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Full text of "The journal of the Bihar research society"

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO 
LIBRARY 



WILLIAM H. DONNER 
COLLECTION 

purchased from 
a gift hy 

THE DONNER CANADIAN 
FOUNDATION 



^Llt- 



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tABTl— )/ 



THE JOURNAL 

OF THX 

BIHAR AND ORISSA 

Research society. 













Wfjl: 






- 0;0 Ml- 



1919. 



PATNA 

PnbUshed by tba"BIliar and OrlsM BMaareh 8o«l««7. 

by til* 8ap«rJBUad«at, Gorenuaent Piiattac Bthar'^aBd OrlsMu 






JOURNAL 

OF THE 

BIHAR AND ORISSA RBSUARCH SOCIETY, 

June I9i9« 



CONTENTS. 



Leading Articlet. 

Pial 

I. Literary History of the PaUi Period, ly Idahamaho' 171—183 
fadhyaya 77 araprasad Shastri, Id. A., CLE. 
n. Studies in the Kamnstltra of VatsySyana, ly R. C. 184—209 
CJiakladar, M.A. 

III. A note on the statues of Saisunfika Empeiora in the 210—215 

Calcutta Museum, hy B. D. Bauer ji, HI. A. 

IV. Marathi Copper- plate of Puri, by K, N. Diksi.it, M.A. 216—217 

Y. Translation of Maharaja Kalyan Sinsh's Khulasat-ut- 218 — "PSiJ 
Tawarikh. by X/ian Bahadur Sarfraz Husain 
Khan. 
VI. A, General Account of the Pabria or Hill BhQiySs of 236—249 
Bonai, 7ty Hai BaJiadur Saraf C7iandra Soy, 
M.A. 
VII. Ho Pviddles, by Girindra Xat/t Sartar, B A. ... 25()— 258 

VIII. The Mango tree in the Marriage Ritual of the Aborigines 259 — 271- 
of Chota Nagpur aad Santalia, by Sarat Ckandra 
Mitra, M.A., B.L. 

IX. Is Mahli a Real Caste-name, by Rat SaJtib Ckuni Lai 272—282 
Bai/, B.A. 

Miscellaneous Contributions. 

I. Ruins at Oholamara, by Anantaprashad Sastri, M.A..,. 283- -287 

II. Identification of Three Monuments at Samath, by Brin- 288—294 
davun C. Bltattacharya, if. A. 
III. Raja Indiadyumna, by J. iV. Samaddar, B.A. ... 295—297 

IV. Copper-plates in Bhnvanesvara Temples, by R. P. 298—299 
Jayasual. 
V. Kalijai, the goddess of the Chilka Lake, hy Bai Bahadur 3tX)— 301 
Montnohan Roy. 

VI. A seal of King Bhaskaiavarman Of Pragjyotisa fonnd at 302 — 306 
Xalanda, by R. D. Banerji, M.A. 

VII. Ferry Tolls in an Orisaan Copper-plate ... ... 307 



JOURNAL 

or THE 

BIHAR AND OR^gSA RESBAJ^CH SOCIETY. 

Si^pt^mber 1919. 



CONTENTS. 



Leading Article t. 

Fxai 

I. Contributions of Bengal t« Hindu Civilization, by Maha- 307—324 
mahopadhyaya Haraprasad Shastri, M.A.^CLJE. 

II. The &tory of a Cotton Printed Fabric from Grissa [tcith 325—330 
plates'^, by O. C. Garxjoly. 

III. Rajgir Jain Inscription, by P. C. Nahar, M.A., B.L.... 331—343 

IV. Maharaja Kalyan ■'ingh's Khulasat-ut-Tawarikh, by 344: — 363 

Khan Bahadur Sarfaraz Husain Khan, 

V. The Social Organization of the Pabri Bluiyas [with 364 — 381 

plate\ hy Rat Bahadur S. C, Soy, M.A. 

TI. Weaver Castes and Sub-Caites in Runchi, by Bai Sahib 382-401 
a L. Boy, B.A. 

Miscellaneout Contributions. 

VII. S^aisunaka Statues, by B. C. Bhattacharya, M.A. ... 402 — 404 

"VIII. A Note on an Inscribed Cannon in the Patna Museum, 405—406 
by J. N, Samaddar, B.A. 

IX. The Agharias of Sambalpur, by M. N. Sen, B.A. ... 407—410 

X. Obituary Notice: Db. Andrew Campbell, D.D. ... 411—412 

XI. Proceedings of the Council Meeting of the 8th August 413—415 
1919. 

XII. Proceedings of a General Meeting of the 8th August 416 — 421 
1919. 

XIII. List of Books ... ... ... ... 422—449 



JOURNAL 

OP THE 
BIHAR AND ORISSA RESEARCH SOCIETY. 

December 1919 



CONTENTS. 



Jjeading Articles. 



Page 



I. Secret Messages and Symbols used in India, bv 451 — 462 
W. Croohe, CLE., Hon. D. Sc, Oxon. 

II. An Examination of Fifty-eight Silver Punched Marked 463—494 
Coins found at Gorho Ghat {with plates), by 
E. H. C. Walsh. 

III. Contributions of Bengal to Hindu Civilization, by 495—510 

Mahamahojaadki/aya Haraprasad Shastn, M.A., 
CIJE. 

IV. Chastana'fl Statue and Date of Kaniskha. ... 511 

Y, Saisunaka Statues : I to IV . {with plates), by (1) Dr. 512—549 
V. A. Smith, (2) Dr. Barnett, (3; Mr. Jayaswal, 
(4) Mr. Arun Sen. 

VI. Another Saisunaka Statue {circa 516 B.C.), by K. P. 550—551 

Jaya&Vial. 

VII. Sisunaga Statues, by Mahamahopadhyaya Mara- 552—563 
prasad Shasiri, M.A., CLE. 

VIU. A Copper-plate Grant of Dandi Mahadevi {with plate) 664 — 581 
by the Late S. Fanday, Ji.A, 



11 

Pasb 

IX. The Panchobh Copper-plate of Samgramaguptaj hy 582 — 596 
J. N. SiJcdar, M.A.., and Amareswar Thakur, 
M,A. 

X. Travels in Bihar, 1608 A.D. hy Jadunath Sarkar, 697—603 
M.A. 

XI. Translation of Maharajah Kalyan Singh's Khulasat- 604 — 617 
ut-Tawarikh, by Khan Bahadur Sarfaraz 
Mussain Khan. 

XII. Birth, Childhood and Puberty and Death Customs of 618—629 
the Pabri Bhuiyas, {with plates) hy Rat Bahadur 
Sarat Chandra Soy, M.A. 

XIII. Use of Charms in Ancient Indian Literature, hy 630—640 
J. N. Samaddar, B.A. 

Miscellaneous Contributions. 

I. The Gupta Pillar at Bihar, by J, N. Samaddar, 641—642 
B.A, 



Reviews. 

I. '• The Beginnings of South Indian History." ... 643—645 

II. Mr. Panna Lai on Mr. Bhandarkar's Lectures. 646 

Obituaiy: Habanandan Panday ... ... 647—648 

Meetings, 

I. Lecture by Professor Foucher ••• ... 649 



1 - .: - 

List of Officers and Members of Council 

OF THI 

BIHAR AND ORISSA RESEARCH SOOBTY 
For the year 1919. 



Patron 
His Honour Sir Edward Albert Gait, E.C*8.I.,C.I.B^ I.C^ 

Vice- Patrons, 
The Hon'ble Sir Edward Vere Leringe, K.C.I.E^ C.SJ, I.C.8. 
The HoD'ble Sir William Henrj Hoare Vincent, Kt^ LC.S. 

The Hon'ble Maharaja Bahadar Sir Rametwsr Singh, G.C.LSnOf 
Darbbanga. 

The Hon'ble Maharaja Bahadur Sir Haraneswar Prasad Singh, K.C.I.K^ 
of Gidbaur. 

Maharaja Sir fiir Mitrodaya Singh Deo, K.O.I.E^ of Sonepar State. 

The Hon'ble Sir Thomas Fredrick Dawson Miller, Kt« K.C. 

Raja Kamaleswari Prasad Singb. 

Prenieid, 

His Honour Sir Edward Albeit Gait, K,C.S.I^ CLE, I.C.S. ' 
Viee-PrettiUut. 

The Hon'ble ICr. H. MoPherson , cs.i^ w.». 
Oenrral Secretary, 
K. P. Jajaswal, Esq., M.A., Bar.-at*Law. 

Joint Secretary. 

Dr. Hari Cband Shastri, D. Lict. 

2Wa*i»rer 

Professor Jogindra Natb Samaddar, B.A. 

Departmental Secretariet. 
Secretaries for History Section— K. P. Jayaswal, Esq., M.A.(Oxoii.> 

Bavat Law, and Professor J. N. Samaddar, B.A. 
Secretary for Archseology and Numismatics— K. N. Diksbit, Esq., M. A 

Secretary for Anthropology and Folk-lore -Rai Lahadur Sarat Chandra 

Roy,M.A.,BL. 
SecieUriee for Philology— Mahamabopadhyaya Paniit Hara 

Prasad Shastri, MA., O.I.E., and Nawab Shams-ul-'CJlima 

Sai^id Imdad Imam« 

•\ ; ;, <^9ntinu«donjpag$$ofet§r») 



i^.*i"i.S/<> V» 



JOURNAL 

OF TH» 

BIHAR AND ORISSA 
RESEARCH SOCIETY. 

c . ' ' s 

VOL. VJ CPABT I. 



Annual Address. '- 

By Bis Bononr Sir E. A. Gait, K.OJB,!*, C.I.II* President of 

tlieScMdety. ^, ,^ ^ 

It is a great pleasure to meet yoa agtun at the end of the ' 

_^ ^ fourth year of our Society's existence and to 

Progress of \ i^i * 

tbe Society. * *** congratulate you once more on 

its continued progress and prosperity and on 
the tangible results which have been achieved in yarious 
directions. The number of members of all kinds is now only ' 
257 against 367 a year ago, but the falling ofE is nominal lather 
than real. It is due to the removal from the roll of a number 
of members who, though they had joined the Society and received 
the Journal regularly, never paid their subscriptions and were 
therefore a source of loss to us rather than gain. On the other 
hand 28 new members have joined the society. Our library now 
containa nearly 1,400 volumes. It has been enriched during the 
year by the purchase inter alia of 200 volumes of well-known 
editions of Sanskrit texts. 



g AJfNUAL ADDBfc88. tJJ>.OJti>* 

The Journal has contiuued to appear with fair regularity. It 
lias maiutaincd the repulatiou which it had 
The Society's already fcalntd, and 1 have more than once 
received gratifying letters from England telUng 
me of the interest which some of the pa^iers pubhshed in it have 
aroui^ed amougst Euiopean savants. This Is specially the case in 
r^ard to several papers by our talented Honorary Secretary, 
Mr. K. P. Jayaswal, who is rapidly making a name for himself 
as an investigator and epigraphist. 

The March number of the Journal contains a paper by 
Historv and ^"^ ^^ ^^^ chronology of the Bfihadratha 
Geography. dynasty of Magadlia. From a close exami- 

nation of the Matt^ya, Vayn and other Vuranas, 
Mr. Jayaswal coucloues that there were fifteen kings of this line ' 
before the MahabLarata ( in which grtat war Sahadeva of that 
line fought and fell) and twenty -sjven after, tha v^'hole dynasty 
reigning for one thousand years and the last tw^euty-Ecvun for 
seven hundred ( or more accurately 697 ) years until 727 B.C., 
when Uiey were succeeded by the Saisimaka dynasty. ( 

Under the heading " Kevised Note3 on the Brahman Empire" 
Mr. Jayaswal deals with various questions concerning the Sunga 
dynasty, which Pushya-Mitra founded about 1S7 B.C. after 
another Bfihadratlxa, the last of the Mauryas, whose gmeral he 
was, had been assassinated in tho sight of the whole army. Mr. 
Jayaswal supports, and gives evidence to confirm, Mahamaho- 
padhyaya Uara Prashad Shastri's view that the S>ungas were 
Brahmans. He thinks that the revolution was the result of 
a Hindu reaction against Buddhism and of dissatisfaction 
with Brihadratha's inaction in the face of Menander's GiiBco- 
Bactrian invasion. The rise to p>wer of the S^unga dynasty was 
followed by a general persecution of the Buddhists and the revival 
of orthodox Hinduism. It was a period of great literary 
activity, and to it. is to be ascribed the compilation of the 
Mahabhashya and the Manava-Dharma-^astraaud the Bruhmani- 
cal redactions of the great epics of the Mahabhirata and the 
Eamayai^a. The 0Yer\s'eening claims pat forward in these worki 



>0L. Vm PT. L] 'AMNVAL ADDIUES3. ^ 

on behalf of the Brahmins^ and the ho-tility therein displayed to 
the Sudras, are explained by the fact that a I'rahman dynasty 
was in power and that it had displaced a line of ^udra kings. 

Mr. Panita Lall has discussed the chronology of the Gupta 
Emperors on the b^sis of the dates assigned to two of them in 
two inscriptions on images of Buddha discovered recently ai 
Sarnath near Benures in the coarse of excavations made by the 
Arohseological Survey of India- He comments on the paucity 
of coins of Buddha Gupta, who is now known to have ruled ovclr 
the whijie country from Malwa to Bengal from 477 to 49i> A.D. 
and urges that the members of our Society should make 
a systematic search in the bazars for such coins. 

Mr. Jadunath Sarkar who, in the fir^-t volume of our Journ»1| 
gave an account of Mir Jumla's invasion of Assam based on thai 
contained in the Fathit/ya-i-ibriyya of Shihabuddin Talishj has 
contributed some notes on the Topography of Garhgaon 
which was then the Assam CapilaL These notes should be very 
useful to local antiquarians. The same gentleman has compiled 
from the old factory records and original correspondence preserved 
in the Inlia OfEce a narrative of the relations between Sivaji, 
aud the English of the Kajapur factory in the Katnagiri 
district of Bombay during th3 period from 1659 to Sivaji'i 
death in 16S0. The Bajspur factory was closed about two 
years lat«r. 

Mihamahopadhyaya Pandit Hara Prashad Shastri, on whose 
election as President of the Asiatic Society of Bengal I take 
this opportunity to ofEer him publicly, as I have already 
done privatvly, my most hearty congratulations, has continued 
to send valuable coutribulions to our JournaL The March 
number contains an instructive paper by him on Gazetteer 
Literature in Sanskrit. He reviews the information of this 
nature contained in (I) the Brahmakhan^a of the Bhavi^ya 
Purana ; ("2) Vidyap;iti's account written in the fifteenth century 
of the countries visited by Balarama, Sri Krisna's elder brother, 
in the course of his expiatory tour; (3) and (4) the Vikra' 
taatdga'^aj by some member of the Vaijala family, and the Pdi/fa^d 



^ JUnnU&lODBBM} C'AOXIi 

di§9%jaya bj Eamakayi, both more than three centories old, 
and finaUj (5) the DeiivalivivfiUt written by a learned 
BrShman named Jagamohan, whose patron Deva Vijala, 
a Chaohan Ja^irdar of four parganas round Patna^ died in the 
year 1650 A.D. The last mentioned, which is by far the least 
incomplete^ purports to giye an account of the iifty-six toontries 
(almost all in India) which comprised the world as- then known 
to the Uindns. Unfortunately no complete copy of the manu> 
script has yet been found. 

The same learned Pandit contribnted to the Jane number 

papers on three more Ortssa copper-plates. The 

first, of unknown provenance, is now in the 
possession of the Yuvaraja of Tekkali. It dates probably front 
the eleventh century but the record is incomplete, as at least two 
plates are missing. The name of the donor is on a missing 
plate, but he seems to have been a member of the oailodbhava 
iamWj of Kongada in Kalinga. The princes of this family 
were not always independent rulers ; and in the seventh 
century they owed allegiance to Susanka, king of West Beng^ 

The second plate is a grant of Banastambhadeva of the Sulki 
family, whose land grants are already well known, no less than 
five hainng been published by the Pandit in the thinl volume 
of our JonmaL The present inscription does not add materially 
to our knowledge of the dynasty, which ruled about the tenth 
century, but an interesting questkm is suggested by the fact 
that the land granted was in the village of Jara in the Radha 
country. There is a village of this name in the Hooghly dis- 
trict on the border of Midnapore. The latter district contains 
an influential agricultural community kiown as Sukli, who 
trace their origin to a place called Kodalaka. and the quefitico 
is whether there is any connection between these names and the 
Snlki kings whose capital was at Kodilaka. 

The third plate bears record of a grant by Ranabhanja-deva, 
of the line of Virabhadra, who is said to have been hatched out 
from the egg of a peahen^ and whose dynasty ruled the country 
now forming the Mayurbhanj Stat^. The plate was found by 
some cowherds in the Bamanghati subdivision of that State. 



TOIi. T^ FT. X.] AHSUAL ASDBI88. | 

Several similar plates are already known, and tlie present <m6 
does not add much to our prerions knowledge. It has howeVer 
enabled several misreadings in other plates to be corrected* 

An account of the Janibigha inscription is contributed by 
Mr. Pandaj to the September number. The stone containing 
this inscription was found in the village of Janibigh&, six miles 
east of Bodh Gaya^ and has been presented to the Patnk 
Museum by the Mahant of that place. It records the grant of 
a village to a Singhalese monk for the maintenance of a monas* 
tery by king Jaya Sena, ruler of I'ithi (Magadha) and son of 
Buddha Sena, in the 83rd (expired) year of the reign of Lakdi- 
ma:^a Sena. In a separate note Mr. Jayaswal argues that, at 
the date given in this inscription is expressly stated to refer to 
the reign of Lakshmana Sena, there is no possibility of the era 
known after him having started with the reign of some prede- 
cessor ; and the ruler of the came name who fled from Navadip- 
must, therefore, have been a descendant (probably grandson) of 
the original Lakshmana. The expression used in connection 
with this date is identical with that in two inscriptions ((I and 
III) discussed m the J. A. S. B. for 1913, page 271, by 
Mr. B. D. Banarji, who, taking the word aiita to refer to rdfft, 
regards it as showing that Lakshmana Sena's reign had ceased 
before the inscription was made. Muhammad, son of Bakfatjar, 
conquered the town of Bihar in 1199 A.D.,but as the date on the 
Janibigha inscription corresponds to 1202 A.D., it is clear that 
the country a few miles to the south remained for some time 
longer under the rule of a r<}ion of the Sena family. The grant 
was no doubt made through a regular ^atana or copper-plate 
charter, and the inscription on the stone was merely intended as 
a local notification of the fact. The representation of a donkey 
and a sow below the inscription, as indicating that anyone 
violating the grant will be reborn of saoh an unnatural and 
discreditable parentage, is, I beliove, the first instance that haa 
come to notice in Bihar of a form of imprecation which is already 
known to be fairly common in Orissa and the adjaoent part <^ 
Chota Nagpox, 



^ . AHWAL ADDKXM. C'BAlJ/ 

Mr. Panday ba« also published a revised translation of 
the infcription'on a stone recently brought to the Palna Museum 
from the scnlplnre shed at Bodh Gaya. The palceographical 
CYidence indicates that this inscription was incised in the 
fifth cenfnry A.D. It records that certain arrangements for 
worship were made by the monk Prakhyata Kir(ti, who 
belonged to the royal family of Ceylon, in the hope of jtherehy 
acquiring merit and eventually aduining Buddhahood. 

Mr. Jayaswal, whose important fafcrs on the Hfithigumphi 
inFcription of the emperor Kharavela in the Journal for 1917 
have attracted widespread interest, has published in the Decem- 
ber if sue of the currtnt year a fre?h recension of certain passages 
based on a close personal examination of the rock itself in the 
varying conditions of light and shade at different hours of the 
day. He has thus inter alia fixed more definitely the site of the 
capital of the Musliikas, ascertained the name of Kharavela's 
queen, found that Kharji vela's army crossed the Ganges on 
elephant?, and proved that the Jains already had images as far 
back as 460 B.C. Finally he has shown the well-known Bani- 
gumpha, or rock-cut palace, a short distani^e from the site of the 
inscription was constructed by Kharavela as a temporary 
habitation for his queer. 

Mr. Jayaswal has also two papers on certain expressions used 
in the Asoka inscriptions. He shows, for instance, that "anusaip- 
yana'* means ** going out of oflSce " and not, as previously 
rendered. " assembly " or *' tour of inspection *\ 

Mr. C. TV. Anderson, who in 1917 contributed a valuable 
Prehistoric paper on the stone implements found in the 
Antiqnities. Singhbhum district, has given us an account 
of some prehistoric rock paintings discovered by him in and near 
two caves, not far from the small village of Singanpur in the 
Raigarh State. All the paintings but one ( in black ) are in 
a red colour, the pigment used being the red oxide of iron which 
xxxMn in v< ins throughout the rock. The drawings include 
"human being?, a stag and other animals, several hunting scene?, 
^and, among tl.e more ambiguous symbol?, some marks which are 



fQU T.. Pt. 14 



AXlTtfAL ADDBtM. f 



possibly a primitive script. They bave tbeir counterpart !n ih$ 
wall paintings of Ibe prebistoric troglodytes of France and other 
European countries. The author has, however, failed to find in 
the caves any direct evidence of human habitalion, with the 
single exci'ption of an agate flake, which Dr. Hayden thinks 
was undoubtedly chipped artificially. 

Tho year has not bei n very productive in the discovery of 
stone and copper impleraeitts, but there is one find which drservei 
hpecial notice. When the large copper axeheads, figured opposite 
page 3S6 <f our Journal for 1 916, were found in Mnyurbhanj, 
Home of the people on the spot suggested that <hey xirere in- 
tended for the record of land grants. As no instances of their 
use for this purpose were then known, this explanation was 
rejected in favour of the view that they were weapc ns intended 
for ceremonial use. I was recently, however, shown by Maulavi 
AbdusSamad of the Provincial Executive Service a piece of 
copper, t^hapcd like an axcbi ad, on which is inscribed the record • 
of a grant of land made to one of his ancestors by Raja Piirush- 
dttama Dcva who ruled in Orissa towards the end of the 
fifteenth century. The plate in question is figured opposite page 
361 of the December issue of our Journal. The records of 
ancient land grants are ordinarily inscribed on rectangular 
plates, and the question arises whether the use of a different 
shape for the purpose of this grant is due to the chance discovery 
and util'z^tion of an old casting, or to the fact that copper axe- 
heidfi continued to be manufactured for this purjiose after their use 
as implements had ceased owing (o the discovery of iron. Per- 
6 n;illy I incline to the latter view, as similar instances of the 
survival for ceremonial or superstitious use of superseded imple* 
meuts or materials are by no means rare. For instance, in the 
Darjeeliug district stone celts > re still fabricated as part of the 
stock-in-trade of the local medicine men. 

Some months ago 263 copper coins were discovered in the 

jiroperty of the Cape Copj)er Co. at Rakha in 
SSf^^™* Dhalbhum. These coins have been examined by 

the Hou'ble Mr. Walsh, who has written a paper 
regarding them which will appear in the next number. The coine 



in question were found close to old copper workings and 
slag heaps, and their edges had not been trimmed. These 
facts suggest that thej must have been made at a mint in the 
immediate neighbourhood. These coins, like those found in 
the Puri district a quarter of a century ago, are imitations of 
the coins of the Knshan king Kanishka, and thej were there- 
fore designated Puri Knshan coins in his account of the Pun 
find bv the late Dr. Hoernle whose recent death is so deeply 
reg^tted, not only by his friends, but by all who are interested in 
Indian archaeology. They bear on the obverse a standing figure 
of the king, with his right hand extended over a fire altar ; 
and on the reverse a figure of the moon god. From the 
character of the letters in the word Tanka, which occurs on 
one (only) of these coins, Mr. Walsh concludes that they cannot 
be earlier than the seventh century A.D. As there would be 
no object in imitating an obsolete coinage, this conclusion 
is interesting as, if correct, it shows that the Kushan coins 
were current in India for several centuries after the extinction 
of the dynasty to which they belonged. Another interest- 
ing paper by Mr." Walsh deals with 108 silver punch-marked 
coins found in a ghafa in the bank of the Ganges. Mr. Walsh 
shows that the marks on the obverse side of these coins occur in 
certain regular and constant groups, and although other varying 
symbols were added, the occurrence of these reg^ular combinations 
cannot have been fortuitous ; the theory that the marks wore 
a£5xed haphazard by shroffs and others must tlierefore be aban- 
doned, and it must be recognized that they constitute a regular 
coinage. Mr. Walsh thus supports the conclusion already 
arrived at by Dr. Spooner and Mr. W. E. M. Campbell, i.c.8. 
Rai Bahadur Sarat Chandra Roy has continued his account 

■thnol<Mry ^^ *'^® t^^ of Birhors, describing in much 
^^' detail their marriage, death and funeral cus- 
toms; their birth, childhood and puberty ceremonies, and 
their religion. The Birhors are one of the most wfld and 
primitive tribes of Chota Nagpur, and most of them still lead 
a nomadic life and live mainly on jungle products. They have 
preserved intact many ancient institutions which other tribes 



VOL. Tm PT. L] ANinrAL ADSBE88. f 

haye forgotten or dianged almost out of recognition ; and 
the stndy of tbcir cnslouis in therefore one of vei^r special 
importance to ethnologists. On the other hand it is interesting 
to find that many ceremonies and beliefs of relatively advanced 
communities have their counteipurt amoDgst the Birhofs and 
may therefore be regarded as survivals fr< m very ancient times. 
A minor point, worthy of mention as a possible relic of the 
copper age, is the fact that the Birhors' ear-boring instm- 
ment is still made of that metal. 

Mr. S. C. Mitra has furnished Fome notes on the neo of 
the swallow worts and Mr. Sukumar Haldar has given 
some further Ho folk stories. The September number of the 
Journal contains a paper by Mr. W. Crooke, the well-known 
author of ** Tribes and Castes of the United Provinces, " on 
the headdrese of Banjara women. The distinctive feature is 
a stick, about 6 inches long, which is worn upright like a horn on 
the top of the head, the hair being wound round, and the head- 
cloth draped gracefully over, it. Similar fashions are found 
elsewhere, chiefly in the Himalayan region, Central Asia and 
Syria. The anoient Scythians wore similar headgear, and Mr. 
Crooke conjectures that the Banjaras may have originated from 
one of the tribes which joined in the invasion of India by 
the Ephthalites, or White Huns, during the sixth century of 
the Christian era. He rightly notes, however, that the use 
of a single article of dress is not a sufficient basis for any 
definite conclusion. 

When our Society was inaugurated it was thought that it 
would be able to do a great deal in the way of 
commemorating former provincial worthies by 
means of biographical notices, but the results in this direction 
have been diBapix)inting, the only paper of the kind prior 
to the year under review being that by Mr. S. C. Hill on 
Major Bandfurlie Knox, who commanded the foroe deputed 
for the relief of Fatna, which performed a wonderful march 
of 300 miles in thirteen days in the hot weather of 1760. 
I am glad to say, however, thutthis year Khan Bahadur Saiyid 
Zamir-ud-din Ahmad has given an interesting account of D&nd 



10 . AVNTJAL ADDBSSS. C|JA1A 

KhSn Quraiflhi, the most famons of the Moghal GovemoM of 
Bihar. In the struggle between Sh&h Jahan'g sons Dand 
Khan f ought at first on the side of Dara Shikoh, but after 
Dara's cause ha<l become hopeless, he trp-nsferred his allegianoe 
to Aurangzeb. He fought on Auiangzeb's s'*de atzainst Shah 
Shujah ; and when the latter retreated eastwards he was made 
Sabadar of Bihar. Daud Khan took an active part in the 
campaign which ended in the final defeat of Shah Shujah. 
His next enterprise was the invasion of PaUlmau (1660 A.D.) 
where he captured without difficulty the Chcro Kaja's well- 
known forts near BetU. On his return journey he founded, 
on the bank of the Son'*, the tx>wn of Daudnngar, where his 
descendants still have their home. Afler holding charge of 
Bihar for five yea's, Daud Khan was transferred to the Subah of 
Khandesh where he took part in the operations against ^ivaji. 
He subsequently held charge in turn of the Subah.*' of Berar 
and Allahabad. 

The KhSn Bahadur has also given an : ocount of the life 
and writings of Golam AU Basik, who lived at Patna in the 
latter half of the eighteenth century. A complete collection of 
this poet's voluminous writings is to be found in the latna 
Oriental Library. 

The June number of our Journal contains two papers by 

Miscellaneous. ^^^' ^' ^- ^*^^' P"°<^»pal ^^ *^e Bihar 
National College. In one of these papers 
Mr. Sen discusses a number or sites in Rajgir, which are 
associated with Buddha and his disciples. Many of there 
sites have now been definitely identified, thanks to the labours of 
Sir John Marshall. Mr. Jackson and o! hers. In the other paper 
Mr. S(n examines the relationship between Buddhism and 
Yedantism, and shows that both arose out of the Fame move- 
ment of thought, resulting in the one case in the doctrine of 
a Transc« ndent Being in the background, and in the other of 
a transocndeul state of being, in which the finite, the unreal and 
ephemeral ultimatdy lose themselves. The Vedantist attains 
salvation by contemplation and the Buddhist by right conduct. 



TOb ▼« PT. M . iHlttJAt ADDBS88. H 

In a pper in the Jane naml)er Mr. Sikdar reviews all tlie 
lefercnccs to ednoation which are to he found in the JataJtM, 
From the frequency with which Taxila is mentioned^ he infen 
that that place was the chief intellectual c(n{re of the age, 
to which studcnis flocked from all parts of northern India. 
Benares came next in imj)Ortance. There were ali^o immeroos 
hermits who gave instmction to their disciples in the ^ri*at 
forests with which the country at thai time was covered. Moot 
of the students lived in residence, those who could afford to pay 
the fees being treated as 8i>ns; while those who could not, 
performed menial 'luties in r<^lum for the insi ruction which they 
received. Discipline was strict and corporal j unishment was in 
vogue, 

llai Bahfdur Joges Chandra Ray has described the sugar 
industry in ancient India. He snye that while there is no men- 
tion in the Yedas of any s;.ccharine substance other than honey, 
the occurrence of the wor»1 ikiJiu shows that the sugarcane was 
known, and as it could not have grown wild in northein India it 
must already have been cultivated there. The art uf nuin^fao- 
turing guf and other products was alieady known in the fifth 
century B.C. ' ■*■- 

The Patna Museum, in the establishment of which our Sodety 
took a prominent part, continues to 
develop satisfactorily, and it already 
contains a large number of very interesting exhibits. Tlie most 
valuable is perhaps tie beautiful polishtxl si one statoe of 
a female, which was mentioned in Mr. Wahh*s address last year. 
Dr. Spooner's paper on Ibis statue has been somewhat delayed, 
but it will appear in the next issue of the JouinaL Thimks to 
Mr. "Walsh's intervention, the Museum has recently obtained 
from the Indian Museum in Calcutta a number of statues 
which had been sent there from Bihar many years ago. The 
Museum has also received from Dr. Spooner the valuable coUectioa 
of 231 seals found by him at Basarh. The insoriptions and cm« 
blcms on these seals convey much valuable information : for 
instance they confirm the identification of Vaitfali with modem 



U AKHVAL ADDBX88. C'AOA^ 

Basarh. We hope shortly to get also the seals, coins, terra- 
cotta figures, etc., which were dug up by Dr. Spooner in the 
course of the excavations at Kumraliar which were paid 
for by the late Sir Ratan Tata, whose name will be per- 
manently associated with this collection. In this connexion 
I cannot refrain from mentioning the remarkable discoyery 
just made by Mr. Jayaswal that the inscriptions on two figures 
which were found a centaiy ago in a field near Kumrahar and are 
now in the Calcutta Museum, show that they represent two 
kings of the ^aisunaka line who lived in the fifth century B.C. 
ijamely Udayin, who founded the city of Fatna, and his son, 
Nandi Vardhana. I wish it were possible to get back these 
statues and set them up in the city where they ruled more than 
2^800 years ago. If I may be permitted a further digression, 
I would mention that the Patali tree {ttereoipermum tuaveolent) 
to which Fatna owes its name, has recently been found 
growing in the neighbourhood of Kumrahar, and I am taking 
steps to have this tree, which bears a yellow trumpet-shaped 
flower, planted out in various parts of the city. 

To revert to the Museum. It now contwns as good a col- 
lection as is to be found anywhere in India of ancient stone and 
copper implement& It also contains a fair collection of articles 
of ethnogpi^phic interest and specimens of many different min- 
erals. The hilly portion of Bihar and Orissa is rich in mineral 
wealth, and it is therefore very desirable that special attention 
should be paid to the mineralogical section of the Museum 
My friend Dr. Hayden has recently inspected our collection, 
and has promised to depute an officer of the Geologi ;al Survey 
to prepare a proper catalogue of it and to make arrangements 
for filling in the gaps which still exist. 

The collection of coins, though still a small one, is steadily 
Coin Cabinet, growing. The Hon'ble Mr. Walsh is now in 
charge of the coin cabinet. lie has arranged 
every coin in a separate envelope, on which he has recorded its 
detcription, and has prepared a register in which all particulars 
regarding each coin are given in a very complete form. This 
register already contains about 900 entries. 



Another matter to which the Society has devoted attention is 
Search for Sanskrit the sjgtematic examination of San« 
Uannsoripts. skrit manuscripts in private librarias. 

The importance of this measure was urged upon the 
Local Government by (he Council of our Society, with the result 
that two Pandits have been appointed to work in Orissa and 
Tirhut, respectively. The Orissa Pandit was appointed about 
two years ago. His work has been supervised at intervals by , 
Mahamahopadhyaya Hara Prashad Shastri, and it was recently 
inspected by Mr. Jayaswal. The Pandit has now catalogued 
nearly 6,000 manuscripts including 300 of works yet unpublishedj . 
and has discovered several of considerable importance, including 
one of the Prakjita Sarvasva by Markandeya. This manuscript 
which belongs to Mahamahopadhyaya Pandit Sadasiv Misra of 
Pun, has been lent by that gentleman to Sir George Grierson, 
who after photographing it has just returned it to the owner. 
Sir George Grierson is publishing a critical edition of this ■. 
important work. Another valuable discovery is a metrical history 
of the G^nga dynasty which was composed in .1441 A^D. 
A Vedic grammar {chhandovi/akarana) by one Javadasa and 
a new commentary on the Ramayana by Hari Pandit have also 
cometolight* '""^ . ;; .:. n^^ 

During the year which has elapsed since his appointment the 
Tirhut Pandit has catalogued 1,680 works of which 175 are unpub- 
lished. In 22 of these manuscripts t he colophons contain the names 
of kings of Mithila. Amongst the unpublished manuscripts is 
a work on polities by Chandefivara entitled Bajanlti Ratnalcara 
which is now being edited by our Secretary. A manuscript in the 
poet Vidyapati*6 own handwriting which recently came to light 
has been purchaced by the Maharaja of Darbhanga. Another 
interesting find (in Patna) is that of a paper copy of the Bhaga" 
rata Purana dated Sariivat 1146 (1188 A.D.). This is probably 
the oldest manuscript on paper yet discovered in India. 

Dr. Spooner has continued his excavations at Nalanda. He 
has driven a broad trench 1,500 feet long • 
SS^^oloU^l ^^^^ south to north, crossing the whole series , 
Survey. qI stupas, which promises to lead to fresh 



discovcritsof inter* st. It bas already resulted in the discovery 
of ft rplcndid etonei-tatae of Avalokitcsvara. Another find of 
interci-t is that made by Mr. Panday at Saleinpur near Hajipnr of 
the capital of a Mauryan pillar; it is of fine-grained sandstone and 
consists of two pairs of bulh set back to back. Mr. Panday bas 
also found the head of a stone lion which appears to belong to 
the Mauryan ix)riod and is possibly the capital of tlie pilbr near 
MaEarh in the Shababad district which Hiucn T^ang m.^ntioned as 
bearing an inscription. If so^ there is ho];ethat the pillar itself 
with the inscription may be found in the same locality. Arrange- 
ments have recently been made with the Director-General of 
Archaeology for the deputation of the Curator of the Miiseum to 
make a further examinai ion of the traces of human habitation 
in the caves and ruddle drawings at Singanpnr, which form the 
subject matter of Mr. Ajiderson's paper mentioned by me above, 
and also of some other caves which have been reported near 
Bhotas and Harehok'\. Good progress is now being made with 
the preparation of an aroha)ological atlas for the province showing 
by means of conventional marks the places where ancient 
monuments of various kinds (prehiLtoricj BuJdhist, etc.) are 
to bu foaad. 

In conclusion^ Gentlemen, I would appeal once more for fresh 
recruits and research workers. To the archaeologist, the historian, 
the anthropologist and the geologist alike, our province is one 
of the most interesting in India. There is a wide field for re- 
search, but the re.\l workers are still very few in numl*er, while 
the number of memb.rs who have contributed brief notes to 
the section provided at the end of the Journal for miscellancoot 
contributions has b^^en extremely small. I would again invite 
the attention of all our members to what I said on this subj&;t in 
my first annual address. 

There is one more matter to which I must refer, and that is 
the fact that our Vice-President Mr. Walsh ia shortly going on 
leave preparatory to retirement. Mr. "Walsh has a high rcputji-> 
tion as a scholar, and for many years past he has rendered 
valuable services to the cause of Indian research. He has done 



u 

TOL. V^PT. LJ ANNUAL iODBESS* 15 

a great deal of mos^t useful wo k for our Society, and also 
as President of the coinraittce of mana^ment of the Patna 
Museum. Mr. Walsh will leave a gap which it will bo extremely 
hard to fill, and I think it wouU be well if we took this oppor- 
tunity to pass a vote of thanks to him for all that he has done to 
promote the welfare of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society. 



.-.■;':/- 



// 



LEADING ARTICLES. 



I.— An Examination of a Find of Panch- 
Marked Coins in Patna City, with 
Reference to the Subject of Punch- 
Marked Coins Generally. 

' By E. H. C. Walsh, C.S.L 

The 108 punch-marked silver coins which are described in 
the present paper, were found in Jnlj, 1917, buried in an earthen 
ghar» in the bank of the Granges at Golakhpur in Patna City.^ 
The ghafa was unearthed owing to the bank of the river having 
been scoured away, and a woman who went to bathe in the 
morning saw the earthen pot projecting from the remaining 
portion of the bank. The place where the (^hafa was found is 
about 16 feet below the present surface of the ground above 
the river bank. The pliara had become filled with earth, and 
the coins, when found, were all covered with a smooth dark 
green coating of verdig^ and mud, which gave them the 
appearance of having been paint-ed over with green paint, which 
shows, as also appears from an examination of the coins, 
that some of them contained an alloy of copper. They were 
described in the Polioe report of their discovery as " round thin 
plates (patar) resembling broken pice." The weight of the ccinj 
when found was Rs. 43-14-0 of which broken fragments, which 
were notlforwarded with the present coins, weighed Rs. 9-2-0. The 
weight of the present coins was therefore Rs. 34-12-0 and after the 
thick coating of verdigris and dirt was removed their total weight 
is Rs. 80-11-0. The verdigris deposit therefore weighed Rs. 4-1-0, 
or nearly 13 per cent, of the weight of the coins after they were 
cleaned. The reason for this large amount of copper is due to the 

^ These coinB are in the Bihar and Oriaim Ccia Cabinet in th« Patna UoMom 
and an aeriala, Noa. 783 to 830, of the Oeaeral Regiater— B. H. W. 



VOL. T. PT. LI PCVCH lUBSED COIKS 



», 



foci that, a|4krt from any proportion of alloy in the coin, eereral 
of the coins have been debased hy the addition o£ molten 
copper to the original silver coin, presumably to make np for 
\s'eight. That this was subsequently added is shown by <h9 
fact that it remains over the punch mirka. This is particularly 
noticeable on coins 11, 18, 62, 75, 88 and the reverse of lO-lr. 

It is known that such debasing of the coinage took place^ 
The Artha Sastra, which was written by Kautily^,^ better known 
as Chanakya, the Brahman Minister who overthrew the last of 
the Nanda dynasty and placed Chandragupti Maurya on the 
throne, and which gives such detailed information regarding 
the government and state of Eociety in his time, refers to tho 
different methods of debasing the currency. 

In some others {e.ff. No. 37), the silver appears to hava been 
plated over copper. Theobald ' refers to a passage in the Maha- 
vamsa quoted by Thomas I. c, Num, Orient., page 41, that 
Chanakya '' with a view to raising resources, converted, by re- 
coining each Kahapana into eight, and amassed eighty Kofii of . 
£ahapanas" He also mentions examples of /^urdnaj which had 
been plated with silver over copper,* 

Punched-marked coins have been described by Cunningham,* 
by Theobald,' by Professor Eapson, • and have been very fully 
discussed by Mr. Vincent Smith,^ * 

> Kaa^ilys't Arthft Sastra, translated by B. Shamaaastri, B.A., ILBA.!. 
Government Oriental Library Series. BibUoth«ca Samkrita, l!io»87( Park II. 
Bangalore OoTernment Prets. 1916. 

« J.A.8.B., 1890, paga 182. ^ • 

• J.JLS.B., 18U1, page 68. 

*CoiDa of Ancient Indii by HaJorGeneral Sir A. Cannirgbam (CXI.) 
pagea 64^3. 

* Notes on Some of tbe Symbjls (onnd on tbe Pancb>mar1ced Coins of Hindus* 
tan, and tbeir relationship to tbe archaic symbolism of otber races and distani 
lands, by W. Theobald, ub.a.8., J.A.S.R, VoL lit, Part I, 1890, page lKl| 
and A Revision of the Symbols on the Karshapvia Coinage, described In 
Vol. lix, J.A.8.B., 1890, Part I, and description of many additional symbol* 
by W. Theobald, M.ir.8.L., I.A.S.B., Part I, 1901, page 38. 

• Indian Coins (Grundriss der Indo-Arischen Phllologie, 1898), psges 1-9. 

* CaUlogQ« of the Coios in the Indiao Museom, Calcutta, Yolam« 1« pages 
m-X4|. „ , 



Ig rrXCH 3CABKED COIfft. [J.BlO.IA 

The interest of the present find lies in the fact that an exami* 
nation of the marks on them shows that (he/ occnr in certain 
constant and regular groups on the ohverse, and although other 
varjing svmbols were added to these constant groups, the above 
regular combinations which cannot have been fortuitous, shows 
that the theory that these marks were affixed haphazard by 
sbroSs and moneycrs through whose hand^ the coins passed 
cannot be maintained, and that ^he present coins in fact consti- 
tute a "coinage." 

On examination of the present coins, 1 found that two marks 
are found on all the coins, namely (I) a figure of three ehhatrm^ 
or umbrell<js, and three ovak, alternately, round a central circle, 
(Plate V\\Fig. 1) and (2) the Sun (Phtte IV, Fig. 2). The sun 
does not occur on one coin. No. 108, which only contains two 
marks; but as this coin bears only fig, 1 and one other mark, 
elephant /a rirt^ left {Fig. i^), and as this coin and aUo Nos. 99 to 
102, 105 and 107 appear to be of a difEerent type to the .others, 
being smaller and thicker, and have evidently iiot had the same 
amount of wear as the others, they apj^ear to be more recent, and 
it is possible that this particular coin was not completed. 

In addition to the above, two other marks, namely (3) a pot 
of foliage {Fig. 3) and (4) two 'ntcikccd triangles {ftg. 4), 
occur, forming a constant group of four marks, on 68 of the 
coins (No. i-63), which I have called Class A. 

In addition, each of these coins bears a fifth mark, which 
varies on different coins, and according to which I have divided 
Class A. into 20 sub-classes, as given in the List. 

Sub-class I contains 18 coins (Ncs. 1-17 and 61) which bear 
a fifth mark of elephant right {Fig. 5); sub-class 2 contains five 
coins (Xos. 18-22) j sub-class 3, four (Nos. 23-26) ; sub-class 4, 
nine (Nos. 27-35) ; sub-rclass 5, two (Nos. 30-37) but as the 
additional mark in sub-classes 2 and 3 is in each case a plant, 
thougb of a different design, it is probable ih&t the emblem ii 
really the same and that these two sub-classes are really one 
class; sub-class 6, five (Nos. C8-42) ; 6ub-cla.s8 7, one (No. 43) ; 
feub-cla^s 8, two (Nos. 44-45) ; sub-class 9, one (No. 46) j 



Vo. t, PI.Ll • PtfJICH MABKEDCOIK^ W 

sub-class 10, four (Nos. 47-50) ; snbclasg 11, two (Nos. 51-52); 
sub-classes 12 to 19, one each ; sub-class 20, two (Nos. 62, 63). 

Six coins (No". 64-69) which 1 have called Class B, white 
bearing the above marks 1, 2 and 3, have not got the fourth: 
mark of interlaced triangles^ but in its place have as a fourth 
mark a humped bull /aciw^ /^/ (/iV. 6.) 

Twenty coins (Nos. 70-89), which I have called Class C, 
have a constant group of four marks, namely, Fipt. 1 and 2, 
as in the previous Classes, the two other majks being a lion, 
{Fiff. 7) and a bull's or cow's head with a garland round the' 
neck, {Fiff. 8). Two of these (sub-class 2) have also am 
additional mark of a branch {Fig. 13.) 

Eleven coins (Nou. 90-100), which I have called Class D, 
have a constant group of marks {Fi^. 1 and Fig. 2,) and a third 
mark, elephant le/i {Fig. 9). Five of these, sub-class 1, have 
a fourth mark of a triangle with three dots in it. Fig. 42.- The 
fourth mark in the other coins of this class is different in each 
of the four sub-classes. ... 

Seven coins (Nos. 101-107), which I have called Class Eji 
have the two fixed marks {Fig. 1 and Fig. 2), together' with 
additional marks which vary. One coin (No. lOS) does not bear 
mark 2. I have therefore placed this coin in a separate class, G. 

When I made the above classification I was not aware that 
a similar conclusion that the marks on punch-marked coins occur 
in regular groups had hedn arrived at frooa the examination o£ 
previous finds. 

I subsequently came to know that Dr. D. B. Spooner came 
to the same conclusion from the examination of a find of 6t 
punch-marked coins, which were fotmd at Peshawar in 1 906 and 
are described and illustrated by him in the Annual Report of 
the Archaeological Survey of India for 1905-06 (page 150) ; and 
Mr. R. D. BhanJarkar came to a similar conclusion from the 
examination of a find of 83 punch-marked coins found during 
the excavation at Besnagar (5 1 of which were found at Kham 
Baba and 82 at Ganeshpura), which he has described and 
illustrated in the Annual Report of the Archasological Survey of 
India for 1913-14 (pages 210-213 and 220-226). The coins in 
the latter case were copper. 



^ rVnCE MltKEO COOTS. t<f JLOJM. 

Mr. W. E. M. Campbell, i.cs., liaa also eome to the same 
conclusion from the examination of a most extensive and 
important find of 1,245 pnnch-marked coins, found at Paila in 
the Kheri district of the United TroTinces. 

Another extensive and important find of ^,873 punch-marked 
coins was found at Patraha in the Purnea district of this Province 
in 1913 in the bed of a small river which had been scoured 
out bjr the water. Rivers in India, which frequently change 
their courses, are great excavators. These coins were sent to 
Mr. R. D. Banerji, the Treasure Trove Officer for this Province, 
and have not yet been received back from him ; so I have not 
been able to examine them. The classification in the Treasure 
Trove Report has, however, only been made with reference to the 
size and shape of the coins. * They should be systematically 
examined with regard to the marka on themt 

The conclusion to which Df. Spooner came from the exa- 
mination of the Peshawar coins is as follows : — 

*' It has been stated by varions authorities tLat the symbols 
are arbitrary figures, the arbitrary marks of particular moneyeis, 
perhaps, and that they were punched into these coins from time 
to time by these different authorities as they chanced to come 
into their hands. But my tabulation of the marks occurring 
on the coins of the present- collection tends dircqtly to a refnta-^ 
tion of this view. The above-mentioned group of 5 symbols 
occurs on 20 of the 61 coins in the collection, with one symbol 
regularly in each corner, and one, with like regularity the 
dharmacakra, impressed on one edge and overlappin<y the 
nearest two. This alone would have rendered the old theory 
doubtful^ but when it is added that in every case where the 
punch-mark on the reverse was decipherable it was found to be 
what Cunningham called the ' Taxila mark,' we have an 

^ Mr. Banerji hu classified these oias in the Treuare Trore Report ton^ttiai 
^ith his letter 452 I. U., dited the 2ad Korember 1916, U foUow*:— 
"1,450 Thick sqnare. 
420 Thin squire. 
215 Thin roond 
788 Thick round*; 

2,879. 



TOl. ▼.. ». I ) PlTirCH VABEGD COINS. 81 

lavariable 6<^ncomitance established between a particular ^onp 
of 5 symbols on the obverse and a particular ' mint mark ' on 
Ihe reverse, which cannot conceivably be lacking in significance 
and which points decidedly to these coins having been tha 
regrular coinage of some one accepted central authority, and the 
symbols or their selection the recognized insignia of the same, 
not the private marks of individaal moneyers impressed 
haphazard from time to time."* 

The mark which Dr. Spooner then considered to be ttd 
" dharmachakra " is the sun mark {Fig. 2) . Dr. Spooner subse- 
quently revised his opinion as to this mark, * and now ctiasideni 
it to be the sun ; as it has always been considered, and which 
there can be no doubt that it is. ' 

Mr. Cainpbell has kindly let me see his Treasure Trove 
Keport and his notes on the Faila coins. He has found that 
they bear a group of 4 marks on the obverse, which is constant 
for each class of coins, and has classified them according id 
such groups, as follows :— 

Class I, 291 coins; Class II, 481 coins; Class III, 5^54 coins; 
Class IV, 5 coins J Class IV- A, 6 coins; Class V, 44 coins; 
Class VI, 4 coins ; Class VIT^ ^ coins ; Class VIII, 1 coin ; 
Coins of the type of Class I, II or III, but with distinctive 
symbol missing or obscure, 138 coins; the remainder beings 
12 broken pieces and 7 corroded. 

Mr. Campbell has also let me see the list of the ^gares ol 
the marks on these coins,i 

It is to be hoped that he will publish the result of hh 
examination, which will be a most valuable contribution to the 
subject. 

"With reference to the Systematic occurrence of constant 
groups of marks, it is interesting to note that three of the coins 
illustrated by Cunningham (C. A. I., Plate I, Figt. 2, 4 and 5) 

contain a variety of the present mark. Fig. 1; Ftf;» 2; elephant 

■ ■■ '■ - ■ ■ . ■ ■■ 

* ArcbsBological Surrey of India Aannai Report (A.S.B.), 190S-06, p. 15S. 

* The Zoro&itriaa Period ol ladiaa H'aiorj hj D. B. SpooBer, J(B.A<8<# 
1915, p. 418. 



2§ ; PUNCH KABKED COINS. t'^.B.OJt.S. 

right, Fig. 5, and bow and arrow, ftg, 47 ; with an additional 
mark which is tha same on 4 and 5. This is the same group o£ 
four marks as on coins of Class D, snb^class 2 (Coins 97 and 
,98) except that the elephant on the coins figured by Cunning- 
ham faces right, (like Fig* 5) while on the present coins men* 
tioned it faces left. 

It would seem probable that the occurrence of this group of 
four marks on the coins mentioned raaj be due to the same 
cause as their occurrence together on the coins of Class D, sub- 
class 2, and that they are therefore coins from the same state or 
area. Unfortunately, the provenance of those coins is not given. 

It is accepted that punch-marked coins are the oldest form 
of coinage in India^ and that it was an indigenous coinage, 
and not derived from, or based on, the coinage of other coun- 
tries. The proof of the independent origin of this coinage in 
India has been summarized by Professor Kapson in J.R.A.S., 
1895, p. 869. This coinage had been in existence long b3fora 
the time of Buddha, as is shown by the faot that the mmfypurana 
(''ancient^') is given to them in the stories of Buddha intbe Jata- 
kas. As noted by Mr. Vincent Smith,^ the fact that they have 
been found in one of the very ancient earthen tamuli at Lauriya- 
Nandangarh in Champaran and in the ancient tombs known by 
the name of Pundtt-kulis in Coimbatore shows that they go back 
to very early time?. The latter fact may, possibly, show that this 
coinage originated during the early Dravidian civilization. 

Cunningham refers to '' two monumental evidences of the 
antiquity of these square Indian coins in the Buddhist sculpture 
of Mahabodhi and Bharhut. The former is as old as Asoka 
himself, 250 B. C, having been executed during his reign ; 
the latter are somewhat later, or about 150 B. C. In both 
of these there is a representation of the famous story of the Jeta- 
vana, or purchase of the garden of Prince Jeta by the merchant 
Anatha. According to the legend the purchaser had to cover 
the whole surface of the garden with a layer of gold coins. In 
both sculptures the servants of Anatha are seen laying the coins, 



*LM.C.,Vol,L,p. 1€5. 



VOL. Tn PT. I.} PUNCH If ABKED COINS. %i 

edcre to edge, as the inscription states. As all the pieces are 
square, they clearly represent tie pnuch-niarked money that was 
current in tl^e time of Asoka.'*'* 

Cunningham also mentions that some much worn punch 
marked silver coins wero found " in company with hemi-drachms 
of Antitnachus II, Philoxenus, Lysias, Antialkidas and Menan* 
der/'' which proves that these coins were old but current in 
about 200 B. C. 

Silver punch-marked coins are of two types i — 

Square, being lengths cut out of a bar of the metal and the 
corners then clipped, if necessary, to reduce the coin to the re* 
quired weight; or oval, as in the case of the present coins. The 
copper coins are always of the square form. 

They were the aignatum argeitum presented by Omphis to 
Alexander at Taxila in 326 B.C. and the fact that their symbols 
were continued on the square cast copper coins leads to the 
inference that they were still current at the commencement 
of that coinage. 

Cunningham stated that punch-marked coins are found 
" from the Himalaya Mountains to Cape Comoria and from 
Seistan to the mouth of the Ganges."' Few finds, however, have 
been recorded west of the Indus. There is the Peshawar find 
already referred to, and Mr. R. D. Banerji * has described 
44 coins said to have been found in Afghanistan, which were 
obtained from His Majesty the Amir when in Calcutta. The 
locality from which these coiLS were obtained is not stated. 

With coins of this class extending over such a long period 
and such extended area, results obtained from the examination 
of coins of a particular period, or locality, will not necessarily 
be applicable to coins of other periods or distant localities, ia 
which other forms of government and other conditions • may 
have prevailed. 



» C. A. I., p. 62. 
» C. A. I., p. 64. 
* C. A. I., p. 48. 
« J.A.8.B., 1910, p. 2a6. 



fl fvsca MASKED con/s. C^AOlM. 

CannlngHain has fully discussed the question of the vreiglit 
of the punch-marked coins. These early coins were hased on 
the Indian pystem of weights as given in Mann, VIII., 132 
el teq. which Professor Rapson summarizes as follows : — 

" The basis of this system is the rati (raktika). or ^Mjya 
berry, * the weight of which is estimated at 1*83 grains= *118 
grammes. Of the gold standard coin, the lurarna of 80 ratU 
= 143*4 grains or 9*48 grammes, no specimens are known j 
but of the silver />»ra«a or dharana of 32 ratit =58 56 grains 
or 3*79 gramme?, and of the copper kdhapana of 80 ratii 
( same weight as the tvvarna), and of varions multiples and 
subdivisions of these, numerous examples have been discovered 
in almost every part of India. •"* 

The theoretical weight of 58 56 grains is, however, tarely 
attained in the known specimens. The weight of those of the 
present coins that are complete and less worn vary from 53*4 
to 52* g^ins ; and the weights of the coins in the India Mnteom 
Catalogue also follow practically the Fame variation as in the 
present coins. 

The essential part of the coinage was the f-upa, or marks 
stamped on them. Mr. E. D. fihandark-ar rc^rs to the expres- 
sions such as ripda eiMnditra katamatako, or rupam simM(» 
(hapeiva kaia mataio vjied hj the Commentaiy Sc mania pa M' 
dikd on the Nisaggiya pdchitija. It is these marks itamjied <»i 
He purana or hanhapana, which constituted the coinage. * 

Until our present sources of information are added to, the 
significance of the marks on punch-marked coins must remain the 
subject of speculation and sumiise. 

Mr. Bhandarkar quotes a passage from the Vmuddiinagga 
o/ Buddiagkoiia on tbe subject and notes t 

" The purport of it is to describe how a lot of coins lying on 
a wooden slab would strike a raw boy, a rustic and shroff ; and 

* Alrm$ preeatorims. ' ' ' • 

* Bftpcon. Indiaa Coini, p. S. 

* • Kxc»T«tioiu at B«in*gar »» ty B. D. BhandwUr, Mi-, iL.S.B / Isls-H 

p. no. 



YOL.'.Y«'PT. U tmca VAEKED COlkt, ^|( 

we are told that the Ix)/ would notice nmpijr tliat some eoidf 
were oblong, some round and some elongated insbape, tbat tl^d 
rustic would know all tliis and also that the coins were Hkegemi, 
worthj objects of enjoyment to mankind, but that the shroff 
not only would be conversant with all these matters but 
also would be in a position to decide, after handling the coins in 
a variety of ways, which of them were struck at which villsige, 
borough, town, mountain and river ^bank, and also by what 
mint master. It is thus clear that every place whose coinage 
was issued had its own disting^uishing mark stamped on it, and 
in confirmation of it may be noted that on the majority of 
kanhajpanat unearthed at Besnagar the device of the river if 
prominently noticeable, indicative probably of the VetravatiL 
( Betwa ). Consequently, we may 'safely conclude 'that these 
kaftlapami vfhxch. have the mountain or the river on them, 
were struck at those places and in order that the different moun- 
tains and rivers may be distinguished we find them differently 
figured. Pigures 46-52 on Plate VIII of Mr. Theobald's 
article ( J. B. A. S., Vol.' LIX., PL I ), e. g. shows liow an 
attempt is made to distinguish one mountain from another 
on karshapamt. The different symbols of one and ihe ' kanie 
object the shroff of the ancient day was of course conver^ani 
with, and could tell from what different mountains or nven 
the coins came. It would be interesting to know what the 
symbols representative of a village or town were. , ; >;, iji, - 
" Another group of devices noticeable on karshapat^at is the 
auspicious marks of which tvasiika and nandipada are the 
most conspicuous. Both these are met with also in old c^y^. 
inscriptions, which either begin or end with them/'* - ..^ 

The Artha Sastra,* in referring to the duties of the Collector 
General of Revenue, mentions, together with taxes and other 
matters, fMft'yta, the meaning of which appears to be pr^iiita, 

> "gzcArailona at Beinagar" 1>j B. D. mftDatfturiCA.~A.9.1l^~19I8*14i p. ttS. 
s Anba Siatrt, p. 66. 



10 rCXCH MAEXXD CODtf. . UJBJUJLj^ 

or seigoorage on coins. It also enumerates the duties of tba 
Superintendent of the Mint as follows :— 

" The Superintendent of Mint (lakshanadhjakshah) shall 
carry on the manufacture of silver coins (rupyarupa) made up 
of four parts of copper and one^ sixteenth part (masha) of any 
one of the metals, thikshna, trapu, slsa^ and anjaiia. There 
shall he a pana, half a pana, a quarter and one^eighth. 

" Copper coins (tamrarupa) made up of four parts of an alloy 
(padajivam) shall be a mashaka, half a mashaka, kakai^i, and 
half a kakani. 

" The examiner of coins (rupadarsaka) shall regulate currency 
both as a medium of exchange {vyavaharikim) and as legal tender 
admissible into the treasury (kosapravesyam) ; The premia 
leyied on coins paid into the Treasury shall be eight per cent, 
known- as rupika, 5 per cent, known as vyaji, one-eight paDa per 
cent* as parikshika (testing charge), besides (cha) a fine of 26 
pana to be imposed on offenders other than the manufacturer, 
the seller, the purchaser and the examiner/''* 

It would, therefore, appear that the reason for the mark of 
the sanpia, or village union, in which the coin was in use may 
be that the local authority aflSxed its marks on every coin in 
which it had levied seignorage, and that no coin on which Eeign- 
orage had not been so levied was allowed to circulate within its 
jurisdiction. 

An indication of the order in which the marks were punched 
on the coins is shown in some cases by certain marks being 
punched over others. Thus,~ the mark of interlaced triangles^ 
Fig* 4, has been punched over marks, pot of foliage, Fig. 3, and 
Elephant right. Fig. 5, on coin No. 4 ; and over mark. Fig, 1, on 
coin No. 57. Mark Fig. 10 has been punched over mark, Fig. 4, 
on coin No. 23 ; mark. Fig, 20, has been punched over mark 
Fig. 1 on coin No. 50 ; mark. Fig. 26, has been punched over the 
sun mark, Fig. 2, on coin 57 ; and an indistinct mark has been 
punched over mark, lig. 1, on coin No. 68. 

I IrthaSMtr*,^ 96. 



VOL. T^ FT. I.] PUNCH MARKED COINS. ' {f 

The Artba Sastra also enumerates the duties of the goldsmith 
of the mint in regard to the mintage of gold coins Suvarna and 
gold ornaments (page 107). 

It therefore appears that in the Artha Sastra, which deals with 
matters of the Mauryan age, coinage was a royal prerogative 
carried on in the roj'al mints. The marks on the coins would 
therefore primarily be royal or state marks and not the marks of 
individual moneyers through whose hands the coins passed. 

It may be suggested, to account for a constant group of marks, 
that one mark may represent the state, one the reigning king, 
one the place where the coin was struck, and perhaps one a relig^* 
ous mark recognizing the presiding deity (like the dei gratia on 
English coins) ; also the master of the mint may have had 
his mark, which would fix his responsibility for the coin, and the 
additional varying marks may have those of the sangiat, village 
oammunities, in which the coin was current, affixed at the time 
the rupiya or local tax on it was levied on its admission to circu- 
lation in that jurisdiction. And the various and unsystematio 
punches on the reverse may have been the marks of private shrolEs 
and moneyers through whose hands the coin passed in the course 
of circivlation. 

In this connection Mr. K. P. Jayaswal has called my atten- 
tion to a rule laid down hy PSimai; ^' Sah^hssania-laJtiianetkv 
^afi-yaii'inam=an*' the meaning of o^hich is "a^-suffix takes 
place in nouns ending in an, yafi a& in the case of (»'.«. to denote) 
ankas and laksha^as of sa&ghas ;" which shows that a Safiglui 
had its anka or laiaham, which latter Mr. Jayaswal would iden« 
tify with the Idnchhana, or heraldio crest of later Sanskrit. 

The word Rdia-dnkd, " the royal mark,'' or the " king's arms *' 
occurs in the Artha Sastra, and would therefore appear to be the 
personal mark of the ruler. In the same way while- each siAgha 
bad its own laksha]|^a, the elected body of rulers for the time 
being may have had its own personal anka which remained in' 
use during its term of office and was given up when that body 
went out of office. This would account for the large number 
of different marks which are found on punch-marked coins. 



2g PUNCH MAtiXID COnrS. IJ.BLQJU. 

in this connection Mr. Jayaswal also notes that the Harappi 
8«Js, which are found in a well-known repuhl ican area, have the 
permanent figure of a peculiar animal^ with changing legends, in 
which the animal maj he lakthana and the legend correspond 
to the ahka. 

That the ahka.was the personal mark or emblem adopted bj 
the individual, the king in the case of a state and the governing 
body in the case of a sangha, woul d also seem to be borne out 
by the inscription " Srimananka " and " Srigunanka " on the 
early coins of Nepal figured by Cunninghaoi in Figr\ 1 and 2 
on plate XIII of Coint of Ancient India, Cunningham has 
taken the.<^e to be the names of the respective kings. But they 
are given in the Nepal dynastic lists as Mana Deva and Ouna 
Deva. I would therefore read these two legends as *' the anka 
(mark) of Sri Mana " and " the anka of Sri Guna." » 

Professor Eapson has also held the view that the marks on 
"punch-marked coins were stamped by the village communities, 
and that " it seems probable that such matters as the issue of 
coinage were regulated by local authorities — money-changers or 
merchants — and not by the imjperial authority. The veiy great 
variety of early Indian coins would thus be naturally explained, 
and such inscriptions as are found on them have been interpreted 
by Dr. Biihler in a senfee which entirely supports this view." • 

In the case of later inscribed coins, which bear the word *' nega- 
xna -" ("the traders*') on the reverse, Professor Rapson considers 
that they wel"e issu2lby guilds and were guild tokens.' These, 
Tiowever, are obviously coins 6f a very mach latsr date, baing 
strack with a single stamp, and do not therefore necessarily 
imply that the primary marks on the early punch-marked coins 
were of this nature. And the Artha'Sastra clearly sh^ws that 
the mmting of coins was the function of the state. And it 
cannot therefore be held that the primary marks on them were 

^ Ex&mplct of these coins are als3 girea in mj paper on ** The Coioage of 
KepaV J .R.A.S, 1908, p. 669, tt: ttq.—E. Hi W. 

a - Coubter Wrict on Feraltn and Indian Coins ^ b j E. J. Bapaoi^ sca.' 
J.B.i.S, 1806, > 871. 

• JUd. 



T0L7^H'«U rrnCH KIBKXD CO NS ifl) 

thTse oE the sanghas, except in the case where eiicb saiighu 
xrete independent or semi-independent governing bodies ; thought 
as is shown bj the Yissuddbimagga thej also bore the marka 
of the Sanghas, which may show that the Sanghas were allowed 
to mint for the State, or they may have been allowed to affix 
them for the purpose of levying their royalty on the coint 
that came within their jurisdiction, and confirming their 
currency. 

The number of different marks found on punch-marked coins 
18 very great. Theobald has described and figured 277 which 
be obtained from the examination of 150 coins. ^ He subse- 
quently revised that list by excluding the symbols on the 
later coin^^ge of Ujain and Eran, which reduced the number o{ 
svmbolsof the older coinage to 24<7, to which he added furtheiT 
marks, making a total of 342. The number of marks, however, 
greatly exceeds that number, and new finds bring fresh marks 
to light. 

For instance : out of the 83 marks on the present coIds 
illustrated on Plate IV, only 16 correspond to marks illustrated 
by Theobald, or are varieties of them,' and his Fig. 124 (six 
dots) might perhaps be the upper portion of present Fig. 8, if 
the mark were incomplete on the coin he referred to. -The 
remaining 66 marks are not amongst those illustrated by him. - 

A$ the meaning of some of the marks is not clear and 
individual interpretation of them may be mistaken, and a mark 
may ako be misleading when incompletely punched on a parti- 
cnlar coin, I have giveh illustrations of the coins so as to Bhovr 
almost every one of the marks which occur on them. 

^s an example of the above remarks I would refer to the 
mark Fig. 32, which I firbt took to be a separate mark and figured 
it accordingly, but oq further examination found to be a pQi;- 
tion of the mark elephant riglitf Fig. 5. Also Fig. 38, which 
\ at first took to be a separate mark, but which I subsequently on 

> J.A. S.B, Part I., 1890, p. 26S, Platcf VIII-XL ~ ~ ". 

> Ftg. 1 on Plate IV - Fig. 92 of Theobald ; Fig. % - 188, 139 ] S - 10 } 
8 - 3; 9 - 11; 12 - 64} 13 - 68j 16 - 167; 18 - 14S( 20 '^Wl 
23 - 29 ; 85 -< 31| 86 - 95; i7 - ^i 63 -> 163 wA 6i - U6. 



g^j PUNCH MASKED (JOlSS. t'AOX^, 

fortber examination think is a part of Fig. 4, interlaced tri- 
angles, only partly punched, and with the angle shown as 
rounded. I also think that Theobald's interpretation o! some of 
the marks which be figures is doubtfuL* 

I do not propose in the present paper to discass the possible 
meaning of the various marks which are found on punch-marked 
coins, other than those which occur on the present coins. But I 
would remark that I agree with Mr. Bhagwan Lai Indraji and 
Mr. R. D. Bhandarkar that the mark which in itslsimplest form 
consists of an arch sup?rimposed on two other arches, and which 
baa been considered by Cunningham to ba a ehaitya and by 
Theobald as a tlupa is really intended to represent a mountain. 
The passage quoted from ,the Vissuddhimagga that coins some- 
times bore a mark indicating mountains also supports this 
view. This conclusion is of importance ; as it shows that it is 
not necessary to presume any necessary connection of the coins on 
which it occurs, with the Buddhist religion, or that, conEeqae:itly, 
such coins would not, therefore, be anterior to the Buddhist 
religion. 

Similarly, the larger pyramid formed, in the same manner, 
of a large number of such superimposed arches would represent 
a higher or larger group of hills, as the distinguishing feature 
of the place where the coin was struck, which is in accordance 
\vith the passage in the Vissuddhimagga ; or may, possibly, in 
other cases represent Mount Mem, as has been suggested by 
Dr. S|)ooner * who notes that combined with a crescent on its 
apex, it is the recognized symbol of the Jains to represent one 

*As an example, TheobjJd's No. 118, fig. 3, whicb he describes as "a rnde homaa 
figure holding a club in the left hand. Abore it are fire dotd and these arc pro- 
bably intended to rcpr>?seQt fire heads. As the liny am has sometimes five kead(» 
this figure is probably intended for 5«ta " (J. A. S. B., Part 1, 1890, p. 234), 
would appear to be the " hull's or cuw's head with garland " Fig. 8 of the present 
e<Hns, looked at the wrong way up; the fire dots being the garland, and tha " dub " 
one of the eart. Also iThejb^'a Fiy. 216, which he desrrtbss as " Ornamental 
Fillet or Bib'^on " appears to be the Eran riTcr*mark. And thero are other* 
of which the description giren appear* to b> doubtful.— E. H. W. 

> The Zotoastrian Period of Indian History, J.B.A.B., 1915, p. 418. 



TOL. T., rU I.] PCNCH MASKED C0IK8. SX' 

of the Tirthankars and is called by them " Mount Mem." It 
may, therefore, in some cases be a mark of power and strength^' 
the " eternal hills,'' similar to the symbols of the sun and moon. 

I would note that this mark occurs on the lower end of the 
pillar that has been excavated at Kumrahar in the site whichj 
as Dr. Spooner shows there is good reason to believe, was the 
Palace of Chaudragupta * Maurya, where it could not, therefore, 
refer to Vkstupa or cliatiya, or have any Buddhistic significance ; 
as that religion had not then been adopted by the Maorya 
kingdom. Even if this palace were the later place of ^soka, 
the same observation would equally apply ; as the Buddhist 
religion had not then been officially recognized and its symbols 
would not have been adopted. I think, therefore^ that this 
symbol must be definitely abandoned as having the above 
Buddhist or any special religious significance. 

The fact that this mark does not occur on the present ooins 
is natural, a3 there are no hills in the neighlx)urhood though it 
might be expected to occur on coins struck at Rajgir. 

As the passage in the Yissuddhimagga says that the shroff 
on examining the coin would know- at which village, borough| 
town, mountain and river bank t^e coin was struck, where, there^ 
fore, other marks are combined with the hill-mark they would 
appear to inaicate which particular hill or group of hills was 
intended. Theobald gives a number of such hill-marks {Figa 
46-53), in which the animal over Fig. 49, the peacock over 
Ftg. 50, the tree over Fig. 52 and the (?) river turtles under 
Fig* 53, appear to be such distinguishing marks. Theobald'f 
Ftg* 59,. three arches side by side, w<Juld also appear to be 
another variety of the hill-mark. * , 

' " Excavationa at Pataliputra " by D. B. Spooner, A.S.B., 1912-13, pp. 63-83, 
Plato XLIX. p. 78. 

* Theobald described this mark u " No. 61. Three bati, the central being 
the largcU," etc., J. A. 8. B., Part 1, 1890, p. 237. 

Aisuming this to be i variety of the hill-mark, which I think it i>, there woold 
appear to be an interesting example of the later nte of this symbol to represent 
hills on the three coins in a row on • coin of the Pnri Knahnn typo which b 
described in my paper on " Puri Kushan Coins " found at Rakha, in the preaent 
camber of this Jonmal. (J. B. 0. K. S., Vol. V., p. 79)— E. H. W. 



H. pOxch MASKco eonri. C'AOJ.6. 

There also does not appear to be anj sufficient ground for 
considering a simple branch, sooh ae iV^f. 10, 11, 12, 12 (a), 
13 and S3 and reverse Fig, 81 necessarilj to represent the hodki 
tree, though it majr do so when it is combined with the Bgure 
consisting of foof or more squares, which is considered to 
represent a rail ; as in that form it is found on the coins of 
Taxila and other coins together with other Buddhist emblems. 
Even in the latter case it docs not always represent the hodhi 
tree, as is shown by Theobald'ti Fig. 223 which he described ai 
*' Jackal looking up at a tree, protected by a railing." 

The figure called a "rail," Fig. 53, also occurs in a variety of 
marks in combination with various other objects besides trees. 

The existence of a branch on certain of the present coins does 
not, therefore, imply any connection with the Buddhist religion. 

A wheels Fig. 55, appears on one coin. No. 102, bat it has 
a double circumference and it difters from the accepted form 
of the Dharmaeiakra and there is no reason to suppose that 
it is intended to represent it. 

With reg^d to the remark of the YiBsuddhimagga, that the 
shrofE would know at which river bank the coin was struck, the 
mark of two wavy lines representing a river ocoura on the 
square copper coins found at Eran and Besnagar, and as this 
symbol is also found on the cast copper coins which succeeded 
the above, the presumption is that those coins were current when 
succeeded by the cast coins and are therefore of much later date 
than the silver puranav. The Yissuddhimagga was written in 
Ceylon at same date before 450 A.D., and, therefore, refers to 
punch-marked coins, of a much later date ; as this form of 
coinage continued in Southern India much longer than in other 
ptuts of India. As far as I know, the rirer-mark has not been 
found on any of the early silver punch-marked coins. If sach 
mark had then been in general use to represent a river it might, 
perhaps, have been expected to have been found on the present 
Pataliputra coins, but it does not occur. 

In the present stage of knowledge regarding punch-marked 
corns it is not possible to judge their probable age except on 
general consideration!. 



f oio v.. fir. 1.] ptvCR xixm> ddtin: H 

Speaking generally^ it would appear to be a reasonable infer- 
ence that more elaborate designs, and those composed of more 
than one symbol are later than more simple design and 
those of one symbol. This statement cannot, however, at 
present be made with certainty without an examination of 
a mnch larger number of coins than have been so far examined 
and without the assistance of the nature of their provenance 
in each case. 

The present coins would appear to be of early date from (1) 
th6 depth at which they were found ; (2) the fact that their mazki 
are all of a simple nature ; (3) the absence of any marks whicb 
indicate the Buddhist religion which might be expected to be 
found on coins later than Asoka. 

There are two marks whioh somewbat resemble the Bmbmt 
letter Oa, namely Fig. iZ on coin No. 54 and Fig, 23 on coin 56. 
But an examination of these shows that they differ from the 
form of that letter found in inscriptions and on other coins, e. g.- 
in the word negatna on the square copper coins of Taxila. ^ 

Some indication of their period may, however, be inferred 
from the fact that amongst the objects found in the excavations 
of Pataliputra carried out by Dr* Spooner at Bulandibagh, in 
which what are believed to be the old wooden oity walli^ 
described by Megasthenes, have been discovered, amongst th4L 
numerous fragments of antiquities which have been found in the 
earth, with which the space between the two wooden palisadet 
was filled) I have seen a smill square-shaped piece of light green 
opaque glass, or other vitreous material about the same size as 
a small square punch-marked coin, on one side of which this mark 
\Fij, 1 ) is very clearly moulded, exactly similar to the mark 
on these coins. These excavations have as yet been only pro- 
visionally described. But, I believe, that Sir John. Marshall 
is of opinion that this infilling between the palisades may hav« 
been made in part from older rubbish-heaps. If this idea ui 
correct, the mark in connection with P&taliputra is earlier erea 
than Chandragupta. 

» C. A. I, PlaU III, Figf. 8, 9; IQ. '. ". 



^ PUJfCB Jf^IJWO COIN*. - UjHOUji^ 

III Fig, 22, on eoin 54, th^ two slopiBg strokes are 
Aeparate ; »d<1 in Fig, 23, on coin h\, the cbaraeter doe? Q^t 
form an angle but is distinctly roundei] at the top, jaod tbfi 
line is not of uniform thieknees, aa in the letter Ga, ibut ^ 
right hand portion ewells out and is distinctly and, apparentlj, 
icteutionally thicker than the rest of the ehara^ter. If, tb^er 
fore, these fignres represent the letter Ga, it would appear to b* 
an older form than in the inscriptions at present known. 

There is also another mark on coin 5$, which naj be tha 
Srahmi letter to. The mark has not been given xm Plajbe IV, 
as 1 did not, at first, grasp its possible signifioan^« It viU,- 
however, be seen on the upper margin of coin .88, Plate JJ, b/ 
looking at the coin from the lefthand aide. 

The predominant symbols on the coins are (1) t^ tiirea 
tWairoi and three ovals alternately round « central ciscU 
\ Fif. 1 ) and ( 2 ) the sun ( Fig, 2 ). These t^ro marks also 
occur together on 60 out of the 61 coins found at Peshawar 
described by Dr. Spooner * and pne or oth«r of ^bem oecurs ot 
the remaining coins. , They also occur generally together on 
several of the punch-marked coins which have been desoribed.' 

They do not, however, occur on any of the 1,226 coins found 
at Paila, though other forms of the solar symbol appear oo the 
reverse of some of those coins. 

Several varieties of the first symbol {Fig. X) are ^Iven by 
Theobald, who notes that its great antiquity is shown hj ths 
f^i that it was found by SchUepian ^n the lowest ^ir^oiD QlQi9 
excavations at Troy. * 

1A.B. B.. 190S^.p.l5«, 1&7. " 

• E.g>, I. M. C. Vol I, Plate XIX, figure* 2, 5, 6, 7, 8, 11. 41«o C-i^LPUto 
I, figs. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 and 13, PUte II (Taxila) flgt.1 and 2. 

***%!. Central Spbece lapportiog three 'Ch'ttra$f, * Umteella*' ^Mr'Broii 

The tame tjpe of lymbol alio ocean in the lowest stratum >t Troy ^ feel 
ImIow iti tarfsce in i erraeolta whorli mixed with stone implements. In thil 
arcbaic form of the symbol the apex of the " chatra" i« direpted inwarda iosteai 
pf 9utw^tdSi fod the aol^r nttnre of the inner disk oo which tba ** tlnUr^t '■ xe4 
(as it were topsytorry) is placed beyond doubt by the numerous ra<li#ti^ lio** 
turrouudiug it (Schlieman's Troy, page 80.) 



yofc. V4 t*. I.) tUXCH MA9KED COISl. 3| . 

The " Pot of Foliage " (Fig, 3) occurs in most of the 
corns as an oval boss with six dots over it. The concave 
cqrve of the mouth of the ghaTa is, however, clearly seen on some 
of the coins, e.g. Nos. 19, 20, 21, which leaves no doubt as to i(i# 
significance* 

The interlaced triangles {Fig, 4) is a mark which I haT# 
not jseen on other coins. ^ 

It is not clear what object is intended to be represented ii| 
ligt. ISA., 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, 30, 31, 88, 40, 43, 46, 49 
aod 50; and reverse marks 62, 65, 71, 73, 75, 76 and 80. 

Of the animals on the present ooins, the elephant freqoentl/ 
occurs on silver pstranas, the humped bull less frequently^ the 
bull's or cow's head with garland is, I believe, as already noted| 
Theobald's Fig, 3. But I am not aware that the Hon has been 
found on the silver puranat which have hitherto been described, 
though it is found .on subsequent copper coinages of Taxila. ' 
If, therefore, /V^. 7 is a lion, the presence of that animal 0|i« 
the present coins is very interesting. 

I have taken the animal (^1/. 7) to be a lion, rather than 
a Uger, on account of the comparatively large size oE the head. 
There is, however, no attempt to indicate the mane, as is dona 
in the examples of that animal on later Indian coins, and it 
may, consequently, be intended for a tiger. In either case I am 
not aware of either lion or tiger occurring on other silver punch- 
marked £oiDs. , - . : - 

— u — : • ■ . > ■ ^ — r— — " '■ ■ ■ "' ■ ' i' ' ! » "'• '• •• "* ■ 

28. Symbol 27 with throa intenreniDg bills. Fi^.^i. • v ./ 

In tbit variuit the " ch\traa " are separated by three iaterrening halU, an^d the 

antiquity of thia form ef the symbol it proTcd by thia identical pattero being 

found in Troy, only the' balls and " arrows ** (as Sefalieman cills then) are rattged 

on the ierraeotta whoris in fours instead of threes (Schlieman'a Troy, Plate XLltl^ 

tg.>iS»). r ,;> „^..^ 

83. B^boi 27 with tkree owl beads. JPi^. 95. ? ^.,„ . 

In this form, the ** balls " are replaced by a Symbol wUdi may b« 
described as the flrcek letter '• phi *' with the upper projecting liinb cot off. " It ik 
etientially the same as occurs on symbol 20 and is also foucd on Trojiui pottery 
and has been designated " owl's head" (Schliemsn's Troy, page dl3.^^. 227). 

J.A.8.B., Part 1,1900, Plate IX, figures 9I.^S, 100,103, 101^ 108 ; W4 
]pag«a 316^17. 

.^C. A. i.,puunL - • ' '- 



3^^ PbNCH MABKXD COIKf. t'JieJjI. 

The snake, in the form of the letter S, {F>g. 85) and with 
an egg {Figt. 28 and 44), the tortoise {Fig. 36), the humped bnU, 
of a different design to Fig. 6, are amongst the marks illufit rated 
hf Theobald. 

Cunningham suggested that the marks on the puranai might 
be punning allusions to tho names of the rulers or places, e.g. 
a bull or a cow (Sk. Vatta^Vaeea) a very common symbol on 
the coins of Kosambi, the capital of the Faitat; * or that another 
explanation was possible or even probable that they were shroS 
marks, and that the animals found on those coins might be adopted 
by the shroffs as indicating their nnmes.' 

The EhroS theory, as already noted, cannot stand as regards 
the obverse marks. The animals on purinat may be the lakiha^ 
iriat or emblems of the tahghat, or be the an^ai of particular rulen 
or governing bodies; for instance the Mababharata says that the 
standard of the Brihatratha dynasty of Magadha which came to 
' an end aboat 727 B.C. bore a bnll on it. They may also indicate 
the names of places. 

if the early punch-marked coinage was the outcome of tho 
Dravidian civilization, there may, possibly, be a connection 
between the animals adopted as lahhaiioM and the totems of clans. 

The marks on the reverse of the present coins, as is invari* 
ably found in pnnch-marked coins, are of an entirely different 
type to those on the obverse, and are less deeply punched. And 
when they represent the same objects they are smaller than 
the similar obverse mark. 

Only three obverse marks of the same size occur on the 
teverse, viz. Fig, 16, which occurs on the obverse of coins 4, 
i36 and 87 and on the reverse of coins 26, 41, 74 and 79 ; Fig. 18 
which occurs on the obverse of one coin only. No. 43, and on the 
reverse of coin No. 20 ; and Fig. 24 which occors on the obverse 
of coin 56 and on the reverse of coin 103. Except the above, 

»C.A.I.,pp.M-57. " 

***Th« old monej clung«n m!gTii btre bad lyinbolt referring to tb*Ir 
ewB Damei, thoa : the ** San " for Sar;» Dai ; a " 8nake" fur Naga Sea; and aa 
*• £lephant " for Gaj Sirgk Bir Deo might hare Lad a " Soldier/' Qopal a fioIV 
•ad Khajar Varma, % Palm txce (KbsJQr). " C.A.I., p. 19* 



TOlk Ta T> I) PUKOfl XASKID COIHf . If 

where the same marks occur on the reverse as on the obverse, 
they are either somewhat different in design, and even where they 
tre the same in design are smaller. Thus the interlaced triangles 
on the reverse of coin 105 is" smaller than the obverse mark 
Ji>. 4; the bull's or cow's head with garland {Fig. 77) is about 
half the size of the similar mark {Fiff. 8) on the obverse; also 
JVy. 66, snake in shape of the letter S, is much smaller than 
the somewhat similar mark on the obverse {Fi^, 85); and the 
phallns {Fiff. 6S) is only half the size of the similar ma;k 
{Fijf* 54-) on the obverse. 

Coin 103 is peculiar. The marks on the reverse of this cofa 
•re full size and appear to be all of the nature of obverse marks 
and are deeply punched into the coin in the manner of marki 
on the obverse. There are eleven marks on it. They are punch- 
ed indiscriminately over each other. Only one mark, the nine- 
petalled flower, is intact. A possible suggestion might be that 
the reverse of this coin may have been used as a test for trybg 
various obvers9 punches. 

The marks on the obverse of this coin, on the other hand, 
are more lightly punched than those on the reverse* ' 

The remaining reverse marks, as will be seen from Fig». 68 
to 81, are entirely distinct and even where they apparently 
represent the same objects, e.g. Fi$». 68, 69 and 79, which 
appear to be intended for the suu, they are quite distinct from 
the sun mark (/ty. 2) on the obverse. 

Professor Rapson refers to the injunction of Manu, VIII, 
403, that '* AH weights and measures must be duly marked, and 
once in six months let him (Le. the nftpj, the prince) re-examine 
them," acd he thinks that coins were included in this injunc- 
tion, and that the marks on the revcrsa are perhaps the marks 
affixed by the " prince, " the governor of the district, or ether 
official included in the term nfipa, at the time of periodical 
testing of the currency. He therefore considers that " the 
merchants or money-changeri to whom we have attributed the 
obverse , punch-ma k, had dimply to isabmit their coins to the^ 
eWef authority in the district, who rejected such as wcra 



^ PUNCH MIBKZD COtlT^ ' UMiJLM, 

deficient in weight or quality of metal, and sanctioned each tut 
were approved by marking them with his official stamp, whioli 
may perhaps be identified with the solitary punch-mark so often 
found in the centre of the reverse. The occasional occnrrence 
of more than one of these reverse punch-marks on a coki ig 
naturally explained by supposing the coin to have passed corrent 
in more than one district, and consequently to have beea 
officially tested more than once."* 

The theory that the marks on the obverse were affixed by th« 
merchants or money-changers through whose handdthe (ioins 
happened to pass, cannot, however, be maintained in view of 
the occurrence of certain coobtant groups of those marks oa 
a number of coins. 

The theory that the reverse marks were the official stamp of 
the local authority and indicated that the coin had been tested 
and sanctioned for currency within that area appears, as a general 
statement, to be subject to equally material objections. If this 
were generally the case, tho official test and currency mark 
Would be expected to be found on all coins that had been in 
circulation, or, at any rate, on the very great majority of 
them, and there would also be far greater uniformity amongst 
the reverse marks, which were affixed on all coins current withia 
a given area, than amongst obverse marks which according to 
the above theory were affixed by merchants or money-changen 
through whose hands the coins passed* 

Neither of these conditions, however, is found to exist in the 
case of the old silver punch-marked coins that have hitherto been 
brought to light. If we exclude the coins of Taxila and the 
Peshawar find, the majority of which bear the *' Taxila mark/' 
which has hitherto been considered to be a mint mark, on the 
jeverse, and the coins found at Eran, which would appear to be 
of later date, punch marks do not occur on the reverse of &I1 the 
old silver puranat, and when they do ooour, there is no gehcral 
uniformity amongst the reverse marks on the coins found in tho 
same locality. -■ ■ , 



f)^.* f^ M. U f OXCH HAKKtD COIXM Sf 

Keverse marlis are foand on only S8 of the present coins, and 
tbere b no uniformity amongst them. Only two marks {Fig, 
59 and obverse Fig. 16) occurs on four coins, one mark {Fig, 
62) on three coins, one mark {Pig, 66) occurs twice, and thd: 
others are marks which occur only once. A description of the 
marks will be found in Table IIL 

That there is no general uniformity amongst the reverse 
marks is also the case in the coins found at Paila. Mr. Camp- 
beirs Treasure Trove Keport, and his list of marks, which he has 
kindly let me see, show that while, as already noted, on^y 13 
marks occur in certain fixed groups on the obverse of 1,226 
coins, no less than 89 marks, in which also all varieties of the 
same object have been included under one number, occur on 
the reverse. 

Among the coins from Afghanistan described by Mr. B. D. 
13ancrji, i out of the S9 rectangular coins 11> namely one*fourth, 
bear no mark on the reverse, and out of the 5 " Roughly Circular 
or Oval Coins " two^ namely more than one-third, bear no 
mark on the reverse. 

The marks on the reverse may be the marks of merchants 
and money-changers through whose hands the coins passed. 

One mark on the reverse of the present coins {Fig. 69) is 
very interesting, as a close examination of it shows that this 
mark on the reverse of coins Nos. 18, 42 and 83 not only it 
it the same mark, but that it has been punched with the 
identical jpnneh* 

The illustrations of the coins on the plates are not quite 
full size. They are '92 of the actual size of the coins. 

My thanks are due to Dr. Caldwell, B.sc, m.a., PH.D., F.l.d., 
F.C.S., F.P.U., for having kindly weighed the present coins. 

• Now. ^' ' 

On Plate III, tlie ohverse and reverse of coin 103 have, by 
mistake, been transposed. The one shown as the obverse at the 
top of the Plate being the reverse ; and the one shown as the 
reverse at bottom of the Plate being the obverse. 

On Plate IV, lig, 66 is a reverte mark, occurring on the 
reverse of coin 103, and has, by mistake, been shown amongst 

the obverse marks. . "^ 

-•■••*' 

» J.A.a.«t., 1910, p. 227. . . - 



mrcH MAAKEo court. 
LIST OP PUNCH-MARKED COINS. 



tMJUMM 



Va. 


•it*. 


OWTHM* - 


Berefse* 


I 


t 


t 


4 








CLA8S k. 










FigTJre eompowd of thre« 
circle* and thre« ehl<Ura* 
alternately roond a ceDtral 
circle vith a dot ia tb« 
centre, Fiy. 1 ; Sun, Fiy. S ; 
Pot of foliage, the foliage 
being repreeented bj fix 
dot*, Fiff. 8 J iot^rUoed 
triangle*, Fiy. 4. 










Sitb-Clim 1. 










An additional mark ; Elephant 
facing right Fig. 6. 




., • 


I 


' 581 
11 < 9 


Fire mark* a< noted above 
—Fig*. 1, 2, 8, 4 and 5. 
PL L 


Blank. . 




t 


62-8 
1-05 X 95 


Ditto 


Ditto 




t 


681 
. 1-06X-8S 


DiUo 


Ditto 


- 


4 


525 
1-CS X 95 


As on coin No. 1, with an 

additional mark of aix 
doti roaod a central dot 
(Fif 16 . Thia mark his 
been poccbed pvtlj over 
Ko. 3 (Pot of foliage) 
and partW OTtr Ho. 6 
(Elephant)! PL L 


Ditto 




S 


60-9 
1-05 X -9 


As on coin No. 1 ; PL I.^ 


Ditto 




" 6 


61-8 
115 x-y 


Diiia ... 


Ditto 


• 



lot. T, FT. 1.J 



FUXCH MABXIO 00C(«.' 



it 



No. 


Weiffbt and 
Bite. 


ObverM. 


Beverse. 


1 


8 


8 


4 






CLARA A. 










Scs-Ci.A<8 1— eontd. 






7 


635 

1 06 X -8 


Mtrks ]. 2, 8. 4 and 5, slw 
»n Additional mark of • 
•mall oral object ia an 
oval imeute. 


Blank. 




8 


60*6 
1-06 X 10 


Marki 1, 8, 8, 4 and 5, at 

on coin 1. 


Ditto 




• 


497 
1-3 X -76 


Di:to PL I. 
Tbe coin is broken and 
a piece is missing. 


Very small circular mark. 
Fig 68, and another India- 
tibct mark. 


10 


48-5 
l'x-8S 


As on cwa No. 1 ; PI. L 


Blank. 




u 


61-8 
l*iax-9S 


Ditto PL I 


Ditto 


- 


IS 


615 

•9dx-96 


Aa on coin No. 1 } PI. I ... 


Ditt* ' 




13 


40-1 
•83X-8 


Ditto. (This coin is broken 
and a piece is missing). 


Ditt> 


# 


14 


63^ 
1-26 X -87 


Ditto 


Ditto 




16 


so-s 

105 X 1-06 


Ditto. (This coin is broken 
into two pieces bnt it com* 
plete.) 


Ditto 




16 


52-2 
l-OSxl-OS 


Ditto. (This coin is brokoa 
into two pieces but !s com* 
plete.) 


Ditto 




17 


512 
1-2 x -9 


Ditto (This coin is broken 
into two pi ces but is com- 
plete.) 


Ditto 


■"* 



NoTX.— Coins 61 and 59 also be'ong to this class. Bot I only idetitifled the 
frtgment \,t the punch of Fiy. 5 (Elephant right) on farther examination after 
the coins had been arranged in the list in their sciial order, ss a separate dsss. 
As th? change in their plsce on the libt would hare affected the numb'rs of the 
c<;lui on I'Ulei I snd II, these coins hsrc bcrn left in thrir original place in the lirt 



pmrcff iriursD caisK 



W.B.n.«.». 



Sol 


We!gb« «n4 
•ii*. 


ObTlN*. 


BeVenft. 


1 


S 


s . 


4k 







CLASS A. 








Scb-Clih S. 








An •Jd'tional i&iirV. A 








plant with b«rr{«t or, 






' 


licihapa, flower*. TbM 








m-irk ii e!e«re«t on coia 








10; Fij.lO. 


• 


IS 


611 


Marks 1, a, 3 and 4, and 


A flowrr of leren reUIi. 




. I'll X -06 


additional mark( a plant 

with berrioa. If if. JO. 

fTbit coia i* broken into 

- four piece* but it com- 


JV. 69. 






* 






plete.) 




19 


63 9 


Aaon coin 18; PI. I. 


Minnti itrcalal' mark 




1-02 x-9 




with am-Ul boM in tha 
centre. Tb6r« are othrr in- 






• 


d stinct marka which do 


« 






I ot ap^ar to b« pu: chea 








bat look liko tbe grain of 
wood on Nvhich tha coin 
mi»y bare been pLtcai for 
striking the cbve:ee paa- 
c>e«. Similar msrki occur on 
the rcrer e of tereral other 






■ 


<d the** coica. 


20 


63S 


Aa on coin 18 ; PI. I. 


Fire dota in a tqnare 


• 


•33 X -Oi 




a-mtlar ti tba additional 
obterse pttcch on cjin 48 ; 
FiS. 18, PI. III. 


SI 


63 9 


Dittto .:: 


Figure resercbling flo*e^ cf 




103 X -11 




six petals, Jtj. t'O, and tmaU 
star of tit tnnara raya. Fig 
61 ; PL III. 


t% 


61-5 


Ditto(Tha Branch, Fi^. 10 is 


Very small indistinci mark. 




•&2X-85 


psncliel part)/ oxetfi/. i.) 
Thii cjia al«o hi* an eztrt 




'■ 




n»rk. ttj. 40; PL I. 





TOL. r., PT. 1.1 



ptfvcd tfARttD c(ri^: 



.^^fi^riiiiMM 



Ka 



Weight and 
•ize. 



Obrer>e< 



Itcrenc 







CLASS A. 


' 






SuB-Cuiss 8. 




t. 




An Additional Mark ; A 
Plant of Bomewbat dilfe* 
rent design* Fif. 11. 


» ' i 


23 


612 
■96 X 85 


four Marka, Fiyt. 1, 2, 3, 4, 
at in the prcviont coina, 
and fifth Matk. Fia. 11 t 
Pi. I. 


Mark, jn^.tii Pi. l.t. 


24 


62-5 
1-1 X M 


Ditto M* «.. 


Blank. 


25 


63-1 
1-06 X -86 


Ditto ... ... 


Ditto 


26 


632 
1-08 X -93 


title, PI. h 


I^idots roand central dot 
the lame aa Ohver$t Fia. 
16 } and Fij. 63; PL IIL 






SUB-CUM 4. 




*-• 


.- :.. . 


An Additional Mark} A 
Six pointed Flower, Fiy. 14. 


/-.-^VT' ■ 


27 


62-8 
1-02 X -97 


Mark! 1, 2, 8, 4 and ad' 
ditionel mark of aix-point- 
ed flower, I'lj'. 14 


Minnte circular Mark with 
rai^d line in cecttv', 

Fisf. 64 J n. III. 


28 


62 8 
101 X -97 


As on coin 27 ; Fl. h 


Blank. 


29 


60S 
103xl 


Ditto 7^ 


Ditto 


80 


49-7 
1-16 X -96 


Dltta, PL-I. 


An indistinct mark which 
does not appear to hare hceii 
a punch. 


.tl 


626 
1*16 X -01 


Ditto '.;; 


Blank. , - . 



nmcs xABXxo coivi. 



CIAO.IJV 




U 



61-4 
llx-90 

It X -95 

62-8 
1*02 X -90 



U-1 
101 K -96 



M 



49-1 
Ik -93 



S7 



48S 

1-02 X -ga 



CLASS A. 
Scb-Cliu 4— c«»/i. 

AJoneoia27; PL I 

D.tto 



The impreis'on of tbe tddi* 
feiooal tn&rk, JY^. 14, is 
faint on this coin and only 
h&f of it shows on tb« 
edge of the coin. 

Aa on coin 27 , with mn ad* 

dltional mirk of % star or 
wheel without • rim, 
Fis- ISjPLL 

Sm-CziBi 6. 



W tb Add't'onal mark ; A 
n:Le-leared branch, Fiff. 11. 

MarVs 1, 2, 3, 4 with 
additional mark. A nine- 
leaved branch, Fij. 12. 

Al5o two extra aarkt -, 
•:x dot< roand a central 
drjt, Fi^ 16, and an indis- 
tinct mark of a small bos« 
in tho ceutre of s circnUr 
i»eu»»i PL L 



Withft-'dittonal mark; nine* 
leaved branch with a b^s* 
«t the base (Fig. 12a. 
PL I). 



Marks 1,2, 

additional 
12(a). 



3 and 4 
mark, 



with 
Ft'f. 



Mvk Ff'f. 63 ; as oa rererst 

of coins 23 and 7U. 

BUnk. 



Ditto 



Dit'* 



Impression of an imem$$ l«k 
the mark la ind:stin«.t. 



Mark aiFi^. 65; PI. III. 



TOL.T^ PT. 14 



rcSCH UAAKKD COIXl. 



4» 



VTeight »nd tise. 



OVreiM. 



B«rnie. 



63 1 
105 X 


9i 


628 
1-06 X 


•88 


617 
1 X -88 


6SS 

1*16 X • 


86 



611 
111 X -77 



62«8 
1 X -90 



CLASS A. 

STrB-Cl.AM 8. 



Aq additioDAl nMrk 1 
tbr«d dot* in itumte. (Fig. 
17. PL I.) 

Markt 1, 2, 8, 4 and 17. 



At on coin 38 mnd an wSiXl- 
tional mark. (Fia. 18A 1 
PL \). 



At on coin 88 ; PL I 



Ditto 



Ditto 



SmrC&AM 7. 



An Additional Mark. Rrt 
dot* in a iquare. Fig* 18^ 
PL I. 



Markal,S,a, 4 *Ddl8. 



Blank. 



Ditto 



Snako, lig. 68} nod tv» 
■qoari OTtf a aeml^ireK 
Fig. 67 i PL IIL 

Six dot* ronnd central dolf 
like oVverte Fig. 16, bat 
•mailer } and, probably in* 
complete* mark ot t«o dota 
ontbe edge of tbe e^a. 
PI. III. 

Plower of ieyen pptala, ]F*g. 
69; itrock from tbe aavo 
pnnck as on rereree ef 
coin 18 t PL 1X1. 



Bbak. 



4« 



ruKca MAircD conri. 



^iA«,M 



Na 



Weight tad site. 



ObrwM. 



Bevefif. 



44 



S2-8 
X -93 



45 



Sl-8 
1 « -84 



46 



47 
48 
49 
SO 



M-5 
1-1 K <flS 



501 
115 x-71 

63-5 
1 X -90 

52-3 
M X -96 

62-6 
1 X -98 



CLA£SA. 

SrB-Ci.AB« 8. 

An additional mark ; % 
figure reaembliog a fleaf^ 
de*Iyt on a EorixoDtal 
line over fire vettk-al 
lines (Jf>. 19.) 

Marks 1,2. 8. 4 and 19 { 
in which only ihree of th« 
Tertical lines show in the 
mark on this coin. It also 
has an extra mark of three 
ptrallel Hoes joii^ at one 
end { this mark ia incon* 
pletc (PL I). 

Fnnchee 1, 2, 3, 4 and 19. 
The fire vertical lioce are 
dearlj shown en this coin 
as in Fij 19. PL L 

Bcb-Class 9. 

With additional mark of 
aeven vertical lines and 
a hor'sontal line, resembling 
a comb {Fi^. 43). 

lUrka 1, 2, 3, 4 and 43. 

BxTB-CzkU 10. 

With additional nark, 
possibly a snake. -{lif. 
20.) 

VarVsl, 9, 8, 4 and 20: 
PLl. 

Ditto 



Blank. 



8Ur. l'i>. 68 ; and i. disUnot 
mark with OTjd ontUoe t 
PI. IIL 



Blaak. 



DHto 
Ditto 



PLI... 



The additional mark (Fiy. 20) 
has been punched oret 
itarkl. 



P'Mi 
Ditto 
Ditto 
Ditto 



rrr^^ 



▼OL. T^ PI. 1.3 



PONCB MA9XED 0OIN& 



41 



Wfigbt und 
dse. 



Obvent. 



BtTrn*. 



61-7 



6S1 
llx-90 



i2 9 
•9dx-94 



81-7 
l»-78 



62-8 
r04 K -96 



CLASS A. 

SCB-ClAU 11. 

Additiojul M«rlc «0 tbpwo 
ia .F*^. 21. 

Kr»rksl«S,8, 4 And 21. 
PI. I. 



MarVs I,^ 8, 4 and 2U 
Mark 21 •ppean only pvtlj 

0!i (be m&rgio ol tb« e«ilL 

PI L 

■ " ' - ■ . ■ .V ? 



Additional Mark of oral 
rorved line with boM in 
ceutra. Fij. 44. i , : 

Varka 1, 2. 8» 4 wA 44. 

PLL 

Sitb-Clabs 13. 



Additional Mark. Fig.it. 
Panebet ), 2, 8,4Ma fl^ PL 1 

8rB-CLi88 14. .' ' 

Additional Mark. Fig. 23. 

Pnncbea 1, 2, 8, 4 and 33. 
PLL 



^nk. 



3UBk. 



:,.»/ 



0-M 



Ditto 



..J. 






Oitta 



»^ i 



Thrcp Marks— fita^ of 
carved rayi, JVy. 69i tiini* 
lar star bat feWer rayt 'and 
act 80 carved j and imall 
circular boss. PI. I^I. 



4S 



puxcH MAirEO coiira. 



CJJ».o.i.i. 



No. 


Weight And 
•is*. 


Obrerte. 


Rerera*. 


1 


9 


8 


4 






CT.ASS A. 

• 








Bxr^zAM IS. 








Addition&l Ifark ; eigbt* 
peulled flower. Fif. 84. 




- M 


468 

108 X -86 


H«rlt 1« 8, 8, 4 and 84. 

PLIL 

StTB-CLABS 16. 


Blank. 




• 


Adaitioul Mark i thick 
object, with tba two ex< 
trem.tie* cnired in opposite 
dircctioai ; Fis- 85. 


- 


17 


6S-0 

1-02 X -sa. 


Marks 1. 8. 8, 4 and 2S. 

ThU coin alao hu a aixtk 
mark, an object in a 
biangle (Fig. 26) pnncbed 
OTcr 1. In thia coin nurk 
4 baa been punched o\ er 
inarkl, PLIL 


ilinnte orcaHr dot 




( 


SiTB-Cxau 17. 


- : - 






Additional ISark i Fo«r> 
pointed flower. Fi^. K, 




18 

• 


47-7 
1-08 X -95 


Varka 1, 8. S. 4 and 87. 

Tber«ar« alao three add)' 
tional marka ; a cnrred Una 
witli a dot; Fiy. 29; a 
Biark vhieh may poaaiblj 
be the. Erabmi letter to 
and an indistinct cireixlar 
mark. PL IL 

8VB-CZ.A88 18. 

Additional mark, a l^iasriei 
J'i/.89. 


BUnk. 


69 


S30 
1-0 X 4-87 


Marka 1, 8. 3. 4 and 29. Alao 

a aixtb mark« Fig. 80 ; and 
tbe OTal tacsM of a eeveoth 
mark, which i« indiatinct. 
PLIL 


pitted 



Tofc, ▼,' rt. 1.3 



PtmCR MARKED COINS. 



No. 


■ise. 


OhrtrstL. ' '- ' 


ReYerair. 


1 


2 


% 


4 






CLASS A. 










Scb-Clabs 19. 

Additioiinl Mftrk) a can-od 
liu« «nd • dot. Fiy. 31. 






CO 


454 

lx-96 


MarUl. 8.3«4and 91 ... 
Scb-Class 1. 


BUvk. 


.'■v 


61 


612 
1-61 X -70 


Markf 1, 2. 3, 4 and 83. 
Fig. 32 prove* on closer 
cximiiiRtlon to he a portiofi 
of Mark 5. Klophnat rieht. 
lig.i. ThUejio (bonloM 
belongs to CI»M A, Snb- 
ChMl. n. IL. 


IkU 


■• 




■ 


, Spb-Cuiss 20. 


. • I ■ r - • 








Ko additional mark. 






62 


49^5 

lx-70 
(ioiomplete) 


Mark! 1. 2. 9, 4. Mark 21s 
poDcbcd in tw» plscos, each 
only tbowiiig in part. 


' Dd. 




63 


37-7 
lK-85 


Incomplete at the coin it 
hrokeft. On tbi« piefe of 
tbe coin there *T9 only 
mtrks. J'l^*. I,2anci4. 

. CL.iSSB. 

Mark! 1, 2, 3 (but dot 4) 
together with an additional 
fourth mark. 

ScBCtlif" 1. 


- 


, 




.■•:- 


Witih a fourth mark { hnipp* 
cd boll. (Fig. «.) 


' 




ti 


58-28 
1*04 X -91 


Pnackoa, 1, 2, 8 and 6; PI. IT. 


Dd. 













t 



■MMMk 



If) 



PtTNCH MARKED COf X8. 



l3.K0.tJL 



Xo. 


Weigkt and 
■iie. 


Obrene. 


Berene. 


1 


9 


t 


« 






CLASS B. 










SrB-CiAss l—co»td. 




. 


65 


ol-8 
lx-85 


As oa coin 64 ; PC 11. 


Blank. 




66 


455 

1-1 X 08 


As on coin 64. The coin is 
broken in three piores, one 
piece missing conUining 
half of tha nark of the 
hnmpcd balL 


Ditto 




67 


52-6 

116 X eo 


As on coin 64. This coin is 
broken, bat is e&inplcto. 

Scb-Class i. 
Extra onrk cbjcore. 


Initio. 




68 


612 
11 X -81 


Marks 1, 2, S and an iiidis- 
tiiict mark. Mark 1 is 
punch' d in two place*. 

k 11, 

Scb-Class 3. 
No fourth Mark. 


Ditto. « 




€9 


62-5 
•96X-91 


Marks 1, 2 and 3 


Ditto. 




' 




^'LASs C. 

Marks 1 and 8; Lion 
(Fiff.7) and cow's or ball's 
head with garland (2^ty. 8^». 

Srs^lr.iss 1. 
Xo additional Mark. 


* - 




70 


B2-8 
•96X-92 


Marks 1, 2, 7 and 8. PI. II. 


^i>. 62; PI. III. 




71 


53- 1 
106 X -85 


As on coin 70; Pt. 11. 


Bl;nk. V/; . 


. % 



TOt T, PT. U 



PUNCH MmCKO coins: 



St 



No. 


Weight »nd 

sise. 


Obrerw,. 


R«T«IM. 


1 


t 


S 


4. 






CLASS C. 






* 


Sub-Class l—contd. 




72 


631 
•97 xM 


Ai oac<Ma70;Pl. 71. 


BUnk. 


73 


532 
•98X-87 


Ditto ' 


Ditto. 


74 


&2-3 


Ditto, PI. II. 


Sit dots ronnd central dot 




1-04 X -80 




ObeerteFi^.lQi PL III. 


75 


60-9 


Ditto. 


Star bat slightly different 




1-05 X -90 




from Fijf. 2 ; also sun, or 
flower, Fiff. 70. The nyt 
more resemble the rogs of a 
wheel, there is a doable ring* 
in the centre, and no outer 
rim to the rays, as in F»>. 2, 


76 


COO 
1-02 X -74 


Ditto .:; 


Blank. 


77 


47-2 
•80 X -80 


Ditto ... . ■ ;... 


Blank. v 










(Part oiilj ) 










Scb-Class 2. 


"* 






An addit'ooul Mark ; • 








Branch of teTcn Ichtcs. 








(Fij^.lZ). 




78 


52-5 


Marks 1. 2, 7, 8 at on e iln 


Fif. 71. 




1-03 X -86 


70, and additiouat mark. 
Jf>. 13 } PI. U. 


-. • ■ r • 


79 


523 


A* on coin 78 ... 


Six «Tots ronnd ccntrfll dot 




102 X -86 


StTB-ClJlSS 3. 
Addit'onal Mark; a Branch 


ObcerseFij.lQi VlllU 






of seven Icare* risinjf 
from a round boss, Fiy. 33. 






63-2 


Marks 1,2, 7, 8flnd33. AUa 


Eqnilatcril triangla with 


SD 


102X-88 


an additional mark, a cross 


t*:rci smaller triangles 






with each arm terminating 


ronmlit. Fig.'iii f I. H. 






ia a small boss. 




...^ 





IS 



PUaCH JUBKBO COXVI. 



fJ.iAlj 



No. 



Wei^t and 



ObrerM. 



BerqiM. 



ei 



93 



E2A 

■96 X SO 



S2$ 
1-25 X 74 



83 



62-5 
•94 X -9? 



K 



53-1 
•96X-89 



CLASS C. 



SCB-Cl>AM 4. 



Witb IdJlUoul Vark; 
which rcsemblef a ttood* 
io^ figure with a tell 
b-at without tl« bead 
shown scpArfttfly, ptrhap* 
a monkey. Ti$. 84 ; PI. II. 

Ifarkal. 2, 7, 8 tod 84 i 
and a small indistinct 
object IB a circolar i»euM. 



Marls 1, 2, 7, 8 and 85. 

Also aa additional mark } 
a snake in shape of the 
Ictur K i Fig. 35k 



8tni.CLlu 6. 



With an Additional mai% 
of a triangle. Fig. 29. 

Marks 1, S, 7, 8 (as on coin 
70)acd29i R. I|. 



ScirCLASg A. 



With sn Additional Uark i 
resrmbliag a tortpise. 
i-V. 3«, 



Harks 1, 2, 7, 8 (as en coin 
70) and 36; PL IL 



Blan^ 



Ditto 



Flower of seven pf-tals. Fig, 
59. This mtrk is made 
by tlie idt'nticsl pamh as 
on the rererae of coins 
18 a|.d 42 1 1% III. 



An object, the nceaning rf 
which is not clear ; Fig, 
73; PI. IlL 



fOl* T^ W. X J 



PITKCB MASrtD COlVt. 



'5ft 



Vo. 



Wfight and 

•iM. 



Obrme. 



ftretie* 



85 



440 
1-U4X 97 



86 



51-4 
1X-9S 



87 



525 
105 K CO 



CLASS C. 
So-CiAtt 7> 



With M additional nark 
of a tls petalM flowrtf 
J^5.14; PI. IL 

Marka 1, 2, 7, 8 ahd 14. 



SwCxJuM 8i 



WHIi an addlticnal marl 
of a wheel irith sixtpokM* 
bnt withoot a t'xw, J'tjr. 16. 
TfaUcoin U broken and ft 
piece l» miaslng, PI. II» 



Harki 1, 2, 7, 8 and IS. 



SvB^Ciiss 9»' 



Witb two additional tntrka | 
a central dot witb tii d6ta 
rouftd 1*1(7. 37 ; flower of 
•ix petals, or star of six rijt 
ending in dot«, timilar to 
reverse mark, JFiy. 60,%ttd 
a rros* in roond eOroered 
i»cUt0i PL IL 

Marka 1, 2, 7, 8 and 37» 
Reverte mark 60, and a 
orou io sqnara inctut. 



Blaok. 



A tnake \t tbe formal tb» 
letter 8, Fig» 66 1 fL IIL 



•i \ 



JL mJ^nU ttsrk of a eroai 
in a roandod ineuti similar 
to the mark on the obtnraa 
of this eoia b'\it nnaller. 
Fis.74. 



u 



mj:;ch >uuced coixs. 



C'.BAl.*. 



N». 


Weigbt Acd 
fize. 


Obrenr. 




1 


f 


S 


4 








CLASS C 










Scb-Clas* 10. 










Witb tn ftddit'onal nurk ; 
» eontnl bou with I'.x 
•traight linet aiMl six 
linn ending is » boat, 
radiating from it alter- 
nately. Fig. Z9 -,¥111. 






88 


47-2 
lx-94 


Marki 1, 2, 7, 8 and 89 ... 

S{rB-Cl.iB8 IL 

Witb two additional mari« ; 
a many pttalled flower, 
Fij. 45 ] and a figare 
reaemUing th« tgvn 8 
vitbln a circle, J'ig, 46 ; 
PLIL 


BlAnk. 

- L 




. ^ 


61 E 

- ix'sa 


Ponebeal^];, 7,8^ 89 and 
46. 

CLASS D. 

IfarVtl, S and Slepbant, 
M^ Fiy. 9. 

Witb an Additional nurb ; 
creiceDt witb fire doti^ 
Fiy. 41, and triangle witb 
three doti inside, Fig. 42. 


Blank. 




90 


4V6 
1-1 X -90 


Markal, 2, 9^ 41 and 42 ; 
PL 11, 


Blank. 




91 


63-0 
,•92 X -88 


Ditto. ... 


Blank. 




91 


62-3 
•98X-91 


Ditto, P1.IL 


Blank. 





Y01.V, rr.i.j 



PUXCH MABKCD COINS. 



6S 



No. 



Weight and 

■IM. 



S3 



61S 
lx-88 

63-4 
•93 X -90 



96 



St 



»7 



B2-5 
91 X -86 



611 
•95 X '91 



Obrerte. 



.ll«Tcra«.- 



62-6 
•86X-84 



CLASS D. 
SrB-CLXU l—eo»eltL 



Harlcal, 2,9,41 &nd 42, 
PL II. 



Ditto, 
very ttiut. 



Mark 42 U 



SVB-CLJkSS S. 

Similar to the alwTd bat BO 
triangle mark Ffg. 42. The 
coi&t are both incomplete 
in ihape and the triangle 
mark may be on the 
auising portioe* 

Marls 1, 2,9aad.41 (bat 
not 42). Fl.Il. 



Ditto. The shape of thi«: 
-coin shows that a portion; 
is missing, on which, there 
might have been another 
mark. The son mark, i^i^. 
2, is panelled in two placet 
on this coin. 



Blank. 



Traces of two p%t}i» 'N* 
worn and ti^isUoict te 
decipher. 



Blank. 



8VB-Cl.l88 S. 






Pkrwer of seven petals. Wt'f. 
69, as on the reverse of 
coins 18, 43 and 83, and, 
apparently, made with tl^a 
identical panch. PL IIJ, 



With Addit!oDat mark ) bow 
and arrpw. Fi^, 47. 



Maries 1, 2, 9 
PLJI. 



and 47 } 



Ellipse with a dot at eaeb 
apei, Fi</. 76 ; and a flgnre 
coDSistii g of an oral atid 
four parallel lines anitdd 
by a line at right angles | 
pos&ib'y t«o scpitratf 
marks, J'i>.76;Pl.m. 



pvsrca M4iKBJ> com. 



CJJtjo.ij. 



So. 


We^fat %ad ute. 


ObrCT«0. 


RnrerM. 


1 


9 


9 


4 



98 



49*1 

•92 X SO 



M 



ICO 



CLASS 0. 
Srs-CciAM Z--eo»id. 



Mark* 1.2. 9 %\A4,7. TliU 
rein hit kq extra mirk of a 
c'rc> with figbi dcta roaul 
it. Fig. AS i VI II. 



iS9 

•«7x-70 



614 
*904 SO 



Svs-Cx^M 4. 



Witli additional loarlc i nx> 
petalled Howtr, aimiUt t* 
JXf. 84. 

Vark«l.S,9 and 24 and 
an additional mark ; a aolid 
•ciaieircK Fif. 49,fL 11. 



ScB-CimS. 

Uarka 1, 8. 9, wUh add!- 
tiotul mark. Fi^. M. 

MarLal.2,9 and 50, PL H 

CLASS E. 



U ;irkt 1 and 8 witb addition- 
al aurki. 



Poor marka. Small roit'i tg 
loll'a hfead With gar'and, 
a'.milar t » Fiy. 17. rf. Ob- 
renc Ftf. 8, hot emaiUr; 
design, JY^. 78 ; tm»ll ohi. 
cnre mark in ronnded inevtt ; 
and a bo ■ towards tbe tidt 
of acircnlir iac«<« j PL llL 



Indiaticct mark to circalar 



I'ttA 

^ '1 

Bla^k. 



VOl.T^W.1.3 



pDXCH MAEno coias. 



W: 



No. 


Weigh! ani sii^ 


Obvme. 


S«Tec««. 


1 


2 


S 


4 



101 



51-4 
•97x-80 



103 



103 



48-5 
•82 X -76 



6S-9 



CLASS K. 
SrB*CtA8« 1. 



With two Additiocul raarkt ; 
foor dot* in » triangle, Fif 
61, and a aquArt dirided 
into foor with a dot \m 
each, I'ly. 62, PL 11. . 

Marks 1. 9, 61 and 62, and 

two additional mark* ; a 
solid eqoilateral triangk t 
and an indistivct nark. 



BvB-X^LAn S. 

With two Additional mnrki. 
The '<Bail" mark of a 
•qnare divided into foar, 
Fig. 63. A six tpokvA 
doable-wheeI« Fiy. 66. 

Mark* 1. S, 63, and 66. 

iJto an additional mark; 
a imall object (phalloa f) 
Fif. 64. 

Mark! 1, 2, 63 and 6> 

and Bmall plain ovoid 
object. Th0 obvertt of 
iki$ coin i» thoum, Ijf 
«utt%Jce,among th$ Etverie 
€oi«9 en PI, III* 






Mark Fig. 79, reietnbUng 
tha ran mark, 0&v«ra« 
Fig. 2, b;it with rayt at 
the qnadraritk only, three of 
which show on the part 
st.nck It differ* entirely 
f rotn the san mark. Fig. t, 
on t'tie obverse of this and 
the other coins. 



Blank. 



Ten uatki. 8om« of them 
over other«t uine-petaUed 
flower; eight>petalled flower} 
six-petolled tfowrr ; Fig. 66. 
Over the last is punched 
one-hilf of a smaller 
six-petallod flower; four 
dots round a rentr&l dot* 
in a circular iiicuta ; sua 
with four ray* J branch (?) 
and small portion of aa 
indistinct mark on tha 
margin. r*# revtrtt^ of 
iki$ eoi» i$ akewih 6jr 
mttaJe0, among tht oiurt* 
coint o» PL 111. 



sr 



FCXCU XIKKED COINS. 



tl^OJLS. 



So. 


Weight and sizf. 


Obrene. 


lUrccMk, 


J 


t 


t 


4 



IM 



lOS 



106 



62-6 
115 X 95 



47-7 
•84 X 80 



611 



CLISS 8. 



Bjr»-Chi»» %. 



Wlth'additional mark; a larg* 
circnla* bou probably pait 
of Fis. 8. 

Broken in tbre« pi^e«• ; bot 
compleU. Mark* 1 and 8 
and a large circnlar boat, 
probably part of mark 8 
(pot witb foliage) tb« 
■ix dota of wbicb woold 
fall ontaide the coin. 
The r«at of the coin ia 
corered with a layer of 
copper which wu apps* 
r«ntly melted oa. 



Svs-CuiBSi. 



IddltioDal Mark a eoVa or 
dear'ahead. Fif. 57. 



Marks 1, Sand 67. PI. III. 



S(JB-Cl.l8l 2—{eomtd.) 

Marka 1 and 2; "Rail." 
Fiy. 63 ; doable wheel, 
Fiy. 65; and another 
indistinct mark onlv 

rartly on the ooin, PI. 
II. 



Blank. 



Interlaced trlanglea. Simihr 
to. bat smaller than ohvtrtt, 
Fig. 4 ; and a mark u 
shown in l^y. 80; PL III. 



Branch of fire laaraa. Fig. 81. 
PL III. 



TOL.T.,VTJ.| 



rONCH SIABKED COIXS. 



t9 



So. 


Weigbt and tiie. 


ObTerM. 


Bereraeu 


1 


S 


- :' ;1 t 


4 ' 






Ch&BS E. 


! , 




• ■' 


Sttb-Class S. 


1 H ■ - ; 






Addit'onal llarkt j tiro ia^* 
tinct markt. 


t 


107 


49-1 
•82X-80 


Marks 1 and 2; and 

two iiidistinct marks { 
one app-ir«ntly a branch 
bat of different deaign 
to Fig: 12, 12(a) and 13. 


Indittiret mark; a pott!oa of 
a mark of a eircalar ring 
ronnd a tmall central bow. 






1 CLAS& F. 


/ • ^" 


103 


447 
•95x'74 


Mark* 1 and 9 (Elepliaat 
left) only, PL HL 


EltUik. 






■'/■-i^: -^^ fi, "• 



V . ^. t 






6 * e '.- .c 



C •< 



M 



PUXCB lUBKBO COINS. 



C13.0JU. 










4 




1 


"S ^ 








i 


« 


s 

1 s n 




^ « 




1 


't 




«55 


S^-Sj 


• 2 




8 

1 


Q 




-8^ 


^^IJJ 


? 




iH 


*» 


• • • 


« 


3 




3 














a 


•s 




! * ! : 

• • • 


•t 


: : 






•S'3 


«o 


I 






■ 




^ 




1 "^ 

1-4 rM » 


l-« 


• 

s 


1 




>e 


1 s s s 

s i ?i ;; 


ss 


'I 


:2 
a 


•a-g|'8 




•^ 1-4 






o 












1 

•a 

1 




'0- ■ 


a i«_^^<»_ 


»« 


p4 »• 


en 


« J u- J '^ »J 


M 


: i : : 


• 






.E :S o V a Im 




^ O 1^ ■* 


M 


M S 




-glg^^-^ 




>a r4 r4 •-• 


f4 


r^ . 




°'i%* 




•S» .& .2» ^ 

(5 ^ (C. (^ 


i? 






■e-fc 




: . 








1^3 

||3 


. «t 


•{ : ! X : 


• 


: : 




Q f5 












Pl 




; ; : : i 


: 


: i 




r4 


•^ « •• '# 


14 


3 • 


1 




ig 




8 ? ^ o' o 

3 ^ O Q « 


i 


<l 4 



TOL. Y^ PT. rj 



rUXCH MABKZO COISS. 



61 















o 




-4* 

5 




•- 




1 

i 
















fssi' 


-o^ 






1 


• 


• 


J 


s i 


: i 




1 

• 


111 


S 
a 


§ 

9 

■I 


• 







s 



3 



t : : 



^ A Q O O 



S 6 6 6 o 

) ($ Q P Q 



_• ><; 



a i 






:s 



s a 



.5» .S» ;& .5» •> ■& .- 

fe, fc, &^ fs . Is K K 



» M "^ *^ 

N ^ M et 

> .& -5» -^ 

Js »t hi 






I : i i : : : i 






p 






«-« CI 



.5» > OB 



SI 



2 3 8 
a ^ ^ 



<s 



PDKCB MAUCBD COlXi. 



Ci^B^J^ 





1 

i 












•55 -^ 




»4 












53 .g 


• 

•2 


■© 
Ct 

-8. 


3B 


• • 

i i 






• • 

: t 


_ t:i:| ! : : 


a 
















s 














O (^ 


a 
'S 

1 




»• 


! : 


! 


• • 


: i 


: : i 


• 
















o 














, 


o 


•s 












• 




11 


«e 


• 

: 
4 

a 


o 




^ 6 


i o- i 




Je; 




:g 


n 


5? « 


^ Q « 


»• 




o t« 


CO 


a> a 


t> Ok 


« » s s 




lO 


1 i 


<o 


"1 


7 *' 

^ ^ 


3^|S 














,2^-9 














_ jd 














^ o 














«g-Si 




« <« 


t-i 


•^ 2 


• «• 


•a M iH *4 


•< S 1 








M 




•- 


iiq 














>5 o " ■ 




























"ah 


«» 


• 


•2 
1 

1 

1 

•>4 


1 




s s s s 
^5 h m iC 


t^t 


' . 




t 








«« 




t 


• 


: i 


• , « • • 


' !•? 




i 

h 












• • 


: 


• • 


: : 


: : t : 

• • • * 


1^1 


r4 


1-1 

s i 


OT 
O 




•I* M 

1 . 


ea ■« to « 






- 1 


A 


■s ** 


A A A O 


i 


I 




6 « 




■ w 


»~ 


" 



TOl. ^t Pt. 1.3 



PU 



KtH 



MASKED COIXS 



It 



^ 
•^ 

K 









o 



<5 o 

n Q 



M »5 



a 



^ 









& 



-h'i.J' t. 



s s 



e< M 



f-i es i-« (H i-i r4 



.«^ .<»k .5* .^ .S» 

h, b, K k, t«, 



1 



1 



ft, ft, 



•? 



