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(JUL Y 1888 OCTOBER 1889} 

Sorciers, batdeurs oufilous, 

Reste immonde 
D'un ancien monde ; 
Sorciers, bateleurs oufilous, 
Gain bohemiens, d'oit venez-vous ? 



Printed at the University Press by T. and A. CONSTABLE 

for the Gypsy Lore Society 







VOL. I. JULY 1888. No. 1. 


" GOOD wine needs 110 bush," and our Journal, we trust, 
will thrive without self-commendation. Still, a word may 
well be said as to its aims. These are to gather new 
materials, to rearrange the old, and to formulate results, so 
as little by little to approach the goal the final solution of 
the Gypsy problem. It has already been solved, but in so 
many and such diverse ways, that the true answer still 
remains a matter of doubt, if indeed the true answer has 
ever yet been given. There is Grellmann's old theory, by 
which the Gypsies first reached Europe in 1417, Pariahs 
expelled from India by Tamerlane less than ten years before. 
There is the Behram Gur theory, by which, about 430 A.D., 
the Jat ancestors of our Gypsies were summoned from 
India to Persia, and from Persia gradually wandered west- 
ward. And there is the Prehistoric theory, by which there 
have been Gypsies in Europe for more than two thousand 
years, by which Europe, or a great portion of Europe, owes 
to the Gypsies its knowledge of metallurgy. 

These are but three out of many theories, besides which 
there are a number of minor questions, as, When did the 
Gypsies first set foot in England, or in North and South 

VOL. i. NO. i. A 


America ? Then there are the language, the manners, the 
folk-lore of the Gypsies. Much as has been written on these 
subjects, as much remains to be written, if we are ever to 
decide whether Romany is an early or a late descendant of 
Sanskrit ; whether the Gypsies derived their metallurgical 
terms from Greek, or the Greeks theirs from Romany ; 
whether the Gypsies have always been dwellers in tents ; 
and whether they got their arts, music, and folk-tales from 
the Gaujios, or whether the Gaujios have borrowed from 
the " Egyptians." 

Already we have promise of contributions dealing with 
the Romany dialects of Syria and Brazil, with the Gypsies 
of Persia and Central Africa, with Gypsy bibliography, and 
with eight hitherto unpublished folk-tales, which were col- 
lected from London Gypsies by the late Mr. Campbell of 
Islay. Indeed, our sole difficulty seems likely to be want of 
space. But if from a hundred we can increase our member- 
ship to twice or three times that number, the Journal will 
be proportionally enlarged, and Gypsy camp-meetings, at 
different centres, might hereafter be duly organised. Any- 
how, we trust to preserve much information that might 
otherwise perish. It is now seven years since the death of 
Dr. Kounavine, a Russian physician who had abandoned his 
profession, to wander for thirty-five years among the 
Gypsies of Eastern Europe, Asia, and Africa. What was 
the value of his vast collections we can only conjecture ; for 
from that day to this no trace of them has come to light. 
They perished with him somewhere in Siberia. Not every 
one may be a Dr. Kounavine, but there lives not the 
Romany Rye that has not something new to impart to his 




IN a small village near Tchorlu, between Constantinople and 
Adrianople, called Deghirme'n Kioy (Village of the Mill), 
encamped in 1866 a party of wandering Tchinghianes, with their 
bears. They had all Musulman names, and were considered Musul- 
man Bohemians. 

One night one of them, called Mustapha, in passing a river with 
his bear, got imbedded in the mud up to his waist. His cries were 
heard by some workmen at a neighbouring farm, but, thinking that 
highwaymen were at their work, they left the poor fellow to his fate. 
In the morning he was found still in the mud dead. 

His companions went to the Greek priest in the village to have 
him buried, but the priest, knowing that up to that day he had been 
called Mustapha, was unwilling to bury him. His companions had 
alleged that his name was Theodore. Finally the Turks, finding no 
vestige of circumcision, gave him up as a Christian, and he was 
buried according to the rites of the Christian Church. It is a strik- 
ing example of their indifference to religion. 

Near Tchorlu, seventy miles north-west of Constantinople, is a 
place called Tchinghiane Serai (The Gypsies' Palace). It was given 
by the Turks to the exiled Khans of the Crimea towards the latter 
half of the eighteenth century. Now it contains a great many Gypsy 
families, who probably came to the place in order to escape the 
persecutions of Turks and Christians. For Serai, see the valuable 
work of Baron De Tott, Sur Us Turcs et les Tartar es (Maestrich, 1785), 
vol i. p. 194. The place is now a miserable village. 

To the west of Tchorlu is a large place, called Hariupol. The 
Turks call it Hariampol and Herepoli. A great many Gypsies live 
in this place. They breed a vast number of buffaloes, the very best 
in Roumelia. In early spring they leave the place in great carts 
drawn by buffaloes, and travelling in the moist valleys continue their 
march until they have sold all their animals. Their families and 
culinary implements are all in the carts. They are all Musulmans, 
and are most of them wealthy. The carts are generally from five to 
ten in number. In autumn they return to their winter quarters in 
Hariupol. This place contains 650 families, 500 Turkish. 

Up to 1874 the Musulman Gypsies were exempt from military 
service, and, like the Christians, paid to the Government the exemp- 
tion tax called bedel. The following is a translation of a paragraph in 


Government report of 8 Mouharem 1291 (21st January 1874) : Up 
to the present the Government has neglected to raise personally con- 
scripts among the Muslim-gypty (Musulman Gypsies), but to exempt 
these men from military service, which is due from all Ottoman subjects, 
is a breach of the common law. The Minister of War, by a report ap- 
proved by the Council of State, and by the Privy Council, has proposed 
in future to subject the Musulman Gypsies to personal military service. 
His Majesty has deigned to give his sanction to this proposition. 
Consequently, from the day when this measure is put in operation, 
the tax called Beddi askeri, paid up to now by the Musulman 
Gypsies, will cease." This is an important event in the history of 
the race. 

I have heard of a Gypsy in Adrianople who offered as a dowry 
with his daughter 20,000 francs (800). He offered her to a young 
Greek, who would not take a Gypsy wife. 

In a village some forty miles from Adrianople, called by the 
Turks, Kirk Kilizz^, and by the Greeks, Saranta Ekklesiai (forty 
churches), are a number of Gypsies, who make sweetmeats which are 
sold at all the neighbouring fairs. 

Nearly all the musicians of Eoumelia are Gypsies. They have 
sweet voices, and are very clever players on the violin. 

On the farms they are employed at times in mowing and reaping ; 
sometimes they plough, but they are generally weak, and cannot 
stand at their work as the Bulgarians. They work generally on the 
farms as basketmakers and ironmongers. 

The Greeks very rarely intermarry with Gypsies. The Gypsies 
never send their children to school. They are never seen at church 
except on great festival days. They never hunt, nor are they robbers. 
In general they cannot endure fatigue or long marches. 

A number of people have assured me, that in the cities of Sophia, 
Silistria, Samakou, Turnevo, and Kustchuk, there are a great many 
public women of pure Gypsy blood. They are never found in the 
villages, where public women are not tolerated. 

Christian Gypsies never marry into Turkish families, as such 
marriages are strictly forbidden by the Musulman law. 

At Kizanlik, a small town near Adrianople, they employ Gypsy 
women as servants in the Ladies' Baths. 

My observations on the Asiatic Gypsies, or rather on the Gypsies 
roaming on the plains of Asia Minor, are very meagre. 

As to the Eoumelian Gypsies, I have made repeated inquiries in 
order to ascertain whether any religious rites exist among them which 


may be considered as of pure Gypsy origin. Their marriages, funerals, 
and feasts are those of the sect to which they belong, or profess to 
belong. One particular habit I may mention. When they place the 
corpse in the coffin, they put the arms at the side of the body full 
length, instead of crossing them on the breast, as the Christians are 
in the habit of doing. 

The Gypsies in all Eoumelia, in Macedonia, and in Thessaly, 
celebrate with music and dancing the 23d of April, St. George's Day. 
The custom is peculiar to all the inhabitants of the country, Chris- 
tians and Turks. 

At Volo, in Thessaly, a wandering Gypsy told one of my friends 
that their Gypsy tribe once inhabited the central parts of Asia, and in 
coming to these countries they had their own peculiar language, 
which had been corrupted and mixed with Turkish, Greek, and 
Bulgarian words. I have my doubts on the geographical knowledge 
of this Gypsy. He probably picked up an idea of this nature from 
some European friends. 

I have received sundry observations on the Gypsies roaming on 
the vast plains of Thessaly and Epirus from Dr. Zulia, an excellent 
physician at Volo, who went among them and collected a great many 
words. Others I received from Dr. Bugatchelo, a physician in Velizze, 
some eighty miles to the north-west of Salonica. The place is 
called Velizze in Greek, and Kiupruli in Turkish. A third col- 
lection was sent to me by Dr. Crispi of Bellova, west of Sophia, in 
the very heart of Thrace. 

Nothing new or of special interest has been added to the words 
given in my own work on the language, but it is extremely important 
to see that they use the same language, though there is so little 
intercourse between them. The uniformity of the language spoken 
all over European Turkey is remarkable. 



FOR the convenience of those who have not easy access to " The 
Papers of the Manchester Literary Club," I have recast a 
paper written by me for that Club in 1880. I have incorporated 
such further materials as have since come in my way, and hope it 
may induce others to contribute their gleanings. 

The date of the first appearance of Gypsies in England is unknown. 


From the fact of their formerly common occupation as tinkers, it has 
been conjectured by some that they have inhabited these islands from 
prehistoric ages. " Tinkler " and " Tinker," as proper names, can be 
traced to the thirteenth century at least ; but in those days there 
seem to have been two classes of tinkers, the one sedentary, and 
perhaps equivalent to our modern ironmongers, and the other styled 
" wandering tinkers," who were the itinerant menders of our pots and 

So far as English Gypsy existence is concerned, the prehistoric 
period extends to the year 1505. 

Mons. Bataillard (De I' Apparition des Bohtmiens en Europe, Paris, 
1844, p. 53) has suggested that Gypsies may have come over to 
England so early as 1440. Certainly the party which visited Paris in 
August 1427 took a northward direction on leaving, and as the 
English were then ruling in the French capital, it is very probable 
that the Gypsies would hear of these more northerly happy hunting- 
grounds, and feel inclined to pay them a visit of inspection. 

Mr. Borrow (Lavo-lil, p. 212) says they first came to England 
"about the year 1480," which is just half a century before the 
English Parliament began a series of repressive efforts. 

Sir George M'Kenzie, who died in 1691, has recorded a tradition 
that between 1452 and 14GO a company of Saracens or Gypsies from 
Ireland infested the country of Galloway, in Scotland, and the King 
promised the barony of Bombie to whomsoever should disperse them 
and bring in their captain dead or alive. The laird of Bombie's son, 
a Maclellan, killed the captain, and took his head on a sword to the 
king. Thereafter Maclellan took for his crest a Moor's head, and for 
a motto " Think on " (Simson's Hist, of the Gypsies, London, 1865, p. 
99 ; Crawford's Peerage, Edinburgh, 1716, p. 238). Mr. Simson adds : 
" In the reign of James n. [of Scotland], away putting of sorners 
[forcible obtruders], fancied fools, vagabonds, out-liers, masterful 
beggars, bairds [strolling rhymers], and such like runners about, is 
more than once enforced by Acts of Parliament" (Glendook's Scots 
Acts of Parliament). In 1449 an Act, c. 9, was passed in which 
" overliers and masterful beggars " are described as going about the 
country with " horses, hunds, and other goods " (Marwick, Sketch of 
History of High Constables of Edinburgh, 1865, Edinburgh, p. 35), 
a fact which acquires a further value when compared with the state- 
ment of Krantz, that on the Continent the first Gypsies (" venaticos 
canes pro more nobilitatis alunt ") kept hunting-dogs like the nobility. 

As yet no positive mention of Gypsies in England earlier than 


1505 has been discovered, but in 1492 the Gypsies were expelled 
from Spain, which would drive some at least into France, if not 
into England, while in 1500 they were expelled from the German 
Empire, and on 27th July 1504 they were expelled from France 
(Bataillard, Nouvclles Eecherches, Paris, 1849, p. 38). 

The first undoubted record referring to Gypsies in Great Britain 
is : " 1505, Apr. 22. Item to the Egyptianis be the Kingis command, 
vij lib." (Pitcairn's Criminal Trials of Scotland, Edinb. 1833, iii. 591). 

A few months later, in July 1505, we find the Scottish King, 
James iv., writing to the King of Denmark to commend Anthony 
Gagino, a lord of Little Egypt, who, with his retinue, had a few months 
previously reached Scotland during a pilgrimage through the Chris- 
tian world, undertaken at the command of the Apostolic See (Pitcairn, 
592; Dyrlund, Tatere og Natmandsfolk, Christiania, 1872, p. 290). 
The draft of this curious letter is preserved in Scotland (Reg. MS.) 
1 3 B ii.), and the original is in Denmark. 

In 1514, at an inquest respecting the death of Richard Hunne in 
the Lollards' Tower, one of the witnesses mentioned an Egyptian 
woman who had been lodging at Lambeth, but had gone over seas a 
month before, and who could tell marvellous things by looking into 
one's hand (A Dyalog of Syr Thomas More, Knight, bk. iii. ch. xv. ; 
Bright's Travels in Lower Hungary, London, 1818, p. 538). 

Under date 1517, Edward Hall, in his Chronicles (published in 
15 48), describes two ladies at a Court mummery as having their heads 
rolled in a kind of gauze, and tippers "like the Egyptians" em- 
broidered with gold; and under date 1520, he says that at a state 
banquet eight ladies came in attired "like to the Egyptians," very richly. 

Between 1513 and 1523 some " Gypsions " were entertained by 
the Earl of Surrey at Tendring Hall, in Suffolk (Works of H.Howard, 
Earl of Surrey, ed. Nott, London, 1815, vol. i. Appendix, p. 5). 

About 1517 Skelton wrote his " Elynoure Rumminge," in which 
occurs her description. 

" Her kirtell Bristowe red, 
With clothes upon her heade, 
That they way a sowe of leade, 
Wrythen iii a wonder wise 
After the Sarazin's gise, 
With a whim- wham 
Knit with a trim-train 
Upon her brayne panne, 
Like an Egyptian 
Capped about 
When she goeth oute." 


In October 1521 William Cholmeley gave certain " Egyptions " 
at Thornbury the large sum of forty shillings, which would be 
equivalent to about twenty pounds (Letters, etc., Foreign and Domestic, 
Henry vm., vol. iii. pt. i. p. 499 (4) ). 

In 1522 the churchwardens of Stratton, in Cornwall, received 
twenty-pence from the " Egypcions " for the use of the Church House 
(Arclmologia xlvj.) 

In 1526 Skelton published his Garland of Laurel, of which line 
1455 reads as follows 

" By Mary Gipcy, quod scripsi scripsi," 

the allusion being to Sancta Maria ^Egyptiaca, but showing the early 
abbreviation of "Egyptian" into "Gypsy," which is also found in 
Shakespere, as will appear later on. 

Samuel Reid, in his Art of Juggling (1612, signature Bb), assigns 
1528 as the year when the Gypsies invaded England, stating that it 
was then (in 1612) about an hundred years ago, about the twentieth 
year of King Henry the Eighth, when the " Egyptians " collected in the 
south of England, having been banished from their own country, 
and excelled in quaint tricks and devices. They spoke the right 
Egyptian language, and got much by palmistry and telling of fortunes, 
and cheated poor country-girls of money, silver spoons, and ' the best 
of their apparel. Their leader was Giles Hather, whom they called 
King, and Kit Calot was their Queen. They rode on horseback and 
in strange attire. 

Thornbury (Shakespere s England, London, 1856, i. 261) says their 
chief in Henry vm.'s time was Cock Lorel, and then came Eatsee. 

Harrison, in his Description of England (Book ii. chap, x.), which 
is prefixed to Holinshed's Chronicle (London, 1587, p. 183), says it is 
not yet full threescore years since this trade began, and after de- 
scribing various sorts of cheats, adds : 

" They are now supposed, of one sex and another, to amount unto above ten 
thousand persons ; as I have heard reported. Moreover, in counterfeiting the 
Egyptian roges, they have devised a language among themselves, which they name 
Canting, but others pedlars' French, a speech compact thirty yeares since of Eng- 
lish, and a great number of od words of their owne devising, without all order or 
reason ; and yet such is it as none but themselves are able to understand. The 
first deviser thereof was hanged by the neck, a just reward no doubt for his 
desertes, and a common end to all of that profession." 

In 1530, a quarter of a century after their expulsion from France, 
they had become an intolerable nuisance in England ; and the Act 


concerning Egipcions was passed in 1530 (22 Henry vm. cap. 10.) 
It recites that : 

" Afore this tyme dyverse and many outlandysshe [foreign] People callynge 
theinselfes Egyptians, usyng no Crafte nor faicte of Merchaundyce had comen into 
this Realtne and gone from Shire to Shire and Place to Place in greate Company, 
and used greate subtyll and crafty meanes to deceyve the People, beryng them in 
Hande [persuading them] that they by Palmestre coulde telle Menne and Woineus 
Fortunes and so many tymes by crafte and subtyltie had deceyved the People of 
theyr Money and also had comytted many and haynous Felonyes and Robberies to 
the greate Hurte and Deceyte of the People that they had comyn arnonge." 

In order to stop further immigration, it was enacted that : 

" From hensforth no suche Psone be suffred to come within this the Kynge's 

If they did, they were to forfeit all their goods, and to be ordered to 
quit the realm within fifteen days, and to be imprisoned in default. 
Further, if " any such straunger " thereafter committed any murder, 
robbery, or other felony, and, upon being arraigned, he pleaded not 
guilty, the jury was to be " altogether of Englysshemen " instead of 
half Englishmen and half foreigners (medietutis lingucc), which 
they were otherwise entitled to claim under 8 Henry vi. All 
Egyptians then in England were to quit it within sixteen days after 
the Act was proclaimed, or to be imprisoned and to forfeit their 
goods ; but if any of those goods were claimed as stolen, then they 
were upon proper proof to be forthwith restored to the owner ; and, 
as an inducement to execute the Act zealously, all Justices of the 
Peace, Sheriffs, or Escheators, who seized the goods of any Egyptians, 
were to retain half of them as their own, and to account in the Court 
of Exchequer for the other moiety, and they were not to pay any 
fees or other charges upon rendering the account. This Act is duly 
noticed in L' office et auctoryte des Justices de Peas, London, 1538. 

In 1530 the " Egyptianis that dansit before the king [James v. 
of Scotland] in Halyrudhous " received forty shillings (Pitcairn, iii., 
App., 592). 

No trace exists of another Act of Parliament which Mr. Hoyland 
alleges was passed in 1535 (Hist. Survey, p. 79). He states that, 
after a recital similar to that of the Act passed in 1530, it was 
enacted that they should quit the realm within a month, or be pro- 
secuted as thieves and rascals, and any one importing them was to be 
fined 40. It is probable that Mr. Hoyland has made a mistake in 
the date, and meant 1555. 

In 1531 John Pophain was born at Huntworth or Wellington, in 
Somersetshire. He afterwards rose to be Lord Chief-Justice of Eng- 


laud, and tried Guy Fawkes. While still a child he was stolen by a 
band of Gypsies, and " for some months," according to Campbell 
(Lives of the Chief -Justices, London, 1849, vol. i. p. 209), or "for 
several years," according to Roberts (Social History of S. Counties, 
p. 259), was detained by them. They disfigured him, and burnt on 
his left arm a cabalistic mark ; but their wandering life strengthened 
his previously weak constitution. 

About December 1536 "a company of lewd persons, calling 
themselves Gipcyans," were convicted of "a most shamefull and 
detestable murder commytted amonges them," but received the king's 
pardon, in which was " a speciall proviso, inserted by their owne 
consentes, that, onles they shuld avoyde this his grace's realme by a 
certeyn daye, . . . yt shuld be lawful to all his graces offycers to 
hang them . . . without any further . . . tryal." 

This pardon was filed in Chancery ; but the Gypsies, having 
recovered their liberty, were in no hurry to leave the country. 
Thomas Crumwell (Lord Privy Seal) wrote on December 5, 1537, to 
'' my lorde of Chestre, president of the Counsaile of the Marches of 
Wales," to 

" Laye diligent espiall throughowte all the partes there aboutes youe and the shires 
next adjoynyng whether any of the sayd personnes calling theraselfes Egipcyans or 
that bathe heretofore called themselfes Egipsyans shall fortune to enter or travayle 
in the same. And in cace youe shall here or knowe of any suche, be they men or 
women, that ye shall compell them to repair to the nexte porte of the see to the 
place where they shallbe taken and eyther wythout delaye uppon the first wynde 
that may conveye them into any parte of beyond the sees to take shipping and to 
passe to outward partyes, or if they shall in any wise breke that commaundement 
without any tract to see them executed . . . without sparing uppon any commys- 
sion licence or placarde that they may shewe or aledge for themselfes." 

In 1542, twelve years after the first Act was passed, Dr. Andrew 
Borde, the original " Merry Andrew," published The fyrst boke of the 
introduction of Knowledge, and described (ch. 38, pp. 217, 218) the 
Gypsies of those days as "swarte.and disgisyd in theyr apparel con- 
trary to other nacyons"; he adds, "They be lyght fyngerd and vse 
pyking ; they have little maner and euyl loggyng, and yet they be 
pleasnt daunsers . . . there money is brasse and golde ... If there 
be any man that wyl learn parte of theyr speche, Englyshe and 
Egipt speche foloweth." He gives thirteen sentences (Miklosich, 
Beitr. zur Kenntn. der zig-mund., Vienna, 1874, i. 5). 

In the summer of 1544 Eobert Ap Rice, Esq., the Sheriff of 
Huntingdon, caused a large band of Gypsies, owning seventeen horses, 
to be apprehended under the Act passed in 1530. They were tried at 
a special assizes, a fact which probably indicates that the capture 


was one of unusual size and importance. They were convicted and 
sentenced to be taken in the custody of William Wever to Calais, the 
nearest English port on the Continent. A ship belonging to John 
Bowles was hired by the Admiralty for the purpose, the freight being 
6, 5s., and the cost of victualling 2, 18s. The total expense was 
36, 5s. 7d., but was reduced by the sale of the seventeen horses for 
five shillings each. The accounts were set out by Mr. Hoyland (op. 
cit., p. 81) from the Book of Receipts and Payments of 35 Henry vm. 

About Christmas 1544, a number of Gypsies, who had been 
imprisoned at Boston, in Lincolnshire, were by the king's command 
shipped from there and landed in Norway. Shortly afterwards four 
Gypsies came " from Lenn, thinkinge to have had shippinge here at 
Bostone as their company had," but " the Constables of the same 
towne immediatly not onely sett them in the stockes as vagaboundes, 
but also serclied them to their shertes, but nothing cowde be found 
upon them, not so moche as wolde paie for their mete and dryuke, 
nor none other bagge or baggage but one horse not worthe iiij s." and 
" here beynge no shipping for them, the forseide constables of Bostone 
did avoyde them owte of the towne as vagaboundes towardes the 
nexte portes, which be Hull and Newcastell." These facts are 
gathered from a letter of Nicholas Robertson, of Boston, to Thomas, 
Earl of Essex, Lord Privy Seal, preserved amongst the Records of the 
Rolls' House (Wright, History of Ludlow, p. 390). 

On January 21, 1545, at Hampton Court, a passport was granted 
for a party of Gypsies under Phillipe Lazer, their Governor, to 
embark at London, according to an order of the Admiralty (Archceo- 
loyia, xviii., 127, and Proceedings of the Privy Council, folio 129h). 

The King of Erance, in 1545, entertained the notion of embodying 
four thousand Gypsies as pioneers to act against Boulogne, then held 
by the English (Bright, op. cit., 523). This is mentioned in a letter 
from the Council of Boulogne to the Privy Council of England, under 
date February 21, 1545, preserved in the State Paper Office, French 
Correspondence, vol. vi., No. 7 7, and printed in The Works of Henry 
Howard, Earl of Surrey (2 vols., London, 1815), vol. i. p. 209, Letter 
xx., as follows : 

" It may like your good Lordships to be advertised that this day arrived here a 
spy for us that hath been long upon the frontier for that purpose." 

The news he had gathered was 

"That their army shall assemble about th' end of March, and that the Rhinecroft 
shall bring out of Alrnain twenty four ensigns for th' renforce of th' old bands, and 
six thousand Gascons to be new levied, and six thousand pioneers, besides four 


thousand Egyptians that shall serve for pioneers, whom it is thought the French 
King minding to avoid out of his realm, determined before their departure to 
employ this year in that kind of service, and that by their help, before their dis- 
patch he hopeth with a tumbling trench to till the dykes of this town." 

On December 5, 1545 (37 Henry VIIL), a Bill was introduced 
into the House of Lords "pro animadversione in Egyptios." It was 
read on December 7 and 10, and referred to the Chief- Justice of the 
Common Bench. It was read the third time next day, and then sent 
to the Commons under the title "pro expulsione et supplicio 
Egyptorum" (Journal of the House of Lords, vol. i. pp. 273a, 272b, 
273b, 274a). The printed Journal of the House of Commons only 
begins with 1547 (the year of King Henry's death), and, as the Statute 
Book does not include this edict, it probably failed to pass the 
Commons, who, in the first year of Edward VI., on November 17 and 
23, and December 19, 1547, revived the subject by a Bill " for pun- 
ishing vagrants and Egyptians." On December 20, it was taken to 
the Lords, and committed to the Lord Chancellor, and read on the 
following day (Journal of the House of Commons, vol. i. ; Journal of 
the House of Lords, i. 31 Ob, 2 lib); but this Bill likewise proved 
abortive, and is not found in the Statute Book. 

In 1547 certain garments were made for two Egyptians (Keinpe, 
Loseley MSS. t London, 1836, p. 77). 

On January 19, 1549, the Justices of Durham wrote to the Earl 
of Shrewsbury, then Lord President of the Council in the North, a 
letter stating that " John Eoland oon of that sorte of people callinge 
themselffes Egiptians " had " accused " Baptist Fawe, Amy Fawe, and 
George Fawe, Egiptians," of having " counterfeate the Kyngs Ma ties 
Greate Scale," that the accused persons had been apprehended, and 
amongst their things had been found "one wryting with a greate 
Seall moche like to the Kings Ma ties greate Seall, which we bothe by 
the wrytinge and and also by the Seall do suppose to be counterfeate 
and feanyd." They sent the seal for examination, and informed his 
Lordship that the accused persons, with great execrations, denied all 
knowledge of the seal, and alleged that Eoland was " their mortall 
enemy and haithe oftentymes accused the said Baptist before this 
and is moche in his debte," and that they supposed he " or some of 
his complices haithe put the counterfeate Seall amongst their wry- 
tyngs" (Brand and Ellis, Popular Antiquities, 2 vols. 4to, London, 
1813, vol. ii. p. 438; Lodge, Illustrations of British History, 3 vols. 
4to, London, 1791, vol. i. p. 135). 

On June 22, 1549, the young king, Edward vi., writes in his 


journal, "There was a privy search made through Sussex for all 
vagabonds, gipsies, conspirators, prophesiers, all players, and such 
like " (Blackwood's Magazine, vol. i. p. 45 ; Burnet, History of the 
Reformation, folio, London, 1681, part ii. p. 16; Cottonian MSS., 
British Museum). 

On the 20th, 21st, and 30th November, and 1st December, 1554 
(1 Philip and Mary; Commons' Journal, vol. i.), a Bill was before the 
Commons "for making the coming of Egyptians into the Realm Felony!' 
It was taken to the Lords on the 1st, and read on the 3d, 5th, and 
10th of December (Lords' Journal, i. 472a, 472b, 473b, 474b), and 
passed as "An Act against certain Persons calling themselves Egyptians" 
(1 and 2 Philip and Mary, cap. 4). It recites the Act of 1530, but 
omits all mention of Mr. Hoyland's Act of 1535 (ante), and states 
that " divers of the said Company and such other like Persons had 
enterprised to come over again, using their old accustomed devilish 
and naughty Practices and Devices with such abominable Living 
as is not in any Christian Eealm to be permitted, named, or 
known ; and that they were not duly punished." It was therefore 
enacted that after 31st January 1555, any one importing Gypsies 
should forfeit forty pounds; that any Gypsy so imported who remained 
in England one month should be deemed a felon, and forfeit his life, 
lands, and goods, being also deprived of the privileges of a mixed jury, 
of sanctuary, and of " benefit of clergy," that is to say, ability to read 
was to be no bar to the proceedings. All Gypsies then in England 
or Wales were to depart within twenty days after proclamation of 
the Act, and any who stayed longer were to forfeit their goods, half 
to the crown and half to the person who should seize them. If they 
remained forty days after the proclamation the punishment was the 
same as for newly-imported Gypsies who stayed a month. 

From the next section of the Act it would appear that the penal- 
ties had been evaded by obtaining " licenses, letters, or passports"; 
but now, after 1st January 1555, any applicant for such protection 
was to forfeit forty pounds, and all such licences were to become void. 

As at least half a century had elapsed since the immigration 
began, and many of the Gypsies must have been born in England, the 
seventh section excepts from these pains and penalties all who within 
twenty days after proclamation of the Act should " leave that naughty 
idle and ungodly Life and Company and be placed in the Service of 
some honest and able inhabitant or honestly exercise himself in some 
lawful Work or Occupation," but only so long as such good behaviour 
lasted. Children under thirteen years of age were also excepted, and 


Gypsies then in prison were allowed to quit the realm in fourteen 
days after their release. 

Eeferring to this Statute of Philip and Mary, Samuel Eid, in his 
Art of Juggling, says : 

" But what a number were executed presently upon this Statute, you would 
wonder, yet notwithstanding all would not prevaile ; but still they wandred, as 
before up and downe, and meeting once in a yeere at a place appointed : sometimes 
at the Devil's A e in Peak in Darbishire, and otherwhiles at Ketbrooke by Black- 
heath, or elsewhere, as they agreed still at their meeting." 

But, when speaking of his own time, 1612, he says : 

" These fellowes seeing that no profit comes by wandring, but hazard of their 
lives, do daily decrease and breake off their wonted society, and betake themselves 
many of them, some to be Pedlers, some Tinkers, some Juglers, and some to one 
kind of life or other." 

On October 7, 1555, the Privy Council Kegister of Queen Mary 
records at Greenwich a letter to the Earl of Sussex and Sir John 
Shelton, Sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk, returning again to them the 
passports and licences of " suche as name themselves Egiptians of w cb 
company they had some in prison requiring them to examyne y e truth 
of their pretended Licenses, and being eftsons punished according to 
the Statute to give order forthwith for their transportacon out of the 

On January 27, 1555(-6), the same Eegister records another letter 
written from Greenwich to Mr. Sulliarde, Sheriff of the Counties of 
Norfolk and Suffolk " to p'cede with 5 or 6 of th' Egiptians by him 
apprehended, and to see the rest sent out of the Eealme with charge 
not to returne upon pain of execution of the laws ag* them. He is 
also willed to p'cede to the execution of 3 by him stayed and to stay 
no more after condemnaeon, but to execute them according to the 
judgment. He is also advertised that the Quenes Maty, shall be 
moved for staying from granting any pardon to Howlet that he 
writeth for, and that the commission of Gaole delivery shall be shortly 
made and sent to them." 

On February 14, 1558, Joan, the daughter of an Egyptian, was 
baptized at Lyme Eegis, in Devonshire, having been born at Char- 
mouth, "the quarters theyre being fixed," in accordance with the 
seventh section of 1 Philip and Mary" (Eoberts, Social Hist, of 
Southern Counties, Lond. 1850, p. 257). 

In the summer of 1559 a very large number of Gypsies were 
apprehended in Dorsetshire, and committed for trial at the Assizes 
under the Statutes of Henry vin. and Philip and Mary. The authori- 
ties were apparently perplexed by the number and the wholesale 


slaughter that would follow a conviction in case the laws were strictly 
enforced. Lord Mountjoy, the Lord-Lieutenant of the county, there- 
fore wrote to the Privy Council for instructions, which were sent to 
him by a minute in Queen Elizabeth's name. This is dated " the last 
of August 1559," and states that " in our late dere sistar's tyme some 
exaple was made by executi5 of some of the lyke which yet hath not 
proffited to teare theis sort of people as was met beside y e horrible 
and shamefull lyffe y fc they doe hant." The Queen thought it " very 
covenient that some sharpe example and executio shuld be made 
upp5 a good nober of them" ; therefore no favour was to be shown to 
" fellons or such like malefactors," to old offenders, " or to such as 
have fr5 there youth of long tyme hanted this lewd lyffe nor to such 
as be y e p^ncipall captens and ryngledars of the copany ;" but " y e 
childre being under y e age of xvj th and of such as very lately have 
come to this trade of lyffe and that apper to have bene ignorat of 
y e lawes in this behalfe provided and of wome having childre eth r 
suckyng uppo them or being otherwise very yong so as w*out their 
mothers attendace they might perish or other wome being w* child," 
were left to the discretion of Lord Mountjoy and the " Justicees of 
assisees at there comig thither," with the remark that " we thynk it 
very coveniet that they be coveyed owt of y e realme as in lyke casees 
hath been used." 

At the Dorchester Assizes, on the 5th of September 1559, these 
Gypsies were tried and were acquitted on the technical grounds that 
they had imported themselves, and had not come over seas, for " upon 
throughe examinacon " they alleged " that in Decembre last they cam 
out of Skotland into England by Carlysle w ch ys all by land," perhaps 
on hearing of Queen Elizabeth's accession to the throne, November 17, 
1558. The "justicees of assisees [serjeants] Ey chard Weston and 
Eychard Harpo r " however directed them to be kept in custody until 
the Queen's pleasure was known, and on the 23d of September, James 
Lord Mountjoy wrote from Canford, explaining that he had " caused 
learned counsayll to sett in hand the drawyng of their endytement," 
but they and also " the Justyce of assyse judged they not to be w th in 
the daunger of felonye, . . . therefore I have taken order that they 
shalbe dyspatched, w th as convenyent speede as may be, as vagabonds, 
according to the lawes, to the places wher they were borne" (State 
Papers Domestic Elizabeth, vol. vi. Nos. 31, 39, 50, pp. 137, 138, 

It is highly probable that this same band, upon leaving .Dorchester 
to go to Scotland, passed through Gloucestershire, and were, on the 


26th of October 1559, reapprehended at Longhope, in that county, by 
George Jones, the county escheator, by direction of William Pytte, 
bailiff of the borough of Blanford, Dorsetshire, acting as Lord Mount- 
joy's messenger (State Papers, vol. vi. No. 20, p. 141). The 
escheator's return furnishes their names, viz. James Kyncowe, George 
Kyncowe, Andrew Christo, Thom a s Grabriells, Eobert Johanny, John 
Lallowe, Christopher Lawrence, and Eicharde Concow. Their ulti- 
mate fate beyond being taken to Gloucester Castle is not mentioned, 
nor is the cause of their reapprehension ; but probably in Lord 
Mountj oy's opinion they were not fulfilling their promise to return 
to Scotland. 

In 1559 the churchwardens of Stratton, in Cornwall, "receved 
of Jewes Jeptyons for the church howse ijs. vjd.," and in 1560 they 
" receuyd of J>e Jepsyons on nyzth yn the church howsse iiijd. 
(Archceologia, xlvj.). 

In 1562 William Bullein, the author of A Book of Simples and 
of Surgery forming parte of his Bulwarke of Defence, etc. (1562, 
folio), speaks of dog-leeches, who " fall to palmistry and telling of 
fortunes, daily deceiving the simple, like unto the swarms of Vaga- 
bonds, Egyptians, and some that call themselves Jews, whose eyes 
were so sharp as lynx " (Strype, Annals of the Reformation, Oxford, 
1824, vol. ii. part ii. ch. xix. p. 307; Brand and Ellis, Popular 
Antiquities, p. 440). 

On 20th, 23d, and 27th February 1562, we again find the Com- 
mons considering a Bill " for the punishment of vagabonds called 
Egyptians " (Commons' Journal, vol. i.). It was before the Lords on 
27th February, and 2d, 4th, and 6th March (Lords' Journal, i. 596, 
597, 598, 599), and passed as " An Act for further Punishment of 
Vagabonds calling themselves Egyptians" (5 Elizabeth, cap. 20). 
The Earl of Arundel alone dissented from the measure. Under 
this Act, after 1st May 1562, any person who for a month 
" at one time or at several times " was in the company of Gypsies, 
and imitated their Apparel, Speech, or other Behaviour, should, as a 
felon, suffer death and loss of lands and goods, without the benefits 
of a jury medietatis lingua?, sanctuary, or " clergy " ; but children 
under fourteen were excepted; and Gypsies then in prison were, 
within fourteen days from their release, to quit England and Wales, 
or put themselves to some honest service, or exercise some lawful 
trade. No natural born subjects, however, were to be compelled to 
quit England or Wales, but only to leave their naughty ways and in 
future to labour honestly. 


Wraxall (History of France, ii. 32), referring to this Act of 1563, 
states that in the reign of Elizabeth the Gypsies throughout England 
were supposed to exceed ten thousand. 

On February 19, 1564, William, the son of an Egyptian, was 
baptized at Lanchester in the county of Durham (Chron. Miral., 

On December 29, 1565, Sir John Throckmorton wrote to his 
brother Sir Nicholas, that having his house full of children, and 
prospects of a further increase, he was forced to wander up and 
down " like an Egyptian " in other men's houses, for want of one of 
his own (Calendar of State Papers, vol. xii. p. 574). 

On March 30, 1567, "Kobartt, ane Egiptic/ was baptized at 
Bedford, and on April 26, 1567, at the same place, "John, ane 
Egiptn," was baptized (Groome, In Gypsy Tents, Edinburgh, 1880). 

In 1567, Thomas Harman, the author of A Caueat or Warening 
for commen cvrsetors vvlgarely called Vagabones, when speaking of 
" vagabones or lousey leuterars," says : 

" I hope their synne is now at the hyghest ; and that as short and as spedy 
a redresse wylbe for these, as hath bene of late yeres for the wretched, wily, 
wandering vagabonds calling and naming them selves'Egiptians, depely dissembling 
and long hyding and couering their depe decetfull practises, feding the rude com- 
mon people, wholy addicted and geuen to nouelties, toyes, and new inventions, 
delyting them with the strangenes of the attyre of their heades, and practising 
paulmistrie to such as would know their fortunes : . . . And now (thankes bee to 
god), throughe wholsoine lawes, and the due execution thereof, all be dispersed, 
banished, and the memory of them cleane extynguished ; that when they bee once 
named here after, our Chyldren wyli muche meruell what kynd of people they 
were (Early English Text Society, extra series, ix. p. 23). 

Mr. Harman lived at Crayford, near Erith, in Kent. 

On March 1, 1568, the Lords of the Council wrote to William 
More, Esq., " for the suppression of rogues, vagabonds, and Egyp- 
tians " in Surrey, who were to be " corrected sharply and restrained 
firmly in accordance with the laws of the Eealm " (Hist. MSS. Record 
Com., 7th Report, p. 620). 

In 1569, the Privy Council caused a vigorous effort to be made 
by the authorities in every county to capture, punish, and send to 
their homes all vagrants, including Gypsies, throughout England. 
The first search was made on the 24th of March ; and at Higham 
Ferrars, Northamptonshire, the following " sturdey vacabownds " were 
taken and whypped, and sent home with passports, viz. : 

" Roger Lane, to whom a three weeks' passport was given to go to Stafford. 
Robert Bayly, and Alice his wife, 3 days to Gretton, in Rockingham Forest. 
Edward Ffyllcocks, 4 days to Newport, Bucks. 
Elizabeth Jurdayne, 2 days to Lowek, Northpton. 

VOL. I. NO. I. B 


John Tomkyns, three weeks to Ludlow in Wales. 

Valentyne Tyndale, on the 21st of June, had a passport to go to 'y e back streate (!) 
in y e Cytie of London.' " 

In the Hundred of Nesse of Borough, in the same county, Anne 
Duckdale, Jone Hodgekyne, and Elizabeth Lee, were similarly treated 
(State Papers Domestic Elizabeth, vol. li. No. 11, p. 334). 

Many places omitted to make this first search or to send up the 
returns, so in June the Privy Council decreed a further and stricter 
search " to apprehend all vagabonds sturdy beggars commonly called 
rogues or Egyptians, and also all idle vagrant persons having no 
master nor no certainty how and whereby to live ; " and a similar 
search was to be made every month until November or longer, as 
they should see cause. There appear to have been fears of a rising 
of the people, and warning is given '' that all tales, news, spreading 
of unlawful books, should be stayed and sharply punished." The 
letters on this subject to the Lord-Lieutenant of the North and to 
the Sheriff of Yorkshire are to be found in Strype's Annals of the 
Reformation (vol. i. pt. ii. ch. liii. p. 295, and Appendix, p. 554, 
No. xliii.). They enjoined " a strait search and good strong watch to 
be begun on Sunday at night about 9 of the clock which shalbe the 
10th of July," and "to continue the same al that night until four of 
the clock in the afternoon of the next day." 

Baines (History of Lancashire, ed. 1868, ch. xiii. p. 169) mentions 
this search, and repeats Strype's statement that the result was the 
apprehension of 13,000 masterless men. 

On April 17, 1571, a Bill was drafted, but was not passed, that 
" priests and other popisly affected " lurking " in serving mens or 
mariners apparaile or otherwyse dysguised," were to be " denied 
judged and punished as vachabounds wandering in this realme called 
or calling theym selves Egiptians " (State Papers Domestic Eliza- 
beth, vol. Ixxvii. No. 60, p. 410). 

In 1577 the Privy Council issued an order, signed by the Lord 
Chancellor Sir Nicolas Bacon and others, for the apprehension of 
Eowland Gabriel [cf. Thomas Grabriells, 1559], Katherine Deago 
[Spanish, Diego], and six others, who were tried on the 18th of April 
at Aylesbury for feloniously keeping company with other vagabonds 
vulgarly called and calling themselves Egyptians, and counterfeiting, 
transferring, and altering themselves in dress, language, and be- 
haviour. They were found guilty and hanged (The Annals of 
England, Oxford, 1856, vol. ii. p. 287). 

In 1578 Whetstone, in his Promos and Cassandra, i. 2, 6, in the 


stage direction for the scene, says : " Two hucksters, one woman, one 
like a Giptian, the rest poore rogues " ; and the scene contains the 
following line 

" How now, Giptian ? all amort, knave, for want of company." 

This I believe to be the first dramatic appearance of a Gipsy in 

On April 2, 1581, Margaret Bannister, daughter of William 
Bannister, " going after the manner of roguish ^Egyptians," was bap- 
tized at Loughborough, in Leicestershire (Burns, History of Parish 
Registers, 1829). 

In 1584 Eeginald Scot, younger son of Sir John Scot, of Kent, 
published a quarto volume, called The Discouerie of Witchcraft, which 
contained such " damnable opinions " concerning his beloved witches, 
that King James the First ordered all obtainable copies to be burnt. 
Scot (Book xi. ch. x.), says 

" The counterfeit ^Egyptians, which were indeed cousening vagabonds, practising 
the art called sortilegium, had no small credit with the multitude ; howbeit their 
diuinations were, as was their fast and loose." 

And a few lines further he alludes to them as "these ^Egyptian 
couseners " ; and again (Book xiii. ch. xxix.), he says 

" The ^Egyptians juggling, witchcraft, or sortilegie standeth much in fast or loose, 
whereof though I have written somewhat generallie alreadie, yet hauing such 
opportunitie I will here show some of their particular feats ; not treating of their 
common tricks, which is so tedious, nor of their fortune-telling, which is so impious, 
and yet both of them mere cousenages," etc. 

This game of fast and loose was sometimes called pricking the 
belt or girdle or garter, " in which a leathern belt is made up into a 
number of intricate folds and placed edgewise on a table. One of the 
folds is made to resemble the middle of the girdle, so that whoever 
shall thrust a skewer into it would think he held it fast to the table, 
whereas, when he has so done, the person with whom he plays may 
take hold of both ends and draw it away. This appears to have been 
a game much practised by the Gypsies in the time of Shakspere, and 
is still in vogue " (Brand, Popular Antiquities, by Hazlitt, London, 
1870,11 325). 

Scot (op. cit., Book xiii. ch. xxix.) describes the trick of " fast and 
loose " thus 

" Make one plain loose knot with two corner ends of a handkercher, and seem- 
ing to draw the same very hard, hold fast the body of the said handkercher (neer to 
the knot) with your right hand, pulling the contrary end with the left hand, which 
is the corner of that which you hold. Then close up handsomely the knot which 
will be yet somewhat loose, and pull the handkercher so with your right hand, as 


the left hand end may be neer to the knot ; then it will seem a true and a firm 
knot. And to make it appear more assuredly to be so indeed, let a stranger pull at 
the end which you hold in your left hand, whilest you hold fast the other in your 
right hand ; and, then holding the knot with your forefinger and thumb, and the 
nether part of your handkercher with your other fingers as you hold a bridle when 
you would with one hand slip up the knot and lengthen your reins. This done turn 
your handkercher over the knot with the left hand, in doing whereof you must 
sodainly slip out the end or corner, putting up the knot of your handkercher with 
your forefinger and thumb as you would put up the foresaid knot of your bridle. 
Then deliver the same (covered and wrapt in the midst of your handkercher) to one 
to hold fast, and so after some words used and wagers layed, take the handkercher 
and shake it, and it will be loose." 

On April 22, 1586, the Justices at the Bury St. Edmunds Sessions 
in Suffolk directed the building of a house of correction, as "yt 
appeareth by dayly experience that the number of idle vagraunte 
loyteringe, sturdy roags, masteries men, lewde and yll disposed per- 
sons are exceedingly encreased and multiplied, committinge many 
grevious and outeragious disorders and offences," and the persons to 
be taken, under the Poor Laws and Vagrant Acts (14 Elizabeth, cap. 
v. ; 18 Elizabeth, cap. iii., repealed by 35 Elizabeth, cap. vii.), included 
" all idle persons goinge aboute usinge subtiltie and unlawf ull games 
or plaie, all such as faynt themselves to have knowledge in phisiog- 
nomye, palmestrie, or other abused sciences, all tellers of destinies, 
deaths, or fortunes, and such lyke fantasticall imaginations " (Harl. 
MSS., British Museum, No. 364 ; Hoyland, op. cit. y 83-86). 

In 1591, Robert Hilton, of Denver, in Norfolk, was convicted of 
felony " for callinge himself by the name of an Egiptian," but on 
December 22 he was specially pardoned (Calendar of State Papers 
Domestic Elizabeth, Docquets, vol. ccxl. p. 146). 

On August 8, 1592, Simson, Arington, Fetherstone, Fenwicke, 
and Lanckaster were hanged at Durham for being Egyptians (Parish 
Register, St. Nicholas, Durham; Chron. Mirab. 1841 ; Burns, Parish 
Registers; Blackwood's Magazine, 1817, vol. i. 618n. ; Roberts, Social 
History of Southern Counties, p. 259). 

Shakspere, who was bom 1564 and died 1616, mentions Gypsies 
several times : first in Romeo and Juliet (1593), II., iv., 44, thus 

" Laura, to his lady, was but a kitchen wench, . . Cleopatra, a gipsy." 

Next in As You Like It (1600), v., iii., 16, where the two pages are to 

" Both in a tune, like two gipsies on a horse." 

Again in Othello (1604), IIL, iv., 56, speaking of the all-important 
handkerchief, Othello says 


" That handkerchief 
Did an Egyptian to my mother give ; 
She was a charmer, and could almost read 
The thoughts of people : 

She dying gave it me." 

And finally, in Antony and Cleopatra (1606), I., i., 10, Philo says of 

" His captain's heart is become the bellows and the fan to cool a gipsy's lust." 

In 1594 William Standley, Francis Brewerton, and John Weeks, 
of London, yeomen, were sentenced to be hanged " because they had 
consorted for a month with Egyptians " (Middlesex County Records, 
vol. i. ; Athenaeum, September 11, 1886, p. 330). On August 28, 
1594, they were pardoned "for counterfeiting themselves Egyptians, 
contrarie to the Statute " (Gal. of State Papers Domestic Elizabeth, 
Docquets, vol. cclxii. p. 551). A few years later, Joan Morgan was 
sentenced to be hanged for a similar offence (Athenceum, September 
11, 1886, p. 330). 

On September 5, 1596, Sir Edward Hext (Sheriff in 1607), of 
Netherham, in Somersetshire, Justice, wrote the following graphic 
letter to the Lord Treasurer : 

" Experience teacheth that the execution of that godly law upon that wicked sect 
of rogues, the Egyptians, had clean cut them off, but they, seeing the liberties of 
others, do begin to spring up again, and there are in this country of them, but upon 
the peril of their lives. I avow it they were never so dangerous as the wandering 
soldiers or other stout rogues of England, for they went visibly in one company and 
were not above thirty or forty of them in a shire, but of this sort of wandering 
idle people there are three or four hundred in a shire, and though they go by two 
or three in a company, yet all or the most part of a shire do meet either at fairs or 
markets or in some alehouse, once a week. And in a great hay-house, in a remote 
place, there did resort weekly forty, sometimes sixty, where they did roast all kind 
of good meat. The inhabitants being wonderfully grieved by their rapines, made 
complaint at our last Easter sessions, after my Lord Chief Justice's departure, pre- 
cepts were made to the tithings adjoining for the apprehending of them. They 
made answer, they were so strong that they durst not adventure of them ; where- 
upon precepts were made to the constables of the shire but not apprehended, for 
they have intelligence of all things intended against them. For there be of them 
that will be present at every Assize, Sessions, and Assembly of Justices, and will 
so clothe themselves for that time as any should deem him to be an honest husband- 
man, so as nothing is spoken, done, or intended to be done, but they know it. I 
know this to be true by the confession of some. And they grow the more danger- 
ous in that they find they have bred that fear in Justices and other inferior officers, 
that no man dares call them into question. And at a late sessions a tall man, a 
man sturdy, and ancient traveller, was committed by a Justice and brought to the 
sessions, and had judgment to be whipped. He, present at the bar, in the face and 
hearing of the whole bench, swore a great oath, that if he were whipped it should be 
the dearest whipping to some that ever was. It strake such a fear in him that com- 
mitted him, as he prayed he might be deferred until the Assizes, where he was 


delivered without any whipping or other harm, and the justice glad he had so paci- 
fied his wrath. And they laugh in themselves at the lenity of the law, and the 
timorousness of the executioners of it," etc. etc. (Strype, Annals, etc., vol. iv. p. 410). 

This account of the size of the gangs is confirmed by a letter, 
dated November 21, 1596, from the Privy Council to the Eecorder 
of London, Mr. Topcliffe, and Sir William Skevington, the Lieutenant 
of the Tower, and inventor of the torture popularly called the 
Scavenger's Daughter, described in Tanner's Societas Europcea, p. 18. 
The letter states that " of late certaine lewd persons to the number of 
eighty gathered together, calling themselves Egipcians and wanderers 
through divers countyes of the realme," and were " stayed in North- 
amptonshire, whereupon we caused some of the ringleaders of them 
to be brought up hither, and have committed them to prison." The 
Council required the Eecorder " to examine the said lewd persons 
upon suche artycles and informations as you shall receive from the 
Lord Cheife Justice of Her Majesties Benche ; and yf you shall not 
be hable by faire meanes to bringe them to reveale their lewd be- 
havior, practyses, and ringleaders, then wee thinke it meet they shall 
be removed to Brydewell and there be put to the manacles, whereby 
they may be constrained to utter the truth in those matters con- 
cerning their lewd behaviour that shall be fitt to be demanded of 
them" (Privy Council Book; Jardine, The Use of Torture in the 
Criminal Law of England previously to the Commomuealth, London 
1837, p. 41, and Appendix, No. 43, p. 99). 

The well-known Poor Law Act, 39 Elizabeth, cap. iv., which was 
passed in 1596, contains, in the second section, a curious catalogue of 
persons who were to be deemed rogues and vagabonds, including " all 
tynkers wandering abroade . . . and all such p'sons, not being Fellons, 
wandering and p'tending themselves to be Egipcyans or wandering in 
the Habite, Forme, or Attyre of counterfayte Egipcians." 

These are all the Acts which were specially directed against 
Gypsies, and they remained in force, though not enforced, until 
repealed in 1784 by the Act 23 George m., cap. li. 

The Vagrant Act (17 George IL, cap. v.) declared that " all persons 
pretending to be Gypsies, or wandering in the habit and form of 
Egyptians, or pretending to have skill in palmistry, or pretending to 
tell fortunes," were to be dealt with as rogues and vagabonds. 

In 1822 that Act was repealed by 3 George iv., cap. xl., by section 
3 of which " all persons pretending to be Gypsies or to tell fortunes, 
or wandering abroad or lodging under tents or in carts " were to be 
deemed rogues and vagabonds ; and by 3 George iv., cap. cxxvi,, sec. 


121, any Gypsy encamping on the side of a turnpike road was liable to 
a penalty of forty shillings. By 5 George iv., cap. Ixxxiii. sec. 4, any 
one pretending to tell fortunes by palmistry, or otherwise to deceive ; 
any one wandering abroad and lodging under any tent or in any cart, 
not having any visible means of subsistence, and not giving a good 
account of himself, is liable for the first offence to three months' 

Thus the fact of being a Gypsy gradually ceased to be an offence, 
and the only Acts which now expressly mention Gypsies are the Act 
just quoted against encamping on a turnpike road, and the Highway 
Act, 1835 (3 and 4 William iv., cap. 1. sec. 72), which renders any 
Gypsy pitching a tent or encamping upon a highway liable to be 
fined forty shillings. 

At the Devonshire Lent Assizes, 1598, Charles, Oliver, and 
Bartholomew Baptist were committed for " wandering like Egyp- 
tians " (Fraser's Magazine, 1877, January, etc.). 

On January 30, 1602, the Constables of Eepton in Derbyshire 
" gave the Gipsies xxd. to avoyde ye towne " (Christian World 
Magazine, Dec. 1887). 

On July 9, 1605, at Stokesley Quarter Sessions, Yorkshire, the 
constables were called to account for permitting four women 
" vagrantes more Egyptianorum " to stay in their vill of Sutton 
and go forth unpunished, although previously warned by the chief 
constable (North Riding Eec. Soc. vol. i. p. 11). 

On October 4, 1605, at Eichmond Quarter Sessions, Yorkshire, 
the grand jury presented Eobert Metcalf of Borrowby for receiving 
into his dwelling-house on January 6th, five men and boys, being 
Gypsies (existentes Egiptianos) and harbouring them for four days 
and nights together to the great terror of his neighbours (North 
Hiding Eec. Soc. vol. i. p. 21). 

In 1613 the Earl of Huntingdon had to send forces into Leicester- 
shire to compel the Egyptians to disband (Gal. of State Papers, 
vol. Ixxii.). 

About 1621 Ben Jonson published his Masque of the Gypsies 

On September 5, 1622, Lord Keeper Williams wrote to the 
Justices of Berkshire, ordering them to put in force the laws for 
suppressing vagrancy, etc., against the "whole troupe of rogues, 
beggars, ./Egiptians and idle persons " who infested the county (Hist. 
MSS. Com., 5th Eeport, p. 410). 

About 1630 was published a ballad called "The Brave English 
Jipsey " (Ballad Societies Roxburyhe Ballads, part vii. p. 329). 


In 1631 Margaret Finch was born at Sutton in Kent, and lived 
to be 109. She was the first Queen of the Gypsy Colony at Lambeth. 

In 1635 the constables of Leverton, six miles north of Boston, in 
Lincolnshire, gave eighteen Gypsies one penny each (Thompson, Hist, 
of Boston, Boston, 1856, p. 574). 

In October 1647, the inhabitants of Plumbland in Cumberland, 
complained that a Mr. Nicholson had broken open the doors of their 
church and left the church door open, " whereby the church became 
a lodging-place to a vagabond people going under the name of 
Egyptians, and was in danger of being burnt by the fires made in it " 
(Hist. MSS. Com., 6th Report, p. 215). 

In 1649, at Bransby, in the North Eiding of Yorkshire, "divers 
people in the habitts of jipsey," were apprehended. " Divers of them 
did tell fortunes," and "they did some tyme speak in languages 
wich none who were by could understand." Their leader's name was 
Grey, and his followers were Elizabeth Grey, Richard and Barbara 
Smith, and Francis and Elizabeth Parker. They owned a mare, had 
several children, and had travelled through the counties of Hereford, 
Stafford, Salop, Chester, and Lancaster, on their way to Northumber- 
land (Surtees Soc., vol. xl). 

About 1650 Sir Matthew Hale (1609-1676) says, in his Pleas of 
the Crown (1778, i. 671): "I have not known these statutes much 
put in execution, only about twenty years since at the Assizes at 
Bury [St. Edmunds, in Suffolk] about thirteen were condemned and 
executed for this offence, namely, for being Gypsies. 

Thomas Pennant, in his History of WTiiteford and Holy well (1796, 
p. 35) records a tradition that a similar fate overtook eighteen Welsh 
Gypsies about the same time. 

In 1657 a Gypsy king named Buckle was buried (Moffatt's Hist, 
of Malmesbury, Tetbury, 1805, p. 71). 

Henry Ellis (Original Letters Illustrative of English Hist., 1st 
Series, vol. ii. p. 100) says, " Some others were executed at Stafford a 
short time after the Restoration (1660)." 

On August 11, 1668, the celebrated diarist Pepys says: "This 
afternoon, my wife and Mercer and Deb. went with Pelling to see the 
Gypsies at Lambeth and have their fortunes told, but what they did 
I did not enquire." 

In 1687 we find Herne and Boswell in use as Gypsy names 
(Blackwood's Magazine, voL xcix.). 





THIS story is No. 4 of the fourteen Koumanian-Gypsy folk-tales 
published by Dr. Barbu Constantinescu in his Probe de Limba 
si IMeratura Tsiganilor din Romania (Bucharest, 1878), in the 
original Eomany, with a parallel Eoumanian translation. Being 
ignorant of Eoumanian, I have made this literal translation directly 
from the Eomany, with occasional reference to a Eoumanian-German 
dictionary for such borrowed words as paloso, " sabre," and odaia, 
" chamber." These are not numerous. The story is one of the best 
Gypsy folk-tales that we have, and is also one of the best-known 
among the Gypsies themselves. For two Eomany variants of it 
have been already published No. 5 in Dr. Friedrich Miiller's 
Beitrdge zur Kenntniss der Eom-Sprache (Vienna, 1869), which was 
got from a Hungarian Gypsy soldier; and No. 11 in Dr. Franz 
Miklosich's Mdrchen und Lieder der Zigeuner der Bukowina (Vienna, 
1874). These, being furnished with German and Latin interlinear 
translations, are accessible to the general student of folk-tales. 
Miiller's is much inferior to our version, from which it differs 
widely; Miklosich's is in some points superior; but all three are 
clearly derived from an older, more perfect original. Such an 
original I cannot recognise in any of the numerous non-Gypsy 
variants five from Greece (Hahn, i. p. 176, 215 ; ii. 234, 279, 283) ; 
one from the Harz (Ey, 154) ; one from Lithuania (Schleicher, 54); 
two from Eussia (De Gubernatis, Zool. Mytli.i. 212; Ealston, 235), 
and one from Norway (Dasent, "The Blue Belt," 178). Hahn's 
variants come nearest to our Gypsy versions, but are one and all 
decidedly inferior. 

THERE was an emperor. He had been married ten years, but had 
no children. And God granted that his empress conceived and bore a 
son. Now that lad was heroic ; his like was nowhere found. And 
the father lived half a year longer, and died. Then what is the lad 
to do ? He took [lit. put himself] and departed in quest of heroic 
achievements. And he travelled a long time, and took no heed, and 
came into a great forest. In that forest there was a certain house, 
and in that house twelve dragons. Then the lad went straight 


there, and saw that there was no one. He opened the door, and 
went in, and saw a sabre on a nail, and took it, and planted himself 
behind the door, and waited for the coming of the dragons. When 
they came, they did not go in all at once, but went in one by one. 
The lad waited with the sabre in his hand, and as each one went in, 
he cut off his head, and flung it on the floor. So the lad killed eleven 
dragons, and the youngest remained. And the lad went out to him, 
and took and fought with him, and fought half a day. And the lad 
vanquished the dragon, and took him, and put him in a jar, and 
fastened him well. 

And the lad went to walk, and came on another house, where 
there was only a maiden. And when he saw the maiden, how did 
she please his heart ! As for the maiden, the lad pleased her just 
as well. And the maiden was yet more heroic than the lad. And 
they formed a strong love [ai astardintf on ek drdyostea zurali]. 
And the lad told the maiden he had killed eleven dragons, and one 
he had left alive, and put it in a jar. The maiden said, " You did 
ill not to kill it, but now let it be." And the lad said to the maiden, 
" I will go and fetch my mother, for she is alone at home." Then 
the maiden said, " Fetch her, but you will regret it \kam6 kais tu\. 
But go and fetch her, and dwell with her." 

So the lad departed to fetch his mother. He took his mother, 
and brought her into the house of the dragons whom he had slain, 
and he said to his mother, " Go into every chamber, only into this 
chamber do not go." His mother said, "I will not go, darling." 
And the lad departed into the forest to hunt. And his mother went 
into the chamber where he had told her not to go. And when she 
opened the door, the dragon saw her, and said to her, " Empress, give 
me a little water, and I will do you much good." She went and 
gave him water, and he said to her, " Dost love me ? then will I 
take thee, and thou shalt be mine empress." " I love thee," she said. 
Then the dragon said to her, "What will you do, to escape from 
your son, that we may be left to ourselves. Make yourself ill [i.e. 
pretend to be ill Te kerfa tu nasfali just as in the Anglo-Eomany], 
and say you have seen a dream, that he must bring you a suckling 
of the sow in the other world ; that if he does not bring it you, you 
will die ; but if he bring it you, say that you will recover." Then 
she went into the house, and tied up her head, and made herself ill. 
And when the lad came home, and saw her with her head tied up, 
he asked her, " What 's the matter, mother ? " She said, " I am ill, 


darling. I shall die. But I saw a dream, to eat a suckling from the 
sow in the other world." Then the lad began to cry, for his mother 
will die. And he took and departed. Then he went to his sweet- 
heart, and told her, " Maiden, my mother will die. And she has 
seen a dream, that I must bring her a porker from the other world." 
The maiden said, " Go, and be prudent. \Gfta ai 'te avfe gogheauer]. 
And when you return, come to me. Take my horse with the twelve 
wings, and mind the sow doesn't seize you, else she '11 eat both you 
and the horse." So the lad took her horse and departed. He arrived 
there ; and when the sun was midway in its course, he went to the 
little pigs, and took one, and fled. Then the sow heard him, and 
after him she came to seize him in her mouth. And at the very 
verge, just as he was leaping out, the sow bit off half his horse's 
tail. So the lad went to the maiden. And the maiden came out, 
and took the little pig, and hid it, and put another in its stead. 
Then he went home to his mother, and gave her the little pig, and 
she dressed it and ate, and said that she was well. 

Three or four days later she made herself ill again, as the dragon 
had shown her. When the lad came, he asked her, "What's the 
matter now, mother?" "I am ill again, darling. I have seen a 
dream that you must bring me an apple from the golden apple-tree 
in the other world." So the lad took and departed to the maiden ; 
and when the maiden saw him so troubled, she asked him, " What 's 
the matter, lad?" " What's the matter! my mother is ill again. 
And she has seen a dream that I am to bring her an apple from 
the apple-tree in the other world." Then the maiden knew that 
his mother was walking to eat his head [i.e. compassing his death 
phirdas te hal Usko sorrf] ; and she said to the lad, " Take my horse 
and go, but be careful the apple-tree does not seize you there. When 
you return, come to me." And the lad took and departed, and 
came to the verge of the earth. And he let himself in, and went to 
the apple-tree at midday when the apples were resting. And he 
took an apple, and ran away. Then the leaves perceived it, and 
began to rustle [? tsipiri], and the apple-tree took itself after him to 
lay its hand on him, and kill him. And the lad came out from the 
verge, and arrived in our world, and went to the maiden. Then 
the maiden took the apple, stole it from him, and hid it, and put 
another in its stead. And the lad stayed a little longer with her, 
and departed to his mother. Then his mother, when she saw him, 
asked him, " Have you brought it, darling ? " "I Ve brought it, 


mother." So she took the apple, and ate, and said there was nothing 
more the matter with her. 

In a week's time the dragon told her to make herself ill again, 
and to ask for water from the great mountains. So she made herself 
ill. When the lad saw her ill, he began to weep, and said, " My 
mother will die. God ! she 's always ill " [nierto nasfa6J}. Then he 
went to her, and asked her, " What 's the matter, mother ? " "I 
shall die, darling. But I shall recover if you will bring me water from 
the great mountains. Then the lad tarried no longer. He went to 
the maiden, and said to her, " My mother is ill again. And she has 
seen a dream that I must fetch her water from the great mountains." 
The maiden said, " Go, lad, but I fear the marshes will catch you, 
and the mountains there, and will kill you. But do you take my 
horse with twenty-and-four wings ; and, when you get there, wait 
afar off till midday, for at midday the mountains and the marshes 
set themselves at table, and eat. And do you go then with the 
pitcher, and draw water quickly and escape." Then the lad took 
the pitcher, and departed thither to the mountains, and waited till 
the sun had reached the middle of his course [ai besld gi Jcand ailo o 
Jcham and6 maskdr]. And he went and drew water, and fled. And 
the marshes and the mountains saw him, and took themselves after 
him : and they could not catch him. And the lad came to the 
maiden. Then the maiden went and took the pitcher with the 
water, and put another in its stead without his knowing it. And 
the lad arose and went home, and gave water to his mother, and 
she recovered. 

Then the lad departed into the forest to hunt. His mother went 
to the dragon, and told him, " He has brought me the water. What 
am I to do to him now ? " " What are you to do ? Why, take and 
play cards with him. You must say, ' For a wager, as I used to play 
with your father.' " So the lad came home, and found his mother 
merry [vedselo] : it pleased him well. And she said to him at table, 
as they were eating, " Darling, when your father was living, what did 
we do ? When we had eaten and risen up, we took and played cards 
for a wager." Then the lad, " If you like, play with me, mother." So 
they took and played cards, and his mother beat him ; and she took 
silken cords, and bound his two hands so tightly that the cord went 
into his hands. And the lad began to weep, and said to his mother, 
" Mother, release me or I die." She said, " That was just what I was 
wanting to do to you." And she called the dragon, "Come forth, 


dragon, and come and kill him." Then the dragon came forth, and 
took him, and cut him in pieces, and put him in the saddle-bags, and 
placed him on his horse, and let him go, and said to the horse, " Carry 
him, horse, dead [thither], whence thou didst carry him alive." And 
the horse hurried to the lad's sweetheart, and went straight to her 
there. Then when the maiden saw him, she began to weep. And 
she took him, and put piece to piece ; when one was missing, she cut 
the porker, and supplied flesh from the porker. So she put all the 
pieces of him in their place. And she took the water, and poured it on 
him, and he became whole. And she squeezed the apple in his mouth, 
and brought him to life. So when the lad arose, he went home to his 
mother, and drove a stake into the earth, and placed both her and 
the dragon on one pyre [? rogqfina]. And he set it alight, and they 
were consumed. And he departed thence, and took the maiden, and 
made a marriage, and kept up the marriage three months day and 
night ; and I came away and told the story. 



AS I had last year the intention of visiting the Gypsies in Germany, 
in order to study their dialects a field in which there is still 
(as every savant knows) a great deal of work to be done I addressed 
myself to the Imperial- Austrian and Eoyal-Hungarian Embassy in 
Berlin for information concerning the number and location of the 
Gypsies living in the German Empire. This high authority elicited 
from the Eoyal Prussian Government extensive data respecting the 
Gypsy colonies, and also, though in a less degree, respecting the 
nomadic tribes of Gypsies. These facts regarding the present condi- 
tion of the Gypsies, not only in Prussia, but throughout the whole 
Empire, have only been collected during recent years, and they can 
be thoroughly relied upon. To these data I think I ought to add the 
observations which I myself had the opportunity of making in the 
course of my journey. 



Residing permanently in Prussia. 

Provinces. Places. 




Konigsberg, . 10 




Gumbinen, . 28 




Danzig, . 




Marienwerder, 7 




Potsdam, . 3 




Frankfurt a. d. 0., 




Coeslin, . 








Breslau, . ' 1 




Oppeln, . ; 2 
Merseburg, . ? 




Erfurt, . . i 1 




Schleswig, . 2 




Liineburg, . | 1 




Minden, . 5 




Arnsberg, . : 3 




Cassel, . . 1 




Wiesbaden, . 1 






With regard to the wandering Gypsies there is no authentic 
information. As far as I can gather from newspapers, private 
accounts, and experiences gained during travels, nomadic tribes of 
Gypsies are still frequently met with in the western parts of Prussia 
(for example, in Westphalia and Brandenburg) ; in the northern 
parts (as, for example, Schleswig) only rarely. With regard to the 
residence of Gypsies as given in the foregoing table, it must not be 
assumed that they remain the whole year in the place officially 
assigned to them. The occupations of most of them necessitate their 
absenting themselves for a shorter or longer period. 

Their occupations are, according to official information, as 
follows : 

The chiefs of families in the provinces of Konigsberg and 
Gumbinen are mostly without a fixed occupation and livelihood: 
they are partly horse-dealers, but rarely follow any other distinct 
calling. In the provinces of Danzig, Marienwerder, Potsdam, 
Frankfurt, Coeslin, Bromberg, Breslau, Oppeln, Merseburg, Erfurt, 
the Gypsies are mostly musicians and puppet showmen; while 
in Frankfurt and Coeslin they have shooting-galleries. In the 
other provinces they mostly lead a wandering life. Eegarding 
the condition of the Gypsy colonies in Prussia, I can only speak 


to what I have witnessed myself ; and this refers to the colonies 
in Klein-Eekeitschen (Prov. Gumbinen), Berleburg, and Sasmanns- 
hausen (Prov. Arnsberg). In the first-named place I found very 
few Gypsies, the greater number having gone to the fair of Tilsit. 

The place itself consists of small houses scattered about the sandy 
plain. The cottages, such as they were, in which I found the Gypsies 
located, were more like caves. The people did not live exclusively by 
themselves, for there were also a few German men and women 
among them. All gave one the impression of the greatest squalor 
and neglect ; their appearance was mean, and quarrels were frequent. 
When I left them I could hear for a long time after the noise of their 
wrangling ; the sober ones probably fighting with the drunk ones 
over the money received from me. 

The German spoken by them is like that of the country people in 
the neighbourhood, a low German dialect. Their own language they 
speak very fluently, and with comparative purity. 1 

In Berleburg I have been told that the Gypsies dwell at the end 
of the little town. I did not visit them, as in questioning the 
Gypsy children in the school there I gained the conviction that the 
Gypsies of that colony no longer spoke their language. They are 
entirely Germanised, arid only use some Eomany words in intercourse 
with their wandering comrades. 

In Sasmannshausen the Gypsy colony offered a wholly different 
picture from that in Klein-Rekeitscheu. Entirely separated from 
those who were not Gypsies, they live in small clean cottages. They 
are industrious workmen, on the railroads, and equally active when- 
ever a livelihood offers itself. They are not easily induced to leave 
the place ; they send their children to school ; and. on the whole, 
they give one the impression of kind and peaceful people. The Ger- 
man population does not object to mix with them. This colony was 
founded by a Prince Wittgenstein, and belongs to the few where the 
intention of the founders has been successful. The children do not 
speak their mother tongue at all; 2 the younger adults under- 
stand it only tolerably, but one old Gypsy woman still knows it 
perfectly. They said that they could only imperfectly make them- 
selves understood in the language of their people with their wander- 
ing comrades. " Sie utzen uns weil wir nichts mehr konne " (" They 
laugh at us for not knowing any more "), said a Gypsy woman to me. 

1 I have given a sketch of the same in the xvui. vol. of the Zeitschrift fur Volkcr-Psycho- 
logie und Sprachwissenschaft, pp. 82-93. 

2 The results of my observations will appear in the above-mentioned periodical in the 
course of the year. 


What particularly struck me was that when the people spoke German 
they used the Swabian accent, which is not a peculiarity of the 
dialect of the German population of this part. 

BAVARIA. As far as known, there are no Gypsy colonies here. 
The police authorities have the strictest orders not to permit Gypsy 
bands to enter Bavaria, or, if found, to send them away. 

SAXONY. By the last census there were no Gypsies found here. 
Foreign Gypsies are by official orders interdicted from entering the 
country ; licences to travel are never granted to them, and should 
any enter they are expelled. 

BADEN. In two communities in the province of Eberbach small 
colonies of Gypsies are found. In the year 1882 the colonies 
amounted to 24 persons, but they are diminishing. They are trades- 
men, pedlars, and musicians; they wander incessantly into the 
neighbouring countries, so that they very seldom appear in their own 
community. Numerous bands of Gypsies wander about the country, 
but as the police orders have lately been much stricter, they are 
not so frequent as formerly. 

OLDENBURG. Here there are neither Gypsy colonies, nor any 
regular migrations of Gypsies. 

The same is also the case in HESSE and MECKLENBURG-SCHWERIN. 

SAXE-WEIMAR. There were formerly two resident Gypsy families 
in the townships of Ilmenau and Langsfeld, but their descendants 
have become entirely Germanised. Periodic migrations of Gypsies 
do not appear to occur. 

MECKLENBURG-STRELITZ. No colonies. During recent decades 
few Gypsies on their migrations have passed through the country. 

BRUNSWICK. At a Commission of Inquiry in 1886 there were 
altogether found 85 Gypsies, of whom, however, only 17 were subjects 
of Brunswick, the remainder not even belonging to Germany. Only 
two families are settled, and these in two different districts. These 
two families now number 1 1 persons, who gain their living mostly by 
wandering about. Large bands of wandering Gypsies appear during 
the season of fairs, from July to December, in the larger towns ; but 
this also may come to an end, as lately severe orders have been 
passed against wandering Gypsies. 

no colonies ; wandering bands sometimes pass through. 

ANHALT. Gypsies are prohibited from entering the country. 



Migrations of Gypsies are at present frequent. 

WALDECK. There were formerly small colonies : the descendants 
of those Gypsies live in extremely small numbers, separately. In 
August, large bands of wandering Gypsies come to the fair of Arolsen. 

Gypsies rarely set foot in these countries. 

BREMEN. In the town of Bremen no Gypsies have been seen for 
several years. In the country they appear sometimes; but now, 
however, more rarely. 

HAMBURG. Only passing bands show themselves whilst crossing 
the State. 

ALSACE-LORRAINE. Owing to the strict vigilance of the authori- 
ties, wandering bands of Gypsies are seldom seen. Yet there are in 
this province, as investigations in 1885 showed, eleven families of 
resident Gypsies, consisting of 53 persons. Besides these, there are 
also seventy-six families, who, with the exception of a few women, 
are not of the race of Gypsies. These people belong to nine town- 
ships, and number 332 souls. In Chateau-Salins they live united, 
and form a small colony of 47 persons. It is only in winter that 
they are found all living together in this dwelling. 1 



I. Scene from Othello (Act in. Scene 4). 


Oth. I have a salt and sullen rheum Oth, Mande hi jek sorelo tshil ke me 

offends me ; lend me thy handkerchief. duk&a ; pash mande tro nak&keri. 

Des. Here, my lord. Des. Aki, mro rai. 

Oth. That which I gave you. Oth. Akowa me tut dijum. 

Des. I have it not about me. Des. Me na hiles manse. 

Oth. Not? Oth. Nane? 

DCS. No indeed, my lord. Des. Nane, harodeve"!, mro rai. 

Oth. That is a fault : that handker- Oth. Kowa hi rnidshto : Akowa 

1 Puchmajer also mentions, in the preface to his Romani Cib (Prague, 1821), that in 
Bohemia there are people not Gypsies, called Parne (Whites). These have joined the Gypsies, 
who, in distinction to them, call themselves Kale (Blacks) ; they marry into Gypsy families, 
and share their wandering way of life. Here in Moravia, and in Hungarian Slavonic, this is 
not, so far as I know, the case, nor are these designations in use. 

VOL. I. NO. I. 



chief did an Egyptian 1 to my mother 
give ; she was a charmer, and could 
almost read the thoughts of people ; she 
told her, while she kept it, 'twould 
make her amiable, and subdue my 
father entirely to her love ; but if she 
lost it, or made a gift of it, my father's 
eye should hold her loathly, and his 
spirit should hunt after new fancies : 
she, dying, gave it me ; and bid me, 
when my fate would have me wive, to 
give it her. I did so : and take heed 
oft, make it a darling like your precious 
eye ; to lose or give 't away, were such 
perdition, as nothing else could match. 

Des. Is it possible ? 

Oth. 'Tis true ; there 's magic in the 
web of it ; a sibyl, that had number'd 
in the world the sun to make two 
hundred compasses, in her prophetic 
fury sew'd the work : the worms were 
hallow'd that did breed the silk ; and it 
was dyed in mummy, which the skilful 
conserv'd of maidens' hearts. 

Des. Indeed ! is 't true ? 

Oth. Most veritable ; therefore look 
to 't well. 

Des. Then would to heaven that I 
had never seen it. 

nakeskeri jeki Rumni l dejas mrahi deja; 
jol his jeki tshowajahni, te shasti jol 
priservaf o manusheskeri rikerpen ; jol 
pendjas glan la tshin job rikerles, jol 
veles hako tshiro kamel pash mro dad 
te-k6keres rani leskero dsi ; auwa ganna 
jol naschjed les, te jol de"les an o dawa- 
pen, dala mro dad dikkeles jol ssar 
prassapen ; te job rodjas pal newo Rama- 
pen : di job hil les merapengre, job 
dijas mander, te pendjas, ganna o gowa 
man deles jeki pireni, te deles later an o 
dawapen : aduj manghe gherdum : le 
tut garda, rackel les pash tudder ssir o 
guntsh, har tiri guntshi jak ; te nash- 
jevaf, gherles mekles, te dawa les pre 
vaver veles jek dosh, perdal har hako 

Des. Aromali? 

Oth. But tshasheperi ; jek tshowa- 
handpen atshela andri o leskero tann ; 
jeki turkopaskeri, ke dikias o kam te 
gheraf duivarshel perdo pes trom trujal 
o berz ano lakri glanduno rakerpengheri 
diviopen sidjum agowa : o pareskoro 
ghermi jol has tshohod<5, i shukeraker- 
pengheri rani gatterdjas len ano, tarni 
raneskeri, gheradum mulendero dsi, 
ssarde o hadawaskeri manushi. 
Des. Aromali ! tshatshenes ? 
Oth. But tshatshepen : doleske dik o 
glan tut, de te rakkel les tshatsh6. 

Des. Dave, o bolldppen kameles ke 
me ne les kekwar dikiom. 

II. Psalm CL. 

1. Sharen tume u Rai. Sharen tume 
u Rai an u leste schwendo ker : sharen 
tume les an o buchloppenleskeri sor. 

2. Sharen tumen les pre leskero 
sorelo gherappen : sharen tume pre 
leskero but baroppen. 

3. Sharen tume les sar i godli o 
sapiengheskeri portamaskeri : sharen 
tume les sar o gatsheni te zerdapangheri 

4. Sharen tume les sar o tambuk te 
kellappen : sharen tume les sar o zerda- 
pangheri te kangripashemaskeri. 

5. Sharen tume les ap o krisko godli 
tambuk : sharen tume les ap o krisko 
godlidir tarnbiik. 

6. Gai, hako gowa ke lader hi o tucho 
share u Rai. Sharen tume u Rai. 



NOTE. It is scarcely necessary to remind English readers that the spelling of the 
above is based upon the principles of German orthoepy. 

1 Mr. Pincherle remarks: "I deliberately interpret and accordingly translate 'an 
Egyptian ' as 'a Gypsy woman' (Rumni)." And it is very evident that Shakespeare was 
here speaking of a Gypsy, whom he designated by the full form of the word, very generally 
used in his day. Again, " the Egyptian thief " of Twelfth Night (v. 1) is almost certainly 
a "Gypsy thief" ; and the casual reference here made throws an interesting side-light on 
the ways of English Gypsies in the sixteenth century. In Antony and Cleopatra (iv. 10), 
Shakespeare uses " Gypsy " as synonymous with "Egyptian," although there introduced as 
an equivoque. 



IN writing about the Gypsies of the Pyrenean countries, 1 the late 
Dr. Victor de Eochas distinguishes between those inhabiting 
the Basque Provinces and their congeners in Catalonia. He draws 
the line of demarcation from north to south, across the Pyrenees, 
and not along them, as one would be apt to expect. The Gypsy of 
Mauleon, French by nationality, finds his brother in Biscaya or 
Navarre : the French Gypsy of Koussillon is at home in Barcelona 
not Bayonne. Though serving in the French army, and voting and 
paying taxes as Frenchmen, the French Gypsies of the western and 
eastern Pyrenees look southward into Spain, not across to each other, 
for their fellow-countrymen. " The speech of the Gypsies of the 
Basses-Pyrene'es," says De Eochas, " is Basque ; the most of the 
women speaking no other language, and so it is also with those 
middle-aged men who have not learned French, either in the army or 
in prison." " Our Gypsies [he is speaking now as a Eoussillonnais] 
are the brothers of those of Catalonia, from whom they have only 
been separated by the conquest of Eoussillon and La Cerdagne, under 
Louis XIIL Their usual language is Catalan, still the popular speech 
of the department of the Pyrene"es-0rientales. 2 They are exactly like 
the Gypsies of the Puerto, San-Antonio, at Barcelona and Lerida." 
Indeed, the Gypsies of French-Catalonia are even yet spoken of as 
" Gitanos " by their non-Gypsy neighbours, who are still practically 
Catalans, although it is more than two centuries since the Treaty of 
the Pyrenees brought their province within the limits of France. In 
this historical fact, that Eoussillon was once a part of Catalonia, lies 
the explanation of the identity, in blood and dialect, of the Eoussillon 
Gypsies with those of modern Catalonia. And probably a similar 
reason accounts for the Basque nationality of the Gypsies on either 
side of the Western Pyrenees. However, it is not with them but with 
the Catalan family that we have here to do. 3 

Dr. De Eochas puts " Les Gitanos du Eoussillon et d'Espagne " at 
the head of his chapter, but it is apparent that his experiences in this 
respect do not take in any part of Spain outside of Catalonia. On 

1 Les Farias de France et d'Espagne, Paris, 1876, pp. 215-306. 

2 This department answers precisely to the old province of Roussillon, together with the 
French portion of Cerdafia. 

3 Although De Rochas (op. cit., p. 253) speaks slightingly of the Basque dialect of 
Romanes, it nevertheless forms quite as interesting a study as that of Catalonia, to judge 
from the list of words given by Michel and Baudrimont. Many of these words are identical 
with those used by the Catalan (.Jypsies. Occasionally, the two dialects differ in an interest- 
ing way. 


the other hand, his Catalan Gypsies are not restricted on the north 
to the limits of that small corner of Catalonia now known as the 
French department of the Pyrtntcs-Orientales. For they are found, 
he tells us, in Narbonne, Beziers, and Valence, to the north-east ; and 
again, on the north-west, in Toulouse and Bordeaux : " all in com- 
munication with each other, all with some honourable exceptions 
unanimous in taking advantage of the open dealing of those they do 
business with, or of the credulity of ignorant minds." Why this 
should be so why the Gypsies of Toulouse, for example, should 
speak Catalan instead of Languedocienne, and should even receive 
visits from their kinsmen in north-eastern Spain is not very clear. 
Perhaps it is that their connection dates back to the time when 
Catalonia was a country, not a province, and when its influence 
reached even beyond its most northern limits. That those Toulouse 
Gypsies have, at one time or another, moved into France from the 
Eastern Pyrenees, is at any rate evident from their speech. 

As regards the earliest mention of Gypsies in Spain, M. Bataillard, 1 
while admitting the possibility, and even the probability, of previous 
arrivals, goes on to say that " the first object of historical research 
ought to be the immigration of Gypsies into the Peninsula during the 
fifteenth century ; because ... it is almost certain that the bulk of 
the Peninsular Gypsies are descended from the immigrants of that 
century." " It would be important, in any case," he remarks, a little 
later, " to collect all the documents that may yet remain relating to 
the first appearance of Gypsies in Spain. For my part, I only know 
of one such, and it has already been cited by me in my memoir of 
1844. 2 It records the arrival in Barcelona, on llth July 1447, of 
a ' multitude of Egyptians ' [multitud de Egipcios], who, says the 
chronicler, spread themselves from thence over Spain." Eeferring to 
this event, Dr. De Rochas says that, on the date just mentioned, 
" there entered into Barcelona a troop [of Gypsies] commanded by 
chiefs, who assumed the titles of duke and count, and who practised 
the same impostures as in France, whence they probably came." 
There seems no good reason for assuming that they did enter Spain 
from France; because not only were they spoken of in 1447 as 
Egyptians; and again, in a Castilian edict of 1499 as "Egyptians and 
foreign tinkers" [Egiptianos y calderos extrangeros], but, thirteen years 
later, they have no less than three different nationalities assigned to 
them, not one of which is the French. 

1 Les Gitanos d'Espagne, etc., Lisbon, 1884. 

2 De V Apparition des Bohemiens en Europe, Paris, 1844, 


Like the record of 1447, this last reference relates distinctly to 
Caledonian Gypsies ; for it is in the " Constitution of Catalonia " that 
they are next mentioned and in the year 1512. Here they are 
spoken of as " Bohemians and fools [sots], 1 styled Bohemians, Greeks, 
and Egyptians." Only the last of these names is used at the present 
day in the Peninsula : being Egipcioac or Jfyjyptoac, among the 
Basques, and Gitano in other parts of Spain and in French Catalonia. 
" Bohemian," apparently, is now restricted to France ; and " Greek " 
is nowhere a modern equivalent of " Gypsy." Yet some of those 
Catalonian Gypsies of 1512 may well have come from Greece. 
Borrow tells us (The Zincali, 1841, ii. 110-11), in the words of a 
sixteenth century Spaniard, that "a learned person, in the year 1540," 
spoke to certain Spanish Gypsies " in the vulgar Greek, such as is 
used at present in the Morea and Archipelago," and, adds this Spanish 
writer, " some understood it, others did not." " The fact is remarkable, 
but not very surprising," comments M. Bataillard (Les Gfitanos, p. 19, 
note), since there were, among those of 1512, "some Gypsies who 
alleged they were Greeks, and who without doubt came from Greece, 
or some neighbouring country." And he also refers to the fact that 
Professor Miklosich has found "Greek, Slav, and Roumanian" 
elements in the Pyrenean-Gypsy dialects. 

Whatever their history since 1512, the Catalonian Gypsies are 
to-day in a comparatively flourishing condition. Their physical 
appearance betokens good nourishment and an easy life, while several 
of them are strikingly handsome. " I have never met a single de- 
formed Gypsy," says De Rochas ; " whether it is that the race pro- 
duces none, or because the sickly and feeble succumb in infancy to 
the rigour of a life that serves to harden those of good constitutions. 
In fact, the good health of the Gypsies is proverbial ; their robust 
constitutions withstand all excesses and exposure. If there is no 
race which produces more children, there is certainly none which 
retains a greater number of old people. 2 They are well set-up, and 
above the average size, with very brown skins, usually of the colour 
of leather, but sometimes deeper never that of a negro : sometimes 
also of a clear bistre, and even white, doubtless owing to intermixture. 
But their features are never those of the negro, nor have they his 

1 In Scotland the earlier statutes associate with. Gypsies "stich as make themselves 
fools," " fancied fools," and "professed pleasants." In other European countries, also, they 
have been known as mountebanks and jugglers. It is evident that those quasi-Bohemian 
sots of Catalonia were also, like their compeers elsewhere, professional "clowns," and 
" merry-andrews." 

2 These statements form a curious contrast to Dr. Paspati's remarks on the Turkish 
Gypsies, ante, p. 3. 


crisp hair, Eather do they resemble the yellow nice, by reason of 
their big cheek-bones, their narrow foreheads, and their long, coarse, 
jet-black hair. One is inclined to suspect an admixture of Dravidian 
blood. This, however, is not the prevailing type. The most of them 
are not easily distinguished from the natives except by their com- 
plexion. But the observer can recognise them by other less striking 
though equally characteristic traits : by the brilliancy of their black, 
searching eyes, the beauty of their teeth, the symmetry of their 
figures." Dr. De Eochas had, of course, an intimate knowledge of 
the Eoussillon Gypsies ; but a casual acquaintanceship with the 
same people leads me to remark that I have the memory of eyes of a 
fine hazel (such as I have seen in some English and Greek Gypsies), 
instead of the deep black he speaks of ; and further, that the Mon- 
golian type was never suggested to me by a Catalonian Gypsy, 
although it was by one of a company of Hungarian "Tzigane" 
musicians. Otherwise, my impressions are of some very swarthy 
faces ; others of a rich clear brown clear enough to show the blood 
mantling in the cheeks; while the complexion of others was of a 
delicate sallow. One of this last type, a young fellow of nineteen 
or twenty, was exceedingly handsome, and with certainly most 
exquisite teeth. His own brother, a man of about thirty, had the 
good-natured, well-fed, comely appearance so often seen among 
the people of that region, Gypsy and Gentile. He was of the 
brown-skinned type, and both brothers bore witness to the fore- 
going statements as to the physical advantages, and also as to the 
fecundity of the race, since they belonged to a family of nine, and 
their father was one of ten. 

So recently as 1832 the costume of the Catalonian Gypsies, as 
described by the author of the Historia de los Gitdnos, 1 was of the 
same picturesque style as that of the more southern Gitanos as 
portrayed by Burgess and other modern artists. But De Eochas, 
writing in 1876, pictures them to us thus: "The costume of the 
Eoussillon Gypsy men invariably consists of a loose blouse of coarse 
blue cloth, falling to the knees, an otter-skin cap or a felt hat." To 
this may be added the equally invariable and prosaic trousers, while 
their feet are usually shod with the espardenas of the province. De 
Eochas adds that " the women wear the costume of the people, but 
particularly affect red." From personal experience I can add the 
memory of a young Gypsy girl in a country town, who wore a 
gown of a very gorgeous appearance, with broad stripes of faded 

1 Borrow's Zincali, 1841, vol. i. pp. 311, 312. 


pink, alternated with white, running perpendicularly through it. 
Also of two others in Perpignan, of a much more sedate and re- 
spectable order, whose dresses were of a flowered print pattern, 
though quiet in tone. De Eochas further says that well-to-do 
Gypsies, though dressed like other citizens, still show their inborn 
taste for gay colours. On the whole, however, it may be said that 
the Gypsies of Catalonia are attired so much in the same fashion 
as the Gaujoes, that what attracts the eye to them is, in ninety- 
nine cases out of a hundred, not any peculiarity in the shape or 
colour of their dress, but the unmistakable hue of their tawny faces. 

These Catalan Gypsies are very thoroughbred, and seldom marry 
outside their caste. But, like their brethren everywhere, they are 
forgetting their mother tongue. Unless when speaking to the old 
people, their language is Catalan. (Frequently, of course, in speaking 
with non-Gypsies, they employ Castilian or French, according to the 
side of the Pyrenees to which they belong.) At fairs, or in any 
horse-dealing or other business matter, they will introduce much 
Romanes into their talk, so that the yadje present may not under- 
stand them. But the reason that a middle-aged Roussillon Gypsy 
gave me for the neglect of their own tongue was simply that the 
younger members did not know enough of it for a continuous con- 
versation. They speak of their language as Kcdo, but of course they 
also use the ordinary term, which I have heard them pronounce 
variously Romani, Rtimani, Romanes, Romanes, and Rdmanditch. 
Rom, or Rdm, of course signifies a Gypsy: otherwise Romanishel, 
Romnishel, or Romnitchel : also Kal6 J and Chavo. But although Horn 
is here, as everywhere, equivalent to " Gypsy " (and to " husband "), 
yet here, as Dr. Paspati tells us is the case in Turkey, the word is 
sometimes inaccurately applied to others. One young Catalan Gypsy, 
who, however, possessed only a fragmentary knowledge of the 
language, assured me that " a man " was either rom or gadjo, indiffer- 
ently ; and another enthusiastically informed me that a certain man 
(not a bit of a Gypsy, but a most accomplished scamp) was a latM 
rom, meaning thereby a brave homme. So that when De Rochas 
defined Rom as also signifying " man," he had doubtless been 
influenced by similar experiences ; although he elsewhere restricts It 
to its proper signification of " Gypsy " and " husband." But probably 
one might say of the Catalonian Romane, as Dr. Paspati says of their 
brethren in Turkey, that although they sometimes " extend the 

1 Besides being employed as above, and in the ordinary way as the adjective "black/ 
Kal6 also denotes "coffee." 


designation of rom to strangers," yet " the primitive signification of 
word is retained with a remarkable tenacity." 

The Gypsy population of Eoussillon is estimated at about 300 
persons, says De Eochas, while the Beziers colony numbers about 
100, and that of Toulouse sixty. In Narbonne there are only two or 
three families. Thus, including those of Bordeaux and Valence 
(whose numbers he does not give, but who are not likely numerous), 
we may assume the total number of Catalan Gypsies living north of 
the Pyrenees to be 500 or 600. Although the modern province of 
Catalonia, lying wholly in Spain, has always constituted nearly the 
whole of " Catalonia," De Eochas says nothing as to the size of its 
Gypsy population. The reason of this is no doubt that his experience 
were chiefly of French Catalonia. Nor can the present writer say 
anything noteworthy about those of Spanish Catalonia, since he only 
saw a few of them in the town of Gerona, and occasional stragglers 
on the French side of the borders. 

Like Paspati, De Eochas divides his Eoussillon Gypsies into two 
classes Sedentary and Nomadic ; " those who have a fixed domicile 
in towns, and those who go about in waggons, with their families, 
from village to village and from fair to fair." The former, he says, 
are the most numerous. In spite, however, of this division into two 
separate groups, he states in another place, when speaking of the 
Toulouse colony, that " like their brothers of Eoussillon, they frequent 
all the fairs within a radius of fifty leagues"; while the few families 
in Beziers " are still half-nomadic." These statements are not quite 
consistent. But the fact seems to be that no such line of demarca- 
tion can be drawn. If we except the families of wealthy educated 
Gypsies (of which there are examples in Perpignan, Beziers, Toulouse, 
and Lerida), and also those who are unfit to travel by reason of age 
or infirmity, it may be affirmed with some certainty that all those 
town-dwellers lead the nomadic life, in some cases without a break, 
during the greater part of the year. And that, on the other hand, 
the most if not all of them are house-dwellers during the incle- 
ment weather of winter. Indeed, the non-Gypsy nomads would 
appear to be more incessantly nomadic than the Gypsies. During a 
winter residence of some seven weeks in a French Catalonian village, 
I saw many nomads knife-grinders, tinkers, etc. but only two 
Gypsy families; and these, although travelling separately, were 
closely related, and occupied together the same house, situated in the 
little town of Le Boulou. There they hibernated, and only emerged 
at intervals for a brief waggon-trip, on the chance of getting some- 


thing to do. Indeed some members of the Toulouse colony (a 
delightfully cordial group) plainly told me that they only spend the 
winter months in town, during which time their waggons have been 
placed in winter-quarters ; but as soon as the weather allows of it 
out come the waggons, and away they go along the roads, to villages, 
farms, and fairs. This wandering life they greatly prefer. But to 
lead it in winter is impossible. For one thing, the law only allows 
them twenty-four hours in one place, as nomads, and this irksome 
enough in fine weather is more than irksome during severe cold. 
Moreover, they can get little enough work in the towns during winter, 
without attempting the country. The chief occupation of these Catalan 
Gypsies is clipping horses, mules, etc., and this they are not required 
to do in winter. Thus there is every inducement for them to spend 
the winter months in the towns, where, being then house-dwellers, 
they may live in one place as long as they like. 

In the above paragraph a passing reference has been made to the 
nomadic knife-grinders, tinkers, etc., of Catalonia, in contradistinction 
to Gypsies. It is a curious thing that these occupations, so much 
identified with Gypsies in other countries, should here be apparently 
quite dissociated from them. Metal-working, De Eochas tells us, is 
almost quite a lost art among the French Gitanos, and is in decadence 
even in Spain, although it was not so in former times. Several of 
those people whom I saw in Eoussillon were clearly not Gypsies ; 
and when I told the Gitanos that our English Gypsies often followed 
these callings, they were surprised and slightly amused. The almost 
exclusive occupation of the Catalan Gypsy is that of clipping and 
trimming horses, combined often with horse-dealing. 

It is as horse-dealers that certain Gitanos have attained to wealth 
a wealth sufficient to give a college education to their sons and to 
bring up their daughters as ladies and even the poorest Gitano is a 
horse-dealer when he has the chance. But the profession of esquila- 
ddr, tondeur (or, in Spanish Romanes), munrabaddr, is their main- 
stay, " horses, mules, donkeys or dogs, they are ready for all." * The 
humblest little tilted cart carries in it the large, heavy, but finely- 
adjusted shears, and the still more delicate instrument for close work 
round pastern and fetlock. In the towns, such as Toulouse and 
Perpignan (presumably also those of Catalonia proper), the Gypsies, 

1 However, when De Rochas, whom I have quoted, goes on to say, " What is there that 
the Gitano would not clip ? He would try to shave an egg," he makes rather a wide state- 
ment. When I asked one of them, who had just been showing me his instruments with 
evident pride, whether he was in the habit of shearing sheep, he repudiated the idea with 
astonishment, and with some slight indignation. 


cluster daily, and with great regularity, at well-known corners, where 
they may be found unless they have been secured for some piece of 
work any time between eight and five o'clock, excluding an hour or 
two for their midday meal. Those, of course, who by successful 
trafficking in horse-flesh rise to become capitalists do not work as 
esquiladores, although these are themselves horse-dealers when they 
get a chance. In addition to this twofold occupation, however, there 
are others which they follow. Sometimes, says De Eochas, they are 
" mountebanks, chiromancers, mesmerists, 1 and clairvoyants," palmis- 
try and clairvoyance being specially managed by the women. He 
qualifies this remark by further stating that although fortune-telling 
still flourishes in Spain, it is no longer permitted in French- Catalonia, 
though slyly prosecuted in the booths at fairs. He says nothing about 
begging ; but one of them, in descanting upon the delights of their 
open-air life in summer, remarked to me that one had nothing to do 
but idle about, as one's wife and children got by begging all one 
wanted. To these pleasing accomplishments the Gitanas add those of 
pilfering, 2 and of selling contraband goods. " They also sell dresses, 
shawls, and neckerchiefs." " Some young girls sing, accompanying 
themselves on the guitar. This gift of music and love of the guitar 
(remarks De Eochas) forms yet another feature distinguishing the 
Eoussillon Gypsies from the other natives." 

Besides these various forms of industry, roulette engages the 
attention of the men to a considerable extent, and probably pocket- 

1 The statement that mesmerism is still practised by Catalonian Gypsies is very interesting. 
Under the name of glamour, the mesmeric power was formerly associated with the Gypsies 
in Scotland. " Glamour " is defined by Sir Walter Scott as the " power of imposing on the 
eyesight of the spectators, so that the appearance of an object shall be totally different from 
the reality." And, in explanation of a reference to " the gypsies' glamour'd gang," in one of 
his ballads, he remarks: "Besides the prophetic powers ascribed to the Gypsies in most 
European countries, the Scottish peasants believe them possessed of the power of throwing 
upon bystanders a spell to fascinate their eyes and cause them to see the thing that is not. 
Thus, in the old ballad of ' Johnnie Faa,' the elopement of the Countess of Cassillis with a 
Gipsy leader is imputed to fascination 

' Sae soon as they saw her weel-faur'd face, 

They cast the glamour o'er her.' " 

And he relates an incident, told to him a long time previously, in which " a Gypsy exercised 
his glamour over a number of people at Haddington." He further remarks : " The jongleurs 
were also great professors of this mystery, which has in some degree descended, with their 
name, on the modern jugglers." (See note 2 M. to The Lay ; also pp. 277-8 of The Min- 
strelsy, Murray's reprint, 1869. ) 

Not only have British Gypsies been accused of "jugglery," but the Scotch Act of Parlia- 
ment of 1579 was directed against "the idle people calling themselves Egyptians, or any 
other that fancy themselves to have knowledge of prophecy, charming, or other abused 
sciences." It is tolerably clear that all this class of words-now obsolete, except in a poeti- 
cal sense such as "glamour," "enchantment," "spellbound," "a magic spell," "to be- 
witch," " to charm "were used to indicate the mesmeric influence ; as far back as Merlin's 
famous " charm of woven paces and of waving hands." 

2 This is stated by De Rochas, and it had been previously stated by a writer of the year 
18f:2 in describing the same Gypsy family. (See Simson's History, p. 87.) 


picking is not unknown among them. This I realised from some 
almost reverential references to English pickpockets as " very adroit," 
" tres forts" etc. (which were intended as indirect compliments to their 
English auditor, for what Eomani Eai' has not experienced that a 
knowledge of Eomanes infers an intimate acquaintance with " the 
seamy side " ?). This, and the roulette-table, as well as other Gypsy 
proclivities, naturally makes them the prey of the officers of the law. 
" Do you like the gendarmes ? " I asked of one of the shadiest of them 
all. " In the river" was his grim, response. However, it is but fair 
to add that a country Gypsy whom I sounded on this subject repudi- 
ated any feeling of dislike to the gendarmes, remarking that if one 
didn't " do anything " one had no cause to fear or dislike them. He 
had a very frank, honest face, this young Gypsy, and very likely 
stuck closely to his legitimate business of horse-trimming and horse- 
dealing. Nevertheless, Gypsy ideas of right and wrong are radically 
different, in some respects, from those recognised by the laws of 

And yet it is a mistake to suppose that the Gypsies of Spain, or 
indeed of Europe, do not share the religious beliefs common to Europe. 
In the seventeenth-century tale of Alonso, quoted by Borrow, we read 
of Gypsies praying to the saints (The Zincali, 1841, pp. 93-4). From 
these very Catalonian Gitanos M. Bataillard has received two Chris- 
tian legends (referred to on pp. 169, 170 of In Gypsy Tents). And, in 
Dr. De Eochas' account one reads how sacredly they observe All- 
Hallowtide and Christmas, at which latter time friends and relations 
separated all the year gather together to renew their friendship and 
to renounce all enmity. Mention is made, indeed, of one Gypsy who 
came from Barcelona to Perpignan at Christinas-time for no other 
reason than to be reconciled to his brother. These things testify, says 
De Eochas, to the existence of " religious sentiments that one would 
not have expected to find among people too often described as living 
without either faith or law." 

" The Catalan peasant, superstitious and rude, detests the Gitano, 
and believes him capable of bewitching and poisoning his live-stock. 
This latter imputation (continues De Eochas) is not as trifling as 
the other at least not as regards the past for the Spanish Gypsies 
had a name for the poison they administered to animals, which they 
called drao. 1 Some years ago a peasant belonging to the neighbour- 
hood of Perpignan stabbed a Gypsy to death on the mere suspicion 
that he had poisoned his pig." However little that particular Gypsy 

1 This word (variously inflected) is of course well known to other European Gypsies. 


had deserved bis pimishment, it is not improbable that the practice 
known in England also has not been wholly forgotten in Cata- 
lonia. At any rate I found that a reference to batttcho-drao elicited 
an interchange of looks, and the laughing remark that " he knows 
all about it." Whether or not they still find opportunities to dine 
off pork thus procured (for the poison is completely washed out 
before cooking), the Catalonian Gypsies, like others of their race, 
know how to appreciate baked hedgehog. Curiously enough, they 
do not seem to have a Roman! name for it, and the liotchiiuitchi 
of our Romano proved meaningless in their ears. And although 
snails are cooked in France by the gadje, yet some Gitauos whom 
I interrogated assured me they never use them as food. As for the 
word I got for " snail " on this occasion, it was obviously not Romanes. 
The man who offered me this word was a somewhat dangerous 
guide. He was unquestionably a most fluent speaker of Romanes ; 
but he was too clever. He not only, like his brother-Gypsies, could 
speak Catalan and French (or Spanish, when they are Spanish- 
Catalans), but he also knew Hungarian and Italian. He had 
travelled much, and in his travels he had gained a certain amount 
of education and polish, which raised him immensely above even 
his own brother, and which caused him to be regarded as a perfect 
savant by all his friends, as indeed he was. He could and did 
discourse with easy fluency upon " vagabondage," " the nomadic 
races," and "la vie de Boheme," like any philosopher. (And yet 
a more thorough knave one could hardly meet: his special weak- 
ness is roulette, and with prison interiors he is quite familiar.) 
One result, then, of all his experiences is that, while really a 
master of Romanes, he has added to his vocabulary various 
words that are not genuine. This appeared when he told me that 
the Romani word for a "snail" 'is shntk, and again when he in- 
sisted, in the teeth of his friends (who protested humbly), that 
pdnali is not the proper word for " brandy " (though that is the 
real Catalan-Romanes), but that it ought to be called Irantuina. 
And shnoofa, he said, was Romanes for " tobacco." 1 That he had 
picked up these German words (schnecke, branntwein, and schnupf) 
from some of his foreign friends is quite evident. He was ignorant 
of the language to which they really belonged, and hearing them 
used by Romane he had assumed they were Romanes. 

1 I afterwards obtained the true word, pronounced variously sAbalo and shtivalo, with 
which compare toovcdo (Smart and Crofton, p. 185), tchuvdlo (Jesina, p. 96) and tcuv&lo 
(Wlislocki, p. 124). 


One has always to guard against similar errors. I have had 
stimbrtro and tambien given to me as Komanes by French-Catalan 
Gypsies, who, themselves unacquainted with Castilian, had heard 
their trans-Pyrenean kindred use these words ; and so convinced 
were they that they were right, that on each occasion (for time, 
place, and people were different) it was necessary to appeal for 
support to Spanish Gitanos standing by. Probably there are several 
such errors in this dialect of the language. It is probable that 
De Bochas himself has taken a Catalan word as Komanes when 
he includes do (signifying " of " or " of the ") in his vocabulary. 
Certainly Catalan Gypsies are constantly using the word 
as in pindro do grai (a horse's hoof), ddi do gaf (the mayor of a 
town) ; but then, on the other hand, the word occurs in Catalan, 
and moreover the construction has not the Eomani cachet. 

The French-Gitano use of ddi, as in the preceding paragraph, 
is worthy of remark. As elsewhere, ddi is in Catalonia the Eomani 
for "mother." But not only do the French Gitanos make it do 
duty for mere, but it stands for maire as well, from the assonance 
of these two words. That the Gypsies of the French-Basque country 
have the same usage may be seen from Baudrimont's " baro day a" 
with the meaning of "magistrate." l 

And the word grdi, introduced above, is also worth referring to 
in its Catalonian aspect. In England it is the singular of " horse " 
(in the plural gram). According to De Eochas, " horse " is grast or 
gras in the singular, and grasts in the plural. The form grdi 
is not mentioned by him. But although I found that the usual 
singular form is grass, grast, grash, or graslit, yet I once heard ye 
grdi, and it seemed invariable that one ought to say v&riHtchi 2 
grdi for " several horses." Dr. Paspati says that grdi, as a singular 
noun, is known to the Sedentary division of the Turkish Gypsies, 
but that their almost invariable word is grast, gras, or gra. The 
Nomads use only grdi. 

To refer more particularly to the noteworthy features of the 
Catalan dialect is not within the limits of this paper. But it may 
be remarked that the guttural sounds decaying in England, where 
they are often represented by k, h, and sh are found here in their 
full vigour. DAVID MACEITCHIE. 

1 Conversely, both Michel and Baudrimont have raja for "mere" (although the latter 
has also da'ia). In tnese instances the word asked for must have been " mere," which 
the Gypsy interrogated had heard as " maire." 

2 Pastor Jesina's vocabulary is the only one in which I find this word (there spelt 
varekeci). It is cognate with vdreko or vdresn (any), vdrekdy (somewhere), etc. 




(The words in parentheses are roots or other forms given in Smart & Crofton's 
Dialect of the English Gypsies, London, 1875.) 

Abba, n., Haste. 

Bau&/ter6"va, v., / boast (kh guttural). 

Baufc/iere"ssa, You boast. 

BauWtereJa peski, He boasts. 

BauMado, part., Boasted. 
Baurodirus (for baurodairest), adj., 

Greatest (bauro). 

Bazengro, n., Shepherd (barsengri). 
Bengales, \ 

Binges, I adv., Wickedly (beng). 
Berigene"s, ) 

Bignomus, n., Beginning (begin-omus). 
Bisto, adv., Well (nristo). 
Boo"inova, v., / boast (boolno). 
Bo6tsering, part., Working (bodtsi). 
Bunnek, n., Grasp, hold (bdnnek). 

Chalavar, v., To bother, vex. 
Cham, v., Stop, halt. 
Charer, v., To stir. 

oc. pi., Friends, mates, 

. brothers (chooali, choobali). 
Chowali, J 

Cho<5velo, adj., Poo?' (chooVeno). 
Choromus, n., Thievery (chor). 
Choro, adj., Heavy. 

Dabus, n., A blow. Related to English 

slang dab, and Paspati's dap, tap, 


Didiis, He gave (del). 
Desiring, part., Praying. 
Dikd<5va, I saw. As if dik-ed-ova, I 

look-ed (dik). 

Diksome"ngri, Watchmen (dik). 
Dooieni, ) 

Do6ikani,| ad J-'^ co ^( do6 ' i )- 
Dosh, n., Wrong (doosh). 
Drdber, v., To physic, poison, drug 


Drabado, part., Poisoned. 

Eiavela, Understanding, lit. He under- 
stands (see Heia'voVa). 
Eezeno-ktfshters, ) n. pi., clothes-pegs 
Ee"zenghi kdshters, ) (e<$zaw). 

Glalenghi chorus, Previously ('glay). 
Godlieskro, n., Bell (godli). 
Gresta, n., Mare. 

Haure, n. pi., Pennies ; lit., Coppers 

Heiiiv6va, v. J understand (eiiivela). 

Heiaddm, I understood. 

Heiawela, He understands. 
Hetarova, ) x beat hit 
Hetavova, ) 

Hetavela, He hits. 
Hillarus, n., A hill. 
Hinova, v., Latin cacabo (hinder). 
Hodaw, inter]., Never mind. 
Hoiav, v., To vex (hoino). 
HoMtamangro, n., Toad (hdMter). 
Hdlava, n., Stocking (hoolavers). 
Holova^ri, n. pi. Stockings. 
Hdnjer, v., To scratch (hondj). 
Hdrov, v., To scratch. Pott ii. 167, 

Horovdva, J scratch. 

Horovela, He scratches. 

H6rov, n., A scratch. 

Horodo, part., Scratched. 

Horoddrn, I scratched. 

Jalomus, n., Walk (jal). 
Jinaser, v., to knoiv (jin). 

rei kek jinasered, The gentleman 

did not know. 

Jfnomus, n., Knowledge (jin). 
Jivomus, n., Life (jiv). 

Kairikeni, n. Housekeeper (kair). 
Kelimus, n., Business (ker). 
Karrotaari, n. pi., Carrots. 
Kater, prep., From ; Pasp., Katar 

Ka"ter yek kair kater waver, From 

one house to another. 
Ke"keno, adj., None. 
Kinasar lesti, Buy it (kin). 



Kitchem&kro, n., Innkceprr (Kitchcnui). 
Klfsinomlngro, n., Lock (Klisin). 
Koonya, n. pi., Knees ; Pasp., Kuni 


Ko<5ser, v., To clean (Kosher). 
Koosh, n. and v., Falsehood, to tell lies ; 

Pasp., Kushipe. 
Kodshlo, adj., Soft. Miklosich vi. 28, 

ktfslo, Smooth. 
Kutcheno, adj., Noble. 
Kutcheno, n., Hedgestake. 

Ladjtfva, v., J am ashamed (ladj). 

Ladjado, part., Ashamed. 

Ladjer ! For shame ! shocking ! 
Law, pron., Her. Pasp. la. 

Komde yon law, They loved her. 
Li, pron., She. Pott i. 242. 

Nanef po<5ri si-li, haw ? She is not 
old, is she ? 

Wdfedi rakli sas If, She was a bad 


Lubnes, adv., Like a harlot (lubni). 
Limdere'nghi R6mani-chals, London 

adj., False. 

j n., Constable (uiodshkero). 

Massom6ngri, n., Frying-pan (mas). 

Meera, n. pi. Miles (mee'a). 

Meino, My. English mine, Germ. 

Mindw, interj. Koordom d<5va gafro 

misht<5, mindw, 7 beat that man 

well, did I not? (Mi-naw, lit. 

me not}. 

Mo6vli, n., Candle (inumbli). 
Motsi ) 
Miitsi | n '' Skm 

Norodo, negat., No. 

'Too kedas les.' 'Ndrodo'; You 
did it. No, not I. 

Okaw, n. pi., Eyes (yok). 

Pallov / 

Pallova J prep> ' A f ier > behind (palla) * 
Pandomus, n., Sheepfold (pander). 
Passer, v., To trust, borroiv (pazer). 

Peer l 

p or | n., Stomach (per). 

Peker, v., To cook (pek). 
P6nesko-rom, Brother-in-law (pen). 

. Themselves. 

Pes, Himself. Pasp. Pes. 

Piromengro, n., Pedestrian (pfro). 

P6das, n. pi., Stairs (po6rdas). 

P6das chokha,, Slippers, shoes. 

Po6keromus, n., Story (po6ker). 

Poorenki 6ra, Secondhand watch (poo"ro). 

Pdorokones, adv., In the old manner 

Pocjtcher, v., To ask (pootch). 

Porder, v., To fill (pdrdo). 
Pordad6m, I filled. 

Posh koriroko, Wednesday, lit. Half- 
week ; cf. Germ. Mittwoch. 

P6sher, v., To halve, share, divide (posh). 

Pre"-omus, n., Height ('pre). 

