the Sargonids Egypt was included 
under the head of Meluha and there was thus no room in Africa 
for Magan. However, the old condition of affairs survives, as 
indicated by the alternation between Magan and Meluha in 
some texts and Musur and Meluha in others. 

That Magan was not combined with Syria in the early period 
is shown by the Sumerian texts I have quoted in previous 
papers, and proved by a passage in the geographical text 

New Light on Magan and Melicha 319 

already cited, which in this case obviously derives its infor- 
mation from early Babylonian sources. Lines 41 ff. state: 
Anami, 2 Kaptara (Eg. Kptr, Bib. Caphtor), lands beyond 
(BAL-RI) the Upper Sea (Mediterranean), Tilmun, Magana, 
lands beyond the Lower Sea (Persian Gulf), and the lands 
from the rising of the sun to the setting of the sun, which 
Sargon, king of the world, up to his third (year?) conquered 
(qdtsu ikSudu). So Magan is faithfully given, in accord with 
the old Sumerian tradition, as a land beyond the Persian Gulf 
by the sea route and yet it is on the land route from the 
Euphrates to Meluha Ethiopia! 

Lest the problem should be cleared up too speedily, our new 
vocabulary furnishes an additional complication; line 13 has 
(b-d) kur Ma-gan-naki^mdt Si-id-di-ri*= [mat M]i-is-r[i]. 
As Col. b contains only Old Babylonian names from the third 
millennium, we may consider Siddiri as an early form of the 
same word which later appears in Babylonia as Misri, Afisir, 
and in Assyria as Musri, Musur. The word has thus origi- 
nally a d between the .9 and the r, just as in the later Greek 
form, Mr8(T)/xu^, where the 8 is, however, apparently a secondary 
parasitic element. The primary Egyptian name would then 
be approximately ^mdedrew^ heard by the Babylonians as 
*(?&kre, which would have to be written in cuneiform as Sid- 
with accentual doubling of the </. Later we may suppose 
that the Western Semites corrupted the plural, *Mi$idrim, 
'Egyptians', into the more compatible M^rwn, from which the 
various forms, Amarna Misri, Heb. dual Miprayim, singular 
Ma$or (by popular etymology, following wosor, 'fortification') 
were derived by back-formation. 

' The cuneiform text, as given by Schroeder, has A-na-AZAQ, which 
is certainly a mistake, like S-ZU and L1L-URU for MA-URU Mari 
elsewhere in our text. In a cramped Assyrian hand there is no noticeable 
difference between AZAO and ML It is possible that Anami is the Ana- 
>f Gen. 10 is, which may represent Gyrene, being followed by Leha- 
bim, the Libyans of Marmarica. The Caphtorim of the next verse are 
naturally the people of Kaptara, or Crete. Cnossus in Crete is mentioned 
in a text of Esarhaddon found at Assur as Nusisi, if we may accept Peiscr's 
identification (OLZ 14. 476; 15. 246). Cf. also the remarks in my paper 
to appear in JPOS, 'A Colony of Cretan Mercenaries on the Coast of 


320 W. F. Albright 


The fact that Magan is in one passage termed a land of 
copper, so far from being against its identification with Egypt, 
is in favor of it. Hume, Preliminary Report on the Geology of 
the Eastern Desert of Egypt, 1907, pp. 56 f., says that copper 
ores are found in the eastern desert, and that there are old 
workings at Abskiel and Abu flamamid, a statement confirmed 
by Mr. Thomas, JEA 7. 110. I have also been assured by 
a mining engineer, Mr. Walter Middleton, that there is an 
abundance of copper ore in the Nubian desert, in the region 
northwest of Port Sudan, which to the Egyptians was the coast 
of Punt. This explains why the Egyptians and Sumerians 
brought malechite from Pwnt = Meluha. 

Nor can there be any doubt now that the invasion of Egypt 
by a king of the Dynasty of Akkad was quite within the range 
of probability. Thanks to the remarkable discoveries of Forrer, 
Hrozn^ and others among the treasures of Boghazkeui, it is 
now certain that Sargon I extended his conquests far beyond 
Mari, or northeastern Syria, and Ibla, or northwestern Syria, 
into southwestern Cappadocia, where he captured the city of 
Bursahanda, Hittite Barsuhanta, between HubiSna = Kybistra 
and Tuwanuwa = Tyana. Moreover, according to a text de- 
scribed by Forrer, Die acht Sprachen der Boghazkoi-Inschriften, 
p. 1038 f., a king of Akkad, almost certainly Sargon, fought 
a coalition of the kings of Kanis, near Caesarea Mazaca, Hatte 
(Boghazkeui) and Kursaura, northwest of Tyana. 

Despite recent assertions, it is absolutely certain that Yari- 
muta, as described in the Amarna tablets, lay to the south 
of Phoenicia. The indications of the letters sometimes point 
rather to the Delta than to the Plain of Sharon, but the 
non-Egyptian form of the name and the Semitic names of the 
two functionaries, Yanhamu and Yapa-Addi, point rather to 
Palestine. Moreover, Amarna, No. 296, can only mean (which 
does not appear to have been observed) that Gaza and Joppa, 
both Egyptian garrison towns, were in the district controlled 
directly by Yanhamu, that is, in Yarimuta. In JEA 7. 80, the 
writer was unable to check Professor Sayce's identification of 
Yarimuta with 'classical Armuthia', but since this paper was 
written the necessary books have been acquired. There is no 
classical Armuthia at all! The source of it is Tompkins, 
TSBA 9. 242, ad 218 (of the Tuthmosis list): 'Mauti. Perhaps 

New Light on Magan and Meluha 321 

the Yari-muta of the Tel el-Amarna tablets, now (I think) 
Armuthia, south of Killis.' 'Armuthia' is only a bad ortho- 
graphy for Armudja, a small village some three miles south of 
Killis, and thirty north of Aleppo, not on the coast at all, but 
in the heart of Syria. Moreover, instead of the Nos. 298301 
of the Tuthmosis list, quoted by Professor Sayce as Arsha, Mari, 
Ibl, and Qarmatia, we really have Nos. 298299, t*-r3-&-[], 
M3-ry-[], and 306-307 (!) ly-b-rl, Kl-rl-my-ty. The first two 
identifications, as well as the fourth, are impossible, though 
the third is probably right In this connection it should be 
observed that Professor Sayce's effort to do away with Ethi- 
opians in the Amarna texts by creating a north-Syrian Kus 
(JRAS 1921, 54) is useless. He quotes an Assyrian letter which 
locates the cities of Arpad, Kullania, and Dana in the land 
of the Ku-sa-a (pronounced KuSa'a), but the latter is simply 
the gentilic corresponding to the well-known JBit-Gusi, or Beth 
Gosh. Arpad was the capital of Bit-Gusi, and Kullania is 
generally located in it by Assyriologists, while there is no 
geographical objection to placing Dana there as well. 

Since the conquests of Naram-in extended further toward 
the southwest than those of Sargon, there is no place for 
Magan but Egypt, unless one insists on identifying it with 
Winckler's ill-fated Arabian Musri in Midian. Hall's obser- 
vation (JEA 7, 40) that Manium is undeniably a common 
Semitic name is very strange; the writer would very much like 
to have it pointed out in other inscriptions. The ending turn 
is found also affixed by the Akkadians to non-Semitic names, 
as Outium\ it is exactly parallel to Lat Arminius for Herr- 
mann, &c. 

It is quite premature to say that the chronological situation 
forbids our synchronism. Langdon's date for Narivm-Sin, given 
in his lecture on 'The Early Chronology of Sumer and Egypt' 
(cf. Near East, May 5, 1921, p. 530 b) as 2795(3?)-2739 is a 
terminus ad quern. For the reasons previously outlined, it 
seems to me necessary to allow fully 125 years between the 
expulsion of the Guti and the accession of Ur-Nammu (formerly 
called Ur-Engur) B. c. 2475, which will bring the accession 
of Naram-Sin to at least 2875'. The new 'short chronology* 

Thanks to the kindness of Professor Clay, I have been able to read 

322 W. F. Albright 

for Babylonia, which would reduce the date for Ur-Nammu 
to about 2300, has been disposed of in an article to appear 
in the Revue d'Assyriologie. Egyptian chronology naturally 
offers a more complicated problem, but the writer fails to see 
any particular difficulty in the scheme which reduces the period 
between the Sixth and the Twelfth Dynasty to 160 years, and 
allows an average of eighteen years each to the kings of the 
first two dynasties. Since it is steadily becoming clearer that 
the history of Egyptian civilization, especially in the Delta, 
reaches far back into the predynastic age, before 4000 B. c., 
why should an Egyptologist assume that the crude beginnings 
of Babylonian monumental art, in the days of Mesilim and 
Ur-Nina, must fall later than Menes? Our theory places 
them only two to three centuries earlier. Even with our 
rectification of the chronology, Egyptian art remains superior 
to contemporary Babylonian art, as will be easy to see on 
comparing, for example, the Tanite art of the Thinite period, 
as found by Capart in the group of 'Nile gods' in Cairo, and 
the Ludovisi statue at Eome, with the art of the Akkadian 
epoch in Babylonia. 

the translation of the new dynastic fragment found in the Philadelphia 
Museum by Legrain. It offers very useful confirmation of the view out- 
lined that there was an interval of some length between Utu-gegal and 
Ur-Nammu. The ninth column of the tablet contained the dynasty of Utu- 
gegal and the dynasty of Ur; it begins with the regnal years of the last 
monarch of Guti, and closes with the name of the third king of Isin, Idin- 
Dagan, thus containing the names of eight kings, and the record of three 
dynastic changes. "While only the first seven lines of the column are pre- 
served, we may estimate the number of names lost by comparing the situ- 
ation in the seventh and eighth columns, where we are on firm historical 
ground. Col. VII contained the names of all the twelve kings of Akkad, 
and the five kings of Erech, with the record of two dynastic changes, and 
the partial account of another. Col. VIII contained the names of all 
twenty-one monarchs of Guti. Accordingly, Col. IX gave a least six, and 
probably seven names of the dynasty of Utu-gegal less, naturally, if 
there were two dynasties here instead of one, which is hardly probable, 
despite Lugal-anna-mundu of Adab. 



ALTHOUGH DHANVANTABI is a deity of minor rank and 
importance, he merits somewhat detailed consideration since he 
is the only real Indian god of healing. The earliest known 
allusion to him appears to be KauMka Sutra 74. 6, which 
prescribes that a portion of the daily offering (baliharana) be 
placed tt in the water-holder for Dhanvantari, [? Cloud-] Ocean, 
Herbs, Trees, Sky, and Earth" (udadhdne dhanvantaraye samur 
drdyausadhivanaspatibhyo dydvdprthimbhydm). In this connexion 
it should be observed that healing properties are very widely 
ascribed to water and herbs. 

Sacrifice to Dhanvantari is frequently mentioned. "At evening 
and in the morning one should make offering of dressed ghee 
to the Agnihotr-gods, to Soma, to Vanaspati, to Agni-Soma, 
to Indra-Agni, to Heaven-Earth, to Dhanvantari, to Indra, to 
the All-Gods, to Brahma, saying, 'evokd'" (A&vcdayana Grhya- 
i 1. 2. 1 2), 1 and Dhanvantari receives a "Dhanvantari- 
leaf (dhanvantaritaparna, Mdnava Grhya-Sutra 2. 12. 19). At 
the pakayajna, a Brahman must officiate at the "Dhanvantari- 
sacritice", as he must at the similar rite in the caityayajiia 
(A. G-S. 1. 3. 6; 1. 12. 5).' One year after the ndmdkarana, 
a goat and a sheep must be offered to Agni and Dhanvantari 

1 In M. G-S. 2. 19. 28, the order is Agni-Soma, Dhanvantari, All- 
Gods, Prajipati, Agni Sviftakrt ; in Gautama Dhan*a&Atra 5. 10, Agni, 
Dhanvantari, All-Gods, Prajapati Sviitakrt; in Manu 3. 8486, Agni, 
Soma, Agni-Soma, All-Gods, Dhanvantari, KuhQ, Anumati, Prajapati, 
Heaven-Barth, Svistakrt. 

ir the baliharatia, pakayajila, and caityayajfta see Hillebrandt, 
Eitual-Littcratw, pp. 74; 80, 71, 72-73; 86-87. 

324 Louis H. Gray 

(M. G-S. 1. 18. 8). According to the Mdrkandeya Purdna (29. 17) r 
the oblation to Dhanvantari must be placed to the north-east,, 
the quarter in which he dwells (cf. also Visnu Purdna, tr, 
Wilson, 3. 118; Mahabhdrata 13. 97. 12). 

In the Mahabhdrata (3. 3. 25; 13. 17. 104) Dhanvantari is 
one of the 108 names of the Sun and one of the 1008 names 
of &va; but it is doubtful whether these facts are of real 
significance in view of the Indian tendency to identify deities 
of divergent character by syncretism. The epic also recounts 
the legend most generally known concerning him, telling how,, 
after the Ocean of Milk had been churned for a thousand 
years, he arose, the very Ayur-Veda, bearing a staff and a 
white bowl containing amrta (dhanvantaris tato devo vapusmdn 
udatisthata, svetam hamandalum bibhrad amrtam yatra tisthati, 
Mahabhdrata 1. 18. 38; atha varsasahasrena dyurvedamayah 
pumdn, udatisthat sudharmdtmd sadandah sdkamandaluh, atha 
dhanvantarir ndma, Edmdyana 1. 45. 31 32; cf. Visnu Purdna, 
tr. Wilson, 1. 144). According to the Bhdgavata Purdna 
(1. 13. 17), he was the twelfth avatar of Visnu, from whom he, 
"beholding the Ayur-Veda" (dyurvedadrg), "was manifestly risen, 
limb for limb" (sa vai bhagavatah saksdd visnor amsdmsasam- 
bhavah dhanvantarir', ib. 8. 8. 34). 

Besides this incarnation, Dhanvantari had a second avatar. 
The Visnu Purdna (tr. Wilson, 4. 3233) makes him a King 
of Kai (Benares), the great-great-great-great-great grandson 
of the famous Pururavas. He was free from human infirmities 
and possessed universal knowledge in every incarnation. In the 
life just previous to his avatar as Dhanvantari, Visnu had 
conferred upon him the boon of being born a Ksatriya and 
of becoming the author of medical science, besides being entitled 
to a share of the oblations offered to the gods. Similarly the 
Trikdndasesa (2. 7. 21) identifies him with "Divodasa, King of 
Kai, nectar-born" (dhanvantarir divoddsah kdsirdjah sudhod- 
bhavah). The Bhdgavata Purdna (2. 7. 21) also knows of this, 
speaking of "the glorious Dhanvantari, the very mention of 
whose name straightway slays the diseases of men oppressed 
with many diseases; . . . and, incarnate in the world, he teaches 
the Ayur-Veda" (dhanvantaris ca bhagavdn svayam eva Jdrtir 
ndmnah nrndm pururujdm ruja d$u hanti . . . dyus ca vedam 
anusdsty avatirya lobe). This same Purana gives (9. 17. 4 5} 

The Indian God Dhanvantari 325 

the genealogy KaSya, Kasi, Ras^ra, Dlrghatamas, Dhanvantari, 
Ketumant, and Bhimaratha; while the Harivamsa (29. 10. 2628; 
32. 2122) makes the line Kaa (or Ka&ka), Dlrghatapas, 
Dhanvantari, Ketumant, Bhimaratha. In the latter poem (29. 
9 28) we have a somewhat detailed account which may briefly 
he summarised. In reward for the penances of the aged King 
Dlrghatapas, Dhanvantari again arose from the ocean and for 
a second time became incarnate on earth. In his former birth 
he had meditated upon Visnu as soon as he perceived the 
mighty god; and Hari had named him Abja ("Water-Born"). 
He had besought Visnu, whose son he considered himself, for 
a share in sacrificial offerings and for a position upon earth; 
but the former had already been portioned, and only the latter 
remained available. Nevertheless, in his second avatar he would 
enjoy the dignity of a god, and would be worshipped by the 
twice-born with caru (oblations of boiled rice or barley; cf. the 
pdkayajna of the Sutras), mantras, vows, and japas (muttered 
prayers); while he would also promulgate the Ayur-Veda, which 
he already knew. The second incarnation, as Visnu promised, 
took place in the second Dvapara Yuga, when Dlrghatapas 
besought Abja for a son. Thus Dhanvantari was born in the 
King's house and in due time became ruler of Ka&, where- 
upon, having acquired knowledge of the Ayur-Veda from 
Bharadvaja, he divided the duties of physicians into eight 
classes and conferred his lore upon his disciples. 

According to medical tradition, as given in the Susruta- 
ltd (1. 2, 12, 16), the divine physician Dhanvantari, in- 
carnate as Divodasa, King of Kas*i, received the Ayur-Veda 
from Brahma through the successive mediation of Prajapati 
(or Daksa), the ASvins, and Indra, and then taught it to 
Susruta and the latter's six colleagues. To Dhanvantari are 
likewise ascribed the Dhanvantarinighanfa the oldest Indian 
medical glossary (though not of very ancient date), and a 
number of minor treatises. 8 

Later still, Dhanvantari, together with Ksapanaka, Amara- 
siipha, Sanku, Vetalabhatta, Ghatakarpara, Kalidasa, Varaha- 
mihira, and Vararuci, constituted the "nine gems" at the court 

> Jolly, Medici* pp. 12-14; Aufrecht, Catalogs Catalogorum, 1. 267, 
3. 38; cf. Lassen, Inditchc Alterthumskunde, 2* ed. t 2. 518-519. 

326 Louis H. Gray 

of Vikrama (Haeberlin, K&vya-Saiigralia, p. 1). It became a 
proverb that even the physician Dhanvantari could not help 
the dead (api dhanvantarir vaidyah kirn karoti gatayusi, Hito- 
padesa 3. 141 4. 62); tradition told that, although he was 
"a goodly leech, a poet and a prince, and (an incarnation of 
both) Visnu and &iva, his gain was only the killing of a cow, 
since in the house of a fool neither profit, weal, nor wealth is 
received" (sadvaidye kavibhupatau harihare labhah param go- 
vadhah, Bohtlingk, Indische Spruche, 2 nd ed., no. 6486); and he, 
too, died, though, like Vetarani and Bhoja, he had been able 
to cure serpents' bites (dliammantarl vetaram ca lihojo \ visdni 
hantvana Wiujaiigamdnam \ suyanti te kalakatd tafh' eva, Jdtaka 
510, Visatinipata 340).* 

Dhanvantari's name is still known in India. One tradition 
of the origin of the caste of Camars (the curriers, tanners, and 
daylaborers found throughout Upper India) 

"makes them out to be the descendants of Nona or Lona Chamarin, 
who is a deified witch much dreaded in the eastern part of the 
Province. Her legend tells how Dhanwantari, the physician of the 
gods, was bitten by Takshaka, the king of the snakes, and knowing 
that death approached he ordered his sons to cook and eat his body 
after his death, so that they might thereby inherit his skill in medicine. 
They accordingly cooked his body in a cauldron, and were about to 
eat it, when Takshaka appeared to them in the form of a Brahman, 
and warned them against this act of cannibalism. So they let the 
cauldron float down the Ganges, and as it floated down, Lona, the 
Chamarin, who was washing on the bank of the river, not knowing 
that the vessel contained human flesh, took it out and partook of 
the ghastly food. She at once obtained power to cure diseases, and 
especially snake-bite" (Crooke, The Tribes and Castes of the North- 
Western Provinces and Oudh, 2. 170171 ; cf. also his Popular Religion 
and Folk-Lore of Northern India, 2** ed., 2. 285). 

Dhanvantari is likewise an important figure in the Panjabl 
legend of Princess Niwal Dal. According to this tale, Raja 
Parag (the Pariksit of the Mahabharata) was King of Saf idon 
(a town in the Jind District of the Panjab) and a disciple 
(chela) of "Dhanvantari the Physician" (Dharihantar [orDhdntar, 
Dhanantar, Dhdnthar] Baid)\ and in his capital were three 

* A chapter in the fourth book of the Brahmavaivarta Purdna is 
entitled Dhanvantaridarpabhanga ; but the text is not accessible to me 
at present. 

The Indian God Dlianvantari 


wells, one of which contained amrta (Temple, The Legends of 
tin Panjab, 1. 415, 440, 441, 451, 492, 494, 501). Against her 
father's will, he married Niwal Dal, daughter of the Nftga 
monarch Basak (Vasuki); wherefore Basak sent the Nag Chhlmbft, 
who bit Parag and killed him. A charm recited by Niwal Dal 
restored him to life, but Basak sent two other Nags, Sutak 
and Patak, who again slew Parag, to be revived once more 
by his wife. 6 A Nag named Jlwan now caused his death for 
a third time, and Niwal Dai was unable to bring him back. 
She therefore summoned Dhanthar, who dwelt in the Abu 
forest; and though Parag had already been cremated, he 
revivified the ashes by touching them with sejun (Euphorbia 
antiquorum, or milk-hedge).* Nevertheless, the Nag Tatlg 
succeeded in biting Parag, who thus met his fourth death. 
This time Dhanthar was not only unable to bring him back 
to life, but was himself fatally bitten (ib. pp. 490492, 494, 
497, 499505, 512). As he lay dying, he bade his disciples 
to "cook and eat me; cut up all my flesh, and you will all 
become as Dhanthar the Leech" (mujhe sab pakdke khd lend, 
jl; merd mas sab bat lo, jl; turn sab dhdnthar baid ho jdo, ji)- t 
but Tatlg induced the farmers to stone the chelds, and birds 
of prey carried off the flesh (ib. pp. 504506). The development 
of the story is shown by the fact that in the standard Sanskrit 
on (Mahdbhdrata 1. 40 44) Pariksit (Parag) here King 
of Hastinapura dies when bitten by the serpent Taksaka, and 
no mention is made of any attempt to restore him to life. 

Shrines in honor of Dhanvantari are rare. Nevertheless, 
about two miles east of Naoli, near the boundary of Bhainsror 
and Bhanpura, in Udaipur, is a Takaji-ka-kund ("Fountain of 

"The road, through a jungle, over the flat highland, or Pat'har, 
presents no indication of the fountain, until you suddenly find yourself 

The repeated deaths of Ping preserve the tradition that Parikfit 
was killed before birth by Alvatthlman, but revived by Krfna (Haha- 
Worata 10. 16. 1-16; 14. 64. 8; 70. 18). 

In Bengal the related Euphorbia lipdaria is sacred to the serpent- 
goddess Mnrosa, and its root, mixed with black pepper, is used both 
internally and externally for the cur* of snake-bite (Roxburgh, flora 
Indica, Calcutta, 1874, p. 889). 


328 Louis H. Gray 

on the brink of a precipice nearly 200 feet in depth, crowded with 
noble trees, on which the knotted kora is conspicuous. The descent 
to this glen is over masses of rock; and about half-way down a 
small platform, are two shrines, one containing the statue of Takshac, 
the snake-king, the other of Dhanwantari, the physician who was 
produced at the churning of the ocean. The coond or fountain is 
at the southern extremity of the abyss" (Balfour, Cyclopedia of India, 
3rd ed., 1. 932933). 

The meaning of the name Dhanvantari is not wholly certain. 
The Major Petrograd Dictionary (3. 863) explains it as u he 
who passes through [tari] in the bow [dhanvari]"', but there is 
no allusion whatever to the deity's association with a bow. 
There is, however, a homonymous, though etymologically un- 
related, word dhdnvan, "arid land, desert", and its cognate, 
dhanu, denotes "sandbank, island" (especially "island in the 
cloud-ocean", i. e. "cloud"; ib. coll. 863, 858).? The word dhdnu 
has been examined with great care by Persson (Beitrage zur 
indogermanischen Wortforschung, pp. 39 44), who connects it 
with Lithuanian denis, "deck (of a boat)", Irish don, "terra, 
ground, place", 8 Old High G-erman tenni, "area", Anglo-Saxon 
denu, "valley, dale" (Scottish den, dean), as well as with Greek 
Bevap "palm of the hand, sole of the foot, hollow of the sea and 
in the altar", Old High German tenar, tenra, "hollow of the 
hand". It would appear, then, that the name means "whose 
boat is the [cloud-jisland" (for tari in the sense of "boat" see 
Major Petrograd Dictionary, 3. 269). 

A study of Dhanvantari's birth from the churning of the 
cosmic Ocean of Milk (the later surrogate of the Vedic sky- 
ocean) and of his association in the Sutras with the celestial 
deities Soma (as the moon), Indra, Agni (in his heavenly 
aspect), and Brahma suggests that he also was a celestial 
divinity; more especially, it would seem, a cloud-god. On the 
other hand, the clouds play curiously little part in Vedic 

7 Cf. also Macdonell and Keith, Vedic Index of Names and Subjects, 
1. 388, 389-390. The view of Pischel (Vedische Studien, 2. 6970) that 
dMnu means "water, fluids, Soma", and is connected with dhan(v), "to 
run, flow", is quite improbable. The word dhanu, "bow", is oxytone. 

* Pedersen (Vergleichende Grammatik der keltischen Sprachen, 1. 89) 
connects don rather with Greek x^"> etc. 

The Indian God Dhanvantari 329 

religion; 9 and, accordingly, a cloud-deity would tend to be 
dropped from the company of the great gods, though still 
receiving honor in actual cult among the people. Thus it was 
only natural that Dhanvantari should not be named in the 
Vedas, but should be worshipped in the Sutras and should figure 
in the epics and Puranas, as well as in folk-stories of the 
present day. It may well have been that he was absorbed, in 
the Vedas, by the rain-god Parjanya. 10 

If this argumentation is correct, it is not difficult to see why 
Dhanvantari was conceived as a deity of healing. From the 
ocean of the sky the clouds pour down fertilising rain, water 
which gives life to plants and trees, which revives parched and 
suffering vegetation, which heals the distress of man and beast. 
From this special healing it was but a natural step to healing 
from all suffering and from disease. Then, when the art of 
medicine and surgery was developed, it was felt that gods, like 
men, must have their physician, and that so vital a science must 
have a divine head. Thus it was, perchance, that Dhanvantari 
regained the status which he had lost, though transferred, so 
to speak, from the old Cloud-Bureau, absorbed in the Rain- 
Ministry, to the newly created Department for Medicine. Later 
still, he again suffered demotion, and an attempt was made to 
euhemerise him; so that, from being an independent god, he 
became an avatar of Vispu, then, aided by the development of 
a medical school at KM which needed a divine patron, an 
earthly king, and at last a leech who was mortal Our outline, 
if rightly sketched, is an interesting history of the vicissitudes 
of an Indian god! 

Cloud-deities are none too common outside India. In Greece 

Nt^cAi; appears as the wife of Athamas, by whom she was the 

or of Phrizus and Helle; and another Nephele was mother 

of the Centaurs by Ixion. 11 In an Irish poem by Gilla Coemain 

72), Nel ("Cloud"), who married Scote, a daughter of 

Pharaoh, is the father of Gaedel the Blue: 

Bergaigne, La Religion vidique, 1. 6, 269; 2. 877, 896, 604; 8. 27-28; 
Hillebrtndt, Vcdi$chc Mythologi* 1. 818; 8. 186; Macdonell, Vedic Mytko- 
logy, pp. 80, 78, 88. 

Of. Bergaigne, 8. 27-28; Macdonell, p. 88. 

" Gruppe. Qriechixhe Mythologie und Religi<mge*chickU, pp. 79, 666, 
921; 466,830. 

330 Louis H. Gray 

Gaidel glas o-tdt Gaedil, "Gaedel the Blue, whence the Gaidels, 

Mac side Niuil nert-mdinig; Was son of the Sid " Nel, rich in strength; 

Robo thren tlar acus fair Mighty was he in the west and the east, 

Nil, mac Foeniusa Farsaid. Nel, son of Feinius Farsaid." * 3 

In Teutonic mythology, E. H. Meyer has sought to interpret 
Frigg and Freyja as cloud-goddesses, but in this he is quite 
wrong. 14 Similarly, the Slavic Vily have been explained as 
originally cloud-maidens; but although some of them actually 
live in the clouds, where they build fantastic castles, they are, 
more probably, spirits of the dead, their name being possibly 
connected with Lithuanian vele, "ghost". 15 

The Babylonians, J astro w suggests (Die Religion Babyloniens 
luul Assyrians, 1. 60), may have had a cloud-goddess in Ga- 
tum-dug, whom magic texts term the mother of Ea, the divinity 
of the watery deep. It is also possible that the pagan 
Aramaeans worshipped a cloud-deity if the ]}JJD of an inscription 
from Tema (CIS 2. 114; cf. Cooke, Text-Book of North- Semitic 
Inscriptions, p. 199) is an abbreviation of a theophorous name, 
and if it is an m-formation from the group represented by 
Hebrew ]$, Syriac Uk., Arabic >U, "cloud", from , "to 
appear" (cf. also ^^ t "appearance of an object before one"- 
corresponding exactly in form to ]JJJ ,^>l*, "phenomenon, cloud"; 
Cooke compares, further, the Nabataean and Palmyrene proper 
names fcOJJD and ^Jto, "Mawa?os"). If, for example, pj>0 is a 
Pa'el participle, corresponding to a Syriac *, the name may 
answer precisely, in meaning, to the Homeric 

Concering the Sid see MacCulloch, The Religion of the Ancient Celts, 
pp. 6365; Celtic Mythology (in Mythology of All Eaces, 3), pp. 49-53. 

* Book ofLeinster, p. 3, col. 2; cf. D'Arbois de Jubainville, Introduc- 
tion a I'etude de la litterature celtique, pp. 291292; Le Cercle mytholo- 
gique irlandais, pp. 3940, 8889. 

14 Germanische Mythologie, pp. 202, 266293 (for his cloud-theories 
generally see ib. pp. 81, 8791, 97, 108109, 112, 123124, 156-157, 
189); cf. against this interpretation Mogk, Germanische Mythologie, 2** 
ed., pp. 140144. The name Frigg is connected with Sanskrit priyti, 
"wife", and Freyja with Old High German frouwa, "lady", Greek irpuTot 
<*rpo-J-o-TO!, etc. 

i* Krek, JSinleitung in die slavische Literaturgesehichte, 2d ed., p. 799; 
but see Leger, La Mythologie slave, pp. 166177 ; Machal, Slavic Mythology 
(in Mythology of All Races, 3), pp. 256260. Cf. also Hanusch, Wissen- 
schaft des slawischen Mythus, pp. 305308. 

The Indian God Dhanvantari 331 

Cooke further notes that PJJB may lie behind the Edessan deity 
Mow/ios, associated with the sun-god (Julian, Orationes, 4. 150, 
ed. Spanheim) and identified by lamblichus (apud Julian, loc. 
cit.), who terms him f)\tov irapeSpos, with Hermes (cf. Baethgen, 
Beitrdge zur semitischen Beligionsgeschichte, p. 76). It must be 
emphasised, however, that the etymology here suggested is the 
reverse of certain and that it is advanced merely as a possibility. 

Among the Polynesians, on the other hand, true cloud-gods 
seem to have been known. Here belong a series of sister 
deities of the volcano of Kirauea in Hawaii, recorded by Ellis 
(Polynesian Researches, 4. 248): Hiata-wawahi-lani ("Heaven- 
rending Cloud -holder"), Hiata-noho-lani ("Heaven -dwelling 
Cloud-holder"), Hiata-taarava-mata ("quick-glancing-eyed Cloud- 
holder"), Hiata-hoi-te-pori-a-Pele ("Cloud-holder embracing the 
bosom of Pele"), Hiata-ta-bu-enaena ("Red-hot Cloud-holding 
Mountain"), Hiata-tareiia ("Garland-encircled Cloud-holder"), 
and Hiata-opio ("Young Cloud-holder"). In Tonga, Tui sua 
JBulotu, to whom appeal was made in household misfortunes, 
was perhaps a god of cloud and fog (Waitz-Gerland, Anthro- 
pologie der Naturc'dUter, 6. 289); and so possibly was the Maori 
Tawhaki (ib. p. 274). 