S 



3 

w 



: 


2 








■g 




-g 


■s 


3 








<( 


« 


jn 




.9 


o 


:3 


10 


a 


U 


'Srf : 


\o 






"3 




""•{• 


•^ 

h 








1 


la 




• 
• 








! 




e« 








Ck 



X 

Ok 

1 



!l 



: 1 



« 



i? 



i? 



Ck fH f-f 



4 4 4 <l 3 



M M 



" «■ I 

» ^ ^ S 9 o* d 



R P 



6 



5 « 



4 






Pn 

3 



M 



rtrxcH VASXZD coiiu. 

TABLE II. 
CoIds with ^larks on the Reverse. 



C'A<UJ. 



Serial Ko. 
of coin 


Class and 

Sab-class of 

Coin. 


Figuw ia PlaU IV. 


1 


2 


9 


9 


A. I 


68 


18 


AJ 


69 


19 
20 


A. 2 
A. a 


Minate circniar mark xrith sar^Il boM in cent:* 

(not figared). 
Obvers« mirk 18. 


21 


A. 3 


60 and 81 


\ *• 


A. 2 


Verj imall itdistiiict mark. 


29 


A. 9 


6« 


^ 


A. 3 


63 and obrerae mark 16, wbicb also occata cm 
the rererte of 41, 71 and 79; 


( 27 


A. 4 


Minote circolar mark witk ra^Md line ia centre. 


S2 


A. 4 


62 


86 


. : 1- 4 


laiistioet mark. 


87 


A. 5 


65 


40 


A. 6 


66, 67 and a star or flower. 


41 


A. 6 


Obvone mvk 1& 


42 

5 


A.6 


69 


45 


A.8 


68 ^ ... 


B5 


A. 14 


- 69 and a star similar to 69, bat witb fuwer rays 
and a small circular b^s (not fignrtd). 


" 


A. 1« 


Hinots circular dot (not flgorcdj. . 


70 


B. 1 


82 : ; . . f 


74 


C. 1 


Obverse mtrk ) 6 


7» 


CI 


70 and a rarletj of San mark (Fig; 2). 



tol; v., pt. I.] 



rUKCn VABKED CDIS8. 



^ 



Serial No. 

of coin 
intbe List 



Clauaad 

Coin. 



FigpreinPUtflf. 



W 
79 
80 
83 

en 

87 
94 
96 

97 

98 

£9 

101 
103 



CI 

C. 2 

.8 

C. 6 

-art" 

C. 8 

C. 9 
Dl 

D2 

D. Sj 

D. 3j 

D. 4 

E. 
£. 



'■'t 



:•;£ 



n • --:- 
ObrerM mark 18. 
72 

68 
74 



Traces of tvo indistinct marks. 
59 

75 
76 ' 

77) 

> and ono obseare nurk in eirenlar incutt ud 
78 J small roabd panch. 

Indistinct mark in circnlar i»eut»» 

70 

Eleven marka. Figs. 66 and 79. obrerse Fig. 24, 
also anotber similar flower bat witb nine petals t 
also another similar eigbt-petalled flower, or, 
poesibly, wheel, as the petals or (?) spokes ar« 
straight; mark of foar large dots round a 
central dot ; a mark of five dots round the upper 
pnrt of a lemon-shaped object ; and three other 
indistinct marks. 

The marks on this coin are pecnliar ; as they ar« 
all fall size and appear to be all of the nature 
of obverse marks, and are deeply punched into 
the coin in the manner of marks on the obverse. 
They are punched indiscriminately over each 
other. Only one mark, the nine-pctallcd flower, 
is intact, ft would appear that this coin maj 
have been used as a test for trying varioos 
pnnchpt. 

The marks on the obverse of this coin, on the 
other hand, are more lightly punched thaa 
those on the reverse. 



PCKCH MAKKXD COIICI* 



tJJLOJU. 



SemlKo. 

of coin 
iatb« Ll«t 


CUattnd 

Sab-clAMof 
Coin. 


Flgnn in Plat* IT. 


1 


S 


t 


iU 


F. 


laterlioed trUngle* (imaller) 80. 


106 


I. 


81 


107 


0. 


lodittistt miLrki. 



VOL. f ^ FT. I.J 



FUNCR MABKID COIXf. 



if 



TABLE ITI. 
Description of the Marks on the Coins as illustrated on PI. IV. 



Fignr* 

on 
PUtelV. 



Description of Mark. 



CUsf 

and 
ifab'clas*. 



Nnmber 
of coina 
on which 
the mark 
appears. 



Nnnib«»s of 

the coins ia 

the list. 



9 
10 

11 

la 

12a 

13 
14 



Three ovale and three ci>afra« 
alternately ronnd » central 
circle with a dot in the 
centre, the " Troy mark." 

The San mark ; a circle 
with rays ronnd it and a dot 
in the centre. 

Pot of foliage ; represented 
by an OTal boss sarmcnnted 
by six dots. 

Two interlaced inanities with 
a circle inside tbein in the 
centre ; and six dots ronnd 
them within the outer angles. 

Elephant facing right 

Hnmped boll facing left 

Lion £or (P) tiger] ^facing 
right. 

Ball's or cow's head, with 
garland, represented by dots. 

Elephant facing lefl 

A plant with berries or, 
perltaps, flowers. This mwk 
is clearest on coin 19. 

A plant of different design, 
without berries. 

A branch of nine leaves ... 

A branch of nine leaves rising 
from a clrcnlar boss. 

A branch of seven leaves 7.. 

Six-pointed flower with hollow 
centre. 



AU 



A.E 



A. ISO 



A. 1-20 



lOS 



108 



63 



63 



A.1 


19 


B.1 


4 


c. 1-n 


20 


C. Ml 


20 


D 1-5 


11 


A.S 


S 


A.3 


4 


A.5 


2 


L6(a) 


1 


CI 


2 


A. 4 


10 



An 



All, eieept— 
and 108. 



1.62 and 69 
1-6S 

1-17,61, 69 
64-67 
70-89 

7049 

90-100 
18-22 

28-2« 
95 

78,70 
£7-8S, 6S 



i% 



ruxca vjascD coi:?b. 



C'.MX*. 



on 

FUtelTJ 



Detcripttos of Mark. 



CH«s 

Sab-clMt. 



of cjina 
on whicb 
the m«rk 

Bfpeart. 



Kaml«T« of 

tLe coin* \% 

tb«lttt 



IS 


A whoel of ■'■z tpckrt, but 
withoofe a rim ; perhap* • 
•Ur. 


C.8 


1 


^ 


16 


Six dots round » central dot ». 


A. 4-5, C. 9 


3 


4, 36 and 87 


17 


ThxM dot! in imeun 


1.6 


5 


38^ 


18 


Fire dot* (quintuHs) witbln 
s iqaar*. 


JL7 


1 


43 


18a 


Figure wpresentlrg on« letter 
T •optriniposed on acother. 


A. 6 


1 


39 


19 


k fif^are resembling a flear- 
d»-'.y8 over a horiiontal line 
over fire vertical line* 
(ckftreat on coin 45). 


.1.8 


^ 


44^ 


SO 


Canred figare, prob^ly a 
•nake. 


1.10 


4 


J. 47-M 


21 


A tbick railed nn« formirg 
an OT:il, with a ttrai^jht line 
throngb it leagtbwayi, aud 
a line earring invrardJi on 
on* tide. 


l! 11 


't 


£1 53 


Si 


Two itra'gbt Un^i tlopicg 
•0 n3 io form an acate angle 
and a I'opirg line to tbe 
rigbt of them. The meaning 
if rot app-arent. May, pcaaibJy. 
be tbe Brahmi letter go. 


1.18 


1 


14 


33 


A cnrred line from tbe edg* 
of incut* and, to the right ^ 
of it, a canred line with 
thitkneta c-nt tovrirda it* 
right extremity. Tco mean- 
intr ii not apjvvent Mar, po»- 
«;bly, be the Brahmi letter y a. 


A. 14 


1 


CS 


34 


Eigbt-petalled flower 


1. 18 


I 


M 


36 


Thick object, w'^b tbe two 
extrctnitiea carved in oppoaite 
directioLa. The meaning i« 
'' not dear. 


A- 16 


y 


17 



vouT, rf,f.3 



PUNC9 UABKKO COINdk 



6) 



on 

put* IV. 


Description of MarV. 


ClaM 

and 

Snb-clas*. 


Nnmber 

of coini -Nambert of 
on wLich! tbe ruint \ii 
the tnnrk' the lift . 
appear*. 


1 


» 


S 


4 


6 



Circular boss in a trivtgle ... 

Foar<petalled flower 

Corred object with a dot ... 

Triangle in circular tRc«*< ... 

Two lines sloping together 
with dots. 

A slightly corred line and 
ft dot. 

Head of elephant facing 
right (on coin 61). 

A plant with berries ... 

A standing monkey, or hnm&D 
figure. 

Snake in form of letter S ••• 

Tortoise (f ) ^ 

Flowi r of sixpetals 

An arched line intersected bj 
a straight line. 

An eJgijt'pofaUod flower with 
alternate petils eadlni; in 
dots, or ei(jht-ra;cd star. 

Figure as illastrsted 

Horfeshoe shaped purred line 
ending in two dots and fire 
dots within it. 

Three dots in a triangle ... 

Figure like a comb 

Thick cnrved line with a dot 
within it. 



A. 16 


1 ' 


A. 17 


I 


A. 17 


I 


A.18,C.6 


9 


A. 18 


1 


A. 19 


1 






A.1 


18 


A. 17 


9 


C.S, 4 


2 


C.4 


1 


C.6 


1 


C.9 


1 


... 


... 


CIO 


1 






A. 8 


] 


D.l, t 


7 


D. I 


6 


A. 9 


1 


A. It 


1 



67 
. 88 

&d 

M.83 
69 

60 

1-17 and 61 

to 

81,88 

88 
84 

87 



88 

88 

9?-9S 

90-94 
48 
•8 



70 



rUNCH MABKED COINS. 



1J.B.0.V. 



Fi^nre 
on 

piaunr. 


Deteription of Mark. 


Class 

and 
Sab class. 


Nnmber 
of coins 
on wbi<b 
the mark 
appears. 


Nombersof 

tbe coins in 

the list. 


1 t 


t 


4 


6 


45 


TwdTC-petalled flower 


0.11 


1 


89 


46 


Figure reaembllng tbe figure 8 


Cll 


1 


80 


47 


Bow and arrow 


D.S 


2 


97, £8 


48 


Eigbt dot* roond tbe eircto ,,. 


D.8 


1 


96 


49 


A solid s«mi- circle m. 


D.4 


1 


F9 


60 


Five parallel liuea, tbe centre 
line beiug longest, joined by 
a line at rigbt angle*. 


D. 6 


1 


100 


61 


Fivo dota in a triangle 


1.1 


I 


101 


f2 


A fignre conipoied of fcnr 
squares witb a dot in each 
square. 


B.1 


1 


101 


63 


Tbe *< Bail " fignre of fonr 
sqnarea. 


E.2 


3 


103, 103, loe 


64 


Objtct as illnstrated, prob^blj 
pballnt. 


I.S 


1 


lot 


• 65 


One circle witbin anotber, 
with six spokes from tbe 
centre. 


E. S 

f 


8 


102, 103, lOe 


66 


Flowrr of six prtal.', with an 
oral dot between each p^tal; 
tbis is a Reverse mark on 
r^.in 103 int laded bj mistake 
amongst tbe obverse marks. 


**' 


•** 


»«• 


67 


Cow's, or deer's hifad with 
horaa. * 

Uaxks 05 thx Bitibsi. 


B.4 


1 


lot 


68 


Object at illnstrated } probably 
pbailas. 


1.1 


1 


9 


69 


Flower of seren petals 


A. 2. 6. 
C. 6, D. t. 


4 


lf», 42, 88, 9« 



vol. ▼* w, U 



PUNCH VABKED COINS. 



n 



Fignr* 

on 

Plate IV. 


Deseription of Mark. 


Clam 
and 
Sab^lass. 


Namber 

of coins 

on which 

the mark 

appears. 


Numbers of 
the ooins itt 
the Ust. 


1 


S 


8 


4 


6 



Flower of six petals ... 

Small flower of six petals ... 
Figure as illostrated ...* 

Figure of ihree squares as 
shown. Tbo innue shows 
that this it not an incomplete 
impression of a mark of four 
squares. 



Minute mark. Small thin 
object in circle. 

Figure of six small squaret 
and four trianj^ular marks. 

Small thick object curred 
like an S, probably a snake. 

Two squares placed diagonally 
over a semi-circle. 

Sun or star ... •*• 

Sun with rays curred from 
right to left. 

A double circle vs'ith dot in 
centre and small rays or petals 
round. 

Figure as illustrated 

An incised triangle surrounded 
by three others. 

Figure as illustrated ; the 
meaning is not clear. 

Small mark { a cross In circular 
incuse. 

Elliptical figure with a dot at 
eacn apex. 



A.S 


1 


A.i 


1 


A. 8, 4, C. 1 


8 


A.8 


I 


«•• 


1 



«•• 


1 


A.B(«) 




u 6, C. 8 




A.6 




A.fr 




A. 14 





ea 



c.a 




c.» 




C.6 




0.9 




D.S 





tl 

9, 82, 70 



It 
8T 

41 

7& 
78. 

aa 
u, 

vt 
vr 



-71 



rtrirctt vifiKSO Cdiis;- 



UMJtli, 



rrgnre 

on 

PlaUlV. 


Description of ilark. 


Class 

awl 
8ab.class. 


Namber 

of coins 

oa which 

the noark 

appear*. 


Nambertof 
the coins ia 
the list. . 


1 '' 


•- i *■ 


S 


4 


8 


■■'- 76 

77 
78 

79 

'"80 

(1- 
81 


Four Tcrtical liict joined Yj 
% horizontal lice, and aa 
oval; possibly two separate 
marks. 

Ball's or cow's head with gar- 
land ; similar to Obrerae 
Fig. \i, but smaller. 

A central toei with three line* 
cnrvirg ontvard^ roand it, 
two of thoia having three 
dots on their oater I'.de. 
The mark appears to be a com- 
plete one* 

Mar'k like the Snn . inArk, bat 
with" only four ray* at the 
qnidrantaii 

Th rce longer tod thrc« ftiorter 
straight lines, conrerging 
together, as Ulnstrated. 

Bruch of fire learct 


D.S 

D/8 

E-1 
KS 


1 

1 

1 

>. ... ^ 
1 

1 


91 

9S 
98 

104 

^ 105 

--• 
108 



IT »j i> vn- 111 A nA.rjt» \_»Jii>», 




J*O.K*,l»|». 



• ■*«*#••••• •••■■ i» ••• • 



OHVRiMK. 
Phota-t-mtrmrctf * iiriBied at thr omnii »f ihi> Hunr) of lii(lla,<>ilcMtU, IIM. 



c:t 



"l.^ 






• • . ,• • •«/ 

,«, ••• 

< • * • • •• 

!*• ••• • 




V I10.K.8,I»1». 



Obverse. *. ;•, ; ;:• •] ;J«.'i\|'./.' 

riiiK<ik-riitfr»v<'<l A iHiuiiHl at iIm- oi1lr«i« of ihc Aurvc) of liitlia, iWculU, l»l». 



:•• • •••.•■• 




,j^&0.iLH,||,|t. 



Reverse. : •*• • • •. .* *. :.• :\: J .\ 

niot4^-«airniV(i) it prinu-d at iIh- offl.-io »l tin- nun,) ut India. IMcal la. I»l» 



rn^Vi 



_J 



ri>\TB IV. 



IZ^ 





"Vt^- 




1ft 






It 



[OO! 



17 



v€^- 



Sfl 



28 



(.v.e.- 



81 




M 



M 



:. 



88 



TO 



41 



C^J 



49 




V.89 V:* 



E^ 



40 














48 



ifi' 



(9) 



64 



doo 



58 



Oy^*^ 



;^: 



II.—" Puri Kashan ** Coins. 

By £. U. C. Walsh, C.S.L 

Th(5 coins which are described in the present paper were found 
on tha northern slope of the Rakha Hills in the district of Singh- 
bhura.l They were found buried about one foot below the sur- 
face. Three of the coins were lying exposed to view, and this 
led to further search by the removal of the top soil. In all, 363 
coins were discovereJ lying together. Smill fragments of a 
broken clay pot were found with the ooins, and might or might 
not have been used originally to contain the coins. The pieces 
of pot are, however, so small that no conclusions can be drawn 
from them. The coins were found in one place ; the major por- 
tion were discovered on May 81st, 1917, and the balance a few 
days later, upon a further search being made. Nothing coritJS- 
pondlng to a mould was discovered, and no evidence has been 
discovered, as yet, thut a Mint [stood near the place vrhere the 
coins were found. An old road runs past the place of find 
in close proximity to a small river, within a quarter of a mile of 
ancient copper workings and surrounded by copper-slag heaps. 
It is possible that the Mint might have been erected near the 
spot.' The fact that the edges of the coins had not been 
trimmed lends a measure of feupport to this possibility. 

The coins are of the type kno^irn as " Puri Kushan," so Called 
from the fact that a number o! those coins were found in the 
Puri District in 1893 and were described by Dr. Hoerule in the 
Proceedings of the Asiatic ' Society of Bengal in 1895. 

^ The coina which are illattratcd on the Plato to the present Paper, are in th« 
Bihar and Orlssa Coin Cabinet in the Patnia llnacam and are aerials, Nos. 831 to 
842, in the General Register— E..H. W. 

* The above iuformation has b^n kindly ftamiahcd hj Mr. C. Oldeo, Soperin- 
tcndent ci tha Cape Copper Company, Ltd., Rakha Hills Mines, within whoM 
fining lease the place, where the coins were foond, is situated. 

? r^oceodiogs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1893, pp. 61-05, 






74- rVXI XUSHAlf C0VS9, [iJlOlB. I 

The find in that case consisted of 548 copper coins, which 
were found buried in a small earthen pot, two feet below thd 
surface, while excavating earthworks at Gurbai Salt Factory at 
Manikaratna in the Puri District. They consisted of two distinct 
varieties. 47 of the coma were die-struck but were so much 
worn down by usage, that the designs on most of them are bare- 
ly discernible. " On some of them, however, sufficient remains 
to identify them with coins of the Indo-Scythian class. The 
obverse shows the well-known standing figure of king Khanishka 
pointing with his right hand down to the fire-alter ; the reverses 
show figures of MAO or MIIPO, AEPO, and OADO, as seen 
on Eanerki coins. No trace of the legend remains; and in its 
absence, of course, it is impossible to be quite certain of the 
identity ; but the resemblance of the figures on both the obverses 
and reverses to those on the corresponding Kanerld coins is very 

striking The whole of the remainder of the coins 

are cast coins, and very crude imitations of those of Kanerki. 
They all show two standing figures, one on each face of the 
coin, with their arms in varying positions. There is no l^end 
but most of them are marked with a crescent placed in varying 
parts of the field. Accordingly they may be distributed into 
the following classes and varieties."* 

These latter " Puri Kushan " coins were of difEerent Tarietiea 
and were classified by Dr. Hoemle as follows :— 

Clou 1. — No crescent on either side, — 84 coiita. 

The coins of this class were of five varieties according to the 
position of the figures. 

Clatt 11. — "With crescent on the reverse in the left top of the 
field, — 43 coins. 

The coins of this class 'were of seven varieties according to 
the position of the figures* 

Clau III. — With crescent on reverse in right top of field,— 
S09 coins. 

The coins of this class were of three varieties according to 
the position of the figures. 



» Proc A. 8. B , 1895, p. 63. 



TOL.T.. PT. 1.1 PDBI iVSUAir COIKt. fSf 

CiiUt IF, — Witb crescent on both obverse aud reverse,— - 
19 coins. 

The coins of this class were of seven varieties according to 
the position of the figures. 

Clast V, — With crescent on head of reverse figure,—! coia*. 

There had, however, been a previous find of coins of this 
tvpe in the Ganjam district in 1658 which are described bj 
Mr. Walter Elliot in the Madras Journal of Literature and 
Science, 1858.1 

The coins in that case were found about 4 miles to the west 
of Porushottampur in the district of Ganjam where " close to 
the modem village of Pandya are the remains of an extensive 
but now deserted town, surrounded by the debris of a lofty walL" 

The coins are described as follows :— 

'' In the neighbourhood of this place numbers of copper coins. 
are found, of a type different from any other hitherto met with. 
in Southern India, but presenting a striking resemblance to 
those of the Indo-Scythian group, more especially to the ooint 
of Kanerki. All are much worn, but the following wood-cut 
represents one of the most perfect. 

'' The figure on the obverse and reverse is the same, but in 
the cut, the position of the arms has been reversed, the right hand 
being represented down, and the left up, whereas it is the 
light which should be raised, and the left down* 

'' No traces of Scythian domination have hitherto been met 
with so far to the south, but it is hardly possible to look at the 
design in the above figure and not to identify it with those im- 
pressed on the money of that race.'' 

Nine of the Puri coins in the India Museum are described 
in Vincent Smith's Catalogue of Coins in the India Museum* 
aud an illustration of one is given in Plate XIV. jig, 14, 
Mr. Vincent Smith notes " it is impossible to fix the date of • 
the excessively rude coins : from Puri and Ganjam, of which 

* The Madras Jonrnsl of Literature and Science edited by the Committee ot tb« 
Madraa Literary Society and.AJuiliary Asiatic Society. Pages 75*77 and 78, 
(No. 7, New Series, April to September, 1858), 

• I. M, C„ Vol I, p^ 92-98. 



an example is shown in Plate XIV, 14. They maj have been 
issued by ralers of Kalinga in the fourth or fifth century, and 
it is possible that they may have been struck only for use ai 
temple oEerings. All numismatists acknowledge that they 
exhibit a reminiscence of the characteristic Khosan type."* 

Dr. Hoemle noted that Kushan coins were not Dr. Hoem!e 
noted that as that was the first dicesion on which kushan coins 
had been found in the extreme East of India, the fact of their 
being found near Puri, the site of an ancient shrine and place 
of pilgrimage might account for it, and that as regards the 
present type of cost coins, ** whether they were intended to pass 
as current coins in the ordinary sense may not be quite certain. 
They may have been meant to be used as temple-ofEerings by 
pilgrims, similar to certain imitations of yaudeya coins found in 
the Punjab. Possibly they may have been only intended ai 
ornaments." 

Professor Rapson also refers to the above coins.' 

With regard to the abovo remark of Dr. Hoernle, I would 
note that Kashan coins have been recently found at different 
places in the Kanchi district, where there is no reason to suppose 
that they |might havebeen brought by pilgrims. 

]t is also improbable that tley were cast for the purpo-e of 
ornaments ; as they would probably, in that case, have been cast 
with some attachment, by which they could be worn. 

Following the lines of classification adopted by Dr. Hoemle, 
all the coins of the present find, with the exception of the unique 
coin shown in fig. 2 of the Plate, come under class III " with 
crescent on reverse in right top of field " which class also com- 
prised the greater number of the coins found in the Puri district. 

"With the exception of the two coins shown in figs. 1 and 2, 
the edges of all the coins are rough and, in many cases, frillj 
of metal from the edges of the mould remain attached, as will be 
seen irom the plate, and they do not, therefore, appear to have 
been in circulation. It will, therefore, appear that the site of 
the find was a Mint, where these coins were cast. 

» L M. C., VoL I, pp. 64.83. 
* IcdUa Colot p. 18. 



( jot.>:; rr. i.i Kifti rusnAx cdnw. yj 

As in the cMc of tlie coins ^rclVioaslydesoriWS, the present 
coins are, clearly, very rude imUatlon of the coinj^e of Kanishka 
Vvith the well known fi^uTC of the king with his righfc hand 
extended over a fire-altar, and holding^ a stafE or spear in his 
left hand, on the ohscrve ; and the figure of the male moon-god, 
88 inclicated by the crescent, on the reverse. 

There are roughly two varieties of the coins, fini, as in fig. Z, 
where the clothing of the figure of the god on the reverse 
bears some resemblance to that of the Ku^han coins, and, 
tfcondly, as in the other coins, now illustrated, in which the 
'figure on the reverse is wearipg a coat similar to that of the 
king on the obv^!«e. In regard to the boots, also, there ^mo 
two varieties, viz., with the boots shorter and turned up ns'ia 
figs a and 4 and with the boots shown at -much greater leogt^ 
horizontally ii8 in fi^s. '5-12. -r 

The coiiis may also be roughly arrslugted on the lines </f 
dassi fixation Adopted by Dr. Hoernle,' according^o the ^sition . 
of the arms of the figure on the obverse, by which dassifiea- 
ti^on 2lS of the coins have the figure of the king on the obverie 
with the left arm of est^nded horizontally, -as in 'figs.' ^ 8 to'tf, 
and 88 of tlie coins have the arms curved more downwards/ as ia 
figs. T-IU. Any such cla'^sifieation,howeVer, appears to be of ao 
Value in'the case of such rude imitations, in which 'the Variations 
noted wcu!d ifather appear to be accidental variations "in the 

The weights of tlie coins,' excludiag the two Coins shown 
in1ig. 1 (l-52-7e grs.) and fig. 2 (T616 grs.), vary froni »7'lO 
grs. (Fig. 6) to S9 83 grs. They'arc, therefore, a sirialler type 
of 'C6in than those found in th^d Puri disti-ict, the weights of 
'^^hfch vary from 211 to 106 grs.'*^ 

The interest of the present find, apart from the single-uoin- 
(fig. 2), which is of a. new type, lies in the fact that it 
extends the area over which this class of coins has been found, 

^ » l-M.-C., Vol. I,'i)p «*^». • .: i ^^^ '\ 

Picc. A.S.B., 1S03, p. 6$. 



7g fmi KtSRAN COIMS. ' (JAO.B J. 

and tlie inscription on coin 2 famishes material for fixing the 
date of the present find, and to which the coins of these type 
extended. 

As noted hy Dr. Hoemle, it may be assumed that these rude 
imitations would not have been made unless the Indo-Scythian 
coins had still been current in Northern India. There would 
have been no object in copying an obsolete coinage. * Kushan 
coins have been found at different parts of the Ranchi district 

•of Chota Nagpur. * Although, therefore, the coins of the 
present find are later than the date hitherto assumed, it would 
seem probable, as noted by Dr. Hoernle, that this typa <rf 
coin existed from the time of the currency of Kushan coins, 
although the present coin shown in^^. 2 shows that it continued 
until considerably latet. 

The coin shown in ^ff. 2 is particularly interesting, as being 
of a new type not hitherto found. On the reverse there is the 
figure of the moon-god with crescent and wearing turned up 
boots, as in fig. 1, but on the obverse, in place of the figure of 
the Kushan king, ' are three cones, which may possibly repre- 

. sent hills, and below them the word faiti^. 

The aiihara nJta is similar to that in the Allahabad Prashashti 
Inscription, <»r« S75 A.D., figured in table IV, column I, 
line 11 of Biihler's Tables. The letter ^, however, appears to 
be of a later period, the earliest example of this form given by 
BUhler being that in the Amsuvarman Inscription, 635 A.I), {ibid. 
Table FV, column XVII, line 17). This would appear to show 

.that the present find of corns of the "Puri Kushan" typo is 
not earlier than the seventh century. 

The symbol of three cones side by side, to represent hills, is 
ytrj interesting, as it would appear to bo a survival of the 

* Pioc A. S. B^ 1896, p. M. 

* A gold eoin of tl« HnTJtbka iype, at Belvsdag U detcribed in J.B.O.B.8^ 
T6L I, pp. 281-2, tod a eopper eoin of Eanitblc* timilar to that illn>tnii«d {> 
I.lf.C, YoL I, Flata XT, fig. 11, baa bMQ recently foand in the Earn thaM 
of the ume ditiriet. 



TOL. T« PT. L] ?UBI KlTSBAir COIHS. fg 

sjmbol of one arch superimposed on two others hitherto con- 
sidered to be a ehaitya or itupaj found on punch-marked coins 
and early cast coins, and which also occurs in the form of three 
arches placed side bj side^ as in the case of the cones on the 
present coin ; which symbol, as I have noted with regard to those 
coins, would appear to have been intended to represent a hill.^ 

Since this paper was written, this coin has also been described 
by Mr. K. B. Banerji in a paper which appears in the present 
number of this JonmaL 

The crescent on the reverse of the remaining coins shows 
that they were copied from those Kushan coins which bore the 
figure of the Moon-god MAO on the reverse, in which the 
crescent rose from his shoulders. A coin with this figure if 
given for the purpose of comparison at fig, IS on the Plate. 
It is a gold coin of kanishka as I have not been able to obtain 
a cart of a copper coin of this type. In these imitations the 
crescent is shown detached from the figure, the left arm of the 
figure, and, to make room for it on the coin, has been entirelj 
omitted. In the coins formed in Puri, there was one coin in 
which the crescent rose^ as in the Kushan coins from the 
shoulders. 

1 M An Ezamioation of a Piod of Poach Hsrked Coixu in Fatn» City. ** By 
X. H. C. W»lah J.B.O.B.S., Tolom* T« p. tl. 






Pig-ire. 



We-ght 



^*r 






132-70 



ni& 



73 29 



C6-5a 



m^ 



8710 



7 


r 63-46 


8 


64-34 


9 


SS-69 


10 


6110 


11 


43-62 


12 


6S-28 



Obrerte. 



■90 



•35 



76 



•72 



;' 



Flgiin witli rigbt ana down* 
ward*, li ft arm raised, bjots 
-carred apva»l9. 



7!hiea acpte pymmid* in n 
horitontal itow? •Moar:— 



Bmm.' 



Similar to /^. 1 ..; 



Fignre with right anp' enrved 
npv^rdi -; left -arm extended, 
))ooit /^«deyl herixppUlI;/ 



... -y; i: 
.•■;7;^jS5»aar.|o^. 4,.. 



•76 



•72 



•76 



•70 



•76 



•78 



**'.- 



■ !■ J ( . ^ 

f ignre vitli rig^it 
arm cnrccd up. 
Wards; no kfttra 
crescent to kft of 
Itffc tbooldrr. 

SunHar tojtg. I. 
SiaiSac to j^. ]« 



Fgnre in pocifiai 
stBiiUr is Jtf. 1 
l>at vniiag cott 
••inrilar'^ figmt 
-of Knsb&n tryf« 
on {bie bbrcne. 
vT • •■.- . 



SirnSbr 



.4. 



Similar io£f. 4 j 1m>U loDgn. 
WtonUiiy; '- -' ■■'—'•^■■■i 



Fipore similar to Jly. 4 bnt 
widi arm downwards ; boots 
still longer horiz entail j. 

Ditto •«• 



Ditto 



Fignre s'milar to Jt/r. 4 bat 
with arm downwards ; boots 
still further exaggerated. 

Ditto .M 



Ditio ^: 



|br to^ 



. B'!f^: 



Slmlltf t» Jtg. 4 
boots still longer 
borizintallj. 

DiUx 



Ditto. 
Dittx 

Ditto. 
Ditta 



•'?fv^-sc~"'^^'"^y'^r-'" 







. 'daSai^«iiiJbb.'dk:wf j;i^JUjv1,'^^ ' 



C6PPER COINS OF THE "PURl KuSHAN" TYPE, FOUND AT UAKHA 
IN SiNGHBHUM DISTRICT (FiGS. 1 — 12). 

Fig. 18. Gold coin of Kanihhka in the India Muhrum. 



you ▼« n. L] nnu KUBRiir conrf . $1 

PartieuJatt of t\$ eoint ikoion on tho Piatt — contd. 



Figurt 


Weight 
(grama,) 


SiM 
(inchea.) 


Obretw. 


Rererae. 


It 


UO-2 


•8 


Gold coin of Kanitka. Cata- 
logae of Coins in the India 
Moaenm, Calcatta, Yolama I, 
Coin No. 3, page 70. GiTen 
for comparison of the flgnrea. 

King Standing 1. bearded. 
weariog pea Iced cap or 
helmet, coat, trousers and 
cloalc, grasping a rein ]. 
band end holding elephant 
goad in r. hand over altar, 
ftword at waist. 


Usle moou'god 
standing L dead t 
clad in tnnie and 
robe { with right 
hand extendt>d 
holding (?) caUi- 
per* and lefl 
band resting oa 
hipt a crescent 
moon springs 
from his snoold- 
ers and be weati 
% tword at Ua 
•ida. 



K 



IU.~Notes on Indian Numismatics. 



By R. D. B&ndrjt, V4L ' ' ' /' 
I.— S'amudragupta— Speabmih Ti?i. 

Coins of this type of the gold coinage of Samudragupta [Plate 1, 
No. 1] have been found in large numbers all over Northern India, 
but so far very few coins have been found in Bengal proper. The 
recorded finds of Imperial Gupta coins in Bengal do not include 
a specimen of this type. A coin of this type I found in the 
possession of Lord Carmichael, late Gx)vemor of BengaL It 
was found some years ago while a tank was being excavated at 
Chakdighi in the Burd\ran District. The land in which the 
coin was found belongs to Raja Mani Lai Singh Roy of Chak- 
dighi who presented it to Lord Carmichael, I am indebted to 
Lord Carmichael for permission to publish this coin. The 
cpecimen is remarkable for the exceptional purity of its metal 
It weighs 117 grs. and is a very well preserved specimen of th« 
type of B. M. C, Allan, page 1, No. 1 (standard type). 

II.— Ya<as. 

Rai Radhakrishna Jalan Bahadur, Banker and Reis of Fatna, . 
possesses a coin cabinet which is exceptionally rich in Ghipta 
coins. He possesses a specimen of that king of doubtful identity 
the only known specimen of whose coinage is in the cabinet of 
the Indian Museum, Calcutta.^ The Patna coin is a duplicate 
of the specimen described by Mr. V. A. Smith, but on the 
other hand it is a much better specimen, the legends on which 
are clearly legible. The name under the right armpit is clearly 

^ Y. A. Smith : Catalogue of Coioi in ihe Indian Moieam, Calcatti, ToL I, 
p. 120, So. 1, PI. XVI, No. 11. 






VOt.T. PT.IJ 



XdTES OX INDIAN NUMISMATICS. 



83 



Ifl/fl or Yaio. Possibly the full name was Ya&)gupta.* The 
legend on the reverse is " Narenira Vinata " as I have stated 
in my previous note on the subject.* The metal is very impure • 
gold. 

III. — An Inscribed Pusi-Kussan Coin. 

Large numbers of copper coins struck in imitation of the 
copper coins of the Great Kushans have been discovered in Orissa 
and Ganjam. They are known as Puri-knshans. Professor Rapson 
inlhis " Indian Coins " states " they bear no inscriptions ; but their 
types are evidently borrowed from those of the bronze Ku$ana 
Coins of the time of Kani? ka".* The same authority informs ua 
that *' in the case of the chief recorded discovery of these coins in the 
Pari District, they were found in company with bronze Ku^ana 
coins struck in the ordinary manner".* It has been suggested 
by the same authority that they were in circulation along with 
the original Kusana bronze coinage from which they have been 
copied. Professor Rapson concludes his short description of this 
class of coinage by stating that '* in cither case they probably 
belong to that part of the Kufana period which lies between the 
reign of Kani§ka and the end".* Professor Rapson allots these, 
coins to the first three centuries of the Christian era but Mr. V. A. 
Smith in his Catalogue of Coins in the Indian Museum, Calcutta, 
states that these coins were issued by the f?) kings of Kalinga 
(Pun and Ganjam) (?) of fourth and fifth century A.D.* So 
far as I know, no other Numismatist has expressed his opinion 
about the probable date of this class of coinage.'' In 1917 Hi« 
Honour Sir Edward Gait sent stven of these coins to me for 
examination. One of these coins though belonging to this 

» [Probably Tai'odharmait.^K. P. J.] 

* Annual Report of the Archaeological Sanrey of India, 19I8«14, 260, pi. LXVL 

* Indian Coins, pag« 13. 
•Ibid. 

•Ibid, p. 14. 

* Catalogao of Coiot in iha Indian Maieam, Calcatta, Vol. I, pages 64^5 
and 98 9S. 

' [Sm ao(« in this Jooroal by tho HonH)!* Mr. Walsh.— E. P. JT.] 



{4 XOTZS OS IN* DIA5 KVan9XATIC9, t'AO^K 

particular chss of coinage differed considerabl/ in one respect. 
On this coin we have a Lunian fi^nre and a crescent on one side 
only. The reverse has three cones ranged in a line in the upper 
half of the circle ani an inscription consisting of two syllables in 
the lower. This inscription is the most important part of this 
find which ought to be put on record. The 'inscription ic 
" TahiaY*. It provides ns with a datum which was wanting so 
long from which the correct date of this class of coins can be 
deduced. In this inscription the lower I'mb of ia is still with- 
out the acute angle which is the characteristic of this letter in 
the seventh century. This later form of ia appears for the first 
time in North-Eastern India in the Bodh Gaja inscription of 
Mahanaman (G.E. 2C9, 5S8 A.D.)* and the Aphsand inscripti<)n 
of Aditya'ena (H.E. 63, 672 A.D.)* The alphabet of the Bodb. 
Gaya inscription appears to be rather too late for the sixth 
century and therefore that of the Aphsand inscription may be 
taken to be a fixed point.. It may safely be asserted now that the 
Puri-Kusban coins were issued some time before the middle of 
the seventh century A.D. ; possibly in the sixth century. A 
detailed palmographical examination would be out of place here 
but I am sure that the last-named date will not be found very, 
wide of the mark. The word Tani^ means "a stamped coiu'*; 
era weight of four maslia8.i ; .'f.:.5 i.v,;ij 

IV. — AMoHAEOP Alaiiddin MuHAUUiD Shah EESiaucK 

IS Assam. . . / . 

The collection in tho possession of Rii Bahadur Radha*. 
krishna Jalan of Patna contains some unique coins. , On« ^ 
of these is a muhar of Alauddin Muhammad Shah of the Khilji ' 
dynasty of Delhi (H. N. Wright, I.M.C., II, page 38, No. 191). 
The legend on the obverse is complete and quite clear. But 
instead of being round in shape, the coin is octagonal. So far 
as our knowledge goes octagonal coins were issued only by the 

I Fleet : Gapta Intcrlptioni^ p. 274 
» Ibid., p. 80p. . .. 



•ill 



,.. r-i -::'> 



J '■ 



'''••9mif^'''i''i''^mmm^m)mmimfm»'i*mm'timmmmm^ 



~^l 



iifti«Mi«MiMrijliii*UiiaHiiiiliii^^ 



HMii^^Mpii^MMaaiiMMiririMatfMiiMiil 






• ••.•- • •••.• 



• • •• 



VOL. ▼., T^t- I-] N'OtES OK INDIAX MCUI8MAT1C8. f^ 

Ahom kings of As -am who minted boih gold and silver 'in this 
p.jrlicr.lar shape. The older Ahom coins bore Ah 3m legends 
(both script and language). But later on, Smskrit language 
and Bengali script took the place of AhomwilhtheInd!anization 
of these Shan princes. Ahom legends were probably used for 
the last time on the coins of Sunefipha or Promatha Simha 
(V. A Smith, I.M.C, Vol. I, page 298). But the octagonal 
shape was retained till the annexation of the kingdom bj the 
British. The gold coin of AUuddin Muhammad Shah prjbablv 
changed its shape when it came to Assam and was restruck by 
the Ahom kings. The rcstriking was done on the reverse only 
whore we have tho name Ragh(u)narayapa (?) below some 
illegible Perso-Arabic words. No prince of the Ahom dynasty 
bore this nam3. Tiio only prince who reigned in Assam and 
v.'ho bare the name Raghu was Raghudevanarayapa of the Koch 
dynisty of liajo. He was tha son of S'ukladhvaja, sumamed 
Silarai " the Kite king'^ who was the younger brother of Nara- 
narayana. R ighudeva was given a portion of the kingdom of 
Kuch Bihir as it sto^d in the days of Naranarayana in order to 
appease him when a son was born to the latter. Only one coin* 
of this prince is known which has been described by me (Journal 
and Proceedings of the A. SB., Vol. VJI, page 4£). This coin 
was issued in Saka 1510-1 5 J8 A.D and like all coins of Koch 
kings is round in shape. The name too is RaghudevanJlrSyapa 
and not Raghunarayaoa. It is quite probable, however, that for 
a time Righudeva imitat-ed the Ahom form of coinage. The name 
may have been shortened oi account of the small size of the coin. 
So far as is known no other Muhammadan coin has been restruck 
by Koch or Ahom kings. 

v.— Gold Coin opJGhiyasuddin Mahmud Shah op Bengal. 

Like No. IV this coin also belongs to Rai Bahadur Ra4^'' 
knshna Jalan of Patna. Gold coins of the independent Sultans of 
Bengal are extremely rare. This coin is an exact replica of the 

* [Tb:i is not correct. Sir Edwanl Gait gavo ore ciiu of thu King to tb* 
1. 8. B. in 1895 and dcscr.bji it in Proc. X. S. B , 1S05, p. 86.— E. P. /.] 



81 N0TK8 UX INOUH MUXIBMATICS^ C<I3.0..|JIL 

silver coins of Ghijasuddin Mahmud Sbah, the younger son of 
Alauddia Hosain Sbah who was the last independent Snitan of 
Bengal. He was defeated and besieged bj S^er Khan (after- 
wards Sher Shah) in the fort of Ganr. Unmajun came into 
conflict with Sher Shah by marching to Bengal to relieve 
Mahmud Shah, ^fahmud Shah died at Kahalgaon near Bhagal- 
pur (Rijaz-us-salatin, English .Trans, pages 141-142). There 
is no date on this coin but it resembles I.M.C., Vol. I, page 179, 
No. 222. 

A'l. — Nkw Mints and Types op Shx£ Juab's Coujaqe. 

(Plate II.) 

In July 1917, 4i8 silver coins of Sher Shah were received 
for examination from the Collector of Shahabad, Bihar and Oriesa. 

The find contained some tmiqae coins of the following mints : — 

(1) Paaduah; 

(2) Chanarh or Chtmarh ; 

(3) Kilpi. ^ 

(1) Sher Sljah's coins, were minted mostly at Fathabsd Sha- 
rifabad and Satgaon in Bengal. But no coins min^«d from the 
capital of Bengal or its immediate neighbonrhood appear to be 
known. The Shahabad find contains no less than three coins 
from the mint of Papduah, a town to the north of Gaur which 
appears as a mint on the corns of Danuja-marddanadeva who 
ruled over Bengal in Saka 1339 — 1417 A.D and was thus a 
coniemporary of Jalaluddin Muhammad Shah son of Raja Kanj* 
of Bengal. Firozabad, a mint very well known from the coins of 
the Independent Sultans of Bengal^ from the time of Sultan 
Sbamsuddin Ilyas SJiah, has been generally taken to be Pandaa, 
but no definite proof has ever been adduced in favour of this 
identification. It has succeeded yery well as a working hypo- 
thesis. 

Coins of the Pandua mint^ belongfto two different types :— 
(fl) I.M.C., Vol. II, 655, no mint var.A. But in the Shaha- 
bad find the name of the mint is to be found on the obverse, 
just below the Kalima but inside the square. 948 A. H. 



0!i.T«PT.I,1 XOXES ON INDIAN NUMISViTlCS. 37 

(1) I. M. C, Vol. II., 653. No mint, var. B, Here also th« 
mint name has been added in the same place. 947 A.H. 

(2) Only one silver coin of Sher Sljah issued from the mint of 
Chunar was described by E. Thomas in his Chronicles of Pathan - 
Kings of Belhi where the name of the mint is spelt Chunar.' 
The coin was not illustrated at that time so it is difficult to de- 
termine how the name was spelt. The Shahabad find contains 
three coins issued in 91)9 A.H. from the mint of Cbanarh. This 
form is a contraction of Charapagadh, the Hindi equivalent <A, 
the ancient Charan-adri^durgga. 

(3) The coin of the Kalpi mint is notable for its circle of 
intertwined double-linea. The coins of Sber Sljah issued from 
the KaJpi mint generally have square areas. This is the first 
known coin with circular areas from that mint.* 

^ Chronicles of the Pathan Eingt of HclLi, p. 889, No. 369. 
« Chronicles of tho Pathan ^ings of Delhi, p. 402, No. 364 ; I.M.C., II, p. 87, 
Kos. 636-686. 

']']:<{ m A • • . ■ ' : 

v^/ o;..:_o.li i>: -. . .'■'•.■ 



■■ "■.'■:.. r':\- ' *•■ - ^-^ . .. .* ... ,•. . , . . 'I 

.. 4* •!./* {""' -^ .»■ .'■ -I • ■ <% ,. •*. -■«• •- . '.- 

" ■ '■;i'* '■ ■ • «4 • - * ' '-"^l ■'■: .': ...; .st .', i.- — ', I' --'-t 

• • » •'» 



e^ 



XV.— Statues of Two Saisunaka Emperord 
(483-409 B. C.) 

By K.P. Jayaswal. 

Since the fouadatlon of this Journal maaj nosolTed problem! 
of the pre-Mauryan period have been partiallj or whollj solved 
in its pages, and 1 am glad to get a fresh opportanitj to attempt 
once asrain to add to the known history nf that period. Over 
Discovery of * century back, citizcni of Patna found 
the Stataes. ^^^ ®' ihiee statues, according to Buchanan, 
in a field to the south of Patna Citjr. One of 
ihero, which was still imbedded in the original site, Buchanan 
had taken oat and removed, about 1812, The other he rescued 
from the bed of the Ganges to which it had been dedicated by 
the citizens. ^ He did not see the third figure. Subsequently 
the tvro figures recovered by Buchanan seem to have come in 
the possession of one Dr. Tytler, whose brother, in 1820, 
presented them to the Asiatic Society of BengaL There they 
lay neglected for forty years hidden amongst the foliage until 
J. D. M. Beglar brought them to the notice of the late Sir 
Alexander Cunningham, the then Director-General of the Archao- 
logical Survey of India. About the year 1879 they wei« 
reiiiQved to the Indian Museum, Calcutt-^ where they are at 
present installed on raised pedestals in the Bharhut gallery. 
The third statue was found by Cunningham near the old well 
called the '' Agama Kuan " to the south of Patna City. Tbeis^ 
monnted with a new head it was being worshipped in his 
day as Mata-ilal by the villagers. It if possible that the 
ttatne ia still aomewhere in the neighbourhood of the Agama 
Koaa. 

^ Ur. Y. B. Jackson, rricdpil of Patna CuUcge, wbo \» idiking Bocbanaa'c 
Joarnal, kindljr drew my attootion to thl« (oarce. The wImI* axtrMi £r9Si kit 
joantal gWen to me bj Mr. Jackson it printed UixJtec M. 



TOL. v.. ^T. I,] lAlfVNAKA STATU It. |g 

General Cunningham was primarily attracted to the stattiM 
Qwing to their highly gloBsj polish (called tip to this tirnt 
*' Maurjran''). He, however, realized their artistic significance to 
a great extent, for in describing them in Vol. XV. of hit- 
Arcbseological Surrey Reports (pp. 2-3) he summed up with this 
remark : 

" the easy attitude and the calm and dignified repose 

of the figures are still conspicuous, and claim for 

them a high place amongst the hest specimens of earl/ 

Indian art." 

Though discovered in 1812 or 1819, the statues have been really 

discovered nnw, in 1919. It was in the month of January 

last that aocidently I examined the inscriptions on the statuet 

and found them to estahlish the identity of the statues. They 

represent two emperors of the STaiiuuaka dynasty, one of whon^ 

Udayiu (4S3-4i67 B.C.), was the founder of Pataliputra, and the 

other, the graat conqueror Nandi-Vardhana (419-409 B.C.*) ;• 

Since the time of Cunningham no one re-examined the 

inscriptions on the statues. And probably they would not 

have been examined by me bat for the 

SSSsaid^thJC following incident. In January last a label 

PalssosTsrapliy. prepared for the newly-discovered female 

(*' Mauryan ") statue, now at the Fatna 

Museum, attracted my notice : it bore the title Tahkirfi (i.e. the 

f.?male of Yaksha, ademi-god). Now the conventional repn«en« 

tation of Yaksha and Yakshini in Indian art is marked with snob 

nose and raised chsek bones. The new PatnaDIdarganj statue, 

on the other hand, is the figure of a handsome Indo-Axyaa 

woman, distingolshed from the classical (European) by rounded 

ohin and heavy bosom ' I objected to the nomenclature intended 

» J.B.0JL8^ I., 67, lift. 

* 6e« tha pUtet to Dr. Spooner't articU pablltbcd ii> th!a tMoe of tb« JooraaL 
The photoprapbg d> not orii g onfc th« easy pose of the right leg ; the f gar* - 
itK&dioii the left. BSoda r.'.yal cntirta we:« drooratrd with lifelike frafii]« 
itUaet (Jatftlc)!. VI, 432). Thepe fem<«l< s are eUlrd mnifihat {Ilid.),%\ttm 
dtn>ting, a^cordiig to the Arthvtast»a (p. 123), a »!»»»• of comt arfitea. Coiipt 
•rtwtot attended upon the king w.th emblfna of royalty on certnin cer nj^nlal 
occKlons (Ibid.). Tboy wero richly be- jewelled. These JJUaka and Artha-Siatm ' 
dats iTJ^Test the idcntifichtion of the Didarganj •'^atae at m .decoratlT* flgor* 
npreg^ating a gafiki, originallj placed in a royal eoork. 



10 SAISUXIKA STITVES. t-f^AM. 

for ihMt elegant fignre, wherenpon the precedent of tbe two 
Fataa statnes in the Indian Museum vas cited in that thej were 
described by Cunningham as Yakshas on the authority of the 
inscriptions on them. This made me desirous of examining 
tho£8 inscriptions. Copies of those inscriptions prepared for the 
Patna Museum chanced to have arrived at the time. These 
impressions were practically worthless, being badly taken on 
angle sheets, yet they sufficiently showed that the alleged 
" Taksha " was in neither inscription, a view in which the 
Hon'ble Mr. Walsh, Vice-President of the Society, agreed with 
me the moment I showed the impressions to him. The letters, 
however, which Cunningham had declared to be later than 
Aaoka, presented to me a wonderful problem. They did not 
folly tally vith characters of any period yet known to Indian 
Ejxgraphy. While one letter, *, at first sight appeared to 
beloDg to a later age, all others disclosed forms more archaic than 
the oldest known Brahmi characters. The archaism was so 
madded that four letters, afterwards identified as b^, dk, / and t, 
appeared to me to be new forms. To them value could be 
aaagned only on presuming them to be ancestors of such 
A4^"i letters to which the latter can be earned back on 
principles of epigraphic evolution. I arrived at a tentative 
reading and deferred final judgment for a few days until I went 
to Calcutta, which I had to visit on business, towards the end 
of &e same month. I utilized that opportunity and examined 
the inscriptions on the statues during my spare time in Calcutta 
<m six di&rent days. 

The inscriptions are on the folds of the scarf just below the 
shoulders on the back of each statue ( see photograph D ). It 
seems that the artist thought it profanity in art to cut the letters 
into the body. After a long scrutiny I came to the conclusion 
that the letters had been carved before the parallel lines to 
denote folds on the scarf were chiselled. I consulted Mr. Arun 
Sen^ Lecturer in Indian Art to the University of Calcutta, on 
the point, and he confirmed my view. The fold-lines have 
continued in spite of the letters. Over the letters they have been- 



TOkT^PT.!.] mSUNAKA 8T1TCJKS, Qt; 

very delicately handled : while the symmetry of the lines is kept 
on, the forms of the letters have not been interfered with, the 
original strokes of the letters being scrupulously avoided and 
kept separate. 

I had six impressions of each inscription taken, thanks to 
the courtesy of Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar, the officer in charge of the 
archseological section of the Museum. My reading is based on 
those impressions and verified from the actual letters inscribed on 
the statues. 

The inscription on the statue with the head on (figure A) 
is as follows :— 

B^a^e JCUO chhonVdhUe, 

The aksharas ACUO are larger than others, as if they are put 
in capitals. The first title bhage is grouped separately to make, 
one word. ACHO again is grouped separately. The first letter, 
is taken to be hh. The upward projection of the top line a* 
it appears in Aiokan bh is not present here. That is a later 
evolution. The letter in our iascription is written in three 
strokes, the pen being set and takgn off three times, the left-hand 
and the right-hand strokes having] been drawn independently 
of the top line, while the Aiokan bh tends to be done in two 
strokes (cf. Biihler's Table II, line 31, column VI ; and the 
Bhattiproltt letter). The Aiokan 5A'« have been written in the 
following way which led to the introduction of the upper 
projection : the^ right-hand vortical line was drawn first, and then 
in one flourish commencing over the t'Op of the right-hand line 
the rest of the letter was completed. The point can be clearly 
followed by a reference to the bh in the Sohgaura plate 
(J.R.A.S., 1907) where the two divisions are separate. In the' 
attempt to draw the top line and the left-hand line together, the 
initial end became pointed upwards. One can verify this by 
attempting to produce the letter with ease on the principle of the 
Sohgaura bh. Our three-stroke letter on the statue is thus older 
in evolution. It is indeed not possible to take it as any other 
letter than &i. 



II lAISCXAKA tTATVM. [i.BAl.l 

The peculiarity of the second letter, g, consists in that it ii 
composed of two lines, a left-hand line projecting inro a haok, 
and then aright-hand, slightly cnnred line drawn from top to 
bottom. The Aiokait letter on the other hand is made up of two 
eqnal and convenient parts or it begins to be written in one 
stroke, e. g. at Jaugada, Delhi and Siddapur. The uneven 
strokes still linger at Bhattiptolo. 

The third letter, a, would be recognized at once by epigraphis'g 
to be an old form. I may only point out that the two ears 
which are so widely apart in our letter, tend to coalesce and 
to lose their curve and become a two- stroke letter in Anoka's 
time, e. g. at Kalsi, Jaugada and Siddapur. 

The fourth letter, <;//, has a special feature in its perpendicular 
line being produced independently of the lower body. The latter 
b composed of three strokes. As against this the Aiokan eh is 
made up of only two strokes, the straight line and the base 
diagram, done without lifting off the pen. The only exception 
to this in A^oka ch'* is the third specimen at Gimar which is 
the nearest approach to our eh in the whole range of Indian 
epigraphy. The next letter, elk, in our record consists of three 
strokes, while the Asokan tends to a two-stroke composition. 
The sixth character, n, is again composed of three strokes as 
against two of the Asokan. Its similarity with later n is more 
apparent than real ; for later n't are really two-stroke letters. 

The penultimate letter is done in three strokes, two lines 
drawn down from one point and a base-line joining the twj. 
It is a new form, and assuming a previous history to the Aiokan 
dh our letter can only be ancestor to the latter, the other two 
possible cases of g and t being excluded by their actual occur- 
rence in the inscription.* Here again the Aiokan letter {dk) is 
much easier— decayed in form— than this dh^ the former being 
written in only two strokes — a curve and a straight line. The 
Bhattlprolu dk ( BUhler 26, xir, drawn upside dcwn ) is 
a compromise between our dh and the Aiokan. There the strokes 



^Ik canaol be an « oa accoant of tb« rowel-mark atiocbed ta ii* 



TOL. T« rt, L] %kWa»AXk fTATOtS. ft 

are Btni three, but the right-hand line begins to cnrre. Tht 
original form 'still survives in the Andhra group though with 
a distinct tendency to a two-stroke form. 

The last letter is still more original and its identification was 
a natter of some time. A long perpendicular line is drawn first 
and then by its sides, about the middle, two hooks are added in 
two separate strokes. At firet sight one would be inclined to 
take it as a fourth century (A.C) two-stroke k but the absence of 
seraph and the lower flourish together with the number of strokei 
would dislodge that proposal. It is radically diiferent from i. 
If wo follow the methoi of presuming an earlier form, we 
can on palsographic considerations trace the ancestry of the 
A^okan (Buhler, 37, II) and Bhattlprolu / (Buhler, 37, XIVj to 
this letter. The pivotal line has been contracted in the latter, 
its upper portion totally disappdarin^^ and the lower still remain* 
ing longer than the sidal legs. The legs, again, tend to hang 
down, while they hang on in the Saisunaka letter. 

In all theso cases we find the Asokan figures having reached 
a stage which costs much less exertion than the S^ailunaka onef . 
Tbey are much easier, or to adopt an art expression, they are 
decadent as compared with our letters. The degree of evolutional 
decay between our letters and the Asokan is nearly the same 
as between the A^kan and Budradaman's. 

Coming to the palasog^phy of the second inscription, the 
first letter is a new form. I was first inclined to take it as an 
older form of sh. Dr. Mazumdar, whom I consulted about the 
letter, discovered on the rock a fine chiselled ^ line from the 
elbow joint upwards to the fold-line above. This line is so thin 
that the impressions do not reproduce it sufficiently. It is 
equally, or more, probable that the letter is a dental 9, The lower 
floarish ends on the level of the base of the letters and does not 
tarn upwards. The right-hand line is separated by a small ridge 
oa the rock; it is therefore part of the next letter. Thecorre«; 
sponding upper flourish is a fork. The whole letter is composed 

> The eontinottion of th« mwk Uyond tht Ua« k prodactd by a orack la tiw 
rccki } it it not obiMlltd. 



g^ SAISUXJULi STATVXS. (J.BX>AjB. 

of three sections, first the fork commencing with the inner line, 
then the crescent commencing at the elbow joint dnd ending by 
the bottom of the horizontil line of the next letter, and, finally, 
the upper gtroke above the elbow. In As'okan alphabet both 
dental and cerebral S's are produced in two strokes, and the 
middle stroke ceises to be straight 

The second letter is made up of three distinct strokes : the 
right-hand, the base, and the left-hand lines. The right-hand one 
is drawn from top to bottom and the left-hand one from bottom to 
top, i.e., it has the composition of f as against /. The left-hand 
line is a shade shorter than the right-hand one. P's in Alokaa 
groups, except the Delhi letter, are produced in one stroke, the 
left-hand end becoming shorL The older form persists at Delhi 
and later at Pabhosa, Mathura and Hathignmpha. The left^ 
hand line becomes shorter still as time proceeds. The third 
letter, kh^ again, has an older feature. The body is formed of 
four lines, which becomes round or tends to disappear in Anoka's 
time. The hook in our letter almost touches the quadrilateral 
and has a nose to the right. In the Aiokan the latter detail ii 
already lost and the letter becomes much easier in shape, 
lessening the conre. 

The fourth letter (/) consists of three parts, two making up. 
the legs and one, the top vertical line, put on separately. All 
Aiokan and later ^'s, on the other hand, are only two-stroke 
forms. Our letter has a faithful descendent in the Kalsi letter 
(BUhler, 23, III), but that also bears the mark Qf time in being 
a two-stroke diagram. The next one, v, is a combination of tiro 
side strokes, curvish in form, a straight base, and finiUy a ver* 
tical line above the body. The Aiokan c becomes completely 
round and with the vertical line a two-stroke character. The 
form nearest to our letter is preserved in a Bhattiprolu variety 
(Biihler, 36, XIV). The older form lii^iB at Mathura, Bhar- 
hut and Hathigumpha, but there the curte in each case has . 
long disappeared and a straight line taken its place. The sixth 
character, /, is like the Aiokan letter. The next one, n, is, as in 
the first inscription^ drawn in three strokes. The last letter, i^ is 





• *,■ • •• 






VOL. T^ W. 1*3 81I8UKAKA STATUES. 9f 

again oldest in form^ done in three strokes. lo the Aiokaii 
letters once more the Delhi letter is nearer our present form, 
all the other and later ones generally tend to be one-stroka 
characters. 

The complete inscription I read : 

Sapa^-khate* Vata' Naipdi 

I may here note a view which occurs to me after the aboT9 
analysis. It is probable, I should say, very probable, that in pre- 
Maur jan times there had been two collateral branches of writing 
descended from an earlier common ancestor, one of which 
became the imperial script under the Mauryas, while the oth^ 
represented by our present letters in the fifth century B.C. gave 
rise to the Southern, Mathura, Pabhosa and Hathigumpha 
variations. The variations in contemporary writings of post- 
^lauryan period are really variations in basic principles, and it is 
difficult to derive them all from a coiiimon Brahmv oJE the ifaird 
century B.C.* . 

It is certain that the inscriptions are contemporary with Uie 
statues ; in fact, the naines had been inscribed before the statueb*' 
were given the finishing touches. Again, the polish showi| 
that the statues cannot be post-Mauryan. The polish never 
appears on post-Mauryan monuments while it is invariably. 
found on Mauryan worts. Mr. Arun Sen, Lecturer in Hind-o, 
Art to the University of Calcutta, to whom I showed the statues 
without disclosing to him the data of the inscription^ 
declared them on art considerations to be pre-Manryan, 
The opinion of Mr. Sen, who has received his training 
at Cambridge and has made a special study of Mauryan 
art, carries weight. But in any case on the evidence of the 

* Or, 8h»pa. 

* Or, kk(e?) te,ihe ntroke over i\ is Bot connected and doe* not leem' to be 
paitof ihe letter. 

•OfiFef*.- -Sii^i.e'-^ .•^;* 

* Both In BndtBiitt and Jaina books we hear of a writlog called PacuhkartidI 
side by sido with Brabml. It maj be that the two Tarietiei bore the two naaec. 



1^ lAlStTNAKA ITAtOBV. C'>BAlj|. 

polish, the stataes and the infcriptions cannot be later than th« 
Maaryan times. We know, however, the script of the Manryan 
times. And the script on the statues is not that. It ii earlier 
in almost each detaiU The stataes therefore most be earlier 
in age than Aioka's period. . - ' 

Now, we shall know their age definitely by establishing 
the historical identity of the statues and by recalling to our 
mind the Hindu custom recorded by Bhasa * of giving statues to 
departed sovereigns Eoon after the demise of the last king. 

The translation of the inscription on statue A {Bkage AGHO 
ehkorVdhUe) will be "HU Graexout liajettf 

Srstltue^ ^^' ^'"^ ^^^' Oter-EuUr of the ZAND (or, 

EariA)]." Bhage as an adjective comes only in 

Vedio literature, meaning " Gracious lord " (noun, "majesty"),? 

The translation of the second inscription {Sapa-Hate Faft 
Jfandt) will be " Of complete empire (dominion), VAETA 
NANDL" Whether the first letter is dental or cerebral, the 
meaning would not change. Nor would the Sanskrit restoration 
•* Varta " be altered whether we read the word f>jfa or Fa(a. 
As to khatet if we take the doubtful form khete the meaning would 
verbally, though not materially, change : Sapa-Kkete (Skt. ^rr»- 
Kiietrah), " of complete region," i. e., " Possessor of the whole 
region " (cf. JrtAa-^attra, page 388, for Kthetra in the seose 
of empire or region to be governed). 

In the Puranas amount the Sai^unaka kings of Patca' 
we have Nandi-Vardhana, As I have already pointed out, 
VardhanCk is an imperial title 'and not part of the name. 
Nandi (Vardhana) according to the Vayu, Brahm&iiLda and 
Matsya was the son of Udayih ( Udaydfva in the Vishnu). The 
Bhagavata (12. 1. 7) calls Nandi- Vardhana " son of Aja " 

* SMinfnu 

*Tbe Bindas never forgot that Fi^lipntn was identic*! witli Patna. Brak* 
nana of Patna gave thia identification to Bachanan in 1812. Tha Jaina haTt 
likewise la that centnry given the name (Pi^lipnra) on their memorial !• 
SthfUahhadn at Onlxarbagb, Pataa. 

•J.B.O.B.fik,I,78.' 



SAISUNAKA IN8CRIPTIONS (ReLIRP 81DK). 

^ || liP^'- l ;>.'.np!'. l| J| l ll ll || l H ^ i 




(a) Ox THE Statue of Aja-Udayim. 



■iiPiPPipppppiippMf 







. -/>-''■:>'■ 



...-^ ■■ .:;^'^ 



L I. (L, Itit. 



>v 



K>-**«tf<saai 




^6^ On the Statue ok Vabta-Nandi. 

8cal« ) 61 oririiMd. 



¥hMfy-min%yr& 



t prinu-4 ai lhl•)»fl\)^(T a{ t(i> Harvir n( India, Olc 

••••• •• •«•. 



OlcutU. Iltlft 



' • •• • • ••• •-• 

>,• •••••• • • 



tjfe^a) ^, 6iid in ifid t^xeb^ding \iii€ in jptace of Udajin ii gives 
ifd. ' Nandi-V^dhans ooents also in (he Fiadyota lilt ot 
thd Avinti king«, whiA mc&nf, as already pointed oat ia 
th eaflifer paper, * that Nandi-Vaidhaua succeeded (o the throno 
of Avamti (capital Ujjain) as well. There his fafher again Is 
called A j ak a and A j a hy the Vayu, Brahmai;ida and Vishnu 
(see Text hy Pargiter, 19) anl the latter is oxpli.iily stated in 
an old reading (dated 1729, Boileiin ; Wilson No. 21 • Pargiter, 
19, n. S5) of the Matsaya to have heeh a ^aisunaka. Hence ther« 
y DO douht that Nandi's father is called both Aja and Udayin 
by the Pura^jai. Both ttese names mfean ** the Sun*'. ^ 

The Vajn gives a variant of N^ndi's name in its Avanti 
liBt. It calls him Firti-Fardiana instead of Nandi^Vurdhafia^ 
Kov the Prakrit fbrih of Varii would be Vatti and Vati, 
That it orght to b^ Vdrld and not Vdrli is now proved by oar 
inscription. Difference of a vowel-mark proditced itt 4,300 yeari 
of manuscript writing is excusable. In fact bur inscriptioni' 
enhance the value of the Puranio record, as historical ineisnalsi 
to a very great degree by confirmation of their var!tot deUiU. 
The foraois of names which t had regai\^ed as corhipt (e.g. Vhri^ 
tarn out to be based on real history. The variant d^tail^ Idio 
show that different Purfii^ drew upon independent data. 

Nandi in later times was called Ifdnda, North^ Bnddhiitl' 

.^ ' - jj - havehima? -A'<tii/fa andhis son (Pnrani^ 

«llMidas.- Mah&.Nandi or MihiL-Nanda^r 

«s Hdhi'Ndndaf The Jains count him, his son, and \ai 

father in ** the Nandas".^ Khftravels's inscription kS3 the fbtttf 

> CI Fifuii, IT. I, 123. TU • Sabttrti ' grddp ooataioi tniiii^ ^p^ fiioU 
out of wbich Ajft temns to ba om. Ib any tite the rtile It Bok Hmittfd to Um 
•sunenUon wbich li sot ezhtiutirc, bnog ta Ainti'Oaift. 

• Compaj Jja ^i (Smr^) ** b* who it itpatad m A^ ". Qt 90m 
Pvl^ts io Farpter'a Tttt, p. tt. 

• J.B.O.B^L,79^p.;tpML .,..,^ 

• Hence, jitoUbljr. th* ICaiija ««iisUBB tiffin la till Fis4}!^ IbV 

• J.B.O.&.8^t,8S-M. 



M. , tAlWHAIA STlTtrii. C'A0.1J. 

Han da. The Puranas also, indirectl/, call him a " Nanda" when 
they give 100 years as the aggregate of the reign-periods of the 
Nandas, meaning thereby the early Nandas aa opposed to the 
Neo»Nandas. The hundred years' aggregate is made up of the 
8 years of the sons of Maha-Nanda, 35 of Maha-Nanda, iO of 
Nandi, the Vardhana, 8 years of Munda and 9 years of Anurud- 
dha.^ The later two were eridently elder brothers of Vart* 
Nandi. The Saisunaka Nandas were distinguished from the 
later, illegitimate Nandas by adding the word Nava ( = New). 
This is borne out by a Jaina text which designates the last 
Nanda, defeated by Chandragupta, as *' Nava-Nanda ",* 

Bhasa whose date I have suggested as the end of the first 
century B.C.* has a fascinating drama 
Drama - 8t<^ut, " by entitled '' The Statues " {Pratima) on the 
Bnasa- Bamayana story. On the death of Dais- 

ratha, Bharata is called by the ministers from Kekaya, his mat€> 
nal home.* Having been brought up by his maternal relatives 
he is a stranger to the kingdom of his father. He has not be^n 
told that his father was dead. To break the news the dramatist 
introduces him, on his way home, outside the capital, to a temporal 
temple, a temple in all appearance but not a pldce of worship; it 
bore no flag, no bells and other outward signs of a temple. It was 
open to the public, and there was no gate-keeper. Bharata enters 
the temf>le and sees a number of images. H? adjnires "the 
stones " for the " exquisiteness of execution ", for "expression and 
its movements in the portrait forma, "^ and wonders "whether" 

>J.RO.BA, 1.76, 110,116-6. . - ..^ ._._- 

Kalpa-tvlodiili, will, iS, ciUd :n Jaint Frtkrtts Rc^tlllvCa (ItjOitl 
•• AbbidMna-Bijcndrt ", Vol IV, «m6 •• Thulvbh»di». " ' "- *"- ' ' ' • 

» J JLS.B., 1918, p. 289. - -^ ''^ ^.'^ 1 J * * 

* Pntimi, Act III. (Tr»vtneor« QoremBiial •ditiMk|'' '^'^ '^ ..--^^.O.n.. • 



,g.a »■*.•»* 



Plate I. 




mtim 



niii«> iiiiiiii 




''). Statue of Aja-Udayin. fb). Statue of VartaNandi (Vardhana). 



""J-*»i-n ^- Hofmnnn. 



VHma^^tufnrri 



k ■•riatrdattiN;»'lA<.'«y<>r {lH-siir}>/ mt lD|lfijl^i»r4l{a^J|il«. 



TOL.T, PT.1.1 f AlSrjTAKA STATCEJ. 9» 

they were gods. The moment he is going ito how down to tham^ 
the Curator, called the " Deva-Kulika ", (" the Keeper of their 
MajestyB* Court ") enters and stops hia doing so, as the figures 
were not of gods hut of sovereigns, the sovereigns of Ayodhyft. 
It was cubtomarj to respect them but not to bow to them 
(III. 13). Statues of four generations are placed there in order 
of succession and the Curator introIu;es ea3h of them in order. 
This makes Bharata suspect that the last statue was of his own 
father and he puts the question : " Do people give statues to living 
kings ?" The reply was '* No, only to the departed ones ". Bha- 
rata knows the truth and is struck with grief. At that moment 
the royal ladies appear on the scene with the Prime Minister 
Tvho all come there to see how the new statue has been executed. 
The statues contemplated here are portrait statues, realistic, for 
similarity between them and Bharata is noticed by the Curator, 
aad Bharata is compared by the Prime Minister to Cthe statue of 
the late king endowed with speech. 

*' The SlaCuet " by Bhasa tlius gives information regarding a 
custom of maintaining a royal gallery of portrait statues. Tha 
portraits of several generations of the early Satavfihana kingB 
at Nanaghat are now explained in the light of Bhasa. Th$ 
Patna statues are 1 ike wis 3 also explained . Three of these, discover- 
ed together, indies te the existence of a temporal temple as describe 
ed by Bhasa. Since the foundation of this capital and before 
the Nava-Nandas there had been five- kings of the l§ai^unaka 
dynastjr who.mled.* Probably the last one did not get a statuo 
from the Nava-Nanda usurper (Maha-Padma). Four statues at 
least, therefore, must have formed the group. It is possible to 
find one day the fourth one near Agama Ruan. 

King Udayin, the founder of this capital, had, according 

Personal Appear- to the sculpture, a double chin. He wor« 

ance of the Two ^&^r done and decorated according to 

Emperors. some definite style, but was clean shaven. 

He was, on the evidence of the statue, 6 feet in height. 



> j.B.o.B.a,i,ioo, u6-e. 



ijeel aad "bronze ; the name wa» givfin b/ paifnfc^ j)rob»bl» 
oivin^ to the great ph/slcal streagth of tbe p^({9; bit. Do.vq^ 
f^ iroz) phjsiqae is evident from the st^tne* 

The initial date of Udayin-Aja is 483 B.C. and the initial dOf 
Thn J>nt9B of °^ Naudi,449B.C.» The final datft o| UdaTi^ 
lAp Two Aja, in view of the Buddhist 4^ * is 46? 

Vixap^rvTB an4 B.C. and according to the Puraflasi, 449 B.C.. 
Statues. Hnd that of Nandi, 409 B.C. according t4» 

the Puranas. The dates of the statues may, therefore, be fixe4 
eirta 467-449 B.C. in the case of statu? A and, CfVcf 409 B.G; 
in the cose of B. 

A little digression may be permitted here to sum up thf 
Udayina&d ^^^ historical daU furnished b^ th% 8tatQe% 
^▼antt ^^^ otheiwise. In writing my f^l^ <^ th% 

Blstory. Saiiunaka chronology I had. to record that tin 

Jaina chronology, which u| the chronology of 
ATanti, places XJdayin's reign after the house of PaUka in \t| 
Kanda chapter (J.B.O.K.S., 1, 102 ). I cou^ not uuderstaQ^ 
then why it did so and thought that here was a case of di^ersnc^ 
between the Puranic and Jaina data, for I had taken Nandi 
(^anda) Vardhana to have been the conqueror of the ancieo| 
kingdom of Ayanti according to the Purapas. I would hard seen 
the agreement between the Puranio and Jaina data, if I i^ 
that time recognized the identity of Aja with Udayin^ fof 
the Pura];ias, as is now clear, place Aja the ^aisun&Iok in thd en^ 
of the Avanti list. We must now take it as a fact that ITdayii| 
was the king who conquered Avanti and extended the empirf 
of Magadha from Bengal to the Arabian Sea. Magadha becamt 
without a rival by breaking Avanti which had beAi over* 
■hadowing Magadha for nearly a century.^ 

The line of Pradyota ended with ViiSHiayQJW -^rltc^- slMttW 
be regarded as identical with Aryaka-Gopalaka. The' tattef^ 

« J3.0.B.eL, I. 7«i llfct 



lOO 



,x «.«.«»>»■ 



Platk II. 





iHiwtfwiiiiiMii^^ 



(e). Aja-Udatim. 

ont view: Tassel ends and legs 
are restored in plaster.] 



fMograpked tig 



fd). Varta-Nandl. 

[Back view showing detaitn of the gown, 
and position of inKription.] 






• • • 



Phnlo.-rairniv«Hl A |«rtiil«4MVM-,0<V''*<>'»>i*'KdrVr{J>*>ftf.V{iUu>til(^hiMi 



l^eeofdhsg to Bhlei tod the Katb&saritfi&gaiA, met t&0 lecOvi^ 
fott ol Prad^cfti end aecoiding to tiie MriohoKhakatiksj tn6xfAti 
ViUU (J.B.O.B.S., 1, 106-107). 

Thtf eloBis of the AvanU line seems to have happened abot^ 
the tv^elftb jdarof Udajin (fir«a 471 B. C), fo^ the Fut^w 
giV^ il yeai's t6 A ja in ATanti amd 83 jeara to Uda/in i» 
Magadha. This, if eorrect, 6aght to give 74 /ears to Fftlak* 
and hia brother, Vilakhayupa, for Pa'.aka accordmg to the Jaiai 
chronologj came to the throne in the siith jear of A}ata*&tftf 
(J.B.O.E.S., 1 , 102) and the interval between the sixth ye& of 
Ajata'^tru and the twelfth of Udayin is of 74 jears (J.B.O.R.9^ 
I. Il5}< ^ovr the reign*periodfl attnbuted to Palaka and 
Vifekbaj^pa lA the Fnra^as make apexaotlj (244-50) 74 jreaHb 
(Celt ^ Paxgittfr^ page 19.) Against this the Jaina chz^nology^ 
howeter^ gives onlj 60 or 64 years,! v^hich eitha denotef 
tf iea ^eaiV subordination of Vlsakhajupa before his death to 
Udayia ol M^gadha, or a mistake m^de by counting the poct« 
F&li&a yeai6 from the yeaf of accession of Udayin in Magadha 
iiMt^d of in Atanti. 

It seema that by the continuation of the Avanti list after th» 
fall of hef dynasty the Purarias imply that the separate entity 
of the Avanti kingdom was maiotainod by Aja-Udayiu for 
the rei^ of his life and up to the 30th year by his son Nandi. 
Otherwise there would be no sense in the scheme of the Porania 
record.' 

Undef Nandi a second capital seems to have been e8t>abli8hed 

Stftfimd Cftsf* •^'^'^ ^^ Ganges at Valsali, the old repub* 

tal tiadd^ lioan city of the Lichehhavis. He is described 

Naadir- ... by Taranatba as ruling at Vailsli and as the 

king o^ VailaU. The Sutta-NipaU of the Pali canon. 

. ftheSfalU^a •mat to' gplr* a Beparat* fgregtkU io ijaui^ Nin^ VjiU 
*^5S jekr* **', WliUe its iodiVidaal periodi for tbe two ling* are aland Sd (t^ 
fkt^ieti-if. VS). ^oiattofi^i ot the iitk$j% (Pargiter, o. 44) aeaib to ta j tlikt 
afWr tba 6f f^urt, fire I'r&^Nindyat ncceedel. After Naodi tbara vara Ct%' 
" NaodM " iadndiDg iha later Nandac (J.r.O.R^. 1. 116). 



VJS 9A19CS1XA STATTU. t-»AOJUl 

•lio mentioni Vaisali as the cvpitui cff Magadha about th« 
period of Nandi. It was daring his reign that the Second Con- 
grcBs of Buddhism was held at Vaisali.* Nandi after his father 
greatlr consolidated the empire and the second seat of tie 
empire at Vasali seems to have been a step in the direction 
of that policy. He added Orissa to Magadha and history rightlj 
called him " Vardhana *\ ' the Increaser ". Nandi seems to 
have patronized learning as according to Buddhist tradition 
Panini came to his court.' 

The language of the inscription is the vernacular which we 
Language of ^^^ ^° canonical Pali. That, not Sanskrit, seems 
the Insorip* ^ )i^\b been the official language under the 6aisa- 
^OUB. nakas. The change of^ into ek {Aeho-=Ajo) which 

later Prakrita grammarians regard as charactei-i&tic of the North- 
western dialect, is known to the official Pali(cf. f&chana= prajana) 
and to Asoka's inscription [rrachanti^vrojanti). Similarly the 
change of & into^ (saf-a^sarvfj is found in Pali {p japdti^pTaja" 
tatl.) The soft*, cicg of itk into ehh is occasional in Pali as ii 
our inscriptions {chhoni ; cf. eihuddho = ithvdr aJi) , The Sandhi 
in ellont-ai-hlsa {eihnVdiUfJ is in perfect accoal with 
Pali grammar. The use of Vedic Urm bho^a and the archaie 
use of iikatra speak in favour of the ancient age of the in- 
•criptions. These words were still current in their old sense 
when the inscriptions were carred. 

The place where the statues were found lore traces of a 

Buchanan en l>*'Jck-built house, veiy probably their original 

the Statues. Bcva-kula. It would ba interesting to read here 

what Buchanan says about their recovery. 1 

quote below the whole extract kindly given ine by jVfr. Jackson, 

ss it carries the history of the statues further back than that 

known to Cunningham : — 

The traces that can ba comadered as belonging to the Hindu eitj 
f re excccdinglj tiiflicg- Evcrjfrlere in ciggirg brcLen potr, but rery 
liltle else, are to be fcund : ai-.d irbere the rir^r wishes awaj the banlr, 

» J.B OB.?, I. Sd. 
» IVH. I, S2. 



rot. ^t 'V* U 8AI817NAK A STATUES. i6| 

many old welli are laid open ; bat nothing has been diseoTered to indioat* 
Urge or magnificent building* . In the Ganges, opposite to the ■nborbe 
above the town I fonnd a stone image lying by the water's edge, when 
the river was at the lowest. It has represented m male standing with two 
:ann8 and one head, but the arms and feet have been broken. The face 
alsois much mutilated. It is nearly of a natural size, and very clumsy^ 
and differs from most Hindu images that I hare seen in being completely 
foimed, and not carved in relief with its hinder parts adhering to th« 
block, from whence it has been cut. Ou the back part of the scarf, which 
passes round the shoulders, are some letters which I have not been able to 
have explained, and too much defaced to admit of being copied with abso- 
lute precision. Some labourers employed to bring this image to my house 
informed me that it had been rome years ago taken from a fi'ld on the 
south side of the suburbs, and had been intended forai object of worship : 
but that a great fire having happened on the day when it was remoTe^« 
the people were afraid and threw it into the sacred river. They alto 
informed me that in the same field the feet of another image projected from 
the ground, and that many years ago a Mr. Hawkins has removed a jhird. 
On going to the place I could plainly discover that there had been a small 
building of brick, perhaps 60 or 60 feet in length ; bnt most of th« 
materials have been removed. On digging I found the imago to be exactly 
similar to that which I found on the river, bat somewhat larger. Tht 
feet are entire, and com 3 part of tho arras remain, but the head has beoa 
removed. On its right shouMer is placed something which seems intended 
to represent a Tibet bull's tail. This is an insignia of the Yatis or priests 
of Jain, but in other respects the images have little resemblance to sneh 
persons one of whom is represented in the Drawing No. 132 — I rather 
suppose that these images have been intended ai an ornament to the temple^ 
and to represent the attendants on some 6oJ, whose image has been 
destroyed. In the drawing No, 2 the images have been reprcscntel with 
the inscription on the smaller, that on the larger is totally illegible. 

There is no doubt that the statues described as above bj. 

*. . .. Buchanan arc the same which are before us 

"ChowrL 

to-day. The device on the right shoulder of the 

statue of Nandt which Buchanan and Cunningham took to-, 
be a representation of *' a Tibetan bull's tail " or *' ehowri " 
is bj no means clear owing to mutilation. I could not come 
to a decision as to what it was. Mr. Bhandarkar considered 
it very doubtful to have been a ehowri. If it was a c\otori 
our idea that (//oicrt-bcaring denotes nccessaTily an attendant 



n^ufV 99^. cliapg^. CorlotLsly enough I fpupd fiimultaneouslr 
in a palotlog copied from Ajanta in the house of Sir John 
WoodroSe a prince holding a ci^wri pa hig shoulder, to whom 
a lady, probably his queen, is presenting lotuses on a tray. 
It is evidently the king in the ffamsa-Jafaia, for two swans 
. are seated on thrones. * Then we must also take into 
consideration the Jain practice o| carrying ehotori or flywhisk 
referred to by Dr. Buchanan, and Nandi was a Jain as evidenced 
by Kbi avela's inscription, and also according to |ome other 
evidence which Mr. V. Smith has not yot p^blistod (J.R.A»S., 
1918, p. 546). 

The statues are made of Mirzapur sandstone which was 
utilized also by Asoka in cutting his columns. The statues are 
monoliths, cut iu the round. Aja's le^s hav^ been restored in the 
usual ugly style o| restorations. 

They, as already stated, bear a higU and shining polish. 
Now the force of the evid^ice of the^ statues 
Polish and Its ^j^^t change our view on the origin of this 
Origin. so-called "Mauryan '^polish. Before the 

discovery of these statues I had already come across a piece of 
evidence which had greatly shaken my belief in the current 
archsological theory which ascribed the art (undoubtedly in the 
absence of pre-Mauryan monuments) to Persia. My friend Baba 
(now Rai Ba'iadur) Sarat Chandra Roy some time back showed 
m.Q in his private collection a nco'ithic piece which is generally 
known as * Vajra ' (thunderbolt) with the polish I That unmis- 
takably p3inted to an Indian origin of the polish coming down, 
and developed from the art of pre-historic: times, when, primitive 
man devoted much attention to his stones. That vajra destroyed 
thft theory in my minJ. Then I recalled the slight polish on 
tjie soap-stone vases of the Sakya tope, now at the Indian Museum., 
The last evidence now comes in the shape of these statues which 

* Some otlnr AjaQki p rtotings ■• well thfotr rery great <loQbt oa the tbeoiy 
that& fljwliuk QUi^ neoes^artlj-iadicat* « dependent {>o«ition of tb« holdr^ la 
& pcla^iaprof Mnbamnnclaa tioiei » fljrwhiik U hold at a fa*bio&abl* decoratioa 
(k* ri»(« LVI, Xoa» £rhibiti9H </ dniiiuUi$t, Cortntlion Durbar, I9II) 



/ 



(ioj the art tvro centunes back from tbo dat^ Alleged for tU 
import £roDa Persia. The origin of the art^ im my opinion^ if t9 
be sought in the art of Drayidian India which shaped (hf 
polished 9itira and not in Persia. 

The general vigour and realism of the statues makes om 
^iga a pre~Mauryan period to the monuments. The decadencil 
which marks the imperial art of Atfoka does not even begin in 
the statues. Mr. Sen had not to think long in declaring them 
emphatically " Pre-Mauryan I Without doubt ", Yet the status 
prove a previous history of the art of the Indian sculptor* . . 

A point of importanoQ is the attempt of the artist t9 
Statnet as *bow the waves in the royal gowns or mantles, 
Evidence of hanging on the back, down to the heels. It 
SarUer Aft" is done, it seems to me, an tho principle of 
iUusionism. This fact and the perfect fcuniliaxity «f the 
sculptor with a conventional represenUtian of hair whbh it 
found on the head of Aja, prove a previous IListory of hia 
art extending back to some centuries. Mr. Aran Sen who 
drew my attention to the conventional hair laid great stress oo 
its significance as telling a previous history of the sculptor's art 
in the country. 

Details in the two statues show two different hands, though 
of the same school. On the arm of the father there is an armlet 
which is to be seen on sculptures of kings on Bharhut railings. 
On the arm of the son there is an ornament with mouths 
of alligators and with goldsmith's designs all over. The ears of 
Aja have earrings. On the^figure there is an upper garment, 
mantle-like, and beneath it there is a vest 'intended to be of 
diaphanous texture, as is evident by the line at the waist and 
the treatment of the navel. These two garments are mentioned 
in Vedic literature, e. g. in Coronation ceremony. The over- 
garment is fastened at the waist by a girdle tied in a bow, 
hanging down in front in an elaborate loop and tassel ends. 
The over-garment has got an embroidered neck beneath which 
passes a cord which is tied behind. The embroidered neck has 
two different designs on the two statues. There is a studied 



101 tAtsClf AKA tTATVU. PAO.ii 

•ttempt to show tbe feet and make it b&re by makings the gown 
shorter at the front than at the back. The convention of artist 
and poets in describing bare feet side bj side with earliest and 
continued references to the use of shoes, is probably explainable 
in view of the fact that while in court Hindu kings took o5 
their shoes and that feet were objects of reverence by convention. 
The execution of the feet (they are intact only in one statue) 
is the most unsuccessful from the modeller's point of view. It 
is not in confor jiity with the rest of the work, falling far too 
inferior. Does the execution of the feet indicate an earlier cycle 
of convention and decay in art ? The artists have succeeded 
on the whole in producing the efEect of majesty with masterly 
chiseL 

As historic monuments they are not only the most important 
remains in India but have to be classed amongst the important 
pieces of the world. 



i,': 



J^xe^i?* ; 






v.— Tho Didarganj Image ndw in PatnA 

Museum* 

By D. B. Spooner, Ph.D. : ,^ ,;; 

Wbat has come to be kuovm as the '* DiJargaaj '* imagfd 
W.1B discovered by accident on the bank of the Ganges neai* 
Fatna on ths ISth October^ 1917. Tuo esajt situation ii 
described as NasirpurTajpur Hissa Khurd, known as Didarganj 
Kadam B.asul, which falls in the Malsalami Thana in the 
east of Patna CItjr. It appears that owing to ero>ion of the 
river bank at this place a small portion of a square block of stone 
had been dbclosod at a point fairly high up the face of (he slope, 
which attracted the attention of Maulavi Qazi Saiyid Muham- 
mad Azioiul aliai Ghulam Kasal. son of Maulavi Qazi Saiyid 
Muhammad Afzal rtliat Ghulam Mohi-ud-din. Fortunately 
for all concerned, the young man proceeded to scrape away the 
earth from this projecting bit, anticipating that the stone might 
prove to be one suitable for domestic purposes. Instead of this 
it Eoon became apparent that the portion first uncovered was 
merely part of a pedestal, which^ being followed up, led to the 
disclosing of a complete and fairly large-sized statue, wliich was 
At firet raised and i^et up erect near the s}x>t where it had laid. 
Theuce it is alleged to have Ix-cn removed by unauthorized 
persons to a spot some few hundred yards further np the river. 
Here it was again set up, this time under a canopy improvised on 
four bamboos, which was so speedily invested with the character 
of an incipient shrine, that tentative worship had been instituted 
(under the mistaken notion that the figure was a Hindu deity) 
before the fact of the discovery was brought to the notice of any 
but the Police, who, however, reported it in due course in the 
proper quarter. It is to Professor Samaddar of Patna College 
that the general public are indebted for bringing the find 



lot DIDABOAiri tXAtfli r^AOCVtl 

to notice, bearing o! the matter from a student' in the Collegeu 
this enthaslastlc aatiqaarlaa reported it to the UonoarabU Mr. 
Walsh, Member of the Board of Rsvenae and President of. 
the Patna Mosenm Committee. Mr. Walsh proceeded without 
delaj to inspdct the find-spot and the statae itself, permitlia^ 
the writer to a^compiny hiii, when tha importance of the trea* ' 
sure was at once disclosed. By good fortane it waa exsy to show 
that the figure wa3 merely an attendant, bearidg a chovny, anl 
thns clearly no member of the Hinda pantheon, nor entitled 
to worship of any kind by any community ; and the character- 
istically energetic steps which Mr. Walsh proceeded to tak» 
towards the recovery or rescue of the image, brought it in aafetj 
aud triumph within the walls of the Patni Musean before th» 
close of the year. Ther3 let us hope that it may long renuia 
io add lustre to an institution whoso chief est treasure it ia, 
tikely to constitute" for years to come. • 

As has already been mentioned, the image is th^t of at female 
chowri-bearer or attendant on some divine or royal fignre> a{M>» 
whose proper right the present statue must have stood. It ia lift* 
size, measuring 5 ft. 2^ ins. from the highest point of thtf head 
to the top of the pedestal, which itself has a height of 1 ft. 6| ioa. 
and is as near as may be square in plan, with a measurement <^ 
1 f t. 8 ina. a aide* The pedestal ia a. roughly dressod and: 
unpolished' block, whtch* presumably fitted into a socket in eova» 
huge altir or other solid- basement, where ii would not haV4 
met the eye in the normal course ; and the angles are now slightly 
damaged, except the left side, back. Both it and the rtatue it» 
supports are.cnt ont of a single piece of speckled Chanar saad^ 
8tone> bearing the high polish assigned, in the present stat9 
of our knowledge, exclusively to the Mauryan Period oi 
ludiaa History.- This mirror-like polish extended origioaHy 
over tha ^tire surface of the statue, but portions are now 
aadly encrusted with, a rough deposit of da^iah hue whieh' 
obscures . the fact to a- considerable^ extent. The- portion! 
ahowioft piost ^een at present* are ^ei^ right aide of Uie hc^ 
the left shouJderr tha right arm and thigh^ and portioni' of 



mmw 



Z^- 



I wmm 






■m 






Thk Dedawjanj Image. 



inii^<i-rnif «» .-d * |.rtBt«-«l »l th. omcrt <>r Um- gurvir t<t Udta, OdratM, W 



iU back whete t^ Utter ft bol dra^ ; in all »! wIinA pMti6)si 
^a gad ih&t peculiar highlj, t&y brilliadtljr, bhirmshe^ i^MiM 
which, to faf u* ^ fio^ known, none bat the ^tsnrjaA scnlptott 
)uv« *^sf aontrlVed to produce on this Chiinar ibateHa*. 

StadeoU of Indiafi Art are aware of the fact that, Vriih. Vi^ 
{{W etceptions indeed, sculptural represeDtatioils in this conntrjf' 
take the fornS of reliefs. Sometimes we find loW' teliefs, mottf 
eommonl/ high ; but almost always the back of the fi^tire ii 
«ogaged in some kind of bae^gronnd, which, id thtf ^s^ ti 
tiered images, is frequently the aureole itself. It that hKtitaei 
ft matter of speeial interest to note that, in the daM df tilV 
Pidarganj imagfe, the figure is sculptured entirely iii the rdnn^, 
A oiycumstanee which iasociates it at once ^Ith that email- feat 
iaportast group represented by the two standing figures from 
Patna and thcr hdge fetn&le figxife &oni Besnagar, liow in thi 
Indian Mnsenm at Calcutta, and the disfignred Farkham imag^ 
•I Muttra ; all of which are assignable only te %\x& earliest 
period. The ttme detail enables ns to study tktf drapery an4 
the coiffure, and to gauge the sciUptor'* poWer a^ • laodellef^ 1^ 
Wtter adrantige than oould have bees don^ in the ea«^ of BA^ 
es^g^d fignre in reliel 

The drape^ is intereslmg^ and retninifeeiit of the drapery ott 
ether very early statues and on early terraeott* figurixiea. T!k^ 
garotent, which is apparently iii one piece, it thin And cUiigiitg^ 
tbeugh these qualities are better remembered by the artist fir 
iashioniiig tke ^nt of the image than in bisr treatment? orf tk& 
lidetaal back; It is wont^ wrapped rotind the hipe dhaif^ 
fashion, being gathered into elaborate foMi^ in frOnth i(rh|ehi< 
oaught in one long loop, fall gracefully to the feet< The^ left 
hip show* so'mo' kind of knot from whicb one end of the (JoAtitai^ 
it then drawn ttp obliquely across tho babk to b» eatighi &F 
the fold of the Tight elbow, whtoce it fsdl^ at fir^twitE iwie<usip 
folds, to the groiiad,k«rmgihftiippar portion ol thebod^^HiM^ 
tt^eev^re^f 

Avjewelleryibe %b« #ete*^a» eliibflvattf at^ hig^' iioSf§f 



ll(^ btOABOUU IMAM,: : |l.»A.»ji^ 

tbe hips, but gathered to a Bingle rope in front, which passe* 
through two opposed and flaring bell-sbaped fasteners disposed 
at either side pi the central pendent folds described abofre. ■ 
These fasteners we may presume were madeof gold^ but the; 
seTeral strands of the girdle are composed of; flat lozengesj 
doubtless of semi-precious stones, like agate or cornelian, separate 
ed each from each by two round beads ;.both these constituent 
features being commonly met with in our etcavaiions in early 
sites in India. Besides this beautiful ' and effective oniament 
the statue shows a necklace of three strands of pearl-like beads,. 
two of which strands -are of substantial lerigth and fall pendii* 
lously between ,the breasts, while the third is disposed in a 
.'ehortpr loop around the neck. The earrings, which are shaped 
■ something like an hour-glass,- or double drumj with the lower 
tncmber ending in an -inverted cone, are extraordinarily massive 
and distend the lobe enormously, though*, not perhaps, to-quiti 
Peruvian dimensions. ^ Tha right forearm shows thirteen (or if 
it fourteen ?) batigles, withia prominent armlet near the elbow,; 
'^hile even the ^ead itself is wreathed with ropes of beads ot 
pearls caught up to a point in front, above a large and: pnn 
minent oval di^k of some kind placed . Of atrally over the, 
fprehead; -they* are thence led backwards ; i4 a double line 
along the- parting ' to find fastening .beneath the loxuriant. 
tresses .of the coiffure behind. Large aud^ ruff-like anklets made 
uj» of what may or may not -be little .bells or other jingling 
qbieets, cpmpiete the adornment of a:figurej which, all in all, and 
in- view ^f -its . }inm.ble character as a chowri-bearer, is elaborated: 
with.surprising .6 Jimptu^usness, . ! ; - : • i V.C ■* .-= i< ^ ^ . ^ ♦ '.- •' ■^- * 
..,; In^jpint of modenipg, the statue it . in some lirtyf 'fkiHy 
paradoxical atid partakes of the oharacterislics of both elasses of 
^rly work in. India, the deflnltely indigenous and the supposedly 
exotic" . The pose is easy,' natural, and ^ lifelike to aii unusnal 
degree. The head is certainly good, . and represcntf ' an art far 
• beyond the incipient'or experimental stage, being concefved as a 
unit, and -rieally in the round, so that it appears equally convinc- 
ing froo) all sides and angles. The face is diatincfly feminine 



[.•0iMMn 



if 

A 'J- 

1 



i? 



"•J 



^tM 



w^tflMlMa 



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l«nwi«i!n«mnii«mPM<p*wmM«Bv 



-— n 



,0^ 



15!^^ 



/: 



'-.■ i 

■■.■i*y 



,g^iJliltiuiiliKgitmm 



The Dedaroaxj Imaob. 



Phota-ramniTed * iirinu^ M Uh- (MkM «i« the Mnrvctr «< I«<«l^ Cilcittia. IVM 





• •••*•• • 




•• ••«••• • 




• • ••'••• 


• • 


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■** 


• • • • • • •»• ,_, 


■ • 


••• • • ••• • • • 



fOb ▼« 'T. 1.3 DiDABOANJ IMAQB, jj^^ 

and pleasing, ihongli a fraciaie to the nose has sadlj disfigured 

it ; and it is noticeable that the line of the eyes (although the 

two are not exactly even) is hardly if at all above the diameter 

of the facial ovoid. The chin and the neck arc good, the latter 

phowing naturalistic folds or creases, but the most interesting 

feature of all is the eye. The way in which this is represented 

is carious ; but I am not sure that it would be fair to call it 

altogether unsuccessful, since somehow it seems to give the face 

an upward glance, which may be in some way contributory to 

the general look of animation which is one of the charms of the 

statue. TN'hat is more remarkable still is the, to me, definite 

slant the eyes disclose, which reminds one of the slanting eyei. 

noticed by the sculptor Mr. Hampton in the case of the 

Mauryan head unearthed by me at biite No. T, Kumrahaf. 

What significance may or may not attach io this detail (which 

has been recently verified for me by the Honourable Mr. Walsh), 

I am not prepared to Ear. ' 

The undraped portions of the figure are well modelled, with 

proportions conformmg in general to even the most moderii' 

canons for the female form. Some attempt even has been made 

at softened muscular delineation in the umbilical region, and 

even of the fleshy folds at the waist; but the attempt ia' 

restrained, and the figure as a whole preserves that softness of 

contour and rotundity without muscular prominences which are 

appropriate to the subject. "■ 

In other respects, however, the work is less successful. There' 
is none of that " knock-knee '' which is supposedly characteristio 
of the female figure, i.e. there is perhaps less narrowness across 
the knees than could be desired, less difiEerenoe in girth between 
the knees and the hips than the normal female figure ought, 
thc<M:etically, to phow ; but this may be partly due to the highly: 
unsuccessful treatment of the lower drapery, which exaggerates - 
the apparent defect, particularly in the baok, where the forov in, 
a whole is heavy and almost wooden. This portion of the figure • 
shows the square angles and the preternaturally shallow depth 
characteristic of primitive art in all countries, and the bae)E A 



Ill btbiiStStiHtm, t^J.d.U 

iihiiii ^idli t>^rij^ C&d etrljr fitafS it irBidft {6^ iftist Hool 
^Kls Is df couree iii line ^lih whaf liai bcJea slid aBove kboiifc fte 
cfiaphandtis quality of the drtr^rf being better I'emfembefed bf 
tid sculptor in dealing with the honi at the statoe than trit^ 
th^ bther 8ides^-=a fdct iHnstrited by the way in which th^ 
]^atelU shdwfl through th^ front drapery whereas ii iBd 
Bick we find a mere shapeless and impervious mass, Hght^ 
md oxdy by schematic folds 6f iehoUy artificiai character. 
§4eh from thd rear, or either of the back angles, ih6 statTie 
ffii^ht is well be ff flattened tfeft-tnmfc, of a post, H 
ft living hoiaah fonh ; and this dualitj' is an accented criterioB 
/or early aiid primitive, of should 1 say. fofmativ^, art. It H 
this fact which makes the statue as ft whole' id pafailoticiil: 
The upper portions of it, especially tne undfaped ^ifts, ai weD 
as the facial modelling, betray nothing of this cluinsiJess and 
lack of skill Here the artist ii away l>ey6nd the ** memory p!o> 
tore " stage and, granting him the usual Indian predilection for 
firmness and rotundity in the breasts, is not uiitrue to nature. 
Is the disparity due merely to his having paid more attentioi^ 
to these parts ? It may be so ; and ^et even that explanation 
will not suffice, because failure of this kind to realize the impoit- 
ftnce of correct and convincing modelling throughout, measi 
failure ti> grasp his subject fts a whole ; and it is this very 
failure which brands the modelling as primitive. A possible 
explanation of the paradox is that we are dealing with the work 
of an artist of the primitive school represented by the Parkham 
imago, working under the tutelage of a Mauryan master, who 
ftdded certain touches in the nmshing or even modelled certain 
parts fe.gw the head) himself. The curious distortion of the 
right hand and the extraordinary clumsiness of the feet, 
whielraro treats formally or , sdiematically throirghout, and, 
df n€Bri^mttfoRirwidtk froiir front tt> baol^ show no attempl- 
fffiftl^^a^a^'oi^ios/ would bear dut in ideft of this kind. 

im f €iiM<i9 jlp0l«Ki» W foltfT tBr pxoMem. li if » &(*. 

jBe_„^s_i ».■<■> *•-»- ■ <^ iiiiiiaiMid irtM *»^' '- - * ' « .r If *>- , |j> m. n ^Vrif a* 



TOL. V^ P*' 'J DIDABOAKJ tUXQE. US 

rwrcsent very varying and disparate Btages of artistic power,. 
but the final explanation of this fact I cannot as yet essay to give. 
For purposes of comparison, the colossal female figure from 
Besnagar presented by His Highness the Maharaja Scindia to the 
Indian Museum, may be cited. Here we are dealing with what 
is generally accepted as a product of the early indigenous school, 
where several of the characteristics of primitive art appear. la 
the matter of costume, however, the figure from Besnaga r is not 
unlike our Dedarganj image, so far as the mutilated condition 
of the former permits of judgment. Here again we find a many- . 
etranded girdle worn in similar way. But the head-dress is mark- 
edly divergent, as the Besnagar statue wears what is either a wig 
or a knitted scarf and the hair is shown plaited in two braids 
which fall to meet the top of the girdle in the back. The relief 
is lower in the case of Besnagar, and the edges of the compo- 
nent beads, etc-, in the make-up of the girdle are less sharp. But 
this may be merely due to the image being more worn than our 
recent find. The face in particular is far too obliterated for any 
comparison to be drawn ; but nowhere is there any trace of 
polish on the stone, and all in all, the Besnagar figure is far more 
clamsy than the one from Dedarganj. The lower portions of the 
latter, however, bear definite affinities with the same portions of 
the statue from Besnagar, while for the remaining portions the^ 
comparison is rather with the two colossi from Patna also in the 
Bharhut Gallery in Calcutta. They themselves, however, are 
least successful and convincing in their limbs and lower por- 
tions, and in this are closely allied to the chowri-bearer of our 
theme. That all three are of the same general school and period' 
]» hardly to be doubted, but I am not yet satisfied myself that 
the inconsistencies of all three have been finally explained as yetk. 
To me they seem most probably transitional.^ • 









VI.— Shivaji in South Konkan and 
Kanara. 

By Professor Jadtmath Sarkar, M A. 

Shivaji's dealings with the English merchants oE Kaj&par 
hare been described ia our December 19 IS number. Heit 
we shall narrate his doings in Kanara. 

In the seventeenth century, Kanara, the extensive couatrj 
along otir west coast, was held by various Hindu chieftains. 
North Kanara (now included in the Bombay Presidency) owned 
the overlordship of Bijapur, which ruled directly over the 03ist- 
strip from Karwar (south of Goa) to Mirjan (14'S0 N. Lai), 
leaving the inland districts in the hands of feudatory 
chiefs, among whom the Nay a ks of Sunda were the most 
important. The portion of Kanara that lay south of Mirjaa 
formed a large and independent principality under the Keladi 
dynasty, whose capital was then at Bednur. 

A Muslim officer with the hereditary title of Bustam-i-Zamaa 
was the viceroy of the south-west corner of the Bijapnr 
kingdom. His charge extended on the west coast from the 
Batnagiri town, going round the Portuguese territory of Goi^ 
to Karwar and Mirjan, while landwards it included ths 
southern part of tho Batnagiri district, Kolhapur, Belgaum, 
a bit of Dharwar and the western corner of the North Kanara 
district His scat was at Miraj. The fort of Panhala lay 
within his province but it was governed by a commandant 
directly under the orders of the Sultan. He administered 
by means of his agents the flourishing ports of Bajapur in 
the north and Karwar in the south, through which the trade of 
the rich inland places flowed to Europe. In both towns the 
English had factories. 

" The best popper In the world is of the growth of Suuda 
known in England by [the name of] Karwar pepper, though 



tOL. Y., PT, I.] 6HITAJI IN SOUTH KONKA27. 



Its 



five days' journey distant from thence." (Fryer, U. 42.) 
Indeed, after the losj of Chaul, Kar^-ar became the greatest port 
of Bijapuron the west coaEt. "The finest musUns of western 
India were exported from here. The weaving country was 
iulaod, to the east of the Sahyadrls, at Hubli (in the Dharwar 
district), and at other centres, where the English East India 
Company had agents and employed as many as 50,000 
weavers/' {Bombay Gazitteer, X V^, Pt. 2, pp. 123-125.) 

At Mirjan, a port twenty miles south-east of Karwar, pepper, 
saltpetre and betelnut were shipped for Surat. {Ibid, 383.) 
Gersappi, a district annexed by Bcdnur, was so famous for its 
pepper that the Portuguese used to call its Rani " tho pepper 
Queen". {Ibid, 124.) 

In 10+9 the pepper and cardamom trade of Rnjapurwas the 
chief attraction. that induced the English Company to open a 
factory there. Vingurla was spoken of in 1660 as a great placio 
of call for ships from Batavia, Japan and Ceylon on the one side 
and the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea on the other. All the ports 
of the Ratnagirl district did much trade also in calicoes, silks, 
grain and coarse lac, though pepper was their chief export., *' which 
coming out of Kanara is sent by sea to Persia, Surat and Europe. 
This country is the storehouse for all its neighbours." {Bombaf 
Gateiteer, X, 175.) 

.V;- .- • 4. ,.-■11. ••'..-k:...:. 

After the disastrous failure of Afzal Khan, Rustam-i-Zamao 
had marched against Shivaji (October, 1659) with 3,000 horse, bat 
this show of hostility was made simply to save his credit with 
his King. The queen-regent, Bari Sahiba, being his enemy, he 
had made a secret alliance with Shivaji fpr self-protection. Thi» 
fact was well known to the country around and even the 
English factors had heard of it. But even if Rustam had been 
in earnest, he could have done little with his small army, 
i Shivaji had followed up his victory over AfzaPs army by 
puBhing on to Panhala and capturing that fort. Then he entered 
the Ratnagiri district and began to *' take possession of all the 



llf aJJITAJI IK COUTU KOKIL&V. C'J.O.EJ. 

port and inland towns". The Bijapnri governors of these placet 
fled to Rajapur, which wjs at first spared, " becanse it belonged 
to Rustam-i-Zaman, who is a friend of Shivaji''. (Rajapur to 
Surat, 1 0th October 1659, F, B. Rajipur.) 

In March 16G3, Rnstam-i-Zaman did another friendly turn 
to ShivajL Netaji Palkai* Shiva's " litutenant-general ", had 
raided the imperial territory, but a lai^ Mnghal division of 
7, 000 cavalry pursued him so close as to force him to march 
45 or 50 miles a day. Rustam met this army near Bijapnr and 
persuaded the Mughal commander to give up the chase as **that 
country was dangerous for any strange army to march iiL 
likewise promising them to go himself and follow hira, by 
which deceit Netaji got escaped, though not without the loss of 
SOO horse and himself wounded '\ (Gyflord to Surat, 30(h March 
and 8th April 1663, F.Ii. Surat 103.) This reverse defeated 
Shivaji's plan of raiding North Kanara and penetrating to the 
rich port of Karwar. [F. R, Sm-at, Vol. 2, 9th October.) 

On Ist March 1663, Ali Adil Shah II., with all his court, 
left his capital for Bankapur.* There they were at first 
deuied entrjince by the mother of Abdur Rahim Bahlol Khan, 
in whose fief it lay. But the gates were soon opened to the 
King. Adil Shah summoned Bahlol Khan, Shahji and other 
officers from the Karnatak, who came by forced marches and 
waited on the King on the bank of the Warda (an affluent of 
the Tungabhadra). Bahlol and Shahji were at once arrested 
and placed in chains (end of June 1663), but Shahji was released 
in two days, though he continued to be deprived of his command 
for some time. The Bijapuri invasion of Kanara had already 
begun. {F. K Surat 103, GyfEord to Surat, 8th April, ;.Otii 
July 1663) 

* F. B. Snr*t, VoL 103, Gyfford to Sorat, 20lh July 1668. A lett<?t from hia 
to Sarat, SOtb March, tay» that the Adil Shabi coart went there in fear of the 
Moghali who had come within fire league* of Bijapor in pnnalt cf Kctaji. Bat *• 
Tarikh-i-Ali II., 160-164 (aUo B.8. 366) sajra that Ali went to Binkapor to 
dixcct.the operation! against the Bajah of Bednor in ien<nk 



TOt. ▼. W". U SniTAJI IX SOUTH KOXKAK. 1J7 

III. 

Shlvippi Nayak, * wlio govjined Bednur for forty-five yeart 
(1618-1063), first as regent an-J then as king, had extended his 
tiiWom on all sides hy his c:»nquests and stretched his sway over 
tlie whole of South Kanari, the north-west corner of Mysore, 
and North Kanara up to the Gangavati river, including the fort 
of Mirjan. At the close of his life his ambition brought him into 
collision with BijapuT. He had conquered Sanrla and some other 
forts belonging to vassals of Adil Shah and hxd thas come 
danf^erously close to Bankapnr, the fortress of asylum of the 
Bljapuri sultans in the soath-wcstern comer of their kingdom* 
[Bombay Gazetteer, XV, Pt. E, pp. \ll-\lZ.) 

AU Adil Shili's campaign against the Bednnr Rajah was 

short but vigorous and an unbroken success. Shivappa Nayak 

could mike no stand against the combined resources of the 

entire Bijapur kingdom ; he lost Sunda, Bednur and many other 

forts, and was forced to make peace by restoring Sunda to its 

ibrmer chief and promising &n indemnity of 7 lakhs of /(an to 

Adil Shah, On 21st November the victorious Ali II. returned 

io his capital. {B.S. 368-370;; F.R., Surat 103, Karwarto Surat, 

28ih January and 27th February, abo Gj^-fford to Sula^, 20lh 

July 1063.) 

IV. 

AVe now turn to the activities of Sbivaji in this region. 
AVhile"Ali was engngcd in the struggle with Bednur, Shivaji had 
been active in South Konkan and in the north-western \Kk.\t of 
the Kanara dis rict. By way of Kolliapur and Kudil, he 
mtrcbed to Vingurla (May 1663) ; "all the way, as he goes 
along, he gives h's qaut (assurance), promising them that 
neither he nor his soMiers shall in the least do any wrong to any 
liody that takes his qaul^ which promise he hitherto hath kept". 
[F. R. Surat, Vol. 103, Gyfford to Surat, 24th May, 1663.) 

' In th) reitiin hittJriea of Bijtpnr be U cUled Bkadrapf, from 
Bltadraiya, tbe CTiginiil nnine of tlic founder of the dytaaij. H« it there nyled 
th« Rajvh of Malnad, which ia a Kanarese word meaning " hill eonatry". {Mytort 
Ocuttter, II, 23C.) The Bomb ly Gatetteer, XV , put 2, p. 122, placet hia death 
101670. Bat the English factJry recjrdi prore that ha di<d at the close of 1688. 
(Surat, Vol. lOi, K^rw&r to 8arat, 18th April 166i.) 



i\ 



1X0 BHiTAJi IN sorrH Koxriir. C^Aaxi^ 

His going down the coast caused such alarm that " all tbe 
Muhammadan governors as far as Simgclay [ ?Chaaknli in Savant- 
vadi] and Dutchole [ = Dicholi in Goa] were fled'*, and in 
consequence the petty robbers on the route became more active 
than usual. In June Shivaji returned from Vingurla after 
leaving a gariison of 2,000 sohb'ers there. Shortly before this 
Shaibta Khan had defeated a Maratha army, killing more than 
200 men. [Ibil, Gylford to Surat, 24Lh Muy, 22nd June 1GC3.) 

lu July the Bijapur Government ordered the Governor of 
Phouda to join forces with the Savant of Vadi and other petty 
Kajahs and try to drive Shivaji's men out of Rajapur and 
Kharcpal.ui. But nothing was done, as "there was jajgllnj 
betv e n them, and he remained possej^scd of all". {Uid^ 20th 
July 16G3, A''ol. 86, Surat to Co. 20: h November IGui.) 

In punishment oc Rnstam-i-Za man's secret friendship xrith 
Shiva, the Sultan dismissed him from his viceroyalty and gave 
the Province to Muhammad Ikhlas Kh»:n, the eldest son of the 
late Khan-i-Khnnan Ikhlas Khn a and <i brother of Khawas Khan, 
while D;ibhul and Chipiun were given to Fa/l Khan. Shlraji 
got possession of Ilajapur at this lime and kept it permanentlj 
in his own hands. {Ibii ) 

Bustiim's agent at Karwar fleeced the English factors there so 
severely that in July 10G3 they were ordered by the Council »t 
Surat to remove themselves and the Company's goods quietly to 
Hubli. Adil Shah and Kustam-i-Zamau alike were sensible of 
tks loss of revenue caused by such molestation of traders, and 
therefore the King sent them 2kfarma% promising that tiey would 
be left in peace at Karwarand would have to pay no other duties 
than they had formerly done. Then the factory was re>cs(ablifehed 
at Karwar. {F. Jt. Surat, Vol. 2, Consult., 14th August 1668.) 

V. 

In 1CC4 the war with Bednur was renewed. Shivappa 
Nayak, evidently an old man, died soon after his defeat by the 
Bijapuris in 1663. His son and successor. Soma Shekhar, wasmoN 
dered by his Brahmaus, and an infant grandson named BafeaVa was 
xet up on the throne under the regency of his mother Chennaauna^ 



YOU T., FT. I.] SUIVAJI IX SOUTH KOXKAX. Hf 

and lier favdurite Timmaya Nayak, a toddy-seller, who " by bb 
cunning policy raised himself to be general and protector " of the 
realm. At this revolution Ali Adil Shah II. was so incensed 
tliat he sent his generals, Bahlol Khan and Syed Illyas Sharza 
Khan, to invade Bednur from two sides. (April 1601.) [ F. R^ 
Surat 101, Karwar to Surat, ISth April 1G64; Fryer, II. 41-12.] 

By this time Rastam-i-Zaman seems to have relumed to 
favour at Court. ^luhammad Ikhlas Khan was ' transferred 
from the government of Karwar and his friends from that of 
Aakola, Shiveshwar(or Halekot}, Kadra and other places in North 
Kanara and these tracts were given to three of Rustam's EOaa. 
In August Ru=tam himself was ordered to go to that region with 
two other Bijapuri generals and try to expel Shiva ji. He reacbod 
Kudal at the end of August but did nothing. (/', R. Surat, lOi, 
Karwar 23rd July and Hubli 28th August 1661.) 

Any serious attack by Adil Shah on Shivaji was now render- 
ed impossible as the Sultan's attention was diverted to Bednur, 
whither he wanted to march in person with 12,000 horee 
after the Detoali festival (October) and co-operate with Sharaaf 
Khan in crushing the Kanara Rajah. Throughout the second 
half of 1661 the coast region was in an unhappy condition. 
As the English merchants write, " Deccan and till the south 
coasts are all embroiled in civil wars, king against king and 
country against country, and Shivaji reigns victoriously and un- 
controlled, that he is a terror to all the kings and princes round 
about, daily increasing in strength. He hath now fitted up four 
more vessels and sent them down to Bhatkal and thereabouts, 
whilst he intends to meet them overland with a flying army of 

horse The news of him at present are that he Is intercepted 

in his journey down to his fleet by a party of this king's army 
and fought, where between them six thousand men were slain, 
himself worsted * and forced to fly to a castle [not named] 

' It is evidently this battle that !• referred to in the Bcualin't'Salhtin, 
873*375 : *' Anrangzib sent an crvoy to Adil Shah to leg his co-operation with Jai 
Singh in the war with Shira. Before Jai Singh arrired, Adil Shah sent an araj 
ander Khawaa Khan. Shiva bearing of it began to cIom the monatain pass^i 
(y&af#), but Khawas, by aoaking rapid marches, croased the gM in safety aad 



120 «HITAJI IN 80UTH KOXCAV. t'AOJ,*; 

where this army following in pursuit liath very strictly girt him 
in that he cannot stir." {F. JR. Surat, Vol. 85, Surat to Co. 
26th November 16C4.) And again (on 12th March 1665), 
" The subjects [of Adil Shah] unanimously cry out against 
him for suffering Shivaji to forage to and fro, burning and rob- 
bing his country without any opposition, wherefore it \i certain- 
ly concluded by all that he shares w^ith the said rebel in all hia 
rapines, so that the whole country is in a confused condition 
meicbants flying from one place to another to preserve them- 
selves, so that all tr:ide is lost.... The rebel Shivaji hath commit- 
ted many notorious and great robberies since that of Surat, and 
hath possessed himself of the most considerable ports belonging 
ta Deccan [i.e., Bijapur] to the number of eight or nme, from 
whence he sets out two or three or more trading vessels yearly 
from every port to Persia, Basra, Mochi, etc." 

YL 

Early in December 1664 Shivaji looted Hubli and many 
other rich towns of that region, holding several eminent mer- 
chants prisoners for ransom. He had sent only three hundred 
horsemen to Hubli, but these did their work so thoroughly that 
the town " was little better tlian sjwiled ". The merchants who 
had fled at the attack were too frightened to return there soon, 
even after the departure of the Marathas. The raiders were said 
io hare been assisted by some of Kustam's soldiers ; that noble, 
as the English remarked, liad ** begun in tasle the sweetnesa of 
plunder [so] that in a short time he would get a habit of it". 
Soon afterwards, Shivaji plundered Vingurla, an important sea- 

desceoded [into Eonlsa P] TMiile tiM segligent Khswai Ehiui did not eren know 
of ShiTft'a position, the latter with hi* foil force taipriaed him and completaly 
hcmceil him roond in an inttlcite hilly placo, wher* the Bijftpari armjr had lok 
tpac« enough to more aboat or cren to marsh^ the rank*. Ehaim called hii 
officers together and heairtened them in the midst of their dcspa'r. The Maratltas 
opened fire ; the Bijaporis adTacced to close qoartert and fought a aer ere battle 
losing S.ddi Sarwar (the Abyssinian ge..eril). Shah Uazrit, Shaikh Miran and sons 
other officers. The defeat of the Moslims seemed imminent, when Khawaa Kbaa 
■charged sword in hand ; his troops followed him fearless' jr ia one body, and 
6hira}i was defeated and pat to fiighi.** 



TOL. Tm PT. I.] 8HITAJI IN SOUTH KONKAK. JSl 

port and trade centre, from which he carried away vast riches. 
" Shiva and his scouts range all over the country, making havoo 
wherever he comes, with fire and sword." {F. R, Surat 104, 
Karwar to Surat, 6th January 1635, Taylor to Surat, 14th 
December 1661 ; Vol. 86, Surat to Karwar, 23rd March, Sunvt 
loCo. 2nd January 1665), 

At the beginning of February 1665 Shiva ji loft Mai wan 
vrith a fleet of 85 frigates and three large ships, sailed past Goa 
to Basrur, which he plundered, and landed at the holy city of 
Gokarna, on the coast, 22 miles south of Karwar, to take part 
in the holy bath festival before the great temple of Mahablesh* 
waron Shivaratri day (5th February). lie next marched to 
Ankola (nine miles northwards) with 4,000 infantry, sending all 
his fleet back, with the exceplion of twelve frigates, which ho 
detained for transporting his army over the rivers on his way 
back to North Konkan. On the 2ind he came to Karwar. Tha 
Eoglish factors, having got early news of hii coming from the 
epics they had 83ut out, put all the Company's ready money 
and portable goods on board a small hundred-ton ship belonging 
to the Imam of Maskat, then lying in the river, its captain 
Emanud Donnavado promising to defend it as long as he lived 
or his vessel kept floating. The factors themselves took refuge 
in the ship. Sher Khan, * a son of the late Khan-i-Khanan 
Ikhlas Khan and a sub3rdinate of Bahlol Khan, arrived in the 
town that very night without knowing anything of Shivaji'i 
approach. With the help of his escort of 500 men he quickly 
forliii3d himself as well as he could to protect the goods he had 
brought down, and sent a messenger to Shiva in the night 
warning him not to enter the town as he would resist him to 
the utmost. Sher Khan was famous throughout the country for 
his valour and ruling capacity, and his chief, Bahlol Khan, w.t8 
" one of the potentest m^n in tho Kingdom of Bijapur", 
Shivaji, therefore, shrank from provoking him, and after much 
discussion ** condescended to go a little out of the way, and so 

* The cause of kii coming to Karwar vra* to cbart«r a ablp of Riut«m*l* 
Zamia to convey Bahlol Kban'a motbcr to Mecca. 



122 SHITAJI I!r eOUTH KOMKAX. Ci.B.O.IJ, 

came and encamped with Lis anny at the month at the river " 
Kalanadi, sparing the town. 

From this place he sant an envoy to Sher Khan, asking 
him eith.r to deliver tha English merchants up to him or, 
retiring himself, permit him to revenge himself on them, 
" whom* he styled his inveterate enemies". Sher Khan sent 
this news to the English and desired to know their final answer, 
which was that they had nothing on board except powder and 
bullets which Shivaji might come and fetch if he thought they 
would serve him instead of gold. " This our answer being sent 
to Shivaji did so exasperate him that he said he would have ns 
before he departed, which the governor of the town hearing, 
they persuaded all the merchants to agree to send him [Shivaji] 
a present lest he should recall his fleet, which lay on this side 
of Salsette/' {F. R. Surat, Vol. 104, K^rwar to Surat, 14th 
March 1635.) To this blackmail the English contributed £1U, 
80 as not to endanger the Company's property in Karwar, 
worth 8,000 hun' "With this Shivaji departed on 23rd 
February, very unwillingly, saying that Sher Khan had spoiled 
his hunting at the Ilolif which is a time he generally attempt! 
some such design." * 

Thence the disippointed Maratha chief returned to Vinguila 
(early in March) . But soon afterwards Jai Singh's siege of 
Purundar and vigorous invasion of the neighbouring countrj 
called away Shivaji to the defence of his home, and Kanart 
enjoyed peace for some time* 

VII. 

By the treaty of Purandar (13th June 1665) the Mughuli 
left Shivaji free to annex Adil Shahi Tal Konkan. The 
affairs of Bijapur also fell into confusion at this time. 

t Shlraji*! loot of Basror and visit to Earwar : F. E. Sarat, YoL 101» 
Karwar to Surat, 28tb January and 14th March 1685. Sabh. 70-71 j Chit 69-70. 

BasTur is four milej east of Coondapur in the South Canara District, also kcown 
as Bareelore. " The principal port of the Eednore Bajahs." 8, Canara Oatrtliif, 
ii, 242. The Ma:athl lalhars sf«Utbe ttxae as Sainur or Sdtunr. 



rot. V^ FI. I.l SHITAJI IX SOUTH KOMKAV. 123 

Bahlol Kban (HeJ June or July. He bad come to Bijapur 
from the Kiraatak war at the king's call, but died of 
illness only eight days after his arrival. The Sultai beingf 
jealous of bis large force, 10,000 brave Aff>bans, tried to sow 
dissension between his tv\-o sons and nephew. Sher Kban, a 
Iravc, able and upright man, kept them at peace. But he was 
soon afterwai-ds poisoned, it was su^clod, by Adil Shah^ 
and immediately bitter quarrels broke out between the two sons 
of Bablol Khan, which the Sultan fanned and utilized to seize 
Eome of their jagin. The affairs of the royal drunkard at 
Bijapnr pasted from bad to worse. \F, R. game, Karwar to 
Surat, I9i\\ August 1665.) 