Randjer, v., To scratch. Pasp. Khand- 

jiovava ; Liebich, randewawa. 
Ranshko, adj., Carroty, red. 
Batcher, v., To bleed (ratt). 
Raunikani -\ 

Raiinienikani ( adj., Lady-like (raiini). 
Raunieski ) 

Rfdder, v., To carry, bear (ri'gher). 
Ridder, v., To wear (rood, riv). 
Rfvopen ) 
Rfvomus \K; Clothes (nv). 

Ro6mus or Rdomes, adv., Gypsily 


Rod(5m, 7 cried \ , } 
Rote, They cried) ^ 
Ruzles, adv., Strongly (rodzlo). 

Sa, conj., If (sar). 
Salimusti kdva, A joke (sal). 
Sastere, n. pi., Irons, fetters (sdster). 
Shikeri, adj., Bad, spiteful. 
Shim, adj., Small, inferior. 

Shoonomus ) -* T , > s 
> n., News tshoon). 
Shoonopen ) 

Sid, adj., Quick (sig). 

Sfg-sig, Very quick (sig). 

Sigly, adv., Immediately (sig). 

Sis, Was (sas). 

Sme"ltini, n., Cream (smentini). 

So61omus, n., Oath (soloh61omus). 

Sodter, v., To sleep (so6ti). 

Spdngo, n., Match (spingher). 

Stanyengro } n., Stableman, groom 

Stanyamengro ) (stanya). 

Staromeskries, n. pi., Prisoners (sttirdo, 

staiiri, steriinus). 
Stdva, n., Prison. 


Stor, v., To feel. StoroVa, I feel ; Tilome'skro, n., Pothook (til). 

Stord<5m, I felt. Tinkaari, n. pi., Tinkers. 

Stdrenghi, Fourth (stor). Trineno, adj., Third (Trin). 
Stor, v., To arrest (staiiri). Pasp. asta- 

r ^ va Vart, v., To watch (vdrter). 

Tardader, Longer (tarder). 

Tarderimengro, n., Examiner (tarder). Yoger, v., To fire (a gun), (yog). 

Tasserme"ngro, n., Frying-pan (tatter). 

Tatchomus, n., Truth (tatcho). Zimmer, v., To paivn (sframer). 

Thinkasessa, You think 

Tiller, v., To hold (til). H. T. CROFTON. 



IT may well be a legitimate source of pride to all who belong to 
the Gypsy Lore Society that contemporary with it there ap- 
peared a work by our fellow-member the Archduke Josef of Austro- 
Hungary on the subject of the Eomany race and their language, 
which is of such marked excellence that it cannot fail to be read 
with deep interest by every philologist or student of anthropology. 
For, as its author was one of the first half-dozen who formed the 
Association, the appearance of such a work at such a time may be 
regarded as a curious coincidence perhaps, as " Gypsies," we may 
be allowed to consider it as a happy omen. 

This work, Czigany Nyehatan, or " The Gypsy Language," is the 
result of many years' personal experience among the wanderers, as 
well as of very extensive study of the " large literature " of " Eoman- 
ology." Hungary is, par Eminence, the land of Gypsies, and the 
Archduke is of all men the one best qualified to investigate them, 
being not only passionately aficionado to the race, but, as a matter 
of course, invested with that authority which is nowhere so loved 
and respected, when kindly exerted, as in the country of the 

That the Archduke is practically regarded as a living storehouse 
of Gypsy lore, appears from an assurance in the Pester Lloyd that 
when a Eom in Hungary is asked some question as to his race which 
he cannot answer, he replies, " We don't understand that now only 
the Archduke can answer that." On the same authority we are told 
that he employs Gypsies extensively on his estates, and, what no one 


will doubt who knows how to get on with such folk, finds them 
trustworthy and profitable. 

It is remarkable, but we have the best authority for the state- 
ment, that the Archduke, not being aware that scholars had preceded 
him in the discovery, after having studied for some time several 
Indian tongues, observed with some astonishment that Eomany had 
a marked likeness to Hindustani. This was when he was quite 
young. Since that time his reading has extended, as the book before 
me indicates, to a thorough knowledge of almost the entire literature 
of the subject. The work in question embraces a valuable grammar 
and vocabularies of the Hungarian Gypsy dialects, compared with 
ten or twelve Indian tongues. With this it gives a mass of historical 
information, and a critical bibliography which will be fully appre- 
ciated, not only by the Eomany Eye, but by every librarian. That 
the erudition displayed in the work should be extensive, or even well 
condensed and harmonised, is not so remarkable when we know that 
the author has the largest special library on his subject in the world, 
with learned professors to act as secretaries. But with all this there 
is evident on every page the oculus magistri, while the genial freshness 
and sagacity of what is manifestly original in the book show that 
its writer was the right man in the right place for his work. In one 
thing only is it to a certain degree wanting the account of English 
and American Gypsy literature, several books of comparative im- 
portance not being mentioned. But as French and German versions 
of the Czigdny Nyelvatan are to appear, it is to be hoped that this 
omission will be corrected in them. 

It is a great merit in the Eomany grammar given in this work 
that it is extremely clear and practical, giving few rules but many 
examples. We see in it throughout the hand of the true philological 
artist or scholar, and nowhere the weakness of the amateur. It will 
be welcome news to the Eomany-lorists that the author is now 
engaged on a Gypsy Dictionary, which, with its copious illustrations, 
will extend to 1000 folio pages. CHARLES G. LELAND. 

VOL. i. NO. i. 




1. Does Edmani signify Eoumanian ? 

2. What does chal mean ? 

3. In what countries is the term used by Gypsies ? 


As a cryptic ending this is often used by English Gypsies. 

1. Is it the same as -isdr, which is so frequently added to gaujo words by 

Danubian Gypsies to form verbs ? 

2. Is it merely cryptic, or what is its force 1 


As a substantival cryptic ending this is very commonly used by English 
Gypsies. It is also with them interchangeable with -open, -ipen, -open. It seems 
common also with Danubian Gypsies. Is it a relic of -ismus, or what is its 
etymology ? 



In " A Charter of Edward the Third confirming and enlarging the Privileges of 
St. Giles Fair, Winchester, A.D. 1349," edited by Dean Kitchin (London 1886), 
occurs this passage: "And the Justiciaries and the Treasurer of the Bishop of 
Wolvesey for the time being, and the Clerk of the Pleas, shall yearly receive four 
basons and ewers, by way of fee (as they have received them of old time) from 
those traders from foreign parts, called * Dynamitters,' who sell brazen vessels in 
the Fair (de illis Mercatoribus Alienigenis vocatis Mercatoribus Dynamitters qui 
vasa cenea in feria prcedida vendunt)." On which passage the learned Dean has 
the following note : " These foreigners were sellers, we are told, of brazen vessels 
of all kinds. The word may be connected with Dinant near Namur, where there 
was a great manufacture of Dinanderie, i.e. metal- work (chiefly in copper). A 
friend suggests Dinant-batteurs as the origin. Batteur was the proper title of 
these workers in metal. See Commines n. i., * une marchandise de ces ceuvres de 
cuivre, qu'on appelle Dinanderie, qui sont en effet pots et pesles.' " Students of 
M. Bataillard's treatises will at once recognise the possible significance of both 
passage and note. F. H. GROOME. 


"Dr. Solf has communicated to the Orientalische Gesellschaft of Berlin an 
interesting paper upon the peculiar organisation of the Gypsies in Germany, which 
contains many facts hitherto unknown to the general public. It appears that the 
Gypsies wandering through Germany are organised into three distinct ' tribes '- 


those of Old Prussia, New Prussia, and Hanover. 1 In one or other of these tribes 
each Gypsy is enrolled. Each tribe has its own banner and symbol. That of the 
Old Prussian tribe is a fir-tree upon a black and white ground ; that of the New 
Prussian tribe a birch-tree upon a green and white ground ; that of the Hanoverian 
tribe is a mulberry-tree upon a gold, blue, and white ground. A ' captain ' pre- 
sides over each tribe. He is elected for seven years. His powers are both regal 
and sacerdotal. He marries, divorces, excommunicates and reconciles those who 
have forfeited honours and privileges. He is also the keeper of the official seal, 
upon which a hedgehog is engraved a beast held as sacred by all the Gypsies. At 
great festivals of the tribe the captain always wears a crown a three-cornered hat, 
ornamented with silver tassels and a ribbon round his arm with the colours of the 
tribe. Nearly all the marriages are celebrated on Whitsunday. Great care is 
taken at present to avoid marriages between the degrees prohibited by the German 
law, although they are otherwise allowable by Gypsy custom and tradition. Adultery 
is exceedingly rare, and is punished with severity. The offending woman has her 
nose cut, and the man is shot in the knee or the elbow. The German Gypsies have 
a peculiar shyness of Protestantism. The children are baptized, and handsome 
presents are always expected from the god-parents. If a child is born while they 
are lodging near a village, they usually take him to the parish church for baptism. 
They wear no mourning at a death. Dr. Solf describes the Gypsy as ' full of piety.' 
The favourite colour, both with men and women, is green, which they regard as the 
colour of honour." Belfast Morning News, 24th May 1888. 


" A writer in a recent number of the JRussische Revue on the Syr Darya region, 
states that among the inhabitants are two tribes of Gypsies, the Masang and Ljuli. 
When and how they got into Central Asia is unknown, but it is believed that the 
Masang migrated from Turkey and the Ljuli from India. Both tribes speak 
Turkish and Persian, and are Mohammedans. The Masang are small traders and 
pedlars, wandering from town to town, and settlement to settlement, while the 
Ljuli lead a half-nomad life, living in winter in the settlements of other races, and 
in summer moving in the cultivated oases, with their possessions, from place to 
place. The children beg, dance, sing, and perform acrobatic feats ; the women tell 
fortunes, treat sickness, and are given to small rogueries. The whole of the Gypsies 
scattered over the region can scarcely number more than 500 or 600 families." 
Belfast News Letter, 21st May, 1888. 

That these Ljuli, Luli, or Liiri have inhabited the Syr Darya region for many 
generations, we know from an Arab writer (cited by Professor De Goeje), who 
states that they were there " during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries." The 
Luli, or Liiri, first appear in history in the fifth century of the Christian era, at 
which time a certain Indian king sent to the Persian monarch, Behram Gur, as 
many as 12,000 minstrels, male and female, of the race of the Luri. This we are 
told by Firdusi, in his Shah-Nama. At the present day the Persian Gypsies are 
known as Luri or Luti, and are regarded as the descendants of those immigrants 

i Siinson, in his History (p. 80), quotes a similar statement made by Dr. Wiessenburch, in the year 
1727, who "notices that in Hungary (?) the gangs assumed their names from the countries which they 
chiefly traversed, as the band of Upper Saxony, of Brandenburg, and so forth. They resented to 
extremity any attempt on the part of other Gypsies to intrude on their province." This quite accords 
with the accounts given by Simson and others with regard to the Gypsies of Scotland at that period ; 
and we read how "Will Marshall," the celebrated chief of the Galloway Gypsies, when attempting to 
extend his territory on the north-west, in the year 1712, was defeated by the tinkers of Argyle or Dum- 
barton, after a tough battle, in which several lives were lost. 


of the fifth century. The Lull of the Syr Darya region, therefore, are clearly 
descended from those of the same name inhabiting that district in the sixteenth 
century, who presumably were an offshoot from the main body in Persia. 


That John Bunyan was a Gypsy has never been clearly proved, but there is 
no doubt that he was a tinker (which is often the same thing). And the recently 
published warrant for his arrest, which describes him as " one John Bunnyon of 
ye said Towne [Bedford], Tynker," seems to indicate plainly that he was by occu- 
pation a tinker at the very period when he was engaged in preaching at Non- 
conformist conventicles. A precisely similar case in Scotland, and in the same 
century, is alluded to by Sir Walter Scott. In The Heart of Midlothian (ch. 
xlvii.), old David Deans, reverting to the Covenanting worthies of the seventeenth 
century, maintained " that many devout ministers and professors in times past had 
enjoyed downright revelation, like the blessed Peden, and Lundie, and Cameron, 
and Eenwick, and John Caird, the tinkler, wha entered into the secrets." In this 
instance the preacher was not only admittedly a " tinkler " (the Scotch term still 
applied to the nomadic caste), but his surname proves him to have come of a race 
of tinklers. For " caird " (being the Gaelic ceard, an artificer), is, or was, an every- 
day Scotch equivalent for " tinker " (which itself is the Cornish " tin-heard "). In 
course of time it attached to certain families as a surname, like Smith, Weaver, 
and a host of other names derived from special callings. In Scott's song, " Donald 
Caird 's come again," we see it in a state of transition ; for although this particular 
Donald receives the name as a surname, yet, as he was an undoubted caird, the 
word may also be regarded as a nickname, signifying " Tinker Donald." In the 
above case, however, this Covenanting tinker had evidently inherited " Caird " as 
a surname, otherwise the addition of " the tinkler " would not have been re- 

Is there anything further known regarding this man, and what is the source 
whence Scott drew his information ? D. MACRITCHIE. 


We know that as early as the fifteenth century the term " Egyptian " (now 
represented by the English "Gypsy," the Modern Greek "Gyphtos," and the 
Spanish "Gitano") was applied to the Eomane in various countries of Europe. 
These people themselves also styled their leaders by such titles as Lord and Earl 
of Egypt, or of Little Egypt. In addition to this, there is some reason to believe 
that certain localities distinguished as favourite Gypsy haunts received the name 
of " Egypt " on that account. 

Only two instances of this place-name have come under my notice. But if 
these " Egypts " have been so named because they were well-known Gypsy resorts, 
then it is not unlikely that other European examples may be found. 

Both of the places referred to are situated in Scotland. One of them forms a 
part of the southern outskirts of Edinburgh, and is thus referred to by the late 
James Grant in his description of the "District of the Burghmuir" (Old and New 


Edinburgh, vol. iii. ch. iv.) : "At the foot of Morningside the Powburn takes 
the singular name of the Jordan as it flows through a farm named Egypt, and 
other Scriptural names abound close by, such as Hebron Bank, Caanan Lodge, and 
Caanan Lane. By some the origin of these names has been attributed to Puritan 
times, by others to Gypsies, when the southern side of the Muir was open and 

Now it is almost quite certain that of all these " Scriptural names " that of 
" Egypt " is the only one that has been attached to this locality for more than two 
centuries, because whereas the farm of Egypt was so known in the title-deeds 
of the estate on which it stood as far back as a charter of the year 1652, the 
" Hebron Banks " are comparatively modern residences, certainly not of earlier 
date than the Georgian era, and probably all built within this century. That they 
were so named after the manner of Scott's Quaker, who transformed into " Mount 
Sharon " the " Sharing Knowe " of more profane associations, is quite likely ; 
but it may be safely affirmed that in the year 1652, when the farm bore the re- 
cognised designation of " Egypt," there was not a single street or villa on the 
adjoining portion of the Burgh Muir, then probably an " open and unenclosed " 
common. Indeed we have quite a modern illustration of how the pre-existing 
name of " Egypt " might suggest a host of similar names in later times, for 
within the last few years the farm has been cut up into suburban streets and 
villas, and over the site of the farmhouse itself runs the brand-new " Nile Grove." 

Of course when a place is designated "Egypt" in a title-deed of 1652 the 
presumption is that it had been so known for a considerable time before that date. 
Lawyers do not readily accept a recent name not to say a nickname as the 
correct designation of lands or heritages. But, in the absence of earlier documen- 
tary evidence, we cannot take for granted that the name goes further back than 
the seventeenth century. 

In this connection it is interesting to remember the quotation in Mr. Groome's 
In Gypsy Tents (p. 106) as to "how about 1623 Sir William Sinclair 'delivered 
ane Egyptian from the gibbet in the Burrow Moore [Burgh Muir], ready to be 
strangled, returning from Edinburgh to Roslin, upon which accoumpt the whole 
body of gypsies were, of old, accustomed to gather in the stanks of Roslin every 
year, where they acted seyerall plays, dureing the moneths of May and June.' " 
But as many Scotch " Egyptians " were at that period condemned to the gallows, 
and as a certain part of the Burghmuir was then " the Tyburn of Edinburgh," it 
cannot be assumed that this Gypsy of the year 1623 was inevitably one of those 
associated with this " Egypt." 

Still more doubtful, but worth noting, is the reference made in an Edinburgh 
trial of the year 1586 x to a certain Scotch lad who, "when about eight years of 
age, was taken away by ane Egyptian into Egypt, . . . where he remained twelve 
years, and then came home." But if the southern side of the Burgh Muir was 
called " Egypt " in 1586, as it was in 1652, this may only mean that this boy was 
kidnapped by some passing Gypsy, and that like the contemporary " Scholar 
Gypsy " of Oxford he had lived among these people for several years. 

Apart from such surmises, it seems tolerably clear that of these two traditions 
the correct one is that which alleges that this particular place received the name 
of " Egypt " because of its association with those " Egyptians " whom we now call 
" Gypsies." 

The other Scottish locality bearing the same name is situated in the parish of 
Farnell, in Forfarshire. It also is a farm. But whether any local tradition con- 
nects this " Egypt " with Gypsies, I do not know. 

Are there, then, any other European " Egypts " besides these two in Scotland ? 
Many instances could of course be furnished of places whose names announce 

1 Quoted by Scott in Introduction to the " Tale of Tamlane." 


them as the haunts of Gypsies, Tinkers, etc. But the purpose of this note is to 
learn whether there are other examples of places called Egypt in any of the 
countries of Europe ; and if so, whether they are associated with Gypsies. 




Two entries of^the year 1492, in the Accounts of the, Lord High Treasurer of 
Scotland, have been quoted as possibly bearing reference to Gypsies, both by Mr. 
Groome in his article in the Encyclopaedia Britannica, and also by Mr. Crofton 
in his first essay on the early annals of the English Gypsies. These entries refer 
to a King of " Kowmais " or " Eowmanis," whose messenger, bearing letters to and 
from James IV. of Scotland, was in that country during the month of July 1492. 
It has been clearly shown by Dr. Thomas Dickson, in his Preface to these 
Accounts (vol. i., Edinburgh, 1877, pp. cxii-cxxvi), that the personage here 
referred to was Maximilian, King of the Romans, with whom the King of Scotland 
was then in close alliance, chiefly for the purpose of checkmating Henry VII. of 
England by favouring the cause of Perkin Warbeck. Maximilian had been elected 
King of the Romans in 1486, and that was his most important title in 1492, 
although in the very next year he succeeded to the German empire through the 
death of his father. It is quite evident from Dr. Dickson's citations that this was 
the King of " Rowmanis " (as the Scotch spelling has it, or " Rowmais " in the 
contracted form) who thus figures in these Accounts ; and Mr. Crofton has conse- 
quently omitted him from his revised " Annals," now published in this number of 
the Society's Journal. 



" The death of the Gypsy Walter Cooper removes a well-known figure from the 
pedestrian crowd usually accompanying a meet of the Queen's Staghounds. Cooper 
is a frequent Gypsy name, and the clan, not too favourably known to the country 
gentry, numbers several families. The body was removed last week from the 
encampment on Datchet Common to the churchyard, being drawn on a car by a 
favourite mare. The animal was afterwards sacrificed to his manes. Fanciful 
Orientalists may perhaps be able to trace here a survival of the ancient Aryan 
offering of the horse, of which there is frequent mention in the ancient Sanscrit 
books." World, June 6, 1888. 



In an article headed "The Native Races of Gambia," in the Archceological 
Review (March 1887, p. 15), the seventh principal tribe is that of the Lowbeys, 
whose name has some resemblance, perhaps accidental, to that of Luri, or Luli, 
borne by the Gypsies in Persia, etc. 

The description given is as follows : 

" This race may be described as the Gypsies of North- West Africa, It is almost 
mpossible to get any certain information in regard to their history. They wander 


about from place to place, and none whom I have questioned have been able to tell 
me the part of Africa whence they originally came. I am informed (not by a 
Lowbey) that there is a tradition which assigns to them the land of Midian as their 
original country, and that they were cursed by Jethro for stealing cattle, and 
doomed to a wandering life. I am inclined, however, to regard this story as a 
modern invention, seeing that I have not yet discovered a Lowbey who ever heard 
of Jethro, Moses, or of the land of Midian. 

" They are a decidedly handsome race, bearing a stronger resemblance to the 
Foulahs than to any other people, though, as a rule, darker in colour. In all 
probability they were descended from the Foulahs, but, if so, it is curious that 
they should have completely changed their mode of life, the Foulahs being a 
pastoral and agricultural people, while the Lowbeys almost exclusively confine 
themselves to the making of the various wooden utensils in use by natives generally. 

" They settle temporarily with any tribe, but never intermarry with another race, 
thus preserving the type of feature which obviously separates them from their 
human surroundings. 

" In religion most of them are pagans, though a few profess the Mohammedan 
faith. They have no laws of their own, but are guided by those of the people 
amongst whom they are for the time being located. In case of war happening they 
very sensibly remove at once into a district where there is peace. Their language 
appears to be allied to the Foulah tongue, but they usually speak the language of 
the tribe with whom they are staying. The Foulahs are a well-known African 
race, and many travellers have noted their unusual lightness of complexion." 

The next number of the Journal will contain a notice of the Gypsy articles 
in the Ethnologische Mitleilungen aus Ungarn, edited by Professor Anthon 

NOTICE. All Contributions must be legibly written on one side only of the paper; 
must bear the sender's name and address, though not necessarily for publica- 
tion; and must be sent to DAVID MACRITCHIE, Esq., 4 Archibald Place, 
Edinburgh. A list of members, with addresses, will hereafter be opened, for 
purposes of inter-correspondence. 




VOL. I. OCTOBER 1888. No. 2. 


BY chance I became possessor of two works lately published in 
Eio de Janeiro, which furnished me with materials of the 
dialect in question. Their author is the prolific Brazilian writer 
Mello Moraes ; they have been published by B. L. Garcier, and bear 
the titles : Cancioneiro dos Ciganos, poesia popular dos Ciganos da 
Cidade Nova, 1885 ; Os Ciganos no Brazil, contribuiqao ethnographica, 
1886. The author gives in the first-mentioned work a Portuguese 
translation of a great number of Gypsy songs, and five stanzas in the 
original tongue ; in the latter an historical and statistical sketch, a 
number of translated songs, and a short glossary, which contains 253 
vocables of the Brazil- Gypsy dialect. 

My object being only to search into the linguistic materials, of 
which the author gives but a scanty supply, I will, first of all, 
examine his vocabulary with the view of pointing out the etymology 
of the Brazilian-Gypsy words ; but in doing so I will confine my 
examination to such words the etymology of which I can state 
decidedly, for they will afford sufficient and certain materials on 
which to base a disquisition on the concordance between the Brazil- 
Gypsy and other dialects. 

VOL. I. NO. II. J 




(A.) THE ORIGINAL SET OF WORDS which this Dialect has in common 
with the older Dialects. 

Acans, eyes ; Gr. yaka ; Sp. aguias ; 

Basq. aca. 
Acdva, this ; Gr. akavd ; from the same 

base are formed Sp. acoi, acallo, 

acalan; Basq. aca (cf. Ascoli Zig. 

A'gui, fire, sun ; Gr. yog ; Sp. yague ; 

Basq. yac, -a. 
Anal, name; Gr. nav, naf-, Sp. nao, 

Arachai, priest ; Gr. rashdi ; Sp. ara- 

jai, erajai. 

Aranin, lady ; Gr. rdnni ; Sp. erani. 
Arens, eggs ; Gr. vandd, vanro, arno, 

egg ; Sp. anro. 

Aron, meal ; Gr. vanro, varo ; Sp. roi. 
Aruvinhar, to weep ; Gr. rovava, ru- 

vava ; Sp. orabar, orobiar. 
Assanar, to laugh; Gr. asdva ; Sp. 

Avinhar, to come ; Gr. avava ; Sp. 

avillar, abillar, abillelar. 

Bales, hairs ; Gr. bal, hair ; Sp. bal ; 

Basq. balla, hairs. 

Balivaz, lard : the elements of this word 
are balo, hog ; and mas, meat, which 
both occur in Gr., whilst the compo- 
site itself is wanting ; but the Rm. 
uses balimas, balevas, balavas ; Sp. 
baleba ; Basq. balebas, balabas, -a. 

Baque, fate ; Gr. bakht ; Sp. baji. 

Bar, much : the true meaning may be 
" large " ; Gr., Sp., Basq. baro. 

Bengue, devil ; Gr. beng ; Sp. bengue, 
Basq. bee, -a. 

Boque, hunger ; Gr. bok ; Sp. boqui, 

Bravaldo, rich ; Gr. baravalo, barvalo ; 
Sp. balbalo. 

Brichindin,T&m', Gr. brishin, brishindo; 
Sp. brijinda ; Basq. birzindo. 

Bui, posteriors ; Gr. vul, bul ; Sp. bul. 

Buzecas, spurs; Gr. wanting; Hm.buzexa; 
Sp. espusifia (cf. Pott D. Zig. ii. 429). 

Cohen, food ; Gr. khabe ; Sp. jallipen. 
Gabipe, falsehood ; Gr. khokhamnibe, 
khokhaimbe ; Sp. jonjanipen. 

Gachucon, deaf; Gr. kashukd, kasuko; Sp. 

Caiar, to eat ; Gr. khdva ; Sp. jalar ; 

Basq. galitia. 

Caiardin, a black woman ; see the fol- 

Caiardon, a black man ; Gr. kaliardo, 
kaliardi ; /. participle of kaliarava ; 
Sp. gallardo. 

Calin, gypsy woman (cf. calon). 
Galon, gypsy man i.e. "a black" ; Gr. 
kalo (m.), kali (f.) ; Basq. talu, -a (m.). 
Cambelin, pregnant ; Gr. kabni, kamni ; 

Sp. cambri. 

Camelar, to wish, to love ; Gr. kamdma ; 
Sp. camelar, camblar ; Basq. acaba (?) 
Candelar, to stink ; Gr. kdndava ; from 
khan, kan and dava the verb is want- 
ing in the Sp.-G. dictionaries : (cf. 
Miklosich, M. W. vii. 78). 
Gangrina, gaol. The word may be re- 
ferred to the Gr. kangheri, church ; 
Sp. cangari, cangri, the notion of a 
solid edifice only having been retained. 
Gasnin, hen ; Gr. kahni, kaghni ; Sp. 

cani, canai ; Basq. kani. 
Caximbra, inn ; Sp. cachima ; Eng. 


Chavo, cousin (cf. chavon). 
Chavina, girl ; has been lately formed 
from chavon. The Gr. word is chdi, 
chei ; the Sp. chabi, chavi, chai. 
Chav6n, boy, son ; Gr. chavo, chav ; Sp. 

chabo, chabal ; Basq. chabo. 
Chibe, tongue ; Gr. chip, chib ; Sp. chipe. 
Ghidar, to throw ; Gr. chidava, from 
chiv + dava ; Sp. chibandar formed 
from chib (f. chibar, chibelar) + dar. 
Chor, thief ; Gr. chor ; Sp. choraro, 

chorui ; Basq. shor, -a. 
Ghoripen, theft ; Gr. choribe ; Sp. 


Chulon, thick, fat ; Gr. tulo ; Sp. chullo. 
Chundar, to hear ; Gr. shunava ; Sp. 


Ghurdar, to rob ; Gr. chorava ; Sp. 
chorar : I suppose that the word ought 
to be spelled chordar (cf. above, chor, 
choripen) ; the difference of the mean- 



ing separates it from churdav, " to 

throw," occurring in the Bohem.-G. 

Churin, knife ; Gr. churi, chori ; Sp. 

churi ; Basq. churi, chutri. 
Chuxans, breast ; Gr. chuchya ; Sp. 

chuchai ; Basq. tichia. 
Crivdo, godfather ; Gr. kirivo, kirvo, 

kivro ; Sp. quiribo. 
Crivin, godmother ; Gr. kirvi ; Sp. 


Cucdles, bones ; Gr. kokhala ; Sp. cocaU. 
Cucanin, liar (f.) ; Gr. kokhavni, kho- 

khamni ; Sp., cf. the verb jojabar. 

Dabans, dashes ; Gr., cf. tapdava, 
tavdava, I strike ; Em. dab ; in the 
Sp.-G. dictionaries the word is not 

Dai, mother ; Gr. dai, dei, tai ; Sp. 
dai ; Basq. dai, -a, rai, -a. 

Danes, teeth ; Gr. dand, tooth ; Sp. 
dans, dani. 

Daranon, fearful ; Gr. darano ; Sp. 

Despandinhar, to open; cf. Gr. pan- 
dava, I bind ; Sp. despandar, despan- 
delar, to unbind. 

Diclon, kerchief ; Gr., Sp. diklo. 

Diclunes, shawl : seems to be the plural 
of the former. 

Dinhar, to give ; Gr. dava, ptcp. dino ; 
Sp. dinar, dinelar ; Basq. deantsia. 

Dinilon, stupid ; Gr. dinilo, dilino ; 
Sp. dinelo, dililo ; Basq. dihilo. 

Diquinhar, to see ; Gr. dikava, dikhava ; 
Sp. dicar, dicabelar. 

Dirachin, M. translates it by noite, 
" night " ; but it must be taken as an 
adverb, "this night" a composite 
consisting of a demonstrative element 
cf. Hng., Bhin. ada, wanting in Gr., 
and rachin, night ; Gr. rat, night ; 
aratti, this night, rather than "by 
night " ; Sp. radii, night ; arachi, 
night by night ; Basq. latsi. 

Dron, way ; Gr. drom ; Sp. drun. 

Duvel, God; Gr. devel; Sp. debel; Basq. 

Duvela, the Mother of God ; lately 
formed from the form . 

Estade, hat; Gr. stadik; Sp. estache. 

Estardar, to catch; Gr. astarava; Sp. 

estardar, estardelar, to incarcerate. 
Estardipen, gaol, or rather imprisonment ; 

Gr. astaribe, catching; Sp. estaribel, 

estaripel; Basq. ostariben. 
Estardon, prisoner; Gr. astardo; Sp. 

estardo. The Gr. word is the par- 
ticiple of astarava, but the Br. and Sp. 

are not formed from estardar, but as 

already formed words taken over from 

an older form of the language. 
Gade, shirt; Gr. gad; Sp. gate; Basq. 

gate, gat, -a. 
Gajab, non-Gypsy man; Gr. gajo; Sp. 

gacho ; Basq. o-, gasho. 
Gajin, non-Gypsy women ; Gr. gaji ; Sp. 

gachi, cachi ; Basq. e-, gashi. 
Garadar, to hide; Gr. geravava; Sp. 

garabar, garabelar. 
Grai, horse; Gr. grast, gra, grai; Sp. 

grasto, gra; in Basq. there are krashni, 

-a, mare ; and brastano, rider, derived 

from a noun krasht or brast. 
Gruvinin, cow ; Gr. guruvni, gurumni ; 

Sp. gurni. 
Guiadar, to sing; Gr. gildbava; Sp. 

guillabar, guiabar ; Basq. kiliaotsia. 
Guipen, M. doce, "sweet," but the word 

means "sweetness," the u in guipen 

is supposed to be pronounced; Gr. 

gudlipe; in Sp. is found only gulo, 

Guldo, sugar, i.e. "sweet"; Gr. gudlo; 

guglo ; Sp. gulo, gule. 
Guru, bull; Gr. guruv ; Sp. gorui grui; 

Basq. gurro, guru, -a, 1 kari, -a. 

Jalar, to go; Gr. Java; Sp. chalar; 
Baudrimont gives sigo-shade = courir, 
which seems to mean "they ran fast." 

Ji,ndon, a wise man; Sp. chande, from 
the following. 

Janellar, to know ; Gr. janava ; Sp. 
chanar, chanelar. 

Jungalipen, ugliness ; in Gr. Paspati 
(p. 229) writes djungdliovava, voy. 
zungdlovava, but the latter is not 
found in his dictionary ; Hng. jungalo ; 
Bhm. jungalo. In the Sp.-G. diction- 
aries I could not find the correspond- 
ing word. 

Juquer, dog; Gr. jukel, zhukel; Sp. 
chuquel ; Basq. xakel, shukel. 

.' Guru, -a, is supposed to mean "bull," not "cow," as Baudrimont writes. 



Juvacanao, magician ; Gr. choveTchano, 
phantom ; Sp. wanting in the diction- 

Juvacanin, witch ; Gr. chovekhani, 
phantom ; Sp. chuacani, chuanjani ; 
Basq. choacani ; witch, not " magi- 
cian," as Baudrimont states. 

Juvinhar, to stay ; Gr. jivava, to live. 
In Spanish the verb is wanting ; cf. 
chibiben, life. I do not hesitate to 
class juvinhar and jivava together, for 
the labial v could cause the vowel i to 
be changed into u. 

Kambulin, sweetheart (cf. cambuWn). 
Kirai, cheese ; Gr. leered ; Sp. quira ; 

Basq. Jcial, -a. 
Kralis, king, wanting in Gr. ; comes 

from the Slavonian krali. This word 

occurs in the most of the Gypsy 

dialects ; thus, Sp. crally. 
Krangrin, church (cf. cangrina). 

Lachin, good (f.), the fern, of the follow- 

Lachon, god (m.) ; Gr. lacho (m.), lachi 
(f.) ; Sp. lacho ; Basq. lasho. 

Lacrin, girl ; Gr. rakli ; Sp. lacroi. 

Lacron, boy ; cf. the following. 

Lacurron, boy ; Gr. raklo ; Sp. lacro. 

Lajavo, ashamed (?) M. explains it as 
vergonha, " shame " ; Gr. lajavo ; cf. 
Sp. lacha, laya, shame. 

Lindre, sleep, slumber =Gr. lindr ; want- 
ing in all othejr dialects except the 
Horn., Hng., and Bhm. 

Lon, salt ; Gr., Sp., Basq'. Ion. 

Lubinin, whore ; Gr. lubni, lumni ; Sp. 
lumi, lumica ; Basq. luni, -a. 

Machon ) fish ; Gr. macho ; Sp. macho ; 

Maxon, ] Basq. masho. 

Manguinhar, to beg ; Gr. mangava ; 

Sp. mangar, mangelar. 
Mardador, murderer : a late formation 

from a verb mardar, which is to be 

referred to the Gr. marava, to beat ; 

Sp. marar, to kill. 
Marrdo, bread ; Gr. manro, marno, 

maro ; Sp. manro ; Basq. mandro. 
Maton, drunken ; Gr. matto ; Sp., Basq. 


Maz, meal ; Gr. mas ; Sp. maas ; Basq. 

Mensa, I, being the instrumental cause 
of me. Cf. Gr. mdnja, by me ; the 
Sp, uses the prepositional and accusa- 
tive cases for the nom. viz. menda, 
Merindin, funeral (?) is to be referred to 

the root mer ; cf. below. 
Migeque, bad, angry ; wanting in 
Gr. ; Bhm. mizhex ; Germ, mijax ; 
Scand. tnigcik (cf. Pott D. Zig. ii. 

Merinhar, to die ; Gr. merava ; Sp. 

Missaia, table ; Gr. mesali, handker- 
chief ; Sp. mensalle ; even in Hng. 
this word means " table." 

Mistoes, very well, rather well ; Gr. 
mishto, misto ; Sp. misto ; the Br. 
word looks as an adverb. 

Mor, wine ; Gr. mol ; the word is want- 
ing in Sp. ; Miklosich M. W. viii. 17, 
compares Sp. woZar, mole, amolelar, 

Mui, face ; Gr. mui, face, mouth ; Sp. 
mui ; Basq. muil. 

Muladar, to kill ; is apparently a new 
formation, the base of which is mulon, 

Mulon, dead ; Gr. mulo, molo ; Sp. 

Mutrinhar, to make j water ; Gr. mu- 
trava ; Sp. mutrar. 

Nabasndo, cock; Gr. bashno, basno ; Sp. 
basno ; in Brazil basndo is said to 
mean " cup " or " saucer," perhaps by 
an error of the compiler. 

Nachaddo, poor, lost ; not formed from 
the verb nachadar, but the Br. equi- 
valent for the Gr. nashavdo ; Bhm. 
nashado, which for their part are par- 
ticiples of nashavava. 

Nachadar, to become poor, to be lost ; 
so explains M., but probably the verb 
is transitive, and means "to lose"; Gr. 
nashavava; Sp. nachabar, nachabelar, 
to lose. 

Nachinhar, to fly ; Gr. nashava ; Sp. 
nachar, nacharar^to depart. 

Nagualao, sick, ill; Gr. nasvalo, nas- 
falo ; Sp. nasalo. 

NaTci, ) nose ; Gr. naJc ; Sp. naqui, 

Naque, ) nacri. 



Paguerdar, to break ; Gr. pangava, but 
Bohm. pagerav ; Germ, pager a? a ; in 
Sp. the verb is not found. 

Panin, water ; Gr. pani ; Sp. pani, 
pani ; Basq. pani. 

Papiris, paper ; Bohem. papiris, from 
the German Papier. 

Parnon, white ; Gr. parno. 

Parrudar, to change ; Gr. paruvava, 
Bohem. parudav ; Sp. purrubar, par- 

miss, young lady, that is 
honourable (f.) ; Rm. pa- 

Paxivalin, I t'ivalo, honest ; Sp. 

Pachivalin, \ pachibalo (m.) from the 
Gr. verb pakjava ; Sp. 

Pelens, testicles ; Gr., Sp. pele. 

Pendar, to say, to explain ; Gr. penava ; 
Sp. penar, penelar. 

Perin, pot ; Gr. piri ; Sp. pirri, pirria. 

Perrengues,feet, M.; but the true mean- 
ing of that word may be " trousers," 
a derivative from the unknown Br. 
equivalent of the Gr., Sp. pindo, pinro. 

Piar, to drink ; Gr. piava ; Sp. inyar. 

Pla, brother ; Gr. pral, plal ; Sp. plal. 

Puron, old ; Gr. puro, phuro ; Sp., Basq. 

Puz, earth ; Gr. phuv ; Sp. pu. 

Querdar, to make ; Gr. kerava ; Sp. 

querar, querelar. 
Quiligin, key ; Gr. klidi, kilidi ; Sp. 

Quiraz, cheese ; cf. kirai. 

Raty, blood ; Gr. ratt ; Sp. arate, rati ; 
Basq. lat, -a. 

Requerdar, to speak ; Gr. vakerava, 

vrakerava ; Sp. araquerar. 
Requerdipen, eloquence ; Gr. vrakeribe, 


Roe, spoon ; Gr. roy ; Sp. rolli, roin. 
Ron, man ; Gr. rom ; Sp. rom, ro. 
Runin, woman ; Gr. romni ; Sp. romi. 

Sastre, iron ; Gr. shastir, sastir ; Sp. sa ; 

Basq. sast, -a. 
Sillas, powers ; wanting in Gr. ; Sp. 

sila ; from the Slavonian sila. 
Sunacai, gold ; Gr. sovnakai, somnakai ; 

Sp. sonacai, socanai. 
Suvinhar, to sleep ; Gr, sovava ; Sp. 

sobar, sobelar ; Basq. soaotsia. 

Tirdques, shoes ; Gr. triak ; Germ. 

tirax ; Sp. tirajai ; Basq. tiak. 
Trup, body ; Rm. trupo ; Sp. trupo ; 

from the Slavonian trupu. 
Tunsa, thou ; cf. mensa ; Gr. tu ; Sp. 

tun, tu, tut, tucue. 

Urai, sir, king ; Gr. rai ; Sp. eray, 

elay ; Basq. lay, -a. 
Urdar, to clothe ; Gr. uriava ; Sp. not 

found in the dictionaries. 

Vdze-s, hands, fingers ; Gr. vast ; Sp. 
bast ; Basq. bast, -a. 

Xaron, dish, bowl ; Gr. charo, plate ; 

Sp. wanting. 
Xinorron, little, small ; Gr. tiknoro ; 

chinorre, tizuino, tcino. 
Xores, beard ; Gr. chor, jor ; Sp. chon. 1 
Xuti, milk ; Gr. tud ; Sp. chuti, sut ; 

Basq. sut, -a. 

(.) The words which the Brazilian dialect has in common with the 
Spanish dialect alone are not very numerous ; it will be sufficient 
to give a few instances of them : 

Br. bata, mother ; Sp. bata. 
Br. bato, father ; Sp. bato. 
Br. buchardon, shooting, clap ; 
bucharar, to throw, to shoot. 

Br. busnon, black ; cf. Sp. busno, wild. 
Br. cascando, poor ; Sp. carcani. 
cf. Sp. Br. chinon, officer; Sp. chinobaro = G 
baro, governor. 

The Basque equivalents adjoined in the list (A) will show clearly, 
I think, that there is no nearer connection between the Portuguese 

cf. chore ro, barber ; all the Sp.-G. dictionaries write chon, not cfwr. 


(Brazilian) and the Basque-Gypsy dialect than between this and 
that of the Spanish Gypsies. Looking on that as a settled thing, 
I shall go on to point out the peculiarities in phonology and forma- 
tion of themes which are common to the Spanish and the Brazilian 
Gypsy dialects (leaving aside the Basque), and which distinguish 
them from all others; and those which, belonging only to one of 
the two dialects, separate them from each other. 


Moraes, in writing the Gypsy words, avails himself of the Portu- 
guese alphabet, to which he adds Je, and the y, h, and / of which he 
uses nowhere. Even the Spanish Gypsiologists apply the orthography 
of their vernacular to the Eomany. I cannot decide if the Spanish 
and Portuguese alphabets are quite fit to express the very sound of 
the Gypsy words, but I suppose that they are, because the pronuncia- 
tion of almost all the Gypsy dialects follows rather accurately that of 
the vernacular of the country they are spoken in. Whether there is 
a difference in the pronunciation of Moraes' ch and x, of his c and Jc, 
k and qu, I am not able to decide. I have therefore thought it best 
to retain in writing the manner of spelling adopted by him. 


Moraes marks out the accent only in a few words, viz. acdva, 
baltinas, cabtn, caddns, clwripdn, chucd, cucdles, ddnes, estdde, gdde, 
guipdn, jungalipdn, peUns, pi&gas, tirdques, vdzes, and the numerous 
adjectives in 6n, in; all which instances prove that the rules of 
accentuation are generally the same as in Portuguese. In the Spanish 
dialect the original Gypsy nouns, even if they end in vowels, bear the 
accent on the last syllable ; in the Brazilian dialect there are very few 
nouns which end in a vowel, except such as affix an inorganic e, viz. 
boqve, chibe, gdde, tongue, etc. 


Like the Spanish dialect, the Brazilian is fond of prefixing a vowel 
to words whose first consonant is r. In the selection of the vowel 
which precedes that consonant, the two dialects do not agree with 
one another ; the Spanish using always a or e, the Brazilian a and 
sometimes u. Thus : 

Br. Sp. Gr. 

arachai arachai, erachai rashai 

aranin , erani ranni 

urai erai rai 


Sometimes one of the dialects has no prefixed vowel, where the 
other has ; thus : 

Br. Sp. Gr. 

anal nao nav 

requerdas araquerar 

As a general rule, in the Spanish and the Brazilian dialects, e is 
prefixed to words commencing \vith st, according to the custom of the 
Spanish and the Portuguese languages ; thus : 

Br. Sp. Gr. 

estade estache stadik 

estardar estardar astarava l 

estardipe estaribel astaribe 

estardon estardo astardo 

The Br. dialect substitutes the older i t o still retained in the Sp. by 
e, u : thus : 

Br. Sp. Gr. 

perin piri piri 

perrengues pinro pinro 

churdar chorar chorava 

cucanin jojabar Jcholchavno 

runin romi romni 

a peculiarity resulting from the dull pronunciation of i, o in Portu- 
guese, in unaccented syllables. 

The labial v is of great influence to the preceding vowel, which 
becomes in many instances u ; thus : 

Br. Sp. Gr. 

duvel debel devel 2 

aruvinhar orabar rovava 

juvinhar hib jivava 

sunacai sonacai sovnacai 

That influence is sensible even in the Spanish dialect in such 
instances as chuanjani, chuacani ; Br. juvacanin ; but Gr. choveJchani. 

There are no prominent peculiarities in the vocalism which might 
distinguish the Brazilian and Spanish dialects from the whole set of 
the others. 


As in the Spanish dialect, there are no aspirates in the Brazilian 
at least these are not expressed in writing, and it is very probable 
that they have disappeared in these as in so many other dialects. 
Even the Greek dialect seldom retains the original aspirate, while in 

1 The a of the first syllable being prefixed. 

2 Even in the Basque and English Gypsy dialects, the form of this word is dubel, 
doubelle ; duvel. 


the Hng. the aspirates freely interchange with the tenues. The only 
Bhm. dialect is rather consequent in discerning the two series of con- 
sonants, and therefore we must refer to it concerning the late tenues 
of the Sp. and Br. dialects, thus : 

Br. Sp. Gr. Bhm. 

candelar ... Jcandava khandav 

paguerdar ... pagerav phagerav 

panguinha/r pandar pandava phandav 

pendar penar penava phenav 

puron puro puro, phuro phuro 

puz pu phuv 

Even the sound x, common to the older Gypsy dialects, though 
non-original, is absent from the Br. dialect ; whilst the Sp., in con- 
formity with the Spanish language itself, retains it in all instances. 
The Br. dialect, as a rule, substitutes k, c, qu, thus : 

Br. cf. Sp. Gr. 

cucanin jojabar khokhavni 

caben jallipen khabe 

cabipe jonjanipen khokhamnibe 

baque baji bakht 

and so on. Where the Spanish dialect has/ (x) instead of the old sh, 
the Brazilian retains the latter : Br. cachucon ; Sp. cajuco ; Gr. 

Gr. seems to have been substituted for d in Br. panguinhar, to 
bind ; Sp. pandar ; Gr. pandava (we might have expected pandinhar). 

The consonant ch corresponds generally with Spanish ch, whether 
this be original or peculiar only to the Spanish dialect, thus : 

Br. Sp. Gr. 

chuxans chuchai chuchia 

chundar chunar shunava 

arachai arachai rasliai 

chulon chullo tulo 

Br. ch corresponds with Sp. j, Gr. sh, in Br. cachucon ; Sp. cajuco ; 
Gr. kashuko. 

The consonant x corresponds with the Sp. ch in every case : 

Br - 

Gr. Rm. 

xaron (?) charo 

xdres c hon c hor 

xinorron chinorre tiknoro 

xuti chuti tud 

paxivalin pachibali pat'ivali 

1 The Sanscritic equivalents being gandha, bhanj, bandh, bhan, vriddha, bhtimi. 


The consonant j stands in lieu of an original j (df), the Spanish 
equivalent of which is ch : 

Br. Sp. Gr. 

jalar chalar Java 

janellar chanelar janava 

gajao gacho gajo 

The consonant nh occurs very seldom ; Ih is never written. 
The original d is often retained where the Spanish dialect has 
changed it to t or ch : 

Br. Sp. Gr. 

gade gate gad 

estade estache stadik 

The consonant n is in some instances the substitute of an original 
(and Sp.) m. Thus : 

Br. Sp. Gr. 

ron rom rom 

runin romi romni 

In one instance the m, even in the Spanish dialect, has undergone 
this change : 

Br. Sp. Gr. 

dron drun drom 

Often the Br. n corresponds with Sp. n. 



















L and r in both dialects interchange sometimes with one another 
thus : 

Br. Sp. Gr. 

cambelin cambri kamli 

juquer chuqud jukel 

mdr mol mol 

bravalao balbalo barvalo 

and with I, r, of the older dialects : 

Br. Sp. Gr. 

pla. plot. pral. 

lacrdn lacro raklo 

lacri lacroi rakli 


The softened Ih (T) is never met with, and the Sp. //, represented 
merely by I, where it has not altogether disappeared, thus : 

Br. Sp. Gr. Slavon. 

Icralis crally ... krali 

chulon chullo tulo 

missaia inensalle mesali 

guiadar guillabar gildbava 

guipen (?) gudlipen 

In some instances the Spanish dialect has //, where it is absent in 
the older dialects, and even in the Brazilian, thus : 

Br. Sp. Gr. 

roe rolli roy 

Peculiar to the Brazilian dialect is the final I in anal, name; 
Sp. nao ; Gr. nav. 

The z, occurring only in a few words, is mostly a mere com- 
pendium scripturae for s ; thus, in balivaz and maz (cf. the list A). 

The final z in puz, earth ; Sp. pu ; Gr. phuv ; and in quiraz, cheese ; 
Sp. quira ; Gr. Jceral, is peculiar to the Brazilian dialect. 

In the labial class there is a change between b and v to be observed, 
the I prevailing in the Spanish, the v in the Brazilian dialect, thus : 

Br. Sp. Gr. Rni. 

vazes bast vast 

paxivalin pachibali ... pat'ivali 

balivaz baleba 

barvaldo balbalo barvalo 

crivao quiribo Jcirivo 

This difference in pronunciation is the same as that which is 
found even between the Spanish and the Portuguese vernaculars. 

On the whole, the Brazilian dialect has retained the original 
vowels and consonants in some instances, where the Spanish dialect 
has omitted, confused, or blended them together : such instances are : 

Br. Sp. Gr. 

gurumnin gurni guruvni 

guru grui guruv 

juvacanin chuacani chovekhani 

lubinin lumi lubni 

naqualao nasalo nasfalo 

aron roi varo 

In a few others the Spanish has the more original form ; thus it 



has retained the group nr, while not only the Brazilian but most of 
the other dialects have it changed to r, thus : 


arens (pi.) 





The other dialects affording : Em. aro, ponro, piro ; Hng. yaro,pindro> 
pro ; Bhm. yarro, pro ; Germ, yarro, plro ; Pol. Kuss. yarzho, piro, etc. 


The old themes of nouns formed in o masc., i fern., still preserved 
in the Spanish, have undergone a change in the Brazilian dialect, 
where they either 

( 1 ) lost their final vowel, as : 



naque, naki 





or (2) added an n to the vowel of the theme, as 











or (3) the o changed into the nasal 



A few feminine nouns have added the Portuguese theme suffix a, 

Br. Sp. Gr. 

cangrina cangri kangeri 

chavina chabi chai 
duvela, from the masc. duvel 

A number of themes, which in the older dialects end in a con- 
sonant, in the Brazilian, as in the Spanish, end in e, thus 









In the formation of verbal themes the Brazilian dialect dis- 
plays its special characteristics ; they are for the most part formed 
by the suffix inh, which in the older dialects is almost exclusively 
joined to roots borrowed from European languages (cf. Miklosich M. 
W. x. 1179 f.). Examples of these are : 

Br. Sp. Gr. 

manguinkar mangar mangava 

mutrinhar mutrar mutrava 

aruvinhar orabar rovava 

nachinhar nachar nashava 

despandinhar despandar pandava 

diquinhar dicar dikhava 

dinhar dinar dava 

merinhar merar merava 

(2) In I or el, as in the Spanish dialect. 

Br. Sp. Gr. 

caiar, instead of calhar jalar Jchava 

camelar camblar kamama 

jalar chalar . Java 

janellar chanelar janava 

(3) Composites with da. These are more numerous than in any 
other dialect, thus : 

Br. Sp. Gr. Bhm. 

chidar chibar chidava chivav 

chundar chunar shunava shunav 

churdar chorar chorava chorav 

estardar estardar astarava astarav 

garadar garabar yeravava garuvav 

guiadar guillabar giliavava gil'avav 

paguerdar (?) ... pagerav 

parrudar purrubar paruvava parudav 

requerdar araquerar vakerava vakerav 

and so on. Such forms as estardon, etc., are not participles formed 
from estardar, etc., for they would be estardino, etc. ; but older parti- 
ciples formed from the simple verbs, and taken over into the new 
form of the dialect. 


As specimens of the Brazilian-Gypsy language, Moraes supplies a 
few verses, with their translation, viz. : 

i. ii. 

De nienga dae te jalaste . Quando, 6 dae, tu merinhaste 
deste gau tao cachardin ! menga tambem merinhou, 

manguella ao duvel por menga em tanto nachadipein 

que simo tac nachadin. de menga tudo jalou. 



bato, tu merinhaste Quern se cimar nachadon 

tao chinurrao eu fiquei ! nao requerde cime dar 

raanguella ao duvel por menga, que o ron quidon requerdando 

que por tuga eu manguinhei ! . dinhao dabans a niardar. 


Te camellava runin 
simando bar nachadon 
s<5 o teu babanipen 
me querdava bravalon. 1 

From these specimens it is evident that the Brazilian dialect, like 
the Spanish, having lost the original declension and conjugation, uses 
instead of it that of the vernacular. Whilst the Spanish dialect has 
retained the old possessive pronouns, viz. : minrio, my ; tiro, thy ; 
desquero, his (cf. Gr. leskero), etc., that of Brazil uses de menpa, of 
me ; thus : de menga dde, my mother (i.) ; de menga tudo, all what is 
mine (n.) ; and the Portuguese possessive pronoun, instead of the 
Gypsy, occurs in o teu babanipen, thy beauty (v.). The Gypsy per- 
sonal pronouns are in many instances (in these examples) supplanted 
by the Portuguese words, thus : te jalaste, tibi iisti [cf. in the Slovak- 
Gypsy sub-dialect me mange phirava, ego mihi ibo, and ja tuke, 
i tibi] (i.) ; quando 6 dde tu merinhaste, when thou diedst, mother 
(IT.) ; o bato, tu merinhaste, father, thou diedst (m.) ; tao chinurrao 
eu fiquei, so wretched I remained (ill.) ; te camellava runin, a woman 
loved thee (v.) ; o teu babanipen me querdava bravaldn, thy beauty 
may make me happy (v.), etc. Instances of verbal forms are 
jalaste, thou wentst (i.) ; manguSlla, pray ! (i.) ; simo [Moraes trans- 
lates it by fiquei, " I remained." I am in doubt about the meaning of 
that word] (i.) ; merinhaste, thou diedst (n.) ; merinhou, I died (n.) ; 
jalou, I went (?) (n.) ; manguinhei, I prayed (in.) ; and so on. These 
few instances will sufficiently prove what I said above about the 
manner of conjugating. 

1 The following is the translation of these verses : The first two, in which a daughter is 
addressing her departed mother, may be Englished thus : " My mother, thou hast gone from 
the world mournful ! Pray to God for me, who remain without a protector. When thou 
diedst, mother, I too died, into such a forlorn condition have I wholly gone." The third 
verse, of a similar nature, is spoken by a son to his departed father : " O father, thou diedst ; 
I was left such a little child. Pray to God for me, for I have prayed for thee." The fourth 
verse goes thus " He who does not admit his ill-fortune fears that the unlucky man, when 
he has admitted his bad luck, will be beaten to death " (or, according to a freer translation 
given by Moraes, "will be regarded as beaten for ever"). The last verse is this: "I 
desired thee, woman, although I myself am ugly. I know thy beauty wr.uld make me 



The Gypsy dialect of Brazil has a near connection with that ol 
Spain, as is demonstrated by the following peculiarities which they 
have in common : 

(a) They possess a set of vocables neither belonging to the other 
Gypsy dialects, nor borrowed, as far as I can decide, from the 
Spanish or Portuguese vernaculars. 

(&) They are without aspirate consonants. 

(c) They agree with one another in forming verbal themes in I 
and el. 

(d) They are both destitute of the original declensions of nouns 
and verbs. 

The Brazilian and the Spanish Gypsy dialects differ from one 
another in, the following points : 

(a) The set of sounds is different in each of them, and the pro- 
nunciation not less different than that of the Portuguese and the 
Spanish languages themselves. 

(&) The Brazilian dialect has in many cases preserved the more 
original forms of words, whilst the Spanish dialect affords more 
corrupted ones. 

(c) The dialect of Brazil shows a preference for forming verbal 
themes in ink or by composition with da, so that the themes formed 
in this manner have nearly displaced all others. 

As all the points of agreement between the Brazilian and Spanish 
forms of Gypsy speech do not seem to be so important as to neces- 
sitate us to declare that one of them must be a sub-dialect of the 
other, they both are on the same degree of decay. They are spoken 
in countries, the vernaculars of which are offsprings of one and the 
same language, and have therefore influenced the speech of the 
Gypsies in almost the same manner ; the usual frequent intercourse 
of the Gypsies of neighbouring countries could bring their dialects 
nearer to one another, and so on. On the other hand, the differences 
of the Brazilian and the Spanish Gypsy forms of speech, particularly 
those points of difference which I mentioned above (sub &), are suffi- 
cient to justify us in claiming for the language of the Brazilian 
Gypsies the rank of an independent dialect. 




[Extracted from the Indian Antiquary, 1886-87.] 

ME. LELAND has made a happy suggestion that the original 
Gypsies may have been Doms of India. 1 He points out that 
Romany is almost letter for letter the same as Domani, the plural of 
Dom? Domani is the plural form in the Bhoj'purl dialect of the 
Bihari language. It was originally a genitive plural; so that 
Romany-Eye, " a Gypsy gentleman," may be well compared with the 
Bhoj'puri Domani rdy (Skr. Domdndm rdjd), " a king of the Doms." 
The Bhqfpuri-speaking Doms are a famous race, and they have many 
points of resemblance with the Gypsies of Europe. Thus, they are 
darker in complexion than the surrounding Biharis; are great thieves; 
live by hunting, dancing, and telling fortunes ; their women have a 
reputation for making love-philtres and medicines to procure abor- 
tion ; they keep fowls (which no orthodox Hindu will do), and are 
said to eat carrion. They are also great musicians and horsemen. 

Mr. Fleet has drawn my attention to a South-Indian inscription 
given in the Ind. Ant. vol. xi. p. 9 ff., in line 50 of which a certain 
Domma is mentioned. On p. 10 of the same volume, Mr. Fleet says, 
with reference to him, " In connection with him (Eudradeva), the first 
record in this inscription is that he subdued a certain Domma, whose 
strength evidently lay in his cavalry. No clue is given as to who 
Domma was ; but as doma, domba, or dama, is the name of ' a 
despised mixed caste/ he may have been the leader of some abori- 
ginal tribe, which had not then lost all its power." If this conjecture 
is true, it would show that the Doms extended over the greater part 
of India, and in some places possessed considerable power. 

But the resemblance of the Bhoj'puri and Gypsy dialects is not 
confined to a similarity of name. The Gypsy grammar is closely 
connected with Bhqj'puri, or with its original Apabhraihsa Magadhi 
Prakrit, thus : 

Gypsy. Bhqj'puri. Magadhi Prakrit. 

Nom. Rom Dom 

Obi. Sing. Homes Dom Dornassa or^v 

Domas Vj 

( Doman D6inannam ) 

ObLPlur. Rom6n { 

Nom. kalo, ' black ' kala 

1 See Tlie Gypsies, Boston, 1882, pp. 333-335. Also The Original Gypsies and their 
Language, Vienna, 1888. 

2 This resemblance is not apparent to non-Orientalists, but the symbols d and r expressed 
originally the same sound. [ED.] 



Gypsy. Bhoj'pftri. 

Obi kale 1 kale 

Genitive termina- 
tion of Nouns 

and Pronouns koro kar 

3rd sing. pres. lela, ' he takes ' lela 

3rd sing past lelas, ' he was taking ' lelas 

1st sing. fut. jav, ' I will go ' jab (or jaba) 

Past part. gelo, ' gone ' gel (or gela) 

1st sing. fut. kama kerava, 'I will do' karab (or karaba) 

Infinitive kerava, ' to do ' karab (or karaba) 

These examples might be continued at great length, but the above 
is sufficient to show the close grammatical connection between the two 
languages. The vocabularies possess even more numerous points of 
resemblance, which will be evident to any one comparing the two. 
The following mongrel half-Gypsy, half-English rhyme, taken from 
Borrow, will show the extraordinary similarity of the two voca- 
bularies : 

BJwj'puri, . 

. The Eye 

he mores adrey the wesh 
hunts within wood 
mare andal bes' (Pers. besh) 

Bhoj'puri, . 

. The kaun-engro 
ear-fellow (hare) 



BUfpQfft, . 

. You sovs with 



the wesh 

Bhqj'puri, . 

. And rigs for 



sack (game-bag) 

Bhdfpuri, . 


Bhofptiri, . 

Bhofpurf, . 





the rukh 


the wesh 














the rukh 


the wesh 














The termination of abstract nouns in pen will at once suggest the 
Indian Gaudian pan, which comes from the Skr. tva or (Vaidik) tvan, 


through the Apabhrarhsa Prakrit -ppana (Hemachandra, iv. 437). 
The Gypsy sign of the comparative is der, Skr. tar a, which can 
become dara in Magadhi Prakrit (Hem. iv. 302). On the verb a 
whole series of articles might be written. It will be sufficient to 
point out here identities like the following : Skr. s'rindshi, Mag. Pr. 
sunasi, Bihari sunas, Gypsy shrines, " thou hearest ; " Turkish Gypsy 
jdld, English Gypsy jala, Bihari /d^, "he goes." 

This last is in both Gypsy and Bihari a compound tense, and the 
identity is specially remarkable. The compound is in India peculiar 
to Bihari, and is only used in Bhoj'puri or the Dialect spoken ly 
Magahiyd Doms, and in no other dialect. 

The pronouns give rise to many suggestive considerations. The 
word for " I " is m0, the Bihari m6n. But the plural men or mendi is 
still more interesting. A reference to the Turkish Gypsy shows that 
this was originally timen or timendi. Amen is the Bihari haman or 
Jmmani, " we," but how are we to account for the form dmendi ? Here 
again Bhoj'puri alone gives us the clue. Haman or liamani is really 
an old genitive plural, the Prakrit amlidna "of us," and means 
" (many) of us," hence simply " we." In time, however, the original 
meaning became forgotten, and the word was considered a pure 
nominative plural. But the genius of the Bihari language, differing 
from that of the more Western Gaudians, seemed to demand that the 
nominative plural of nouns should be in a genitive form, and so the 
Bhoj'puri dialect, when the fact became forgotten that hamani was 
really a genitive, tacked on to it again Jed, the sign of the genitive, 
making hamanikd, which again means " (many) of us," " we." This 
is a peculiarity of the Bhoj'puri dialect alone, and does not occur in 
the other dialects. Now let us take the Gypsy amendi or mendi. 
We have seen that the element amen is really a genitive. I believe 
that di is also the sign of the genitive plural from the Mag. Pr. kadt 
(Skr. kritas), just as the to in esto ij fiomkata (Apabhrarhsa, nom. 
sing. katu). 

The Jat theory of the origin of the Gypsies may be stated as 
follows : According to the Shdh-Ndma, the Persian monarch Bahrain 
Gaur received in the fifth century from an Indian king 12,000 
musicians who were known as Luris, and according to the Majmu' 
au't-Tawdrikh, the Luris or Lulls (i.e. Gypsies) of modern Persia are 
descendants of these. The historian Hamza Isfahani, who wrote half 
a century before Ferdusi, the author of the Shdh Ndma, however, calls 
these imported musicians Zutts, and the Arabic Dictionary Al Qdmds 
has the following entry : " Zutt, arabicised from Jatt, a people of 

VOL. I. NO. II. F 


Indian origin." Another lexicon, the MtihM, gives the same informa- 
tion, and adds that they are the people called Nawar in Syria, and 
that they are musicians and dancers. Zott, as the author writes it, is 
also a term of contempt. " You Zotti " is a term of abuse. Again, 
according to Istakri and Ibn Haukal, Arabic geographers of the tenth 
century, the fatherland of these people was the marshy lands of the 
Indus between Al-Mansura and Makran. 

In the course of years numbers of Zotts settled in Persia, 
especially in the regions of the Lower Tigris, where in 820 A.D. they 
had become a great body of robbers and pirates. Various attempts 
were made to subdue them, which was not effected till 834 ; after 
which they were conveyed away to Ainzarba, on the northern frontier 
of Syria, In 855, according to Tdbari, the Byzantines attacked 
Ainzarba, and carried off the Zott prisoners with them to their own 
country. In this way we have the entry of the Gypsies into Europe 
accounted for. 

Now, though it is possible that the Gypsies of Europe are 
descended from these Zotts who were imported into the Greek 
Empire, and that they are the same as the Lurls or Persian Gypsies, 
there appear to me to be two most important flaws in the chain by 
which it is attempted to connect Gypsies with the Jats (or Jatts, as 
they are always called there) of Sindh. 

First, there is the point of language. 

It is admitted by the advocates of the Jat theory that there is " a 
great unlikeness between Roman! and Jataki " (the Jat dialect), but 
they argue that " language does not form an infallible test of pedigree. 
There are several Gypsy populations by whom the language of the 
Roman! has been forgotten ; and everywhere the tendency among 
Gypsies of the present day is to relinquish their ancestral speech " 
(MacRitchie, Gypsies of India, p. 82). 

To this the answer is not far to seek. In the first place, though 
the language test may not be infallible, it is a very powerful one, and 
throws much doubt on any theory to which it gives an unfavourable 
reaction. The Gypsies of the present day undoubtedly speak an 
Indian language, and that language is not, in any way, nearly con- 
nected with Jataki, so that if we adopt the theory quoted above, we 
must also adopt the utterly impossible assumption that the Jats left 
India speaking Jataki, and in the course of their wanderings over 
Asia and Europe, while they were being or had been scattered into 
a number of independent tribes, gave up their own language, and 
exchanged it, not for the languages of their new homes, but all of 


them for one certain definite language of India which they had left 
centuries before. 

We have not only to assume this, but that clans scattered over 
Western Asia, and perhaps over Europe, all fortuitously agreed to 
adopt the same Indian language, though all communication between 
them was barred. 

But, even admitting that the test of language when considered 
alone is not in this case infallible, it becomes so if we consider the 
circumstances which attended the importation from India of these 
12,000 Zotts or Luris. Ferdusi says distinctly that they were 12,000 
musicians of both sexes, and the author of the Mtihit adds that they 
were dancers, and contemptible. I am at a loss to understand how so 
large a number of degraded persons could be found amongst those 
from whom were descended the brave defenders of Bharatpur. With 
all due deference to the authors of the Arabic Dictionary above 
referred to, it is impossible that these people can have been Jats. 

The Jats are one of the highest castes of India. They claim to 
be, after the Bajputs, one of the purest tribes of Kshattriyas (Monier 
Williams, Hinduism, p. 161), and any one with the smallest acquaint- 
ance with the Indian caste system can understand that a huge band 
of professional singers and dancers, men and women, could never 
have come from a Kshattriya tribe. 

In spite, therefore, of the authority of Bott, of Trumpp, and of 
De Goeje, I am unable to accept the theory that the descent of the 
Gypsies from the Jats is proved, even if we admit that the former 
are descended from the Zotts or Luris of Arabic and Bersian writers. 

I am informed by Captain B. C. Temple that throughout India 
the Jats or Jatts number five and a half millions, but there are Jats 
and Jats, at any rate in the Banjab, and the Jatt of the Lower Indus, 
Sindh, and the Derfijat district differs as widely as can well be 
imagined from the Jilt of Bharatpur, and the Jatt of the ruling Sikh 
families of the Banjab. In the latter cases he is a fine specimen of 
humanity, but in the former exactly the reverse. All along the 
Indus " Jatt " is a term of contempt, and implies roughly, any agri- 
cultural Muhammedan tribe which is not of the Locally superior sort 
i.e. which is not Sayyid, Baloch, Bathan, or Quresh. This remark 
applies more or less also to the Salt Bange District, the Lower Chinab 
and Jhelam, and to Sindh itself. Ibbetson's Ethnography of the Panjdl, 
420 to 440, is the best contribution to the subject; compare also 
O'Brien's Settlement Report of the Muzaffargarh District. Captain 
Temple thinks the above use of the term Jatt may possibly account 


for the spread westwards of such a term as Zutts, to signify an 
inferior class of foreigners, though it would argue nothing as to their 
real racial origin. 

I have already stated my opinion that the language test points to 
an Indian tribe speaking a dialect derived from Magadhi, and not 
from Sauraseni Prakrit, and that, therefore, it is in Eastern Hindustan 
that we must look for their ancestors. I have further pointed out 
the extreme probability of the criminal tribe known as the Magahiya 
Doms (who, by the way, are great musicians, singers, and dancers), 
being descended from the same stock as the Gypsies. I may note 
here a word quoted by Mr. MacPdtchie from Mr. Leland, which lends 
a singular confirmation to the theory. It is the Gypsy term for 
bread, which is mdnro or manro. This is usually connected either with 
the Gaudian mdnr, rice gruel, or with manrud, the millet (Eleusine 
coracana). Neither of these agrees with the idea of bread, but in the 
Magab! dialect of Biharl spoken south of the Ganges, in the native 
land of these Magahiya Doms, there is a peculiar word mandd or 
mdnrd, which means wheat (the change from mandd to mdnrd is 
quite regular), whence the transition to the Gypsy mdnro, bread, is 
eminently natural. G. A. GPJEESON. 


T CAN add very little to the information on the Gypsies in the 
Pays Basque given by MM. Fr. Michel, Cenac-Moncaut, Baud- 
rimont, and De Eochas. The following remarks are of value only 
as independent confirmatory evidence of the same facts. 

On November 24, 1870, I had a long conversation with M. and 
Mde. Darramboure, former Mayor of Ciboure, a suburb of St. Jean 
de Luz, on the subject of the Cascarrotac, the mingled Basque and 
Gypsy population. The notes which I made at the time, writing 
down in English the French of M. and Mde. Darramboure, are as 
follows. I may add that M. Darramboure was then upwards of 
eighty, but with all his mental faculties fully alive. Mde. Darram- 
boure was slightly younger ; both are long since dead : 

The archives of the Mairie of Ciboure date only from 1763, con- 
sequently they give no information respecting the arrival and estab- 
lishment of the Casearrotac at Ciboure, M. Darramboure supposes 


them to have come from Spain, and about two hundred years ago. 
The priests formerly marked in the registers, in the margin, baptism 
or marriage of a Cascarrot, or Bohemian, but do so no longer. The 
population of Ciboure confounded them with the Agots (the Basque 
equivalent of Cagots), though the Agots were fair, and the Cascarrots 
dark. In the youth of M. and Mde. Darramboure they still preserved 
some words of their own language (Delia, the sun ; mamlrun, bread ; 
larraba, meat ; puro, old man ; Irambal, tempest, were remembered 
by Mde. Darramboure) ; now they have almost entirely lost it. The 
Hungarian Gypsies, who passed through St. Jean de Luz in 1868 and 
1870, and the Cascarrots could not understand each other. 1 

They were once far more numerous at Ciboure than at present, 
and inhabited the whole guartier of Bordegain. Some of the men are 
horse-dealers, others make baskets and weave, but many are fisher- 
men and sailors ; they fish more with the line than the others, and 
from the shore. They are courageous, and more industrious than the 
Basques. They intermarried first with the Spaniards, and afterwards 
with the Basques of the neighbourhood, and are now quite mixed 
with them. Occasionally in the mixed marriages the pure Gypsy type 
occurs in individuals, even where the Basque parent is fair. They 
used to live without religion ; if they had any of their own at their 
first arrival, they had forgotten it; but little by little they have 
become Catholics, and are now more fond of the services than the 
other Basques. No missionary, or other person, is known as their 
convertisseur. When the Basques buried in their churches (as they 
did before the Revolution), the Cascarrots were always buried outside ; 
at present both are buried together in the cemeteries. 

Thus far M. Darramboure. 

I have heard since, on good authority, that the late aged cure 
of Ciboure -once had representations made to him by the Vicar- 
General, on the part of a new Bishop of Bayonne, instigated by some 
pious ladies, summer visitants to Ciboure, who were shocked by the 
freedom of manner and the gay dressing of this part of his congrega- 
tion at church, and at their fondness for dancing, etc. The old cure 
listened without saying a word till the discourse was ended, then he 

1 The late Dr. De "Rochas (who, it may be mentioned, was personally acquainted with Mr. 
Webster, and who looked over the notes now published), admits that the Cascarrots have 
still enough of their original language to prove their right to call themselves the descendants 
of " Komanichels." His account was published in 1876. But he points out that, of the 352 
" Basque-Gypsy " words collected by M. Baudrimont in 1858, partly from his own experience 
and partly from the lists of Michel and others, a considerable number are repetitions, while 
others are clearly Basque, Spanish, French, and slang. Nevertheless, most of the words are 
genuine Romani. ED. 


spoke deliberately to this effect : " 1 know my people well ; I go round 
among them. These girls often marry well. I see their rooms are 
kept neater and cleaner than the others ; they are furnished with 
more taste, and have nice flowers in them. My visits are welcome. 
They make their husbands happy, and glad to stay at home, and not 
go to the cabarets (public-houses) ; and as long as I see they make 
their husbands and homes happy, I will not speak to them about their 
dress and dancing." The cure was not in very good odour at the 
Eveche, afterwards, but no more representations were made to him. 

My own observations on the above are, that the passage of the 
Hungarian Gypsies, or Gypsies from Eastern Europe, alluded to by 
M. Darramboure in 1868-70, is a recurring fact every two or three 
years. I left St. Jean de Luz in 1881, but for some time before that 
I had been ill, and a band may easily have passed without my being 
aware of it; but there were at least two other bands between 1870 
and 1880, one I believe, in 1872. Their route seems to be, as far as 
I have been able to trace it, vid Paris, Bordeaux, Bayonne, St. Jean 
de Luz, Hendaye, through Spain quite to the south, and returning by 
the eastern extremity of the Pyrenees, by Barcelona and Perpignan. 
M. de Eochas appears to have met one of these bands at Perpignan, 
in July 1875 (cf. Les Farias de France et d'JZspagne, par V. de Eochas, 
p. 259; Hachette, Paris, 1876). These bands follow always the 
same route, and encamp on the same spots. When at St. Jean de 
Luz they make an apparently useless visit to Ascaiu, a village about 
five miles off their road, returning to St. Jean de Luz. They are 
evidently well off, with good carts, wagons, horses, and utensils ; 
many of them wear silver ear-rings and ornaments. Their trade, 
mending the copper vessels in the neighbourhood, seems to me to be 
a mere pretence ; it cannot pay the expenses of the journey. What 
is the reason of this migration ? Once I was standing with a Basque 
fisherman, watching their arrival, when the chief of the band ad- 
dressed him in Basque, and the conversation went on between them 
in that language. When it had ceased, I asked the fisherman, whom 
I knew well, how the man spoke Basque. The reply was curt : 
" He speaks it as well as I do." Afterwards I tried to draw out the 
Gypsy, but he evaded my questions. " We pick up languages along 
the road. He had never been in the neighbourhood before," etc. 
These I believe to have been falsehoods. I must, however, add, that 
I have known Basque scholars learn Magyar, and Hungarians Basque, 
with unusual facility. Still the question remains : " What is the 
object of these journeys ? "a question for your Society to answer. 


The testimony of M. and Mde. Darramboure, and of the late cure 
of Ciboure. all three Basques, to the good qualities of the Cascarrots 
seems to me to be of great importance. No people surpass the 
Basques in pride of race, and they would certainly not attribute 
superior qualities to another people unless they really possessed 
them. I have heard from others that the Cascarrots first introduced 
line-fishing at St. Jean de Luz and Ciboure. I have also personally 
remarked cases of the atavism mentioned ; one was very striking ; in 
another case the Gypsy type appeared in one only of a family, not a 
trace of it appearing in the others. The lower class of the Cascarrot 
women are slovenly and dirty in their dress and person ordinarily ; 
but show a sense of colour and taste on fete-days, etc. : they are 
exceedingly voluble, use much gesture, sing at the top of their voices, 
and are more fond of the Spanish fandango than of the Basque 
dances. I never saw a man pass a more unpleasant quarter of an 
hour than a Madrid footman, or upper servant, did in a third-class 
railway carriage between St. Jean de Luz and Bayonne. Several 
Cascarrot women and girls had come in at St. Jean de Luz with their 
fish. As usual, they were talking loudly, singing, gesticulating, all in 
high spirits, when the Spaniard remarked in Spanish (evidently think- 
ing that he would not be understood by them) to his neighbour, 
" What savages they are ! " The women and girls flew on him at 
once, clambering over the seats, gesticulating wildly, shaking their 
fists in his face, screaming out a torrent of abuse and cutting wit 
against him, and his nation, and all his belongings, in four languages, 
Basque, French, Spanish, and Gascoun, often jumbling two or more 
in the same sentence, defiant of grammar of any kind, all shouting at 
once, and without any intermission, till we arrived at Bayonne. The 
man at first thought he would be thrown out of the carriage ; but the 
spectators knew that the women would not really touch him, and 
they laughed till they could laugh no longer. These Cascarrots and 
the Basque fisherwomen, before the railway from Bayonne was made, 
used to show wonderful speed and endurance in carrying their fish 
on their heads to sell at Bayonne. Bare-footed and bare-legged, with 
petticoats girt up, they went along with a kind of dancing run, 1 and 

1 This peculiar " dancing run " recalls the following statements by M. Michel (Le Pays 
Basque, Paris 1857, pp. 138-9, note : "In Basque, the word Cascarrotac denotes, strictly 
speaking, a class of mountebanks, or, at any rate, of young people who, in fetes, triumphal 
processions, and escorts of honour, are chosen to lead the way, dancing as they go. . . . 
When the Orleanist princes returned from Spain, their carriage was preceded by Cascarrots, 
who leaped and danced all the road from Saint Jean de Luz to Bayonne. In 1660, when 
Louis xiv., coming to his wedding, arrived at the first of these towns, a band of Crascabilairc 
dancers, placing themselves in front of the king's horses, danced to the sound of small, round 


covered the ground at an extraordinary rate. Biarritz is nine miles 
from St. Jean de Luz by the most direct road, and few short cuts can 
be made : in a wager between Englishmen some twenty years ago, a 
Cascarrot woman delivered at Biarritz a written message a few 
minutes within the hour after starting from St. Jean de Luz. The 
woman was not aware of the bet ; but was told only that it was a 
most urgent case, and that she must go as fast as possible. I do not 
know that the Cascarrots much excelled the Basques in this ; the 
latter are wonderful walkers ; but they certainly were not inferior. 
It is allowed by all that they are now more zealous in keeping up 
traditionary religious customs, such as those of Christmas, Epiphany, 
Corpus Christi, St. John's Day, etc., than the Basques themselves. 

bells and drams, and performed the national dance. . . . Lastly, in 1701, during the fetes 
occasioned by the visit of Philip v. to Bayonne, great praise was given according to the 
municipal records cited by Bey lac (Nouvelle Chronique de Bayonne, p. 193) to a troop of 
Basque dancers, who, wearing a number of little bells and accompanied by the tambourine, 
performed marvels, dancing and capering in an extraordinary manner." 

A parallel instance to these is that of the English jester and mountebank Kemp, who, in 
the year 1599, danced a morris from London to Norwich, a feat which it took him nine days 
to accomplish. Kemp styled himself "head-master of Morrice-dauncers/' and, in the wood- 
cut prefaced to his Nine Daies Wonder (London, 1600 ; reproduced by the Camden Society, 
London, 1840), one sees that he wore the dress and bells of the Morris-dancer. Moreover, 
that woodcut shows that "Thomas Slye my Taberer," who accompanied him, played upon 
the small, one-handed drum, or tambour, and with the other hand manipulated the flageolet, 
exactly in the fashion of the Juylars in the Eastern Pyrenees at the present day, which is 
akin to the Basque fashion (although the " tambour " of the latter people is a six-stringed 
instrument ; not a small drum, as in the other two instances). What Kemp danced was, of 
course, the Morisco or Morris-dance ; and it is clear that this was the dance of the Cascarrots. 
Indeed, the Morris-dance is understood to have come to England from Spain, and to be so 
named because it was a dance of Moors, a term once applied to any dark-skinned people ; 
and, indeed, applied to Gypsies of the fifteenth century by a Scottish writer. 

Though Kemp is not stated to have been dark-skinned, either by nature or by art, we 
learn through Douce (Illustrations of Shakespeare, vol. ii. pp. 434 et seq., London, 1807) 
"that the Morris-dancers usually blackened their faces with soot, that they might the better 
pass for Moors." Also that a sixteenth-century Frenchman, in describing the " uncorrupted 
Morris-dance," "relates that in his youthful days it was the custom in good societies for a 
boy to come into the hall, when supper was finished, with his face blackened, his forehead 
bound with white or yellow taffeta, and bells tied to his legs. He then proceeded to dance 
the Morisco, the whole length of the hall, backwards and forwards, to the great amusement 
of the company." From which evidence it is clear that the "uncorrupted Morris-rfrmcers " 
were people of a swarthy complexion. 

Douce gives several fifteenth-century references to this dance. One of these states that 
" at a splendid feast given by Gaston de Foix at Vendome in 1458, ' foure yong laddes and a 
damosell attired like savages daunced (by good direction) an excellent Morisco, before the 
assembly.' " He adds that " Coquillart, a French poet, who wrote about 1470, says that the 
Swiss danced the Morisco to the beat of the drum." He also quotes these lines from Shake- 
speare (2nd Pt. King Henry Sixth, in. 1) : 

" . . . I have seen him 
Caper upright like a wild Morisco, 
Shaking the bloody darts, as he his bells." 

All these extracts tend to show that the original dance of the Cascarrots was the Morris, 
or Moorish dance ; so called by other Europeans because it was the peculiar dance of a dark- 
skinned people. Of course, the " dancing run " of the modern Cascarrot fishwomen must be 
something less ornate and much more practical than that for which their forefathers were 
distinguished. ED. 


The neighbourhood of St. Jean de Luz has been the scene of move 
than one epidemic of witchcraft, and I have heard many tales of 
witches ; but in none do the Cascarrots figure. Two of the tales of 
my Basque Legends (Griffith and Farran, 1879) were obtained from the 
Cascarrots; i.e. Laurentine Kopena, a beggar woman, after she had 
exhausted her own budget, went at my request and learned these 
tales from the Cascarrots; they are Ass -skin (pp. 158-61), and the 
one alluded to on pp. 191-2 ; both have evidently passed through the 
French. One of the richest of the Cascarrots at Ciboure, since dead, 
was popularly called the King of the Cascarrots. I knew him by 
sight, but I doubt if he possessed any real authority whatever; 
hospitable to the rest he certainly was. His property has since been 
sold, and I have not heard of any successor to the pseudo-title. As 
to the etymology or signification of the word Cascarrotac, I can give 
no explanation. Dr. Guilbeau, Mayor of St. Jean de Luz, himself a 
Basque, makes it equivalent to Cast' Agotac, meaning, I suppose, the 
Cagot-caste or race ; but I should consider this doubtful. 1 

There is a strange story, which I have often been assured is 
founded on fact, but of which I have not been able to procure an 
original authentic narrative, alluded to by Dr. de Eochas (p. 251), and 
of which a distorted literary version is given in tales iii. and iv. of the 
anonymous Romancero du Pays Basque (Paris, 1859), written really 
by Fr. Michel. It deals with a case of seduction, and a Gypsy, chief 
of a band of smugglers, who afterwards turned hermit ; but the facts 
are very obscure. The hillside at the foot of which the railway now 
runs on both sides of the Biarritz station, above the small lakes 
Brindos and Mouriscot, has been pointed out formerly to me as a 
favourite camping-ground of Bohemiens, and the scene of many con- 
flicts, with stones put up to mark the spots where victims had been 
murdered. I have also found orders at the end of the last century 
and beginning of this for the expulsion of these Bohemiens thence. 
During the first Carlist war Gypsies are said to have attacked the 
Carlist contrabandistas who were conveying treasure over the frontier ; 
but they were easily repulsed. In general, they are accused rather of 
petty pilfering than of open robbery with violence. Like Dr. de 
Rochas, I have heard wonder expressed by the peasants as to where 
the real Gypsies used to bury their dead. 

In the Mascarades, still represented at Tardetz in La Soule, during 

1 M. Bataillard, in his letter Sur les Origines des Bohemiens, Paris, 1875 (p. 7, note 2), 
asks, with reference to this name, "Ought we to see in it a memory of Kaskar, that town 
and province of earlier Asia where fhe deported Zotts made a long stay (see De Goeje, 
pp. 8-11 and 13)? The thing is possible ; but I do not go so far as to assert it." ED. 


the Carnival, among the animal and character dances, the Bouhame- 
jaounac, the king of the Gypsies, and his company, are represented. 
An excellent account of this Mascarade is given by Augustin Chaho, 
a learned Basque, a native of Tardetz, in vol. ii. of his Biarritz, entre 
les Pyrenees et I 'Ocean (Bayonne, n.d. ; 1850-60 ?). The king carries a 
wooden sword, marked with charred stripes, and they have a tradi- 
tional song, air, and dance to themselves. A wooden sword appears 
also at the opposite extremity of the Basque territory, though without 
any connection with the Gypsies. This singular ceremony is observed 
at Vitoria ( Alava) at the election of a new Sindico, or Mayor. " After 
he has taken the oath in the same way as the other municipal 
councillors, he takes another very solemn one outside the Church of 
St. Michael, on the spot where the cutlass of Vitoria (el machete 
Vitoriano) is kept. In a little hollow in the wall at the back of the 
church there is a wooden knife (cucliillo de madera), before which he 
takes a fresh oath in presence of the whole population, and of the 
newly elected municipal councillors. The oath contains the formula 
that his head should be cut off with a knife, similar to the cutlass, if 
he did not fulfil his obligations ; and after he had taken it, the pro- 
curator, preceded by his servants, kissed the cutlass to the sound of 
drums and trumpets. When this singular ceremony was ended, the 
Secretary of the municipality stood up and read with a loud voice 
the powers which the city granted to the Sindico for the defence of 
its rights and privileges." (Historia de la Legislation de Espaiia, by 
the Marquis de Montesa and Cayetano Maurique, vol. ii. p. 522 ; 
Madrid, 1868). Prof. J. Ehys, in his Celtic Britain, p. 258 
(S. P. C. K., 1882), speaks of a national devotion of the Irish to the 
sword, which weapon they regarded as inspired and capable, among 
other things, of giving the lie to the perjurer. 

Perhaps this is wide of my subject, but your Society may possibly 
like to investigate the question whether there is any connection 
between this culte of the sword among these three peoples. 

The Gypsies have also amalgamated with the Basques at St. 
Palais (Basses Pyrenees), and, I believe, near Bilbao ; but I have no 
information to give of these from personal inquiry. 

[In a subsequent letter, Mr. Webster makes the following 
remarks with regard to Cascarrot and Basque dances : 

" The subject of Dances in the Pays Basque and in Las Provincias 
Vascongadas is a very important one. . . . The chief and all the most 
characteristic of the Basque dances are danced by men only. Among 


the Cascarrots, it is the women and girls who dance more than 
the men, either among themselves or with the men. This, I think, 
marks a real distinction. In very few of the old Basque dances did 
the women join: most were for men alone. In modern dances 
learned from French or Spaniards both sexes join ; but I have never 
seen, away from the influence of towns, any Basque girl, or girls, 
dance the Fandango in public, as the Cascarrot girls are fond of 

"The dance before Philip v. in 1701 (referred to in preceding 
foot-note, p. 80) was probably the Pamperruque, the official dance of 
Bayonne, which was danced as a kind of serenade before distin- 
guished persons passing through Bayonne. There is a very odd and 
distorted account of it in Madame d'Aulnoy's Memoirs." (From which 
statement we may suggest that possibly the official dance of Bayonne 
was identical with that known elsewhere as the Morisco. The little 
bells, which accompanied the dances of 1660 and 1701, are specially 
characteristic of the Morisco, or Morris-dance.) 

Mr. Webster also adds these observations : 

"I can never form the least explanation to myself why the 
Gypsies coalesce with the Basques rather than with other races, such 
as Spaniards and Gascons ; but the fact is so. . . . 

"It is, I think, only in the 8vo editions of Cenac-Moncaut's 
Histoire des Pyrenees, etc. (4 vols., Paris, Amyot, 1853-55), that you will 
find the vocabulary and songs of the Cascarrots of Ciboure. These 
are omitted (and much else) in the subsequent 12mo editions of the 
work. . . . There is somewhere in the Bulletin of the Soctite' Ramond 
(Bagneres de Bigorre) a paper on the Gypsies of the Basses and 
Hautes Pyrenees by the late M. E. Frossard, Pasteur. He deals 
chiefly with the moral side of the question ; but he knew the Pyrenees 
and the country well." 

It is from M. Cenac-Moncaut's book that M. Michel has taken 
several of the words in his Basque-Gypsy list; and the former 
himself announces that he is indebted for his words and songs "to 
the patient researches of M. Sansberro, who obtained them from the 
Cascarrotac of Ciboure, a people of Gypsy origin, now blended with 
the rest of the Basque population." Besides those words which he 
procured from Ce"nac-Moncaut, Michel had copied the list given in 
" Le Moyen Age et la Renaissance, sect, des Mceurs et usages de la vie 
civile, chap. Bohtmiens, mendiants, gueux, cours des miracles, fol. x." 
None of Michel's words appear to have been collected by himself. 


Baudrimont, again (Vocdbulaire de la Langue des Bolitmiens 
habitant Us pays basques fran$ais, Bordeaux, 1862), has added Michel's 
list to his own, thus obtaining many of his words at fourth-hand ; but 
the greater part of his list was made up by himself from Gypsies at 

These writers, with, of course, De Eochas, seem to be the only 
ones who have specially studied the Basque Gypsies. Mr. Webster's 
notes, taken incidentally while following up another subject, are 
quite independent of any of these, and they. thus form an interesting 
and instructive addition to the literature of this branch of Gypsy 
study. ED.]. 



[This is one of a collection of Polish-Gypsy Tales and Songs made 
by our distinguished fellow-member, Professor Kopernicki. Unfor- 
tunately, this collection has had to await a publisher for many years, 
though we trust to 'See it issued in book-form this winter. This 
particular tale was dictated to Dr. Kopernicki by " a very intelligent 
Gypsy, named John Coron (pronounced Tchoron, i.e. in Gypsy, thief or 
pauper], then immured in the prison of Cracow."- -ED.] 

rpHERE was once a poor peasant who had three sons ; two of them 
-1_ wise and one foolish. One day the king gave a feast, to which 
everybody was invited, rich and poor. These two wise brothers set 
out for the feast like the rest, leaving the poor fool at home, crouching 
over his stove. 1 He thereupon besought his mother to allow him to 
go after his brothers. But the mother answered, " Fool that thou art ! 
thy brothers go thither to tell tales, 2 whilst thou, thou knowest nothing; 
what then couldst thou tell ? " Still the fool continues to pray his 
mother to let him go, but she still refuses. " Very well ! if thou wilt 
not let me go there, with the help of God 3 I shall know what to do." 

1 Every peasant's cottage in Poland is heated by an oveu for baking bread. On the flat- 
roofed arch of this oven, which acts as a stove, the old, sick, and infirm members of the 
family place themselves for warmth. I. K. 

2 It may be noted that this tacit recognition of these two brothers as professional tale- 
tellers is more suggestive of their being Gypsies than ordinary "peasants." ED. 

3 With the help of God (or oj the good God), a phiase frequently occurring in our Gypsy's 
narrative, is borrowed from the popular speech of Poland. I. K. 


Well, one day the king contrived a certain tower; he then placed his 
daughter on the second story, and issued a proclamation that whoever 
should kiss his daughter there should have her in marriage. Well, 
various princes and nobles hastened to the place . . . not one 
of them could reach her. The king then decreed that the peasants 
were to come. This order reached the house where dwelt the peasant 
who had three sons, two wise and one foolish. The two wise brothers 
arose and set out. The fool feigned to go in search of water, but 
he went to a bush and struck it three times with a stick. Where- 
upon a fairy appeared, who demanded, " What wouldst thou ? " "I 
wish to have a horse of silver, garments of silver, and a sum of 
money." After he had received all these things, he set out on his 
way. Whom should he happen to overtake on the road but his two 
wise brothers ! " Whither are you going ? " he asked of them. " We 
are going to a king's palace he who has contrived this tower upon 
the second story of which he has placed his daughter, and he has 
proclaimed that whoever should kiss her there shall become her 
husband." The fool got down from his horse, cut himself a cudgel, 
and began to beat his two brothers ; and finally he gave them each 
three ducats. The two brothers did not recognise him, and so he 
went on by himself, unknown. When he had come to the king's 
palace all the great lords looked with admiration at this prince, 
mounted on a silver steed, and clad in garments of silver. He leapt 
up with a great spring towards the princess, and almost attained near 
enough to kiss her. He fell back again, and then, with the help of 
the good God, he took his departure. These noblemen then asked of 
each other : " What is the meaning of this ? He had scarcely arrived 
when he nearly succeeded in kissing the princess." The fool then 
returned home, and went to the bush, and struck it thrice. The 
fairy again appeared, and asked of him : " What is thy will ? " He 
commanded her to hide his horse and his clothes. He took his 
buckets filled with water and went back into the house. " Where 
hast thou been ? " asked his mother of him. " Mother, I have been 
outside, and I stripped myself, and (pardon me for saying so) I have 
been hunting lice in my shirt." " That is well ! " said his mother, and 
she gave him some food. On the return of the two wise brothers, 
their mother desired them to tell her what they had seen. " Mother, 
we saw there a prince mounted on a silver steed, and himself clad in 
silver. He had overtaken us by the way, and asked of us whither 
\ve were going. We told him the truth : that we were going to the 
palace of the king who had contrived this tower, on the second story 


of which he had placed his daughter, decreeing that whosoever should 
attain near enough to give her a kiss should many her. The prince 
dismounted, cut himself a cudgel, and gave us a sound beating, and 
then gave us each three ducats." The mother was very well pleased 
to get this money ; for she was poor, and she could now buy herself 
something to eat. 

Next day these two brothers again set out. The mother cried to 
her foolish son : " Go and fetch me some water." He went out to get 
the water, laid down his pails beside the well, and went to the bush ; 
he struck it thrice, and the fairy appeared to him. " What is thy 
will ? " "I wish to have a horse of gold, and golden garments." The 
fairy brought him a horse of gold, golden garments, and a sum of 
money. Off he set, and once more he overtook his brothers on the 
road. This time he did not dismount, but holding a cudgel in his 
hand, he charged upon his brothers, beat them severely, and gave 
them ten ducats apiece. He then betook himself to the king. The 
nobles gazed admiringly on him, seated on his horse of gold, himself 
attired in a golden garb. With a single bound he reached the second 
story, and gave the princess a kiss. Well, they wished to detain 
him, but he sprang away, and fled like the wind, with the help of the 
good God. He came back to his bush, out of which the fairy issued, 
and asked of him, " What wilt thou ? " " Hide my horse and my 
clothes." He dressed himself in his wretched clothes, and went into 
the house again. " Where hast thou been ? " asked his mother. " I 
have been sitting in the sun, and (excuse me for saying it) I have 
been hunting lice in my shirt." She answered nothing, but gave 
him some food. He went and squatted down behind the stove in 
idiot fashion. The two wise brothers arrived. Their mother saw how 
severely they had been beaten, and she asked of them, " Who has 
maltreated you so terribly ? " " It was that prince, mother." " And 
why have you not laid a complaint against him before the king ? " 
" But he gave us ten ducats apiece." ( ' I will not send you any more 
to the king," said the mother to them. " Mother, they have posted 
sentinels all over the town in order to arrest him [the " prince "] ; for 
he has already kissed the king's daughter, after doing which he took to 
flight. Then the sentinels were posted. We are certain to catch this 
prince." The fool then said to them : " How will you be able to seize 
him, since he evidently knows several tricks 1 " " Thou art a fool," 
said the two wise brothers to him ; " we are bound to capture him." 
" Capture away, with the help of the good God," replied the fool. 

Three days later the two wise brothers set out, leaving the fool 


cowering behind the stove. "Go and fetch some wood," called his 
mother to him. He roused himself and went, with the good God. He 
came to the bush, and struck it three times. The fairy issued out of 
it and asked, " What dost thou demand ? " "I demand a horse of 
diamonds, garments of diamonds, and some money." He arrayed 
himself and set out ; he overtook his two brothers, but this time he 
did not beat them, only he gave them each twenty ducats. He 
reached the king's city, and the nobles tried to seize him. He sprang 
up on to the second story, and, for the second time, he kissed the 
princess, who gave him her gold ring. Well, they wished to take him, 
but he said to them, " If you had all the wit in the world you could 
not catch me." But they were determined to seize him. He fled away 
like the wind. He came to the bush ; he struck it thrice ; the fairy 
issued from it and came to him, and took his horse and his clothes. 
He gathered some wood, and returned to the house ; his mother is 
pleased with him and says, " There, now ! that is how thou shouldst 
always behave ! " and she gave him something to eat. He went and 
crouched behind the stove. His two brothers arrived ; the mother 
questioned them. ..." Mother," they answered, " this prince could 
not be taken." " And has he not given you a beating ? " " No, 
mother ; on the contrary, he gave us each twenty ducats more." 
" To-morrow," said the mother, " you shall not go there again." And 
the two brothers answered, " No, we will go there no more." Aha ! 
so much the better. 

This king gave yet another feast, and he decreed " that all the 
princes, as many as there shall be of them, shall come to my palace 
so that my daughter may identify her husband among them." 
This feast lasted four days, but the husband of the princess was not 
there. What did this king do? He ordained a third feast for 
beggars and poor country-folk, and he decreed, " that every one 
should come, be he blind or halt, let him not be ashamed, but 
come." This feast lasted for a week, but the husband of the princess 
was not there. What then did the king do ? He sent his servants 
with the order to go from house to house, and to bring to him the 
man upon whom should be found the princess's ring ; " Be he blind 
or halt, let him be brought to me," said the king. 

Well, the servants went from house to house for a week, and all 
who were found in each house they called together, in order to make 
the search. At last they came to this same house in which dwelt 
the fool. As soon as the fool saw them he went and lay down upon 
the stove. In came the king's servants, gathered the people of the 


house together, and asked of the fool, " What art thou doing there ? " 
" What does that matter to you ? " replied the fool. And his mother 
said to them, " Sirs, he is a fool." " No matter," said they, " fool or 
blind man, we gather together all whom we see, for so the king has 
commanded us." They make the fool come down from the stove ; 
they look ; the gold ring is on his finger ! " So, then, it is thou who 
art so clever ? " " It is I." He made ready, and set out with them. 
He had nothing upon him, this fool, but a miserable shirt and a 
cloak all tattered and torn. He came to the king, to whom the 
servants said, " Sire, we bring him to you." " Is this really he ? " 
" He himself." They show the ring. " Well ! this is he." The king 
commanded that sumptuous garments be made for him as quickly as 
possible. In these clothes he presented a very good appearance. 
The king is well pleased ; the wedding comes off, and they live 
happily, with the help of the good God. 

Some time after, another king declared war against this one : 
" Since thou hast not given thy daughter in marriage to my son, I 
will make war against thee." But this king 1 had two sons. The 
fool also made preparations, and went to the war. His two brothers- 
in-law went in advance, the fool set out after them. He took a 
short cut, and, having placed himself on their line of march, he sat 
down on the margin of a pond and amused himself by hunting 
frogs. These two wise brothers-in-law came up. " Just look at 
him ; see what he is doing ! he is not thinking of the war, but only 
amusing himself in hunting frogs." These two brothers went on, 
and this fool mounted his horse, and went to his bush : he struck it 
thrice, and the fairy appeared before him. "What demandest 
thou ? " "I demand a magnificent horse and a sabre, with which 
I may be able to exterminate the entire army ; and some of the most 
beautiful clothes." He speedily dressed himself, he girded on this 
sabre, he mounted his horse, and set forth with the help of God. 
Having overtaken these two brothers-in-law by the way, he asked of 
them, " Whither are you bound ? " " We are going to the war." " So 
am I ; let us all three go together." He arrived at the field of battle ; 
he cut all his enemies into pieces, not a single one of them escaped. 
He returned home, this fool, with his horse and all the rest ; he hid 
his horse and his sabre and all the rest, so that nobody would know 
anything of them. These two brothers arrived after the fool had 
returned. The king asked of them : " Were you at the war, my 
children ? " " Yes, father, we were there, but thy son-in-law was 

1 The one challenged. T.K. 


not there." " And what was he about ? " " He ! he was amusing 
himself hunting frogs ; but a prince came and cut the whole army 
in pieces ; not a single man of them has escaped." Then the king 
reproached his daughter thus : " What, then, hast thou done in marry- 
ing a husband who amuses himself in catching frogs ? " " Is the 
fault mine, father ? Even as God has given him to me, so will I 
keep him." On the following day these two sons of the king did 
not go to the war, but the king himself went there with his son-in- 
law. But the fool mounted his horse the quickest and set out first ; 
the king came after, not knowing where his son-in-law had gone. 
The king arrived at the war, and he saw that his son-in-law had 
already cut into pieces the whole of the enemy's army. And in con- 
sequence of this the other king said to this one that henceforth he 
would no more war against him. They shook hands with each 
other, these two kings. The fool was wounded in his great toe. His 
father-in-law saw this, he tore his own handkerchief and dressed the 
wounded foot ; and this handkerchief was marked with the king's 
name. The fool got home the quickest, before his father-in-law ; he 
pulled off his boots and lay down to sleep, for his foot pained him. 
The king came home, and his sons asked him, "Father, was our 
brother-in-law at the war ? " " No, I have not seen him at all ; he 
was not there ; but a prince was there who has exterminated the 
whole army. Then this king and I shook hands in token that never 
more should there be war between us." Then his daughter said, 
" My husband has my father's handkerchief round his foot." The 
king bounded forth, he looked at the handkerchief : it is his ! it bears 
his name ! " So, then, it is thou who art so clever ? " " Yes, father, 
it is I." The king is very joyful, so are his sons and the queen, and 
the wife of this fool all are filled with joy. 

Well, they made the wedding over again, and they lived together 
with the help of the good, golden God. 



THE following story has been kindly communicated to me by our 
esteemed colleague, Dr. Eudolf von Sowa. " I obtained the 
original," he says in a letter, " from a Gypsy serving as a soldier at 
Briinn. It offers some marked peculiarities characteristic of the 
Moravian variety of the Bohemian- Gypsy dialect. That dialect is 
VOL. I. NO. n. G 


well known by P. Jesiua's Romani Chib (3rd ed. 1886), but in the 
Moravian variety no texts have been hitherto published. My 
German translation follows the original as closely as possible, but 
there are several stumbling-blocks. In some passages I did not catch 
the speaker's words correctly, and I had no chance of revising my 
version with his assistance ; for some days after I made his acquaint- 
ance my Gypsy was arrested for an abominable crime." To which I 
need only add that in no collection, Gypsy or non-Gypsy, have I 
hitherto met with this story. It offers, however, some striking 
analogies with the Welsh-Gypsy story of " An Old King and his Three 
Sons in England," which I got from John Eoberts, the Harper (In 
Gypsy Tents, Edinb. 1880, pp. 299-317). That story is itself identical 
with, though much superior to, " The Accursed Garden," on p. 304 
of Vernaleken's In the Land of Marvels: Folk-tales from Austria 
and Bohemia (Lond. 1884). 

SOMEWHERE or other there lived a forester. He ill-used his 
wife and his children, and often got drunk. Then the mother said, 
" My children, the father is always beating us, so we '11 get our things 
together and leave him. We will wander out into the world, whither 
our eyes lead us." They took their things, and followed the road 
through a great forest. They journeyed two days and two nights 
without reaching any place ; so the eldest son said to his mother, 
" Mother, dear, night has come on us, let us sleep here." " My 
children," said the mother, " pluck moss, make a resting-place, and 
we will lie down here to sleep." The elder son said to his brother, 
" Go for wood." They made a fire, and seated themselves by it. 
Then said the elder son to his brother, " Now, you must keep watch, 
for there are wild beasts about, so that we be not devoured. Do you 
sleep first ; then you '11 get up, I lie down to sleep, then you will 
watch again." So the younger brother lay down near his mother to 
sleep ; the elder kept watch with his gun. Then he thought within 
himself, and said, " Great God, wherever are we in these great forests ? 
Surely we soon must perish ! " He climbed up a high tree, and 
looked all around, till a light flashed in his eyes. When he saw the 
light, he took his hat from his head, and let it drop. 1 Then he 
climbed down, and looked to see if his mother was all right [?]. From 
the spot where his hat lay he walked straight forward for a good dis- 

1 This at first puzzled me, but the sequel shows that he threw Lis hat in the direction of 
the light, so that when he had descended, and could no longer discern the light, he might 
know by the hat in what direction to find it. In no other folk-tale have I come across this 


tance, a whole half-hour. Then he observed a fire. Who was there 
but four-and-twenty robbers, cooking and drinking? He went through 
the wood, keeping out of their sight, and loaded his gun ; and, just as 
one of them was taking a drink of wine, he shot the jug right from 
his lips, so that only the handle was left in his hand. And his gun 
was so constructed that it made no report. Then the robber said to 
his comrade, " Comrade, why won't you let me alone, but knock the 
jug out of my mouth ? " " You fool, I never touched you." He took 
a pull out of another jug, and the lad loaded again. He sat on a tree, 
and again shot the jug, shot it away from his mouth, so that the 
handle remained in his hand. Then the first robber said, " Will you 
leave me alone, else I '11 pay you out with this knife." But his 
comrade stepped up to him, looking just like a fool ; at last he said, 
" My good fellow, I am not touching you. See, it is twice that has 
happened; may be it is some one in the forest. Take your gun, and 
let 's go and look if there is not some one there." They went and 
they hunted, searched every tree, and found him, the forester's son, 
sitting on a tree, on the highest point. They said to him, " You 
gnome [zemsko chrdiJcona, Czech zemsky certik, "earth -devil"], come 
down. If you won't, we '11 shoot at you till you fall down from the 
tree." But he would not come. Again they ordered him. What 
was the poor fellow to do ? He had to come. When he was down, 
they each seized him by an arm, and he thought to himself, " Things 
look bad with me. I shall never see my mother and brother again. 
They '11 either kill me, or tie me up to a tree." They brought him to 
the fire, and asked him, " What are you ? are you a craftsman ? " 
" I am one of your trade." " If you are of our trade, eat, drink, and 
smoke as much as your heart desires." When he had eaten and 
drunken, they said, " Since you are such a clever chap, and such a 
good shot, there is a castle with a princess in it, whom we went after, 
but could not come at her nohow, this princess. May be, as you are 
so smart [feshakos] Austrian fesch], there's a big dog yonder that 
made us run [?], but as you are such a good shot, and your gun 
makes no report, you '11 kill this dog, and then we '11 make you our 
captain." Then they broke up camp, took something to eat and to 
drink, and came to the castle. When they reached the castle the 
dog made a great noise. They lifted him up, the forester's son ; he 
aimed his gun, and, as the dog sprang at him, he fired and hit him. 
The dog made ten more paces, and fell to the earth. As he fell the 
lad said to the robbers, " Comrades, the dog is dead." " Brave fellow," 
said they, " now you shall be our captain, for killing the dog; but one 


thing more you must do. We will make a hole for you in the wall. 
When we have done that, then you are so slender you will creep 
through the hole." They made the hole, and he crept through it. 
Then the robbers said to him, " Here you, you have to go up a flight 
of steps, and at the fourth flight you will come to a door. There is 
one door, two doors, three doors." So through each door he passed ; 
then he passed through the third, there were a quantity of swords. 
He saw they were very fine swords, and took one of them. Then he 
went to the fourth door, opened it slowly ; it did not stop him, for the 
keys were there. Through the keyhole he saw a bed. Then he 
opened it, and went in. There he saw a princess lying, quite naked, 
but covered with a white ...[?]. At her feet stood a table, on 
which lay a pair of golden scissors. 

[" Then follows," says Dr. von Sowa, " a passage which contains 
many strange words to me, many corrupted, etc., therefore I give it 
in the original : ' Has odoi sovnakaskere (golden) bolde, ehas prazki 
(Czech, ' clasps '), he has odoi dui angrust'a (and there were two rings 
there), has lakero laf chingel (chindo) andra angrusti, le (?) akakana 
prala (?), te dikhel har has joi auka sovlas (sees her sleeping thus). 
Phend'as peske (he thought), Ach baro devel (0 great god), te sht'i 
tuha sovaf (? what if I lie with her). No peske phenda's, Ker mro 
devel, har karnes (do, my God, as thou wilt). Akakana lie'as ada 
chinibnangere (he took the scissors), har has oda sokora lachardi, 
chind'as (cut) ale soflichkos (looks like, but is not, a Czech word), har 
has lakri minch auka dui. Akakana dinas prek oda postela yek cheroi 
(leg), pale h-aver shchastne. Akorat laha sut'as (lay with her) kai 
nashti pes ani zbudinlas (she could not awake). Akakana shchastne 
la kabnard'as, no akana peske so has odova savoro lelas ola vyetsi 
(Czech, ' things ') kaithar lake ala flekos peske lelas oda yek angrust 
h-akakana oda yek pantoflos ' (took to himself one of the rings and 
one of the slippers)." The meaning, however, is pretty clear, and 
the sequel makes it much clearer.] 

Then he went out, taking the sword with him, and shutting the 
door. As he passed through the fourth door he said to himself, " I 
must open it carefully, so as not to waken her mother and father." 
He got out safely, then he went through the courtyard to the robbers. 
When he reached the hole he said to them, " My dear men, I know 
where she is. Come, we'll soon have the princess, but you must 
creep through the hole one after the other." Then he drew his 


sword, and as one came through after the other, he seized him by the 
head, cut off his head, and cast him aside. When he had done so to 
the twenty-fourth, he cast away the sword, and returned by the way 
that he had come to his mother, where they had slept. (He had 
thought never again to see his mother and his brother.) When he 
came to his mother, he said, " Mother, how do you find yourself ? you 
must be sleepy." His mother asked him, " My clear son, how have 
you managed to do with so little sleep ?" His younger brother 
said, " Why didn't you wake me up ? " " You were so sleepy, 
I let you sleep." Then they made a fire, ate and drank, and 
wandered on again through the forest. They arrived in a town, 
and sought employment. The mother said to her eldest son, 
" My son, we will stay at least a year here." She fortunately got 
a place at a big house as cook, and the two lads went as servants to 
an innkeeper. When they had been a year there, the mother said 
to her two sons, " Just see how well off we were at home, and here 
we have to work, and I an old body. You are young folk, and can 
stick to it, but I am old, and can't stand it any longer. The father 
ill-used us ; still, let us return home, if the Lord God gives us health 
and strength to do so. So they made ready, the landlord paid them 
their wages, and they set out. They went by the very way that he 
had gone to the castle and killed the twenty-four robbers. 

But how had they got on there since the year when he did that 
to her ? The princess had borne a child, but she knew not who was the 
father. She had a tavern built not far from the castle, and said to her 
mother, " Mother, dear, see what has befallen me, and how I now am. 
But I know not who the child is by. You have let me have the 
tavern built. Whoever comes there I will entertain gratis, and ask 
him what he has learned in the world whether he has any story to 
tell me, or whether he has had any strange experiences. Perhaps 
the man will turn up by whom I had the child." 

As luck would have it, the two brothers came through the village 
where the tavern was. There was a large signboard, on which was 
written, " Every man may eat and drink to his heart's desire, and 
smoke, only he must relate his experiences that he has gone through 
in the world." The elder lad said to his brother, "Brother dear, 
where are we ? I don't know myself." But he knew right well whom 
the tavern belonged to. They halted. Then he looked at the notice, 
and said to his mother, " See, mother, dear, see what that is. See 
there is written that the victuals and drink are gratis." " Let us go 
in, my son ; we are very hungry anyhow. Sure, we '11 find some tiling 


to tell her, it' only she '11 give us to eat and to drink." They went 
into the tavern. Straightway the hostess greeted them, and said, 
" Good day, where do you come from ? " " We come from a town out 
yonder. We have been working there ; now we want to return home, 
where my husband is." She said, " Good ! what might you drink, 
what will you eat ? I will give you just what you want." " Ah, my 
God ! " said she, " kind lady, if you would be so good as to give us 
something. We know that you are a kind lady." So she said to her 
women-servants, " Bring wine here, bring beer here, bring food here, 
and for the two men bring something to smoke." When they brought 
it, they ate and drank. " Now," said the princess the seeming 
hostess (but they knew not that she was a princess ; only the elder 
son knew it) " oh ! if you only would tell me something ? Come, 
you, old wife, what have you seen in your time ? " " Why, my good 
lady, I have gone through plenty. When I was at home, my man 
drank much, ran through my money. When he got drunk, he'd 
come home, scold and knock me about, smash everything that came 
to hand, and as for his children, he couldn't bear the sight of them. 
He scolded and knocked them about till they didn't know where they 
were. At last I said to my children, ' My children, since I can't get 
on with my man, and he uses us so badly, let us take our few things, 
and go off into the world.' " The hostess listened, brought the old 
wife a mug of beer, and gave it her. When she had drunk, the 
hostess said, " Speak on." " Well, we set off, and journeyed through 
the great forests, where we must go on and on, two whole days, with- 
out ever lighting on village or town. Never a peasant was to be 
seen, and night," she said, " came upon us, when we could go no 
further, and I was so weak that I could not take another step. 
There, poor soul, I had to bide, lying in the great forest under a great 
tree. It rained [a lacuna here] that we might not get wet. Forth- 
with I gathered wood, made a big fire, plucked moss, and made a 
resting-place for us. It was dark, and my sons said, ' We must mind 
and not be eaten by wild beasts.' And my elder son said to his 
brother, * I will think what must be done. You have also a couple of 
guns, if anything attacks us you will shoot.' But he said to his elder 
brother, ' Do you, my brother, sleep first, and when you have had your 
sleep out, then you will watch again.' " [There is some confusion 
here ; and from this point the son, not the mother, seems to become 
the narrator.] " As they all slept, under that great tree, then he 
thought to himself, ' I will sling my gun round my neck and climb a 
tree.' He climbed a tree, reached its top, for he wondered whether he 


might not see something a village or a town or a light. As it was, he 
saw a light. He took the hat from his head, and threw it in the 
direction of the light." Then she said, " Ah ! hostess, believe him 
not. Mark you, that is not true," said his mother. But she went 
and brought them beer, and said, "Tell on." And he said, "I 
climbed down from the tree to look where my hat was/' " Ah ! 
believe him not, hostess, believe him not ; mark you, that is not true." 
" Nay, let him go on with his story. What was there ? " " Twenty- 
four robbers. There was a bright light that dazzled my eyes. Not 
far from them was a tree." [" At this point," says Dr. von Sowa, 
" the story-teller forgot that the son is the narrator, so resumed the 
third person, repeating his former words almost verbatim : ' Chak 
gel'as upre, akakana nabiyind'as peskri phurdini. Har yek pielas pal 
lenge atar leskro mui odova phagl'as,' etc., till he came to the passage 
where the robbers send the boy into the castle. It ends with : ' He 
odoi savoro viskumineha (Czech, ' spy out '), he pale amenge aveha 
te phenel te hi (?) manush soven.' " The story goes on.] Then said the 
old mother to the hostess, " Believe him not, believe him not, for that 
is not true that he tells you." " Let him proceed. What have you 
then done ?" the hostess asked him. " I have done nothing." " You 
must have done something." " Well then, I have lain with you. I 
have taken away the ring. I have taken away half a golden cloth. 
A slipper have I taken from you that I carried off. But I 
took me a sword, and went out, shut the door behind me. Then I 
went to where the robbers were, called to them to step through the 
hole one after another. As they came through the hole, I cut off 
each one's head, and flung him aside." Then the hostess saw that it 
was true. " Then you will be my man." And he drew the things out, 
and showed them to her. And they straightway embraced and kissed 
one another. And she went into the little room, fetched the boy. 
" See, that is your child ; I am your wife." Forthwith she bids them 
harness two horses to the carriage ; they drove to the castle. When 
they reached it, she said to her father, " Father, dear, see, I have soon 
found my husband." Forthwith they made a feast, invited everybody. 
Forthwith the banns were proclaimed, and they were married. The 
floor there was made of paper, and I came away hither. 





