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i^v -%»m im\ T 




(PART l) 







Published by the Bihar and Orissa Research Society. 

Printed by the Superintendent, Patna Law Press Co. 


Rs. 5, 






March, 1922. 



Leading Articles. 

I. Orissa ... ... ... ... ... 1—12 

By Professor S. Krishnasvmmi Aiyangar, M.A., Hon Ph. D 

11. Chronol'^gy of the Nyaya System ... ... ... 13 — 28 

By Mahamahopadhyaya Earaprasad Sastri, MA., CJB, 

HI. Buddhaghosa's visits to Ceylon and Burma and his remini- 29—40 
scences of the Island of Lanka. 

By Bimala Charnn Lav\ M.A.^ B.L.^ F. R. Hist. S, 


IV. Notes on Puranis Nine Divisions of Ancient India ... 41—45 

By Surendranath Maziimdar, Sastri, M.A.t F.R.S. 

V. The Antiquity of writing in India ... ... ... 46—64 

By Rai Bahadur Bishun Svarup, 

\1. Tfae Annual Report of the Bih^r and Orissa Research Society 66—71 
for 1921. 

YIJ. Proceedings of the Annual General Meeting of the Bihar and 12 — 74 
Orissa Research Society. 




September and December 1922. 


Journal of Francis Buchanan (Patna and Gaya Districts) 
Edited, with notes and introduction, by 
V. H. Jackson, M.A. 


I. — Introduction ... ... ... 146— -170 

II.— Gaya Journal ... ... ... 171—342 

III.— Description of Patna ... ... 343—857 

IV. — Appendix ... ... ... 358—366 




Jane 1922. 


Leading Articles, 

1. Studies in Asoka 

By D,\ A, Banerji-Sastri, M.A. (Ca.), D. Phil. 
\ Oxon), Professor of Samkrit, Muzaffarpur 

2. Teiuga Academy Plates of Bhima I, Saka 81-1. 

By K. V. Lakshmaii Rao, M.A., Editor-in- 
Chief, The Teiuga ^Rncyclopcediaj Veda vilas, 

3. Indian Alphabet. 

By Rat Bahadur Bishun Swarvp. 

4. Asahayrt, the Commentator of the Gaatama Dharuja- 

sutra and the Naradasrariti. 

By P, r. Kane, M.A,, LL.M, 

5. Ho Folk-lore. 

By Suhumar Haldar, B.A. 

6. Studies in the Cults of the District of Champaran in 

North Bihar. The Cult of the iodling Birohhe Deo. 

By Sarat Chandra Mitra, Lecturer in 
Anthropology, University of Caleutta, 

7. SiuuT Angiraiah Kavih. 

Sy Sufendranath Mafumdar, M.A,, P.B.8» 















( A note on the more prominent features of its history. ) 


Hon. Ph. D. 

This modern expression is a corruption of Odradcle^a and 
takes into it the territories known by the names Kalifiga, 
Utkala, Odra or Odda and even a part of Dasaina. It took in 
the whole territory which at one time in history was included in 
the name Kosala, obviously South Kosala, as distinct from the 
north. The exact territorial limits of this Kosala in the eleventh 
century seem to have corresponded more or less to the present 
day territorial limits of the Tributaris States of Orissa * 

Of these the territory included in the name Kaliiiga seems to be 
the oldest, and in that name the whole may be referred to for any 
purposes of historical discussion. 

I have not so far come upon any reference to Kalifiga as such 
in Vedic literature. But among the kingdoms of the South the 
rulers of which are described in the Aitareya Brahmana 
generally as assuming the title Bhoja, Kalifiga seems capable 
of inclusion, though there is no exph'cit statement to the 
effect. There are specific references, however, in a number of 
places in the Mai abharata to the kingdom of Kalifiga. Apart 
from stray references to Kalifiga rulers as such, and the part 

* See Inscriptions of Rajendra Chola I. 

2 Orissa [J. B. R. S 

that the individual Kaliiiga rulers played in the Great War, 
Kalifiga is described as a forest country beginning as soon as 
the river Vaitarani is reached. The ruling dynasty is referred 
to as the descendants begotten on the Queen Sushena of Kaliiiga, 
wife of Bali, by Rishi Dirghatama * and the five sons born to her 
are said to have founded the five kingdoms: Aiiga, Va&ga, Kaliiiga, 
Pundra and Suhma. Of these five, the kingdom of Aiiga comprised 
the territory round Bhagalpur (ancient Champa) on the Ganges. 
Vahga was the region probably on both sides of the Ganges, though 
the great bulk of its territory seems to have lain to the east of 
the river, extending from the frontiers of Vaiiga to the sea. To the 
west of this seems to have lain Kaliiiga. Pundra has been known to 
correspond to North Bengal, that is, the territory on the northern 
side of the Ganges and perhaps to the east of the kingdom of 
Kosala. The location of Suhma is not quite so definite, but it 
seems to have comprised the territory on the southern side of 
the Ganges extending from the river southwards to the frontiers 
of Kaliiiga east of the territory of Magadha. This description 
would make Kaliiiga extend from the Ganges westwards, at 
any rate from the Rupnarain arm of the Ganges, at the mouth 
of which was situated the ancient port of Tamralipti (the modern 
Damlok). Throughout the greater part of history Kaliiiga seema 
to l»ave corresponded to the region extending from this river to 
the river Godavari, and stretching from the sea into the 
interior marked by a vague line drawn along the course of the 
river Indravati to its junction with the Godavari and along its 
course northwards to meet the Ganges near the town of Burdwan. 
In the Mahabharata itself Kaliiiga is spoken of as one kingdom 
and its capital is named Rajapuri. In this particular connection 
the ruler of Kaliiiga is given the name Chitiaiigada, whose daughter 
the Kaurava Prince Duryodhana is said to have married. So far, 
then, as the Mahabharata is concerned, Kaliiiga was a forest king- 
dom on both sides of the Vaitarani. It seems to have been regard- 
ed as a single kingdom and its ruler is described as one in the 
Mahabharata war. There is mention of Kaliiiga in the Sutras of 
ranini. There are a number of references in the Artha^aslra to 
Kaliiiga, particularly in reference to cotton fabric of a special kind. 

•The Mahabharata, 13k XII, Ch. 4 (Kumbh. Edn.). 

Vol. VIII, Pt. I.] Orlssa. 3 

This feature of Kalifi^a is borne out by the Tamil word ''kaliiigam'' 
for cotton cloth which probably had the original significance of 
cotton cloth of a particular kind, extended later on as a general 
name for all cotton stuff. So far, therefore, as Sanskrit litera- 
ture is concerned, Kaliiiga was a well-known kingdom occupying 
the geographical position that it did within later historical 
times, and accoi'dingto one reference in the Great epic it was 
the land of virtue where Dharma himself, the god of righte- 
ousness, performed a yajiia in a particular spot which has since 
borne the name Yajnapura of the later Jajpur. 

Passing from the Sanskrit to Buddhist evidence, we find 
Kaliiiga mentioned as a kingdom with Dantapura as its capital. 
The earliest reference we get is in the Kumbhakara Jataka where 
there is a reference to a Kaliiiga king by name Karandu who is 
spoken of as a contemporary of Nagnajit of Gandhara and Bhima of 
Vidarbha. This is confirmed by the Uttaradhyayana Sutra. In 
the Mahagovinda Suttanta * there is a reference to another king of 
Kaliiiga by name Sattabahu as a contemporary of Dattaratta (Dhrita 
rashtra) of Ka^i, who is mentioned in the -S'atapatha Brahmana. 
This Suttanta gives the information that the capital of Kaliiiga 
was Dantapura. There is another reference, again from Buddhist 
sources, which seems to give us an insight into the division of 
Kaliiiga into two kingdoms at any rate, while in regard to its 
general features it seems to support the general description 
of it found in the Mahabharata. The Ceylon Chronicle Mahavam^a 
giving the history of the migration of Yijaya into Ceylon 
describes the adventures of his mother the Bengal princess, the 
daughter of the Queen, who was herself a princess of Kaliiiga. 
When she was sent into exile for her lascivious waywardness by 
the father, the king, she departed the kingdom in the company of a 
caravan of merchants going to Magadha. While they were on the 
way through the territory of Lddhn the whole party was set 
upon by a lion. The party scattered, and she fled, as did also 
the rest of them, to save her life, but accidentally took the path 
by which the lion came. When the lion returned he found the 
princess, and was so charmed with her beauty that he begot upon 

Dialogues of the Buddha, II; 270. 

4 Orlssa [J. B. 0. R. S. 

lier a son and a daughter. The son was called Simhabahu 
or Sihabahu because of the pecub'ar feature that he had the hands of 
a lion. When ultimately he returned to the grandfather's kingdom 
by the achievement of killing the lion, his father, which had grown 
so troublesome to the frontiers of the kingdom of Bengal, he was 
given permission by the grandfather, or rather his uncle who 
married his mother and became subsequently ruler of Bengal, to 
clear the forest and set up a kingdom of his own. Thus was said 
to have been founded the kingdom of north Kaliiiga, at least 
one part of it with a capital Sihapura or Simhapura ; and this was 
probably the forest reigon of Kaliiiga immediately adjoining the 
territory of Bengal in the lower reaches of the Ganges. It is very 
likely that the older kingdom lying farther south did continue, as 
we find the kingdom of Kaliiiga described in early Tamil 
classical literature as composed of two parts with their respective 
Capitals Kapilapura and Simhapura which may have reference to 
the centuries immediately preceding the Christian era. Scholars 
that first studied the ilahavarh^a interpreted this story as in- 
volving the banishment of the Bengal princess from Bengal to Lata 
or Guzaret as they misequated Lddjia with lata. It is now beyond 
doubt that the Lacjha, under reference, is eastern Prakrit form of 
Badha, a division of Vajjabhumi on the banks of the Sone, or 
much rather, between the Sone and the Ganges, what might be 
called in modern language West Bengal. 

Kaliiiga is known to the Puranas and one of the Nandas 
Nandivarman is said to have conquered it. This statement 
seems to receive some confirmation from the reference in 
the Hathigumpha inscription to the aqueduct constructed 
by Nandaraja at a period previous to the accession of 
Chandragupta to the Magadha throne. It is wellknown 
that the only conquest effected by the great Buddhist Emperor 
A^oka after his accession to the throne of his father was 
the Kingdom of Kaliiiga. In his inscription the kingdom is 
spoken of as a single kingdom. The Hathigumpha inscription, 
already referred to, of Kharavela speaks of it as a single kingdom 
as well, but with a capital which is read as Pritudakadarbha. The 
A^oka Edicts do not mention the capital of Kaliiiga as such, but 
the fact that Anoka's Kaliiiga Edicts are found in Dauli ^Tosali) 

Vol, VIII, Pt. I] Orissa. 5 

and Jaagada seems to lend colour to the inference that the first 
was the capital of the kingdom in the days of A^oka. Anoka's 
war was so destructive in character that it brought about a per- 
manent revulsion of feeling in the humane emperor against war. 
Tamil literature describes a war which is similarly of a gruesome 
character. This was a fratricidal war between the cousin rulers 
of the two kingdoms of Kaliiiga with their respective capitals 
Kapilapura and Sirahapura. As a consequence of this war a famine 
is said to have supervened. That is as far as we are enabled to go 
with the means at our disposal till about the early centuries of 
the Christian era. 

In the following centuries Kalifiga must have been more or 
less of a flourishing kingdom, as we find frequent reference to 
it as supplying brides, heirs, and sometimes even usurpers to Ceylon, 
the ruling dynasty of which regarded itself as related by blood 
with the Kalihga rulers. According to traditional history the 
early centuries of the Christian era for Kalihga are said to have 
been centuries of Yavana rule and great efforts have been made to 
connect this Yavana rule with the Greeks who are readily 
taken to have established a kingdom there as a result of the 
raids carried into the heart of India under the Greek rulers 
Demetrius and Menandar in which both Madhyamika (Nagar near 
Chittore) in Ra"putana and Saketa (Oudh) suffered ; but there 
is so far no evidence whatsoever of an irrefutable character of the 
Greek occupation of Kaliiiga and of the perpetuation of a dynasty 
in that region. The recent reading of the Hathigumpha inscription 
seems to make this definitely impossible, as Kharavela the Kalihga 
ruler claims to have driven tlie Yavanas (Greeks) then in occu- 
pation of Muttra. This indicates that if ever the Greeks reached 
as far east as Kalifiga their invasion was not of a character to 
warrant the assumption of a permanent occupation. We have no 
evidence of other Greek invasions so far and the term Yavana does 
not always mean Greek in Sanskrit literature. 

In the century immediately preceding the Christian era, or a 
little before that, Kalifiga was a well-formed kingdom set over 
against the rising kingdom of the Satavahanas of the Deccan. 
The prosperous rule indicated by the Hathigumpha inscription 
under Kharavela does not appear to have been of such a character, 

6 Orlssa. [J. B. 0. R. S. 

It is jnst possible that the fratricidal war between the two 
kingdoms referred to in the Tamil epics -STilappadhikaram and 
Ma;iimekhalai may have been a historical war that followed soon 
after the rule of Kharavela of Kalihga. In the wars in the 
centuries immediately following the Christian era, Kalinga does 
not figure as an independent kingdom. The same Tamil epics 
that refer to the march of Karikala to the north do not make any 
mention, of the Kaliiiga kingdom although they do refer to Vajranadu, 
a kingdom on the banks of the Soue, Magadha and Avanti. 
Among the conquests of Gautamiputra Satakarni, figure the hills 
of Mahendra and Malaya. Mahendra is the well-known Mahendra- 
giri, Malaya is the Maleus of Pliny and seems to stand for 
Malyavan, one of the far-eastern peaks of the Yindhya mountains, 
quite on the borderland of Kalifiga. That probably means that 
Kalinga was among his conquests. When the Andhra power 
declined Kalinga seems to have fallen to the share of the usurper 
from Ayodhya S'ri Vira Purusha Datta of the Ikshvaku race. 
Under the Guptas, Kalinga seems to have formed an integral 
part of the empire, although it is just possible that their Vakataka 
contemporaries might have possessed a part of it. During all 
this period Kaliiiga was in pretty much the same religious con- 
dition as most other Indian States, but in Jain religious history 
Kaliiiga figures as one of the influential Jain centres and the 
Kharavela inscription lends colour to this claim. Similar claims 
were made by the Buddhists, and, if the Ceylon Buddhist history 
is to be believed, there were Buddhist settlements of importance 
as well in Kalifiga. When the Buddhists speak of Kaliiiga, 
Dantapurra figures aWays as the capital. Tliere is occasional 
mention of Simhapura, apparently the capital of northern Kaliiiga, 
the foundation of Simhabahu with which Ceylon kept itself in 

With the fall of the Gupta empire the kingdom of Kalinga 
seems to have emerged into some importance. The foundation 
of the Kfisari dynasty ascribed to the fifth century seems to have 
had its capital first of all in the interior in a place called Yayftti- 
nagar, from the first important ruler of this dynasty. This came 
to be known later on as Adinagar and as S'adinagar, in both of 
which forms it figures in the inscriptions of Bajfindra Chola as we 

Vol. VIII, Pt. !.] Orissa. i 

shall see later od. This place has been indentified recently with a 
place called Sonepur on the river Mahanadi. There are several 
references to the conquest of Kalifiga by the southern Kings, the 
earliest of which was the invasion of Kirtivarman, the Western Cha- 
ulkhya Kalinga is referred to in his inscription of the year A.D. 567, 
but figures in this record in a more or less conventional list. There 
is a similar reference under Pulikesan but in a much less conven- 
tional fashion, as his Aihole inscription states it more clearly 
that both Kosala and Ivaliiiga submitted to him. The next in 
order would be its conquest by Dantidurga, the first JRashtrakuta. 
In this case again Kaliiiga figures among a conventional list of 
his conquests. In a record of A. D. 877 Krishna II, Bashtrakuti 
is said to have subdued Kalinga among other kingdoms. These 
various references le&d us to the inference that Kalinga retained 
its historical existence as an independent kingdom, and came 
into touch with the neighbouring powers occasionally. It must 
be remembered that from the character of the information 
accessible to us now it is only when it comes into hostile contact 
with its neighbours, that it is likely to be mentioned at all. In 
the course of these centuries Kaliiiga seems to have passed 
under the rule of a new dynasty, that of the Eastern Gangas, the 
traditional date of foundation of which is in the earlier half of 
the eightli century A. D. With the advent of this dysnasty 
Kaliiiga seems to come a little more prominently into view. 

With the rise of the western Chalukhyas the territory 
extending from the Godavari southwards along the East Coast 
passed into their hands, probably from those of the Pullavas of 
Kanchi . Early in the seventh century this new acquisition was 
constituted into a separate viceroyalty with its headquarters first 
at Vengi, which was probably later on transferred to Bajahmundri 
early in the eleventh century. This viceroyalty soon became 
independent as the kingdom of the eastern Chalukhyas, and, as 
such, it was in constant contact with the kingdom of Kaliiiga on 
its northern frontier. The wars under the Rashtrakutas, already 
noted, against Kalinga must have been the side-issues in their 
constant wars with the eastern Chalukhyas. The definite political 
subordination of the eastern Chalukhyas to the Cholas throws 

8 Orlssa. t J. B. 0. R $ 

Kaliiiga into relief and brings ifc into contact with the Cholas 
tliemselves almost with the beginning of the eleventh century. 
During all this period anterior to the advent of the Cholas, 
Kalih""* occupied a place of some importance in history, but the 
features of that history are not quite clear. It is from this 
reo-ion that one set of colonists went over to Sumatra and Java, 
according to Javanese tradition. The region from which their 
traditional founder Aji S'aka came in the first century A. D. seems 
indicated in the direction of Kaliiiga. Ptolemy's mention of Palur 
(on the Ganjan or Rishi Kulya river) as the starting point for 
overseas navigation is certain indication of the overseas com- 
munication of Kalihga. Whether the Kalinga objective in overseas 
navigation was the country set over against ifc on the other side 
of the Bay of Bengal, or whether it went so far down as the 
islands, is open to doubt; but the constant references to Kaliiiga 
and arrivals therefrom in the history of Ceylon seem to lend 
historical colour to this far-off emigration to the eastern islands. 
Kalidasa's Raghuvam^a, referring to the kingdom of Kaliiiga, 
speaks of its capital being on the sea-shore, but does not give the 
name. It describes a king under the name Hemarigada and makes 
him the lord of Mahendragiri and Mahadadhi, the great sea. He 
does not give any further information in regard to Kaliiiga. 
According to certain inscriptions, the Kesari dynasty began in the 
eighth century A. D., and counts four or five kings among them. 
According to one calculation, Yayatikssari gets referred to the 
beginning of the ninth century A. D. The eastern Gangas who 
were one of the most influential dynasty of rulers of Orissa came 
into great importanc in the eleventh century, and they carry their 
genealogy back to a little more than 300 years from the accession 
of their greatest ruler, Anantavarman Choda Ganga, whose 
accession took place in A. D. 1078, So, apparently, this dynasty 
would carry back its origin to almost the commencement of the 
ninth century. With this dynasty the country of Kaliiiga comes 
into full historical view. 

Just about the period A. D. 1000 the rising jower of the 
Cholas under Raja Raja the Great made itself felt in the north. 
He made an effective intervention in the somewhat disturbed 
affairs of the eastern Cliajukhyas, and achieved by a stroke of 

Vol. VIII, Pt. I] Orissa. 9 

policy the permanent alliance of the eastern Chalukhyas with th^ 
Cholas, confirmed by a marriage alliance which was further 
cemented by a further mai-riage alliance under his son and 
successor RajSndra I, Gangaikonda Chola. Raja Raja claims 
conquest of Kalifiga which probably meant no more than the 
attempt to bring the state of Kalifiga under the suzerainty of the 
Cholas as was done in the case of the eastern Chalukhyas. Perhaps 
the war did not go much further, but the understanding seems te 
have been established more permanently when the Kalifiga, Raja 
Raja, married a daughter of RajOndra, as did the eastern Chalukhya 
Raja Raja. The son of the latter became the great Chola emperor 
under the name Kulottunga about the time when the other 
grandson of EajQndra, Anantavarman Choda Ganga, ascended the 
throne of Kalinga. It was Rajendra I that carried on a regular 
war of conquest against the country of Kalihga. The Cholas and 
the Chalukhyas were for almost a century face to face on the 
frontier separating them, and this frontier extended from near 
the Western Ghats almost at the source of the Krishna along the 
river till its junction with the Tungabhadra, and then in an 
irregular line northwards to the Vindhya mountains. Rajendra's 
effort was to reduce the whole of Kalifiga to submission to him in 
order to carry on his over seas enterprise of bringing the Tamil 
colonies of Sumatra and the neighbourhood under his control 
as against the rising kingdom of S'ri Bhoja in Sumatra. It is 
in the course of all this war that the! various divisions of Kalifiga 
came prominently into view. Having set the north-west frontier 
at peace his army seems to have marched into the heart of 
the Kosala country which then happened to be the asylum for 
Brahmans fleeing for shelter from the territory subject to the 
onslaughts of Mahmud of Ghazni. Having taken Chakrako|;a 
and Adinagar or ^adinagar or (YayStinagar) there, the army 
marched northwards subduing various other parts of Kalifiga 
till it reached the Ganges on the southern frontiers of Mahipala, 
king of northern Bengal. Therefrom it turned back, defeated 
the king of Bengal proper and finally overthrew the ruler of 
Kalifega at the junction of the Ganges with the ocean. In the 
meanwhile he brought up reinforcements from] Kanchi and was 
encamped in Rajahmundri when his victorious general brought him 
the tribute of waters from the Ganges. The joint invasion matched 

10 Orlssa. [J. B. 0. R. S^ 

further north till it overthrew the king of Kalifega in his central 
headquarters. It was probably as a result of this invasion that 
the definitive treaty was concluded with Kaliiiga, and it was 
probably as one of the items of the treaty that the marriage was 
brought about, the outcome of which was peace for more than 
half of a century till Kulottunga found it necessary to go to wa^" 
probably with Anantavarman Choda Ganga early in the twelfth 
century. It is in this war of Kulottunga that Kalifiga gets 
described sometimes as comprised in three divisions, occasionally 
as five, and oftentimes as seven. As early as the days perhaps of 
Megasthenes Kalifiga had been divided into three. The Gangetie 
Kalingam was the first division, the country probably answering 
to the part of Kalifiga last conquerred by EajSndra's general. 
Then follows Modoklingae of Pliny which may stand as 
the Bengali form of Madhya-Kalinga. Then follows the third 
division Macco-Kalingae, which may be rendered perhaps as 
Mukhya-Kaliuga, and what is known as Mukhalingam may be the 
Mukhya-Kalihga-nagar, the capital of Mukhya-Kalihga which by 
mere phonetic decay gets worn into Mukhalihgam. That kind of 
division seems to have continued more or less, and as was pointed 
out already there were other divisions such as Kosala answering 
to the tributary states and hill tracts, Utkala, the present day 
Orissa and the narrower designation at one time of the territory 
of North Kalihga, the country of Tamralipta and so on. When 
these had been brought under one ruler, these divisions must have 
retained something of their individuality and must have lent 
colour to the variety of division implied by the kingdom being 
described as comprised of three, five or seven divisions. Accor- 
ding to Raja^Skhara who lived in the late ninth and the early 
tenth century Kaliii'^a belonged to the eastern part, the country 
east of Benares, of which these separate divisions which are 
referable to Kaliiiga get mention, namaly, Kaliiiga, Kosala, Tosala, 
Utkala, Tamalip^aka, Mallavartaka, Malada. Probably all those 
were included in the larger geographical entity Kaliiiga as 
none of the divisions referable to Kaliiiga are included in his 
sonthren division which is located south of MShishmati. What 
obtained in the age of Raja^ekhara might well have continued in 
the eleventh and twelfth centuries, and this division perhaps 

Vol. VIII, Pt. I.] Orlssa. U 

accounts for the variety of division indicated in the term Kaliiiga 
qualified by such numbers as three, five, or seven. 

The term Kalihga-nagara may not be a proper name 
and might simply stand for the capital city of Kaliiiga 
and may be indentifiable with Mukhalihga which might have 
remained the capital till it v^as transferred later on to Cuttack, 
there being other capitals as well, such as Dauli or Tosali, Yaugada, 
whatever that stood for, and even the old Simhapura and Kapila- 
pura. In all probability Dantapura described by Hieun Tsang 
was identical with Kalihga-nagara now identifiable with 
Mukhalingam according to certain inscriptions. This identifica- 
tion may seem to militate against Kalidasa's description of the 
capital of Kaliiiga being quite on the seashore. This need not 
however prove a serious difiiculty. Ananfcavarman was the buil. 
der of Puri as his predecessors of the Kssari dynasty built and 
endowed Bhuvanesvar, and as his own son Anaiiga Bhima I 
bailt the temple at Konarka. The last of the dynasty Nrisimha 
suffered perhaps a Muhammdan invasion, and was finally over- 
thrown by the usurper Kapilgndra the first Gajapati ruler who 
set himself up with the countenance of the Muhammdans of 
Bengal. This dynasty consisted only of three generations and 
corresponded more or less in duration to the period of the first, 
second and a part of the third dynasty of Yijayanagar. During 
tJiis period the capital seems to have been at Cuttack. Kapileii- 
dra exerted himself a great deal to extend the limits of the 
kingdom southwards, and carried it effectively to the Godavari 
with Rajah mnndri as the outermost viceroyalty. This he was a 
able to achieve through alliances with the Sultans of the Bahmani 
kingdom. The break up of that kingdom into five, and the 
internal dissensions that it fell a prey to, made any further advance 
of the kingdom impossible in his time. His successor Purushottama 
was able to carry Kaliiiga raids as far south as the 
southern Pennar, and seems to have had a Governorship per- 
mamently as far south as Nellore and Udayagiri. When the 
great Vijayanagar king KrishnadSva Raja came to the throne he 
found the Gajapatis in occupation of all the coast territory almost 
down to the frontier of Madras itself. The farseeing policy of this 
ruler saw at a glances the dangerous character of this situation 
for the empire, having regard to the fact that the Gajapatia 

12 Orlssa. [J. BO. R.S 

were inclined to enter readilj into alliance with the Muhamraa- 
dans against Vijayanagar, and to the fact that the Muhammadan 
states of the north were in habitual hostility to the empire. 
Krishna adopted the wisest course of letting the Muhammadans 
alone for the time being, and the Gajapati till he compelled 
to withdraw from the new conquests by carrying a successful 
war right up to the frontiers of modern Ganjam, and making 
the position of the capital Cuttack itself dangerous for the 
ruler of Orissa. He succeeded in the effort. Then the Krishna 
was agreed upon as the definitive boundary between the empire 
of Viajayanagar and the territory of the rulers of Kaliiiga, but 
it was still understood that the coast districts extending north- 
wards from the Krishna to almost Ganjam was the coast region 
of Telingana and not geographically an integral part of Kaliiiga. 
When this dynasty was overthrown by Mahammadan conquest 
the Muhammadan territory did not extend much farther south 
than the Mahanadi, and then the Telingana portion was easily 
absorbed into the IBhamani states chiefly that of Golconda. When 
the Moghulas took possession of Golconda territory it naturally 
passed into their hands, and when the Nizam founded an indepen- 
dent state in the Dakhan it remained an integral part of his territory 
till it was made over to the French as the result of a subsidiary 
alliance. When the French in their turn were overthrown in South 
India it passed into the hands of England. During this last 
period Kalinga had no history of her own, having been absorbed into 
the territory of Bengal since the Muhammadan conquests under 
Akbar. When the decline of the Mogbul empire began the Bengal 
province found it difficult to maintain its hold on it, and the Mahra- 
ttas under the Bhonslas of Nagpurwere able to take easy posses- 
sion of it. It was then recovered from the MahraJ,tas after the 
overthrow of the state of Nagpur, and since then underwent the 
vicissitudes that Bengal itself did, till in the last few years it 
became an integral part of the province of Bih;ir & Orissa. 




Any one who carefully reads the Nyaya Sutras will perceive 
that they are not the work of one mxn, of one age, of the pro- 
fessors of one science, or even of the professors of one system 
of religion. It would seem apparent that at different age 
philosophers, logicians and divines have interpolated various sec- 
tions into an already existing work on what we ma}^, for tbe want 
of a better name, call Logic. 

It is evident that such a book would be full of contradictions, 
inconsistencies and irreconciliable passages. So the Nyaya 
Sutras are. The Hindu commentators from Vatsyayana, in the 
4th century A. D. to Radhamohan Groswami in the 19th, have 
attempted to evolve a harmonious system of Logic and Philosophy 
from the Sutras. The task is an impossible one, and so every one 
of them has failed, and that miserably. They have imported 
later and more modern ideas into the commentaries, but with- 
out success. The acute logicians of Bengal thought it was a 
difficult work ; and they have recourse to various shifts to explain 
the Bhashya and other commentaries. They have changed some 
passages and imported extraordinary meanings into others. 

But unfortunately the idea of studying the Sutras by them- 
selves did not occur to any one of them. Ninety-nine per cent of the 
MSS. of this work are accompanied with some commentary or 
other. MSS. giving the Sutras only are extremely rare. I got 
one from Midnapore, and gave a copy of it to my friend, Dr. 
Venis, and it was published at Benares. It is known as the 
Nydyasuttroddhdra. My friend Mahamahopadhyaya. Pandit Vindh- 
yesvari Prasad Dube got one at Benares, and he published it 
in the Bibliotheca Indica as an appendix to his edition of the 
Nyayavarttika. This is known as Nydyasucinihandha. But from 
what I know of the habits of pandits, I am sure nobody has 


14 Chronology of the Naya System. [J. B. R. S. 

studied the Sutras by themselves. They have been used only as 
works of reference. 

I took up the Nydyasucimbandha for independent study. On 
comparing the Sutras as given there, with Sutras in edition 
accompanied by commentaries, and also with the Nydyasuttroddhara 
I was struck with the variety of readings which the Nyayz 
Sutras presented. A number of sutras are regarded as spurious. The 
readings of a large number of Sutras are irreconcilliably different 
in different editions. This is not the case with the Vedanti 
Sutras, and with the Mimamsa Sutras, in which various readings 
are extremely rare, almost non-existent, and interpolated Sutras 
there are none. I am not speaking of the Sankhya and the 
Yoga Sutras, which are comparatively modern. The difficulty 
which I feel in regard to the Nyaya Sutras was also felt about 
a thousand years ago, when Vacaspati Misra, who flourished 
about the end of the 10th century, attempted to fix the number 
of the sutras and their readings in Nydyasucimbandha. 

For convenience sake, I took up the Nydyasucimbandha 
dated 898 of a certain era either Saka or Samvat, that is 
976 A. D. or 842 A. D. and that for three reasons, — (1) because 
it counts the number of the Sutras, number of words, and 
even the number of letters in the Nyaya Sutras ; (2) because 
it divides the Sutras into sections, each dealing with a single 
topic ; (3) because it is dated, and there are internal evidences 
to show that it was written by the great Vacaspati, the commenta- 
or on the six systems. 

The study of the Sutras makes it apparent that worlds of two 
different sciences have been mixed up. One is a work on Logic, 
or rather the science of Reasoning, or as Sadajiro Sigiura terms 
it, "science of discriminating true knowledge from the false" ; 
and the other is a work on some system of philosophy. The 
work on Logic is confined almost exclusively to the first and 
fifth chapters. I say 'almost' because some sections of the second 
chapter also may belong to the Logic part. The rest of the 
work with about eight sutras in the first chapter belong to the 
philosophical part. 

Let us analyze the Logic section. This section seems to contain 
three separate treatises. The first chapter, with the exception of the 

Vol. Vin, Pt. I.] Chronology of the Naya System. 15 

Sutras mentioned above, constitutes the first and the most 
important treatise. It is complete in itself. The first sutra enume- 
rates the 16 topics essential in Debate, and all the sixteen topics 
are fully treated of in the first chapter. It is fully self-contained 
and nothing farther is needed to complete it. The first Sutra gives, 
so to say, the objects and reasons for the science. It says that any 
one who has a complete knowledge of the sixteen topics attains the 
highest proficiency in every walk of life, and the first chapter deals 
with the complete knowledge of all the sixteen topics. 

I may remark in passing that the science embodied in the 
first chapter of these Sutras is not Logic, in the present signi- 
fication of the term, but Logic in its primitive and rudimentary 
stage. It may better be called the Science of Debate. And 
all the requisites of a well-regulated Debate are included in the 
sixteen topics. They are not always the requisites of the 
science of Logic, as known at present. The second treatise on Logic 
embodied in the Sutras, is the first 'daily lecture' (Ahnika) of the 
fifth chapter. The last Sutra of the first chapter simply says 
that Fallacies iJdti) and Points of Defeat (Nigrahasthdna) are 
many, thus leaving no room for any elaborate subdivision of these 
two topics. But the first lecture of the fifth chapter not only 
enumerates twenty-four sub-divisions of the Jafcis, but gives 
careful definitions of every one of them. The author who wrote 
the first chapter is not the author of the first lecture of the 
fifth chapter. (The last section of the first lecture of the fifth 
chapter, which has nothing to do with the definitions of the sub- 
divisions of Jatis, but which limits the extent of a fruitless 
Debate, is no part of the second treatise, and seems to be an 
addition.) The third treatise consists of the second daily lecture 
of chapter five. It enumerates the various Points of Defeat and 
defines them. 

One of the most cogent reasons for considering these treatises 
as separate, and also for considering them to be composed by 
different authors, is the fact that the same technical terms have 
been used and defined in these, but in very different senses. The 
definition of Jati as given in the first, does not cover all the 
sub-divisions enumerated in the second. The terms Prakarana- 
sama and Sddhyasama are defined among the Semblances of Reason 

i6 Chronology of the Naya System. [J. B. 0. k. S. 

(Hetvdbhdsa) in the first treatise, but these appear to have been 
differently defined as sub-divisions of Jatis. The term, Matdnujroa 
has been defined one way in the second and another way in the 
third. If all the three have been written by one and the same 
person, the same technical terms would not receive at his hands 
two such wide definitions. 

It is difficult to say whether the composition of the second 
and third treatises preceded or followed that of the first treatise 
which is a comprehensive work on the Science of Debate. Many, 
scholars hold that such comprehensive treatises generally follow 
separate and partial treatises on parts, just as the Unadi Sutras 
and the Gana Sutras preceded Panini, and that these separate 
treatises after the composition of the comprehensive treatise, form- 
ed its appendices. 

One would be tempted to believe that all the sections of the 
first lecture of chapter second, with the exception of the last, and 
the first and last sections of the second Daily lecture of that 
chapter, may be included in the logical part, because they have a 
direct bearing on Pramana or the instruments of true knowledge 
which forms the first essential topic in the Science of Debate. 

The commentators and modern Pandits, in order to make this 
incoherent collection of Sutras a harmonious whole, are ob- 
liged to say that the Nyayasutras consists of the enumeration 
(uddesa), definition (nirdeSa) and the examination (parikshd) of 
the sixteen topics. The enumeration is complete in the first 
Sutra, the definition in the first chapter and the examination 
in the other chapters. There would have been no cause of 
complaint if all this were a fact. The examination is, how- 
ever not complete. It does not comprehend all the sixteen 
topics. The topics examined in fact are the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 
15th, and 16th. The examination of others have been altogether 
omitted. If there is any, it is of a very nebulous character. So 
a complete examination of the sixteen topics is not to be found in 
the sutras, and this is exceedingly suspicious. The examinations, 
are as a rule, examinations of the definitions given in the first 
chap ter at least t-o the commentators say. If so, the examination of 
.]ati and the Poinls of Defeat (Nigrahasthana) are not really the 

Vol. VIII, Pt. I.] Chronology of the Naya System. 17 

examination intended by the commentators. On the other hand, 
in the case of Jati, we find that the definition as given in the 
first chapter depending simply upon homogeneity and heterogeneity 
does not apply to a number of sub-divisions of Jatis as given in the 
fifth chapter. The examination of the other three topics, too, 
contains so much of heterogeneous matter, besides an examination 
of the definition, that one is tempted to say that the whole of the 
e xamination affair, i. e, all the chapters 2-4 are an addition. So far 
about the Logical portion. 

Tlic Philosophical portion has its beginning in the second 
Sutra of the first chapter. The first sutra of chapter one, as has 
been already said, gives the objects and reasons of the work, And 
these objects and reasons see m to be all secular. There was no 
need for a second enunciation of the objects and reasons. But the 
second sutra again enunciates them. And in this case they are 
philosophical and spiritual. Vacaspati Misra puts the two together 
in one section, and call the section*' objects and reasons". The com- 
mentators have tried to reconcile this double enunciation of object 
and reasons, but without success. The only reasonable explanation of 
this double enunciation seems to be that some latter writer has inter- 
polated the second sutra with a view to add philosophical sections to 
thework. The second Sutra contains topics which are not enumerated 
in the first, and the thoughtful reader is struck with the introduce 
tion of new matter so early as in the second Sutra. These topics 
are misery, birtli, activity, fault and false knowledge together 
with " apavarga ". The introduction of these new topics is defended 
by saying that they fall under the sub-divisions of the second topic, 
in the first Sutra, namely, " objects of true knowledge ". The 
object of true knowledge is a topic which is so vast that all topics 
of the world may come under its sub divisions. And, as a result 
of this, the interpolator has tampered with the definition of 'Prameya', 
Sutra 1-1-9, which is virtually an enumeration of its sub-divisions, 
and put in six new topics into it. That the prameyasutra at one 
time was different from what it is now, is apparent from the 
statement of Haribhadra Suri, a Jain writer, who in his Saddar- 
^ana Samuccaya describes the jprameyasuint in the following terms: — 
Prameyam hydtmadehddyam huddhindriyaiiiikhdni ca (Bibliotheca 
Edition) or, as in the Benares edition, Prameyain hydtmaielidrtha- 
buddhindriyasuMdfii ca. The order of words is different : sukha or 

Id Chronology of the Naya System. [J. B. 0. R. S. 

happiness seems to have been included in the old prameyasutraj 
Sid'ha finds noplace in that Sntra now and in chapter IV, Ahnika 
I the Section 13 on the examination of dnhkha, reduces sulcha 
into duhkha, and is not prepared to admit sukha as a separate 
sub-division of jprameya, But from Haribhadra's statement we 
find that sukha was there at some early time. Now the question 
is, who changed the Sutra and why? The answer is not far to 
seek. In a work on iogic, yrameya as a topic must come in. But 
Logic does not require a long enumeration of prameyas and an 
laborate extmination of their details, which are essential in 
philosophy'. So the author who wanted to convert the logical 
treatise into a system of philosophy, and who is responsible for 
the interpolation of the second sutra is also responsible for the 
alteration in the prameyasutra. The logical treatise was an ancient 
Hindu treatise, and Hindus never took an ultra-pessimistic view 
of the world Sukha is the ultimate goal of the Mimansakas, of the 
Vedantins, the two really orthodox systems of Hindu Philosophy 
Why should Nyaya be so psssimistic ? There is no reasons for it 
and it has been shown that the word sukha did at one time occur in 
the prameyasutra. The Buddhists are downright pessimists. To 
them everything is duhkha, and it is they who believed that sukha 
was, if properly analyzed dujpkha. It seems that the Hindu logi- 
cal treatise underwent the first stage of its philosophical transfor 
mation in the hands of some Buddhist philosopher, and became 
a gloomy and pessimistic science. The second Sutra of the first 
chapter, destroying so many things successively and reaching to 
apavarga, has the appearance of Buddhistic teaching. They enume 
rate a long series of effects from false knowledge, and teach us 
that as we destroy effects, we perceive the causes, that these 
causes are also effects; we destory them and gradually we come 
to the original cause of all these, namely, false knowledge; when 
that is destroyed we come to Nirvana. This is precisely the teach- 
ing of the second fc'utra though the enumeration is not so long 
The Buddhist tradition, as we know it from China and Japan 
distinctly says that the Logic of Akshapada was their handbook 
in logic, and that they added to and subtracted from it. The 
tradition is positive that Mirok mixed up Nyaya and yoga, and we 
find in the present Nyayasutra a long section on yoga in IV. 2, 
and one is pu;^>led to know Tvhy it has been introduced. The grounds 

Vol, VIII, Pt. I.] Chronology of the Naya System. 19 

advanced by Hindu commentators for its introduction are of the 
flimsie&t kind. But the fact comes from China that Mirok mixed 
the two up. So some other Buddhist philosophers might have 
introduced the second Sutra and changed the Prameyasuira so as to 
to suit his purpose. 

That the science of Akshapada was, for a long time, in the 
hands of the Buddhists, and therefore, not in great favour with 
the Brahminist, will appear from the following considerations 
The Eamayana, the Mahabharata, the Puranas, and eren the Dhar- 
masastras disliked those who studied the TarJccJdstra, The 
Vedantasutras distinctly say that this science was not accepted 
by the orthodox. They are known as little removed from the 
Buddhists — the Buddhists are Nihilists, and they are half Nihilist 
{ardhavaindsika.) That there was an unholy alliance between the 
Nyaya and the Buddhists in the early centuries of Buddhism, is not 
open to grave doubts. The introduction of the second sutra, the 
alterations in the prameyasutra, and the definitions of misery, birth 
or re-birth, activity, faults, and emancipation in the first chapter 
appear to be the work of Budhists. The examination of these 
definitions occupy the whole of the first Lecture of the fourth 

The work underwent another transformation in the hands of a 
later Hindu sect who vigorously assailed some of the prominent 
Buddhist doctrines, both Mahayanist and Hinayanist. These assailed 
SarvaSunyatdtada on the one hand, and Sarvdstivdda on the others 
To know who they were not, one has simply to cast his eyes on the 
various theories that have been assailed in connection with the exa- 
mination of re-birth. These are Sunyatopdddna, Isvaropdddnaj Akas- 
mikatva, Sarvdmtyatva, Sarvanityatva^ Sarvaprthaktva, Saraiuny- 
atd, SamJchyaiMntardda. But this gives us no clue to the identifi- 
cation of the sect, save and except that they were non-Budhists, 
Haribhadra however, tells us that these were Saivas and Haribhadra 
belonged to the 5th century A. D. 

Haribhadra's statement is borne out by two facts. Sutra 8, 
Chapter I, seems to be out of place. The Pramdnas are defined in 
the four previous S'utras, and all of a sudden, comes a Sutra subdi- 
viding S'abda ; sub-divisions of S'ahda are unknown in other systems 

2® Chronology of the Naya System. [J. B. 0. R. S. 

of philosophy. It is generally translated by the word "Dogma." 
The distinction between the Revealed word and the Ordinary Word 
is peculiar to the Nyayasutras. It is not Budhistic, because they 
did not know of this sub-division. And in the fifth century they 
discarded Dogma altogether. Moreover the introduction of this 
Sutra explains the introduction of the section on the authority of the 
Vedas, and along with it, of a quarrel with the Mimamsakas on the 
eternity of sound. 

All this seems to be the work of a Hindu sect Avhich we take 
to be the Saivas at the instance of Haribhadra. These are a com- 
promise between the Hindus and the Buddhists. So the present 
Nyayasutras consists of three treatises on Logic, And the bit of 
Hindu systems of Philosophy that it contained has been mixed up 
with two other systems of Philosophy, which have been latterly 
interpolated into the book. 

The Bibliography of Nyayasastra of the Orthodox Hindus is 
very short one. It consists of : — 

1. The Sutras attributed to Gautama or Akshapada. 

2. Bhashya attributed to Vatsyayana, 

3. Varttika by Uddyotakara. 

4. Tatparyatika by Yacaspati. 

5. Parisuddhi by Uiayana. 

But the Bibliography of the Buddhist Nyayasastra as known in 
China and Japan is a long list. It attributes the first inception of 
the Nyayasastra to Shok-Mok or Mok-Shok which, transliterated 
into Sanskrit would be Akshapada. 

The second auther who treated of Nyaya is said to be Buddha 
himself. The third is Ryuju, who is said to have preached the 
Mahayana doctrines of Buddhism with great success. His Hoh- 
ben-shin-ron is one of the polemical works against heretics. It con- 
tains one volume on logic. The fourth is Mirok (Maitreya), the 
fifth Muchak (Asanga), Mirok's disciple. Muchak's younger brother 
Seish (Vasubandhu) wrote three books On logic, Ron-ki, Ron-shi-ki, 
and Ron-shin. After Vasubandhu came Maha-Diiinaga and his 
disciple, S'ankarasvamin, whose work were translated into Chinese, 
by the great Hieuen Tsang. Hieuen Tsan^ had two great disciples 

Vol. ViH, Pt. I.] Chrouology of the Naya System. 21 

Kwei-ke in China, and Doh-Soh in Japan, Kwei-ke'a '*'Grreat Com- 
mentary" is the standard work on Nyaya in China and Doh-Soh is the 
first promulgator of Buddhist doctrines and Nyaya Sasfcra in Japan. 
Since then there had been many distinguished teachers of Nyaya 
both in China and Japan, and up to the present day Difinaga has 
a firm hold on the learned people both in China and Japan. The 
European system of logic is a very recent introduction in Japan, 
•where Diiinaga is still studied. 

In the two paragraphs given above, I have tried to give the 
Bibliography of Brahminic and Buddhistic Logic of ancient^India, 
Both attribute the invention of the science to one person, namely, 
Akshapada. The only clue given about this personage's chronology 
is that it was before Buddha. But no clue of his time can be found 
in Brahminical works, Mr. Justice Pargiter tells me that there is 
no such person as Akshapada mentioned in the Mahabharta, which 
was in a nascent condition about the time of Buddha's birth. The 
Chinese attribute to him two things, namely, "Nine Reasons" and 
'Fourteen Fallacies", while the Hindus attribute to him the entire 
body of Sutras divided into five adhyayas, ten lectures, eighty- four 
topics, five hundred and twenty-eight, seventeen-hundred-and-ninety- 
six words, eight-thousand three-hundred and eighty-five letters. It 
may be said in passing, that the Chinese people are doubtful about 
the "Nine Reasons" being attributed to Akshapada. It may also be 
remarked that in the whole body of Sutras, there is nothing which 
corresponds to the "Nine Reasons" and "Fourteen Fallacies", which 
we know from Chinese sources, and which even Dinnaga is said to 
have attributed to Soc-mock. An examination of the "Nine Reasons" 
reveals the fact that it is historically prior to the invention of syl- 
logism. It means an effort of the human mind to exhaust all possible 
forms of the relation between, what is now called the Major Term 
and the middle Term of a syllogism. And such an examination 
must precede the formulation of syllogism. In what light the later 
writers have seen this examination and what conclusions may be 
drawn from it, need not trouble us here. Suffice it for a historical 
student to know that this early effort is attributed to Soc-mock, 
universally known as the first writer on Nyaya. The theory cf 
"Fourteen Fallacies" too, in their crude and undeveloped shape, 
shows signs of greater antiquity than the Nyayasutras, 

W Chronology of the Naya System. [J. B. 0. R. S. 

These two theories of Akshapada seem to have been the common 
property of Indian Pandits before Buddha's time, as Badha did not 
scruple to take advantage of these. 

The " Nyaya Sutras" as we have them, seems to be a much later 
production. Haribhadra says that it is a sectarian work ; that the 
sect which either composed it or adhered to it, was a Saiva sect. Now 
aSaivaor Mahe<*ver sect existed long before Buddha. Soc-mock and 
the eighteen gurus of the sect, Nakulisa and others, might have belong- 
ed to this sect. That the Sutras were not composed by Akshapada 
appears to be almost certain. But it bears his name. How to explain 
this fact ? The only explanation is that it belonged tD that sect, of 
which he was thought to be one of the earliest representatives. I am 
not sure if the work "Nyayasutra" had not gone through several 
redactions before it assumed its present shape. But it is pretty sure 
that from the time of iboc-mock to the period when the Nyayasutras 
were reduced to their present form, India was full of polemical 
writings much of which has perished. 

Though we know nothing from Brahminical sources of the 
process of the development of Ny ay a, we know some stages of this 
development from the Buddhists. Nagarjuna and Maitreya wrote 
on Nyaya. In fact one of the volumes, I believe, the 15th of the 
great polemical work by Nagarjuna on Upayakausalya is devoted 
to the exposition of Nyaya. Maitreya, the disciple of Asanga and 
Vasubandhu-all wrote on Nyaya. Then came the great Diiinaga 
the disiciple of Asanga, whom the Japanese place between 400 to 
500 A. D., and Kern between 520 and 600. 

But in the meanwhile on the Brahminical side the Sutra has 
been reduced to its present shape and a Bhashya has been composed 
when, nobody can say. If I am permitted to hazard a conjecture, 
both the Sutra and Bhashya came after the development of the 
Mahayana School, ^. e. both came after Nagarjuna and Aryadeva, 
say in the second century A. D. The Bhashyakara Vatsyayana though 
he does not even mention the Buddhists or even any Buddhist writers 
pointedly refutes all the Mahayanist doctrines of Transitoriness, of 
void, of Individuality, and so on. Savara, the Bhashyakara of 
Mimamsa, was liberal enough to speak of refuting the Mahayanic 
theory that the whole is merely a collection of parts and not in any 

Vol. Vni, Pt. I] ChroBolcl/ of the Naya Systom. 23 

way different from them. But Vatsyayana is not so liberal. He would 
not name the Buddhists. 

We glean one historicical information from the Brahminical 
sources, namely that Dinnaga severally criticized the Bhashyakara, 
Vatsyayana and the Yarttikakara, who comments upon the Bhashya 
defends Vatsyayana's work against Dinnaga. 

The modern Hindu idea is that the Buddhists believed in two of 
the Pramalias only, namely, TratyaJcsTia and Anumdnri that is, percep- 
tion and inference. But this is nob a fact, so far as early Buddhism 
and even early Mahayanism are concerned. For we know distinctly 
from Chinese and Japanese sources that Analogy and Authority were 
great polemical instruments in the hands of the early Buddhists. ^. e,, 
all early Buddhists from Buddha to Vasubandhu were indebted to 
Akshapada for their Pramdnas or polemical instruments of right 
knowledge. Maitreya discarded Analogy, and Dinnaga discarded 
Authority, and made Nyaya pure logic, in the English sense of the 

The followers of Akshapada are sometimes called yogins, and 
yaugas, and the Buddhist tradition is that Mirok (Maitreya) introdu- 
ced yoga in the system of discriminating true knowledge from 
false ( i. e, the system of Akshapada), some form of yoga. And we 
find that at the second lecture fourth chapter, of the Nyaya-sutras 
there is a long section devoted to yoga, and that yoga is of apeculiar 
character. How the section on yoga was adopted into the ISTyayasa- 
tra, it is difficult to say, because yoga does not belong to the sixteen 
topics, which Aksapada in the first sutra promises to expatiate upon 
Whether properly or improperly introduced it forms a part of Hin- 
du Nyayasastra and also of Buddhist Nyayasastra. The Buddhists 
say that Mirok introduced it, but the Hindus cannot say who intro- 
duced it. 

If you ask a Pandit when were the Gautama-sutras writteil, he 
would immediately say, it is Anadi, without a beginning or that it 
was written by Gautama who lived in some remote age. Tho Chinese 
people think that he existed from the beginning of this Kalpa 
meaning, 43,20,000-71-14 years before; but really it is a very late 
production. It is not mentioned as a System of Philosopliy by Kau- 
tilya in the 4th, century B. C. Kautilya knew only three systems, 

24 Chronology of the Naya System. [J, B. 0- R. S. 

^amkhya, Yoga and Lokayata " One may argue that this does not 
prove that the Nyaya system did not exist iaKaufilya's tima. For he 
may not have known it, and so did not mention it. But Kautilya 
was a man of phenomenal learning and he was the prime- 
minister of a great empire. If he knew it he certainly would 
have mentioned it. This is also a negative proof but there 
is a positive proof that ib did not exist at the time ; for, in 
Gautama's system inference from the known to the unknown is 
called by the term anumdna, while Kautilya makes the inference 
from the known to the unknown, upjoidni. If Gautama did not 
use the word upnndna this argument would have some weight. 
But Gautama uses the word, ?/.j!3a/?ia4a but not in the sense of in- 
ference but in the sense of Analogy, or inference from similarity. 

There is a verse in Kautilya which is to be found in the 
earliest commentary on Gautama. The verse runs thus: — 

Fradipih sarvvobvidydadm updyal^ sarvokarm%ndm ^ 

Asrayah sxrovadharnidridm, ^aS oaidnvikshiki matd. 

But Vatsyayana the commentary of Gautama quotes it: — 

Pradtpxh sarovavidydndm updy ih sirDvxkarmtndm, 

Asrayih sirvvadharmdndDi ViddyoddeSa prikirtitd, ^U'l Vildyod- 
desi, or Vidyasamudde^a is the name of the chapter of Kautilya in 
which it is to be found. So Vatsyayana is quoting it from the 
Vidyoddesa chapter of Kautilya and so he is subsequent to 
Kautilya. But that gives us no clue as to the chronology of the 
Gautama sutras. But I mention this because some people think 
that Vatsyayana and Kaubilya is one and the same person, because 
Hemchandra, the Jaina Lexicographer of the |12th century makes 
these two terms synonymous. But this is absolutely wrong; for, 
Kautilya is the name of a Gotra and Vatsyayana the name of 
another Gotra. So these two cannot be one and the same person. 

Patanjali, the commentator on Panini mentions the Samkhya, 
the Yoga, the Lokayata and the Mimamsaka. He does not mention 
Nyaya as a system, and he flourished about the middle of the 2nd 
century B, G. Nagirjuna in the 2nd century A. D, does not 
speak of Nyaya though he speaks of other systems. His disciple 
Aryadeva does not speak of Nyaya as a system. The first 

Vol. VIII, Pt. I.] Chronology o! the Naya System. 2^ 

Buddhist author who refers to Nyaya and the sixteen topics 
is Harivarman in the 3rd century A. D. So the Sutras must 
have been compiled in the 3rd century between Aryadeva 
and Harivarman. Vatsyayana commented on it, and he is 
severely criticised by Dinnaga late in the 5th century A. D., 
and Uddyotakara, a commentator of Vatsyayana defends him against 
the attacks of Dinnaga. Vacaspati Mi^ra in the 9th or ICth 
century writes a criticism on TJddyotakara's work defending the 
orthodox writers Gautama, Yatsyayana and Uddyotakara against 
the attacks of the heretical Buddhist, Dinnaga and his followers. 

Vatsyayana, the first commentator found the Sutras in their 
present shape and so he becomes the most important person in the 
history of the Nyaya System of Philosophy, and the present day 
Nyaya Philosophy is based not so much on the Sutras of Gautama 
but on the Bhashya of Vatsyayana. The first Sutras of the Nyayasutra 
postulates a work on the art of Controversy by considering sixteen 
topics. The second Sutra makes it a system of Philosophy, and 
Vatsyayana says, without much reasoning though, that the second 
Sutra simply defines and clears the object of the first. This attempt- 
ed reconciliation of the two Sutras is very bold but is far-fetched. 

His commentator Uddyotakara, however, gives the true meaning 
of the first Sutra and says that the word ^nihsrey is* in that Sutra 
means 'the highest good' in any department of life and that there- 
fore, the Sastra should be studied by all people secular and religious 
and he adds 'religious' in order to take in the 2nd Sutra, which 
has no secular but only spiritual import. 

The N"yayasastra is agnostic ; Adpshta in the matter of creation 
is supreme and not l^vara But Vatsyayana says Isvara is the 
creator and the moral governor of the world but he does so with the 
help and under the guidance of Adfshta, and this l^vara appears to 
be Siva, and he writes an eloquent thesis on Isvara and makes 
the Sastra a Saiva Sastra, — a character which it still retains. 

It seems that there was a non-sectarian work on the Art of 
Controversy used by the people of India. The Hindus were not 
much in favour of the work in the later centuries B. C, for Manu 
and others discouraged its use. The Buddhists, however, studied 
the work and improved upon it. But it was taken from them by 

26 Chronology of the Naya System. [J. B. 0. R. S. 

the Saivas, who interpolated Sutras here and there and put in 
chapters controverting Buddhist ideas. But the Buddhists did not 
take any notice of the additions and interpolations. They went on 
developing the art in their own way. Na-garjuna, Aryadeva 
Harivarman and other Buddhist writers wrote on the art of con- 
troversy differing more or less from the Nyayasutras. Maitreya in 
the 3rd century discarded npamdiui and made the pramdrias three- 
and Dinnaga discarded even Sahda or 'authority' and believed only 
in tw^o prrwanfii', perception and inference. Ditmaga's work is not 
available. Recently we hear that there is a Tibetan translation of 
the work with a number of commentaries and sub-commentaries. 
But the few Nyaya works of the Buddhists that are available give 
us only two } ramdnas, one of them was published by the late Prof. 
Peterson. Its name is Xydyahindu. It has three chapters, one on 
prafyakshij and two on Amimdni, one on Svdrthanumdna and the 
other on Pardrthdnumdnj,. Other books on the subject will be 
shortly published giving us an opportunity to see how the Bud- 
dhists developed the art of Conrtoversy of ancient India. One 
book on Jaina Logic has been published. All these Jaina and 
Buddhist works are devoted exclusively to Logic and the Art of 
Controver:3y, and there is no philosophy in them. 

That the Gautamasutras are not very old is proved by the faco 
that Kautilya does not mention it. But there are other reasons alst 
in support of the statement. There is a book named Kathdvatthu or 
''The points of Controversy" writttm by a number of Buddhist sages 
at Pataliputra on the occasion of the Third Samgiti or Council held 
there under the auspices of Tissa Moggaliputta, the Guru of Asoka 
in the 17th year of his reign. The method of Controversy there is 
quite different from that advocated in the Gautamasutrap. The 
Mimarasa way of controversy also is quite different. The Mimam- 
sakas divided their work into adhikaranas or sections each section 
consisting of five elements-. — 

Vishayo visayascaiva purvvapakshas tuthottarah 
Nirnayasceti pancangam sastredhikaranam smrtam. 

means, doubt, statement of the thesis, statement on one side, state- 
ment on the other and conclusion. This also is not the Nyaya method 
advocated in the Gautamasutras. Ancient Buddhists, as a rule, have 

Vol. VIII. Pt. I.] Chronology of the Naya System. 27 

another method of arriving at the truth by applying the rule asti- 
ndsti-taduhhayd-mibhaya and the Jainasby applying the saptahhaii- 
ginydyaoT syddvdda. The method advocated in the Sutras is far in 
advance. Every controversy has five elements or avayavas : (1) 
Patijnd statement of the object to be proved, (2) Heiu the object by 
which it is to be proved, (3) Uddliarani the object by which it is to 
be proved, (4) Nigcimana application of the example to the object, 
and (5) Upasamhdra conclusion. If Ave omit the first two, the last 
three is the ordinary European method of syllogism. As the 
European method was started by Aristotle, some scholars think that 
Gautama is indebted to him for these avayavas or elements. That 
does not seem to be correct, because in that case Gautama would not 
have incorporated the first two elements and made it five, and we 
know from Yatsyayana that the elements were, at one time, ten. 
Gautama reduced them to five. That shows that India had different 
and independent development from that of Aristotle, though they 
came nearly to the same truth at the end. 

To sum up, Difinaga attributed to Akshapada the Nine Keasons 
and the Fourteen Fallacies but these are not found in the 
Nyayasutras, instead of it a much more developed system of the 
art of Controversy. The inference is therefore, probable that the 
old Gautama's system was developed in two different ways, — 
the Brahmins made it an art of Controversy, plus a system of 
philosophy, which is Theistic and Saivaite in essence ; and the 
Buddhists and the Jainas, who has a philosophy of their own 
developed it only as a treatise of Logic. 

As regards Chronology, the extant body of the Nyayasutras 
though shadowed in Nagarjuna and Aryadeva, both belonging to, 
the 2nd century A. D. is expressly mentioned by Harivarman at 
the end of the 3rd century, that is, between 200 and 260 A. D. 
Yatsyayana, the commentator must come after Harivarman and 
before Dinnaga (c. 450 A. D.). About the date of Yatsyayana 
I have another datum. Bana, the court pandit of Harsha in the 
beginning of the 7th century was a Yatsyayana. He has given 
a history of the family for three generations before him. But 
among them there is no Bhashyakara on Nyaya. So he must have 
flourished before Bana's great-grandfather that is, long before 
450. Uddyotakara severely criticised Dinnaga and he was ^ 

28 Chronology of the Naya System. [J. B. 0. R. S. 

contemporary of Praiastapada. Dharmakirti criticised Uddyotakara 
and Kuraarila criticised Dharmakirti. Kumarila's age is c. 700 
A. D. Uddyotakara, therefore must have lived between Dinnaga 
(450 A. D.) and Kumarila, rather in the earlier part of this period 
to make room for Dharmakirti who is not mentioned by Hienen 
Tsang (629-645 A. D.) but mentioned by I-Tsing (671 A. D.). 
Then comes Vacaspati Misra who gives his date as Vasvankavasu 
vatsare^ that is, the year, 898. But he does not say of what Era. 
If it is Saka, it would be 976 A. D. but if it is Vikrama Era 
it would be 842. Then comes Udayana one of whose books was 
written in 1006 A. D. and he is the last great name in the Nyaya 
System. After him the two system Nyaya and Vai^eshika were amal- 
gamated principally by Gangesopadhyaya who flourished a few 
years before the Muhammadan conquest of Bengal. 

Buddhaghosa's visits to Ceylon and 
Burma and his reminiscences of 
the island of Lanka. 

BY BIMALA OHARAN LA.W, m..\. b.l., F. R. Hist. S. 

After having established his father in the fruition of the first 
stage of sanctification, Buddhaghosa begged his father's pardon 
and went to his preceptor. As soon as he got permission from the 
preceptor to go to Ceylon he directed his steps towards the shore 
together with the merchants and boarded the ship which at once 
sailed. On his way to Ceylon (1), he met a Thera named Buddha- 
datta who was then coming back to Jambudipa from Lafika (2) Bud- 
dhaghosa safely reached Lafika-dvipa, There he went to the Sam- 
gharaja Mahathera, saluted him and sat on one side just behind the 
monks who were learning Abhidhamma and Vinaya. (3) One day 
the chief of the congregation while instructing the monks, came on 
a knotty point, the meaning and purport of which he could not 
make clear. He was struck dumb and went to his inner chamber 
and sat there thinking upon it. Buddhaghosa knew all about it and 
wrote out on a blackboard the purport and meaning of the knotty 
point and when the chief of the congregation came out of his inner 
chamber, he looked at the writing. The Samgharaja inquired 
"Who has written this"? He was told by the hermits thus, " I* 
must have been written by the stranger monk." The chief inquired 
" Where has he gone "? The hermits sought him out and showed 
him to the chief. The chief inquired whether it was written by 

(1) On his way to Ceylon, before he met Budddhadatta, he reached Naga" 
pattana [p. 63 Saddhamma-Samgaho, J. P, T. S. 1890 ]- 

(2) Buddhaghosuppptti, p. 49. 

(3) It is recorded in the Sasanavamsa (edited by Mabel Bode) p. 31 that 
Buddhaghosa went to Ceylon and he entered int^ the Mahavihara at Anuradha- 
pura. There having listened to the Sinhalese Atthakatha and Therav^da from 
Thera Samghapala, ho said that he would prepare an atthakatha himself. 


30 Buddhaghosa's visits to Ceylon and Burma etc. [J. B. 0. R. S 

him and getting a reply in the affirmative, he said, " The congrega 
tion of monks should be taught by you in the three Pitakas ". Bud 
dhaghosa refused by saying, " I have come here to translate the teach 
ings of the Lord from Sinhalese into Magadhi ". On hearing this 
the chief became pleased and said, " If you have come here to per 
form such a task, you may clear to us the significance of the follow 
ing stanza uttered by the Buddha in reference to the three Pi 
takas : — " Who is that person who being wise and established in 
precepts, and having cultured his thought and wisdom, being ardent 
and skilful can unravel this knot "? Buddhaghosa consented, saying, 
" All right ", and then he 'departed to his abode. On the very day 
in the afternoon, he wrote out the Yisuddhi-magga very easily, 
beginning with Sile patitthaya, etc., after writing the Visuddhimag, 
he fell asleep. Sakka, the chief of the gods stole it. After 
awaking, he could not find his OAvn composition and he wrote out 
Visuddhimagga again as quickly as possible by lamplight ; after com- 
pleting it, he kept it on his head and he again fell asleep. Sakka 
stole it for the second time. The Thera after awaking could not find 
it, he again wrote it as quickly as possible. After completing it, he 
fell asleep by tying it to the garment he wore. Sakka then left the 
two books already stolen by him, on his head (1). In the morning 
Buddhaghosa became delighted, seeing his books on his head. After 
ablutions he showed the three books to the chief of the congrega- 
tion of the monks of Laiika (2). It is interesting to note that in these 
three books, there were more than one million, nine hundred and 
twenty-three thousand letters particles or prefixes. The chief 
became astounded and asked him as to the cause of writing out the 
same book three times. Buddhaghosa told him the reason. Then 
the three books were recited (3). It is to be noticed that the particles, 
prefixes and letters are the same and are put in the same places in 
these three books (4). The chief noticing this feature became greatly 
pleased and gave him permission to render the teaching of the lord 

(1) See also Saddhamma-Samgabo, p. 63., J. P. T. S. 1890. 

cf. Sasanavamsa p 30, 

(2) cf. S. v., p. 80. 

(8) cf. S-S J. P. T. S., 1890, p. 53. 

(4; cf« Saddhamma.Samgaho, J. P. T. S., 1890, pp. 58-64. 

*' Gantliato va akkharato va padato va vyanjanato va atthato 

va pubbaparavflsena va theravadadihi va palihi va tisu pottha- 

kesu annathattam nama nahosi". 

Vol. VI II, Pt. I.] Buddhaghosa*s visits to Ceylon and Burma, etc. 3i 

into iJagadhi from Sinhalese. The chief spoke highly of the vir- 
tues of Buddhaghosa. Since then he became famous as Buddha- 
ghosa among the inhabitants of Ceylon (5). He was called the chief 
of human beings like the Buddha on earth (6). 

Buddhaghosa while he Tv'as at Ceylon used to live on the lower 
flat of a seven-storied building. There he was engaged in translat- 
ing the teachings of the Lord daily (7) and in the morning he used to 
go out for alms, he saw the palm leaves which fell and taking them 
he departed for the place where he had to come to beg. This was 
his practice while he was at Ceylon. One day a toddy-seller who 
was wise and experienced saw his acts and scattered on the place of 
his begging unbroken palm leaves and then he hid himself. The 
Thera when he had finished begging, carried them to his house. 
The toddy -seller followed him and saw him actually engaged in 
writing and he was satisfied. One day he took a potful of food and 
presented it to the Thera. The Thera said to him, "There lives a 
superior Thera in the upper flat, please give it to him. The toddy- 
seller went upstairs and was asked by the Thera in the upper flat 
thus, " Buddhaghosa who dwells on the lower flat is worthier than 
us, daily does he translate the teachings of the Lord into Magadhi, 
give it to him " The toddy-seller thus told, came to Buddhaghosa 
and gave it to him. He accepted it, and made six shares out of it 
and gave one share to each of the six Theras. Buddhaghosa's task 
of translating was completed in three months. Having observed 
the Pavarana, he informed the chief of the congregation of the com- 
pletion of his task and the Samgharaja praised him much and set 
fire to all the works written by Mahinda in Sinhalese. He asked the 
permission of the congregation to go home to see his parents. 
While he was going to embark, the Sinhalese monks spoke ill of him 
thus : " We are of opinion that this Thera knows the Tripitakas but 
he does not know Sanskrit ". As soon as Buddhaghosa heard of 

(5) cf. Saddhamma-Samgaho, J. P. T. S.. 1890, pp. 52-53. 

(6) Buddhaghosuppatti, pp. 55-58. 

(7) According to Spence Hardy, Buddhaghosa took up his residence in the 
secluded Ganthakara Yii'.ava where he was occupied with the work of translating, 
according to the grammatical rule of the Magadhi wliich is the root of all langu- 
ages, the whole of the Sinhalese Atthakathas into Pali (A Manual of Buddhism 

p": 531). 

32 Buddhaghosa's visits to Ceylon and Barma, etc. [J. B. 0. R. S* 

this, he made a fair display of his knowledge of Sanskrit and since 
then the monks entertained no doubt as to his knowledge of that 
language (8). 

An interesting event happened while Buddha ghosa was in 
Ceylon, One day tw^o maid-servants of two brahmins fell out with 
each other. When one of them was walking up the bank taking a 
jar of water from a pond, the maid servant of the other brahmin 
was then going down in a hurry with an empty jar which coming in 
contact with the jar of the maid-servant who was going up was 
broken. The maide-servant whose jar was broken grew angry and 
abused the other, who also abused her. Buddhaghosa hearing this 
thougVit thus, *' There is nobody here, these women abusing each 
other would surely speak to their masters about it and I might be 
cited as a witness ". The master of the maid-servant whose jar 
was broken referred the matter to the tribunal ; the king not being 
able to decide the case, asked "Who is your witness "? Of these 
two one referred to Buddhaghosa who was introduced to the king as 
a stranger who obtained the punishment of the Church. The king 
sent for Buddhaghosa who said thus : " The abusive language used 
by the maid-servants of the brahmins has been heard by me. We, 
monks, take no notice of suc'i things ". B-.iddhaghosa handed 
over the book in which he recorded the abusive language, to the 
king. The king decided the case relying on the written evidence of 
Buddhaghosa. The king praised him much by saying that he 
(Buddhaghosa) was one of quick wisdom. The king inquired as to 
where he lived. The brahmins spoke ill of him by saving, " This 
discarded monk has come to trade, you should not see him ". The 
king's appreciation of Buddhaghosa may be stated thus, " I have 
never seen before a Samana like him who is religious, of quick 
intellect and greatly meditative (9). 

On returning from Ceylon, he first of all went to his preceptor 
at Jambudvipa and informed him that he had written Pariyatti. 
Buddhaghosa saluted him and then went to his parents who gave 
him excellent food to take (10), 

(8) Buddhagh Buppatti, pp. 69-61. 

(9) Buddhagbaeuppatti, pp. 5"2-54. 

(10) Ibid, p. OS. 

Vol. VIII, Pi, I.] Buddhagliosa's visits to Ceylon and Burma, etc. 33 

ReminiSCeilCeS of Ceylon: — in the epilogue of his com- 
mentary on the Vinaya Pitaka, Buddhaghosa tells us that he 
completed his great work in the 21st year of the reign of King 
Sirinivasa of Ceylon, who was hi^ benevolent royal patron (11). 
Perhaps he refers to the same king under the name of Sirikuta in 
the epilogue to his commentary on the Dhammapada (12.) It is 
left to further recearch to settle whether or not Sirinivasa was an- 
other name of King Mahanama, during whose reign he visited Cey- 
lon according to Mahavamsa, The Rev. Bhikkhu H. P. Buddha- 
datta is of this opinion. He points out that nowhere else is men- 
tioned a king of Ceylon by the name of Sirinivasa or Sirikuta. 

Buddaghosa refers to King Duttagamani Abhaya (13), the na- 
tional hero of Ceylon, and to King Coranaga (14), son of King Vatta- 
gamanl. He also makes mention of a king Mahanaga whose 
munificient gift in connection with the art of healing at Penambari- 
gana had won for him a lasting fame (15). King Mahanaga is perhaps 
no other than king Buddhadasa, father of King Mahanama mention- 
ed in the Mahavamsa (Chap, XXX. 171). 

Buddhaghosa refers to Cetiyapabbata of Ceylon wliere a king 
went out by the eastern gate to reach the pabbata and he reached 
the banks of the Colombo river, the horse standing on the bank was 
not willing loget down into the river like the horse Gulavanna of 
King Kutahanna. (1) 

Buddhaghosa also refers to Mahinda who brought the Attha- 
katha (rehearsed by 500 Bhikkus at the first council) to Ceylon, (2) 
and he is also referred to in the Sumaiigalavilasini as the person 
who brought the Atthakatha into Ceylon and rendered it into 
Sinhalese for the benefit of the inhabitants of the island (3), 
Buddhaghosa in his Saratthapakasini refers to Thera Mahamahinda 

(11) " Palayantassa suka'am Lankadipam nirabbudara ranno — Siiinivasassa 
samavisatime kheme jayasamvacchare ayam. Araddha ekavisamhi sampatte 
parinitthita ti ". 

(12) Dhammapada atthakatha, P. T. S. Vol. IV. p. 235. 

(13) Atthasalini p. 81. 
(10 Ibid, p. 399. 
(15) Ibid, p 399. 

1. "Saratthapakasini (mss.) p. 25 Kutakannaranno Gularannasso Viya, 
Raja kira pacinadvarena nikkhamitva Cetiyapabbatami gamissamiti Kalam 
banaditiram sampatto nsso tire thatvaudakam otaritum na icchati". 

2. Ibid (mss ) p . 1- 

3. Sumangavilasini XX, p. 1, 

34 Buddhaghosa's visits to Ceylon and Burma, etc. [J. B. 0. R. S. 

who when he came to the island, sat at Jotiv.ina and preached the 
doctrine, the earth quaked {Set), Mention is made of a Thera named 
Mahanaga of Kalavallimandapa and of the Bhikkhus who took 
their abode in the Vihara at Colombotittha, and who with minds 
bent upon Kamatthana, going on foot near the village and taking 
palmful of water, looking into the roads where other quarrelsome 
and wicked persons, mad elephants, restive horses, etc., were not 
to be found, used to go along their path (36). Thera Mahanaga is 
also referred to by Buddhaghosa, who while going out after 
having finished his alms-begging in the village of Nakulanagara 
saw a Theri and requested her to take rice. (4). A reference is 
made to Abhaya thera in the Atthasalini, who was very 
hospitable to those who coul.d recite Digha Nikaya in the 
Cetiyapabbata, the story was told of the articles of hospitality 
having been stolen by thieves. (5) Atthasalini also mentions a 
thera named Pingalabudharakkhita of Ambariya Vihara who 
used to give precepts. (6; A i;eference is made to a sinless thera 
living at Cittakapabbata, who had as an attendant an old 
recluse. One day while the attendant was walking behind the 
thera with alms-bowl and robes, he asked the thera thus, *'0h 
venerable Sir, How are the Ariyas"? The answer was that the 
Ariyas were very difiicult to know. (7.) A mention is made of 
Cakkaiia Upasaka of the island of Ceylon. (8). 

In the Saratthapakasini it is stated that in the island of 
Ceylon, in the rest houses of different villages, there was no 
seat where a Bhikkhu taking his gruel did not obtain 
Arhatship (9). 

3a. p. 29. Bb Sar;:;LtliapakPsini (mss) pn. 132.183. 

**EvaTn kalavalUmandapavasi Mahanagathero Viya K^l mba (Galamba) 
tittha vihare vassopagata-bhikkhu viyaca kamraatthanayutteneva cittenapadam 
uddharanto gamisamipam gantva udaka.gandueatn katva vlthiy> EallakkhlietTa 
yatthasura son'adbuttadayo kalabakaraka yatthasura-sondadbuttadayo 
kalabakaraka canpatthi assadayo vauattbi tamvithim patidajjati". 

,( 4) Atthasalin'i (P . T - S ) p . 899. 
(5> Ibid. p. f399. 
(6)V, Ibid, P..V03. 

(7) iAt\»?,asalini, p. 350 

(8) „ p. 103. 

(9) 131. 

Vol. YIII, Pt. I.J Buddhaghosa's visits to Ceylon and Burma, etc. 35 

Biiddhaghosa refers to various Yiharas of Ceylon which 
may be enumerated thus : — 

1. Colombotittha Yibara. (10) where 50 Sinhalese monks used 
to reside in the rainy season. 

2. Girikandaka Yihara in the village of Vattakalaka in 
Ceylon, where a householder's daughter on account of her 
strong faith in the Buddha got ubhegapiti and soared into the 
sky. (11). 

3. Mahavihara (12) where there were resident Bhikkhus 
whose teaching was in the language of the text. 

4. Mahavihara (13) where the excellent Attbakatha or 
commentary was written. 

Buddbao-hosa refers to the town of Icchafigala near which 
a temporary residence of stone was built, where the king of 
righteousness dwelt as long as he lived. (14) In the Saratthapakasini 
by Buddhaghosa, it is stated that one day in the courtyard 
of Mahacetiya of Lahka, young Bhikkhus were engaged in 
getting their lessons by heart, behind them were young Bhikkbunis 
listening to the recitaton, one of the young bhikkhus having extended 
his hands that touched a bhikkhuni became a householder or 
layman (15). Buddhaghosa in his Atthasalini, a commentary on 
the Dhammasaiigani, refers to Penambarigana, a town in 

(10) Saratthapakasini (mss) p. 132. 

(11) Atthasalini, p. 116. 

(12) Ibid, p. 2. 

(13) Saratthapakasini (mss) p. 2, verse 10. 

" Sum puna vinicchayanam Mahaviharadhivasinam hitva punappunagata- 
matthatn attham pakasayissam isajanassa ca tutthattham ciratthitat anca 

(14) Sumangalavilasini p. 170. cf. also the chapter which deals with the 
consecration of Maricavatti Vihara as decribed in the Mahavamsa. 
"Icchanangalavanasande sliakkh nd varara bandhitva samad hikortam 
ussapetva sabbannutannaasaram parivattayamano dhammaraja yathabhiru- 
citena viharena viharati". 

(15) Saratthapakasini (mss) p. 137. Mahacetiyangana appears to be the 
courtyard of Mahacetiya of Anuradhapur in Ceylon. It occurs in many 
places in the Mahavamsa. For its description see Parker's "Ruined cities 
of Ceylon". *'Atthe panasati pisappayasappayam pariganetva sappaya 
parigganhanam sapptjya s'.mpojanntm tatrayam nayo : — Mahacet'yangane 
kira daharabhikkhu sajjhayam ganhanti Tesam pitthipasse daharabhikkhuniyo 
dhammain sunanti. Taterkodaharo hattham pasarento kaya^amsaggara P^tna 
teueva Karanena gihi jato" 

36 Buddhaghosa's visits to Ceylon and Burma etc. [J. B. 0. R. S. 

Ceylon where a certain king ruled and he fled from his kingdom 
and again came back and lived and died in his kingdom (16). 

The Visuddhimagga, the monumental work of Buddhaghosa 
abounds in good many references to Ceylon. A reference is 
made to Thera Maha Tissa of the Cetiya pabbata, who was in 
the habit of coming from Cetiya pabbatta to Anuradhapura for 
alms (17). Two members of a family are mentioned in the V. M. 
coming out of Anuradhapura and gradually they obtained 
ordination at Thuparama (18). A thera named Naga of Karaliyagiri 
gave a discourse on dhatukatha to the Bhikkhus (19). A reference 
is also made to a Tipitaka Curabhaya of Mahavihara who 
mastered the Atthakatha (20). A thera of Ceylon named Cittagutta 
who was an inhabitant of Kurandka Mahalera is referred to in 
the Y. M. (21) Kurandaka was a Yihara in Ceylon where a Thera 
used to live as mentioned in the Y. M, (22). A reference is made to 
a thera named Dhammarakkhita who used to live in a vihara 
of Ceylon named Tuladhara pabbata (23). There is a reference to 
Thera Abhaya who used to dwell at Lohapasada at Anuradhapura 
in Ceylon, where he was in the habit of repeating passages from 
the Digha Nikaya. As soon as he received the news of the death 
of his teacher, he put on his robe and went to attend the funeral 
ceremony (24). Mention is made of two pillars in front of the city 
gate at Anuradhapur (25). Buddhaghosa refers to a Yakkhini 
named Piyaiikaramata of Ceylon in his Yisuddhimagga (26). 

Visit to Burma. 

Some are of opinion that after having completed his work in 
Ceylon, Buddhaghosa visited Burmah to propagate the Buddhist 
Faith (1.) The Burmese count the new era in their religion fiom 
the tirae when Buddhaghosa reached their country from Ceylon 
(2.) He is said to have brought over from Ceylon to Burma, a 

(16) Atthasalini, P. T. S., p. 399. 

(17) V. M. p.20. 

(18) V. M. Vol. I. p. 90. (19) Vcl. I p. 96. 
(20) Vol I, p. 96. (21) Vol I. p. 88. 
(22) Vol I. p. 91. (23) Vol I p. 96. 
(24) Ibid, Vol. 1, p. 97. (25) Vol. I. p. 72. 

(26; Ibid, Vol. ii, p. 382. 

(1) Manual of Indian f uddhism by Kern, p. 125. 

(2) Manual of Buddhism by Spence Uordy, p. 533 

Vol. VIII, Pt. I.] Buddhaghosa's visits to Ceylon and Burma etc. 37 

copy of Kaccayana's Pali Grammar and to have written a 
commentary upon it. It is not however mentioned by the great 
Pali Grammarian and Lexicographer, Moggallana (A. D. 1153- 
1186,) nor by the Prakrit grammarians Hem Chandra and others 
and must apparently be placed amongst the supposititious works 
of Buddhaghosa (3). A volume of parables in Burmese language 
is attributed to him (4.) The Burmese Law Code of Manu is also 
said to have been introduced into Burma from Ceylon by 
Buddhaghosa (5.) But the code itself is silent on this • point. All 
these point to the probabilety of Buddhaghosa's visit to Burma. 
Prof, Hackmann says ; 'There is ground for doubting the 
statement that this man brought Buddhism to Burma. The 
chronicles of Ceylon to which we owe this information about 
Buddhaghosa and which must have been well-informed on the 
subject, give no account of his journey to Further India. 
Indeed one of his most important inscriptions in Burma, which 
was erected at the end of the fifth century A. D. at the instance 
of a king of Pegu, who was among the most devoted adherents 
of Buddhism, and which throws a backward glance over the 
history of Buddhism in Burma, makes no mention whatever of 
Buddhaghosa. The Burmese tradition which refers to him does 
so on account of his translations and writings having become 
fundamentals in the country, probably alsp because his intellectual 
influence may have inaugurated a new epoch in Burmese 
Buddhism". (6). 

We are of opinion that although the chronicles of Ceylon 
and the inscriptions of the fifth century A. D. erected at Burma 
are silent on this point, yet his works were well-known to the 
Burmese and held in high esteem by them from a very early 
time. Almost all his works, as for example, the Visuddhimagga 
Atthasalini, Samantapasadika, etc., were well received by the 
Burmans from a very early date and were well appreciated by 
Burmese scholars and by the Burmans generally. Even now 
Buddhaghosa is so fervently adornd and worshipped by the 
Burmans that it seems as though he still lives with them. 

(3) Indian Antiquary, Vol. XIX,, 1890, April 118. 

(4) Ibid, p. 118. * ^ 

(5) ,. p. 119. 

(G) Buddhism as a reliijion by H. Hackmann, p. 6S, 


Notes on Puranic Nine Divisions of Ancient 



Sir Alexander Cnnningham has pointed oufc, in his Ancient 
Geography of India (p. 7), that the Mahdhhdrata, the Purdnas and 
Bhdskardchdryaj the astronomer, have given names of a Isine-Divi- 
sion of India and that the names are Indra, Kaserumat, Tdmraparna, 
Gahliastimat, Kumdrilca, Ndga, Saumya, Vdruna and Gdndharva. 
No clue has been given, remarks he, to their identification. But he 
has suggested that Indra was the eastern division, Ydrunathe 
western and Kumraika the middle, while Kaseru must have been 
the northern one. 