As regards the American Indians, I am indebted to my 
colleague, Professor H. B. Alexander, for the following note: 

"The Pueblo and Navaho Indians of the arid south-west of North 
America have a highly developed cloud-symbolism in their art and 
ritual associated with a variety of mythic beings which are, or have 
been, virtual cloud-deities. Hump-backed sky-daemons the hump 
being a cloud-pack occur frequently in myth and not infrequently 
in art ; the Navaho Ganaskidi serves as a type. The Zufli Uwannami, 
the shadow-people who rise from earth as vapour, floating on 
feather-plumes, are apparently associated with the worship of ancestors 
as well as with the cult of the sky: cirrus clouds tell that the Uwan- 
nami are floating about for pleasure; cumulus and nimbus clouds 
reveal that the earth is to be watered. But undoubtedly the most 
striking of the nephelomorphic deities of the New World is the 
Plumed Serpent, in art invariably represented with cloud-symbols, 
and in myth clearly an embodiment of the rain-cloud as a source of 
fertility ; while, in some mythic elements, he is interestingly extended 
to the cloudy star-path, the Milky Way. The very ancient Pueblo 
4-c/ion, the Awanyu, is an early precursor of this deity, who is, 
with little doubt, identical with the Aztec and Maya 'Green Feather- 
Snake' (Quetzalcoatl, Kukulcan, Gucumatz) and with the Maya 
Itzamna ('House [or 'Lap'] of the Dews'), whose idol at Iramal, 

332 Louis H. Gray 

according to Lizana, gave his worshippers the ritual phrase, ytzen 
caan, ytzen muyal ('I am the dew, the substance of the sky and of 
the clouds'). In the Andean region, Bochica and Viracocha seem 
certainly to belong to the Plumed- Serpent cycle, though Viracocha 
had apparently developed into an embodiment of the whole vault of 
the sky; yet that he was no 'Shining Sky', but rather a giver of rain, 
is evidenced by the streams of tears flowing from his eyes in glyptic 
representations. The Sisiutl, or horned serpent, of the American 
North-West Coast appears to be an entirely analogous embodiment 
of the clouds that form above the ocean." 

Excursus I Divodasa. 

The monarch Divodasa, ruler of Kai, in whom, according 
to some traditions, Dhanvantari became incarnate, is himself a 
legendary figure. The name was borne by more than one other 
famous personage in Vedic and post-Vedic times; 16 but the 
Divodasa whom we are here considering was a Bharata, so 
that the later Divodasa, King of Kas"i, naturally appears in 
the Mahabharata, which is, indeed, our principal source of 
knowledge concerning him. In this connexion the most important 
passage of the epic is 13. 30. 10 57. In Kasl reigned King 
Haryagva, who was slain in battle with the sons of Haihaya 
Vltahavya, the same fate befalling Haryasva's son and successor, 
Sudeva. The latter's son, Divodasa, followed him on the throne 
and, at Indra's command, rebuilt and fortified Kasi, ruling 
over a great and prosperous realm until he, in his turn, was 
defeated by the hereditary foe. He fled to the hermitage of 
Bharadvaja, whose sacrifice in the King's behalf was so potent 
that the monarch begat a son, Pratardana, whom his father 
set upon the throne and who slew the sons of Haihaya, who 
himself sought refuge in Bhrgu's hermitage. The story of the 
birth of Pratardana is told in 5. 117. 121; and in 12. 96. 21, 
we learn that Divodasa forfeited the fruits of his conquests 
because, after subduing his foes, he deprived them of their 
sacrificial fires, their ghee, and their food. 17 

Major Petrograd Dictionary, 3. 624. For the Vedic Divodasa see 
Bergaigne, 2. 341345; Macdonell and Keith, 1. 363-364. 

i' For references in the Harivam6a and the Puranas see Visnu Purana, 
tr. Wilson, 4. 3336; for an attempt to reconstruct these events as history 
see Pargiter, in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1910, pp. 38 40. 

The Indian God Dhanvantari 


It is not evident at first sight why Dhanvantari should be 
regarded as incarnate in this King, but study of the earlier 
literature reveals what is at least a plausible reason. The Vedic 
Divodasa is associated with the bardic family of the Bharad- 
vajas (Rig- Veda 1. 116. 18; 6. 16. 5, 19; 31. 4). According to 
the Pancavimsa Brahmana (15. 3. 7), Bharadv&ja was the 
household priest (purohita) of Divodasa; the KdthakctrSamhitd 
(31. 10) states that he gave a kingdom to Pratardana; and 
the Kausitaki Upanisad(3.1) speaks of "Divodasian Pratardana" 
(pratardano daivoddsir\ cf. Macdonell and Keith, 1. 363 364, 
2. 2930, 9798). 

But if Bharadvaja is thus associated with Divodasa, he is 
also brought into connexion, in at least one passage (Saiikhayana 
Grhya-Sutra 2. 14. 4), with Dhanvantari, who is there termed 
"Bharadvaja Dhanvantari" when worshipped in the Vai^vadeva 
( u All-God") sacrifice. Possibly we may thus proceed a step 
farther. The Bharadvajas formed one of the two chief branches 
of the Angirasas (Ludwig, Der Rigveda, 3. 128), and the 
Brhaddevatd expressly states (5. 102 103) that "Bharadvaja, 
who was a preceptor among the Maruts, was a grandson of 
Angiras" (bharadvdjo . . . marutsv dsld gurur yas ca sa evd 
'hgiraso napdt). The Angirasas were pre-eminently priests of 
magic (Bloomfield, The Atharvaveda, p. 9); while their art 
(dngirasa) was "fearful" (ghora) and was essentially witchcraft, 
sorcery, spells, evil magic (ib. pp. 8, 9, 22). Their name is 
etymologically connected with Old Persian ayyapo? (e/yyanp, 

a\Qo<t>6po?. 17 Afi$ & Ilc/xruo}. oTj/Wvtt & KCU TOV? oc 
^ )8curtAacovs y/xt/z/iaTT^opovs, Hesychius), and Greek SyyeAos, 

"messenger". 18 Thus the Angirasas were originally messengers 

11 See Excursus 11. The word angiras has hesitatingly been connected 
by Hopkins (The Religions of India, p. 167) with Sanskrit dngdra, "coal"; 
by L. Meyer (Handbuch der gricchischen Etymologic, 1. 210) with Sanskrit 
anga, "member of the body"; by Bugge (in Bczzenbergcrs Beitragc, 14. 
62) with Latin ambulo, "to go back and forth, journey" ; and by PrellwiU 
(Etymologisches Worterbuch der griechischen Sprache, 2d ed., p. S) with 
Lithuanian algis, "angelus summorum deorum." None of these etymologies 
is convincing. For various views concerning the Angirasas see fiergaigne, 
-48; 2. 307321; Oldenberg, Religion des Veda, pp. 127-128; 
Macdonell, pp. 142143; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 2. 156169. 
It is suggested by G. W. Brown, in this JOUEJIAL (41. 159160), that 

334 Louis H. Gray 

between gods and men, very possibly shamanists. Their ancestor 
was derived, according to the Gopatha Brahmana (1. 7), 
successively from the saline ocean, from Varuna, and from 
Mrtyu ("Death"), thus establishing his dread, though celestial, 

It was in this manner, we may conjecture, that, since both 
Dhanvantari and Divodasa were associated with Bharadvaja, 
the cloud-deity was believed to have been incarnate in the 
king. Furthermore, since the Bharadvajas were probably in 
origin chanters of magic songs, as is shown by their connexion 
with the Angirasas and by the attribution to them of the 
sixth book of the Eig-Veda, it was, very possibly, they who 
intoned the spells which constrained the clouds to pour down 
blessings on vegetation, animals, and men, healing all their 
distress and curing all their ills. In course of time, on earth 
the sorcerer disappeared, and the pious bard lived on; in 
heaven the cloud-deity vanished, and the healing god remained. 

Excursus II Angiras and 

The Hesychian gloss ayya/aos, quoted in the preceding Ex- 
cursus, has commonly been treated as one word (e. g. by Lagarde, 
Gesammelte AWiandlungen, p. 184), thus leading to considerable 
confusion. It seems preferable to see in the gloss two etymologic- 
ally unrelated homonyms: (1) ayyapos- 6 /c 8ta8ox?j? /foo-iAwcos 

ypafJLfULTrjfopos', (2) ayyapos' epyanys, VTrrjpen;?, ax#o<o/>os. The state- 

ments of Suidas add nothing new; but the author of the 
Etymologicum Magnum attempts to make a semantic connexion 

between the two words: lAcyov Se /cat rovs arafytovs ayyapa, /cat 
TOVS CTTI T< Kaj9oSrjyLv 7ra/>aAa/x/?avo//.evovs OKOVTOLS . . . oOev /cat TO ts 
/?a<riAwcas airdyew rl x/> dyyapcww Aeyerar /cat ayya/>ia, SovAeta- /cat 
dyyaptos, SouAo? (s. VV. dyya/oevw, ayydpovs). This seems rather 

strained ; forced labor in the delicate duties of the Royal Post 
would scarcely be satisfactory. 

Angiras is mentioned in a charm published by J. A. Montgomery (Incan- 
tation Texts from Nippur, p. 196), where "in the name of DniJK" occurs 
between similar invocations of i^B "13 hw& and H^Vft. It seems somewhat 
more probable, however, that the allusion is to ciyyapos, particularly as 
the other names in the text to which Brown appeals Hindu and Hin- 
duitha are Persian rather than Indian in form. 

The Indian God Dhanvantari 335 

The first dyyopos is doubtless connected with Greek a 
It occasionally appears in Greek as a Persian term, e. g. Hero- 
dotus 8. 98 (TOVTO TO SpaprjfjuL rutv anr<i>v KoAcovcri TLfpa-ai ayyaprpov ; 
cf. 3. 126), Josephus (Antiquitates, 11. 2), and Plato Comicus 
(frag. 220, ed. Kock, Fragmenta comicorum Graecorum, 1. 161; 
c also Aristophanes of Byzantium, Fragmenta, ed. Nauck, 
p. 172); and may even be found, as we have seen (note 18), 
in an Aramaic charm. Whether, on the other hand, the 
dyyopo? of Aeschylus (Agamemnon 269: fovtcrbs & fovicrbv 8cvp* 
air' dyydpov TTV/JOS eTre/xTrev) is the Persian word, as is usually 
supposed (e. g. Schrader, Reallexikon der indogermanischen 
Altertumskunde, p. 636; L. Meyer, 1. 209210), seems doubtful 
Like Latin angarim, "messenger" (e. g. Lucilius, 200; also 
regarded by Walde, Lateinisches etymologisches Worterbuch, 
2 nd ed., p. 41, as borrowed), it is quite explicable from the 
pre-form *aw#r r o-, which is likewise the basis of Sanskrit dngiras 
and Old Persian ayyapos (cf. Brugmann, Grundrif der ver- 
gleichenden Grammatik der indogermanischen Spraehen, 2 nd ed., 
1. 452, 456, 460, 464, 467; Wackernagel, Altindische Grammatik, 
1. 24, 141). This view of the independent origin of the Greek 
and Latin words receives support from Spanish dngaro, "signal 
smoke", and Modern Greek ayyapa, "(couriers') stations". From 
the Greek ayyapo? are derived the verb ayya/Kwo, tt to dispatch 
as a post-messenger", and the noun dyya/xJa, "slow, heavy, 
ox-drawn public vehicle" (Van Herwerden, Lexicon Graecum 
suppletorium et dialecticum, pp. 89; cf. also Latin angaria, 
u clabularis currus vel iumentum", e. g. Digesta, 50. 4. 18. 21). 

Another formation from the same base appears in Greek 
oyy</>tos* dyyeXos (Hesychius) from *dyy/x>s i. e. a -ro-suffix where 
Greek dyyeAos shows a suffix in -to-; 19 and this possibly survives 
in Old Spanish anyuera, enguera, engera, "compensation for 
unauthorised use of an animal", Portuguese angueira, "hire of 
an animal for riding or burden". 20 

19 It is quite incorrect to consider &yyt\ot as a Hellenised form of 

, as does Keller (Lateinische Volksetymologie und Verwandtcs, 
pp. 328-329). 

20 For the Romance words see Korting, Lateinisch-Romanisches Worttr. 
buch, 2d ed., no. 648, where as is too often the case words from 
different bases are jumbled together in a single article. 

336 Louis H. Gray 

Plainly this group is unconnected with Pahlavi and New 
Persian angardan, "to estimate, think, recount", as Horn (Grund- 
riji der neupersischen Etymologie, p. 28) maintains against 
Lagarde (loc. cit.). Nor is it wholly clear that it is to be found 
in Hebrew ro.5, Aramaic *n$S, Syriac JJr^J, "letter", as Andreas 
(in Marti, Kurzgefafite Grammatik der Ublisch-aramaischen 
Sprache, p. 51*) holds, for these are more probably borrowed 
from Assyrian egirtu (Oxford Hebrew Dictionary \ pp. 8, 1078). 

The second ayyapos has in Greek the derivatives dyya/oewf 
SovAcu* (Hesychius), dyya/oeva), "to compel" (e. g. Matthew 5. 41, 
where the Vulgate has angario and the Gothic, ananaupjan\ 
Hesychius also cites the meaning "to pledge" cyyvarai), dyyapo- 
<o/oo, "to suffer distress" (examples in Van Herwerden, p. 9). 
In Latin, angaria, "villanage" whence Italian angheria, "ex- 
tortion", and obsolete English angariate is found; and through 
the Osmanli Turkish borrowed word come Bulgarian angariya, 
gariya, "compulsory service", Albanian angari "oppression, 
compulsion" (Eerneker, Slavisches etymologisches Worterbuch, 
1, 29; G. Meyer, Etymologisches Worterbuch der albanesischen 
Sprache, p. 12), and Modern Greek dyya/xta, "extortion, ungrateful 
toil", dyyopevw, "to overtax, vex." Here, too, perhaps belongs 
Judaeo-Persian anguryd, "distress" 0B1 HOT hv KnittN; Bacher, 
Ein hebraisch-persisches Worterbuch aus dem vierzehnten Jdhr- 
hundert, Hebrew part, p. 46), as is certainly the case with 
Talmudic Kp^K, "forced labor, corvee", 1^?, "commissioner 
of forced public labor" (Jastrow, Dictionary of the Targumim, 
p. 81). 

The group is derived by Jensen (in Horn, pp. 28 [note 3], 254) 
from Assyrian agru, "hireling" (cf. Arabic ^4-1, "to recompense, 
give wages to", Syriac f^[, to hire", Hebrew iTpN, "payment", 
Palmyrene K'nUKS ry /Tr0u><m [Cooke, p. 333]), the develop- 
ment postulated being agru > *aggaru > *angaru, and the other 
Semitic cognates being borrowed from the Assyrian. 

"Without pretending definitely to determine the problem of 
the origin of this ayyapos, one may at least suggest the possi- 
bility that it is a -ro- formation to a base *onog-, which appears 
in Old Irish ong, "tribulation, chastisement, groan" (ong i. 
fochaid ocus cose, i. uch; Cormac's Glossary, p. 34), Old Danish 
ank, "grief, distress", Middle Dutch ariken, "to sigh, groan" 
(Liden, Studien zur altindischen und vergleichenden Sprach- 

The Indian God Dhanvantari 337 

geschichte, p. 71 ; cf., further, Walde, p. 850; Berneker, 1. 268269; 
Boisacq, Dictionnaire etymologique de la langue grecqiw, p. 683; 
Falk and Torp, Norwegisch-danisches etymologisches Worterbuch, 
pp. 30, 1432). 

The group of Old Church Slavic ygdza, "disease", Anglo- 
Saxon inca, a doubt, grievance", Lithuanian erikti, "to torment, 
oppress", Ingis "sluggard", sometimes connected with the group 
of ong, scarcely belongs to it. Gegish Albanian angoy, "to sigh, 
groan, weep, lament, comfort," might seem to be cognate, but 
is connected by G. Meyer (p. 304) directly with its Toskish 
equivalent ntkon. Neither does Greek dyavcucrco), "to be vexed", 
or Lithuanian ungau, "whimper like a dog", form part of this 
group, despite Bezzenberger (in Bezzeribergers Beitrage, 27. 144; 
see Boisacq, p. 5), though they may possibly be compared with 
Afghan angola (Vyol), "howl of a wild animal". 

To summarise the etymologies here proposed, the first Old 
Persian ayyapos (connected with Sanskrit dngiraSj Greek oyyapos, 
dyyeptos and ultimately with ayyAos Latin angariics) means 
"messenger"; the second ayyapos (connected with Greek oyya/xux, 
Latin angaria^ Old Irish ong, Old Danish ank) is derived from 
a base meaning "to oppress, afflict". 



No TRANSLATION of this very archaic and difficult inscription 
has, so far as I know, ever been published. Four or five years 
ago I worked out a translation of it, but the only portion of 
it which has been published was five lines which I quoted in 
the article 'Poles and Posts' in Hastings' Encyclopaedia of 
Religion and Ethics, Vol. 9, p. 91. Since that time I have 
given the text further study and herewith present the results. 


i, 1. ner e$ nunuzi-gafi-ti* 
2. gis-nu-ru nu-gi-ru en- 
3. isib 4 tet-tit-ge 1 gin 

4. nu~gup sag-pa nu-gup en- 

i, 1. 630 strong, living saplings, 
2. wood unworked, reeds un- 
worked, Ennamag, 
3. the priest suitable for a 
dwelling brought. 
4. Uninjured was the chief 
officer, uninjured was En- 

* The sign nunuz, which primarily means 'necklace' means also 'shoot', 
'offspring'; see Barton, Babylonian Writing (hereafter cited as OBW) 
no. 348, 2 and 6. It is either equivalent to the Akkadian llpu (Briinnow, 
8177; hereafter cited as B.) or to pir'u, (B. 8179). The next line implies 
that the material designated by this sign was large enough to be 'worked'; 
it must, therefore, have been a young growth of some size. I have ac- 
cordingly rendered it 'sapling'. 

2 See OBW, 87 6. See OBW, 76 6. * See OBW, 478 27. OBW, 330 33. 

6 Cf. OBW, 76 2 which gives the verb aSdbu. A sign which stands for 
an act usually also stands for the corresponding noun. 

^ g (OBW, 439 e) stands for the numeral 'one'. Here it is used in 
the sense of the indefinite article 'a', or, better, as a substitute for ge, 
the post-position, (OBW, 269 i). 

The Archaic Inscription in Decouvertes en 339 

5. dg-nam~en* sag-sam gub 
gar 9 unV-wa$ ru 

6. igi-da-sii sam-gid sam-su 
gu n gub 

7. igi uru tu i2 en-nam-ag 

8. sag saw gd(?) en- warn- 

5. Ennamag in the vegetation 
placed bricks; the princely 
dwelling made. 

6. At the front side was tall 
vegetation; by the vege- 
tation he placed the wall. 

7. At the front of the dwel- 
ling entered Ennamag. 

8. In the vegetation Enna- 
mag established (it). 


i, 1. nu n[am]-lal l * 

engar l& 
2. me-me 11 

3. nin-gir-su i$ib zag 

4. en-$i igi-gd gal 

5. [nin]-su-gir isib. 

ii, 1. bara HI ner-v ba-gdl 

2. dnin(?) gal 

3. eS ............. 

4 ............... 

iii, 1. en-nam-dg 

2. ud tu gd nin-[gir-su] 

i, 1. No peasant raised a 

2. It was the command of 
the oracle; 

3. Ningirsu was priest of 
the oracle. 

4. The seeing lord guards 
before the house; 

5. Ningirsu is priest. 

ii, 1. The sanctuary the spirits, 
the five igigi 19 , protect; 

2. the divine lady protects. 

3. Thirty 


iii, 1. Ennamag, 

2. when he entered the 
house, Ningirsu, the high 
priest, received (him). 

This is an example of the fact that in early Sumerian writing of proper 
names the order of the syllables frequently varies. So long as all the 
elements were written, they seem to have been careless of the order. 

This is an unusual form of gar, but is, I believe, rightly identified 
with that sign. Cf. OBW, 500. 

10 OBW, 57i6. ti OBW, 120a. 

i OBW, 280i. i OBW, 440 . 

10 OBW, 556. i? OBW, 478aa. 

i* For the use of this ideogram to designate t^t, see OBW, 4428. 
*> For this meaning of lal see OBW, 44068. It seems to be used here 
instead of mag. 

" This use of ge as a verb infix is most unusual. I take it to be an 

OBW, 57 4. 
OBW, 811 1. 
" OBW, 491 M. 


George A. Barton 

3. ba-an-gdl 3. There guarded it (a- 


4. the god Kal. 
iv, 1. (There were) two posts, 
a bird-house where was 
grain for food. 

2. Ningirsu propitiated the 
great plant god(?). 

3. The possession of a field 
bearing grain 

4. was the lady's of the 
great house. 

v, 1. Ningirsu is a god; 

2. (at) Girsu he is priest. 

3. Grain is the food of birds; 
they are companions of 
the house. 

4. Ningirsu the grain 

5. A field, a garden, a pos- 
session of palm-tree land, 

vi, 1. a field of 4 bur, abound- 
ing in trees; 

2. 3600 bur, a garden of 
palm-tree land; 

3. 50 birds for divining; 

4. 30 goat-fish (?); 

5. 1800 bur abounding in 
dwellings ; 

6. 1 diviner. 

It cannot be too strongly emphasized that any translation 
of an inscription of this nature is, in the present state of our 
knowledge, purely tentative. Nevertheless the way in which, 
according to the interpretation reached, the parts of the text 
fit together lends a good degree of probability that the rend- 
ering is on the right track. The text describes the building 

example of that carelessness as to the order of the signs which appears 
in the early writing. In other words it is for ge-ba-ti, the ge being for 
e = 'verily'. 

22 OBW, 327 is. 23 OBW, 327 21, 26-28. 24 OBW, 60 7. 

is OBW, 316s, 6, e. 26 OBW, 363 1. 


iv, 1. tab gizi 22 e-gu me nirba 

2. nin-gir-su gizi^-dingir- 
dim** te(?) 

3. nig-gan da-se 

4. nin e-dim 

v, 1. nin-gir-su dingir 

2. gir-su isib 

3. nirba u tfu me tab-e 

4. nin-gir-su [nirjba . 

5. gan ar nig-uri^ 

vi, 1. gan iv bur zal-ter 

2. xxxvic bur sar-uri 

3. I gu i$ib-su 

4. xxx suur-a 

5. xviiic bur zal du 

6. i uzu 

Hie Archaic Inscription in Decouvertes en Clicddee 341 

of a primitive sanctuary, the establishment of a god in it, the 
equipment of the temple with a flock of sacred birds, for divining, 
and the endowment of the temple with lands for its support. 

The name of the builder of the temple, Ennamag, means 
'lord of building 7 and might be translated 'architect 7 . One is 
at some loss to know whether so to translate it, or to regard 
it as a proper name. After much hesitation it was decided 
to regard it as a proper name. At the front of the structure 
two posts were erected. These remind one of the Asheras 
erected in connection with Semitic sanctuaries. The face of 
the tablet pictures a man, probably Ennamag, in the act of 
grasping one of these posts. 

The statement that 'no peasant raised a curse 7 shows that 
Ennamag had taken care to satisfy the land-owners and culti- 
vators of the vicinity, so as to prevent their invoking the ill- 
will of any supernatural powers against the building. This was, 
from the ancient point of view, very important. Manishtusu, 
as we learn from his obelisk inscription, took great pains to 
do the same for a new settlement that he undertook, as did 
Sargon king of Assyria, centuries afterwards. 27 The appearance 
of the name 'Ningirsu 7 in the various parts of the tablet is 
interesting and somewhat puzzling. In i, 3 of the reverse of 
the tablet Ningirsu, written without determinative for deity, 
is said to be isib zag, 'priest of the high-place 7 or 'oracle'. 
Again in i, 5 Ningirsu, again without determinative for deity, 
is said to be iib, 'priest 7 . Again in iii, 2 it is said that, when 
Ennamag entered the house, Ningirsu, still written with no 
determinative for deity Ningirsu, described as iSib-lal, 'ex- 
alted priest 7 or 'high priest 7 , received him. It is natural to 
assume in all these cases that Ningirsu is the name of a human 
being who is acting as a priest. But in v, 1 and 2 it is stated, 
that Ningirsu, again without a determinative, 'is a god, at 
Girsu, a priest 7 . Does this mean that Ningirsu was, at the 
time this text was written, a man on the point of being deified? 
That is a tempting theory. In that case the famous god of 
Lagash, who is so prominent in the texts from that city from 
those of Ur-nina to those of Gudea, originated in the deifi- 
cation of a human being. 

" See KB ii. 46. 47. 

342 George A. Barton 

There is, however, another possibility. Ningirsu may be the 
name of a deity wherever it occurs in our text, and this deity 
may have been regarded as a kind of priest among the gods. 

The god 'Kal', mentioned in iii, 4 of the reverse, is designated 
by the sign which afterward designated lamassu or Sedu, the 
guardian deities which guarded the portals of temples and 
palaces. We might render the two lines referring to him, 'He 
(Ennamag) set up the god Kal'. If Ningirsu were the deity 
within the sanctuary, then Kal was the spirit which guarded 
the doors. 

Finally, the sign uri, which I have translated 'palm-tree 
land', is the sign later employed as the ideogram for Akkad. 
Professor Clay has shown that uri or uru is another spelling 
of Amurru. This might, therefore, be translated 'a possession 
of Amurru', a 'garden of Amurru'. True, the sign has in the 
text no determinative for place, but neither is the name Girsu 
followed by such a determinative. Indeed, it seems probable 
that the text comes from a time before the use of determi- 
natives had fully developed. 




Phoenix dactylifera Linn., is its dioecious nature, the pollen- 
bearing and fruit-bearing, or male and female, flowers being 
borne on separate trees. Among wild palms reproducing from 
seed, the two sexes are produced in approximately equal numbers, 
and this abundance of males furnishes a large supply of pollen 
which, carried by the wind, suffices to pollinate at least enough 
of the female blossoms to perpetuate the species. 

An understanding of this fact was 1 of importance to the first 
systematic cultivators of the date palm, for by hand-pollination, 
instead of wind-pollination, they could dispense with all males 
except three or four for each hundred females, and thus 
economize on space and labor, while ensuring a better crop. 

On the other hand, the separation of the sexes appealed to 
the religiously-tinged imagination of the primitive mind, and 
was doubtless one of the factors loading to the veneration with 
which the palm was regarded by the early dwellers in the 
Tigris-Euphrates region. 

\Vhile, therefore, the artificial pollination of the palm has 
an interest to the student from several points of view, it has 
often been misunderstood by Occidentals, 1 to whom date-growing 
is foreign. European dictionaries give but a confused idea of 

i The first Occidental account I have teen is that of Herodotus, History, 
Bk. I, ch. 193, who describes what he saw in Babylonia but confuses it 
with the caprification of the fig tree. Theophrastus, Historia Plantarum, 
< i Wimmcr, II, p. 6, corrects him, and gives a fair account. Pliny, 
Historia Naturalis, Bk. XIII, ch. 7, seems hazy as to the principles 

39 JA08 43 

344 Paul Popenoe 

the rich Arabic vocabulary connected with this subject. The 
following brief notes will, it is hoped, give an accurate picture 
of the manner in which the date palm has been pollinated in 
Muslim countries, so far back as records exist; and will organize 
in a preliminary way some of the commoner Arabic terms 
connected with the procedure. 2 

I. The male palm is called (1) daJcr in Egypt and the Maghrib : 
this word is not only classical but is recognizable in some of 
the earliest cuneiform references. The root ^ applies to a 
male of any kind, and not merely a palm. In Algeria the 
only form 3 of the singular I ever heard is dokkar, although 
G. Schweinfiirtli* records ddkr at Biskra. (2) fold, in the 
Orient generally. The root meaning is "to be masculine", and 
this word also has a wide range of applications, as to a vigorous 
man, or a strong camel. (3) 'o&r, which is said originally to 
mean a needle, the penis being likened to that instrument; 
or it may be merely a dialectal variant of f afr = to dust, 
hence, to pollinate. (4) Val, a primitive meaning of which is 
sexual intercourse. 5 (5) gilf, from a root meaning "to take off 
the bark"; because, I suppose, the spathe is removed from the 
male flower before it is used for pollination. (6) rd'il, origi- 
nally meaning pendent, cf. r'ilah = prepuce; the root also 
means "to pierce"; its connection on both accounts with the 

2 I am much indebted to Pere Anastase- Marie de St. Elie, of the 
Mission des Cannes, Baghdad, for suggestions concerning many of the 
Arabic terms mentioned. 

3 In general, I have not thought it worth while to enumerate the 
differences in vocalization, and the like, which are on record. The 
interested reader can get them from such sources as the Kitdb-al-nahl 
of al-A?ma% ed. by Aug. Haffner and pub. at Bayrut, 1907; from the 
similarly named and better-organized compilation of Ibn Sldah in the 
Kitdb al-Muhassas] or in Lane's Diet. 

4 Arabische Pftanzennamen aus Agypten, Algerien u. Jemen, von 
G. Schweinfurth, Berlin, 1912. All of my information regarding the 
modern Egyptian vocabulary is, unless otherwise noted, derived from 
this source. 

s Another meaning of b'al is a palm which is not irrigated. The 
connection between these two meanings is not apparent to me, unless it 
be an example of antiphrasis. B'al as a god of unirrigated land is a 
well-known figure. Cf. ball = to moisten. This question has been dis- 
cussed in detail by G. A. Barton, A Sketch of Semitic Origins, New 
York, 1902. 

Hie PoUination of tJie Date Palm 345 

idea of raaleness is obvious. (7) kus, ordinarily pronounced 
gos, is the word generally heard around the Persian Gulf, e. g., 
in 'Oman; in Sindh, however, the male palm is called mu. 
Kuss or guss is said to be from Pers. kus or JiuShSh, an angle, 
as e. g. made by the saw in a board; the insertion of branchlets 
of the male inflorescence into the female flower being likened 
to this. In Multan, according to E. Bonavia, the whole bunch 
of dates is called gosa. All of the foregoing terms are classical. 
II. When they first appear in the spring, the flowers of 
the female palm (ndhl) are enclosed in a hard envelope or spathe, 
which is called (1) kafur, because it conceals the flowers. This 
is probably the most elegant of all the names for the spathe. 
A dial var. is qafur. (2) Idmm, the root meaning of which 
is "to cover". A parallel is akamm or aqamm, to impregnate 
a female camel. A palm with spathes appearing is described 
as maknmm. In the Sahara, according to E. L. Bertherand, 
the name of the spathe is quemamine which sounds like a 
plural from this root. (3) katar, because, as I suppose, the 
increase or multiplication, ^, of the palm comes from the 
flowers. (4) qiq&h, comparing the spathe to an egg-shell; the 
word is defined succinctly by Ibn Sldah as qisr al-taVah. (5) guff, 
comparable in meaning to (3) above, vli^. "to increase". 
giibb* may be a dial. var. of this; but cf. also XII, 6, for 
another correct derivation. (6) walV, although Abu Hanlfah 
says this properly refers not to the spathe itself, but to the 
flowers within the spathe. ^ -= violent love. (7) gurbali, 
a sac. In Assiut gerab, according to Dr. Schweinfurth. harabah 
is apparently a var. of this, although plausibly connected with 
harbah a lance. (8) galdfah, reported by Dr. Schweinfurth 
from El-Qoren, Egypt, has the same meaning as the preceding. 7 
He also reports kilss gildf or simply Jcuss, which is perhaps 
Pers. ku$$, vide I, 7. (9) taT, or some var. of it, as in Egypt. 

A proverb says yl Jy i vjUa-: "They arc merely spathes [and 
not flowers]; therefore don't waste time pollinating them [for you won't 
get anything out of them] 1 ' applied to a man who is, as one might 
say, a "gold brick". 

i Brown, T. W M "The Date Palm in Egypt", Agric. Journal of Egypt, 
6 (1916), p. 76, gives "rdaf or gcrab" as the current names for the 
female spathe. 