IT appears very advisable that as far as possible some system of 
orthography should be adopted by the Society. The want of a 
system, when engaged on the Dialect of the English Gypsies (1875), led 
to a modification of Mr. Ellis's glossic. Since then several Orientalists 
have pointed out that such an Oriental language as Romany it 
would be convenient to assimilate the orthography more closely to 
that adopted for transliterating Sanskrit, Hindustani, etc., known as 
the " Jonesian," thus 

bait ; French e 

caul, caw 

as ai in bait ; French 
beet ; French i 
foul ; Gerni. faul 

Jonesiau. Glossic. 

e ai 

& a 

a aa 

a au, aw 

e e" final 

1 i final, ee 

e e 

ai ei 

i i 

6 6 

5 o 

yu eu 

a u 

u oo (short) 

u oo (long) 

oi oi 

au ou 

g always hard, us in go 

ch as in church 

sh as in shirt 

j as in judge 

Kh for the guttural 

Phonology is a study in itself, for which only those with fine 
musical ears are really suited. I am personally unable to say that 
the English or Welsh Gypsies have more than one guttural. They 
have a very liquid o, which is almost a u, in the past tense, e.g.pendom, 
"I said." This exact sound is in use amongst the Turkish Tchinghianes. 
It is difficult for an inexpert phonologist to give the pronunciation of 
the ending which is conveniently averaged by -8va, but which in the 
Turkish Romany (and in most, if not all, the Continental dialects) is 
written -ava, e.g. Pentfva, " I say " : Paspati, pendva. English is such a 
notoriously ill-spelt language that it is highly requisite for the Society 
to agree upon a system, and the foregoing is thrown out as a sugges- 
tion with the hope that, while simple in itself, it will make it easier 



for our friends on the Continent and in India to handle the materials 
which our Journal is intended to garner. 

Hardly less important is the accent. In the pure dialect this is 
almost invariably on the last syllable if the word ends with a vowel, 
and otherwise is on the first syllable of the inflection. In the corrupt, 
or " posh and posh," dialect, the English system of accent is preferred. 
The pronunciation varies amongst the English Gypsies so widely, and 
the speakers are so totally unconscious of the subject, that I have 
known a Gypsy puzzled by the word kister, " to ride," because he had 
been accustomed to the form kester. The words were as entirely 
different to him as the words blister and bluster. It is well to record 
all forms. H. T. CROFTON. 


Extracted from T/ie Indian Antiquary, 1887.] 

THE form of the genitive is most interesting. It is in the singular 
eskro, in the plural engro. These have varieties such as 
meskro, mengro ; omeskro, omengro. 

These genitive forms, as in the other Gaudian languages, were 
originally adjectives. 

The termination is really kro or gro, the es and en being respec- 
tively the singular and plural oblique terminations of the nouns, 
es-kro, en-kro (altered to gro for euphony). This any student of 
Prakrit will at once be able to trace to its Magadhi Prakrit forms. 
Kro, as seen from other Gypsy dialects, is a contraction from Ictirti which 
is the same as the Bihari genitive termination kar(a). Kera is the 
direct descendant of the Prakrit adjectival suffix Mra t which implies 
possession, e.g. (Apabhrarhs'a Prakrit in Hemachandra, iv. 422) jasu 
kerSm humkdradadm muhahum padamti srnidim, " on account of 
whose roaring the grass falls from the mouths (of the deer)." Here 
the first three words are literally in Sanskrit yasya kritena hum- 
kdr&na, in which yasya kritena is pleonastic for simple yasya. Now 
here two thing are to be noted, (a) that kSra is used adjectivally, and 
(b) that the noun to which it is pleonastically attached is in the 
genitive case. With these two facts, compare in Gypsy (a) that 
these nouns in kro or gro form nouns denoting an agent or possessor, 
the termination o being masculine and i (kri, gri) feminine or neuter, 


and (b) that the oblique bases es and en are originally genitives 
singular and plural respectively. Es corresponds to the Magadhi 
Prakrit gen. sing, term ass a (Hem. iv. 299), and en to the gen. pi. 
term dnam or anha of the same dialect (Hem. iv. 300, and Lassen, 
271, cf. Hem. iii. 123). Taking gaveskro, or gavengro, a policeman, 
as typical examples, and tracing back to Sanskrit, we get (l)grdmasya 
krita; Mag. Prak. gdmas's'a k6ra ; Apabhrams'a Prakrit gdnvass'a 
kera (Hem. iv. 397); Turkish Gypsy gaves-k6r8 ; Engl. Gypsy gaves- 
kro ; (2) Skr. grdmdndm kriia ; Mag. Pr. gdmanha Mr a ; 1 Turkish 
G. gdven-goro ; Engl. G. gavengro. 

We are now in a position to consider the other terminations given 
above, viz. (6}meskro, (o)mengro. Examples 

Sastermeskro, blacksmith, from saster, iron. 
Yogomeskro, gun, yog, fire. 

Tattermengro, frying-pan, tatter, to heat. 
Chinomengro, hatchet, chin, to cut. 

The terminations kro and gro have been already disposed of. It 
remains to consider the form (p)mes and (o)men. In the form mes 
and men it will appear that the o has only dropped out in obedience 
to the laws of euphony ; just as in the Bihari language the form 
sastrawd has become sastrwd, a weapon. 

It remains therefore to consider the fuller forms omes and 

These correspond to what in Bihari grammar are called " long 
forms," which are formed by adding the syllable 'wd or yd to any 
noun. Thus sastr, or long-form sastrwd, a weapon ; dgi or agiyde, fire. 
In Bihari a different termination is used for adjectives, so that the 
long forms of tattd, hot, and chhinn, cut, are tatakkd and clihinakkd ; 
but the Gypsy apparently retains the w for adjectives also, so that 
we may substitute, for the sake of comparison, supposititious Bihari 
words, tat'wa, a thing heated, and chhinn 'wa, a thing cut. Now 
in Prakrit (Hem. iv. 397) m can be changed to v preceded by 
anunasika, and though Hemachandra does not state the converse rule 
that v can become m, it does so in Bihari. In vulgar Maithili, as 
spoken by women, this long-form termination 'wd is commonly pro- 
nounced 'wdn or 'md. Examples will be found on p. 20 of Grierson's 
Maithil Chrestomathy, where we find a'gan'md for angan'wd, a court- 

1 Hem. iii. 123 confines this form to numerals, but is regularly formed from 


yard, bisararimd for bisaran'wd, forgotten ; and again p. 22, where we 
find asanarimd for asananwd, bathing. 

In Gypsy, therefore, stistermes is the genitive singular of the long 
form of sdster ; yugtimes the same of yog; and tattermen, gen. pi. of the 
long form of tatter (? tatta), and chinomen the same of chin. 

The long-form termination 'wd or 'mA is a relic of the Sanskrit 
pleonastic termination ka, which was very common in Prakrit, in 
which, as the /,' came between two vowels, it was elided. In the 
modern Gaudians a w or y was then inserted to fill the hiatus. Thus, 
Skr. s astro, or s'astraka, a weapon ; Mag. Prak. s'astra(k)a, gen. sing. 
sastra-as's'a Mr a, Engl. G. sastermeskro. 

Mag. Prak. gen. sing, s'astra-dka (Hem. iv. 299) kera, Bihari 
sastr'wd bar, or vulgar sastr'md kar. To take another example, Skr. 
tapta(ka) heated, Mag. Prak. gen. pi. tatta-anha kera, Engl. G. tatter- 
mengro, Bihaii tattawanli kar, or vulgar tattamanh kar. 

Besides eskro, etc., there are in the Engl. G. dialect, the termina- 
tions csko and esto in common use both as gen. sing, and as adjectival 

Of these the ko in csko is again the Skr. krita, of which another 
Prakrit form is Ida which becomes ko in Gypsy and ka in Bihari, 
through an intermediate form Icya. 

The to of esto is not so clear. I believe it is from the same krita, 
which can again in Prakrit become kata (Hem. iv. 323). Thus take 
the Gypsy m4esto (e.g. mdcsto kova, a looking-glass). This would be 
Skr. mukhasya krita, Magahi Prakrit muhas'-s'a kata. If these two 
were pronounced as one, thus muhas's'akata, the k would be liable to 
elision as falling between two vowels, so that we should get muhassa- 
ata, which might become in Gypsy mdesto. This derivation, which 
would be otherwise rather hazardous, fits in with a similar explana- 
tion of the Gypsy dative termination este, of which the te would 
represent, if this theory is correct, the Skr. krite, a word often used to 
signify " for," the original of the Bihaii dative suffix kaliun or Mil, 
through the Prakrit katd and the Apabhrarhsa Prakrit kaahum or 
kaahim (Hem. iv. 340, 347 ; Krarnadis'warn, as quoted in Lassen, 
26). G. A. GRIERSON. 



(From the Ethnologische Mitteilungen aus Ungarn> Part I.) 
LENTO. 1. Mezoseg. 

LARGO. 2. Mezosey. 

ANDANTINO. 3. Mezosey. 

poco rit. 

ALLEGRO. 4. Mezoseg. 


LARGO. 5. M.-Vdsdrhely. 

1 mo 2 do 

ALLEGRO. 6. Tovis. 


CON MOTO. 7. Bttrzenland. 

MODERATO. 8. Burzenland. 

ALLEGRETTO. 9. Bihar. 

ANDANTINO. 10. Mezosdg. 




J-^ DICTIONARY. On a new plan. In which it is shown that 
consonants are alone to be regarded in discovering the affinities of 
words, and that the vowels are to be wholly rejected ; that languages 
contain the same fundamental idea ; and that they are derived from 
the EAETH, and the operations, accidents, and properties belonging 
to it. With illustrations drawn from various languages : The Teutonic 
Dialects, English, Gothic, Saxon, German, Danish, etc. Greek, Latin, 
French, Italian, Spanish. The Celtic Dialects, Gaelic, Irish, Welsh, 
Bretagne, etc. The dialects of the Sclavonic, Russian, etc. The 
Eastern Languages, Hebrew, Arabic, Persian, Sanscrit, Gipsey, Coptic, 
etc." By the Eev. Walter Whiter, M.A., Eector of Hardingham, in 
the county of Norfolk, and late Fellow of Clare Hall, Cambridge. 3 
vols., 1822-25. 

The penultimate word in this wonderful title attracted my atten- 
tion to this no less wonderful work. Its contents have not wholly 
disappointed my expectations, for Mr. Whiter himself, or an informant 
(? George Borrow), had clearly some knowledge of Romany, gained 
independently and not from books. This the following extracts will 
show : 

Vol. i. p. 128. "Gipsey okto, 'eight.'" 

P. 222. "Gipsey yeJc, 'one.'" 

P. 312. "In Gipsey se is 'is/ which answers to the Hindostan 
ta, etc. ; and still more agrees in form with the Celtic terms si, so, etc. 
In Gipsey, likewise, so sa means ' how,' ' what ' ; as So se Romand. 
1 What is it in Gipsey ? ' Sa shan Ria, Sa shan Raunta, ' How do 
you do, sir ? ' ' How do you do, madam ? ' The Ria and Raunta 
belong to Rex and ftegina (Lat.), Re (ItaL), Roi, Heine (Fr.), Rajah 
(Hindoo), etc. The shan I conceive to be a compound of sha, a 
variety of se, to denote the participle ' being,' and an, which may be 
called the verb, corresponding with the Hindostan hona, ' to be.' " 

P. 320. " The Gipsey is acknowledged to be a Hindostan 
dialect, or a dialect of the Sanscrit ; and the resemblance of the Latin 
to the Sanscrit has afforded a subject of great astonishment. ' It will 
perhaps be discovered by some future inquirer/ as I have ventured to 
suggest, ' that from a horde of vagrant Gipseys once issued that band 
of sturdy robbers, the companions of Eomulus and of Eemus, who laid 
the foundations of the Eternal City on the banks of the Tibur.' We 
now see that the Italian verb of being, so, se, and the Gipsey se, coincide 


with each other, it is curious, likewise, that some should have 
observed the resemblance between the cloak or blanket, thrown over 
the shoulders of the Gipseys, and the Roman Toga. I was not aware 
that this resemblance had been noticed, when I ventured on the above 
conjecture. Martinius, under the article Cingarus, has the following 
passage : ' Brodseus, lib. 8, Miscellan. cap. 1 7, ait ipsam Romanam 
Togam eandem pene cum ea fuisse, qua, quos Galli Bohemos, Itali 
Cingaros iiominant, amiciuntur.' This is, I think, exceedingly im- 
pressive and singular. The mode in which the Gipseys wear the 
cloak or blanket, which is thrown over their shoulders, is certainly 
unlike any other mode of wearing a similar covering; and the 
Romans, we all know, were so marked and distinguished from every 
other people by the dress of their Toga or cloak, that they were called 
the Gens Togata: 

' Romanes rerum dominos, Gentemque TOGATAM.' " 

P. 339. " Gipsey sa, so, ki, ' how,' ' what,' ' where.' " 

P. 508. " Gipsey efta, ' seven.' " 

Vol. ii. p. 850. " Gipsey yog, ' fire.' " 

P. 1004. " In the Gipsey dialect, Ri and JRaunenre titles of respect 
for a ' gentleman ' and ' lady,' ' sir ' and ' madam/ " 

P. 1223. "We cannot but observe that the name of the great 
nation, the 'Romans, ROMANI, belongs to our element RM, and 
ROMANI is the name by which the Gipseys distinguish their own 
tribe. This is certainly a very curious coincidence ; and I must 
leave the reader to his own reflections respecting the cause of its 
existence, on which I have ventured to offer a suggestion on a former 
occasion (p. 320)." Both this passage and that are curiously 
suggestive of George Borrow. 

Vol. iii. p. 32. " In Gipsey Petal-engro is a ' farrier,' and Gre sko 
Petalles is a ' horse-shoe.' The term Engro means ' in,' ' engaged in,' 
' concerned in,' and is added to substantives for the purpose of 
expressing the occupation of a person, as Cacave-Engro, a ' tinker,' i.e. 
a person employed in kettles, etc., etc. The term Gre or Gri is a 
' horse,' and sko is the post positive article denoting ' of.' " 

P. 47. "In the dialect of the Gipseys Padal means ' after'; Besh, 
1 down ' ; Beshte so kam, ' the sun is set,' or down ; Besh telse, ' sit 
down ' ; OkMs scammin, Besh Poshe mandee, ' There 's a chair, sit down 
by me ' ; where we see in besh and poshe the element used in different 
forms to express congenial ideas expressed by the verb and adverb, 
' sit ' and ' down.' Let us likewise note in okhis and scammin the 
Greek ekei and the Latin scamnum. In Gipsey vassave means ' base' 


or ' bad/ as vassave chib, a ' bad tongue ' or ' bad-spoken person,' and I 
have already observed that in Sanscrit vasa deva is ' the Goddess of 
the Earth/ where we are brought to the spot from which all these 
terms are derived." 

That I have unearthed the whole stock of Mr. Winter's Eomani 
words I will not positively assert ; but, at least, I have collected 
twenty-six, which I here arrange in their proper order : Eesh, sit 
(p. part, beshte); chib, tongue; efta, seven; gre or gri, horse (adj. 
gresko); cacave-engro, tinker; kam, sun; ki, where; mandee, me; o, 
the; okhis, there (rather okki se, here is); okto, eight; padal, after 
(across); petalles, horse-shoe (accus.); petal-engro, farrier; poshe, near; 
raunt, lady (voc. raunta); ri, gentleman (voc. ria); Eomani, Gypsy 
(adv. Romane}-, sa, so, how (sar); shan, art; se, is; sea mmin, chair ; 
so, what ; telse, down (? misprint for telae) ; vassave, bad ; yek, one ; 
yog, fire. The general correctness of these words and forms is 
remarkable. Indeed, Mr. Whiter could clearly, had he so chosen, 
have given us a valuable Eomani vocabulary. 

Oriental Fragments (Lond. 1834), by the author of The Hindu Pan- 
theon (i.e. Major Moor, of Bealings, in Suffolk), is a work almost odder 
than Mr. Whiter's. The following passages deal with the Gypsies : 

P. 141. "Our magnificent Coronation pall, which appears to be 
also called dalmatica (Dalmatia, the region of Gypsies ?) spread as 
above described over a ridge-pole, would form the body or sides, all 
except the upright ends, of an Indian or Gypsy pall. What do 
Gypsies call their palls ? I expect, in my next discourse with those 
curious people, to find that pall is also their name." 

Pp. 347-351. "The Gypsies ('gyptsl) are similarly seen all over 
India as all over England and nearly all over the intervening 
regions. . . . Nor can any two races of men be much more unlike, bating 
itinerancy, than the Vanjari and the wandering Zingari of India. 
The latter word, as Zingar, means a ' saddler/ All leather- workers in 
India are base. In the Mahratta countries saddle and bridle makers 
must, with such an equestrian erratic people, have been much 
employed, and of necessity also wanderers. I have forgotten the 
appellations by which these wanderers are called in different parts of 
India. Wherever I have been, I have, I think, seen gangs of them, 
four or five or more in number, of males women and children to 
correspond and have ever been reminded by them of the Gypsies of 
England. Here they are mostly tinkers ; in India cobblers. . . . 
Some years ago, I recollect, among other things, asking a black-eyed, 


black-haired, black-skinned, white-toothed, handsome Gipsy woman, 
what she called this ? showing her a knife. ' Clmry,' she said ; 
exactly as half the inhabitants of the great Indian range would have 
answered from Indus to the Brahmaputra. I have forgotten the 
rest of our colloquy. (I received the same answer to the same ques- 
tion, from a like person, within a week of my writing this note May 

This I may cap with an experience of my own. Some years ago 
I was in a railway carriage with a sergeant and a private, who were 
bringing back a deserter. The private's pipe had got choked, and 
" Lend us your churi" he said to the sergeant. "Gypsies," I thought; 
but no, they had simply lately returned from India, where they had 
picked up the word. Whence, by the by, did Scott get chury, the 
only true Eomany word in all his works? It occurs, not in Guy 
Mannering, but in the Heart of Midlothian and the Fortunes of Nigel. 



Ethnologisclie Mitteilungen aus Ungarn : Zeitschrift fur die Volks- 
kunde der Bcivolmer Ungarns und seiner Nebenlander. Redigiert 
und herausgegelen von Prof. Dr. ANTON HERRMANN. Budapest, 
1887, 1888. (Ethnological Contributions from Hungary : A 
Journal of Ethnology for Hungary and adjacent countries. 
Edited and published by Prof. Dr. Anton Herrmann. Budapest : 
1887, 1888.) Containing several articles relative to Gypsies, 
with Gypsy Melodies. 

GYPSY lore is a sister of Folk-lore, and both are daughters of Eth- 
nology. The Austrian Empire, and especially Hungary, abounds far 
more than any other country in Europe in varied, strange, and attrac- 
tive races of people, including several branches of the best type of the 
Komany ; and therefore it is not remarkable that the Ethnologisclie 
Mitteilungen aus Ungarn, or Ethnological Contributions from Hungary, 
as it is remarkably well edited, should contain much that would deeply 
interest all our readers. This will appear from the following partial 
list of its contents. Firstly, an excellent introduction by the pub- 
lisher, Dr. Anton Herrmann. " General Characteristics of Magyar 
VOL I. NO. ii. H 

106 HEV1EWS. 

Folk-Lore," by Dr. L. Katona, a paper on the comparative examination 
of German, Hungarian, and Gypsy popular songs, showing that many 
have appeared through the ages in a great variety of versions. " Ma'r- 
chenhort," an article in which it is pointed out that the folk-tale has 
in all ages been in a way a gospel of consolation and hope to the poor, 
and which is illustrated, or rather connected, with a comparison 
between Hungarian Gypsy Tales and those of the Algonkin Indians 
of America. This is followed by " The Moon in Hungarian Popular 
Beliefs," and a paper " On the Origin of the Roumanian Language," by 
Ladislaus Ee"thy, a tongue whose likeness to Latin is very much 
exaggerated by the modern " Eoumans." " It cannot," observes the 
critic, " be classed among the later Latin tongues, but rather ranks by 
comparison with the Negro-French of the Isle of France," that is to 
say, as a Latin " Pidgin." Next we have a full review of " Finnish 
Legends," translated by Emmy Schreck, a subject deserving careful 
study, as it presents innumerable points of resemblance to the tradi- 
tions of the Eskimo and Eed Indians already mentioned. This is 
followed by a critique of collections of Euthenian or Hungarian- 
Eussian popular songs, and (in two parts) an extremely interesting 
paper on "Magic Formulas and Incantations of the Transylvanian 
and South Hungarian Gypsies," by Dr. Heinrich v. Wlislocki, who is 
probably more practically familiar with Gypsy life and language in 
every form than any scholar who ever lived. This series of articles 
has also been published in book form, and I am now engaged in trans- 
lating it into English, with additions drawn from other sources. It is 
probable that many of these formulas are very ancient. About 
.eighteen months ago I learned from a girl in Florence two magic 
" conjurations," which are to be effectively found in the old Assyrian 
spells of Lenormant. Very interesting indeed are the copious " Speci- 
mens of Popular Ballads in German, Magyar, Eoumanian, Wendish, 
Euthenian, Slovak, Servian, Bosnian, and other languages," with 
German versions. Among these are two in the singular Spanish 
dialect spoken by Sephardim Jews in Hungary, which are in the style 
of the songs of Gil Vincente. Dr. Herrmann, who fortunately under- 
stands music, gives the score of a number of Transylvanian Gypsy 
airs. It is not generally known that there are many melodies which 
Hungarian and Eussian Gypsies will on no account play before a 
" Gajo." " Sveta Nedjelica " (Holy Sunday) is the partial translation 
into German of a very interesting Bosnian poem. Allied to it is " The 
Song of Gusinje," a Bosnian Mahometan epic, which illustrates the 
incredible variety and richness of the folk-lore of Hungary. Prof. 


Paul Huni'alvy contributes a paper " On the Hungarian Fisheries," in 
which the etymology of a number of words peculiar to fishermen and 
hunters is given. We have from Dr. Karl Papay a communication on 
the inhabitants of the Hungarian Isle of Csepel, in the Danube, which 
is believed to contain an immense hoard of prehistoric relics in graves, 
which have been as yet very little explored. Some new and curious 
narrations are given in " Contributions on Vampyrism in Servia," by 
Ludwig von Thalloczy. " Hungarian Popular Tales," by Job Sebesi, 
will interest any reader. In " Ungarischer Aberglauben " and " Eou- 
manian Exorcisms against the Evil Eye," we have relics of the old 
Shamanism already represented by the Gypsy spells. Yet again we 
find many pages devoted to Austrian popular songs in many tongues 
a rich field, when it is remembered that there are fourteen languages 
peculiar to the country, if we include Hungary. The editorial and 
critical contributions to the Ethnologisclic Mitteilungen are copious and 
creditable. The work is a folio pamphlet of 123 pages, appearing 
every month, with the exception of July and August, which are 
devoted by the editor to personal researches among Gypsies, Croats, 
and all the people which supply him with subjects. The cost of each 
number is two marks, that of the first five, five marks, or five shillings. 
Address Prof. Dr. Anton Herrmann, Budapest, I., Attila-utcza 49. 
To conclude, I can say most sincerely that I know of no work in 
which there is in a corresponding amount of " letter-press," so much 
to deeply interest the ethnologist and folk-lorist, or the Komany Eye 
and lover of literary curioscc in prose or verse. 


EVEN although the Mdrchenhort, above referred to, had no bearing 
upon our special subject, it would still merit a fuller notice in this 
Journal ; since it comes from the hand of a Gypsy brother no other, 
indeed, than our Sherengro himself. Bub it does actually deal, 
although not exclusively, with one feature of Gypsyism. And, more- 
over, it brings to light a new and most interesting question, which 
(it is needless to say) here receives a broad, comprehensive, and 
original treatment. 

Mr. Leland begins by reminding us that the serious study of 
what educated men, back to remote ages, have regarded as merely 
silly tales, " vulgar " beliefs, and gross superstition that which is now 
known under the general title of Folk-Lore is a study peculiar to 
this century, almost to this generation. Even we, he adds, are not 


in a position to realise and understand, so well as our descendants 
shall do, the important part that Folk-Lore or, more precisely, the 
Yolk- Tale has played in directing the actions of men. 

The Folk-Tale he divides into two grand classifications; under 
its primary aspect as a matter of genuine, unquestioning belief ; and 
again, as it appears when it has sunk into the position of a mere 
nursery-tale, told for amusement, and tacitly regarded as quite 
unworthy of serious consideration. The folk-tales of such countries 
as Germany, Britain, France, and Scandinavia have, he points out, 
long ago fallen into the second of these divisions. But there is one 
European people that still implicitly accepts its legends as real and 
true, and that is the Gypsy race more definitely the Gypsies of 
Hungary. These tales, or the ethics which they inculcate, constitute 
the Hungarian Gypsy's religion. He may call himself a Christian, 
but Christianity is only his holiday garb : the actual religion which 
is his everyday attire, and which influences him in all the actions of 
his life, is to be found in the legendary lore of his race. No matter 
how incredible or impossible their statements may seem to modern 
Europeans, to him they are deep-seated articles of belief. And what 
they mainly teach him is to console himself for present suffering by 
the expectation of " a good time coming." This is what Mr. Leland 
finds, he tells us, to be the germ of the primitive folk-tale the 
Gospel of consolation ; and consolation which, as much as that of 
Christianity, is offered to the poorest and meanest. In the folk-tale 
it is not the rich and strong who are esteemed : the hero is nearly 
always poor and unfriended a helpless orphan, a poor man, the 
youngest brother or the weakest child, a deformed hunchback it is 
to such as these that success and happiness come at last. 

Although this exaltation of the still despised " children's stories " 
is novel to most of us, the theme is well worthy of consideration. 
For a man's religion is only that which he says it is, when it happens 
that the professed belief actuates his daily life. It is not the 
Christianity which the Hungarian Gypsy professes that comforts him 
in distress (although no doubt that could do so too), but the memory 
of many an ancient legend that showed him how the gods took pity 
upon the friendless and unhappy. It is the application to his own 
case of the moral conveyed in these stories, that brings him comfort. 

This idea quite coincides with the suggestion made by a recent 
writer that the " moral " appended to the tales of J^sop indicates that 
these drew their origin, very remotely, perhaps, from some book of 
Buddhist teaching. Assuming this theory to be correct, we have 


thus in "^sop's Fables " a distinct counterpart to those Hungarian- 
Gypsy tales : both representing a genuine faith, although in each 
case the source of their inspiration has been lost, and each is viewed 
by indifferent moderns as nothing better than a collection of nursery 
tales. Nor, indeed, is it only by means of either of these collections 
that religion has been taught. Mr. Leland has said that the religion 
of the Gypsy folk-tale is like that of Christianity, in that it offers 
comfort to the poor and outcast. But is this the only point of 
resemblance ? Surely no religion was ever expounded more fully 
through the medium of stories than Christianity itself. Whether 
these were themselves Jewish folk-tales which had long been current, 
or whether they were originated by the Teacher Himself, they were 
the favourite and forcible exponents of the Christian religion. 

One other instructive feature the Marchenlwrt presents. While 
keeping in view the traditions of the Hungarian Gypsies, Mr. Leland 
places quite as prominently those of another, and in some respects a 
similar race. The folk-tales of the Algonquin Indians of North 
America are, he finds, on precisely the same level as those of the 
Gypsies. That is to say, they still constitute a religion, and are 
firmly believed in by the Algonquins themselves, to whom they 
present the same Gospel of comfort in distress. 

But, while this forms their connection with the main argument of 
the MdrckenJiort, every reader of Mr. Leland's Algonquin Legends of 
New England l is aware of the fact which he again enforces in this 
essay, that the Algonquin mythology bears a most unmistakable 
likeness to that of ancient Scandinavia. Thor, Loki, the fairies and 
the dwarfs, figure again and again, though in altered guise, in those 
Transatlantic tales. How this has happened, we need not discuss 
here. But again the Hungarian Gypsies come into prominence : for 
they too have a mass of beliefs which, if not exactly those of Scan- 
dinavia, are at least those of mediaeval Europe, and vividly recall the 
incidents of the Nibelungen Lied. Here we stand upon much firmer 
ground than we should, were we to speculate upon the way in which 
the tales of Thor and Loki probably found their way across the 
Atlantic. For not only do the Transylvanian Gypsies of to-day pos- 
sess tales which suggest the Nibelungen Lied, but that Lied itself is 
said by some to have been composed by a Transylvanian Gypsy. 2 

1 London, 1884. 

2 King.sley, in his Saint's Tragedy, speaks of Klingsor. one of the reputed authors of the 
Nibelungeu Lied, as " a Zingar wizard," and states that he was a famous astrologer, fortune- 
teller, and necromancer, inhabiting Siebenbiirgen during the thirteenth century. Kingsley 
draws his facts from Dietrich the Thuringian. 


And certainly the caste which possesses such inherited beliefs in this 
century presents itself as the most probable source of a thirteenth- 
century epic, composed of such materials, and assigned to the same 
locality. Unless it can be proved that there were no Gypsies in 
Transylvania during the thirteenth century. 

Of the rich store of Transylvanian- Gypsy lore which Drs. Von 
Wlislocki and Herrmann have garnered for us in the Ethnologische 
Mitteilungen aus Ungarn, we can only give an imperfect sketch in 
these pages. Everything they give is fresh from the Gypsies them- 
selves, the result of long and careful observation while dwelling among 
them. Unquestionably the most interesting of all these communica- 
tions is Von Wlislocki's pregnant article on the South-Hungarian 
Gypsy Spells. These spells are employed in curing and in warding 
off disease, whether of men or animals, in counteracting the Evil Eye 
and all baneful influences, and in recovering lost property, or discover- 
ing hidden treasure. The power to employ such charms is chiefly 
vested in the female Gypsies, though not in all of them. To be a true 
witch (cohdlyi), otherwise a " good " or " wise " woman (Idee romni or 
gule romni), by right of birth, one must be the seventh of an uninter- 
rupted series of girls. Such a girl is a born witch, though her super- 
natural powers require cultivation, and she is eagerly sought after in 
marriage by the young men of her tribe. The ninth boy of an un- 
interrupted series of boys has also similar powers. 1 But it is with 
the " wise women " that the superior knowledge and skill chiefly rests. 
And as, mingled with many ancient rites, there is a certain amount of 
everyday medical learning discernible in their charms, it is easily 
understood how those " wise women " are not only looked up to with 
great respect by their fellow-Gypsies, but also by the neighbouring 
country people, to whom they sell, at very high prices, various 
miraculous salves against fever and other sicknesses. 

Those women who have learned their, magic lore direct from the 
unseen powers of Earth and Water are regarded as the greatest 
witches of all. And as these powers are addressed in many of their 
formulas, they may here be briefly referred to. 

They consist mainly of the water-spirits, or kelpies, the gnomes, 
or kobolds, and the " good fairies," all of whom were once firmly be- 
lieved in by other European peoples. There is also the Slayer of 
Flesh (Mdshurddlo, or more correctly Mdshmurddlo), who exactly cor- 
responds with the giants of the "Jack the Giant-Killer" order. He 

Three, seven, and nine are magic numbers among these people ; the last probably because 
it is three times three. The first two numbers, as well as the seventh-daughter idea, are 
regarded as " lucky " by other races. 

REVIEWS. 1 1 1 

lurks in desert places, on the outlook for men and beasts, whose flesh 
(especially the former variety) he highly esteems. Yet he is so stupid 
and gullible that he is often outwitted by men, who thus gain from 
him his hoarded treasures. And he has this good point, that his huge 
strength is always at the service of the man who may have helped 
him when in difficulty. 

But the Mdshurddlo is apparently seldom prayed to : only once, 
indeed, in these examples in a spell against fever. The other 
" supernaturals" figure much more frequently. Of them, the good 
fairies, or Urmcn, seem always favourable to man. And they are 
the kindly protectors of the brutes also. So that the Gypsies, when 
they see their children tormenting an animal, make them desist by 
calling out to them, " Urme tute nd lied somndkune p$dldy ! " (" The 
good fairies will not give you any golden apples.") However, although 
the Urmcn are so favourably disposed towards man and beast, the 
gnomes and kelpies appear almost invariably as their dreaded foes. 
In illustration of this, take the following charm to keep away evil 
from an unbaptized child. (For here, as in many other places, it is 
believed that until a child is baptized it is not safe against the powers 
of evil.) These Hungarian Gypsies, therefore, take the precaution of 
lighting a fire before the tent of the " childing mother," and this fire 
is not suffered to go out until the ceremony of baptism has taken 
place. The women, who light and feed the fire, croon, as they do so, 
the following chant 

Burn ye, burn ye fast, Fire ! 

And guard the babe from wrathful ire 

Of earthy Gnome and Water-Sprite, 

Whom with thy dark smoke banish quite ! 

Kindly Fairies, hither fare, 

And let the babe good-fortune share, 

Let luck attend him ever here, 

Throughout his life be luck aye near ! 

Twigs and branches now in store, ) . 

And still of branches many more, ) 

Give we to thy flame, O Fire ! 

Burn ye, burn ye, fast and high, 

Hear the little baby cry ! 

Again, it is the female-gnome, the " earth-woman," who is accused 
of secretly suckling a baby when it refuses its own mother's milk. 
And bitter are the curses (" Sickness devour thy body," " Let thy milk 
become Jire," " May thou burn in the earth ") directed against her in 
the incantation that helps to restore the baby to the breast. So, too, 
in such complaints as those of the eye, or bleeding at the nose, the 


sickness is not only conjured out of the patient, but given for ever to 
the gnome. Similarly, a spell against fever transfers it into the 
water (" / am no friend to thee ") ; by which the water-spirit, or 
kelpie, is to be understood. 

Yet, on the other hand, the abhorred water-being is sometimes 
propitiated. As when a mother, to charm away convulsive crying in 
her child, goes through the prescribed ceremonial in all its details, 
of which the last is this appeal, as she casts a red thread into the 
stream, "Take this thread, Water-Spirit, and take with it the 
crying of my child I If it gets well, I will bring thee apples and 
eggs ! " The Kelpie again appears in a friendly character when a 
man, in order to recover a stolen horse, takes his infant to a stream, 
and, bending over the water, asks the invisible genius to indicate, by 
means of the baby's hand, the direction in which the horse has been 
taken. In these two instances, we seem to have a survival of the 
worship of water and the watery powers, once common throughout 

It is the belief of these Gypsies that all sicknesses are caused by 
demoniacal possession. And these evil spirits must not only be 
conjured out of one's body, but into something else : it may be a hole 
specially made in a tree (afterwards carefully plugged), or it may be 
water, earth, or the powers dwelling therein. Some of the formulas 
are curiously complicated. That against disease of the eyes first 
conjures the sickness out of the eyes into the water, then out of the 
water and into the saffron, from thence into the earth, and then out of 
the earth into the earth-man " There is thy home, thither go thou and 
feast ! " This, too, is undoubtedly an ancient belief. 

" The nearest running water " plays an important part in many of 
these magic rites. And Dr. Von Wlislocki states that even yet no 
tent-dwelling Gypsy (of this family) will cross a bridge without 
spitting thrice over the parapet. (For expectoration itself has some 
mystic meaning.) In addition to water, fire, and earth, there are 
many other important accessories to these charms, such as trees and 
plants of various kinds, black dogs, black hens, frogs, birds, red and 
white wool, and so forth. 

But, happily, he who wants to acquaint himself more particularly 
with these Zauber- und Besprcchungsformeln der transsilvanischen und 
sudungarischcn Zigeuner can now obtain the little book with very 
little trouble and expense. 

The Gypsy airs taken down by Dr. Herrmann, we are enabled by 
his courtesy to reproduce in the present number of our Journal. 


Two tales (The Squirrel and the Fish, and Who Loves Me?), as 
well as a tragic ballad of Anrush and Rukui, and a love -song 
(Ushci lelc, mre yalaniba /) all Komani are also included among 
these very interesting " Contributions from Hungary." 



THE question of the diffusion of Folk-tales is one only less interest- 
ing, and hardly less difficult than that of their origin ; and indeed it can 
scarcely be said that the materials for its solution are yet in the pos- 
session of the student, despite the wealth of collections from all parts 
of the world which have issued from the press in such profusion during 
the last decade. Much more might already have been done had the 
editors of these always had a scientific grasp of the conditions of the 
problem. But unfortunately the really important and trustworthy 
collections are still so few that we have almost exhausted their 
number when we have enumerated the names of Grimm, Von Halm, 
Campbell, Asbjornsen, Ealston, Galloway, Gill, Pitre', Crane, Krauss, 
Sebillot, Luzel, Leland, Temple, and Cosquin. Many editors also have 
started with some scholar's preconceived theory, and instead of first 
finding their facts, and then deducing a theory to account for these, 
have contented themselves with casting about to find facts to bolster 
up a theory already made. It is unnecessary here to do more than 
allude to the theory that folk-tales are the detritus of old Aryan 
myths, as it held possession of the field almost till yesterday, and 
indeed is not yet by any means generally discredited. It was 
consecrated by the august support of Grimm, and has been elo- 
quently elucidated by Von Halm, Max Miiller, and Dasent, and with 
much more zeal than discretion by Sir George Cox and De Guber- 
natis. The next contribution of first importance to the question 
was the masterly introduction of Benfey, to his translation of the 
Pantchatantra (1859). This great scholar's contention was that 
the popular tales of Europe were imported from India, and diffused 
chiefly through literary channels, such as translations of Eastern 
story-books and the like. Mr. Clouston and M. Cosquin follow 
Benfey with greater or less modifications. M. Cosquin argues that 
if the Aryan race, before its dispersion, preserved the myths only 
in their earliest germinal form, after the separate branches had lost 


touch of one another, it would have been impossible that the final 
form of the myths the household tales as we possess them now 
would have so closely resembled each other as they do ; and that there- 
fore most of the folk-tales have spread all round the world from 
people to people by way of borrowing, and that their ultimate source 
is India not in prehistoric times, but within the period of actual 
history. Benfey contended that the essential ideas forming the 
basis of our folk-tales were mainly features of Indian origin; and 
Cosquin supplements by arguing that their formative ideas were 
carried westwards within the historical period. Mr. Lang has weak- 
ened this position considerably by bringing forward from widely 
scattered savage races, awkward analogies and startling identities 
apparently inconsistent with so comparatively narrow and recent an 
origin, and apparently would make the spontaneous generation of simi- 
lar ideas and incidents, under the same physical conditions, and at 
parallel levels in culture, a much more important factor in the manu- 
facture of folk-tales. Here the question at issue may be narrowed to 
that of what constitutes the essential elements in such a story. No 
doubt the ideas and situations are afloat everywhere wherever men 
exist at the same stage of culture, but how far are independent parallel 
or identical combinations possible ? That which makes a story, pro- 
perly speaking, is not the ideas which enter into it, such as speaking 
beasts, transformations, objects of magic, and the like, for these might 
easily be generated in parallel sets, but rather the combination of the 
same, which is usually a thing completely arbitrary. When we find 
among the Iroquois or the Zulus, a certain story where adventures 
succeed each other or combine, in the same manner, as in a certain 
other European story, we can confidently affirm of that story, that 
there has not been generation at an independent time and manner 
among the Zulus or the Iroquois and among the Europeans, but that 
there has been transmission by some means or other. The point 
of departure of that transmission M. Cosquin seeks to point out 
historically in India. We know already of diverse currents which 
have carried into all directions several written collections, and it 
seems as easy to suppose that oral Indian stories should also have 
followed different routes, eastwards to Indo-China, northwards 
to Tibet and Tartary, westwards to the Persians, thence to the 
neighbouring peoples, and at last to Europe. It is admitted by 
all that such borrowing has occurred; the only questions being as 
to the extent and the medium employed, and how far it is possible 
to believe that parallel combinations might be constructed through 


the identical working of the human imagination. Mr. Lang admits 
readily that the process of borrowing has also gone on, and that 
stories once invented may have been carried on through the mists 
of the past by such social accidents as the pilgrimage of hardy mer- 
chants across land and sea, the seizure and sale of slaves, and marriage 
by capture. 

At this point comes the latest contributor to the question 
with a pregnant suggestion that the Gypsies, in their restless and 
incessant wanderings, may have had a large share in the diffusion of 
these stories. This striking and original theory has been put forth by 
Mr. Francis H. Groome in an article in The National Review for July 
of this year. Mr. Groome dwells on the ubiquity of the Gypsy race, 
on their continual journeyings, on the fact that in earlier ages they 
were welcomed everywhere by kings and nobles, that their earliest 
appearance in European countries gives ample time for the diffusion 
of many stories, and further that many of Mr. Lang's survivals of dead 
savagery are still living realities in Gypsy tents. Again, he points out 
many things appearing as integral elements in the development of 
the action in some widely-spread folk-tales, such as the existence of 
priests and churches, portraits, playing-cards, letters, and the like, 
as proving that not only the story-elements, but the combinations 
of these have really been transmitted together, and that within 
such comparatively recent historical periods as fit well with the 
theory of transmission by Gypsies. Moreover many stories actu- 
ally collected at the present time from Gypsies in Europe are 
more perfect in literary form and detail than parallel stories 
among non-Gypsy races, and this is merely what might have been 
expected if the Gypsies were originally a professional story-telling 
race. Mr. Groome tells us that as yet only 127 Gypsy stories 
have been printed by Friedrich Miiller, Paspati, Miklosich, Constan- 
tinescu, Von Wlislocki, and himself, and it must be admitted that the 
case he makes out from such comparatively scanty materials is strong 
indeed. His theory is very plausible, fits well with many of the facts, 
and explains what must have prevailed to a large extent. It is an 
attempt to fling a bridge across a hitherto almost unbridged gulf, and 
the only question now to be considered is whether the structure will 
bear the weight that must be put upon it. If an Indian origin is not- 
claimed for all our folk-tales, Mr. Groome's contention may be taken 
as already proved ; but we must not forget the claims of Egypt as the 
cradle of much early human culture, and Benfey tells us that metem- 
psychosis an elemental idea in folk-tales was itself carried to the 


Ganges from the Nile. Sir Eichard Burton attributes the origination 
of all art and culture to Egypt, but even this is by no means incon- 
sistent with Mr. Groome's theory, for ideas may have been carried 
thence to India, which there ripened into fruit, and were, scores of 
generations after, re-carried to the West. It is to be hoped that 
storiologists will work out this subject, and discover not only what 
stories belong to the Gypsies, or have been transmitted by them, but 
also what internal evidences of Gypsy origin there are in the stories 
in non-Gypsy collections. Meantime folk-lorists have to thank Mr. 
Groome for a most suggestive and interesting, as well as new and 
plausible answer to the old Sphinx-like riddle of the diffusion of 
nursery-tales. THOMAS DAVIDSON. 


In addition to the articles in Ethnologische Mitteilungen aus 
Ungarn, more fully referred to in the preceding pages, we have to 
notice several other recent contributions to Gypsy Lore. Dr. von 
Sowa favours us with the following memorandum which he has made 
of the Gypsy publications coming under his notice during the past 
year : 

" I have collected the following titles of treatises on the Gypsies, 
published during the past year : (1) JOHN A VERY, " Origin of the 
Gypsies" (American Antiquarian and Oriental Journal, ix. 192); 
(2) E. GERARD, " Transylvanian Peoples " (Contemporary Review, 
41, 327-46); (3) G. A. GRIERSON, "Arabic and Persian Eeferences to 
Gypsies" (Indian Antiquary, xvi. 257-58); (4) " The Transylvanian 
Tziganes" (Blackwood's Magazine, May 1887); (5) "Les Tziganes 
chez les Slaves Meridionaux" (Revue Interned., Sept., Oct. 1887); 
(6) H. v. WLISLOCKI, " Volkslieder der transsilv. Zigeuner" (Magazin 
fur die Lit des In-und Auslandes, 1887, 131 f.) ; (7) v. WL. "Volks- 
lieder der transs. Zig." (Zeitschr. d. d. morg. Ges. xli. 347-50) ; (8) v. 
WL. "Beitrage zu Benfey's Pantschatantra " (ib. xlii. 113 ff.) ; (9) v. 
WL. "Die Stam- u. Familienverhaltnisse der transs. Zeltzigeuner " 
(Globus, liii. 183-89); (10) v. WL. " Gebrauche der transs. Zelt- 
zigeuner, etc." (ib. li. 249 ff., 267 ff.) ; (11) v. WL. "Die Eagnar- 
Lodbrokssage in Siebenblirgen " (G-ermania, xx. 362 ff.); (12) v. WL. 
"Die Mausethurmsage in Siebenbiirgen " (ib. xx. 432-42); (13) v. 
WL. "Von den drei Frauen " (ib. xx. 442-51); (14) v. WL. " Zur 


vergleichendeu Volkslyrik," etc. (Zeitscli. fur. vgl. Literaturgesch. i. 
245-54); (15) v. WL. " Zur Volkskunde der transs. Zig., Hamburg, 
1887," 40 pages; (16) W. CROOKE, "Notes on the Gipsy Tribes of the 
N.W. Provinces and Oudh" (Indian Antiq. xvii. 68-75) ; (17) "Erne 
Zigeunerkonigin " (Gartenlaule 1887, 147); (18) A new edition of 
BORROW'S Zincali, and (19) of JESINA'S Eomani Gib. [Jesina is pub- 
lishing a work now : Slovnik ceslw-cikdnsky a cik. c. (Tchek-Gypsy and 
G.-Tch. Dictionary)]. 

The Revue des Traditions Populaires, of July, contains (p. 386) the 
words of a Eussian popular song, " Anastasia, Open the Door " ; and 
the remark is added that " this song is sung to a very lively air, and 
chiefly by the Gypsies." However, we cannot assume from this that 
either the words or the music are of Gypsy origin ; though this may 
be the case. In the August number of the same journal, M. Eugene 
Hins gives two more of his Christian Legends of the Ukraine ; one of 
which, " God, St. Peter, and the Gypsy " relates, as its title indicates, 
the experiences of a certain " Tsygane." A foot-note informs us that 
Gypsies, Jews, and Muscovites are the favourite objects of ridicule in 
the popular tales of Little Eussia. Yet the Gypsy of this story comes 
well out of all his adventures. 

Vol. IV. of Kryptadia (Heilbronn : Henninger Gebriider, 1888) 
begins with a Polish-Gypsy story of " A Foolish Young Woman " ; 
translated into French from the Eomani original. Without contain- 
ing anything worthy of remark, or distinctive of Gypsy life and 
manners, it abounds in the coarse humour that formerly characterised 
the " chap-book " literature of this country. 

An article on " Gypsy Charms," contributed by Mr. Leland to the 
St. James's Gazette of 2d August, is reproduced among our " Notes 
and Queries." It will be observed that we are promised an amplifi- 
cation of this subject from the same pen, based upon Dr. von 
Wlislocki's little book. We have also the pleasure of announcing 
that Mr. Leland is engaged on a collection of Hungarian and other 
Gypsy Tales, or Gypsy Legends of Many Lands. 

Contemporaneously with the autumn number of our Journal 
appears a work by another fellow-member, Signore Adriano Colocci, 
entitled Gli Zingari (The Gypsies). But we shall not have an 
opportunity of referring particularly to it until our next number. 





Is it not possible that the word Beng in Gypsy had once two meanings, " frog " 
as well as " devil," of which the former has disappeared ? 

The Bihari (and Hindustani) for " frog " is Ung or beng. This is derived from 
the Skr. vyanga, " having deformed limbs," and not from bheka, as most diction- 
aries make out. The Gypsy word is evidently derived from the same word as is 
shown by the Hungarian Gypsy byeng, "devil" (Miklosich, vii. 10). Curiously enough, 
in some Gypsy dialects we find the word beng bearing the meaning of " dragon." 
Thus, according to Miklosich, in a Beitrag zur rothvellischen Grammatik, we see 
beng given as the German Gypsy for " drache, teufel." Again in Spanish Gypsy 
benge means " dragon," and bengochi, " basilisk," but bengi, " devil." The meanings 
of both "frog" and "devil" can well come from vyanga indeed the first meaning 
is given in the Skr. dictionaries. 

The idea of the devil having deformed limbs is very old. It will be sufficient 
here to allude to the fable of the Diable Boiteux. Paspati, though he goes wrong 
in the derivation (connecting paiika, bheTca, and beng} hits on the same idea as that 
to which I have come independently. 

Talking of the Gypsies, he says (Tchinghianes, p. 169) : " The devil (8ia/3oXoj, 
shaitdn of the Musalmans) was unknown to them ; but by means of the Christian 
pictures (representing St. George on horseback overcoming the devil in the form of 
a dragon) the devil became familiar to them in the form of a big frog. These 
pictures, so common everywhere, and painted by clumsy artists, have perhaps more 
than anything else contributed towards likening in their imaginations the devil to 
a dragon or frog." G. A. GRIERSON. 



Heine has with pleasant plausibility traced the origin of one kind of fairy lore 
to the associations and feelings which we form for familiar objects. A coin, a pen- 
knife, a pebble, it seems, which has long been carried in the pocket or worn by any 
one, becomes imbued with his or her personality. If it could speak, we should ex- 
pect to hear from it an echo of the familiar voice of the wearer ; as happened, 
indeed, in Thuringia in the year 1562, when a fair maid, Adelhait von Helbach, 
was carried into captivity by certain ill-mannered persons. " Now her friends, 
pursuing, knew not whither to go, when they heard her voice, albeit very small and 
feeble, calling to them ; and, seeking, they found in the bush by the road a silver 
image of the Virgin, which she had worn : and this image told them which road to 
take. Following the direction, they recovered her ; the Raubritter who bore her 
away being broken on the wheel, and the image hung up for the glory of the Virgin, 
who had spoken by it, in the Church of our Lady of Kalbrunn." Again, these 
objects have such strange ways of remaining with one that we end by suspecting 
that they have a will of their own. With certain persons these small familiar 
friends become at last fetishes, which bring luck, giving to those who firmly believe 
in them great comfort and endurance in adversity. 

Continental Gypsies are notable believers in amulets. Being in a camp of very 
wild Cigany in Hungary somewhat less than two years ago, I asked them what they 
wore for baU, or luck ; whereupon they all produced small sea-shells, which I was 
assured were potent against ordinary misfortunes. But for a babe which was really 
ill they had provided an " appreciable " dose in the form of three Maria Theresa 


silver dollars, which were hung round its neck, but hidden under its clothes. And 
I may here remark that all through many lands, even into the heart of Africa, this 
particular dollar is held in high esteem for magical purposes. From one to another 
the notion has been transferred, and travellers and traders are often puzzled to 
know why the savages will have no coin save this. From Eussia to the Cape it is 
the same story, and one to be specially studied by those ethnologists who do not 
believe in transmission, and hold that myths and legends are of local growth, and 
accounted for by similar local conditions. 

The Gypsies were very desirous to know what my charm was. Fortunately I 
had in my purse a very fine fossil shark's tooth, which I had purchased in Whitby, 
and this was greatly admired by the learned of the tribe. Mindful of good example, 
I obtained for myself specimens of the mystic shells, foreseeing that they would 
answer as passes and signs among the fraternity in Germany and elsewhere. Which 
indeed came to pass a few days ago in the town of Homburg, when looking from my 
window in the Schwedenpfad I saw two very honest-looking Gypsies go by. Walk- 
ing forth, I joined them, and led them into a garden, where over beer and cigars we 
discussed " the affairs of Egypt." These Romanys were from the Tyrol, and had 
the frank bold manner of the mountain-men blended with the natural politeness 
of the better class of Gypsy. I had taken with me in my pocket, foreseeing its use, 
a small bag or purse, containing an assortment of objects such as would have 
puzzled anybody except a Red Indian, a negro, or any believer in medaolin or 
Voodoo, or my new acquaintance ; and after a conversation on durkepen (in 
Anglo-Gypsy, dukkerin}, or fortune-telling, I asked the men what they were. They 
wished to see my amulets first. So I produced the shells ; which were at once 
recognised and greatly admired, especially one, which is something of a curiosity, 
since in its natural markings is the word NAV very plainly inscribed : Nav, in 
Gypsy, meaning " the name." The elder Gypsy said he had no charm ; he had 
long been seeking a good one, but had not as yet met with the correct article. And 
then he begged me gracious powers, how he did beg ! to bestow on him one of 
my shells. I resolved to do so but at another time. 

The younger Gypsy, who was a pasche-paskero, a musician, and had with him a 
rare old violin in a wonderfully carved wooden case at least two centuries old, was 
" all right " on the fetish question. He had his shell, sewn up in a black leather bag, 
which he wore by a cord round his neck. Then I exhibited my small museum. 
Every object in it was carefully and seriously examined. My shark's tooth was 
declared to be a very good fetish, a black pebble almost equal to the shell, and an 
American Indian arrow-head of quartz passed muster as of possible though some- 
what doubtful virtue. But an English sixpence with a hole in it was rejected as a 
very petty and contemptible object. I offered it in vain as a present to my friends : 
they would not accept it. Neither did they want money : my dross might perish 
with me. It was the shell the precious beautiful little shell on which the Romany 
in search of a fetish had set his heart ; the shell which would bring him luck, and 
cause him to be envied, and ensure him admiration in the tents of the wanderers 
from Paris to Constantinople. He admitted that it was the very shell of shells a 
baro sereskeri skarkuni, or famous sea-snail. I believe the Gypsies would have 
given me their fine old Stainer violin, and the carved case for it. Failing to get 
the shell, he implored me to give him the black pebble. I resolved to give him 
bth in free gift the next time we met, or as a parting souvenir. Alas for the 
Romany chal ! we never met again. The police allow no Gypsies in Homburg, 
and so they had to move on. I sought them that night and I sought them next 
day ; but they were over the hills and far away. But I have no doubt that the 
fame of the shell on which Nature has written the Name the very logos of ma^ic 
itself will spread ere the summer be past even to the Carpathians. Something 
tells me that it is not played out yet, and that I shall hear anon something regarding 
it. St. James's Gazette, August 2, 1888. CHARLES G. LELAND. 




What is the origin of the Gypsy word dzeJca, which signifies satisfaction, plea- 
sure, delight 1 Quite unknown elsewhere, it is met with in several of the tales of 
the Polish Gypsies. Ex. : Oda leske pre dzeJca pelds that fell in agreement with 
him (i.e. that pleased or delighted him). I. KOPERNICKI. 



Who wrote this book, and what is the legend (recorded at pp. 158-168) taken 
from the lips of a Gypsy regarding their origin ? H. T. CROFTON. 



These few notes, culled from various sources, may serve as a postscript to 
Professor von Sowa's invaluable article on Statistics of the German Gypsies. 
According to Behm und Wagner's Bevolkerung der Erde (vii., Gotha, 1882), Persia 
in 1881 had 4600 families of Baluchis and Gypsies ; 52,000 families of Bachtiaris 
and Luris a somewhat unsatisfactory classification. The Almanack de Gotha for 
1888 gives : Eoumania, 200,000 Gypsies in 1876 ; Servia, "29,020 se servent de 
la langue bohe"mienne," in 1884 ; Bulgaria, 37,600 in 1881 ; Eastern Koumelia, 
27,190 on 13th January 1885 ; and Hungary, 79,393 on 31st December 1880. 
Where and from whom may we look for articles on the Gypsies of Great Britain 
and America like those of Dr. von Sowa ? F. H. GROOME. 



In reviewing Andrew Lang's Custom and Myth (London, 1885), in the Athenaeum 
of 21st Feb. 1885 (p. 246), Mr. Theodore Watts says : " Romani customs and 
traditions he has ignored altogether, though assuredly something may be learnt 
from the Romanis. A Romani girl, for instance, will tell you that the dark-blue 
punctured rosettes at the corners of her mouth, ornamental as she considers them to 
be, have something to do with luck as well as ornament. . . . Tattooed on the 
breast of the South Papuan woman we find the same cross (or Sanscrit trisula), 
which the Romanis believe to be the most powerful of all symbols so powerful that 
the rainbow will fade from the sky ' at the very sight of it. 3 " 

WE have the pleasure of announcing that M. Paul Bataillard will commence, in 
our January Number, the reproduction in an amended form of his valuable 
treatise De Vapparition et de la dispersion des BoJu'miens en Europe, originally pub- 
lished in 1844. 

OUR next number will also contain a list of the Society's members, with their 

NOTICE. All Contributions must be legibly written on one side only of the paper; 
must bear the sender's name and address, though not necessarily for publica- 
tion; and must be sent to DAVID MACRITCHIE, Esq., 4 Archibald Place, 




VOL. I. JANUAEY 1889. No. 3 


BUDAPEST, Nov. 5, 1888. 

HERE am I indeed in Gypsy Land when I was at home I was 
in no better place to make studies for our readers. But I 
shall refrain from being "deep," though I have been in profound 
conferences with Professor Herrmann, who is, as Romany Rye, nemini 
secundus ; unless it be to our illustrious colleague the Archduke and 
the Romany scholars Thewrewk and Wlislocki. Owing to the vast 
wealth of material and the example set by his Imperial-Royal 
Highness, Gypsyology is here in great honour, and I have realised 
by very pleasant experience that, as member and representative of 
our Society, I am not without honour. 

My first experience was at Vienna, where on the second day after 

arrival I visited the Cszardas Cafe in the Prater, where a Gypsy 

band always plays of evenings. It was two years since I had been 

there, and I supposed that I must be among the forgotten. But 

aduro far from it. When the head waiter entered he cried aloud, 

" Pane Leland ! " [I always suspected that man of Croatism or 

Moravianism or Bohemian or Pan-Slavonic heresy of some kind, and 

pan6 proved it.] He was accompanied by a Romany who burst into 

VOL. i. NO. ill. I 


a fervid torrent of Cingani welcome in a minute I was seated at a 
table with fourteen more of his kind ; where they came from, unless 
they rose from the ground, I could not imagine every man supplied 
with a half litre of beer, and all beaming with bliss, at the arrival of 
the Romdno mi. Kemember me I should think so ! There sat by 
me a good-natured, well-dressed Rom, who, being the leader of 
another band, was present as a visitor. He hummed two English 
airs. " Do you remember them ? " he asked ; " two years ago you 
sang them to me." I had done so only once, and his band had 
played them immediately, and manet alta mente. But this being " wax 
to receive and marble to retain " is characteristic of the Hungarian 
Gypsy. A few days ago, a Romany leader of an orchestra came to a 
bookseller in a small town in Hungary, and said : " You have just 
received the score of an opera from Vienna how much does it cost ? " 
" Twenty-four florins." The Gypsy looked grave. " That is a great 
deal of money, and my men may not care to play it after all. Will 
you allow me to bring them here to examine it." The bookseller 
consented, the Gypsies came, and the leader, as the only one who 
could read music, played it. " No, they did'nt like it it would not 
do." That evening the bookseller attended the Gypsy concert, and 
heard the entire opera given with accuracy and feeling. Like the 
Children of the Mist with cattle, the Gypsies have a far more 
economical and speedy method of getting their music than by 
paying for it. 1 

I arrived in Budapest at nearly ten o'clock, and went to a hotel. 
The waiter, who was very polite, suggested that if I would go into 
the dining-room I would find something which would be new to me 
something characteristic and interesting. " It is a Gypsy band," 
he said ; " strangers should always hear one." I quite agreed with 
him, and he escorted me to the lighted hall, and led me up to the 
pashopasJceri and lo ! there was a cry of Latcho dfovus, rya ! from the 
entire band for there was one man whom I had known in Liszt's 
selected band in Paris in 1878, and one again in Philadelphia, and 
two in England, and all the rest somewhere. And they played for 
me the Ckvriclcft ghiloi or " Bird's song " which is never given twice 

1 That this wonderful gift is characteristic of the Hungarian Gypsy is known to every one 
who has listened to a Zigani orchestra. But it was also characteristic of English Gypsies 
within this century. We have heard an Oxfordshire villager, in describing a band of Gypsies 
who frequented his neighbourhood fifty years ago, state that every man of them was a 
"deadly fine fiddler," and that they invariably played without the written score. Then- 
leader, a certain Jasper Smith, styled "the King of the Fiddlers," spoke with the greatest 
contempt of "them tadpoles," as he quaintly designated the crotchets and minims which are 
a sine qua non to most modern musicians. [Ec.] 


alike, yet is always so wonderful and wild and sweet. Real Gypsy 
music is to those who have once learned to love it, like opium or 
haschish, deeply fascinating, strangely exciting, and more suggestive 
of magic than any other influence. But as all fruit to be enjoyed in 
perfection must be eaten in the land where it grows, so Gypsy music 
never seems to be the same in London as in Austria or Hungary. 

Gypsy Lore, owing to the abundance of material and the influence 
of the Archduke Joseph, is taking a very prominent place in 
Hungary. There is no country in Europe in which folk-lore is so 
much of a living thing as here, where there are people to the manner 
bom who speak, here or there, fourteen languages, and have in all of 
them fairy tales, spells, and charms in which they really believe. 
Therefore, the newly formed or forming Hungarian Folk-Lore Society 
founded by our friend and fellow-member Professor Anton Herrmann, 
will be on a scale hitherto "unliked." There will be a Madyar 
committee, as also German, Bohemian, Croat, Wallach, Armenian, 
Spanish, Serb, and last, not least, a Romany sub- division, of which the 
Archduke Joseph as he is the man most learned of all living in 
Gypsy dialects, will be the leader. An organ already exists in the 
Ethnologische Mitteilungen, edited by Professor Herrmann, which, as I 
have already stated, is really, as regards great variety and richness of 
material and scholarly criticism, perhaps the best publication of the 
kind in Europe. As representative of our Gypsy Lore Society I was 
received, I am happy to say, with special kindness. A reception 
was given me by the Ethnological Society, at which the venerable 
Hunfalvy, the accomplished Pulsky, with Professors Hampel and 
Thewrewk, and indeed all the learned of Budapest, were present, 
and at which Professor Herrmann delivered a discourse chiefly on our 
Society, in which he gave seriatim an account of every article which 
has been published in the Gypsy Lore Journal. 

I must do the learned men of Hungary the justice to state that 
they feel and understand more than any whom I have ever met, the 
real importance and value of Folk-Lore, of which Gypsy Lore is a 
daughter. Now as Schiller has said of poetry, 

To some she is a goddess great, 

To some a milch-cow of the field, 
Their science is to calculate 

How many quarts she '11 yield ; 

so there are people to whom Folk-Lore is a science, or the last great 
branch of History, or the light which shows us its innermost life, 
While to others it is only a fleeting fancy for literary or popular brie- 


a-brac and odd trifles. But in Hungary an earnest pursuit of it may 
be of national and political value, for here it cannot fail not only to 
interest every man of any intelligence in the characteristics of his 
race, but to cause a mutual rapprochement or union between the 
writers of different races. Can we not see for ourselves how much 
good literary and social and scientific congresses are doing every year 
in making men acquainted with one another, in establishing personal 
friendships and correspondence ? And because the more ignorant 
mass of the public sees or knows nothing of all this, and of the 
immense benefit which a country derives from thus benefiting its 
scholars and thinkers, they cry out that these meetings are of no 
practical use. So I have heard it asserted fifty times that the Socia 
Science and similar congresses were " failures " ; but I do not believe 
that any assembly in which intellectual men became mutually and 
extensively acquainted was ever held which was not a success. And 
as Folk-Lore is perhaps more generally interesting than any other 
branch of learning, it may be destined in the future to exert far 
higher social influences than any as yet dreamed of. And it is some- 
thing in our own Gypsy Lore Society that it has united men of many 
lands, and made us better acquainted; and I have realised with 
a pleasure which I can hardly express how well the works of 
my colleagues are known here, and how welcome they themselves 
would be. 

I am promised from several sources valuable contributions to my 
work on Gypsy sorcery, charms, spells, and fortune- telling. 

Professor Herrmann has made what may be considered as the only 
collection ever gathered of real Gypsy airs and songs, and these we 
propose to edit and jointly publish, his version to be in German and 
mine in English. For, be it noted, it is not every air which is sold 
by booksellers as Zingaro and Zigeuner and Gypsy which is anything 
of the kind. I have been assured by Gypsies many and many a 
time that they do not and will not under any consideration play 
or sing for the gaji or gorgios what they play or sing for me. A 
Hungarian gentleman who has been all his life devoted to Eomany 
music had never so much as heard of some of their best loved heart 
and home melodies. And of these latter Professor Herrmann has 
made a noble collection. And so latchi rati ! 




OF all the dialects of the Gypsy language, which, it is well known, 
yields so easily under the modifying influences of every local 
tongue, the dialect of the Servian Gypsies is certainly the least 
known. The only materials regarding it were published by Prof. 
Fr. Miklosich (UT>. die Mundarten und Wanderungen der Zigeuner, 
vi. pp. 22-56). They consist of three small vocabularies, collected 
by H. Novakovich and others in Servia, and by Lukarich and Prof. 
Fr. Miiller in Syrmia ; the latter interlaced with a certain number of 
very brief phrases. 

I hope, therefore, that my present notes upon the language of the 
Bosnian Gypsies may not form a superfluous contribution to this 
matter. They are drawn from the materials kindly offered to me by 
the distinguished ethnologist Dr. Fr. I. Krauss, which were collected 
by himself at Dervent (N.-E. of Bosnia), from the Gypsies settled 
there in a distinct " Gypsy-suburb " (ciganska mahala). 

They consist partly of several separate words for the vocabulary, 
but chiefly of a series of translated Servian phrases, purposely con- 
structed by Dr. Krauss, as examples of grammatical forms of the 
Gypsy language, unknown to him before. 

Though gathered very hastily in some few hours of his occasional 
residence among Gypsies, these specimens, noted by an accomplished 
linguist as carefully and exactly as possible, have proved valuable 
enough to enable me to extract from them some characteristic out- 
lines, which I venture to publish here as some slight supplementary 
information for Gypsy -students. 

In the Gypsy texts which I am about to give, I shall keep the 
phonetic Croatian transcription of Dr. Krauss, as being nearest to 
Miklosich's orthography, which ought to be universally adopted for 
every Gypsy dialect. 


Very few valuable observations can be made upon the phonetic 
peculiarities of this dialect from its written examples only. 

1. The principal is the adopted Servian mute semi- vowel ^ (b) 
instead of e and i of other Gypsy-dialects ; viz. br$ ( = ber), 
year ; prno ( = pirno or pinro), foot ; crde ( = cirde), draw, etc. 


The same has been noted also in Syrmia and Servia by all 
previous observers (see Miklosich, op. tit.), in the words 
IrSn ( = bri*in), rain ; ckno ( = cikno), small; mnro ( = minro), 
mine, etc. 

2. Another phonetic peculiarity, proper, as it seems, to every 

Gypsy dialect, is the frequent avoiding of the hiatus by the 
elision of one of two concurring vowels ; viz. pekav kaX 
( =pc 'kav, i.e. pe akav), upon this tree. 

3. The terminal vowel o sounds sometimes as u, as among the 

Polish Gypsies ; e.g. andu gav ( = ando or and' o yav), in the 

4. As to the consonants, some of them are now and then omitted 

from the middle or from the end of words ; viz. Sao ( tavo), 
child ; pliall ( =phrall), brother ; romi ( = romni), wife ; ka* 
( = IsaM), tree ; ame ( = amen), we ; tumc ( = tumeri), you, etc. 
And, on the contrary, euphonic consonants are added some- 
times, as mrno ( = mro), mine; manglal ( = anglal), at first. 

0. Lastly, we meet with hard consonants changed into soft ones 

of the same order and vice versd', viz. rub ( = rup), silver; 
bud ( = but), much ; rad ( = rat), night ; zulolo ( = zuralo or 
zoralo), strong. K is also changed into or 6 in the words 
va6erdan ( vakerdan or vakerden), they talk ; 6er ( = khcr), 
house; 1 and the aspirate ph is changed into h, ex. hdbaj 
(=phabaj), apple. 


1. The articles sing. m. o, fern, i, and plur. e are used more 

rarely than in other Gypsy dialects. 

2. The mode of declining the substantives by cases and numbers, 

as may have been perceived from the few examples we have 
cited, does not particularly diverge from the general rules. 

3. The pronouns of the Bosnian-Gypsy, as our examples prove, 

are, in an extraordinary degree, confused and erroneous. 
This is undoubtedly owing to the innate flightiness and want 
of reflection proper to the Gypsy mind in general. In fact, 
the Gypsy scarcely discerns the very meaning of the person 
expressed in a Polish, Servian, German, or other phrase ; and, 
taking very often the 3d person for the 2d or 1st, he trans- 

i This tendency has been noted by Fr. Miiller in Syrmia in the words: ccr (=kher)- 
luZi (=buklii), labour, celel (=kheld), to dance, terel (=kerel), to work. 


lates it so in Gypsy. Therefore the personal pronouns in 
the Bosnian-Gypsy dialect, as noted by Dr. Krauss, are 

sing. 1. me ; 2. tu and te ; 3. vov or vo and me ! 

plur. 1. ame or me ; 2. turne or tu ; tume or vov and ft??ie ! 

and possessive pronouns are : 

sing. 1. mrno ( = mro] ; 2. ciro( = tiro) ; 3. <?iro (for leskero 1 }. 
plur. 1. amaro ; 2. iwnraro ; 3. ^>aZe tumaro (for lengero). 

Besides this, the dative of the possessive pronoun mrno 
( = mro) is often irregular, as mu, ma, and me; viz., vov 
dija ( = dinia) he mu ujake Jiabaj, he gave to my uncle an 
apple; ma ( = mre) dade$6i, to my father; me caorendr. 
( = mre favorerende), to my little children. 

4. The comparison of the adjectives among the Bosnian Gypsies, 
as seen from the examples purposely constructed by Dr. 
Krauss, is not formed with the terminal eder, as in many 
other Gypsy dialects, but with the Italian and Roumanian 
mai (more), having a double-accented for the comparative, 
and long d for the superlative ; viz. phuro, old ; maj phuro, 
older ; mdj phuro, the oldest ; baro, great ; maj baro, greater ; 
mdj baro, the greatest; Ia6ho ( lao), good; maj Ia6ho 
(instead of J 'eder), better, etc. 

">. Of the numerals two only 40 (sar&nda) and 50 (pinga=penda) 
are uncommon ; all the others offer but few and slight devia- 
tions from the general rule ; viz. : 

1. jek. 12. desuduj. 100. Set. 

2. duj. 18. deSochM. 101. Seltajek. 

3. trin. 19. desunja. 105. $elta p$inda. 

4. Star. 20. bit. 106. totta, i to. 

5. pandz. 30. tranda. 200. duj So. 

H. So. 40. saranda. 300. trin taj $o. 

7. eftb. 50. pinga. 400. Star taj So. 

8. ochti* 60. SovardeS. 500. pandz taj So. 

9. inja. 70. eftavardes. 600. So taj So. 

10. deS. 80. ochto'vardeS. 1000. mUja. 

11. deSujek. 90. njavardes. 1884. miljaochtoSo,ochtovarde$ taj Star. 

N.B. The absolutely false denominations of the numbers 300-600 (and of 800 
in the last example) came evidently from the habitual inattention of the Gypsy 
interrogated. Being already wearied with the prolonged and abstract numeration, 
after the number 106, Sel taj So, he kept these two last words in his mind and 
applied them improperly again : taj instead of var (times) and o (six) instead 
of Sel (hundred). 

1 Leskero is met sometimes in a modified form : lede or lelitc ; viz., me dikwi Ie6e dade 
(=me dikl'om leskere dades) I saw his father; tu badardan lehde daha (=tu bakerd'an 
leskere daha) thou talkedst with his mother. 2 ch as in German. 


6. With regard to the verbal forms very few hints are found in 

Dr. Krauss's notes. The conjugation of the verb to be, given 
in the present tense only, is extremely variable : 

sing. 1. me sem and som. plur. 1. me sem. 

2. tu sen (for sal). 2. tume sen. 

3. vo e and vo hi. 3. tume sen (for von hin}. 

The same irregularity exists, it appears, with the personal 
terminations of all other conjugated verbs ; viz. tu vaterdan 
(for vafarctal), tu asundan (for asund'al), etc. 

7. The most remarkable and important peculiarity of the conju- 

gation in this dialect is the exclusively Servian form of the 
future tense, which these Gypsies have adopted. Instead of 
their own future terminations (1. ava\ 2. eha ; 3. ela, etc.), 
the Bosnian Gypsies employ an equivalent for the Servian 
auxiliary o6u t 6u (I will), and put their Gypsy kamav 
abbreviated ka as prefix to the verb in every person of the 
future tense, viz. : 

me kadobisara (for dobisarava) pismo, I will get a letter. 

tu kacumide( = cumideha) ceja, Thou wilt kiss a girl. 

vo kacinel (=cinela) vordona, He will buy a cart. 

ame ka lehce osvetima ( = amen leske osvetimaha), We will revenge him. 

tume kacere ( = tumen cerena), You will work. 

vov kabicinel e graste (for e gras), They will sell the horse. 

8. And likewise, the perfect tense is sometimes formed with the 

Servian prefix vi, added to its regular form. Ex. vixaljtim 
vipilj&m. We have eaten and drunk everything. 

In order to explain the preceding notes more fully, I now reproduce 
the exact materials from which they were compiled. These I shall 
arrange as follows : vocabulary, examples of grammar, separate 
phrases, and some other specimens of the Gypsy language. The 
Gypsy texts, although sometimes incorrect and obscure, are repro- 
duced exactly, with necessary explanations and corrections added in 
parentheses. The English versions, frequently at variance with the 
Gypsy text, are literally translated from the Servian. 

cereil, star. pori, handle. 

e curi, knife. rom, man. 

jagci, fire. romi\ wife. 

has, tree, wood. Rabum (Turk), God. 

oblak (Slav.), heaven. tover, axe. 

paj, water. thud, milk. 

patra, leaves. vac'ar, to speak. 



He praises himself because he is a 

better hero than thou. 
He is a better tradesman. 
I am stronger than thou. 

We were the most splashed. 
Wine is dearer than brandy. 

Who is stronger, this is right. 

(Gypsy version : who is stronger, need 

not seek the power of right.) 
God is the strongest. 

I am Peter's son. 
Thou art Peter's daughter. 
He is Francis' brother. 
We are Luke's nephews. 
You are good men. 
They are good hosts. 

I am going home. 

Thou goest into the garden. 

He goes on the place. 

We go to the field. 

You go to the village. 

They go to the mountain. 

I have seen the water. 

Thou hast heard the call. 

He broke his leg last year. 

Of the banquet we have eaten and 


You have fought together then. 
Those men have driven you then. 

Vo hvalipe (=hvali L pes), kaj tutar 

maj laco ( =feder) junako. 
Vov maj laco trgovco. 
Me se maj (=me sem maj) zulolo tumenda 

( = tumendar). 
Me najgore cindziljem. 
vino hi maj skupo rac'ijatar ( = rak- 

Ko hima maj zuralo ( = kohi maj zuralo), 

tana rodul ( = te na rodd) sile pravo. 


Oddel (=o Del, i.e. 


Me som Petreko ca6. 
Tu sen e Petreci 6ej ( = coy). 
Vo e Franjoko phall. 
Me ( = ame) sem e Lukxce pastorkuje. 2 
Tu mesen (=tume sen) lace manus. 
Tu mesen lace gaz'dujra (=gazdora). 

Me dzav cere ( = khere). 

Me dzav ande basc'ave ( = basc'a). 

Vov dzal po pijaco. 

Von dzal andu mal. 

Tu me ( = tume) dzan andu gar. 

Tu, me dzan andu brdo. 

Me dikljem ( = dikl'om) o paj. 
Tu asundan( = asund'al) e vika. 
Tu me phagen oprno ( = o pinro). 
Me po pijeri 3 vixaljem, vipiljem. 

Tu me ( = tume) marden tu me. 

Tu mengo (=tumenge) sveto tradija. 

I am the first in the range. 

We were before the Court of Justice 

with your neighbours. 
On that tree are many green leaves. 
I did not drink three years' black (red) 

I offered to my father a knife. 

Me som prvo ando redo. 

Me pravdisailjem tumarem (tumare) 


Pekav (pe akav) kas bud patra zeleni. 
Men I (=me na) piljem trin brs o kalo 

Me ma dadesci ( = mre dadeske) poklo- 

nisardem ecuri ( = e curi). 
Mo (=mro) dado mulja pedes (=pe des) 

brs manglal ( = anglal). 
Manglal e6er (=o kher) bajrilja (?) 

velik kii-sa ( = baro brisind) rasti baricar 

(=bareder) trava. 4 

1 The words in italic are adaptations from the Servian. 

2 Corrupted Servian pastortad. 3 Corrupted Servian pir. 

4 This Gypsy version is rendered very intricate by the arbitrary addition of the words : 
manglal e rer (before the house) and by the unintelligible word bajrilja instead of pale 
(after). The correct Gypsy translation should be : " Pal' u laro b, isiml rasti bared t r cur." 

My father died three years ago. 

After the great rain 


grass grows 



The sun shone beautiful. 

The moon shines as silver. 
The thunder after thunder stroke. 
I need to carry some bread for my 

At midnight are plenty of stars. 
It will rain, the apes are leaping. 

He whose leg aches may not set out in 

the road. 

Who is guilty, may be silent. 
Make as it was ordered. 

Do not strike, I have headache. 
Drive wood from the forest. 

Where it smokes, there is fire. 
That is the stick, five spans long. 
Who is timid, may not excite the dogs. 

One man knows something, all men 
know all. 

Okham ( = kham) sukardji djivisailja 


Ocon ( = o con) osvani sar rub. 
Sa (?) gromo pala gromeste parb. 
Trobuj tecinav ( = te cinav) ar8 mec'do 

vorendji (=me cavorende) sexan ( = te 

xan) bokhale. 2 
Opasirad ( = pas e rat) perdudell ( = 

pherdo full + dell ?) cerea . 
Avella brsun, celenna (=kelen) e ma- 

garcmo. (?) ( = magarci). 
Kadiikall (=kaj dukhal) o prno, ta 

nadjal ( te na dzal) po drom. 
Ko hi darano, nek suti. 
Ucinimr sohi (=ucini sar so hi) zapo- 

Namar ( = na mar), dukall ma ( = man) 

osoro ( sero). 
Crde androvus ( andro vus 3 ) ekas ( = e 


Go te kahi tu go te vijag.* 
Gote (1) rovli pandz pedljira. 
Ko daral, ta narodel ( = te na rodel) b 

ducehn ( = dzukelen or dzuklen). 
Jek insano saranel djanel sal)S' 


God may give health to my Lord ! 

God (may give him) five thousand 
ducats ; to his children health may 
He make ! 

May he white-haired beget grandsons ! 
may have children born from chil- 
dren ! 

Odd ( = o devel) sastipe me gospodine ta 
(te) dell ! 

Odel pan (=pandz1) milje galbe ; lece 
caori (= cavorende) sastipe tetherel 
( = tekerel). 

Tetherel unuko v parnoball I tetherel! 
caorell ( = cavoren) caorenda! ( = ca- 

That is good. 


= odova hin) laco. 

He rose for the work. 

May give God. 

May give. 

Gifts of fortune may he have ! 

Godovahi ( 

Insano (??) 

Ustilja pala o rado (=bukhi). 

Te delle ( = te del) ode II (=o 

Te delle. 

Dunjaluko (turk ?) te avelle ! ( 

te avel). 

1 Likewise added arbitrary the word lehce (to him). 

2 The Gypsy version, thoroughly altered, means: "I need to buy some floiir for my 
children, they may eat, hungry." 

3 Version incorrect: andro vu signifies "into the forest." 

* Thoroughly unintelligible version ; it should be : " Kaj hin thuv, odoj hin the jag." 

5 Frequent Gypsy " aui pro quo " : rodel signifies " seeks," Servian trazi, used instead of 
drazi (Serv.) i.e. "excites." 

6 Absolutely unintelligible. 



Bijandija mandzi ( = mange) raoro ; pijanda ( = bijanda) mrli ( = mri) romni 
/rora ( = cajora) lakona Zlata. Ineka kandz Jcathindi bokhali padselja nella 
kathide kandz. 
In its second part absolutely unintelligible, this appeal should mean : " A 

child is bom unto me. My wife bore a child, named Zlata. But she has nothing 

in the world. She is hungry." 



[The following are three of the songs whose airs are given in the 
specimens of "Original Popular Melodies of the Transylvanian Tent- 
Gypsies," reproduced in our October number. They have been 
supplied to us, along with a German translation, by Professor 
Herrmann; and the English words now given form a tolerably 
literal rendering of the original] 


Sung to Melody No. 4. Text and melody supplied by Wallachian Gypsies at 
Marosvasarhely by Alb. Geiger, and revised by Dr. Herrmann. 

Maru, Devla, kas kames, jaj ! Strike whom thou wilt, O God. Alas ! 

Ke man destul 1 phabares, man, Enough thy fires have scorched me. 

Maru, Devla, koke bar, jaj ! Strike down, God, this hedge for, ah ! 

Kai nast'i l chut'ilom pordal. It cannot else surmounted be. 


Sung to Melody No. 8. From Anica (Jurar, a Wallachian Gypsy girl of twenty, 
imprisoned at Brasso (Kronstadt), in 1886. The words written by Dr. Herr- 
mann, and the melody noted by his companion, the musician Zoltan Heltay. 
" De man mol la durul'asa, " Come, bring a jar of wine to me, 

Ke me dau tut la brad'asa l ! " Or I '11 the cudgel deal to thee ! " 

Sakade pend'e roma, So ever have the Gypsies said, 

Ke has lenge but zulta ; When money they in plenty had ; 

Kerel les la corimasa, 'Twas made by them in penury, 

Tai pijel la barimasa. In lofty pride 'twas drunk away. 


Sung to Melody No. 9. From a Gypsy girl, Maria Prikulic, in the service of Herr 
Herbst, Cseszora. She is able to read and write, and is sister to the first violin 
in Belenyes (Bihar), her native place. The text revised by Dr. Herrmann ; the 
air noted down by Z. Heltay. 

Kel'e l caje romani the many Gypsy maids 

Sa has mange pirani, Who have been my lovers true, 

Ke gend'ende, 1 ke len lau, They believed that I 'd them wed ; 

Da 1 me oda na kerau. That 's just what I did not do. 

Ke vod'i man para 1 rau, 1 For my heart it pains me sore, 

Kana ekha ca 2 dikhau ; If but one I chance to see ; 

Ke e caje romani Like a slim and slender flower 

Sar o salo 2 lulud'i. Is each gentle Eomani. 

1 Borrowed from the Roumanian. - Borrowed from the Magyar. 



AS the ordinary educated European does not gain an acquaintance- 
ship with the ways and the language of the Komane without 
stepping out of the smooth, macadamised road that Conventionality 
loves, it seems to me that every Eoman Eai must naturally be 
interested even in learning the most trifling details referring to 
the manner of a brother's " conversion." It is under this belief 
that I offer these few notes bearing upon my own experiences. 
And I shall begin by relating the circumstances which led me 
at length to learn the Gypsies' tongue. 

In the year 1863, as I was walking along a side street leading 
into one of the squares of Trieste, I observed a Gypsy woman, of 
Hagar-like aspect, and with a little baby clinging to her shoulders, 
who was being hooted at and abused by a number of noisy rowdies. 
At the sight of this I interfered, and succeeded in shaming them into 
leaving the woman in peace ; who, thus freed from her persecutors, 
seated herself upon a neighbouring door-step, and relieved her injured 
feelings by a flood of tears. At this, I approached her, soothed her 
as best I could, adding a pecuniary trifle to help her, and finally I 
asked her (continuing to speak in Italian), "What is your name ?" 
" Maria," she replied, laying the accent upon the first syllable of the 
word. Then, as nothing else remained to be done, except to say 
farewell, I asked her, " How do you say Addio in your language ? " 
Whereupon, with an air that seemed expressive (to my puzzled eyes) 
of annoyance or anger, she arose, and with a haussement of her baby- 
burthened shoulders, muttering the word D&ott, she made abruptly 

To my untutored ears it seemed that such passing kindness as I 
had shown the woman had only resulted in my being consigned to 
the devil (for I concluded that D6vel was no other than Diavolo), and 
consequently my indignation against her rudeness and ingratitude 
was great. And all that day I felt the sting of such treatment 
received from one of those whom I had till then regarded as the very 
refuse of mankind. However, this feeling of irritation seemed only 
to result in the desire to learn more precisely what the woman meant; 
and thus I was driven to obtain further knowledge from books. The 
very next day I repaired to a German bookseller's, and from him I 
demanded some work on the Gypsies. He had none on hand at the 
time, but he gave me a catalogue, and out of this I selected Pott's 


two large volumes, which soon afterwards the post brought to me 
from Leipsic. It was not until after some time and trouble that I 
found out, among the intricacies of that precious but ill-arranged 
vocabulary, the magic word Dfall, the cause of my soul's torment. 
When I learned, as I then did, that it meant exactly the reverse of 
what I had thought, poor Maria rose in my estimation with a bound. 
And from that time I took such a liking to her language that I began 
to practise it myself, and even that very year came out as an incipient 
Gypsy-author. Maria herself figures in my Viaggio Sentimcntale, in 
which I plead the Gypsies' cause before my fellow-men. And it is 
Maria herself who has taught me much of the language and the lore 
of her people. 

To this, my earliest Gypsy experience, I shall add one of my most 
recent. Two years ago I was staying at Gqritz, and one evening in 
the course of my walk I descried, in a solitary field outside of the 
town, some Gypsy women beside a cart. I of course went up to them, 
and accosted them in Romani, which they understood and spoke 
perfectly well. When I did so, I was quite unaware of the fact that 
their men, in a state of semi-intoxication, were close at hand among 
some bushes engaged in quarrelling over the sale of a half-starved 
donkey ; but, at the sound of my voice they rushed out, and, hearing 
that I was talking in their own tongue, they eagerly urged me to 
accompany them to a neighbouring tavern, indifferent to the fact that 
they were already drunk. They insisted that I must come and drink 
with them, as I was a " Kalo" In the meanwhile, their young imps, 
of both sexes, were trying to pick my pockets ; but this I soon 
became aware of, and made them desist, with the admonition " Tute 
na tshores ! " I also found it necessary to extricate myself from the 
embraces of the drunkest of the men, who, while insisting upon my 
being " a stray Gypsy " (an idea which my features rather bear out), 
was busily engaged in exploring the breast-pocket of my coat. The 
daylight was beginning to fade. Altogether, it seemed prudent to 
sacrifice my linguistic inclinations to my personal safety ; and, assur- 
ing my friend that I was no Gypsy but a mere gadsho and raker - 
paskero, I called out to some peasants who were providentially passing 
by, whereupon he loosened his grip, and thus allowed me to join my 
deliverers. Pursued by many deep oaths, I went on, under the pro- 
tection of my two " guardian angels," until we gained the main road 
leading to town. 

I had passed a mauvais quart d'heure. These men were looking so 
wild at the time that an unpleasant apprehension of being not only 


assaulted, but perhaps murdered, got hold of me, and to such an 
extent that I promised myself never more to go in search of Gypsies 
unless escorted by at least one friend. In the secluded and unfre- 
quented place to which they wanted to take me, I might have fallen 
a monetary or a physical victim to my Gypsyologism. 

In such circumstances, there was little I could learn from them. 
The women, however, had told me they were from Carinthia, and 
were then on their way back. Strange to say, the women were all 
blondes, with the exception of one who had the real Indian features 
and physique. The men were tall and portly ; and they too, instead of 
being olive-coloured, were of a deep-red complexion. This, however, 
may have been the result of much brandy. But they had the 
regular Gypsy features ; oval face, low brow, ivory teeth, and jet-black 
hair, which fell in curls at the temples. 1 A red handkerchief tied 
round the neck gave them much the air of brigands. 

This is what I call my negative linguistic campaign. Had they 
not been overdrunk and in a choleric mood, when I surprised them, I 
dare say they would have behaved quite mannerly towards me. For 
I almost invariably observe how sensibly kind they are to one who 
addresses them in their own tongue. 

These two instances of intercourse with Gypsies in the first case 
with a Zingara del I/ittorale, in the second with a Carinthian band 
I lay before my fellow- members as illustrative of the pursuit of 
Gypsy-hunting in the neighbourhood of the Adriatic. 



"TTTIETEMBEEG. In the district (Oberamtsbe&irk) of Bocknang 
V V there is a Gypsy family of about twelve souls ; they possess a 
house, but they wander about almost the whole year. In the district 
of Ludwigsburg there are two Gypsy families settled ; to the 
festival called Schaferlauf, which is held every year at Mark- 
groeningen, a great number of Gypsies flock together. In the 
district of Weinsberg there are some Germanised descendants of a 
Gypsy family ; they are for the most part pedlars, and wander about 

i This description of the Gypsy face coincides exactly with that given by Borrow. The 
curls on either temple are mentioned by Swinburne in his description of Spanish Gypsies ; 
and Mr. Groome has seen one old-fashioned English Gypsy thus adorned a Buckland, at 
Devizes fair, in 1872. [ED.] 


during the greater part of the year. In the district of Gmund there 
is only one place in which there are settled Gypsies ; but even these 
are never found at home in the community they belong to. In the 
district of Oehringen there is one family of Gypsies, twenty-seven 
souls ; these say that they lived formerly in Alsace. In the district 
of Ehingen a small Gypsy colony is found, comprising eight families 
(thirty-six souls), but they are seldom seen in their own district. 

REUSS AELTERE LiNiE, LuBECK. There are no Gypsies in these 
provinces. RUDOLF VON SOWA. 


[In the " Statistical Account of the Gypsies in the German Empire," contributed 
by Professor von Sowa to our July Journal, it is stated (p. 30) that some of the 
Gypsies in Frankfurt and Coeslin keep shooting galleries. This, however, is the 
result of an error in translation (for the learned author, being pressed for time at 
the date when his article required to be sent in, did not himself render it into 
English, which was done in Edinburgh). What Dr. von Sowa really stated was 
that the Gypsies referred to were frequently rat-catchers. The German word used 
by him is Kammerjager, literally " chamber-hunter." This word signifies either 
" the servant of a prince," or a "rat-catcher" ; two occupations which at the first 
glance seem totally disconnected, although it is likely that the one term included 
the other in the days when " a rat behind the arras" was no uncommon pheno- 
menon, even in the chamber of a prince. The idea that Jcammerjager denoted the 
" sportsman " of a shooting-gallery (or chamber) was borne out by the fact that this 
occupation is followed in England by a class of people, to some extent, of Gypsy 
blood. However, this is not what was stated in Dr. von Sowa's article. ED.] 


following Noel or Christmas Carol will serve to illustrate a 
JL certain popular belief regarding Gypsies, existent in the middle 
of the seventeenth century, but prevalent during many of the pre- 
ceding centuries. It was composed by le Sieur Nicolas Saboly, 
Be'ne'ficier et Maitre de Musique de 1'figlise de St. Pierre d' Avignon. 
Saboly is perhaps the most renowned writer of Prove^al Noels. 1 
find ten editions of his de Noels enumerated between 1670 
and the present time. The edition I copy from is " Avignon, chez 
Peyri, 1854." This Noel is also given in Voyage dans les Departe- 
ments du Midi, by A. L. Millin, vol. iv. p. 163 (1811), with slight 
variations, marking a difference of dialect. It has been translated at 



least twice into English the last time in The Anglican Church 
Magazine, December 1887 : 


N'aoutrei sian tres Boumian 
Que" dounan la bonou fourtunou. 
N'aoutrei sian tres Boumian 
Qu'arrapen pertout vounte sian : 
Enfan eimable et tant doux, 
Boutou, boute aqui la croux, 
Et chascun te dira 
Tout ce que t'arribara : 
Coumengou, Janan, cependan 
D li veir la man. 

Vair des Bohemien . 

We are three Bohemians 
Who tell good fortune. 
We are three Bohemians 
Who rob wherever we may be ; 
Child, lovely and so sweet, 
Place, place here, the cross, 1 
And each (of us) will tell thee 
Everything that will happen to thee 
Begin, Janan, however, 
Give him the hand to see. 

Tu sie"s, a ce qu4 vieou, 
Egaou a Dieou, 

Et sies soun Fis tout adourable : 
Tu sies, a ce que~ vieou 
Egaou a Dieou, 
Nascu per yeou din lou ne"an : 
L'amour t'a fach enfan 
Per tout lou genre human : 
Unou Viergeou es ta mayre, 
Sie"s na sensou gis d6 payre ; 
Aco se vei din ta man. 
L'amour t'a fach enfan, etc. 

L'ia encare un gran secret, 
Que Janan n'a pas vougu-dire ; 
L'ia encare un gran secret 
Que fara ben leou soun efet : 
Vene, vene, beou Messi, 
Mettou, niettou, mette eici, 
La pegou blanquou, ooussi 
Per nous fayre rejoin : 
Janan, parlara, beou Meina, 
Boute aqui per dina. 

Soutou tant de niouyen 
L'ia quaouquaren 
Per noste" ben de fort sinistre ; 
Soutou tant de mouyen 
L'ia quaouquaren, 
Per noste ben, de rigouroux : 
Se 1'y ves unou crous 
Qu'es lou salut de tous. 
Et si te 1'aouze dire, 
Lou sujet de toun martyre" 
Es qu sies ben amouroux. 
Se 1'y ves unou crous, etc. 

Thou art, from what I see, 
Equal to God. 

And thou art his Son all wonderful : 
Thou art, from what I see, 
Equal to God. 

Born for me in the nothingness : 
Love has made you a child 
For all the human race : 
A virgin is thy mother, 
Thou art born without any Father ; 
This I see in thy hand. 
Love has made thee a child, etc. 

There is still a great secret, 
Which Janan has not wished to tell 
There is still a great secret, 
Which will have soon its effect : 
Come, come, beauteous Messiah, 
Place, place, place here, 
The white piece (of money) 
To make us rejoice : 
Janan will tell, beauteous Messiah, 
Give (it) here for dinner. 

Under so many means 
There is something 
For our good very unhappy ; 
Under so many means 
There is something 
For our good hard (to bear) : 
One sees there a cross 
That is the salvation of all. 
And if I dare to tell it thee, 
The cause of thy martyrdom 
Is that thou art right loving. 
One sees there a cross, etc. 

1 As our English Gypsies say, "Cross my hand," etc. 



L'ai encarou quaouquaren 
Oou bout d ta lignou vitalou : 
L'ia encarou quaouquaren 
Qu t yoou dire Magassen : 
Vene", vene", beou german, 
Dounou, dounou eici ta man, 
Et t deVinaran 
Quaouquaren d ben charman : 
May vengu^ d'argen ou tan ben 
Sensou, noun s6 fay ren. 

Tu si^s Dieou et mourtaou, 
Et coumou taou 
Vieouras ben poou dessu la 

terrou ; 

Tu sies Dieou et mourtaou, 
Et coumou taou 
Saras ben poou din noste 


May ta divinita 
Es su 1'eternita : 
Sie"s 1'Ooutour d la vidou, 
Toun essence e"s infinidou, 
N'as ren qu si<$ liraita. 
May ta Divinita, etc. 

Vos-ti pas qu diguen 
Quaoquaren a sa santou May re ? 
Vos-ti pas qu le" fen 
Per lou men nost couuiplimen ? 
Bellou Damou, ven6 eiga, 
N'aoutrei couneissen deja 
Qu din ta bellou man 
L'ia un myste'ri ben gran. 
Tu qu4 sie"s pouli, digou li 
Quaouquaren de joli. 

Tu sies doou sang rouyaou, 
Et toun houstaou 
Es dei pu haou d'aqueste mounde 
Et toun houstaou 
Es dei pu haou, a ce qu4 vieou ; 
Toun Seignour e"s toun Fieou, 
Et soun Payre lou Dieou: 
Qu podes-ti may estre ? 
Sies la Fiou d toun Mestre 
Et la Mayre d toun Dieou. 
Toun Seignour & toun Fieou, etc. 

Et tu, bon Seigne-gran, 
Qu6 sie"s oou cantoun d4 la crupi, 
Et tu, bon Seigne-gran, 
Vos-ti pas que ve"guen ta man ? 
Digou, tu case's bessay 


There is still something 
At the end of the vital line : 
There is still something 
Which Magassen will tell thee : 
Come, come, gentle brother, 
Give, give here thy hand, 
And I will divine for thee 
Something very charming : 
But let the silver come, or nevertheless 
Without it we do nothing. 

Thou art God and mortal, 
And as such 
Thou wilt live a very short time on the 

earth ; 

Thou art God and mortal, 
And as such 
Thou wilt be a very short time in our 

condition : 
But thy Divinity 
Is for eternity : 
Thou art the Author of life, 
Thy essence is infinite, 
Thou hast nothing that may be limited. 
But thy Divinity, etc. 

Wilt thou not that we tell 
Something to thy holy mother ? 
Wilt thou not that we make to her 
At the least our compliments? 
Fair Lady, come hither, 
We others already know 
That within thy fair hand 
There is a mystery very great. 
Thou who art polite, tell her 
Something pretty. 

Thou art of royal biood, 
And thy house 

!<* of the highest of this world : 
And thy house 

Is of the highest, from what I see 
Thy Lord is thy Son, 
And his Father is thy God : 
What couldest thou be more? 
Thou art the daughter of thy Master 
And the Mother of thy God. 
Thy Lord is thy Son, etc. 

And thou, good old man, 
Who art at the corner of the manger, 
And thou, good old man, 
Wilt thou not that we see thy hand ? 
Say, thou fearest perhaps 




Que noun rousen alquel ay 
Qu'e's aqui destaca? 
Koubarian pu-leou lou ga : 
Me'te aqui dessu, beou Moussa, 
N'aven pens-a begu. 

That we should steal that ass 
Which is tied up there ? 
We would rather steal the child : 
Place (something) here upon, fair sir, 
We have scarcely drunk (to-day). 

Yeou veze din ta man 
Que sies ben gran, 
Quo 1 sies ben sant, quo" sies ben 


Ye"ou veze" din ta man 
Qu6 sies ben sant et ben ama : 
Ah! divin marida, 
As toujour counserva 
Unou sante abstinengou ; 
Tu gardes la Providengou, 
N'en sie"s-ti pas ben garda? 
Ah ! divin marida, etc. 

I see within thy hand 
That thou art very great, 
That thou art very holy, that thou art 

very just ; 
I see in thy hand 

That thou art very holy, and well loved : 
Ah! divine husband, 
Hast thou always preserved 
A holy abstinence : 
Thou guardest Providence ; 
Art thou not well guarded I 
Ah ! divine husband, etc. 

N'aoutrei couneissen ben 
Que sie"s vengu dedin lou moimde 
N'aoutrei couneissen ben 
Que tu sie"s vengu sense argen : 
Bel enfan, n'en parlen plus, 
Quan tu sies vengu tout nus, 
Cregnies, a ce que vian, 
Lou rescontre* dei Boumian ; 
Que cregnie's, beou Fieou, in sies 

Dieou ; 
Escoutou, noste* a Dieou. 

We others know well 
That thou art come into the world ; 
We others know well 
That thou art come without money : 
Fair child, let us not speak more of it, 
Since thou art come quite naked, 
Thou fearedst, from what we see, 
Meeting with Bohemians ; 
Why didst thou fear, fair Son? thou art 

Listen to our farewell. 

Si trop de liberta 
Nous a pourta 
A deVina toun aventourou : 
Si trop de liberta 
Nous a pourta 
A t^ parla trop libramen, 
Te pregan humblamen 
De* fayre e"galamen 
Nostou bonou fourtounou, 
Et que" nous en donne"s unou 
Qu6 dure e"ternelamen. 
TC" pre"gan humblamen, etc. 

If too much liberty 
Has led us 

To divine thy fortune : 
If too much liberty 
Has led us 

To speak to thee too freely, 
We pray thee humbly 
To make equally 
Our good fortune, 
And that you give us one 
Which may last eternally. 
We pray thee humbly, etc. 

No. 69 1 of " Poesias Populares colegidas por Don Tomas Seguro" ; 
Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1862, p. 102 is entitled Villancicos que canton 
los ninospara el dia de los Santos Eeyes ("Carols which the children 
sing on the day of the Holy Kings "). 2 

No. 68 is a ballad, "El Gitano," of a Gypsy in prison for robbing a mule, and a Gypsy 
girl telling fortunes. 

2 Epiphany or Twelfth Day. 



Las Gitanas que son siempre 
La alegrfa del portal, 
Viendo llegar a los reyes 
Un baile quier en formar. 


Prevenid castaiiuelas, Gitanas ; 
Que al portal ban entrado tres reyes, 

A ver el zagal ; 

Chas, chas, chas. 1 

Castanetas, bandurria, sonajas 
Ligeras tocad ; chas : 

Y vaya de baile, 

Y vaya de solas : 
Ghis, chis, chis. 
Chas, chas, chas. 

Que al Rey Nino niudanzas alegran 

Y hoy los reyes limosna daran ; 
Chas, chas, chas. 

Saltar y bullir 
Volver y cruzar ; chas : 
Y puestar en rueda 

Ballad sin parar. 
Gitanillas, alegres, festivas, 

El buile alegrad 
Que al portal han entrado tres reyes, 

A ver al zagal. 

Bailad sin parar; 
Ghis, chis, chis, 
Chas, chas, chas : 
Saltar y bullir, 
Volver y cruzar. 

The Gypsy women, who are always 
The joy of the town-gate, 
Seeing the kings arrive 
Wish to give them a dance. 


Get ready the castanets, Gypsies ; 
The three kings have come in at the gate, 

To see the young boy ; 

Chas, chas, chas. 1 

Strike the castanets, the bandurine, 
The joyous timbrels ; chas : 

And go in the dance; [or, Here goes 
the dance] 

And go one by one : 

Chis, chis, chis, 

Chas, chas, chas. 

How the changing movements will please 

the child-king, 

And to-day the kings will give us alms ; 
Chas, chas, chas. 

To dance and bustle about, 
To turn and cross ; chas : 
And, formed in a wheel, 
Dance ye without stopping. 

Gypsy-girls, gay and joyous, 

Make the dance gay, 
For the three kings have come in at the 

To see the young boy. 

Dance without stopping ; 

Chis, chis, chis, 

Chas, chas, chas : 

To leap and bustle round, 

To turn and to cross. 

No. 70 is similar. 

Bien venidos, Reyes, 
Seais al portal ; 
Que las gitanillas 
Os desean y-a. 

The first verse is, 

Welcome, kings, 
Are ye at the gate ; 
How the Gypsy-girls 
Are already longing for you. 

With a refrain at every fourth verse, 

Chas, clias, chas: Chas, chas, chas: 

Soltar y bullir To leap and bustle about, 

Volver y cruzar To turn and to cross, 

Y poneros en rueda And to make a wheel, 

Bailad sin parar. Dance without stopping. 

The chis, chas is meant to represent the snapping of the castanets. 


There are several Christmas carols in Spanish put into the mouth 
of Gypsies. The most tender and beautiful with which I am 
acquainted is "La Prediccion de la Gitana," given by Fernan 
Gaballero in her Cuentos y Poesias populares Andaluces. The 
quaintest one is the following, in the same volume : 

En el portal de Belen In the gate of Bethlehem 

Gitanitos ban entrado, The little Gypsies have entered, 

Y al nino recien nacido And the new-born child 

Los paiiales le han quitado. Have robbed of his swaddling clothes. 

; Picaros gitanos, Rascally Gypsies, 

Caras de aceitunas, Faces of olives, 

No han dejado al nino They have not left the child 

Ropita ninguna ! One little rag ! 

I presume many of our members are familiar with the wonder- 
fully cheap Coleccion de Oantcs Flamencos, the songs composed by 
Gypsies in the Andalusian dialect, collected and annotated by 
De'mofilo (S. Machado y Alvarez) Sevilla, 1851. Some few have been 
translated in Spanish and Italian Folk-lore Songs by Alma Strettell 
(Macmillan & Co.). 

Some articles on the Gypsies (mostly a compilation) have 
appeared in recent numbers of the Rivista Contemporanea (Madrid), 
in a series of chapters on the etymologies of the last edition of the 
Dictionary of the Spanish Academy, by D. A. Fernandez Merino ; in 
conclusion, he says that he reserves fuller remarks and researches for 
a special work which he has in preparation. 


Of the Andalusian Carol quoted above, it may be remarked that 
it is substantially of old date. We are told by Ticknor, in his 
History of Spanish Literature? that there is a manuscript poem in the 
Escurial, of date 1250-60, which (although its title is " The Adoration 
of the Three Holy Kings ") has as its chief subject " an arrest of the 
Holy Family, during their flight to Egypt, by robbers." These 
robbers, it is true, are not there styled " Gypsies." But a considera- 
tion of the other very important and striking Carols will make it 
evident that all of them illustrate the association of Gypsies with the 
events of the Nativity an association that was apparently recog- 
nised throughout mediaeval Europe. 

For the Noel itself is obviously a version of the miracle-play known 

1 London, 1849, vol. i. p. 25. 


as " The Adoration of the Three Holy Kings," or " The Three Magi." 
" The legend of The Three Kings, commonly described as the Three 
Kings of Cologne, as that city was believed to have been their final 
resting-place, was extremely popular in the Middle Ages," says 
Wright in his edition of The Chester Plays ; x and one learns a good 
deal about them from him, from Ticknor, and from Sandys. The last 
named, in his Christmas Carols? states that " the Venerable Bede, in 
the seventh century, is the first writer in this country who gives a 
particular description of them, which he probably took from some 
earlier tradition " ; and, again, that " Lebeuf mentions a Latin mystery 
of the Three Kings as early as the time of Henry the First of France, 
in the eleventh century." Wright makes mention 3 of a Latin play of 
The Three Kings, " apparently of the twelfth century," which " was 
found in a MS. at Orleans." The Chester Mysteries, says Sandys, 4 
" were produced in 1268," and this special subject appears to have been 
a peculiar favourite at Chester, since it was the custom there to make 
two plays of it, viz., " The Three Kings " and " The Oblation of the Three 
Kings." Les Trois JRois was one of the spectacles exhibited at " the 
fete which Philippe-le-Bel gave in 1313, on conferring knighthood on 
his children." 6 "This legend afforded the subject of one of the 
Corpus Christi plays at Newcastle," says Sandys, 6 and he adds that, 
although acted in that town as early as 1426, " they are considered of 
older date " there. And " when Henry the Sixth [of England] entered 
Paris, in 1431, as King of France, he was met at the gate of St. Denis 
by a dumb show representing [inter alia] the adoration of the Three 
Kings." 7 Further north,'at Aberdeen, " the Three Kings of Cologne " 
figured in the procession held on Candlemas Day (Purifi n . of the 
B.V.M.) " by the auld lovabile consuetud and ryt of the burgh " ; of 
which there is mention in the years 1442, 1505, and 1510. 8 And one 
reads further that when Queen Margaret 9 made her entry into Aber- 
deen in 1511, the procession in her honour included "the Orient 
Kings Three," who were represented offering gold, incense, and myrrh 
to the infant Christ. 

But it is unnecessary to multiply instances showing how popular 
this religious play has been, or how it has continued to be acted in 
one part or another of Europe, down to the present day. What we 

1 The Chester Plays, edited by T. Wright, London, 1843, p. 255. 

2 London, 1833, Introduction, pp. Ixxxiii. and Ixxxviii. : 

3 Op. cit. pp. v.-vii. 4 Op. cit. p. xvi., note. 

5 Sandys, op. cit. p. xx., note. 6 Op. cit. p. Ixxxix. 7 Ibid. 

8 In the Council Register of Aberdeen; quoted in Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen, 
London, 1818, vol. i. p. 95. 

s Wife of James IV. of Scotland, daughter of Henry vn. of England,- 


are here concerned with is the belief that these three kings or magi 
were of the race of " Bohemians " (so-called). 

That one, at least, of the three was a black man, is an old belief. 
Bede, in the seventh century, describes one of them as " of a dark, or 
black complexion, as a Moor." 1 And they were very commonly 
represented thus. That is how they are represented to-day by the vil- 
lagers of the Alps of Carinthia and Carniola ; perhaps the only modern 
Europeans who still perform this old miracle-play. We are told by 
a modern writer, describing " Christmas in a Slav village," that the 
play of " The Three Holy Kings " is enacted there every Twelfth 
Night. " The three appear in full costume the one with his face 
conscientiously Hacked with holy water and censers filled with 
burning incense." 2 

But when Longfellow introduces the Wise Men of the East in a 
miracle-play of the Nativity, supposed to be enacted at Strasburg in 
mediaeval times, he says : " Three Gypsy Kings, Gaspar, Mekhior, and 
Belshazzar, shall come in." Though this part of Longfellow's Golden 
Legend does not seem to be derived from the Aurea Legenda, yet he 
himself was so well versed in medievalism that it is evident he had 
good reason to believe that all the Three were generally repre- 
sented as Gypsies. And when one looks at the text of " The Obla- 
tion," as played at Chester, one sees that although the Three Kings 
do not there announce themselves to be " Bohemians," they succes- 
sively foretell Christ's future in very similar terms to the three in 
Saboly's Provencal Noel. 

How and when did this belief originate ? Sandys, in referring to 
the prediction in the tenth verse of the 72d Psalm, generally believed 
to relate to the Three Kings, states that one version has it, " Kings 
shall come out of the Moors' land to worship Christ." 3 To people 
who thus understood the passage, the kings of this " Moors' land " 
would naturally be themselves " Moors." Indeed, it is pretty certain 
that the sign of an Augsburg hostelry, The Three Moors, testifies to 
this identity. There is also an old inn at Newcastle, called The Three 
Indian Kings, whose sign was very probably at one time a counterpart 
of that of Augsburg. (This miracle-play, it may be observed, seems 
long to have been a favourite at Newcastle, where it was acted in 
1 426, and presumably long before. The latest date given by Sandys 4 

1 Sandys, op. cit. p. Ixxxiii. 

2 Saturday Review, 8th December 1888, " Christmas in the Alps." (It would be inter- 
esting to learn the formula employed in this instance.) 

3 Sandys, op. cit. p. Ixxxii. 

4 Who refers for these particulars to Brand's History of Newcastle. 


in connection with Newcastle is 1536, but this play did not cease to 
be acted in England until a much later period.) 1 That men who 
were spoken of as " Indians " and " Moors " should be portrayed as of 
dark complexion was ' very natural and reasonable. And as no 
European people could have been more "Indian" like than the 
Gypsies, it was equally natural that they should be regarded as the 
representatives of the Eastern Magi. 

There is no direct assertion made, in Wright's version of this 
"mystery," that the Three Kings of the East were Gypsies. This 
could be explained by the assumption that the fact, or belief, was so 
generally admitted that it did not require to be asserted. In the 
English version of the Legend, which Wright gives, 2 there is indeed 
something that may be construed into a tacit recognition of this con- 
nection. The writer of that manuscript informs us that he had 
gathered its statements out of the traditional books containing the 
Legend, and from " hearing and sight also of sermons and homilies 
that be drawn out of divers books." And he recounts the old tale, 
how, from the time of Balaam's famous prophecy, a certain people of 
the East had kept watch for the appearing of the Star, to which duty 
they had ordained twelve of their best astronomers, whose number 
was never allowed to lessen by death. These, for many centuries, 
had watched on a chosen hill, until at length the expected light 
appeared. Now, the chronicler among many statements which are 
obviously unreliable says that this hill was called "the hill of 
Vaws." And he adds that the progeny of Melchior, one of the three, 
became, on this account, known as " the progeny of Vaws into this 
day" Without attempting to regard the many odd statements of 
this scribe as of historical value, one cannot fail to recognise from his 
several allusions to "the progeny of Yaws," that he knew of a race of 
people contemporary with himself, who were known by some such 
title, and who were recognised as descendants of one of the Three 
Kings. And, as the scribe's English has a smack of the "North 

1 Among the names of inns that of The Three Spanish Gypsies in London in the 
seventeenth century is worth noting. The same authority (Hone's Every-Day Book, London 
1835, vol. i. p. 582 and 747) makes mention of a mystery of The Three Dons, performed 
at Romans in Dauphine in 1509. As these " Dons" were martyrs, like the Three Kings of 
mediaeval belief, one is apt to suspect that both of these terms relate to this play derived from 
a Spanish source. The last act of Lope de Vega's Nacimiento de Christo ends, says Ticknor, 
"with the appearance of the Three Kings preceded by dances of Gypsies and Negroes, and 
with the worship and offerings brought by all to the new-born Saviour." Lope de Vega, it is 
true, belongs to a later period than the play of The Three Dons, but he did no violence to the 
belief of the previous century in associating, if not identifying, the Three Kings with Gypsies. 
Indeed, it is quite likely that the Gypsy carols, with Castanet accompaniment, in Don Tomas 
Seguro's collection, were current during the sixteenth century. 