Alberuni also has quoted this Puranic account and has added 
the following description: — (1) Indradvipa— the middle, (2) Kaseru- 
^idf — eastern, (3) Idmraparna — south-eastern, (4) Gahliastimat — 
southern, (5) A^a^a-south-western, (6) Saumya — western, (7) Gdndh- 
arva north-western, (8) , (9) Nagarasamvritta—north.- 


Thus the two authorities differ not only as to the location of the 
divisions, but as to one name also — the Kumdrilca of Cunningham 
appearing as Nagarasamvritta, in the list of Alberuni who has not 
mentioned the 8th name. 

Let us now refer to the original sources. The majority of the 
Puranas agree in reading, in the Bhuvanahosha section [Mdrhandeya 
LVII; Matsya CXIY; Vdyu XLV, etc.], the first seven names of 
Alberuni but without giving any direction. Their eighth name is 
Vdrunn.. As for the ninth, they read 

'%i g f^^T^^m ft^' ^TIlT€^rT.M" "^"^ ^^^^ sea-girt 
isle is the ninth of them." Alberuni's A^ag^arasamwiYf a is thus a 
corruption of Sdgarasamvrita meaning *See-girt', The Puranas do 
not give any name to it and refer to it as a dvtpa too well-known to 
require the mention of its name. Raja^ekhara, however, in his 

42 Puranic Nine Divisions of Ancient India. [J. B. 0. R. S. 

Kdvyamimdmsd (Gaekwad oriental Series No. 1.) named it Kumar I 
and has supplied a clear clue to locate it by stating : — 

(Page 92). 
And the "Sea-girt ninth dvij>a''^ has also been thus described in the 
Puranas: "This (?rij)(i is a thousand yojanns from S. to N. At it. 
east end are the Kiratas and at the west end are the Yavanas.' 
\_Marl-a\\deya, LVII, vv. 5-11.] 

By combining these two accounts we find that the ''Sea-girt 
ninth dvi'pa'^ called Kvmdot was the tract peopled by the Yavanas 
(Greeks) at its west end and by the Kiratas (Mongoloid tribes) at 
its east end and having the mountain-chains now known as the 
Vindhyas, Western and Eastern Ghauts and the Nilgiris in it. It 
is thus the whole of India, or almost the whole of it. And it has 
been described as one of the nine divisions of Bhdratavarsha. But it 
is absurd to take the whole as equal to its part. Hence either 
Kumdri-dripa cannot be the whole of India or the term 'Bhdrata- 
varsha^ has been used here in a wider sense. But as the description 
of Kunidri is very clear, we cannot but take it as equal to almost 
the whole of India. So ^Bhdratav nsJia^ is used here in a wider sense, 
in the of Greater India, i. e. India proper and her colonies, 
eight dvipas not far from it. That the dvtpas were separated from 
the main land of India by water is clear from the following Puranic 
account : "Hear from me the nine divisions of this country of 
Bhdrata ; they must be known as extending to the ocean, but as 
heingmrituallyiriaccessn)le^\[Mdrkandeya,IjYllfb.'\. It is also to 
be added in this connection that the word dvipa has been derived by 
Pdmni as dvi + ap. It thus means land having -water on two of its 
sides. Thus dvipa is not identical with 'island'. It includes penin- 
sulas and sometimes doahs also. 

As for the identification of the othor dvipasy it requires no 
comment to take Tdmraparna as Ceylon, It is to the south of India 
Tndradvipa is to be located to tlie east of India. For Indra is the 

Vol. YIII, Pt. I] Purauic Nine Divisions of Ancient India. 43 

eastern Bikpdli. The Puraiinas also corroborate it in a passage 
which describes the courses of seven rivers rising from ft^^T^ 
in the Himalayas — the three western rivers. Sitd,ChakshuB.ud Smdhu 
the Ganga, and the three eastern rivers, Narhii, Rlddini and Pdvan 
One of these eastern rivers is described as rising from f^v?^^?B[ 

in the Himalayas, flowing to the east and then to the south 
and then emptying its water in the Ocean near Indradvi'pa- 

[^^'f\^^^^ g prf^si ^w%^f^^ Matsya, cxxi. 57.] ^^^^^ 

Indradvipa was Burma. And this conjecture seems to be supported 
by so great an authority as Ptolemy. While describing India beyond 
the Ganges^ Ptolemy (M'crindle, p. 219) mentions the country of 
Kirrhadia [ =* the fdfi^Jff [,* placed, in the Puranas, to the east 
end of the ninth ^dvipa' — the'Sea-girt' Kumari] producing Malabath- 
rwm ; then he locates the Silver country [Arakan] and then the 
"Gold country" [the /S?it7am3s&/2,u»ii of Buddhist literature and the 
^onaparanta of Burmese documents] And again he remarks (M'crin 
die, p. 221), between the ranges of Bepyrrhos and Damassa the 
country furthest north is inhabited by the Aninakhai [occupying 
the mountain region to the north of the Brahmaputra, corresponding 
to a portion of Lower Assam — M'crindle's note, p. 222] ; to the 
south of these Ptolemy places the Indaprathai. Thus in the dvipa 
or peninsula of Burma and just to the south of Lower Assam we 
hear the name of Inda or Indra, ^Prathai is to be connected with 
Prastha meaning a plain level country. 

Indra-dvipa was, thus, Burma and it was to the east and Tdmra 
parna (Ceylon) to the south of India. Hence Kaserumat which is 
mentioned, in the Puranas, between them is to be located to the S.-E 
of India. The word means 'abounding in excellent Kaserus* (called 
Kesurin Bengali andin Kaseru Hindi) for which Singapur is famous. 
So I propose to identify Kaserumat with the Malay Peninsula in the 
Wellesley district of which was discovered a fourth century A. D. 
Pillar inscription of the Buddhist Sea-Captain Mahauavika Budha- 
gupta of Raktamrttika (in Murshidabad district) showing that the 
Hindus were acquainted with it (1). 

(1) Kern's Verspreide Geschriften, III (1915), p. 255j 

44 Puranic Nine Divisions of Ancient India. [J B. 0. R- S. 

The only other dvip.t which I can identify with certainty is 
Gdndhrvci. It is identical with Gdndhara^ the valley of the Kabu- 
with a small tract of land to the east of the Indus- Its position in 
the Paranic list of eight cZuipas \_Indra (E.)^ Kaserumit (S,-E), Tdmra 
parna (S ), Gahhastimat (SVY)^ Ndga (W), Sciumyi (N.W.), Gnddharva 
(N.) and Vdruna{ NE)2] would suggest that it is the northern dvipa 
( -doab) and Indian geographers placed Gdndhdra to the N. (and 
not NW) of India. (3) 

That the country of Gdndhdra was also known as the Land of 
the Gandharvis is clear from the following verses of the lidmdya 
na: — 

r\ "^ T^f% ^»W^» m'g'SiV 5^^ft^» II 

[Ramayana, Uttarakanda, CXIII, 10-11.] 

[Uttarakanda, CXIV, 11.] 
These verses mean : This exceedingly charming country on 
both the hanks of the Sindhu [ Indus ] decorated with fruits and roots 
is the land \ {^^^ ~\ of Gandharvas. It is protected by the Gandh- 
arvas who are expert in fighting. [They were defeated by Bharata, 
the brother of Rama; their country was divided into two provinces, 
each of which was governed by a son of Bharata.] He [(Bharata) 
installed his son] Takshaat Taksha^ilaand [his other son] Pushkala 
at Pushkalavati [identified with modern Charsada ; Peucelaotis of 
classical writers] in the charming Gandharva-conntvy (also called) 
Gdndhdra-visaya ( district ). We thus sea that Gdndharva was 
Gftndhara It was, as Yuan Chwang has aptly remarked, the border- 
land of the Barbarians who were Indians in culture and religion (t.e. 

(2) Yi runa is the lord of West and so Varuna ought to be located to the 
west. But the <^rder of the dvipa s as mentioned in the Purauas would 
suggest that it is in the N.-E. 

•. -^ 

(8) See the Bhuvanakosha of ihe Puranas — ^^^ Zf, LVII; ^fJcWj 

cxiVi mg,xLr-auJthc ^(;ftf^HTnoftLo ^^c^%n. 

Vol. VIII, Pt. I.] Puranic Nine Divisions of Ancient India. 45 

Baddhism). 80 it was considered as a separate dcipa included 
within Greater India and not as a part of India proper. 

As for the four other dvipas^ a search is to be made for them 
keeping in view their directions as suggested by the order of their 
names in tlie Puranic list. Gahh'xstimat, Ndga, and Saumya are to be 
locatedin S.-W., W. and N.-W. respectively. And we have Laccadive, 
Maldive or Ernaculam in the S.-W, Salsette, Elephanta (meaning 
the same as Ndja or Elephant), and Kathiawar in the W, and 
Cutch in the N.-W (according to the direction of Kurmavibh^ga 
and Bhuvanako^a). V^runa of N.-E. seems to be the Indian colony 
in Central Asia the exploration and research in connection with 
which by Sir A. Stein and a host of Russian, French, German, 
English and Japanese scholars are supplying new light on Indian 

The above are my suggestions for the location of the eight 
dcipas of the Puranas. As for the location of Indra^ Tdmraparna 
and Gdndh%rai\iQve cannot be any doubt. Tamraparna has long ago 
been correctly identified. The two others I identify — Indra on the 
authority of the Puranas and probably also of Ptolemy and Gdndh- 
arva on the authority of the Rdmayana. As for the location of 
others I offer suggestions only. But what I have pointed out is 
enough to show that the Puranic nine divisions of Bharatvarsha 
are not so many provinces of India but of Greater India. 


I— Introduction. 

To find out when wrftting was first introduced in India is a 
difficult, an almost impossible, task. The inscriptions found are 
mostly not older than 300 or 250 B. C; but these by no means 
represent the first specimens of writing in this country, and earlier 
inscriptions are gradually coming out to light. A vase discovered 
in 1893 at the borders of Nepal bears a small inscription which is 
considered as belonging to the 4th century B. 0. The inscription 
in Aramaic recently discovered at Taxila is supposed to belong to 
the 5th century B. C. In the Calcutta museum there are two 
statues bearing small inscriptions, which, it has been said, represent 
the two kings Aja and Nandavardhan of the S'ai^unaga family. 
If this be correct, which is not improbable, the inscription belongs 
to the 5th century B. 0. 

The chief writing materials, which have existed in the 
country from the earliest ages, were the palm leaves, n:ade into 
small pieces and written upon with an iron style, and the 
bark of birch tree, known as "bhiirja patra," to write on wdiich 
an ink called ' masi " was used. The former is still extensively 
used in many parts of the country for writing sacred books, 
horoscopes and unimportant documents. Before the introduction 
of paper, all writing, books, documents, grants, etc., was done on 
these materials which grew indigenous in India, the birch in the 
upper parts of the country, and the palm almost everywhere. It 
was not therefore found necessary to have recourse to any 
artificial material like clay tablets or cylinders baked afterwards 
as used in old Babylon. The libraries in old India had books 
made of birch bark and palm leaves ( ^ ) as our present libraries 
have books of paper. They were unfortunately equally destruct- 
ible, and it is no wonder that at this distant age no trace of them 
is found. 

(1) A lot of these can still be seen in the Sankaracharya library in the 
Govardhana Matha at Pari, and it is said that many books have been 
destroyed by white ants and other insects. 

Vol. Vill, Pt. I.J The Aut quity of writing in ndia. 47 

We cannot also expect anything iu tlie way of finding old 
monuments built in memory of some ancient kings or important 
personages, as were the pyramids o£ Egypt, which might exhibit 
some writing. From very old times it was customary among the 
Hindus to cremate dead bodies. The body was considered as a 
mere covering or clothing of the eternal soul, and useless after it 
was abandoned. No grave or monument was therefore built. The 
Vedic burial mounds discovered at Nandaiiagadh, and the galleries 
containing statues of kings as mentioned by Bhasa in his drama 
Pratimd were probably rare things and cannot be counted 

There was no occasion to write on rocks until the great 
A^oka thought of perpetuating his edicts by having them engraved 
on rocks in different part3 of his Empire or on stone pillars 
erected for the purpose. 

It is evident from the above facts that in India which has been 
a seat of successive antagonistic faiths, and subject to invasions 
by men inimical to its religion and institutions, there is not much 
chance of getting ancient records, and it would be a mistake to 
conclude from their absence that they never existed, and that the 
Indians before the time of the A^oka inscriptions were ignorant 
of the art of writing. Such a mistake, however, has been commit- 
ted by no less eminent a scholar than Professor Max Miiller, who 
thought even the great grammarian Pacini, -whom he takes as a 
man of 350 B. C, was not conversant with writing, notwithstand- 
ing his exhaustive grammar and an alphabet to start it with. 
Professor "Weber and Dr. Bohtlingk also take the date of the 
A^oka inscriptions as the beginning of writing in India. But how 
could it be conceived that the full fledged Brahmi alphabet of the 
inscriptions, which, as far as known, was not prevalent anywhere 
else at the time, could spring up in India all of a sudden ? It must 
have started long before the time of A^oka. The assumption is, 
therefore, unfair to India ; and its unfairness is the more marked 
when we consider the fact that India possesses the oldest of the 
books, the oldest and the most elaborate of grammatical works 
and the most scientific alphabet in the whole world. 

These things alone would have credited India with the in- 
vention of writing, especially as her climate and seclusion were 

48 The Antiquity of writing in India. [J. B. 0. R. S. 

the most congenial for the introduction of the art. But her ling- 
ering civilization has not allowed her to acquire that hoary- 
antiquity or to inspire that respect for her old attainments which 
are secured alone by the extinction of the civilization itself. Her 
claim has therefore been set aside in favour of Chaldasa, or Egypt 
or Phoenicia, the last being generally given credit for the intro- 
duction of the alphabet. It is doubtful, though, if any of these 
countries could show records of a more ancient civilization than 
India. The Phoenicians were a commercial people who carried 
on trade between countries in the west and east, and India was 
one of them. All accounts show that when Babylon or Chaldsea 
was great India was a populous and wealthy country. Her cloth 
and other productions were greatly in want in the courts of Baby- 
lonian kings. Diodorus Siculus gives an account of an invasion 
of India by the old Egyptian king Sesostris. The authenticity 
of this is, however, doubtful as no mention of the invasion has 
been made by the earlier historian Herodotus. 

Two astronomical facts are mentioned as bearing on the anti- 
quity of Chaldsea and Egypt. Chaldaea started its year with 
the sign Taurus (Bull, Sanskrit Vrisha) showing that the vernal 
equinox used to take place in that sign of the Zodiac instead of 
pisces (fish, Sanskrit l^Jlna) as at present. A shaft in the Great 
pyramid of Egypt w^as made at an inclination to the horizon which 
allows the inference that the star alpha draconis was taken as the 
pole star when the Great Pyramid was built. 

The axis of the earth has a motion which constantly shifts 
the position of the pole in the heavens. The star which happens 
to be nearest to the position of the pole is taken to be the pole 
star for the time being, and for centuries after it, until attention 
of the astronomers is drawn to the fact, and another star nearest 
to the correct position of the pole is selected as the new pole star. 
The star alpha draconis was nearest to a position of the pole in 
3440 B. C, and was taken to be the pole star from a little before 
that date to several centuries after it, until the present pole star 
was selected. The axis of the earth, in this motion, makes a com- 
plete revolution in about 25868 years. The same motion of the 
earth's axis goes constantly shifting the equinoctial points (the 
intersection of the equatorial plane with the plane of the ecliptic) 
the entry of the sun in one of which (the vernal equinox) marks 

Vol. VIII, Vil .5] The Antiquity ot writing in India. 49 

the beg-inuing of a solar year. The great circle of the heavens 
being divided into twelve parts or signs of the Zodiac, these equi- 
noctial points remiin in each of the sigas for about 2155 years. 
The vernal equinoctial point came, to the sign pisces (Mina) in 
522 A. O., according to the Hindu astronomy, and consequently it 
was in Aries (Mesha) from 1633 B. C. to 522 A. D., and in Taurus 
(Vrisha) from 3788 B. C. to 1633 B.C. 

Now India also witnesssd these ancient astronomical pheno- 
mena, while in possession of a high state of civilization. Even 
the great Indian War, Mahabharata, which event took place long 
after the development of arts and sciences, was sufficiently ancient 
in this respect. For at the time this war was fought the vernal 
equinox took place in the sign Taurus, and alpha draconis was 
taken as the pole star. The former could be shown simply by 
mentioning the name of tiie father of Radha, the playmate of 
Krishna, which was Vrisliabhana (meaning the sun in the sign 
Taurus), which name could have no meaning unless the sun in 
Taurus had some real significance. It will probably be said that the 
name Kadha or Vrishabhanu does not occur in the Mahabharata 
but in ilarivansha, but it does not concern us whether these 
personages existed or not. Ail that we are concerned with is the 
nama Yrishabhanu, which must have been coined when the sun 
in the sign Vrisha hid some importance. (^ ) A more scientific 
proof is obtained from the death of Bhisma cccuring as men- 
tioned in the Mahabharata on the full-moon day of Magha at a 
winter solstice which shows that winter solstice used to take 
place in the sign aquarius (Sanskrit Kumbha). This brings the 
vernal equinox to sign Taurus. 

The other thing, viz., the star alpha draconis being taken as 
the pole star, is established by the fact mentioned in Vishnu 
Purana that the constellation Ursse majoris or Great bear (Sanskrit 
Suptarshi) was in Parikshita's time in the asterism Magha, which 
is not the case at present, and could never have been unless alpha 

(1) A lot of information can sometimes be obtained from commonplace 
things. For instance, a Hindustani idiom for " throwing obstacles " is " min 
mekh lagana." As the signs of the Zodiac are at present ordinarily counted 
from Mesha, Mina being the last, the word Mina preceding Mesha in the idiom 
has some significance. We know the vernal equinox now takes place in Mina, 
and the idiom quite innocently supplies this information. 

50 The Antiquity of writing in India. [J B. 0. R. S. 

draconis were taken as pole star. The line joining the middle 
star of the great Bear with this star passes through the group 
Magha. It appears that shortly after Parikshita's time there was a 
controversy as to which star, the present pole star or alpha dracon- 
is, was to be reckoned as the pole star and the final decision was in fa- 
vour of the former, being closer to the real pole. This has given rise 
to the beautiful story of Dhruva mentioned in the Puranas. This 
young boy of 5 years tried, the story says, to sit in the lap of his 
father but was not allowed to do so by his step-mother who said 
that the father's lap was for her son and not for Dhruva. At this 
disappointment he left the house and sat for austere devotion, 
with firm determination so that nobody could persuade him to 
come back. As a result of this, he was given by God a position 
which was immovable, although the whole universe about him 
moved. After sometime the origin of the story was forgotten, 
as also the fact of alpha draconis having been once the pole star, 
and long after Parikshit's time when the Great Bear was found 
to be in another asterism, due to the change of the pole star, the 
Indian astronomers concluded that the constellation Great Bear 
had itself a motion, completing the circle in &.bout 2700 years. 

I have digressed, I am afraid, too far from the main point 
which was merely to show that the Indian civilization was 
coaeval with any of the ancient civilizations known, and that there 
was commercial intercourse, both by land and sea, between India 
and other countries from very early times. Constant references 
to this are found in the Old Testament and writings of the 

To say, therefore, that while the other ancient nations, 
Egyptians, Phoenicians, etc., kuew writing, the Irdians were quite 
ignorant of it, does not stand to reason. They must have boi rowed 
the alphabet much earlier than 300 B. C, if they were them- 
selves not the inventors of it, which, as will be shown later, they 

Biihler, to whom we owe the collection and assorting of the old 
Indian alphabets as found in inscriptions of the differeot periods, 
has shown from literary evidence in Brahmanical, Buddhistic and 
Greek literature, that writing was in common use in India in the 
5th and possibly 6th century B. C, and we have, since Buhler 

Vol. VIll, Pt. I.] The Antiquity of writing in India. 61 

wrote, found iDscriptions belonging to the 5th century B. 0. It 
has also been now established beyond doubt, chiefly by the learned 
discussion of the subject by T. Goldstiicker, that writing was well- 
known in India in the time of the grammarian Panini. The 
alphabet with which the Panini's grammar started was therefore 
not a mere verbal alphabet, as Professor M. I^liiller would take it 
to be, but one which used to be written. 

It is therefore important to determine the approximate date 
when Pdnini lived, as that will give us a basis to go further into 
the reaches of time. 

II.— Date of Panini. 

The date of Panini has itself been a subject of great discus- 
sion. There are some who would put him at about the beginning 
of the Christian Era; while there are others, on the other hand, 
who would make him the author of the Yyakarana Vedanga, z.e., 
a Rishi of the Vedi3 times. Among the former, the first and 
foremost stands Dr. Weber, as may be expected from his inveter- 
ate tendency to make everything Indian look as quite recent and 
borrowed. He tries to show Panini as a man of 150 A. D., but 
finds no supporters. Dr. Bohtlingk and Professor Max Miiller, 
depending on some stories in the book called "Katha Sarita- 
Sagara " (an ocean of the rivers of stories) take Panini and Katya- 
yana as being contemporaries belonging to the time of the King 
Narida who was succeeded by Ohandragupta, and thus put him in 
350 B. C. The mistake lies in assuming the two grammarians 
as contemporaries. There is evidence to show that several 
words and grammatical constructions of Panini's time had under- 
gone a change when Katyayana wrote his Vartikas and this 
means a fairly good interval must have elapsed between their 

Language is a thing which goes on changing constantly in 
adapting itself to the habits and customs, thoughts, ideas and 
faith of the people speaking it, as these are ever varying either 
in the natural course or under outside influence. It may well 
be likened to a flowing river which changes its shape almost at 
every step according to the configuration of its banks. And as 
the shape of a river is affected by the junction of another 

W The Antiquity of writing in india. [J. B. 0. R. S. 

stream, so does a language feel the influence of intrusion from 
outside. Further, as a river branches off into several streams 
when in tlie plains, so does a lar.gunge branch off into several 
dialects, when the people speaking it spread far and wide and 
are differently influenced according to tlieir evironments. 
Grammars and lexicons merely represent the stage of develop- 
ment reached by the language at the time they were written. 
They are, to continue the simile, like the gauging of a river which 
shows its section and quantity of water going at the particular 
point, although it cannot check its onward flow. 

Panini's grammar, we know, is a full and complete record 
of the Indo- Aryan langauge of his time, so that if any construc- 
tion found in an older book, say, for instance, the Ramayana, is 
not recorded by Panini, we can safely conclude that that con- 
struction had become obsolete in his time ; and, similarly, if we 
find in later books the use of any word in an altered sense, or 
a construction not warranted by Panini, it is sure the altered 
use or construction came into vogue later as the language deve- 
loped in its usual course. 

The arguments preferred by the other school are based on 
the assumption that Patanjali, the author of the great com- 
mentary (Mahabhasya) of Panini's grammar, was identical with 
Patanjali, the author of the '"' Yoga," one of the six philosophies 
or Daran^as. As " Yoga " has been commented on by Yyasa, 
the author of the Mahabharata, Panini, it is concluded, must 
have lived before the days of the great war. The argument, 
however, falls to the ground when we find the Mahabha^aya 
referring to an event which shows that its author must have 
lived sometime about 150 A. D. 

T. Goldstiicker proves from a lot of internal evidence in the 
Panini's book itself, that it could not have been written later 
than the 6th century B. C. A few centuries earlier will not be 
an incorrect date. 

Let us then put down the whole of the evidence together 
and examine it : — 

(1) *' Kath4-Sarita Sagara" says, Panini and Kdtyayana 
were contemporaries, and there was a controversy 

Vol. Vnf, Pt. I.] The Antiquity of writing in India, 53 

between them. They lived when Nanda was reigning 
in India. 

( 2) Katyayana has written a commentary, called "Vartilia", 

on Panini's grammar. It shows that meanings and 
use of certain words, etc., had undergone a change 
from Panini's time to that of Katyayana. 

(3) The words Sanskrita and Prakrita have not been used 

by Panini in the sense of the languages. This shows 
that Prakrita had not been formed at the time. 
Later on, as the language developed in the usual 
course into what we call Prakrita, the older language 
of Panini's time, a complete record of which we 
possess in his exhaustive grammar, was given the 
name Sanskrita (properly arranged) as opposed to 
the natural or popular Prakrita. 

(4) None of the numerous names of S'akya-muni has been 

mentioned by Panini. This is what was expected. 
Buddha must have lived several centuries after 
Panini, for in his time we find Prakrita was the 
language of the people. 

(5) The words XJpanishat, Aranyaka and Brahmana do not 

occur in his grammar as meaning the compilations 
bearing those names, showing that these pieces of 
Vedic literature were not in his time separated 
from the Yedas they belonged to, and compiled in the 
form in which we have them. 

(6) Names of all the principal personages of the great war 

(Mahabharata) have been mentioned in the gram- 
mar. The word Mahabharata in the sense of the 
book also occurs. 

(7) The words Vasudevak and Arjunak are mentioned in 

the sense of followers and believers of Vasudeva and 
Arjuna. A recent discovery of a Sanskrita inscrip- 
tion on a well at Ghusundi shows that there was a 
regular Sankarsana Vasudeva cult. 

Of these No. 1 can be easily set aside, as in consideration 
of No. 2, Panini could not be a contemporary of Katyayana. 

£4 The Antiquity of writing in India. [J. B. 0. R. S 

The reference to Raja Nanda need not be taken seriously, as all 
old things of any importance are taken as having happened in 
his time, in the same way as later things are ascribed to Bftja 
Bhoja and more recent ones to Emperor Akbar. The use of 
the word *' Yavanani " as a writing, which is sometimes quoted 
to show that Pdijini lived after the arrival of the Greeks in India, 
is mentioned by Katyayana, and not by Fanini. 

The conclusion, therefore, is that Pan in i lived before Buddha 
and after the Mahabharata was written ; thit sufficient time must 
have elapsed between him and Baddhi to allow of the change of 
the popular language from the Sanskrita to Prakrita, and of 
such a mass of Vedic literature having been compiled ; and that 
an equally long period must be allowed between him and the 
great war, as Krishna and Arjana were in his time regarded as 
superhuman beings. 

The date of the death of Buddha has been fixed near- 
about 480 B. C Let us see if an approximate date could be 
assigned to the great war. " Rajatarangini ", the History of 
Kashmir, says that Raja Gronarda of Kashmir was a contemporay 
of Yudhisthira and lived in 65?rd year of Kaliyuga era. This 
assigns about 2450 B. C, to Yudhishthira. Vishnu PurAna, 
however, says that 120} years of Kaliyuga had passed when 
Parikshita, the grandson of Arjuna, was king. This puts him 
in 1900 B. C Bhagwata Purana says, 1510 years elapsed between 
the birth of Parikshita and the accession of the Emperor Nanda. 
As this king reigned 100 years before Chandra Gupta, the date 
of Parikshita, according to this Purana also, comes to about 
1900 B. C. 

The date mentioned in the MahabhArata for the death of 
Bhishma, viz., the full-moon day of Magha and the winter solstice, 
also fixes upon a certain period. Being full-moon day of Magha, the 
moon that day was in the asterism Magha and, consequently, the 
sun somewhere between the middle points of DhaneshtA and Shat- 
bhika. Tiie winter solstice in this position of the sun could have 
taken place from 14th to 23rd century B. C. The date 1900 B. C. 
given in the Pur&nas is not, therefore, very far from correct, and 
could be accepted. 

Vol, VIII, Pt I] The Antiquity of writing in India. ^5 

We can, therefore, safely conclude that Panini lived some- 
time in the 12th century B. C. He cannot anyhow be put after 
the 10th century B. 0. 

Ill —Records of writing in India before 
Panini's time. 

We shall now see if we can find any reference which may 
show the existence of writing in India before Panini's time. 
The difficulty lies in the fact that besides the Vedas 
ond the ancient literature connected with them, and the 
Epics, the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, there are no books 
which can show a definite claim as being older than Panini, and 
we have almost to confine ourselves to these. 

The Mahabharata in the beginning ( ' ) contains the story of 
how, on Brahma's suggestion, the sage Dwaipayana Vyasa, the 
author of the great Epic, invoked Ganesha for writing to dicta- 
tion his book which he had conceived in his mind. Ganesha, on 
being asked, agreed to be the writer, provided his pen did not rest 
after he had once started. On this Vyasa imposed the condition that 
he should not write anything without understanding its meaning. 
This having been agreed to, Ganesha engaged himself in writing, 
and Vyasa when he wanted time, introduced stanzas with abstruse 
meaning. This shows the existence of writing at the time the 
introductory portion of the Epic contaning the story was written ; 
but as this was evidently long after Vyasa composed the poem and 
possibly after Panini's time, it is no proof of existence of writing 
before the grammarian. 

It is possible this story of the Mahabharata having been 
written by Ganesha was an old one, although inserted in the 
poem much later; but unless it is shown otherwise, that writing 
did exist near about the time the Epic was written, no credence 
can be given to it. 

The Ramayana contains a more definite record to show the 
existence of writing at the time that Epic was composed. Hanu- 
mana, the Vanara friend of T?ama, who was sent to search out 
Sita, Rama's wife, finding her in Havana's garden, introduced 
himself to her saying that he was a Vanara and messenger from 

(1) Mahabharata Adiparva, Anukramanikadhyaya, St. 17, ef, eeq. 

56 The Antiquity of writing in India. [J. B. 0. R. S. 

Rama and asked her to see the ring on which "the name of 
Rama was engraved ". ( ^ ) It is impossible to say what mode 
of writing was in vogue in those ancient days when Eamayana 
was composed, but the passage leaves no doubt as to the existence 
of Writing at the time.. 

As to the age of the Ramayana there is a difference of 
opinion. Indians take the Ramayana as older than the Maha- 
bharata while the European scholars place its date after the 
latter. Taking into consideration the facts that the whole 
narrative of the Ramayana, with the names of its characters, is 
recounted in Mahabharata, which also mentions the name of the 
book ; that the name of none of the heroes of the Great War 
occurs as such in the Ramayana ; and that the part of the country 
under the Aryan influence, as found from the Ramayana was 
much less than that dealt with in the Mahabharata, it appears 
probable that the Indian view is correct. Be it as it may, no 
doubt has been raised as to the priority of the Ramayana to 
Panini's grammar. It is also evident from the fact that there 
are many constructions in the Ramayana which are not in accord- 
ance with the rules of Panini, showing that those constructions 
had become obsolete by the time Panini wrote, and this means 
a fairly long interval. The word " Lakshmana" Rama's brother, 
has also been given in Panini's " Unadi Sutras ". 

We can also infer the existence of writing prior to Panini's 
time from the mention of the names of several grammarians who 
preceded him. These are Api^ali, Ka^j^apa, Gargya, Galawa, 
Chakravarmana, Bharadwaja, Sakatayana, Sakalya, Senaka, 
Sphotayana and Puskarasadis. The idea of grammar, and par- 
ticularly Sanskrita grammar which deals so much with the 
changes and coalescence of sounds, cannot be conceived without 
these sounds having been well differentiated and analysed before- 
hand ; in other words, it presupposes the existence of an alphabet. 
Now, if we consider the manner in which writing has been deve- 
loped as discussed in the next chapter, the alphabet follows the 
introduction of writing, and does not precede it. The existence of 

(1) Valmikiya Bamayana, Suudarkanda— 36.2. 

Vol. VIII, Pt. 1.3 The Antiquity of writing in India. t7 

so Diary grammarians before Panini, therefore, shows conclu- 
sively that phonetic writing was introduced in India long before 
his time. As a matter of fact, one of the 18 alphabets mentioned 
in the Jaina Sutra, named " Samavayanga Sutra" (B. C. 300) 
and " Pannavana Sutra " is Pushkarasari or Pukharsadiya, named 
evidently after the Pushkarasadi grammarians of Panini. 

The Atharva Veda carries the Indian writing still earlier, 
when we find in it the words Likhit (f^fi^cf) I^i^hat (f%^Jcf) 
and likhitam (f%f?5fff?f ) ( ^ )• Besides in giving the period of a 
Kalpaas 432 million years, it " says hundred, ayuta (ten thousand) 
two, three and four together make the time "- ( ^ ) This evidently 
indicates putting down or writing of the figures and when such 
enormous figures were being written and dealt with, we cannot 
but conclude that other writing was also in vogue. 

The composition of the mystic syllable Om indicates a still 
greater antiquity for the writing in India. Yaska, the author of 
Kirukta, calls it a three- lettered word, composed of ^ w and tt 
(a, u'andm), which have latterly been taken to mean Vishnu, S'iva 
and Brahma, respectively. The derivation as given by Yaska 
cannot be doubted; not so with the meaning of the last two letters 
as S'iva and Brahma appear as members of the triad long after 
the sacred syllable came into use. The probability appears to be 
that ^ is a transformation of ^ (v), and the three letters ^ g- 
and -fi stood for the three most ancient gods of the Aryans, — 
Aryaman, Varuna and Mitra. These gods are found mentioned 
amongst almost all the branches of the Aryans and were worship- 
ped before their separation. In the Bigveda, although they have 
been praised as being among the mightiest of the gods, their 
functions have been mixed up, showing that by the time the 
hymns of the Rig Veda were composed, they were already very 
old. They are generally spoken of together, as very mighty 
gods "over whom neither at home nor yet abroad on path ways 

(1) Atharva Veda 20-132-8, 14-2-68, 12-3-17 
(2; Do. 8-4.21. 

68 The Antiquity of writini in India. [J. B. 0. R. S. 

that are strange the foe hath power", ( ^ ) as "bounteous and 
compassionate" ( '^). However, we can find out some distinctive 
qualifications. Mitra and Varuna have several times been men 
tioned as guards and upholders of the law, ( ^ ) which in our 
present triad is the function of Brahma and S'iva (or Rudra), 
the one watching the deeds and, accordingly, moulding the des- 
tinies, good or bad, of men, and the other giving reward or 
punishment as deserved. Aryaman also "guards men well who 
act uprightly following his law", ( * ) but while a devotee has to 
ask "with prayers for favour from Mitra and Varuna, the 
gracious Aryaman is said to be giving it unasked". ( ^) These 
are qualifications of Vishnu of the present triad. [ ^ ) Again 
between Mitra and Varuna, the former has been said to be "be- 
holding men with eyes that close not" and has been callerl "Dis- 
poser (of destinies), ( '^ ) while Varuna is dreaded as the God 
causing destruction and death. ( ^ ) it is evident therefore that 
the three ancient gods of the old triad, Aryaman, Varuna and Mitra, 
have merged into Vishnu, S'iva and Brahma, respectively, of the 
new triad, and this also explains why the letters ^^ ^ and jt have 
the particular meanings Vishnu, S'lva and Brahma respectively. 

As the branches of the Aryans separated, new gods appeared, 
replacing old gods, and in the Vedas themselves we can notice 
the superiority of Aryaman, Varuna and Mitra actually decaying 
To preserve the memory of these ancient gods of their forefathers 
and to keep up the reverence for them the Indian Aryans com- 
posed the sacred syllable Om, taking the initial letters of the 
three gods of the old triad. This being so, we have proof of at 
least a portion of the alphabet having been formed or the several 
sounds differentiated in India at such early a period as when the 
sacred syllable Om was coined. This must have been a long time 
after the arrival of the Aryans into India, which may be taken as 
in about 4000 B. C, the vernal equinox being in the asterism 
Mrigashira at the time (roughly 43rd to 34th century B.C.). 

(1) Eig Veda. X 185. (2) Rig Veda I 36 and I 141 (3) Rig Veda I 23, 
I 141, III 5y. (4) Eig Veda I 136. (5) Rig Veda VI 50. 

(6 Curiously enough Eig Veda 1 189. 7 says that when the Deities gare 
the milch cow to the Angirases they milked her, and Aryaman joined with 
them and did the work. This suggests the story of Krishna joining and living 
with the Ahirs in his younger days. (7) Rv. Ill 59. (8; Rv. I 24-9 and ll 
aud Vll 86-4. 

Vol, Vlll, Pt. l] The Antiquity of writing in India. 69 

We do not find the sacred syllable used in the Big Veda. It was 
coined before the Yajur Veda was composed as we find it used in 
this Veda. ( ^ ) As this Veda shows the vernal equinox occuring in 
Krittika (roughly 24th to 15th century B.C.), the great antiquity of 
the Indian alphabet is apparent. 

Ao-ain, in the Taittiriyopanishat of the Yajur Veda the author 
gives the chief items of the science of pronunciation, as the letter, 
their sound, measure, effort in pronouncing them, their uniformity 
and joining with each other. ( ^ ) This shows that the alphabet 
was fully formed and developed at the time this old Upanishat 
was composed. 

IV.— Alphabet in other countries. 

It is evident, from what has been said before, that about 
fifteen hundred to two thousand years before Christ, India passess- 
ed a fairly well-developed system of writing. It surely started 
much earlier. Before going through the details on this point, let 
us look into the information we possess about the alphabet in other 
ancient countries. 

The earliest attempt at writing appears to be on the coloured 
pebbles and other materials discovered in different parts 
of the world including Egypt, Crete and other places on the 
Mediterranean. They exhibit symbols and marks, some of which 
resemble letters of the alphabet, others look like rough attempts 
to represent trees or some lower animals. Some of these are 
considered as old as 6000 B. C. It is, however, doubtful if the 
signs were ever meant for anything beyond representing pictures 
of the plants, etc., or perhaps some magical signs. As there are 
hundreds of different designs, they could not surely be phonetic 
letters. Their resemblance with some of the letters was unavoid- 
able as both are composed of simple lines. These pieces of ancient 
art may, therefore, be left out of consideration here. 

The system of writing has several stages of development. 
It starts with pictures representing the objects meant to be 
expressed, as, for intance, a wavy line may be drawn to represent 
waves ; or a circle to represent a circle or a ring ; the form of a 

(9) Yajur Yeda 4-lT. 

(1) Taittiriyopanishat, 1 — 2, 

60 The Antiquity of writing in India. [J. B. R S. 

tent may represent a tent or a camp ; or a lotus, the flower of that 
name. But as there are hundreds of things which cannot well be 
shown in pictures, a sign for one object has to represent the allied 
objects also. The wavy line may stand also for water, river and 
sea ; and the ring, for metal or precious articles generally. This 
evidently means inconvenience in deciphering. The inconvenience 
increases when ideas have to be expressed by the same signs, as 
it cannot be done otherwise. The wavy line standing for water 
also conveys the idea of washing, and of cleanliness ; the circle 
expresses totality, continuity, renewal or time ; the tent give salso 
the idea of shikar ; and the lotus may express happiness. 

In the system described above, there is difficulty in writing 
proper names. It can be met easily if the name can be broken 
into parts having meanings. For instance, Campbell may be re- 
presented by pictures of a tent and a bell. But here the phone- 
tics comes in. The picture of the tent stands for the sound 
*' camp " and that of the bell for the sound of that word, not 
having to do anything with their meanings. In cases where some 
of the syllables of a proper name have no meaning, a sign to re- 
present it has to be fixed conventionally. Take for example the 
names Henry and Wa*^erloo, the second syllables of which have 
no meaning. Now it may be fixed that the picture of a ring will 
also represent in sound the syllable " ri ", and that of a lotus the 
syllable "loo", and the names can be written. In fixing these it 
is evidently better to take an object the name of which begins 
with that syllable, so that it may be easily deciphered. In certain 
cases only a single sound, and not a syllable, may have to be re- 
presented ; but it can be dealt with in the same way. The sound 
of " k " at the end of the name " Stark " may, for instance, be con- 
ventionally fixed to be represented by the picture of a kite and 
the name written by a star and a kite. This representation of 
syllablic sounds and necessary homophones is the second stage of 
development of the art of writing. 

The third stage consists of reducing the pictures to simpler 
forms, so that writing may become easier and quicker. The 
general public will be able to write, and the art will not be qon* 
fined to men versed in picture drawing and pointing. 

Vol. VIII, Pt. I.] The Antiquity of writing in India. 61 

In the fourth stage we find the syllables broken up into 
single sounds, so that the alphabet consists of a number of homo- 
phones. This reduces to a great extent the number of signs, 
those expressing syllable sounds being done away with, and a 
few new ones introduced for the new homophones or single 
sounds. These latter may be fixed in the way mentioned above. 

The next or the last stage is more scientific than absolutely 
necessary for facility of writing. It tmalyses the sounds, classi- 
fies them with reference to the part of the mouth they emanate 
from and arranges them in proper groups. In doing this it will 
naturally occur to design the signs representing these sounds 
also on some scientific principles. This will certainly make the 
signs or letters a little more complicated, and a cursive form will 
be required later. 

With the above analysis before us it will be easy to compare 
the progress wdiich the several ancient languages of the world 
made in the development of their art of writing. Let us see this. 

Egyptian —The Egyptian perhaps possesses the oldest 
record of writing in its sacred pictographs or hieroglyphics. ( ^ ) This 
form of writing was very well developed in Egypt. In course of 
time representation of syllables and homophones was also intro- 
duced and the pictures were given phonetic valaes. The pictures 
were then replaced by two forms of cursive writing, one used by 
the priests and known by the name hieratic, and the other used by 
the common people called Demotic The written language of 
the country appears to have acquired the popular form in about 
700 B. 0., so the introduction of the cursive forms may be taken 
sometime in the 8th century B. 0. Although the letters of the 
Hieratic Egyptian represent single sounds so far as consonants 
are concerned, they are not distinct as regards the vowel sound- 
ing with the consonants. The pronounciation is not therefore 
always certain, and scholars are of opinion that there was no real 
attempt made by the Egyptians to do away with their syllabary. 
So in Egypt writing reached only up to the third stage, as defined 
above. The writing of the Copts or Egyptian Christians who leav- 
ing their own, adopted the Greek alphabet in the 1st century A. D., 
need not be taken into account, as being comparatively modern. 

(1) The oldest records belong to the 4th, 5th and 6th dynsatfes, dating 4000 
to 3500 B.C. J > h 

62 The Antiquity of writing in India. [J. B. 0. R. S, 

Accadian or Chaldeans© —This language which 

was in ancient days spoken in the part of the country 
comprised in the Western Tarkistan had also its 
writing in pictures like the hieroglyphics of Egypt. The 
words in Accadian had several meanings like Sanskrita, 
and a picture representing one sense of a word was made to 
represent all. It also stood for the first syllable of a word phone- 
tically and if this syllable had any meaning that idea was 
also represented by the same picture. Not only this, but if there 
was another w^ord to represent the latter meaning, the same 
picture also stood phonetically for the first syllable of this other 
word. As an instance in English, the picture of a pencil might 
have represented a pencil, the sound "pen", a writing pen, an 
enclosure or pound, the sounds "en" and "pound''. Different 
sounds were thus represented by the same symbol. This poly- 
phony made the deciphering of the language very difficult. The 
Accadian writing reached the second stage of the standard set 
forth above. No accurate date can be assinged to it, but it was 
perhaps as old as the hieroglyphics of Egypt. The symbols were 
generally composed of straight lines and were probably the 
origin of the Assyrian. 

QJjLillGSO. — It is said that the alphabet in China migrated 
from the west, and if so it was taken from the Accadian. 
Here also each symbol stands for a word, and words 
have several meanings, but as Chinese is a monosyllabic 
languao-e, polyphony was not possible as in Accadian. We had 
hundreds of syllables represented by pictures having phonetic 
Talue. The pictures have been reduced to simpler forms to a 
certain extent. The Chinese, judging from the standard set 
forth reached barely the third stage. Their oldest record of 
-writing is put in 1000 B. C. 

Assyrian. — The Assyrian or Babylonian writing is said to 
have been taken by the pre-Semtic Sumerians from the Chaldoeans. 
It had a syllabery like Chaldtean with greater number of mean- 
ings for each syllable, as the meanings allotted by the Chaldasans 
were also kept. The Semitic people adopted the symbols as taken 
by the Sumerians, but the rectilinear pictograph of the Chald89an 
changed into a cuniform writing as the material used for writing 

Vol. Mil, Pt I.] The Antiquity of writing in India. 63 

was soft clay written upon with a triangular-ended stylus and 
baked afterwards. The original pictures could hardly be recog- 
nized in this wedge shaped writing, which grew simpler in time. 
The Babylonians thus reached the beginning of the third stage. 
The writing records of Assyrian and Accadian are found on the 
clay tablets discovered amongst the ruius of the ancient towns 
in Mesopotamia, the oldest of which is the tablet of Sargon I, 
who on the authority of Nabonidus, the last king of Babylon 
(550 B. C), reigned about 3S00 B. C. (i ) 

Susan and Old Armenian.— These were also written in 
wedge-shaped letters harrowed from Assyrian. They, however, 
freed their syllabic symbols from foreign meanings, which made 
them much simpler to write and decipher than Assyrian. This 
writing reachtd the third stage. 

PhCBnician. — in Phoenician we have a real alphabet of 22 
letters, all of which were consonants. The names of the letters 
and probably their arrangement is still preserved in Hebrew, old 
Arabic, Greek and other European languages, all of which owe 
their alphabets to Phoenician. We find the Phoenician writing 
in the fourth stage of development. Its oldest record discovered 
is dated 1000 B. C. The previous stages of this writing are not 
traceable and it is yet uncertain what was the source from which 
it was derived. As the Phoenician alphabet is considered to be 
the parent of all the alphabets in the world it will be examined 
more fully in a later chapter. 

Greek. — The Greek alphabet, as said above, has been derived 
from the Phoenician. Its oldest record is an Attic inscription 
dated about 800 B. C. 

Moabite.— The alphabet of the Moabs is similar to the 
Phoenician alphabet. It is not known what the arrangement of 
the letters was. The oldest record dates 895 B. C. 

Aramaic. — The Aramaic alphabet is similar to the Moabite 
and had perhaps a common origin. In Aramaic there is a 

(1) This old date can only be taken with the greatest reserv t on, as 
it depends entirely ou the statement in the tablet of Nabou dus that Sargon 
reigned 3i00 years belore his time, n period too lor.g to be considered 

^i The Antiquily o^ writing in India. [J. B. 0. R. S 

tenteiicy of the heads of the letters opening. The olc^e^^t record 
is dated about 800 B. 0. 

SabOBan. — This is a south Semitic alphabet with 29 letters, 
agreeing in form, to a certain extent, to the old Brahrai script 
found in the inscriptions. Ifc is dated 1000 B. C, and is the 
origin of the Bthiopean alphabets. 

All the other alphabets like Hebrew, Arabic, Roman, have 
been derived from one or the other of the above and need not be 
enumerated here. 

None of the alphabets, ancient or modern, reached the 5th or 
scientific stage. This was developed only in India, and at an age, 
as will be seen further on, long before Panini wrote his grammar. 
The supposition, therefore, that the Indian alphabet had a Seme- 
tic origin cannot be borne out by facts ; for, although there are 
no actual written inscriptions available (and the cause of this has 
been discussed in the 1st chapter), the grammar of Pan in i, which 
begins with an alphabet, was coeval with, if not earlier than, the 
oldest known inscriptions written in a monophone alphabet. 

It will also be noticed from the dates of the several inscrip- 
tions, that the Phoenician alphabet which is generally taken to be 
the parent of all the other alphabets may claim to be so for the 
European alphabets, but its claim is not made out so far as the 
Asiatic alphabets are concerned. The Saboean and the Moabite 
are as old as the Phoenician and cannot be said to have been 
derived fi-om the latter. Similarity of letters gives no advantage 
one way or the other. It is probable they had a common origin. 

(To be continned). 



FOR 1921. 


The number of ordinary members at the end of 1921 -^as 187 
as compared with 207 in 1920. The reduction is due to an in- 
crease in subscription for resident as well as non-resident members. 
Ten members withdrew. During the year 1921 the Society lost one 
life-member and two ordinary members by death. The number of 
honorary members stands at 13 and the number of life-members the 
same. Seventeen new members were elected during the year. 


Owing to the great increase in the cost of printing and other 
reasons, it has become necessary to reduce the size of the Journal 
considerably. The Journal has also appeared at irregular inter- 
vals. In order to cope with the difficulties the Council have formed 
a Journal Committee and it is hoped to publish the Journal quarter- 
ly, although, for the present, its size must be kept within reduced 
limits. It is proposed to get the Journal printed by a private press, 
as the charges at the Government press are very high. 


In 1921 the Council held two meetings only. No ordinary 
quarterly meetings of the Society were held. I venture to think 
that such meetings would be very useful if arrangements are made 
for the reading and discussion of papers at them, as this w^ould 
keep the interest of the members and of the public in the activities 
of our Society. 


Since last year we have placed the order for a complete set of 
Uakluyt Societj's publications with Messrs. Oambray & Co., and 
we hope to receive the books at an early date. We have no by- 
laws regulating the loan, retention and return of the books in the 

66 Annual Report of B. & 0. Society. [J. B. 0. R. S 

Library, The result lias been that several books have been out for 
years without, in some cases, even finding a place in the Catalogue- 
I suggest that a permanent Library Committee should be appointed 
as in other learned Societies, and that this committee should look 
after the purchase, cataloguing, loaning and general care of the 
Society's collections. I also suggest that in future a list of books 
received and purchased by the Society should be published as an 
appendix in the Journal, as is done, for example, by the Royal 
Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. The total number of 
volumes in our Library at present is 2,066. We are very grateful 
to Sir Edward Gait for a gift of valuable books, which have mate- 
rially enriched our Library in quality as well as quantity. 


A detailed statement of our financial position is given in 
the A.ppendix. The realisations from the members amounted 
to Rs. 1,939-5-0 and from the sale of copies of the Journal to 
Bs. 289 1-0. The amount realized from the members is less than 
in the last year for two reasons : firstly, the amount of arrears 
was small and, secondly, the Journal was not published in time. 

Anthropological Research. 

During the year the Anthropological Secretary has been 
studying some of the aboriginal tribes of the Province and, for the 
sake of cultural comparision, has also been studying some of the 
Himalayan and Central Indian tribes, such as the Mangars and 
Saharias. He is making a special study of the kinship systems of 
different peoples. We are very pleased to note the reference to our 
anthropological activities at the last Annual meeting of the British 
Association for the Advancement of Learnino- in the followiror 
terms, —"remarkable success in Anthropological Research under 
the auspices of the Bihar and Orissa Besearch Society," which 
clearly referred to the researches of Anthropological Secretary. 

Search for Manuscripts. 

The search for Sanskrit and Hindi Manuscripts was conti- 
nued in the year under report. The Pandit in Orissa catalogued 
2,004) Manuscripts, out of which 123 are reported to be hitherto 
unedited. As regards the dates of these Manuscripts, so far as 
they can be ascertained, 34 belong to the 17tb century, 437 to the 

Vol. Vllf , Pt. I.] Annual Report of B. & 0. R. Society. 6 7 

I8th century, 1,472 to the 19tli century, and the rest to 
the present century. The Pandit also copied out in Devanagri 
317 Manuscripts which were copied in the Oriya script during 
the first year. The Pandit in Mithila catalogued J ,345 Manu- 
scripts, out of which 800 were dated. About 300 Manuscripts, 
out of these, belong to the 15th and 16th centuries and 500 to the 
18th and 19th centuries. The Pandit reports that 230 Manu- 
scripts have been published. It is hoped that the Journal Com- 
mittee will see its way to give a descriptive account of these 
Manuscripts ^'n an early number of our Journal. 


Proposals have been made suggesting an amalgamation of the 
Society with the Museum Committee. Our Council have appointed 
a committee consisting of Messrs. Sen, Bhate and Harichand to 
examine the details and report how far such an amalgamation is 


The General Secretary received a communication from the 
Joint Secretaries to the second session of the Oriental Conference, 
intimating that the Conference would be held in Calcutta from 
Saturday the 2Sth January, 1922, to Wednesday the 1st February, 
1922, and inviting the Society to send delegates and representa- 
tives to the Conference. We accordingly sent six members of the 
Council as our representatives. 



Amount in hand on the 11th December, 1920 
In Bank 

Government Grants ... 
Sale of Journals 

Miscellaneous (including a I^. D. converted to 
current account) ... 






. 6,696 



. 13,900 

. 1,939 






Total Rs. .., 23,455 3 § 


Annual Report of 

B. & 0. R. Society. 

J. BO. R 

:. s. 





179 7 





1,348 3 


Mithila Pandit 



1,265 13 


Oriya Pandit 



370 8 




354 10 




154 3 

Allowance to A. S. 



3,903 11 

T. A. 


. . . 

2,955 1 






Paper for Journal 



1,984 11 

Government Press 




Miscellaneous Printing 







753 14 





36 5 

Miscellaneous (including fixed deposit) 


2,854 4 


In Bank ... 



3,870 15 

In hand with Treasurer 

Total Rs. 


99 7 


23,455 3 




General Secretary, 




A meeting of the following members of the Bihar 

and Orissa Research Society was held on the 

24th of January 1922 :— 

Mr. G. E. Fawous {in the Chair), 

„ V. H. Jackson. 

„ H. Lambert. 
Sir John Bucknill. 
Mr. D. N. Sen. 

„ J. N. Saraaddar. 

„ G. S. Bhate. 
Rai Bahadur Sarat Chandra Roy. 
Mr. S. N. Mazuradar. 
Dr. Hari Chand. 
Kai Saheb Ram Gopal Singh Ohoudhry. 

Vol. VIII, Vt. I.] Annual Report of B. & 0. R. Society 69 

It was noted that as more than a year had elapsed since the 
last annual meeting, the Society had no officers or Council. 
Incidentally the Vice-President had resigned. The meeting was 
informed by Sir John Bucknill, that His Excellency had kindly 
intimated that he would be prepared to allow the annual general 
meeting of the Society to be held at Government House. 

Resolved that, in the circumstances. Dr. Hari Chand be re- 
quested to convene the annual general meeting of the Society at 
Government House at 4 p. m., on February 11th, or such other 
time and date as may be convenient to His Excellency. 

2. The following business was done, subject to ratification 
by the general meeting : — 

(a) Confirmed the minutes of the meeting held on the 
15th of July, 1921, as amended. 

(h) Resolved that the following be elected members : — 

1. The Principal, Maharaja's College, Vijayanagar. 

2. The Principal, Jagannath Intermediate College, 


3. The Secretary, Guzrat Puratatwa Mandir, Ahmeda- 


4. Mr. Shyam Narayan Singh, M.B.E. 

(c) Resolved that at the annual general meeting the follow- 
ing be proposed as officers : — 


His Excellency the Governor, ex- officio. 


The Hon'ble Sir William Henry Hoare Vincent, Kt., 

The Hon'ble Maharajadhiraj Bahadur Sir Rameshwar 
Singh, G.C.I.E., K.B.E., Darbhanga. 

Maharaja Bahadur Sir Raveneshwar Prasad Singh, 
K CLE., of Gidhour. 

His Highness Maharaja Bahadur Sir Bir Mitrodaya 
Singh Deo, K.C.I. E., of Sonepur State. 

The Hon'ble Sit Thomas Fredrick Dawson Miller, 
Kt., K.C. 

Sir Edward Gait, K.C.S.I., I.E., Ph.D., I.C.S. 

70 Annual Report of B. & 0. R. Society. [J.B.O. RS. 


The Hon'ble Sir Havilland LeMesnrier, K.C.I.E., O.S.T. 


The Hon'ble Sir B. K. Mullick, Kt., I.O.S. 

General Secretary. 

Dr. Hari Chand Shastri, D. Litt, I. E. S, 

Joint Secretary. 

Professor G. S. Bhate, M.A., I.E.S. 


Professor J. N. Samaddar, B.A. 

Journal Committee. 

History'.— 1. Professor G. S. Bhate, M.A., I.E.S,, (Secret- 

2. Professor J. N. Sarkar, M.A., I.E.S. (Member). 

Archceology. — 1. Mr. V. H. Jackson, M. A., I. E. S., 


2. Mr. K. P. Jayaswal, M. A., Bar-at-Law 

Numismatics— Sir John Bucknill, Kt., K. 0. 


& Folk-lore —I- I^fc- l^evd. A. Wood (Member). 

2. R. B. Sarat Chandra Roy, M. A., B. L 

Philolog'y-— 1- ^^' H^^^ Chand Shastri, D. Litt., I. E. S. 

2. Prof, S. N. Mazumdar, M. A. (Member) 

3. Dr. Azimuddin Ahmad, Ph. D. (Member). 

Other memhers of the Oouncll besides the President, the General 
Secretary and the Treasurer, 

The Hon'ble Justice Sir B. K, Mullick, Kt. (Vioe- 

The Hon'ble Mr. H. McPherson, C. S. I., I. C. S. 
G. E. Fawcus, Esqr., M. A., I. E. S- 
The Hon'ble Mr. S. Sinha, Bar-at-l<aw, 

Vol. VIII, Pt. 1 ] Annual Report of B. & 0. R. Society. 71 

Professor Jadunath Sarkar, M. A., I. E. S. 

Rai Bahadur Sarat Chandra Roy, M. A., B. L., M. L. 0. 

K. P. Jayaswal, Esqr., M. A. (Oxon) Bar-at-Law. 

Rai Saheb Ram Gopal Singh Choudhry, B. A , B. L., 
M. L. 0. 

Professor G. S. Bhate, M. A., I. E. S. 

Dr. Azimuddin Ahmad, Ph. D. 

H. Lambert, Esqr., M. A., I. E. S. 

V. H. Jackson, Esqr., M.A., I.E.S. 

D. N. Sen, Esqr., M.A., I.E.S. 

The Hon'ble Justice Sir John Bucknill, Kt. K.C. 

Professor S. N. Mazumdar, M.A. 
{d) Resolved that the following members be requested to 
get into touch with the Museum Committee and 
consider whether the work of the Research Society 
could be combined with advantage with that of the 
Museum : — 

Mr. D. N. Sen. 

Dr. H. Chand. 

Mr. G. S. Bhate. 
(e) A letter from the Registrar, Calcutta University, regard- 
ing the exchange of the Calcutta University pub- 
lications with our Journal, was considered, and it 
was resolved that the request be accepted. 

(/), A letter from the Professor of History of the Allaha- 
bad University regarding the exchange of the 
Historical Journal, issued by the Allahabad Uni- 
versity, with our Journal, was considered and it 
was resolved that the matter be deferred till the 
next meeting of the Council. 

((/) Resolved that the action taken by the General Sec- 
retary on the letter of the Joint Secretaries to the 
Oriental Conference be approved. 

(Sd.) H. CHAND. 




Held on the 11th February, 1922, at 4-30 p*m,^ at 
Government House, Patna* 

His Excellency Sir 1'avilland LeMescrier, k.c.i e., c.s.i,, in 
THE Chair. 

1. Dr. Harichand Shastri, Honorary General Secretary, 
presented the annual report of the Society for 1921. 

2. The Hon'ble Justice Sir John Bucknill, on behalf of the 
Council of the Society, proposed the election of the following 
office-bearers and members of the Council for the year 1922. 

Patron : 

His Excellency the Governor of Bihar and Orissa. 

Vice -Patrons. 

The Hon'ble Sir William Hoare Vincent, Kt., I.O.S. 

The Hon'ble Maharajadhiraj Bahadur Sir Rameshwar Singh, 
G.C.I.E., K. B. E., of Darbhanga. 

Maharaja Bahadur Sir Ravaneshwar Prasad Singh, 
K.C.I.E., of Gidhour. 

His Highness Maharaja Bahadur Sir Bir Mitrodaya Singh 
Deo, K.C.I.E., of Sonepur State, 

The Hon'ble Sir Thomas Fredrick Dawson Miller, Kt., K.C. 
Sir Edward Gait, K.C.S.I., CLE., Ph.D., I.C.S. (Betd.) 


The Hon'ble Sir Havilland LeMesurier, K.C.I.E., C.S.I. 


The Hon'ble Sir B. K. Mullick, Kt., I.C.S. 

General Secretary. 

Dr. Harichand Shastri, D. Litt., I E. S 

VoK VIM, Pt. .1] Annual General Meeting of B & 0. R. S. 73 

Joint Secretary. 

Professor G. S. Bliate, M.A„ I.E.S. 


Professor J. N. Samaddar, B.A. 

Journal Committee. 

Trofessor G. S. Bhate, M.A., I.E.S. (Convener). 

History.—Professor J. N. Sarkar, M.A., I.E.S. (Member). 

Archa3ology. — Mr, Y. H. Jackson, M.A., I.E.S. 

Mr. K. P. Jayaswal, M.A., Bar-at-Law. 

Numismatics. — The Hon'ble Justice Sir John Bucknill, Kt., 

Anthropology and Folk-lore. — Rt. Revd. A. Wood. 
Rai Bahadur Sarat Chandra Roy, M.A., B.L. 

Philology.— Dr. Harichand Shastri, D. Litt., I. E. S. 
Professor S. N. Mazumdar, M.A. 
Dr. Azim-ud-din Ahmad, Ph, D. 

Other members of the Council besides the President, the 
General Secretary and the Treasurer. 

The Hon'ble Justice Sir B. K. Mullick, Kt. -(Vice-Presi- 

The Hon'ble Mr. McPherson, C.S.I., I.C.S. 
G. E. Fawcus, Esq., M.A., I.E.S, 
The Hon'ble Mr. S, Sinha, Bar-at-Law. 
Professor Jadunath Sarkar, M.A., I.E.S. 
Rai Bahadur Sarat Chandra Roy, M.A., B.L., M L.C. 
Professor G. S. Bhate, M.A., I.E.S. 
Dr. Azimuddin Ahmad, Ph, D. 
H. Lambert Esq. M.A., I.E.S. 
V. H. Jackson, Esq , M.A., LE,S. 
D. N. Sen, Esq., M.A., I.E.S. 

The Hon'ble Justice Sir John Bucknill, Kt., K.C. 
Professor S. N. Mazumdar, M.A. 
K. P. Jayaswal, Esq., M.A., Bar-at-Law. 
Rai Sahib Bam Gopal Singh Chaudhari. 

74 Annual General Meeting of B. & 0. R. S. [J- B. 0. R S. 

3. His Excellency the President delivered his address. 

4. Professor Sylvian Levi read a paper on ** Eastern Human- 

ism ". 

5. Mr. V. H. Jackson proposed a vote of thanks to Prof. 
Sylvian Levi for his address * and also proposed a vote of thanks 
to the chair. 

*The copy of his address is still with the Proftssor and it is not yet 
available for publication in the Journal. 

Proceedings of a meeting of the Bihar and 

Orissa Research Society held at Government House, 
Patna, on the 11th February, at 4 p.m. The Hon'ble Justice Sir 
John Bucknill, Kt , was in the chair. 

The proceedings of an informal meeting of the members of 
the Bihar and Orissa Research Society held on the 24th January, 
1922, were read and confirmed. 




VOL. Vim 1922 [PART II. 

I.— Studies in Asoka. 

By Dr. A. Banerji Sastri, M.A. (Cal.), D. Phil. (oxon.)» 
Professor of Sanskrit, muzanarpur College. 

A. Characterisation of Asoka Magadhi. 

1. General, (a) Asoka and Indo-European Comparative philo- 
logy. The following are points of common interest : (i) long 
syllabled as a only in Gir. e.g. atih'dtam = Skt atikrantam, 

therefore Gir. is not lineally descended from Skt ; (ii) short u in 
Gir. smrusd, susrusatdm and Avestan siisruSdmno ; Kal. Shb. 
Mans. Hti (also Rampurva kUij^ if not Mmti of Bloch) < M 
•^iti^ not ^tm + iti ; (iv) Gir. srundm, Shb. ^runeyu, Msms. 
Brunei/ [k] and Avestan surunaoiti, contrast Skt. ^fnoti : (v) 
Shb. and Mans. 5^= Skt st (^)-suggests the lingualisation of t 
and t/i in Aryan ^i and ^ik (Avestan si) as Pan-Indic not Proto- 
Indic (Michelson) <?/. Skt. st{k), G. Pali and ordinary Prkt.-.^/^ 
(written t/i), note especially Dh. Jang. I and Kal. t(h (written 

* Michelson, I.E. xxiii, p. 253. 
3 Johansson, op cit. 


tk) : R. 981-2 etc. and He ^ iv. 290 borne out by Gir. si.* 
Johansson also cites Gir. i«*.^aw<2- and a few Mid-Indic words as 
I.E. hi (h) > st[h). 

(Ji) Asoka and Archaisms. Asoka conjuncts like pr in priya 
etc. 1759-62 not found in Pali are archaic relicts of old phonetics. 
They are not Sanskriticisms, c/. same in the North- West Sindhi 
trail J Lahnda /r^ = 3. 

(c) A^oka and Pali, Asokan dialects are evolved out of those 
in use when the Buddha preached. Literary Pali is regarded as 
another such product. But the origin of Pali is still obscure. 
Hence Franke's ^ " Pali-grundlage '"' for Asoka is at best prob- 
lematic. The striking similarity, however, between Pali and 
Asoka, in Phonology and Morphology — inflexion '.and conjugation 
(as will be apparent from what follows in pages 7-8 deserves 
consideration. As a point of divergence may be noted the 
gerund m-tvd retaining tv.^ 

(d) Asoka M agadhi and sister dialects. Pischel has rightly 
noted that the Mg. dialect as an official imperial language was 
understood even where it was not spoken. But a word of explan- 
ation seems necessary for the above division into two groups. Senai-t 
divides the groups into orientaP-Kal. Mans. Dh. Jaug. and the 
minor ones — and occidental- Gir and Shb. For the first — no 
cerebral n, palatal n, initial y elided, I for r, nom. masc. and 
usually nom. neut. ending in e, loc. a si, r 4- r/(?»^a/ = cerebral, 
^s. > k/if final d shortened, -/fy, -dhy~> ty, dhy.^ the second, 
cerebral n palatal fi, initial y retained, r unaltered, nom. masc. 
sing, fl-stem ending in o, loc. amJii or e/ rx dental = dental, 

h. > ch. Senart's reasons for putting Mans, under group 
I, seems to be Mans's. morphological kinship w^ith Jaug. 

^ Bane; ji-Sastrl, Evolution of Miig;ulhT, p. 39. 
2 Prinsep, J. A.. S. B. Vol. VII. p. 278. 
« Prankc, Pali und Sanskrit, p. 66. 

* Michelson, Trausactions of the American Phil. Ass. XI, p 28, footnote 1, 
^ Scnart, Lcs Ins. p. 431. 

• MichelBDn, IE. XXIII, 219-71 ; AJP XXX, 28ff. 41C£f ; XXXT, 55ff.j 

J.A.O.S. XXX, 77fE., XXXI, 223. 
' Ibid. J. A. XXI pp. 171, 172. 

Yt)L. Vlli. PT. II.l STUDIES IN ASOKA. 7^ 

6. g. ending o land e and the same of Shb. with Gir. But 
at bottom, as shown later, both phonologically and morphologi* 
callj Mans, and Shb. are almost the same -minus the imported 
Mg, elements. Gir. and Shb. again apart from some pho* 
nological agteements differ in : (i) Gir. only s, Shb. and 
Mans, s, s s ; (ii) conjuncts tp (BuhleY-spt) and 8t only Gir. ; 
(iii) nom. sing, neut in m Gir. but Shb. e ; (iv) 3rd per. ph 
Gir. re Shb. su; (v) Loc. sing. Gir. \mhi (also-e), Shb. -si 
also-e? but never m/a; (vi) gen. sing, of in stem. Gir. i?id 
Shb. isa. Both Shb. and Gir. have duly submitted to Mg. 
influence, e. g. nom. sing, e Gir. xii 1. 1. prt^e and Shb. x. l.i. 
Differences between oriental Jaug. and occidental Gir. again 
are quite marked: — Phonology, (i) Gir. (like Pali) ?-Jaug.(Mg.) 
I 2172; («f) Conjuncts in Gir. anaptyxis or ivarabhakti in Jaug. 
702; [tii) loss of lingual r not compensated in Gir. but it is in 
Jaug. by lingualising the fallowing t 3518, 3551; [iv) Skt. r-in 
Gir. a, in Jaug. a and i 2013 ; (y)Gir. ; idha, Jaug. hida\2>^\^ ; 
{vi) Gir has n, n and n, Jaug. only n 1343. Morphology- («) 
Gir. (like Pali) /j^'^o, Jaug, (Mg.) ^iye \^^^,mago-mige 2013, m 
-se, 3555 ; {iv) loc. sing. Gir. mki, Jaug. si 34j76 ; 3rd pi. instr. 
Gir. (like Vedic sere) re, Jaug. aihH (cf. Pali and Prkts.) 468, 
It is thus more convenient to separate the Mg. Group from 
Gir. Shb. and Mans, although Gir. might again be subdivided 
from the last two. It is also not certain whether some forms 
in Gir. Shb and Mans, are Mg. or native : 6. g. Shb. and 
Mans. — 2 gerunds in ft, (i, e. tH Vedic tvi) and in tu : Dh. 
Jaug. Kal. only in i?i, therefore plausibly Shb. and Mans, 
gerund in fu is Mg. because that in tpd (Skt. ivd) is native 
to Gir. But there is no certainty as Shb. Mans. Dh. Jaug. 
and Kal. mutually agree in some points against Gir. That 
such points are very few in contrast with the linguistic affinity 
of Shb. Mans, and Gir. as against the same of Dh. Jaug. and 
Kal. does not add to the certainty, only minimises the chances 
of confusion. All these facts simply touched upon here may 
be discussed in detail later. Another limitation lies in ortho- 
graphy. Shb. and Mans, have ^w«fl = Gir. pun(J, KtL puna ; 


is the 1st. puna for Gir. puna or Kal. puna or both ? No 
solution possible, because Kharosthi does not distinguish vowel 
quantities ; nor does Kal. -i from i, u from u* Within these 
limits may now be described the nature of Asokan Mg. 

%. Special Characteristics of Asoka-Magadhi. 


A. Vowels, r, If e and au lost. 

Vowel changes [a) quantity : (i) lengthening, 86, 1688, 
1689, (2) ; [ii) shortening due to conjunct or anusvara 1244. 
(b) quality 21S8. (c) anaptyxis : 849. 3173. {d) syncope 671. 
Dropping of a consonant between vowels not yet so common 
as later. 

B. Consonant changes^, (i) dental instead of cerebral after 
r elided : 1590. {ii) gh>k: 2164. (Hi) Ih simpliQedinto^ : 3676. 
(iv) simplification of conjuncts : 61, 72, 133, 853, 1778, 3068—- 
conjuncts first assimilated, then simplified, even without the 
lengthening of the preceding vowel. 

Morphology — A. Nouns. (^) Declension. (^) consonantal 
declension generally merges into the vowel, e.g. a» class : excep- 
tions — 2177-78, etc. (?*') nom. sing. masc. a-stem — in e, 1916 
(m) also neut. in ^,1991. {tv) dative in ay a or aye : 94,- 
621-2. (t?) abl. in ^ no final consonant: 3i05. (?n) gen. in *« 
through ss from sy (even in i — stems j : 1761 also 1687. (vii) loc. 
in si (through ^^ssfih from smin) and e : 3142, Plurals — almost 
regular in phonetic changes : 1993, 675 — exception, nom. pi. in 
e 1620. 

B. Pronouns. — 

Nom. Sing. 86 nom. pi. 88 

both masc. and fem. 348. Other forms 531-43, 613-42, 764- 
68, 1014, 1006, 1017-22,1959-60, 2059-60, 3560, etc. 

C. Conjugation.— Active Ind. 748, 848, 1084, 1893, 3676, etc. 

Passive 467. 

Future 270, causal 202, etc. 

Imperative 2091 

1 . ASoka Insc'hriften, C. 3. 
«Senart, XXI p. 2fiE. 


Potential 410, 1485, 3473 

Aorist 469 

Perfect 500 

Causal with p 3005, 2599, 302*2 (double causal) 

Absolutives 466 

Infinitives 818 

Participles 711, 3140 

B. Asoka Magadhi and Ardha -Magadhi. 

Luders^. thinks that the dialect of the Gobam — in Bruchs" 
tiicke Buddhistischer Dramen is the precursor of Amg. and 
same as Asokan Mg., both Gobam and Asoka being termed 
"oldAmg. ■'■' This latter is more akin to JMg. than the later 
Amg. which lends itself to western influence. E. Miiller sought 
to connect Amg. with Asoka Mg. PischeP, while admitting 
some possible western elements introduced at Valabhior Mathura 
councils, disagrees with E. Miiller, for lack of common 
features between the two, except in loc. sing, of-a stems, amzi 
Michelson rightly considers this instance as inaccurate, because 
Asoka Mg, an is graphical for-flS5f, and not iox-amn -^ 
a'?ksi, if intended, would be written as such, but the regular 
writing is -asi. The Gobam-dialect seems to be identical with 
Asoka Mg. But it does not follow that the later Amg. is 
descended from the latter, but rather from an early middle 
Indie dialect which agreed in some important respects with the 
latter. That such Indo-Aryan dialects existed contemporary 
with Asoka is attested to by Sai^ci and Bharut inscrs. More- 
over, there are other middle Indie diilects, not descended 
directly from Asoka, eg Pali ^ {c/. special feature gerund in 
— tvd , retains tv), Sauraseni, * MaharastrT, ^ each of which has 
points of disagreement as marked as those of agreement and 

» Bubler. EJ. II, numbers 12, 9i,138, 334-5, 338. 
' Hultzsch, ZDMG, XL, Lumbers 23, 25-6, 41, 95, 115. 
* Michelson, Transactions American Pbil. Ass. XL. p. 28, footnote 1. 
* Michelson, AJP, pp. 267ff. 
6 Ibid. 

80 STUDIES IN A60KA. [J,B,O.I?.S. 

which even a theory of borrovving cannot wholly explain away. 
In support of the proposed origin of Amg. are noted the follow- 
ing (i) striking similarities with and («t) radical divergences 
from Asoka Mg. («) — {a) nom. sing, a-stems-— ends in e ; (d) 
dental n initially ; (c) dental nn medially— mn on inscrs, only 
graphical for nn. Both n and tm are not uniform in their 
origin, cf. Amg. Jm. annoj Asoka Mg. am/iM, M and S. anna,. 
grammat"cal Mg. anna (PischePs az/w^ is against Var. XI. and 
He. IV. 293, ordaining «y > nn in Mg, as Mg. anuadi^a7k=. 
Skt. afi^adisam [quoted by Pischel) Paii and Paisaci (PischePs 
aMaUsa) anna- Gir. Shb. amfia (g aphlcal dfitla) Shb. and 
Mans, ana graphical anna)- Skt. anya : Asoka Mg. puikna^ 
Gram. Mg. luiina, M. 'pu^na, Pais, puflna, Shb. Mans-/i»^a 
(^=puima) Gir, purhtia { = pun?i'i ), P&M p?inna = ^]it. lunya; 
[d) single consonants for conjuncts ; {e) I for r in Amg. Asoka Mg, 
Gram. Mg. phakki, and less frequently in Pali and other Prkts; 
(/) h in /loi — Skt. hhavati--, (g) i oi giha Kal. elsewhere Asoka Mg. 
and M, gaha — Skt, grha (ii) (a) Amg, »t^, v/ > vv : Asoka Mg, 
Vi^ and vi/ ; {b) Amg. ly. 11 : Ai. M^. yy (? written y) ; (c) 
Amg. iha; As. Mg. htda : [d) Amg. evaih {e) emeva, (/) puvva,. 
{g) instru. piund [h) instr. rannd rama {i) neut. ayark ij) fem. 
ai/a^. {k) loc. sing, a'ksi, (/) aharky (m) urnsiy {n) gerund in 
—ttd and — ttdnaih, etc. : As. Mg. {d) kevam, (e) hmeva, [f] 
puluva, {g) pitind [h] Idjind (Grim. Mg. laiind) [i] iya'k, {J) 
iya'Aiy (k) — cLsiy (l) hakaih, (m) turnip {n) cf. Gir. — tpd and 
— gerund in tvdnam, {o) retention of r more frequent than > /. 
As. Mg. eu "hut' ^ munisa "man-", iacc h at i {vf I'itten kac/i a ti) 
<■' he will do '', first pers. sing, optative ending in — elaih have 
no corresponding forms in Amg. Am^. on its part shows some 
early Middle Indie elements not found in As'oka Mg. e.g. 
dfirisanOy daihmna (contrast As. Mg. dasana, i. e, dassana as 
in PaU) ; vdnsa (contrast A^. Mg. vasa = vassa, as in Pali) ; 
/:ar? ssanfi {co dr^st Mg. kacJiamti) Ijastly, it may be noted 
that Ang. agroes not only with As. Mg. but with other 
Awoken dialects as well. Hence making due allowance lor out- 
side influence and falsity of extmt texts (he best provi ioual 


affiliation of Amg. would be to regard it as descended from 
one of the Middle Indie dialect?, perhaps contemporary with 
As. Mg. and certainly akin to it. 

C Asoka Magadhi and Magadhi- Grammatical 
and Dramatic. 

It has been said that As. Mg. inscrs. have their original 
in a dialect of Magadha. But thr.t does not preclude the possi- 
bility of more than one such dialect. The points of difference 
may not have been marked but perhaps some resembled As. 
Mg. more than others. The grammatical and dramatic Mg. 
may have been directly descended from the latter. Ramgarh 
represents one such (with s) and is called by Liiders " Old Mg. '', 
parent of Mg. but it lacks some special features of its descen- 
dant. There was even another with s for s viz , KalsT. Any- 
way, the lator Mg. is more easily explained as descended from 
one of th se sisttn- dialects of A^. Mg. than from As. Mg. 
itself. The following features of (i) agreement and [ii) disagree- 
ment serve as illustrations : (i) {a) nom. sing, -a stems in e, 
(b) r > I, {c) assimilation of r in conjunct consonants (some 
exceptions c/. valisa ; As. Mg. vassa) ; {d) ava ^ (? also in 
Shb, and Mans; (e) 5 and 55 — As. Mg. Kal. tasiy i, e tass'l 
SI '/a, pasavati, Bairat svage. (ii) where it differs from As, Mg. 
but agrees with other As. dialects, viz. Gir. Shb. Mans, etc* 
(a) idha [M. Mg. hida^, [h) a of dadha (As. Mg. didha, 
{c) sth > st, [d) dh > st, [e) formation of imind, (f) retention 
of sty {g) initial bh of hhodi (As. Mg. hotiy {Ji) instru. laTind 
(As. ^l^.lajind), (i)y>y (/) pidum As. Mg. pitina). Where 
it differs from all As. dialects including As. Mg. (ct) tassim, 
As. Mg. tasi-ta^si)j {h) nom. ace. pi. neut. a-stems in -aim,, 
(<t) smi (As. Mg. sumi), {d) gerunds in -i a. Liiders considers 
the latter i e. points of divergence of Mg. from As. Mg. or 
Ramgarh " old Mg.^' as secondary features and late ; but their 
occurrence in some contemporary sister dialects like Gir. Shb. 
and Mans, militate against the supposition of lateness in those 
cises. Such differences, however, become prefectly intelligible 

1 Michclsor, JA.O.S. XXX, p. 8?. 


if As Mg. be regarded as only one among other co-existent 
"Mg, dialects out of which grew the later Mg. recorded by gram- 
marians and found in dramas, which again, in their turn, had 
to submit to the surrounding influences and in course of time 
acquire new traits and lose some old ones and likewise split up 
into co-dialects. 

References to the above numbers. 

Page 1 — 9S1 — thambhasi; 982 — thabe, 

Page 3— 2172 laja ; 701 kataviytala ; 3518 supathaye ; 3551 
supathaye ; 2013 mige ; 3613 hida ; 1343 na ; 1889 piyadasi ; 
2013 mige ; 3555 se ; 3476 si. 

Page 4 — 468 alabhiyisaihti. 

Page 5—86 ane ; 1688 piyadasisa ; 1689 piyasa ; 1244 
dhammanusathiya ; 2188 likhapita ; 849 galaha ; 3173 viyam 
(janate) ; 671 olodhanasi;) 1590 pavajitani ; 2164 lahuka ; 3676 
hoti; 72 aja ; 122 atapasamda ; 133 atikamtam ; 853 gahathani; 
1778 bambhanasamananairi ; 3068 vadhi ; 2177 lajina ; 2178 
lajine ; 1916 mache ; 1991 mahaphale ; 94 athaye ; 621 
etaya ; 622 etaye ; 3405 savata; 1761 priyadarsisa ; 1687 piya- 
dasine ; 3142 vijitasi ; 1993 mahamata ; 675 osadhani ; 1620 

Page 6 — 86 ane ; 3(5 amnani ; 348 ayam ; 531 ima ; 543 
iyarii ; 613 eta ; 642 etesu ; 764 kim ; 768 kimpi ; 1014 ta ; 
1006 tarn; 1017 tanam ; lo22 tasu; 1959 mamaya; 1960 mama; 
2059 ya; 2060 yam; 3560 so; 748 kaleti ; 848 galahati ; 
1084 dakhati ; 1893 bhoti ; 3676 hoti ; 467 alabhiyamti ; 270 
anusasisamti ; 202 anapayismti ; 2091 jnijamtu 410 asu; 1485 
patipajaya ; 8479 siya ; 469 alabhiyisu ;* 500 aha; 3005 
lekhapita ; 3599 halapita ; 3022 lopapita ; 466 alabhitu ; 818 
khamitave; 711 kata ; 3140 vi[3i]ta.''' 

II.— The Telugu Academy Plates of 
Bhimal. Saka 814*. 

By K.V. Lakshmana Rao, M.A., Editor-in.-Chief, The 
Telugu Encyclopaedia, Vedavilas, Egmore. 

It is not known where and when these plates were found. 
They came to the Telugu Academy in 1916, whence they were 
sent to the Government Epigraphist, who noticed them as C. P. 
grant No. 14j of 1917-18. I am now editing and publishing 
them for the first time from the originals in tie Telugu 
Academy, Madras. 

This grant consists of three copper plates, each measuring 
3i'^x7i". The middle plate is thicker than the two outer 
plates and the third one is the thinnest of all. It has therefore 
small holes at several places. The edges of these plates are 
raised a little into rims. The three plates are hung together on 
a circular ring with an inner diameter of 3J'^ An oval seal 
(2^V^^ il'O is attached to the ring, with the usual emblems of 
the sun, the moon, elephant's goad, the boar, and a picture which 
is not clear but looks like a Swastika, and the legend Sri Tri' 
bhuvanankusa — all these are cut in relief. 


The language of the grant is Sanskrit, prose and poetry. 
There are a very few grammatical mistakes. In 11. 2^-23 
only half of the verse is given and the other half is perhaps 
omitted by mistake by the engraver Chamikurracharya. I 
could trace the omitted half verse in the Narasapur plates of 
Bhima I, the originals of which can be seen in the Madras 
Museum. The alphabet of the grant is the South-Indian Telugu- 
Canarese script current on the east cost in the ninth and the 
tenth centuries. The letters belong to the round script and 
resemble the round letters in the Sataloor plates ^ of Gunaka 

* The footnotoa to this article were not available at the time of printing. Nor- 
Bineo, the author having died in the meantime.— Editors. 


Vijayaditya, Bezwada plates ^ of this King (Bhima I), and the 
Masullpatam * and Eduru ^ plates of Amma 1. There are no 
orthographical peculiarities specially to be pointed out, except 
that the writer always doubles the consonants preceding ' r ' 
(Repha), though a rule of Panini makes it optional. 

Gist of the grant. 