The Bij tpuii Governor of Ilubli fell into disfavour at Court 
snd the Governor of ^lirjan rebelled. Muhammad Khan attack- 
ed that fort (August 1665^ He had recovered Dabhul and 
many other places in South Konkan from the ^larathas, while 
the latter were busy fighlii)g Jai Singh. But by November 
next Shivaji, v.o\c an ally of the Mughals, had reconquered 
all that country after slaying 2,000 soldiers of Muhammad 
Ikbbs, including several men of note. The Khan fell back on 
Kudal and waite.l for Sharza Khan to reinforce him. Bat no 
stich aid oime, as Jai Singh began his invasion of Bijapur that 
very month and Ikhlas Khan had to hasten from Kndat to 
the defence of the capib il. But Vingutla and Kudal continued 
in Bijipuri hands, while Shivaji held Raj ipur and Kharepatan 
(or Gharapar ?) The country about Karwar was at this time 
subjected to constant pillage by the soldiers of Shivaji*8 garrison 
there, who used to leave their forts and roam about in a band 
of 200 men up and down the country, plundeiing the small 
towns. Murtaza Beg, who bad lost his fort, also took to 
plunder with hi? retainers. {Ibid, 29th August, 2l8t September 
and 21 th November 1666 and 15th January 1666.) . . 

VIII. 

In the course of Jai Singh's war with Bijapur, Shivaji had 
been detached against Panhala. His assault on that fort (I6th 
January 1666) failed and then he went off to Khelna. From 



114 sHiTui IX soriH KOXrASI. CJ.B.0.14; 

ibis place be sent 2,000 men under a Mnbammadan officer U 
beiicge Fbonda. * Tbe garrison resisted for two months (Febra. 
ary and i^Ia^cb), killing 500 ^laratbas, and finalljr agreed 
to surrender in six bonrs. In the meantime tbe Bijapnn 
Government bad sent 5,000 horse and 1,000 foot nnder SIddi 
Hasaud, Abdul Aziz (the son of Siddi Jaahar) and HuHam- 
i-Zaman to tbe Panbala region Thej formed a plan for nir- 
prising Shivaji, vrho kiy on tbe top of the bill overIookin<» 
Konkan. When their van, nnder Rastam, approached be beat 
his drums and sounded bis trumpets and thus gave bis frieod 
Shivaji timely earning to escape. . But Mat^ud chased tbt 
Maralhas with COO chosen cavalrj- and cut off 200 of the enemy. 
On the way Lack he intercepted Shivaji's friendly letters to 
Boslam, which be immediately sent to^Bijapnr. At this Adil 
Shah wTote to Rustara that though he reluctantly pardoned 
this act of disloyalty, he would dismiss him ttoless be raised the 
siego of Phonda. Ru.tamtben wrote to his agent Muhammad 
Khan to save Thonda by all means. This vras effected by a 
stratagem. Muhammad Khan could get together only i sjuU 
force, with which he went acd sat down in a town of h'u 
maitcr'a about tliree miles from Phonda, and sent word to 
the general of Shivaji that he had only come %o look after 
his own country. Tbe general suspected no stiatagcm, as bit 
mister and Rustim were friends lie went with bis 3iuslim 
soldiery to a hill a mile off in order to £ay his prayers in publie. 
^tuhammad Khan seized this cpportnnity, he surprised acd 
routed the soldiers left in the siege camp, and after a long and wtU 
contested fight defeated the rest of the Maratha army who bad 
hurried back from the hilL Thus the siege of Phooda was raised 
after the poor men in it had been driven to eat leaves for the last 
tbree days. " This business, it is generally thought, hith quite 
broken the long continued friendship between Rustam-i-Zamaa 
and ShivajL Rustam hath taken now Fbonda, Kudal, Banda, 
Suncle [= Chaukuli] and Dcchele [= Dicholi in Goa territory]. 



» Tint aieg* of Phondrn : F.R, Sunt 104, " Dcccta New* ", followisf • 
UtUr from Karwar, d«t(d 24th Aprl ICCft. 



roU T* FT. L] tUITAJl IX SOCTH KOKKAJI. |2( 

five iowos of note, from Shlvaji/' All these places except 
Fhonda and Dlcholi are in Savant-vadL 

IX. 

Soon afterwards, at tbe end of ^farcb 1686, Shivaji went 
t J the Mughal court. For the next four years he gave no trouble 
to Bij^puri Konkan or Kanara ; his opponents during this interral 
being the Portuguese and the Siddis. The English merchants of 
Kanvar repeatedly speak of Shiva in 16G8 and 1G69 as being 
«•' veiT quiet " and " keeping stiU at Rajgarh", and of his credit 
as decreasing during these years of inactivity while the "country 
all about was in great tranquillity ". {F.JR, Surat, 105.) Late 
in October 1C6S Shivaji made an unsuccessful attempt to 
conquer the territory of Goa by stratagem. He smuggled into 
the towns of this State 403 to 500 of his soldiers in small 
parties at difterect times and under various disguises, hoping 
that when their number wis doubled they would suddenly rise 
one night, seize one of the pascer, and admit him before the 
Portuguese could raise a sufBc-icntly large army for defence. 
But either the plot leaked out or the Portuguese Viceroy's suspi- 
cion was roused. He made a narrow search in all his towns, 
airestcd the 400 or 500 men of Shivaji at various places, and 
evidently extorted the truth from t^iem. Then he sent] for 
Shivaji's ambassador, with his own hand gave him two or three 
cuffs in the ear, and turned him and the Marat ha prisoners out 
of his territory. On hearing of it Shivaji assembled an army 
of 10,000 foot and 1,000 hor^e, threatening to lead them against 
Goa in person. From the north of Bajapur he marched to 
Vinguria, inspected all his forts in that quarter, " changing their 
men and putting in [fresh] provisions and ammunition''', and then 
in December returned to Ilajgarh as he found '' the Portuguese 
well prepared to give him a hot reception". (Gyfford to Surat, 
12th November and 16th December 1668.. F.R Surat 105.) 
At the beginning of 1670.came his rupture with the Mughalt^ 
which kept him busy in other quarters and prolonged the peace 
in Kacara till the close of 1672, when, taking advantage of the 



ii 



IM 8UI7AJI IH SOITTH KOSKIX. UAO.S.I. 

death of All 11^ he renewed his depredations in Bijapor 
tcrritorj. 

Meantime, in September 1671, Rustara-i-Zaman had broken 

onfc in rebellion against his master. .He had at last hun 

deprived of his viceroyaltj and jasir for his treacherons intimacj 

with Shiva, the crowning act of which was the surrender of 

one of the king's forts to the Marathas. And now he took up 

arms in the hope of intimidating the Government to reinstate 

him. With the underhand help of Shivaji, he occupied Bljapuri 

territory, yielding three lakhs of Aun a year, and plandere<l and 

burnt Raibagh, completing the ruin of that port, previotislj 

sacked by the Marathas. But within a month the royal troops 

crushed the rebellion, — the forts of Mirjan and Ankola alone 

holding out for several months more. By the middle of 1672 

Muzaffar Khar, tho new Adil Shahi Viceroy of the Kanara coast, 

had made peace with the rebel chiefs (Nayakwaris) of Shivesh- 

war and Kadra. ^ 

X. 

The death of AliiAdU Shah II (on 2«h November ]6?2)Tra8 
followed by the rebellion of the Rajahs of Sunda and Bednnr, 
who iuvdded the Bijapur territory across their frontiers. An army 
under Muzaffar Khan ch:istised them (February, 16 73) and wrested 
Sunda from its Rijah. {F.R. Surat, 106, Karwar to Co., 17tb 
Pebruary 1675.) 

This rebellion had been hardly suppressed when the Marathas 
made their first incursion into Bij ipuri Kanara, sacking many 
forts and rich cities in ihat region. Their general Pratap Rao . 
raided Hubli, * the most important inland mart of the province, 

» F. S. Sarat 106, Karwar to Sarak, 20th September, Slat October 671, 
Wtk Jmne I67S. 

' The oommerclal importance of BabU cia ht jadged from the folloviof 
jemarka of the Eogliih merchants : — " HDbli, the mart of oor Karirar factory, 
«h?re we mU and bn j mo«t of the gooda ihat port afforda 41a." (F. £. Sarat 
87, lat November 167S.) " Hubli a great isroad [= inland] town and a mart of 
rerj eonaiderable trade " (0 C. 3779.) Maratha iiivaaion of Kanara in 1673: J.5. 
SaiatS, Conaalt. a^thMay. lOthandlOth Jaly, VoL 87, Sarat to Persia, lit 
November. O.C» S77d and 3800. Eabhuad70haa only eight Uneafor the eraoti 
of 1673-75 ; chit 70 (nine linos only ; rague, may refer to 1678 or 1675). 



TOli. ▼• fT. 1.] SHIVAJI IX SOUTH KOXKAK. 127 

causing a loss o! 7,894 AhA to the English Company alone, 
besides the private property of the factors (Ma/ 1673.) The 
Company's house was the first they entered and dug up, 
carrying away all the broadcloth in it to their general who sat 
in the bazar. Muzaffar Khan, however, promptly came to the 
scene with 5,000 cavalry and saved the town from total destruc- 
tion. The Marathas fled precipitately with what booty they 
had already packed up, " leaving several goods out in the streets 
which they had not time to capy away." When the English 
at Surat complained to Shiva about the outrage, he denied that 
it was done by his soldiers. 

At Hubli, Muzaffar missed the Alaratha raiders by just 
one day. He was probably suspected of having entered into 
a secret understanding with them, like Rustam-i-Zaman, for 
immediately afterwards all the nobles under his command and 
most of his own soldiers, forsook him and the Bijapur Govern- 
ment removed him from his viceroyalty. This drove him into 
rebellion and he tried force to retain possession of his fiefs. 
The great fort of Belgaum remained in his hands and also many 
strong places between Goa and Kanara (June 1673). Adil Shah 
sent a large army to reduce Belgaum in case Muzaffar declined 
the compromise offered to him. 

In June Balilol Khan with a large Bijapuri army held 
Kolhapur and defeated the Marathas in several encounters, 
forcing all their roving bands to leave the Karwar country. 
He also talked of invading South Koukan and recovering Rajapur 
and other towns next autumn. In August he is still spoken 
of as " pressing hard upon Shivaji, who supplicates for peace, 
being fearful of his own condition." But soon afterwards 
Bahlol Khan, his irreconcilable enemy, fell ill at Miraj and 
Shivaji's help was solicited by the Bijapur and Golkanda 
Governments to defend them from a threatened Mughal inva« 
elon under Bahadur Khan (September). Shivaji's gains during 
this year included the strong forts of Fanhala (5th March) 
and Satara (early September).^ 

^O.C. 3800 and 3832, F.S, Sora( 109, Bombay to Sarat, 16tli and mh 
fei>tcmbcr 1673, B.S. 899. 



128 BHITAJl Vt t6irtSL KOXIAK. t'-BAlJ. 

At the fnd of September we find Shivaji at the head of % 
great army raised for "some notable attempt against the Mughal.** 
He also sewed 20,000 sacks of cotton for conveying the plunder 
he expected to seize I But on the dasahara day (early October) 
an auspicious time with the Hindus for setting oat on campaigns 
he sallied forth en a long expedition into Bijapuri territorr, 
with 25,000 men, robbe-i many rich towns and then penetrated 
into Kanara, ** to get more plunder in those rich towns to bear 
the expenses of his army", E^rly in December he reached 
Kadra (20 miles north-east of Karwar) with a division of 
4,000 foot and 2,000 horse and stayed there for four days. 
The bulk of his forces occupied a hill near Hubli. But two 
severe defeats at the hands of Bahlol and Sharza Khan at 
Bankapur and Chandaguiri (? Chandraguti) respectively forced 
him to evacuate Kan^ra quickly.* {F.R^ Surat 106, Bombay 
to Surat, 29th September and 10th October, Vol. 88, Karwar 
to Surat, 17th December, C, 3910, Fryer, II. Dutch lUc, 31^ 
No. 805) 

xr. 

Though Kanara had been freed from the Marathas, that 
province enjoyed no peace. Mian Saliib, the faujdar of Karwar 
(instigated it is said by Shiva), rebelled and Adil Shah had to 
conduct a long war bafore he could be suppresstd. The Uvo 
Bides continued to have skirmishes with varying success. la 
February 1074 the royal troops captured Sunda, with the 
rebel's wife in it, but he held out obstinately in his other forts. 
By 22nd April this "long and tedious rebellion " was at last 
ended by the arrival of Abu Khan, Bustam-i-Zaman II., as the 
new viceroy. Mian Sahib's followers deserted him for lack 
of pay ; his forts (Kadra, Karwar, Ankola and Shiveshwar) all 
surrendered without a blow, and he himself made peace on 

* The Portngoeso Vida do. ..Setaffjf (Lisbon, 1730), ■p. I, speak* of "gnodt 
lagar cbamedo CXandagara, do qaal<tiroa moiU riqaeu por aisiatiiem Ic** 
There U a CXaudra-guti, 36 milci eonth-wtit of Bankapnr. (Shimoga district 
Mftort Oateiteer ii. 369-) Chandan-^arh, 35 miles Dortb-eait of Satara, cannot 
V« tht place meant 



VOL. V. PT. 1.3 •HiviJi TS noxrtn koxiav. Itft 

condition of hJg wife being released. Shivaji was then only 
a day'^ march from Karwar "going to build a castle upon 
a very high hill, from which he may very much annoy thosa 
parts/' (F.R. Surat 88, Karwar to Snrat, 14th February and 
22nd April IB?!-. Orme, 35.) 

Unlike his father, the new Rustam-i-Zaman did not culti* 
vate friendship with the Marathas. In August 1674- he seized 
a rich mcrchtint, subject of Shiva, living at Narsa (16 miles 
from Fhonda) , and the Maratha King prepared for retaliation. 
In October Ru?tana was summoned by Khawas Khan, the new 
vazir, to Bijapur ; and, as he feared that his post would be given to^ 
another, he extort :d forced loans from all the rich men of Karwar- 
and its neighbourhood that he conld lay hands on, before he went 
away. {F. R. Surat 88, Karwar to Surat, 2nd September and 27th 
October 1674.) In the beginning of September, "in Kudal about 
four hours [journey] from here [Vingurla], one of Shivaji'f 
generals called Annaji came with 3,000 soldiers to surprise the 
fortress Phonda, but Mamet Khan who was there armed him* 
self, so that the aforesaid pandit accomplished nothing." {Duiei 
Bee., Vol. 84, No. 841.) 

At Bijapur everything was in confusion ; '* the great Khans 
were at difference." The worthless wazir Khawas Khan was dri- 
ven to hard straits by the Afghan faction in the State. Rnstam-i- 
■ Zaman II. after his visit to the capital evidently lost his viceroy- 
alty. This was Shivaji's opportunity and he -conquered Kanara 
for good. First, he befooled the Mughal viceroy Bahadur Khan 
by sending him a pretended offer of peace, asking for the pardon 
of the ^fughol Government through the Khan's mediation and 
promising to cede the imperial forts he had recently conquered as 
well an the twenty-three forts of his own ttathe had once before 
yielded in Jai Singh's time. By these insincere negotiations 
Shivaji for the time being averted the risk of a Mughal attack 
on his territory and began his Invasion of Bijapuri Kanara • with 
(omposure of mind. ^ 

^ Ir.Vksion of Kar.ara ai:d cnjitotorf Fboida (l€i&), JPff. SuiatST, Kanrav 
to Sn %t, Hth and 22nd At>ril, 8tb and S^iUi iinj. Eajapnr to Bnt$t^ 



110 >HIT Ail IK SOUTH KOffKAHl ttJ.0l4 

XIL 

In March 1675 he got together an army of 15,000 caralry, 
14,000 infantry and 10,000 pioneers with pickaxes, crow-ban 
and hatchets, etc. Arriving at Bajapur ( £2nJ March ), he 
spent three days there, ordering forty small ships to go to Vin. 
gurla with all si)eed and there wait for fresh command*. Next 
he marched to his town of Kudal, within a day^s journey of 
Phonda, and early in April laid siege to the lastnamed place. 

The hill fort of Phonda commands one of the easiest passes 
lending from South Konkan into the Deccan plateau beyond the 
Western Ghats and estiblishing direct communication between 
Rujapur and Kolharpur. So convenient is its situation and 
80 gentle its gradient, that it has now been made practicable 
f©r artillery, and in one year ( 1877 ) nearly fifty thousand carts 
from Rajipur crossed it on the way to the Deccan. Both Raja- 
pur and the Kolharpur district being in his hands, it was ncces- 
tary for Shivaji to secure direct connection between them bj 
taking Phonda. While he was prosecuting the siege, another 
division of his army plundered Atgiri in Adil Shahi territory and 
two other lai^ cities near Haidarabad, carrying away " a great 
deal of riches, besides many rich persons held to ransom". 

He began the siege of Phonda on 9th April 1675 with 2,U00 
horse and 7,000 foot, and made arrangemente for sitting down 
before the fort even during the coming rainy season in order to 
starve the garrison into surrender* Muhammad Khan had onlj . 
four months' provisions within the walls j there was no hope of 
lelief from Bijapur or even from the Portuguese who now 
trembled for the safety of Goi and appeased Shivaji b/ 
promising neutrality. Rustam-i'Zaman II. had too little money 
or men to attempt the raising of the siege. But Muhammad 
Khan made a heroic defenoe, unaided and against overwhelming 
odds. 

Irt and 2011i April ; 3rd, 2l8t and 31st U»j ; 3rd and 14th Jane, B.8. 401, 
Orme, 38, 40. Maraths accoontt in Sabhaaad, 70 (icantj). Phonda defcribed, 
Bomhay Oaxttteer, X, 167 «., 338, 343 and 358. 
Delative peac« offer to Hogbalt. B^ 40}« 0,0, Wtl* 



Vol, ▼« FT. 1.3 , «BITAJI III eOffTH KOVCAII. ilX 

Shivaji ran four mines under the walls, but they were all- 
counter-mined, with a heavy loss of men to him. He then 
threw up an earthen wall only 12 feet from the fort and his 
soldiers lay sheltered behind it. The Portuguese, fearing that 
if Shiva took Fhonda their own Goa would be as good as lost, 
secretly sent ten boatloads of provisions and some men in aid of 
the besieged (middle of April) but they were intercepted by 
Sluvaji and the Viceroy of Goa disavowed the act. 

The siege was pressed with vigour. By the beginning of 
31 ay Shivaji had taken possession of two outworks, tilled the 
ditcb^ and made 500 ladders and 500 gold bracelets, each bracelet 
weighing half a seer, for presentation to the forlorn hope who 
would attempt the escalade. 

Bahlol Khan, who was at Miraj with 15,000 troops^ wanted 
to come down and relieve Phonda, but Shiva had filled up the 
passages with trees cut down and lined the stockades with his 
men, and Bhalol, being certain of heavy loss and even an utter 
repulse if he tried to force them, returned to his base. His in- 
activity during the siege was imputed to bribery by Shiva. At 
length the fort fell about the 6th of May. All who were found 
in it were put to the sword, with the exception of Muhammad 
Khan, who saved his own life and those of four or five others 
by promising to put into Shiva's hands all the adjoining parti 
belong^g to Bijapur. In feaz of death the Khan wrote to the 
ploilan of these forts to yield them to the Marathas, but they 
at first declined. So the Khan was kept in chains. Inayat 
Khan, the faujdcr oi Ankola, seized the country and forts 
lately held by Muhammad Khan and placed his own men in 
^em, but he could make no stand against Shivaji whose forces 
were now set free by the fall of Phonda. He therefore com- 
jMunded and gave up the forts for money. In a few days 
Ankola, Shiveshwar (which had been besi^ed by 3,000 Maratha 
horse and some foot soldiers since 24th April), Karwar, Kadra 
(which alone had made a short stand), all capitulated to Shivaji, 
and by the 25th of May the country as far south as the Oang»> 
lati river had passed out of Bijapuri possession into his hand*. 



in IHIYUI Vt SOUTH lOKXiV. [lAOJtJ. 

XIII. 

On 26th April one of Shiva's generals had visited Karwar 
and "burnt the town effectually, leaving not a house standing^' 
in punishment of the fort of Karwar still holding out. The 
English factory was not molested. This general, however, 
went bai'k in a few days. But next month, after the fall of 
Phonda, the fort of Karwar surrendered to the Marathast 

The rainy season now put an end to the campaign. Bahlol 
Khan went back toBijapur, lea^nng his army at Miraj. Shiva 
at first thought of cantoning for the rains in a fort on the 
frontier of Sunda, but soon changed his mind and returned to 
Raigarh, passing Rajapur on 11th June. 

A Maratha force was detached into the Sunda Rajah's coun- 
try at the end of May. " They finding no great opposition seized 
upon Supa and Whurwa (? I)lvi) belonging to the Rajah." 
But Khizr Khan Pani and the detait in concert attacked the 
Maratha garrisons there, killed 800 of the men and recovered 
both the places. A party of Marathas that was posted at BurbuDe 
[Varhulli, seven miles south of Ankola] to take custom duty on 
all goods passing that way, was now forced to withdraw. (August 
1675.) {Ibid, Rajapur to Surat, 27th August 1676.) 

The dowager Rani of Bednur had quarrelled with her 
colleague Timmaya, but had been compelled to make peace 
with him (August), she being a mere cypher, while he 
held the real power of the State. The Rani then appealed to . 
Shivaji for protection, agreed to pay him an annual tribute, 
and admitted a ^lai-atha resident at her Court. {Thid and 
Chit. 70.) 

The dahi, or lieutenant of the detai who had been the local 
Bijapuri Governor of North Kanara, had aided Shivaji in the 
conquest of that district. But now (1675), disgusts with him, 
the dahi was moving about the country with a force, Faying 
that he would restore his former master. He attacked Shivaji'i 
guards in Karwar town and forced them to retire to the 
castle. The people were in extreme misery in Shivaji's new 
conquests I hn 8queeze4 the detait f who in their turn squeezed 



VoL X. FY. t.3 SHltiJl IN EOUTE KONKAK. Ul 

the ryots. [Bombay Gazetteer, TV. pt. 1, 128). But Bijapur 
was now in the grip of a civil war. the Aiiil Shahi State wag 
hastening to a dissolution, and Shivaji's possession of SoUih 
Konkan and North Kanara remained unchallenged till after 
his death. 



VII.— Birth and Funeral Ceremonies 
among^ the Hos. 

By Girindra Nath Sarkar, BJL 
(I) — BiETH Customs. 

Like all other people a Ho has a great desire for a child 
ipecially a male oae to keep his memory alive after his death 
and to give him food, drink, and comfort in his old age. 

Barren women are despised and supposed to be cursed by 
Sing-bongd (the Snn-god). Barrenness is generally attributed to 
bad morals or some sin committed by the woman in her previoua 
life. But measures are taken to make a barren woman fmitfnl. 
The woman is made to drink a decoction of the root of the kaed 
creeper and if she conceives she ties the root round her waist as 
a charm against all evils tha*^ might befall the child in the womb. 

The Hos believe that children are born by the will of Sing- 
honga (The Sun-god). They say Sing bonga emetana (God gives 
it), but they are all aware of the fact that a woman cannot con- 
ceive without intercourse with a man. The Hos also believe 
that the souls of tha dead never die, but are reborn in infants. 
The deail are recognized in the new-born children by the 
semblance which they bear to the former. Thus when a child 
resembles his grandfather the father says that his father is bom 
again to grace his family. 

A Ho woman takes pregnancy a? a matter of course and does 
not take any particular care as to her diet or 
behaviour durmg the first few months. Unlike 
the Hindus no ceremonies are observed among the Hos, at the 
seventh or other month of pregnancy. But when the time for 
delivery draws near she is strictly forbidden to frequent the 
places supposed to be presided oyar by the bongdf (spirits), holds 
herself aloof from .vo nea who are su-p3jted of soroery and 
witohorift and avolAs coming out after darkt 



TfL. T» ft, L] BIBTH AXD FUNEBAL CEBBMONUft. m 

Each familj generally has one hut with a single room whew 
The lying' it keeps everjthing that is necessary for daily 
in-room. life. This is the bed-room as well as the store- 

room. They cook their meals and sit ordinarily on the verandah 
which 18 a raised floor about three feet wide. The master and the 
mistress of the honsc sleep in the hut with all their children. 
When the time for delivery arrives the room is reserved for 
the expectant mother and her husband. The huts ol the Hos 
are windowless and therefore entirely safe from any cold blast. 
The would-be mother and the father enter the lying-in-room 
and its door is shut against all other persons. Delay in delivery 
is believed, to be caused by the eye of some evil spirit or the 
fact that before marriage the mother had intercourse with some 
joang man other than her lawfully married husband who cursed 
her for having been taken away firom him and united with 
another man. In the latter case she confesses her misconduct 
and gives out the name of the lover who is asked to reveal the 
trath and he does so at once. Now a [Hropitiatory sacrifice, 
generally a fowl, is offered to Sing-bonga. Thus the labour 
pains are lessened and the delivery becomes easy. Sometimes 
it is also believed that midwives through their magic power 
protract the delivery so that they may be called to facilitate it. 
When the would-be m:>ther is conscious that baby is about to be 

_ . born she sits down in a kneeling down posture 

The Birth* . . 

stretching her tiiighs wide. Her husband sup- 
ports h3r from behind Isanin^j against the wall. As soon as the 
child comes down on the floor the. mother picks it up in her hands. 
The father cuts the umbilical cord with the skin of the maize 
plant {gangdi singi) which has .a sharp edge. Hos do not use 
a knife for this purpose lest the navel-string might take septic 
poison. The cutting of the umbilical cord over the mother wipes 
the babe's body if found covered with membranes with a piece 
of rag and after handing over the child to her husband proceeds 
to remove the after-birth anj to clean the floor. The father 
now gives the child back to its mother and prepares hot water 
with which the mother bathes herself and her child. The motheir 



iS6 BiBTH AND FUKE&AL CEBEMOKll^S. [J^.O^J^ 

now spreads a palm-leaf mat and lies down on it suckling the 
child* The father then batlies and ca>ks rice for himself and 
his wife. Nobodv is allowed to reraain in the confinement room 
except the husband, the wife and the child who are, so to speak, 
secluded for a month and are regarded as ceremonially unclean. 
Nobodv would touch either their be-d or clothes. The mother 
and her husband bathe every day with tepid water throughout 
the month of their confinement. She takes hot rice instead of 
stale rice. She is strictly forbidden to tike pot-herb, fish and 
meatj but is allowed to drink mild rice-beer as a stimulant. The 
after-birth is buried under ground somewhere outside the con- 
finement room and is carefully covered with earth so that no 
evil eve may fall on it to do harm to the child. 

Just a month after delivery comes the time for Enda-chatu 
r 1. v da- (throwing away of the eaiihen vessels). The 
eli&tu Car©' earthen pitchers and vessels that were used in 
mony. ^^^ confinement room for cooking rice, boilino- 

water and keeping drink are thrown away. Tho walls and the 
floor of the hut are daubed with cowdung and the parents with 
the child are re-admitted into society and feast is given to all the 
relatives. 

Even after being released from confinement the mother as 
well as the father has to t ike certain precautions. They have 
to be careful when they go to bathe in tanks lest the N;ige- 
Bonga (water-deity) might do some hirra to the child. They 
should not ease themselves in places where Bongas are supposed 
to live nor should they bathe in tanks lest the Nage-Bonga 
(water-deity) might do some harm to the child. 

The naming; of a Ho child takes place in some cases oa the 

-- _^ tenth day and in other cases on the twentieth 
llx© Nam©" •' ... 

. . Cere- ^J ^^^^^ ^^^ dalciof birth. Being firm belie- 

xnony. vers in the principle of re-birth, the Hos invari- 

ably name their children after their deceased grandfathers or 
grandmothers and * great-grandfathers or great-grandmothers. 
In choosing a name for the new-born child the Hos, like the 
QraODfl, perform a 'sort of lottery by dropping grains of rice 



tOL. V. FT. 1.1 BlBTH AND FaMERAL CEEEMOMlES. 



\A 



into water. A fgrain of husked rloe is droppv^J into a pot 
filled with water and simultaneously a name is suggested. 
A secoud grain of rice is dropped into the s ime pot. If 
the second grain t)a^h9» the fi:st oie and lie closely 
parallel to it at the bottom of the vessel, then it is mys- 
teriously indicated th it the n im3 su^ j23t«i has been pre- 
destined for the child. S^m.'timcs as soon as a name is uttered, 
a certain number of grains or husked rice are taken on the palm 
of the ban! and then the whole number is determined to bo odd 
or even by putting the grains on the ground two by two. If 
the number is found odd, the name is rejected, if it is found 
tventhe name is j^iven to the child. The process continues until 
the number is found even, failing which the name of some great 
and influential man is selected with the unanimous consent of 
the community. The name-giving is attended by no special 
ceremony. 

(II) De\th Customs. 
Premature death is generally ascribed to the evil-eye or <o 
. the anger of some spirit ( bonga) . But when 

Funeral Cere- ^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^7 ^^^^ ^^® "^'^ ^*8* 
monies. died of natural decay. When cholera or pox 

breaks out in a village — but epidemic diseases are very rare in Ho 
villages— and the number of the dead swells terribly, it is 
Buspccted that son^e evil spirit is at work. In such a case the 
villagers go in a body with all their used earthen vessels 
and throw tliem away beyond the village, where they perform 
a ceremony to drive the evil spirit away from the village with 
the help of a man reputed for scaring away spirits. 

As soon as a Ho breathes his last, his female relatives rent 
the air with 1 oud wailings which declare the death. Other 
fellow-villagers instantly come to the deceased's house and weep 
for him. For this act of sympathy they get some reward. 
Those who do not join the mourning pirty are looked upon as 
enemies. The widow will put oCE all her jewellery and abstain 
from rice both boiled and fried — until the cremation is over. 
So also do the agnates of the deceased. 



Its BlBTH llTD raVUAL CXBXM05Itfl, f JJ4JUL 

The Hos prepare a coffin for tbe dead which thej oall kand»» 
iicL Sometimes it is prepared after the death has actaallj 
occurred, and sometimes before death, it the request of the dying 
man. Frequently old men have their coffins made, eyen when 
there is no sign of any illness. In order to make a coffin, % 
living tree is cut down, and fonr planks are sawn out of its 
trunk. The plank which is fixed at the bottom of the coffin 
is called Gtniti. The plank which is meant for the lid or the 
cover is called BdMrup, The rema'ning two are fixed length- 
wise and are called /aMr. Then remiin to be prepared a horse's 
head and a horse's tail, whic h go by the name of Ardirn, out of 
the stump of the tree. These two are fixed at the two ends of 
the coffin. Perhaps this is the reason why the Hos take the 
horse to be a beast of ill omen. 

The corpse is allowed to remainln the house until the coffin 
is ready. The face is clean shaven and the 
Cremation. foreJiead is painted with alternate dot marki 
of vermilion and rice floor diluted in water. It is then placed 
carefully in the coffin with it« head towards the horse's head. 
All the clothes of the deceased, together with some rice and 
copper coins, and sometime even silver ones are placed in the 
coffin which is then closed and carried by the relatives of the 
deceased to the burning place— generally an open plot of 
ground within the village bouodary. Logs of wood already 
gathered are heaped to form a low platform on the centre of • 
which is placed the coffin with the head towards the south. 

More wool is piled over the coffin, to thoroughly cover it, 
and fire is then appli^ b/ two poor wo am hired for the 
parpose. One of them stands to the east of the pila and the 
other to the west, eajh with a kialljJ bg of wool in herhiad. 
The womiu stindiug on the easi side goes round to the west of 
the pile and applies h^r kin lie:! log. The woman standing on the 
west goes ."ound to the east and doe^ the same. If the pile does 
not take fire, it is ballevei ihxi the sjuI of the deceased is re- 
luctant to have it* formw biJy burn\ .»n account of the affec- 
tion which it bears to some particular member of the family. 



33 



TOLt^W. '0 BIBTH AND FUmSBll. CIBlMOKn* 1|^ 

Then all the family members go round tbe pile vree^ing. ThoM 
to \7h0m the decease! was mach attached, wash their faces with 
water and sprinkle it on the pile, whioh it is said^ then at o&o« 
takes fire. 

The dead are cremated at night and the foneral pfldi» 
allowed to bum until next mornin?, when the fire is eztingoisb* 
ed by sprinkling water on it with twigs of a peepul tree. 

The bones are then picked out from tha ashes, and plaoej 
on a winnowing fan. After they are dried till noon en a pieod 
of new cloth spread over a string-bedstead, the ashes are 
buried and the place where the corpse was burnt is cleansed and 
besmeared with cowdung diluted in water. After the bonet 
are dry, they are kept in a new earthen pitcher and conrered 
with leaves 'of the Otrong plant. Another new and empty 
earthen vessel is similarly covered and within it the disembodied 
ipirit of the deceased is supposed to reside. This empty vessel 
is addressed thug : — " You have been taken away by your God 
and are isolated from us up till now. We shall take yon home 
on the third day. " After having consoled the departed spirit 
thus, the funeral party bury this empty vessel under the etrth 
and carry the vessel of bones to the house of the deceased and 
bang it from the thatch of the hut. 

The party now go to a neighbouring stream or pool, anoint 
tbeir limbs with turmeric and oil, and take a purificatory bath. 
This bath is called Bigidkdnabu which literally means, we touch* 
edthe corpse and therefore we bathe. After the bath, the 
party take boiled rice and rice-beer at the house of the deceased, 
lit there for some time, consoling the bereaved family and then 
retain home. 

On the third night after the death, a ceremony called 
Ra-a-nadar takes place in the room where 
Ra-a-Kadar ^^le family deity of the deceased resides. 
Ashes are spread on the floor of this room. A male member 
fof the family, either the brother or the father, takes his seat 
in one corner of the room, and a female member, either th« 
sister) or the widow of the deceased, sits in another oonier* 



240 BIRTH AND FUNERAL CEREMONIES. [J.B.O.BA 

The door of tbe room is carefully sbui from witliin. Now, 
from tbe place whore the dead bo.ly was burnt, two men 
proceed towards tbe door of the room. One of them comes 
sprinkling' water and scattering boiled rice an J the other 
follows him striking a spade against a ploughshare and thus 
producing a tinkling tound. On reaching the doDr of tbe room 
they ask, •" Sukuila ki Dukuila ? " (Entered or not entered). 
The woman sitting in one corner cf the room, at once lights a 
lamp already kept ready before her and examines the ashes oa 
the floor, in order to discover the footprints of any creature 
whose entrance into the room has been expected. If she finds 
the footprints of a bird, it is at once bslievod that the deceased 
has been re-bom as a bird ; if the footprints of a particular 
animal is found, then it is believed that the deceased 
in his next birth has become such an animal ; and if 
the footprint of a human being is discovered on the ashes, it 
is determined that the deceased is re-born as a human beini?. 

If the woman, sitting in the corner, on being asked if the 
spirit of the deceased has entered or not, replies " Sukuila " (not 
entered), then the man, sitting in another corner of the room, 
would forthwith begin offering a sacriHce to the presiding deity, 
and the two men outside will again go back to the burning place 
and the same process is repeated until some sign signifiying the 
entrance of some creature into the room is traced. 

The next day takes place tbe ceremony calledlHurIng Sibi, the 
relatives of .the -deceased shave their beards 
* * with a razor, have their hair cut and nails 

pared. It may be noted here that the razors which the Hos 
use, are generally manufactured by themselves in their own 
villages, I have examined one such razor, and I may say that 
it produces a painful sensation during shaving. The Hos never 
engage barbers or washermen except as a recent innovation near 
Cbaibassa. 

The ceremony called Marang Sibi takes place the day 
following. The relatives of the deceased wash 
Marang Sibi. ^^ ^^^^^ clothes and take a purificatory bath, 
^ter which they are readmitted into the society. 



TOL. v. PT, I.] BIITU AVD FUNEBAL CfBEMOlHES. 2il 

Jang-top&m, or the burying of bones, takes place either on 
the fourth day after the Ea-a-nadar, or a year 
Jang-topam. ^^ ^^^ afterwards, as it suits the oonvenience of 
the members of the deceased's family. 

Another ceremony called Jang-asan (caiTying the bones) 
just precedes Jang-topam. One of the two women who set fire 
to the pj're, takes out the bones from the earthen vessel that 
was kept hanging from the roof, puts them on a bamboo-tray 
decorated with artificial flowers made of Shola (cork) and carries 
this tray on her head. The other woman usually can-Ies an empty 
water pot. A third woman carries on her head a bamboo at the two 
ends of which are fastened two bells. These three women 
followed by a number of drummers, and the relatives and the 
neighbours of the deceased, start from the deceased^s house in a 
long procession. The drums at once begin to sound : — 

Topam, topam, iopdm, (opdmjJdng-topam. 
which literlaly means 

" We'll bury, we'll bury, we'll bury, bones we*ll bury." 

The three women dance a mourning dance and the men nod 
their heads to the beating of the drums. In this way the 
procession solemnly advances through the village and stops at 
the door of every relative who comes out of his house weeping 
and offer some quantity of rice to the deceased. If the deceased 
has relatives living in villages, the procession must visit those 
villages also. If the number of such villages be large, the party 
visits as many of them as possible up to the evening, and then 
stops for the night. The solemn d incing march begins again 
next day, and it continues until the bones are carried to the 
doors of the rest of the relatives. 

After the Ja ng-dsdn is over, the procession returns to the 

burial-place which is usually fixed within the 

place. ^ ' village, and even within the boundary of 

homestead lands. The day before the idng" 

iopdin, a grave has been dug four feet deep, four feet in 

length, and the same in breadth, so that the bones may rest 

•afoly within it. The hollow thus made already in th^ 



^42 filSTB AND rOMESAL C£BEM02«I£S. CJJ.O.BJ. 

ground is besmeared with_cowdug and sanctified rice, collected 
during the bone-carrying is first put into it itogether with any 
ornaments of the deceased that remained xmbumt at the crema- 
tion. The bones are next taken out of the bamboo-tray and 
placed in a ne.v and entirely red earthenware jar. This jar is 
then painted with a paste of rice flour and covered with a piece 
of red cloth, after which it is placed in the grave. A quantity 
of stale rice from which beer is prepared, is put just besides the 
jar. The grave is then filled in and a big slab of stone is placed 
over it. Four pieces of small stones also are put under the slab 
as supports, at the four comers of the grave. 

At the time of internment, the Hos fire guns, the reports of 
which announce to the public the entrance of the relics of the 
deceased to their last resting place. 



MISCELLANEOUS COKTRIBUTIONS. 



I— Inscription of Udayas'ri 
(Patna Museum). 

By N. G. Majumdar, B.A. 

This inscription was discovered by tlie late Dr. Theodor 
Hloch on the pedestal of a Buddhist image at Bodh Gaya though 
he could not trace the image itself. In his paper, entitled 
2iots8 on Bodh Ga^a, published in the Annual Report of the 
Arch(tologieal Survey of India, 1908-09, p. 157, will be found 
a notice of the inscription together with its transcript and trans- 
lation. It is now in the Patna Museum (No. l-ib). The read- 
ing given by Dr. Bloch needs some correction. It is therefore 
Te-edited here. 

It consists of two lines only which make up a single verse. 
The .wnVtn^ covers a space of 9|"xli". The language is 
Sanskrit. The characters belong to the North Indian 
alphabet of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. They bear 
a close affinity with the characters of the Sarnath inscription of 
Kumaradevi,* a Queen of the Gahadavala King Qovindachandra 
for whom we have dates ranging from 1114 to 1168 A.D. 

The object of the short epigraph is to record the installation 
f (an image of) the Blessed One {Bhagavdn) by a certain 
individual named Udayas'rij a pilgrim from Ceylon. 

> EjH. IncL, Vol. IX, p. 819 ft. 



]4i nrSOBIPTIOK Of uoatababi. t'.B.03 s. 

Tew * 

1. Karito Bhagavan-esha Salmhalen-Odayasriya dnl^kh- 

ambhonidbl-nirmmagna- * jagad-uttara 

2. neehchliava |). ' 

Tbakslation. 

"This [image of the] Lord was caused to be ma'le by 
Udaya^ri, from Ceylon, with a desire to deliver the world sub- 
merged in an ocean of woe." 

* Uloch re^d nirtnagna. 

» Bloch read %ddhdru'«c\e\h\/a. 

* The Dew reading has been comitired by Mr, H« Panday with the original aod 
foand correct. No facsimile it publiBhcd.-'E. P. J. 



II.— The Janibigha Inscription and Bisapi 

Grant. 

By H. Panday, B.A. 

In the September number of tbis Journal for 1918 (Vol. IV, 
page 275), when discussing the date of the Janibigha inscription 
I alluded to the evidence of the Bisapi grant of Siva-Simha which 
put the commencement of the Lakshmana-Sena Saihvat thirteen 
years earlier than the accepted date for it. Sir George Grierson 
who first brought the grant to light in 1885 ^ has kindly drawn 
attention to subsequent papers by him in the Journal of th$ 
Asiaiic Society of Bengal in which he has shown that the grant 
is a palpable and clumsy forgery.* The date of the commence- 
ment of the Lakshmana-Sena era arrived at by the late Dr. 
■ Kielhom, namely, the 7th October, 1119 A.C., is therefore the 
only date which rest« on good evidence. The date of the Jani- 
bigha inscription is thus, as stated in my first note, November, 
1202 A.C. 

Mnd. Ant, 1885, p. 100. ■ *^ ?? l' s 1 

» J. A. S. B^ 1899, p. 98 ; 1905, p. 228 [The "PmU tao** cited in the plUe. M 
Sir George point* oat, nerer exitUd — K. P. J.] 



III.--'Panisliottaina Deva, King of Orissa. 

By Tarini Charan Rath, B.A. 

The past glories of Orissa achieved by her later independent 
Hindu Kings are still fresh in the memory of our country- 
men. Orissa alone asserted boldly her independence for full 
four centuries long after the most of India succumbed to the 
feet of the sturdy Muhammadan invaders. The last independent 
Hindu prince of Bengal is said to have escaped through the 
back-<ioor of his palace ^ at the ap2)roach of the Muhammadan 
hordes and taken shelter in Orissa till his death. The Telingana 
ELing on a similar occasion suppliantly approached the Orissan 
monarch to lend him a helping hand, and bad it. Even the 
brave general of Emperor Akbar so late as l580 A.D., repulsed 
by the Orissan forces, had to turn his back exclaiming at the 
sight of her network of grand religious edifices, venerable rivers 
and strong forts, '^ This is the land of gods and no fit subject 
for human conquest/' 

Purushottama Deva Gajapathi, one of the most conspicuous 
Kings of Orissa, ruled the vast country left to him by his father, 
Kapilendra Deva, during the last quarter of the fifteenth century. 
He was present by the side of his brave father when the latter 
died at Kondapalli on the banks of the river Krishna, where he 
was incessantly engaged in several wars and was crowned as the 
King of Orissa by the Orissa armies at the very place. Among 
his numerous sons Kapilendra Deva had decided beforehand 
that his mantle should f.ill on Purushottama Deva, the youngest, 
to whom he was very fondly attached, ov.ing to his very superior 
qualities of head and heart. Purushottama Deva had at the 
outset to encounter with numberless difficulties from his 
brothers. 

» I8t« J.B.O.S.3^ VoL IV, p. 266 ff K.— P. J.] 



VOL. T. Ptf U] FUBU8H0T1AMA DEYA. 



itf 



The most remarkable event in tte reign of Purusliottama 
Deva Gajapathi is liis expedition to the south known in Orissa 
as the *' Kanchi-Kaveri " expedition. The eventual snccess 
achieved by the King therein together with hie marriage with 
Padmavathi or Rnpambika, the lovely daughter of the King of 
Kamata, has left a landmark in the history of ancient Orissa. 
The event is so popular that it is talked of in almost every 
household with no small pride. It would be highly interesting 
to give a brief account of the same. 

The daughter of the King of Kamata or Vijayanagara named 
above had been betrothed to King Purushottama Deva Gajapathi. 
The King of Karuata subsequently learnt that it is customary 
. for the Orifsan King to sweep the car of Sri Jagannatha at Puri 
during the car festival days, held in the month of Ashadha^ with 
a golden broomstick. This the former regarded, as an act deroga- 
tory to the position of a Kshatriya, and 'refused to give his daugh- 
ter in marriage to such a " chapdala ^' (sweeper) as characterized 
by him. At this Purushottama Deva considered himself highly 
insulted and resolved to punish the King of Kamata by 
fighting against him, taking his daughter a prisoner and marry- 
ing her actually to a real ** chapdala.'' In the first attempt he 
failed but the second time he fully succeeded. He then sacked 
Kanchi, the modern Conjeeveram, laid waste the country as 
far as the river Kaveri, took Padmavathi a prisoner and returned 
to his capital victorious. - He then entrusted her to his minister 
for being married to a " chandala." This wise minister took 
pity on the lovely girl of royal birth, and at the next car festival 
which immediately followed while the King was actually sweep- 
ing the car of the famous deity of ^ri Jagannatha, offered him 
the beautiful daughter of the Kamata King to marry. Puru- 
shottama DeVa who was by this time already pacified accepted 
Padmavathi or Rupambika in marriage. * 



[} The aame story differing in a few detaiUi* givta in Hunter's Or«#«a,YoL -I, 



14$ PUBU8H0TTAMA DEVA» [JJ.O.&i. 

Evidence in proof of this is obtained from — 

(1) The old book entitled, " Kanchi-Kaveri " written four 

hundred years back in Orissa graphically describes 
the event though probably with some exaggeration. 

(2) The temple archives known , as " Madala Panji " pre- 

served in the temple of Sri Jagannatha in palm 
leaf, make clear mention of these facts. 
The South Indian images of Sakhi Gopala and 
Ganesa brought by the King during the expedition 
from Kanchi are to' be seen to this day conse- 
crated at Satyavadi and Furi resiKJctively. 

(3) The '* Sarasvathi-Vilasa," the huge legal compilation 

of the Orissan Sing Pratapaiudra Deva, son of 
Purushottama Deva and Padmavathi, makes in 
the intixxluction in unmistakcable terms mention 
of the expedition of his father and his marriage. 
(4-) In the contemporary Tamil inscriptions of South India 
this is referred to as the *' Oddiyan Kalai>am." 

(5) The contemporary records of the Muhanimadan Kings 

of Gulbarga also make mention of the expedition. 

(6) Two inscriptions at Udayagiri (Nellore District) in 

the foi-t on the hill state that. Krishna Deva Kaya 
made certain grants after having defeated Pratapa- 
rudra Deva Gajapathi of Orissa and taken prisoner 
the latter's uncle Tirumalappa Raya iu Salivahana 
Saka 1436 or 1514 A.D. This Tirumalappa Raya 
was obviously a maternal uncle of the Orissan 
King and a descendant of the first ruling dynasty 
of Vizianagar, left in charge of the fort at 
Udayagiri. 
" (7) King Purushottama Deva during his victorious trium- 
■ i' '^^-n phant return from Kanchi rewarded most of his 
generals who had helped him in the war by making 
them petty chiefs with small tr^icts of land and 
their descendants are to be found even to this day 
in the Oriya-gpeaking tracts of the district of 
Ganjam. • -^- 



Vol. T, PT. I.] PUSU8H0TTAMA D£VA. I^g 

It is rather difficult at present to fix with precision the 
date of this Kanchi-Kaveri expedition of King Purushottama 
Deva and find out the name of his contemporary King of 
Kamata with whom he waged war and whose daughter Padma- 
vathi he married. Purushottama Deva ruled over Orissa from 
1479 A.D. to 15'H A.D., or according to some from 1469 
to 1496 A.D. Vimpaksha Deva Raya, the last king of the first 
ruling dynasty of Vizianagar, ip said to have ruled from 1466 A.D. 
to 1486 A.D. He was weak and licentious. During his time 
Saluva Narasiqiharaja, his chief general and minister, was all power- 
ful. This general in fact usurped the throne of Vizianagar for 
himself and founded a new dynasly. Saluva Narasiipha succeeded 
in repelling the Orissan King from Vizianagar in his first 
attempt but failed to offer any effective resistance when the latter 
advanced a second time and met him at Kanchi. Kanchi^ or the 
modem Conjeeveram, was an important stronghold of the 
Vizianagar Kings in the South. Purushottama Deva during 
his second campaign against the Kamata kingdom obviously did 
not meet with any opposition till he advanced as far south as 
Kanchi, which fell in spite of the brave defence by Saluva Nara- 
slipba Raya. Purushottama Deva appears to have extended hig 
conquests this time as far south as the Kaveri river before he 
returned to his capital. There is reason to believe that he 
invaded Kamata soon after his accession. So the year of the 
Kanchi-Kaveri expedition may be fixed as 1470 or 1480 A.D. 
The King of Kamata with whom he fought would be Vimpaksha 
Deva Uaya. 

Some people would be inclined to ask as to why the King 
of Orissa who had extended his conquests so far south failed 
to leave behind him any inscriptions. In the first place it 
has to be observed that the Kings of Orissa were not fond of 
making their names permanent in stone inscriptions like their 
brothers in the South. Secondly, their conquests beyond the 
Nellore District were but merely military occupations. Lastly, 
Oriya inscriptions, if any in the South, I think, have not yet 
been picked up and deciphered, the language being quite f oreigx) 
thefe. 



IV.— Note on a Discovery of Ancient 
Copper Smelting Apparatus at Kakha 
in the Dalbhum Pargana of Singh- 
bhum. 

By C. Olden, Snparintendent, Cape Copper Company, 

Limited. 

I have foT a long time been searcliing for evidence of the 
process by which the ancients smelted their copper, and have been 
successful 80 far in discovering segments of a clay circle which I 
should say belonged to an oven about 2 feet or 2 feet 6 inches in 
diameter^ with which were connected clay blast-pipes, of which 
iklso I have found portions. I imagine their method must have 
been as follows, viz :— 

(1) The oxidized ores from the i^rtions of the lode above 
Permanent water level may have been smelted between alternate 
layers of charcoal and copper ores, the layers being about 6 inches 
thick, the pile being brought to the shape of a cone, and ignited 
from the bottom. This would have the effect of causing the 
carbon in the charcoal to combine with the oxygen in the oxides, 
giving off CO and C02, while liquating or sweating out shots of 
copper. 

(2) When the fire was extinguished, I suggest the copper shots 
were collected and put into a receptacle, referred to above, and, by 
means of an air-blast, shot copper with oh^rcoal was melted and 
poured into shapes or moulds to suit requiremenis. 

This is purely a surmise on my piirt, but I know this is the 
process in Central Africa and Central Borneo by natives who 
have no knowledge of modern practice. 

I shall continue to look for other relics of the ancient 
copper industry of which I will advise you from time to 
time.. 



YOL. Y. PT, 1.1 COPPEB SMELTIKG APPABATU8 AT BAZHA. 151 

I have found some pieces of native copper, evidently 
manufactured by the ancients, and from its app-earance ai.d 
general properties, I suggest that they were able to produce 
a very fine class of metallic copper suitable for beatinpr into 
various forms. 









IZ' 



NOTES OP THE QUARTER. 



I.— Proceedings of a Meeting of the 
Council of the Bihar and Orissa Re- 
search Society held on the 25th Jan- 
uary 1919 at 3 p.m. at the Society's 
Office. 

Present : 
The Hon*ble Mr. E. H. C. Walsh, c.s.i., i.cs. 
The Hon'ble Mr. C. E. A. W. Oldham, c.s.i., i.c.s. 
Thft Hon'ble Mr. J. G. Jennings, c.i.e. 
Professor J. N. Samaddar, B.A., F.E.E.S., ? E.Ef.s., Honorary 
Treasurer. 

1. Letter from Mr. Jayaswal, Honorary Secretary, was read, 
regretting that he is unable to attend the meeting. 

2. The proceedings of the last meeting ,were read and con- 
firmed. 

3. The following new members were elected : — 

• (1) Pandit Kashi Nath Das, Professor, Eavenshaw 
College, Cuttack. 

(2) Kumar Hari Kri&hna Dev, M.A., Sobha Bazar, 

Calcutta. 

(3) Professor H. R. Bhateja, ila., Patua College. 

(4) Professor Jagannath Prasad Pandey, Patna College. 

(5) Kay Bahadur Baroda Kant Ganguly, Deputy Magis- 

trate, Patna. 

(6) Babu Suparra Das Gupta, Central Jain Library, 

Arrah. 

(7) N. Chatterji, Esq., 41, Chowringhee, Calcutta. 

(8) Rai Yatindra Nath Choudhari, m.a>., B.L., 1, Kuthi- 

ghata Road, Baranagore, Calcutta. 
(9^ Babu Eamanugrah Narayan Singh, u«i., b.l.^ Munsif. 



YALV. M. I.} ootmoiL usETuro. Ui 

' (10) Professor Radhagovlnda Basak, M.A., 46-1 RnssaRoad, 
North, Bhawanlpur, Calcutta. 

(11) Professor A. P. Shastrl, m.a., Greer Bhumlhar 

Brahman College, Muzaffarpur. 

(12) Panna Lai, Esq., i.c.s., Dehra Dun. 

(18) Babu Rajendra Prosad, h a., b.l.. Vakil, Ugh Court, 

Patna. 
(14) Pandit Ambika Projid Upadhyaya, m.a., b.l.. Vakil, 

High Court, Patna. 

4, The appointment of an addition il peon for the office \v»a 
considered. It was resolved that an additional peon on Rs. 8 
a month be appointed. The other peon will then be ayailable 
for the Honorary Secretary's work. 

It was also resolved that the Honorary Secrjtary be asked to 
report whether in view of the appointment of the extra peon, it 
is necessary to retain the post of Duftri, or whether it would be 
better to get bookbinding done locally and the extra peon 
would do the Duftri's routine work. 

5. The appointment of a peon on Rs. 8 a month for the 
Honorary Treasurer in place of the present allowance of Rs. 4 
granted to him for the purpose was considered. It was resolved 
that a x>eon on Rs. 8 a month be appointed. 

6, It was resolved that the number of copies of the Journal 
be reduced from 7 50 to 550. 

7. The following letters were read and recorded :^ 

(1) Government letter No. 1877E., dated the 2nd 

November 1918, making an extra grant of Rs. 400 
for cataloguing Sanskrit manuscripts in the Bihar 
districts ; 

(2) Government letter No. ijnios, dated the 17th Novem- 

ber 1918, making a grant of Rs. 1,000 for the 
purchase of books f.ir the Society's Library ; and 

(3) Government letter No. 1927E., dated the 7th November 

1918, conveying sanction to Rai Bahadur Sarat 
Chandra Roy, m.a.., b.l., Anthropological Secretary^ 
to attend the meetings of the Indian Sc^encQ 
C^ong^ress at Bon^bay. 



/cry 



11.— Proceedings of Meeting of the Council 
of the Bihar and Orissa Research 
Society held on the 25th March 1919. 

Peesbnt : 

The Hon'ble Mr. E, H. C. Walsh, c.s.i., i.c.s., President. 
The Hon'ble xMr. C. E. A. W. Oldham, o.s.t., i.as. 
Professor J. N. Samaddar, Honorary Treasurer. 
K. P. Jayaswal, Esq., Honorary Secretary. 

(1) A letter from the Hon'ble Mr. Jennings was read, re- 
gretting that he was unable to attend the meeting on account 
of a meeting of the Syndicate. 

Mr. Jackson was also unable to attend. 

(2) The proceedings of the last meeting were read and 
confirmed. 

It was resolved that the daftry should be retained, as the 
present daftry is an expert bookbinder and also cuts the pages 
of the Library books on receipt and affixes the number-labels • 
to them and does other work which could not be done by a peon 
in addition to the packing and despatch of the Journals, etc. 

Mr. Jayaswal thought that the extra peon will not be re- 
quired for the next six months. It was resolved that the extra 
peon should not be retained for the next six months, and that the 
matter be reconsidered at the end of that period. 

(tj) The following new members were elected : — 

1. Kai Bahadur Radha Krishna Jalan, Patna. 

2. The Hon'ble Sir J. Woodroffe, High Court, Calcutta. 

3. The Hon'ble Sir A. Mookerjee, High Court, Calcutta.* 

• 4. N. C. Sen, Esq., Barrister-at-law, Judge, Small Cause 

Court, Calcutta. 
' • " ' 6. Arun Sen, Esq., Barrister-at-law, 88, Lower Circular 

Eoad, Calcutta. 



TOk T, FT. 1.3 OOUKCIL HISTINO. 166 

6. Dr. R. Majumdar, PH. D., Calcntta. 

7.» Babu Nirsu Narayan Singh, b,l., High Court, Patna. 

8. Babu U. K. Das, Manager, Sree Nath Mill, Calcutta. 

9. Babu Ramehandra Prosad Varma, b.a.. Translator, 

High Court, Patna. 

10. Professor Bhate, Cuttack. 

(4) The question proposing Honorary Members at the 
General Meeting was considered* Resolved that the following 
names be proposed i— 

M. Senart. "^ 

M. Sylvain Levi. }■ Honorary Members. 

M. Foucher. J 

(5) The draft of the Annual Report was approved. 

(6) The question of the investment of the funds of the 
Society was considered. The balance at the close of last year 
was Rs. 3,000 in fixed deposit fo. one year at 4 per cent, from 
May 1918 and Rs. 2,449-7-8 in current deposit account. 

Resolved that on the expiry of the term of deposit of 
Rs. 3,000 in May next, Rs. 3,600 be invested in the Bihar and 
Orissa Provincial Co-operative Bank. 

(7) The preparation of the Library Catalogue was considered. 
Resolved that after a final revision by Mr. Jayaswal and 
Mr. Samaddar the proof of the Catalogue be printed. 

(8) The question of the balance due to the Society from 
Messrs. K. V. Seyne Brothers on account of money advanced 
to them for the purchase of paper for printing of Plates was 
considered. It was resolved that the Honorary Treasurer be 
asked to examine the accounts and correspondence with Messrs. 
Seyne Brothers and the Honorary Secretary and advise as to what 
legal action the Council should take in the matter. 

(9) It was resolved that the practice of other learned 
Societies be adopted and that a list of the defaulters whose 
names have been struck off for nonpayment of subscription be 
publishsd in the Proceedings, but that notice of this resolution 
be gent to the defaulters before this is done, to giye them the 



1&6 COUVCIL M EETlKa. • t^.B.OJl.8 

opportnnity of paying up their arrears, so as to prevent the pub- 
lication of their names as defaulters. 

(10) Read a letter dated 17th February 1919 from Mr. 
M. N. Mukharji addressed to the Honorary Secretary, com- 
plaining that he has made five paynients of annual subscription 
but has only received receipts for four payments. The Honorary 
Treasurer stated that the counterfoil receipts show only four pay- 
ments as made, for each of which a receipt has been given. Mr. 
Mukharji states that he paid in advance but he was elected in 
1915 and the first payment was made in February 191C which 
was, therefore, for the pi*oceding y;^ar and was not an advance 
payment for 1916. The other payments made on SUh Decem- 
ber 1916, 26th Maroh lyl8 and 5th February 1919 were, there- 
fore, in each case for the previous year, llesolved that the 
Honorary Secretary should inform Mr. Mukharji accordingly. 

(11) Read application from three peons and daftry for 
grain compensation allowance. Resolved that they be given 
grain compensation allowance at the Government rate from 
Ist March and the sweeper who is a half-time servant be given 
an extra 8 annas a month. 



III.— Annual Report of the douncil of tlie 
Bihar and Orissa Research Society, 
1918. 

The year under review has been one of solid progress for 

the Society in more than one direction. Al- 
Mezuberst ' 

though there has been a great decrease in the 

number of members, from 367 at the end of 1917 to 245 at the 
end of 1918, it is the result of the healthy prooess of Aveeding 
out. But for three members whom we lost, we i*egret to say, by 
death, and 10 who resigned that large number had been com- 
posed of persistent defaulters who in spite of repeated reminders 
failed to clear off their duos. It is all the more regrettable 
that many of these defaulters are holding responsible positions 
and had been regularly receiving the Journal, some since the 
very establishment of the Society. Twenty-eight new members 
have been elected. There has been a marked in,.rease lately in 
the number of applications received from other parts of India, 
and it is hoped that our number will be substantially stronger 
in the near future. At the end of the year there are eight 
Honorary Members and nine Life Members, besides the 245 
Ordinary Members on the roll. 

Four issues of the Journal have been published in the year 

under review completing Vol. IV of the series. 

Tbere has been a growing demand for the 
Journal, as will be seen from the fact that the cash sale of the 
Journal amounted to Rs. 202-8-3. The Journal, it is gratifying 
to note, has been wtll received by some of the learned Societiea 
of other countries. Owing to the winding up of the firm who 
used to prepare blocks for the Society, the publication of the 
Journal for December was somewhat delayed. We, however, 
hope to be more punctual in 1919. 



158 A^KTTAL BKPOBT OF COUNCIL. l3.B,0JUi. 

Principal Jackson is still working at bis new edition of 

Buchanan Hamilton's journals. The value of 

Bacnanan s these journals is once more testified to by the 

extract from it on the Saisunaka Statues which 

iff being published in the March issue of our Journal. 

These statues are of such historical importance that a brief 
notice of their discovery and identification may 
baisunaisa -^q given here. The statues are at present in 

tho Indian Museum, Calcutta. The import" 
ance with which they are now invested might suggest to the 
Society some action regarding them. Three life-size statues of 
male figures were discovered about 1812 outside Patna City, very 
likely near Agara Kuan. Two of these ultimately found their 
way to the Asiatic Society, Calcutta, which transferred them to 
the Indian Museum. Although the two statues have thus been 
known for over a century, their identity was discovered only the 
other day when Mr. Jayaswal examined the inscriptions on the 
two statues and found that one of the monuments was a statue 
given to King Aja-Udayin, the original founder of th; s capital, and 
the other represented his son, the great conqueror Nandi. Sta- 
tues were given to Hindu Kings, according to Bkiia an ancient 
dramatist} soon after their demise. The statues of the Patna 
emperors will therefore date back to the fifth century B.C. when 
the two Emperors flourished. These monuments are now proved 
to be amongst the oldest royal statues in Asia and Europe and 
stand amongst the greatest historical treasures of the world. 
To us at Patna, the original seat of the statues, they have a per- 
sonal interest. We have the great .satisfaction of re-finding them. 
M'ght not this Province have also the Satisfaction of bringing 
t hem back and erecting them once mora in their original capital ? 

Djringthe year there were five meetings of the Council. 
„ . One ordinary meeting was held on the i'Znd April 

at which Mr. Jayaswal read a paper on " Hinda 
Republics." As the paper forms part of a book by the author 
which is being printed by the Calcutta University it has not 
been published in the Journal. 



VOL. T. PT. I.] AKNTTAL BEPOBT OF COUNCIL. Ig^ 

It is a matter o£ satisfaction to the Council that progress 
_ ., has been made in respect of the Library. Books 

worth Rs. 1,461-6-9 have been purchased during 
the year and a catalogue of the Library has been prepired. The 
total numb.'r of books is 1, 066. A large number of Sanskrit 
texts have been ordered and standard works of reference have 
been scut for from England. It is hoped that by thj end of 
1919 the Library will be one of the most efficient coUections in 
the Province for the purposes of Indian researches. 

Mr. Sachidananda Sinha, in place of the books which he 
had icindly proinioed t) prasanb ^ro n hU own iibrary, has placed 
an order with Messrs. Thacker Spink and Company to supply 
new copies of 37 books on the subjects in which the Society 
is interested, ten of whicli have already been received. 

The search for Sanskrit manuscripts has been conducted 
hoth in Oiissa and Mithila under the direction" 

Search for ^^ ^^^ General Secretary. The Orissa Pandit has 
manuscripts . . 

been given an assistant. His work has been fairly 

satisfactory. The majority of the unpublished works yet found 

in Orissa are mediaeval, composed under the Gajapati kings 

and later. The search, however, has brought to light some 

useful books. Two commentaries on the rhetoric work Sihitya 

Da^pam, composed within a short time of the original work, . 

have been found. Dr. Harichand intends editing one of 

these commentaries. A useful commentary on the mathematical 

work LUavatl has come to light. One book on hunting and 

one on war and the army and a new commentary on the Rama- 

yana are amongst the Orissa finds. More noteworthy works 

are a book on Vcdic grammar by one Jayadasa and a history 

of the Ganga dynasty ( Gang a Vamidnucliarita) of which no 

written history has hitherto been found. 

The search in Mithila has yielded still better results. 

An ancient copy of the Vishnu Purana, several Vedic 

books, works of interest on Nyaya and Hindu law and 

a work on Hindu politics, amongst . others, reward our 



160 



AKKUAL BEPOBT OF COtJNClL. tJAD.fti: 



labour. A manuscript in the handwriting of Vidyapati has 
been traced. The Council is informed that a complete collection 
of the songs of Vidyapati is recoverable. The manuscripts 
noticed in Mithila are of higher antiquity. Several copies 
which are five hundred year^ old have been noted. Only one 
Prakrit work, the Setubandha (some five centuries old), has been 
discovered in MitKila. Likewise in Orissa the Prakrita Sarvasva 
is the sole Prakrit work yet on our record. Our attempts to 
recover the Brihatkatha has failed up to this time. 

Government have mainly financed the work of search for 
manuscripts. The salaries of the two Pandits have been paid 
by Government. Government have been considering the request 
of the Society to enhance the grant to cover the cost of 
travelling in the case of the Mithila Pandit. 

Arrangements will have to be made for the publication of 
some of the new texts discovered by our search. 

The total number of manuscripti noticed in Orissa (1917 — 
1918) is 5,536, and in Mithila 1,525. Out of the former some 
300 manuscripts are of unpublished works and out of the latter 
the unpublished works would be about 125. The work in 
Mithila has only been taken in hand since April, 1918, 

An abstract statement is appended to this report. During 
the year Rs. 3,000 has been placed in fixed 
deposit in the Uank of Bengal. The arrears, 
thanks to the energy of the Honorary Treasurer, Mr. Samaddar, 
have been realized to a great extent, while the names of the 
permanent defaulters have been struck o5. It is also to be 
noted that the paper in stock, already paid for, will last for 
almost the whole of 191 9. 

The Council offer their thanks to Government for the grant 
of Rs. 1,000 for the Library. Government have also made a 
further allowance of Rs. 2,500 to cover the travelling expense* 
of the Anthropological Secretary and Rb. 500 for his office 
establishment, and Rs. 500 for the excavation of Asur sites* 

The Report of "the AnthopDlogical Sa^retary on his work 
during the year, both with regard to the Excavation of AiuT 



, iroi.. ▼„ PT. Lj 



AKNUAL KKPOBT OF COUNCIL. 



161 



; burial eites and Ethnological enquiries^ is annexed as aa 

Appendix. 

The Council hope that the work of the Societj will be more 

generally appreciated in the Province, and that otheri will 
[ follow the generous example of Raja Kamaleshwari Prasad 
I' Singh of Monghyr. 

Abstract of AccoutU from Jonuurjf to December, 1918. . 




h 



auce %i the Bank at 
tbe end of 1917. 



Subscription from mem* 
bers. 

GoTernment Grant for 
Library. 

GoTcrnmeDt Grant for 
excavation of Asar 
Sites. 

OoTcrament Grant for 
pnblication of the 
Journal. 

€k>Ternment Grant for 
Ethnological Research. 

Government Grant for 
Ethnological 8«cre< 
tar^s Office establish* 
ment. 

Gorernment Giant for 
Ethuo.ogical Secre* 
tMy*a Travelling Al- 
lowance. 

Donation from Baja Earn* 
aleshwari Prosad Singh 
for the Library. 



Bs. a. p. 

6,6 1 2 8 2 

3,945 7 

1,000 

600 

2.000 

8.600 

600 

2,600 

1,000 



Carried over 



... 21,717 16 2 



Office cxpcnditore includ* 
ing the price of cycle. 

Pay and Travelling Al- 
lowance of the iiihar 
Pandit for search of 
mannscripts in Bihtr. 

Pay of tlic Assistant to 
the Orissa Pandit. 

Postage ... 

Price of Typewriter for 
Anthropolugical Sec* 
retary. 

Ethnological allowance 
paid to Bai Bahadnr 
ti. C. Boy. 

Paid to Bai Bahadnr 
S. C. Boy for excavat- 
ing Asur Sites. 

Travelling allowance 
paid to Bai Bahadur 
S. C. Bjy for Ethno- 
logical Besearch 

Office expenditure of 
Ethnological Secretary 
paid to Bai Bahadnr 
8. C. Boy. 

Carried over .„ 



Rs. a. p. 
1,694 9 7 

770 11 9 



20 4 

192 9' 

150 

8,600 

600 

.1>412 7 6 

600 

8,740 8 10 



-'162 



IKNtAL BEPORT OP COUNCIL. 



133X>.E£, 




Bronghfc forward 

Sale of the Journal 

Other Misc«jlaDCoa« Ro- 
seroipta. 

Total 



Kb. a. p. 

81,717 15 2 

202 8 3 

10 4 

21,939 11 6 



BrongLt forward 

Paid to Priucipal Jack* 
con for KuchaQau't 
journals. 

Paper for the Joamal... 



Paid to GoTemmcitt 
Press for print. i-g tbe 
Juorn'il. 

Cost of innkiug llocks 
and printings plates, 
and art paper for tl.e 
same, inc'iuding ad- 
vance of Ks. SCO to 
K. V. Seyne and port 
payment of R«. 100 
for work done. 



Bs. a. p. 

8,740 9 10 

421 10 6 

2.519 13 6 
1,165 4 

1,160 6 6 





Books purchased 
Library. 


for tbe 1,461 6 9 




Faruiturefor tbe Office 913 10 8 
and Library. 




Miscellaneous 


107 6 




Fixed Deposit 


... 3,000 


^ 


Ip Bank ... 

Total 


... . 2,4i9 7 S 




... 21.939 11 5 



iReport of the Anthropological Secretary, Rat Vahadtir S.CRoif, 
M, A., B. L.J on his work during the year. 



From May to the middle of September 1 visited difierent 
places in the Kanchi district and one cr tw^ in the Singhbhum 
district where ancient Asur grave yards or building sidea were 
reported to exist, and made some test excavations in a few of 



VOL. v., FT. I. J ANKXTAL BEPORT OV COUNCIL. 10$ ; 

the places and regular excavations at the Asur graveyard at 
Khuntitoli and some excavations at a supposed Asur building site, 
near Baragain. I also p iid a day's visit in May and two days"* 
visit in November to a Birlior settlement called Birhortoli and 
two days' visit in June to another Birhor settlement at Lad up 
Sosotoli, both in the Kanchi district, to collect some information 
about certain religious ceremonies of the Birbors. From 25th 
September to the 20th October I was out on tour in the Bonai 
state to study the customs of the Hill Bhuiyas there. After 
that I sufEered for about a month from malaria fever contracted 
in the jungles of Bonai. From the 2nd to the lOtli December- 
I was in Orissa to study the pastoral tribe [of Gours who 
appear to stand in a peculiar relation to the Hill Bhuiyas (who 
do not intermarry with any other tribe or caste but may take 
Gour women as wives without fear of excommunication). As !• 
was deputed by Government to attend the Indian Science 
Congress in January, 1919, and to visit the Madras Museum on 
the way, I availed myself of the opportunity to see a little of 
the Todas and other aborigmal tribes of the Nilgiri hills, and to 
study the matriarchal system of the Nayars of the Malabar coast. 
In February I visited the ruins of a fort attributed to the 
ancient Kol Rajas at Sherghatti, to compare them with the ruins 
attributed to the Asurs* 

At the Khuntitoli Asur graveyard I opened 56 graves, -each 
Excavation 8^^^^ containing from two to twelve or thirteen 
at the Asur earthenware burial urns. These urns are of 
graveyard at two different shapes and contain small pottery, 
KhuntitoU. g^^^ ^^1^ spouts. The following metal orna- 

ment* and other articles have been found in these graves and 
deposited in Patna Museum : — 

(1) Bronze and copper bracelets ... ... 62 

(2) Fragments of bronze and copper bracelet! •«. 83 

(3) Bronze anklets ... ... ... S 

(4) Bronze and copper finger rings ... ». 28 
(B) „ ^ toe rings ... ... 8 

(6) » « bead* -. .» .102 



If^ ANNUAL BEPO&T OF COUNCIL. £J3.0JtJ. 

(T) Bronze ankle bells ... . ,.• ... 3 

(8) Unstamped copper coins ... ••• ... 2 

(9) Bronie car ornaments ••• ••• ••• 4 

(10) Stone beads large (1 8) small (174) ... ... 1&2 

(11) Bone bead ... ... ... ... 1 

(12) Iron bracelets or armlets ... ... ... 8 

(13) Iron rings ... ... ... ... 10 

(14) Iron arrow beads ... ... ... 2 

(16) Frngments of tbree bronze plates ... ... 

(16) Cowrie (sbells) (broke into powder when bandied.) 

(17) Indistingnishable fragments of bronze or copper. 

From an ancient building site near Baragain in the Ranchi 
district (popularly attributed to the ancient Asurs) a few old iron 
implements, a few stone beads, a number of earthenware dishes 
and cones (resembling Siva lingam) have been collected. Two 
stone celts have also been found there. iThese I have with me 
still, at I expect to find more objects there and then take the 
whole collection to the Museum.) 

A Kushan copper coin was found in an Asur building site in 
the Karra thana of the Ranclii district. (This was made over to 
the Hon'ble Vice-President.) 

I also found two copper-plate grants in a t-emple in the Bonai 
State, and with the help of the Feudatory Chief of Bonai secured 
them for the Museum. They are now with Mahamahopadhyaya 
Pandit Hara Prasad Shastri to whom His Honour sent them for 
purposes of decipherment. I have just secured another copper 
axe-head dug up by a cultivator in the Ranchi district. 



i 



I v.— Minutes of the Annual General Meet- 
ing, held on the 29th March 1919 at the 
Council Chamber of Government 
House, Patna. 

His Honour Sir Ed<vard Gait, k.c.s.1., aiJB., President, in 
Chair. 

1. The Annual Report of the Council, printed copies of 
which were distributed among members, was t-aken as read.^ 

2. The Vice-President invited special attention to the reference 
in the Report to the Saia'unaka Statues and to their importance 
in view of the revised reading of the inscriptions on them by 
Mr, Jayaswal ; and also to the discoveries made by Rai Bahadur 
S. C. Roy, Ethnological Secr.^ry in the Asur Burial sites. 

3. His Honour the President then delivered his Presidential 
Address.* 

4. The Hon'ble Mr. Walsh, Vice-President, on behalf of the 
Council proposed the election of oflBce-bearers. He referred to 
the good work of the Honorary Secretary and Honorary Treasurer. . 
He regretted that the Hon'ble Mr. Oldham and Mr. Jackson 
were not able to be re-elected for the current year, as they would 
be absent from India on Lave. 

He also regretted that he was not able to stand for reflection, 
as he is leaving India. 

The following OflBcers and Members of the Counoil were 
proposed for 1919 and were nnanimously elected : — 

President. — His Honour Sir E. A. Gait, k.o.s.l., c.l b. 

Fice-Pretident. — Hon'ble Mr. H. McPherson. 

General Secretary.— ^K. P. Jayaswal, Esq., m.a. 

Joint-Secretary. — Dr. Hari Chand Shastry, d.litt. 

Treasurer. — Professor Jogindra Nath Samaddar, b.a. 

^ Printed at p. 157 post. 
I'rintedatp. 1 ante. 



I 



^QQ ANNUAL OSNEBAL UKETING. [J^.OJt.S. 

Departmental Secretarigg. 

Eiitorif Section* — K. P, Jayaswal, 'Esq., m.a., 'Bar-at-Law. 

Professor J. N. Samaddar, b.a. 
ATchceology and Numist/mtict. — K. N. Dikshit, Esq., ic.a. 
Anthropology and Folk lore, — Rai Bahadur.' S. C. Roy, 

K.A. B.L. 

Philology, — iMaharaaliopadliyaya Pandit Har Purasad Shaa- 
tri, M.A., CLE. 

Nawab Shams-ul-ulama Saiyid Imdad Imam. 
Member i oj Smtion Comfnittee*, 
History, — Professor Jadu Nath Sarkar, m.a, 

S. Sinha, Esq. 
Archaoloay. — K. P. Jayaswal, Esq., M.A., Barrister-at-Law. 

K. N. Dikshit, Esq., m.a. 
Anthropology. — His Honour Sir E. A. Gait, k.cs.i., c.i.e. 

Mahamahopadhyaya Pandit Hara Prasad 
Shastri, m.a., c.i.e. 
Philology. — Mahamahopadhyaya, Dr. Ganga Nath Jha, mjl-, 

D. Lltt. 

Mahamahopadhyaya Pandit Hara Prasad Shastri, 

M.A., CLE. 

Members of the Council (other than the President, the General 
Secretary and the Treasurer.) 

1. The Hon'ble Mr. H. MePherson— Vice-President, 
3. Nawab Shams-ul-ulama Saiyid Imdad Imam. 

3. Hon^ble Sir Ali Imam, k.cs.i. 

4. Mahamahopadhyaya Pandit Hara Prasad Shastri, MJk. c.i.e. 

5. Mahamahopadhyaya Dr. Ganga Xath Jha, m.a., d. litt. 

6. The Hon'ble Mr. Jennings, ci.e. 

7. G. Fawcus, Esq, ^ 

8. S. Sinha, Esq. 

9. P, Kennedy, Eaq.- 

10. Professor Jadu Nath Sarkar, M.A. 



YOB. v.. PT. ij ANKfUAL OBNEBAL MEETlNO. 'W 

11, Rai Bahadur Sarat Chandra Roy, M.A., B.L. 
la. K. N. Dikshit, Esq , m.a. 
J 3. Dr. Hai-i Chand Shastri, d. litt. 
] 4'. Babu Ram Gopal Singh Chaudhury. 
5. The Vice-President then proposed on behalf of the Council 
that the f ollomng distinguished Orientalists be elected Honorary 
Members : — 

M. Senart 

M. Sylvain Levi 

M. Foucher. 

The proposal was seconded by Mahamahopadhyaya Pandit 
Hara Prasad Shastri who spoke in support of the proposal as 
follows : — 

M. Senart made a name by his edition, with critical notes 
and indices, of Mahavastu Avadana which is the only work ex- 
tant of the once powerful sect of the Mahasanghikas, one of the 
two sects into which the Buddhist community was split up at 
the Vaisali Council about one hundred ye*rs after Buddha's 
death. The particular school of the Mahasanghikas which this 
work represents is the Lokottara Vadius. It gives Buddha a 
superhuman character. The work is Avritten in a language which 
is distinct from Pali, Prakrit and Sanskrit. It has been called 
Gatha dialect by Raja Rajendra Lai because it was first found 
in the Gathas of Lalita Vistara. From M. Senart it has got 
the name of " mixed Sanskrit /' a name which is favoured by 
old Sanskrit authors. In his now famous work entitled Inscrip' 
tiom desele Pi^adasi M. Senart gives a grammar of this langu- 
age. The inscriptions were deciphered in two volumes with 
notes and translations in French, much of which has been 
rendered into English by Sir George Grierson in the Indian 
Aniiquarj/. M. Senart came out to India in 188S and I saw 
him at Dr. Jloernle's place. But he had to abandon his pro- 
jected tour in Lidia owing to the illness of his wife. 

Professor Sylvain Levi is a French gentleman of oriental 
extraction. He made a name as a teacher of Sanskrit, Pali, an4 



Igg JLKKTJAL OBCBEiL MIETINO. [J.B.OJt.8. 

Other Indian subjects, when in 1897 appeared in J.A.S.B. my 
article entitled "Palm-leaf Manuscripts in the Durbar Library, 
Nepal,'' the Professor started at once for India, came to Calcutta, 
and then went to Nepal. During his short stay there he made 
himself very popular with the Buddhists and collected together 
many important and unique manuscripts, many of which he has 
published with French translations and notes. He was only 34 
when he came here, and he is the smartest Orientalist I have 
seen. Some of his important contributions to our knowledge of 
ancient India are: his great work on Nepal, his work on the Hindu 
Theatre, his edition and translation of the Sutralaukai*a, and his 
investigations into Chinese and Central Indian Uterature for facts 
of Indian history, Indian antiquity, etc. 

M. Foucher is a pupil of Professor Sylvain Levi. He came 
out to India in 1898 just before the Congress of Orientalists at 
Paris. The object of his visit was to examine illusti*ations in 
old Palm-leaf MSS. of Nepal and specimens of Buddhist icho- 
nography and art. His great work on Buddhist ichonography 
was the result of his visit. He was the heart and soul of the 
i'aris Congress. While in the Far East he organized the Hanoi 
Congress to which most of the Savants of Europe were invited. 
He is an expert on Indian Art. He published a great book two 
years ago, and is planning others on the same line. 

I support the nominations of these great scholars to the 
Honorary membership, because I know from personal experience 
how their presence electrified our young men who devoted them- 
selves to follow their example in searching for truths of history. 

The motion was carried unanimously. 

Professor J. N. Samaddar on behalf of the Council proposed 
that the Hon'ble Mr. Walsh should also be elected an Honorary 
Member. In doing so, he observed that after the reference to 
the work of the Vice-President by His Honour in the Presiden- 
tial address, it would be superfluous to speak anything on the 
subject. He would only add that 3»Ir. Walsh always disre- 
garded his personal comforts to serve the Society and its int-erests. 

Professor J. N. Sarkar seconded the proposal which wai 
carried with acclamation. 



yOIi.l7. PT. L] AITNUIL GENERAL MEBTIN(J, 169 

Mr. Walsh thanked the Society for the xmexpected honour 
which they had conferred on him, and said that his interest in 
the Society would always continue. 

5. The Hon'ble Mr. Walsh then brought to the notice of the 
meeting the various interesting and valuable exhibits which were 
on the table in the hall. He referred to the copper axe-head 
inscribed as a copper-plate grant, presented to His Honour the 
President, an account of which was given by His Honour in 
Volume IV, part IV of the Journal ; the collection of old manu- 
script* exhibited by Pandit Balgovind Malaviya amongst which 
was a manuscript of the Srimadbhagavat, dated corresponding 
to 1 14-6 .\.D.; the Darbhanga copper-plate grant presented to 
the museum by Mr. J. N Sikdar; the copper axchead recently 
obtained by Rai Bahadur S. C. Roy; some copper-plate inscrip- 
tions which are being deciphered for the Journal bv Mahamaho- 
padhyaya Pandit H. P. Shastri ; and a selection of the ancient seals 
discovered by Dr. Spooner at liesarh, and described in the Report 
of the Archaeological Survey, Part II for 1913-14, which are now 
in the museum. 

The exhibits were then inspected by the gentlemen present. 

6. Mahamahopadhyaya Pandit H. P. Shastri, m.a., c.i.b., then 
proposed a hearty vote of thanks to the chair. In doing so he 
spoke as follows : — 

It is now ray pleasant duty to thank His Honour the Presi- 
dent, for the interest he is taking in the welfare of this Society 
and in the history, antiquity, literature, and anthropology of 
India in the midst of his multifarious duties as the ruler of a 
large province in the course of formation. The first four years 
of the Society coincided with the four years of the devastating 
War which did not certainly afford mush leisure to Sir Edward 
Grait. But his interest in the Society did not flag. It was 
steady, continuous, deep, and abiding. The impetus given by 
His Honour to the study of these fascinating subjects is likely 
to last much longer than the life of the present generation, and 
to bear beneficial consequences. It is a fortunate circumstance 
that the historian of Assam was put at the head of two provinces. 



170 ANNUAL GENEBAL MEETING. [J^.0Jl,8, 

the history of which is most interesting, and the capitals of 
which may, with a bit of oriental hyperbole, be termed eternal 
cities. One of these cities is Pataliputra and the other is Tosali. 
The dat« of the foundation of Pataliputra is well known. Its 
position during the Maurya and the Gupta periods is well known. 
But there ai-e periods in its continuous history which are abso- 
lutely blank. Thanks to Sir Edward some of these blanks have 
been filled up duiing the first four years of the existence of his 
Society. But still there are others which require study and 
investigation. The same is the case with Tosali. It existed 
before the conquest of Kalinga by the Magadha kings in the 
early part of the fifth century B.C. It regained independence, 
and again fell a prey to Magadha ambition, and again secured 
independence. From the eighth to the eleventh century four 
dynasties reigned there, namely, the Somivansis, the Kesaris, 
the Granges, the Gajapatis Last came the Telengas from whose 
feeble hand it w.is wrest-ed by the Muhammadans. There are, 
however, gaps in its continuous history, and efforts should be 
mjide to fill them up. If His Honour so thinks he may apjwint 
a number of scholars to prepare a not« of what is known, so that 
people may concentrate their attention to what is not yet known. 
This will ^rive a new impetus and is likely to stimulate patriotic 
study. 

With these words I resume my seat, thanking His Honour 
for all that he has done and for all tUat may be expected of him. 



B. AO. O P. (M. 4 p.) No. 16—11-4-1919. 



JOURNAL 



OF TDE 



bihar and orissa 
Iresearch society. 



[PART II. 



LEADING ARTICLES 
I. -Literary History of the Psila Period. 

By Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasad Shastri, M.A., CLE. 

The Palas became the rulers of Bengal in the last quarter 
of the eighth century a.d. and their rule lasted till the first 
quarter of the twelfth century. They were Buddhist by religion 
but their Buddhism sat rather loose on them. They tolerated the 
professors of other religions^ they respected Brahmaiias^ often 
joined in their sacrifices, utilized them in the services of the 
state and supported them by grants of land. Literary history 
of this period naturally falls under three heads, viz., Sanskrit 
Brahmanic Literature, Sanskrit Buddhist Literature, and 
Vernacular Buddhist Literature ; they will be treated in this 
order. There was a Vernacular Brahmanic Literature also, but 
no books of that literature have yet been discovered. 
Sanskrit Brahmanic Literature. 

The majority of the Brahmanas of Bengal came from the 
west. It is said that they were invited by a king named Adisura. 
But history knows nothing about this king. The Kulasastras 
or heraldry of the Brahmanas give indeed the names of a number 



111 



172 iriSTORY OF Jli:. i'MA VEKIOD. [J.B.O.E.S, 

of kings ending in tlie word Sura. They comprehend these 
kings into a dynasty and regard Adisura as their progenitor, 
Epigraphic records^ so far obtained, speak of three kings in 
AVestern Bengal M'iih their names ending in Sura, and, curiously 
enough, these names are found in the Kiilasastra lists. The f.ge 
of the advent of the ilve Brahmnnas is also a matter of contro- 
versy. The chronogram has two different readings : — Vedavanaga- 
S'ake and Yedavananka-S'ake, meaning 654 or 95 i of the S'aka era, 
that is, 732 and 1032 of the Christian era. Old manuscripts 
favour 732 and one of the earliest writers on Brahmanic heraldry 
distinctly says that the Pulas came to power in Bengal shortly 
after the advent of these Brahmanas. The number of generations 
which passed between their first advent in Bengal and the time 
of Vallala Sena who granted them certain privileges also favour 
the same conclusion. Not that there were no Brahmanas when 
these came, for it is well known that the Gupta Emperors of Maga- 
dha and their successors made sporadic attempts to settle Brahmanas 
in Bengal. The advent of these Brahmanas in Bengal is not an 
isolated fact. The revival of Vedic learnins and Vedic sacrifices 
under the influence of the Reformer Kumarila and his successors 
led to the settlement of Brahmanas in various parts of India, 
and it is believed that the settlement of Brahmanas in Bengal} 
is also due to the impetus given by them. j 

The Brahmanas came here to perform "\~edie sacrifices — so 
they were men learned in the Vedas. They transmitted their 
knowledge of the Vedas to their posterity. But their mode oi 
study differed Avidelj'- from that of other provinces where 
they memorized the Vedas or at least that Veda which thej 
professed. But they cared very little for the meaning. Ir 
Bengal, however, (he Brahmanas never memorized ever] 
one of the Vedas. They memorized only such of the Mantrad 
as were used in their religious performances, but insisted'! 
on knowing their meaning and so they early felt the necessity 
of a system of interpretation of the Vedas and also oJj 
a commentary. Tiicy adopted the system of intei-pretation giverj 
not by Kumarila but by his Gura Prabhakara; and it is »ij 



>0L. v., PT. II.] 



niSTOET OF THI PALA PECIOD, 



173 



?ord that they studied Salika Natha's work belonging to 
rabhakara's School. They also made a commentary on tbe 
intras used by them. It is not known when tliis commentary 
IS written, but the author's name is Nugada. He had a large 
iy of followers and some commentaries written by his followers 
ive come down to the present day. These commentators refer 
him as their authority. This is the earliest commentary on 
ie Vedas yet known. Sayaaa is at least three hundred years 
)sterIor to Nugada. The descendants of, the" first settlers, who 
lived in Western Bengal, all professed the Samareda, and per- 
prmed their religious ceremonies according to the Sutras of that 
^eda ; and they early felt the necessity of a commentary of that 
itra. Such a commentary was written by Narayaua, con- 
iporary of Devapahi. This commentary settled the liturgy 
l^f Samavedin Brahmanas. Later on, Bhavadeva, a contemporary 
Hari Varma, a king of the coast countries of Bengal and Orissa, 
rrote a number of works for the same purpose. Halayudha 
id Pasupati, contemporarujs of Laksmana Sena, settled the 
iturgy of the professors of the "White Yajurveda. 

As a community, the Brahmanas of Bengal could not subsist 
rith the Yedic schools only. They must make a Smrti of their 
)wn for the regulation of their domestic and social affairs and 
jit is found in many works that there was a Gaudiya School of 
Imrti. Diligent search has hitherto been unsuccessful in finding 
>ut works of this school, though the names of authors, evidently of 
phat school, are often found in modern works. There was one 
^reat writer, however, named Govindaraja, son of ^Sfadhava Bhatta, 
rho was already known for his commentary on !Manusaip.hita. His 
jreat work, a compreheuslvo compilation of domestic and social 
jgulatlons, presumably for the Bengali Brahmanas, has recently 
sen discovered. The manuscript was copied in a.d. 1145. It 
in thefonn of a commentary on Yajiiavalkya^s work. Jlmuta- 
rahana, the author of Dayabhaga, the standard work of the Bengal 
School of Hindu Law as administered in the British Courts of 
Tustlce, lived In the eleventh century a.d. His Idea of inheritance 
fdlffcrs in toto from that current \r\ other parts of India. He is 



174 HISTOEY or THE PALA PEHIOD, [J.B.O. &.«> 

strongly opposed to the idea of family property which the 
owners cannot alienate. He is all for personal property. In- 
heritance^ according to him, does not mean right of property from 
the very birth, but it depends upon remaining alive at the time 
of the death of the predecessor in interest. Some scholars think 
that this preference of Jimutavahana for personal property 
may be due to the Buddhist influence in the country for 
which he writes the book. Jimutavahana wrote a work on the 
■determination of Kala"or the time proper for sacrifices and 
religious ceremonies. In this book are recorded many astrono- 
mical observances by himself and his predecessors. His work 
on Indian jurisprudence is a -very clear and comprehensive work. 
The Hindus cultivated poetry during this period \vith 
success. But like the poetry in other parts of India, it was 
mostly one-verse poetry, bundled into Satkas, Astakas, S'atakas, 
etc. There are many anthologies of the period giving the gems 
of composition by the poets and poetesses of the time. The 
last of the Bengal anthologies was written in the year 1205. 
But it would be a libel on Bengal poets to say that they 
wrote nothing but one-verse poetry. They wrote beautiful 
dramas, excellent lyrics and some of the finest short pieces. 
They tried their hand in history and panegyric also. Of dramas 
it is doubtful whether the author of the Venisamhara was really 
a Bengali. The word Narayana Bhattaraka in the Khalimpur 
grant does not refer to any human being, but to the great god 
Narayana. But the Candakausika was written undoubtedly 
by a Bengali poet, Arya Ksemisvara, the word Arya there 
meaning a married Buddhist priest. The character of Visvamitra 
is drawn there with a consistency and thoroughness which would 
do honour to the greatest poets of the world. He is relentless 
in realizing his dues from Raja Harischandra in order that 
the Raja's character for unselfish devotion to duty might 
be shown to the best. The poem Pavanaduta, though an 
imitation of Kalidfisa's exquisite work the Meghaduta, is 
written with groat power. It describes Bengal as the'garden of 
India and as a groat rival of the celestial garden Nandana; 



VOL. V.PT.II.] HISTOEy OF TIIK FALA FERIOD. 175 

But the most exquisite work of this period is the immortal 
Gitagovinda. Later on, the vernacular lyrics would be treated 
of, showing how enthusiastically the ancient Bengalis culti- 
vated music and song. And Gitagovinda is only one sublime 
manifestation of that enthusiasm. It describes the sports of 
Krsna and Radha at Vrndavana and the charming full-moon 
nfght of the beautiful Indian autumn with all that is delightful 
to the senses and fascinating to the imagination. The work is 
still sang in the temple of Jagannatha at Puri and sends the 
audience into raptures. 

During the ascendency of the Palas, the Brahmana settlers of 
Bengal had to fight hard with the Philosophy of Buddhism. 
That philosophy had already made marvellous progress in 
metaphysical speculations resulting in an absolute monism, 
which for want of a better word was termed Sunyavada. But 
that Sunyavada again developed into Advayavada or Non-dual 
system. It was not only highly intellectual but exceedingly 
popular, for the Buddhists managed to give it a very attractive 
sensuous form. In order to demolish such a strong' system, 
the Brahmanas had recourse to realism, that is, to Nyaya and 
Vaisesika, viz., Logic and Physical Science. The earliest work 
written by a Bengali pandit of this period on philosophy was 
a commentary on the Vaisesika system. It was written in 
Saka 913 or a.d. 991 at Bhursut in the district of Howrah, at 
that time a, famous seat of Sanskrit learning. The works o£- 
Vacaspati Misra and Udayana also belong to the same period. 
Both the authors had intimate knowledge of Buddhist Philosophy' 
and mude themselves thoroughly acquainted with the weak points o£ 
the rival system, and these they assailed with the weapons of logic 
and faots and with persistency and power. The consequence waa. 
that gradually the Buddhist monism went to the wall and Nyaya-^ 
Vaisesika remained master of the field. The coping-stone of the- 
arch of Brahmanic Philosophy was placed about the end of 
this period by GaHgeia Upadhyaya's admirable work, Tattvacln- 
tamani, divided into four chapters according to the four evidences. 



176 UISTORT OF THE PALA PERIOD, [J.B.O.K.S. 

of the Nyaya School and 'embodying all that was best in Nyaya and 
Vaisesika system. The author in the preamble gives the object 
of his work to be the refutation of the Buddhist system. These 
four centuries were therefore a continuous struggle between the 
Buddhist and the Brahmanist for ascendency in philosophy in 
Bengal. 

The panegyric embodied In the stone tablet at the Ananta 
Vasudeva temple at Bhuvaneivara throws a good deal of light 
on the state of learning and state of society in Bengal at the 
end of the tenth century a.d. The panegyric was written by 
a young scholar named Vachaspati MIsr?, who is supposed to have 
bloomed in later life as the commentator of all the six systems 
of Hindu Philosox)hy. The Kamacarita by Sandhyi.kara Nandi, 
a son of the minister of peace and war of llama Pain, King of 
irauda, gives a history of the struggle between the Palas and Kai- 
yartasin Northern Bengal for about two generations during the 
middle of the eleventh century. 

Sanskrit Buddhist Literatare. 

The Sanskrit literature of the Buddhists of this period deserves 
deep study, as that literature profoundly influenced thencighbour- 
ino" countries of Tibet, Mongolia and Eastern Peninsula. Dharma 
Pala, the second King of the Pala Dynasty, who established his 
ascendency over the greater part of India, patronized a learned 
Bhiksu named Haribhadra and encouraged him to write a commen- 
tary on the Astasahasrika Prajnaparamita, entitled Abhisamaya- 
lafika ravaloka. To understand the importance of this commentary 
it would be necessary to recapitulate the history of the Mahayac: 
systems of philosophy from the beginning. About the end of 
the second century a.d. Nagarj una wrote the well-known work 
Madhyamakakarlkas leading to Sunyavada which may be trans- 
lated as Nihilism, But it is not really Nihilism, it really meant 
the absoi-ptlon of the human soul into the essence of Buddha. But 
it did not define what that essence was and so Nagarjuna was 
accused of preaching Nihilism. In order to popularize his 
system, he is said to have recovered from the nether regions a, 



VOL. V„ FT. IT.] HlSTOrvY OF TIIE PALA PERIOD. 177 

work in which Buddha preaches Sunyavada to his disclpks m 
Sanskrit. This work is called Prajnaparamita, the supreme 
wisdom, and its extent is eight thousand slokas of thirty-two 
pyllables each. 

A century later, JMaitreyanatha wrote the Abhisamayalankara 

IBjferikas which defined the essence of Buddha as intelligence 
^■jnana) and he, in order to popularize his system, transformed the 
^^preme Wisdom in eight thousand slokas into one of twenty- 
five thousand. So two schools were formed, the Madhyamaka 
and the Yogacara, with numerous adherents of great intellectual 
powers who fought with each other with groat acrimony. 
The stniggle lasted for centuries and polemical works were 
naitten on both sides in large numbers. In order to put 
a stop to this struggle Dharma Pala encouraged Haribhadra 
to write a commentary on the Supreme Wisdom of eight 
thousand slokas, according to the principles laid down in 
^laitreyanatha's Karikas. The words Sunyavada and Vijnana-vada 
— the war cry of the sects — seem to have died out from this time 
and another word came into currency ^^^thoutthe sectarian sting. 
This is Advayavada, or monism. It is a cmious fact however that 
when Haribhadra was writing this commentary, Sankara wrote the 

Sarirakabhasya on the Vedanta aphorisms which is knowTi as 

Advaitavada or monism. 

The absorption of the enlightened human soul into the essence 

of Buddha was later on symbolized as the jumping of the human 

soul into the embrace of Nairatma Devi, the Goddess Soulless. 
This symbolism later on was transformed into various sensuous 
forms and made the Advayavada of the Buddhists infinitely mora 
attractive than the philosophic Advaitavada of Saiikara. This 
is one of the reasons why Saukara's theories failed to take root 
in Bengal. 

When the weapon used against the Buddhists by the 
Brahmanas, their opponents, was logic, it is not probable that the 
Buddhists in their turn would not undei-stand the importance of 
it in controversy. They, tvo, cultivated logic with enthusiasm and 



178 HISTORY OF THE TALA PERIOD. tJ.B.O.E.P. 

wrote some of the finest works during this period. Ratnakara- 
santi's work on t^-anscendental logic, in which no uddharana can 
be had, may be instanced as a specimen of Buddhist logic of this 
period. The Buddhists seem to have taken up the original works 
on Nyaya of the Brahmanas. But they soon discarded the evi- 
dence of analogy and authority as useless in higher spheres of 
metaphysics and even in life. Brahmanas had great difficulty in 
maintaining these two sources of knowledge. At one time they 
even agreed to discard analogy as useless. 

True to the instinct of monism, the Buddhists refused to 
heheve that the parts and the whole are different. la this they 
were virulently opposed by the realists— the Brahmanas, and the 
controversy that ensued is not only an intellectual treat but also 
an amusing reading as it is full of railleries and innuendoes ! The 
Brahmanas believed in genus and species and in individuals, but 
the Buddhists would never do it, and the controversy that grew up 
produced numbers of manuals or treatises on both sides. It 
would have been very fortunate and very interesting, too, if Ihe 
whole literature on this subject were preserved ; we have but mere 
fragments. Of other important philosophical works, the only work 
of considerable size that is known is a commentary on the Bodhi- 
caryavatara. The text gives a lucid summary of the religion 
and philosophy of the Mahayana School and the commentary in 
elucidating the doctrines preached in the text shows an amount of 
scholarship, breadth of view, knowledge of the world and extent 
of information which is really wonderful. These Buddhists based 
their idea of monism on the symbolical representation of the human 
mind, bent upon supreme knowledge, as a male deity and the 
essence of Buddha, as a female deity. The later Buddhists developed 
several yanas, or schools, which are more or less mystic. They wrote 
their books also in a mystic language, which they called Sandhya 
bhasa or twilight language. An explanation of these mystic- 
doctrines would neither be edifying nor interesting to the general 
public, but it may be boldly asserted that these schools made the 
dry philosophy of Mahayana attractive and kept up the interest 
of the peo2>le in Buddhism. It can aho bo lo'.dly as^eited that in 



rOL. v., PT. II.J HISTORY OF THE PALA PERIOD. 1^ 

ropounding the mystic doctrines^ learned men amongst the 
luddhists have shown not only learning and scholarship, but also 
t profound knowledge of human nature in the different strata of 
iman society. 
Of the priestly writers, who made Buddhism popular in the 
leventh century, one name is too prominent to omit. He is 
Lbhayakara Gupta, who hailed from Magadha and had great 
luence not only in the court of Rama Pala Deva but amongst 
^s subjects too. The chief thing preached by these priestly 
iters is Dana or gifts of monasteries, gardens, stupas, manu- 
Jripts, etc., to the Buddhist Church. They also preached 
irma, benevolence not only to men and beasts but also to all 
RSentient beings. One of them concludes his long treatise by say- 
ing that religion consists of only one word and that is Para-uara 
that is Para-upakara, that is '' SerTe others '\ The Buddhists were 
always very anxious that people should join their monasteries 
and renounce the world. But in these later days they were 
exceedingly anxious for rich people joining them. For when a 
man renounces the world, in Hindu law he is regarded as civilly 
dead and his heirs take his property, but, according to Buddhists, 
a man who renoQnces the world to serve all sentient beings 
should also bring the whole of his property and inheritance to 
the monastery for the same purpose. 

When symbolism takes root in a community and develops 
one is not stu-e where it will end. Once admitting the symbolical 
union of the human mind bent on Bodhi and the essence of 
Buddha, the Buddhist priests developed the same idea in a 
variety of spheres of life in a variety of ways and with a variety 
of methods. Thus they developed the ideas of Vajrasattva, 
Adi Buddha and Yajravaraha, and in fact numerous deities 
united with their s'aktis. Gradually with the development 
of symbolism, the Buddhists became thoroughgoing worshippers 
of images, and these images not of always a very decent kind. 
The deities of later Alahayana, Avalokitesvara, the personifi- 
cation of Karma, and Manjusri, the personification of Prajna, 
now go to the wall and the united deities of strange and wild 



180 HISTORY OF THE PALA PEEIOD. [J.B.O.S.S. 

shapes become more and more popular in tlie temples and 
holy places. It goes without saying that the priest had more 
inflaeuce with the ordinary j^eople than with the cultured^ 
and the ordinary people eared more for their welfare in this 
world than in the next. They wanted charms, incantations, 
amulets, worship of benevolent influences, propitiation of 
malignant deities or warding-off of the .'consequences of their ire. 
The priests acquired their influence on the people and streng- 
thened that influence by the practice of magicians and by 
writing numerous treatises on such topics. One would be 
struck at the volume of this magician literature and our 
wonder goes deeper when we think that the original preacher of 
this religion denounced even the astrologers as unworthy of 
entering the brotherhood of monks. 

Vernacular Buddhist Literature. 
The vernacular literature of the Buddhists mainly treat of 
the symbolical union spoken of before. They consist chiefly 
of songs, short pieces and couplets, written in a mystic language. 
The Siddhacaryas or wizards who composed these songs were 
men of some ability and learning. They wrote in a style exceed- 
ingly musical and in a language as homely as possible. They 
addressed the masses, they lung them to lyre and other ins- 
truments of music. They preached the evanescent character 
of the world. They preached the futility of a strict and abstemious 
life. They praised the enjoyments of the sweets of the world. 
They enjoined absolute reliance on the Suju-cme Wisdom of 
the Guru. They believed in the doctrine of Mahasukha or 
Supreme Delight of the Union. They ridiculed the priests of 
other religions and poohpoohed the doctrines of their opponents, 
They ridiculed even the Hiuayanists and Mahayanists. 

To them the only way to supreme bliss is to enjoy the 
world after receiving an initiation from the Guru. The initiated 
is not affected by sin as the uninitiated. The initiated is a 
privileged being and his best privilege is to attain suprt^ne bliss. 
As I have said before, there was a Brahmanical Vernacular 
Literature previous to vernacular literature of the Buddhists. This 



L, V„ ri. II.T HISTORY or TUE PALA PEEIOD. ISl 

IS the literature of Nathisirij preaclied about tlie end of the 
. ^hth century by Minanatha, his chief disciple Matsyendra and 
Mafcsyendra's chief disciple Goraksa. These do not seem to have 
been men highly educated, and they seemed to have been drawn 
from amongst fishermen and others. Their chief practice was 
Ilathayoga or to fix the mind on one thing while the body lies in 
various gymnastic postures. Tliey,worshipx)ed Siva and Sakti in 
union. They thought that the nine organs of senses, 
sent at the time of union of the God and the Goddess, 
when He revealed the doctrine to His cousoi't are symbolize 1 
by the nine Nathas who brought down the doctrine on 
earth. It has been said before that no work of the original 
Nathas have yet been discovered, the existence of this verna- 
cular literature is known only by a few quotations in the com- 
mentaries on Buddhist vernacular works. There is a large body 
of Sanskrit literature of the Nathas dealing mainly with Hatha- 
yoga written during the ascendency of the Palas. The works 
of this sect as well as of the Siddhacaryas are written in a sort 
of Sanskrit, which might be termed pidgin Sanskrit in the 
same way as the coast people in China speak pidgin English. 
3'ar from being asbamed of their bad Sanskrit, Buddhist writers 
ridicule the Brahmanas for their puni^tillious care for grammatical 
accuracy. They say if something good is to be said, tell It in a 
language that will be understood by all, — Care for the sense and 
not for the language. 

There was a big monastery in Beugal, Jagaddala, as famous 
ill Buddhist literature as the celebrated monasteries of Nalanda 
and Vikramsila. Its position has not yet been identified but it 
was close to the capital founded by Rama Pala ; and the Gaiiga 
and Karatoya flowed past it. In one sense it was much more 
important than the well-known Viharas'.of Magadha. It was 
the chief resort of Tibetan monks coming to learn Sanskrit in 
India. The Bengali monks of this place knew to read and write 
Tibetan and this was the place where hundreds of Sanskrit books 
were trauslated into the Tibetan language, some by Bengalis, 



182 HISTORY OP THE PALA PERIOD. [J.B.O.E.S. 

some hy Tibetans and some by collaboration. Two names stand 
prominent in the matter of translation, one Vibliuti Candra 
and tbe other Danairla — both of them collaborated with the 
Tibetans in translating Sanskrit works. Vibhuti Candra was a 
Sanskrit writer too. His knowledge of the later-day Buddhist 
literature was extensive and he had treatises on all subjects in 
which these Buddhists took interest. He had a good library of 
manuscripts. A manuscript, copied for him and belonging ta 
his library, in Bengali character and on paper, is deposited in the 
Cambridge University Library. The Tibetans used to send welI-> 
read scholars to Bengal for the purpose of collecting manu^ 
scripts. Sthiramati Pandit is one of those scholars who came to 
Bengal and collected a good library. One of his manuscripts 
has recently come to Calcutta. Scholars, possessed of large num- 
ber of manuscripts, had another important function to perform. 
They were asked to correct the translations made by others. 

Preachers. 
Dipankara Srijnana, or as the Tibetans callied him 
Atisa, was the son of the Raja of Vikramanlpura, east of 
Magadha. He received his education in his native city from 
Nada Pandit, and early in life he wrote a work entitled 
Abhisamaya-vibhaiiga in collaboration with Lui, the founder 
of the SIddhacarya sect. He went to the Eastern Peninsula to* 
study Mahayana doctrines. Coming back to India, he became 
the chief priest of the Vikramasila Vihara. In the year a.d. 1038, 
when he was 58 years of age, he was invited to Tibet to reform 
the existing Buddhism tliere. He went to western Tibet and 
laboured there unremittingly for fourteen yeai-s. He is regarded 
in Tibet as the great reformer of religion in that country. The 
villages hallowed by the dust of his feet are, even up to this day, 
regarded as jalaces of pilgrimage. 

Sakyasri Bhiksu was one of the few Bhlksus who escaped 
the massacre of Buddhists by the early Muhammadan invasion 
of Bengal, He went to Tibet and from thence to Mongolia, 
where he converted Kublai Khan, the son of Changia Khan, t 



VOL, Vn PT. 11.] 



HISTORY OF THE PALA PERIOD, 



183 



own doctrine, and so became the chief priest of Mongolia 
. .i the founder of Buddhism there. 

About the beginning of the twelfth century, another Bud.- 

!st priest from Tamralipti went to Pegu and in collaboration 

. iih four others refonned the Buddhist faith there. He went 

f i^t to Ceylon and to the Mahavihara there and introduced in 

gan the doctrines and practices of the Mahavihara. 



Il.—Studies in the Kamasutra of 
Vatsyayana. 

By H. C. Chabladar, MA. 

Date and Place of Origin. 
Introductory. 

The great value of Vatsyayana^s Kamasutra for studyinj 
the <vOcial condition of the Indian peoj^le iu ancient times i 
gradually coming to be realized^ but the abundant wealth c 
its contents has not yet been fully explored. It furnishes 
beautiful picture of the Indian home, its interior and surround 
ings. It delineates the life and conduct of a devoted India: 
wife, the mistress of the household and the controller of h£ 
husband's purse. It describes the daily life of a young ma 
of fashion, his many-sided culture and refinement, his courtship 
and peccadillos, the sports and pastimes he revelled in, tl 
parties and clubs he associated with. The wanton wiles ( 
gay Lotharios and merry maidens, the abuses and intrigiK 
prevailing among high officials and princes and the evils pra^ 
tised in their crowded harems, are described at great lengt 
and often with local details for the various provinces of Indi: 
The Kamasutra shows, moreover, that, as in the Afchens ( 
Pericles, the hetajrae skilled in the arts, the artiste, the actress an 
the danceuse, occupied a no very mean or insignificant positic 
in society. The book thus throws light on Indian life froi 
various sides and an analysis of this important work will, 
may be hoped, be of immense value to students of Indian soc; 
ology. But first of all it is necessary to determine, as closely ; 
may be, what particular period in the long history of the Indir 
peojile it depicts and represents, and for this investigation it \' 



UOL. v., PT. II.] STUDIES IN THE KA3IASUTEA. 1S3 

useful to ascertain Vatsyayana's pla<?e In Tudlau literatnre and 
xamine tlie few historical facts that may be gleaned from his 
ivas. 
I Vatsyayana's Indebtedness to Earlier Sanskrit Literature. 

Vatsyayana has quoted freely from the works of previous 

ihors not only in his own subject but also in other co-ordinate 

jjects bearing on the social life of the people. When refer- 

2; to his predecessors in the science of erotics, he has taken 

:e to mention the authorities whom he cites and discusses, but 

I in the other cases he has not cared to acknowledge his debt by 

mentioning the source. Some of them may however be indicated. 

In his chapter ^ on the selection of a bride (^wf^yi«iysh^«!f*{} 
the Kamasutra has W!{\ ^^1 f^r^^frprTt g?:% XTf^C^^ Ml U B 
This is exactly the same as that given by Apastamba in his 
Grihyasutra I. 3, 10.' The next two sutras show only slight 
odifications, but making allowance for differences in reading 
liiey are exactly identical. Vatsyayana has : — 

J^\ T^ ^^t^ T^lf^RTT f^sTcTT f^fizt ff^^ Trfij^rfl 
Tg^T^t TftTPft T^^*^ =^ Ilf^TTT I 

^ The quotations from the Kamasutra hare been made throughout from the 
Benares edition, edited by Pandit Sri Damodarlal Gosvavni and published in the 
Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series. Anotber edition of the Sanskrit text had been 
published by Pandit Dnrgapnsid of Jaipur but as it is not available in the market 
I hive made use of the former. There is also a Bengali edition of the text and 
the commentary with an ehborate Bengali translation published by Babn Mabes 
Chandra Pal. The arrangement of the chapters and the numbering of the sutras 
is not quite tho same in the three editions and the readings vary occasionally. 
The references are to the pages of the Benares edition. 

' Benares edition, p. 187. 

3 The Ajoastamliya GriJiyasiitra edited by Dr. M. Winternitz, p. 4. 
* Benares edition, pp. 187, 183. 



186 STUDIES IN THE KAMASUTEA. fJ.B.O.E.S 

Apastamba reads— 
Ttclt TTT#t* ffl^t 5^5it g-^^lft* "qr ^^^^g li \\ II 

'I'gwTTm 'ift'nin ^'^'n^ri^ Jifim-. ii i^^ ii 
^^^ ^qf^i^Tit^n^r ^T^ irf^^^^ ii i^ ii ^ 

The next sutra of Vatsyayana again reads exactly the sam( 
as Apastamba's Grihyasutra, T. 3, 20. ^^^J TR'^'^^f'f^^^^T 

The first sutra of the next chapter of the Kamasutra is agaii 
the same as in Apastamba^s Grihyasutra, III. 8. 8- The Kama 
sutra has— ^*TIcT^f%?:T^rr^:r:^nzTI ^'^'g^^* '^TT^T^^I^^'kT'flT: ; 
Ai^astamba reads : — f^i;i?f^»T^t^^: ¥l.^T5I'^^3* 'gT?;QT^Ftn:^wf ^ 1 

About the sources of the D/iarma also, Vatsyayana show 
a wonderful agreement with Apastamba, but this time with hii 
Dharmasutra. Vatsyayana after giving a definition of Dharm: 
says that it should be learnt from the Vedas and from th( 
assembly of those who know the Dharma/ just as he says tha 
the Kamasastra should be learnt from the books on the subjec 
and the assembly of the citizens,^ Apastamba says much th( 
same thing in his Dharmasutra,^*^ 

In another chapter Vatsyayana quotes a verse referring i 
simply to the Smrti (^'Sf^cf:) — 

m.^% ^^^m g 5^5^ ?:f^43T^ II 11 

5 Winternltz, Ap. Gr. Su., p. 4. 

' Benares edition, p. 188, and Winternitz, Ap. Qr., p. 5. 

' Benares edition, p. 191, and Winteruitz, Ap. Gr., p. 11. 

^ n ^^ Wij*Jii=i T^^ ^q^cT I Benares edition, p. 13. 

^ cf ^TTT^Jprrfflllf^^^l^nPnTmW trf^T^cT l Benares cd., p. H 

1" Apastamliya DhartnasHtr"'^ ^*^ted bjr Dr. G. Bnbler, c.l.is., p. 1. 

" Benares edition, p. 167. 



H..V., PT. 11.] STUDIES IN THE KAMASUTBA. XlJ 

This verse is found in the Dharmasutras of Vasishtha ^ ancl 

audhayaua^'' with very slight and immaterial variations. With 

>ine further modifications it is found in the Samhitas of Manu^* 

ad Visbnu^^ also. Its ocenrrenee in almost identical forms in so? 

nany works shows that it must have been borrowed from som& 

, [jmmon and ancient authority on Dharma. Again, in a verse 

II his chapter on marriage, Vatsyayana shows an agreement in 

lea with Baudhayana. Vatsyayana says that as mutual affection 

etween a couple is the object of all forms of marriage, therefore 

tie Gandharva form which has its basis in love, is easier to celebrate> 

ud is free from the technicalities of a long wooing, is the best of 

llj^^Jind Baudhayana refers to it as the opinion of some authorities.^ 

This idea we also find in the Mahabharata. ^^ From the above it 

is clear that Vatsyayana has embodied in his work at least five 

sutras from the Grihyasutra of Apastamba though we cannot feel 

^ The Tdtishtka Dharmaadtram, edited by Dr. A. A. FuUrir, ch. 2P, 8, 

p. 77. 
*' The Bodhduana Dharmasu4ram, edited by L, Srinivasacharya, Mysore, 

1, S, 49, p. 67. Bodhayana reads .- 

" Manava Dh^riuasastrn, edited by Dr. J. Jolly, V. 130. 

" Vishnnsmriti, editei by Dr. J. Jolly, XXIII, 49. 
" Bcna.es edition, p. 223. 

" Bodhayana, Mysore edition, I, 11, 16, p. 137. 

I'* M.ihabliarata, Calcutta edition, Ad'parv, ch. 73, 4. 



188 STUDIES IN THE KAMASOTBA. [J.B.O.B.S 

quite certain with reg^ard to his debt to Baudhayana.. These sutra 
works are generally assigned to the period from 600 to 200 b.c 
Vatsyayana has also embodied in his book certain passages fror 
a work whose date is more definitely known, viz. from the Arthasas 
tra of Kautilya^^ written about 300 B.C., and he has followed th 
method of Kautilya throughout the Kamasufcra. This has led t 
the absui-d identification of Kautilya with Vatsyayana and a hos 
of other authors in some of the koshas or lexicons.^ There are som 
references to secular literature also in Vatsyayana's book. He saj 
that when a woman shows an inclination to listen to the proposal 
of a lover, she should be propitiated by reciting to her such storie 
as those of Ahalya, Avimaraka and Sakuntala.^^ The story o 
Ahalya is given in the Ramayana and is alluded to by Asvaghosh 
in the Buddhacharlta, canto IV, verse 72. ^^ Avimaraka^s stor 
forms the subject-matter of one of the dramas of Bhasa whoc 
Mr. K. P. Jayaswal has placed about the middle of the firs 
century B.C. ^^ We cannot be sure, however, that Vatsyayan 

^* See the English translation of Kautilya^a Artlusastra (pp. 11, 12) whci 
Mr. R. Shama Shastry hvs brought together all the parallel passages in the Arth 
sastra and the KaaiasaHtra. 

20 Sec the Modern Review (Calcutta), March, 1918, p. 274, whej 
Mr. Srisdiandra Vasu Vidyarnava quotes the following verse from the Abhidhdr 
Chintmnani — ; 

See also A Note on the Supposed Identity of Vdtsjayana and Kautilj/a I 
Mr. R. Shama Sbastry/B.A., in the Journal of t'lo Mythic Society, Vol. VJ, pj). 21 
216. Mr. Sliastry has, however, ficcci ted without ([uesticn the identity of t 
authors of the Kamasutra and the Nyayivbliashya. On this question « 
Vcitstjdyana, author of the Nyayabhdshya by Mahamahopadhyaya Satis Chaud 
Vidyabhushana, Ind. Ant , 1915, April, p. 82. 

"^ ^ ^^T T^^T^lfH I Benares edition, p. 271. 

?flcl«^^ g^: ■^T^^H^^f '^r^^t H^T B Buddhacharita, IV, 72. 
" J. A.S. 15., 1913, p, 2(i5. 



OL. v., PT. II.] STUDIES IN THE KAMASUTP.A. 189 

erived it from the latter work, because Bhasa's treatment of it 
-ras to indicate that it was a v/ell-known story like that of 
Javana ; and, besides, the commentator, Jayamangala, ^* gives 
,;>me particulars that are wanting in the drama. 

The story of S'akuntala is referred to by Vatsyayana it 
Lother place also. In his chapter on th3 courtship of a maiden, 
p says that the wooer should paint out to the girl courted the cases 
if other maidens like ^akuatala who sltuitid in the same circum- 
jiiances as herselr, obtained husbands of their own free choice and 
^ere happy by such anion.*' This refers to the story of thelovff 
ietween Sikuatala and Dahshanta as we know it from the 
t "eat drami of Kalidasa, but Vatsjayiui wis certainly not in- 
lebted to him for it ; it is given very fully in the Mahabharata. ** 
Isvaghoshi in the Buddhacharita also narrates how Visvamitra, 
Jakantala's father, was led astray by an Apsaras whom however 
le calls Ghrltcichi instead of Menaka.^" He was evidently 
cqualnted with the story of Sikaatala. The Katththati Jabaka 
■ertaialy reminds us of the story of I>uhshanta and Sakuntala.* 
rhe legend however was known in still more ancient times, viz.,. 
ihe period of th^ composition of the Brahmana portion of ths 

" The comineDtafor is named Jayamarigala in the Benares edition and 
hive followad it. Panlit Durgapraial's, as well as the Bengali edition names. 
lie conmeatator YiloJhara «nd calls the commentary Jayamangala. 

p Benares edition, p. 273. 

idiparva, ch. 68 fE. 

^'S^'^lWlSm^ ^cTT^T^:r9T€r '^cT: a Buddhacharita IV, 20. 

''^ Faxisbol'i's Jatika, Vol. I, No. 7. This h%5 been pointed out by Signor 
P. E. Pavolini in the Giornale della Societa Asiatica Italiana, volume Vcntesimor,. 
p. 297. See alsj note by Mr. R. ChJmcrs in his English translation of th& 
First Volume of the Jatika, p. 29. 



190* STtmrcs m the kamasutka. [j.B/j.irj 

VeJas. In the Satapatba Brahmana ^9 ^almntala is spokeii of a 
having borne at Nadapit ^^ the great Bhavata who is also calle 
there the son of Diihshant;i, and even the Satipafcha Brahman 
quotes the legend as having been sung in Gratbas ^^ connecte 
•with the great hero who gave his name to the wbole continer 
of Bharatavarsbac So that the story appears to belong to tl 
farliesfc stock of stories of the Indian Aryans. It may hei 
bo pointed out that Sakuntala^s mother, Menaka^ is mentione 
as an Apsaras in both the White and the Black Yajurvedas.®^ 
2» XIII. 5. 4. 11-14. ~ 

"* Harisvamln, the commentator, explains that the hermitngo of Kan 
wl ere Saknntala was nurture!, was called Nadapit. See the English translati 
ty J. Eggeling of the Satapatlia Brahmana, Part V, p. 399, footnote 2. 

^^ The Gdthas are quoted in a fairly large number in the Brahmanas s 
the Vedic literature generally, and they are referred to in the earliest portions 
the Rigveda itself (I, 190, 1, etc.). For the most part, these Gathas contaih histor 
matter, singing ahout the mighty deeds of great heroes in still oldet tiiYies, aswe | 
from the GatUas quoted above chanting the great achievements of the eponymil 
hero Bharata, The Aitareya Brahmana (VII. 18) makes a distinction bctw i 
the Riks and the Gathas, saying that the former refer to the gods and the !af| 
to men. It is no wonder that with the Brahmins who placed spirit | 
concerns far above the temporal from the very earliest times, the litorat i 
dealing with the deeds of mere men fell into comparative neglect and i 
not preserved with the same care as was bestowed upon the Riks, thoil 
cecasional verses were preserved in memory and transmitted orally. 

" Jt^RRT '^ ^'5^J^ •^IXrar^— Vajasanoyi Sarphita, XV, 
Taltt, Saip. 4, 4, 3, 2 j Wjutrayani Satp. 118. 10, 



, Y^ IT. II.] STUDIES IN THE KAMASCTRA. 1§1 

Vatsyayana's Reference to Earlier Works on the 
Kama^astra. 

Vatsyayaaa in speaking of the origin of tlie Kamasastra says 
:i the begianiiig of his book that at first Prajapati for the 
ro.~ervation of his progeny composed a huge encyclopaedia in 
Imndred thousand chapters dealing with the three objects of 
umanlife^ viz. Dharoia^ Artha and Kama ; that the first two of 
hese subjects were next taken up by Manu (and Vriha«pati res- 
•^ Hveiy and Xandi, the atteaJaat of Mahadeva, took up the third 
h he dealt with in a thousand chapters. This last work was 
leased into five hundred chapters by ^vetaketu the son of 
LUdalaka. The work of S'vetaketu was further at)ridged into 
\ hundred and fifty chapters and divided into seven sections by 
Babhravya, a native of the Fan3ala country. Next Dattaka at 
the request of the courtesans of Pataliputra wrote a separate 
treatise dealing with the Vaisika section of Babhravya. His 
exainple was followed by six other writers — Charayanaj Suvai-na- 
oabha, Ohotakamukha, Gonardlya^ Gonikaputra, and Kuchumara, 
each of whom took up a section af Babhravya and wrote a mono- 
graph on it. As the science treated in this fragmentary fashion 
hj numerous writers was about to be mangled and spoiled and 
«s t4i€ work of Babhravya, Jaeing huge in bulk, was difficult to 
study, Yatsyayana proposes to give an epitome of the whole 
subject in a single wo.rk of mo.lerate dimensions. ^^ Towards 
the end of the Kamasutra again Yatsyayana says that having 
learned the meaning of the sutras of Babhravya ( from his 
teachers, as one would in the case of a sacred text or Agama ) and 
having pondered over them in his mind he composed the 
Kamasutra in the right method.'* He thus admits that the greafc 
work of Babhravya formed the groundwork of his own book, as 
is also quite evident fram the frequent references that he makes 

'* Vide Chapter I of As Kamasutra, pp. 4—7, Benares edition. 

■«4lr*4|l4i^-«y3fiXl^ ^rW»^ ^^ifwf^J Benarea edition, p, 381. 



192 STODIES IN THE KAMAStJTBA. [J*B.O.B.! 

to it in every part of tlie Kamasutra. One out of his seve 
sections, the Samprayogika, covering about a fourth part of th 
whole book, is entirely taken from Babhravya as he says i 
the end of that section.^^ There can, therefore, be no doul 
that Vatsyayana had before him the great work of Babhravy 
Paiicala. The commentator Jayamangala also quotes severa 
verses stating the opinions of the followers of Babhravya, ' 
and he seems, therefore, to have access to some treatise speciall 
belonging to Babhravya's school,^ 

It may be noted that Vatsyayana speaks of having mastere 
Babhravya^s book as an Agama, a work of holy scripture, indi 
eating that it was considerably ancient. A Babhravya who i 
called Pancala by Uvata, the commentator, is mentioned in th 
Rik-pratisakhya as the author of the Krama-patha of the Rigved 
and Professor Weber ^'^ holds that this Babhravya Pancala, ani 
the Pancala people through him, took a leading part in fixinj 
and arranging the text of the Rigveda. This connexion of th 
Pancala people with the Rigveda receives a confirmation fron 
what Vatsyayana tells us in connexion with the sixty-foti 
varieties of connubial samprayoga. He says tha 
they belonged to the Pancala country ^^ and were collectively calle 

'* ir^cTT 'g?T:'?f%* ^T*3m'^ U«t?irtlVm I Benarea editioi 
p. 182. Besides, at pp. 68, 79, 94, 238 and 296 the school 
Babhravya has been referred to. 