- At the end of vol. i. of the Chester Plays. 


Countrie," where (on both sides of the Borders) Gypsies were generi- 
cally known as " Faws," it is not improbable that this really signified 
his belief that " the progeny of Vaws," or of Melchior, were the 
swarthy " Faws " whom he frequently saw. In his Legend he refers 
to some of Melchior's descendants as " the princes of Vaws " ; and, as 
a certain " Francis Heron, king of the Faws " was buried at Jarrow- 
on-Tyne, so recently as the year 1756, whose forefathers, in Gypsy 
fashion, had no doubt borne the same title, it is conceivable that a 
half-educated monk of the North of England would have no difficulty 
in reconciling the name of his Gypsy neighbours with the alleged 
Gypsy lineage of one, at least, of the Three Kings. 1 

There are certainly hints of a special lineage in these mediaeval 
representatives of the Magi. In the Chester Plays, one of the kings 
refers to himself and his comrades as " We that be of Balaam's blood" 
" We kings of his kind" From the beginning of the Christian era 
back to the days of Balaam of Aramaea is a long jump. Nevertheless 
there is a certain consistency running through the theory. It is 
undoubtedly an old belief, and one which received the support of 
Origen, that the Three Kings came from the East to Bethlehem, 
because Balaam, in the same neighbourhood, though long ages before, 
had predicted the appearing of the Star. Now, Balaam himself was a 
" Wise Man of the East." He is introduced to us as a professional 
magus, or fortune-teller, living at Pethor, on the Euphrates ; and, in 
his efforts to pronounce a curse against the Israelites, he employed 
incantations in the first two instances. When he refers to his home 
as in or near " the mountains of the East," he uses an expression that 
applies equally well to the Three Magi; who were, not unlikely, 
dwellers in Mesopotamia as he was. What is certainly worth noting 
is that the term magus, assuming it to mean a high-priest of the arts 
of divination and astrology, is equally applicable to the soothsayer of 
Pethor, to the Three Magi, and to the " Gypsies " of a later day. Of 
course, the last-named class only represents these arts in their latest 
stage of degradation; but, in other times, when men's notions of 
religion and of science differed greatly from ours, a magus was 
prophet, priest, and king. 

They have been well honoured, these Three Kings, whoever they 
were. If the remains still preserved in Cologne Cathedral are really 
theirs, one wonders what judgment a craniologist would pronounce 

. i It ought to be added, however, that while this writer speaks of Jasper as a " black 
Ethiop," and Bede ascribes that quality to Balthazar, Melchior, the ancestor of the " Vaws," 
does not seem to be anywhere so specified. (There are various names given to the kings, bu 
the favourite are Jasper or Caspar, Melchior, and Balthazar.) 


upon them. How they got there has been often told; and never 
more pleasantly than by Dr. Sebastian Evans, in the poem of which the 
Three are the theme, wherein he relates their journey ings to and fro, 
ending with their death as Christian martyrs. And how, thereafter, 

" tlw Empress Helena gathered their bones, 
And set them with gold and with ruby stones. 
And treasured them up in a holy shrine 
Of the church in the city of Constantine. 
But when Godfrey ivas King of Jerusalem, 
Bishop Eustace to Milan translated them, 
And thence, with a nail of the Holy Cross, 
They were stolen by Emperor Barbaross, 
And Bishop Rene laid every bone 
In the shrine of the Kings, in the Church of Cologne, 
And there in rubies written in full, 
Ye may read for a ducat on every skull 
The names of the Three who followed the Star, 
Caspar, Melchior, Balthazar.'' 



ONCE upon a time there lived a countryman and his old wife : 
he had three daughters, but he was very poor. One day he 
and his young daughter went into the forest to gather mushrooms. 
And there he met with a great lord. The old peasant bared his 
head, 'and, being frightened at the sight of the nobleman, he said 
apologetically : " I am not chopping off your honour's wood with 
my hatchet, I am only gathering what is lying on the ground." " 1 
would willingly give thee all this forest," replies the nobleman ; 
and he then asks the peasant if that is his wife who is with him. 
"No, my lord, she is my daughter/' "Wilt thou sell her to me?" 
" Pray, my lord, do not mock and laugh at my daughter, since none 
but a great lady is a fitting match for your lordship." " That matters 
little to thee ; all thou hast to do is to sell her to me." As the 
peasant did not name the price he asked for her, the nobleman 
gave him two handfuls of ducats. 

The peasant, quite enraptured, grasped the money, but instead 
of going home to his wife, he went to a Jew's. He asked the Jew 
to give him something to eat and drink, but the Jew refused, bein<> 

1 The reciter of this tale was John (Won, the narrator of the Tale of a Foolish Brother, 
given in the preceding number of our Journal, 


that he had no money to pay him with; however, as soon 
is the peasant had shown him the large sum that he had, the 
delighted Jew seated him at the table and gave him food and drink. 
He made the old peasant drunk, and stole away all his money. 
The peasant returned home to his wife. She asked of him where he 
had left his daughter. " Wife, I have placed her in service with a 
great lord." The wife asked him if he had brought anything to her. 
He replied that he was himself hungry ; but that this nobleman had 
said to him that he had taken one daughter, and that he would take 
the two others also. His wife bade him take them away. He 
went away with these two daughters, and one of them he sold to 
another lord. This one gave him a hatful of ' money. Then the 
peasant said to his remaining daughter : " Wait for me here in the 
forest ; I will bring thee something to eat and drink, do not stray 
from here." He went to the same Jew that had stolen his money 
from him. This Jew again stole from him the money he had 
received from the other lord. The peasant returned to his daughter, 
to whom he brought some bread, which she ate with delight. 

There came a third nobleman, who purchased this third girl. 
" Do not go to the Jew," said this lord to the peasant, " but go 
straight home to thy wife, and hand over thy money to her, so 
that she may take charge of it; for this Jew will rob thee once 
more." The peasant returned home to his wife, who was very 
glad. . . . This great lord spoke thus to him : " There is, in a forest, 
a beautiful castle covered with silver. Go to the town, buy some fine 
horses and harness, engage some peasants for work, and rest thou 
thyself; make the peasants do the work." ... He got into a carriage 
he took his peasants, and they set out with the help of God. They 
came, by a magnificent road, smooth as glass, into a great forest. 
They met a beggar, who asked of this great lord (this peasant, once 
poor, now become rich) where his daughters were ? Soon after, 
these peasants discover that they are quite bewildered ; they find 
themselves surrounded by deep ravines and insurmountable 
obstacles, so that they cannot get out, for they have lost their 
way. There came an old beggar who asked of them, "Why 
do you remain here, why are you not going on ? " " Alas ! " they 
answered, " we cannot get out of this, we had a beautiful road and 
we have lost it." " Whip up your horses a little," said the old man 
to them, " perhaps they will go on." A lad touched up the horses, 
and all of a sudden the peasants see before them a magnificent 
road. They wish to thank this mendicant, but he has already 


disappeared. The peasants fall to weeping, for, say they to them- 
selves, " This was no mendicant ; more likely was it the good God 
himself." They reach this castle : the peasant is in ecstasies with it. 
The peasants work for him, and he and his wife take their ease. 

Ten years rolled by. He had once three daughters, whom he 
had already forgotten. " The good God," said he, " had given me 
three daughters, but I have never yet had a son." One day the 
good God so ordered it that this peasant woman was brought to 
bed. She was. delivered (pray excuse me) of a boy. This boy grew 
exceedingly, he was already three years old, he was very intelligent. 
When he was twelve years old his father put him to school. He 
was an apt scholar : he knew German, and could read anything ! 

One day, this boy, having returned home, asked of his father, 
" How do you do, father ? " His mother gave him some food, and 
sent him to bed. Next day he got up, and went to school. Two 
little boys who passed along said, the one to the other, " There goes 
the little boy whose father has sold his daughters to the devils." 
This boy reached the school filled with anger ; he wrote his task 
quickly, for he could not calm his angry feelings. .He went home 
to his father as quickly as possible ; he took two pistols, and called on 
his father to come to him. As soon as his father came into the 
room, the boy locked the door on them both. " Now, father, tell 
me the truth : had I ever any sisters ? If you do not confess the 
truth to me, I will fire one of these pistols at you and the other at 
myself." The father answered: "You have had three sisters, my 
child, but I have sold them to I know not whom." He sent his 
father to the town, and bade him, " Buy for me, father, an apple 
weighing one pound." The father came back home, and gave 
the apple to his son. The latter was delighted with it, and he 
made preparations for going out into the world. He embraced 
his father and mother. " The good God be with you," he said to 
them, " for it may be I shall never see you more ; perchance I may 

He came to a field, where he saw two boys fighting terribly. The 
father of these two boys had, when dying, left to the one a cloak and 
to the other a saddle. This little boy went up to these boys and 
asked them, " What are you fighting about ? " " Excuse us, my 
lord," replied the younger, " our parents are dead ; they have left to 
one of us a cloak and to the other a saddle : my elder brother wants 
to take both cloak and saddle, and does not wish to give me any- 
thing." This little nobleman said to them, " Come now, T will put 


oil right : here is an apple, which I shall throw far out into this 
leld ; and whichever of you gets up to it first shall have both of 
these things." He flung away the apple, and while the boys were 
running to get it, this little nobleman purloined both cloak and saddle. 
He resumed his journey, and went away, with the help of God. He 
came to a field, he stopped, he examined the cloak he had just 
stolen, and to the saddle he cried : " Bear me away to where my 
young sister lives ! " The saddle took hold of him, lifted him into 
the air, and carried him to the dwelling of his young sister. He 
cried to his young sister : " Let me in, sister ! " Her response was : 
"I have been here for twenty years, I have never seen anybody 
during that time ; and you you will break my slumber." " Sister ! 
if you do not believe that I am your brother, here is a handkerchief 
which will prove that I am." His sister read thereon the names of 
her father, of her mother, and of her brother. Then she let him enter, 
and fainted away. " Where am I to hide you now, brother ? for if 
my husband comes he will devour you." "Have no fear on my 
account," he replied ; " I have a cloak which makes me invisible 
whenever I wear it." Her husband returned, she served some food to 
him, and then, employing a little artifice, " Husband," she said, " I 
dreamt that I had a brother." " Very good ! " " If he should come 
here, you would not hurt him, would you, husband ? " " What harm 
would I do to him ? I would give him something to eat and to 
drink." At this she called out, " Brother, let my husband see you ! " 
The young lad's brother-in-law saw him, and was greatly pleased with 
his appearance ; he gave him food and something to drink. He went 
out and called his brothers. They, well satisfied with the state of 
things, entered, along with the boy's two other sisters. The latter 
were brimming over with delight. A lovely lady also came, who 
enchanted him. "Is this young lady married?" he asked of his 
sister. " No," she replied, " she has no husband ; you can marry her, 
if you like." They fell in love with each other ; they were married. 

For ten years they lived there. At last this youth said to his 
sister : " I must return home to my father ; mayhap he is dead by 
this time ? " He got up next morning, his brothers-in-law gave 
him large sums of gold and silver. 

They drew near to the house, he and his wife. Not far from this 
house there was a small wood through which they had to pass, and in 
it they noticed a beautiful wand. 1 " Let us take this wand," said his 
wife to him, " it is very pretty, we shall plant it at home." He 

* In the original it is " sukar kait," I. K, 


obeyed her, and took this wand. He reached the house : the father 
was very happy that his son was now married. 

Five years passed away. The good God gave them a son. He 
went to the town in order to invite godfathers After the baptism 
they came back from church, they ate, they drank, and finally every- 
body went away ; he remained alone with his wife. One day he 
went to the town. When he came home, he saw that his wife was 
no longer there, and that the sapling had also disappeared ! (This 
was no sapling, but a demon.) He began to lament. " Why do you 
lament ? " asked his father. " Do not make me angry, father," said 
he, " for I am going out into the world." 

He got ready for the road ; he set out. He came into a great 
forest. As it was beginning to rain, he took shelter under an oak, 
and in that very oak his wife was concealed. He slept for a little 
while ; then he heard a child weeping. " Who is this that is 
crying ? " he asked of his wife. " It is your child." And he recog- 
nised her and cried ; " Wife, hearken to what I am going to say to 
you. Ask this dragon of yours where it is that he hides the key of 
his house." " Very well," assented she. The dragon came back to 
the house, she threw her arms round his neck, and said to him, 
" Husband, tell me truly, where is the key of our house ? " " What 
good would it do you if I told you ? " he replied : " well, then, listen. 
In a certain forest there is a great cask ; inside this cask there is a 
cow ; in this cow there is a calf ; in this calf a goose ; in this goose 
a duck ; in this duck an egg ; and it is inside this egg that the key is 
to be found." " Very good, that is one secret I know." She then 
asked of him wherein lay his strength. The dragon owned this to 
his wife : " When I am attired as a lord, I cannot be killed ; neither 
could any one kill me when I am dressed as a king ; but it is only at 
the moment I am putting on my boots that I may be killed." " Very 
good, now I know both his secrets." He smelt at his feather, 1 
and all his three brothers-in-law appeared beside him. They lay in 
wait until the moment when the dragon was drawing on his boots, 
and then they slew him. They betook themselves to that forest, they 

1 The narrator had omitted to mention this before. In many Polish and Russniak 
ales, one meets with a bird's feather or a horse-hair, possessing the magical power of making 
anybody of whom one has need, however far off', to immediately appear beside one. One has 
only to burn this feather (or horse-hair) a little, and then to smell it. In this Gypsy tale, 
therefore, the hero's brothers-in-law had evidently given him such a feather, along with the 
' large sums of gold and silver," at the time of his departure from their home. But the 
narrator had forgotten to mention this in recounting the departure, though he remembered 
the feather when he reached that point at which the hero had need of it to summon his 
brothers-in-law to his aid, in order to kill the dragon. I. K. 


lashed the cask, they killed the cow that was inside of it, they 
dlled the goose that was inside the calf, then the duck that was 
inside the goose, they broke open the egg, and out of it they drew the 
key. He took this key, he came back to where his wife was, he 
opened the oak, and he enabled his wife to come forth out of it. 
" Now, my brothers-in-law, the good God be with you ; as for me, I 
am setting out to follow my way of happiness ; now I shall no more 
encounter any evil thing." 

He returned to his father's house with his wife. His father was 
very glad to see him come back with his wife ; he gave them some- 
thing to eat and drink, and he said to his son : " Hearken to me, my 
child ; we are .old now, I and my wife ; thou must stay beside me." 
And he answered him : " It is well, my father ; if thou sendest me 
not away, I will dwell with thee." 




I WAS little more than a boy when I first heard George Borrow 
spoken of at the annual dinner given by a connection of my 
family to the deputation of the British and Foreign Bible Society 
in a country town near London. These dinners were very dull 
affairs to the younger guests, and the general conversation was most 
oppressive to them. But our interest woke up at the mention of the 
name of George Borrow ; and this is why I remember clearly even 
now what I heard of him, while I have forgotten almost every 
other circumstance of these anniversaries. I can distinctly recall 
one of the secretaries telling of his first meeting with Borrow, whom 
he found waiting at the offices of the Society one morning ; how 
puzzled he was by his appearance ; how, after he had read his letters 
of introduction^ he wished to while away the time till a brother 
secretary should arrive, and did not want to say anything to commit 
himself to such a strange applicant ; so he began by politely hoping 
that Borrow had slept well. " I am not aware that I fell asleep on 
the road," was the reply ; " I have walked from Norwich to London." 
(I forget now in how many hours, and when he started.) Then the 
secretary stated, as I have heard from others, that Borrow said that 
he had been stolen by Gypsies in his boyhood, had passed several 


years with them, but had been recognised at a fair in Norfolk, and 
brought home to his family by his uncle. 

Of late years I have made the acquaintance of the Marquis de 
Santa Coloma, who was Sorrow's companion on ship -board when he 
was wrecked, and with whom he landed at Cadiz. According to the 
expression of the Marquis, when they stepped on to the quay at 
Cadiz, Borrow looked round, saw some Gitanos lounging there, said 
something that the Marquis could not understand, and immediately 
" that man became ' une grappe de Gitanos.' " They hung round his 
neck, clung to his knees, seized his hands-, kissed his feet, so that the 
Marquis hardly liked to join his comrade again after such close 
embraces by so dirty a company. The Marquis de Sta. Coloma met 
Borrow again at Seville. He had very great difficulty in finding him 
out ; though he was aware of the street in which he resided, no one 
knew him by name. At last by dint of inquiry and description, some 
one exclaimed, " Oh ! you mean el Brujo " (the wizard), and he was 
directed to the house. He] was admitted with great caution, and 
conducted through a lot of passages and stairs, till at last he was 
ushered into a handsomely furnished apartment in the " mirador," 
where Borrow was living with his wife and daughter. This last state- 
ment of M. de Sta. Coloma had always somewhat puzzled me, until I 
read Professor Knapp's pamphlet. 1 It is evident now that, to his 
Spanish friends at least, he thus called Mrs. Clarke and her daughter 
Henrietta his wife and daughter ; and M. de Sta. Coloma evidently 
believes that the young lady was Borrow's own daughter, and not his 
step-daughter merely. At this time the roads from Seville to 
Madrid were very unsafe. Sta. Coloma wished Borrow to join his 
party, who were going well armed. Borrow said he would be safer 
with his Gypsies. Both arrived without accident in Madrid; the 
Marquis's party first. Borrow, on his arrival, told Sta. Coloma that his 
Gypsy chief had led him by by-paths and mountains ; that they had 
not slept in a village, nor seen a town the whole w r ay. In Madrid, 
Borrow used to ride a fine black Andalusian horse, with a Russian 
skin for a saddle, and without stirrups ; altogether making so con- 
spicuous a figure that Sta. Coloma hesitated, and it needed all his 
courage to be seen riding with him. At this period Borrow spent a 
great deal of money, and lived very freely (i.e. luxuriously) in Spain. 
From the point of view of the Marquis, a Spanish Roman Catholic, 
Borrow was excessively bigoted, and fond of attacking Eoman 

1 " George Borrow," by Professor W. J. Knapp, of Yale University ; extracted from The 
Chautauquan, November 1887. 


Catholics and Catholicism. He evidently, however, liked him as a 
companion ; but he says that Borrow never, as far as he saw or could 
learn, spoke of religion to his Gypsy friends, and that he soon noticed 
his difference of attitude towards them. He was often going to the 
British Embassy, and he thinks was considered a great bore there- 
If any one knew the true history of what Borrow did in Spain, it 
would be the late Lord Clarendon, then Mr. Villiers, and his attaches 
and secretaries in Madrid. 

Santa Coloma had been one of Zumalacarregui's aide-de-camps, 
and agent for the Carlist party in England, and it was in returning 
from one of these missions that he met Borrow on board ship. They 
encountered one another again in the north of Spain. Borrow, in 
addition to, or in lieu of, his work as agent for the Bible Society, was 
acting as special correspondent to the Morning Herald. He organised 
a system of runners or horsemen to Behobie, and thence of post-chaises 
to Bayonne, so that the Morning Herald got his letters and despatches 
sometimes before the Government got theirs. M. de Sta. Coloma is 
very positive on the point that Sorrow's imprisonment in the citadel 
of Pampeluna had nothing whatever to do with religion, but with his 
conduct as war correspondent to the Morning Herald. Borrow had 
written the truth, which was not to the praise of General Quesada. 
Quesada got hold of him, and by an arbitrary act shut him up in the 
citadel. Borrow found means to let Santa Coloma know where he 
was ; and it was by the intercession and secret influence of Santa 
Coloma and his Carlist friends, that, on application to Mr. Villiers 
(Lord Clarendon), pressure was put on Quesada, and Borrow got 


Sta. Coloma tells me that Borrow told him that the Spanish 

Gypsies were not nearly so pure in speech and blood as are the 

English Gypsies. 

Sorrow's knowledge of Basque seems to have been of the very 

slightest ; nothing more than what any tourist with a facility for 

language could pick up in a few weeks. 

Another point explained to me by Dr. Knapp's pamphlet is that 

Borrow was with the Gypsies in Kussia. Sta. Coloma had told me 

this, but I could not understand how it could be. 

There is no difficulty to any one who knows the history of the 

first Carlist War, in understanding how, even when the English 

Legion was fighting for the Christines, Borrow found it necessary to 

apply to Carlist friends for their intercession to an English Liberal 

Minister to get released from imprisonment by a Spanish Liberal 


General. The Duke of Wellington gave the telescope which he used 
at Waterloo to Zumalacarregui as a present, and Zumalacarregui was 
slain by an English bullet. I find references to the letters in the 
Morning Herald in Le Camp et la Cour de D. Carlos, by J. G. 
Mitchell, Bayonne 1839 ; but with no indication of the author. 


TO GYPSIES. Compiled by H. T. CROFTON, 1888. 




ARCH^EOLOGIA, vol. vii., 1785, . 


Britain, vol. ii., 1830. 
AVERY, JOHN, .... 

AYLWIN, ..... 

AXON, W. E. A., 

Various Reviews. 

Wandering Tribes of Great Britain. Cassell's 

Magazine, Nov. 1883, pp. 728-731. 
Rookwood, 1839. 

Roadside Songs of Tuscany. 1888. 
By James Thompson. Newcastle, 1828. 
Anon. : [D. MacRitehie]. 1884. 
Bryant's Vocabulary and Marsden's Letter. 
A Gipsy Fair in Surrey. Harper's Magazine, 

March 1888. 
Dr. Charnock on Roumanian Gypsies, and 

Sim Dialect. 

Mitra's Gipsies of Bengal. 
Gipsy Kings. 

Marsden's Letter and Bryant's Vocabulary. 
The Scholar Gypsy. 
Captain David Richardson. 

Colonel J. S. Harriot. 

Various Reviews. 

Origin of the Gipsies. American Antiquarian 
and Oriental Journal, vol. ix., p. 192. 

An open air Romance for Poets, Painters, and 
Gypsies, with a dedicatory Sonnet to the 
beloved memory of George Borrow, the Great 
High Priest of the Ungenteel. By Theodore 
Watts. Still (Jan. 1889) unpublished. 

Some Transylvanian Gipsy Songs. Manchester 
Quarterly, No. 7, July 1883. 

Stray Leaves. 1888. Gipsy Colour Names. 

1 Professor Knapp, in a recent letter, makes the following interesting statement : " I 
have a project of writing for the Journal a paper on 'The Sources of the Calo Literature in 
Sorrow's Zincali, 1841.' I have all the original MSS. of those sources, and they are not in 
George Sorrow's handwriting ; indeed they are much more correct than he prints them, with 
sundry pieces he did not print at all, because a little ' strong' for a Bible Society man a 
Major6 Lil-engro Manush." 



B.> W., . 

vol. xxi., Nov. and Dec. 1871 ; 
Feb. 1872. 


>j 11 . . 


BARRIE, J. M., . 


BIRKBECK, Miss A. M., 

. 1887, 




BRITISH ASSOCIATION at Leeds, 1858, Rev. T. W. Norwood. 
1861, Dr. B. C. Smart. 

Gipsies and their Friends. Temple Bar Maga- 
zine, May, 1876, pp. 65-76. 

Les Tchinghianes. k Owens College Magazine. 
Jan. 1871, pp. 85-93. [Review of Paspati's 

Slang Terms and OrientaljRoots. By J. C. M.H. 

Scottish Gypsy's Advocate. Edinburgh, 1839. 
Report to Scottish Church Society, 1841. 
Memoir of late Rev. John Baird, minister of 
Yetholm. London. 

Auld Licht Idylls, 1888, pp. 41-44 and 242, 243. 
Among the Gypsies. Sunday Magazine, 1875. 
Rural and Historical Gleanings from Eastern 

Europe. 1854. [A chapter on Hungarian 


Articles on Scottish Gypsies. 
Sinison's History of the Gypsies. 
Transylvanian Tsiganes. 
Romancist and Novelist's Library. London, 


Lieutenant Francis Irvine's Article. 1819. 
Transylvania. London, 1865. 
Fyrst Boke of the Introduction of Knowledge. 


Bible in Spain. 
Zincali. 1841. 

Lavengro. ^ Reprinted by 

Romany Rye. Murray, 1888. 

Wild Wales, 1862. 
Romano Lavo-lil. 1874. J , 
Embeo e Majar6 Lucas. Badajoz, 1837. 
Criscote e Majaro Lucas. Lundra, 1872. 
Macmillan's Magazine, Jan. 1886. 
Athenaeum, Sept. 1881. See Knapp, Prof. 
Travels through Lower Hungary. 1818. 


5) II 



Gypsies of Yetholm. 1884. 

Archaeologia, vol. vii., 1785. 

Annual Register, 1784. 

The Court Cave ; or, The Hospitable Gypsies. 

Edinburgh, 1816. 
Sind, and the Races that inhabit that Valley. 

London, 1851. 

CANNING, ELIZABETH, Trial of, . By Henry Fielding. 1753. 


ventures of. 

CASSELL'S FAMILY MAGAZINE, Wandering Tribes of Great Britain, by Adams. 

Nov. 1883. 

CATHERWOOD, MARY H., . . The Gypsies (" Wide Awake," Boston, U.S., 

April 1885). 



5) J) 


MISCELLANY, vol. xvi., 


5> ' 

J) Jl 

CHARNOCK, DR., .... 




CLARK, E. L., 

CLARKE, E. D., . 


NICIS, vol. vi. 




COPSON, H. J., . 


xxviii., xxix., 1873. 

CRAIG, A. R., 




D'ANVERS, N., . 
DRAKE, 0. $. T.. 

Visiting the Gypsies. April 18S3. 

A Gypsy Beauty. 1886. 

Article " Gypsies," by E. Deutsch, in 1st ed. ; 
in 2d, by F. H. Groome. 

Exploits, etc., of Scottish Gypsies. 1821 
and 1886. 

Account of the Gypsies. 1847. 

Greek Gypsies at Liverpool. 1886. 

Queen Esther Faa Blyth and the Yetholm 
Gypsies. 18th Aug. 1883. 

Ottoman Gypsies. 1878. 

Roumanian Gypsies. Anthropologia, 1875. 

On the Gypsy dialect called Sim. Anthropo- 
logia, 1875. 

See Hoyland, p. 189. 

Rev. S. B. James. 

See Drake. 

Races of European Turkey. 1878. 
Travels in various Countries. 1825. 
John Steggall, the Suffolk Gypsy. 1856. 
Dr. Charles Vallancey. 

E. Gerard. Transylvanian Peoples. 
Guitar Player, 1881. The Gypsies' Match. 
Dialect and Manners of Gypsies. Monthly 

Magazine, vol. xlvt, 1818. 
The Gypsy's Warning, c. 1838. 
Zelda's Fortune, by R. E. Francillon. 

See Tom Taylor. 

Gypsy's Advocate, 1831. v4 

Life of. See Rudall. 

Condition of the Gypsies. 

Book of the Hand. 1867. 

The Origin of the Gypsies. (Read before the 
Ethnological Society, 17th Feb. 1863). 

Dialect of English Gypsies. See Smart. 

Early Books on Gypsies. Antiquary, vol. i. 

Gipsy Life in Lancashire and Cheshire. Man- 
chester Literary Club, vol. iii., 1877. 

Former Costume of the Gypsies. Manchester 
Literary Club, vol. ii. 1876. 

English Gypsies under the Tudors. Manchester 
Literary Club, vol. vi., 1880. 

Gipsy Folk-Tales. Manchester Quarterly, 1882. 

Gypsy Tribes of N.-W. Provinces. Indian 
Antiquary, vol. xvii. 

The Spanish Gypsy. By "George Eliot." 1869. 

House on Wheels. By De Stolz. 1875. 
See Chambers's Encyclopedia. 
Prints. " Gypsey's Prophecy." Dublin, 1780. 
A Strange People and a Strange Language. 
Churchman's Shilling Magazine, 1876. 









of Fifty Years Ago. 



GROOME, F. H., . 

H., J. C. M., . 

HAGGART, DAVID, Life of, . 
ZINE, 1882. 




HOTTEN, J. C., . 


Dictionary of Canting Crew. c. 1724. 
Origin and Wanderings of the Gypsies. 
The Russians at Home and Abroad. 1879. 
Travels in Austria, Russia, and Turkey. 

London, 1838. 
See Cross. 
Poor Janos ; a Tale of Hungarian Gipsy Life. 

London, 1886. 
s.v. " Gypsies." 

,s.v. " Gypsies." See Groome. 
s.v. "Gypsies." See Renouard. 
Dr. B. C. Smart. 

See Norwood Gipsy, True-telling Gypsy. 
See Cornhill Magazine. 

Glasgow Weekly Mail, 1866. 

Transylvanian Peoples. Contemporary Review, 
vol. xli. 


Anon. 1842. 


Rambles with the Romany. By Irvine Mon- 
tagu ; and see Ralston. 

Dissertation on the Gipsies, 1787 and 1807. 

English Gipsy Index. Indian Antiquary, 1 886. 

Arabic and Persian References to Gipsies. 
Indian Antiquary, vol. xvi. 

In Gypsy Tents. 1880. 

Gypsies. Encyclopaedia Britannica, 9th ed. ; 
Chambers's Encyclopaedia, 2d ed. 

Gypsy Folk-tales : A Missing Link. National 

Review, 1888. 
1888, etc. 

Slang Terms and Oriental Roots. See Baily's 

Sporting Magazine. 
Written in Edinburgh Gaol, 1821. 
Gypsy Dance, Spanish Vistas. 

Anstey's Gypsy Fair in Surrey. 

Observations on the Oriental Origin of the 

Romanichal. Royal Asiatic Society of Great 

Britain, vol. ii. London, 1830. 
Gypsy Jan : A Tale. London, c. 1886. 
Martha, the Gypsy ; or, The Fatal Curse : A 

Tale. Johnson's Cheap Library, Leeds. 
The Slang Dictionary. London, 1864. 
See Stolz. 

Gypsy King, and other Poems. 1840. 
Historical Survey of the Customs, etc., of the 

Gypsies. York, 1816. 
The Hunchback of Notre Dame. Various 





JAMES, G. P. R., ... 
REV. S. B., . 

JANUS; or, the Edinburgh Literary 
Almanack, 1826. 

JAPP, A., 



Biggar and the House of Fleming, 1867, 
chap. xix. 

See Tom Taylor. 

See Grierson, Crooke. 

Children's Picture Annual, c. 1880. 

Similitude between Gypsy and Hindi Lan- 
guages. Literary Society of Bombay, 1819. 

The Gipsy. London, 1835, and other editions. 
English Gypsies ; a Monograph, in five chapters. 
Church of England Magazine. London, 1875. 
Song of the Gypsy King, from the German. 

The Gypsies. Gentleman's Magazine, 1883. 
Lives of Highwaymen, etc. 1736. 
Gipsy Mother : A Tale. 1833. 
Gipsy Girl ; or, The Heir of Hazel Dell. 
c. 1833. 

KENSINGTON, a Monthly Maga- Gipsy : A Tale. By B. L. A. 

zine, 1879. 


LELAND, C. G., . 


55 -* 

ZINE FOR SCOTLAND, vols. i., ii. 
LOGAN, W. H., . 
LONDON SOCIETY, vol. xlvii., 

A Gypsy Beauty. Century Magazine, 1886. 
People's Pocket Story Books. London, c. 

Romany Language of Coin. Notes and Queries, 

"George Borrow," The Chautauquan. Nov. 

1887. Life of Borrow [in preparation]. 

English Gipsy Songs. London, 1875. 

English Gipsies. London, 1873. 

Breitmann Ballads. London, 1872. 

The Gypsies. London, 1882. 

Johnston's Universal Cyclopaedia, vols. ii., iii. 

New York, 1876-77. Arts. " Gypsies " and 

" Rommany Language." 

Russian Gipsies. Macmillan's Magazine, 1879. 
Playbill of Zillah : a new romantic drama. 

With Romany Song. 1879. 
Visiting the Gipsies. Century Magazine, 1883. 
Charlotte Cooper, a Gypsy Beauty. Century 

Magazine, 1886. 
Gypsy Charms. St. James's Gazette, 2d Aug. 


The Original Gipsies. Holder ; Vienna, 1888. 
The Gypsy Queen : A Tale. London. 
See Leland ; A Gypsy Beauty. 

A Pedlar's Pack of Ballads, pp. 139-141. 1869. 
Our Gypsies and the Gypsy Children. 
James Payn. 

Yetholm History of the Gypsies. Kelso, 1882. 
Petty Romany. Nineteenth Century Maga- 
zine, 1880. 




77 '/ 


MALEN, M. E. 0., 






Articles on George Borrow ; Russian Gypsies, 
by Leland. 

Travels in Sclavonic Provinces, 1877. 

Ancient and Modern Britons. London, 1884. 

Greek Gypsies at Liverpool. Chambers's Jour- 
nal, vol. iii., 1886. 

The Gypsies of India. London, 1886. 

Scottish Gallovidian Encyclopaedia, 1824, pp. 
66-70 and 142. 

Zingra, the Gypsy : A Tale. 

Naomi, the Gypsy Girl : A Tale. 

See Archseologia, 1785. 

See Annual Register, 1784. 

Poetical Manual. 1833. 

Border Tour. 

Katerfelto, 1875; Black but Comely, 1879. 

History of Thomas Mitchell, born and educated 
among the Gypsies. 1816. 

Gipsies of Bengal. Anthropological Society. 
London, 1870. 

Rambles with the Romany. See Good Words. 

See D. Copsey. 

Our Gypsies. 1885. 

Gipsies in England. Victoria Magazine, 1867. 

Clarissa, the Gypsy : A Tale. 

The Gypsy Scare : A Tale. 

The Gipsies of the Border. Galashiels, 1875. 

NEVILL, L., .... 

ZINE, vol. viii. 


NORWOOD GYPSY; or, Universal 
Dream Book, 1810. 



See Groome. 

A Romany Queen. London. 

The Gipsies of Egypt. Royal Asiatic Society. 

London, 1856. 
Petty Romany. Joseph Lucas. 

The Gipsy Queen. New York, 1882. 

Race and Language of Gypsies. 

ciation, Leeds, 1858. 


PASPATI, A. G., . 

PAYN, JAMES, .... 
PEOPLE OF TURKEY, pp. 158-168. 


PlNKERTON, W., .... 

Rambles in the Border. 

Travels in the East. London, 1823. 

English Gipsy Songs. See Leland. 

Memoir on Language of Gypsies in Turkish 

Empire. New Haven, 1862. 
Journal of American Oriental Society, vol. vii. 
[Same Memoir.] 
Lost Sir Massingberd. 

The Gypsies o t f the Danes' Dike. London, 


See Dr. B. C. Smart. 
Somersetshire Gypsy Vocabulary. 1780. 


POTTER, H. T., . 


. Dictionary of Cant, etc. 

. Travels in Beloochistan and Scinde. 

Various Reviews. 


RAGGED UPROAR; or, Oxford 1760. 

Roratory : A Dramatic Satire. 
RALSTON, W. R. J., . 

RANGER OP THE TOMB ; or, Gipsy' 

Prophecy : A Romance. 




SHELDON, .... 
SIMS, G. R., 


SMART, B. C., 


of Coalville, 


STANLEY, A. P., . 

A Gipsies' Christmas Gathering. Good Words. 


" Gypsy" : Encyclopaedia Metropolitana. 1845. 

Asiatic Researches, vol. vii. 1784. 

Account of the Bazeegurs. 1812. 

The Gypsies. 1836, and other editions. 

Parallel Miracles. 1830. 

Life of James Crabb. London, 1854. 

Southern Counties Register. 

See George Borrow, Macmillan's Magazine. 

Guy Mannering and Quentin Durward. 

Discovery of Witchcraft. 1651. 

History of Berwick. 

The Romany Rye : A Drama. 1882. 

History of the Gypsies. 1865, and other 

The Gipsies. 1875. 

Social Emancipation of the Gypsies. 1884. 

John Bunyan. 1880. 

Scottish Churches and the Gipsies. 1881. 

The Gipsies, etc. 1883. 

Was John Bunyan a Gipsy 2 1882. 

Dialect of the English Gipsies. English Philo- 
logical Society, 1863. 

Dialect of the English Gipsies. 1875 ; and see 
Crofton, H. T. 

British Association, Leeds. 1861. 

Ethnological Society, vol. ii. 

Incidents in a Gipsy's Life. 1886. 

I 've been a Gypsy ing. 1883. 

Gypsies and their Children. London Society, 

Gipsy Life. 1880. 

Tent Life in Norway with English Gipsies. 
London, 1873. 

Through Romany Song-Land (in preparation). 

The Gipsies ; a Poem. Oxford, 1842. 

See Cobbold. 

In Cheviot's Glens. 1887. 

House on Wheels. 1875. 

Songs of Spanish Gipsies. 1887. 

David Blythe, the Gipsy King. 1883. 

Local Records of Durham, etc.. vol. i. 


Tobias Smith, executed at Bedford. 
Sir Roger de Coverley, 1 85 1 . 









Fortune Teller. 








Gipsy Experiences of a Rouinany Kei. Illus- 
trated London News, 1851. 

Origin and History of the Gypsies. Illustrated 
London News, 1856. 

Bath, 1870. 

Gipsies and their Friends. By W. B. 1876. 

1872, Oct. 11, 17 ; p. 1, column 2. 

Life of James Allan. Newcastle, 1828. 

Mammuth. 1789. 

1805, and other editions. 

English Gipsy Songs. See Leland. 
History of Vagrants and Vagrancy. 1887. 

Language of Gipsies of Bohemia, etc. Collec- 
tanea de Rebus Hibernicis. Dublin, 1786. 
See Morwood, V. G. 

The Fortune Teller; or, Heir of Hazelmore: 
A Komantic Tale. 

See Aylwin and Borrow (Athenaeum). 


Round the Tower; or, The Story of the London 
City Mission. 1875. 

Tales of the Borders, 1835 : (a) The Faa's 
Revenge ; (6) Judith the Egyptian ; (c) Pol- 
warth on the Green ; (d) The Countess of 
Cassilis; (e) The Hawick Spate; (/) The 
Gipsy Lover. 

The Gipsies. London, 1865. 
A Word for the Romany Chals. Cheltenham 
College Magazine, 1873. 

ZANA, THE GIPSY, or, Heiress of London, c. 1877. 

Glair Hall. 


ZINGARI, THE : A Poem, . 

See Cornhill Magazine and Francillon. 
By A. M. Maillard. 
Bridgewater, 1841. 




M. F. Miklosich, Beitrage zur Kenntniss der Zigeuner-Mundarten, 
iv., Wien, 1878. In this work the author deals with (1) a story 
obtained by I. Kluch from the Carpathian Gypsies (i. a. p. 1 ff), 


*M. (2) Eight stanzas collected by I. Rotarides at Drienovo. 
The speech of the latter is, as I tried to prove in another place, a sub- 
dialect of the Hungarian not, like that of my own and Kluch's texts, 
of the Bohemian dialect. 

M. W. (3) Vocables occurring in the M. W. (see under " Abbre- 
viations ") of the same author, and marked by him as Carpathian ; 
the source of these vocables, which for the most part do not occur in 
the text published by him, I do not know. 

K A. Kalina, La langue des Tziganes slovaques; Posen, 1880. 
This author states that he collected his texts and vocables (1) in 
the environs of Pest'an (Postve'n), Nove Mesto (Vagh Ujhe'ly), 
Trencin (Trencsdn), Zelin (solna), and St. Martin. 

*K. (2) This refers to that portion of the above work which 
deals with fifteen stanzas collected by Dr. Kopernicki in the district 
of Gomor (south-east border of the Slovak territory). The vocables 
occurring in these stanzas belong to the Hungarian dialect. 

S. (1) The texts (nineteen tales and one song) collected by 
myself, in the years 1884 and 1885, at Trencin Teplice (Tapolcza), 
a part of which has been published in the Zeitschrift der deutschen 
morgenlandischen GfesellscTiaft, vol. xxxix., of 1885, p. 509 ib., another 
part in my Grammar of the Slovak-Gypsy Dialect (Die Mundart der 
slovakischen Zigeuner\ Gottingen, 1887). The rest has not yet been 

(2) A set of sentences composed by myself, and translated by my 
Gypsies into their language. 

(3) A collection of words obtained by me in conversation with 


The alphabet, which will be used in the Vocabulary is the follow- 
ing : a, d (Gr. 1 a\ 0, ch (Gr., M. K., <T), d, d', dz t e, 6,f t g, h, x (Gr., 
M. ch- K. 70, i> i,j (Gr., M., K. d) t k, kh, I, I' (M., K. often I), m, n, 
ri (K., n or m), 0, o, p, ph, r, s, sh (Gr., M., K. s), t, th, t' (K. ti\ t'h, ts 
(Gr., M., K. c), u, <&, v, y (Gr. M., K. j\ z, zh (Gr., M,, K. ). 


Pa. A. Paspati, Etudes sur les Tchinghiane's ou Bohemiens de 
1'empire ottoman : Constantinople, 1870. 

Ml. F. Mailer, Beitrage zur Kentniss der Rornsprache, i. : Wieii, 
1869 ; ii., ib. 1872. 

1 My Grammar, quoted above. 


Jcs. J. JeSina, Roman! <}ib, c,ili jazyk cikansky : 2d edit., Prague, 
1883 ; whenever I quote the 3d edit. (Leipzig, 1886), I shall mark it 
with Jes. 3. 

M. W. F. Miklosich, Die Mundarten und Wanderungen der 
Zigeuner Europas (12 parts) : Wien, 1872-80. 

Pit, A. Pott, Die Zigeuner in Europa und Asien : Halle, 1844 ; ii., 
ib. 1845. 

a. Indicates a word once only once occurring in the materials out 
of which my Vocabulary is composed, or a meaning of a word estab- 
lished by only one sentence. 

SI. The sub-dialects (Mundarten) spoken by the Gypsies living 
among Slovaks, and belonging for the one part to the Bohemian- and 
for the other to the Hungarian- Gypsy dialects. 

Gr. The dialect of the Greek Gypsies. 

Rm. Roumanian Gypsies. 

Hng. Hungarian Gypsies. 

Bhm. Bohemian Gypsies. 

Mag. Magyar languaage. 

Rum. Roumanian language. 

Serv. Servian language, 

Slavon.,, (Old) Slavonic language. 

TchTc. Tchek language. 

Slov. Slovak dialect of the latter. 

A, a., K, intj., ah ! oh ! dwellest. Even the Tchk. and Slov. 

Achau, M., S., achav ; K., vb. intr., pt. often use one and the same word for 
pf. achlo. Gr., Hng., Bhm. ; in Gr " remaining " and " dwelling." 

the pt. pf. is achilo. (1) To become 
pale achle tovarisha then they be 

Achdri, a., M., S., f. ? (yachori ?), dim ; 
cf. yakh. The form and the gender 

came journeymen ; kstarachl'as kabtii must be concluded from the only 

by him she became pregnant. (2) instance : leal' - achora, black eyes ; 

To be ; akakanak ach mre sovnakune eye. 

devleha now be with my golden Ada, M., K., S., dem. pron., f., ada, pi. 

god (farewell) ; cf. Slov. Bud' s ala ; K., but these forms are used in- 

Bohom. T'ixo achenf be silent! differently ; Gr., Bhm. wanting, Hng. 

(3) To remain ; adai tro vod'i achla, =S1. (1) This, the mentioned, the 

hie tut mro rom muddrla here thy past ; amenge vareko ada rat savoro 

soul will remain see, my husband avri chord'as somebody this night 

will kill thee. (4) To continue ; a., has stolen all our goods ; No, pil'om 

achellas o biyau ofta tsela borsh the na hal'om ada tselo kurJco I have 

nuptials continued seven whole years, neither drunk nor eaten all this week. 

M. W. (5) To dwell ; I'ijeha man K. (2) This, the following ; a., hem, 

Mre Tee tute, kai tu aches thou wilt dikena, so me ada rat kerava why, 

bear me home to thee where thou you will see, what I shall do this night. 



Adadive, a., K., adv. of dives, Gr. 
wanting, the Gr. correspondent being 
avdives, avdies from another base ; 
Hng. adadiy ; Bhm. adadives, to-day 
(lit., this day). Ada divesdro, a., 
K., adv., dim. id. ; adal'inai, a., 
S., adv. ; Bhm., SI. : (cf. I'inai], this 
year (lit., this summer). 
Adai, M., K., S., yadai ; K. adv. ; Gr. 
wanting ; Hng., Bhm. = SI. (1) here ; 
adai tro vdd'i achla here thy soul 
will remain. (2) Hither ; so adai 
avl'al? why didst thou come hither ? 
Adarde, M., W., S., adv. ; Gr. wanting ; 
Bhm., it means " here " ; cf. in the 
Moravian var. of the Bhm. d. karde, 
" where." Hither : Yav adarde yekh 
choneste come here after a month. 
Adava, M., K., S., dem. pron.,f. adaya ; 
pi. adala K. ; Gr., Hng., Bhm. want- 
ing ; Pol., Euss., Ital. = SI. ; this ; 
of whom, or which is spoken ; le tri- 
tonejeneha so kerd'an? so kerd'am? 
mangellas amendar the xal, ta lil'am 
leske jakha ami. Ta adava som me. 
oda terno krdlis auka phend'as De 
tertio quid fecistis? quid fecimus? 
petebat a nobis edere, turn sumsimus 
ei oculos foras. Turn hie, sum ego ille 
juvenis, rex ita dixit, M. 
Adebor, a., S., adv., Gr. wanting ; there 
is formed abor, Pa. 127, from another 
base ; Hng., Bhm. wanting. So much ; 
attributively used in the only instance 
we have; kai you, aso gdjo dil'ino, 
il'as adebor love ? whence did he, 
such a foolish peasant, take so much 
money ? 

Adeso, S., pron. dem., Gr. ; Hng., Bhm. 
wanting ; Hng. corresponds aso, Bhm. 
akadeso ; both from other bases ; Em. 
= SI. Such ; ke rdt'i mange tri romni 
mek th6vel he shufel dui adese homolki 
to-night thy wife may put and dry 
two such whey-cheeses for me. The 
meaning may be : such a food, which 
is called whey-cheese. Kind'as peske 
papiris adeso liar orndtos he bought 
for himself such a paper like pontifi- 
cals ; Adeso bdro jukelsnch a large 
dog; Mange aneha naifeder mol te 
piyel h-adeso mas thou wilt bring 
me the best wine for drinking and 
even (?) such meat. 
Adetsi, a., M. W., adv. ; cf. M. W. 

x. 131 ; Gr. wanting ; cf. atsi ; Hng. 
wanting, Bhm. = 81, ; so much, so 

Agor. See Yagor. 
Ax, read ay, S., interj. ; Slov. ach, ah ! 

oh ! alas ! 

Akada, M., $.,akado, a., K., pron. dem., 
Gr., Hng., Bhm. wanting ; cf. Bhm. 
akadarde, " look there ! " from the 
same base ; this, whom one can show, 
or look at ; dava tumenge akada 
shukdr id'a I shall give you this fine 
dress. (The speaker is bearing the 
clothes on his shoulders.) So hi tut ? 
hi akada bashno what have you ? I 
have this cock. (He is showing it.) 
Akadai, a., M. W., adv. ; Gr., Hng., 

Bhm. wanting ; here. 
Akadava, K., S., pron. dem., f. akadaya. 
pi. akadala, K. ; Gr., Hng., Bhm. 
wanting ; " this." The very meaning 
cannot be stated. Kal. gives no 
translation. My Gypsies confirmed 
the existence of that word, but ex- 
plained it incorrectly as " so, in this 
very manner," Slov. takto. The only 
two instances are : sako dives mosi te 
xalas (sc. o drakos}, yekha manusMa. 
Ax devla, so pes akadava kerla ? Ndne 
mozhna vets,kaipes sako dives ole drak- 
oske te del te xal every day he, the 
dragon, must eat a woman. Oh God ! 
what will be done ? It is impossible 
that one can give food to the dragon 
every day. Te na tu akadava chiveha. 
akada rovl'i, uches and o neba if thou 
wilt not throw this stick highly into 
the heavens. In both sentences the 
use of akadava is not clear. 
Akakanak, S., adv., Gr., Hng. wanting ; 
cf. the following vocable ; Bhm. = SI. 
(1). Now ; akakanak ach devleha, Idcho 
shukdr phral now, farewell, good and 
beautiful brother! (2). Forthwith, 
instantly (?) ; me tut akakanak pro- 
bdl'inava I instantly shall put thee 
to the proof. Perhaps akakanak even 
in this instance means " now." 
Akana, S. adv., Gr. ; Bhm. = SI., and 
Akanak, M., K., S., adv. ; Hng. akanak, 
akanik, akdnek ; now then. Akana les 
mind'ar muddrlas then he killed him 
immediately ; akanak mange phen, 
soske tu ole bakren atsi xas now tell 
me why thou eatst the sheep so much. 



Akarav, M., W., akard'as, vii. b. ; 
akhdrav ; M. W. akerav ; K., vb. tr., 
Gr. akarava, akerava ; Bhm. akdrav; 
"to groan ;" Hng. akyarav. Gypsies 
confirmed the existence of the vocable, 
but afterwards substituted for it vich- 
inav q.v. To call ; akeren man pro biau 
they invite me to the wedding. K. 

Akaso, M. W., pron. dem. Mikl. states 
(M. W. xi. 22) that he has doubts about 
the word, but he gives an instance of 
of its use ; this ? such ? besh tuke pr- 
oda grast, al'e the le akase le lukes- 
tanentsa id'entsa sit upon the horse, 
but with these (such ?) soldiers' coats. 
M. W. 

Akatar, K., prp., Gr.=Sl, but means 
" hence " ; Hng., Bhm. wanting ; 
around ; cf. katar. 

Akauka, M., adv., Gr., Hng., Bhm. 
wanting. So ; yek yekhatar akauka 
pes phuchenas una ab una ita se 
interrogabant, M. 

Akava, M. W., a. ; akavo, a. ; akova, a., 
K. pron. dem. ; pi. akala, M. W. ; the 
form, akalo, a., K., given as a nom. 
sing, seems to be an oblique form of 
the same. Gr., Hng. = SI. ; Bhm. 
wanting ; this, K. 

Ake, S., adv., Gr., Hng., Bhm. wanting ; 
there ; voici ; hem ake tut na has ani 
yekh nevo why, there thou hadst not 
even one kreuzer ; he tut dava le ake 
dui neve and I shall give to thee the 
two kreuzers here. 

Akor, K. dkor, M. adv. ; Mag. akkor ; 
" then " ; used as in Magyar. 

Akurdt, S., adv., Slov. akurdt, from the 
German ; (1) just entirely ; (2) but 
now ; at that very moment ; (3) in- 
deed ? used as in Slovak. 

Akhor, a., K., s. m., Gr., Hng., Bhm. 
= SI., and Gr., Hng. akor ; K. 
translates, noisetier ; in the other d. 
it means the nut only, and probably 
even in this. 

Al'e, S. ale, M. conj. ; Slov. ale ; "but," 
" though," used as in Slovak. 

Ale'bo, S. conj. ; Slov. alebo ; " or," used 
as in Slovak. 

Amdro, M., K., S. poss. pron., Gr.amaro, 
Hng., Bhm. = SI. ; our. 

Ambri, S. ambro, M. W. s. f. ; pi. 
ambre, S. yambri, M. W. ; Gr., Hng., 
Bhm. ambrol, f. ; pear, M. W. It is 

said to mean also " apple." The form 
of the word is proved by the sen- 
tences : oda ambri nane gul'i this 
pear is not sweet, S. ; de mange oda 
ambre give me those pears, S. 

Ambrdri a., S. s. f. (dim. of the former), 

Amen, a., or. amen ? S. (Slov. amen), 
amen, finishing a tale. 

Amen, M., K., S., pron. Pers. (Gr., Hng., 
Bhm. = SI.), we. 

Amonis, M. W., S. s. m. (M. W.) ; Gr. 
amuni ; f. Hng. amoni, mani, f. 
Bhm. = SI. (The gender has not been 
marked by Jes.), anvil. 

Anau, M. W., S. ; anav, K. vb. tr. pi. 
pf. ando (Gr. anava, Hng. Bhm. = SI.) 
1. To bring ; akanak mosi t-anes so 
me kamava te piyel he te xal now 
thou must bring me, what I shall wish, 
to drink and to eat. 2. To bear; 
PdM anes? dost thou bear water ? 

3. Te offer (a., basaviben, to serenate), 
K. ani susie, mri pirdni, basaviben. 

4. To deprive, M. W. ; Man and' as 
yepashe kral'osthar the mra rakl'atar 
he has deprived me of half my 
kingdom and my daughter. 

Anda (and) ande, M. K. S., ando 
( = and-o) K., prp. (Gr. ande, ane ; Hng. 
ande, seems to be wanted in Bhm.) 
1. In. Anda gono ehas o rashai in 
the sack was the priest ; you has and-o 
sasikdno mdro he was in military 
service (lit. in the soldiers' bread). 2. 
Into. Java me yepash rat anda kos- 
haris at midnight I shall go into 
the sheepfold. 3. To. Auka chid'as 
and-e phu imar zhi and-e men so 
he threw (him) into the earth up to 
the neck. 

Andal,M. S.,prp., Gr., Hng. = SI., Bhm., 
wanting ; out from; ta angoder andal 
mri tarishna xaha and first we will 
eat from my sack, M. 

Andar, a., M. W., prp. ; (cf. the fore- 
going) : Uxt'el avri sar andar chikate 
he jumps out, like from mud. 

Andral, M. W., prp. (Gr., Hng., Bhm.= 
SI.), out from. 

Andre, S., andro (=andr-o), K., adv. 
prp. ; 1. in, into (adv.) avl'ais andre, 
phend'as le rashaske he went in (and) 
said to the priest. 2. Into (prp.) ; andre 
yek foros avle trin ase dromaskre 



manusha three travellers came into 
a town. 

And' el' is. S., s. in. (Slov. andel), angel. 

Angal, M. W. K., S., angalo( = angal-o), 
anglo (=angl-o), K, prp., Gr., Hng. 
wanting, Bhm. = SI. 1 . Out of ; Leske 
mind'ar e sviri pel'as angal o vast 
immediately the hammer fell out of 
his hand. 2. Before ; Sakonake moxto 
dinas angal o oltaris for each (of 
them) he gave (put) a coffin before 
the altar ; angal odova, before that, 
formerly, M. W. 3. In presence of ? 
a., K., Angal tute tut Jcamav in thy 
presence, I love thee, K. ; angal dilos- 
kero, M. W. 

Angal'i. s. f. (the form is concluded from 
the following ; Gr., Hng. angali, Bhm. 
wanting), armful. 

Angal' dri, M. W., s.f. (dim. of the fore- 
going), armful. 

Angar, s. m., concluded from the follow- 
ing (Gr., Hng., Bhm. = Sl.) 5 coal. 

Angaroro, M. W., s. m. (dim. of the 
foregoing), a piece of coal. 

Angaruno, K., adj. of coal. 

Anglal, M. W.,adv. (Gr., Hng., Bhm.= 
SI.), formerly. 

Angle (angl-o), a., k. prp. (Grch., Hng. = 
SI.; Bhm. wanting), before. 

Angluno, M., adj. (Gr., Hng. SI. ; 
Bhm. wanting), first, former. 

Angoder, M., K., S., adv., formerly, 
before that ; ta angoder andal mri 
tarishna xaha and first we will eat 
from my sack, i.e. before we take from 
the others, M. 

Angrusti, S., s.f. (Gr. angrusti,angrusht' ; 
Hng. angrusti', Bhm. = SI.), ring, 

Angusht, S., angushto, M., K., S., s. m., 
(Gr. angust, angusht ; Hng., Bhm., 
angushto), finger. 

Angutno, M. W., adj. (Gr., Hng., Bhm. 
wanting ; Gr. corresponds anglutno 
from another base), first, former. 

Ani, M. W., S,, adv. conj., Slov. ani. 
1. Nor ; 2. not even ; 3. only not ; 
with the imperative mood ; used as in 

Aproha, a., S., s. m., SI., Jes. 3. 1 The 
word is not found in any other Gypsy 

dialect as far as I know : its gender I 
concluded from the only sentence in 
which the word occurs ; forge. Aol'as 
ktre beshchas pal o aproha, Has te 
kerel mind'ar oda kl'id'i he came 
home, sat behind the forge, began to 
make the key. 

Asav, M. W., vb. itr. (Gr. asava ; Hng. 
=S1. ; Bhm. asav man, the correspond- 
ing Tchk. vb. being reflexive), to 

Asavav, a., M. W., vb. itr. (Hng. = SI.), 

Asavo, a., S., pron. dem. (Gr. asavko ; 
Hng. asavo, asevo-, Bhm. wanting), 

Aso, M., K., S., pron. dem. (Gr., Bhm. 
wanting : in the latter being used 
akadeso, from another base ; Hng. = 
SI.). 1. Such ; rom dinas te sivel 
asa id'a har rashai the Gypsy caused 
to sew such a vestment like (the vest- 
ment of) a priest ; So shai aso zasluz- 
hinlas, so zakdntrinel duye vod'en ? 
what might deserve such a man, who 
brings to ruin two souls ? trin ase 
dromaskre manusha three travellers 
( = of such men travelling), K. 2. Often 
it is used in the sense of very. Aso bdro 
chiriklo, eagle, hawk, S. ; aso bdro bdlo, 
hedgehog, a. s. on. 3. So? a., You 
aso koshad'as les he chided him so (in 
such a manner). 

Aspon, M. W., S., adv. (Slov. aspon), 
at least ; used as in Slovak. 

Asharau, ashdrau, a., S., vb. tr. (Gr. 
wanting; Hng., Bhm. = SI.), to praise. 
Ashdrau man, a., S., vb. refl., to 
boast ; Chak pale pes kamle kere te 
ashdrel, hoi yon muddrde then they 
would boast at home, that they had 
killed (him). 

Ashta, S., intj. (Gr. shta, ashta, 
"attends," Pa. 494; Hng. wanting; 
Bhm., Jes. = SI. ; cf. M. W. vii. 76), 
a summons to give something ; Germ, 
"her mit!" Ashta, daiko, oda pdrno 
kosndro Mother, give (me) the white 
kerchief ! 

Atar, S., atxar, *M. (Gr., Hng. = SI. ; 
Bhm. wanting, there being used 
adatar from another base), from here, 

1 P. Jeina had detected this vocable in the dialect of the Bhm. Gypsies before 1 had 
heard it from the SI. He was aware of its meaning, but not of its gender. 



from there. Uzh me tut akanak 
vim6zhinava atar already I shall 
help thee (to come out) from here. 

Atoska, K., prp. (Gr., Hng., Bhm. want- 
ing), after. Kana katar mande upre 
ushches atoska tu pal amende meres 
when thou gettest up near me, thou 
wilt die, after the other, K. 

Atsi, S., at' si, M. W., adv. (Gr. only the 
correlative Jceti is found, Pa. 24, with 
atya, "here," to which Mikl.,M. W. vii. 
12, puts it : it has in common but the 
demonstrative element ; Hng. at'i, 
at'hi ; Bhm. wanting, there being 
found adetsi from another base), so 
much, so many; so tu kames } hoi 
mange atsi bersh adai solgarines? 
what dost thou claim for having 
served to me so many years ? Atsi 
ehas, azh la lopataha churdelas pr-e 
verda so much was there, that he 
threw it with shovel upon the car ; 
Soske tu ole bakren atsi xas? why 
dost thou eat the sheep so much ? 

Auka, M., K., S., auke, a., K, adv. (Gr. 
cf. avaka, "this"; Hng. avka, auka 
Bhm. avoka', but Morav. = Sl.) 1. So 
(in comparisons) ; Auka has yon 
barvale sar yekh raya so rich they 
were, like (some) gentlemen. 2. Then, 
in this case (Germ, "so") in the con- 
clusion following a conditional sen- 
tence. Kana man na rakeha yekh 
bersheha adai, auka pheneha if thou 
shalt not find me here after a year, 
then thou mayst say. 3. So very, so 
much ; Auka les mol'inlas pre mro 
sovnakuno devel he begged him so 
much by my golden God. 4. Then, 
consequently, therefore ; E romni 
leske phend'as, hoi te den pre sluzh ba 
duyen ole rdklen, o duyen te den pr-o 
remeslos ; auka len diiias, le Yankos he 
le Gashparis, te viuchinel the wife 
told him, that they may send two of 
the boys to the service and dedicate 
two to the trade (profession) ; there- 
fore he apprenticed them, John and 

Avau, M., S., avav, K., vb. itr., imp. 
yav, avlo ; cf. ovav and shevav 
(Gr. avava, Hng., Bhm. = SI.) 1. To 
come ; Kana avri sikile, avle kere 
when they had served out their time, 

they came home. 2. To go (with pal) ; 
na phiryom pal late, avl'as yoi pal 
mande I did not follow her, (but) 
she followed me. 3. To be (have) ; it 
supplants the forms of som in the 
future tense, rarely in the potential 
mood (imperfect) : Man avla nisht 
pash mande I shall have nothing 
(with me). 4. To become ; Pale 
avavas tri romni then (afterwards) 
I would become thy wife, S. I can- 
not fully explain the sense of avau 
in the following sentence : Tu tre 
meribnesthar aveha thou wilt lose 
thy life ; cf. German, Du wirst um 
dein Leben kommen, M. W. 5. To 
arise, a., S. ; Ole raklores avlas sov- 
nakuni cherxen and o kol'in to that 
boy a golden star arose on the breast. 

Aver, M. W., K, S., adj. (Gr., Hng., 
Bhm., SI.) 1. Another : its use 
with ordinal numbers is noteworthy : 
Papales chak les aver trito zhebrdkos 
stretn'ind'as again another third 
beggar met him (probably, another 
b., viz. the third). 2. The second 
(either there may be enumerated but 
two or more) ; cf. the tale Kal. p. 104, 
No. 39 Aver dives, S., to-morrow. 

a., S., adj. (cf. jeno), another, not 
differing from the simple aver. Aver- 
jeno kind'as bakren another (man) 
bought sheep. 

avreskero, K., etranger, being the 
gen. of aver. 

avrival, a.. S., avreval, M. W. (cf. 
val-var), another time, the second 

Avgoder, augoder, M. W., adv. (cf. Gr. 
avgo, " the first " ; Hng. wanting ; 
Bhm. avgoder), formerly. 

Avral, M. W., adv. (Gr. avryal, Hng. 
avriyal, Bhm. wanting), from outside. 

Avri, M. S., adv. (Gr., Hng., Bhm. = SI.), 
out. It is frequently composed with 
verbs, thus : jau avri, I go out ; sikl'o- 
vav avri, I learn out, I serve out my 
time ; Lau avri, I take out. In Tu 
dai mri shukdr, hoi man avri ikerd'al, 
the meaning of the verb (cf. ikerau) is 
not clear. 

Azh, S., conj. (Slov. az). 1. Till, until ; 
2. so that ; its use being the same as 
in Slovak. 



Stray Chapters in Literature, Folk-lore, and Archccology. By W. E. A. 
AXON. J. Hey wood, London, 1888. Pp. xii., 308. 

The second chapter in this interesting volume is on " Colour- 
names amongst the English Gypsies." It was read as a paper at the 
Manchester Meeting of the British Association in 1887, and deals 
with the development of the colour-sense. Mr. Axon, after a 
statement of curious facts, arrives at the conclusion that " it is clear 
that there is no relation between the colour perception and the 
colour nomenclature of the English Gypsies." H. T. C. 

English Wayfaring Life in the Middle Ages. By J. J. JUSSERAND. 
Translated into English by Lucy Toulmin Smith. London : T. 
Fisher Unwin, 1889. 

The statement, on p. 176 of this book, that the Gypsy race 
" remained entirely unknown in England till the fifteenth century," 
and that consequently " we have nothing to do with it here," precludes 
us from making more than a passing reference to this admirable 
edition of a very instructive work. Yet it is there acknowledged that 
the Gypsies are specially the representatives of "the caste of 
wanderers " in England, and the book has much to say of itinerant 
fiddlers, jugglers, and mountebanks, all favourite Gypsy occupations. 
The tinkers referred to on p. 232 must undoubtedly have been Gypsies, 
but their date is subsequent to the above limit. However, since the 
fifteenth century is as yet the earliest recorded date for the appear- 
ance of Gypsies (under that name) in England, we must assume that 
none of those mediaeval nomads were Gypsies. 


NOTHING connected with Gypsy study, during the past three 
months, has been of such interest to this Society as the movement of 
sympathy and affiliation evinced by various kindred associations. 
"We have learned of the formation in Budapest of a Folk-Lore Society, 
having " Gypsy Lore " as one of its special departments ; and nowhere 
else can the subject be studied to greater advantage, or with more 
zeal and scholarship. The deep interest in Gypsiology that is taken 
by the savants of Budapest and throughout Austria-Hungary, is a 
thing beyond question, as, indeed, our President's letter testifies. 


We hail with pleasure the appearance of this new Society, and espe- 
cially the establishment of its " Gypsy " section. This latter, through 
the medium of Professor Herrmann, invites the co-operation of mem- 
bers of our own Society ; and there is every prospect that each will 
prove of marked benefit to the other in their common study. 

What we think may be regarded as a similar movement has been 
initiated in France by M. Paul Se"billot, of the SocttU des Traditions 
Populaires. In the December number of the Revue of that Society, he 
calls the attention of his fellow-members to the existence of this 
Association ; and he, very happily, gives them a " lead " with two 
pages of his own Notes sur les JBohdmiens, which form an appreciable 
addition to the sum of our knowledge. 1 Now that the attention 
of Trench folk-lorists has been drawn to the subject, there is good 
reason for believing that this article is but the precursor of many 
others of the kind. Although France seems now-a-days to be very 
barren of Gypsies in its central and northern parts, it was not 
always so, and much can yet be gleaned from popular references 
and traditions respecting them. There must be many references to 
Gypsies in local records, as well as in documents better known to 
history ; and in many parts of France the race and its language can 
be studied any day. 

It is also encouraging to record that at last session of the Heal 
Academia de la Historia in Madrid, the question of joining the mem- 
bership of our Society was decided in the affirmative. Spain offers 
so rich a field for the study of Gypsiology that we may already con- 
gratulate ourselves on this decision of the Eoyal Academy. 

Certainly not the least important of the quarter's events is the 
connection established with the Folk-Lore Society, from which the 
happiest results may be predicted. Our interchange with the Journal 
of American Folk-Lore is also a matter for congratulation ; and we 
cordially echo the wish, expressed in the last number of that Journal, 
" that this Society may find many friends in the United States." 

1 M. Sebillot gives several local terms for " Gypsy," of which the most frequent is 
" Bohemien," variously modified. The Burgundian " Gyptien " is almost identical with the 
English " Gyptian." In Languedoc, as in Roussillon, the Spanish "Gitano" is used. But 
Jubecien, Caumaro, Catin, and Sairradin provoke further inquiry. The last may be only 
a modification of Sarrasin, once a French term for a Gypsy. A caste of Charguerauds, who 
form the population of a small village in the Roannais district, and who are alleged to be 
of Gypsy descent, and to have the power of casting spells, would no doubt yield something 
to an investigator. Another addition to the many legends connecting Gypsies with the 
life of Christ is that which permits the Gypsies to steal five sous every day, " because a 
Gypsy woman hid the child Jesus in her basket at the time of Herod's proscription." Several 
popular proverbs and sayings relative to Gypsies are drawn from various parts of France, the 
most striking of which is this one of the seventeenth centiiry : " The Gypsy woman tells the 
fortune of other people, and the poor wretch doesn't know her own." 




We have been favoured by Dr. Kopernicki with the following remarks, in 
answer to a request for his opinion upon this subject : 

" Uniformity of orthography in the transcription of Gypsy texts is beyond ques- 
tion an urgent necessity, and of primary importance, in the study of the various 
Gypsy dialects. I therefore warmly applaud the remarks of Mr. Crofton, who has 
just raised this important question as one deserving immediate discussion. So far 
as I myself am concerned, being nothing more than a faithful copyist of this 
interesting language, and not having any scientific knowledge in linguistic matters, 
I would never presume to speak as a leading authority in this question, so difficult 
to solve, although really only difficult in appearance. In my opinion, Miklosich's 
orthography is the one which conforms best with all the dialects, and which would 
only demand a few insignificant signs for the expression of purely local deviations 
from the principal dialects." 

Dr. Kopernicki then subjoins a list which clearly indicates " the orthography 
adopted for my Polish-Gypsy texts, which is essentially that of Miklosich, with 
certain additional modifications, rendered indispensable by the phonetic peculiarity 
of this dialect." " These are all the sounds of the Polish dialect of Gypsy, and 
apparently of all the others. There is absolutely nothing wanting for the most dis- 
tinct and faithful expression of every special sound, without the least confusion or 
ambiguity. I find it therefore completely adapted to this language." The total 
number of the signs employed by Dr. Kopernicki is fifty. As Miklosich's system 
is familiar to most of our members, it is unnecessary to reproduce his symbols 
here. Moreover, there are obvious reasons against our employing a certain typo- 
graphy, until we have ascertained that there are no serious objections to be urged 
against it. The desirability of a uniform orthographical system, and the necessity 
for fixing upon such a system at the earliest possible date, must be fully recognised 
by all members. It is clear that the one to be adopted is that which combines 
simplicity with exact orthoepy ; and no better form than Miklosich's has yet 
been offered to us. Certain concessions must, in any case, be made by those who 
have previously followed other principles ; but this offers no real obstacle to the 
adoption of such an orthography as Miklosich's. 

It is important that this question should be settled soon, as, until it is settled 
we cannot print Romani text to any extent. We therefore invite other members 
to favour us with their opinions on this question, before the issue of our April 
number. [Eo.] 


Can any one assist me in ascertaining the etymology of the word " Gurko " ? 
Pott and several other authors say that it is derived from the Greek kyrie, " Lord" ; 
but this could only be positively admitted had the Gypsies been converted from 
heathenism or Buddhism to the Greek orthodox Christian faith. And history 
surely does not bear out this surmise. 

In their migrations or exodus, had the Gypsies no other word for "holy-day" 
except this Greek word just quoted ? Since they said, in their own language, 
U Rai and Devel for " Lord " and " God," why should they not have expressed 
" the Lord's Day " by o Raieskero or o Develeskero dives ? 

A positive and convincing solution of the etymology of this word "Gurko" would 
throw much light upon the question of the original religious belief of the Gypsies. 






In his interesting paper on the " Dialect of the Gypsies of Brazil," in the last 
number of the Journal, Professor von Sowa says, on page 69, " Simo [Moraes 
translates it by fiquei, ' I remained.' I am in doubt about the meaning of that 
word.]" Is it not the Spanish Gypsy " Sinar, v. n. ' To be.' Ser, Estar " (Borrow, 
The, Zincali, ii. 107)? This would give a good sense in both the verses in which 
the word occurs. If so, fiquei should rather be sou or estou. 




In The Zincali (Lond. 1841, vol. i.) Borrow quotes "Alonso" (the novel 
" composed by the Doctor Geronimo de Alcala, native of the city of Segovia, who 
flourished about the commencement of the seventeenth century"), and in this story 
the hero, recounting his falling into the hands of the Gitanos, says (p. 88) : " Then 
one of them, lisping a little, after the Gitdno fashion, told me that I must 'go with 
them to their encampment to speak to my lord the Conde." 

Is there any other writer who has any remark corroborating this " lisping a little, 
after the Gitano fashion " ? DAVID MACRITCHIE. 


The following extract is from a letter received from Archibald Constable, of the 
Oude and Rohilkund Railway Company's service, dated Lucknow, 14th July 
1888 : 

" I enclose a list showing how I have disposed of the " Gypsy Lore " prospectuses 
you sent me. Seven is a lucky number with the Indian Gypsies, the Nats, or 
Barnes, as they are called in Oudh. All this part of India is a happy hunting-ground 
for these and other allied tribes, who, alas ! are ranked among the criminal tribes, 
and under an Act of the Indian Legislature are compelled to ' move on,' and are 
not allowed to camp for any length of time in one village. Many a pleasant hour I 
have spent talking to these interesting people ; and if any of the members of the 
Society come to these parts, I '11 put them in the way of collecting a good deal of 
Gypsy lore, viva voce. Please send me seven copies more of the prospectus, and 
I '11 do what I can to still further judiciously distribute them." . . . Further on in 
the same letter indeed at its twentieth page my correspondent adds a postscript, 
which begins thus : " Twenty is an unlucky number with Indian Gypsies, so I go 
on to add," etc., etc. ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE. 



The Civil and Military Gazette, January 1882, alludes to a wandering tribe 
which had caused some curiosity in Madras, and which, it was thought, might 
be identified with a singular class of Gypsies known by the name of Mayadds, who 
visited Lahore in 1868, and a curious and interesting account of whom is published 
in a memorandum written by Dr. Leitner, and printed by the Punjaub Government. 


" In that year a large crowd of them arrived on foot and in carts from Afghanistan, 
and encamped for some little time in this place. They spoke a peculiar jargon 
amongst themselves, though, when within earshot of Europeans and Indians, they 
spoke Persian. At first it seems that there was a difficulty in identifying even 
their place of abode, but officers from various parts of India affirmed that the noisy 
and quarrelsome strangers were in the way of passing periodically between this 
country [India] and Central Asia, and that they had an unpleasant habit of looting 
villages on their route. The Mayadds were always armed on reaching the Indian 
frontier, a fact for which they accounted by saying that they were Shiahs, whom, as 
every one knows, their Sunni co-religionists sometimes manage to sell as slaves. 
' When,' says Dr. Leitner, ' I visited their encampment, their frantic gesticulations, 
and the hurling of children by one woman to another to emphasise her rage, 
reminded me of a scene recorded in my account of the Gypsies of Turkey, . . . when 
a case was decided in favour of that side in a tribal contention which could dance 
most obscenely, and use the strongest expressions whilst advocating their own 
cause.' Others of the same tribe appear to have visited Lahore in 1870. Their 
Central Asiatic home is said to be Khorasan, and it seems that their journey from 
one country to the other and back extends over many years. A partial vocabulary 
of the dialect of thieves' Latin used by the Mayadds has, we believe, been compiled 
by Dr. Leitner." 



(From the Saturday Review of 3d November 1888.) 

The Alpine Gypsy also differs in many respects from all others, [i.e., beggars, 
vagrants, etc.], but his is a case of degeneration rather than development. Formerly 
large troops used to wander to and fro, and encamp before the various villages. 
They were the best of tinkers and coppersmiths, and also made money by horse- 
dealing, as well as by theft and fortune-telling. They were noted musicians, and 
the villagers listened gladly and danced wildly to their strange tunes. That was 
the golden age of Gypsy life in Austria : liberal institutions have done away with 
it. In many provinces laws have been passed which exclude all Gypsies that 
come from without. The few who have been born in the province or have a right 
of dwelling within it are still allowed to wander about as they will ; but every 
man's eye is upon and every man's hand against them, and they themselves have a 
sharp eye and ready hand for the stray duck or chicken, though they prefer 
badgers, otters, and game of all kinds. Perhaps their fingers sometimes grasp 
property of greater value. They wander about in small bands, and do nothing 
but play music, which is no longer what it was, or still is in Hungary and Spain. 
Now and then a few bands meet ; then there is a little dancing, and perhaps an 
acrobatic performance. But they always look cheerless and desolate. The glory 
is departed, and they know it. 

Yet even in this degraded condition the charm of the Gypsy girls asserts itself, 
and stories are still told of men who have thrown up their positions and abandoned 
alike their interests and their honour for the love of such women. It would be 
wrong to give any of these, as persons still living might be hurt by the disclosure, 
and, besides, it is difficult to verify them ; but here is one of an earlier date the 
events happened before 1848 which we have from the lips of a person who was 
intimate with all the non-Gypsy characters and present at the turning-point of the 
story. The tale has also been told us by others, but in a more fragmentary form. 
We omit names, for the reason already mentioned, 


The proprietor of a large estate and an important iron foundry was an elderly 
man. His first wife had died without leaving him any children, and he married a 
young girl of great beauty and amiability, but small fortune. By the marriage- 
contract the survivor was to inherit the whole property in case there were no chil- 
dren. A young man of the name of W was the overseer of the foundry, and 

lived in the house. During an inundation the proprietor was engaged with every 
one near in doing what could be done to save the lives and property of his neigh- 
bours, when he unfortunately stepped upon a caving bank, which gave way beneath 
him. He was drawn out of the brook almost at once, but not before a large log, 
borne down by the torrent, had struck his head so heavily that he died almost 
immediately, without recovering consciousness. The widow placed the whole 

management of her affairs in W 's hands, and he executed the trust with the 

greatest honesty, prudence, and skill. She was young and blonde ; he, dark, slender, 
and of polished manners. He was very careful about his dress and the furniture 
of his rooms, and spent what his neighbours thought a good deal of money upon 
them ; but in other respects he was by no means extravagant. In a few years he 
had gained the respect and confidence of the whole district, and everybody the 
widow included thought that the business engagement would end in a marriage. 
One day he was obliged to drive to a neighbouring village on business, and there 
met several friends, among whom was *our informant. On their way to the inn 
they stopped to watch the performance of a band of Gypsies, among whom there 
was a very pretty girl, with curly black hair, a complexion remarkably clear and a 
shade or two lighter than that of her companions, and jet black eyes that " flamed 
and Simmered." Her form was perfectly rounded and fully developed, yet she 

seemed to be very young. When they were in the inn, W took no part in the 

conversation ; he laid his head on his hand, and only replied to questions in mono- 
syllables. After a while he suddenly ordered his carriage and drove off. Those 
who remained were struck by his manner, and questioned each other as to whether 
anyone had offended him. On the following morning the Gypsies left for a neigh- 
bouring town. W drove home, made up his accounts with the greatest accuracy, 

and said he must go to the place which was the Gypsies' destination on the follow- 
ing day. He neither drew his salary nor said anything about his furniture, but he 
took a large chest with him. This he had unloaded next day at a small inn, sent 
the carriage back, and never returned. After some days the widow became anxious 
and made inquiries about him, but could only learn the facts above given, and it 
was impossible to employ the police, as no crime had been committed. For some 

time reports came that W had been seen acting with a Gypsy company in 

various distant places. Three years after his flight a dead body was found in a 
charcoal-burner's hut on the mountains, near the place where his first meeting with 
the Gypsies occurred. The workmen said he had come to them in labourer's clothes, 
and asked for work about half-a-year before ; he had done his work well and skil- 
fully, but was very reserved, so that nothing was known about him. When the body 

was brought down it was at once recognised as that of W , who was about thirty 

years old at the date of his death. 

If this story stood alone it would be hardly worth recording. But it does not 
stand alone ; it is a typical Gypsy love-story, and the only one we have had an 
opportunity of verifying. The sudden fascination, the ruthless desertion of comfort 
and duty, the long wanderings, the sad return of the unfortunate hero to the neigh- 
bourhood of a home over the threshold of which he has not courage to pass, and of a 
forgiveness he does not venture to claim, the lonely death all these recur in 
hundreds of legends with an almost wearisome monotony. The above are the facts 
on which such tales are founded. The expert tale-teller would of course alter them 
to suit his purpose. 

As to the cause of the strange fascination which the wandering tribe seems to 
possess, it is difficult to form an opinion. Nobody will be inclined to deny that 


at an early age some Gypsy girls possess very unusual attractions, and that both 
their beauty and their grace are of a kind that is likely to exercise a strong influence 
on imaginative men of a certain temperament. But, as a rule, the men of a camp are 
far better looking than the women. Why do we rarely, if ever, hear of wives or 
maidens, of whatever class, abandoning everything for the sake of such a man ? 
Stories of children of both sexes being stolen are of course common enough, and in 
the Danubian principalities a few legends are current of noble ladies who have left 
their homes to join a troop, but in the latter case it is almost always an old woman 
who lures the heroine away. 


In Pester Lloyd, 1st July, 1881, the following anecdote appeared : In the 
neighbourhood of Rakos Palota there was an interesting scene enacted yesterday 
forenoon amongst a camp of Gypsies. A Gypsy who had lost his cash informed 
his leader of the fact, who summoned the elders of the camp to a council, after 
which he gave notice at the top of his voice that whoever had stolen the money 
must at once restore it. As, however, his challenge had not the desired effect, the 
chief took two poles which he bound together in the form of a cross, and fixed one 
end in the ground. On the top of the cross he then fastened a piece of bread, and 
sprinkled it with salt, and upon this those present were directed to swear one by 
one that they had not committed the theft. One by one the members knelt before 
the cross, and took the oath, till the last member of the band an old woman as 
she was about to take the oath turned pale, put her hand in her pocket, and 
brought out the stolen money. By way of punishment she was then and there 
soundly beaten and kicked out. 


The Minister of the Interior, says the Vienna correspondent of the Daily Tele- 
graph, has issued a decree in virtue of which the nomad life led by the Gypsies will 
henceforth be subject to legal restrictions. Itinerant Gypsy bands will no longer 
be permitted to go about from town to town and from village to village. In future, 
wherever they turn up they will be called upon to give an account of themselves, 
and should it be ascertained that they have come from the East they are to be 
turned back under gendarme escort. On such occasions all expense entailed by 
their transport is to be defrayed by themselves, and should they be insolvent their 
live stock and chattels are to be sold by auction. The itinerant Gypsy of Austria 
and Bohemia is of doubtful honesty, whereas his brother in Hungary is hardwork- 
ing and inoffensive. A case recently came to my knowledge of a Hungarian Gypsy 
horse-dealer employing an English governess for his daughters, who were receiving 
an excellent education, while his son was an officer in the Roumanian army. 
Dundee Evening Telegraph, 29th Oct. 1888. 


On the afternoon of 30th October last, the Central Cemetery at Budapest was, 
says a Moravian paper, the scene of a remarkable spectacle. " The Magnates' Club 
had erected a monument to the Gypsy violinist Berkes, bearing the inscription 
The Magnates' Club to its favourite leader,' which was this day unveiled. Many 
hundred Gypsies, having their instruments with them, were present at the solemn 
function. First of all, a venerable player (not himself a Gypsy, says another paper) 
delivered an impressive oration, after which a chorale was sung by the choir of the 
Volkstheater, and then the diverse bands of listening Gypsies simultaneously seized 
their instruments and played Berkes' favourite air in a way which moved all to 
tears. They then repaired to the neighbouring grave of Racz Pali, where they also 
played in the most touching manner the melody he had most loved. In spite of 


the gathering dusk, and of the fact that they were quite unprepared, the concerted 
playing of these many hundred musicians was most highly effective." 

This ceremony has been noticed by many English journals, one of which (Man- 
chester Guardian, 2d November) adds the information that Berkes Lajos died in 
February 1885, at the age of 48 ; and that his son, " who conducts his father's 
band, is the same Gypsy who played at Gorgeny Szent Imre, in Transylvania, 
before the Crown Prince Rudolph and the Prince of Wales." The Newcastle 
Daily Chronicle (2d November) devotes a leader to the affair, and makes the addi- 
tional statement that Berkes Lajos was " the head or ' Primate ' of all the 
Hungarian Zigeuners " (which perhaps is based on nothing more than a too-liberal 
interpretation of " Primas "). 



[Professor Knapp sends us the following letter, a copy of one which he 
received from a local Gypsy. The writer is a man of fair education, and had 
replied, through the medium of the newspapers, to some remarks which Dr. Knapp 
had just made, in a lecture on " The History of the Gypsies." This led to an inter- 
view, and finally to the letter now given. The Romani sentences are in the 
" broken dialect " commonly used by modern English Gypsies.] 


30th Mar. '88. 
" To Professor Knapp, etc., etc. 

" DEAR SIR, I leave the MS. of which I spoke, but with faint hope of its being 
worth anything. [It was too gorgious]. Have you any influence with the ladies 
or gentlemen who are organizing the Easter Carnival to be held at the State House 
next week ? If you have, will you please say a kind Word for us in order that my 
wife may have her tent there. (I see they advertise a ' Gypsy Camp ' as one of the 
attractions). . . . Mandi'l kekka mong, uumdi's palala, mandi pooches for bootsey. 
Mandi's trin chavers & rom [romni] are adrey de kare & kek lover to lell hobben. 
It doesn't seem so hard to say this if I say it in Romanys, but now you will know 
how glad and thankful I will be if she can get an engagement for next week. 

" The Museum [where they had a tent] is kek cooshter, and the dearie Duvle 
jins its too Tshill adres de tan for de chavers. I have done my best to lell bootsey, 
but they'll kekka lell a Romany chal. I am, Sir, yours truly, SIDNEY GRAY." 



One of the most picturesque ceremonies of Gypsy life has just taken place near 
Dayton, Ohio. This ceremony consisted of the coronation of Matilda n. as Queen 
of the American Gypsies. The Gypsies in this country, says a Telegraph corre- 
spondent, have been controlled for many years by four families, the Stanleys } 
Coopers, Harrisons, and Jeffreys. These families came here from England in 1859. 
Stanley, known as Sugar Stanley, the principal member of the first-mentioned 
family, was made king of all the tribes. At his death his daughter Hagar became 
Queen. Dying in 1874, she was succeeded by her sister, who was proclaimed 
Matilda i., but she only lived to reign six years. The succession fell to Jeannette, 
granddaughter of King Sugar, who is succeeded by Matilda, another granddaughter 


of King Sugar Stanley, whose succession is now being celebrated. She is only 
seventeen years old, is 5 feet 7 inches in height, has a graceful figure, and is a very 
interesting personage. At her coronation she wore a red silk dress ; her hair hung 
down loosely behind, gathered in the centre with a crimson ribbon, which set off her 
dark brown hair. Queen Matilda is the absolute ruler of all the Romany tribes in 
America: her decrees must absolutely be obeyed without question. Ayrshire 
Argus, 2d Nov. 1888. 



Under the above heading, the following paragraph appeared in a recent news- 
paper. It only adds one more to the long list of examples of Gypsy htikaben. " A 
domestic servant of Park Road, Hanipstead, was charged at the Marylebone Police 
Court yesterday with stealing a gold watch, a chain, a brooch, etc., worth ^10, the 
property of Miss Agnes Battenbury. The prosecutrix said that the prisoner had 
been in the service of her sister, with whom she (the prosecutrix) was residing. On 
Thursday last she missed her watch from her dressing-table. It was worth 3 or 
.4. On the following Saturday she missed a necklet set with jewels, a gold 
brooch, and a ring. They were safe on the previous Sunday week. She went to 
the police, and a detective came to the house and questioned the prisoner. She 
said a Gypsy woman had come round five or six times, and she had given her her 
own things, and then she had taken prosecutrix's and given them to the Gypsy. 
Detective-Sergeant Fleming said he went to the house in Park Road and saw the 
prisoner, who cried, and said her best friend had called on her on Wednesday last. 
He asked who her friend was, and she replied the woman who goes about with a 
caravan. The woman told her she could tell her fortune, so she (prisoner) gave her 
a dress and petticoat. The Gypsy told her that that was not sufficient to work the 
planet, and asked for something more valuable. She then gave her her mistress's 
gold watch, necklet, and brooch, and the woman promised to return them when she 
had shown them to the astronomer in Camden Town. The prisoner was remanded." 



In Robert Wilson's Sketch of the History of Hawick (Hawick, 1825) the follow- 
ing passage occurs on p. 74 : " Another disgraceful affray took place at the Winter 
Fair of this town, somewhere about eighty years ago. Two parties of Gypsies and 
tinkers had pitched their tents on the Common Haugh, and were busy in mending 
bellows, clouting caldrons, and drinking whisky. A dispute arose between two of 
the men respecting the right of property to a frail sister, who had, it appears, con- 
ferred favours on both. The high words of the disputants soon arranged the Loch- 
mabenites and Yetholmites in array of battle. Words were succeeded by blows, 
and male and female savages mingled with equal valour and ferocity in the fight ; 
while the lady, who, like another Helen, had originated the strife, was taken and 
retaken several times. The magistrates, with their officers and constables, at 
length came upon the ground, and separated the rioters, but not before two of them 
had been so cut and mauled that they died in the course of the evening. Three or 
four of these wretches were put into the stocks in the old jail of the town, previous 
to their being sent to Jedburgh, among whom were the fair Cyprian and one of her 
paramours. On lodging the party in prison, one of the bailies, it is said, seemed 
to feel much for the poor girl, and spake to her thus : ' My woman, it 's a pity ye 


shou'd follow sic a trade, or keep sic company ; ye hae a face and a form that might 
grace ony honest man's table and as I understand little thing can be brought against 
you o' this day's mischief, I wad advise ye to leave thae tinkler loons, ane and a' o' 
them, an' gang to service. There 's nae saying what a bonny face like yours^may 
do for its owner.' The bailie was a believer in the story of Cinderella." This is, of 
course, the battle at Hawick Bridge in 1772 or 1773, of which a full account is given 
in Mr. Simson's History of the Gypsies, pp. 189-93. 



CROYDON, May 29. Thomas Cuffley was summoned before the Borough 
Justices for not abating a nuisance in a yard belonging to him at Handcroft Koad. 
Dr. Philpot had inspected the place for the Corporation, and found seven caravans 
and two tents. The Sanitary Committee required the yard to be paved, and did 
not wish to encourage the Gypsy people in the neighbourhood. The horses were 
always walking about, being let loose in the morning and evening. The owner 
explained that he could not get rid of the Gypsies, as he did not know where to 
find them. They would not be back until the end of August, as they were away 
for the fruit season. The case was adjourned till June 19th, to see if the owner 
could get rid of his absentee tenants. Croydon Gazette, June 2, 1888. 


To the Editor of the Examiner and Times. 

SIR, The enclosed is interesting, as you will see, and will help to clear up 
some historical matters relating to Gypsy life, and it will also be of much value to 
me in my work for the Gypsy and van children, and the pressing forward of the 
bills I have in hand. With many thanks for past help, yours, etc., 

GEORGE SMITH, of Coalville. 
The Cabin, Crick, Rugby, Nov. 23. 

This is to certify that the small symbolical and mystical copper and brass box, 
bearing the name " Eight Doar Lee," engraved and dated one thousand one hundred 
and ninety-seven, I have in my possession now sold to George Smith, of Coalville, 
The Cabin, Crick, Rugby, for a nominal sum, as a token of goodwill for his long 
efforts to improve our condition and educate our children, and also for the many 
kindnesses received from him is the heirloom of our family, Gypsy Lees, and was 
handed to me by my father, Zachariah Lee, over thirty years ago, and which was 
held by him from his father and ancestors back to the date shown on the mystical 
box. As witness my hand this sixteenth day of November, one thousand eight 
hundred and eighty-eight. DAVID LEE, his mark x 

Witnesses to the above signature and supported by them : 

JAMES LEE, his mark x 
WILLIAM LEE, his mark x 
RANDALL LEE, his mark x 
ALFRED LEE, his mark x 
EDWARD LEE, his mark x 
Manchester Examiner, 26th November 1888. 




The following paragraph is taken from the Edinburgh Evening Dispatch of 
18th October 1888 : " A Gypsy wedding took place the other day at Fletton, near 
Peterborough, which excited great interest in the neighbourhood, and the church 
was densely crowded. The contracting parties were respectively twenty-two and 
twenty-one years of age, and the bride's dot was 500 in cash, and a fully furnished 
caravan to live in." 



(Manchester City News, July 31 1886.) 


In answer to " C.A. J," who wants to know how hedgehogs are cooked, I was 
reminded of the following incident that took place twenty-three years ago. At that 
time I was staying at the Waterloo Hotel, Bettws-y-Coed. In the lane at the 
back of the hotel (Beaver Bridge end) one afternoon, my little terrier killed a 
hedgehog, not far from where a Gypsy tinker had his tent. It was a favourite 
camping spot with that tribe. He came up after the fun was over, and in con- 
versation said, " Hedgehogs are splendid eating baked in clay or mud. Clay is the 
best, but is not always at hand. I'll just show you," said he, "how the thing is 
done." With that he took out his pocket-knife and slit the hedgehog open, and 
drew the inside from it. Afterwards he got over the wall into the potato field 
opposite, and got several handfuls of soil, and with a little water mixed some road 
gravel with it into a thick mud, and rolled the hedgehog up in it. The process 
reminded me of the apple dumplings. He said, " It will take about an hour to 
bake it thoroughly in a good fire of wood. Afterwards I crack it all over (same as 
you do a hard boiled egg to get the shell off), the mud, quills, and skin coming off 
in one mass, leaving the hedgepig beautifully clean. Will you stop and see me eat 
it ? " I said " No," for sundry reasons. I've not the slightest doubt he ate it. 
He was evidently a " man of mettle," and didn't believe in doing things by halves. 
With him it was : " The whole hog or none." JOHN TAYLOR. 



The following brief vocabulary was taken down from a Gypsy model at Granada, 
in 1876. The words are spelt phonetically, according to the Spanish pronunciation 
of the letters. All the peasantry thereabouts constantly transpose r and I. 

Prajo, tobacco. Jamar (?), to eat. 

Llagui, match. Llacrai, eyes. 

Ondever, God. Mui, mouth. 

Chuchelli, breast. Nacri, nose. 

Varon, dollar. Ambea, face. 

Uguaripen, pretty (?). Vales, hair. 

LlurOj mule. Embastes, hands. 

Jer, donkey. Nicaba I get out ! 

Marron, bread. Nicaba el posh, take away life. 


Caiji, Gypsy girl. Cangri, church. 

Camela, like, desire. Chorro, thief (plur. chorris). 

Ta y to. Chuguela, female thief. 

Piar, drink. Martuvillo, lazy. 

Colo, male Gypsy (plur. caler). Tasintenga, mutter. (It is part of a 

Rumia, Gypsy wife. hideous curse.) 

Sajij go (imperative). Chinicro, handkerchief. 

Alubias, beans. Jalleris, money. 

Relaoras, potatoes. Caler, quartos (a coin). 

Mor, wine. Bruji, real (do.). 

Repani, handy. Lua, peseta (do.). 

Estachi, hat. Varril, onza (do.). 

Ran, stick. Oallardo, negro. 

Gandi, shirt. Chaborocillo, baby. 

Jalunis, breeches. Lacro, Spaniard. 

Chapires, shoes. Lumnia, harlot. 

Ambea, jacket. Quer, house. 

Churi, knife. Crucilla girl. 

Chinjarar, a fight. (^we chunga ! how ugly ! 

Mulo, corpse. Malpucaro (?) 

Tirive, prison. Pujcro (?) 

A. R. S. A. 


(From the Edinburgh Scotsman.) 

MADRID, April 28, 1888. 

SIR, I have received here the Scotsman of the 20th inst., containing a report 
of the trial of Dr. Middle ton at Cordova for shooting a Gypsy there. Having 
twice visited Cordova lately, I may state, for the information of tourists, that the 
town is as quiet as a provincial Scottish town, and that we neither saw nor were 
bothered by any Gypsies. That some still do offer their services as guides to 
tourists, however, I learnt when there ; for an English couple were followed by 
one until the superintendent of police suddenly appeared, and the Gypsy at once 
took to his heels. The said superintendent warned the tourists on no account to 
take a Gypsy as their guide, which they assured him they had no intention of doing. 

As to the Spanish Gypsies, they form a class apart, looked down upon by the 
Spanish population. They dwell in quarters of their own, and have trades of their 
own. We saw a great deal of them at the recent Seville Fair and at Granada. 
They are a dark, handsome race, and the women, however old, carry themselves as 
straight as arrows. At Granada, to which all tourists go to see the Alhambra, they 
are inveterate beggars. They spoil the tourist's pleasure by their ceaseless pursuit 
of him. We visited the caves in which they dwell, and found the interiors tidy 
and the Gypsies decently clad. Then we turned to the Moorish quarter of Granada, 
where Gypsies also congregate, and found ourselves escorted by two policemen, each 
armed with sword and revolver. This escort was owing to a recent fracas which 
occurred here between an American gentleman and Gypsies, who assaulted and 
wounded him. The American drew his revolver, and there might have been 
another Dr. Middleton case had his wife not induced him not to fire. All this 
shows that, so far as Spanish Gypsies are concerned, they are not a safe class to 
have anything to do with, but, except at Granada, we were never troubled by 
them ; and I would counsel tourists not to allow the thought of them to interfere 
with their visit to Spain, a country which is one of the most interesting and curious 
in Europe. I am, &c., R. R. 




The following passages are extracted from the recently published and very 
entertaining Auld Licht Idylls ; a book descriptive of provincial life in an eastern 
county of Scotland. We are informed, on excellent authority, that, although the 
book does not profess to be historical, the " Claypits beggars " here mentioned are 
described much as they actually were, and that their names also are real. Fifty 
years ago, these people called themselves, and were frequently styled by others, 
" Gypsies," and still more commonly " the Egyptians." These extracts, too brief as 
they are, form a slight supplement to Mr. Simson's descriptions of the Scottish 
Gypsies ; and it is interesting to note that they testify once more to the priestly 
power vested in a Gypsy king, of which there are several examples in Simson's 
pages, and that the supreme ruler of this petty tribe was its lawgiver as well as its 
pope and autocrat. Miserable in the extreme was this paltry " kingship," but it 
forms one of the latest witnesses to the former Gypsy system of Scotland, if not 
of Europe, and, indeed, it represents an exceedingly ancient and primitive form 
of government. These Claypits " Egyptians " are thus amusingly described : 

" Storm-stead shows used to emphasize the severity of a Thrums winter. As 
the name indicates, these were gatherings of travelling booths in the winter time. 
Half a century ago the country was overrun by itinerant showmen. ... To the 
storm-stead shows came the Gypsies in great numbers. Claypots (which is a cor- 
ruption of Claypits) was their headquarters, near Thrums, and it is still sacred to 
their memory. It was a clachan of miserable little huts, built entirely of clay from 
the dreary and sticky pit in which they had been flung together. A shapeless hole 
on one side was the doorway, and a little hole, stuffed with straw in winter, the 
window. Some of the remnants of these hovels still stand. Their occupants, 
though they went by the name of Gypsies among themselves, were known to the 
weavers as the Claypots beggars ; and their king was Jimmy Pawse. His regal 
dignity gave Jimmy the right to seek alms first when he chose to do so ; thus he 
got the cream of a place before his subjects set to work. He was rather foppish in 
his dress, generally affecting a suit of grey cloth with showy metal bottons on it, 
and a broad blue bonnet. His wife was a little body like himself ; and when they 
went a-begging, Jimmy with a meal-bag for alms on his back, she always took her 
husband's arm. Jimmy was the legal adviser of his subjects ; his decision was 
considered final on all questions, and he guided them in their courtships as well as 
on their death-beds. He christened their children, and officiated at their weddings, 
marrying them over the tongs." 

" There is little doubt," says the same writer, on a later page, " that it was a fit 
of sarcasm that induced Tammas [a neighbouring villager] to marry a Gypsy lassie. 
Mr. Byars [the local minister] would not join them, so Tammas had himself married 
by Jimmy Pawse, the gay little Gypsy king, and after that the minister re-married 
them. The marriage over the tongs is a thing to scandalise any well-brought up 
person, for before he joined the couple's hands, Jimmy jumped about in a startling 
way, uttering wild gibberish, and after the ceremony was over there was rough 
work, incantations and blowing on pipes." 

One is disposed to speculate as to whether this " wild gibberish " was actual 
Romanes, or that Shelta which Mr. Leland has introduced to the notice of Gypsi- 
ologists, and which is a mixture of Romanes and Gaelic. Pure Romani speech 
seems to have decayed at a much earlier period in Scotland than in England, 
although a broken dialect still survives. 

Marrying over the tongs, or over a broomstick, is well known in Scotland as 
a " tinkler " ceremony ; and divorce is said to be effected, or at least symbolised, by 
the partners standing on either side of this stick or tongs, back to back, and jump- 
ing away from it, " Marrying over the sword," a practice that appears to have 
been kept up among British soldiers until a comparatively recent period, has 
evidently a like origin. 




[The particulars here quoted (from a long account in the Wrexham Advertiser of 
September 1876) were furnished to the contributor by John Roberts, the well- 
known Gypsy harper of Wales, of whom one reads in Mr. Groome's In Gypsy 

g IRj Respecting the modern harpers of Wales and a few of the old ones, I 
have the pleasure of forwarding the following particulars, furnished to me by one of 
the tawny tribe. I may also be permitted to say that the Welsh harp is not likely 
to die out just yet, for the veteran and venerable minstrel who gave me the following 
notes has only twelve sons and a daughter, who daily play the triple-stringed 
nstrument, and the Eisteddvod ought to honour him with an invitation. 


" * Mr. John Parry, of Ruabon (a blind man), harper to Sir Watkin W. Wynn, 
Bart., taught William Williams of Penmorfa (a blind man), who became afterwards 
Welsh harper to the ancient family of the Hughes's of Frecib, near Llandolo, Car- 
marthenshire. William Williams taught the celebrated Richard Roberts, of Car- 
narvon (also a blind man), who had the honour of performing upon different 
occasions before the Royal family. Mr. Roberts taught the following pupils : 
Archelaus Wood, an Egyptian, who became harper to the Maedock family, Tremadoc 
and Tregynter, Breckonshire ; John Wood Jones, an Egyptian, formerly of Brecon, 
came to be harper to the Right Hon. Lady Llanover ; John Robertson, of Bangor, 
Carnarvonshire (he was another pupil of Richard Roberts, and died about twenty 
years ago) ; Hugh Pugh, of Dolgelley, Welsh harper to the Cymreigyddion Society, 
London ; the late Mr. Ellis Roberts, harpist to his Royal Highness the Prince of 
Wales. All the above gained silver harps. ' 

" A short account of the Egyptians who first came to Wales, where some of them 
came to be very noted players upon the Welsh harp, and continue to the 
present day : 

" ' About 200 years ago came an old man, of the name of Abraham Wood, his 
wife, three sons, and a daughter. He brought with him a violin, and he is sup- 
posed to be the first one that ever played upon one in Wales. The eldest of his 
three sons, Valentine Wood, did very early take to the harp, but was not considered 
much of a player. The second son, William, was considered a sweet violin player. 
He was father to Archelaus Wood, aforementioned, who was the first pupil to the 
celebrated Mr. Roberts, of Carnarvon. Third, Solomon Wood. Valentine Wood 
had three sons first was Adam, a good harper. He was the father of John Wood 
Jones, which was the second pupil of Mr. Roberts, of Carnarvon, and harpist to the 
Right Hon. Lady Llanover. Old Tom Wood, who was a very fine player on the 
violin. Jeremiah Wood Jones, who became to be harper for fifty-one years to the 
ancient family of Gogerddan, had three sons, Jeremiah, Theophilus, and John. The 
first was a good player, second middling, third, John ; had he been placed in good 
hands, he would have been, in his day, one of the best harpers in Wales. Thomas, 
the second son to Valentine Wood, had twelve sons, out of which two of them be- 
came good harpers the first, Adam, the second, Robert, who used to very often 
visit Colonel Gwynne, of Glanbran, considered a very good player. Benjamin 
Wood Jones, of Carmarthen, was also a good player. All these harpers were after 
the school of blind Parry, of Ruabon.' " 

M. BATAILLARD having had too little leisure for the complete revision of his 
treatise De I'apparition, etc., its appearance in our Journal has necessarily been 
postponed till April. 

NOTICE. All Contributions must be legibly written on one side only of the paper; 
must bear the sender's name and address, though not necessarily for publica- 
tion; and must be sent to DAVID MACRITCHIE, Esq., 4 Archibald Place, 


1st January 1889. 








Hon. John Abercromby, 21 Chapel Street, Bel grave Square, London. 
Miss Alger, 6 Brimmer Street, Boston, United States. 
W. E. A. Axon, Murray Street, Higher Broughton, Manchester, Great 


PAUL BATAILLARD, Rue de I'Od^on 12, Paris. 

Royal Library of Bavaria, Munich. 

Berlin Royal Library. 

Bodleian Library, Oxford. 

Boston (United States) Public Library. 

Sir Richard F. Burton, K.C.M.G., Athenseum Club, Pall Mall, London. 

RICHARD C. CHRISTIE, Glenwood, Virginia Water, near Staines, 
Middlesex, Great Britain. 


Edward Clodd, 19 Carleton Koad, Tufnell Park, London. 

Edmund T. Coleman, 1 Ingestre Eoad, Dartmouth Park Hill, London. 

Adriano Colocci, Jesi (Marche), Italy. 

Archibald Constable, 11 Thistle Street, Edinburgh, Great Britain. 

Cornish Brothers, 37 New Street, Birmingham, Great Britain. 

Miss Marian Eoalfe Cox, Claverton, Streatham Hill, London. 

Rev. Addison Crofton, Reddish Green, near Stockpoit, Manchester, 

Great Britain. 
Henry T. Crofton, 36 Brazenose Street, Manchester, Great Britain. 

THOMAS DAVIDSON, 339 High Street, Edinburgh, Great Britain. 

PROFESSOR JOHN FERGUSON, The University, Glasgow, Great Britain. 
R. E. Francillon, 21 Regent's Park Terrace, Gloucester Gate, London. 

HERBERT W. GREENE, Magdalen College, Oxford, Great Britain. 
G. A. Grierson, B.C.S., Gaya Behar, Bengal Presidency, India. 
Francis Hindes Groome, 339 High Street, Edinburgh, Great Britain. 


Rev. James J. Hazell, Convent Lodge, East Finchley, London. 
Professor Dr. Anton Herrmann, I., Attila-utcza 47, Budapest. 
H. H. Howorth, M.P., Eccles, Manchester, Great Britain. 

W. J. IBBETSON, 2 Iverson Road, Brondesbury, London. 
SURGEON-MAJOR W. JOHNSTON, South Camp, Aldershot, Great Britain. 

PROFESSOR W. J. KNAPP, Ph.D., Yale University, New Haven, United 

Franz Ko6s, Brass6, Kronstadt, Austria-Hungary. 

Professor Dr. I. Kopernicki, Cracow University, Galicia, Austria- 

Professor Dr. Ernst Kuhn, 32 Hess-Strasse, Munich, Germany. 

MRS. LECKIE, 4 Gayfield Square, Edinburgh, Great Britain. 
Leyden University Library. 

Charles G. Leland, Savile Club, Piccadilly, London. 
Dr. J. Paul Lergetporer, Leopoldstrasse 14/1, Innsbruck, Tirol, Austria- 



Manchester Public Free Library. 

David P. Masson, Alliance Bank, Kawal Pindi, Punjab, India. 

Professor Dr. Franz von Miklosich, viii. Josefstadter Strasse 11, Vienna. 

Justin H. McCarthy, M.P., 20 Cheyne Gardens, Chelsea Embankment, 


Miss MacEitchie, 4 Gayfield Square, Edinburgh, Great Britain. 
Miss MacRitchie, 4 Archibald Place, 

Miss E. E. MacEitchie, } , 

David MacEitchie, 

John MacEitchie, Beaumont, Kansas, United States. 
William MacEitchie, Manchester, Virginia, United States. 


DR. ALEXANDER G. PASPATI, Eue Valaorites, Athens. 
Mrs. Pennell, 16 North Street, Westminster, London. 
Literary and Antiquarian Society of Perth (Great Britain). 
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D. FEARON EANKING, LL.D., Eockville, Merchiston, Edinburgh, Great 

JOHN SAMPSON, 9 Low Hill, Liverpool, Great Britain. 

W. W. Scarborough, Cincinnati, Ohio, United States. 

J. Shearman, 126 Fellows Eoad, South Hampstead, London. 

Signet Library, Edinburgh. 

Professor Dr. E. von Sowa, Carlsglacis 1, Briinn, Austria-Hungary. 

CAPTAIN E. C. TEMPLE, B.C.S., Mandalay, Upper Burma. 
Professor Dr. Emil Thewrewk de Ponor, Tarnok-utcza 12, Budapest. 

MILWARD VALENTINE, 8 Seton Place, Edinburgh, Great Britain. 

THEODORE WATTS, The Pines, Putney Hill, Putney, London. 

Eev. Alexander Webster, 1 Hartington Gardens, Edinburgh, Great Britain. 

Eev. Wentworth Webster, Sare, par St. Jean de Luz, Basses Pyre"ne"es, 

Dr. Heinrich von Wlislocki, Szaszsebes, Muhlbach, Siebenbiirgen, Austria- 

Worcester (United States) Free Public Library. 



Ethnologische Mitteilungen am Ungarn. 

Revue des Traditions Populates. 
The Folk-Lore Record. 
The Journal of American Folk-Lore. 
The Antiquary. 

Honorary Secretary and Treasurer, 


MEMBERS are requested to bring the Gypsy Lore Society under the notice of 
any of their friends who are interested in this or kindred studies. An increased 
membership is necessary in order to carry out fully the aims of the Society, as the 
present income is not large enough to warrant such outlay as that involved in 
the reproduction of photographs, or other illustrations, and of music. These are 
two very attractive departments of Gypsy Lore, and they are not less instructive 
than the others ; but neither of them can be gone into until the income of the 
Society is considerably larger than at present. 




Vor, I. APKIL 1889. No. 4 



THE editors of the Journal had asked my permission simply to 
reproduce, in English, the work which I published in 1844 
in the BiUiotheque de rficolc des Chartes l under the title " De V appari- 
tion et de la dispersion des Bohdmiens en Europe" A portion only of that 
work will be found here the portion which was already the most ex- 
tensive, and which is now considerably enlarged. It, therefore, does 
not appear to me superfluous to inform the reader what this former 
memoir was, as also another which I published five years later in the 
same collection, 2 and which was the very needful complement of 
the preceding one. I will also explain why I now eliminate certain 
parts of the memoir of 1844, and content myself with referring to the 

1 Fifth year or fifth volume of this collection. The memoir appeared in two articles (5th 
and 6th parts of this vol.), which were united and printed separately from the collection, 
forming 59 pages, in large 8vo, including four pages of titles. This has been out of print for 
the last thirty years. 

2 ' ' NouveMes recherches sur Vnpparition des Bohemiens en Europe," in the Jiifiliu- 
thtque de VEcole des C/iartes, vol. i. of the 3d series, 1st part, October 1849. The reprint, 
to which I made some additions in the Note additionnelle, which fills the last ten pngos, 
forms 48 pages, in large 8vo. My references are generally to the reprints (iirages d part) 
of my writings. 

VOL. I. NO. IV. N 


publication of 1849, and I will point out the principal improvements 
I have introduced into the present article. 

When first I took up this subject forty-five years ago, the ideas of 
Grellmann 1 were in full favour. Now, Grellmann, who connected the 
Gypsies with the caste of Sudras, and who attributed their emigra- 
tion from India to the invasions of Timur into that country (A.D. 
1408 and 1409), fixed their arrival in Europe at the year 1417 ; 2 
he thus maintained that the Gypsies, after having wandered in Asia 
Minor and Egypt, had entered the south-east of Europe the very 
year in which one of their detachments appeared on the shores of 
the North Sea. 3 He thought it so certain that no Gypsies had ever 
been seen in t Europe before 1417, 4 that he went so far as to rectify 
the statement of two western chroniclers who had signalised their 
presence in Hesse in 1414 and in Meissen in 1416. 5 

On closer examination that is to say, in collecting the original 
documents for my work, published in 1844 I was therefore much 
surprised not to meet with a single one relating to the advent of the 
Gypsies in any country whatever of eastern Europe, and particularly 
in the south-east of Europe, either in 1417 or at any other date. 

1 Historischer Versuch iiber die Zigeuner, 2d edit., Gottingen, 1787, in small 8vo., of 
xvi. and 368 pages. The first edition is that of Dessau and Leipzig, 1783. The French trans- 
lation, by M. J., Paris, 1810, in 8vo, unfortunately bears upon its title-page that it was 
made " from the second edition," which misled me at a period when I was not in possession 
of the latter ; in reality it was made from the first. 

2 It is now proved that all these assertions are erroneous. But in saying this I would 
not wish to be thought unjust or ungrateful towards Grellmann : his book, now a hundred 
years old, still forms a rich repertory of facts and bibliographical information indispensable 
to every student of the Gypsies, and it is there, as [ have taken cave to say at the be- 
ginning of my memoir of 1844, that I found the first foundation of valuable indications for 
my work. 

3 Grellmann even thought that he had found a confirmation of this pretended fact in the 
sayings of the Gypsies at Bologna in 1422 (Grell. pp. 205-207 ; Fr. tr., pp. 207-210). But 
I have shown (De V apparition, etc., pp. 13-14 of the reprint) the weakness of this 

4 It must be said that several of his predecessors had gone before him in this direction. 
I will content myself with quoting George Pray, who must have been a great authority for 
Grellmann at a time when those authors of Eastern Europe who had not written either in 
Latin or in German were generally unknown in the West. G. Pray, author of Annales 
regum Hungarice, in 5 vols. in fol. 1764-1770, and of several other great collections, was, 
indeed, one of the most learned Hungarians of his time. Now he had written (in the above- 
named work, part iv., p. 275): " Certe primum omnium in Moldavia. Valachia ac Hun- 
garia, circiter annum 1417, visi sunt, isthincque in alias Europae ditiones propagati." Not- 
withstanding the circiter which destroyed a little of the precision of the date, the Roumanian 
documents, in the absence at that time of any very positive Hungarian documents, have 
since furnished an absolute contradiction to Pray. Grellmann would have done better to 
abide by the opinion of another learned historian of Eastern Europe the Moldavian Prince 
Demetrius Cantemir whom he also quotes further on, and who declares that, in Moldavia, 
nothing was known concerning the period at which the Gypsies had arrived in that 

5 Grellmann, note of p. 206 : Fr. tn p. 209. I had myself accepted these two pretended 
rectifications in 1844, pp. 18-19, and pp. 25-26 ; but, so early as 1849 (Nouvelles recherches, 
p. 37), I expressed well-founded doubts on the subject. 


As it was, however, clear that the Gypsies had come to us from 
the south-east of. Europe, or ~by the south-east of Europe, 1 I was 
obliged, on remarking the absence of all positive information respecting 
their first appearance in this region, to propose the three following 
alternatives, which I examined successively : Either the Gypsies had 
existed in the south-east of Europe for a longer or shorter time before 
1417; or they had spread there at the same time as they appeared 
in the west, that is to say towards 1417 (the date which I accepted 
for the west, arid which I still accept, whilst making certain important 
reservations, as will be seen hereafter) ; or those who had appeared 
suddenly in the west 2 in 1417 had simply crossed the south-east of 
Europe, whilst the mass of them spread themselves there only 
successively and at a later date, as they did in the west. 