346 Paul Popenoe 

talh, is sometimes applied to the spathe, but incorrectly, as it 
properly designates the flowers within the spathe, V, 1, infra. 
This use goes back at least as far as the compilation of the 
'Ain, however. (10) taso I have heard only at El Kantara 
in Algeria; it is evidently from ta$a y = sexual intercourse; 
cf. tasS = rain, and see also V. 13. (11) tara, a name used 
around the Persian Grulf, appears to be from Pers. tar = 
humid, because of the fresh viscosity of the flowers inside the 
spathe, and the tender texture of the spathe itself, while still 
young. Tara water is a well known perfume in the region 
mentioned. (12) girif, a Basrah expression, and qurrafah, the 
usual term in the Hadhramaut, 8 are doubtless to be connected 
with qdrif = sexual intercourse. (13) damiyah, = a skull 
wound disclosing the brain, evidently derives its significance 
from the somewhat gruesome but not inapt comparison of the 
splitting spathe revealing the densely crowded mass of flowers 
inside. (14) habb, if not a dial. var. of (5), is easily attached 
to ^^ = conceal. 

III. Prior to the opening of the spathe or envelope mentioned 
in the preceding paragraph, the flowers concealed within it 
are called (1) hadlm, because they are crowded together, ^-OA. 
(2) fdliq, erroneously given sometimes as qdliq, from falaq = 
to split open in the middle. 

IV. A few days after its protrusion from between the leaf- 
bases of the palm, the spathe splits open, at which time it is 
called (1) dahk, as if it were smiling <*&">. (2) damigali, see 
II. 13. (3) bagwdh = admirable to behold but cf. ^*j = 
a prostitute, as "exceeding" (sc., that which is proper). (4) nagm, 
= appearing or breaking forth. (5) gadid, explained by the 
lexicographers as from Ja* = fresh or tender, and sometimes 
written fadld or fadis\ but the original form may have been 
Jet"** = deflowered (applied to a woman), and the other forms 
variants of this. 

V. When the spathe has split open, the flowers within are 
finally exposed to view. These flowers, taken collectively as 
an inflorescence or raceme, technically known as a spadix, are 

3 Landberg, C., titudes sur les Dialectes de V Arable Meridional vol. i, 
Leyden, 1901. 

The PoUination of the Date Palm 347 

called (1) tal\ because they ascend; this is probably the most 
widely current term, both classical and modern, and has variants 
such as the grossly ignorant taUi (Egypt) and tdlah (Persia). 

(2) Hasbali, abundance; sometimes spelt with J>, and Lane 
says the latter is the correct form; if so, it is, I suppose, 
because the flowers, at first white, quickly become tinted on 
exposure to the air. Abu c Ubayd supports this by remarking 
that when the taV has become greenish, one says J^*^ v^aL. 

(3) igrid expresses the fact of their whiteness, while (4) hasal 
applies after they have slightly yellowed. (5) The Pers. kardo 
is perhaps connected with hard = a cut branch. (6) hina, 
= agreeable or favorable, applies to a bunch of ripe dates as well 
as to the young flowers. (7) 'ilib is said by F. E. Crow 9 to 
be the prevailing term at al-Basrah: if so, I did not happen 
to hear it there. It would presumably be connected with 
'alib =- hard to the touch. (8) waLV, see II. 6. (9) faruh, in 
Egypt and the Hadhramaut, is likewise unknown to me, but 
might be linked with Jarh = happiness. (10) subdtah is, as 
the Tag al-'Arus correctly observes, an Egyptian dial, name 
for a bunch of dates, but Dr. Schweinfurth gives it as the 
current Egyptian name for "weiblicher Bltitenstand", and 
ascribes it also to Biskra, where, however, I never heard it 
and believe it is not generally accepted. The picture of 
"flowing hair" called up by the root sit is easily transferred 
to the many-branched cluster of flowers. Silas C. Mason 
(Bull 223, U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, p. 22), who gives 
"sobata" as the name for the stem alone of the spadix, was 
evidently misinformed. (11) 'uryun, the most widely-used name 
in modern Arabic, means "ascending". It is, however, applied 
to the stem of the inflorescence (VI. 8, infra) as well as to 
the cluster of flowers as a whole. (12) qand or qunw, modern 
Egyptian yinu, "possession 19 . (13) tu$, at Baghdad, is doubt- 

' less from tu$s (II. 10); it was explained to me as meaning 
"the young spadix when it turns from white to greenish", after 
exposure to the air; and also "dates when first formed", i. e. 
a few weeks after the flowers are pollinated. (14) Satnl is a 
purely classical name which refers to the inflorescence as enve- 
loped by the spathe. 

In Kew Bull No. 7 (1908), p. 986. 

348 Paul Popenoe 

VI. The stem of the spadix or raceme J o is called (1) matyaliali, 
= a stick or staff. 11 (2) Ytd, = wood. (3) gariliah, = leg, etc. 
(4) At Biskra, gunt (from qnw? see V. 12). (5) At al-Basrah 
and in 'Oman the classical 'asqdh is used, from ,5-^ = to 
attach itself. (6) At Assiut and Luxor yurbah, a word unknown 
to me. (7) gidl, on the authority of the Qamus; the word 
usually applies to the trunk of a tree. (8) kinaz is given in 
Richardson's Dictionary as a Persian name for the stem of 
the cluster. In Arabic, words from this root refer naturally 
to the idea of storage, e. g., Itaniz = stored dates. (9) 'urgun 
is a Protean word, which means either (and nowadays most 
properly) the entire spadix; or else the stem thereof; or in 
Egypt (fide Tag al-'Arus) the individual branches or "threads" 
of the cluster; but the last-named usage must be regarded as 
"bad language". Muhammad employs the word in the second 
sense, when in the Ya Sin chapter (36. 39) he describes the 
moon, waning until it becomes like the old stem of a date 
spadix, 12 fJ>.*xiJ\ ^^.^jJl^ >U. Despite this authority, the 
word nowadays probably belongs more to the raceme or bunch 
as a whole, and qua dates, not qua flowers. I shall not here 

1 Classically, a palm bearing long-stemmed racemes is (1) bd'inah 
an interval or distance between two things; or (2) taruh, from 
trh = to push away. If the stems are short, the palm is (1) hddinah, 
a pretty simile likening the palm to a woman bearing a child on her 
breast; or (2) kdbis, which presents the picture of the bunch pressing 
on or invading the palm; or (3) gatm, from ^Xa. = to lie on one's chest; 
although Abu Hanlfah says the last-mentioned term is not applied until 
the bunch has attained some size. The length of stems is mainly a 
question of variety of palm. 

11 See Damlii's IJayat al-5iiyawn, tr. Jayakar, 2, p. 764. 

i* At harvest time the ground around a plantation is strewn with 
these stems, from one to three feet in length and often bright yellow 
or red in color. The resemblance to the waning moon is obvious enough. 
The English translators (Sale, Rodwell, Palmer) of the Koran have, 
however, rendered 'itrjwi in this verse as a "palm branch", entirely 
missing the idea. Moreover, the palm has no branches, but consists 
merely of a trunk with a crown of leaves at the top. It may be added 
that the common expression "palm tree" is likewise inexact: the palm 
is a palm, tout simplement. Arabic usage in designating it merely as the 
date palm, al-nahl, is therefore in accord with good botanical usage; 
although for purposes of definition a lexicographer may explain that it 
is the tree which bears dates, Sagarah al-tamr. 

The Pollination of the Date Palm 349 

go into the extensive synonymy of the bunch of dates, since 
it surpasses the field of pollination. Finally, 'uryun is often 
applied nowadays to the entire male inflorescence. (10) ihdn, 
a classical word which I have never heard colloquially; presu- 
mably <Mn -= to be despised, etc. -- the stem being, after 
the dates are picked, of little value as compared with leaves, 
fibre, and other parts of the palm used in home industries. 

VII. The base of this stem is more or less farinaceous, 
and it is sometimes cut, while still young and soft, and eaten. 
It is called (1) yummar, pronounced yunbar at Biskra; but 
this word more correctly applies to the terminal bud 13 of the 
palm, which is also eaten if for any reason a palm has to be 
cut down, and yummaz, a variant of the foregoing. (2) In 
South -Arabia, kiirzan, = cheese, according to Th. Bent. 
(3) panir-i-ljurmd (Pers. date cheese). C. Doughty mentions 
that at Khaybar the terminal bud (yummar y sensu stricto) was 
eaten under the name of "Khaybar cheese". (4) taridali, a 
dictionary word apparently referring to its distance from the 

VIII. Following along the stem of the cluster, one finds 
that it gives rise to a large number (sometimes 50 or more) 
branches, "strands", "threads", or "spikes", to which the flowers 
(which later become the dates) are attached, 14 ranged one 
after another. These strands are called (1) sivnraJi, a word 
of Aramaic origin, meaning pendent; and the most general and 
riirrcct name. (2) 'itkdl, from ,JXJk > to hang down; though 
this name is also applied, as at al-Basrah, to the entire cluster. 
The first letter is sometimes \ instead of ; and Abu Hanifah 
endeavors to make the distinction that a strand bearing flowers 
is an 'utkiil, whereas if it bears dates it is an 'itkcd. (3) bint 
dL'uryun, "daughter of the spadix". (4) 'uryun, see VI. 9, 
supra. (5) mitw, companion, <lk* to join a friend; because 

" The root meaning of "assembled" or "united" is easily seen in the 
niiinal bud, where the bases of the leaves are joined in a circle. The 
use of yummar to mean terminal bud is well-nigh universal, botli in 
classical and modern Arabic: only in 'Oman have I heard anything else. 
There the name is qimmah^ which regularly means the top of the head, 
the summit of a mountain, etc. 

" After the iimrah has been stripped of its flowers, or dates, it is 
called a tank, abandoned. 

350 Paul Popenoe 

of the large number of similar threads together. (6) kinab, 
to contain something. (7) 'as, <l*+* = to become hard or tough. 
The three names last mentioned are, so far as my experience 
goes, purely lexicological. (8) habbah or something which 
sounded like that -- in 'Oman: I neglected to get it spelled. 
I suspect that it may be connected with habb = a grain, etc. 
(9) shoa shoa, in Egypt, and more especially in Nubia, accor- 
ding to T. W. Brown: I cannot even make a guess at this. 
If it is Arabic it must have been corrupted by Nubians. 

IX. Ranged along the strands, samarih, are the individual 
flowers, called (1) gummah, from the root gamm = to become 
abundant. Variants of this are gumbah, gunbah, and possibly 
gum, although the last-named is also explained as Pers. = a 
vessel. (2) zirr, -= a bud, etc. (3) qahf, =* skull, because of 
the shape and general appearance, to a slightly imaginative 
eye. (4) At Biskra, qitmirah; but this is an incorrect usage, 
the word applying rather to the calyx of a flower and, most 
correctly, to the membrane which surrounds the seed of a 
mature date, which is a proverbial simile for a valueless thing. 15 

X. So far, only the inflorescence of the female or fruit- 
bearing palm has been considered. The inflorescence of the 
male or pollen-bearing palm is similar in general outlines. 
When it is still enclosed in its spathe, it is called (1) saff, = 
much interlaced, because the flowers are compressed so 
tightly together. (2) sir'af, from ^^ with suffix L-, = to 
extend; (3) buss, Pers., vide supra. (4) anbar-i-nahl, Pers., 
granary of the palm. (5) 'urgun, vide supra. (6) in Egypt, 
kuz, -= a pot. 

XI. The branches, threads, or strands of the male inflores- 
cence are (1) 'atil, that which increases the size of a body: 
this is the classical term. (2) gusnah, a branch, from gusn = 
to pull off. (3) At al-Barah ligah (<J*J), according to Major 

XII. The flowers of the male palm are cut and dried indoors 

i* Cf. Koran 35. 14, where the heathen gods are depreciated by this 
figure of speech. Qitmir has been used for at least three different things : 
(1) the membrane around the seed; (2) the ventral channel of the seed, 
naqir, in modern Egypt nuqtah; (3) the germ-pore of the seed, fufah. 
Dr. Schweinfurth notes that in Egypt the name "gulldfa" (see II. 8, 
above) is also given to this membrane. 

TJie Pollination of the Date Palm 351 

for a day or longer. When the female inflorescence splits open, 
it is pollinated. This operation is called (I) laqqah or talqVi, 
from Iqk = to become pregnant. Count Landberg notes that 
in the Hadhramaut this word is used of the camel, and of the 
camel only, among animals. A hadit cited by al-Suyuti com- 
ments on the likeness of the date palm to the human species, 
in that it is (allegedly) the only plant which copulates JJ. 
(2) aJitar, presumably connected with ^. seeds. (3) naw- 
waq, originally to separate the fat from the meat; thence, 
to do anything neatly. (4) 'affar, to throw dust, see I. 2. 
(5) tawblr, the root meaning of which relates to wool or hair, 
whence is derived the idea of making anything grow or increase 
like abundant hair. (6) gdbab, from a root which means to 
extirpate anything, especially the testicles. (7) dbbar, see I. 2; 
or perhaps a dial, form of y^, see (5) above. (8) tadfar, see 
I. 1; this is the current name in the Hijaz (according to 
R. F. Burton) and in Egypt. (9) tatllq, from ^U> = to release. 
A derived meaning of the root applies to parturition in women. 
Lane indicates that tlq applies particularly to the pollination 
of a tatt palm. (10) falifoat, a corruption of fahhad = sexual 
intercourse. The Hadhramaut name; C. Landberg says that 
qht, given by dictionaries as synonymous, is merely a misprint 
of this. (11) sammad, which may be related to sanidd, ferti- 
lizer; it is also given as J^-Uo, which must be either a misprint 
of copyists, or a dialectal variant; and J^-*o which, if not 
another dialectal variant, can be referred to samid, white flour, 
to which the pollen is comparable. (12) aribdr ddden, conferre 
plenitudinem, on the Persian side of the Gulf, teste Kaempffer. 
Mi) ta'm, which may be interpreted as u to satisfy the hunger" 
for food, or sexual intercourse, etc. 

XIII. The season of pollination, February to May, depen- 
ding on climate and variety of palm, is known as the (1) waqt 
al-faJjtah, (2) eamdn al-yabdb, (3) tarlh al-tam and so on. 

XIV. The man who performs the operation is called (1) 
laqqaJi, or midaqqah; this is the classical designation. (2) ndh- 
wah, a vulgar word for the classical naffoal; or by the proper 
nominal form of one of the other names applied to pollination. 

XV. The process of pollination 16 is, in outline, as follows. 

" At al-Koton in the Qadhramaut, Th. Bent heard the pollinator 

352 Paul Popenoe 

First, if the female spathe has not yet split open, but looks 
as if it were about ready to do so, the operator cuts it open; 
(1) qass, onomatopoeic, cf. French casser. (2) maqq, = to open 

XVI. Then he shakes over the female flowers a piece or 
branch (gusnali) of the male inflorescence, often tying it among 
them. 17 Thus it continues to liberate pollen for several days. 
This pollen, cream-colored and finer than dust, is called (1) talnn 
or tti.m, flour, milled. (2) daqiq, = very fine or small. (3) 
yubar, = dust. The three foregoing are post-classical. (4) Jiurq, = 
milled; but apparently of Aramaic origin <Jtraq = to enter by 
small cracks. (5) kus, Pers., vide supra. (6) atd t a word used 
in Sindh and said to = flour or fine dust; perhaps a corruption 
of f ata = a benefit. (7) laqh, referring to the fecundating 
property of the pollen. (8) wazim, from ^ = to tie up in 
parcels, or to add a little to a little. 

XVII. If the operation has been skilfully performed, and 
other conditions (e. g., absence of rain or frost) are favorable, 
the palm remains fecundated; (1) liatir; (2) munawwaq; (3) 
iltaqqah; and so on. 

XVIII. But the pollen may have been applied too soon: 
(1) basr, originally meaning, to do anything rapidly; before the 
female flowers were open to receive the pollen. 

XIX. Or for some other reason, e. g., rainy weather, or 
sterility of the pollen used, 1 ^ the palm remains unfecundated: 
(I) hdl f also said of a camel which has been unsuccessfully 
served by the male; the root means to change or alter. It 

exclaim, "May Allah make you grow and be fruitful", as he pollinated 
the inflorescence. I have read of something of the kind in Morocco, 
but in general this operation is carried out nowadays without even a 

" Count Landberg, whose account of pollination is the most accurate 
of any I have seen in philological writings, says that in the IJadhramaut 
the pollinator rubs the male flower over the females (<^> akw. -\). I have 
not known this to be done elsewhere, and suspect that, as the Arab 
verb implies, the rubbing amounts to no more than "combing" the 
branchlets lightly. 

is In Egypt, a male which produces little pollen, or pollen of no 
value, is said by Mr. Brown to be called "dalcar hunta", from 
effeminate, impotent; or "ddkar farat", which maybe referred to 
soft, weak. 

The Pollination of the Date Palm 353 

likewise applies to a palm which bears fruit only in alternate 
years; and this use probably explains the derivation of the 
meaning first-mentioned. (2) dayyah, = masculine? (3) sis, 
see next paragraph. (4) miylaJh =- sterile, from gVi = to become 
bald. (5) (jildah, = patient. The last two on the authority of 
Abu Hanlfah. 

XX. If the female flowers are not pollinated, or not polli- 
nated successfully, they continue to develop, nevertheless, and 
produce three imperfect, seedless dates on one stem, in place 
of the usual single, well-formed and seeded berry. ^ Such a 
worthless date is called (1) in some parts of Egypt fass, the 
root meaning of which is to separate. (2) Si$, the most usual 
word, 2 o and found in a variety of spellings which ring all the 
changes on ^ ji and ^>. Arabic lexicologists ascribe this to 
a Pers. word H&a; Lane notes that Fraenkel attributed it to 
Aramaic. (3) baritk, at Assiut. This derivation of Irk is not 
clear to me. A possible parallel is mentioned by the Qaraus: 
baruk a woman who marries, having a big son. (4) hasi, = 
a eunuch: in the Tuat oases hesyan, which is, or ought to be, 
the plural of the foregoing. It is there explained, however, as 
from has to be unsalable. (5) balah, at Biskra: but incor- 
rectly, for this classical word properly designates a normal 
date, but one not wholly ripe. In modern Egypt and Syria it 
signifies any ripe date, being the equivalent of the classical tamr. 

(6) mill, on the authority of the Qamus; but of unknown origin. 

(7) salang (Pers.?) at Bahrain, teste Th. Bent. (8) siOihalah, at 
al-Madlnab, according to the lexicographers, from a root meaning 
weak or inferior. (9) munmiq, from nimq to strike the eye, 
the seedless cavity 21 apparently being likened to an eye that 
has been "poked out". (Ityfdljir, which from its root ( splen- 
did, etc.) would seem to be the contribution of some one with 
more of a sense of humor than the ordinary Arab lexico- 

XXI. But if pollination is successful, the fruit "sots" and 

i* In the normal process of development of a pollinated flower, two 
of its three carpels are aborted, leaving one to attain to maturity. 

*o Bat not confined to dates alone, for 'Abd al-Rizzaq al-Garairl, in 
li" Revelation of Enigmas, speaks of a seedless colocynth as ns. 

21 More exactly, the cavity contains a thin, soft, undeveloped seed. 
The seeds of these KK dates are described as Jjyi* J>~. tc. 

354 Paul Popenoe 

the dates develop to maturity, which involves a copious vocab- 
ulary, as is evident to one who opens an Arabic dictionary 
at random. 

XXII. On the other hand, if the female palm bears no 
flowers at all, one says (1) istafhdl, i. e., it isjike a male. 

XXIII. As the fruit- cluster develops, the remains of its 
natal spathe or envelope (Jtafur) become dry, but hang inde- 
finitely on the palm and are called (1) saivah, from a root 
meaning to dry out; or in Algeria (2) tergisa, < rqs? -= spotted 
with black and white. 



THE GUM CAMPHOR of modern commerce is not the same 
product as the camphor which was one of the costliest items 
of earlier sea-trade, worth more than its weight in gold, and 
so scarce that it was hardly to be found outside of royal treasure 
houses. Modern camphor is obtained by passing steam over 
the leaves, wood and bark of the tree laurel (Laurus camphor a) 
of Southern China and Formosa. It is also prepared synthetic- 
ally from coal-tar. Its uses are prosaic and utilitarian. The 
original camphor was a natural accumulation in the light and 
fibrous wood of the camphor tree of Sumatra and Borneo 
(Dryobalanops camphora), a vegetable giant, until the discovery 
of the sequoia of California, probably the mightiest tree known 
in the world. 1 It was regarded by Sumatran man as an earthly 
copy of the heavenly Tree of Fate. Mula Gadi the father-god 
dwelt by that tree with his two wives, the Writer and the 
Weigher. Under the tree every earth-bound soul must pass, 
to receive one of its leaves, whereon was a writing of that 
soul's earthly destiny riches or poverty, power or weakness, 
sickness or health. 2 And although camphor crystals are in fact 
the product of a natural process resembling gout or arterio- 
sclerosis, they were supposed to be the very life and essence of 
ill'- heavenly tree, the possessor of which had power to unravel 
u the Master-knot of human fate." 

> Englcr and Prantl, Natiirlichc Pflamenfamilien, III. 6. 854359. 
Of. Yule's note to Marco Polo III, xi, on the Kingdoms of Lambri and 
Fansur; Cordier's edition, 2. 8004. 

Warneck, Die Religion der Batak, 4-5; 49, 115, 125. 

356 Wilfred H. ScJwff 

This heavenly tree figures most largely in the belief of the 
Bataks, a tribe of the hill country of northern Sumatra. Of 
this people much has been written 3 of their primitive animism, 
which anthropologists accept as typical; of their cannibal 
ceremonies and head-hunting which loom large among the 
"Marvels of the East" of the Arab writers. The magic tree 
of the island of Wakwak, bearing as fruit human heads which 
shout in chorus, is frequently described in Arabic literature. 4 
Such legends usually have a foundation in fact. This one may 
be an echo of the Batak custom of hanging up on a pole or 
tree before the house door the skull of a slain enemy filled 
with camphor, which they consult upon questions of daily life. 
The taker of the head is supposed to possess the soul which 
the camphor enables him to keep alive and control. 

But it is with the burial ceremonies of the Bataks that we 
are now concerned. The burial of the poor takes place without 
ceremony soon after death, but when the local chief dies, there 
is much ceremony, and when the great chief dies, a messenger 
goes forth with the jawbone of a buffalo, and all the local chiefs 
come to the funeral with live buffaloes which are slaughtered 
together. A catafalque is built upon which rests a coffin of 
heavy durio wood. Within the coffin is the body clothed with 
full regalia and covered flush with camphor crystals. There it 
lies for many months, at the end of which it is uncovered for 
a last look at the sun, and then lowered into the grave. The 
horns and jawbones of the slaughtered buffaloes are hung up 
on a wooden framework before the grave. 5 Similar customs 
are noted among head-hunting tribes of Bali, Borneo and the 

Camphor was used, then, at the burial of kings and potentates 
that they might have the spirit gift of power in the next world, 
and something of the life of Mula Gadi the father-god. 

3 Kruijt, Animism in the Indian Archipelago; Warneck, Ancestor and 
Spirit Worship; Low, "An Account of the Batta Race in Sumatra", 
JRAS 2. 43 ff. 

* E. g. Al-Makdisl, cf. Ferrand, Textes Arabea relatifs a V Extreme- 
Orient, 117; Kazwinl, Ferrand 300; Ibn Said, Ferrand 334; Dimaski, 
Ferrand 375; Digest of Marvels, Ferrand 157. 

s Breuner, Besuch lei den Kannibalen Sumatras; JuDghuhn, Die Batta- 
Idndcr Sumatras, 296. 

Camphor 357 

Chemically, of course, camphor is contained in many volatile 
oik from which it can be separated. It is a solid residue in 
the oil similar to the tallow in animal fats. Some chemists 
would prefer to use for it the word stearoptene, literally, "like 
tallow." Menthol is a camphor obtained from the oil of pep- 
permint; thymol from the oil of thyme; and many other oils will 
yield a similar residue, the oil of camphor in far the greatest 
volume. 6 But the distillation of volatile oils is a comparatively 
recent process. The "fragrant ointments" and "anointing oils" 
of antiquity were neutral oils like olive and sesame, or animal 
fats, flavored or scented by steeping with flowers, gum, bark, 
leaves, grasses or chips of wood. Mohammedan Arabs and 
Persians were probably the first to work out the distillation 
of volatile oils, and the separation of the camphors was not 
studied in Europe before the 17 th century. Royalty before that 
time had to be content with the scanty supply of crystals from 
the Indian Archipelago, or the imitation which the crafty 
Chinese learned how to produce by boiling in open kettles the 
wood of their own tree laurel, or certain fragrant herbaceous 
plants, 7 catching the solid residue by stretching straws or wool 
across the top of the kettle. 8 The Chinese still counterfeit the 
Sumatra camphor and sell it at large gain to trusting Suma trans, 

Gildemeister, Volatile Oils, 370; cf. Herodotus 2, 85; Dioscorides I; 
Pliny XV-XVI; Theophrastus IX. 

7 Blumea balsamifcra is the plant used by the Chinese for this 
imitation camphor, which they call ngai (cf. Fliickiger and Hanbury, 
P/iarmacographia, 518619). The market price of the Sumatra camphor 
is about ten times that of the ngai camphor, and fifty times that of the 
iurcl camphor. In the South of France and other Mediterranean 
lands another herbaceous plant, Cumphorosma monspcliaca, is used. 
(Cf. Baillon, Diet, de Botanique sub vcrbo). Ibn al Baitar mentions a 
"Jewish camphor" which was a herbaceous plant of Khorassan, probably 
the (hmphorosma (Ferrand 2745). For Chinese counterfeiting, cf. Abu'l 
Fa/1, Ferrand 5445. So also I am informed by C. 0. Spamcr, American 
Consul at Medan, Sumatra, who has kindly supplied me specimens of 
me Dryobalanops camphor and camphor oil, and of the counterfeit 
Chinese production. Some of the writers confuse camphor with aloe. 
Ibn Serapion and Ibn al Baitar (Ferrand 112, 289) My that in its natural 
state it is bright red, and becomes white through sublimation. Aba'l 
(Ferrand 544) corrects this statement, saying that he himself has 
taken it white from the tree. 

9 Gildcmcister, op. cit. and reference!. 

358 Wilfred H. Schoff 

and to a much larger market in India. To the rest of the 
world it was introduced, prohably, by seafaring Arabs who 
knew how to make the most of its alleged virtues in assuring 
the immortality of kings, and who studied its more immediate 
uses in medicine and ointments, and in the preparation of 
cooling drinks in palaces and homes of wealth. The supply 
was limited. The tree grows only on the lower hills near the 
coast and is found here and there in the forests, never thickly. 
Not every tree yields camphor. Many are felled and cut up to 
no purpose. 9 The most generous yield may be 10 to 15 pounds 
of crystals to be had from a tree perhaps 200 feet high and 
15 feet in diameter. The natives believe that the yield is greater in 
times of supernatural activity, exemplified by earthquakes and 
volcanic eruptions, 10 and that it is increased by the sacrifice of 
rice, buffaloes or men before the tree. Human sacrifice is sup- 
posed to result in a larger find of crystals, so that the Bataks 
are not to be blamed for setting a high price upon it. Gathering 
is done by the tribe at seasons advised by their datu or priest 
as propitious, and the tree is selected with similar precautions. 
A space is cleared for sacrifice. The camphor spirit is sum- 
moned by flute-playing and appears to the tribe in dreams, 
pointing out the tree. On no account is the object of the 
expedition to be named, lest the ubiquitous ~begu or malignant 
spirit cause the crystals to disappear into the wood. An arti- 
ficial language is spoken. It is forbidden to pronounce the 
names of tree or crystal, which are utterly taboo. 11 The tapper 
of the tree, when selected by the datu, climbs well up the trunk, 
fastens a jar and pierces the bark, from which the sap is allowed 
to flow. Face and hands are carefully protected, for a drop 
touching the skin, being the flowing blood of divinity, would 
blast a mere mortal. 12 The tree is then tapped lower down, 
and a whitish gum sometimes appears. Still lower a pocket 
may be found in the trunk filled with the precious crystals. 
If the prospect seems favorable, the tree is felled and the tribe 
sets to work with primitive tools to dissect it, being careful 

9 Breuner, op. cit. 354. 

10 Mas'udl, Ferrand 978; Abu'l Pazl, cf. Ferrand 644. 

11 Frazer, Taboo and the Perils of the Soul, 4057; 36; 456; 65; 
116; Warneck, op. cit., 20; Breuner, 354. 

12 Dimaskl; cf. Ferrand, 3689. 

Camphor 359 

tirst to shroud the top to prevent the spirit from escaping. 
That it can escape, let the doubter prove by exposing a crystal 
to the rays of the sun. The vanishing of the white solid into 
invisible vapor is thus explained. To prevent this the crystals 
must be preserved in jars of a certain form, mixed with certain 
grains or seed, and wrapped securely from the warmth of the 
body. 13 The vanishing of the camphor, so Dr. Abbott tells me, 
gives a very definite illustration in modern Indian ceremonial 
of the disappearance of the human soul from the earth. 

The present question is how and when camphor became an 
article of regular commerce, and whence the word is derived. 
To the Greeks and Romans it was unknown. No description 
of it can be found in Theophrastus, Dioscorides or Pliny. It 
appears in the writings of Symeon Seth, Aetius, Paulus Aegineta 
and Leo Medicus, Hellenistic medical writers of the 4 th to 
6 th centuries of our era, and a remark of Aetius in one of his 
prescriptions: "if you have a supply of camphor," indicates the 
difficulty with which it was obtained. It appears also in the 
Syrian Book of Medicine recently published by Budge. This 
is a work of uncertain date, embodying medical data collected 
at Alexandria and elsewhere, and may be ascribed to the Greek 
medical school at Edessa, which is known to have been fostered 
by the Sassanian kings between the 3 rd and 5 th centuries of our 
era. It appears also in the Ayur-Veda of SuSruta, a Sanskrit 
medical work, which Professor Edgerton tells me is believed 
to be at least as old as the fourth century A. D., although it 
is thought to contain, also, interpolations from a later time. 
In the Syriac the form of the word is kftpur; in the Greek 
two forms appear, kaphoura and Jcamphora; in Sanskrit karpura, 
I nit in all Indian vernaculars kdpur or hdppur. 

The ceremonial use of camphor must have become general 
in Sassanian times. Dr. Yohannan tells me that Shiite Muslims 
in Persia to this day rub camphor into the nostrils of the dead 
to drive away evil spirits and to assist in the resurrection. 
An Arab prince, Imru-1-Qais, writing before the time of 
Mohammed, mentions camphor, and Weil, in his History of 
the Caliphs, relates that when the Arabs pillaged the palace 

Abfl'l Fadl Ja'far; Ferrand, op. cif., 604; Ibn Khordadhbeh, De 
Goeje's ed., p. 46. 

S4 JAO8 42 

360 Wilfred H. Schoff 

of the last Sassanian Khusrau in 636 A. D., they took musk, 
amber, sandalwood and other Eastern aromatics, and "much 
camphor". 14 

The earliest literary reference of the first rank is in the 
Koran. In such passages as Sura 37 it is explained how the 
unrighteous when they reach hell are given boiling water to 
drink. By contrast Sura 76 tells of the joys of Paradise, where 
the righteous receive at the hands of the black-eyed maidens 
cooling drinks, camphor from "a fountain from which the 
servants of Allah shall drink," and ginger from "a fountain 
which is named Salsabil" (the softly-flowing). Camphor and 
ginger are both refrigerants widely used as ingredients in 
cooling drinks in both tropical and temperate lands; camphor 
in India especially, where it is often so alluded to in Sanskrit, 
literature. While one's first inclination is to regard them in 
these passages of the Koran as material delights of the blest in 
contradistinction to the torments of the damned, some Muslims 
interpret them as symbolic of the ascent of the soul toward 
perfection. In Maulvi Mohammed Ali's version of the Koran, 
it is explained that kafur, the Arabic form of the word, is 
from a stem kfr, meaning to cover, or hide, and so means 
"suppression," the extinction of worldly desires on the part of 
those who have drunk of the cup of Allah; and zanjbil, the 
word for ginger, is derived from zana'a and jabal, and means 
"ascent of the mountain" that is, the steep and difficult 
heights to attain which spiritual strength must be gained. 15 
This etymology is not here defended. 