The grant, after giving the usual titles of the Chalukyas 
(11. 1-6), enumerates the number of years each king ruled, 
from Kubjavishnuvardana to Gunaga-Vijayaditya^ the predecessor 
of Bhima I (11. 6-14). It tells us about Vijayaditya II Naren- 
dramrigaraja, (though it does not use this epithet) thit he 
defeated Bhima Salki together with the army of the Southern 
Gangas that came to his help and that he built 108 temples 
of Narendreswara (11. 10-12). His grandson Vijayaditya 
III (Gunpga) burnt the cities of Kiranapura, Achalapura and 
Uru-Nellurapura and acquired the appellation of Tripura- 
Dcartya-Maheswara (11. 13-14). He took awayleasily silver from 
the Gangas of Kalinga, elephants from the kingo of Kosala 
and gold from the Pancjyas and Pallavas (11. 14-16). He made 
Gingas ascend Gauga-kuta, {i. e. defeated them and made 
them run away) and off the head of Mangi and defeatel Krishna 
(11. 16-17). His younger brother's son Chalukya Bhima [ I ] 
was crowned on Monday, the 2ud day in the dark fortnight of 
the month of Chaitra in Saka 814 (11. 19-22). Bhima 1 
defeated the army of Krishna-vallabha (Rastra-kuta) (11. 22- 
23). There was a woman called Thundaka who could be 
compared with a nymph. Her son Mallapa, who was himself 
a good singer like Thumbura, had a daughter by name ChalJava, 
who was an expert in the art of music (11. 23-26). She was 
given by the king in the village of Attili, a ground containing 
one thousand betel-nut trees and a field sowable with fifty 
khandikas of paddy and a house-site (11. 28-30)t The execu- 
tor of this grant was Kadeyaraja. The inscription was compo- 
sed by Bhatta Vamana and was executed by Chamikuff acharya 
(11. 33-35). 


The Importance of this grant lies in the fact that it is the 
earliest of the grants in which the exact date of the coronation 
of a Chalukyan king is given together with the number of years 
of the reigns of his predecessors from Knbja-Yishnuvardhana, 
the founder of this dynasty of kings. Amma II was the earliest 
king whose date of coronation (945 A. D.) was hitherto known 
to us, from his plates ^. We also know from their grants the 
dates of Vimaladitya^s ' (1011 A. D.) and Eajaraja's ^ (lO'Z'^ 
A. D.) coronations. The present grant gives the date of the 
coronation of 13hima I^ as Monday, the 2nd thithi of the dark 
fortnight, of the month of Cbaitra, when the sun was in the 
sign of Mt-sha (Aris) and the moon was in the Asterism of 
Maitra (Anuratha) in the Saka year 8U (11.19-22) when the 
lagna was yugma (mithuna , Dr. Swami Kannupillay says ^ 
thus abont the details of this date: *^ In Saka 814 Chaitra 
ba-dwitiya did not fall in Mosha but coincided with tedi (date) 
29 of Mina preceding and was on Sunday on whi.h day the 
Nakshatra was Svati; but en ba-dvitiya of Vaishakha following, 
corresponding to Mehsha (Chittrai) 27, Mondiy, the Nahhatra 
was Anuradha (Maitra) A. D, 892, April 17, Monday/' 

It is clear fro.u the above calculation that we are to 
take the second of the above tw^o as the real date of 
Bhima's coronation, as the day, asterism [nal^^hatra] ai^d 
the position of the sun on that day correspond to those 
mentioned in the grant. As to the name of the month, the 
discrepancy is only apparent. Though the month is Vaishakha 
according to the luni-solar method of calculation current in 
the Teluga country at the present time, it is called Chittrai 
{p/iaitra) according to the solar method of calculation current 
in the Tamil country. The solar mouth during which the sua 
trav.^ls in the sign of Aries {Meska) is called M^shamasa or C/iii^ 
trai 7nasa according to that system. Perhaps B hat la Vamana, 
the poet of the grant, belong to the Tamil country and hence 
named the month according to the terminology best known to 
him. Or it may be that soUr months were current in the 
Telugu tovuUry in the ;eiith and eleven, h centuries. 


Solar months in the Telngu country. 

The second alternative seems to be more probable to me, as I 
find in some grants oE that period the mention of solar 
months instead of lunar months. Pro. Kielhorn has proved 
by ; calculation^^ that in giving the date of the coronation 
of Bajaraja in the Korumilll and Nandamjoundi plates the 
solar month is given, and not the lunar. The month men- 
tioned in the Banasthajoundi plates of Vimaladitya (1011 A. D) 
is clearly solar. ('«f"TO'lT^)- Both the solar and luni-solar 
month of the same name as mentioned in the plate (^RHT ^Sj) 
were current on the date^^ of the cornation of Amma II. 
In a granti3 of Sakti Varma II of S. 9S3 (1061 
A. D), we find the month of Tula only mentioned without 
stating the name of any lunar month. It is therefore a 
problem for the History of Astronomy in the Southern India 
to find out exactly the period at which the solar month was 
dropped from the current calendar in the Telugu country. 
Fleet's dates compared. 
As we are sure of the exact date of the coronation of 
[ Chalukya Bhima I, the fourteenth king of the Eastern Chalukya 
dynasty, we can fix the dates of the previous kings, 
with more certainty and accuracy than the dates of Dr. Fleet 
in Vol. XX of the Indian Antiquery. Calculating back 
from 892 the periods of reigns of different kings as given 
in this grants we arrive at the following dates. I also note the 
dates as fixed by Dr. Fleet for comparison. 

^t * "je ^ « 





Dates accord- 
ing to Fleet, 

Dates according 

to this inS" 



[Kubja] Vishnavardhana I 




Jaya Sinha I 




Indraraja ... ... 

... 663 



VislihuYardliana II .„ ... 




Mangiyuvaraja ... 




Jaya Sinha II ... ,.. 




Eokkili ... .., M. 

709 ... 

714 ... 


Vishnnvardhana III ... 




Vijayaditya I 




Yishnuvardhana IV 




Yijayaditya II ... 7,. 




[Kali] Yishnuvardhana V 




[Gunaka] Vijayaditya III 




Chalukya Bhima 

888 ... 

892 ... 

It is a matter for real admiration that Dr. Fleet should have 

arrived at 615, by independent sources, as tho date of the 

commencement of the reign of Kubja Vishnuvardhajoa. We have 


here 616 as the intial date of that King ; and not with standing 
the present grant, 615 may be the date when Kulbja Vishnu- 
vardhana began to rule as an independent sovereign, because in 
the grant of Gunaka Vijayaditya 41 instead of 40 years as in our 
grant, are allotted to Vijayaditya (Narendra-Mrigarajaj. "With 
this, the total number of years from Kubja Yishnuvardhna to 
the end of the reign of Gunaka Vijayaditya ccmes to 277, which 
figure when dedu3ted from 892, the year of Bhima's Coronation 
as given in this grant, gives us the year 6J5 as the date of 
Kubja Vishnu Vardhana^s initial year. As far other discrepancies 
between the dates of Dr. Fleet and the dates deduced from the 
figures in this grant, they are due to mainly Dr. Fleet^s basing 
his calculations on the fi^^ures given in the later grants of the 
Chalukyas. But I think the dates and the number of years of 
each reign as given in the earliest grants are more reliable than 
the dates given in the later ones. I therefore consider the 
figures given in this grant and in the grants of Gunaga Vijaya- 
ditya as more reliable than the figures in any other inscriptions 
of the latter Chalukyas. 

Bhima Salki. 
From this grant (111) as from some others, it seems that the 
eleventh King of this dynasty Vijayadita Narendra Mrigaraja 
defeated a certain Bhima Salki and the army of Dakshina 
Gangas that came to his help. Who was this Bhima Salki ? 
"We find from two grants of Gunaga Vijayadita, one noticed 
in the Epigraphioal reports ^* and another newly discovered by 
me^^ which will be shortly published, that Narendra Mrigaraja 
had a younger brother called Bhima Chalukya, who revolted 
against him at the instigation of the Gangas. Bhima Salki was 
defeated together with the Gangas that came to his help. In 
this grant I think the words ' Swanujam ' were omitted by 
mistake by the writer after the words ' Bhima Salkinamanam ' in 
(111), This is a new piece of information which we get from 
these grants. We hitherto knew from the British Museum 
plates '^* of Narendra Mrigaraja that he had a younger brother 
called Nripa Rudra. 


Salki means Chalukya. 

The peculiar vernacular f.orm SaUi as equivalent to the 
Sanskrit word Chalukya deserves special notice by philologists 
and historians. It is not difficult to derive Salii from Chalukya 
or vice-cersa. This word is seen with various forms such as 
Chalkya '^ Chalukki ^' Saluki ^^ Chaliki i». It is natural 
that in the Dravidian and some times in the Gaudian 
Languages C/i and S. interchange. In Tamil only one letter 
represents the sounds C/ia 8. S. Sh. The vowel V is generally 
elided and we get the form Salki, We came across this form 
in som inscriptions ^^* and in the compounds Salki Rattagudi 
^8^. Vallava Salki ^. The first represents the mixing of 
the Chalukyas with the Uashtrakuta clan and the second 
inaicates the fusion of the Pallavas and the Chalukyas. I am 
incHned to believe that the dynasty of Kings called the 
Chalukyas, like the Pallavas and otherS; came out of a South 
Indian clan which was orginally called Salki or Chalhi or 
Ghalulii and the word was subsequently Sanskritised into 
ChalnJcya^ when the Kings of that race rose to very high power 
and coveted the distinction of belonging to the lunar race of the 
Pauranic Kings. 

Other grants of Bhima I. 

Besides the present grant we know of five inscriptions of 
Bhima I. Of these ore, the Hezwada grant ^i is published. 
This was issued at the time of his coronation (89Z). The 
Khasimkota plates ^^ call him the eldest son of his father. 
This shows that he had some younger brothers, His conquest 
on a battle field of the combined forces of his dayacla (Jnaties) 
is mentioned in this grant. These dayadas were perhaps his 
younger brothers and Tada and his son Yuddhamalla. It is also 
stated that he crushed the army of Krishnaraja. This grant 
refers to a village in Elamanchali Kalingadesa and Devarashtra. 
The Nara^apur plates *^ inform us that Chalukya Bhima 1 
"defeated the army of Krishna Vallabha together with his allies, 
and that before him fled ' as darkness before light/ the vile 


Kiiigs of Karnata^ and Lata. His son, a prince of 16 years, 
who was of charming appearance, learned and powerful, died 
after figating bravely on the battle fields at Niravadyapura and 
Peruvangurgrama, killing from the back of his elephant the 
general of the Vallabh King oalled Dandena-Gundaya. Having 
performed the obesquial ceremonies of this prince, who had the 
Surname Iri (Marsiganda) the King granted to 45 learned 
Brahmans the village of Vedatuluru in V tt&r a.- Kan deruvatt- 
vuhayaJ' The Bezwada pillar inscription ^^ is by a certain 
chief in the seventeenth year (909) of Bhima's reign. The 
temple of Partheswara was then built. There is a copy of 
copper grant by Bhima I in a manuscript volume ^^ in the 
Government Oriental M. S» Library, Madras. Unlike other 
grants it describes in verses the periods of the reigns of different 
Kings. It clearly says that Kubjavishnu Vardhana was the first 
to occupy the Vengi country. This grant gives us the informa- 
tion, which is not found elsewhere that the name of the mother 
of Bhima I was Vengambika. The king gives an agrahara 
to a warrior to help him in war (^R^fl^ ^^-^^PSI f'Tfil'^) I 

From the Masulipatam plates ^^ of Amma 1 we get the 
following information : — 

" King Chalukya Bhima had a foster mother named 
"Nagipoti. She was (to him) like a second earth, like a warrior 
endowed with endurance. She had a daughter named 
Gamukamba, like unto Ambika who drank her mother's milk 
sharing it with King Bhima. She brought forth a son, endowed 
with strength like Kumara, the high-spirited Mahakala, (who 
became) a general of King Bhima. In battle where fire is 
produced by the clashing together of the opponents' arms, 
going before his master this brave one more than once annihilated 
the enemy's armies'' vs. (5 — 8). 

Krishna II. 
Prom the inscriptions ^ of the successors we know that 
Bhima ruled for 30 years. So he must have ruled from A. D. 
892 — 922. His contemporary among the Rashtrakutas was 

Vol. vin, pt. li.] telu«u academy PLATEdk 91 

Krishna 11 (884 — 913) who came to throne eight years earlier 
than Bhima and died nine years before him. In every one of 
his six grants hitherto found; and referred to above, Bhima 
claims to have defeated Krishna [ II ]. We have no inscription 
of Krishna II settin;^ up a rival claim of conquest of the Vengi 
country. But in the Warclha and Nurasari plates ^^ of 
Krishna III, Krishna II '^ is represented as having frightened 
the Gurjara, humbled the pride of the Lata, taught humility to 
G auda, deprived the people on the seacoast of their repose and 
exacted obedience from the Andhra, Kilinga, Ganga and 
Magadha. " 

What his successors say. 

From the Uderu grant ^^ of Amma I it is known that after 
the death of Gunaga Vijayaditya, the Hattas and other claimants 
attempted to occupy the Telugu country and Bhima I had to 
expel them before establishing his undisputed authority. In 
the language of this grant, ^' After him, the son of his younger 
brother Yikramaditya [viz) King Chalukya Bhama, whose 
other name was Drobarjuna, illuminated the country of Vengi, 
which had been overrun by the army of Ratta claimants, — just 
as by dense darkness after sunset— by the flashing of his sword, 
the only companion of his valour, and became king '\ Bhima I 
seems to have been a king of great reputation and his successors 
mention his name with a sense of high respect for him. His 
grandson Amma I says of ^^ him : '^ Then having fulfilled, like 
parents, like a friend (or) like a preceptor, the desires of the 
distressed, the helpless_, the naked, the dancers, the singers^ and 
those who gain their livelihood by (carrying) the banner of 
virtue, having gratified their ^ minds by gifts, like the tree of 
Paradise and having ruled for 30 years, he became a companion 
of Indra. as though he had delighted him by his virtues. '* 
A town named after Bhima I. 

The Pt^^apwr pillar inscription ^^ of Mallapa informs us that 
Chalukya Bhima I " Having been victorious in three hundred 
and sixty battles, founded a temple of Siva which he called 


Chalnka Bhimaswara after his own name. ^* This temple still 
exists under the same name at Bbimavaram in Godavari District 
(Madras Presidency). This town of Bhiniavaram is said to 
have heen built by Bhima I and it was named after him. 
Though we have not been able to find inscriptions of Bhima 
there, epigraphical records ^J of later period call tlie town 
Cia'uAya Bhimanagari or Chalukya Bhima Pattana. A mound 
is shewn here as the ancient site of the palae j of a Chalukya 
Cfiakriavarti. There is also another Bhimavaram — the seat of a 
Taluk (Godavari District) and a village of the same name in 
Krishna District. 

The Donee. 

The donee Challava was a woman, and apparently a public 

woman, who was a famous songstress. Her father was AJalapa 

and her father's mother was Thundaka, who could be compared 

with a nymph (11. 26-28). It is but natural that the geneology 

of a public woman should begin with a woman's name, but it 

may look strange that instead of the mother's name of the donee 

her father's name is mentioned. In the caste of the public* 

women the daughter takes to the infamous profession of her 

mother, while the son^s wife leads a chaste life just like any 

other raariied house-wife. She is not allovced even to enter the 

drawing room of the daughter where she receives her b vers. 

The chaste daugher-in-law is looked down upon as a slave 

intended to lead a subordinate life in the house. She is not 

therefore considered worthy to be mentioned as a member of 

the family. Her daughter again leads an unchaste life 1 

Hence the mother of our donee, who must have been the married 

wife of her father, was not considered worthy to be mentioned 

in an inscription of the king. 

The village in which the donee was given the land, eic^ 
was Attili in the Attilivishoya. A village of this name is 
sitrated in the Tanuku taluk of Krishna District (Madras Presi- 
dency). Thi-; Atlill'ishya i^ mcntioi^ed in the Koluchnmuar' u 
grant *^ Altili though a small village now, Fcems to base 
been the head quarters of a distiict in former days. 

▼OL. Till. PT, II.] TELUaU IGADEMf PLATBi. 9| 

The executor of th^ grant was one Kad^yar^ja **. In all the 
grants oF Bbima I referrtd to above Kadeyaraja is mentioned 
as agnapati, just as Panduranga*s name is frund in all the grants 
of Gunaga Vijayaditya. And from the published Bczwada plates 
Si'* of Bhima I we know that this Kadeyaraja was the grandsoa 
of Panduranga ; we also find another descendant of this Pandu- 
ranga in the service of Amma II. We can therefore infer that 
the family oflPanduran^a continued to be the hereditary ministers 
and commanders in the service of the Chalukyas for many 

Poet Vamana. 

The poet who composed the inscription was BJiaita Vamana 

{I 34.) In the Naratpur plates ^^ he is called Bhatla Vamana 

Kativiishabha (the excellent poet.) We are not able to identify 

ibis poet, as there is no other distinguishing epithet given in 

the grant. However, I would like to point out that VamauR, 

the author of Kavyal^nkara Sutras lived at a time which 

cannot be earlier than the nin'^h century and later than the 

tenth century ^^. Our grant bdoncrg to the beginning of the 

tenth century. Vamana of Kavyalanhara is generally supposed 

to belon^^ to Kashmer. But this theory had its origin in the 

false indentification of the Vamana of Kasika with the Vamana 

of Karyalankara, Put this theory is now exploded and there 

is nothing to show that the Alankarikiv Vamana did not belong 

to the south. 

LI. 1 — 6. Hail ! Satyasaraya Vallabbendra adorned the 
family of the Chalukyas who are glorious. V7ho belonged to the 
Manavya Gotra which is praised throughout the whole world ; 
who are the sons (descendants) of HaritI, who have acquired 
soveriegnty by the superior blessing of Kausiki, who have beea 
Dourished by the company of devine mothers, who meditate oa 
the feet cf God l!ilahae'".na, who conqum- the territories of their 
enemies at th« dfrlt of the e>celltnl banner of the Boar which 
was fecqulrtd through the favour of holy Naiiiyana and who 


puiify their bodies by sacred baths taken after celebrating horse- 
sacrifices ; 

LI. 6 — 10. His brother Kubja-Vishnuvardhaca (ruled) 
for eighteen years ; his son Jayasimha (ruled) for thirty-three 
years; his younger brother^s son Vishnuvardhana (ruled) for nine 
years ; his son Mangiyuvaraja (ruled) for twenty-five (years) ; 
his son Jayasimha (ruled) for thirteen (years) ; his younger 
brother Kokkili (ruled) for six months ; his elder brother 
Vishnuraja having deposed him (ruled) for twenty-seven 
(years) ; his son Vijayaditya Bhattaraka (ruled) for ninteen 
(years) ; his son Vishnuraja (ruled) for six years. 

10 — 12. His son by name Vijayaditya; who defeated one 
Ehima Salki and the army of the southren Gangas which was 
on his side, and who was the author of the hundred and 
eighteen temples dedicated to Is vara (Siva) ruled for forty years. 

LI. 12 — 13. His son Vishnuvardhana ruled for a year and 

LI. 13 — 14 His son [Vijayaditya] having burnt the cities 
of Kiranapura, Achalapura and Urn Nellurupura had acquired 
the everlasting famous appellation of Maheshvara who destroyed 
the three cities in human form. 

LI. 14 — 16. And fce took away easily silver, etc., from the 
Gangas of Kalinga, elephants &c. from the King cf Kosala, 
gold, etc., from the Pandyas and the Pallavas. 

LI. 16 — 17. He placed Gangas on Gangakuta, cut off the 
head of Mangi ; who else is able to talk of defeating the most 
daring Krishna ? 

LI. 17 — IS, That Vijayaditya ruled the Vengi country 
with annual increasing prosperity for forty years. 

LI. 18 — 10. The dear eon of his younger brother 
Vikramaditya who had occupied the whole by valour [was] 

LI. 19 — 22. The glorious Chalukya Bbima who was crowned 
to the kingdom of the whole earth surrounded by the moats of the 
four oceans, to the satis-f action of all the people, on ^londay the 
second day of the dark fortnight of the month of Chaitra, when 
the sun was in the sign of Aries and the moon was in the 


mansion of Maitra {AnuratJia) iutheSakayear 814 on the raising 
of the star yugma (mithuna-muhurtaj . 

LI. 22 — 23. The army of Krishnavallabha who was (Bhimri^s) 
riral melted away like an army of wind in a che&s when drowned 
in the ocean of his (Chalakya Bhima's) sword. 

LI. 23 — 26. fie, Sarvalokasraya (the asylum of the universe) 
Sri Vishnu vardhana Chalukya Bhima^ the overlord of great kings, 
the supreme lord, the devout worshipper of Brahmanas^ orders the 
house-holders (Knfumbts) and the chiefs of the Rashfcrakutas in 
the Attili Vishaya thus : — Be it known to you that — 

LI; 26 — 28. One Thundaka who eould be compared with a 
nymph (apsara) had a son called Mallappa who was like Thum- 
bura. He had a daughter by name Challava who is proficient in 
the art of music. 

LI. 28 — 30, To her are given in the village of Attili to the- 
north-east a ground occupied by one thousand betel-nut trees, to 
the north-east a field sowable with fifty khandis of paddy seed 
and a house-sita. 

LI. 80 — 82. None should injure this [object of donation]. 
One who injures it becomes guilty of the five great sins. 

LI. 32 — 38. Vyasa has also said ^'A giver of land enjoys the- 
heaven sixty thousand years; one who objects to it and one who 
approves of that objection suffei: in hell for the same period. '■' 

LI. 33 — 35. Executor of this (charity) is Kadeyaraja. Thiff 
inscription is composed by BJiatta Vamana, it is written by 


^ From the original plates : 
It") Read Jit^l^t I 


^^f^t — 

10. ^ t][€l^r^2afcf I otT3^ ft'^^sr: qf^* (*) 5[Tff i 

12. itit ^.Ti! =^c-Tifi:^ I [riTf^iJi: ^rf^f^^iift Is] 

13. ^uHtTT^^HTS^^^irijHTTrTr] f^^m ^of^g^nf- 

(2) Read *3fl^•^f3[W1■^•^ (^j Read ^-^fftr | 
0) R€B'l_'^^f^lI^* (^) Read ^T«?\5J I 










H— • 




I— • 





Q.Jr(^Qg S/l 9 %^. 

.iH. % 

m, 3 




16. ri^ w ^iiv^^m^z^iuifm^f^^^ i ®^* 

17. ^'^ 3T^ 5[^Tl?3T^ii e ftiranrf^<5i^g^c^rt'3icT '^^- 

19. V^wm fe^i^f^^^JJi^: ftqcT^nr: I ail^.^^- 

20. 3^iB*iiTH O H^g ^^\ fii^ t^=^ §^ ^^ 

^'Scn?: C)D] 

24. ^^ZT «fr f^^^^^amixn^^TT^^&a^ri: tHTT^im- 

^: ^^ — 

5^«) In C.P. 1 of 1913-14 the reading here is %in{^^^T^5TI^^ 
?rrw^^ which may be translated, as arts with gold, ete.^ where 
taken forcibly to be distributed as charity to the poor. 

(6) read ^?l^' | 

D Read ^"ismTW*^^^^ I («) Read -^^^mi I (°) Read mfg"* I 
(^°). The verse is incomplete ; the remaining two feet are omitted 
by the mistake of the writer. We can fill up the other half of 
verse as follows from the originals of Nagpur plates which are 
LOW deposited in the Madras Museum and are marked as E. 
Ch. 8 {See Catalogue of Copper Plate grants in the Government 
MtiBeum, Madras, which is same as C, P. No, 1 of 19iS-l^ ) 


25. ^^ftjRmT [s] frrf^f^m^Pl^Tftl^ ^^15^* 

27. ^^mr cmi: jt: s^: [^] C) 3^€T^«ft mwrn^* 

'*^l?^l^ ^a^T^^ ^T I feR&^f^^^iimJTTgJt " (Plate II. 
'^l 7-8). 

29. P^^^* ^s^kt^w^ fr%^^r5n& '^ws^Tfi^fii 

31. irfl: 51 ^irf^^^P^^uin^m ^[rrr] 'tw t^^f- 

32. ??tH^f?T [i] sm^fTO^'^^q^ (16) ^fe^^^^^Tf^ 

33. ^jfir^: [H&] ^rn^H (17) ^T^H'ara fn?^ ^11% 

34. ^\^^^t^m: I ^i^m^iT K^^4 nv^^- 

^rsT^: (18) I 

35. «gifiTf ?.Hl^nr f^^TT [|#] I 

(") Read xrei I P) The Anuswara is on 5 | 

P) Read^i^'^l (1*) Read ^f^q I Q') Read |tf^ I (^6) 

Read TTZ I (^^) Read ^I'g TIT I ^^ The ftW is at the begmning 

of the next line. 





III.— The Antiquity of Writing in India.* 

By Rai Bahadur Bishun Svarup, 
V.-— Indian Alphabet. 

The alphabet contained in the grammar of Panini consists of 
fourteen groups of letters arranged in a way that facilitates the 
rules of his grammar. Letters which undergo similar changes 
in grammatical constructions are put together. This enables 
the sjrammarlan to iuclade a lot of matter in short rules. The 
story about the origin of these fourteen Sabdas or groups of letters 
is that they emanated from God Siva's Damroo, which indi- 
cates that Siva was their originator. "We know on the authority 
of Nagoji Bhatta and mention in Katyayana's Vartika that 
Panini's grammar is mainly based on Siva Sutras. These 
grammatical sutras of Siva do not exist now probably as 
absorbed in Panini's grammar, which fact has caused his gram- 
mar to be regarded as a Vedanga. In the list of grammarians 
that preceded him Panini does not however mention the name of 
Siva. The reas3n for this is obvious as Siva was considered 
a god and not an ordinary man. 

We thus see that Panini's alphabet (by which term I mean 
the arrangement of the fourteen groups) was originally contained 
in Siva Sutras, and was therefore much older, and this was, after 
all, not the original alphabet, but taken from it and rearranged 
in order to facilitate the rules of grammar. The original was 
the same alphabet as we possess now, as can be seen from a com- 
parison of the two, and deduced from certain rules in Panini^s 

The arrangement of the existing Indian alphabet is as 
follows: — 

Vowels — a, a, i, i, u, u, ri, ti, U, e, ai, o, au. 
* Continaed from the J. B. 0. R, ^S., March 1922, page 64, 

100 A:(TIQUITT op whiting in INDII. fJ.B.O.K.*. 

Gutterals — k (hard), kh (hard aspirate), g (soft), gh (soft 

aspiratej, n (naeal). 
Palatals — cb (hard), chh (hard aspirate), j (soft), jh (soft 

aspinte), n (nasal). 
Linguals — t (hard), th (hard aspirate), d (sDft), dh (soft 

aspirate), n (nasal). 
Dentals — t (hard), th (hard aspirate), d (soft), dh (soft 

aspirate), n (nasal). 
Labials — p (bard), ph (hard aspirate), b (soft), bb (soft 

aspirate), m (nasal). 
Semi-vowels — y, r, 1, v. 

Sibilants — s (palatal), s (lingual), s (dental). 
Aspirate — b. 

The arrangement of the Panini's alphabet in tbe fourteen 
groups of letters is as follow^s :— 
I. a, i, u ^ 

I' ''> ^'' U.wels. 
8. e, o, C 

4. ai, au J 

5. b, y, V, r — aspirate and semi-vowels. 

6. 1. 

7. n (palatal^, m (labial), n (gutteral), n (lingual), n (dental) 


' •',* ,, -J, [soft aspirates, five classes, 

10. 3, b, g^, d, d, soft, five clas>es.,pb,cLb,tb,th,cli, t,n^^^j g^pj^^t^g and hard 

,ft , I letters of five classee, 

12. k, p J 

13. i (palatal). 9 (lingual), s (dental) — sibilants. 

14. h, aspirate again. 

From a perusal of tbe two sets ifc is not difficult to be 
convinced that the fourteen Sabdas were derived by a rearrange- 
ment from tbe alphabet as existing at present. Further, Panini 
when meaning to expreFS all the 1 tters of one class, gutterals, 
pjjl.tals, iti'., what we now call " Vargas " aids a *' u '' to the firs!; 
letter of the particular ** Varga " ; for instance, " ku " raeani k. 

TOL; TIIT. PT. II.] ah TIQUITT op writing in INDIA. 101 

^^» Si S^ ^n^ gutteral n ; " pu'' racausp, pli, b, bh and m (vide 
Bu'e 8 — 4 — 1 and 2 about the cbauge of denial n into lingual n 
after r, I, etc, even if " ku '' or '' pu " intervene, or the rule 
8-4-59 about " ta '' cbanging into ^^1^' before a *'\"). Ibis 
clearly gbows tbat tbe arrangement of tbe letters as we now 
possess was fully in vogue befoie tbe grammar was written* 
Sucb a scient'.fic alphabet existing at so early an age as that 
wben Siva Sutras were compiled, takes tbe Indian phonetic 
writing to a much earlier period than can be assigned to any of 
tbe otler alphabets. 

To say, therefore, as almost all tbe European scholars are 
inclined to, that India derived its alphabet either from tbe 
Phoenician or the Sabaean alphabet is utterly unfounded. 
Similarity of letters, which is the only groimd on which the 
conjectures are based, does not prove anything. Phoenician 
and ^alsean letters could as well b- taken as copied from tbe 
Indian alphabet the Brahmi. It will be sbown later that this 
was actually tbe case, tbe Indian alpbabetical symbols having 
been designed en a scientific principle. 

It is difficult to find wben tbe change into tbe scientific 
etage, i. e. the pbocetic arrangement of the letters, and adoption 
of symbols based on a fixed [rinciple took place. Both these 
changes migbt easily betaken as having occurred simultaneously, 
as the idea of tbe one naturally brings to mind the idea of tho 
other. The story about tbe first writing of the MaLabbara^a 
mentioned in Chapter HI, whicb although in a mythological 
garb can now be taken as not altogether without foundation, 
may give some clue of wben the change took place. Vyasa, 
tbe autbor of tbe Mababl arata wanted, the story sa^s, a scribo 
wbo could vrite his book to dictation. None could undertake 
to do so, except Ganesa, wbo however imposed a condition tbat 
bt sl.ould not be mare to wait. 

It appears probable that Vyasa wanted bis book to be written 
in the new script, which could be written much swifter than 
tie old script, but wbich he himself was not versed in, and 
whicb many scribes did not know at the time. Ganesa, 


the son of Siva the author of the new system, was surely the 
person best suited for the purpose. It may not be out of place 
to mention that the elephant head which Ganesha is said, in 
Hindu mythology, to possess is considered by some as nothing 
but the sacred Om the best of the letters, showing thereby 
that he was the author of phonetic writing and god of 

It may thus be safely concluded that the new alphabet 
with its new symbols was started in India a little before the 
great epic Mahabharata, was written. Circa 1700 B.C. or- 
200 years after the great war was fought may be taken as aa 
approxiaoate date. 

VL—Origin of the Phosnician alphabet. 

The manner in which and the source from which the Phoeni- 
cians derived their alphabet is a matter much discussed but not- 
yet satisfactorily settled. The first theory started by Mr. V. E. 
de Rouge is that the Phoeaician alphabet was adopted from the 
Hieratic Egyptian. This is based on the similarity of certain- 
characters in the Phoenician with those in the Egyptian hieratic,. 
The latter being cursive in farm have however been stretched to 
a certain extent to show the similarity which is therefore not 
convincing. Besides, Egyptian has letters with more than one 
sound, as also more letters for one sound, and to take only those 
sounds or letters which suit the similarity does not give much, 
weight to the theory. 

The other theory started by W". Deccke is that it was derived 
from the Afsyrian cuniform. This is chiefly based on the fact 
that the oldest Phoeaician inscriptions have been found in 
Assvria. The theory supposes the derivation of certain letters- 
of the Phoenician from certain syllables in the Assyrian writing, 
which again are supposed to be abbreviations of certain words 
expressing the idea represented by the particular symbols. 
To give an instance in English, it may be taken that the letter 
' w ' was derived from the syllable ' wa ', which was represented 
by the Same symbol as water, the form of this symbol being 
determined from the idea of ripples in water, But all is not sa 


easy in the actual theory. For insfcanoe, the circular form of the 
Phoenician letter Teth (t dental) has been taken aS derived from 
the Assyrian word Dibbu (meaning a writing table), through 
a supposed syllable tip (with a lingual t). The whole theory 
can only b e taken as a mere coni^cture, as the phonetic value 
of the Assyrian syllabery is itself a matter of conjecture. 

Professor Flinders Petrie would take the origin of the 
Phoenician alphabet from the letter-like symbols on the 
pebbles found on the shores of the Mediterranean. There are 
others who think its origin may be found in the Cyprian sylla- 
bery or Hittite hieroglyphics, ibut these are mere suppositions 
without any grounds whatsoever. 

Before a particular system of writing can be given the credit 
of being the original from which another is derived, it must 
satisfy all the peculiarities of the latter, the particular shape of 
its letters, their arrangement, etc., of course making an allowance 
for the changes necessary due to the change of the languages to 
be written, the peculiarities of the new people who handle it, and 
the elapse of the time after which the comparison is made. The 
letters of the Phoenician alphabet have names (beginning with 
those letters) which represent certain objects. These names we 
now know from other alphabets derived from the Phoenician, and 
the meanings of some of them through other Semitic languages, 
Hebrew, Arabic, etc. The presumption is that when this alpha- 
bet was framed the shape of the letters adopted did approxi- 
mately, or at least to a certain extent, represent the objects 
which gave the names to the letters. The prototype must 
satisfy this chief condition. Then the Phoenician alphabet 
appears to have had its letters arranged very nearly in the way w^e 
find them in the Hebrew, Arabic and the present day European 
alphabets. The arrangement is not based on any scientific or 
other principle. It is not, for instance, apparent why the sounds 
b, g and d, or 1, m and n should be placed as they are, side by 
side. Several attempts have been made to explain away the 
anamolous arrangement but all in vain. The explanations are 


far from satisfactory. It must therefore have been b-^rrowed, 
and the original must be shown to have possessed the particular 
order of the letters at least partially. 

Similarity of the form of letters is also one of the chief con- 
ditions but as already pointed out it is not n decisive evidfuee of 
one alphabet being the prototype of another. The ca-e might 
just be the reverse, or both might have had a common origin. 

The European scholars go, it appears, by the last test only. 
Dr. Bvihler mentions the following fundamental maxims which 
he fays should be observed at the derivation of alphabets — {a) 
The olde t and the fu'le?t form of the derivation and types of 
the same periods of the original should be taken. (6) The 
irregularities should be supported by analogies from other cases 
of borrowing by other nations, (c) Fixed principles should bo 
found for the changes if these are considerable.^ 

These, especially the last two, are very louse maxims and 
the results cannot but be deceptive, unless the tests as to the 
peculiarities of the derivative, as mentioned above, have been 

Tesiing in the light of the above remarks the several 
systems of writing supposed by the differect scholars to be the 
sources of the Phoenician alphabet we find tbat every one of 
them fails hopelessly. The hieratic Egyptian has only a far- 
fetched similarity of symbols. Its letters also bear names of 
objects supposed to be rcprtsentt d by the form of the symbols, 
but these objects are quite different from those in the 
Phoenician alphabet for the game sounds. For instance, while 
iu Phonician the symbols for the sounds a, b and g have 
a supposed resemblance to an ox, a house and a camel, in tho 
Egyptian they are supposed to represent an eagle, a bird and a 
basket respectivt'ly. It is evident from this that the latter wai 
not the origin from which the Phoenician alphabet was derived. 
Had it been eo the names in the two languages would have 
indicated the same (bject for eaih symbol It cannot be sup- 

{}) luduin Falaecgra^b/. 


posed tbat the names oF the EGfyptian letters were all fors^ot^en 
and the form of the symbols entirely altered before the Phceoicians 
adopted them. The antiqu ty of the Ef^yrti m alphabet does 
not warrant this. The little s'milirity of orm of certaia letters 
is due to the commercial relations of the two people which 
mubthave caused an influence of either alphabet over the ether. 

The Assyrian syllabary cannot stind the test :t all. We 
are not yet certain of the phonetic values of the syllables used 
in the Assyrian writing. Also we have nothing to show that 
the Phoenician alphabet did undergo a process of development 
which is nece.sary in cjse an alphabet is derived from a foreign 
syllabery. The Persian caniform alphabet, which is an off- 
spring of the Absyrian syllabery, is too modern (the oldest record 
dating 516 s.c.) to be the medium between the Phoenician 
alphabet and the Assyrian syllabery. 

Let as now see how the Indian alphabet (Rrahmi) fares at 
the test. We have seen it has a hoary antiquity behind it, 
that its scientific stage was reaehed about 1700 b. c. although 
it could not yet produce any inscri )tion dating earlier than fifth 
century B.C. The letters of the Brahmi alphabet, as we 
know it from the inscriptions, bear an unchallenged resemblance 
to the letters of the teemetio alphabets both northern 
(Phcenician, Moabite, etc.) and southern (Sabseanj, so much 
indeed that the Brahmi has been taken as derived by 
some scholars from the Phoe iician and by othtrs from the 
Sabsean alphabet. The process adopted by Biihler to show how 
each letter of Brahnii develoj ed from the Phoenician alphabet 
can very well be reversed to prove the derivation of the 
Phoenician from the Brahmi script. 

It m ly however be mentioned that the process followed by 
him is not at all couvincipg. he iLCutijns the character- 
istics of the Brdhmi alphabet as having its Ktiors set up as 
straight as possible and generally equal in height, and the 
majority of them eonsisting of vertical lines with appendages 
attached mostly at the foot, occ sionally at the foot ami top, 
raiely in the middle, never at the top alone. At the top he 
says appear the ends of verticals generally, never several angles 


placed side by side with a vertical or slanting line hanging 
down, or a triangle or circle with a perpendicular line. Then 
he gives the causes of these characteristics and his fixed 
principles governing the changes from the Phoenician into 
the Brahmi alphabet in the following words : — *' The causes 
of these characteristics of the Brahmi are a certain pedantic 
formation found also in other Indian creations, a desire to 
frame signs suited for the formation of regular lines, and an 
aversion to top-heavy characters. The last peculiarity is pro- 
bably due in part to the circumstances that since early times 
the Indians made their letters hang down from an imaginary 
or really drawn upper line, and in part to the introduction of 
the vowel signs most of which are attached horizontally to 
the tops of the consonants. Signs with the ends of verticals 
at the top were, of course, best suited for such a script. 
Owing to these inclinations and aversions of the Hindus, 
the heavy tops of many Semitic letters had to be got rid of, 
by turning the signs topsyturvy or laying them on their sides, 
by opening the angles, and so forth. Finally the change in 
the direction of the writing necessitated a further change in- 
asmuch as the signs had to be turned from the right to the left 
as in Greek '\^ 

The fixed principles that he has taken as governing the 
change, viz., turning the signs topsyturvy, laying them on their 
sides, opening the angles, etc., are such that any letter can be 
shown as derived from any other. For instance, open the top 
of letter a (written alphabet) and put it topsyturvy and you get 
n ; produce the first slanting line of n and you get p. But we 
know how different the three letters are, and the danger of 
following the procedure is apparent. Dr. Biihler has, besides, 
suggested some missing links to get the connexion. 

No great effort, however, appears necessary in this respect, 
as a perusal of the two alphabets shows the similarity. 

We are to see next about the names of the Phoenician letters, 
whether the shape of the objects represented is discernible in 
the respective Brahmi letters. As the Brahmi alphabet we possess 

(') ludiau rala'ograpbj. 













. Se 




'« ^ 







eg S 








II s 









-fi a 






" 00 

"^ d 




















^ ^ 






O u 

o ^: 
























































x: i 



o< 1 


















































































o ® 















*5 o 


















































































































>\ . 










II ^ 










. ^ 


CZ2 ^ 

. &H 

^ ^• 




o II 

rQ . 

C3 rO 




(J ;h 

0) ^ 

o © 








w < 



















































































?N^ -J- 





^ ^ 



































• 3 

























1— 1 




1— t 


•— t 





























is not older than 300 B.C., and bas consequently undergone 
alterations for about fourteen centuries after its formation 
and perhaps ten centuries after the formation of the Phoenician 
alphabet we cannot expect much. Even the Phoenician symbols 
dating 1000 b. o. fail in this rebpect. Still the shape of some 
of the Brahmi letters represents the objects remarkably well. 
The attached table gives the names of the Phoenician letters, with 
their meanings. It also gives their shape and the corresponding 
letters of the B rah mi alphabet. 

It will be seen that the Brahmi symbols to represent the 
sounds of Bet (b) and Resh (r) have exactly the shape of 
a house and a hair respectively. The symbols for y and k 
(Phoenician yod and kap) also represent the hand to a certain 
extent and that for '' m '^ a waterpot. The symbol for a can 
represent a head with two horns if the vertical line at the end 
is shifted a little to the right, as in the Phoenician letter. The 
Phoenician symbols for the sounds z and k q) not found in 
Brahmi; and for the sound of letter Teth, which was perhaps 
different from the ordinary t represented by the Phoenician Tav, 
were, it appears, adopted from the aspirates of the letters 3, k 
and t. Here again we find the Brahmi aspirate letters kh and 
th show exactly the shape of a cage and a cake respectively. In 
jh also it is not difficult to imagine the shape of a weapon. 
More letters of the Phoenician alphabet would, I am sure, have 
found representation of their objects in Brahmi if the Brahmi 
characters of an earlier date had been discovered. In the next 
chapter the principle on which the Brahmi letters appear to have 
been designed will be discussed and an idea of their probable 
original shape obtained. The plate at the end shows these 
shapes, and it will be found that they bear a greater resemblance to 
the objects represented by the Phoenician letters, k and y eacli 
show five lines, a better reprenentation of a hand (kap and yod 
meaning hand). The symbol for g can also be taken, although 
distantly, to be a camel, and that for n may be likened to 
a fish. The symbol for 1 is very nearly like the Indian goad 
for elephants, and if the Phoenician ox-goad was similar, the 


reason for the name " lamed " being given to the letter can 
be understood. 

Let us now examine the other peculiarity of the Phoenician 
alphabet, viz. ^ its arrangement which not being fixed on any 
principle appears to be an almost blind copy of some other 
alphabet. Of the Indian alphabet we know only two arrange- 
ments at present, (1) the original arrangement based on the 
gradual change of sounds and part of the mouth they emanate 
from, and (2) the one adopted from the same by the author of 
Siva Sutras for the purposes of his grammar, and subsequently 
taken by Panini. Panini mentions several grammarians who 
preceded him, but it is not kno\Yn at this distant age if they 
altered the arrangement of the letters to ^uit their own gram- 
mars. It is probable they did, for otherwise the alphabet 
adopted by Panini would n(t have particularly been mentioned 
as taken from Siva Sutras. But we do not pobscss any altered 
arrangement of the letters. Let us therefore take the Siva 
Sutra or Panini"'s alphabet for comparison. 

To make a comparison between two alphabets it is necessary 
to remove from each the letters representing, sounds not found 
in the other and take only the sounds common to both. 
Thus zain (z) and koph (q or k) will go away from the 
Phoenician alphabet, and its arrangement remains as follows. 
I give certain serial numbers for an easy reference later on. 

(1) a, (-2) b, g or 3, d, (3) h, v, (4) ch, t, y, k, (5) 1, m, n, 
(6) s, a, (7) p, s, r, sh. (8) t. 

Treating Paaini^g alphabet similarly its arrangement comes 
to the following : 

(1) a, (2) h, y, v, (3) r, (4) 1, m, n, (5) b, g, d, or j, b, d, 
(6) ch, t, k, (7) p, i, s, (8) 8, h. 

Now by a comparison of the two, the similarity of the two 
alphabets is at once ajjparcnt. Serials 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 and 7 
in the ThoBnician are the same as serials 1,5, 2, 6, 4, 8 and 
7 respectively in P^nini^s alphabet excepting for the position 
of y and r which ie not very material. 

This leaves no doubt that the Phoenician alphabet was 
derived from the Indian alphabet, rearranged for the purposes 


of grammar. The displacement of the several groups enumerat- 
ed above shows only that the PhcBaicfans did not adopt the 
Indian alphabet directly but got it through other sources, probably 
through the Sabaans who are known to have been in commercial 
communication with India about 3000 years ago, and whose 
alphabet is more like the Indian Brahmi alphabet than that of 
the Phoenicians. Or it may be that the alphabet of some Indian 
grammar other than the Siva Sutras which could not very much 
differ in the arrangement was taken by the Phoenicians for their 

VII.— Formation of Brahmi Alphabet. 

Seeing now that the Semitic alphabets and through them 
almost all the other alphabets were derived from the Brahmi 
alphabet oE the grammars, the question necessarily arises how 
the Brahmi symbols, which were hitherto supposed to have been 
adopted from the Phoenician or Sabaean, were formed. We 
have seen that this alphabet was arranged on the basis of sounds 
and the part of the mouth where they are produced, at a very 
early age, about the time of the great Indian Civil War. 
As has been said before, it was natural at the time of this 
arrangement of letters that the idea of making the symbols 
representing the sounds to show the organsp reducing them should 
have occurred. It was actually the case, and the symbols were 
reformed, and designated as Brdhmi, or revealed from the 
innerself (Brahma). The older symbols were then probably 
given the name Devanagari^ or belonging to the city of gods or 
ancestors. The older symbols were gradually abandoned and 
their use was probably confined to sacred writings. They were, 
it appears, soon lost, so that even the name Devanagari is not 
now traceable in old books. The name has only been revived 
lately to indicate the script used in Upper India, including 
Benares the seat of Sanskrita learning. 

The organs used in producing the several sounds are the 
palate, the tongue, the upper teeth and the lips, throat is also 
employed when an aspirate sound is pronounced. In the newly 
formed symbols the Indians, it appears, represented the palate 
by a straight line, and tongue sometime by a straight but 


generally by a curved line according to its position in pronounc- 
ing the sounds. A small oblique line showed the upper teeth, 
and a small curved line th j throat. Sounds requiring the use 
of lips are pronounced with the mouth closed, so a closed mouth 
represented the labials. The aspirate of any sound was, it 
appears, shown by adding a small curved line which represented 
the throat to the symbol for the originil sound at some conveni- 
ent place.^ This small curved line is, it may be noted, still 
used in the Persian characters as a sign of the aspirate, as 
the different number of dots signifies other leiters. That this 
device was usuilly employed can hd see a from the Maariyan 
letteri ehh, dha and ph, which have been formed from ch, d and 
p. The Bhattiprolu gh has also been formed in the sam3 
way from g. The sounds of r and of the sibilants were repre- 
sented by giving a wavy appearance to the tongue. 

Besides the above lines reprasonting the organs there was 
an index, a vertical straight line indicating the position where 
the sound was to be expected. 

As an illustration, the symbols for a, h, t and k were written 
as — 

•Tongue Throat Tongue T o n g u e 

The index which it will be seen is the moat important line 
showed the letters as if hanging, and Dr. Buhler, not being able 
to explain it, ascribes the hanging shape of the Brahmi letters to 
the pedantry, and what not, of the Hindus. 

1 It may be asked why a " h " shonld be added to make an aspirate which 
is an independent Boand and pronounced from a different position of the tongae. 
Although the position of the tongue is slightly different, the action of the throat 
also always comes in, to a certain extent, in pronouncing an aspirate. This has 
everywhere been recognized. In Urdu a he and in English an h, are used to spell 
an aspirate. According to Panini also a « h " following a soft consonant produces 
the sound of the corresponding aspirate. 




* The palate line 
was probably curved 
to distinguish it from 
"K." The letter has 
been found exactly 
like this in a Cyprian 
inscription of the 4th 
cent. B.C. 

6 Letter named 
" shin." 

6 Letter named 

t Letter named 


h*' hr tr Br 

* RT 



nr fir IT 

tr Ij^ 

;-x c^ o. 



"= to 

> > < 



n- -T O C 

V7 O- 




of 300 
or 250 

- ^ -^ D 

O ^ 




able Ori- 

1 f TI 

O V 



"0 1M\ 

A, J. 


; -pnnog 

T5 fl P^ ^ 

S 0, 



> ^ ^ 

OQ ^ 

Note.— The probable 
original Brahmi, 
Col. 2, is given ac- 
cording to the prin- 
ciple discussed in 
chapter VI, with 
the mouth facing 
right. The symbols 
will be reversed if 
the mouth faces left. 

1 It is not known if 
this sounds g or j , the 
former is probable. 

2 Letter named Tav. 

3 Letter named Tet. 


^ W ^ t^ 

P »r 



!f (0 10 


U ^ ' K 

' -o; 



» 1 » 


+ e 



K vc . r 

' > 



• ( 1 


of 300 
or 250 

^ + ^ c 

-? -^ 



:i- u O 


able On 


v/ -K -o 4: 

i -h 


% \ ^ -o 

< o 


c3 Id ^ W) 

■a •§ 

« 5 


There are so many sounds emanating from the same organs 
with very little difference in positions, that besides the index 
some other means of distinguishing the sounds were also perhaps 
adopted. For instance in the case of labials b, p and m which 
were all to be represented by a closed mouth, b had the shape 
of a rectangle made with straight lines, m had a circular shape, 
and p was made up of a straight and a curved or two curbed 
lines. It is not, at this distant date, possible to guess what 
these distinguishing marks were. I have however tried, in the 
plate attached, to write down most of the letters according 
to the system described above. A comparison of these with the 
Brabmi of the inscriptions and the present day Devanagari 
characters, shows a striking similarity between the two, demons- 
trating that the shape of the Indian letters was actually designed 
in accordance with the position of the organs producing the 
respective sounds. This finally settles with the theory that the 
Indians borrowed their alphabet from the Semitic people. 
VIII —Writing in India before the Brahmi Script. 
We have seen in the previous chapters that the Brahmi 
alphabet was arranged and designed in India, and instead of 
being copied from the Semitic alphabets as hitherto supposed by 
European scholars, was the original from which the Semitic 
alphabets w^ere derived. We find it very scientifically arranged, 
and its letters also designed on a scientific principle. It can 
safely be assumed that the first idea of an alphabet and its 
scientific arrangement could not have occurred to the Indian sages 
simultaneously, and there must have been an alphabet existing 
in India before it was dealt with scientifically in about 17 OO 
B.C. This was the Devanagari, ^ but it is not possible now to 
say what the arrangement of its letters w^as. Nor can their 
original shape be known, as the Devanagari characters have 
undergone a complete change under the influence of the scientific 
Brahmi script. 

It is probable this w^as derived from some system of hierogly- 
phics going through the usual process of development described 
in chapter IV, The Aryans when they came to India from 
^ What I mean by Devanagari has been mentioned in the previous chapter. 


their home in Central Asia brought writing with them either 
m the crude picture forms or in its second stage, the phonetic 
syllahery. The real alphabet was formed in India and not in 
Central Asia, as in the latter case, the Accadian and its deriva- 
tives the Chinese and Assyrian scripts would have, by mere 
contact, been in possession of an alphabet and not ended with 
a syllahery. The name latterly given to this alphabet, viz. 
Devanao:ri, was due to its connexion with the writing at the 
home of the Aryans. 

The arrival of the Aryans into India could not be put later 
than 4000 B.C., as the hymns of the Kig Veda composed on 
the banks of the Indus and in the Himalayan passes show that 
the vernal equinox occurred in the asterism Mrigashird at the 
time, which was the case from 84th to 43rd century B.C. For 
a long time the new comers must have been in an unsettled 
state, and could not have found the calm atm^^sphere necessary 
for the development of such subjects as writing. It will not 
however be very much out of the mark if the formation of this 
alphabet is placed four or five centuries before the scientific 
arrangement of the letters. 

In the absence of any old inscriptions or references it is 
impossible to say definitely what was the original process of 
development of the Devandgari alphabet, but the retention of 
the four syllables ri, li, ai and au among the vowels of the 
new arrangement shows clearly that a syllahery preceded that 
alphabet. It is certain that this syllahery had its origin in an 
old picture writing, and this could have, I am sure, been shown 
to be the case had we been in possession of the real Devanagari 
characters. As it happens, however, our present Devan^gari 
letters are only modified forms of the Brihmi characters, so that 
they have been taken, and rightly, as derived from the latter. 
The only letters which d'^ not appear to have been bo derived are a 
(^) ri (S^;, 1 (W) and h(^). ^ Now in ^ one can easily notice the 

1 We can by expert handling and Btretcliing the letters, ebow that these are 

also derived from old Brahmf letters, but I do not believe in unwarranted 

■trebchiug of letters, or additions of strokes, or supplying missing links to 
suit the argument. 


cursive form of five horizontal lines ZZ ^LgSLinst a vertical one 
representing a hand. The Sanskrit word for hand being 
''hasta '\ the letter '' h '' which is the first letter of the word, 
was represented by the symbol for '^ hand. " 

The letter or rather syllable ri 'ff also appears to have a 
pictorial origin. Being the first letter of the word " Rik *' (the 
hymns of the Rig Veda) it was represented by the symbol for 
the hymns, which was perhaps the same as for " Veda '* or 
" Book '' generally. A book (called Grantha) of th^se old times 
was surely represented by a bundle tied with a string or the 
symbol — i— so this was the symbol for the syllable " ri^"* also. 

It appears that after Brahmi letters were formed, the syllable 
'^ri'^ in those characters (viz._, I or ,i ) i was added as a 

determinative, thus giving the present Devanagari letter W, 

The letter "asf also appears to have its origin, like the 
syllable ^ , in an old form with a determinative. The sound 
a was probably denoted by the symbol for Agni (fire), which 

must have been r\ showing a flame. To this old Devanagari 

letter was later on added the Brahmi symbol for a in order that 
the letter be not forgotten and lost, This gave the present 

Devanagari letter ( ij J| or set) . 

The above will probably be styled as merely a guesswork, 
but it is not an improbable guesswork, and shows sufficiently 

^ It will probably be said fchafc the sign for " i *' is added at the top and not at 
the bottom. This does not appear to be universal, as we find in the Bhattiproln 
inscriptions this sign attached to n in the middle, and in the present day Devana- 
gari to ^ at the bottom making it the syllable "li" (^). It is possible, 
however, that the sign was for u and not i and the syllable was ru, as it is still 
pronounced in Marathi. Uriya, Telgn, etc. As a matter of fact this vowel has 
neither an (i) nor an (u) after ifc, bub at the beginning of a word it is difficult to 
pronounce without one of them, hence its syllabic^ form. 


that the old script of the Indians was developed in the regular 
way passing through all its stages, from an original pictograph 
devised by the ancestors of the same people before their coming 
to India. 

The discovery of some megalithio remains in Raigir, 
Nalgonda district, Hyderabad, Deccan, and close by, described^ 
by Mr. G. Yazdani is very important in this respect. In the 
cairns, which were burial mounds, has been found pottery which 
shows certain marks scratched on it. These undoubtedly 
represent some sort of pictograph or hieroglyphic writing. 131 
symbols have been discovered which resemble the letters, or rather 
syllables, and words of the Accadian or Chaldsean pictograph 
(hardly Egyptian'as mentioned by Mr. Yazdani). Seven of these 
symbols have an appearance of Brdhmi letters (/^sokan or 
Dravidi). As the burial of the dead in clay coffins shaped like 
dish covers, as found in these cairns, was peculiar to the ancient 
Chaldaean people, it is thought, and perhaps correctly, that the 
people buried here were descendants of men associated with the 
old Chaldaeans, who migrated perhaps thousands of years ago to 
Southern India by the way of the sea. They did not evidently 
come doWL by land, as no similar burial remains have been found 
in Upp^r India. Amongst these men were piobably the 
Vauaras of the Rdmayana, the people who helped Rama in 
recovering his wife from Ravana, the Raksasa king of Lanka, 
and the cause of their joining him so readily and willingly can 
be easily understood now, as they were either Aryans or people 
allied to them. The hieroglyphic writing found in the cairns is 
thus the descendant of the old pictograph of the Aryans, from 
which the old Devandgari alphabet was formed. The Brahmi as 
we have seen was formed in a different way and the resemblance 
of some of its letters with the symbols found in the cairns is 
a mere chance. 

There is also a sort of pictograph found engraved on several 
rocks at Rajgir (Old Rajagriha), Patna District. The old 
pictorial alphabet is also not altogether absent from India. 

Joarnal of Hyderabad Archaeological Society for 1914. 


Some seals of baked earth have been found in North-Western 
India, Montgomery District, which exhibit clearly pictorial 

These writings although not yet deciphered, leave no doubt 
that the Indian Aryans had their own writing from times 
immemorial, so that even the Accadian pictograph, very ancient 
as it is, could hardly vie with it and if ifc had any connection 
with the Aryan pictograph, that connection must have been of 
a derivative or an oSshoot to an original. 

(To be continued.) 

IV.— Asahaya, the Commentator of the 
Gautama - Dharmasutra and the 

By P. V. Kane, M.A., LL,M. 

Asahaya is one of those eminent and ancient commentators 
on the Dharmasastra whose works once famous are now not 
available. Dr. Jolly in his edition of Naradasmriti (Bibliotheca 
Indica series) has incorporated a portion of the Bhdshya 
of Asahaya as revised by Kalyanabhatta. Even this 
revised version extends only up to the middle of the fifth 
adJiyaya of the Naradasmriti. The exact relation of 
Kalyanabhatta^s labours to the original Bhashya cannot be 
ascertained with precision from the words ^^ ■g"Vi'isJT^^TirT%ff 

g^t m '^ (First verse) and '^ f f?f ^r^fT^TirTf^Hm #?rr^>T5- 

(at the end of the first chapter of the Introduction) . It is 
probable that Kalyanabhatta took very great liberties with 
the text of the Bhdshya of Asahaya. On page 9, verse 15 'raja 
satpui-ushah sabhyah sastram ganaka-lekhakau ' the comment 
is OT^* iTg^T?^f^l^^r^TrrJ7«ff^- If *^is Visvarupa be the 
same as the commentator of the Yajnavalkyasmriti (as is most 
likely), it is difficult to see how Asahaya could regard him as 
of almost equal authority with Manu and Narada. Asahaya 
flourished earlier than Medhatithi i.e. before 900 a. d. and 
was therefore either a contemporary of Visvarupa or even 
earlier than the latter. Visvarupa is another name of Suresva- 
rachaiya, the famous pupil of the great Sahkaracharya. In the 
Paraiara-Madhava (Vol. I, part I, page 57, Bombay Sanskrit 
series) we read '' \^ ^ m^' (viz. '^y^ ^^^^ f^fflR^ ' ^iqo 


^o ^0 I. 7. 20. 3) fir?5T^fN^c55T ^rfk'* RiA ^ ^ ^ N lj 

The verse quoted occurs in the ^^K^^lffST^ -^^- 
^if^^ (1. 1. 97) of Suresvara. Therefore the Para^ara Madhava 
looked upon Visvarupa and Suresvara as identical. In the 
Purusharthaprabhodha of Brahmananda-bharati composed in 1476 
(probably of the Saka era, MS. in the Bhau Daji collection in 
Bombay Royal Asiatic Society) we have the famous work Naish- 
karmyasiddhi ascribed to Visvarupa ' ^c^^ T^S^^f^^ 

(folio 6) . Therefore the reference to Visvarupa in the comment 
on the Naradasmriti is probably from the pen of Kalyanabhatta. 
The name of Kalyanabhatta is frequently quoted in the commen- 
tary itself (e. g. page 81 ^j =^^&^ ^Tmi'^-^W-^^- 
^'gruf^^TOT^^ ^cr^TJTvrf 5T 5 page 86 ' ^njtm f^PSTfe- 
^?s?T-K^?TJT-^Ti:^5qTO-^iT ' ; page 89 ' ^^mj^lW^ ^^' 
^^^[M ' ■ Altogether it is difficult to separate Kalyanabhatta's 
handiwork from the original text of the B/idsk^a of Asahaya. 

The Haralata (B. I. edition) of Aniruddha gives us the 
interesting information that Asahaya wrote a hhashya on the 
Gautama- Dharmasutra. '' lftr{^: ' ^T^^^JTrftfrU^rfSTcTTft 

m^^flTS^^^^ aTFsarTcTTJ^ " I (^TT^m page 35). In 
another place the Hnralata quotes the Gautama-Dharmasutra and 
the comment of Asahaya thereon, but expresses its disapproval 
of the views of Asahaya " ^rtfj^; — fq^j^f^f f%; -^^^ q^&^ 

( nto vTo ^o 14. 12) 3T5rm^T?rom^i5n-^T^ frsf'T^TTjT^- 
^^^. I f^ g aTFs^R ^ lol^ crf<fvrTf?r i (^^^^rr, 

page 97}.''^ These quotations make it clear that the author 
of the Haralata had the Bhashya of Asahaya on the Gautama-? 

122 ASAHAYA. [J.B.O.U.S 

Dharmasutra before him. Aniriiddha^ the author of the Haralata, 
was the Guru of Ballala Sena of Bengal who commenced his 
work calhd Adbhutasagara in Sake 1090, i.e. 1168 a. d. 

It appears that Asahaya wrote a commentary also on the 
Manusmriti. In the Sarasvativilasa (Foulke^s edition) we read 

^Knnt ^ ^'T^ '^ " ^(see. Ji3). Here it will be noted that 
the order in which the four commentators are named requires 
that Asahaya was cited as a commentator of Manu. This con- 
clusion is fui*ther corroborated by the fact that the Vivadaratna- 
kara quotes with reference to the verse of Manu (9. 182 
^m^&^^3T5!T&^^rg^^?HtcT I ) the words of 

Asahaya « ST^ ^H^s^W TOt "^{ri ^^% ^^f 'FTT:^- 
ji ^^Tin^: Srf^^ ^ ^m^T T% ' (page 583). 

The foregoing discussion establishes that Asahaya composed 
Bhdshyas on three of the most prominent works on Dharma- 
sastra, viz the Gautama-Dharmasutra, the Manusmfiti and 
the Naradasmriti. It is a matter of profound regret that the 
commentaries of such an ancient writer upon these works that are 
of paramount authority in matters of law and usage should be 
lost to us. Great efforts must be made by those engaged in 
the search for MSS. to find out the lost works of Asahaya. 

A few words may be said about the date of Asahaya. 
The Mitaskhara while commenting upon Yfijfiavalkya (II. 124 

y r p T« tj^ f^Tsrr^ aji^^i ^ g gf^^r^ ) quotes the views of 

Asahaya and Medhatithi and opposes them to those of Bhanichi 
and approves the views of Asahaya ' ^TfTt^^CR-^Tf^fe- 
inj^W oilli^MR^^ ^g'^* ^ HT^: '. It is to be noted that 
£ome MSS. read ^ST^r^T^PT. This is due to the fact that the 
very name of Asahaya had been forgotten. It is curious that 
the Balalambhatti explains the word 'asahaya' as an attribute 
of Medhatithi and takes it in the sense of ' peerless \ Of all 
works on Vyavahara, the Sarasvativilasa quotes Asahaya most 


frequently. This shows that in the 15th or 16th century his 
works had not been lost altogether. Dr. Jolly expressed it as 
his opinion that Asahaya lived earlier than Medliatithi (Tagore 
Law Lectures, page 5 ; vide Sacred Books of the East, Vol. 25, 
page VII also). His main reason was that both Vijnanesvara 
and the Sarasvativilasa place him before Medhatithi whenever 
authorities on topics of Vyavahara are enumerated. Dr. Jolly 
does not appear to have been aware that Medhatithi actually 
mentions Asahaya hy name in his Bhashya on Manu (VIII. 155 
' ^^S^rftjccTr rT^«r etc. ■'). Medhatithi flourised about 900 A. D., 
as he mentions Kumarila by name and appears to refer to the 
Bhashya of Sankaracharya on Chhandogya-upanishad 11. 23. 4 
(on Manu II. 83) and as he is regarded as an authority by the 
Mitakshara (latter half of 11th century). Therefore Asahaya 
must have flourished before 850 a. d. How much earlier 
Asahaya lived it is difficult to say. 

Some of the doctrines associated with the name of Asahaya 
may be stated here. It has been already show^n above that 
Vijnanesvara followed the views of Asahaya on the question of 
the right of sisters when their brothers separated- The Viva- 
daratnakara (page 578) quotes the Prakasa as referring to the 
views of Asahaya on ,the verse of Manu (9. 198 ft^^mg 

succession laid down by Manu applies to all the Stridhana of 
a woman belonging to the Kshatriya or lower castes who has 
a co-wife of the^Brahmana caste ' fq^T ^Tlfirf^ ^^'t^^WT^- 

T^'^firf^ 5(^^m-^^f^ftrftfiT ( ? ^ ^fh) jt^tst^t?:: i 

The Sarasvativilasa notes that Asahaya defined dai/a in the 
same way as A^ijnaneivara did later on ' ^^^nrf^fT^^tfir- 

SO^^Ht'^^ ^f?T I ^^ ^^^ VTT^'^'TiT^iniicT^: ' {^ec. 19). 
Asahaya seems to have held that as regards the succession to 
the ^uVca of a woman even step-brothers should be given 
something, though the major portion would go to full brothers 

134 ASAHAYA. [J.B.O.B.S. 

the words of Yajiiavalkya < hPt^^ f^STT^IfrT^rcrtlT g g^'T^I^' 
the Sarasvativilasa tells us that the views of Asahaya, Medhatithi 
and Vijnanesvara coincide ( sec, 131 I^rl^ ^^fl^^HT- 
&>grTrcrf8rf^5T^fri5r^i9ffT^TfT^^ ah «J:^)- According 
to Asahaya, the wealth of a childless Brahmana went to the 
teacher even before a fellow-student, then to the teacher^s son 
and so on (^^^rftf^^TH sec. 608 SfefPH^^^g 'flf'f- 

cTcg^RTTfiT cr^Hl% fTr^^^lfir etc.) It is worthy of note that 
in section 195 we have the order * f^^^^^T^^^'^^^^- 

v.— Ho Folk-Lore. 

By Sukumar Haldar, B. A. 
A Story of Two Sisters. 
A certain Ho bad two (laughters. He was very much 
attached to tbem and he brought them up with the care and 
attention due to boys. The mother of the girls had died when 
they were very young and the man was both a father and a 
mother to them. One day when the man was out in the woods 
to hew wood for fuel he plucked and ate the fruits of the wild 
Tiril (ebony) tree and somehow one of the fruits got stuck in 
his long locks without his knowing it. On his return home 
the fruit was discovered by his daughters while they were 
engaged, as usual, in picking lice from his head. ^' What fruit 
is this, father ? " asked one of the girls. '' It is a Tiril fruit, 
my child/^ said the man. The girls tasted it and so well did 
they like it that they asked for more. They were told that it 
could only be got in the forests. They then asked that they 
might be taken into the jungle where they could have enough 
Tiril fruits to eat. The Ho accordingly took them out next 
morning and showed them some Tiril trees in bearing. The girls 
helped themselves from the trees, while their father began cut- 
ting wood for fuel. They partook of the delicious fruit to their 
heart's content and, passing on from one tree to another, they 
strayed away far into the thick forests where they lost their 
way. Their anxious father made a diligent search and shouted 
to them at the top of his voice but to no purpose. His first 
idea was that the girls were lost in the woods. It then occurred 
to him when it was getting very late, that they may have 
returned home. Great was his distress when on coming home 
he missed his daughters. The two girls also had tried their best 
to find their father, but the sound of his axe had ceased as he 

2^25 110 FOLK-LOBE. [J.B.O.E.S. 

was moving about in search of them and all their efforts came 
to nothing. In the meantime they had become weary from 
wandering and they felt very thirsty. A.s there was no water 
to be found, they climbed a tall tree to be able to watch the 
flight of water-fowl, so as to find out a pool frequented by 
them. They at last noticed a heron flying from a certain direc- 
tion. The elder sister climbed down and proceeded in that 
direction, while the other girl remained on the tiee. After 
proceeding a long way, the elder girl came to a lovely artificial 
lake belonging to a rajah whose son, the prince, was just then 
taking a stroll along the embankment. The prince chanced 
to see her and was straightway smittsn with her chirms and he 
determined to take her to wife. As the girl stooped to have 
a drink of water, she was stopped by the young man who for- 
bade her to touch the water unless she consented to be his wife. 
There was nothing for her but to give her consent, Pis she was 
dying of thirst. She was thus taken into the royal palace and 
she became the prince 's wife. Meanwhile the younger girl got 
tired of waiting and was frightened out of her wits by troops of 
monkeys which began to sway the branches of the tree on which 
she was perched. She came down from the tree but was soon 
devoured by wild animals. Some time after this sad event, 
a cowherd happened to come to the place with his cattle. 
He picked up the girl's bones and made them into a fiddle. 
So strange did this fiddle prove, that it charmed all who heard 
its music. The man who belonged to the caste of milkmen 
gave up tending cattle, as his fiddle, with which he 
entertained his patrons, brought him more money. He 
went one day, in the course of his travels as a minstrel, 
to the king''s palace where the elder sister was living. The 
music goon attracted all the members of the royal household 
and amongst those who came to listen to it, was the elder sister. 
It seemed to have a strangly depressing effect on the princess. 
lu some mysterious way the fiddle said to her : '' Our father 
dear went into the woods to give us Tiril fruits and, alas, we 
lost him for ever I My bel )ved sister left me and went to fetch 

VOL. Vni. PT. II.] HO FOLK-LOBK. j27 

me some water to|drink, but she never came back and became a 
royal princess. It was left for me to have my bones made into a 
fiddle by a stranger and to lament the loss of my dear ones for 
evermore '^ The musio saddened the heart of the princess and 
ihe could stand it no longer. Returning to her room in the 
royal palace, she threw herself on a couch and wept bitterly. 
Tbe prince, finding her in such an unhappy mood, made kind 
inquiries, for it struck him as strange that the musio which had 
enlivened everyone in the palace should have cast a damper 
on her spirits. The princess then for the first time told the 
story of her life and expressed a desire to possess the strange 
musical instrument. Anxious to please her, the prince at once 
arranged that the minstrel who owned the fiddle should stay 
in the palace as a guest. The man was served with rice and 
other articles of food which, as a man of different caste, he 
cooked for himself. After preparing his own dinner he went 
to the river for his bath. While he was away the palace 
servants removed the fiddle and substituted for it another which 
resembled it in genei-al appearance. The minstrel had his 
dinner and was handsomely rewarded for the excellent music 
with which he had entertained the royal household. When he 
took his departure he was ord':;red to abstain from playing on his 
fiddle in that town. The man returned home in high glee ; but 
he afterwards found that his fiddle had, for some unknown 
reason, lost its charm. He gave up his minstrelsy and resumed 
his old occupation as a herdsman 

Thus the princess, who had become queen by the death of 
the old king and the elevation of her husband to the throne, 
obtained possession of the skull and bones of her deceased sister. 
She placed these remains in an urn, well decorated with turmeric 
paste, powdered rice and vermillion, which she placed in a sacred 
niche. She then prayed earnestly to the Supreme Being (Sing 
Bonga) and asked that her sister may be restored to life. It 
pleased the Supreme Being to grant her prayer, fehe obtained 
the gift of ambrosia which she sprinkled on the urn, and forth- 
with^ to her infinite delight^ her dear lister sprang to life again. 

l28 h6 folk.lobe. [j.6.o,r.8 

Henceforth the two loving sisters lived happily together in the 
palace for many long years. 

The Origin of Bride-Price. 

Yawning without covering the mouth was in olden times 
regarded by the Hos of the Karwa-Killi clan as an evil symptom 
which distinguishes wer-tigers. They promptly seized anyone 
found yawning without covering the mouth, and carried him 
to a tiger's den where they abandoned him to his fate. A 
Munda's datighter was once detected in the act of yawning 
without covering her mouth with her hand. She was according 
to this inexorable custom, led by her people to the den of a 
tiger. Then the men cooked some rice and, after the girl had 
anointed herself with oil and turmeric-paste, they made her 
partake of the food and, after placing her on a raised seat right 
in front of the cave, they left the i)lace. A herdsman who 
bad been tending cattle in the jungle had quietly watched these 
proceedings from a distance. The man returned to the place 
in the evening, armed with a bow, after shutting up his cattle 
in the pen. As the tiger came out of its lair and was preparing 
to spring on the unhappy girl, the man aimed a dart at the beast 
and killed it on the spot. He took the girl home, intending to 
make her his wife. After some months had passed and the young 
couple had settled down as man and wife, a weaver came to 
the herdsman's house to sell cloth, and he saw and at once 
recognized the girl. Said the weaver to the herdsman : " I 
know this girl. She is the daughter of our rich Munda. Yon 
have acted indiscreetly by detaining her in your house, Should 
the Munda know of it, your life will be in serious jeopardy.'^ 
The poor herdsman was frightened out of his wits. He even- 
tually plucked up courage to propose that he would present the 
Munda with three score cows and in addition a he-buffalo as 
the price of the village headman's consent to the matrimonial 
union. The weaver conveyed this message to the headman. 
The story was regarded with incredulity as the value of the 
gift was much too great for the herdsman who offered it j 
and the Munda was not satiified until the message was fully 

YOL. Vlil. PT. II.] HO tOLK-LOfiB. 129 

verified by a special messenger who was sent to the herdsman. 
The Manda gave his for lal consent to the marriage after 
receiving the promised gifts. Tradition says that this incident 
led to the abolition of the inhuman custora connected with 
yawning and to the introduction of the practice of claiming 
marriage dowers for brides. 

A Saurian Sonin-law. 
There was once upon a time a Ho whose wife was an expect- 
ant mother. Like a good husband, he gave his best attention 
to her wants and provided her with many dainty articles of food 
while she was in a delicate state. There lived in the neighbour- 
hood a crocodile whose abode was in a t^nk and who had raised 
a variety of vegetables, such as gourds, pumpkins and herbs on 
the raised embankments along the margin of the water. This 
crocodile served the Ho as his greengrocer. In the course of 
friendly talk the Ho spoke to the Saurian one day of the pre- 
sent condition oE his wife. The crocodile proposed, and it was 
agreed between the parties, that if a male child should be 
born a compact of eteroal friendship would be established 
between the boy and the Saurian ; but if the expected child 
should prove a girl, she would have to wed the Saurian. In 
due course a female child was born to the Ho couple. The 
girl grew up to womanhood in the house of her parents. She 
happened one day to accompany her mother to the tank. She 
saw a lotus flower in full bloum on the surface of the water 
and expressed a desire to poss-ss it. Her mother told her to 
get into the water and pluck the flower. As she put her foot 
into the tank she planted it right on the back of the crocodile 
who had been watching his opportunity to get possession of 
her The Saurian glided slowly into deeper water with the 
girl on his back. When she found herself up to her ankle 
in water, she sang a song the burden of which was : " Mother 
dear, my feet are in ankle-deep water and they are getting 
wet.'' Her mother sang back . '^ What can I do, my darling 
child ; it was your father who made a compact with the 
crocodile, aad now the Saurian claims you as hii wife.'^ The 

130 HO FOLE-LOBE. CJ^»O.B<fi' 

girl repeated her song with appropriate variations as she found 
herself by degrees up to her knees, then up to her breast and 
then up to her neck in water ; but each time she met with the 
same response from her mother. At last she was taken right 
into the depths of the water where the crocodile had his 
quarters. After making her comfortable in her new home, 
the crocodile reappeared onthe surface of the tank and told 
his mother-in-law that he will follow the time-honoured custom 
and pay a ceremonial visit to his parents-in-law, accompanied 
by his wife, as soon as the honeymoon was over. Keturning 
to his subaqueous chambers, the crocodile asked bis wife to 
brew some Diang (rice-beer) in preparation of their viuit. After 
enjoying the honeymoon the newly-wedded couple started 
off on their journey to the house of the bride's parents. The 
girl, according to custom, walked ahead, carrying the jar of 
Diang on her. head. The crocodile, who was unaccustomed 
to rapid movement on firm ground, lagged behind, unnoticed 
by his wife. '' Where is our dear son-iu-law ?'^ asked the 
mother when the girl reached home. " Your son-in-law is 
a slow walker, ' said the girl '* he will turn up before very 
long.*' The mother then addressed her son and said : *' Go, 
my son, and meet your good brother-in-law and welcome him 
to our house.'' The youn j m m set out in the direction indi- 
cated to him. lie went a long way, hut came across none 
but an ugly reptile crawling slowly along from the opposite 
direction. He ran back in fear and trembling and told his 
people of his experiences. His sister assured him that he 
had indeed seen, but had failed to reoogaize, his own brother- 
in-law. The young man could not restrain a laugh when he 
found out who his sister's husband was. On the arrival of the 
crocodile, he was received with great cordiality by the entire 
household and he was offered a drink of Diang, which was 
served in a tlat wooden trough in which pigs are fed. The 
crocodile had his fill of the strong liquor, and getting drunk 
as a drum he lost the power of speech. His wife spoke 
fodearlngly to him an4 did all she could to rouse hixQ from 


his stupor, but the tipsy Saurian snapped at her hand and bit 
it so severely as to draw a stream of blood. This excited the 
anger of the people who had also partaken of the Biang and 
were the worse for it. They came out with heavy bludgeons 
and other weapons that were handy and made a clean job of it, 
killing the poor crocodile on the spot. 

The Adventures of a Prince. 
Onoe upon a time a royal prince fell out with his parents, 
and, mounting his pony one morning, he left the palace in high 
dudgeon. As he rode on he met a jackal who was eating the 
figs of a Peepul tree (Ftcus religtosa) which had dropped on 
the ground. The jackal accostel the prince and asked him how 
far he was going and finally propo-^ed a loan of the pony. He 
was laughed to scorn by the princC; who observed that it was 
too much to expect a little quadruped to mount a horse. The 
prince rode off without further ado. He arrived at the end of 
the day at a town where he proposed to pass the night. He 
searched all over the place, but he found no better lodgings for 
himself and stabling for his pony than the mill-shed of an 
oilman. He slept in a part of the * shed, while the pony was 
secured to the wooden mill-post. Next morning the prince 
prepared to leave the place, but he was obstructed by the oil- 
man who set up a claim to the pony. " You have no right to 
remove the animal/' said the man ; ** it has been brought forth 
by my own oilmill ; it is therefore mine by right."'' The 
dispute was referred to the elders of the town, and the oilman, 
who was wealthy, got a number of false witnesses to swear to 
his ownership, while the prince who was a stranger in a strange 
land, failed to substantiate his claim by the evidence of a single 
witness. The upshot of it was that the prince had to give up 
his pony and there was nothing for him but to walk back 
homewards in a state of dispair. As he walked along he came 
to the old Peepul ^^ree and once more met the jackal. *' Hullo, 
man l"** said the jackal, '^ what has become of your blooming 
horse ? Why are you trudging along like a common tramp V\ 

182 HO FOLK-LOKB. lJ.BU).».i. 

The prince told him all about his sad experiences in the town 
he was returning from and asked the jackal if he would take 
the trouble to go to the place and support his claim. The jackal 
readily consented and the prince took him along to the town. 
Before presenting himself before the townsfolk, the jackal 
blackened his face with soot which gave him a hideous look. 
The prince demanded a fresh trial of his claim by a Panchayat 
( a committee of elders ) and tendered the jackal as his sole 
witness. The elders who assembled to adjudicate the matter 
were struck by the strange appearance of the claimant's witness 
and they wanted to know why his face was so black. The 
jackal explained that the sea had been on fire overnight and 
he had an opportunity of dining on roast fish to his heart's 
content, with the sad result noticed by the learned judges. 
All the people laughed at the silly story and the oilman said : 
" Who has ever heard of water being on fire ? What a lying 
witness we have here V The jackal quickly r.torted : *' Who 
has ever heard of a mill-post bringing forth a live horse, yea, 
the very animal on which I saw the royal prince, our future 
king, ride past only two days ago ?^' The testimony of the 
jackal was held to be conclusive and the matter was finally 
decided in favour of the prince, who thus recovered possession 
of his pony. The oilman and his false witnesses received 
condign punishment for having perjured themselves in an 
attempt to establish a spurious claim. The jackal then counsel- 
led the prince to avoid the risk of farther scrapes by continuing 
his peregrinations. The prince accepted this friendly advice 
%nd retraced his way home, where he was in due course crowned 
king to rule over his people, 

VI.— studies in the Cults of the District of 
Champaran in North Bihar. No. I.— 
The Cult of the Godling Birehhe Deo. 

By Sarat Chandra Mitra, M.A., Lecturer in Social 
Anthropology, University of Calcutta. 

Sir Herbert Risley has very truly said that '* Hinduism may 
fairly be described as Animisn more or less transformed hy 
philosophy i or, to condense the epigram still further, as magic 
tempered by metaphysics. The fact is that, within the enormous 
range of beliefs and practices which are included in the term 
Hinduism, there are comprised entirely different sets of ideas, 
or, one may say, widely different conceptions of the world and 
of life. At one end, at the lower end of the scale is Animism, 
an essentially materialistic theory of things which seeks by 
means of magic to ward off or to forestall physical disasters, 
which lo3ks no further than the world of sense, and seeks to 
make that as tolerable as the conditions will permit, At 
the other end is the Pantheism combined with a system of 
transcendental metaphysics '\^ 

If w^e examine the religious beliefs and practices of the 
Hindu population of the district of Champaran in North Bihar, 
we all come across a striking illustration of the truth of the 
foregoing dictum of Sir Herbert Risley. The greater mass of 
this Hindu population comprises illiterate people — men innocent 
of any education whatever — who are almost ignorant of the 
higher or metaphysical aspect of Hinduism, and to whom 
the Devas or the High Gods of the orthodox Hindu Pantheon, 
such as Brahma, Vishnu and Siva and their kith and kin, are 
little more than names. Of course, the Hindu residents of the 
district of Champaran reverence the Brahmanas and pay their 
devoirs to the aforementioned High Gods of the Hindu 
Pantheon. But, as a matter of every-day practice, as part and 
parcel of their religious observances, they pay their worship to 
the Grama Bevatas or the local village-godlings, such as the 

1 The People of India. By Sir Herbert Risley. Second Edition. CalcutU 
»nd SimU : Thaclcer, Srinl^ and Co 19X5. Page 233. 


defficatioiLS and personifications of the Powers and Forces of 
Nature; the Heavenly Bodies such as the Sun, the Moon and 
the Eai-th ; and of such other natural objects as Bivers and 
Waters. Then again, they adore and propitiate the local god- 
lings— the godlings of, the sainted dead, the evil and 
malevolent spirits of deceased men, all of whom constitute, to 
quote Dr. Crooke's apposite description of them, " a mob of 
divinities '\ 

Now, the reverence shown by the Hindu villagers of 
Champaran to the Brahmanas, and the worship paid by them to 
Vishnu, Siva and their kindred — the High Gods of the Hindu 
Pantheon — are mere factors of the metaphysical or the higher 
side of the religious beliefs. 

But the animistic or the lower aspect of their religious 
beliefs and practices is illustrated and represented by the wor- 
ships paid by them to the aforementioned Grdma Dtvalds or 
villa ge-godlings who, in many cases, have no regularly-cons- 
tructed shrines for their local habitations, who have no priests to 
conduct their pujd, and who are not represented by anthropomor- 
phic images or idols, but who are symbolised by little mounds 
of clay, or by unhewn blocks of stone, or by trees. 

So far as the district of Champaran is concerned, these two 
aspects of Hinduism — the animistic and the metaphysical sides 
thereof — exist side by side. The same town or village has its 
temple dedicated to the worship of Vishnu, Siva and the other 
*' High Gods " with Brahmana priests to conduct their worship, 
as also the shrines of the local village-godlings who, in many cases, 
have no priests to carry on their worship, who are not represented 
by any images, but are symbolized by small mounds of earth 
or rough unhewn blocks of stone daubed with vermilion, or who 
are believed to haunt or reside in some neighbouring trees which 
constitute their tree-shrines. The same Hindu rustic will, 
at one and the same time, propitiate the aforementioned " High 
Gods " of the orthodox Hindu Pantheon by presenting offerings 
to them, and will also adore and pray to the village-godlings of 
his locality. 

tOls, VIII. PT. II.] 