^"^ nU^n^'RI '<li«h*4lftl fi'STcr Tf^ H Benares edition, p. 279 
•^ 

Besides, he quotes eight verses — Babhraviyah glokah— at pp. 87, 88. 

* [Babhravya'fl work ought to be recovered one day. It was current as Li 

ng the composition of Pancha-sayalca which quotes it, — K. P. J.] 

8' History of Indian Literature, traushtcd by J. Mann and T, ZacliariaC; 
Popular edition, pp. 10 and 34. 

"" m^f^^ "^ '^lyf^iMU, Benares edition, p. 40. 



3L, v., PT. II.] STUDIES IN THE KAMASCTBA. 393 

iuAshashti^^ — "The sixty-four'' — from analogy with the 
\eda. He avers that the Riks collected in ten mandalas are 
ed the Chatahshashti (being divided into eight Ashtakas of 
it chapters each) and the same principle holds in the case of 
ic Samprayogas too (as they ar e divided into eight times eight 
arleties) ; and besides) b8cau.5e they are both connected with the 
Paiiaala country, therefore the Bahvrichas, the followers of the 
iligveda, have out of resx)ect given this appellation of Chatuk- 
'.kashti to them.*** If Babhravya, the writer of the work on the 
Kamasastra, is the same as the great author of the Kramapatha, 
uhen he has to be placed in a very early age indeed. But it is 
doubtful whether the science of erotics could have been systema- 
tized so early ; though it must be admitted that erotics and 
eugenics, the sciences that the Kamas'astra embraces in its scope, 
had received particular attention from the Rishis at the time of 
composition of the hymas of the A.tharvavedi, many of which 
deal with philtres and charms to S3cure love and drive away 
jealousy, wlt'i the ra^ias for obtaining good aul healthy children 
and other allied matters. 

The Pancala country where Babhravya flourished appears to 
have been the part of India where the science of erotics was 
spaclally cultivated. We have seen how great wis the debt of 
Vatsyayana to Babhravya Pancala specially with regard to the 
section dealing with Samprayoga, the subject-matter proper of 
the Kamasastra. Some of the most objectionable ceremonies iu 
the Asvamedha sacrifice seem to have originated in the Pancala 
country.*^ The Pancala people were evidently credited in ancient 

" J^'^q-'ilnTW* '^^•■^f^f^^n^^'^ '^5:yGl.U*i«i(«<H I \ Benares 
edition, p. 92. 

Benares edition, pp. 93, 94. 
" See Weber, op. cifc., pp. 114-3. 



134 STUDIES IN THE KAMASUTEA. [J.B.O.R.S. 

tiiiifes with extraordinary powers in connexion witli matters 
relating to the sexes extending even to the change of the natural 
sex as we see in the case of Sikhandin the son of the Pancala king, 
Brupada.*^ Polyandry^ as we seeiit in the caselof Draupadi Paficali, 
may be regarded as once an ancient institution of the Paflcala 
country and the Pandava brothers belonging as they did to the 
allied tribe of the Kurug^ as we see from fcheoomotton Vedio phrase 
Kiira'Fariollu, were certainly familiar with it and could have bo 
difficulty in acceding to it. In this connexion a Sutra of Vat- 
syayana is very significant. He says that according to the foi-- 
lowers of Babhravya, who belonged to Pafiaala as we have seeft, 
a woman may hot be respected when she is found to 
have intimacy with five lovers *^ (in addition to her husband, 
explains Jayamangala **) , showing that five was considered as 
the limit beyond which it was not decent for a woman to go, and 
if she did so, she could be approached like a fallen woman. 
Jayamangala explains that in the case of Draupadi this limit 
was not passad especially as the five were all her husbands.*^ 
"We thus see that it is not necessary to go to Tibet for 
explaining this peculiar case of polyandry. Of the prede- 
cessors of Babhravya mentioned by Vatsyayana the earlier ones 
bear mythical r.ames,*^ lut SVetaketu the son of Uddalaka 

*^ Mahabbarata, Udyoga Parva, Chapters 190-194. 

" rST^'^^'^T ITJJ'^T ^if'^^f^ ^W^^l: II Benares edition, 
p. 68. 

'•• The fttifhorBhip of PrajSptti to a work in oiie hnsdred thonsftEd cbaptrs 
dealing Mrith i>haTTna, Artha and Kama is aUo vouched for by tho Mahabharata, 
Sautiparva, Chii}>ter 59. 



VOL. V^ PT.II.] STUDIES IN THE KAMASUTEA. 195 

is better known. He is mentioned in the Mahabharata (Adi- 
parva, chapter 122) as having established a fixity in sexual 
relations which before him were entirely free and promiseuous 
like those of natiuul animals, the institution of marriage having 
not yet come into existence.*^ This refers to a primitive stage of 
society, and it is hardly possible, I am afraid, that this Svetaketu 
Auddalaki could have been the author of the work in five hundred 
chapters referred to by Vatsyayana. However, the opinions of 
Auddalaki are referred to by Vatsyayana in three places in his 
Kamasutra.^^ It does not necessarily imply that Vatsyiiyana had 
access to Auddalaki's \vork in five hundred chapters, as in that 
case he woald have made an ampler use of it; certain opinions must 
ha're been current in Yatsyayana^s time among the teachers of the 
Karaasaslra whom he frequently refers to as the Ackarjasas having 
come down from the reputed human founder of the science, or the 
legend of Auddalaki and his opinions might have been taken 
from the work of Babhravya on whom Vatsyayana mainly depends. 
We may mention here that in the Chhandogya and Brihadaranyaka 
Upanishads we meet with a Svetaketu who however seems to 
have no connexian at all with our Svetaketu. 

The monographs written by the successors of Babhravya, 
Dattaka and othere are quoted by Vatsyayana in the respective 
chapters of kis book. Dattaka^s book on the courtesans appears 
to have been availed of by Jayamangala who quotes a sutra of 
Dattaka^® where Vatsyayana has translated the substance of it, 

*^ Mahabharati, Adiparva, Chapter 122. 

f^Tlf^, ^ f^^^^^, 'nC^ ^a^i^i^rf^ : l Benares edition, p. 76. 

5IW*tQC1 iesj,T^T^^"^5m^Wi^T^Tf%: I Benares <difi6n, p. 27S. 

T<*n<Hl*'*s:^'5I^^TlTn: ' Benares edition, p. 353. 

The commentator refers (Benares edition, pp, 74, 78) two of Tat^jayana'a 
Sutras to Anddalaki, but it is not 'kxlo^vn on what authority. 

in^-'PrciJlOu^Mlf^if^ I Benares edition, p. -321. 



105 STUDIES IN THE KAMASUTRA, J3.B.0,R.S, 

Of the other wrlterS) Gonardiya has been quoted by Mallinatha 
in his gloss on the Kumarasambhava, Vll, 95, and on the Raghu- 
vamsa, XIX, 29, 30. 

Kajasekhara in his Kavyamimaijisa (Gaekwad's Oriental 
Series, p. 1) refers to Suvarnanabha a& the author of a treatise on -jjL 
a branch of poetics, viz. RUinirnaya and speaks of Kuchamara^ 
as having dealt with ihe Aupanishadika Beciion.. The latter is 
evidently the same as Vatsyayana's Kuchumara, the author of 
a monograph on the Aupanishadi/ca portion of the Kamasastra 
and most probably one and the same work has been referred to 
by the two authors, there being nothing extraordinary in the 
fact that the sections dealing with the secrets and mysteries 
(upanishad) of both poetics and erotics should coalesce. Kauti- 
lya in the Arthasastra (Adhikarana 5, 5) has quoted Dlrgha 
CharayanazxA Ghotamukkavf\iO, Professor Jacobi holds, are pro- 
bably the same persons as the Charayana and Ghotakamukha 
of Vatsyayana ; they would, therefore, have lived prior to the 
fourth century B.C. and Dattaka and Babhravya who preceded 
them must be thrown back to a much earlier date. Dattaka, 
of course, could not have lived earlier than the fifth century 
B.C. when Pataliputra came into being as capital of Magadha. 
Goaikaputra is mentioned by Patanjali (on Paaini I. 4. 51) as a 
former grammarian and Professor Jacobi is inclined to believe that 
he is the sams person as the Goaikaputra of Vatsyayana. But 
in his case, as also in that of Gonardiya by which name Patan- 
jali himself is known, the identification is rather doubtful. ^ 

References to Kamasdtra in Later Literature. 

We shall take into account only those references to Kama- 
sutra that will enable us to arrive at a determination of the 
date of Vatsyayana. In canto XIX of the Raghuvams'a, in 
describing the inordinate indulgence of the voluptuary 
Agnivarna, Kalidasa has often followed the description in the 
Kamasutra, using even its technical expressions, e.g. the word 
Sandhayah in verse 16 which is used there in the very same 

*" For Professor Jacobi's opinions soe Sitzang. Kouigl. PrcuSi Akad. d. Wieacn- 
Bchafteii, 1911, pp. 050- 9C3. "' ' 



. OL. v., IT. IT.] STDDIES IN THE KAMASUTBA. l97 

sense as that given by Vatsyayana in his chapter on Fis'trnd 
pralisandhana. In verse 31, however, there is a more definite 
and verbal agreement. Vatsyayana in his chapter on the means of 
knowing a lover who is growing cold ( Firakta'pratipaiti) gives 
as one of the indications of such stage fiT?I3i<i(*{nf^f|[ ^Epsr?T ^cT^^. 
Kalidasa in describing Agnivarna under similar circumstances 
uses the very same language fiT^l<2l?nTf^^ mTaTcT : Ilf^5rf 
cWI^f^?T fs^ =. Another very striking agreement has been 
pointed out by Mallinatha and dilated upon by modem scholars. 
Describing the marriage of Aja and Indumati, Kalidasa says that 
when the two touched each other's hands the hair on the bride- 
groom^B forearm stood on end and the maiden had her fingers 
wet with perspiration.^^ Here Mallinatha quotes Vatsyayana 
who speaks of exactly the same thing happening under the 
same circumstances.'' In the Kumarsambhava, VII. 77, however, 
Kalidasa has reversed this order, saying that it was Hara, the 
bridegroom, who perspired and the hair stood on end on the 
bride's hand." But the language is almost the same and we 
thiuk Kalidasa's memoiy did not serve him quite right when 
he wrote the Kiimarsambhava passage and that he improved him- 
self, as Professor Jacobi holds, in the Raghuvaqisa.^* The 
violation in the one case only proves more strongly that Kalidasa 
had a knowledge of Vatsyayana's work and made use of it. 
Arguing from a similar agreement in another passage of Kalidasa, 

'' Tliis is tlie reiding given by Mallinatha, The Benares edition reads 
ft^^T^W^I^, etc., p. 323. 

"" " w^ cT TT^m^rrrnr^ fe^^n^f^: fQ;?^x;i^ ^ h^ i 

T^^ ^"trnf^^ H^^ ; ^fkr'ratHk* MCl^d \ " This passage 
quoted by Mallinatha is slightly different from the reading in the printed editions 
where we have f^^^T^^WT^f^: fe^l^^^ ^ H^^ I Benares edition, 
p. 266. 

^* Die Epen Kalidasa's, p. 153. In this connection, see R. Schmidt, 
Beitrage zur Indischeu Erotik, 1902, pp. 4, 5. 



1S3 STUDIES IN THE KAMASUTRA. [J.B.O.fi.S, 

Dr. Peterson lias come to the definite conclusion that Vatsya* 
vana is quoted there by the poet. He refers to the following 
verse (in Act IV) which is considered to be one of the best in his 
S'akuntala. 

Dr. Peterson then goes on to say : " The first, third and fourth 
precepts here are take a verbally from our sutra ; th3 second 
occurs elsewhere in our book ; the third we have already had. 
Scholars mu3t judge : but it seems to me to be almost certain 
that Kalidasa is quoting Vatsyayana; a fact, if it be a fact, 
which invests our author with a great antiquity .''•'^'^ It will be 
observed from an examination of the corresponding sutras of 
Vatsyayana ^^ that In the first two lines of the verse quoted above, 
Kalldasa has translated the ideas of Vatsyayana bat In the third 
line he has followed our author verbally. On the authority 
of this agreement evidently Mahamahopadhaaya Hara 
Prasad Shastri has also stated in this Journal that KaliJasa's 
" knowledge of the Kamasastra was very deep indeed/'' ^ 

6» Kallda8a*3 Sakuotala, the Bengala Keccnslon, edited by Richard Piscbcl, 
p. 89. 

" Joura\l of tbe Antbrapaloglcal Society of Bombxy, 1891, p. 465 j see also 
J.B.B.R.A.S., Vol. XVIir, pp. 109, 110. 

^^ Dr. Peterson bere evidently refers to tho fjUowing siitras of Vatsyayana 
on tbe duties of a wife j ^^^ ir^TT^Tlfi;'^^! cl HTKcI^^nfl^Tf^Tf^clTj 

etc., lit^-^c^^: tlf^^% ^if^WJTT^ II Benares edition, p 230. 

Vatsyayana devotes tbe wliolc of Chapter III of the BMryddhiJeariJca section to] 
the mutual conduct of co-wives (p. 234 ff). Corresponding to the second Hi 
of the verse, Vatsyayana has 3n??^q'^TT^ f^f^^^^f^cTI IM^* 'On"?W' 

W^ffsBI^^T ^^cf H Benares edition, p. 227. 
^» J. B. 0. R S., Vol. II, part II, p. 185. 



rOL. T., PT, n.] STUDIES IN THE KAMASUTBA. 193 

There is, moreover, a set of sutras in Vatsyayana^s chapter op 
kinydvisrcirnhha, which remiads the reader at once of the f5:rst 
act of Kalidasa's S'akantala as will bo seen from the transk(,tioiii 
here given : ' When a girl sees that she i& sought after by a ae=i,- 
rable lover, conversation should be set up through a sympathetic 
(female) friend {sahh%\ who has the confidence of both ; then 
she should smile looking downward? ; when the %akh.i exaggerates 
matters, she should take her to task and dispute with her ; the 
mfchi, however, shoald say ** This was said by her,'^ even when 
she has not done so; then when the #fl^-/iZ is set aside and she 
is solicited to speak for herself, she should keep silent; when, 
however, this is insisted upon, she should mutter rather inaadibly 
" I never say any such thing " and speak in half-finished sen- 
tences ; sometimes she should, with a smile, east sidelong glances 
at the lover/ ^^ etc. From what we have said above there can be 
no doubt that the Kamasutra was known to Kalidasa and that 
he had made verbal quotations from the work. Now Kalida-a 
CDuId not have lived later, than the middle of the fifth century 
A.c, because he places the Huaas on the banks of the Vakkshu, 
the Waksh or the Oius ia Baetria, ^' before they had been 
pushed towards the west or towards the Indian frontier. ^^ In 
all likelihood Kalldasi lived during the reigning period of 

® See Benares edibion, p. 195. 

*' The passages of Kalidasa referred to here arc versei 67 and 68, Eaghu- 

Taihsv Canto IV, beginning -f5[;f^^f][Vief5rin^^ "^30^^!^% J^V ^^ t^^« 
jKJges of this Journal (volume II, pages 35fE. and 391ff.) MahamahopadhyajTi 
Haraprasad Shastri has sought to place Kalidasa ab.mt the middle of the sixth 
century A.c. depending on the wrong reading of Mallinatha who reads Sindhu 
instead of Vahkshu in the line quoted ahjve. With all due deference to the 
great authi^rity of Pandit ShastrT, I woull venture lo differ from him here. There 
cannot be any doubt that VaAkshu is th* coTcct reading here and 
not Sindhu. Vallabhadeva of Kashmir who lived about five centurits earlier 
than Mallinatha, reads Vankshu, and the unquestioned genuicencss and reliability 
of Vallabha's text as compared wiih that of Mallinatha has been fully established 
in the case of the Megbaduta where all those verses that had b3en accepted by 
Mallinatha as genuine but had been rejected as spurious by modern critics like 
Pamlifc Isvar Chandra Vidyasagar, Gildemeiiter and Stenzler are found to be 
abBcnb from the text of Vallabha. The superiority of Vallabha's text thus established 



200 STUDIES IN THE KAMASUTEA. [J.B.O.R.S. 

Chandragupta Vikramaditya in the early years of the fifth 
century a.c. ^^ 

In another work of the same period, viz. the Vasavadatta 
of SubandhU; Vatsj'ayana the author of the Kamasutra is 
mentioned by name. "While describing the Vindhya mountains 
Subandhu says : " It was filled with elephants and was 
fragrant from the perfume of its jungles as the Kamasutra was 
written by Mallanaga and contains the delight and enjoyment, 
etc..^'^' Mallanaga is the proper name of our author, 

in the case of Meghaduta applies with equal force to the Raghuvariisa. To an 
editor like Mallixiatha living in the far south in the fourteenth or fifteenth cen- 
tury, VahJcshu or Vakshv, a river in Bactria, was an unfamiliar, outlandish name, 
and he had no hesitation in substituting for it Sindhu, which was nearer home, 
forgetting though that it would have been geographically absurd for Raghu to 
have marched northwards from the Persian frontier and met the Hunas on the 
Indus. It is significant again, as has been shown by Professor K. B. Psltbak, 
who first drew pointed attention to Vallabha's reading (Ind. Ant., 1912, p. 
265fE., and the ^introduction to his Meghadiita) that Kshirasvamin who lived 
about four centuries earlier than Mallinatha speaks in his commentary on the 
Amarakosha of Bactria as the province that is referred to in this passage of Kalt- 
dasajthis shows that so late as the eleventh century, Bactria tlirough whit h the 
river Vankshu or Oxns flows was considered to be the country where Kalidasa 
placed the Hiiiias. The Vankshu is a well-known river, in the Mahabharata (cf, 
Babhaparva, 61. 20). Again an examination of the variants given in Mr. G. R. 
Nandargikar's splendid edition of Raghuvamsa shows that Charitravardhana, 
Sumativijaya, Dinakara, Dharmameru and Vijayagani, in fact, most of the great 
old commentators follow Vallabha and adopt the older reading. 

^'^ M. Chavannes his shown from Chinese sources that the Huns had acquired 
great power in the basin of the Oxus towards the middle of the fifth century A.O. 
(Document sur leg Toukiue Occidentaux, pp. 222-3). We do not know yefc 
exactly when the Hunas settled thoraselves in the Oxus valley. But there can 
be no doubt that the Hunas wore known it India even before the time men- 
tioned by M. Chavannes. The Lalita-vistara, thought to have been written 
about three hundred years after Chrift (Dr. Winternitz, Geschichto der 
Indischen Litteratur, Band II, p. 199), mentions SUn^-lipi (JuSi. Ant. 1913, p. 
2G6) as one of the scripts learned by the young Siddhartha (Lalitavistara edited 
byDr. S. Lefmann, volume I,p. 126). Besides, Dr. J. J. Modi has shown from 
an examination of passages in the Avesta that the Huns were known in Persia as a 
wandering or pillaging nation or tribe not later than the seventh century before 
Christ (R. G. Bhandarkar Commemoration Volume, p. 71-76). It stands to reason 
therefore that the Haas should bo known to the Indians also^ cspcciuHy since their 



VOL. v., PT. II,] STUDIES IN THE KAMASUTBA, 201 

^'atsyayana being his gotra or family name as pointed out 
by the commentator Jayamangala and as is corroborated by 
some of the lexicons.^ Two branches of the Vatsagotra to 
which our author belongs are mentioned by Asvalayana in his 
if rautasutra/^ Mahamahopadhyaya Hara Prasad Shastri holds 
that Subandhu must ha\'e flourished in the beginning of the 
fifth century about the same time as Chandragupta Vlkram- 
aditya.®^ Thus from the evidence ofEered by Kalidasa and 
Subandhu we can feel definitely certain that the Kamasutra was 
written before 400 a.c. Some editions of the Panchatantra have 
two passages in which Vatsyayana is mentioned by name.^ 
However, in the Tantrakhyayika which is considered to be the 
earliest; recension of the Panchatantra, the name of Vatsyayana 
does not occur, but in enumerating the usual subjects of study 
it mentions first grammar and then the Dharma, Artha and 
Kama Sastras in general.^^ The Tantrakhyayika has been 
supposed to have been written about 300 a.c.^' The mention of 
the Kamasastra in it shows, at least, that the science of erotics 
had, in the third centuiy a.c, obtained an equal footing with 
the sister sciences of Dharma and Artha as branches of learning 
that princes were required to acquire. This position it had not 

oconpation of the Oxas valley, seeing that Bactria was very well known to 
Vatsyayana and wva considered a part of India so lato as the sixth century A.c. 
when Varahim'hira wrote his Vrihat Saqihita. 

" Vdtavadatid, translated by Dr. Louis H. Gray, p. 69. 

^jlfshltX*^ I ^^i*'^^ edition, p. 17 ; see also note 5, p. 1. 

*' Ajvalayana Srauta Sutra, Bibliotheca ludica, XII, 10, 6 — 7, p. 875. 
•« J. A. S, B., 1905, p. 353. 

*' Panchatantra, edited by Dr. F. Kielhom, p. 2, ^J^^^Xf'S ^ Id^l ^- 
JTtfrt^ and p. 38, ^T^^Tra^^f^f^TT W^. ^^^ Schniidt,op. cit., p. 6. 

'" ^€t in^i^ ^ma i l ^fa ^mf%— Tt« PaScatantra, edited by 
Dr. J. Hertel, Hanard O. S., vol. 14, p. 1. 

** Das Pancatantra, seine Geschichte und sclnc Vcrbrcitang von J. Hertel, 
1914, p. 9 ; see also Professor Lanman's introductiou to the Faucatantra, 
Harvard 0. S., vol. 14, p. X. 



202 STUDIES IN THE KAMAbUTKA, CJ.BAB.8. 

attained in 300 B.C., when as we see from the Arthasastra of 
Kautilya, though Kama had been recognized as one of the 
objects of human interest [irivarga)j it had not as yet a loeus 
standi as a science worth study, because it does not find a place 
in Kautilya^s list where we find Dharma, Artha, Itihasa, 
Furana, and Akhyana (narratives) but not the Kamasastra.'* 
In view of the fact therefore that it was Vatsyayana who 
made popular the science which was almost extinct {utsan- 
naprdija ) in his time, the presumption is that the author of the 
Tantrakhyayika had his Kamasutra in mind when he wrote 
the passage above referred to. 

We thus see that from the literary data given above the 
earlier limit to the composition of the Kamasutra may be 
assigned on the basis of 'Vatsyayana''s quotations from the 
Grihya and Dharma Sutras and the Arthasastra of Kautilya, 
and that the lower limit may be fixed at circa 400 a.c, based on 
the dates of Kalidasaand Subandhu and, further, that there are 
strong reasons to believe that it was known in the third century 
A.c. From the historical data that the Kamasutra affords we 
can come to a more definite determination of Vatsyayana's date. 

Historical Data about the Date of Vatsyayana. 

The well-known passage ''^ referring to the Andhra mouarch 
Kuntala .^atakarni first pointed out by Sir R. G. Bhandarkar, '^ 

Kautiya's Artliisastra, edited by R. Shama Sli-sstry, p. 10. It is Kignificanfc in 

this connexion that the Lalita Vistar^ knows only some of the sections of the 

Kama^astra such as Strilakshana, Purushalakshana, Vaisika, etc., but not tbe 
Sastra as a whole (p. 156, Lefmanu'a edition), 

f^l^TT) Benares edition, p. 149 

^' Early History of the Deccan, p. 31. I b-'g leave to submit that Eartari 
here does not mean " a pair of scissors " as translated by Sir R. G. Bhandarkar, 
but it is a technical term to denote a kind of stroke dealt by a man with oi.e 
or both of his hands at a woman's head, at the parting of th3 hair (Simanta). 
Vatsyayana says thit these strokes are in vogue among the people cf the 
South (DiikhsinatyaTiain) and he condemns tliem as they sometimes proved fatal 
The case of Kuntala Sataktirnl is au example iu point. Be;;, cd., pp. 117 — 9, 



J. v., PT. 11.3 STITDIES IN THE JKAMASlTTRi. 

irnishes important data. According to the Puranic list of the^ 
.adhra monarchs, Kuntala Sati or Svatikama is the thirteenth- 
I descent from Simuka the founder of the family. Sri ^f all»- 
atakarni, the third monarch in this list, has been i&ntified hj 
Ir. K. P. Jayaswal with the Satakarni mentioned in the Hathi- 
impha inscription of Kharaveli and it has been shown by him- 
lat an expedition was undertaken by Kharavela m 171 B.C. 
;^Dst this Satakarni. '^ Kuntala is separated from him by 
38 years according to the Puranic enumeration '* which is 
aid as substantially correct. Kuntala therefore reigned about 
lie very beginning of the Christian era. This is then the 
pper limit of the composilion of the Kamasutra which was 
aerefore written between the first and the fifth centuries 
ifter Christ. We may next attempt to come to a closer approxl- 
natlou. 

Vatsyayana mentions the Abhlras and the Andhras as ruling side 
•y side at the same time in South-West India. Ho speaks of an 
Lbhtra Kottaraja^ "'^ a kingot.Kotta in Gujerat,.who was killed 
)y a washerman employed by his brother. Then again, in his 
hapter on the conduct of women confined in harems, Vatsya- 
•ana describes the abuses practised in the seraglio of the 
"ibhira kings '" among othei-s. Now, King Isvaraseua, son 
if tlie Abhira Si vadatta, is mentioned as a ruling sovereign in 
ae of the Nasik inscriptions and is thought to have reigned 
a the third century a.c.'^ Besides, Mahaksbatrapa Isvara- 
latta is considered on very reasonable grounds to have Leon 

" J.B.O.R.S., Vol. III., pp. 4i], 442. 

" Pargitcr, Dynasties of the Kali Age, pp. 38—10; 

Jenarea edition, p. 287- Vatsyayana meutions a Kasiraja Jayalscaa about 
fboin very little is known. 

Benares edition, p. 291. 
" Arcbseologicai Surrey of Western laiia, I\'., page 103. See also Professor 
).r>. Bbandarkar's p:\per on the Gurjaras. J.B.B.R.A. S., Vol. XXL, p. 430. 



204 STUDIES IN THE KAMASUTEA. [J.B.O.E.S. 

an Abhira^ and his coins show tliat he reigned some time 
between circa 236 and 239 a.c."^ About a century later, in the 
early years of the fourth century a.c., circa 336 a.c, the 
Abhiras were met by Samudragupta"^ The period when the 
Abhiras most flourished, therefore, was the third century a.c.,* 
on epigraphic and numismatic grounds. The Andhra rulers 
are also referred to by Vatsyayana but certainly as mere local 
kings. In his chapter on Isvarakamita, or '^The Lust of Rulers '■*, 
Vatsyayana describes various forms of abuses practised by kings, 
and it is significant that all the rulers here mentioned are 
referred to by the names of the people they ruled over and 
belong to South-Western India, viz. the kings of the Aparanta- 
kas, the Vaidarbhas, the Saurashtrakas, the Vatsagulmakas 
and the Andhras.^'' The Andhra monarchs here referred to 
evidently ruled over the Andlira peoj)le proper, and the social 
customs and practices of the Andhra people are described in 
various other parts of the book also.^^ There is no reference in 
the Kamasutra to the position of the Andhras as sovereigns 
exercising suzerain sway. The time therefore described by 
Vatsyayana is that when the line of the great Andlira emperors 
had come to an end and the country was split up ,into a number 
of small kingdoms, among which the most considerable were 
those ruled over by the Andhrabhrityas, or dynasties sprung up 
from the officers of the imperial Andhras. Among them the 
Puranas mention the Abhiras, the Gardabhinas, the Sakas 
and also some Andhras, ^^ who evidently ruled over a limited 

'** The Western Kshatrapas by Patidit Bhigwanlal ludraji, J. R. A. S., 
1890, p. 657ff. See also Catalogue of the Coins of the Andhra Dynasty 
by E. J. Rapson, p. cxxxiii ff. 

'» J. V. Flccfc, Gupta Inscriptions, p. 8. 

* [Mention of Abhiras in literature is much oarlier.— K. P. J-] 

•*" Benares edition, pp. 287 288. 

81 Benares edition, pp. 126, 135, 287, etc. 

«2 Pargiter, Dynasties of the Kali Age, p. 45, the Matsya, Vayn and Brah 
n3ai?4a Puranas read — -g^FaTit ^"%1^ TV^ ^^ >?(gT?^T §XTT: I 

^H iT^TH'i^''?ifq ¥i^Ti:'^T^T^S^ g H 



' OL. v., PT. II.] STUDIES IN THE KAMASUTBA. 205 

erritory at the time referred to. The time when Vatsyayana 
lourished is therefore the period when these later Andhi-a 
^ings and the Abhiras ruled simultaneously over different 
i;irts of "Western India, that is, subsequent to circa 225 a.c, 
-hen the line of the great Andhras disappeared and before the 
.•eginning of the fourth century A.c, when the Guptas of whom 
there is no mention in the Kamasutra, were again uniting Nor- 
hem India under a common sway. From this the conclusion is 
aevitable that the Kamasutra was composed about the middle 
of the third century a.c. 

The Place of Composition of the Kamasutra. 
It has beea held by some that Vatsyayana wrote his Kama- 
sutra at the city of Patalipatra, or modern Patna ; but there is 
hardly any justification for this belief in the book itself. It 
depends upon the explanation offered by the commentator 
Jayamahgala of the word Nagarikyah ^' in one passaoe of 
Vatsyayana by Pdtaliputrikyah and of Nagarakah^ in a second 
passage by Pdtaliputrakdh. Jayamangala has not stated on 
what authority this explanation of his is based. His identifica- 
tion of Nagara with Fatal ipntra is not worthy of much 
consideration because his knowledge of the geography of 
Eastern India was anything but accurate ; e. g. he explains the 
Gauddh as a kind of Eastern people living in Kdmarupa ^' and 

that Kaliaga is to the south of this Gauda ; ^^ he says further 
that Vanga lies to the east of the Lohitya or Brahmaputra and 
Anga to the east of the Mahanadi.^'' We can therefore have 
tto hesitation in rejecting his identification as a mere haphazard 
gU3Ss. Besides, there is evidence offered by the book its3lf which 

^^ cl^rr^T ^:^ if f% tnn^^ llirfl.^: I Senarts edition; 

p. 127. 
^* T 5 '^^T^ft^fr^^WT^f^ «1UlicfiI: I Benares edition, p. 163. 
^' ^n^: <*W-tsrM*l: Srr^rf^^T: l Benares edition, p. 295. 
^^ ^f^Tfl ifi^sf^^^^ ^%^ I Benares edition, p. 295. - i 

*' WT ^f%<2n^ ^ 'II I ^^ JT^TrajI: ^^ I Benarei edition, 
p. 295. 



206 STUDIES IN THE KAMAStJTItA, [J .15.0.118. 

shows that the two words referred to above do not refer to 
Pataliputra. In the first plaeCj Vatsyayanaj in another passage 
of the Kamasutra, mentions Pataliputra by name when he speaks 
of Dattaka as having written a monograph at the request of the 
courtesans of that city. He expressly says there Paialiputrika,' 
nam and not Naff ari/cdndm &s he might be expected to do on 
the analogy of the other two passages; there is no reason why he 
Bhould use different words in sj)eaking of the same place iu 
different parts of his book. 

Next we see that though Yatsyiiyana appears to possess 
more or less knowledge of all parts of India yet he is acquaint- 
ed more thoroughly with Western India than with the othei 
portions. Of the coTintry from Rajputana to the south up tc 
the Konkan coast he speaks of almost all the various provinces 
and peoples. For example, he speaks of Avanti and Malav£ 
(i.e. eastern and western Malwa), Aparanta, Lata, Saurashtra 
Vidarbha, Vanavasi, Maharashtra, etc. ; he mentions twice th( 
Vatsagulmakas, a people living in the south, ^^ and the Andhras 
and the Abhiras are mentioned again and again ; of the countriei 
to the north-west he speaks of the Sindhns, of the people living 
in the regions lying between the watercourses of the six riven 
including the Indus, ^^ and he even describes the customs of th< 
Vahlika country or Bactria. The people in the south he knows 
onlv as the Dakshiaatyas and their country as Dakshinapathj 
and he once mentions the Bravldas and a Cholaraja. The peopit 
in the east he speaks of as the Prdchvas, " the eastern people, ' 
but he seems to know the Gaudas and he makes a collective 
mention of Vangangakalinga in one passage. He does nJ 
"^ JayamaiigaU says that tWo princes Vatda and Gulma lived in the Dakshini 
patha ; tlic country whcroHthcy resided was called Vatsngulmaka ^t^^ltn 

Ifc^lcl: > Benares edition, page 288. The Vats.i country is mentioned 1 

'Varaliainibira along with Vidarbha and Andlira gft'fe^fsr^^lgfr^pEf^f^^i 

(Kern, Vrbataaiphita Ch. XIV, 8). Raja^okhara in his K. yamlmdmtS (op. ci 

p. 10 aays clrSiTf^ f^^H ^ ^c^^?fl* ^TW TUTTT. 

®* f^T^^^'cit -g iftir^I'Tl^lI^m Bcnaros cJitioD, p. 126. 



VOL. v., n. 11] STUDIES IS THE KAMA5UTBA. 207 

even once speak of Magadha and of the entire country from 
MagadhatoRajputanahehas very little to say. Once only 
he s'peaks of tbe iladhya^esa and once each of the S'aurasenas 
f and the people of Saketa and Ahichhatra, the capital of northern 
PancalS * This meagre mention of the countries of the cen- 
tral and eastern portions of Northern India and the detailed 
description of the customs of Western India make it abundantly 
1^^ that Vatsyayana had pergonal knowledge of the western 
^OTtion alone and that his information about the eastern regions 
was pi-obably derived from the works of his predeces-ors like 
that of Dattaka of Pataliputra. That Vatsyayana belonged 
Western India may also be guessed from the fa^t that he 
makes a large number of quotations from Apastamba's 
Grihyasutra as we have shown before, and it is known that 
the A^edic school of the Apastambins flourished in Western 
India specially in the land of the Andhras.^^ 

The question next presents itself as to what may be the 
meaning of the words Nagarikyah and Nagarakah in the two 
passages referred to above. Jayaniangala is certainly right in 
holding that they are proper names referring to a particular 
place and do not mean the womeu or men of a city in general 
as will be evident from the context in which they occur. In 
neither of the cases is there any contrast between the town 
and the village. Both the words are used in connexion with 
her proper names, the former in the order Andhryah, 
shtrikyah, Nagarikyah, Dravidyah, Yanavasikyah, etc., 
the latter in the order Ahichhatrikah, Saketah, Nagarakah. 
the second case it is found that the names are those of well- 
known towns, Ahichhatra, the capital of the North Pancala, and 
.keta or Ayodhya, and the conclusion becomes irresistible that 
Xagara is also the name of a particular town, and as we have 
seen that Vatsyayana is more familiar with Western India 
than with the other parts of it we are led to expect Nagara 

»• He also refers to a Kaiirdja. Benares edition, p. 2S7- 
^ BuUer, Apastamba Dharmasutra, Introdoction, p. xxxiii. 




208 STUDIES IN THE KAMASUTEA. [J.B.0.P..3. 

tiere. We find here " the great ancient city of Nagara *' ^^ 
the ruins of which now lie scattered over an area of nearly 
four square miles in extent in the territory of the Maharajah of 
Jeypore, 25 miles to the south-south-east of Tonk and 45 miles 
to the north-north-east of Bundi,^^ Mr. Carlleyle, who made 
an archaeological survey of the place, picked up here several 
thousands of the most ancient types of coins ever found in India, 
many of the punch-marked variety and many bearing the legend 
Ja^a Malavana in Brahmi characters.^'* The city is not very 
far from Malwa and we think the democratic coin leffeni 
speaking of the '* Triumph of the Malava people " refers to the 
celebrated Malavagana who are known to have used the 
era now called the Saiiivat.^" There is another ancient city 
Nagri or Tamvabati Nagari (about eleven miles north of Chitore) 
which has been identified with the Madhyamika of Patanjali ;^^ 
this city might also claim identity with Vatsyayana^'s Nagara, 
but I think the former is the more probable one as the latter 
was evidently called Majhamika or Madhyamika ^" about 
the beginning of the Christian era. Panini appears to have 
known Nagara as the name of a particular city as it appears 
in the Gam or group Kattryadi referred to in one of his 
sutras.*^ The Kasika commentary enumerates fifteen names as 

«' Mr. A. C. L. Carlleyle in CunniDghaiii's Report of the Archasological 
Survey of India, Vol. VI, pp. 161, 162. 

»» Ibid, p. 162. 

** These coins are described by Mr. Carlleyle and also Ly Sir A. Cunninghiui 
ibid, pp. 180—183, also Cunningham, Vol. XIV, p. 150. 

" Fleet, Gupta Inscriptions, pp. 87 and 158 ; J.R.A.S., 1913, pp. 995-998, 
and 1914, p. 747; Professor D. E. Bhandarkar, Indian Antiquary, 1913, 
p. 161 ; Thomas, J.R.A.S., 1914, pp. 1012, 1013, etc. 

" Carlleyle, op. cit, pp. 200 ff ; Cunningham, Vol. XIV, p. 146. 

•^ The coins found here bear the legend Majkamikaya Hiiijanapadasa, 
Carlleyle, op. cit., p. 202. 

** ^iT?m'^'^ U ' ^HW Panini, IV. 2-95. Professor D. R. Bhandarkar, who firil 

drew attention to this sQtra, says in the Indian Antiquary, 1911, p. 34, footnote 
45, " Nagara as the name of a town, was known to the author of Kasika." He 
consider* NagarTcot or Kdnyda a« the Nagar from which the Nagar Brahmana« 
dsrived their uame. 



VOL, v., PT. II.] STUDIES IN THE EAMASHTBA. 209 

lelonging to this class ; that the word Nagara in this Gana 
is older than the Kasika and is a proper name, appears from what 
the Kasika says in connexion with another sutra of Panini 
(IV. 2, 12S) ; it states there that Nagara is read in the Kattryadi 
gionp as the designation of a particular city as it occurs in 
company with other such names there.^ From a city called 
Nagara also the Nagari alphabet may have derived its name. 
^\\e existence of a city called Nagara ^^ therefore cannot 
questioned. There is, however, no justification for holding 
that the Nagara we have referred to was the city where 
Vatsyayana composed his work, it being only one of the 
many places that he has mentioned in illustrating his sutras ; 
the utmost that we can say is that from the uncompromising, 
straightforwai-d manner in which he has exposed the e^^Is 
practised by kings, officials and queens, he must have belonged 
to a Ganardjya or a democratic government like the city of 
the Malavas described above. This is also apparent from the 
importance he attaches to the assembly of citizens (Nagarika- 
Samavaya) alluded to before. 

" ^x^nf^i g ^wm% ^rr^m^ ^r^ xr^it crf^RiT 

TTJl^^T^firf^ ^cS tfl'^l gTT (Kasika on Panini, IV. I. IHS). Tbe last part 

of this qnotation would have Sagareyaka as the correct form of deriratiTe to 
designate a citizen of this particular Nagira, but Vatsyayana has apparently not 
followed Panini here, perhaps in deference to popular practice. The Kasika in 
accordance with the siitra of Panini here lays down that tbe form Iiagaraka is 

derived from nagara to signify abuse or expert knowledge (Sd*i«iyi«fl*l^^Oj 
otherwise, it will be Nagara and the example given to illustrate this potni is 
^■[JX^ ^['^jUj:-. This shows that the Nagara Brahmanis were known to the 

Kasika. 

1"^ There is a district or bhukti called Nagara mentioned in the Deo- 
Baranark inscriptions of Jivitasrupta (Fleet : Gupta Inscriptions, p. 216), bit 
it is in Bihar and has no connexion with oar city. 



III.— A Note on the Statues of Saisunaka 
£lmperors in the Calcutta Museum. 

By R. D. Banerji, M. A- 

The statues which were discovered in Patna, first of all 
about a century ago and then in the front garden of the Asiatic 
Society of Bengal fifty years back, have been discovered for 
a third time in the well known Bharhut gallery of the Calcutta 
Musenm * It must be admitted that Mr. K, P. Jayaswal, m.a., 
Barrister-at-law/has really discovered these two statues, which are 
the oldest statues in India. There cannot be any doubt about 
the fact that these two pieces of Indian sculpture belong to the 
oldest known period of Indian Plastic Art. The question of 
i;heir identification had puzzled artists and antiquarians for 
more than half a century. There may be difference of opinion 
^about the different parts of ISIr. Jayaswal's theory but there can- 
not be two opinions about tlie reading*^ Aco and Fata Naikdi 
and therefore Mr. Jayasv/al's identification of these two pieces 
of sculpture as statues as against images and as statues of two 
S'aisunaka Emperors, Aja-Udayin and Varta-Nandin, rests on 
very solid grounds. Consequently it has to be admitted that 
in these two specimens of Indian sculpture, Mr. Jayaswal 
has really discovered the oldest known Indian statues and has 
correctly identified them with two Emperors of the S'aisunaka 
dynasty of Northern India. 

Before the ivlentification of these two specimens the statue 
of the Kushan Emperor of Kaniska I. was the oldest known 
statue in India. Even if we reject other evidence about the date 
of these two specimens the script of the short inscriptions on 
their backs would be sufficient to prove that the statae of 
Kaniska is decidedly later in date than the Patna ones. 

* Ante, p, 88. 



. OL. v., PT. II.] SAISUXAKA STATUE5. 2X1 

In 1913 the late Dr. TLeodor Bloch, vh,X)., of the Calcutta 
3yiuseum_, made an attempt to decipher the inscriptions on these 
two statues. But thev baffled his attempt. The word ^aikdi 
■could be deciphered by hioi with portions of the other words. 
He, however, did not publish the restilt of his researches as he was 
not sure of his interpretation. It was at that time that the palaeo- 
graphy of the records was carefully examined. I did this work 
tmder Dr. Bloch^s supervision but the result of my investiga- 
tionSj too, were not published at that time at his request. 

In 1913 Dr. D. B, Spoonerj then Superintendent of the 
Eastern Circle, consulted me about the date of these two 
Bculptares. He was of opinion that they were specimens of 
Mauryan Art and thought so because of the high polish on 
them. When I pointed out to him, the peculiarities of what 
1 then considered a later script used in the short records on 
the monuments, he told me that most probably the inscriptions 
were later in date than the sculptures. I did not agree with 
him at that time but it seems to me now that probably 
Dr, Spooner was correct in assigning a later date to the inscrip- 
tions than the sculptures on which the records are incised, if the 
inscriptions turn out to be post-Mauryan. 

As to the reading of the i scriptions I agree entirely with 
Mr. Jayaswal in his reading of the inscription on the statue 
of Yarta-Nandin. There is only one defect in it. In this 
record the second syllable of the first word is ba and not pa. 
The meaning is not affected in the least, as the word in both 
cases remains to be the same {sarva). I examined the original 
very carefully once again in Calcutta and I find that the top 
bar of the square la is partly distinct and in part faintly 
traceable on the stone. In 1903 Dr. Bloch and I read wrongly 
the first word as yakha ( Skt. TaTc^a ), because we failed to 
discern the vertical upper limb of the i<x which is faintly 
discernible on the stone. 



212 SAISUNAKA STATUES. CJ.B.O.R.S. 

I atn afraid I cannot agree entirely with Mr. Jayaswal 
in his reading of the inscription on the statue of Aja for the 
following reasons -. — 

(1) The syllables read by him as hlia in hhage and dhl and 
&& in ckhonldhl^e are not sure results. The first syllable of 
hhage may be hJia because it has some resemblance to the 
Mauryan and later Mauryan hha but the absence of the right 
upper vertical which is characteristic of this consonant is 
missing. Even in the Bhattiprolu records the upper vertical 
is present though it is on the left instead of right. On the 
other band there is a short covered hook attached to the left 
upper corner which cannot be explained. 

(2) The syllable read by Mr. Jayasv/al as dlil in the last 
word of this record appears to me to be m. Va lost the upper 
vertical line on the top in the first century b.c. This vertical is 
to be found in the later Mauryan inscription from Mathura^ 
but it disappears in the inscription of ^odasa.^ 

(3) The syllable read by Mr. Jayaswal as Se in the same word 
appears to be Ko of the first century B.C. or a.d. The Keil stroke, 
which is the precursor of the serif, is visible on the original. The 
form of the syllable as well as the form of other letters in 
the same inscription indicate that it should not be read as /(?, 
The oldest known form of the palatal sibilant is to be found in 
the record, probably pre-Mauryan, incised in one of the caves at 
Ramgarh in Sirguja State. ' This form very nearly resembles ^ 
the later form of Punic shin,> Had the last syllable of thei 
word read by Mr. Jayaswal as Chhonulhlse been really ^e then 
the resemblance between the Jogimara form of the palatal 
^a and this one would have been easily noticeable. 

The forms of the majority of letters in both of the inscrlp* 
lions show that the records should be regarded as later in 
date. I shall take them in order and show their resem- 
blance to forms in other inscriptions of undisputed date. The I 



» Epi. Ind., Vol II, p. 198, No. 1. 
'Ibid., p. 199, No. 2. 
3 Arcli. Annual, 1903-4, p. 128. pi. XLIII b. 



VOL. V„ PT. n.] SUSUNAKA STATUES. 213 

second letter of the first word on the statue of Aja is read 
by Mr. Jayaswal 2^ g^. It is correct but the form of the letter 
is late. The Mauryan gi has an a^ute angle at its top whereas 
the top of this letter is round. With this compare gA in PAagw 
yasjsa in an inscription ^ which must have been incised at the 
same time as the record of the year 72 of the reign of Sodasa. 

(5) The vowel A In Aco very closely resembles in form the 
same vowel in the Sarnath inscription of the first century B.C. 
or A.i). Cf. A in Asvaghosasya. ^ 

(6) In the same word the form of ea in the second syllable 
i^ certainly much later. The Mauryan form is quite different. 
The form in the Patna inscription resembles that in a Mathura 
inscription of the year 52 of the Kusanaeraj cf. eha In vdchal-aiya 
inl. 2. 3 

(7) The form of cha in Choni is also later. The Asokan 
form consists of a circle bisected by a vertical straight line 
which projects above the upper periphery of the circle whereas 
here we have a vertical straight with two ellipsoid curves 
attached to its lower extremity, one on each side. The 
Asokan form persisted for a long time, cf. vacklputraaa. ^ The 
form in the Patna Inscription resembles the Kusa^a form, 
cf. Chatra In the Kusana Buddhist inscription from Sarnath, ^ 

^B Examined palseographically the inscription on the statue of 
U^frta-Nandin also point to the same conclusion. The following 
ts indicate that this inscription also should not be regarded 
Her than the first century B.C. : — 

(a) The triangle instead of a round figure or circle as the 

base of kha in khate, 
(i) An isosceles triangle as va In cTiouulho. 
(c) The curvature In the base line of na in chonl ; cf. also 
the form of na in Namdi. 

1 Epi. Ind, Vol. II, p. 200, Xo. V. 

'Ibid., Vol. VIII, p. 171. inscription e and/. 

> Ibid., Vol. II., p. 203, No. XVIII. 

*Ibid., p,199, No. I. 

'Ib:d.,Vol.VIII, p. 176fF. 



§14 SAISUNAKA StATOE3. fJiB.O.R.S.- 

{d) Two riglifc angles instead of a semi-circle in the back 
of da. 
A careful scrutiny of the original inscribed surface enables me 
to assert that the records were incised on the statues after the 
finisliing of the sculptor's work. 

We do not know any other examples of pre-Mauryan art 
and consequently wo cannot make comparison. It appears to 
me, however, that the statues wefe finished and exhibited in a gallerj 
of tbe sort described in the Pratimd nataJcaTk. Long after, 
when people had begun to forget who the Saisunakas were, 
somebody connected with the Art gallery had the names chiselled 
on the monuments in an inconspicuous jjlace. 
NOTE ON THE A OVE. 

1. The letter which I read as bh is not explained by Ml*. 
Banerji and cannot be explained on the theory of a late script. 
The letter has to remain unidentified, as in Mr. Banerji-'s note, 
on the late theory, and consequently the whole word {hhage) 
unread . 

2. The peculiar composition of ga is not noticed. It is 
comx)Osed of two par(s. Then it is not correct to say that the 
Asoka ga is always angular ; see Siddapur in Biihler's Chart. 

3. Kha has a quadrilateral base, not triangular, which again 
is impossible to be explained on tbe late senpt theory. 

4. If vlko is read instead of my dJil^e (or dh'iso), the result is 
a senseless word; chhonl-viko gives no meaning. Then, two 
different forms of va are to be read in the inscriptions, one with the 
top-bar and the other without it, which is inadmissible. On the 
late script theory the letter which I read as dhl cannot be read 
at all. I agree that the Ramgarh inscription (Jogimara) is pre- 
Asokan, not pre-Mauryan. But to call it " the oldest known " is 
to beg the very question. The Kalsi and Giruar §a 8 are nearer 
the .^aisunaka letter. It is radically different from the later ka's, 
being a three -stroke letter. 

The Kushan and Western letters preserve the tradition of 
older forms and very probably a different style than that adoj^ted 
officially under Asoka. 



V„ FT. II.] 



SAISlTXASA STATu'ES, 



215 



5. !Mr. Banerji leans to the conservative view, but he fails to 
read all the letters on his hypothesis and to give any sensible 
ineanin? to his new readings wherever he differs from me. Until 
and unless all the letters can be identified and explained on 
the hypothesis of a late script, I am not prepared to accept 
that hypothesis. 

My arguments on the evolution of the letters based on 
the stroke-effort have not been considered by Mr. Banerji. 
I think that it is axiomatic that a three-stroke letter mast be 
older in origin than a one-stroke or two-stroke representative 
thereof. 

I am, however, very glad to see that Mr. Banerji agrees 
with me in the reading of the proper names and in the general 
result. 

K. P. J. 



IV.— Marathi Copper-plate of Puri. 

By K. N. Dikshit, MA. 

The plate is a record on metal (dimensions 9''' x 6|") of the 
usual agreement given by a pilgrim to a ministering priest at 
places of pilgrimage by which the latter is to be recognized as the 
^ ^^^nwi^ by any one of the pilgrim's family who may visit the 
place (subject to the turning up of a similar promise of an earlier 
date) , 

The language is Marathi and the script Modi, which is even 
now current in the Maratha country. 

Amritrao Raghunath of the Peshwa family hereby recog- 
nized Qauranga Pande resident at Jagannath-puri or Purl, as 
the Tirthopadhyaya for his family, at the request of one Jagau- 
natha Harihara, an agent of the Tirthopadbyaya who saw the 
Peshwa in his camp. 

It reads thus : — 

^ = '%^flfcT abbreviate! form of address for learned Brahinans. 

" = Tft^T^ '^^^^ epithet marks the close of the address proper. 

3 The adopted son of the Peshwa Raghunathrao. He never actually succeed- 
ed to the throne of the Peshwas (except for a spell during the troubles 
of 1802), as a son was born to Raghunathrao after the adoption, — the notorious 
Baji Rao II, the last Peshwa. Amritrao retired on a pension offered by the 
British and his lineal descendants are still to bj found at Karwi or Chitrakut 
in Banda District (U.P.). 

*'-H^|,«f, The Marathas continued to use the Muhammadan calendar, 
though in a corrupt fashion. 




i 



TOL. ?.. Pr, II.] 



MARATHI COPPEB-PLATE OF PUBI. 



217 



8 i H^T t^^ yyi^4i «IRT^ ififT ^RT^cH g- 

c: I XiW ci+^W ^fl f^^ ^^ ^ "^^ ^^ 
t 1 ^Ct ^STPR^ 5*^% ^5! ^ g^fW^ 





Translation. 

To Gaurang Pande, resident of the eacred 
seat (Kshetra) of Pm-ushottama Jagannatha. 

AWrao Raglmuatha, v^hh compliments, informs that at the 
request of Jagannatha Hai-ihara, your agent, who requested His 
grace in camp for the conferring of the dignity of his Tii-tho- 
padhTava, he is pleased to confer on you in Nvriting the same. 
Hence if anv of our familv visit this sacred place they will 
continue to' patronize you. This charter should be considered 
null and void if any one else is able to produce a document 
(conferring the same priesthood) by any of our forefathers. 1st 
|y of Shawal ; Let this be known. 
[The end of the writing.] 



v.— Translation of Maharajah Kalyan 
Singh's Khulasat-ut-Tawarikh.* 
(I.) 

By Khan Bahadur Sarfaraz Husain Khan. 

Account of the Nazims op Bengal from the Eeign oi? 
J AFAR Kuan to 1227 Hijrah. 

Some Anecdotes of Mahasat Jang, Subedar of Bengal, ani 
of Serajuddaula Bahadur, Grandson op Mahabat Jang. 
J afar Khan. 
Jafar Khan was a court noble. In the time of MoLammad 
Aurangzeb he was appointed to the office of Dewan of the 
Government Estates in Bengal, He was a good admini;-:- 
trator and worked with caution and sagacity. The Viceroyalt} 
of Bengal devolved on the princes of the royal blood, till at 
last prince Azimushshan, the son of Bahadur Shah, was appointed 
Subedar of Bengal. Jafar Khan all along continued as Dewan 
of Bengal. After the death of Mohiuddin Mohammad Aur- 
angzeb, Azimushshan hurried to the assistance of his father 
Bahadur Shah ia his struggle with Azam Shah. After gaining 
victory in this battle, Azimushshan chose to remain with his 
father, and got Jafar Khan appointed to the Subedari of Bengal, 
Bihar and Orissa as well as to the Dewanship of Bengal. 
After this, Jafar Khan, whoso real name was Murshid Quli 
Khan, laid the foundation of the city of Murshidabad in his 
name. Sarfaraz Khan was the son of Shujauddaula and the son- 
in-law of Jafar Khan. But the relations between husband and 
wife were strained and Jafar Khan's daughter separated froiu 
her husband, and along with her son Sarfai-az Khan Alauddaula 
lived with her father. Jafar Khan brought up his grandson, 
and planned to have him appointed his successor in office, 

• The MS. of this work was placed in uiy hands by Syed Khurscd Naw»b=^ 
since deceased, of Pntua City. 



VOL, v., PT. II.] KHOLASAT-UT-TAWABIKH^ %IQ 

inasmuch as in his lifetime he had asked the reigning sovereign 
for the grant of the sanad and other necessary orders sanctioning 
his grandson's succession in the Viceroyalty. But it so 
happened that he fell ill and died. 

SAujauddauIa. 

Shujauddaula, the son-in-law of Jafar Khan^ resided in the 
province of Orissa, but was really an inhabitant of Burhanpur 
in the Decoan. He belonged to the " Afshas/', which is a 
class of Turks of Khorasan. During the stay of Aurangzeb 
in the Deccan, he married the daughter of Jafar Khan, the then 
Dewan of the province of Bengal, and accompanied him. With 
the political rise of Jafar Khm, Shujauddaula also rose, so 
much so that during the Viceroyalty of Jafar Khan, Shujaud- 
daula became Subedar of Orissa or a Deputy of Jafar Khan. 
The mother of Ali Verdi Khan Mahabat Jang belonged to the 
tribe of " Afshas" and was related to Shujauddaula, Mababat 
Jang, together with his father and his brother Haji Ahmad, 
was in the service of the Emperor Azim Shah. After the death 
_of Azim Shah, Ali Verdi Khan was reduced to straitened circums- 
tances and lived a retired life. In the beginning of the reign 
of Mohammad Shah, Mirza Moj.ammad, the father of Mahabat 
Jang, presented himself before Shujauddaula and got into his 
service. Shujauddaula treated him well. Having heard this, 
Mahabat Jang proceeded from Shahjahanabad to Orissa in 
a most wretched condition and made his appearance before 
Shujauddaula and his father. Shujauddaula kept him also 
in his service. Mirza Mohammad Ali Mahabat Jang was a 
talented man. He soon ingratiated himself into the favour 
of Shujauddaula and rose to a high position in his service. He 
then sent for his brother Haji Ahmad with his family and 
relatives. He remitted to them a decent amount for their 
travelling expenses, and they all travelled safe from Shahjahana- 
bad to Orisia. Haji Ahmad also got into the service of 
Shujauddaula. The two brothers were men of great merit and 
their services to Shujauddaula conduced muoh to the stability 



820 * KHtJLASAT-UT-TAWABIKH. tJ.B.O.B.B» 

of his government. By virtnre of his courage and judgment 
Mirza Mohammad All Mahabat Jang rose to a much higher 
position than his father, brother and other nobles of Shujaud- 
dauWs court. Shujauddaula recommended him to the 
Emperor for a suitable post and the title of Mohammad Ali Verdi 
Khan. But Jafar Khan was displeased with Shujauddaula, 
and in view of his ill-health he was anxious that Alauddaula 
Sarfaraz Khan should succeed him in office. It was therefoi'e 
that he asked His Majesty through his representatives to 
appoint Sarfaraz Khan who was then the Dewan of Bengal 
to act as the Viceroy of Bangal. Hearing this Shujauddaula 
consulted Mohammad Ali Verdi Khan and Hajl Ahmad, 
With their advice he made a representation to the King, 
asking His Majesty to be pleased to confer upon him the 
Viceroyalty of Bengal and Orlssa. He submitted this represen- 
tation with a magnificent present. He then arranged for two 
daks, one from Orissa to Shahjahanabad for a reply from the 
King and the other from Orissa to Murshidabad with a view 
to get timely information of the health of Jafar Khan, who was 
suffering from a fatal disease. Ostensibly he dismissed some 
of his military officers and sent them to Murshidabad to remain 
in different places and await his arrival. He made extensive 
arrangements for boats, as the roads were then almost impassable 
on account of the rainy season, and anxiously waited for 
an opportunity till at last he received the intelligence of the 
despatch of the royal sanad, and of the apprgachlng death of 
Jafar Khan, who It was said could not live for more than 
five or six days. In Orissa he left Mohammad Taqi, his son 
by his second wife, to act for him as his deputy, and himself 
proceeded to Murshidabad with Mohammad Ali Verdi Khan and 
other nobles. He travelled partly by boat and partly by land. 
But on his way he heard the news of Jafar Khan's death, while 
the royal sanads conferring upon him the Viceroyalty of Bengal 
and Orissa also reached him. He named the place where he 
received this auspicious news Mubarak Manzil. From there he 
hurried to Murshidabad, and held court In Ckchlul ScUOfif tbe 



VOL. v., PT. ir.] KHULASAt-UT-TAWAEIKH. Ml 

hall of public audience made by Jafar Khan. He sat in a right 

' royal manner with his companions and ordered the Dewan to read 

the royal ginads. He ordered rejoicings to be made, and took 

presents from the residents of the place. His son, Sarfaraz Ehan 

' Allauddaula was then two miles distant from the scene of action. 

Sai-faraz Khan consulted his men as soon as he heard the sounds 

of rejoicing and was informed of the facts. Without a dissen- 

I tient voice all said that inasmuch as his father was in possession 

I of the royal sanads and of the state treasury, the only coui*se 

open to him was to submit. Sarfaraz Khan then rode, and went 

to his father and, after offering his congratulations, made a 

present to him. Shujauddaula seated his son on his lap, and 

confirmed him in his post of Dewan of the Khalsa Sharifa 

(Government lands; of Bengal. He moreover bestowed favours 

on his son, and treated him so affectionately and with so much 

I distinction that both he and his mother forgot the death of 

Jafar Khan and felt resigned to their lot« 
! It is true that no one loves anybody as much as he does 

I his son. After finishing his domestic business and conciliating 
the family and relatives of Jafar Khan he busied himself in 
the management of state affairs and attempted to act indepen- 
dently. In some matters he also consulted Mohammad Ali 
Verdi Khan and Haji Ahmad Khan. He took tiie revenue 
and settlement departments in his hands, and worked with 
the assistance of ilai Alam Chand, an old, clever, and 
experienced revenue officer (Dewan) . He appointed Jagat Seth 
Fateh Chand, who was a millionaire and the most famous 
banker of his time, as ■ a cashier of the state and companion. 
He made himself the head of the judicial department and 
personally disposed of civil cases. Once in a week he heard 
the parties and administered even-handed justice. It was 
therefore that the public was very grateful to him. He sum- 
moned before him many of the Zamindars and Talukdarg of 
Bengal who were all along in prison since the time of Jafar 
I Khan ; gave a patient hearing to them, and released them on 

I security of Jagat Seth Fat eh Chand and their taking 



322 KHULASAT-UT-TAWARIKH. fJ.B.O B.S. 

oaths of allegiance. He not only released them from confine- 
ment but also conferred khilat upon them according to their 
respective positions in society. Such nets of magnanimity and 
philanthropy made him exceedingly popular. This reign was 
very peaceful. He appointed his son-in-law Murshid Quli 
Khan Bahadur Rustam Jang the administrator of Jahangir- 
nagar, Dacca. He appointed Syed Ahmad Khan, son of 
Haji Ahmad, the Faujdar of Rangpore. Zain-ud-din Ahmad 
Khan, the youngest son of Haji Ahmad and son-in-law of 
Mahabat Jang, was appointed the Faujdar of Rajmahal and 
Nawazish Muhammad Khan, the nephew and eldest son-in-law 
of Mahabat Jang, the Bakhshi of the army. Mohammad Ali 
Khan Mahabat Jang, Haji Ahmad, Alam Chand and Jagat Setli 
Fateh Chand had a hand in all administrative and revenue 
matters and did their work properly. It was at this time that 
Fakhruddaula was transferred by the order of the Emperor from 
the Subedarship of Behar. Shujauddanla took this opportunity 
of asking the Emperor for a sanai in his own name appointing 
him the Subedar of Behar. He then appointed his son 
Alauddaula Sarfaraz Khan to act as his deputy. Btit Zcbun- 
nissah, the daughter of Jafar Khan and wife of Shujauddanla, 
was unwilling to separate her son from her and consequently 
asked her husband to appoint Mohammad Ali Verdi Khan 
Mahabat Jang to act as the Subedar of Behar as a deputy 
of her son Sarfaraz Khan. The said Khan was then summoned 
at the entrance to the female department. Zebunnissah then 
had an elephant, a palki with an embroidered covering and 
jewels given to, and a magnificent khilat confered upon, Ali 
Verdi Khan by her son Sarfaraz Khan. At her instance Ali 
Verdi Khan became the recipient of these very things at the 
hands of Shujauddanla as well. Shujauddanla also gave the 
Khan the ofHce of Panj Hazari, the title of Mahabat Jang 
Bahadur and the privilege of keeping the flag (Alam) and 
the band (Nakkara). Thus it was that Mahabat Jang left for 
Behar in state. A¥ith the permission of Shujauddaula, 
Mahabat Jang took his two sons-in-law with him, and leaving 



VOL. v.. PT. II.l KHULASAT-UT.TAWABDCH. 223 

Marshidabad reached Azimabad (Patna). He successfully 
administered the province oF Behar and after one year returned 
to Murshidabad. He waited on Shujaiiddaula, was received by 
him warmly, and then returned to his province. Mahabat Jang's 
short administration oF Behar was a great success. He subdued 
the unruly Zamindars and rewarded those who were loyal and 
submissive. He filled the posts with able and competent men, 
and provided himself with all that is necessary for a man in his 
position. He managed to keep himself in the good books of 
Shujauddaula, till at last the latter died at the, time of the entry 
of Nadir Shah in Shahjahanabad. 

AUauddaula Sarfaraz Khan. 

Allauddaula Sarfaraz Khan, the son of Shujauddaula and 
the grandson of Jafar Khan, succeeded to the niusnad of 
Viceroyalty of Bengal, Behar and Orissa after his father's death 
and busied himself in the management of the affairs of the 
province according to his own lights. Though he did not 
interfere with Rai Alara Chand, with Haji Ahmad or with Jagat 
Seth Fateh Chand, yet Mir Murtaza, Haji Latf Ali Khan and 
^ilardan Ali Khan who were his old friends and who owed 
Haji Ahmad a grudge, always spoke ill of him. They represented 
the enmity and opposition that really existed between Haji 
Ahraa I and the:nsolves and ]K)isoned the mind of AUaud laula 
against Haji Ahmad to such an extent that AUauddaula at last 
took from him the seal of Dewani which had been with him from 
Shujauddaula's time and made it over to Mir Murtaza. Feeling 
greatly insulted, Haji Ahmad wrote to his brother all that had 
happened to him. Mahabat Jang saw the change and confusion 
that had taken place in the affairs of the Indian Empire. After 
ShuJHuddaula's death he saw that the time was most opportime 
for furthering the treacherous designs that he had entertained . 
He therefore secretly applied through Mohammad Ishak Yar 
Khan, who was at that time a great favourite of Mohammad 
Shah Badshah and was an old friend of Mahabat Jang, to 
obtain the Viceroyalty of Bengal, Behar and Orissa in his own 



224 KHULASAT-UT-TAWAEIKH. [J.B.O.R.S. 

name from the time of tlie death of Shiijauddaula and he also 
promised to pay one crore of rupees as Peshkask and to send 
all the wealth and money of Shujauddaula^s house. His request 
was granted by the King and he sent the Sanad of Viceroyalty 
to him. He now began to entertain the idea of ruling Bengal 
and of killing the son of his own master. Apart from this, the 
■ Complaints of his brother Haji Ahmad who had. been writing to 
him all that was transpiring at Murshidabad and the informa- 
tion given him by treacherous persons like Jagat Seth Fateh 
Chand and other nobles of Murshidabad who had joined him 
were the chief cause of his enmity with Sarfaraz Khan, Mahabat 
Jang began to muster an army and to collect wea] ons of war on 
the pretext of marching aginst the zamindars of Bhojpore, till 
one year and one month of the rule of AUauddaula had elapsed. 
With a view to fight with Sarfaraz Khan he marched out of the 
city of Azimabad and encamped near the tank of Waris Khan. 
He summoned all the young and old Hindus and Muhammadans 
before him. When all had assembled he gave the Quoraii in the 
hands of the Muhammadans and Ganga water in the hands 
of the H Indus and asked them to take oaths of allegiance. He 
said : — " I am going to fight with my enemy. I wish to have 
a solemn declaration from such tinxstworthy and old friends as 
yourselves for my satisfaction. If you wish to remain my friends 
and help me you should solemnly declare it on oath that you 
would not refuse to follow me even if I plunge into fire or water, 
that you would remain enemies of my enemies and friends 
of my friends and that you will be ever ready to help me." 
The officers of the army, who together with the soldiers were 
the sincere friends and real well-wishers of Mahabat Jang, 
gladly accepted the conditions and took very strict oaths on the 
Quoran and Ganga water. Unanimously and as if with one 
-voice, they exclaimed loudly that they were ready to accept his 
friendship and to show their bravery. The new employers 
followed suit and entered into a solemn agreement and became 
ready to accept the friendship of Mahabat Jang. Having 
<jbtained security on this point he disclosed the real fact to themi 



VOL. V, PT. n.] KHULASAT-UT-TAWABIKH. 225 

' H» related to them how Sarfaraz Khan had been disgracing 
his brother and himself and then informed them of his intentions. 
As they had ah-eady entered into the solemn compact they had no 
alternative but that of believing his statements and helping him. 
The Darbar ended in the evening. The next morning, having 
left his son-in-law Zainuddin Khan as his naib in Patna, he 
marched towards Murshidabad. The arrangements regarding 
the way were so strict that no letter reached Murshidabad at that 
time and no traveller could outdistance him. When he reached 
the Pass of Shahabad, to pass through which would have been 
vtry difiScult in case of the opposition of its keepers, he left his 
army in the valley and sent ^Mustafa Khan Afghan with., two 
hundred horses and footmen together with the Paricaha and 
Dastak which bore the seal of Sarfaraz Khan and which had 
been sent ere this, to call a certain Jamadar to Murshidabad. 
He represented the Parwana to bea passport for his army and 
ordered Mustafa Khan to enter the Pass after showing it to its 
keepers, who were about a hundred or two hundred footmen and 
Barkandazes, and sound the drum of his camel after reaching that 
place. Mustafa Khan acted upon the order. When he arrived 
near the Pass, the keepers, as usual, ordered him to stop. 
Mustafa Khan sent the Dastak and the Parwana through a 
follower of his. The Mutasaddi (clerk) of the Pass ordered the 
Pass to be opened after seeing the Parwana and Bastak and 
allowed the men to enter. Having entered it, Mustafa Khan 
gave the appointed signal and sounded the drum loudly. On 
hearing this, the vanguard of Mahabat Jang^s army advanced 
in a body from the valley with much splendour. The keepers 
were confused and were about to move when Mustafa Khan 
cried with a loud voice : " Take care : budge an inch and you will 
receive due punishment ; all of you will be killed on the spot.-" 
Confused and perplexed all remained where they were and the 
men of Mustafa Khan opened the gate of the Pass. The ^^a- 
guard of ^lahabat Jang entered the Pass and the same day 
Jagat Seth Fateh Chand got Mahabat Jang's letter. Jagat 
Seth on calculating the days from the time Mahabat Jang 



2^6 KHTJLASAT-UT-TAWAEiKH. [J.fe.O.B.S. 

began his journey understood that he must have entered Telia- 
garh that day and would reach Murshidabad in five or six days 
time. He himself submitted the petition which was intended 
to be presented to Sarfaraz Khan and informed him of 
the state of affairs. The petition ran thus : " The disgrace 
of my brother Haji Ahmad has now reached its climax. 
I have, therefore, come down to this place to see that my 
(fair name) prestige is protected. I hope that you will allow 
Haji Ahmad with all his relatives and dependents to depart." 
The great as well as the common folk were much surprised 
at the news. Sarfaraz Khan called together the nobles 
of the army and all his well-wishers. He also called Haji 
Ahmad and admonished him. Haji Ahmad began to talk 
very politely and mildly as suited the occasion and pro- 
mised that he would at once ask Mahabat Jang to return if he 
obtained leave to go to him. Some were not disposed to grant 
him leave as they thought the statement of Haji Ahmad to be 
deceptive ; others were disposed to believe in it. But Gholam 
Ghaus Khan, who was a respectable Sirdar of Sarfaraz Khan and 
was a brave man, submitted that Haji Ahmad be sent along with 
his family and his dependents to Mahabat Jang and that if he did 
not fulfil his promise he would be punished for his treacherous act, 
Sarfaraz Khan approved of his suggestion and sent Haji Ahmad 
along with his family and dependents to Mahabat Jang. Haji 
Ahmad after his arrival repeatedly sent representatives to Sarfaraz 
Khan and submitted that Mahabat Jang still owned allegiance 
to Sarfaraz Khan, and that Sarfaraz Khan should not therefore 
think of marching against him but that he should come out 
of the city ; after having audience and representing certain 
facts to him Mahabat Jang would return. Sarfaraz Khan 
believed in the representation of Haji Ahmad and came 
out of the city. On the 22 Muharram 1153 Hijra, AUauddaula 
Sarfaraz Khan came out of Murshidabad with his men and en- 
camped there. After three or four marches he reached Kahamara, 
From there he reached mauzah Karmak which is on the bank of 
the Bhagirathi and encamped there. On this side Mahabat Jang 



▼OL. v.. PT.n.] KHULASAT-UT-TAWABIK . 227 

also came nearer and distributed ammunition the same night. 
The next morning, riding on an elephant, he divided his army 
into three parts, and posted Rang Lall, who was a good Sirdar, to 
face Gbulam Ghaus Khan, and himself crossed the Bhagirathi 
with two divisions, one of which he sent to the rear of 
Sarfaraz Khan and with the other faced his front. Both sides 
opened fire. Gholam Ghaus Khan showed such conspicuous 
bravery and fought so intrepidly that Rang Lall was killed 
with a large body of his men and the rest took to flight. But 
suddenly the army of Mahabat Jan^ attacked the rear of 
Sarfaraz Khan and caused much confusion while Mahabat Jang 
and his men attacked Sarfaraz Khan's front. In this double 
fight some famous generals of Sarfaraz Khan were killed with 
a very large following and in the thick of the combat a bullet 
struck Sarfaraz Khan and killed him on- the spot. The ai-my of 
Sarfaraz Khan was also defeated. The driver of Sarfaraz Khan's 
elephant, seeing his master dead, took the elephant out of the 
battle-field and advanced towards Murshidabad. "When Gholam 
Ghaus Khan's eyes fell on his master's elephant, he thought his 
master was taking to flight owing to his cowardice, and he 
therefore sent a horseman to bring the elephant before him. 
When the horseman came alongside the elephant, the driver 
said that his master was killed and that it was his corpse that he 
was taking back. The horseman returned and informed Gholam 
Ghaus Khan of the matter. On hearing the news the bright 
world looked dark to this brave, conscientious and faithful general. 
With his men he sprang on the army of Mahabat Jang like 
a lion and proved his manliness and bravery, till at last he 
was hinself killed together with his two sons and his friends and 
went to the everlasting Heaven. In the same way other generals 
of Sarfaraz Khan fought with Mahabat Jang-'s army, and Maha- 
bat Jang gained victory over the son of his master, possessed 
himself of his tents, furniture, etc., and sent his brother Haji 
Ahmad towards Murshidabad. Haji Ahmad with the rapidity 
of wind and lightning reached Mushidabad and proclaimed the 
rule of Mahabat Jang by beat of drum. He removed the confu- 



228 KHUJLASAT-UT-T^WiJBlKH. jJ.B.O.S^. 

sioii and brought all the^ offices and treasury of Sarfaraz Klian in 
liis possession. At the sad news of the death of Sarfaraz Khan^ 
the cries and wailings of his family were heard. In this shorf, 
narrative it would be difficult to dwell on the straits to which 
Alkuddaula^s family were reduced in consequence of this 
lamentable circumstance. 

Accounts of Nawab Mahabat Jang Bahadur. 
Nawab Mahabat Jang, whose real name was Mohammad AH 
Verdi Khan, was in the beginning one of the office bearers of the 
King^s Court. How and through what influence he came to 
Bengal from Hindustan has already been related in the descrip- 
tion of Shujauddaula^s rule. It is not necessary to re-narrate 
it here. In short, two days after the death of Sarfaraz Khan, 
Mahabat Jang in the middle of the month of Safar 1152 Hijra 
entered Murshidabad with great pomp and splendour and with 
much magnificence and grandeur sat on the masnad of the 
Viceroyalty of Bengal, Behar and Orissa and ordered public 
rejoicings. The aristocracy of the city were granted audience 
and presented His Excellency with nazars. Mahabat Jang 
obtained all the wealth and treasures that had been amassed by 
Jafar Khaa, Shujauddaula and Sarfaraz Khan, which were worth 
more than a hundred crores. He sent one crore in cash and some 
other valuables worth about a crore, which he had gained on con- 
fiscating the house of Sarfaraz Khan, to Mohammad Shah, The 
King conferred upon him the title of Hisam-ud-daula and gave him 
the mansab of Haft Hazari and the privilege of keeping Mahi 
and Maralib. He gave the permanent {Subadari) governorship of 
Behar to his younger son-in-law Zainuddin Ahmad Khan whom 
he had left at Azimabad as his Deputy, and asked for him the title 
of Ihtishamuddaula Bahadur Haibat Jang, and a Palki, Jhalar;lar, 
the mansab of Haft Hazari (keeping 7,000 men) and the privilege 
of keeping Mahi, Maratib and Naubat and Alam. For 
his elder son-in-law, Nawzish Mohammad Khan, he asked 
the office of Haft Hazari (7,000 men) and for the title of 
Ihtishamuddaula Bahadur Shahamat Jang and confen-ed upon him 
these titles and privileges together with the office of Jahangimagar 



OL. v., PT. II.] KHCLASAT-UT-TAWARIKH. 29 



III 



I the Diwaui of (Khalsa Sharifa) Khas Mahal of Bengal. 
is thii-d nephew, Syed Ahmad Khan he gave the ahore pri- 
es and the title of Mohamuddaula Bahadur Saulat Jang 
uave him the Depnty Governorship of Orissa after taking it 
1 Murshid Quii Khan, the son-in-law of Shujauddaula, He 
lionoared the other officers of his army who were concerned 
. >uedding the blood of their innocent master Sarfaraz Khan 
ith other titles and offices. Rai Alam Chand, the Dewan of 
bujauddaula, was appointed to the office of Dewanship and was 
iv( n the title of Rai Rayan, while Raja Janki Ram, the old 
)e\van of Mahabat Jang, was given the Dewanship of the other 
.•apartments. 

^ He marched against Murshid QuU Khan, the son-in-law of 
>hujauddaula, the Deputy Governor of Orissa, and obtained 
irictory over him in a battle. Murshid Quli Khan together with 
lis wife and children and all the wealth and treasures he had, 
jm barked on board a ship and going towards the Deccan ended 
lis life peacefully and in good circumstances under the protection 
jf the Nizam-ul-mulk. 

After this Mahabat Jang got possession of the whole of Behar, 
Bengal and Orissa and devoted his energies to the financial and 
X)litical administration of the country and worked with great 
irmness and ability. He also collected all the things necessary 
'or a ^o^e^nor and a noble for himself as well as for his nephews. 
Ble adopted Sirajuddaula, the son of his younger daughter 
\.mina Begum, as his son, and gave him a princely education. 
3e wished ardently that Providence in his merciful way may 
ionfer the A'ieei-oyalty of Bengal and Orissa on his grandson, 
rhis is what he wished. Bxit as a punishment for his act of 
dlling the daughter's son of Jafar Khan, his daughter's son was 
dlled by Mir ^fohammad Jafar Khan. An account of this 
kffair will, God willing, be given elsewhere. 

He discharged the duties of his high office honourably and 
le ruled for sixteen years from 1153 Hijra with great firmness 
Jid vigour. For about ten years during this period he had to 
emain engaged in fighting with Raghuji Mabratta and with 



230 KHULASAT-UT-TAWARIKH. CJ.B.O.BA 

some o£ his treacherous employes such as Mustafa Khan, Shatn- 
sher Khan and Sardar Khan bj whose hands his son-in-law 
Zainuddin Khan had been killed. He always showed bravery 
and manliness in battle and was for the most part successful 
and victorious. At last on account of old age he made peace 
with Raghuji and made over to him the province of Orissa 
in lieu of Chauth. He thus saved himself from the Mahratta' 
and his subjects from their ravages and loot. For six years 
after the peace^ he spent his life in protecting the country anc 
the property of his subjects and lived with ease and comfort anc 
with a peaceful mind. He was very kind to his faithful subor- 
dinates and always bestowed favours upon them. It woulc 
require another book by itself if I were to write about all th( 
events and adventures of Mahabat Jang, and moreover i 
would be out of place in this small volume, and I therefore satisfy 
myself with this much and trust to futurity for the completioi 
of this work. But T relate some of the events of the Navvab' 
rule with the view of making these events of Mir Mohamraa( 
Jafar Khan's life more clear. 

Nawab Mahabat Jang (Nazim), Governor of Bengal^ \va' 
a very wise man. He had a keen insight into administrativ 
and financial problems ard proved himself a capable Governoi 
He had thorough acquaintance with military affairs, and wa 
a brave warrior of his time. He made full inquiry befor 
he took any judicial notice of facts. He paid not th< 
slightest attention to the idle talk of sycophants. Trul;i 
speaking he seemed to have been born to rule Bengal 
Internal peace reigned throughout his dominions. All alonj 
he discharged the onerous duties of his exalted position witi 
much credit, and by the force of his character raised himself ii 
the estimation of not only his friends but also of his enemies. 

It is said that he had a step-sisfcer. Shah Khamim, b 
a slave girl, whom he had given in marriage to Mir Mohan 
mad Jafar Khan by giving him the post of BukkshI of hi 
army (i)aymaster of his forces) on a salary of Rs. 5,000 
month. But being a shrewd observer of human nature, he wa' 



,PT.n.] KHULASAT-UT-TAWABIKH. 231 

'ispicious of Mir Mohamrnai Jafar Khan, and incessantly 
I his movements and kept an eje over all his acts, 
neither honoured him too mach nor disgraced him. He 
^ys took a middle course, FromShih Khanum there wore 
n a son, Meeran alias Sadiq Ali Khan, and a daughter 
bed Fatima Begiun who was marriedjto Mir Mohammad Kasim 
lan. Towards the close of Nawab Mahabat Jang's rule, 

I.wab Mir Mohammad J ifai Khan kept two women named 
mui Begum and Bahoo Begum of the Kanchin caste. He 
p/ed them most passionately, but through fear of Mahabat 
Ing kept the matter secret, till Nawab Mahabat Jang 
ifEered from a fatal disease and made over the Viceroyalty 
j his grandson Sirajuddaula then a mere youth, advising 
pn specially not to fight with the English, and at last died, 
iawab Sirajuddaula, after the death of his grandfather, 
jcended the masnad of the Viceroyalty of Benj^al — a Heaven- 
ke Province. He reaped the consequence of his indolence 
ad dissipation, his treachery, cowardice and meanness. He 
aid no attention to the Jidvice given him by his grandfather 
od became the cause of his own downfall and death. 

Sirajuddaula sent his men to Bajnagai- to arrest Kishen 
lullabh, son of Raj Bullabh, the Dewan of the late Mahabat 
ang. Kishen Bullabh fled to Calcutta where high English 
fficers such as Mr. Drake and othei-s took him under protection, 
'his provoked the ire of Sirajuddaula and he asked the 
epresentatives of the English who weri; present in his court 
seud Kishen Bullabh to him at once together with his 
elongings if they really wanted their own safety for otherwise 
bey would have to reap the consequences of this indiscretion 
nd undue interference. In short, matters became more and 
ttore complicated. The English replied that they could not 
aake over the person of the man whi.- had sought protection 
inder the Company^s flag but that fchey were ready to make 
;ocd the defalcations made by him (Kishen Bullabh). Siraj- 
iddaula at last marched against the English on the 2:2nd 
lamzan 1169 A.H. and captured the factoiy of Calcutta which 



281 KHULA8AT.UT.TAWABIKH, CJ.B.O.E.S 

at the time contained only a few men under Mr. Drake 
The remaining English fled on board a ship and Calcutta cam 
into the possession of Sirajuddaula. He posted a largi 
force in the Makhua Police -stition with the object of arrestin] 
the advance of the English if they came and himself went t 
Murshidabad. When the ship conveying the English from Cal 
cutta reached Madras, they were invited by Mr. CHvC; then 
commander of the English forces sent to help Nawab Mohani 
mad Ali Khan, Nazim of Arcot. Clive also sent a despatch t 
England giving a graphic account of the recent doings of Sira; 
uddaula. But after further consultation he embarked on boar 
a ship with the men under his command, and without waitin 
for orders from England, sailed for Calcutta. Having anchore 
at sea he sent friendly letters through spies to Nawab Jafa 
Ali Khan, Jagat Seth, Mahtab Chand, Mahfab Chand^s brothei 
Maharaja Sarup Chand, Fakhrul Tujjar and others, whos 
names the author does not remember at this time. The spif 
delivered the letters to the addressees. The cruelty of Sirajuci 
daula wag such that Nawab Mir Muhammad Jaiar Khan ani 
the other great men of the city did not consider the] 
lives and properties secure, and they therefore looked upo' 
the letters received from Clive as a God-sent blessing aii 
entertained a secret love for the East India Company. To M 
Clivers letters they simply sent this couplet in reply : — " Tt 
pupils of our eyes are thy nest : Be kind and come becausj th 
house is thine." 

At last alter some further correspondence everything wi 
settled between the parties and the soleum compact was signe 
giving to Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan the permanent Subeda 
ship of the Province, From this place Clive niaxched lowar 
Calcutta till at last he reached near thj Makhui Police-statiOi 
Jiy a night attack he defeated Sirajuddaula's men who we 
posted on the spot. On entering Calcutta with his parly he occupi 
the vacated bungalows. A detailed account of the affair wou 
be rallier too lengthy for this work. To be short, from Calcul 
jbo MuiTshidabad there were fought scTjral battles bctwe.^u Sim 



7., PT. n.] IHrtASAT-TJT.TAWABIKH. t|8 

ila, Sirajaddaula'3 men and the English. Bat in almost 
one of these the English were victorioas and Sirajud- 
was defeated; till at last he fled towards tlie north. But 
near Rajmahal he fell into the hands of Meer Mohammad 
Khan and was made prisoner. But Nawab Meer Moham- 
[td Jafar Khan felt no regard for the past farours shown to him 
■ Sirajuddaula, and mercilessly put him to death together with 
i brother Mirza Mehdi. 

Nawab Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan now met Major Clive 
d the other English officers at Casslmbazar, Nawab Meer 
ohammad Jafar Klian signed a treaty giving 6 annas of the 
litire revenue of the province to the English, and with the con. 
-nt of the English ascended the maittad of Viceroyalty. 
I This incident enhanced the power and prestige of the East 
adia Company. The author does not remember the exact date 
c the occurrence, but it took place perhaps in 1768 a.d. 
! As it is the intention of the author to give a more detailed 
»ount of the reign of Meer Mohammad Kasim, he does not 
ke to dwell at great length on other cognate matters. But for 
le sake of continuitv he will first mention a few facts of Nawab 
ieer Mohammad Jafar Khan^s reign after which he will narrate 
le events of Mohammad Kasim^s life, in which will also be 
troduced some accounts of Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan. 

To the best of the author''s recollection all the vast treasure 
lat had been amassed by Jafar Khan, Mursbid Qnli Khan 
id Sarfaiaz Khan and considerably increased by Ali Verdi 
ban fell at once into the hands of Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan 
hen he was placed on the throne by Major Clive and the other 
Qglish officials after the death of Sirajuddaula. T^e English 
d no idea of the vastness of this hoarded wealth of which the 
w viceroy became the possessor. Meer Mohammad Jafar 
ban promised to pay to the English only three crores of rupees, 
e amount that had been looted from their factory at Calcutta, 
id brought the whole of Bengal and Bihar in his possession 
d control. Meeran alias Mohammad Sadiq Ali Khan w»s the 
n of Nawab Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan from his miaki 






234 ZHULASAT.UT^AWAEIKH. [J.B.OA 

wife S'hah Khanum. This young man was by nature unscn 
pulons and intriguing and had a great hold on his father. H 
was appointed the deputy of the Viceroy during his father^ s Uft 
time. He meddled unnecessarily with the administrative an 
financial affairs of the country and had some innocent person 
specially some women of Nawab Mahabat Jang's famil; 
executed without any fault. But Divine revenge fell upon hir 
for his cruel act, an account of which is given below : — 

General consternation prevailed in Behar owing to the arriv 
of Shah Alam in its vicinity. Kamgar Khan, a loyal zamind 
of Behar, together with some respectable Khans of Patn i, vi 
Nawab Hidayet Ali Khan and others went over to the King 
army, and there was a great dislocation of both public and pi 
vate business. Much loss of life and property was caused i 
consequence of this disturbance. Hearing all this Saddiq A 
Khan came from Murshidabad to Patna, and with the help 
the English army defeated the King's force first in Behar ai 
then near Burdwan and thence returned to Murshidaljad. 

As the events of the viceroy alty of Meer Mohammad Jaf 
Khan and Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan are long", e.g. the retu 
of Meeran from Murshidabad to Patna for the purpose of fightii 
with Khadim Hossain Khan, the Amil of Purneah, the death 
Meeran on the way by a lightning stroke, Mir Mohammad Jal 
Khan's arrival at Patna for the purpose of confiscating the for 
etc., of Raja Ram Narain, Raja Ram Narain's peace with Co 
nel Clive Sabit Jang, the interview of Maharaja Shitab Rai Ball 
dur with Colonel Clive Sabit Jang through Mr. Auiyatt, thesenij 
officer of the Azimabad Factory, the alliance entered into li 
Colonel Clive and some other English officials with Mahara 
Shitab Rai Bahadur, the wars of Shah Alam, the accession of t ; 
King on the throne through Maharaja Shitab Rai Bahadur a i 
the treaty between the Company and the king through Maharsj 
Shitab Rai Bahadur, an account of which cannot be fully narratl 
even in two volumes, the author leaves them for the present a \ 
relates only such events as relate to Meer Mohammad Kas | 
Khau« 



. v., PT. Thl KHULASAT-DT-TAWABIEH. 2^ 

Tlie author remembers that Khadim Hossain Khan, Mir 
M'lhammad Jafar Khan^s subordinate at Purneah, possessed riches 
amassed by previous governors and misappropriated the revenues 
of the Perganahs. He had appointed some eight thousand men 
(liorse as well as foot) and through the fear of Nawab Saddic[ 
Ali Klian broke with Meer Jafar Khan, looted Pumeahj and in 
the hope of gaining the goodwill of the king came to Hajipux. 
Captain Knox and Maharaja Shitab Rai Bahadur with their men 
crossed the river Ganges, gave battle to Khadim Hossain Khan 
and defeated him completely. Captain Knox says that Maharaja 
Shitab Rai Bahadur displayed much courage and bravery during 
the fight, which were highly commended and appreciated by the 
English. 

j After his defeat Khadim Hossain Khan went towards Cham- 
pa ran. A few days after, Meeran with British troops under the 
command of Colonel Clive marched to Patna and thence towards 
Champaran. Meeran was struck by lightning on the way and 
died. Colonel Clive drove Khadim Hossain Khan out of the 
country an-.l with the corpse of Meeran returned to Patna and 
thence to Murshidabad. After a few days Colonel Clive went 
to Calcutta, made Mr. Drake a senior officer of the Calcutta 
factory (perhaps temporary) and himself sailed to England* 
From Madi-as he sent Mr. Henry Vansittart Shamauddaula 
Bahadur, the senior officer of Madras, to Calcutta, Mr. 
Vansittart was a capable officer and was eminently fitted for the 
honourable post to which he was newly appointed. Mr. Amyatt, 
the senior officer at Patni, was transferred to Calcutta as a junior 
member of the Council and Mr. Apes became the senior officer 
at Patna. 

Meer Jafar Khan felt very sad and disturbed in conse- 
quence of the death of his son and could not therefore attend to 
his business, which as a matter of course caused much disorder, 
and led to the rise of Meer Mohammad Qasim, 



VI.— A General Aecount of the Pabris or 
Hill Bhuiyas of Bonui. 

By Rai Bahadai* Sarat Chandra Roy, M.A. 

I— Habitat. 

Of the various aboriginal tribes inliabiting the tributary 
states of Orissa, the Pabri (Pahari) or Hill Bhuiyas of the 
Bonai and Keonjhar states are, with the exception of the 
Juangs of Keonjhar, ethnologically most interesting, I took 
advantage of the last Puja vacation to make a j^reliminary 
study of the Hill Bhuiyas of the Bonai state and the result of 
my enquiries is summarizid in this and following chapters. 

The state of Bonai lies between 21° 39' and 22° 8' North 

^^ ^ ^ Latitude and 85° 23' feast Lohg-itude and 

The Country. , ^t ^ «, 

IS bounded on the North b}' the SarandS 

Pargaua of the Slnghbhum district and the Nagra ParganS 
of the Feudatory States of Gangpur, the Feudatory States of 
Bamra and Pal Lahara^ on the West, too, by the Bamra State, 
and on the East by tlie Feudatory State of Keonjhar. The 
river Brahniaiii which is formed by the union, at village 
iPanposh in the Gangpur State, of the Chota Niigpar rivers this 
Sankh and the South Koel enters the Bonai State near village 
Banki and traverses the state from nortli to south dividing iik 
into halves. It is mainly the open tracts of land betweeti 
cither bank of the river and tlie hill ranges tbait rise a few 
miles beyond on the east and west of the river which is bv^ 
able for regular wet cultivation of rice, and it Is in these tractt 
that the Hindulzed Bhuiyas, the Gonds and other Hinduiz^ 
tribes and a few Hindu castes live. The Hindulzed Bhuiyai 
of the Plains call themselves Khanddii (swordsmen) Bhuiyai 
or Pdnc/i Said (P'ive Hundred) Bhuiyas, and form the 



Y3L. v., PT. It] PABEl BetTltA. 23/ 

militia of the state, imitate many Hindu customs, and look 
' wn upon the Hill Bhuiyas or Pabris, as ther are called, sls 
ivages. The Hill Bhuiyas in their turn do not eat at the 
hands of the Hindnized Bhuiyas? whom they call " Taler 
]>huiyas " or " Bhuiyas of the lowlands ''. 

The Pabri or Hill Bhu'yas occupy the jungle-covered 

I hilly regions extending east and north-east from about the 
^feth mile after the BrahmanT is crossed at Bonaigarh, the 
Capital of the state, up to the easternmost limits of the state and 
i passing beyond the Bonsi state into the s ate of Keonjhar. Of 
i this large tract only a small portion to the north-east around 
village Kuira forms a fairly well watered valley, and the Bhuiyas 
of this tract known as Kuira Parana practise regular wet cultiva- 
tion of rice and call themselves '* Panch Saia *' Bhuiyas although 
there can be no doubt that they were originally Pabyis or Hill 
Bhuiyas like the Bhuiyas of Pabri Pargana, and they still form 
marriige alliances with the latter and follow practically the 
same customs and usages. The more well-to-do amongst those 
fihui\ as of the Kuira Pargana now seek the aid of Brahman 
priests at their marriages and disclaim relationship with the 
Pabri Bhuiyas. A few settlements of Pabri Bhuiyas are 
also met with iu the Kumri Pargana to the south-east of 
Pabri Pargana. In this paper I shall deal mainly with the 
genuine Pabri Bhuiyas of the Hills of Bjnai aid refer only 
incidentally to the customs of the other Bhuiyas of the state to 
show how the latter have diverged from the primitive customs 
still obtaining among the Pabris. 

The land of the Pabri Bhuiyas nses several hundred feet 
above the central valley of the Bi-ahmani and consists of 
a series of most inaccessible hill ranges covered with tangled 
forests in which the tiger, the panther, the hyena and the wild 
dog prowl about for their animal prey and, if possible, for some 
stray human victim ; where the wild elephant, the bifon, the 
wild pig {Sus Indicus) and the bear roam about in search of 
food and occasionally cause great damage to the scanty maize 



2f8 PABRIBHUIYA. [J.B.O.R.S. 

and other crops and vegetables grown on the hill elopes by the 
Pabri Bhuiya. The nilgai {Portex pictus), the sambar {Rusa 
aritoteln), the chithal or spotted deer {Axis maculatus), the 
mouse deer (Afetninnd Indica) and the four-horned antelope 
{Fatrecerus quadricorniii) are pretty common in these heavy 
jungles, and constitute occasional game for the Hill Biiuiyas, 
who, however, live chiefly on vegetable diet. 

During my stay in these parts I heard frequent complaints 
of wild elephants and wild pigs damiging the crops and vege- 
tables of my Pabri fric-nds, and in my journey tlirough these 
jungle-covered hill ranges, footprints and fresh excrement of 
wild elephants were pointed out to me as indicating the recent 
presence of those animals ; and one of my party succeeded in 
bagging a huge wild pig which required four strong men to 
carry the carcase. Wild fowl of various kinds are abundant 
in these jungles. Tlie 6aZ {S/iorca robuata) predominates in 
these forests, and among other important trees are the Sisu 
{Balbergia sissoo), Js'in {Terminalia tomentosa), Kusiun 
{Schleichera tritiga), and Piaml {Pterocarpus marsupium). 
Jungle fruits, edible roots and wild herbs of /i few varieties 
found in their native jungles are utilized by the Hill Bhuiyas 
to supplement their scanty stock of food, and certain herbs 
and roots of their jungles are used by them for medicinal 
jmrposcs. 

The home of the Pabri Bhuiyas is on a much higher eleva- 

_,. ^ tion than the plains of Bonai and is cou- 

Glimate. , 

sequently much cooler and pleasanter. The 

hills rise to an elevation of from 2,000 to over 3,500 feet above sea 

level. Owing however to the presence of heavy tangled forests, 

the 'climate is at certain seasons unhealthy and malarious, 

although the indigenous population resist malaria much better 

than outsiders. Spleen among children is not uncommon and 

most people are liable to attacks of fever, especially after 

the rains. 



-jL. V, PT .II.] PABBI BHUITA. 239 

II.— A Pabri Settlement. 

The settlements of the Pabris or Pahari Bhuiyas nestle in 
the valleys between successive hill ranges, gen- 
Houses and erally close to one of the numerous tiny boulder- 

^^' covered hill-streams that trickle down the valleys. 
tents. _ , , , 

Each settlement owns a large tract of forest 

land within the limits of which the village site is shifted from 

time to time. They leave one site when all the trees on it have 

y been cut down and the koman and ddhi lands exhausted^ and 

[ remove to another site within the area. They again return to the 

Iold site when new trees have grown up to some height. In some 
villages this shifting of sites is done once every ten years. Each 
■ village consists of from about a dozen to about 40 houses, and 
! each house consists of from one to four huts. The huts aregener- 
I ally rectangular in shape with two sloping roofs. The walls are 
i made of logs of wood planted vertically on the ground and plas- 
tered over with mud from inside ; and the roofs are thatched. 
In the middle of the settlement is a decent and commodious hut 
called the Mattd^ Ghar which is the dormitory for bachelors 
and also serves as an occasional guest house. Arranged round 
the inner walls of this hut are the changs, or tambourines, 
played upon by the young men in their dances. Some of these 
changt are supported against the wall, while others are suspended 
with string from deer horns affixed to the walls. In front of 
the Manda Ghar is a spacious yard which is called the durbar or 
meeting grmnd where danses are held in the evenings and where 
the tribal panchdyati sit when occasion arises. On one side of this 
yard is a round woolen post from 3j to 4^ feet high affixed to 
the ground which is called the SibJi'i Khuntd, (Auspicious post) 
or the " Gain-Sri-khunta " or post representing the tutelary 
goddess of the village. "When a new village site is selected, 
this post is first stuck up in its centre with ceremonies which 
will be described in a subsequent chapter ; and the prosperity 
or otherwise of the village is bound up with this post. If it is 
blown down by the wind or is otherwise uprooted, the village 
site must be forthwith changed as otherwise dire misfortune 



ttO PABEI BHUITA. CJ.B.O.BJ 

\vill overtake tlie settlement. By tlie side of the Mat)4a Gh 
is generallj another smaller hut which serves as the seat 
temple of the mother-goddess Thakurani. Close to the Mar}i 
Gliar are the houses of the village headmen— the Na^k, _ 
secular, and the Dihuri, or sacerdotal, headman. All around are 
the huts of the other families of the settlement. Narrow lanes 
and by-paths run between rows of houses. Qtitside the older 
settlements are a number of jaok-fruit trees and close to the 
settlements are hills on whose slopes the villagers have their 
scanty cultivation. On the comparatively more level ground 
between the hill slopes and the group of huts the villagers 
grow some vegetables such as pumpkins, beans, and yams. 

The following descrij^lion of the house of a headman of a 

Pabri settlement will give an idea of the mate- 
the^Hduses. ^^*^ condition of a comparatively well-to-do Pabri 

family. The house of the Dihuri of village 
Raonta consists of four huts. The main hut, which runs from 
north to south, is divided into two compartments by a partition of 
wooden posts placed side by side, leaving an opening at one corner. 
The entrance to this hut is through a wooden door moving 
on a socket in the eastern wall. The northern compartment is 
used as a combined kitchen and sleeping room, the hearths 
being in front of the door and close to the western wall. The 
southern compartment is used as the bhitar or " inner " tabernacle 
where the ancestor-spirits are believed to have their seat and 
where o€erings are made to them. No outsider is admitted into 
this room, and valued possessions of the familj) in the shape of 
money, clothes, utensils and store of maize, rice and other 
grains, are stored there. Coins and clothes are kept in a bamboo 
box. The richest family rarely owns more than three or four 
brass utensils, but the generality have none whatsoever. TJiey 
eat from leaf plates and drink from leaf cups or pumpkin gourds ; 
cooking vessels are all of earthenware. Palmleaf mats form 
their only bed. In a large settlement of nearly forty houses 
only two string beds could be found. The second hut, which 
is to the north of the first and also faces east, is called 



, OL. v., FT. II,] PABBI BHUITA, 241 

Mela-gkar in wkieli X found a few eartliea vessels for the 
wing of rice beer, two bamboo lunbrellas with handles 
ud one umbrella made of iiali leaves and having no handle, 
wo brooms, some chop {Bahinia uandens) fibres, some ropes, 
4 few empty bamboo baskets^ a small pura or straw-rope 
ecoptacle containing rice for supplying rasad^ or provisions 
to public officers visiting the village which the headman collects 
from contribution by the villagers, one winnowing basket, three 
pumpkin gourds, one palmleaf mat, one earthen jar of gkee (clari- 
tijd butter) also meant for the rasad of public officers, one biadk 
or weighing beam with^p, small bamboo basket suspended with 
strings at one end of the wooden beam on which notches have 
been cut to indicate a seer (two pounds) and fractions of a seer. 
There were also in this room one rop<? sling (^hur puni) for dis- 
charging stones at small birds that eat up grain put out to dry in 
the sun, one kotrd or curved axe for cutting undergrowth in the 
jungle, one axe {budtd or tdngi), one ploughshare {lohd), one bow 
and four arrows, and one bugle made of a gourd for scaring 
away elephants in the jungles. This hut has also a door made 
of planks of wood joined together and moving on a socket. In 
this hut are sometimes accommodated relatives of the family, 
such as a married daughter and her husbiud, when they come on 
a visit. The bachelore of the village also sleep in it when the 
Manda Ghar is occupied by guests. In front of these huts are 
two other huts, one used as a cattle-shed and the other as fowl 
pen and dhenki ghar where rice is husked with a mortar and 
pestle. The cattle-shed has a floor made of logs of wood placed 
side by side over the earthen floor. These two huts have 
doors made of split bamboo. The average Pabrl Bhuiya has no 
separate dhenJci ghar, and only a few Pabrls own cattle and 
require a cattle-shed, only one, two or three men in a bio* settle- 
ment own cattle and plough, and the others who require the 
occasional use of a plough borrow it from some neighbour. A 
hole for husking grain with the wooden ' pestle is usually made 
in the floor of the compartment used as the kitchen. The averao-e 
Pabri has no separate storeroom and the bkitar or inner compart- 



242 I'ABRl BHtJITA, [J^B.OJl.S. 

ment also serves as the store or lumber room. Decorations to 
the houseu or drawings on the wall are practically unknown, but 
the walls are sometimes coated over with a kind of yellowish 
earth with which the Pabri's scanty clothes are also dyed. 

Ill— Physical Features aad Mental Characteristics. 

Men and women are well-proportioned, of medium height, 
. and rather light build. The hair is black and 

tures plentiful on the liead, but generally scanty on 

the rest of the body, though men with good 
beards and whiskers are occasionally seen* The hair is ordinarily 
straight but sometimes it has a tendency to curl, and I met 
one or two men with distinctly curly or rather woolly hair. The 
mouth and teeth are well formed and the eyes are straight and 
of medium size, sometimes small. Their heads are dolioocephalic, 
their noses are broad but not so broad nor so depressed at the 
root as among most other aboriginal tribes of Chota Nagpur 
and Orissa. The skin of the Pabri Bhulya also shows a much 
lighter brown tint than that of the average Dravidian and 
Munda-speaking aborigines. This is a trait which at once 
strikes the observer. The womon are even fairer than the 
men. But the Pabris are mostly prognathous, the projecting 
cheeks and jawbones giving a certain squareness to the face. 
The lips are generally rather thick. Both sexes are rery agile 
and can stand fatigue well and travel great distances. The 
weekly market held every Saturday at village Khutgaon on 
the westernmost extremity of the Pabri country where the 
Hill Bhuiyas exchange grains and vegetables for salt, 
tobacco and cloth with the lowlanders is attended by women 
as well as men from the end of Pabri Pargana, a distance of 
twenty miles. And I have seen several Pabri Bhuiyas bearing 
heavy loads on canying poles slung across their shoulders walk at 
a fair pace across the jungles and hills of the Kuira and Pabri 
parganas a whole day with only a couple of hours' rest on the way. 



Jt, v., PT. no PABBI BflUITA. 248 

The Pabri Bhuija is cheerful, lighthearted, and even gay 

lental Char- i^ the presence of acquaintances, although shy 

;3terlstics- and timid before strangers. At mj first visit 

to the Khutgaon bazar a number of Pabri 

jmen and some young men fled at sight of the stranger, and it 
with difficulty that a few could be induced to allow me to 
graph them. On a closer acquaintance with them I foimd 
letn frank, fiiendly and hospitable. Although they are respect- 
i I to people in authority and to those they consider worthy of 
bspect, they are not servile, and an air of equality comes natural 
( them in their intercourse even with the highest authorities 
r.ey know. They assume an air of superiority to the Kols — 
I they call the Muada, Oraonand other immigrants from Chota 
'agpur and elsewhere. These " Kols '^ who have settled in the 
abri villages with the permission of the headmen have to carry 
lirdens and render certain other services at their bidding. The 
abri Bhulyas are an industrious people. Both sexes bathe daily 
id they keep their houses clean and tidy. In intelligence they 
•mpare favourably with most other hill tribes. The Dihv.ri or 
iest of one of the Pabri villages I visited impressed me as 
:ceptionally intelligent. On certain points about which a Pabii 
huiya decided to withhold information from me, he remained 
•m even when in a state of drunkenness, though he was other- 
Lse extremely voluble and talkative. Like aboriginal tribes 
►t spoilt by contact with a superior civilization, the Pabri 
auiyas are on the whole simple, truthful, and honest but timid, 
abborn, and easily excitable. They value chastity in the 
irried of both sexes. A male or a female, married or unmarried, 
ting wrong with a person of a different tribe is regarded as 
leinous social offender and is punished with excommunication, 
le men are addicted to drink but women abstain from it. 
IV-— Dress and Ornaments. 

The dress of the Pabri Bhuiyas is of the simplest. At home 

_ most men wear only a very short loin cloth 

round the waist, and the poorer men wear only 



g|4 PABBI BHUITA, [J.B.O.BJ, 

a strip of perineal cloth kept in its place by a string round th{ 
waist. Boys and girls up to the age of twelve or thirteen almosj 
invariably wear such perineal cloths which the girls change fft 
a longer cloth only when strangers visit the village or when the^ 
dance in the evenings. Young men at their dances and festival: 
wear long loin cloths with one end hanging down below th( 
knees. Except the poorest, each man has two full-sized cloths 
one worn round the waist and' another as an upper garmenl 
These however are used only on special occasions and during visiti 
to other places. The cloths of men and women are all dye 
a light yellow with a'kind of yellowish earth which is abundai 
in the country. 

An adult Pabrl female uses a cloth about twelve cubits Ion ^ 
which is worn as a combined skirt and shawl. Poorer womej 
have each only one such cloth, which is used while going ou 
whereas a smaller waist cloth is worn in the house. Womt 
have generally a separate bathing place a little apart from that 
the men. As most women have only one cloth, they take it c 
before entering the water. 

Girls and young women wear a number of thick brass brae 
lets {bera) on both arms, brass rings {mudi) 
Omamen . ^^^ fingers, a larger number on the left ha 
than on the right, a number of toe rings (J hutia), one bra 
anklet {pahur) on each leg, one or two wristlets [tdf) on ea' 
wrist, and one or more bead necklaces {mdri) made of brass 
lac (pahura), or both. Most young men wear bead necklac< 
Neither tattooing of the body nor cicatrization is practised. T 
headmen of villages use no head-dress and are not distinguish 
by any particular insignia of office. But the Pabri Garh-Njj 
of village Kuira, the headman appointed by the Raja for i 
whole of the Kuira Pargana consisting of twenty-nine villag 
has been presented by the Raja of Bonai with a costly silk dr i 
consisting of paijama, cliapkan, turban, belt, sword and shio , 
and the Pabri Maha-Naek or headman appointed by the R; i 
for the whole Pabri Pai-gana has also been presented with a re 3 
of honour by hiip. These men are not the recognized social r 



PT. ir.l PABRI BHUITA. 246 

MS heftdmen far their r«^)e<?tive parganas but lliey wield 
influence as tlie intermediary between the people and 

"ija. 

v.— Daily Life. 

The daily life of the men is largely devoted to the prodnc- 

ii of food by the Adman and the ddhi system of cultivation. 

e dahi process of clearing land is as follows : A portion of 

nil slope is selected for clearance and all the trees on it are 

: down and arranged in rows and a large number of bushes 

d shrubs are also cut down and placed round the trees. 

lese are left for some time to dry and then they are set fire to, 

^hen the trees are all reduced to ashes the land is dug up and 

|ide ready for the cultivation of upland {ff3rd) riee. 

! The hoindn process of preparing lands for cultivation is as 

lllows : A plot of hill slope is selected for the purpose and 

\. bushes and shrubs growing on the site are cut down and 

jaced in heaps at the foot of each tree on the selected plot, and 

ft to dry for a month or so. If in the meanwhile other bushes 

• shrubs have sprouted they are also cleared, and fire is set 

• all these heaps of bushes and shrubs so as to burn all the 
inches and twigs of the trees. The ashes are now spread 
1 over the plot, and the komdn is ready for cultivation. Gen- 
•ally on one portion of a /towa ft, upland rice is sown, and on 
aother such crops as malta (maize), marud {Eleusine corocana) 
od kdngu are grown, and on the ashes at the feet of the stand- 
ig trunks of trees, vegetable creepers such as sim. (beans) 
lid dhvkk are planted so that the creepers may go up the 
pees. 

Wet cultivation of paddy is rare in the Pabri pargand 
rhich is full of hills and jungles. In a few villages at the foot 
f the hills a little wet cultivation of low-land paddy, known 
s Bll dhdn, is now practised. 

From the month of Magh (January) to Baisakh (April), men 
re engaged in the preparation of ddhi and komdn fields, 
between Falgun (March) and Baisakh (May) both men and 






246 PABRI BHUIYA. [J.B.Ojt 

women carry cattle-dung manure to their fields. It is not pe 
missible to cut down trees or manure the fields until t' 
new mango blossoms have come out and the Magh-jat 
festival in January as well as the Am-nua cereijiony, whii 
follows shortly afterwards, have been j)erformed, and pad< 
cannot be sown unless the Tzr^ta-^ww/t ceremony has been ce 
brated in Baisakh (April). These ceremonies will be describ' 
in a subsequent chapter. Women are not allowed to cut tre 
or plough the fields, but they may break clods of earth in t, 
fields ; this is generally done with axe-handles. In these mont 
also the men cut down from the jungles trees which s 
taken to theii fields and burnt for ash-manure ; and men a 
more particularly women dig for edible roots, yams and tube 
As soon as there is a shower of rain the men plough th 
fields ; and then again when the weather is dry they bring to t 
fields wood for burning into manure or apply cattle-dung mam 
to the fields. In the months of Chait and Baisakh (Marc 
May) men also go out to hunt deer, wild pigs or other anima 
Between March and May, when the streams are almost di 
boys and men catch fish with their hands. Boys and girls gi 
such help to their parents as they can in household and fie 
work. They also draw water and lo 3k after the cattle. Bet we 
the months of Magh and Baisakh the work of repairing a 
building of houses is also undertaken. In Baisakh and Jaist 
(April — June) the fields are sown by the men with paddy, t 
uplands being sown after the lowlands, if any. In Asarh (Ja 
transplantation is made in the hll lands, if any, men a 
women both taking part in the operations, but the subsequi 
reploughing and levelling of the fields are the business of t J 
men alone. In Sraban and Bhado (August-September) bci 
men and women weed the rice fields. In Bhado (Augu ) 
gora or upland rice is harvested and rasi {sesamum), maAi 
(maize) and a few other grains and vegetables are sown on t 
uplands ; and wet lands, if any, are embanked to store wa r 
in them. In Aswin (September-October) both men and wom i 
harvest the gora (upland) rice, and in Kartik (October) the 1 1 



, PT. II.J PABBl BHUITA. 2l7 

lud) rice, if any. In Aglian (November) the harvested low- 

d rice is threshed and winnowed. Such is the yearly routine. 

3 period between the sprouting of the crops and the harvesting 

one of great anxiety and sleepless vigilance. Most of the 

le population of a ^*illage have to be in their fields at night 

protect the crops from the ravages of wild elephants, 

js and other animals. A kind of rude scaffolding is perched 

some tree in the fitld to serve as the resting-place of the 

lichers, and logs of wood are kept burning at the foot of the 

e where the men by turns warm themselves. In the day-time 

imen too may be seen helping the mea to protect the ripening 

•n from birds and beasts. On a day in October when I arrived 

noon at a Pabri settlement of about forty families, I found 

a whole adult male population and many of the women thus 

gaged in their fields. 

' This arduous round of duties is, however, relieved now 
id then by pujas and festivals which mark the termination of 
[e stage of labour and the beginning of another, such as the 
'agh-jatra festival in January when old fire in all the hoas?s 
extingu^sheil and new fire is ceremonially kindled by friction 
two pieces of wood by the Dihuri with eyes covered over with 
jcfiour cakes, all tho villagers kindle their own new fire from 
is sacred fire and rice is boiled in milk over it and offered to the 
icestor spirits. It is only after this ceremony that the forest 
ees may be felled. The Am-nua festival of the new mango blos- 
•ms is celebrated in February, after which alone the fields may 
; manured ; the Tirtia-muti festival in April on which day sow- 
g operations have to be commenced with a ceremonial sowing ; 
le Aikdri Pujii in July when sacrifices are offered to the tutelary 
iities {Grum-Srl, etc.) for rains and good crops, and the Bihira 
uja at the same time after which alone transplantation of lowland 
ee may be undertaken ; the Gamha Punai festival in August 
hen the Pabri celebrates his temporary respite from agricultural 
hours by making a feast of rice-flour cakes and other delicacies 
id giving absolute rest for two days to the cattle of the village, 
ashing their hoofs, besmearing their forehead and horns with 



0|g PABEl BHUIYA, [J T 

sesamum oil and pouaded turmeric and giving them raw rk> 
well as fried rioe {Mai) to eat and burning eartlien lamps at n' 
in the cattle-slieds ; tlie Bar and Niid-kMi festivals in Septe; 
when with appropriate ceremonies tbe first sheaves of upland 
are reaped by each cultivator from his fiild and new rice o; 
after offei'ing the same to the gods ; and finally in some villau i 
the Kardm-jatrd festival in October or November and the 1'oh 
jatfd, festival in December^ both pure festivals of rejoicing ar 
merriment, the former aftCT the harvesting but before the three 
ing of the rice crops and the latter after the ri<>e has bat 
harvested, threshed and garnered. These feasts and fcs-tiva 
will be described in detail in a subsequent chapter. 

During respite from field labours men make gourd drinkiD 
vesselsj bamboo sticks and bows, wooden pestles^ moi-tars ar 
the threshing apparatus called dhenki ; and in the winter at 
spring their girls weave mats of wild date palms (i^ct^ta? s^lvestris 
The girls of a village go in a body to the jung-los and collet 
date-palm leaves and' sal leaves, and gather yams for food as 
dry leaves for fuel. Womeai make cups and plates of the «< 
leaves. From Magh (January) to Baisakh (iipnl), bacbelo 
aaid maidens often visit oiher villages for dancing. When i 
home they dance at the dathdr ground after the evening mes 
Bachelors sleep together in the Mav.da-ghar save in the montl 
of Bhadra, Aswin and Kartik (middle of August lo middles 
November) when they mostly guard their komdn cuHivati!:' 

The following is the pio^ramme of a day^s work that ^v; 
gone through by a Pab-ri family during my visit to their villai 
in Octobta:. The fa>mily consisted of Chandan Pabri, bis \ 
aaid a younger ibrother. As they had harvested their gord pa tit! 
and had no wot cultiv^ion they were not required to guMd tlu 
fields. At cockcrow the two brothei's got wp, washed the 
faces, lighted a sal-leaf cigarette {phiica) ia the fire that is ahvi^ 
kept burningin the house so long as there is anyone in it. The 
Chandan and his brother took a plough and went to the thrcsl 
kig floor where they threshed gdrd rice. Chandan^s wif 
who had a baby in her arms, got up shortly After her husbant 



I 



PT. n.] PABBI BHOTYA. 24^ 



ihid her face and went with a winnowing basket to th-? 

"liug flooFj and husked the threshed rice. The men tied 

e rice in a bundle {^et) which the woman carried home 

r head. Chandan's wife then prepared the mid- day meal 

.ill consisted of boiled rice and baiiara, or pumpkin sliced 

oiled in wat^r. After all had had their midday bath the 

first took their meals and then the women. Chandan and 
fe then went to the jungle, the former to collect fuel- wood 

lie latter to dig for yams, of which different varieties are 
ea for food, and to gather guch f raits as jungle-figs {duaar), 
raifjaulua, etc. On their return home, the woman boiled rice 
d «a^-leaves for the evening meal. After taking their meals 
ev went to sleep, — the husband apart from the wife, as custom 

' Js a Pabri Bhuiya to sleep with his wife so long as she 

mues to suckle her babv. 



VII.— Ho Riddles. 

{Continued f7'om pa(/e SbS, volume II.) 
By Girindra Nath Sarkar, B. A. 

23. Asel kui hende cliatu dupilana. 

Of fair complexion a giil black au earthen pot carried on 
her head. 

Adaa redom chlkana mar [ kajlmc'^ . 
If you know what it is say. 

[_Translaiion.] 
A girl of fair coniplexioji carried a black earthen pot on her 
head. If you know, say what it is. 
Answer. — Soso * (a marking nut). 

24. Jiam doya kam d e daia 

Grandmother^s back not [you] climb up can 

Adan redom chikana mar [kajime]. 

If you know what it is, say 

\_Tran8laiion.'] 
You cannot climb up [your] grandmother^s back. If you 
know, say wh^t it is. 

Answer. — Ginil (a wall},. 

25. Jiam tikit a a kam ud d aia 

Grandmother cooked pot-herb not [you] devour can 
Adan redom c hikana mar [k ajime] . 

If you know what it is say. 

ITranslaiion.l 

You cannot devour pot-herb cooked [by] grandmother. If 
you know, tell me what it is. 

Answer. — Bo^-ub^ (hair^ of the head^). 

* The answer to ridcllo No. 12 published in the last issue of the " Jour.ial of 
the Bihar and Orissa Research Society " is Sonffsotie/. Both SousoDg and Soso 
are usod hy the Uos to mean a marking nut. 



rOL, v., PT. n.] HO BIDDLIS. 251 

26. Jiam kulputad kulpu^ kam ni daia 
Grandmother locked a lock: not Ljouj open can 

Adan redom cbikana mar [kajime] . 

If you know what it is say. 

ITranglaiion.'] 

You cannot open a lock locked [by] grandmother. If you 
know, say what it is. 

Answer. — {Hatana-^ jo^) (Frult^ of the Asan tree^). 

[It can never be broken by the hand except with the help of 
a piece of stone or an iron bar.] 

27. Tnika bamea poitakan 

Dwarf a Brahmin with the saored thread on, 
[Translation.'] 
A dwarf Brahmin with the sacred thread on. 
Answer, — Rent a (a spinning wbeel). 

28. t Jeje te chakada 
fruits with will tempt 
karbate ba ba 

of carved shape will make you recede, 
[Translation.'] 
It will tempt you with its fruits but will make you recede 
with its thorns. 

Answer.— Bdkdra (plum) [Zizi/pltis jttjuha], 

29. HisI dosi ho te babako runia 
Twenty thirty men with paddy are grinding 
Midogre honda-biurea 



only one is stirring and moving 

[Translation-] 
Twenty or thirty men are grinding paddy and only oae man 
Is stirring and moving it. 

Answer — Ddtdko dnde te{\i) (Teeth and tongue). 

* A similar wo\-d " kalwp " is spoken by the people of Dbalbhnm acd Manbham 
in the ChotaNagpar Division. The point of differeace between the two words is the 
position of the letter " u " which comes in one case after ' p ' and in another, 
before ' p '. 

t The two words ' je je ' are the cornipt forma of the two word* * jo jo', th« 
plnral f jrm of ' jo ' meaning a fruit. 



352 HO RIDDLES. [J.B.O.B.S. 

30. Fund i pTindl 51 ere 

White white ground on 
Tee teko herea 



hands with are sowing 

A^a teko iria 

mouth with are reaping 

{Translaiion-I 
They are sowing it with their hands on a white ground and 
are reaping it with their mouths. 

Answer. — Fundi Sdkdmre teeleJcb died d'd teko pdrdod. 
(They write on white papers and read the letters with their lips.) 

31. Kukurn undure ramiko che omeo 
hollow of a tree in parrots are chirping. 

\_Trandation.'\ 
Parrots are chirping within the hollow of a tree. 
Answer. — Hdpud chdtu,re gdngdi ho dtdtdore sdri/dnd 

(maize is sounding within a broken earthen pot^ at the time of 

being fried). 

32. Mlat gandure Tlonarea 

one on wooden seat father-in-law 

Kiminia dubaking 

daiighter-in-law are sitting 

Kaking k epeda. 

do not touch [each other] . 

l^Trandaiton'] 
On a wooden seat, a father-in-law and his daughter-in-law 
are sitting together but the one does not touch the other. 

Answer. — Diringking ( Two horns [on the head of an animal]). 
[When the father-in-law is within a room, the daughter-in- 
law would not enter it ; and if the clothes of the father-in-law 
are kept within a room, the daughter-in-law may enter it but 
would not touch them and vice versa. The idea of the one touching 
the person of the other is foreign to the Hos of Singhbhum.] 
33. Nedar pii-e kuid king tepegatiina. 
On that held two kites are kicking. 
[Translation.'] 
On yonder field, two kites are kicking each other. 



VOL. Y.. PT. n.] HO RIDDLES. 25| 

Answer. — Hdtd (a winnowing fan). 

[Every Ho who possesses paddy-fields, has got a piece of 
land beside them. This land they keep dry and tidy to serve 
the purpose of a thrashing floor. After the paddy is cut from 
the field, it is brought to the thrashing ground where it is 
thrashed and the corns are beaten out. The thrashing over, two 
Hos on two sides take two winnows in their hands and fan ofE 
the particles of dust, straw and such other useless things that are 
mixed up with the corn. The two- winnowing fans, then, look 
like two kites kicking and fighting each other.] 
34-. Mido Ho pundi g«tu ta 
One man white hill up to 
eda tuire 
being taken up 
ae teo;e senoa 



will go further of himself 

[Translation.^ 
There is a man who, on being taken up to the white hill, will 
climb further upwards of himself. 

Answer. — En ho do mdndi dndo pundi pufu do ddtdf'^9 
(The man is food and the white bill is the number of teeth), 

35, Enga do kud banga 
!Mother hunch-backed 
honkodoko sengera 

children straight 

[Translation.l 
The mother is hunch-ba3ked, but the children are straight. 
Answer. — Sdr^ ddsdr'^ (bow ^ and arrows^), 

36. Enga do tingu hapakanoa 

Mother stands still 

Honko doko Luring huringta 

children little little 

Hoy oe redoeko susuna 

when wind blows dance 

[TransIation.il 
The mother stands still. Her children are little. When 
wind blows they dance. 



254 so BIDDIES. T J,B.O.ft;S» 

Answer. — Besa 3aru (peepul tree) \Ficus religiosd], 
[The mother is the trunk of t'he peepul tree, the children axe 
the leaves.] 

37. Modo eratani barhisi apehisi 

One woman two scores three scores 

Honko heb daia 

children can take into her armpitfl 

[^Tramlatii)n»'\ 

There is a woman who can take into her armpits two to three 
scores of her children at a time. 

Ansioer. — *Pdrdsd ddru (The jack tree) \^Artocar^us integri- 
/olia]. 

38. Swnum matia jnr jur 

Oii a small earthen pot smooth 

[^Translation. "l 
A smooth and small earthen pot for oil. 
Answer. — Urimuta (nose of an ox). 

-39. Miat miat te joa 

One one by will fructify 

Misate mata-6a 

at the same time will ripen 

[Translation.'] 
One by one will the fruits appear and they will ripen at the 
same time. 

Answer. — ChaUi/co (earthen vessels) . 

[In a pottery, earthen vessels are formed one by one. But 
they are put into the fire at the same time to be burnt and har- 
dened.] 

40. Enga do tinf^u hapakanoa 

Mother stands stHT" 

Honkodo esuiko eperanga 



Children very quarrelsome 



• The Oriya word for it is poroso, and the Sanskrit word is patiasa, cf. Colonel 
Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of IJcngal, p. 177. " It is also probable that 
many (Hos) were abs'^rbod into the family that conquered their, and this may 
account for the greater beauty of the Hos as compared with other Kols, and for 
thfcir having in use a number of common vocables of Sanskrit origin.'* 



<S>> ''V 



toL. V :, PT. n.j 



HO BIDDLEBr 



[Trandation.'] 
The motlier stands still ; her children are very quarrekomei 

Answer,^^Mdrchi (chilli). 