Mohammed himself was very fond of perfumes, and an early 
tradition quotes Ayesha as saying that he indulged in "men's 
scents", musk and ambergris, and that he burned camphor on 
fragrant wood and enjoyed the pleasant odor. Anas, his servant, 
said, "We always knew when Mohammed had come out of his 
chamber by the sweet perfume that filled the air." 16 

" Geschichte der Chalifen, 75. Cosmas Indicopleustes, who visited 
Ceylon in the 6*b century and wrote at length of its trade, makes no 
mention of camphor. 

is The Holy Qur'an with English Translation and Commentary, London, 
Islamic Review, 1917, p. 1143, note 2626. 

is Muir, Life of Mohammad, 3301. 

Camphor 361 

This high authority was sufficient to fix the form kdfur 
throughout the world of Islam, and in such estimation is the 
word held that, so Dr. Sprengling informs me, among dark- 
skinned African Muslims to this day Kafur is a favorite 
given name. 

The commercial interest of the Arabs in camphor is shown 
in the second voyage of Sindbad the Sailor to the island of 
Riha, which may be identified with Sumatra, in which a clear 
account is given of the tree and the search for its crystals. 17 

In the 89 th Sura of the Koran is a reference to Iram Dat 
Al-'Imad (Iram with the Pillars), supposed by some Muslim 
writers to have been a town built in the highlands of Yemen 
as an imitation of Paradise. Its stones were gold and silver, 
and its walls studded with jewels. Mas'udi relates with some 
reserve a story about a certain camel-driver who chanced upon 
the buried town, from the ruins of which he brought musk, 
camphor and pearls to the Caliph Mu'awiya. 18 The name is 
South Arabian, and it appears also in Hamdani; but the idea of 
an apocalyptic Heavenly City was very general in Semitic lands. 

Arabian writers about voyages to the East speak of a similar 
white city, al-Barraqa, the brilliant, built of shining white stone 
with white domes, in which cries and songs were heard, but 
no inhabitants seen. 19 Sailors landed there to take water and 
found it clear and sweet with an odor of camphor, but the 
houses receded as fast as approached, and finally faded 
from view. 20 

There were certain affinities in the word kdfur which no 
doubt appealed to the Arabic mind. The stem is the same in 
form and meaning as our word "cover". It suggests Hebrew 
/copper, bitumen or pitch, with which Noah's Ark and Moses* 

i' Thousand and One Nights, Payne edition, V, 1678. 

i* Encyclopaedia of Islam, No. 26, pp. 619520. 

i The word barraqa is the same as bareqcth, one of the stones of the 
high priest's breast-plate in Exod. 30, said by Talmudic writers to have 
been caught up into heaven by an angel when the Babylonians destroyed 
the Temple at Jerusalem; and this is the tame as smaragdos, one of 
the foundations of the Heavenly City of the Apocalypse (Rev. 18). In 
terms of gem-stones this was the rock-crystal rather than the beryl. 
Both are hexahedral and appear in many hues. 

20 Digest of Marvels ; Ferrand, op. cit 145. 

362 Wilfred H. Schoff 

ark of bulrushes are said to have been covered, and also a 
whole series of ideas connected with atonement, offerings, and 
sacrifice. Tom Kippur, the Day of Atonement, is from the 
same stem; also kapporeth, the mercy seat above the Ark of 
the Covenant, The same word kopher means henna, 21 from the 
original meaning to cover over or smear, thence to hide or 
conceal, or even to suppress all these meanings naturally 
follow. 22 Closely related is Arabic qubur, "grave". But the 
form kdfur is irregular in Arabic and suggests a foreign origin 
or influence, even though the Arabs apply the same word to 
the covered spathe of their own date-palm. India lies half-way 
between Arabia and Sumatra, and we might infer some 
borrowing from Indie vernaculars; but this would not help us 
much, for Professor Jackson and Professor Edgerton seem to 
think that the Indie and Persian words have no indigenous 
flavor. Dr. Laufer has traced the forms of the word from India 
through Tibet to Mongolia, and thinks that the differences 
between Sanskrit and the vernaculars are dialectic variants. 23 
It is possible, of course, that the Sanskrit form karpura is the 
result of "back-writing" from a vernacular kdpiir, or kappur. 
Dr. Laufer seems to be of the opinion, however, that the word 
is not Indie, and traces it to an early form, giadbura, or 
giadbula. This is not difficult to carry back to a Malay original, 
which indeed is probable because of the known Sumatran 
origin of the substance. The word can probably be identified 
with the name of the Heavenly Tree of the Bataks, gdbii, or 
gdmbu, and their ceremonial meal, gdmbur. 

While probably derived from a common Malayo-Indonesian 
stock, the Bataks have held themselves aloof from all modern 
Malays, whom they regard as foreigners and distinguish from 
Europeans only by the color of their teeth. 24 The name of the 
heavenly tree in the Batak language is Gambu-barus. Baru is 
spirit. Gambu, with a root form gdbu, means "to scatter", "to 

21 But the Arabs call it al-hinnd, the leaf, whence our henna, and 
Malay inei. 

22 Cf. Haupt, Biblische Liebeslieder, 127129; also Journal of Biblical 
Literature, 35. 282. 

23 Sino-Iranica, 585591. 

24 Cf. Warneck, Tobataksch-Deutsches Worterbuch, 246; Anderson, 
Mission to the East Coast of Sumatra in 1823, p. 147. 

Camphor 363 

hand out", or "to distribute". A derivative form ganibur, with 
variants, hambur, Jiampur, kampur, is "that which is handed 
out" or distributed rice at a tribal ceremony, human fate at 
the hands of the father-god. Literally the name of the tree 
may be rendered "spirit-gift". The m is a Malay infix, implying 
manner, internal movement, happening, duration, or repetition. 
The final r is a derivative form and may be a transposed infix. 
Among these variant Malay forms is kapur, which may mean 
the white crystals found in the camphor tree, or a similar 
substance found in a variety of bamboo, or chalk, or the lime 
used in betel chewing. The initial guttural varies in intensity, 
for in modern Malay we have dbur, "to lavish", "to waste", or 
"to be prodigal in expenditure", with derivatives ambur and 
hambur , "strewing", "dropping down", or "scattering". Also 
kapar, "scattered about", with which kapur would seem to be 
connected. The word may have, therefore, a dual significance; 
material, as relating to the crystals found scattered through 
the trunk of the tree, and ceremonial, as connected with the 
heavenly Tree of Fate. All modern Malay dialects apply the 
word to chalk, in connection with the whitening of shoes or 
bleaching of fabrics, and to lime, whether for betel chewing or 
for whitewashing and construction. But these applications of 
the word seem to be relatively late and are probably due to 
similarity of appearance. 25 Kdfuri in modern Persian and 
Hindustani means "white", obviously derived through Arabic 
from these Malay forms. 26 

The Greek forms kaphoura and kamphora, the Sanskrit 
karpurOj the later Indie kapur and kappurOj the Syriac kapur 
and the Arabic kdfiir, are apparently all traceable to Malay 
variations. Infixed m and r and suffixed r have already been 
noted. In a Malay dictionary I note three variations of a 
single word in as many dialects Malacca kdrsiq, Sunda kdsiq, 
and Macassar kdsiq. The name of the water buffalo, which 
the Spaniards spell carabao, is a Malay word karbau, and its 

Cf. Winstedt, Malay Grammar; Joustra, Karo-Bataktch Woorden- 
bock, 34, 60; Shellabear, A Malay-English Vocabulary, 63, 37, 114; Van 
der Tuuk, Bataksch Ncderduitsch Woordenboek 88, 189; Skeat, Etymo- 
logical Dictionary of the English Language, sub vcrbo camphor. 

" As to which Prof. Haupt cites Meyer's Orofses Konrersations- 
Lexikon, 6th e d., 10, 524 a. 

364 Wilfred H. Schoff 

original form is kdbau, as seen in the name of another primitive 
Sumatran trihe, the Menang-kdbau. 

The Chinese, who found camphor at about the same time 
as the Arahs and placed a very high value upon it, paid no 
attention to its names in Malay or Arabic and called it 
"dragon's brains", lung-nan. This seems to be a fanciful name 
due to the appearance of the crystals. Various forms of this 
name are still found in Indonesian dialects, notably in the 
Philippines; and to the Japanese it is "brain-matter", sho-no. 2S 
The land of Chryse, the meeting point between commercial 
Chinese and Arabic, is the line between "brain-matter" and 
"hidden-matter" as commercial names for camphor. 

In Arabic the word becomes Jcdfur with a significance of 
"hidden" or "covered up", instead of "scattered about" or 
"distributed" which it seems to have in Malay. Again the 
meaning is so apt as to explain the ready passage of the word 
between the two languages. The substance does not appear in 
commerce until after the time of Ptolemy, who had reports 
from Greek, Indian and Arabian sources of voyages to Chryse 
and beyond. There is no reason why the Arabs should not 
have found it locally used and perceived its commercial value 
based on its mysterious divine virtues, of which they could 
make much with the credulous peoples with whom they dealt. 

Whether its origin be Malay or Semitic, the word kapur or 
kdfur is an unusual form in either, 29 and its persistence as a 
trade name may be due to its manifold and appropriate 
affinities. Is it unreasonable to suppose that the Bataks of 
Sumatra adopted a foreign form of the name for their Heavenly 
Tree which could be spoken without breaking the taboo? The 
Kayans of Borneo when hunting camphor, say merely "the 
thing that smells". 30 Did the Bataks of Sumatra refrain from 

2f Cf. Cordier's Yule's Marco Polo, II. 303; Adams, Comment. Paulus 
Aegineta, 3; 4279. 

28 Yuhodo, Japanese- English Pocket Dictionary, 635. I-tsing, the 
Chinese Buddhist pilgrim writing in the 7*& century, mentions Baros 
camphor; Records of the Buddhist Religion, Oxford 1896, Chap. 27. 

29 Two long vowels are unusual in a Semitic noun, but not impossible, 
for we have Hebrew qitor, smoke; and the form is probably South- 
Arabian, not classical. 

so Frazer, op. cit, 406; cf. also Beccari, Wanderings in the Great 
Forests of Borneo, 2725. 

Camphor 365 

saying "spirit gift" and prefer "the thing that is hidden", 
borrowing from the seafaring traders who paid them such a 
fabulous price for it? Were they not, in fact, safeguarded by 
so doing, because their begu could not be supposed to under- 
stand Arabic? It is possible at least that the elaborate 
ceremonies connected with the gathering of camphor were not 
worked out until a foreign demand appeared for it which taxed 
the productive capacity of their forests. Similar customs are 
noted in the mining for tin among Malay tribes in Banka and 
Billiton, all being essentially propitiatory rites to obtain the 
benevolence of good spirits or to deceive evil spirits and thus 
enhance the fortunes of the tribe. 31 It is by no means im- 
possible that the Arabic word was carried over into Batak as 
the spoken name of their Tree of Fate, and its real name 
successfully concealed. 

The Sanskrit and Prakrit forms may have been derived from 
the Malacca Peninsula rather than Sumatra, direct from the 
Malay without Arabic influence. A northern origin for the 
Bataks is suggested by their own legend. The name of their 
port on the west coast of Sumatra, Baros, is the word for 
spirit, and recalls the name Langabalus, or Langabaros, an 
old name for the Nicobar islands traces possibly of the 
southward migration of a tribal god. 32 

Only the Bataks could solve for us the original form from 
which the word camphor is derived. It is taboo, and so they 
would not if they could; but as their Singamangaraja (Malay 
for Sinha Maharajah, that is, lion-great-ruler) claims descent 
from one of the three sons of Alexander the Great, named 
Sri Iskander, they probably could not if they would. 83 

It is a fact that the Arabs, finding a world market for 

Frazer, op. tit. 407. 

" Cf. Ferrand, op. cit. 25, 181; Batakspiegd, pub. by the Batak Insti- 
tute, The Hague, Lijst van dc voornaamstc aardrijkskunde namen in den 
Nederlandsch Indischcn Archipcl, Batavia, 1906. Sulaiman, writing in 861, 
says "these people do not understand Arabic, nor any of the languages 
spoken by the merchants." (Ferrand 89.) DimaskI confuses Balus with 
Langabalus, which he says is the place where the camphor tree grows, 
rand 3823.) 

** Junghuhn, op. cit. Mas'udI, writing in 966, observes of these 
islands "all their kings bear the title of Maharajah." (Ferrand 99.) 

366 Wilfred H. Sclioff 

frankincense greater than the supply available at the ports of 
the Gulf of Aden, found a nearly related tree in Sumatra 
which they called luban jawl\ that is, frankincense of Jawa, 
which was the early name for Sumatra. Frankincense was 
another very holy tree, and the fames from the burning of its 
gum brought human benefits valued at a high price, which 
Arab merchants found it profitable to secure. The virtues of 
the luban jam were asserted to be identical with those of the 
incense of the land of Punt sought out by the fleets of the 
Pharaohs. This name we, following the Portuguese, have 
con-up ted into 'benzoin,** and Marsden, a century ago, into 
benjamin. But this tree was first found in the Batak territory 
of Sumatra and the Bataks still call that tree aloban. 35 Surely 
that is pure Arabic; and it is not unreasonable to suppose 
that Arab merchants seeking a more generous supply of the 
sacred frankincense found at the same time a tree held similarly 
sacred by the Bataks of Sumatra, and that they commercialized 
the divine virtues of its crystals just as they did the virtues of 
the frankincense. The market was rather different. Frankincense 
was treasured especially in Egypt, Palestine, Mesopotamia and 
the Mediterranean world; camphor in India and the East; 
yet the Arabs succeeded in convincing the Chinese of the 
virtues of frankincense, and the Persians of the virtues of 

The rapid spread of Islam over the Indian Archipelago 
followed lines of trade established by Arab shipping long before 
the time of Mohammed. 36 


After this paper was presented to the Society, additional 
details were received through Consul Spamer at Medan, 

3* Cf. Laufer, op. cit. ; Marsden, History of Sumatra ; Anderson, op. ctf.204. 

36 Anderson, op. cit. 204. Schreiber, Die Battas in ihrem Verhaltnis 
zu den Malaien von Sumatra. 

36 Cf. Van den Berg, Le Hadramaut et Us Colonies Arabes dans 
VArchipel Indien, Batavia, 1886; also various notes to Alberuni's India, 
Sachau's edition. 

Camphor 367 

including an unpublished Batak legend, which it seems worth 
while to append. 

According to Assistant Resident Schroeder of Tartutung, 
Tapanuli, Sumatra, the native stories about the influence of 
earthquakes and insects upon camphor are founded upon fact. 
Camphor is found only in holes or cracks in the wood. This 
wood is rather firm, but splits easily, especially in a radial 
direction, and this in fact results from severe earthquakes. In 
order to transform the camphor oil into borneol crystals, an 
oxidation process is necessary, and the possibility for this is 
furnished by the presence of wood-boring insects. According to 
several accounts the camphor seekers can tell by a rustling 
sound within the tree when camphor is present, and for this 
sound the gnawing of the larvae is said to be responsible. 
The tree is felled in order to obtain the product, and the 
camphor veins usually run in spirals around the heart of the tree. 

The consul has also obtained from Bona haju (chief of camphor 
expeditions) Pa Tambok of Pardomuan (Barus) an account of 
the legendary origin of camphor as told by the Bataks. A 
beautiful girl of supernatural origin named Nan Tar Tar Nan 
Tor Tor was married to a mortal named Si Pagedag Si Pagedog, 
under an agreement that the husband would never allow her 
to dance; but a dissolute neighbor, enamored of her beauties, 
beguiled the husband in an unguarded moment into sending 
his wife a message asking her to dance. She obeyed; but hardly 
had she begun when with a shriek she vanished upwards, Begu 
Sombaon, the evil spirit, having thus been given power over 
the spirit of her unborn child. She flew to a langkukung bush 
and took on the properties of camphor, but the bush was too 
small and was nibbled at by the cattle, and she moved to a 
johar tree. Not finding this tree an ideal abode, she then 
moved to a suja tree, the present camphor tree, where she 
lives to the present day. Her husband, stricken by grief and 
remorse, hunted her everywhere, and in a dream it was 
revealed to him that she lived inside the suja tree. He tried 
to find her by beating against each tree with a stick, but not 
tim ling her, he made an end of his life. His soul still torments 
camphor-seekers, who hear his cries and the striking of his 
against the trees. If his spirit hovers near a tree, then 
Nan Tar Tar Nan Tor Tor disappears and no camphor is 

368 Wilfred H. Schoff 

found. To this day the chief of the camphor seekers does not 
place his hut near a tree from which the cries of Si Pagedag 
Si Pagedog can be heard, since he knows that Nan Tar Tar 
Nan Tor Tor has already fled. Batak wives still wear leaves 
of the camphor tree in their hair to protect them from Begu 
Somhaon, the kidnapper of Nan Tar Tar Nan Tor Tor. 

According to the Acting Controller of Barus, camphor 
seeking is usually undertaken by a ruler or village head, who 
engages a camphor seeker or Bona haju, who is a diviner. 
During the search this man uses opium excessively and lives 
strictly secluded in abnormal mental condition, living wholly in 
the thought of finding camphor. When the necessary funds 
have been advanced by the village head the Bona haju and 
his helpers go into the forests and build a hut in some section 
where camphor trees abound. Places where knocking sounds 
are heard in the trees are avoided because no camphor will be 
found there. The Bona haju then lays on the ground a leaf 
picked from the pandajangan tree, the point toward himself 
and the stem toward the camphor trees. On the outside of the 
leaf he places a complete chew of betel, to gain the favor of 
Nan Tar Tar Nan Tor Tor, and as many cubes of ginger root 
cooked with salt as there are partakers in the expedition. 
Three, five, seven or even twelve persons may take part. The 
Bona haju sits before the leaf until ants appear. The direction 
from which they come shows where the hunt is to take place. 
The color of the ants approaching the salted ginger indicates 
the color of the animal to be sacrificed; a red ant calls for a 
white buffalo, and a black ant for a black one. Each piece of 
ginger root laid on the leaf is named for one of the expedition, 
and he whose cube is first attacked by the ants becomes the 
leader of the chipping expedition. According as the ginger 
root is eaten at either end or in the middle, it tells whether 
camphor is to be found in the valley, on the slope or at the 
top of the hill. The Bona haju then returns to his hut and 
by the use of opium induces a dream in which there appears 
to him a woman who offers him rice. Her rank and the 
quantity of rice give further instruction as to the kind of tree 
to be tapped and whether it will pay. The seekers distinguish 
between three kinds of camphor trees having bark of different 
shades. The color of the face of the dream-woman determines 

Camphor 369 

what trees are to be tapped. The length of her hair indicates 
whether or not trees having long aerial roots should be tapped. 
If she wears a short jacket then the trees with smooth trunks 
are to be tapped. If she offers much rice, the tree tapped will 
have much camphor. After her appearance in the dream, a 
white, brown and black chicken is killed in honor of Begu 
Sombaon, the evil spirit, upon whom the Bona haju then calls 
beseeching the grant of finding camphor, without which he 
declares he must kill himself. He then goes to the village head 
to inform him as to the color of the carabao to be sacrificed. 
Sometimes other sacrifices are called for. The spirit of the 
child of a ruler may be asked. In that case the child is kid- 
napped from some neighboring village and left alone in the 
woods, a prey in their belief for Begu Sombaon, the evil spirit, 
but in reality for the tigers. It is thought to be a good sign 
when a tiger, which is the riding animal of Begu Sombaon, 
comes to a native hut. This is a sure sign of a rich harvest 
of camphor, and it is only necessary to follow the beast and 
observe the trees on which he makes a mark with his claws. 
This is a proof of the favorable inclination of Begu Sombaon, 
the tiger acting as his messenger. Another good sign is the 
presence in a tree of the nest of a snake, Celar ratarata. This 
snake is said to have been appointed by Begu Sombaon as 
the keeper of Nan Tar Tar Nan Tor Tor, and where he is 
much camphor is found. 

When the instructions of the Bona haju are wrong and no 
camphor is found, this is attributed to failure to observe the 
ceremonial taboos. In such cases the arts of divination begin 
anew, larger sacrifices are called for, and if the village head 
refuses to furnish them, the Bona haju as priest and mediator 
must give his own life as security to Begu Sombaon for ful- 
fillment of his pledges. However, to avert this evil from him- 
self, he may appoint one of his helpers as substitute. Since the 
extension of the jurisdiction of the Dutch Government over 
the Bataks, Sombaon, like all other spirits, is said to care less 
for human offerings and people are less apt to disappear. 

When there has been a rich harvest of camphor, the whole 
neighborhood turns out with great joy and the happy return 
is celebrated with drums and dancing. 

According to the custom of the Bataks, a Bona haju cannot 

370 Wilfred H. Sclwff 

be prosecuted for debt and he is exempt from taxation, but it 
is his lot to die poor. 

The old men disapprove modern neglect of ancient custom 
and claim that this has its effect in the chopping down of 
empty trees. "They incense the spirit Sombaon; fools they are, 
in company with Si Pagedag Si Pagedog." 


Regencies in Babylon 

Professor Dougherty's note on Ancient Teima and Babylon 
(JA08 41. 458 459) throws new light upon an interesting 
political situation. The later Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian 
dynasties pursued a policy of aggression in all possible directions. 
Tribute lists indicate that they were more successful toward 
the West and South than toward the North and East. Most 
of Arabia paid tribute, and control was maintained by garrisons 
at points which commanded the trade-routes. These were always 
few in number and fixed by the water-supply. Both dynasties 
succumbed to combinations of Eastern enemies with discon- 
tented elements within their own boundaries. This condition is 
reflected in certain passages in the Hebrew prophets, Isaiah 
and Ezekiel, which appear to be incitements to rebellion against 
the oppressive central government, mentioned under names not 
its own, which were chosen for reasons of political safety. Isaiah 
had no special grievance against Babylon, but a very real one 
against Nineveh because of the aggression of Sennacherib; yet 
(chapters 13 and 14) he avoids the open prediction of retribution 
upon Nineveh, and predicts it upon Babylon. As Nineveh was 
then engaged upon the reduction of Babylon, the prophecy of 
destruction would pass for subserviency rather than sedition; 
yet those who had ears might hear. Perhaps also the command 
in Exod. 22 27, "revile not God, nor curse a ruler among thy 
people," caused the curse to be expressed indirectly. Ezekiel 
had no grievance against Tyre, but a very real one against 
Babylon because of the aggression of Nebuchadrezzar II; yet 
(chapters 27 and 28) he avoids the open prediction of retribution 
upon Babylon and predicts it of Tyre, upon the reduction of 
which Babylon was then engaged. But his real meaning appears 
in his statement (17 3-4, 12) that Canaan (i. e., Tyre) Babylon, 

372 Brief Notes 

and that the "land of traffic" and its merchants centered there. 
And the precious substances for the possession of which "Tyre" 
is condemned are precisely those of which Nebuchadrezzar II 
had plundered the temple and palace at Jerusalem. The haram 
had been violated and the prophets applied the lex talionis. 

The employment of Phoenician shipbuilders and sailors by 
Sennacherib in his naval campaign against Elam is well known. 
The fruits of such assistance are indicated in a passage in 
Isaiah (22 is) for which the Jewish Revision offers a new and 
striking version: 

"Behold, the land of the Chaldeans this is the people that was 
not, when Asshur founded it for shipmen." 

Subsequent activities of these seafarers in the Persian Gulf 
and at Gerrha and other ports controlling the Central Arabian 
caravan routes are also well known. We may infer that the 
Nee-Babylonian kings would have been glad to curtail the 
favors extended to them by their Assyrian predecessors. 

The tablets described by Professor Dougherty tell of a regency 
of the Crown Prince in Babylon while the ruling monarch was 
absent during long intervals on affairs of state, to be under- 
stood as military. The same condition is shown in Ezekiel 
where (chapter 28) a doom is pronounced jointly upon the 
Prince and King of "Tyre" (the Prince receiving the most 
attention), because of their possession of the Jerusalem plunder. 
The tablets refer to Nabonidus and Belshazzar. Ezekiel refers 
probably to Nebuchadrezzar II and Amil-Marduk. The King 
may have been absent on some military enterprise, or he may 
have been temporarily incapacitated, as we read in the book 
of Daniel (4 so). 

Further light in this direction may be confidently expected 
as other tablets of the period are published. 


Philadelphia Commercial Museum 

Heb. kohen and qahal 

In AJSL 32. 64 (cf. JBL 38. 151, n. 15)* I showed that Heb. 
Jcomr, idol-priest, was identical with Ass. ramku, priest, prop. 

i For the abbreviations see above, p. 301, n. 1. 

Brief Notes 373 

lustrator. My explanation has been adopted in n. 31 to the 
new (1921) edition of Delitzsch's Babel und Bibel. Both kamar 
and ramak are transposed doublets of makar, to water, a 
denominative stem derived from makdru, well < karu, to dig. 
(JBL 36. 254; 34. 55; 37. 227; 40, 171. 172). JBL 36. 89 I 
pointed out that the original meaning of Heb. ro'e and hoze t 
seer, as well as me'dnen, diviner, was scryer. Even the elaborate 
system of hepatoscopy which we find in the cuneiform omen 
tablets was originally, it may be supposed, merely gazing on 
the smooth, shiny surface of a liver. The tribes of the Northwest- 
Indian frontier use the liver of an animal for scrying (EB^ 
7, 567 M ). David Kimhi states in his remarks on Ez. 21, 26, 
where the king of Babylon stands at the fork of the road to 
practice divination, polishing arrows, consulting teraphim, gazing 
on a liver, that diviners gaze not only on a polished arrow- 
head, or thumb-nail, or sword-blade, or mirror, but also on a 
liver, because it possesses gloss, i. e. a reflective surface (JBL 
36, 38). For consulting the teraphim see my paper Was David 
an Aryan? (0(733, 44) and for the proper pronunciation tdi\> 
(i. e. providers) cf. JBL 38, 84''. 

The German terms for scrying or crystal-gazing (cf. CD, 
Supplement s. v. and EB" 22, 544 b< ) are Kristallschauen, 
Kristattomantie, Beryllomantie(MK* 11, 718) or Katoptromantie 
(MK* 10, 754) or Hydromantie (MK* 9, 695). Scrying is a 
form of autohypnotization. A scryer is called in German also 
Engelseher: in an article on Alt-Qotha by Marie v. Bunsen, 
published in the German weekly Daheim, Sept. 6, 1919, p. 10*, 
the author says that Duke John Frederick, who induced his 
father to found the university of Jena in 1558, traute (1566) 
einem Engelseher, der das Kommende in einer Kristallkttgel er- 
kannte (cf. EB" 12, 639 b , L 7; 15, 459*). We may also compare 

peep-stone or gazing-crystal of the founder of Mormon ism 
(EB" 18, 842 b ; RE* 13, 466, 1. 29; 469, L 59). Cf. also 
Karl Kiese wetter, Faust in der Geschichte und Tradition 
(Leipsic, 1893). 

Heb. kdhen, priest, is identical with Arab, k&hin, diviner. 
The original meaning is not preparing, serving, as Konig states 

;s Hebrew dictionary, but soothsayer which means originally 
telling the truth. Ger. Wahrsager has the same meaning, while 
Weissager, prophet, is connected with wissen, to know Lat. 

374 Brief Notes 

ridere, Eng. wit > witch, wizard, &c. AS witga means seer, 
prophet, soothsayer, magician; wizard denoted orig. wise man, 
sage, and wise woman signified fortune-teller ; cf. Heb. iidde'oni, 
Ass. mudu, Arab, sa'ir (JHUC 316. 24; JA08 40. 218, a). 

Our sooth, which is connected with Skt. sat and Gr. ercos, 
true, means truth and true. Sir "Walter Scott says: Announced 
by prophet sooth and true. The prophetic old man of the sea, 
Proteus, who knew all things, past, present, and future, has the 
epithet V^/DTTJS, infallible, reliable, veracious, true, a compound 
of VTJ and apapTOLvtiv. In Greek, Heb. kohen appears as 
which according to Hesychius (KOWJS' itpws Kaficipw 6 
<f>ovca) denotes a priest in the Samothracian mysteries in con- 
nection with the cult of the Cabiri. Also yorys, magician, may 
be derived from it; the g represents a partial assimilation of 
the k to the n (JBL 36. 141, n. 3; PAPS 58. 243 ). Similarly 
we have in Ethiopic: guehan or guehen, mystery, instead of 
Jcuhn. There is, of course, a close interrelation between magic 
and priesthood (JE" 22. 31 7 ) 

The stem of Heb. Jcohen is a modification of kun from which 
we have in Assyrian: tettu = tentu, truth, fern, of tenu. We 
have in Gen. 42, 11: tenim dndhnu, we are true (L e. honest) 
men, and in Eccl. 8, 10: d$er fan 'asu, who did right. Heb. 
ken, true, right, appears also in laten, all right (JBL 29. 105*) 
and in aten, verily, where the initial vowel is a remnant of 
the preposition ina, as it is also in atmol and ams, yesterday, 
az = azai, then, &c. (JBL 36. 148). For the adversative use 
of aten (lit. in sooth, in truth, indeed) cf. Lat. verum, vero. The 
e in fan is long; cf. the spellings of tend in Syriac (Noldeke, 
Syr. Or* 98, B) and cuneiform ki-e-nu (HW 322 b ). Heb. 
ten, mt = kaiiin, mautt. 

Ass. musldnu (> Heb. misken) is not derived from kun, but 
from km, Arab, kdna-iakmu = xa$a'a (AJSL 23. 226 <; JBL 
33. 295 ). Arab, istakana belongs to the same stem. Ass. 
mu$Mnu denotes free-born, and mar amili: full-born; see my 
paper The Son of Man in Monist 29, 125 (cf. JAOS 37. 14; 
JBL 40. 183). The synonym of mar-amili, son of a man, mar- 
lani, son of a father (HW 178 b ; J.L 5 19, 148) corresponds to 
the Eoman patrician; Lat. patricius means fathered, i. e. a man 
with a family and genealogy (EB 11 20, 931 bi ). 

Just as sooth is connected with Lat. esse, to be; swwtf, they are,. 

Brief Notes 375 

so bun is the common verb for to be in Arabic and Phenician 
(Lidzbarski, Epigraphik 294). For the original meaning of 
Heb. haid, to be, c JBL 38. 163'. A medial h is often secondary: 
we have in Aramaic e. g. behet, to be ashamed; rehet, to run; 
AV/i.7, to be able, for Heb. bo$, rfy, ML -= iakol, and nuhra, 
light, for Arab, nur (AJSL 20. 171; 22, 250'; Nah. 46*). In 
the same way the stem of Heb. qdhdl or qehiUd, congregation, 
is a modification of qtil to call; the original meaning is convo- 
cation. In Arabic, qdla is the common word for to say. The 
same root is preserved in Arab, naqlj tale, and ndqal, ready 
repartee; cf. Arab. nazf< nafz and Eth. zafdna < nafdza, also 
Arab, nafara which is a N of fdrra: the diminutive nufdj,r 
corresponds in some respects to Heb. pelejd (AJP 43, 241). 

Of course, many priests and prophets were unrighteous (Jer. 
23, 11) and there were many false prophets who deceived many 
(Matt 24, 11) but they pretended to be soothsayers telling the 
truth, just as Sennacherib's father, who on the death of Shal- 
maneser IV during the siege of Samaria in 722 seized the crown, 
called himself &arru-knu, the true king, a name like the Heb. 
malki-ftidq, legitimate king (JBL 37. 209'; JPOS 1. 69, n. 2). 


Johnt Hopkins University 

Heb. qi^or a doublet of 'aSan. 