The principal among the aforementioned Grama Devatas or 
the village-deities of the district of Champaran in North-Bihar 
is the godling Birchhe Deo ( f^T% ^ ) . The shrine of this 
godling is situated on the western side of the town of Motihari — 
the headquarters of the district of Champaran It is located 
almost on the north bank of the lake and is situated at the southern 
end of a lane which leads off to the south of the main road which 
is called the Club Road. 

On Saturday the 26th May 1923, I visited it in the company 
of Mr. P. K. Mitra,, Deputy Magistrate and Deputy 
Collector of Motihari. The shrine or temple consists of a pucca 
brick structure facing the east. Ascending the short flight of 
steps, we step on to a veranda in the western extremity of which 
is the holy of the holies — the room — almost rectangular in 
dimensions — which contains the mound of clay which constitutes 
the symbol of the godling Birchhe Deo. The following rough 
sketch represents the front and side views of the aforesaid 
mound of earth : — 



^*UMJt fCM. 



The figure A is the mound of earth or clay which is the 
sjmhol of the godling^s Birchhe Deo. 

The figure B is the plinth of brick (daubed with clay) on 
which the godling's symbol A is placed. 

The figure C is a small semi-circular mound of clay which is 
situated at the bottom of the brick plinth. It serves as a soi-t 
of stepping-stone to the plinth . 

This godling is worshipped (1) on any Sunday in the month 
of Baisakh (April-May), (2) on the Purnamasi Day (or full- 
moon day) in the month of Sravana (July- August) and (3) also 
on a Sunday in the month of Aghan (November-December) . 

The priest, who performs the worship of this godling, is 
a Brahmana by caste and is appointed by the proprietors of the 
villages comprised in the town of Motihari, namely, the Bettiah 
Raj and the Motihari Indigo Factory. 

The modus operandi of this godling's ^^w/a on a Sunday 
in the month of Baisakh is as follow^s : — 

On the Sunday in question, both males and females perform 
the vratf that is to say, abstain from eating salt and observe 
the other observances prescribed for the performance of the 
Sunday f)rat. On the Monday following, the celebrants of the 
worship perform the pujd of the godling by offering to his 
godlingship offerings of flowers, incense, rice, naived ( «fq^ ), 
dachehhina ( ^f%^ ) or presents of money and clay figurines 
of elephants which are manufactured for the occasion by the 
village-potter and which are subsequently taken away by the 
worshippers themselves to their respective houses. Sometimes, 
long poles of bamboos surmounted by little bannerettes are 
also offered to this godling by way of offering. Thereafter the 
mound of clay, which represents this godling, is besmeared with 

The celebrants worship this godling for the attainment 
of their hearts' desires. Litigants, who have got cases in the 
law-courts, also come to the shrine of thid godling and pray 
to him for granting them success in their cases and vow that, if 


they would be successful in their litigation, they would offer 
piiji to him. So if they v/in their case?, they come and make 
presents of offerings to him. 

On the PurnamasiDay (i.e., (he full-mooo day) in the month 
of Sawan (July- August), the majority of the people, b )th Hindu 
and even Muhammadans, and the Betfciah Raj and the Motihari 
Indigo Factory, both of which are malika or proprietors of the 
villages comprised in the town of Motihari, through their 
pdtwdries and gumastds, offer puja to the godling Birchhe Deo. 

The tradition about the origin of the godling Birchhe Deo is 
as follows : — 

In 1048 F. S,, a Bhumihar named Birchhe Nath (^^ •fTO) 
or Birchhe Rai (ft'^ TT^)? who is stated to have been a rais 
of Motihari and lived in a house w^hich was situated a little to 
the north of the present shrine of this godling, died in the course 
of a fight. His ghost appeared in a dream lo his wife and said 
to her : ' You should perform sati with all your children '. 

Accordingly, she performed sati with her husband^s corpse. 
But it is not known whether or not her children aL-o immolated 
themselves on their deceased father^s funeral pyre. Thereafter 
the spirits or ghosts of the deceased couple appeared in a vision 
to a person who afterwards became the priest of this godling 
and directed him to make or erect the mound of clay (m-jrked A 
in the above rough sketch) and worship them. The priest accord- 
ingly erected the mound of clay which represents Birchhe Rai 
(or Nath) and his wife. The brick superstructure, which now 
enshrines the moucd of clay, is stated to have been built about 
50 years ago. 

The worshippers do not sing any song or songs in honour of 
this godling at the time of the pajd. At the time of perform- 
ing the worship of this godling, the worshippers only cry out : 
" ^RT fk^ ^T^ ^R ftr^ ^T^ '■' or " Victory to the 
Holy Father Birchhe, Victory to the Holy Father Birchhe ''. 

There is no folk-rhyme or folk-ballad recited about this 


All the foregoing information has been communicated to me' 
by the Mahaat Gharib Das (of the Vaishnava Sect) who lives in 
a math close to the shirne of Birchhe Deo. 

From the foregoing account of the godling Birchhe Deo 
we find — 

(1) That this godlingship has been provided with a brick- 
built shrine. 

(2) That there is a Brahmaaa priest who carries on his 
worship ox pujd. 

(3) That he has not yet been represented by an anthropo- 
morphic image, but is symbolised by a mound of clay. 

All these facts lead me to the conclusion that the godling 
Birchhe Deo was in course of promotion from b'ing a simple 
animistic and supernatural being or divinity to the brevet-rank 
of a first-grade deity — a " High God '' — of the Hindu Pantheon, 
but that his godlingship^s promotion has, I might almost say, 
been stopped in the middle of his career of advancement, because 
the last prerogative of a first-grade deity, namely, the provision 
of an anthropomorphic image, has not yet been granted to him. 
It is an instance of what I may designate as " the Arrested 
Promotion of Animistic Godlings. '^ 

The most noteworthy features of the worship of the godling 
Birchhe Deo are the following : — 

(a) The offering of clay figurines of elephants. 

(b) The vow made by litigants, who have got cases in the 

law-coui-ts, to the effect that, in the event of their 
winning their cases, they would offer joujd to his 
I shall, now, take up for discussion the point (a) 
mentioned sujpra. 

It would appear that the goddess Kali, in her threefold form, 
exercises great influence over all diseases except small-pox. 
That is to say, she caA cause and stop the outbreak of diseases 
and can grant persons suffering from maladies, especially mental 
and nervous ones, recovery from the same. Sick people, there- 
fore take vows to present to her offerings of living elephants in 
case of their recovery from their illnesses. But when th«y are 


cured of their maladies, they, instead of offering her the promised 
gift of the living elephants, present her with clay figurines or 
images of those beasts by way of substitutes. It is, for this 
reason, that, along with other offerings, clay figurines of 
elephants are so often offered at the shrine of goddess Kali.^ 

Then again, a person who has fallopi into a trouble or distress 
takes a vow to offer an elephant or a horse to the village-deity 
in the event of his being relieved therefrom. \Vhen his trouble 
or distress passes over, he, instead of offering a living elephant 
or horse to his godlingship, presents him with a clay figurine 
thereof and plaos it at his shrine. It is, for this reason, that the 
offerings of little clay images of elephants, horses and curious 
bowls with short legf*, known as Kaha, are so often to be found 
in the deohdis or the shrines of the collective village deities in 
the Gangetic valley of Upper Indii.^ 

I am, therefore, of opinion that, whenever a votary of the 
godling Birchhe Deo suffers from a malady or falls into a distress 
or trouble, he vows that, in the event of hi-; recovery therefrom, 
or of his being relieved thereo^, he would offer a living* elephant 
to his godlingship for riding upon. But, when he .ecovers from 
his illness, or when his difficulty or distress is tided over, he 
offers to Birchhe Deo the clay figurine of an elephant as a 
substitute for the living animal — a '^ trumpery donation *'' as 
Dr. W. Crooke very rightly calls it. 

Then, I shall pass on to the consideration of the point [b) 
mentioned above, namely the vow of the litigants to offer puji 
to Birchhe Deo in the event of their being successful in their 
litigation. I shall show, later on, that similar vows are also 
made by litigants to the other godlings of the district of 

This custom of the litigants' praying to the godlings for 
success in their litigations, and of their taking vows to present 
offerings to their godlingships in the event of their winning 

1 Crooke*8 An Introduction to the Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern 
India (Allahabad Edition of 1894), page 81 . 
• Oj). cit., page 69. 

l4D "C0LTS O'P DlS-flaiCT OF CHAMPARAlJ. tJ.B.O.B.8. 

their law-suits and case^, is also cun-eat ia the district of 

^lidnapur in South-Western Bengal. 

In a village named Girisagangasagara in the Contai Sub- 
division of the district of Midnapur, there stands a banyan tree 
(Ficui bengalensis) which is believed to be inhabited by, and 
which is now taken to be the living symbol, or representative of, 
the tree-godling — the deified saint Nekurasani Pir (^^t^Pl^l l) • 

It is stated that the litigants of the locality, when going 
to the courts to prosecute their law-suits or cases, place a lump 
of clay at the foot of this tree, pray to the tree-godling Nekura- 
sani Pir for granting them success in their litigation, and also 
vow that, if the prayed-for boon would be granted to them, 
they would place more lumps of clay at the foot of this tree, 
tie red rags on its branches and present votive offerings of clay 
figurines of horses to his godlingship. It is fui-ther reported 
that, ii the-e litigants win their suits or cases, ihey, when 
returning home from the courts, place lumps of clay at the 
bottom o ' this tree, and tie bits of red rags on to its branches 
in fulfilment of the vows made by them.^ 

In the Bengal Districi Gazetteer of Champdran (Calcutta, 
1907), pages 40-41, L. S. S. O^Malley, Esq., i.c.s., has given the 
following account of the godling Birchhe Deo : — 

'^ As a matter of e very-day practice, the low-caste villager 
(of Champarau; endeavours to propitiate the evil spirits and 
godlings which his ancestors have worshipped from time 
immemorial. Most of these are regarded as malignant spirits, 
who produce illness in the family and sickness among the cattle, 
if not appeased. They affect the ordinary life of the peasant 
more directly and vitally than the regular Hindu gods ; and, 
consequently, the great mass of the illiterate Hindus, as well 
as some of the most ignorant Muhammadans, are careful to 
make periodical offerings to them. They form no part of the 
oiihodox Hindu Pantheon, but are given a kind of brevet rank ,* 
and for practical purposes, they are gods most sacred and, 

^ Vid« the Man in India (published from Ranchi) for December 1923, page* 



therefore, most worshipped by the lowest classes. One such 
spirit with great local reputation is Bischha Barham, the spirit 
of a Brahman, who died a violent death. Bischha Barham 
is one of the most dreaded of all the male violent deities, and 
has a famous temple in Motihari, where even Muhammadans 
make offerings through the Brahman priest who presides 

With due deference to the aforementioned high authority, 
I now take the liberty to point out and correct the undermen- 
tioned inaccuracies which have crept into the foregoing account 
of Birchhe Deo : — 

{a) The name of this godling is not Bischha Barham but 

Birchhe Deo. 
{b) This godling is not the spirit of a Brahman who died 

a violent death, but is the spirit of a Bhumihar 

who died in the course of a fight. In fact, he is 

one of the "sainted dead'^ 
(c) He is not one of the most dreaded of all the malevolent 

deities ; but, on the contrary, he is a benevolent 

deity who is always adored and prayed to for 

granting boons. 

VII.— Sisur-Angirasah Kavih. 

• • 

By:Surendranath Majumdar, Sastri, M.A., P.RS. 

There is an interesting topic, in the Second Book of the 
Manusaifahlta, dealing with the question whether " learning '' 
or '* age •" is to be respected. In that connexion we find the 
following ^loka : — 

^^ Tfir ^t^T^ fn^f xrft^ cTT^ I 

II 151. 
It has been thus translated by Dr. Burnell : "Angirasa 
Jtavi, a child, taught his elders and said to them ' children I ' 
having received them as pupils by reason of his knowledge/' 
Dr. Buhler's version is : *' young Kavi, the son of Angiras, 
taught his (relatives who were old enough to be) fathers., and 
as he excelled them in (sacred) knowledge, he called them 
'Little sons.''' 

Now the passage in question is, like so many other passages 
of the Bhrguprokta Manusamhita, a paraphrase of a Vedic 
text and as such the meaning of it is to be settled by comparing 
it with the original Vedic text and its context. 

The following is the Vedic original of the passage : — 

if ^f * H^er I fii^-^ gETif^^l w^n\ ^^^^\^^ i 

w^^f^ I ^C^ ^^^JT^^^rafe tf^rCi I^^^T^: (T4n- 
dya Mahabrahmana 13, 3, 23 ; Bibliotheca Indica series, 
vol. 11. p. 18.) 

It may be translated thus : — " It is the Saman-song com- 
posed [or f een] by Si^u. [ftl^Tt ^^* ^W ifil^ — Sayai;ia] 
Sitfu, the son [or descendant] of An^iras was the best of the 


composers of hymns. He called fath^^rs ' Little song/ The 
fathers told him ' you who are calling tlie fathers little sons are 
not acting righteously ^ He said^ ' I am your father, for I am 
a composer of mantras (Vedic hymns). They asked the gode. 
The gods said, ' He is your father who is the composer of 
hymns. ' So one is vietorious if he praises by [singing] the 
saman composed by Sisu. '' 

Now this passage occurs in a section which deals with the 
names of various sdmans almost all of which ai'e named after 
their composers. And this context would make Siiu a proper 
name and not as meaning '^ young'' as all commentators and 
translators have taken it. Dr. Burnell and Dr. Buhler took 
Kavi as the proper name. But this word does not occur in the 
Vedic text. Hence it is not the name but the epithet of the 

Baudhayana Dharmasiitra I, 3, 42 suggests, remarked Dr. 
Buhler in his footnote, that ^' Si^u " seems to be a name or 
nickname. But though he pointed out this fact, he followed 
the Indian commentators in taking' the word in the sense of 
" young.'^ But the Vedic passage is conclusive. On the 
authority of this passage of the Tandya-Brahmana, its commen- 
tary by Sayana and the Dharmasutra of Baudhayana pointed 
out by Buhler, I propose to translate " ftl^lTfw^^ • ^^ '- '' 
as ^' Siiuj the wise, descendant of Angiras.'^ 




VOL. VIII.] 1922. [PARTS III. & IV. 

Journal of Francis Buchanan (Patna and Gaya Districts) : 

Edited, with notes and introduction, by 

V. H.Jackson, M.A.. 

I.— Introduction. 

The Buchanan Journal and Maps. 

Practically the whole of the information which is 
now available concerning the life and work of the author 
of this Journal, including an account of the ciroum- 
stances under which his great statistical Survey of Bengal 
was undertaken, and the subsequent history of the 
manuscripts connected therewith, is to be found in Sir 
David Prain's admirable Memoir published in Calcutta 
in 1905, entitled '' A Sketch of the life of Prancis 
Hamilton (once Buchanan) sometime Superintendent of 
the Honourable Company's Botanic Garden, Calcutta". 
It is therefore unnecessary to attempt a summary here, 
particularly as Sir D. Prain himself has been good enough 
to promise a contribution to the Journal of the Bihar 
and Orissa Kesearch Society on the subject. 

The Journal, which is now published for the first 
time, forms only a small pa.rt of the manuscripts 
relating to the Survey, on which Dr. Buchanan — as he 
may still be called for present purposes since he did not 

1 2 Res. J. 


assume the name of Hamilton until three years after 
his retirement from India — was employed between the 
years 1807 and 1815. It is the official daily Journal 
which he kept during his tour of the districts of Patna 
and Gaya in the cold-weather months of 1811-12, i.e., 
the fifth season of his work on the Survey. The original 
manuscript is in his own handwriting and extends over 
224 pages, bound up with other papers in the last of 
those three volumes of the Buchanan Manuscripts in the 
Library of the India Office which are concerned with 
Patna and Gaya. As regards other districts of Bihar 
included in the Survey, similar Journals kept during 
the cold-weather tours of Bhagalpur, etc., in 1810-11 
and Shahabad in 1812 — 13 are also in existence in the 
Library, and occupy 250 and 175 pages respectively in 
the corresponding volumes of the series, but the Journal 
of the tour in Purnea undertaken in the season 1809-10 
cannot now be traced, and apparently has never been 
in the Library's possession. There also appear to be 
no Journals in existence relating to the Bengal Districts 
of Dinajpur and Eangpur, and the United Provinces 
District of Gorakhpur.* 

The three Journals which still remain are quite 
distinct from Buchanan's Reports on the corresponding 
districts, and are only to be regarded as supplementary 
to the latter. It is necessary to lay emphasis on this 
difi'erence in order to avoid any possibility of misunder- 
standing, especially because on page xxxviii of his 
Memoir Sir D. Prain refers to the iteports themselves 
as " a journal of the utmost value, which has never 
been completely published or properly edited", while 
in later pages when describing the attempts which have 
been made to publish the lleports, he continues to 
refer to them as a '' journal". It seems possible that 
when he wrote he was under the impression that 
Buchanan had drawn up his lleports in the Bengal 
Survey in tlie same form as that adopted in his 
'' Journey from Madras, th rough the countries of 

* I am indebted to Mr. C. E. A. W. Oldham, i.c.8., retired, for this 
D for mat ion. 



Mysore, Canara and Malabar " which was nudertakeii 
in 1800-01. This was a daily Journal, which was 
published in London in 1807 in the form in which ifc 
M-as written, although in the preface Buchanan explain- 
ed thafc he had intended to abridge it and alter its 
arrangement before publication, but could not do so, as 
the printing had commenced before his arrival in England 
on leave in the previous year. Taking warning by this 
experience and by the criticisms of the form in which 
the work appeared, his methods were altered when he 
undertook the Survey of Bengal. His study of each 
district which he then surveyed was arranged so as to 
occupy a whole year. After an extended cold- weather 
tour, during which he and his assistants collected a very 
large amount of information additional to that actually 
recorded in his daily journal, he established his head- 
quarters at some town in or near the district concerned, 
and spent the following hot-weather and rainy seasons 
in completing his enquiries and in writing his Itepcrt. 
Each of these Reports is therefore a self-contained and 
carefully finished work which was clearly intended for 
publication. Not only was it drawn up in strict accord- 
ance with the detailed instructions issued to Buchanan 
by the Government at Calcutta in September 1807, as 
recorded in pages viii to x of the Introduction to 
" Eastern India", but in its arrangement it follovred the 
actual order of these instructions. The Journals, on 
the other hand, were evidently not intended for publi- 
cation, and unfortunately were not maintained during 
the period spent at headquarters. Much of the infor- 
mation recorded in them has been included in the 
Beports, and has often been transferred without any 
substantial modification, but in all cases it has been 
rearranged under the appropriate sections. 

Of the Eeports and their various Appendices, with 
the sole exception of the Journals, two copies are 
known to be in existence, one of which is in the 
India Office Library, as already mentioned, and the 
other in the Library of the Royal Asiatic Society. The 
original manuscript cannot be traced and appears to 
have been destroyed, as neither of the sets is in 


Buchanan's own handwriting, but both have beeu 
written in a beautifully clear hand by the same copyist. 
There is some uncertainty about the identity of a set 
of the Keports which was in the possession of the 
Indian Government at Calcutta about 1833 and, as 
Beveridge suggested, it is possible that a third copy may 
still be in India, even though the efforts to trace it 
made by Sir W. W. Hunter, Sir D. Prain and others 
have been unsuccessful. It seems much more probable, 
however, that not more than two copies were ever made, 
and that the volumes now in the possession of the 
Eoyal Asiatic Society are in fact the set of the records 
which were formerly kept in Calcutta, and referred to 
in the following extract from the preface to the Eeport 
on Dinajpur, published at Calcutta in 1833 : — 

"The original records^ occu])ying twenty-five folio volunfies 
in manuscript, were transmitted by the Indian Govern- 
ment to the Honourable Court of Directors ; a copy of 
the whole having been previously made and deposited 
in the office of the Chief Secretary at Calcutta. Duplicates 
of the drawings and m.aps ^Aere unPortu' a^ely not pre- 
served with tlie rest, probably from the diificulty at that 
time of getting them executed in India/' 

This duplicate copy was made after Buchanan had 
left India in February 1815, and the originals sent to 
3-ondon were received there in the following year. As 
regards the copy then retained in Calcutta, it is known 
that in 1831 the M. S. Beport on Dinajpur was made 
over by Mr. G. Swinton, who was tlien Chief Secretary, 
to Captain Herbert, the editor of Gleanings in Science, 
in order that it might be published by instalments in 
that Journal : and three years later James Prinsep, the 
i^rst editor of its still living successor — the Journal of the 
Asiatic Society of Bengal— m the preface to Volume II, 
while announcing with regret that the publication of 
the remaining Reports would Lave to be discontinued 
owing to lack of support, mentioned that on completion 
of publication of that on Dinajpur : — 

*' The Government meanlime placed the remaining volumes 
of Buchanan in the lulitor s hands, with an intimation of 
its de-ire that the printing of thcde records shoukl be 

VOL. vin, PT. in A IV. 3 patna and gaya districts. i'^^ 

It seems not unreasonable to suppose, therefore, 
that this set of the Eeports reached the Eoyal Asiatic 
Society after passing out of Prinsep's possession ; and 
further that no copy of the Journals, as well as of the 
drawings and maps, was made before the originals were 
forwarded to the Court of Directors, since no such copy 
is included in these volumes. This fact was probably 
not realised in 1871, when permission w^as given to 
Sir W. W. Hunter to bring the India Office collection 
of the manuscripts temporarily back to India, as the 
original Journals, of which no copy had been retained, 
were thus exposed twice again to the risk of total loss 
at sea. 

These Journals of Buchanan's tours in the Districts 
of South Bihar seem to have attracted very little atten- 
tion hitherto, probably owing to their close resemblance 
to portions of the corresponding Reports, and to the 
greater importance of the latter. The following extract 
from Mr. H. Beveridge's article on '' The Buchanan 
Eecordg " in the Calcutta Heview for July 189Ij is the 
only published reference to them which I have been 
able to trace : — 

" There is a good deal of repetition in Buchanan, and some 
portions of bis folios are taken up with his Jcurnab e.g., 
his Bhagalpur and Shahabad Journal, which does not 
contain anything material that is not also in his report." 

This statement is not strictly correct, as will be 
indicated later, and even if it were, it appears that 
the publication of the Journals, especially the Patna- 
Gaya Journal, can serve a useful purpose at the present 
time, because much of the material included both in the 
Journals and in the Reports has never yet been pub- 
lished. Montgomery Martin's methods as editor of 
*' Eastern India ", the three-volume abridgment of the 
Reports published in 1838, have been justly condemned 
by everyone who has examined the original manuscripts. 
In deciding T\hat portions of the Reports should be 
omitted, he followed no consistent plan, but merely, 
as Sir W. W. Hunter observed, left out " the parts 
which he did not understand or which did not interest 


him ". Matters of topographical and antiquarian 
interest are the principal feature of the Journals, and in 
these respects the iieports, and particularly the Eeport 
on the districts of Patna and Gay a, have greatly 
suffered at his hands. On this point Beveridge says : — 

" On the whole I have not found that jVf r. Martin has 
suppressed much of value in the historical or antiquarian chapters. 
For instance, there are no suppressions in the account of Gaur, 
which by the way, is to be found in the Purniah volumes. The 
most serious omissions are in the accounts of Patna and Shahabad. 
There Mr. Martin has drawn his pencil through much interesting 
matter, though in not a few cases he has afterwards repented and 
written " stet ■". In all the volumes he has omitted a good deal 
of the descriptive matter, and he has greatly abridged the elaborate 
account of castes which occurs in the first of the three volumes 
relating to Purniah/' 

During his tour of the districts of Patna and Gaya, 
Buchanan naturally came across antiquities considerably 
more extensive and important than those contained in 
the districts which he had previously surveyed, and his 
description of them may be regarded as the special 
feature of the Patna Eeport. Unfortunately, though 
fifth in natural sequence, it was the first on which 
Martin began his work of abridgment, and he carried 
it out with special severity, as may be judged by the 
fact that approximately 167 out of the -370 pages in the 
M. S. Eeport which form the chapter on topography 
and antiquities have been omitted from the correspond- 
ing Chapter III of Eastern India, Volume I. This repre- 
sents about sixty of the pages as printed in that volume, 
and the omissions include the whole of the account of 
Maner, as well as important portions of the descriptions 

»f Patna, Gaya, Bodh Gaya, Pajgir and Baragaon. 

With the exception of Patna itself, Buchanan's obser- 
vations at each of these places are adequately recorded 
in the Journal. 

Notwithstanding Mr. Beveridge's unfavourable 
opinion, which was probably based on a somewhat 
cursory examination of the manuscripts, there are several 
respects in which the Journals are an extremely useful 


supplement to the Reports, even in places where the 
latter have not been abridged. They principally differ 
from the Reports in giving a detailed description of the 
route which Buchanan actually followed, without which 
it is at the present day very difficult to identify some 
of the places described in the Reports, particularly 
the various hills and the mines, quarries, caves or 
springs associated with them. Many examples of this 
which have come within myown observation could 
be quoted, but the following will suffice : — In the 
Bhagalpur Report (East. Ind. Vol. II, pp. 18^-85) 
Buchanan describes " a calcareous matter in mass, called 
Asurhar, or Giant's bones ", which was used for making 
lime, and says that " the greatest quantity is found at 
a place, in the centre of the (Kharagpur) hills, called 
Asurni, or the female Giant". The manufacture of 
lime from this source has long been discontinued, and 
as the existence of the place appears to be unknown to 
the Koras and Naiyas who now live in the vicinity, it 
would be almost impossible to find it without reference 
to the Journal. This gives not only the route taken on 
March 22nd, 1811, from Bharari along the valley of the 
Anjan (Azan), but also a rough sketch showing the 
position of the quarry itself at the head of a side valley 
near Karahara, by means of which the remains of the 
kilns, etc., can be found without the least difficulty, 
although they are concealed by thick jungle. Similarly, 
in the Patna Report (Vol. I, pp. 254-256) the interest- 
ing description of the cave " at a place called Hangriyo " 
in the southern range of the Rajgir Hills from which 
mlajit was procured, was not sufficient to enable me to 
identify this cave without reference to the Journal for 
January 14th, 1812. This showed that the cave was 
not the Rajpind Cave in the Jethian valley, as I had 
been inclined to suppose, but one in the southern face 
of the Hanria Hill, the existence of which is kept as 
secret as possible owing to the value of the silajit still 
obtained from it ; and an examination of this cave has 
served to clear up several difficulties connected with 
Hiuen Tsang's route between Bodh Gaya and Rajgir, 


and has shown that the Hanria Hill itself was Hiuen 
Tsang's Buddhavana Mountain. 

Another feature of the Journals is that they fre- 
quently contain minor details which Buchanan did not 
consider of sufficient importance to include in the 
Reports, but which are of value in unexpected ways. 
For instance, in measuring the temperature of a hot 
spring in order to ascertain the nature of its seasonal 
or secular variation, a problem in which I have been 
interested for the last fourteen years, it is of particular 
importance that the thermometer should be placed, if 
possible, in exactly the same part of the spring as that 
observed on previous occasions. In the Bhagalpur 
Report (Volume II, page 20()) when describing the hot 
springs near Bharari in the Kharagpur Hills, Buchanan 
says : — 

" The thermometer on being placed in a crevice of the rock, 

from whence the water issued accompanied by air 

bubbles, rose to 150^"' 

There usually are at these springs four or five 
places which might answer to this description, at none 
of which is the temperature either identical or constant, 
but the corresponding passage in the Journal removes 
all uncertainty, since it can only refer to one particular 
place : — 

" Where the finest spring is, and the water issues immediately 
from the foot of the hill, without running any way 
under the stones, and is accompanied by many air 
bubbles, the thermometer arises to 150°/' 

No other hot spring in Bihar, issuing in its natural 
state directly from the earth instead of rising, as it usually 
is made to do, into the water already contained in 
a tank or kund, can be identified with such absolute 
certainty as this. Since 1909, I have measured its 
temperature on several occasions, at difiPerent seasons of 
the year ; and as the maximum temperature noticed, 
after allowing for all necessary corrections, has never 
exceeded 149°, and as there is no reason to suppose 
tliat there has been in this case any measurable 


change of a secular nature even in the last hundred 
years, the inference is that the thermometer T\hich 
Buchanan used in his measurements on hot springs 
read at least one degree Fahr. too high. This is con- 
firmed by similar though less reliable comparisons 
elsewhere, such as at Bhimbandh, Sitakund near Mon- 
ghyr, and Hajgir; and in any case is likely enough, 
since the discorery that all ordinary mercury-in-glass 
thermometers, even if correctly graduated when first 
made, read too high as they grow older was not made 
until 1822, so that Buchanan was not aware that 
any cori^ction of his own thermometer was necessary. 
It may be mentioned that one of the thermometers 
which I have used for making these comparisons 
shows this effect plainly enough, in spite of the 
precautions now taken by the instrument-makers, as 
it reads 0*5 degree Eahr. higher than it did when it 
was graduated by them, and O'l degree higher than 
when it was first compared in October 1912. 

In these Journals it is interesting to notice the 
care with which Buchanan tested the truth of any 
statements made to him, whenever opporfcunities 
occurred later ; as well as, in general, the thoroughness 
with which he had adopted the principles of modern 
scientific research. A good example of his methods is 
shown in the present Journal, in the endeavours which he 
made, though without much success, to obtain a criterion 
by which Buddhist and Jain images could be distin- 
guished from one another. The hot springs of Bihar, 
which he was the first to describe, have been examined 
by several later observers, such as Kittoe, Sherwill 
and Waddell, but their own accounts are in no case so 
detailed or precise, and in fact possess very little 
scientific value. 

Buchanan had practically no works of reference to 
assist him in identifying the antiquities of Bihar, such 
as the Travels of the Chinese pilgrims which have 
revealed so much to later archaeologists, and it is not 
surprising that at times he rejected information which 

154 iorRNAL OF FRANCtS BUCHAJTAN. lJ.fe.D.».». 

HOW appears very significant. For instance, on the 
grounds that his informant was " a stupid fellow, and 
no other person has heard of such a tradition", he did 
not think it worth while to refer in his Report to the 
names " Hangsa Nagar " and " Hangsapur " mentioned 
to him in connection With iiiriak. Fifty years later, 
the remains which still exist on the hill above Giriak 
were conclusively identified by Cunningham with the 
Goose Stupa and Monastery described by Hiuen Tsang* 
Similarly, the jungle-covered valley of Old Rajagriha 
seemed to him oWiously so unfitted for the site of a city, 
being " surrounded on every side by arid rocks, which 
would render the heat intolerable " and the situation 
*'to the last degree insalubrious", that he did not 
trouljle to investigate for himself the truth of the local 
belief that it was the site of the old city of Jarasandha. 
There can be little doubt that Old Rajagriha was 
actually proved to be an unpleasant dwelling-place, 
partly owing to the reasons mentioned by Buchanan and 
perhaps still more to lack of water at the hottest season 
of the year : and that its abandonment and the establish- 
ment of New Rajagriha outside the hills were due to the 
comparative advantages of the latter site, rather than to 
the legendary reason as related by Hiuen Tsang. But 
that Old Rajagriha was at one time inhabited by a large 
population is a fact which cannot but be evident to 
anyone who examines the site even now ;* and the 
Journal shows that the reasons why Buchanan never 
noticed even so much as its massive walls were, first, 
that he did not ascend either Baibhargiri or Vipulagiri 
sufficiently far to get a proper view of the valley within 
the hills, and second, that when he did enter the valley 
in order to examine the Sonbhandar Cave, his path went 
past a part of the old city where its wall has been almost 
completely cut away by the westarn branch of the 
Saraswati stream. 

The Journals of South Bihar show that during his 
tour in each district Buchanan kept up the practice 

• Notes on Old Rajagriha, A.S.R., 19J3-1 J, pagOB 265-271. 


adopted dui-ing the Mysore survey, vrhich was^ in the 
words of Sir l3. Prain : 

" To make a stated daily march, and in the morning before 
leaving camp to gather romid him the leadmg people of 
the neighbourhood whom he questioned ^.on the various 
points enumerated in his instructions. During his march 
and at the places where he halted, his own observations 
were carefully noted, and extensive botanical and geological 
collections were made. '''' 

Much of the material recorded in the Journal of 
Mysore, especially the observations on agriculture and 
botany, finds no corresponding place in these Journals, 
but has been incorporated direct into the Eeports. 
TThere is one feature, however, which shows a marked 
development in this later series of Journals. This is the 
care with which the distance is estimated between each 
•successive village, river or other notable feature of the 
country passed over during each day's march. Buchanan discovered that the existing maps of the districts 
included in the Bengal Survey were all more or less 
unreliable, and the details of distance which he sets 
down in his Journals were evidently intended for use in 
preparing the revised map of each district which he him- 
self drew. This task, which he set himself for it formed 
no part of his instructions, must have involved much 
labour, especially as no trained surveyor was attached to 
his party ; and practically the whole of the work which 
he carried out in this'manner — both as an independent 
geographer and as the direct successor of Rennell — has 
escaped notice hitherto, owing to the fact that his 
manuscript maps, still preserved in the Map Department 
of the India Office Library, have never been published 
except in a very incomplete and unsatisfactory form. 
Tor this reason, a detailed account of those which relate 
to South Bihar may appropriately be set down here. 

All internal evidence points to the conclusion that 
Buchanan had no maps of Bihar to consult during his 
Survey other than those contained in the second edition 


of Ecnnell's Bengal Atlas, published in 1781. The first 
edition of this Atlas, which was published in 1779-80^ 
contained only Plates I to XII, but there are references 
in the Bhagalpur Journal (January 2nd, 1811) to 
Eennell's plans of Mir Kasim's fortifications at Udhua 
Kullah near Eajmahal, and in the Patna Eeport to his 
plan of Patna City, which are included only in the later 
and more complete edition, as Plates XXI and XV 

There is no indication that Buchanan knew any- 
thing about the series of larger maps (on the scale of 
five British miles to the inch) drawn by Eennell in 
1773 and published quite recently by Major F. C. Hirst, 
Director of Surveys, Bengal, from the originals in the 
India Ofiice collection. As Hirst points out in his 
accompanying Memoir,* these maps must have been 
used by Eennell in preparing the Atlas, but they 
differ considerably from the latter in certain important 
details which Buchanan would undoubtedly have noticed, 
if he had had access to them. 

So far at least as the Districts of Monghyr, Bhagal- 
pur and the Santal Parganas are concerned, the existence 
of any maps later than those in the Bengal Atlas is 
conclusively disproved in the first paragraph of the 
following passage, which Martin omitted from page 2 of 
the Bhagalpur Eeport as published in Eastern India, 
Volume II •• — 

" The turbulent state of tlie inhabitants, and the difficulty of 
access into the comitry, when Major Rennell made his 
gurvey, opposed obstacles which have rendered his map 
of this district less valuable than m^st part of bis 
excellent work, and T have to regret that a copy of 
a more recent survey, which Lad been deposited in the 
ofTce of the Collector, has been lost. Owing to these 
circumstances, to the very uncommon manner in which 
many of the subordinate jurisdictions have been inter- 
mixed, not only with each other, but wnth other districts, 
and to the disputed and undetermined nature of the 

• The Survey* of Uengal, bj Major J»mci RenntU, i.b.s. 17o4-77, 


bounda/ie?, I liave not been able to trace these in a manner 
that can be at all satisfactory, and in almo.4 every case 
I have been under the necei-sity of prjceeding by 
conjecture, and that in many cases of a very vague 

'^ In calculating the proportion of various kinds o eland and 
the extent or cu'tivatlon, I found the proprietors so evi- 
dently depaitino' from the truth that I have in great 
me-isure been obliged to tru-t entirely to what I and my 
native assi^tints could actually observe, on which account 
we traversed the district in many directions and with 
much pains. Notwithstanding this labour, 1 am much less 
sati^fied with the result than with those which 1 procured 
in the districts formerly surveyed. The co.iduct of my 
enquiries owing to this circumstance has in this district 
been rather disagreeable. The managers of the estates 
showed much alarm, a want of veracity that could 
oni}^ be equalled by tiieir total nidifference about it- being 
discovered, and a degree, of intellect vastly inf'erior to the 
people of Bengal. No general statement could be 
procured from the most intelligent, and the details which 
they gave were in mch diametrical opposition according 
to the nature of t!.e questions proposed that no reliance 
what'.'ver could ' be placed on their assertions. If for 
instance a man was asked, why so much land was waste, 
ht; would assert that seven eighths of Ids estate were 
cultivated ; but in explaining the heaviness of his 
burthens he would show an account in v/hich, with i.n 
extent of ten or t^'elve miles square, he had not above one 
or two thousand bighas in cultivation. '''' 

In addition to the passage just quoted, there is 
ample evidence throughout the Journals and Reports 
that Buchanan was by no means satisfied with the accu- 
racy of Eennell's maps. Though he himself does not 
say so, it is interesting to note that the plan which he 
formed was to prepare a revised edition of the maps ia 
the ]3engal Atlas itself, so far as they related to his 
Survey. His own maps have been drawn on exactly the 
same scale as the somewhat inconvenient one employed 
by Eennell in Plates I to YIII of the Atlas, which are 
common to both editions. This scale was one of t^n 
geographical or nautical miles to an inch, Eennell's 
marked prefer eiicc for nautical units being explained 


by Hirst in tlie memoir already cited 'as being ^due 
to his training as a Marine Surveyor. Kennell assumed 
that a nautical mile was 6,090 feet (6,080 feet is 
more correct), so that this scale should correspond to 
11-53 statute or British miles to an inch. In the 
copies of his maps which I possess, the real scales are 
slightly smaller than this, owing doubtless to a certain 
amount of shrinkage in mounting, and the actual 
values are approximately 11*8 and il'6 miles to an inch 
in Plates IP and IIP respectively. Small though^'this. 
difference may appear, it is not altogether negligible, 
as it corresponds to a discrepancy of about three miles 
between the extreme limits of the map which shows 
the boundaries of Monghyr, Bhagalpur, and the Santal 

Altogether, there are eight of these manuscript 
maps in the India Office Library, and very careful 
tracings of the three which refer to South Bihar have 
been made for me by Miss Anstey. The description 
of these is as follows : — 

(a) " M. S. maps of Districts by Dr. Buchanan 
Hamilton. Drawn in about 1814. Ko. 1. 
Bhagalpur. Size 11 inches by 14. " 

Title onMap, in Buchanan's handwriting, "Bhagal- 
j)iir". No scale of miles is drawn on this map, but 
comparing selected points on the tracing with Bennell's 
map, the scale is 11*67 miles to one inch. 

(B) "Map of Zila Behar, including the City of 

Patna, drawn by Dr. Buchanan Hamilton 

about 1814. Scale about 11^ miles to 1 

inch; size 8 inches by 11. " 

Title on Map, in Buchanan's ^handwriting, as given 

above. Scale of miles drawn on map. On the tracing, 

60 miles = 5-11 inches, or 11*74 miles to one inch. 

^ (M •' The .Tunglotorry District and the adjacent Provinces of Birboomi> 
K&jemal, koglijiour, etc., compreljending the Countries Bitaated between 
Mcort»hedabad and Bahar." 

(*) "A Ma;) of South Bahar, including the course of the Ganges ta 
Chttijargur. ' 


(G) " Manuscript map by Dr. Buchanan Hamilton. 
Drawn in about 1814. No. 4. District of 
Shahabad. Scale about 11 J miles to 1 inch ; 
size 12 inches by 11. '* 

Title on Map, in Buchanan's handwriting, '' Sketch 
of the district of Shahabad ". Scale of miles drawn on 
map. On the tracing, 60 miles = 5'18 inches, or 11*58 
miles to one inch. 

The small variations in scale can likewise be 
explained by unequal shrinkage of these tracings, and 
the original maps were evidently superimposable on 
Eennell's own. It is hardly likely that all of these 
maps were drawn in or about 1814, as stated, for 
Buchanan was busy on the survey of Gorakhpur during 
that year, and left India early in February 1815. It 
is much more probable that each map was drawn at his 
headquarters immediately after finishing the tour of the 
district concerned, and that it was used for the general 
geographical description contained in the Beport, sucli 
as the courses of the various rivers, etc., much of which 
has been omitted in Martin's abridgment. If so, the 
Bhagalpur map must have been drawn at Monghyr in 
1811, the Patna-Gaya map at Patna in 1812, and the 
Shahabad map at Chunar in 1813. 

Buchanan's opinion of the ordinary roads in Bihar 
was by no means high, as numerous entries in his 
Journals indicate ; and his maps show none of those 
between various places which are given by Eennell, but 
in all other respects the details which they contain are 
fuller as well as more accurate. The only names written 
on the maps themselves are those of the rivers and their 
tributaries, every one of which is thus distinguished. 
In order to avoid the confusion which would have been 
caused by attempting to add furthei* lettering to maps 
drawn on so small a scale, the method which he adopted 
as regards other particulars is the following : — 

Hills are shown in their proper position and 
approximate outlines. Their names, so far as the 


Bhagalpur and Patna maps are concerned, can be 
ascertaiaed by reference to separate maps of the Hills 
drawn on a larger scale (about two miles to an inch). 
The corresponding map of the Hills of Shahabad cannot 
now be traced, if it ever existed. Thana boundaries 
are drawn on the maps, and distinguished from one 
another by coloured fringes, while the Thanas them- 
selves are indicated by roman numerals. Within each 
Thana the position of the chief villages or market 
places is shown by small circles and arabic numerals. 
These numbers refer to an " Index to the Map " of each 
district which forms one of the (unpublished) Appendi- 
ces to the corresponding Report. Each Index further 
contains under every Thana and market place a list of 
merchants and petty dealers, as shown in the following 
extract from the Index to the Map of Bhagalpur : — 

IX. — Division under Thanah Mallepur : 

50 Dealers in grain, salt, catechu and cotton wool, etc. 
(Bepari or Mahajan), 2 have capitals of Rs. lOu each, 
48 have from Rs. li to Rs. 200. 

10 Persons who impoii cotton, wool and cloths and retail 
themselves, capital- from Rs. 5U to Rs. 200. 
5 Dealers in grain, salt, drugs and tobacco (Btniya), 
capitals from Rs. 101^ to Rs. 200. 

J 1 Raldiya Beparis who keep cattle and deal in grain, etc. 
125 Retiilers of provisions and druses (Modi or Baniya, 
Bepari or Pasari), capitals from Rs. 10 to Rs. 50. 
1 PerFon who expoi-ts timber, fuel, wooden posts and 
bamboos, etc. (Kathaija Mahajan), capital Rs. 150, 
200 Farmers who deal in same, capitals from Rs. 5 to Rs. 20. 
50 Strange Dealers (B.Jdiya-Beparis) who come in the dry 
season from Behar and Mungger and reside here about 
8 months when thev export grain by their cattle, capitdU 
from Rs. 100 to Rs. 300. 

4 Retailers of betel-leaf (Tambuli), capitals from Rj. 4 
to Rs. 5. V ; 1 

1 Retailer of Capsicum, etc. (Khattik), capital Rs. 5. 
1 Retailer of vegetables (Kungjra), cai)ital Rs. 5. 
1 n..fM:!..r of ll-ynp Buds (Gangjawaleh). 



1. Mallepur, 

11 Dealers in salt, grain, cotton clotLs, etc. fBepari or 

11 Baldiya Beparis who keep cattle and deal in grain, etc. 

8 Retailers of provisions and drugs (Khicliri furosh) . 

3 Retailers of sweetmeats (Halwai). 
8 Retailers of oil (Taill). 

2 Retailers of betel-leaf (Tambuli) . 

2 Retailers of potters ware (Kumar). 

15 Goyalas, who retail curdled milk, etc. 

1 Tailor. 

1 Mali, or seller of garlands and flowers. 

1 Worker in lac (Laheri). 

4 Goldsmiths. 

1 Distiller of spirituous liquors (Kulal). 

2. Jamui» 

2 Hats In the week (with similar details). 

3. Sono. 
2 Hats in the week (with similar details). 

4. PanchruJchi, ditto. 

5. Khar ma, ditto. 

X. — Division tinder Tlianah Tarajnir : — ■ 
And so on. 

Martin has extracted the names of Thanas and 
marketplaces from the Indexes to the Maps of ]:§hagal- 
pur and Patna (Vol. II, Appendix, page 8, and Yol. I, 
Appendix, page 64), bnt has omitted the corresponding 
list referring to the Map of Shahabad. He has also 
summarised in a separate Appendix (Vol. I, Appendix, 
pages 35-38) the statistics regarding the number of 
*' artists " and the natui'C of their occupations in the city 
of Patna and in the various districts of Bihar, but has 
only given the distribution by thanas, and not by indivi- 
dual towns or hats. He has omitted the corresponding 
lists of traders and the nature of their trades. 

The value of Buchanan's maps would have been 
considerably enhanced if they had been reproduced on a 
somewhat larger scale, such as that of eight miles to au 
2 2 Res. J. 


inch adoi')tecl in the most recent Gazetteers; hecaiise it 
"uoiild then have been possible not only to retain all the 
information T>hich they include, but also to add the 
names of the hills, and to substitute the actual names of 
Thanas and market places for numerals, thus rendering 
the maps independent of their indexes. Had this course 
been adopted in 1838, when they were copied by J. & C. 
Walker for Martin's Eastern India, the extent of 
Buchanan's contributions to geographical knowledge, 
as compared with the Bengal Atlas, wculd have been 
clearly recognized ; but unfortunately a different course 
was adopted. In order to conform to the size of the 
printed pages in these volumes, the scale of the maps 
was reduced to one of about 25 1 miles to the inch in 
that of Bhagalpur, and 21 j miles to the inch in those of 
Patna and Shahabad. The omissions thus rendered 
inevitable have greatly impaired their value. The only 
features which have been rejiroduced just as Buchanan 
drcAv them are the boundaries of the thanas and the 
courses of the rivers and tributaries. None of the hills 
have lieen shown, and nearly all the names of rivers, etc., 
have been omitted. ^Jhe names of thanas, and of some of 
tlie market places in each thana, have been transferred to 
the m.aps by using the key given in the Indexes, but in 
choosing place-names, the space available for their 
insertion rather than the relative importance of the 
places themselves has been the dominant consideration. 
The Bhagalpur map, over w hich Buchanan had taken 
special pains as the extract already quoted shows, is 
the one which has suffered most — not only by the 
reduction of its scale, but also by the absence of proper 
editing. No less than 163 out of 186 names of rivers 
and tributaries and 101 out of 181 names of places 
have been left out. The town of Bhagalpur itself is 
shown merely as " Kotwali ", Monghyr as " Barabazar '\ 
and Bajmahal as "Neyamutullah Khan", these being 
the names of the bazars in each of the towns which 
occur first in the lists given in the Index. The map of 
Patna in ** Pastern India" is on the whole less unsatis- 
factory, altlioiigh CO out of 70 names of rivers, etc., and 

Vol. viii, PT. Ill & iv.i patna and gaya districts. 363 

155 out of 236 names of places have been left out. 
Even amongst those inserted there are several mistakes, 
such as '' Easisa " instead of Buchanan's Eahadurganj 
(one mile east of Ghosrawan), while his " Kazi Eateh- 
chuk " (Kazi Chak, six miles north of Sheikhpura) 
has been inserted twice over, once in its proper place 
though spelt " Hazefutechuk ", and once as '' Hazi 
Futehchuk " instead of his " Chauyari " (Chewarai six 
miles south-east of Sheikhpura). 

Notwithstanding the absence of any relial^le 
maps, it will be noticed that all the distances recorded 
in the Journal are set down with scrupulous^accuracy, 
as even fractions of a mile are not omitted. It is quite 
clear that during each day's journey Buchanan only 
walked when his road became too bad for any other 
means of transport, or when the nature of the locality 
required close examination. Though he seldom specifies 
his actual means of conveyance, he usually travelled 
either on an elephant or in a palanquin. His method 
of estimating distances is not stated anywhere in so 
many words, and the only indications of it which occur 
in the Patna-Gaya Journal are the following : — 

" My watch having stopt hy the way, I cannot judge of the 
distance, which is called four coses/' (November 
19th, 1811.) 

"My w^atch now goes so ill tliat I cinnotrely in computing 
distances by it. " (November 30th, 1811.) 

The necessary clues are however contained in the 
Bhagalpur Journal of the previous year. On the (Jth 
December 1810, at the end of his account of a march 
from Gunpura to Narayanpur, a distance of " about 
eight coses by the direct road, that I came through the 
copse ", and in which the total of the individual dis- 
tances recorded comes to between 15 and 16 miles, he 
says — "I took four hours to go it on a good elephant ". 
On the 5th and 6th March 1811, when he was on a parti- 
cularly bad road and was almost certainly travelling by 
palanquin, against each of the distances recorded in the 
body of the Journal he has inserted a marginal entry 


showiug the number of minutes taken. These clearly 
show that his practice in all such cases was to allow 
an average of fifteen minutes to each mile. On the 
5th March, in fact, he has himself added up in the 
marginal notes the total number of minutes, namely 
225, and has divided by 15, getting the quotient of 15 
miles which corresponds to I'lf miles as approximately 
recorded item by item in th.e Journal, and similarly on 
the 6th March he has allowed lOj miles to 154 minutes, 
the time actually taken. 

A Supplement consisting of 38 pages of " Observa- 
tions " is attached to the M. S. Journal for Shahabad, 
an examination of which brings out the interesting 
fact that Buchanan carried this method of estimating 
approximate distances much further. The Observa- 
tions themselves are chiefly concerned with, the state 
of agriculture as noticed on each day's march from 
November 3rd, 1812, when he started his tour of the 
district from Koilwar on the river Sone, until February 
21th, 181?, when he left the district to enter that of 
Mirzapur, on his way to Chunar, his headquarters for 
that year. Day by day, except on December 17th 
vv'hen " watch stopt '* is recorded, or during his tour of 
the hilly districts of llohtas, Shergarh, etc., a series of 
figures is set down in columns headed " Rivers (or 
Water) ''; " Hills " ; '' Occupied Land " ; and " Waste 
Land "; the totals of which are as follows : — 

Rivers (or watei) ... ... ... 53 

Hills ... ... ... ... 2il 

Occupied land ... ... ... 4;80]i 

"Waste laud ... ... ... ... 8,077 

Total ... 7,G72i 

Cwiii;ui'ing the individual entries as well as the 
totals for each day's march with the corresponding 

uces recorded in the Sliahabad Journal, it l)ecomcs 
^ .V <.i tliat these figures represent in ecery case the time 
taken, to the nearest half minute, in travelling ocer the 


types of country thus specified. As the corresponding 
total of approximate distances given in the Journal 
is 490 miles, the average rate allowed works out as 15 1 
minutes to each mile. 

In the daily notes contained in the Sliahabad 

Observations, the "wasteland" is as a general rule 

still further sub-classified in the same way, as the 
following summary shows :— 

Broken corners ... ... ... 243 

Land covered with woods ... ... 945^ 

,; „ „ bushes .., ... 8084 

„ „ yy long grass ... ... 429 

„ clear, but never cultivated ... ... 400 1 

„ deserted, former] y cultivated ... , , , 377 

„ uneven, near hills ... ... ... 15 1 

„ covered with Soda (Reh) ... ... 1 

„ marshy ... .„ ... ... 1 

Total 2,721 

In all probability Buchanan kept a similar record 
in each of the districts which he surveyed, and made 
use of it in preparing his elaborate statistical table 
showing the soil, situation and manner of occupation of 
the land in each district, as given for Patna and 
Shahabad on pages 2 and 44 of the Appendix to 
Eastern India, Volume I. It is significant at least that, 
in the Table referring to Shahabad, he estimated that of 
the '^ level waste land exempt from floods and of good 
soil ", 343 square miles were taken up with '' woods, 
bushes and deserted villages", and 327 square miles 
consisted of '' reeds, pastures or deserted fields "; a 
relative jiroportion which agrees very closely with the 
corresponding figures of 1,254 and 1,106| minutes shown 
in the summary just given. 

It is not so easy to check the accuracy of Bucha- 
nan's method of estimating distances by comparison 
with modern large-scale maps as might be supposed. 


because there is usually^a certain amount of uncertainty 
regarding the track which he actually followed. The 
.[general indications are, however, that for journeys 
across country or on bad roads the method was accurate 
enough, but that it led on decent roads to an under- 
estimate of distances, amounting at times to as much 
as 15 or 20 per cent. For instance, in travelling from 
Mekra to Fatna between October 26th and November 
4th, 1811, it seems certain that the old military road 
which Buchanan used hardly differed from the present 
road close to the south bank of the Ganges, and that it 
was in fairly good condition. The exact distance along 
the i^resent road from Mekra to the site of the eastern 
gate of Patna City is 43 miles, but according to his 
estimate it was only just pver 36 miles. On the 
80th November his route from Gaya to the foot of the 
Gurpa Hill clearly followed tlie present District Board 
road as far as FatehiDur, which is now marked by mile- 
stones but was then probably only a rough cross-country 
track. The correct distance from the *' small hill about 
a mile from the south end of Scihebgunge " (at Salimpur 
on the east bank of the Phalguj to Eatehpur is eighteen 
miles. Adding up the distances recorded in the 
Journal, Buchanan's ow^n estimate comes to "at least*' 
Id^ miles, considerably nearer the truth, although he 
suspected the reliability of his watch on that day. 
Another instance of close agreement is shown on the 
3rd December, when he made the sum of the distances 
from the small hummock at Kewali to Koch to be 
rather more than 13 miles, whereas this distance by 
milestones on the District Board road from Gaya to 
Koch is exactly 14 miles. 

Tlie references to Patna and Bankiporo in the 
Journal are extremely brief, and I have therefore added 
in full the account which Buchanan incorporated in 
his^ Beport. Some of the most interesting jmssages 
omitted by Montgomery Martin from this have pre- 
viously been publislicd by Bcveridge in the Calcutta 
Jlecieu?, amongst whicli in recent years attention has 


been particularly directed to the story of the recovery 
of the two remarkable statues which are now in the 
Calcutta Museum.* Amongst others which have not 
been previously published may be mentioned the 
estimates showing the great strength of Sikhism at 
Patna about 1812, from which it would appear that the 
number of adherents of both sects, including their 
families, was well over 50,000; the clear statement 
that the building on the river bank at Gulzarbagh now^ 
occupied by the Government Press was the old English 
Factory, and not a Dutch building as is generally sup- 
posed ; and Buchanan's characteristic comment on the 
Golah at Bankipore. The compiler of the Statistical 
Account of Patna District, misled as so many others 
have been by Montgomery Martin's methods of editor- 
ship, regarded the omission of any reference to this 
building in the account of Patna which apjDcars in 
Eastern India, Volume I, as a sign that Buchanan's work 
was defective : — 

*' Dr. Buchanan Hamilton was clearly so diegnsted with the 
dust and disorder of the place that he was unable to see 
any good in it whatever. He has even omitted to des- 
cribe the Gola, a high dome-like store-house, which is 
certainly the most striking building in the whole extent 
included by him in his account of the city/'' (Volume 
XI, 1877, page 69.) 

This criticism is all the more unjustifiable because 
the full Beport was available at Simla while Hunter's 
Statistical Account of Bengal was being compiled. 

The Journal of Patna and Gaya has been printed 
from a copy of the original manuscript in the India Office 
Library which I was permitted by the Secretary of State 
in Council to make, while on leave in 1911, on the usual 
conditions as regards publication. I took special pre- 
cautions to ensure not only that this copy should be 
verbally accurate, but also that as regards punctuation, 
orthography, etc., it should be a faithful reproduction 

*Iv. p. Jayaswal, Statues of two Saisuiiaka Emperors (-iSS-^iOQ B.C.). 
J. B. 0. R. S., Volumo V, Part I, MarcU 1019. 


oi the original. No alterations have been made, in 
the iDrcsent text, except a few Trhich appear neces- 
sary on grammatical or similar grounds, and these 
have been indicated in all cases by brackets. The 
pmictuation and the spelling of all ordinary words have 
been revised, but Buchanan's spelling of proper names 
has been retained. The latter, however, may not be 
accurate in all cases, because his handwriting, though 
apparently distinct enough, lends itself to different in- 
terpretations when dealing with unfamiliar words. 
Numerous examples of possible alternative readings 
•could be quoted, of which ** iya'^ or ** iija *', *' niar *' 
or '' sriai '', *' srau " or '* ivaji ", ** Zatir ", or '' Tcmr ", or 
*' Sanr " are specimens.* Such cases have been decided 
whenever possible by reference either to the Eeport or 
to the Index to the Map, in which names of places 
are spelt phonetically and with much closer resem- 
blance to the Hunterian system. 

Since this copy was taken, I have made much use of 
it in various ways, especially in retracing, by such instal- 
ments as my ordinary duties have permitted, the greater 
part of the tour which Buchanan made in 1811-12. My 
original intention was to apply, as soon as I had com- 
pleted this work, for permission to publish the Journal 
together with some observations of my own and all neces- 
sary references to the work of archaeologists, etc., who 
have followed after Buchanan. Owing to the interest 
taken in the matter, especially by Sir Edward Gait and 
Messrs. Oldham and McPherson, a proposal to publish the 
Journals tlirough the agency of the Bihar and Orissa Re- 
search Society was sanctioned by the Secretary of State in 
1916. At the Society's request 1 undertook to edit the 
present Journal and to supply a series of notes such as 
I had originally proposed. I must therefore acknowledge 
responsibility for the regrettable delay which has taken 
place, but owing to various causes, all more or less 

•In his pan^phlet on the Abcri^'Inal Bnccs of the Sjinthal Tar^an'iR, 
Mr. H. McPherson has pointed cut that the word " Sontlial " itK'I), Bpolt 
" Sa^ngtar " b v Hi:chanan, nprrtr-, in Kasleru Jndia, Volume 2, page '^18, in. 
the unrecognisable form of *' taungtar ", 


directly attributable to the War, I have found it im- 
possible to complete this work on the original lines. 
It has therefore been decided to publish the Journal 
without notes of this kind, especially as some of these, 
on Old ilajagriha, the Barabar Hills, Hanria, etc., have 
already been published separately. 

The brief footnotes which have now been added are 
mainly confined to a series showing wherever possible 
how the names of j^laces mentioned by Buchanan were 
entered by Rennell either in his large-scale maps of 1773 
or in Plate III of the Bengal Atlas of 1781, and how 
they are recorded in the most recent series of standard 
Survey maps. These are distinguished by the letters R. 
or E. A., and by heavy type, respectively. Another 
series refers to the numbers by which in this Journal 
(though not in the Journals of Bhagalpur or Shahabad) 
Buchanan usually distinguished the various mineral 
specimens which he collected. Corresponding to these 
numbers an Appendix has been added, which gives an 
idea of the manner in which the collection was classified. 
In the Preface to the Mysore Journal, Buchanan himself 
mentions that the collection which he made during that 
Journey was presented to the Court of Directors in 
London and deposited in the Comxpany's Library ; and it 
is probable that the minerals collected during the Bengal 
Survey accompanied him to England in 1815, together 
with his other collections on natural history, and that 
they were similarly disposed of. 

Slips of the kind that travellers often make, in 
writing "east" instead of ''west", etc., have been 
indicated and corrected wherever they have been noticed. 
A few notes of a more general nature contain new 
information which may be of interest, such as 
the references to the usual temperatures of the 
Eajgir and Tapoban hot springs at the present day. 
Por convenience of reference, a map has also been added 
showing Buchanan's tour. In his time the south- 
western boundary of Gaya extended only as far as the 
dotted line shown on the map, and did not include 


Slierghati or other parts of the country traversed by the 
Grand Trunk Road. When this is taken into considera- 
tion it will be seen that very little of imj^ortance in 
the districts of Patna and Gaya, except in the neighbour - 
liood of Eajgir and Jethian, escaped his notice. 



September 1923. 

II.— Gyah Journal. 

IQlh October 1811.— I left Mungger ^ and went to 

nth October. — I went to Suryagarha.^ 

ISth October. — I went to Bolguzor ^ in Gyah. 
About 1 J miles from the custom house at Suryagarha, 
came to the Gundri nullah which at this season is very 
wide and deep, although almost stagnant. Immediately 
below the ferry it sends a small branch to the west, 
which is also called the Gundri. I proceeded along its 
southern bank most of the way that I had formerly 
come.^ About 3J miles beyond the great Gundri I 
crossed a small torrent called the Hoel, which * -^con- 
siderable but rapid. It forms the western b ary 
of Perganah Suryagarha, and its banks seem ive 

been fortified. Eather more than five miles ier, 

through a rice country and very bad roads ii ^ 

came to the Kiyol,^ which now contains a great s^ 
but not knee deep and very dirty. The channel mci ; 
half filled and 400 yards wide. From thence to J 
riverside at Bolguzor is rather more than three miles. 
The country is well wooded and tolerably occupied, but 
at this season looks very ill, the villages being uncom- 
monly slovealy and the fields being mostly cither new- 
ploughed or too soft yet for that operation, but when 
the winter crops spring it will probably look well. 
The huts mostly mud. 

I had been led to expect that the roads from 
Mungger to Suryagarha were almost impassable, and, 

(1) Monghir, R. and B.A. ; Monghyr. 

(2) Suragegurra, R. ; Surajegurra, B.A. ; Surajgarh. 

(3) Balgudar, R. ; Balguda, B.A. ; Balgudar. 

(4) On 25th March, 1811 ; see Bhagaipur Journal. 

(5) Kewle N., B.A. ; Klul N. 


from Suryagarha to Dariyapur that they were good, and 
accordingly made arrangements to obviate difficulties, 
but this care was vain, as I found that the very reverse 
of the account given was the case. 

Bolguzor is a large village chiefly inhabited by 
Dusads and Doms. It is situated at a little distance 
from the river which passes Gyah ; • but here it is not 
called the Fulgo, its name changes to Hulwan.^ It is 
navigable seven or eight coses up, and at Bolguzor is never 
f ordable, although it does not seem to be above 100 yards 
wide. It has little current and is very dirty. 

Idth October. — Having crossed the Phulgo, I passed 
through a very fully occupied and populous country to 
Dariyapur.^ The country finely wooded, and many new 
plantations forming. The villages are very slovenly 
andi' shaded, but many of the huts are good and 
then rds surrounded by mud walls. I passed through 
Pr/ ^^ur^ Jyetpur*, Indupur, Boraiya^ Horija, Damna^ 
M4 ', and Hadda^ all large villages with shops. The 
1^ and seventh are Invalid Thanas. The women do 

1 nceal themselves so much as in Bhagalpur. They 

c IS dirty. 

2''M October. — I was detained until this day at 
Dariyapur by the backwardness of the people to give 
information. I believe that they were in part withheld 
by the Muharir of the Thana, who it is said advised 
them to be very cautious. The Darrc:n, a decent r 
appeared to do all tliat li^ could, threats, it is - 
were used against 0{i(^ d \hr /.v inindars who first ( 
forward. I sa^ the pc'0])le of C 

of Milki the ( i. arid thncp of Sv. ..... 

at a distance, m : nt about h 

to Makra^ an in :. i;.xriyapur is ., iai'i_ 

(1) HarofiarN. • 

(2) Denyapcur, R. ; Derri^pour, B.A. ; Dariapur. 

(3) Partappur. 

(4) Jaintpour, R. and B.A. ; Jalfpur. 

(5) Barhia. 

(6) Doomarah, R, ; Doomarra, B.A. ; Dumra. 
(') Maranchi. 

(«) Hattedaw, R. ; Hathldah. 
(9) Macrah, R. ; Mekra. 


village Avitli many shops and a very large inn. It is 
poorly built, the houses huddled together. There is 
one regular street, but very narrow. 

The country very beautiful, well planted and 
cultivated. Passed several large villages, all containing 
shops. No gardens, very slovenly huts mostly built 
of clay but very rough. The ruinous walls in many 
parts have raised little eminences on which the villages 
stand, new clay being chosen for rebuilding the walls. 
Many gourds etc., partly on the roofs, partly on arbours. 
A few Eicinuses occasionally as a shade for the yard, 
road narrow, much neglected. 

At Mekra the invalids complain much. They say 
that after having been at the expense of clearing the 
Bita, of which each had five or six bighas, the whole has 
been taken from them and Tal given in its stead. The 
Tal produces about 2 mans and lets at 3 amias. Mekra, 
that is, the invalids' station is a large village with a wide 
street. A bungalow has as usual been built at it by 
Colonel Hutchinson. It consists of one very large 
room, rather ruinous. A fine camping ground in front 
for a small detachment. At the other two stages in 
this district where I have been, there was no place 
fit for a dozen tents. 

26th Octoher. — I went about four coses to Bar^ 
through a similar country. The road in most part very 
narrow, about eight feet [wide] and not much beaten. 
Many pilgrims, very few other passengers. 

1st Novemher. — Eemained at Bar until this day. 
Ear is a very large place, the Kazi says that it contains 
5,000 houses (Varis). The streets very narrow. The 
brick houses of the worst Hindustani fashion, and 
the thatched roofs and mud walls inconceivably rude. 
Several Muhammadan families in respectable circum- 
stances and good manners reside at it. They seem to 
prefer towns, as they have all landed estates but seldom 
visit these. 

(1) Bar, B. and B.A. y Barh. 


In the morning went about five coses to Bukhtiyar- 
pTir.^ The road part of the way led by the side of a nalah, 
a branch of the Ganges, which becomes dry in spring. 
The river there seems to be gaining although the 
people complained that a whole Tapah had been carried 
away. A good many large villages with shops, thatch 
in particular exceedingly rude. Bukhtiyarpur a small 
village with some shops, as usual in this country. 

2nd November. -^1 went about S^ miles to 
Vaikanthpur,^ through a country much the same as that 
seen for some days past. Yaikanthpur is a large serayi. 
The village has once been large, but all except the 
Brahmans have left the place. The reason assigned ])y 
the zemindar is that they were very much subject to 
be seized as porters. The zemindar, who pays 8000 Rs. 
a year, is a decent peasant, exceedingly civil. 

3ri November. — I went rather more than eight mileS 
and halted a little west from Jaffier Khan's garden 
About two miles from Yaikanthpur I came to an old 
garden of Setab Eai's, now grown quite wild. It is sur- 
rounded by a square wall of brick with a kind of turret 
at the corner. It is not of any considerable size. About 
two miles farther came to Putwa,^ for this country 
a large town. Most of the houses clay, a great many 
much neater than [at] Bar. It is close built, but the 
streets very narrow. In the town I crossed the river 
PunpuD,* of considerable size. There had been a wooden 
bridge with ver^ \..u^cy purrs of bricks, butsorae of t]u^p< 
Lave given way and the Company defrays the expr 
of an excellent ferry. In the time of Major Rfn?! 
Futwah would appear to have been on the west side ( i 
the Punpun. A part is still so, but by far the hxrgesi 
parr is now on the east side. The great PuTVViUu of tliif 
g( (.3;raphf»r is now quite dry, but a small bridge marks 
where a small stream passes in the rainy season. Prom 
the size of the two bridges, both old, what Rennell calls 

(1) Bakhtiarpur. 

(2) BycoiitpouT, R. ; Bykontpour, B.A.; BaJkatpur. 

(3) Futwah, R. ; Futwa, B.A. ; Fatuha. 
(*) Pompon, R. and B.A. ; Punpun N. 


the small Punpun must always hare been the larger. 
Without the town towards the west is a large Sangot 
of brick. Near Jafier Khan's garden has been another 
probably dependent, nothing however remains except 
four turrets surmounted by cupolas at the corners. 
The whole is cultivated. Near it, towards the east of 
it, a native merchant of Patna has a very handsome 
country seat. A shut up zenana, and an open house for 
entertaining company at some distance, with a neat 
garden between. There is besides a stone temple of 
Siv in a garden on the opposite side of the road, the 
handsomest Hindu building that I have seen, although 
it is small. It seems to have been built on a European 
plan, and consists of a pyramid with a portico towards 
one side. Between this garden wall and the road is 
a terrace covered with plaster and shaded with trees for 
the refreshment of passengers. A merchant has also 
dug a tank near Jafier Khan's garden and lined it on 
four sides with brick, but it is a very poor rude work, 
the steps on the descent being about two feet high and 
the banks quite rough. Jafier Khan's garden has been a 
kind of fortification, surrounded by a wall strengthened 
by turrets and some buildings, part of which remain. 
In the centre has been erected the chief Songot of the 
Sik sect. I was admitted only into the garden in 
front, which is surrounded by a mud wall with a gate 
towards the north daubed with wretched paintings of 
Hindu Gods and Heroes. I could not be admitted into 
the brick buildings south from the garden with my 
shoes, and as the Mahant and his chief disciples were 
absent at the Mela, I did not think this worth while. 

Mil November. — I went to Patna. All the way 
from Jaffier Khan's garden to the eastern gate, about 
1\ miles, is a kind of suburb very meanly built. But 
there is one very handsome house belonging to some 
native, entirely in their own style but built with much 
taste. From the east gate I went through narrow 
lanes, but with many tolerable houses, to the western ; 
which I should have taken to be a distance of three 
miles, but Major Remieil makes it only 1| miles. 


From the western gate and to the west end of the town 
of Bankupur is not quite two miles. Bankujjnr is in 
general very poorly built, but contains many of the 
European houses and that of Eajah Koliyan Singh, a very 
great building in the Anglo-Indian style. Beyond it is 
a plain round which many of the European houses are 
situated, and terminated to the west by the Golgarh. 

Qth Novemher.—l went to Phulvariya,^ having 
remamed a day at Patna in order to procure orders for 
the agents of different officers of Government. Phui- 
variya is a large village with many shops and a few 
brick houses, one of which is a respectable-looking 
village. About four miles from the Golgarh, I passed 
a tank dug by Balaichand, a merchant of Patna. It is 
lined with brick, but from the rude state of the bank is 
a very unsightly work. Phulvari was said to be four 
coses from Patna, but I do [not] think it can be 
so much as six miles. The country high and wel 
cultivated. Eew plantations except those of Palmiras 
The road fully as good as the great road to Calcutta. 

Phulvariya is a large close-built village inhabited 
chiefly by Muhammadans, among whom are several res- 
pectable families. One of them, Kazi of the Perganah, 
has a respectable house of brick. The others live in very 
large houses of mud, tiled, which on the outside at 
least are very slovenly. These three families keep 
Madrisahs, one of which is in a Mosque fronted with 
stone and in a very different style of architecture from 
any that I have seen. The roof is flat, supported by 
stone pillars along which large stones are laid, and 
these again support the flags which cover the roof. 
The pillars are four-sided but flat and with few or no 
mouldings. In place of the domes there are three 
cupolas over the three niches in the back wall. The 
structure of these very clumsy. Part of the ornaments 
of the gate are of a red stone said to have been brought 
ready carved from Dilli or Agra. The carving very 
neat and the stone singular. 

(J) Fulwarry, R. and B.A.; Phulwarl. 



1th November. — I went not quite eight miles to 
NoLutpur.^ I was assured at Patna that the distance was 
at least sixteen miles or eight coses, which made me 
divide the journey into two stages, ^but in fact the road 
does not seem to be above thirteen miles. 

9tJi November. — I went above three miles south- 
west to see the old fort of the Cheruyan Raja.^ It has 
no traces of a ditch, and is an elevated square terrace of 
about thirty yards each side, without any cavity in the 
middle. The people say that it was surrounded by 
a thick brick wall, and the space within filled up with 
earth, but what purpose such a building could serve 
except as a place of worship I cannot say. At the 
north-east cori]?er is a ruined very small temple, in 
which are several fragments of images carved in relievo 
on stone. One is a female. The whole is called Goriya, 
or the deity of the fort, and sacrifices are still offered. 
At a little distance from the temple is lying another 
stone carved with images in relievo. It is said to 
represent the doorkeeper of the deity. The ruin appears 
to me to be of the highest Indian antiquity, while 
the princes lived in castles rather than forts. 

11^^ November. — I went west to the Son ^ river, to 
see the manner in which the pebbles are found. It is 
an immense channel filled with sand. The water at 
this season is about one hundred yards wide, not very 
deep nor rapid and rather muddy, but it is not fordable. 
The channel is however filled with shallows, so tliat 
only very small boats pass up and down. In spring it 
is fordable and canoes pass with difliculty. Small 
stones are thinly scattered among the sand or in a few 
places form small beds, and I understand are found 
everywhere from Moner ^ to Eotasgar ^ or higher, but 
more and more plenty the farther up. They are frag- 
ments of various silicious stones, none of them aggre- 

(1) Naubatpur. 

(2) Baliy^-dilii in Report. About two miles south of Arap? 

(3) Soane E. ; R. and B.A. ; Sone R. 

(4) Moneah, R. and B.A. ; Mp.ner. 
\^) Rotasgur, R. and B.A. ; Rohtas. 

^ 2 K. & J. 


gate, some are quite opaque fat white qii^rtz, or quartz 
tinged red, yellow, or rarious colours. Others are 
diaphanous glassy quartz, and what arc called the Son 
l^eblles. These are pretty common, so that in a few 
minutes I found eight or ten, but none of them 
fine. "Ihis was about three coses from the mouth 
of the riyer. 

I passed two old channels of the Son called by that 
name, besides the one near the Thanah. I do not know 
which it is that is laid down by Major EenncU. At 
present they contain no stream, and in most places are 
dry. Xear the second is a ridge running some way 
east and west and containing many fragments of brick. 
This place is called Eaph,^ and is said to haye belonged 
to a Cheruyan Raja. I presume that the ridge is in 
some measure natural, being too large for a ruin, although 
the rain may hare added very considerably to the size, 
the fragments being very numerous. No appearance 
of any fortification. 

\2th. Novemhe7\ — It was said that Thanah Jehana- 
bad was twelve coses distant, and that half way was 
Bagwangunj,^ a village of Shahabad. There is a more 
direct route, but the road at joresent is impassable 
for loaded cattle. I found that Bagwangunj is about 
sixteen miles from Nuhubutpur instead of six coses, 
and in many places there was no other road except 
the small banks confining the water on rice fields. 
About eight miles from Nuhubutpur I came to the 
Pompon at a village called Pituangs'^ (Petwas, Eennell). 
It is perhaps 150 yards wide, half covered with a dii*ty 
stream, but is fordable, being only about two feet deep. 
About 1\ miles farther on, came to the boundary of the 
two zilas. 

Nuhubutjiur is a close-built village with many 
shops as usual in this coiuitry. A hat was held while 
we were there. Many petty traders came with Jira 

(1) Arap. 

(2) Bhagwanganj. 

(-) r " :\t\vas, B.A. ; Pitwans. 


and Turmeric on oxen, but there was not that hubbub 
usual in Bengal, and few women attended, nor were 
small wares sold, 

Bagwangunj is a close-built village with many 
shops, belonging to Masaur ^ Fergana, which together 
with ArvaP is the property of the Eani of Jeswont Singj 
whose name it is not decent to mention. She resides 
ftt Bfelkari,® eleven coses from Bagwangunj which is on 
the west side of the Murahar ^ river. The people say 
that near Pollay ^ was the abode of another Oheruyan 
Eaja, none of the caste remain. 

l^th]Nov ember. — My people are now beginning to 
become sickly, for a long time they have been remark- 
ably healthy. I first went south for about two-thirds of 
a mile parallel to the Murahar, which I then crossed. 
It is a small channel, perhaps 20 yards wide, with some 
dirty water pretty deep in pools, but little stream* 
Bottom muddy. About half a mile farther I came to 
the boundary of Behar, from whence to Jehanabad^ is 
about nine milesj but there is no road and the path lies 
chiefly along the banks of reservoirs, and therefore is 
exceedingly circuitous. With a little pains they might 
be made to serve for roads sufficient to admit loaded 
cattle. The road not so bad as yesterday. About two 
miles from Jehanabad is a very large marsh. 

Jehanabad is a large country town, close-built with 
narrow crooked streets, many of the houses tiled, all with 
mud walls. Those that have two stories have at a 
distance a good effect, the roof being somewhat in the 
Italian style. The walls in general on near approach 
exceedingly slovenly. A very little pains in smoothiDg 
them would make neat houses, especially if whitewashed. 
The windows above all very rude. At the junction of 
the rivers a merchant has built a temple, where he has 

(1) Massora, U. and B.A. ; Masaurhi. 

(2) Arval, K and B.A.; Arwal. 

(4) Murahar N., R. ; Little Pompon R., B.A. ; Morhar N* 

(5) Pollay, R. and B.A. ; Pftll. 

(6) Jehenabad, R. and B.A. j Jahanabad, 


placed the grave of a Sanyasi (a Somadi) and the ashes of 
a faithful spouse who burned with her husband's body, 
and images of Krishna, Ram Chanda, etc., and has 
appointed a Sannyasi as Pujari. This person has no 
hesitation in declaring the place to have been sacred for 
many years, but has not had impudence to dream nor to 
contrive a miracle. The temple is therefore neglected ; 
although the junction of the rivers is holy. The situa- 
tion is fine, and the square area in which the different 
small temples are placed is surrounded by a wall, at the 
corners of which arc small buildings for the accommoda- 
tion of holy travellers. Behind is a flower-garden, very 

16^ A November. — I went almost three miles easterly 
to Dumaula, to see the Cheruyan Eajah's house. I 
crossed the river just below the junction. It is a 
chamiel about 100 yards wide with a small stream in 
each branch. It will soon probably be dry. 

The Cheruyan Eajah's hoiise is an oblong heap, not 
near so long as that I saw at Raph, but it must have 
been a very considerable building. The villagers say 
that the merchant who built the temple at Jehanabad 
opened it, and took out the stones and bricks with vrhich 
he erected that work. So far as opened, it consisted of 
many small chambers filled with rubbish. The people 
at Jehanabad say that only a few stones and bricks were 
brought. One of the steps has evidently been a rude 
pillar of rough granite. North from the heap is a small 
tank. There is no trace of a town or of fortifications. 

19th Ncv3mber. — I went to the vicinity of Dora * 
and Kurta,^ in order to see the place where soda was 
collected. My watch having stopt by tlie way I cannot 
judge of the distance, which is called four coses, south- 
east. The cose here I understand is about three miles. 
I crossed the- river just below tlie junction and continu- 
ed near the east bank of the [Jamuna] most of the way. 

(1) Dhourha. 

(2) Kurtha. 


20th November, — I went about ten miles, but by a 
very circuitous route, to Key oa Dol/ I proceeded first 
south-east about three miles until I left to my right a 
village and old mud fort named Duraut.^ I then inclined 
more to the south about 2| miles, until I came to the 
east end of Beyok,^ a detached part of an exceedingly 
rugged ridge of granite among which are only some 
stunted bushes and climbers. A great many turtle 
doves breed in the crevices. It does not consist of 
great rocks but of immense irregular blocks. It is a 
middle-sized grain of a grey colour very slightly tinged 
with red. The felspar occupies much space. The 
micaceous matter black minute grains, in a pretty 
considerable proportion. The quartz granular. It is a 
very perfect granite.* North from this hill are two de- 
tached smaller hills of a similar rock. I went west along 
the south side of this ridge for about one and a quarter 
miles, and it continues some Avay farther, but is exceed- 
ingly irregular. I saw one round mass detached a little 
way south from its west end. I then proceeded south 
through a fine plain for about one and a half miles when 
I came to the west corner of a low ridge adjoining to 
[the] west end of Burabur pahar,^ the highest and largest 
of this cluster, and I passed between this low ridge and 
another detached hill farther west. The north face of 
Burabur is not near so rugged as the northern ridge, but 
is only covered by stunted bushes, but on the south it is 
exceedingly rough and contains some immense precipi- 
tous rocks. Its west end, Dihiri, consists of a fine-grained 
perfect grey granite, much black granular micaceous 
matter. The felspar small and not in a great proportion. 
The quartz granular. This forms the boimdary between 
Hulasgunj and Sahebgunj. Erom thence to Mukdum- 
pur^ at the foot of Keya Dol is about one and a half-miles 
along a fine. plain. The plains adjacent to these hills are 
free of stones. The granite rises like rocks from the sea. 

(1) Kawa Doi. 

(2) Dharaut. 

(3) Bhekh. 

(4) Appendix, No. 16. 

(5) Caramshaw Hills, R. and B.A. ; Barabar Hiils. 
(«) Makhdumpur. 


Keoyadol is an immense very naked rock of perfect 
middle-sized-grained white and black granite. The 
people at a distance pretend that its name is derived 
from a rocking stone that was on its top, so nicely 
balanced as to be moveable by the weight of a crow. 
This they say fell down about 50 years ago, but the most 
respectable people of Mukdumpur say that their fathers 
never remembered such a stone, nor do they believe that 
it ever existed. They say that no blocks have fallen 
within their memory, and although some of the top 
would appear to be in a very tottering state, it would 
seem in fact that no considerable mass has fallen for 
ages, as on almost all the large blocks towards the plain 
are engraved figures of great antiquity, and these blocks 
are undoubtedly the latest that have fallen. All along 
the north side and east end of the hill these carvings in 
relief are very numerous, and represent various deities or 
persons remarkable in Hindu mythology, all exceedingly 
rude and many of them much worn by the action of the 
weather, although as I have said they are engraved in 
a very perfect granite. The figures are therefore of 
a very great antiquity. The only figures almost about 
which any two persons are agreed are those of Ganese 
and the Linga, which cannot be mistaken, but the most 
common represents a female with four arms, killing what 
is probably meant to represent a buffalo. This is called 
by the people of the neighbourhood merely Devi, that is, 
the Goddess, but among my followers no two agreed,, 
that is to say, the image differs in some points from 
any that they know, having several attributes common 
to different deities but others by which it may be 
distinguished from any one of them. Among thosa 
images are several of Bhouddhs or Jains, I will not take 
upon myself to say which, although the former is most 
pro])able, because the chief temple near the place contains 
an image called Bouddh Sen. 

I shall now mention the most remarkable places 
about the hill. At Makdumpur, towards the north-west 
side of the hill, are several large heajjs of brick, which 
QiTe with probability supposed to 1 • " Icon dwelling 



houses of some prince ; but the people are not agreed 
whether he was a Cheruyan or a Eundawut, both of 
which races are said to have governed the country 
before the Muhammadan invasion. The images am 
most usually attributed to the former. Farther east, 
proceeding along the north face of the hill, are two 
large blocks forming an angle, and on each of them is a 
row of figures. One of the rows consists chiefly of an 
repetition of the female figure destroying the buffalo. 
Of these 1 have directed a drawing to be taken. 

Near this is the monument of Husa Mudin Sahei, 
much frequented. It is a large tree surrounded by a 
terrace constructed of pillars, capitals, doors, windows, 
etc., and probably taken from the chief temple of the 
place, which is situated a little farther east. It is totally 
ruined, but the image remains entire in its place in a 
recess at the east end of the temple. It is called Bouddh 
Sen and is of the usual form, made of black indurated pot- 
stone, and the recess has been ornamented with the same 
and covered with figures of the Hindu Mythology, of 
which many fragments are lying round to a great dis- 
tance. The temple has been about 44 yards from east to 
west by 30 from north to south and has been of brick, but 
has been supported by pillars of granite, and the doors 
and windows have probably been of the same material,. 
as many fragments are * scattered round. The pillars 
are exceedingly rude, ten or twelve are still erect and 
entire. The roof has been very low, probably not 
above 8 or 10 feet. Near the temple has been a small 
building of brick perched on the top of an immense 
block of granite, which it has covered, and has pro- 
bably been the den of some ascetic. Some way 
farther forward, a small block of granite has been cut 
square and on each face has been engraved an imagc 
This on the whole although exceedingly rude is the 
most elegant work of the whole. I have therefore 
directed drawings to be taken of it. At the east end 
of the hill are the foundations of a small stone build- 
ing, near which on the face of a rock is a Boudh with 
a row of disciples sitting on his right and a Ganosa on 


his left. Of this also I have directed a drawing to be 
taken. On the south face of the hill, a little west frcm 
its east end, is the most perfect relief of the most 
common female deity with the buffalo, which also 
I have directed to be drawn. 