These three alternatives are given in chronological order, and 
likewise in the order of their probability ; for it is hardly neces- 
sary to say that the first appeared to me by far the most probable. 
But I could then find no decisive document in its favour, and I 
prudently left the question in suspense. 

What I have just summed up (with the exception of a short 
passage on p. 4, which I will take up when I come to my present First 
period, and a tradition on p. 17, which would be curious if I could 
guarantee its authenticity) fills sixteen pages of my first memoir (p. 
3-18), which it would be all the more useless to reproduce here, as 
I have discussed the question with more success in the second memoir 
(Nouvelles recherches, etc., 1849), of which I have now to speak. 

Since 1844 I became acquainted with three new and reliable 
documents which decided the question in the way I had foreseen, 
namely, a twofold Bourn anian document (two confirmations dating 
from 1386 and 1387), of a donation made about 1370 by a Prince of 
Wallachia, 3 of forty Salachi (families) of Atsigani, which proves that 

1 I devoted some pages (pp. 6-9 and 12-13) of my first memoir to establish that this 
point was beyond doubt ; I more especially, in a long note, quoted a certain number of 
ancient authors, remarking that their errors or their uncertainties respecting the date of the 
arrival of the Gypsies in Europe do not weaken the agreement of their testimony respect- 
ing the previous habitation of those who spread over the West. This origin is, however, 
so universally acknowledged at the present day that it is useless to insist upon it. 

2 They were not very numerous from 1417 up to 1438, as I established at the outset 
(p. 4), and as will be seen further on. 

3 In briefly summing up in my memoir of 1849 (p. 20), these two documents, which I 
had intended speaking of anew (see the same, note 3), I unfortunately made a confusion 
between the names of the Wallachian princes concerned in this donation. I rectified this 
confusion in my Lettre d la Revue critique of 1875, p. 14, note 2 (it is, however, necessary to 
suppress [line 14 of this note] a " non" which is a fresh lapsus), and again more succinctly, 
in Etat de la Question, p. 8. In short, the document of 1386, which raises some chrono- 
logical difficulties and adds nothing to that of 1387, may be put aside. By the latter, the 
original of which (in Slavonic, as are all the official Roumanian documents of this period) 


at this period (1370) the Gypsies were already slaves in Koumania : 
Secondly, a passage in the relation of a journey made by Symon 
Simeonis, 1 who, visiting the island of Crete in 1322 2 , found there a 
race of people which he does not name, but of whom he gives a 
description that can only apply to the Gypsies. Finally, a line in 
the Chronique de Ghypre (then unpublished) of Florio Bustrou, which 
proves that the Cingctni existed in Cyprus towards the year 146<s, 
and paid a tax to the royal treasury. 3 

Armed with these documents, which lent each other a mutual 
support, and which proved not only that the Gypsies were scattered 
over the south-east of Europe in the fourteenth century, but also that 
very probably they were not even new-comers there, I took up the 
far less clear documents that I had already examined in my first 
memoir : I added several others, and I applied fresh and improved 
tests to them. 

In short, the thirty-six first pages of my Nouvelles rccltc-rcln's 
(1849) resolved an important question which had not been seriously 
mooted before 1844, and which opened a road leading further than 1 
could then foresee, for we can now go back with a certainty which 1 
think incontestable to the beginning of the ninth century. 4 Wo 
cannot even consider this date as final nor any other as M. Mik- 
losich himself remarks. 5 1 have since then, indeed, carried the 

exists in the archives of Bncharest, and which has been published, together with a Roumanian 
translation, in the Archiva istorica of Mr. Hajdeu, vol. iii., Bucuresci, 1867, in 4to, pp. 
191-194, Mircea I. voivode of Wallachia, confirms, amongst other liberalities, a donation of 
forty Salachi of Atsigani made to the monastery of Saint Antony of Voditza by his uncle 
Vladislav, who reigned about 1370 or 1372. 

1 Symon Simeonis or Simon Symeonis (for the name is written in both ways) belonged 
to the order of Minorites, as likewise his fellow-traveller, who died before reaching the 
Holy Land. It appears that he was a Spaniard, and not an "Englishman" as I wrote 
p. 35. 

2 And not " the island of Cyprus in 1332," as I wrote, p. 12, and passim in my Nouvelles 
recherches. But this double error is not to be imputed to me, for I then took care to say 
that I quoted this valuable passage after Bryant, not having been able to find the original 
work. I was only able to rectify it (and incorrectly in Les derniers travaitx, p. 72) after 
having the rare opportunity of purchasing the volume : Itineraria Symonis Simeonis, etc. 
Cantab. 1778, in large 8vo. of xvi and 396 pp. , with intercalation of eight supplementary pages, 
numbered from 77 to 84 with an asterisk. The passage which interests us is to be found 
p. 17. The error of date bearing upon ten years only was not of great consequence, but the 
error of place, more serious in itself, led me in my Nouvclles recherches into " TCJ>/I rnr/tc- 
ments" which would demand rectification. 

3 These two documents relative to the islands of the eastern Mediterranean gave addi- 
tional interest to evidences furnished by the sixteenth century concerning these regions, 
which I have reproduced on account of their retrospective value. 

4 I think one might say to the seventh century (see Mat de la question, more amply 
indicated lower on, p. 33-40) ; but I give the date admitted by M. Miklosich in order to avoid 
entering here into the discussion raised by this important point. 

5 See Etat de la, question de Vcinciennete des Tsiganes en Europe. Extract from the 
Account of the Congress of Anthropology and Prehistoric Archeology, viii. session, Buda- 
pest, 1876 ; Paris, 1877; in 8vo of 62 pp., and two pages of Errata, that I have added to this 
tirage-a-part, the printing of the "Account" having been very badly executed at Pest. It 


question further than any one else has done; for 1 now think not 
only, as did some of my predecessors, that the Gypsies had already 
ancestors in the south-east of Europe and in Asia Minor in the days 
of Herodotus and even Homer, but that these ancestors (from whom, 
however, I do not pretend that all the Gypsies now scattered over 
the world descend) have contributed to the propagation of primitive 
metallurgy in certain countries. l 

Hut I will not now mix up these disputable questions with purely 
historical studies. I only warn the reader who has recourse to the 
writings in which I expound these new ideas that, since the publication 
of my long Lettre it la Revue (-ritiqiic of 1875, on the Oriyine* <!<* 
Bohvmiem and of some of the writings which followed, I have seen the 
insufficiency of the etymological comparisons (rapprochement* < f /f//n<>- 
logiques) which had at first seemed conclusive to me, and by which I 
thought it possible, temporarily, to supply the place of the unavoidably 
long and complex statement of the considerations, and the historical, 
ethnological, and archaeological congruities which, I think, will render 
my theory very plausible. Want of time has always obliged me to 
defer this statement, and my advanced age may now, perhaps, prevent 
me from ever accomplishing it. I request the reader will also believe 
that I am not ignorant of the philological objections which have been 
opposed to my theory, and that I take account of them in the measure 
in which they are certain ; but I remain convinced, with an eminent 
ludianist 2 who was also a most competent Gypsiologist, that 

is this writing which may now temporarily take the place of the first thirty-six pages of my 
Nouvelles rechcrchcs of 1849, and I beg to refer the reader to it, asking him at the same 
time not to forget that it is only a general sketch, and that for details even the memoir of 
1849 may still furnish some useful elements. 

1 At the end (pp. 13-14 of the tiraffe-d-parf) of a lirst communication made to the 
Society of Anthropology, Nov. 18th, 1875, on presenting my Lettre d la Revue Critique, Sur 
les Origines des fiohemiens, I had already said a few words on the probable part taken by 
the Gypsies in primitive metallurgy. I took up the idea anew (pp. 15-28) in a communica- 
tion made on the 2d Dec. following (Les Tsiganes, de V&ge de bronze), which was united to 
the preceding in the same pamphlet. 

2 GUSTAVE GARREZ, who died suddenly at Paris, where he resided, on the 3d Dec. 1888, at 
the age of 54 years. His death is a very great loss to science, greater still to all the scholars 
who had dealings with him ; irreparable to me, for he was my light in all Gypsy questions con- 
cerning India and the East in general, and it was impossible to find one more abundant and 
more sure. He was at the same time untiring in kindness, and the most excellent of men. 
He was little known, because he had not published much ; but two eminent members of the 
Asiatic Society to which M. Garrez lent his assiduous co-operation, MM. Earth and Senart, 
have revealed to the world of learning the immense loss it has sustained. They have 
published on their friend and colleague two very interesting articles, of which the mic 
appeared in the Revue critique of the 28th of January 1889, the other in the Journal 
(isiatique, in the number for Nov. -Dec. 1888. Both explain very well why Garrez pub- 
lished so little, and even wrote so little : it was because his learning was so extensive 
and his criticism so penetrating that he never succeeded in satisfying himself. But, amongst 
an accumulation of learning admirably co-ordinated in his powerful brain, his two 
biographers have forgotten the subject of the Gypsies and their language, which he had 
studied very seriously, considering them as a necessary complement to his Indian studies. 


philology alone cannot decide these very complex questions, and that 
if one arrives by different roads at conclusions equally certain or 
equally probable, means will necessarily be found to reconcile what 
may appear contradictory. But I was then so far from the ideas 
I have just mentioned, that I scarcely dreamt of going back beyond 
the thirteenth century. 1 

At the same time, however, whilst my Nouvelles recherches were 
already in the press, my attention was drawn by the learned Arabic 
scholar, M. Eeinaud, to several Oriental documents which appeared 
to open up some entirely new perspectives in regard to the origin of 
the Gypsies ; and although the question of origin was foreign to the 
subject to which my actual study was devoted, I naturally hastened 
to take advantage of such a discovery. Hence the Note additionnelle 
which fills the ten last pages (pp. 3 9-48) 2 of my Nouvelles recherches? 
The subject of which I there treat is precisely that which forms the 

It was M. Garrez who, consulted by the directors of the Revue critique, at the time of the 
publication of my Lettre of 1875 concerning les Oriyines des Bohemiens, pointed out the in- 
sufficiency of my arguments in favour of the antiquity of the Gypsies in Europe, and it was 
on this occasion that I made his acquaintance without then divining all the value of this 
meeting. But he nevertheless always encouraged me to pursue my researches in the historical 
road which I was the only one to follow ; and it is he also who, later on, one day said to me : 
" I really think that the discovery of the Indian origin of the Gypsy tongue has injured 
more than it has served in the discovery of the origin of the Gypsies, because it has pre- 
vented from searching for it." This is exactly what I thought, but I should not perhaps 
have dared to say it ; and this opinion has a very different weight in the mouth of such an 
Indianist from what it would have had in mine. 

In speaking of this esteemed friend it is impossible not to think of another loss, less 
recent and much less unexpected, but which has been also much felt by me, that of POTT, 
the eminent Sanscrit scholar and philologist of Halle, the greatest etymologist of our times, 
who died in July 1887, at the age of more than 84 years. He was the worthy patriarch 
of the Gypsiologists. His Zigeuner in Europa und Asien (2 vols. 8vo, 1844-45) ap- 
peared when the Neo-Aryan tongues of India were nearly unknown ; his age and his infir- 
mities did not permit him in the last days of his life to follow the progress of Indian 
philology like Garrez. But this great work, to say nothing of Pott's later contributions 
to Gypsy studies, is none the less a monument of erudition and a valuable repertory, 
which seems to me too much neglected at the present time. Pott also was not one of those 
exclusive Gysiologists who are of opinion that the tongue of the Gypsies is the sole source 
from which we can learn anything concerning their origin and their history, more or less 
ancient. As the present is the first publication made by me since his death, I wish to express 
in it my very grateful remembrance for the particular kindness with which he always wel- 
comed my modest writings. 

1 See Nouv. recherches, 1849, p. 35. Cf. p. 19, where the eleventh century already ap- 
peared a very early date to me, and p. 36, where I consider as improbable the hypothesis 
of Dr. Hasse, who discovers the Gypsies on the banks of the Danube in the times of 
Herodotus a hypothesis which I fully admit now. 

2 Between p. 36 of this memoir of 1849, to which my preceding analysis is confined, 
and p. 39, which begins the Note additionnelle, three pages are devoted to the Additions et 
corrections to my memoir of 1844. I mark out there the ne\v divisions of the subject which 
are the necessary consequence of the undoubtedly correcter notions we had recently acquired, 
and I there point out documents concerning the Gypsies in the West which had come to 
my knowledge since 1844. 

3 The same Note additionnelle, in the same small type, occupies but eight pages in the 
Bibliotheque de VEcole des Charles, because I made additions in the reprint (tiraye d 
part) . 


memoir which M. de Goeje, the learned Arabic scholar of Leyden, 
published in 1875 (in Dutch), under the title Contribution a I'histoire 
des Tziganes (25 pages in 8vo.), and of which an English transla- 
tion has been given in the volume entitled The Gypsies of lndl 
by Mr. David MacPdtchie (London, 1886). This last circumstance 
renders unnecessary any long explanation in these pages. M. de 
Goeje was not acquainted with my work of 1849 when he published 
his memoir, and I am glad he was not, for, had he not thought 
the subject entirely new, he would not perhaps have discussed 
it. Now his work is naturally superior to mine ; it has, above all, 
the great advantage of following the transportations of Djatts and 
other Indians as far as the territory of the Byzantine Empire, 
towards the year 855, whilst the documents pointed out or furnished 
me by M. Reinaud go no further, so far as regards these trans- 
portations, than Anazarbe (Ainzarba) on the confines of Syria and 
Asia Minor towards 835. But the basis and the subject of these 
two studies were so identical that I was obliged to claim my right 
of priority. 1 It is well to add that, if I was then anxious to establish 
it, and if I am still anxious to do so at the present day, it is, above all, 
because it appears to me to give me more authority for reducing to 
its true value a theory which was mine so far back as 1849, and 
which I then found seductive, but of which I had acknowledged 
the insufficiency long before 1875. 

I think now, as I did in 1875, that the Djatts and other Indians 
transported at divers periods from India to more western regions, and 
finally, towards 855, to the territory of the Byzantine Empire, 
may probably have fused with the Gpysy race, 2 especially if the 
Gypsies already existed, as I am persuaded they did, in these parts, 
but that they could not have been the stock of the Gypsy race for two 
principal reasons : " It is unlikely that the five hundred thousand 
Gypsies, at least, who now exist in the south-east of Europe, to speak 
only of this region, should descend from a few thousand Djatts trans- 
ported there in 855 ; and, moreover, it is impossible that these Djatts, 

1 I did so by a long letter piiblished in The Academy of the 5th of June 1875, and also at 
the commencement of my Lettre d la Revue critique : sur les Origines des BoJieiniens (Sept. 
and Oct. 1875). This right of priority was graciously acknowledged by M. de Goeje in a 
correspondence exchanged between us on the subject. I only regret that he did not 
remember publicly to acknowledge it in the English translation of 1886, which was revised 
by him (without his having made, however, the slightest change on his work of 1875). 

2 I have even produced in support of this probability a small new contribution which has 
its value by giving, perhaps indiscreetly, in my Lettre d la Revue critique of 1875 (pp. 10-11), 
an unpublished communication of M. Paspati concerning the Gypsies of Hariupol, near 
Tchorlu (seventy miles to the north-west of Constantinople), who are rearers <>f lnijf'<t.l,:<. 
This communication will be found, as fifth paragraph, in the notes published by M. 1'asputi, 
under the title of Turkish (jypsies, in the first number of the present Journal (July, 1888). 


rearers of buffaloes, or given to other occupations foreign to the 
generality of Gypsies, should have been the forefathers of a race 
distinguished by three principal occupations, the working of metals, 
divination, and music, and which more especially in the working 
of metals employs with great skill primitive methods dating 
certainly from a remote antiquity." l 

However that may be, I had not waited for the new views opened 
out in my Note additionnellc, to discern that the question of the firnt- 
appearance of the Gypsies in the south-east of Europe was becoming 
quite distinct from that of their first appearance in the west ; and 
although I did not then think the former question insoluble, as I now 
ponsider it, I at once separated it distinctly by adopting a new 
division of the subject (Nouv. rcch., p. 7 and pp. 36-38); that is to say, 
by placing in a first Part " Les Bohemiens dans I' Europe Orientale 
et Septentrionale " the countries where their advent remained un- 
known, and by reserving for the Second Part, " Les BoMmiens en Occi- 
dent" all that we know of their first appearance in this part of Europe. 

1 traced at the same time, as far as possible, the line of demarca- 
tion between the two zones that of the known and that of the 
unknown ; saying (Ibid., p. 6) that it might be represented by " drawing 
a nearly straight line from the southern extremity of the Baltic Sea, 
near the mouth of the Oder, to the Adriatic near Venice or Trieste." 

It was to be well understood that I did not pretend to apply to 
the immense European zone placed to the east of this line, the new 
ideas that we had just acquired for the south-east of Europe. Here 
I mean to say in the Balkan Peninsula (including the eastern part 
of the Mediterranean) and in the Danubian regions we then knew 
with certainty that the Gypsies had existed long before 1417. From 
what time had they existed ? I then thought that, some day or other, 
we should come to know it ; I now think, though I may be mistaken, 
that it will never be known. We may, no doubt, discover that at 
such or such a period new immigrations of Gypsies took place in these 
countries, 2 but I think that we shall never know when the first took 

1 The quoted passage is copied from p. 4 of the pamphlet (tirage d part], in which I 
have, under the title of Snr les origines des Bohemiens : Les Tziganes a V&ye de bronze, 
united the two communications of November and December 1875 made by me to the Anthro- 
pological Society. I sum up there, much more briefly than in the two writings indicated in 
the last note but one, my objections against the theory in question. It must be remarked 
also (ibid., note to p. 5) that I had then in my hands a complete translation into French 
of M. de Goeje's memoir, which conlirmed the estimate contained in my two preceding 
writings, published before I could become perfectly acquainted with M. de Goeje's work. 
It is well to support my refutation on ethnographical considerations of M. de Goeje's too 
exclusive theory, by the philological arguments of M. Miklosich (vi., 1876, pp. 63-64). 

2 It is here, as I have said above, that the theory of M. de Goeje (which was also mine 
so far back as 1849), reduced to its true value, might find a legitimate place. Other migra- 


place, because they are lost in the night of ages. I therefore blot out 
from my programme their advent in the south-east of Europe. 

But, in the great eastern and northern zone, as it is traced 
above, there are other countries which may demand fresh lino <>f 
demarcation, according as the Gypsies have existed there at periods 
more or less anterior to 1417, or have spread themselves there towards 
this date, or have arrived there later, perhaps even much later (which 
appears also to have been the case in some distant countries of Western 
Europe). There is here, without doubt, matter for discussing certain 
dates, generally rather recent, which have been attributed of late to 
the earliest appearance of the Gypsies in some of these countries, 
But I doubt whether any of these dates would appear decisive to me, 1 
and I cannot stay to examine them here. Moreover, I could not do 
so without reproducing certain parts of my memoir of 1849, which, 
even in these questions retain a certain value ; it is simpler to refer 
the reader to them. 

Thus, the two zones, that of the known and that of the unknown, 
have varied little during the last forty years. As to the line of demarca- 
tion which I had traced between them, I need scarcely say that in my 
opinion then, as also in my opinion now, it can nowhere be absolutely 
determined. It is necessarily an uncertain line, destined to receive 
divers inflexions according to reliable information on one side or the 
other. It will also be necessary to remark that the western side repre- 
sents, not only the known, but also the immigration commenced in 1417, 
and that, consequently, it would be needful to add to it the countries 
of the eastern zone where the immigration of the Gypsies would 
have come in from the west, and would thus have been a consecutive 
fact with the immigration in the west. We are far from having any 
such precise information. I think that all we have learned that is 
new and certain on this point during the last forty years is, on the 
contrary, that Bohemia, which was, so to say, cut in two by the line 

tions from the Balkan Peninsula into the region of the Danube, probably also from Asia. 
and perhaps even from Africa into Europe, at the and during the whole course of 
the fifteenth century, are so probable that I do not now hesitate to make them intervene 
in the explanation of certain facts belonging to the first period (1417-1438) of the immigration 
into the West, as will be seen further on. 

1 I persist in thinking, for example, that the existence of the Gypsies in Poland, and 
perhaps even in Northern Lithuania, is more remote than is generally admitted. As t<> 
Russia, since it extends from Lapland and Nova Zembla to the Caucasus, and from the Haiti'' 
Sea to the Ural Mountains, to say nothing of Siberia and of the other Asiatic possessions, it 
is not easy to throw any light upon a question like that of the presence of the Gypsies 
before, during, and even after the fifteenth century ; and what one could learn of any value 
concerning their earliest appearance in one of the great provinces, so different from each 
other, in this immense empire, would be strictly limited to this province. Here again philo- 
logy alone is not sufficient. 


in question, appears decidedly to belong to the eastern zone. 1 It may 
be asked, too, whether it would not be right to include Moravia and 
Silesia in the same. 2 It is presumable that this zone will even be 
extended in the direction of Venice and Trieste, 3 where I have placed 
the termination of a temporary line, and also by a sort of projection 
on the side of eastern Italy, which is so near the old Gypsy station of 
Corfu. 4 

But it is time to return to that part of my first memoir (1844) 
which concerns the immigration of the Gypsies into Western Europe 
in the fifteenth century, and to confine ourselves to it. As we are 
about to speak of a work which is to pass under the reader's eyes, I 
shall happily be able to be much more brief. 

At the same time that I discovered the absence of all documents 
relative to the appearance of the Gypsies in Eastern Europe, I made, 
at the outset of my researches, another discovery of less consequence 
but still highly interesting. Our most numerous and most important 
documents, as I have remarked, are confined to the time comprised 
between 1417 and about 1438. Up to the time of rny discovery it 
had always been supposed that the facts revealed by them denoted 
the real immigration of the Gypsies into the west (and even into 
Europe) ; so much so that, as soon as a few Gypsies had been signal- 
ised in a country, it was concluded that the race had from that time 
taken root there. The examination and the comparing of documents 
had convinced me, on the contrary, that, from 1417 up to about 1438, 
the west was only travelled over by a small number of Gypsy bands 
who explored this new region, and who had all, or mostly all, close 
connection with each other, obeying the same chiefs, separating or 

1 " The annals written in the Bohemian tongue speak, under the year 1416, of the appear- 
ance (auftreten) of Gypsies in Bohemia, without designating them as a people never before 
seen : ' That same year (1416) the Gypsies (Cikani) wandered about the land of Bohemia 
and deceived the people.' Sc-riptores rerum bohem., in. Prague, 1829, p. 30." I extract this 
quotation from the memoirs of Miklosich (Ueber die Mundarten und die Wander ungen 
der Zigeuner JSuropas, in. Wien, 1873, pp. 22-23), taking notice that, according to his own 
remark, the word appearance is not that which appears to be suitable. The original phrase 
which I have put between single inverted commas, is given by Miklosich in the Bohemian 
tongue, as extracted from the Annals he has just quoted. 

a " It is probable that they appeared for the first time in Moravia and Silesia towards 
the year 1416 . . . "Miklosich, ibid. p. 23. Was it really for the first time ? See in Nouv. 
rtr/tnrhes, pp. 29-31, the double document of 1344 and 1394, which has, perhaps, a greater 
value than I formerly attributed to it. 

3 I have always thought that Venice, which was in such close relation with the east 
during the times which here interest us, must contain in its archives documents that would 
be very precious to us. In consequence of these relations she may even have early drawn 
into her orbit some groups of Gypsies (this is what I have already remarked in Etat de la 
question, p. 22). A question almost analogous may be asked concerning the south of Spain 
and Portugal (see my communication Les Gilanos d'Espagne et les Ciganos du Portugal, 
Congress of Lisbon of 1880, pp. 497-510, pp. 17-30 of the tiraye apart}. 

* See Etat de la question, . . . 1876, pp. 20-22. 


joining again at various places evidently fixed upon beforehand for 
the great journey. It is from 1438 only that the Gypsy race begins 
to spread, little by little, in succeeding waves, over the various 
countries of the west. 1 

From thence, the separation into two periods of the immigration 
of the Gypsies in the west: the first comprising the years 1417-1438, 
the second 2 beginning towards 1438 and continuing up to a period 
which it seems to me impossible to fix with any precision, but which 
certainly encroaches on the sixteenth century. 

The immigration of the Gypsies in the west presented, especially 
at the outset, an extremely singular character, which rendered its 
history so much the more curious. They gave themselves out as 
penitents and pilgrims come from Egypt, and brought accordingly 
letters of recommendation from the Emperor, and afterwards from the 
Pope. They presented themselves with these letters before the local 
authorities asking for aid, and, far from hiding themselves as much as 
possible, as might have been expected, they made themselves highly 
conspicuous. It is to this circumstance that we owe the valuable 
documents of the first period, which enable us in some degree to 
follow the wanderings of these strange travellers. 

It is evidently this part of my memoir of 1844 that the editors of 
the present Journal had more especially in view when they asked me 
to reproduce the memoir itself ; for, unlike that which preceded it, 
this part (from p. 18) has lost nothing from age. Several authors 
have drawn largely from it, as they have besides from several other 
of my Gypsy writings, and too often without properly acknowledging 
the source from which they drew ; but no one has recommenced it ; 
and as the first part at least (1417-1438), which is the only one 
which is seriously examined in it, is essentially composed of docu- 
ments arranged in chronological order, which is the only proper one, 
no one could recommence it without bringing a mass of new docu- 
ments, which would change its disposition a very improbable case, 
and which I need scarcely say has not presented itself. It has 
happened, on the contrary, that the authors who wished to appear 

1 See my memoir of 1844, pp. 4, 44-47, and that of 1849, pp. 36, 37. 

2 I must add here to what J have already said (p. 14) of the divisions of my subject into 
two periods, that these two periods perfectly established in my memoir of 1844 were then 
the second and the third the first being reserved for any certain information that might be 
obtained concerning the first appearance of the Gypsies in Western Europe ; but they had 
become the first and second so early as 1849 (as they still are), for Eastern Europe forms in 
future a first part totally distinct from the second, which is devoted to the west. When 1 
now speak of the first and second periods, I consequently refer to the second and third of 
my memoir of 1844, where alone I have treated of them formerly (excepting a few additions 
and corrections, pp. 37-39 in my Nouv. recherches, 1849). 


to have treated the subject as though they were the first to do so, 
and as though they drew directly from the original sources, have 
not brought forward any really new document belonging to this 
important period of 1417 to 1438. 

But if this part could with difficulty be re-cast, it could and 
would necessarily increase, become more complete and more perfect, 
in proportion as fresh documents were discovered. Some have, 
indeed, come to light, of which those who contented themselves 
with pilfering me were wholly unaware, and of which I now take 
advantage for improving my present work, taking care to point out 
the authors to whom I owe the discovery. Those who will take the 
trouble to compare my old memoir with the present one will see 
that they are sufficiently numerous ; Holland, in particular, which 
has been better explored in this respect than any other country, has 
furnished a considerable number. But as the matter extends to all the 
countries in the west, where so many different collections have been 
published, I am no doubt unacquainted with many documents, even 
those which have been printed, to say nothing of those which lie 
still buried in the Archives, 1 and which are probably more numerous 
than those that have been published. I should be very grateful to 
such of my readers as may be acquainted with any documents of 
this kind, if they would point them out to me with precision. 2 

This First Period of the immigration of the Gypsies into the 
west being the principal object of my present work, like that of 
1844, I should add that I have not confined myself to enriching it 
with new documents ; I have taken still more care than before to 
reproduce exactly and entirely those which are contemporary and 
original. I have also given more space to the interpretation 
of these documents, modifying often the form, to render it more 
exact, and sometimes the sense of what I wrote forty years 
since. I have even added, at the beginning of the First Period, a 
commentary explaining, so far as it is possible to explain, the 
strange facts contained in it. This addition appeared the more 
useful to me as some persons had formerly 3 reproached me with 
not enabling the reader to steer his way through the mixture of 

1 As will be remarked in reading my work, it is more especially the municipal accounts 
which are to be explored. 

a My present address is 12 Rue de 1'Odeon, Paris. Those who may forget it have only 
to remember that I am " Archiviste de la Faculte de Medecine." The smallest document 
anterior to 1440 has a particular value, especially if it bears a precise date, but those of the 
succeeding years may also contain precious information. Even amongst those of much 
more recent date there are certainly some of great interest. 

3 See Nouvelles recherches, pp. 38-39. 


facts and fiction. This commentary and certain critical discussions, 
such as those concerning the Gypsies in Switzerland, certainly make 
my narrative heavy, and this defect is rendered still more sensible 
by the unavoidable partitioning of my work in several numbers of 
this Journal. But if, as I think, this fault has its utility, I trust the 
serious student will easily forgive it. 

As to the Second ./V/-/W/, that which begins towards 1438, and 
which ought to contain the immigration of the mass of the Gypsies in 
the west that is to say what is in reality the true immigration it 
would be very difficult to fill up the outline properly. I had already 
made this remark of old, and I will explain it when 1 come to speak 
of this part of my subject. I confined myself in 1844 (in what 
was then the Third Period, pp. 47-56) to collecting and arranging 
chronologically, or nearly so, the scattered facts, beginning with 
1438, which had come to my knowledge, including on one side some 
unpublished French documents (to which it will now suffice to refer 
the reader), and on the other the notions more or less uncertain which 
it was possible to entertain concerning the first appearance of the 
Gypsies, not only in countries such as England and probably Spain, 
where the immigration of the Gypsies is a consecutive fact of their 
immigration in the west, but also in countries of the north and the 
east, such as Sweden and Russia and even Poland, which then 
belonged l and still belong to the unknown zone, as I have remarked 
above. All this was a little confused, and this part of my old memoir 
scarcely merits to be reproduced at the present time ; but, having 
been obliged to devote to the essential part of the present work 
(First Period) all the time of which I have been able to dispose since 
this publication was asked for, I have not even had leisure seriously 
to consider what I should put in its place. At all events, as I have 
entitled the present publication Beginning of the Immigration of the 
Gypsies into Western Europe in the Fifteenth Century, the reader will 
not expect to find in it more than it contains. 

The present work is, therefore, new in many respects ; but I beg 
the reader will not forget that it is also old, very old ; for I should 
be sorry that any one should remember having found, under another 
name than mine, things that are contained in this publication, and 
think me the plagiarist of the authors who have pilfered from me. 

I have as yet said nothing of a preliminary part which I think 
necessary to introduce before the First Period of the immigration into 

1 See also Nouvelles rec/ierches, 1819, pp. 25-34. and in the Additions and corrections 
p. 38. 


the west. But, as this new chapter will follow immediately, I shall 
the more willingly place in it the considerations which explain and 
justify it, as I have not, up to the present time, many certain and 
very conclusive documents to produce in it. 


Whatever future discoveries may bring to light, the immigration 
of the Gypsies into the west, which began officially, so to speak, in 
1417, remains a well-authenticated fact and a predominating feature 
of the history of the race in our countries. I say officially, because 
they then presented themselves with letters from the Emperor, and 
a little later, in 1422, with letters from the Pope, and, instead of 
shunning observation, they courted attention by every means in 
their power. 

But, since it is known that the Gypsies certainly existed in the 
south-east of Europe at far earlier periods, at a date which it is 
impossible to fix, it is natural to ask whether none had ever come 
westward before 1417. I think that no one, even a priori, could 
seriously reply to this question in the negative. But, a posteriori, 
after examination of the facts and of the documents (even those of 
later date than 1417, and some still more recent) now in our pos- 
session, one remains convinced that not only Gypsies may have 
come into these same parts long before 1417, but that they must 
have done so. At the same time it is easy to understand the diffi- 
culty, if not the impossibility, of finding undeniable historical traces 
of these curious episodes of the history of the Gypsies. 

I have already devoted a special paragraph to this new question 
in $tat de la question . . . 1876 ( iv. pp. 48-50), 1 but there I chiefly 
alluded to ancient times, of which I cannot speak here. I have, 
besides, in different parts of the same treatise, 2 made observations 
explaining the absence or the extreme scarceness of more or less 
ancient documents, which observations are equally applicable here. 
I will now sum them up and complete them, for I am obliged to 
commence by negative proofs, not only because I cannot produce 
many others, but also because these already possess considerable 

First. In the countries where the Gypsies were best known, the 
historians of the country formerly disdained to speak of them ; indeed, 

See also pp. 5, 6, a passage which particularly points to the period preceding the 
earliest recorded appearance of the Gypsies in the west. 
See pp. 30-33. Cp. p. 40. 


we should have heard nothing of the existence of the Gypsies in 
Roumania in the fourteenth century, had they not already been 
reduced to bondage there, and become in consequence the object of 
important donations ; nor in Corfu and the island of Cyprus at the 
same period, if in these two islands they had not been submitted to 
conditions equally special; nor in Crete so far back as 1322, nor in 
the Peloponnesus, a little later, if foreign travellers had not passed 
that way. We should not have heard of their travelling in the 
twelfth century over Austria and the "world," according to the 
expression of an Austrian monk of the period, if he had not had 
the strange idea of introducing them and describing them in a metrical 
translation of the book of Genesis. We should be quite ignorant 
of their existence in the Byzantine empire ever since the seventh 
century (or, according to M. Miklosich, the beginning of the ninth 
century) up to the thirteenth, if they had not been more or less mixed 
up with a sect of heretics of low degree, under the name of Athingans. 
In a word, we should know nothing of the existence of the Gypsies in 
the south-east of Europe before 1417, if it had not been for purely 
accidental circumstances, and if, in the greater number of the places 
I have just named, they had not been in conditions absolutely 
different from their normal state, and which were the cause of the 
documents that have come down to us. 

But I proceed to make a statement which is very applicable in 
the present case, for it proves that the Gypsies, even when new-comers 
in a country, might pass there unperceived a statement as simple as 
it is important and one which has but recently come under my notice, 
for I produce it here for the first time. It obliges me to enter into 
some preliminary explanations. 

In support of my theory concerning the antiquity of the Gypsies 
in the south-east of Europe, after having sought confirmation in my 
preceding remark for explaining the absence or extreme paucity of 
documents relative to their presence there in ancient times (and I do 
not doubt but that they were well known there), I remarked, in $tat 
de la question (pp. 31-33), that it was on the contrary impossible that 
their appearance or their first arrival should not have been signalised 
in these countries if it had occurred in times more or less modern ; 
for it is absolutely unlikely that the Gypsies, numbering several 
hundreds of thousands in this region, should have crossed the Bos- 
porus under the walls of Byzantium, and in the light of historical 
times, without any annalist having made mention of the circumstance. 
To this very significant absence of documents concerning so consider- 


able a fact, I opposed (p. 31) the relative abundance of those which 
mention the appearance of the Gypsies in the west in the fifteenth 
century, although they were much less numerous, because they were 
new-comers there. The first part of this demonstration retains a certain 
value on account of the enormous number of Gypsies who, or at least 
the majority of whom, must have crossed a region so limited and so 
anciently civilised as that bordering on the Bosporus : but I perceive 
that the second part is very weak, not to say ineffective, for, if we are 
tolerably well informed respecting the immigration of the Gypsies into 
the west in the fifteenth century, it is owing to very peculiar cir- 
cumstances which are quite foreign to the normal condition of 
this people. 

The documents which make us acquainted with the Gypsies in 
the first period of their immigration into the west (1417-1438), when 
there were but few of them, are exclusively of two sorts : several 
passages in Chronicles, and a still more considerable number of 
entries in Municipal Accounts, attesting the gifts made to such or 
such a duke, earl, or lord of Little Egypt and his band, who invari- 
ably presented themselves as penitents and pilgrims banished from 
their homes, and who generally exhibited in support of their state- 
ments and demands for subsidies, letters of recommendation at first 
from the Emperor and, later, from the Pope. This certainly is not what 
may be called the common way in which the Gypsies present them- 
selves, and it is to this exceptional circumstance that we are indebted 
for all the entries in Town Accounts by which the presence of 
these new-comers into the west during the period extending from 
1417 to 1438, and long afterwards, is made known. As for the 
passages in Chronicles, which are the only source of information for 
the first period that can be added to the preceding, I doubt whether 
we should have had a single one, had it not been for a concurrence of 
similar exceptional circumstances ; that is to say, if the Gypsies, 
especially at the commencement of the immigration, instead of 
shunning observation and dispersing themselves, as one might have 
expected, over the country, and introducing themselves in small 
numbers at a time and more or less furtively into the towns, had 
not on the contrary made a point of presenting themselves in cities 
with a sort of ostentation, drawing all eyes to them. What is quite 
certain is that we should not otherwise have had the important 
narratives furnished by the chronicler of Flanders (Tournai, 1422), 
nor by the Bourgeois de Paris, 1427, nor many others. 

It is even very probable, as may be said in passing, that this 


entirely new statement may help to explain why the beginnings of 
the Gypsies in England have remained so obscure. I have some 
grounds for thinking, indeed, that it is because (for reasons that I 
shall, perhaps, examine in their time and place) they did not pre- 
sent themselves there in the same manner as on the Continent, but 
introduced themselves more or less furtively. 

Second. Even in the countries where the Gypsies are well known 
(in the east and in the west) a multitude of different names have been, 
and still are given to them, under which they are often not easily 
recognised. It would require a long chapter to enumerate and 
explain all those with which we are acquainted. Add to this list the 
names which we do not know, i.e. those which may have been in use 
at periods more or less ancient, and which may have fallen into dis- 
use even before 1417, the date at which the Gypsies began themselves 
to make themselves well known in the west ; add also the names of 
a vulgar kind, such as vagabond, beggar, foreigner, etc., under which 
the Gypsies may have been designated separately, or along with other 
people of the same sort ; and it will be understood that documents 
concerning the Gypsies in the west before 1417 may exist, which 
leave us very uncertain as to whether or not the Gypsies are there 
referred to. 

As complement to this new observation, it must be remarked that 
the names given to the Gypsies frequently depend upon those which 
they give themselves ostensibly, 1 but that this, in general, is only a 
fresh source of error or confusion. Indeed, even in the countries to 
which they are well accustomed, and where they are aware that they 
are well known, they avoid designating themselves by the names 
which are in use there ; still more do they conceal these names in 
other countries. It is thus that they called themselves Egyptians, or 
more exactly people of Little Egypt, when they spread over the west ; 
it is thus that the Gypsy blacksmiths, who have travelled over Europe 
during the last twenty years, coming from Hungary or the neighbour- 
ing lands, say that they are Hungarians, or attribute to themselves 
some other nationality ; from which it has resulted (and the detail is 
noteworthy) that, in a country like France, where the Gypsies have 
now been known for nearly five centuries, but where they are not 
numerous, provincial journalists, who have noticed their passage, have 
not at first recognised them for Gypsies. I could also mention the 
Greek Gypsies who landed at Liverpool in 1886; but I shall return 

1 I say ostensibly, because they have among themselves secret names, which we have 
only begun to know since the race has been studied. 



by and by to these strange travellers, as well as to the Gypsy black- 
smiths from Hungary. 

After the preceding observations, it will necessarily be admitted 
that Gypsies may have come into the west at divers periods anterior 
to 1417, without its being easy or even possible to find any historical 
confirmation of the fact ; and if so, when it is question of a race so 
addicted to travelling, why not admit at the same time that such must 
often have been the case ? 

I know very well that, in general, nomads remain within the 
bounds of the countries they are accustomed to wander over, and that 
the Gypsies themselves, who have not the same reasons as pastoral 
nomads for confining themselves to these limits, generally remain in 
the countries to which they have grown accustomed. It requires 
extraordinary circumstances to induce them to emigrate en masse ; 
and it is for this reason, no doubt, that the great immigration (very 
partial nevertheless) of the Gypsies into the west only took place 
centuries after they had fixed their seat in the east. But this obser- 
vation is applicable only to the masses; and all those who are 
acquainted with the Gypsies know that there are some amongst them, 
belonging to whatsoever category, who travel over new countries, 
and that there are even families of Gypsies who emigrate to distant 
lands. There is besides a class peculiar to the Gypsies a remarkable 
class, and which I suspect to have been much more numerous 
formerly whose habit it is to make trading circuits more or less 
extensive : I mean the blacksmiths, who have now their principal seat 
in Hungary and in the Banat of Temesvar. 

It is precisely these Gypsy blacksmiths who are described to us 
at the beginning of the twelfth century, by an Austrian monk, as 
" travelling far over the world'' 1 and it is the same Gypsy Caldarari 
(as they are called in the districts of Roumania where they are 
accustomed to journey) who have recommenced in our own days, 
throughout the whole of the west, circuits which have led them some- 
times as far as England, as far as Norway, and sometimes, by way 
of France and Spain, as far as Corsica and Algeria. France was, dur- 
ing a certain time, " infested " by them, to quote the newspapers of 
the day, whilst I was rejoicing in the good luck which had thrown 
them in my way. How can we doubt that the great circuits which 
they appear to have made in the twelfth century, which we have our- 
selves seen them make, especially since 1866, and which seem to have 

1 I have already made allusion to this document ; but I refer the reader anew to Etat de 
la question, pp. 23-29. 


nearly ceased during the last few years, 1 have not since the twelfth 
century, at any rate, had various alternations, 2 and that Gypsies, con- 
sequently, have travelled over the west at many periods, which 
it is all the more difficult, if not impossible, to determine, as these 
circuits were intermittent, and must often have been made in different 
directions ? 

These exotic Gypsy blacksmiths generally return to the country 
whence they came, and consequently are not immigrants ; they may, 
however, very well figure in the antecedents of the immigration into 
the west. 

As to the other, and much more numerous, Gypsies of the east, it 
may have happened amongst them, as it happens at the present time 
amongst the Gypsies of every country, that some individuals, or even 
some families, take to travelling merely to see foreign parts, and that 
their adventurous disposition may thus have led them into the west 
without, perhaps, their having settled there. It is among them, 
however, that there may and that there must have been real immi- 
grants into the west long before 1417; for independently of the 
genera] circumstances which determine a great movement of migra- 
tion among the Gypsies, such as that of the fifteenth century, there 
are always particular and local circumstances which may engage a 
group of families to adventure themselves into new countries with 
the hope of finding there easier means of living. Those of my 
readers who bear in mind the observations I advanced above, 
will understand that, even if these immigrations into the west were 
of frequent occurrence during the Middle Ages, that is to say, in dis- 
turbed times, when there were in our countries so many wayfarers and 

1 I am much less well informed in this respect during the last few years than I was for- 
merly. I should be very grateful to those who would inform me as exactly as possible of 
the passage of these Gypsy blacksmiths from Hungary. They travel sometimes in rather 
large numbers in waggons, which have no resemblance to the houses upon wheels of our 
Gypsies, and wherever they stop they set up large, terts, where each waggon finds its place. 
The men have generally long hair, and clothes more or less foreign, often ornamented with 
very large silver buttons, and the chiefs carry a large stick with a silver head. It is easy to 
recognise them at a glance by these signs, and by their trade. The first information to be 
gathered, as far as possible, is respecting their own numbers, the number of their horses, 
and of their tents and waggons, the dates of their arrival and of their departure, the direction 
they follow, the names of the chiefs, etc. Question them, if one can, on the extent and 
duration of their journey, on the number of Gypsies of the same profession as themselves, on 
the countries w,hich they and their fellows have now the habit of frequenting. Articles from 
newspapers concerning them would be welcome, but if any such are sent as cuttings, the date 
and the name of the newspaper are requested. 

2 The journeys of these Gypsy blacksmiths had already been remarked in Germany and 
Italy long before 1866, as I have noted in Etat de la question, p. 56. On the other hand, 
the Edict of Ferdinand and Isabella, published at Medina del Campo, in 1499, mentions the 
"Calderos estranyeros," who might well be Gypsies (see my Gitanos d'JSspagne, Congress 
of Lisbon, 1880, tire apart, 1884, p. 509). 1 could quote other documents of the same kind 
as this, but none more precise. 


beggars, so many vagabonds more dangerous than most of the Gyp- 
sies, they may not have left any historical traces, especially if such 
immigrations were made, as is probable, by small groups, and without 
noise, and if the new-comers did not too much abuse the patience of 
the natives. 

But to make this more evident, I will take a recent example, 
placing it hypothetically in an unknown past. Every one knows 
in England how, in July 1886, a band of about a hundred 
Gypsies coming from the south-east of Europe landed at Liverpool ; 
they intended taking passage to America, where they hoped to find 
an easier life; but various obstacles having prevented them from 
carrying out their intention, they at last remained in England, 
where they dispersed themselves more or less, and where they appear 
to be already quite forgotten. 1 In a country like England, where the 
Gypsies are so well known, it was easily guessed what they were, and 
when it was known through the Greek Consul at Liverpool, whose 
protection they invoked, tthat most of them came from Corfu, 2 they 
were immediately designated by the name of Greek Gypsies. They 
had besides no reason for not saying themselves whence they 
came ; but they obstinately refused, as they invariably do, to confess 
themselves Gypsies, and there might have remained some doubts 
on this subject, if Gypsiologists, as expert as Mr. Crofton and Mr. 
MacEitchie, had not paid them a visit. 

It is clear that perfectly analogous facts may and must have 
occurred before 1417 as well as in our own times. I say analo- 
gous, and not identical, because the causes which occasion emigra- 
tion may differ according to the cases, and also because in olden 
times the object more or less vaguely had in view could not have 

1 Although as well informed as possible by Mr. Crofton, who knew that this Gypsy epi- 
sode would particularly interest me, and who sent me with his usual great obligingness all 
that he could collect in newspaper articles concerning them, I was able to know only up to 
May 1887, and very imperfectly, what had become of one or two of their detachments, and 
since then I have remained entirely without information respecting them. Here, again, I 
should be truly grateful to any one who could give me tidings of these strangers since May 
1887 or even add any information anterior to this date. Another interesting point 
would be to know exactly what causes had influenced their emigration from Corfu, and pro- 
bably the emigration of those who had preceded them in Corsica (see the following note). 
But this is a question which probably only could be elucidated in Corfu, where I can scarcely 
hope that our Journal will find any one disposed to make this little inquiry. 

2 Corfu is precisely the seat of a Gypsy colony, of which Hopf (Die einwanderung der 
Zigeuner, Gotha, 1870, pp. 17-22) has sketched the history since 1346 up to our days (I have 
summed it up in Mat de la question, pp. 20, 21). I must observe that already, in July 1881, 
a band of Gypsy blacksmiths from Corfu, much less numerous than those which arrived in 
Liverpool, had landed in Corsica after having travelled over Italy. But I cannot enlarge 
here on the sad adventure that happened to it in Corsica. I will only remark that, although 
blacksmiths, they did not, any more than the Gypsies who disembarked at Liverpool,^ belong 
to the class of great Gypsy travellers, who have their principal seat in Hungary and in the 
Banat, and who are not, habitually at least, emigrants. 


been America. But these are secondary circumstances. It is not less 
clear that, if the fact I have just recalled to mind had taken place 
a few centuries or only a few years before 1417, it would remain 
perfectly unknown to us ; for, supposing what is already very doubt- 
ful, that some English annalist had recorded the advent at Liverpool 
of these singular strangers, it would be impossible for us to know 
that they were Gypsies. And yet the circumstances in which this 
little Gypsy immigration into England was accomplished render 
it much more striking than those which must have taken place 
from one country to another on the Continent by a sort of infil- 
tration this is what I wished to put in evidence. 

There must have been thus small migrations into the west at all 
periods posterior to the unknown time of the first establishment of 
the Gypsies in the south-east of Europe, and particularly, no doubt, 
at epochs almost equally unknown to-day, where Gypsy population 
has received new recruits, or has displaced itself in these countries ; 1 
and this is what I call the antecedents of the immigration of the 
fifteenth century, comprising therein the great trading circuits of the 
Gypsy blacksmiths. But this immigration of the fifteenth century 
itself may have had some forerunners, as it has certainly had some 
loiterers ; I mean to say that groups of Gypsies, urged no doubt by 
the same causes which produced this general movement so singu- 
larly inaugurated in 1417 and in the following years, may before 
this date have spread themselves in some countries of the west, and 
remained more or less unperceived because they slid in without 
noisy demonstrations. This is what I call the preludes. 

Among the few documents that I have now to make known, 
the two first seem to belong to this last kind of facts. I would not 
affirm it, however, because, details being wanting, one cannot be 
certain whether such of these facts may not have had its root in 
an older past, and be independent of tne causes that produced the 
immigration whose official beginning dates from 1417. 

Wilhelm Dilich (whose real name is Wil. Schaefer) tells us, in his 
Hessian Chronicle, 2 that some Zigeuners came into this country 
in 1414 ; here is all he says under the head of the above-named 
year : " Then (zu der zeit) came for the first time into this country 
the thieving, malicious, and wizard beggars (Bettelvolk) the Zi- 

1 It is natural indeed to suppose that, in a population which has so little cohesion, a move- 
ment of migration, even partial and limited, may not stop exactly where the principal mass 
takes up its new abode. Once in movement some go further, and may go very far. 

2 Hessische Chronick, Cassel, 1617, in fol., p. 229. 


'Another very trustworthy chronicler, G. Fabricius, gives us 
in terms also too concise a piece of information relating to Meissen , 
in 1416, but which, although by two years posterior to the preceding, 
appears to have a little more importance; under the date A. 1416, 
" By order," he says, " of Prince Frederick, l the Zingani, a sort of 
wandering, mischievous people, are driven out of the country on 
account of their pilferings, their stellionates, 2 and their disorderly 
life." 3 But these Gypsies (whose number is nowhere named), since 
what date were they in Meissen ? It seems likely that if their arrival 
there had been quite recent, Fabricius might have known it, and 
would have mentioned it. We have here, however, only a slight 
presumption of their more or less ancient sojourn in the country. 

As I have already said (p. 186), various authors have attempted 
to rectify the dates furnished by these two documents ; and I myself, 
in my memoir of 1847 (pp. 18, 19, and pp. 25, 26), had accepted 
these rectifications ; but I now reject them (as already in 1849, p. 
37), and this time very decidedly. It was Calvisius who, referring 
in his Opus chronologicum (Frankfort, edit. 1650, in fol., p. 873) to 
the passage in Fabricius, substituted the date of 1418 and changed 
the sense. 4 He gives, of course, no explanation. Grellrnann after- 
wards adopts this pretended rectification, and inflicts a perfectly similar 
one upon the passage from Dilich, giving as sole reason that the 
date of 1414 is impossible, because no other author speaks of the 
Gypsies before 1417. 5 But this is a poor reason, and Calvisius had 
certainly no other for rectifying Fabricius. It has been previously 
seen whither this criterion had led Grellmann in speaking of the 
east: it is not more certain here. Without doubt the chroniclers 
are not infallible, especially when they are not contemporary with 
the fact they relate and date. We shall see this with regard to the 
Gypsies in Switzerland in 1418 ; but we must, nevertheless, rely on 
the chroniclers, and believe that they had some reliable document 

1 Frederick the Warlike, Margrave of Meissen, a prince jealous of his sovereignty, and 
n bad terms with the Emperor Sigismund. 

2 A stellionate consists in selling as one's own a thing belonging to another person a 
stolen horse, for example. 

3 A. 1416 : " Zigaui. genus hominum erroneum et maleficum, ex ea ditione, propter furta, 
stellionatum et libidines, exterminantur, mandate Frederic! pi-incipis," Georg. Fabricii 
Chemnicensis Rerum Misnic.arum Libri viii., Lipsiae, without date, in 4to. G. Fabricius, a 
Latin poet and an exact and esteemed historian, was born at Chemnitz (Electorate, subse- 
quently Kingdom of Saxony) in 1516. He only published his Res Misnicce in 1560, in 4to, 
two years before his death. 

4 Here is the passage of the Opus chronologicum of Calvisius indicated above : "Tartar!, 
vulgo Zigeuner, genus erroneum et maleficum, primum in his regionibus visum ; et propter 
furta et libidiues ex Misnia exterminantur FAB." 

5 Grellmann, 1787, pp. 206, 207 ; Fr. trans, of 1810, p. 209. 


under their eyes, when we have not some good reason for rectifying 
them ; and here I perceive none whatever. 

I now come to a document which must be anterior to the year 
1400, and which has been published 1 without any commentary by 
Professor Dr. Eeuss of Wiirtzburg, under the title : " Proclamation 
against Gypsies (Verordnung gegeu Zigeuner)." But the point is 
to be absolutely sure that it jeally concerns the Gypsies, and this I 
make no pretension to decide. I will only offer some observations 
which render this ascription more likely in my eyes than it first 
appeared to me. Here is the whole passage from Dr. Eeuss : 

" The book of Statutes (Statutenbuch) of the prince-bishop of 

Wiirtzburg, Gerhard de Schwartzburg (elected in 1373, died in 1400), 

a manuscript on parchment belonging to the historical society (Histor. 

Verein) of Wiirtzburg . . . contains at fol. (? Bl.) 34, the following 

. proclamation : 

" Concerning those who lodge and harbour the people belonging 
to the nation of the Bemische. It is also our will and we order all 
our subjects, as well priests as laymen, ecclesiastics and seculars, poor 
and rich, established in our state of Wirczburg, and also all inn- 
keepers, concerning the foreigners called Bemische, that they wholly 
abstain from giving them to eat and drink, from lodging them or 
from receiving them into their houses. Whoever infringes this order 
will be punished by a fine of one florin." 

This ordinance does not contain anything that might not very 
well be applied to the Gypsies, but it does not describe them in a 
way to make them clearly recognisable. It remains then to know 
what were " these foreigners called Bemische" 

Now, amongst the entries concerning the Gypsies which Dr. G. L. 
Kriegk, archivist of the town of Frankfort-on-the-Main, has extracted 
either from the Books of Accounts, or from the Books of the Bur- 
gomasters of the said town, and published in his work Deutsches 

1 In Anzeiger fur Kunde der deutschen Vorzeit, vol L, year 1855 (first published at 
Niirnbei-g in 1863), col. 83, 84. The article contains, besides, nothing in addition to what 
I translate above, but a short notice of a deliberation of the Council of the town of Wurtz- 
burg concerning a Gypsy woman (Zigeunerin) in 1494. In the year 1856, same vol. i. of 
the same collection, is to be found, col. 173, 174, an article signed "Aug. Stober," where it 
is sought to establish that Gypsies existed in Alsace towards the year 1270 ; but the demon- 
stration leaves much to be desired, and I content myself with referring to it the reader who 
would wish to go deeper into the question. To conclude, the year 1857 (vol. ii. of the 
same collection, published also at Niirnberg in 1863), contains, col. 369-371, an article 
upon " The Zigeuner in Westphalia, by Frederick Woeste, of Iserlohn," which tends to 
prove that the Gypsies existed in Westphalia before the end of the fourteenth century, on 
one hand, under various names, especially under the Latin name offoculatrices, serving to 
designate the Gypsy women ; and, on the other hand, under the name of Gaiuierschen. But 
here, neither, do I find anything conclusive, nor even sufficiently plausible to induce me to 
stop to examine it. 


Burgerthum im Mittelalter (vol. i.), Frankfort-a-M., 1868, in Svo, I 
remark in note 133, 1 p. 541, the following mention, under the date 
of 1495 : " Those who call themselves Bemisclien are to go away, other- 
wise the council will have them put in prison." This entry occurs in 
the midst of many others which incontestably concern the Gypsies, 
designated under various names and under various forms of the name 
Zigeuner, which have their interest, and M. Kriegk does not ex- 
press the slightest doubt but that this entry equally concerns them. 
Now, although M. Kriegk does not explain the name Bemische, 2 a 
German archivist of the town to which these documents relate 
appears better situated than ourselves to appreciate a case of this 
kind, and the identification which he accepts between the people who 
bore this name and the Gypsies has probably some value. 

I think I might find other examples of the name Bemische 
applied elsewhere, in Holland for example, to the Gypsies in the 
fifteenth century, if I had time to seek them. 

But here is a very strange document which brings us back to 
the principality of Wiirtzburg, where we have found this name 
Bemische given before the end of the fourteenth century, to 
"strangers" whom the prince-bishop forbids his subjects to lodge 
or feed a document calculated to make one presume that Gypsies 
must in reality have existed from early times in this little state. 

There is a Chronique de Flandre, containing a passage, as clear 
as it is interesting, concerning the Gypsies at Tournai, towards 
the month of May 1422, 3 of which I shall make use in my First 
Period. The author of this Chronicle, who is a contemporary, and 
who has certainly seen the " Egyptians" of whom he speaks, ends the 
description he gives of them by the following remark : " And folks 

1 Containing extracts from the Biirgermeisterbiicher of the town of Frankfort. 

2 One can scarcely think this word has any connection with that of Bohmen, which I 
meet with under the date of 1480 in the extracts drawn from the Stadtischen Rechenbucher 
of the town of Frankfort (in the same vol. of M. Kriegk, p. 150), because this name of 
Bohmen (no doubt Bohemien, as in France), which has nothing surprising in 1480, would 
with difficulty be explained if applied to the Gypsies of a period anterior to 1400, when the 
name of Bemische was already in use. I remark, by the way, that M. Kriegk, who, p. 149, 
quotes this name of " Bohmen (Beheimen) " amongst those given at Frankfort to the Gypsies 
in the sixteenth century, thinks, p. 150, that the Bohmen of the document of 1480 mentioned 
above, "do not appear to have been Gypsies, because they had not been simply sent away 
or driven from the town, but they had been conducted to ... the forge called Waldschmide, 
near Nidda, in Upper Hesse." But this detail appears to me, on the contrary, to indicate 
that they were probably Gypsy blacksmiths, upon whom it was sought to impose regular 

3 Recueil des Chroniques de Flandre, published under the direction of the Royal Com- 
mission of History by J. J. de Smet, in 4to, vol. iii., Brussels, 1856, p. 372 and following. 
All this curious passage has been reproduced in Extraits des anciens registres des Consaux 
de la Ville de Tournai, published by H. Vanderbroeck, archivist of the town, in 8vo., vol. i., 
Tournai, 1861, pp. 236-238. 


gossiped about the allegation made by these people that they came 
from Egypt, but they were only, as hath since been known, from a 
town in Germany named in Latin Epipolensis, and in common parlance 
Mahone, 1 situate between the town of ' Wilsenacque ' and ' Komme,' 
at six days' journey from the said ' Vilsenacque/ and they abide 
there by tribute and servitude." 

The way in which it has pleased the Flemish chronicler to indicate 
the geographical position of the town which he calls in Latin Epipo- 
lensis, between the town of " Wilsenacque " (which must be Wilsnach, 
a small town of the Marquisate of Brandenburg ) 2 and " Komme " (?) 
.... seems a sort of enigma made on purpose to embarrass the 
reader; but yet the important place, which the chronicler desig- 
nates by a Latin adjective more or less inaccurate, Epipolensis, can 
be none other than Wurtzburg, in Latin Herbipolis. 3 It is then 
finally from Wurtzburg that the chronicler makes the pretended 
Egyptians come. Certainly it is not thence that all those came 
who spread over the west, and we have good reasons for thinking 
that neither did the band which appeared at Tournai in 1422 come 
from thence; but that this chronicler, who was, moreover, a very 
intelligent man, should have had such an idea, he must have learnt 
soon after the passage of the band which came to Tournai in May 
1422, that Wurtzburg, or rather Fran coma, of which the larger part 
formed the state of the prince-bishop, contained a certain number of 
people of the same sort who " abode there by tribute and servitude." 
Now this is not a condition to which, before 1422, the Gypsies of the 
immigration commenced in 1417 could have been reduced; it is a 
condition more or less analogous to those in which we have found the 
Gypsies in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries in various countries 
of the east, to which they appear to have been subjected for a 
long time ; it could only have been established in the bishopric of 
Wurtzburg over Gypsies who had arrived there successively by 
families, or in very small groups, who had tried their chance in the 
west, and who, not well knowing what to do, had accommodated 
themselves to the sort of semi-servitude offered them, in return, no 
doubt, for some advantages, and above all for their being tolerated in 
this principality. 

From these considerations, I am strongly disposed to believe 

1 M. Vanderbroeck writes here Mahode : is this a correction ? 

2 See the Diction. Geogr. of Baudrand, Paris, 1705, in fol., at the word Wilsmac/i', 

3 See the same at the word Wiirtdnirg. It remains to be learnt if this town has 
been sometimes called, "in common parlance," by a name approaching to MaJwne or 


that the Bemische who occasioned the ordinance issued at a date 
necessarily comprised between 1373 and 1400, by Gerhard de 
Schwarzburg, prince-bishop of Wiirtzburg, were really Gypsies. In 
support of the detail supplied by the chronicler of Flanders that " they 
abode there by tribute and servitude," that is to say that they were 
tolerated there under certain conditions by which the bishop probably 
profited, one may remark that this prince did not drive them out of 
his principality as the Margrave of Meissen did at a later date, but 
that he only prohibited his subjects from lodging them or feeding 
them under penalty of a fine, a radical measure which he may have 
taken in the interest of those it affected in order to prevent the 
Bemische from being any longer a burden to them. 

It must be well understood that I do not offer these conjectures 
for certainties, but they appear to me highly plausible. This probable 
state of things still existed, it appears, in 1422, and it may have 
lasted some time longer. But, first of all, some of the Gypsy families, 
those least amenable, to discipline, may have shaken off the yoke 
before this period, although to all appearance it was not very heavy, 
and may have passed into Meissen, for example, whence they were 
to be expelled in 1416, or into Hesse, where the presence of 
Gypsies is signalised as early as 1414. Besides, it is probable that 
the spectacle of the benefits the immigrants of 1417 and of the 
following years derived from their frauds may have tempted the 
Gypsies of Franconia, that the example of the independence of these 
new-comers may at least have been an inducement to emancipate 
themselves, and that they mixed themselves little by little with the 
other Gypsies of the west. 

However that may be, it will be remarked that the foregoing 
facts, and others which some writers have pretended to establish, 
but which I neglected as being still less certain than those to which 
I have drawn attention, concern the western region of Germany. 
This is easily explained. The diversity of the languages spoken in 
different countries is an obstacle that the Gypsies know very well 
how to surmount when they have any reason for venturing into new 
countries ; but it is an obstacle which naturally stops them under 
ordinary circumstances, whilst on the contrary they are naturally, so 
to speak, induced to pursue their course wherever a language with 
which they are already familiar is spoken ; for their true frontiers are 
not the political ones, but those traced by language, and it is thus 
that the great Gypsy groups which exist in Europe have been formed, 
and the dialects of the Gypsy tongue, which correspond at the same 


time to these groups and to the geographical distribution of the 
various languages. Now the German language, with which the 
Gypsies of the south-east must have familiarised themselves in the 
archduchy of Austria and elsewhere, had long before 1417 been ex- 
tended (with dialectic differences which were not sufficient to arrest 
them) as far as the North Sea, Alsace, and certain Swiss cantons. 
It is, then, in this direction that Gypsy families of an adventurous 
disposition would prefer turning their steps, 1 and it is in these parts 
more especially that we may hope to make some discoveries. As the 
Italian language had extended itself before the end of the middle 
ages over several isles of the eastern waters of the Mediterranean, 
this circumstance must have been an additional reason 2 for early 
attracting the eastern Gypsies to Italy. 

I must add two final remarks. 

It will now be easily understood why I have changed the 
original title of my work: De V apparition et de la dispersion des 
Bohemiens en Europe. Besides its being no longer a question of the 
whole of Europe, the apparition of the Gypsies, even in the west in 
the fifteenth century, has not now in my eyes any other than a 
relative meaning, and, so to say, official, as I have already pointed out. 
As to the word dispersion, it has never been satisfactory, and I 
should have changed it even in 1844 to diffusion, had it not 
been objected, and very justly, that in French this word, when 
used in the sense of "spreading," is little employed except in 
physics, and can scarcely be applied correctly, even by extension, 
otherwise than to things such as light, riches, etc. Both are advan- 
tageously superseded by immigration, which, besides, lends itself to 
the modifications that the division of the subject into various periods 
admits of. 

Secondly, several of the chroniclers whom I shall have to 
quote in the First Period add, in recording the presence of 
Gypsies in such or such a place, or even country, that it was the 
first time that they had been seen there. I am always careful to 
reproduce this statement, which may have its interest ; but I wish to 
add that I do not attach more importance to it than it merits. 
Without speaking of what may have occurred at periods placed by 
me under the head of Antecedents and Preludes, and without going 
further back than the First Period, such a statement may be subject 

1 It was, perhaps, the same motive that contributed to decide the first Gypsies of the 
immigration of 1417 to go first to the Hanseatic Towns, and to commence by travelling over 
the countries where the German tongue is spoken. 

2 See above, p. 194. 


to revision. A chronicler, even contemporary, may be mistaken in 
this respect, especially if he extends his remark to the whole of a 
country. But it must be observed that it is generally writers who 
are not contemporary who add this statement to the fact revealed 
to them by such or such a document : it is the first they are 
acquainted with, but it may not in reality have the signification 
they attribute to it. We have already seen (p. 206) that Calvisius, 
not satisfied with changing the date given by Fabricius, also 
impairs the sense of it by adding these words : " primum in his 
regionibus visum." Others may have erred more innocently. We 
shall meet with several proofs or several tokens of errors of this 
kind. But, even there, where motives for rectification or suspicion 
are wanting, the expression for the first time should never be con- 
sidered as infallible. I have here spoken only of the Chronicles, 
because the Town Accounts, always confining themselves with much 
precision to the actual fact, never employ such a form ; but, if it be 
a document of this nature which has served as guide to a chronicler, 
he may all the more easily have taken for a first mention such or such 
an entry in these accounts which may perhaps have been preceded, 
at a date more or less distant, by one or two other entries which have 
escaped his notice. 

In concluding this preliminary chapter, I acknowledge that it is 
not rich in facts; but in speaking, in 1844, of that which concerned 
the Gypsies in Eastern Europe, I remarked (De I' apparition, etc., 
p. 5) that it was an outline but slightly filled in. It has already 
gained something since then ; and I hope it will gain still more. 
Conclusive documents will be still more difficult to discover and 
discern, as I have shown superabundantly and perhaps tediously ; but 
time, and the labour of scholars more learned than myself, will, no 
doubt, do their work, and perhaps my successors will give a thought 
to him who has opened up these two questions. 



T OBTAINED the following song from a woman in Florence who is 
a fortune-teller. She assured me that it is actually a Gypsy 
lyric, and in fact the realism in it is very striking. There are very 
few ballads in existence which are so simply descriptive of hard 
life, and with so little conventional " poetry " in them. A remark- 



able feature in this ballad is its resemblance and almost identity with 
old Spanish songs of a similar type. 


lo son Zingara che passegio 
I villagi e la citta, 
Con del ferri che io vendo 
Per la calza lavora'. 
E lavoro delle calze 
E un lavoro poveretto, 
Peverina io lo sraetto 
Non avendo da mangiar. 
Questi ferri e proccaciato 
Per andare a dispensare, 
Per un un soldo guardonare, 
Per pigliarlo un' po' di pan. 
Neppur questo non mi giova, 
La nriseria e sempre grande, 
Si un organetto posso farmi 
Quello andero suonar. 
Sotto le finestre dei Signori, 
E dei principi, dei conti, 
E dei marchesi, 
Fin che questi un soldarello 
Me lo passino a me buttar. 
E allor sempre ripetando, 
" di ferri a dispensar ! " 
Chi lo sa, un biondetto 
un inoretto, purche sia, 
Non si possa inamorar. 
E allor' sempre cantaro : 
Ha la la la ra la la, 
E de' ferri non vo, piu, 
Io dispensar ra la la ! 

I'm a Gypsy girl who wanders 
By the villages or town, 
Selling iron-ware, knitting stockings, 
Walking, working up and down. 

But this ever knitting stockings 
Does me very little good, 
Poor me ! I 'd so gladly leave it, 
For I often want for food. 

And the iron ware I purchase 
Just to make a little trade, 
Just to get a penny profit, 
And to buy a bit of bread. 

But I 've very little pleasure, 
Suffering 's always in my way, 
Could I buy a small hand organ, 
Then I 'd go about and play, 

Neath the windows of the nobles, 
Counts and lords whate'er they be, 
Till some marquis from the window 
Throws a penny out to me. 

Then you 'd always hear me singing : 
" Iron ware I 'd let it be ! " 
Who knows but some fair young fellow- 
Or a dark may follow me ! 

Then I always would be singing : 
Ra la la la ra la la. 
Then adieu to all the iron, 
With a lal lal lal de ra! 

It is almost needless to say that I have given the song verbatim 
as it was sung, and have made no attempt to correct the Italian. 
The air accompanying it is very pretty, simple and original. 


FLORENCE, Feb. 25, 1889. 


THE eminent Professor Antonio Gianandrea has lately discovered 
among the municipal archives of Senigaglia (Marches of An- 
cona), ten documents relating to the Gypsies, of which the earliest 
bears the date of 1550 and the most recent that of 1742. These are 


of considerable importance in the history of the Italian Gypsies, and 
I believe that I shall be giving pleasure to the readers of our Journal 
in now bringing under their notice these hitherto unpublished 

Senigaglia is a small town of The Marches, built upon the shores 
of the Adriatic, and is the birth-place of the late Pope Pius the Ninth. 
At the date of the first of the following documents that is to say in 

1550 this town was under the rule of the Dukes of Urbino, powerful 

feudal nobles, who there retained a Lieutenant (Luogotenente). But, 
besides this representative of the ducal government, the town main- 
tained its municipal powers, like all the other free towns of Italy at 
that period. 

The two first of these documents relate to a decree of expulsion 
against the Gypsies, who are ordered to quit the territory within four 
days, under pain of suffering forthwith, three tratti di corda, 1 after 
which they were to be sent to the galleys, their goods falling to any 
of the citizens who chose to appropriate them. 

Eiform. 1550-57, c. 7. verso. 

1550, 5 August. Consiglio, etc. 

II luogotenente ducale D. Hieronymus Egidius Presentavit litteras 
ducales locumtenenti directas ad instantiam hujus Comunitatis de 
propellendis omnibus Egiptiacis seu Zingaris, et quod nullus Zingarus 
valeat in futurum morari in curte Senogalliae. Et sic expeditum con- 

Decreti, Lib. A, c. 75 e Lib. E, c. 85. 

1552. 10 April. A tergo: Locumtenenti nostro civitatis Senogal- 
liae. Inius : 

II Duca d'UrUno Luogotenente, Per liberare i nostri sudditi dai 
continui latrocinii, che fanno i Zingari nel nostro stato prohibirete per 
pubblico bando nei luoghi soliti, che in termine di quattro giorni se par- 
tano con le loro famiglie e robbe dal nostro Stato sotto pena de tre 
tratti de corda da darseli immediate, si verranno in potere de' nostri 
offitiali, e di essere mandati alia galera a nostro beneplacito : Concedendo 
che a ciascuno sia lecito svaligiarli, se vi saranno trovati da quel in poi : 
non obstante alcuna cosa in contrario. E farete registrare la presente a 
perpetua memoria, notificandola a tutti i luoghi della vostra giurisdi- 
tione et medesimamente al Vicariato. 2 Di Pesaro il di xd'Aprile 1552. 

In the third document, that of 19th July 1553, the Duke of 
Urbino orders his Lieutenant at Senigaglia again to expel the Gypsies 

1 The tratto di corda may be thus described : "The victim's hands were tied behind his 
back, and fastened to a rope running through a pulley fixed overhead. He was then hoisted 
by means of this pulley to a height of six or eight feet from the ground, so that, the 
whole weight of his body hanging from his wrists thus tied, all the articulations of the 
shoulders were thereby dislocated or broken. A prisoner was sentenced to undergo this 
torture three, four or five times even often er after which he was unbound." 

2 The Vicarage of Mondavio. 


from that territory, under pain of being despoiled and sent to the 
gallows. It would seem, however, from this document, that the 
Duke had granted a patent to several Gypsies, allowing them a per- 
manent residence, probably on the condition that they would change 
their way of living and forsake the Gypsy dress. This decree of 
banishment, therefore, did not strike at those Gypsies who possessed 
this patent. They, however, were notified that they must live 
honestly, without giving cause for complaint; otherwise they for- 
feited this privilege, and if any one of these sedentary Gypsies abused 
this favour, the Lieutenant was authorised to have him arrested and 
punished. The text is as follows : 

Ibid. Lib. E. c. 87 et Lib. A. cc. 76, verso 77. 

1553. 19 July. A tergo: Locumtenenti nostro, etc. Intus: 
II Duca d'Urbino Luogotenente, Farete per publico bando notificare 
a tutti i luochi solliti, et prohibirete che nisciun zingano di qualsivoglia 
sorte, che non habbia patente, possi o debba stare o praticare nel nostro 
Stato sotto pena de esser svaligiati et della forca, et quelli che non 
havessero patente, e non le presentino e gli monerete (sic) debbano viver 
bene e di maniera che non se ne senta querela alcuna, che alia prima se 
gli revocheranno ; e quando vi constara o constasse al presente che le 
havessero abusato, subbito provvederete alia loro retentione, et avisarete 
che vi si ordinara il gastigo che se gli havera a dare. Di Urbino il di 
19 de Luglio 1553. 

STEPHANUS de mandato Ill.mi. 



Eleven years later, the citizens lament anew their woes and 
sufferings through the annoyances and thefts of the Gypsies, who 
are again expelled and are ordered to go away with God, and never 
again to set foot in the Duchy, under the penalty of the galleys and 
the gibbet. The licences, in the exceptional case referred to previously, 
were to be presented and renewed, and any not thus confirmed afresh 
or found to be of past date, would be held to have become null and 
void : 

Decreti, Lib. A. c. 182. 

1564. 29 July. A tergo : ut s. Intus: 

II Duca d'Urbino Luogotenente, I continui richiami e querele, che ne 
sormo fatte da' nostri popoli degli insoportabili danni e latrocinj, che 
fanno continuamente i zingari e loro famiglie nel nostro Stato n' han 
fatto risolvere de non gli tollerare piu in modo alcuno. Per6 al havuta 
de questa farete per publico bando bandire in tutti i luoghi solliti, che 
senza interporvi tempo alcuno in mezzo se vadino con Dio, et che piu 
non ardischino starvi, tornarvi e praticarvi senza nuova nostra deter- 
minatione, alia pena della galera e della forca, come a Noi parera, e, pub- 
blicato che sia tal bando, lo farete registrare : Notificando, che se alcun 


pretende haver licenza per nostra patente, data sotto 11 presente anno, di 
starvi, che subbito venghino a presentarla all' udientia, che non mostrando 
confirmatione o nuova concessione, non intendemo habbia piii luogo. 
D'Urbino li 29 de Luglio 1564. 

JACOBUS mandate IlLmi. 

1564. 3 August Bando che i zingani non ardischino stare, praticare 
o passare in Senigaglia et suo territorio, ut infra, 

Per parte e commessione del Mag. Sig. Luogotenenti per ordine di 
S. E. si fa publico bando, et expressamente se prohibisce e comanda, che 
per 1' avvenire non sia zingaro alcuno, tanto in compagnia quanto solo, o 
sotto alcun altro quesito colore o sotto pretesto de licenza o patente 
ch' havessino havuto avanti il presente bando da S. E. che non ardiscano 
praticare, stare o passare per la citta de Senigaglia o suo territorio e 
distretto, senza nuova determinatione di sua Eccellenza 111. ma et 
sotto pena della galera o forca ad arbitrio di sua Eccellenza. Notificando, 
che se alcuni de essi pretende haver licentia o patente da sua Eccellenza, 
data sotto il presente anno 1564, di potervi stare, che subbito la debbano 
presentare in odientia, che non mostrando confirmatione o nuova con- 
cessione, non s' intendera habbino piii luogo, et non gli se menera buona. 
Die 3 August! 1564. (Here follows the declaration, in Latin, of the public 
proscriber, certifying that he had published this decree of banishment.) 

There is no further mention of Gypsies during the next sixteen 
years. But in 1580 Duke Francesco-Maria issues a new decree. 
From this it would appear that the Gypsies increased in number and 
in audacity no longer confined themselves to petty thefts committed 
in country districts, but entered the citizens' houses by force during 
the night-time, bound them, robbed them, and dishonoured their 
women. By this decree the Gypsies are expelled without distinction, 
whether or not they possess those patents, which are hereby abolished 
and revoked, and without caring whether or not they have relin- 
quished the Gypsy dress. Those who resist are doomed to the gallows, 
with forfeiture of their goods. The sbirri and the citizens, as soon as 
they see a Gypsy, male or female, are charged to call him to a halt, 
to fall upon him, and to try every means to take him alive. And if 
the fugitive faces round and resists, he may be killed with impunity. 

Decreti. Lib. A. c. 328. 
1580. 20 July. 

Francesco Maria Feltrio della Eovere IL, duca vi. d'Urbino, Signer di 
Pesaro et di Senigaglia, conte di Montefeltro e di Durante, Prefetto 
di Roma. 

Se bene da' nostri Antecessori sono state fatte provision! penali, 
perche li zingari non habbino pratica di sorte alcuna nel stato nostro, 
Nondimeno, essendo cresciuta tanto la malignita loro, che ardiscono non 
solo di commettere furti et rubberie, ma di andare anco la notte alle case 
d' alcuni, ligarli et torglili con violenza la robba et 1' honore ; Habbiamo 
determinato di accrescere li freni ancora et i Remedij. Per6 prohibiamo 
a tutti li zingari, maschi et femine, che per 1' avenire non ardischino anco, 


con pretesto di licenza o concessioni per 1' addietro ottenute, quali tutte 
revochiamo o d' haver lasciato 1' abito zingaresco et essercitio o d' altro 
qual si sia colore, andare, stare, conversare, passare o in altro modo 
praticare in luogo alcuno dello stato nostro, sotto pena della forca et 
confiscationi de' beni ; Commandando a ciascun nostro suddito, alia pena 
imposta da nostri Decreti, a quelli che ne perseguitano H Banditi capital- 
inente, che vedra zingaro o zingara nel nostro Stato, che li debba levar 
la grida et rumore dietro, et fare ogni opera d' haverli vivi nelle mani per 
poterli dare il debito castigo, volendo che a ciascun sia lecito di svali- 
giarli, et guadagnera tutti li beni che li levera, non si trovando li padroni, 
et trovandosi guadagni quella recognitione dalli padroni, che sara giudi- 
cata honesta da' nostri uditori ; et quando li zingari facessero resistenza 
in modo che non si potessero haver vivi, voliamo che sia lecito a ciascuno, 
perche non fuggano, ammazzarli senza incorso de pena alcuna. Di Pesaro 
li xx. di Luglio 1580. (Proscribes declaration, ax in former instance, <lted 
llth August.) 

From the era of the preceding document to that of the following 
there is a lapse of about eighty years. The town of Senigaglia no 
longer finds itself under the dominion of the Dukes of Urbino. The 
power of the Roman Pontiffs has stretched throughout the Marches 
of Ancona. The Pontifical authority is represented by a Cardinal- 
Legate, who also has his Lieutenant. But the manners and the time 
have now become more humane; the gibbet and mob-law are no 
longer spoken off, but merely the prison. 

Lettere d' udienza, vol 7, c. 169. 
1659. 26 June. 

// Cardinal Dolci legato di Sinigaglia Luogotenente, Vi trasmetto 
memoriale di Gio. Maria Beliardi di codesta citta con ordine che quando 
haverete notitia, che si trovino o capitino costi zingari, facciate loro in- 
tendere che se ne partino subito, et essendo negligent! ad ubbedire li 
facciate carcerare, e me ne diate poi avviso in conformita di che dispongono 
i Bandi generali in questo proposito. Urbino, 26 Giugno 1659. 


During the eighteenth century the plague of the Gypsies con- 
tinued to afflict the Italian littoral. In 1720 some measures are 
taken against this scourge : 

Ibidem, vol. 76, c. 246. 

1720. 26 November. 

Alamanno Salviati, Presidente Luogotenente, Per discacciare i zingari, 
che vanno infestando estesto territorio e sue vicinanze, secondo il nostro 
avviso voi procederete contro di essi giusta la disposizione espressa nella 
Collettanea Astelli a carte 215 ; al qual fine ve F intenderete con i giudici 
vicini per havere il braccio della loro Corte, e credendo necessaria in 
tempo proprio quella ancora di campagna, datecene il rincontro, che ve 
la manderemo, acci6 sia rimosso tale inconveniente e resti provveduto 
opportunamente alia quiete di cotesti Popoli. Tanto esequirete. Pesaro, 
26 Novembre 1720. 

V. Santichi. A. SALVIATI, Presidente. 

VOL. I. NO. IV. P 


But, twenty- two years later the public peace is seriously menaced 
by the Gypsies. The ninth document is a detailed petition of the 
citizens of Senigaglia, Scapezzano, Roncitelli, Tomba, Brugnetto, 
Vallone, and other localities, demanding the support of the authorities 
against a troop of 200 Gypsies, divided into several companies, who 
scour the country, making havoc, robbing, and burning the crops. 
According to this petition, these Gypsies imposed themselves by force 
on a village, claiming the right to remain there for some weeks. 
They camped at the side of churches or under the verandas of houses, 
and publicly committed all kinds of filthiness, indecencies, and 
offences. They prowled about the country threatening to burn and 
plunder the peasants' houses. They made forced requisitions of straw 
and forage for their horses and other animals. They stole poultry 
and animals, and, entering houses while the peasants were working 
in the fields, they stole rings, clothes, linen, and household effects. 
Then they cooked and ate the stolen fowls, living like Sardanapalus. 

With them* were some like-minded rogues, who feasted and 
regaled themselves with them. Other people, even of decent con- 
dition, came about the Gypsies, for the purpose of buying at a very 
cheap rate, fowls, rings, buckles, corals, clothes, and other stolen goods, 
giving in exchange oil, vinegar, salt, and other things, which the 
Gypsies required in cooking. Others among these protectors or 
adherents also gave the Gypsies blankets or mattresses, or allowed 
them a lodging, so as to be in their good graces. And if, at times, 
the poor Italian peasants sought to resent this brigandage and resisted 
the Gypsies, the local justices, corrupted by gifts from the Gypsies, 
upheld them and punished the peasants. If one band took up its 
departure, another immediately came into into its place. 

Accordingly, the petitioners besought the Archbishop, with tears 
in their eyes, to send soldiers and to make the tocsin sound throughout 
the parishes, calling upon the people to fall upon the Gypsies and free 
their lands and their fields from these brigands. 

Eccellenza, Li popoli del territorio di Senigallia, di Scapezzano, 
Roncitelli, Tomba, Brugnetto, Vallone et d' altri Eistretti (sic), servi e 
sudditi umilissimi di V. E. con ogni ossequio Le rappresentano, die nelli 
Territori suddetti si ritrova una ciurma di quasi duecento zingari tra 
Uomini, Donne e Ragazzi, divisi in piu compagnie, che vanno ora in un 
luogo ora nell' altro, facendo notabilissimi danni e Rubbarie, insino a 
dar fuoco a pagliari, per lo che piu d' una volta sono incolpati e castigati 
ingiustamente li vicini o innocenti Passagieri, volendo stare nelli sud. 1 
Luoghi per forza, non solamente per un giorno solo, m.a per piu giorni et 
intere settimane, prendendo luogo vicino alle Chiese e nelle Loggie delle 
med. mfc o nelle Loggie delle case, et in Luoghi piu publici, e nelli Borghi 


medesimi delli sud. 1 Peasi, et ivi commettendo publicamente sporcizie, 
indecenze e scandali, nel qual tempo girando per le campagne vogliono 
per forza, perch6 con minacce di abrugiare e svaligiare le case vogliono, 
replicasi, Paglia per dorrnirvi e Strami e Fieni per li loro Bestiami, 
rubando polli, animali, et anco arivando nelle case campestri, trovatele 
sproviste dagli abitatori, die stanno alia coltura delle campagne, rubbano 
anelli, habiti, biancherie e massarizie, facendo cosi piangere e stridere piu 
poveretti e contadini, osservandosi poi condur una vita da Sardanapali 
in cucinare e mangiare polli rubbati a poveri villain, e, quel che piu e 
da notarsi, si ritrovano delli sudd. 1 Luoghi gentaglie, che facendo con 
essi loro compagnia, mangiano e bevono con essi loro in publico e private, 
godendo insieme la robba rubata, e ritrovandosi ancora altre genti, anco 
benestanti, che tirati dal vil mercato comprano da loro polli, anelli, fibbie, 
coralli, abiti et altre cose, che hanno rubbato in altri luoghi, e di piu 
soministrando per il proprio interesse aceto, oglio, sale, massarizie et 
altro che li bisogna per cucinare, che non praticarebbero e non pratti- 
cano con li veri Poveri di Giesu Christo, dandoli ancora piu d'una volta 
1' alogio nelle proprie case, o irnprestandoli stuore o coperte da riparare 
il freddo ; dovendo li poveri supplicant! sogiacere a continui danni, senza 
poterli discacciare, mentre se talvolta per riparare i furti e custodire la 
robba propria gli fanno fuga, o in qualche maniera mossi dal furore gli 
oltraggiano, sono subito castigati da' giudici locali e penati (sic) mentre 
talluni di questi, e specialmente li sbirri piu tosto proteggono li sud. 1 
zingari per 1' interesse di qualche vantaggio e regalo, che da essi ne ripor- 
tano ; e perche non possono gli oratori piu sofrire tanti incommodi e danni, 
mentre, partendo da un luogo una compagnia, subito ne giunge un' altra, 
in modo che quasi continuamente sono da quelli molestati et oppressi, 
perci6 con lagrime agli occhi supplicano la Bonta e Giustizia di. V. E. 
a darvi 1' opportune remedio o con farli discacciare dallo Stato o ordinare 
che in tutti li Luoghi vi sia una compagnia de soldati, che abbiano a 
discacciarli con suonar le campane all' armi ; o che siano fatti prigioni 
per dargli un continuo esilio, e che non possa somministrarsegli il vitto, 
se non che per passaggio, e non si possa da loro comprar robba rubata 
sotto qualche pena, o come parera e piacera alia somma prudenza di V.E. 
Che della gratia, qua Deus ecc. 

(VERSO : Scribalur. ex Opp. Locumtenenti Senogalliae ad mentem domini 
Advocati Fiscalis.) 

The Archbishop then writes to his Lieutenant, transmitting to 
him the said petition. 

But it becomes evident that the Pontifical authorities were afraid 
of the Gypsies, and were not provided with sufficient means to make 
them respect the law. For in this letter the Archbishop recommends 
the Lieutenant not to compromise the small detachment of sbirri, and 
counsels him rather to act with prudence, addressing himself politely 
to the chiefs of the Gypsies, and begging them to go elsewhere, 
hinting to them the danger of a military expedition being sent against 
them if they did not go away peaceably. 


Lettere d'Udienza. Vol. 101, c. 95. 

Federico Lanti, Preside. Luogotenente, Dal memoriale, che vi acclu- 
diamo, sentirete li gravi inconvenient!, disturbi e pregiudizi, che appor- 
tano li zingari, li quali vanno vagando per codeste vicinanze. E pero 
quando realmente vi siano, per non porre in pericolo codesta squadra de' 
Birri si poco numerosa, con buona maniera farete intendere a' capi de' 
medesimi Zingari, che, se quanti egli siano di Uomini e Donne non par- 
tiranno e slontanaranno da codesti contorni, li nmndarete contro li 
soldati, e farete dar la campana all' armi per farli inseguire, carcerare e 
punire, conforme richiedera il dovere : Regolandovi con tale maniera e 
prudenza che serva per incuterli timore, accio si slontanino ; e che in- 
sieme non possa apportare maggiori disordini. Tanto eseguirete. 
Pesaro, 15 Decembre 1742. 

V. Agostini. F. ARCIV. di. . . . 1 

These documents, found by Professor Gianandrea, throw a curious 
light upon Italian provincial life in former times ; and I hope to find 
other such documents in the municipal archives of The Marches, 
which, of all the provinces of Italy, is the one best adapted for the 
study of the Gypsy migrations. 




20 ALVA STREET, EDINBURGH, Feb. 15, 1889. 

EAR MR. MACRITCHIE, I will at last try and fulfil my pro- 
mise to write you a short note on the few Gypsies I met 
with in Central Africa, or, perhaps I should more correctly say, in 
Darfur and Kordofan. The note will not be as long as I at first hoped, 
for a notebook containing my entries concerning them is apparently 
lost. I have, therefore, to trust greatly to memory. 

As is well known, Gypsies are fairly numerous in the Nile 
Delta, where they follow their usual occupations as pedlars, menders 
of pots and pans, horse-dealers, the young women as dancers, and the 
older women as fortune-tellers. I understand that it is considered 
probable that these Gypsies came to Egypt from West Africa. It is 
strange, therefore, to remark that they are only met with in diminish- 
ing numbers the further one goes south ; and, to the best of my belief, 
Dara in Darfur may be said to be the apex of a triangle of Gypsy 
distribution in the Egyptian Soudan. But it should be noticed that 
Dara forms as well the apex of a triangle of a westerly distribution 
of Gypsies towards Wadai and Bornu ; where the base of this triangle 


is I have failed to ascertain, but it probably extends from Tripolis to 
Lake Chad. 

As in Cairo, so in Kordofan and Darfur, the Gypsies apparently 
exercise the same callings as elsewhere, but as far as I could make 
out, they appear to keep themselves more isolated the more southerly 
and limited the area of their rovings. They seem, too, to avoid 
conflicts, and in times of disturbances they decamp to a peaceful 
locality. They are noted as being sharp dealers, but I cannot say 
that they have the reputation of being light-fingered. They appear 
to be on friendly terms with the natives of the country, and, curiously 
enough, they are said to have introduced the art of filigree work and 
gold-beating into Darfur. 

It is impossible to say how many Gypsies are to be found in 
Darfur. I was told that they were very numerous at El Fascher ; at 
Dara I saw some thirty or forty ; at Obeid there were some sixty or 
seventy, and when travelling between these two places I passed by two 
Gypsy villages and met one small Gypsy caravan wending its way 
to the south. The Gypsies I met with formed a marked contrast to 
the natives, both Arabs and Negroes. They were tall, agile, muscular, 
but thin. They were well proportioned ; their hair was black, not 
very coarse, and, when uncultivated, straight. The heads were 
dolichocephalic, the faces long and oval, with prominent cheekbones, 
the foreheads high and narrow, the noses low and straight, and, as a 
rule, slightly prognathous. The black flashing Gypsy eye was well 
marked ; the eyebrows and long eye-lashes were black and beautiful. 
Though much lighter in colour than the natives of Darfur, they were 
yet deeply bronzed by exposure. Their hands were shapely, and, I 
thought, smaller than those of the Arabs ; but what struck me most 
were the very shapely leg and foot, which I probably noticed more 
than I might have done, on account of the ungainly Negro leg to 
which I had so long been accustomed. 

With regard to dress, the Gypsies seem to adapt themselves to 
native costume. The men wore the ordinary fez, sometimes with a 
turban, the " tob " or sheet, as worn so commonly in Darfur, or the 
Kuftan, i.e. long shirt, with waist-belt of coloured cotton, while short 
white pants and sandals completed their attire. The women, as a 
rule, dressed simply, either in a long white or dark blue shift, or else 
partially veiled by the " tob " of white or blue, gracefully draped over 
the shoulders, or tightly wound under the armpits. Some of the 
young girls wore little else than " Eahad," a waist-belt of leather with 
a deep fringe of leathern thongs the common dress of Soudanese 


unmarried girls. I fancy the married women do not wear this. On 
festive occasions the women and dancing-girls are finely decked out 
in variously coloured garments, their ears (and noses sometimes), 
being hung with gaudy rings, whilst around their necks, arms, and 
ankles jingle numerous bangles of beads, silver, or copper- wire. The 
women never wear veils. Many were tattooed with blue punctiform 
patterns on the chin and forehead, and the nails were sometimes 
stained ; this I noticed especially on the younger dancing-girls. As 
above mentioned, their hair was straight when undressed, but I often 
saw it dressed in a peculiar way. In a photo of a reputed Gypsy 
taken at Khartoum (before me as I write), the hair is firmly and 
closely plaited over the vertex, but ends in a bushy mass of consider- 
able dimensions. Much oil or butter is used in dressing the hair, as 
I have good reason to remember, for on one occasion, when witnessing 
a performance given at a Pasha's house, the following custom was 
observed ; whether original or adopted from the Soudanese I do not 
know. After dancing, and if expecting a handsome backsheesh, the 
girl dances up to a guest, and makes a deep obeisance. If, however, 
a stranger is present whom she thinks the host wishes especially to 
honour, she makes a spring forward towards him, and suddenly strikes 
him on the chest with her mass of hair. This leaves an oily mark 
and smell, which may be pleasant to some, but which I did not care 
to experience twice. 

The Arabs in Darfur call the Gypsies "Ghajar," which term 
includes them all, but the fortune-tellers they call " Fehemi," and the 
dancers " Gewhassi." They appear to welcome them to their feasts, 
and to employ them freely in doing odd jobs. As elsewhere, the men 
profess great knowledge of horses, mules, donkeys and camels,- and 
are, I understand, of some repute as dealers and horse-doctors. I did 
not see any of their performances in Darfur, nor have I any notes 
of their dialect. I heard them speak an unknown jargon, but their 
Arabic did not seem to me to differ from the Soudan dialect. 

The married women have a very high character for chastity, in 
marked contrast to that of the unmarried dancing Gypsy girls. The 
music sung by the Gypsies is very weird but pleasant ; they employ 
harps, flutes, and drums to accompany their songs and dances. Many 
of the dances are graceful, but they have adopted some of the doubt- 
ful dances common to the Soudan. 

If I should ever find my notes, I will write to you again on this 
subject. They contained a few stories, and some account of two or 
three conversations I had with Gypsies in Darfur. 




A CTING upon a suggestion made by our fellow-member, Captain 
*-*- R. C. Temple, who is at present on duty in Upper Burma, I 
have been looking up a passage in the Gazetteer of Bombay Presidency 
referring to the probable origin of the European Gypsies, and the 
course of their early migrations. This passage occurs as a note to an 
Article on the early Indian settlements in Eastern Africa (vol. xm. 
part ii. Thana District, foot-note on pp. 711-715). It contains so 
much that is entirely novel to me, and will, I have no doubt, prove 
so interesting to all our members, that I have ventured to reproduce 
it verbatim for the Journal, with all the sub-notes and references to 

According to Captain Temple, the Article is due to the learned 
editor of the Gazetteer, Dr. James Campbell, whose great reputation 
is an ample guarantee of the authenticity of the facts, and the reason- 
ableness of the deductions drawn from them. W. J. IBBETSON. 

"Another section of the people of Africa whose language un- 
doubtedly points to an Indian origin are the Gypsy tribes of Egypt. 1 
In 1799 (As. Res. in. 7) Sir William Jones suggested that the famous 
pirates, the Sanghtirs or Sanganians of Sindh, Cutch and Kathidwar, 
had settled on the shores of the Eed Sea and passed through Egypt 
into South-Eastern Europe as the Zingani or Zingari that is, the 
Gypsies. There are two difficulties in the way of this theory. The 
present Gypsies of Egypt seem to have no trace (Newbold in Journ. 
E. As. S. xvi. 285-300) of the word Sanghar or Zingari, and, except 
the Helebi who may have come from Yemen, their language points 
to a passage from India through Persia, Turkey, and Arabia. The 
second difficulty is that, though the earliest form of the name by 
which the Gypsies were known in Europe, At-sykanoi or Asikanoi, 
seems connected with Sanghar, the form Tchingani or Zingeneh is 
known in Turkey, Syria, and Persia, and may have passed from Asia 
Minor into Greece. 2 In spite of these difficulties the following evi^ 

1 Among English Gypsies the words for water, fire, hair, and eye, are pani, yog, bal, 
yak ; among Norwegian Gypsies pdni, jag, bal, jak ; among Persian Gypsies pdni, aik, bal, 
aki ; and among Egyptian Gypsies pdni, dg, bal, ankhi. The corresponding Gujarat! words 
sxepdni, dg, vdl, dnkh. 

2 The chief modern forms of the name are in Spain Zincali, in Italy Zingari, in Germany 
Zigeuner, in Russia Ziganeh, in Turkey Tchinghian, in Syria Jinganih, and in Persia Zingar. 
In the fifteenth century the name appears as Sekanae in Germany, and in the thirteenth and 
perhaps as early as the ninth in Turkey in Europe and in Greece as Asigkanoi or At-Sigkanoi. 
Between the tenth and eleventh centuries they appear in Persia as Sagan. Besides from the 
Sanganians or Sanghars these names may have been derived from the Changars, a Panjab 
tribe (Trumpp in Edin. Rev. CXLVIII. 142 ; from Sakan, that is Skythian, Rawlinson Proc. 
R. G. S. I. 40; from Zang (Persian) negro, Burton in Academy, 27th March 1875: from 


dence may be offered in support of Sir William Jones' suggestion 
that part of the Gypsies passed west by sea through Egypt to Europe. 
" The Sanghars are still widely spread in India. Besides in Gutch 
and Kathiawar, under the names of Sangar and Singhar, they seem 
to occur to the south-east of Agra, in Uinarkot, the Gangetic pro- 
vinces, and Eastern India (Elliot's Races, N.-W. Provinces, I. 332; 
Elliot's Supplementary Glossary, 51 ; Bombay Gazetteer, v. 95, 96, 
Cutch). Perhaps also they are the same as the Changars, a low-class 
Panjab tribe, whose similarity in habits has already led to their pro- 
posed identification with the Zingari or Gypsies (Trumpp in Edin. 
Rev. CXLVIII. 142). So famous were the Sanghars or Sanganians in 
the seventeenth century that in Ogilby's Atlas (1670) Cutch is 
referred to (p. 293) as Sanga. Sanghars or Sengars appear in the list 
of Rajput tribes, but according to Tod (Rdjasthdn, Madras ed. I. 75- 
107) they were never famous. Ibn Batuta (1340), Marco Polo (1290), 
and Masudi (920) mention Sokotra as a centre of Hindu piracy 
(Masudi's Prairies d'Or, m. 37 ; Yule's Marco Polo, u. 328, 344, 345). 
That the Sokotra pirates were the Sanghars, Jats or Jats, and Kerks 
who from Sindh, Cutch and Kathiawar ruled the Indian seas, is made 
probable by Masudi's statement (in. 37) that Sokotra was a station 
for the Indian lawdrij t a name which Al Baruni (1020) applies to the 
pirates of Cutch and Somnath, and which he derives from lair a or 
bera, the name of their boat. (Al Biruni, in Elliot and Dowson, I. 65, 
539.) It curiously supports the connection between the Sanghars 
and the Zingari or Gypsies that bera, the name for the Cutch pirate 
craft, is also the Eomani or Gypsy word for boat (Encyc. Brit 9th ed., 
x. 614; Sorrow's Romany Word Book, 22). In the eighth century 
the Sanghars seem to appear as the Tangameras or Sangameras, whom 
the Arab writers associate in piracy with the Meds, Kerks, and Jats 
(Elliot and Dowson, i. 376, 508). According to Arab writers, these 
tribes, taking their wives and children, went in mighty fleets, moving 
long distances as far as Jidda on the Eed Sea, and occasionally 
settling in great strength. 3 In the sixth century their piracies and 

Zang (Persian) rust (or ruddy), Captain King ; from Zingar, a saddler, Captain Newbold 
Jouru. R. As. S. xvi. 310; from the Kurd tribe Zengeneh, Balfour's Cyclopaedia n. 324; 
and from two Gypsy words, chen moon, and kam sun, by Leland The Gypsies, p. 341. 

3 Their settlements and raids on the Persian Gulf in the eighth and ninth centuries were 
on so great a scale that the whole strength of the Khalifs was brought against them, and 
when defeated they were transported to Asia Minor (Rawlinson in Proc. R. O. S. I. 40 ; 
Encyc. Brit. x. 617). According to Ibn : al-Atir (A.D. 768) the Kerks made descents as far up 
the Red Sea as Jidda (Remand's Memoires sur I'lnde, 181, note 3). The resemblance be- 
tween some of Masudi's Abyssinian tribes and these associated pirates, the Zagawah with 
the Sanghars, the Karkarah with the Kerks or Karaks, the Medideh with the Meds, and the 
Maris with the Mers, seems worthy of notice (compare Prairies d'Or, m. 38, and Elliot and 
Dowson, I. 506, 530). 


raids are said to have made Naushirvau the Sassanian insist on the 
cession of the Beluchistan coast (Ind. Antiq. vin. 335). In much 
earlier times the Sanghars perhaps again appear in the Sangadas or 
Sangaras whom Alexander's Greeks (B.C. 325) found to the West of 
the Indus, and between its Eastern and Western mouths (M'Crindle's 
Commerce and Navigation of the Erythrccan Sea, 177 : Vincent's Com- 
merce of the Ancients, I. 198). Apart from this doubtful mention in 
Alexander's times, the evidence seems sufficient to support Sir William 
Jones' suggestion that from early times the Sanghars or Sanganians of 
Cutch and Kathiawar were in a position to make settlements on the 
shores of the Eed Sea. Sir W. Jones' theory that the Gypsies of 
Europe passed from India through Egypt seems to have been accepted 
for a time. A fuller knowledge of the Eomani or European Gypsy 
tongue proved the correctness of his main contention that the Gypsies 
came from North-west India. At the same time the traces of 
Persian and Armenian in Eomani and the absence of traces of Coptic 
or Arabic discredited the view that the Gypsies entered Europe from 

" That some, perhaps most, European Gypsies passed west through 
Persia and Asia Minor to Eastern Europe seems beyond doubt. 
Besides the evidence of language, within the last 2000 years there 
are traces or records of at least six westerly movements among the 
frontier tribes of North-west India which may be included under 
the general term Jat. 1 The last movement seems to have been 
caused by Taimur's conquests (1398-1420), and the wanderers seem 
to have picked up and carried with them into Europe a number of 
the earlier Indian settlers in Persia and Western Asia. At the same 
time, it seems probable that under the name of At Sigkanoi or Asi- 
kani an earlier horde entered Europe from Egypt. The argument 
that because Eomani has no Coptic or Arabic words the Gypsies 
never passed through Egypt loses its force when it is remembered 
that there is no trace of Arabic, Syrian, or Turkish in Eomani, 
though some of the Gypsies are known to have settled in Asia Minor 
on their way westward (Edin. Rev. GXLViii. 144). Therefore, even 

1 These six movements are (1) a doubtful transplanting of Kerks, Sindis, Kolis, Meds, 
and other West Indian tribes some time before the Christian era (Elliot and Dowson, I. 
509-512) ; (2) the bringing of the Luris or Indian musicians to Persia by Behram Gor about 
A.D. 450, and their subsequent dispersion (Rawlinson in Proc. R.G.S. I. 40); (3) the de- 
porting of Kerks, Sanghars, and Jats in the eighth and ninth centuries from the Persian 
Gulf to Asia Minor (Rawlinson in Proc. R.G.S. i. 40; and Encyc. Brit. x. 617); (4) a 
doubtful migration of Jats westward after their defeat in India by Mahmud of Ghazni in 
1025 ; (5) a displacement of the Indian element in Persia and Asia Minor during the con- 
quests of the Seljuki (twelfth century) and Osmanli Turks (fourteenth century) ; (6) a final 
westward motion at the close of the fourteenth century, the result of Taimur's ravages. 


though it left no trace in their language, the Asikani or Singani may 
have passed through Egypt on their way to Europe. But is it the 
-case that there are no traces of Egypt in the Romani tongue ? The 
earliest Greek form of their name At Sigkanoi, and a later form 
Asigani, suggest that the initial At or A is the Arabic Al 'the,' and 
that the Al was changed into At because, like the modern Turkish, 
the old Arab form of the name was Tchingani. Next to Sangani or 
Zingari, the best known name for the Gypsies is Eorn. Eom, besides 
a Gypsy, means in their speech a man and a husband, and Rom also 
means a man and a husband in modern Coptic (Edin. Rev. cxLVin. 
140). Again the Gypsies use 'Guphtos' (Edin. Rev. CXLVIII. 142), 
apparently Egyptian or Copt, as a term of reproach. That they came 
from Egypt to Europe is supported by the fact that the At Sigkanoi 
are first noticed (fourteenth century) in Crete, the part of Europe 
nearest Egypt, and that they are there described as of the race of 
Ham (Emyc. Brit. Sth ed. x. 612). In the beginning of the fifteenth 
century (1417-1438), when they seem to have been joined by a 
second horde from Armenia and Asia Minor, the Secanee, Zingari, 
or Sanghars stated that they came from Egypt, and their statement 
was accepted all over Europe. Besides the name of Egyptian, which 
has been shortened into Guphtos in Greece, Gitano in Spain, and 
Gypsy in England, the Sekanse or Zingari were in Cyprus, and per- 
haps also in Austria, called Agariens, or the children of Hagar, 
Nubians in some parts, Farawni in Turkey, and Pharaoh-nepek, or 
children of Pharaoh, in Magyar or Hungary. A curious trace of the 
belief in the Gypsy connection with Egypt remained till lately in 
the oath administered to Gypsies in Hungarian courts of justice : 
' As King Pharaoh was engulfed in the Red Sea, may I be if I 
speak not the truth' (Edin. Rev. CXLVIII. 120, 121, 122; Emyc. Brit., 
x. 612). Again their leaders' titles mark the first Gypsies as belong- 
ing to South-eastern Europe and Egypt. In 1417 the first band of 
Secanse who appeared in Germany were led by the duke of Little 
Egypt, and in Scotland in 1500 the 'Egyptians' were led by the 
earls of Cyprus and Greece, and by the count of Little Egypt (Emyc. 
Brit. x. 612; Edin. Rev. CXLVIII. 117). Some of the earliest bands 
(1420) knew that they originally came from India (Emyc. Brit. x. 
613), and others of the same horde seem (the passage is doubtful) to 
have said that they came from India through Ethiopia (Edin. Rev. 
CXLVIII. 121). Their knowledge of their Indian origin seems a reason 
for holding that the Sicanae or Sanghars were correct in stating that 
they were settled in Egypt before they came to Europe. Whether 


any of the Sanghars or Zingari passed along North Africa to Spain 
is doubtful. Gypsies were very early in Spain (1447), but the pre- 
sence of Greek in the Spanish Romani seems to show that they came 
overland from Eastern Europe (Encyc. Brit. x. 613-615). Of the 
Gypsies of North Africa, some were deported from the South of 
France in 1802 (Encyc. Brit. x. 613), others have apparently come 
from Spain, and a third doubtful element seems to be passing west 
across Africa." 


THERE was once a rich nobleman who had lived with his wife for 
ten years without having any children. One time he dreamt 
that he would have a very warlike son. Another night he dreamt 
again that a Jewess was going to be confined on the same day as his 
lady. (This was true !) Next morning this lord arose and said to l^s 
wife, " Wife, I have dreamt that we are going to have a child." " That 
may really come to pass," replied she. He further told her of the 
Jewess : he said to her that she should be brought to bed at the same 
hour as her ladyship. 

The good God ordained that she should be delivered of a child : 
the good God gave them a son. The boy's father was very joyful, as 
were also the mother and that Jewess, who was brought to bed at the 
very same hour as this lady. The nobleman said to his wife, " My 
lady, we must go to this Jewess, in order that our child may be 
brought up with hers." " Very well, husband." They brought thither 
the Jewess, and she made her home there, near this nobleman's 

He begins to grow up, this son of the nobleman : he is very wise ; 
yet the son of the Jewess is still wiser. He is now ten years old, and 
he is eager to go to school ; he learns there to perfection. His father 
and mother are filled with delight. 

One time the Jew boy said to the lord's son, " Look here, now, 
why not request your father to have some beautiful baths made 
for you in the fields ? " The nobleman's son approached his father, 
kissed his hand, as also his mother's. " Father," said he, " I beg that 
you will build me some fine baths in the fields." .... Who should 
it happen to be that set themselves to this work ? Two old retainers. 
They had seen in a town, on a former occasion, a very lovely princess. 

1 This also was narrated by John Coron, the Gypsy prisoner of Cracow. 


Well, what have they gone and done, these two servitors ? They 
have caused the portrait of this princess to be painted upon the walls 
. of the baths. These two servants came back and announced to their 
lord, " We have done everything we were ordered to do." " Very 
good ; how much now do you ask for that ? " " We shall be satisfied 
with whatever your grace deigns to give us." The nobleman gave 
them four thousand florins. They accorded to their lord their best 

Then the Jew boy called to the nobleman's son, " Come ! the baths 
are now built, let us see what there is to be seen ! " They went 
thither, but this young Jew was always wiser than the nobleman's 
son. They entered the first hall, there they saw painted upon the 
walls various kinds of birds, wolves, all which delighted the son 
of the lord. Then, all by himself, he enters the other apartment, and 
what does he behold there? The portrait of this lovely princess 
painted upon one of the walls. He gazes at the likeness of the 
princess, and he is so greatly enchanted with it that he swoons away. 1 
The young Jew sees him (faint), he resuscitates him with vinegar,' 2 
and he asks the nobleman's son, " What is the matter with you ? " 
" brother ! if I do not have this princess to wife I will kill my- 
self." " Hush ! for the love of God," replied the young Jew, " do not 
cry so loud, for you shall perhaps have her indeed, although not so 
speedily as you wish." He returned home very sick, this nobleman's 
son. " What ails him ? " asks his father ; but the young Jew was 
ashamed to avow what had happened. Orders were given to fetch 
doctors with all speed ; various remedies 3 are given to him, but he has 
nothing the matter with him, for he is quite well, only he is quite 
overcome 4 on account of this princess. " What 's to be made of him ? " 
asks this lord of himself. He sends the mother in order that she may 
question her son, and that he may reveal to her what it is that has 
happened. The mother comes to him, "What is the matter, my 
child ? Do not be ashamed to tell it all to me." " Ah, mother ! " he 
responded, " even when I had told you all you would not be able to give 
me any advice." " On the contrary, my son, I will give you very good 
advice." Then he said to her, " Mother, I have seen the likeness of 
a beautiful princess in these fine baths ; if I do not have her to wife, 
I will kill myself." The mother hears this with delight. " That is 

1 (menglisaiVas.) The heroes of Gypsy tales frequently fall into a swoon. This strongly 
recalls the scenes of the Pantchatantra. i. K. 

2 The Gypsy having for the moment forgotten the proper word (fiut), improvised very 
cleverly, as usual, the name for vinegar: Zutii pani, i.e. acrid water. i. K. 

3 The Gypsy word for remedy, or medicine, is drab, i.e. grass. I. K. 

4 The Gypsy verb is very expressive : Xukiarel pes, i.e. he withers away.- J. K. 


well, my son. In the meantime, where am I to find her 1 " But the 
Jew lad said to the nobleman, " My lord, I will go with him to seek 
the princess : I make myself responsible for his person, and if any 
harm befalls him let me be punished." " Very well, then, get ready, 
and set out with the help of God." They set out and, on the further 
side of a large town, the young Jew saw a beautiful wand on the road 
and a little key beside it. " I shall dismount and pick up that wand," 
said he. But the nobleman's son said to him, " What good will that 
wand do to you? You can buy yourself a fine sword in any town." 
But the young Jew replied, " I do not want a sword ; I wish to take 
that wand." Well, he got down from his horse, he picked up this 
wand and the little key. He got into the saddle again, and they 
went on their way with the help of God. 

They came to a great forest, where night surprised them. They 
saw a light shining in this forest. " See ! " said the lord's son, 
" there 's a light shining over there." They came up to this light ; 
they went into the room ; there was no one within. There they see 
a beautiful bed, but unoccupied. They see that there is food for 
them. There is. a golden goblet on the side next to the nobleman's 
son; and beside the young Jew there is a goblet of silver. The 
nobleman's son would have seated himself beside the silver goblet, 
but the young Jew said to him, "Listen to me, brother: you are 
the son of a wealthy sire, and I am a poor man's son; the place 
for you, therefore, is beside the goblet of gold, and I shall seat myself 
beside the silver goblet." Thereafter, he disrobed him deftly, and 
made him lie down on the couch. " Come you to bed, brother," said 
the nobleman's son. " I do not feel sleepy," replied the young Jew. 
" Well, I 'm going to sleep, at any rate." He placed himself beside 
the table, this young Jew, and pretended to fall asleep. Two ladies 
approached the young Jew; but they were not really ladies they 
were fairies. 1 These ladies spoke thus to one another : " Oh ! this 
young Jew and this nobleman's son are going to a capital, where they 
wish to carry away the king's daughter. But," said they, " the young 
Jew did well to pick up that wand with the little key ; for there will 
be a door of iron which, with that key, he will be able to open." 
These ladies went away with the help of God. The young Jew un- 
dressed himself and went to bed. They arose next morning : they 
came to that iron door : the young Jew dismounted and opened it. 
They see that this is the capital, wherein dwells the princess. 