Dimorphism is much more common in Semitic than is generally 
supposed. I have discussed transposed doublets in a number 
of passages (e. g. JBL 34. 61 . 63'; 35. 158". 322'; 36. 140'; 
37. 229*; 38. 47*. 152'; 39. 163'. 168'; AJSL 26. 234'; 33. 45 ). 
Doublets are often very dissimilar: both cattle and chattel are 
doublets of capital, principal, stock; grotto is a doublet of crypt, 
and zero a doublet of cypher > Ass. Sipru, message (Kings 
198, 47). In the same way Heb. gtfor, smoke, is a doublet of 
'ctfdn. The stem of gffor is identical with Syr. f e(dr, to rise up 
as vapor, steam, or smoke. The ( is due to partial assimilation 
of t to q as in Heb. qa(dl Arab, qdtala (SFG 73'; VG 164, h> 
t is preserved in Ass. qutru, smoke, and qutrtnu, sacrifice 
(H\V 600; JBL 37. 219). In Arabic we have qutdr, fragrant 
steam of roasted meat, with t, but migfar, censer, and gu(nr, 
aloes (i. e. eaglewood which yields a fragrant odor when burnt) 

25 JA08 42 

376 Brief Notes 

with (. Both Arab, qutdr and 'afar are Aramaic loanwords: 
the genuine Arabic form is 'titan, smoke, and the corresponding 
Hebrew word is 'asdn. For Aram. ( = Arab, t cf. Aram, qaftaiia, 
cucumbers Arab, qittd' (JBL 39. 162). For n = r cf. Aram. 
madneJid = Heb. mizrah, sunrise, and for q =': Aram, drqti, 
earth = dr'd, also Heb. qard = Aram, 'ara (or T drd c ) to meet 
(Aram, le-'urih = Heb. liqrdto) Arab. r drada, to appear, to 
happen > r ard-al-jtii$, military review, parade = Heb. 'fyert, festal 
assembly, which has passed into Aramaic as 'dgdrtd, Pentecost 
> Arab, 'dncarah. For the final d in Heb. qard cf. Syr. mehd, 
to strike < melid' = Ass. maxtig u, Arab, mdxada. Heb. mahdq in 
Jud. 5, 26 can hardly be a dialectic form of this stem (WF 222). 

The primary connotation of Heb. 'aSdn, smoke = Arab, 'titan 
is ascending (c Arab, 'titana, or e tifana, fi-'l-jtibali, to ascend 
a mountain). For Arab, 'tifina, to stink, we may compare our 
reek (= Ger. rauchen) which meant orig. to smoke, steam, exhale, 
while it now denotes to stink. The noun reek was formerly used 
for incense. Another doublet of this stem, is Arab, 'drifa, to 
know (orig. to scent) Ass. ertsu (JBL 34. 72; JHUC 316. 24). 
Hoffmann's combination of Arab, 'titan with Syr. tendnd is 
impossible: tendnd is transposition of n&ttind = Arab, nattinah, 
stench (ZDMG 69. 564). For the meaning of Eth. astantdna cf. 
Arab, udtana < uatan (Phen. iatan) = Heb. wataw (NBSS 200). 
Heb. ftw, unceasing, is derived from the same stem. We should 
expect otdn\ cf. Heb. bear, treasure (< uacar = naQar) and Aram. 
bgdr, heap of stones ^dr (PAPS 58. 241). On the other 
hand, we find in Syriac: aubiS, to dry, instead of aibis, and 
audd', to make known, instead of aidd\ although the i of these 
verbs does not represent an original u (SFG 22. 1; JBL 34. 72). 
The root in appears in Arab, ttidina, to stink, with partial 
assimilation of t to w, as in Ass. naddnu, to give (SFG 43. 2). 
For the prefixed t see JBL 35. 321*. We have it also in Heb. 
tanmm, jackals; the wild jackals emit a highly offensive odor. 
Similarly goats are called 'izzim, strong, i. e. ill-smelling. The 
goats are therefore symbols of evil (JBL 39. 154, 1. 9). The n 
in Ass. enzu (Sum. uzu, us) is secondary (JAGS 41. 177*). 

Nor can Syr. tendnd be connected with attonti, oven < Sum. 
udun (MLN 33. 433) or with Ass. tumru (cf. Heb. zdrm = 
Eth. zendm Ass. zunnu = Arab, muznah). Ass. tumru, smoke 
(JAGS 38. 336, 1. 8) and Heb. tamtir, palm (= Arab, tamr, 

Brief Notes 377 

dates) are derived from the secondary reflexive stem famar < 
amar, to be high > Heb. awzr, top of a tree, and Arab, amir, 
prince (ZDMG 63. 518, 1. 37). The verb amar, to command, 
is denominative (cf. our to lord). From the same stem we must 
derive also Heb. timord (< tomora\ cf. AJSL 22. 256, *; JBL 
39. 160) column of smoke (Khidl. 112* BT 8, 1163, 1. 1). 


Johns Hopkins University 


The Executive Committee has by unanimous vote elected the following 
to membership in the Society: 

Dr. N. Adriani Mr. Elmer D. Merrill 

Mrs. Robert A. Bailey Jr. Prof. Luther Parker 

Mr. Alfred M. Campbell Mr. Antonio M. Paterno 

Mr. Morris G. Cohen Dr. Otto Scheerer 

Mr. Nariman M. Dhalla Mr. Victor Sharenkoff 

Pres. D. C. Gilmore Rev. James Watt 

Mr. Ernest P. Horrwitz Prof. Harry Clinton York 


On July 1013, 1922, a meeting was held in Paris to celebrate the 
double centenary of the foundation of the Societe Asiatique and of the 
discovery of Champollion. The delegates from this Society appointed by 
the Directors, upon invitation from the Societe Asiatique, were the follo- 
wing: The President, Professor Hopkins; Dr. Abbott, Prof. Bloomfield, 
Prof. Breasted, Prof. Gottheil, Prof. Jackson, Prof. Jewett, Prof. Lanman, 
Mr. Newell, Dr. Niea, Prof. Prince, and Prof. Woods. Of these, Dr. Abbott, 
and Professors Breasted, Gottheil, Jackson, Jewett, and Lanman were 

The centenary of Champollion's discovery was also celebrated at a 
later meeting held in Grenoble, October 7 and 8, 1922, at which this So- 
ciety was represented by Professor Breasted. 

The EL B. Cama Oriental Institute (172, Sukhadwala Building, Hornby 
Road, Fort, Bombay) invites competitive essays for the Sarosh K. R. Cama 
. of the value of 295 Rupees, on the following subject: "A lucid and 
thoroughly intelligible translation in English of the 82nd, 33rd, and 84th 
chapters of the Yasna (the last three chapters of the Ahnuvaiti Gatha), in 
due accordance with grammar and philology , with notes and comments 
wherever necessary, and with the substance of the whole at the end." 
The instructions state that "the essay should be designated by a motto 
and should be accompanied by a sealed cover containing the name of the 
competitor and his Post Office adress, and should reach the Honorary 
Secretaries of the Institute [address as above] on or before 5th July 1988. 
The competition is open to all" 

378 Notes 


Professor Theophile J. Meek has been appointed Professor of Semitic 
Languages in Bryn Mawr College. 

Professor Julian Morgenstern has been appointed President of Hebrew 
Union College, Cincinnati, Ohio. 

The Rev. Geo. S. Kukhi has had his name changed by legislative 
enactment to George S. Cooke. He has accepted the pastorate of the First 
Church, Houlton, Maine. 


To authors and publishers of books on oriental subjects 
The Directors of the American Oriental Society have instructed the 
editors to enlarge the JOURNAL and to devote approximately one-fourth 
of its space to reviews of important works on oriental subjects. It is 
intended to begin publication of such reviews with the next volume, to 
appear in the year 1923. The editors will be glad to receive for review 
copies of new publications within the fields which the JOURNAL covers. 
They reserve the right to decide in the case of each book whether a 
review of it would be suitable for the JOURNAL. All books for review 
should be sent to one of the editors (Max L. Margolis, 152 West 
Hortter St., Philadelphia, Pa., or Franklin Edgerton, 107 Bryn Mawr 
Avenue, Lansdowne, Pa.), and should be accompanied by a statement to 
the effect that they are intended for review in the JOURNAL. It is requested 
that books on Indo-Iranian and other Indo-European subjects be addrest 
to Mr. Edgerton, and those on Semitic and allied fields to Mr. Margolis. 




The annual sessions of the Society, forming its one hundred 
and thirty-fourth meeting, were held in Chicago, Illinois, at 
the University of Chicago, on Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday 
of Easter Week, April 18, 19, 20, 1922: this was a joint 
meeting with the Middle West Branch of the Society. 

The following members were present at one or more sessions: 











Edgerton, W. F. 



Jackson, A. V. W. 

Jackson, Mrs. 












Ogden, C. J. 



Robinson, G. L. 




Scott, J. A. 

Smith, J. M. P. 





Wicker, Miss 


Williams, Mrs. C.R. 



[Total: 48] 


At 2 : 23 P. M., after the business session of the Middle AVest 
Branch (see page 401 f.), the first session of the Society was 
called to order by Vice-president Nathaniel Schmidt. The 
reading of the Proceedings at Baltimore in 1921 was dispensed 
with, as they had already been printed m the JOUHNAL 

380 Proceedings of the 

(41.161 187): there were no corrections and they were approved 
as printed. 

Professor Breasted, as Chairman of the Committee on 
Arrangements, presented its report in the form of a printed 
program. The succeeding sessions were appointed for Tuesday 
evening at 8 : 00 P. M., to be a meeting of public character, 
Wednesday morning at 9:30 A. M., Thursday morning at 
9 :30 A. M., and Thursday afternoon at 2:30 P. M. It was 
announced that arrangements had been made for the members 
to go in a body on Wednesday afternoon to the Field Museum, 
and thence to the Art Institute: and that the members were 
invited to a dinner at the Art Institute at 7 P. M., as guests 
of the University of Chicago, the Field Museum of Natural 
History, and the Art Institute of Chicago. 


The Corresponding Secretary, Doctor Charles J. Ogden, 
presented the following report: 

The past year has been one of growth for the Society both extensively, 
in its membership, and intensively, in its activities. At the last annual 
meeting 124 corporate members were added, and since that date 43 others 
have been elected by the Executive Committee, by far the largest number 
of accessions in any one year since the organization of the Society. 
Despite the inevitable losses, we have now a membership of all classes 
amounting to 603, which is an increase of over fifty per cent in two 
years. Not merely these numbers but their geographical distribution as 
well indicate the widening influence of the Society. We are already a 
national organization, a fact shown by the establishment of the Middle 
West Branch five years ago, and now happily attested by the presence 
of the Society as a whole in its corporate personality at this joint meeting 
in the center of the country; soon, with the ripening of plans already 
formed, we may reasonably assert our international scope. 

While the work of the Society has been chiefly carried on thru its 
officers and committees, there have been some acts of a more public 
nature which may be referred to here in anticipation of fuller reports 
by the participants. At the inauguration of President Angell of Yale 
University last June the Society .was officially represented by Professor 
Lanman. Upon the invitation of the American Academy of Arts and 
Sciences, the President of the Society and a number of its prominent 
members attended the meeting held in Boston on October 5, 6, and 7 in 
honor of the visiting representatives of the Royal Asiatic Society and 
the Societe Asiatique. An occasion of different character but even greater 
obligation was the memorial meeting for the late Professor Jastrow, held 
in Philadelphia on November 22 last, at which this Society, thru Dr. Nies, 

American Oriental Society 381 

its President, and Professors Edgerton, R. G. Kent, Olmstead, Schmidt, 
and Talcott Williams, joined with many other organizations in the last 
tribute to its distinguished and devoted member. The international corre- 
spondence of the Society has not been great during the past year, but 
it is a pleasure to inform the members that a foreign organization 
working in a related field, the Gypsy Lore Society, is resuming its acti- 
vities, interrupted during and after the war, with the publication of the 
first volume of the Third Series of its Journal. 

There remains the mention of those whom death has taken from our 
number, a list not embracing many names, only ten in all, yet of peculiar 
and melancholy interest. 

Professor BEBTHOLD DELBRCCK, one of our oldest honorary members, 
was professor of Sanskrit and comparative philology at the University 
of Jena from 1870 until his retirement in 1913. In his chosen domain, 
that of the comparative syntax of the Indo-European languages, he was 
incontestably the leading scholar of his generation, and he has left an 
enduring monument of his comprehensive learning in the three volumes 
of his Vergleichende Syntax der indogermanischen Sprachen (18931900). 
For Orientalists, however, there is a special significance in his earlier 
researches concerning the ancient tongue of India, such as those contained 
in his Syntaktische Forschungen (5 vols., 18711888) and Das altindischc 
Verbum (1874). Elected in 1878. Died January 3, 1922. 

Professor IOHAZ GOLDZIHEB, since 1894 at the University of Budapest, 
was likewise an honorary member of the Society, a distinction well 
merited by his illuminating investigations into Muhammadan theology 
and tradition, concerning which he was an unsurpassed authority. 
Among his numerous works, his Muhammedanische Studien (1889 1890) 
and Vorletvngen uber den Islam (1910) may be particularly mentioned, 
the latter being a development of a series of lectures originally planned 
to be given in America. Elected in 1906. Died November 13, 1921. (See 
the JOOBHAL, 42. 189 ff.) 

Mrs. CAMILLA CLARKE ABBOTT, wife of Rev. Dr. Justin E. Abbott, of 
Summit, N. J., had shared his residence in India and had cooperated in 
his labors thru her many deeds of charity, so that it was not unfitting 
that she should find her final resting-place in that country while revis- 
iting it last year. When in America, she was a frequent attendant at 
the meetings of the Society, where her gracious personality will be sorely 
missed. Elected in 1912. Died June 26, 1921. 

Rev. Dr. DAVID STUART DODOB, of New York City, one of our oldest 
members, was a worthy representative of a family distinguished for its 
services to religion, philanthropy, and education. For many years he was 
President of the Presbyterian Board of Home Missions, and even to the 
date of his death he retained the presidency of the Syrian Protestant 
College (now the American University) at Beirut Elected in 1867. Died 
December 17, 1921. 

Rev. WALTER DRUM, S. J., had been since 1906 professor of Scripture 
;iml S. unties at Woodstock College, Maryland. A profound and accurate 
scholar, whose training had included a period of study in Syria and in 

382 Proceedings of the 

Europe, he combined unswerving fidelity to the standards of his Church 
with an active interest in modern Biblical exegesis. He was a supporter 
of organizations devoted to Palestinian research and contributed many 
articles on Scriptural subjects to periodicals and encyclopedias. Elected 
in 1915. Died December 10, 1921. 

Mr. J. WALTER FREIBERG, of Cincinnati, was nationally known as 
having been, since 1911, the President of the Union of American Hebrew 
Congregations. He took a leading part in both the business and the 
civic affairs of his city and was widely interested in philanthropic 
endeavors, besides being a member of the Board of Governors of the 
Hebrew Union College. Elected in 1921. Died June 9, 1921. 

Professor MORRIS JASTROW, JR., of the University of Pennsylvania, 
scarcely needs commemoration here, when the impress of his personality 
is still fresh in all our minds, and his scholarship has been worthily 
appraised in the recent pages of our JOURNAL, the value of which has 
so often been enhanced by his contributions. Yet it may be permitted 
to recall especially his services in the administration of the Society's 
affairs, as Secretary of the Section for the Historical Study of Religions 
from 1897 to 1911, as President for the year 191415, and at other 
times as a Director, a position that he held at the date of his death, 
together with that of Chairman of the Publication Committee. Fertile 
in suggestion and prompt in execution, his organizing mind will be 
greatly missed in our deliberations. Elected in 1886. Died June 22, 1921. 

Rev. Dr. JOHN PUNNETT PETERS, from 1885 to 1893 professor of 
Hebrew at the University of Pennsylvania and at the Protestant Epis- 
copal Divinity School in Philadelphia, rector of St. Michael's Church, 
New York City, from 1893 to 1919, and since the latter date professor 
of New Testament Language and Interpretation at the University of the 
South, united in a rare degree the qualities of the scholar, the pastor, 
and the champion of civic righteousness. The members of this Society 
will remember him most of all as the excavator of Nippur (Nippur, 
2 vols., 1897) and the student of Hebrew religion (The Old Testament and 
the New Scholarship, 1901 ; The Religion of the Hebrews, 1914). Besides 
his independent publications, he enriched our JOURNAL with many articles 
from his trenchant pen, and our meetings are the poorer without the 
charm of his spoken word. Elected in 1882. Died November 10, 1921. 

Mr. ARBHAO K. SCHMAVONIAN, of the Department of State in "Washington, 
had been for the last twenty years the legal adviser and first dragoman 
of the American Embassy at Constantinople. He was a specialist in 
Muhammadan law and was greatly interested in all matters touching the 
Orient. Elected in 1921. Died January 3, 1922. 

Miss CORNELIA WARREN, of Waltham, Mass., was the sistei* of the late 
Henry Clarke Warren, Treasurer of this Society from 1892 to 1899 and 
joint founder of the Harvard Oriental Series. She had maintained her 
membership for many years in faithful memory of her distinguished 
brother. Elected in 1894. Died June 4, 1921. 

In concluding this report, the Corresponding Secretary would express 
his hearty appreciation of the cooperation of the members in general 

American Oriental Society 383 

and more particularly of the officers of the Society in responding to his 
numerous and sometimes burdensome requests for information. Especial 
thanks are due to the officers of the Middle West Branch for their help 
with many details of the program of this joint meeting. 

"Upon motion the report of the Corresponding Secretary was 

The following resolutions were adopted: 

In the death of Professor MORRIS JASTBOW, JR., on the 22 d of June, 
1921, the American Oriental Society has suffered a severe loss. A member 
of the Society since 1886, he took a very active part in its work durincr 
thirty-five years. Numerous articles from his pen have appeared in the 
JOURNAL, all of them notable contributions to science. For many years 
he was one of the Directors of the Society, a position he held at his 
death. In this capacity he rendered valuable services by his conscientiousness 
and wise counsel. He was elected a Vice-President for the year 1912 13, 
and was President of the Society in 191415. As an Orientalist, Professor 
Jastrow devoted himself particularly to Assyriology and Hebrew lore, 
but had an extensive familiarity with other sections of the field of 
Semitic studies. His opus magnum is Die Religion Babyloniens und 
Assyriens (1905 1912). This publication, whose importance is universally 
recognized, reveals his extraordinary capacity for work, the comprehen- 
siveness of his research, and the soundness of his judgment. A comparison 
of this German edition in three volumes with his earlier book in English, 
The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria (1898), shows not only the con- 
stant growth of scientific study in this field but also his own steadily 
increasing mastery of the vast material. His intense occupation with the 
subject of religion, which has long been one branch of our Society's 
special interests, prepared him in a peculiar manner to deal with this 
phase of the life of the ancient Babylonians and Assyrians. In several 
books and a large number of articles he discussed various aspects of 
Sumerian, Akkadian, and Assyrian religion. One of his last publications 
(in conjunction with A. T. Clay) was An Old Babylonian Version of the 
Oilgamesh Epic (1921). Results of his lifelong study of the Hebrew 
scriptures were embodied in numerous articles in the leading encyclopedias, 
and particularly in his commentaries: A Gentle Cynic (1919), an inter- 
pretation of Ecclesiastes, The Book of Job (1920), and The Song of Songt 
(posthumous, 1921). In 1916 he was President of the Society of Biblical 
Literature and Exegesis, and he was a constant contributor to its Journal. 
His interests, as a citizen of the republic and of the world, in the great 
problems confronting mankind at the present time found expression in 
a series of volumes, succeeding one another in rapid succession: The 
War and the Bagdad Railway (1917); The War and the Coming Peace 
(1918); Zionism and the Future of Palestine (1919); and The Eastern 
Question and its Solution (1920). Professor Jastrow was a worthy 
representative of American scholarship at many international congresses 
of Orientalists and students of the history of religion and had many 
friends in academic circles both in Europe and America who will deeply 

384 Proceedings of the 

regret his departure in the maturity of his powers and at a time when, 
humanly speaking, the ripest fruits of his extraordinary industry and 
great and varied erudition might have been expected. 

WHEREAS, by the death of Dr. JOHN P. PETJBES the American Oriental 
Society has lost one of its most honored and esteemed members, one 
who during forty years rendered to it conspicuous service as active 
member, officer, frequent contributor to its Journal, and participant in 
all its affairs; 

RESOLVED: That the Society herewith expresses its high appreciation 
of the record of achievement made by its deceased member and of the 
spirit in which his work was done, in each of the many fields of his 
busy and fruitful life; as scholar and teacher in Oriental and Biblical 
fields of science, author of many important works, explorer and excavator 
in Eastern lands, pastor of a metropolitan church, active participant in 
the work of social reform in New York City; 

RESOLVED : That the American Oriental Society expresses its sympathy 
with the relatives and friends of its deceased member, and with all of 
the many who have been wont to look to him for instruction, counsel, 
and assistance ; 

RESOLVED: That these resolutions be entered in the records of the 
Society and published in the minutes of this meeting, and that a copy 
of the resolutions be sent to the family of Dr. Peters. 


The Corresponding Secretary presented the report of the 
Treasurer, Professor A. T. Clay, and that of the Auditing 
Committee : 


Jan. 1, 1921 Balance $5,023.24 

Annual Dues 2,639.22 

Life Memberships 300.00 

Interest on Bonds 

Minn. Gen. Elec. $50.00 

U. S. Liberty Loan 127.50 

Lackawanna Steel 100.00 

Virginian Ry 50.00 


Chicago R. I. & Pacific 120.00 

Interest on Deposit -Yale University 196.52 

Repayment Author's corrections 75.20 

Sale Offprints 4.25 

Sales 913.34 

Repayment Protested check 33.94 


American Oriental Society 385 


Purchase $4000 U. S. 3rd Liberty Loan Bonds $3,608.60 

Purchased interest 66.88 

Contribution to American Council of Learned Societies . . . 26.00 

C. Snouk Hurgronje, Islam Dictionary 50.25 

W. Drugulin 14.18 

Editors' Expense 24.51 

Guttman, Stern & Guttman, Expense books from Holland . . 8.75 

Express, on Proceedings to Yale University Press 2441 

J. C. Winston Co.-Matrices 98.00 

Mailing Journal 31.83 

Printing Journal Vol. 40, No. 4 Balance $360.87 

40, No. 5 443.85 

41, No. 1 689.75 

41, No. 2 560.72 

41, No. 3 497.39 

41, No. 4 613.51 


Protested check 33.94 

J. B. Nies 20,000 Marks Publication 109.00 

Dr. E. M. Grice, Honorarium 100.00 

J. A. Montgomery, 100.00 

F.Edgerton, 100.00 

Corresponding Secretary's Expense $28.00 

Printing 119.59 

Postage 39.76 

Clerical 11.62 


Middle West Branch Expense 54.50 

Membership Committee, Printing $69.86 

Miscellaneous 5.00 

Treasurer's Expense 

Printing $26.27 

Postage 3.57 

Miscellaneous 1.80 


Library, Clerical $62.78 

Miscellaneous 4.51 

Jan. 1, 1922 Balance (including $300.00 for Life 

Membership Fund) 1,866.61 

The following funds are held by the Society: 

Charles W. Bradley Fund $3,000.00 

Alexander I. Cotheal Fund 1,600.00 

William Dwight Whitney Fund 1,000.00 

Life Membership Fund 2,760.00 

Publication Fund . . . 7b.50 

386 Proceedings of the 

The foregoing funds, the interest on which is used for publication of 
the Journal, are represented in the assets of the Society held by Yale 
University for the Treasurer, which on January 1, 1922, were as follows : 

Cash, Balance $1,866.51 

Bonds : 

$4,000 Third U. S. Liberty Bonds 3,608.60 

2,000 Lackawanna Steel Co. 5's 1923 (present value) . . . 1,875.00 
1,000 Virginian Railway Co. 5's 1962 (present value) . . . 805.00 
1,000 Minneapolis General Electric Co. 5's 1934 (present value) 860.00 
Stocks : 
20 shares Chicago, Rock Island and Pacific Railway pfd. (present 

value) ; 1,120.00 

(Received in the reorganization of the road in exchange for 

$2,000 5 o/ bonds of 1932). 10,135.11 


We hereby certify that we have examined the account of the Treasurer 
of the Society, and have found the same correct, and that the foregoing 
account is in conformity therewith. We have also compared the entries 
with the vouchers and the account book as held for the Society by the 
Treasurer of Yale University, and have found all correct. 



Upon motion the reports of the Treasurer and the Auditing 
Committee were accepted. 


The Corresponding Secretary presented the report of the 
Librarian, Professor A. T. Clay, and upon motion it was ac- 
cepted : 

The accessions to the Library have been regularly catalogued, and 
placed upon the shelves. As previously reported, the cataloguing of the 
Library, made possible by donations on the part of several members, is 
so nearly completed that the work of printing the catalogue which has 
been so long promised the members could be started with comparatively 
little additional work. For this purpose the late Mrs. Nies gave a hundred 
dollars. The Librarian trusts that it will be made possible to consummate 
this undertaking in the near future, so that the Library may be made 
more available to those far removed from it. Following is a list of 
accessions for the year: 

Accessions to the Library, year 1921/22 
Abdallah Muhammad bin 'Omar al-Makki, alAsafi, Ulughkhani. An 

Arabic history of Gujarat, v. 2, 1921. 

Die Bhagavadgita aus dem Sanskrit iibersetzt, von R. Garbe. 1921. 
Briggs, G. W. The Chamars. 1920. 

American Oriental Society 387 

Bach, M. A. Zoroastrian ethics. 

Buddhaghosa's Commentary on the four Nikayas of the Sutta-Pitaka. 

12 v. 1921. 

Brandstetter, R. Wir Menschen der indonesischen Erde. 1921. 
Catalogue raisonne of the Buhar library, Calcutta. 1921. 
Journal of the Department of Letters, Calcutta University. 3 v. 1920. 
Postgraduate teaching in the University of Calcutta. 19191920. 
Ezerman, J. L. J. F. Beschrijving van den Koan lem-tempel n Tia-Kak-Sie" 

te Cheribon. 1919. 

Gadd, C. J. The early dynasties of Sumer and Akkad. 1921. 
Grierson, G. A. Ishkashmi, Zebaki, and Yazghulami, an account of three 

Eranian dialects. 1920. 

Halper, B. Post-Biblical Hebrew literature. 1921. 
Hume, R. E. The thirteen principal Upanishads. 1921. 
Jhabvala, S. H. A brief history of Persia. 1920. 
Jhabvala, S. H. Sir Jamshedji Jeejeebhoy. 1920. 
Jordan, L. H. Comparative religion. 1920. 
The Kalpaka. v. 16, nos. 7, 9. 1921. 
Keay, F. E. A history of Hindi literature. 1920. 
Kincaid, C. A. Tales of the saints of Pandharpur. 1919. 
Kingsbury, F. Hymns of the Tamil Saivite saints. 1921. 
Krishna Saatri, H. South Indian inscriptions. Volume HI. 1920. 
Krom, N. J. and T. van Erp. Beschrijving van Barabudur. 1920. 
Liebich, B. ZurEinflihrung in die indische einheimischeSprachwissenschaft. 

Mann, J. The Jews in Egypt and in Palestine under the Fstimid Caliphs. 


Michelson, T. The owl sacred pack of the Fox Indians. 1921. 
Milne, Mrs. L. An elementary Palaung grammar. 1921. 
Morse, H. B. The trade and administration of China. 3d ed. 1921. 
Mythic society. The Quarterly journal of the Mythic society, v. 11, v. 12, 

nos. 12. 192122. 

Nariman, 6. K. Literary history of Sanskrit Buddhism. 1920. 
The Nighantu and the Nirukta, by Lakshman Sarup. 1920. 
Ubermann, J. Der philosophische und religiose Subjektivismus Ghazalis. 


Collected Sanskrit writings of the Parsees. Pt V. 1920. 
Proceedings and transactions of the first Oriental conference at Poona. 1920. 
Pieris, P. E. Ceylon and the Portuguese. 1990. 
Pithawaila, M. Sacred sparks. 1920. 

Keitzenstein, R. Das iranische Erlosungsmysteriura. 1921. 
Bescher, 0. Algerisch-tunesische Briefe. 19171919. 
Revue d'assyriologie et d'archeologie orientale. 192021. 
Russell, C. Sonnets, poems, and translations. 1920. 
Salmon, W. H. An account of the Ottoman conquest of Egypt 
The first campaign of Sennacherib . . . Ed. by Sidney Smith. 1991. 
Stevenson, Mrs. S. The rites of the twice-born. 1920. 
Vogel, J. Ph. Tile-mosaics of the Lahore fort 1990. 

388 Proceedings of the 

Professor J. A. Montgomery, Senior Editor of the JOUKNAL, 

presented the report of the Editors, and upon motion it was 

accepted : 

With the approval of the Executive Committee Volume 41 was dedicated 
to the memory of Professor Morris Jastrow, Jr. The last Part of the 
Volume contained appreciations of the honored scholar and his Biblio- 
graphy. This and an accumulation of other material served to swell 
Part 5 so that the Volume attained the extent of 496 pages, the largest 
for an annual issue in the history of the JOURNAL. On the recommen- 
dation of the Executive Committee it was decided to print the JOURNAL 
hereafter in Germany ; the contract has been given to Mr. W. Drugulin 
of Leipzig, and copy for the next volume is now in press. In conse- 
quence of slow postal transportation the JOURNAL will for the present 
appear semi-annually, but it is hoped to reestablish more frequent appear- 
ance as soon as possible. The German rates for printing purport to be 
very much lower than American rates, and the Editors trust that the 
money so saved to the Society can be applied to the enlargement and 
enrichment of the JOURNAL. An Index to Volumes 2140 is now in 
preparation by Prof. R. K. Yerkes and will soon appear in print. 




The Corresponding Secretary presented the report of the 
Executive Committee, as printed in the JOURNAL (41. 238, 320, 
472 3), and also reported that the Executive Committee had 
subsequently elected the following persons to membership in 
the Society: 

Kev. R. D. Cornuelle Mr. Ely Jacques Kahn 

Dr. William Cowen Mr. John Ellerton Lodge 

Mr. Morris M. Feuerlicht Rev. Dr. Theodore H. Robinson 

Upon motion the report of the Executive Committee was 


The following persons, recommended by the Directors, were 
duly elected corporate members of the Society; the list includes 
one elected at a later session: 

Mr. Moses Bailey Rev. Douglas Hilary Corley 

Pres. Guy Potter Benton Prof. Charles Duroiselle 

Dr. William J. Chapman Mr. Wallace Cranston Fairweather 

American Oriental Society 389 

Mr. Sol. Baruch Finesinger Mr. George N. Roerich 

Mr. Maynard Dauchy Follin Mr. Alexander Scott 

Prof. A. Eustace Haydon Rev. J. K. Shryock 

Mr. E. B. Hewes Mr. Don C. Shumaker 

Mrs. Morris Jastrow, Jr. Rev. H. Framer Smith 

Mr. Taw Sein Ko Mr. J. W. Stanley 

Rev. W. H. McCleUan, S. J. Mr. Yung-Tung Tang 

Miss Eleanor McDougall Mr. James B. "Weaver 

Mr. J. Arthur MacLean Rev. Adolf Louis Wismar 

Dr. A. R. Nykl Rabbi Louis Wolsey 

[Total: 26] 


Professor A. V. W. Jackson, for the Committee on the Nom- 
ination of Officers for 1922, reported nominations for the 
several offices as follows: 

President Professor E.Washburn Hopkins of Yale University. 

Vice-presidents Professor James A. Montgomery of the Uni- 
versity of Pennsylvania, Professor Leroy Waterman of the 
University of Michigan, and Professor F. G. C. Eiselen of Garrett 
Biblical Institute. 

Corresponding Secretary Doctor Charles J. Ogden of New 
York City. 

Recording Secretary Professor LeRoy C. Barret of Trinity 
College (Hartford). 

Treasurer Professor Albert T. Clay of Yale University. 

Librarian Professor Albert T. Clay of Yale University. 

Editors of the Journal Professor Franklin Edgerton of the 
University of Pennsylvania, and Professor Max L. Margolis 
of Dropsie College. 

Directors, term expiring in 1925 Professor Maurice Bloom- 
field of Johns Hopkins University, Professor A. T. Olmstead of 
the University of Illinois, Doctor Frank K. Sanders of New York. 

The officers thus nominated were duly elected. 

It was voted: that the Corresponding Secretary send to 
Doctor J. B. Nies, the retiring president, the greetings of the 
Society, its regrets at his absence, and its wishes for success 
in the undertaking in which he is engaged. 

The reading of papers was begun: 

Professor IRA M. Paid, of the University of Chicago: The Geography 
of the Gudea Inscriptions. 