[The mother is the marchi plant ; the children are the marckit^ 
^ving a hot pungent taste.] 

41, Mido damre dnbian rege 



One 

Sinn ate 



on tree 
dabuia 



when he sits 
latar pate 



Upwards tUTHS the posterior downwaids turns the mouth 
[Translation.'} 

There is a creature ; when it sits on a tree, it turns its pos- 
terior upwards and. its mouth downwards. 
Jmwer. — Bdduri (a Bat) , 
42« Kamar do nnumai 



Blacksmith 
Mara do 



dives into water 
da chetan re 



susnna 



Peacock 
Ho do 



water above on 
kuti pa le 



dances 

tinofuakan a 



Man 
Hakukoe 



bank near on 
sab-undia 



stands 



Fishes 



catches gathers 

[TranS'Ofion.'} 

A blacksmith dives into water ; a peacock dances on the wafer ; 
a man catches and gathers fish standing on the bank near by. 

Answer. — Kdmdr do tdnsi, mdrd do mdtd ind ondo ho do 
hdhuhdniitdni (Blacksmith is the fish-hook, peacock is the 
peacock's feather, the man is the man who angles with line 
and hook). 

43. Mido kaejangana 



One 
Otere 



boneless 



unduea 



in the earth 
Sirmate 



makes hole 

e'e rakabea 



raises 



Upwards excrements 
[Trandation.'] 
There is a creature [which is] boneless ; it makes holes in the 
earth and raises its excrements upwards. 



M6 ^ HO KIDDLES. tJ.B.O.E.S. 

Answer.'-'Zdndad (an earth-worm). 

44. Mi^o komchong sota 

1 One a stick with a curved end a thick stick 

Dubuire horsed ta 

into the rump fixed 

Misad kae emea 



even once not gives up 

ITranslalion.'] 
There is creature with a curved stick fixed to its rump. It 
never puts the stick aside. 
Answer. — Seta (dog). 
[The creature is the dog and the stick is its tail.] 

45. A-am Undite gaonme 

Your mother's sister that is your aunt 

u] ugaot anae kae duhdaia 

is suffering from boil not sit can 

[Translation.'} 

Your mother's sister, that is to say, your aunt, is suffering 
from boil. She cannot sit down. 

Answer. — Chala (sieve to filtrate rice beer with). 

[This sieve is made of bamboo, and is in form like a hollow 
conoid when turned upside downwards, with a circular brim and 
a pointed base.] 

46. Gara gara te rombakapi goakad 

In every river bent sword carries 

{TranslationJ] 
There is a creature which carries curved swords from river to 
river. 

Answer. -^KdtJcdm (a crab) . 

[Curved swords mean the crab's forked legs.] 

47. Hatu ete hapakante senoa 
From the village silently goes 

Burure esuikaklaa 

In the forest makes great noise 
{Translation."] 
It goes silently from the village ; but on reaching the forest 
it makes great noise. 



\0L. v., PT, II.] 



HO BIDDLBS. SiST- 



Answer. — Sdie (an axe). 

4S. Burnchi mara ng, daru mara ng ? 

Hill' is it big tree big 

Dam marang 

tree big 

[Translation.'} 
Is the hill big or the tree big ? The tree is big. 
Answer. — Hake (an axe). 

[The hill is the axe made of iron which comes out of or© 
found in hills. The tree is the wooden handle of the axe.} 

49. Pundi diri sarlagate boloa 

White stone straight enters 

^Translation.'] 
A number of white stones are entering straight through. 
Answer. — Mdndi dundu (cooked rice). 

[Cooked rice when swallowed enters straight into the* 
stomach.] 

50. Gajakani jidko udkoae 

The dead one the living one devours 

[TranslationJ] 

The dead devours the living. 

Answer. — Kumbdd (A bamboo trap to catch fish with). 

51. Mundako ranchar e 

A ric h man^s house in 

Hati-lai borakena 



Elephant^s bowels are lying along 

[Translation.l 

An elephant's bowels are lying in a rich man's house. 
Answer. — Bar bdydr (A long thick rope made of straw). 
52. Mido setare do upuniakatate senea 

A creature in the morning with four legs walks 
Tara singi do bariakatate senea 

At noon with two legs walks 

Aubtanre do apeakatat€ senea 

^n the evening with three legs walks 



25S l£0 BIDfitESf, 



t^.tfi,SSr 



\_Tra7islation.'] 

A creature walks with four legs in the mornittg, with two 
legs at noon and with three legs in the evening. 

Answer. — Ho (a man). 

[A man in his childhood goes on all fours ; when grown up, 
lie walks with two legs; when he becomes old, he takes the help 
of a stick which serves the purpose oi a third leg,] 



Vni,— The Man^o Tree in the Marriage-^ 
Ritual of the Aborigines of Chota 
Nagpur and Santalia. 

By Sarat Chandra Mitra, M.A., B.L. 

If we examine the marriage-rittials of the aborigines of Chota 
Nagpur and Santalia, we come across a very curious feature 
thereof, namely, the more or less important part pfeyed by the 
mango tree therein. Among the Mundas, the Birhors and the 
Bhumij, all of whom are now in a primitive state of culture and 
live on the Chota Nagpur plateau, the bridegroom has, before 
the actual marriage with the human wife takes place, to go 
through the travesty of a wedding with a mango tree. Then 
again, among the Mundas and the Birhors of Chota Nagpur and 
the Santals who live in the Santal Parganas, the twigs or leaves 
of the mango tree are used largely in the performance of various 
rites ancillary to the main ceremony of the marriage. 

Let OS, first of all, deal with the marriage-ritual of the 
Mundas of Chota Nagpur. When the Munda marriage procession 
leaves the bridegroom's village, it stops at the first mango tree 
{uli) on the way. Bound the trunk of this tree, the bridegroom 
puts a mark of rice-flour dissolved in water and ties up a thread. 
The bridegroom's mother then sits down thereunder with the 
bridegroom on her knees. She then asks certain questions of her 
son, which being answered, the latter puts into his own mouth 
a mango-twig and molasses. After chewing the mango-twig 
a little, he gives the chewings to his mother who swallows the 
whole mass and blesses her boy. ^ Similarly on the occasion of 
the performance of the bride's ' Uli-Sdkhi ' ceremony, the bride 
with a number of her female relatives next proceeds in the 

1 The Mundat and Their Country. By Sarat Chandra Roy, r- ^^5. 
Calcutta : Thfc Citj Book Society, 1912. 



260 MANGO TREE IN ABORIGINAL MARRIAGE. [J.B.O.R.ST, 

palanquin, vacated by the bridegroom, to a neighbouring manga 
tree. After her arrival there, the bride puts a mark on the tree 
with moistened rice-flour and ties up a thread around its trunk. 
This tree is thus made a witness {sdkhi) to the marriage. ^ 

Then again, when the Munda bridegroom arrives at the court- 
yard of the bride's house, a number of female relatives come out 
to meet him, each carrying a brass lotd filled with water and 
a pestle. Each of these women first sprinkles water on the 
bridegroom with a mango-twig and then brandishes the pestle, 
jestingly saying : " If you prove covetous, if you prove a thief, 
you will be thus beaten with a pestle.^' * This custom of 
sprinkling the bridegroom with water by means of mango-twigs 
is alluded to in a Munda folk-song wherein a Munda youth, 
bidding defiance to all social restrictions, says : — 

" For a bride I shall seek where affection will lead, 

My wishes alone the sole guide that I know. 
JVo sprinkling of water with mango-twic/s I'll need. 
No mark of vermilion over my brow." • 

This practice of performing the lustration with mango-twigs 
is also resorted to on other ceremonial occasions, as will appear 
from the xmdermentioned incident in the Munda legend of 
Lutkum Haram and Lutkum Buna. It is stated therein that 
the Asurs led the Toro Kora towards their furnaces to offer him 
up as a sacrifice to appease Sing Bonga. The Toro Kora had 
previously given the following instructions about the correct way 
of performing this sacrifice. Two virgins, who should fast for 
three days and nights, should work the furnaces with bellows 
newly made of white goat-skin, and furnished with new bellow- 
handles and with a new bellow-nozzle. These bellows should be 
worked continuously and without any stoppage all the days and 
all the nights long. After the expiry of the prescribed three 
days, Uey should sprinkle water on the furnaces mih mango-twigs 
and thereby put out the fire. And the said water used for 

1 T\e MUndds and Their Counirg. By Sarat Chandra Roy, p. 447, 
' Op. cit., p. 446. 
f Op. eit., p. 517. 



VOL. v., PT. ir.] MAWGO TREE IN ABORIGINAL MABElAGE. 261 

sprinkling over the fire should be brought in new earthen pitchers 
placed over head-cushions made of cotton-thread. ^ 

[I have not yet been able to ascertain whether the custom of 
performing the Uli-SakM is in vogue among the Oraons of Chota 
Nagpur. Perhaps, future researches into the marriage-customs 
of this interesting people will throw light on this point.] 

The ceremony of the Uli-Sdkhi is also performed among 
the Birhors who are one of the most savage of the jungle- 
peoples of Chota Nagpur. This quaint rite is performed 
among them almost in the same way as amongst the Mundas 
of the same province, as will appear from the following account 
thereof. On his way to the bride's village, the Birhor bride- 
groom, who is cai-ried in the arms of his elder sister's 
husband and is accompanied by his mother and other women- 
folk of his tanda or settlement, is, first of all, taken to a mango 
tree. The women take with them a lota or jug of water, 
two leaf -platters and several leaf -cups, each of which contains 
molasses, rice-flour, vermilion and some unbleached thread. 
After reaching the foot of the tree, the bridegroom makes, with 
the little finger of his right hand, a vermilion-mark on the trunk 
thereof. While his little finger is still in contact with the tree, 
a woman of the party winds a strand of the unbleached thread 
five times round the trunk of the mango tree just below the 
vermilion-mark. Then some one of the party strikes the branches 
of the tree with a stick or club and fetches down some leaves 
or twigs thereof. Then a few of these twigs or stalks of the 
mango-leaves are handed over to the bridegroom who chews 
them a little and makes over the chewed mass to his mother. 
She, in her turn, mixes the chewed mass of twigs or leaf-stalks 
Tvith molasses and swallows the same. This ceremony is repeated 
five times [note that five is a sacred number] and known as the 
bridegroom's Uli-SakM ceremony.* 

When the bridegroom arrives in procession before the hut 
of the bride's father, three or five [note that three and five are 

^The Munddt and Their Country, By Sarat Chandra Roy, p. 33 (Appendix II)- 
I J.B.O.E.S., Yol. IV, p. 78. 



262 MANGO TREE tS ABOBianJAL HAEBrAGE, [J.B.OJS'.S^ 

sacred numbers] females come out to welcome him. This is 
known as the Arckha-Parehha, ot the ceremony of welcoming 
the bridegroom. These women carry a new basket containing 
pounded turmeric and three or five torches made out of rags 
steeped in oil and twisted round the stalks or twigs of mangO' 
leaves. Taking her stand before the bridegroom, each one of 
these women, one after the other, holds one of the lighted torches 
in her left hand, and, with her right hand, smears a little of the 
turmeric-paste over his temples. Then he, in his turn, besmears 
the temples of these women with the turmeric-paste with his right 
Land. Then the torches are cast off by the women. ^ After 
the bridegroom has been introduced to the female relatives of 
his bride by the Archha'Parchhd ceremony, two girls come out 
with two pitchers of water brought from some neighbouring 
stream, tank or spring with the performance of some rites, and, 
dipping a few small mango-twigs in these jptteiers, sprinkle the 
said water all over the body of the bridegroom. In his own 
turn, the bridegroom dips one or two mango-twigs in a lotol of 
water brought to him by one of his own party. ^ 

Then comes the bride's Vli'Sahhi ceremony. On this occa^- 
sion, the bride's mother, accompanied by the bride and several 
other women, goes to a mango tree, the bride being carried in 
the arms of one of these latter women. It is a sine qua non of 
this ceremony that this tree should not be in the direction of 
the bridegroom's tdndd or encampment. If a mango tree ful- 
filling this condition be not found, a mango-branch is planted 
in the ground in the prescribed direction. Under this mango 
tree or branch, the bride, her mother and other female com- 
panions perform the same ceremonies as have been performed by 
the bridegroom, his mother and other companions at his own 
Uli-Sdkhi. » 

The twig or leaf of the macgo tree also plays an important 
part in other ceremonies connected with the wedding-ritual of 
the Birhors. 

^ J.B.O.R.S., Vol. IV., pp. 79, 80. 

» Ihid., p. 80. 
• Ibid., p. &1. 



VOL, V„ PT. II.] HANGO TBEE IX ABOBIGINAL MABBUGE. 268 

Take, for instance, the rites performed on the occasion of the 
hridegroom^s Adhibds ceremony which generally takes plaee on 
the morning of the day which is fixed for the marriage and on 
which day the bridegroom's party is to go to the bride's village. 
On the occasion of this ceremony, the bridegroom's sister's 
husband excavates a miniature tank and plants a young plan- 
tain tree on its eastern bank. On its we?tem margin, a slab of 
stone is placed over three bundles of thatching-grass. On this 
stone slab, the bridegroom and his mother take their seats with 
their faces turned towards the east. Thereafter two girls dip 
twigs of the mango tree, which have been brought by the husband 
ef the bridegroom' s elder sister, in two pitchers containing cerem(y 
nial water which has been previously brought by some other 
women from a neighbouring spring or stream. TFith these 
twigt, the two girls sprinkle water from the two pitchers over 
the hiidegroom who thereafter bathes in the water of one 
of these two pitchers, and his mother does so in that contained 
in the other. Thereafter his mother, placing anew winnowing 
fan (with certain ceremonial articles in it) on her head, sits 
down at the door of her hut just inside the doorstep. While the 
bridegroom, who has, in the meantime, taken his meal; sits down 
confronting his mother on the outer side of the doorstep. The 
husband of the bridegroom's elder sister then twists into the shape 
of cigarettes each of the mango-leaves with which water has been 
previously sprinkled on the bridegroom^ and weaves them into six 
garlands, each garland being made of three twisted mango-leaves. 
Two of these six garlands are worn by the bridegroom, two by his 
father, and the remaining two by his mother, one being worn on 
an arm and the other on a leg by each of them ^ 

Similar garlands of mango-leaves appear also to be worn by 
the bride. For it would appear that, on the occasion of the per- 
formance of the ceremony known as the " Exchange of Blood " 
which takes place at the bride's place and in the course of 
which ceremony the bridegroom touches the bride with his own 
" sindi " or blood-stained rag and the bride touches him with 
I J.B.O.R.S., Vol. IV., pp. 77, 78. 



264 MANQO TBEE IN ABOBIQINAL M ABSlAGE. [J3.03.S 

herSj the bridegroom and bride exchange their garlands 0/ mango- 
leaves.^ 

On the return of the bridegroom with the bride to his own 
house, one of his womenfolk shuts his eyes with her hands. 
Then he has, in this blindfold state, to take off from his arm the 
aforementioned garland of three twisted mango-leaves and buries 
it with his hands in the water of the aforesaid miniature tank. 
Then another woman blindfolds the bride with her hands s and, 
thus blindfolded, the latter has to search for the buried gar- 
land of mango-leaves with her hands and fish out the sarne frora. 
the tank.^ 

A quaint ceremony is, however, performed among the Kawan 
clan of the Birhors, wherein the leaves of the mango tree figure 
largely. Before the bridegroom and the bride enter the hut, a 
fowl is sacrificed, and its blood is sprinkled on them. Then the 
bridegroom^s mother draws with rice-flour steeped in water a chain 
of round figures from the courtyard right up to the door of this 
hut, and places a mango-lest,f on each of these round fiijures. First 
of all, the bridegrG,or», in going up to the door of this hut, has 
to place his footsteps on each of these mango-leaves. Thereafter 
he is followed by the bride in a similar toay.'^ 

Then, on the occasion of the Choutha-Chouthi Ceremony which 
is performed on the morning of the day next to that on which the 
bridegroom with the bride returns to his own place, both of them 
change their turmeric-dyed cloths. Thereafter the bride places 
on her head a basket containing about twenty pellets of clay and 
takes up in her hand a lota filled with water and covered up with 
a leaf-cup holding some molasses. With these she wends her 
way to her father's tanda or encampment. Taking up in his hands 
a bow and an arrow and a leafy twig of mango, the bridegroom goes 
after his bride, always remaining at a little distance from her. 

As soon as the bride arrives at the boundary of her husband^'s 
encampment, she puts down upon the ground her basket and lotn 

1 J.B.O.R.S., Vol. IV., pp. 81, 82. 
" Ibid., p. 87. 
»I6ti.,p. 88. 



VOU v., PT. n,] MAKGO TBEE IM ABORIGINAL MAEBUGE. 265 

of water and commences to run in the direction of her father^s 
settlement. Thereupon the bridegroom places his bow and arrow 
near the basket put down by his wife, and pursues her till he 
reaches her. Catching hold of her hand, he leati her on her 
biiiioeis with the mango-twig which he holds in hii hands oxiA 
takes her back to the place where she had left her basket and 
where the womenfolk of his own encampment had, in the mean- 
time, gathered.^ [Thereafter other ceremonies are performed with 
which we are not concerned. ] 

Lastly, the mango-twig figures conspicuously in that quaint 
and curious ritual^ namely, the ceremony which marks the begin- 
ning of the taboo between a Birhor and the elder sisters and 
cousins of the wife. After the elder sisters and cousins of the bride 
have performed the Chumdn or Symbolical "Kissing'^ Ceremony 
of which the details need not be given here, each of them, by turn, 
asks the bridegroom: " What is your name ? " After communicating 
to them his own name, he enquires of them their respective names. 
In reply to his question, each of them tells him her own name, 
and thereafter, dipping a leafy mango-twig in a bowl of water ^ 
sprinkles therewith a Utile of this toaier on ike hridegroom. Se^ 
in his own turn, dips a mingo-ttoig in water contained in a brass 
plate which is placed before him, and sprinkles therewith a little 
water over her. As each of these elder sisters and cousins of the 
bride finishes this ceremonial sprinkling of water, she pulls the 
bridegroom by the ears, strikes his back thrice with her closed 
fists, and tells him : " From to-day regard me as your Jeth'sds ; 
11 sten well with your ears ; do not utter my name again with your 
llps.^'' After making this remark, she places her present on 
the plate before the bridegroom and goes away. Henceforth 
he and his Jeth-sds must not utter each other's name, nor talk to 
each other, nor sit together on the same mat, nor come near each 
other. ^ 

We shall now deal with the Bhumlj or the Bhumij-Kols 
who have ethnic and linguistic affinities with the Mundas, the 

1 J.B.O.R.S., Vol. IV,, pp. 88, 89. 
» JJirf.,pp. 85, 86. 



265 MINGO TEEE IN ABORIGINAL MABEIAGE, [J.B.O.R.S, 

Hos and the Santals and whose home is in the Manbhum Dis- 
triofc of Chota Nagpur. On examining the marriage -ritual of 
this people, we find thatj among them also, the quaint ceremony 
of Am-Blha.li a (or the Marriage with the Mango Tree), which is 
almost identical with the UlhSdkhi of the Mundas and the 
Birhors, is prevalent. It is performed aa follows : — 

Before going to the bride's place, the Bhumij bridegroom and 
his mother have to go to a mango tree and sit thereunder. Then 
this tree is marked with streaks of rice-flour steeped in water 
and with vermilion. Then the bridegroom breaks a twig from 
this tree, touches it with his lips, and then hands it over to his 
mother. She, in her turn, chews part of it and then throws it 
away. [Among the Mundas and the Blrhors, however, the twig 
is chewed with molasses by the bridegroom ; and the whole of 
the chewed mass is then handed over to his mother who gulps it 
down.] 

After the foregoing rite has been performed, the following 
dialogue takes place between the Bhumij bridegroom and his 
mother : — 

Mother.'^'Where are you going to with so much eclat ? 

Bridegroom, — I am going to fttch a female slave for you, 
mother. 

The Bhumij bride, in her turn al«o, has to perform the same 
ceremony of the Am-Bibdhd. As soon as the bridegroom's party 
arrives at her place, the bride, accompanied by her mother and 
some female relatives, goes to a neighbouring mango tree and 
streaks it with rice-flour dissolved in water and with vermilion. 
They then sit under this tree. Then the bride touches a mango- 
twig with her lips and hands it over to her mother. The latter 
chews it with her teeth and then throws it away. After this has 
been done, they return home to perform. the actual marriage- 
ceremony. ^ 

[The mango-twig is also used in the funeral ceremony of the 
Bhumij. After the corpse of a deceased Bhumij has been placed 

I J.B.O.B.S. for September 1916, pp. 277 X. 



Vol. v., pt. ii.] itANao tree in abobiqixal mabbiage. 267 

upon a pile of wood, the deceased's eldest son procures a twig of tie 
mango or palds free, and gets it torappgd up in a piece of new clotk 
previously soaked in glii or clarified batter. This ticig is then 
lighted and applied thrice [mark that three is a sacred number] 
to the decease i's mouth. After this rite has been performed, the 
eldest son returns borne direct, leaving his relatives and friends to 
set fire to the funeral pyre].^ 

Then we come to the Santals who have their home in 
Santalia. On an examination of the marriage-ritual of this 
aboriginal people, we come across the fact that neither the 
ceremony of the Uli-Sdkhi nor that of the Am-Bibaha forms a 
part and parcel thereof. But we find another interesting feature 
thereof, namely, the fact that the leaves of the mango tree are used 
in connection tcith the celebration of ihe Sdntal's marriage' 
•9eremony-and in the performance of a rite subsidiary to the main 
wedding-ritual. Take, for instance, the mdndtod or the marriage- 
booth of the Santals. This booth, which is erected in the 
courtyards of the houses of both the Santal bridegroom and 
bride, is decorated to ith festoons of the leaves of the mango tree. 
In the same way, the entrances to their houses from the streets are 
also rigged out with wreaths made of mango-leaves. Then again, 
strings in which leaves of the mango tree have been tied nja are 
also stretched overhead across the streets in threes places [mark 
that three is a sacred number].^ Lastly, when the Santal bride 
takes her seat in a new large and flat basket, is lifted up by 
certain bearers, taken out into the street where the Santal bride- 
groom, sitting astride on the shoulder of his brother-in-law or 
uncle, awaits her coming, and is raised, while still seated in the 
basket, to the level of the bridegroom, both of them sprinklt each 
other three times with water hi/ means of a sprig of the mango 
tree.^ 

On a careful study of the foregoing descriptions of the so- 
called '' Marriage with the Mango Tree,'^ we are struck with two 

1 J.B.O.R.S. for September 1916, p. 231. 

• J.B.O.R.S. for September 19X6, pp. 311, 312. 

» Jiid., pp. 315, 316. 



^8 MANaO TREE IN AB6RIGIHAL MABEIAGB. IJ.B.O.H.S, 

noteworthy features thereof, namely, [a) that we may either 
take the aforementioned rite as an instance of the widely-spread 
Indian custom of entering icto a mock-marriage with a tree or 
plant, or (i) we may consider it as the instance of a ceremony for 
enabling the tribal godlings resident in the mango tree to witness 
and thereby sanctify the actual marriage with the human wife. 

(a) If we look upon the ritual performed in connection with 
the mango tree in the light of " a mock-marriage with a tree or 
plant'*, as is indicated by the Bhumij term Am-JBzbd/id applied 
to it, we are supported in our view by a considerable mass of 
Indian evidence on the point. For T have already shown 
elsewhere in this /citrna? that, in various parts of India, if a 
person is desirous of marrying a third or fourth human wife, he 
has, first of all, to go through the travesty of a marriage with 
the babul tree {Acacia arabica) or the dk plant or the gigjintic 
swallow-wart {Calotropis gigantea) ? 

Then again, there arises the question : Why, of all other 
trees, the mango tree should be selected as a suitable substitute 
for a human wife for performing the ceremony of the Uli-Sdkhi 
or the Am'Blldhd with ? 

We shall try to show, by reasoning set forth infra, that 
the mango tree is looked upon by the Muuda?, the Birhors and 
the Bhumi] as the habitation of their tribal godlings, and 
that, therefore, it is sacred. This tree is also looked upon as 
a scarcr of evil spirits and influences by various other races of 
people all over India; and its twigs and leaves are used for 
making the aspersion at sundry rural ceremonies in different 
parts of this country. Wreaths made of its leaves are hung up 
on the occasion of pujda and other festive celebrations on the 
house-door. In Rohilkhand, on the occasion of the Akhtij 
Festival (The Festival of "The Undying Third''), the 
cultivator goes at daybreak to one of his fields, taking with him 
a brass lota full of water, a branch of the mango tree, and a 

* Vide my article " On the Use of the Stcallow-worls in the Bitiial, Sorcery 
and Leechcraft of the Hindus and the pre-Islailiitic Arabs " in J, I'.O.R,?. 
for Juue 1918, pp. 198,109. 



VOL. v., VT. II.] MANGO TBEE IN JWOBIGINAL MAEBUGE, 269 

spade. The attendant priest then makes certain calculations 
and ascertains the spot where the first digging should be done. 
This having been done^ the peasant digs up fve clods of earth 
with his spade^ and then sprluklts the water from the lota five 
times with the branch of the mango tree into the trench.^ At 
the Pola Festival held in Berar, the bullocks of the whole village 
are led in procession under a sacred rope made of twisted gra?s 
and covered over with mango-leaves.* [Compare this sacred rope 
v/ith the SanlaPs strings in which mango-leaves have been tied up 
and which are stretched overhead across the streets in three placer.] 
Whenever cattle-murrain breaks out in Northern India, it is 
a common practice to hang up a rope of straw into which mango - 
leaves have been strung, over the roadway by which the cattle 
enter or leave the village on their way to the grazing-ground. ^ 
It is also on account of the sacredness of the mango tree 
and of its consequently possessing the property of scaring 
away evil spirits and influences that the twigs or leaves 
of this tree are so largely used in the performance of various 
rites ancillary to the main marriage-rituals of the Munda*, 
the Birhors and the Bhumij of Chota Nagpur, and of the Santals 
of Santalia. 

[b) If we look upon the rite of the so-called " Marriage with 
the Mango Tree '' as the instance of a ceremony for enabling 
the tribal godlings, resident in this tree, to witness and thereby 
sanctify the actual marriage with the human wife, our theory 
is supported by ample evidence which proves the existence, 
among several wild tribes of India, of the belief that their tribal 
godlings, who dwell among the leaves of their sacred trees, act, 
firstly, as witnesses of their deeds and scrutinizers of their 
conduct, and, secondly, play the role of judges of their conduct 
and punish them for their misdeeds, if any. 

Take, for instance, the pipal tree {Iicus religiosa). It is 
regarded throughout India as sacred to the deities who are 

^ Crooke's An Introduction to the Popular Religion and Folklore cf 
Sorthern India (Allahabad Edition of 1894) pp. 369, 370. 
3 Op. cit., p. 377. 
' Op. cit., p. 378. 



270 * MANGO fBEE IN ABOBiaiNAL MARRIAGE, (;j,B.OJt«S. 

believed to take delight in sitting among its leaves and to hear 
the music made by the rustling of its foliage. "While giving 
evidence before a court, the Hindu or aboriginal witness takes 
a pipal leaf in his hands and invokes the deities, who sit above 
him, to crush him or his nearest and dearest relatives in the 
same way as he crushes the leaf in his hand, should he happen 
to depose to -anything but the truth. He then plucks and 
crushes the leaf and deposes to what he has to state. 

In the same way, the lofty red silk-cotton tree {Bombax 
malaharicum) is regarded by the jungle-tribes of India as the 
favourite seat of their godlings who are far more terrible by 
reason of the fact that the latter are superstitiously believed to 
keep watch and ward exclusively over the people living in the 
vicinity of this tree, and, having their faculty of superintendence 
less engaged, are able to institute a far more searching enquiry 
into the conduct of every man and woman who dwell immediately 
around them. The pipal tree is believed to be inhabited by some 
one or other of the three gods of the Hindu Trinity — Brahma 
the Creator, Vishnu the Preserver, and Mahesvara or Siva the 
Destroyer — whose duty is supposed to be to exercise superin- 
tendence over the affairs of the whole universe. But the 
silk-cotton and other trees are believed to be the homes of the 
lesser godlings who are entrusted with the task of looking after 
the affairs of only a single district, or, perhaps, of a single village, 
^he people of this district or village have their eyes always 
fixed upon these godlings ; and every one of them is fully aware 
that he is, at any time, liable to be hauled up before the tribunal 
of these their minor deities, and to be compelled to undergo the 
punishment meted out by the latter to himself or to his nearest 
and dearest kinsmen, if he has already told or is about to tell a 
lie, or if he has already given or is about to give false testimony. 

In their own courts held under the pipal or the silk-cotton 
tree, the imagination of the aforementioned jimgle-peoples very 
often did what their godlings, who were believed by them to 
preside over their said courts, were generally supposed to do. If 
a witness told a falsehood, he believed that the godling, who sat 



VOL. v., PT. IL] MANGO TBEE IN aBOBIGINAL MABBIAGE. 271 

on the leafy throne above him and seratinized the heart of 
every man, must have come to know of his misdemeanour. 
From that time forth, his guilty conscience pricked him every 
now and then j his sinful heart did not afford him any rest ; and 
he constantly feared that the enraged godling would punish him 
for his misconduct. If any accident befell him or those nearest 
and dearest to him, it was looked upon in the light of a punish- 
ment inflicted upon him or his kinsmen by the offended godling. 
Even if no accident happened to him or to his relatives, his own 
guilty and troubled conscience was sure to bring about some 
•ther evil to himself. ^ 

On a consideration of the foregoing evidence, we venture 
to propound the theories (1) that the aborigines, namely, the 
Mundas, the Birhors and the Bhumij of Chota Nagpur, and the 
Santals of Santaha regard the mango tree as the habitation oi 
their tribal godlings ; (i) that these lesser deities, from their leafy 
homes, witness and thereby sanctify the actual marriages of the 
aboriginal bridegrooms with their human brides ; and (3) that 
it is for these reasons that the first-named three aboriginal 
tribes of Chota Nagpur perform the ceremony of the Uli-Sdkki 
an^Tthe Am-B'ihdhd with the mango tree. 

1 Sleemaii's SamlUs and Recollections of a» iMiian Official, Vol. U, 
pp. 111—113. 



IX.—Is Mahli a Real Caste-name ? 

By Rai Saheb Chuni Lai Ray, B.A. 

A few montlis before the Census of 1911, I was camping 
at Rahe (thana Sonahatuj Subdivision Khunti, District Ranchi) 
when one of the census enumerators of the village came to me 
and sought my advice how to distinguish in the enumeration 
book between the two classes of Mahlis which he said there 
were in that part of the district. I gave him the stereotyped 
answer, viz., that subcastes were not to be entered, and advised 
him to describe both classes of Mahlis as " Mahlis '^ simply In 
tbe enumeration book. The average enumerator would probably 
have been satisfied with this, but so was not my interrogator. 
He said that the two classes spoke two different languages, and 
that although they might be shown as belonging to the same 
caste, it would certainly be Incorrect to state that the two classes 
spoke the same language. This aroused my curiosity, and I 
enquired of the enumerator If he could take me to any place 
where I could see both classes of Mahlis ; he asked me to follow 
him to the next village, which I did. There he called a number 
of men and arranged them Into two groups, one class calling 
themselves Or Mahlis or Bans Mahlis and basket-weavers by 
profession, the other class known as Patars or Patar Mahlis, 
whose principal occupation, I was told, was oil-pressing. The 
Or Mahlis told me that they were not the same caste as the 
unclean Patars, whose gibberish they could not understand ; the 
Patars similarly assured rae that they could not follow the 
^ language of the Ors who, they said, were no better than Doms 
and Turis. I asked members of each class to speak In their own 
dialect and watched them speaking ; and I found that, although 
evidently It was an exaggeration to say that the language of the 
Patars was not intelligible to Ors, and vice versa, it was pretty 



VOL. V, PT, 11] 



MAQLI. 



27? 



clear that tlicj spoke distinctly different dialects. The dialect of 
the Or ]\Iahlis contained a number of words which were common 
in San tali but were not used in Mundari, while the Patar 
Mahlis were speaking, so far as I could make out, in exactly 
the same dialect of ^lundari as is used by Mundas in that part 
of the country. Thus : 



Or Malilia. 



Patar Mahlis. 



English eqairalent. 



Horoing irkaaa m< 

Hero iring seno'k kana ... 

Ing kaing sariana 

Aingaga pera banu'kkoa 
bnra cetaure. 



Atna'k eiminang hopon 
mena'kkoa. 



Eabaing irtana 

Baba irte aing seno'tana... 

Aing kaing itnana 

Burn cetanre aingaga 
k'jpalko banko. 



Cimirang ama'k honko 
mena'kkoa. 



I am reaping paddy. 

I am going (to the field) 
to reap paddy. 

I do cot know. 

There are no relatives of 
mine on the bills (i.e. 
on thftRanohi plateaa). 

How many children hare 
you ? 



In answer to my question where their kutams (relatives by 
marriage) could be found, both Ors and Tatars named numerous 
yillages in what is known as Panch Pargana (the five Parganas 
Eahe, Tamar, Bundu, Silli and Basantpur) and the adjoining 
thauas of Manbhum district ; the Ors spoke also of kutum^ in. 
Jonha and Ranchi thanas, while the Patars spoke of kutiims to- 
wards Ehunti. One of the villages mentioned by the Patars 
was Takra in thana Khunti, a place that I had passed a few 
days before and where I had come across a colony of Mundas 
who were, like the Patars, oil-pressers by profession and who, 
I had been told, were known by the distinctive name of Khan- 
ghar Mundas. I hazarded a guess, and asked them if they knew 
anything about the Khanghar Mundas of Takra, to which they 
at once replied that Khanghars of Takra were iheiv kutu-t s 
and that Patar and Khanghar were but different names used 
in different localities for one and the same caste. Khanghar 



274 MAHLI. [J.B.O.R.8. 

Muudas whom I subsquently came across in Bundu and Khunti 
thanas acknowledged their identity with Patars (Rakhal Khan- 
ghar^ chaukidar of Labga in thana Bundu, is, for instance, son- 
in-law of Tui Patar of Maipa in thana Tamar ; and Lala Pahn, 
Kanre Pahn, Amru Pahn of Takra are related to Thakur Patar 
and Gahan Patar of Nuridi, ths.na Tamar). I have been told that 
the caste is known by still another name in Singhbhum district, 
viz. Tamaria ; and that the men in thanas Torpa 
and Basia who returned themselves as Mahli-Mundas 
are also Khanghar Mundas alias Patar Mahlis. I had 
no occasion, however, to meet either Tamarias or Mahli- 
Mundas after I got the information, and I am not in a 
position, therefore, to vouch for its correctness. 

West of Ranchi town, in the area which alone is locally 
recognized as Nagpur proper and in Borwe (thanas Chainpur 
and Bishunpur) and in Biru (thanas Simdega, Kochedega 
and Kurdeg) the term " Mahli " stands for quite another class, 
known also as Goraits, who are neither basket-weavers like the 
Ors nor oil-pressers like the Patars. Goraits are ordinarily 
described as village watchmen and runners by profession or as 
drummers or as makers of kakaes (combs) or as fishermen ; 
but probably their most important function in the social organi- 
zation in Oraon villages is the services reqiiired of these Goraits 
in ceremonies connected with the births, marriages and deaths 
of Oraons. On the day that the newborn Oraon child is to 
get his name — theoretically the sixth day after birth, but in 
reality the day on w^hich the pots of pachwai set for brewing 
after the child's birth are ready — the Goralt has to be called in 
to shave the child's head and to take a very important part in 
the name pinjna, (name-giving) ceremony. The Gorait is 
generally not an adept in shaving, and the shaving of the scalp 
is generally completed by a barber, or an Oraon, but the first tuft 
of hair must be removed by the Gorait''s hands. The shaving 
over, the Gorait takes a cup made of a leaf, or leaves, fills it 
with water, and, placing it on the ground, takes his seat before 
it with a small quantity of rice in his hands. Names for the 



m 



IL. v., PT, I[.] MAHLI. 275 

child are suggested by the parents or their relatives ; and as 
each name is suggested, the Gorait drops two grains of rice 
into the water from two opposite sides of the cup and watches 
if the grains meet as they sink to the bottom. If the grains 
do not meet, the name must be given up and a fresh name has 
to be suggested and two more grains of rice dropped into the 
water. The process is repeated with another name and another 
pair of grains of rice, and so on, till the meeting of two grains 
of rice dropped at the same instant proclaims the particular 
name which the child is to bear in life. 

At Oraon marriages it is the Gorait's wife whose services are 
required. The first thing to be done when the bridegroom 
returns to his house with his newly-wedded wife is the isun 
sindur (oil and vermilion) ceremony. The Gorait's wife is 
called in, and she comes with a new kakae with which she parts 
the hair of the bridegroom and of the bride. She then be- 
smears their heads and bodies with oil and then applies tindur 
(vermilion) to the heads of both. Although the sindtcrdan by 
the Gorait woman had been preceded by another at the bride''s 
place, when the bridegroom and bride applied sindvr to each 
other's foreheads, this second isun-sindur is an equally essen- 
tial item of the marriage rites, and not till this is over can 
the newly-wedded pair salute the bridegroom's parents and other 
seniors in the bridegroom's village and obtain their blessings. 

In connection with the Oraon 's funeral ceremonies the 
Gorait's services are equally necessary. After the cremation 
is over, the Gorait must be fed and propitiated first before food 
can be servetl out to the assembled relatives or to the spirit 
of the dead man invited to return to his old home. And for 
this service the Gorait gets, besides a full meal, a new brass 
vessel (a chhipi) and some money, and also, if the relatives of 
the deceased are well-to-do, a piece of cloth. Goraits very often 
pride themselves as being for the Oraons what the Brahmans 
are to the Hindu caates, getting as they do, food and dakhina 
if the Oraons are to perform properly any of their social ceremo- 
nies. Oraons on the other hand assert that the Goraits are mere 



276 MAHLI. [J.B.O.B.S 

mercenaries who take upon themselves, in return for the present 
and money gift, the sins of the deceased ; and in fact the Goraits 
occupy a comparatively inferior position in the social scale. 

In the tribal language of the Oraons, Goraits are known as 
Turiyar or Turis. No Gorait would, however, call himself a 
Tun, and among Sadans (non-aboriginals and others who speak 
in Gaonwari Hindi) the expression Turi* stands for quite a dis- 
tinct class who are basket-weavers by profession. Near about 
Ranchi and in the eastern thanas, the expression Turi is rather 
loosely used by Sadans indiscriminately for all baskat-weaving 
castes ; but most of these so-called Turis are found on question- 
ing to be really Doms or Mirdhas or Bans Mahlls or Ghasis, 
and they all disclaim conneation with Tarts, It is only 
further to the west or to the south, in Gumla and Simdeo-a 
subdivisions and in scattered villages in thanas Tapkara, Karra, 
Lapung, Bero, Mandar, Burmu, Kuru and Lohardaga that one 
comes across a class who are not only known t.) others as Turis 
but also describe themselves as Turis. Some men of this class 
whom I met at Birda in thana Karra and some others whom 
I met at Meromdega, thana Kochedega, Pargana Biru, said that 
in their own language they called themselves Hor, which they 
said was also the Turi equivalent for man. Turis of the 
Lohardaga side do not, however, call themselves Hor ; and 
Budhua Turi of Sarango, who is, in the panchai/et of the caste 
for Korambe Pargana, the dewaii, told me that the term Hor is 
merely equivalent to the common noun man, and that the name 
by which Turis describe themselves is Huse't. Turis of 
Birda, on the other hand, told mo that Huse't moans split 
bamboo and cannot possibly be a caste name. Be that as it may, 
there is no doubt that the Turis of Lohardaga side as well as 
those of Birda and Karra, and of Gumla and Biru form one 
endogamous group. BIrsa Tarl and Paurua Turi whom I met 
at Birda (thana Karra); Turis whom I met at Rood, a village 

• '* Turi '* the Oraon equivalent for Gorait, is pronounced with the accent 
on tlic first syllable j the Sadan word Turi, and the word uBcd by the basket- 
weaving Turis themselves, has no luch acccntu 



VOL. T., PT. II»] MAHLI. 277 

very close to Kuru on the thirty-third mile of the Ranchi-Lohar- 
daga road, and Kanhai Turi of Borgaon (near A rmai) in Gumla 
thana all spoke of relationship with Bandhu Turi of Beyasi (thana 
Mandar). The Birda men spoke also of relatives in Torpa and 
Lapxmg thanas (at Tapkara and Sarangloya), the Kood men 
spoke of relatives in thanas Mandar, Bero (villages Chorea, 
Beyasi, Mahuri, Kanjgi, Tero, Jhiko, Jamgain) as well as in 
Ghaghra and Bishunpur thanas (villages Sarango, Dewaki, 
Kasmar, Icha, Kit a), while the Bargaon man spoke of his rela- 
tives in parganas Palkot (villages Baghima, Bangru, Knlukera, 
Dongapani) and Biru (at Tamra near SIradega). Both near 
Kuril and Loharchga and near Kochedega I found the Turis 
speaking of Oraons as '' Jojo "and of Lohars as " Kote'e ", 

I have not come acr(^s any Turis of this class or heard of any 
of them living east of a I'ne running from Chorea in thana 
Mandar south-east to Hasbera near thana Karra and then south 
through Torpa, Kolebira and Bano thanas. West of this line 
Oraoi^s are the predominating caste and Mundas are very few ia 
number, except in thanas Kolebira, Bassia and Bano ; but the 
language which the Turis speak resembles Mundari very closely. 
Thus, Birsa Turi and Panrua Turi of Birda in thana Karra, whom 
I met at their village outstill, translated — 

'' I am going " by '^ Ing seno^tanaing " 

'• You are going " by " Am seno'tana" 
" He is going " by " luiko sentana '' 

and when I asked them how their language differed at all from 
Mundari, they could give me nothing more than that they would 
say " Kae emtana " (He does not give) where Mundas will say 
'' Kae omjada ''; and that Mundas will say " Kaji " (word) 
while they would say "Katha". (I may here mention that em is 
the Santali equivalent for Mundari o>n " to give " and that 
Kdthd is the Santali equivalent for Kdji in Mundari). 

In the same area in which the Turis live is to be found 
mother caste of basket-weavers, who call themselves Ors (the 
same name by which the Bans Mahlis of the Panch Parganas and 
oi Jonha and Ranchi sometimes describe themselves) . These 



278 MAHLI. 



CJ.B.O.K.S 



Ors disclaim all connection with the Turis, water touched by 
whom they would not drink. They call themselves Hindus, 
their principal god being Tanginath, and one of this caste, 
Dhanpat Or of Lohangdi near Silam, is reported to have employed 
a Brahmin priest on the occasion of his son^s marriage, Oreyi/ds 
(baskets of a particular shape and make) are the only things that 
they would make out of bamboo, and it is on this account, they 
say, that they are called Ors ; Turis make siip^i (winnowing fans), 
nachuas, but not ore //^ as. These Ors have no knowledge of the 
Or Mahlis or Bans Mahlis of the eastern part of the district ; and 
they feel offended if they are called Mahlis, that term signifying 
Goraits in the area in which these western Ors are found. 

Turis also disclaim all connection with these Ors of the 
west and would not drink water which an Or has touched. The 
only caste, they say, with whom they are in any way allied are 
the Eausa Turis, members of which caste could be found at 
Dhoura Nawadi near Champi (thana Lohardaga) and Patratu 
near Sons (thana Mandar). The Gasa^'k Turis, as the real Turis 
call themselves when distinguishing from Rausa Turis, take 
water from the latter ; and Lenga Soma Turi of Bharno added 
that it was also possible for a Gasa'k Turi to have a wife from 
the Rausa Turi caste, but only by the halkatti form of marriage. 
I saw the basket -weavers at Patratu near Sons ; they said they 
had never heard of the name Rausa Turis, and that they call 
themselves Bans Mahlis, not Turis. They had relations, they 
said, at Dhoura Nawadi near Champi, but most of their caste- 
men were to be found eastwards, at Umcdanda, at Ranchi, at 
Tatisilway and further east. Chaitu Mahli of Ranchi (tola 
Hatma) and Somra Mahli of Tatisilway, whom they mentioned 
as their relatives, said that they and these Patratu relatives of 
theirs were the same caste as the Bans Mahlis or Or Mahlis of the 
east. Chaitu knew of the basket-weaving Turis of Nagpur ; 
Bans Mahlis could take water from those Nagpur Turis, and 
haUcatti marriage between these Nagpur Turis and Bans Mahlis 
would be permissible, though Chaitu Mahli could not quote any 
actual instance where this had taken place. 



VOL. V,, PT. ll.] 



MAHLI. 



279 



The possibility of halJcatii marriage between two grotips 
which do not ordinarily intermarry can, I believe^ be generally 
regarded as good evidence of these two groups having Oxiginally 
formed one caste ; and I think it would not be unjustifiable to 
hold that the basket-weaving Tuns of Nagpur and the Bans 
Mahlis or Or Mahlis of the eastern thanas are merely snbcastes 
of what originally formed one caste. It is also possible (although 
there is Lot much positive evidence in support of this) that the 
Ors of the west are yet another subcaste who have come under 
the influence of Hinduism to a greater extent than the other 
subcagtes. 1 would further hazard the suggestion that the name 
Or is not derived from the term Oreyya, as the Ors suggested 
(the converse is probably tiue the name Oreyya being derived 
from Or) , but that it is only a corruption of the expression Hor 
or man. Practically all the main groups of the Kharwar race call 
themselves by the expression which in their special dialect 
stands for " man ''; thus, the Munda calls himself Horo, the 
Santal calls himself Hor, while ihe Larka Kol of Singbbhum 
calls himself a Ho. In the language of the Turis, Hor stands 
for " man'' ; the very same word is used for *' man " by such of 
the Bans Mahlis of Tatisllway . Lapung (a village near Angara 
in thana J onha) and some avijoining villages as have not yet 
forgotten their tribal language. Very probably the same word 
is used by their admitted relatives further to the east, in 
Bundu and Tamar, although I am not quite sure on this point. 

The following are the names of Gotras (exogamous groups) 
that came to my notice among Turis, Or Mahlis of the eastern 
thanas, and the western Ors of Nagpur proper. Names of the 
things tabooed are also noted, where these could be ascertained: 



Toiis. 



Ind alias Hasda'k (a fisb, also 
mushroom). 

Baghwa (tiger, alfo squirrel) 



Or Mablis or Bans 
liahlis. 



Ors of western 
thanas. 



Ind (a fisb, also a mush- 
room). 

Baghwa (the tiger). 



Hasda'k. 



2S0 



MA Hit, 



[J.B,03.3. 



Turis. 


Or liaWis or Bans 
Mahlis. 


Ors of western 
than as. 


Top. 




' 


Top (cap or pugree). 


Charhan. 




Chardi. 




Jari or KerketS (a bird) . 




KarkaaS. 




Mail. 




Mandri (the parrot). 


Ras (the Ras festival t 
the Hin'!u3). 


Tirki (eggs left over after the 
mother bird has hatched 
some of the eggs). 

Soren (a fish, also a mixture of 
rice and meat). 


Dumri (the fig tree). 

Tnru. 
Piri. 


Koya or Barwa (a wile 
animal). 


Bama (the sambhar deer). 




Sondriyar (these men 
cannot have their e^rs 
bored by Sjuars or 
goldsmiths). 





I could get only four gotra names of Goraits. These are 
Bagh (tiger) J Ind (a fisb, also a mushroom), Kachhua 
(tortoise) and Kujur. The first two names appear also among 
Turis and ors ; but I cannot say if this faot, or the fact that 
the name Mahli is shared in co.nmon by Goraits and by the 
Or Mahlis or Bans Mahlis of the eastern thanas is sufficient to 
connect the Goraits with Turis, or^ and Bans Mahlis. lad 
appears as a gotra name among Asurs also ; Kujurs are to be 
found among Oraons and Kachhuas among Mundas. Similarly, 
Kerkefca and Tirki appear as gotra names with Turis as well 
as with Oraons ; and Ilans^a'ks and So^rens are to be found 
both among Turis and among Mundas. BandO (wild cat) 
appears as a gotra name both among Oraons and among Mun- 
das ; similarity of gotra names should not, therefore, be taken 
as any evidence of a common caste. 

As for similarity of the name Mahli, this is shared by the 
Patars who are admittedly the same caste as Khanghar Mundas, 
and then there are (he Midili Mundas as well ; and I am 
inclined to think that the term Mahli is not a real caste-name 
at all; but is merely a common name used by different castes, 



VOL. v., PT. II.] aiAHLi. 281 

jnst as the term Mahto is used indiscriminately by Kurmis, 
Ahirs, Koiris and Bedeas in Chota Nagpur and by Babhans in 
Behar. Mr. Streatfeild held the opinion that Mahlis were a 
degraded offshoot of the Muadas but were now a caste by 
themselves, divitied into the two subcastes, Patars and Ors ; he 
also held that Goraits were Dosadhs who had merely taken a 
new name with their new occupation in Chota Nagpur and had 
taken to beef and pork (vide his letter No. 265-C, dated the 1st 
October 1901, reporting on certain castes in Eanchi, printed 
as Appendix VIII to the 1901 Census Report for ; Bengal). 
Apparently he did not know that Goraits also very often call 
themselves Mahlis, for he would have found it very difficult to 
reconcile his theory of Goraits being Dosadhs with the other 
theory that all the various groups known by the name Mahli 
were allied to each other and were all of Munda sfock. Mr. 
Streatfeild knew of Mahli-Mundas and Khanghar Mundas, and 
had been told that these were identical with each other, but he 
does not appear to have been aware of the identity of either 
with the Patar Mahlis. That Mahli- ^Mundas alias Khanghar 
Mundas alias Patar Mahlis alias Tamarias are degraded offshoot 
of the Mundas there can be little doubt ; but in all probability 
the Or Mahlis have not with the Mundas a greater degree of 
kinship than have Santals, Hos, Turis, Asurs or other main sec- 
tions of the Kharwar group. As for Gorait Mahlis, it has 
still to be acertained whether they are of the Kharwar group 
at all. 

At the census of 1901, the total number of parsons returned 
as Goraits in the area now forming Bihar and Orissa was 7,629, 
of whom as many as 6,277 were from the district of Ranchi, It 
is not possible to say what was th3 total number of Goraits in 
the district or in the province in 1911, as the census tables for 
that year show only castes of which the provincial aggregate in 
1901 had been 50,000 or over, or which had numbered over 
26,000 in any single district. A request was made by the 
Deputy Commissioner of Ranchi to have a special exception made 
in favour of Goraits, but this did not meet with success. 



283 MAHLt. y.B.O.ft.§, 

The Superintendent of Census Operations had also been 
requested to have a separate column in the caste table for Patar 
Mahlis and Khanghar Mundas, and also to include in the same 
column figures for Taraarlas as well, if further investigation in 
the Singhhbum district established the alleged identity between 
Patars and Taraarias. It is not known whether any further 
enquiries were undertaken to test the allegation about identity of 
Tamarias with Patars ; but the Tables show only 8,953 Tamarias 
in the whole Province, of whom all but 118 were returned in 
Singhbhum and the Orissa and Chota Nagpur States. The 
number of Mahllg in Ranchi shown in the 1911 Table is 22,011 
and apparently includes as in 1901 (when only 13,54-9 Mahlia 
were returned) Patars as well as Ors and Bans Mahlis* Khan- 
ghar Mundas were apparently again included, as in 1901, under 
Mundas, so that members of admittedly the same caste were 
shown, some as Mundas and others as Mahlis ; while, on the 
other hand, Patar Mahlis and or Mahlis, who regard each other 
as untouchables almost, were mixed up under one common 
heading " Mahli '\ 



(MISCELLANEOUS CONTRIBUTIONS. 
I.— Ruins at Gholamara, 

By Anautaprasad Sastri, M. A. 

About four miles to the south of Purulia in the district of 
Manbhum is the village of Charra. * Even at present it is a 
large village containing many well-to-do farailies — a few belong- 
ing to the higher classes, the majority being cultivator. It 
contains a girls' school and a boys' school. It bears traces 
of a flourishing pist, and many of the relics that are still 
extant appear to be of some interest to students of Indian 
antiquities. 

The most notable are two stone temples, about 50 feet high. 
The stone is of a dull wliite colour, ralher rough and unpolished. 
The stone pieces are of a rectangular shape, about 2 feet long 
and 1 foot broad, and are laid upon one another with a very thin 
layer of cement between them. They show clear signs of decay. 
A rectangular opening in the front of the stone wall leads into 
the sacrarium ox gaibhngriha which, now full of rubbish, at one 
time contained the image. The top of the temple is adorned 
with a stone wheel or chakra, and evidently at first there were 
two of them. The shorter one, which we found lying at a 
distance, was at one time upon the larger one which is even now 
in its original position. For the general design of the top 
or sikhara, 1 would refer the reader to the Kandarya 
Mahadeva temple at Kbajvutiho, Plate XCII, Indian Srchitee- 
fure by E. B. Ha veil. The similarity extends, to some extent, to 
the sloping shape of ,ihe body. In fact, the complete absence 
of figure sculpture in the decorative treatment of the building is 

^ The trip to Charra and Gholamara waa led by Rai Sahib Chuni Lai Bay, 
Saperintendent of Excise and Salt, Manbhom. 



281 RUINS AT GHOLAMARA. IJJ.O.It.H 

one of its striking features. The two temples at Charra are of 
the same type though one of them has suffered more from 
tihe effects of time than the other. From a similarity of the 
peculiarities noted by Mr. Havell ^ we might regard them 
as instances of Hindu architecture of the fifteenth or sixteenth 
century. 

Just at the entrance to the village, on the bank of a pond, 
there is lauding an image of a female deity surrounded by 
smaller ones. It is about 5 feet high, of a blackish stone and 
very smooth. I was informed by a local man that it was found 
imbedded in the mud under water and taken out and kept in its 
present position by people who were clearing the pond. The 
image is evidently the representation of the Hindu Goddess 
Sfitah&ufd with weapons in her several hands and accompanied by 
her retinue. The fine contour of the central figure and the bold 
lines of the minor ones are unmi&takeably the handiwork of a 
master craftsman. Other images, including those of Jaina 
Tirthankaras which we found scattered through the village, are 
also noticeable. 

About a mile from Charra we found an image which was 
called Bdnestoar by the villagers. Bdneatoar is a well-known 
name of S'iva, but this name was possibly attributed long after 
the image. The image is still worshipped by the neighbouring 
village-people and the spot is held sacred. If really a represen- 
tation of ^iva, it furnishes us with a different conception 
of the god than what is in vogue. It has ten hands, one 
holding something like an armour or chair a and presumably the 
other hands also had different sorts of weapons in them. From 
the large number of stones lying about the image we think that 
there must have been a small temple there which had fallen down. 
The image is in a bad condition and extremely crude and primi- 
tive in its workmanship. Being of grey block stone, the different 
hm\ag, lacking the sense of proportion, it betrays an inferior 
stone-carver^ s attempts at creating an object of art. Its author 
cannot have been very ancient, he may have flourished much 



»B. B. Uavell, Indian Architecture, p. 195. 



«0L. v., PT. n.3 BTrnirs at gholaAaba. 285 

later than the artists who built the stone temples and the image 
at Charra. 

Two miles to the north-west is Gholamara. Here, on a some- 
what elevated piece of land, surrounded by open tracts and inside 
a grove we found ruins. The site is picturesque, shady and 
retired. 

The central image there is of black stone, very smooth and 
dark, about 3 feet high. It is sadly mutilated, its two hands 
being broken off, but the remains suffice to impress upon one its 
majestic beauty. It gives us a really noble conception carried 
out with magnificent strength and breadth of modelling. All the 
different ports evince perfect proportion, the whole figure 
proves in the sculptor that intuition which, to quote 
Dr. Coomaraswamy, is " the vision of the artist and the imagi- 
j\ation of the natural philosopher ''. * Calm, impassive, infinite 
pity in every lineament, the inner-iuforming spirit pervading the 
whole phvsique, the sculptor who hewed out of a mass of insen- 
sible rock his vision of the god certainly knew that ^ beauty 
Is inherent in spirit not in matter ". The physique and motif oi 
this figure remind us of the splendid statue of Aval okites vara 
from Borobudur in Java, about tenth century a.d. ' The 
similarity is quite evident though there is a difference in posture. 

The two small figures at the two sides of the central image 
are very neat. Only the heads are visible, the rest lying 
buried underground. The clean force of the chisel is visible 
in every feature however tiny. Both of them represent the god 
rapt in contemplation — the clear, serene face of the sage, freed 
from all wordly passions and desires, in perfect communion with 
the Universal Soul. They corroborate Mr. L. Binyon when 
he savs that " the Indian ideal is the beauty of contemplation 
not of action ".^ The head-formation of all the three is the same, 
matted hair in the shape of a heap on the top ; the smaller two 
are clothed with an ascetic robe of which the wavy lines are 
depicted with vigour . - 

> Dr. A. K. Coomarisvramy, Aims of Indian Art, p. 2. 
« E. B. Havell, The Ideal's of Indian Art, p. 34, PL IL 
'Lawrence Binjon, 2alnti*g in the Tar Eatt, p. 22. 



386 RUINB AT GHOLAMABA. 13.B.0.%^ 

There are something like two pillars standing behind th< 
central image. The whole place Is filled with slabs of stones 
big and small, and it is more than probable that a temple stoo( 
there as the abode of the images. Besides these we found on< 
head and an arm in all likelihood belonging to the same body 
the other limbs of which (and possibly other figures too) are now 
lying under the heap of stones there. 

The head is of the same blackish stone as that of the centra 
figure, highly polished and glossy. It is about 9 seers in welghi 
and covered with vermilion which proves that the body wit! 
the head must have been an object of worship to the vil 
lagers and that not very long ago. But it is apparently a heac 
of Buddha, The whole face is distinguished by an exquisite 
purity of sentiment. 

At a distance of about 20 yards from the above-mentione( 
main ruins there lies a lion {over a goddess. It is imbedded in th< 
ground in an oblique position and must originally have belonge( 
to the principal heap but was probably carried tliither and lef 
by posterior hands. The lion is of special interest. The fine curve 
of the mane and the face have suffered severely from the effeeti 
of time and the goddess below with her eight hands holding 
a sword and other weapons has become almost indiscernible 
The suggestive mien and forceful proportions together with th( 
majestic posture of the lion are very impressive. The sculpture o 
this lion belongs to the class of the bull at Mamallapuran (se* 
HavelPs The Ideals of Indian Art, p. 158) and the elephants ai 
Konaraka (see HavelTs The Ideals of Indian Art, plate XXIII) 
The lion is of the same black stone as the other figures. Th< 
sculptor who carved the fine features, the wavy mane, the 
magnificent chest and the life-like legs seems to have belonge( 
to the school to which the other sculptors who created thi 
above images belonged. 

An inscription was found carved on a slab half-buried there 
It is a very simple one and reads 

Srz Ddnapaii Sadhokasya. 
The letters are Nagari of the proto-Bengali type. The; 
closely resemble those of the Deopara Prasasti of abou 



70 L. T., PT. IL3 BU1N8 AT GHOLAMAEJl, 287 

A.D. 1080-90 1 and of the land grant of Vaidjadeva a.d. 1142 * 
It gives us the name of the donor (Danapati). 

To come to an approximate date of the ruins. "We get two definite 
landmarks : from the similarity with the Borobudur Bculpture— » 
eighth or ninth century A.D., and on the other hand the fourteenth, 
century A.D., when Jain sculpture began to be scarce, so much 
BO that we read in Mr. Barodia's History and Literature of 
Jainism that about the fifteenth century A.D. the worship of 
images was forbidden by several Jaina religious teachers.* So 
we arrive at the approximate period from the ninth century to 
the fourteenth century. The palaeography of the short inscrip- 
tion also points to about the tenth century or a little later. 

"We might obtain many new pieces of evidence if the site 
were excavated and we have published this note with the hope of 
inducing j)eople to undertake the task of unearthing these buried 
and forgotten remains, by which much interesting light might 
be thrown on an obscure page of the history of Manbhum. It 
would, moreover, be of interest to lovers of Indian Art to study' 
these remains. 

» George BiihlM-, Iniian PaltEography, PI. V., Col. XVIIL 

«IJiVf., PL V.,Col.XIX. 

' C. D. Barodia, Hittory and Literature of Jainitm, p. 131., 



n.— Identification of Three Monuments 
at Sarnath. 

. By Bxindava^ C. Bhattacharya, M. A. 

A great diversity of opiniaa pi-evails amang antiquarians 
with regard to three monuments discovered at Sarnath. Na 
finality of coaclusion having been attained, they have only 
been content with a partial solution of the problem. A fresh 
discussion of the subject, as a whole, therefore, needs to be 
started which would possibly be of some service to future 
researches. 

At the outset the nature of the problem should be made 
clear after having explained what the three monuments just 
mentioned are. They may be taken to be : (1) The Asoka 
Pillar, (2) Jagat Singh Stupa and (3) the " Main Shrine '\ 
About these three we posses* two ancient accounts of two 
different ages. One is Hiuen-tsiang^s description of Sarnath, 
another is the Mahlpala Inscription. In Hiuen-tsiang's travels 
these monuments are mentioned as intact, whereas the Mahl- 
.pala Inscription mentions repairs of their ruined condition, 
A complicated problem was likely to have arisen from the 
attempt to compare the newly discovered monuments with 
those described by Hiuen-tsiang. But none the less, no 
endeavour has hitherto been made to establish the equation 
between Hiuen-tsiang^s account with the Mahlpala Inscription, 
and between these two and the topography of the newly 
discovered monuments. We shall presently attempt such an 
identification in the light of our up-to-date knowledge of the 
ruins at Sarnath. 

As the monuments seen by Hiuen-tsiang have come 
down to us, they certainly existed in the time when the Pala 
officers were engaged in the repairs of the Sarnath monastery in 



TOI,. v., PT. 11.3 TDBNTlFICrnON OP SAE5ATH MONTTMEJTTS, J3gj 

general. Let iia how understand the Chinese Pilgrim's accoxinfc 
iii so far as it concerns oar discussion. He writes :^-'* To the 
Borth-east of the river Varana, about 10 li or s©, we come to 
the Sangharama of Luve. Its precincts are divided into et'^iit 
porfiom (sections) connected bv a surrounding wall * * *: 
In the great enclosure is a Vihara about 200 ^ feet high, above 
the roof is a golden -covered figure of the Amra fruit. The 
foundations of the building are of stone, and the staiis also. 
But the towers and niches are of brick. In the middle of the 
Vihara is a figure of Buddha made of (native copper) * *, he 
is represented as turning the wheel of the law. To the south- 
west of the Vihara is a stone stupa built by Asoka-raja; 
Although the foundations have given way, there are still 
100 feet or more of the wall remaining. In front of the 
btiilding is a stone pillar about 700 feet high. The- stone is 
altogether a& bright as jadet It is glistening, and sparkles like^ 
Eght ;*****''! 

Next we may examine now how far the present remaius 
can be identifix^d with the monuments mentioned in the above 
extract ; we propose the following identifications : — 

A. — " A Vihai-a iOU ft. high '•' = the Main Shrine and its 
original foundations^ 

B. — " A stone stnpa ^' = the Jagat Singh stupar (according 
to Sir John Mai-shall's conclusion), 

C— " A stone pillar '■' = the Asoka Pillar. 
Assuming the above equations to be true, the actual 
progress of the pilgrim, round the sacred precincts might have 
been something like this : — Entering the site where the 
''Main Shrine" now stands and where the old shrine facing 
the east stood and contained an image of the " Divine One '\ 
the Chinese pilgrim would retire keeping the shrine on hia 
right hand {Fradaksinena) and moving to the south he would 

i Beal's " BaMhifct Record of the Western World " (Popular Edition), 
Bk. VII., pp. 45,46. Also Watter's " On Taan Chwang's Travels ", Vol. II, 
p. EC; Beal'3 "Life of Hiucn-tsiang ", p. 99. Tbe height of thft 
Vihara, as given here, is 100 ftct instead of 200 fe^t of other versions. 



290 IDENTIFICATION OP SABNATH MONUMENTS. tJ.B.O.B.S 

then como to " Jagat Singh Stupa " and moving round, keeping 
it also to the right, he would finally look on the A^oka Pillaa' 
to the true north from where he stood and to the west of the 
\[ Main Shrine ". 

A. — Anybody examining the present main shrine carefully 
will come to the conclusion that its erection is rather of a com- 
paratively recent time and its original site was a much larger one 
as it can be inferred from the pavement extending towards the 
east , which was undoubtedly the direction of its main gate. ^ 
As to who built the room of the present main shrine |we shall 
discuss presently. 

B. — Sir John Marshall, upon close examination of the struc- 
ture, has ascribed the Jagat Singh Stupa to the Asokan period.^ 
Therefore, we may have no hesitation in asserting that that 
was the stupa which the Chinese pilgrim noticed to the south- 
west of the main building. 

C. — The description left by Hiuen-tsiang of the pillar 
having a " dazzling brightness " exactly fits in with the Asoka 
pillar now standing, now under a shade, to the west of the Main 
Shrine. Sir John Marshall, however, questioned this identity. 
But nearly all his questions Dr. Vogel has tried to answer. 
We have Mr. V. A. Smith's opinion in his " Asoka " accept'ng 
the same identity. We quote here the passage : — " Only 
two of the ten inscribed pillars known, namely, those at 
JKuramiudei and Sarnath, oan be identified certainly with the 
monuments noticed by Hiuen-tsiang. * * s 

Again, turning to the Mahlpala inscriptions we note that 
many years after Iliuen-tsiang's visit to Sarnath, an inscription 
was engraved in MahlpaPs reign to the effect that some repairs 
have been made of the ruins of Sarnath (1026 A.D.), * * * * ^ 

^ Hiuen-tsiang speaks of Sanghdrama generally as Laving the "djors 
open towards the cast." Bcal's " Record of the Western World " (Popular 
edition) p. 74. 

» " Guide to the Buddhist Rnina of Sarnath " by D. R. Sahui, p. 9. 

• Asoka (Second Edition), p. 124. 

* Indian Antiquary, Vol. XIV, p. 139 ; J.A.8.B. (N S.), Vol. II, 1906» 
pp. 445—7; Kpi. Ind., Vol. IX, 1907-8, pp. 291—3. 



VOL. ▼., PT. ir.l IDENTIFICATION OF SABNATH MONUMENTS. 291 

Much light, it may be shown, is thrown on the monuineDts 
under review by certain passages of this inscription. 

The couplet, we quote below, is the most important part of 
the record : — 

(a) " Tau Dharmarajikdni Sdihgim Dharmachakram punar- 

navam. " 

(b) " Kriavaniau eha Navlndmasta- Mahasthcina ^aila 

Ganddha Kutlm." 

Translation :— " They (Sthirapala and Vasantapala) repaired 
the Dharmarajika and the Dharmachakra (vihara ?) including 
the accessories, as well as the Gandhakuti, made of stone, 
belonging to the eight great places, " 

We shall attempt now to examine these monuments and 
establish their identity, as far as we can, in the light of Hiuen- 
tsiang's travels, and epigraphic finds. 

D/iarmardjiM — Dr. Vogel tried to identify the present 
" Dhamekh Stupa '' with the " Dharmarajika " of the inscrip- 
tion. But since the publication of Dr. Venis' true view that 
the word Dhattiekh was derived from Dharmeksa rather than 
from Dharmardjikd, Dr. Vogel has finally abandoned his 
identification. Archaologists have, however, ascertained that the 
Dhamekh Stupa belongs to the Gupta period and not to the 
Aaokan period. The word Dharmarajika again was used to 
denote the Asokan stupas generally.^ It has already been 
pointed out that the Jagat Singh Stupa was of the Asokan age. 
It is inferable, therefore, that the word DharmardHkd refers to 
the original structure of the Jagat Singh's Stupa. ^loreover, 
we gather from the travels of Fahien that he saw a stupa where 
the Fanchavaggiyai paid reverence to the Buddha and to the 
north of it was the famous site of ''Turning the "Wheel of 
the Law '^* Judging from this, I am inclined to believe that 
the Dliarmardjika or the Js^at Singh was meant by that stupa 
by Fahien, 

^ 84,000 Dharmardjikdt built by Aioka Dharmaraja, as stated by Dtttfd. 
tadana (Ed. Cowell and Neil, p. 379) quoted by Foucher, Ico. Boudhique, p. 554. 
I The Pilgrimage of Fahien (translated by Laidlay) pp. 307-S, 



2)^ IDENTIFICATION OF SABNATH MONUMeNTS. J.B/).R.Sv 

tihar'rno'kah'a. — Its mention has been made in the Mahip&la 
inscription as Sahgam Bhtirmachakrafn. Dr. Vogel took th^^ 
word sahgam to mean " complete •". The late Dr. Vebis seemed 
to have accepted his rendering evidently in the absence of it 
better one. This renderings in my opinion, appears very 
doubtful and therefore deserves to be examined. We meet 
with an expression like Sdhga Teda meaning ^adangd-Veclcc^ 
Likewise, we may take the expression Sdngam DkarmachMkra 
to mean the present DJiarmachakra together with its variousr- 
accessories. The meaning of Dharmachakra remains now to be- 
settled. From the fact that the Buddha at Sarnath turned 
" the Wheel of the Law " have originated in later times the 
Dharma-chakra symbol or the symbol of the Wheel, the l)h(irma.- 
chah'amudrd, and even the name Vliarmachah'avihdr a denoting 
the monastery of Sarnath.^ In a seal, discovered in the 
course of excavation at Sarnath^ is inscribed ^?^WliT*^^ 
5?t51^ IlP^flPSlt Wr«r^ I ^ It may consequently lead us to- 
the conclusion that the whole monastery used to be called 
Saddharmachakra and a chapel within its precincts was known; 
as Mulagandhakuti (Main Shrine). From all! this we may- 
deduce that the present monastery, as a whole, together with 
its accessories, has been meant by the expression Sdngam- 
DharmachaJcram. Mr, A. K. Maitra, of the Varendra Research 
Society, is of opinion that the Dharmachakra symbol, 
which formerly surmounted the lion capital of Asoka and 
of which the fragments are now being preserved in the 
Sarnath . Museum, ^ is the exact object which is denoted 
by the foregoing expression in the Mahipala Inscription. The 
practice of adorning the lion capital of Asoka with the Dharma- 
chakra symbol was not an uncommon feature in ancient days, 
and, as a matter of fact, we find the same thing on the A^oka 
pillar at Safichi. Therefore nothing can be said with certainty 
as to the object which was repaired — either the whole monastery or 

^ In tbo inscription of Kuiuiiradovi we find tint Sarnath has been called 
Saddtarma-chakra Vihara, vide the present writer's " History of Sarnath ", p. 112, 
' Hargre vve's Annual Progress Report for 1915, p. 4. 
» Sir John Marshall's Annual ReJ)ort, k. S., 1904-', p. 36. 



VOL. v., FT. II.] IDENTIFICATION OF SABNATH MONUMENTS. 293 

the Aioka pillar. It is not nnlikely that the whole monsster/ 
was under repairs along with the repairs of the Dharnia-rajika 
inasmuch as the monastery, the Gandha-Kuti and the Dharma- 
rajika were all in a ruinous condition. The Pala brothers, it 
may rightly ba supposed, undertook to repair all of them. 

Asta-makdstidna-Saila Gandhakuti. — Drs. Hultzsch, Vogel 
and Yenis have offered various interpretations to this expression. 
Of these. Dr. Venis' is the latest. The late learned doctor, 
after having shown the impossibility of expounding the 
compound as the Gandha-kuti erected of stone brought 
from eight great places, on the ground of Sanskrit grammar, 
has put forth the following careful interpretation : ** Shrine is 
made of stone and in the shrine are, or to it belong, eight 
great places (positions). ^'^ According to the rules of Sanskrit 
grammar, this compound can be no other than the 
JrW4M^<!<?)fxT ***iW. Then, of course, the component parts would 
be : — ^r? JTTI^H^r (or f^Jcft) ^ «Jl4l't*f dl *. We shall 
consider now whether this interpretation suits the topography of 
Sarnath as well as Jholds good on several other grounds. 
B>emark& have been heard from scholars that the explanation 
hitherto advanced of the expression h far from being 
satisfactory.' To work at the details, it appears that the 
word " Saila-Gandhakuti " here, no doubt, refers to the Main 
Shrine existing to-day, for architectural characteristics of 
the twelfth century A.i>. are traceable in the ruins and the 
style of this building. The word Gandhakuti has, however 
been discussed elsewhere. Again, the previously men- 
tioned earthen seal, bearing the legend ^t^'g^f^rqUt IT ^TTT^^f^ 
^pff^cTT, furnishes us with the information that " in the Mula 
Gandhakuti which was situate in the Saddharmachaki-a Vihara'''', 
etc. The age of this epigraph is much anterior to that of the 
Mahipala Inscription. Thus, we find that the relation which tie 



1 J.A..S.B. (X.S.), Vol. II, No. 9, p. 447. 

' Cf. f^*j<#(<j^ ' ^ ^ .Dasakamara Cbarita. 

' Mr. Hargreaves, Saperiutendent, Archaeological Survey, in a letter to me 
expressed the same view—-" Its explonatioa, I am. afraid, most always remaia 
doubtful. ". 



294 IDENTIPICATTON OP SARNATH MONUMENTS. CJ.B.O.E.S. 

Dharmaohakra Vihara or the whole monastery bore to the 
Gandhakuti has been a matter of considerable antiquity. 
Round the chapel in which the Buddha dwelt an extensive 
monastery may have 'gradually come into being. That chapel 
used to be called " Gandliakuti '' and the whole monastery passed 
by so many different names. Our attention may be turned again 
to Hiuen-tsiang^s account just for the sake of comparison. We 
shall find there that he also saw the whole monastery and a high 
building made of stone.^ There was an image of Buddha 
therein represented in the Dharmachakramudrd. In the traveller's 
account one thing appears to be specially striking and 
on which he seemed to have laid much stress, viz. " The 
Sangharama was divided into eight portions (sections) ■'\^ I 
conjecture from this that these eight parts of the Sangharama 
in course of time developed into eight great places or sthdnas or 
monasteries which constituted the whole establishment. And 
very probably this Sangharama having distinct divisions received 
the true designation of Asta mahasthdna. Curiously enough it is 
to note that six distinct monasteries have already been exhumed 
by modern exploration. I was also informed by a Superinten- 
dent of the Indian Archselogical Department that probable 
sites of more viharas still lay hidden on the east of the sangha- 
rama. No spadework has, for some reasons, been carried on in 
that direction. We may nevertheless arrive at these conclusive 
points that Asia mahasthdna was the name given to the whole 
SahgharSma and ^ ail a- gandhakuti was the nam,e which signified 
an old stone building situated probably in the middle of the 
Sahghardma and therefore called at one time Mula, meaning 
" central " or " original '*, from the fact that the Buddha 
had set up his first residence there, and at another time "^dila '* 
as it was chiefly built of si one. 

^ The Buddhist literature informs us that the room where the Buddha dwelt 
was usually made fragrant by burning some incense and thus it received the 
name of Gandhakuti. The word, again, in courao'of time, has been modified into 
Oandbola and came to be used in a similar sense in Tibetan baoks— " Pag-Sam- 
Jon-Zang " by S. C. Das, c.i.E., p. 77. 

' Cf. Watter'fl version. " This ostablishmcnt, be siys, was in eight divisiona. 
all enclosed within one wall." Watter's, Vol. II, p 60. 



III.— Raja Indradyumiia. 

By J- N- Saxnaddar, BA. 

In one of my peregrinations I found an Orira priest making 
some excavations on a small ridge in the village of Jaynagore 
near Lakhisarai in the Monghyr district. The presence of an 
Oriya priest at that place naturally excited my curiosity and 
on enquiry I came to know from him that he believed to have had 
received a mandate 11*^1^^ while asleep from the god Jagannatha 
to build a temple there and so he had come all the way from 
his native district. Purl, to carry out the command, which he 
proposed to do by begging. 

On my return to the Dak Bungalow, on further enquiry 
I came to know that there is a tradition in that part of the 
country that close to the top of the northern ridge in that 
village, one king named Indradyumna had his treasure which 
was staled with a magic seal and that a number of fruitless 
attempts had been made in the past to discover this 
treasure. It was said that the Orija priest had come there as 
Jagannatha had revealed to him the place of the treasure on 
condition that he would build a temple there, rivalling the temple 
at Puri. My curiosity being intensified, I went to the ridge the 
next day, and as fortunately the priest was then absent I was able 
to take a more minute observation of the excavation (?) which 
was going on and found that underneath the grass some pavement 
was indeed discernible and portions of the grass having been 
removed in some places, the pavement was clear. 

Mr. V, A. Smith in his History referring to the Pala kings 
observes that " According to tradition, the ruler of Magadha at 
the time of the Muhammadan conquest in a.d. 1197 was Indra- 
dyumna Pala. Forts attributed to him are still pointed out in 
the Monghyr district.'^ {EUtory, p. 401.) The Archaological 



296 *AJA INDEADYUMNA, [J.B.O.E.S. 

Survey Reports also mention " the last king Inderdaum 
or Indradyumna who held out the fort of Jaynagar on the Kiyul 
river against the Mohemedans " (A.S. Vol. Ill, IS*) and " Jay- 
nagar is said to have been the stronghold of the last Hindu Prince 
of Magadha named Inderdaun or Indradyumna. He was defeat- 
ed by the Makhdun Maulana Nur. There is a small village 
called Jaynagar, but the name belongs properly to the strong 
military position on the south, to which Indradyumna is said to 
have retired after his defeat by the Mohemedans.^"' (A.S. 
Vol. Ill, 159). 

This King Indradyumna to whom is attributed " Attara- 
ganda pukoor " (seventy-two tanks) , has also his traditions in 
the neighbouring village of Uren which is also said to be one of 
his forts, while another of his forts is located at Indappe, a few 
miles from Gidhour. Close to the ridge mentioned in the 
beginning of my note are to be seen a large mud rampart and 
several mounds which appear to have been massive works, 
evidently to protect the city. 

But the most interesting legend relating to the King is what 
has been mentioned by Buchanan Hamilton, as quoted by 
Martin in Vol. II of Eastern India^ who says "the last 
Hindu prince of consequence, of whom I find any traces was 
a Raja Indradyumna, who has left considerable traces in the 
western part of the district and it is said in the adjacent parts 
of Bihar, over both of which he is said to have been King, after 
the Muhammadans had obtained possession of Delhi. Finding 
himse.lf unahle to contend with these /erociom invaders, Indra- 
dyumna retired with his army and family to Jagannath. It is 
universally agreed that the temple therd was founded by 

a prince of this name Whether, or not Indradyumna was 

a person of the family of the Pala rajas or a person who on 
their fall had seized on Magadha, I cannot ascertain, but 

. I think that the former is most probable .1 suspect that 

Indradyumna was the ancestor of Pratap Rudra who retired to 
the aaciewt dominioas of Andhra and having collected the 



VOL, v., PT. ll.J BAJA IXDBADYUMNA. 297 

powerful remnants of an overgrown empire may "have actually 
founded Jagannath.'' ( Vol. II, pp. 23, 24.) 

The traditional founder of the Jagannath temple is named 
Indradyumna whom Wilson regards as one of the Kings of 
Ellora, while Purushottama-Mahatyatn makes him a prince 
of the Solar dynasty who reigned at Aranti in the country of 
Malawa. But tradition apart, history points that the temple 
of Jagannath was finished in 1198 ( Fergusson's History of 
Architecture, Vol. II., p. 592 ) and Hunter also in his Orista 
(Vol. I, p. 102) assigns the same date and names the second 
Indradyumna as the rebuilder of tlie temple in 1198 ( VoL I., 
p. 93). Stirling, another of the Orissa historians, also places 
the date of the temple in 1198, while Dr. Eajendra Lai Mitra 
who differs from Hunter as to the founder, practically accepts the 
same date. If, therefore, the temple was built or re- built in 1198 
as some accounts attribute the authorship to Indradyumna, it 
is quite possible that Buchanan Hamilton's tradition and theory 
may be correct and that the last King of the Pala line after his 
defeat at the hands of the Muhammadans may have fled to 
Orissa which was at that time immune from t-he attacks of the 
Muhammadans, and t)}ere built the temple. 

If therefore the Oriya priest from Pun can really find out 
the reputed treasure and build a temple at Jaynagar, it might be 
Orissa's paying back to Bihar the debt which she owes to her 
companion. As to whether hj? would be permitted to do so i^, 
of course, more than what I can say, but the Archaeological 
Department may notice the fact of digging by the Oriya Brah- 
min, and collect the sculptures (near and around Jaynagar) which 
clearly show the forojer existence of a powerful Hindu prince in 
the locality. [Piobably the ancient name of Jaynagar was 
Jayapura which appears in an inscription of the twelfth century 
A.D. from Darbhang;a, to be published shortly in this Journal.^ 

K. P. J.] 



IV.— Copper-piates in Bhuvanesvar^ 
Temples. 

By It. P. Jayas-wal. 

Last October when I was in Orissa I heard from the priests 
at Bhuvanesvara that there is a copper-plate deposited at the top 
of the Linga Raja temple, and that it is well known to the 
man whose hereditary business is to get up to the top by the 
help of the hanging iron- chain and set up the temple flag. 
Everybody at Bhuvanesvara speaks to the existence of the 
alleged copper-plate which is believed to have been deposited in 
the hole under the Amalaka by the original builder of the temple 
Amongst the papers of the Society I found an extract sent by 
the Hon'ble Mr. LeMesurier in 1917 from Orissa which bears 
on the subject and runs as follows : — 

A correspondent of the Ash a (Berhampore, Ganjam, 18th January, 1917) in an 
Euglish article headed " Orisaan Temples and Copper-plate Inscriptions " writes 
among other things to the following effect : — 

•' The construction of the top of a (emple marks its finishing point, technically 
tnown as the Kothnomuddo. It is performed with much ceremony, pomp and 
festivity. Then the str nctnre is filled with paddy, precious stones, gold, silver 
and other valuables. To these also used to be added an inscribed copper-plate, 
giving the names and ancestry of the builder and architect with date and other 
necessary information. At any rate this seems to have been invariably the practice 
till about one hundred years back. Such copper-plates have been found in this 
portion of the superotracture of several old temples. So if the structure has been 
left intact in an old temple, it is sure to contain the copper-plate with the necessary 
information in regard to its construction. These valuable records if properly 
collected would, I think, furniih much accurate historical information and set at 
rest the existing dlfEerence of opinion in regard to certain famous temples of 
ancient Orissa. I think the buildings would not at all be damaged or profaned 

by the process of recovering records which will be lost to us in course of time. '* 
The Temple Committee of Bhuvanesvara have it in their power 

to render a service to history by taking out the copper-plate 

from the Linga-raja for a short time and getting it deciphered. 

It will not only settle the question of the authorship (yet 



OL, v., PT. II.3 bhtjvAnesvaba temIpLes. 299 

nknown) of that gem of architecture, but will also shed light on 
ae post-Gupta period of the history of Orissa. The object 
I depositing the copper-plate was to tell the people the history 
I the temple and its builder when that history is forgotten, and 
le Temple Committee will be fulfilling that pious object by 
ringing the record to light. 



v.— Kalijai, the Goddess of the Chilka 

Lake. 

By Rai Bahadur Monznohan Roy. 

A rocky island iu the Chilka Lake about eight miles sciith 
west of Balugaon contains a temple of the goddess Kalijai 
who is regarded as the tutelary deity of the lake and whos( 
worship is much in vogue among all classes of the people in th( 
neighbourhood. The local boatmen and fishermen, both Telugi 
and Oriya, are regarded as undei' her especial protection anc 
are amongst her most ardent votaries. The goddess is believec 
to exercise miraculous powers, such as raising or lulling stormi 
in order to sink or save boats containing peoj)Ie who hayi 
offended or propitiated her, as the case may be. 

The Rajas of Parikud and Khallikot both claim that the firs 
temple was constructed by their ancestors, but the present tempk 
on the site of an earlier temple which had fallen into ruins, owe 
its construction to the present Raja of Parikud. From her nam 
it is clear that the goddess is now identified with Kali. Th 
image, however, is merely an irregular block of stone with i 
maximum height of 4 feet and a breadth of 3^ feet. The ston 
is smeared over with a mixture of oil and vermilion, whiul 
makes a sticky paste on which are plastered large numbers o 
bangles of glass or silver with a pice in the middle of each 
Some cowries are similarly aflixed to the stone. 

No priest is attached to the temple, and the votaries wh 
frequent it conduct their own worship, unless a Brahmai 
happens to be present, in which case he is asked to ofliciate 
It is impossible for worshippers to go very frequently to th 
island, and even the Raja of Parikud goes thither only thre 
or four times a year. The daily worship of the goddess i 
thus performed before a representative or substitute, namel; 
a block of stone on an embankment of the like clos>: to the Uaj 



T0L. T„ PT. II.J KALIJAI. GODDESS OF CHILKA. 301 

of Parikud^s residence. This practice of worshipping a sub- 
stitute is widespread in Orissa. Thus the god Jagannath of Purl 
is represented by the minor god Madan Mohan on the occasion 
of the Chandan Jatra which is performed in the Xarendra tank ; 
and in Bhubaneshvar the principal god, Lingaraj, whose image 
is a phallic symbol, which is not capable of being moved, is 
represented by Chandra Sekhav on the occasion of the 
Asokastami festival. People wishing for a boon, such as the 
birth of a son or recovery from disease, make votive offerings 
of sheep, goats and fowls. These animals are not sacrificed, 
tut are marooned on the island. As the herbage dries up during 
the hot weather and the water in the lake at that season is 
undrinkable, the fate of these unfortunate animals can be better 
imagined than described. This inhuman practice has recently 
come to notice, and in consultation with the Raja of Parikud 
and the Mahants and Pandits of Puri, it has been arranged to 
remove the animals at frequent intervals to the main land and 
let them loose there after affiiing to them some distinguishing 
mark to indicate the fact of their dedication. 



VI.— A Seal of King Bhaskaravarman of 
Fragjyotisa found at Nalanda. 

By R. D. Hanerji, M.A. 

In the Annual Report for the Archaeological Survey, Eastern 
Circle, Mr. K. N. Dikshit, m.a., Officiating Superintendent of 
that Circle, describes some of the most important finds discovered 
iy Dr. D. B. Spooner at Nalanda. Dr. Spoonerhas brought to 
light seals of three different dynasties : — ■ 

(1) The Vais Dynasty of Thanesar. 

(2) The Maukhari Dynasty of the Middle Country. 

(3) The Dynasty of Pusyavarman of Assam. 

(4) An unknown dynasty of kings. 

Ifc would not have been necessary for me to write this short 
note if Mr. Dikshit had succeeded in identifying the seal of 
the third dynasty of kings mentioned above. The seal described 
by Mr. Dikshit on page 45 of the Annual Report is undoubtedly 
the most important of the civic seals discovered by Dr. Spooner at 
J^alanda. This seal is one of Bhaskaravarman, king of Prag- 
jyotisa who was a contemporary and ally of Harsavarddhana. 
Before the discovery of the Nidhanpur grant of Bhaskaravarman, 
this prince was known to us from the meagre account by Bana ia 
the Ilarsacarita and the mention of the prince in Hiucn Tsiang's 
Itinerary. Dr. Spooner's Nalanda find is the second record of 
Bhaskaravarman and of the dynasty of Pusyavarman that has 
come to light as yet. In his description of this seal Mr. Dikshit 
states " Another fragmentary seal introduces us to a hitherto un- 
known genealogy, with names ending in vartnan ", Further on ho 
states ''the names Narayanavarman, Chandramuthvarman, 
Supratisthitavarman and Pushkasavarman, as also Yajnavati 
and Nayanaioblui are not known so far to belong to any North 
Indian dynasty of the late Gupta period '\ 



VOL. v., FT. II.] A SEAL OF BUASKABAVABMAN. 803 

If Mr. Dikshit had looked into the T.figrajpJiia Indica, I am 
Bure he would have been able to correct his readings and to 
identify the rojal personages mentioned in this record. 
On page 69 of the twelfth volume of the Epigrap^tia Indica, 
Professor Padmanatha Bhattacharya has given a complete 
genealogy of the dynasty of Pusyavarman from the founder to 
Bhaskaravarman. A reference to this would have shown that 
the dynasty is not a new one and the names Narayanavarman, 
Candramukhavarman, Yajnavati, Nayanasobha and Snpra- 
tisthitavarman are not altogether unknown. "With the aid of 
the Is idhanpur grant I am able to restore the inscriptions on the 
Nalanda seal to some extent : — 

1. [ Ganapati ]varma Sr [ i ] Yajnavatya[ m ] Sri [ Mahen- 
dravarma ]. 

2. [^ri-Suvra]tayam ;$ri-Narayanavarma. [ Sri Devavatyam 
Sri-Mahabhutavarma ]. 

3. [ i^ri-Vijnana ] vatyam Sri Caudramukhavarma .^ri- 
Bho [ga vatyam]. 

4. [,^ri-Sthitava ]rma tena Sri-Nayanasobhayam [S'ri- 
Susthitavarma ]. 

5. L ^ri-Syamadevyjirii ] Sn-Supratisthita. 

6. [ Varma ^ri-Bha Jskara-varmeti. 

^Ir. Dikshit is certainly wrong in reading ^ri-Ko instead 
of ^ri-Bho in 1. 3 and in restoring Pnskara instead of Bhas- 
kara in 1. 6. I am not sure of his reading lakshmyaifa 
iji 1, 5 but as I have not seen the original I cannot 
offer any suggestion. It ought to be S n-$ yamadevyam, 
according to the Nidhanpur grant. The name of the 
mother of Suthltavarmman is Nayauadevi according to the 
Nidlianpur grant but according to the Nalanda seal it is Nayana- 
sobha. We have a similar abbreviation of a proper name in 
earlv Gupta genealogies. The name of the queen of Candra- 
gupti II and the mother of Kumaragupta I is Dhruvadevi 
in inscriptionfl but her full name was Dhruvasvamini as found by 
Bloch in one of his Basarh Seals.^ 
\ AuEual Report gf the Arch»ologkal Survey of India, 1903-1 (p. 107, pi. XL.). 



304 A SEAL OF BHASKAEAVAKMAN". [J.B.O.B.SV 

In conclusion I venture to^ggest that it would be highly- 
convenient for Indian Epigraphists and students if important 
records like this are reproduced in the Annual Reports ia 
which they are described. 



VII.— Ferry Tolls in an Orissan Copper- 
plate. 

A copper-plate measuring 10.^'^ x 8" and provided with a ring 
by means of which it could be suspended was recently found 
at !Manikpatna in the Puri District. It contains in Oriya the 
under-mentioned table of rates, but there is nothing to show 
the date when it was prepared. As the rates would be high 
even now, it probably refers to some old feiTy across the Chilka 
Lake. This plate has been presented to the Patna Museum by 
Rai Bahadur Sakhi Chand, Superintendent of Police. 

TABLE OF RATES. 

For each person ... ... ,.. .., 

For each palanquin with erght bearer?, one lahnngi m^n and 
one torch-bearer ... ... ... 

Oue bahuKfft man with lead ... ,., ,. 

For each horse with rider ... ... „ 

If the horse wades through Wkter, (and) rider uses the boat .. 

For each elephant with load ... ... ,,, 

For each camel with the rider ... ,., ,.. 10 

If camel wades through water, the riJer and others ... 4 

If the elephant wades through water, its attendants using 
the boat ... ... ... 

For each sheep and goat i>» ... 

Bullock cart with bullocks ... ... ... 

Bullock and nss with load ,.t ~... 

„ „ „ without load ,,, t.. 

For a los<l of earth ... ... 



s. 


a. 


P- 








9 





4 








1 


6 





6 








3 





1 












1 








1 








3 








2 








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*^^ 



JOURNAL 

OP THE 

BIHAR AND ORISSA 
RESEARCH SOCIETY. 



VOIi. v.] [PAST III. 



LEADING ARTICLES 

I.— Contributions of Bengal to Hindu 
Civilization. 

By Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasad Shastri, 
MJ^., CLE. 

The First Contribution. 

framing and Treatment of Elephants, 

"When the Vedic Aryans came to India they did not knosv 
the elephant, for this animal is not found in the norlh-wcsteni 
parts of ihe country. In the Rg-Yeda, which constitutes the 
most ancient literary record of the Aryans, the word. " Hastin '* 
occurs in five places only, in three of which Saranacarva 
interprets it to mean ''T^^^cII ^ ff^^'.m^f^ ^f?^^5it^X '' 
" priests with hands. " According to the same authority the word 
as used in the remaining two places means a big graminivorous 
animal, perhaps an enormous deer. 

(1) Jlf^TRt infef^'^lTT'I^ 
fin ^ f%5T: 5^^m ^T 



gOg CONTEIBDTIONS OF BENGAL [J.B.O.K.S, 

(2) ^ ^mi n^ ^m^ 

(1) O MarataSj you are great and learned. Your lustre Is 
wonderful. You are self-sufRcient like the mountains. You eat 
up the forests like the " Hastin " animals. Lend your strength 
to the rosy quarters of the globe. 

(2) O Tndra^ when you appear with your splendour before 
the Sun, instead of being dimmed, it increases in brilliance. 
You become as ferocious as a lion when you are armed, even 
as the " Hastin " quells the power of others. 

In these two places " Hastin '^ has been likened to, or has been 
supposed to be, a species of deer. This is significant. It shows 
that the Aryans at the time of the composition of these verses 
came into contact with the animal for the first time and thought 
that it belonged to the deer species. In the Otahiti island 
in Polynesia the natives knew swine only. When therefore 
Europeans brought into the country horses, dogs, sheep and 
other animals, they gave all these animals the appellation of 
swine, horses being called neighing swine, dogs barking swine, 
sheep bleating swine, and so on. Similarly the Vedic Aryans 
knew the deer, for they were skilled in hunting. When there- 
fore they came to India and saw the elephant for the first time, 
they did not hesitate to call it the deer with a trunk. 

The elephant is a native of Bengal, Burma, Borneo, 
Sumatra and other islands. It can be found up to Dehra Dun 
in Western India and in Mysore and Ceylon in Southern. 
Africa also abounds with elephants, but the African breed is 
(Small in size. From these facts it is practically certain that 
the Vedic Aryans knew little of elephants. 

I have said that " Hastin " 03Curs twice in the Rg-Veda in 
the sense of an elephant. Even in these places it is to be 
doubted whether this is the real signification of the word. If 
instead of " deer with a hand '% the animal had been described 



VOL. v., PT. III.] CONTRIBUTIONS OP BENGAL, 309 

as " trunked deer " all doubts would have been removed. This 
doubt is further strengthened by the fact that in Sanskrit there 
are many synonyms for " Hastin " such as " Matanga '', "Kariu", 
" Gaja/' ''• Dvipa ", etc. ; but none of these words are to be found 
in the Rg-Veda^ in which even the word " Airavata "* finds no 
place. When the Vedic Rsis knew not elephants that were 
black, how could they be expected to be familiar with those 
which were white ? 

But whether there is mention of elephants in the Rg-Veda 
or not, they are mentioned in the Taittirlya Samhita. When 
treating of Asvamedha, the question arose as to what particular 
animal should be sacrificed before a particular god and it was 
decided that the first eleven gods should receive the sacrifice of 
wild animals. According to some, the sacrifice of effigies of 
these animals is sufficient. According to others, wild animals 
in flesh and blood and not their effigies should be sacrificed. 
The names of the eleven gods and of the animals which should 
be sacrificed before them are as follows : — 

King Indra should receive the sacrifice of the hog, and 
King Varuna, that of the antelope (^ mj^Ti). The King Yama 
must be propitiated with the W^ Iff and the God Rsabha with 
nilgai. The tiger, the king of the forest, is to receive the 
white deer iflT '511, while the king of men the monkey. The 
Batakbird should be sacrificed before the king of vultures, or the 
king of birds, and Nilanga, the king of serpents, should receive 
the sacrifice of a worm ( ^ fi? ). Soma, the king of drugs, should 
be given a fawn(^i^^), while Sindhuraja is to receive the 
porpoise ( f\U.^JlR ), and Himavan the elephant. 

In the Rg-Veda there is no god bearing the name Himavan. 
The name Himavanta occurs once in the tenth Mandala 
meaning the mountain covered with ice. Himavan was 
afterwards raised to the dignity of a god, and the sacrifice of the 
elephant with which the Aryans became subsequently familiar 
enjoined in his honour. From these two facts it is evident that 
at the time, when the Taittiriya Samhita was composed, the 
Aryans had made considerable progress in the country. 



810 CONTRIBUTIONS OF BENGAL. [J.B.O.R.S^ 

The VIsnu Purana gives an explanation as to how Himavan 
who was not formerly a god became one afterwards. In this 
Purana Prajapati says : — " I hav<3 created the Himalaya for the 
production of Somalata and other herbs necessary for the 
■performance of sacrifices/^ This led Kalidasi to say *'^^T^- 
i^^f^TWTl^^ ^^ '\ which means that divluity was subsequently 
conferred by Pfajapati iipon Himalaya and that the latter's 
portion in yajnas was also allotted in a subsequent age. 

By the sixth century B.C. the taming and domesticating 
of elephants became widely prevalent. Lord Buddha tad an 
elephant ; his brother Devadatta had also one. Buddha one day 
while trying his strength with an elephant, seized it by the 
trunk and threw it at some distance. The spot where the be^st 
fell was turned into a well. The King Uday.ina had a huge 
elephant, called '' Naiaglri. " Both he and Canda Pradyota 
had large elephant-stabLs. They also had elaborate contri- 
vances for capturing wild elephants. 

The capturing and taming of wild elephants, the training 
oF these animals for war, their treatment, etc. — where did all 
these useful arls originate ? This question admits of one answer 
only. It is Bengal that fi:-st subdu?d and ta nod these huge 
beasts. The country which is bounded on the one side by the 
Himalaya and on two other sides by the Laulvltya and the Sea 
gave birth to what is called the " Hastlvldya,^'' or the science 
about elephants. It was here that a great man flourished, who 
from lis childhood associated with elephants, moving, walking 
living and eating with these beasts, nursing and treating them 
during their illness, serving them in every possible way, and, in 
a word, transiorming himself into an elephant. He was, in turn, 
loved, Btrvcd and fed by these animals and nursed by them when 
he was ill. 

The name of Lomapada, King of Ari<.;n, Is faniilinr to tlio 
people of Bengal. He adopted ,Saiitr>, the daugliter of King 
Da^avatha. On one occasion ho took a fancy to elephants and 
said, " As Indra in heaven rides an (;lepliant_, so T will have an 
elephant to ride/^ But there was one ditfioultv. He did not 



VOL. v., PT. 1II.1 CONTBIBUTIONS OF BSNOAL. 3it 

know how to subdue the beast, and for this reascto iavited all 
the Rsis to give him advice. The latter, after much deliberation^ 
sent emissaries to all parts of the country in quest of a herd 
of elephants. These men arrived at a big ds'rama which, is 
stat<xl to be *' under the protection of the King of mountain* 
and where the Lauliitya flaws towards the sea. " There they 
found a large number of elephants and with, them a Muni. They 
were satisfied that the Muni was the protector of tho herd. Ott 
coming back to their own country they reported, to the king all 
they had seen. Then, the king witk his array arrived at the 
dsrama. But he did not meet with the Muni who had gone ta 
a distant place on a mission for the benefit of elephants. Th© 
hesd which was there waa driven by the- king to his own capital 
Campanagara. Here, at the suggestion of the Rsis, a stable 
wa.s built in which the beasts were put, and they were supplied 
with food. The Muni, when he returned to his asratna, found 
that his elephants were all gone. He wept bitterly and, after- 
having instituted a vigorous search which lasted for many 
days, came to Campanagara where he traced his animals in. 
a stable. They had sores all over the body, and looked like 
skeletons, being affected with, various diseases. He immedi- 
ately broug'it a few leaves, roots of plants and other herbs, 
ground them into ointments and applied the same to the affected 
parts of the boasts. The latter were grateful for the kindness 
shown to th:!ra. and serve! him; in many ways. Both he and 
they were very gild; to see each other after a long interval. 
The king heard this and, being desirous to know who he was, sent 
bis men to him ; but he did not speak a word. The Rsis came 
next; he did not respond. The king then himself came, but still 
ho maintaiueJ his silence. On being persistently entreated,, 
hawever, h3 gave the following account of himself : — 

" In the oountry^ which borders on the ELimalaya and through 
which the Lauhitya fl.ows towards the sea,^ there lived a Muni.. 
He was my father^ my mother being a Kirenu or she-elephants 
1 live and move with elephants. They are my friends, relatives^ 
and companions. My name is Palakapya. I take care of 



312 CONTRIBUTIONS OP BENGAL. [J.B.O.B.S. 

elephants and nourish and cherish them, hence mv name is Pala, 
and the suffix Kapya denotes the gotra or family in which 
I was born. I am an expert in the treatment of elephants. " 

The king on hearing this asked him many qestions about 
elephants, and he in reply explained to him the veterinary science 
relating to these animals. This science is called " Hastyayur- 
veda'' or '' Palakapya/-' This treatise is written in the form of 
ancient sutras in prose and verse but the latter predominates. 
Modern sutras consist of sentences formed by suffixes only. 
They have no verbs. The ancient sutras however abounded with 
verbs and each chapter begins with the promise " ^I^T^T??;''' 
''"We will explain. '•* The only difference between the Pala- 
kapya and the ancient sutras consists in the fact that in the 
former the sutras are written in the form of a dialogue between 
the King and the Muni. Bharata-Natya-Sastra^ too, has been 
written in the for n of a dialogue. There is no other ancient 
sutra which is written in this form. It appears that there was an 
ancient sutra work in prose, but that it was in a subsequent age 
transformed into the form of a Purana, in dialogue and in verse, 
the ancient prose being imbedded in it as in the Bharata-Natya- 
Sastra. 

Now, the Muni says " I was born in the Kapya golra. " It 
appears however that the " Gotra-pravara-nibandha-kadam- 
bakam " collected by Chenshall Rao, c.i.e., which contains 
towards the end the names of about 4',500 gotras, does not 
mention the Kapya gotra. From this it is evident that it is not 
one of the gotras prevalent among the Aryans. The question arises, 
therefore, how could then Palakapya belong to the Kapya gotra 
and how could he be regarded as a Brahmana ? It may be said 
by waT of explanation that as the A^valayana, Baudhayana and 
other sutras do not mention the name of Kapya as one of the 
Munis who founded a gotra, it is to be supposed that Pala- 
kapya did not belong to any of the gotras recognized by the 
Aryans. The Kapya gotra seems to have been prevalent only in 
Bengal. Palakapya was an inhabitant of Bsngal, He was born 
and educated in a country watered by the Lauhitya, or the 



VOL. v.. PT. III.] CONTBIBOTIONS OP BESOAL, 3|3 

Brahmaputra, between the Himalaya and the Sea. Although, 
therefore, his treatise was written and published in Campanagara, 
the capital of A.nga, he himself was a Bengali. From a considera- 
tion of these facts we are driven to the conclusion that it was in 
Bengal that such a huge beast as the elephant was first trained, 
domesticated and utilized in the servic;? of mankind and that it 
was here that the mode of its treatment was discovered. A close 
study of Palakapya will warrant the supposition that ifc is a 
translation from some other language and that it does not always 
follow the rules of Sanskrit Grammar. The antiquity of the work 
it is not now possible to ascertain. Kalidasa calls it an ancient Sutra. 
In the sixth canto of Eaghuvamia, Sunanda alluding to the 
Raja of Anga says, " we learn from an ancient tradition that the 
Sutrakars themselves train the elephants of the king ; hence it 
is that he eajoyj» on earth the prosperity of Indra." 

In Kautilya"'s Artha-Sastra there is a chapter headed *• Hasti- 
pracara', in which we find mention of elephant physicians, 
Kautilya says that if an elephant while going from one place to 
another is suddenly taken ill or disabled or if mada flows from its 
temples, it is the duty of the physician to treat It. From this the 
inference is irresistible that the scienca of the treatment of 
elephants had been in existence before Kautllya's time. The 
form in which the sutras in the Palakapya are writtsn also 
shows the antiquity of the work. Its sutras were composed at 
a time, identical with what Mas Miiller calls the suira period. 
According to Biihler the sutras of Vasistha and Gautama were 
anterior to those composed by Apistamba and Baudhayana in the 
fifth and sixth centuries B.C. Palakapya seems to belong to 
this age. 

Indian scholai's fix the sutra' period at an earlier ao'e still. 
It is however unnecessary to enter into a discussion on this subject. 
It is sufficient to observe here that if in the fifth or sixth cen- 
tury B.C. Bengal was so far alvaucad in the science of the treat- 
ment of elephmts, it reflects no small credit on our country. 



314 



CONTRIBUTIONS OF BENGAL. [J.B.OJt.S. 



The Second Coniribulion, 



Variety of Religious Opinions. 

I havG hintsd in many places that Jalnlsm^ Buddhism, 
Ajivakism and all the religions which received from the Buddhists 
the appellation of "Tairthikias *'' or the Heretical Systems, 
were founded upon the customs, usages, morals and religioug 
opinions prevalent in ancient times in Bengal and Magaiha 
and among the people known as the Chcra. There are many reasons 
for supposing that this is so. All the=?e religions had their origin 
in Eastern India, in Bengal and Magadha and among the Chcras, 
that is heyond the limits of tha countries with which the Aryans 
were closely connected. All of them inculcate the doctrine of 
indifference. The religion of the Vedic Aryans is a religion pre- 
eminently of the householder. The Ug- Veda does not teach in- 
difference. The other Vedas mostly deal with rites and ceremonies 
which also constltutG the religion of the householder. The Sutras 
also treat of the same religion, one chapter of them being distinctly 
called " Grhya-Sutras.^' The Sutras divide the life of a Brahmana 
into four stages, tUo last being that of a Khiksu. But even 
upon the Bliiksu indiiforenee is not es^oeciilly enjoined. All 
that is said is that the Bhiksu should live by begging. But the 
religions of which mention hoiS been made are all unanimous iu 
preaching renunciation. They all iucalcatc the da(y of forsaking 
homo, which is full of misery, and enjoin a course of life that 
shall free mankind from th3 bondage of hlvth, old age and 
death. In achieving this goal, one has to engige in the con- 
templation of " Who I am, whence I came, and why I came." 
Some say that as a result of this contemplalion, the soul exists, 
but it becomes %2igj (absolute and unca;inected), aud is 
divorced from the world, arriving at a stage beyond tte reach 
of birth, old age and death. Others say that it 1'0;S.:!S at this stage 
its self-consciousness ( ^ll^TT ) and becomes universal. It then 
])erceives equality in all beings and becomes the seat of supremo 
compassion. These doctrines are not to be found in (he Vedas, 
wor in the Bruhmanas nor in the Sutras. Thoy appertain to the 



VOL. v., PT. III.] CONTBIBUnONB OF BENGAL. 815 

Darsana and Yo^a systems and arc tha products of profound 
thinking c 

Even on a superficial conparlson of these religions with 
the customs and the religious practices of the Aryans, we 
find there is no harmony between them. The Aryans enjoin 
pergonal cleanliness and insist on wearing clean clothes and 
taking daily baths. The Jains think we should remain naked, 
and must neither bathe nor rub dirt or filth out of the body. 
Mahavira bore what was called the burden of filth. Many Jain 
ascetics were proud to assume the title Maladharin in or the holder 
of filth. The Aryans put on a head-dress and wore slippers and 
the sacred thread. The Jains were bareheaded and barefooted, 
and managed with a single dioSi and chaddar. The Aryans 
always shaved, but the followers of these religions neither shaved, 
nor cut their hair, njr pared their nails. The Aryans, when they 
cut the hair, kept a tuft in the middle of the heud. The Buddhists 
kept no such tuft, but made a clean cut. The Aryans ate twice, 
once in the day and once in the night. The Buddhists ate before 
twelve o'clock, and failing to do so on any particular day, they 
had to remain without food till the next day. In the night they 
could not take any food except milk or any other liquid food. 
The Aryans used to lie down on be 1 steads i but the Buddhists 
fiung themselves on the barj ground. The Aryans read and 
wrote Sanskrit, while the followers of these religions did their 
reading and writing in th^ respeative languages of their own 
country. 

Whence did Buddhists, Jains and the followers of the other 
persuasions derive these novelties? They could not h ive picked 
them up from the Aryans, for these novelties were opposed to the 
Aryan usages. They could not have imbibed them from the north, 
for there is the eternal barrier, the Himalaya. It could not have 
leen possible for them ta have had close connexion with 
people living oa the north of the Himalayas. Neither could these 
novelties have travelled from the smth, for there is absolutely 
no evidence t3 show that these people had even any connexion 
with that le^Ion. On the other hand it is more consistent with 



316 CONTRIBUTIONS OF BENGAL. rJ.B.O.B.S, 

probability to suppose that there could be no such connexion, 
the Vindhya range standing as a barrier. The conclusion there- 
fore is irresistible that all these customs and usages must have 
been derived from the East where we find considerable traces of 
them still existing. 

Mahavira, the last of the Jain Tirthankars, left his home in his 
thirtieth year, and, after living for a few divs in the Jain templo 
of Vaisall, remained incognito for a period of twelve years. Dur- 
ing this time he travelled to the eastern parts of the country and 
acquired wisdom. After an absence of twelve years he returned to 
Vaisali. His predecessor Parsvanatha was born in BenareS; and 
after leaving his home in his thirtieth year, travelled in many parts 
of the country and particularly in the East. In the last part of 
his life, he lived in the Sametagiii, or Pareshnath hill, where the 
majority of his twenty-two predecessors had also lived and died. 

All these religions owe their origin to the Sai|ikhya doctrines. 
Following these doctrines, the Jains wanted to become Kevalas. 
The Buddhists say that the Jains out-samkhyaed the Sanikhya. 
These Sainkhya doctrines do not belong to the Aryans ; they had 
their origin in the East. Manu and others as well as some of 
the later Upanisads having approved of these doctrines, Sankara 
attempted to refute them, as he himself disinctly said. Accord- 
ing to S'ankara, the Samkhya doctrines should not be accepted by 
the learned. He does not admit that they are to be found in 
the Upanisads. He explains away the Samkhya element in 
them. Kapila, the author of Saijikhya, lived in the eastern part 
of the country and so did Panoasikha. la the Santiparva of 
the Mahabharata, in the verses beginning with ^^!i3J^^T'C^'?ft- 
^firfa'ST^ W^Wt, there Is a mention of faiicaslkha going to the 
court of Janaka and imparting instruction to him. I have said 
in many places that the Samkhya system originated in the East 
and hence I desist from dwelling on that point any longer. 

T//e T/iird Contribution. 
Silk. 
The third service of ancient Bengal, in advancing the 
civilization of the world, consisted in the manufacture of silk. 



Vol. v., pt. in.] contbibuiions of bengal. 317 

Europeans brought silkworms from China ai;d after rejieated 
attempts made during many centuries succeeded in build- 
ing their industry. It is their impression that China was the 
birthplace of silk. The Chinese themselves also make the 
Eame boast. They say that in 2640 B.C. one of their queens 
introduced the cultivation of the mulberry plant into China. 
There has been, in that country, an elaborate literature on the 
subject of silk industry from very ancient times. The Chinese, 
however, never taught the industry to foreigners, but kept its 
secrets to themselves as their Upanisad or hidden science. The 
Japanese, with considerable difficulty, learnt from Korea the 
manufacture of silk in the third century ad. Shortly after 
this a Chinese princess commenced its manufacture in India. 
In the first or second century a.T). China carried oh by land an 
extensive silk trade with Europe. Many suppjse that in India 
the Saka kings of the Punjab put gold coiiis into extensive 
circulation in consequence of the silk trade. Europe com- 
menced her silk industry long after this. 

But we learn from the Artha-Sastra of Kautilya that the 
manufacture of silk was extensively carried on in Bengal in 
the third or fourth century B.C. The finest silk cloths were called 
Patrorna, wool of leaves. These Patrornas used to be manufac- 
tured in three places: — Magadha, Paundra and Suvarnakudya. 
The worms were reared on Nagavrksa, Likuca, Vakula, and 
Vata or banyan or other trees. The Nagavrksa worms produced 
yellow silk, while those of Likuca and Vakula wheat-coloured 
and white stuffs respectively. The banyan-tree-worms spun 
silk resembling butter in colour. Of all the varieties, the finest 
was that manufactured in Suvarnakudya. 

The account given above has been mostly ti-anslated from 
Artha-Sastra. It is to be found towards the end of the chapter 
which gives a list of the finest things which the Royal Treasury 
should contain. The chapter is entitled ^Y^^^^iT^;^ Hlt'^ 
The word '* j^ " here does not mean jewels and diamonds 
alone. It means what constitute the excellence of every 
description of property and includei " ^I{\ " (aloe-wood) , 



318 CONTRIBUTIONS OF BENGAL . [J.B.O.B.?, 

" '^'^ " (sanclalwood), leather, jute-made pieces, silk eloths 
and cotton p'ece-goods. In the portion of the work translated 
above mention is made of Magadha, Paundra and Siivarnakudya 
' as the places where silk was produced. Magadha is identical 
with South B\har and Paundra is North Bengal. The question 
is, where is Suvarnakudya ? The ancient interpreters say that 
Suvarnakudya is situated near Kamarupa. But the silk manufac- 
tured in the neighbourhood of Kamarupa is produced from the 
castor plants. It wovild appear therefore that the surmise of 
the Tikakaras is not correct. The name Suvarnakudya was, I 
think, subsequently changed to Karna-Suvarna which includes 
Murshidabad and Rajraahal. The soil here being red like gold, the 
country was called Karna-Suvarna, Kiran-Suvarna or Suvarna 
Kudya. Sill^ is still manufactured here, the stuff tliat is produced 
being excellent. Nagavrksa or Nagakesar trees grow here in 
abundance. Likuca means Madar tree (well known in Bengal) 
which rears and supports the worms. Vakula and banyan trees 
also do the same and they are well known. 

From the manner in which Kautilja mentions the silk pfece 
goods of China, it would seem that he gives preference to 
the Bengal-made things. The Artha-Sastra does not furnish 
evidence to show that the minufacture of silk was introduced 
into Bengal from China. The Bengal silk being indapcndent 
of mulberry plants, there is no reason to suppos3 that Bengal 
bDrrowed the art from China. To put the matter clearly, tho 
manufacture of silk was carried oa both in Bengal and Cliina, 
though it muit be confessed that the Tequlsitioning of tha mul- 
berry trees for this purpose spread from China to different parts 
of the world. Kiutilya does not say that the manufacture of 
silk was carried on in any other part of India ex;ept Magadha 
and Bengal. He mentions the names of Magadha, Paundra and 
Suvarnakudya only, of which the last two are situated in 
Bengal. After Kautilya's time silk was manufactured in vari- 
ous J)art8 of India. It appears from a stone inscription discovered 
in Mandasor and set up in a.d. 476 that a number of merchants 
from Saura^tra came there and started silk business and that 



VOL. v., PT. Itl.] CONTEIDCTIOXS OP BENGAL. 319 

thay bailfc by subscription a large temple in honour of the 
Sun-god. 

The facts which we have gathered from the Artha-Sastra 
reflect great credit up3n Bengal, if the Bengalis commencsd the 
manufacture of silk before any other nation in the world. If, 
however, it be supposed that the Chinese were the first in the 
field, still ifc must be said to the credit of the Bengalis that they 
began the manufacture quite independently and without learning 
anything from the Chinese. For, as I have said, they did not , 
like the Chinese, utilize the mulberry plant for this purpose. 
They manufactured silk from plants which grow in abundance 
"without any human effort. The silk manufactured in China 
is white. It has to be dyed again ; bat the Bengal silk did 
not require to be coloured, the different colours being produced 
by the utilization of different plants. It would be still more 
creditable, if this special process was her own. 

The Fourth Contrilution. 
Linen. 
The fourth glory of Bengal is cloth made of bark. Primitive 
people used to wear leaves. Even now in some of the tributary 
mahals in the jungles of Orissa, people wear leaves. Next they 
wore barks. They softened the barks by beating and wrapped 
them round their bodies like cloth and also used them as chud- 
ders over their shoulders. There is a grand stupa on the Sanchi 
hills. It is surrounded by a railing of stone with huge gates at 
intervals. Each gate rests on two pillars. These pillars again 
are ornamented with sculptures. Among them are engravings 
of many lark-clad sages. From the manner in which they put 
on the bark, we can get an idea of how people lived by wearing 
bark in those days. After that the next step was to discard the 
bark, to extract the fibres out of it, to spin them into yarn and 
then to weave them into cloth. They used to spin yarn from the 
fibres of jute flax " dhanche," " atasi/^ etc. These yarns are now 
used in making ;ropis and gunny bags. la those days good 
cloths were made of this yarn and sometimes these cloths were 
exceptionally fine. The clolh manufactured from bark was 



820 CONTBIBUTIONS OS' BENGAL. [J.B.O.R.S. 

called Ksauma, fine Ksauma being known as DuUula. As Ksauma 
was considered sacred, it was a favourite with the people. 

According to the Artha-Sastra of Kautilja, this cloth was 
■woven only in Eengal. The Bengal Dukula was " pure, white 
in colour and. looked very decent and soothing.^' The Dukula 
of Paundra was darkish, but '' bright like a gem.^^ The Dukula 
of Suvarnakudya "glittered like the sun and was as brilliant as 
a jewel/ ^ At the end of the chapter in which Kautllya deals 
with these things he says "In this I have dealt with the Ksauma 
of Kasi and Paundra. ^^ From this we can infer that the " bark- 
linen •''' of Bengal was the best of its kind and that Dukula was 
made only in Bengal, For this reason I have included it in 
the list of the productions of which Bengal may be proud. 

I bave refrained from any mention of cotton cloth, because 
from Canakya we can see that it was not a monopoly of Bengal. 
There were other places, e.g. Madhura, Aparanta, Kalinga, 
Kaslj Vatsa and Mahisa which produced excellent cotton cloth. 
Madhura means the Pandya territory and Mahisa was on the 
south of the Narbudda and Aparanta was in the present Bombay 
Presidency. But long after Canakya, the cotton-linen became 
also a distinctive glory of Bengal. A piece of Dacca muslin 
spread on the grass and wetted by the dew of the night was 
perfectly indistinguishable. A piece of this muslin could easily 
be passed through a ring. The weavers rose very early in the 
morning and went to the cotton fields with small sticks of bamboo. 
As soon as a bud opened, the cotton was carefully wrapped round 
this stick. From this cotton a very fine yarn was made, which 
was ultimately woven into muslin. 

When Akbar conquered Bengal ho agreed to take only 
K.S. 5,00,C00 as the revenue from the Subadar ; but on condition 
that the Subadar was to furnish all the Malda silk and Dacca 
muslin that would be required in the royal household in Delhi. 
'Ike Fifth Contribution. 

Theatre. 

The fifth glory of ancient Bengal consisted in its thea- 
tres, which were called " Prek?d Grha " or " Pckha Ghara. '' 



VOL, v., PT. III.] CONTBIBUTIOXS OF BEXQAL. 321 

Manv European scholars maintain it as their opinion that 
there were no theatres ia India in ancient times. That 
they were a novelty subsequently imported into this coun- 
try from Greece. This is not strictlj correct. But we 
need not quarrel with them. For what we are concerned 
with is only to point out what constituted our glory in 
the past. 

We learn from the Sastras that once upon a time there 
was a deadly contest between the Gods and Asuras. Indra, 
coming out victorious, caused a flag to be hoisted. The 
Gods assembled under it and made themselves merry. "While 
doing so they suddenly began a mimic representation of the 
battle in which they had been engaged a short while ago, 
and finding that it was an amusing pastime, resolved to 
repeat it whenever it should be necessary to raise their flag. 
The Asuras protested and said ''We shall not allow this. 
It is intended to lower us.'' They attempted to break up 
the performance which was going on, when Indra chased 
them with a bamboo. While the Asuras wera being repeat- 
edly struck down with the bamboo, its butt-end was bruised 
and it was called the " Jarjara '\ From that time forward 
the " Jarjara '' became a theatrical symbol. Hence, in build- 
ing a theatre-house it was necessary first of all to fix the 
Jarjara on the ground, and before the commencement of 
a play, it had to be worshipped. The six different divisions 
of the " Jarjara " used to ba wrapped up in six different 
pieces of cloth. In these parts or divisions six of the 
celebrated Gods were supposed to reside. These Gods too 
had to be worshipped. 

Theatre-houses were constructed in three different ways. 
Those intended for the Gods were lOS cubits long. They 
were narrow at the two ends and wide in the middle and 
were called " Tanas ". Those meant for Kings were four- 
sided. They were 64- cubits long and 32 cubits broad. The 
stages of the ordinary gentry were in the form of an equi- 
lateral triangle, each side measuring S:J cubits. Blind, lame 



322 ' tONTrviniTioNa or bengal, [J.B.o.HiS, 

or crooked men or tlioso who were ugly or awkward were 
not allowed access to a place whore a iheatrc-liouse was being 
built. Such persons could not even be wanted for their labour. 
Beggars and ascetics were also rigorously excluded. In build- 
in^ -a theatre-house the Jarjara had to be fixed in the centre. 
Half of the house was intended for the audience and the 
remaining half for the actors. Some of the stages with their 
audience halls were built two-storied^ presenting a spectacle 
which cannot even now be met with in many countries in Europe, 
In these stiges the scenes of the earth were represented on tlie 
ground floor and those of the heaven on the first floor. 

In the portion of a theatre-house which was intended for 
the audience the arrangement and distribution of seats was as 
follows : — 

The Brahmaijas were accommodated in the front where the 
pillars were all white. The Ksattriyas were seated behind the 
Brahmapas ; here the pillars were red. The space lying behind tha 
Ksattriyas was divided half and half between Vaisyas and Sudras, 
the columns being black and yellow. Each of the rows into 
which the seats were distributed was one cubit higher than that 
which stood in its immediate front. This was the plan in which 
the gallery was constructed. In the first floor, too, where the 
house was two-storied, the distribution of seats was made in 
the same manner. The green room and the music-hall stood 
just behind the stage. Behind these was the recreation room 
and behind this again was the j)lace of worship. 

The walls of the theatre-house were decorated with sceneries 
of houses, gardens, recreation rooms, mountains, river banks, 
etc., painted on them in glowing colours, but tlicy contained no 
curtain paintings moveable at pleasure as in a modern theatre. 
The Jarjara was worshipped on the stage where also the Nandi 
was read. There were two doorways on the two sides of the 
stage, through which the actors entered. 

The actors were formerly Brahmanas. But having on several 
occasions lampooned the ilsis, they incurred the displeafjure of 



VOL. V,, PT. III.J CONTRIBUTIONS OP BENGAL, 333 

the latter and became Sudras. The Artha-Sastra of Canakya 
mentions them only as Sulras. 

Bharata Muni gives u? some account of theatres as they 
existed in this conntry in ancient times. He says there were 
many schools of dramaturgy and each school had its sutra and each 
sutrahad its Bhasya or commentary, Vartika, Nirukta, Saipgraha 
and its Karika. These collected together formed the Bharata- 
Natya Sastra which wss compiled probably in 200 B.C. For in this 
work we find simultaneous mention of the three tribes known 
as the Saka^ Yavana and Palhava. Noldke, the celebrated German 
antiquarian, is of opinion that any work containing the names of 
these tribes together must have been written between 200 B.C. and 
A.D. 200. It must be said however that in the Bhai-ata-Natya- 
Sastra the word " Pahlava " occurs in its ancient form which is 
"Parthav.^^ In the Azarbaijan hills, lying on the south of 
the Caspian sea, a powerful tribe called Partbav or Parada 
flourished between 250 B.C. and a.d. 222. Situated as they 
were between India on the one side and the Roman territory 
on the other, they often attempted to extend their dominions at 
the expense of both. They were formerly called '' Pathrav,"*^ but in 
their declining days received from the Indians the appellation of 
" Pahlava." In the Puranas they are mentioned as "Parada.^' If 
therefore the Bharat-Satra was written in 200 B.C. it must be 
supposed that many dramatic schools had existed even before that 
date. In Panini we find mention of two Nata-Sutras, one of 
which was composed by Silali, the other by KrsasVa. From the 
drama of Bhasa we learn that Vatsaraja Udayana boasted that 
the Sutrakara Bharata had been his ancestor. 

The methods of dramatic representation, varying as they did 
with the tastes and natural characteristics of different peoples^ 
were four in number : — Avanti, Decanese, Paficali and Odrama- 
gadhi. The people of the Deccan liked dancing and music durinc 
a performance. They also loved to see the '^acting ^' provided 
it was clever, sweet and entertaining. 