They went into this town : they see a gentleman passing. The 

1 The (rypsy word is worthy of note : rasani, i.e. priestess. I. K. 


young Jew asks of him, "Where is there a first-rate inn in this place ? " 
The gentleman indicated such a one to them, and guided them to it. 
He paid him for his trouble. They ate until they were satisfied. 
The nobleman's son remained in the inn, and the young Jew sallied 
out into the town. He saw a gentleman passing. " Stay, sir, I have 
something to ask of you." This gentleman stopped, and the young 
Jew asked of him: "Where is the principal goldsmith's in this 
town ? " He directed him there. The young Jew went to this gold- 
smith. " Will you make me an old hen and her chickens of gold ? 
The old hen must have eyes of diamonds and the young chickens 
also." " Very well." " But I further stipulate that she be alive." 
The goldsmith, who was a great wizard, replied, " Very well, sir, I 
will do that if you will pay me." " I will pay you as much as ten 
thousand." Three days later, he returned to get what he had ordered. 
He chose a Sunday, at the time when the princess was going to 
church. It was then that he proposed exhibiting this golden hen 
and her chickens, in such a way that the princess should see them. 
Well ! he went to the goldsmith's : he took the golden hen with her 
young chickens. On the following Sunday he went near to the 
church, this young Jew : he placed a table there, and on it he 
exposed his golden hen with the young chicks. Nobody who passed 
that way cared more about going to church, but all stopped to gaze 
with wonder at this golden hen with her young chickens. A throng 
of people from all parts of the town is gathered to see this hen and 
her chickens. Even the priest does not go into the church, but stops 
before the hen and her chickens: he looks at them so greedily 
that his eyes are nearly starting out of his head. At last the king's 
daughter comes to the church. She looks to see what is going on 
there. A crowd of people, gentle and simple, all gathered together. 
She had four lackeys with her. " Go," she said to one of them, 
"see what is going on there." He went thither, and did not 
return. She sent a second one ; no more did he come back, so much 
was he enchanted. 1 She despatched a third ; neither did that one 
return, he was charmed. She sent the fourth, and he returned not 
either, being enchanted like the others. " What can it be that has 
happened there?" she asked of herself, "Is there somebody killed?" 
She sent her maid, who made her way with difficulty among the 

1 The phrases here italicised (and also that on p. 228 ante, line 17) illustrate the Polish-Gypsy 
use of the word dzeka, to which I have drawn attention in our Notes and Queries, vol. i. No. 
2, p. 120. In the present tale, the word occurs thus : po les andre dzekapeVa ; pn leske pre 
dzekapel'as ; po lake pre dzeka pel' as, etc. The "enchantment" referred to was, of course, 
nothing more than intense delight at the spectacle. I. K. 


people, but she too came not back, so much did this golden hen 
delight her. Another was sent, who with great difficulty forced a 
passage through the crowd, but she too returned not, so charmed was 
she. . She despatched her third maid-servant, who also penetrated the 
throng, but, being charmed, did not return. Finally she said to the 
fourth one : " I am sending you to see what it is that is happening 
there ; but if you do not come back to tell me, I will have you put 
to death." This one also went. She forced her way, after much 
difficulty, through the crowd, but she came not back out of it, so 
greatly had that golden hen charmed her. The princess then said 
to herself "What can it be that is going on there ? Here are eight 
persons that I have sent, and not one of them has come back to tell 
me what the matter is ! " Then she went herself to see what had 
happened. Peasants and gentlemen gave way before her. She 
draws near and sees a golden hen with her young chickens. The 
Jew lad perceives her, and he asks of her : " Does this give pleasure 
to your royal highness?" "Greatly though it pleases me, sir," 
replied she, " you will not give it to me." He took this hen and 
presented it to the princess ; and then, with the help of the good 
God, he went away. But the princess called after him, and invited 
him to dine at her father's. The young Jew returned to the inn, 
where the nobleman's son was asleep. He knew nothing of what the 
young Jew had done. The king sent a very fine carriage to convey 
the young Jew to him ; he got into it and drove off. The princess 
was amusing herself with the hen and its young golden chickens. 
The king proposed to him that he should live with his daughter. 1 
"Very well," said the young Jew to him, "I will live with her." 
Well, they eat, they drink, and at length towards night the young 
Jew sent some one to fetch the nobleman's son. When he arrived, 
the whole three went out to walk in the garden. Then the young 
Jew said to the princess, " Will you go away with us from here ? " 
" Yes, I will go away," she replied. They set out with her and 
hurried away, with the help of the good God. The father of the 
princess knew not where she had gone to ; neither did he know from 
whence the young Jew and the noble man's son had come. The 
nobleman's son arrived at his father's house. The father and mother 
are well satisfied that he has been so successful in bringing home the 
princess. " And now, my son," said his father to him, " you must 
marry her." So he married her, and they live together with the help 
of God. The young Jew has also married a wife, and they live 
together with the help of God. ISIDORE KOPERNICKI. 

1 That is, after having married her. I.K. 



r] EOEGE BOEEOW, in The Zincali, or Gypsies of Spain (1841), 
stated that Gypsy " tents are alike pitched on the heaths of Brazil 
and the ridges of the Himalayan Hills," but one may question whether 
he could have verified either statement. How little was known in 
1844 of the existence of Gypsies in any part of the New World may 
be gathered from the foot-note on p. 55 of Pott's Zigeuner. Indeed, I 
believe the first certain indication of their presence in South America 
was pointed out by myself in an article contributed to the Encyclopaedia 
Britannica (vol. x., 1879), where I referred to a passage in Koster's 
Travels in Brazil, as clearly establishing the fact that Ciganos in 
Brazil were nothing new in 1816. And now we have Os Ciganos no 
Brazil: contribuiqao ethnograpJiica (Eio de Janeiro, 1886) of Mello 
Moraes, a work already partly utilised by our esteemed colleague, 
Dr. von Sowa (G-ypsy Lore Journal, Oct. 1888). To his linguistic 
study I would add a few historical jottings, such as scant leisure 
and a very imperfect knowledge of Portuguese have allowed me to 
glean from Sr. Moraes' pages. 

The present Brazilian Gypsies seem to be the descendants of 
Gypsies transported from Portugal towards the close of the seventeenth 
and the commencement of the eighteenth century. Thus, by a decree 
of 27th August 1685, the transportation of the Gypsies was commuted 
from Africa to Maranhao; and in 1718, by a decree of llth April, 
the Gypsies were banished from the kingdom to the city of Bahia, 
special orders being issued to the Governor to be diligent in the pro- 
hibition of the language and ' cant ' (jyiria), not permitting them to 
teach it to their children, that so it might become extinct. It was 
about this time, according to "Sr. Pinto Noites, an estimable and 
venerable Gypsy of 89 years," that his ancestors and kinsfolk arrived 
at Eio de Janeiro nine families transported hither by reason of a 
robbery ascribed to the Gypsies. The heads of these nine families 
were Joao da Costa Eamos, surnamed Joao do Eeino, with his son, 
Fernando da Costa Eamos, and his wife, Dona Eugenia ; Luis Eabello 
de Aragao ; one Eicardo Frago, who went to Minas ; Antonio Lac,o, 
with his wife, Jacintha Laqo ; the count of Cantanhede; Manoel 
Cabral and Antonio Curto, who settled in Bahia, accompanied by 
daughters-in-law, sons-in-law, and grandchildren, as well as by wife 
and sons. They applied themselves to metallurgy were tinkers, 
farriers, braziers, and goldsmiths : the women gave charms to avert 
the evil eye, and read fortunes. In the first half of the present 


century, the Brazilian Gypsies seem to have been great slave-dealers, 
just as their brethren on this side of the Atlantic have always been 
great doctors in horses and asses. We read, on p. 40, of "M . . ., 
afterwards Marquis of B . . ., belonging to the Bohemian race, 
whose immense fortune proceeded from his acting as middleman in 
the purchase of slaves for Minas." There are several more indica- 
tions, scattered through the work, that the Brazilian nation, from 
highest to lowest, must be strongly tinctured with E6mani blood; 
but I hope to have said enough to direct the attention of some of 
our members, better furnished than myself in the knowledge of Portu- 
guese, to this interesting little volume. Or might not Dr. Luiz de 
Castro, to whom it is dedicated, and who, it seems, has translated 
several English works into Portuguese, be prevailed on to furnish us 
with first-hand information ? 

'Tis a far cry from Brazil to the Shetland Isles ; of Gypsies in 
Shetland (a most unlikely place for them) even less is known than 
of Brazilian Ciganos. But on p. 117 of The Orkneys and Shetland 
(London, 1883), by Mr. John Tudor, I have come on the following 
interesting passage : 

" On Earl Patrick's imprisonment, Bishop Law, for a short time, 
held sway in the islands, not only in his episcopal capacity, but also 
as holding the King's commission as Sheriff, and held his first court 
at Scalloway on the 22d day of August 1612, at which many acts for 
' good neighbourhood,' as they were long termed in Shetland, were 
passed, which acts in the main were similar to those we have 
already seen as having been in force in Orkney. At this court 
'Johne Faw elder callit mekill [great] Joline Faw, Johne Faw 
younger calit Littill Johne Faw, Katherin Faw, spous to umquhill 
[the late] Murdo Brown, Agnes Faw, sister to the said Litill Johne, 
were indicted ' for the murder of the said Murdo Brown, and Littill 
Johne for incest with his wife's sister and her daughter, and for 
adultery with Katherin Faw, and all for theft, sorcery, and fortune- 
telling, ' and that they can help or hinder in the proffeit of the milk 
of bestiale.' Katherin, who pleaded guilty to having slain her hus- 
band with ' a lang braig knife,' was sentenced ' to be tane [taken] to 
the bulwark and cassen [cast] over the same in the sey, to be droonit 
to the death, and dome [sentence] given thairupone, and decerns the 
remanent persones to bequyt [acquitted] of thecrymes abouewritten.' 
Walter Eitchie, who seems to have appeared as counsel for the 
accused, pleaded that it was not usual to take cognisance of murder 
amongst the Egyptians. This clearly proved them to have been 
VOL. I. NO. iv. Q 


Gypsies, and the name to have been, probably, Fea [Faa]. Query : 
" Can the Orcadian Teas have been of Gypsy descent?" On p. 466, 
we are further informed that " the pier [of Blackness, Scalloway] is 
said to be built over the bulwark from which Katherine Faw was 
1 cassen in the sey.' " Now, at the risk of seeming paradoxical, it is 
worth while pointing out that in this passage we, perhaps, have an 
explanation of a standing puzzle of antiquaries the discovery of 
Cufic coins in Orkney, in Sweden, and in Lancashire. In March 
1858, in the links of Skaill, Sandwick parish, Orkney, a boy found a 
hoard personal ornaments (brooches, neck rings, and arm rings, all 
of silver), ingots of silver, and a few coins the aggregate weight 16 
Ibs. avoird. One of the coins was a St. Peter's penny, struck at 
York in the 10th century; one was a penny of King Athelstan, 
struck at Leicester in 926 ; and the rest were Asiatic, of the time 
when the sect of the Mohammedan Caliphate was at Cufa or Bagdad. 
Three of these Cufic coins belong to the Abbaside Caliphs, and seven 
to the Sassanian dynasty. They range in date between 887 and 945 ; 
and the places of mintage, still legible, are Al-shash, Bagdad, and 
Samarcand. Upwards of 20,000 Cufic coins and 15,000 Anglo- 
Saxon coins have been enumerated from hoards of this period in 
Sweden alone; and in 1840 Cufic coins were discovered near Preston, 
in Lancashire, seemingly of a date subsequent to the 10th century 
(Dr. Joseph Anderson's Scotland in Pagan Times: The Iron Age, 
Edinb. 1883, pp. 78, seq.) Now, till 1883 nothing was known of 
the Faws' visit to Shetland, 271 years before; it is at least not im- 
possible that six centuries before that date there may have been a 
similarly unknown visit to Orkney of a Gypsy silversmith, who, coming 
from the East, brought with him Eastern coins. One thing, at least, 
is shown by the presence of these Cufic coins, that there has been 
communication between Orkney and the East whether through 
Gypsies or not is another matter within the historic period. Yet 
Mr. Lang has declared it "most unlikely that folk-tales which originated 
in India could have reached the Hebrides by oral tradition, and 
within the historical period." Where coins could come, so too could 

Lastly, to end this very discursive paper, what is the ultimate 
decision of our Orientalists as to the presence or the absence of 
Arabic words in Eomani ? According to Prof, de Goeje there are ten 
such words; according to Dr. Miklosich there are none. Neither, 
however, of the two scholars seems to me to have perceived the 
possible importance of the presence or the absence (especially the 


absence) of Arabic elements. Roman! undoubtedly contains Persian 
words ; would it not have certainly contained also Arabic words if 
the ancestors of our modern European Gypsies had sojourned in 
Persia, or even passed through Persia, at a date later than the Arab 
conquest of Persia. If Dr. Miklosich is right in his contention that 
there are no Arabic words in Roman!, does it not follow almost 
inevitably that the Gypsies must have passed through Persia on 
their way to Europe at some date prior to the middle of the seventh 
century A.D. For, surely, since that conquest no Gypsy could tarry 
for any period in Persia without picking up some Arabic words. 
This is a point on which I am very anxious for information. 






In the " A " portion of this vocabulary (ante, No. 3), 
P. 161, line 12, instead of "solna," read "Zsolna." 

P. 162, line 8, instead of " once only once occurring," read "occurring only once. 
P. 164, line 4 a, instead of akyarav, read akydrav. 

line 49 a, instead of ale'bo, read al'ebo. 

line 24 b, instead of ani susie, etc., read ani tuke, mri pirdni, basaviben 
n-anavas I should not even serenade thee, my beloved. K. 

line 52 b, instead of avl'ais, read avl'as. 
P. 165, line 16 a, before M. W. insert " forenoon." 
P. 166, line 30 b, insert averjeno before "a., S., adj." 


Baba, S., s. f. (Slov. baba}, old woman. Bakhrano, M. W., adj. (prob. bakrdno ; 

Babo, *K., s. m. (Gr. bobi ; Hng. 6060 ; Gr., Hng. = SI., Bhm. not found in 

Bhm. wanting), bean. my materials), of or belonging to a 

Bachas, S., s. in. (Slov. baca), shepherd. sheep. 

Baxt, M. W. S., basht *K., s. f. (Gr. Bed, M. W., K., s. m. (Gr., Hng., Bhm. 

Bhm. = SI. Hng. bast), fortune. =SL), hair ; cf. s. zhuto. 

Bai, S., s. f. (Gr., Hng., Bhm.=SL), Bali, M. W., s. f. (Gr., SI. ; Hng. not 

sleeve. found in my materials ; Bhm. bdli), 

Bakri, M. W., S., bakhri, M. S., s. f. sow, hog. 

(Gr., Bhm., Hng. bakri), sheep. Bdlo, S., balo, M. W., s . (Gr., Hng., 

Bakro, S., s. m. (Gr., Bhm. = SI., Hng. balo ; Hng., Bhm, bdlo), boar. Bdro 

bakhro and bakro), wether. bdlo, S., is said to mean "hedge- 

Bnkrdri, S., s. f. (dim. of bakri), sheep. hog." 1 

1 It is worth noting that the Slovak Gypsies have no original word in their dialect for 
"hedgehog" ; cf. what Mr. MacRitchie (p. 44 of this volume of the Journal) notes regarding 
the dialect of the Catalonian Gypsies. 



, K. haloro, M. W., s. ni. (dim. of 
the former), swine. 

haloro, *K., s. in. (dim. of bal), hair. 

Bdlos, S., s. m. (Slov. bdl), ball (a 

Balovas, a., S., ZwtZeww, M. W., *K. (a 
compound of balo and mas, q. v. ; cf. 
M. W., vii. 15), bacon. The vocable 
is proved by the only instance : De 
man panje garashcnge balovasgivo 
me five groschens' worth of bacon, 

Balval, *M., *K., S., bavlal, M. W. (Gr., 
Hng. balval ; Bhm. barval), wind. 

Banda, *S., s. f. (Slov. banda, from the 
Germ. Bande, Musikbande), band of 

Banknota, a., *S., s. f. (Slov. banknota, 
from the Germ. Banknote), bank bill, 

Bar, S., bar, bdr, M. W., s. f. (Gr. bari, 
l>ri, Pa. 162 ; Hng., Bhm. bar), 
garden. It is said to mean ;ilso hedge, 
enclosure, as in the Gr. 

Bar, K., S., bdr, M. W., s. m. (Gr., 
Hng., Bhm. = SI., Hng. bdr), stone, 
rock. M. W. even renders it cavern ; 
par K., stone wall. My Gypsies said 
that it means also gravel. Pr-oda isto 
bar, kai has o drakos upon that rock, 
where was (lived) the dragon. 

Baravav man, a., M. W., vb. refl. (prob. 
bary&rau man, cf. Gr. baryarava, 
Hng. bardrav, to make great ; Hng. 
bardl'av, to boast), to be proud, 
to boast (prop, to magnify one's 

Bdrkai, S., adv. (the first part of the 
compound is supposed to be the Slov. 
bdr, used even in Slov., indefinite adv. 
e.g. bdrkedy vlg. ; cf. varekai), any 
where, somewhere. So diknas bdrkai, 
odova has lengro what they saw any 
where, that was theirs. 

Bdrkana, S. barl-ann, K., adv. (a com- 
pound with the same element, cf, 
varekana), ever, at any time. 

rn'trl'uo, S., pron. ind. (with the same, 
cf. varekdno), any one, whosoever, 
some. Mro dcvel leske phend'ax, hoi 
i.-iii peske te kedcl bdrkana love my 
God said to him, that he might take 
(i.e. pocket) some money. 

linrlco, S., pron. ind. (of the same, o 
vareko), somebody. 

Bdro, S., K., bharo, M., baro, *K., adj. 
(Gr., Hng. bare ; Hng., Bhm. bdro), 
grand, great. Particular expressions 
with bdro are : bdre love, bank-bills ; 
bdro rai, gentleman ; bdri rani, lady ; 
Ix'rro bdlo, hedgehog ; bdro chiriklo, ; hdro xas, plough, etc. Bdri 
I'indra means a deep sleep. Bdro 
drom is the long, endless road of the 
Gypsy nomad. . Ach mre dcvlcha, u 
me jau bdre dromeha farewell, and I 
(shall) go the long way ( = to continue 
my wandering). The superlative often 
marks the chief, the supreme. A vie kie 
peskro rai, naibdreder hadnad'i* /> 
lende they came to their master, 
the chieftain (over them). Bhdre- 
yakhengero, having large eyes. 

l><'nr,x, S., very much. " You igen bare* 
rovl'drlas pal pesko phraldro" he 
wept very much for his brother. 

Baronos, S., s. in. (Slov. baron, from the 
Germ, baron), baron. 

Barori, K. ; bardri, M. W. ; baloro, 
M. W. (incorrect), s. f. (dim. of bar, f.), 
hedge, garden, stone wall, K. 

Barovau, a., S., bfbdrovav, M. W., vb. 
itr. (Gr. baryovava ; Hng, baryovav ; 
Bhm. -bdrovav), to become greater, to 
increase (itr.) Ola chdvo ehi tikno, 
nl'f bdrola the boy is little, but he 
will grow bigger. 

Bdrso, S., pron. ind. (with the Slov. 
bdr, cf. vareso), something, what- 

Baruno, a., S., bariino, M. W. (Gr., Hng. 
wanting, Bhm. bartino), made of stone, 

Barvalo, S., adj. (Gr. baravalo Gr., 
Hng. = SI., Bhm. biti-rnlo), rich. You 
hi barvalo kere his family is a rich 
one (lit. he is rich at home). 

Basinav, M. W., vb. tr., to execrate, to 

Bashau, S., vb. itr. (Gr. bashava means 
only "to cry," "to bark" ; Hng. baaltar, 
" to bark " ; Bhm. wanting), to play, 
to sound (an instrument). Shiikt'trc* 
baahava pr-6 lavuta I shall play well 
on the lute. 

Bashavau, M. W., S., vb. itr., (Gr., 
bashavava ; Hng., P>hm., ba&havav), 
to play, to sound (an instrument). 
Shukdres mange bashavna they will 
play well for me. 



llii.-ifmrl.hfii, M. \V., S., lmx t -ih<-,i ; K., 
s. in. (Gr. wauling, Hng. bashavipe, 
Nun. bashaviben), music, cf. vichinau. 

I in. <h int, M. \\'., S., s. in. (Gr., Bhm.,= 
SI. Gr. basno, ling, wanting), cock. 

I :>i.<h i) ran, M. W., S., (Gr., Hng., want- 
ing, cf. bashau ; Bhm. bashovav), to 
bark, to bay. 

Bavinav, a.,M. W., vb. tr.,(Slov. bin-it' 
t<> amuse. 

/Y/'r/Vx, a., S., s. in. (Germ. Befehl), 
petition, memorial. Kana dikhle o 
x(,v(m; TVfT/^., (//y*r. /a'-o sawo kisaris 
bi-fd'is, hoi nashchi oda phuro sasos 
sluxhbn. tr :.axtnvinel when the mili- 
tary otticers .saw (that) they sent a 
memorial to the emperor himself, that 
the old soldier is not able to discharge 
his duties. 

limy, M. W., K., S., (Gr., Hng., JJhm. 
= 81. Hng. bcngo) devil. It may be 
remarked, that in the 81. G. folk-lore 
(lie devil is only once spoken of, vi/., 
in the tale Drakos, where it is said 
that the wanderer's dog would scuffle 
even with the devil (he le bengeha pes 
xudinahas). All the other passages 
refer to several devils ; in the tale E 
trin rdkld, three devils take the three 
princesses to hell ; in the tale Phuro 
Sasos God orders the devils to catch 
the old soldier, to dilacerate and to fry 

Bereno, a., S., adj. (Slov. vereny, pt. pf. 
of verit' " to thrust ; " regarding the 
change of v and b cf. 81. bildgos, vild- 
gos), committed ; tfluzhba mange has 
bereno the service was committed to 
me. The speaker himself translated 
the sentence thus : sluzba mne bola 

Berse ? a., S. The word must have been 
heard badly ; Akanak in chi auka, 
har me chid'om. rom xudel berse, 
.nulinas, kana hi loki kashtuni rnr- 
I'ori. I cannot translate this passn^c. 

Ikrsh, S., bb'rsh, M., s. m., pi. bersh ; 
S. borsh, M. bersha, S. (Gr., Hng., 
Bhm. bersh), year ; borsh bb'rshestar, 
from year to year, M.W. The pi. is 
proved by mhdrlas dui bersh he 
waited two years. Me somas bish 
bersha lukesto I was five years a 
Beshau -mange,, S., bcshav, K., vb. reft. 

(Gr. beahava ; Hng., Bhm. bcshav), to 
down ; Me mange odoi beshava I 
shall sit down there ; Som beshtol 
.mi silting ; tfomas beshchi pash t .'/".'/ 
I was seated near the fire, K. 

Bharvalipen, a., M. W. (Gr. baravalipe ; 
Hng. barvalipe ; Bhm. barvalipen), 

Bi- K., 8., prefix. (Gr., Hng., Bhm. = 
81., Hng., even usi-ii separately. M.W., 
vii. 20), without. This particle can 
be prefixed to almost all substantive -s. 
My materials afford : bidandengero, 
without teeth, S. ; bidiloskcro, w. 
dinner, M. W. ; bimanresko (?), w. 
bread, M. W. ; bvyakhengero, blind (w. 
eyes), M. W. ; and even bilcngero, 
alone (without them), M. W. 

Bibold'i, M. W., s. f. (cf. the following), 

Biboldo, M. W. ; biboldo, M. W., s. m. 
Gr., Hng., Bhm. = 81., (Gr. it is used 
as an adjective, " not baptized "), Jew. 

Bichav, K., vb. tr. (Gr., Bhm. wanting ; 
Hng. bichhav), to send. 

Bichavau, 8. ; bichavav, K., vb. tr. (Gr. 
bicltavava ; Hng. bichhavav ; Bhm. 
bichavav}, to send. 

Biknau, M. W., S., vb. tr. imp. ; bikin, 
pi. pf., bikindo (Gr. biknava ; Hng. 
biknav ; Bhm. bikenav), to sell. 

Bildcho, a., S., adj. (Gr., Hng. wanting ; 
Bhm., but meaning "bad"), unlucky. 
The meaning of the word is proved by: 
Bildchi rdkl'i, te tu (man) shuneha mre 
lava unlucky girl, if thou wilt hear 
ray words. So says the witch to the 
ravished girl in the tale Tchvra. 
(Jes., 106, gives : Bildchi lovina, bad 

Bildgos, s. vildgos. 

Birinau, S., vb. tr. (the word could be 
derived from the Slov. beru, "I take," 
but the difference of the meaning 
leaves that in doubt), to bear, to drag. 
Akakanak mange deha, so me kamava 
luve ketsi me birinava now thou wilt 
give me what I desire, as much 
money as I shall (be able to) bi-;ir. 
Pale peske kedind'as ketsi shai birin- 
d'as then he dragged as much as he 
could bear. The meaning of the fol- 
lowing is not very clear : The biri- 
nau but bilagohaAud 1 drag myself 
through the whole world (many 



countries) ? ; berinav man, M. W. 
(Slov. beru sa, Mikl.), I betake myself. 
Bish, M. K. S., num. card. (Gr., Hng., 
Bhm. = Sl.), twenty; Duvar bish, 
forty ; bishvar, K. S., twenty times. 

Bishto, K. S., num. ord. (Gr., Hng., 
Bhm. = SI.), twentieth. 

Biyau, M. W. S., biyav, M. W., biav, 
K., s. m. (Gr. biav, bav ; Hng. biav, 
biyav ; Bhm. biyav), nuptials ; pal 
biyaveskero, a., M. W., is said to mean 
afternoon, evidently by a mistake. 

Bizo, S., adv. (Mag. bizony) ; surely, cer- 
tainly, indeed. 

Bledo, adj., (SI. biddy) pale, concluded 
from bledone-moskeri, M. W., adj. (cf. 
mui) with a pale face (f.) 

Bliskinel, M. W., vb. imp. (Slov. bly'ska 
sa), it lightens. 

BoM'i, M. W., S., s.f. (Gr., Bhm. boMi, 
Hng. buJceli, bokeri), cake, wheaten- 

Bokos, M. W., (Slov. bole), side (of the 

Bokh, S., bok, K., s.f. (Gr. bolt, Hng., 
Bhm. bokh), hunger. 

Bokhdlo, M. W., S. bokdlo, K., adj. (Gr. 
bokalo ; Hng., Bhm. bokhdlo); hungry. 

Bokhal'ovav, (mange), M. W., vb. itr. 
(Gr. bokal'ovava, Hng. bokhayovav, 
Bhm. bokdlav, Jes. 3), to be (or to be- 
come) hungry. 

Bo'ri, K., S., s.f. (Gr. bori, bride, young 
wife, daughter-in-law ; Bhm. bori, the 
same ; Hng. bori) ; daughter-in-law, 
(so in all instances, viz.:) Leskre nd- 
rodi la na kamnas borake his parents 
would not have her as a daughter-in- 
law. Prav dayko, yo vudar, anav 
tube bora, anav tuke bora, u mange 
romniora open the door, mother, I 
bring thee a daughter, I bring thee a 
daughter, and for myself a wife. K. 

Bornovos, a., M. W., s. m. (Mag. borju, 
bornyu, calf), ox. 

Bosorka, a., S., s.f. (Slov. bosorka, cf. 
Mag. boszorkdny), witch. 

Bou, a., S. bov, a., M. W., s. m. (Gr., 
Bhm. bov, Hng. bof, bov), stove. 

Brad'i, M. W. (Gr. wanting ; Hng., Rni. 
= Sl., Bhm. brdd'i) ; tub, vat, can, 

Brdna, a., S., s.f. (Slov. brdna), door. 

Brdt'elis, a., S., s. m. (a dim. from the 
Slov. brat} 7 brother. 

Brishind, M. W., S., broshin, K. (Gr. 
brishin, brishindo ; Hng. brishind, 
brishin ; Bhm. brishind), rain ; bri- 
shind del, M. W., S., broshindav, K., 
it rains. 

Britva, a., S., s.f. (Slov. britva), razor. 

Bruntsl'ikos, S., prop, noun, m. (Slov. 
brunclik means : a sort of pigeon, 
Burzel taube) : the name of the hero 
of the tale "E trin drdki." Pale yekh 
bruntsl'ikos pes rakl'as aso god'aver, 
bruntsl'ikos pes vichinlas. Then there 
was found a B., such a wise one, B. he 
called himself. The speaker trans- 
lated the word B. by mudry (a wise 
man) probably misled by the word 
god'aver. The hero of several Mora- 
vian folk-tales is called Bruncvik. 

Brus/iaris, brusndris, S., s. m. (could 
be a slang word derived from the 
Slov. brus, "to grind," but cf. Cat. 
Gypsy bruxi, real). Kreutzer (an 
Austrian coin). Nisht les na kosht'i- 
nela ahi brusnaris it will cost him 
nothing, not even a kreutzer. 

Brusndrkos, a., s. m. (dim. of the fore- 
going), kreutzer. 

Buxlo, M. W., adj. (Gr. bnglo ; Hng. 
bulho ; Bhm. = SI.), wide, broad. 
Buxles, M. W., adv., widely. 

Bujando, ? a., *K. (Not to be under- 
stood). chave bujande, shelentsa 
probatne the boys are well known 
(they have been brought to the proof 
a hundred times), Kal. 

Buko, M. W., S.,s. m. (Gr., Bhm. -SI., 
Hng. bukko, bhuko), the entrails of an 
animal, a., S., the liver (pi.), M. W. 

Bukos, M. W., s. in. (Slov. buk), beech- 

Bui, M. W., S., s. m. f. (Gr. vul, bul : 
Hng., Bhm. = SI.), posteriors. 

Burkos, M. W., S. ; purkos, S., s. m. 
(Germ, burg), castle, cavern (I) In the 
Sl.-G. tales the dragons either reside 
in a burkos, or in a xeu, q.v. 

Burnek, M. W., s. m. (Gr., Bhm. = SI., 
Hng. burnik, bornek, the palm), hand- 

Buro, K., s. m. (Gr. wanting, Hng., 
Bhm. = SI.), bush, shrub, brier. 

Buroro, *K. ; buroro, M. W. (dim. of 
the same), id. 

But, M., K., S. ; but, M. W., adj. adv. 
(Gr., Hng., Bhin.=Sl.). 1. Much, 



many ; Nane man but love I have 
not much money. 2. Very ; Mind'ar 
leske o shere desk u pdnch tele chid'as, 
chak oda mashkaruno but tirinlas, 
uashchik les te chinlas tele immedi- 
ately he cut him up the fifteen heads ; 
but the middle held very fast, he 
could not cut it down. The com- 
parative buter, M. W., S., butter, 
M. W., means : further, beyond that. 
Buter tumen na dikava I shall not 
see you further. Les buter nane 
chdve, chak oda yeJch rdkl'i he has 
no children except that girl. The 
superlative sometimes means : par- 
ticularly. Yon has odoi pdnch bersh, 
ola tovarisha ; yon naibuter ehas chak 
vash oda rdkl'i they were there five 
years, those journeyman ; they were 
(there) specially for the sake of that 

girl. Butterjene, a., M. (cf. jene\ 
means the same as buter. 
iit'i, *M., S. ; buti, M. W. ; buti, *K. 
(Gr. buti, buki ; Hng. buti ; Bhm. 
buti. 1. Labour ; You shoha na 
kerelas zhddno but'i he never did 
any work. 2. Commonly the labours 
of a blacksmith ; rom kerel but'i, 
leske mind'ar o sviri pcl'as angal o 
vast the Gypsy is working (at the 
forge) ; immediately the hammer fell 
out of his hand. But'i keres ? But'i I 
Are you forging ? Yes, I am. 

Buyakos, a., M. W., s. m. (SI. bujak), ox. 

Buzex, a., M. W., s. f. (Gr. wanting ; 
Rm. buzexa, pi. ; Hng. buzeho,, pi. ; 
Bhm. = Sl.)j spor. 

Buzini, s. zubunis. 

Bzenca 1 a., S., s. f. (very uncertain l ), 
millet that has been ground. 


Chachiben, a., S. ; chachipen, K., s. in. 
(Gr. chachipe ; Bhm. chachipen; Hng. 
chachipe, chachipo, chachipe, means : 
faith, justice), truth, verity. Pen tu 
mange chachipen tell me the truth, 

Chdcho, S. ; chacho, M. W., adj. (Gr. 
wanting ; Hng. chacho, chachho ; 
Bhm. chacho ; Grm. chacho means 
genuine, pure). 1. True ; Ax dade 
mro, nane chacho, me somas korkori 
pashl'i andr-o ker Oh my father, that 
is not true. I lay alone in the house. 
2. Right ; Le tut akada angrust'i pal 
mro vast he tho tuke la pre tro angusht 
chacho take this ring from my hand 
and put it on thy right finger. 3. 
Well, all right ; Keraha shukdr biyau, 
h-auka hi chacho we shall make fine 
nuptials, and so (all) will be right. 

Cliachuno, M. W., adj. (Gr., Bhm. = SL, 
but its meaning in Gr. is : true, right ; 
in Bhm. own, proper), just. 

Chai, M. W., K., S., s. f. obi. sg. ; cha 
S. (Gr., Hng., Bhm. = SI., Gr. chei ; 
Hng. chhai). 1. Girl; Xudinomyekha 
cha, trival laha keld'om I got hold 
of a girl and danced with her three 
times. 2. Daughter ; E rdkl'i lot'il'as ; 

dikl'as pr-e chavdro o dad : ax uzhdr, 

mri chai the girl was delivered of a 

son. The father looked at the child : 

Oh, wait 2 , my daughter 1 
Chaiko, a., S., s.f. voc. (to the SI. chai 

the Slov. dim. suff. ka being adjoined) ; 

Uzhdr chaiko pr-o pdhi wait, girl, by 

the water. 
Chak, M. S., K; dak, K. ; cha, *K. 

(cha ker avava = chak kere av), adv. 

conj. (Mag. csak). 1. Adv. only, but 

as in Mag. 2. When (Lat. ubi, ut] 

Cha ker (r. chak kere} avava, mas, ma- 

roro xava -when I get home I shall 

eat meat and rolls. K. 
Chalav, K., vb. tr. (Gr., Bhm. wanting ; 

Hng. = SI.) ; to strike. 
Chalavav, *K., vb. tr. (Gr. chalavava, 

Hng., Bhm., SI.), to strike (as in : the 

clock strikes). 
Chdl'ovau, S. ; chalovav, M. W., K. ; 

chdl'avav, M. W., vb. itr. (Gr. chdl'o- 

vava, Hng. chal'ovav, Bhm. wanting), 

to become satiated, to feed to the full. 

Le marestar chal'ola she surfeited 

herself on good rolls. K. 
Cham, K., s.f. (Gr. = S1. meaning cheek, 

Hng. chham, Bhm. = SI.), face. 
Chang, M. W., S., s. m. (Gr., Hng., 

1 I once heard this word from Moravian Gypsies, but could not find out its meaning. J 
afterwards put it to my SI. Gypsies who translated it by the Slov. pSeno ; but, probably, 
they were induced to do so only by the similarity of sound between the two words. 

- A threatening expression ; like the Germ. Warte nur ! and the Slov. Len takaj ! 



Bhm. = Sl, in Gr. meaning leg), knee, 
jangl M. W. (ix. 9). 
Char, M.S.; char, M. W., K., s.f. (Gr. 
Bhin. char; Hng., char); grass. Shu- 
Mr char is said to mean flower, S. 
Charav, K., vb. tr. (Gr. charava, Hng. 
= SI., Bhm. charrav) ; to lick. 

Chdro, M. S., s. m. (Gr., Hng. charo ; 
Bhin. = Sl.) ; plate (M. W., also pot). 

Charori, chdrori, K. S., s. f. (dim. of 
char), grass, K. 

Charoro, M. W., s. m. (dim. of charo), 
plate ; (M. W., also pot). 

Chdvo, S., chavo, M. K., s. m., obi. sg. 
chas, S. ; 1 son ; Me som barvalo da- 
deskro chavo I am a rich (father's) 
son, cf. in the Grm., Westphal. G. 
dial, me horn ye chachi dadeski romni. 
2. Lad, boy, Dosta chdve pirde, mek 
latar na chinde ; chavo oda yek avl'as, 
mindiar latar chind'as Many lads 
have come, they have not gathered 
it ; this single lad has come, he has 
gathered it at once. K. 3. Child (pi.). 
Les Inter nane chdve, chak oda yekh 
rdkl'i He has no (other) children 
except this one girl. 

Chdvoro, S., chavoro, M. W. K., s. chha- 
voro, M. W., s. m. (dim of chavo), 
child. E rdkl'i lot'il'as ; ax diklas 
pr-o chavoro o dad The girl was de- 
livered of a son ; the father looked at 
the child. 2. Lad, boy (even when 
adult) ; Ax mre chavore, uzhdren chulo 
Oh my boys, wait a little (says John 
to his comrades in the tale Biboldo). 

Chaydri, M. W., K. S., chayori, M. W., 
s. f. (dim of chai), girl. 

Chekant, S., chekan, a., K., s. in. (Gr. 
chikat ; Hng., Bhm., chekat) ; fore- 
Chekan yakhengre, a., eyebrows, K. 

Cherxen, S., cherxen, M. W., M., s.f. (Gr. 
cherxan, cherxeni ; Hng. clierheni, 
cherhan ; Bhm. cherxen), star. 

Cherxenori, S., s. f. (dim. of cherxen), 

Chi, K., S., Slov. ci), if, (in interrogative 
sentences), its use is the same as in 

Chiamav, a., K., vb. itr., to walk, to go, 
K. ; not confirmed by my Gypsies. 

Chib, M. W., S., s.f. (Gr., Hng., Bhm.= 
SI., Gr., Hng. chip), tongue (never 

Chibdlo, S. : chibhdro, M. W., s. m. (Gr. 
adj. loquacious ; Hng. chibalo, id. and 
blacksmith, judge ; Bhm. chibalo, as 
in SI. : in other dialects still it has 
various meanings), judge. 

Chik, M. W., s. f. Gr., Hng., Bhm. = SI), 
dirt, mud. 

Chil, s., butter. 

Chilau, a., S., s. m. (Gr. kilav ; Hng. 
wanting ; Bhm. t'hilav), prune, damson ; 
cf. t'ilavin. 

Ghinau, M. W., S. ; chinav, K. (Gr. 
chinava, to cut, to perceive, to kill, to 
immolate ; Hng. chinav, chhinav, to 
cut, to strike, to write ; Bhm. chinav, 
to cut, to rend, to write). 1. To cut, 
to cleave ; Chind'as yepashende oda 
angrust'i he cut in two that ring. 
2. To strike, to beat ; Chin len rano- 
raha beat them with a rod. 3. To 
write ; Chinava kere ke tute, ke tro 
dad I shall write (a letter) to thy 
family (lit. home to thee), to thy 
father. 4. To hang, M. ; Yon les 
ligede thel yekha shibenitsate, th-odoi 
visinlas yek chindo they brought 
him to the foot of a gibbet, and on it 
was suspended a hanged man. M. 

Chinav preko, to change (money), a., S. ; 
Ase manusha, kai dikhnas sovnakune 
I6ve te chinen preko such men, who 
would be seen changing golden coins. 

Chinau, a., S., v. tr. (Gr., Bhm. wanting ; 
Km., Hng. chinav) ; to shake. La e 
ddr chind'as, hoi kai pes il'as leha md- 
nush She shook with fear (for she 
saw) whither (her) husband had re- 
sorted with him. 

Chinavav, *M., M. W., K., vb. tr. (Gr. 
chinavava, to cause to cut ; Hng., 
Bhm. wanting ?). 1. To rend. 2. To 
tug or pull about. K. 

Uiingerau, M. W., S., chingerav, K., 
(Gr. chingerava, to perforate ; Hng. 
chhingeravav, to cut ; Bhm. chingerav, 
as in SI.); 1. to rend ; Pale mind'ar 
oda topdnki chingerde then they im- 
mediately rent the shoes. 2. To cut 
up ; Chingerd'as leske savore oda shere 
he cut him up all the heads. 3. To 
knock down, M. W. 4. To break, M. 
W. 5. To throw, to cast or dart, K. 
Chingerav yakentsa, to survey with a 
look, to cast glances at, K. 

lo, M. W., s. m. (Gr. chinkardo 


an iron instrument ; Hng. wanting ; Be silent, for I bring you immediately 

Bhm. = S1. borer, bore) ; hatchet. into the paradise. 

Chiriklo, M. W., S., s. in. (Gr., Hung., Chivau, M. W., chiav, K., imp. chi, S., 

Bhm. = SI.), bird. Bdro lolo chiriklo, chiv, M. W., pi. pf. chido (Gr. chivava, 

eagle ; aso bdro chiriklo, hawk ; shu- pt. pf. chivdo, to draw ; Hng., Bhm. 

Jcdr chiriklo, lark; chiriklo so phirel chivav, to sow, to throw) ; 1. To throw. 

rdt'i, bat or rearmouse. Aso sviri chid' as so ehas phdres aspon 

Chirikl'i, S., s. f. (Gr., Hng., Bhm. chir- desk u pa'nch tsenti Such a hammer 

ikli), bird ; pa'rtti chirikl'i, magpie ; he threw, the weight of which was al- 

even a butterfly is sometimes called most fifteen quintals. 2. To stick? 

chirikl'i. cf. Uzhdr chivau mro kdr tra dake 

Chirla, K., S., adv. (cf. Rm. shiro, Hng. (In the tale Rom th-o drakos ii.), 

tsiro, Bhm. chiro, time) ; long ago. chiav avri, to pour out, K. 

nachirla, K., S., not long since. Chivos, S., s. in. (Mag. cso?) tobacco, 

Chisto, a., S., adv. (Slov. cisto, purely), pipe, stem. 

straight on, directly? T'icho achcn Chizhma, M. W., s. f. (Slov. &rma, cf. 

I'ebo tumeti I'ijau and-o rayos chisto Mag. csizma), shoe. 


Gli Zingari : Storia d'un popolo errante. By ADKIANO COLOCCI. 
Ermanno Loescher : Turin, 1889. 

Expected for some months previously, this interesting book has 
made its appearance with the beginning of 1889. As it is intended, 
in a great measure, for the general public of Italy to whom any 
serious work upon this subject, and in their own language, is quite a 
novelty there is much within the 420 pages of. Gli Zingari that has 
long been known to the world of Gypsiologists. This could not be 
avoided in a book which addresses itself to the public, and not to 
specialists alone, and, no doubt, this is the explanation of a fact which 
might otherwise demand criticism the occasional absence of refer- 
ences to the sources of the author's statements. But M. Colocci was 
not writing chiefly for his fellow-members of this Society, although 
all of these cannot fail to derive much pleasure and a considerable 
amount of profit from the perusal of 'his book. 

The ten chapters, which form three-fourths of the work, deal 
with the origin, advent, dispersion, persecution, and emancipation of 
the Gypsies, with their character and religion, their customs and 
language, their dances, songs, and music. There is a map a novel 
and instructive feature which shows the "Itinerary of the Great 
Band of 1417," and the localities in Middle and Western Europe 
where the presence of Gypsies in the fifteenth century has been 
recorded. There is also a very good Bibliography, from which other 
compilers may each glean something ; and this is followed by two 


appendices the first consisting of about twenty pages of words and 
phrases in the Italian dialect of Eomani, and the second being an 
" Italian-Tchinghianc " lexicon. By " Tchinghiane " M. Colocci in- 
dicates the speech of the Gypsies inhabiting Eastern Eumelia and 
the Balkan Peninsula generally, where he has himself studied the 
people and their language. Both of these vocabularies have, therefore, 
the value of original compilations. The first is peculiarly M. Colocci's. 
That relating to the Tchinghianes is his also, but the learned Paspati 
had previously gone over most of the same ground. (It is pleasant 
to observe, in passing, that our author, during his stay in Athens, 
enjoyed the friendship of this eminent Tsiganologue, to whom, indeed, 
he submitted many of the words now published.) The book, which 
is enlivened by many interesting woodcuts some second-hand and 
rather conventional, others extremely valuable closes with a highly 
poetical apostrophe to the source of the author's inspiration. 

Among the examples of Gypsy poetry are (pp. 270 and 280) a 
few short songs which M. Colocci has himself gathered during his 
travels in Eastern Eumelia. Moreover, to one of these 

Kamalav tut m'angcdi&te 

Kasoav ani dakar, 

he has added the music, also an original contribution, and by which 
he illustrates a special characteristic of Gypsy melody. The greater 
part, however, of his poetical specimens are admittedly taken from 
well-recognised sources. 

While Gli Zingari does not, therefore, assert itself as containing 
throughout its pages a mass of fresh information, it yet brings under 
the notice of even the scientific reader much that is of distinct 
importance. Weightier and more learned books have, of course, 
been written upon the subject; but no previous writer has repre- 
sented the Gypsies from so many points of view, nor is there any 
other book of the kind which places so much solid information before 
the reader in such a light, varied, and attractive manner. It must 
certainly awaken an interest in Gypsy matters among many who 
were previously indifferent, and it will give a great impetus to 
Gypsy study throughout the whole of Italy. 

Zur Volkskunde dcr Tramsilvanischen Zigeuner. Von DE. HEINRICH 
v. WLISLOCKI. Hamburg: Verlag von J. F. Eichter, 1887. 

This is an admirable example of vulgarisation, in the best and 
most legitimate sense of that word, being a short and singularly lucid 


survey of a subject upon which its author could more easily have 
written, out of the fulness of his knowledge, a treatise of five 
hundred pages, Dr. von Wlislocki has given us in but forty pages 
a masterly summary of his knowledge of the manners, customs, 
superstitions, and popular life of the Gypsies of Transylvania, who 
are found in that mountainous region as early as 1415, and have 
worked themselves there into a kind of settled citizenship. No 
part of Europe contains a more mixed population than Transylvania. 
The whole number of the inhabitants is not much over two millions 
(1880), yet here are found Hungarians descendants of the original 
Magyar conquerors and Szeklers together numbering over 600,000 ; 
Saxons, descendants of the German immigrants in the twelfth century, 
to the number of over 200,000 ; more than a million Walachians ; 
and as many as 46,000 Gypsies. These are commonly called in 
Transylvania by the Hungarian names of Pharao ntpc (" Pharaoh's 
folk "), Punic (" naked "), and Czigany : the Eumanians call them 
digdnu, while they themselves prefer the name Rom. Their 
tents are termed Kortrasch by their Saxon fellow-citizens. Their 
language divides itself into three dialects, which are mainly differ- 
entiated by the greater or less infusion of foreign words : (1) the 
Hungarian-Gypsy, (2) the Walachian-Gypsy, and (3) the Saxon- 
Gypsy, of which the first is the purest, and indeed the richest dialect 
of the Gypsy language in the world. The Transylvanian Kortorar 
fall into four main tribes, each under a hereditary chief : the Le'ila, 
Kukuya, Aschani, and Tschale. 

Dr. von Wlislocki rather suggests than draws upon the extra- 
ordinary wealth of popular poetry of the Transylvanian Gypsies, but 
what he does say is enough to convince folk-lorists that herein there 
is an inexhaustible store of treasures of the richest quality and 
preserved, moreover, in the most primitive forms. The glamour of 
Egypt has not blinded the author to the drawbacks of his heroes, but 
through all their squalor and lack of principle, and spite of the many 
unamiable circumstances in their environment, he can discern the 
romance that redeems them from baseness and glorifies their brown 
tents with the halo of poetry. 


Notices and articles on the Gypsy question (which were largely 
evoked by the publication of Gli Zingari) have recently appeared 
in the following journals of Italy : La Gazzetta Piemontese of Turin 
(30th Nov. 1888); // Popolo Romano (5th Dec. 1888); La Tribuna 


of Rome (from the pen of Evangelist!, 25th Dec. 1888) \Il Diritto of 
Rome (31st Dec. 1888, contributed by Bertola) ; La Favilla of Perugia 
(31st Dec. 1888), by G. B. Miliani, who also wrote on the same 
subject in the E'lbliofilo of Bologna in Jan, 1889 ; in the Carrier e della 
Sera of Mitan (by Barattani; 5-6 Jan. 1889); La Bilancia of Jesi 
(3rd Feb. 1889) ; L* Illustrazione Italiana of Milan (by Ugo Pesci, on 
10th Feb. 1889) ; the Cuore e Critica of Bergamo (20th Feb. 1889, by 
Dr. N. Colajanni), and in La Gazzetta del Popolo della Domenica, 
Turin, 17th March 1889. The Gazzetta Musicale of Milan, (10th 
March 1889), also contains the first of an interesting series of studies 
on " The Music of the Gypsies," by Dr. A. G. Corrieri. 

But of the many recent items upon this subject, which have 
appeared not only in the journals of Italy, but in those of Austro- 
Hungary and of other continental countries, we have not space to 
speak particularly. It is impossible, however, to conclude without 
referring to the graceful and sympathetic notice of our Society, which 
the pen of Madame CopMarlet (authoress of the Gypsy novel Gold- 
jano), communicated to the columns of the Revue de I' Orient of Buda- 
pest, on 20th January last. Herself an enthusiastic lover of the 
Gypsies, as well as a most charming writer, her article glows with a 
feeling of genuine appreciation of this Society, which may well con- 
gratulate itself upon having such an advocate. 



The anecdote of King James v. of Scotland (A.D. 1513-1542) and the tinkers 
may be contrasted with the similar adventure of King John of England (A D. 1199- 
1216), told at length in Lonsdale Magazine, 1822, vol. iii., p. 312, and repeated in 
Hampson's Medii Mm Kalendarium, 1841, vol. i., p. 224. King John was staying 
at Alnwick Castle, and dressed himself as a palmer (pilgrim) to visit the peasants 
and learn news of himself. Upon St. Mark's Day (April 25) he followed a footpath 
to a well, where he found three tinkers, who desired him to sit down and tell 
them the news. They made themselves merry with mocking him, and led him to 
a boggy bottom, and caused the king to travel to and fro until, bedaubed with dirt 
from head to foot, they suffered him to depart. As he passed home through Aln- 
wick street the people crowded about him. He testily told them all their posterity 
should tread in his footsteps. He reached the Castle, and sent an armed party 
after the tinkers. Two were hanged ; the third, who interfered on the king's 
behalf, was presented with his liberty and a sum of money. King John then made 
a law that if three tinkers were ever in future found travelling in company, two of 
them should be hanged ; and in consequence of the people's laughing at him, the 
king made a further decree that no man should enjoy the freedom of Alnwick until 
he had travelled through the same slough. H. T. CROFTON. 


The Scotch anecdote referred to by Mr. Crofton is quoted by Simson in his 
History of the Gypsies, pp. 104-5. And the similarity between the two stories is 
very striking so striking that it is evident there is more than similarity. The 
Scottish king goes through exactly the same kind of experience as King John of 
England (with some few and unimportant differences of detail), and, like him, he 
made a law, as the result of this ill-treatment, "that whenever three men tinkers, 
or gipseys, were found going together, two of them should be hanged and the third 
set at liberty." 

Now the Scotch story relates to the county of Fife, and the first half of the six- 
teenth century. The English story relates to the northern part of Northumberland, 
and the beginning of the thirteenth century. Obviously, therefore, the English 
story is the true one, of which the Scotch version is only an echo. 

That such an anecdote, if previously existing, should become associated with 
James v. of Scotland a very Harun-al-Rashid, and of whom innumerable such stories 
were told was an exceedingly natural event. But how did the Northumberland 
tale of the twelfth century become current in Fifeshire in the sixteenth ? If the 
English tale had been a couple of centuries earlier still, the explanation would not 
have been difficult. For, until the battle of Carham, in 1018, the country lying 
between the Tweed and the Firth of Forth was not Scottish but English (i.e. 
Northumbrian) ; and as the people of south-eastern Scotland were practically the 
same as those of Northumberland, an Alnwick incident would be as well known 
on the southern shores of the Firth of Forth as on the River Tyne. And if current 
on the southern shores of the Firth, it could easily pass across to the northern shores 
when the people on either side became politically one. 

This explanation, however, would insinuate that even the King John version 
was not the original. Be that as it may, it is clear that the Scotch story is a mere 
copy. And one very interesting circumstance is that, if the Scotch version be 
correct in speaking of the three as " tinkers or gipseys" and if the English tradi- 
tion really dates from the days of King John, then the latter would indicate the 
presence of Gypsies in Northuinbria in the thirteenth century. 



With reference to Mr. Pincherle's query (No. 3 of the Journal, p. 1 69) con- 
cerning the etymology of Gurko which in Spain is kurko, and in Italy kurJcara 
I am of opinion that the Greek KvpiaKrj is the probable source of all these forms. 
As a matter of curiosity, I would add that two other interpretations were offered to 
me : one that the word was derived from the Turkish-Gypsy gdrko (bad, wicked), 
as though the Gypsies, when Christianity was imposed upon them, had wished to show 
their contempt for the day of religion well aware that the Christians would not 
have understood the significance of the term. The other derivation was from the 
Indian g'hur (house), either because it was used to denote the day when one 
remained in the house, without going out to work, or because one went to church, 
the " house of God." These two interpretations of gurkoro dives have been given 
to me, but I cannot say I have much confidence in them. 

Simo comes from sinar, as Mr. Greene (No. 3, p. 170) correctly remarks. The 
Gitano verb sinar, however, seems to me the old Latin form altered, and not of 
Gypsy origin. In the Neapolitan dialect one finds these forms : Simo accd (we are 
here) ; Ce simmo nasciuti 'nsema (I was born with him). [Latin sim, subj.] 





Florence, Jan. 4, 1889- 

DEAR MR. MACRITCHIE, Just about the time when I received No. 3 of The 
Journal of the Gypsy Lore Society, and read your remarks on the Three Kings of 
Cologne, I was interested in the same subject from a very different point of view, 
yet one which bears on it. I am much occupied here in Florence in collecting 
Witch-lore, my assistant-general being a fortune-teller, apparently of Romany blood, 
who is possessed of a great store of charms and incantations, all of the " old faith," 
i.e. not Catholic Christian. 

She had frequently spoken to me of what are called medaglie dMe streghe, or 
witch-medals, worn as a counter-charm against sorcery and other evils. Finally 
she obtained some of them for me. They are small brass counters, bearing on one 
side the Three Kings of Cologne worshipping the child Christ, on the other, 

S. s. REGES 


On my remarking that this was " Christian," I was told that the believers in 
witchcraft, or those who have recourse to it, make an exception in its favour. They 
formerly used only old Roman coins for witch-medals. The priests, to prevent 
this, substituted the medals of the Three Kings, and " as we found that these were 
as powerful, they were accepted." I have lately learned that this compromise with 
sorcery made trouble among the orthodox believers. And I have been told by my 
collector, " Certainly we receive the medals, because the Three Kings were Streg- 
hone " (or wizards). But wizard here implies also " heathen," or not-Christian. 

Why, indeed, were these medals accepted by the believers in ancient sorcery, if 
there was not a deeply seated faith that the Wise Men of the East were sorcerers, and 
belonged in some way to the great army of dealers in dark lore ? It certainly showed 
great shrewdness in selection to so exactly match the witches' medals with the 
Three Kings', who were none the less wizards or warlocks because they were " holy " 
men. As for their connection with Gypsies, it is plain enough. Gypsies were 
from the East ; Rome and the world abounded in wandering Chaldean magi-priests, 
and the researches which I am making have led me to a firm conclusion that the 
Gypsy lore of Hungary and South Slavonia (of which I have large collections) has 
a very original character as being, firstly, though derived from India, not Aryan, 
but " Shamanic " that is, of an Altaic or Tartar, or " Turanian " stock, such as con- 
stitutes the real latent religion of the majority of the country people in India to-day. 
Secondly, this was the old Chaldean = A ccadian "wisdom" or sorcery. Thirdly 
and this deserves serious examination it was also the old Etruscan religion 
whose magic formulas were transmitted to the Romans. Now I find that the 
Florentine witch-lore is derived from the Tuscan Romagna, where it still has such 
influence that two persons, one a very learned Italian, and the other, one of the 
people, both independently remarked to me that there is ten times as much faith 
in heathenism or witchcraft there as in Christianity. 

The gift of gold, myrrh, and frankincense is very little understood. .Not long 
ago a professional witch in the Romagna made, and sent to me as a kindly token, 
" the great charm." It consists of several very ancient Roman and one purely 
Gypsy ingredient (the magnet), and was prepared with ceremonies and rhymes. 
But the chief component was frankincense, and I was warned that to perfect it I 
must add a small gold coin. This is not derived from the New Testament, for 
everything among these Tuscan sorceries is world-old. The gift by the Magi is 
explained as that of the charm or amulet which is given with a prophecy. Its 


object is to insure its completion, and to keep away evil influences, or malignant 
sorcery, and secure prosperity. According to my informant, the Magi " dukkered " 
the Infant, and gave him the usual gift. It is certainly true that this was the real 
meaning of such a gift under such circumstances. 

The Venetian witchcraft, as set forth by Bernoni, is evidently of Sclavic = Greek 
origin. That of the Romagna is Etruscan, agreeing very strangely and closely with the 
( 'haldean magic of Lenormant, and marvellously like the Gypsies'. It does not, 
when carefully sifted, seem to be like that of the Aryans, though these latter at an 
early date got hold of a great deal of it, nor is it Semitic. To what degree some 
idea of all this, and of Gypsy connection with it, penetrated among the people and 
filtered down, even into the Middle Ages, no one can say. But it is very probable 
that through the centuries there came together some report of the common origin of 
Gypsy and "Eastern" or Chaldean lore, for since it was the same, there is no reason 
why a knowledge of the truth should not have been disseminated in a time of tradi- 
tions and earnest study in " occultism." The more I investigate it, the more I am 
convinced that we know very little indeed about the real or social condition of 
witchcraft and sorcery of yore. 

I think that I have proved all I have here asserted in a book which I am writ- 
ing on Gypsy Sorcery. If not, I have at least brought together a mass of curious 
lore which possibly proves it. A great proportion of this has been gathered by me 
in strange ways among very strange people ; so strange that few cultivated men 
would believe such beings existed, or that such remains of prim.ieval religion are 
actually "living and breathing" in Europe. It dies very hard, this old faith in 
the fetish and "possession" and incantations, and it is probable that here in 
Italy, while the medals of the Magi are sold, and benedictions and exorcisms of 
another kind are dealt out, there will be found even among the peasants many who 
conjecture their true origin, and who, when a good strong cure is needed, go to it 
by preference. CHARLES G. LELAND. 

The idea that Gypsies were regarded as " wandering Chaldean magi-priests," in 
comparatively modern times, seems quite borne out by the following entry, which 
occurs in the Accounts of the Burgh of Aberdeen, 1593-1650: "Item, to twa 
strangers the ane ane Grecian, the uther ane Caldean remanent in this burgh, 
be the Counsall . . . ,10." (10 Scots, it may be remarked, was only 16s. 8d.). 
This " Caldean " can hardly have been anything else than a Gypsy. Probably the 
"Grecian" was also one ; like those "Greeks " of 1512, referred to in the Consti- 
tutions of Catalonia. 

Note also these lines in Butler's Hudibras (Part ii. Canto in.) : 
" He played the saltinbancho's part, 
Transformed t' a Frenchman by my art ; 
He stole your cloak, and picked your pocket, 
Chowsed and caldesed you like a blockhead." 

Warburton says that this is " a word of his [Butler's] own coining, and signifies 
putting the fortune-teller upon you, called Chaldeans, or Egyptians." 

Whether Butler invented the verb " to caldese " or not, it seems evident that, 
during the seventeenth century, and from one end of Great Britain to the other, 
the term " Chaldean " was not infrequently applied to Gypsy fortune-tellers. 
Therefore, as the Three Magi were believed to be Chaldeans, their representatives 
on the stage were naturally identified with the existing fortune-tellers "called 
Chaldeans, or Egyptians." 

The following extract from the January number of the Revue des Traditions 
2)opulaires (1889, p. 39) may here be given as supplementing similar statements on 
pp. 142-3 of our Journal (No. 3) : "In Normandy, the Feast of the Kings is 
celebrated on the Sunday following the 6th of January, and also the three Sundays 
following that date, that of the third Sunday being called the Feast of the Moorish 
Kings (Fete des Rois Maures)." DAVID 




The following is from a Trieste newspaper (II Piccolo, evening edition), 7th 
February 1889 : 

"We would draw the attention of our readers to various incidents which have 
recently occurred at Bergamo, where, on the ramparts near the gate of San 
Alessandro, a troup of Gypsies was encamped. 

"Numberless disputes remained to be settled between the tinker-Gypsies 
(Zingari-calderai) and their customers, who had entrusted to them their kitchen 
utensils, for the repairing of which the Gypsies were asking exorbitant prices ; but 
the police authorities cut short the difficulty by having all the utensils conveyed to 
the police-station, and inviting all parties thither for an equitable settlement. 
And, indeed, they arrived at a more or less spontaneous agreement, although 
several utensils are still lying at the police-station. 

" Now, while the Gypsies were striking their tents, there arrived another 
caravan of them, who desired to pitch their tents in that place. This the police 
absolutely prohibited them from doing ; and thus the two caravans, united together, 
moved down into the plain and betook themselves to Balicco's stable-yard, in the 
Campo di Marte. 

" Yesterday the preliminaries of a strange contract appear to have been com- 
pleted between the Gypsies and a landlord there. The latter, who bears the 
sobriquet of Pacio, took temporarily into his service, during the Gypsies' stay on 
the Campo di Marte, one of their boys, with whom he was so much pleased that he 
asked the Gypsies whether they would agree to leave him altogether with him. To 
this the Gypsies did not show themselves averse, but on the understanding that 
they should be recompensed. Pacio desired to learn the amount of such recom- 
pense. ' Five lire for every kilo the boy weighs,' replied the Gypsies. We do not 
know the lad's weight, but he is strongly built and stout, so that Pacio saw at a 
glance that the compensation was a little too serious. However, he ventured to 
offer two lire for every kilo. And the bargain broke off. 

" A contract of another sort was afterwards entered into between the two Gypsy 
caravans. A lovely girl belonged to one of the companies ; to the other a sturdy 
young fellow, Mastro Nicola. Mastro Nicola fell in love with the girl and, ipso 
facto, asked her in marriage. The match was at once arranged by the chiefs of the 
caravan. Everything seemed definitely settled, when, late in the evening, discus- 
sions arose concerning the Wedding Prize : the caravan that had ceded the girl 
claimed 1000 lire ; the other party would not give nearly so much. As a conse- 
quence, abusive language and menaces were freely exchanged, and an endless 
squabble got up, causing a curious crowd to gather round Balicco's stable -yard. 
The affair threatened to become serious, for the disputants had begun to exchange 
cuffs and blows. Fortunately the marshal, De Martino, with a dozen guards, came 
up in the nick of time. He had, however, much trouble before peace could be 
restored. Finally, seeing themselves threatened with severer measures, the two 
Gypsy caravans, with all their baggage, moved off to a very considerable distance 
from the neighbourhood of the town." 

VOLUME I. of the Journal will consist of the first six numbers, on the comple- 
tion of which a cloth cover will be issued to those who have previously intimated 
their desire to have it. 

NOTICE. All Contributions must be legibly written on one side only of the paper; 
must bear the sender's name and address, though not necessarily for publica- 
tion; and must be sent to DAVID MACRITCHIE, Esq., 4 Archibald Place, 




VOL. I. JULY 1889. No. 5 


THE Gypsies are as well entitled as the Circassians, and even as 
the Tartars and the Nogais, to be reckoned among the in- 
habitants of Asia Minor, where they appeared probably as early as 
the first century of the Christian era, and certainly sooner than they 
did in Europe. To judge from the accounts of the learned Baki Zade 
Chusni, of the kaimakams in Antioch, who occupied himself in 
archaeological research, one finds indications in the Arabic chronicles 
of the seventh century of the presence there of Gypsies. There came 
from the East many people calling themselves Ruri (compare Luri 
and Ljuli Gypsies of Central Asia), and these spread themselves over 
the whole country lying on the other side 'of the Euphrates. They 
lived in tents, understood smith-work, and how to treat horses, which 
they loved better than their own children. The dance and the song 
embellished their wild and irregular life. It cannot be denied that 
this description is strikingly applicable to the Gypsies who are yet to 
be found in great numbers in Asia Minor ; who often, with the 
Turkomans and the Juruken (mistaken for Gypsy bands) wander over 
the inner Anatolian plateau without any evidence of possessing a 
settled .abode. On my way to Siwas I met three or four bands 
one after another, which probably migrated to the south. On no 
account do they go beyond the Euphrates in Mesopotamia, for there 
they are opposed by the wild nomadic Bedaween. I met no Gypsies 
in Syria and Palestine, nor in the Sinaitic peninsula, although I not 
VOL. i. NO. v. K 


infrequently encountered Gypsy bands when in Egypt. The nearer 
one finds oneself to the eastern boundary of Asia Minor i.e. the 
nearer the Persian frontier the more numerous are the Gypsies ; and 
this also is the case on the Russian-Caucasian frontier. 

Of the thirty-four Gypsies whom I investigated from the anthro- 
pological standpoint during my journey through Asia Minor, twenty- 
eight belonged to the so-called common type, and had not the fine 
features and clear profile so often found among our Gypsies. 
Moreover, many of those whom I have measured were prognathous. 
Their average height was 'about 5 feet 2 inches (1'58 m.); their 
cephalic index 77'6 80'0. In general the common type among 
those Anatolian*, Gypsies recalls the Gypsies or Ljuri of Central Asia; 
on the other hand, the Gypsies or Chingars whom I met on the other 
side of Charput belong to the Persian type of the Susmani Gypsies. 
Their fine profile, the oblong face, the fine aquiline nose, the small but 
expressive black eyes, the curly, black hair, and the insignificant 
prognathism, reminded me of the type of the greater part of the 
South Russian and Wallachian Gypsies. Their cephalic index is from 
75*4 78'0 ; their average height is about 5 feet 3 inches (1'60 m.); 
they are also taller than those groups of Gypsies previously mentioned. 
One can sometimes maintain this type to be genuinely Semitic, 
whereas those Gypsies who belong to the common type have in 
general a Mongolian cast of features. 

The Gypsies of Asia Minor are horse-dealers and farriers, and they 
also occupy themselves in telling fortunes and in stealing. Musicians, 
singers, and dancers are more frequently met with among the Susmani 
than the real Anatolian Gypsies. The Persian Gypsies who frequent 
the frontiers of Armenia and Persia, and who are also found in 
Kurdistan, are notorious for their moral degeneration ; the Gypsies of 
Asia Minor, on the contrary, are eminent for their high morality. It 
is even said that crimes against honour and against their individual 
property are of very rare occurrence in their camps. The Gypsies 
frequently pitch their tents at the entrances of towns, and, uniting 
themselves with the Juruken and the Turkomans, wander together 
on the Jaila (the pasture-land of the Anti-Taurus). In the habits 
.of the Lycian and Pamphylian Gypsies one can see the step between 
the nomadic and the sedentary life. They take the same resting- 
places for years at a time, and busily engage in cattle-rearing ; the 
women even spin and weave. I have been told, moreover, that some 
Gypsy settlements are to be found on the way to Tosgad, but I have 
seen nothing of them. A. ELYSSEEFF. 



SOME ten years ago, a tribe of Gypsies quartered themselves in 
my forests. Pushed by curiosity, I frequently asked them to 
explain to me the meaning of certain words I had picked up among 
them, and the information so obtained led me to compile the present 
small vocabulary. 

Gypsies have, of late, appeared more rarely in these regions. 
They are in the habit of settling down for good in the places most 
congenial to them, where they amalgamate, by degrees, with the 
native population ; hence, in a hundred years hence, and perhaps 
even long before then, they may disappear altogether, and those who 
now have opportunities for writing down the information obtained 
with regard to the Cygani language, will contribute towards enlarging 
our knowledge on this subject and enable linguists to institute further 
comparison with the cognate languages. 

As even now Gypsies are met here very rarely, I have not been 
able to fall in with another of their settlements for the last ten years. 
Those who pitch their tents in these regions are known to visit also 
other more or less contiguous governments (provinces). 

Some of them may be met also at the annual fairs, but not regu- 
larly. As they are great adepts in the art of stealing, most of the 
frequenters of those periodical meetings are anxious to give them a 
wide berth. They usually occupy themselves with fortune- telling, 
cheating, horse-dealing. 

In winter time they rarely camp out in the open air, but take 
up their quarters in the village inns, where they seek to ingratiate 
themselves with those who seem to sympathise with them. Their 
favourite dance is the " Eed Cosak," a kind of Russian peasants' 
dance, accompanied by monotonous songs or instrumental music. 

The women usually wear, like the Kurpi 1 peasant women, a 
large shawl, by way of a cloak, which affords them not only sufficient 
protection against the cold, but also a convenient receptacle for 
stolen goods. In begging, they display considerable astuteness and 
knowledge of character. Thus, for instance, when a Gypsy woman 
asks at a peasant's hut for the gift of a piece of lard or some other 
similar article, a second Gypsy will, of course accidentally, turn up 
at the same moment and apostrophise her somewhat in the following 
style : " How stupid you are ! Why do you beg ? Do you not know 

1 Kurpi, a Polish family, inhabiting the provinces of Lomsha and Plock. 


how good the lady is, and that she will give you more than you have 
asked for ?-..." and so forth. 

All of the Gypsies visiting these parts are Roman Catholics, 
and recite their prayers in the Lithuanian language; they are 
baptised, married, and buried according to the ritual of the Eoman 
Catholic Church. 

In reply to some questions of mine, they stated that they pos- 
sessed no books written in their own language. Like their Lithu- 
anian kindred, the Gypsies of Curland are Eoman Catholics, and 
follow the usages of the Catholic Church. It is, however, their 
practice to conform, as much as possible, with the creed of their hosts, 
no matter what persuasion they may belong to. Thus I remember 
seeing, at Mittau, in Curland, some twenty years ago, some Gypsies 
going to confession at Easter time. They conform with all sacred 
rites merely in a most superficial manner, and after having partaken 
of the Communion, they leave the church in the greatest haste. A 
priest told me once, in a jocular way, that they only come to the 
confessional when their conscience is oppressed by excessive horse- 

Sometimes we are visited also by Hungarian, Servian, and 
Roumanian Gypsies. These last consider themselves to belong to 
the true (i.e. the Russian) Church. They are mostly tinkers, repairing 
copper cooking utensils ; but of these they are very apt to steal the 
copper bottoms, substituting an imitation of papier -mdcht. They 
differ greatly from our own Gypsies, whom they excel in an incredible 
amount of obtrusiveness ; moreover they attack and rob wayfarers, 
and when asked what they are, they say : " We are not Gypsies, 
Sir ; we are Magyars." A pretty story is told of these same " Mag- 
yar" gentry, as practised upon a gentleman in the district of Marianpol, 
in the province of Suwalki. This is what happened : Some Gypsies 
had cured the horses on that nobleman's estate of glanders, for which 
service they demanded a very large sum, amounting to several hun- 
dred roubles, which the nobleman refused to pay, as it was greatly 
excessive. When the Gypsies had left, the horses began to neigh in 
an extraordinary manner, louder and louder, becoming perfectly wild ; 
and, eventually, falling down in convulsions. A veterinary surgeon 
was sent for, but could do nothing, and he was not even able to name 
the disease from which the horses were suffering. When the surgeon 
dissected one of the dead horses, he found every part of the body to 
be in a perfectly normal condition ; but, on opening the head, it was 
found that a number of rags had been pushed up the poor animal's 


nostrils, which, of course, brought on suffocation. Such and similar 
innocent little games arc now and then practised by these amiable 
visitors, and no one need therefore wonder why their room is, as a 
rule, preferred to their company. 

The Gypsy women always carry a quantity of corn in their 
pockets, for the purpose of attracting and catching poultry, which 
they quickly kill, and adroitly hide underneath their ample shawls. 
They also dispense certain philtres, whicli they call "sympathetic 
nostrums," supposed to have the effect of making people fall in love 
with each other. They are also suspected of child-stealing. 

I once came across a fair-complexioned Gypsy, with light blond 
hair ; he was the son of a noble lady, who had eloped with his father. 
By such and similar instances of cross-breeding, the race of the 
Gypsies becomes refined and altered. They usually speak several 
languages, and are not a little proud of their own, which, they say, 
is a mixtum composition, consisting of three times nine languages ; 
that is to say, probably, by an admixture of Lithuanian Trins 
devineres Kalbas, as they name it. 

With regard to their genealogy, they say that they come from 
Egypt, and that, at the time the Jews were slaves in that country, 
building towers and treasure-cities, their ancestors were set over them 
by the Pharaohs as taskmasters, armed with knouts to whip them 
on. . Stealing, they say, has been permitted in their favour by the 
crucified Jesus, because the Gypsies, being present at the Crucifixion, 
stole one of the four nails, by the aid of which the Saviour was 
nailed to the cross ; hence it is that, when the hands had been 
nailed fast there was only one nail left for the feet, and therefore 
God allowed them to steal, and it is not accounted a sin to them. 

Gypsies have, generally, a dusky complexion, and curly black 
hair, and black eyes, by which, and their peculiar features, the descen- 
dants of this tribe are easily recognised. 

In summer time the children are often allowed to go about naked. 
They smoke pipes, and when they are short of tobacco, they are 
satisfied to smoke hay or other vegetable matter. 

Half a century ago the nobility practised the barbarous sport 
of hunting Gypsies out of their forests, often killing or crippling 
them. It certainly had the effect, if not of expelling them entirely, 
at least of making their visits few and far between. 

When telling people's fortunes from their hands, they gratify 
them usually with a string of set, flattering phrases ; for instance : 
" Girls will surround you, good sir, like Hies around a milk-pot. If 



you marry, you will have no fewer than ten children ; men do not 
look after the bread basket " (meaning, you need not trouble about 
having to keep them), et ccetera ad infinitum. 


The Polish orthography of the author is here followed, with a few modifications. 
The italicised " 1 " (I) is substituted for the Polish symbol, which has the force of 
" 11 " in English. Italicised o and e represent a nasal sound equivalent to French 
on and in in the words bon and vin. The letter " n " is here used as in Spanish. 
Cz = Eng. ch ; sz = Eng. sh ; z = Fr. g, as in gite ; c = Eng. ts ; and ch = Germ. ch. 



(Those marked thus * are by the Editors). 


Ring, .... 

Bibo, . 

Aunt, .... 


Bate, . 

Hair, .... 

Breza, . 

Birchwood, . 

Rus. Berioza ; Lit. Berzas. 



Brydo, . 
Bori, . 

Ugly, .... 
Daughter-in-law, . 

Pol. brzydki. 
Pol. brae' ; Rus. baroZ. 


Brandy (Schnapps 

Germ. Branntwein. 


Bing, . 

Devil, .... 

Lit. Bangputis, an idol. Beng.* 


Stork, .... 

Pol. bocian ; Lit. bacenas ; Rus. bot'ka. 

Bar, . 
Czaj, . 

Stone, .... 

Lettish, bars, a heap. 


Whip, cat-o' -nine-tails, 

Lit. cziupti, to seize. 



Pol. chomot. 

Czaro, . 

Large dish, . 

Pol. czara. 



Pol. cholewa, the leg of a boot. Wlislocki, cholo, 



Greatcoat, . 

Czon, . 

Moon, . . . 

Czerhenia, . 

Stars, .... 

Czyna, . 


Pol. cyna ; Lit. cina (because they are made of 

tin Germ. Zinri). 

Czar, . 
Cha, . 

Grass, .... 
To eat, .... 

Used by the Gypsies for making charms ; Pol. 
czary, sorcery, a love-philtre. 

Cholinakro. . 

Angry, .... 


A Russian, . 

Rus. choZodnyj, cold ; coming from a cold 

region (north). 

Czavo, . 

Son, .... 

Kirch. -Slav, czado child. 


Chestnut colour. . 

Pol. cisawy. 


Bird, .... 

Lit. cirulus, lark. 


Woman (female), . 

Eng.-Gyp., djiivel ; Paspati, djuvel.* 

Daj, . 


Dad, . 

Father, . 

Pol. dziad ; Rus. ded, grandfather ; Lit. dedis; 
Rus. diada, uncle. 



Lit. dantis; Lat. dens. 

DukaZ, . 


Eng.-Gyp., duka.* 

DeveZ, . 


Lat. Deus ; Lit. Dievas (and Dievelis, dear God). 

Dzo, . 


Eng.-Gyp., djob.* 



Drum, . 

Way (road and street), . 

Pol. droga. 

Draba, . 


Pol. drobic, crumbs. 


Show me your hand (for 

Wast ! 
De pszaZoro 

telling your fortune), 
Give oats to my horse, 

Look me on the hand.* 

mire greske 
dzo ! 

brother ! . 

Pol. daj, give ; Germ. mir. 

Fur, . 

Sheep, .... 

Foro, . 

Town, . - 


Country residence (Vil- 

Eng.-Gyp., filisin;* Liebich, filezzin;* Lit. 


pile, town. 

Felda, . 

Field, .... 

Germ. feld. 

Graj, . 

Horse, . 


Mare, . 


Gad, . 

Shirt, . . . . 

Pol. galki, gacie, drawers. 






Gadzo, . 

Inhabitant of Zmudz 

Rus., Lit. Gudas. (Eastern Russia). Gadzo = 





Pol. gruszk. 


Dun, or chestnut (colour), 

Pol. gniady. 


Sweet, .... 

Lit. godus, godlivas, to long for sweetmeats. 

Gau, . 

Small village, 

Germ. haus. 

Giu, . 

Rye, .... 

Hera, . 

Feet, .... 

Lit. greitas, swift; Pol. (vulg.) giry, leet. 


Well, .... 

Hirifo, . 
Jag, . 

Peas, .... 
Fire, .... 

Esthon. hern ; Lit. zirnei,j3eas ; Slav, zerno, grains. 
Lit. ugnis ; Lat. ignis ; Sansc. agni ; Lettish, uguns. 

Jaka, . 

Eyes, .... 

Lit. akis ; Let. acis ; Pol. Russ. oko. 

Jegla, . 

Fir, .... 

Lit. egle, agle ;' Lettish, egle ; Pol. jodZa. 

.Tudu, . 

Jew, .... 

Germ. Jude. * 

Jenczmenie, . 

Barley, .... 

Pol. jeczmien ; Rus. jaczmien. 



Germ, unterrock ; Lit. indarokas. 



Esth. kanna. 



Kak, . 

Uncle, .... 


Trunk, .... 

Polish, karcz. 


Sun, . 

Kangiery, . 



Book, .... 

Rus. kniga, knizka ; Lit. kniga. 

Kas, . 

Hay, .... 

Esth. kask, kassa, birch ? 

Kana. . 

Ear, .... 

Esth. kan, kand. 

Kar, . 

Flesh (meat), 

Rus. karowa ; Lit. karwe ; Pol. krowan, cow. 

Kaszta, Kasxt, 

Wood, .... 

Pol. kasztan, a chestnut tree. 

Kiral, . 
Kirko, . 

Salt, adj., . 
Bitter, .... 

? A quid pro quo (kiral = cheese).* 
Lit. kartus ; Rus. gorkij. 

Kalu, . 

Black, .... 

Germ. kohl. 

Kotka, . 

Cat, .... 

Pol. kotka ; Lit. kate. 

Laska, . 

Stick (cane), . 

Pol. laska. 

Lye, . . 

To carry, 


Good, .... 


Beer, .... 

Mursz, . 

Man (i.e. mensch), ^ . 

Pol. monz; Rus. muz; Lit. muziks ; Esth. 



Moss, .... 

Rus. nioch. 

Muj, . 

Body, .... 


Death, .... 

Lit. miribe, death ; mirti, to die. 

Mas, . 

Flesh, .... 

Lit. mensa ; Pol. mienso ; Lit.jnisti, to nourish 



Corals, .... 

Matszlim, . 

A fly, . 

Nasz, . 

To move, 

Lit. neszti ; Pol. nieszc', to draw. 


The water runs (flows), . 

Naszel o pani.* 


Sick, .... 


To ride on horseback, . 

kolisto (i.e. the horseman). Cf. Scotch-Gypsy 

klistie, soldier.* 

Pani, . 

Water, .... 

Lit. pienas (mleko), milk. 

Pode ! . 

Demand Beg ! 

Pol. podaj ! Lit. poduk ! 

Piri, . 

Kettle, .... 

Pchu, . 
Perio. . 

Earth, .... 
An Egg, 

Rus. pachat, to plough, to till the ground. 
Lit. p^ras, a brood of chickens. 

Pora, . . 

Pen, .... 

Pol. pioro ; Rus. piero. 

Pchabaj, . 

Apple, .... 


White, .... 

Pol. pardwa, white partridge. 


Sheep's fleece, 

Lit. postees, to clothe one's-self. 


Old .... 

Papin, . 

Goose, .... 


Burial, .... 

Pol. pogrzeb. ; Rus. pogreb ; Lit. pagrebas. 

Palca . 

Onion, .... 
Finger, .... 

Lit. purai wheat. 
Pol. Palec. 

Rakty,. . 

Girl, .... 

Roj, . 

Spoon, .... 

Roto, . 

Wheel (of a carriage or 

Germ, rad ; Lit. ratas, a wheel ; Sans, rata, a 



Reka, . 

River, .... 

Rus. rieka. 

Raj, . 
Rajny . 

Parson (priest), . 
Gentleman (Seigneur), . 
Lady, .... 

j-Pol. (vulg.) Rajny, to woo; courtship. 


Pole, . . . . 

Lit. lenkas. 

Rom, . 

Gypsy, .... 







Wife ; female Gypsy, . 

Ri, . . 

To cook 

Lit. riti ; Let. riht, to eat. 

Reca, . 

Duck, .... 


Camp (Military), . 

Germ, stadt ; Lit. stoti, to stand. 

Saste, or 



Szwar, . 

A bridle, 

Paspati, shuvar, bridle.* 


A small bridle, 

Lit. suverti, to bind together. 

Stad, . 

Cap, .... 

Eng.-Gyp. staadi.* 

Sosna, . 

Pine (fir), . 

Pol. and Rus. sosna. 



Pol. strzemieu ; Rus. stremien. 


Tar, .... 

Lit. smaZa. Pol. smoZa. 

SZuga, . 


Pol., Rus., and Lit. sJuga. 

Saso, . 


Esth. Saks. German ; Pol. Sas. Saxon. 

Sal, . 

Salt, .... 

Esth. sool. The Gypsy word for " salt " is Ion.* 


Bread, .... 



Beautiful, . 


Sour, .... 

Sado, . 


Pol. sad ; Lit. sodas. 

Szino, . 

Blue, . . 

Pol. siny ; Rus. sinij. 

Sivo, . 
Szvencono, . 

Grey (horse), 
Holy (sacred), 

Pol. siwy. 
Pol. szwagier ; Germ, schwieger. 
Lit. szventas, holy ; Pol. swiencouy, consecrated. 

Smentano, . 

Cream, .... 

Lit. smetona ; Pol. smietana. 

Szerariduni, . 

Pillow, .... 


Head, .... 

Tro szero, thy head.* 


Boot, .... 

Tchu, . 

Smoke, .... 


Pipe, .... 
Clover, .... 

Tchuvalo= tobacco, in various Gypsy dialects.* 
Fr. trefle, Lat. trifolium.* 


Beard, .... 

Tchut, . 

Milk, .... 


House, .... 

? Kchera.* 

Terno, . 

Young, .... 

Lit. tarnas, a servant. 

Uszta, . 

Mouth, .... 

Pol. usta ; Lit. ustai, moustache. 


Carriage or cart, . 
A measure (for liquids), 

Eng.-Gyp. vardo and wardo.* 
Pol. wiadro ; Rus. wedro ; Lit. wedras, a 

capacious skin. 

Vasta, . 

Hands, .... 

Lit. westi ; Esth. wasto. 


Alder-tree, . 

Pol. and Rus. olcha. 


Moustache, . 

Pol. wosy ; Rus. usy. 

Zen, . 



ZiZto, . 
Zwero, . 

Green, . 
Animal (wild). 

Rus. zelenij. Eng.-Gyp. selno.* 
Lit. geltas. Eng.-Gyp. yelto.* 
Rus. zwer ; Lit. zweris. 


1. jek. 

2. duj. 

3. trin. 

4. sztar. 

5. pancz. 

6. szau. 

7. efta. 

8. ochta. 

9. enia. 

10. desz. 

11. desz jek. 

12. deszo duj. 


20. bisz. 

21. biszte jek. 

22. biszte duj. 



30. trindesza. 

40. sztardesza. 

50. panczdesza. 

60. szaudesza. 
TOO. szel. 
200. duj szeZa. 
300. trin szeZa. 
1000. tysiouc (Pol. tysionc). 



Not being quite sure about the correct signification of some 
words, I took care to inquire further of other Gypsies in the Polish 
and Lithuanian languages, and thus ascertained that the expressions 
used were correct. I am, therefore, quite sure, and have no longer 
any doubt about it, without venturing in any way upon believing in 
my own infallibility, having made a compilation of a language which 
I have not mastered at all. 1 

In an article published in 1881, in the Warsaw Illustrated 
Gazette, No. 311, page 381, there appeared a synopsis of some words 
of the Cygani language as spoken in Galicia, which proves the 
diversity existing in the various Cygani dialects, although the author 
of the said article declares that the Cygani language of Galicia is 
absolutely the same as that of Lithuania. From the following 
Synopsis it will, however, be seen what difference there exists really 
between the two dialects. However, the language of the Gypsies in 
Lithuania is quite the same as that of the inhabitants of Samogitia 
(Zmujdz), the tribes in question being in the habit of frequently 
interchanging their camping grounds. 










(My God.)* 


A male. 

Gadzo, Mursz; 

A male. 




An inhabitant of Samo- 

gitia (i.e., a non-Gypsy).* 




Girl (lass). 





(This gentle- 





















Head ; (troszero, thy 


















Paspati, rukond, or riJcond, a little dog.* 

1 While it is evident that, in some instances, M. Dowojno has heard or noted down im- 
perfectly the words given to him by his Gypsies, we have thought it expedient to leave his 
list in its original state, believing that a vocabulary thus untouched possesses certain 
advantages of accent which would otherwise be lost. Where it has seemed advisable, we 
have made some additions to M. Dowojuo's '" Remarks." [ED.] 



In Kraszewski's novels, Oksana and The Hut near the Village, a 
great many Cygani words have been introduced. 

As the Eussian authorities desire the complete supervision of the 
Gypsies, they are commanded to settle themselves in certain selected 
localities. In this district there has been formed the Gypsy village 
of Szimsza, near Szavli, in the province of Kovno ; and other Gypsies 
reside in the neighbourhood of Balberiszki and Preni, in the province 
of Suvalki, regarding whom I shall say more on a future occasion. 




Ehas yekh minaris ; ehas les 
shukdr rdkli, has lake bish bersh, 
nashchi pes talindyas lake rom. 
You has igen, lakro dad, and-e 
bdri lach, kana hi igen barvalo, he 
nashchi pes lake rom talinel. 

Indch hi rdklya jungdleder h-o 
romes len. A.X uzhdr, ine dava te 
kerel yekh bdlos he dava and-o tselo 
kra/ina heslos, kai t-aven pra bdlos, 
(hoi me kerava shukdr bdlos), nisht 
les na koshtyinela anyi ~brusny- 
aris ; ketsi kamla sako mdnush, 
atsi shai khelel the shai xal the shai 
piyel. Me chak probdlinau, chi 
pes mra rdklyake talinla vare-savo 

Laches ke rdtyi desh ore He o 
roma te bashavel. raya, o 
2)rintsi, vsheliyaka manusha auk- 
har so has pra svetos, savore avle / 
na has para ole svetoske, kai atsi 
toulchas atsi vildgos, nashchi peske 
dinyas o minaris anyi rada. You 


There was a miller ; he had a 
beautiful daughter ; she was twenty 
years old, and could not find a 
husband. Her father was much 
ashamed, that, though he is very 
rich, she cannot get a husband. 

" In other cases," he said, " girls 
are uglier, and yet secure husbands. 
Oh ! I shall give a ball, and send 
an invitation through the whole 
land, that they may come to the 
ball (that I shall give a fine ball), 
and it will cost him (who comes 
to the ball) nothing, not even a 
kreuzer ; every man may dance, 
and eat and drink as much as he 
likes. Only I shall try if a lover 
for my daughter may be obtained." 

Well, at ten o'clock at night, the 
Gypsies began to play. The gentle- 
men, the princes, men of all kinds, 
whosoever were in the world, they 
all came ; there was not a pair 
[left] in the world [outside]. 
When such people bustled in such 

1 The orthography is the same in general as in my Slovak-Gypsy Vocabulary, except that 
for the signs t', d', n', I' there used, I have here substituted ty, dy, ny, I (before i), ly (before 
other vowels), in order to facilitate the work of the printer. 



has igen rado hoi chak pes talinla 
varesavo pirdno ola rdklyake he 
Irkea biyau. 

Lyebo ndne nyiko man chak oda 
yekh rdkli. Me som xvala devles- 
ke barvalo auk-har grdfas. Kana 
merava, kaske me odova mukava ? 
ndne man rdklo anyi rdkli, chak 
sal tu kokdri. 

Alye Idches He te bashaven o 
lavutdra yekh shukdr verbunkos, e 
rdkli gelyas the khelel the yeklu 
manmheha, you has masdrsko to- 
varishis alye Jias igen shukdr the 
ehas barvalo. Mindyar e rdkli 
pes leske zalyubindyas he e rdkli 
leske ; xudine pes soduije'nc chumi- 
dinde pes yekhetdne he dine peske o 

Tu sal mri romnyi, me som tro 
rom / Akanak jas ke tro dad, 
pheneha leske, hoi amen sovla- 
xdraha he keraha biyau. Laches 
phuch tre dadestar, so man tuha 

Ax dadka, phen ole mre romeske, 
so les mantsa deha. 

Pal mri smertya savoro leske 
he tuke poruchinava, 

Te na mulyas, ehi pr-o scdos he 
peskra romnyaha. 

a manner, the miller did not know 
what to do. He was much pleased 
that probably a husband for the 
girl would be found, and she 
would make a marriage. 

" For," said he, " I have none 
besides this one child. I am, 
God be praised, rich as a lord. 
When I shall die, to whom shall 
I leave that [money] ? I have 
neither a son nor a daughter except 

Well then, the fiddlers began 
to play a fine dance ; the girl went 
to dance with a man; he was a 
butcher's boy, but he was very 
fine and rich. Immediately the 
girl fell in love with him and the 
lad with her ; they embraced and 
kissed one another, and gave the 
hand to one another. 

You are my wife, and I am 
your husband ! Now go to your 
father ; you will tell him that we 
will espouse one another and make 
a marriage. Well, ask your father 
what he will give me with you 
[as a dowry]. 

father, tell my husband 
[bridegroom ?] what you will give 
him with me. 

After my death I shall bequeath 
all [that I have] to him and to 

If he is not dead, he is in the 
world [alive] with his wife. 


This story has been written down from the lips of a Gypsy 
lad (Andreas Facsuna, called Yanko by his comrades), in 1884, at 


Tapolcza. In publishing it, I do not imagine that its contents will 
be found interesting. It is intended only to give to English readers 
a short specimen of the speech itself, and of the childlike style of 
Slovak-Gypsy tales. 

To some passages of the Gypsy text, which I left uncorrected 
itself, I ought to add the following remarks : Ax uzlidr, me dava te 
kerel, etc. Cf. German : Warte, ich werde etc. 

Hoi me kerava shukdr bdlos. This is a mere repetition of the fore- 
going : me dava te kerel yekh bdlos. 

Nisht les na koshtyinela. We might expect len instead of les. 

lie o roma te bashavel. " roma" Translated by " The Gypsies " ; 
the different meanings of that word will be explained in my Vocabu- 

Na has pdra ole svetoske. I am doubtful whether this passage is 
connected with the foregoing or with the succeeding sentence. We 
could also render it : " There was no pair of men in the world who 
would bustle so much, there was no such abundance of light (else- 
where)." 1 

Nashchi peske dinyas o minaris anyi rada. Cf. German : er wusste 
sich gar keinen Rath. 

Mindyar e rdkli pes leske zalyubindyas. Instead of the immedi- 
ately following he e rdkli leske, the narrator of the story should say ; 
h-o rdklo lake. RUDOLF VON SOWA. 



FIRST PERIOD, 1417 1438. 

AT the end of the year 1417, a band of Gypsies appeared all at 
once in the neighbourhood of the North Sea, not far from the 
mouth of the Elbe. They came most probably, or at least the greater 
number, from those parts of the Byzantine Empire which were 
invaded or threatened by the Turks ; 2 and we may conclude from 

1 The following reading is also permissible : Kai atsi toulehas . . . anyi rada, 
"There was such a bustle and such a blaze of lamps, the miller did not know what to 
do." [ED.] 

2 This is what I conclude from the statements they made, as will be seen further on, 
which wei'e received as true by the Emperor Sigismund, as is proved by the contents of the 
letters of protection. I do not doubt that there were then in Hungary other Gypsies who 
had inhabited the country for a space of time more or less long ; but it was evidently 
not they who could have made these statements to the Emperor, nor, above all, who could 
have induced him to believe them. 


the indications which are about to follow that they must have made 
a halt in Hungary, and afterwards stopped near the Lake of 
Constance. During this long journey, from the Balkan Peninsula to 
the North Sea, no chronicler, no document known up to the present 
time, has noticed their passage ; from which we may conjecture that 
it was rapid and direct. 

We will here notice a well-attested fact, and a valuable testi- 
mony, which throw some light on these early times. The above- 
named Gypsies were, as we are about to see, bearers of letters 
of protection from the Emperor Sigisinund. 1 Where had they been 
obtained ? It has been generally supposed that it was in Hungary ; 
and at first sight this supposition appears natural enough, these Gyp- 
sies having come from the east, and Sigismund being King of Hun- 
gary at the same time that he was King of Bohemia. But there is a 
small objection to this supposition ; which is, that the Emperor did 
not go to Hungary during this period. So far as I have been able to 
follow his movements, during the whole of the time that the Council 
was sitting (Nov. 1414 April 1418), Sigismund was in Western 
Germany, at Constance, in France, and in England, from whence he 
returned by Calais, the Low Countries, Alsace, and Savoy, and re- 
entered Constance on the 27th January 1417, where he remained till 
the end of the Council. Where then could our Gypsies have met 
him or gone to find him ? A valuable piece of information furnished 
by Munster 2 will find its place here. This author states that, being 
at Heidelberg (about 1525 ?), he met some Gypsies of quality, who 

1 I will here notice a double falsehood committed by these Gypsies, and which has a 
certain critical interest for us. In 1422, at Bologna, they say that they have been wandering 
for five years, and they show letters of protection from the emperor. Now their arrival in 
the West dated precisely from 1417. In 1427, at Paris, they say again that they have been 
wandering for five years, and at the same time they show letters of protection from the Pope. 
Now it was precisely in 1422 that they had been in Rome, and, before this journey, they had 
never spoken of pontifical safe-conducts. The concordance of these circumstances and, in 
general, of all those concerning the letters of protection from the Emperor and the Pope 
would confirm, if necessary, the authenticity of these documents. If they had been false, 
the Gypsies, who in all their statements carried back the date of the commencement of their 
pilgrimage as far as possible, would not have failed to fabricate others. 

2 Cosmographie universelle. Not having been able to consult the best German or Latin 
editions of this work containing the chapter relative to the Gypsies (it is not to be found in 
the former, and it is disfigured in the latter), I have been obliged to rely upon the French 
translation of 1552-1555 (Bale, in large-fol. p. 287), and upon that of Belleforest, Paris, 157f. 
(2 vols. in 3 parts in fol.). In the whole of this chapter, which possesses some interest, 
although the commencement is simply an unacknowledged reproduction of a passage in 
Albert Krantz, the two differ only in several equivalent expressions and by two gross faults 
of impression, which each of the two translations may serve to correct in the other. In 
following these two French translations, which in the whole of this chapter I have reason to 
believe are conformable to the best original editions, I remark, however, in my .short and 
very important quotation, two different readings furnished by the German edition of Bale, 
1669, which, although abridged and disfigured, may have retained on these two points some- 
thing of the right reading : It is at Ederbach, near Heidelberg, that Munster met these 


showed him copies of some letters they had formerly obtained from 
the Emperor Sigismund at Lindau ; " in which letters it was told how 
their ancestors had formerly abandoned for a time in Lower Egypt 
the Christian religion, and had returned to the errors of the pagans, 
and that, after their repentance, it had been enjoined them that, during 
as many years as their predecessors had remained in the errors of the 
pagans, so long should some members of all these families travel 
about the world, in order that, by such banishment and exile, they 
should obtain remission of their sin." It is evidently the town of 
Lindau, situated on the Lake of Constance, at eight leagues from the 
town where the Council was sitting, that is spoken of here. Unhap- 
pily, Munster has not transmitted to us the date of this document 
which passed under his eyes ; but the summary that he gives of it is 
so much in accordance with the essential data of the accounts which 
the Gypsies, bearers of the Imperial letter, are about to give during 
several years, that one can scarcely doubt the identity of the latter 
with the one of which Munster saw the copy. 1 I adopt in conse- 
quence this conclusion ; and as, in addition, it is most unlikely that 
our Gypsies should have remained long without making use of this 
document in a manner sufficiently notable for the mention of it to 
have come down to us, I will in future call this letter the Imperial 
letter granted in 1417 at Lindau. This date of 1417 also agrees well 
with the chronological indications I have noted above as to the 
movements of Sigismund at this period; and it is still more 
plausible, because it is only towards the end of 1417 that we find the 
Gypsies bearers of this letter from Sigismund. 

One will no doubt be astonished that an Emperor of Germany 
should have accorded his protection to the people we are about to see 

Gypsies ; and it is a " vidimus . . . that they had obtained from the Emperor Sigismund at 
Lindau." The first reading must be the true one; the second is almost certainly faulty, 
except perhaps for the word vidimus (instead of copy), which it would be worth while to 
substantiate with the aid of the best original editions. As to the time when Munster met 
these Gypsies, all the editions or translations I have been able to consult all those, at least, 
which give a date repeat : " It is about twenty-six years ago that I, Munster, who write these 
things, being at Heidelberg . . ." In order to know to about what year this date carries us 
back, it would be necessary to be acquainted with the first edition in which this indication is 
given. I will only say that Miinster died at Bale in 1552 at the age of 63, that the first 
German edition of his Cosmographie is of 1541, the first Latin edition of 1550, and that I 
think his chapter on the Gypsies is slightly posterior to this latter date. 

A last remark on the subject of the expression letters, or even some letters, employed in 
the French translation of Munster : this plural, which derives from the Latin littercc, quce- 
dam litterce, and which has been used in French, and probably in other languages, to design 
certain official documents, does not usually imply several letters, and I shall employ it often 
myself without giving it the plural significance, 

i Another letter granted, as we shall afterwards see, at Zips (in Hungary) in 1423, by the 
same Sigismund to other emigrant Gypsies, further confirms this very probable identification ; 
for this last, granted no doubt to Gypsies who had been long settled in Hungary, does not 
contain anything similar to what Munster has noted in the letter from Lindau. 


at work, and above all that he should have believed the tales of which 
Munster has given us the substance, and which we shall find repro- 
duced, sometimes developed, and without doubt amplified, by the 
bearers of the Imperial letter. I myself could not be sure, in 1844, 
that the Gypsies were sufficiently well known in Hungary, in 1417, 
for Sigismund to be aware with what sort of people he had to do, and 
it was natural enough then to suppose that the Imperial letters of 
1417 had been obtained by a sort of surprise. The surprise still 
remains possible, and even probable to a certain extent, as I will 
point out by and by ; but I am now convinced that at this period 
Gypsies had long existed in Hungary, as well as in the neighbouring 
countries, 1 and that Sigismund, who it is true was not a Hungarian, 
but who had been King of Hungary since 1386, 2 could not have failed 
to know them in 1417 ; and the letter of protection granted by him in 
1423 to another Gypsy chief and his band, 3 proves that although he 
knew them, and although very probably he even knew certain 
amongst them under not very favourable colours (for he could 
scarcely be ignorant of the way in which the first he had patronised 
had conducted themselves in the West during four years), that fact 
did not prevent his protecting them on occasion. As a general rule, 
the public acts of protection granted to Gypsies in Hungary, and 
more generally in the south-east of Europe, where a great number of 
them have known how to make themselves useful by their nomadic 
trades, or agreeable by their musical talent, and where one was 
already accustomed to tolerate the others, are less surprising than 
those they sometimes obtained from different Western Princes in 
times when their tricks were known, and when the populations had 
become very hostile to them. But the first who came westward in 
the fifteenth century, although they evidently proceeded from the 

1 The direct proofs are still wanting as regards Hungary, unless any should be found in 
the Archduke Joseph's book, the French translation of which I am impatiently awaiting ; but 
the indirect proofs are already sufficiently conclusive. I will not insist upon them here. As 
for the Gingari of Ludwig, an. 1260 (see Nouv. recherches, 1849, p. 23-25), I still think that 
it is a word that has been badly read (instead of Bulgari) ; but in the same document (see 
ibid.) there are some Hismahelitcc who are very probably Gypsies, taking into consideration 
the Ishmaelites, certainly Gypsies, of the Genesis written towards 1122 by an Austrian monk 
(see tftatde la question . . . ] 876-1877, pp. 23-29). 

- It may also be remarked that Sigismund had warred in Moldo-Wallachia in 1392, and 
afterwards in 1396, when he was vanquished and a fugitive ; a favourable condition for making 
acquaintance with the Gypsies who, we know, then existed in that country. We will add 
that Sigismund became, in 1419, King of Bohemia, where he went at that time and engaged 
in a war against the Hussites. We know that the Gypsies existed in Bohemia previous to 
1416 (see the passage, already cited, of the Annals in the Bohemian language, reproduced by 
Miklosich, in., Mem., 1873, pp. 22-23). This was a further occasion for his knowing the 
Gypsies before he granted them the second letter of protection, that of 1423. 

3 See note on preceding page ; see especially, further on, under the date of Ratisbon, 1424. 


Balkan Peninsula, where there are now many honest Gypsies, even 
amongst the nomads, 1 were, as we shall see, most skilful knaves ; and, 
unless it can be supposed that Sigismund desired to employ them as 
spies, 2 which is not absolutely impossible on the part of a Prince as 
cunning as he was intriguing and disloyal, we must admit that, 
although acquainted with the Gypsies in general, he was mistaken 
concerning these ones in particular. It is, however, important to 
remark that it was far easier to fall into a mistake concerning them 
than at first sight it now appears to be. 

The provinces of the Byzantine Empire were then devastated by 
the Ottoman conquests, which had already been preceded by long 
wars between Christians and Infidels. Weary of so much disorder, 
a part, and probably not the best part, of the Gypsy population of 
these countries, which was not attached to the soil as the other in- 
habitants of the land, nor sustained by any national interests, was 
naturally disposed to seek out calmer regions ; and this was no doubt 
the cause of the movement which, by its propagation from place to 
place, brought about the immigration of the Gypsies into the West 
during the course of the fifteenth century and in the century following. 

Those who emigrated from the countries that had been the 
theatre of these events had been necessarily mixed up in the religious 
conflicts between Christians and Infidels, 3 for it was not possible to 
remain neutral between the two religions in arms against each other. 
The accounts of the first Gypsies concerning the religious pressure to 

1 As far as regards the probity, at least relative, of modern Gypsies in the regions called 
not long ago Turkey in Europe, I could invoke very competent testimony, to begin with that 
of Paspati. But I must not forget that we are speaking of the fifteenth century, a period for 
which we have not sufficiently numerous documents to allow of our forming general apprecia- 
tions of the Gypsies of these countries. 

2 The Gypsies have especially been accused of serving as spies to the Turks against the 
Christians, and this accusation is clearly set forth in an imperial edict of 1500 proclaimed by 
the Diet of Augsburg (see Grellmann, edition of 1787, p. 179 ; Fr. trans., p. 184). But, if 
divers testimonies are to be believed, they had equally been employed as spies by different 
Christian personages (see Grellmann, pp. 170-173 ; Fr. trans., pp. 176-178). And, as regards 
more particularly certain Gypsies protected by Sigismund, we shall see further on that the 
people of Ratisbon in 1424 looked upon them as spies. But I do not insist upon such allega- 
tions which for the most part are entirely without proof. 

3 According to the remarks of M. Paspati, which more especially concern the Gypsies of 
Roumelia, the nomads, much more numerous than the sedentary Gypsies, are for the most 
part Mahometans (Les Tchinghianes, Constantinople, 1870, p. 11) : now "the study of the 
Tchinghiano-Christian terms shows that the Mahometan Tchinghianes had been familiar 
with the Christian religion " (ibid. p. 26), which causes our author to say, a few lines 
previously, that all must have been Christians before the Mahometan conquest. Already in 
a former writing (Memoir on the Language of the Gypsies . . . in the Turkish Empire, 1860, 
p. 17, M. Paspati had remarked that certain Mahometan Gypsies (those, it appears, who are 
at once sedentary and Mahometan) lose their language because "they consider it as part and 
parcel of the Christian heresy." In my Derniers travaux relatifs aux Bohemiens dans 
V Europe orientale (1870-1872, p. 33 et 44), I had already noted these observations of M. 
Paspati, as having, in default of contemporary testimony, a great retrospective interest. 


which they had been alternately subjected (see especially the recital 
of Paris, 1427) was then perfectly credible, so much the more so that 
it was conformable to the well-known religious frailty of this race ; 
and it was quite natural that their misfortunes, true or false, and 
their intentions of repentance, more or less sincere, should at once 
touch the Christians of those times. 1 What was a stroke of genius 
on the part of these penitents, more attentive to take advantage of 
the situation than to win paradise, or even to deserve the kindness of 
the inhabitants of the new countries into which they were entering, 
was to make pretence of being pilgrims, a condition which accorded 
so well with their usual manner of life, which in addition dispensed 
them from all labour, for the true pilgrim should live on public 
charity and which finally permitted them, even when in rags, to 
assert certain pretensions to nobility. One may be surprised that 
they should have been able to play this part for so long a time in 
certain countries ; unfortunately for them, it was destined to come 
everywhere to an end, and this end was a lamentable one. 

As to the titles of dukes, earls, and knights assumed by their 
chiefs, these were not much more than the equivalents of those of 
Vaivods and others granted them in various countries of the East ; 
and these titles are often to be found consigned in official documents 
in the West, without the mention " soi-disant " which, later on, gene- 
rally accompanied them. In reality, almost everywhere one was glad to 
have to deal with chiefs who were held to be more or less responsible 
for the doings of their bands. What proves besides that these titles 
were considered as serious by those who bore them and by their 
surroundings, are the epitaphs, with the armorial bearings of a duke 
and an earl of Little Egypt, who died in 1445 and 1498, in Swabia, 
and which Crusius has noticed in his Annales Suevici (Francof. 1594- 
1595, in fol., vol. ii., pp. 384 and 510), to say nothing of the epitaph 
and coat-of-arms of an Earl Peter of the Small Shield, whom Crusius 
suspects (ibid. p. 401), and with some appearance of probability, of 

1 It must not be thought, however, that these infidels did not occasionally play their 
part of converted Christians very seriously. Such singular compromises are sometimes made 
by these uncultivated natures ! I may be allowed to refer here to what I have said else- 
where of certain pseudo-Christian Gypsy legends, in which the most artless faith and the 
most shocking impiety are mixed up in a truly prodigious manner (Les derniers trawiux 
relatifs avx Bohemiens, 1870-1871, tirage d part, 1872, pp. 67-68 ; see also a few words on 
the LSgende des trois clous du crucifiement in the Bulletins de la SociSti d'anthropoloijie, 3d 
April 1884, p. 208.)-! have, moreover, known a young married Gypsy couple, who were in 
reality as little Christian and even as little Catholic as possible, but who nevertheless, the 
young woman having long suffered from languor, undertook a long "journey" to the shrine 
of I know not what saint (journey is the popular name for pilgrimage), in order to obtain a 
cure. It is true that this last trait, and others similar to it, belong to that category of 
which examples may be found elsewhere than amongst the Gypsies. 

VOL. I. NO. V. s 


having been also a Gypsy chief. I shall perhaps again recur to these 
curious documents in the last part of my work (second period of 

As to the title of King assumed by one of the chiefs in the beginning 
of the second period (commencing from 1438), it appears more gro- 
tesque, and it is allowable to lend but small belief to the saying of the 
Gypsies (in Paris, 1427), " that they had a king and a queen in their 
own country." However, the title of King of the Cygans appears to 
have received a sort of official consecration in Poland and in part of 
Lithuania, but we are only acquainted with it after the beginning of 
the eighteenth century, 1 and it would be interesting to know whether 
this title was in use ab antiguo amongst the Gypsies of these 
countries. The Queen of the Gypsies at Yetholm, on the borders of 
England and Scotland, may invoke, on her side, in favour of her title, 
an already ancient tradition. Excepting these, I think that the pre- 
tended kings and queens of the Gypsies, who from time to time make 
their appearance in divers countries, may be considered as having an 
essentially fictitious existence. 

In short, what appears at first sight to be the most strange in the 
imperial letter, and in the sayings of the Gypsies themselves, is easily 
to be explained, except on one point, which remains very surprising, 
namely, that a penitence so well adapted to their habits of life, also 
to their evil inclination and to their secret designs, (that of becoming 
pilgrims), should have been assigned to them. I shall not attempt an 
explanation which the state of my information does not allow of. I 
will simply remark one circumstance which may have rendered 
Sigismund more accommodating on this point and for all the rest. 

The Gypsies who came from countries invaded or threatened by 
the Turks no doubt commenced by abounding particularly in 
Hungary, for two reasons : first, because their like were not ill-treated 
there, whilst in Wallachia and in Moldavia they were already 
reduced to bondage ; secondly, and above all, because Hungary was 
then the chief appanage of the Christian Emperor himself, whose pro- 
tection could, and no doubt would, be so valuable. Now this 
affluence of the Gypsies must have pre-occupied Sigismund and the 
personages who surrounded him, or who administered the country 
during his absence, and disposed them to accord more easily a sort 
of recommendation which might contribute to deliver the country 
from the over-abundance of these strangers. It may perhaps be 

i Concerning the chiefs of the Gypsies in Poland and Lithuania, see Historical Sketch o/ 
the Cy^an people (in Polish), by Theodore Narbutt, Wilua, 1830, in 8vo., pp. 127-138. 


objected that, if such were really the idea of Sigismund and his 
counsellors, it was not only one or two of these letters that he would 
have granted them. ... It is indeed very possible that they were in 
reality more numerous. It must be noticed that it is due to two 
remarkable accidents that we are acquainted with the two imperial 
letters, the substance of one through Munster, the text of the other 
through the priest Andrew of Eatisbon: may there not also have 
been many others? 1 At all events, those which we know, and 
which remain at least as specimens of two different types, were 
copies authentic copies, no doubt when one of them fell under 
the eyes of Munster, as we have already seen, the other, as we shall 
see by-and-by, under the eyes of the priest of Eatisbon (1424) ; 
and, if these copies emanated from the imperial chancery (of which 
we are ignorant), they would prove the facility with which this 
chancery multiplied the copies of these acts. 

I have endeavoured in the preceding pages somewhat to en- 
lighten the reader about the often strange facts that are about to 
pass under his eyes, and concerning which he would, no doubt, have 
asked himself what he ought to think. But it will often be neces- 
sary to add to these explanations the skilfulness of the Gypsies, their 
persistence, and sometimes their talent in soliciting, the surprising 
ability with which certain of these uncultivated and shallow people, 
who appear strangers to all our habits, know how to insinuate 
themselves into the favour of those who can be of use to them, and 
even purchase (when the object in view is worth the price) the 
subordinates through whom the ear of the powerful is gained. 
Certainly, the " Dukes " Andrew and Michael, who directed all this 
first expedition, and who knew how to group under their command 
hundreds of Gypsies disseminated throughout such extensive spaces, 
were skilful men. But, in reality, these first emigrants rendered a 
very poor service to their successors, in leaving a tradition of idleness, 
imposture, and rapine, which the greater number of those who fol- 
lowed have but too well imitated. 

To end this long digression, which I have however abridged as 
much as possible, it would be necessary to make some comments 
upon the Egyptian origin which the Gypsies then attributed to 
themselves, and which they continue to attribute to themselves up 
to the present day. But, as this complex and so to say unstable 

1 I acknowledge that this remark diminishes somewhat the value of the identification 
established above between the imperial letter of which the first Gypsies were bearers and 
that which was shown to Munster ; but this identification does not the less remain very 


question would carry me too far, I will confine myself to saying 
that we must certainly neither accept too literally this confused 
tradition, nor entirely despise it ; for it appears to be anterior to the 
migration of the fifteenth century, and, for my own part, I think it 
contains some truth. 

The existence of this Egyptian tradition, either among the 
Gypsies, or around them, in the south-east of Europe before 1417 
is the historical point which it would be interesting to establish here. 
This is the place to examine a Byzantine document of the beginning 
of the fiftenth century, of which Carl Hopf (who died towards the 
beginning of the year 1874) had given the substance in his pamphlet, 
Die Einwanderung der Zigeuner, Gotha, 1870, p. 12, and of which I 
had pointed out the probable importance in Etat dc la Question, p. 1 6, 
but which I had then been unable to consult ; for Hopf had been 
pleased to quote this document without any indication, excepting 
the author's name and the title of his principal writing. Here is 
what I have learnt since : the work in question is a satirical writing, 
entitled, TJie Descent into the Infernal Regions ('Eirifypla ez> aSov) 
whose author, Mazaris or Mazari, in imitation of the Dialogues of the 
Dead of Lucian, places the scene in the infernal regions, with this 
difference, that, instead of making his characters speak, it is he 
himself who makes his descent into the lower regions the subject of 
a discourse. This account, which is rather long, is followed in the 
manuscript existing in the National Library of Paris by three other 
short treatises by the same author which are connected with it, and 
of which I must make mention ; for it is in the first of these treatises, 
and not in the principal piece, that the passage which interests us 
is to be found. All this has been analysed by Hase in Notices et 
extraits des manuscrits de la UUiothbque du roi, in 4to, t. ix., part ii., 
an. 1813, pp. 131-141. Hase had extracted at the same time from 
these writings all the useful references that he could find in them, 
as well concerning the life of the author as concerning the manners 
of the Byzantine court; but the passage I sought for had not at- 
tracted his attention. Happily the Descent into the Infernal Regions, 
with its annexed treatises, has been published integrally, as I have 
since learnt, by Boissonnade in his Anecdota grceca, large 8vo, vol. iii., 
1831, pp. 112-186; and I have at last found in it, p. 174, the 
passage Hopf had in view, and of which a finished Hellenist, M. 
Tardieu, of the Library of the Institute, has had the kindness to 
make a literal translation for me. This passage, then, is to be found 
in the first of the three parts which follow the Descent into the In- 


fernal Regions; which part (pp. 163-182), much longer than the two 
following, is entitled, " The Dream after the Resurrection " ("Oi/etpo? 
fjiera rr)v avapluxnv, etc.), and ends (pp. 173-182) with a letter, 
which is the only one of all the writings of Mazaris that is dated, 
and this date, placed at the head of the letter, corresponds, as 
Boissonnade remarks, to the year 1416 of the Christian era. 1 At the 
sixth line of this letter begins (p. 174) the following passage : 

" In Peloponnesus, as thou knowest thyself, my host, live pell 
mell numerous nations of which it is not easy nor very interesting 
to retrace the boundaries, but here is what tradition says as being 
evident to all and notable : Lacedemonians Italians Peleponnesians 
Sclavonians Illyrians Egyptians (AlyvTrnoi), and Jews (with- 
out counting a good number of other people interspersed in the 
midst of these) in all, seven principal nations." 