390 Proceedings of the 

Professor A. V. WILLIAMS JACKSOH, of Columbia University : Poet-Kings 

in the history of Sanskrit Literature. Remarks by Professor Buttenwieser. 

This paper, which has a special bearing on the subject of the 

Indian king Harsadeva (seventh century A. D.) as author and literary 

patron, draws attention first to a number of royal authors in other 

literatures. It then presents a list, collected from various Sanskrit 

sources, of kings known for their literary activity in that language 

from early times down almost to the Mughal period. Evidence is 

adduced in confirmation of the view that King Harsa was the actual 

author of the Sanskrit dramas which bear his name. 

Dr. ISRAEL EFROS, of the Baltimore Hebrew College : Some Glosses to 

the Hebrew Bible. 

ExodL 322 r. nen^ (= ner6) for ner6; Deut. 32 35 m r\y 'the time 
of the decree' for mriJJ; Isai. 1 is nrroa (comp. 572 Amos 3io) for 
nrow; ibid. 28 inch for "QBM; 2 12 h&y) (comp. Hab. 2*) for taff; 
5? 1BPB (== nBDts) for HBtfO; 10 is nnm (comp. 2 Kings 176 18 n) 
for T3HD, or possibly read "O2> (comp. Ezek. Is); Hosea 11* DTI 
(= omi) for D1K; Eccl. Is rrm for mtl; ibid. 8 by &b ('ceaseth not') 
for ^3V 6 ; 2 1 for nsDiK (the is certainly due to dittography) r. row 
'and look' (comp. rPSfffi, rPDW, possibly .130''; common in later Hebrew, 
e. g. Megilla 14 a); 5 5 -pUD n WQrb refers to the self-torture imposed 
by the Nazirite vow; 9i2r. D'tfpVfc ns for D'tfpV DH3; 125 aan ('the 
back') for 3jnn. 

Dr. A. R. NYKL, of Northwestern University: Love Theories of Ibn 
Jlazm and Early Provencal Poetry. Remarks by Professor Sprengling, 
Dr. Efros, and Professor Barret. 

Professor IRA M. PRICE, of the University of Chicago: An Inscribed 
Eye from a Babylonian Statue. 

The session adjourned at 4 : 47 P. M. 


The second session was held on Tuesday evening. After 
President JUDSON of the University of Chicago had extended 
to the Society a cordial welcome, Vice -President SCHMIDT 
delivered an address on 'Eighty Years' Progress in Oriental 
Studies', and Professor OLMSTEAD, President of the Middle 
West Branch, delivered an address on 'The Assyrian Wolf.' 
A congratulatory resolution was adopted in honor of the 
centenary of the founding of the Societe Asiatique. Professor 
BBEASTED then gave an illustrated account of Champollion's 
decipherment of Egyptian hieroglyphic. 

This session was of a public character, and was arranged to 
commemorate the eightieth anniversary of the Society, likewise the 
centenary of the SocietS Asiatique and of Champollion's discovery. 

American Oriental Society - 391 

The address to the Societe Asiatique which was adopted 
was as follows: 



CHICAGO, APBIL 18, 1922 

To you, who will soon assemble at Paris to celebrate the hundredth 
anniversary of the founding of your Society, we, members of the American 
Oriental Society, convened at Chicago for our annual session, send over 
the seas our warmest greetings, and with them, our congratulations 
upon the completion of a century of honorable public service, and our 
best hopes for your future. 

Ernest Renan calls the early decades of your history the golden age 
of oriental studies. It is a wonderful testimony to the indomitable 
spirit of France, that, in spite of all the uncertainties of the year 1822, 
your founders, the Count de Lasteyrie, Messrs. Remusat, Saint-Martin, 
de Sacy, and their colleagues, did in fact have the vision and the faith 
and the courage to realize ideals so remote as are the goals of oriental study. 

Courage was theirs. For in the first half of the nineteenth century 
the orientalist faced the gravest difficulties: political upheavals past or 
impending, and with them the natural indifference of the people at large 
to undertakings which seemed to be of no practical import. And to 
these were added minor, but no less real, obstacles : a journey of months 
before one could reach China or India or even Mesopotamia; the wide 
dispersion of the manuscripts needed for text-editions, before the great 
collections of Paris, London, Oxford, Berlin, and Poona had come into 
being; the lack of grammars and dictionaries to help in understanding 
and translating the texts, and the expense and trouble of printing the 
texts when once understood and edited; and the fewness of the positions 
in which a man could earn his support while devoting his whole life to 
oriental study. 

Vision too was theirs. For they beheld the time approaching when 
West and East must have ever more and more to do each with the other, 
and when our treatment of each other must be inspired by unfeigned 
respect, for which, in turn, on our part, a real knowledge of Eastern 
history and achievement in politics, literature, art, philosophy, religion, 
and morals, is the inexorable condition. 

And faith was theirs. For they believed that their labors as investiga- 
tors and as teachers would bo part of a force subtle and impalpable, 
)'ut none the less potent in determining tho mutual reactions of East 
and West, and so of directing tho whole current of human destiny. 

This courage, this vision, this faith, how has it been confirmed, 
justified, rewarded! The relations of Europe and America to the Far 
East have at last become one of tho two or three most weighty factors 
in making or marring the peace and happiness of the entire world. And 
we have seen the conduct of public affairs in China and Japan, and of 

26 JAOS 43 

392 Proceedings of the 

international relations with the West, entrusted to Oriental statesmen 
who have been profoundly influenced by education in the Occident. And 
the rewards are they not in a measure the fruit of the splendid 
achievements in which your Society has borne so great a part, and 
which you may now call to mind with so just a pride? 

Thus to mention only those who have long been dead, and even 
these only by way of example was it not your Jean Francois Cham- 
pollion who made the ancient records of Egypt, silent for centuries, to 
speak aloud once more? And how do those two honored names, Silvestre 
de Sacy and Eugene Burnouf, still challenge our admiration? de Sacy, 
one of your founders, your first president, indefatigable administrator, 
to whose fecundity as a scholar his monumental works upon Arabic 
grammar and literature (to mention no others) bear so ample witness! 
and Burnouf, whose labors as a pioneer in the field of Buddhism and its 
sacred language, the Pali, and upon the religion and books of Zoroaster, 
are the amazing outcome of a life which, heedless of wealth and fame, 
was given to scientific discovery with a veritable passion ! It is moreover 
a high distinction for your Society that these two great scholars were also 
great teachers, men who charmed and inspired their pupils not only 
Frenchmen but foreigners who then in turn passed onward the sacred 
flame to pupils and pupils' pupils, thus forming here and there a "line of 
teachers" (avansa or guru-parampara, as the Hindus so proudly call it), which, 
even here in distant America, already extends to the seventh generation ! 

And what timelier service of your Society can we today call to mind 
than this, that she has shown us that the East has lessons for the West? 
Whether Stanislas Julien translates for us the work of Buddha's immortal 
contemporary, Lao-tse, or describes to us the ancient Chinese ways of 
breeding silkworms and making porcelain, or opens to us the simple and 
touching records of the journeys of the Chinese pilgrims to the "Far 
West," to bring back home from India the books of Buddha's teachings- 
through it all runs the admonition that we maintain the teachable habit 
of mind. That was the dominating spirit of those pilgrims, the illustrious 
Fa-hien and his confreres. If we moderns would emulate that spirit, how 
boundless the possibilities of good will and happiness among the nations ! 

But splendid as these examples of your achievements are, and great 
as the sum total of them is, we rejoice in them, and we are persuaded 
that you rejoice in them, not chiefly because they are yours, but because 
they constitute a substantial and practical service to a world that sorely 
needs this service. And as we consider the superb vigor with which the 
Society, even in recent times, has maintained its fruitful activities, both 
at home and also in the Far East and India and Central Asia, our rejoicing 
is coupled with confident and abounding hope for your future. In this 
sense, we bid you Hail and God- speed. 

American Oriental Society 393 


The third session was called to order by Vice-President 
Schmidt at 9 : 33 o' clock on Wednesday morning. The reading 
of papers was immediately begun: 

Mr. LUDLOW S. BULL, of the University of Chicago: An Unpublished 
Middle Kingdom Coffin. Remarks by Professor Breasted. 

Professor LxRor C. BARRET, of Trinity College: The Kashmirian Atharva- 
Veda, Book Nine. Remarks by Dr. Ogden. 

Rev. Dr. JOHN A. MAYNARD, of the University of Chicago: New Building 
Inscriptions of Nabonidus. 

Professor PAUL HADPT, of Johns Hopkins University : (a) Numeratives 
in Sumerian and Chinese; (b) The Original Meaning of kohcn, 'priest.' 
(c) The Hebrew Names for Silver and Gold; (d) Oriental Philology and 
Archeology. Remarks by Professors Buttenwieser, Breasted, Luckenbill, 
Dr. Ogden, and the author. 

(a) The Sumerian affix after numbers, torn, written ta-a-an, which 
is preserved in Heb. 'aSte, one=Ass.i#en=Sum. a$tdn, is a compound 
of ta (what? then something, amount; cf. our a little what} and am 
(SG 199, b). We may compare the Chinese numerative ko (EB 11 
6, 217 b ; 25, 9 & ; 17, 477 b ). The explanation given in AL 36, 313; 
AJSL 20, 231, 24 is untenable; ta-a-an on pi. iii in PSBA 10,418 
corresponds to Ass. mind-ma, Eth. ment-nti. 1-a-an instead of 
ld'ta-a-an is an abbreviation like our 4', 8* for 4to, 8vo (contrast 
OLZ 25, 8). For the ordinal affix Aram, e. g. aS-kam, first, lit being 
of one (SG 88) cf. Noldeke, Syr. Gr. 239. In Malay the ordinal 
numbers have a prefixed ka. For the slanting position of the ordinal 
affix kam in cuneiform texts cf. our superior * in 4 th . 

(b) The stem of Heb. kZmarim, idol-priests, is a transposition of Ass. 
ramaku, to lustrate=ma&aVu<&tir, whereas the primary connotation 
of Heb. rffc, hdz&, and mS'on&i is scryer (JBL 36, 89.254 ; 37,227 ; 38,151, 
n. 15). Heb. kohen, priest, is identical with Arab, k&hin, soothsayer, 
i. e. one who tells the truth (Ass. kettu=kentu <ktin). Just as ftoAan-* 
k&n (JBL 26, 46) so the stem of qahdl, congregation (prop, convocation) 
ffW, to call>Heb. qol, voice (Syr. and Eth. q&lqdyal) and Arab. 
q&yl, word; qdla, he said (cf. also naql t tale, and ndqal, ready repartee). 

(c) Heb. kasf, silver, must be combined with Arab, t&kaba s&baka, 
to smelt, syn. a4dba (cf. sabikah and Ass. farpu, silver <currwjw, to 
smelt; Arab, farif, pure silver; modern Arab. Htofic, and murdiibac., 
refined). Zdhab, gold, is connected with rity, to run Arab, ddba, to melt 
Zcb, wolf, means tawny (cf. cant* aureus). The primary connotation of 
harfy, gold (>Qr. chrysfo) is dug out; the meaning of Syr. harrfrd, 
yellow (cf. Arab, x&dir, green ; also Eth. \tarq, gold) is secondary. Kiitm 
means prop, wbduablc (HW862 b ) non-refractory (J80R 1, 8). For 
paz cf. ffata, to run. Bacr is prop, tah&b bahun, tried gold (cf. Arab. 
istdbfara^istabdna; Syr. Wrdf, also Eth. tabdrdfa, to shine, and 6*ru>, 
silver). Michaelis' aurum fpectatusimum was correct 

394 Proceedings of tlie 

(d) Archeology is just as important as Philology, but an orientalist 
can be an archeologist without conducting excavations. Excavations 
should be conducted by an engineer, or architect, or by men familiar 
with the country. Some of the most successful excavators wore not 
able to read any of the inscriptions they discovered. At any rate, 
a scholar devoted to research cannot be expected to raise funds for 
archeological expeditions (cf. AJSL 35, 196). 

Professor WALTER E. CLARK, of the University of Chicago: The Study 
of Sanskrit in India. Remarks by Professors Jackson and Haupt, and 
Dr. Abbott. 

This paper gives the results of the speaker's personal observation 
of the present-day study of Sanskrit in India when on a visit to 
that country during the past year. 

Professor JAMES A. MONTGOMERY, of the University of Pennsylvania: 
The Problem of Theodotion's Translation of the Hebrew Bible. Remarks 
by Professors Olmstead, Schmidt, and Buttenwieser. 

Rev. Dr. ABRAHAM YOHANNAN, of Columbia University, and Mr. J. F. 
SPRINGER, of New York City: A New Branch of Textual Criticism. 

Nucleus of an organon which seeks to utilize the facts of the constitu- 
tion and construction of old rolls and codices in explaining many 
textual derangements, particularly misplacements, as non-purposive 
phenomena. Illustrated by examples from 2 Samuel (5.6-25, 21.1-14), 
Hosea (1.1-3.5), Matthew (10.17-23, 26.6-13), Mark (1.1-6, 13, 11.11-26), 
Luke (4.5-12), John (12.36b-50). The explanation of the two Markan 
sections as regions of accidental misplacements of a mechanical 
character paves the way for a reconciliation between Matthew and 
Mark, in respect to the historical progression of events. The new 
methods are supplementary to and in contrast with the ordinary 
processes of textual criticism. 

Rev. Dr. ABRAHAM YOHAKNAN, of Columbia University : A Reference to 

Zoroaster's Life and Doctrine in the Syriac Treatise of Theodore bar Khoni. 

Mr. WILFRED H. SCHOFP, of the Commercial Museum, Philadelphia: 

Camphor, and Early Trade in the Indian Ocean. Remarks by Professor 

Haupt, and Dr. Efros. 

This paper presents some considerations concerning early trade in 

the Indian Ocean, suggested by varying forms of the name 'camphor.' 

Professor MARTIN SPRENGLING, of the University of Chicago : A Syrian 

Edition of Ibn al Habbariya's Kalila wa Dimna. Remarks by Professors 

Haupt, Jackson, Breasted, Dr. Ogden, and the author. 

Houtsma on a Bombay Edition of 1900. Orientalische Studien 
Noldeke . . . gewidmet, Vol. I, 9196. Cheikho, Mashriq. 1901, 
p. 980: Bombay ed. of 1886. Not noticed in Occident: Edition of El 
Khuri Ni'mat Allah al-Asmar in Ba'abda near Beirut in 1900 from a 
good Syrian manuscript. Text pretty carefully edited. Additions of 
editor, carefully distinguished from text. Value of Ibn al Habbariya; 
of the Syrian edition. 
The session adjourned at 12 : 50 P. M. 

American Oriental Society 395 


The fourth session was called to order by Vice-President 
Schmidt at 9:43 o'clock on Thursday morning. 

The Corresponding Secretary reported that the Directors 
had voted to meet at Princeton in Easter Week, April 
35, 1923. 

The Corresponding Secretary reported that the Directors 
had formally accepted the invitation of the SociSte" Asiatique 
to be represented at their centenary celebration to be held in 
Paris July 1013, 1922. 

An informal report was made concerning a meeting in Boston 
October 5 7, 1921, at which were present members of our 
Society and a number of distinguished Orientalists from Eng- 
land and France. 

Dr. Ogden presented a report of the Society's delegates, 
Professor Clay and Dr. Ogden, to the American Council of 
Learned Societies. The report was accepted. 

The Corresponding Secretary presented a report from 
Dr. Frank K. Sanders, Chairman of the Committee on the 
Enlargement of Membership and Resources. 

It was voted: that the report be accepted with thanks and 
appreciation of the Committee's activities. 

It was voted: that the questions arising out of this report 
be referred to the Directors. 

Mr. Schoff made an informal report on the activities of the 
American Schools of Oriental Research, a full report being 
already in print. In this connection Professors Breasted and 
Montgomery made informal report of what is being accom- 
plished in coordinating archaeological research work. 

A resolution by Professor Wolfenson concerning an effort 
to stimulate interest in oriental studies in the schools of this 
country was referred to the Directors. 

Upon recommendation of the Directors Professor Friedrich 
Hi) th and Don Leone Caetani were elected honorary members 
of the Society. 

Upon recommendation of the Directors the following persons 
were elected honorary associates of the Society: President 
Warren G. Harding, Secretary Charles E. Hughes, Major- 
General Leonard Wood, Hon. Oscar Straus, President Harry 

396 Proceedings of the 

Pratt Judson, Field Marshal Viscount Allenby, Minister 
S. K. Alfred Sze. 

Vice President Schmidt announced the appointment of the 
following committees: 

On Nominations for 1923 Professors Haupt and Clark and 
Miss Hussey. 

Auditors for 1923 Professors Torrey and F. W. Williams. 
On Arrangements for 1923 Professors Bender, Allis, Davis, 
Butler, Eno, Marquand, and the Corresponding Secretary 
ex officio. 

The reading of papers was begun: 

Dr. T. GEORGE ALLEN, of the University of Chicago : The Archives of 
the Oriental Institute. Remarks by Professors Haupt, Montgomery, 
Maynard, Mercer, and "Wolfenson. 

Dr. CHARLES J. OODEN, of New York City: The Site of Ancient Kausambi. 
Remarks by Dr. Yohannan and Mr. Schoff. 

Kausambi was one of the great cities of India during the Buddhist 
period but later sank into obscurity. Cunningham in 1861 identified it 
with the extensive ruins at Kosam on the Jumna above Allahabad, but 
this identification was challenged by Vincent Smith (JEAS 1898, pp. 
503519) and by Vost (ib. 1904, pp. 249267), as being irreconcilable 
with the data of Hiuen Tsang. The present paper reviews the testimony 
of history, epigraphy, and Sanskrit literature, and finds that it strongly 
favors Kosam as the site. Some explanations of Hiuen Tsang's itinerary 
are suggested. 

Rev. J. EDWARD SNYDER, of Fargo, N, Dak. : Edom's Doom in Malachi. 
Remarks by Prof. Haupt. 

The prediction of Edom's doom in Malachi was originally attached 
to the preceding Maccabean poems in Deutero-Zechariah. The two 
genuine poems in Malachi were composed about 460, but Mai. 1, 
1 5.11.14 b originated about the beginning of the reign of John 
Hyrcanus (135104). For the reason why some Jews at that time 
doubted that JHVH loved them, see Joseph. Ant. 13, 8, 2.3. The 
Edomites were judaized in 128. The fortifications of their capital 
had been destroyed by Judas Maccabaeus in 164 (1 Mac. 5, 65). The 
title prefixed to the Book of Malachi was originally: Utterance of 
JHVH through His messenger; dabar is a gloss to mated, and lahue 
a gloss to El Isra'el (Ps. 68, 36). The messenger in Mai. 3, 1 is Ezra 
(JBL 38, 143, n. 4). 

Professor DANIEL D. LUCKENBILL, of the University of Chicago: The 
Progress of the New Assyrian Dictionary. Remarks by Professors 
Breasted and Haupt. 

Professor MOSES BUTTENWIESER, of the Hebrew Union College: The 
Emphatic and Conditional Particles in Hebrew and Aramaic. Remarks 
by Professor Wolfenson. 

American Oriental Society 397 

The prevailing view that the use of hfn in Hebrew as conditional 
particle is due to Aramaic influence, and that emphatic h>n is unknown 
in Aramaic, has no basis in fact As in the Indo-European languages, 
so throughout the Semitic languages the emphatic and conditional par- 
ticles prove to be in reality not two different particles, but two 
different functions of the same particle, the emphatic being the 
primary, and the conditional the secondary function. 
Professor Louis B. WOLFINSON, of the University of Wisconsin : Ldhen, 
"therefore," in Hebrew. Remarks by Professors Haupt and Wolfenson. 
The purpose of this paper is to show that often the thought- 
connective "therefore" is not actually expressed, but is inferred from 
the context; and that Idhcn, the word so rendered, actually had 
another meaning. 

Professor GEOBOB L. ROBINSON, of McCormick Theological Seminary: 
A Visit to the Cave of Machpelah in 1914. Remarks by Prof. Sprengling. 

The following resolution was unanimously voted: 

In accepting the resignation of Professor James A. Montgomery as 
an Editor of the JOURNAL, the Society desires to express its profound 
regret that he has found it necessary to relinquish this work, its sense 
of indebtedness to him for the long service which he has given to the 
JOURNAL, and likewise its deep appreciation of the devotion, literary skill, 
learning, and efficiency which have characterized that service, and which 
have contributed essentially to the high quality of our JOURNAL. 

The session adjourned at 12 : 43 p. M. 


The fifth session was called to order by Vice President 
Schmidt at 2:40 o'clock on Thursday afternoon. 
The following resolution was unanimously voted: 

The American Oriental Society, at fourscore years of age, has renewed 
its youth by going West It desires to acknowledge the delightful cour- 
tesies received from the institutions and citizens of Chicago and to 
express the happy memories it will bear away of its first visit to the 
great interior metropolis of our country, inspiring the hope that it may 
return in the future. 

The warm thanks of the Society are due to the University of Chicago 
\which has given it the freedom of the University ; to the Field Museum 
of Natural History and the Art Institute of Chicago for the display of 
their notable exhibits, as well as for the hospitality in which they parti- 
cipated with the University; and to the Quadrangle Club for their courteous 

The reading of papers was begun: 

Rev. Dr. JUSTIN E. ABBOTT, of Summit, N. J.: The Maratha Poet-Saint 
Disopant Digambar. 

398 Proceedings of the 

Dasopant was born in 1551 and died in 1615. He is the most vol- 
uminous of Maratha poets. Scholars have estimated that it would 
require ten to fifteen thousand pages to print the manuscripts ascribed 
to him that are found at Amba Jogai in the Hyderabad State, where 
his tomb is, and where his descendants of the twelfth generation live. 
Three only of his works have been printed. He wrote in Sanskrit as 
well as Marathi. His Commentary in Marathi on the Bhagavadgita 
consists of 126,000 verses. Each word of the original is commented 
upon. His works are philosophical and devotional, but interspersed 
with moral precepts. 

Professor LEROY WATERMAN, of the University of Michigan : The Date 
of the Deluge. Remarks by Professor Olmstead. 

This paper discusses the early chronological data concerning the 
Deluge and recent attempts to reformulate them. 

Professor JOHN A. SCOTT, of Northwestern University : An Unpublished 
Chapter in the Life of Schliemann. Remarks by Miss "Wicker. 

Professor SAMUEL A. B. MERCER, of the Western Theological Seminary, 
Chicago: Some Liturgical Elements in the Pyramid Texts. Remarks by 
Professors Waterman, Buttenwieser, Morgenstern and Haupt. 

Professor J. M. Powis SMITH, of the University of Chicago: Traces of 
Emperor Worship in the Old Testament. Remarks by Professors Morgen- 
stern, Olmstead, Mercer, Buttenwieser, and Haupt. 

Emperor worship was common all through the ancient Oriental 
world. It is natural, then, to expect evidences of its presence among 
the Hebrews. Such evidences are found in the custom of anointing 
the king, and in Samuel's kissing Saul. The facts of the history of 
the monarchy, together with the development of monotheism, killed 
this conception among the Hebrews. The 82d Psalm is a reflection 
of the attitude of the later Jews toward this matter. 

Professor JULIAN MORGENSTERN, of the Hebrew Union College: The Gates 
of Righteousness. 

The "Golden Gate," the eastern gate in the Temple Area at Jerusalem, 
is walled up. Moslem tradition tells that this was done after the 
Moslem conquest of the city. But earlier pilgrim records show that 
this gate was walled up long before this. The worship of the sun, 
according to Ezek. 8, 16, took place at this eastern gate. According 
to the Mishna this ceremony was part of the ancient Succoth-New 
Year's Day festival. In ancient Israel the New Year's Day was 
celebrated at the autumnal equinox. The ceremony of Ezek. 8, 16 
was an equinoctial rite. The first rays of the rising sun on the two 
equinoctial days shone through the eastern gate, into the Temple and 
the Holy of Holies. This same ceremony underlies the idea of the 
entrance into the Temple of the Deity in the form of the "Glory of 
Yahwe" in Ezek. 43, 1 ff. and Ps. 24, 710. Ezek. 44, 1 ft*, commands 
that this eastern gate be thenceforth kept closed forever. 

American Oriental Societij 399 

Professor HENRY SCHAEJFER, of the Evangelical Lutheran Seminary, 
Chicago: Hebrew Tribal Economy and the Year of Jubilee as illustrated 
in Semitic and Indo-European Village Communities. 

The coramunalistic features of Israelitish economy, as set forth in 
the year of jubilee, presuppose a tribal background, and may best 
be explained as the logical development of the old tribal system, 
which was on the ascendant in pre-monarchical days. The writer's 
investigation, which is soon to appear in book form, disproves the 
Wellhausen theory regarding the origin of the year of jubilee. 

Mr. DARWIN A. LEAVITT, of the University of Chicago: The Old Testament 
Attitude towards Labor. 

Mr. E. B. HEWBS, of the University of Illinois: The Indian National 

The following papers were presented by title: 

Professor JAMES A. MONTGOMERY-, of the University of Pennsylvania: 
Nephtoah and Similar Place-names in the Hebrew; Issachar. 

Dr. WILLIAM ROSEN AU, of Johns Hopkins University : Some Prayers in 
the Book of Tobit. 

Dr. FRANK R. BLAKE, of Johns Hopkins University : (a) Long-distance 
Collection of Philippine Linguistic Material; (b) The Expression man hfi 
elah di ... in Daniel 3:15. 

(a) In order to secure a large number of examples of certain con- 
structions in the Philippine languages through the aid of persons in 
contact with the languages themselves, the writer sent to one of his 
Philippine correspondents, who had offered to supervise the collection 
of such material, a number of copies of a circular containing a list 
of coordinated words in English for translation into the native dialects 
with some explanatory remarks. Complete sets of these constructions 
have thus been secured for four of the most important languages of 
the archipelago, and it is hoped by this means to secure material 
also from the less known languages. 

(b) This expression means 'who is the god that . . .' The predi- 
cate of a sentence introduced by the personal interrogative should 
be definite, hence elah is perhaps haplography for eldhah=elah&\ 
In the passages which can be cited in Hebrew and Arabic to support 
the indefinite character of such a predicate, mi and man, in spite of 
the statements of the grammarians to the contrary, are probably 
adjectival, modifying the indefinite noun in the sense of 'which, 1 'what*. 

Professor ALBERT T. CLAY, of Yale University: The Early Amorite King 

Professor RAYMOND P. DOUGHERTY, of Goucher College: The Comparative 
V.ilue of Metals in Babylonia. 

Several interesting tablets in the Yale Babylonian Collection, dated 
in the reign of Nabunidus, enable us to compute the comparative 
value of metals in Babylonia in the 6th century B. c. Gold was 
worth from 8 1/1 to 18 times as much as silver, and silver was worth 

400 Proceedings 

90 times as much as lead, 180 times as much as copper, and from 
240 to 360 times as much as iron. This means that lead was woith 
twice as much as copper and from 2 */ s to 4 times as much as iron. 
Copper was worth from 1 i/ 3 to 2 times as much as iron. 
Professor Louis H. GRAY, of the University of Nebraska: The Indian 
God Dhanvantari. 

Dr. DAVID I. MACHT, of Johns Hopkins University: A Pharmacological 
Appreciation of Psalm 58 : 9. 

Dr. CLARENCE A. MANNING, of Columbia University : Prester John and 

Certain Russian sects have developed a tradition that Japan is the 
home of the pure Orthodox Faith which disappeared from Russia 
at the time of Nikon. This seems to be closely connected with the 
medieval legends of Prester John, which were known in Russia as 
well as in Western Europe and Constantinople. In all probability 
the Patriarch of Opunia or Byelovodiye is none other than Prester 
John under a new form. 

Mr. PAUL POPENOE, of Coachella, Cal. The Pollination of the Date Palm. 
Dr. GEORGE C. 0. HAAS, of New York City : A Medieval French Parallel 
to the Buddhist Tale of the Luck-child Ghosaka. 

A remarkable parallel to the story of Ghosaka (Dhammapada Com- 
mentary, 2. 1. 2) is found in the 13th-century French tale, Li Contes 
dou roi Constant Vempereur, and its verse counterpart, Li Dis de 
Fempereour Constant. The correspondence extends even to minor 
details of the plot. 

The Society adjourned at 5:15 P.M. to meet at Princeton in 1923. 





The business meeting of the Middle West Branch convened 
April 18, 1922, at 2:16 P. M., in Ida Noyes Hall at the 
University of Chicago. President Olmstead called the meeting 
to order and told briefly how the Branch had grown until it 
now includes more than one fourth of the Society's members. 

The report of the Secretary-Treasurer, Dr. Allen, followed. 
It was very brief; since a full account of the 1921 meeting of 
the Branch at Madison, written by the previous Secretary, 
Professor Olmstead, had been published in the JOUBNAL, 
vol. 41, pp. 188 194. As to the treasury, expenses paid or 
payable amounted to $ 14.55 out of $ 40.00 which had been 
provided, leaving a balance of f 25.45 still available. 

A committee to nominate officers for the ensuing year was 
then chosen by nominations from the floor. Its members, Pro- 
fessors Wolfenson, Eiselen, and J. M. P. Smith, reported as 

For President, Professor Eiselen; 

For Vice-president, Professor Price; 

For Secretary-Treasurer, Dr. Allen; 

For additional members of the Executive Committee, Pro- 
fessors Olmstead and Clark. 

The secretary was instructed to cast a unanimous ballot in 
favor of these nominees; this was done and they were duly 

402 Proceedings of the Middle West Branch 

It was voted to leave to the incoming Executive Committee 
the choice of time and place for the next meeting of the Branch. 

The other sessions of the meeting were held jointly with the 
general Society, and are fully reported in its Proceedings as 
printed above. 




The number placed after the address indicates the year of eleotioi 
f designates members deceased daring the past year. 


Prof. THEODOR NOLDEKS, Ettlingerstr. 63, Karlsruhe, Germany. 1878. 
Sir RAMKRISHNA GOPAL BHANDARKAR, K.C.I.E., Deccan College, Poona, 

India. 1887. 
Prof. EDUABD SACHAU, University of Berlin, Germany. (Wormserstr. 12, W.) 


fProf. FRIEDBICH DELITZSCH, Siidstr. 47 n , Leipzig, Germany. 1893. 
Prof. IONAZIO GUIDI, University of Rome, Italy. (Via Botteghe Oscure 24.) 


Prof. ARCHIBALD H. SATCE, University of Oxford, England. 1893. 
Prof. RICHABD v. GARBE, University of Tubingen, Germany. (Biesinger 

Str. 14.) 1902. 
Prof. ADOLF ERMAN, University of Berlin, Germany. (Peter Lennestr. 36, 

Berlin-Dahlem.) 1903. 

Prof. EARL F. GELDNER, University of Marburg, Germany. 1905. 
Sir GEORGE A. GIUERSON, K.C.I. E., Rathfarnham, Camberley, Surrey, 

England. Corporate Member, 1899; Honorary, 1905. 
fProf. T. W.RHYS DAVIDS, Cotterstock, Chipstead, Surrey, England. 1907. 
Prof. EDUARD METER, University of Berlin, Germany. (Mommsenstr. 7, 

Gross-Lichterfelde-West) 1906. 
EMILE SENART, Membre de I'lnstitut de France, 18 Rue Francois I er , Paris, 

France. 1908. 
Prof. CHARLES CLERMONT-GAMNBAU , College de France, Paris, France. 

(I Avenue de 1'Alma.) 1909. 
Prof. HERMANN JACOBI, University of Bonn, Germany. (Niebuhrstrasse 69.) 

C. SNOUCK HURORONJE, University of Leiden, Netherlands. (Rapen- 

berg61.) 1914. 
SYLVAIN LEVI, College de France, Paris, France. (9 Rue Guy-de-la- 

Brosse, Paris, V e .) 1917. 

Prof. ARTHUR ANTHONY MACDOMELL, University of Oxford, England. 1918. 
FRANC.OIS THUREAU-DANOIN, Musee du Louvre, Paris, France. 1918. 

404 List of Members 

Sir ARTHUR EVANS, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, England. 1919. 