The methods peculiar to the eastern parts of India was 
Odramagadhi, Bengal stood at the head of the countries in 



821 CONTBIBUTIONS OF BBNGAL. [J.B.O,R,S, 

which it prevailed. For it was from Bengal that jVIalach, Molla 
Barshak, Brahmattar, Bhargava, Margava, Pragjjotisa, Pulinda, 
Videhaj Tamralipta and other countries derived their dramatic 
pravrtti (taste). The peculiarity of this method consisted in 
the fact that it gave preference to satires and small dramas, 
dialogues and Sanskrit recitation. The Bengalis had a special 
liking for the " acting " of men and disliked that of females. 
Eastern Bengal showed a partiality for benedictions an I auspi- 
cious sounds. Now a word about this Bengali dislike for dancing 
and music in ancient times. It is with no small surprise that I 
learn from Babn Amrta Lai Bose, the premier playwright and 
actor of Bengal, that the Bengalis have still retained their 
national characteristic. Even now they are averse to dancing 
and music which however have been retained in the programme 
solely to please the Marwaris. 

It reflects no small glory upon Bengal that 200 years before 
Christ she could boast of a method of dramatic representation, 
which was her own. 



l-v>-^ 




II,— The Story of a Cotton Printed Fabric 
from Orissa. 

By O. C. Gangroly, 

AVhat has hitherto passed as '* a piece of ancient Chinese culico " 
offers in the female types depicted so close a parallel to Orissan 
figures so familiar to us through old ancient Orissan paintings 
and wall cartoons, th.it the inferenoe is alaiost irresistible that th3 
piece of printed cotton here illustrated [Plata IJ m ly hive 
origin illy come from some part of Orissa. The fabric is sup- 
posid to have cone from Chiaa and was originally reproduced 
in the Kokka, No. 115, Plate VI. Aad whether it is Orissan 
or not, thare is aboolutBly no doubt that is a piees of Indian 
cloth and the fact that it now liails from China gives it a quit<3 
unique interest. From the edict of Asoka at Dhauli we get 
a glimpse of the kingdom of Kalinga, of which ancient Orissa 
was a part. It was an extensive, populous and civilizsd king- 
dom before the conquest of Asoka. That frequent sea voyages 
were made to cDuntries outside India from the ports of Kalinga 
is now a recognized fact in Indian history. It is highly pro- 
bable if not absolutely certain, that a section of the inhabitants 
of ancient Kalinga sent out a colony to Java where Indians 
have ever since come to be called the " Klings *' [i.e. Kalirga- 
ites]. As late as the eighth century we have evidence of an 
intercourse of Orissa with China, This u afEn-icd by the 
Japanese edition of the Chinese Tripitaka which is a tran^Iition 
of a portion of the Buldhist Buddhavatamsaka Sutra made by 
a Chinese monk named Prajna on the basis of a ff.auuscr'pt 
sent as a present to the Chinese Emperor Te Tsung by the King 
of Utcha [Odra] in a. p. 795. The name of this King in the 
letter of presentation has been read as Subhakara Kesari 
[No. 89 in Mr. Buniyu Nanjio's Catalogue; Watters On Yuan 
Chwang, Vol. II, page 196 j Puri District Gazetteer, 1908, page 



S2(} PRINTED COTTON. [3 .B.O.R.S 

2G]. On the basis of this evidence^ it may be possible to suppose 
that the printed fabric in question may hav3 travelled to China 
either by the inland or the maritime route. At present the chief 
t'entres of production of printed cloths and wax-dyed palampoi-es 
are at iMasulipatam, Kuruppur, Ponncii^ Kalahasli, Saidapet, 
and Sikkanyakanpet [near Kumbakonam], There is reason to 
believe that the traditions of this craft in Southern India have 
been derive! from ancdent Kalinga where cloth used to be mauu- 
lacturad in sach large quantities that Kalinga became the word 
fcr cloth in old Tamil. In minor details of the architecture 
represented and in the general spirit of the design the fabric 
in question has many interesting coincidences with a piece of 
anodern painted cotton from Sikkanayakanpet [reproduced as 
Fig. 4 in the account of 17/.e Vicioiia Technical Institute, 
MadraSj 1209]. So that it is possible that our printed fabric 
from China originated either in Orissa or Pomo part of Southern 
India. My reasons for suggesting that the piece of cloth came 
fiom O.issa are: — (1) that the female figures represented are 
unmislakably Orissau in type, rather than Southern Indian 
and this can be easily demonstrated by comparison with figures 
in old Orissau paintings; (2) some of the architectural details 
appear to be specially characteristic of Orissa; these are the towers 
and sikharai of the 7 iw^o was which closely reproduce the towers 
Qf many Orissan temples, particularly the towers placed over 
the Kirtimiikkas on the tri-f oiled arches, which are characteris- 
tically Gaudian or at least Northern Indian types. The princi- 
pal objection to identify the piece as Crissan is in the type 
of the male figures represented which rather recall the dress 
and headgear of the Mahrattns who occupied Orissa from ad. 
1742. If the old textile craft of Kalinga be supposed to have 
survived to the time of the Mahratta occupation, it is hardly 
possible that the craft was actually practised during the- misrule, 
anarchy and violence which followed the tyrannical occupation 
of the country by the Mahrattas. It is unlikely that after 
1742 any direct intercourse cither by sea or land could have 
taken place between India and China. On the other hand, we 



Plate II. 



■t3fC*-TflH' 










,1 K, o. 1!. >., liily 



Cotton printed fabric. 



engraved * printed at the Offices of the Survey of India, CaUutta, WIS- 



" VOL. v., tT. 111,3 PRINTED COTTON. 327 

know that during the seventeenth centmy the great trading 
and shipping eentre of Coromandel coast was Ma^uHpatam and 
it appears on the testimony of Hutton [" Account cf the Trade 
of MeicTiIepatan ," Haklyut Society Publication V, xii.] that 
at this place " ships of buiden were constantly employed on 
voyages to Arracan, Pegu, Tanassery, Malacca and the Maldive 
islands " but the trade from this centre was probably confined 
to the places round the Bay of Bengal. If the fabric we are 
discussing be a product of Masulipatam or of any Southern 
Indian cotton centres then it may have been carried to China 
through the mercantile shipping of the Coromandel coast. 

The architectural details preclude any date being assigned 
to the piece earlier than the twelfth century. * During the 
seventeenth century (a.d. 1671 to 1719) the ^iahratta B^jas 
of Tanjore ware geaei'Ous patrons of tha cotton decorators, the 
descendants of whom have siill a colony at Kodali Karuppur 
in the Trichinopoly District, twenty miles from Kumbakonam. 
And a printed cotton actually worn by Raja Sivaji, the last 
Mahratta prince of Tanjore, is still preserved in the School of 
Arts collection, Madras. If the male figures pictured ia the 
piece are taken to represent Mahrattas it may be assigned to 
end of the seventeenth ct-ntury when the craft of cotton print- 
ing was in a flourishiug condition, the chief centre of the 
industry being Masulipatam which probably still continued 
the older traditions of ancient Kalinga. 

The records of the factories of the East India Company 
referred to by Mr. Hadaway, the distinguished Principal of the 
Government School of Arts, Madras [ '^ Cotton Puinting and 
Print inff, ' Madras, 1917 ] afford very interesting information 
as to the reputation that the industry had acquired in foreign 
countries : " In the recoidsof 163-4-36 an interesting account is 
given of a white wollen cloth which was sent to India, to be dyed, 

1 A Japanese writer on tlie basia of its coloar scaeme ascribes it to a time 
at the end of the Gen period (1280-1367 A. D.) and the beginning of tlie Me period' 
{133S-1661 A; D.) I am indebted to Mr. B, Kimura , Lecturer, Calcutta University, 
i^is the re£«re&««: 



i 



328 iPKINTED COTTOS. [J.B.O.R.S. 

by His Majesty King Charles I. The original cloth having been 
lost, the factor suggests another to be stayned after the manner 
of fine paintings of Mcsulipitam. ■" The records also ref e r to 
trade in painted cotton with Persia. The possibilities are there- 
fore equal that the painted piece of cotton we are discussing was 
produced at Masulipata'.n about the middle of the seventeenth 
century. But if we compare our fabric with an example now in 
the South Kensington Museum, London, attributed to Masulij^a- 
tam ( seventeenth century ) we find it is so different in its pattern, 
design and technique [ vide illustration II ] that it is difficult 
to ascribe our specimen to Masulipatam. Excepting the conven- 
tional festoons hanging from the arches the two pieces have 
no similarity to suggest a common place of origin. The only 
point of contact between the two pieces lies in the representa- 
tion of a secular scene ; the South Kensington specimen probably 
commemorates the visit of so ne Europeans to an Indian court, 
probably the Muhammadan Court of Golconda or the Nizam. 
The Southern Indian patterns, chiefly from Kalahasti, have 
invariably religious subjects for their motifs and are used as 
covers for processional cars and as canopies for images. The 
cottons from Masulipatam ara chicily used for prayer mats 
and bed-covers and are commonly referred to as " palamporos " 
[ pilanff-pos/i ?= bed-covers ]. The industry at one time 
commanding an international trade is now rapidly declinlu" 
and we all owe to Mr. Iladaway a great debt in preservimT 
in his able monograph, referred to above, an account of the 
craft with representative illustration of characteristic patterns 
used by craftsmen. 

To return to our illustration, one of the many unique feature* 
of this ancient cloth " picture " is the representation of various 
trees, animals aud birds. The cocoanut tree suggests the local- 
ity of the scene in which the tree must have been very common. 
Of the small figures depicted in the niches, three figures rather 
similar in dress and gesture, with a sword in hand, probably 
represent royal retainers, or perhaps, types from contemporary 
police foroe. Of two religious mendicants depicted with 



VOL. v., PT. lli.j PKINTED COTTON. 3f^ 

elaborate matted locks and beg^ging wallets, the most important 
features are the vaishanarile caste marks on their body rather 
illegible in the reproduction. Of other types represented, the 
one ou the left side of the Ganesha probably piotares a peasant, 
and the one ou the right, the type of the middle class bhadra- 
logne ( gentlemen ) of the time. The latter's dkoti reaching 
up to the ankle requires particular notice in contrast with the 
pdi/aiatnas worn by the retainers. All the male figures have 
head-dresses of some kind or other. Of the principal male 
figures pictured, three types are differentiated. The figure on the 
extreme right seated on a quaint chair, with a female figure oa 
his lap, is prcbibly a prince, he wears a sort of a cap which is 
quite distinct from the turbans of the other male figures. The 
central figure ■^-ith sword in hand, obviously, is some high officer 
of the state, probably the head of the army, referred to in the 
Inscriptions, as the Vahini-pati; the two figures on either side with 
a lotus and a nosegay are courtiers. The three figures wear shoes- 
of a very peculiar pattern which have no resemblance to those 
worn by the Moguls or the Mahrittas. The " head of the army '* 
certainly wears close fitting bluck coverings on both legs which 
recall stockings or braces. The fi^^ure on the extreme left, from 
the similarity of his turban, may be taken to be another official, 
probably the minister of the prince, and wears tunic and orna- 
ments similar to the prince himself. The various patterns of 
saris worn by the female figures are worthy of notice, as also 
the fact that all of them, of varying complexion, wear a sort of 
bodice which cover the greater portlMi of the arms. The data 
offered by the peculiarities of the dress given to the figures ought 
to be sufficient to identify the locality of the tcene. But the 
present state of our knowledge is not sufficient to enable 
us to interpret the information conveyed to us by the painted 
piece of cloth. The dresses are not identical with the dresses 
we associate with the Mahrattas, though they have some resem- 
blance to them. They probably represent the fashion of dress- 
ing at one time current among Hindus in the parts of the eastern 
coafcli between the Mahanadi and the Krishna which must be 



330 I'BINTED COTTON. [J.H.O.K.S; 

taken as the locality of the scene depicted^ and the date of the 
cloth may be roughly indicated as between the thirteenth and 
the fifteenth century which fity in the chronology of the Eastern 
Ganga Kings of Oi'issa. The painted cloth has preserved for 
us a unique mirror of a phase of the life of the time, a picture 
of which is not available from any other source. For it is a 
characteristic feature of Indian antiquities that the ancient 
monumental records invariably ignore the secular vydvaharic life 
of ancient India such as the dress, habits and physical environ- 
ment of the people. And from this point of view this piece 
of painted cotton is a quite unique historical document. 



III.— Rajgir Jain Inscription. 

By Puran Chand Nahar, M.A., B.L., 

It is admitted on all hands that Rajagriha (Rajgir) is one of 
the oldest cities in India and has received attention as a place of 
great antiquarian interest. The five hills, two of which Vaibbara 
and Vipula, still retain their old names, form a girdle like the 
walls of a town and are crowned with small Jaina temples. 

The present inscription is from one of those temples on 
Vipula hill built some sij: centuries ago. Many of (he earlier 
temples were ruined during the political struggles and disorder in 
the country and the existing temples on these hills were all 
later on restored. 

The inscription in question is engraved on two stones whieh 
are now lying in the Svetambara Panchayati Jaina temple at 
Bihar. The temple, of which this is a panegvrie, being desolate 
or destroyed, these stones, for some reason cr other, were removed 
to Bihar, more than a century ago, but no notice of them was 
taken till now. Both the stones are of a hard jet-black kind and 
are of almost the same size, one meas-iring 2 feet 10 inches and 
the other 2 feet 8 inches in length, and both, 10 inches in breadth. 
The engraved letters are about ^ inch in length. The letters of 
the first stone are a bit bigger in size than those in the second. 
The first stone contains, besides 16 lines of matter, an emblem 
of a lotus with 20 petals inscribed on the left-hand corner. The 
second stone has 17 lines, but it is damaged in the middlo 
towards the top and the end. 

The inscription is a Prasasti or eulogy of a temple built on 
Vipula hill and dedicated to Par^vanatha, It is dat^d the 
sixth day of Ash^dha in the Vikrama year 11^13 correEponding 
to A.T). 1355. The date has been put in symbolical words 
aul figmcs. The characters belong to the usual DeYftnttgari 



S32 RAJGIR JAIN INSCEIPTIOX, [J.B.0.R.9, 

alphabet of the Jaina type. In respect of orthography, there is 
nothing tj call for any special attention. In the dedicatory 
portion, recording the erection of the temple, the author has 
shown great erudition and has used metres in the composition 
of verses. There are in addition several prose passages scatter(.d 
here and there in the text. 

The inscription refers to Sultan Firoz Shah Toghlak, the 
Emperor who reigned from a.d. 1351 to a.d. 1388. In the year 
1354 the Sultan raided the province of Bengal and the stones 
were inscribed in the following yearjj.^ another important reference 
is found therein coucerniig the political history of Bihar. The 
inscripti in records the r^gian of Malik Vaya in Bihar as represen- 
tative of the Emperor assisUd by Na^iruddin. We find mention 
of Ilyas Khaji, known as Haji Ilyas, but better known in 
history as Samruddin, governing Bengal at the time (a.d. 1343- 
1357.) I have not yet been able to get hold of any account 
of Malik Vaya or Nasiruddin in any of the available histories 
of Bengal, and so these names may be of some interest to 
students of histoiy. In Bihar town I was informed of various 
traditions concerning Malik Vaya but I could not collect any 
systematic account either of the man or his time. It is related 
that the brave Malik Vaya died as a '" Shaheed, " having been 
killed by non-Muhaaamadans, thit his body without head wa& 
seen on horseback coming from fort Rohtas and that he wa» 
buried on the small hill near the town of Bihar known as QlUa 
(fort) where a tablet with inacription in verse was placed in his 
memory which was removed by some executive officer about half 
a century ago. 

For the Jaina students the inscription gives a regular list o£ 
the heads of the Khartara Gachchha, one of the divisions of 
Svetambara) Church, beginning with Udyatana Suri ' and 

^ Text-books describe the following facts rolafcing to the movement of the 
Sultan in Bengal:— "Three years (A.D. 1354) after his accession, he made an 
attempt to recover Bengal, and o rerran the whole province, but was not able 
to reduce his enemy until the rains setting in compelled him to retreat, " 
Elphinstono's Histojy of India, 9th edition, p. 402. 

' See Indian Antiquary, Vol. XI, p, 248, No. 38 



VOL r., PT. III.3 CAJOIR JAIN ISSCBIPTIOX. J(?3 

ending with Jina Chaudra Suri ^ during whose spiritual headship 
ihe temple was erected. We further obtain information of^ the 
genealogy of the dedicator of the temple. He is described as 
a descendant of the minister Daliya. This Dali ya is said to be one 
of the foremost ministers of King Bharata, the eldest son of the 
firfct Tiithankara Rishabha Deva. From another iuscriptiou 
which I found in the temple at Pawapuri (Bihar) it is clear that 
Mahativanas (Matl.ens) and those described as belonging to the 
family of the mii-ister Daliya were ident'ca!. They followed the 
Jaina religion. These Mabatiyanas abounded in the province m 
those daySj a few families of them are still existing in Bihar ; and 
they did their best to preserve their sacred places duri ig the loi;g 
period of Muhammadan sovereignty when at times various sicred 
temples of the Hindus were polluted and demolished by the 
Musalman?. It is also interesting to note in this inscription as 
in several other Jaioa inscriptions of different dates from other 
pari s of India^. that uclike their orthodox Hindu brethren the Jainas 
were all along treated with sympathy and kindness and received 
help from the Muhammadan Government on account of their 
peaceful and loyal character. 

^ see ludian Ante qT a 7, Vol. IS, p. 249. No. 13. 



324 EAJGIR JAIN INSCRIPTION. t^T.n.O.R.'^, 

[Text.] 

(P'lRST S TONE.) 

( 1 ) Symbol ll ^ ^W. ^m^\\^m II ^^fi^lf^l^IT^^HRTfnft^ ^' 

T^fii^ ^n^t I ^ g: ^ ^fq ta: 

(7) ^^X\ Hmn- ^^ f^HrfcT gfq »:*f^'?5flg5f3i: II yi ^^5g^ Tlf^- 



VOL, v., PT. lU.J RAjaiR JAIN' IXSCBIPnON. 335 

(12) f^m^IcnTTlTTT^'lTTTHTTT I ^ W^ cT^'^TcTt ^fif€''f1^ 

ftitcw ^t:^^ ii^'-<irT H 'ETPsnins^ ^^n^^ ^n- 

(l.j) ^ fm5T^^^i!tf^?rm; 1 ^^1 (^3I>) ctJfr ^I^^fliff I^it ^ft- 
(16) ^^rfct 5i^i^^q iT5r{c?iy xrf^w^^m ^ft^ (^^tf^- 



^^^ kajgib jain insoklptiox. [j.b.o.r.h. 

(Second Stoxe.) 
(t7) ^a[v^m[f^n-J crraift'Jr* I ^m^'m- 

^^^^ ^vs "w^ ^M^m:,... ?fj*r^t^^ f^^^ ^: 

xnc «%t ii U 

(IS) ^n^^^^jft f^iT. I •sTft^^^rirW 

(19) ?iriT«5f^#I... Wf^^JTt ^2ltf« ISH^: #^^ 

(20) fijcimf^irvrl^c!^ ^ft^^^i^ ^i^if^^i ^i^g^rTsr^r: ii ^^ ^^ 

(2i>) ^r^[ fcTlfr'f ^^r ^% ff (^^f*IcISr^^Jf: i cT.T: X[^ ^JTtl^^^^ 



VGL. v., PT. III.] RAJGIR JAIN RfSCBIPTlON. 337 

So ^TU^i^J^mm>^ ^jft ^ I ^"IxaVm^T^T^T^^ 



a38 EAJGIR JAIN INSCRIPTION. [J.B.O.E.S, 

TRANSLATION. 

[First Stone']. 

Orn^ salutation to Lord Parsvanatha, May Sri Pars- 
vanatha like a Kalpa Tree ( said to satisfy all desires) which has 
taken its permanent root on the superior and vast mountain 
Sumeru [in case of P. (whose temj^le) permanently lies on the 
holy hill of Vipula ] the mountain of the immortals, which 
app3ars beautiful with its lovely branches of leaves ( in case 
P. appearing beautiful with the expanded Tiood of the 
Lord of serpents ) at the root of which is seated Indra 
(in case of P. at whosa feet is seated Indra) which 
bears excellent frait3 and flowers (in case of P. bestower 
of the fruits of welfare and blossoms of prosperity and 
fame) grant the fruit of desire to the Jaina Community. (1) 
Where ( in RA.jagriha ) the venerable sage Suvrata was 
borUj took initiation and attained omniscience and the em- 
perors Jaya^ Rama, Lakshmana and Jarasandha, who were 
Chakravartins, Baladeva, Vasudeva and Prativ&sudeva respec- 
tively and othe- lords of earth fl>urished, and where S'reaika 
and other Kings received the wealth of Jaina teachings from 
^ Mahavira. (2) 

Where (in Rajagriha) Abhaya Kum^ra, Sali, Dhanya 
and many others attained both material and spiritual end 
of all their desires. (3) 

Where (in Rajagriha) the holy hills of Vipula and 
. Vaibhara, adorned with Jaina temples lying extended in the 
East and West announce to the people that welfare in the 
two worlds is sur^dy obtained from this place ; who do not 
speak highly of such a place of pilgrimag3 known by the 
name of Rajagriha ? (4) 

There in the holy city of Rfijagriha, the best of 
5 the sacred places, which helped the people to cross this limit- 
less ocean of the world, while Sultan Sri Peroz Sdha 
(Emperor Eiroz Shah Tughlak) the protector of the good, 
with the lotus-like feet; tinged brown by the shoots of rays, 



TOL. v., PI. in.3 BAJGIE JAIN INSCBIPTION. 33& 

emanating from the jewels of the turbans of all the Kings, 

was ruling the world from the vast peak of the holy 

mountain of Vipula, shaped like a great ship in the form 

6 of the lord of elephants and while by his command Malik a 

Vaya was the GoTCmor in Magadha, with the help of his 

servant JVa«a^i« rrft » (Nasiruddin) the dynasty of the minister 

Daliya flourished best in the world — the dynasty, the 

sHccessive persons of which were all mines of virtues uke 

a string of pearls, adorned the chest, ears and head of 

r, good kings, who recognized and respected the meritorious. (5) 

In olden times, in that dynasty was born Sahaja 

Pdla of pure intellect, the foremost of the good and whose 

person was bedecked with jewels of uncommon good virtues. 

His son highly spoken of by the people became known by 

the name of Tihuna Pdla in whose family which was as 

° pure as the moon was bom the wealthy Raha. (6) 

A son was born to him named Thdkura Manilana, the 
best of all men, versed in the rules of religious practices and 
receptacle of all the innumerable virtues and of conduct 
pure as lotus. He had a wife named 1 hiradevi in his house. 

(7). 

Five sons were born to them, all famous in the world, 
,, fathers^' and children sind sanctified by virtues. Of them 

the first three were respectively known by the names of 

Sahadeoa, Kdmadeva and Mdfiardja. (8) 

The fourth was the prosperous Baehchhardja and Mre 

fifth and youngest was the illustrious and intelligent Devardja, 

both of whom earned the title of " the driver of the Chariot. 

of Religion " even in the eastern country which is full of deep 

mire by reason of the excessive water there (ignorance of 

the people) and eo difficult to drive. (9) 
|. The first wife of Bachchharaja was Ratani who was 

unpossessed of any deceit and observed all good principles and 

customs. Of her two sons were born, the first son was Pahardja 
11 in whom good qualities and prosperity united and the second 

•went by the. name of Vdharha. (10) 



310 BAJGIR JAiN meCElPTION. [J.B.O. R.S, 

His second wife was the beloved Bidhl favoured of the creator. 
X>^a?iflsm5ti and others were her eons— all blessed with a large 
fortune. (11) 

The first wife of Devaraja was Roijl, adorned with tha 
2 , jewels of virtues and whose essence was boundless love of a high 
order. Dharmasimka was the first son born of her body and after 
him Qnnardja — both proficient in all the fine arts. (12) 

He (Devaraja) had a second wife named Padmifii in his 
house. The first son born of her was Kkemaraju, — the repository of 
..o all good qualities^ tbe second Padtnanmha favoured of fortune, the 
■ third GadasimJta and lastly the daughter named Achchharl. (13) 
Sudharma, the leader of Gana, the first head of tbe Jaina church 
of the present age, the root of the tree of th 3 prosi^sring Jaina 
world of Vardhamdna, was born, who showed the virtuous the 
step to salvation and who was the author of Siddhanta Sutras 
(religious texts) . (14-) 
14 In his family was born Vajra Scdmifi versed in ten Piirvas 
the thunderbolt for splitting the hill of Cupid from whom 
spreads the Vajra-^^akhd — the fructiferous branch adorned with 
the flowers of good men. (15) 

In the CJiandrakula of that line, v.hicli was always enlight- 
ened, was born the learned preceptor Vdybtana in whom (the cut- 
1 r ture of) all the pure and refined arts reached their culmination ; (and) 
in whose place was born the good sage Gani V ardhanidna. (16) 

After him succeeded J'/«mvrra Suri, the savant who was 
ijidefatiguble and renowned in the world and possessed of pure 
viitucs and the knowledge of good manners and loveliness. 

From whom the Gana became famous as K/iaratara in this 

world (17) 

Then came the preceptor ^'i' /ew a ChandrO, (1) the foremost 
of all sages who was author of Samvcga Han gas'dl a &nd maintained 
self-restraint. (18) 

Having worshipped, with wuds of mantra, Sri Pa. 



Ifi 



vol, v., ft. lu.j bajgir jaix inscription. 341 

Second Stohe. 

rsua Ciintamani Abhayadeva Suri flourished after him, 

who was author of the commentaries known as Navdngiy the 
source of endless pleaiure. (19) 

(Then flourished) Jina Fallabha who does not even 

now ^ake his head drinking, like nsctar, of the excellence of 
his virtues by the vessel of ears ? (20) 

In his place flourished the savant Jinadclita, the most 
exalted of the sages^ who was recommanded to the people blinded 
by the darkness of ignorance, by Amlika, as the best of all tho 
preceptors in this land and worshipped even by the virtuous and 
the greatest of the good by reason of the wealth of knowledge 
of right conduct. (21) 

After hira flourished Jina Chandra Suri (II) who had 
given up all gold by the virtue of want of attachment ; on 
whose forehead the jewel Ckintdrnani resided as if by reason of the 
forehead being the abode of the goddess of fortune. (-22) 

After him flourished Jtna Pati the best of the orator?^ 
who meeting antipathy in argument established an easily 
accomplisliable thing to be difficult of accomplishment, the 
well illustrated to be devoid of illustration and that to which 
the adversary could cite no authority bas2d on sound testimony. 
(23j 

After him flouiishcd JineScara Suri, the chief of the sages,, 
who like the sun, resplendint with the store of knowledge of 
words (in the case of the sun — ^brilliant with the mass of rays) 
blew open the lotus beds of the good people (in case of the sun — 
blew open the beds of good lotuses) and who became famous (in 
case of the sun — ^risen high up) and was lovely by reason of his 
observing the best self-restraint (in the case of the sun — beautiFul 
by reason of his stay in the sky). (;:4) 

Then in his meritoii;us seat flourished Jina Pralo.Um 
amongst the people, who killed the combatant of ignorance and 
caused the enlightenment (of the psoplc) and who was the fore- 
most of the observers of self-restraint and who.;e conduct was as 
pure as a jewel. (25) 



342 RAJGIR JAIN INSCRIPTION, iS.1i.O.V!.». 

After him, in this world, arose like the new moon, Jina 
*'^ Charnh-a {Hi) the lord of sages who^by teachings checked the 
wantonness of the naturally ignorant, and who always took 
pleasure in the full enlighten meat separated from ignorance, and 
who destroyed the ignorance and wicked nature of the people (in 
ease of the moon — which causes the ocean to swell up by its 
beams, revels in the full resplendour got rid of darkness and which 
destroys darkness and the evil influence of the ill stars). (26) 
In his place shone the preceptor Jina Kusala who 
caused wonder to the people with his fame in this world by 
establishing the image of the First Lord of the Jinas in the high 
and lofty temple on the best hill of Vipula, the receptacle of 
24 virtue and all essence, shining even in this fifth Ard with the 
splendour of all the religious injunctions of '' Vidhipatha''\ (27 j 
After him was J in a Padma 8uri, the lord of sages in 
whose breast even the enamoured goddess of learning was 
fortunate enough to share brilliantly in his childhood, seeing the 
sport of the presiding goddess of the lord of Gani in him. (28) 
After him llourished Jina LabdH the chief of the sage 
who was the successful repository of the perfect understanding 
of the sense of his best Saslras established by the refutation of 
othei-'s Sastras and was the ocean of knowledge and duties which 
is rare in the people of the age of Kali. (29) 

In his place flourished Jina Chandra (IV) bent on subjugat- 
ing Cujwd ; the vast receptacle of the elucidation of the teachings 
of Jainism whose amiable manners pleased all the best observers 
and who was the best of all the savants. (80) 

J3y his advice Bachchharaja, a resident [of the city of &'ri 
BiharajKira and his intelligent brother Bevardja, caueed the 
27 palace of Lord Parsvanatha to be erected for bringing about 
prosperity. (31) 

Here Baehchhardja, the ornament of the race of Mandana, 
along with his friends and relatives caused the dedication to be 
made. (32) j 

The ceremony of dedication was performed by the best oE 
the teachers: named Bhuranuliiia by order of hk preceptor, who 



25 



26 



28 



VCL. v., PT. nr.j RAJGIR JAIN INSCBIPTIOS, $.13 

was a pupil of the savant Jina Chandra and whose teacher ia 
respect of S'astras was Jina Labdhi, the lord of sages. (33 & 34)" 

This scholar held the ceremony on the sixth dav from, 
the new moon in the month of Ashadha in the Vikrama era of 
1412. (35) 

May the erectors of this palace, in the interior of which 
shines the image of Lord Pdrscandtha, the god of Jains and 
which is adorned with kalas'a ornaments and flags at the top of 
its domCj and the renowned precej^tors be blessed in this world 
along with the Jaina Sangha (community). (26) 

Getting this laudatory verse of wonderful metre composed by 
the venerable Ehuvanahita superior by reason of his purificatory 
bath, it was ptit in writing appearing as it were like the goddess 
of fame incarnate. (37) 

And this good composition was engraved for merit by 
the son of Thakkura Milhdhga named Bidha the great Srdvaka 
and artist. (38) 

Thus, in the Vikrama Samvat lil2 on the sixth day of the 
new moon of A=hadha, ends the panegyric poem of the temple 
of Parsvanatha caused to be erected by the two good Siivakas 
Bachckhardja and DiVardja, the two sons of Thakkura Mandana 
the ornament of the race of the minister with the great merit of 
pilgrimage earned in the course of wanderings in the eastern 
country of the teacher Bfiuvana'.ita accompanied by Pang 
(Panyasa) Ilariprabha Gani, Mod&murii Gani, HarsJiatnurti Gani, 
and Vunyapiadhdna Gani by the advice of Jina Chandra Suri 
the ornament in the seat of Jina Lahdhi the preceptor and decora- 
tion of Kharatara Gachchha. 

May the Jaina Sangha be prosperous Chha. 



IV.— Translation of Maharajah Kalyan 
Singh's Khulasat-iit-Tawarikh. 

II. 

By Kban Bahadur Sarfaras Husaiu Khan. 



Moer Mohammad Kasim Khan Ali Jah. 

The author has heard from trustworthy men that Meer 
MoKammad Kasim Khan^ son of Meer Razi Khan, son of Imtiaz 
Khan of Persian origin was an Imperial Deewan at Patna. His 
father Meer Razi Khan was one of the Kiug^s Mansabdars. He 
possessed a jagir in Bengal where he passed his life comfortably. 
Nawab Mahabat Jang, owing to the nobility of his birth^ had Meer 
Kasim Khan married to Fatima Begum; daughter of Nawab Meer 
Mohammad Jafar Khan. He gave a large amount of money 
as well as valuables as her dowry. He also allowed him Rs. 200 
per mensem from his treasury. During the regimes of Mahabat 
Jang and Nawab Serajuddaula, Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan 
did not enjoy a very high social position. Like other ordinary 
men, he was one of the courtiers of the Nawab, but was highly 
talented and qualified and was proficient in astrology and mathe- 
matics. From the very beginning his career looked promising. 
Feelings between Meer IMohammad Kasim Khan and Meei-an were 
however strained, and Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan therefore 
could not show any favour lo Meer Kasim in the beginning of his 
rule. He did not try much for the improvement of bis son- 
in-law^s position and honour. But the very fact of his being his 
Excellency's son-in-law was sufficient to get him the governor- 
ship of Rangpur and Purneah. Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan 
appropriated a box of valuable jewellery belonging to Lutfun- 
nissa., wife of Serajuddaula, at the time of his going in 
pursuit of him. By this means his financial position was 



VOL. v., PT. III.] khulasat-ut-tawabikh. ^M'j 

improved and he kept some cavalry and Infantry with him with a 
view to maintain the dignity of his jwsition. After the death 
of Meeran he used to go to his father-in-law very often. So 
marked and conspicuous were his services that Meer Mohammad 
Jafar Khan felt it his duty to entrust him with higher power 
and raise his social status. With a view to settle certain ques- 
tions Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan had once to send Meer 
Mohammad Kasim Khan to the English at Calcutta. As Meer 
Mohammad Kasim Khan was^ comparatively speaking, wiser and 
more prudent than his relative he fully impressed it on the minds 
of the English that he too was their friend. The English consi- 
dered Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan to be possessed of higher 
administrative powers than not only Saddiq Ali Khan but alsD 
Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan. Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan 
having performed the work for which he was sent, came back 
to Nawab Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan. As there was no other 
man in the family of Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan better filled 
than Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan for , responsible work, 
Meer Ka^im was very often entrusted with missions and used to go 
to the English at Kasiml^azar on behalf of his father-in-law. As 
he discharged the duties entrusted to him with great tact and 
ability, he was much respected both by the civil and military 
officers. But the increase of the military expenditure coupled 
with the extravagance of iMeer ^Mohammad Jafar Khan brought 
financial difficulties, and the laxity of supervision on his part 
gave room to misappropriations and defalcations which at 
times assumed huge proportions. The pay of the military fell in 
arrears and the English were also not paid their annual grant, and 
the total debt amounted to 3 croros and 40 lakhs of rupees. The 
soldiers waited for three years, and when they saw that their dues 
could not be realized, they all assembled before the palace and 
began to abuse the Nawab and would not allow him to take his 
food and drink. This continued for four or five days. When 
this news reached the English at the Kasirabazar factory they 
communicated It to the authorities at Calcutta and asked Meer 
Mohammad Kasim Khan to interfere. At the request of the 



346 khulasat-ut-tawarikh. lJ.b.o.r.^. 

English, Meer Mohammad Ka&im Khan interfered and from his 
own pocket paid 5 or 6 lakhs of rupees to the officers who had 
caused this commotion and asked them to leave the palace. 
Thus it was that the disturbance which might have assumed 
a much more threatening aspect was ended mainly through the 
influence of Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan. But the habitual 
indolence and dissipation of Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan were 
such that neither Meer Mohammad Kasim nor the soldiers could 
be paid from the State treasury. The English repeatedly asked 
Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan to pay the soldiers and to repay 
the amount spent by Nawab Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan. 
They told him point blank that Meer Mohammad Kasim had 
advanced the money at their request and they were therefore 
in honour bound to see that his money was paid off. Meer 
Mohammad Jafar Khan paid no attention to this remonstrance. 
In the meantime Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan had to go 
to Calcutta on some_.business. Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan 
did not know what to do under the circumstances. He knew 
that it was not advisable to allow Meer Mohammad Kasim 
Khan to go to Calcutta and yet he had no reasonable 
excuse to prevent him from going there. At last he gave 
him permission to go. On reaching Calcutta, Meer Mohammad 
Kasim Khan saw Mr. Vansittart Nasir-ul-mulk, Shumshud- 
daula Bahadur and the other members of the Council, and 
after the exchange of the usual greetings delivered to them 
the message of Meer Mohamipad Jafar Khan. He pointed 
out to the Council that Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan was 
utterly incapable and that his habits were such that it was 
impossible for him to carry on the administration of the 
country. Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan took this opportunity 
of dwelling, incidentally as it were, on the friendship he 
entertained towards the Company, the unwillingness of Meer 
Mohammad Jafar Khan to pay up the dues of the Company 
and of the military as well as the advances he had made 
to him at the request of the English. The earnestness and 
pathos with wliich lie spoke, made a profound impression on 



VOL. v., PI. UI.l KHTJLASAT-UT-TAWABIKM. 347 

e English, and they all, especially Nawab Sbumshuddaula 
Bahadur, who was the ablest, felt convinced that he would 
be a great improvement ou Meer ]Mohammad Jafar Khan 
as a Subedar, nay that he ^va8 the ablest of his relatives in 
matters of administration. 

Nawab Shum^huddaula Bahadur had heard much against 
Meer Mohamnaati Jafar Khan, and he knew him to \>e in- 
capable and totally unfit for the honourable office he held. 
But he was in a fix as to what to do under the circums- 
tances, inasmuch as he felt that the task that lay before 
him was not of ordinary importance. He was pleased with 
Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan and proposed to appoint 
him the Prime Miaister of the State and make him act as a 
Deputy of Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan, who was to receive 
a fixed, regular allowance from him (Meer Mohammad Kasim 
Khan), He put his proposal before the other Members 
of the Council and sought their advice. Some Members, 
who were in favour of Shumshuddaula Bahadur, accepted 
the proposal, while Mr. Amyatt, who was next in rank to 
Shumshuddaula Bahadur, together with two or three other mem- 
bers opposed it. Mr. Ellis, Major Camac and Mr. Johnson also 
differed and openly criticized the measure in the Co«ncIl. 
The discussions made in the CDuneil were however submit- 
ted home. But as Shumshuddaula Bahadur was supported 
by the majority, it was declared that Meer Mohammad Kasim 
Khan be appointed to act as a Naib (Deputy). Meer 
Mohammad Kasim Khan being pleased with the decision 
at once started for Murshidabad and saw Nawab Meer 
Mohammad Jafar Khan the next day after his arrival there. 
Nawab Shumshuddaula Bahadur, some other officers and Mr. 
"Warren Hastings, the then senior officer at Kasimbazar 
"who had gone to Calcutta at the time on being summoned 
there by the Governor, also left for Murshidabad with some 
English troops and encamped at Muradabagh. The next 
morning Nawab Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan started to 

see the Governor and having crossed tho Bhaglrathi reached 



348 KHULASAT-UT-TAWARIKH. [J.B.O.E.S, 

Muradabagh in the afternoon. Nawab Shumsbuddaula 
Bahadur after the usual exchange of civilities informed the 
Nawab of the resolution passed in the Council. Nawab 
Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan was much annoyed at this. 
He pleaded not guiltj, and said that as he had firmly kept 
all the promises made by him after Sirajuddaula's defeat, he was 
not prepared to make any departure from that which had 
been agreed upon. He was much, displeased with Shumsb- 
uddaula Bahadur and left the palace without further 
discussion. Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan was going to 
Shumsbuddaula Bihadur when he met Meer Mohammad 
Jafar Khan on his way. Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan 
asked Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan not to go to Shumsbuddaula 
Bahadur, In spite of the warning he received from Meer Jafar, 
he went straight to Shumsbuddaula Bahadur and paid him a 
visit in his own camp. Shumsbuddaula Bahadur related to him 
all that had passed between him and Meer Mohammad Jafar 
Khan. On hearing all this Nawab Meer Mohammad Kasim 
Khan said that all this meant evil j)rognosticatiou3 to him 
as Nawab Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan was sure to have 
him killed. He said that they (the English) should now 
firmly stand by him, specially as it was not Meer Kasim 
alone who seemed to stand in need of their help. Nawab 
Shumsbuddaula Bahadur replied that he could do nothing. 
Nawab Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan said that when he 
(the Governor) was powerless in the matter, he himself must 
be expected to be in a worse condition. As it was dinner 
time Nawab Shumsbuddaula Bahadur requested Nawab Meer 
Mohammad Kasim Khan to wait till he had finished his 
meal. Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan in a state of utter 
confusion was sitting with his head bent upon his knees and 
did not know what to do. But he did not lose heart and ever 
bidievcd in the kindness of God who always helps his creatures 
in times of difliculty. When Nawab Shumsbuddaula Bahadur 
bad finished his dinner, Nawab Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan 
went to him again and informed him of tiie perplexity he was 



VOL, V„ PT. III.] KHULASAT-UT-TAWAMKH. 349 

in. He said that if the agreement proposed was not kept, it 

Would mean his death. Meer Jafar wa3 enraged at the 

bargain. On hearing all this Nawab Shumshuddaula Bahadur 

began to consider the matter in consultation with Etimaduddaula 

Mr. Hastings and other officials. After much discussion it 

was finally decided that they should carry the proposal through 

anyhow. They satisfied Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan and 

asked him to be present at Nawab ^Icer Mohammad Jafar 

Khan^s palace the next day. They would themselves go to 

the palace at that very time. Nawab Meer ]\robammad Kasim 

Khan in a state of suspense returned to his home and made 

arrangements for his safety as best as he could. He rose early 

the next morning and after dressing armed himself well and 

came out to the Dewankhana. The soldiers &nd officers and 

otter employees of Nawab Meer ^lohammad Jafar Khan, who 

Were still there only on aceouut of the promises made by Meer 

Mohammad Kasim Khan, came to his house and took him on an 

elephant to the Dar-nl-Tmara of Nawab !Meer Mohammad Jafar 

Khan. From Muradabagh the English, with their officers and 

army and cannons came to the Dar-ul-Imara of Nawab Meer 

Mohammad Jafar Khan and cautiously stood round the Dar-ul- 

Imara. Nawab Shumshuddaula Bahadur with his officers and 

Nawab Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan went inside the 

Dewankhana of Nawab Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan. On 

the motion of the English, Nawab ^ Meer Mohammad Kasim 

Khan sent word to Nawab Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan who 

was inside his Mahal at the time, that he should either pay up 

the soldiers or should make oxer his rich Mutctsa dees to him so 

that he may realize from them at the point of bavonet the 

revenue misappropriated by them and pay up the salary of the 

soldiers and the dues of the English. This discussion went on 

till the afternoon, when Nawab Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan sent 

one of his confidential ?er^'ants to say that he was readv to 

leave the Kingdom to him ( Meer Kasim ) ; that he intended 

to go to BaituUahf and that Meer Kasim may do whatever he 

liked and that he should pay the English and the army in the 



S^BO KHDLASAT-UT-TAWABIRft. [J.B.O.B.*^ 

way he tliouglit proper. He said that if the English 
accepted his proposal they should manage for his voyage 
80 that he with his family and children may go to 
Calcutta with the English. Navvab ShumshuJdaula Bahadur 
informed Nawab Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan that he might 
go to Calcutta with him. Innumerable barges and country 
boats were brought over to the Dar-ul-Imara. Nawab Meer 
Mohammad Jafar Khan took all the valuables^ jewellery, 
gold mohurs, silver and gold utensils and other valuable and 
fancy articles from the inside of his palace and such things 
from the outside as he could get, had boats laden with these, 
took the employees of the Mahal, e.g. Bano Begum and her 
family, some male personal attendants, some trustworthy soldiers 
and confidential servants and started for Calcutta in company 
with an Englishman. On the 10th Rabil Awal 1074 Hijrah 
in the Dar-ul-Imara Shumshuddaula Bahadur and other English 
officials of rank installed Nawab Meer Mohammad Kasim 
Khan on the Matnad of the Governorship of Bengal. He 
became known as '* Nasir-ul-mulk Imtyaz-ud-daula Nawab 
Ali Jah Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan Bahadur Nusrat Jung^''. 
The rule of Nawab Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan was pro- 
claimed in the city by beat of drum. The raeses ( gentry ) of 
Bengal of all classes and rank presented him with nctzftrs and 
welcomed him as Nawab. In a week or two Nawab Meer 
Mohammad Kasim Khan made arrangements for payments by 
instalments to the soldiers and to the Company. Nawab 
Shumshuddaula Bahadur and other Euglish olhcials returned 
to Calcutta with the British army and Nawab Meer Mohammad 
Kasim Khan devoted himself to general administration and 
chiefly to the finances with special reference to the defalcation 
made in the time of his predecessors. He paid equal atten* 
tion to the army and the treasury. In the treasury he ap- 
pointed as clerks some of the old Muiasadees of Mahabat Jang'a 
time and as Nazirs some of his own trustworthy attendants. 
He showed great favour to his cousin Abu AH Khan and con- 
ferred the title of Moizuddaula on his uncle Turab Ali Khan. 



VOL. v., PT. m-] KHULASAT-UT-TAWABtKH. 351 

He appointed Ali Ibrahim Khan of Shaikhpurah one of the 
Maliks of Subah Behar. He appointed the brothers of Mohammad 
Zair Hosain Khan his pe-sonal attendants and entrusted to him 
the work of distributing the pay of the soldiers and of looking 
after some of his household affairs. He appointed Sita Kam 
the famous Mutasaddi and accountant of the late Mahabat 
Jang an auditor of the Dewani and an accountant in the depart- 
ment of the treasury from which pensions and allowances were 
paid. He confirmed his old ^funshi and conferred upon him 
the title of Hafiz Israr Khan. He appointed Khwaja Gurgeen 
Khan, brother of Khwaja Madar, a daro^a of artillery, and 
asked him to get English-made cannon and to employ sepoy 
regiments. The said Khwaja becam3 saeh a great favourite 
of the Nawab that others began to envy h'n position. TIic 
Nawab took him into his confidence and his words had therefore 
great weight with him. 

Shaikh Syed Ali, an inhabitant of Lucknow, was given the 
post of Bikhshi iu the military dvipirtin3ut, aid after his death 
his son Mohammad Ali and his nephews Farliat Ali and l?ar- 
kat Ali were also appointed bakbsis. Miiza Shumshuddin, who 
was a great humourist, was appointed to the post of Turkhanee. 

On finding the treasury empty Meer .Mohammad Kasini 
Khan felt much embarrassed. He did not know ho.v he would 
be able to meet the excessive demands. He had to pay off the 
soldiers ; he had to pay the dues of the Company ; and with 
a depleted treasury he felt himtelf at his wit's end, speciallv b - 
cause of his having taken the tntire responsibility upon himself. 
He commenced the settlement of the Pargannahs of Bengal and 
in lieu of their dues, made over the district of Burdwan to the 
English and pawned some of his je wels with the members of 
the Council. Having arranged for paying off the Company, he 
devoted his attention to paying the soldiers who were in arrears. 
He detected the misappropriations m-ide by the Mutasaddis and 
after deducting the amounts thus misappropriated he paid the 
balance from the treasury. Some were sent to the Paro-annahs 
with payment orders to the local officials ; while to some he 



352 KHULASAT-UT-TAWARIKH. [J.B.O.E.S. 

held out promises to piy with the least possible delay. 
This humane treatment was looked upon by the soldiers of 
the Nizamat as a God-sont blessing, which they had never 
received in the time of Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan and which 
proved to be the real cause of Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan's 
popularity. He made a budget of his incoma and expenliture 
and regulated his expenses accordingly. 

He dispensed with luxuries and effected economy in every 
branch. He realized large sums from Chinni Lall and Munni 
Lall, the Mutasaddis of Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan. It is 
said that he went so far as to recover forcibly money from 
some of the relatives and dependants of Nawab JMahabat Jang 
and Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan as well as from those publio 
women who had been lavishly paid by Meeran and Meer 
Mohammad Jafar Khin, and credited the amounts thus realized iu 
the state treasury. But Sakat Singh, the famous Mutasaddi of 
Mahabit Jang, made a list of hi^ valuables, jewellery and cash_, 
and submitted it to Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan. Meer 
jMohammad Kasim was much pleased at this, gave the man a 
portion of his property, and took the rest himaelf and raised 
his position. In this manner Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan 
improved the finances. He kept those soldiers in his service 
whom he considered fit and dispensed with the services of the 
incapable after paying up their salaries. 

He now turn id his attention to the refractory Zamind ir3. 
The first thing that he did in this direction was to march against 
Asad Khan, son of Badiuzzama. Asad Khan was a Z imindar 
of Biibhum and as one of the biggest Zamindars of the time 
in the province of Bengal also possessed an army. Moham- 
mad Kasim defeated him, took a decent amount from him, 
increased the revenue of his state, and brought him to submission. 
For the present the author leaves Meer Mohammad Kasim 
Khan engaged in his administration of Bengal mid turns his 
attention to the afCairs of Azimabad (Patna). 

When the Viceroyalty of Bengal passed into the hands of Meer 
Mohammad Kasim KL«n, Major Caruac Khan B.iliadur and 



VOL. V,, PT. III.] KttCLASAT-UT-TAWABlKH. g^ 

other British military officers, Maharajah Ram Narain, the Naib 
of the Bihar Province, Raja Ram Ballabh, the MutasadJi of 
Siddiq Ali Kh»n deceased, and Maharajah Skltab Rae, the 
Dewan of the province of Bihar, began to advance towards the 
vicinity of Kayiamapur with their own armies, as well as with 
the armed retainers of some of the rae»es (gentry) of Azima- 
bad (Patna) whose names the author does not recollect, with 
a view to oppose the combined armies of King Ali Gauhar 
(Shah Alam), the French Monsieur Law, and Kamgar Khan, 
Zamiudar of Tirhut. Thus they all marched and encamped near 
the apj^ointed place, when the combined forces of the King 
also appeared. Fighting commenced the next morning. Kamgar 
Khan was the first to run away from the battlefield, 
harassed by British artillery fire. He was followed by tho 
King and his army. The forces of Monsieur Law also Aid 
at last, but the French general stood firm by his cainon. 
When Major Carnac and other English officials siw the 
brave general standing at his post, they rode up to him, 
praised him for li;s admirable courage, took him into their camp, 
and entertained him. 

!Mahar.ij ih Shitab Rae, v/uo was a sincere v/ell-wisher of tlii 
English, then proposed that peace be concluded with the 
King, which was readily accepted by Rajah Ram Naraio, INIajor 
Carnac and the other English officials. The English made 
Maharajah Shitab Rao tlieir representative and sent him as such 
to the royal camp with a view to open negotiations wilh His 
Majesty. Maharajah Shitab Rae proceeded to the royal camp, 
and had the honoiar of obtaining an audience of His Majesty. 
He spoke with so mu ch force and eloquence and managed the 
business so tactfully, that the King accepted the terms proposed 
by him, and handed over to him ^firman, sealed with the royal 
seal, consenting to the proposils regarding the treaty. The 
Maharajah returned to the English camp with the royal fnaan. 
The English were mujh pleased with the Maharajah for the 
dexterous manner in which he had settled suh a delicate question, 
Vihich they considered no other Indian was capable of doing 



3'54 KHULASAT-OT-TAVTABIKH. [J.B.O.R.S. 

tten. The same day the King removed his camp nearer to 
where the English lay. Karagar Khan was not pleased with the 
news and went away to his own country. The next morning 
Major Carnac Khan Bahadur together with the British officials, 
Maharajah Ram Narain^ Maharajah Ram Ballabh, Maharajah 
Shitab Rae Bahadur and a small retinue started for the purpose 
of seeing th« Emperor. They were allowed to enter the royal 
camp and on being favoured with an audience presented nazar. 
At the request of Maharajah Shitab Rae the Emperor mounted 
an elephant, and in company with Major Carnac Khan Bahadur 
and other English military officers of high rank, started for a 
garden near Gaya. The Maharajah and other high officials took 
leave of the King and repaired to their camps. The next day 
the King in full state, accompanied by the Maharajah and 
the English with their armies, started for Azimabad and reached 
there by continued marches. The King and his officials were 
accommodated in the royal fort, where His Majesty was presented 
with nazars suited to the dignity of his exalted position. Tl»e 
imperial forces encamped near the tank of Meethapur. The 
British army and its officers accommodated themselves in 
their own camps at Bankipore,^ Maharajah Shitab Rae and 
Maharajah Rama Narain went to their respective residences, 
while Maharajah Raj Ballabh and the army of Siddiq AH Khan 
remained outside the city near Bagh Jafar Khan. Ihe next day 
the English officials, Maharajah Shitab Rae, Maharajah Ram 
Narain, Maharajah Raj .Ballabh Singh and other gentry of 
Azimabad assembled and went to the royal fort. They got the 
audience of the Emperor and presented nazars. They requested 
His Majesty to ascend the ancestral throne, raised the royal 
umbrella over his head and in honour of the accession presented 
him with nazars for the second time. The royal accession was 
j)roclaimed by beat of drum in all the streets of Azimabad. The 
public were overjoyed to hear the pleasant news, which was an 
indication of the restoration of peace and order. It was a master- 
stroke of the policy of Maharajah Shitab Rae Bahadur, which in 
fact placed the British rule in India on a firm basis and restored 



VOL. v., TT. III.] KHULASAT-UT-TAWABIKH. 355 

peace to the inhabitants of Bengal. As soon as Naw^h Meer 
Mohammad Kasim Khan heard of the treaty that was made with 
the Emperor and of his accession to the royal throne, he started 
for the Subah of Bihar, through the hilly regions of Birbhum 
and Kharagpur. After several marches lie arrived at Aztmabad 
with a large army and encamped to the east of Bagh Jafar Khan. 
Maharajah Ram Narain and Maharajah Raj Ballabh went 
to him with their forces. The next day Major Carnac Bahadur 
and other English officials went to see him and informed him of 
the treaty and the accession and induced him to acknowledge the 
King. Nawab Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan replied that they 
should first call Maharajah Shitab Rae Bahadur, who was the 
real moving spirit, and that he would reply to them after ho had 
a talk with the Maharajah . !Ma jor Carnac Khan Bahadur therefore 
sent for the Maharajah Bahadur. Maharajah Shitab Eae Baha- 
dur having put on his armour took his retirue with him ai.d 
forthwith went to the English in the camp at Bagh Jafar f^^hau. 
With them he went before Nawab Meer Mohammad K::sim 
Khan and taking the Nawab's position into consideration he 
presented him a valvLahle Pes^&adz. Nawab Meer Mohammad 
Kasim Khan too owing to his previous acquaintance with 
the Maharajah stood up in his honour, embraced him, accepted 
the peshkabz presented by him, and asked him to take his 
s^at. He fii«t expressed his great appreciation of the tact and 
ability with which the Maharajah had managed tho whole busi- 
ness, and then aoked him to relate to him all that had transpired 
in connexion with the matter. With such remarkable elociuence 
did the Maharajah exjwuud the whole matter that the 
Nawab was immensely pleased with him. But Meer Mohammad 
Kasim Khan either through fear or out of mere vainglory did 
not consent to go to the King's fort. Maharajah Shitab Rae 
however, whispered something in his ears and after a httle con- 
sideration he expressed his willingness to meet the Emperor in 
the Factory of the English. The English and Maharajah Shitab 
Rae then took leave of the Nawab and went to the Euolish 
Factory, They decorated the Factory very tastefully and spread 



056 , KHULASAT.UT-TAWABIKH. [J.B.O.K.9. 

a golden masnad on a wooden dais, which was reserved for the 
liJmperor. After (aking His Majesty to their Factory the English 
asked bim to take a seat on the masnad, while they all remained 
standing before him bareheaded and with folded arms. Nawab 
Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan mounted an elephant and proceed- 
ed to the Factory with great pomp and splendour. When he 
came near the Factory he disinounted. The English went forward 
to receive him and conducted him to His Majesty in a manner 
suited to his dignity. The Nawab was well versed in the 
etiquette of a Ro\al court. He made obeisance to His Majesty, 
and presrnted him with 1,001 gold mohurs^ suits for his special 
use, and valuable jewellery placed on trays. In return the Emperor 
hoaoored the Nawab with a Jchilat of seven pieces, a garland 
of pearls, a S'lri^ech (a piece of cloth tied round the head), 
an embroidered clioga set with stones, a crest with ostrich 
plume, a sword with a shield, a jhalardar palki, an elephant 
and horse and drum. The Nawab again presented nazar to the 
Emperor in token of gratitude for the high honour done to him, 
and after paying his loyal respects to His Majesty, retired into 
another room. The Nawab then called Major Carnac, Mr. Macober, 
the senior officer of Azimabad, and other English officials. Nego- 
tiations regnrdlng revenue and other affairs of the provinces of 
Bengal were opened through Maharajah Shitab Rae, who was 
the recognized agent of both the parties, and after a good deal 
of discussion it was settled that 24 lakhs of rupees should be 
annually paid to the Emperor in the shape of a present to His 
Majesty. 

After the settlement of this business, Meer Mohammad 
Kasim Khan took leave of the Emperor and repaired lo his camp. 
The Emperor also proceeded to the fort. Meer Mohammad 
Kasim Khan also requested the Emperor to dismiss Mir Iledayat 
Ali Khan, father of Gholam Husain Khan, from his army as being 
the sole cause of the disturbance that had taken place and to 
direct him to go to his ya^tr«. On his arrival at the fort the 
Emperor dismissed ^Meer Hedayat Ali Khan, who had to make 
Jjis way towards hhjagin at Hu&ainabad. 



VOL, v., FT. III.] KHULAgAT-trr-TAWABIKH. 357 

The Euglifeh officers, Maharajah Ram Narain and other 
persons of high rank and position used to pay their respects to 
tlie Emperor and the Nawub so long as tlie former remained in 
the fort of Azimabad. The sum which Meer Muhammad Kasim 
Khan had promisad to pay to the Emperor was, at the instance 
of the English, paid to His Majesty through Maharajah Shitab 
Rae. 

At the time when the Emperor was engaged ia the province 
of Bihar, Nawab Muhammad Raza Quli Khan^ afterwards known 
as Muniruddaub, was sent as a representative to Ahmad Shah 
AUiali. In the meantime Shujauddaula, Xajeebuddauh, Ahmad 
Khan Baugash an<l other Afghans invited Ahmad Shah to come 
and oppose the ^lahrattas who had appeared on the scene with a 
large and powerful army with the sole aim of setting up Biswas 
Rao Chief of Poona on the throne of Hindustan and in response 
to this invitation Ahmad Shah arrived in Delhi from Kandahar. 
It t<x)k Ahmad Shah nine months to crush the Mahtattas. After 
defeating the Mahrattas Ahmad Shah plundered some of the 
Indian cities and took large sums of money from Shujauddaula 
and the Afghans, whom he also directed, at "the instance of 
Muhammad Eaza Quli Khan Muniniddaula, to remain firm and 
loyal to the crown. Ahmad Shah then left Hindustan for his 
country. 

After the dcp-^.rture of Ahmad Shah, Najeebuddaula placed 
Sultan Jeewan Bukht, the eldest son of Shah Alam, on the throne 
at Shahjahauahad as a deputy of his father and issued coins 
in the name of Shah Alam. Shujauddaula, Ahmad Khan 
Bangash and other Afghan Chiefs also issued coins in the name of 
the Emperor, had his name read out from the pulpits along with 
the Khutbas (written sermons), submitted loyal addresses of 
congratulations to him at Azimabad, with large and valuable 
presents and invited him to come to Hindustan. The Emperor 
ofEered his thanksgivings to the Almighty and proceeded from 
Azimabad towards the provinces governed by Shujauddaula 
either in the end of the month of Shawwal, or in the>jegjnfng of 
that of Zeekad 1170 Hijrah. Mcer Muhammad Kasim Kkan 



358 KlIULASAT-UT-TAWABIKH. 'J.B.O.B.9. 

and the Euglish offioials after making suitable presents to His 
Majesty, gave him a most loyal send-off. One of the English 
offioials, accompanied by Maharajah Shitab llae a small 
detachment of troops, went with the Emperor to a distance 
of three or four manzils. They then returned to Azimabad, 
and the Emperor proceeded onwards, till after crossing Karam- 
nasa, he met the forces of Shujuuddaula which had been posted 
there with a view to receive him with full military honours 
and give him a right loyal reception. Shujauddaula himself 
made due obeisance to His Majesty, presented him with JVazars 
and valuable jewellery, etc., and took him towards his Subah 
{province). 

In the beginning of the rule of Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan, 
Maharajah Shitab Rae had given pledge to Colonel Clive Sabit- 
jang Bahadur, the founder of the British Empire; in India, Mr. 
Amyatt, Captain Knox, Major Carnae Khan Bahadur and other 
English officials, that he would be firm in his attachment to the 
Company and the English had also promised to stand constantly 
by him. This was the mutual understanding between the English 
and Maharajah 'Shitab Rie, and it was on this understanding 
that the Maharajah endeavoured to settle matters with the 
Emperor. The tactful manner in which he concluded the 
peace, the vigour which characterized his action in installing 
the Emperor at the instance of the English, tie discrimination 
with whioli he settled the affairs of Bengal, and the tact 
with which he fiaally disposed of the business of the King and 
conducted His Majesty from Azimabad to the province govern- 
ed by Shujauddaula^ made a profound impression on the English. 
Nawab Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan, who watched all these 
prjceedings and saw many things for himself, also entertained 
a very high opinion of Maharajah Shitab Rae. He thought 
that if he could gain the Maharajah to his side and make him 
his friend and supporter, he would be of great service to him in 
Lis political and administrative work. With this object in 
view. His Highnesg one day spoke to Major Carnae Khaii 
Bahad'.i that he had never seen Maharajah Shitub llae since 



VOL.., PT.rnj KHXJLASAT-UT-TAWAKrKH. 359 

his meeting him in the Imperial Darbar and that he would 
be very pleased to see him again. Major Carnac repllcil 
that he would see Maharajah Shitab Rae and arrange 
the matter. Major Carnac then took leave of the Nawab 
and went straight to the Maharajah. The Maharajah re- 
ceived Major Carnac most courteously, and in the course of 
conversation Major Carnac asked the Maharajah to see the 
Nawab. The Maharajah thought over the matter and hesi- 
tated. He frankly told Major Carnac that he had no faith in 
the Nawab, that he considered His Highness to be wanting in 
firmness and fidelity. In the Maharajah's opinion the Nawab 
was vainglorious and selfish in the extreme, consequently 
there was every probability of his turning against the English 
as soon as he got full power and saw his authority well 
established. The Maharajah was pledged to the English, and 
he could not therefore loDk to the interests of any one whose 
interests were Inot identical with theirs. It was therefore 
that he did not like to see the Nawab. But Major Carnac 
persisted and explained to the Maharajah the desirability of 
seeing the Nawab, chiefly because of his being in favour with 
most of the English officials who were bound to support his 
cause. Maharajah Shitab Rae, however, yielded, and consented 
at last, though rather reluctantly. 

The Major then went home. The next day Maharajah 
Shitab Rae Bahadur mounted an elephant and with his retinue 
and attendants went to Nawab Meer Mohammad Kasicn 
Khan. He got down at the gate, went inside on foot accom- 
panied by some of his chosan attendants, and made his obeisance 
to the Nawab. The Nawab stood up to receive him and gave him 
a seat near his Masnad. xVfter enquiring after the Maharaja's 
health, the Nawab complained to him of his not having 
seen him for a long time. The Maharajah gave a suitable 
reply, land apologized to His Highness for his inability 
to call on him. After some friendly conversation, the Nawab 
asked all his attendants to retire. The Maharajah also made 
his men retire from the place. When the Nawab and the 



B{?0 KHULASAT-UT-TAltARIKH [J.B.O.R.S, 

Maharftjali were alone, the Nawab sought the help and friend- 
ship of the Maharajah. He said " Oh Maharajah ! I look upon 
^'0n as a staunch friend of mine and regard you more than 
I would my elder brother. I highly appreciate your statesman- 
ship, your political foresight, your wisdom, your sagacity 
and your military genius. I have a great regard for your high 
character and nobility of soul. I count upon you and entertain 
friendly feelings towards you ; and if you promise to be my 
constant companion and to be firm in your attachment to me, 
I pledg-e on oath and on my honour to be your sincere w^Dllwisher, 
and to make you my deputy in the administration of the pro- 
vince of Bengal. " The Maharajah, who was one of the most 
experienced men of his age, a keen observer of human nature 
and a shrewd man of business, replied *' I am much obliged 
to your Highness for the good and kindly feelings you entcriain 
towards me, for the hearty and enthusiastic reception you have 
given me, and for the hopes of prospects and the promise of help 
you have been kind enough to hold out to me. Your Highness 
u net also believe that I am your sincere wellwisher. Eut I am 
afraid I do not tin 1 myself equal to the task your Highness 
has been kind enough to impose upon me. However, I shall 
think over the matter in my calmer moMier.tg and give 
a decisive auswtr when I have the honour of calling next en 
your Highness .'' The Nawab was much delighted to hear 
all this and after presenting alar and /)aM to the Mah raj ih 
bade him good-bye The Maharajah came home, and after 
taking his meal sent for his attendants and related to them 
all that had happened at the Nawab's. Tliey were unanimously 
of opinion that he shoidd accept the proposals of the Nawab, 
inasmuch as his promotion to the po;-t of deputy to the Nazim 
of Bengal would enhance his dignity and raise his social 
position considerably. The Maharajah kept silent and did not 
say anything one way or the other. In the afternoon he went 
to Major Creek. At Major Creek^s he also found thr^e more 
of his English friends. He related to them all that had hap- 
pened at the Nawab's and sought their advioa in th^ matter. They 



>L. v., I>t. III.3 R.HULASAT-UT.TAWABIKtf. 361 

congratulated him and advised him to accept the proposals made 
by the Nawab, as that would raise his social status and give them 
an assurance that their position would be safe and their interests 
well protected. But at the same time he should communicate 
to the Council at Calcutta over his signature all that the Nawab 
proposed to him, as it will be to his advantage if his 
appointment was made in consultation with the English at 
Calcutta and the members of the Council. They then asketl 
him to see the Nawab, tell him that he had accepted his pro- 
posals, and then again inform them of all that he said in reply. 
The Mahai-ajah said in reply, that he in reality would not wish 
to serve the Nawab and did not like his company. But they 
persisted and requested the Maharajah to see the Nawab, after 
which they would consider the matter. The Maharajah first 
kept quiet, then talked on other subjects, and at last to.»k leave 
of them and came home. 

At home and in his leisure hours, Maharajah Shitab Rae deli- 
berated over the matter, and at last came to the conclusion thit 
it would be much safe to avoid the company of the Nawab. Bui 
having regard for the ac^ice given him by Major Creek, and his 
other English friends, on the fourth day he mounted an elephant 
and in full State proceeded towards the camp of Meer Muhamra id 
Qasim Khan. Meer Muhammad Qasim Khan received him 
most cordially and enthusiastically, and seated him nearer to 
himself than on the previous occasion. The Nawab then 
ordered his men to retire from the place, and when he and the 
Maharajah were alone, asked the Maharaj ih most courteously 
to favour him with his definite opinion, and give him a 
decisive answer. The Maharajah who Was adept in court 
business, replied that he would feel much obliged if His 
Highness would condescend to excuse him from taking upon 
himself the great responsibility with which he was to be entrust- 
ed, for even without the proposed honour he would remain 
equally firm and faithful to His Highness. He added that as 
he wa? most anxious to visit his native pla:e, and see his family^ 
whom he had left in the up-countryj and whom he had not seeii 



gi62 KHULASAT-UT-TAWABIKH. {.J.B.O.H.S, 

for four ye&Ys, he would deem it a special favour if he would be 
granted four months^ leave to go and see his family after which 
he would again pay his respects to His Highness, and most gladly 
carry out all his instructions and orders. 

The Nawab heard all this with great attention but pressed 
4.he Maharajah to accept his proposals. When the Maharajah 
saw that the Nawab would not yield, he asked his permission 
to speak out the truth without any mental reservation. Thp 
Maharajah said that as he had entered into an ofBensivo and 
<lefensive alliance with the East India Company through some 
of the English officials, it would be proper and desirable, both 
in the interests of His Highness and himself, to get him into 
His Highness^ service after consulting the English. This 
address of the Maharajah made an impression on the Nawab and 
he consented to appoint the Maharajah after getting a written 
permission from the English. The Nawab therefore wanted to 
write to the English in consultation with the Maharajah. Eut 
the Maharajah asked His Highness^ permission to go home 
and to pay again his respects to His Highness after four or 
five days, when he would write in His Highness^ presence. 
The Nawab consented. Ifar and pan were then presente<l to 
the Maharajah who took leave of the Nawab, and went home. 
The friends and relatives of the Maharajah all approved of the 
idea of his accepting the service of the Nawab, but the Maha- 
rajah doubted .very much the soundness of the arrangements. 
He had no trust or confidence in the Nawab. He considered 
him unprincipled, faithless and treacherous, and did not wish to 
have anything to do with him. In the meantime, Maharajah 
Ham Narayan heard of the incident and came to Maharajah 
Shitab Rae who gave him a hearty reception. 

Maharajah Kam Narayan also advised Maharajah Shitab 
Ilae to accept the service of the NanaTj. But the Maharajah 
remained firm in his opinion. The fact is that he had no faith 
in the Nawab, who he thought was a dangerous man, sadlj 
wanting in the firmness of character. The Maharajah told 
Ram Narayan point blank that he would not on any account 



VOL. V,. PT. in.] KHULASAT-UT-TAWABIKH. 363 

accept service under any one else except under tlie East India 
Company. Bam Narayan expressed his entire agreement with 
the Maharajah, and highly appreciated his foresighted policy 
and sound judgment. Maharajah Rim Narayan then asked the 
Maharajah as to what he would do, now that the matter had 
so far advanced. The Maharajah replied that he would first 
see Major Creek Khan Bahadur and his other English friends, 
inform thetn of what had happened, and then quietly sit at horac 
and never see the Nawab again. Ram Narayan then took leave 
of the Maharajah and went home. The next morning Maha- 
rajah Shitab Rae called upon Major Creek where he met his 
other English friends also. He related to them all that had 
transpired and sought their advice. Major Creek and others 
said that they would be able to give definite opinion in the 
matter, after they had seen the letter of the Nawab to 
the Company. The Maharajah then came home. But soon 
after he was told that the Nawab was much annoyed with him 
on account of Maharajah Ram Narayan^s coming to him. 
The fact is that the Nawab hated. ^Maharajah Ram Narayan 
and bore grudge against him, and therefore felt much offended 
on hearing that he had seen Maharajah Shitab Rae. Under 
these circumstances the Nawab himself did not send for Maha- 
rajah Shitab Rae, with the result that there was no further 
meeting between them. This state of affairs greatly delighted 
the Maharajah who felt quit^ relieved. The Maharajah subse- 
quently related all these facts to Major Creek, and his other 
English friends, who were unanimous In their commendation of 
his tact, foresight and sagacity. 



V*— The Social Organization of the j^abri 

Bhuiyas. 

By Rai Bahadur Sarat Chandra Roy, M.A. 

The Pabri Bhuiyas are not divided into clans, sub-tribes, or 
castes. There is no trace amongst them of any 
Village orga- totemic organization, 'the unit of their social 
nization. organization is the village consisting of families 

supposed to be des tended from a common 
ancestor and all regarded as " kutumbs *' or agnates. In almost 
every village, however, one or more families of marriage-relations 
called " Baudhus " have settled. 

For every village there is a secular headman called the Naek 
and a sacerdotal headman called the DIhuri« 
Village Head- ^^^ ^^** ^^ ^^® villagers are called Parjas. 
jyjaa. The Dihuri is said to belong to the elder 

branch and the Naek to a younger branch of 
tliC original village-family. The Dihuri is allotted some land 
called '' Dihuri" land in the village to enable him to meet the 
expenses of the public ;?^/;Vt« performed for the benefit of the 
villager?. The Dihuri, besides having charge of the public 
worship of the gods, is along with the Aa^/i the leader of the 
villagers in all social, socio-religious and socio-political matters. 
The Naek is the guide and represer.tatlve of the villagers iii 
their relations with the authorities and with the outside world 
generally. 

These posts are both hereditary. Within a fortnight after 

the death of a Dihuri, the villagers aseemble at 

Succession to *^« ^^'^'^^> ^^ ^''^^^^^ meeting-ground, and 

Dihuri ship. hand over a new bamboo basket to his eldest 

son, and each villager presents him with a 

leaf-cup filled with unliusked rice. The new Dihuri now bathes 



Vol. v., pt, iir.] pAfeEi BHUitAS. 9^ 

himself and husks the riie which he offers along with some 
palo and frankincense to Gdi-sri the tutelary deity of the 
villsgo. He then boils some drud rlc3 into jdu which he eats 
alone. Henceforth he is the recognized Dihuri of the village. 
There is no bar to a bachelor being appointed a Dihuri. 

"VVhea a Dihuri dies without a male issue, the adult males of 

the village assemble at the darbar and a new 

Election of a Dihuri ii elected bv the following method. The 

Successor to a , , . j • ' i i -^i ■, 

sonless DihAiri. aa^ ^^^r-ground is cleaned with cowdung and 

water. Every villager present brings a hand- 
ful of unhuskcd rice. All this rice is taken and huik3d by an 
elderly man of the village after he has bathed and has washed 
the basket and winnowing-fan to be used in husking the rice. 
The rice thus huske J is now pi iced before the assembled villagers. 
Any one of thorn who desires to do so, takes up some grains of 
rice in the joined palms of his hands and drops them on tho 
ground naming so iie v'llagar whom he consMers suitable for the 
post. The grains so dropped are called punjis and the puttjis 
dropped by different men are all drojpsd close to one another. 
All the punjis thus pla;ed on the ground are then covered over 
with a new earthen vessel. The villagers then disperse. Next 
m->rning, the villagers after bathing themselves assemble there 
to asceriain wLieh panji has remained entirely sep i-ate from 
others so that not a gram has got mixed up with the pun jit oa 
any side of it. The man in whose name such a pTi^fji was dropped 
is deolai'ed to bo the elected Dihari. Some elderly man now 
hands over the basket containing rice and flowers to the Dihuri 
thus elected, and say.-, '' From to-Jay you become our Dihuri, " 
He tik<8 the basket home and ke; ps it suspended in a *//C-4 
so that none else may touch it. 

The Aacii and the Dihuri preside over the panchayat or 

The Village ^^^^^^^7 ^^ village elders by which ordinary 

Panchayat and off^'nccs and disputes are decided, and the l^dek 

the judicial and the Dihuri pass orders and sentences iu 

functio n s accordance with ancient tribal custom. For- 

** ^A^^^ S^^I;*" ^^^h, it is said, a murderer caught in the act 
and vhe xvaeiCi ' ^ i ■% i-n-i ^ •^ .. 

might b3 killed \7hile engaged m the murder; 



2QQ PABEI BHUIYAS. [J.B.O.E.S, 

otherwise he miglit be given a severe beating which might cause 
any injury short of death ; and a man proved to have stolen 
another^s goods was punished by making him remain seated 
for three days with his legs buried in holes made in the ground. 
A husband catching his wife and her paramour in the act of 
adultery was entitled to cut down both of them with his axe. But 
if they succeeded in separating and going a few steps apart they 
had to be handed over to the authorities for punishm3nt. In 
such a case the woman is made over to the adulterer if he is not a 
kutunib of the woman^s father; otherwise she is made over to her 
parents. An erring female Is not punished unless she has gone 
wrong with a man of another caste, in which case she is excommu- 
nicated. Disputes about partition or inheritance of property are 
decided according to customary tribal law by the village pan- 
chayat under the guidance of the Naek and the DiJiuri, When 
important questions arise which they cannot decide, or when their 
decision is not accepted, the matter may be referred to the Pan- 
chayat of the Bar, to convene which, however, the disputing party 
has to provide a costly feast. 

The orthodox methods employed by a Pabri Panchayat in 

deciding disputes or finding out a culprit where 
Oaths and there is no evidence are the use of oaths and 

ordeals. Oaths are taken by touching the 
earth and saying, — '' May I be one with the earth {matiba) — (i.e. 
die and rot in the earth) — if my statement (or my claim, as 
the case may be) is not true or correct "', by placing the hands 
on the head of one^s son and saying, " May my line {ban So) 
be extinct if my statement (or my claim, as the case may be) is 
not correct "; or by invoking the gods by name and saying, " If 
I am guilty, may I be destroyed by you, ye godsj'\ A fmorc 
elaborate method is the following : — A portion of the darlar 
or open space in front of the Manda-ghar o^ the village is cleaned 
with cowdung and water, and on the spot thus cleaned some 
benua-mdii or earth from an anthill (representing the Earth), 
a tiger's skin, and a twig of the Jcunu plant arc i)lacccl. 



VOL. v.. rx .111.] PABBl BHtTlYAS. 367 

The village Dihuri now invokes Bharam-Beota or the Supreme 
God, and offers drua rice to Him. The deponent then touches 
the ground md says, — " If I be guilty, may my line be extinct 
or ray chest {chhdtt) burst open." 

One or other of three different modes of ordeal are employed 
to find out the truth or otherwise of an accusation made against 
a man or a woman of being a Pdn^ni or sorcerer or witch. These 
are the cowdung {Gobar-Jidri) test; the iroa test, ami the ladder 
[Bdro-dddd) test. The Gohar-hdri test is as follows : — 
A coin Is placed in a vessal full of boiliag hot cowdung. The 
person accused of being a Pdth'jni is askel t) dip his right hand 
into the boiling powdung and take out the coin. If the hand 
remains uninjured in the process, the accused is declaimed inno- 
cent. If the hand is burnt or scalded tho person is declared to 
be a Pdngni. In the iron test, the accused person has to take 
up a pound's weight of red-hot iron three timjs on his right 
hand. If the hand is not scalded the person is declared innocent ; 
otherwise he is held guilty. The Bdro-dddd test is the following : — 
A ladder of twelve rungs is set up and on the ground below the 
ladder a small circle {mandal) is inscribed. Inside the circle the 
Dihuri makes offerings of drud rice to Dhantm B:otd. The accused 
gets up on the topmost rung of the ladder on which a cup of milk, 
a mango twig, and some drv,d rice h sve been pla.ed. The accused is 
required to drop these one after another into ihe circle. If tl ese 
all fall inside the circle, the accused is declared innocent. If 
anything — even a single grain of rice — falls outside the circle he 
is declared guilty. The punishment for a Pdngni is expulsion 
from the village. 

When a Pabrl of the village is found guilty of having 

killed either intentionally, or through neglect. 

Other fane- qj. |jy accident, a cow, calf, or ox, or of having 

^..^ . , kept a non-Pabri female, the Naek and the 

Dihuri and ^7 . 

the Naek. Dihuri pass the sentence of excommunication 

on him and lix the quantity of rice, goats, fowls, 

salt and other requisites of a feast which must be supplied for 

ihe Panchayat of the Bar organization (to be presently described), 



S68 PABBl BHUIYAS. [J.BXl.B.S. 

when they first meet, for the purpose of restoriug him to the 
community ; and they also inform the offender that he has to 
pay a fine of twelve rupees to the Bar to be spent as follows : — ■ 
One rupee each to be paid to the Bhandari, and the Pabri Bebara 
of the Bar, a rupee or half a rupee to be paid to the Dhoba 
Behara, and the balance to meet the expenses of a second feast 
when the Panchayat break up. When hunting expeditions 
(Pdrdhi) are contemplated by the villagers — as is usually done 
between the months of Chait and Jaistha (March to May) — the 
Dihuri fixes the date and notifies it to the villagers. On the 
appointed day he performs a pujd of the village gods in the morn- 
ing. Then the Dihuri leads the people to the forests. Arriving 
at a cross-road on the borders of the village, the hunt -ro offer 
drud rice, nidrud, molasses and franki'tcease to Gdi-srl and also 
take a vow of offering her a fowl, if deer or snmhhar or wild bear 
or other game Is bagged. They also throw handfuls of rico 
upwards towards the sky for Dharam-Deota (the Sun- god or 
the Supreme God) and downwards for Basuki-mata or Basu-mati 
(the Earth -goddess). The party return home in the evening. 

The Dihuri and the Naek also allot to different men ol the 
village the duties they have to perform when the Raja or his 
officials or other important personages visit the village ; they 
select persons who are to carry burdens or palanquins, etc., for 
such visitors; and collect contributions in money or in kind for 
supplying provisions to honoured guests of the village and to 
meet other public expenses. The Dihuri and the Naek have 
also a general supervision over the bachelors' dormitory although, 
within the dormitory itself, two of the older boys act as leaders, 
decide upon the order in which they will visit different hutumb 
villages to dance with the maidens of sush villages, punish the 
younger boys for neglect of their duties, such as cleaning the 
dormitory, bringing fuel from the jungle, obeying their elders, 
attending to the village guests and fagging for the elder boys 
of the village by running their errands and shampooing their 
legs, and so forth. When any member of the dormitory goes 
wrong with a kutumb (agnatic) girl, he is expelled from the 



VOL. v., rX. III.] PABBI BHUITAS. 3d9 

dormitory. lo mauy villages there still exist common dormi- 
tories for the maidens of the village. The elder girls instnict 
the younger girls in the different styles of dancing. The girls 
weave mats for the bachelors^ dormitory as well as for their own- 
As the girls snpply the mats on which the boys sleep in their 
dormitories, so the boys in their turn supply fuel for the girls' 
dormitory. Logs of wood are kept burning the whole night 
during the cold months. 

When owing to some common tribal grievance against 
the authoritiei a general ris'ng of th3 tribe is decided upon 
at a meeting of the leaders convened by some prominent 
Bhuiya leader, such as the Garh Naek of Kuira or the Saont of 
Kolaiposh, and by way of a secret signal or message sesamuu 
seeds are sent round to the headmsn of the different Bhuiya 
villages indicaling the number of combatants each village has to 
supply, it is the Dihuri and the Naek who are to decide which 
of the young men must go to fight ; and out they go with 
alacrity armed with their bows, arrows, and axes under the 
leadership of their Naek. 

Thus the Pabri village community is bound together not only 
by a bond of blood-relationship and common worship of the 
village deities, but it is also an economic, social and quasi-? 
political organization. 

Superimposed on this village organization is the larger 
organization of the Bar. The villages of (he 
The Bar Orga- Pabri Pargana are grouped for socio-political 
* purposes into several Bars, each " bar " con- 

sisting of from three to twelve or more 
villages. Thus, villages Kunu, Kundra and Derura form what 
is called a Tin-Khanda Bar ; villages Siligura, Bhutra, Losi, 
Batanga, Keusara, Simna and Remta form a Sdt-khanda Bar 
known as the Parbat-Manda Bar ; villages Nawagaon, Kalaku- 
dar, Talbahala, Raikura and Barsawa form a Pdnch-khanda Bar 
known as the Dodhon-Bar ; villages Usgura, Phuljhar, Soso, 
Valamunda, Laghira, Ginia, and a few others together form 
a Bdit known as the BaUish-padd-bdr, For purposes of social 



370 PABRI hllUIYAS. [J.B.O.E.S, 

governmoiif;, the elJors of the diff jrent villages coustifcufcing the 
Bar meet in Bdr-Pa!ichj,>/ats. The objects for which the Pancha- 
yats of a Bar now ordinirlly m3ct are to tiko back into the cora- 
munitj a min who was exjo.umunlcated by his village Paachayat 
either for having kept a femile of a tribe or caste other than 
Bhuiya or Gjur, or for having kille I a cow, calf, or ox,— vnd to 
divide thepraperoy of a heirless Pabri of the B:ir ; and to in- 
corporate into the Pabri community a man of the Gour caste or 
a n)n-PabrI Bhuiya of a class at whose bauds Pabri Bhuiyas 
may drink water when such Gour or Bhuiya has kept a Pabri 
female. 

Every Bir has the folio ving public servants : A Pabri male 
Pablio fane- ^^ ^^° ^^ ^^^^ villages of the Bar is appointed 
tionaries of ^ts Bhdndari or barber who is required to shave 
the Bar and a social offender when he is ceremonially taken 
their func- back to the community or to shave a non- 
Pabri when the Panchayat of the Bfir ceremo- 
nially ineorporates him into the Pabri community. The Bhaii- 
dari also acts as a messenger to notify the date of a meeting of 
the Panchayat of the Bar and to summon the pcoi)lo to attend 
it. Another Pabri of one of the villages of the Bar is appoint- 
ed as the Behara of the Bar. His duty is to perform the 
purifaetory rite of sprinkling from a wooden man or measure 
a little cowdung diluted in cow^s urine on the head of a 
social offender when he is taken back into the eomuuinlty or on 
the head of non-Pabrls who are taken into the Pabri comnniiiity. 
Besides this Bhuiya Behara, a Dhoba or man of the washerman 
caste living in soma village of the Bar is also appointed as the 
Dhoh't, Bchdrd, of the Bar. His duty is to wash the clothes of 
a person or family when they are taken back or incorporated into 
the Pabri comiinunity, and also the clothea of a family when 
they undergo ceremonial purification after a death or birth in thj 
village. Ordinarily a Pabri family wash tlrelr own clothes ; 
and at birth, death or marriage and also on ordinary occasions, 
the functions of a barber are performed by a fellow tribesman 
living in the village, l^'or thoir services on each occasion, the 



TOL. V.» PT. IIL] *.^BBI BHUlTAS. 3^71 

Bhandari is given a cloth or a rupee in cash, the Bhuiya Behara 
gets a rapee or so and the Dhoba Behara gets from eight annas 
to a rupee. 

The 'nethod of convening a meeting of the PanchaySt of the 
Procedure of Bar and the procedure followed by the Pan- 
the Bar Pan- chayat are as follows : — When the social out- 
ohayat. caste informs the Dihuri and Naek of his 

village that he has collected the amount necessary for restoration 
to the community, the Dihuri and Naek summons the Bhan- 
dari of the Bar and, through him, sends a message to the 
different villages of the Bar thatsxich and snch a date has been 
fixed for the udhra, or ceremonial restoration of such and such an 
outcaste tathe community. Sometimes men of some neighbouring 
Bars are also invited. On the evening preceding the appointed day, 
as many Pabris as possible assemble at the village of the outcaste. 
On their arrival, the women of the village come with jugs o£ 
water and wash their feet. The guests each present one or 
two pice to the women. A feast is provided for the assembled 
guests at the cost of the outcaste. Next morning when the 
Panchayat is assembled the Bhandari shaves the outcaste 
and pares his nails, and the Bhuiya Behara of the Bar by 
way of purification sprinkles a little cow's urine mixed with 
a little cowdung on his head. The same mixture will alsa 
be sprinkled over his huts. The man thus restored i to the 
community takes a bath and, by way of a token of his restora- 
tion to caste, touches the heap of boiled rice which is presently 
served to the assembled men of the Bar, with whom he then sits 
down to dinner. "When they have finished their meal, they go to 
some stream or pool to bathe. People from adjoining villages 
return home the same evening, others go back next morning. The 
same method of purification is adopted to purify and incorporate 
into the Pabri community a Gour femide who has been kept by a 
Pabri man, or a man of the Gour caste who has kept a Pabri female; 
The Bar Panchayat is invited in the same manner to a village 
where a Pabri Bhuiya has died without any sou or nephew or 



37i PABRI IHllYAa. LJ.B.O.E.S. 

brother or other male heir. The assembled elders of the Bar 
divide the deceased^e property into halves, one half of which 
is made over to his wido*v and daughters (if any), and the other 
half is taken by the Panchayat who sell all the effects except rice ; 
and the rice, if any, and the sale proceeds of the other property 
go to provide a feast for them. 

Besides these social functions, the Bar Panchayat also assemble 
to devise means for the redress of any public grievance of the Bar 
or of the tribe, and take such measures as may be decided upon 
at such meeting. 

A religious bond is supplied to the Bars by the common 
worship of Pats. A Pat is generally some prominent hill 
or mountain in the neighbourhood, or, rather, the spirit of 
such hill or mountain, which is regarded as the tutelary 
deity of the Bar in the same way as its Gdi-srl is the 
presiding deity of a village. Thus the Bdro-khanda Bar 
including villages Tdsdra, Keosdrd, Bhutrdy Raota, 
Simua, Barabhui, Julu, Fuljhar, etc., worship Bhairi-Pat. 
Among other pats may be mentioned Khdndd'P'it, Jatea Pat, 
Belmara-Pat, Jdori-Pdt and many others. The name Pdt is 
not however confined to mountains alone. The Brahrnani river, 
or rather its spirit, is worshipped under the uame of Brahman! 
Pat. Por purposes of worship Pats are represented by stones. 

Such are the general features of the social organiz ition of 
_- . . the Bhuiyas of the Pabri Pargana. The 

Bhuiyas of Kuira Pargana follow exactly the 
Bnuiyas. ^^^^ customs and methods in their village 

organization and village administration. But instead of different 
Bars, the whole of the pargana consisting of twenty-nine villages 
form a single Bar, of which the Garh-Naek of Kuira is the 
leader and Simesvari Pdt the presiding deity. 

The more advanced Hinduized Bhuiyas of the lowlands who 

call thempelves Panch-s'aia Bhuiyas and also 

the'lowlands ^^'H^^l^^ (Swordsmen) Bhuiyas (because they 

form the militia of the state and have th^ 



VOL. T, PT. III.] F^fiBI BHlTlTAS. 373 

sword for their Saniak or emblem) * have a larger social 
and socio-political organization, although their village organi- 
zation agrees on all points wi.h that of the Pabris and the 
Kuira Bhuiyas except in the nomeuclatare"; of the village 
headmen. Bhuiyas of the lowlands call their village priest the 
" Kalo " J and as for the secular headman of a village, the 
name " Naek " is still retained in some villages and has been 
changed for " Ganzhu " in others. Some of these Hinduized 
Bhuiya families have also borrowed from the Hindus such 
titles, or Sang y as, as Sahu, Phofc-kar, Stuko, Majhi, Ohdar, 
Behara, Gartia and Pradhan. These titles however do not 
indicate any special function in the tribal organization. With 
their broadened outlook on society, these Kinduized Bhuiyas 
of the lowlands have come to organize a larger ' tribal assojia- 
tion formed of most of the Hinduized Bhuiyas not only of the 
Bonal State but also of the adjoining states of Gangpur, Bauira, 
Keojhar, etc. Once in two or three years the elders of the 
tribe all meet in panchayat at the invitation of some important 
personage of the tribe. Such a tribal panchayat of the Pach- 
sal-gharla Bhuiyas is known as a Gaddi. Information is sent 
to the headmen of different parganas and villages of the day 
and place appointed for the meeting. Those who can afford to 
meet the expenses also invite other sections of the Bhuiyas. 
Sach are the Dasgharia, PachasI Gharia and the Panara-sai 
Bhuiyas (mostly found in Gangpur State), the Katiari Bhulyjis 
of Kejjhar, Saontia Bhuiyas of Bonai and Keojhar, etc. 

The Pach-sala-gharia Bhuiyas divide the Bhuiyas into 
three main sections. They call themselves the Pach-saia 
Bhuiyas ; the unmixed Non-HInduIzed Bhuiyas such as th« 
Pabris of Bonal and Keojhar,— the Hake, Dake, Merha-tari, 
Naksia, Kautarl, etc.,— as Des-Bhuiyas or Bathua Bhuiyas ; and 
the mixed Bhuiyas such as the Rsjkuii, etc., as Birdias. 

^ The Bhuiyas of the Kaira Paragana have also the sword (Khanda) for their 
emblem »nd also call themselves Khindaits. The Pabri Bhuiyas have for the"r 
emblem the hahinga or carrjing load as they hare to supply load-carriers to the 
Eija when requir«d. 



fu 



874 PARBI BHUIYAS, [J.B.O.H.Sl. 

At a Gaddi meeting, matters of common interest to the tribe 
are discussed, and complaints of grave social 
Procedure at offences committed by any member of tbe Paclx- 
a Gaddi. sai-gharias are heard, discussed and decided 

and social outcastes are restored to caste. No 
one in particular presides at the meeting, but all meet as equals, 
although the most intelligent amongst the elderly men take the 
lead in the discussions. On the day when the Bhulyas from 
different parts of the country assemble, those of each separate 
locality, such as Bona! Bhulyas, are accommodated in separate 
Jchandds (literally, compartments or enclosures) to cook and eat 
their meals. The provisions are supplied by the man who convenes 
the meeting. When the discussions are finished and it is decided 
(as Is always done at such Gaddi meetings) to take back into th<> 
tribe one or more persons who had been outcasted for some social 
offence, such as killing a bullock through negligence or otherwise^ 
a grand feast is given at the cost of such person or persons to all 
the assembled Bhulyas. A big dinner for all the Pach-ial- 
gharla Bhulyas is made ready, the cooking being done not at 
different Z'/^a/i^as as heretofore but at one big khanda or spot 
called the MaJid-kfiamhi (or great khanda). The other sections 
of the Bhulyas are provided with rations which they cook each 
in their own separate khanda. When the dinner for the Pacli- 
sai-gh arias Is ready, the convener of the assembly requests 
them to sit down to dinner. The eldest of the Saonta (social 
heads of certain parganas), Naeks and Kalos are seated side by 
aide. When all have taken their seats and dinner is served to 
them, the eldest Saont, Nack and Kalo, first eat a morsel or two 
and then some one asks them, " Have you begun ? " On their 
answering in the afiirmative, others begin eating. The person 
restored to the tribe dines with the rest as a token of his restoration* 

Although all the Pabri Bhiuyas of Pabri Pargana, Kuira 
Pargana ^ and Keojhar do not yet meet in such associations 
'' Jt is worth noticing that the auro or less Hiuduizcd portion of the Bhuiyas o£ 
Kuiya Pargana now disown tbe name of Pabri and call tliomsolves " Panch Saia 
Dos', IJhuijiis in imitation of the Panch t-'aia Gharia Bliuiyas. The addition of 
the word " DoS " shows that thoy really belong to tho Pabj-i section of Blmiyas, 
the name '| Dei Bhuij/ft " being applied by the Path Sai Ghariaa to thcPabris. 



VOL, Y, PT. III.J PASftI BHLITAS. 37S 

for social purposes as tho Pach-sai-gharias do in their Gaddts, 
for the last twenty years or so they have begun to associate 
together in a common religious festival once in the year in the 
month of September or October and already at such meetings of 
the aiders of all the Pabri villages certain topics of social interest 
have begun to be informally considered. In fact, this religious 
festival of the Pabrls is of great social interest as it helps in 
bringing together not only all the Bhuiyas of Pabri Pargana but 
also other sections of the Bhuiyas as well as other castes, high 
and low, of the Honai State. Even the Hindu Raja of. the Bonai 
State takes a prominent part in this festival which is known as the 
festival of the deity Kont Kuari. The name Kont Kuari is 
applied to a roundish fragment of some old metal object which 
was dug up by some cultivatoi and taken charge of by the Pabri 
Dihuri of village Joio near the Khandadhar -waterfall about 
sixteen miles from Bonaigarh. The Dihuri keeps the so-called 
image in some secret spot during the whole of the year and bnngs 
it out only on the occasion of this festival which has come to be 
a tribal festival of the Pabris and a territorial festival for all the 
castes and tribes of the Bonai State. Pabri Bhuiyas even from 
Keojhar may be seen attending the festival. As I had the 
opportunity of witnessing the festival and accompanying the 
procession, I shall proceed to give an account of this interesting 
religious festival. 

On sooie day after the eighth day of the new moon {Krisnd- 
staml) and before the following new moon {amdbasyd) day the 
Dihuri of village Jolo comes to the Rajahs garh at Bonai 
when the Raja takes out from bis Bhandar (store-room) one 
earthen vessel filled with uuhusked rico of a whitish cdour, seven 
pieces of turmeric, and a little vermilion, and hands these over to 
the Dihuri. With these the Dihuri returns home. On the 
following Mahalaya, or new moon day, the Dihui-i goes to the 
hiding-place of the image, and after making the customary 
offerings (including the rice, turmeric and vermilion received from 
the Raja), carries the image in a small bamboo box to his 
own house at Jolo, where the headmen of several Pabri villages 



876 PABRI BHIJITAS. [J.B.O.R.S. 

assemble. The next day after bathing the Image in water> and 
making offerings of a /"wa rice^ fowls, molasses, etc., to the deity, 
the DIhuri of Jolo carries the image or symbol of Konto Kuari in 
the bamboo-box in procession accompanied by the headmen of 
different Pabri Bhiiiya villages and followed by a band of 
musicians with their drums and pipes and flutes. That afternoon 
on their arrival at village Haldikudar — a Pach-sai-gharia 
Bhuiya village — the Bhuiya Gaotia or headmen of the village 
anoints the image with turmeric paste and offers sacrifices to it. 
Then the image is taken to the house of every other villager who 
may wish to make sacrifices and offerings to the deity. Thence 
the party proceed to village Khutgao and halt that night at 
the house of the Jagirdar or landlord of that place known under 
the title of the Mahapatra who is a Hinduized Gond. The 
bamboo-box containing the ima,ge of Kont Kuari is hung up 
inside the house. 

Next morning the Gond Mahapatra sacrifices a goat to Kont 
Kttari. From his house the image is taken by the Dihuri of Jolo 
to other houses in village Khutgao, and at every house where it 
is taken either a goat or a fowl is sacrificed to the deity and other 
offerings are made. As the deity may not spend more than one 
night at any one village, the party proceed that day to village 
Bichnapoit where they halt for the night at the public house 
known as dera-ghar. Next morning the deity is taken first to 
the house of the Naek of the village who is a Gond and thence 
to other houses of the village where the presence of the deity 
is sought. At every house either a goat or one or more fowls are 
sacrificed to the deity and other offerings are made. Thence the 
party proceed to village Piiigao and there they halt for the 
night at the public dera-ghar. 

Next morning the deity is taken first to the house of the 
Gond headman (Naek) of the tillage and then to the; other 
houses of which the owners request the Dihuri to take it, and 
receives sacrifices and offerings at each such house. Towards 
evening tbey cross the river Brahmani and reach village Jokaikela 



VOL. v., PT. mj PABRI BRUIT AS. S77 

wliere they halt for the night at the hotise of the Kalo or 
village priest who is a Pach-sa -gharia Bhuiya. 

Next morning, after sacrifices are offered at the Kald^s 
hou?e, the deity is taken to other houses in the village where 
offerings and sacrifices are made to the deity. In the 
evening the party proceed to village Jomkai and halt at the 
Manda-ghar ioT the night. Next morning after puja offerings 
and sacrifices are made to Konto Kuari at the house of the Gaontia 
or headman of the village who is a man of the Kolita caste, the 
image is taken to the house of different villagers who offer 
sacrifices to the deity. Thence the party proceed to village 
Ohodja., SLud a the asktdni titii (eighth day of the moon) has 
already begun they proceed straight on towards the Raja's palace at 
Bonaigarh. If however the eighth day of the moon falh on the 
next day, they halt for the night at Obodya in the compound of 
the Rajahs Khamdrox threshing floor where next morning a goat 
is sacrificed to the deity and then the image is taken to different 
houses in the village and at each such house sacrifioes and 
offerings are made to the deity. Thence at sunset the party 
start in procession and at about nine in the evening reach village 
Kontmel about a mile from Bonaigarh. By the roadside at village 
Kontmel an earthen altar has been prepared for sacrifioes to 
the deity, and a canopy has been set up and lamps kept 
burning and carpets spread under it and seats placed for the 
Raja and members of his family as also for other respectable 
visitors. 

On the party arriving there, the Raja and his party 
receive them. The Dihuri of Jolo comes up to the Raja with 
the image ; salutes him, and questions him about the health 
and welfare, first of himself, then of his Rdtii, then of his 
children, then of his servants, then of his elephants, then of his 
horses, and last of all about the welfare of the land {Prithvi or 
Earth). The Raja answers'' yes " to every questionj and then 
in his turn asks the Dihuri about the welfare of himself and 
his children and then of the Pabris generally, and to every ques- 
tion the Dihuri replies in the aflSrmauve. Then the Dihuri 



PvBM BH^U.tAS, t\J.B.O.B.S» 

places the image on a new cloth which the Raja has in his handa 
for the purpose. The Raja then places it on a small silver throne 
which he keeps in readiness to receive the deity. While the 
Pihuri hands over the image to the Raja, he addresses the RajS, 
Baying *' Here is your deity (Deota); we kept it in the hills. 
Examine and see if the image is broken or intact." The Raja 
says^ *^ It is all right ", and hands it over to the Amat, a man 
of the Sudh caste who officiates as the priest of some of the Raja's 
family deities. The Sudh priest or Amat puts down the image 
on the mud-altar prepared for the purpose where the Amat 
worships the deity with offerings supplied by the Raja, and 
sacrifices two goats supplied by the Raja, both reddish grey io 
colour and both with horns equal in size and both of the same 
height. The two goats are made to stand side by side and both 
are slain with the same stroke of the sword dealt at their 
joined necks by the practised hand of the Barik After these 
offerings and sacrifices from the Rajah's place, a number of fowls 
and goats brought by men of surrounding villages are offered to 
the deity and offerings of pumpkins, murki (pyramid shaped 
cakes made of fried rice or lawa and molasses) and sweets are 
brought by the people an 1 offered to the deity by the Amat% 
Everyone bringing the offerings and sacrifices does so to receive 
some desired boon from the deity, an J it is asserted that the 
boons mentally prayed for at the time by the persons who bring 
the offerings are generally granted. The image is next taken to 
a cross-road at Konjuli, a basti or quarter of the town of Bonai; 
and there again several persons of different castes bring offerings 
and sacrifices which are offered to the deity by the Amat. 
The image is then carried in procession succesively tp the house 
of a man of the Suyi (liquor seller) caste and that of a man of 
the Kasari \^brazier) caste, where special offerings are made to 
the deity. Then the image is taken successively to the seats 
of the deities Nilji and Kumari where sacrifices are offered. 
Finally the image is ceremonially installed in a shed prepared 
for the purpose in the Raja's palace compound where sacrifices 
are again offered. 



VOL. v., PT. in.) PABBI BHriTAS. 879 

The follo'wing morning, wliich is the ninth day of the 
moon, after sacrifices of a sheep and a goat, the deity is 
carried by the Raja himself into the inner apartments of his 
palace, where the members of his family make offerings of sweet- 
meats to Konto Kuari ; and finally on an inner veranda of the 
palace the Amat bathes the image in liqnor and makes offerings of 
rice, sweets, etc, and sacrifices one or more buffaloes, one or more 
sheep and sixteen or more goats to the deity. After being taken 
to the Raja's Chhatra-gambhira room (in which state umbrel- 
las are kept) the image is taken first to the houses of the differ- 
ent kinsmen of the Raja and then to those of other residents 
af Bonaigarh and finally to the Amat''s house. At every house 
where the image is taken sacrifices or offerings are made to the 
deity. The Amat now hands over the image to the Dihuri of Jolo 
who in his turn carries it from house to house in Bahargarh, 
a quarter of Bonaigarh, just beyond the immediate vicinity of 
the palace. Finally it is taken to the bank of the Brahmani 
where the Raja's behara of the untouchable Pan caste hands over 
to the Dihuri a goat and a fowl which the latter sacrifices to the 
deity, and the Pan Behara who by reason of his being an untouch- 
able is not allowed to touch the image or even offer flour 
or rice to the deity with his own hands, offers from some dis* 
tance seven cakes called neetn ehuTcH made of rice-flour and 
pounded leaves of the neem tree. This privilege is allowed to 
the Pan Behara as it is said that an ancestor of this Pan first 
discovered the image. 

Now tfae Dihuri of Jolo places the image in the bamboo 
box and accompanied by the whole body of Pabri headmen 
crosses over to the other side of the Brahmani where they 
pass the rest of the ni^ht at the house of a certain B»an of tiie 
Keot cast^. Such is the rigidity of custom with this people 
that even if in any year the day dawns by the time they 
reach the Keot^s house, the party must Me 4»wn ih the 
house for a short while to keep up the practice which has now 
acquired the force of an inviolable rite. Oh getting up, the 
men bathe themselves, and bathe the deity, and the Dihuri 



S80 PABRI BHifiyAS. [J.B.O.R.S. 

makes offerings of ricOj flowers, etc., "and when available a goat 
is sacrificed. Then the Dihurl takes the deity in procession 
from house to house where sacrifices and ofEerings are made. 
Thence the party proceed successively to villages Nalai, Tank- 
jura and Brahman-gao, Amatpati, Kurda, Bhugru, Godrua, 
Dhurl, Kolaiposh, Joribaha, Konta Kudar and finally on the 
Kojagar Purnima day to Jolo. At every village the image is 
taken round and offerings and sacrifices are made to the deity at 
different houses. 

Arrived at Jolo, the image is kept suspended on a tree in 
the jungle. Almost all the adult Pabri Bhiiiyas of the nearly 
sixty villages of Pabri Pargana assemble at Jolo on the Kojagar 
Purnima day with goats or fowls and rice and other offerings. 
In the course of the day the deity is taken in procession to the 
Dihuri's house and placed in the angan which has been cleaned 
with cowdung and water. There the offerings and sacrifices 
brought by all the Pabri Bhuiyas of the country are offered 
by the Dihuri to the goddess. The rice and the meat are then 
cooked and the people are treated to a hearty feast. They then 
all disperse. Finally the Dihuri and another member of his 
family take the image to its hiding-place which is kept secret 
even from the other members of the Dihuri^s family. The 
reason assigned for taking one member of the family .in the 
Dihuri^s confidence is that in ithe event of the Dihuri's death 
the other man may know where to find the image. Like the 
Amat at Bonai, the Dihuri of Jolo collects a decent sum (about 
twenty to thirty rupees) as fees paid to him for the puja at the 
different houses where the image is taken during the journey 
to Bonaigarh and back. Part of this is spent in the feast 
to the assembled Pabri Bhuiyas on the Kojagar Purnima day 
and part in drink while the assembled Pabris wait on the bank 
of the Brahmani opposite Bonaigarh to take back the imago 
of Konto Kuari from Bouai to Jolo. 

This annual tribal gathering although originating in a 
mere accident, namely, the discovery of a peculiarly shaped 
piece of metal, bids fair to develop in time into a great socio- 



VOL. y., PT. in.] PABEI BHUITA8, 381 

political congress of the tribe. Here by way of a digresBion, 
it may be noted that the Konto Kuari festival would seem to 
throw an interesting sidelight on the social history of ancient 
India. Theparticipationof the Hindu Raja of the Bonai State 
in the worship of Konto Kuari, the goddess of the semi-savage 
Pabris, and some other usages of the Raj family, such as the 
worship of the deities Andhari and Kuari, the tutelary deities of 
the Kuira Bhuiyas in temples built'near the Rajahs palace and the 
employment by the Raja of a family priest of the low caste 
of Sudhs to worship these aboriginal deities, and of a Kedt 
to worship the clay image of a Keot spirit at every marriage 
and upaniyan (investiture iwith the sacred thread) in the Raj 
family, and the sacrifice of goats and buffaloes offered by the 
Raja near his palace to the spirit of an ancient Kol hero, Maha- 
bira, all this would seem to give us an insight into the politic 
methods by which the ancient Aryan immigrants into India could 
conciliate the overwhelming masses of non-Aryan population 
and bring them under subjection, and impose their Aryan cul- 
tnre on them, although in this process of the Aryanization of 
the aboriginals the simple and sublime religion of the ancient 
Aryans was leavened by admixture with the animistic religion of 
the indigenous population, and gave rise to the heterogenous 
pantheon of Hindu, gods and goddesses that now constitutes 
Popular Hinduism — an amalgam of the religion of the Aryans 
and that of che non- Aryans. 



VI.— Weaver Castes and Sub-Castes la 

Ranchi. 

By Rai Sahib Chuni Lai Ray, B.A. 

Of the several weaver castes in the district of Ranchi, Chiks 
are the most numerous, as many as 28,937 having been enumer- 
ated at the Census of 1911. They are to be found chiefly in 
the area to the west of the old Sambalpur Road (the road that 
runs through Ranchi, Karra, Basia and Kolebira), weavers in 
the Munda country to the east belonging mostly to the Pahr or 
Penrai caste (total number in 1911, ll.,700). Muhammadaa 
Jolahas, numbering '22,882 in 1911, are most numerous in Ranchi, 
Mandar, Kuru and Lohardaga thanas ; they, as well as the other 
weaver castes, Tat was, Katiyas, Koshtas and Da3es claim to be 
immigrants from more civilized districts in Upper India or Orissa, 
while Chiks and Paiirs have no tradition of having oome from 
outside. 

The Chiks are divided into several sub-castes, of whom the 
first place is assigned bv common consent to what are called 
Semha<t.uars (from a village Semhatu in Basia thana close to 
Kamdera) or Doisawars (from pargana Doisa) or Sonpui'ias 
(from pargana Sonpur). It is this sub-caste chiefly that calls 
itself by the name of Baraik; and Pat Bhuinhar and Bhuinhar 
Baraik are other names which this sub-caste has taken unto it- 
self. Baraiks were, it is said, soldiers and palace-guards in the 
good old days when they and the Konkopat Mundas were the 
only people who inhabited Nagpur ; it was only long afterwards, 
after the country had been flooded with Kols who came from 
Hardinagar through Piprapali and Rohidas, and under the 
stress of aiverse circumstances, that Baraiks had to take to the 
degraded profession of the weaver. The following account 
narrated by Puran Ram Baraik and Khedu Ram Baraik of Bero 



VOL. v., FT. Iir.J WgAVfiBS I» BA^Gltt. 3S3 

seeks to explain why Baraiks had to turn weavers, and gives also 
the history of the first discovery of diamonds in the Nagpur 
B-ajaV country: — 

"la the days of the great king Bairisal, a poor Oraon went 
with his kumni (banihoo fishtrap) to catch fish, but wherever he 
wanted to set his kicmnl the owner of the land came forward 
and protested. The poor man was therefore compelle-i to get 
into the bed of the Koel river, and he got no better place than 
a garha (a pool, place considerably deeper than the rest of the 
bed of the river) in the river within the boundary iof mauza 
Biyarko. The catch there was a most disappointing one, for, in- 
stead of fish, there were only a number of stones that stuck to the 
iumnt. The poor Oraon in disgust threw all these stones away, 
except one which was pai\iculirly big and bright, and which he 
exchanged for some tobacco that a cunning Bania, who knew tiio 
stone to be a real diamond, gave him. The Bania took the 
diamond to the Maharaja and offered to sell it. The Maharaja 
enquired of the Bania how he had got the diamond. The IJania 
would not tell the truth, until the Maharaja ordered a pit to be 
dug and the Bania to be buried alive therein. When at last the 
real fact was given out, the Maharaja sent for the Oraon with 
the kamni ; when the Maharaja learnt from the Oraon that he 
had thrown away the stones all about Biyarko, the Maharaja 
directed that every inch of land in that mauza was to be searched 
and he went with his whole retinue to supervise personally the 
work of the search party. 

" The Maharaja and his men searched and searched, but with- 
out success, till one day the village god Chintamon appeared to 
him in a dream and advised the Maharaja to get himself into the 
garha in the river whence the Oraon had his haul of diamonds. 
The Maharaja acted accordingly, and his men watched in eager 
expectation. For days, how ever,^ the Maharaja would not come 
out ; and at last his men gave him up for lost, concluding that 
he must have been eaten up by the fish in the qaflia. The 
Baraiks and Konkopats then had a conference for the future 
administration of the country, and decided that now that the 
Nagbansi Rajas, whom they had placed on the throae, bad ceased 



S84 WEAVBR8 IN EANCHI. [J.B.OX*. 

to be, they would divide the country in equal shares between 
Baraiks and Konkopat Mundas. 

*' In the meanwhile, on the evening of the seventh day from 
the commencement of the search, when there was no one waiting 
near the garhd except the Maharaja's syce, a Ghasi by caste, 
who had not given up hope yet, the Maharaja came out, a hira 
(diamond) in one hand and a hiri in the other.^ He was very 
thirsty and called out to his men for a glass of water. The syce 
came up with folded hands and, shaking with fear, represented 
that there was no one present of a caste from whom the Maha- 
raja could take water. But the Maharaja was veiy thirsty, and 
gave peremptory orders to the syce to bring water, adding at the 
same time that from that day everyone would take water from 
the syce. The syce brought some water which he gave the 
thirsty Maharaja to drink. He got for this service valued pre- 
sents and the name of Sahni ; and the Sahnis, originally Ghasis, 
but a 'jdildchardnii/a' caste ^ now, are his descendants. The 
Maharaja sent the Sahni io call the Baraiks and Konkopats. 
The Konkopats came, but the Baraiks would not believe the 
Sahni's assertion about the re-appearance of the Maharaja 
and refused to stir. The Maharaja got extremaly annoyed with 
the Baraiks, and on return to his capital issued or.lers for the 
destruction of all Baraiks. Most of the Baraiks were killed, but 
some saved themselves by taking refuge with people of other 
castes. The majority sought shelter with weavers, and these men 
took to the profession of weaving, so that their identity might not 
be discovered. Another Baraik had saved himself by taking 
refuge with an Ahir. This one alone came forward when at last 
the Maharaja relented, and to him and his descendants, hence- 
forth known as Ahir Paik Baraiks, was continued the privilege, 
up to then enjoyed by all Baraiks, of receiving pan (betel) and 

* Tradition in Chhota Nagpnr ascribes sex to di.imouds and draws a distinctionu 
between hirdt or male diamonds and hiris or female diamonds. 

' A caste, from members of which Brahmans and other high caste men wonld 
accept drinking water. Ghasis are veryilow down in the scale, and their touch 
wonld cause poUutiou, the acceptance of drinking water from them being altogether 
out of the question. 



TOL. v., PT. III.] WEAVERS IN BANCHI, 386 

pagri (headflress) from the Maharaja's hand on the day of the 
Dassera (pa» and p9gri are given by the Maharaja first to the 
god Chintamon, then to the Maharaja's gnru and purohit, then 
to the Knar and other Nagbansis present, and next to the Ahir 
PaikBaraik)." 

If the Semhatuar Chlks of thana Bero — and this is true 
also of those of thanas Mandir, Lapung, Karra, Basia, Gumla, 
etc. — are content with telling the above or similar stories about 
their taking to weaving only to save their skin, and with calling 
themselves Baraiks, their relatives to the east, in thanas Ranchi, 
Angara, and Silli go a step further ;'for they would not on any 
account call themselves Chiks, and would not easily admit th^t 
they, or any of their relatives, are, or ever were, weavers, or had 
aaything to do with weavers. One Manohar Baraik of raohalla 
Konka in Ranchi town got into some prominence in recent 
timee, having served for many years as an orderly peon to the 
Deputy Commissioner ; and many a Baraik whom I asked if he 
was not really a Chik, retorted by the remark that he was 
related to Manohar Jamadar, and who in all Nagpur did not 
know that Manohar was a Baraik, not a Chik? But Ramdhan 
Baraik of Jabla, whom I saw selling at the Silli hai cloth which 
he admitted to be his own weaving, mentioned that Bbusan 
Baraik and EtWa Baraik, chaukidars of Silli and Jabla, 
were his relatives ; and, on examining these two chaukidars, 
it appeared that they were both related to Manohar Jamadar of 
Ranchi, Bhusan being a mouserd cousin of Manohar's wife. 
Similarly, at the Taimafa hat (on the Bundu road, 19 miles from 
Ranchi) I saw one Pendo Musammat of Alaundi (lear Jiki in 
thana Khunti) selling cloth woven by her people, and she testified 
to her relative Debi-a Baraik of Alaundi having married a grand- 
daughter of Mmohar Jamadar. The Chik Baraiks of Bero 
also spoke of Manohar being their relative, just as relationship 
with Manohar is claimed by Baraiks in Angara and Silli ; 
and relationship with Malar Singh and Jagdeo Singh of Chand- 
siladon ( on the Karra- Khunti road, midway between Karra and 
Khunti ) was claimed both by men in Silli who protested that 
they had nothing to do with weavers and by Puran Baraik of 



1^ 



386 WEAVERS IN aAWCHI, CAfi.O.S-.S. 

Bharno,thana Sisai, whose sonMahli I saw employed in the act 
of weaving. It is clear, therefore, that these Baraiks of Silli, 
Angara and Ranchi are one and the same sub-caste with the Chik 
Baraiks of Bero, Mandar, Lapung, Karra, Sisai, etc. ; although it 
is not impossible that the Baraiks of the eastern thanas, who 
count among their number a pretty large proportion of well-to-do 
men, will in course of time cease to have anything to do with 
the Ghik Baraiks of the west and induce sue h of their own 
section as are weavers still to give up that pursuit and take to 
agriculture. The more well-to-do among these eastern Baraiks 
have taken the surname of Gonjhus ( e. g. Sahdeo Gonjhu and 
Antu Gonjhu of Silli, Neta Gonjhu of Jaru and Mahadeo Gonjhu 
of Khapchabera, all in thana Silli ), some call themselves- 
Karjis, while at least twa families ( those of Malar Singh of 
Chandsiladon, referred to above, and of Suklal Singh of Borea, 
a village four miles north of Ranchi on the road to Kuchu, who was 
for some time a muharir in the Settlement Department ) have 
assumed the Rajput surname Singh. There are no other sub- 
castes of Chiks living with them in the eastern thanas ; and if 
only such of their own number as are still weavers can be made 
to take to some other profession, the very keon attempt of these 
eastern Bj-raiks to come forward as a higher caste will very 
likely be crowaed with success, and their claim may possibly be 
recognized at some future census ( just as that of Mahisyas in 
Bengal has been recognized recently). 

West of the Randii-Karra-Basia road the Semhatuar Ghiks 
live in close proximity with other sub-castes of Chiks. I did not 
make very detailed enquiries' regarding sub-castes in the Sadr 
and Gumla Subdivisions ; but there was at least one sub-caste 
besides Semhatuars which came to my notice^. Members of 
this sub-caste call themselves Chhotg^ilbris ( the smaller trunk ), 
the other sub-caste being described as Bargonhrls ( the bigger 
trunk ) , These Ghhotgonhris are to be found in the following^ 
villages among others : — 

Thana Lohardaga: — Danru, Chitri Daiiru, Patio, Murki 
Tor&r, Jamgain^ Kundo, Gh&tgfigia and' Dumri. 



TOL. v; PT. III.] WIAVEBS N fiAHHCI. 387 

Thana Sisai:— Bharso, Amalii, Khaita and Mahadeo 

Ctigri. 
Thana Gumla: — Toto. 

Thana Basil: — Kumhari, Arahara and Semhatu. (Bargon- 
hris are, however, the predominant sub-caste in this 
last named village, which is in a manner the head- 
quarters of the Bargonhris.) 
Thana Kolebira: — Sasia. 
Some of the Bargonhris of Bharno, thana Sisai, spoke to me 
of a sub-caste called Sasiars, named after pargana Sasia in 
thana Kolebira. But whether these Sasiars are different from, 
or are the same as, the Chhotgonhrls referred to above ( it will 
be seen that Sasia in thana Kolebira is one of the places where 
the ChbotgDhbris are to be found) is more than I can tell ; 
I had no opportunity for making the detailed enquiry which 
the solution of this question required, having been taken away 
from touring duties soon after I heard of the Sasiars, 

In the Simdecra Subdivision and in the adjoining thanas of 
the Gumla Subdivision, there are at least thi-ee sub castes. Of 
Bargonhris, identified by their relationship with Samu Rai of 
iSe.ixhatu and Puranof Bharno (names mentioned by many of 
the undoubted Semhatuar Bargonhris of Bero and Sisai thanas) 
there were representatives at 

Thana Raidi: — Silam and Dum'irtoli. 
Thana Palkot: — Dombabira and Padripani. 
Pargana Biru, Thanas Kochedega an 1 Kurdeg: — Palidi, 
Kaerbera, Pare Palidi, Nanesera, Rengari, Konpala, 
Galesera, Bumardi near Sawaiand Rengarbahar. 
Of the sub-caste next in the social scale, usually described 
as Maihalturis (or intermediates), who sometimes in villages 
in which there are no Semhatuars call themselves Bargonhris, 
there are representatives at 

Thana Basia: — Tetartoli and Tetra. 
Thana Palkot: — Damkara and Sijang. 
Pargana Biru (Thanas Kochedega and Kurdeg) — Biru, 
Kochrdega, Koronjo, Saway, Sikr'adanr (near So-ra), 



888 WEAVEES IN EANCHI. [J.B.OJl.S. 

Tukttpani, Basen, Kigri (near Saway), Takerdinr 
TokeJuba, Birkera, Hetnaa Hungir (near Kink«l), 
Kondra and Sursang. 

Then there are the Chbot^onhris at Kumbabira (near Lachra. 
girh) and Barasloja in Thana Bano and at Pakerdaor, Saway, 
Bagdega, Karanjor (near Bagdega), Konjoba Thesutoli, Banabira 
and Longapani in thana Kochedega. 

I could not be quite sure if these were the only sub-castes in 
Simdega. On the one hand, I heard of Gandas who were said 
to be drummers as well as weavers. Ugar and Bechan^ Chhot- 
gonhris of Saway ;, had been described by the Majhalturis of that 
village as Gandas, and the Bagdega men had been returned 
in the census enumeration book as Gandas. But when ques- 
tioned by me, Ugar and Beehan repudiated kinship with the 
Gandas who, they said, were a much lower caste j while about 
the Bagdega men, the Police Sub-Inspector reported, in reply 
to a reference, that they were Chiks and had been entered &s. 
Gandas through a mistake, Gandas are numerous in the adjoin- 
ing Orlssa States and in Sambalpur (as many as 124,058 and 
87,717, respectively, having been returned at the last census) ; 
but within the limits of Ranchi Diftrict I did not come across, 
a single individual who would call himself a Ganda. One 
Pahlad of Rengali, near Tale, era in Gangpur, who called 
himself a Ganda, said, hawever, that he had relatives in Ranch* 
District, and of these he mentioned Jakna of Rengarbahar near 
Samsera and Sudram of Bagdega. In Bagdega there are 
Chhotgonhri Chiks, and if it could be proved that they were 
related to Sudram, mentioned by the Gangpur man, it could, 
be established beyond doubt that the so-called Gandas of 
Gangpur and the Chhotgonhri Chiks of Bii-u arc one and 
the same sub-caste. (It has been assumed in some of the 
following paragraphs that the identity of the Chhotgonhri 
Chiks of Simdoga with the Gandas has been established.) 

If there are the suspected Gandas at the bottom of the 
scale, I could not bj sure also about the position of some men, 
.Madho Chik and others of SausovVfiy, who called thcmselvca 



VOL. v., PT, III ] WIATIB3 IN BANCHI. 33^ 

Bafgonbria, Mihli of Kaarbsra, who is undoubtedly a Sembatuar 
Birgoiihri, knows Madho and be told^ me that Madbo wa» 
a Majbalturi; this was confirmed also by Madbo' s nephew 
Sembbua, who said that be and Madbo were Majbalturis and 
that Doisawars were a higher sub-caste. But on tbe other 
hand^ Sukra, brother of Ahlad of Sawai^ who is unquestioni- 
ably a Majhalturi, said tbat Madbo was of a higher casle 
than himself. I bad at first been led to think tbat there were 
two grades of Majbalturis, so tbat there were really four sub- 
castes in Simdega[(l) the Bargonbris;. (2) tbe higher Majhalturis 
represented by Maiho, etc. ; (3) the lower Majbalturis represen- 
ted by Sukra, Ahlad and cabers, and {4) the Cbbotgonhirs alms 
Gandas]; but subsequently I found that this conclusion was 
tintenable, for Raghu of Kocbedega was mentioned as a relative- 
both by Madbo and by Sukra. (But is tbere more than one 
Kaghu in Koch dega?) Other relatives mentioned by Madbo were 
Lohraof Pabarsara, Jodhanof Kojhedega and Ganes of Pitbra ;: 
I could not meet them and I cannot say whether they call tbem- 
selves Majbalturis or Bargonrhis. 

How tbe C'bhotgonbris of Lobardiga and Sisai stand in 
relation to tbe sevei-al sub-castes in Simdega is another point about 
which I could not come to any definite conclusion. But I am, 
inclined to think that these Chbotgonbris are the same as the 
Majbalturis of the south. The Chbotgonbris of Simdega are 
regarded almost as untouchables by tbe Bargonbris as well as 
by t4ie Majbalturis of tbat side. This is not the case with 
the Chbotgonbris of L^hardaga and Sesai previously mentioned 
who receive from the Bargonbris very much the same treatment 
as in Simdega the Majbalturis get from the Bargonbris. The 
Simijiga Majbalturis I bad met were mostly from tbe southern 
portion of tbat subdivision, and tbe nortbemraost relatives that 
they knew of were tbose in south Basia or south Palkot or- 
south Gumla. It is quite possible tbat if these relatives 
in tbe north could be questioned, they could speak of other 
relatives further north in Sisai and Ghagra and Lobardao-a,, 
who might turn out to be tbe same as the Cbhotgohhria of. 



gSO WEAVERS IN RAKCHI, • [J.B.O.R.S. 

that side. One of the Majhalturls in Simdega subdivision 
told me that his caste vras occasionally described as Sasiar ; and, 
as suggested in a previous paragraph, it is just possible that the 
Chhotgonhrls of Lohardaga and Sisai are identical with Sasiars, 
It will be assumed in all referenc3s in the following paragraphs 
that the Chhotgonhris of Lohardaga and Sisai, the Sasiars, and 
the Majhalturis of Simdega are identical with one another. 