Hopf, after having alluded to this passage which he had indi- 
cated so badly, adds (p. 12) : " It has been shown long ago that we 
are not to see in these Egyptians a Moorish colony from Egypt as 
had been at first supposed," and he does not doubt that it is a 
question here of Gypsies. If, indeed, the idea of a real Egyptian 
colony may be put aside with certainty 2 which Hopf, well versed 
in the knowledge of Greece in the Middle Ages, was well able to 
decide we cannot doubt that these "Egyptians" were Gypsies. 
It is a conclusion which forces itself upon one, when the passage 
from Mazaris is compared with all that we already know from Hopf 
and other sources of the existence of Gypsies in various parts of 
Greece in the fourteenth century, and at the beginning of the fifteenth 
(see tat de la Question, pp. 11-23), without forgetting the deductions 
which Miklosich has drawn from the study of the Gypsy dialects, 
relative to their long stay in this country before the fifteenth century. 
It is necessary, in fine, to note that Guphtoi is still at the present 
day one of the names given to the Gypsies in Greece, where certain 
ruins are known under the name of Guphto-Kastron. 

I think, then, that we may consider the Egyptians of Mazaris as 
real Gypsies ; and, to say nothing of the importance of this document 
in other respects, it results from it that the name of Egyptians was 
applied to the Gypsies in Greece long before their immigration in the 
fifteenth century into the West, for it is clear that the name thus 
applied did not date from the day on which Mazaris remarked it. 

1 Hopf, without of course any explanation, gives the date of 1414. The difference is of 
small importance. 

3 This is indeed the whole question ; and, although for the present I follow Hopf, I should 
be glad to have on this point the opinion, comformable or not, of any competent reader. 


As to the name of " Little Egypt" very ingeniously adopted by 
the immigrants, it may have originated in some special locality, such 
as the country of Gyppe, 1 in the Peloponnesus ; but this name, no 
doubt, took an uncertain and varied signification in the mouth of the 
Gypsies, some of them meaning under this name the country, wher- 
ever it might be, whence they had really come, others intentionally 
giving it a more or less fanciful signification for the benefit of stran- 
gers, but all or the greater number of them believing, I make no 
doubt, the tradition which made their forefathers come from Egypt ; 
only, as it may well be supposed, those who repeated this tradition, 
especially after a long residence in the West, would have been 
puzzled to say where Egypt was situated. 

There is a curious remark to be made here : on their first arrival 
in the West (Hanseatic Towns, 1417), if we can rely on the texts of 
Corner and Rufus, who, although contemporary, do not appear to have 
written until some time afterwards, the immigrants gave themselves the 
name of Tsigans (Secanos se nuncupantes), a name by which they were 
then well-known in the south-east of Europe (as we know positively 
at the present day), and by which they were probably designated in 
the imperial letter of 1417, as they are ki that of 1423 ; but, as soon 
as they had quitted the Hanseatic towns, they carefully concealed 
this name which had not brought them good luck, and no longer 
represent themselves except as people " from Little Egypt." 2 

Regarding the various names given to the Gypsies from this 
period and later on in different countries, it is not necessary for me 
to speak ; this subject would demand a special study even after that 
of the learned and lamented Pott in his Zigeuner (vol. i., 1844, pp. 26- 
51). In the meanwhile, every reader in the least familiar with the 
matter will easily recognise the Gypsies under the various names that 
we may meet with. I have taken care to reproduce all these names 
with precision, in order that my work may be consulted on this 
matter as safely as the original documents. 

There still remain in the accounts given of our Gypsies, and col- 
lected by the Bourgeois de Paris (1427), divers details concerning 
which I have said nothing ; and this other ill-according detail fur- 
nished by Corner (1417) may be added, which is that it was "their 
bishops " who had imposed upon them as a penitence to wander dur- 

1 See Mat de la question de Vanciennete des Tziganes en Europe, 1876, pp. 14-15. 

- The chroniclers frequently substitute for this name that of Lower Egypt, which no 
doubt appears to them a more correct equivalent ; but in the official acts, public accounts of 
towns, etc., where the titles assumed by the Gypsies are more exactly reproduced, we 
always, or almost always, find ''Little Egypt." 


ing seven years. But although in some of these accounts, which it 
is impossible to verify, there may be a small part of truth, we risk 
little in attributing them on the whole to the imagination of the par- 
ties interested. 

After these explanations I return, or rather I at length come, to 
my recital ; and first of all it appears to me that the following is the 
way in which we may conjecture that the events took place : 

Our Gypsies started evidently from some province of the Byzan- 
tine Empire, and amongst them there may have been some who came 
from Asia and even from Africa. They arrived first iii Hungary, 
already provided, no doubt, with letters of recommendation (for these 
people always found means of procuring some J ), in which mention 
was made of the misery the Turks had inflicted upon them. By 
aid of these letters, they managed to gain the interest of some of the 
personages who governed Hungary in the absence of King Sigismund, 
and who in their turn confirmed by some document, addressed or not 
to their King and Emperor, the recital, already no doubt amplified, 
of these pretended pilgrims. These, seeing their plan of campaign so 
well prepared in the countries of the West, were then desirous of 
having letters from the Emperor himself, as, later on, they were 
desirous of having letters from the Pope, and they marched straight 
towards Constance. The most sedate of the band composed their 
countenance as they approached the grave abode where the great 
Council of Christendom was holding its sittings ; they were not sorry 
to find Sigismund taking some relaxation from his overpowering pre- 
occupations in the free and imperial town of Lindau, which has 
deserved the surname of Little Venice. There they presented them- 
selves in as godly a manner as possible to the very Christian 
Emperor, spoke of Hungary to the King of Hungary, of the Turks to 
him who was continually warring against them, and ended by telling 
a skilful tale which everything seemed to confirm, to begin with the 
papers which, no doubt, they already held from some high personage 
in Hungary, such, perhaps, as the son of Peter the Macedonian, that 
Nicholas in whom the Emperor placed all his confidence, and whom 
he had invested with the absolute command of his troops against the 
Turks. How indeed suspect of imposture true Orientals coming from 
so far, people who, with the exception of their chiefs, wore such poor 
clothing, and who had gold chinking in their pockets ? When they 

1 Besides, Corner tells us positively that, as far back as 1417, they had letters from 
princes, and more especially from Sigismund. 


left the Emperor they carried away letters signed by his own hand, 
and containing all their story in full. 

The next thing was to make use of these letters as much as pos- 
sible, but as far as might be from the Emperor. Certainly no country 
could better secure this double advantage than all those free towns 
belonging to the Empire, and standing along the shores of the North 
and Baltic seas, towards the point where these two seas meet. 
Lindau had been for them an agreeable sample of these little 
imperial republics. The band went then direct towards the Teutonic 
Hansa, crossed without stopping the space which separated them from 
it, and only joined each other on entering it. Thus, unnoticed, 
they traced the road that we shall soon see them follow in another 

Towards the end of 1417 1 our band of Gypsies arrived at the 
northern extremity of Germany, and began to visit the Hanseatic 
towns which were at this time at the height of their power. They 
commenced at Liineburg; then crossed the Elbe, and reached 
Hamburg, which had not yet attained its independence ; at last, 
following the shores of the Baltic from west to east, they made 
acquaintance with the free cities of Liibeck, Wismar, Eostock, 
Stralsund, and Greifswald. 

These Gypsies are signalised to us by three chroniclers, CORNER, 
EUFUS, and ALBERT KRANTZ, but the two first only are contem- 
poraries of the event. Both were well situated for accurate informa- 
tion. Corner was from Liibeck, 2 and I presume that Eufus, less 
known, was likewise from thence, for he has written a chronicle of 
this town, and he mentions in this work the event which interests 
us. 3 But Corner, though rather concise, is much more complete, and, 

1 The manner in which Corner has dated the passage in his chronicle, indicated 
further on, allows of our arriving at the approximate precision : quarto anno Sigismundi 
qui est Domini 1417. This date concerning Sigismund can only relate to the period when 
as Emperor he received the silver crown, that is to say, on the 8th November 1414. Now 
the day usually adopted in the fifteenth century, by the Germans as well as by the Church 
of Rome, as the beginning of the year, was the 25th December or the 1st January. The 
apparition of the Gypsies on the shores of the North Sea took place then between the 8th of 
November 1417 and the 25th of December or 1st of January following (according to the 
Julian calendar ; for the Gregorian calendar dates only from 1582, and was only adopted suc- 
cessively, at very different dates, in the various countries of the West. This must not be 
lost sight of in the course of the present work). 

2 M. Herm. Cornerii Chronica novella, usque ad annum 1435 deducta, in the Corpus 
hist, medii cevi of Eccard, Lipsiae, 1723, in fol., vol. ii., p. 1225. Hermann Korner, Corner, 
or Cornerius, monk of the order of preaching friars of St. Dominic, assisted at the provincial 
synod of Hamburg as early as 1406 ; he must have been very young at this time (see 
Corpus hist, of Eccard, i. ii., No. III., Preface). I do not think that his chronicle was 
printed before it was inserted in the above-named collection. 

3 It is only through Mr. F. Dyrlund's Tatar e, og Natmandsfolk i Dantnark (Copenhagen, 
1872, in 8vo, p. 360) that I am acquainted with the passage that RUFUS, in his Chronicle of 


as Rufus adds nothing very important to his compatriot's account, I 
shall follow Corner. 

With regard to Krantz, who belonged also by his birth, life, and 
death to one of the towns then visited by our Gypsies, I had 
formerly added one or two features of his recital to that of Corner ; 
but on a closer examination I perceive that all the details given by 
him refer to the Gypsies of his own time, l and would consequently 
be more appropriate to a description of these strangers towards the 
end of the fifteenth century. I will, therefore, confine myself princi- 
pally to the information furnished by Corner. But the three 
chroniclers are perfectly agreed concerning the date of the year, and, 
thanks to Corner, we have even been able to be more precise. 

These Gypsies, seen for the first time in the countries now called 
Hanover, Holstein, and Mecklenburg, numbered about three hun- 
dred, men and women, not including the children : this circumstance 
must have carried their number to four or five hundred, for no doubt 
amongst these Gypsies, as amongst those of the present day, children 
abounded. 2 If we rightly interpret the text of Corner, they already 
frequently broke up into several bands, 3 but they all looked up to 
the same chief, they marched in concert and followed each other 
closely ; in a word, they formed a whole in which the total number 
of individuals was appreciable, and to all appearance it was the 
whole of the band which travelled over all the places through which 
we have followed it. These people were very ugly, 4 and black as 

Lubeck (Lybst Kronnike) of 1400 to 1430 (Grantoff : Die Lubeckischen Chroniken in nieder- 
deutscher Sprache, vol. ii., p. 496), devotes to our travellers, under the year 1417. The 
complete translation will be found further on, following the text from Corner. 

Mr. F. Dyrlund mentions also (Ibid. p. 289, note 2) the following line of Lambertus 
ALARDUS (who died in 1672) in Westphalens Monumenta, vol. i., 1831, under the year 
1416: "Anno eodem, Tartari primo in Holsatiam venerunt." But it appears that this 
author is not always exact in his chronology, and I am very much disposed to think, with 
Mr. Dyrlund, that this apparition of the Gypsies in Holstein must be referred to 1417, and 
that the information comes directly or indirectly from Korner. However, as we have traces 
of the presence of the Gypsies in Germany, in the north or in the centre, before 1417, it is 
not quite impossible that there should be here some fact belonging to the Preludes of the 

1 See Albert Krantzii Saxonia; Francfort, 1621, in folio, lib. xi., ch. 2, pp. 285-286. Mr. 
Dyrland gives also the text of the passage. Albert Krantz, born at Hamburg towards the 
middle of the fifteenth century, died there, Dean of the Chapter of the Cathedral, on the 
7th December 1517. His Saxon Chronicle appeared for the first time at Cologne in 1530. 
Krantz is much better known than Corner and Rufus. Munster, in his Cosmographie, has 
reproduced entirely the passage from Krantz, giving it as his own, and the learned Conrad 
Gesner, in his Mithridates, has copied it from Munster without knowing that the real 
author was Krantz. 

2 Cf. Rufus, who estimates their total number at 400. 

3 "Turmatiin autem incedebat (multitude), et extra urbes in campis pernoctabat, eo 
quod furtis nimium vacaret, et in civitatibus comprehendi timeret." CORNER. 

4 Forma turpissimi, Corner ; Black and Ugly, Rufus ; Nigredine informes, Krantz. I, 
who find them very handsome, cannot help remarking that the copper complexion, and also 
the uncleanliness, of our adventurers, appear to have had a great influence in the aversion of 


Tartars. 1 The people of these countries so named them, and in some 
places they still retain the name. As to themselves, they called 
themselves Secani 2 (that is to say, Tsigani). They had amongst 
them chiefs, that is to say a duke and an earl, who judged them, and 
whose orders they obeyed. Some were on horseback, others on foot. 
Their infidelity to the Christian faith, and their relapse to Paganism 
after a first conversion, was, it was said, the cause of their wandering 
life: their bishops had imposed upon them as a penance the con- 
tinuation of their adventurous course during seven years. They 
were bearers of and exhibited letters of protection (litteras promotorias) 
from several princes, amongst others Sigismund, King of the Romans, 
which caused them to be well received by the episcopal towns, by 
princes, castellans, fortified towns (oppidis), by bishops and other 
mitred dignitaries. 

But they showed themselves little worthy of this friendly recep- 
tion. The shrewd Germans of these mercantile towns open to 
strangers of all nations did not long suffer themselves to be imposed 
on by the recitals, the diplomas, and the chivalrous equipage of 
these strange adventurers. Corner and Rufus say that the troop 
camped at night in the fields because of their frequent thefts, which 
made them fear to be arrested in the towns. They were, indeed, 
great thieves, especially the women ; and in consequence several of 
them were in various places captured and killed. 3 

our two Germans, accustomed to white and clean faces, and that, after the first impression 
had passed away, Krantz, who still finds them hideously black, no longer dares to call them 
ugly inform and feature. I must not however quarrel too sharply with our chroniclers 
beyond the Rhine on this account : those of France, and even those of Italy, will say the 

1 Rufus makes them even come from Tartary. 

2 Secanos se nuncupantes, Corner and Rufus. This detail is very peculiar and very 
curious, as I have remarked above (p. 270), providing it be not the result of ulterior general 
information obtained by Corner, who could only have written the passage in his chronicle 
relative to the Gypsies, after having made inquiry, as he follows them in five towns. 
Krantz, who wrote towards the end of the fifteenth century, says : Tartaros vulgus appellat ; 
in Italia vocant Cianos. 

3 CORNER. Here is the complete text of this chronicler, who remains up to the present 
time the most important original authority for the fact which has engaged our attention : 

"(Quarto anno Sigismundi, qui est Domini 1417), quaedam extranea et previe non visa 
vagabundaque multitudo hominum de Orientalibus partibtis venit in Alemaniam, perani- 
bulans totam illam plagam usque ad regiones maritimas. Fuit etiam in urbibus stagnalibus, 
incipiens ab urbe Luneburgensi, et perveniens in Prutziam peragravit civitates Hanmie- 
burgensem, Lubicensem, Wismariensem, Rostoccensem, Sundensem et Grispeswaldensem. 
Turmatim autem incedebat, et extra urbes in campis pernoctabat, eo quod furtis minium 
vacaret, et in civitatibus comprehend! timeret. Erant autem numero ccc homines utriusque 
sexus, demtis parvulis et infantibus, forma turpissimi, nigri ut Tartari, Secanos se nuncu- 
pantes. Habebant etiam inter se Principes suos, Ducem scilicet et Comitem, qui eos 
judicabant et quorum mandatis parebant. Fures autem eraiit magni, et praecipue mulieres 
eorum ; et plures de eis in diversis locis sunt deprehensi et interfecti. Litteras quoque pro- 
motorias Principum et praesertim Sigismundi regis Romanorum apud se ferebant, propter 
quas a civitatibus, priucipibus, castris, oppidis, episcopis et prelatis, ad quos decliuabant, 


These misadventures must have induced them to forsake the 
shores of the Baltic ; and, in fact, we find them in the first half of 
the year 1418 at Leipzig, 1 and at Frankfort-on-the-Main. 2 But the 
details concerning their passage in these two places are wanting, and 
the time of the year is even unknown for Leipzig. 

The Gypsies now come to Switzerland. Sprecher pretends that 
they appeared in the Grisons (in Khsetia), and in the surrounding 
countries so early as 1417. 3 It is true that all the other chroniclers 
attribute to the year 1418 the first arrival of the Gypsies into the 
countries which now form Switzerland ; and Grellmann has relied 
solely on their testimony, 4 although he was acquainted with the pas- 
sage in Sprecher. At first sight, however, the real disagreement 

admissi sunt et humaniter tractati. Eorum auteni quidam equitabant, quidam vero pedes 
[pedites] gradiebantur. Causa autem hujus divagationis eorum et peregriuationis dicebatur 
fuisse aversio a fide et recidivatio post conversiouem suam ad Paganismura. Quam quidem 
peregrmationem continuare tenebautur ex injuncta eis poenitentia ab Episcopis suis ad 

It is not uninteresting to compare this text of Corner with that of RUFUS, who was also a 
contemporary of the fact. The following is a literal translation, with the exception of a few 
words which I reproduce in the original language because they demand a special knowledge 
of Low German: "At the same time (1417), a band of strangers wandered through the 
country, who came from Tartary : they were black and ugly, and they had with them 
women and children. They passed through the towns and camped iu the fields, lor the 
townspeople could not tolerate them because they stole. They were about four hundred in 
number, and gave themselves the name of Secanes (Secanen). They had amongst them 
chiefs, a count and a duke, by whom they were judged when they had committed any fault. 
The chiefs of the country had given them safe conducts dat se velich togen, wor se wolden. 
Some of them travelled on horseback, but most went on foot. The reason they went from 
one country to another was, it was said, because they had relapsed to Paganism, and it was 
for this that this penance had been inflicted on them, and they were to undergo it for seven 

The resemblance is so great between this text and that of Corner, that one of the two 
chroniclers appears to have been acquainted with the other. 

1 Anno 1418 : " The Zigeuner, a malicious people of thieves and sorcerers appeared for 
the first time at Leipzig." Leipzigische Chronike, by Tobie Hendenreich, doctor of law at 
Leipzig. Leipzig, 1635, in 4to. I place this appearance before that of Frankfort, which is better 
dated, because Leipzig is less removed from the Hanseatic towns ; but this circumstance only 
furnishes a faint probability ; and in the absence of any indication respecting the month, one 
cannot even be certain that what took place at Leipzig was not subsequent to the meeting 
of the bands of Gypsies in Switzerland, nor that what took place at Strasbourg, which will 
be found placed after this grand rendezvous, was not anterior to it. 

2 "Mention is first made of them at Frankfort in the month of June 1418, where one 
finds in the book of accounts of the town (Stadtische Rechenbucher, fol. 38 b ) that 4 pounds 
and 4 shillings were spent for the bread and the meat given to the strange people from Little 
Egypt (den elendigen ludeu vsz cleynen Egypten) ..." Deutsches Biirgerthum im Mittelalfer, 
etc. (particularly at Frankfort-on-the-Main) by Dr. G. L. Kriegk, archivist of the town of 
Frankfort. Frankfurt-a-M., 1868, in 8vo. vol. i., p. 149. At the end of this extract, pp. 
150-152, and in the corresponding notes, p. 541, Mr. Kriegk gives some fifteen extracts 
relative to the Gypsies at Frankfort, from 1334 to 1497) all taken from the Books of Accounts 
or the Registers of the Burgomasters of the town, besides an interesting decree of the Council 
of Frankfort, of 1571. 

3 "Eodem anno, in Rhsetia et circumvicinis regionibus primo conspecti sunt Nubiani, 
etc." Pallas Rhcetica, etc., or Rhcetia, etc., or Chronicon RJuctuc, authore Fort. Sprechero 
at Berneck, etc., Basel, in 4to, 1617, p. 91 ; or edit Elzevir, 1633, sm. 12, p. 139. 

4 Grell., 1787, p. 201 ; trad, fr., p. 202. 


appears to be only between Sprecher and Guler, 1 these two chroni- 
clers being the only ones, amongst our own, who specify the Orisons. 
If we consider indeed that the wild country of the ancient Ehsetians 
had still at this period quite a separate existence from Helvetia, of 
which a part had become confederate in 1315, taking the name of 
one of its cantons, the Canton of Schwitz, we should be inclined to 
suppose that the Gypsies may have visited it in 1417, without the 
knowledge of the chroniclers of Helvetia, or, at all events, without 
their having paid attention to it. The date given by Sprecher is not 
then without some appearance of worth, and I could not lightly reject 
it. I do reject it however, because the comparative examination of 
the passage of Guler, and of all the passages which interest us in the 
other Swiss chronicles, shows me clearly that Sprecher, no more than 
Guler indeed, was acquainted with any original document special to 
the Grisons. 

What at first sight strikes the collector of texts concerning the 
apparition of the Gypsies is the great number of those offered by 
Switzerland ; but one soon perceives that this unusual abundance is 
more apparent than real. Nearly all our Swiss chroniclers have 
copied and re-copied each other. We should then, in making use of 
them, neglect no means of critical supervision, and attend especially 
to the chronological order in which they succeed each other. 2 We 

1 "Towards the same time (1418) were seen for the first time in the Rhetian countries the 
Ziegeiner, vulgarly called Heiden (pagans.)" Rhcetia, that it to say, detailed and true 
description of the three honourable Grisons and other Rhetic countries (in German), by Guler 
de Veineck, etc., 1616, in fol., p. 156 verso. 

2 Here is the complete list of these chroniclers. I include Wurstisen in it, whose testi- 
mony only regards Bale in 1422, but who must have been known to some of the after 
chroniclers ; and Specklin, whose testimony regards Strasbourg in 1418, and who was cer- 
tainly acquainted with some earlier Swiss chronicler : 

John STUMPF, who died in 1558, signalises the appearance of the Gypsies in Helvetia, 
and especially at Zurich in 1418; Schweitzer Chronic, etc. (Swiss chronicle, that is to say, 
description of all the honourable confederation edit, revised, augmented, and continued 
by John Rudolp Stumpf, Tiguri : 1606, in fol., p. 731). The first edition of this chronicle is 
of 1546 at the latest. Among the ancient authors who have quoted Stumpf, I will name 
Spondanus (Annal. ecclesiast. continuatio, in 3 vols., in-fol. Lutet. 1641, vol. ii. p. 237), who 
read 1400 where Stumpf says 1418. 

Giles TSCHUDI, magistrate at Glaris, an esteemed historian, was born at Glaris in 1505, 
and died in 1572. It is he who gives us the most precise details concerning the march of 
the Gypsies in Switzerland in 1418, JEgid. Tschudii Chronicon helveticum, etc. (in German, 
edit, of 1736 in 2 vols. in-fol., vol. ii. p. 116). This chronicle was only printed for the 
first time in 1734. 

Christian WURSTISEN (in Latin Urtisius), a scholar of Bale, bora in 1544, died in 1588, 
published in 1580 his Bale Chronicle (Easier Chronick, etc., oder Easier Eistumbs Historien) 
in four books, dated at the end. We shall only make use of this text, which regards exclu- 
sively the territory of Bale and a neighbouring district in 1422, further on. 

Daniel SPKCKLIN (or SPECKEL), Architect of the town of Strasbourg, and one of the 
greatest engineers of his time, wrote also at the end of the sixteenth century, I do not know 
exactly at what period. I owe the knowledge of his Collectanea (in two vols., in-fol. MSS. 
of the time, conserved in the library of Strasbourg) to the kindness of M. Strobel, professor 
at the mixed college of Strasbourg, and author of a good History of Alsace, and who has 


shall thus be brought to recognise that there are but three who can 
pass for original : Stumpf, Tschudi, and Wurstisen ; none however 
are contemporary. (When this was written, I was not acquainted 

also given me some other documents (M. Strobel died suddenly in 1850). It is in this col- 
lection, valuable for its history of Alsace, that Specklin, 1st vol., fol. 340, ad an. 1418, 
mentions the arrival of the first Zeyginer at Strasbourg ; he adds, unfortunately, " and in 
every country " (of Europe, no doubt), and that makes me already fear that his assertion 
rests only on this reasoning, unworthy no doubt of a man of erudition if even the premises 
had been less inexact : the Gypsies showed themselves for the first time in all the countries 
of the centre of Europe in 1418, consequently at Strasbourg. This basis would be all the 
worse because the Gypsies only spread themselves perhaps over that part of Switzerland 
which is near to Alsace, in 1422 (see Wurstisen). What is certain is that, except that 
Strasbourg takes the place of Zurich, the passage in Specklin is scarcely anything else than 
a second edition of the passage of Stumpf, some phrases are transposed, some details are 
suppressed : Specklin even takes upon himself to add the name of Epirus to that of Little 
Egypt, and to fix at fifty years the interval which, according to the author he copies, sepa- 
rated the. real Gypsies from the new ; but his originality ends there. What is especially un- 
fortunate for him is that he has the hardihood to repeat the whole number of 14,000, when 
Tschudi, whom no doubt he was not acquainted with, says positively that on leaving 
Switzerland the band divided into two sections, whieh took different routes. These observa- 
tions do not absolutely prove that the capital fact, i.e. that of the coming of the Gypsies to 
Strasbourg in 1418, is false ; but it must be allowed that, under such a cover, it becomes 

John GULER de Weinech and Fortunat SPRECHER of Berneck, who filled important 
functions either in the army or in the magistrature and politics of their country, were both 
born at Davos, in the Grisons, the first in 1562, the second in 1585. Sprecher wrote a 
biography of Guler, and the title alone of this opusculum seems to prove that they were 
bound together by friendship. Their works, quoted in the preceding notes, appeared at an 
interval of one year : that of Guler in 1616', at Zurich, where the author for some time 
resided ; that of Sprecher at Bale, in 1617, whilst the author was governor of the county of 
Chiavenne (in the Milanese). The work of Guler is far more extensive than that of 
Sprecher, but it presents deficiencies, the second part promised by the author having 
perished by fire. 

The rather long passage in Guler may be divided into two parts. In the first part, 
devoted to the first Zigeuners, the only ones who were authentic in the eyes of Guler and in 
those of the other Swiss chroniclers, he copies Stumpf, putting however, in the place of the 
number of 14,000 that of 1400, perhaps from Crusius (Annales Suevici), and adding details 
which are not to be found in Tschudi ; thus he develops the saying of the Gypsies on the 
cause of their exile, and he speaks of their passports and of Duke Michael, of whom, in 
Switzerland, Wurstisen alone had spoken before him. Where has Guler found these 
details? He has taken them from Minister (Cosmog. univ.), who had already appropriated 
to himself the interesting passage from Krantz, joining to it, however, some curious observa- 
tions, by which Guler in his turn profited. The phrase concerning the passports is taken 
textually from Krantz, save that Guler has added the Pope to the Emperor, doubtless 
following Wurstisen. As to the recital of the Gypsies concerning the cause of their exile, it 
is copied from Munster, who had already taken it I know not whence, perhaps out of the 
Chronicle of Bologna, from which several other of his details appear also to have been bor- 
rowed. In the second part of his passage, Guler makes us acquainted with the counterfeit 
Gypsies whom he thinks to have followed the first, and whom Stumpf already distinguishes 
from them, but less clearly. Here are to be found textually the details given by Krantz on 
the Gypsies of his time, enriched by those that Munster had joined to his plagiarism, con- 
cerning the pretended attempt of the Gypsies to return into Africa, their fortune-telling, and 
their pilferings, etc. Finally, a word of Guler's indicates that he was also acquainted with 
some of the authors who make the Gypsies come from Zengitania Niger, Ortelius, Vulcanius, 
or others. On the whole, in all the passage by Guler, 1 only find one line to notice : Guler 
says, in ending, that the Gypsies are now driven out of many countries, and, that when they 
are found there, they are thrown into prison or beheaded as they deserve ; and he adds : 
"Several princes, however, accommodate themselves willingly enough with this heap of 

The passage in Sprecher is only a short and feeble summary of the proceeding, especially, 
it would seem, of Guler, He was also acquainted with Vulcanius or Ortelius, from whom he 


with a Swiss contemporary chronicler, Justinger, who will be found 
further on). 

Our authors, whilst they copy each other, have nevertheless found 
means to disagree on several important points. Their principal 
divergence bears on the number of the Gypsies who visited Switzer- 
land. The question is important, as we are about to see ; it is no 
longer a question of some hundreds of individuals, but of thousands, 
many thousands. 

Tschudi estimates the number of these Gypsies at forty thousand ; 
Stumpf, and, in accordance with him, Specklin, and Walser, who, 
however, copy Guler for all the rest, make it fourteen thousand. 1 
How comes it then that Guler, who steals from Stumpf, should have 
replaced this number by that of fourteen hundred ? Is it from 
Crusius 2 that he has borrowed this different reading ? But what 
reason had Crusius for giving it ? Is it on his part a rectification 
or an error in copying ? If his work were recent, I should have no 
hesitation in saying that it was an error of copying; for, in our 
times, it would not be allowed to reproduce or analyse a text, naming 
its author, when at the same time, even for the best reasons in the 
world, an important modification is introduced. But the annalists 
of those times had not the same ideas as ourselves on this point, 3 
and I am disposed to think that it is a rectification. At all events, 
the number of fourteen hundred is to be retained and examined ; for 
one can only hesitate for a moment between this number and that of 
fourteen thousand, the forty thousand Gypsies of Tschudi exceeding 

borrows the name of Nubiani. The only difference between him and the other Swiss 
chroniclers is in the date of 1417 ; and if it is not the result of a lapsus, it is probably 
because, finding the source of Guler in some of the copyists of Krantz (Munster, Gesner, or 
others), Sprecher has thought that he was acting as a highly judicious critic in adopting the 
date furnished by a more original document. 

John GBOSSIUS, whose Little Chronicle of Bale (in German) appeared for the first time, I 
think, in 1624 (Basel, in small 8vo, p. 70, sub an. 1422), only abridges the passage from 

Finally, Gabriel WALSER, whom I know to be posterior to the above, does no more than 
reproduce the passage from Guler, abridging it a little in the second part, and applying it 
without further ceremony to the canton of Appenzell. Only he takes up again in Stumpf 
the number of 14,000 that Guler had replaced by 1400 ; and as to the date, he substitutes, no 
doubt by negligence, 1419 for 1418 (see, however, further on, the passage from Justinger). 
He ends by adding a few noteworthy statements regarding the measures taken against the 
Gypsies in various countries, and the small number of them that were still to be met with in 
the canton. See New Chronicle of Appenzell, or Description of the Canton of Appeuzell. 
interior and exterior rodes (in German), S. Gallen, 1740, in 8vo, pp. 266-267. 

1 As to Sprecher, whose testimony is null, he does not give any number ; and, as 
Wurstisen and Grossius speak of another arrival of Gypsies four years later, we need take no 
account of it here. 

2 Annales Suevici, ab. an. 1213 ad an. 1594. Francof. 1595, 2 vols. in fol. 3d part, 
2d vol. p. 345. 

3 Witness Calvisius, rectifying Fabricius in the way we have seen above. 


all bounds of probability. 1 Now I say even of the fourteen thousand 
what Mliller 2 says of the forty thousand, which is that such a 
multitude would have alarmed all the princes and towns, and that 
one does not find any trace of such an agitation. And, whilst 
Muller hesitates between these numbers of fourteen thousand and 
fourteen hundred, under pretext that the latter would not have 
attracted the attention of all the chroniclers, I am astonished on the 
contrary to see the Gypsies, to the already enormous number of 
fourteen hundred, pass not only through Switzerland, but at a few 
leagues from Bale, without anything being known about it at Bale. 3 
Fourteen hundred Gypsies ! it is double the number contained in 
the Basque provinces in France, where the inhabitants demand 
yearly in the " Conseil general " for the Lower Pyrenees, and even 
in the legislative assemblies, measures of repression against these 
wretched remnants of half-civilised nomads. 4 I add with Grellmann 5 
that everything we have seen up to the present moment, and every- 
thing we know about the composition of the Gypsy bands, is 
opposed to the number of fourteen thousand. That of fourteen hun- 
dred is, on the contrary, sufficiently probable, and we will adopt 
it for the present. I say for the present, for it is already very high ; 
and if later, when we cast a glance over the whole of the facts, and 
on calculating the number of Gypsies who travelled over Europe 
during this period, we experience a difficulty, it will be that of 
arriving at such a total. 

However it may be, this multitude entered Switzerland by the 
country of the Grisons, 6 crossed the canton of Appenzell, 7 and pene- 
trated into the canton of Zurich. A great number came to Zurich ; 8 
they arrived there the last day of August, camped before the gate of the 
town, on the place of Bannser's mead and on the banks of the Limath. 

1 Muller, in his Histoire de la Confederation Suisse (French trans, by MM. Monnard 
and Wullierain, vol. iv. p. 277, note 299), also rejects this number. As for Grellmann, he 
was not acquainted with the passage of Tschudi, and he was already, with good reason, 
alarmed at the number of 14,000. See Grellmann, p. 209-211 ; French trans, pp. 212-214. 

2 At the passage quoted. 

3 They were also known at Bale in 1422, according to Wurstisen; but see Justinger 
further on. 

4 This was written in 1844. Since then the Gypsy population in the French Basque 
provinces has passed through various phases, the explanation of which would be too long for 
us to enter upon here. 

s Edition of 1787, pp. 209-211 ; French trans, of 1810, pp. 212-214. 

6 Unless they at once went through the countries of St. Gall and Appenzell below the Lake 
of Constance. I have chosen the Grisons on account of the passages in Guler and Sprecher. 
I do not, however, attach any importance to their testimony, no more than to that of Walser, 
and I should not follow them if they had not appeared to be in accordance with the ulterior 
itinerary of the Gypsies compared with their anterior itinerary. 

7 Walser. See the preceding note. 

8 Tschudi and Stumpf. 


They remained there six days. Then they went as far as Baden in 
Argovia, and there they separated into two bands. 1 This multitude 
did not inarch in close columns ; they dispersed themselves over the 
country, 2 and, according to Stumpf, it was not the whole horde who 
camped before the gate of Zurich. There must, however, have been 
a close connection in this horde, and a visible unity in the march of 
the different bands composing it, before Tschudi could have remarked 
its breaking up on quitting Switzerland. 

These people who had never before been seen in the country, 
and whom all our chroniclers represent as strange and singular, 
were generally black, 3 the children as well as the men and women. 4 
They had their dukes, earls, and lords; and two dukes and two 
knights were especially remarked amongst them. 5 Guler and, copy- 
ing him, Walser add that the principal chief was Duke Michael of 
Egypt; but we know what to think of Guler's originality, and 
although I have not sufficient proof that he was acquainted with 
Wurstisen, I fear he has borrowed this detail from him : it is, how- 
ever, probable. These Gypsies said that they were from Little 
Egypt. 6 They related that they had been driven out by the Sultan 
and the Turks, and that they were condemned to do penance in 
poverty during seven years. They were, besides, very honest people; 
followed the Christian customs as concerned the baptism of the 
newly-born children, the burials, and all the rest. They wore poor 
garments, but they had a great deal of gold and silver provided by 
their own country; ate well, drank well, and paid well. 7 Stumpf 
adds that, faithful to their word, at the end of seven years these 
Gypsies returned home ; and he is careful not to confound them with 
the vagabonds who, under the same name, have since so much in- 
creased in number, and amongst whom, he adds, the most honest is 
a rogue, seeing that they live exclusively on theft. 8 This strange 

1 Tcshudi. 

2 Stumpf. Tschudi, who carried their number to 40,000, certainly did not think that 
these forty thousand souls remained motionless and compact during their six days' sojourn 
before the gate of Zurich. 

3 Tschudi ; Sprecher. The latter says : gens atra. 4 Tschudi. Ibid. 

6 Stumpf only says from Egypt. Tschudi is more explicit : according to him they said 
they wei % e from the country of Zingri (?) in Little Egypt ; some also said that they came 
from Igritz (?). 

7 All these details are taken from Stumpf and from Tschudi. 

8 Guler has taken possession of this idea, and has developed it as a transition between 
his plagiarism of Stumpf and that of Munster, already enriched by that of Krantz : "After 
the departure of the Ziyeuner," says he, "a lost and savage rout of thieves gathered together, 
took their place, and dared to make themselves black like them by means of an ointment. 
When they had become sufficiently disorderly, dissolute, and dirty, they also assumed the 
garb of the strange Zigeuners, and endeavoured thus to persuade the world that they were 
the above-mentioned Egyptians, and that they had endeavoured to go by sea to Africa, but 


testimony seems at least to indicate that the numerous Gypsies who 
first came into Switzerland behaved themselves there with some 
decency; and there is reason to suppose that they were tolerably 
well received there. 1 

What we have just seen to have taken place in Switzerland was 
evidently a complete rendezvous ; and I am persuaded that this 
rendezvous was not the simple effect of chance. When indeed one 
considers the first Gypsy peregrinations, one is struck by their 
promptitude. In all the countries where one can, by aid of authentic 
testimony, follow the Gypsies during some time, one sees them 
marching, marching continually, not only as nomads who like a 
change of place, but as travellers in haste to see. Such journeys 
must have had for object the exploration of the new part of the world 
into which they had bravely ventured; and, in order that this 
exploration should be more extensive, and nevertheless profitable to 
the whole band, it was necessary to separate often, and re-assemble 
sometimes ; above all it was natural to meet again completely at 
some place far advanced of the journey, such as this. In these 
meetings, the inferior chiefs related to the superior what they had 
seen ; the head chief numbered his men and issued fresh orders. 

The somewhat alarming number of Gypsies gathered together in 
Switzerland contributed, no doubt, to make them prudent and 
reserved. They owed besides some respect to the country on the 
borders of which they had been so well treated by the Emperor, and 
which the Emperor had lived in scarcely four months previously ; 2 

had been prevented from landing, etc. ..." The Gypsies have, it is true, given this last 
reason to explain their stay in Europe after the expiration of the seven years : see Munster. 
As to the masquerade which gave rise to the hundreds of thousands of Gypsies spread over 
Europe, it will deceive no one. 

1 This appears also to have been the case from a short passage in Joh. Jakob Hottinger, 
who, in his Swiss Ecclesiastical History, after having spoken of the benevolence of the town 
of Boleure towards several localities and divers persons, adds : "The same charity was ex- 
perienced at the same period by the homeless Zigeuners." See Helvetische Kirchengeschichte, 
recast after the ancient work of Joh. Jakob Hottinger, and other sources, by Louis Wirz, 
pastor at Monch-Altorf, Zurich, 1808-1810, in 8vo, vol. iii. p. 223. I quote this work in 
default of the original by J. J. Hottinger, which I have not been able to find in the Paris 
libraries ; and it is impossible that this passage shoiild be taken from Wirz (which, however, 
is of small importance). Hottinger does not specify the time more than the facts ; but, 
according to the date which precedes and that which follows, his observation would refer 
only to the middle of the fifteenth century, which is too recent, if it concerns, as I think it 
does, the first Gypsies who travelled through Switzerland. 

2 Perhaps even the Emperor was still quite near, which would be very significant. 
' After the Council (which closed on the 22d April 1418) Sigismund continued travelling for 
some time in the Rhine countries ; afterwards he went into Hungary. . . ." Hist, des 
Allemands, by Schmidt, translated (by J. C. de Laveaux), in 8vo, t. v., 1786, p. 134. 

N.B. It will be eeen further on that all the preceding remarks on the good behaviour 
of the Gypsies in Switzerland in 1418, remarks justified in 1844 by the unanimous testimony 
of the non-contemporary chroniclers belonging to this country, appear now to be reduced 
to nothing by the testimony of Justinger. 

VOL. I. NO. V. T 


and besides it entered into their plans to re-visit it. They did not 
therefore stay long there. Their passage appears to have been very 
rapid and very direct : they certainly did not travel through all the 
countries of the confederation, as Walser pretends ; 1 according to all 
probability, they only crossed the north-eastern extremity of Switzer- 
land, and they crossed it with such an unanimity that their passage 
must have left for the moment but small traces. 2 

All that we have just seen concerning the Gypsies in Switzerland 
(including the notes) was written in 1844. Since then I have 
become acquainted with a passage from JUSTINGER, the only Swiss 
chronicler known up to the present time who is contemporary with 
the fact. 3 I translate literally this passage, which is placed under 
the year 1419 : 

" Of the baptized Heiden. In the said year came to Bale, to 
Zurich, to Berne, and to Soleure more than two hundred baptized 
pagans (Heiden) ; they were from Egypt, pitiful, black, miserable, 
with women and children ; and they camped before the town (of 
Berne 4 ) in the fields, until there came a prohibition (from the autho- 
rities), because they had become unbearable to the inhabitants on 
account of their thefts, for they stole all they could. They had 
among them dukes and earls, who were provided with good silver 
belts, 5 and who rode on horseback ; the others were poor and pitiful. 
They wandered from one country to another ; and they had a safe- 
conduct (Geleitbrief) from the King of the Komans." 

Several important facts in this testimony which, I repeat, is con- 
temporary, disagree with those I had previously collected, and which 
certainly were not borrowed from him. 

First the date: but, contemporary as he was, Justinger, if he 
wrote this passage some years after the fact, may have been mistaken 

1 Walser, copying Guler, and wishing absolutely to place in his chronicle of Appenzell 
the passage of the chronicle of Helvetia, substitutes this trivial fact for the coming of the 
Gypsies to Zurich. 

2 I have already remarked, as being an astonishing fact, that this great horde should have 
passed at fifteen leagues from Basle, without making itself known at least by some detach- 

3 Conrad JUSTINGER : Berner Chronik, published by Stierlin and Wysz in 1819, p. 381. 
The passage in old German is entirely reproduced by M. F. Dyrlund (op. cit., p. 362), where 
I see that Justinger, who died in 1426, was recorder of the town of Berne from 1411, and 
that his chronicle goes as far as 1421. I should have wished to see in the original publica- 
tion how the date presents itself; but I have not found the volume in the National Library 
of Paris. 

4 Justinger was from Berne, and his chronicle being that of Berne, there can be no doubt 
as to the place. 

5 I wondered for a moment whether these were not receptacles for containing money worn 
roun the body and generally underneath the garments, but the German expression (silbrin 
Giirteln) does not permit a doubt but that they were real belts, baldricks or ornaments of 
some kind. 


on this point. Now it is certain that he cannot have written it at 
the very moment, because he speaks at the same time of the visit of 
the Gypsies in several of the Swiss cantons. Besides, a passage of 
the chronicle which commences by these words : " In the same 
year, . . ." does not present the same chronological certainty as if 
the date of the year had been expressed : in addition to the month 
being omitted, which appears to indicate a rather vague remembrance, 
it may happen that a fragment thus dated may slip from one year to 
another. If, however, the date of 1419 were exact, it would be pos- 
sible that it applies exclusively to Berne, where the author lived, and 
perhaps to Soleure, and even to Bale, three places of which Tschudi 
does not speak, and where a band of " more than two hundred " Gyp- 
sies may have come in the year which followed the great rendezvous 
in Switzerland. For, as far as concerns Zurich, where Tschudi says 
positively that the great band arrived on the 31st of August 1418, 
and even Baden in Argovia, which is not far, and where Tschudi 
relates that it separated into two portions, it appears to me impos- 
sible to admit that this chronicler has not had some precise docu- 
ment under his eyes. 

It may be replied perhaps that Tschudi, to whom belongs the 
regrettable honour of having fixed the legend of William Tell, 1 
Tschudi, who has given us the fantastic number of forty thousand 
Gypsies, does not merit much confidence. I answer that, as regards 
estimates which are often uncertain and variable, such as the number 
of combatants in a battle 2 or the number of individuals in a Gypsy 
horde, legend has full scope, and that, in this instance, Tschudi has 
evidently followed and perhaps enlarged upon the legend, but that a 
date so precise as that of the 31st August 1418 is of a very different 
nature. I will add that Stumpf, another Swiss chronicler, original in 
this passage, also gives the year 1418 as that of the appearance of 
the Gypsies in Switzerland, and particularly at Zurich. 

My conclusion, which can only be provisional, is then that two 
alternatives are possible : either Justinger has made a mistake of a 
year, or else this date of 1419 applies to another arrival of Gypsies 
at Berne and probably at Soleure, perhaps at Bale. In the first 
case, I should be inclined to think that the " two hundred " Gypsies, 

1 See the Revue Critique of the llth July 1868, p. 29, in the article by Rod. Reuss on the 
work of M. Albert Rilliet, Les Origines de la Confederation Suisse. 

2 See in the Revue Critique of the 6th February 1888, p. 108, the analysis (by M. Am. 
Hauvette) of the work of M. Hans Delbruck, Die Perserkriege und die Kuryundcrkriege, 
Berlin, 1887, upon the preposterous numbers attributed by the Swiss to the Burgundian 
armies vanquished by them at Granson and at Morat (1476). 


or a few more, with whom Justinger was acquainted in the last- 
named places and particularly at Berne, where he lived, were but a 
detachment of the great band of Zurich. For, whilst making a large 
allowance for the legend, I can with difficulty persuade myself that 
the 40,000 of Tschudi, the 14,000 of Stumpf, Specklin, and Walser, 
the 1,400 of Crusius and of Guler, an estimate which appeared to 
me to be perhaps acceptable, should finally be reduced to "more 
than two hundred," that is to say, to a number notably inferior to 
that which we found at the outset in the Hanseatic towns. 1 

In one or other of these alternatives, not only Berne and Soleure, 
which did not figure in our first Swiss documents, would be added 
under the date of 1418 or 1419, but even Bale also, where the testi- 
mony of Wurstisen, without doubt applicable to the year 1422, 
signalises the presence of the Gypsies at that period as occurring 
for the first time. But Wurstisen was not a contemporary, and he 
may easily have been unacquainted with a document anterior to 
that of which he made use. I had already experienced some 
astonishment (in 1844, p. 30 and p. 34, note 2 ; see above, p. 279 and 
p. 282, note 2) that the great band of 1418 should have passed so 
near Bale unknown to the inhabitants of this town. It now seems 
probable that they came there in 1418 or 1419, and most probably 
in 1418. 

A last point upon which Justinger is wholly at variance with 
the non-contemporaneous chroniclers, is the manner in which the 
Gypsies behaved in Switzerland on their first appearance, in numbers 
more or less considerable, in this country. Here, I think, his testi- 
mony may be received without reserve : the pretended nobility of 
the first Gypsies is founded on the distinction, purely chimerical, 
established by the other chroniclers between these and their succes- 
sors ; it is in contradiction with all that we know of other countries ; 
and, if I allow what I have said on this subject to remain, it is simply 
as a legendary testimony. 

The itinerary that I have endeavoured to trace (p. 31 of the tirage 
a part; see above, pp. 279-280) for the entrance of the Gypsies into 
Switzerland may also have to be modified when better information 
is obtained. What appears clear to me up to the present moment is 
that the order in which Justinger mentions the towns and the cantons 

1 As to the numbers that we shall meet with ulteriorly, they are in general reduced to 
about 100 or 120 (excepting at Forli, 1422, where they are 200, and perhaps in some other 
places, Augsburg in 1418, Bale in 1422, etc., where their number is ill determined). But 
we have reason to think that they separated on leaving Switzerland, and it would seem that 
afterwards their meeting was never complete. 


visited by them (Bale, Zurich, Berne, and Soleure), is quite fortuitous, 
and does not represent an itinerary. 

As to the description of their departure from Switzerland (ibidem 
and below), it is founded on the precise testimony of Tschudi, whom 
one cannot refute without very positive proofs. But the return by 
circuitous routes, like the previous appearances at such or such a point, 
are always possible, especially in a country composed of independent 
cantons. And it is thus that the passage through Switzerland of the 
great horde (if there be a great horde, as I am still inclined to think), 
or of the detachments which composed it, may also not have been so 
rapid as I supposed it to have been (pp. 33-34 of the former tirage 
a part, p. 282 ante}. 

In short, the testimony, very valuable notwithstanding, of the 
contemporary Justinger, far from throwing light upon the history of 
the first appearance of the Gypsies in Switzerland, leaves much in 
obscurity. It is an historical point which most likely will only be 
elucidated by the Registers of the municipal accounts of the towns 
through which the Gypsies have passed, and in which they may have 
received subsidies, 1 as we shall see that they have received elsewhere. 

What actually contributes to the uncertainty of the Swiss 
itinerary is that documents sometimes bear the date of the year 
only; we have met with such examples not only in Switzerland, 
but, before or after the passage of the Gypsies in this country, at 
Leipzig, at Strasbourg. 

For the present, however, it is after the departure from Switzer- 
land that I place the arrival of the Gypsies at Strasbourg, as I have 
also temporarily placed their passage at Leipzig before their entrance 
into Switzerland. "We have, indeed, left the great band breaking up 
near Baden in Argovia. A part of the horde, adds Tschudi, then 

1 I call the attention of the Swiss scholars of Zurich, Baden in Argovia, Berne, Soleure, 
Bale, and in general of all the Swiss towns that have kept their ancient Accounts, to this 
point : for the first question is the knowledge of the towns in Switzerland possessing A ccounts 
going back as far as the beginning of the fifteenth century ; and upon this point, information, 
even negative, would have a solid interest. Wherever these accounts exist, it would be neces- 
sary more particularly to explore those between 1416 and 1420, and better still up to 1438 ; 
but, this exploration once commenced, it would be interesting to pursue it as far as possible 
in order to extract from these Registers all that they contain about the Gypsies (Zigeuner, 
Heiden, etc., etc.) ; and even to go further back than 1417 to see if perchance people resem- 
bling the Gypsies may not have existed, under other names, in Switzerland before 1417. 
These extracts published in some collection of the country (of which I should be glad to 
receive the exact indication rue de 1'Odeon, 12, Paris) would form the beginning of a docu- 
mentary History of the Gypsies in Switzerland, like that which M. Dirks has collected for 
Holland. It is scarcely necessary for me to add that what I have requested for Switzerland 
on the occasion of an obscure fact, upon which it would be particularly interesting to throw 
some light, would be equally desirable for all the countries of Europe, and that, if I only 
speak here of the Registers of Toions, it is not with any intention of excluding fhe Chronicles 
and such other sources of information as may present themselves. 


passed the Boetzberg, that is to say, the north-west end of the chain 
of the Jura. Tschudi does not follow them further, and does not 
say what direction the others took. But it is natural to think that 
a good number of Gypsies must then have penetrated either into the 
present grand duchy of Baden, or directly into Alsace, and it is thus 
that some may have arrived at Strasbourg in the same year. 

Now, the presence of the Gypsies at Strasbourg in 1418, which 
left some doubts on my mind when it was mentioned only by 
Specklin 1 and by Hermann, 2 appears better attested by an (un- 
published?) Chronicle of Strasbourg, which, however, I only know 
through a quotation, 3 and which does not specify the time of year. 

{To be continued,) 


DUEING the autumn of the past year (1888), I travelled over a 
considerable part of Spain, and the conclusion I have come to 
regarding the Gitanos is, that one is much mistaken if one believes 
that the pure type of the traditional Gitano is still to be found there. 
I have visited the famous suburb of Triana (Calle de la Cava) at 
Seville ; there is there a population which does not differ much from 
the populations of the other quarters of Seville. Even in fhefabrica 
de tabacos of Seville, where there are many thousands of work- 
people, the workshops of the Gitanos do not strike one as very 
different from those of the Andalusians. Here and there only (and 
especially among the old people), one sees a rare type, presenting 
some trace of the true Gypsy physiognomy. 4 

1 See my long note on Specklin, pp. 27-28 of my former memoir ; and above, pp. 276-277. 

2 In a note of my former memoir (p. 34), I said : " I find besides in a collection of small 
scattered facts, placed at the end of Notices historiques, statistiques et litteraires sur Stras- 
bourg, by Hermann (Strasbourg, 1819, 2 vols. in 8vo., vol. 2, p. 432) the following sentence : 
' In 1418, some Gypsies, called in German Zigeuner, and in some countries Heiden, pagans, 
came for the first time into Alsace and the neighbourhood of Strasbourg.' But the author 
having dispensed himself from indicating his authorities, I think the indication is drawn from 
the Collectanea of Specklin and to be received with the same distrust." 

3 In a short article upon the Zigeuner, by Auguste Stober, inserted in the Anzeiger fur 
Kunde der deutschen Vorzeit, an. 1856, t. I., Niirnberg, 1863, p. 173, I find the following 
note concerning the apparition of the Gypsies in Germany : "They came from Epiro (sic), 
which the vulgar call 'Little Egypt.' TRAUSCH, handsch. Strasburgische Chronik, n. 366. 
According to Trausch, the ' Zeyginer ' made their first appearance at Strasbourg in 1418." 
M. Stober does not say to what epoch this chronicle belongs ; but what makes me believe in 
its originality at least relative is that the detail given by Specklin, that "they came from 
Epirus, called also vulgarly Little Egypt " (see again above, p. 277, in the long note on 
Specklin reproduced from my former memoir), is certainly borrowed from him. 

4 With these statements of the Marquis Colocci, compare the " Sketches at Seville " in 
our Notes and Queries (p. 309 post). [ED.] 


The Gitanos of Seville emigrate to America without the least 
disinclination ; once there, they employ themselves as herdsmen in 
the ganaderias, or enlist in the military service of Cuba or the 
Philippine Islands. 

In the Sierra Morena I found Gitanos, whose special occupation 
was the making of baskets and chairs. These spoke a better cal6. 

At Saragossa I found a small Gitano colony. 

There are also some at Cordova. And we know of the adventure 
which happened there to an English tourist (a Dr. Middleton, I 
believe), who shot a Gitano on the tower of the Cathedral to save 
himself from being robbed by him. 1 

At Santa Fe there is a numerous colony of Gitanos, who have 
preserved the racial type better than others. They are proud of it, 
and they say of themselves without any hesitation : Nosotros semos 
caUs de siete costillas y media (" We are Gitanos on seven sides and a 
half "), meaning that they are of the genuine stock. 

There are also Gitano localities in Granada. Some live in the St. 
Nicholas quarter (Barrio de la Cava de San Nicolo) ; but the greatest 
number live in the Sacro Monte quarter above the Albaycin, in caves 
cut out of the rock, formerly grottoes of the Moors. This Barrio de 
los Gitanos, everywhere pierced with these caverns, presents the ap- 
pearance of a huge hive of bees. Zigzag footpaths lead from one 
grotto to another. The sides of the Sacro Monte are tufted with 
the aloe and the cactus. Below, amid the ruins of ancient Arab walls, 
tiows the Darro. 

The Gitanos of Granada are smiths, sheep-shearers, small traders 
at the fairs, and, above all, they beg from tourists. The women tell 
fortunes, or perform Flamenca dances before strangers. 

There are nearly two hundred Gitanos in Granada. They are said 
to be thieves, and I am inclined to believe it ; but I must admit that 
with me they were very honest, and. they laughed fit to split them- 
selves when I spoke to them in calo, for that seemed something 
wonderful to them. They took me for one of themselves, belonging 
to a foreign country, but of their race. The good people of Granada 
were amazed to see me always in such company, and they said to 
me with a reproachful air : " Seiior, los jitanos son gente muy fea ! " 
(" The Gitanos are very dirty people, Senor ! ") 

1 In this connection 1 may state that my experiences, when at Granada, did not at all 
coincide with the opinions expressed by the writer of the letter " Spanish Gypsies and 
British Tourists," communicated to the Edinburgh Scotsman (and quoted in our Journal, 
No. 3, p. 178). I was at Granada in the month of November, and the Spanish police did 
not take the precautions referred to in that letter. I have been with the Gitanos, alone, day 
and night, in their caves, and I found them very good fellows. 


Their morality is not worth much ; especially in the matter of 
virtue. I have known several Manillas, thirteen or fourteen years 
old, who posed as city guides, but who in reality conducted strangers 
to houses of evil fame. With regard to the alleged chastity of the 
Gitanas, extolled by Borrow, Enault, Quindale and Liszt, I would 
make some reservations. 

At Seville, at Cadiz, at Granada, I have known real Gitanas who were 
anything but prudes. I have even spoken, at Cadiz, to a poor and 
rather pretty Manilla, who had been seduced by her lover, a Gitano, 
and deserted by him when with child. Eepulsed by her family, 
the poor young creature turned courtesan. At Granada, I knew 
a Gitana who accepted an invitation to dinner which I gave to her 
and to her husband. After dinner, she fo'und an excuse for sending 
away her Othello, and, being then left alone with me, she made 
such advances to me as no virtuous Desdemona would have made. 
At Cadiz, several Gitanas follow the occupation of go-between in 
love intrigues. 1 These are generally neither young nor beautiful. 
And I always think with shame of a scandalous speech made to me 
at Cadiz by two very young Gitanas, of ten or eleven, which they 
accompanied by gestures of an indescribably licentious nature. 

At Granada there is a prince of the Gypsies, a grotesque being ; 
he remains nearly the whole day at the gate of the Alhambra 
awaiting strangers, and clad in the old Spanish muleteer costume, 
wearing a large peaked hat on his head. His coat, with its gold lace 
and velvet, must have been very grand in its day; but now it is 
very ragged through the effects of time. This personage sells his 
own photograph to visitors, and one learns from the back of it that 
it is the portrait of Mariano Hernandez, Principe de los Gitanos, 
modelo del immortal Fortuny. He really was a model, and sat to 
this famous painter. 

It is a sight to see this pedicular prince attire himself proudly, 
grand in his garments and his authority ! He conducts you to the 
Barrio de los Gitanos ; he organises Gypsy concerts and Flamenca 
dances for the amusement of strangers. I had myself a good deal 
of intercourse with him, in order to acquaint myself better with certain 
details about the Gitanos, and to practise the Cold, which he speaks 
much better than the others. 

Through him I was still better enabled to remark the simplicity 

1 Compare the remark made by Mephistopheles to Faust, with reference to Martha : 
" Das 1st ein Weib wie auserlesen, 
Zum Kuppler- und Zigeunerwesen !" [ED.] 


with which the good Borrow judged of the morality of the Gitanas. 
This prince will, indeed, procure Gitana models for you, if you are 
anything of a painter, or even if you are not one at all. And if you 
should occupy yourself with the original instead of the copy, his 
Highness the Prince of the Gitanos will not, you may be sure, raise any 
diplomatic question about this exploit touching one of his subjects ! 

As to their language, the greater part of the Gitanos at the 
present day speak Spanish, and employ the Spanish phraseology, 
only substituting some Cal6 words, and modifying some Spanish 
words with the terminations saro sara and une una. For example : 

saro-a une-a. 

Pelo (Hair), . . . Pdisara. C'ahonazo (Trousers), . Cahonzune. 

Frente (Forehead), . -Frentisara. Cravate (Fr.\ . . . Cravatund. 

Carrillo (Cheek) . Carissara. D^ (Finger), . . . Deduna. 

Lengua (iongue), . Lengiasara,. _ 

E7o(0ne), . . . UnLro. J2te (Jacket), 

Dos (Two), . . . Doisaro. 
Tres (Three), . . . Treisaro. 
Cincuenta (Fifty), . Cincuentisaro. 

Chaleco (Waistcoat), . Chalequne. 
Oreja (Ear), .... Orejuna. 


The true Cold language still exists, in the precise sense of the 
word. But only a limited number of these words are now used ; the 
rest is Castilian. Each individual Gitano only knows a small portion 
of it. Nevertheless, in my conversations with Gitanos, above all 
with those of the Sierra Morena, and, in particular, with their old 
people, I have collected here or there some hundreds of words, 
which, perhaps, I shall one day publish. 

I have also collected many of their Cantos Flamencos, similar to 
those published by Professor Machado y Alvarez, some sayings and 
proverbs, riddles, etc., etc. ADRIANO COLOCCI. 



IN the course of my visits to prisons, and specially in Transylvania 
when in quest of folk-lore, I often had an easy and safe oppor- 
tunity of making a study of the Gypsies. 

These people, who are either, generally speaking, as shy as a roe 
or as intrusive as a bug, are always very slow to furnish any informa- 
tion regarding their poetry and national customs; but in prison I 
found them dispirited by the loss of their freedom, and much fretted 
by the confinement which they probably feel more keenly than any 
one else, Here, after having won their good-will by talking to them 


in their own tongue, they would open their hearts to me, protesting, 
as a rule, their innocence, but occasionally when severely cross- 
examined as to the cause of their incarceration, they would, in a 
shamefaced fashion, admit their guilt. It would be worth while, I 
think, if some of the officials of criminal departments in Hungary, 
where there is no lack of people who study the Gypsy tongue for their 
pleasure merely, were to study the language and national customs of 
the Gypsies from a judiciary standpoint, as is done in other countries. 
Some of the Gypsies condemned to a rather longer term of imprison- 
ment begged me to intercede on their behalf to have their condition 
mitigated (although their well-being in prison is incomparably greater 
than it is in freedom), or even to obtain their release. Once, some 
recently incarcerated members of a Gypsy band, with whom I had but 
a short time before been tramping the country, in a prisoner's dress 
and on very familiar terms, stared with their eyes wide open on 
seeing me on intimate terms with the all-powerful public prosecutor. 

On such occasions the Gypsies were fond of singing to me their 
improvised laments (or rather dirges), which they spin out indefinitely, 
and which I had to stop when they began to weary me. These 
Jeremiads they whined out in a drawling and very sing-song tone, 
of a decided Roumanian type. A specimen of these chants was 
published in the second number of our Journal (page 101, No. 7, 
Burzenland} ; being one which was sung to me by Mojsa Curar in the 
prison of Brasso (Kronstadt), in the summer of 1886. I wrote down 
more than 100 verses of his words, if one may apply the term "verse " 
to a series of disconnected sentences, extremely primitive alike in 
rhythm and in rhyme. 

I shall quote the text as a curiosity (not on account of its poetical 
value), making use of the same system of transcription as that 
employed in the translation of the epoch-making Gypsy work of our 
august fellow-student, the Archduke Josef. 

The text was taken down very hurriedly, and in many places is 
doubtful. One asterisk denotes that the word is borrowed from the 
Roumanian, two from the Magyar. 

Vaj, * Devla-le, na maj * marme, Ah, God ! afflict ine no more, 

Ke man, Devla, d'ekin* mard'as, For, since thou, God, hast afflicted me, 

Gin misto na kerd'as. Nothing good hast thou done. 

Vaj* Devlica, vaj* Devlica, Ah, dear God ! ah, dear God, 

Ke man ci maj * mares ! That me no more thou strikest ! 

Avrete gind.u* kerd'as, To others trouble hast thou made, 

Del, mar-le te phabar-le, God, strike and burn, 

Ke man ci maj * mares ! But me no more strike ! 

Tai zatar, Devla, zatar, And I will go, God, I will go, 



Pala mandi ci maj * dikhau. 
Devla, Devla, the avau 
Tai zav the pala leste 
Ci maj* akarav-le palpale, 
Te zal, zikaj se lumi, * 

Kaj Jcerdela o pai kanali, 

Core, core serJce o dad barvalo, 

Taj ci loat* (?) kosno 

01 cokaja maravau 

Taj me but'i kerau 

Taj me kosno tuke lau. 

Ale Devla, me saj zasa, 

Te pala man 6i dikhau, 

Ale, ale, Devla, me saj zasa; 

Pala mande na diklem, 

Ci folosu * na kerdem. 

Jare * Devla, dikhau, 

Ek baro folosu * kerau. 

Zatar tuke, zatar, 

Zatar-le Devlica ! 

Ale Devla, but pherdem, 

Taj sar keti * ci pelem, 

Ale Devla, but pirau, 

Taj kade ci maj * pecisarau. 

Zatar mange za kija mre gazi, 

Taj mire saore. 

Vaj, * but Devla, but 

Dekind* avilem, 

Mure saoren ci diklem. 

Te kamela o Del, 

Mure saoren inke * dikhau, 

Kamela svuntu * Del, the 6umidau-le 

Del e lacu, th' avau 

Taj pirau, 

Te kereni chavau 

Mure saorensa. 

Zatar, zatar, mure romni, 

Taj anau kotorna, 

Ek kotorna manro; 

Anau so trebul, * 

Le saoren so trebul. * 

Zikaj barval'on ol saora, 

Apoj * atunci * milulel * o Dd 

Gindinela * pro lenge. 

But core ande lume * 

Te ziden ande d'es, 

Ad'es te taisa. 

Vaj * Devla-le, vaj Devla, 

Kaj me but kamau, 

Mar en, the pot'inau, 

Taj zilta nasci kerau ; 

Asunen man, pchraleya, 

Hajda* the corau, 

Kaj me but kamau, 

Behind me no more will I look. 

God, God, I come 

And follow after her, 

No more call I her back again, 

And go, the length and breadth of the 

And make the waters [our] grave. 

poor, poor one, thy father is rich, 
But has not bought thee a neckerchief ; 
The hammers will I beat, 

And much [smith-work] will I do, 

And I will buy to take to thee 

Oh, God ! I shall be able to depart, 

And behind me never look, 

Ah, God, ah, God, I shall be able to go, 

Behind me I have not looked. 

Nothing praiseworthy have I done. 

To God will I look, 

A great, praiseworthy deed will I do. 

1 will go from thee, I will go away, 
I will go away with God ! (?) 

Ah, God, much have I travelled, 

And nothing has gone well with me, 

Ah, God, much do I travel, 

And that no more shall I survive. 

I am going to go away to my wife, 

And to my children, 

Ah, long, God, long is it 

That I have come [? here]. 

My children not have I seen. 

But, if God will, 

My children again shall I see, 

The holy God grant that I kiss them ; 

God is good, so that I come 

And go, 

And at home eat 

Along with my children. 

I go, I go, my wife, 

And I bring a piece, 

A piece of bread ; 

T bring what is needed, 

To the children, what is needed. 

How the children will grow, 

And then will God bless them 

[And] take care of them. 

Many poor [are] in the world 

And live from day to day. 

To-day and to-morrow. 

Alas, God ! alas, God ! 

For I owe much, 

They beat me, that I pay, 

And money none can I make 

Hearken to me, my brothers, 

Come, that I may steal, 

For I owe much. 



Hajda,* the corau, 

Kai the pot'inau. 

? bcrsh $i pot'indom. 

Ane te kamel o Del, 

The pot'inasa, 

Zanel o Del, sar pot'inasa, 

The kerel, the kojel, amensa e mila.* 

Te maj * Devla del vares, 

Te herd' el sar Jcamel ; 

Leske e putere.* 

Apoj* the meraha, mulo aveha, 

Ci maj * pot'inasa. 

Te sa perd'om, 

Te ci maj * pot'indom. 

Ale, mre male, mre male, 

Asen te helgedun /** 

So Del amen del, pot'inasa 

Me ci mul'om, de nekazu * som ; 

Del e lacu, majd * * del, 

Majd * * zasa, 'majd * * zasa, 

Te majd * * phirasa 

The palpala zas. 

Del del amen, 

A men taj tumen, 

Del e lacu the kerel, 

So kamel. 

So horn me but $aori 

Trebu * sar dav chaben, 

Devla svuntu,* de man ! 

Me lau, the cin lau, 

Gin misto ci kerdem. 

Daje, daje, mire daj, 

Tu sa rod'al andro mende, 

Andro lestar saori. 

Daje, daje, the kamel o Del, 

Ke saori kere ink 1 * avena, 

Del hin laco, 

Devla, da me sast'ino, 

Ke sal laco, 

Tute hin putere.* 

Da rusa mure dajake, 

Taj ferina la 


Amen, Devla, ci zand'am, 

Ke per as andre kide comma, 

Taj ci zand'am, Havas kathe, 

Taj ...(?) andre kade kera, 

Kade kera vest'ake. 

The kamel o Del, ci maj * avasa, 

Zikaj avela ek balu pe pchuv. 

Sostar ci avil'al romni, 

Te men anes chaben ? 

Nasci . . . (?) the avau, 

The vilena avena tumen, 

Come, that I may steal, 

Wherewith I shall pay. 

? A year nothing have I paid. 

I God will to bring it to pass, 

I shall pay. 

God knows, I will pay all, 

He will take pity on us. 

God, give us something, 

He has done as he willed ; 

To him is the power. 

When we are dead, we shall be corpses, 

Nothing more to pay. 

Always have I gone, 

Nothing at all have I paid. 

my comrades, my comrades, 
Be silent and play the fiddle ! 
What God gives to us, we will pay, 

1 a,m not dead, in misfortune am I ; 
God is good, soon will he give, 
Soon shall I come and go 

Soon shall walk 

And again come. 

God gives to us, 

To us and to you, 

God is good and does 

What he willeth. 

I have many children 

It is necessary I give [them] to eat, 

holy God, give to me !. 

1 take, and do not take, 
Nothing good have I done. 

mother, mother, my mother, 
Thou hast ever wept for me, 
And for thy children. 
O mother, mother, would to God 
That the children home again come. 
God is good, 

God, give me health, 
For thou art good, 

To thee is the power. 

Give a gift to my mother, 

And keep her 

From illness. 

We, God, have not known, 

That we should fall into this misery, 

And have not known, that we should 

come here, 

And ...(?) in these houses, 
These houses are notorious. 
If God will, no more come we here, 
So long as one pig goes upon the ground. 
Wherefore have you not come, wife, 
And to me brought food ? 

1 could not come, 

And soon you will come, 


The kamel o Del If God will. 

Naj tumen but, Not is to you much [spare time] 

Numaj* trin Son Only three months, 

Taj deSe d'es. And ten days. 

Sa gind'om* sar Waves, Always thought I, that you would come, 

Taj azuJcerd'em tut. And I awaited you. 

Andakode ci Jeer el chantii, But that does not matter, 

Del milulel * me God will have compassion upon us 

AnJcala man kathar, Will release us from here, 

Del naj sar o manux. God is not like man. 


II. LAMENTS FOR THE DEAD : In the Popular Poetry of the 
Transylvaniau and South- Hungarian Tent- Gypsies. 

(The following are extracted from an Article contributed by our fellow-mem- 
ber, Dr. Heinrich v. Wlislocki, to the Dresden " Magazin fur die Litteratur des 
In- und Auslandes," of 9th March last. Dr. Wlislocki has only given the Roman! 
text in the two specimens of the Rovilye which are here reproduced. He does not 
furnish the original Romani in the other specimens of Rovilye, or in any of the 
Kaiddve. The latter are therefore translated here solely from Dr. Wlislocki's Ger- 
man versions. ED.). 

Just as the so-called Rauda (" lament ") forms a stepping-stone to 
the Lithuanian folk-song proper (known to the world of literature, 
since Lessing's time, by the national name of Daina), so does the 
Rovilye, or song of lamentation [lit. of weeping], of the Tent-Gypsies 
of Transylvania and the South of Hungary lead the way to the true 
lyric poetry of these people. The Rovilye is a kind of elegy, without 
either rhyme or verse, and is rather an unstudied address to the dead 
than a true song of lamentation, although it is "crooned" by the 
mourning-women in a half-murmured, half-chanted monotone. It 
does not even resolve itself into proper strophes and verse-lines, but 
rather into longer or shorter numbers, at the end of which the woman 
who is chanting it makes a longer or a shorter pause, according to the 
requirements of the leading idea. 

Akin to the Rovilye is the Kaiddve, the song of lamentation 
proper, which, like the other songs of the Tent-Gypsies, is of regularly- 
constructed verse, rhyming in couplets. These Kaiddve, which 
may be heard, though not often, among the Transylvanian Tent- 
Gypsies, are, like the Rovilye, recited by regular mourning-women 
shortly before the burial. While the Rovilye always specially 
addresses itself to a certain person (e.g. a son to his father, a husband 
to his wife), the Kaiddve is more general in character and may be 
employed as a universal farewell to the dead, for which reason it is 
chanted immediately before the burial, whereas the singing of the 
Rovilye commences with the laying of the body upon the bier. 

I shall now give two of these laments in the original text, as I 
have noted them down in the course of my frequent expeditions with 


bands of the Tent-Gypsies, and the others as rendered literally into 
German ; they testify that in the world of feeling men are everywhere 
alike, whether uncivilised or civilised. 


(In the Eoniani text here given c = Germ. tsch, x = Germ, ch, 
y = Germ. dsch, n is as in Spanish, sh and y as in English.) 

I. The Daughter to her Mother. 

1. Gule day, gule, nd mdn tu the 1. Sweet mother, sweet, would that 
kerdyelds,Inkdbyekdbdrtuthekerdyelds/ thou hadst not borne me, Would rather 
E bdr nd jdnel, kdnd IdJcro ddy merdyds, that thou hadst borne a stone ! The 
Uvd me core pdcirtd silydbdvpdl bdrvdl, stone knows not when its mother is 
Silydbdv pdld Mm meriben gule ddydkri. dead, But I, poor lark, sing in the 

breeze, Sing in the sunshine the death of 
my sweet little mother. 

2. NiJco mdn dkdnd tdtydrel, Kdnd 2. No one now will warm me, When I am 
me shilydvdv ; Niko mdn ushdlyin del, cold ; No one will shade me, When I am 
Kdnd me tdte som ! Te Ico mange pddd oppressed with the heat ! And who will 
Icerel, Kdnd sovdles som ? Bdrvdl nd hin prepare my couch, When I am sleepy ? 
mindig, Tcdm nd hin mindig, Uvd me The wind blows not ever, The sun shines 
core rovdv cdk mindig. not ever, But I, poor one, shall ever 


3. Andro bes me jidv, Kdnd hin bdr- 3. Into the wood will I go, When the 
vdld, Te tut me dkdrdv, oh gule ddy ; wind blows, And to thee will I call, oh 
Uvd tu nd dves, Mire dpsd na telekoses, sweet mother ; But thou comest not, 
M're vodyi nd sdscdres. Cores me cdk Thou dost not wipe away my tears, My 
jidv, Yekd core Keshdlyi 1 , Beshdv me heart thou dost not heal. Lonely shall 
dkdnd, Upro epustd bdr, Kdy ciriklo nd I wander, A poor Keshalyi \ Henceforth 
silydbel, Kdy car nd bdrvdlyol, Odoy me will I sit me down, On barren rocks, 
beshdv te rovdv. Where sings no bird, Where grows no 

grass, There will I sit and sorrow. 

II. Another Version. 

1. Oh ddy, tire muy hin pdndles, 1. Oh mother, thy mouth is closed, 

Tre luludyi nd cumides ; Tre punrd Thou dost not kiss thy little flower ; 

nd jdn pro selene mdl, Tre vdstd hin Thy feet go no more over the green 

mules te nikdnd yon keren/ Oh ddy, heath, Thy hands are dead and work 

1 "A hill-fairy, who Bits on the high mountain peaks, and lets her mile-long hair blow 
down through the valleys, which causes the mist." 

In explanation of several other allusions in these laments, Dr. Wlislocki subjoins the 
following fragments of Gypsy folk-lore : 

" The ' White Hound ' is the warder stationed at the portals of the Kingdom of Death, 
far up among the summits of the mountains. See my Volkskunde der transsilvanischen 
Zigeuner;" (which is reviewed in the G. L. Soc. Journal, ante, pp. 242-3). From the 
allusions in the Roviiye, it would seem that as each newcomer reaches the gates of death, 
the bay of the White Hound is heard. 

"Before one attains the actual Kingdom of the Dead, one must wander through a waste 
place, where blows an icy wind ' that cuts the skin like a knife.' 

"According to a popular belief among the Gypsies, whoever plucks a flower from a 
grave dies soon after. 

"The Gypsies believe to a certain extent in the transmigration of souls, and therefore 
they bury in the highway at an early hour those little children who were not yet able to 
walk, so that ' the soul may journey on in an onward-faring pregnant woman.' " 



t're ydkhd nd diklen seleno bes, T're hand 
nd dshunen ciriklen, Te tu rut jdnes, 
Kdnd fre luludyi merel ! 

2. E rukd mdyd meren, Te pale selinen, 
Uvd m're vodyi somores hin, Te somores 
mindig cdk hin ! E pdni ndcol Te pal 
vreme thdvdel ; M're dpsd mindig thdv- 
den, Te nikdnd ndcen ; Cirikld hin 
blindes, Te ishmet silydben; Asdviben 
nd hin mange, Te niko ishmet dshunel. 

3. Bdkrori rdciye kere . jid,l, Cirikli 
kere urdl ; Uvd me core, kay the jidv ? 
Kdnro beshel cores upro pro mdl, Te 
cores me beshdv upro pro bdv. 

4. Oh ddy, sostdr man cord tu muk- 
lydl ? Jiuklyi me jidv yevende pal yiv, 
Te nildye pal brishind; Pxdres me 
pdshlyovdv Upro pro tro probos, oh ddy / 
Asukdrdv, dsukdrdv, Cin tu dves dndrdl 
mulengre them. 

no more ! Oh mother, thine eyes see 
not the green wood, Thy ears hear not 
the birds, And thou knowest not, That 
thy little flower is fading ! 

2. The trees fade quickly, And grow 
green again. But my heart is sad, And 
sad for ever ! The brook becomes dry, 
And in the spring-time it flows again ; 
My tears are ever flowing, And they 
never dry ; The birds cease their sing- 
ing, And then again they sing ; Gone is 
my laughter, And no one hears the 
sound of my laugh any more. 

3. At evening the little lamb returns 
to the fold, And home flies the bird ; 
But ah, poor me, whither shall I go? 
The thistle stands solitary upon the 
field, And all alone upon the heatli 
am I. 

4. Ah mother, why hast thou left 
poor me ? As a poor hound do I wander 
in winter through the snow, And in 
summer through the rain ; Then I 
lay myself wearied Upon thy grave, oh 
mother ! And I wait and wait, Until 
thou comest back from the country of 
the dead. 


To a Child. 

Thou, my child, my only one, 
Ah ! how soon from me thou 'rt gone ! 
Lovely rosebud, fair to see, 
Death, alas ! has gathered thee ! 
E'en the grave will treat thee kind, 
For indeed thou 'rt gold refined ! 
Purest gold, dear child, art thou, 
Rest in sweetest slumber now ! 

To a Maid. 

Beauteous dove, with golden sheen, 
Thou to Death a prey hast been ! 
Once like graceful hemp-stalk thou, 
Bruised, alas ! and broken now ! 
As the stately tree on high, 
Wert thou in thy comrades' eye ! 
Ah ! that in thy sweet embrace 
Lover ne'er found resting-place ! 
That on thy lips, so soft and red, 
Lover's kiss was never laid ! 
Joy and Love thou here must leave 
Rest at morn in peaceful grave ! 

To a Young Woman. 
In the wind the trees loud moan, 
Sister, thou hast left us soon ! 
Sister, on the other shore, 
'Tis thine to greet those gone before ! 
Thirty years long was thy quest, 
For the heart, the body, rest ! 
Thou hast found it now, 
Soon revive wilt thou, 
Freed from pain and sorrow's sway 
But ah ! so far, so far away ! 

To a Man Highly Esteemed. 
Lofty tree in forest high, 
In the ground thou soon must lie ! 
Though the golden sun is shining, 
Sad thy branches all are pining ! 
Ah, thou wouldst to rest lie down, 
Followed by our prayers alone ! 
Few the men now left on earth 
Like to thee in good and worth ; 
Henceforth, without sun or star, 
Leaderless, we wander far ; 
Since of thee we are forlorn, 
Lofty tree, in glory born ! 






Cho, s., nacho. 

Cholaxdni, a, M. W., s. f. (Gr. chovexani, 

ghost, phantom ; Hng. chohani ; Bhm. 

wanting), witch. 
Chon, *M., M. W., S., s. m. (Gr., Bhm. 

= S1., Hng., chhon, chhom). 1. Moon, 

*M., M. W. 2. Month, S. ?av 

adarde yekhe choneste come here in 

a month. 
Chondro, chonoro, M. W., s. m. (dim. of 

the foregoing), moon. 
Ch6r, S., chor, *K., s. m. (Gr., Hng., 

Bhm. chor), thief, robber. 
Choral, M. W., adv. (Gr. choryal ; Hng. 

wanting ; Bhm. chdral), secretly. 

Po choral, M. W., id. 
Chorau, S., chorav, M. W., vb. tr. (Gr. 

chorava', Hng., Bhin. chorav), to steal, 

to ravish, S., a. 

Chdrau avri, to plunder. 
Chori, M. W., s. f. (Gr., Hng., Bhm. 

wanting), robbery. Geyas pr-e chori 

he went to rob, M. W. 
Choripen, M.- W., s. m. (Gr. choribe ; 

Hng. choripe ; Bhm. choriben), theft, 


Po choripen, a., secretly, M. W. 
Choro, S., chdro, K., chorro, shorro, M. W., 

adj. ((Gr., Hng. choro ; Bhm. chorro}. 

1. Poor; Ax Devla, so tut dava? 

Me som choro sasos O God, what 

shall I give thee ? I am a poor 

soldier. 2. Unlucky ; Ax Devla 

mreya, har me choro manushdro atar 

dendshava ? Oh my God, how shall I, 

unlucky man, fly hence ? 3. Orphan, 

M. W. ; Devleskri chdri orphan, 

Chorroro, shorroro, M. W., adj. (dim. of 

choro), poor, orphan. 
Chuchi, M. W., s. f. (Gr., Hng. = SI. 

Bhm. chuchi), breast (of a woman), pi. 

Chudinav man, a., M. W., vb. refl. (Slov. 

cudovat'). to wonder. 
Chulavau, 1 a., vb. tr. (Gr., Hng., Bhm. 

wanting ; SI., a mistake ?), to sweep 
Kai pes chulavel, said a Gypsy, when 
asked what he would say for "a 

Chulo, M. W., K., adj. adv. (Gr., Hng. 
wanting; Bhm. = SI.), few, a little. 
Nane man but I6ve chak chulo I have 
not much money, but just a little. 
Pale leske phend'as : " uzhdr chulo " 
then he said to him, " wait a little." 

Chul'avav, M., vb. itr. (s. chul'ovau); 
to flow, to drop. The word is proved 
by : You oda rdklo, vichind'as, hoy 
vzhdi chul'ala o pdni ; pale, has o gdje 
igen rada, hoy oda pdni chul'alas 
he, that boy, exclaimed that the water 
is always flowing ; then the men were 
very glad because that water was 
flowing, M. 

Chul'inka, S., chulinka, M. W., adv. 
(dim. of chulo, formed in the way of 
the Slavonian ; Gr., Hng. wanting ; 
Bhm. = S1.), a little. 

Chul'ovau, M. W., S., vb. itr. (Gr. 
wanting ; Hng., chuyovav ; Bhm. = 
SI.), to drop, to splash, M. W. 

Chumi, a., K., s. ? (Gr. chumi. In the 
other dialects it is found, but in com- 
position with the verb dau. I am 
myself of opinion that even in SI. it 
is never found as a separate noun) ; 

Chumidau, S. chumidav, K., vb. tr. 
(Gr. chumidava ; Hng. Bhm. chumi- 
dav), to kiss. Xudinas peskre phrales 
he igen les chumidelas he embraced 
his brother, and kissed him much. 
Chumi dinas chamatar he kissed 
(her) on the face, K. 

Chupni, S., s. f. (Gr. chupni, chukni 
means a tobacco pipe ; Hng. chumnik; 
Bhm. = SI), whip. 

Churdau, S., churdav; M. W., K., vb. 
tr. (a contracted form of chivr-dau, 
the SI. v before consonants being a 
semi- vocal ; Bhm. chivrdav, which is 



to be referred to Gr. chiv-dava ; Hng. 
chidav), to throw. You kana avna, 
pre tute o yag churdena when they 
come, they will throw fire upon 
Clmri, S., churi, M. W., s. f. (Gr. churi, 

chori ; Hng. churi ; Bhra. churi), 

Churori, M. W., s. f. (dim. of churi), 

Chvrtkos, S., s. in. (Slov. ttvrtok), 


Dad, M., K., S., s. m. (Gr. Hng. Bhm. = 
SI.), father. 
Dadeskro chdvo : See chdvo. 

Dadives : See adadives. 

Dadka, a., S., s. m. voc. (cf. chaiko), 
father. This form is proved by : Ax 
dadka, phen oh mre romeske oh 
father, say to my husband. 

Dadoro, *M. S., dadoro, M. W. (dim. 
of dad), father. 

Dai, K., S. , s. f. obi. sg. da ; instr. daha 
(Gr., Hng., Bhm. = SI. ; Gr. dei, tai), 

Daiko, K., S., s. f. voc. (dim of dai, 
cf. chaiko), mother. 

Dand, M. W.. S., s. m. pi. danda ; S. 
dand, M. W. (Gr. dant ; Hng., Bhm. 
= S1.), tooth. 

Danderau, S., vb. tr. (Gr. dantelava, 
dantarava ; Hng., Bhm. danderav), 
to bite. 

Dar, M. W., S., s. f. (Gr., Hng , Bhm. 
= SI.), fear. 

Darandutno, M. W., adj. (Gr., Hng., 
Bhm. wanting), afraid, terrified. 

Darand'ovau, M. W., vb. itr. (Gr. 
daratiovava ; Hng., Bhrn. wanting), 
to be afraid. 

Darau, S., dnrav. a., K. (a misprint ?), 
vb. tr., pi. pf. darand'ilo, from the 
foregoing (Gr. darava; Hng. darav- 
Bhm. darav), to fear. Me lutar na 
darau I am not afraid of thee. 

Daravau, M. W., S., vb. (Gr., Hng., 
Bhm. The corresponding forms mean 
" to frighten "), to fear. N'ikastar na 
daralas he did not fear anybody. 

Dau, M., S., dav, K., pf. dinom (Gr, 
dava ; Hng., Bhm. dav). 1. To give ; 
De man vareso give me something. 
2. To order (Slavism) ; You dinas 
banda te vichinel bashaviben he 
ordered a band (of musicians) to make 
music. 3. To let, to permit ; The 
tuke deha yek yak avri te lei if thou 
permittest thyself to take away one 
VOL. I. NO. V. 

eye, M. Dau man, to engage (in). 
Pes dine and o rovibenthey began 
to weep (were engaged in weeping). 
Dau man to commend one's self. 
E' phiiri manushni dinas peske mra 
Devles the old woman commended 
herself to God. Dau pnle, a., to un- 
button, M. W. 

Daydri, M. W., K., S. (dim. of dai), 

Definau, a., S., vb. itr. (Mag. dofni, to 
sting, to thrust; Hng. wanting; Bhm. 
definav, to elicit, Jes., 57). 1. To 
thrust ; Man igen dukal, me man igen 
drfind'om I feel a great pain ; I have 
thrust me much (? pricked or stabbed 
myself). 2. The verb seems to have a 
different meaning in the sentence Kana 
you kapl'as, mind'ar lake and-o vusht 
defind'as oda yepash angrust'i. In 
the tale Trin Draki a girl had given 
the half of a ring to the Bruntsl'ikos. 
When he met with her again, she offered 
him a glass of wine. When drinking 
it, he found in it the other half of the 
ring, which she had thrown into it 
(that is the explanation of the quoted 
sentence). 3. To splash out ; Auka o 
drakos numind'as pordd, azh leske le 
vasiestar o rat defind'as so the dragon 

. pressed (the stone) continually, until 
the blood splashed out from his hand. 

Dendshau, S., denashav, M.W., K. (Gr.. 
Hng. wanting; Bhm. denashav, a com- 
posite of da + ndshav, Mikl., M. W. 
viii. 23, cf. Rm. de nashibe, ib.), to 
run, to fly. 

Den, *M., s. in. (Slov. den), day ; occurs 
only in dobri den. See Dobri. 

Desh, K., S., num. card. (Gr., Hng., 
Bhm. = SI.), ten; deshvar, K. S., ten 

Deshto, K., S., num. ord. (Gr., Hng., 
Bhm. = SI.), tenth. 

Devel, M. W., *K, S., del., *M., s. m. 
(Gr., Hng., Bhin. devel ; Gr. del-, Hng. 




del), God. The SI. Gypsy always says, 
mro Devel (my God), or mro sovna- 
Jcuno Devel (my golden God), and very 
seldom uses the single noun, cf. even 
in Hng. bastdle somniaktine Devla ! 
Ml. I. ; 151. Idche somniakune Devla ! 
ib. 181, etc. I could not find instances 
of this use in any other dialect. 
In the tale, ykuro sasos, God gives 
orders to St. Peter. In the same tale 
God appears in the shape of a beggar 
to the poor soldier, and says him- 
self : Me som mro sovnalcuno Devel 
I am my golden God. And in the 
tale, E trin rdklya, God reveals him- 
self in the shape of an old man. 

Develoro, S., s. m. (dim. of Devel, Bhm. 
Devldro), God. 

Devl'ikdno, a., S., adj. (Gr. Devlikano ; 
Hng., Bhm. wanting), divine; occur- 
ring only in Mri Devl'ikdni dai my 
God's mother (the Virgin Mary). 

Diesara, a., K. (cf. dosdra ; I am doubt- 
ful of diesara), morning, K. 

Dikhau, M. W., S., dikav, K. dikxau, 
*M., vb. tr., pi. pf. diklo (Gr. dikava, 
dikhava ; Hng., Bhm. dikhav), to see ; 
dikhau pre to look at. 

Dilos, M. W., S., d'ilos, M. W., s. m. 
(Mag. del ; Hng. wanting, Bhm. = SI.). 
1. Midday, noon ; 2. Dinner. Yoi 
amenge tdvla o dilos she will cook 
the dinner for us. Diloskero, at noon, 
M. W. ; zhi diloskero, till noon, 
M. W. 

Dil'ino, S., dilino, M. W., K., adj. (Gr., 
Hng., Bhm. dilino ; Gr. dinilo), fool- 
ish, silly. 

Dil'ovav, a., M. W., vb. itr. (Gr. dikyo- 
vava ; Hng. dit'hovav ; Bhm. wanting), 
to appear (prop., to be seen). 

Dives, K., S., d'ives, M. W., S., d'es, 
M. W., s. m. pi. d'ives, d'ivesa ; M. 
W., dives, s. f. ; (Gr., Hng. dives ; 
Gr., Bhm. d'ives, pi. d'ivesa, Jes. 11 ; 
Gr. dies, dis), day. 

Divesal'ol, S., d'ivesalol, M. W., divesal'o, 
K., vb. imp. (Gr. disl'ol ; Hng. dislol, 
it glows ; Bhm. d'ivesal'ol), it dawns. 

Divesoro, K., s. m. (dim. of dives), the 
dawn, K. 

Divizjono, a., S., s. m. (Germ. Division), 
division (milit.). 

Divo, a., M. W. adj. (Slavon. divij, 
Mikl.), wild. 

Diz, S., s. f. (Gr., Hng. wanting ; Bhm. 
= S1., cf. Ptt. ii. 318), castle ; Phdri 
diz prison, gaol (cf. Germ. Schwerer 

Dldzhotsi, a., S., s. pi. (certainly bor- 
rowed from Slov., but I could not 
find its equivalent in the Slov. 
dictionary), silver coins ; so my Gypsy 
explained it. The only passage in 
which it occurs (in the tale Mom 
th-o drakos /), runs : So kames mandar 
akanak ? love ? I'ebo kames mandar 
dldzhotsi, I'ebo bare dukdti ? Vai ka- 
mes bare I6ve? (cf. Zeitschr. d. d. 
Ges. Vol. xxxix. p. 513). 

Do, S., prep. (Slov. do), to, till: only in 
azh do rdna, till the morning. 

Dobri, *M., adj. (Slov. dobri), good ; 
only in the Slov. phrase, dobri den, 
good day ! 

Dohoninau, % M. W., vb. tr. (Slov. 
dohonit'), to overreach. Slov. verbs 
compounded with do are frequently 
borrowed. The materials further 
afford : 

Doxdzinau, S., vb. itr., to reach. 
Dostainau, M. W., vb. tr., to receive. 
Doyd'inau, S., doydinav, M. W., vb. 

tr., to arrive. 

Doved'inau, S., vb. tr., to bring to. 
Dozvjed'inau man, S., vb. refl., to con- 
vince one's self, from the Slov. vbs. : 
dochddzat', dostat', dojst', doviest', 

Dorik, M. W., S., s. f.. (Gr., Bhm. dori-, 
Hng. = SI.), band (string-band). 

Dosdra, a., K., adv. (cf. Slov. zora, dawn, 
rose, morn ?) near the morning, K. 

Doska, a., M. W., s. f. (Slov. <ln*bi). 
board, plank. 

Dost, dosta, K., S. (Slavon. dosyti,Mik\. 
M. W. vii. 45 ; Rm., Hng., dosta), 

Dostatkos, S., s. m. (Slov. dostatek, 
plenty, provision, stock, store. 

Dovart'inav, a., M. W., vb. (Slov. 
vartovat', to keep guard. Cf., for 
another etymology, M. W., xii. 76.) 
The meaning is not given in M. W. 

Drdgo, S., adj. (Serb, drag, the Slov. 
form being drahy), dear. Mro drdgo 
mdnush My dear man ! 

Drakos, M. S. (Slov. drak), dragon. In 
three of my Sl.-G. stories a dragon 
is mentioned. In the tales, Rom 



th-o drakos, i. and n., the dragon 
dwells in a cave (yaskina) with his 
blind mother. He steals sheep, a 
great number of which he eats. He 
possesses plenty of money ; he is able 
to fly through the air. In this, as in 
other tales, the dragon converses with 
men. In the tale, Trin Draki, three 
dragons have ravished girls, with whom 
they dwell on inaccessible peaks or in 
deep abysses. They are cannibals, 
and they can scent the flesh of men 
from afar. One of them eats leaden 
dumplings at dinner. One of them 
has a dozen heads. These dragons 
are possessors of treasures. In the 
tale, Drakos, the dragon is said to 
have twenty-four heads. Every day 
a girl must be offered to him as food 
by the inhabitants of the town. This 
dragon also resides in a cavern, and 
has a blind mother like that in R.D. I. 
All the dragons mentioned in the 
tales have immense strength of body ; 
they throw sticks up to the sky ; 
with their hands they squeeze stones 
until water splashes out from them 
(0 Horn th-o Dr.) ; they throw ham- 
mers weighing from fifteen to fifty 
quintals to a distance of fourteen or 
even fifty miles (0 Trin Dr.), etc. 

Drom, M. W., K., S., s. m. (Gr., Hng., 
Bhra. = S1.). 1. Way, road, see bdro. 
2. Journey. Dava tut trin mare pr-o 
drom I shall give thee three loaves 
of bread on the journey. 

Dromaskro, a., K., adj. (from the fore- 
going), wandering. Trin ase dro- 
maskre mamisha three travellers, K. 

Druhi, a., S., num. ord. (Slov. druhy), 
second ; occurs only in druh !. ra~,, 
second time. 

Dtsera, a., M. W., s. f. (Slov. dcera), 

Dubos, M. W., s. m. (Slov. dub), oak. 

DugOj M., adj.^ (Slavon. dlugu, Mikl, 
M. W., vn. *vb., Hng., Bhm.=Sl.), 
long. Diigos, M. W., adv., a long 
time, for a long time. 

Dui, K., S., duy, M., num. card. (Gr., 
Hng., Bhm. = SI.), two. Donde, a., 
Gr. (duyende), in two, K. Me le 
donde chind'omas I shall have cut 
him in two, K. ; duijene, dujene, M., 

(s. jtne), two, both, soduijene, see so ; 
duvar, M. W., *K., S., duar, K. (s. 
var), two times, twice. In the Obi. 
the first part also of the composite 
changes its form ; e.g., duye-jenen, ace. 
m., duye-jenentsa, inst. f. 

Dukal, M. W., S., vb. imp. and tr. (Gr. 
dukava, to feel a pain ; Rm. = SI., Hng., 
Bhm. dukhal. In SI. it is not always 
used impersonally, but never other- 
wise than in the 3d pers. sing pres.), 
to ache, to pain. Man igen dukal I 
feel a great pain ; Man dukal o shero 
my head aches. 

Dukdtos, S., dukatis ? a., M. W., s. m. 
(the norn. sing, being inferred from 
pi. dukati, S., and dukdta, M. W. 
(Slov. dukdt), an Austrian ducat. 

Dukerau, S., vb. itr. (do Slov. +keraut) 
The meaning of this verb is not clear. 
It occurs only in the tale, Trin 
Draki, in the following passages : (a.) 
Kaitutadaiil'al,mro drdgo mdnushf 
Adai tro vdd'i achla/ Me na darau/ 
Adai chirikleske na dukerel u tu 
adarde ml' all This last sentence 
might be translated : A bird does not 
succeed [not even a bird succeeds] in 
coming here, and thou earnest here ! 
That is to say : The peak on which we 
dwell is so high that not even a bird 
is able to reach it. (b.) Latar phuch- 
el oda drakos : (me som) mange adai 
manushdlo mas khandel. Al'e kai 
tuke mro drdgo rom, manushdlo mas 
khandelas, kana adai chirikle ( klo ?} 
chirikleske na dukerel ? The chronicler 
himself translated the last sentence : 
Ptdk ku ptdku nedoleti (bird does not 
come to bird), cf. Mikl. M. W., xii. 
90 : Chiriklo chirikleske na doydinel 
A bird does not come to the bird. 

Dukrutna la., S. (This must be a mis- 
understood Slov. word. I cannot 
explain it). Imdr you prinjdrd'as, o 
Yankos, peskra da : mro Devel asi 
dukruttia dinas. ta prinjdrd'as akurdt 
(0 Dui Chdvore). 

Duma, a., S., s. f. (Bulg. duma, Mikl. 
M. W., vii. 117; Rm. Bhm. = SI.), 
speech, answer ? advice ? Chak mri 
duma shun, har tuke phenava, auka 
mosi te keres Only hearken to my 
advice (words ?) ; as I say to thee so 



must thou do. Po trival lestar 
phuchl'az, na kaml'as te vakerel leka 
e duma three times he asked him, 
(but) he would not speak (give) to 
him an answer (?). 

Duma dav, a., M. W. (Rm. Bhm. = 
SI., but means, to speak), to consult, 
to deliberate. 

Duma, M. W., S., s. in. (Gr., Hng., 
Bhm. = SI.), back. A Gypsy rendered 

" crook-backed " by Nane Idcho dumo 

(not having a good back). 
Dumdro, a., M. W., s. m. (dim. of 

dumo), the first slice of a loaf. 
Dur, S., dur, M. W., K., adv. (Gr., 

Bhm. dur, adj. adv., Hng. dur adv.), 

far ; duroder (coinp.), further. 
Duvar. See vudar. 
DvoichJci, S., s. m., pi. (Slov. dvojicky), 

twins ; dvo'ichki chavore, id. 


D'akinav, a., M. W., vb. tr. (Slov. 

d'akovat'), to thank. 
D'emantovo, S., adj. (Slov. diamantovy), 

of diamond, diamantine. 
D'es. See Dives. 
D'ilos. See Dilos. 

D'iv, M. W., (Gr. giv, iv ; Hng. dl-c 
wheat ; Bhm. = SI., corn), grain. 

D'ives. See Dives. 

D'ivesal'ol. See divesal'ol. 

D'ivinau man, S., vb. refl. (Slov. 
clivit'sa), to wonder. 


Dzdr, S., dzar, M. W., K., s. f. (Gr. jar ; 
Hng. dxtir ; Bhm. dzar), moustaches, 
shag, filament, hair : dzdra, pi., eye- 
brows, S. 

Dzardlo, a., S., adj. (Gr. jaryalo ; Hng. 
dzarvalo ; Bhm. =81.), moustachioed, 


Efta, K., S., ofta, M., num. card. (Gr., 

Hng., Bhm. = SI.), seven ; eftavar, 

K., S., seven times. 
Eftato, K., S., num. ord. (Gr., Hng., 

Bhm. = SI.), seventh. 
Ekstra (Slov. vulg. and Germ, extra), 

Ena, S., ennya, K., num. card. (Gr. 

enea, enia, iniya ; Hng., Bhm. = SI.) 

nine ; eiiavar, S., ennyavar, K., nine 

Enato, S., ennyato, K., num. ord. (Gr. ? 

Hng., Bhm. = SI.), ninth. 
E'lyen, S., intj. (Mag. djen), long live 

he ! (in drinking one's health). 
Eshche, S., adv. (Slov. efte), still, yet. 


Feder. See Idcho. 

FeJctinau, a., S., vb. itr. (Germ, fechten}, 

to fight. 
Fel'eblos, a., S., s. m. (Germ. Feldwehel), 

Figl'aris, M. W., s. m. (Slov. fgliar), 


Firshtos, S., s. in. (Germ. F'drst), prince. 
Flinta, M. W., s. f. (Slov. vulg. flinta, 

from the Germ. Flinte), gun, rifle. 
Forgovos, a., M. W., s. in. (Mag. forgo, 

bunch of feathers), red cap (as the 

Turkish fez). 
Forikos, M. W., s. m. (dim. of the 

following ; cf. Bhm. forichkos), town. 
Foros, M., S., Joros, K. (Gr., Bhm. 

foros ; Hng. foro}, town. 
Frchkos, S., s. m. (Slov. cvr&k, cricket, 

frcat 1 , to rattle, to whiz ; but the Sl.-G. 

word may be borrowed rather from 

another Slav, language), cricket. 
Furt, S., adv. (Germ, fort), continually. 



Observaciones Criticas d las Etimologias de la Heal Academia Espanola. 
By Professor A. FERNANDEZ MERINO. (Extracted from the 
Revista Contempordnca, Madrid, 1889.) 

THESE observations, which our learned colleague has brought 
forward with a view of rendering more accurate the next edition of 
the Real Academia's Diccionario, are in many respects beyond our 
scope. But of the 187 pages of this pamphlet, a large portion (pp. 
63-111) directly concerns itself with the Gitanos and their language; 
while, in the detailed etymological criticisms which follow, various 
Romani derivations are set forth. 

The objections which the critic urges so strongly against the Die- 
cionario (too strongly, perhaps, to suit the taste of the lexicographers) 
are that, whereas it omits many important words, on the ground that 
they are too technical or special, it includes a great many terms that 
have nothing to justify their presence in so important a work, being 
mere slang, or else Spanish- Americanisms. (See pp. 67, 68, and 
110.) Moreover, while these slang words are so often introduced, the 
Gitano words of which many (see p. 110) are in constant use in 
Spain, and not among Gypsies only are ignored altogether. Fur- 
ther, the Gitanos and their language are entirely confounded and 
identified with the ladrones, picaros, and other scamps, most of whom 
know nothing of Romanes, but employ this lerga, Gfermama, or slang, 
which the Diccionario ignorantly believes to be the language of the 
Gypsies. With Professor Merino's righteous indignation against this 
recognition of a jargon, to the exclusion of a genuine language, we 
have of course every sympathy ; but it is to be feared that he will 
tind few Gypsiologists who will agree with him in regarding the occu- 
pants of prisons as a class totally distinct from the Gypsies. 

Among those words to which Professor Merino assigns a Gitano 
origin are duquende (=Eng. Gyp. duk), chacho, gao, pillo, camelar, 
lacayo, lacha, and pingo. 1 With regard to chacho, which occurs in 
Spanish as a term of endearment, and which Professor Merino is 
inclined to believe comes (through the Gypsies) from the Hindustani 
chacha, " uncle " (cf. Gyp. kak, koko), we would suggest that it has a 
much closer affinity with the Gypsy adjective chacho, "true" or 
" genuine." 

And if a Gitano origin has not been assigned to the word 

i See pp. 126, 127, 157, 160, 163, 167, 174, 179, 180, and 181. ' 


gaita, " a bagpipe," we beg to point out tbat it belongs to the 
Greek dialect of Komani (see Paspati, s. v. Gfdida). It can scarcely 
be maintained that Spain gave this word to the Gypsies of the 
Ottoman Empire. On the other hand, those Greek Gypsies, whose 
presence in Spain in the year 1512 is testified by the Constituciones 
de Cataluna (see De Kochas, p. 269), must certainly have employed 
the word, if the bagpipe, still used by the juglars of Catalonia, was 
as much associated with the Gitanos as it formerly was with the 
Gypsies of England and Scotland. 

Professor Merino's survey of the various accounts relating to the 
advent of the Gypsies in Europe, which occupies many pages, calls 
for no special mention here. Of the importance of his etymological 
" observations " there can be no question. 

Die Zigeuner unter den Siidslaven : Contributed by MADAME MAKLET 
(Mara Cop) to No. 3 of the Ethnologische Mitteilungen aus 

In this article, Madame Marlet, content to act the part of 
" chorus," has placed before her readers an alternating series of state- 
ments, by two highly competent authorities, regarding the South- 
Slavic Gypsy family. Professor J. H. Kuhac, eminent as a collector 
of Slavic ballads, and whose valuable work, Jugoslavenske piesme 
(South-Slavic songs), is devoted to the melodies, folk-lore, and 
customs of the Gypsies, as well as of the Slavs and Slovaks of 
Hungary, has from time to time expressed himself upon Gypsy 
matters, in the course of his correspondence with Madame Marlet. 
These letters Madame Marlet has since submitted to our esteemed 
fellow-member, the Archduke Joseph of Austria-Hungary, with the 
request that he would jot down such marginal comments as might 
suggest themselves to His Highness while perusing Professor Kuhac' s 
statements. Informal as the notes accordingly are, in either case, 
they are thus obviously none the less valuable. 

Many interesting statements are made with regard to the organi- 
sation of the Gypsy community, and the system of government by 
" woiwodes," who in turn acknowledge a supreme " great woiwode." 
This dignitary, and the " species of ' Peter's pence,' " exigible by him, 
at once recalls to an English reader the " Grand Eogue," who once 
received a similar tribute in England, according to earlier writers. 


Other remarks are made on such subjects as marriage by purchase ; 
and the temporary connection which a Romani chai does not scruple 
to form with a gadjo, and which, indeed, receives the formal sanction 
of the woiwode. And the Archduke states that it is not unusual to 
see a fair-haired child at play with his swarthy half-brothers and 

That these Gypsies are good linguists, and generally able to 
speak in three languages (sometimes in more), is distinctly asserted. 
Professor Kuhac, indeed, has formed a high opinion of the Gypsy's 
abilities. Not only are we told that every member of a Gypsy 
family has his or her special daily work to do, contrary to the 
common belief that they are idle people, but that as a race they 
are distinguished by great talent and perseverance. Whatever 
they engage in they excel in ; and this applies not only to music, as 
European history testifies, but also to many other arts, such as gold 
and silver filigree-work, smith-work, and wood-carving. It is cer- 
tainly noteworthy that, as we are here informed, the Gypsies of Mon- 
tenegro are called Majstori (" Meister "), because even yet they are the 
only artificers of that country. The Montenegrins, it appears, are 
only in a very slight degree agriculturists, and to engage in any 
handicraft would be quite beneath their dignity, according to the 
inherited ideas of that warrior caste. Now, it is equally notable that 
the Gypsies of Scotland must at one time have occupied a precisely 
similar position to those of Montenegro. For the Gypsies of the 
Highlands of Scotland, if not those of the whole country, were known 
as cairds ; which term has exactly the signification of Majstori, viz. 
" artificers." Both of these terms testify that the Gypsies were once 
pre-eminently a caste of artificers; and this is very suggestive. 

These various notes and commentaries are extremely interesting, 
and, having all the weight of authority, they are equally important. 
It is gratifying to notice that this paper will be followed by a subse- 
quent series of observations by these two eminent Gypsiologists. 

Ueber den Zauber mit mensctilichen Korperteilen lei den transsilvan- 
ischen Zigeunern. Contributed to No. 3 of the Ethnologische 
Mitteilungen aus Ungarn, by DR. HEINRICH VON WLISLOCKI. 

This treatise forms a supplement to the previous studies in Gypsy 
Lore undertaken by this zealous and most thorough Gypsiologist. 
Here Dr. Wlislocki restricts himself, as the title indicates, to the 


" magic " that is associated with the various parts of the human body. 
The opening section of his article, that now before us, is chiefly taken 
up with a detailed account of the witchcraft of the Fingers, which 
form the text of five separate descriptions. The Hair, Teeth, and 
Nails are also dealt with. The whole article will greatly interest 
those who desire to study this subject ; and it not only forms a valu- 
able addition to Dr. Wlislocki's previously published studies in 
Gypsy Witchcraft, but it is also a characteristic item in this the 
latest number of Professor Herrmann's admirable Journal. 

Besides the three publications above-named, we have also to 
record the recent appearance of various books, pamphlets, and news- 
paper notices (some of these last of no great value, it is true, but still 
useful as illustrating Gypsy ways.) In No. 1 1 of Das Mayazin fur die 
Litteratur des In- und Auslandes, (Dresden, 9th March 1889), appeared 
Dr. Von Wlislocki's beautiful TotenTdagen, copious extracts from 
which are given in our present number. Pastor J. Jesina has issued 
another sfiries of Gypsy-Bohemian Tales (Oikdnsfio-faskt pohddky a 
povidky : Nos. 4 and 5, Kuttenberg, 1889). The Italian newspaper, 
La Sentinella (Osimo, 24th April 1889), is enriched with nearly two 
columns on Gli Zingari in Africa, by the Marquis Colocci. And in 
his new and elegant edition of the famed Breitmann Ballads, Mr. C. 
G. Leland has succeeded in introducing / Gili Eomaneskro and the 
moving ballad of The Gypsy Lover. Other items, chiefly relating to 
English Gypsies, are these : Fortune-telling at Darwen, near Black- 
burn, by a Gypsy hawker, Jane Matilda Boswell (18), who was fined 
2s. 6d. therefor, (Preston Guardian, 16th March 1889) ; Fortune-tell- 
ing at Hanley, by Eosannah Price, Gypsy, fourteen days' imprison- 
ment, (Derby Reporter 22d March 1889); Zachariah Smith, George 
Smith (his son) and Nathaniel Smith, Gypsies, fined 5 for assault 
on police at Collingham, near Wetherby, (Leeds Mercury, 26th April 
1889) ; The Gypsies of Ceylon, (The Times, 23d April 1889); notices 
of the " Gypsy Heirloom," mentioned on page 176 of our Journal, 
(The Graphic, 4th May, and the Newcastle Daily Chronicle, 16th May 
1889); Carnathia Clayton, aged five, accidentally burnt at camp at 
Merryhill, near Handsworth, (Manchester Guardian, 4th May 1889); 
Andrew Dighton, Gypsy, elopement with Caroline Smith, wood mer- 
chant's daughter at Eastbourne (Manchester City News, 4th May 1889) ; 
Yetholm Gypsies three paragraphs, (The Globe, 10th May 1889); 
George and Boye Burton, Gypsies, sons of Selina Burton, imprisoned 


one month for assault on farmer at Bodenham (Hereford Times, llth 
May 1889) ; "A King's Nephew : how Owen Stanleigh was crowned 
years ago in England." A very long and excellent article, with 
illustrations, containing valuable information as to American Gypsies 
(by Arthur Kegan, in the Globe-Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, U.S., 
26th May 1889). The Marquis Colocci's recent work, Gli Zingari, was 
also reviewed by Mr. W. E. A. Axon in The Academy of 1st June 1889. 
And we may mention that The Portfolio (London: Seeley & Co.) 
reproduces in its June number a fine head of a Gypsy, by Sir 
Frederick Leighton, P.R.A. 



The French newspaper, Le Temps, contained in its number of the 10th 
September 1888, under the head " Autriche-Hongrie," the following paragraph, 
which I re-translate into English : 

" A correspondent from Vienna to the Daily News says that an old Gypsy 
named Raphael has addressed a request to the Emperor Francis-Joseph, in which 
he begs him to proclaim him l King of the Gypsies, because he can prove his direct 
descent from ; King Pharaoh.' The subscriber of the address promises on his part 
to put an end to the vagrant habits of the Gypsies, and so enable them to furnish 
good soldiers to the Austrian army." 

The Emperor of Austria has certainly not taken the request of the old Gypsy as 
serious? for the fact belongs much more to folk-lore than to the domain of govern- 
ment ; but this request was all the more interesting to the Gypsiologist because its 
author evidently made it seriously, and because it has an evident connection with 
the old tradition which makes the Gypsies come from Egypt, a tradition pro- 
pagated all over Europe for centuries past by the Gypsies themselves, and which 
has procured them, especially in Hungary, the name of the " people of Pharaoh." 

An ecclesiastic residing in Hungary, Mr. Reuss, pointed out some time ago to 
his former master, Pott, a Gypsy song, " known by the name of the famous Song of 
Pharaoh (beriihmte Pharaonslied), which seems to have an epic character," and 
which the Gypsy who had been heard to sing it accompanied with bitter tears. 
Unfortunately it had not been possible to gather more than a fragment of it, and 
that perhaps an incorrect one, or composed in an ancient Gypsy dialect (which 
might even be Asiatic or African ?) ; for Pott had not been able to translate it, but 
he nevertheless reproduced the fragment, in the hope of calling the attention of 
some investigator who might collect the whole of the song and give a translation of 
it. (See Pott, Ueber die Zigeuner, in Zeitschrift der Deutschen morgenliindischen 
Gesellschaft, 3d vol., 1849, p. 327. Of. Bataillard, Les Derniers Travaux ... p. 27). 

If there yet remains any chance of recovering and throwing some light on this 
precious song, it would no doubt be furnished by some old Hungarian Gypsy, 
imbued, like Raphael, with the Pharaonic traditions concerning his race and con- 
cerning his own family. 

1 Le Temps writes, " de se proclamer," which is evidently a mistake. 


At all events, it would be curious to learn the proofs that this Gypsy asserted 
he was able to furnish of his Pharaonic descent ; and no one could be better situated 
than the eminent Gypsiologist, the Archduke Joseph, to find the petition addressed 
to his Imperial cousin, and the old Gypsy Raphael himself, and to obtain from the 
latter the documents and the explanations by which he pretended to justify his 
petition. This request we ourselves now respectfully address to his Imperial and 
Royal Highness. P. B. 