It is said that a Srotri Brahman who lives about 
a cose off is Pujari for all the idols on the hill, and 
makes offerings to Bouddh Sen as well as the others. 
The Pandit can find no tradition concerning the place, 
except that Jara Sandha stood with one foot on Keoya 
Dol and the other on Burabur. The Pujari is a most 
ignorant creature, says his ancestors have for 7 or 8 
generations enjoyed the place, which has no endowment. 
He is of the sect of Saiva, and being asked why he 
worships Buddh Sen, he says that the image was made 
by Buddh Sen, but represents Bhairov. The Pandit 
seems to think that the ancestor of the Panda finding 
the people still afraid of the image, took upon himself 
the worship, and called the image of Buddha a Bhairov 
merely as an excuse, as it has not the smallest affinity 
to the representations of that destructive power. 

2lst November. — I went rather less than four miles 
to the foot of the hill called Kagarjun,^ which is a very 
rugged peak of granite at the east end of Barabur. 
I had given the most positive orders to have my tents 
pitched at Karn' Chaupar about one mile farther west, 
but as there was a well at Nagarjuni and none at Karn' 
Chaupar this was totally neglected. I however found 
at Nagarjuni a fine cave of which I perhaps might not 
have heard had I not gone to the place, for the people 
here are so stupid, and have so little curiosity, that you 
can scarcely find out any antiquity except by chance. 
An exceeding rude stair of granite and mortar winds 
up the hill for about 150 yards among detached blocks 
of granite,^ until it reaches a solid convex rock running 
east and west. On a little level at the bottom of 
the rock has been built an Idgai of brick and mortar 
which points out the direction of Medina, towards which 

(1) Nagarjunl. 

(2) Appendix, No. 63. 


the faithful turn when they pray. This Idgai and the 
stair have every appearance of being very modern, 
although the keeper, who has 25 bigas of land, says that 
they are above a hundred years old. Behind the place 
of prayer, a small door in the solid rock leads into an 
oval cave, 43 feet long and 18 feet 10 inches wide, the 
door being in the centre of one of the sides. The walls 
rise about six feet perpendicular and the roof is arched, 
10^ feet high. The whole has a marble polish but not 
neat, as the chisels employed in excavating the rock 
have in a vast many parts penetrated deeper than the 
surface that has been polished. There is not the slight- 
est ornament nor moulding, and the roof being covered 
with soot, the whole is very dismal even when lighted. 
It has no aperture except one small door, and is therefore 
hot and noisome, although perfectly dry. A small 
platform of brick and mortar is placed against the wall 
near the west ^ end, and is called the Chilla of Mukdum 
Saha Minhajuddin,^ who according to the keeper came 
here at the same time [as] Sherifuddin came to Behar. 
The Chilla is the place where the saint sat two years 
without moving, to pray and meditate on divine thhigs. 
He had 360 Chillas in this district. On the rocks above 
the door is a small inscription very much defaced. On 
the left side of the door, entering, is a long inscription 
in an old Nagri character pretty entire. On tha 
right hand is one line more like the Pali. The Muzuir 
says that when the saint came the place was in posses- 
sion of Nagarjuni Deo, a holy man who was destroyed 
by the saint. This saint afterwards went to Busora 
where he was buried. His son was buried at Behar. 
My informant is a descendant, there are many others 
near Behar, at Baliyari, and at Soho, and at Kotbunpur 
Jaffra^ near Nagarjuni where a grandson Kotbun Haji 
is buried. My informant says he is the seventh of eight 
in descent from this person. All the descendants of the 
Saint are Pirzadas. The Edga was built [by] Nahar 

"" (1) Should be " East." 

(2) Haji Hurmayeii; in Report. 

(3) Jafra. 


Khan Newafci an Amil, Mifcirjit Singh repaired or built 
the stair. It was formerly of earth only. 

After breakfast I went to visit what is called the 
Satgar, or seven houses, situated towards the east end 
of Burabur hill. I i)assed the easternmost point and 
went into a recess between it and the next projection, 
where I ascended a crooked bad path a little way 
towards the west. I there came to an old wall of rude 
stones going across the gap between two rocky peaks, 
but the wall is now mostly fallen. There had been 
a gate here, as a pillar remains erect and the stones 
which formed the door are scattered about. Ad- 
vancing west a little way, with an old tank and a 
small level on my right and a ridge of solid granite 
on my left, I soon came to a door in the latter facing 
the north, where a high peak crowned by a temple 
of Mahadeva bounds the plain in that direction. The 
rock at this door has been cut perpendicular, leaving 
a small projection at each side some way from the door. 
Before this door have been some small buildings of brick. 
The door leads into a chamber, polished like that of 
Nagarjuni and equally devoid of ornament. It is about 
16 feet from east to west and 40 from northio south, 
and about seven high to the spring of the arch, ^^t its 
west end is a platform about a foot high and three feet 
broad. On the projection west from the door are three 
images in relief, very much defaced. One is evidently 
a liuga. The others seem to have been males with twa 
arms and standing. It is impossible to say what these 
represent. Some Brahmans call them Gauri Sankur, 
but this is very doubtful. On either side of the door 
is some writing. This cave is called Karn Chaupar or 
the house of Kama. This Kama is sujiposed to be 
the brother of Yudishtir, who passed some time here as. 
a hermit. 

Passing round the west end of this ridge to its 
south side, you come to two doors. The first or most 
western is plain, and has on each side a few words 
engraved. It leads into a chamber of about the same 


size with that called Kama Chaupar. At its east side 
is a small niche. At its west end is a door in the 
wall, which is convex, and over the door is a kind of 
cornice. The door leads into a circular chamber, 
arched above like the others and polished in the 
same manner. The floor of these chambers contained 
about a foot of dirty water and mud. 1'his cave is 
properly called Satgar and is supposed to have been 
built by Sudama, brother of Krishna. The other door 
east from the above has been somewhat [butj ^ very 
rudely ornamented, as will appear from the drawhig. 
Under the arch above the door is an inscription of 
considerable length. It seems to have been intended 
to have formed two chambers similar to those of 
Satgar, but although both have been excavated, neither 
has been completed nor polished except in a few parts. 
This is supposed to have been the abode of Lomus 
liishi, pronounced Momus Bikhi, or Muni, a hairy 
gaint of these remote times. 

Having visited these places I returned to the tank, 
and ascending a ridge of granite I looked down upon a 
torrent called Patel Ganga, which in the rainy season 
contains many pools, near which in the Chaterdesi of 
Bhadar about 50,000 peopleassemble, and next day they 
bathe in the pools, besides that during the whole of 
Bhadur perhaps 500 people bath daily. The virtues 
of this were discovered by Ban Eaja who founded the 
temple of Siva on the adjacent hill, and who had 
a house at Sonpur about three coses west from Kama 

Descending to the west side of [the] ridge from 
which I had viewed Patal Ganga, I found a cavity 
in the rock about 7 feet high, as much wide, and 9 feet 
deep. In its far end is a door, and it seems to have been 
intended to have made a chamber there, but the work- 
man have abandoned it after excavating a few feet 
in diameter. This excavation has an inscription, and 
is said to be the Moral or small house of Viswamitri, 

(1) " by '-' in M.S, 


one of the Munis. The passage between [the] ridge 
in which it is dug and that on the right of the path 
by which 1 ascended, has also been closed by a strong 
rude wall of stone. On all other sides the small 
hollow in which these cells are [is] surrounded by the 
most rugged rocks and precipices. These cells, how- 
ever, could have only been intended as habitations for 
ascetics, and why they should have been fortified would 
be difficult to say. Kama may have been an ascetic 
by force, and it may have been necessary for his 
brother to have access shut up. The whole is supposed 
to have been dug by Kama, and no doubt the cutting 
and polishing such chambers must have been a costly 
work, although nothing can be more destitute of con- 
venience, elegance or taste. Although polished they are 
so sombre that two torches and a lantern with two wax 
candles served only to make the darkness visible and 
to see the wall close to where any of the lights was held, 
but the form could only be ascertained by gro]3ing. Our 
eyes were no doubt dazzled by the sun and lights, 
and a stay of some time might have rendered the parts 
more distinct, but the noisome stifling of the air 
rendered any stay exceedingly disagreeable, and I was 
satisfied with going round the walls to ascertain whether 
they contained any passages, ornaments, images, or 
writing ; but the interior of all the chambers is destitute 
of such. The writing is confined to the sides of the 
doors, where alone indeed it could be visible. 

The granite of these rocks is grey white felspar 
and glassy quartz in middle-sized grains, with a good 
deal of black micaceous matter.^ In some places 
that have been polished the felspar is reddish, but I did 
not see any detached blocks of that colour. 

I sent a man to the temple of Mahadev on the hill 
called Surjiruk,^ said to have been originally founded 
by Ban llaja, but there is nothing of antiquity re- 
maining except the images. The linga is generally 

(1) Appendix, No. 38. 

(2) The Gorathagiri HiU; gee J B.O.K.S., Vol. I. Tait II. Dec. .1915» 


admitted to have been placed there by Ban Asnr, but is 
broken. There are two female figures carved on stone in 
relief and called Bhairav, Bhairavi, but both are female. 
One of them has over it an inscription in Deva Nagri, on 
which account they are probably modern. The present 
buildings were erected by a Gulal Baruti, a Dosnami 
Sanniyasi of great virtue and chastity, about 80 years 
ago. He built several other small temples of Siva 
in various places. This is called Siddheswar. The 
temple has been lately repaired by Jevonath, another 
Dosnami, w^ho built a small chamber near the temple, 
for the residence of a Sannyasi, but he only stays 
there at night. The owner, Siva Baruti, of the land 
attached to the temple lives at Lahagunj ^ near Tikari, 
where he is Mahant of an akhara. About five begahs 
below the temple towards the east is a natural cave 
called Yogiasna, or the seat of the Yogi. In this it is 
said that Goruknath passed some time in prayer, 
sitting on an asnaor seat used in prayer, which remains. 
The bottom of the cave, which is merely a cavity under 
an overhanging rock, is said to be always covered with 
ashes, which many use for putting the mark on their 
foreheads. A man that I sent says the cave is not deep 
and contains ashes. All those that bathe in Patal- 
ganga make offerings to the Siva, and a few go to Yogi 
Asna. At the bottom of the hill are to be found scat- 
tered many masses of fine iron ore, called Losinghana.^ 

2Srd November. — My people being employed on the 
inscriptions, it was necessary to halt some days at Nagar- 
juni. I went therefore to visit the neighbourhood. 
Passing east along the south face of Nagarjuni, I found 
that from the stair leading up to the Dorga there had 
run a wall of stone parallel to the hill, and termi- 
nating on the Bunbuni ^ where the hill also terminates. 
The Bunbuni has here on its opposite bank a small 
granite ridge called Uawa. The Bunbuni a little way 

(1) Lashkarganj ? 

(2) Appendix, No. 105. 

(3) Bhurbhuri, in Report. 

190 JOUfeNAL OF FRANCIS feUCIIANAl^. t^.fe.O.ft.B. 

below joins the [west j^ branch of the Fulgo called San, ^ 
and on their west side is a fine plain called Ram 
Gaya, about a mile from north to south, bounded on 
the former by the hill called Soleya and on the 
south by Nagarjuni, which is a very narrow ridge 
through the immense blocks of which are many 
openings that admit the light to pass. The plain 
from east to west is very irregular, a small hill named 
Murli rising in its middle and an arm of Nagarjuni 
passing from its west end far through the plain to- 
wards the east. There are many heaps of bricks and 
stones throughout the plain, and an old road leads up 
to the top of Murli, where there appears to hare been 
some building ; but the most remarkable antiquity is 
in the recess between the two arms of Nagarjuni. On 
entering the recess you first find a heap of brick* 
Then you come to the foundation of a wall of stone 
forming with the northern arm of the hill an oblong 
area, in which there is a heap of brick and a welh 
The west end of the area has been shut up by [a] 
building of brick, which may have been 50 by 30 
feet. It has contained many stones, some of a fine 
hornblend with very large crystals, but not polished* 
In the rock immediately adjoining to the east front of 
tlie building, is a door leading into a small chamber 
about 10 feet by 15, arched abore and polished, but 
the arch is not above 9 feet high. There is an inscrip- 
tion on the sides of the door. It is said to be the Mirza 
mandin or house of a Moslem noble ; but the inscrip- 
tion is Hindu. At the north end of the brick building 
has been a stone door leading out to a small angular 
recess formed by the meeting of two great blocks of 
granite. In the face of the western of these blocks is 
another door with an inscrij)tion, leading to another [a] 
similar cave, but a wall of brick has been built across 
towards its far end, leaving a small chamber behind, the 
only access to which is through a kind of window 
through which a slender man may creep. This is called 
the abode of Ilaji Hermain. Tlie house is said to liave 

' (») " East " in MS. 

(«; Suar, R.; Sungr, in Bucham; Phalgo N. or Sunr N. 


been [built] by a Naudiya^ Seyud. It is possible that 
a Moslem may have built his house in the place, and 
made use of the Hindu cave as a concealment for 
treasure, and the brick wall countenances this opinion, 
but no doubt the plain from the number of ruins has 
been a town, and probably the residence of the Hindu 
prince of whom so many works remain in the neighbour- 
hood. The neighbouring Brahmans say that Ram per- 
formed his ceremony on Gaya here, and still about 20,000 
people assemble on the plain on the Viswa or end of 
Chaitra. The Brahmans of Gaya have found it con- 
.venient to have a Eam Gaya nearer themselves : but 
many of the Goyali Brahmans come to the Mela and 
employ the Srotriya Brahmans of the i)lace to perform 
some ceremonies for them. The only temple remaining 
is a small ruinous temple of Siva. 

22rd Kovemher. — I went above five coses, called 
three, to visit the quarries near Kukuri.^ I crossed the 
Munmuni at the end of Nagarjuni, and about 1 J mile 
from the tents. I came to the bank of the Eulgo, up 
which I proceeded about half a mile to Sultanpur.^ 
Where I crossed it the channel is above a quarter of 
a mile in width, but is even now mere sand with a few 
shallow pools of water and a very trifling stream 
indeed, but plenty of good water may at all seasons be 
procured by digging a very little way into the sand. 
I continued to go south for about 1^ miles until I had 
the little hill Keiii on my right and Lcdi on my left, 
feoth appear to be small heaps of granite. I then 
turned east I oi sl mile and passed close by the south 
side of Lodi. About 1^ miles farther east came to 
Bauniya,^ a village with a kind of wretched mud castle 
with loopholes and rather ruinous. About four miles 
farther on, came to Laili,^ another village with an old 
mud castle, and about four miles farther I came to 
another called Katari.^ Near this are several images 

(1) Nawdyah, R. ; Nawdia, B.A. ; Naudiha. 

(2) Khukhari. 

(3) Sultanpur. 

(4) Rauniyan. 

(5) Naili. 


carved on detached stones of hornblende, and such as 
are carved on the rock at Keoyadol. The female figure 
killing a buffalo is much larger than any of the others 
and differs a good deal from those at Keoj^a Dol, having 
eight hands, and the head of the buffalo is separated 
from the body which a lion is tearing, while the female is 
killins: a man seated on the neck of the buffalo. This 
figure is called Jagadumba and the others were called her 
children, although two of them represented Hari with 
Gauri his spouse sitting on his knee. These villages 
with castles belong to Mitrjit, and were fortified by his 
grandfather, who had predatory habits. 

Erom thence I went about half a mile to the 
quarry on the hill called Ealuya ^ from the number 
of bears that it shelters. It consists of several small 
heaps and peaks of granite,^ about a mile in length 
and a quarter of a mile wide. Towards its south-west 
corner are three quarries of very heavy blackish 
potstone, called by the workmen Song Musa. About 
12 years ago being in want of work they found 
this stone projecting in a small mass at three places, 
two on the hill and one near it. They followed 
the stone, which is in veins running with a great 
inclination from the perpendicular and covered by a very 
curious granular white calcareous marP to a considerable 
thickness, perhaps in some places 10 or 12 feet. Among 
the marl is found scattered large rounded blocks of a 
rude white jasper* with large irregular greenish marks. 
The blocks are often four or five feet in diameter but 
it seems analogous to the flint found in chalk rocks. 
The Song Musa or Stone of Moses ^ is found in small 
masses never larger than a cubit in diameter and of very 
irregular form, covered with a decaying grey crast and 
disposed in veins, which are covered above and on both 
sides with the marl. One of the quarries is now above 

(1) Baijia. 

(2) Appendix, Nos. 76, 82. 
(8) „ No. 100? 
(*) „ No. 109. 

(^) „ No. 96. 


20 feet deep, and the sides falling in have killed one man 
and disabled two. Another is filled with water, so that 
stones are procured with difficulty, the workmen being 
as unskilled in quarrying as usual with their countymen. 
There is little or no demand for the marl although it 
makes very good lime. It has therefore to be thrown 
out, and the masses of jasper (Baru ^\5j must be pulled 
up with ropes, for they have not had sense to make 
a sloping road. The granite (Urdiya ^\5lwi) is above 
and around the whole, and most of it does not differ 
materially from that of Nagarjuni, but some seems to be 
composed of small grains of white felspar and mica 
intermixed with granular hornblende.^ About a quarter 
of a mile north from Baluya is a large heap of granite, 
a quarry of the Marl (Chunapatar),^ not quite so harsh 
as that on Baluya, has been opened. It is said that the 
bridge of Eutwah was constructed with this lime, and 
the excavation is pretty considerable and quite super- 
ficial, surrounded on all sides, however, with granite. 
The silicious masses ^ found intermixed with this marl 
seem very different, as it is of an uniform grey colour 
but seems to contain many disseminated masses of 
felspar. This little heap is called Chuniya. It is said 
that Mr. Thomas Law took it as a substance for 
making chinaware, but this is probably a mistake. We 
can scarcely suppose any European to have been so 
ill informed. I saw not the smallest trace of animal 
exuvise among this marl. 

Between the heap called Chunea pahar and the 
quarry on the hill Baliya, is a small smooth heap which 
seems to contain a mine of iron, as all round its bottom 
is covered with little bits of ore * which is entirely 

Having examined these I visited the quarry on the 
hill called Jerra or Paterkati,^ situated about a mile 

(1) Appendix, Nos. 82, 76. 

(2) „ No. 101. 

(3) „ No. 1. 

(4) „ No. 89. 

(5) Jarha or Patharkatl. 

1^ Kes. J. 


south-westerly from Baliya. It is also very nigged, 
and consists in a great measure of granite, but its 
southern end is chiefly of the hornblende kind. The 
greater part is black potstone with a fine grain, and is so 
much impregnated with silicious hornstone that it has 
a conchoidal fracture. ^ It is very hard and (is] used 
for making pestles and mortars. It is called merely 
Kalaputur or black stone. There is how ever a very fine 
quarry of [hornblende]^ consisting of large crystals, ^ 
which is called Visbnupodi, because it was employed 
to erect the temple of that name at Gaya, and the m ork- 
men were brought from Jaynagar on purpose. There is 
no demand for this stone now, and the Avorkmen are 
reduced to live by making cups, plates, etc. of the pot- 
stone, and mortar and pestles of that impregnated with 
silicious matter. Very fine masses of the pure hornblende 
may be procured, the silicious potstone is more inter- 
sected by fissures. 

The tradition at the quarry is that it was first 
wrought by Harchand Ilajah, who built ilotas and dug 
the caves of Burabur, etc., and who finding the materials 
too hard desisted and sent his workmen to Alura 
(EUora) in the south, where he dug very great works in 
the rocks. 

In the evening I returned to Nagarjuni by a route 
further north, leaving Tatariya'* and Danmoa,^ two small 
hills, on my left and Niyera^ on my right. These hills 
are low and smooth and therefore probably of a different 
structure from the rugged granitic masses of the neigh- 
bourhood (consist). Near the Eulgo I had on my right 
a very rugged ridge named [Jibhiya] on which there is 
a small temple of Siva, and I passed close to a granitic 
heap which is [south] from the above mentioned 
ridge. The Eulgo here divides into two. The western 

(1) Appendix, No. 10. 

(^y Hornstone " in MS., but aee later, and also East India Vol. I.p. 262. 

(") Append X No. 113. 

(4) Tetariya. 

(^) Dhanmahua. 

(«) Nadira. 


branch called Sanr passes on one side of the ridge, and 
the eastern branch retains the name and passes on its 
other side.^ 

2Uh November, — I went a little way east to Ibra- 
himpnr ^ in the fork between the Sanr and Eulgo rivers. 
To the former from Nagarjuni is about § of a mile. 
The river is about J of a mile [wide] . Immediately in 
the fork has been a small fort with round bastions at the 
corner, but the buildings within have left several heaps, 
one round and pretty considerable. The walls of a 
small brick building are still remaining. The village 
extends about half a mile from the fort to the mosque, 
which is small and covered with three domes, but is not 
destitute of taste. It stands on a terrace raised on short 
thick pillars, which support flags under which some holy 
men have made hovels. There is a gate and place for 
a crier on the east side of the terrace, opposite to the 
mosque which occupies the western. South from the 
mosque has been the house of Ibrahim the conqueror 
of the vicinity, who with the spoils of the infidels seems 
to [have] erected a large abode of brick and stone. Two 
parts of the walls only are now standing, but the size 
of the heaps of ruins shew that the building has posses- 
sed considerable dimensions. This Ibrahim was a great 
saint, and is buried at Behar. 

2Mh November. — I went to Aima Choki ^ and by 
the way visited Kenipahar, where it was said there 
were some remains of antiquity. Eather less than 
two miles from Nagarjuni I came to the boundary 
of Sahebgunj, and followed it a little way south, 
having that division on my right and Holasgunj on my 
left for about a quarter of a mile. About one mile 
from the boundary I came to the Eulgo, which I 
crossed obliquely for half a mile to Keni, which is 
washed by the river. It is a great heap of very large 

(1) Westernmost branch now called Phalgo N. and easternmost branch 
Mohane N. The former divides again about eight miles further 
north, and its eastern branch is called Sunr N. 

(2) ibrahlmpur or Jaru. 

(3) Alwan. 


masses of perfect granite, where very fine stones might 
be procured. I went a little way along its south side, 
where I found a small temple. The Pujari said that 
the only thing remarkable was a cave where a hermit 
had passed his time in devotion. With great difficulty 
I scrambled up the rock and found the hermitage to be 
a den under a shelving rock not above three feet high, but 
wide and long enough to shelter several people, and quite 
dry. The priest then shewed me at the foot of the hill 
a large block of granite under a tamarind tree, where 
he said the great man (Mahapurus) was wont to play 
(Kelna) . What play the holy person used I cannot say. 
There were two holes on the stone such as those in 
which the j)eoj)le here often beat rice, l^roni the east 
end of Keni I proceeded about 1^ miles east to join 
the great road between Patna and Gaya, which is 
miserable. I followed it south-T\ est for about three miles 
to Aima Choki, so that my route was exceedingly 

26th November. — I went to Sahebgunj. The road 
until near that place leads near theFulgo, and is very 
bad. About a mile from 11am Sil are two ruined 
small mud forts called Ale^n. They seem of modern 
Hindustani structure, l)eing square with bastions at the 
•orner. South from them I crossed the Fulgo, which is 
very wide and contains some small islands. Rather 
more water than at Nagarjuni, and several fine canals go 
from it for irrigation. The water clear. In the rainy 
season it rises and falls with great suddenness. I 
crossed at Ramsil. The Gunj begins a little way south 
from thence and is not large ; but the streets are 
straight and tolerably AA'ide, with a row of trees on each 
side. Almost all the houses are tiled, but in general 
small and poor. Some however are decent, and some 
are built of brick or rough stone. The Jail is large, and 
consists of several ranges of tiled buildings surrounded 
by a strong wall of rough stone and brick. South 
from the Jail are two gateways with a street between, 
one is like a triumphal arch built after the European 


style with brick. It never seems to have been 
finished. These gates seem to have been intended 
to have formed the entrance into a serai, which has 
never been finished. They are attributed to Mr. Seton, 
one when Register and the other when Judge. The town 
may be father more than half a mile from north to 
south and somewhat less from east to west. 

29/A November. — I went to visit Ramsil, which is 
about a mile from the south end of the town. At its 
south side is a tank dug a few years ago by a Krishna 
Chond Bose of Calcutta. Immediately above this is an 
European bungalow, beyond which, passing to the north 
with the hill on the left, you come to the Imamvari, 
a small building. Beyond this, where the hill comes to 
the edge of the Pulgo, is a small but neat temple of Siva 
built after the Moslem style with a dome, and adjacent 
to it is a small tank surrounded by a wall of stone with 
turrets on the corners. The stone of the temple and 
tank is in rough masses covered with plaster. Two 
inscriptions in white marble, one in Songs krit the other 
in Persian. It was lately (about 20 years ago) built by 
Trikait Bai, Dewan of the Nawab Vazir. 

From the temple of Siva to the top of the hill 
the above mentioned Krishna Chond has constructed 
a way, where the hill is steep in the form of a stair, 
and where the declivity is small in [the] form of a sloping 
pavement. Both are constructed chiefly of rude stone 
found on the hill, united with lime, and are inconceiv- 
ably rude. In the rainy season the stones are so slippery 
that many of the pilgrims have been severely hurt, and 
if the ascent has been rendered more easy, the descent 
has become much more dangerous. On the left at the 
top of this stair is a small temple of rude stones, said 
to be that of Ram and Sita. The images shown as 
such and as Hanuman appear to be totally different 
from such as I have before seen. That of Sita has 
been broken, and the larger portion thrown out. 
Above this has been constructed a terrace of stone, 
mostly of granite which must have been brought horn 


a distance. On this is a small mundir of cut granite 
which contains a Linga. The Pandas have no tradition 
by whom it was built, they know that the image came 
to the place of itself (Prakas) . The same Krishna Chand 
lias erected a small and rude Nat Mandir in front of this 
temple. It seems evident to me that the temple has 
been built of the ruins of another, which has been much 
larger and probably occupied its present site, or rather 
the whole summit of the hill. For a great many of the 
stones of which the terrace consists, from the ornaments 
carved on them being broken through the middle and 
placed without symmetry, show that they have been taken 
from a ruin ; and those Avhich contain no ornaments are 
exactly of the same granite with them Avhich are carved 
and with the temple. The mass contained in the terrace 
is vastly larger than that of the temple, and a great 
many stones of the same kind have been employed in 
the structure of the stair. From this I judge that the 
old temple has been mucli larger than the present, and 
the present temple also contains many stones ornamented 
with carvings that could not have been intended for 
their present situation. Raja Mitirjit indeed alleges 
that no one of the present temples at Gaya is above 90 
or 100 years old. What the God was which occupied 
the old temple, I cannot say. Among the ornaments 
built into the new temple or terrace I observed nothing 
in the human form, but on the terrace are lying several 
images, and by the sides of the stair are placed a good 
many, some of which are still objects of worship and most 
of which are exactly in the same style with those called 
Earn, Sita, and Hanuman. Most of them are standing, 
which is here considered as a sign of their gods wor- 
shipped by orthodox (Astik), but some are sitting, which 
R-aja Mittrejit contends is a proof of their having been 
made by heretics (Nastik) . Among them is one evidently 
of a Buddh in the usual sitting posture, but it is at 
present worshipped as Brahma. This imjige is however 
said to l)e a stranger. A Brahman two or three years 
ago found it among the ruins of Kurkihar, about six coses 
east from Ram Sil, and established it on the liill with a 


small endowment for a priest. There are however other 
images in a sitting posture, especially some said to re- 
present Bhairob, but quite different from such as I have 
seen of that deity. I have seen the same, however, both 
in the ruins of Peruya and Mungger, and it seems to me 
to represent a man sitting in a boat, but so very rude 
that I may readily be mistaken. The priests were very 
sturdy beggars. 

The view from Ram Sil is exceedingly fine — an 
immense rich plain like a map under your feet, studded 
with little rocks, and terminating towards the south and 
east by mountains. The hill is very rocky, barren, and 
parched, but not so rugged as those of proper granite. 
It has more the appearance of those of petrosilex, and 
the stone ^ cerfcainly approaches nearly to that, being 
divided by numerous fissures, horizontal and vertical, 
into cuboidal masses, and being exceedingly hard. It is 
however an aggregate, consisting of black, ash-coloured, 
and some glassy particles, concerning the nature of which 
I cannot pretend to decide, but they may be of the 
three natures usually found in granite, somewhat changed 
from their usual appearance. 

30^^ I^ovemher 1811. — I went south-east in order 
to view that part of this overgrown division. 

Crossing the Fulgo obliquely, I went up its east 
bank to a small hill al^out a mile from the south end 
of Saheljgunj. The country near the river very poor 
and sandy, but planted with mangos and palms, which 
grow well enough. At this hill I turned easterly, 
and for about a cose went along high poor land, 
very badly occupied but clear. I however crossed two 
fine canals conveying water from the Fulgo, and even 
now containing streams. About a mile from the river 
[I] had on my lef b a small cluster of low bare hills, 
named Gunhar. ^ On the eastern edge of the high 
land towards my right was a low smooth bare hill. 

(1) Appendix, No. 11. 

(2) Gandhar. 


Beyond this for about 2| miles I went through very- 
fine rice lands belonging to Sohipur, ^ where there is 
a pretty large tank quite choked with weeds. Beyond 
this rice ground I went about a mile over high poor 
land, covered with bushes, and passing through an open- 
ing in a long bare broken ridge extending from south- 
west to north-east for a consideral3le way, I first came 
to a small hill on my right, consisting of arid white quartz. 
The low hills forming the left of the passage consist of 
quartz or rude jasper, in some places stained red. The 
north end of the south part of the ridge, ^ which is by far 
the highest, consists also of a white silicious stone with 
neither the fracture of flint nor of quartz, and stained 
of a dirty red in irregular specks. On passing this 
ridge I had in full view the Moher ^ hills, leaving 
on my left a high conical peak with a chain of low hills 
running to the south. The Moher hills are smoother 
than the last-mentioned ridge and covered with stunted 
trees. I passed between the large hill and a small hill 
Tilheta* beyond its southern end ; but saw no rock near. 
The fragments are of silicious stone, white and reddish, 
with a foliated texture in decay. The Moher ridge is at 
least four miles from that of Sohipur. The country be- 
tween very much neglected, perhaps one-third of it waste. 
There is however much rice and some dry field, but I saw 
no irrigation by machinery except at Moher, where there 
are some gardens. Near the Sohipur hills is a small river 
in a narrow deep channel of clay called the Kewar. ^ It 
contains however a fine little stream, and I passed 
a canal (another river) ^^ taken from it for irrigation. 
In the middle of the plain I came to a large heap on 
the south side of a large tank. Both are called Badan, ^ 
and the peasants at work near it liad no tradition 
concerning the place. It seems to me to have been a 
large temple. At its side are lying three broken images, one 

(1) Sohaipur. 

(2) Bandhuwa. 

(8) Mahar (Maher). 

(4) Telheta. 

(5) Palmar N. 

(5«) Written afterwardd 
(e) Bhadan. 


in a standing posture, with two arms resting on the heads 
of two dwarf attendants, has a resemblance to one of the 
figures in the Elephanta. At Koch I observed two such, 
one called Surja has in both of the hinder hands a wheel 
or Chakra. The other has such in his left hand and a 
mace or some such instrument in his right. This was 
there called Vishnu. The other two are the common 
representations of Buddhs in a sitting posture. 

Between Badan and Moher is the Bangsi, ^ a fine 
little river in a narrow channel of clay, which sends 
off several canals for irrigation. Immediately beyond 
Tilhetais a fine tank in good repair. From Moher 
to Puttehpur ^ is about B^ coses. The first 1^ cose to 
Dibor^ is mostly waste, with stunted Palas trees. Dibor 
is a good village with some sugarcane. About a cose 
beyond Dibor is a large brick Math belonging to the 
Sannyasis, where about 20 reside. Near it is a large 
Grange or farm. The building large but clumsy. The 
country west from thence waste, east from it to Eutehpur 
well cultivated. Rice chiefly, some sugar. Eutehpur 
is the residence of Bahadur Sing, a Kutteri, who pur- 
chased it. Komgar Khan the original proprietor. 
Bahadur Sing very kindly invited me into his house, but 
I could not stay. He made his fortune of a Major 
Crawford who took Bijaigur. Euttehpur is a large 
village with a mud fort in tolerable condition, which nc^ 
serves aa a zanana. 

About a mile from Euttehpur I came to the Darhai,^ 
a wide sandy and rocky channel with a little cleai 
stream, and affording canals for irrigation. The rod 
in its channel is a fine-grained grey granite with 
silver mica, but much decayed. On the east side ol 
the Bangsi is Dunaiya^ belonging to Mahummad 
Husayn of Shakhpur, who takes the title of Nawab. 
He is building a neat brick house at this place and his 

(1) Bans'! N. 

(2) Fatehpur. 

(3) Dhibar. 

(4) Dahder R. ; R. and B.A. ; Dhadhar N. 
(fi) Dunalya. 


residence there will perhaps tend to improve the country, 
for all beyond Dunaiya to near Katautiya ^ three coses 
east is a forest, stunted near Dunaiya but containing 
large trees towards the hilis. The most common trees 
the Boswellia which I see notched for extracting the 
rosin ; the Catechu from whence some drug is prepared ; 
and the Asan and Emblica. At Katautiya some Tasar is 
reared by the Ghatwars, who occupy that village and 
cultivate much in the same style as in the jungles of 
Banka. Maize and Orrhor with probably Maruya seem 
to be their chief crops, but they also raise Bhut, Sirsu, 
Kurti, and Cotton. Mr. Christian has induced them to 
sow indigo merely for the seed, and it has thriven amaz- 
ingly. The second cutting five feet high. The Ghatwars 
have exactly the same countenances with the hill tribes. 
They speak only the Hindi dialect, and say that they are 
different from the Bhungiyas. I went about a mile south 
from the village to the foot of Gauripa ^ the highest 
peak of a granitic ridge extending east and west about 
four coses. Gauripa is about one cose from the west end of 
the ridge, and consists of a large-grained granite, white 
quartz and felspar, and black foliated mica. On its top 
is said to be an image of Gnrupasin carved in the human 
form. The peak was so high and rugged that I could 
not ascend. All the neighbouring castes when afraid 
offer sacrifices. There is no priest, and if one is required 
the votary brings a Purohit with him. I returned, and 
at Dunaiya found that the Nawab's people, it being even- 
ing, had prepared a dinner for me, and I was sorry that 
I could not accept of the kind offer, but as it was I did 
not reach my tents until two in the morning. My 
watch now goes so ill that I cannot rely in computing 
distances by it. 

Ist December. — I went to Preth Sila, distant three 
coses by a fine road with a roAv of trees on each side, 
made by Monun Dotto Bose^ a Bengalese, about twenty 

(1) Kathawtiya. 

(2) Gurpa. 

(8) Madanmohan Datta, in Report. 


years ago. Pret Sila is the most considerable peak 
of a cluster of rocks either granitic or approaching to 
granite in their nature, but having also a nature 
approaching to hornstone like the neighbouring rock 
of Eanisila. The lower peaks are the most rugged, 
and are of the more clearly defined granite, while 
Prethsil is not so much broken and its stone is 
smaller-grained and more flinty in its fracture.^ At 
the bottom of the hill is a small tank and some buildings 
for the accommodation of pilgrims, constructed by the 
same Modon Dotto. A small spring, very dirty and swarm- 
ing with frogs, runs from the bottom of the hill into the 
tank. The ascent of the hill is by a stair constructed by the 
same Modon Dotto, as rude as that of Eamsil and much 
steeper, but not so long. Most of the stones are rude 
fragments taken from the hill, but many are squared 
perfect granite brought, I suppose, from Burabur, as the 
stone is of the same nature. The people say that these 
squared stones are those of a former stair which had 
become ruinous and was too narrow ; but had been 
entirely constructed of such stones. Modon Dotto has 
carved his name on several steps of the stair in different 
places. Several small images are lying by the side of 
the stair in different places. One only is I believe an 
object of worship. It is called Brahmapod or the feet of 
Brahma, and represents the impression of two feet cut on 
a square stone. Near it are some broken images, one of 
which seems to me to represent a Boudh sitting and sup- 
ported on a globe held by [a] figure kneeling below. A 
Brahman called it Lakshmi although it is male, but I 
soon found that these images were viewed with no inter- 
est, and were called by each person by whatever name 
first occurred to the person's memory. The buildings on 
the hill, partly by Modon Dotto partly by Ahila Bai, are 
very petty and quite modern. Tradition relates that 
there was an old temple on the place, and I observed one 
pillar built into the stair ; but there are no traces to show 
that this old temple has ever been of considerable siae. 

(1) Appendix, No. 8. 


The original object seems to have been a projecting 
rock called Prethsil, or the devil's stone, and part of 
the ceremonies is still performed before this emblem of 
terror. A priest attends, directs in a very careless 
manner and with no affectation of devotion the manner 
in which the offerings are to be made, and concludes by 
asking a Paisa from each votary, who has previously 
paid fully as much as he could afford. The Paisa was 
probably the whole originally demanded, and the cere- 
mony of asking for it is continued after such an offering 
would be received with contempt. In fact, the words 
were mere matters of course, as no Paisah was given. 
Another fat dirty ill-dressed priest leaned very care- 
lessly against the rock, and the votaries after having 
made their offering according to their rank either 
stooped down and touched his body or threw themselves 
before him and kissed his feet. 

Near the rock and covered with dirt was lying a 
small image carved on stone, which represented Gauri 
sitting on the knee of Sankar in the usual manner, but 
was called Preth lihawani. The other object of worship 
in the temple is a mark on a rock supposed to have been 
made by Brahma. It is an octagonal space abeut 
two feet in diameter, very uneven in the surface and 
surrounded by a notch. The angles are so sharp that it 
appears to me very modern. The inequalities of the 
surface are attributed to the feet of the deity who has, it 
is said, left on the stone three marks of gold. The place 
was covered with dirt, but altliough washed I could not 
from the distance of 8 or 10 feet see any such marks 
with the assistance of a glass, but being short-sighted 
some yellow marks may exist. 

The number of votaries is very great. At the 
Devil's Stone, during 8 or 10 minutes I looked on, one 
succeeded another as fast as the priest could repeat 
the forms, which did not take half a minute. He said 
merely — Pour water there — Throw your pots there — Give 
me a Paisa — or some such words. The whole worship 
is totally destitute of splendour, neither priest nor 


votaries being either clean or well dressed, nor is there 
any order or imposing procession; all is done in a 
hurry with much noise and tumult. The priests are 
quite ignorant, nor do they affect any extraordinary 
devotion. Ihey live at Gay a and resort daily to the 
temple, where they go through the ceremony with as 
much indifference as a huckster retailing petty wares ; 
but are to the last degree clamorous for money. The 
case with the votaries is very different. They seem 
strongly impressed with devotion and the remembrance 
of their deceased parents, to whom they were perform- 
ing their duties. Many of them were old and infirm, 
and required the assistance of friends or servants to 
enable them to ascend and descend the stairs, which 
they did on their bare feet. Some of them from distant 
parts bestowed blessings on me for the protection 
and safety with which under the Eritish Government 
they enjoyed their religion, while two of them made 
bitter complaints of the rapacity of the priests. One 
from Malwa alleged that he had been stript of every 
thing that [he] had ; another that the demands were 
so exorbitant that he could not afford to perform the 
ceremony. ~Foy such evils I had no remedy to offer. 

Srd December. — I went west about 16 j miles to 
view the country in that direction. Not quite four miles 
from my tents I came to a small hummock at the south 
end of Kewali,^ the southern peak of the cluster of hills in 
which Prethsila is placed. This hummock consists of 
a stone exceedingly difficult to break, and consists of 
small grains, some patches are a grey consisting of black 
and white grains.^ Other patches consist of black and 
rust-coloured grains. In some places the black grains 
are pretty equally diffused, in others they are conglome- 
rated into irregular spots. Its fracture is somewhat 
conchoidal, and it is vastly more difficult to break than 
granite. It has no appearance of stratification. About 
1^ miles farther I came to the Yomuna,^ a small river 

(1) Kewall. ~~ ~" 

(2) Appendix, No. 15. 

(s) Jomnah N., R., Pomna N., B.A. ; Jailiuna N, 


in a deep channel of clay, but it contains a fine little 
stream and affords several fine canals for irrigation. 
One of the best bridges that I have yet seen in the 
course of this survey is on this river. It consists of 
three small arches of brick in the gothic form, but is wide 
and the road good, with very neat parapets and a stair at 
each end to facilitate the descent to the river ; just 
beyond it is a neat small temple of Siva. Both built 
by Eaja Mitrejit. Prom the Jomuna to a small hill 
named DhermsaW is not quite 1^ miles. This hill has 
at its north end a small hummock, both are of a smooth 
surface, and I saw no rock within reach to give me an 
idea of their structure. Near Dhermsala I found people 
employed in making lime from Ganggot. 

From Dhermsala to Pochananpur^, a marketplace 
is rather more than 3^ miles. Pochananpur is a little west 
from the llorhar', a river which has a sandy channel 
perhaps ^ of a mile wide. The stream is very small but 
exceedingly clear, and contains many small fishes, so that 
it probably is perennial. Several fine canals taken from 
it. So far the road is good, with many bridges and in 
many places an avenue of trees. All made by Raja 
Mitir j it . Uather more than two miles from Pochananpur 
at a village named Pali,^ I observed three heaps of 
brick, and all are said to have been temples of Siva, which 
would appear in some measure to have been the case. 
The heaps are also attributed to the Kol, once the lords 
of the country. The largest is by the side of a tank, by 
the side of which is lying a large Linga. The heap of 
bricks and stones is very considerable. On its summit 
has been erected a small temple of granite, a few of the 
stones of which are still in their places. Within these 
is standing up the end of a stone of hornblende, probab- 
ly a lintel. On one end of this is carved a Buddh. 
On the hea]5 next to this is placed a square block of 
hornblend, the top of which is carved into a Linga ; but 

(1) Dharampur. 

(I) Pachainpour, R., Pacianpour, B.A. ; Panchanpur. 

(8) Mmhar N., R., Moorhur R. or Little Pompon R., B.A.; Morhar N. 

(4) Pill. 



this obscene object of worship is evidently placed upon 
the heap after it had become a ruin. Near it is lying 
a long stone of hornblende much carved. It contains 
four figures sitting, with many others in a posture of 
adoration. The four figures are in the usual posture of 
Buddhs, and resemble them in every respect except in 
having four arms. The third has no images, but it is 
said that it contained a Linga which has been removed.^ 

From Pali to Koch^ is rather more than 4 J miles. 
From the Morhar to Koch the road has as yet been only 
marked out by two rows of young trees, and in the rainy 
season must be impassable as the country there is low. 
There are several fine wells .(Inderas) built by Eaja 
Mitrijit, who seems to be an attentive Landlord. Koch 
is a very large village, mostly tiled as indeed is the case 
with a great many houses on the way. A few are neat, 
being smoothed and painted, and a very little pains 
might make such houses very pretty, but in general 
they are very rough and slovenly. From entering the 
town I went about half a mile north to an old temple 
of Siva, which is a little beyond the town. The north 
end of the town stands on some large heaps of bricks 
and stones, usually said to be the remains of the Kol. 
Beyond these heaps and a mud fort recently gone to 
ruin, is a tank, and on the west side of this is a large 
heap of bricks and granite, among w^hich are some 
pillars of a curious structure but not exceeding four feet 
in length. 

The whole of these ruins are supposed to have 
belonged to the temple of Siva, and the vulgar allege 
that they are the work of the Kol, but the priest says 
that he knows nothing of the Kol, and that the temple 
was built by Eaja Bairu Indra, but the priest knows 
nothing of what country he governed, where he dwelt, 
to what caste he belonged, nor when he lived. I am 
inclined to think that the temple is of very modern date, 
as so much of the plaster by which it was encrusted 

(1) " See Journal from Jehanabad " (Note by Dr. B.). 
(2) Cowch, R., Couch, B.A.; Koch. 


remains entire that it cannot well be above four or five 
centuries old. It farther seems to me to have been Imilt 
on the ruins of a former temple. Before it are lying 
many images carved in relievo on hornblende. These 
were probably among the ornaments of the former 
temple. Among them are many of Surja, Vishnu, Devi, 
Ganesa, Hurgauri, Krishna and llada, etc.; and two re- 
markable groups, one representing the Avatars of Vishnu, 
amon^; which Budh is omitted and Rada put in to 
supply his place. The other I have nowhere else observed. 
It represents eight females sitting in a row on an equal 
number of animals, but it is called Naugraha so that one 
figure has proba])ly been broken away. Among the others 
were two of Buddh, the only ones which contained inscrip- 
tions. They were broken, and the head of the one and 
legs of the other have been lost, but the whole figure may 
be made out from the two. Their hands are in a postuie 
different from the common, but over the head of 
one is placed a smaller Bouddh in the usual posture. 
I could hear of no other inscription at the place. I w?.s 
here met by the Moslem son of Raja Mitterjit, a very 
obliging young man, who has European instruments for 
drawing and has made a little progress in the art. He 
gave me two drawings of waterfowl which I had not 
before seen, and was employed taking a drawing of the 
temple for my use. Had he masters I have no doubt 
that he would make much proficience. 

Sorujugiri, a learned Dasnami of Buddh Gya, says 
that the account of the actions of Sankara Acliarya is 
contained in the Sankar Dig Vijayi. He established 
four principal muts — Sringagiri, Jaisi near Rameswor, 
Sarada in Kashmir and Goverdon at Jugannat. He 
gives the following account of the origin of the Dosna- 
mis— Sankara came to Kasi destroying the Nastik. 
The Raja was a Buddh, and in order to make Sankara 
love his caste, confined all the Brahmans and dressed up 
some people like them. These people entertained San- 
kara and he ate their food and drank their liquor, after- 
wards some of his disciples did the same and scandal 



arose. The disciples having been accused of eating and 
drinking with low people by their master alleged his 
example in their defence. He reprimanded them severe- 
ly for their impudence in pretending to imitate him, 
who had license to do everything, and heating a piece of 
iron red hot ate it up. As they could not venture to do 
the same they were degraded. They are now mostly of the 
Virbhav and Sakti sect, and have deserted the doctrines 
of the Smart in the South. The Mahants and Chelas take 
the same Upades. None ought to be admitted as San- 
nyasis but Brahmans, Kshatriyas and Vaisyas. In this 
district no Sudras are admitted. Rajputs and Kateri are 
both admitted to be Kshatriyas. The Kateri are very 
common in the Punjab, and cannot pronounce the Ksh. 
The Dosnamis give T prides to all castes. Those of them 
who are Saivi or Vaishnavas give Upades only to those 
of their own sect, but those of the Sakti sect give Upades 
to any one. AVhen they came to Gya, the whole people 
had left the place, which was a forest. They consider the 
image as representing Budh Avatar. 1 he whole of .^thej 
bricks and stones in the present Math of the Sannyasis 
[were] taken from the temple of Eoudh. This contained 
many images of the ordinary Hindu gods, but a little 
different from those used by the Astik. On being shown 
the drawings cf Kej^a Dol he says that they are all 
Nastik, and that I they have taken] vast numbers of such 
from the old temple and have placed them in the new 
temple. The Nastik as usual were persecutors, and 
long stopped the worship of the orthodox at Gya. He 
says that the Nastik and Astik always existed, but that 
sometimes the one sometimes the other have prevailed 
Formerly Vishnu, taking into consideration that mnkind. 
offered innumerable sacrifices and put many animals 
to death, took upon himself the form of Budh A vatar 
and piohibited sacrifices : but afterwards considering 
that this was contrary to the Yedas he disapp3ared and 
sent Sankara and Udayan to destroy the Boudhs. He 
says that he never heard of Amara Singh having built 
Bouddh Gya, but such a story is current, and he says 
that Amara was no doi:^bt a Nastik because in the 


introduction to the Amarkosh he used none of the 
invocations which if an orthodox Hindu he certainly 
would have done. 

4ith December, — I went to Chakun^ to see a place 
where Soda is found. Passing north not quite a mile, 
I came to Ramsil, a hill already mentioned, which extends 
along the bank of the Fulgo for about ^ of a mile. I 
then went north about seveii miles to Chakun, where there 
is an old mud castle still inhabited by an Amildar of Eajah 
Mitrijit. Similar castles have been at most of the 
villages by the way, but they have become ruinous. At a 
distance they have had a picturesque effect, but on near 
approach look very mean. ^J hey usually consist of four 
square towers with pent roofs, joined by lower buildings. 
Turning west from Chakun about a mile, I found the 
saline earth scattered among the fields, for the greater 
part is cultivated. The quantity of soda that I saw 
was small, but a good deal had been scraped away, and 
I could find no intelligent man to show^ me the extent. 
The people said that it is found where the soil is Rerh, 
that is, a poor light earth in a thin stratum over sand. 
When scraped off by the washermen, those alone Avho 
take it away, new soda effloresces again in the same 
place in from 8 to 30 days according to circumstances. 
It is never found in Kebal or clay, nor in every place 
where the soil is called Eerh. 

Tth December. — T went to visit some of the most 
remarkable places in the town of Gaya. This town is large 
and built mostly of brick and stone, but the stones are not 
squared except such as have been taken from ruins, and 
the whole building whether brick or stone is often covered 
with plaster. The town stands on a rocky eminence on 
the bank of the Fulgo, and as many of the houses are large 
looks tolerably well at a distance, but a near approach 
fills with disgust. Some with round turrets and open 
galleries have a very picturesque effect. The streets 
are narrow (6 to 10 feet) dirty and crooked. The galleries 

(1) Chakun, 


which serve for shops are mostly very slovenly, and 
even of those which are neat and gaily painted some 
corner or other is usually defiled by smoke or dust and 
cobwebs. The very best houses are rendered slovenly by 
cakes of cowdung for fuel patched on their walls, and the 
jealousy of the men prevents any reasonable number or 
size for the apertures intended to intromit air or light, 
while the small ones that are tolerated are secured by 
rude wooden shutters without paint or polish. In 
walking through the town, precautions are necessary as 
formerly in Edinburgh. The passenger must call out 
to prevent inundation from above. 

It may be observed of all the buildings about the 
place except the Vishnupad itself, that in a great 
measure they are composed evidently of ruins, and 
consist partly of stone, partly of brick. The pillars of 
course are of various lengths, thicknesses and form, 
as found in various buildings, but are all of granite 
and bear all the marks of a rude antiquity, while many 
pillars have [been] built into the walls. A vast number of 
stones of a small-grained black potstone containing 
images carved in relievo, inscriptions, or the sides and 
lintels of doors, are built into the walls, and the carvings 
and writings are often turned outwards as an ornament ; 
but placed without the least regard to symmetry. And 
unfortunately some of the inscriptions have been half 
built into the walls or cut half away, in order to suit the 
stone for the place it now occupies. Some of the inscrip- 
tions and carvings are on granite, but potstone is the 
more usual material. In fact the people say that the 
Buddhs had destroyed all the old temples, and that the 
place had lain waste and was unfrequented until about 
four or five centuries ago, when the Gyalis again began 
to recover and pilgrims to return, but it is farther 
acknowledged that the place did not recover any 
considerable celebrity until about 200 years ago. 

None of the Gyalis would have communication 
with me, each being afraid that Ms companions would 
blame him, but I was accompanied by the most learned 
Sannyasi of Buddh Gay a, by a learned Pandit from 


Draveda, by an intelligent Purohit, as well as by the 
Pandit of the mission.^ Some of the inscriptions 
Trhich I have had explained are by the Pal Eajahs, well 
known to have been Buddhs, and among the images carved 
in relievo a great many of them represent Buddh. 
Many more however represent various deities of the 
Hindu Theogony, but these are common to all the sects 
of Hindus, and some sects of the Buddhs admit of their 
worship although others reject this practice, but these 
images seem merely intended as ornament and as such 
would have been admitted even by Gautama. In fact 
by far the greater part of these images, although 
evidently representing personages now worshipped by 
the Orthodox, such as Ganesa, IS'aroyon, Kali, are said 
by the skilful to be represented with emblems which 
clearly show them to have been the work of the hetero- 
dox. Others it is alleged are represented in an orthodox 
manner, and it may be alleged that the Buddhs took 
these from previous orthodox buildings and placing them 
in their new temples associated them with others of 
their own heterodox invention. Similar images, ortho- 
dox and heterodox, are scattered intermixed through 
every part of the vicinity for 8 or 10 coses round, and 
in Keyoa Dol are carved intermixed on the same rocks 
and all in tlie same style of art. I suspect therefore 
that the whole are the work of the Buddhs, and that 
some of the images which these used resemble exactly 
what the orthodox emjoloy, but there are evidently two 
periods in the buildings. The figures on the Burabor 
hill, owing indeed perhaps to a difFerence of material, 
are vastly ruder than those of Gaya, and the inscriptions 
are in a very old Nagari still u^ed in some parts of 
the South of India, and legible by the Pandit of Mailco- 
tay, while the inscriptions of Gaya are mostly in a bad 
Deva Nagari intermixed with Tirahuti, and vastly more 

(1) The following is crossed out by Buchanan : "It seems to me that 
if Gaya has in times of antiquity hvan a place of orthodox worship and 
has been destroyed by the Buddhs, it did not lie waste in the interval. 
The Buddhs have evidently erected buildings on the place, and it is from 
their ruins that the present temples have been constructed.'- 


I first visited the Vishnupad with the numerous 
small places by which it is surrounded. The entrance 
is by a very small door at the end of a laae. Over it is 
built a Nohobut Khana of brick and stone, very rude 
and mis-shapen. In a narrow court between the first and 
second door is a small temple dedicated to Gayeswori, 
a female riding on a lion and killing a buffalo, with eight 
arms. The image is one of those supposed to have been 
formed by Brahma. No one knows who built the 
temple, for the Gayalis have no sort of learning nor give 
themselves the smallest trouble about their benefactors 
or building. The second door is scarcely five feet high 
and not above two feet wide. It leads into a long court 
paved with stone, and confined by buildings. On the 
right is first placed a building called a Chatur. A vile 
stair leads up to a court surrounded by cloisters, intended 
for the entertainment of Brahmans. Some of the apart- 
ments are neat were they tolerably clean, but they are to 
the last degree slovenly. In one are placed three images 
of white marble, not so large as human size and clothed 
in dirty yellow cotton cloth. Two are standing, and re- 
present Narayan and Lakshmi. The third is sitting, 
and represents Ahila Bai, by whom the building and 
Vishnupad wexe erected. The statuaries from Jainagar ^ 
exceedingly rude. Farther on to the right of the same 
court is another building erected by a contributioi; of 
the Gayalis for giving entertainment to Brahmans, and 
called a Dhermsala. On the left of the court is first an 
Akara or convent of Sannyasis, said to have been built 
when the orthodox worship was first restored. Then 
there is a rude pillar of granite called Gyaguj, which is 
taken as a witness by the pilgrims of their filial duty. 

Behind this is the temple of Godadhor, the next in 
size to the Vishnupad of all the temples about Gaya. 
All those of any considerable dimensions consist of two 
parts, a kind of pyramid called Mondir and placed over 
the image. These mondirs much resemble the pyramids 
that in Draveda are placed over the gateways of the 

(1) Jaipur; in Keport. 


great temples built by Krishna of Vigayanagar. Before 
the pyramid, and connected with it, is a building usually 
supported by several rows of columns, and to which 
infidels may be admitted. This is called iSatmondir 
or Soba Mundup. The Alondir of Godadhor is very 
lofty, and rudely constructed of granite. The Soba 
Mundip is very long and flat-roofed. Both were built 
a considerable time ago, probably on the restoration of 
w^orship, but having become ruinous have been lately 
in a great measure rebuilt. In front of the Soba 
Mundup is [a] Nohobut Khana, with a door leading to a 
stair of granite descending the bank of the Eulgo, which 
would be a good work were not the stair vastly too 
steeji. It has been just finished, but the Pandit from 
the South when he arrived, just before the work com- 
menced, saw in the old building a stone containing an 
inscription which attributed the old stair and a temple 
of the Sun to be afterwards mentioned to Pritapa Rudra, 
a well-kno\\Ti prince of Warangkol. In the gateway 
leading from the temple to the stair is now placed a 
stone containing a small defaced female figure with an 
inscription over it. Whether or not the same with the 
above I have not learned. South from this stair is a 
Dharmsaleh built ])y Rai Dulobh, father of Rajbulobh, 
well known in the English history of Bengal. In its 
wall is built a stone containing a defaced female 
image with an inscription. North from Godadhor is 
a Sannyasi's math in which are two loose inscriptions 
of some length. South from that Dhermsaleh, and 
adjacent to it, is the residence of a discijile ^ of Madhava 
Acharya, who is Guru of all the Gayali Brahmans. On 
my approach his people shut the door. 

Prom this court surrounding Godadhor there is 
a narrow winding passage into that surrounding the 
Vishnupada. This passage is surrounded by little rude 
buildings. In one of these is an image, not worshipped. 
On a rude pillar of granite at its door is an inscription, 
but it has a modern appearance and was ])robably cut 

(1) Dandi Swanii; in Report. 


after the pillar was taken from the ruins to occupy its 
present situation. On entering the area of the Yishnu- 
pada you have on your right the front of the Natmondir, 
but so near that you can form no judgment of the 
effect which the building ought to have, and can only 
judge of its merit by a lateral view and a consideration 
of the parts. Although it would make only a small 
parish church, this building possesses very considerable 
merit, and was erected entirely by Ahiliya Bai with stone 
brought from a quarry already mentioned by workmen 
from Jainagar. The stone is only roughly cut, although 
soft and easily cut smooth, but the design of the 
Natmondir far exceeds in elegance any Hindu work that 
I have seen. 1 he ground plan and elevation of the 
work will give some idea of the structure. My painters 
failed in an attempt at placing the whole building in 
perspective. The Mondir is exceedingly clumsy, after 
the fashion of the great gateways of the south, but built 
entirely of stone. The Natmundir is a light building 
and the outside of the dome is peculiarly graceful. Its 
inside is not so light, but still is highly pleasing to the 
eye. The most singular thing is that although constructed 
entirely of stone it is not an arch. The stones are built 
in horizontal rows gradually diminishing in diameter 
until they meet at the summit. The chief workman 
says that the dome might have been constructed on the 
same plan of double the size, and required no centre or 
support when building. This is I believe a species of 
masonry totally unknown in Europe. The stones are 
If cubits in width from the outer to the inner side of 
the dome, and each row forming a circle round the dome, 
the sides are parts of the radii of the circle, so that the 
stones are wedged into the row. Every joining is secured 
by three iron clamps. The outer and inner superficial ; 
the former in form of a dovetail, the inner a plain 
parallelepiped. The middle one is also a parallelepiped 
but descends to the bottom of the joining. The key- 
stone is above, wider than the aperture left by the last 
row, Ijut its lower part fits the aperture exactly. On 
the south side of this temple there is an open area 


suflScieatly ample to give a good view of the whole, on 
all other sides it is shut up by wretched buildings, and 
it is kept in a miserable state of slovenliness. At the 
south side of the temple is an elevated terrace of stone, 
brick, and plaster. It is called Sworga Dewai i, and 
on it are several Lingas, one of wliich is exceedingly 
indecent. Into its perpendicular sides are built many 
old images, on one of which representing Ganesa is an 
inscription. Near this is lying a broken pillar. In 
a wall is built a stone representing the nine planets 
(Naugraha) exactly as [at] Koch, but it is Nastik, each 
planet being a female sitting on some animal. In the 
ruins are other Naugrahas, partly of the same form 
partly Astick. ' 

The great temple, besides the impression of Vishnu' 
feet, contains a Siva placed there by Ban Eaja. Ahiliya 
Bai has added a bull or Nandi of white m.arble, very rude. 
Close to the east front of the great temple Ahiliya 
Bai at her death was erecting another temple over 
a rock called Sorusbcdi. The first order of columns 
had only been erected when her death put a stop to the 
work, which is much to be regretted as it would in all 
probability have been very fine. The rock is very rough, 
and the eye of Hindu faith, assisted by a strong imagina- 
tion, can discover on it the impressions of the feet of 
eighteen deities. 

On some of the stones of the pavement between 
Vishnu j)ad and Sorosbedi are short inscrijitions, but 
such as are legible, not yet having been worn by the 
treading of feet, merely mention the names of pilgrims. 

East from the Sumsbedi is a small rude templo of 
Narasingha, surrounded by small irregular buildings. 
Before it, in particular on the left of the inner door 
leading into the area of the Vishnnpad, is an image cf 
Goraknath. I he door of the temple of Nnrasingha, which 
is very small, is constructed of a fine black stone richly 
carved. The lintc^l contains a Bouddh with an inscrip- 
tion on the back of the stc^ne, written transversely with 


respect to the image. Above the lintel on a Separate 
stone is a short inscription. On the wall at the left 
hand of the God is also a long inscription in Devanagri. 
In one of the small buildings north from Narasingha 
are heaped many images, Astik and Nastik, and there is 
an inscription. Within this is a Siva Linga in a small 
apartment. The door is of fine-grained black stone, 
much ornamented, with four Buddhs on the lintel. Over 
the door is an inscription on an old pillar, half built into 
the wall, and another inscription still legible is built 
pito the wall of the inside of the apartment. 

North a little way from the Yishnupad is a small 
tank, very deep sunk but containing only a little dirty 
water. The walls covered with plaster are exceedingly 
high, and at three corners are places where offeriDgs 
(Pindi) are made by pilgrims. The walls were erected 
by Eajah Mitrijit, and the tank is called Surja Talau 
from an old temple of Surja or the Sun, which according 
to the inscription formerly mentioned was built by Pritaj)a 

A short way west from Surja Talau is a place of 
worship called Krishna Dwarika, where there are several 
little ruinous temples, with a cloister surrounding a small 
court, lately built by the Gy walls for their entertainment. 
In the wall of one of the temples is built an [inscription 
and one of the numerous images similar to the Surya of 
Koch has a short inscription. 

I went from thence south-w^est to the outside of 
the gate of the town, where there is a poor tank without 
any building. It is called Boiturni, and many pilgrims 
here ofPer cows to the Brahmans, but it is not one of the 
45 Tirthas. On the east end of the hill beyond this 
tank is a very small rude temple, flat roofed, open at the 
sides and supported by sixpillars. It stands on a rock of 
granite similar to that used in ihQ buildings of Gya, and 
in this is a very large irregular cavity supposed to have 
been formed by the knee of Bhim Sen when he per- 
formed his devotions. This place is therefore called 
BMm Gaya. Higher up this hill, which is called Bas- 


makut, is a brick temple called Jeiiabduu. It consists 
of a small pyramid with a porch in front. No one 
knows who built them. On a loose stone lying in front 
is an inscription much defaced. South from thence, on 
the descent of the hill, is a similar small temple to that 
over the impression of Bhim Sen's knee. This is over 
a rock of very unequal surface and covered with little 
cavities supposed to be the marks of cows' feet, on which 
account this place is called Gauprochar. 

At the foot of the hill on the south side is a temple 
of some size, called Prapita Maha. The lower part of 
the building is of stone. Over the image is a Mundir 
of brick, over the porch or Soda Mundip are five small 
pyramids of the same material. A small stone inserted 
into the north side of the temple near a door contains an 
inscription in impure Sangskrit dated in the [year] 1277 
of the Vikrama Sombot, and relative to this temple built 

by a Eaja Deva, son of Rama Deva, son of ^Pal. 

Immediately adjoining to this on the south are some 
Dhermsalehs, and contiguous to these [is] the Oksha Bot 
supposed to have been planted by Brahma. It stands on 
a very large elevated terrace, composed of ruins and 
having every appearance of a very recent work. Under 
the tree is a small temple of Siva. In its wall has been 
built an old inscription. South from the temple is 
a choked tank called Goda Lai. In it is shown a stone 
supposed to be tlie mace with which Vishnu killed 
Hetnama Rakshus. I had with me the most learned 
persons that could be procured, but they differed very 
Avidely in their accounts of this personage. It was 
agreed however that like Ravana he was the son of a 
Brahman, by a female Rakshasa who were a very ugly 
black race of people, who ate everything and obeyed no 
law, but were very strong and violent. 

West from the Okbyabot is a small ruinous tank 
called Rukmikmid, A\bich has been lined with brick. 

A little east from the Okhyabot is a small tank 
called Brahma Sarawar, lined with stone at its north end 

(1) Left blank. (Probably Ajaya.) 



where there is a small temple built over a hole dug into 
the rock. In the bottom of this hole is a figure, beyond 
all description rude, of Jom the judge of the infernal 

A little north from thence is a temple and porch of 
brick, dedicated to the Markanda Siva, which came there 
of its own accord. It is situated at the west side of the 
Baiturni tank, which I have mentioned as being situated 
without the southern gate of Gya, and immediately 
under the temple of Jenabdun. 

North from thence, between the two eastern arms o^ 
the ridge of hills, is a dirty pool called Gradaveri, on its 
north side are two small places of worship, one dedicated 
to Pap Muchun alone ; the other to Pap Muchun and 
Ehin Muchu. Near them is a well of very modern 
structure called Girdukup, and a Banyan tree called 
Girdu Bot. This shades a terrace with many old 
images. Opposite to the tree is a small temple of Gir- 
deswor Siva. East from that is a neat small temple 
lately built by Mitrejit over a Siva that was found by 
Mr. Seton when forming a road. 

Akas Gunga is a spring coming from a recess in 
the hills west from these last-mentioned places. North 
from them is the ruin of a tank called Vasishta Khund, 
through which Mr. Seton made a road, on which account 
the Tirtha has been deserted. 

Sth December. — I went to view the range of hills 
south and west from the city of Gaya. Proceeding 
along the city I came to its north-east end, called Muruli 
or Girdkut, beyond which is a lower part of the hill, 
called Singrik. At its west end, where there are some 
small modern buildings on the plain, is held a great 
Mela. Beyond this is a small hummock, and a long 
ridge called Mandam in the language of men and Udyant 
in that of the Gods. At the west end of Udyant is 
a small plain surrounded by some small hills. On the 
plain ^re the ruins of a small temple. By them is the 
image of a cow giving suck to a calf, I believe an emblem 
of the Jain worship. It is called Dhenukaruna. 


From this jilaiii I went west between Mondain and 
a ridge to tlie south of ib, dcsconding on a recess between 
that ridge and the hill of Ikahmajoni. Passing round 
the south side of this, at its east end I came to a dirty 
pool lined with rough stone, called Sabitrikund. On the 
top of the hill Avhich is a very rugged peak, is a small 
temple of. Sabitri Devi with a delan near it, both 
built by Balaji Pondit, a Marattah. Near them is a hole 
in the rock called Brahma Joni, through which sinners 
creep. A little north from Sabitrikund is a larger and 
cleaner tank named lladakund. 

I had now surrounded the hill, which consists of 
several different hummocks and peaks, of various rocks 
very strangely intermixed. The greater part consists 
of an imperfect granite ^ like that of Ramsila but in 
various parts api^roaching to hornstone, and this in some 
l)arts seems as if impregnated with hornblende,^ becoming 
black and tough, and in others contains black dots. In 
others again, both the imperfect granite and hornstone 
have degenerated into a white granular stone,^ in some 
places retaining black dots from the mica.* At the 
east end of the hill is a portion of very perfect granite,'' 
and immediately above Bhim Gaya there is imbedded 
in this a large mass of the hornstone,® the two rocks 
being perfectly contiguous. In other places there are 
large rocks of quartz, white, glassy, etc., etc.^ The most 
remarkable is a hummock Avest from Brahmajoni, the 
masses decaying on which have a vertical appearance. 
They are partly red, partly white with a few greenish 
portions, and it is said may be cut into seals. Perhaps 
they approach to cornelian, having a very greasy fracture.* 
West from thence the imperfect granite® and hornstone^^ 

(1) Appendix, 

Nos. 34, 22. 


No. 78. 


No. 23. 


No. 22. 


No. 41. 


No. 27. 

(7) „ 

No. 44. 


No. 95. 


No. 22. 

10) „ 

No. 81. 


is decaying in vertical schistose masses, but where the 
rock is entire there is nowhere the slightest appearance 
of stratification. 

I then went into the town to visit some places south 
from Vishnupad. I went first to Gyakup, where an 
octagon well has been lately constructed by Kara Tant 
of Burahunpur, a petty work for so great a personage. 
Between this and Vishnupad is a hole in a rock with 
a rude image carved in its bottom, exactly like that 
of Jom near Brahma Sarowar, but called Gaya Sir. 
It has over it a rude temple. A little west from thence, 
through hilly narrow lanes, is Minduprista, a small 
temple ofaSakti. A little south-west from thence is a 
rock where Pindi is offered to Godadhor. There is no 
mark on the rock except some Pilgrims' names, but it 
is covered by a small temple like that over Bhim Gaya. 
Bahind it is the temple, with somegcod accommodations 
for the priest. 

9(h December. — I went to Buddh Gaya, distant from 
the south end of (the) Sahebganj near six miles, and 
situated on the west side of the Eulgo. The houses and 
gardens of Gaya extend about 3 J miles south from Sahib- 
gunj. The country through which I passed, overloaded 
with plantations. I here was visited by and visited the 
Mahant, who received me very civilly, and his principal 
chelas, who have been very great travellers, Avere fond 
of talking on the subject, and had here laid aside the 
habit of begging ; on the contrary they are here exceed- 
ingly charitable or hospitable. The convent is sur- 
rounded by a high brick wall containing a very 
considerable space on the banks of the west branch of 
the Fulgo, between it and the great temj^le of Buddh 
Gya. The wall has turrets in the corners and some at 
the sides, and has two great gates, the handsomest part of 
the building. Towards the river is a Dharmsaleh, 
consisting of a long cloister, but not quite finished, 'i he 
principal building is a large square, ^^ ith towers at the 
corners like a castle, and very few windows outwards. 
Xt contains several courts and many apartments totally 


destitute of neatness, elegance, or conrenience. Within 
the wall is also a garden, a plantation of turmeric, and 
a burial ground where several Sannyasis are deposited in 
temples of Siva. The buildings have been erected at 
very different times, each Mahant having made various 
additions, so that there is no uniformity nor symmetry of 
parts. The materials have been taken almost entirely 
from the ruins, and the Mahants seem to have been at 
particular pains to have rescued the images although all 
Nastik, and to have placed them where they might be 
saved from injury. In a small building is an image of 
Gautoma and Mannat, near it in a wall have been built 
images of Sakimuni and Chandamuni. These three munis 
are three of those admitted to have been lawgivers among 
the Buddhs. Under one of the sides of the western gate 
is a flag containing a long inscription partly visible. 
In the wall of one of the courts has been built an ins- 
cription in the Pali character of the Burmas. In the 
wall of the south-east turret of the outer wall fronting 
the river, is built an image of the Sakti, but having 
a necklace of Buddhs in place of human heads, with 
which she is represented in orthodox images. A short 
inscription partly defaced under her feet. Immediately 
north from the Dharmsaleh on a tower is a Buddh, with 
an inscription at his shoulders and another at his feet. 
In the wall south from the gate facing the river is a 
large female figure with many heads and arms. It ise 
allowed to be Nastik and to have been taken from th 
ruins. In a small chamber on the north side of the 
same gate is an image standing with a short inscription. 
The number of Munis built into the wall is very great. 

The Gosaigns say that there is a place of worship as 
celebrated among the Hindus as Mecca is among the 
Muhammadans. It is situated nine days journey beyond 
Tata on the sea side, and is named Hingulad, where there 
is a temple of Parbuti. The pilgrims go from Tata to 
Rambag in three days, from thence to Soonmeane 
three days, from thence to Hingulad three days. The 
inhabitants of the vicinity are Muhammadans, and are 
called Lumri. 


West from the north end of the Convent of the 
Gosaings, on the ruins of the old palace of Asoka Dherma, 
has been erected a large building, constructed lately but 
at different periods and containing two temples, one of 
Jagannath the other of Eam, built according to an ins- 
cription by Ganga Bai. In the wall of the temple of 
Jagannath is also built an inscription but it has been 
taken from the ruins, Jagannatli having been built by 
the present occupant's father. The building on the 
whole respectable in size. It has no endowment. The 
ruin of the palace very large. It has had a ditch, but no 
cavity is to be observed within. 

9th December. — I went to visit some places east 
from Buddh Gaya. I crossed the western branch of 
the Eulgo just above the convent. The river here is very 
wide, but is divided into two channels by a low sandy 
island. The western channel is called Kanoksor in the 
Hindi and Sobornasor in the Pali language. The eastern 
or larger branch in the Hindi is named Nilajun and in 
the Pali Nirinchiya.^ Both contain a stream, but very 
trifling. The channel fully as large as at Gaya. About 
half a mile beyond the Pulgo is a pretty large tank 
called Matungabapi, but it has become dry, although 
a dirty stagnant creek (Balim nalah) passes through it. 
At its north end are two small temples with many images 
from Buddh Gaya, and a small tank lined with brick. 
The plain is acknowledged to be Astik and to have been 
established by Markanda Rishi. About J of a mile 
beyond that, I crossed a small nulah called Dherma rond, 
and about an equal distance farther I came to a consi- 
derable heap of bricks on which four small buildings of 
brick have been erected. One is over [a] deep pit like 
a well, where Dherma Rajah, the son of Pandu, per- 
formed yug. Of course this is the Astik story, as the 
Buddhs perform no yug. One is a temple containing an 
image of that personage. Another is a temple of Par- 
swanath, which is frequented by the pilgrims of the 
Srau Jain who come from the west of India to visit 

(1) Garee R., R.j Aramanat R., B.A.j Uilajan N. 


their holy places. I i m told that most of the inhabi- 
tants of Jainagar are still Jain, and that it is only a few 
years since the present Raja Avas converted by a Mithila 
Brahman and became of the sect of Sakti. The last 
temple is that of Brahma, but I am persuaded that all 
the images are Nastik. That of Parswanath is placed 
on a throne evidently intended for the place it occupies. 
It is standing and clothed. The others appear to 
have been brought from Gya, and many are built into 
the walls. 

xV very little beyond Dherma Bond is the eastern 
branch of the Fulgo, not such a wide channel but con- 
taining a larger stream than the western Ijranch. In 
the Hindi dialect it is called Mohane ^ and in the Pali 
Alahanada. I descended this river, passing two brick 
akaras belonging to the Mahant of Buddh Gya, for al)Out 
a mile and a quarter, to a small new temple called Sing- 
bahini, near it have been buried many of the Gosains, 
each has over his grave a very small monument ter- 
minated by a Linga or more commonly by an ornamen- 
tal stone brought from the ruins and shaped like a bee- 
hive, bat CDntaining images of Munis on four sides. 

I then went down about IJ miles to Saraswoti, whire 
many pilgrims bathe and where there is a smrll temple 
surrounded by Imildings of brick with a tiled rcof. In 
the court are many graves [of] Gosaiyns similar to 
those just now described. I re'urned from thence to 
Matunga Bnpi, crossing Dherma Bond nalali alone, 
Bata nala having joined ib higher up. Immediately 
west from Dherma Bond nalah a heap of red and white 
rude jasper rises above the surface. 

From Matunga Bapi I proceeded west to a large 
heap oi)posite to Buddli Gya, and near the river. I 
at first took it for a small hill, but was told that it was 
an old temple of the Buddlis, and I found that it was 
composed of bricks covered Avith a little earth. The 
people say they remember it as entire as the temple of 

(1) Mahonah B., R. and B.A. ; Mohfina, 


Mahamuni now is, but that it was round and solid. 
Mr. Boddam removed many bricks for his buildings 
at Gya, which reduced it to a mere heap. In digging 
for the bricks he is said to have found a stone chest 
containing bones and many small images of Lak. He 
also removed a stone pillar which has been erected in 
JSahibgunj. A large image like that of Bhairab has also 
been found, but it has lately been covered with earth, so 
that I could not see it. Bound this central temple are 
several pretty large heaps of brick, which have no doubt 
been accompanying buildings. On the whole this has 
been a pretty considerable temple, although not quite 
so large as that of Buddh Gya. It is said that when 
Gautoma Muni came here to perform penance, accom- 
panied by a vast many other Munis, that one of these 
distinguished persons died and was buried in the 
temple, which is called Koteni Bakraur.^ This is the 
account of the Mahant, who calls Gautoma indiscrimi- 
nately a Muni and a Bagawan. Mr. Sisson^ says that 
Mr. Boddam procured from this a small stone image of 
very great beauty, which he saw. Some of the Astik attri- 
bute this work to Amara Singha, but they do the same 
with the palace of Asoka Dharma, Amara Singha being 
the only Buddhist with whom they are acquainted. 

I then took a view of Buddh Gya, accompanied by a 
Rajput who has been converted to the doctrines of the 
Buddhs by two officers dispatched by the Xing of Ava 
to visit the holy places of this vicinity and to bring him 
an account of their state. He says that the sect so far 
as he knows has become perfectly extinct, and that no 
books relating to it are now procurable in the country. 
The messengers from Ava taught him much in the Pali 
or Sanskrit language, and from their books were able 
to discover the old places of worship, which are numer- 
ous in this vicinity, as being the native country of 
Gautama. They said on the authority of their books 

(1) Bakraur. 

(2) "Acting Magistrate of Behar"; in Report. 

2 Ees. J. 


that ^ the temple \ras built by Asoka Dliarma, King of 
Magades, t\-1io resided in the palace immediately adjacent 
about 5,000 years ago. The Eajput calls the Burmas 
Brahmas. It must be observed that some families of 
Bajputs still continue to act as priests of the temple 
of the Buddhs or rather of Mahamuni, for the image 
represents that lawgiver, but he was worshipped by the 
messengers from Ava.^ The Bajputs reconcile this to 
their conscience by considering the image as Budh Avatar. 

I have already mentioned that west from the north 
end of the Samiyasis' convent, there are traces of a very 
large building called the Bajasthan or palace of Dharma 
Asoka. These extend about 1,300 feet from east to 
west and about 1,000 from north to south. On the east, 
north and west sides are traces of a ditch, and on 
the west and south sides there are traces of an outer 
wall with a ditch between it and the palace, but by far 
the greater part seems to have been a very large 
castle probably containing many small courts, as the 
ruin, excejit on the sides where there are traces of a 
double wall, is everywhere an uniform terrace; consist- 
ing chiefly of bricks now covered with soil. Immediately 
south from the palace and separated only from it by a 
road was the temple of Buddh, which by the messengers 
from Ava was called Mahabuddh, [it] has [been about 
800 feet from east to west and about 480 from north 
to south, and it also seems to have been composed of 
various courts now mostly reduced to irregular heaps of 
bricks and stones, as immense quantities of materials 
have been taken away. The largest heap now remain- 
ing is at the north-east corner, where there is a rery 

Passages subsequently crossed out by Buchanan— 

(1) " The place first became celebrated by £ 3 King of Singhala 
having planted a pipal tree which he calls Buddh bru|) or the 
tree of Buddh and which is now called Brahma Pipul, and 
continues to be an object of worship with the orthodox. Thia 
Wjas about two thousand two hundred and fifty yiears ago. 
'About one hundred and twenty-five years afterwards the present 
temple — ," 

(2) " Although they considered the wholo pJaco as holy and took 

^vi^v f,..,M r...f., y tank near it to form a bath for their King.'.' 


large terrace on which are two modern small temples. 
The one to the east is called Bageswori, and was erec- 
ted by one of the Mahants of the convent. The image 
was dug up from the ruins and obtained an orthodox 
name. It had been employed before as an ornament^ 
not as an object of worship. The temple of Tara Deyi 
is towards the west, and its history is the same. In the 
east end of this terrace is now making a great excava- 
tion to procure materials for building. The workmen 
have laid open a chamber of brick, a cube of about 20 
feet, without door, window, or stair. South from thi& 
terrace and separated from it by a road which is said 
to have been covered with an arch, and to have extended 
all the way to the river, but which now only remains at 
its west end, has been a vast range of buildings, but 
the greater part of the materials have been removed and 
there now only remain some heaps of broken bricks and 
images, one of which is very large. 

South from thence has been a tank. West from 
these two masses of buildings has been a court surroun- 
ding the two principal objects of worship, that is, a 
Pipal tree placed on the west side of a terrace forming 
the lower part of a (Mondir) spire or pyramid, containing 
the image of Mahamuni. The arched way led from the 
east into this area in front of the great lilondir. On 
the right in entering is a small brick chamber, probably 
modern, and containing no image. On the left are two 
small chambers, both modern. That nearest the entrance 
contains several large images said to have been taken 
from the ruins and built into the wall. Pive of them 
in the usual sitting posture adopted by the Buddhists to 
represent their Munis are said by both the orthodox 
and heterodox to represent the five sons of Pandu, who 
are claimed by all sects. The other small chamt3er is 
the tomb (Somadh) of the first Mahant of the convent of 
Sannyasis. This person in the course of his penitent 
wanderings came to the place, then overrun with wood 
and bushes, and finding the temple a convenient shelter, 
took up his abode in it, until his extraordinary sanctity 


attracted the notice of numerous pilgrims and he became 
a principal object of veneration among the powerful 
chiefs and wealthy merchants who occasionally I'requent 
Gya. From these he received the various endowments 
which his successors enjoy. Before the porch of the 
great Mondir is a stone containing impressions of the 
feet of a Buddh, and called Buddh Pada, and round it 
have been heaped many images. Among these, one 
representing a Muni has a short inscription under its 
legs ; another has an inscription round the head. A male 
figure with, two arms, having the figure of a Muni sitting 
on his head, has an inscription round his head and 
another below his feet. Adjacent to the Buddh Pada is 
lying a stone with a transverse inscription. 