Prof. V. SCHEIL, Membre de 1'Institut de France, 4 bis Rue du Cherche-Midi, 

Paris, France. 1920. 
Dr. F. W. THOMAS, The Library, India Office, London S. W. 1, England. 

Rev. Pere M.-J. LAGRANGE, Ecole frangaise archeologique do Palestine, 

Jerusalem, Palestine. 1921. 
Don LEONE CAETANI, DUCA DI SERMONETA, Palazzo Sermoneta, 30 Via 

Monte Savello, Rome, Italy. 1922. 
Prof. FRIEDRICH HIRTH, Haimhauserstr. 19, Miinchen, Germany. Corporate 

Member, 1903; Honorary, 1922. [Total: 23] 


Hon. WARREN G. HARDING, President of the United States, The White 
House, Washington, D. C. 1922. 

Field Marshal Viscount ALLENBY, G. C. B., G. C. M. G., Naval an$ Military 
Club, London, England. 1922. 

Hon. CHARLES R. CRANE, 31 West 12th St., New York, N. Y. 1921. 

Rev. Dr. OTIS A. GLAZEBROOK, American Consul, Nice, France. 1921. 

Pres. FRANK J. GOODNOW, The Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 

Hon. CHARLES EVANS HUGHES, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. 1922. 

Pres. HARRY PRATT JUDSON, The University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1922. 

Hon. HENRY MORGENTHAU, 30 West 72d St., New York, N. Y. 1921. 

Dr. PAUL S. REINSCH, 204 Southern Building, Washington, D. C. 1921. 

Hon. OSCAR S. STRAUS, 5 West 76th St., New York, N. Y. 1922. 

Hon. SAO-KE ALFRED SZE, Chinese Minister to the United States, Chinese 
Legation, Washington, D. C. 1922. 

Hon. WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT, Chief Justice , The Supreme Court of the 
United States, Washington, D. C. 1921. 

Major General LEONARD WOOD, Governor-General of the Philippine Is- 
lands, Manila, P. I. 1922. [Total : 13] 


Names marked with * are those of life members. 

MARCUS AARON, 402 Winebiddle Ave., Pittsburgh, Pa. 1921. 

Rev. Dr. JUSTIN EDWARDS ABBOTT, 120 Hobart Ave., Summit, N. J. 1900. 

Pres. CYRUS ADLER (Dropsie College), 2041 North Broad St., Philadelphia, 

Pa. 1884. 

Dr. N. ADRIANI, Posso, Central Celebes, Dutch East Indies. 1922. 
Prof. S. KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR (Univ. of Madras), Sri Venkatesa Vilas, 

Nadu St., Mylapore, Madras, India. 1921. 
Dr. WILLIAM FOXWELL ALBRIGHT, Director, American School of Oriental 

Research, P. 0. Box 333, Jerusalem, Palestine. 1915. 
Prof. HERBERT C. ALLEMAN, Lutheran Theological Seminary, Gettysburg, 

Pa. 1921. 

List of Members 405 

Dr. T. GEORGE ALLEN (Univ. of Chicago), 5743 Maryland Ave,, Chicago, 111. 

Dr. OSWALD T. ALLIS, 26 Alexander Hall, Princeton Theological Seminary, 

Princeton, N.J. 1916. 

Prof. SHIOERD ARAKI, The Peeress' School, Aoyama, Tokyo, Japan. 1915. 
Prof. J. C. ARCHER (Yale Univ.), 84 Linden St., New Haven, Conn. 1916. 
Prof. KAN-ICHI ASAKAWA, Yale University Library, New Haven, Conn. 1904. 
L. A. AULT, P. O. Drawer 880, Cincinnati, Ohio. 1921. 
'Dean WILLIAM FREDERIC BADE (Pacific School of Religion), 2616 College 

Ave., Berkeley, Cal. 1920. 

Rev. MOSES BAILEY, M. A., 6 Norfolk Terrace, Wellesley, Mass. 1922. 
Mrs. ROBERT A. (Emily Tyler) BAILEY, JR., Harlicourt Apts., Cliff Road, 

Birmingham, Ala. 1922. 

CHARLES CHANEY BAKER, Box 296, Lancaster, Cal. 1916. 
Hon. SIMEON B. BALDWIN, LL.D., 44 Wall St., New Haven, Conn. 1898. 
*Dr. HUBERT BANNING, 17 East 128th St., New York, N. Y. 1915. 
*PHILIP LEMONT BARBOUR, care of Mercantile Trust Co., San Francisco, Cal. 


Rabbi HENRY BARNSTOK, Ph.D., 3615 Main St , Houston, Texas, 1921. 
Prof. LsRoY CARR BARRET, Trinity College, Hartford, Conn. 1903. 
Prof. GEORGE A. BARTON (Univ. of Pennsylvania), 3725 Chestnut St., 

Philadelphia, Pa. 1888. 

Mrs. FRANCES CROSBY BARTTER, Box 656, Manila, P. I. 1921. 
Mrs. DANIEL M. BATES, 51 Brattle St., Cambridge, Mass. 1912. 
Prof. LORINO W. BATTEN (General Theol. Seminary), 6 Chelsea Square, New 

York,N.Y. 1894. 
Prof. HARLAN P. BEACH (Yale Univ.), 346 Willow St, New Haven, Conn. 


Miss ETHEL BEERS, 3414 South Paulina St, Chicago, 111. 1915. 
*Prof. SHRIPAD K. BELVALKAR (Deccan College), Bilvakunja Bhamburda, 

Poona, India. 1914. 

Prof. HAROLD H. BENDER, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1906. 
Prca. GUY POTTER BENTON, University of the Philippines, Manila, P. L 

fE. BEN YEHUDA, care of Zionist Commission, Jerusalem, Palestine. 1916. 
Prof. C. THEODORE BENZE, D. D. (Mt Airy Theol. Seminary), 7304 Boyer 

St., Mt Airy, Pa. 1916. 

OSCAR BERMAN, Third, Plum and McFarland Sts., Cincinnati, Ohio. 1920. 
PIERRE A. BERNARD, Rossiter House, Braeburn Club, Nyack, N. Y. 1914. 
ISAAC W. BERNHEIM, Inter-Southern Building, Louisville, Ky. 1920. 
(TEOROE R. BERRY, Colgate University, Hamilton, N. Y. 1907. 
Prof. JULIUS A. BEWER, Union Theological Seminary, Broadway and 120th 

St, New York, N.Y. 1907. 
Prof. D. R. BHANDARXAR (Univ. of Calcutta), 16 Lansdowne Road, Calcutta, 

India. 1921. 
Prof. A. E. BIOELOW, Jaro Industrial School, Iloilo, P. I. 1922. 

MAM STUROIS BIOELOW, M. D., 60 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 1894. 
Prof. FREDERICK L. BIRD, Occidental College, Los Angeles, Cal. 1917. 

406 List of Members 

CARL W. BISHOP, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D. C. 1917. 

Dr. FRANK RINGGOLD BLAKE (Johns Hopkins Univ.), 923 W. North Ave., 

Baltimore, Md. 1900. 

Dr. FREDERICK J. BLISS, 11 B5 Yale Station, New Haven, Conn. 1898. 
Dr. JOSHUA BLOCH (New York Univ.), 346 East 173d St., New York, N. Y. 

Prof. CARL AUGUST BLOMGREN (Augustana College and Theol. Seminary), 

825 35th St., Rock Island, 111. 1900. 
Prof. MAURICE BLOOMFIELD, The Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 


Rev. PAUL F. BLOOMHARDT, Ph. D., 1080 Main St., Buffalo, N. Y. 1916. 
EMANUEL BOASBERG, 1296 Delaware Ave., Buffalo, N.Y. 1921. 
Dr. ALFRED BOISSIER, Le Rivage pres Chambery, Geneve, Switzerland. 


Rev. AUGUST M. BOLDUC, S. T. B. , The Marist College, Brookland, Washing- 
ton, D. C. 1921. 
Prof. GEORGE M. BOLLING (Ohio State Univ.), 777 Franklin Ave., Columbus, 

Ohio. 1896. 

Prof. CAMPBELL BONNER, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. 1920. 
Dean EDWARD I. BOSWORTH (Oberlin Graduate School of Theology), 78 South 

Professor St., Oberlin, Ohio. 1920. 

Prof. JAMES HENRY BREASTED, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1891. 
Miss EMILIE GRACE BRIGGS, 124 Third St., Lakewood, N. J. 1920. 
Prof. C. A. BRODIE BROCKWELL, McGill University, Montreal, P. Q., Canada. 

1920 (1906). 

Rev. CHARLES D. BROKENSHIRE, Lock Box 66, Alma, Mich. 1917. 
Mrs. BEATRICE ALLARD BROOKS, Ph.D., Summit Road, Wellesley, Mass. 1919. 
MILTON BROOKS, 3 Clive Row, Calcutta, India. 1918. 
DAVID A. BROWN, 60 Boston Boulevard, Detroit, Mich. 1921. 
G. M. L. BROWN, care of "Orientalia", 32 West 58th St., New York, N. Y. 

Rev. Dr. GEORGE WILLIAM BROWN, College of Missions, Indianapolis, Ind. 


LEO M. BROWN, P. 0. Box 953, Mobile, Ala. 1920. 
Dr. W. NORMAN BROWN, Care Thos. Cook and Son, Hornby Road, Bombay, 

India. 1916. 

Prof. CARL DARLING BUCK, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1892. 
LUDLOW S. BULL, Assistant Curator, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New 

York, N.Y. 1917. 

ALEXANDER H. BULLOCK, State Mutual Building, Worcester, Mass. 1910. 
f*Prof. JOHN M. BURNAM (Univ. of Cincinnati), 3413 Whitfield Ave., Cin- 
cinnati, Ohio. 1920. 

CHARLES DANA BURRAGE, 85 Ames Building, Boston, Mass. 1909. 
Prof. ROMANUS BUTIN, Catholic University of America, Washington, D. C. 


-j-Prof. HOWARD CROSBY BUTLER, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1908. 
Prof. MOSES BUTTENWIESER (Hebrew Union College), 252 Loraine Ave., 

Cincinnati, Ohio. 1917. 

List of Members 407 

Prof. EUGENE H. BYRNE (Univ. of Wisconsin), 240 Lake Lawn Place. Madison, 
Wis. 1917. 

Prof. HENRY J. CADBURY (Andover Theol. Seminary), 1075 Massachusetts 
Ave., Cambridge, Mass. 1914. 

ALFRED M. CAMPBBLL, 204 East Wishart St, Philadelphia, Pa. 1922. 

Rev. JOHN CAMPBELL, Ph. D., 3055 Kingsbridge Ave., New York, N. Y. 

Rev. ISAAC CANNADAY, M. A., Ranchi, Bihar, India. 1920. 

Prof. ALBERT J. CARNOY (Univ. of Louvain) , Sparrenhof , Corbeek-Loo, 
Belgium. 1916. 

Dr. L M. CASANOWICZ, U. S. National Museum, Washington, D. C. 1893. 

HENRY HARMON CHAMBERLIN, 22 May St., Worcester, Mass. 1921. 

Rev. JOHN S. CHANDLER, Sunny side, Rayapettah, Madras, India. 1899. 

Prof. RAMAPRASAD CHANDRA, University of Calcutta, Calcutta, India. 1921. 

Dr. WILLIAM J. CHAPMAN (Hartford TheoL Seminary), 1507 Broad St, 
Hartford, Conn. 1922. 

Dr. F. D. CHESTER, The Bristol, Boston, Mass. 1891. 

Dr. EDWARD CHIERA (Univ. of Pennsylvania), 1538 South Broad St., Phila- 
delphia, Pa. 1915. 

EMERSON B. CHRISTIE (Department of State), 3220 McKinley St, N. W., 
Washington, D. C. 1921. 

Prof. WALTER E. CLARK, Box 222, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1906. 

Prof. ALBERT T. CLAY (Yale Univ.), 401 Humphrey St., New Haven, Conn. 

* ALEXANDER SMITH COCHRAN, 820 Fifth Ave., New York, N. Y. 1908. 

CHARLES P. COFFIN, 1744-208 South LaSalle St., Chicago, 111. 1921. 

ALFRED M. COHEN, 9 West 4th St, Cincinnati, Ohio. 1920. 

Dr. GEORGE H. COHEN, 120 Capitol Ave., Hartford, Conn. 1920. 

Rabbi HENRY COHEN, D. D., 1920 Broadway, Galveston, Texas. 1920. 

MORRIS GABRIEL COHEN, 946 St Marks Ave., Brooklyn, N. Y. 1923. 

Rabbi SAMUEL S. COHON, 6634 Newgard St., Chicago, 111. 1917. 

Prof. KENNETH COLXQROVE (Northwestern Univ.), 105 Harris Hall, Evans- 
ton, 111. 1920. 

Prof. HERMANN COLLITZ (Johns Hopkins Univ.), 1027 Calvert St, Baltimore, 
Md. 1887. 

Prof. C. EVERETT CONANT, Carleton College, Northfield, Minn. 1905. 

Dr. MAUDI GAECKLER (Mrs. H. M.) COOK, Belton, Texas. 1915. 

Rev. Dr. GEORGE 8. COOKE, Houlton, Maine. 1917. 

Dr. ANANDA K. COOMARASWAMY, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Mass. 1917. 

Rev. DOUGLAS HILARY CORLEY, Box 145, Fisk University, Nashville, Tenn. 

Rev. RALPH D. CORNUELLE, American Presbyterian Mission, Jhansi, U.P., 
India. 1922. 

Dr. WILLIAN COWEN, 85 East 60th St, New York, N. Y. 1992, 

Rev. WILLIAM MERRIAM CRANE, Richmond, Mass. 1902. 

CECIL M. P. CROSS, care of Consular Bureau, Washington, D. C. 1921. 

Prof. GEORGE DAHL (Y*l Univ.), 98 Linden St, New Haven, Conn. 19ia 

Prof. GEORGE H. D ANTON, Tsing Hua College, Peking, China. 1981. 

a? JAOS 43 

408 List of Members 

Prof. ISRAEL DAVIDSON (Jewish Theol. Seminary), 92 Momingside Ave, 

New York, N. Y. 1921. 
Prof. JOHN D. DAVIS, Princeton Theological Seminary, Princeton, N. J. 


Prof. FRANK LEIGHTON DAY, Randolph -Mac on College, Ashland, Va. 1920. 
Prof. IRWIN HOCH DsLoNG (Theol. Seminary of the Reformed Church), 

523 West James St., Lancaster, Pa. 1916. 
Prof. ROBERT E. DENGLER (Pennsylvania State College), 706 West College 

Ave., State College, Pa. 1920. 
NARIMAN M. DHALLA, Hartley Hall, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 

Pro- Vice-Chancellor A. B. DHRUVA, The Benares Hindu University, Benares, 

India. 1921. 

Mrs. FRANCIS W. DICKINS, 2015 Columbia Road, Washington, D. C. 1911. 
LEON DOMINIAN, care of American Consulate-General, Rome, Italy. 1916. 
Rev. A. T. DORF, 1635 North Washtenaw Ave., Chicago, 111. 1916. 
Prof. RAYMOND P. DOUGHERTY, Goucher College, Baltimore, Md. 1918. 
Rev. WILLIAM HASKELL DuBosE, University of the South, Sewanee, Tenn. 


Prof. FREDERIC C. DUNCALF, University of Texas, Austin, Texas. 1919. 
Prof. GEORGE S. DUNCAN (American Univ., Y. M. C. A. School of Religion),. 

- 2900 Seventh St., N. E., Washington, D. C. 1917. 
Rev. EDWARD SLATER DUNLAP, 2629 Garfield St., N. W., Washington, D. C. 

Prof. CHARLES DUROISELLE, M. A. (Rangoon Univ.), "C" Road, Maudalay, 

Burma. 1922. 
Prof. FRANKLIN EDGERTON (Univ. of Pennsylvania), 107 Bryn Mawr Ave. r 

Lansdowne, Pa. 1910. 
Dr. WILLIAM F. EDGERTON (Univ. of Chicago), 1401 East 53d St., Chicago, 

111. 1917. 

Mrs. ARTHUR C. EDWARDS, 309 West 91st St., New York, N. Y. 1915. 
Prof. GRANVILLE D. EDWARDS (Missouri Bible College), 811 College Ave., 

Columbia, Mo. 1917. 
Rev. JAMES F. EDWARDS, Gordon Hall House, New Nogpada Road, Bombay, 

India. 1921. 
Dr. ISRAEL EFROS (Baltimore Hebrew College), 2040 East Baltimore St., 

Baltimore, Md. 1918. 

Dean FREDERICK C.EISELEN, Garrett Biblical Institute, Evanston, 111. 1901. 
Rabbi ISRAEL ELFENBEIN, D.H.L., 128 West 95th St., New York, N. Y. 


ABRAM I. ELKUS, 111 Broadway, New York, N. Y. 1921. 
ALBERT W. ELLIS, 40 Central St., Boston, Mass. 1917. 
Prof. AARON EMBER, The Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1902. 
Rabbi H. G. ENELOW, D. D., Temple Emanu-El, 521 Fifth Ave., New York, 

N.Y. 1921. 

Prof. HENRY LANE ENO, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1916. 
Rabbi HARRYW.ETTELSON, Ph.D., 1505Diamond St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1918. 
Pres. MILTON G. EVANS, Crozer Theological Seminary, Chester, Pa. 1921. 

List of Members 409 

Prof. CHARLES P. FAGNANI (Union Theol. Seminary), 606 West 122 d St, 

New York, N. Y. 1901. 

BENJAMIN FAW, 1269 President St., Brooklyn, N.Y. 1921. 
WALLACE CRANSTON FAIRWEATHER, 62 Saint Vincent St., Glasgow, Scotland. 

Rabbi ABRAHAM J. FELDMAN , Temple Keneseth Israel , Broad St above 

Columbia Ave., Philadelphia, Pa. 1920. 
Rev. Dr. JOHN F. FENLON , Catholic University of America, Washington, 

D. C. 1915. 

Dr. JOHN C. FERGUSON, Peking, China. 1900. 
MORRIS M. FEUERLICHT, 3034 Washington Boulevard, Indianapolis, Ind. 

SOL. BARUCH FINESIHGER, The Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 


Rabbi JOSEPH L. FINK, 540 South 6th St., Terre Haute, Ind. 1920. 
Dr. Louis FINKELSTEIN, Jewish Theological Seminary, 531 West 123d St., 

New York, N. Y. 1921. 
CLARENCE S. FISHER, University of Pennsylvania Museum , Philadelphia, 

Pa. 1914. 

MAYNARD DAUCHY FOLUN, P. O. Box 118, Detroit, Mich. 1922. 
Dean HUGHELL E. W. FOSBROKE , General Theological Seminary , Chelsea 

Square, New York, N. Y. 1917. 

Rabbi SOLOMON FOSTER, 90 Treacy Ave., Newark, N. J. 1921. 
Prof. JAMES EVERETT FRAME, Union Theological Seminary, Broadway and 

120th St., New York, N. Y. 1892. 

W. B. FRANKENSTEIN, 110 South Dearborn St., Chicago, III 1921. 
Rabbi LEO M. FRANKLIN, M.A., 10 Edison Ave , Detroit, Mich. 1920. 
Rabbi SOLOMON B. FREEHOF, D.D., 3426 Burnet Ave., Cincinnati, Ohio. 

MAURICE J. FREIBERG, 701 First National Bank Building, Cincinnati, Ohio. 


SIGMUND FREY, 633 Irvington Ave., Huntington Park, Cal. 1920. 
BARKY FRIEDENWALD, M.D., 1029 Madison Ave., Baltimore, Md. 1921. 
Prof. LESLIE ELMER FULLER, Garrett Biblical Institute, Evauston, 111. 1916. 
Prof. KEMPER FULLERTON, Oberlin Theological Seminary, Oberlin, Ohio. 


*Prof. A. Hi GAJENDRAGADKAR, Elphinstone College, Bombay, India. 1921. 
ALEXANDER B. GALT, 2219 California St, Washington, D. C. 1917. 
Mrs. H.P. GAMBOE, Kalpahar,U.P,, India. 1991. 
Mrs. WILLIAM TUDOR GARDINER, 29 Brimmer St, Boston, Mass. 1915. 
Rev. FRANK GAVIN, Nashotah House, Nashotah, Wis. 1917. 
Dr. HENRY SNYDER GEHMAN, 6780 North 6th St, Philadelphia, Pa. 1916. 
EUOEKB A. GELLOT, 290 Broadway, N. Y., 1911. 
Rev. PHARES B. GIBBLE, 112 West Conway 8t, Baltimore, Md. 1921. 
Prof. BASIL LANNEAU GILDERSLEEVE (Johns Hopkins Univ.), 1008 North 

Calvert St, Baltimore, Md. 1868. 

Pres. D. 0. GILMORE, D. D., Judson College, Rangoon, Burma. 1999. 
Rabbi S. H. GOLDENSON, Ph.D., 4906 Fifth Ave., Pittsburgh, Pa. 1920. 

410 List of Members 

Rabbi SOLOMON GOLDMAN, 55th and Scoville Sts., Cleveland, Ohio. 1920. 
Prof. ALEXANDER R. GORDON, Presbyterian College, Montreal, P. Q,., Canada. 


Prof. RICHARD J. H. GOTTHEIL, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 1886. 
KINGDON GOULD, 165 Broadway, New York, N. Y. 1914. 
Prof. HERBERT HENRY GOWEN, D.D. (Univ. of Washington), 5005 22d Ave., 

N. E., Seattle, Wash. 1920. 

Prof. WILLIAM CREIQHTON GRAHAM (Wesleyan Theol. College) , 756 Uni- 
versity St., Montreal, P. Q., Canada. 1921. 
Prof. ELIHU GRANT, Haverford College, Haverford, Pa. 1907. 
Prof. Louis H. GRAY, University of Nebraska, Lincoln, Neb. 1897. 
Mrs. Louis H. GRAY, care of University of Nebraska, Lincoln, Neb. 1907. 
Prof. EVARTS B. GREENE (Univ. of Illinois), 315 Lincoln Hall, Urbana, 111. 

Dr. LILY DEXTER GREENE, care Methodist Episcopal Mission, Delhi, India. 


M. E. GREENEBAUM, 4504 Drexel Boulevard, Chicago, 111. 1920. 
Dr. ETTALENE M. GRICE, care of Babylonian Collection, Yale University, 

New Haven, Conn. 1915. 

Miss LUCIA C. G. GRIEVE, 211 Wardwell Ave., Westerleigh, S.I., N. Y. 1894. 
Rev. Dr. HERVEY D. GRISWOLD, "The Abbey," Lahore, Panjab, India. 


Prof. Louis GROSSMANN (Hebrew Union College), 2212 Park Ave., Cincin- 
nati, Ohio. 1890. 
Prof. LEON GRY (Universite libre d' Angers), 10 Rue La Fontaine, Angers, 

M.-et-L., France. 1921. 
Babu SHIVA PRASAD GUPTA, Seva-Upavana , Hindu University, Benares, 

India. 1921. 

Pres. WILLIAM W. GUTH, Ph.D., Goucher College, Baltimore, Md. 1920. 
*Dr. GEORGE C. 0. HAAS, 323 West 22d St., New York, N. Y. 1903. 
Miss LUISE HAESSLER, 100 Morningside Drive, New York, N. Y. 1909. 
Rev. ALEXANDER D. HAIL (Osaka Theol. Training School), 946 of 3. Tezu- 

kayama, Sumiyoshi Mura, Setsu, Japan. 1921. 
Dr. GEORGE ELLERY HALE, Director, Mt. Wilson Observatory, Pasadena, 

Cal. 1920. 

Dr. B. HALPER, Dropsie College, Philadelphia, Pa. 1919. 
Rev. EDWARD R. HATMK, 1511 Hanover St., Baltimore, Md. 1921. 
Prof. MAX S. HANDMAN, University of Texas, Austin, Texas. 1919. 
Prof. PAUL HAUPT (Johns Hopkins Univ.), 215 Longwood Road, Roland 

Park, Baltimore, Md. 1883. 

Prof. A- EUSTACE HAYDON, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1922. 
DANIEL P. HAYS, 115 Broadway, New York, N. Y. 1920. 
Rabbi JAMES G. HELLER, 3634 Reading Road, Cincinnati, Ohio. 1920. 
Prof. MAXIMILIAN HELLER (Tulane Univ.), 1828 Marengo St., New Orleans, 

La. 1920. 

PHILIP S. HENRY, Zealandia, Asheville, N. C. 1914. 
Rev. CHARLES W. HEPNER, 5305 Oshigatsuji, Osaka, Japan. 1921. 
EDWIN B. HEWES, 307 South Lincoln St., Urbana, 111. 1922. 

List of Member's 411 

Prof. WILLIAM BANCROFT HILL, Vassar CoUege, Poughkeepsie, N. Y. 1921. 
Prof. HERMAN V. HILPRECHT, 1830 South Rittenhouse Square, Philadelphia, 

Pa, 1887. 
Prof. WILLIAM J. HINKE (Auburn Theol. Seminary), 166 North St., Auburn, 

N. Y. 1907. 
fProf. EMIL G. HIRSCH (Univ. of Chicago), 4608 Drexel Boulevard, Chicago, 

III 1917. 

BERNARD HIRSHBERG, 260 Tod Lane, Youngstown, Ohio. 1920. 
Prof. PHILIP JL Him, American University, Beirut, Syria. 1915. 
Kev. Dr. CHARLES T. HOCK (Bloomfield Theol. Seminary), 222 Liberty St, 

Bloomfield, N. J. 1921 (1903). 
Rev. Dr. LEWIS HODOUB (Hartford Seminary Foundation), 9 Sumner St., 

Hartford, Conn. 1919. 

G. P. HOFF, 403 Union Building, San Diego, Cal. 1920. 
Miss ALICE M. HOLMES, Southern Pines, N. C. 1920. 
*Prof. E. WASHBURN HOPKIKS (Yale Univ.), 299 Lawrence St., New Haven, 

Conn. 1881. 

SAMUEL HORCHOW, 1307 Fourth St, Portsmouth, Ohio. 1920. 
ERNEST P. HORRWITZ, 560 West 171st St., New York, N. Y. 1923. 
Prof. JACOB HOSCHANDER (Dropsie College), 3220 Monument Ave., Phila- 
delphia, Pa. 1914. 
HEKRT R. HOWLAND, Buffalo Society of Natural Sciences, Buffalo, N. Y. 

Dr. EDWARD H. HUME, The Hunan- Yale College of Medicine, Changsha, 

Hunan, China. 1909. 
Prof. ROBERT ERNEST HUME (Union Theol. Seminary), 606 West 122 dSt, 

New York, N. Y. 1914. 

*Dr. ARCHER M. HUHTINOTON, 16 West 81st St., New York, N. Y. 1912. 
Prof. ISAAC HUSK, College Hall, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, 

Pa. 1916. 

Prof. MART IHDA HUSSET, Mt Holyoke College, South Hadley, Mass. 1901. 
Rev. Dr. Moses HYAMSON (Jewish Theol. Seminary), 1335 Madison Ave., 

New York, N.Y. 1921. 

* JAMES HAZEN HTDE, 67 Boulevard Lannes, Paris, France. 1909. 
Prof. WALTER WOODBU&N HYDE, College Hall, University of Pennsylvania, 

Philadelphia, Pa. 1920. 
Prof. HEHRT HYVERNAT (Catholic Univ. of America), 8405 Twelfth St., 

N. E. (Brookland), Washington, D. C. 1889. 
HARALD IHOHOLT, Graduate College, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 


Rabbi EDWARD L. ISRAEL, 1404 Upper First St., Evansville, Ind. 1920. 
Prof. A. V. WILLIAMS JACKSON, Columbia University, New York , N. Y. 

Mrs. A. V. WILLIAMS JACKSON, care of Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 

Prof. FREDERICK J. FOAKE? JACKSON, D J). (Union Theol. Seminary), Dana 

Place, Englewood, N.J. 1990. 
Rev. ERNEST P. JANVIER, Ewing Christian College, Allahabad, India. 1919. 

412 List of M&nbers 

Mrs. MORRIS JASTROW, JR., 248 South 23d St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1922. 
Prof. JAMES RICHARD JEWETT, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. 1887. 
FRANK EDWARD JOHNSON, 31 General Lee St., Marianao, Cuba. 1916. 
Dr. HELEN M. JOHNSON, Osceola, Mo. 1921. 

NELSON TRUSLER JOHNSON, Department of State, Washington, D. C. 1921. 
CHARLES JOHNSTON, 80 Washington Square, New York, N. Y. 1921. 
REGINALD F. JOHNSTON, The Forbidden City, Peking, China. 1919. 
FLORIN HOWARD JONES, Saunders Cottage, N. Broadway, Upper Nyack, 

N.Y. 1918. 
Mrs. RUSSELL K. (Alice Judson) JONES, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New 

York, N. Y. 1920. 

ELY JACQUES KAHN, 56 West 45th St., New York, N. Y. 1922. 
JULIUS KAHN, 429 Wick Ave., Youngstown, Ohio. 1920. 
Rabbi JACOB H. KAPLAN, 780 East Ridgeway Ave., Cincinnati, Ohio. 1918. 
Rabbi C. E. HILLEL KAUVAR, Ph.D., 1607 Gilpin St., Denver, Colo. 1921. 
Prof. ELMER Louis KAYSER (George Washington Univ.), 3129 Si, N. W., 

Washington, D. C. 1921. 

Rev. Dr. C. E. KEISER, Lyon Station, Pa. 1913. 
Prof. MAXIMILIAN L. KELLNER, Episcopal Theological School, Cambridge, 

Mass. 1886. 
Prof. FREDERICK T. KELLY (Univ. of Wisconsin), 2019 Monroe St., Madison, 

Wis. 1917. 

Pres. JAMES A. KELSO, Western Theological Seminary, Pittsburgh, Pa. 1915. 
Rev. JAMES L. KELSO, 501 North Walnut St., Bloomington, Ind. 1921. 
Prof. ELIZA H. KENDRICK, Wellesley College, Wellesley, Mass. 1896. 
Prof. CHARLES FOSTER KENT, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. 1890. 
Prof. ROLAND G. KENT, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. 1910 
LEEDS C. KERR, Royal Oak, Md. 1916. 
ISADORB KEYFITZ, 5037 Evanston Ave., Chicago, 111. 1920. 
Prof. ANIS E. KHURI, American University, Beirut, Syria. 1921. 
Prof. TAIKEN KIMURA, Tokyo Imperial University, Tokyo, Japan. 1921. 
Prof. GEORGE L. KITTREDGE (Harvard Univ.), 8 Hilliard St., Cambridge, 

Mass. 1899. 

EUGENE KLEIN, 44 North 50th St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1920. 
TAW SEIN Ko, C. I. E., Peking Lodge, Mandalay, Burma. 1922. 
Rabbi SAMUEL KOCH, M.A., 916 Twentieth Ave., Seattle, Wash. 1921. 
Pres. KAUFMANN KOHLER (Hebrew Union College), 3016 Stanton Ave., 

Cincinnati, Ohio. 1917. 
Rev. EMIL G. H. KRAELING, Ph.D. (Union Theol. Seminary), 132 Henry 

St., Brooklyn, N. Y. 1920. ' 
Rev. Dr. MELVIN G. KYLE, 1132 Arrott St., Frankford, Philadelphia, Pa. 


HAROLD ALBERT LAMB, 7 West 92d St., New York, N. Y. 1920. 
Miss M. ANTONIA LAMB, 212 South 46th St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1921. 
Prof. GOTTHARD LANDSTROM, Box 12, Zap, Mercer Co., N. Dak. 1917. 
*Prof. CHARLES ROCKWELL LANMAN (Harvard Univ.), 9 Farrar St., Cam- 
bridge, Mass. 1876. 

List of Members 413 

AMUR so, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, N. Y. 1921. 

Prof. KENNETH S. LATOURETTE, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. 1917. 
Dr. BERTHOLD LAUFER. Field Museum of Natural Hiitory, Chicago, Dl. 


Prof. JACOB Z. LAUTERBACH, Hebrew Union College, Cincinnati, Ohio. 1918. 
SIMOIT LAZARUS, High and Town Sts., Columbus, Ohio. 1921. 
Prof. DARWIN A. LEAVITT (Meadville Theol. School), Divinity Hall, Mead- 

ville, Pa. 1920. 