The worship of the spirits of deceased ancestors, supposed 
to have their habitation near the family hearth, is practised 
by almost all the aborginal and semi-aboriginal tribes in Chhota 
Nagpur ; and the same practice is observed also by the Chiks. 
Other principal objects of worship, both with the Semhatuar 
Bargonhris and with the Majhalturis ( I have no very definite 
information on this point reg irdiag the Chhotgonhris of Sisai 
and Lohardaga or the Chhotgonhris of Simdega ), are Barpahari, 
or the great hill, and Surajdeota, or the sun-god ;. while Devi 
or Chandi, and the village-gods also receive occasional offerings* 
Surajdeota, who must be worshipped in the angan (courtyard) 
has to be propitiated by a white animal; it is a white fowl 
with the Majhalturis, but a white goat with Bargonhris 
who, though they have no scruple about eating fowls them- 
selves, have imbibed sufficient Hinduism to consider them 
unclean food for their gods. To Barpahari a goat alone is sacred, 
and this must be grey or black ; the animal must be sacrificed 
on open tahr lind. Barpahari is worshipped only at rare 
intervals — say once in three, four, five, or even ten years — and 
at marriages. Surajdeota and Matapita (the deceased ancestors) 
are worshipped oftener, at the Nawa or new rice ceremony and at 
Phagua or spring festival of each year. Devi is worshipped 
ordinarily once a year, but there is no hard and fast rule ; any 
season of the year would do, the only condition necessary being 
that the puja must be on a Tuesday or on a Saturday. No priests 
are required for the worship of Matapita, Barpahari, Surajdeota 
or Chandi. Worship of the village-gods is performed by the 
Pahaa who o-ets a coutribution from each family on thisaccoun!. 



Vol. Pt. Hi.i 



WiBAT£B3 IN BANCUI. 



^9l 



The Bargohhris of Bero say that they require the services 
df Brahmans at their marriages and srddhs, and that Chunu 
Pathak of Kudarko is their Porohit. tt is doubtful if the 
Bargonhris further south are very particular in this respect, and 
the Majhalturis do not certainly employ Brahmans. 

Although the different sub-castes of Chiks do not ordinarily 
intermarry, Jainath Baraik of Bhamo ( a SemhatuSr ) and the 
Majhalturi in Simdega ^ho spoke about Sasiars said that balkatti 
marriages^^ had taken place between Semhatuars and Sasiars at 
Semhatu and had been accepted as legal by both communities. 
Budhram Chaukidar of Bhurso ( thana Sisai ) a Chhotgonhri 
of the Lohardaga side also spoke of an ordinary marriage 
between the daughter of a Chhotgonhri of village Sasia and 
a Bargonhri of village Barasloya ( thana Bano ) ; he could notj 
however, give me the names of the parties. This was taken 
objection to by the Chhotgonhris, and there was a caste megc- 
ing to discuss it^ held ia the house of Tuiya of S isla on the 
occasion of Tulya's brother's tradh in April 1910. ^Vhat 
was the upshot of this conference^ Budhrato could not say ; 
apparently the Sasiars agreed to overlook the irregularity, fo.'- if 
outcasting had been decided upon, the decision would have been 
more widely notified, and Builian would not have been left in 
ignorance of it. It would be interesting, however, to know 
how the Semhatuars dealt with the Barasloya man who had 
married a Chhotgonhri girl otherwise than by the balkatti 
form of maniage. 

The following are the names of the exogamous divisions 
among Chiks that came to my notice .— ^ 



Semhataara. 



Majhalturis^ 



Chhotgonhria oi 
Simdega. 



Dhangunri. 
Gaharirar, 
Ghia. 
Uarin. 



Argar. 

Chahd. 
Dipikbani.. 

Goal. 



Argar. 



Chand. 
Dbandbi 



I 



^ A i*lk«iUi marriaj;* is a marriage* hy capture. 



392 



WEAVEBS IN RANCH I 



tJ.B.0.6.S. 



Sembatairs. 


Majlulturis. 


Chh )tg( nhfi* of 
S.mdega. 


Karhiari. 


Iiidvva". 


Gardia. 


Kasauti, 


Kachliaa. 


Joipnria. 


TCatri. 


Loha. 


Kuldip 


Kfora. 


Mahai^^ndi. 


Mahanandi. 


Mahanandi. 


Mtidn. 


Sasia. 


Newar, 


Miilua, 


Tanra. 


Xowrang, 


J'opwar. 




Pahlia. 






Sonmani. 






Surma, 






Tajan Borr>. 






Tajan Chhotn, 







Mahanandi, it will be seen, is common to all three groups; 
Argar and Chand are common to Majhalturis and Chhotgoharis 
of Simdega 

About Panrs or Penrais (shown in the census tables as Pan 
or Panika), my enquiries were made chiefly in thanas Tamar, 
Sonahatn, Bundu and in the eastern portion of Ranchi thana. But 
I made casual enquiries in Kbunti and Karra also, which went 
to indicate that there is but one endogamous group of Penrais in the 
Ranchi district, if the SIngua Pans and the Fanika Dases referred 
to below, be left out of consideration. There are a few Panrs in 
thanas Mandar and Bero (in villages Diggia, Kenabhitta, Nehalu, 
Jehanabad and Bachhau near Opa ) some of whom I met ; these 
are related to Penrais near about R mchi and belong to the same 
endogamous group. The majority of Panrs live in the Munda 
country ; and with many of them Muridari is the mothsr-tongue. 
They are generally a landless class and have a very low position in 
B'Jciety. They have no objection to eating beef an 1 pork, and are 
generally regarded as untouchables ; and a barber who would 
agree to serve a Faiar would lose caste. Sorne of the more 



iHL. v., Pt. til.] WEAVES? IN BAUCHt. 393 

Well-to-do Panrs have, however, assumed the name of Sawasi ; 
and Chamu Sawasi and Gonjhu Sawasi of Gamharia (thana 
Tamar, midway between Enrki and Rabu) gave me the following 

list of villages where their kutums Sawasie, and not Panrg, 
were to be found. 

Thana Tamar. — Parasi, Upar ParasI, Torang (near Parasi), 

Ulilor and Sarjamdi. 
Thana Sotiahatu. — Jamudag and Saread (nPar J"amudag). 
Thana Bundu, — Bundu Majhitola, Aradi and Edalhatu. 
But a day or two later I came across one Sohan of Pandrani 
who was related to Chamu and Gonjhu and also to Golam Karji 
of Sarjamdi, mentioned by Chamu and Gonghu as a relative; 
and he said that Paiir and Sawasi are identical terms. I got 
the same evidence from many others, showing clearly that 
Sawasis are no more different from Panrs than Pat Baraiks or 
Bhuinhar Baraiks are froip. Semhatuar Chiks, 

Sawa<ji Panrs are, however, not the only weaver caste in 
Tamar. There are also scattered among them a few men 
calling themselves Singua or Patkumia Pan-Tafitis and also 
some Aswine Tantis, known loyally as Tasriya Tantis. The 
Pan-Tantis claim to have a decent position in their own 
country (pargaua Patkum in Manbhum and Singhbhum 
district), where bxrbeis would shave them and even Brahmana 
would work for them, provided they are rich enough ; and in 
the Manbhum district at least, they have had their claim 
sufficiently recognized to have succeeded in getting thems«*lvefl 
enumerated at the census as Tantis. * But in Tamar so great 
is the prejudice against weavers generally that a barber in 
village Sosodi who serves Singua Pans has been outcasted. 
Singua Pans would not take beef or pork, but they have 
no objection to fowls or to rice-beer. They would take water 
from Mundas but not rice or other kachi food as the Panrs 
do. Another point of difference with the Tamaria Panrs which 
the Singua Pans draw attention to, is the shape of the shuttle 

' No more thin 741 persons were recorded in Manb!)nm as Pans at the Isst 
census, although one cornea across, in almost every village in the southern lialf 
of the district, weavers admitting t'lemselves to he Paii-Ta tis. Sivasuddha 
Tftuti or Sivasatru Taiiti i« another name for Pan-Tanii in 2JanLhum. 



394 WjiAVEBS IN RANCHI. CJ.B.O Jt.8; 

used in weaving. Both use long shuttles made of wood^ and 
shaped like canoes ; but in the shuttle of the Tamaria Panr, the 
axle of the spool is at right angles to the length of the shuttle, 
the same as in the Muhammadan Jolaha'8 shuttle ; while in the 
Pan-Tanti's shuttle the spool is placed longitudinally, fixed to 
a spike projecting from one end of the shuttle, there being 
a small iron ring at the other end thrcngh which the yam 
released from the spool passes. The number of Singua Pans 
in Ranchi district is very limited, and I could get only the 
Dames of 

Jagai, Satu and Gopal of Sarjamdi, thana Tamar. 

Dubraj of Birdi, thana Tamar. 

Sham of Bichahatu, thana Bundu, formerly of Paula,, 
thana Tamar. 

Sham of Sirkadi, thana Bundu. 
Gopal of Sarjamdi's grandfather Digwar is reported to have 
been the first Singua Pan to have come to this side. He mar- 
ried his daughter Sibiin to a Tamaria Panr f>f Sarjaijidi, by name 
Phate. But Digwar never brought his daughter home, nor did 
he ever take any food at his daughter's place ; and this was 
considered sufficient to keep him within the fold of Singua 
Pans. Guru, brother of Dubraj of Birdi, mentioned above, 
who in more recent times married a Tamaria Panr girl, 
daughter of Parau of Sarjaipdi, was considered to have been 
guilty of a graver irregularity, and he has been outcasted. 
Tamaria Panrs do not appear, however, to have objected to the 
union of a girl of their community with a Singua Pan ; and 
when Guru's first wife Koili eloped with a lover, be could 
readily get another Tamaria Panr girl, a daughter of Anand- 
ram of Burudi (thana Tam&r, near Mardhan), to marry him. 
This would seem to indicate that Tamaria Panrs acknowledge th& 
superiority of the Singua or Patkumia Pans, 

The superiority of Aswine Tantis who are believed to be 
immigrants from Manbhum is more clearly recognized. Ta- 
raaria Panrs, as well as Singua Pans, always speak reverently 
of ibe Aswinee as men who can weave iaactr, while they 



VOL. v.. PT. III.] WEIVEES IIX EANCHI. 395 

themselves can weave cotton cloth only ; and have given to Aswiue 
Tantis the distinctive name of Tasriya Tantis. In Ranchi, 
however, As wine Tantis are not employed in iasctr weaving, 
tasar coooons being but rare in the district. Aswine Tantis in 
Ranchi are mostly agriculturists; while a few weave cotton cloths. 
They are recognized as one of the jaUcharaniya castes, being 
one of the '* navasayakas" mentioned in the Pardsara-sanAifd. 
The number of Aswine Tantis settled in Kanchi, though small, 
is apparently larger than that of Singua Pans ; and Aswine Tantf 
families are to be found in the following villages among 
others : — 

Thana Tamar — Sindri and Majhidi. 
Thana Sonahatu — Chokahatu, Baracda, Pandedi, Rahe, 
Thana Bundu — Bundu and Bhakuadi. 
Thanas Khuiiti and Torpa (pargana Sonpur) — Perka, 
Hasa, Mahil, Ghaghra, Saridkel and Dorma. 
Tantis are shown in the census tables mixed up with Tatwas 
from Bihar (.who, however, are not a jalacharanii/a caste, 
though their position is not quite so low as that of the Tama- 
riya Panrs) ; and the total number of Tantis and Tatwas in 
1911 was shown as 932 . Tatwas are to be found in small 
colonies mostly near Lohardaga ; and a very large proportion of 
them are now agriculturists. 

Closely connected with these Tatwas are a nnmber of men 
found in a few villages in thanas Sisai, Basia, Palkot and Bano 
who call themselves Katiyas and who are mostly agriculturists 
by profession, a few alon3 baing weavers. These men speak of 
Chatu, Gamhir, Deonath, Gandouri and S-ikhia of Aiasmano 
Tharkurgaon (thana Lohardaga) and of Bechan and Baksu of 
Inta (also near Lohardaga) as their relatives ; but these Lohar- 
daga men call themselves Tatwas, and Maroo of luta, although 
he has settled in Nagar (thana Sisai) having married a sister of 
Andu Katiya of that village, still calls himself a Tatwa. The 
Katiyas assert that neither they nor their relatives in Lohardaga 
thana were weavers originally. The first immigrant of their caste. 



S96 WEAVRKS IN RAN^CHI, [J.D.O.Bj. 

who came from Bhojpur, became a dhangar (labourer) ia the 
house of a Jolaha^ and this is how some members of the caste took 
to weaving. The ancestors of the Inta people, the Nagar men 
told me, had come to the district as musicians and dancers ; they 
learnt weaving from Patwas, with whom they married balkatti,. 
Patwas were to be found, I was told, at Jima and Hendla in 
thana Kuru ; Bansi Patwa of Hendla had married a cousin of 
Andu Katiya of Nagar and was living at Sisai. Whatever may 
have been their antecedents before they came from Bhojpui*^ 
Ta twap, Patwas and Katiy as clearly form one endogamous group 
in Kanchi. I did not meet any of the so-called Patwas ; and 
1 am not in a position to say whether they describe themselves 
as Tatwas or as Patwas or as Katlyas. 

The Katiyas spoke to me of a very curious ouslom observed 
by them, namely, that of their being invested on the day of 
their marriage with the janeo, or the sacred thread, which irt 
intended to be kept for nine days only and to be thrown away 
thereafter. A Brahman has, of course, to be engaged for this 
ceremony, and Ram Pathak of Domba (thana Sisai) was said to 
be the purohit of the Katiyas of Nagar. The sacred thread is worn 
also for three days after the purification ceremony following the 
tradh on the tenth day after a death takes place. For this srddh 
and the investiture of the sacred thread in that connexion also, 
the Brahman has to be employed. I cannot say whether their 
relatives who call themselves Tatwas, or those who are described 
as Patwas, have any similar custom. 

The chief object of worship with Katiyas is a god named 
Pachhimaha (or the western one), in honour of whom they offer 
mahna spirit and a coloured cock on the day following the Phagua 
(the spring festival) . Pachhimaha is worshipped at marriages 
also ; but for such occasions the offering must be a brown {kasia, 
as they described it) goat. The services of Brahmans are not 
required for this worship. Other gods believed in by Katiyas 
are Devi Miii, for whose pxi ja they pay subscriptions to the village 



VOL. v., PT. ni.l WEAVEB3 IN BANCHI. S97 

Pabn, and Jitbahn and Salibahn, worshipped with home-made 
cakes on the day of the Jitia (the eighth day of the dark phase of 
the moon in September) . For the Jitia a Brahman comes and 
reads katha ; when this is over, the women of the house sing 
and dance for some time, after which only they can partake of 
food, having fasted the whola day and part of the night. The 
Tatwas of Inta worship Jitbahn and Salibahn at Jitia, in the 
same way as the K^tiyas ; bub they do not recognize the Katija 
god Pachhimaha. The following are some of the places where 
Kitiyas may be found : — 

Thana Sisai — Xagar and Sisai. 

Thana Basia — Kumhari, Turibira, Lotwa and Bartoli near 
Bonai. 

Thana Bano — Bujga. 
The identity of KativSs with Tatwas was not discovered till 
a considerable time after the census operations were over ; and 
Katiyas were shown as a separate caste in the enumerator's books. 
They were not shown in the printed tables, having apparently 
been inclu.lcd under the head " Others " . 

The only other weaver castes that I came across in Ranchi 
were Koslitas and Dases, both immigrants from Oriya- speaking 
countries. Dases are apparently divided into several groups, of 
which at least one intermarries with Koshtas ; and I was told by 
Koshtas whom I met at Meromdega in thani Kochedega and 
others whom I met at Dulabpur near Raiboga in the Gangpur 
State, that Koshta and Das were different names used in different 
districts for one and the sime caste. Das is the name by which 
the caste is known in Raigarh in the Central Provinces ; and such 
families as originally came from Raigarh have retained the name 
Das. Families calling themselves Koshtas had, on the other 
hand, come mostly from Sambalpur, where, however, the caste is 
known not as Koshta but as Mahra. 

These Koshta-Dases are divided into two religious sects, Kabir- 
panthis and non-Kabirpauthis, which intermarry freely. The 
Kabirpanthis do not worship any gods and goddesses; with 



398 Weavers jN RANCHi. fJ.B.oR.S, 

non-Kablrpanthis the principal objects of worship are Dulha^ and 
DeviMai. Dulba is identified with deceased ancestors, and his pujd> 
(worship) which takes place in Phagun and without the aid of any 
priests, is effected by sacrificing a brown [kasia) coloured goat or 
fowl before the family hearth. Devi Mai is worshipped only 
when there is a pestilence or a famine or some similar visitation^ 
Kabirpantlii Koshtas bury their dead ; the body is invariably kept 
in a seated position. Non-Kabirpanthis either bury or burn^ 
in case of burial, the body is invariably placed in a lying position* 
The family is considered ceremonially unclean for ten days, after 
which the relatives of the deceased shave, offer pindas through 
a Brahman or Gosain, and give a feast to the caste* Kabirpanthi 
Koshtas further perform srddh of their ancestors in Aghan every 
year; but such srddh is not deemed to be a ptija, like the pujd of 
Dulha by the non-Kabirpanthis. The following gotrd names of 
Koshta-Dasescame to my notice: Bagh^ Bachhur, Chaudhuri, 
Manik and Songotia. 

Of another group of Dases I met three, Saona of Lotwa near 
Ku;nhari in thana Basia, his cousin Jairara's son, Bahoran, who 
has settled at Bora in five miles from Kanchi on the Purulia 
Road, and Phoja of Kerki, thana Gumla. Saona called himself 
a Panika Das Gosain, while Phoja said that Panikas were a 
different caste with whom Dases had no concern. But Hari Das 
of Meral, thana Chainpur, was mentioned as a relative by either ; 
and apparently Phoja and Saona belong to the same sub-caste 
whatever its name may be ; Bahoran gave the name of his caste to 
be BalragI Das Goiain. Members of this sub-c.\ste, although 

^ The ordinary meaning of tbe term Dulba is br.degroom, and tlie use of this 
expression to signify decoased ancestors is somewhat uutxpected. Strange to say< 
this very expression is used with the very same meaning by a very diEEerent castc^ 
viz , by the Bargonhri Biihors of thana KirJeg. These Bargonhri Birhors of 
Kurijicg have now very little resemblance with their nomadic or semi-nomadio 
kinsmen regarding whom a series of articles has been contributed to Volumes II, 
II I and IV uf this Journal by Rai Sarat Chandra Ray Bahadur and who are 
known in Kurdeg as Chhotgonhfi Birhors. Bargonhyi Birhofs have settled 
down in the plains and have adopted the profession of carpenters, wooden paxlas 
(measures for grains, oilseeds.jctc.) and charkas (spinning wheels) being the chief 
articles tha; they turn out. 



VOL. V, PT. III.J WEAVEKR IN RANUCt. 399 

very few in Ranchi, are scattered almost all over the district ; 
and while those in Meral, thana Chainpur, are still employed 
as weavers, most of the others are Bairagis and serve as spiritual 
gttides to Kamhars, Mundas and Oraons. 

Of the third group of Dases, also calling themselves 
Panika Dases, I met only one, Jangu Das of Barki Biura, 
thana Kurdeg, who was a weaver by profession. I should 
have been inclined to consider him as of the same group as 
Saona Das Gosain of Lotwa mentioned in the previous 
paragraph (who also called himself a Panika Das), but for 
the fact that Jangu distinctly mentioned that the Dases 
of Meral in Chainpur (who are Saona Das's relatives) were 
a different caste from him. Jangu said that his family had 
originally come from Baigarh and that his only relatives in 
the Banchi district were to be found in Biura and Kadamdi 
in thana Kurdeg and in some villages in ptrgana Borwe (thanas 
Chainpur and Bishunpur) of whom he could moat-on only one, 
viz. Sikri Pagura. , Jangu said that men of his caste were Kabir- 
panthis, and that any member of the caste could take a janeo 
(sacred thread) or kanthi ( necklace of beads), provided he was 
prepared to abstain from animal food. Even for those who do 
not t?i^e janeo or kanlh', the only animal food permissible is fish 
or goat-meat. Kabirdas is the only object of worship; bis puj't 
has to be performed on the full-moon days in Baisakh, Kartik 
and Magh with cocoanut, arecauut and milk. Jangu's people 
do not believe in ancestor-worship, nor do thry have any 
annual iradh of ancestors like the Koshta-Dases. They bury 
their dead, t*ie body being placed in a lying position. On 
the tihi, or third day after death, the relatives of the deceased 
shave ; and on the tenth day they perform the datkarmd ceremony 
which consists of making an image of Kabirdas from rice-powder 
and worshipping the same with bhoff consisting of phi, jaggery 
and cocoanut milk. The cocoanut must be broken by being 
dashed against the ground by the priest. The priests, styled 
Mahants, are men of their own caste. On the death of a 
Mahant, his eldest son becomes the Mahant ; when, however, 



iOO WKAVSEa IN RANCHi. tJ.BO.B.S. 

the Mahant dies childless, some male member of his family- 
is elected by the caste-people as his successor. The following 
gotra names were supplied by Jangu Da^ : — Baghel, Bhoisay 
Chawar^ Kuldip, Parwa, Sariyo, Sonwani and Tariria. 

It is possible that in their original home, the progenitors 
of the three groups of Dases and of the Koshtas belonged to 
the same caste or clan, and that the differences now observable 
between them are indicative only of different degrees of per- 
meation with a socio-religious movement that came from outside, 
or of different ways of being acted on by this external stimulus, 
in groups that left at different times or from different localities. 
The Koshta-Dases were probably the first to leave, while the 
Bairagi-Dases apparently left at a time when, or from a quarter 
where, the religious movement had taken a my .-tic turn. Th& 
matter, however, must at present be one of conjecture, and 
a satisfactory answer to the question how the three groups 
of Dases stand in relation to one anotlier can be given only after 
detailed enquiries in areas outside Ranchi, in Grangpur and 
elsewhere, where the different groups may be found in larger 
numbers. Within the limits of Ranchi I did not come across 
any instance of intermarriage between one group and another 
although, curiously enough, 1 got evidence of a marriage having, 
taken place between a Koshta girl of Jhikirma (thana Kolebira)- 
with Balhu Oadar of Bujga (thana Bano), who is a Katiya by 
caste. Budhu was outcasted by the Katyas for this irregularity 
and had to propitiate the panchayat before he wis re-admiited 
into caste. How the Koshtas looked upon the inaldent I do not 
know. At the last census persons describing themselves as Dasea 
were shown as Panikas. Persons who described themselves as 
Koshtas were shown as such, and were apparently included in 
the printed tables under " Others '\ Koshtas had been shown 
as a separate casto in 1901, when their number in Ranchi 
was 1,340. 

My information regarding the Muhammadan weaver casto, 
Jolaha, is comparatively meagre, although Jolahas are pretty 
numerous in the district. There is a tendency among them 
also to assume a new caste name which might give them 



VOL. V. PT. III.] WEAVERS IN BANCHI. 4(Ji 

a higher gocial position than they can otherwise command ; 
and large numbers of Jolahas returned themselves at the last 
census as " Sheikh Nurbaf " or as " Sheikh '^ slmplv. 

There is only one other point which I have to note 
before I conclude. The Koshtas of Merom^ega told me that 
Gandas were identical with Pafirs. I do not know what the 
value of this statement is, but if this be correct, aud also 
the Burmiss that Gandas are the same as Chhotgohhri Chiks 
of Kochedega and Kurdeg, the conclusion would seem 
to be that Panrs and Chiks are but sub-castes of the same 
caste. Or, is it the truth that Paftrs were the indigenous 
weaver caste of the district, who wore crowded out in 
later times by Chiks from the west (who came probably 
with the Oraons from Rhotasgarh side*, and while the 
main body of them moved with the ^fuudas to the eastern 
portion of the district, a small section sfayeJ behind in the 
south-west, the Chiks coming in as a wedge between them and the 
main group ? Under such circumstances, it is not very strange 
that this isolated section would forget its kinship with the 
main body of Panrs and begin [to consider itself, and be 
considered by others, as but a degraded sub-caste of the Chiks. 
Panrs or Penrais are ordinarily supposed to be a sub-caste of 
Pans or Pauikas. With the Pans of Manbhum and Singhbhum 
they are apparently allied, although the Manbhum Paus have 
succeeded in getting themselves returned as Tahlis. But whether 
with Panikas from Orissa, the Panrs of the Munda country 
have any greater affinity than mere similarity in name and in 
occupation, can possibly be found out only after detailed enquiries 
in ^reas where the Singua Pans and the Orissa Panikas meet. 
There is no scope for such enquiries within the district of 
Ranchi, where Panika Bases (including Koshta-Dases) are sepa- 
rated from Panrs and Singua Pans by a broad belt of country 
in which Chiks are the predominant weaver caste. 



MISCELLANEOUS CONTRIBUTIONS. 

I-S^'isunaka Statues. 

By Brindavan C. Bhattaoharya, M.A. 

Mr. K. P. Jayaswal has deservedly earned the congratulation 
of scholars by his striking discovery of the i^aisunaka statues 
in the Calcutta Museum. A scholar of such eminence as Mr. 
R. D. Banerji has, in the last number of the Journal, 
admitted that ''Mr. Jayaswal has really discovered the 
oldest known Indian statues^ and has corractly identified them 
with two Emperors of the Siisunaka dynasty of Northern 
India/' There is, however, one point relating to this topio, 
which has evidently escaped the notice of scholars and to it 
I draw their attention as furnishing a curious parallelism. 

Mr. R. D. Banerji in his " Note " ^ has observed : *' Before 
the identification of these two specimens, the statue of the 
Kushan Emperor of Kaniska I. was the oldest known statue in 
India^^ and " We do not know any other example of Pra- 
Mauryan art and consequently we cannot make comparison.^' 
I respectfully difEer from him on this point in view of the 
existence of some known statues belonging to the Mauryan or an 
earlier period. The statues of the Mauryan period already dis- 
covered are : a colossal female statue and the Telim statue from 
Besnagar, a female figure from Sanchi and the colossal Parkham 
statue of Mathm-a.^ The general look of all these pieces of sculp- 
ture, in respect of style and design, presents a great similarity 
to the statue of the SaisunaKa Emperors in the Calcutta Museum. 
Of these sculptures of ancient date, I particularly take the 
Parkham statue as showing a close resemblance to the Saisuiaaka 
btatues. The statue was, long ago, described by General 
Cunningham in his Archaeological Survey Reports, Vol. XX, 
pp. 40, 41, which I find necessary to reproduce here : — 

The statue is a cologsal standing figure of a man cut in the round, 
7 feet in height from head to foot and 2 feet broad across the shoulderB. 

J J. B. 0. R. S., ante pp. 210, 114, 

''' [It is cvideiit tbat Mr. Banerji means a portrait statue. — K. P. J.] 



VOL. r, FT. Ill,] 8AI3UNAKA STATUES. 403 

The left knee is sligbtly bent. Both arms are broken Aitd the face hat 

been nearly obliterated by repeated libations and anointments with ghee 
and red lead which Lave left a very hard and unsightly crust of dirt on 
the breast. The figure is clothed from head to foot in a loose flowing gai- 
saent, which is secured by two broad bar.ds, one round the waist and the 
other round the loins. The whole body is much too balky ; and seen from 
the side the two bands look exactly as if they weie intended to support it» 
pot-belly. 

The statue is made of grey sa ndstone, and still retains many traces of 
having been highly polished. The figure is called Derata or " the God " 
and has been in its present position for an unknown length of time. AH 
the other remains at ParkVam are of red sandstone and comparatively 
modern. Both arms being broken off just below the shoulder?, it is difficult 
to say what was the action of the figure. But I suspect that the statue 
•ras that of a YaJcsha or attendant demi-god, who carried a chowri o^er 
the right shoulder. The dress is very peculiar, and has nothing whatever in 
common with that of the later figures of the Indo-Scythian period. There 
is a shoi-t garland or necklace round the neck which is ornamented at the 
back with four dependent tassels. 

A comparison bet ween the description of this image and that 
of the S'aisunaka statues as also between their illustrations at 
once discloses the following points of similarity. Even/ in some 
cases, their very details maj be observed to coincide : 

(1) The height of the Parkham image is 7 feet; the height 
of the Saisunaka statues is a little above 6 feet, 

(2) The statues are monoliths cut in the round. 

(3) The figure of jSTandivardhana as well as the Parkham 
stilt ue carries a chowri or flv whisk over the right shoulder. ^ 

(4) All these figures are dressed in a loose flowing garment ; 
the body, in each case, is clothed '' in a waist-cloth (dhoti) held 

' I am unable to believe with Mr. Jayaswal that cAowris could ever have 
been carried by princes. On the other hand, I am inclined to think that Jsina 
gaints might have borne such chowris in ancient times. Even to-d^y, we observe 
that the Svitambara as well as Digambara Jainas (specially t! eir religions leaders y 
carry a chowri, with which tbey brush the ground on wlich they are goig to sit' 
the idea beirg to remove the chance of killing any living being. What was the 
point of the chotrri borne by the kings is hard to hypothesize. 

[The reproluction of the Ajanta Hariisa-jatwka to which I referred ante page 104 
was partial and therefore misleiding. But since then Ihave seen an illustrated 
J aina Ramayana amongst the MSS. of the Jaina Central Library at Arrah where 
toyal personages are depicted as carrying choicrit—'K. P. J."! 



4C4 SAISUNAKA STATDES. IJ.B.O.B.S, 

from the loins by means of a fiat girdle tied in a knot in front. '^ 
The ears of the figure bear earrings. On each of these figures 
there is an " upper garment mantle-like, and beneath it there is 
a vest, intended to be of diaphanous texture, as is evident by the 
line in the waist and the treatment of the navel/ ^ ^ 

(5) The overgarment has an embroidered neck, which shows 
some design on the back. 

(6) The girdles of the cloth, the most naturalistic knots of 
the bands and the waves in the gowns belonging to all these 
figures are designs of art extremely similar in type and style. 

(7) The statues show a small pot-belly in each case. 

(8) The clumsily worked feet of the statues also bear 
similarity. 

(9) All these statues are made of grey sandstone of Mirza-* 
pur bearing clear traces of high polish. 

From the above-drawn comparison, it should seem clear that 
the Saisunaka statues and the Parkham statue are essentially 
identical in character. The inscription at the pidestal of the 
Parkham figure undeniably leads us to assign to it a time not later 
than the Asokan period. It may even be earlier in date as there 
is nothing to bar such a conjecture. Various strong grounds have 
been adduced by Mr, Jayaswal to show that the Saisunaka statues 
rightly deserved the nomenclature given to them. Prom its 
evident identity with these old statues, the Parkham statue may 
as well have a claim to an equal antiquity. There seems to come 
about a discussion between Messrs, R, D, Banerji and K. P, 
Jayaswal about the date of inscriptions on the statues and 
possibly also to their age. The similarity of these statues with 
the Parkham statues, which also bear an inscription of an unccr* 
tain date, may help to solve this problem. For the present 
purpose it is enough for me to have shown the points which 
relate to iconography, without touching upon the other topics 
already in the hands of competent scholars. 

» J. B, 0. 11. S , Vol. v., Part 1, p. 105. 



II— A Note on an Inscribed Cannon in the 
Patna Museum. 

By J. N. Samaddar, B. A. 

This cannon; bearing number 18 in the Patna Musenm, 
Manuscript Catalogue, bears the following inscription. It has 
been presented to the Museum by Babu Haricharan Ganguly, 
Zemindar of Colgong ( Bhagalpore ) , to whom the Museum is 
also indebted for a number of sculptures from the alleged 
site of the Yikramsila University. 

The inscription reads : — 

.jCAjO yJtol/' (,;i.,xo^ *— '^j-* <s.t>jB^ -UX*) *> ^IL i^Uy v|y L/'** i>^ 
>[m, > i^] J — c ^|j ^r.»> j^ ^y ucr^ t ♦^t* *^ 



Owing to the fact that portions of the inscription have been 
disfigured, it cannot be read and translated fully but such as it 
appears may be translated as follows : — 

** In the time of Nawab Nurullah Khan, under the supervision, 
of Muhammad Sharif for Madho (in ) A. H.1074. " 

In the genealogy of Bengal Kings, as given in the existing: 
histories, no mention is made of any Xawab by the name of 
Xurullah. At the same time the title of Nawab and the making 
of cannons evidently imply that he was of some consequence. 
I suggest that Nurullah Khan referred to here was the Foujdar 
of Jessore who is mentioned both by Riyazu-s-Salatin and 
(evidently following him by Stewart in his History of Bengal). 
In the reign of the Emperor Aurangzeb, when he was engrossed 
in fighting with the Marathas and during the Viceroyahy of 
Nawab Ibrahim Khan, then occurred the rebellion of Subha 
Singh, Zemindar of Katwa. He was joined by Rahim Khan, 
aa Afghan, and the rebellion assumed a threatening aspect, '' On. 



406 INbCfilBED CANNON. [J.B.O.B.8. 

hearing of this Nur-uUah Kfcaii, Faujdar of the Chaklah 
of Jasar, Hugli, Bard wan and Mednipur, who was very opulent 
and had commercial business and who also held the dignity of 
Sehhazari, marched out from Jessore in order to chastise and 
subdue the rebels/' — (Riyazu-s-Salatin,p. 232, English Edition). 
Although he obtained the help of the Dutch from Chinsurah^ he 
could do nothing, " on the contrary throwing away his treasures 
and effects he considered it lucky to save his own life.^^ — [Ibid.) 

It eeems to me that the Nawab Nurullah referred to in the 
inscription is the above Faujdar. There Is still a gun at 
Mirzanagav, (which does not possess any inscription, however,) 
where the Faujdar had his pla^e in the district of Jessore 
(Bengal). The two cannons seem to have been made in the 
same way. Both are of the same pattern — with three or four 
concentric layers of metal. 

The date in the inscription is A.H. 1074 which corresponds 
to 1663. A, C. Subha Singh^s rebellion took place in 1695, and 
it is quite likely that Nurullah who was both rich and powerful 
was called by courtesy Nawab. 

It may be mentioned here that, according to MasIr-i-Alamgiri, 
Nurullah Khan, even after his disgraceful defeat, was sub- 
sequently promoted by Aurangzeb to the post of Deputy Subedar 
of Orissa. 

It is unfortunate that Mr. Ganguly cannot grive us any idea 
about the locality where the cannon was originally found in 
Bihar. 



A^harias of Sambalpnr : Traditi^m 
as to Their Orig*!!!. 

Ey M. N, Sen, B.A. 

Agbarias [^^fk^] of Sambalpar aie a caste oi cnltivafcori 
xvho claim Rajput descent. Rislej, however, in hia book "The 
Tribes and Castos of Bengal '■* describes Agbaria as ''one of 
the six subdivisions of the Lobar caste who manufacture and 
smelt iron ore ;'' while his description of Agaria^^ or "Anguwar^^ 
tallies with that of the Agbaria of Sambalpur, for he writes : 
"Agaria, Anguwar, a cultivating cast-' found in the Tributary 
Mahals of Chota Nagpur. They claim to be the descendants of 
certain Kshatriya immigrants from the neighbourhood of Agra 
who put off the sacred thread when they settled in a new country 
and took to holding the plough/^ But it has been observed at 
page 212, Central Provinces Census Report, 1911, Vol. X, Part I 
"Confusion is also sometimes caused by a similarity of namest 
In.-tances are Agarias ['agifT'PIT] (aboriginal iron smelters) and 
A^harias [^irf^^] (Oriya cuUivators) ^ -s^- * * ^-' and in 
the Caste Table (Table XIII) of the Census Report for that 
Pro\dnce the strength of the Agharia and Agaria castes has been 
separately shown. Th3 sime table of the Bihar and Oriss^ 
Census Report, however, shows figures for Agarias only, the 
term, following Risley, having been apparently used for the 
same caste as the Agharias of Sambalpur. In Sambalpur the 
Agbarias inhabit the northern part of the district, particularly 
the zamindaris of the Sadar Tehsll — the portions adjacent to 
GangpBT State, which formerly belonged to Chot* Nagpur and 
has sin3e boen transferred to Orissa, and other Feudatory States; 
and there can be r»e doubt that the cultivating caste whom 
!^sl^ mentions as Agaria : are the same people as tbose who 
call themselves Agharias i» Sambalpur and have been given the 



408 



ASHABIAS OF SAMBALPOP. 



r [J.B.0.B.3 



same name in the Central Provinces Census Report. But it is 
a question whether^ owing to similarity of names, confusion 
has not crept in in the Bengal and Bihar and Oriswa Census 
Tables (Table XIII) particularly in compiling the figures of those 
districts in which iron smelting sub-caste of Lobars owning similar 
name exist, e. g., Ranchi, Hazaribagh and Palamau and the iron 
smelting sub-caste and the cultivating caste have been classified 
together. The following table gives the distribution and strength 
of the " Agarias '' in Bihar and Orissa in 1911:— 



Name of district. 


Hindu. 


Animist. 


• 


Male. 


Female. 


Male. 


Female. 


1 


2 


3 


4 5 


Gaya ... 
Purnea ... 

Santbal Parganas ',,i 
Balasoie... ... 

Sambalpur 

Hazaribagh ... 

Kanchi ... 

Palamau 

Manbhum .,, 

Singbbbum ',,, 

Orissa Feudatory States 


9 

4 

B 

1 

3,126 

490 

133 

642 

136 

2 

8,824 


8 

5 

Nil. 

Nil. 

3,270 

497 

84 

781 

128 

5 

8,831 


NU. 
Nil. 
Nil. 
Nil. 
Nil. 
Nil. 

13 
1 

49 
Nil. 
Nil. 


Nil. 
Nil. 
Nil. 
Nil. 
Nil. 
Nil. 

7 
Nil. 

71 
Nil. 
Nil. 



It will be interesting if at the next census particular 
enquiries are instituted and differentiation made between this 
caste of cultivators and the other sub-caste of iron smelters 
having similar names. 

In Sambalpur there is a peculiar but interesting tradition 
prevalent among the Agharias as regards their origin. They 
call themselves immigrants from Agra and [claim to be Kheda 



VOD. T., PT. ni.] AQHABIA8 OF SAMBALPUB. 40£> 

Bajputs. The story of the incident bat brought about their 
expulsion from, or abandonment of, their motherland is this : 
They were a race of sturdy men and were in the habit of saluting 
their king in the fashion of namask^r (i. e., joining the palms 
of both the hands and raising them to the forehead ). But once 
"when there was a change of kings — they cannot give any idea 
of the date of this incident — the new king ordered that they 
should salute him bowing down their heads low. This order they 
refused to carry out. When the king saw that these stifE-necked 
people would not be persuaded to adopt the new form of saluta- 
tion with bowed down heads while paying respects to him, he 
devised a means to put them out of their wits. He had a sharp 
rapidly revolving saw ( which on account of its motion was 
invisible ) placed at a height of a man's neck when standing erect, 
across the door leading to the king's throne. The king then sent 
for these people. When the leading men of the caste came with 
their heads erect and tried to pass through the door they 
had their heads severed from their necks by the invisible 
rapidly moving saw. Pricked by this cruel treatment at the 
hand of their king, and since they would n:t flinch from their 
resolute det<»rmination, ten families of these people left the 
city of Agra for some distant land, where they might live 
unmolested and with honour unsullied. They came to Puri 
and offered their prayer to the god Jagannath at the famous 
temple there. It is said that the leading member o£ the 
party obtained a personal communication — by dream or other- 
wise — with the god and implored the god to protect him and his 
homeless brethren. The god placed before him two sLeathed wea- 
pons, one with a golden hilt and the other with a silver hilt and 
asked him to make his choice. The man chose the one with the 
golden hilt audit turned out to be a ploughman's stick "Panchan". 
So said the god "You are fit now for agriculture; go, and earn your 
bread by tilling the soil; you work and I shall see that you are 
not poor men." The party then turned back and made their last 
place of halt near Laida in the district of Sambalpur which they 
call their "Jhampi utra " (place of laying down their baggage) 



410 AGHAEUS OF SAJIBALPUE. [J.B.O.B.S. 

As Khatriyas they had their sacred threads and now that they 
were changing their profession from fighting to agriculture and 
they had to handle the plough they decided to throw away their 
saered threads. But to keep up a reminiscence of 1*heir origin, 
they retained the sacred threads oi one family among them and 
called the members of that family ''DasaTiar'' or "Bhat.'' They 
all agreed to support this family with their earnings. These 
Bhats are now the bards of the Agb arias. 



Obituary Notice. 

Dr. Andrew Campbell, D.D 

It is with deep regret that we have to record the great loss 
our Society has suffered by the death of the Hon'ble Rev. Dr. 
Andrew Campbell, d.d., on the 8th July last. Born at 
Boltan, iu' Lancashire, in year 1845, he came out to India in 
1872 in connection with the Santal Mission of the Free Church 
of Scotland and up till his death he worked amongst the 
Santals in Chota Nagpur. From 187-2 to 1878 he was stationed 
at GIridih in the Haziribagh District, and in 1879 he removed 
his headquarters to Pokhuria in the Manbhum District where 
he lived and worked for the rest of his life. Besides his 
zealous Missionary, Philanthrophic and Ethnological work 
among the Santals, he took an active interest in public affairs. 
As an Honorary Magistrate, and as a Member of the Manbhum 
District Board and of the Bihar and Orissa Legislative Council 
he did excellent work. In recognition of his public services. 
Government was pleased to award him the Kaisar-i-Hind Medal 
in 1900 and<a bar to the same in 1914. 

AVell known throughout the Province as a great philanthro- 
phic and missionary worker, he is more widely known by his 
valuable Ethnological writings. In fact, his extensive and 
scholarly Santal-English Dictionary has earned for him an 
European reputation, and he is recognized as the greatest autho- 
rity of his times on everything connected with the Santals. 
Besides his * Santal-English Dictionary ' he published a valuable 
collection of Santal Folktales in English. He also published 
several school books in the Santali language with a view to pro- 
moting education amongst the Santals, — and for a number of 
years edited a Journal in Santali named the Dharwak (Fiery 
Cross) . He was long engaged in the preparation of an elaborate 



413 OMTItAEY NOtldE. liji.0.B..9i 

monograph on the Santals. Portions of the material collect- 
ed by him for this purpose were embodied in a series of most 
interesting articles which appeared in this Journal. It is hoped 
that the remaining materials for the contemplated monograph 
will be found among his papers and dulj edited and published. 
When published, the monograph is expected to be the standard 
work on Santal Ethnography, 



Proceedings of the Council Meeting of 
Bihar and Orissa Research Society, 
held on the 8th August 1919 at 4 p.m. 
at the Society's Office. 



Peesent 
The Hon'ble Mr. H. McPherson, c s.i.j i.c.s., Vice-President, 

in the Chair. 
The Hon^ble Mr, J. G. Jennings, c.i.e., i.e.s. 
G, E. Fawcus, Esq., m.a., p.p.u. 
Rai Bahadur Sarat Chandra Roy, M.A., b.l. 
K. P. Jayaswal, Esq, ma.. General Secretary. 
Professor J. N. Samaddar, b A.., Honorary Treasurer. 
K. N. Dikshit, Esq., m.a. 
I. — The following gentlemen were elected as ordinary members 

of the Society. — 

1. Babu Nirsu Narain Sinha, M.A., b.l., Vakil, High 

Court, Patna. 

2. Babu Atul Krishna Roy, b.l.. Vakil, High Court, 

Patna. 

3. Babu Hem Chandra Bose, m.a., b.l,, Public 

Prosecutor, Monghyr. 

4. Mahanta Gadadhar Ramanuja Das, Raj Gopal 

Math, Puri. 

5. S. P. Varma, Esq., Barrister-at-Law, Patna. 

6. Babu N. G, Majumdar, b.a., 70 Russa Road, 

Calcutta. 

7. Babu Ganpati Sircar, 69 Beliaghata Main Road, 

Calcutta. 

8. Mr. K. G. Sankara Aiyar, b.a,, b.l.j Vakil, High 

Courtj Trivandrum. 



414 COUNCIL MEETING. [J.B.O.B.S, 

9. Babu Gauranga Nath Banerjeej University Lecturer, 

107-1 Machua Bazar, Amherst Street P. O. 
Calcutta. 

10. Maulvi Saiyid HaiJar Belgrami, Koath (Shahabad) . 

11. Babu Narsimha Moortj, ma,, b.l., University 

Librarian, Mysore. 
1:^. J. Robinson, Esq,, Deputy Director of Agriculture, 
Patna. 

13. Babu Tirbhuvan Natb Sahay, Vakil, High Court, 

Patna. 

14. The Hon'ble Mr. K. B. Dutt, Barister-at-Law, 

Patna. 

15. Mr» Narsinha Rao, Deputy Collector, Trichinopoly. 

16. The Hon'ble Mr. J. A. Hubback, i.c.s., Patna. 
17 W» S. Hitchcock, Esq., Government House, Patna. 
J 8. J. A. Craven, Esq., Angul. 

19. K. N. Dikshit, Esq., m.a., Patna, 

20. Babu P. N. Majumdar, Pakur. 

II. — Purchase of books as per list given below was 
recorded. 

List of books acquired to be published henceforward. 

Resolved that a Book Committee be constituted consisting 
of the Vice-President, the General Secretary and the Treasurer, 
.and the authority of purchasing books be delegated to them. 

III. — The letter of the Registrar, Patna University, dated 
the 17th Jime, 1919, was recorded. (See Proceedings of the 
General Meeting.) 

IV. — Letter of Government No. 709E., dated the 6th June, 
1919, granting a further sum of Rs. 500 for the Journal was 
thankfully recorded. The Council will consider in their next 
meeting the desirability of raising the subscription of members 
residing outside the Province from Rs. 5 to Rs. 10. The 
Honorary Treasurer to place on the table a statement showing 
the eoBfc ef pnblicatlon of the Journal and receipts to cover 
that cost. 



VOL. V„ PT. nil] COUNCIL MEETING. 415 

V. — Considered the proposal of the Anagarlka Dhannapala 
that the Society should edit Pali Texts in Nagri Script. Resolved 
that a Sub -Committee consisting of the Vice-President, the 
General Secretary, and Mr. Dikshit be formed to advise en the 
subject and that the correspondence on the subject received from 
His Honour the President be circulated amongst the members 
of the Council. 

YI. — Considered applications of the Curator,|Dacca Museum, 
Rev. Vijaya Dharma Suri, and the Secretary, Gait Public 
Library, Ranchi, to get the Journal free from the Society. 
Resolved that the applications cannot be granted, as no rule allows 
a free distribution of the Journal. 

YII. — Resolved that the Society's Journal be exchanged as 
requested by the Director, Field Museum of Natural History, 
Chicago, as per letter of its Librarian, dated the 4th June, 1919^ 
for the publications of the said Museum. 

VIIT. — Considered the proposal of the Secretary to appoint 
a Librarian who should also work as Clerk of the Society. 
The Secretary suggested the name of Babu Kameshwar Prasad, 
who has passed the I.Sc. examination and has already worked on 
trial in the Society's Office. Resolved that Babu Kameshwar 
Prasad be appointed on a salary of Rs. 35 — 5 — 50, and that his 
starting pay should be Rs. 40 in place of Babu Chaman Lai, 
resigned. 

IX. — Permission was given t>o "Mv. Samaddar to use the 
bl joks of the Hathigumpa inscriptions. 



Proceedings of a General Meeting 
of the Bihar and Orissa Research 
Society, held on the 8th August, 1919, 
at 4 p. m. at the Society's 0£S.ce. 

Present. 
The Hon'ble Mr.H. McPherson, VIce-Preident, in the Chair. 
The Hon'ble Mr. J. G. Jennings, c.i.E., i.E.s. 
G. E. Fawcus, Esq;, m.a.., f.p.u. 
E,, Shaw, Esq., m.a., f.p.u. 
Rev. Mr. G. J. Dann, 

K. P. Jayaswal, Esq., M.A., General Secretary. 
Professor J. N. Samaddar, B.A., Honorary Treasurer.. 
Khan Bahadur Sarfaraz Husain Khau. 
Mr. H. Panday. 
Babu Kali Prasad Sinha. 
Babu Manoranjan Ghosh. 
Rai Bahadur Sarat Chandra Roy* 
Mr. K. N. Dikshit, m.a. 
Babu Nandlal Mazumdar. 

The following communications, received from the Registrar,. 
Patna University, which had already been circulated with 
a letter, dated the 12th July 1919, as per copies below, 
were placed before the meeting : — 

Dated the \2th July, 19:9. 
Frora — K. P. Jataswal, Esq., General Secretary to the Bihar and 

Orissa Kesearoh Society. 
To — The Members of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society. 
The Society has been given the right of electing a member 
to represent them on the Senate of the Patna University (vide 
Enclosures A and B). 

Under the regulations framed in that behalf the nominations 
should reach this office fourteen clear days before the date fixed 



VOL. V„ i'T. III.] QBNEBAL MEETING. 417 

for election (vide Enclosure C). The date for election this year 
is the 8th of August next. The election will take place at 
a meeting to be held on that date at the Office of the Society, 
High Court Buildings, Patna, between the hours 4-15 p.m. and 
4-15 p.m. 



Enclosures : — 

A.— Copy of a letter, No. 4685-93, dated the 17th June, 1919^ 
from the Registrar of the Patna University to the Secretary, 
Bihar and Orissa Research Society. 

B. — Copy of a communication numbered 638 P., dated the 
12th June 1919, from the Private Secretary to His Honour 
the Lieutenant-Governor to the Vice-Chancellor, Patna Univer- 
sity. 

C. — Copy of a communication numbered 755E., dated the 
9th June, 1919, from the Additional Under-Secretary to the 
Government to the Vice-Chancellor, Patna University. 

D.— Letter No. 5194-5203, dated the 5th July 1919, 
from the Registrar, Patna University, to the Secretary, Bihar 
and Orissa Research Society, Patna. 



A. 

Patna University, No. 4685-93, dated the Patna, 17th June, 1919. 
From— E. Shaw, Esq., ma, Kegistrar, Patna University, 
To — The Secretary, Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Patna. 
1 have the honour to enclose copies of two letters from 
Government on the subjectof election of Fellows by Associations 
or Public Bodies. From these letters you will see that your 
Association elects one member. You will note from the Rules 
which are embodied in letter No. 755E., dated the 9th June 
1912, that no person shall be qualified to vote or to be elected at 
any election unless he be a member of the Association or Pnblic 
Body and his name be registered before 30th June in the year 
of election. Consequently only those members of your Associa- 
tion whose names are registered before 30th June of this year are 
eligible to vote oi- for election. 



418 GENERAL MEETlKG. tJ.B.O.H.Bi 

2. The elections this year will take place on 8th August. I 
am therefore to request you to intimate this date to all qualified 
members together with a notice that a meetiag will take place 
on 8th August for the election. It would be as well to send 
each member a copy of the rules. If you wish for any further 
information on the subject I shall be obliged if you will be bo 
good as to write to me at once. 

B. 

No. 638P., dated the 12th June 1919. 

From— The Priv-ate Sacretary to His Honour the Licutonant- 
Governnor of Bihar and Orissa. 

To — The Vice -Chancellor, Patna TJniversitj. 
In reply to your letter No. 113-177, dated the 10th January 
1919, I am directed to say that His Honour the Chancellor is 
pleased to empower, under section 7 (3) (i) (d) of the Patna 
University Act, the Associations or Public Bodies named below ta 
elect Ordinary Fellows of the Senate of the University: — 
Association or Public Body. No. of Fellows 

to be elected. 
Bitarand Orissa Reeearch Society ... ... 1 



C. 

No. 75oE., dated Ranchi.the 9th Juno 1919. 
From — R. E. Rdssbll, Esq., I.C.S., Additional Under-Secretar/ to 

the Government, Bihar and Orissa, Education Branch, 
To — The Vice-Chancellor, Patna Univ^ersity. 
In reply to your letter No. 2086, dated the 14th Apiil 
1919, 1 am directed to say that the Local G-ovcrnment are pleased 
to sanction under section 14(6) of the Patna University Act the 
following addition to the University Regulations : — 

Chipteii XIII-A. 

jElection of Fellows hy Association or Public Bodies. 

The following procedure shall be adopted in the election of 
the Ordinary Fellows by Associations or Public Bodies under 
section 7 (3) (i) (d) of the Patna University Act :— 

[' (1) Once in every year, on such date as the Chancellor 
may appoint in this behalf, there shall, if necesBary, 



OL. v., PT. UI.l GENEBAL MEETING. 4l9 

be an election to fill any vacancy a.aong the 
Ordinary Fellows to be elected by Associations 
or Public Bodiesi 

(£) No person shall be qualifiel to vote or lo be e'ected at 
any election held u^er Regulation 1, unless he be 
a member of the Asso<;iation or Public liody con- 
cerned, and his name be registered as a member 
before 3 0th June in the year of election, 

(3j Intimation of the date fixed for election shall be sent 
by the Registrar to the S=;cretary of the Association 
or Public Body at least thirty-five clear days in 
advance and the Secretary shall iniimate this dat€ 
to all qualified members forthwith together with 
a notice that a meeting shall take place on the said 
date fixed for election. Each member of the 
Association or Public Body shall be entitled to 
propose the name of one person for appointment 
as a Fellow. Such proposals must reach the 
Secretary fourteen clear days before the d^te fixed 
for election. The election shall take place at the 
meeting. 

(4) Each voter shall have only one vote for each vacancy 

which is to be filled up, and can give only one 
vote to any one candidate. 

(5) Those who obtain the highest number of votes shall be 

declared elected. In the event of there being any 
tie between two more candidates necessitating fur- 
ther selection, the tie shall be decided by drawing 
lots. 

(6) If, upon the election of an Ordinary Fellow by an 

Association or Public Body, objection is taken that 
the election has not been held in accordance with 
the Regulations framed for tbe purpose, written 
notice of such objection shall be given to the Regis- 
trar within three days after the election. Such 
notice shall specify the grounds upon which the 



GENERAL MEETING. [J.B.O.RA 

validity of the eleotion Is questioned. The Begis- 
trar ehall place the notice before the Vice-Chancellor 
or the Senior Member of the Syndicate as the case 
may be who shall thereupon convene a meeting of 
the Syndicate for^^he consideration of the matter 
on as early a date as practicable. The Syndicate 
shall report on the matter to the Chancellor who, 
under section) 5(4) of the Act, shall decide the 
dispute." 



D. 

No. 5194-5203, dated 5th July 1919. 
Prom— R. Shaw, Esq., m.a., Registrar, Patna University, 
To— The Secretary, Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Patna. 
In response to enquiries I am directed to state that it is open 
to Association concerned, at their meetings summoned under 
Chapter XIIIA of the Patna University Regulations (copy for- 
warded) for the purpose of electing Fellows to represent Asso- 
ciations in the University Senate, to conduct the proceedings of 
meetings according to their own respective rules except in so far 
as they are contrary to the express regulations of the University. 



The nominations which had already been notified to the 
members by the Secretary's letter, dated the 30th July 1919, as 
per copy below, were also placed before the meeting : — 
Patna, 30th July 1919. 

Prom— K. P. jAYAswAt, Esq., Genera] Secretary to the Bihar and Orisst 
Research Society, 

To — The Members of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society. 
In continuation of the letter from this office, dated the 
12th July 1919, on the subject of electing a representative of 
the Society to the Senate of the Patna University, I beg to 
inform you that the following nominations have been received. 

It may be further noted that the election is to be decided 
by the suffrage of the Members present at the meeting on the 
8th August next (4-15 p.m.) at the Office of the Society. 



VOL T„ PT. III.] GINEBAIi MEBTINQ. 4gJ 

NOMIKATIOICS. 

I. K, P. Jayaswal, Esq. ... Professor Samadar, Rai 

Bahadur S. C. Rov, S. Sinha, 
Esq., R. Shaw, Esq., The 
Hon^ble Mr. J. Jennings, 
Mr. H. Panday, Babu Keshi 
Misra, b.a. and Pandit Biswa- 
nath Rath. 
The names of Babu Keshi Misra, Mr. H. Panday and 

Dr. Hari Chand had been sent in by Dr. Ganganath Jha, Babu 

Kailaspati Sahay and Babu Suresh Chandra Sirkar, respectively. 

In each case the gentleman proposed has not approved of the 

nomination. 



Letters from Babu Keshi Misra, Mr. Panday and 
Dr. Hari Chand declining to stand for election were read by the 
President. 

Mr. K. P. Jayaswal was unanimously elected as the Society's 
representative to the Senate of the Patna University. 



422 



LIST OF BOOKS. 



[J.B.O.K.S, 



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% 

O 

» 
H 

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gS 

wliH 

HO 

Og 
??<« 

p 

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t4 

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03 



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JOURNAL 

OF THE 

BIHAR AND ORISSA 
RESEARCH SOCIETY. 

VOL. v.] [PART IVr 

LEADING ARTICLES 

I— Secret Messages and Symbols Used in 

India. 

By W. Crooke, C.I.E., Hon. D.Sc, O&on. 

Anthropologists in India have hitherto devoted little atten- 
tion to the methods of secret transmission of messages and 
information and of signalling in various parts of the country. 
The question has been investigated with interesting results by 
some American anthropologists, ^ and we have some informa- 
tion on the subject from Persia.^ It is notoiious that in India 
important news is often spread in the bazars in advance of 
the information supplied from official sources. Much of this 
news is doubtless spread by wandering Faqirs and other travel- 
lers along great highways like the Grand Trunk Road or the 
railways. But many other means of secret signalling are in use 
of which the origin is obscure. For instance, no satisfactory 
explanation seems to have been given of the " tree-daubing " 
which was noticed in northern India in recent times. This 
paper aims only at collecting some examples from easily 

^ G,iS&]leTj,Si^n Language among the 2iorih American I>dians, Smith- 
sonian IttStitutioD, Bureau of Ethnology, 1881 : HandhooJc of American Indian*, 
ii. B65. 

» Jfmrnml, Atiatio Society, JSengal, iii. 619. 



452 ss;c«iKT mbssages and symbols. [J.B.O.R.S. 

accessible sources, in the hope that it may lead to further 
investigation. 

First comes the use of secret jargons or slang. The classical 
example of this is the message received by the Maratha Peshwa 
after the fatal battle of Panipat in 1761: '* Two pearls have 
been dissolved, twenty-seven gold mohurs have been lost^ and 
of the silver and copper the total cannot be cast up '^ — the two 
'' pearls '' being the generals in command, Sadashivrav and 
Vishvashrav.^ Some commercial castes have a secret language 
ex their own — the Chettis and Nattukottai Chettis, the Komatis 
and Patnulkarans of Madras, * and some classes of metal wor- 
kers in northern India^ with the Maheshri Vanias of Gujarat.*' 
Secret jargons of this kind are most common among the criminal 
and vagrant tribes. That of the Thags was collected by General 
Sleeman in his Bamaseeana ; for the criminal tribes of western 
India several vocabularies have been collected ; '^ some have been 
noted in Madras, ^ and in Baluchistan that of the Loris.* 

One special form of such means of communication is the letter 
or message stick of the natives of Australia.-^ '^ This method 
seems to be unknown or very rarely used in the Indian peninsula, 
but it is found among the Veddahs of Ceylon. ^^ Among the 
Kannadiyans, a class of cattle-breeders and cultivators in North 

» Grant Duff, History of the Mahrattas, 3rd ed., 320. 

* E. Thurston, Castes and Tiibes of Southern India, U. 95£f, iii. 308f, v. 270f, 
v]M75. 

» Sir H. M. Elliot, Supplementarp Glossary, 1880, 245. 

" Bombay Gazetteer, ix part i. 80. 

' M. Kennedy, JVo^ea on the Criminal Claittt of the Bombay Presidency, 
Bombay, 1908. 

« Thurston, iii. 46, 438, 446ff . 

» Census Report, 1911, 139 ; of. The Jargon of Persian Gypsies, Journal, 
Royal Anthropoloyioal Institute, xxxii. 344ff ; Cypher Alphibct of the Malays, 
Ibid, xxxviii, 207ff . 

>o W. E. Roth, Ethnological Studies among the North-West Central 
Queensland Aborigines, 70ff, 132f, 136f.; A. W. Howitt, The Native Tribes of 
South-East Australia:69i;B. Spencer, F.J. Gillen, The Native Tribes of 
Central Australia, 141. 

^^ C. G, and B. Z. Seligmann, The Veddah; 119f. 



VOL. v., PT. lY.] SECRET MESSAGES AND SYMBOLS. 453 

and South Arcot, information is sent to relatives and castemen 
by two boys carrying little sticks in their hands.* ^ But these 
do not seem to be inscribed in any way and they may be classed 
with the use of sticks and leaves which is common among the 
hill and forest tribes. 

In 1899 the Dombas of Vizagapatam sent round as a signal 
of revolt a branch of the jack tree, which was fortunately in- 
tercepted by the police. ^^ During the Santal rebellion of 1855 
the sal [Shorea rohusta) branch, the national emblem of war, was 
circulated, like the fiery cross, in their villages; and slips of 
paper, supposed to belong to some sacred book, were sent round 
in the same way ; a notice of a similar kind announced that 
the doors of the temple of Jagannath had been closed, 
and that a bull vnth snakes hissing all over him would go 
there : " Keep your streets well cleaned and clear tliat he 
may pass through youi* village without obstruction. Send him 
on to the next four villages, or you will be smitten with 
disease and die within a year.''^^* Among the Kawars, an 
aboriginal tribe in the Central Provinces, a twig of the nlm 
(Melia azadtrachta) possibly selected because it is the tree sacred 
to the Mother goddesses, or that of the guava, is circulated as 
a notice to attend the caste conferences.^ The Oraons used to 
summon the tribesmen to attend the annual bunt by sending 
round twigs of the sal tree or of other trees ; but this is now 
fallen into disuse, and the summons is circulated by beat of 
drum, but for this the phrase " circulating the twig " is still 
employed,^^ Among the same tribe, when a claim for divorce is 
made, the president of the council hands a sal leaf to the party 
desiring separation, who tears it in half to signify dissolution 
of the marriage.^'' 

»» Thurston, iii. 209. 

*« W. Francis, District Manual of Vizagapatam, 1907, i. 204. 
^* F. B. Bradley-Birt, The Story of an Indian Upland, 187f: E. G. Man, 
Sonthalia and the Sonfhals, 150, 185. 
1= Centus Report, 1911, i. 237. 

i« Hai Bahadar Sarat Chandra Riy, The Oraons, 230. 
»' Ibid., 455. 



454 SECBET MESSAGES AND SYMBOLS. fJ.B.O.B.S; 

Among the forest tribes another favourite method of sending 

signals is by circulating an arrow. The Khonds used to collect 

their fighting men by sending round " the arrow of sum- 

mons/'^^ Among the Kols an arrow, passed from village to 

village, is a summons to arms, and if sent to any one in 

authority it is an open declaration of war, as was the case m 

1831.^^ A Ho who is unable to write makes his mark or sign 

manualfwith a rude representation of an arrow, and the women 

use it as a tattoo mark, it being the national emblem.^ The 

i3injhwars of the Central Provinces have the arrow as their 

. tribal symbol ; they brand their cattle with it, and use it 

instead of a signature.^^ The Mai Paharias of Bengal, after 

the bride-price has been fixed, send the matchmaker to the 

Iride^s house bearing an arrow with a yellow thread tied in 

as many knots as there are days to the date proposed for the 

wedding.22 As a coincidence, it may be noted that in Africa 

the Ba-Mbal Bantus send messages by means of an arrow, on 

which certain marks have been cut.*'' This precaution does 

not appear in the Indian examples of the practice, 

A more gruesome form of notice during a rebellion ^is 
the sending round ol parts of the corpse of one of the first 
victims as a cairto arms. In 1882 the Khonds of Vizagapatam 
sent round the head, fingers, hair, and other parts of an early 
victim of the disturbances.^^ It may be noted as a parallel that 
in Papua a pig is killed and the body is sent round ; every village 
that accepts and eats of the pig is bound to join in the foray.^^ 
To collect his people or to authenticate any order the 
Lushai chief sends his spear from village to village ; should 
the message be hostile the messenger carries a fighting dao, 
to which a piece of red cloth is attached ; in other cases 

*• S. C. Macpheraon, Memorials of Service in India, 41. 
»» E. T. DaltoD, Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, 171. 
»" E. T. Dalton, Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, 191. 
" R. V. Russell, Tribbs and Castes of the Central Provinces, ii. 330. 
'*' Sir H. Uisloy, Tribes and Castes of Bengal, ii. 69. 
^* Journal Royal Anthropological Institute, xxxv. 413. 
'* W. Francia, i. 58. 
'* J. U. r. Munay, Tajua or British 2iiw Guinea, p. iii. 



VOL. V H PT. It.] SECEET MESSAGES AND STMBOLS. 433 

a peculiar wand shaped like a cross made of strips of peeled 
bamboo is circulated ; and if the tips of the cross pieces are 
broken a demand for blackmail is indicated; a rupee to be 
levied for every break ; if the end of one of the cross pieces 
be charred, it implies urgency, and that the people must come 
even by torchlight ; if a capsicum is attached to the wand, it 
means that disobedience will entail punishment as hot as the 
capsicum is ; if the cross pieces be made of cane, it means that 
disobedience will entail corporal chastisement.^® 

The best example of the use of knotted strings as a form of 
notice is found in the case of the Quipus.^ In India knotted 
strings are often used for this purpose. Among the Hill Bhuiyas 
of Keonjhar " a knotted string passed from village to village 
throws the entire country into commotion, and the order which 
is verbally communicated in connexion with it is implicitly 
obeyed as if it emanated from the most potent despot. The 
ganthi or knotted string of the sixty chiefs has during the recent 
disturbances in Keonjhar been in active operation. The last 
one I heard of was a forgery. An adherent of the Raja captured 
by the Pauris ingeniously fabricated a ganthi and having effected 
his escape from his guard, it passed him unquestioned through 
the remainder of the Bhuiya country to our camp. " ^ In the 
Khond outbreak in 1882 the signal was given by passing 
a knotted string from village to village ; other signals were 
a bent arrow and a branch of the mahua tree (Busna latifolia) ; 
when the leaders were assembled each of them swore on an axe 
to join in the rising and to support his fellows. ^ The Kani- 
kars, a forest tribe in Travancore, when summoning a caste 
meeting, send round a knot of fibres of a creeper as a call.^ [n 

"* J. Shakespear, The Lushai Kuki Clans, 46. 

»7 E. B. Tylor, Early Eittory of Mankind and the Development of 
CiviliMtion, ed. 1865, p. 154 ff. 

»" Dalton, 144f. [Among the Panris or Pabri Bhuiyas of Bonai, mnstard 
seeds are sent round to the headmen of the different villages, the number of seeds 
indicating the number of combatants each village has to supply. And the messenger 
who communicates the demand for men also brings a knotted string made of the 
Sauitnia creeper, the number of knots indicating the number of days within 
which the combatants are required to assemble at the appointed place. — S. C. Eoy.j 

" R. V. Russell, iii. 480. 

M Thurston, iii. 177. 



4,56 SECEET MESSAGES AND SYMBOLS, CJ.B.O.E.S. 

the same way, knotted strings are often used as a record. At 
Santal marriages a knotted string whicli shows the interval 
between the betrothal and the wedding is kept as a menioran- 
dum.31 We may compire with this the salgirah or knotted 
birthday cord of the Musalmans which marks the age of a child.^^ 
Colonel Tod tells how the Charan conductor of a caravan marks 
every stage of the journey by tying a knot in the end of his 
turban. ^^ 

At the beginning of the Mutiny in 1857 cakes or chapatis 
were circulated in parts of northern India, and in the Panch- 
mahals and in eastern Gujarat a pariah dog was passed from 
village to village. Sir J. Campbell suggested that the cake 
was sent as embodying the spirit of the fierce goddess Kali, 
and that any one tasting the food was thus admitted to com- 
munion with the deity and her worshippers. In a similar way 
he identified the dog with the attendant on Khandoba, the 
Maratha sword god, as a symbol of war. He gives some evidence 
in support of this theory from the statements of witnesses during 
the trial which followed the outbreak, but this does not carry 
full conviction. ^^ It may be noted that in 1878 the Koyis of 
the Godavari district sent round by village peons about twenty 
fowls and ordered fthat they should be circulated through the 
country. It was said that the cholera goddess was selecting her 
victims in the villages further north, and that these villagea 
had sent the fowls as offerings ; they were to be passed as far 
as possible before being sacrificed in the hope that the goddess 
would follow them and leave the district.^^ This seems to be 
a case of the scape animal familiar to students of folklore, 3" 

»i Dalton, 21 Gf. 

32 Abul Fazl, Allauii, Ain-i-Akbari, tr.ius. Blochmann, i, 267 note ; Mrs- 
Meer Hnssan AH, Observations on the Musalmans of Indict, ed, 1916, p. 215; 
JHorfh Indian Notes and Queries, iii. 190 : X. Maiiucci, Storia do Magor, 
ii, 346. 

3» Annals of Rajastban, «!. 1919, iii. 1262. 

3* T. 11. E. Holmes, nistory of the Indian Uatiny, 2nd eJ. 89 j Bomlay 
Gazetteer, I, part i. 433f. 

ss Thurston, iv. 57. 

'» W, Civoko, Popular Relir/ion and Folklore of Northern India, 2ud cJ.> 
i. 164 f. 



YOL. v., PT. IV.J SECRET MESSAGES AND SYMBOLS. 467 

In 1818, just after the Pindari war, a sudden agitation was 
caused by a namber of coconuts, sometimes accompan'ed by 
small pieces of copper money, being passed from village to 
village, from Jaipur in tbe north to the Deccan in the south, from 
Gujarat to Bhopal. The village Patels or headmen passed them 
on in order to avoid a curse denounced on all who impeded or 
stopped them for a moment. In spite of careful enquiry, the 
passing of these symbols, which lasted for a month, remained 
a mystery. Some thought it to be a sign of the complete estab- 
lishment of British power ; others said that a holy Brahman in 
Jaipur had started it to announce the birth of a son ; others 
that it was done in the interest of Bajirav the Peshwa. Sir 
John Malcolm, in accordance with a custom current in southern 
India, had those which were brought to him broken and 
distributed at the foundation-laying of a hou^e which he was 
then building.^' 

The use of signs as marks of certain castes and tribes, or as 
personal crests, is not uncommon. The use of the linchhana or 
tribal creet, in inscriptions and coins, or as devices on banners, 
was common in western India and elsewhere during the mediaeval 
period .^^ In the Central Provinces the sign manual of the 
Mangs is a representation of the knife used in castrating 
cattle ; the Bhats make the sign of the dagger beside their 
signatures, as did, or does, the chief of Salumbar, the leading 
■ noble of Mewar ; the Bhainas use the bow as a signature and as 
a cattle brand.^' Cattle in the Vedic age were marked on the 
•ar and elsewhere as a mark of the tribe or family to which they 
belonged, or as a magical device to cause fertility.^ At the 
present day in the United Provinces and elsewhere cattle are 
branded in various ways, the most common being the trident of 
S'iva on the flanks of the so-called " Brahmani " bull?. It 
might be worth while making enquiries into the meaning of 
. other marks of a similar kind. We may compare the tribal 

37 Sir J. Malcolm, Memoir of Central India, 2nd ed., ii. 217ff. 

'*' Bombay Gazetteer, I Part ii. 299 note. 

»» Russell, ii. 233, 256, iv. 1S9 : Tod, i. 205, 324 

" A. A. Macdonell, Vedic Index of yamet and Subjects, i. 4S, ii. 56, 223. 



45S 8ECBBT MESSAGES AND SYMBOLS. (;j.B.O.B.S. 

mark known as wasm in Arabia by which every Badawi knows 
bis own cattle ; and similar marks are often painted on rocks 
to indicate the frontier of the tribe-'s teiritories.^^ 

Drum beating used as a mode of summons lacks in India 
the precision which it possesses in Africa and elsewhere.*^ 
The BhTls beat the drum at both ends for joyful news, for news 
of evil only at one end, that end being previously muffled by 
rubbing it with moistened flour of the urad pulse ; in case of an 
alarm it is beaten at both ends, a continuous note belug emitted, 
while screams often add to the commotion ; this note is at once 
picked up by the next village, and in an incredibly short time 
the whole district is aroused, all the tribesmen collecting at the 
place where the first alarm was sounded.*^ Among the same 
tribe in Gujarat, the Dholi minstrel makes his drum give out a 
peculiar mournful note at the sound of which the people of the 
neighbourhood gather to the funeral.** The Maria Gonds in 
the Central Provinces beat a drum to announce a death.*^ The 
Oraons are summoned by the beating of the great drum which 
has iron sides and a cover of buffalo hide.*^ It was to the 
sound of the drum that the Vedic warriors moved to battle or to 
rescue their herds; but in the JNIahabharata this is replaced by 
the conch-shell of war, which the Asvins in the Rigveda used 
to sound when they claimed their share of the booty after 
a battle.*^ 

Special signs are often used to define the trail in the jungle. 
In Sikkim the trail is marked by a handful of freshly cut twigs ; 
when these are laid lengthwise on one of the diverging tracks 
they signify that the one so marked is that which the traveller 
should choose ; if laid crossways they mean that there is no 

*' Bticyclopccdia of Islam, i. 876f : W. Robertson Smith, Marriage and 
Kinship in Arabia, 245fE : S. M. Zwcuicr, Arabia, the Cradle of Islam, 279. 

" L. Frobenius, The Childhood of Mati, chap, vi : G. l?chwoinf urth, The 
Heart of Africa, ii. 23. 

*' C. E. Luard, Ethnographical Survey Central India, Monograph Bhil, 39. 

** Bombay Gazetteer, IX, part i. 304. 

*» Ruseell, iii, ;89. 

" Rai Bahadur Sarat Chandra Roy, The Oraoni, 181. 

*' Rajendralala Mitra, The Indo-Aryant, i. 32Pf. 



WL. v., FT. IT.] SECBET MESSAQKB AND SYMBOLS. 459 

passage this way.** Such devices are often used by the criminal 
or vagrant tribes. Tbe Chhapparbands, well-known comers of 
false money in northern India, who wander all over the peninsxda, 
make a mud heap on the side of the road with an arrow mark 
pointing in the direction which other members of the gang have 
taken.*^ The Bhamptas, pickpockets and railway thieves, when 
they wish to indicate to others following, where they have gone, 
bring together the tops of the stones used to make a cooking fire 
place, and scrape a mark with the side of the foot in the direction 
they propose moving, or they leave the impress of a naked foot on the 
earlh which they have scraped together, pointing in the direction 
Ihey have have taken.^"^ The Kaikadis of the Deccan break off 
a spray from the bough of a tree and lay it near the cooking stones 
with the broken end pointing in the direction taken by the gang, 
a footprint being impressed at right angles to the spray ; when 
two roads meet a circle is drawn with a straight line intersecting 
it, the free end indicating the direction ; fcide tracks are marked 
by strewing leaves along that which should be selected. ^^ Bawa- 
riyas from Marwar get a member of the gang, usually a woman, 
to trail a stick in the dust along the selected route, or leaves are 
placed at intervals under stones for the same purpose."^ The 
Ujla Minas adopt similar practice?, or the jamadar or leader of 
the gang scribbles his name on the walls of resthouses, temples, 
or other prominent places.^' Audhiyas draw two segments of a 
circle on the roadside to indicate that the gang has halted in the 
vicinity.^ Sansiyas make a few small heaps of earth along the 
road they have chosen, and mark paths across country by leaves 
strewed on the ground. ^ 

*^ L. A. Waddell, Among the Himalayas, 202. 
«» Kennedy, 4a£E : TliuMton, ii. 18. 
«> Kennedy, 24. 
" lUd., 71. 
« Ibid., 201. 
»» Hid., 209. 
" Ibid., 223. 
Ibid- 250. 



460 SECBKT MESSAGES AND SYMBOLS. ": [j,i?,O.B.&. 

J. C. Hotten ^^ reproduces a map drawn by an English tramp 
which indicates houses which may be visited with advantage or 
those which it is well to avoid. Such rude maps are often found 
drawn for general information on tbe walls of lodging-houses 
and other resorts of the fraternity. It has been stated that 
English Gypsies practise similar methods, llev. E. G. Ackerley,^'^ 
Secretary of the Gypsy Lore Society, kindly informs me that 
'^ Gypsies bave various ways of laying a trail to show their own 
people which road they have travelled. Usually a handful of 
grass is laid on the roadside, or a mark, known as patteran or 
patrin, is scored in the dust. This is used for giving information, 
but not about houses and their inhabitants. Thus, when travel- 
ling with a Gypsy, two members of our Society often lingered 
behind to explore the country, to look at interesting buildings, 
and the like. The Gypsy always laid a patteran, at cross roads 
so that they should make no mistake in following his route. He 
was much annoyed when he found that they did not destroy or 
remove the bunch of grass after learning its message. He 
said It might bring other Gypsies after him. Probably different 
families use different methods of giving such a sign, but the one 
and only purpose of the patteran, a word meaning ' a leaf \ is 
to show which road the main or advanced party has travelled, '^ 
Fatteran is clearly the Hindi pattra, " a leaf. '' 

The language of signs is used in love-making all the world 
over. The classical instances are found in the stories of the 
" Arabian Nights ", " Aziz and Aziza '' and '' Kamar-al-Zaman 
and the Jeweller's Wife ^\^* It also appears in India. Pawn 
and betel are universally eaten by the Khyoungtha, and they are 
not infrequently used as a means wherewith to make amatory 
propositions. Thus, a leaf of pawn with betel and sweet spices 
inside, accompanied by a certain flower, mean " I love you ". 
If much spice is put inside the leaf and one corner turned in 

" Dictionary of Modern Slang, Cant, and Vulgar Wordf, 1873.^ 
»' Letter dated 15th March, 1919. 

" SirR. Bnrton, The Booh of the Thoutand Nights and 4 Night, ed. 1893, 
ii. 198ff, vii. 313ff. . , 




VOL. v., PT. IV.] SECBET MESSAGES AXD SYMBOLS. 461 

a peculiar way, it signifies " Come ". The leaf being touched 
with turmeric means " I cannot come ". A small piece of 
charcoal inside the leaf means " Go, I have done with you ".^^ 

Similar signs are also employed in marriage negotiations. 
Khonds make a marriage proposal by placing a brass cap and 
three arrows at the door of the girl's father. He will remove 
these once to show his reluctance, and they will be again replaced. 
If he removes them a second time, it signifies the definite refusal 
of the match ; but if he allows them to remain, the bridegroom^s 
friends go to him and say " We have noticed a beautiful flower 
in passing through your village and desire to pluck it ".^'^ The 
Mundas send a number of clay marbles to the guardians of the 
bridegroom to signify the number of rupees making up the 
bride-price. A number of sdl leaves, each rolled up and tied with 
a coloured thread signify the number of women's sheets which 
the bridegroom must present to the relatives of the biide.®^ 

The criminal tribes have many ways of giving information 
by means of signs to other members of the gang. When Sansiyas 
returned to their camp after a thieving expedition, when about 
a mile away they used to call " Cuckoo ", to ascertain if any 
misfortune had happened during their absence ; if they thought 
ill was well, they went nearer and imitated the call of the 
partridge ; and, finally, when close to the encampment, made a 
hissing noise like a snake.^^ The Bharapta warns another by 
first coughing and then clearing his throat ; this is done quietly 
if police are about, or noisily if the person to be warned is at 
a distance and the coast is clear ; they are believed to possess 
certain secret signs, made with the eyes and fingers, by which 
they can communicate with each other when necessary. ^"^ Among 
some Mang burglars it is the practics for the confederate outside 
to keep up a quiet and regular tapping, by flicking the first 
finger from the thumb on a window or door to assure the men 

" T. H. Lewin, The Wild Maces of SoutA-Eatiern India, 123. 

«" Russell, iii. 467. 

« Rai Bahadur Sarat Chandra Roy, The Mundat, 441. 

" Russell, iv. 493. 

" Kennedy, 2S6. 



468 SECRET MESSAGES AMD SYMBOLS. [J.B.O.B.S, 

inside the house that there is no danger ; the cessation of this 
signal means that they must be cautious or escape while they 
can.*'* Pathans have a system of intercommunication by using 
words and phrases in a sense different from the ordinary meaning, 
Chandravedi pick -pockets make signals to the boy thief whom 
they employ by raising the elbow and moving their hands in 
various ways.*^ 

Lastly, I may refer to the custom of Duml^ Barter, used 
particularly in horse-dealing, where the parties to the bargaic 
arrange the price by manipulating their fingers under a cloth 
The pra'itice has been describad by old travellers, like Varthema 
Tavernier and Fryer, and by many later observers.^^ 

The use of secret marks and signs is thus of considerable 
interest as a contribution to the study of oriental symbolism. 
and it deserves the attention of anthropologists working in India 
who have opportunities for throwing light on the methods, some 
of which have been described in this paper. 

•* Kennedy, 116. 

"* Kennedy, 299. 

" Varthema, Travels in Egypt, Syria, Persia, India and Ethiopia, 169 
Tavernier, Travels in India, ed. v. Ball, ii. 68 : Fryer, A New Account of Eas 
India and Persia, od. 1909, L 282 : P. G. E. Griersoii, The Sihnt Tradt, i90a 
Han, xiii. 193. 




II— An Examinationlof Fifty-eight Silver 
Punch Marked Coins found at Gorho 
Ghat. 

By E. H. C. Walsh. 

Tlie fifty-eight silver punch-marked coins which are described 
in the present paper were found in July 1917 at Gorho Ghat in 
the Bangaon ( " Bongong *' ) Thana of the Bhagalpur District of 
this Province. They were found by some labourers who were 
digging earth to repair the road in a garden. At " knee- 
depth''^ belcw the surface they found an earthen pot which 
contained the coins and a copper kangana covered over with 
goldleaf, and some beads. They stated, as reporttd in the Police 
Report, that they found " a portion of land was surrounded by 
brick wall under the ground having a gap in the middle for 
putting some pot.'^ It would therefore appear that the coins 
formed part of a deposit in a stupa or reliquary. 

The coins have been deposited in the Pama Museum. ^ 

The result of the examination of the coins entirely confirms 

the conclusions to which I came from the examination of the 

puneh-markod coins found at Golakhpur in Patna City, * namely, 

** An examination of the marks on them shows that they occur 

in certain constant and regular groups on the obverse, and 

although other varying symbols were added to these constant 
groups, the above regular combinations, which cannot have been 
fortuitous, shows that the theory that these marks were affixed 
haphazard by shrofis and moneyers through whose hands the 
coins passed cannot be maintained, and that the present coins 
in fact constitute a coinage.'^ 

^ The coins are Nos. 912 to 959 in the General Register of the Bihar and 
Orissa Coin Cabinet. 

' An Examination of a Find of Punch Marked Coins in Patna City with 
reference to the subject of Poach Marked Coins generally. By E. H. C. Walsh. 
J.B.O.R.S., Vol. V, p. 16. 



464 PUKCH MARKED COINS. [J.li.O.Ii.S. 

I do not propose to repeat in this paper the grounds for the 
conclusions arrived at in the former paper. This paper should 
therefore be read in continuation of it. 

The examination of the present coins further shoxrs that oval, 
round, and square coins were not only current at the same time,, 
but, as is shown by the occurrence of the same group of marks 
on the coins of these different classes, were minted at the same 
time, and that, consequently, no conclusion as to the comparative 
age of the present smaller type of punch-marked coins can 
safely be drawn from their shape. 

The coins were classified by Mr. R. D. Banerjl in his Treasure- 
Trove Report according to their shape as " circular thin *% 
" circular thick '\ " square thin '^ and " square thick " and these 
classes were divided according to the number of marks on the 
reverse into "one mark '', " two marks " and "three marks "". 
This distribution between " thick '"'' and " thin '' as regards the 
present coins is only comparative. None of them are of the 
really thin type of the Golakhpur coins, as can be readily seen 
from the comparison of their respective size and weight. 

The number of marks on the reverse, also, forms no basis for 
classification where, as already noted in the case of the Golakhpur 
coins, there is, with few exceptions, no uniformity amongst the 
groups of reverse marks. This will be clearly seen from the 
coins on which the reverse marks occur ; which will be found in 
column 5 of Table II against liffs. 55 to 97. 

The present coins appear to be considerably later than the 
Golakhpur coins. This would appear to be the case from the fact 
that the Golakhpur coins were found at a depth of 1 5 feet below 
the surface, whereas the present coins were found " knee-deep " 
below the surface, which, even allowing for the more rapid rise 
of the surface in a town than at a stupa, the site of which has 
long been abandoned, would indicate a considerably greater age. 
The present coins would also appear to be later from the greater 
elaborateness of some of the marks on them. 

It wiU be interesting if further evidence should become 
available to fix the approximate date of the stupa in which they 
were deposited. 



VOL. V^ PT.IV.J PUNCH MARKED CJINS. 465 

They support iha conclusion that the large thin type of 
punch-marked coins, such as the Golakhpur coins, may be 
earlier than the smaller and thicker oval, round, and square type 
of coins. Also, as previously noted in the paper on the Golakhpur 
coins, the square form would appear to be later and! to have been 
current when the later cast copper coins were introduced, from 
the fact that the cast coins were of that shape and contained the 
symbols found on square punch-marked coins. 

The age of the present coins may also, possibly, be found 
from the fact that some of them (Nos. 1, 2, 5^ 6 and 8) have 
on the reverse the " Taxila Mark, " Fig. 55, referred to by 
Cunningham ^, which occurs on the reverse of coins fomid at 
Taxila, and four others (Nos. 3, 4, 18 and 26) have on the 
reverse a mark, Pig. 56, which appears to be an imitation of 
the Taxila mark. 

The only evidence from the coins themselves which might 
indicate their age is a very small mark, Ftg. 81, on the 
reverse of coin No. 19 which resembles and may, perhaps, be the 
Brahml letter Ka. 

The weights of the present coins, excluding one coin. 
No. 42, which weighs 40*58 grains, vary from 52*47 grains 
to 44" 7 5 grains. Only two (Nos. 3 and 13) are over 52 
grains; three others (Nos. 23, 28 and 56) are over 51 grains ; 
seven others weigh from 50 to 51 grains ; eight others over 49 
but ^under 50 ; and the remaining 38 are all under 49 grains, 
8 of Ithem being under 47 grains. As noted in regard to the 
Golakhpur coins, the theoretical weight of 58 grains for silver 
punch-marked coins, estimated from the system of weights given 
in Manu VIII, 132 g^ seq, ^ is very rarely attained, and it is 
uncommon to find these coins weighing more than 53 grains. 

It would therefore appear that the estimated weight of 
the rati or gunja berry ', on which they are based, requires to be 
revised, 

1 Cunninghani : Coint of Ancient India (C,A.I.) p. 56. 
' C.A-I. and Rapson'i Indian Coins, p. 2. 
1 Abrus preccUorius. 



463 PUNCH MABKBD COINS. [J.B.O.B.S. 

As already noted, the marks on the ohverse of the present 
coins occur in certain groups and there are certain mark^ which 
are common to a number of coins. 

Proceeding from this basis, as in the case of the Golakhpur 
coins, the present coins fall into certain distinct classes. Ex- 
cluding coins Nos. 57 and 58, on which the marks are indistinct 
and. which therefore cannot be classified, the remaining 56 coins 
are of three entirely distinct kinds, which would appear to 
■come from entirely different areag and governments. 

Coins Nos. 1 to 52 are of one kind and all bear the "Troy 
Mark " in different variants, Coins Nob. 1 to 40 in the form of 
Fiff. 1 and coins Nos. 41 to 52 in the variants of this form. 
Fig. \{a) to ](<?). They all also bear the Sun mark, Fiff. 2. 
They all be..r five marks, neither more nor less. 
The " Troy Mark ■" on the present coins is only another 
variety of the same mark, Fiff, 1 of the Golakhpur coins, 
with three tauviues alternately with the three chkatras instead 
of tliree ovals alternately with the three chhatras in the 
'Golakhpur coinsj which, coins, also, all bore the Sun mark, ]/ig. 2. 
Assuming that this prevailing mark was the Empire mark (like 
Britannia on the English coins), these coins would be coins of 
ithe same Empire as the Golakhpur coins. 

Coins 53, 54 and 55 are of an entirely different kind. They 
ibear only three marks, instead of five, and do not bear either the 
Troy mark, or the Sun, which are the constant marks on all 
the other coins, Nos. 1 to 52. 

One of the three marks on those three coins, the " Cotton 
Isale " mark or "Caduceus,'^ Fig,4i, occurs on 13 of the other 
coins. It is, however, a common mark on punch-marked coins 
from various localities. Marks which appear to be a portion of 
another of the three marks (dog or otter with tortoise and 
taurines) Fig. 18, also occur on three other coins, viz. Fig. 1^ 
on coin No. 46 and lig. 20 on coins Nos. 9 and 10. Bufc 
the third mark (three human figures in a row), Fig. 54«, ia 
peculiar to these three coins. 




L. v., FT. IV.] PUIfCH MASKED COINS. 457 

The third kind is represented by one coin only, No. 56. This 
coin is distinct from coins Nos. 1 to 52 in bearing only four 
marks, not five, and does not bear either the Troy mark or the 
Sun. the constant marks on those coias. It also differs in the 
number of marks from coins 53, 54 and 55, which have three 
marks only. Also, the marks on this coin, Figs. 51, 52, 53 and 
23, only occur on this one coin and on none of the others. 

The marks on the first kind of coins (Nos. 1 to 52) fall into 
certain classes, each of which bear a common group of marks. 
On this basis I have classified the coins as shown in the List of 
Coins and in Table I. 

Class A. (Nos. 1 — 32) bear three constant marks, Fip. 1 and 
2, and the usual form of the Hill mark. Fig. Z} The remaining 
two marks fall into different groups, sub-classes 1 to 11, as 
shown in Table I. One coin (No. 26) bears, instead of Fig. 3, 
a variety of that mark, lig. 3(a), and consequently I have 
placed it as another class, olass B ; coin No. 3-i bears another 
variety of the Hill-mark, Fig. 3(5) and has consequently been 
entered as a separate class, class C ; coins 35 and 36 bear 
another variety. Fig. 3(c), and consequently have been entered as 
a separate class, class D ; coins 3/ to 40 while bearing Figs. 1 and 
2 do not bear the Hill mark, and consequently have been placed 
together as class E. Six coins (Nos. 41 — 45) beir a variety of 
Fig. 1, viz. Fig. 1(a). Of these, five (Nos. 41 — 44) also bear Fig. 
8, and consequently have been called class F., and one (No. 45), 
which does not bear that mark, has been called class G. Three 
coins (Nos. . 47 — 49), class H, bear another variety of the Troy 
mark, F^g. \{b), and the three remaining coins (Nos. 50 to 52) 
bear respectively the varieties Figs. 1(c), \{:l) and \{e) and, 
consequently, have each been entered as a separate class, classes 
I, J and K. 

It would appear, however, that these are merely varieties of 
the same mark, and that classes A. to K. may therefore be con- 
sidered as belonging to one general group, or kiugdom of coins. 

The reasons for copsidering this mark to be the Hill Mark, and not a Stupa 
or Chaitya, as has been hitherto considered have bee.i given in reference to the 
Golakbpar coins, and ueed not be repeated. J.B.O.R.S., Vol. Y, pp. 30, 31. 



468 PUNCH MARKED COINS. 13.BS.H.S. 

As in the case of the Golakhpur coins and of every new find, 
t].e present coins bear a number of new marks which are not 
amongst those figured by Theobald.^ Of the 51: obverse marks 
on Plate III only 23 correspond to marks figured by Theobald, 
end only three of the reverse marks.^ 

Still fewer of the marks on the present coins correspond with 
those on the Golakhpur coins. Although the two constant marks 
of the present coins, Figs. 1 and 2, correspond with the two 
constant marks. Figs. 1 and 2, of the Golakhpur coins, only one 
of the remaining obverse marks on the present coins corresponds, 
namely, Fiff. 42 with Fig. 19 of the Golakhpur coins ; and only 
one of the reverse marks, namelj, Fig. 87 with Fig» 67 of ,the 
Golakhpur coins. 

A complete record of the obverse marks occurring on punch- 
marked coins is needed, from which it may eventually be possi- 
ble to assign these coins to definite areas and governments. 

Although the classification of the coins has been made in 
reference to be obverse marks only and the reverse marks^have not 
been taken into consideration, it will be seen from Table II, Figs. 
55 to 97, that in some cases the same reverse marks are found on 
those coins which the obverse marks show to form one class, and 
not on the other coins, a fact which, on the supposition that the 
reverse marks are the marks of shrofls or moneyers through 
whose hands the coins passed, supports the presumption that 
those coins bearing one group of marks on the obverse passed 
through the hands of the same moneyers, as would be the case 
if they were the coins of one locality. 

As an example of this, the " Taxila Mark," Fig. 55, occurs 
on the reverse of two of the Jour coins, Nos. 1 — 4, in class A.l, 

* Notes on the Symbols ifoundijon the Punch Marked Coins of Hindustan and 
their relationship to the Archaic Symbolism of other races and distant lands. 
By W. Theobald, M.R.A.S., J.A.S.B., Part I, 1890, p. 181. 

»Fig. 1 corresponds to Theobald's Fig. 94; 3 to 51; 3(c) to 59 3(d) to 47; 
3(e) to 50;4tolS6;5to80; 6 to 161 ; 8 to 18 ; 10 to 118;11 to|10; 22 to 19; 
25 to 221; 29 to 68; 30 to 222 ; 31 to 7; 32 .to), 9 ; 39 to 99; 46 to 179; 
60 to 55.; 52 to 2; 53 to LJ Of the ReverBe ;Maik8, Fig. 61 correspoi.dg to 
Theobald's F»>. 130 ; G3 to 130; 66 to 50 ; 69 to 63. 



VOL. v., PT. IT.] PUNCH MARKED COINS, 469 

and on both the coins, Nos. 5 and 6, in class A.2, and the 
variety of this mark, Fig. 56, occurs on the remaining two coins 
of class A.l ; and the triskelis, Fig. 59, and the caduceus. 
Fig. 63, occur together on the reverse of all the coins Nos. 53, 
54, 55, which form the distinct class, class L. Other examples 
will also be found in Table II. 

Another fact which supports the conclusion that the reverse 
marks are those of shroffs or mbuejers and are not the recog- 
nized mirks constituting the coinage is that in some cases the 
same mark occurs punched more than once on the reverse of 
the same coin ; for example, Fig. 90 is punched in two places 
on the reverse of coin No. 43, and Fig. 94 is punched in two 
places on the reverse of the No. 46. 

The reverse marks on the present coins, as in the case of 
reverse marks on punch-marked coins generally, differ from those 
on the obverse and are smUler and are punched less deeply into 
the coin. When they are of the same design as obverse 
mirks they are smaller than the corresponding obverse mirk. 

Only five of the 43 marks which occur on the reverse of the 
present coins are simllir to marks oa the obverse, nimely, the 
Hill mark, jPVys. 65, 65(a) and 65(5) which resembles obverse 
Fig. 3 ; the peacock on hill. Fig. ^^^ which resembles obverse 
Fig. 3(e) ; the caduceus, Fl,g. 63, which resembles obverse 
Fig. 4 ; the humped bull. Fig. 90, which resembles obverse 
Fig. 8 J ani the four taurines round central boss. Fig. 70, 
which resembles obverse Fig. 39. In every one oE these cases 
the reverse marks are considerably smaller than the similar 
marks on the obverse. This is pirticularly noticeable where the 
similar mirk occurs on the obverse and reverse of the same coin ; 
as the hill-mark on the obverse and reverse of coin No. 25 ; 
the peacock on hill, on the obverse and reverse of coins Nos. 20 
and 21 ; the caduceus on the obverse and reverse of coins 
Nos. 9, 13, 40, 53, 54, 55 ; and the humped bull on the obverse 
and reverse of coin No. 43. 

The reason for the reverse marks being punched so much 
less deeply into the coin may possibly be due to the fact thai 



470 rUNCH MARKED COINS. [J-B.O.K.S. 

tlie squares or disks of metal were heated before the] "coinage 
marks on the obverse were punched on, while the shroffs or 
moneyers would punch their marks on to the coldj metal of 
the coin. 

In some cases the reverse marks are hardly more than the 
outline of the design and have the appearance of having been' 
partly obliterated by having been partly pressed or hammered 
out from the other side. An example of this Is the mark 
Fig. 72 on the reverse of coin No. 57. A possible explanation 
of this may be that in some cases people brought their 
silver to the minting authorities to have the government and 
other official marks minted on them^ ready prepared in the 
form of the bars in which they would be cut in lengths to the 
authorized weight, and be stamped^ and, before doing so, placed 
their own private marks on one side of the bars to ensure gettino- 
their own silver back again in coins after paying the Rnpi^a 
or seignorage for minting. 



PUNCH-MARKED COINS. 





16 




•21 



27 





42 












22 







28 



38 



84 



36 






88 



89 



40 







41 




48 



44 



45 



46 






# 



48 



49 



50 



51 



# #iP # 



56 



•I. B. O. R S, 1919. 

Obverse. 
The Numbers on the Plate are the Numbers of the Coins in the List. 



PUNCH-MARKED COINS. 










10 




13 



17 




18 





•20 




21 





30 







24 





26 





41 



4S 





54 





:>(i 




Revekse. 

The Numbers on the Plate are the Numbers of the Coins in the List. 



VOL. v., PT. ir.3 



PUNCH MAEKBD COINS. 



471 



LIST OF PUNCHED-MARKED COINS FOUND AT 
GOEHO GHAT. 

C.N.=Circular Thin ; C.K.=Circular Thick; O.N.=Oval Thiu;- 
O.K.=OYal Thick ; S.N.-=Square Thin; S.K.=Sqaare Thick. 



No. 


Shape, 
weight 
and size. 


Obverse^ 


Eeverse. 


1 


2 3 


4 



C.K. 49-t59 
•60 X -58 

S.N. 48-91 
•70 X -47 

S.X. 52 01 

•56 X -50 

S.N. 43-46 
•66 X -52 



S.N. 48* 45 
•66 X -54 



CLASS A. 

Figure coinp'sed of three 
chhafias aud thr:-e tau- 
rine 9 alternately round a 
central circle with a dot 
in the centre, Jig. 1; Sun, 

Jiff. 2 ; an arch surmount- 
ed by a crescent, super- 
imposed on two other 
axches. Jiff. Si 

Sub-Class 1. 

With two additio!ial marks, 
bovine facing tight, with 
taurine below, fff. 7 ; and 
tree with branches,^. 27. 

Five marks, as noted above; 
Jigs. 1, 2, 3, 7 aud 27. 

Ditto 



Ditto 
Ditto 

Sub-Class 2. 

With two additional marks. 
Jiff. 7, as above, and anothor 
mark. 



" Taxila marks '^y^^. 53- 



Fig. 55 and triskelis. 
Jig. 61. 

Variety of the "taxila" 
mark,^_^. d6. 

Fig. 56 ; and triakelis- 
round a circle with a 
dot in the centre, Jig. 60» 



Figs. 1, 2, 3, 7 and part of : «• Taxila mark", ^j.;55. 
an obscure mark on the 1 
margin. 



473 



PUNCH MARKED COINS. 



[J.B.O.E.8. 



No. 



Shape, 
weight 
aud aize. 



Obverse. 



Reverse. 



S.N. 46-4.5 
•64 X -50 



C.K. 46-76 
•60 X -57 

O.K. 49-84 
•62 X -53 



10 



11 



C.K. 48-15 
•53 X -52 



S.K. 49-84 
•57 X -46 



C.K. 48-30 
•64 X -62 



Figs. 1, 2, 3, 7 part showing; 
and humped bull facing 
right, Jig. 2i. 



StTB-CLASS 3 



With two additional marks, 
Jig. 27, a-ad another mark. 



Figs. If 2, 3, 27 and ele- 
phant facing right, ^^. li. 

Figs. 1, 2, 3, 27 and object 
resembling a fleur-de-lys 
on a •' comb " of five teeth, 
fg. 42. 



Sub-Class 4. 



With two additioml marks j 
the " cotton -bale " or Ca- 
ducous fig. 4, and tortoise, 
with taurine (portion show- 
ing)/^. 20. 



Figs. 1, 2,3, 4 and 20 .. 

Ditto 
Sttb Class 5 



With two additional marks ; 
the " cotton-bale " mark. 
Jig. 4, aud another mark. 

Figs. 1, 2, 3, 4, and four 
crescents round a central 
hijaa, Jig. 6. 



Fig. 55, and triskelis 
(showing faintly) Jig. 59 
or Jig. 60 and traces of 
another faint mark . 



Variety of " Taxila mark" 

Jig. 58. 

Fig. 55. 



Portion of " cotton bal 1 " 
mark,^^. 63, and portio* 
of another mark. 

Triskelis, ^^. 60. 



Three cones surmounted by 
crescents with foliated 
objects between thorn, 

Jig. 75. 



TOL.V^ PT. IV.] 



PUSCH lUBKBD COINS 



47t 



Xo. 


Shape, 

weight 

and size. 


Obverse. 


Reverse. 


1 


2 


3 


1 



12 O.K. 46-92 
•58 X -52 



13 



14 



15 



16 



17 



18 



19 



S.K. 52-47 
•60 X -48 



S.X. 4707 
■60 X "oo 



S.K. 49-38 
•52 X -40 



S.K. 48-61 
•55 X -39 



S.K. 49-53 
*55 X '44 



S.K. -48-61 
•58 X -42 



S.K. 50^46 
•53 X -46 



Figs. 1, 2. 3, 4 aiid five 
leivos in s* gaieutal incnse 
w-.th a d(it ou ench s^de of 
the central leaf,^^. 35. 



Figs. 1, ?, 3, 4 and ele- 
phant, facing right, with 
taurine above and two 
taurines in front, Jig. 12. 

Sxtb-Class 6. 



With two additional marls, 
three nprights with spear- 
head, and half-arrow heads 
and two carved lines, ^j. 
5 ; and another n^ark. 



Figs. 1, 2, 3. 5 and dog or 
other auiaial facing right. 

Jig. 21. 



Fias. 1, 2, 3, 5 and dog or 
other an ra;»l with two 
arches above its back. Jig, 
16. 



Figs. 1, 2, 3, 5 and object, 
possibly horned animal 
facing ri>A<,^^. 13. 



Figs. 1 , 2, 3. 5 and portion 

of an indistinct mark. 



Figs. I, 2, 3, 5 and portion 
of an indistinct mark. 



Figs. 1. 2. 3, 5 and tree, 
with viiX.fij. oO. 



Traces of three undecipher- 
able marks. The surface 
of the reverse of this coin 
has been scooped out in 
five places. 



" Cotton-bfile '' mark. Jig. 
63, and tauinc, Jig. 74. 



An indistinct mark. 



Triskclis, ronnd large cir- 
calar boss, fig. 59. and 
tnice< of two indi stinct 
marks. 



Indistinct mark in circular 
incuse. 



"Taxila' mark", Jl^?. 57, 
vaifig. 78. 



Variety of '* Taxila mark ' * 
fig. 56, and Hg. 77. 



Minute mark which miy 
be the Brahmi letter K, 
fig. 81. 



474 



PUNCH MARKED COINS. 



rJ.B.O.E.8. 



No 



Slmpp, 

weight 

and size. 



Obverse. 



Keverse. 



20 



21 



S.K. 50-46 
•53 X -49 



SK. 48-46 
•52 X -45 



22 



28 



S.N. 49-84 
•60 y. -^i 



S.K. 51-70 
-58 X -47 



24 



S.K. 50-0 

'52 X -41 



Sub -Class 7. 



With two additional ttia'rts f 
two arches with a peacock 
on the roj), superimposed 
on three other arches Jiff. 
3(e) and another mark. 



Figs. 1, 2. 3, 3(e), andfsteel' 
yard with circle and bale, 
Jig. 34. 



Fiffg. 1, 2, 3, 3(fl) and steel- 
yard with bale.^y. 32. 



SUB-ClASS 8. 



With t^o additional marlfs ; 
hand of four fingers, Jig. 
31 J and another mark. 



1,2, 3, 32, and hnnipcd b»ll 
facing right, ^^. 9. 



Figs. 1, 2, 3, 31 anijig. 
14(a). 



Sub-Class 9. 



With two additional marks, 
other than the preceding^, 
Sub-Clast marks. 

1, 2, 3, tree with rnil, fig. 
30 ; and flower of fonr 
petals and four straight 
linos. yj^. 43. 



Two arches with a peacock 
on the top superimposed 
on tliree other arches, /Ig. 
66, the same as 3(e), on 
the obverse, bttt smaller. 



Fig. m. 



Triskelis, fg. 62; an* 
cential boss, surrounded 
by {four taurines, Ji^. 7lr 



Fig. 70. 



Top of a brancli or trcCr 
Jig. 85. 



VOL. V^ PT. IV.] 



PUNCH MARKED COINS. 



475 



Ko 


Shape, 
weight 


Obverse. 


Rererse. 




and size. 






1 


2 


3 


4 






SrB-CiASS 10. 








With two additional marks, 
one of which la indistinct. 




25 


O.K. 48-61 
•54 X -47 


1, 2, 3, animal with horns 
or large ears facing right. 
Jiff. 14 ; and port'on of an 
indistinct mark. 


"Hill mirk" Jig. 65(a)', 
triskelis, Jig. 59; and 
/^. 82. 


26 


O.K. 47-84 
•56 X -50 


1, 2, 3, hiud qnarters of dog 
or other animal facing 
right, Jig. 2^; and portion 
of an indistinct mark. 


Variety of "Taxila mark" 
Jig. 56; and triskelis, 
Jg. 59. 


27 


S.N. 4815 
•60 X -48 


1. 2, 3, steelyard with bale, 
Jig. 33 ; and p )rtion of an 
indistinct mark. 


Peacock fncing rigif, 
fig. 68 ; and portion of an 
indistinct mark. 


28 


S.K. 5108 
•63 X -bl 


Figs. 1, 2. 3. 49, which is 
part of a mark and is over- 
punched with another in- 
dittiiiCt mark. 

SrB-CL.4,S8 11. 

With two additional indis- 
tinct marks. 


Fig . 79. 


29 


C.K. 48-30 
•56 X -50 


Fig*. 1, 2, 3 land two indis- 
tinct marks. 


" Honr-glass^ mark, ^ff. 
69, and portions of two 
indistinct marks. 


30 


C.K. 47-53 
•54 X -60 


Ditto 


" Hour-glass " mark. Jig, 
69, and portion of another 
mark. 


31 


S.K. 50^30 
47- X -42 


Ditto i.. 


Portion of an indistinct 
mark. 


32 


S.K. 4S15 
•52 X -45 


Ditto 


Cross of two long orals and 
shorter cro3s-bar,j?^. 83; 
and portion of another 
mark. 



476 



PUNCH MARKED COINS. 



[J.B.O.E.S. 



No. 


Sbape, 

weight 

and size. 


Obverse. 


Kevc rsc. 


1 


2 


3 


4 



33 



S.K. 4815 
•53 X -43 



34 



35 



36 



O.K. 4S 91 
•67' X 55 



g.K. 50-61 
•51 X -48 



S.N, 46-92 
-60 X -48 



CLASS B. 

Figs. 1, 2, and variety of the 
Hill mark ; a double arch 
surmounted by a crescent, 
superimposed on two other 
arches. Fig. 3 (a) ; with 
two other marks. 

Figs. '1, 2, 3 (a); bird 
resemhlinf? an owl, Fig. 26 ; 
and an indistinct mark. 



CLASS C. 



Figs. 1, 2, 4, and a variety of 
the Hill mark, a siugle 
arch surmounted by a cre- 
scent, Fig. 3 [fi) ; with two 
other marks. 

Figs. 1, 2, 3 (6), 5 and por- 
tion of an indistinct mark. 



CLASS D. 



Figs. ], 2, and a variety of 
the Hill mark, three arch'^s 
in a row, the centre one 
higher than the others. 
Fig. 3 (f) and two other 
marks. 



Figs. 1, 2, 3 (<?), 5 (upper 
half), and portion of an 
indistinct mark. 



Fig. 1, 2, 3 c ; four taurines 
to right round a central 
boss, Fig. 39, and a portion 
of an indistinct mark. 



Traces of an indistinct 
mark. The reverse of 
this coin has been scored 
with several lines. 



Traces of three 
mai'ks. 



faiut 



Two indistinct marks. 



Portion of 
mark. 



an indistinct 



YOL. v., PT. IV. 1 



PUNCH MASKED C0IN6. 



47 7 



Xo. 



Shape, 

weight 

and size. 



Obverse. 



Eeverse. 



CLASS 1=.. 

Figs. 1 aid 2, but not the 
Hill marks; with three 
other marks. 



Sub-Class I. 



With three distinct 
tional marks. 



37 



C.K. 46-92 
■58 X -65 



38 



39 



40 



addi- 



,S.N. 51-7,0 
•56 X -51 



S.N. 47-53 
•56 X -51 



S.K. 50-30 
-55 X -45 



Figs. 1 and 2; four objects 
resembling insects >v'ithin a 
square, Fig. 36 ; (portion 
of mark) central boss with 
two taurines above it, and a 
portion of a taurine show- 
ing: on either side. Fig. 38 ; 
andtrisul with oval knobs 
at the points, and another 
dot at each side. Fig. 4. 



SrB-CliASS 2. 



With three additional marks, 
one or more of which are 
indistinct. 

Figs.l, 2; elephant right, 
Fig. 11 ; Fig. 44 ; and 
portion of an indistinct 
mark. 

Figs. 1,'2 ; bovine right, with 
taurines. Fig. 7, a crescent 
on a cone or pillar with a 
taurine on each side, Fig. 
46 ; and portion of an in- 
distinct mark. 

Figs. 1, 2 ; ' cotton-bale " 
mark, Fig. 4 ; and portion 
of two indistinct marks. 



Small star 
Fig. 84. 



of seven rajs 



Hill mark, Fig. 65. 



Portions of three incisfciacfc 

marks. 



Cotton-hale mark. Fig. 63 ; 
smaller than the similar 
mark on the obverse. 



478 



PUNCH MABKEU COINS. 



[J.B.O.BJP, 





Shape, 






No. 


\veii.lit 
and size . 


Otversfr. 


Eeverae. 


1 


2 


3 


4 






CLASS F. 








Varioty of JF"/^.;!, with the 








taurines enclosed in ovals, 








Fig. 1 (a) ; San, IY7. 2; 








and hainped bull facing 








right, Fig. 8, 








Sub-Class 1. 








With additional marks. 








grotesque humped-buU 








facing left, with taurines 








abjve aud beluw. Fig. 10 ; 








and elephant right, Fig. 








11. 




41 


S.N. 47-07 


Figs. I (a), 2, 8, 10 and 11 


Three nprigTffc Knes, two 




•72 X -70 




terminating iis t£rie; 
branches, the other with 
a projection on each side, 
Fig 76 ; straight lino 
terminating i'l a knob 
aud another object with- 
in an oval ring, Fig. 89; 








small taurine. Fig. 74; 
and an indistinct mark. 


42 


S.N. 40-58 


Ditto 


"Hill mark," Fig. 65; 




•74 X -59 


Spb-Class 2. 

With two additional niarlvs, 
wh'ch vary. 


b >s8 in circular ring, 
Fig. 88 ; aud^ two iudis- 
tiiict mar 5-8. 


43 


S.N. 47-07 


Fig. 1 (a), 2, 8, grotesque 


Seven marks. "Hill. mark," 




•71) X -63 


humped bull, i*!,^. JO ; a;id 


Fig. 65; " Hour-ulass," 






thick wavy lino, Fig. 47. 


Fig. 69 ; Humped bull 
right, Fig. 10 ; Fig. 91 ; 
Fig. 9Z ; portion of 
flower of eight petals, 
with taurine in the centre, 
Fig. 93 ; aud 'portion of 
an indistinct mark. 


44 


O.N. 4 5- -.2 


Figs. 1 (a), 2, 8, elepliant 


Two squares placed diagc* 




•70 X 6i 


facing right, Fig. 11 ; aijd 


nally, with some object 






portion oi an indistinct 


inside them, Fig. 87; 






uark. 


Fig. 96; and an indistincti 
mark. 



VOL. rV., PT. IV.] 



PUSCH MARKED COINS, 



479 



No. 



Shape, 

weight 

and size. 



Obverse. 



Eeverse. 



.N. 44-75 
.78 X 56 



46 



S.N. 46-92 
•89 X -49 



O.N. 47-38 

.73* -65 



Fig I. 1(a). 2, 8 ; foar objectB 
resembliDg insects in a 
Square. Fig. 36, and boss 
within circular rirg,"!por- 
tion of a circle, and a 
taarine. Fig. 40. 

CLASS G. 



fj^. l(o), variety of Fig.l; 
Jjun, Fig. 2 ; and three 
other marks. 



Figs. 1(a), 2; elephant 
right, Fiff. 11 ; dog or 
other animal facing right 
with taurine above and 
below, Fig. 19 ; and five 
pointed branches and oval 
bosses alternately rcund a 
large central hoaa,Fig. 48. 



CLASS H. 



Variety of Fig. 1, with ob- 
jects like a thick I in place 
of taurines ; Fig. 1(b) ; 
Sun, Fg, 2 ; and three 
other ma: ks. 

; ScB-ClASS 1. 



With additional marks, 
variety of "Hill mark'', 
three arches in a row. 
Fig. 3(c) 5 and two other 
marks. 

Figs. 1(5), 2, 3(c) ; branch 
of seven points, Fiq. 29; 
and an object of obscure 
meanicg. Fig, 45, 



"Hill mark," Fig. 65, 
and an indistinct mark. 



Eight marks. Cross in 
circular ring. Fig. 94 ; 
brAcch of seven ovals, 
Fi^ . 95 ; two taurines 
under two crossed liups. 
Fig. 97 ; and portions 
of four incomplete or 
indistinct marks. Fig. 94 
is puLched in two places. 



Two indistinct ma:kF. 



4;80 



PUNCH MAEKED COINS. 



CJ.B.O.U.S, 



No. 



Shape, 
weight 
aud size. 



Obverse. 



Reverse. 



48 



S.X. 49-38 
•60 X -56 



40 



O.K. 48 76 
■55 X -55 



CO 



S.N. 49-23 
•72 X -58 



Figs. Uh), 2, and 3(c); 
cotton-bale mark. Fig 4 ; 
and dog or other animal 
with double arch above it, 
Fig. 17. 



Sub-Class 2. 



With additional marks j 
" cotton bvle". Fig. 4 ; 
tree or plant, Fig. 28 j'and 
an indistinct mark. 



Fig. 1(h), 2, 4, 28 and 
iudistiuct mark. 



CLASS I. 



Variety of Fig. 1, with 
" hour glass " in oval in 
place of taurine, Fit}. 1(c) ; 
Sun, Fig. 2, with three 
additional marks. 



Figs. 1(c), 2 ; Pyramid of 
six arches, Fi^. S(d) ; 
" cotton bale" mark. Fig. 4 
and dog or other animal 
inside a circle with dots 
round, it, Fig. 24. 



CLASS J. 



Variety of Fig. 1, with two 
circles in place of taurine. 
Fig. l{d) ; Sun, Fit;. 2 ; 
and three other marks. 



' Hill mark, » Fig. 65 ; 
aud an indistinct mark. 



Variety of " Bill mark " 
five arches with peacock 
on the top, Fig. 66, and 
an indistinct mark. 



' Hill mark, " Fig. 65(J); 
svastika with curved 
arms pointing left, Fig. 
62; animal facing right 
over a cone, variety of 
the "Hill mark, " Fig. 67; 
and an indistinct mark. 



VOL. V„PT. IV.] 



PUNCH MARKED C0IK8, 



481 



Ko. 



Shape, 

weight 

and size. 



Obverse. 



Reverse. 



51 O.K. 50-0 
•61 X -56 



B2 



53 



54 



S.K. 48-7G 
•53 X -54 



S.X. 49.68 
.55 X .55 



S.N. 5^-0 
•59x-52 



Figs. l{d\ 2 ; t-wo insects 
in oval imnse. Fig. 37; 
tree with rail. Fit/. 30; 
and solid be dy over three 
uprights with taurine on 
the right, Fig. 5j. 



CLASS K. 



Variety of Fig. \, partly 
showing with n animal 
betwotn two of the chha- 
tras, Fig. 1(f); the su", 
Fig. 2 ; and three ether 
mark s. 



Figs. l(e^, 2, '' cotton bale " 
mark, Fig- 4 ; animal re- 
sembling a goat, faciiisr 
right, eatii'g grapes, and 
a goblet above its back, 
Fig. 25 ; and part of a 
mark including an '* insect' 



CLASS L. 



' Cotton bale " mirk, Fig. 4 ; 
dog or otter with tortoise, 
ami taurine, Pig. 18 ; and 
three human figures, two 
with chignons, Fig. 54. 



Figs. 4. 18 and 54. 



Ditto 



Object in a square, Fig. 73, 



Throe oval objects one 
above another, resembling 
the " cott jii-bale ^ mark. 
Fig. 64. 



Triskclis, Ftg. 59 ; 
" Cotton bale " mark 
Fig- 63, smaller than ths 
similar mark on the 
obverse ; snd hour-glass, 
Fig. 69. 



Ditto 



482 



PUNCH MARKED COINS. 



[J.B.0.BJ5. 



No. 



Shape, 
weight 
and size. 



Obverse. 



Keverse. 



55 



S. X. 500 
•71 X -46 



56 



O.K. 51-39 
•59 X '48 



57 



68 



O.K. 48.30 
•57 X -47 



SN. 49 23 
•04 X -47 



Figs. 59 and 63 ; and 
solid object on two up- 
right lines, Fig. 80. 



Ftgs. 4, 13, 54. 



CLASS M. 



Three marks which appear to 
be intended for human 
figures, one with three dots 
over the head, Fig. 51 ; 
one with a dot on either 
side of the bead, Fig. 52 ; 
and one without dots, Fig . 

53; animal, facing right. Fig, 
^3 ; and an indistiucu mark. 



Figs. 51, '52, 53,_ 23 and Branch, Fig. 83 ; and 
portion of an indistinct portion of an indistinct 
mark. mark. 



CLASS N. 



Unclassified, aS the marks 
are indistinct. 



Fig- 2, partly showing and 
four indistinct marks, a 
taurine forming part of 
one. 



Fig. 37 and four indistinct 
marks. 



Six dots round central dot 
(faintly showing). Fig. 72 
and truces of an indistinct 
mark. 



Circle surrounded by four 
taurines, with crescent 
below. Fig. 71, and an in- 
distinct mark. 



VOL. v., FT. IV.] PUNCH MASKED COINS. 

TABLE I. 
The Classification of the Coins. 



483 



Distinctive marks 

of each class 
Fig. in Plate III. 



Distinctive 

Additional marks 

of each 

Snb-Clas3 

Fig. in Plate III. 



-• M 




.:: a 




f.:^ 


Seriil 


■5 g 


number 




of the 


o 5 


ccins in 


tii 


the list of 


s gj 


C01U3. 






'^-. 





;ia3« A 


Figs.l,2,Z 




32 


1—32 


Jnb-class 1 ... 




Figs. 6, 27 


4 


1—4 


Do. 2 ... 




Fig. 6 


2 


5, 6 


Do. 3 ... 




Fig. 27 


2 


7, 8 


Do. 4 ... 




Figs. 4, 20 


2 


9,10 


Do, 5 ... 




Fig. 4 


3 


11—13 


Do. 6 ... 




Fig. 5 


6 


14—19 


Do. 7 ... 




Fig. 3ie) 


2 


20 


Do. 8 ... 




Fig. 31 


2 


22,23 


Do. 9 ... 





Figs. 30, 43 


1 


24 


Do. 10 ... 




Varying marks and 
the other mark in- 
distinct. 


4 


25—28 


Do. 11 ... 




Both marks indis- 
tinct. 


4 


29-32 


:ias3 B ... 


Figs. 1, 2, 3(a) ... 


Fig. 26 


1 


33 


Do. C ... 


Figs.\,2,Z{l) ... 


Fig. 5 


1 


34 


Do. D ... 


Figs.\,2.Z{c) ... 


Varying marks 


2 


35, 36 



484 



PUNCH MARKED COINS. 

TABLE 1—contd: 



[J.B.O.B.S. 













Class 


Distinctive marks 


Distinctive 
additional marks 


.S-o 

O 

O 03 


Serial 
anmber 
of the 


and 


of each class 


of each 


o i 


sub-class. 


Fig. in Plate III. 


Sub-class 
Fig. in Plate III. 


ft « . 

3 aj o 


the list of 
coins. 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


Class E „. 


Figs. \, 2 





... 


... 


Sub-class 1 . . . 




Three clear marks,.. 


1 


37 


Do. 2 ... 




Two varying marks, 
clear and one in- 
distinct. 


3 


38—40 


Class F 


Figs. 1(a), 2, 8 ... 





... 


... 


Sub-class 1 ... 




Figs. 10, 11 


2 


41, 42 


Do. 2 ... 




Varying marks 


3 


43—45 


Class G ... 


Figs. 1(a), 2 


Three other marks... 


1 


46 


Do. H ... 


Figs. 1(b), 2 




... 


... 


Sub-class 1 . . . 





Fig. 3(e) 


2 


47,48 


To. 2 ... 




Tliree other murks ... 


1 


40 


Class' I ... 


Figs. 1(c), 2 


Ditto 


1 


50 


Do. J ... 


Figs, lid), 2 


Ditto 


1 


51 


Do. K ... 


Fiffs. 1(0.. 2 


Ditto 


1 


52 


Do. L ... 


Figt, 4, 18, 54 


No other marks 


3 


53 — 55 


Do. M ... 


Figs 51, 52, 53, 23 


Ditto 


1 


53 


Do. N ... 


Unclassifiocl as tho 
marks are indis- 
tinct. 




2 


57, 58 



VOL, v., pr. iv.j 



PUNCH MASKED COINS. 



485 



TABLE IT. 

Defcription of the Marks on the Coins as illustrated on Plate III. 

MAEKS ON THE OBVEESE. 



Figure 

on 
Plate. 


Description of Mark. 


Class 

and 

Sub-class. 


Xcmber 
of coins 
on which 
the mark 
appears. 


Numbers of 

the coins in 

the list. 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 



1 


Three chhatras and three 
taurines alternately round 
a central circle with a dot in 
the centre ; a variety of the 
"Troy Mark". 


A— E 


40 


1-40 


la 


As Fiff. 1 ; bat with an oval 
round each of the taurines. 


F.— G. 


6 


41—46 


1& 


As Fig. 1 ; bat with a figure 
like a thick I in place of the 
taorlces. 


H. 


3 


47—49 


Ic 


As Fig. 1 ; but with a figure 
like an hour-glass probably the 
damaru (small double hand 
drum) in place of the thu- 
rines, each enclosed in an 
oval. 


I. 


1 


50 


Id 


As Fig. 1 ; but with two ovals, 
one above the other, in place 
of the taurine. 


J. 


1 


51 


le 


As Fig. 1 ; but with an animal 
(dog or jackal ?) over one of 
the taurine:). 


K. 


1 


52 


2 


The sun. A circle with rays 
round it and a dot in the 
centre. 


A— K 


52 


1—52 


3 


An arch with a crescent on the 
top, superimposed on two 
others ; the Hill-mark. 


A 


32 


1—3:^ 


3a 


Like Fig. 3 ; but with a double 
arch (two arches) with a cres- 
cent on the top, superimposed 
on the two others. 


B 


1 


33 


3J 


A single arch with crescent on 
the top. 


c 


1 


34 



PUNCH MARKED COINS. 

TABLE 11— conid. 



[J.B.O.B.S. 



Figure 

on 
Plate. 


Description of Mark. 


Class 

and 

Sub-class. 


Number 
of coins 
on which 
the mark 
appears. 


Numbers of 

the coins in 

the list. 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


3c 


Three arches in a row, the 
centra one higher than the 
others. 


D 
H, 1 


2 
2 


35,36 

47,48 


3d 


An arch superimposed on two 
which are superimposed on 
three other arches. 


I 


I 


50 


3e 


Two arches with a peacock on 
the top, superimposed on three 
others. 


A. 7 


2 


20,21 


A 


These ovals one above another 
with a straight line running 
through them ; the " Cotton- 
bale " mark, or Caduceus. 


A. 4 
A. 5 

E, 2 


2 
3 
1 


9,10 
11, 12, 13 

40 






H. 1 


I 


48 






H. 2 


1 


49 






I 


1 


BO 


, 




E 


1 


52 


"■ 




L 


3 


53, 54, 55 


5 


Three uprights with spear-head 
and hivlf arrow-head* with 
curved line on either side- 


A. 6 
C 


6 

1 


14-19 
84 






D 


1 


35 


6 


Four crescents round a central 
bjsa. 


A. 5 
A. 2 


1 
2 


11 
5,6 






A. 1 


1 


1-4 


V 


Rovitio facing rii/ht with 
tiiurinc bebw. 


E. 2 


4 


39 


8 


Humped ball facing right ... 


A. 2 


1 


6 






F 


6 


41—45 



VOL, v., PT. Vl.l 



PUNCH MASKED COIXS, 

TABLE 11-- contd. 



487 



Figure 

on 
Plate. 


Description of Mark. 


Class 

and 

Sub-class. 


Xamber 
of coins 
on which 
the mark 
appears. 


Numbers of 

the coiBS ia 

the list. 


1 


2 


3 


4 


6 



9 


Humped bull facing right with 
taurine above. 


A. 8 


1 


22 


10 


Humped bull grotesque facing 
left, with two taurinefl above 
and two below. 


P.I 
F. 2 


2 
1 


41,42 

43 


11 


Elephant facing right 


A. 3 


1 


7 






E. 2 


1 


38 






F. 1 


2 


41,42 






P. 2 


1 


44 






G. 