The great Mandir is a very slender quadrangular 
pyramid or spire placed upon a square terrace from 20 
or 30 feet high. Except ornaments, the whole has been 
built of brick, but it has been covered with plaster and as 
usual in Hindu buildings has been minutely subdivided 
into numberless projecting corners, niches, and petty 
mouldings. The niches seem each to have contained an 
image of a Buddh in plaster, and on each projecting 
corner has been placed a stone somewhat in the shape of 
a beehive and representing a temple. On one of the sides 
of these small temples is a door much ornamented and a 
cavity containing the image of a Muni, and on the three 
other sides are niches containing similar images. The 
number of these small temples scattered all over the 
neighbourhood for miles is exceedingly great. The 
Mondir has had in front a porch containing two stairs 
leading up to two upper stories that the temple contained, 
but the roof has fallen in, and almost every part of the 
ivlondir is rapidly hastening to decay, except the northern 
and western sides of the terrace, which have [been] very 
recently repaired by a Maratah chief. The reason of this 
repair is that on the east side of the terrace there grew a 
pipal tree, which the Buddhs call Buddh Briip, and some 
of them allege that it was planted by a King oc Singala 
before the toirplc was built, while the Burma messen- 
gers alleged that it was planted by Asoka Dharma. The 


drthodox with equal probability allege that it was 
planted by Brahma, and it is an object of worship with 
all. It is a fine tree in full vigour, and in all probability 
cannot exceed 100 years in age, and has probably sprung 
from the ruins long after they had been deserted. A 
similar tree however may have existed there when the 
temj)le was entire. Around the roots has been raised a 
circular heap of brick and plaster in various concentric 
i^tages, and on one of these have been placed, in a confused 
heap, various images and carved fragments of stone 
taken from the ruins. On the pedestal of one of the 
images representing what the orthodox call Hargauri, 
the messengers of Ava engraved their names and the 
date of their arrival* 

The original stairs leading up to the terrace were 
through the porch which has fallen, but the stairs 
are still entire and for Hindu workmen tolerably easy ; 
but the access to a holy place through a heterodox 
temple appeared so improper to the Marattah who 
repaired the terrace that he has constructed a new 
stair on the outside. The chamber in the Mundir on the 
ground story is very small, and is covered by a gothic 
arch, the plaster work on which has been divided into 
small compartments, each containing the image of 
a Muni. The whole far end of the chamber has been 
occupied by a throne (Simhasana) of stone in a very bad 
taste, which has however been much disfigured by a row 
of images taken from the ruins and built upon the front 
of the throne on which the image of Mahamuni is seated. 
This image consists of clay, and is so vastly rude in 
comparison with all the other images as to favour very 
much the truth of a current tradition of the image 
ha\dng been gold and having been taken away by the 
Muhammadans. In fact the present image would appear 
to have been made after the sect had felt persecution 
and were no longer able to procure tolerable workmen. 
The two chambers above this temple are no longd* 
accessible, but many people about the place remember 
the porch entire, and have been often in them. The 
second story has a throne at its far end, but no image. 


The uppermost was empty. These three chambers do 
not occupy one-half of the spire, even in its present 
reduced state. It perhaps may be 150 feet high, but ia 
not to be compared with the great temples in Pegu. 
There is nothing about this work to induce one to believe 
that it has been originally constructed of ruins. All 
parts not evidently quite modern are built with the 
symmetry which shows their materials to have been 
originally intended for the parts they now occupy. The 
outer door of the porch is indeed composed of various 
fragments rudely placed together, but that is said to 
have been done after the roof fell in and broke down 
the door. 

Some of the images are in the best style that I have 
seen in India, but in general they are much on a par 
with those at Gya. Indeed, it is alleged that a great 
part if not the whole of the images built into the walls 
there, as also all the doors, windows, pillars and inscrip- 
tions that accompany them, have been taken from these 
ruins. It is even alleged by the Eajput convert that 
all the images now worshipped at Gya were originally in 
tliis temple as ornaments, and have had new names given 
to them by the Brahmans and suited for their present 
belief. That by far the greater part of them belong to 
the sect of Buddh there can be no doubt, and it is 
admitted by all that most or much of the materials in 
question have come from Buddh Gya, but I cannot take 
upon myself to state whether or not he is accui'ate in 
comprehending the whole. He denies that Gya was 
ever a place of worship among the Buddhists, and asserts 
that it owes its celebrity to Vyas the son of Parasara, 
who long after the time of Gautoma made an attack on 
the Buddhs and introduced the worship of Vishnu. He 
it was who pointed out the various places of worship at 
Gya, but the Buddhists continued their own worship 
until the doctrine of Siva under Sankara gained a deoi- 
sive victory. It must however be observed, as I am 
informed by Mr. Jameson, surgeon at Gya, that in the 
Dubustan Mozhayeb, a book by many attributed to Fyzi 
the brother of Abul Fazil, which gives an accouat of 

VOi. Vlll, PT. ilt& IV,] PATNA AND QAYA DlSTIlICTS. 231 

the various sects in religion, it is stated that the ancient 
Parsis^ claim Gya as a temple of their foundation, where 
Gywa or the planet Satmm was worshipped. This 
Gya is by the Buddhists claimed as a Muni, and by the 
Orthodox it is alleged that he was an infidel. Certainly 
the worship of the Sun was once very prevalent, no 
image is still more prevalent in the vicinity, and one 
temple still continues an object of adoration. Between 
the temple and convent is a rectangular space containing 
the tombs of the Mahants. In its wall is built a large 
standing image with an inscription. 

The followers of Buddh say the Gyasur was a Muni 
who performed religious ceremonies at Kolahal hill, ten 
coses south in Bamgar, the same place where Harischand 
Baja, King of the world in the Satyayug, performed 
his worship. Botasgar was built by Kowar Buedas his 
son. But Harischand lived long before Gyasur, who 
flourished at the end of the Laba or beginning of the 
Duaper. Gyasur is no object of worship among the 
Buddhs. They had no temple near the present Gya, but 
say that Gautoma lived six years under the Akshiya Bot, 
which they call Gautama Bot, and the tank called 
Bukminikund the 'Buddhs call Gautamakund. Vishnu 
Pad, Preth Sila, are not considered by them as holy. 
The messengers of Ava denied altogether Buddh Avatar, 
but consider themselves as of the sect of Brahma, on 
which account they allege that all men were Brahmans. 
That the distinction of caste was introduced by Yy as 
the son of Parasara, who lived long after the time of 
Gotoma, who was one of the ancient Brahmans. Yyas 
pointed out to the people the places now considered 
holy. Sankara afterwards destroyed the Bouddhs. The 
messengers from Ava considered the Buddh Brap as 
the centre of Jumbudwep, and reckon all distances of 
places in the world from thence. The Buddhists of Ava 
pray to the Sun but make offerings, nor do they ever 
burn offerings, and abhor the fire worship. 

10^^ JDecemher. — I returned to Gya. 

(1) Persians; in Eeport, 


121 h December. — I went to Singutlia/ passine^ 
tlirougli Sahebgunj. About a quarter of a mile I crossed 
the Fulgo above the island, where it is fully half a mile 
wide, and beyond it is a barren sandy space. Having 
proceeded east along a wide but bad road for rather 
more than four miles, I turned south and went rather 
less than half a mile to a place where Soda is scraped 
by the washermen. It is an uncultivated plain of 
perhaj^s 300 yards diameter, intersected by a small wind- 
ing stream. The soil is sandy and the grass thin and 
short. The soda efSoresces on the surface, and after 
having been scraped, in 10 or 12 days is again covered, 
but the quantity procurable in a year would be trifling 
as the whole plain is by no means covered. The eflQore- 
scence takes place only in certain spots of very irregular 
shapes. From this field I went about IJ miles to the 
low ridge, the south end of which I passed on the 30th 
November. It consists of four distinct hills besides 
the one which that day I left on my right, and behind 
it are two peaks, one pretty high. I went first to the 
north end of the second hill, which consists of white 
quartz, rather mealy with a few black specks. From 
thence I saw nearly north a high hill named Tetuya,' 
which is one cose east from Patarkati. Near Tetuya 
is a quarry of Khori and a clay called Pilamati. 
South-west from Tetuya is another considerable lower 
hill called Narawut.^ The space between the second 
hill of the ridge and the highest peak is cultivated, 
and may be 300 yards wide. From the peak proceeds 
a low rugged ridge, about | of a mile in length, which 
consists of quartz tinged red. Between this and the 
next ridge towards the north, is a rugged space through 
Avhich the Kewar river flows. It is a narrow rocky 
channel with a fine little stream, by no means, however, 
clear or clean. On the western face of this fourth 
part of the ridge is an imperfect Khori* which has 

(1) SInghatiya. 

(2) Tetua. 

(3) Narawat. 

(4) Appendix, No. 18. 


been dug up to a very trifling extent, so that being 
superficial no judgment can be formed of the position. 
The adjacent rocks on the left of the Pungwar^ are 
quartz stained red.^ The south end of this hill and 
the north end of the one on the opposite bank of the 
Kewar river are called by the same name, Kurheripahar,* 
while their two other ends are known by different 
names owing to the villages that are adjacent. The 
hill on which the Khori is found is almost a mile in 
length, and from its north end I passed about a quarter of 
a mile to rejoin the road, on the other side of which were 
two detached rocks and a long low ridge, all exceedingly 

From thence I proceeded to my tents not quite 
four miles, having on my right the high hill of Moher 
with a row of hills passing east from its north end. 
Where we halted is some way north from the road, 
for what reason I know not, as where we struck off 
there was a fine village with a mud castle. 

ISth December. — I went to Bijabiga,* which was 
said to be only five coses distant, but I am persuaded we 
travelled at least eight. The road however, in order 
to avoid the rice fields, was exceedingly circuitous. In 
the first place I went about § of a mile south to the 
road. I then went rather more than three miles east 
to the norfch-east corner ^ of the Moher range of hills, 
where the rock is an aggregate of fat and mealy 
quartz with some black and red specks^. From thence 
I went to the Dukari,'^ a small channel filled with dirty 
stagnant water perhaps owing to its being damned up. 
The channel may be about 20 feet wide. A little 
beyond it is a large village called Kenar,^ beyond which 
I found no road. About IJ miles from the Dukari 

(1) Paimar. 

(2) Appendix, No. 79. 

(3) Kharhari. 

(4) Biju Bigha. 

(5) Asrah, R. and 6.A. ; Hansra or Sobhnath Hill. 

(6) Appendix, No. 73. 

(7) Dakhin Ganwan? 

(8) Kenar Paharpur. 


I came to the banks of the Darhar,^ at a village named 
Paharpur. The river here forms the boundary between 
Sahebgunj and Nowadeh,^ and is a sandy channel 60 
or 70 yards wide. Trenches drawn obliquely across it 
collect fine little streams that are conveyed by canals to 
water the vicinity. Beyond the Darhar the people 
become more stupid. Most of the people ran away, 
and none could be procured to show us the road. Not 
quite three miles from the Darhar I had to the north, 
at about two miles distance, a large hill named 
Majhuya,^ and to the west of it two small hills* between 
which and it the Darhar passes. East from it are some 
low hills in a ridge, which towards the east approaches 
a pretty considerable peak. 

From opposite to Majhuya I went about 3J miles 
to Sita Mauri, where there is a low ridge of granite, in 
most parts so smooth and low that a cart could pass with 
ease, but many blocks come to the surface and there are 
some low broken peaks. Sita Mauri is a small chamber 
dug into a great block of granite. The door is very 
small, and the chamber may be 15 feet by 10, and 
about 7 feet high in the middle. The polish has been 
attempted, but is inferior to that of the caves at 
Burabur. In the far end are placed two small images 
supposed to represent Earn and Sita. Both seem to 
me to have been taken from Buddh Gya, as one is 
a muni and the other a female figure very common in 
these ruins. The cave is quite dry, and has probably 
been the residence of some well endowed hermit. A 
mela is held two days in the year, the merits of attending 
which are greatly enhanced by there being no water 
near. I had been told that there was an inscription at 
the place, but I found none. On the same ridge about 
a mile fartlier east is a small brick Dorga of Sheikh 

From Sita Mauri to my tents beyond the village 
of Bija Biga is about three miles, mostly south. 

(1) Dahder R. ; R. and B.A. j Dadar N. 

(2) Nowadah; R. and B.A. ; Nawadah. 

(3) Majhwe Hill near Jamuawan R.S. 
(*) at Tllora. 


Bija Biga is a &mall town belonging to the late 
Mr. Boddam's Mimshi. When he purchased it, mostly 
waste. He is said to have laid out a good deal on 
canals, plantations, etc., and having *brought in much 
land has had a very good bargain. 

14M JDecember. — I went to Eajauli,^ six coses called 
four. I first went about | of a mile and came to a wide 
sandy channel on my left, called Teliya.^ About | of 
a mile farther I crossed it where it seems to be formed 
by the junction of the Teliya and Harhari. The former 
is a large sandy channel with a small stream, like the 
united rivers which may be 100 yards wide. The 
Dunaiya [Tilaia] is the western branch. The eastern is 
a much smaller channel, but contains nearly as much 
water, which in some places is damned up so as to fill 
the channel. I went up its right bank for a little way, 
and without crossing it I went about 4§ miles to 
the Donaiya,^ which I crossed immediately above its 
junction with the Danarji.^ It is a wide sandy channel 
with water in small cuts which form streams. About 
half a mile beyond this I came to a village called 
Kanpura,^ at which are some heaps of bricks said to 
have been the residence of Bandawuts. Eather more 
than a mile from thence I came to tlie left bank of the 
Dunarji, and proceeding up that bank for about a quarter 
Gi a mile I crossed it. There is no stream, but water for 
irrigation may be had at this season by digging a little 
way. About 2^ miles [further] I came to this river again 
and crossing it obliquely passed to my tents, through 
the town of Eajauli situated among fine mango groves. 
These were ail planted by a Pakir, a most venerable 
personage, by whom I was visited on my arrival. He 
is a Saiud born at Baragong near Mirzapur, and after 
some adventures in the west came and sat down here 
in the midst of wild beasts and the devils worshipped 

(1) Rajouly, R. ; Rajowly, B.A. ; Rajauti. 

(2) Tilaia N. 

(3) Donaia N. (called Tilaia N. further south.) 

(4) Dhanarje N. 

(5) Khanpura. 

t36 Journal of pranci^ BucnANAK. 

by th6 InMels. After a residence of 25 years he 
attracted tlie notice of Kamgar Khan, from whom he 
obtained a considerable grant of lands, which he has 
brought into culfiyation and ornamented with fine 
plantations. His abode is large, but slovenly and 
mean. He has been a fine-looking man, very fair (and 
of good address, but has too much of the ascetic, his 
face being bedaubed with ashes. One of his chelas 
wears a turban of hair like a Sannyasi. He has the 
character of having been very Intelligent, but his 
faculties seem to have been greatly impaired. 

15th December. — I went to Belem^ in order to see 
some quarries of Mica that are beyond it. About two- 
thirds of the way I found my tents, which had been stopt 
on a pretence that no water was to be had at Belem. I 
ordered them however to proceed. In the first place I went 
about half a mile to the Dunarji which I crossed. The 
cultivation round Rajauli extends a little farther. Beyond 
this is a stunted wood in which, about one mile from the 
Danarji, I came opposite to the south end of a small 
hill consisting of immense blocks of granite, with small 
trees in the crevices. A low ridge of granite extends 
from thence across the Suknar,^ a small mountain torrent 
now dry, and placed about half a mile beyond the hill 
which is called Loheri. East from the torrent this 
ridge rises into a small peak. About f of a mile beyond 
this torrent I came to a miserable Eajiwar village, about 
a quarter of a mile beyond which I crossed the Kuri, * 
a sandy channel now quite dry and about 20 j^ards wide. 
From thence until I came opposite to the end of Kukdihi, 
a low hill, I had woods with swelling ground of a sandy 
poor soil for about 1\ miles. From thence for about 
1§ miles was over swelling ground near the Kuri, but 
the soil good and clear. It is finely shaded with large 
Mohual trees, with a few others intermixed, and much of 
it among the trees is cultivated. The chief crops seem 

(1) Belam. 

(2) Sucknour R., R. ; Sukhnar N. 

(3) Coory R., R. ; Cooreo R., B.A. ; Khurl N. 


to be Maize, Orolior, Til and Cotton. The Orohor very 
good, as in Bhagalpur. The inhabitants of two villages, 
Bhungnyar or Ghatwals belonging to Abadut Singh. 
The huts made of clay but very wretched. Much Seem 
about them supported on Eicinus, as is the case in the 
Hindi villages intermixed with these rude tribes, such as 

In the evening I was visited by Obadut Singh 
Tikayit of Domni,^ to whom all the country on this side 
of the Suknar belongs. He calls himself a Surjabongsi 
Eajput, and such of his people as live pure are called 
Ghatwals. Those who adhere to their old impurity, and 
eat beef, pork, fowls and every other abomination, are 
called Bhungiyas. All towards Korokdea east and south 
is thinly inhabited by other Bhungiya chiefs belonging 
to Ram gar. The roads only penetrable for people on 
foot. The high-born chief is like an ordinary farmer, 
intelligent but without education. He has lost his 
nose, not in the wars of Mars. The people of his 
village exceedingly alarmed at my appearance, a very 
timid small ill-looking people. 

16/^ Decemlcr. — I went first to visit a mine or 
quarry of mica, and j)roceeded up the banks of the 
Belem, about three miles, which I crossed six times in 
a narrow valley, but in some places cultivated by the 
people of Belem. I then ascended a hill for perhaps 
150 feet perpendicular height, when I came to the mine, 
which runs easterly and westerly along the northern 
face of the hill, which is there called Dorpayi. The 
vein may extend 200 yards, but is interrupted in the 
middle by a watercourse, to which there is a consider- 
able descent from both the places that are wTought. 
The vein seems to wind very irregularly among the 
rocks that form the matrix, and nowhere comes to the 
surface, little shafts and trenches are made, and from 
the shafts, small galleries are dug into the vein as far as 
the workmen venture to go, which seems to be a very 
little way owing to the danger of the roof falling in, 

(1) D.unmee, B.A. ; DhamnK 


although the galleries are miserably narrow and low. 
This is not attributed to their want of skill but to the 
wrath of the Gods. A stone-cutter in my employ was 
going into one of the shafts to bring out a specimen, and 
although a Brahman was going on without fear, when 
a Moslem guide called out, Pull off your shoes, will you 
profane the abode of the Gods ? The shafts are seldom 
above 6 feet deep, but some require a latter (ladder) of 
10 or 12 feet, but are not above 2 or 3 feet in diameter. 
The galleries are so narrow that much of the mica, 
which would be in large masses, is broken in forcing 
it out with crows. The lead being easily procured the 
mine should be regularly sunk from the surface and 
the vein laid entirely bare, so that the pieces of mica 
might be taken out entire. All the workmen fled on 
our apjDroach, although they reside the whole year on 
the spot. I understand that one of them takes the 
mine for a certain sum annually, works at it with the 
assistance of his companions as he pleases, and sells the 
mica to merchants. The quantity taken must be pretty 

The rock in the channel of the Belem at the foot 
of the hill is a granitel consisting of a little white 
quartz and much black shining matter, in some places 
perhaps hornblende as it is light, ^ and in others 
probably micaceous iron ore as it is very heavy,* and 
some detached stones which I saw seemed to have lost 
almost all the quartz and to have become an iron ore,* 
but I saw no rock of this kind. The granitel in some 
places is a solid rock, in others it is granular owing 
to decay. It approaches very near to the mine, but I 
saw it nowhere adjacent, and seems to form the 
basis of the hill while quartz the matrix of the mica 
occupies tlie higher portions. Many masses of the 
quartz, however, and some of them containing mica 
are intermixed with those of the granitel, but probably 
they have fallen from the top. There is however 

(1) Appendix, No. 22. 

(2) „ Noa. 25. U2. 
(8) „ No. 36. 


adjacent to the mine in some places as well as 
lower down intermixed with the granitel, rocks of 
granite in a kind of intermediate state between the 
quartz containing mica and the granitel, for it is fine- 
grained and consists chiefly of white quartz intermixed 
with grains of the mica and black shining matter.^ 
The rock of quartz commonly adjacent to the vein 
of mica consists usually of white masses, about the 
size of a filbert, conglutinated and partly glassy and 
diaphanous, partly white and opaque and more or less 
intersected in various directions by plates of mica. On 
breaking one piece which was almost uniformly white 
and opaque, I thought I could trace the transition 
from quartz to mica.^ The surface of the fracture was 
smooth and glassy like a plate of mica, and for a little 
way in there was somewhat of a foliated structure. 
More or less of this foliated structure may in general be 
observed. The mica of Dorpayi, (^^^^) although when 
split thin it is perfectly pellucid, in thick masses has 
always somewhat of a brownish^ cast. Owing to the 
absence of the miners I could procure no large mass, but 
am told that such are to be had, although most of the 
pieces free from rents are very small. 

Having exa mined the mine I returned to Eajauli 
Up the same valley watered by the Eelem are three other 

mines of mica, named Durhi, (^^ft) Beluya (c^^f^^l) 

and Sophi, (3Tt%t^) all within a cose of each other and 
about three coses from Dorpayi ; but the road is so 
difiicult that I could not have visited them without 
walking the whole way. I have since learned that there 
is another vein named Durkora, (^^H;^) but the whole 
were carefully concealed and it was by mere chance that 
I found them, by means of a trader who has been 
threatened for showing them. It was then pretended 
that they were all in Chatra, but this I found is false. 
They all belong to Buniar Singh. 

(1) Appendix, No. 107. 

(2) „ No. 69. 

(3) „ No. 71. 


The channel of the Belem in some places is quite 
dry, in others contains small stagnant pools, and in 
others a little clear stream. This is owing to varions 
springs, which run a little way and are then absorbed 
by the sand. 

In the evening I went about 3J miles north-west 
to Amaiya^ to see an old fort said to have been built by 
a Maga Raja, but on coming to the place the people 
assured me that it had been the residence of a Eunjit 
Rai, zemindar of Jorra, who was a Rajput chief des- 
troyed by Kamgar Khan or his ancestors. There re- 
mains a long quadrangular space elevated by means 
of broken bricks, which is said to have been a fort, but 
it rather has been a castle perhaps 100 yards long by 
50 wide, and near it have been several smaller edifices 
of brick all nearly levelled with the ground, so that 
the place may be of great antiquity. There is no hill 
near Amaiya as Mr. Rennell lays down. 

nih JDecemher. — I went among the hills to visit 
other mines of mica or Abarak. My route lay along the 
Dunarjun which I crossed eight times. Having crossed 
it twice about 1 J miles north* from Rajauli, I came to a 
small peak of large-grained granite west from my route 
with another beyond it in that direction. The river 
here, and where I crossed it next about half a mile 
beyond the little hills, is not quite dry and may be 100 
yards wide. Where I crossed it next, half a mile 
farther, it contains a fine little clear stream which con- 
tinues all the way up. A rock of large-grained granite 
here in the channel. A quarter of a mile farther up 
I crossed it again bettveen the north ends of the great 
hills, and found a rock decaying into vertical masses 
running east and west, a fine-grained aggregate.^ This 
I learned is a continuation of the rock on Durbasa, as I 
sent there and procured specimens of the entire rock, fine- 
grained red felspar, white quartz and black mica.* 

(1) Amayah, R. and B.A.; Amanwan. 

(2) Should be " South. "- 
(8) Appendix, No. 26. 
I*') Appendix, No. 1C8. 


This is therefore probably the rock oi! the north end 
of Singra,^ to which the mass in the river stretched. 
Another specimen from Durbasa contained most quartz, 
a little red felspar, and little or no micaj forming a 

Having proceeded rather less than four miles south 
from Uajauli and crossed tlie river seven times, I 
had passed the hill towards the east called Durbasarikh. 
I then turned east and crossed a low ridge, round which 
the river takes a sweep to the south, beyond this ridge 
I crossed it again for the last time and proceeded east 
along its left bank to Dubaur,^ a village of Bhunghiyas 
belonging to Brijomohun Saha, a Ghatwal. I here 
crossed two small torrents coming from the south, 
through a long narrow valley belonging to this chief, 
and extending to Pangch Bahini ^ ghat, the boundary 
with Eamgar. This pass is situated between two hills 
named Brahma Devata and Gunde. This valley is 
bounded in the west by a continuation of Sringarikh, 
and on the east by a very extensive mass of low hills, 
which is separated from Durbasa Rikh by a narrow 
valley watered by the Dunarjun, which there however 
is called by various names, and after coming from the 
east through this valley for about four coses, turns 
south through the valley of Durachatch* in Chatra, 
bounded on the east by a great hill, Maramaku, and 
on the west by this cluster of Dubaur. 

This village of Dubaur is about half a mile west 
from the hill, and I proceeded up the valley between the 
hill and the Dunarjun about a mile, when I came to the 
first mine named Chirkundi, which is about south-south- 
west fromthe highest peak of Durbasarikh called 
Anyari. Immediately adjoining to a fine rich level there 
rises a small peak of fine fat quartz ^ not above 40 
feet perpendicular, and joining to the southern hills by 

(1) Singur, R. and B.A. j Singar or Sringirikh. 

(2) Dubaur. 

(3) Ranch Bhurwa. ? 

(4) Doomchauns, B.A. ; Domchanoh. 

(5) Appendix, No. 44. 

7 2 Res. J. 


a sliort ridge. On the summit of this is found the mica 
without any gangue excex:)t the quartz, nor has this 
intermixed with ib any portions of mica. The vein runs 
north and south and has been wrought entirely by 
shaf (:, but has it is said been given up for two years, 
although I see appearances to indicate that it has been 
wrought very recentlj^ although to a very small extent. 
Trom this quarry I went to another mine named Bandur 
Chuya, about one mile south-south-east from the former, 
with a considerable ascent the whole way among the 
little hills, on the summit of one of the most considerable 
among which it is situated. All the rock as I 
ascended, until near the summit, was exceedingly 
rotten but is a schistose mica intermixed however with 
red grains, perhaps garnets ^ The specimens are the 
most entire that could be procured. Towards the 
summit the hill becomes quartz, in some places pure 
white, in others glassy, sometimes without the 
least intermixture of mica, in others containing small 
plates of it. The gangue in some places is the pure 
quartz, in others beautiful, a white resplendent matter 
like felspar such as yesterday I took for quartz passing 
to mica ; and sometimes both this spar and glassy 
quartz are intermixed. '^ In some parts the gangue 
has, intermixed with it, portions of mica, in others it is 
quite free. The mica itself is disposed in tables of 
various sizes, heaped together without order, as will 
appear from a specimen of small pieces taken from 
a mass that rises above the surface. ^ Deep in the 
veins, where the tables are large, they are heaped 
together in the same disorder and exactly resemble 
what I saw yesterday. This mine is wrought chiefly by 
trenches running north and south and now in some 
places 20 feet deep, but this seems merely to have been 
owing to the vein having been originally superficial, 
and to have been followed just Avhore pieces could 
be most easily had. No pains have been taken to 

(1) Appendix No. 62. 

(2) „ No. 110. 
(8) „ No. 58. 


remove rubbish, so that the workmen descend into the 
trench by ladders made of single bamboos, the branches 
serving as steps, or by still worse contrivances. The 
whole fled on our approach, nor could I procure one 
fine piece as the tables are miserably broken in taking 
out by the workmen. 

The only village I saw was that of Dubaur, 
inhabited by Bungiyas w^ho shunned me. It is a 
poor place. The valley in w^hich it stands is not very 
extensive, but were it all cultivated might produce 
a considerable revenue and would be exceedingly 
beautiful. The huts in proportion to the abundance 
of materials seem more and more wretched. From 
Eajauli to the hills might become a very valuable 
possession, as abundance of water from the hills might 
be secured in reservoirs. What I have called Eajauli is 
properly Salabatgun j ,^ on the side of the river opposite 
to Kajauli an insignificant place, so that Salabatgunj is 
usually ca,lled by the name Eajauli as being a new 
place in its vicinity. It is a tolerable village, with a 
good many petty traders and shops [and] besides the 
Fakir's residence has a Sangot of the followers of 
Kanak, a large neat-looking place with a tiled roof. 

19ih December.— ^1 went about eight miles, called 
three coses, to Akbarpur.^ I first crossed the Dunarjun 
at Rajauli, a.nd proceeded mostly through stunted w^ccds 
about three miles to Bahadurpur,^ w^here there is a ruin 
consisting of a small mud fort that has surrounded some 
buildings of bricks. The wails of two of them are still in 
part standing, and they seem to have been small dwelling 
houses. Akbarpur is a village occupying the left bank 
of the Kuri for about half a mile. The streets are 
narrow, but some of the houses are pretty large and 
a few are tiled. It contains many traders and shops. 
The channel of the Kuri is small but contains a fine 
limpid stream. 

(1) Salabafo-ong, R. ' t^West of the Dlianarje). 

(2) Akbarpur. 

(3) Bahadarpur. 


19ih December. — A Trader of Akbarpur '^ho has 
long dealt with the hill people in bamboos, mica, etc., 
and with whom I met at Belem, having there offered 
to show me the place where tlie people of Behar procure 
rock crystal (Phatik), at a village named Buduya, ^ 
I went to see the mine, with which he said he was 
perfectly acquainted, and in the evening he had shown 
me two small hills about five or six miles from Akbarpur 
as the place ^ On arriving at a small hill about four 
miles east from Akbarpur I ascended it to have a view 
of the country and to see a Dorgah, and was highly 
delighted with the view, the valley being rich and the 
hills and woods highly picturesque. The Dorgah is 
nothing. The hills consist of schistose mica, white quartz 
and silver mica, running south-west and north-east 
with an inclination to north-west. On desiring the 
trader to conduct me to the two little hills close by, I 
was a good deal surprised when he told me that there was 
no crystal [and] that the place he meant was about two 
coses farther east on a little hill that could not be seen 
from Akbarpur. I accordingly proceeded in that direction . 
A little less than three miles from the Dorgah I came to a 
number of fine little streams, branches from a fine spring 
named Kokolot,' which are distributed through the fields 
and lost. Here I met a Tikayet, owner of the neighbour- 
hood, a good-looking young man. He ran after my pal- 
anquin all the way I went on his estate, and no persua- 
sion would induce him to go home. On coming to his 
boundary I met his neighbour, the Thakur of Patra,* who 
acted in the same manner. On coming to his village, 
about a mile beyond the Kokolot, the trader halted and 
declared that he knew no farther, and had purchased the 
crystal there. Some of the Thakur's people said the place 
was eight coses, others two coses distant. On threatening 
the trader for having given me so much useless trouble 
and expense, he agreed with those who said that the place 

(1) Budnwnh, R, ; Budhuwa. 

(2) At Ektara. 
(8) Kakolat. 
(*) Pathra. 



was two coses distant, and undertook to show it. On our 
way we were still followed by the Thakur, and having 
advanced through woods for about 1 J miles we came to 
a small clear stream called the Dighar, which [he]^ asserted 
was his boundary with Scilguma^ of Ramgar, which I be- 
lieve is not true. We then went rather more than two 
miles through a thick wood to the foot of Mahabhar hill, 
where a fine clear stream, the Mangura, comes from it 
through a narrow ravine. This rivulet is the finest torrent 
that I have seen in these parts, containing more water and 
that clearer than any yet observed. On its east side, just 
clear of the hills, I was shown some bare stiff soil on the 
surface of which were lying small bits of quartz, some of 
them pellucid and glassy, and some crystallized, and 
among them some opaque pebbles somewhat like those 
found in the Rajmahal hills.* The people endeavoured 
to persuade me that this is the only place from whence 
the workmen of Bihar are supplied, but this being absurd 
the trader confessed that he had been terrified by the 
threats of the owners and traders. He then said that the 
quarry was two coses farther, but sometimes alleged that 
it was on the south and sometimes on the north of 
Mahabar ; so that it appeared evident to me that he would 
not show me the place, and I sent people to search the 
hills which he had first pointed out. 

The rock in the channel of the Mungara, just within 
the hills, is decaying in vertical layers running east and 
west of an aggregate of quartz, red, white and glassy, 
and consisting of fine grains with somewhat of a schistose 
structure.* The fragments that have rolled from the 
summit are similar in their materials, but the grains are 
larger and their structure solid .^ 

Having returned to Akbarpur by the same way I went 
to Nawadeh.® About 1^ miles north from Akbarpur 
I came to the east end of a low narrow ridoe of fat 

(1) " I " in M.S. 

(2) Satgawan? 

(3) Appendix, No. 32. 

(4) Appendix, No. 106. 

(5) Appendix, No. 98. 

(6) Nowadah, R. and B.A. 



quartz, consisting of large grains aggregated and mixed 
Tr'itli black dots.^ This ridge is called the hill of Serpur.^ 
On the opposite side of the Khnri 1 had on my right a 
long ridge called Kulana^ and south from its west end a 
rociy heap called Dhakni."* From this hill to the Knri 
opposite to IS'aTradeh is about 3J miles. By the way I 
passed an old mud fort now ruinous/ wliich belonged to 
Kamdar Khan. Near it a small neat mosque. By the 
way also, under a tree at a Tillage namied Karha,^ I saw 
some broken images. One is that of a Buddh in the 
usual posture, which has been new-named and is 
worshipped by the vicinity. Such I am told are very 
common all through the division, and the images are 
supposed to have been brought from Bajagrihi. For 
above a mile, by the side of a canal for watering the 
district, was a narrow space on which soda efB-Oresces, 
and it is the most extensive of any that J have yet seen. 
It is carefully scraped, so soon as it effloresces, by those 
tfIio make glass and by the washermen. 

The people that I sent to look for the crystal on the 
two hills near Buduya, although they had seen that the 
zemindar would not show the place, immediately on my 
leaving them applied to these very men, who took them 
about two coses farther among the hills, from whence 
they brought some small fragments such as I had seen. 

A man whom I sent to the hills on the right of my 
route gave me the following account : — The smaller hill 
of Dakni towards the south-east consists of a schistose 
mica, of white mealy quartz in folates with silver mica 
intermixed. '^ The larger hill towards the north-west 
consists of earth containing many masses from two or 
three feet in diameter of very fine hornblende in mass 
with small crystallizations and very heaA^y.^ The west 





(2) Sherpur. 






At Barew. 















end of Kulna hill consists of fine-grained granular 
quartz or hornstone, red towards the bottom of the 
hill/ and white towards the summit.^ 

21st December. — I went about a mile and a half 
northerly to see Nukaur^ tank and the Jain temple which 
it contains. The tank extends east and west in its long- 
est direction, and is much choked ^ith weeds, especially 
the Kelumbium. The temple occupies the centre, 
a small square terrace, and is a neat but inconsider- 
able building corered with one dome. A road in very 
bad repair with a very rude bridge of brick lead into it. 
The temple is in very good repair, so that if built ICO 
years ago as said, it must have been several times 
repaired. It contains two stones, much carved and 
perhaps old, as one is defaced. On the top of each are 
resemblances of the human feet surrounded by short 
inscriptions. There is not the smallest trace of any ruin 
in the vicinity of the tank to induce one to suppose that 
it had been formerly a place sacred to the worship of 
the Jain ; to which they were allowed to recurn when the 
Muhammadan conquerors looked on all Hindus with 
equal contempt and favour. Neither is there a single 
Jain near the place. Why it has therefore been select- 
ed I cannot say. Perhaps the tank is old, and the Jain 
knew from their books that the stones, the old object of 
their worship, were contained in the island. Its vicinity 
is waste and covered with bushes. Nawadeh is a small 
market village, very poor. 

24itli December, — Although the Duroga pretended 
that a predecessor in office had actually measured the 
whole roads, in the district, I found tha t no tvv o persons 
agreed concerning the distance of the places that were 
proposed for this day's stage. Tetari* v/as fixed upon ns an 
easy march of five coses, but it is somewhat more than 
15 miles. About l} miles from ISiawadeh I crossed the 
Sakri ^ obliquely. It is a sandy channel like the Eulgo, 

(1) Appendix, No. 74, 

(2) „ No. 30. 

(3) Near Goiuwatola, {see page 101). 

(4) Tetarl. 

(5) Sackry N., R. j Sacry N., B.A. ; SakrI R. 


about six or seven hundred yards wide. At this season 
its stream is very inconsiderable and is chiefly confined to 
small cuts made to convey the water into the canals for 
irrigation, which are numerous. About five miles farther 
on/l saw at Morera^ a considerable brick building, the 
residence of some Sannyasis, it is called a Math, re- 
sides the brick building they possess several large ones 
of mud. Near this was gibbeted a murderer, whose 
body was little decayed although it had hung almost a 
month. The crows and vultures, for what reason I do 
not know, do not appear to have touched it. Titari 
is a small village on the bank of an old tank. 

2Uh December. — I went eight miles to Pally. ' 
About 1^ miles from Tetari I came to Rukaur,^ where are 
the ruins of a mud fort on a very fine rising ground 
which commands a noble view. The fort has contained 
a large mud castle, and is said to have belonged to the 
Mayis. About a quarter of a mile beyond it is a small heap 
of bricks with two Lingas, and about half a mile farther, 
beyond a tank, is a more considerable heap of brick. 
The place has therefore been probably of some note 
among the Hindus before the Moslems came. About three 
miles beyond this, I came to a small dry torrent \s\\h 
woody banks. The villages contain many large mud 
houses, but are miserably huddled together, with such 
narrow streets that an elephant can only pass in some 
places, and that always with difficulty. The houses, 
however, as all bet\^'een this and Gya, are surrounded 
by small gardens of Pticinus and Seem, and are not 

2(jt1i December. — Polly is a very sorry village, and 
ficems to have decayed. I see no trace of the fort laid 
down by Major Kennell.* I went l)etween ten and eleven 
miles, called four coses, by a most villainous and circuitous 
route to Islamna gar.^ The only object of the guide 

(1) Mariah, R. ; Marra. 

r^) I'ollay, 11. and B.A.; Pall. 

(3) Rupiw, It. ; Rupau. 

(*) Not in K., hut only in B.A. 

C*) liilamnjigur, 11. and B.A. ; islamnagar. 


seemed to be to kee^i us at a distance from tLe villages. 
About 5 J miles from Polly, I crossed a small sandy 
torrent called the Lala, and a little beyond it a larger 
channel which is said originally to have been a canal 
from the torrent, but now it is much the larger. The 
villages as yesterday. The people very poor and dirty. 

Islamabad was the residence of Sundar Khan, the 
elder brother of Kanigar, who being a quiet man allowed 
his brother to manage as he pleased. He resided in a 
mud fort about 800 by 200 yards in extent, with a ditch 
and a wall strengthened with circular bastions. His 
house within, built of brick, has been pretty considerable, 
with a zenana maliul surrounding a small square court 
in which there were baths like the plots of a garden for 
the use of his women. There are a good many Moslems 
about the town, which is a pretty large village. The 
fort had a small neat mosque in the gateway, and is 
finely situated on a rising ground which commands 
a very fine prospect. 

21 th December. — I went between seven and eight 
miles, called four coses, to Lechuyar.^ Por about one 
half of the way the soil was poor, and appeared in 
several places to contain soda. In one place about 
a quarter of a mile from Islamnagar I saw the saline 
elfervescence, and I observed that the people had 
scraped it off and thrown it together in a shallow pit 
with water, so as to allow a crust to form on the surface. 
At a large village beyond this, a Muhammedan landlord 
has a neat small thatehed bungaloAV in a large flower 
garden, but this is far from neat and has no walks 
through it. Between three and four miles from Islam- 
nagar is a large village with two or three tolerable huts, 
called Mirzagunj.^ Lechuyar is such another place on 
the west side of a small torrent named Kawarmata/ 
which has a sandy channel and contains a small stream. 
The people not so dirty nor the huts quite so bad as 
near the hills of IsTawadeh. 

(1) Licliwar, 11. and B.A. ; Lachhuar. 

(2) Morjagimgo, R. ; Mfrzagatlj. 
( ) Bahuar N. 


People that I sent to various hills between 
Nawadeli and this, gave me the following stones : — 

Dilawa, the western extremity of Sujur, consists of 
quartz. The top is composed of fine white grains with 
black dots and some mica in crevices.^ In the middle 
of the hill the rock is an imperfect glassy quartz with 
some reddish matter intermixed.^ At the bottom of 
the hill the quartz is more perfectly glassy.^ At 
Hurkarghat in the middle of the same ridge is a granitel 
of hornblende and white quartz.^ The small hill 
Sumba, north from Hurkarghat, consists of a schistose 
mica,^and all the small hills in front of that great 
ridge are vastly more rugged than the great ridge itself. 
The next of these small hills, Bonsaha, consists of a 
rude jasper, reddish and white. Some portions covered 
on the surface with some imperfect crystallizations 
of white quartz. ^ 

Lechuyar is a pretty considerable village, with an 
old ruinous house and mud fort which belonged to the 
Gidhaur family, the original proprietors of Eishazari. 
The principal residence of the family would seem to 
have been at Sekundera^ in sight of Lechuj'ar towards 
the east, where there is a brick fort still in repair and 
occujned by the agent of the Moslem wlio liolds 
Bishazari in Altumga. The Gidhaur family still receive 
the commission of ten per cent, on the revenue, which 
was all that the zemindars in the Mogol Government 
could claim, as on the Moslem obtaining this Perganah 
as Altumga he took possession even of the family 

2Sth December, — I went to Sejorighat®, between twelve 
and thii-teen miles by an exceeding bad road or path. 
About a mile from Lechuyar there is much soda in the 

(1) Appendix 

, No. 46. 

(2) „ 

No. 2. 


No. 85. 


No. 59. 

(') n 

No. 88. 

(«) „ 

No. 7. 

(7) SecundrA, 

K.; SIkandra. 

{») SlJhori. 


soil. Indeed it seems to continue from that village about 
1^ miles in a northerly direction, but about a mile from 
the town I saAV more than anywhere else, and some of 
it was collecting. I recrossedthe river at Lech ay ar, and 
met with no other channel until I came to Sejorighat, 
where there is a small channel with pools of dirty 
stagnant water. The villages generally occupy fine 
eminences and look tolerably well at a distance, but are 
miserable enough on approach, being miserably dirty 
with very narrow lanes. Some chief tenant or petty 
zemindar has however in general a kind of small mud 
castle, which produces a good effect. 

29th December. — I went between nine and ten miles 
to Sheikhpura.^ For about a quarter of a mile J continued 
along the bank of the channel, which is called Dundu.^ 
I then went rather more than a mile to a village named 
Kewara,^ where there is an old mud fort said to have 
been built by the Eajewars. Prom thence, rather more 
than two miles, I came to a narrow channel in cby 
containing a good deal of stagnant water and called 
Korhari.* About half a mile farther I had three small 
hills on my left, in one bearing, about south-west. The 
one nearest me, Chakonggra,^ consists of rude jasper® 
disposed in white and red blotches. About two miles 
farther on, erossed a narrow clay channel containing a 
little water. About two miles farther on I came to the 
Sheikhpura hills which, like the others, look smooth at 
a distance and contain no trees, bufc on a near approach 
they seem to consist mostly of rock without the least 
appearance of stratification, but cut into cuboidal masses 
by fissures vertical and horizontal. The stone is a 
quartzose approaching to rude jasper or to silicious 
hornstone,^ in most places stained reddish or intermixed 
with black matter somewhat of the appearance of 

(1) Sheikpour, R. and B.A. ; Sheikhpura. 

(2) Nata N. 

(3) Chewara. 

(4) Kaurihari N. 
(6) Chakandara. 

(<5) Appendix, No. 33. 
(7) „ No. 70. 


Amiantus, but in many white and often aggregated of 
various grains, mealy and fat. I passed through an 
opening immediately west from the toAvn. The two hills 
almost unite at the north end of the pass and leave an 
exceeding bad passage. The pass is not quite half a 
mile in width. I then turned west for more than half 
a mile, and halted east from the town situated at the 
west end of the largest hill in the range, which is a mere 
rock of quartz rising into many tops with very little 
soil, but not near so rugged as granitic peaks. The 
northern face of these hills is much barer than the 

Persons whom I sent to the small hills east from 
Lechuyar brought me the following specimens : — Tek 
at the bottom consists of a strange kind of glassy and 
brownish quartz. At the top it contains two kinds of 
irregular small-grained granite, one white with dark 
greenish spots,^ the other brownish.^ These are probably 
the rocks of Avhich the hill consists. The quartz is 
probably sporadic. In the adjacent hummock called 
Nabinagar, the granite or rather gneiss has a very 
anomalous appearance.^ On the hill of Satsunda, west 
from Tek, are two granites, one grey tolerably perfect,* 
the other yellowish.* Ou jVlajuya, between Tek and 
Satsundh, is a kind of blotched anomalous granite of 
a very strange appearance.® On Donayi, south from 
Satsunda and Tek the rock is a silicious hornstone, 
whitish, livid or red.^ In many places, especially where 
red, it seems to me to be a slag. 

31^^ December. — I went to Jainagar to examine 
some remains attributed to Indrayavan Eajah. I 
proceeded, first, eaxst along the ridge of hills to its end, 
which is about four miles road distance from my tents, 
or 4J- from the Tbanah. The first hill of the 4^ may 

(1) i^ppeiidix, No. 64. 


\ '» 

No. 97. 



No. 14. 


No. 20. 


)u i 

No. 45. 


No. 39. 



No. 114. 


occupy IJ miles, the second as much. I did not 
perceive the opening between the third and fourth which 
I suspect join by a low and stony ridge, and the second 
and first do [so] . The whole is evidently one rock, with 
fissures dipping from the north to the south at perhaps 
25^ from the horizontal, and with others vertical. East 
and west and iiorth and south, although all evidently was 
originally one, now split by the action of decay, its various 
parts assume exceeding different appearances. The 
greater part is an imperfect quartz or silicious horn- 
stone,^ in some parts white, in others red, in others 
blackish, with all manner of intermediate shades, 
sometimes the colours of pretty considerable masses are 
uniform, at others they are intermixed in veins, dots, 
and blotches. The red I presume is from iron. The 
black seems to be owing to an intermixture of 
amianthus. In one specimen the silky fibres are very 
discernible. Tn some specimens the grain is very 
fine and uniform. In others again, the stone is evidently 
an aggregate, composed of glassy particles intermixed 
with others that are powdery. If it is necessary to 
suppose that this rock has ever existed under a different 
form from [that ) which it now has, for which however 
at present I see no strong evidence, I would certainly 
suppose it has been in fusion and slight agitation, and 
that different parts assumed different appearances from 
circumstances attending their cooling. The distinctly 
granular parts seem to me very strongly to resemble 
rocks which I consider as granite having undergone 
a partial fusion. 

About four miles farther on, I came to the part of 
the country which is liable to inundation from the 
lower part of the Eulgo river, and reached this about 
two miles farther on. It was here called Ilurwar,^ and is 
a deep dirty stagnant watercourse, but not near so wide 
as at Gya. The water although deep seems to stagnate 
entirely back from the Ganges. The banks at present 
are about U feet high, very little commerce seems to 
be carried on by this channel. I saw only five or six 

(1) Appendix, No. 70. 

(2) Harohar N. 


boats, and these were not emploj-ed. I proceeded along its 
bank for rather less than two miles, when after passing a 
dry channel I came to the Siimar/ here a wide channel 
containing stagnant water from the Hurwar. I then 
proceeded east along the Hurwar to Balguzar, rather 
more than six miles. 

From Balguzar, which I had already seen, I went 
southerly for about two miles to a wretched Invalid 
Thanali, near which there is a small dorga of brick in 
which some ornamented stones taken from ruins have 
been built. About two miles farther I halted near the 
hills of Joynagar,^ in the lands of a village whose 
owner, a zemindar Brahman, very civilly undertook 
to be my guide after several rustics had given me 
a denial. Eor the last mile, the ground contains many 
scattered heaps of bricks, but none larger than what 
may be supposed to have arisen from the ruin [ of ] 
a small temple, or of a dwelling house of very ordinary 
dimensions. These heaps are intermixed with many 
small tanks, which extend all round the hill to about a 
mile's distance, except where the Keyol river diminished 
the space. If the town extended wherever these tanks 
do, it has been very large, with a diameter of perhaps 
three miles, but the hills of course occupy some of 
the space. I am told that there are no heaps of bricks 
in any quarter but that by which I came, but this may 
have been the fashionable part of the city and the 
remainder may have been huts ; the numerous small 
tanks being a strong presumption that the city occupied 
nearly the ground which I mention. 

There are two hills, one about a mile long and 400 
yards wide, another, much smaller, towards the north, 
and consisting almost entirely of a rugged broken rock. 
The larger is also rocky, bat admits of trees, and has an 
ascent of tolerably easy access. I went to this in order 
to see Raja Indraya van's house, as it is called, which 
occupies the summit of the hill and consists of two parts 
or courts. The one which occupies the very summit of 

(1) Some N. 

(2) Immediately south of Kiul. 


the hill has been a small court, perhaps 15 yards square 
on the inside, and has been surrounded on all sides by a 
very thick rampart of brick, or perhaps rather by narrow 
rows of building, the ruins of which have left the appear- 
ance of a rampart. At the north-east angle of this 
square, and projecting beyond it, has been a small cham- 
ber of large squared stones. The chamber within may 
be ten feet square, and the walls eight feet thick. The 
stones very large. This is called the Eajah's chamber. 
The outer court, which is lower down the hill towards 
the east, is nearly of the same size with the inner, 
but seems to have been merely a terrace with a 
small building in its middle. The small chamber 
has evidently been made of great strength as a place of 
security, but it is too confined for the den of any Eaja, 
in whatever terror he may have lived. Nor can it be 
supposed that Indrayavan, who possessed such a large 
abode near Gidhaur, could have breathed in such a place. 
As it contains no water, it could not be intended as a 
stronghold against an enemy, and the use of the building 
was probably to secure the revenue against thieves, who 
in India surpass far in dexterity those of all other 
countries. The town was probably the residence of the 
officer who managed the revenue of a large district on 
the banks of the Ganges, for which it is well situated, 
being on the boundary of the inundated tract but 
having at all seasons a communication with the capital 
near Gidhaur. 

The building on the other hill I saw was still 
more trifling, and the difficulty of ascent and distance 
1 had had to return at night induced me to decline 
visiting it. At the east end of the hill has been a 
small temple, which the people say contained a Linga. 
They complain that Mr. Cleveland took it away to 
Bhagalpur.^ If this be true it was a most wanton 

The following notes have been made in pencil on the R. A. S. copy of the 
Report, on this subject (page 330), a portion of the Report which has been 
omitted by Martin : — 

(1) " Mr. Davis carried away from this place the Image of 

Sureya (Soorooge) at present in the Museum of the India House. This 

is probably the transaction alluded to. The most remarkable thinga 

here are the fine tanks which Dr. B. has not noticed." 


outrage, and his conciliatory measures to the natives 
must liave consisted in lavishing on the hill tribes and 
zemindars the public money and resources.^ On the 
oj^posite bank of the Kiyol, in Bhagalpur but probably 
attached to Joynagar, I could see a lofty narrow 
building raising its broken summit above the highest 
trees. It has probably been a temple, but the people 
with me could give me no account of its date or use. 

The rock ^ on the hill, where entire and undecayed, 
resembles entirely the hard stone from the millstone 
quarry at Loheta,^ consisting of small masses of 
fat quartz united by a greyish powdery substance, in 
some places tinged red. Various detached masses* 
lying scattered on the surface, more or less tinged 
red, and some of them slaggy while others retain 
portions of the felspar entire, induce me to think that 
the whole has been a granite in an imperfect state of 
fusion, so that the quartz remained entire while the other 
ingredients were changed. This opinion is confirmed by 
the red slag found south from Jainagar at no very great 
distance, at Donayi mentioned [on the] 29th inst., and 
near Mallipur '^ mentioned in my account of Bhagalpur. 
Donayi is about eight miles south from Jainagar, and 
Mallipur may be ten miles south-easterly from thence 
The anomalous appearance of the granites near Donayi 
seems to sliow that they have undergone great changes. 
Among the detached fragments on Jaynagar are many of 
whitish silicious hornstone, and the rock is intersected 
by narrow veins of quartz running in various directions 

(1) " Mr. Davis did not consider that he carried the images away 
from the Villcifiers, but from a bear that had made the ruined temple 
which contained it his den. The place was buried in unfrequented 
woods, and no villages within the distance of several miles. He 
purchased the consent for what he did of a bramin who was the 
only person claiming anything to do with the image." 

(2) Appendix, No. 83. 

(3) Laheta, five miles north-west of Maira Hill, Monghyr. Sei 

India, Vol. II, page 180. 

(4) Appendix, No. 48. 

(5) At Katauna Hill. Sec East India, Vol. II, page 182. 


to a considerable distance. Can it be that all rocks of 
quartz, hornstone, jasper, potstone, trap, etc., are granite 
that has undergone various degree of fusion, and has 
been cooled in different manners ? 

Si'd January. — Sheikpura is a very large village or 
small town, closely built and extending more than a mile 
from east to west. It is hov^ ever very narrow, consis- 
ting of one very narrow street with many short lanes on 
each side. It was with great difficulty that I could 
squeeze an elephant through the street, and at the west 
end is a place between two houses rmt above three feet 
wide, where of course I was stopt and with great difficulty 
scrambled over a mud wall. The Daroga had informed 
me that the road to Behar was very good. This sample 
under his nose was a proof of what his ideas of roads 
were, and accordingly I found no road except a foot- 
path and that not much frequented, although it is the 
line of communication between two of the chief towns 
of the district. Sheikpura contains some tolerable houses 
of brick cemented with mud. One entirely of mud, 
belonging to a Bengalese merchant, is a very comfortable 
place, being kept smooth and cleaa and in some places 
painted, three points very generally neglected. From 
the west end of the town to a small round hill is about 
three-quarters of a mile, and about the same distance 
farther, leaving two other small hills to the left, I came 
to the north end of the southern of the two chief hills of 
a small range lying west from Sheikpura. This hill 
consists of a rude jasper, blotched red and white\ exactly 
resembling that of Chakoongga. I passed between these 
two chief hills, and then had two detached rocks on my 
right and one on my left, as in the plan. A very little 
beyond this hill the country becomes liable to inunda- 
tion from the Tati,^ a small channel in a deep clay soil. 
At present it is stagnant, and is about | of a mile 
from the hills. The country liable to inundation extends 
almost two miles west from the Tati and is very dismal, 
being much neglected. 

(1) Appendix^ No. 13. 
(8) TatI N. 
8 I Re&. J. 


Beyond that is a finely wooded country all the way 
to :Sawos,^ where I halted. The mango plantations are 
quite overdone. Sawos is about ten miles from 
Sheikpura, about three miles before I reached it I came 
to ^faldeh^, — which notwithstanding its name (the abode 
of wealth) is a miserable village, situated on the ruins of 
a mud fort which has contained some brick buildings, 
23art of their walls is standing. The people said that 
they had belonged to an old zemindar, which seems very 
probable. He had probably been destroyed by Kamgar 
Khan. Sawus belongs to a Tewar llajjmt, who says that 
his ancestors have had the zemindary for many ages. 
During the rule of the Mahi they were deprived of the 
mauagement, but were allowed the usual commission, a 
favour that was shown to very few. The village stands 
on the north side of a large heap, evidently containing 
many bricks and said to consist almost entirely of that 
material. It extends east and west about 60 yards, 
and half as much from north to south. It contiiins no 
cavity on tlie summit, nor are there any traces of a ditch, 
so that it has been rather a house or castle than a fort, 
but is called Banwatgori or the fort of the Banwats, who 
are said to have been Goyalas who very long ago possess- 
ed the country. At its east end there is a large j^ro- 
jection towards the north. At its west end is a conical 
heap of bricks with some stones on the summit. This is 
said to have been the place where the Kajah sat to enjoy 
the cool of the evening, it seems to me more like the 
ruin of a solid temple of the Buddhists. This is con- 
firmed ]jy a number of broken images placed under 
a tree on the great heap, several of which are those of 
Munis, while the others are exactly such as are usual 
about Gya and Kewa Dol, especially the female and 
buffalo. These are said to have been taken from a small 
temple some way east, beyond the ruin of a square 
building. The temple was of brick sujjported by stone 
pillars, some of which have been dug out to build into 
a wall. South from the great heap is a tank choked 

(1) Sanwat. 

(2) Maldah. 


with weeds and earth, among which are standing two 
large images which have probably been thrown in by 
those who destroyed the place. The others were lately 
dug out from the ruins of the temple and have again 
become objects of worship ; the people, not knowing what 
they represent, have given new names. They are all 
broken. Ihe two in the tank represent .Munis, but are 
called Bairab and Lakshmi Karayon, although there is 
only a male represented. The one called Bhairab has 
round his head the images of several Baddhs. 

lith January/. — I went about thirteen miles to the fort 
of Behar.^ About four miles from Sawos I came to the 
Sakri, which is here a small channel about 100 yards 
wide. It contains some stagnant jdooIs of water. There 
is a small branch of it between Sawos and the main 
channel, but so inconsiderable that it escaped my notice, 
although it properly is called the Sakri, and the main 
channel is called the Kumuriya.^ About a mile and 
a half west from the Sakri 1 came to a large tank or 
reservoir, about 400 yards by 600."^ It has been made 
partly by digging and partly by a bank to confine the 
water of a canal from the Sakri, and is a very pretty 
piece of water, being quite free of weeds and covered 
with teal. About 4| miles farther on, I came to a small 
nallah containing a little water, the name of which I 
could not learn.* About IJ miles from the fort of Behar 
I crossed the Adya, a sandy channel 400 yards wide. 
It has no water on the surface, but supplies many wells 
for irrigation. The road all the way was a path. In 
some places very bad. There were many large villages. 
The houses so huddled together that no passage is left 
for a carriage of any kind, or even for an elephant. 

6th January. — Two Moslems of rank in the place, 
Meer Nasser Ali and Muiovi Mahummud Bassawan, 
decent men, know nothing of the history of the Maga 

(1) Bahar, R. and B.A. ; Bihar. ' 

(2) Kumhara N. 
(S) At Jiar. 

(4) Goithawa N. 


Rajahs, except that they were sovereigns of a considerable 
country and resided here. The name Behar they say is 
Hindi, and therefore must be Vihar, meaning pleasant. 
Ihey say that the Rajah on building the fort found 
that it was commanded by the hill, guns placed on which 
could lodge a ball in any part of it. He therefore ]3ulled 
it down, but guns probably were little used when the 
fort was built, and if they had we cannot conceive any 
llajah so stupid as not to have taken the hill into consi- 
deration before he began so great a work, for the 
ramparts have been very strong and built of very large 
rough stones. It is very irregular, with all the angles 
strengthened by large round bastions. It is probable 
that the Moslems, when they found it no longer tenable 
against guns, neglected the work : but for some time 
at least they must have continued it as a place of 
strength, as one of the gates is built of ruins taken from 
a Hindu work, as a stone built into it contains a Euddh 
and Ganesa. The original gate probably contained too 
many emblems of idolatry and was destroyed by the 
saint who took the place. 

These gentlemen whom I consulted denied that the 
town was destroyed or deserted. An Amil always 
resided at the place, but it was never the station of a 
Subah or person of very high rank. Patna had always 
this preference. The Amils within the old fort had 
fortified their Kacheri, and this was pretty entire 
within the memory of some of the gentlemen, 
but it has gone to ruin The work was small, intended 
merely to resist sudden outrages from the zemindars. 
It would appear (for there are few traces of it remain- 
ing) to have been a square mud fort, perhaps 150 
yards each side with a small bastion at each corner. 
The buildings were probably huts, as the office of the 
Amil, the walls of which are standing, has been built of 
mud with a few bricks intermixed, but has been neatly 
ornamented and plastered with lime. These officers 
held their appointments by too precarious a tenure 
to think of paying out money on buildings. 



I visited several places in the viciaity. I first 
went north a little way to Mosatpur ' to look after the 
Ilajah's house, but my guide did not know it. This 
part of the town is the neatest that I have seen. The 
houses though small are built of brick or of mud 
plastered, and are covered with sheets of paper stuck on 
to dry. This gives them a clean look. This part of 
the town is inhabited by paper-makers. Between it 
and the fort is a pretfcy large .mosque, quite ruinous. 

From thence I went to see a house that had been 
built by a rich individual, not an officer of government, 
and it has been very considerable, but the family has 
subdivided into many branches so that, though they 
still occupy the dwelling houses, these are very ruin- 
ous, the places of worship have been allowed to fall, and 
the places intended for pleasure and ornament are lying 
waste. There is a semi-subterranean building called 
a Bauli, which was intended as a retreat during the 
hot winds. An octagon space was dug down until water 
was found. This was lined with brick and a building 
erected all round. This was square on the outside, 
without any windows, but within formed an octagon 
court adjacent to the pond. A suite of rooms opened 
into this court by eight doors, and without them were 
various galleries, stairs, closets, and bye corners. The 
floor was sunk so low that in the rainy season there is no 
access, and even now there is a foot of water on the floor, 
but in the heats of spring they become dry and the 
water is confined to the octagon court. The hot winds 
are then entirely excluded, and it is said that the 
chambers are then very cool and pleasant during the 
day. Buildings on somewhat of a similar plan, with a 
supply of water brought in pipes so as not to affect the 
floors, would probably be a great luxury. Adjoining 
to this building has been a garden, with many small 
canals and reservoirs built of brick and covered with 
plaster, in which there were jetd'eaus. Beyond this 
was a solid square building of one storey, called 

(1) Musadpur. 


Novoroton from its containing nine rooms, one in the 
centre, one at each corner, and one at each side. They 
are arched with brick, and had the roofs been high and 
the doors sufficiently large the building might have 
had a good effect and been very cool. The execution is 
exceedingly clumsy. 

Erom thence I went to the hill, which extends 
north and south with a very abrupt face towards 
the west and a gentle slope towards the east, but is 
the barest rock of such a shape that I have ever 
seen. It consists of granular quartz or silicious horn- 
stone, in most places white or grey, but in others stained 
red. ^ It is disposed in parallel layers rising from the 
east towards the west at an angle of about 26° from 
the horizon. The layers are from one-half to two 
feet thick, so that the rock might be considered 
as composed of horizontal strata. To me it appears 
that they are occasioned by mere fissures produced by 
cooling, desiccation or decay, I will not take upon myself 
to say A\hich. The rock is also intersected by vertical 
fissures, running east and west and north and south. 
The fissures running east and west have become very 
wide, often several feet, owing apparently to the action 
of the rain running down the declivity of the hill, while 
those running north and south are mere fissures. On 
the summit of the hill are several Dorgas of different 
saints Avith inscriptions in the 1 ogara character. They 
are all ruinous except that of [ Malik Ibrahim Bayu^] 
a very rude building, although the bricks have been 
smoothed with the chisel although noways ornamented. 
In this manner they are as smooth as the bricks used in 
England and make of course as neat a wall, so that the 
joinings do not admit of fig trees. This wall, although not 
plastered and built without lime in the mortar, is perfectly 
fresli although said to be above 400 years old. It is a 
massy scjuare, the walls sloping considerably towards the 
top, which is covered with a very clumsy dome. The 

(1) Appendix, No. 42. 

(2) Left blank in M.S. 



door is the only aperture in the building. The others are 
much in the same style. One of them is said to 
contain part of the body of the saint of Pir Paingti, and 
the keeper pretends that along with the saint is 
included a Siva linga. On the grave, indeed, is made 
a projection of plaster as if formed by the point of that 
emblem of the deity, which has probably been done 
lately to extract money from the infidels. I do not 
suppose that 400 years ago any such idolatrous practice 
would have been tolerated. 

From the hill I went towards the south part of 
the town, where I passed the largest mosque of the 
place, now quite ruinous and of no repute. It is 
covered by five domes in one row. Near it are some 
decent houses surrounded by high brick walls. 
Some way beyond there is a pretty large tank, and a 
heap of earth and bricks, called Pajaia, which has 
probably been a Hindu temple. Beyond this I went to 
the principal place of worship, the tomb of Ibrahim. 
The buildings are of no great size and uncommonly 
rude, but although slovenly are in tolerable repair. 
From thence I returned through a very long narrow 
bazar, the dirtiest and poorest I have ever seen. Near 
the Thanah within the fort is the monument of Kadir 
Kumbaz, a poor place but in tolerable repair. 

In none of these buildings are there many 
ornamented stones, nor are many such' scattered about 
the place. A few rude pillars have been built into the 
different Muhammedan places of worship, and I have 
already mentioned those in the gate. There is therefore 
no evidence that this Hindu abode has been a place of 
much splendour. The fort must have beenj[ strong, as 
the stone rampart has been very massy, as it has many 
salient angles strengthened by round bastions, and as 
the ditch would appear to have been enormous. It is 
now entirely cultivated, and small canals wind through 
it, but where most entire, on the east face of the fort, it 
would seem to have been about 600 feet wide. On the 
west side where narrowest it would seem to have been 


about 400 feet. ^ The extent of the heaps of brick 
within the fort shows that it has contained many large 
buildings of that material, but no traces of their particu- 
lar form remain. It is however probable that they all 
belonged to the palace of the Rajah, ^ while the town 
surrounding the ditch on the outside was open. It now 
indeed surrounds the old ditch, but in its present state 
of decay has divided into separate villages ; before the 
famine, however, and before it had been twice sacked by 
the Marattahs, it went entirely round in a form as 
compact as is usual in Indian cities, and probably in the 
tinie of the Hindu Government may have been very 
oonsiderable. The Eajah was probably of the sect of 
Buddh, as several broken images collected round a tree 
and also round a small modern temple, both in the fort, 
are evident representations of Munis. 

I find that scarcely two persons agree concerning 
its history, and the chief Moslems of the place have no 
copy of Ferishta nor other historical work, although one 
of them is called a Moulavi, and all they say as well 
as what is said by others seems to rest on tradition, in 
general rendered very suspicious by its being intermixed 
with the miracles performed by the numerous saints of 
the place. 

Some people pretend that the place contintied to be 
governed by ^e Magas until the time of Ibrahim, but 
they do not know the Eajah's name. Others again 
pretend that the Magas lived very long ago, 15 or 16 
centuries, and that their fort had long been destroyed 
before the arrit'^l of any Moslems. Among these is the 
owner of the Dorga of Bara Sistani. He says that on 

1 Crosied out — " The earth has I imagine been thrown on the inner part 
of the fort which is very hij^h, nor can the height be attributed to the ruins of 
brick buildings, for although (hegurface and the interior everywhere consists of 
broken bricks I see many parts where the people have du7 nnd where the 
bricks extend only a few feet into the soil. I do not suppose therefore that the 
fort has contained many gi-eat buildings, there is nothing remaining to show 
that any one was of great dimensions, but it was probably occupied by 
various small courts surroun led by small brick buildings in which tlie Rajah, 
hit family and immediate d'^ pendants resided, while the town surrounoing.* 



the arriyal of his ancestor 700 years ago, this part of the 
country belonged to Sohel Deo, a Eajah who lived at 
Tungi ^ near Behar, but no traces remain of his abode, 
which was probably therefore petty. The country was 
then infested by Daityos or cannibals, the chief of 
whom the saint destroyed by miraculous power, on 
which the Eajah was converted to the faith, and gave 
his daughter in marriage to the saint. The heathen 
temple was then pulled down, and the tomb of the saint 
has since been erected in its stead. One door of the 
temple has been allowed to remain, and forms the entrance 
through a wall which surrounds the tomb. It has contain- 
ed many images in relievo, the spaces for which remain, 
but Moslem piety has carefully eradicated the idols, by 
which the door has been so much defaced that it would 
not be worth while to take a drawing. When the saint 
arrived; the fort of the Mag Eajahs was covered with 
trees and entirely waste. Many people say that this 
is a mere idle fable, but it appears the most probable. 

The colony of Rajputs say that they came as soldiers 
with a Mogul A mil who was sent to manage this part of 
the country, that on their arrival the town was large, but 
the fort was entirely unoccupied except by the Fakirs 
belonging to the tomb of Kadur Kumljaz. It was then 
that the small mud fort was built, and the Rajput soldiers 
were cantoned in and near it. About 15 years ago they 
planted a tree in the old fort and placed under it a Siva 
Linga. About the same time they built a small temple 
for another Siva. Having found several old images 
lying about the ruins, they collected them near these 
two places of worship, and these are the images of 
Munis that I have before mentioned. 

Many allege that Behar is not the original name of 
the place, and was given to it by the Moslems after the 
conquest. Behar however, so far as I can learn, is 
neither a Sangskrit nor a Persian word, and is probably 
original. The Hindu town had probably gone to ruin 
with the Maga dynasty, and the Moslem city arose into 

(1) Tun^lj (about two iniles south-east of Bihar). 


consequence from the numerous saints belonging to 
the place. 

A little west from the old fort is a very considerable 
heap of bricks, called Pajaiya which means a brick kiln, 
and people allege that it was the old brick mill of the 
Magas, but its elevation and size renders this opinion 
untenable. It has probably been a large solid temple, 
and its ruins indeed may have supplied bricks for the 
modern town to a rery considerable extent, to which 
the name may be attributed. 

The only detail concerning the Magns that I can 
learn is that one of their Queens, Eani Malti, had a 
house about 2^ cose east from the town. It is said 
that there remain no traces except a considerable heap 
of bricks. 

'dth Jinuary. — I went abon^ seven miles westerly to 
Baragang,' where there was said to be many ruins. I 
first went about a mile south to the end of the bazar, 
which extends in a direct line from the edge of the 
ditch. Behind the wretched sheds which form the shops 
are many houses of brick, some of them pretty large 
but in general very slovenly, and neither plastered or in 
good order. The bricks seem to have been all taken 
from ruins. Near the far end [is] a large building of 
stones similar to those of the fort and probably taken 
from thence. It is said to have been the Kachery of the 
Phaujdar, and is a kind of rude castle. About one-third 
of a mile west from the end of the bazar is a long ridge 
of stones on the east side of a pretty considerable tank, 
in the centre of which is a stone pillar. The Dorga of 
Gungam Dewan has been erected on*' the ruin, which 
probably has belonged to Maga Eaja. About IJ miles 
beyond this I crossed the principal channel of 
the i^unchanun, ^ which may be 200' yards wide and 
contains a small clear stream. A])out four miles from 
thence I came to a tank called merely Dighi, which is the 

(1) BargaoN. 

(8) Panchany R., R. ; Panehane N. 



commencement of the ruin. It extends east and west about 
1,000 yards, but is not above 200 yards wide. No weeds, 
and covered with Pintails. Immediately west from this 
tank is a very considerable space elevated with the 
fragments of brick. 1 ts north end is occupied by part 
of the villap;e of Eegumpur,^ and a small ruinous mud 
fort erected by Kamgar Khan. This occupied the 
highest part of the heap, Avhich sinks towards the south, 
but on that end are four smaller heaps which have 
probably been separate buildings, and their ruins have 
formed the heap by which they are united. On the one 
next the fort is a large image which the people call 
Bairubh, but this name they strangely mis-apply. It 
seems to me to represent Naray an riding on Garuda, but 
is exceedingly rade. On the most easterly of the four 
heaps are two images, both male, one sitting with its 
legs crossed like a Buddh, the other with its legs down 
as Europeans sitting on a choir, and like this I have 
seen some images of Jain in the south. 

South from this mass of building has been another 
much more considerable, on the north end of which is 
situated the village of Baragung. The two however 
seem to be connected on the east side by an elevated 
space filled with bricks. Between these two masses is 
a conical peak of bricks, which has evidently been a 
temple. West from it is a small tank called Sur jap ukhor, 
where a great Mela is annually held. On the north 
side of the tank has been a considerable mosque, totally 
fallen to ruin. At the north- west corner are three 
images. One a Linga with a man's head and shoulders 
on one side. There are several others such among the 
ruins. Another is a male standing, with a short 
inscription round his head. The third is a Buddh. The 
image of Surja is said by a Fakir to have been thrown 
in the tank, but this seems doubtful. On the south side 
of the tank, near a small heap of brick, have been 
collected several images. Among others a Buddh 
sitting in the usual posture, with several others as 

(1) Begampur. 


well as other human figures carved on his throne 
and round him, also a row of Buddhs. Also one 
very usual near Gya, namely, a male standing, with 
four arms and leaning with two of them on two small 
figures, one of which is a female. On the east side of 
the tank temple a large fig tree has destroyed a small 
temple, and under it have been collected many images. 
The largest, of very considerable dimensions, is turned 
upside down so that the figure cannot be seen. (On my 
return I had it placed erect and found that it was a 
Varaha.) It is probably that which was worshipped in 
the adjacent conical heap, which is called Tarhari. The 
most remarkable image under this tree is one of a male 
with a boar's head (Varaha), on each side a Nagini or 
female ending in two serpents in place of legs. The 
serpents are twisting their tails round the feet of the 
God. Many Buddhs or Jains here also, for I do not 
know how to distinguish them, but on the whole most 
of the figures have a strong resemblance to those of 
Buddh Gya. Among others at this heap, I saw one of 
Surja such as he is represented at Gya. The real image 
however, to which the tank is dedicated, has been pro- 
bably conveyed to a small modern temple built in the 
middle of the village of Baragung. In its walls have 
been built several images, and a good many are lying 
about in the area before the temple. One of the Buddhs 
in the wall of the left hand of the temple has a short 
inscription. Here as well as elsewhere, several Lingas 
with human faces on four sides, an idol very common near 
Gya also. 

In the street of the town, near this temple of 
Surja, is a large image which the people worship as 
Kala Bairobh. It is seated in the usual posture, one 
hand over the knee, with two small Buddhs above and 
two below in the same posture, and one reclining on a 
couch. Also a figure standing on each side. On this 
image there is a short inscription. 

Nearly west from the town of Baragang, a wretched 
place, is a conical heap of bricks called Dorhar, with 



three others of the same name running in a southerly- 
direction towards a large tank choked with weeds ; at the 
foot of this hill are three large images of Buddhs sitting 
in the usual posture. Two are erect, one supine. This 
has a short inscription, but it is much defaced. Its 
hand is over its knee, as is the case of that farthest 
north. The southernmost of those that are erect, which 
is the largest, and seems to have had its hands joined 
before the breast but they are broken, has two short 
inscriptions. Between this conical heap and the next 
towards the south is a small temple, where a Dasnami 
Sannyasi is Pujari. The third image, which is an object 
of worship, he calls Baituk Bairobh, but it is evidently a 
Buddh or Jain sitting in the usual posture and clothed, 
with one hand on the knee. It is of great size, seated 
on a throne ornamented with lions, and the execution 
better than usual. It is not a relief but a full figure. 
A vast number of images and fragments of all sorts are 
lying near it. 

The next heap has been opened for materials, and 
seems to have contained only a very small square 
cavity. The door has been of stones, among the frag- 
ments an image of an elephant. 

Parallel to these conical heaps, evidently temples, 
has been a very long range of buildings between them 
and the great elevation extending south from Baragung. 
Traces remain to show that at its north end there has 
been a row of five small courts surrounded by buildings. 
The south end seems to have been one mass, as there 
are no cavities on the top but such as may be 
supposed to have originated from the falling in of the 
roof of large rooms. On the east side of this and 
parallel to it, but much larger in all dimensions, is an 
elevated space containing many bricks, and extending 
south from Baragung. It would rather seem to have 
been formed by the ruin of a congeries of buildings 
than to have been one mass of buildings, or palace. 
On its north end, adjacent to the town, has been 
erected a small temple of the Serawaks, which probably 


however is not above 100 years old. It is in charge 
of a Mali, and in tolerable repair but very slovenly, the 
court round it being cultivated with mustard or filled 
with rubbish. The terrors of the Jain seem to prevent 
them from living near their temples, and they study 
concealment as much as possible. The doors into this 
temple are made so small that I was under the 
necessity of creeping in on all fours. 

A considerable way south from thence, on this 
range of ruins, is a considerable conical heap, evidently 
a temple. Near it but at some distance are two large 
images, one a Buddh or Jain, the other a female 
supported by two lions. At the south end of this mass 
is a very considerable long heap with two smaller risings 
on its west side, probably a large house or palace. 
Beyond this I saw no more heaps. There appear to 
have been many small tanks round. At the south-west 
corner of this large building is the ruin of a small temple 
called Kapteswori, in and near which have been 
collected many images of all kinds, some of them 
though Buddhs smeared with the blood of offerings 
made by the neighbouring peasantry. One of them, 
evidently a fat-bellied male, without a proboscis and 
sitting with one leg hanging over the throne, they call 
Devi or the goddess. Three female figures at this 
place have short inscriptions. One of them is standing 
under two Buddhs. Another is very curious. It re- 
presents a small female sitting on a throne, supported by 
swine, tolerably well done but called elephants by the 
neighbours. Above her is striding an enraged Sakti 
with three faces, two human and one porcine. A Buddh 
on the ornaments of each head, and an inscription. 

Such are the ruins of the place which the people all 
agree in calling Kundilpuri and the residence of Maga 
Kaja, })ut that merely is to say that it was the residence 
of the King of the country. The nature of the heaps 
and the number of images induce me to suspect that it 
has been merely a place of worship, although it is 
possible that the long range with the five small courts in 


its north end may have been a palace. I further suspect, 
from the fcAV traces of religious buildings aboat Behar, 
that the King usually dwelt there in the fort, and that 
this was his place of worship, where indeed he might 
also have a palace. There is no trace of any fortifica- 
tion near it. Vast heaps of the materials, I am told, 
have for ages been removed to Behar and other neigh- 
bouring places for building. Great quantities still 

The Jain priest at Behar (Jeti) says that the proper 
name of Behar is Bisalapur, which first belonged to 
llaja Padamuda who had a country extending 48 coses 
round. He was succeeded by his son Sujodun, and his 
son Duryodhon, his son Ugrieva. These Rajahs were 
Khatriyas of the Jain religion. Padamuda lived about 
2,800 years ago, and there are no remains of his work. 
After this dynasty came Raj ah Srinik, a Jain, who dwelt 
at Baragong, the proper name of which is Kundilpur. 
lie only raised one temple of the Jain, where he placed 
the mark of Gautom'sfeet. 

The Jain here acknowledge Gautom as the chief of 
ele\'en disciples of Mahavira one of their Avatars, and 
pay him divine honours. The priest says that at that 
time the bulk of the people were Buddhs, and that 
all the other temples and images belonged to that 
sect. Raja Srinik lived about 2,400 years ago, con- 
temporary with Mahavira and Gautoma, and his 
country extended 48 coses. He left no heirs, as he 
betook himself to a religious life. 

The temple of the Jain at Baragang is called 
Buddh Mundol, and is the place where Gautoma 
died. The present temple was built by Sungram Saha, 
a merchant, who lived about 250 years ago and placed 
in it an image of Santonath, one of the Avatars. 
Kundilpur is also called Pompapuri. The Buddh 
temples had been there before. There were no other 
Jain Eajahs here. Raja Maga (a proper name) after- 
wards built the fort of Behar, but the Jain have no 


account of him, as he was not of their religion. They 
have no account of Jarasindha as being an infidel, 
but they say he lived before Padamuda. Four of the 
Avatars, Molonath, Subodnath, Kuntonath and Arinath, 
performed hermitage (Topisya) at Bajagrihi, on which 
account it has become a holy place and was published 
as such about 2,200 years ago. Four maths have been 
built by the house of Jogotseit within these 100 years. 
It belonged to Eaja iSrinik. 

At Pokorpur near Pauyapuri is a temple of 
Mahavira, when he died he was carried as usual to 
heaven but some of his remains were left at that 
place. The temple built lately. At Gunauya^ near 
Nawadeh, Cjautama Swami performed Topissia. He 
says that Vaspujiar died at Champanagar. Kurna 
Raja was not a Jain, but Eaja Dodibahun was Raja 
of Champanagar an exceeding long time ago, at the 
time of Vaspuja. He was after Kama Raja. 

Twenty of the Avatars died at Sometsikur hill, 
called Parswanath, in Palgunj. Neamnath died at 
Grinar near Gujerat, Adinath at Setrurija near Palitana 
city. The places where the 24 Avatars were born 
and where they prayed are also holy, some were born 
at Kasi, some at Ayudiya. All the Avatars were sons 
of Rajahs except Nemnath, who was son of Samududra 
Vijayi by Siva Devi. Samudra was a Jodobongsi, or 
of the same family with Krishna. 

The whole Jain are called Srawakas, but they 
are divided into 84 castes (Jat), Osuyal, Srimal, 
Agarwal, Porwar, etc. The Osuyal and Srimal can 
intermarry, but none of the other castes can intermarry 
nor eat together. Besides these area class celled Bojok 
or Pushkarna, who are B rah mans. These were admitted 
about 350 years ago, when a King threatening the 
Srawakas with destruction, a number of armed Brahmans 
undertook their defence and have been received as 
Purohits for the whole. Formerly they had no Purohits 

(1) Gonawatola. (east of the tank described on 21st December, and of 
the main road between Oiriak and Eajauli). 


The Bojoks although outwardly Jains are generally 
supposed to be privately of the sect of Vishnu. At first 
he said that there were no Brahmans among the Jain, 
but he afterwards said that he had heard of Gujerati 
Brahmans belonging to the 84 castes, and called 
Gujewal. The Agarwal, Osuyal, Paiiwal, Srimal, and 
others perhaps, are Chitris. Bazirwal are Jat or Goyalas, 
Golavaris and Fori war are Vaisiyas. Any one of the 
castes or a Brahman of any kind may become a Joti, or 
the Gurus of the Sarawaks. My informant in fact says 
that he was born a Gaur Brahman, and that his father 
was of the sect of Vishnu. My people think that 
privately he still continues of that faith. None of them 
are married, and they give upades to the Sarawaks, who 
are all married. The abode of the Jotis is called Pausal. 
One Joti usually lives with his Chelas and such guests 
as he chooses to entertain. They also are divided 
into 84 sects or Guch, each of which has a chief 
Sripuj. If a Joti leaves no chela the Sripuj is his heir. 
They are also divided into two maths, Digumba and 
Swetumba. The Digumbas should go naked, but they 
now content themselves with using tanned clothes. 
They follow .the same gods, but have some different 
books. None of them here worship the Astik gods, but 
they have a Chetrapal god of cities, as other Hindus have 
Grama Pevatas. Their temples here they call Deohara. 
They perform Hom, that is, burnt offerings of honey and 
ghi. They make no sacrifices. They admit the sun and 
heav^enly bodies to be deities, but do not worship 

The Eajahs of Jaynagar were Jains until the time of 
Protapsingh, the son of Sewai Jaisingh, who became a 
worshipper of Vishnu. The Astiks here deny this, but 
I heard the same from a Gaur Brahman who had come 
from Jainagar as an artificer. Many of the Eajputs of 
Bundeli, Mewar, Marwar, Kundeir, Lahor, Bikaner, 
Jodpur, etc., are Jain, but many also are Vaishnavs. 
They admit the Buddhs to have preceded them, but 
know nothing of their history. The Buddhs were 
succeeded, partly by the Vaishnavas, partly by the 

9 2 Res. J. 


Jains. He says that Mahapal, Devapal, etc., were Jain 
merchants, not kings. 

In the Bhagawati Suth in 45,000 slokes is contained 
an account of the Avatars and Jain Rajahs. The Tara 
Tambtil gives an account of the places of pilgrimage, with 
their distances. He has a good many books in Sanskrit, 
but not the Bhagawati Suth. The Jains' images that 
are sitting have both their hands supine and across. 
Those standing have both ihands down, with the palms 
turned forwards. They have 48 female deities, 
Padmawati, Chukreswori, Chundrakangta, Sri Maloni, 
etc. They make offerings of flowers and fruits to them. 
Some have many arms. 

He says tlmt Vihar is the proper name of the place, 
and has always been its name in the vulgar dialect. It 
obtained the Sangskrit appellation Bisalapur in the time 
of Mahavira. 

The old images in the fort at Behar, the Joti «ays, 
are all of the Buddhists. One, a small stone with a 
muni on each of four faces^, contains a short inscription, 
but so much defaced that no meaning can be extmcted 
from the parts that are legible. Without the south gate, 
under a young tree, some broken images have been 
collected, but I had no opportunity of consultins^ the 
Joti concerning them. One is a female sitting, with two 
elephants above her head. 

9th January. — I visited the old Kacheri of the 
Moguls. The mosque alone remains, and has been by 
far the largest of the place, but exceedingly rude. The 
walls, pillars, and arches have been built of rude stone 
taken from the fort,, and have been covered by domes of 
brick. The domes have been 21 in three rows.. The 
spaces between the pillars have been about 15 feet 
wide. The pillars are masses about six feet square and 
seven feet high. This may give an idea of the taste. The 
walls have been rudely plastered. The size in the inside 
has been about 57 feet by 141. It was built by a 
Mir Mahmud, and a descendant, venerable by age and 



appearance but of a very querulous disposition, retains the 
property of the ground, which may be three or four acres. 
No traces of the other buildings remain except a few 
walls, partly stone, partly brick. About 100 years ago 
the Kucheri was removed into the fort by orders from the 
King. It seems to me as if the south gate alone had 
been rebuilt and formed into a small kind of castle, 
by block insr up some openings with bricks. This has 
probably been done by the owner of a Dorga, who 
occupies most of the space within. 