Rabbi DAVID LEFKOWITZ, 2415 South Boulevard, Dallas, Texas. 1921. 
Rev. Dr. LEON LEGRAIN, Univ. of Penna. Museum, Philadelphia, Pa. 1921. 
Rabbi GERSON B. LEVI, Ph.D., 6000 Grand Boulevard, Chicago, HI. 1917. 
Rabbi SAMUEL J. LEVINSON, 522 East 8th St, Brooklyn, N. Y. 1920. 
Rev. Dr. FELIX A. LEVY, 707 Melrose St., Chicago, III 1917. 
Dr. H. S. LINFIELD, Bureau of Jewish Social Research, 1 14 Fifth Ave., New 

York, N.Y. 1912. 

JOHN ELLERTON LODGE, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Mass. 1922. 
Mrs. LKE LOEB, 53 Gibbes St., Charleston, S. C. 1920. 
.Prof. LINDSAY B. LONGACRE, 2272 South Fillmore St., Denver, Colo. 1918. 
Rev. ARNOLD E. LOOK, 614 North Frazier St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1920. 
Dr. STEPHEN B. LUCE, JR., 267 Clarendon St., Boston, Mass. 1916. 
Prof. DANIEL D. LUCKENBILL, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1912. 
Prof. HENRY F. LUTZ, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. 1916. 
Prof. ALBERT HOWE LTBTER, (Univ. of Illinois), 1009 West California St, 

Urbana, 111. 1917 (1909). 
Prof. DAVID GORDON LYON, Harvard University Semitic Museum, Cambridge, 

Mass. 1882. 
ALBERT MORTON LYTHOOE, Curator, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New 

York, N.Y. 1899. 
Rev. WILLIAM H. MCCLELLAN, S. J., Woodstock College, Woodstock, Md. 

Prof. CHESTER CHARLTON McCowN, D.D. (Pacific School of Religion), 

2223 Atherton St, Berkeley, Cal. 1920. 
Prof. DUNCAN B. MACDONALD , Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford, 

Conn. 1893. 
Miss ELEANOR McDouoAi.i., M.A., Principal, The Women's Christian College, 

Madras, India. 1922. 
DAVID ISRAEL MACHT, M.D., The Johns Hopkins University Medical School, 

Monument and Washington Sts., Baltimore, Md. 1918. 
RALPH W. MACK, 3836 Reading Road, Cincinnati, Ohio. 1920. 
J. ARTHUR MACLEAN, Assistant Director, The Art Institute, Chicago, 111. 


Dr. ROBERT CECIL MACMAHON, 78 West 66th St, New York, N. Y. 1921. 
Dr. JUDAB L. MAGNEI, 114 Fifth Ave., New York, N. Y. 1921. 
Rabbi EDGAR F. MAONIN, 2187 West 16th St., Los Angeles, Cal. 1920. 
Prof. HERBERT W.MAOOUN, Hillcrest Road, Belmont, Cambridge, Mass. 1887. 
WALTER ARTHUR MAIER, 6438 Eggleston Ave., Chicago, III 1917. 
Prof. HENRY MALTER (Dropsie College), 1631 Diamond St, Philadelphia, 

I':.. 1"'JO. 

414 List of Members 

Prof. JACOB MANN, Hebrew Union College, Cincinnati, Ohio. 1921. 

Rabbi Louis L. MANN, 92 Linden St., New Haven, Conn. 1917. 

Dr. CLARENCE A. MANNING (Columbia Univ.), 144 East 74th St., New York, 
N.Y. 1921. 

*Rev. JAMES CAMPBELL MANET, 36, The Quadrangle, Iowa City, Iowa. 1921. 

Rabbi JACOB R. MAECUS, bei Eschelbacher, Oranienburgerstr. 68, Berlin, 
Germany. 1920. 

RALPH MAECUS, 531 West 124th Si, New York, N. Y. 1920. 

ARTHUR WILLIAM MAEGET, 157 Homestead St, Roxbury, Mass. 1920. 

HARRY S. MAEGOLIS, Hebrew Union College, Cincinnati, Ohio. 1920. 

Prof. MAX L. MAEGOLIS (Dropsie College), 152 West Hortter St., Phila- 
delphia, Pa. 1890. 

Prof. ALLAN MAEQUAND, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1888. 

JAMES P. MARSH, MD., 1828 Fifth Ave., Troy, N.Y. 1919. 

Pres. H. I. MARSHALL, Karen TheoL Seminary, Insein, Burma, India. 1920. 

JOHN MARTIN, North Adams, Mass. 1917. 

Prof. D. ROY MATHEWS, 307 South Oak Park Ave., Oak Park, 111. 1920. 

Prof. ISAAC G. MATTHEWS, Crozer Theological Seminary, Chester, Pa. 
1921 (1906). 

Rabbi HARRY H.MAYER, 3512 Kenwood Ave., Kansas City, Mo. 1921. 

Rev. Dr. JOHN A. MAYNARD (Univ. of Chicago), 2132 West 110th Place, 
Chicago, 111. 1917. 

Prof. THEOPHILE J. MEEK, Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pa. 1917. 

HENRY MEIS, 806 Walnut St., Cincinnati, Ohio. 1920. 

Rabbi RAPHAEL H. MELAMED , PtuD. , 1295 Central Ave. , Far Rockaway, 
N. Y. 1921. 

Dean SAMUEL A. B. MERCER, Bexley Hall, Gambier, Ohio. 1912. 

ELMER D. MERRILL, Director, Bureau of Science, Manila, P. I. 1922. 

R. D. MESSAYEH, 49 East 127th St., New York, N. Y. 1919. 

Mrs. EUGENE MEYER, Seven Springs Farm, Mt. Kisco, N. Y. 1916. 

Rev. Dr. MARTIN A. MEYER, 3108 Jackson St., San Francisco, Cal. 1906. 

Rabbi MYRON M. MEYEROVITZ, Alexandria, La. 1920. 

Dr. TRUMAN MICHELSON, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, 
D.C. 1899. 

MERTONL. MILLER, care of InternationalBanking Corporation, Cebu,P.I.1921. 

Rabbi Louis A. MIBCHKIND, M.A., Tremont Temple, Grand Concourse and 
Burnside Ave., New York, N. Y. 1920. 

Rev. JOHN MONCUBE, Maryland College for Women, Lutherville, Md. 1921. 

Dr. ROBET LUDWIQ MOND, 7 Cavendish Mansions, Langham St., London 
W. 1, England. 1921. 

Prof. J. A. MONTGOMERY (Univ. of Pennsylvania), 6806 Greene St., German- 
town, Philadelphia, Pa. 1903. 

FREDERICK MOORE, Japanese Embassy, Washington, D. C. 1921. 

*Mrs. MARY H. MOORE, 3 Divinity Ave., Cambridge, Mass. 1902. 

Rev. HUGH A. MORAN, 221 Eddy St., Ithaca, N. Y. 1920. 

Pres. JULIAN MORGENSTERN (Hebrew Union College), 3988 Parker Place, 
Cincinnati, Ohio. 1915. 

*EFFINGHAM B. MORRIS, "Tyn-y-Coed," Ardmore, Pa. 1920. 

Lift of Members 415 

Hon. ROLAND S. MORRIS, 1617 Land Title Building, Philadelphia, Pa. 1921. 
Prof. EDWARD S. MORSE, Peabody Museum, Salem, Mass. 1894. 
Rev. OMER HILLMAN MOTT, O.S.B., Belmont Abbey, Belmont, N. C. 1921. 
Rev. Dr. PHILIP STAFFORD MOXOM (International Y. M. C. A. College), 

90 High St., Springfield, Mass. 1921 (1898). 
DHAN GOPAL MUKERJI, 2 Jane St., New York, N. Y. 1922. 
MM. ALBERT H. MUNSELL, 203 Radnor Hall, Cambridge, Mass. 1908. 
Dr. WILLIAM MUSS-ARNOLT, 246 East Tremont Ave., New York, N. Y. 

Prof. THOMAS KIKLOCH NELSON, Virginia Theological Seminary, Alexandria, 

Va. 1920. 
Rev. Dr. WILLIAM M. NEBBIT, Hotel St George, 51 Clark St., Brooklyn, 

N.Y. 1916. 

Professor WILLIAM ROMAINE NEWBOLD, University of Pennsylvania, Phila- 
delphia, Pa. 1918. 
EDWARD THEODORE NEWELL, American Numismatic Society, 156th St and 

Broadway, New York, N. Y. 1914. 

f Rer. Dr. JAMES B. Nnts, 12 Schermerhorn St., Brooklyn, N. Y. 1906. 
Ven. Archdeacon WILLIAM E. NIES, care of Union Bank, Geneva, Switzer- 
land. 1908. 

Mrs. CHARLES F. NORTON, Transylvania College, Lexington, Ky. 1919. 
Dr. WILLIAM FREDERICK NOTZ, 5402 39th St, N. W., Washington, D. C. 


Dr. ALOIS RICHARD NYKL, Northwestern University, Evanston, 111. 1922. 
ADOLPH S. OCHS, The New York Times, New York, N.Y. 1921. 
Rt Rev. DENIS J. O'CONNELL, 800 Cathedral Place, Richmond, Va. 1903. 
Dr. FELIX, Freiherr von OEFELE, 326 East 68th St. New York, N. Y. 1913. 
HERBERT C. OETTINOER, Eighth and Walnut Sts., Cincinnati, Ohio. 1920. 
NAOTOSHI OOAWA, Bureau of Education, Government of Formosa, Taihoku, 

Formosa. 1921. 

Dr. CHARLES J. OODEN, 628 West 114th St., New York, N. Y. 1906. 
Dr. ELLEN S. OODEN, Bishop Hopkins Hall, Burlington, Vt. 1898. 
Prof. SAMUEL G. OLIPHANT, Grove City College, Grove City, Pa. 1906. 
Prof. ALBERT TENEYCK OLMBTEAD (Univ. of Illinois), 706 South Goodwin 

St, Urbana, 111. 1909. 

Prof. CHAELES A. OWEN, Assiut College, Assiut, Egypt 1921. 
Prof. LUTHER PARKER, Cabanatuan, P. L 1922. 
ANTONIO 11 PATERNO, 606 East Daniel St, Champaign, 111. 1922. 
Prof. LEWIS B. PATON, Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford, Conn. 


ROBERT LKET PATTERSON, Shields, Allegheny Co., Pa. 1920. 
Pres. CHARLES T. PAUL, College of Missions, Indianapolis, Ind. 1921. 
JAL Dastur CURSETJI PA VET, Fnrnald Hall, Columbia University, New York, 

N.Y. 1921. 
Dr. CHARLES PEABODY (Harvard Univ.), 197 Brattle St., Cambridge, Macr. 


Prof. GEOROE A. PECKHAM, Hiram College, Hiram, Ohio. 1912. 
HAROLD PEIRCE, 222 Drexcl Building, Philadelphia, Pa. 1920. 

416 List of Members 

Prof. ISMAR J. PERITZ, Syracuse University, Syracuse, X. Y. 1894, 

Dr. JOSEPH Louis PERKIER (Columbia Univ.), 352 West 115th St., New York, 

N.Y. 1920. 
Prof. MARSHALL LIVINGSTON PERRIN, Boston University, 688 Boylston St,, 

Boston, Mass. 1921. 
Prof. EDWARD DELAVAN PERRY (Columbia Univ.), 542 West 114th St., New 

York, N. Y. 1879. 

Dr. ARNOLD PESKIND, 2414 East 55th Si, Cleveland, Ohio 1920. 
Prof. WALTER PETERSEN, Westminster College, New Wilmington, Pa. 1909. 
ROBERT HENRY PFEIFFER, 39 Winthrop St., Cambridge, Mass. 1920. 
Rev. Dr. DAVID PHILIPSON, 3947 Beechwood Ave., Cincinnati, Ohio. 1889. 
Hon. WILLIAM PHILLIPS, Department of State, Washington, D. C. 1917. 
Rev. Dr. Z. T. PHILLIPS, 3723 Chestnut St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1922. 
JULIAN A. POLLAK, 927 Redway Ave., Cincinnati, Ohio. 1920. 
PAUL POPENOE, Box 13, Coachella, Cal. 1914 

Prof. WILLIAM POPPER, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. 1897. 
Rev. Dr. THOMAS J. PORTER (Presbyterian Theol. Seminary), 3 Rua Padre 

Vieira, Campinos, Sao Paulo, Brazil. 1921. 
Prof. D. V. POTDAR (New Poona College), 180 Shanvar Peth, Poona, India. 


Rev. Dr. SARTELL PRENTICE, 127 South Broadway, Nyack, N. Y. 1921. 
Prof. IRA M. PRICE, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1887. 
Prof. JOHN DYNELEY PRINCE (Columbia Univ.), American Legation, Copen- 
hagen, Denmark. 1888. 

CARL E. PRITZ, 101 Union Trust Building, Cincinnati, Ohio. 1920. 
Rev. Dr. A. H. PRUESSNER, Gang Sakotah 10, Kramat, Weltevreden, Java, 

Dutch East Indies. 1921. 
Prof. ALEXANDER C. PURDY, Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford, 

Conn. 1921. 

Prof. HERBERT R. PURINTON, Bates College, Lewiston, Maine. 1921. 
Rev. FRANCIS J. PURTELL, S.T.L., Overbrook Seminary, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Prof. CHARLES LYNN PYATT, The College of the Bible, Lexington, Ky. 1921 


Dr. G. PAYN QUACKENBOS, Northrup Ave., Tuckahoe, N. Y. 1904. 
Rev. Dr. MAX RAISIN, Barnett Memorial Temple, Paterson, N. J. 1920. 
Dr. V. V. RAMANA-SASTRIN, Vedaraniam, Tanjore District, India. 1921. 
Prof. HORACE M. RAMSEY, Seabury Divinity School, Paribault, Minn. 1920. 
MARCUS RAUH, 951 Penn Ave., Pittsburgh, Pa. 1920. 
Prof. JOHN H. RAVEN (New Brunswick Theol. Seminary), 9 Union St., 

New Brunswick, N. J. 1920. 
Prof. HARRY B. REED (Northwestern Lutheran Theol. Seminary), 1852 

Polk St., N. E., Minneapolis, Minn. 1921. 
Dr. JOSEPH REIDER, Dropsie College, Philadelphia, Pa. 1913. 
JOHN REILLY, JR., American Numismatic Society, 156th St. and Broadway, 

New York, N. Y. 1918. 
Prof. AUGUST KARL REISCHAUER, Meiji Gakuin, Shirokane Shiba, Tokyo, 

Japan. 1920. 

List of Members 417 

Prof. GEORGE ANDREW REISNEI: (Harvard Univ.), Museum of Fine Arts, 

Boston, Mass. 1891. 

Rt. Rev. PHILIP M. RHINBLANDER, 251 South 22d St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1908. 
Prof. ROBERT THOMAS RIDDLE, St. Charles Seminary, Overbrook, Pa. 1920. 
Prof. EDWARD ROBERTSON, University College of North Wales, Banger, 

Wales. 1921. 
Rev. CHARLES WELLINGTON ROBINSON, Christ Church, Bronxville, N. V. 

Prof. DAVID M. ROBINSON, The Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 

Prof. GEORGE LIVINGSTON ROBINSON (McCormick Theol. Seminary), 2312 

North Halsted St., Chicago, 111. 1892. 

Rev. Dr. THEODORE H. ROBINSON, University College, Cardiff, Wales. 1922. 
GEORGE X. ROERICH, 1678 Massachusetts Ave., Cambridge, Mass. 1922. 
Prof. JAMES HARDT ROPES (Harvard Univ.), 13 Follen St., Cambridge. 

Mass. 1893. 

HARRY L. ROSEN, 1720 N. 51st St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1919. 
Dr. WILLIAM ROSENAU, The Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 


JuLiut ROSINWALD, care of Sears, Roebuck and Co., Chicago, 111. 1920. 
SAMUEL ROTHENBERO, M.D., 22 West 7th St., Cincinnati, Ohio. 1921. 
Miss ADELAIDE RUDOLPH, Columbia University, College of Pharmacy, 115 

West 68th Si, New York, N. Y. 1894 

Dr. ELBERT RUSSELL, Woolman House, Swarthmore, Pa. 1916. 
Dr. NAJEEB M. SALEBBY, P. O. Box 226, Manila, P. I. 1922. 
Rabbi MARCUS SALZMAN, Ph.D., 94 West Ross St., Wilkes-Barre, Pa. 1920. 
Eev. FRANK K. SANDERS, Ph.D., 25 Madison Ave., New York, N. Y. 1897. 
Mrs. A. H. SAUNDERS, 652 Riverside Drive, New York, N. Y. 1915. 
Prof. HENRT SCHAEFFER (Lutheran Theol. Seminary), 1606 South llth 

Ave., Maywood, Chicago, 111. 1916. 

GOTTLIEB SCHAESZLIN, 2618 Oswego Ave., Baltimore, Md. 1921. 
Dr. ISRAEL SCHAPIRO, Library of Congress, Washington, D. C. 1914. 
Dr. OTTO SCHEERER (Univ. of the Philippines), P. 0. Box 659, Manila, P. I. 

Dr. JOHANN F. SCHELTEMA, care ofKerkhoven and Co., 115 Heerengracht, 

Amsterdam, Netherlands. 1906. 

JOHN F. Sen LIGHTING, 1430 Woodhaven Boulevard, Woodhaven, N. Y. 1920. 
Prof. NATHANIBL SCHMIDT, Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y. 1894. 
ADOLPH SCHOBNFELD, 321 East 84th St., New York, N. Y. 1991. 
WILFRED H. SCHOFT, The Commercial Museum, Philadelphia, Pa. 1912. 
WILLIAM BACON SCOFIELD, Worcester Club, Worcester, Mass. 1919. 
Prof. GILBERT CAMPBELL SCOOOIN, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. 


AXDER SCOTT, 222 Central Park South, New York, N. Y. 1982. 
Prof. JOHN A. SCOTT, Northwestern University, Evanston, 111. 1990. 
*Mrs. SAMUEL BRYAN SCOTT (n& Morris), 2106 Spruce St., Philadelphia, 

Pa. 1903. 
Prof. HELEN M. SEARLES, Mt Holyoke College, South Hadley, Mass. 1921. 

418 List of Members 

Dr. MOSES SEIDIL (Rabbi Isaac Elchanan Theol. Seminary), 9 11 Mont- 
gomery St., New York, N. Y. 1917. 

H. A. SEINSHEIMER, Fourth and Pike Sts., Cincinnati, Ohio. 1921. 
Rev. Dr. WILLIAM G. SEIPLE, Tsuchidoi, Sendai, Miyagi Ken, Japan. 1902. 
SAMUEL SELIGMAN, 2739 Augusta St., Chicago, 111. 1922. 
Dr. OVID R. SELLERS (McCormick Theol. Seminary), 10 Chalmers Place, 

Chicago, 111. 1917. 

MAX SENIOR, 21 Mitchell Building, Cincinnati, Ohio. 1920. 
VICTOR SHARENKOFF, 241 Princeton Ave., Jersey City, N. J. 1922. 
G. HOWLAND SHAW, Department of State, Washington, D. C. 1921. 
Rev. Dr. WILLIAM G. SHELLABEAR, 43 Madison Ave., Madison, N. J. 1919. 
Prof. WILLIAM A. SHELTON, Emory University, Atlanta, Ga. 1921. 
Prof. CHARLES N. SHEPARD (General Theol. Seminary), 9 Chelsea Square, 

New York, N. Y. 1907. 
ANDREW R. SHERIFF, The Chicago Club, 404 South Michigan Ave., Chicago, 

111. 1921. 

CHARLES C. SHERMAN, 447 Webster Ave,, New Rochelle, N. Y. 1904. 
GYOKSHU SHIBATA, 330 East 57th St., New York, N. Y. 1920. 
Rev. JOHN KNIGHT SHRYOCK, Anking, China. 1922. 
DON CAMERON SHUMAKER, 347 Madison Ave., Room 1007, New York, N. Y. 

Rabbi ABBA HILLEL SILVER, The Temple, East 55th St. and Central Ave., 

Cleveland, Ohio. 1920. 

Rev. HIRAM HILL SIPES, Bhimavaram, Kistna District, India. 1920. 
JACK H. SKIRBALL, Hebrew Union College, Cincinnati, Ohio. 1920. 
Prof. S. B. SLACK, Arts Building, McGill University, Montreal, P. Q., 

Canada. 1921. 

*JOHN R. SLATTERY, 14 rue Montaigne, Paris, France. 1903. 
Rev. H. FRAMER SMITH, 324 West Duval St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1922. 
Prof. HENRY PRESERVED SMITH, Union Theological Seminary, Broadway 

and 120th St., New York, N. Y. 1877. 

Prof. J. M. Powis SMITH, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1906. 
Dr. LOUISE P. SMITH, Wellesley College, Wellesley, Mass. 1918. 
Rev. WILBUR MOOREHEAD SMITH, Ocean City, Md. 1921. 
Rev. JOSEPH EDWARD SNYDER, Box 796, Fargo, N. Dak. 1916. 
Rev. Dr. ELIAS L. SOLOMON, 1326 Madison Ave., New York, N. Y. 1921. 
Dr. DAVID B. SPOONER, Assistant Director General of Archaeology in India, 

"Benmore," Simla, Panjab, India. 1918. 

Prof. MARTIN SPRENGLING, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1912. 
JOHN FRANKLIN SPRINGER, 618 West 136th St., New York, N. Y. 1921. 
J. W. STANLEY, 19 South LaSalle St., Suite 1500, Chicago, 111. 1922. 
Dr. W. STEDE, Osterdeich 195, Bremen, Germany. 1920. 
Rev. Dr. JAMES D. STEELE, 232 Mountain Way, Rutherford, N. J. 1892. 
HERMAN STEINBERG, 103 Park Ave., New York, N. Y. 1921. 
MAX STEINBERG, 103 Park Ave., New York, N. Y. 1921. 
Rev. Dr. THOMAS STENHOUSE, Mickley Vicarage, Stocksfield-on-Tyne, 
England. 1921. 

List of Members 419 

M. T. STERELNY, P. 0. Box 7, Vladivostok, East Siberia. 1919. 
HORACE STERN, 1524 North 16th St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1921. 

W. YORK* STEVENSON, 251 South 18th St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1919. 
Her. Dr. ARSON PHELPS STOKES, West Stockbridge, Mass. 1900. 
Rev. Dr. JOSEPH STOLZ, 4714 Grand Boulevard, Chicago, 111. 1917. 
Prof. FREDERICK ANNES STUFF (Univ. of Nebraska), Station A 1263, Lincoln, 

Neb. 1921. 
Dr. VISHNU S. SUKTHANKAR, 22 Carnac Road, Kalbadevi P. 0., Bombay, 

India. 1921. 

Hon. MATER SULZBEROER, 1303 Girard Ave., Philadelphia, Pa. 1888. 
A. J. SUNSTEIN, Farmers Bank Building, Pittsburgh, Pa. 1920. 
Prof. LEO SUPPAN <St Louis College of Pharmacy), 2109a Russell Ave., 

St. Louis, Mo. 1920. 

Prof. GEORGE SVERDRUP, JR., Augsburg Seminary, Minneapolis, Minn. 1907. 
Prof. YUNG-TUNG TAXG, Southeastern University, Nanking, China. 1922. 
Prof. FREDERICK J. TEOOART, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. 1919. 
EBEN FRANCIS THOMPSON, 311 Main St, Worcester, Mass. 1906. 
Rev. WILLIAM GORDON THOMPSON, 126 Manhattan Ave., New York, N. Y. 

Prof. HBN-BY A. TODD (Columbia Univ.), 824 West End Ave., New York, 

N. Y. 1885. 
Baron Dr. GTOTU TOKIWAI (Imperial Univ. of Kyoto), Isshinden, Province 

of Ise, Japan. 1921. 
Dean HERBERT GUSHING TOLMAN, Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tenn. 


*Prof. CHARLES C. TORRBT, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. 1891. 
I. NEWTON TRACER, 944 Marion Ave., Avondale, Cincinnati, Ohio. 1920. 
Rev. ARCHIBALD TBEMAYNE, 4138 Brooklyn Ave., Seattle, Wash. 1918. 
Pandit RAM PRASAD TRIPATHI, M.A., University of Allahabad, Allahabad, 

India. 1921. 
Prof. HAROLD EL TBTON, Union Theological Seminary, 3041 Broadway, 

New York, N. Y. 1921. 
Rabbi JACOB TURNER, 4167 Ogden Ave., Hawthorne Station, Chicago, 111., 


Rev. DUDLEY TYNO, 721 Douglas Ave., Providence, R. I. 1922. 
*Rev. Dr. LEMON LEAHDER UHL, College Bungalow, Arundelpet, Guntur, 

Madras Presidency, India. 1991. 

Rev. SYDWY N. USSHEB, 44 East 76th St., New York, N. Y. 1909. 

Washington Square, New York, N. Y. 1906. 
Rev. JOHN VAN Ess, Basra, Mesopotamia. 1921. 

fADDisoN VAN NAME (Yale Univ.), 121 High St., New Haven, Conn. 1868. 
Rev. M. VANOVERBEROH, Bangar Catholic School, Bangar La Union, P. L 

Mrs. JOHN KINO VAN RENSSELAEB, 167 East 87th St., New York, N. Y. 

Prof. ARTHUR A. VASCHALDE, Catholic University of America, Washington, 

D. C. 1916. 

420 List of Members 

Prof. J. Ph. VOGEL (Univ. of Leiden), Noordeindsplein 4a, Leiden, Nether- 
lands. 1921. 

LUDWIG VOGELSTEIN, 61 Broadway, New York, N. Y. 1920. 
Prof. JACOB WACKERNAGEL (Univ. of Basle), Gartenstr. 93, Basle, Switzer- 
land. 1921. 

*FELIX M. WARBURG, 52 William St., New York, N. Y. 1921. 
Prof. WILLIAM F. WARREN (Boston Univ.), 131 Davis Ave., Brookline, Mass. 


Prof. LEROY WATERMAN, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. 1912. 
Rev. JAMES WATT, Graduate College, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 

JAMES B. WEAVER, 412 Iowa National Bank Building, Des Moines, Iowa. 

*Prof. HUTTON WEBSTER (Univ. of Nebraska), Station A, Lincoln, Neb. 


Miss ISABEL C. WELLS, 1609 Connecticut Ave., Washington, D. C. 1921. 
Rev. 0. V. WERNER, Jeypore, Vizagapatam District, India. 1921. 
Prof. J. E. WERREN, 1667 Cambridge St., Cambridge, Mass. 1894. 
ARTHUR J. WESTERMAYR, 1216 John St., New York, N. Y. 1912. 
MORRIS F. WESTHEIMER, Traction Building, Cincinnati, Ohio. 1920. 
Rev. MILTON C. J. WESTPHAL, Union Baptist Church, 19th and Carson Sts., 

Pittsburgh, Pa. 1920. 

RICHARD B. WETHERILL, M.D., 525 Columbia St., Lafayette, Ind. 1921. 
Pres. BENJAMIN IDE WHEELER, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. 1885. 
fFBEDERiCK B. WHEELER, R. F. D. No. 1, Seymour, Conn. 1921. 
JOHN G. WHITS, Williamson Building, Cleveland, Ohio. 1912. 
Pres. WILBERT W. WHITE, D.D., Bible Teachers Training School, 541 

Lexington Ave., New York, N. Y. 1921. 

Miss ETHEL E. WHITNEY, Hotel Hemenway, Boston, Mass. 1921. 
*Miss MARGARET D WIGHT WHITNEY, 227 Church St., New Haven, Conn. 1908. 
Miss CAROLYN M. WICKER, 520 West 114th St, New York, N. Y. 1921. 
PETER WIERNIK, 220 Henry St., New York, N. Y. 1920. 
HERMAN WILE, Ellicott and Carroll Sts., Buffalo, N. Y. 1920. 
Prof. HERBERT L. WILLETT (Univ. of Chicago), 6119 Woodlawn Ave., 

Chicago, 111. 1917. 
Mrs. CAROLINE RANSOM WILLIAMS, The Chesbrough Dwellings, Toledo, 

Ohio. 1912. 
Prof. CLARENCE RUSSELL WILLIAMS, 418 Magnolia St., New Brunswick, 

N.J. 1920. 
Hon. E. T. WILLIAMS (Univ. of California), 1410 Scenic Ave., Berkeley, 

Cal. 1901. 
Prof. FREDERICK WELLS WILLIAMS (Yale Univ.), 165 Whitney Ave., New 

Haven, Conn. 1895. 
Mrs. FREDERICK WELLS WILLIAMS, 155 Whitney Ave., New Haven, Conn. 


Prof. TALCOTT WILLIAMS, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 1884. 
Prof. CURT PAUL WIMMER, Columbia University, College of Pharmacy, 

115 West 68th St., New York, N. Y. 1920. 

List of Members 

Major HERBERT E. WINLOCK, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 

N.Y. 1919. 

Rev. Dr. WILLIAM COPLEY WDJSLOW, 525 Beacon St, Boston, Mass. 1885. 
Rabbi JONAH B. WISE, 715 Chamber of Commerce, Portland, Ore. 1921. 
RCT. Dr. STEPHEN S. WISE, 23 West 90th St., New York, N. Y. 1894. 
Prof. JOHN E. WISHART (Xenia Theol. Seminary), 6834 Washington Ave., 

St. Louis, Mo. 1911. 

Rev. ADOLF Louis WIBMAR, 419 West 145th St., New York, N. Y. 1922. 
HENRY B. WITTON, 290 Hess St., South, Hamilton, Ont., Canada. 1885. 
Dr. UNRAI WOOIHARA, 20 Tajimacho, Asakusa, Tokyo, Japan. 1921. 
Prof. Louis B. WOLFENSON (Hebrew Union College), C 18 Landon Ct, 

Burnet Ave., Cincinnati, Ohio. 1904. 
1'rof. HARRY A. WOLFSON (Harvard Univ.), 35 Divinity Hall, Cambridge, 

Mass. 1917. 

Rabbi Louis WOLSEY, 8206 Euclid Ave., Cleveland, Ohio. 1922. 
HOWLAHD WOOD, Curator, American Numismatic Society, 156th St. and 

Broadway, New York, N. Y. 1919. 

Prof. IRVING F. WOOD, Smith College, Northampton, Mass. 1905. 
Prof. WILLIAM H. WOOD (Dartmouth College), 23 North Main St., Hanover, 

N.H. 1917. 
Prof. JAMBS H. WOODS (Harvard Univ.), 16 Prescott Hall, Cambridge, Mass. 


Prof. ALFRED COOPER WOOLNER, M. A., University of the Panjab, 11 Race- 
coarse Road, Lahore, India. 1921. 
Prof. JESSE ERWIN WRENCH (Univ. of Missouri), 1104 Hudson Ave. r 

Columbia, Mo. 1917. 

Rev. HORACE K. WRIGHT, Vengurla, Bombay Presidency, India. 1921. 
JOHJI MAX WULKING, 3448 Longfellow Boulevard, St. Louis, Mo. 1921. 
Miss ELEANOR F. F. YEAWORTH, 6237 Bellona Ave., Baltimore, Md. 1921. 
Rev. Dr. ROYDEN KBITH YBRKES (Philadelphia Divinity School), Box 247, 

Merion, Pa. 1916. 

Rev. S. C. YLVISAKBR, PLD., 1317 Dayton Ave., St. Paul, Minn. 1913. 
Rev. ABRAHAM YOHANNAN, Ph.D., Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 


Prof. HARRY CLINTON YORK, Hood College, Frederick, Md. 1922. 
LOUIH GAIIRIBL ZELSON, 427 Titan St, Philadelphia, Pa. 1920. 
Rev. ROBERT ZIMMERMAN, S. J., St Xavier's College, Cruickshank Road t 

Bombay, India. 1911. 
JOSEPH SOLOMON ZUCKERBAI M (Mizrachi Teachers' Institute), 2 West lllth 

St, New York, N. Y. 1920. 
Rev. Dr. SAMUEL M. ZWBMER, care of Nile Mission Press, Cairo, Egypt 

1920. (Total: 577)