1 


46 


12 


Elephant facing rigM, with 
taurines above and in front. 


A. 6 


1 


13 


13 


Figure which may perhaps be 
a portion of an animal with 
horns, facing right. 


A. 6 


1 


16 


14 


Figure resembling 'Fig. 13 
but with the " horns " more 
raised from the head, and 
with a dot below the head. 


A. 8 


1 


23 


15 


Animal with horns or large 
eurs, facing right. 


A. 10 


1 


S5 


16 


Animal, perhaps a dog or an 
otter, facicg right, with 
two arches above its back. 


A. 6 


1 


15 


17 


Animal facing right, with 
projection and two arches 
above its back. 


H. 1 


1 


43 


18 


Animal [dog or otter (?)] 
facing right, w^th a tortoise 
below and three taurines in 
front. 


L 


3 


53, 54, 55 



PUNCH MARKED COINS, 

Table II — contd. 



tJ.B.O.BA 



Figure 

on 
Plate 



Description of Mark. 



Class 
and 

Sub-chss. 



Number 
of coins 
on which 
the mark 
appears 



Numbers of 
the coins in 
the list. 



19 



20 



21 



22 



23 

24 

25 



26 
27 

28 

29 
30 



Animsl facing right with 
taurine above and below. 

Tortoise, with part of a 
taurine ; this appears to be 
a portion of Ftg. 18. 

Upper portion of animal 
faciDg right ; but with no 
tauriae or other object above 
it. 

Mark which appears to be 
the hind quarters of a dog 
or other animal facing right; 
but the incuse shows that 
this is not a portion of 
Fig. 18. 

Animal facing rig ht 

Animal [dog (?)] facing right, 
inside a circle with dots 
round it. 

Animal, resembling a goat, 
facing right, eating grapes, 
with taurine above its head, 
and figure resembling a 
goblet above its back. 

A bird ; resembling an owl . , . 

Tree with branches 



Tree of different design from 
Fig. 27 ; or plant. 

Branch of seven points 

Tree with'rail .., 



a 

A. 4 

A. 6 

A. 10 



M 
I 

K 



B 
A. 1 
A. 3 
H.2 

H. 1 

A. 6 

A. 9 
J 



46 
9,10 

14 
26 



56 
50 

62 



1 


83 


4 


1—4 


2 


7,8 


1 


49 


1 


47 


1 


19 


1 

1 


24 

51 



VOL. ▼., PT. IV.] 



PUNCH MAEKED COINS. 

Table II — contd. 



489 



Description of Mark. 



Class 
and 

Sub-class. 



Number 
of coins 
on which 
the mark 
appears. 



Numbers of 

the coins in 

the list. 



1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


31 


Hand of four fingers, within 
a square. 


A. 8 


2 


22, 23 


32 


Steelyard and bale 


A. 7 




21 


33 


Portion of steelyard and 
bale. 


A. 10 




27 


34 


Portion of steelyard, with 
bale, and circle 


A.7 




20 


35 


Five leaves in segmental 
incuse, with a dot on each 
side above the central leaf. 


A. 5 




12 


36 


Four objects, which may be 
insects, within a square. 


E. 1 




37 






F. 2 




45 


37 


Two " insects ", one on either 
side of a straight line with 
a boss, in oval incuse. 


J 




51 


38 


(Portion of a mark) central 
boss, with two taurines above 
it, and portion of a taurine 
showing on either side. 


E. 1 




37 


39 


Four taurines to right, round 
a central boss. 


D. 




36 


40 


Boss within a ring, portion of 
a circle, and taurine. 


P. 2 




45 


41 


Trisiila with oval knobs at the 
points, with oval dot on each 
side. 


E. 1 




37 


42 


Figure resembling a Jleur-de- 
lys on the '• comb " of five 
vertical lines. 


A. 3. 




8 



400 



PUNCH MABKBD C0IN8. 

Table II — contd. 



[J.B.O.E^. 



Figure 

of 
Plate 



43 

41 
45 

46 

47 

48 

49 

50 

51 
52 

53 

54 



Description of Mark. 



Class 
and 

Sub-class. 



Flower of four petals and four 
straight lines alternately 
round central boss. 

( Portion of mark ) semi- 
circle, and a sfcr aight line. 

Figure as illustrated, the 
incuse shows that it is a 
single mark, and it appears 
to be complete. 

Cone or pillar surmounted by 
a crescent, with taurine on 
either side. 



Thick wavy line... 


F. 2 


Large circular boss with five 
pointed branches and oval 
bosses alternately round it. 


G. 


Figure as illustrated 


A. 10 


Solid figure above three 
vertical lines, with taurine 
on light ; similar to the right 
hand portion of Thejbald's 
Fig. 55. 


J. 


Probably a human figure with 
three dots above. 


aJ. 


Probably a human figure with 
two dots above. 


M. 


Rude human figure ... 


M. 


Tluoo human figures in a row, 
the two to the left facing 
each other, with hair in 
chignons. The head of the 
right hand figure not com- 
plete. 


L. 



Number 
of coins 
on which 
the mark 
appears. 



A. 9 

E. 2 
H. 1 

E. 2 



Number of 

the coins 

in the list. 



24 

38 

47 

39 

43 

46 

28 
51 

66 
56 

56 
5?, 54, 55 



VOL. V^ PT. IV,3 



PUNCH MAEKED COINS. 



491 



Table II — contd. 
MARKS ON THE REVERSE. 









Number 




Figure 






of coins 


Numbers of 


on 


Description of Mark. 


Class and 


on which 


the coins in 


Plate. 




Sub-class. 


the mark 
appears. 


the list. 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


55 


"The Taiila mark " ( C. A. I, 
p. 56). Central dot with a 


A. 1 


2 


1, 2 




crescent on each side and 


A. 2 


2 


5, 6 




a foliated object abjvc aud 










below. 


A. 3 


1 


8 


56 


A variety of the above 'Taxila 
mark". 


A. 1 


2 


3, 4 






A. 6 


1 


18 






A. 10 


1 


26 


57 


Six-pointed figure of cresrent 
shape on each side and blunt 
pointed above and below, 
with two small straight lites 
projecting on each side ; with 
small circular incnse in 
centre. May be a variety of 
Fig. 56 as it contains the 
similar component parts. 


A. 6 


1 


17 


58 


Central boss with a crescent 
on eich side, joined above 
and below by an object, only 
partly showing, arched on its 
inner side. Appears to be 
a variety of Fig. 55. 


A. 3 


1 


7 


59 


Triskelis with central boss. 


A. 2 


1 


6 






A. 6 


1 


15 






A. 10 


2 


25, 26 






L. 


3 


53, 54, 55 


60 


Triskelis on a circle round 
a central boss. 


A. 1 


1 


4 






A. 4 


1 


10 


61 


Triskelis pointing left. 


A. 1 


1 


2 






A. 8 


1 


22 



492 



PUNCH MAnKED COINS. 

Table Il-^conld. 



CJ.&.0Jt.9. 



Figure 

on 
Plate 



Description of Mark. 



Class 
and 
Sub-class. 



62 



64 



65 



65(a) 



65(5) 



66 



67 



68 



69 



70 



Svastika with 
pointing left. 



curved arms 



63 Three ovals one above another 
with a straight line running 
through them ; the " cotton 
bale " mark, or " caduceus." 



Three figures one above an- 
other, the general appearance 
of which resembles the " cot- 
ton bale " mark. 

An arch surmounted by a cres- 
cent, superimposed on two 
other arches. The " Hill- 
mark " 

" Hill-mark " similar to Fig. 
11 ; but the archrs are higher 
in comparison to their width. 

A smaller variety of the 
" Hill-mark," with the arches 
solid. 

Variety of " Hill-mark." Two 
arches surmounted by a pea- 
cock, facing right, superim- 
posed on three other arches. 

An animal facing right over 
a cone. A variety of " Hill- 
mark." 

Peacock facing loft, but no 
arches. 

Object of the shape of an hour 
glass ; probably a damaru 
(double hand-drum.) 

Central boss surrounded by 
four taurines pointing right. 



A. 4 

A. 5 

B. 2 
L. 

K. 



E, 2 

F. 1 
F. 2 
H. 1 

A. 10 



A. 7 
H-2. 



I. 



A. 10 



A. 11 
F. 2 
L. 

A. 8 



Number 
of coins 
on which 
the mark 
appears. 



Numbers of 

the coins in 

the list. 



50 



1 


9 


1 


13 


1 


40 


3 


53,54,55 



52 



38 

42 

43,45 

48 

25 



60 



20,21 
49 



50 



27 



29,30 

43 
53,54 

22,23 



VOL, v., PT. IV.] 



PUNCH MASKED C0IH9, 

Table 11— con fd. 



493 



Figure 

on 
Plate. 



Description of Mark. 



Class 

and 

Sub-class, 



Number 

of coins 

on wbich 

the mark 

appears 



Numbers of 

the coins in 

the list. 



71 I Circle surrounded by four 
taurines pointing left, with 
crescent below. 



72 
73 

74 

75 



78 
79 

80 
81 

82 

83 

84 
85 



Six dots round a central dot. 
Dot within a square 
Taurine ... „ 



Three cones surmounted by 
crescents with foliated objects 
between them. 

Three upright lines, two ter- 
minating in three points, ^nd 
the right hand one with a 
projecting line on each side. 

(Incomplete). Possibly portion 
of an animal facing left. 

Humped bull ? facing left 
(Similar to Fiff. 77). 

Figure as illustrated ; may be 
intended for humped bull 
facing left. 

Incomplete ; apparently a por- 
tion of Fiff. 78. 
Minute mark, which may be 
the Brahmi letter K. 

Object which may possibly be 
a tree with its roots showing. 

A cross of two long ovals and 
shorter crossbar. 

Small star cf seven rays 

(Incomplete). Branch of five 
points ; appears to be part of 
a larger branch or tree. 



N. 



N. 



A. 5 
F.l 

A. 5 



F. 1 



A 


6 


A 


6 


A. 


10 




L. 


A 


.6 


A. 


10 


A. 


11 


E 


,1 


A 


.9 



58 

57 

51 

13 
41 

11 
41 

18 

17 

28 

55 
19 

25 

32 

37 
24 



494 



J'UNOH MARKED COINS, 

Table II — concld. 



[J4B.0.B.S; 



Figure 

on 

Plate. 



Description of M 1 1 k. 



Class 

and 

Sub-class. 



Number 
of coins 
on which 
the mark 
appears. 



Numbers of 

the coins in 

the list. 



88 

87 

88 
89 

90 



Branch of five points in oval 
incuse. 

Two squares plared diagonally, 
with some object inside them. 

Circle with a boss in the centre. 

Straight line terminating in 
a knob and another object, 
within an oval ring. 



Humped bull facing right 



91 Obscure object, as illustrated... 



92 Coue, surmounted by an object 
resembling an animal, also 
taurine and dot ; would ap- 
pear to be a variety of Hill 
mark. 



93 Portion of a flower of e'gbt 
petals, round a circle, with 
a taurine in the centre. 



94 A crosB within a circte 



95 Branch of seven oval leaves 



96 Boss abov? an arch ; perhaps 
a variety of the " Hill mark" 
This mark might be a taurine 
as in Fig. 74, but the arch 
acd the boss are separate. 



97 Two taurines under two crossed 
lines. 



M. 1 
F 2 

F. 1 

F. 1 

F. 2 
F. 2 
F. 2 

F. 2 

G. 
G. 

F. 2 



1 

1 

1 
1 

1 
1 

1 



56 

44 

42 
41 

43 
43 
43 



43 



46 



44 



48 



Ill— Contributions of Bengal to Hindu 
Civilization. 

By Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasad Sha£tri, 
MA., CI E. 
Sixth Contribution. 
Ships and Boats. 

Bengal abounds in large rivei-s, and so there can be little 
doubt that the people in very ancient times knew how to build 
boats. The boats built were of various kinds — Dona, Duni, 
Dingi, Bhela, Nauka, Balaoij Chip^ Mayurpaakhi, etc. All these 
however were small boats and could be fo\md everywhere. What 
contributed to Bengal's special glory was the fact that she built 
her ships too. 

There was a king in Yanganagara, according to the 
Buddhist tradition, in Bengal even before Lord Buddha's 
lime. He married the daughter of the king of Kalinga 
and had. a beautiful daughter by her. She was a naughty 
girl. She fled from her home and joined a party of 
merchants who [were going to Magadha. When they arrived 
near the frontier of Bengal they were attacked by a lion. The 
merchants fled for their lives, but the princess followed the 
'lion/ and pleased him so much that he married her. In course 
of time she had a son and a daughter. The arms of the son 
resembled those of the lion, and for this reason he was named 
binhabahu. Sinhubahu, when he grew up, fled with his mother 
and sister from the lion's cave. When they reached the frontier 
of Bengal, the king's brother, who was the Simaraksaka or 
frontier officer, sent the princess with her son and daughter 
to Yanganagara. The lion returning to the cave missed his 
son and daughter and was very unhappy. He began a diligent 
search everywhere and at last came into Bengal. His appear- 
ance scared the villagers who ran \o the king to apprise him 
of the danger. The king announced by beat of drum the offer 



496 CONTRIBUTIONS OF BENGIL . [J.B.O.E.g, 

of a large reward for the capture of the lion. He said to Sinha- 
bahu " If you can capture the animal I will make you king/' 
Sinhabahu killed the beast, became king and married his 
own sister. He had a large number of children by the marriage, 
the eldest being named Vijaya. Vijaya was very wicked. He 
oppressed the people very much. The latter, thus provoked, came 
to the king and asked him to kill Vijaya. The king sent him 
in a boat to the sea with seven hundred followers. His children 
and those of his followers were sent in another boat, while their 
^vives in a third. The males landed in one island, called 
Nagnadvipa, and the females in another, named Naridvipa. 
Sailing thence Vijaya reached Suparaka situated near modern 
Bombay — now called Supara. Here, too, he began to oppress the 
people. The latter chased him and he fled in a boat to Lanka- 
dvipa. On the day he landed here, Lord Buddha laid himself 
down between two sal trees in the city of Kushi and was 
attempting to obtain Nirvana. Addressing Indra he said 
'* To-day Vijaya has landed in Lankadvipa. ; kindly protect him ; 
he will preach my religion there.'''' 

The three boats in which Sinhabahu sent Vijaya, his sons 
and their wives, were very large. They were ships, for each of 
them could accommodate seven hundred persons. T'wo thousand 
five hundred years ago boats of this description used to be built in 
Bengal. There is engraved on the Ajanta cave, a picture of the 
ship in which Vijaya sailed to Lankadvipa. It appears from this 
that the ship had its mast and sail and everything which a ship 
required before the successful application of steam power for 
the purposes of navigation. There are many, however, who are 
sceptical about the ship. But the picture in the Ajanta cave is still 
there and the evidence it furnishes cannot be disbelieved. The 
picture is fourteen hundred years old. When it was engraved 
nobody thought it had been overdrawn. 

Even before Lord Buddha^s time there were large boats in 
other parts of India. There was a big poi-t near Bombay, called 
Bhanikaccha or Baroach, from which ships sailed to Baberu 
«r Babylon. From Supara, too, shii)s sailed to different parts of 



VOL. v., PT, IV.3 CONTBIBUTIONS OP BENGAL. 497 

the world. We hear of ships capable of carrying seven hundre<l 
passengers. 

But we have not heard of such ships sailing from Tamralipti 
or Bengal before or after Lord Buddha^s time. Nevertheless 
it is supposed by European scholars that Tamralipti was a busy 
port in Buddha^s time. This conjecture is strongly corrobo- 
rated by the Artha-S'astra in which Canakya says that the 
officer in charge of ships supervised navigation in the sea. 
Hence there can be little doubt that in that age ships sailed 
from Bengal and Magadha. But with the exception of Tamralipti, 
Bengal and Magadha had no port. 

The Dasakumara Carita is an ancient work. Professor Wilson 
says it was composed in the seventh century a.d. Other scholars, 
equally competent to form an opinion, however, think that its 
date preceded the birth of Christ. This book gives an account of 
Tamralipti. We are told that many ships sailed from this port 
across the Bay of Bengal. One of the ten Kumaras embarked 
from here for a distant, voyage. His ship was sunk by that of 
a Yavana, named Ilamesu. 

" Ramesu " in the Dasakumara Carita reminds us of Ramases 
of Egypt. It would seem that the memory of Ramases existed 
at the time the work was written. 

We learn that ships sailed from Tami-alipti to Japan and 
China even after this date. Four hundred years after Christ 
Fa-hien sailed from Tamluk. There were men of all national- 
ities in the ship. It met with a storm in the boisterous Chinese 
sea. The ship was on the point of sinking, but Fa-hien prayed 
to Buddha and the storm abated. At a still later time, Indians 
emigrated to Sumatra, Java, Bali and other islands, and spread 
in each of those countries ^aiva, Yaisnava or Buddhist religion. 
But they probably embarked from Bharukaccha, although there 
is nothing to preclude the supposition that they sailed from 
Tamralipti. There is however no evidence available on the 
point. 

We learn from the ancient accounts of Bnrma that the 
people of Magadha conquered the country many times and 



498 CONTEIBUTIONS OP BENGAL. [J.B.O.B.S 

spread Indian civilization there. It appears from the Burma 
Archseological Eeport that in very ancient times the Magadhis 
entered Pagan and preached there the religion of India. 

Kalidasa says that the king of Bengal had navies fully equip- 
ped. There can be little doubt that the Pala Kings fought naval 
battles. It is distinctly written in a copper-plate belonging to 
Dharmapala (which has been discovered at Khalimpore) that the 
said king had many ships always ready for naval fight. It is 
written in Ramacarita that Ramapala crosssed the Ganges in 
a bridge of boats. It also appears in a stone engraving in the 
city of Kalyani that in a.d. 1276 some Buddhist Bhiksus 
embarked from Tamralipti and on arriving at Pagan reformed the 
Buddhist religion there. 

It is from Bengali works on ManaFa and Mangalacandi 
however that we derive glowing and perhaps somewhat exaggerated 
accounts of sea voyages in times gone by. W e are told that a 
certain merchant in Bengal used to undertake perilous voyages. 
On one occasion he equipped fourteen to sixteen vessels, put 
them under the charge of a single Majhij and passing through the 
Ganges, entered the sea. Crossing the sea he proceeded to Ceylon, 
and sailing thence, reached various islands in the ocean after a 
voyage of fourteen or fifteen days The principal ship of Cand 
Saudagar was called Madhukara. In Manasar Bhasan, CDmposed 
by Dvija Vafisidasa, it is stated that starting from Ceylon and 
after a voyage of thirteen days, Cand Sadagar encountered a severe 
storm. Volumes of froth and foam rushed on board his ship. 
He wept through fear and being unable to trace the whereabouts 
of his other vessels cried out in blank dispair : '^ Those vessels 
contain my all. I do not see any one of them. My life too is in 
danger.-*^ He entreated the pilot to devise some means of safety. 
The latter tried to quiet his fears, and failing to do so dragged 
out a number of oil casks from the ship and thi-ew them into the 
Fea. In an instant the onrush of waves ceased and the sea became 
tranquil. The other ships were discovered at a distance and 
Cand Sadagar was now full of joy. 

Even after the date of these books^ we find that when KeJar 



VOL. V„ PT, IV,] CONTRIBUTIONS OF BENGAL. 499 

Ray and PratSpaditya became very powerful, they fought naval 
battles and often undertook distant voyages. It 'must be con- 
fessed indeed that they were in a great measure helped by the 
Portuguese pirates. At a subsequent time, however, the Raja of 
Arakan, aided by the Portuguese, raided Bengal, inaugurating 
there a reign of terror, ^aista Khan punished them with the 
help f>f Bengali Majhis and extirpated piracy from the Bay 
o£ Bengal. 

Seventh Contribution. 
Bauddha Silabhadra. 
In the introduction to a work entitled " Abhidharmakosa 
Vyakhyanam " the author Vasubandhu is stated to be like a 
second Buddha, [f this was tme of India, there can be little 
doubt that Yuan Chwang was a second Buddha in all Asia. 
Of the Buddhist scholars bom in China, he was the greatest. 
At one time his disciples and their followers spread over Japan, 
Korea and Mongolia. Yuan Chwang came to India to derive 
a first-hand knowledge of Buddhism and Yoga. But he learnt 
a great deal more than he came to leam, and it reflects no small 
o^lory upon Bengal that the man at whose feet he learnt was 
a Bengali. Silabhadra was the son of the king of Samatata. 
He was the head of Nalanda Vihara at the time, when Yuan 
Chwang visited India, and as such was regarded with awe 
and respect by kings, including even the Emperor Harsavardhana 
himself. This was however owing to the position he held and 
not due to jhis personality. But the glory of his wisdom and 
learning surpassed even the dignity of his high oflBoe. Yu»n 
Chwang was a man of wide experience. He revered his guru 
like a god and gratefully ackn<jwledged that Silabhadra had 
dispelled from his mind all doubts which could not be cleared up 
by instructions received from the gurus of various other coun- 
tries on the subject of Bauddha Dharma Sastra and Bauddha 
Yoga. The mists and clouds which the chief Pandits of Kash- 
mere could not with all their erudition remove were all scattered 
away by Silabhadra and without muchleffort. S^ilabhadra was a 
Mahayana Bauddha, but he had studied the religious literature 



500 C0NTR1BUTI0N8 ENGAL. [J.B.O.J» B 

of all the other sects. This of itself did not indeed mean 
nmch, for all heads of Mahayana Viharas were expected to 
possess such versatility. What conferred upon him special 
glory was the fact that he had also thoroughly mastered the 
S'astras of the Brahmanas. He thoroughly studied Panini and 
taught Yuan Chwang all the commeDtaries upon it which were 
then in existence. He also instructed him in the Vedas — the 
fundamental religious v/orks of Brahmins. It is to be greatly 
doubted whether India ever had a profound scholar versed like 
him in all the S'astra?. His scholarship was as^^great as the 
liberality of his views. When attracted by the wisdom and 
learning of Yuan Chwang, the other Buddhist Pandits insisted 
upon his settling in this country, S'ilabhadra said " China is a 
great country. Yuan Chwang^ must preach Buddhism there and 
you should not stand in his way. If he goes 6here, Buddhism will 
flourish ; btit if he stays here, no good will come of it. ■'"' When 
again, Kumararaja Bhaskara Varma repeatedly requested 
Yuan Chwang to go to Kamarupa and the latter refused, S'ila- 
bhadra said, '' Buddhism has not as yet found its way into 
Kamampa. If Yuan Chwang^s going helps to gpread the 
religion there, it will be a great ^.j^a in . ^^ All these facts go to 
show S'ilabhadra^s foresight, bis policy, and his unbounded 
attachment to the religion he professed. 

A few words about his childhood. I have said already that 
he w;'8 the son of the king of Samatata and was a Brahmin by 
caste. From childhood be had sliown a predilection for learning 
and liis fame wa? great. He travelled all over India in further- 
ance of the cause of learning, and in his thirtieth year came \ o 
Nalanda. Here Bodhisattva Dharmapala was at the head of 
the Buddhist organization. S'ilabhadra became his pupil and in 
a few days mastered everything which his guru had to teacli. 
Just at this time a Pandit who had gained laurels in religious 
controversies came to the king of Magadha and challenged a dis- 
cussion with Dharmapala. The King thereupon sent Tor Dbar- 
mapala. When the Hatter was making preparations for bis 
departure S'llabhadrajsaid, " Why should you go ? " Dharmapala 



VOL. v., PT. IVJ CONTEIBUTIONS OP BENQAL 0Ol 

replied, " The glory of Buddhism is on the wane. Irreligion 
is spreading among us like a cloud. Unless we succeed in 
scattering it, there is no 'hope for the progress of Buddhism". 
Silabhadra said " You had better stay here. Let me go ". 
When Silabhadra met the Pandit, the latter observed with 
'"a smile, " Is this the boy who is to engage me in controversy ?" 
In a short time however he realized his mistake, for he was com- 
pletely beaten. Unable either to meet the arguments of his 
young adversary or to answer his questions he felt himself dis- 
comfitted and hurriedly left the place. S'llabhadra^s learning and 
high scholarship filled the king with admiration and he bestowed 
upon him a city. S'llabhadra however said, " What shall I do 
with wealth when I have entered the Holy Order ?^' The King 
replied, " The light of Lord 13uddha^s wisdom has long dis- 
appeared. Unless therefore we worship merit, how can we hope 
to save true religion ? So please don't refuse my offer. " Sila- 
bhadra then accepted the ; property and from its income built 
a large SaSgharauia. 

Yuan Chwang says that in piety, learning, wisdom as well 
as in love of religion, S'ilabhadra surpassed even the early 
Buddhists. He wrote a large number of books. His notes 
and commentaries were lucid and their language simple. There 
were few scholars versed like him equally in all the Sastras. 
Eighth Contribution. 
Santi Deva a Buddhist Writer. 
The great Santi Deva who has left an indelible mark upon 
the Buddhist religious literature was, I think, a Bengali. But 
I find Taranatha holds a different opinion. He says Santi Deva 
was an inhabitant of Saurastra. I have got a life of Santi 
Deva and with its help I hope to clear up this point. Unfor- 
tunately, however, the place which contained the name of his 
birthplace has been hopelessly erased by somebody and it is 
impossible to decipher it. Nalanda as well as the capital of 
Bihar were the spheres of his activities. When he left home 
his mother gave him the following instrnction : — 

" In order that you may acquii-e merit you should make 
Manju Vajra Samadhi your spiritual guide "» 



502 CONTRIBUTIONS OF BENGAL [J.B.O^.S. 

Now, Mafijusri was eomewhat out of place in SauTa§tra. Bud- 
dhism was not much prevalent there. 

There is another reason for supposing that he was a Bengali. 
In Nalanda he had a kuti or cottage. He was seen to be 
always cheerful, either when he ate his food, or when he lay 
down to sleep or sat in his kuti. Hence the lines : — 

This^was why he was called " Bhusuku.'^ When he lived 
in the capital of iMagadha he did the work of a *' Rauta. " 
Now, there are certain Bengalijsongs ending with the bhanita 
" TT^ *n!R: ^TJ, WOT *n>nc^2'' The question is whether 

Rautu, Bhusuku and S'anti Deva were one and the same person. 
The probability is that they were so. 

It further appears that S'anti Deva was the author of three 
books: — 

(1) Sutra Samuccaya. 

(2) S'iksa Samuccaya. 
(3^ Bodliicaryyavatara. 

The last two have been discovered and printed, but the fiisf 
has notlyet been traced. But we have got another book wiiicli 
bears the name of Bhusuku which was written by him. This 
work, too, like the two books which have been discovered is 
written in Sanskrit and contains in places passages in Bengali. 
Again, in the two |books aforesaid and especially in l^iksa 
Samuccaya, there are portions written in a language which is not 
Sanskrit. 

It may be urged however that the two books mentioned 
above deal with the doctrine of the Mahayana School, but the 
other, Suttra Samuccaya, belonged either to the Vajrayana or 
Sahajayana. How could the same man, it may be asked, write 
books of two different Yanas ? I would refer in this connexion 
to the opinion of Bend all who says that even in I S'iksa Samuc- 
caya, Tantric doctrines are to be found here and there. We have 



VOL. v., PT; IV.] COHTBIBUTIONB OP BENGA.L. 603 

also seen that Vajrayana^ Sahajayana and Kalacakrayana are not 
independent of Mahay ana. All these sects regarded themselves 
as being part and parcel of Mahayana. They thought they 
had only simplified its complexities and ensured its advance- 
ment. The Nepalese who belong either to the Vajrayana or 
Sahajayana School call themselves Mahayana Buddhists. 

In Bodhicaryyavatara, Santi Deva frequently uses towards 
his opponents an abusive epithet which cannot be met with 
in any language but Bengali. It is J^^ V{%^', which, as every 

Bengali knows, is very common in our language. 

There is also a current song which throws some light on the 
question. It is this — 

f^«I "^fW VST^ %5ft'' 
" To-day Bhusuku you have truly become a Bengali, etc.^' 
For all these reasons I regard Santi Deva as our eighth glory. 

The Tengur works say that he was an inhabitant of Jahore. 

I do not know where the place is situated but I think it should 

be traced. 

Ninth Contrihution. 
Natha Fantha. 
The Yogis in this country bear the title of Nathas. They 
say '' we were the spiritual guides of kings, but the Brahmanas 
have ousted us from our offices/"" Accordingly they have set on 
foot a movement for wearing the sacred thread. The manners 
and customs of the Nathas however do not resemble those of the 
Brahmanas. For many years past I have been trying to inform 
myself about their origin. On reading an article on " Matsyen- 
dra Nath and a few others " by Hodgson which appeared in the 
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, I was first impressed with 
the belief that a religious school called Nathism held for many 
centuries unbounded sway in Bengal and Eastern India. It 
was formerly believed that the fourteen Nathas mentioned in 
the Hatha- Yoga-pradipaka of Goraksanatha belonged to Kavir's 
time. The Kavirpanthis have indeed a work which contains 
a dialogue between Kavir and Gorakhnath. This led to the 



504, CONTRIBUTIONS OP BENGAL. [J.B.O.B.S, 

supposition that they were contemporaries. But Wassiljew has 
proved from Thibetan books that Gorakhnath belono-ed to 
ninth century a.d. It is the prevailing belief among the 
Buddhists of Nepal that all the Nathas were Buddhists and that 
it was Goraksanatha only who forsook Buddhism and became 
a S'aiva. As long as he was a Buddhist he was'called Ramana- 
vajra or Anangavajra. In the course of my research 1 came auross 
a Tantra, entitled '' Kaulajnana Vinis'caya " brought to light by 
Matsyendranatha or Macchaghnapada. It is written in the 
character of the ninth century a.d. It does not contain the 
remotest reference to Buddhism. There is an ancient Buddhist 
work whichj quoting a Bengali passage of Minanatha, says it 
belongs to Paradarsana, or a Non- Buddhist School of thought. 
There are many other reasons for supposing that the Nathas 
professed a religion which was neither Hindu nor Buddhist. 

S'iva was the god of the Nathas. Theii* religious books are 
written in the form of Hara Parvati Saqivada in the Tantras. 
It was they who were responsible for the Hatha-yoga system. 
Their religion consisted in the practice of Yoga by means of 
various postures. The fundamental principles of the religion 
have not as yet been discovered^, ^although it would seem 
that they favoured renunciation. They did not care much 
for heaven or hell, their efforts being mainly . directed 
towards the attainment of Siddlii. This Siddhi has subse- 
quently degenerated into conjuror^s tricks ; it is dilhcult 
to sav what had been the objective of the early Nathas. 
At the present time many Nathas have taken to begging 
with the help of these conjuring tricks. The Nathas have 
no objection to indiscriminate indulgence in sensuality. 
The Mahamandir of Jodhpur is now the principal place^of 
their pilgrimage. Here dwells their, religious head who is 
called Nathji. He is a rich man. His Mahamandir is a large 
town surrounded on all sides by walls. A visit to this place 
enabled me to learn that the Nathji worships the footprints of 
his predecessors and he himself is regarded by the people as 
a god, The Nathjis do not marry, but they have no objeotion 



VOliv v., PT. IV.] CONTRIBUTIONS OP BENaAL. 505 

to begetting children. Neither do they entertain any prejudice 
against wine or meat. In wine alone they incur enormous 
expenditure. 

I have come across a passage of Minanatha (written in 
pure Eengali) which proves conclusively .that the Nathas were 
inhabitants of Bengal or at least of Eastern India. Bengal 
was generally the scene of Goraksanatha^s activities. His 
disciple Hadipa was the hero of the song of Mr.yuamati. When 
Minanatha forgot his own religion, it was Goraksanatha who 
reminded him of the fact. Matsyendra Natlia is often called 
Macchaghna Natha which shows that he was a fisherman by 
caste. If this oe true, he must in all probabiity have been 
a Bengali. 

When the Nathas became a powerful sect, both Hindus and 
Buddhists stooped to worship tiiem. It is somewhat curious 
that though the work of Matsyendera Nacha makes no mention 
of Buddhism, he is now the principal goo. of the Buddhists in 
Nepal. The Kathayatra. festival of Matsyendra Nath is cele- 
brated there with a pomp unparalleled in the case of any other 
god. As to Goraksanatha it may be said that although all the 
Buddhists in Nepal are not quite pleased with liim, there can be 
no doubt that his followers worship him as a god. He is hke- 
wise worshipped in Thibet. 

For ail these reasons 1 hold that the Natha sect formed the 
ninth glory of ancient Bengal. , 

Tenth Coniribiition. 
Dipankara Srijnana- 

Dipankara Srijnana was the tenth glory of Bengal. He 
was an inhabitant of Vikrumanipura in Eastern Bengal. He 
became a Bhiksu and sought shelter in Yikramasila Vihaxa. 
Here, within a short time he came to be regarded as a profound 
scholar. The Adhyaksa oi the Vihara sent Jimi to feuvarnadvipa 
where he obtained much celebrity by . reforming ttie abuses 
which has crept into Buddhism there. After his return he 
himself became the Adhyaksa of Vikramasila. This was at a 
time when Vikrauiasila rose into greater importance than eveti 



606 contributionb op bengal. tJ.B.OJt.8. 

Nalanda. For it then became the training ground of many 
great scholars who afterwards preached Buddhism in India and 
abroad. Santi^ the jewel of this Matha. was a sharp and keen- 
witted Naiyayika. Prajnakaramati, Jfianasri Bhiksu and various 
other distinguished authors and scholars also contributed to the 
fame and glory of Vikramaslla. 

It conferred no small glory therefore upon the person who 
stood at the head of such an institution. Dipafikara frequently 
engaged in controversy with great Brahmin ch olars and also 
with those who belonged to the several YanaSj and beat his 
opponents successfully. At this time Buddhism was declining 
in Thibet and a sect called Vanapa was becoming powerful 
there. Frightened at this, the king of Thibet sent a messenger 
to India inviting Dipankara to his Court, Dipankara was at 
first unwilling to go ; afterwards however realizing the gravity 
of the situation he accepted the invitation. The king sent 
a large retinue who accompanied him to Thibet. During the 
journey he remained for several days at Svayambhuksettra in 
Nepal. Starting thence he crossed the ice-clad peaks of the 
Himalaya and reached the Thibetan kingdom. The capital of 
the king was situated in Western Thibet. The Viharas in 
Thibet in which he had stopped during his sojourn are even now 
regarded by the Thibetans as sacred. In his Archaeological 
Keport, Franke has pointed out the places of his activity in 
Thibet. He was in his seventieth year at this time. Here he worked 
hard and succeeded in converting many Thibetans to Buddhism. 
Since this time many different sects of this religion have sprung 
up in Thibet so that no apprehension is now entertained as to 
its possible disappearance from that country at any time. In 
Thibet Dipankara preached the Mahayana doctrine. But 
convinced that the Thibetaus, habituated to the worship of 
Daityas and Danavas, were not fully prepared for the pure 
doctrine, he translated also many Vijrayana and Kalacarayana 
books and wrote many prayers jwiuting out many different 
modes of worship. The Tangyur catalogue mentions his name 
almost in every age. He is worshipped as a god to this day by 



VOL.V«PT. IV.] CONTRIBUTIONS 09 BENGAL. 607 

many thousands !of people. Many suppose tliat the learning 
and culture of Thibet were all due to his efforts. 
Eleventh ContribJition. 
Jagaddala Mahavihara and Vibhnti Candra. 

Mr. Wright picked up a few manuscripts from Nepal and 
presented them to the University of Cambridge. Among these 
is to be found one which is called Santi Deva^s Siksa Samuccaya. 
It is written on paper and contains hand-writing which is mostly 
Bengali. When Bendall catalogued it he said that it had 
been written in a.d. 1400 or 1500. When it was printed, he 
put the date one hundred years back, doubting whether paper 
could have been older. Bendall is a good scholar. I may perhaps 
boast of a private friendship with him. On one occasion he 
and I went to Nepal together. But I cannot persuade myself 
to agree with him on this point. I have seen in Nepal manus- 
cripts written on paper much older than that used in Siksa 
Samuccaya and have brought with me one or two such specimens. 
I am not prepared to hold that any manuscript is recent merely 
because it is written on paper. Dr. Hoemle has shown that in 
very ancient times " Kaygad " was in extensive use in Nepal. 
The word '* Kaygad "'■' is Chinese, It has come to us through 
Muhammadans who got it direct from the Chinese and corrupted 
it into " Kagaz''. 

Towards the end of the manuscript we find the words : — 

^i<yAfly TT^^CTTPni^nfiRl ^uK^rmC'^c? f%wf^^^=?rer etc., 

Bendall says he does not know who this Mahayana Panthi 
Jagaddala Pandita Vibhuti Candra was. In 1907 when I renew- 
ed my visit to Nepal, I found in several manuscripts mention 
of the name of Jagaddala (and not Jagandala as in Bend ell) 
Mahavihara. At that time I, too, was ignorant of everything 
connected with this institution. I became acquainted also with 
the name Vibhuti Candra at this time. It was he who had written 
a commentary on Namasangiti called Amrta Karnika. The com- 
mentary was written after the doctrine of Kalacakrayana. 

When after this I published Ramacarita, I came to know 
that Jagaddala was situated near the city of Ramavati founded 



508 CONTRIBUTIONS OF BENGAL. [J.B,OJi.S. 

by Ramax^ala. It stood just at the confluence of the Ganges 
and Karatoya. The Karatoya does not now flow into the Ganges 
but discharges its contents into the Jumna, The Ganges at one 
time passed through the Budigaiiga. This has induced mo to 
suppose that Ramavati and Jagaddala must have been situated 
near the village E-amapala in Munshiganj. Since I expressed the 
opinion, many have been diligently t ying to make out where 
Jagaddala was. Some are attempting to And it in Bogra and 
others in xMaldah. The place however still remains to be dis- 
covered ; but it cannot be doubted that its discovery is of the 
utmost importance. For what Nalanda was to Magadli, Kaniska 
Vihara to Peshawar, Dipdattama Behar to Colombo, Jagaddala 
was to Bengal, or (as it is said in some places) to Eastern India. 

That Jaguddala was an important centre admits of little 
doubt. It does not appear that ilamapaia established it. But 
it is certain that many weli-kuown Bhiksus lived here and that 
Vibhuti Candra was the greatest of them aill Vibhuti Candra 
wrote notes and commentaries on ma,ny Sanskrit Buddhist books. 
He also rendered valuable assistance at the time when these 
works were being translated in the Thibetan, He made one or 
two translations iiimseif. Tliere was another Mahabhiksu ot 
the Jagaddala institution whose name was Danasila. He also 
assisted in these translations. From these facts it would appear 
that the Tibetans relied mainly on Jagaddal Bhiksus in building 
their religious hterature. 

Keceutly Babu Kakhal Das Banerji has purchased a work 
belonging to the Tengur collections and presented it to the 
Sahitya Parisad. The Lama of the Society says it is not printed 
from wooden types, but is a manuscript. It. was written l,U2(j 
years ago and JJauasila translated it. Now, if this Ddnasila be 
the identical man who was a Bhiksu in Jagaddala, the inference 
is irresistible that this institution as well as Bibhuti Candra 
flourished in very ancient times. Tiie date assigned to Siksa 
Samuccaya by Bendall should, in that case, be pushed three or 
four centuries back. I'or all these reasons 1 hold that J agaddai 
and Bibhuti Candra shed lustre upon our past. 



VOL. v., PT. IV.] CONTRIBUTIONS OF BENGAL. 509 

Twelfth Contribution, 
Luipada and his SiddhacaxTyas- 

Luipada and his Siddhacaryyas constitute the twelfth glory 
of ancient Bengal. Of Luipada I have had occasion to mention 
in one or two places. He was the earliest Siddhaearyya. He 
has been described in many places as the Adi-Siddhacaiyya. He 
was a Bengali. In Radha he is even now worshipped, a goat 
being sacrificed in bis honour. In Mayurbhanja too he is worship- 
ped. In Thibet he is worshipped as a Siddhaearyya. Ho wrote 
many Bengali songs and many commentaries on Sanskrit 
Buddhistic works and was the founder of a sect which is either 
Sahajayana or any of its sub-sects. We are in possession of 
materials which show that the Siddhacaryyas at one time estab- 
lished their inllueuce in Bengal and Eastern India. In. a.d. 
l-l-OO a ilaghuvaip.si named Hari Singh became king of Mithila. 
He at one time invaded Nepal and struck terror into the hearts 
of Mussalmaus in Bengal and Delhi. After him many of 
his decendants sat on the throne of Nepal, Haii Singh had a 
minister named Candesvaia. The latter wiote a nimiber of works 
on Smrti. In dai-i ^iLigh's Com"t there was a poet who wrote 
good f ai'ces in Sanskrit. He was called Jyotirisvai*a Kavisek- 
haracaryya. Perhaps this man also used to write verses in Bengali. 
He has left a curious work entitled " Varnana Katnakara/' 
written in a language which seems to be a strange compound of 
Sanskrit and iieugah. The object of the book was to imp;irt 
instruction as to how persons and things should be described in 
poetry. He enumerated the names of 7d out of S-i Siddhas he 
intended to mention. Among the names he mentions, we find 
those of most of Lui^s disciples. Tiie fact, that this sect was in 
existence down to the time of Hari Singh, shows unmistakably 
that Lui was an extraordinary man. 

It is written in Teugur that Lui was called Matsyautrada. 
it means that he was fond of the entrails of fish (which by the 
way is considered a delicacy by every Bengali). The same 
aaihority takes care to point out that he should not on that 



510 CONTRIBUTIONS OP BENaAL. , [J.e.O,B.S _ 

account be confounded with Matsyendranatha who was the son 
of Minanatha, while Lui was Mahayogisvara. 

Of the Siddhacaryyas, the Kirtanas or Caryyapadas of 
the following have come down to us : — Lui, Kukkuri, Bima, 
Dhendhana Darika, Bhade, Gundari, Catila, Bhusuka, Kubnu, 
Kaniaoli, Dombi Mahidharaj Baraha Savara, Ajadeva, Tadaka. 
All these Kirtans became unintelligible even before the Muham- 
madan conquest, and hence it became necessary to write Sanskrit 
notes on them according to Sahajiya School. Besides those there 
was a large number of Dohag which had also their commentaries 
in Sanskrit. All these have been translated into Bhutea or 
Tibetant The works of the Siddhacaryyas named above have been 
also translated into the same language. So, if we carry our 
researches into the Bhutea literature and the Tengur collections, 
we will not only find the ancient religious opinions of Bengal 
but also elaborate materials for writing a history of her literature. 
The Bengali knows very little of his own ancestors whose 
accounts have been preserved by their Bhutea disciples. This is 
indeed a reproach to us, but there can be no doubt that it adds 
to the glory of our ancestors. 



IV. — Chastana's Statue and Date of 
Kanishka. 

A young scholar, Mr. BinoTtosh'Bhattacharya, ma., a son of 
Mahamahopadhjraya Haraprasad Shastri, has made an important 
contribution to the ^aka period of history by reading the name 
on the third statue found along with that of Kanishka' s at 
Mathura. It is '' Shastana ". Dr. Vogel missed this identification 
by reading the first letter incorrectly (he read " Mastana ")'^. 

The fact that Chastana's statue is found in the same yalhallaor 
Deva^ula,'/bo borrow the word of Bhasa and of the inscription on 
the first statue of the Kanishka group, proves that Chastana was 
a near relative of Kanishka and evidently belonged to the same 
family. Chastana-'B dat€ is fixed by the known date of Ptolemy, 
the geographer, who mentions the capital of " Tiantenes. " 
Kanishka^'s date now becomes impossible to be placed in the first 
century B.C. His time must be about a.d. 120, the time of 
Ptolemy. The statue of the seated Kiug in my opinion is that 
of his father, for it is here that the foundation of the statue 
temple (Devakula) is mentioned. His name which is read as 
vama etc. is identical with ^^'eraa Kadpheses, and his description 
Kushanaputra probably denotes nearness to the original founder 
of the family (taking Kushana as a personal name). Remains 
of one more statue were found in the niins of the same Devakula. 
This in all probability was ,a son of Kanishka. Chastana was a 
contemporary of either Kanishka or his son, assuming that his 
father's power.did not extend up to Uj jain, the capital of Chastana. 
"We would not be far from the mark in assuming the period of 
Kanishka to fall between a.d. 70 and A.D. 130 on the evidence 
of this new datum, brought to light by Mr. Bhattacharya. 

K. P. J. 

•« r^ * It is hoped that Mr. Bhattacharya will publish the facsimile of the inaerip- 
tion in the Journal hef ore long. I have examined it and I accept hifl reading au^ 
identification. 



v.— " Saisunaka Statues." 

Joint Meeting of Asiatic Societies held in London. Abs- 
tract of Dr. Vincent Smith's remarks on September 
5, 1919. 

Dr. V, A. Smith. 
Alleged Portrait Statues of Saisunag^a-Nanda Kings. 
Dr. Vincent A. Smith invited attention to the {proposed identi- 
fications of two statues in tlie Indian Museum, Calcutta, found 
at Patna about a century ago, which are in the round, and of 
life size, or a little larger. Each bears a short inscription of 
eight characters, cut on the scarf passing over the back. The 
characters are exceptionally diflScult to read because the script 
is peculiar and the forms of the letters are obscured by the 
parallel grooves marking the folds of the scarf. The only letter 
repeated is n, which appears in a curiously late shape, most 
resembling that found in certain Kusan inscriptions of the first 
or second century A.c, a date quite impossible for the statues, 
which undoubtedly are extremely ancient and probably pre- 
Maurya. The inscriptions have been studied carefully for the 
first time by Mr. K. P. Jayaswal, whose work has been criti- 
cized by Mr. K. D. Banerji of the Indian Museum, Both the 
scholars named, who had the advantage of examining the statues 
at leisure, have published their results in the Journal of tlie 
Bihar and Orissa Research Sociei?/ for 1919, Vol. V. Both 
agree that the statues are pre-Maurya, the oldest known in 
India, and that they are portraits of the two kings, Aja 
or Udaya, and his son, Varta Narfadi or Nandl (Nanda) 
Vardhana, who reigned in the fifth century b. o. That result, 
if established, revolutionizes the history of Indian art. Hitherto 
the assumption that stone sculpture began with Asoka has 
been generally accepted. If the Patna statues and tbeir 
inscriptions are as old as supposed it must be admitted that 



Vot« ▼. PT, 17.] BA18TTNAKA STATUES. 813 

the art of sculptnre in stone was well matured two centnrles 
before As'oka. The execution of the images is sach that it 
presupposes a long prior development of plastic art. 

Dr. Smith was much impressed by the fact that both 
Jayaswal and Banerji agree in the reading of the inscription 
on the later or B. statue as being SaJ)a Khate Tata Narkdi, 
which lis interpreted as meaning "Varta Namdi of universal 
dominion ", The reading seems to be certain. Jayaswal read 
the second sylLable as pa, but Banerji points out that on the 
stone it is ba. The correction does not affect the intei-pretation. 
The record on the older or A. statue is more difficult to read. 
Banerji feels doubts about three of the eight characters, while 
concurring with Jayaswal that the inscription refers to King 
Aja, also called Udaya or Udayin. Time did not permit full 
examination oi the many disputable points raised, but Professor 
Bamett and the other scholars who spoke in the course of 
a brief discussion were unable to believe that the records are 
nearly as old as Mr. Jayaswal alleges them to be. The general 
opinion seems to be that the script is that of about 100 B.C., 
more or les?. Dr. Smith, while unwilling to docrmatize, was 
and is of opinion that the statues are pre-Maurya, hat probably 
they were executed not later than 400 c.c, that the inscriptions 
are contemporary with the statuss, and that the appearance of 
comparative modernity in the script is not conclusive. For the 
present the problem must be regarded as not yet definitely 
solved. 

(II) 

Dr. Bamett. 

Professor Bamett makes the following observations:— 
Mr. K. P. Jayaswal by his learned and able paper on '^Statues of 
Two S'ais'unaka Emperors " (J.B.O.R.S., V, pt. 1, p. 88ff ) has 
rendered such a service to the study of history and antiquities 
that I feel the utmost diffidence in expressing any opinions at 
variance with his theories. But as I have been honoured by a 
request to contribute some notes on the important subjects which 
he has raised, I do so with the prayer h/iamantu sddhazaJi, 



514 SAISUNAKA STATUES. [J3.0,B,B, 

1. Mr. Jayaswal seems to be wrong in his contention that the 
lines denoting the folds of the draperies were incised after the 
inscriptions were out. The plate showing the relief side of the 
inscriptions (facing page 96) and the ink impressions appear 
to point to the opposite conclusion, for we can clearly see on 
them several letters (e.g. the last letter of A. and the second 
and the last of B.) of which the shafts rise up in relief above 
the cross-lines of the draperies, thus suggesting that the letters, 
being more deeply cut than the cross-lines, were incised after 
the latter. The accurate way in which the letters are placed 
upon the cross-lines also leads to the same conclusion. 

2. If we accept Mr. JayaswaPs readings of the inscriptions as 
correct, we are at once faced by several serious linguistic diflBcul- 
ties. He reads A. as Bhage Acho chhonldhl^, interpreting it 
as " His gracious Majesty Aja, king of the land ". Here we 
have three masculine stems in a, in the nominative case, two of 
which end in e and one in o, which is manifestly impossible. 
Perhaps Mr. Jayaswal is mistaken in the vowel of Acho, 
for the ink-impressions do not confirm his reading of o. An 
even greater difficulty arises in the supposed change of j to ch in 
the name Acho, while on the other hand the soft consonants are 
retained inbhage and dhUe. The alteration of soft to hard 
consonants is characteristic of Pais'achi and Chulika-Pais'achI, 
which were never spoken near Patna. Mr. Jayaswal quotes 
two alleged examples, one from Pali and the other from an 
As'okan edict ; but they are disputable, and even if they be 
admitted they are too sporadic to justify the change in the name 
of the king side by side with lunchanged consonants in his 
epithets. To escape this difficulty, it may be suggested that the 
king's real name is Acha, and this was afterwards sanskritized 
by Pauranic writers into Aja. This is conceivable ; but it would 
be unfortunate for Mr. JayaswaPs general hypothesis, for if the 
statue is that of a king whose real name is Acha, it does not 
follow by any means that this Acha is the legendary Aja. In- 
cidentally I may point out that Acha is a good Dravidiau name, 
ho ugh 1 cannot see any way to bring it into the^inscription* 



TOL, V. PT. IV.] S^ISUSAKA STATCES. 515 

Mr. Jayaswal's reading of the second inscription is open to 
the same objection. He wishes to read it as Sapa-khate Fata- 
liamdi, understanding it to mean " Of complete empire^ Varta- 
Kandi '\ He defends sapa^ as a derivative from sarvay by 
comparing the Pali paidpafi, which is more than disputable. 

3. It may however be questioned whether ^li. JayaswaPs 
readings are quite correct. 

In inscription A. the characters seem to me to be 
wT^l^ l^ft^ i as to their interpretation I venture no opinion. 
The third character a is not of an early type ; it is more like the 
<l which appears about 150 B.C. (compare Biihler, PaL^ PI. II, 
Cols. 18 — 21, 24). Next comes a c^ of a distinctly late typs ; 
hardly anything like it is found until the Kushanas (Biihler 
III, col. 3ff.) and the Turfan fragments (cf. plates in Kgl. 
Preuss-Tur/an ExpedUionen : Kleinere Sansirit'-Texte, Heft 1). 
It is not clear to me whether a vowel 5 is attached to the ch, as 
I have already said. The next character \s chh ; Mr. Jayaswal 
appears to have found an 5 attached to it, of which no trace 
appears in the ink-impressions. The sixth character is rightly 
read by him as nl ; but ifc may be added that the shape of 
the » somewhat resembles that of the Kushanas (Biihler, 
I£I, col. 3) and the Turfan fragments. The next letter 
Mr. Jayaswal takes to be dhl. But no dk of this shape is 
to be found in any early inscription, and on the other hand 
it is remarkably like r, especially the kind of v found in 
records of the second century b.c. (Biihler, II, cols. 20 — 22), 
The last character is certainly ki. This form of k is developed 
from the type with straight horizontal bar fouad at Bhattiprolu 
I and belonging to about 200 B.C. or later (Biihler, II, cols. 15, 
IS — 22), the straight bar gradually becoming curved ; W3 have 
an exact parallel in the inscription on the statue of Kanishka. 
The k here is therefore midway between the types of 200 b.c. 
and those of the age of Kanishka. 

Inscription B. is beset with even more difficulties. Mr. Jav- 
aswal reads the beginning as tapa-khafe, ^ which is dialectically 



51B SAISUXAKA STATUES. [J.B.O.EA 

oLjectionable ; moreover, tliere is no letter at all like *. Mr, 
Jcbn Allau, who has carefully studied the ink-imi-ressious with 
me, suggests that instead of sapa, we should read y?, and this 
suggestion is fully justified by the ink-impressious ; but^ unfor- 
tunately for Mr. Jayaswal, the ya which we would read is the 
ifa of the Kushana period. The next [two letters are apparently 
kha and to, (I find no trace of a vowel e in the latter) ; and 
1 may note that the hha is more like the type of Mathura 
(Biihler, 11, col. 20) than that of any very early record. The 
next is probably t'cT, and the next seems to be ^a . Then come» 
a character which Is very instructive, nam written with a 
short stumpy n with the anusvdra placed directly over the shaft 
of the w, exactly as in the Kushana type, and like nothing else 
one early records. Lastly comes a d, which may or inay not 
have a vowel i ; the ink -impression is not decisive on the point. 
To sum up the result of this epigraphic study : the name 
of Aja docs not appear in inscription A. ; the inscription B. 
has indeed four syllables which may without violence be read as 
Ta(n Nandi, a name which might be sanskritized as Farta-Nandi 
but as the Puranas say nothing at all about a king called Varta- 
Nandi, Mr. JayaswaFs effort to identify his Vata-Narndi with 
the Puranie Nandivardhana must be pronounced a failure ; and, 
the tvpe of wailing points to a Mauryan date at the earliest 
and probably is considerably later. 

(HI) 

Mr. Jayaswal's reply. 

1 am beholden to Dr. V. Smith for having studied the 
question himself and for having brought it to the notice of 
European scholars. His opinion on matters of Hindu art and 
history is entitled to greatest weight, and I am fortunate to 
have his endorsement of my results on the study of the two 
Btatues. I am not a little thankful to Dr. Barnett as well who 

M unierat mi that h-i wjuld inw read aaia ; but tho ink-impression sbows 
tliat tlii^ is qaitc unjustified. 



I 



VOL. v., PT. IV,] SAI8UNAK A STATUES. 517 

has given so much consideration to the inscriptions and their 
interpretation. His objections afford an opportunity for going 
still deeper into the problems and they help us in arriving at, 
or at any rate near, the final solution. I have re-examined the 
whole question and the letters on the statues with reference to 
the criticisms of Dr. Barnett. I shall essay to answer his 
objections and shall also mention new facts bearing on the 
question which I have come across in consequence of or during 
the controversy. 

I must also thank here Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasad 
Shastri who gave several hours to the study of the letters on 
the stone. It is only an immediate scrutiny of the inscriptions 
which can give a sure basis for conclusions. No paper- 
impression can bring to clear lig'it the difficult lettering in all 
its detail. Here the testimony of a savant of Mr. Shastri^s 
position is invaluable as scholars abroad cannot physically see 
tae monuments. 

We have now the fuither advantage of the testimony of 
Mr. Green, the stone expert. To bring about finality in the 
controversy as to the actual forms of the disputed letters and the 
interrelation between the letters and the drapery lines, I thought 
of obtaining the independent judgment of a techinical expert 
in stone who would examine the letters as mere incisions and 
trace their forms according to his technical knowledore of the 
chisel. For this purpose I sought the help of Messrs. Martin 
& Co. of Calcutta, the well-known firm of architects and 
engineers, who very kindly asked Mr. F. Green, their expert in 
charge of the construction of the Victoria Memorial, to examine 
the lines and letters on the statues and give his professional 
opinion. The result of his examination is published along with 
his drawings of the letters in controversy. {See Note below-f) 
I also give a tracing of the letters, in full size, kindly prepared 
by Mr. Bishun Swarup, Superintending Engineer, Patna, from 
paper casts of the inscriptions. 

Dr. Barnett questions my assertion that the finishing toueu 
to the statues was given after the letters had been engraved. 



C18 ^AISUNAKA STATUES. [J.B.O.E^. 

Mr. Green's examination proves conclusively that the letters on 
the statue of Aja had been drawn and cut before the drapery- 
lines. This is abundantly clear even in the relief impression 
published in the Journal s e^ for instance, the broken character 
of the lines between the watrds of ni and the next letter. 
Where the drapery lines coincided with the lettering the letter- 
portion has been redeepcned and consequently bears a lower 
level than the drapery line and other portions of the letters. 
In the other inscription, on that of Vata Nandi, the lines and 
the lettering were chalked out together. This is proved by the 
fact that the drapery line No. 4 (counted from the bottom) 
coming against the curved body of the first letter, stops 
absolutely just against it.* In this record also both deep and 
shallow levels in the same letters occur, the deep portions being 
the result of the method of distinguishing letter-forms from 
drapery lines. The bend of the line over the head of letters v 
and t and its higher altitude over the vertical bar of S indicate 
the contemporary existence of the letters and their influence 
on the drawing and cutting oF the drapery lines just above the 
letters. The result is that both inscriptions are contemporary 
with the construction oP the statues. The letters are not placed 
"upon ^•' the lines (as Dr. Barnett says); Ihey hang from the 
line. Placing of letters on lines is the system of European 
scripts, not Indian. " The accurate way in which the letters are 
plac'jd upon tho cros^-lines '^ leads, if to any, to the conclusion 
that those lines were accurately placed below the lettering. 

The decision of this point has a tremendous bearing on the 
question of the age of the script. No responsible scholar can 
allege that these statues are post-Mauryan. The dated technique 
of Asokan and §ungan monuments and the wide difference 
between the two will compel any art critic to place our 
statues before the S'ungan times. The same will be the con- 
Ma hain»boi>adhyaya Haraprasad Shastri thinks that the line is ricommenced 
af lor a hreak on tho other side of the curve which gives to tlic nnu of the letter 
the appearance of an arrow-head. He has therefore omitted the lower part of tl e 
arrow-head in his drawing (coniimre his drawing with Mr. Biskun Swarui' s 
sketch). 1 he break of the drapory lire is absolute in any cneo. 



VOL. v., PT. IV.j SAIS OSAKA STATOES. SIQ- 

elusion of^an unbiased observer who has ol served both the 
Parkham and the Patna images. TLe Parkham is the only" 
monument which comes in line with the art and the material 
of the Patna imxges and the Parkham bears an inscription in a 
known script which has been declared to be Manryan (Vogel, 
Catalogue of Mathura Museum, p. 83. "It has an inscrip- 
tion in Maurya Brahmi "). It is thus impossible to assign a 
post-Mauryaa age to the statues as statues. Hence Dr. Spoouer, 
and I understand also Sir J. Marshall, are of decided opinion 
that the statues are old (^Iiuryan)*. Epigraphists thus have to 
face the fact thnt the statues are at any rite not later than the 
Mauryan period. At ^ the same time, their preconceived ideas 
lead them to think that the script of the inscriptions is late. 
They as well as archaeologists are consequently forced to jwstulate 
that the statues are old but the inscriptions later and subsequent. 
But the real situation is that il" the sta.ues are not post-Mauryan 
the inscriptions cannot be post-Mauiyan, both being simultaue- 
ous and contemporary in execution. The statues bearing the 
" Mauryan polish '•* and *' Mauryan art " bear inscriptions 
which are not of thi Miiiryaa script. Then what is their 
Fcript ? 

Jiefore entering into the question o 3 p dsography I woiild take 
up '* the serious lingalsiic diiHouIties " proposed by Dr. Barnett. 
He objects to the change ofy into ck (Aciio=A3o) in an inscrip- 
tion coming from Patni as the change is a Paisachi chava oteristic 
and the Paisachi country is the North-Western Frontier (Griei-- 
son, Z D.M.G., 46, 49 ; J.R.A.S., 19 1 i, 711). I had admitted 

^ Professor Foacb3r writei :— " A3 ta the Patni stataas, I hive no hesitation 
ia telling yo 1 that I would, from the point of view of their artistic treatment, 
aacrlbo them to the second century B.C., and from the analo?y of the Parkham 
and nharaut iinagjs, id-^nri-y them as yvkshu, that come3 to sny thit I shvre the 
common opinion prevailing on the subject/'. At the sam'3 time the learacd Profes- 
sor admits that the judgment iao^wn to rev^isioa : — " Of conrjj, I admit tatt thia 
jalgjsent, as every hamia one, u open to ravision." I ajree with tbs Professor 
thit before we revolutionize all our ideas abjut the history of Indian Art positive 
proof should oome forward. This proof can be afforded, ia my humble opinion, 
by a 83lutiou of the iiacripujus to the com^ leio satirf vctioa of cpigraphL?t3. 



620 SAISUNAKA 8TATUES. [J .B.O.B.8. 

this characteristic but demurred to its being exclusive to 
Paisachi.i Two examples given by me in support of the change 
in non-Paisachi areas are regarded by the learned Doctor as " dis- 
putable ''. One of them is vrr7cA = rrfly (Asoka) and the other, 
jpuchana (Pali literature). Taking t;r<7;, to show that no room 
for dispute really exists, I quote a sutra of the Prakrit Grammar 
Prakrit a- Manjarl where it is expressly recognized '" cho 
vrajanrityoh" (VII. 44, page 117, ed. Nirnaya Sagara). For 
the second example, I beg to refer to Miiller's Grammar 
of the Pali Language, p. 38 (1834), where to exemplify 
the process of ''hardening of a soft consonant ^% i.e., the 
Paisachi process, Miiller gives " paoheti " (pra-ij), and 
pdchana. Here in the inscription the change is similarly in aj. 
Another point of objection is that the change is too sporadic to 
justify the change in the nam;j of the king side by side with 
unchanged consonants. But phonetic laws make no distinclion 
between names of kings and gods and names of commoners ind 
animals. If there is a law of sporadic change it may choose any 
victim. Take for instance the Paisachi changes in the very 
name of the mighty Kubera on the Bharhut railing as KujAra 
(L. B. I. 794) while side by side other letters enjoy immunity 
from this vulgar prof anity. Similarly see Bhagapatcl ior Bhaga- 
vaf-a at Araaravati (L.B.I. 1271). Hero Hhaga is free like Dhage 
in our inscription. Take again the commoner Fitura for Vidhura 
2LnAi\iQ 9irx\vQ3XMngapakit/a { = pa»^kiya) at Bharhut; also see 
Mokhadeva — Moghdcleva in the Jataka (J.R.A.S. 1912, p. 406). 
These amongst numerous are all cases of Paisachisms outside the 
Paisachi jurisdiction, and sporadic, side by side, with unchanged 
consonants. Dr. Barnefct's objection to the change of v into p 
in sapa is similarly answered. See examples given by Miiller at p. 
32 {lapa = ldva, paidpati — prajavatl, paldpn—palava, chhdpa=- 
= «aya:, Sapadana=Savadana, Suprina = suvana, dog, dhopaua=: 
dhovana^ See also ^mjo«^o for Airavata at Bharhut (L.B. 1,752). 

^ * The cliauffc of j into ch which later Prakrit Grainmariaiia regard as 
charactoriscio of tho North- Western diilecfc, i^ kuown to the official Pali ". — 
J.B.O.U.S , V, p. 102. 



VOL. v., PT, IV.] SAISUNAKA STATUES. 521 

All these are sporadic changes side by side with anhardened con- 
sonants. Inscriptions prove that nowhere was the strict or ide.il 
Prakrit of the grammarian spoken. Prakrita or vulgar tongue 
had its own way when Prakrit languages were alive. There are 
forms and changes in the very names of kings and rulers in 
official records which followed the convenience of the tongua of 
populace or idiosyncracies of individual scribe? and engravers 
and not the philological laws of grammarians. How gramma- 
rians' phonetics was at a discount may be seen from Brihdsiyati- 
tnitra and Bahasatimitra, one appearing in a near relative's record 
and the other on coins, the original of the two being one and 
the same Brihaspaiiniiira; Gudaphara, Ga'iiphara, Gudapharna, 
all on the coins of the saiie Gondophares, Mdlavdnit Jitija and 
MalavakmJar/a (CM. 172) on coins of the same time and jDcople 
are examples of popular phonetics of the tongue as again.st iron 
phonetics of books. Ramains prove that it was the former which 
ruled in every-day life and not Vararuchi and Pischel. In these 
circumstances it is enough for my position to show fro:u 
literature and stone that changes oij into ch and v into /?did 
take place in Magadha and that the so-called Paisachisms were 
not confined to the Pais'acha country. 

The remaining linguistic question raised by Dr. Bamett is 
about the nominative endings in 5-iaytf, ^C;io and chkonldhlse. 
This situation he considers '* manifestly impossible '\ He seems 
to think that every case-ending should have followed either 
what the grammarian calls the rtrf/^a-il/t7^a(M« e-ending or the 
Magadhi o-ending. To see that the situation far from being im- 
possible^ is very common, take instances in Aioka's inscriptions : 
"Satiyapiito Kelalaputo Tambapamhi Amtiyoye " at Kalsi, '' ra- 
juko pradesike " at Shahbazgarbi (against rdjuke cha prddesike 
at Gimar), at Shahbazgarbi in section X'' D^vana priye" and 
then " Devanarn priyo/'^ iu section Xi dhramaiums'fave dhrama- 
iamvihhago (against dhammasamstavo va dhammaMmvibhago of 
Girnar), Devdnampriye a.t Girnar in the beginning of section XII 
while a few words after Devilnamptyo and throughout 'piyo 



522 SAISUNAKA STATUES [JJT.O'.K^, 

and endings in o in other cases ; again at Shahbazgarhi^ XIII 
line 8 " Amtiyoko Turamaye nama ... Alikasudaro " where out- 
of the five Greek names Turamaya ends in e (against the Girnar 
Turmayo) while two end in o. In view of the eviden-ce of 
actual usage from stone all notions of Prakrit grammar to the 
contrary have to be given up, and it cannot be alleged that the 
occurrence of a masculine o-eniding 'form side by side with 
e-ending farms is manifestly impossible. 

Ac A 0, Ache, or ^c^ a will, however, denote oire and the same 
name and the occurrence of any will support me equally. It is 
important that Di*. Barnett takes Acha as a proper name. 1 fail 
to see why it should be against my hypothesis if.it is conceded (for 
the sake of agument) that Acha was the real name (and Dravidian 
if yoTi 1 ke) and Aja a sanstritization. How does it affect the 
question of identification ? To call the Puranic Af'a *' legendary " 
is to beg the whole question in issue. When the vast majority 
of the names of Puranic list, from Bimbisara downwards, have 
been confirmed by inscriptions, coins of independent literature, 
when Banies both before and after AJa are proved and have had 
to be treated as historic al, how can we pick out one and call it 
legendary ? 

It would be convenient here to discuss Dr.. Barnett^s 
assertion that the Puranas say nothing about a king called Varta 
Kandi. Now let us review the whole situation. He admit» 
that there is Nandi Vardhana in the Puranas. There were two* 
royal houses in the time of the Buddha and Maha-Vira with 
reference to whose regnal years the Buddhists and Jai ns date tils' 
great events in their early ecclesiastical history. These were the 
Magadha and the Avanti (IJjjain) houses. The Kingdom of 
Avanti lasted, from Pradyota (a contemporary of the Buddha 
and Bimbisara) to Ajaka or Jja ^ and Nandi Vardhana, for V6^ 
or 128 years (Pargiter pp. 18, 19 ; J.B.O.R.S., I, 108.) Trora 
Bimbisara up to the end of Udayi 111 years, and that of his 
successor Nandivardhana the Ajeya, 151 years passed in the 
Magadha line according to the text of ]Mr. Pargiter (pp. 68, 69). 

' Pajgitcr, r.T.,p. I'J. 



VOL. v.. PT. IV.] SAISUXAKA STATUES. 523 

This is thus evident tlufc the two Nandivardhan \s are 
undoubtedly contemporaries and that the Avanti dynasty came 
to an end in the time of Sis'unaka Nandi-Vardhana Ajeya 
of Magadha and Nandi-Vardhana^ son of Aja, of Avanti. The 
Nandi-Vardhana of the Avanti list, apart from buing a contem- 
porary of the Nandi-Vardhana of Magadha, is expressly called 
a Sisunaka {EA't-vinUai samd rdjyam Aiakasf/a (V. Br., Vi. 
=iSuri/akat tu, M.) hhavit hyaii ois'undkak nripis trim^at tatmto 
Nandivardhanah) in one of the two oldest manuscripts of the 
Matsya Purana which is dated 1729 (Wilson 21, Bodleian). In 
view of the reading of the Jones Manuscript of the Vayn, charac- 
terized by Mr, Pargiter as " very valuable " " A jakah sa karishyati" 
it will be Ajaka who is called a Sisunaka by the Matsya manu- 
script. In either case, Nandi Vardhana biinq;' called the son of the 
former, if one is a «yisunaka both have to be taken as tyisonakas. 
This is confirmed by the readings of other manuscripts and by the 
Jain records. The latter place after Palaka and 6 (J years the 
Nandas of Magadha. Palaka was the son of Pradyota according 
to the Puranas which place one more successor (Visakhavupa) 
before Aja ; and Palaka and Visakhayupa have 74. years 
between them (Pargiter, p. 68). ^ In other words, the Jains 
count the ^lagadha rule in Avanti with or in the reign of the 
Aja of the Paranas.^ It should be remembered that the Puranas 
have dealt with the Prady Ota family in the Magadha list as 
a sort of footnote. For a long time they had been lost 
amongst and mistaken for Magadha kin^s. I believe it was in 
the "S'aisunaka Chronology^' published in the first number of 
this Journal and in Mr. Pargiter's Text that the Avanti list 
was separated for the first time. In separating them I saw 
and pointed out the identity of the two Nandivardhanas. 

^Piiranat : Jaina ; 

Ptadoyta 



Palaka, 24. [ 74 Palaka, 60 years. 

Visakhayupa, 50. 



xindivardhana j Nandas of Magadha 

' Aja U given 21 ycari in Avanti by the Pora^as. 



524 SAISUNAKA STATUES. [J.B.O.R.S. 

The point Is that the S'i^unakas and the Pradyotas are read 
together. Now the Jones m<*nuscript of the Vayu (called 
e Vayu by Pargiter) which is a unique document giving a very 
early version of the Vayu, elosei the Avanti kings with Ajaha 
(Pargiter, p. 18), it does not give Nandivardbana and the 
total, and it reads immediately the line which is given by 
Mr. Pargiter as the first line of the next (the S'isunaka) list ; 
Iiatvd tesAdm yasali kritsnam Sisundko bhavisJiyati ', ''having 
destroyed completely their glory he will be a S'isunaka ■'^. Itread^ 
this line exactly as I had proposed it to be read as an emenda- 
tion (J.B.O.R.S., I, 108). Several manuscripts of the Matsya 
(Pargiter-'s K) as well omit Nandivardbana and read the line 
quoted above after Ajaka (spelt as Si^ryaka). The result is that 
some manuscripts close the Avanti kingdom with Ajaka, calling 
him a S'is'unaka and some with bis son Nandivardbana calling 
him a Sisunaka. Then again, the Asiatic Society edition of the 
Vayu and all other editions of that Purana unanimously 
call the son of Ajaka of Avanti Varti Vardhana ^. It 
is thus definite that Varti Vardhana, son of Ajaka or Aja, 
and Nandi Vardhana, son of Ajaka or Aja, denote one and the 
same king. At the same time no one would suggest that 
Varti can be a misreading for Nandi. Varti and Nandi have 
therefore to be taken as double designations, either one as 
a Viruda and the other a personal name, or both as personal 
names. 

Now let us take up the consideration of Vardhana. The 
Puranas alternatively call Nandi Vardhana, "Nanda Vardbana'\ 
'the Bhagavata MS. dated 1107 reads Namta. Mr. Pargiter 
describes this manuscript as " generally accurate''^ and" very 
valuable '', The Puranas giving 100 years collectively to the 
"Nandas ", count from Nandivardbana, like the Jains 
(J.B.O.R.S., V, 98). The Jain author Heraachandra calls 
the successor of Udayi ^' Nanda "''' only. He does not us*^ 

' Onlj two .mauuscripta of uukuown dates used by tbo editor of the Asiatic 
Society edition and one by that of the Anand&sramii oditiou give dff.Tont 
readingi Vnrdhi and Kirti which are laauifcstly easy BaiereadiBgs. 



VOL. v., PT. IV,] SAISUXAKA STATUES. 525 

Fardhnna. Vardhani is, again, used by the Puranic 
^vriters ( Visbnu) in case of As 'oka ( A sokavardhana) while we 
know from inscriptions that Vardhana was no part of his 
name. It has therefore to betaken as a title in the Puranio 
writers ^. In view of the " Nanda " and " Nandas " of the 
Jains and Puranas and the use of Vardhana with As'oka, 
I am entitled to treat Vardhand as a title used by the 
Puranas to distinguish Nundi froai other Nandas. We thus 
get Nandi and Varti alone as names, personal and Viruda, 
or alternative. 

In face of these facts, itt the existence of the indisputable 
Tarti Fard/tana and Nandi Fardkana as denoting one and the 
game king, can it be said that " the Puranas say nothing at 
all about a king called Varta ^ Nandi " and that " Mr. Jayas- 
waVs effort to identify bis ' Vata NanJi with Puranic Nandi- 
v.irshana must be pronounced a failure^' ? We find Simuki (or 
i[s misreadings) in the Purarns but not the other name Satava- 
hana, while below his statue we liave " Simuka Satavahano ''■' 
( Biibler, A.S.W.I.. 4. ) Does any one doubt the identitica- 
ti ju of Simuka Satavahana with the first king of the Puranic 
Audhras ? In the Puraaas we have only As'oka. in the Ceylonese 
chronicle " Priyalarsana, '■" and in inscriptions discovered op to 
this time, Asoka or Priyadarsin. Will the identification be chal- 
lenged if we found in future As'oka Priyadarsi together ? The 
Orissi MSS. have only either the Virula or personal name 
o: kings and now in inscriptions both are found together. Are the 
identifications of those kings to be doubted ? 

For my thesis it would have been enough to find Aja or Ajaka 
and his son Nandi- Vardhana even in the Avanti list with the ex- 
press mention about one r^i them to be a S'is'unaka. In addition 
to that we have the identification confirmed by the S'is'unaka 
list. Nandi Vardhana in the Magadha list is the successor of 

1 Compare also the use of Vardhana joined on to Harsha. 
' Vata may equally represent Varta or Varti. 

'Also Dr. Bamett's as be admits tktt it may be read witboat Tio!$nce as 
Vata XaodL 



526 • ^ - SAISUNAKA STATUES. [J.B.O.R.S, 

Udayi according to all the Purapas except the Bhagavata. The 
latter gives in place of Udayi "^Ajaya'^ and calls Nandivardhana 
^'Ajeya''. To any one who knows Sanskirt Grammar it is evi- 
dent that a patronym Kjeya can only be formed from Aja and 
therefore the preceding form ^'Ajai/a" is to be regarded as corrupt. 
This was clear to Dr. Barnttt and he has not questioned the 
Puranic existence of Aja alleged by me. This seems to have 
been clear to Mr. Pargiter who in giving the reading Ajaya said, 
" but ^ see note S8 ", and note 38 rans : **Bh ( the Bhagavata ) 
gives him (Nandivardhana) the patronymic Ajeya. It has been 
however questioned in the pages of the Indian Antiquary 
(11)19, page 35) and as the objection has the tacit support 
cf Mr. BhAudirkar, the Sa; skrit knowing editor, I may be per- 
mitted a short digression to deal with it. It luis been boldly 
asserted there that Aja does not exist in the Siraaaka list '' as 
one may satisfy himself by looking at Pargiter' 8 Furaua Text, 
pages 20 — 22 ". The objector derives '^Ajeya ^' from "Ajaya ■'■' 
via " ajeya ^', for both in his opinion mean " invincible ". 
But a derivative suffix is not attached to the meaning but 
to the word iiself. Similarly it is elementary enough that 
iaddhita suffixes are added to a noun and not to a Vi/eshana 
as Ajcyii is (verbal adjoctivt). The form Ajeya here in the 
S'ais'unfika and, Aja and Ajaka in the Avanti list prove beyond 
controversy that the other name of Udayi is to be read as 
Aju or AJaka in place ofithe reading "Aj.iya". 

The question of readings and paljeography may be discu-^scd 
now. Dr. Barnett reads the .\ja inscrij)tion as Bhaye Arha 
chJianivlke, against my reading BJiage Acho chhonldlie. The 
material difference is about the last word, and there too 
it is narrowed down to the last two letters and the vowel 
mark in the tirst one. In the second inscription he agrees 
with my reading Vata Nandi and agrees witli mo in treat- 
ing it as a proper name. Acha also, as I have pointed 
out already, he regards as a proper name. I have thus the 



^ Italicizatiou is by mo. 



VOL. V, PT. IV.J SAISUNAKA STATUES. 527 

good fortune of having his endorsement as to the names, 
the most material portions of the inscriptions. If I have 
succeeded in establishing the equation between Acha and Aja 
and the existence of Varta Nandi in the Puranas the material 
controversy is over. I shall, however, try by my further 
submissions to satisfy Dr. Barnett on the remaining and minor 
differences as well. 

The difference with regard to tho reading of the second 
inscription is limited to the first two letters only which 
he reads as jr and I as sapa, rather aaba. There is no 
substantial difference, in the reading of the next two letters: 
his Khata against my Khate ( in either case the meaning remain- 
ing the same) : 

Dr. Barnett : yakhata Vata Nandi. 
Jiyaswal : Sabakhate Vata Nandi. 
We must take into consideration the fa.^t that the differ- 
ing^ versions " yakhata " and " chhanivike" givf no meayiing. 
Dr. Barnett has admitted this in dealing with the latter 
and he offers no interpretation of yakhata as well *. 
On the other hand my interpretation of the disputed 
passages, as I road them, (chhonidhls'e, " king of the land ", 
*' saba-khata '\ sarva-khatra, " of complete empire '') has not 
been challenged . 

To take the question of vowel marks. The irscriptions 
■are most difficult to reproduce in impression, and I selected 
only those copies for reproduction which gave the majority 
of letters in gjol relief. I could get no single copy 
in which all the letfcirs hil co.n^ oat satisfactorily. Oa 
receipt of Dr. Birnett's criticism I have re-examined the 
stone and I find the top Une deeper on the cA and chA 
which indubitab ly indicates the o-matra. These are the only 
two o-marks in the inscription and in both cases they sre 

1 Th« attempt to make acAa chha = akthat/(i (Indian Antiquary, 1919, page 28) 
need nob be onaidered. A.ny one knowing Sihskrit and Prakrit ^ill not 
entertain it even for a second- 



528 SAISUNAKA STATUES. [J.B.O.B.S^. 

missed by Dr. Barnett as tbe matra assumes the form of 
a straight horizjntal line and inclines to get submerged in 
the drapery line. But in fact the marks are very, very clear 
on the stone. 

Since the above was written Mr. Green, the expert, and Maha- 
mahopadhyaya Haraprasad Shastri h ive examined the incisions. 
Both gentlemen find the incision on the top of the letters decisive. 
Further^ the letters of the inscription hive been kindly traced 
for us by Mr. Bishun Svvarup, Superintending Engineer, 
Eistern Circle Bihf>r and Orissa, from paper-east impressions. 
Tbe eye-copies prepared by Mr. Shastri and Mr. Green and the 
tracing by Mr. Bishun Swarup would convince Dr. Barnett 
of the existence of the vowel marks in question. With o-mark 
the c/^ is to be read as cko and fche third letter as chhonl, "land"''', 
not chkwm, the meaningless In the other inscription as to the 
vowel mark on f, Mr. Shastri says that it has to be read either as 
or a (not tf as I had proposed) and I accept this and read it with 
hi nas io (k'lata). The mirk on the top of kk is disregarded by 
the Mabamahopadhyaya as I had done, for the reason that it is 
not connected with the letter. The revision from khate to 
khato^ though it does not affect the meaning, is important for 
the sake o£ accuracy, and I thank Dr. Barnett for being its 
indirect cause. 

The next letter after chhonl, Dr. Barnett takes to be v 
against my dh. He says that it is remarkably like v of the second 
century B c. and refei'S to Mathura and Hathiguuapha. I am 
reproducing these »/s side by side v/ith the letter in question 
and an undisputed -y from our present inscriptions. The v's which 
Dr. Barnett citas differ materially from our letter. Then, 
if the letter with slightly curved sides and a long neok bar on 
the other statue is v, and w*3 are unanimous that it is v, then the 
triangle without any su;h neck can hardly be the same letter in 
the script of the inscriptions in question. . If we had no example 
of V in th3 inscriptions Dr. Barnitt's proposal would have 
stood on an arguable basis. But when we have in the inscrip- 
tions »a undoubted v, it would be inadmissible to read the dis- 



I 



VOL. T., PT. IV.] 8A1SUNAKA STATUES. 529 

puted letter as p. The only other possible reading of the letter is 
dh as it is evident from a comparison with known dh's which 
I am reproducing. And it is dh which gives a meaning not v. 
Taking it as a dh-iovm, if we compare it with the Kalsi and 
IJhattiprolu forms we at once see its old character. The 
latter two with cursive tendency are the same form only topsy- 
turvy^ a phenomenon well known in the development of early 
BrahmT. The right form ( as opposed to the Kalsi head-down) 
descends in the archaic or " retrograde " scripts of Western India, 
e.g. at Nanighat ( 150 B.C., see reproduction ) and Nasik 
( Biihler A.R.W.D., IV, 72 ) and earlier at Gimar ( As'oka ) 
( see the reproduced letter ) . 

As to the reading of the first two letters of the other ins- 
cription, the top horizontal bar to the right-hand diagram ( see 
the drawings by Mr. Shastri and Mr. Green and the tracing from 
the impression by Mr. Bishun Swarup ) excludes conclusively 
the I ossibility of taking the left-hand figure ( my s ) as the 
right band part of a Kusbana y. It can only be a ^ or p, rather 
h than/7, as corrected by Mr. Banerji. The initial part thus left 
to itself cannot be any letter but a S, either cerebral or dental 
( see comparison with S's in the plate ). The deepening at 
base stops below the first vertical bar of b, thus separating it 
from the previous letter. The proximity of the two letters 
may be compared with that in Aeho in the other inscription 
where two letters come even in closer contract. Then also 
the two letters saha would, if taken as one letter, cover doable the 
area of any single letter in the inscription, and would make the 
reading {'/ah'ia a) nonsensical. J in any case is out of question 
in view of the top horizontal to the two parallel verticals. 

To come to j algeography, I submit that Dr. Barnett is wrong 
in calling our cA a late type. Dr. Barnett has followed Biihler^s 
method and opinion in determining the age of letters. But Biihler 
himself ^ regards this type of ch, what I described as a ch with 

^ References are to the translation of Biibler's Indian Paleography by 
Dr. Fleet, i.A. 33. 



530 SAISHNAKA BTATUE9. tJ.B.O.B.S, 

perpendicular line produced independently of the lower body, as 
the most archaic. My characterization of the ch probably would 
have been better understood if I had cited the example of the 
Bhattiprolu ch or employed the popular description of Biihler — 
'^ the tailed ch" (I. P.p. 13). The c4 of our inscription is 
found at Bhattiprolu in the Dravidi variety of Brahrai. About 

this ch Biihler says thus ^' three signs c (c 4), y and*, 

are more archaic thaa those of the Asoka edicts and of the 
Erancoin'". Out of these three letters, the s referred to by 
Biihler occurs also, as I shall presently show, on one of 
our statues ; j is unfortunately absent. Now the conclusion 
which is derived by Biihler is that " the Dravidi alphabet 
separated from the main stoak of the Brahmi long before 
the E ran coin wis struck, at the latest fifth century b. c." 
I also regard this ch as oldest but on the theory that greater 
effort and larger number of strokes prove higher antiquity in 
evolution, our ch requiring greater strokes and effort, the 
A^oka eh being written in practically one flourish without 
lifting off the pen. 

The statues were found here in Patna, not in the Dravidi 
country oP Madras Pre.^idency. If here at Patna we find in 
a script the Dravidi Brahmi letters on which Biihler bases his 
theory, can any one who accepts Biihler 's theory resist the 
conclusion that the Patna script must be dated '*at the latest 
in the fifth century b, c", that is, the period before which the 
separation between the Southern and Northern Brahmi took 
place ? And it u the fifth century B.C. date that I claim 
for the statues and their script. To give visual demonstration 
I am reproducing the ch of the statue and ch'& from Bhattiprolu. 
I reproduce the southern s also along with our *• The southern 
« with crossbar has been read by Biihler as sh. As ho has 
shown, it cannot be the dental s, ior a separate sign for it is 
found all along in the Bhattiprolu inscriptions. It can be 
therefore either the palatal or lingual «. The palatal occurs oa 
the crystal at Bhattiprolu but the script of that, as Biihler 
admits, is " ordinary Brahmi ^' ( p- ^^ ). Biihler could have read 



VOL. T., PT. IV,] SAIStTNlKA STATUES. 531 

hig each and every Dravldi s occurring at Bhattlprolu as ^ in place 
of sk without the least phonetic objection, and without having 
the necessity of saying that " it can only be doubted whether s 
i = sh) has been put erroneously for ^ as often in the Jaina ins- 
criptions from Mathura " (p. 38). In any case the point is not 
material for our controversy, for s and / and si are promiscuoosly 
employed ia Prakrit inscriptions, and as Biihler says the signs 
for the three differed very litlla in shape and were evidently 
derived and differentiated from one original. Now the shape of 
what I read as ^ should be compared with the Dravidf g with the 
crossbarj (^ or 5^.) It should be also compared with 5 of ordinary 
Brahmi along with the proposed forms of decay (development) 
shown in dotted lines in the plate. In placing the history of 
the letter I cite also two letters from the cairn pottery characters 
amongst which a number of Brahmi letters have been identified by 
Mr. Yazdani. * The cairn letters not only supply us with a pro- 
totype for our ^but also for our bi. This latter Dr. Barnett has 
read with me as 6k and he has not declared it to be later. But 
nowhere else in the whole range of Indian epigraphy is bh found 
without the vertical bar. Now, I say it is a bh, and it is 
accepted. If I show that it occurs in monuments older — older 
by centuries than Asoka^s — and nowhere else later, it ought to be 
also accepted that we have in the letter another sure proof of an 
ancient date. Nobody will question the dits of the cairns. The 
granite sla'^es of the coffins, shown to me in situ by Dr. Hunt 
of Secunderabad, are so old that they crumble to touch. Like- 
wise if you put your finger on the pottery bearing the writing 
you can bore a hole and put your finger through. Again, for 
those who believe in Biihler's theory of a Semitic origin of 
Brahmi I cite a Semitic b which again is an exact parallel of 
our statue bh. Whatever the origin of Brahmi and cairn 
writing, our bh form is far, far older than Asoka, judged either 
from the cairn type or the Semitic prototype. It goes 



"^ Annual Report of the Arcliaeological Department of His Highness the Xizam'g 
Dominions, 1917, p. 10 ; Joarnal of the Hyderabad Archa?ological Society, 1917, 
p. 57. 



633 SAISUNAKA STATUES. [J.B.0.R8, 

back to tte period prior to the differentiation oE the Northera 
and Southern scripts of Brahml. In the north the vertical 
bar evolved to the right and in the south to the left, very 
probably in the way as shown in the diagram on the plate 
attached. 

We have thus two letters in the Aja inscription about the 
reading of which there is no controversy {bk and cJi) which are 
unquestionably pre-Mauryan and removed from As 'oka by- 
centuries. There is the third letter s which if my reading is 
accepted, and my reading alone gives a meanlag, will have also, 
to be admitted as pre-Mauryan. 

Dr. Barnetb does not suggest that our chh is late, nor does 
he demur to my assertion about t, i, v and d, in the other 
inscription being old. In fact the v here, even according to 
Biihler^s theory, is the oldest form (see his v reproduced in the 
plate) . It is oldest also on the basis of my theory, circular and 
oval forms requiring less effort, came later than the straight base 
V. The d-ioxm. of our inscription is seldom, if ever, found again 
after As'oka (Delhi) . About the form of kh Dr. Barnett is 
mistaken when he says that it is like the type of Mathura 
(150 — 100 B.C.), for the Mathura letter is a triangle while 
ours is four-sided (see Mr. Green''3 diagram and other drawings), 
and the body is to the left. Such a kh was unknown to Indian 
epigraphy up to this time. Thus the position about the second, 
inscription Is that four out of the undisputed letters are unques- 
tionably early and about one further [kh) it is impossible to 
allege a late date for want of a second example. In the first 
inscription, similarly leaving out the disputed two letters, at 
least four letters out of the remaining six are such which 
Dr. Barnett would not call late on his own theory. As to the 
remaining letters I shall presently show that their forms do go 
to a period beyond As'oka. But even on the basis of admitted 
old letters the question arises : the statues in age being on the 
evidence of the polish and the Parkham image at least Mauryan 
and the script being un-Mauryan, what is. the script in qucstioii ? 
It may be equally earlier than As'oka or later than As'oka. L'uL 



VOL. v., PT. IV.] 3AISUNAKA STATUES. 533 

as we have records from every part of the country in namber for 
the period later than As'oka, and to none of the post-Mauryan 
scripts the statue script corresponds, — no script is found where 
the " tailed " ch and barless bh, the crossbar « and the four- 
sided kh and the four-angled </ occur together or occur at all — ■ 
the statue script must necessarily be pre-As'okan. 

That before Asoka's time scripts other than As'okan were in 
existence is proved by positive evidence. That is the evidence 
of the coins of the Akhaemenians current in North-Western 
India, the Persian sigloi. They are the only documents about 
whose pre-As'okan d ite there is not the least controversy. The 
Persian empire was destroyed in 331 B.C. by Alexander and 
their rule in India had come to an end much earlier, very 
probably about 400 b.c, in the time of Darius II wlio lost the 
greater portion of the outlying Persian dominions. Ktesias 
writing about 416-398 B.C. in Persia speaks of the " Indian 
i king" and Alexander found the Punjab independent. The 
Persian coins in India thus would be dated between 500 B.C. 
and 400 B.C., or at the latest about 35l> b.c. Now what do 

Sf>ipv prove ? They completely destroy the theory of Biihler in 
ect of his supposed pre-As'okan development of Brahmi letters, 
ording to his theory the iigloi letters ought to have been 
post-As'okan by centuries. But thi coins are admittedly at 
least a century older than As 'oka. Biihler had to concede " But 
the shape of the characters on the Persian sigloi makes it 
probable that even its (that of Maurya alphabet) more advanced 
forms existed before the end of the Akhaemenian rule in India 
331 B.C. " (LP. 33). Biihler had also to face the occurrence 
of numerous forms in Asokan inscriptions what on his hypo- 
thesis — that Brahmi originated from a Semitic script of known 
forms between 800 B.C. and 500 B.C. — he would treat as later 
by centuries (" Kushana, Mathura, Andhra, Abhira," I. P., 7). 
In view of these facts he said about the " apparently or really 
advanced " types and *' modem looking signs from Asoka's 
edicts '•' that — 

The existence of so many local varieties, and of so yery numerous cursive 
forms, proves in any case that writing had had a long history in Anoka's 



534 SAISUNAKA STATUES. tJ.U.CB.S. 

time, and that the alphabet was then in a state of transition. The use of 
the cursive forms together with archaic ones may possibly be explained by 
the assumption that several, partly more archaic and partly more advanced 
alphabets were simultaneously used during the third century b.c, and that 
the writers, intending or ordered to use lapidary forms, through negligence 
mixed them with the more familiar cursiv© letters, as has also happened 
not rarely in later inscriptions. It is possible to adduce in favour of this 
vi«w the abovementioned tradition of the Drsfcivada, accordiug to which 
a larger number of aljjhabets was in use about 300 b.c. The conjecture 
•would become a certainty, if it could ibe shown that the word seto, ' the 
■white (el«phant),' which has been added to Dhauli edict VI in order to 
explain the sculpture above the middle^column, was incised at the same time 
ae the preceding edicts. The two characters of seto show the types of the 
Kusana and Gupta inscriptions. Though it is difficult to understand that, 
in later times anybody should have cared to add the explanation of the 
relief, keeping exactly the line of the edict, the possibility of the assumption 
that this was actually done, is not altogether excluded. 
Then again, 

The forms of the Brahmi and Dravidi, used during the first 600 years, 
are known at present only from inscriptions on stones, copper- plates, coins, 
seals and ringt^, and there is only one instance of the use of ink from the 
third or second century B.C. The view of the development of the characters 
during tuis period is, therefore, not complete. For, in accordance with the 
results of all pala;ographic research, the epigraphic alphabets are mostly 
more ai'chaic than those used in daily life, as the very natural desire to 
employ monumental forms prevents the iidoption of modern letters, and as, 
in the case of coins, the imitation of older sjiecimeiis not rarely makes the 
alphabet retrogiade. The occurrence of numerous cursive forms together 
with very archaic ones, both in the Aloka edicts and also in later 
inscriptions, clearly proves that Indian writing makes no exception to the 
general rule 

In other words, the As'oka letters do not furnish a sure 
criterion toldetcrmine the age of the letters actually in use in and 
before As'oka's time ; in business and daily life they were 
later in form ; they were later in form even during the Persian 
rule, a century (if not more) before As'oka^'s time ; and there 
were other scripts current side by side witli As'okan and proto- 
As'okan scripts. iThis admission is quite enough for my 
purposes. When I show, that there are letters in our inscriptions 
of whichin one, if not in two, are the " tailed " ch and the 




e of V 

.11) 

Xlgumpha ( B-T ) 

T). 7=Kalsi (B-T) 
hat ( A S W I, V, pi. LI, 1 > 
_:^4 ). ll = Nasik (B-T) 

^to M M. H P Shastri ) 
~ratha. S, ( B-T ) 
3elhi S'(B-T) 



/ :ai 



u S or S (BT) 
dinary Br. S ( B-T > 
:alrn ( J H A S, 1917 ) 
velopment 



= Sabaean ( En. Br. I, 731 ) 



Dl 



= Showing development 



\J 



mar ( III, V ) 
^ Siddapur ( B-T ) 
_js ( B-T ) 



U. Ray & Sons 



J. B.O. R.S. 1919 



VOL. y., PT. IV.] SAISDNAKA STATUIS. {35 

cross-bar s, we have a definite test agreed upon as proving 
a period before As'oka's time ; when I show letters the like of 
which have not been found in scripts post-As'okan but about 
the reading of which there is no controversy [bk, ik), and two 
of which are traced back to megalithic remains {bk, s) ; when 
I further show that there are names of two kings on the 
statues and that these inscriptions are contemporary with the 
statues ; when I also show that statues were as a matter of 
fact given to deceased kings and that statues were given soon 
after their demise (Bhasa corroborated by the Kushana and Sata- 
vahana inscribed statues), the occurrence of one or two '' modern 
looking " (to quote the word of Biihler) letters will not make 
the statues or inscriptions modem, especially when it is 
conceded that " modern looking " letters are found in older 
records. But I show presently that even the modem looking 
letter (») is traced back in decidedly much older — As'okan and 
pre-As'okan monuments. 

On the standard set up by Biihler to judge of the age of 
scripts, I may be allowed to quote the latest opinion expressed 
in the article on " Alphabet " in the last (eleventh) edition 
of the Eneyelopadia Britannica by an expert on Semitic 
writings who takes an outsider''s point of view on Biihler's 
theory — 

Biihler, on the other hand, shows from literary evidence that writing 
was in common use in India in the fifth, possibly in the sixth century B.C. 
The oldest alphabet must have been the Erahml lipi, which is found all 
over India. But he rejec'^s Taylor's derivation of this alphabet from the 
Sabean script, and contends that it is borrowed from the North Semitic. 
To the pedantry of the Hindu he attributes its main characteristic?, viz. 
(a) letters made as upright as possible, and with few exceptions equal in 
height ; (6) the majority of the letters constructed of verticil lines, with 
appendages attached mostly at the foot, occasionally at the foot and at 
the top, or (rarely) in the middle, but never at the top alone ; (c) at the 
tops of the characters the ends of ^ ertical lines, less frequently straight 
horizontal lines, still more rarely curves or the points cf angles opering 
downwards, abd quite exceptionally in the symbol ma, two lines rising 
upwards. A remarkable feature of the alphabet is that the letters are hung 
from and do not stand upon a line, a characteristic which, as Biihler notes 



536 SAISUNAKA STATUES. [J'B.O.BA 

belongs even to the most ancient manuscripts andtothe Aoka insciiptiona 
of the tiiiri century B. c. When these spacially Indian features have been 
allowed for, Buhler contends that th^ symbols borrowed from the 
Semitic alphabet cvn be carried back to the forms of the Phoenician 
andiMoabJte alphabets. The proof deals with each symbol separately, as 
might be expected of its author ; it is both scholarly and ingenious, but 
it must he admitted, not very convincing, ^ Further evidence as to the 
early history of this alphabet must be discovered before we can definitely 
decid« what its origin may be. That such evidence will ^be forthcoming 
there is little doubt. 

Now, as before in the case of the Piprahwa vase, when that fresh 
evidence has come forward, instead of its questioning Biihler's 
theory it is itself questioned on the ground that it does not 
accord with that theory. And that is done in face of the shaki- 
ness of Biihler's hypothesis which is practically self -condemned 
■when he has to admit that a hundred years (IE not more) before 
Asoka's time letters of what he regards as late characteristics, 
were current. The result is that we are still moving in the circle 
of illusion created by Biihler even when the new evidence offers 
a clue and shows a way out of the labyrinth. 

Let me now take each letter which Dr. Bamett declares to 
be late. The *' a of our inscription is not of an early type ; it 
is more like the a which appears about 150 n.o." How do we 
know that it is not of an early type ? The reply I think would 
be that Biihler would say so. According to him the cursive a is 
later in evolution than angular ones and the angular one is 
nearer his aleph of 800 b c. Known facts militate against 
Dr. Barnett's assertion that our letter is not of the early type. 
If I can show the so-called cursive form in Asoka's a's, it cannot 
be said that it is a late type for a letter-form found in Asoka 
■Droves that it did exist in Asoka^s time, and no one is entitled 
to say that it did not exist before. I give the cursive form of a, 
of not one, but three varieties, from Asoka's writings both in the 
North and South, which show its common and established use, 
I also give the letters referred to by Dr. Baructt. Thedifftrence 
between As'oka's cursive it's, and those referred to by Dr. Barnett 
'Italicizatiou is mine. 



VOL. V„ Pf. IV,] SAKtJNAKA STATUES. 53^ 

IS nil in principle. If he relies on the slight difference in pen- 
manship, I can equally say that his forms are as distant from the 
Sais'unaka letter as the As'okan is from the same. The later 
history of a, if it denotes one and the same process of decay, 
indicates that the separation of arms is earlier and their coalescence 
later in evolution. The form with coalesced arms is universal in 
post-Mauryan times. The separated formation has been produced 
in separate efforts while the coalesced one without raising off the 
pen. As to the next letter ch I have already pointed out the 
*' tailed " character which evidently is not noticed by Dr. Barnett.^ 
If he had noticed it there would have been no controversy as to 
its being pre-As'okan, for whether you follow Biihler or accept 
my stroke-effort explanation you come to the same result. All 
ck's of As 'oka and later are drawn in one effort without lifting 
off the pen, while the I Sais'unaka letter Is drawn in two separate 
strokes, taking off the pen after drawing down the perpendicular 
line. The next letter n, which Dr. Barnett hesitatingly compares 
with Kushana forms, equally resembles *' somewhat " the 
bent base n of the Girnar :letter of As'oka, and the n 
in salUa nidhane of the Piprahwa vase inscription, which 
according to both Biihler * and Fleet ^ is older than Asoka.* 
If the bent characteristic is found in a record which according 
to both Biihler and Fleet is earlier than As'oka and It is also 
found in Asoka script. It cannot be said that the n with straight 
bottom line is older in evolution than that with the bent one. It 
Is more probable that the evolution Is from a bent to a straight line 
and that the older form reappears or is preserved in the Western 
and Mathura scripts where the official Mauryan script is rejected 
early. Dealing with the other inscription, it should be noticed 

^ Cnnningham noticed it, as liis reading • chu ' shows. 

» J.R.A.S,, 1^98, p. 389. 

'Ency. Brit. XIV, p. 623:— 'From before the time of Asoka we have an 
inscription on a relic vase from a stupa or relic moond at Piprahwa in the Basti 
district, United Provinces, which preserves the memory of the slaughtered 
kinsien of Buddha." 

♦ J.R.A.S., 1898, p. 3S9. 



538 SAISDNAKA STATDES. [J.B.OJtJI, 

that the H Of Asoka without a body, which is the form in the 
majority, is admittedly much later than the kh with a body 
below. "Owing to the use of ink the circle at the foot was 
converted into a dot ''^ (Biihler, I. P., p. 13). Even the dot dis- 
appears in As'oka^s letters. It is not possible to derive a kha 
with a triangular base from the bare vertical of As'oka^s kh, much 
less it is possible to derive a quadrilateral as our letter has got, 
from eitlier a circle, dot or straight line. The triangular kh of 
Mathura must be a descendant of an older original which we 
have now got in our letter. Further, a circular base can be derived 
from a quadilateral, but not vice versa. In discussing the n in 
the Nandi inscription Dr. Barnett lays stress upon the letter : 
'' then comes a character which is very instructive, naik written 
with a short stumpy n with the auusvura placed directly over 
the shaft of the n exactly as in the Kusana type, and like 
nothing else on early records ". Dr. Barnett is mistaken as 
to the form of naTk. Also his assertion that anusvdra is placed 
directly over the shaft of a letter in Kushana times and not 
earlier is incorrect. See for instance the position of the anusvdra 
in Asok I's kirn. Writing on Asoka''s letters Biihler also says 
" finally the anusvdra sometimes stands as is generally the case 
in later times, above the letter after which it is pronounced '\ 
On the question of a stumpy n also we should note what Biihler 
himself says " though the shortened letters were by no means 
unknown to the writers of Asoka edicts, their constant use for 
epigraphic documents is, to judge from the available materials,^ 
a characteristic of the types of the second and subsequent cen- 
turies^^ (I.P. p. 33). The quotations I give only goto show the 
inconelusiveness of the argument, and that the caution of 
Biihler is disregarded ; really the points do not arise here. For 
in our inscription the anusvdra is to the right, removed from 
the bar of the n, that is, coming after it as it is pronounced. 
Nor is our n stumpy; what Dr. Barnett has taken to be the 
anusvdra is really the top of the bar.* The whole letter has 

^ Italicizafcion is by me. 
• See the relief impression already puWishcd ; it is a long, coanoetod vertical. 



\ 



TOL. v., PT. lY.] S3AISIJNAKA 9TAT0E8. 53f 

been carved with a point owing to the ourve form of the base, 
and the top having been cut with a point falsely gives the 
impression of being disconnected and being an anusvdra. The 
real anusvdra mark is deeply and clearly incised to the right. 

To sum up there is really no late letter in the inscriptions. 
The evidence is the other way. It should be noticed that our 
script shows peculiarities of both the Dravidi Erahmi and 
Western Brahmi. For the former see bh, ci, S. For the real 
type of Western Brahmi we have not to depend on Girnar 
which is really the Imperial script. Its early features are to 
be traced back from the S'aka and Andhra types, admitted 
by Biihler to be ' retrograde ' or archaic (p. 42.) Compare our n 
and g with the Nasik letter in Biihler's chart in the "Buddhist 
Cave Temples ;" our dh with the Kolhapnr and Nanaghat letters, 
and our kh with the Western kh with its body to the left instead 
of to the right. The junction of these two widely apart types 
of letters, Dravidi and Western, at Patna in these statues 
presupposes a period before which, and a script from which, 
these systems branched off and differentiated. The Patna 
script is the only script which unites the wide varieties and 
brings us nearer the parent script. Such being the case, it is far 
from being unreasonable to carry the Patna script some two 
centuries before Asoka. 

I should like to say a few words on the Yaksha theory of art 
critics. We should not forget that our statues are from a group of 
three statues of the same type ^ which were found together in the 
same place inside the ruins of a house or temple. We know from 
Bhasa that royal statues were housed in a devakula or valhalla, 

^ J.B.O.E.S., Vol. V, 103. Hawkins had removed the third figure from the site 
of the other two. " When I saw the two stataes ia the new Indian Museam in Cal- 
cutta, I then remembered that a broken statue of a similar kind was still standing at 

Agamkua, just outside the City of Patna, As I luckily had a rough sketch of 

this figure in my notebook, I was able to compare it on the spot with the two tall 
figures in the Museum, and this comparison at once showed that the broken figure 
at Agamkua corresponded in attitude, in the position of hands and in every 
particular of dresa with the two colosa." — Cunningham, A.S.L, 15, 1. 



640 • SAISUNAKA STATUES. [J.B.OiR.9, 

and the Same word {devakuld) is found on the statue of the Kanishi- 
ka group found at Mathura. That several of these devahilas or 
dynastic galleries did exist at Pataliputra is proved from the 
evidence supplied by the author of the Vasavadattd who describes 
Pataliputra as he saw it and alludes to the " several devakulas " 
as a chief feature of the capital. ^ According to the Puranas 
there were only four kings of the S'aisunaka dynasty at Patali- 
putra, the rest having flourished at Rajagriha. The last of these 
■was superseded by the usurper Mahapadma and probably got no 
statue. If the Patna statues are Yakshas^as hitherto believed, we 
will have to presume a gallery of Yakshafe, athing unknown to art 
and literature. If we analyse the history' of the Yaksha theory, 
we find that it stands on the quicksands of mistakes, belief, 
and reiterated assertion. Cutmingham misread the beginnings 
of these two inscriptions as yakha, one of which, as every one 
is agreed, has not even the faintest resemblance to the word yahha. 
The form of the first two letters of the other inscription as now 
disclosed renders the reading yakha impossible in the other as well. 
In Cunningham's time the ancient practice of making statues of 
kings was absolutely tmknown. He could think of nothing but 
semi-divine yakshas in connexion with the statues, as the statues 
are not divine, but temporal,-^huraan. When the Parkham 
statue was discovered it was declared to be a yaksha because, evi- 
dently, it resembled the Patna images ! Cunningham even alleged 
that the Parkham also bore a c/iauri, as in his opinion the Patna 
ones bore it, while both shoulders of the Parkham disprove the 
existence of d chauri.^ When now I say that the Patna statues, the 
basis of the Yaksha-hood of the Parkhum, are not yakshas, the 
Parkham is quoted against me as a positive proof of the yaksha 
theory. It is proving the unknown from the unknown and moving 
in a vicious circle. The inscription of the Parkham completely 

g™^jjj$'«3r^^jnf^^j^ I Like muni nnd tnadana, devaktila is given in 

a double moaning. 

* Dr. Vogel admits that the Parkham could not have bornO a chauri.-a- 
Catalogue of Matbnrn Mustum, page 83. 



VOL, T„ PT, IV.] BAISUKAKA STATOES 541 

disproves its alleged Yaksha-hood, but then it will be said, inscrip- 
tion or no inscription, it is a vaksha; it resembles the Patna ima- 
ges. The prejudice is so great that an art critic has declared that 
even if my inscriptions read the names of kings as I propose and 
if they are not contemporary with the statues, he will argue that 
the statues are yakshas, that only when their vaksha identity was 
forgotten the royal names were inscribed ! ^ He would treat the 
statues even as prcMauryan but decline to accept in face of even 
positive reading that they are royal statues! This art sacerdota- 
lism, this tenacity of belief, based on facts which do not exist is 
Lard to combat. Every lost cause has its advocates and I do not 
grudge the yakshas theirs. The detefmination of the question 
must rest on the reading of the inscriptions coupled with com- 
mon sense that if the inscriptions bear royal names the statues 
are royal, and if the statues are roy.il they must go back to the 
period of those whom they represent. 

I should add here that Muni Jinavijayaji, the Jain ascetic 
and scholar, tells me that both lay disciples and ascetics carried 
rajoharana or chauri amongst the Jains in ancient times. 

Before leaving the subject I would mention Mr. Green's 
opinion that the brown hue which envelops the statues at 
. present is the result of the action of fire. The original colour 
of the stone is evident from a recent break in the pedestal of 
Xandi. Mr. Green identifies the stone as Mirzapur (as formerly 
alleged by me), and says that fire produces the brown colour on 
.Mirzapur which the statues at present bear. Mr. Green is 
positive that " there is no doubt that the statues have been 
subject to fire.'' This brings to mind the burnt state of the 

^ ' However, if, as suggested by Dr. Spooner and Mr. Bannerjee, the iuscrip- 
tions are of lat^r date than the statues themselves (Mr. Bannerjee asserts that one 
of the inscriptions cannot be older than Ist century B.C. ), then it is quite possible 
to argue that after th? decline of the Taksbn cul.s, people forgot the identity of 
the images, and, same time about the first centary B.C., wrongly began to call them 
'• Aja-udayin " and " Varta Nandin '* and the inscriptions if they do spell out the 
names of these Snisunaga Kings, as brilliantly suggested by Mr. Jayaswal, may 
well have been mistaken appellations given in later tinjes to images which represent 
the Yakshas snggested above.' —Mr. 0. C. Gangolylfctfera Eeview, October, 1919* 



542 



SAISUNAKA STATUES. [J.B,a.K.8. 



remains at Kumraliar dug out by Dr. Spooner. The find spot of 
the statues was somewhere near Kumrahar, as Sir Edward Gait 
has pointed out. 

The polish, in Mr. Green's opinion, was a great preserva- 
tive, and was produced by an external application. 
Mr. Green's note. 

Figure with head. — The lines of drapery are not continuous 
being broken against the lettering where the members of the 
lettering obstruct the direction they might be expected to take. 
It follows that the drapery and the lettering were done simul- 
taneously as the letters and the drapery are fo cleverly 
interwoven that in simultaneous execution it is difficult to 
suggest which were marked out or cut first. 

The portion below the first two letters is weathered off ; 
the definition of the drapery lines has therefore become indistinct. 
There is no doubt that the letters originally did exist there. 

Figure without head. — One line of drapery shows a stop against 
the lettering, the remainder appear to be continuous. 

F. GREEN, 

Manager, Stone and Marble Worh, 

Victoria Memorial, Calcutta. 

(IV) 

Argument on the Pre -Maury an Date of the Statues. 

By Mr. Arun Sen, BA. (Cant.), Lecturer in Ancient Art, 
Calcutta University. 

The Patna Statues in the Calcutta Museum seem to have 
occasioned a good deal of confusion, and I must hasten to throw 
as much light as possible on a very difficult problem. 

Let us take the Statue marked P.2 in the Calcutta 
Museum, the thinner of the two Patna figures, with head intact. 
It has a marvellously broad head with hair on the right and left 
temples and also behind. The crown seems to be bald. The 
bareness here is probably not an indication of a head-dress, for 
head-dresses in early times invariably contained a design and the 
same design seems to persevere even in /^unga times. The eyes 



VOL, V„ PT. IV.] SAISUXAKA STATUES. 543 

are wide and long. The cheeks are enormously puffy. The ear 
ornaments are heavy. The head rises from a ponderous neck, which 
is enriched by a huge double chin looking like a thick layer of 
fat growing round the neck. As for the body, it gives one an 
impression of immense strength, not without its necessary con- 
comitant of fat which gradually increases from the chest to the 
abdomen. The right arm is missing. So is the forearm of the 
left hand. Round the arm is an armlet, which is crudely repre- 
sented. It is delineated by deep incisions into the stone widening 
somewhat at the edges. It is not a successful representation 
of jewellery which is made to fit round a well-shaped arm. 
Round the neck is a band with lotuses on the flat, and is tied up 
behind like a ribbon. Another ornament passes acro^ the body- 
transversely. 

There is gentle modelling all over the body but it is still 
a body which has eluded the sculptor. This will be quite clear 
to all who compare this body with the body and the arm of 
P.l. There is a band just below the navel which may be meant 
to represent an undercloth. (It is probably not the termination 
of a diaphanous robe round the body, as it does not pass round.) 
The lower part of the body is round and heavy but not skilfully 
modelled. The undulations of the muscles of the thighs have baflBed 
the artist. This is to be compared with the other figure which 
shows contours of a muscular thigh peeping from under the robe 
to perfection. The drapery is a cloth with a linear design tied 
up into various folds. The feet and the lowest portion of the 
drapery has been broken. It will be observed that an attempt 
has been made to represent a cloth clinging to the body but not 
with great success. The drapery still remains stiff and tends to 
fall straight. The representation has been made by a convention 
which has been only half -developed, i.e. by a tendency of these 
lines on the design to meet. The figure has an upper garment 
pleated and which falls straight at the back. It will be observed 
that no allowance is made for the contours of the body. 

Secondly the back generally has not been modelled with as 
mucj^ oare and precision as the front. The representation of the 



544 SAISUNAKA STATUES. [J.B.O.E.S. 

testes is quite unnecessary and seems to point to the conclusion 
that it is a human figure and not a semidivine yaksha. The cloth 
over this part of the body is crude, far cruder than that of the 
other figure P.l. 

P.l. The next figure is that of a broader and a stronger man, 
of lesser flabbiness and greater strength. The head is missing. The 
body is modelled with far greater precision. Observe the forearm 
and all the undulations of the flesh will be noticed. The swell 
of the body from the chest to the abdomen is more skilful and 
shows a greater command of the material. The artist has success- 
fully depicted a person of massive strength but with a certain 
amount of embonpoint. The ornaments are different, the one 
round the neck is of essentially different design. The armlet is 
of the dragon variety, and is delineated with far greater precision 
than in the other figure. There is the same transverse 
ornament round the body. The line below the navel may be 
meant to represent the termination of a transparent coat 
draping the body. More probably it is the undercloth. The 
drapery round the lower part of the figure shows a great advance 
in technique. The folds are more numerous and more realistic. 
The lines are more fluid and less stiff. The same convention is 
employed to represent drapery closely clinging to the body and 
following all its contours. It clings far more closely than in 
the first figure, and the illuslonisiic effect becomes clear to all 
who look at the figure from a distance. The advance is most 
appirent. This is also seen in details, thus by e<aminationof the 
treatment of the cloth over the testes and round about the 
groins. The artist has become a master of his material and he 
employs the same conventions. 

A comparison of these two figures leads to the conclusion 
that the figure P.l is later than the figure P.2. The 
drapery alone would prove it. Where the artist in the first 
figure has only partially succeeded, it has been a triumph with 
the second. Again the sculptor bestows greater ithought and 
care upon the back of the figure. The modelling — the repre- 
sentation of the contours is much more apparent in the one than 
in the other. 



VOL. v., PT. IV.] SAISUNAKA 3TATDES. 543 

I am not calletl upon to pronounce an opinion npon the 
identification of the statues. But the sculptors seem to have 
dwelt upon personal characteristics — upon the massive strength 
of both, but one is stouter and flabbier. It seems to me that 
an insistence is made upon the **paHo»'' and not on the "eiho8'\ 

Now we come to the most important question whether they 
are (1) Mauryan, ("2) Post-Mauryan, (3) Pre-Mauryan. The 
Mauryan statues are decadent. A definition of decadence would 
take me too far into the misty region of the Aesthetic, lint a 
decadence is only possible when the artist has become an accomp- 
lished master of bis technique, when with the material at hand he 
can mould the figures to his will. At this stagj he loses in cons- 
tructive facility what he gains in technical quality. He begins 
to elaborate, thus in representing the jbody he begins to pay 
more particular attention to minute muscles and tendons, to 
particular attitudes, to the smallest details. 

Let us recall the Mauryan lion in the Calcutta ^tnseum; it 
is very characteristic of Mauryan decadence that the tendon 
round the leg should be delineated, that the manes should fall 
in congealed ringlets, that the paws should be represented with 
its full complement of talons and claws. Compare this even 
with the later Patna figure (P.l). Observe the crudity of 
the legs ; you will search the body in vain for a single muscle. 
A decadent in dealing with the figure of a stout person would 
have got endless possibilities out of the folds of flesh. The 
!Nrauryan has in fact delineated the pucker of flesh round about 
the nose. The Patna artists simply represent their ideas by a 
general modelling ; their mentality has not yet begun to grapple 
with small details. 

Let us take the frieze under the Sarnath capital. Take the 
bull, or the horse, or the elephant. We find an exemplication 
of all these attributes over again- — the enormous hump o£ 
the flesh, its wrinkles, its exaggerated correctness. In these 
Patna statues we easily ascertain that the mentality of the 
sculptor was not decadent, that his absorption in the general 
appearance involved a sacrifice of all detail, that his technique 



516 SAISUNAKA STATUES. [J.B.0j;.8j 

could not cope with a representation of a sinew or a protuberant 
muscle. Take the hair for instance, it is not in the conventional 
clusters of the Mauryan lions (which give you the idea of the use 
of a brush) . 

Therefore the greater degree of conventionalism in the 
Maury an figures points to its later date. Mauryan sculpture 
shows an exaggeration of the realism found in the Patna statues. 
I quite realize the dangers that beset a comparison of a figure of 
a man with that of an animal. But the conclusion is fairly 
obvious. The adaptation of the frontal aspect with the lateral 
is complete and perfect in Mauryan, but in the Patna statues it 
seems only on the path towards the attainment of the desired 
end. The combination of three lions without any incongruity 
is a feat which the carvers of the two figures could not have 
achieved, for the adaptation of one front to one side seems almost 
to be beyond their powers — and particularly so in the earlier 
statue. In conclusion the refreshing clumsiness of the statues 
as compared with the exaggerated refinement of the Mauryans 
point irrefutably to this conclusion. I may add that the bull on 
the frieze of the Sarnath capital presents a three-fourths front. 
This implies a long period of development. 

Nor are these statues post- Mauryan. If we take the figures 
generally considered to be of the xyunga period, we find a 
large body of crystallized convention. Let us take our 
examples from Bharhut and Sanchi, assuming the dictum 
with regard to their post-Mauyran date for the purposes 
of argument. The body is generalized ; the female form is 
a gentle swell, the male a matter of uniform breadths and 
depths, — the eyes, the ears, the nose, the ornaments, the head- 
dresses, the drapery are stereotyped. The artists have already 
analysed form and have realized generalized contours — mere 
details have been sunk in these generalizations. There is thus 
never a representation of a chest muscle nor of a swelling abdo- 
men as in the pre-Mauryan. Every characteristic is stereotyped 
and universal — the technique has been mastered. Thus artists 
have become adepts in the representation of the curves of bodies 



VOL. V, PT IV.] SAIilTMAKA STAltn^S. §47 

concealed Tin 3er the fol is of their cloths. Nowhere is the par- 
ticular characterisic of a figure given, th^j are all merged ia 
the universal. This is neither the purport nor the intent of pre- 
Mauryan sculpture. 

The polish too is an irrefutable argument.^ 

At this stage I think it is necessary to observe that I think 

the Besuagar statue of a female (also in the 

^ Calcutta Tvluseura) prc-Maui-van in dateand in 

Statue. . / 

fact earlier than either of the two Patna statues^ 

Its enormous size and crudity and the lesser success attending 
the solution of technical problems prove it to be earlier than the 
Patna fi<Tures. The face is hardly discernible ; the ear ornaments 
are huge and c!umsy (though of a design which persists}^ The 
necklace is similarly clam^ but the artist has failed to make- 
allowance for the curves of the necklace as it falls over the 
undulating surface of the breasts. Thfs is more obvious in the 
lower rows> the attempt has been made but not with as much 

^ It is diflBcult f jr ihe to compare the Patna statces with 

(i) The ilanibhadra at Gwalior. 

(ii) The Parkham at Mathura. 
I have only seea phot graphic plates of those two fignres, and conclnsions bised 
on sach evidence would be doubtful. I therefore rtfiain frcm much comment 
thereon . 

(1) In the iTanibhadra the fold of flesl; nnder the chin and also b^low the 
ehest repreie:.t8 a ciEEe-t-nt convent! m from the Patna figures. The treatment 
of the dripery too varies both froutally and Lehind ; the undulating liic u:der the 
ehest seems to be a graphic portnyil cf the folds of atrmsparent garment. The 
earlier sculptors were not familiar with these methods. Lastly, the sacred thread 
alone would fudicate a strong line-of demarcation. 

(2) The Parkham st itne t?.o is a d stinctlve facial tj'pe, the f yes are drawn: 
by deep straight lines not almond shaped as in the Patua figure. There are two 
b-jLds round chest and th? whole series of ornaments differs. The nndnhticns of 
the body here fall into another technical groove — the entire abdomen seems to be 
lifted from the main figure ; in the Patna statuw is is not so abrupt, nor so clear 
and well defined. The termination of the garment ab ut the loins is drawn 
in a unique way — so are the folds of the dhofi where the bending of one knee 
forward is a new feature. 

I speak tentatively with regard to these figures for the reasons acentioncd, 
above. 



548 SAI6UNAKA STATUES. [J.B.0.K.8, 

effect as is perceptible in the Patna figures. The breasts are 
exaggerated and the pucker of flesh is denoted by three L'nes, but 
Dot in the Sunga manner by which time it has become a mero 
design. An attempt is made to represent the folds in the 
drapery ; here again it is less evolved than the Patna statues. 
The cloth falls more heavily and follovv^s the contours of 
the body more vaguely. There is little, if any, modelling 
of the body under her attire — we feel latUar than perceive 
thick heavy thighs ; in front the drapery takes the same curves 
as in the b'unga ptjiod, but it lacks the skilful treatment of 
the latter when it had become a finished design. The knee 
joints are obviously too large. We see the early attempts of 
a sculptor in every detail. The hip ornaments prove the same 
theory. The rings increase in size in front, and have a slight 
downward inclination but on the reverse fide they are arranged 
in straight lines — the artist has entii'ely forgotton the 
contours and the curves of the female figure or rather to 
adapt the ornament to those curves. There is not the slightest 
allowance made for any undulation. It will be remembered 
there is some adjustment in the Patna figure. The drapery 
terminates in a peculiar manner about the knees. The treatment 
of the hair is unique ; it is tied up into two tails behind and the 
head-dress is surprisingly coarse and thick, looking almost like 
a wig. The adaptation of the frontal to the lateral aspect is 
also clumsy ; it forms a slight angle. 

Lastly, I come to the bull, which has hitherto been 
designated Mauryan (this is also in the Calcutta Museum). This 
satisfies all the characteristics of a '' niemory picture ". If the 
spectator looks at it frontally he gets no idea that it has a body 
behind it, both the liead and the legs conspire to convey this 
impression. When viewed from the side the spectator similarly 
thinks it is the side and side alone and not the front which has; 
been portrayed. In other words, there is not the slightest 
adjustment of the frontal to the lateral aspect. It may not 
be out of place to remind the reader that Ferguson also wiru 
a rare Hath of lesthotic instinct observed the archaic quiliiy 



\0L. V. PT. IV.] 3AI3UNAKA STATUES. 549 

of the plants carved on the abacus. He likened them to Assyria. 
He realized its archaism. A comparison with the typical 
]Mamyan animals will immediately emphasize the distinction. 
The lions or the bull in relief on the abacus of the Sarnath 
column are in the typical Mauryan manner ; the artist is an 
absolute master of his miterial. The bull in relief with his 
muscles and his crumpled flash is self-conscious — the other is 
not, it is naive. The Sarnath bull presents a three-fourths front; 
in the other there is no adaptation of the front to the side. 

In conclusion, archaeologists who had once observed that 
in India every specie and style of Art was only seen in its fully 
develojied form can hardly bear out their statement now. The 
industry of the European Archaeologists has unearthed a vast 
quantity of material which iiLspire these new theories. 



VI .—Another Saisunaka Statue 
(cir. 515 B.C.) 

By K. P. JayaswaU 

Mr. Briudaban Bhattacharya's note in the Journal drew my 
attention to the Parkham statue. I went and inspected it 
in the Mathura Museum. Cunnigham says that it bore evidence 
of " high polish " when he found it. The statue being now in 
a dark place^ I could not ascertain whether or not there are traces of 
the ** high polish, '' a term employed by Cunningham to denote 
what is now called the " Mauryan polish/^ But Cunningham i& 
always right in these matters and we may trust his observation. 
After its discovery at the village of Parkham it remained there 
for a long time after Cunningham and has been removed to the 
Mathura Museum only in recent years. 

It bears an inscription round the statue on the pedestal. I 
examined it carefully and came to the conclusion that there was 
no trace of a jaksha and that the whole inscription is readable 
except one letter. The left side which was exposed to light 
gave me the reading— 

Kunika Sevasinago 
Maga[.]naiji • • 

" Kunika Sevasinago — of the Magadhas" 
This made me pray His Honour Sir Edward Gait to kindly 
obtain impressions and casts of the inscription for leisurely study. 
In response to His Honour's request Sir Harcourt Butler had casts 
and impressions prepared by Mr. Dikshit. I have now utilized 
these. Their facsimiles will be published in the next number. 
In the meantime 1 give my reading of the inscription — 
(R