10th January/. — I went to Furi. Having passed 
through the bazar and the Dorga of Mukhdum, I found 
encamped a party of Jain pilgrims, and proceeding south, 
by a road not however practicable for carts, about six 
miles, I came to the Panchanan. It is here not above 
200 yards wide,'but contains a good deal of water, not- 
withstanding numerous canals that are taken from it for 
irrigation. I followed its bank for above half a mile, 
and then turning easterly went to the Tirth, about a mile 
farther on. Here I found another camp of pilgrims. 
The whole of the pilgrims assembled are Poriwars. 
There are fully as many women as men. Most of the 
women are elderly, but some are young and a few have 
children. They are in general dressed in a red gown 
with a petticoat, and a cloth round their head and 
shoulders, not as a veil, for like the women of the south 
of India they show their faces. Many of them wear 
shoes and are well made girls but very great hoydens, 
their clothes being thrown on without the smallest 
neatness. They have many horses, some oxen, and small 
tents. They went j6.rst to Kasi, then to Ayudiya, then 
have come here, they go on to Eajagiri, Palgunj and 
Champanagar, and then return home. They say that the 
whole of their tribe are traders, and at first said they were 
Sudras, but then recollecting themselves said they were 
Vaisiyas. They never heard of any Brahmans among 
the Serawaks, but said that west from Bandlekund 
there are many Bajputs among the Jain. The doctrine 
of caste, at least of Brahman, Kshatri, Vaisya and 


Sudra, seems to me a mere innovation. Finding the 
three first titles become honourable among their neigh- 
bours, the men of learning take the title of Brahmans, 
the powerful call themselves Kshatris, and the traders 
call themselves Yaisiyas. The Poriwar admit of no 
Gurus except those of their own tribe, and pay no sort of 
attention to a chela of the Behar Joti who is here looking 
for employment. He is so like the Joti that 1 suspect 
that he is his son. The Gura of the Poriwar resides at 
Gualior. They have no Purohit, each man offers for 
himself. They seem to abhor the Brahmans, yet they 
say that they give them sometimes a couple of Paisahs 
fox some yellow powder, with which they mark their 

Pauya Puri, T am informed by the convert, is con- 
sidered by the Burmas as the place whore Gautama 
changed this life for immortality. For some time 
previous to that event he resided at Gya, but coming 
to Pauya Puri he died, and his funeral was performed 
with great pomp and splendour by Eaja Mol, then 
sovereign of the country. 

I expected to have found Pauya Puri an old city, 
but on coming there I found that Pauya^ and Puri 
were two distinct places distant from each other above 
a mile, and that at Puri there was not the slightest 
trace of the Buddhists. On the contrary, everything 
there seems to be comparatively modern and to belong 
to the Jain. Some of the people of Pauya having 
come to have a peep into my tent, I by chance 
asked them if they had any old temple. They said that 
they had a temple of the Sun, and that there were 
miiiy broken imiges lying near it. I accordingly 
went to the spot and found the village situated on a 
considerable elevation, about 600 feet in length and 
perhaps 150 in width, consisting of a mixture of earth 
and bricks, in general broken to small fragments. The 
greatest length extends east and west, and at each end 
is a tank nearly filled up. On the west end of this 
elevation is the temple of Surja, a small quadmngular 

(1) Paowah, R. and B.A.; Pawa. 



building with a flat roof, divided into two apartments, 
and perhaps 100 years old. It contains two images, one 
called Sm-ja and the other Lakshmi, both males stand- 
ing with two arms, and exactly resembling many that 
are to be seen at Gya. The one called Lakshmi has a 
short inscription which my people cannot read, and on 
her head a male figure sitting cross-legged with both 
his hands on his lap, as the Jains arensually represented. 
On the outside of the temple are several broken images, 
mostly females standing, but two small ones are of 
Munis of the Buddhists, having their right hands on 
their knee. 

This place, I have no doubt, is the proper Pauya 
Puri, and seems to have been a large temple. The 
Jains afterwards, having dedicated a place near it, 
called it merely Puri or the Abode, while the other is 
now called simply Pauya. The people of the village 
have not the smallest tradition concerning the bricks 
found in their village, but that is not surprising, as they 
do not know who built their small temple, and are asto- 
nished how any person should conceive them to know 
such a circumstance, as they say it w^as done three or 
four generations at least ago, and that is beyond the 
extent of their chronology. 

The Jains at Puri have erected three places of 
worship. That farthest south is the place where 
Mahivera was burnt. It is a small temple placed in 
the middle of a fine tank, and surrounded by a wail with 
very narrow doors. The temple was erected and is kept 
in good repair by the family of Jogotseit. A Brahman 
of Telingana, of the sect of Vishnu, and a Mali have 
charge of it. The former takes the offerings, and the 
latter sells flowers, but neither is employed in the 
worship. Immediately north from the tank is an emi- 
nence formed by the earth thrown out. On this has 
lately been erected a place of worship in honour of the 
feet of Mahavira. It is round, and rises by several stages 
gradually narrower, but as each stage is only a reason 
able step high and very wide the whole elevation is 


trifling. In the' centre is a place like a large beeWve, 
in B'^hicli is placed the emblem of the deities' feet. 

North from this some way, at Puri village, is the 
most considerable temple. It consists of two courts 
surrounded by a brick wall, with very small doors 
as usual. In the centre of one is a temple in excellent 
repair and of no great antiquity. The ascent to it is by 
a wretched stair, on each side of which are two small 
places like beehives, each containing a lump of earth 
covered with red lead, which is called Bairubh. The 
temple consists of a centre and four small mondirs at the 
corners. In the centre are three representations of the 
feet of Mahavira, who died at this place, and one of each 
of those of his eleven disciples. In the correr buildings 
are also representations of the feet of various persons. 
Each has an inscription, which has been coj>ied, only the 
inscriptions on four have become cbliterated by rubbing 
and are no longer legible. These inscrii)tions are in 
Devanagari, which my people read. One is said to be 
very old. The Joti reads the date of the year of Sombot 
five b, but the Karji thinks that what the Joti calls 
I'anso, or five, are the cyphers 160 which would give 
the date 1605. The oldest. All the eleven disciples were 
made in the [year] 1698 by one man. One of the new 
ones of Mahavir, made in 1702. The other, when the 
feet of the disciples were made. There is an inscription 
giving an account of the persons by whom the eleven 
Padukas were made. At each side of the court of this 
temple is a building. One serves as a gate, two for 
accommodating strangers of rank, and the fourth for 
a Joti, disciple of the person of Behar. He is said to 
have been a Brahman and is I suspect a mere pretended 
Jain. The Poriwars will have nothing do with him. 
The Oshuyals alone seem to have admitted these 
Brahmans as Gurus, on their professing their faith and 
studying their law. The court is tolerably clean and 
planted with flowers. The other court contains a build- 
ing intended entirely for the accommodation of pilgrims 
of rank. 


llih January. — I went to Giriak,^ about two coses. 
The. village is situated on an elevation containing many- 
bricks, at a little distance from the Punchanon, towards 
the east. Immediately south from the village is a tank, 
much filled up, called Bobra, south from thence some 
way is another called Dansar, and south-west from that 
is another [called] Puraniya, from its being covered 
with the leaves of the Nelumbium, called Puran as the 
flowers are called Kamal. North from Puraniya, and 
running along the banks of the Punchanan between 
it and the two other tanks, is a very large elevation 
composed of broken bricks, rude masses of stone taken 
from the hill on the opposite side of the Punchanan, 
and earth. That this is not a natural heap or hill I 
conclude from there not being the smallest appeai'ance 
of rock, for all the hills of this country are mere rocks 
with a little soil in the more level parts. Its shape also 
showing traces of symmetry supports the same opinion. 
It may be traced to consist of two parts. That to the 
south considerably the lowest, both have a projection 
towards the east and west, like porticos or perhaps 
gates. ^ The elevation of the northern part cannot be 
less than 80 feet perpendicular. Nor is there any trace 
of a cavity within. If it has been a mass of building, as I 
doubt not has been the case, it must have been a great 
castle or paJace, without any courts or empty areas 
which could have left any traces in decay. The whole 
however, probably by the removal of the materials, has 
been reduced to a mere irregular mass in which no traces 
of building remain. On its top has been erected a small 
square fort with a ditch. The rampart and bastions have 
been faced with bricks, taken probably from the ruin. 
This fort is attributed to a Bandawot Pajah who govern- 
ed the country before the Batana Bamans. This fort is 
called the Boragara, while some irregular traces on the 
east side of the large heap are called Chotagar, and are 
also attributed to the same Bandawats, who were Rajputs. 

(1) Gireek, B.A. ; Giriak Babhotpur. 

(2) The river is cutting away this mound on its western side, exposing 

wells and the brick foundations of buildings, and tlie projectidna 
on the western side have now disappeared. 


The most sensible natives of the place have no tradi- 
tion concerning the elevation on which the Baragara is 
situated, but think that it was made at the same time 
with the fort, which is an opinion quite untenable, the 
fort-ditch having evidently been dug into the heap of 
ruins. A Dosnami indeed pretends that the old name of 
the place is Hangsa Nagar and that it was built by a 
Hangsa Eajah ; but he is a stupid fellow, a^d no other 
person has heard of such a tradition. At Patna, how- 
ever, I heard the Hangsa liajah lived atPhulwari. 

The greater part of the stones, as I have said, are 
rude blocks of quartz or hornstone taken from the 
opposite hill, but a few images and fragments of potstone 
are scattered about. Two of the images are pretty entire, 
although much defaced. One represents a female killing 
a buffalo, exactly like the Jagadombas of Kewadol. 
This is lying on the surface of the hill under the fort 
towards the east. Near it is a very neat pedestal on 
which five images have stood, but only their feet remain. 
The other im.age that is entire is placed leaning against 
the wall of a small modern temple of Siva, built on the 
northernmost of two small heaps that are north from 
the great ruin. It is exactly like one of the most 
common figures at Gaya. A male with four arms, leaning 
on two small personages, one male and one female. Two 
small images below in form of adoration, two angels hover- 
ing above with chaplets in their hands. His head has 
a high cap with an old regal coronet. By the people it 
is called Lakshmi Narayan, and is the same with that so 
called at Pauya, only that it wants the Jain on the head, 
being too small. Under a tree, between the great heap 
and the river, have been collected some fragments of 
images. The male part of a Linga, part of a Ganesa, 
two fragments of the male last described, with some 
others so much defaced that it is impossible to say 
what they were. On the north end of the great heap I 
found a fragment of the same male image, being one of 
the angels that has hovered above his head. Under a 
trice on the east side of the large heap is a fragment of 
the human form, which the Musahors have jmt upon a 



heap of bricks and worship as one of their saints or devils. 
This large heap is evidently what the people of Nawada 
called Jarasandha's house, but the people on the spot 
have no such tradition. The buildings attributed to Jara- 
sandha are on the hill called Giriak, just opposite to the 
village of that name. He is considered here as having 
been an Asur or Daityo of immense size, so as to stand 
w^ith one foot on Giriak and another on Ilajgiri, three coses 
distant, and from thence throw bricks into the sea at 
Dwarka on the other side of India. On account of this 
vile trick by which he disturbed the 1,600 wives of the 
God who lived at Dwarka, that God came here to war with 
Jarasandha, and killed him by the hand of Ehim the son 
of Pandu. At that time Krishna gave orders that 
people should bathe in the Panchanan, and 50,000 are 
said to assemble for the purpose in Kartik. 

12th January. — I ascended the hill to see the anti- 
quities. Crossing the Panchanan at the upper end 
of the great heap, I ascended a very steep precipice 
to the small temple called Gauri Sank or, which is 
situated at the bottom of an immense rock, on the 
summit of which is the monument called the Baitaki 
of Jarasandha. In this temple, which is very small 
and probably not 100 years old, are two small 
images, one of Ganesa, the other of a male sitting with 
a female on his knee, such as is usually called Hargauri 
or Krishna and Eadha, but very common at Gaya. Near 
this is the tomb of a late sanyasi, predecessor of the 
present pujari. 

I went from thence east along the face of the hill, 
to another larger temple of the same shape, and perhaps 
six feet square, which is built over what is called 
the impression of Krishna's feet, which at Nawada 
was called the impression of the feet of Eama. The 
marks are small and like real impressions, being exca- 
vated, and not elevated like the feet of the Jain. In 
this temple are the fragments of an idol that has been 
broken into so many pieces that no judgment can b© 
formed of Avhat is represented. 


Ascending from thence a steep precipice between 
two immense rocks, I came to a comparatively level 
place, where I found the proper road, paved with rough 
blocks of stone cut from the hill. It seems to have 
been about twelve feet wide and winds in various 
directions to procure an ascent of moderate declivity, 
and when entire a palanquin might perhaps have been 
taken up and down, but it has always been a very 
rude work, and in many places is almost entirely des- 
troyed.^ I followed its windings along the north^ side 
of the hill until at length I reached the ridge opposite to 
a small tank, excavated on two sides from the rock and 
built on the two others with the stones cut out. The 
ridge is very narrow, extends east and west, and rises 
gently from the tank towards both hands, but most to- 
wards the west. I went first in that direction along 
the causeway, which is there at least 18 feet wide, and 
rises gradually above the ridge. This causeway led me 
to a mass of bricks which is very steep, and I thought in 
ascending it that I could perceive the remains of a stair, 
somewhat like the trace of two or three of the steps being 
discernible. At the top of this steep ascent is a hollow 
space with a thick ledge round it. This has probably 
been a court, open above but surrounded by a wall, and 
formed a terrace surrounding the building on all sides. 
West farther has been a square mass of building, of 
which the foundation at the north-east corner is still 
entire and built of bricks about 18 inches long, 9 wide 
and 2 thick. They are laid on clay, but have been 
chiselled smooth so that the masonry is very neat, and 
have never been covered with plaster. In this corner the 
ends of five pillars of granite project from among the 
ruins, and in other pai'ts three other pillars are still 
standing. They are of no considerable height, about ten 
feet and quadrangular, M'hile only one of their faces has 
been ornamented with carving and that very rudely. They 

(1) Dr. Buchanan did not notice the fortification walls, which can be 

easily traced, going round the hill on tl*e west, everywhere below 
its crest, and crossing the narrow valley between this hill and 
the southern range. 

(2) Should be i.' south," gee page 113. 


probably therefore formed a corridor round this court, 
and the carved face has been turned towards the direc- 
tion intended to be most conspicuous. They consist of 
a very fine grey granite, Trhite felspar and quartz, and 
black mica, and have been brought from a distance, there 
being no such stone on the hill. Immediately west 
fi'om this building, which has probably been a Nath 
Mondir, is a conical mass of brick placed on a square 
basis. There is no cavity in its summit, so that it has 
probably been a solid temple like that of the Buddhists. 
On its north^ side would appear to have been a small 
chamber, built in part at least with granite. The terrace 
beyond this cone has terminated very steep towards the 
west, and the rock appears to have been cut away to 
render its west end more abrupt and to procure materials. 
A small plain has been thus formed on the descent at 
its west end, and in this is an excavation probably made 
to procure materials. West from thence is a very pic- 
turesque view of a narrow parched valley between two 
ridges of rocks. In all other directions the country is 
exceedingly rich. 

I then returned to the tank, which is now dry, and 
in its bottom I found a small female image with traces 
of her having had a child on her knee, but it has a 
Chokor or disk in one hand and Goda (Mau) in the 
other. On this account the Brahmans deny that it can 
represent Ganesa Jononi, the mother of Ganesa, but I 
have no douljt that it represents the same circumstance, 
that is, the warlike Semiramis with the infant Niniyas 
on her knee. 

Going east from the tank a little way is another 
small conical heap of bricks, quite a ruin, behind which 
on a square pedestal is the circular base, (.8 feet in cir- 
cumference, of a fine column, the most entire part of the 
ruin, and which is called the Baitaki or seat of Jarasan- 
dha. It is a solid building without any cavity, as may 
be kno\\Ti by a deep excavation made in its western face, 
probably in search of treasure, and has been built 

(1) Should be 'J- south," as shown in BuchaJian's own sketch plan. 


throughout of large bricks laid in clay. The external 
ones within reach have been removed, but higher up 
some part remains entire and surrounded by the original 
mouldings. The whole outer face has been cut smooth 
with the chisel, and the mouldings have been neatly 
carved, but they contain no traces of animal figures. The 
square pedestal has been built in the same manner and 
much ornamented. In what the column terminated it is 
impossible to say, as what now remains is merely the 
basis, and the whole northern face of the precipice under 
it to the bottom is covered with scattered bricks which 
have fallen from it. The terrace on which it stands 
extends a little way towards the east, forming a little 
plain from whence there is a most extensive prospect of 
rich plain. 

The building towards the west is called by a Sanyasi 
(Pujari of the two modern temples) Hangsapur, but all 
other persons are ignorant of this name. Both parties 
admit that it was the house of Jarasandha, but this is 
evidently a mistake. No prince could have lived in 
such a place, and the building has evidently been a 
temple. The use of the column is not so obvious. It 
may have been merely an ornamental appendage to the 
temple, or it may have been the funeral monument of 
a prince. The last is the most probable opinion, and it 
may be the tomb of Jarasandha, A^ho is said to have been 
killed at Eonbumi about four coses west. If Jarasandha 
had a house here, I have no doubt that the heap on 
which 15aragara has been built is its ruins. None of 
the images here are of a size fitted for worship in such 
temples, and have been mere ornaments. The proper 
images, if there were any, are either buried in the ruins 
or have been destroyed. 

I returned all the way by the stair or road which 
descends by the north side of the hill, whereas I ascend- 
ed by the south side. The hill consists entirely of 
quartz or silicious hornstone.^ In most parts it is 
white, in some asli coloured, and in a few red. It 

(1) Appendix, No. 111. 


is nowhere that I saw an aggregate, but is composed of 
an uniform substance, in some parts glassy, in others 
powdery. In a state of decay, as at the small temple 
of Gaurisankar, it looks as if passing into Khorimati. 

Some invalid native officers have been within 
a year or two settled at Geriak. They complain that 
their lands produce nothing except Kurti, being too 
sandy. I am however told by the farmers that the soil 
is good, and when f ally cultivated will produce all kinds 
of rabbi, or Janera, Meraya, etc. It was lately covered 
with stunted woods of which a good deal still remains 
in the vicinity, but of late years much has been reclaim- 
ed, ^^ear Giriak are many Musahars and a few 
Bhuiyas. These here have no chiefs, and eat everything. 

13^^ January. — I went six coses to Hariya,^ but the 
road or path is very circuitous. About 5f miles from 
Geriak I crossed the Teluriya,^ a sandy channel about 200 
yards wide, with a little stream of water, full however 
as large now as the stream of the Pulgo was at Gya 
when I was there. About five miles farther on I crossed 
the Dadur,^ much such another channel as the Puri." 
The villages closely built. Many of the inhabitants 
Musahars. They speak a Hindi very obsolete and diffi- 
cult to understand. Their noses very small and rather 
flat, faces oval, lips not thick, eyebrows prominent. 
Hair long like all original Hindu tribes. 

lUh January, — In the first place I went about a 
mile northerly to see the rock from whence Silajit pro- 
ceeds. I ascended the hilP to about its middle by an 
exceeding steep rugged path through a stunted wood, of 
bamboos and Boswellia chiefly. I then came to an 
abrupt rock, of white quartz in some parts, and grey 

(1) Hanriya. 

(2) Tilaia N.? Puri crossed out. Probably Khurl N. 

(3) Dahder R., R. and B.A. ; Dadar N. 

(4) By taking this route, Buchanan missed the hot springs called 

Agnidhara, at Madhuban near Giriak, which also are not referred 
to in his Report. Maximum temperature observed since 1909, 129"^ 
on December 25th, 1920. 
(s) Handia or Hanriya. 


hornstone in others, the same as I had found all the way 
up the hill. Scrambling along the foot of this perpendi- 
cular rock some way I reached the mouth of a consider- 
able cave, which has a wide mouth, and may be 50 or CO 
feet in diameter and 10 or 12 feet high where highest. 
The floor rises inwards with a very steep ascent and is 
very rugged, and the roof looks very threatening, and its 
crevices shelter wild pigeons. The cave itself is quite 
dry, and near the mouth is cool and airy. It is said to 
be an usual haunt of bears and tigers. At the far end 
of the cave is another, with a mouth about 12 feet wide 
and 4 or 5 high. On approaching this I was struck by 
a hot vapour and stench that constantly proceed from it, 
and I heard the chattering of bats from whom the 
stench proceeds. The heat is very considerable, so as 
instantly to produce a violent perspiration, but unfortu- 
nately I had not with me a thermometer.^ I looked into 
the mouth of this inner cave, and could see all round it 
without perceiving any ulterior opening, but I saw none 
of the bats who were probably hid in crevices. And the 
heat and stench being exceedingly disagreeable, I did not 
go in. The cave consists entirely of white quartz, stained 
red on the surface of some parts .^ What has caused 
the rock to slide out from it, I cannot say. All before and 
under it for a little way is a rock composed of small 
fragments of quartz imbedded in a tufaceous substance. 
This I saw nowhere else on the hill. There is no appear- 
ance of stratification. The rock, as usual, divided into 
rhomboidal masses by fissures horizontal and vertical. 
In many parts it is quite naked and abrupt, and every- 
where (it has) the hills composed of it have the most arid 
sterile appearance. The hills of quartz are in general 
very inferior in grandeur to those of granite. The latter 
rise into peaks of the most magnificent boldness, and the 
crevices are much more favourable to vegetation. The 
hills of quartz, however, produce more springs and little 

(1) " Not due to any physical cause, such as high temperature, but 

merely to physiological causes, owiiig to the fact that the air 
is stagnant and extremely foul."- iSee J. B. & 0. R. S., 1917, 
Vol. Ill, J»art in, pages 309—310. 

(2) Appendix, No. 40. 


rivulets, and in the recesses formed by these there are 
often abrupt precipices and scenery of astonishing 

Standing before the care and looking up, I saw 
the Silajit besmearing the face of the rock about 
30 feet above my head, and proceeding from a small 
ledge, in which I am told it issues from a crevice in the 
quartz. It was impossible for me to proceed farther. 
One old Musahar alone ventured on this, and before he 
set out he fortified himself with some spirituous 
liquor, having made a libation to the ghosts of the 
saints (Vir). A young active Harkarah attempted 
to accompany him. They went roimd the rock until 
they found a ledge, and proceeded by this, holding on by 
roots of trees, until they came over the mouth of the 
cave, 40 or 50 feet above the Silajit, and the old man 
descended from one crevice or projecting point to another, 
until he reached the little ledge from whence it issued. 
The young man's heart failed him and he did not ven- 
ture on so dangerous aai exploit. The old man brought 
back about an ounce measure of the Silajit, which he 
collected in a leaf. It is about the consistence of new 
hoiney but rather thinner, and mixed with dust and 
other impurities that crumble doT^Ti from the arid preci- 
pice above. It is of a dirty earth colour, and has a strong 
rather disagreeable smell, somewhat like that of cows' 
urine but stronger, although it cannot be called very 
oilijusi ve. The whole appearance is however disgusting.^ 

The place belongs to Eai Kosal Singh of Patna,and 

dl the Silagi^ *^^^ i^ collected is, sent to him. The people 

' haf the old man goes once about three days during 

L _ months Paush and Mag,, and does not collect above 

cue car' two sicca weight in the day,, and thait the whole 

(1) Wri-Mig in 1819, Buchanan says in his Account of the Kingdom 
of' Nepal, page 80 : — " In. many parts ol these mountains, the 
Mhsiaiice calied silajit exudes from rocks, I have not yet satisfied 
■my -s^lf concerning its nature; but intend hereafter to treat the 
r^ul>ject fully, when I describe the natm*al productions of Behar, I had an opportunity of collecting it, as it came from 
t/h J rock,"- For an explanation of its nature, see J. B. and 0. R. S., 
tvc. cit., pages 315 — 318. 


procured ia a season is not a seer. This seems to be 
doubtful. The man with any pains might to-day have 
collected a couple of ounces, and it exudes in a similar 
manner from another place about a quarter of a mile 
farther east. It is very likely, however, that the owner 
does not get more than a seer, and that I should suppose 
is quite enough. I heard the Hanumans, but doubt 
much of their eating the Silajit, as is pretended. 

Having descended, I went along the bottom of the 
hill towards the west. About five miles from Hariya, 
the hill on which the Silajit is ends in a low point,^ and 
another from behind it comes in view, but sinks into 
a deep gap in less than half a mile farther.* Beyond the 
gap it rises again, and continues beyond Topobon, which 
is about six miles from Hariya. These hills consist also 
of quartz, and are similar in their appearance. Their 
lower parts covered with bamboos and stunted Boswellias, 
their upper, sterile dismal rocks with tufts of withered 
grass. A canal about 24 feet wide has been dug all 
the way along the hill, and the earth has been thrown 
tow^ards the plain. The bottom is now cultivated and 
it seems intended to collect the water into reservoirs, 
that extend across the plain at right angles. The 
I)lan is judicious, but might have been more carefully 
executed. About three miles east^ from where the 
Silajit exudes is a deep recess in the hill like a broken 
crater, as it is funnel-shaped and the hill is not lower at 
that part on any side, except towards the south where 
the edge has given way and shows the hollow.* 

Tapaban is a place where a Mela had been held two 
days ago, and it is supposed was attended by eight or ten 
thousand people. It forms part of the holy places of 
Eajagriho, and some Brahmans had come from thence 
to receive contributions. They are most importunate 
beggars, and call themselves Magaiya Srotriyas, but 
say that they are Maharasta Brahmans, brought here by 

(1) Aral or Saphi ghat. 

(2) Jethian ghat. 

(3) Should be "- west.'l 

(4) Sartu ghat. 


a certain Eaja whose name is the same witti that of 
Krishna's father. 

The holy places are five ponds or pools contain-" 
ing small sprmgs of water, but very inferior to even 
Sitakund. The water however serves to cover some 
rice fields 'even at this season, but here the cold at this 
season is too great for that grain. The water however 
is turned on the fields in order to enrich them. The 
pools are situated in a row at the foot of the hill, 
which like those farther east consists of quartz and 
hornstone. A great deal of the latter especially above 
the/Kundsis red/ but there is no Pock immediately 
adjacent to them. It is there covered by fragments 
that have fallen from the precipices above. The eastern- 
most Kund is named Chundakosi, and is the finest. 
It may be about 20 feet square, and at this season three 
feet deep. The water however, as in the others admit- 
ting of the people bathing in it, is very dirty. It has 
been surrounded by a wall of brick plastered, descending 
to the,water's edge with a narrow walk round the water. 
In the side opposite to the stair is a small door leading 
into' a petty temple, in which is an image exactly like 
that at the temple of Siva at Geriak, and is here called 
Vasudeva. The thermometer, being 70° in the air, rose 
in the^water of this Kund to 116°'^ 

At the west side of i this tank have been gathered 
together several small images, mostly defaced. I obser- 
ved fragments of five or six of such as is called Vasu- 
deva, but from the enormous distension of ears these 
€ire admitted to belong to the sect of Buddhists. I 
observed two of the goddess sitting on a lion couchant, 
which my people had never before seen ; also two of 
Gauri Sangkar, and three lingas. A little south-west 
from thence is a terrace of brick and stone, said to have 
been erected by Eototraia, who was killed in Nepal by 
Bhimsen. On this are three modern and petty temples 
of Siva. 

(1) Appendix, No. 24. 

(2) Now called Sanat.kumar Kund or Surajkund. Maximum temperature 

observed since 1908, 113-4^ on December 23th, 1903. 

10 I Res. J. 


Immediately south-west from thence is a small 
pool of cool water, called Ilangsatirtha. It has been 
surrounded by brickwork, but this has gone to total ruin, 
and the wat^r is exceedingly dirty. Immediately south- 
west from it is a small brick temple, the roof of '^hich 
is fallen,^ in the centre of which is a linga, and in the 
back wall are built three images of Gauri Sankar, on 
one of which is carved a person's name by whom 
probably it was dedicated. Near this temple islying 
one of the images called here Yasudeya and at Gya 

Some way south- west^^ from thence is the pool 
called Puran Hangs, lined with brick in good repair. 
The water in it raised the thermometer to 100°.^ 

Near this is Sanantanakundo, alsoUined with brick, 
which raised the thermometer to 102°.^ At some 
distance farther south-west is Sonok Tirtha, also lined 
with brick, and like the others in tolerable repair. It 
raised the thermometer to 112°.* In none of these 
ponds was there any issue of air bubbles as in those of 
the Bhagalpur district, except in the last, and there they 
issued in very S3nall quantities. I observed that in the 
two middle Kunds, where the heat was at 100° and 
102°, there were some small fishes and a great 
many frogs ; but in the two extreme ponds, where the 
heat was 112 ^ and 116 °, none of these animals 
could live. This i)oints out the heat in which these 
animals can live with comfort. 

Ibth January. — I went to Amaiti/ which was said 
to be five coses distant, but I found it less than 3|. The 

(i) No longer traceable. A large modern temple probably occupies 
its position. 

(2) Now called Sanaksanandan or Sitakund. Maximum temperature 

observed since 1908, 104-4° on December 12th. 1909. 

(3) Now called Sankaraditya or Brahmakund. Maximum temperature 

observed since 1908, 101 '8° on December 12th, 1909. 

(4) Now called Sanakkua or Chamarkund. Maximum temperature 

observed since 1908, in hottest part of the Kund, 123 "4" on 
December 27th, 1915; but on December 28th, 1917, a small spring 
issued direct from the ground, the temperature of which was 128*7°. 
Hf-e also note on page li4. 
(^') Amethi. 


country a fine level between two ridges of rocky hills, 
much of it under stunted M^oods, but the soil good. 
Less than a mile from Amaiti I crossed a narrow rivulet 
in a clay channel, but filled with stagnant water. It is 
called Mungora.^ Amaiti is a small place belonging to 
Mitrjit. The people, as usual on his estates, very 

16th January, — I went to Norahu,^ about 5 J coses* 
A little south from Amaiti I saw the soda efflorescing 
on the surface of a small barren space. I continued 
skirting the two small hills west from Amaiti for 
about 1-| miles. I then skirted the ridge behind them, 
which consists of an exceeding bare rock of a granular 
rude jasper, in sometimes prettily variegated white, 
grey, and red, which if it takes a polish will have a 
fine effect. The specimen taken at Kharghat.^ iVo 
appearance of strata, as usual broken into rhomboidal 
fragments. Eather more than a mile farther, I had on 
my left a small conical peak which, with the two hills of 
Amaiti, five small hills farther south, and two consider- 
able ones farther on, are a continuation of the ridge of 
Tapaban. ,0 

Eather more than 2| miles farther, I came to a 
wide gap in the ridge towards my right, opposite 
to the third of five small hills above mentioned, 
and between the two ridges there is a beautiful 
plain, a great part of which is covered in the rainy 
season with water, a reservoir having been formed 
by a bank about half a mile in length drawn across 
the gap. The bank made only of earth. The ridge 
continues only a little way farther south, in two short 
hills. I turned round the south end of the reservoir 
and went north-east to Nowadah,* and from thence 
north through a very fine plain for about three miles to 
a little conical hill named Korwa, from whence to 

(1) Mangura N. 

(2) Narawat. 

(3) Appendix, No. 4. 

(4) Nawada, 


Norahur at the west end of the hill so named is rather 
less than three miles. Korwa hill consists of a red 
rude jasper/ with veins of white quartz. Adhering 
to it are masses, half crystallized, of a fine white 
substance, either quartz or felspar, I cannot say 
which. The country in the recess between the two 
chains of hills to my right seems to be overrun with 
low woods, and to be very stony. To the left it is very 

Narawat is a small village belonging to Pitumber 

Singh, cousin german of Mitrjit. TTis agents say that 

until lately the country round had been waste for some 

hundred years, and that Narawat was the residence of a 

Nol Rajah, who lived in the Tritayog and is celebrated 

in legend. There are several heaps of brick near the 

place, but of very little elevation. Whether this is to be 

attributed to extreme antiquity, or to the buildings 

having been originally inconsiderable, I cannot say. 

Many images, in general much defaced, are scattered 

about these heaps, and several pillars of granite, very 

rude and resembling those on Giriyak Pahar, are 

projecting from the ruins or lying above them. The 

most considerable heap may contain 10 bigahs and is 

nearly square. On it about 50 or 60 years ago a barber 

was killed by a tiger, and his ghost became the terror 

■of the neiglibourhood, until a small temple was built to 

his memory. In it has been placed the lower half of 

a Buddh. The door is supported by an old lintel very 

much worn, which has a row of angels like those at 

Mongeer on each side of a sitting figure, much defaced 

but probably the same as found there. Kear the temple 

of this ghost a pillar projects, and there are four Sivas 

lately erected ])ut said to have been found on the spot. 

Two pillars project at no great distance. 

Near the present village are standing two granite 
pillars, and several long stones are lying near them 
as also several images. A large Linga, three Gauri 

(1) Kobwa. 

l;^) Appendix, No. 55. 


Sangkors, with very high, diadems. Two fragments 
of the image called Vasudeva, a Naugraha, a Bosavatar, 
one stone — the fragment probably of one of the Ganri 
Sankars, as it has evidently gone romid the upper part 
of a stone containing images below — contains two Jains 
and a Buddh, that is taking the Joti of Behar's diag- 
nostic to be true, that is two of them have their hands 
crossed on their lap, and one has its hands joined in 
adoration. Eamajai^ however says that no dependence 
can be placed on this, as several Buddhs in Nepal had 
both hands crossed on their lap. 

A little east from thence, just at the west end of 
the hill, is a large Gauri Sankar broken in two. About 
a quarter of a mile east from thence is an old dry 
tank, called Pukhori by way of eminence, and 
attributed to Nol Eajah. About half a mile farther 
east, under a tree, is a fragment of a small Gauri 
ISangkar quite neglected, while the Goyalas that 
form the chief population worship under the name of 
Goraiya four Jains with their hands crossed on their laps 
that are carved on one stone. The stone seems to have 
been a lintel and to have contained probably as many 
more images of the same kind. At the end is represent- 
ed a solid temple such as is used by the Buddhs but not 
by the Jain, which confirms Eamajai's opinion. The 
name of the person by whom it was made is written 
under it in no very ancient character. This part of the 
country is said to have belonged to the Bunda- 
wuts who are here called Eajputs, but mcst of the 
inhabitants in their old territories seem to have been 
Goyalas. The Kol, it is said, possessed all the country 
west from this to the Son, beyond which was the country 
of the Cherin. Nol Eaja, I presume, was a Bundawnt 
and a Buddh. The character on the stone is modern, 
and the images are all probably of the same era. Inder 
Devon is said to have been a Bundawat, and his country 
probably extended so far west at least. It must 

(1) Ramajai Bhattacharyya, Pandit attached to the Survey; see Preface 
to the Account of Nepal, page 1, and Dr. Buchanan's letter to 
Wallich, of 12th March, 1819, in Sir D. Train's Memoir, pa^e xxx. 


however be observed that Keyadol was said to have 
belonged to the Bundawats after the Cheru, and that the 
Cheru and Kol are considered as the same. 

nth January. — I went to Saren^ Nates wor,^ reckoned 
five coses but my route was about six, partly owing to 
the winding of the road, and partly owing to my having 
visited several places by the way. In the first place, I 
proceeded about half a mile to the south-west corner of 
Narawut hill, and leaving it on my left proceeded 
north-east to its other extremity. It may be near 
two coses long. The country between it and the Tapaban 
ridge about half-occupied, the Goyalas endeavouring to 
keep as much waste as i)ossible. My people killed here 
an antelope, and a wolf descended from the hills at 
night and alarmed my sheep. 

Having passed between Narawut and Tetuya,' 
I passed north-east with the Tetuya ridge on my 
right, and opposite to Majholighat,^ the passage 
between the second and third hill of this ridge, I 
came to a small hummock called Kariari, which is 
situated about a mile from the ridge and perhaps 
3 J miles from the south end of Narawut ridge. 
About a. mile and a half from Kariyari I crossed a small 
winding canal called the Liyani, which contains a good 
deal of stagnant water. 

Khori is at present wrouglit in Khariyari, from 
whence its name is derived. It is a small round 
hummock. The rock is a kind of intermixture of imper- 
fect reddle ^ and hornstone or quartz, in some places 
containing imbedded in it fragments of Khori, and 
in some places stained yellow. The Khori has been 
wrought in two places, but to no great extent. One 
near the bottom of the hill ^ is in a very irregular 
nest, surrounded by the imperfect reddle more or less 

(1) Saren. 

(2) Natesar. 

(3) Tetua. 

(4) Majhauli ghat. 

(5) Appendix, No. 93. 

(6) „ No. 17. 


approacliing in nature to the Kliori. The derivation of 
the latter from the former is so evident that the natives 
say that the Khori is the reddle corrupted or putrified 
(Sor). The mine has been conducted with very little 
skill. The workmen first dug a narrow^ gallery into the 
Khori until stopt by water. They have gradually since 
been beating pieces from the sides and roof, so that now 
they must have recourse to ladders to reach it and every 
piece tumbles to the bottom, from which it is brought 
up with much trouble. This Khori is harsh, and consists 
of various layers of different shades of pale red. In 
the other vein the Khori^ is white and very harsh and 
contains bits of quartz unchanged. The vein is very 
superficial and has as yet been only just opened. 
Farther in it will probably improve. 

From this hummock I went rather less than a mile 
to another at the village of Majholi. This consists of 
somewhat similar m^aterials, but in a great state of 
decay" and becoming schistose. It may be considered as 
an intermediate state between rude Jasper and Khori. 
None of this substance in a perfect state has been yet 
discovered here. About a quarter of a mile farther 
on, is still another small hummock on which Khori^ 
was formerly dug, but tlie vein has been exhausted. 
The rock in decay is splitting into vertical thin strata 
running east-north-ea^st and west-south-west or thereby, 
and the vein has run the whole length of the hill 
in that direction, and has been wrought about four feet 
wide and deep. The rock on its southern side shows 
in my opinion the transition from hornstone to reddle 
or Khori.^ On one part are curious minute crys- 
tallizations like those near Malipur.^ That on its 
northern side is very curious.® It seems to be a kind 
of porphyry, consisting of an argillaceous cement 
strongly impregnated with iron, containing concretions 

(1) Appendix, No. 5. 

(2) „ No. 53. 
{^) „ No. 54. 
C?) „ No. 21. 

(5) At Katauna Hill, see Bhagalpur Journal, 19tli March, 1811. 
{<4 Appendix, No. 3. 



j)artly silicious and partly changed, and has a strong 
resemblance to the gangne of the Khori which I saw 
near Neduj^analah. 

From thence I went obliquely to Jornaghat, the 
passage between the third and fourth hill of the 
great range. There is no i)lain between the two hills, 
which are united by a very steep rugged chain of grey 
hornstone/ in some places stained red. The whole 
of this range from Narawut seems exactly of the same 
nature with the southern range of the llajgriho hills, 
only the northern face is not quite so parched, and 
the bamboos and stunted trees extend farther up the 
rocks. At the foot of the hill is found an unctuous 
yellow clay, called Pila mati from its colour. Potters 
use it, but the quantity seems to be inconsiderable. It 
is quite superficial, and mixed with many fragments of 
rock, which are separated by throwing the whole into 
water and collecting the [lighter sediment] .* Near it is a 
pit from whence the people have dug some indurated 
schistose clay, red white and yellow. From thence I went 
obliquely for about a mile to Saren Nateswor, a village 
situated at the east end of a more considerable hummock 
than the three above mentioned. 

The second and fourth hill of the great ridge are the 
most considerable for elevation. 

The country at Saren [is] said to have formerly 
belonged to the Bandaw^ats, T\iio called themselves Eaj- 
puts, but many of them still live in Perganah Chay in 
Ramgarh. They speak Hindi, and eat pure, but perform 
Sagai. It is said that before the Bandawats the country 
belonged to the Kol. These are different from the 
Cheru. The Pv^ajah of Palamo is a Cheru. The Banda- 
wats and Kol entirely banished from this country. 
There remain many Bhungiyas. 

The hummock or hill of Saren, the most considcr- 
al)le of this low range, consists of a variety of rocks, all 

(1) Appendix, No. 57. 

{i*} Left blank in Jouruul. Sec East India, Vol. I, p. 262. 


decaying in vertical masses running east and west. In 
some parts is a Khori more or less perfect/ some of 
which is dug for teaching children to write. Indura- 
ted reddle^ is still more common, but is very inferior 
in quality to that brought from Gwalior, which is 
used by the Sannyasis for dyeing their clothes. The 
great mass of rock on the north side of the hill, 
and especially towards a peak at its west end, appears 
to me evidently a slag^ containing much iron, partly 
reddish, partly blackish, and in many parts containing 
nodules of quartz and khori. On the south side of 
the hill is what I consider as hornstone impregnated 
with iron* disposed in waved lay ers of various shades 
of colour, exactly like some Khoris but very hard. It 
has nothing of a slaggy appearance. 

Saren is a pretty considerable village belonging to 
Mitrijit, with fine lands towards the north, and in a very 
picturesque situation. 

ISth January. — I went to Eajagriho,** said to be 
distant six coses, but my guide attempted to take me by 
a passage between the transverse range and the great 
hills, which being impracticable after having advanced 
two miles, I was obliged to return, and then to proceed by 
Dukrighat almost two miles from where I turned. Dukri- 
ghat passes over a corner of a large mass of hills, which 
may be considered as a continuation or as the principal 
part of the range of hummocks containing Khori, and it 
fills up the space between the great quartsoze range of 
Eajagriho and the granite range of detached peaks that 
extends east from Patalkati, or rather from Burabur. 
The granite ^ on the easternmost of these peaks ^ is 
very perfect and small-grained, white felspar and 
quartz and black mica. Dakrighat itself consists of an 
exceeding tough hornstone, of different thin layers 

(1) Appendix, No. 94. 

(2) „ No. 99. 

(3) „ No. 102. 

(4) „ No. 47. 

(5) Radgejir, R. ; Rajegur, B.A. ; Raj^ir. 

(6) Appendix, No. 66. 

(7) Bathanl Hill. 



of various shades of grey and of very fine grain. ^ It 
resembles the stone of the hill of Saren except in not 
being iron-shot. 

Prom Dakrighat I went rather more than four miles 
to Singhaul,^ a village in Nawada. Before entering it 
I found some broken images on the ground. One 
differed from that called Vasudeva or Narayon by 
having two small figures on each side, in place of one. 
The other seemed to have been the throne of some idol, 
and containing a Buddh sitting above the head of a male 
figure, with two arms and standing. 

Prom Singhaul I followed a very grand old road 
attributed to the infidel Jarasandha, and on that account 
called the Asuren. It has rim in a j)erfecfc straight line, 
and is about 150 feet wide, rising from the sides with 
a very gentle ascent to the middle, which may have 
been about 1 2 feet perpendicular above the level of the 
plain, which is very low land. Tlie people imagine that 
it was a reservoir intended to collect the rain water and 
convey it to Eajagriho, and then this water was to be 
raised to the flower garden, which the prince chose 
to have on the toj) of the hill. That it served for 
a reservoir I have no doubt, as it does so to this day, 
and during the whole rainy season the space between it 
and the hills forms a lake, but in the dry season tlie 
water disappears, and the bottom of the lake is cultivated. 
The object of the work, I have no doubt, was for a road, 
as it extends over this low plain only for about four miles, 
and ends about a mile before it reaches Eajagrihi where 
the land rises, so that it never could have conveyed 
water to that place. The road was a noble approach to 
the residence of the prince, and may have extended to 
(Patana) the royal city, although it can now only be 
traced where it formed a very elevated bank. Originally 
perhaps it was not so wide and much higher, as the 
natural operation of so many rainy seasons would be to 
reduce the height and spread the breadth. The water 

(1) Appendix, No. 9. 

(2) Singhaul. 


collected in the lake has broken down the bank in 
several places, so that as a road it has become perfectly 
useless, for the small banks with which the gaps have 
been filled up to preserve the work as a reservoir will 
with difficulty admit loaded oxen to pass, 

19^^ Jarmat'ij. — At Eajagriho are two ancient forts, 
one occupying the south-west corner of the other 
is attributed to Sheer Shah, the external one I presume 
is the Rajahgriho or abode of Jarasandha. I went round 
this on an elephant in 48 minutes, keeping on the 
outside of the rampart and inside of the ditch, which 
may in most places be traced, being lower than the 
adjacent fields, quite level, and cultivated entirely svith 
winter crops, which are watered. It is however most 
entire on the south side where, the land sloping down 
with some declivity from the bottom of the hills, it has 
been probably deeper. It would appear to have been 
above 100 feet wide and, so far as I can judge, the 
original rampart has consisted entirely of the earth 
thrown out from the ditch, and has contained neither 
bricks nor stones. Several gaps are formed in the 
rampart, but whether or not they were originally gates 
would be difficult to say, the position being quite 
irregular and some being evidently too large. I can 
observe no traces of outworks nor flanking defences in 
this original rampart, which is indeed reduced to a m.ere 
mound of earth with some small fragments of stone 
from the adjacent hills, perhaps originally intermixed 
with the soil. The present town of Eajahgriho occupy- 
ing the north-west corner of the fort and the adjacent 
plain has occasioned considerable deficiencies there, 
which owing to the narrowness of the lanes I could not 
trace, but I suspect [that] at that corner which is the 
lowest, there have been two or three lines of defence, and 
some irregularities in the contour. The general form is 
very irregular, extending about 1,200 yards each way. 

The fort attributed by tradition to Sheer Shah 
occupies the south-west corner of the above for about 600 
yards square. The west and south faces are evidently 


continuations of the original rampart, but have been 
much strengthened. Their surface is everywhere cover- 
ed with bricks, which perhaps have proceeded from 
a parapet of that material, but no traces of it remain 
except these fragments. These however are quite 
superficial, and the mass of the rampart, above 60 feet 
wide and 30 high, consists of earth. Where gaps have 
been formed in the rampart, a new one has been built 
up entirely of large rude blocks of stone from the 
adjacent hills. This rampart is about 16 feet wide, 
and exceedingly broken down. All along the old 
earthen rampart it would appear that there has been 
laid a platform of these stones some feet high, which 
probably served for the foundation of the brick parapet, 
and this has been strengthened at short distances by 
semi-circular projections constructed of stone. The 
eastern and northern faces have had no ditch, and the 
eastern one has consisted entirely of rude masses of 
stone, with many semi-circular projections and about 
18 feet thick. The eastern half of the northern face 
has been built in the same manner, but the western 
end has been constructed of brick. 

Both these ramparts, especially that of stone 
are much more decayed than one would expect from 
so short a period of time as has elapsed since the 
reign of Sheer Shah, and although in these ramparts, 
as well as in the external ones, there are several 
gaps which may have been gates, there is not the 
slightest trace of the buildings of a gate to be 
observed. This I confess staggers me with respect to 
any part of the building having been erected by Sheer 
Shah. It may be supposed that the two works are 
coeval, but besides the gaps filled up with stone I observe 
that at the north-west and south-east corners of the 
small fort a wide breach has been made in the earthen 
rampai-t to serve as a ditch ; but had the smaller fort 
been a citadel more strongly fortified than the town, 
we should have expected that the ditch would have 
been continued round it. Both areas contain many 
irregular heaps having very muc^ the appearance of the 


debris of building, but rising to very little height, either 
from the lapse of many ages or from removal of the 
materials. In some parts it would appear that there have 
been tanks surrounded by these eminences, and these are 
the only thing resembling ruins that retain any trace of 
symmetry. The heaps consist chiefly of earth, but contain 
many small stones and a few broken bricks. I have 
some doubts whether or not they may not be natural, 
or formed of earth thrown out from the tanks. Ey far 
the largest is in the outer fort, and if it has been a build- 
ing, as on the whole I think probable, it has been very 
large. Two conical mounds on its west side can scarce 
be natural eminences. 

The Seruyak here assembled say that the fort 
was built by Eajah Senok or Srinik, and as being 
his residence was called Eajahgriho. The same person 
built Baragong, and was contemporary with Mahavira. 
He lived long after Jarasandha, who they think 
lived at Ayudiya. He lived 2,663 years ago. Senok's 
father and grandfather, Upasenok and Mahasenok, 
possessed the country. He was JN'athbongs. The first 
family of kings was Akwakbongs, of whom was 
llikub Deo of Ayudiya, Sombongs of Hustinapuri. 
Sriangs was one of these. An account of these families 
is contained in the Hori Bongs, Padma Puran, Adapura ; 
books belonging to the sect. Jara 8andhu was of the 
Judobongs and a Jain, as were also Bama and Krishna 
and Siva. They know nothing of the Buddhs. They 
claim the whole images, Siva, Ganese, Surjo, etc., and all 
the hot springs, which they call by the same names with 
the Brahmans. They say that their images are known 
by both hands being joined on their lap, but on the same 
stone here I find images with their hands in all positions. 
They know nothing of Hangsapuri. They say that 
some Seruyaks are Brahmans, some Kshatris, some 
Vaisiyas, no Sudras admitted, but any man may become 
a Seruyak. No one can be made a Jetti or Guru except 
of the three pure castes, and any man of pure birth, 
whether his ancestors were Jain or not, may become a 
Jetti. All the 8^ castes are Vaisiyas. But in the south 

8<J5 :rouR!^AL op francis bttchanai?. [j.fc.o.n.ft. 

there are Brahmans, and in the west many Kshatris. 
They pray to all the gods of the Brahmans. 

The Brahmans of Eajagriho say that the road attri- 
buted to Jarasandha was made by some infidel, they 
know not whom. Eajahgriho belonged first to a Bajah 
called Chatorboj, and then Raja Bosu, who brought 14 
gotras of Brahmans from Maharastra to worship the 
gods of the hills. He gave them the whole Parganah, 
which was taken from them by the Muhi. They say 
that Jarasandha lived at Geriyak. They say that Raja 
Senik was Raja of Hansupurnagar, in the plain between 
the five hills. The only remains are a math called Moni- 
nag, and another called Nimulpuri, where the Scrawak 
worship, but there are no tanks nor appearance of a fort 
or city. Bosu lived after Srinik, and Srinik after Jara- 
sandha. The last was a Kshatri of the Asurimath, and 
derived his power from the worship of Jora Devi. The 
Bon Bhumi, where he was killed, is in the plain between 
the five hills, a little west from Sonbondar. He was burned 
on the field, which has made the earth red. The 
Brahmans give the same names to the five hills that the 
Jain do, but do not consider them as holy. Many 
images on all the hills, but most on the two northern. 
On that to the west of the gap above Brihmakund is 
shown a stone building, said to have been the place 
where Jarasandha was wont to sit after bathing. The 
old road very generally attributed to Jarasandha leading 
directly to the fort gives great room to suppose that the 
fort was the real abode of that prince, or rather perhaps 
the garrison to secure his various abodes in the vicinity. 
The whole space between the fort and hill is very irre- 
gular, and many eminences may be traced resembling the 
foundations of buildings. In one or two, indeed, frag- 
ments of the foundation of large stones may be traced, but 
there are very few bricks. I suspect that a great part 
of all the buildings have l)een of stone, and that those 
of the more modern fort have been taken from the ruins. 
From the north face of the fort to the gap in the hills 
are traces of a double rampart with a road between. 


Having visited the fort, I went to visit the curio- 
sities towards the roots of the hills. Immediately west 
of the fort is a circular mound, containing a small 
cavity surrounded hy a rampart of earth, on which are 
some broken brieks. The 13rahmaus say that this was 
a math or abode built by a Dosnami named Gytanand ; 
but this is quite absurd. A house could never have 
left such a ruin. He may have indeed dwelt upon it, 
and some small temples of Siva in the vicinity support 
this opinion. The rampart entirely resembles that of 
the fort, and this may have been some outwork, there 
being only the ditch between the two ramparts. A 
small river which comes from the gap between the hills 
passes through the old ditch. 

A little up its bank from this circular work, on 
the west side, is a small ghat of brick recently made 
at a place called Baiturni, which is holy. Here are 
lying a Ganesa, three fragments of the image usually 
called Vasudeva, and a stone — apparently the throne 
of an image — wliich contains rows of sitting images, 
some with their hands lifted up, some with both in 
their lap holding an offering, and some with one of 
their bands over their knee. This shows that nothing 
from the position of the hands can be determined 
concerning the sect to which the images belonged. 
The Serewak indeed said that those images with both 
hands in the lap represented Gods and the other men, 
but the position of the various figures does not favour 
this opinion. 

Some way up this torrent, at a place called 
Soriswati in the passage between the two northern hills 
of the great range, is a new ghat on each side of the 
torrent. Here is a very dirty pool in the torrent, which 
is considered holy both by Jain and Astik. Imme- 
diately above this ghat, on the lower part of the hill to 
ihe west of the river, is a collection of various springs 
and buildings, none of them old and some of them 
quite recent. The most celebrated is Brahmakund, a 
square cistern very deep and built partly of stone, 


partly of bricks. The water is collected in a pool at 
the bottom, and the thermometer in this stood at 109°, 
being at 62° in the air when shaded^ An image of 
Ganesa is built into the wall. Below Brahmakund 
towards the east is a terrace for the accommodation of 
religious mendicants at the Mela, on its south end is a 
small temple of Varaha with two JSTaginis somewhat 
different from those at Baragang. Below the terrace 
is a square reservoir of brick, containing five sacred 
springs ^ which issue from an equal number of 
spouts made of stone, and the water as it falls is 
allowed to run off so that it is perfectly clean, limpid, 
and tasteless. Where collected in kunds in which the 
people bathe, it is abominable. The first spring named 
Panchanon has stopped. In the second, named Kasi, 
the thermometer stood at 107°. In the third, called by 
some Panchanod but by others Langai because the Jain 
women wash there naked, the thermometer is 104°, in 
the fourth, called Panchanod, the thermometer [is] 94°. 
The fifth, called Gaumukhi, has stopped. In the 
reservoir is lying an image of Surjo. 

Immediately south from Brahmakund and west 
from the temple of Varaha is a small temple of Siva, 
and extending the whole length of this temple and of 
Brahmakund, on their west side, is a long narrow 
reservoir built of brick, containing seven holy springs 
w^hich issue from stone spouts, and the water is allowed 
to run oft' as it issues, except that as usual part is 
allowed to collect in puddles filled with frogs and other 
vermin and overwhelmed with weeds and rubbish. The 
first spring in this reservoir is named Gautam, and 
its heat is 104°. The second named Baraduyar is of the 
same heat. Viswamitra, the third, raised the thermo- 
meter to 110°. Jumdagani, the fourth, raised it to 

(1) Mean temperature of the hottest place in Brahmakund, as measured 
on twenty-eight occasions since 1909, 107 '3". Maximum 108-3° in 
September, 1914. 

(3) There is no independent spring in <,his Kund, which is used 
exclusively by women. The outflow which Buchanan called 
I'anchanon has disappeared, the others are merely overflows from 
tanks higher up. 


102°. Durbasa, Vasishta and Parasari, the fifth, sixth 
and seventh of these springs, have become dry.^ In 
the wall of this pkce has been built an image of 
a Buddh or Jain, with both hanls in th^i lap. It has 
lotus flowers on the soles of the feet, and lions on the 
throne. It has a short inscription. In the cistern 
is lyin^ a male figure somewhat like that usually called 
Vasudeva, but somew^hat different. ISTot withstanding 
its sex the Brahmans call it Devi or the Goddess. 

Immediately west or above this reservoir and tw^o 
small temples (Maths) of Siva, and south from them, [isj 
a reservoir containing a spout of stone w^hich emits the 
the finest stream in the place^. It is 110° hot, and per- 
fectly limpid and tasteless, but not near so copious as the 
fine springs of the Mongger hills. In the reservoir are 
lying tAvo carved stones, one a Ganes. The other, such 
an octat?:onal ornament as is so common at Baddh Gya, 
and containing four images of Buddh s. 

Immediately south from thence is another springr 
nearly as fine, and named Markunda-^. In the reservoir 
are lying some images. A Gauri Sankar. A male and 
female standing, both called Devi. Two such as are 
usually called V-'asudeva, with large ears as usual. In 
one side of the reservoir is a dark hovel called a temple 
of Kamaksha, but it contains no image. All these images 
except such as are objects of worship are said to have 
!i'i brought from the hill above, and the same has 
piobably been the case with those which are worshipped, 

/!'. Tr the Saptrishi tank, the third tio seventh outflows, as well as 
.' t in the Anantrishi Kund to the north-west, which Buchanan 
-; ■ not notice, are all connected with a common underground 
r ..rce, above the Veda Vyasa tank, which in turn is connected with 

i-iu same source. The third outflow is closest to the source, 
c,iid is therefore the hottest, though usually more than a degree 
touler than the source itself. Its mean temperature since 1909, 
:Cl-6°. Maximum 107-4° in October 1914; minimum 96-3° in^ 

.;jril, 1909, when, with the exception of Brahmakund, the whole 

; ohe springs were practically dry. 
''; '\'bv Veda Vyasa Kund, called Vyas by Buchanan in his drawing 
.'.^"l in the Report. Mean temperature since 1909, 105"3°; maximum 
.07:0° in April, 1912. 
{''' ye... from the same source as the VedA Vyasa, but the subterraneaa 

V' tnnel from the real source is longer, and the outflow is slightly 
V tier on this account. 

• 2 Ees. J. 


as they are in the same style and ail resemble those at 
Buddh Gya and Baragang. The whole water from all 
these springs unites at the bottom of the hill, and forms 
a stream rather larger than that of Sitakund\ 

Advancing a little farther up the river on the same 
side with Brahmakund is a fine little spring of clear 
water issuing from a small square cistern cut in the 
rock. It is called Vanur Vanuri, from a monkey and 
his wife having been immediately translated to heaven 
from bathing in it. A little farther up, the rivulet divides 
into two branches, and in the fork is a small conical 
mound of earth and stones. On it is a small modern 
temple, but the traces of one more ancient and some- 
what larger are observable. The size of the mound could 
never have admitted a large one. The image is broken 
and is carved on a small stone. It represents one of 
the most hideous forms of the destructive power that I 
have seen, with three heads and eight hands, dressed in 
armour and holding in its hands two serpents, various 
implements of destruction, and a human head. It seems 
to me clearly a male, and is probably the same deity with 
the chief figure in the caves of Elej^hanta, although that 
represents only the head and shoulders and this represents 
the whole body. By the attendant Brahmans it is con- 
sidered as a female, and called Jaradevi, and to its worship 
it is supposed that Jarasandha owed all his power. 

Beyond this is a considerable plain surrounded by 
five hills held sacred by the Jain, but neglected by th<3 
Brahmans. This plain with the adjacent hills is called 

(1) Buchanan did not notice the Ganga-Jamuma tank west of the 
Anantrishi, which is the third independent outflow. Mean 
temperature since 1909, 106 "6'^; maximum 107 "8° in March, 1911. 
Being at the highest level, it is often dry. In the Report, he 
says : — " I suspect that those near Brahmakunda have, in a state of 
nature, been one spring; which has been subdivided and conveyed 
by various channels, so as to supply the various pools and spouts 
from which it now issues ; and in this manner I account for the 
different degrees of heat observable, and for several of the spouts 
that formerly flowed being now dry." This observation is correct. 
The whole of tha area occupied by the springs and temples has been 
built up artificially against the'^ side of the hill. No subslantial 
changes have been mad© during the last century, and the general 
agreement with Iliuen Tsang's account suggests that the subdivision 
of the springs dates from a very early period. 


Hangsapuriiagar, and is supposed to have been the 
situation of a city, but of this I see no traces ; some zig- 
zag structures of stone both here and at Giriyak 
were pointed out to me as walls of the old city, but I 
have not the smallest doubt that they have been roads, 
and it is probable that there has been a route communi- 
cating by the hills with Giri3^ak, as the zigzags of Raja- 
griho ascend the west end of the same hill on the east 
end of which those of Giriak are. It consists of five 
bends, in all 1200 cubits long, with a roundish resting 
place at each turn, and is four cubits wide. The 
people r sent to measure it could trace it no farther, but 
they might lose it by a very short interruption, as the 
hill is covered in many places with thick reeds. ^ They 
saw no images nor traces of buildings. 

A road leads through the hills, towards the south 
as well as to the north, and there is a narrow passage 
towards the valley between the two ridges. On all other 
sides are rugged hills. The situation is exceedingly 
strong and in that respect well fitted for a city, and the 
extent is considerable, three coses by one, but would no 
doubt be exceedingly unhealthy. The Isituation however 
is very grand, and well adapted for occasional visits or 
for inspiring religious awe, and accordingly the three 
great Hindu sects have all chosen it as a favourite 
residence and claim it as their own. The Buddhists of 
Ava came to it, directed by their books, and considered 
Rajagriho as the residence of Jarasandha, one of the 
most religious princes of their sect. 

In the south side of the hill by which the central 
plain is bounded on the north and west, has been dag 
a cave called Sonbundar. The door is small, but there 
is also a window, which occasions a circulation of air 
and gives a light unknown in the dismal caves of 
Burabur. The materials here however are vastly in- 
ferior, as the rock is everywhere intersected by fissures, 
so that some parts have fallen down, and it admits 

(1) This zigzag road leads to a flat-topped stone garh on the top ol 
Eatnagiri, not far west of the Jain temple. 


water which has stained the walls with a red ferru- 
ginous crust. The stone is an imperfect Khori\ varie- 
gated red and grey in veins, layers, and blotches, and 
is evidently the rude jasper of the hills, similarly 
mark(^d, passing into an indurated clay. This cave is 
called Sonbundar, and is an object of worship with the 
Jain. In its middle is left a small kind of quadrangular 
pyramidical figure, on each side of which is carved an 
erect man with two arms. The chief figure is the same 
on all the four sides, but on each he is accompanied 
by different emblems. On the wall is a short inscrip- 
tion in a strange character. It probably merely contains 
the name of some pilgrim. 

On the east side of the rivulet also there are 
sundry places of worship common to all sects. At 
the west end of the northern hill is a cluster of springs 
and small temples, similar to those opposite, and 
surrounding Sm'jokundo.^ This is a small reservoir 
in which the water is collected in a pool, and does 
not fall from a spout, so that it is beastly dirty and 
swarms with frogs. Its heat is 103°. An image of 
Surja somewhat different from that at Kasi Tirtha is 
built into the wall, and near it a fat male figure with 
two arms, and one leg hanging over the throne. It is 
surrounded by an inscription. This figure is in several 
other places intermixed with Buddhs, and seems to me 
to represent the cook of Gautama that I have seen in 
Ava. Before the feet of Surja has been placed [a] 
small figure of Buddh. In a small math of Siva south- 
west from this kund is an image of Buddh, and on the 
outside [are] two throne-like stones such as I saw 
at the west end of the great Asuren road. Each has 
a sitting figure of a Buddh over a standing figure, but 
in the two the position of the hands is reversed. Here 
a wretched Sannyasi has taken up his abode. He sita 
all day besmeared with ashes in the position of a Buddh 

(A) Appendix, No. 56. 

(2) Surajkund. Usually in tho cold weather the level of the water 
in these jtanka Hb kept above that of the spouts which lead the 
water into them. Mean temperature of tho inflow since 19C9, 
104 •8<', majcimun^ 107 0° in xVpril, 1910. 


He neither moves nor speaks, and those who choose 
bestow alms on him. If he gets none he fasts. It 
was alleged that some thieves had stolen his blanket, 
but I suspect that this was a mere allegation to 
endeavour to extract a rupee from me ; no thief in all 
probability would steal from so wretched an animal^ 
especially as viewed as being of the utmost purity and 
enjoying divine favour. 

West from that is a small ruined math, with a 
stone containing two feet, and a short inscription in 
relief, which is not common. The Brahmans call it 
the feet of Dototreya, one of the 24 Avatars of Vishnu, 
but from the inscri23tion it evidently belongs to the 
Jain, as it commences with the charactrr called Bala- 
minda, which the Jain prefix as the Astik do the name 
of Ganesa. 

South from Surjakund are two temples of Siva 
with one of Tulasi between them. One of them is called 
Halokeswar. Here are several old images. A pedestal 
like those already mentioned, containing a Buddh sit- 
ting above a man standing. A Gauri Sangkor. A 
Vasudeva. Two Sahusera Lingas, which implies 1000 
Lingas. A Lion rampant, which is an ornament of 
Gautama. South from thence is Santonkund,^ a pool 
similar to Surjakundo. Its heat [is] 106°. jSiorth 
from Surjakundo is that of Som or the moon^. Its 
heat [is] 102°. Near it is lying an ornament similar to 
those of Buddh Gya, with four Buddhs on the four 
sides. Ganesakundo north from thence^. The heat 
also is 102°. 

(1) The position of Santonkund in this account corresponds to that of 
the present Sitakuiid, but in Buchanan's rough plan it is shown 
as east and slightly north of Surajkund, thus occupying a site where 
in 1917 I found that the earth hadjj fallen in, exposing channels 
leading from the hillside further east, and diverging to the present 
Sitakund, Surajkund and Chandramakund. Mean temperature of 
Sitakund inflow, 104-7°. Maximum 106 0° in May, 1912. 
(2) Chandrama or Somkund. Mean temperature of inflow 104 ■7°i 
Maximum 106-0° in May, 1912. 

(3) Ganeshkund. Mean temperaturte of inflow, 104 '0°. Maximumt 
106-0° in May, 1911. At the steps leading into this tank, as well aa 
those of Sitakund and Chandramakund, the temperature since 1SG9 ia 
belwewi 97° and QQ"^, and hma never reached 100°. 


Proceeding^ from Surjokundo some way east, along 
the northern face of the hill, I came to the Dorga of 
Surufuddin Behari, built where that great saint passed 
much time in prayer. The buildings although desti- 
tute of architectural merit are neat and clean, and 
the area includes a hot spring formed into a pool, 
called Singriki kundo.^ The Hindus are still permitted 
to bath in the place, and have a small temple of Siva 
in the side of the pool. The heat of the pool is only 
97.°^ During the Kamazan from eight to twelve hundred 
of the faithful assemble, and are entertained by the 
successor of the saint. 

'Mth January. — I visited the Baitaki, or seat of 
Jarasandha, which is a considerable way uj) the hill above 
Brahmakundo. No road has been made to the place, 
which is a platform built against the sloping side of the 
hill, of large rude blocks of jasper from the adjacent 
rock. Its upper surface is 79| feet by 72f, and its 
perpendicular height at the highest corner is 27f feet. 
'J'here is nothing about it to indicate its real era, except 
that the stones having been altered by the action of the air 
for about an inch have probably been quarried at a very 
remote period. It is very possible. that when Jarasandha 
from policy or awe bathed in these sacred pools he may 
have sat on such a place, and may there have received 
presents from his courtiers as is usual on such occasions. 
A few stones have fallen from one corner, but if not 
disturbed it may remain to the day of judgment. 
Even now, near the kunds and a considerable way above 
them, various religious mendicants have erected small 
Baitoks or platforms of brick, on which they sit during 
the months that pilgrims frequent the place, and raise 

(1) The Ram-Lakshman tank was not in existence in Buchanan's timOj 
but was made about fifty years ago. Th,9 tepid water in 
the spout called Lakshman comes in a long channel from a point on 
the hillside about half-way to the Makhdum Kund. 

(2) The Makhdum or Sringgi Rikhi Kund flows into a cistern from 

a long channel leading from the hillside. It is distinctly cooler 
than the other springs, mean temperature since 1909, being 95 1° 
and maximum 96 4° in March, 1911; and unlike the oihera ii 
appears to be coolest during the ramy season, probably froiil 
admixture of water from cold springs during this season. 


voluntary contributions. If Jarasandlia ever sat on tlie 
place the contributions were probably somewhat more 
than voluntary. A Moslem saint has been buried on 
the platform, and his tomb has gone to decay, iie seems 
to have been too petty to have procured such a platform 
to have been built on purj^ose for him. One would 
have supposed that Jarasandlia might have had a road 
cut for him to ascend this seat, but perhaps the difficulty 
of access was a ne 'essary part of the ceremony. The 
rock consists of rude reddish jasper with white veins. ^ 

I also ascended the opposite hill to visit a mine of 
rock crystal, Tutik, situated a considerable way up. 
The lower part of the hill consists of a grey very small- 
grained hornstone ^ or petrosilex with veins of white 
quartz. ^ Further up it becomes more granular, is 
in some places stained red, and in others contains round- 
ed concretions of quartz, and the surfaces of fissures 
and little cavities are covered with minute crystals. 
The rock among which the crystal is found ^ has been 
reduced to a kind of sandstone, but is surrounded on all 
sides by the petrosilex, and is disposed in trapezoidal 
masses in a similar manner. Some of these blocks are 
white, some ferruginous inclining to red. It must be 
observed that all the upper part of the next hill, situa- 
ted south from this and named Rutenachul, consists of 
a similar sandstone ^ while the lower part is a red 
and white rude jasper. ^ Among these blocks the 
workmen have found interstices from two to four feet in 
diameter, and winding in various directions. These are 
filled with small angular fragments of quartz, generally 
semidiaphanous, but stained red externally and 
intermixed with a red ferruginous harsh earth. Among 
this are found small masses of theEutik or rock, crystal 
generally in imperfect hexagonal prisms terminating 

(1) Appendix, 

No. 12. 

(2) ,, 

No. 35. 

(3) » 

No. 72. 

(^) „ 

Nos. 15, 29. 

(5) ,, 

No. 49. 

(6) „ 

No. 12. 


in hexagonal pyramids.^ All that I could find were 
verj^ small, irregular, and of a bad quality, nor do the 
workmen procure any larger than can be made into 
beads, and these seldom clear. The beads have generally 
a gocd deal of a smokiness in their colour. I saw none 
of the crystals adhering to the matrix. They were all 
detached and in distinct crystals. There was another 
mine of crystal lower down the hill, near a small temple 
of Ganesa, but for some years since the one I visited has 
been discovered the workmen have deserted this old 
one. In the new one ten or twelve excavations have 
been made, but to no great extent. None of them seem 
to have contained above five or six cartloads of gravel. 
The workmen say that they follow the veins sometimes 
20 or 30 feet, and that they wind very much among 
the stones. They bring out the gravel for day's hire, 
and the Hukak or bead-makers pick out the pieces. 
Two crystals are never found coliering, nor do they ever 
adhere to the rock. At Chukra, ^ north from Sophi 
ghat, is also found rock crystal, but my informants do 
not know the j)articulars. 

It is remarkable that the Jain know nothing of 
Hangsapur Nagar, while the Astik here pretend that it 
was the residence of Srinik Eaja, chief of the Jain. The 
Ghatwal (who) is a Eajewar and holds his office 
hereditary. He was a custom master and levied a tax 
on all 23assengers going by that passage. He now col- 
let (s some duties on bamboos, etc lor the zemindar and 
rec^Aves a share of the pmfits of the Jlrahmans. lie is 
quite impure and eats ecery thing but soys that his 
ancestors. ^ Now the descendants of his ancestors 
and of a certain Bojok Brahman divide in equal shares 
all the oiferings that the Jain make, and take care of 
the temples. He conducted one of my people to what 
he calls Hangsapur Nagar and the former residence of 
Srinik Roja. It is situated in the middle of the plain 
at the west end of Eutinagiri. Here is like the niin 

(^) Appendix, No, 84. 
(2) Chakra gh&t. 

(>*) rortions in italic* aubKcquently crossed out. 



of a house about £0 feet by 60, part of the walls, bnilt 
of rough stone and clay, standing four or five feet high. 
This is called the fort of Senek Raja. Near it is 
a small temple of the Jain with an inscription. It is 
built above a well lined with brick (Indera), which has 
been filled up. It is supposed that Srinik had 32 wives, 
to each of whom he daily gave new jewels and threw 
the old ones into the well. These were afterwards 
carried away by a lucky rogue of a Moslem. There is 
nothing like the remains of a town round, hut the 
people — On the west end of Butinagiri is a zigzag 
ascent built of stone, which the Ghatwal attributes to 
the Daityos, and does not lead to any of the places 
considered holy by the Jain. 

The Jain call the o — The Bajagiri Mahaton 7nen-> 
tions the 5 hills on tcJiich the Jain have most of their 
temples. — The Astik have no places of worship on the 
five hills, nor do the pilgrims visit the hills. The Jain 
on the contrary put little or no value on the Tirthas of 
the Astik, and bathe in them merely for cleanliness or 
comfort. This seems to me doubtful. It was asserted 
by the Eajagriho Bi'ahmans, but they are miserably 
ignorant and mere importunate beggars. Not one of 
them, I am told, understands Sanskrit, although they 
have the ceremonies by rote. Although many of them 
could repeat the verses of the Rajagriho Mahato 
containing the names of the hills, I found that no two 
of them agreed al)Out the application of these names 
even to the two hills between which their holy springs 
are situated, and between which most of them pass 
their time, "i'here are about 100 families, one half of 
which have become Bojoks and take the profits of the 
hills. The others take the profit of the wells, a great 
part of which arises from the offerings of the Jain. 
Both continue to intermarry and to take upadesa from 
the Ramanandis. 

Vaykunt, who went up to copy the inscriptions oa 
the two nearer hills, says that on the western one he 
saw no broken images nor any but those in the new 


temples of the Jain, which are five. Four contain 
Padukas, at three of which is writing. At two some 
images have been built into the wall. One is the Dos 
Avatars with an inscription. At another, eight females 
sitting on different animals, oxen, elephants, swine, 
peacocks and geese. This figure at Gaya was called 
Nangriha, and has an inscription. The other temple 
which I saw contains a Jain standing with the palms 
of his hands turned forward. It has an inscription. 

On the western hill are about twenty temples still 
standing. Two are large. In the largest is a Paduka 
and inscription. The other is not quite finished. In 
the small ones, which are very old, broken, and covered 
with grass, some have images with hands in various 
positions, some are empty. They are not frequented 
by the Jain. They contain no inscriptions. Besides 
these he found many heaps of brick, formerly small 
temples but quite destroyed, with many pillars of 
granite such as at Giriak but larger, and parts of doors, 
partly standing partly scattered about. Many images 
such as those below were also scattered about. On only 
one did he find an inscription. It was a sitting Buddh. 

21st January — I went rather more than five^ miles 
called three coses to Baragang, passing through a very 
large close-built village named Silau^ rather more than 
half a mile north^ from the village of Rajagriho. It 
contains a few houses of brick and many that are tiled. 
Ptajagriho is still a pretty considerable village, but has 
decayed much of late, having been deserted by a colony 
of Muhammadans of rank who have left behind them 
the ruins of good brick houses. The Jain have erected 
in it a temple and place of accommodation for pilgrims 
of rank. No resident Jain at the place. 

On my arrival at Baragang I took another view of 
the ruins. The part of the ruins north of Surjo tank 

(1) Rather more than eight miles. 

(2) Sllao. 

(^) Rather more than three and a half miles, the only considerable 
mistake noticed in Buchanan's record of distances. 


would appear to be of a more ancient date than that to 
the south. The heaps have been reduced to mere 
masses of rubbish, in which no symmetry of parts can 
be observed, and the number of bricks except at the 
four small heaps is inconsiderable. The swelling 
ground may indeed have merely arisen from its having 
long been the situation of a mud- walled village, as all 
such soon rise into eminences, the clay of old walls 
constantly raising the ground, while fresh clay is always 
brought to build new walls or repair old ones. The 
four small heaps, evidently temples, may have been the 
only buildings of brick. 

Near the Baitok Bhairab as it is called is a stone 
containing an assembly of Buddhs such as I found at 
Kajagriho. A little south-west from the Jain temple 
is standing a very large figure of the three-headed Sakti. 
The Pandit calls it a female Yarahun. I think it 
more probable that it represents the Jara Devi. 

In the evening I went about two miles south by 
the way I had come, to see a large image said to be 
in that direction. I found it on the summit of a small 
mound of bricks called Yogespur,^ which is situated on 
the west side of a small choked tank, on the east side 
of which also there is a small mound of brick, but that 
contains no images. On Yogespur are several, but the 
eye is immediately attracted by that of a great Buddh 
seated with one hand over his knee, under a Nim tree. 
On the stone round him he has many figures like that 
near the temple of Surjo in the streets of Baragang, 
but more numerous. It has a short inscription. This 
image is the object of worship, and two Brahmans act 
as its Pujaris. They called it Jagadamba, that is the 
Goddess, for they totally disregard sex. Near it is half- 
immersed into the bricks a similar and less ornamented 
Buddh. Here are also two small Buddhs with uplifted 
hands, one has an inscription. Also a male standing 
with two arms, one leaning on a horizontal projection of 
the stone. I have seen the same at Eajagriho. Also two 

(1) Jagdispur. 


males sitting with one leg over the throne, one having 
a short inscription. Three Sesanags, very curious 
figures. They represent two many-headed Nagas in 
copulation, each having a human figure under the hoods, 
and these figures terminate in the tails of serpents. The 
female embracing the male with her arms. 

22nd January. — I went about 9J miles to Sewan^ 
The villages as usual close-built, and placed on consi- 
derable elevations evidently formed from the decayed 
mud walls of former buildings. The ridges here straight. 
Little or no garden. Some old mud castles, very rude 
but still occupied. Just before coming to Sewan I 
crossed the Mohane, here a channel of about 20 yards 
wide, with only a little stagnant water and deep clay 
banks. This was immediately below a dam by which 
the stream is turned out on the fields. The dam is of 
mud, and of course is renewed each season* 

237'd January. — I went about nine miles to Hilsa,' 
by an exceeding bad path from one bank to another. 
About four miles from Sewan crossed the Nuni^ 
(Nanaiwanj), a small sandy channel now quite dry. 
About 1^ miles farther on, at a village called Akbarpur,* 
I found a conical mound of bricks, on its top had 
been a small temple about six feet square within, but 
the wails had fallen, the threshold of stone and founda- 
tion entire. The image in its place occupied the whole 
side opposite to the door, and is such as I have seen 
nowhere else. It is a male standing with two arms^ 
but has lost the head and both arms. It has long robes 
and boots. Above it are two II angsas, beneath, six 
horses rearing. On each side are two small figures 

(1) Suan, R. and B.A. Not shown in the new standard maps, though 

it was a stage on the old road between Calcutta and Patna through 
Gidhaur and Deogarh, and the site of the decisive battle on 
January 15th, 1761, when Law and his French force, who were 
assisting the Shahzada, surrendered to the British. Probably at 
Bichloganj, on the west bank of the Mohane. and about a mile west 
of Paindapur (Pondipour, R.). 

(2) llilsah, R. and B.A.; Hilsa. 

(3) Nanal N. 

(<) Acbarpour, R. ; Akbarpur. 


standing. On the right hand a male spirit with a bow, 
on the left a female. Against the side walls are resting 
several images which have been intended as ornaments. 
Two are Gauri Sangkor/ as nsnal. One, a male sitting 
with one leg hanging over the throne, but with a slen- 
der waist. The others are so much defaced that they 
could not be defined, but I have not seen them anj^where 
else. Two Siva Lingas. The people say that it is a 
temple of the sun, and was built by a Bungiya Brahman 
whose descendants still have land in Perganah Pilicli^ 
from whence a tribe of that caste has its name. 

28th January. — I went between eight and nine miles 
to Ongari.^ The whole path pretty tolerable, and so far 
as I continued on the route from Hilsa to Sahebgun 
there was a road practicable for a cart. About seven 
miles from Hilsa I came to Ekangur Dihi,^ a pretty 
considerable village, near which is a heap extending 
about 400 yards north and south and 150 east and west. 
It has lost all symmetry and is [of] no great height, 
but contains many small fragments of brick. All 
entire ones seem to have been long ago removed. On it 
have been in late times erected two small mud castles, 
both entirely ruinous, and a Moslem saint has been 
buried on the place with some care, as the tomb is 
surrounded by a wall of brick. Under a tree are placed 
five or six images, two of which are objects of worship 
and pretty entire, the others are so much defaced that it 
would be difficult to say what they are meant to 
represent. Both the entire ones have inscriptions. 
The largest represents a female standing with two arms, 
supported on each side by a dwarf, and having a Buddh 
over each shoulder. She resembles exactly, except two 
small figures of worshippers under the throne, one of 
the figures at Kopteswori in Baragung. The other is 
a Buddh, sitting in the usual posture with a hand o^ er 
the right knee. The people of the village attribute the 
whole to a Ruhi Chaudhuri of the Kurmi caste who was 

(1) Aungarl. 

(2) Caiigarh, R. ; Ekangar DIh. 


proprietor of all the neighbouring country, but the best 
informed persons both at Hilsa and Ongari say that 
liuhi Chaudhuri was a mere zemindar of a very late 
period, and that the ruin was once the abode of Kama, 
a great King. 

At Ongari is a good tank, (of) about 150 yards 
square and free from weeds. For a long period it seems 
to have been a place of worship, and is said to derive its 
name from one of the appellations of the sun. There 
are however no traces of any large building, but many 
images are found in the place ; and the temple of the sun 
seems to be old, although still in good repair. The door 
now faces the west, but formerly was in the contrary 
direction : for once on a time when the heretics were 
powerful they came determined to destroy it, but as they 
were about to enter, the door turned round, by which 
they were alarmed and desisted. There are in this temple 
two images that are woishipped. One called Surjo is of 
the form usual at Buddh Gya, etc. The other is called 
Vishnu, and entirely resembles those called Vasudera at 
Giriak, etc. Before the door are lying many fragments, 
very much mutilated. Most of them would appear to 
have been portions of Vasudeva. One has been a Gauri 
Sankar. On the west side of the tank opposite to Surja 
(the temple ) is a clay hut called the abcde of the serpent 
(Nagasthan). Here are several images, three pretty 
entire, namely, Gauri Sanhar, Ganesa, and a Buddh sitting 
in the usual posture. A little farther west is another 
temple of clay, dedicated to Jagadamba. In the wall 
have been built several images. That of Jagadamba 
entirely resembles those of Keyadol, etc. Two 
Vasudevas. One of a slender man with two arms, 
sitting with one leg over the throne, and called 
Saraswati. A small three-headed female standing, with 
eight arms as at Buragang. A man sitting, with a female 
on each knee. A bull, but no lion, beneath. It is 
called Gauri Sa?ikar, but in there being two females, 
and in wanting the bull, it is entirely different nor have 
I seen it anywhere else. 


Under a tree near the temple of Surja have been 
placed several images. Devi with four hands, sitting 
as usual on a lion. A Vasudeva. An eight-armed 
three-headed figure in armour exactly like the Jaradevi 
of Rajagriho. It seems to me a male, but the Pandit 
alleges that it is an old woman. It is called Kalli by 
the people of the village. A Surja. A female standing 
with four arms, with a small Gaiiesa sitting at her feet. 
All these images are attributed to Kama. 

29tk January. — I went almost eleven miles to 
Hulasgunj.^ About five miles from Ongari I crossed 
the Mohaiie, a sandy channel about 100 yards wide only. 
It has at present no stream, but gives a supply for 
irrigation by digging a little way. Its banks, like those 
of the Fulgo, rise in many parts into barren sandy 
downs. Before reaching the river I passed some land 
on which soda eifloresced, part was waste, but where 
the soda had e£B.oresced in greatest quantity had this 
year produced rice. On crossing the Mohane I passed 
through Islampur,^ a large village with a few brick 
houses, one of them pretty large. I here joined the great 
road from Patna to Gay a, which at this season is 
practicable for a cart with much difficulty, and that 
is as much as can be said in its favour. 

30th January. — I went rather more than two miles 
to a village named Daphtu,^ in order to see an old 
temple of Surja. About two-thirds of the way I came 
to the Jilawar, * a dry channel about 100 yards wide, 
but containing water under the sand. I went down 
its channel some way, but did not cross. The place is 
a little to the north of its left bank. There is a consi- 
derable elevation, consisting of clay with fragments of 
bricks intermixed, but the fragments would appear to 
have proceeded from the ruins of five small temples 
that have stood on the place. At the north end of the 
elevation is an old mud fort, built by the Rani of 

(1) Olassguiige, R. and B.A. ; Hunathganj. 

(2) Islampour, R. and B.A. ; Islampur. 

(3) Dabthu. 

(4) jalwar N. 


a Donawar Brahman who possessed the country before 
the present Dumkotars. The people have no tradition 
concerning the persons by whom the religious buildings 
were erected. The Pujari, a Sakaldwipi Brahman, says 
they, belonging to the Tritaiya Yug. I shall follow his 
nomenclature, although it is liable to much doubt. 
Immediately south from the mud fort is a tree with 
several large stones of granite, said to have been a Pir's 
Dorga, but it has gone entirely to ruin. A little north- 
east from tlience has been the largest temple of the 
place, but it has been entirely ruined. It is called 
Parswanath, but it seems rather to have belonged to 
the Jain, for on a very fine lintel there is at each end 
a lion rampant. On its middle is a female figure sitting 
in the usual posture of the Buddhs. A large stoDC is 
said to contain an image reversed.^ One of the sides 
of the door also remains. The other seems to have 
been taken to form the lintel for the temple of Kanaiya 
when that was repaired. An image, said to have been 
taken from this temple, has been erected in a garden 
south from all the temples. It is called Jagadamba or 
the Goddess, but is quite different from those so called 
at Keya Dol, etc. It represents a female standing, 
with four arms. The tAvo foremost leaning on two 
projecting cylinders. On each side is a lion rampant 
and a small human figure. An image exactly similar, 
but male, has been placed under a tree between this 
garden and Parswanath, but it has lost the head. I 
have seen similar at Buddhgya. It is called Kanaiya, 
but is different from the others so called. Near it is 
a male figure, also without a head. It has many arms, 
is in a dancing posture, and is called Puspotinath. 
One foot on a bull. An armed male without entrails 
on one side. A female standing on a lion on the other. 
Two musicians, one on cymbals (Kurtal). Under the 
same tree is a Siva Liuga with four human faces, two 
male two female, on its sides, and the Joni terminating 

(1) " I sent people to raise and draw it, and it entirely resembles that 
usually called Vasudeva or Lakshminarayan, except that on each 
side it has the lion rampant, an emblem of the Buddlias. The 
people, on seeing it, called it Kanaiya."- (M.S. Report). 


in a crocodile's mouth. Immediately north from the 

garden containing the female figure has been a temple, 

but it is entirely destroyed. The image however seems 

to remain, but has been removed from its throne. It is 

called Kanaiya, that is, Krishna, but seems to be e^ractly 

the same with what in other places is called Vasudeva 

or Lakshmi Narayon. Immediately north from thence 

is the most entire temj^le, that of Surjo. It consists 

of a flat-roofed Nat mundir or propyleam, and of a 

pyramidical shrine or Mundir. The roof consists of 

long stones supported by stone beams, and these by 

pillars. The interstices between the outer rows are 

builfc of brick, and the shrine is constructed entirely 

of that material, except the door which is stone and 

much ornamented. Both this door and the stonework 

of the outer temple seem to be of much greater antiquity 

than the brickwork, which has probably been renewed 

several times, but there is no appearance of the image 

or the plan of the building having undergone any 

alteration. The image represents Siirjo in the manner 

common at Buddh Gya, etc. On one side of it is placed 

the usual figure of Vasudeva, which the Pujari calls 

Lakshmi Narayon. In the outer temple are placed maay 

images, pretty entire, and leaning against the wall 

without order. They seem to have been taken from the 

other temples that have fallen. They stood as follows — ■ 

A small Sarjo. The usual Jagadamba with buffalo, etc. 

Gauri Sangkar, as usual. Ganesa, dancing. Gauri 

Sangkar, again as usual. Lakshmi Narayon, that is, 

a male figure standing with four arms, and differing 

from the common Vasudeva by having two small 

figures on each side in place of one. A Surjo, with 

boots. Vishnu, a male figure like Vasudeva but in 

armour, especially his legs. Gauri Sangkar, but it i? 

a male, sitting with a female on each side. No bull nor 

lion, but the male has his foot on a crocodile. Another 

Gauri Sangkar like the last. !Narasingha. A male called 

Trivikram Avatar. A female sitting on a bull, with two 

arms and a porcine face, called Varahani. The outer door, 

very mean, of brick. On one side is an image representing 

U ji Ecs. J. 


a prince hunting. It is called Bairiib, and the animal on 
which the prince rides is called a s^heep, Ijut it was probab- 
ij'^ intended for a horse. A little north from this temple 
has been another totally ruined. It has contained a 
very large linga, before which is what the Pujari calls 
Gauri Sangkar, but it is the male with t\yo females. 
Immediately north from this is the temple of Kanaia, 
"which consists only one chamber, supported by pillars 
of the same structure as that of Surja. The brickwork 
liad fallen, but was repaired by the grandfather of 
Mittrjit, and has again gone much to decay. The door 
is of stone and much ornamented. The sides remain, 
but the lintel having been broken the side of a door 
from Parswanath has been put in its place. The 
broken lintel lying by the door. The image seems to 
me exactly similar to Vasudeva, and is of very consider- 
able size. 

31st January. — I went to a low ridge of hills in order 
to see the plac3 from whence Mr. Law took his porcelain 
earth. About a mile from Holasgunj I came to the 
banks of the Jilawar, and proceeded about a mile along 
its west side. I then crossed, and proceeded up its bank 
about two miles farther. Prom thence to the north- 
east corner oi the ridge of hills is about If miles. The 
ridge consists of three hills, Dhermpur, ^ Nuzera, ^ and 
Sophneri, ^ so called after three villages, and extends 
about three-fourths of a cose north-east and south-west, 
so as to hide Keni and Lodi. The mine is on the north 
face of Dhermpur, a little way up the hill. The stone on 
the ascent has a hornstone fracture, and seems to consist 
of grey hornstone containing disseminated in it grey 
felspar or shorl, with little clusters of black jioints."* 
The upper part of the hill consists of a stone similar, 
but the proportions reversed. The little black points 
from the greatest proportion, and the grey hornstone 
the least.* AVhat is called the clay from which 

(1) Dharampur. 

(2) Nadira. 

(3) supneri. 

(4) Appendix, No. 91. 
(6) „ No. 104. 



Mr. Law made the porcelain is marl, and forms a very 
large bed or nest, but its extent has by no means 
I been] ascertained. The excavation however is con- 
siderable. This ^ exactly resembles the other marl 
which he is said to have used, and which I have describ- 
ed on the 23rd Novem])er. The nodules which it 
contains " are exactly similar, and are the same with 
the rock below the marl. In som€ parts, howev€r, the 
marl is bounded by a rotten rock of a greeaish colour, 
which seems to be the aggregate in an intermediate 
state of change into marl, and is a kind of steatite. ^ 

These hills, although they consist almost entirely 
of stones and rocks, with a little mou'd in the crevices, 
are cot near so rugged as those of granite, the masses 
being small and the interstices filled with earth. Nor 
do they form tbe abrupt precipices of quaitzose hills. 
They have not the smallest appearance of stratification. 
Lumps of iron ore * are scattered about the bottom 
of the hill. 

A little north-east from the cornor of Dhermj)ur 
is a small rugged hummock of very perfect granite, 
consisting of middle-sized grains of white felspar and 
quartz with a good deal of black micaceous matter.^ 

2nd February. — I went about two miles north-east 
to a village named Lath ^ (pillar) to see a pillar which 
lias communicated its name to the place. It is a very 
fine piece of granite, the pedestal, shaft, and capital 
constituting one piece, 53 J feet long. The capital is 86 
inches long and 36 in diameter, and the base 70 inches 
in length and 40 in diameter, [bothj are quadrangular. 
The shaft has sixteen plain sides, and 38| inches below 
the base contracts suddenly its diameter by about three 
inches, so that the shaft consist of two parts, the upper 
very short, and both taper in a very trifiing degree. 

(1) Appendix, 

No. 103. 

(2) „ 

No. 68. 

(3) „ 

No. 115. 

(4) ,, 

No. 86. 

(5) M 

No. 50. 

(6) Lat. 


The sides are quite straight and AYell-cut, but not 
polished. It is lying horizontallj^ about one-half sunk in 
the earth, and is situated in the midst of a cultivated 
plain without the smallest trace of buildings or of a 
tank near it. The tradition is that it was brought by 
two Gods, names unknown, from Nepal ; and cavities 
like that used for beating rice in a mortar and probably 
originally formed for that jjurpose, one in the capital 
and the other in the pedestal, are shown as the marks 
made by the heads of the Gods as they carried it along. 
It has become an object of worship, and a Brahman, 
its Pujari, has an endowment. It has probably been cut 
in the Burabur hills, and has been carrying to Baragang, 
but has overcome the pati-ence of the people. 

37'd Fehriiary, — I went not quite six cose to Manik- 
nagar.'^ I first ascended the bank of the Mohane for 
about two miles. I then crossed it, turned west, and 
about two miles farther crossed the Sungr, which is 
not so wide as the Mohane but contains a small 
stream, whereas the Mohane is quite dry. I then passed 
two granitic peaks, one on each side of Bisunganj,^ 
at a little distance. I then went to the east end of the 
northern division of Burabur, and passed the whole way 
between the two. Maniknagar is a little west from 
their termination. 

4th February. — I went first to Kesba\ about 
six coses called four. About five miles from Manik- 
nagar I crossed the Jamuna river, which is much 
farther from the hills than Major llennell places it. 
The channel is not a hundred yards wide, but contains 
water from side to side, but nowhere above two feet 
deep, and through clear almost stagnant. The soil 

(J) Manikpur (one mile north-west of Kawa Dol). 
('•^) Bishunganj. 
(2) Kespa. 

(4) In Rennell's maps, tlie Barabar IH)ls are shown as extending at 
least three miles to tlie we&t and two mile.s to the south of their 
true position. Opposite these hills, the Jamuna river swerves away 
from its northerly course, about two miles farther west, so that 
iuKtoad of running past the western border of tiie^^e hills, as shown in 
the maps, it was at Ieas=t live miles from them wiiere Buchanati 


seems peculiarly retentive of water, for some old chan- 
nels beyond the river are even now quite full. Both, 
banks of the Jamnna are very uneven, like the sandr 
hills on the sides of the Eulgo, but they are not at all 
sandy. About three miles farther on, I crossed the 
Morhar, a sandy channel about 200 yards wide and con- 
taining a very small stream. Kesba is about three miles 
farther. Soda seems very prevalent in this part of 
the country. I saw it on this route in three places 
efflorescing on the surface, and saw some people gather* 
ing it. The whole quantity, however, appears to be 

At Kesba is a celebrated image called' Tara Devii». 
which I had gone to see. It is in a small square 
temple, evidently quite recent and built of bricks and 
clay without plaster, but it is situated on a heap of 
bricks and stones, evidently the ruins of a former build- 
ing. Three Brahmans of the Panda's family were repeat^ 
ing prayers, and seemed offended when asked by whom 
or when the temple had been built. They first replied 
in a surly manner — in the Saliya Yug. They afterwards 
judiciously observed that it was needless to ask when 
temples were built, that the Gods were not the work of 
men. On such, 'a subject indeed I find it needless to 
consult the officiating priest, who is always interested 
to veil the truth. The image is of the full human size, 
and is standing with a small figure on each side, but the 
body is entirely covered with a piece of cloth, so that it 
entirely resembles a Hindustani waiting-maid, but I 
suspect is a Vasudeva decked out in women's clothes. 
I could not unveil it without giving offence.^ Many 
images are built into the wall, and others much broken 
are lying by the door, and all occasionally receive a 
smear of red lead. Some of the images, such as the 
Vasudeva v/ith his hands on the cylindrical projections, 
Lingas, Gauri Sangkars, etc., are sim.ilar to those of Buddh 
Gya, etc. Some I have seen nowhere else, especially 
a female with many arms standing on a lion. 

(1) Sec Beglar, Arch. Survey Reports, Vpl. VIII, 1872-73, page 53. 

^^^ .'wi u.>.aL or FRANCIS BrCHANAN. 


I was going to return Avlion I was desired to look at 
Uajah But, and the Burkandaz who served me as a 
guide told me that this had been a lustful tyrant to 
whom the country belonged, and who seized on all the 
beautiful women that he found. Tara Devi was an 
oilman's wife of great sanctity, who meeting the Eajah 
and being afraid of her virtue prayed to her protecting 
Goddess, and both were turned into stone. The image 
is erect, surrounded l)y a heap of bricks witli many 
broken columns of granite, flags, and doors, which may 
have formed a pretty large temj)le. It is a m.ale with 
two arms, in a standing posture. One of the hands 
hangs down with the palm turned foin^^ard, as usual 
with the Munis of the Buddhists when represented 
standing. A small male is seated at his feet. A short 
inscription over [his] head. Xear are several broken 
images, with a Ganesaand a two-handed Goddess sitting 
on a lion, both pretty entire. I was now joined by two 
decent 3^oung men, who told nie that all over the im- 
mediate vicinity there were heaps of bricks, and that 
when people were digging them out for building they 
had laid ])are the stones and images, and said that in all 
ten or twelve temples had thus been laid bare. 

As I hfid far to go, it was not in my power to visit 
the whole. I saw only one more, called Kober. The 
image represented a man with two arms sitting cross- 
legged, and supporting on his shoulders another male 
with four arms, fully as large as himself. The wom.en 
pelt this image with bricks. The men had no tradition 
concerning any Eajah having lived at this place, but 
had heard that it had been the residence of Kasiop 
Muni. It certainly has been either a city or place of 
worship of very considerable note. 

I then went three coses to Tikari, ^ in a southerly 
direction. Raja Mitrjit, and his son my acquaintance, 
were absent. 1 had therefore no opjiortunity of visiting 
the house. It is of almndant size for the residence of 
a man of rank, and has at a distance a picturesque 

(0 Tickany, R. and B.A.; Tekarl. 


castle-like appearance, being built very irregularly witli 
many projections and elevated towers. It is surrounded 
by a double rampart of earth and a wet ditch, which 
contain a considerable space besides the castle, but are 
now ruinous. Every village near has been fortified 
with a mud castle or fort, but all have been allowed to 
go to ruin. At a little distance is a garden surrounded 
by a brick wall with turrets at the corners, and 
containing some small buildings of brick. Also a tank 
w^here a vSannyasi resides in a good brick house, and 
entertains mendicants at the liajah's expense. The 
castle is not all whitewashed, which gives it a mean 
appearance, especially conjoined to the decayed sta,te of 
the defences and many wretched buildings in the outer 
fort. In the absence of the Kajah and his illegitimate 
son, I was visited by the Dewan, who gave evasive 
answers to almost every question. He vrould not even 
speak of the Kol, and pretended to think that the 
llajah's ancestors had possessed the country from time 
immemorial. No person was more communicative, as 
Avithout a special order from the Eajah no one dares 
speak. On each side of the fort is a large bazar, and in 
some places the streets have been made wide and 
straight like those of Sahebgunj. The houses are mostly 
of mud, tiled, but in general poor and slovenly. 

5th February. — I went about ten miles^ to Baraiya^ 
by the way of Koch. ^ About four miles from Tikari 
I crossed the Siuane,* a small channel in a stiff clay 
soil, but it contains a good deal of water. About 2^ 
miles farther I crossed another similar rivulet nam.ed the 

(1) Li the Report (Eastern India, Vol, I, pages 25 and 67-68) Buchanan 

describes, evidently from personal observation, extensive fortifications 
at Kabar, considered as the principal remains left by the Cherus 
or Kols; but there is no record of this visit in the Journal. Kabar 
is three miles south-west of Koch, and he probably visited it on 
this day rather than on the 5rd December j though the last part 
of the Journal for 3rd December is inrelevant. In the Report, 
Buchanan says that Kabar is in the immediate vicinity of Bodh 
Gaya (page 25) and some v\-ay north of Barwan (page 67). It ia 
about tv^enty-five miles north-west of Bodh Gaya, and six miles 
south and slightly east of Barwan. 

(2) Berhah, R. ; Barwan. 

(-) Cowch, R., Couch, B.A. ; KOCh. 
(4) Sidang N., R. and B.A.; SInane N. 

£231 Journal of francis BtcHAj^AN. 

Mera, ^ t^-hicli sends off by a canal a fine little stream 
for irrigation. The soil here is sncli a stiff clay that the 
rivers make little imj^ression in the rainy season, and in 
the dry are not swallowed up. Baraiya is a small 
village belonging to an invalid sepoy. It is on the 
banks of an old tank, which is merely called the tank, 
nor is there any tradition concerning the person by 
tvhom it was dug. Under a tree on its banks are some 
broken images. A Ganesa. Two Vasudevas, of the 
usual form. A Narasingha, and one similar to that of 
Kongh, where a male standing with four arms holds the 
hand of a female with two arms* 

Gth February. — I went about eight miles to 
Deohara, ^ through Go. ^ The whole road filled with 
pilgrims passing to and from Baidyanath and the 
west of India, each carrying a Kaungr. Few persons 
of rank among them. Many women in red petticoats* 
A little from Deohara I crossed the Ponpon, which is 
about 100 yards wide, but contains more water than any 
of the torrents in the district. It has now a fine clear 
stream, perhaps thirty yards wide and from twelve to 
eighteen inches deep. 

In the afternoon, I went about a cose south to see a 
temple of Chinna musta, a goddess so eager after bleed 
that she cut off her own head in order to drink the 
blood. I was curious to see how this practical bull was 
expressed, having been told that j)ictures of this goddess 
represent her dancing on a man and woman in the act 
of copulation, while three streams of blood issue from 
her neck. One falls into her mouth, she holding her 
head in her hand. Another stream is swallowed by a 
jackal, and a third by a serpent. On my arrival at the 
place I found the image was that of Gauri Sankar. A 
small Bouddh, with one hand over his knee, and several 
fragments of other images, were placed beside, and all 
come in for a share of the oil and red lead. Two 

(1) Nehrah N., R. ; NIra N. 

(2) Dowra, R, and B.A. ; Deohara. 

(3) Guw, R. and B.A.; Coh 


Pujaris were at prayers by the booth. The temple is 
very small and rude, built of clay and bricks taken 
from the ruin of the old temple on the top of "which it 
is placed. This has been a mut similar to Kongch, but 
more considerable. Round it are several Lingas 
and Somads of Sannyasis, but no traces of other 
buildings, nor have the peoj)le any sort of tradition con- 
cerning the old temple, i'rom the number of mud 
stalls used by the Haluayis, a great many mast attend 
the Mela. 

7th February. — I went about ten miles to Daudnagar^ 
through a poor swelling sandy country. The road 
pretty tolerable, and practicable for a cart with little 
difficulty. The road still swarming with pilgrims. 

8th February, — I went about four coses to see some 
antiquities at a village called Manora.^ It is a large 
village, and stands very high from the accumulation 
of mud from fallen houses for many generations, but 
has no bricks, so that it has always been a mere village. 
A little way east from it is the foundation of an old 
temple, which has probably been of the spire form. 
The chamber square, not above ten feet in diameter, but 
the walls are very thick, nor is there any appearance of 
there having been a Natmundir or of any other building. 
1 he image is a Buddh, sitting with his right hand over 
his knee and the podda flower on his soles. It is called 
Buddhrup, and not only continues to be an object of 
worship, but the Pujari is a Brahman and has the title 
of Patak. He however seemed to be ashamed, and kept 
out of the way. 

A zemindar Brahman who showed me the place 
said that there was absolutely no tradition concerning 
the place, but he seemed afraid that I had come to 
make advantage of some old claim and to dispute his 
property, for a Dusad told me that he would show me 
the ruins of the house of the Kol Bajah, by whom the 
the place had been built. He accordingly took me 

(1) Daoudnagur, R. and B.A. ; Daudnagar. 

(2) Marowi'iah, R. 


about 200 yards north, T^liere there was a heap of bricks 
about 20 yards square and of very little elevation. On 
the surface had been placed two lingas, and in tlie temple 
adjacent to Buddhrup are tv.o of these images, and a 
small Vasudeva, vrhich the people here all call Mahama, 
l)esides some other fragments. The ornaments on 
Buddhrup being very entire, and there being an inscrip- 
tion, I have directed a drawing to be made. 

From Manora, I went rortherly about a cose to 
Boutara, where I was told I should find the ruin of a 
small house belonging to the Kol. I accordingly found 
a small heap of bricks about twenty yards square and 
perhaps twenty feet high, although many bricks have 
been removed. It seems to me to have been rather a 
temple than a house, and the image v. hich has been the 
object of worship is probably buried in the ruins. On 
the top are lying two small broken Gauri Sangkars, 
which the people call Soka Bokta. The people of the 
village attribute the building to the Cherus, another 
proof of the Kol and Cheru being the same. I then 
returned to Daudnagar. 

lltli February. — I went about three coses east, by 
the road I had formerly come, to a village named Tal 
in order to see where a substance called Mus is dug. 
'J he village stands on a very long eminence, having low 
rice-ground on the south and a marsh towards the north, 
and this is said to have been an abode of the Kol, and 
it may have been a large village and the eminence 
may have been formed by the gradual accumulation of 
mud from the decaying walls, as usual in the country. 
The soil as usual contains many fragments of pots and a 
few bricks, but there is nothing about it like the ruin 
of a fort, large house, or temple. 

The Mus is found in a small field of perhaps thirty 
yards square, on the slope towards the tank, and con- 
sists of small nodules like the dross on some ores of 
iron. Two men that I procured to dig it said that 
it was found about a foot deep mixed with the soil, and 
that they never dug farther, the small quantity required 

V(*L. Viil, PI'. Ill i IV.] PATNA AND GAYA DISTRICTS. 231 

for medicine being tlms easily procurable. Accordingly, 
in digging a hole about three feet square to this depth, 
they found three or four pounds weight in small detached 
masses mixed Avith the soil, Avhich is sandy. I then 
caused them to dig about three feet deep, the soil 
becoming stifTer as they descended, but after the secocd 
foot the quantity diminislied, and at three feet I found no 
more ; but to be certain that none is found at that de23th 
would require a more extensive opening than I could 
m>ake. It m.ay be dross from an old iron Avork, although 
there is no hill near frcm whence ere could be brought, 
nor is there the smallest trace cf furnaces, ashes, or 
cinders. Iso masses are found on the surface, but such 
may have been removed. 

Daudnagar and Hamidgunj form one considerable 
town ; the space between, where the tliana is situated, 
being small. Some of the streets, in Hamidnagar es- 
pecially, are straight and wide, but there are many 
miserable gullies and tlie streets are very irregular, 
a wide one often terminating in a lane, or being inter- 
rupted by a hovel in the middle. Daud Khan, in the 
town named after him, erected a handsome fortified 
serai. It is a square, enclosed with a brick wall with 
handsome battlements and loo2}holes. It is strengthened 
by round bastions, and has two large gates. His des- 
cendants occupy it as houses, in many poor buildings 
erected within. In fact it was probably intended as 
a stronghold, but called a Serai to avoid giving offence 
to the jealousy of government. It has no ditch. 

His son, Hamid Khan, built a real Serai in the 
part of the town which bears his name; that is, he 
allowed the Betiyaris to build a long straight wide 
street Avith their hats on each side, while he secured 
each end with a mud gate. The only other public 
building of note is a small Imambari in good repair, 
and a mud building called a Chautera, consisting of 
three stories gradually decreasing in size, open on 
all sides, but with a pent roof over each stage. It is 
a very irregular and sorry structure^ but is said to be 


an exact model of a famous building cf the same 
name at Jaii^ur. That however is built either of stone 
or of marble, but unless of a much better design 
must be a i^toov thing. Two of the Nawabs have 
brick monuments near the Imambari, but they are 
small and rude. The houses are very inferior to those 
of Gaya, but are almost all built of mud with tiles, 
and are more comfortable than the lower classes in 
this country usually possess, although none are fit for 
persons of any rank. 

12th February, — I went rather more than eleven 
miles to Pahaleja.^ Vast heaps of sand are blown up 
by the west winds of sj^ring, forming downs along 
the bank of the Son, as also near the Fulgo. The 
town extends about two-thirds of a mile from 
north to south, but much more from east to 
west. Rather more than four miles from the town, 
I came to Shumshirganj,* a market place and serai 
formed by a Nawab Shumshir Khan, who is buried 
in a garden a little south from the village. It is a 
handsome pretty considerable building of brick, and 
the garden is surrounded by a brick wall as usual. It 
has a small endowment, with which a Fakir burns a 
lamp. The garden supports a mali, but has become wild. 
The building is in tolerable repair. This Shumshir 
Khan is commonly called Jubberdost Khan, or the 
violent Lord, and is said to have married a sister of 
Jovon Khan. A Borkandaj is stationed in the market 
as a guard. 

-About a mile farther on, T came to Aganud Serai, 
founded by a Mogul of that name. The serai forms 
a street and is in good repair, being kept up by the 
Betiyaris, but the gates by which the ends were secured 
have iDCcome ruinous, and one still hangs over the heads 
of passengers in a very tottering condition. I'he other 
has fallen and is no longer dangerous. Here also is 

(1) Pallijow, R. and B.A. ; Pahleja. 

(2) Sumseernagur, R. ; Sumsernagur, B.A. ; Shamshernagar. . 


placed a Burkandaj, as is the case in a village seme 
way farther on at a little distance from the road. 
Exce^Dt to act as spies, what good these men can 
da I know not, and no one of them can, I suspect, be 
trusted to give information [any] more than he could 
be expected to fight. Pahaleja is a poor place. Some 
invalids near, very litigious fellows. This forenoon 
I felt an earthquake very distinctly. It lasted above 
a minute, and was accompanied by no noise. 

13th February. — I went rather more than eight 
miles by the great load ito Arval. ^ The road pretty 
tolerable for a cart. 

loth February . — My people brought me a pumice 
stone from the Son. 

l&th February. — Arval is a poor small bazar, with a 
ruinous bungalow built by Colonel Hutchinson. I went 
rather more than eight miles to Mera, and halted on 
the ruins of a Cheruwan's house. Ihe Atarba Brah- 
mans, who are the owners of the country, say that the 
Kol and Cheru are the same, that none now remain, 
but that they are to be found in the southern hills. 
They were expelled by Mullik Beo, after which the Atarba 
Brahmans came and occupied the country. Many 
Musahars here, they are called Bnnghiyars. 

The ruin at Mera is an oblong heap, perhaps 300 
yards in length and 150 in width, and consisting of earth 
and fragments of bricks. On its middle has been a 
space of perhaps 150 yards square more elevated than 
the rest, and there are traces of brick buildings round 
it, some of the walls still standing. They are not 
suflSciently thick for a fort, nor do they appear to have 
been a wall surrounding a court, as there are several 
hollow angles towards the plain as if there had been 
separate buildings. I suspect that this building has 
been erected on a previous ruin. Under a tree are 
five or six images. One Karasingha ; the others all 
males with four arms, standing between two small 

(1) Arval, R. and B.A. j Arwal. 


figures, but their hraids in different positions and ['uitli] 
different emblems. [Inder a tree in a yilbge near are 
tAvo images, one as above, the other Gauri Sangkar. 
The people say that all around in digging wells they 
occasionally find images, many of which have been 
thrown into an old tank at the west end of the heap. 
About 15 or 10 years ago an English, gentleman was 
persuaded by a Brahman to dig in search of treasure. 
They found an old well lined with brick, in which was 
an image, some keys, and human bones. 

19th February. — I went between twelve and thir- 
teen miles to Vikrampur,^ called by some, three coses, 
by others five. About Z\ miles, called one cose, I came 
to Palli,^ the first place in Vikram. It is a pretty large 
bazar, and at one end are the foundations of a brick 

21U Febi'tiary. — I went rather less than four miles 
to see Raph, which I had passed before. It is a heap 
extending about 100 yards east and Avest and 100 north 
and south, of considerable elevation and very irregular 
surface. I saw no stones, and the quantity of brick is 
small. There is no trace of a ditch. On the whole it 
probably has never been a place of consequence, and 
owes its size chiefly to the gradual accumulation of 
clay from the walls of a village situated on its summit. 
At its east er.d under a tree is a male image, in the 
usual form of those called Vasudeva, etc. 

22nd February, — I went south three coses to Bho- 
rotpur,^ with a view of seeing some land that produces 
soda, having previously sent people to dig a well in the 
place in order to ascertain how far the water might bo 
affected. On coming to the well I found no soda near 
it ; about twenty yards from it a very little could be dis- 
cerned in one spot of a rice field. The peo])le said that 
there was plenty there, and would not show me any 

(J) Bikram. 

(2) Pollay, E. and B.A.; Nirakpur Pali. 
(^) Burd{)orah; E. ; Bharathpura. 


other place. The Zemindar was busy at the marriage of 
tiis daughter, his son-in-law had come from a distance, 
he had pitched seven or eight tents, two or three of them 
large, and had three elephants. In short, he seems to be 
a person of note, and is called a Raja. The house of 
the zemindar large, and some part of brick. 

24th February. — I w^ent to Seerpur,^ and proceeded 
first to Eaph, although I had been told that it was not 
near the road. Several of the villages that I saw north 
from thence are situated on similar eminences, whicli 
seem to me chiefly owing to the accumulation of mud 
w^alls. The boundary between Gaya and Patnaat Purnal^ 
is about seven miles north from liaph. Erom thence to 
the bank of the Ganges is about four and a half miles. 
I then went east along the Patna road about a mile. I 
did not keep the road from Vikram to the river, which 
is a cose round. The road from Fatna to Arah is very 
good, and seems much frequented. 

27th February. — I went to Moner, ^ passing along 
the Son the whole w^ay, for it now joins the Ganges at 
Serpur, and not at Moner as in the time of Mr. Eennell. 
The country very populous. Hie huts tolerable. 
Moner is a large place. At its west end is a fine tank, 
which communicates with the Son by a subterraneous 
tunnel, but at this season the water is dirty and full of 
weeds. It is lined all round with brick, and at each 
side has had a stair of brick with a platform on each 
side, and on each platform is a small cupola but these 
buildings have become ruinous, and the bare heaps of 
earth by which the tank is surrounded must always ha^e 
spoiled the effect. On its south side is the tomb of the 
great saint of the place, merely a grave under a tree with 
a white sheet spread over it, but it is surrounded by a 
brick wall, and there is a small mosque within this and 
some cloisters for the reception ot* Fakirs. Many of 
the faithful are buried wdthin the enclosure, which 

(1) Sierpour, R. and B.A. ; Sherpur. 

(2) Painal. 

(3) Moiieah, R. and B.A. ; Maner. 


is as usual slovenly and ruinous.^ In this simple 
manner ^vas buried the first propagator of the faith in 
these jmrts. His grandson has procured a mausoleum 
worthy of the increasing power of his sect, and by far 
the handsomest building that I have yet seen in the 
course of the survey. On account, however, of the 
superior sanctity of the grandfather, his tomb is called 
the great Dorga, while the splendid monument of the 
grandson is called the little. It is in the usual style of 
the Muhammadan Mokbaris, consisting of a cubical 
chamber covered by a dome and at each side ornamented 
with a portico, while at each corner there is a small 
chamber surmounted by a cuj)ola. The whole is of stone, 
but the dome is plastered on the outside to exclude the 
rain, and has been gaudily painted. The chamber is 
light within, having windows secured with exceeding 
neat fretwork in stone. 'J he whole walls, pillars, and 
roofs of the porticos and small chambers are carved and 
ornamented with foliages and fretwork, in some places 
too minute and in too small a relief, but in others in 
a very good style. 

The north side of the enclosure is occupied by a 
small mosque and a wing of cloisters, both in a very 
good style and constructed towards the area at least of 
stone, and the cloister extends along the west face to 
the principal gate, which has been a very handsome 
structure of stone. The ascent to it is by the only hand- 
some stair that I have ever seen in a native building. 
It has steps on three sides, and the steps are of a just 
proportion, so as to render the ascent easy. 

The other parts of the buildings enclosing the area 
are irregular, but at one of the angles has been a cupola 

(1) " In former times, it is said, Maner was the residence of a Brahman 
chief, but a saint of Arabia named Ahiya, who seems to have been 
of the militajy order, arriving in the country smote the infidel and 
threw his gods into the river. He then took up his abode at the 
place, and buried on the situation of the temple twelve of his 
companions, who in the struggle of conquest had obtained 
martyrdom. When he died, he was buried in the very spot where 
the idol had stood, and his descendants 1o this day occupy tho 
palace of the idolatrous chief, or at least a house built where it 
stood." M. S. Kcport, pages 144 — 145. 

Vbji. vii-i, PT. ni&iv.j patnA and gay a DisTRiCTS. 33t 

of stone, the fretwork in the windows of which is 
remarkably fine. On the whole it is an exceeding hand* 
some building. Its two chief defects are, that it has a 
kind of castellated embrasure in place of a balustradCj 
and that under this it is surrounded by a row of sloping 
flags resembling the eaves of an Italian cottage, in place 
of a cornice. The stone is from Chandalghur (Chunar) 
and cuts well, but is not durable, so that much of the 
carving has suffered from its decay, and the whole is in 
the most disgusting state. Eakirs have been allowed to 
boil their pots in the porticos, and have overwhelmed 
them with soot, to remedy which irregular patches over 
the pots have been whitewashed. One of the cornei* 
chambers is occupied by a beastly ascetic, who has shut 
up the doors and windows with old pots, clay, and cow- 
dung patched together in the rudest manner, nor are any 
pains taken to keep the place in i^epair ; yet the descen- 
dant of the saint has 6,000 bighas free of rent, and that 
of the richest quality. The whole is said to be expended 
in the feeding in idle squalid mendicants, vagrants 
who are in this country an intolerable nuisance. That 
this account is true there is no reason to doubt, as his 
abode although surrounded by a high brick wall and 
occupying the seat of former Rajahs bespeaks the most 
squalid asceticism. The buildings are said to have been 
erected by a certain Ibrahim Khan, who had been Subah 
of Gujerat, and who died t)efore they were entirely 
finished, a circumstance that usually happens, as the 
completing any work of this nature is considered as un- 
fortunate as immediately to be followed by the death of 
the founder. Near it has been a handsome monument 
for the mother of the Nawab. It has become very 
ruinous. There are no traces of the Rajah's palace 
except some heaps. The great saint is buried in Mie 
place where his God stood, which together with all other 
objects of idolatry were piously thrown into the river. 

29th February. — I went to the Golgharj^ passing 
through the elegant cantonments of Dhanapur.^ The 

(1) The Golah at Bankipore. 

(2) Dynapour, R. and B.A. ; Dinapore. 

13 2 Res. J. 


barracks form an elegant building, and the quarters for 
European officers are very extensive and also handsome. 
The grounds of this place are neat, and vastly superior 
to Bankipore. The bazars extensive. The General ^ has 
a very good garden, in which he has English apples and 
Bokhara ;plums, both of which he says produce excellent 
fruit. The plums of two kinds, purple and yellow. The 
grafts of a year old already blossoming. He has also 
peaches with a depressed fruit, which I have seen 
nowhere else. Having a taste for cultivation as a florist 
he has procured some plants from Nepal, especially the 
fine Porana. 

1st Ifarch.-^Went to Eutwah by a road already 

3rd March. — Having heard from the Sannyasi of 
Buddh Gya that the Vazirs of Ava had gone to Champa- 
pur i, about eight cosss sou'^h-east from Patna, I had en- 
quired after the place both at Hilsa and here, and at 
both places learned that there was a village of this name 
on the banks of the Ganges^ about five coses below Eut- 
wah, but that no remains of ancient buildings were to be 
seen. I however sent a man, who told me that near it 
some children in play had discovered an image, which 
had been taken by the zemindar and placed under a tree, 
where it was worshipped by a few persons of the vicinity. 
I this way went to see it by the route which I had come 
from Bar. The stone slab is about three feet high, and 
contains as the principal figure a male standing, with one 
head and two arms. No traces of weapons, but both 
hands broken. On each side a flower like what is called 
the Chokor of Surjo, but there is no horse. On each side, 
standing, are two male figures, one smaller than the other. 
Below are some votaries. Above are five Buddhs and 
the representation of two solid temples. The Buddhs 
all sitting. The one in the centre has both hands in his 
lap. The two next have one hand in the lap and one 

(1) General Watson. (East India, Vol. I, page 288). 

(2) Champapour, R. ; Chumperpour, B.A. ; Champapur, about 1^ mile* 
west of Bakbtiarpur, and twenty-eight miles by road from the 


over the right knee. The extreme one on the right ha§ 
both hands before the breast. That on the left has one 
hand on the lap, one raised towards the shoalder. The 
village where the image is placed is called Gunsur ^ nor 
does it contain any traces of buildings, excej^t that it 
stands on a large elevation of clay and broken pots, as 
usual in this country. 

On the way back, my bearers halted at a tree where 
some retailers of provisions were placed. These furnished 
them with copper vessels, out of which even Brahmans 
will eat. They mixed barley and pease meal together 
with a little salt and cold water, and ate this with a dry 
capsicum. Farther on they halted at a hut where a 
Sannyasi distributed water to the passengers, and each 
man got a handful of lentils (Cicer Arietinum) on the 
straw. The Sannyasi said that he has five bigahs of land 
and an Indera. He seemed to be constantly engaged in 
pouring water from a brass pot down the throats of the 
passengers, as from cleanliness he did not allow them to 
touch it with their mouths. They held their hand under 
their mouth, and he poured the water upon their hand 
from whence they drank. In order to compensate for 
this act of cleanliness, the Sannyasi held the pot with 
his fingers in the inside and the thumb without, a custom 
of which it is difficult to break the natives. His fingers 
were of course in the water. Some passengers gave him 
a cowrie or two, but his collections in that way cannot 
amount to above one or two annas a day. 

Eutwa is a very large village or country town, and 
some of the houses good in the opinion of the natives, 
but the clay of the walls is exceedingly rough and un- 
seemly, as usual towards the east. West from Patna 
they are much neater. On the bank of the river imme- 
diately under the town is a stratum of pale yellowish 
clay, which extends perhaps 200 yards, and is about four 
or five feet above low-watermark and perhaps 16 or 18 
under the surface. It may be about six feet thick, and 
from the name of the Mauza in which it is found is 

(1) Giioswari. 


called Raipur clay.^ It is used as a wash for the walls 
of houses and in the distillation of essences, but not by 
the potters. It is a fine smooth light clay, and contains 
many cylindrical cavities, as if it had been perforated by 
the roots of plants, but no remains of vegetables are to be 
now seen. 

6th March. — In the morning I went to Eekab- 
gunj, in order to have an interview with Govind Das, 
one of the chiefs of the sect of Nanak. He is a middle- 
aged man without any hypocritical cant, but does not 
seem to be a man of learning, and is exceedingly tire- 
some from repeating a vast number of Puranic legends. 
He pretends to be chief of a Bung or division contain- 
ing 360 Gudis of the Kolasa sect. At Murshedabad and 
Lucknow are two others, and he calls himself a Fakir. 
The Fakirs of the Kolasa admit only of Brahmans, 
Kshatris, and Yaisiyas into their own order, but among 
their followers they receive every Hindu who is not vile, 
but they receive no Mlechhas. The Fakirs, like other 
Hindus, consider that there is one chief God, Parame- 
swor or Para- Brahma, but think that no one, even the 
Gods, knows his name or anything about him, and that 
he gives himself no trouble about worldly affairs. He 
admits that Vishnu, Siva and Brahma are Gods (Iswara), 
and occasionally makes offerings to them, but says he 
merely does so in compliance with custom, and that the 
only object of wordiip is Parameswar. 

They have no private form of prayer, but have a 
short kind of creed, like that of the Moslems, which they 
repeat. They have also four forms of prayer for four 
different times of the day, and when any person gives 
an entertainment and offerings at the Sangot, one or 
rhore of these forms are repeated according to the time 
when the offering is made. A person of any religion 
may partake of the entertainment ; but is not consi- 
dered ms at all converted by this, nor would any of 
them admit him to eat at any other time. 

(1) '* ilapura or Gori Mali "; see East India, Vol. I, page 274. 


The Fakirs sometimes marry, but are somewhat 
disgraced by this. All Fakirs whatever their caste 
may eat together, and abstain from many kinds of food 
and drink. They should give up'^all connection with 
Brahmans, but many in compliance with custom 
employ Purohits to perform their ceremonies. Their 
pupils not admitted into the priesthood, follow exactly 
the same customs that they did before, retain their caste 
customs, Purohits and Gods ; they only change their 

Nanak had two sons from whom are descended 
1,400 families, called Shah zadas, who are much respect- 
ed and reside at Dera in the Punjab, where they seem 
to fee dedicated to religion and live on its profits. He 
appointed as his successor Ungot, who was followed 
by Amardas, Ramdas, Arjunji, Hara-Govind, Hara 
Rai, Hur Krishna, Tek Bahadur and Govinda. In his 
time, the Moslems being exceedingly troublesome, he was 
obliged to take up arms and the title of Singa, and thus 
founded the Church militant called Kalisha in order to 
distinguish [it from the sj)iritual church Kolasa, and 
there has been since his time no universal head of the 
sect. In the Punjab every Rajah is at the head of their 
sect in their own dominions, and they have become 
persecutors, compelling Moslems and Hindus of all ranks 
to follow their customs. They admit of the use of all 
animal food except beef and spirituous liquors ; but 
each caste retains its own customs and worship. He 
however does not seem well acquainted with the customs 
of the Singas. 

Govinda on assuming the title of Singha appointed 
four military chiefs, and called them Gurus but made 
them quite equal. He himself never took to the sword. 
He was born at the Hari Mondir in Patna, on which 
account that place is much respected, but the owner is 
a person of no authority, according to Govind Has, who 
is evidently very jealous of him and will not allow tha.t 
he is a Mahant. Both sects give Kora or entertain- 
ments at Harimandir, and the owner has at least tha 


profits of this, but Govinda pretends that he has no 
authority over inferior Gadis. 

Among the 1,400 Shahzadahs, also called Bedis, 
none it is alleged has produced a daughter. They marry 
with three other ranks called Sori, Boli and Tihun, 
•whose descent my informant does not know. The 
daughters, I suspect, are privately murdered. 



From Buchanan's MS. Report. Abridged in Eastern 
India, Vol. I, pages 35—43. 

There is a good deal of difficulty in ascertaining the 
boandaries of Patna. To exclude what is without the 
walls would reduce its dimensions to a trifle, while the 
suburbs are built in a very straggling ill-defined manner. 
I find it most suitable for my purpose to include in this 
section the w^hole of that part of Patna Pergunah, or 
Haveli Azimabad, that is under the jurisdiction of a 
Kotwal and 15 Darogahs, who are appointed to superin- 
tend the police of the 16 wards (Mahullah), into which 
the above-mentioned extent is divided. Each ward 
includes part of the town, but several of them also 
include an adjacent part of the country, consisting 
chiefly however of garden land with some low marshy 
ground that intervenes. The city of Patna, taken in 
this sense, includes the suburbs of Bakipur and Jafier 
Khan's garden, an extent nearly of nine miles along the 
bank of the Ganges. The width from the bank of the 
Ganges is on an average about two miles, but some part 
of the channel of the Ganges, and of the islands opposite 
to the city, must be also considered as belonging to this 
jurisdiction, so that on the whole I shall allow it an 
extent of 20 square miles. It must however be observed 
that among the natives the gerdnawah or extent of the 
city of Patna is usually said to reach along the bank of 
the Ganges from Sherpur to Baikunthapur, about eleven 
miles farther west and nine miles farther east than the 
boundaries which I have assigned. 


A plan made by a native assistant will show the 
subdivisions and explain my meaning. The city within 
the walls is rather more than a mile and a half from 
east to west, (as may be seen by the plan in the Bengal 
Atlas, No. 15), extends three-quarters of a mile north 
and south, and is exceedingly closely built. Many of 
the houses are built of brick, more however are built of 
rdud with tiled roofs, but very few are thatched. To 
outward view they are exceedingly unsightly and slovenly, 
and are rendered peculiarly mean by the lower story 
towards the street, in even the best of them, being let 
for shops to low tradesmen or even to artificers, who are 
very careless. Within, many of them are no doubt neat, 
and according to the idea of the inhabitants very com^ 
fortable, as every one who has means to afford it resides 
in this part of the town, nor is it fashionable for the 
wealthy to have country houses. The Nawab Bakur 
Ali Khan has indeed a house in a suburb, but this was 
formerly occupied by an European gentleman, and, I 
believe, has been bought by the Nawab with a view 
chietiy to receive visits from Europeans, and his family 
resides in the city. Kasinath, a rich banker, is the only 
person, so far as I saw, that has a country house, and 
both the buildings and garden are neat, and of a respect- 
able size ; but, I believe, are used very rarely and that 
only on festivals and entertainments, and his family 
constantly resides in the town. This predilection for 
the city would be hard to exiDlain, as it is difficult to 
imagine a more disgusting place. There is one street 
tolerably wide that runs from the eastern to the western, 
gate, but it is by no means straight nor regularly built. 
Every other passage is narrow, crooked, and irregular. 
The great street, when it breaks into sloughs, is occa- 
sionally repaired w^ith earth thrown in by the convicts, 
the others are left to nature by the police, and the 
neighbours are too discordant to think of uniting to 
perform any work. Paving, cleaning, and lighting, con-^ 
sidered so essential in every European town in such 
circumstances, are totally out of the question. In the 
heats of spring the dust is beyond credibility, and in. 



the rains every place is covered with mud, through 
which however it is contrived to drag the little one- 
horse chaises of the natives. In the rainy season there 
is in the town a considerable pond or lake, which, as it 
dries up, becomes exceedingly dirty, and in spring is 

East from the city is a very great suburb, the chief 
part in which, called Marufganj, is situated between the 
eastern gate and the river, and is the principal market. 
It contains many store-houses for grain. Most of the 
buildings, especially the store-houses, are built with 
wooden posts and walls made of straw-mats, with tiled 
roofs. Although almost the whole was burned to the 
ground last year, and although a similar accident usually 
happens once in five or six years, it has been rebuilt 
exactly on the same footing. Immediately above the 
town is a long narrow suburb extending almost four 
miles in length, but seldom half a mile wide, and there are 
many short interruptions from gardens , but one great 
street, lined in most parts on both sides with houses, 
extends the whole way and near the city divides into two 
branches, which rejoin at the eastern gate. Many narrow 
crooked alleys extend on both sides of this road, and are 
lined with hovels of all kinds, mostly, however, having 
mud walls and tiled roofs, and some of them have two 
stories ; but there are scarcely any respectable houses 
occupied by natives. The Nawab Bakur Ali has, 
however, as said above, a large house; Eaja Kalyan 
Singha, last native governor of Eehar, has two or 
three houses, which, from the caprice of enormous 
wealth, are now empty ; and Raja Mitrajit, of Til^ari, 
has built a house, where he occasionally resides. This 
part of the town seems to have risen in consequence 
of the European settlement, and the houses of the 
Europeans are scattered through it, chiefly along the 
bank of the river; while, no precautions having been 
taken, their dependents have huddled along the great 
road, and formed lanes and crooked passages between 
it and the gentlemen's premises, so that the access to 
several of these has become exceedingly disagreeable, 


and to some of them difficult. Notwithstanding that 
this is one of the chief European settlements in India, 
being the seat of a court of appeal, of a city judge 
and magistrate, of the collector of a very fertile 
district, of a custom-house, of a commercial resident, 
of an opium agent, and of a provincial battalion, the 
number of European houses is trifling, and they are 
so scattered that they make no show. One of them 
is a very elegant abode, and had it not been made to 
consist of two orders, one above the other, and both 
therefore too small, it might have been a fine piece 
of architecture ; as it is, however, it is undoubtedly the 
best private dwelling that I have seen in India. The 
others are indifferent, and some of them very bad. 
Of the 52,000 houses estimated to be contained in 
this city it is said that 7,187 are built of brick, 11,639 
are of two stories with mud walls and tiled roofs, 53 
differ from the last in having thatched roofs, 22,188 
are mud-walled huts covered with tiles, and the 
remainder consists of mud-walled huts covered with 
thatch. Some of the roads in this quarter are kept in 
tolerable rej)air by the labour of the convicts, but the 
dirt, dust, and mud of the greater part of the suburbs are 
almost as bad as those of the city. 

The town is very indifferently supplied with water. 
Near the river the supply from thence is abundant, 
but in the dry season the bringing it from thence is 
a severe task on the women, and in the rainy season it 
is very dirty and bad. Near the river the wells are 
deep, and the Avater which they contain is generally 
saline. Farther from the river many wells are good, 
and some of them not very deep, so that on the whole 
the people there are best supplied. One magistrate, 
some time ago, compelled the people to water the street, 
each person in front of his own house, and this, no 
doubt, was a general comfort for the whole, but in 
many particular cases was attended with hardship, so 
that this has been abandoned. The bank of the Ganges 
occupied by the town is tolerably high, and in most 
parts the town might be extended farther south than 


has been yet done, but all along its northern boundary- 
is a tract of low land deeply inundated in the rainy 
season ; this, however, when the floods subside, is very 
well cultivated, and I do not believe that it renders 
the situation of the town unhealthy. 

A city nine miles long sounds large ; but, when 
we come to investigate particulars, we shall be a good 
deal disappointed. It having been last year proposed 
to levy a tax on houses, the acting collector proceeded 
to make an enameration, and the returns procured 
gave 45,867 houses, exclusive of those occupied by 
persons dedicated to religion. Two or three houses 
belonging to one person were often returned as one, 
which saved trouble, as the tax was to be laid on the 
value of each property. On account of this and of 
the religioas houses, and a few that may be supposed 
to have escaped the vigilance of the surveyors, the 
number must be allowed to be somewhat more than 
the return given to the collector. The late magistrate 
had commenced an enumeration of the people, but it 
was left incomplete, and has not been continued. I 
am, therefore, under the necessity of proceeding by 
conjecture concerning the number of people in each 
house, and the addition that must be allowed to the 
number of houses returned to the collector. On the 
first point, the average conjectures of all the Darogahs, 
each of whom had carried his investigation by actual 
enumeration to a certain extent, will give an average 
of six persons for each house, and the total number 
of houses, according to the conjecture of the Darogahs, 
amounts to rather more than 52,000. The whole 
population will, therefore, amount to 312,000, which 
I do not think liable to any considerable error. There 
are besides a great many persons, sepoys, camp-followers, 
travellers, boatmen, etc., whose number fluctuate; but 
is generally pretty considerable. 

The principal road, especially in the city, is very 
much crowded; but there are no such multitudes of 
passengers going in and out as are to be seen near the 


large towns in England. A hundred yards from the 
southern wall of the city you are completely in the 
country, and within sight of it I found myself, in 
looking after the curiosities of the place, just as great 
a matter of wonder to the women and children as in 
the most remote parts of Behar. It did not appear 
that the villagers, at least the women and children, 
had ever seen an European, and they flocked round my 
palanquin with great eagerness. 

The inside of the town is disagreeable and disgusting 
and the view of it from a distance is mean. Indeed, 
at a little distance south from the walls it is not dis- 
cernible : there is no building that overtops the inter- 
vening trees, and no bustle to indicate the approach 
to a city. The view from the river, owing to the Euro- 
pean houses scattered along its bank, is rather better, 
and is enlivened by a great number of fine-formed 
native women that frequent the banks to bring water. 
Still, however, the appearance of the town from thence, 
especially in the dry season, is very sorry, the pre- 
dominant feature being an irregular high steep bank 
of clay without herbage, and covered with all manner 
of impurities, for it is a favourite retreat of the 
votaries of Cloacina, accompanied by the swine and curs 
that devour the offerings. 

Major Rennell has given in the Bengal atlas a 
plan of the poor fortifications by which the city of 
Patna is surrounded ; and, as ever since his survey they 
have been totally neglected, their condition is now to 
the last degree wretched. A very little pains would, 
however, render them a security against predatory 
horse, and would enable them to preserve the effects of 
all the vicinity from such a force, which in the present 
reduced state of the native princes is now more likely 
to be employed than any other. ^ I have little doubt 

(1) These observations had special reference to the conditions in the 
voar in which this Report was written. *' The body of Pindarrahs, which 
lately made an irruption into the Company's territory near Mirzaporo, has. 
since created a considerable degree of alarm at Patna and its neighbour- 
liood." (Calcutta Gazette, April 2ud, 1812; see Sandeman's Selections^ 
Vol. IV. J 



that in case of alarm the inhahitaiits would willingly 
undertake the necessary work, were they directed by 
the Magistrate. The gates are now in a most deplo- 
rable state of decay, and are rather alarming to 
strangers that enter. In order to prevent accidents 
they should probably be pulled down, as in the present 
state of the rampart they can be of no use in defending 
the place. The fort in the north-east corner of the 
city is now so overrun with modern buildings that its 
form can be no longer distinguished, nor could I perceive 
any remains, except some old gates. It is the common 
idea among the natives that the fort and city were built 
by Azim, the grandson of Aurungzebe, and that 
Pataliputra had long been completely destroyed when 
that prince arrived ; and, as I have before said, it would 
appear that in A.D. 1266 Patali had become a nest of 
robbers, and was then punished ; but a fort was built ; 
nor can I trace anything relating to it in Dow's history 
until the year 1611, when a convention of Afghan chiefs 
assembled at the place, which was then the capital of 
Behar. Farther, it would appear that about this time 
the town was not only fortified, but had within the walls 
a palace, where the feubah resided. The inscription 
also 6n the gate of the fort, dated in the H. 1042, 
attributes its erection to a Feroz Jung Khan. The 
vulgar opinion must therefore be a mistake, and takes 
its rise from the name of Azim having been given to 
the city. It is alleged that until the Mahratta invasion, 
the city walls contained all the inhabitants, and its 
principal increase and prosperity seem to have been 
owing to the European commercial factories, for at one 
time the English, Dutch, Danes and French had 
factories here, and traded to a great extent, especially in 
cotton cloth. This trade has no doubt suffered, and 
although that of nitre and opium has increased, yet 
the parts of the town adjacent to the factories have 
declined ; but then the city is said to have greatly 
increased, and the value of the ground in it, within 
these fifteen years, is said to have doubled, owing to the 
difficulty of procuring a spot for building a house. 


The English Company's original factory is now 
occupied by the Opium Store-honse, a very substantial 
good building, well fitted for the purpose to which it is 
applied. Near it is the jail, also a large building, but 
neither handsome, nor strong enough to confine ruffians. 
The house at present occupied as the city court is near 
the jail ; but is a very abominable-looking place. The 
court of appeal is a handsome modern building, but 
very small. 

At the western extremity of the suburbs is a 
building called the Golghar, intended as a granary, and 
perfectly sui generis. For the sake of the great man 
by whose orders this building was erected, the 
inscriptions should be removed, were they not a beacon 
to warn governors of the necessity of studying political 
economy, and were it not of use to mankind to know 
even the weaknesses of Mr. Hastings. 

Immediately above and below the city two native 
merchants built brick keys, of considerable length, to 
facilitate the landing and shipping ot goods in the rainy 
season. Boats can then lay along the key, and deliver 
and take in goods with ease ; but they never would 
appear to have been of use in the dry season, when some 
contrivance to facilitate the conveyance of goods up and 
down the enormous bank is most wanted. These keys 
are called Poshta, are private property, and at present 
are chiefly used for lodging coarse goods, such as timber 
and bamboos, which in the dry season are deposited on 
the bank. Parallel to the city, at some distance south 
from it, and extending some way farther each way is an 
old bank, which seems to have been intended to exclude 
the floods, and still answers for that purpose. 

These with the roads and a few miserable brick 
bridges are all the public works that I have seen, except 
those dedicated to religion. In the middle of the city 
the Roman Catholics have a church, the best looking 
building in the place. Near it is the common grave of 
the English who were treacherously murdered by the 
orders of Kasem Ali before his final overthrow; it is 

yoifc ym, pt. hi & iv.i patna and gaya districts. 861 

covered by a pillar of the most uncouth form, built 
partly of stone, partly of brick. There are many 
mnsjids, or mosques, but none of them very large, and 
many of them are now let as warehouses by their 
owners. This is the case with the handsomest of them, 
which is built entirely of stone, and of which a view is 
annexed. It stands with one end to the street, and the 
house of a descendant of the prophet, who is styled the 
motawoli of the mosque, is situated in front. This 
drawing will give an idea of the style of building in 
Patna, and of the manner in which it is disfigured by 
the wretched sheds built in front for artificers and petty 
traders. Although the owner has let his mosque for a 
warehouse, he is strenuous in his calls on the faithful 
to pray, and he is the loudest crier and the loudest 
prayer in the whole town. 

The chief place of actual worship among the Moslems 
of Patna is the monument of Shah Arzani, about the 
middle of the western suburb. He was a native of the 
Punjab, and, after a long residence, died here in the 
year of the Hijri 1032. The proprietors are the chelas 
or disciples of the saint, and not his descendants, and 
all of these holy persons have abstained from marriage. 
Kurimbuksh, the present occupant, is the seventh 
successor in the office. B e has considerable endowments, 
and gives food daily to from 50 to 200 fakirs. Every 
Thursday night from 100 to 500 pilgrims, Moslems 
and Hindus, many of them from a distance, come to 
intercede with the saint for his assistance, and make 
offerings. In the month Zikad there is an annual fair 
(Mela), which lasts three days. On the first, people 
apply to Shah Shujawol ; on the second, to Vasuiit ; 
and on the third, to the great saint ; the two former 
having been among his successors, and the latter of 
them, it must be observed, has a Hindu name. About 
5,000 votaries attend. Adjacent to the tomb is an 
Imamvara, where 100,000 people assemble with the 
pageantry used in celebration of the grandsons of the 
prophet. Near it is a tank dug by the saint, where, once 
in the year, 10,000 people assemble, and many of them 


bathe. A public crier calls the people to prayers, but 
few or none assemble ; those who are roused to pray 
by the crier perform their devotions on the spot where 
they happen to be at the time. I have not observed among 
the Moslems of Bengal or Bihar any meetings in theii* 
mosqueS) such as we have in our churches, in order to 
have public prayers and to hear their scripturee either 
read or expounded. The only other place of worship 
among the Moslems at all remarkable is the monument 
of another saint, named Pir Bahor, which was built 
about 200 years ago^ but it is only attended by a few in 
its vicinity. It at present belongs to a widow, who, 
since her husband's death, acts as Tirzadah for the 
families who were wont to require the assistance of the 

The only places of worship at all remarkable among 
the followers of the Brahmans are the temples of the 
great and little Patanadevi, Pataneswari, or Goddess of 
Patana, i.e., the city. The great goddess is said to have 
been placed in her present situation by Patali, daughter 
of Raja Sudarsan, who bestowed the town now called 
Patna on his daughter, and she cherished the city like a 
mother, on which account it was called Pataliputra, or the 
son of Patali. The building is small, but avowedly 
recent, and erected at the expense of the priests. Far 
from acknowledging the story of Patali, these allege 
that their deity has existed here from the origin of 
things. This in India is an usual pretence, but there is 
a circumstance attending the tutelar deity of this city 
that in most parts is not so ordinary, although very 
much so in these districts. The image (see drawing 
No. 124) called a goddess is a male, and is no doubt a 
representation of a Boudh, and probably of Gautama, as 
he has seated by him two disciples as usual in Ava. 
Near the throne is placed a female deity, but this is not 
the object of worship, and represents, I have no doubt, 
Semiramis seated on a lion, and on her knee holding the 
infant Niniyas (see drawing No. 125). The Pandas or 
priests are Kanoj Brahmans, and many goats are 
sacrificed on Saturdays and Tuesdays, but they have no 


endowment. The little goddess was placed in her 
present situation by Man Singlia, while that noble 
Hindu had the government of Bihar. The temple is of 
no great consequence, but is much more frequented 
than that of the great goddess, and the priest, who is a 
Kanoj Brahman, is suj)posed to have very considerable 

The Pataneswaris are properly the Gram-devatas of 
the town, but as the worship of these deities is not 
fashionable in Behar, this is considered by many as a 
term too degrading. Still, however, many are aware of the 
circumstance, but Guriya, Pir Damuriya, Earn Thakur, 
Damuvir, Sam Sing, Benimadhav, Bhikkari-Kumar, 
Siriya devata, Karuvir, Patalvir, Jalapa, etc., are also 
applied to as Gram-devatas. ISTear the eastern gate in 
the suburbs is a small temple of Gauri and Sangkar, but 
the image represents only the generative organs of these 
deities. Every Monday in Sravan from 1,000 to 5,000 
votaries assemble, and make offerings. The priest is 
a gardener. At the north-east corner of the city, at 
a place where some lady, name unknown, burned with 
her husband's corpse, 50,000 assemble once a year, and 
make offerings. In the great days of bathing in the 
Ganges, most people cross to the junction of the Gandaki ; 
but on a certain day about 10,000 women assemble ai:d 
bathe at a ghat in the west end of the city. 

The followers of Nanak have at Patna a place of 
worship of great repute. This is called the Hari-Mandir, 
and owes its celebrity to its having been the birthplace 
of Govinda Singha, their last great teacher. The 
Mandir itself is of little consequence, but it is sur- 
rounded by pretty large buildings for the accommodation 
of the owner. The meetings are less frequent and 
numerous than formerly, the owners applying less of 
their profits to what are called charitable jmrposes. The 
Ilarimandir, which is in the city, belongs to the Khalesah 
sect founded by Govinda, and confined in a great 
measure to the west of India. The Kholasahs or 
original Sikhs, who prevail in Behar, have in the suburb 
U 2 lies. J 


called Eekabgunj a considerable place of worship, and 
the owner possesses very considerable a^ithoritj a,ixd 

Petty causes, even under 50 rupees, must be 
carried directly before the judge, who appoints a person 
called Sales to determine each. Eour or five persons 
live by this employment ; but the people of the eastern 
suburb can apply to the commissioner of Phatuha. 
The same man, however, is also commissioner at Bar, 
under another judge, so that both duties must be 

The principal Pirzadah among the Moslems is the 
owner of the monument of Shah Arzani One Kazi 
performs the ceremonies for the whole persons of rank, 
but has deputies who attend the lower ranks, and as 
usual in this vicinity are called Nekah-Khanis or 
marriers. Most persons of rank do not employ the Kazi, 
and their own kinsmen or dependants, having learning 
sufficient, conduct their ceremonies. Of the Hindus, 
2 annas are of the Sakti sect and 3 annas of the sect 
of Siva. Of these 5 annas, 2 annas follow Brahmans, 
partly resident in Patna, partly in Tirahut, and a very 
few in Bengal, but some men of extraordinary virtue 
from Benares, and called Dandis, intiTide on the sacred 
order; 3 annas follow the Dasnami Sannyasis, most of 
them strangers. Three annas of the whole are of the sect 
of Vishnu. By far the greatest part of these follow 
the Eamawats and Badhaballabhis, nearly in about, 
equal numbers. Part of both classes of these instruc- 
tors are Brahmans, but most are Sudras. Most of them 
reside, and there may be 20 houses of both sects, but 
some of the occupants of these houses have married ; 
and four only of the houses are of considerable note. 
They have very little endowment, but considerable, 
profits, and^the buildings are pretty large, but all modern^ 
The best is'in the suburb of Marufganj, and belongs 
to Earn Krishna Das, a Eamawat. Besides the Bama- 
wats and Badhaballabhis, an Akhara of the Nimawata 
has a few followers. Pour annas of the Hindus are of 

V6V. VBfl. PT. Ill k lY.] PAtNA AND' OAYA DISTRICTS. 353 

the Kliolasali sect of the Sikhs, mostly following Govinda 
Pas of Eekabgunj, but there are several other inferior 
Sanggats. Not above 500 houses adhere to the doctrine 
of the Khalesah sect in the Hariinandir, but many 
strangers frequent this place of worship. Two hundred 
houses are guided by the Kavirpanthi, of W'hich there 
is an Akhara. A few weavers are of the Gorakshanathi 
sect, and have Gurus of their own. All these and a 
few other trifling castes are considered as orthodox 
(Astik). Three hundred houses of Jain or Srawaks are 
considered as heterodox (Nastik), and between 3 and 4 
annas, the dregs of impure poverty, are considered 
altogether unworthy of care. 

Most of the few antiquities, that remain, have been 
already incidentally mentioned. The traces that can 
be considered as belonging to the Hindu city are 
exceedingly trifling. Everywhere in digging, broken pots, 
but very little -else, are to be found ; and where the 
river washes away the bank, many old wells are laid 
open, but nothing has been discovered to indicate large 
or magnificent buildings. In the Ganges, opposite to 
the suburbs above the town, I found a stone image 
lying by the water's edge when the river was at the lowest. 
It has represented a male standing, with two arms and 
one head, but the arms and feet have been broken. The 
face also is much mutilated. It is nearly of a natural 
size, and very clumsy, and differs from most Hindu 
images that I have seen in being completely formed, 
and not carved in relief with its hinder parts adhering 
to the rock, from whence it has been cut. On the back 
part of the scarf, which passes round the shoulders, are 
gome letters which I have not been able to have ex- 
plained, and too much defaced to admit of being copied 
with absolute precision. Some labourers employed to 
bring this image to my house informed me that it had 
been some years ago taken from a field on the south 
side of the suburbs, and had been intended for an object 
of worship : but that a great fire having happened on 
the day when it was removed, the people w^ere afraid, 
and threw it into the sacred river. They also informed 


me that in the same field the feet of another image 
projected from the ground, and that many years ago a 
Mr. Ilawkins had removed a third. On going to the place 
I could plainly discover that there had been a small build- 
ing of brick, perliaps fifty or sixty feet in length ; but most 
of the materials have been removed. On digging I found 
the image to be exactly similar to that which I found on 
the river but some\^ hat larger. The feet are entire, and 
some part of the arms remain, but the head has been 
removed. On its right shoulder is placed something which 
seems intended to represent a Thibet bull's tail. This is 
an insignia of the Yatis, or priests of Jain, but in other 
respects the images have little resemblance to such 
persons, one of whom is represented in the Drawing 
No. 132. I rather suppose that these images have been 
intended as an ornament to the temple, and to represent 
the attendants on some god, whose image has been des- 
troyed. In the drawing No. 2 the images have been 
represented with the inscription on the sAaller, that on 
the larger is totally illegible. 

In the suburbs at a little distance from the eastern 
gate are two heaps called Mathni, which are supposed 
to be of Hindu origin ; but there is no tradition con- 
cerning the person by whom they are built, and their 
sizo is trifling. South from these heaps about a mile 
is a very considerable heap, which with some small 
eminences in tlie neighbourhood are called the five hills, 
and are attriljuted to the five sons of Pandu : but this 
is probably an idle fable. One is at least 100 feet in 
perpendicular height, and has no hollow on its top, so 
that I suspect it to have been a solid temple of the 
Buddhas. The others are almost level with the soil, and 
have probably been houses for the accommodation of 
religious men. It is said by the peasants of the neigh- 
bourhood that they consist entirely of brick, but the 
owner of the larger obstinately refused his consent to 
allow me to dig for its examination, 

I cannot learn any tradition concerning the island 
Bambalpur, opposite to Tatna, having ever been a town ^ 



nor, so far as I can learn, are any ceremonies performed 
there, as Major Wilford had heard. 

It need not be wondered, that so little traces of 
the Hindu city should remain, as the occupancy of men 
totally regardless of the monuments of antiquity soon 
obliterates every trace ; and it is only in remote and 
wild parts of the country, that the ruins of buildings 
are allowed to remain undisturbed ; or among nations 
very far civilized, that any attention is bestowed on the 
preservation of the monuments of art. Chehelsutoon, 
the palace of the viceroys of Behar, which has accommo- 
dated many personages of royal birth, and which fifty 
years ago was in perfect preservation, and occupied by 
the king's son, can now be scarcely traced in a few 
detached portions retaining no marks of grandeur ; and 
the only remain of a court of justice, that had been 
ei'ected in the year of the Hijri llii2, is a stone 
commemorating the erection, which was dug up in the 
(year) 1221 (a.d. 1807), when a police office was about 
to be erected on the spot where the other had formerly 
stood, and which in 79 years from its foundation had 
been completely obliterated. 


?Y— Appendix. 

The Collection of Mineral Specimens. 

Buchanan's report on the Minerals of Patna and Gaya ha? 
been reproduced without abridgment in Eastern India, Volume 
I, pages 241 to 274. He classified the hills in which most of 
the specimens were found into three main groups, as follows :— 

(A) The Southern i-ange of Hills, consisting of two main 
ridges, approximately parallel to each other — (1), hills which he 
considered to be pure granite, forming the southern boundary of 
the district from the Gurpa Hill to Durvasarikh and SringgirikK 
near Rajauli, this granite further to the east and south of 
Eajauli becoming much modified in the neighbourhood of the 
mica mines of Belam and Dubaur ; and (2), hills of quartz, 
jasper, or horn^tone, stretching from Ektara and Mahabhar in 
the neighbourhood of Akbarpur, in a noiih-easterly direction 
as far as the hills of Gidhaur in western Monghyr. He also 
thought that he could trace (3), a series of small isolated bilk of 
granite, lying north of the latter ridge, and likewise rmming 
north-easterly from the neighbourhood of Fatehpur through 
Sitamarhi as far as the group of hills close to Lakhi Sarai and 

(B) The Rajgir Hills, which he also subdivided into two 

principal portions — (1), the hills traceable, in most parts as a 

double ridge, from a small heap north of Bakraur close to Bodh 

Gaya in a north-easteily direction past Tapoban, Hanria, Rajgir 

itself, and Giriak, as far as the Sheikhpura hills, but including 

also the isolated hill at Bihar ; all of these being almost entirely 

silicious and very little modified by contact action ; and (2), the 

subsidiary range o£ small isolated hills which lie close to the 

northern ridge of the main group, commencing from Narawat 

and continuing through Majhauli and Saran to the confused 

heap of low hills north of Chakra Ghat in the main ridge, and 

called Dukri Gliat or Belsara. These he considered to be mainly 

filicious, but much more metamorphosed. 


(C) The Barabar Hill?, which he regarded as (1), a central 
nucleus, the Barabar hills proper, including Kavva Dol, all pure 
granite | (2) an eastern wing, comprising the series of isolated 
hilh such as Dhermpnr or Charbigha (mis-spelt Tarbigha in 
Mai-tin^s edition), Pathark^tl, and Bathani, all of these being 
granitic in their nature, but with the exception of the last-named 
hill more or less modified; and (3), a southern wing, consisting 
of the hills close to the town of Gaja, some of these being of 
granite, some of quartzite, and the rest a mixture of these 
natures in varying degrees, modified by contact action. 

The principal omissions in this classification are the numerous 
low hills in the strip of country lying between his route of 
December 13th, 1811, past the north of the Maher and Sobhnath 
hills as far as Sitamarhi, and that taken on January 14-th to 
16th, 1812, skirting the southern boundary of the Rajgir Hills 
from Hanria to Tapoban and Amethi. The Journal shows 
that he did not examine the nature of the hills in this area, 
amongst which the quartzite ridge about five miles long ending 
on the east at Keula, and the isolated hill at Tungi near 
Jamuawan, are the most prominent. If he had doue so, and 
particularly if he had examined the small hills close to the 
present Gaya-Nawada road near Wazirginj, the four easternmost 
of which are of granite exactly similar to that of the Barabar 
Hills, it is not unlikely that he would have modified his classi- 
fication to some extent, and that he would not have associated 
the isolated granite hills south of the Rajgir Hills no closely 
with big Southern division. 

The list of minerals which follows has been compiled from 
the numbers given to them in the Journal, as shown in the 
various footnotes. It seems that while it can hardly be regarded 
as anjthing more than a temporary classification, pending the 
more detailed examination which Buchanan made during his stay 
at Patna after his tour hid been completed, it is as regards 
numbers fairly complete. 

Judging from the Repoi-t, the collection of minerals from the 
hills of Patna and Gaya consisted of either 111 or 112 specimens. 




and at levst tbrce or four so-called Minerals of the Plains were 
probably also included. The highest number definitely assigned 
to any specimen in the Journal is 115, but there are seventeen 
blanks in the list. Amongst the specimens collected from the 
bills, fourteen of these omissions can be esplained, for in at 
least three cases Buchanan has assigned the same number in the 
Journal to two quite different minerals, and in eleven other cases 
has not written down any number at all. 

In this list the brief description of each specimen follows 
that of the Report rather than the Journal, as the former repre- 
sents Buchanan's matured views. The hill at which each speci- 
men was found is ment'oned in the Journal, but in the list its 
locality is shown according to Buchanan's classification described 









Grey silicions nodules, immersed in marl (Xo, 101), and like 
No. 68. 

Quartz, imperfectly glassy, with some reddish matter 
intermixed. See Nos. 46 and 85. 

Porphyritic argillaceous cement, strongly impregnated with 
iron, and containing coucrotious of hornstone and Khari. 

4 Jasper, jfranulir, variegated rcdjand white, takes good polish 

Khari (indurated cUy), uniform white in colour and 
apparently approaching pipeclay. 

No record. 

Jasper, variegated red and white, in places covered with 
irregular crybtals of white quart*. 

Sil'c'oua hornstone, dark -coloured, with small fragments of 

Silicions hornstone, grey, very fine-grained and tough 

niark pots' One (Kalapathar), hori. stone impregnated with 
hcrnbloade, like No. i'6, but much harder. 

C. 2. 

A. 2. 

B. 2. 
B. 1. 

B. 2. 

A. 2. 

C. 3. 

B. 2. 

C. 2. 









Vok VIII, FT. III. & IV.J 

















Rock intermediate between granite and hornstonc ,.. 

Jasper, reddish with white veins ... ..• ... 

Jasper, blotched red and white, exactly like No. 83 

Gneiss, anomalous, materials very powdery ..• 

Stone, very strange, fracture conchoidal, and very difEcult 
to break, on the whole most resembling jasper. 

Crumbling sandstone, in which rock crystal is found, sur- 
rounded by silicions rock. See also No. 29. 

Granite, small-grained 

Khari, surrounded by imperfect reddle 

Khari, imperfect, bad quality 

No record. 

Gffiiiito, appearance somewhri; uncommon, but tolerably per- 
fect, looks well when polished, i^ee also No. 45. 

Rock showirg trantition from hornstono to indurated clay 

Granite, imperfect, approaching hornstone 

Gneiss, the black micaceous matter perhaps hornblende 

Granite and hornstono, both imperfect, and degenerated into 
a uniform white sandstone. 

Hornstone, red ... ... ... 

Gneiss, the black micaceous matter perhaps an iron ore, as 
very heavy. See also No. 112. 

Granite, fine grained, in bed of river and decaying into thin 
vertical plates owing to the action of water. 

Hornstone, found imbedded in a rock of granite (No. 41) ... 

No record. 

Rock, the matrix of rock crystal, (See also No. 1 5A) 

Quartz or hornstone, white, granular ... ,.. 

No record. 

C. 3. 
B. 1. 

B. 1. 
A. 3. 

C. S. 

li. 1. 



C. 1. 


B. 2. 


B. 1. 


A. a. 


B. 2. 


C. 3. 


A. 1. 




B. 1. 




A. 1. 




B. 1. 


A. 2. 









82 Silicious nodules, opaque, resembling indpratcd Kliari ... A. 2. 

83 J4sp6r, blotched red find white, exactly like No. 13 ... B. 1. 

84 Granite, imperfect, approaching hdrnstone. (Sec alao C. 3. 

No. 2 2 A.) 

85 Hornstone, grpy, very fine-grained ••• ... B. 1. 

86 Gneiss, "wath the quartz entirely changed or destroyed ... A. 1. 

37 No ifecofd. 

33 Granite, with glassy quartz, takes good polisb, very fine. C. 1. 
(Like Nos. 63 and 66.) 

39 Gwnite, bleached, appearance very anomalous ... A. 3. 

40 Hornstone, greyish, in places stained red ... ... B. 1. 

41 Granite, grey, perfect »•• ... ... ... C. 3. 

42 Hornstone, grey and granular, in places stained red ... B. !• 

43 No record. 
44:A Quartz, white, glassy, etc. .„ ... ... C. 3, 

44B Quartz, fine opaque white, with sorue black dots ... A. 1. 

45 Granite, appearance somewhat uncommon, but tolerably A. 3. 

perfect, felspar yellowish, and quartz glassy, takes good 
polish. See also No. 2C. 

46 Quartz, fine white grains, with black dots and_j'somc A. 2. 


47 Hornstone, impregnated with iron, in waved layers of B 2, 

varions shades of colour, like some Kharis, but very 

48 Granite, imperfectly fuscfd, the quartz remaining un- A. 8. 


49 Sandstone, partly white, jiartly ferruginous, inclining B. 1. 

to led. (Like No. 29.) 

60 Granite, quite pel-feet ... ... ... C.J. 

Bl No record, 

62 No record. 











vau vin, PT. iiT & IV.] 






Schistose eubsfcance, intermediiite between jasper and 
indurated clay (Khari). 

Khari, \\hite, like No. 6 

Jasper, red, with veins of white quartz, ornamental, but 
red parts do not polish so well as No. 4. 

Jasper, variegated red and grey, changing into Khari ... 

Hornstone, grey, stained red in some places. (Not des- 
cribed in Report.) 

Quartz, white opaque, in large grains mixed with dark 

Mica, in veins or bed ... ... ... ... 

Granitel, much black micaceous matter, with a little white 
quartz, very ornamental if procurable in large blocks. 

No record. 

No record. 

Gneiss^ usually called schistose mica 

Granite, quite perfect, like No. 38. ... ... 

Granite, grey, appearance uncommon, white felspar pre- 
dominating, admits of good polish. (See also No. 97.) 

No record. 

Granite, quite perfect, like No. 38 ,,, ,.. 

No record. 

SilirioHS nodules, like No. 1, and similarly immersed in 
marl (No. 103.) 

Quart;z, white and o^aquo> with w^ite- felspar, like No. 110 

Quartzose, approaching to jasper or hornstoue, white, red, 
or blackish. 

Hornslone or imperfect quartz^ like 70B, but with silky 
fibres; of amianthus. 

Mica (Abirak), brownish in thick massea ... ... 

Petrosilex, grey, like No. 35. 


























A.I. 1 























N am- 




re; cPj 









Quartz, glassy and mealy aggregate, with red and black 

Quartz or hornstonc, red, granular. See also No. 30 ... 

No record. 

Granite, fracture rather conchoidal, consisting of white 
quartz and felspar, and granular hornblende, rather like 
No. 104. 

No record. 

Granite, imperfect, very dark and difficult to break, 
apparently impregnated with hornblende. 

Quartz or Jasper, with red stains ... ... ,„ 

No record. 

Masses in decay, white, red, or greenish, perhaps approach- 
ing to cornelian, with greasy appearance, and Can be 

Granite (called Urdiya) like No. 88 .,. ,„ 

Quartz, small opaque masses united by a greyish powdery 
substance, which does not tvke a polish, into very solid 

Kock Crystal (called Phatik) 

Quartz, glassy ... ... ,., •„ 

Iron ore in loose nodules ... „, 

Hornblende, in large masses, blackish and exceedingly 
heavy, ornamental for building purposes. 

Schistose mic«, quartz reddish, mica silvery ... ... 

Iron ore, like No. 86 ... ... ... ... 

No record. 

Eornstone. grey, containing many small masses of felspar, 
and clusters of black dots. 

No record. 

Reddle, imperfect, mixed with hornstone or quartz ... 

Khari, more or less perfect ... ... •*. 

HornstDne, imperfect, white, degeooratcd into a kind of 
sands tone. 












































Potstone, blackiBh, very heavy, softer than hornblende, 
takes a polish but inferior to marble in lustre. (Called 

Granite, grey, appearance nncoramon, powdefy black 
micaccons matter predominating, does not take good polish. 
(See also No. 64.) 

Quartz, glassy red and white, larger-grained than No. 108, 
and Bot at all schistose. 

Indurated reddle, called Geru 

Marl, white, calcareous, rather harsher than Nos. 101 and 

Marl, white, exactly like No. 108 ... 

Sing, ferrnginoue, very heavy, containing nodnlos of qnartz 
and Khari, but in ap^jcarance resembks No. 3, 

Marl, white, harsher but more friable thnn chalk, will not 
mark wood, used for white- washing houses. 

Hornstone, grey, similar to No. 91, but proportion of quutz, 
felspar ana black matter reversed. Admits of tolerable 

Iron ore, called Losinghana, fracture resembling granite, 
except in colour. 

QuMtz, glassy red and white, fine-grained and splitting into 
vertical i^latcs. 

Rock consisting of large grains of quartz and felspar 

Granite, reddish, exceedingly ornamental 

Hornstone, white, with small masses of white felspar, and 
blackish or dark green mic,-»ceou8 matter in large irregular 
blotches, very ornamental, as it takes a fine polish. 

Felspar, white, very beautiful, sometimes mixed with white 
or glassy quartz. 

Quartz, granular, white, grey and red 

Gneiss, perhaps an iron ore. See also No. 25 ... ... 

Hornblende, very fine, crystals large and distinct, does not 
take a fine polish. 

C. 2. 
A. 8. 

A. 3. 

B. 2. 

C. 2, 

C. 2. 

B. 2. 

C 2 

C. 2. 

C. 1. 

A. 3. 

A. 1. 

A. 1. 
C. 2. 

A. 1. 

H. 1. 
A. 1. 

C. 2. I 























B. 1. 

Hornstone, strange, whitish, livid, and red, in parts evidently A. 3. 
a slag. 

Horcgtonc, greenish, decaying into an imperfect steatite, C. 2. 
called Khuogta. 


reacribjd in the Report, but not numhored in the Journal. 

Granite, very fine, middle-sized graina •.. 

Siliciona stone, white, stained dirty red in irregular speclo,. 
fracture intermediate between flint and quartz. 

Granite, grey and fine-grained, but much decajed, found in 
river bed. 

Granite, grey and large -grained, very fine, would be highly 
ornamental in building. 

G ranito, grey and solid, very fine .•• 

Jasper, rude, red and white ... ... ... 

Quartz, strange, glassy and intermixed with brownish 

Quartz or hornstone, imbedded in white Khari. (Probably 
rather like So, 3.) 


Yollovday, unctuous, called Pilla Mali 

Indurated clay, schiatoso, in red, white and yellow layera ... 


Described in the Report, bat not numbered in the Journal. 

Sone pebbles, slliciouf, chiefly quartz, opaque cr diaphanous, 
take a high polish. 

Pumice, found in bed of Sone 

JMus, fmall detaihcd mpssea like slrg fr(m iron fufs 
the Kola. 

Yellow clay, called Rapnra cr Gcri Mati, from furnnceaof 
Ganges at Fatuha. 


B J. 
B. 2. 
B 2. 




A. 3. 




A. 3. 











BINBI^?n - - -^. APR 1 8 1966 



^ Bihar Research Society 

aOI Journal