I have recently been reading again a book written with much ability, and giving 
a bright and interesting account of some very varied scenes. No author's name is 
given on the title-page, which reads : 

" Campaigns and Cruises in Venezuela and New Grenada and in the Pacific 
Ocean from 1817 to 1830 ; with the Narrative of a March from the River 
Orinoco to San Buenaventura on the Coast of Choco ; and Sketches of the 
West Coast of South America from the Gulf of California to the Archi- 
pelago of Chiloe. Also Tales of Venezuela : illustrative of Revolutionary 
Men, Manners, and Incidents. (London, Longman and Co. Printed by 
H. E. Carrington, Chronicle Office, Bath, 1831.)" 3 vols. 

My present object, however, is chiefly to call attention to the account given of a 
race bearing very striking analogies to that mysterious Romany race which has pro- 
vided so many puzzles for ethnologists of the Old World : 

" He was one of that class of Mestizo natives who are called, in many parts of 
South America, Gitanos and Chinganeros, in allusion most probably to the wander- 
ing, vagabond way of life they have adopted ; for there would seeui to be no reason 
to believe that they really belong to that singular race of outcasts from whom they 
derive their name, and who are supposed to be as yet confined to the Eastern 
quarters of the globe. These people are held in utter contempt and abhorrence by 
all true Indians ; and not even the meanest tribes among them will hold any 
intercourse with the Chinganeros, whom they consider degraded by their buffoonery 
to the level of monkeys. Their agility and humour, nevertheless, rendered their 
occasional visits always welcome to the light-hearted Criollos ; and even the super- 
cilious Spaniards deigned at times to relax from their haughty gravity, and to smile 
at their unpolished gambols. At the hottest periods of the guerra a la muerte the 
Chinganeros were considered as privileged exceptions to the general rule, which 
admitted of no sort of neutrality in the sanguinary contest, and were freely per- 
mitted to visit the encampments of both patriots and royalists, for the diversion of 
the soldiery. As they belonged to no party, so they could scarcely be looked on as 
spies ; and although they had not the least scruple in conveying such intelligence 
as lay in their way, or even occasionally becoming bearers of private messages from 
one side to the other, still they atoned for this conduct, or rather neutralised its 
effects, by the perfect impartiality of their communications. In a word, they were 
considered too despicable and insignificant a race for anger, or even for serious 
attention." vol. iii. p. 162. 

In another place he says : 

" The Chinganeros are a peculiar race of wandering Criollo minstrels, whose 
habits, and even whose appellation, strikingly resemble those of the Zinganees, or 
Eastern Gypsies. They claim for themselves pure [American] Indian descent ; but 
this is denied by the aborigines. They are all good dancers and musicians, and, 
above all, fortune-tellers, supposed sorcerers, and improvisator^ vol. ii. p. 324. 



Of their power as minstrels he gives two examples, with translations : 

Montanera soy, senoras ! 
Yo no niego mi nacion, 
Mas vale ser Montanera 
Que no Porteno pintor : 
Montanera en Buenos Ayres 
For las Pampas he pasado ; 
Montanera por las nieves 
De las Andes he baxado. 
En su curso por el cielo 
Quien atajara al Lucero ? 
Mas atreve quien pretende 
Atajar al Montanera. 
Libres vuelan los condores 
Por la cana Cordillera ; 
Y no menos por los valles 
Libre va la Montanera. 

" La Montanera. 

A Montanera's life I lead, 

I '11 ne'er disown the name, 

Though village maids and city dan us 

May lightly hold our fame. 

From Buenos Ayres' boundless plain 

The Montanera conies, 

And o'er the mighty Andes' heights 

In liberty she roams. 

What hand e'er tried in empty space 

To arrest the morning star ? 

The Montanera's free-born mind 

To enslave is harder far. 

Free o'er the Cordillera's peaks 

The lordly condor stalks ; 

As freely through her native wilds 

The Montanera walks." 

La Zambuttidora. 

Nino ! tomad este anillo, 
Y llevadlo a la muralla, 
Y dfle a la centinela, 
Este nino va de guardia. 
Vamo'nos, Chinas del alma ! 
Vamo'nos a zambullir ; 
El que zambulli se nmere, 
Yo tambien quiero morir ! 

Huid la pompa del poblado, 
Nino, huid a la savanna ; 
All gozareis quieto, 
En salud, hasta maiiana. 
Vamo'nos, Chinas del alma ! 
Vamo'nos a la caleta, 
Para ver los guacamallos 
Con fusil y bayoneta. 

Piensan luego en dispertarse 
Los temblores ya dormfdos ; 
Volvad nino a la muralla, 
Salgad, 6 serais perdido. 
Vamo'nos, Chinas del alma ! 
Vamo'nos a la laguna, 
A ver si en la zambullida 
Encontremos una pluma, 
Con que escriba la chata inia 
Las cartas de Montezuma. 

Youth ! this magic ring receive, 
The Chinganera's fairy spell ; 
Swift the city ramparts leave, 
Nor heed the wakeful sentinel. 
Come ! beloved of my soul, 
To the depths of ocean fly ; 
Where the dark blue billows roll 
Fearless plunge, nor fear to die. 

To the wild savanna fly ! 
Empty pomp of cities scorning ; 
There, beneath the vault of sky, 
Rest in safety till the morning. 
Come ! beloved of my soul, 
To the sands of ocean come ; 
There no sounds shall meet thine ear 
Save curlew's pipe or bittern's drum. 

Hark ! the wakening earthquake's cry 

Echoes on the startled ear ; 

To the city ramparts fly, 

Youth ! for death awaits thee here. 

Come ! beloved of my soul, 

Fly we to the desert waste ; 

There, where the lake's blue waters roll, 

A fairy pen, by wizards placed, 

Lies for thee to write a scroll 

Such as Montezuma traced." 

Whether these wandering minstrels are really Gypsies or not, the resemblance 
between the Montancros and the Gitanos is sufficiently striking to be worthy of 
notice, and of fuller investigation by those having the opportunity for making 
further inquiries. [Originally contributed to Notes and Queries, 7th July 1883.] 





While residing at Venice, I observed in the " Querini-Stampaglia " Library a 
book bearing this title, La Zingana, memorie Egiziane di Madonna N. N. scrittt 
infrancese da se' medesima, e pubblicate daW abate Pietro Chiari, poeta di S. A. S. 
il Sigr. Duca di Modena, Tomi II. Parma 1762 : con Vignetta litografata ; la 
Zingana. From the pages of this book I made the following extract (page 254), 

" Historical Origin of the G-ypsies, styled Egyptians. 

" The world has always been tenacious in its prejudices. By the name of 
' Gypsies,' it understands nothing more than gangs of mere vagabonds, without 
fatherland or home, living upon the proceeds of imposture, and even the credulity 
of the ignorant crowd. 

" To judge them rightly, however, one ought to have read something of the 
ancient history of the East. At the present day they are, I do not deny, a crew of 
outlaws, who may not inaptly be termed the dregs of society ; but the time was 
when they were the glorious and memorable remnant of a renowned people, who 
held sway in the East, and, like other famous races, at length suffered the vicissi- 
tudes of fortune and of time. This nation, subjugated and dispersed more than a 
thousand years ago, sought shelter and safety in Egypt. But even there it did not 
long enjoy tranquillity ; and, finding no peace with fellow-man, it was forced to 
seek for safety among the wild beasts of the forest. There, amid the most desolate 
wildernesses, did these people withdraw themselves almost wholly out of sight of 
other men. Time, the disposer of all things, chiefly exercises its tyranny over the 
human inclinations. A wild and rude climate generally renders the manners of the 
inhabitants also wild and rude. (Even so may the most pellucid stream grow 
turbid.) Thus did the residue of a highly-cultured nation gradually degenerate 
into a horde of rough vagabonds. The most contemptible of their occupations was 
originally most laudable, and replete with inventive genius. The art of foretelling 
good or bad fortune which now-a-days is so associated with the Gypsies was at 
one time the science of astronomy, so assiduously and comprehensively studied by 
them that they professed to be able to foretell all human vicissitudes by the aid of 
the heavenly bodies. The songs with which they are wont to accompany their 
predictions are but a survival from the golden clays of their ancient poetical 
incantations, then wonderfully embellished by the accompaniment of various 
musical instruments. The industry which they applied to the cultivation of the 
soil and the uses of commerce degenerated in later times into the incredible ability 
they display in theft and rapine, whereby they almost solely exist. Great travellers 
and explorers have placed them before us in an honourable and favourable light, 
but now they are spoken of with contempt. They shift their dwelling every third 
day, and the place of their birth is never the place of their death, for a longer stay 
is not permitted to them. Are they to be doomed for ever to this unsettled, wild, 
and wandering life ?" 

My Venetian note-book contains also a few extracts from I Zingani : Storiella 
piacecolie ; Venezia, 1710, nella Tipografia del Dal Fabbro : 

"Capitolo I. In a low haunt in the outermost principality (Principato 
ulteriore), that forms part of the great province of ' Terra di Lavoro,' in the king- 
dom of Naples, was born Corradino Aniello, whose story we are going to relate. 
He descended in a direct line from that famous Tommaso Aniello, called Masaniello 
d'AmalJi. ... He has been a great impostor." 

On page 21 it is stated : " Corradino dressed, after the Gypsies' fashion, in 
green garments (vestito di color verde), with large shining metal buttons, his black 


hair falling in curls by each ear. His head was covered with a silken network, 
above which he wore a large coarse hat (cappellacio), trimmed with gold. In 
complexion he approached so nearly to olive (his complexion is styled olivastro), 
that he looked like a real Gypsy." 

So far as I remember, this book being a mere romance contains nothing else 
worthy of quotation. However, the extracts which I have made from both books, 
although they are of questionable value, seem to throw some light upon the Italian 
Gypsies of last century. J. PINCHERLE. 



1. From a balcony at the Fonda de Madrid. 

" A group of Gypsies passed one day : a map with a blue fez-shaped cap, a loose 
gray jacket, and full blue Turkish trousers, reaching only to the calf of the leg, 
followed by a woman so tall and muscular, so dark and fierce, so majestic and 
sibylline, that she might have passed for Meg- Merrilies had it been possible to 
imagine her in English-speaking parts ; but in ^a dark-red woollen petticoat and 
striped blanket for a cloak, she was the true Zingara. A lithe lad of twelve or 
fourteen brought up the rear, in bright rags dulled by dirt : he was bronze-colour, 
with wild black eyes and elf locks, and looked like a half-tamed animal. They did 
not speak to each other, nor look at each other, but marched along in single file, 
bound together only by their isolation from everybody else." 

2. At La Triana. 

"I found the Gypsy quarter very different from the huddle of picturesque 
squalor which I had expected. It is more like a neat village, the houses being 
white, and low like cottages. The few shop doors and windows are given up to 
the gay appurtenances of the Andalusian horseman, and to coarse pottery of the 
most beautiful antique Eastern forms. Before one of the saddlers' shops stood a 
drove of patient-faced donkeys. Their driver . . . was bargaining for a pair of 
purple and orange saddle-bags. My errand was for earthenware, and I entered a 
small shop where great bulging oil-jars of dark shining green, with a deep project- 
ing rim and three curved handles, stood in rows. The walls were lined with shelves 
bearing dark red terra-cotta water-cruses, with taper necks and trefoil lips, others 
of a delicious cream-colour, covered with a graceful incised design, and others 
delicately beaded over with a raised pattern ; some had one arm akimbo, or a long 
eccentric spout. ... I lost my head over this display, and recklessly ordered big 
pieces by the pair and smaller ones by the dozen. . . . The Gypsy merchant, only 
a degree more brown, stately, and silent than the ordinary Andalusian, betrayed 
no emotion at my prodigality, although I am persuaded that he had never made 
such a sale before, for the bill amounted to several hundred reals." 

(From "A Cook's Tourist in Spain"; Atlantic Monthly, August 1884.) 


There are two or three facts in the Life of the Corn-law Rhymer, Ebenezer 
Elliott (1781-1849), that may have an interest for members of our Society. He was 
the grandson of Robert Elliott, a whitesmith, of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, whose 
ancestors, I have been told, and have the honour to believe, were thieves, neither 


Scotch nor English, but lived on the cattle they stole from both. " My father," he 
continues, " being a Dissenter, baptized me himself, or employed his friend, and 
brother Berean, Tommy Wright, the Barnsley tinker, to baptize me." Here 
surely are crypto-Egyptians for Mr. Simson ! 

In 1849 the Rhymer received a visit from Mr. Watkins, his future biographer, 
at Great Houghton, near Barnsley, in Yorkshire. They walked out to "Wind- 
gap Oak, which stands on an eminence, commanding views on all sides. Elliott 
told me how once another oak stood near, in whose hollow trunk Nevison, the 
highwayman, is reported to have been hid when he was taken. In revenge of this 
it had been burnt clown by some Gypsies" (Watkins' Life of Elliott, 1850, 
p. 258). There is a somewhat conflicting account in the smaller Memoir of 
Elliott (1850) by "January Searle " (George S. Phillips) : "He spoke of two 
great oaks, about a mile from his house, where the Wapentake assembled in 
ancient times ; and where, in the hollow of one of them, Nevison, the celebrated 
highwayman, had to secrete himself when in danger. He likewise related the 
history of Nevison, who was born at Wortley in Charles the Second's time, and 
knew the site of the public-house, where he was at last captured. ' A heart-break- 
ing story, I have no doubt,' said Elliott, 'for-the daughter of the innkeeper was 
Nevison's sweetheart.' " F. H. GROOME. 



Among those words, occurring in Romani, which Professor De Goeje regards 
as Arabic, is "the Arabian jugglers' word mosjtdn [moshtdn]" mochton, a box. 
If this means that the word is peculiar to Arabian jugglers, and is therefore not 
Arabic, the inference is that the jugglers of Arabia, like those of many other lands, 
are really Gypsies, and that they obtain the word moshtdn from their mother- 
tongue. DAVID MAcRiTcniE. 



In John Major's Historic Maioris Britannice, tain Anglice quam Scotioe, etc., 
of which the first edition was published "ex officina Ascensiana" in 1521, I find a 
mention of a " dies infaustus et ^gyptiacus." I should be grateful to any of my 
fellow-members of the Gypsy Lore Society who could furnish me with parallel 
passages, or indicate the probable meaning of the word "^Egyptiacus " in Major's use 
of it. The passage occurs near the beginning of the eleventh chapter of the Fourth 
Book of the History, in connection with the accession of Alexander m. to the throne 
of Scotland, and is as follows : "Post Alexandri secundi obitum, filius eius Alexander 
tertius octo annos natus puellus in regem ordinatur : verum in eius coronatione 
inter regni primores lis orta est, aliquibus dicentibus quod prius debebat eques 
auratus seu miles quam rex insigniri : aliis oppositum asserentibus. Aliqui 
utrisque contradixerunt, dicentes niliil illo die debere fieri : quia dies erat infaustus 
et ^Egyptiacus." I may add that Major did not consider that the party of delay 
had reason on their side adducing several reasons of no present relevancy ; but he 
brings forward as a " Secunda propositio, Nulla est dies JKgyptiaca plus infausta 
pro regum coronationibus quam alia" This looks as if there were a considerable 
choice of " Egyptian " days. ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE. 



See our Notes and Queries, p. 176 ante.) 

The London Graphic of 4th May 1889 contains an engraving of this alleged 
" Gypsy heirloom," with the following remarks : 

"This box has been presented, or rather sold for a merely nominal sum, to Mr. 
George Smith, of Coalville, by a number of leading Gypsies, in gratitude for his 
efforts to improve the condition of the Gypsies and van children. The presentation 
took place last November, at a large gathering of Gypsies on Plaistow Marshes, 
and a memorandum was drawn up and signed by its then possessor, David Lee, 
stating that the small symbolical and mystical copper and brass box, bearing the 
name 'Right Door Lee,' engraved and dated 1182, had been an heirloom in his 
family, the Gypsy Lees, and had been held by his father's ancestor back to the date 
engraved upon it. The box is stated to have brought thousands of pounds to the 
Lee family, and fortunes so the Gypsies themselves would say to those who 
climbed the ' Ladder of Life/ or the ' Golden Ladder ' (which is engraved on the 
side of the box not shown in our engraving), read the mystical numbers, and had 
their ' planets ruled.' Mr. Smith thinks that the box was engraved abroad, and 
that Right Door Lee either means an officer of the sacred army of Gypsies who 
were wont to march about Europe some centuries since, with counts and earls at 
their head, or else * Right through the Sea.' The box is probably one of the pass- 
ports granted by Pope Sixtus iv. to the Gypsies to admit them to the kings and 
rulers of Europe, and of the countries through which they travelled, soliciting alms 
on their pious pilgrimage. This also agrees with Mr. Smith's views expressed in 
his works on Gypsy life as to their first appearance in Europe and England at the 
end of the fifteenth and beginning of the sixteenth centuries. Consequently, he con- 
siders that time and wear have turned the 1482 into 1182, and the date 1497 (on 
the side not shown in our illustration) into 1197. Mr. Smith is well known for 
his strenuous and successful eiforts to improve the condition of the brickyard and 
canal-boat children. He is now working hard to induce Parliament to educate and 
protect 130,000 English and Scotch Gypsy and van children, and his proposed 
measures have the good wishes of the Gypsies and van-dwellers themselves." 

As a result of the above account, the Newcastle Daily Chronicle of 23d May 
1889 contained the following : 

" I mentioned last week that a box given by the Gypsies to Mr. Geo. Smith of 
Coalville had been illustrated in the Graphic, and that an identically similar one had 
been found to be in the possession of a Newcastle gentleman. The only difference 
was this : the Gypsies claimed that the box given to Mr. Smith bore the date 1182, 
Mr. Smith believed the right date to have been 1482, and the Newcastle box had 
for its date 1582. Since last week's note appeared, Mr. W. J. Carr, of Ebchester, 
has left at the Chronicle office for my inspection a similar box which he possesses, 
and which he bought at a second-hand shop about twenty years ago. It is of brass, 
about 8 inches long and H inches deep, has on it the exact inscription which 
appeared in the Graphic, and bears the date 1482. The characters appear to me 
to be Dutch, and there is clearly an almanac engraved on the box. Two other old 
boxes, belonging to Mr. Crawhall, Newcastle, have turned up during the week, 
and have been inspected by Aid. Barkas of the Art Gallery. Where, it may be 
asked, have these five curious boxes, all going back so many centuries, come from ? 
and what was their intended use at the time of manufacture ? One of the series 
certainly looks more like an ancient mariner's spectacle case than anything else." 

Mr. H. T. Crofton, to whom we are indebted for these extracts, points out that 
the date upon this box, as shown in the Graphic engraving, is unmistakably 
" 1765." And a gentleman who has made a study of such things, and to whom the 
engraving was therefore submitted, states his opinion thus : 


"It is a simple almanack for 1765. The months are arranged according to the 
day of the week on which the first day of the month falls, but are in this order 
Tties : Mon : Sun : Satur : Fri : Thurs : Wednes. 

" The numbers over the total number of days in each month have been probably 
misread in the engraving from the box. They should denote the order of succes- 
sion of the months March 1, April 2, May 3, June 4, July 5, August 6, Sept. 7, 
Oct. 8, Nov. 9, Dec. 10, Jan. 11, Feb. 12 (the Eornan order). The figures in the 
circles at the ends are probably the Virgin and the Pope (?)." 

In explanation of the fact that these boxes have been variously assigned to the 
years 1182, 1482, and 1582, it ought to be stated that, under the figure assumed to 
represent a Pope, there are certain indistinct characters, of which the two last 
are pretty plainly " 82." What the two first are (? the initials of said "Pope ") it 
is impossible to say. But the actual date, 1765, which is in its proper place, is 
perfectly legible. 



A recent report on the destruction of game in Ceylon by a committee of sports- 
men belonging to the island refers to wandering bands of Gypsies as being among 
the culprits. A Colombo newspaper states that these so-called Gypsies of Ceylon 
are known among the Cingalese as Telugus, and are met with in most parts of the 
island, engaged in the occupations of exhibiting tame cobras or monkeys, and per- 
forming jugglery, and from their appearance are not to be distinguished from 
ordinary Tamil coolies from Southern India, so that in a recent census report they 
appear to have been classed as Tamils. They are, however, careful to call them- 
selves Telugus, though apparently unable to speak Telugu, Cingalese and Tamil 
being used indiscriminately by them. The two classes of snake-charmers and 
monkey-dancers are, according to their own account, quite distinct, the former 
being much more numerous ; they belong to different castes, and each professes to 
consider the other's occupation as degrading. The women of the monkey-dancers 
also practise palmistry. Their religion appears to partake very much of that of the 
locality in which they appear ; sometimes they are Buddhists, sometimes Sivites. 
They are perfectly illiterate, and have no desire that their children should be edu- 
cated. A camp of snake-charmers met with in the southern province of Ceylon 
spoke Cingalese fluently and well, though with a foreign accent. They could not 
speak Telugu, though they said it was their proper language, but spoke Tamil. 
They asserted " that their ancestors came over in the time of Buddha," and they 
professed to be Buddhists. These people never settle down, but spend their lives 
wandering over the island ; their wagon-shaped talipot huts packed up and carried 
on donkeys' backs. They abhor work of all kinds, but do not appear to be addicted 
to serious crime. Unlike their brethren in Europe, they are not much given to 
plunder, though at times having many opportunities ; but occasionally a crop has 
been found to have sensibly diminished after their departure from the neighbour- 
hood. They are quite distinct from the class of wandering Moormen. As to their 
claim to a Telugu origin, it is curious to note that the wandering castes of the Dec- 
can, snake-charmers and others, lay claim to Telugu descent. It is not known 
whether these Gypsies have any affinity with the wanderers going by that name in 
Europe and elsewhere, or whether they owe that name merely to their nomadic 
habits. The Times, 23d April 1889. 

MEMBERS are reminded that their Subscriptions for the year ending '30th June 1890 

are now due. 

NOTICE. All Contributions must be legibly written on one side only of the paper; 
must bear the sender's name and address, though not necessarily for publica- 
tion; and must be sent to DAVID MAcKiTCHiE, Esq., 4 Archibald Place, 




VOL. I. OCTOBEE 1889. No. 6 


T ISZT tried in all good faith to prove the Hungarian Music to be 
^ a mere Gypsy invention. The great paper-war excited by the 
publication of his views was severely contested, but was by no means so 
sterile of results as is maintained by Liszt's followers. One important 
result of it was the discovery of many particulars hitherto unknown ; 
still, the result of it shows that Liszt found no one of mark to adopt 
his opinion in Hungary. It is a pity this important result is not 
known outside our own country. The assailants of Liszt's theory 
employed the most inexorable logh, whilst its defenders contented 
themselves with declaring that Liszt has been misunderstood, that the 
mistake is not in his book itself, but merely in its title, which ought 
to have run, "Of the Gypsies, and the manner they handle the 
Music in Hungary." (See an article in the Nemzet of October 23, 
1886.) Still, the whole book contradicts this idea. Only a few 
passages, especially chapter cxvii., seem to corroborate it, and even 
that only seems to do so: as all that we read there is advanced 
hypothetically. If Liszt had wished merely to represent the Gypsies 
as clever performers, the designation of our music could not have 
been to him matter of question. 

VOL. I. NO. VI. X 


According to him the Gypsies created their art for their own sake, 
in order to commune one with another, to sing to themselves, to paint 
their own joys and griefs (Des Bohtmiens, pp. 221, 248, 249); they 
created it without taking any pattern from the " Giorgios " or non- 
Gypsies (59). Moreover, in those centuries during which their musical 
epos was gradually developed by the rhapsodisation of very many 
fragments, they did not so much as guess that there existed any 
other music in the world (251). 

They had their own scale and their genuine language, and it was 
solely to the maintenance of these two things that they always 
bestow a conscientious and sincere attention (221). 

The three main peculiarities of the Gypsy music, from which are 
derived all its other originalities, are : their own intervals, which differ 
from those of European music ; the genuine Gypsy rhythms ; the 
luxuriant, essentially Oriental, ornamentation (223). 

In a word, this music is of Gypsy origin to the core. It formerly 
was never called Hungarian Music, but Gypsy Music. From the 
report given on p. 14 of vol. vi. of the Anzeigen one would con- 
clude, following Liszt's opinion, that the Hungarians did not in 
last century, to wit in the year 1775, so much as dream (ne son- 
geaient point encore) that the Gypsy Music was their own (278). 

It was not till the present century that the Gypsy Music became 
an object of pride to the Hungarians, and was declared a national 
property by being called, instead of Gypsy Music, Hungarian Music 
(322). Cf. "the so-called Hungarian Music" (339), "The Gypsy 
musicians founded the three principal elements, i.e. the melody, the 
rhythm, and the ornamentation, in a mould that is conventionally 
called Hungarian Music" (235). 

Liszt himself called his rhapsodies Hungarian ones, because it 
would be unfair thereafter to separate from each other what has been 
united in the past. The Hungarians adopted the Gypsies as their 
own musicians; they identified themselves, etc. (346-7). 

The art of the Gypsies developed only on Hungarian soil. The 
Hungarians were appreciative listeners (219, 248, 287) ; solely to their 
protection does this music owe its fortunate development, and so far, 
and so far only, have the Hungarians any share therein. 

The development of the Gypsy Music in our country shows no 
trace of having been influenced by the Hungarian Music ; quite on 
the contrary : the Hungarians adapted their national dances to the 
division and the measure of the Gypsy airs (269), arid (instead of 
their own national songs) sung melodies of Gypsy origin with 


Hungarian words, and these melodies remained in perfect purity 
among the inhabitants of villages and heaths, and struck there so 
deep a root that there they were finally appropriated (272). 

Even those who still cling to the notion that the Hungarians 
taught their own songs and dance-airs to the Gypsies cannot deny 
that they have to thank the Gypsies for preserving their poor frag- 
ments from destruction (281). 

That the Gypsies are not able to identify themselves with the 
sentiments of any other race is plainly asserted on p. 218. This 
music therefore is, not only with regard to its form, but with regard 
to its contents also, not Hungarian, but Gypsy. National enthusiasm, 
the very essence of a nation, is enshrined in this music. " That this 
nation is that of the pariahs well, what has it to do with the art?" 
(347, etc.) 

The foregoing assertions of Liszt's have been refuted by many 
authorities. See in this respect the communications of Brassai, 
Bartalus, Simonffy Kalman, Adelburg, Czeke Sandor, and Scudo. It 
was Brassai who did so most fervently. He combated not only the 
musical but the ethnographical section of Liszt's book, and con- 
demned it with inexorable logic. 

As for us, we wish briefly to sum up the following arguments 
concerning this problem of the Gypsies. 

Before our Gypsies entered Hungary, they certainly were 
acquainted with at least the Greek and Wallachian popular music. 
In our country they made acquaintance with the Hungarian Music, 
of which mention occurs in several historical sources, notably in a 
passage of the biography of St. Gerard. The Hungarian Music seemed 
peculiar but agreeable to the ears of the strangers. Besides the 
Hungarian, they found Servian, Slovak, and German airs. 

The musical faculty of the Gypsies entered into the services of 
the music of every people ; moreovei, they play all those foreign songs 
and dance-airs which are adopted by fashion. 

That this was the case in the very beginning of their era of 
lustre is proved beyond any doubt by Czinka Panna, who played not 
only the Hungarian dance-airs, but Styrian, German, and French as 
well. Liszt himself knew from a letter of Matray (Des Boli&n. 
p. 306) that Bihari played " Kalamaykas," French quadrilles, 
Ecossaises, and minuets. 

The Hungarian Music was always called Hungarian, and never 
Gypsy. The Gypsy musician himself, when asking what he shall 
play, suggests a Hungarian air, never a Gypsy one. 


Liszt's belief that the name of Hungarian Music originated only 
in the beginning of the present century is strikingly refuted by the 
following Latin lines, which were written in 1772, on the occasion of 
the death of Czinka Panna : 

" Nam seu Styriacos malles, seu Teutonis orbes 
Seu quibus Francus, prompta, superbit, erat. 
Praecipue Hungaricos (vah nunc quoque . . . stupesco) 
Fors prorsus rnagica moverat arte choros." 

Nor is it true (as Liszt asserts on p. 245) that the violin and 
the czimbalom (dulcimer) formed in every time the basis of their 
orchestra. The so-called Polish violin was unknown, or at least not 
in use with us, even in the first half of the sixteenth century (see 
above, p. 323 ; see also Brassai, pp. 27, 42-3). 

According to Liszt, the Gypsies did not even invent the music 
which is now called Hungarian in Hungary, but brought it with 
them. (267). If this were true, the traces of the essential peculiari- 
ties of the music in question would necessarily be found in the songs 
and dance-music of the Gypsies of other countries. But experience 
shows the very opposite (see 196, 198). 

The most important and decisive argument which proves the 
genuine Hungarian origin of the Hungarian music is the rhythm. 

The very pulsation of the rhythm is the accent. The law of 
accent of the Hungarian music is the same as that of the Hungarian 
language. This is the reason why Hungarian songs cannot be sung 
to German, French, Italian, etc., words, without accentuating the 
words in the Hungarian manner. 

The Hungarian accent is the very opposite of that met with in the 
most ancient dialect of the European Gypsy language. Hungarian 
accentuates the first syllable, the Greek Gypsy, with few exceptions, 
the last (see above, p. 3). 

As the Gypsies, before their settling in Hungary, did not know 
the accent which is pulsing in the same manner as well in the Hun- 
garian language as in the Hungarian music, but first became acquainted 
with it there, and accustomed themselves to it in such a measure 
that they forgot their own genuine accent, and accentuate at present 
their own language in the Hungarian manner, it is clear they could 
not bring with them the Hungarian music, which shows the very 
genuine Hungarian rhythms, but that they must have learned it 
in Hungary. 

Liszt, learning this refutation (January 13th, 1873), declared 


orally, "I am thoroughly a practical musician. I have my own 
rhythms." He said he was not able to teach anybody the theory 
of rhythms. 

He recognised the decisive value of the argument of rhythm, but 
insisted that "the Gypsies brought something with them." Thus 
in the course of conversation he maintained that the harmony, how- 
ever, was introduced into the Hungarian music by the Gypsies. This 
can be conceded ; for, without doubt, the Gypsy orchestras have had 
a great share in the development of the peculiar accompaniment. 

Yet, if Liszt was wrong concerning the origin of our music, still 
he earned an immortal fame as the earliest interpreter of this national 
treasure of ours to all the world, as well by his peerless art as by his 
brilliant pen. EMIL THEWREWK DE PONOR. 



Stockholm, Aug. 20, 1889. 

E life of an English Gypsy during the season of fairs, cockshies, 
races, hopping, pivlioi te dukkerin, te piaben, " cocoa-nuts and 
fortune-telling and drinking beer," is about as confused and bewilder- 
ing an existence as can be imagined, and that of the President of the 
Gypsy Lore Society at the French Exposition was like unto it. 
Perhaps it was the immense quantity of coloured windows in the 
show, with the piles of glittering variegated glass-work arid the bands 
of music, which created a feeling as if I had been a factor in a vast 
kaleidoscope which was turned round and round to orchestral accom- 
paniment. - It began with the first sight of the great iron scaffolding 
or trestle-work, the Eiffel Tower of Babel, which rises appropriately 
over the true modern Babylon, and ended as it grew smaller in the 
distance and vanished. 

I dwelt very near the Exposition, and so went there at once after 
arriving in Paris. Within its limits there are to be found a company 
of Spanish Gypsy girl dancers in a small theatre, a very picturesque 
company of Roumanian Romanys, who both sing and play, and 
another of Hungarian Tzigane from Szegedin, not inferior to them. 
I need not say that I speedily became acquainted with them, or that 
they welcomed such an extraordinary being as an Anglo-American 
Romany rye, avec effusion, volunteering to play for me such real 
Gypsy airs as the " Song of the Gorgios " and " Bird Song." The 
Roumanians knew very little Romany. In fact there was only one 


of them, an elderly man, who could really converse in it, but the 
Hungarians rejoiced greatly therein as well as in a knowledge of 
German. And when I marvelled thereat, since even in Buda-Pest the 
Gypsies are hard to find who know Nemetz, they assured me that it 
was nothing remarkable, inasmuch as they the Szegedin Roms were 
as much beyond the Buda-Pesters in general intelligence as they were 
as musicians, and indeed intimated that in all moral qualities, good 
looks, and great virtues, they were as far superior to their compatriots 
as a dark night is to a small nigger. That they were indeed very 
remarkable Gypsies appeared from the fact that they said nothing 
about being chori roms or poor devils, but manfully declared that 
they were making money, and revelling in wine, good food, and other 
carnal comforts of Paris to their hearts' content, being evidently the 
most to be envied individuals in town, and chiefly in this, that they 
knew it. 

My object in visiting Paris was, however, not to see the Exposi- 
tion, climb the Eif-bab-el Tower, or listen to Gypsy music, but to 
attend the Conyres de.s Traditions populaires or folk-lore, and which, 
considering the immensely rapid though recent growth of this new 
branch of Wissenscliaft, will be regarded some day as having formed 
a very great era in the history of learning. It is worth observing 
that this Congress was held " conformably to a Ministerial decision, 
dated Feb. 11, 1889," and that the French Government not only 
officially recognised the importance of such a study, but manifested 
its interest in many ways, as in courtesies extended to foreign 
members, such as the reception given to them by the Minister of 
Public Works. The opening of the Congress took place July 29, in a 
hall of the Trocadero. It was a matter of very great regret to all 
concerned that England was not more fully represented, as there was 
a very great desire indeed to secure English co-operation and interest. 
Great satisfaction was expressed that the English Gypsy Lore Society 
had sent a deputy, the proof being that I was elected honourable 
President for the first regular sitting, as a special compliment to our 
Association. Among those who attended were MM. Charles Plaix, 
Se"billot, Prince Roland Bonaparte, Zmirgredzki, Stanislaus Prato, 
Henry Carnoy, Jean Fleury, Leon Vicaire, Tiersot, Kaarle Krohn of 
Finland, le Comte de Puyniargre, Mario Proth, Certeux (the treasurer 
and generally useful man of the Congress), H. Cordier, Jules Baillet, 
Charles Morelle, Raoul Rosieres, Felix Regamey, Michel Dragomanov, 
Krzyvicks, Lancy, Emile Ble'mont, and Michau. After the first day 
our meetings were held in the Mairie, opposite San Sulpice. 


I regret that I cannot find space for even a brief recital of the 
many admirable papers read by most of these gentlemen, and if I 
give a r&sum6 of my own it is at the request of our Editor, and 
because it directly refers to our Society. I remarked that: 

" It is not very long since even learned men began to understand 
the great importance of the affinities between folk-lore and history, 
according to the real meaning of the latter word. Now we are begin- 
ning to perceive that one is to the other as the colour of a picture is 
to its design. In fact as regards 'local colour,' be it in truthful 
narrative or romance, of all which is of general interest nine parts out 
of ten belong strictly to folk-lore. 

" Thus far next to nothing has ever been published as to the 
relations between Gypsies and European popular traditions, or the 
influence which they have exercised on our folk-lore. I may 
here recall certain remarks translated by Mr. David MacKitchie 
from the Ethnoloyische Mitteilungen, and his comment thereon, in 
which treatise the belief is advanced that legend or folk-lore is 
strictly the gospel of a religion of consolation to the suffering, and 
that fairy tales and Gypsy predictions, and all the possible solaces of 
sorcery, are so many promises of hope. From this point of view- 
that popular tradition has been a religion it may be declared that 
the folk-lorists or traditionists are writing its Bible, and that this our 
Congress has its place among other^reat synods and councils, since it 
is here that a first general effoij has been made to arrange and 
co-ordinate the branches of this study of a great popular faith. 

" Of this religion Gypsies have been, for thousands of years in the 
East, and for four hundred in the West, the chief priests. Wherever 
they abound, they are the story-tellers, or trouveurs, who spread 
songs and sorceries and traditions of every kind among the people, 
creating and keeping alive all folk-lore. Among the collections 
which I have made during the past ten years in Hungary and the 
Tuscan-Bomagna, I have been constantly astonished at the extra- 
ordinary influence which these humble beings have asserted wherever 
they have gone. Heine said of De Musset that he was a man 
with a great future behind him. The Gypsies, with their strange 
talents and gift of vitalitj raciale, and influence on millions of 
believers, are, after all, a feeble folk, with no hopes of a national life 
before them. 

" Though they came from India, the real religion (of sorcery) of the 
Gypsies, as clearly shown iii Hungary and all South-Eastern Europe, 


is not Hindu, but pre- Aryan that is to say, Shamanic. As a theory 
which may at least serve as a scaffold to build on, I assume that this 
Shamanic sorcery was originally Turanian, Altaic, or Tartar; that it 
spread to Babylon and Nineveh, as well as to the Etruscans, and in 
the north to the Finns, Laplanders, and Eskimo. It is a gross religion 
of man's wants and sufferings, incarnate as tormenting spirits, who 
are driven away by exorcisms and drum-beating and fumigation. It 
was the ancient religion of the peasantry in India, and always pre- 
served by them in secret, despite the Brahmins. Of late years, owing 
to religious toleration on the part of our Government, it has begun to 
creep out of its mysterious cavern, and shake off the dust of a 
thousand years, with which it was covered. 

" I could give innumerable instances, did space permit, to prove 
that Shamanism has been ' historically ' transmitted from race to 
race, and that it did not spring up spontaneously or sporadically 
under the influence of concurrent chances. Thus I may mention 
that two incantations, learned by me from a fortune-teller of Tuscany, 
were quite the same with others given by Lenormant in his Magic 
chalda'ienne. Of this faith the Gypsies are to-day indefatigable mis- 
sionaries. In a letter recently received from a person who collects 
magical lore for me in Italy, the writer tells me that she can do 
nothing at present, but that she expects in a few days to see an old 
Zingara or Gypsy woman, who is learned in all kinds of sorcery and 
witchcraft. And in the last song in the dialect of the Tuscan 
Romagna a woman, whose lover it enchanted, goes to a Gypsy for 

" If Gypsies have thus since all time been going about like birds 
over many lands, leaving here and there the seeds or grains of tradi- 
tion of every kind, it will be cheerfully admitted that they deserve 
attention in our efforts to collect all that is important in popular 
beliefs. We are only beginning to recognise the vast value of all 
folk-lore or legends just as they are perishing with great rapidity 
et on n'en fait pas des nouvelles no new ones are created. Therefore 
it is not too much to declare that the man or woman who collects a 
book among the people, even on the most insignificant subject, 
deserves a place in the annals of literature. 

" We have had for more than a year in Great Britain a Society 
founded specially for the study of Gypsy lore. This Society, of which 
I have the honour to be President, and here represent, soon discovered 
that we, far from moving in a very restricted circle, had to deal with 
a subject which spread over half the globe, and was mingled with 


every kind of tradition. There is indeed an old Scotch song which 
declares that Gypsies form one-third of all folk-lore : 
Of fairies, witches, Gypsies 
My nourrice sang to me ; 
Of Gypsies, witches, fairies 
I '11 sing again to thee. 1 

" My colleagues of the Hungarian Deputation will tell you that 
among the twenty-five committees of their Folk-lore Society, each' 
devoted to a special language and race, there is one for the Gypsies, 
of which the Archduke Josef is chairman. I do not know how 
these Hungarian Eomanys discovered the magical virtues of the 
Maria Theresa dollar. (I have seen among them a sick infant, whose 
parents believed it would soon recover because they had hung three 
such coins round its neck.) But it is remarkable that over a great 
part of Eastern and inner Africa the blacks will take no other money, 
and it is in consequence still coined for them. We owe thanks to 
the Gypsies for at least this important aid to commerce. 

" As the literature of proverbs has become so extensive that men 
are now beginning to publish volumes of special subjects in it, so it 
is already beginning to be evident that folk-lore must be subdivided 
to be thoroughly pursued. I trust that I have shown, though inaptly, 
that Gypsy lore has an important place in tradition, and I venture to 
say that my colleagues in our Society have pursued the subject with 
such ability as to fully demonstrate its value. Such is, gentlemen, 
the present condition of a study which has so many relations to the 
history and popular traditions of all Europe." 

One of the most interesting dinners at which it has ever been my 
fortune to be present was that given by Prince Eoland Bonaparte to 
the members of the Society. As a traveller, a collector in many 
lands, and as a learned folk-lorist, Prince Bonaparte occupies a high 
position. His hotel in the Cour de la Eeine would be called a very 
fine palazzo in Italy, and it is magnificently adorned with arms and 
ethnological relics, or works of art, collected far and wide in every 
land. On this occasion our host had provided the Eoumanian Gypsies, 
whom I have mentioned. Their music was soft and beautiful, and 
very remarkable in being the only band I ever heard at a dinner 
which did not disturb the conversation. The menu at this dinner 
was worth remark. It was a large and beautifully-executed etching, 

i Thus rendered in the address : 

" Des fees, des Tsigaues et sorcieres, 

Ma nourrice me chantait ; 
A mon tour je chante les sorcieres, 
Les Tsiganes et les fees." 


representing prehistoric men, and was specially designed as a compli- 
ment to the guests. It was a very polyglot company, and I had 
occasion to use all the scraps of languages which I have picked up in 
a life of wandering. But it was the first very " swell " party of any 
kind at which I ever was obliged to rdkker Romanis. 

Our next treat was to a concert of popular songs given by the 
Congress in the hall of Hotel des Socie'tes Savantes, sur Serpente. If 
any one had ever predicted to me during my Latin Quarter student 
days in 1847-1848, that a time would come when a body of ladies and 
gentlemen would assemble in what was then the proverbially dirtiest 
yard-wide little slum even on our side of the Seine, I should have 
been " a-smile." Sed tempora mutantur et nos do mutamur astonish- 
ingly, in illis. This concert was also in many tongues, all uniting 
in the one celestial language of music, and was pronounced to be a 
great success. 

It was a queer chance, but 1 had been put down as delegate on the 
Hungarian Deputation, and was the only one of them all who came. 
In this capacity as Magyar, I laid before the Congress a paper stating 
that our marvellously active friend, Professor Anton Herrmann, is 
about to publish a weekly Folk-Lore Journal in four languages, 
French, English, Hungarian, and German. Those who collect will 
thank me for stating that the price will be from 7 to 14 florins; but 
Folk-lore Societies may subscribe for their members for one-fourth of 
this amount. Our final explosion of gaiety was at a dinner given at 
the Cafe Corazza in the Palais Eoyale by the Congress to the foreign 
delegates. I think that this will long be remembered as one of the 
jolliest assemblies which even the Frenchmen " in our midst " had 
ever attended. After the dinner came the toasts. Mr. Andrews, 
who represented America, being absent, when I was called on to 
answer as the President of the Gypsy Lore Society, and not wishing 
that America should remain unspoken for, I replied that I appeared 
for three countries, like Mrs. Malaprop's Cerberus, " three gentlemen 
in one." Then came singing of a curious and varied character. 
There was present the celebrated Desrousseaux, " chausonnier," an 
elderly man, but a still charming singer and reciter, whose volumes 
of ballads have circulated by the hundred thousand, and whose other 
works have given him the highest rank as a traditionalist. From 
him we had his best. Then came wonderful lays of many lands. I 
shall never forget an Ukraine Cossack song, which had the very 
expression of a wild wind wailing over the desolate steppe. 

Among the papers read during the Congress, that by M. Ploix, on 


the interpretation of mythical tales, will attract attention when 
published. I can recall having been interested also by one from 
M. Carnoy on Esthonian traditions. M. Carnoy has published a 
valuable little work on the variants of the tales in Reynard the Fox. 
Karle Krohn lectured on Finland traditions, and not only presented a 
full set of all the publications of his Society, which are very valuable, 
but promised to send any of them which individual members desired 
to them. A very curious communication on the Swastika, by 
M. Zmirgrodzki, excited much comment. I called attention to the 
fact that in China the Swastika, or cross with side ends, has been 
the basis of the Kou-a system of dualism, which has not only given 
birth to a library of mystical literature, but even greatly influenced, 
if it did not entirely create, the national system of decorative art, 
" a batons rompus" by grouping on longs and shorts. There is a very 
learned paper on this subject by H. Cordier on Les Socitte's secretes dc 
la Chine, originally published in the Revue d' Ethnographie, edited by 
Dr. Hamy. To this latter gentleman I owe thanks for the courteous 
manner in which lie led us through the Ethnographic department of 
the Trocadero, and for giving me permission to sketch in it. 

There was a general hope that the next general meeting of the 
Folk-lorists may be in England, and I sincerely trust that it may be 
brought about. The cordiality of the reception of all foreigners at 
this meeting, the real kindness and hospitality shown them, were 
such as to deserve special gratitude, and I take great pleasure in 
expressing it. The acme of refinement and politeness is when 
scholars are cosmo-polite to one another. Kings among kings should 
be kingly, and friendly alliances and much intercourse between 
thinkers elevates them in every way. I have heard men ridicule 
these Congresses, and ask of them cui bono ? but I always shall 
believe that there is a great deal of bono in them, as much for the 
world as for the men who meet a f > them. That I am a sincere con- 
vert to this faith may indeed be drawn from the fact that I am now 
writing in Stockholm, waiting for the Congress of Oriental Scholars 
to begin of which I will write anon, for there are to be " great 
doings " here yea, and thereunto a cup of mead at the tomb of Odin, 
and other high jinks of a Norse character. Meanwhile I am wrest- 
ling manfully with Swedish. Truly it is a very Proteus of tongues. 
Sometimes I seem to grasp it in words like Scotch, such as myckel 
and bra, and then for half a sentence English, gradually gliding into 
delusive German, and ending with some horrible term, deducible 
from nothing known to me. Au revoir in our next. 




FIRST PERIOD, 1417 1438. 


WE have left the Gypsies divided into two bands on quitting 
Switzerland (towards the commencement of September 1418), 
and one of these bands most probably visiting Alsace. 

What appears certain is that, on the 1st of November 1418, a 
troop of Gypsies came to Augsburg. It numbered only, it is true, 
fifty men, but they were followed by a legion of ugly women and 
dirty children. These vagabonds, of black complexion, as the chroni- 
cler says, had moreover at their head two dukes and several earls, as 
they called them. These circumstances induce me to compute their 
number at about a hundred and fifty individuals. They represented 
themselves as exiles from Little Egypt, and as people skilful in the 
art of divination. But, on closer examination, it was discovered that 
they were master thieves, and unmitigated rogues. 1 

It is difficult to say what fraction of the great horde was repre- 
sented by this band. However, as, whatever may have been the num- 
ber of Gypsies, we nowhere see more than two dukes appear at their 
head, and as we meet with these two chiefs at Augsburg (if this 
detail given by a non-contemporary chronicler may be relied on), I 
am disposed to think that the staff and central corps of the whole 
horde must have been there. It is then to be supposed that the 
Duke Andrew, whom we shall find named for the first time in the 

1 "Porro currente adhuc hocce anno (1418), pervenerunt, Kalendis novembribus, ad hanc 
primurn civitatem ignoti et subnigri errones, numero quinquaginta, permagnam etiam turn 
deformium mulierculamm turn fcedorum puemlorum catervam secum ductitantes. Quibus 
duo duces et, uti ferebant, aliquot comites prseerant ; profitebanturque se minor! ^Egypto 
exulare, et vaticinandi peritos esse. Verum, re penitus introspecta, meri trifures furciferique 
sunt deprehensi. Hodie nostris Zegineri, Italis Cingani, et Gallis Bohemi dicuntur ..." 
(Two different explanations of their origin follow.) Annales Augstburgenses, by Achil. 
Pirmiu. Gassar (physician at Augsburg, born in 1505, died in 1577), in the Script, rer. Germ, 
prcecipue Saxon., de Job.. Bur. Menckenius, Lipsise, 1728-1730, in fol, 3 vols., t. i., col. 
1560-1561. Two Germ, authors, Mart. Crusius (Annales Suev., Francof., 1595, in fol. t. ii., 
p. 346) and J. Ludolf (ad. suam Hist. ^Ethiop. Comment., 1691, p. 214), have given extracts 
of the passage of Gassar which interests us. Ludolf appears even to have been acquainted 
with the manuscript : " MSS. extant in bibliot. Gotana," he says in a note. However, both 
have read 1419 where I read 1418. I cannot verify this difference, the edition, or the two 
editions, of the Annals Augs. which already existed in the times of Crusius and of Ludolf, 
and which are the only others remaining with the above, having become exceedingly scarce. 
But I ought to mention that the edition given by Mencken passes for having been made from 
the manuscript itself. Now here one might hesitate between 1418 and 1430, the annalist 
having encroached, in the year 1418, on the facts which belong to 1430 ; but, I repeat, it is 
impossible that it should be 1419. In his extract, Crusius has put by mistake seventy men 
instead of fifty. Grellmann (1787, p. 210) and all the modern writers upon the Gypsies 
have been acquainted with this extract only, and have reproduced the error. 


following year near Macon, and whom we shall meet with later on, 
accompanied on this occasion the Duke Michael, whom we have most 
probably met with already in Switzerland, and whom we shall again 
meet with more certainty at Bale in 1422. 

It will be remarked that the bands which remained visible during 
the following years were not very numerous ; and this fact agrees 
with the conjectures just expressed concerning the Augsburg band. 
On quitting Switzerland the horde, if really more numerous than 
anywhere else, did not break up into two troops only : it must 
soon have divided again. It seems indeed as though the greater part 
of this multitude melted away definitively, and that the nucleus 
alone, commanded by the two dukes, remained, sometimes united, 
sometimes divided into two detachments, conducted each by a duke. 

On Friday, the 24th August 1419, "Andrew, Duke of Little 
Egypt," arrived at St. Laurent, near Macon, 1 " with men, women, and 
children to the number of 120 persons, if not more (saul le plus)." 
Under this date, a first article of the Register of the deliberations of 
the town of Macon, mentions the order given to a farmer of the 
sixteenth of Macon, 2 to deliver as alms to this personage and his com- 
pany, in the name of the said town, bread and wine to the amount of 
seventy " sous tournois." 

Under the same date, a second article adds the following details 
concerning the presence of these strangers at St. Laurent : " They 
were men of terrible stature in person, in hair, as well as otherwise ; 3 

1 St. Laurent-lez-Macon is a parish distinct from Macon (department of Saone-et-Loire), and 
which now is in the department of the Ain ; but the Saone alone separates these departments, 
and a bridge connects St. Laurent (on the left bank) with Macon (on the right bank). If 
these Gypsies were, as is very probable, a part of those who had visited Switzerland, they 
had therefore already crossed the Saone before arriving at St. Laurent, and had most likely 
travelled over a part of Franche-Comte and of Burgundy. 

2 "A farmer of the sixteenth" was one who had farmed a tax established on the 
sixteenth of the revenue, or the sixteenth of the sale of such or such a merchandise, or a tax 
increasing by one-sixteenth the tax already existing. 

s Here is the text of this strange phrase, -md which remains rather obscure : ' ' Estoient 
gens de terriblie stature, tant en persenes, en chevelx, comme autrement." One might 
wonder that the scribe who had just written twice persone andpersones (I have omitted one 
of the two passages, because they repeat each other) should now write persHnes ; but Littre 
gives the form porsdne as being Burgundian, and this form is still more irregular in its first 
syllable. As to the word chevelx, one might ask one's-self at first sight whether it means 
cheveux (hair), or chevaux (horses) ; but, besides its being a question here of "people," I 
think the examples given by Littre concerning those two words suffice to show that it cannot 
be a question of horses (I do not find a single form of the word cheval, chevaux where the 
letter a is wanting in the second syllable). Godefroi, in his Diet, de I'ancienne langue 
franqaise, gives also the word chevel, plur. chevelx, with the signification of chief', adj. 
principal ; but this signification appears to me to be inapplicable here. In short, the sense 
of the passage seems to me to be : people of terrible aspect, as well by their stature (in 
person) and by their hair as otherwise. At all events, it appears that the people of this 
band, or some of them whom the writer of the Deliberations had remarked, were of very 
tall stature, which circumstance is not mentioned in any other document. As to the abun- 
dant hair which might contribute to give a savage appearance to those who possessed it, I 


and they lay in the fields like beasts ; and some, the women as well 
as the men, practised evil arts (magic) such as palmistry and necro- 
mancy. And on this account they were summoned to the Castle of 
Macon by the justice of the King's officers, for certain deceits by evil 
art which they had practised in the said town (no doubt at Macon) 
on Anthony of Lyon, grocer, . . . and several others." l I remark 
that, in this second article, Andrew is no longer designated as 
" the Duke of Little Egypt," but as " Andrew, who calls himself 
Duke of Little Egypt," a significative difference, and which is 
explained by the context. It is very probable that, at this moment 
of the same day, the magistrates of the town would not have sent 
him a gift of bread and wine. 

As to the misdeeds of subtilty with which our Gypsies are 
reproached at Macon, they will be found fully described at Tournai 
(1422), and at Paris (1427); but this is the only time during the 
whole period between 1417 and 1438, so far as our present knowledge 
extends, that these misdeeds brought upon them a citation before jus- 
tice. 2 I cannot help remarking on this occasion that in the present 
document no mention is made, as in most of the others, of the letters 
of the Emperor Sigismund. The same remark applies to the 
deliberation of the town of Sisteron, where we are about to meet 
anew with the same band, but not to a similar document, which 
brings the Duke Andrew to our notice at Deventer (Low Countries) in 
March 1420. In this last place he was bearer of "letters from the 
King of the Eomans " (an authentic copy no doubt) : was not this 
Duke Andrew, who appears to us for the first time at Macon, in 
possession of these letters, either in this town or at Sisteron ? 

However this may be, here are our travellers summoned to, and 
perhaps imprisoned in, the Castle of Macon by the King's officers of 
justice not all of them doubtless (120 men, women, and chil- 
dren), but the principal and the most compromised among them, not 

do not doubt but that it was the men of whom it is question here, either because it fell on 
their shoulders, as is usually the case with the Hungarian coppersmiths whom we have seen 
in the West within the last twenty years, or because it formed an enormous and entangled 
roll round their head, as is sometimes seen even amongst our Western Gypsies. 

1 This double document is extracted from the archives of the town of Macon, Registers 
of the Deliberations, 1st vol. (BB. 12), folio 129, verso. It had been pointed out to me, so 
far back as 1855, by my excellent colleague of the Society of the Ecole des Chartes, Eugene 
de Stadler, then Inspector-General of the Archives (died 1875), who had given me a summary 
of it. 1 am indebted for the whole text to the kindness of another and younger colleague, 
M. L. Lex, archivist for the department of Saone-et-Loire. 

2 Corner, speaking of those who travelled through the Hauseatic towns (1417), says that 
"several, in divers places, were seized and put to death." But it is more than probable 
that these were victims to the vengeance of the people or peasants whom they had deceived 
or robbed. The authorities would not have proceeded in so violent a manner. 


excepting most probably the Duke Andrew. One would like to know 
how they got out of their adventure ; but M. Lex, the archivist 
already named, who has had the kindness at my request to go over 
the continuation of the Deliberations up to the end of the year 1419, 
has not succeeded in finding anything further. 

Those who are acquainted with the Gypsies can represent to them- 
selves in this circumstance the lamentations and supplications of the 
women, and the active and persevering steps taken by all those who, 
remaining at liberty (supposing some to be prisoners), were considered 
the most clever. One may be certain also that the chief, who bore 
the title of duke, was a man fertile in resources. At all events the 
whole band could not have long delayed the continuation of its pil- 

In effect, five weeks later, we find the Gypsies in Provence, as we 
learn by the history of a town * in this country, which did not then 
belong to the King of France. A troop of these strangers arrived, on 
the 1st of October 1419, at Sisteron in Provence, where they were 
named Saracens, the appellation given to all non-Christians, and 
which was particularly familiar to the inhabitants of the south of 
France on account of the recollections left by the invasions of the 
Arabs. " Their strange visit," says M. de Laplane, " was not without 
inspiring some fears. They were refused admittance into the town ; 
they remained for two days in a field encamped like soldiers, in the 
quarter of the Baume, where food was sent to them. They consumed 
at one meal a hundred loaves of the weight of twenty ounces, from 
which one can, in some measure, judge of their number. Those who 
appeared in Paris, in 1427, and who, being lodged at La Chapelle, 
excited in so lively a manner the curiosity of the public, were scarcely 
more numerous, since Pasquier 2 does not carry their number beyond 
a hundred and thirty-two persons, 3 including women and children. 

1 Histoire de Sisteron, tiree de ses Archives, etc., par Ed. de Laplaue, in 8vo, tome 1, 
Digne 1843, pp. 261, 262. 

2 The true source is the Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, to which M. de Laplane ought 
to have referred the reader, rather than to the imperfect extract which Estienne Pasquier 
had given in his Recherches de la France (1596) of the very interesting passage of this 
chronicle then unpublished (the passage will be found further on ; Paris, 1427) : for, not to 
mention the edition of 1729 (in Memoires de France et de Bourgogne), which edition has, 
it appears, served to establish those which I point out lower down, the Journal d'un 
Bourgeois de Paris had appeared in the Buchon collection (tome 40, 1827), and had been 
reproduced in two other collections previous to the Histoire de Sisteron. 

3 The Bourgeois de Paris, after having mentioned the twelve horsemen who arrived first 
in Paris, then the other Egyptians who arrived ten days later, says that they "were not 
more in all .' . . than one hundred, or one hundred and twenty or thereabouts." Pasquier, 
who gave the number of 132, has done wrong, T think, in having added up the two 


Like the troop in Paris, these had horses, 1 and as commander a 
duke, to whom the provisions were presented." 2 

This estimate is very near the precise number 3 given us at St. 
Laurent-lez-Macon, and we must conclude from thence that it was 
the same band, and that the duke mentioned at Sisteron was, as near 
Macon, the Duke Andrew. During this interval the band had spread 
itself over Provence, and the reputation of these " Saracens, who were 
travelling over the world as a penance," had preceded them at Sis- 
teron. As soon as they had arrived, steps were taken to satisfy them 
immediately, in order that they might leave as soon as possible, for it 
was known beforehand " that they wrought evil " ; it was, however, 
found to be indispensable to support them for two days ; and in all 
respects " the example of the other towns in Provence where they had 
passed " was followed ; which indicates, by-the-by, that other 
archives of the country ought to contain notices analogous to this 
one, which is not without interest. 

Six months go by, and we meet Duke Andrew, with the same band, 
in the Dutch Low Countries. Here is the literal translation of an 
article in the accounts (Kameraars-rekening) of the town of De venter 
(Province of Overryssel), under the date of 1420 : 

" Out of charity, to the Lord Andreas, Duke of Little Egypt : on a 
Wednesday after remi?iiscere (6th of March), to the said^lord, who had 
been driven out of his country on account of the Christian faith, and 
had come to our town with a hundred persons, men, women, and 
children, and about forty horses ; the same having letters from the 
King of the Romans, containing an invitation to give them alms, and 
to treat them with kindness in all the countries where they might go : 
given by order of our aldermen (scepenen), 25 florins (gulden). . . . 

1 Direct mention of horses is not made in the Deliberation ; but Laplane naturally 
assumes that there were some in consequence of the " quatre emines d'avoine (quatuor eminas 
civate) " which formed part of the daily ration. To the gifts of wine, bread, and oats must 
be added a sum of money, " quatuor lessi (?) mutonis." 

2 Hist, de Sisteron, loco cit. Here is the text of the Registers quoted in this work :- 
"Quod, amore Dei, istis Sarracenis qui venerunt ad hanc civitatem Sistarici, et qui vagant 
per universum orbem, penitentia, ut de attento quod eleemosynam pecierunt a dicta univer- 
sitate pro dando eis discessum ab hac civitate, racione mali quod faciunt, dentur eis de bouis 
universitatis ea que sequuntur, pro uno prandio, sic et aliae universitates Provincial in quibus 
fuerint fecerunt. Et primo, duas cupas vini puri, que valent quinque grosses, ad racionem 
IIII or alborum, pro qualibet cupa, monete albe, computando cartum pro tribus denariis. 
Item, centum panes, quemlibet unius pataci monete albe. Item, IIII or lessi mutonis. Item, 
IIII r eminas civate, que valent, secundum quod nunc venduntur, unum flor. albe monete, 
ad racionem trium denariorum pro carto. Precipientes clavario (tresorier) dicte universitatis 
quatenus ita faciat crastino die in prandio, et ista omnia faciat apportari ultra ad pratum 
Balme ubi sunt ipsi lochati more gencium armorum, et preseutentur quidam (sic) duci 
ipsorum qui est proceles (sic) inter eos, ex parte universitatis, amore Dei." (1419. l er 
Octobre. Kegist. des deliberations. ) 

3 It appears still nearer by the rectification made in note 3 of the preceding page. 


Item, to the same for bread, beer, for straw, herrings and smoked her- 
rings, for cost of the carriage of the beer, for straw, for cleaning out 
the barn in which they slept, (paid) to Berend, who conducted them 
as far as Goor, etc., in all, 1 9 florins 1 plakken." l 

It ought perhaps to be added that the Gypsies showed themselves 
also, in this same year, in Friesland, and in the north of Holland pro- 
perly so called, 2 and also in the neighbourhood of Leyden, that is to 
say on the confines of northern and southern Holland, 3 which might 

1 Document published by Mr. P. C. Molhuysen, De Heidens in Overijssel, in Overijs- 
selsche Almanak for the year 1840, Deventer, 1839, pp. 59, 60 ; and reproduced by J. DIRKS, 
Geschiedkundige Onderzoekingen . . . (Historical researches concerning the sojourn of the 
Heidens or Egyptians in the Low Countries of the North), Utrecht, 1850, in 8vo, p. 56. I 
shall more than once have to quote this volume of Mr. Dirks's (viii. and 160 compact pages), 
in which the author has collected all the original documents relative to the Gypsies that it 
had been possible to find up to that time in Holland, from the fifteenth century up to our 
times, and which has been followed by a supplement published in 1855 in the Bijdragen, 
etc., of Mr. Nijhoff, appearing at Arnhem, and by scattered contributions published by 
divers persons in the Navorscher (the Seeker Amsterdam) from vol. vii. (1857) to vol. xxxi. 
(1881). In two letters, dated 10th July 1874 and 8th July 1889, Mr. Dirks has kindly given 
me a summary list of the documents most of them rather recent published in the latter 
of the above-named collections (similar to those which appear in France under the title of 
L' Intermediate and in England under that of Notes and Queries), which form each year a vol., 
in small fol., from 1852 to 1871, in large 8vo subsequently. Although Mr. Dirks always 
indicates the authors who have published documents before him, I shall also indicate them 
first, whenever I may have been able to procure the original publications. A few last words 
upon the principal work of Mr. Dirks (1850). It consists of three parts. The 1st (pp. 4-38) 
comprises general notions concerning the Gypsies, where one naturally finds information 
already known ; the two pages, 8-10, concerning the arrival of the Gypsies in Europe, are 
quite behindhand, even considering their date. The new and very important part is the 
2d (pp. 39-137), full of Dutch documents, classed according to the provinces. In the 3d 
part (pp. 138-157) the author gives a general summary of the history of the Heidens in the 
Low Countries of the North from the documents contained in the second part. I remark 
(p. 139) one notion which it is useful to rectify : Mr. Dirks wrongly imagines that the 
titles of earl, duke, or king have been given to the Gypsy chiefs, and often to the same 
chiefs alternately, by the authorities of the countries through which they passed, according 
to the degree of consideration they consented to accord them : no they repeated, with more 
or less confidence at first, with more or less suspicion afterwards, the titles which these 
chiefs gave themselves, and which were often attested by the official papers of which they 
were the bearers. 

2 "Dirk Burger van Schorel, in his Chronyck van Medemblik (Hoorn, 1767, p. 93), says 
that when, in the year 1420, they came for the first time into Friesland, and into the 
northern quarters of Holland, they were made mu'ih of, but soon afterwards opinion changed 
regarding them. Whence has this writer gathered this ? The archivist (? Chartermeester), 
J. A. van der Zwaan, has taken the trouble, on the subject of the Heidens or Egyptians, 
to verify a great number of accounts of Bailiwicks (Baljuwschappen) in the province of 
Holland in the fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth centuries ; but he has only found one 
single note of 1491 and two of 1633 and 1635." J. Dirks, Geschiedkundige Onderzoekingen, 
etc. (already quoted), p. 118. I am told, besides, that Dirk van Schorel deserves but little 

3 Mr. J. Dirks, in his very obliging letter of the 10th of July 1874, had given me, amongst 
many others, the following indication : At the end of extracts relative to the Heidens, taken 
from the accounts of the Abbey of Leeuwenhorst (from 1462), and published by Mr. 
Rammelman Elzevier in the vols. xii. and xiii. of the Navorscher, Mr. K. Elzevier says (vol. xiii., 
1863, p. 164) : "If one examines the accounts of the Abbeys of Leeuwenhorst and of Rhyns- 
burg (near Leyden), I think that earlier mention will be found there of the Gypsies, for ex- 
ample in the year 1420." I then wrote a long letter (15th July 1874) to Mr. Rammelman 
Elzevier, archivist at Leyden, in order to ask him for some explanations upon this and several 
other points ; but I did not receive any answer. 

VOL. I. NO. VI. Y 


have been their road for gaining Hainault, where we shall shortly 
meet them. But here our information is so uncertain that I do not 
dare to rely upon it. 

What is more certain is the passage at Tournai (Hainault), at the 
end of September of the following year, of a group of Gypsies who, 
according to the context, do not appear to have been numerous. 

"30th of September 1421. The ' consaux ' (consuls, aldermen of 
the town) charge Sir Jean Weltin to examine the request made 
on the subject of the Egyptians. 

" It is again to the municipal accounts," says the editor of these 
documents, 1 " that we must have recourse to complete the often too 
laconic information procured from the registers that we are analysing. 
Here is the account of 1421 2 concerning what is called the subject of 
the Egyptians : 

" ' To Sir Miquiel, prince of Latinghem in Egypt, as [gift] 3 made 
to him out of pity and compassion, for the sustaining of him and 
several other men and women of his company who were driven out 
of their country by the Saracens because they had turned to the 
Christian faith : xii gold " moutons" worth xiii livres. Item, for a 
rasiere 4 of bread which was given in common to the said Egyptians, 
xxxv s. Item, for a barrel of " amlours " (a sort of beer) also given to 
them xviis. vid. The said portions amounting [to] xvil. xiis. 

Who is this new " Sir Miquiel, prince of Latinghem in Egypt " ? 
Is it the Duke Michael of Egypt, whom we have perhaps already met 
with in Switzerland in 1418, and whom we meet with more certainly 
at Bale in 1422 ? 5 It is possible ; but then, for some reason of which 
we are ignorant, he had adopted a new title which has a Flemish 
physiognomy much more than an Egyptian one. 6 It is possible also 
that it may have been a petty dissentient chief of some kind who had 
wished to receive the alms (those he obtained here were very liberal) 

1 Extraits analytiques des anciens registres des Consaux de la mile de Tournai (1385- 
1422) . . . published by H. Vanderbroeck, archivist of the town of Tournai (in 2 vols. 8vo ; 
Tournai, 1861 and 1863), tome i., p. 236. 

2 The editor ought again to have given here the date of the month and the day. 

3 The word within brackets is wanting in the text. 

4 The "rastire" is generally a measure of capacity; it appears that at Tournai the 
rasiere represented also a certain weight or a certain quantity of articles of food, such as 
bread, which cannot be measured. 

6 He is found again at Utrecht in 1439, but this date belongs to the Second Period. 

6 M. Louis de Mas Latrie, whom I met at the Ecole des Chartes on the 30th January 
1873, whilst I was occupied with these documents, told me that he had known a colonel of 
engineers, since dead, whose name was Lateignan de Ladinghem, who was a native of Flanders 
or of Artois, or of some neighbouring province. M. de Mas Latrie did not doubt that Latinghem 
or Ladinghem was the ntime of some place in this region. 


for himself and his little group, and who, not daring to usurp the title 
of Duke Michael, which might have drawn upon him the ill-will of 
him whose name he had usurped, took another less high-sounding 
title. 1 

The "Egyptians" returned to Tournai in the following year 
(1422). 2 Unfortunately the very valuable passage of the chronicle 
which describes this band (not very numerous, it appears) does not 
give us the name of the chief, and does not even make special mention 
of any chief. Here is this curious document : 

" And in the following year, which was one thousand four hundred 
and twenty-two, about the month of May, several people of strange 
nation, who said they came from Egypt, came for the first time to the 
town of Tournai and the country round about. And they said they 
could only lodge for the space of iii days in a town, because they were 
constrained to journey as pilgrims about the world for vii years before 
they might return into their said country. And these Egyptians had 
a king and lords whom they obeyed, 3 and had privileges, so that none 
could punish them save themselves. 

" And most of these lived by pilfering, especially the women, who 
were ill-clothed, and entered the houses, some asking alms and others 
bargaining for some sort of merchandise. And it was with difficulty 
that one could be upon one's guard against them without losing some- 
thing. And there were some who, the better to deceive foolish men 
and women, pretended to foretell the future, such as the having of 
children, or of being soon or well married, or of having good or bad luck, 
and many other such deceits. And whilst they were thus abusing the 
belief of many people, the children cut the purses of those who were 
too attentive to their charms, or they themselves, with the hand with 
which they seemed to hold a child (which they did not do, for the 

1 See further on pp. 332-333, particularly the end of note 3, p. 333. 

2 Mr. Vanderbroeck, in quoting this passage of the chronicle, appears to think that it 
applies to the same fact which had been signalised on the 30th of September 1421, at 
Tournai. It is no doubt the phrase, " c&me first to the town of Tournai . . .," which induced 
him to make this supposition ; but the chroniclers are too much disposed to think that the 
first fact with which they become acquainted is the first of the same kind that has taken 
place. Supposing that this writer, who does not appear to have immediately dated the 
fact he has so well described, but which he has no doubt interpolated into his chronicle later 
on, should have been mistaken in the year, which is not very probable, his recollections 
would not have furnished him with " towards the month of May " instead of the 30th of 
September. On the whole I see no reason to doubt the approximate date given by the 

3 This vague mention of "king and lords " is better specified by the Bourgeois de Paris 
(see Paris, 1427). That which here concerns the king refers no doubt to what these Egyptians 
then said of their own country. On the contrary, the privilege of which they boasted of 
being punished only by themselves evidently regards their actual chiefs ; cf. further ou 
(Bologna, July 1422) my note concerning the pretended imperial decree which authorised 
them to steal. 


child was supported by a band put on as a sling x covered over with a 
blanket (' flassart or linchoel ' 2 ), and this hand was free), purloined 
artfully without its being perceived. 

" And the men were sufficiently well dressed, the greater number 
of whom occupied themselves with the buying and selling of horses, 
and they were such skilful horsemen that a horse appeared very much 
better under them than under other men. And thus, by ' heu- 
delant ' 3 and deceiving, they often got a better horse than their own, 
and money into the bargain. And some of these men, when they 
bought some merchandise, gave a florin in payment, and in receiving 
their change, were so skilful with their hand, confusing and cheating 
the people, or asking for other money than that which was given 
them, that none escaped without loss. And often, when they had 
stolen what they could, they would not take the merchandise, pre- 
tending not to know the money that had been given them in 

" And these folks were lodged in Tournai on the market-place, in 
the cloth-market, where many went to see them by day and by night. 
And they slept there by couples, one close to the other, and were not 
ashamed to do their necessities and natural works before every one. 

" And folks gossiped about the allegation made by these people 
that they were from Egypt, but no doubt they were only, as was 
known afterwards, from a town in Germany named in Latin Epi- 
polensis (sic), and in common parlance Mahode (or Mahone ?), situated 
between the town of Wilsenacque andTfomme (sic), at vi days' journey 
from the said Vilsenacque ; and they abide there by tribute and 
servitude." 4 

I have already quoted and remarked upon 5 this last paragraph 
which ends by so strange a geographical indication. I reproduce it 
here, however, not only to avoid cutting short this valuable passage 
of a chronicle, but also because this paragraph appears to me to be of 

1 The text says "estoit soutenu de ung chaint & erquerpe. " I think we ought to read, 
"d esquerpe," that is to say, en echarpe, in a sling. 

2 This "flassart or linchoel " (linceul anciently a sheet, and by extension all sorts of 
covering) appears again at Bologna (July 1422) under the name of Schiavina (see p. 336), and 
is called at Paris (1427) a "flaussoie," another form of the wordjlassart. 

3 Godefroy, in his Diet, de Vancienne langue Francaise (in course of publication), men- 
tions the verb "heudeler" with a note of interrogation, and produces, "as sole example, the 
self-same phrase in our text. The precise meaning of this word is then still unknown. 

4 Recueil des Chroniyues de Flandre, published under the direction of the Royal Com- 
mission of History by J. J. de Smet. Brussels, in 4to, vol. iii. 1856, p. 372, in the great 
Collection des Chroniques beiges. I need not say that the author of this chronicle is con- 
temporary with the event which he evidently relates de visu ; but his name is unknown. The 
editor (p. 113) thinks that this important chronicle was probably written at Tournai, and he 
makes some remarks on the incorrect French of the " Wallon" writers. 

5 In Antecedents and Preludes, pp. 207-210. 


a nature to throw perhaps some light upon the particular origin of 
such a little band as may present itself to us under an unusual aspect, 
like that which came first to Tournai (September 1421) under the 
conduct of " Miquiel, prince of Latinghem in Egypt." 

Indeed, if, as I think, there existed, before 1417, in the bishopric 
of Wurtzburg (Herlipolis), which must be the place intended in this 
strange document, Gypsies whom the Prince Bishop forbade his 
subjects to harbour, 1 if some had been driven from Meissen in 1416, to 
say nothing of those who might have arrived in Hesse in 1414, 2 it is 
quite natural to think that some of those, seeing the success obtained 
by the newly arrived Gypsies from the East, endeavoured to imitate 
them, and caused themselves to be equally well received by repeating 
the same tales, which it was probably not difficult to learn well 
enough. What they lacked, however, was necessarily the letters from 
the Emperor (afterwards from the Pope) in confirmation of their 
assertions. Now I remark precisely that, in the account of the liberal 
alms given on the 30th of September 1421 by the town of Tournai 
to " Miquiel, prince .of Latinghem in Egypt," no mention is made, as 
is generally the case in the documents of a similar nature, of the 
imperial letters . . . : this circumstance alone proves nothing, for 
the greater number of these documents are too summary to contain 
invariably such an indication, 3 but it is necessary to authorise, in 
presence of other more significative circumstances, a conjecture like 
that which I have just made, and which, besides, I only give as a 

This conjecture is inapplicable, whatever the chroniclers may say, 
and notwithstanding the absence of all mention of the imperial letters, 
to the band which has just been described to us by the Chronique de 
Flandre* for several of the curious details given by it concerning 

1 See Antecedents and Preludes, pp. 207-210. 

2 SeeWd.,pp. 205-207. 

3 I have already remarked (p. 326) that there is no mention made of the imperial letters 
in the account of St. Laurent-lez-Macon (end of August 1419), nor in those of Sisteron (1st 
October 1419), to say nothing of certain Chronicles (see the following note) : this does not 
prevent me from considering the Gypsies signalised in these places as forming part of the 
group to whom these letters had been accorded. The shortness of the accounts is not, how- 
ever, without doubt the only cause of the omission which is sometimes remarked in them. 
It is very likely that the scribe, or the municipality itself, seeing what sort of people they 
had to deal with, may have more than once found it more suitable not to mention the imperial 
recommendation. At St. Laurent, precisely, the " Egyptians " behaved themselves very ill, 
at Sisteron they are known beforehand. But this consideration appears inapplicable to the 
first band which visited Tournai, for the "prince of Latinghem" and his followers, who were 
very well received there, gave no cause of complaint. They appear to have wished to dis- 
tinguish themselves advantageously in this respect from those whose steps they followed, 
according to my conjecture. 

4 The chroniclers neglect too easily the official details, such as the name of the chief, the 
papers he possessed, things which are more interesting to the municipalities who grant alms. 


this band are identical with those which the Journal d'un Bourgeois de 
Paris will give us concerning the Gypsies who visited us in 1427, 
and who were evidently one of the principal bands of this period. 

The identity of the details furnished by the two chroniclers adds, 
besides, a great value to these two documents, for it proves the per- 
fect correctness of the observations collected on both sides. But the 
Ohronique de Flandre contains also no less curious details, which are 
met with in no other document of this first epoch, especially the 
subterfuge used by the women for thieving, the cunning of the horse- 
dealing men, the thefts in changing money practised by both men 
and women, and which are still at the present time one of the com- 
monest misdemeanours of the Gypsies, with this difference, that it is 
now almost always the exclusive business of the women. 

Let us, however, pursue our researches and resume the itineraries 
of these indefatigable travellers, as far as the documents which have 
come to our knowledge will permit. 

The letters of the Emperor began to get old, they must already 
have been dated five years before, and, as the Gypsies had said up to 
the present time that their pilgrimage was to last seven years, 1 it was 
prudent to see what could be done. Besides, the credit enjoyed by 
the Emperor Sigismund was not the same in every country ; and these 
great pilgrims began to pass for unbelievers. It was clear that if, by 
the imperial letters, they could obtain others from the Pope, their 
situation throughout the whole of Christendom would be much 
benefited ; and truly as penitents it behoved them to go to Eome. . . . 
This is precisely the idea which entered the head of our adventurers. 
To go to Eome, to see the Pope, still better to extort from him letters 
of protection, what a strange thing, and apparently how difficult for 
Gypsies ! The strangeness was an additional reason for them to 
attempt it, and as for the difficulty, nothing is difficult to a Gypsy. 

"The 18th of July 1422, a duke of Egypt, named Duke Andrew, 
arrived at Bologna with women, children, and men from "his own 
country. They might be about a hundred. This duke, having denied 

We find the same regrettable omissions in the inestimable testimony of the Bourgeois de 
Paris, whose recital makes one, however, suppose that these Gypsies exhibited the papal 
letters obtained in 1422. 

i Their statement on this point, agreeing no doubt with what was contained in the imperial 
letter, had not varied. See above the Hanseatic towns (1417), Switzerland (1418), Tournai 
(May 1422), and, lower down, Bologna (July of the same year). According to the statement 
in the last-named place, it was the King of Hungary, i.e. the Emperor, who had fixed this 
duration to their pilgrimage. After the letters from the Pope were obtained, towards the 
end of August 1422, this latter year seems generally to serve as the point of departure for a 
new term of seven years. 


the Christian faith, the King of Hungary 1 had taken possession of 
his lands and person. Then he told the king that he wished to 
return to Christianity, and he had been baptized with about four 
thousand men ; 2 those who refused to be baptized were put to death. 
After the King of Hungary had thus taken them and re-baptized 
them, he ordered them to travel about the world for seven years, to 
go to Rome to see the Pope, and afterwards to return into their own 
country. When they arrived at Bologna, they had been journeying 
for five years, 3 and more than half of them were dead. They had a 
decree from the King of Hungary, the Emperor, in virtue of which 
they were allowed to thieve, during these seven years, wherever they 
might go, without being amenable to justice. ' 

" When they arrived at Bologna, they lodged themselves inside and 
outside the gate of Galiera, and settled themselves under the porticoes 
(portici), with the exception of the duke, who lodged at the King's 
Inn (Nell' Albergo del Ee). They remained a fortnight at Bologna. 
During this time many people went to see them, on account of the 
duke's wife, who, it was said, could foretell what would happen to a 
person during his life, as well as what was interesting in the present, 
how many children would be born, whether such a woman was good 
or bad, and other things ; concerning all which she told truly. And, 
amongst those who wished to have their fortune told, few went to 
consult without having their purse stolen, and the women had pieces of 
their dress cut off. The women of the band wandered about the town, 
seven or eight together ; they entered the houses of the inhabitants, 
and, whilst they were telling idle tales, some of them laid hold of 
what was within their reach. In the same way they visited the 
shops under the pretext of buying something, but in reality to steal. 
Many thefts were committed in this way in Bologna. So it was 

1 It was the Emperor Sigismund who was King of Hungary since 1392. 

2 "... e cosi si battezzo con alquanti di quel popolo, e furono circa 4000 uomini." It 
will be seen that, in Paris, in 1427, the Gypsies said that they had numbered one thousand 
or twelve hundred when they set out. I note these numbers without deducing anything from 

3 I have said before what importance we may attach to this statement taken in it s 
absolute signification, but I also point out all the value that this statement and that of the 
Gypsies in Paris in 1427 derived from their comparison with the dates of the safe-conducts 
of the Emperor and of the Pope ; they prove the authenticity of these safe-conducts, and 
these will serve to prove the identity of the baud of Gypsies travelling over the west at this 

4 It is more than doubtful whether the Emperor's letters contained any such clause, but 
they evidently contained another which is in reality equivalent to it. The Tournai chronicler 
(May 1422) tells us that they had "privileges so that none might punish them but them- 
selves only," that is to say their chiefs. And we find this privilege drawn up by Sigismund 
himself in the letter which he accorded, in 1423, to another Gypsy chief, the voivode Ladislas, 
to whom he reserves the right of justice over all the members of his band, to the exclusion 
of all the local authorities. See further on, Ratisbon, 1424. 


cried throughout the town that no one should go to see them under 
a penalty of fifty pounds and excommunication ; for they were the 
most cunning thieves in all the world. It was even allowed to those 
who had been robbed by them to rob them in return to the amount 
of their losses [a strange expedient]. In consequence of which 
several of the inhabitants of Bologna slipped during the night into a 
stable where some of their horses were shut up, and stole the best of 
them. The others, wishing to get back their horse, agreed to restore 
a great number of the stolen objects. [This was accordingly done as 
it appears.] But, seeing that there was nothing more to gain there, 
they left Bologna and went off towards Rome. 

" Observe," adds the chronicler, " that they were the ugliest brood 
ever seen in this country. They were thin and black, and they ate 
like swine ; their women went in smocks, and wore a ' schiavina ' l 
across the shoulder (ad armacollo), rings in their ears, and a long veil 
on their head. One of them gave birth to a child in the market-place, 
and, at the end of three days, she went on to rejoin her people." 2 

Forli was on the road to Rome (about five leagues from Bologna, 
which the Gypsies had quitted about the 2d of August), and we find 
them before this town on the 7th August. Their number had no 
doubt increased on the road, for the chronicler of Forli esteems it to be 
two hundred. These unaccommodating people, says he, went to and fro 
during two days like wild beasts and thieves. 3 If one can judge by 
the expressions of the chronicler, they affected to treat the Italians 
on a footing of equality, and representing themselves as a people sent 
by the Emperor, they demanded a sort of alliance with the people of 
Forli. Fra Geronimo does not tell us anything more of them, except- 
ing that some of them said they were from India. 4 He adds that 

1 I find in the dictionary : " Garment of coarse linen peculiar to slaves, and worn also by 
pilgrims and hermits. It is also used for bed-coverings made of the same tissue." Garment 
or covering for pilgrims, the two things are already much alike, for the Gypsies they are one 
and the same thing. I will not, therefore, decide. Old engravings show us the Gypsies, and 
especially the Gypsy women, wrapped in long and large cloaks in the form of blankets, or 
vice-versa. Sometimes these blanket-cloaks are striped. See, amongst others, the engraving 
given by Munster. As to the epithet ad armacollo, it means that the Gypsy women then 
wore the blanket, not as a cloak, as the engraving in question represents them, but as a 
drapery passed under the arm and fastened on the other shoulder. Le Bourgeois de Paris 
(see further on) tells us precisely that the women wore as sole garment a smock, and over it 
a very coarse old blanket fastened on the shoulder by a band of cloth or a cord. See also 
notes 1 and 2 of page 332, ante (Tournai, Mai 1422). 

2 Chronica di Bologna in the great collection of Muratori, Reruin ital. Scriptores, t. xviii., 
1731, pp. 611, 612. 

3 The text bears furentes, furious, but I think we ought to read, fur antes. 

4 " Eodem millesimo (1422) venerunt Forlivium quffidam gentes missse ab Imperatore, 
cupientes recipere fidem nostram ; et fueruut in Forlivio die vii Augusti. Et, ut audivi, 
aliqui dicebant quod erant de India. Et steterunt hinc inde per duos dies gentes 11011 multum 
morigenatse, quae quasi bruta animalia et furentes. Et fuerunt numero quasi ducenti, et 


there was a great plague and a great mortality that year at 
Forli. 1 

On quitting Forli, as in quitting Bologna, the Gypsies said that 
they were going to Eome to the Pope ; and in truth they were going 
there. It appears even that these crafty heathens found means to 
touch the sovereign pontiff : as was evidenced by the new letters of 
protection which they soon produced. 

The object of the journey, as I have already given to understand, 
was these famous letters of protection. As soon as they had been 
obtained, the troop retraced its steps. We are about to find them 
again in Switzerland, in this centre of civilised nations, where the 
Gypsies had already once before given each other rendezvous, and 
which they no doubt liked on account of its division into more or less 
independent cantons, and also perhaps because they again met with 
the German tongue, with which they had been long familiar, as I have 
remarked in my first article, for it will be observed that it is again in 
a German-speaking canton that we meet them. 

In the same year (1422) we do not know the precise date, but 
the possession of the Pope's letters places it undoubtedly after the 
month of August the cunning, lazy foreigners called Zigeiner were 
known for the first time at Bale, 2 and in the Wiesenthal. 3 The 
chronicler of Bale 4 does not tell us the number of these travellers, 

ibant versus Romam ad Papam, scilicet viri et nmlieres et parvuli." Chronicon Foroliviense 
(1397-1433), auctore fratre Hieronymo foroliviensi, ordinis Praedicatorum ; in Rerum italic. 
Scriptores, vol. xix. p. 890. There is in this text a short sentence which has been more 
remarked than perhaps it deserves to be : " aliqui dicebant quod erant de India." In the 
tirst place, this incorrect Latin allows of two different interpretations : was it some of the 
Gypsies who said that ? or some of the inhabitants of Forli who had this idea ? I had 
formerly adopted the first of these two interpretations : now, it appears to me very doubtful. 
In either case it must be recollected that at this period the word India was sometimes made 
use of to indicate certain countries in Africa, particularly Ethiopia, as Pott has remarked in 
a passage of Die Zigeuner which I cannot put my hand on. Some authors, indeed, of the 
sixteenth century and of a later date have given the name of ^Ethiopes, Nubiani, etc., to the 

1 Muratori makes the same observation in his Annali d' Italia, vol. ix. (1764), p. 89. 

2 See, however, in my preceding article, pp. 282-284, the testimony of Justiuger, accord- 
ing to whom the Gypsies had already visited Bale in 1418 or 1419. 

3 Wiesenthal (valley of the Wiese), Visentagiensis Comitatus, between the territory of 
Ulm and the county of Wurtemberg (became a duchy in 1495). 

4 Wurstisen Easier Chronik, Bale, 1580, in fol., p. 240, or John Grossius (who copies 
Wurstisen), Kurtze Bassler Chronick, Bale, 1624, in small 8vo, p. 70. Concerning these two 
chroniclers see my note relative to the Swiss chroniclers, pp. 276 and 278. Here is the 
literal translation of the passage in Wurstisen : "In 1422, came for the first time to Bille and 
into the Wiesenthal, a cunning and lazy strange people called Zigeiner, with about fifty 
horses. They had a chief who calls himself the Duke Michael of Egypt. They were provided 
with safe-conducts (Paszworte) from the Pope and from the King of the Romans. It was on 
this account that they were tolerated and allowed to pass, although it was to the displeasure 
of the peasants. They said they drew their origin from the Egyptians who refused hospitality 
to Joseph and Mary (hiring their flight into Egypt with the newly-born Lord Jesus to escape 
the anger of Herod. It was for this reason that God cast them out into misery as orphans 
(vjeiszlosz). Since then this black, ugly, and savagely vagabond people, ..." etc. 


but seeing that the band was provided with fifty horses, it may be 
concluded that it was considerable. 1 Wurstisen, however, mentions 
only one chief, and he does not bear the same name as the chief of 
Bologna ; he calls himself the Duke Michael of Egypt. However, 
the band was provided with safe conducts (Paszworte) from the King 
of the Eomans, with which we are acquainted, and also with those 
which they had just obtained from the Pope. " It is on account of 
these letters," adds Wurstisen, " that these vagabonds were tolerated 
and allowed to pass, although it was to the displeasure of the country 
folks." It appears clear from this account that the two dukes had 
joined each other, as was natural, to go to Rome ; and it is very 
probable that this meeting took place between Bologna and Forli, for, 
during this short journey, which our travellers had accomplished in 
five days, their numbers had doubled, as we have seen above. Were 
the two dukes still together at Bale ? It is very possible, although 
Wurstisen, who wrote a century and a half after the event, has only 
found mentioned in the documents he has no doubt consulted one 
duke bearing another name than the duke of Bologna. But it is also 
possible that the band had separated after the journey to Rome. It 
may be presumed, however, even in this last case, that the detach- 
ment signalised at Bale was the principal nucleus of this band ; but 
the possession of the imperial and pontifical letters is no longer a 
proof of it to me as it formerly was ; 2 for I am now convinced that 
the Gypsy chiefs took care to provide themselves with authentic 
copies of these important documents, and the two dukes who were 
together in Rome had even perhaps obtained two original letters from 
the Pope. The possession of these documents, whether original or 
oly authentic copies, only proves that the Gypsies who possessed 
them depended on the two great chiefs with whom we are acquainted, 
and this is the important point. 

But Wurstisen ends by a statement which it is impossible to 
admit. Up to the present moment, every time that we have been 
informed, in a more or less explicit, in a more or less summary 
manner, of the accounts of the Gypsies concerning their Egyptian 
origin and the cause of their pilgrimage, these accounts all turned 
upon the same theme, and it is still the same story we meet 
with in 1427 at Paris, where it was more fully developed than any- 

1 I had at first thought of several hundred, but I observe that the band which visited 
Deventer in 1420, and which owned about forty horses, was only estimated at a hundred 
souls. It must not be forgotten that these Gypsies already exercised the trade of horse- 
dealing (see especially "La Chronique de Flandre," Tournai, 1422). 

2 See my memoir of 1844, p. 40. 


where else, and afterwards at Amiens, at Tournai (1429), etc. etc. 
Here, on the contrary I mean at Bale there is a totally different 
version : " They say that they drew their origin from those Egyptians 
who had refused hospitality to Joseph and Mary when they fled into 
Egypt with the Lord Jesus, and it was on this account that God had 
condemned them to wretchedness." I may here remark that we are 
about to meet with the same entirely novel version, hut in a band of 
Gypsies, evidently Hungarian, who consequently could not have 
made the recital of their religious adventures among the Moham- 
medans, and who, moreover, had certainly not quitted Hungary 
before the end of April 1423 at the soonest; besides which they were 
only at Eatisbon in 1424 (towards the month of August ?). Nothing 
can be more natural than that these should have given another 
explanation of the origin of their miserable and wandering existence. 
But those of Bale (1422), who were in possession of the papal letters, 
obtained in the same year, and which, it is evident, could only have 
been got by aid of the imperial letters, in which the statement we 
are acquainted with was consigned, and by presenting themselves to 
the Pope, in accordance with this statement, as repentant pilgrims, 
how could these, at such a moment, forsake the story which had 
answered them so well, and adopt an ancient legend which was con- 
trary to the imperial letter, and without doubt contrary also to the 
papal letter of which they were bearers ? This is not only highly 
improbable, but we also know positively by a document at Amiens 
(27th Sept. 1427, see further on) that this was not the case : for it is 
on the sight of the pontifical letters that the authorities at Amiens 
ascertain that the Holy Father certifies that Earl Thomas of Little 
Egypt (the chief of this detachment) and his followers have been 
driven from their country for not having consented to forsake the 
Christian faith. If, then, Wurstisen has really gathered from a reliable 
document the statement which he transmits to us, there must have 
been amongst the band at Bale some Gypsy recently arrived from 
Hungary, to whom the recital with which we are acquainted was not 
yet familiar, and that the witness who sought for information must 
have had the bad luck to fall upon that one. . . . But it is far more 
probable that Wurstisen, who, after some lines devoted to the appear- 
ance of the Gypsies in his country, speaks of those of his own time 
(not, as it may be guessed, to speak well of them), should have gathered 
this explanation from some of these vagabonds, and should have 
thought it was that which they had always given. 

The chronological order which I have always endeavoured to 


follow brings me now precisely to a document of very particular 
interest, and which is transmitted to us by a well-informed witness. 
This document carries us to Eatisbon in 1424, and there is certainly 
question here of a new band (scattered about and more or less 
numerous) which did not only come from, but was native (oriunda) 
to Hungary, that is to say, belonging to that category of Tsigans 
accustomed from times more or less ancient to circulate or move 
about within that country. This is proved by the statement of these 
people themselves, or by that of the very intelligent chronicler who 
has evidently visited them, and also by the context of the recent 
letters of Sigismund, of which they were bearers, and even by the 
name and title of the chief to whom they had been accorded. I shall 
revert to these last observations ; but it is right to reproduce first of 
all the valuable, but too concise, recital of the chronicler. 

" Item, in those times (1424 l ) there came into our countries and 
wandered about in them a certain nation of Cingars, 2 vulgarly called 
Cigawnar. They were seen near to Eatisbon, succeeding each other, 
sometimes to the number of thirty people, men, women, and children, 
sometimes in smaller numbers. They pitched their tents 3 in the 
fields, because they were not allowed to inhabit towns; for they 
cunningly took what did not belong to them. These people were 
natives of Hungary, and they said that they were exiled on account 
or in remembrance of the flight of our Lord into Egypt, 4 when He 

1 The chronicler, although he has habits of precision, has not specified more particularly, 
no doubt because he was referring to an event, indefinite in its nature and duration, to 
which it was not possible to assign a determined date. All that I can remark is that the 
passage which interests us comes after certain facts relating to the year 1424, the three last 
to the 26th and 21st June and to the 15th August, and before other facts in the same year 
which bears the dates corresponding to the 1st, 21st, and 29th September. 

2 Cingari (see also further on the word Zingari in another passage of the same chronicler 
referring to the year 1426). This is, as far as I can recollect, the oldest example known up 
to the present time of this particular form of the name of the Tsigani the form charac- 
terised by the r in the last syllable which has been often employed in after times by authors 
of different countries writing in Latin, and which has been adopted (but not at first) in 
Italian. It will be remarked that, although the letter from Sigismund, and other Hungarian 
acts of much later date, are written in Latin, the form therein employed is Cingani (some- 
times Czigani). Concerning the form Cingari there would be a special study to make, 
which I had formerly begun, and in which I should have to make use of a valuable unpub- 
lished note of the late Garrez. 

3 We shall find the same mention of tents made in a few lines that the same chronicler 
devotes to another passage of Gypsies at Ratisbon in 1426. This detail is interesting; 
perhaps even it may furnish an additional distinctive trait between the great band which 
began to travel over the West in 1417 and these new-comers from Hungary ; but, as the 
question of tents calls for observations of some length, I shall place these and some others 
at the end of the First Period. 

4 The same explanation, which is certainly wrongly attributed by Wurstisen to the 
Gypsies visiting Bale in 1422, but which was apparently current amongst the Gypsies in 
the west in the time of this chronicler (end of the sixteenth century), is rather more explicit : 
it was for having refused hospitality to the Holy Family, flying into Egypt, that they had 
been condemned to a wandering and miserable life. These few additional words render the 
legend, not more likely, but clearer. 


fled from Herod, who sought Him to slay Him. But the common 
people said that they were spies. These people had also letters from 
King Sigismund, and I have been careful to insert here, as being 
perhaps interesting to chroniclers (or to chronics ?), the tenor of one 
of these letters which they possessed written upon paper." l 

The imperial letter, which we give here, and which is dated the 
month of April of the preceding year (1423), is as follows: 

" Sigismund, by the grace of God King of the Eomans, ever 
august, and King of Hungary, of Bohemia, of Dalmatia, of Croatia, 
etc., To all our faithful nobles, knights, castellans, officers, vassals, 
to our free towns (civitatibus liberis), to our fortified towns (oppidis), 
and to their judges constituted and existing under our reign and 
dominion (dominio), greeting with love. Came in person into our 
presence our faithful Ladislas Wayvode (Waywoda 2 ) of the Cigani, 
with others of his tribe (cum aliis ad ipsum spectantibus), who pre- 
sented their very humble supplications to us, here at Zips (in Sepus) 
in our presence, with entreaty of supplications and prayers, in order 
that we might vouchsafe to gratify them with our most abundant 
grace. In consequence, we, being persuaded by their supplication, 
have thought proper to grant them this privilege (libertatem). 
Therefore each time that the said Ladislas and his people (sua gens) 
shall come into our said possessions, be it free cities, be it fortified 
towns (dominia, videlicet civitates ml oppida), from that time we 
send word and strictly order to your present fidelities, that you may 
favour and keep without any hindrance or trouble the said Wadislas 
(sic) Wayvode and the Gigani who are subject to him ; and even that 
it may please you to preserve them from all obstacles and offences. 
That if any variance or trouble occurred between themselves, then 
that neither you nor any other of you, but that the same Ladislas 
Waiwode, should have the power of judging and absolving. As to 
the present (letters), we order that after their reading, they should 

1 " Habebat quoque gens eadem litteras Sigismundi Regis quarum unius tenorem, aqum 
in papyro habebant scriptam, hie pro Cronicis inserere curavi." Andrese Ratisponensis 
presbyteri Ord. Can. Reg. S. Aug. ad S. Magnum in pede pontis Ratisponensis Diarium 
sexennale, annum Christi MCCCCXXir. cum quinque sequentibus complectens, ex autographo 
auctoris edidit Andreas Felix (Efelius, Bibliothecae Bav. prsefectus ; in Rerum Boicarum 
Scriptores of (Efelius, Augusta Vindel. (Augsbourg), 1763, in 2 vols. fol., vol. i. p. 21. 
Notwithstanding the particular importance of this passage of the chronicle and of the 
imperial letter which follows it, as I have given a complete and as exact a translation as 
possible of them, I do not think it necessary to reproduce here these two texts (excepting 
the few lines above of Andrew of Ratisbon, which call for some observations), because the 
first has been reprodiiced by Mr. Dyrlund (always very exact) in his previously-named book, 
Tatere og Natmandsfolk i Danmark, Kopenhague, 1872, p. 365 ; and the second by 
Grellmann, 1787, p. 343. 

2 The word is thus written in the whole course of this document, and (Efelius, in order 
not to bear the responsibility of this inaccuracy, adds in a note " In codice Way?ioda." 


always be returned to him who shall have presented them. Given at 
Zips (in Sepus), the Sunday before the feast of St. George the Martyr 
(this feast-day falls on the 23d of April), the year of our Lord 
MCCCCXXIIL, and of our reigns, in Hungary xxxvi th ; as King of the 
Eomans, xn th ; in Bohemia the third." 

It results from the indications furnished by the Priest of Eatis- 
bon, that in 1424, in Bavaria, especially round about Ratisbon, there 
was a small floating population of Gypsies, who had come from Hun- 
gary. They had, it appears, adopted certain places for encamping, 
and succeeded each other there in numbers sometimes greater, some- 
times smaller. And this circumstance explains, as I have already 
remarked in a note, that the chronicler has not given any precise 
date to the event. But it seems to us that he might have said when 
and how he had obtained not only the communication of the valu- 
able document which he has transmitted to us, but the means of 
transcribing it. One does not even learn by his recital whether the 
Waiwode Ladislas was at Eatisbon at the rather uncertain time 
which is in question, and still less, if it was he who communicated 
to the author the Imperial letter dated from the preceding year. But 
this author has been too happily inspired in transmitting this docu- 
ment to us for us to find fault with him for the rest. Who knows 
besides if he has not had some reason for not mentioning the means 
by which he had procured himself this copy ? With the Gypsies on 
one hand, with the subaltern police agents on the other, it is often 
necessary to be cautious how one proceeds. 

To end at once with these details, which remain secondary from 
the moment that no light can be thrown upon them, it is important 
to remark certain expressions in the last sentence of the chronicler. 
"They had," says he, "letters from Sigismund, . . .," and here, in 
opposition to the usual meaning of the word litterce, it is impossible 
not to see that it is a question of several letters. The sequel shows it : 
" quarum unius tenorem" etc. One can scarcely doubt the exactness 
of the statement, and the statement is curious. Besides, the letter of 
which the text has come down to us was written on paper (in papyro): 
so then it was already a copy for the original diploma, which 
came from the Imperial Chancery was necessarily on parchment 
it was no doubt an authentic copy, otherwise the document would 
not have satisfied the very intelligent chronicler; but it appears 
interesting to me to find already in the Gypsies' possession the copy of 
an Act which could scarcely have had more than one year's date. 


These remarks complete those which I have presented in my second 
article, pp. 266-267. 

But the double document which precedes calls for more certain 
observations of particular importance. 

Whilst the Gypsies who travelled over the West from 1417 were 
evidently Oriental Gypsies coming from countries occupied or 
threatened by the Turks, those who spread themselves, in small 
groups, in Bavaria during a certain part of the year 1424, were, on 
the contrary, Hungarian Gypsies. Not only did they say so them- 
selves, and are so considered by the chronicler, but everything proves 
it. There are no more Oriental accounts. The letter from the 
Emperor does not say a word of their exotic origin, it refers to them, 
on the contrary, as old and faithful subjects deserving of the favour 
of the sovereign who lends an ear to their request. On their side, 
these new immigrants do not pretend to explain their wandering life 
by more or less recent adventures which had happened in their 
Egyptian home. No ; but as they believe, in common with all the 
Gypsies in Europe, in an ancient Egyptian descent, they repeat a 
legend which was probably current amongst them in Hungary and 
elsewhere, and which cajries back their wandering life to the period 
of the flight into Egypt. 1 

I note lastly a detail which agrees well with all the other circum- 
stances to which I have called attention. The dukes Andrew and 
Michael, to whom most likely the Imperial letter from Lindau was 
accorded in 1417, bore names which belong to the whole of Christen- 
dom, and that of Michael had been borne by eight Emperors of the 
East. They are names which are perfectly suitable to Gypsy chiefs 
coming from some unknown region of the Byzantine Empire. Quite 
different is the name of the Waiwode Ladislas. It is a name of 
Slavonian origin Polish, I believe which, under the form ofWladis- 
las, has been borne by several dukes or kings of Poland, and by some 
dukes or kings of Bohemia, but which had been carried by Polish 
princes into Hungary, where it had been naturalised from the 
eleventh century under the form of Ladislas. It had also passed into 
Wallachia (first as Vladislav, then as Vlad) ; but I do not think it 
will be found further south, and it has certainly never been in use in 
the Byzantine Empire. The form Ladislas was finally a Hungarian 

1 Several other legends in which the Gypsies are connected with Jesus Christ, St. Peter, 
and the Crucifixion, are still current amongst the Gypsies of the present time, and some- 
times even amongst other people. But the fact of such a legend existing so far back as 
1424 appears to rae to be particularly interesting. If, at this period, the Gypsies had not 
already travelled about the world from a time immemorial, they would not have conceived 
such a legend. 


name, and it is exceedingly probable that the G-ypsy chief who bore 
it was born in Hungary. It must be added that the title of Waiwode 
or Woiwode, though it is also of Slavonian origin, is that which has 
always been given in Hungary and Transylvania to Gypsy chiefs, 
and even to those Hungarian personages who, from the middle of the 
sixteenth century up to about the middle of the eighteenth, as far as 
one can judge with regard to these dates from the documents 
furnished by Grellmann, filled the rather lucrative office of superior 
chief of the Gypsies in one or other of these two countries. (See 
Grellmann, 1787, p. 133, and following, and Nos. IL, ill., iv. of the 
Appendix (Beylage). 

I will not take leave of these new-comers without remarking that, 
according to the trustworthy testimony of the priest of Eatisbon, they 
were not to be preferred to the first protected by Sigismund. This 
Emperor was decidedly not very difficult in the choice of his proteges ; 
and when we see him so graciously admit into his presence his 
" faithful Ladislas, with others of his band," to listen to and grant 
their entreaties, I ask myself whether it was not rather to give them 
instructions as spies. I had formerly rejected this idea, 1 but the 
Imperial relapse, and the opinion which the people of Eatisbon 
formed in this respect, bring me back to it, or rather awake my sus- 
picions on the subject. 

It is not only in 1424 that the arrival and departure of the Gyp- 
sies at Eatisbon were remarked. The same chronicler, Andrew, priest 
of this town, signalises them again at Eatisbon in September 1426, 
saying that they pitched their tents in a place (inter Maiterias), which 
was without doubt outside the town. According to the terms of this 
very short document, which gives no indication of their number, it 
would appear that they remained there but one day. 2 Was it a new 
band arriving from Hungary 1 Was it the return of a detachment of 
the little floating population which had been signalised in 1424? 
The laconicism of the chronicler does not allow of making a choice 
between these two alternatives, the only ones which present them- 

1 See ray second article, p. 264. To the second note of this page I might have added 
that Frederick the Great did not disdain to employ the Gypsies as spies. See Ernest 
Lavisse, Etudes sur Vhistoire de Prusse, Paris, Hachette, 1885, pp. 290-291. In these two 
small pages the eminent Professor gives an interesting sketch of the history of the Gypsies 
in Eastern Prussia and Lithuania under Frederick i. and Frederick II (the Great). What 
is wanting here is the indications of sources which would allow us to refer to details which 
are without doubt vahiable ; but the nature of M. Lavisse's works does not allow of any 
indications of this kind, even on a special subject like the present. 

2 1426. "Hoc anno Gens Zingarorum iterum venit Ratisponam, fixitque tentoria sua 
et habitavit inter Maiterias feria secunda post Matthsei" (that is to say, the Monday after 
the feast of St. Matthew, which is on the 21st of September). Andrse Ratis. presbyteri 
Diarium sexennale, in the collection already named (p. 341, note 1) of CEfelius, vol. i. p. 26. 


selves, for it is not possible to connect these new-comers of 1424 and 
of 1426 with the band with which we are acquainted since 1417. 

Besides, as nothing, in the documents which the First Period is 
about to furnish us with, will recall the distinctive characters of the 
new-comers of 1424 and 1426, we will set them aside, supposing for 
the moment, either that they have remained in Bavaria, or that in 
the other countries where they may have spread themselves they 
have drawn attention less than their predecessors, which is not 
surprising, as they had no marvellous stories to recount, nor official 
alms to ask for as pilgrims. 

Indeed it must not be forgotten that even the others those who 
for us date from 1417 leave, in general, no trace of their passage 
unless they are willing to do so, that is to say, unless they ask for 
subsidies from the municipalities, as pilgrims driven out of Little 
Egypt, or unless they take pleasure at the same time (for the outward 
show did not in general exclude the demand for alms) in making a 
rumour in the towns, which will procure us the recital of some 

This remark adds so much the more value to the two statements 
made by the Priest of Eatisbon, who does not appear to have had to 
do with Gypsies very desirous of drawing attention upon themselves. 

(To be continued.) 


THIS story is No. 10 in the Probe de Limbo, si Literatura Tsigani- 
lor din Roumania (Bucharest, 1878) of Dr. Barbu Constan- 
tinescu, from which I have already translated " The Bad Mother " for 
the first number of our Journal, p. 25. The present story, which 
seems to me the very best Gipsy folk-tale that we have, may be 
compared with Grimm's No. 57, Von Halm's No. 65, and "The 
Norka" on p. 73 of Mr. Ealston's Eussian collection. 

IT was the Eed King, and he bought ten ducats'-worth of victuals. 
He cooked them, and put them in a press. And he locked the press, 
and from night to night posted people to guard the victuals. In the 
morning, when he looked, he found the platters bare. He did not 
find anything in them. Then the king said : " I will give the half 
VOL. I. NO. vi. z 


of my kingdom to whoever shall be found to guard the press, that 
the victuals may not go arnissing from it." 

The king had three sons. Then the eldest thought within himself. 
" God ! what, give half the kingdom to a stranger ! It were better for 
me to watch. Be it unto me according to God's will." He went to 
his father. " Father, all hail ! r What, give the kingdom to a stranger ! 
It were better for me to watch." And his father said to him : " As 
God will, only don't be frightened by what you may see." Then he 
said : " Be it unto me according to God's will." And he went and 
lay down in the palace. And he put his head on the pillow, and re- 
mained with his head on the pillow till towards dawn. And a warm 
sleepy breeze came and lulled him to slumber. And his little sister 
arose. And she turned a somersault, 1 and her nails became like an 
axe and her teeth like a shovel. And she opened [the cupboard], 
and ate up everything. Then she became a child again, and returned 
to her place in the cradle, for she was a child at the breast. The lad 
arose, and told his father that he had seen nothing. His father looked 
in the press, found the platters clean ; no victuals, no anything. His 
father said to him : " It would take a better man than you, and even 
he might do nothing." 

His middle son also said : " Father, all hail ! I am going to watch 
to-night." " Go, dear ; only play the man." " Be it unto me ac- 
cording to God's will." And he went into the palace, and put his 
head on a pillow. And at ten o'clock came a warm breeze, and sleep 
seized him. Up rose his sister, and unwound herself from her 
swaddling-bands, and turned a somersault, and her teeth became 
like a shovel, and her nails like an axe. And she went to the press 
and opened it, and ate off the platters what she found. She ate it 
all, and turned a somersault again, and went back to her place in 
the cradle. Day broke, and the lad arose, and his father asked him 
and said : " It would take a better man than you, and yet he might 
not do anything for me, if he were as poor a creature as you." 

The youngest son arose. " Father, all hail ! Give me also leave 
to watch the cupboard by night." " Go, dear ; only don't be frightened 
with what you see." " Be it unto me according to God's will," said 
the lad. And he went and took four needles, and lay down with his 
head on the pillow ; and he stuck the four needles in four places. 
When sleep seized him, he knocked his head against a needle, so he 
stayed awake until dawn. And his sister arose from her cradle, and 

1 Da-pes pa sareste, literally, "gave herself on the head." A Romani formula, almost 
invariably preceding every transformation. 


he saw. And she turned a somersault, and he was watching her. 
And her teeth became like a shovel, and her nails like an axe. And 
she went to the press, and ate up everything. She left the platters 
bare. And she turned a somersault, and became tiny again as she 
was ; went to her cradle. The lad, when he saw that, trembled with 
fear ; it seemed to him ten years till daybreak. 

And he arose, and went to his father. " Father, all hail ! " Then 
his father asked him : " Didst see anything, Peterkiii ? " " What 
did I see ? what did I not see ? Give me money and a horse, a horse 
fit to carry the money, for I am away to marry me." His father gave 
him ducats in abundance, and he put them on his horse. The lad 
went, and made a hole on the border of the city. He made a chest 
of stone, and placed all the money there, and buried it. He placed a 
stone cross above, and departed. 

And he journeyed eight years, and came to the queen of all the 
birds that fly. And the queen of the birds asked him : " Whither 
away, Peterkin ? " " Thither where there is neither death nor eld, to 
marry me." The queen said to him : " Here is neither death nor 
eld." Then Peterkin said to her : " How comes it that here is 
neither death nor eld ? " Then she said to him : " When I whittle 
away [hiyaraua] the wood of all this forest, then death will come and 
take me, and old age." Then Peterkin said : " One day and one 
morning death will come and eld, and take me." 

And he departed further, and journeyed on eight years, and arrived 
at a palace of copper. And a maiden came forth from that palace, 
and took him and kissed him. She said : " I have waited long for 
thee." She took the horse and put him in the stable, and he spent 
the night there. The lad arose in the morning, and placed his saddle 
on the horse. Then the maiden began to weep, and asked him. 
" Whither away, Peterkin ? " " Thither where there is neither death 
nor eld." Then the maiden said to him : " Here is neither death nor 
eld." Then he asked her : " How comes it that here is neither death 
nor eld ? " " Why, when these mountains are levelled, and these 
forests, then death will come." " This is no place for me," said the 
lad to her. And the lad departed further. 

Then what said the horse to him ? " Master, give four .... 
[bicea 1] in me, and two in yourself, and arrive in the plain of regret. 
And regret will seize you, and cast you down, horse and all, so spur 
your horse, and escape and tarry not." He came to a hut. In the 
hut he beholds a lad, as it were ten years old, who asked him : " What 
seekest thou, Peterkin, here ? " "I seek the place where there is 


neither death nor eld." The lad said : " Here is neither death nor 
eld. I am the Wind." Then Peterkin said : " Never, never will I 
go from here." And he dwelt there a hundred years, and grew no 

The lad dwelt there, and went out to hunt in the mountains of 
gold and silver, and he could hardly carry home the game. Then 
what said the Wind to him ? " Peterkin, go unto all the mountains of 
gold and unto the mountains of silver ; but go not to the mountain 
of regret or to the valley of grief." He heeded not, and went to the 
mountain of regret and the valley of grief. And grief cast him down. 
He wept till his eyes were full. And he went to the Wind : " I am 
going home to my father, I will not longer stay." " Go not, for both 
your father is dead, and brothers you have no more left at home. A 
million years have come and gone since then. The spot is not known 
where your father's palace stood. They have planted melons on it ; 
it is but an hour since I passed that way." 

But the lad departed thence, and arrived at the maiden's whose 
was the palace of copper. Only one stick remained, and she cut it 
and grew old. As he knocked at the door, the stick fell and she 
died. He buried her, and departed thence. And he came to the 
queen of the birds in the great forest. Only one branch remained, 
and that was all but through. When she saw him, she said, " Peter- 
kin, thou art quite young." Then he said to her, " Dost thou re- 
member telling me to stay here ? " As she pressed and broke 
through the branch, she also fell and died. 

He came where his father's palace stood and looked about him. 
There was no palace, no anything. And he fell to marvelling : " God, 
thou art mighty." He only recognised his father's well, and went to 
the well. His sister, the witch, when she saw him, said to him : " I 
have waited long for you, dog." She rushed at him, to devour him, 
and he made the sign of the cross, and she perished. And he 
departed thence, and arrived in a certain . . . [bozi ?], and came on 
an old man with his beard down to his waist. " Father, where is the 
palace of the Ked King ? for I am his son." Said the old man : 
" What is this thou tellest me, that thou art his son ? My father's 
father has told me of the Eed King. His very city is no more. 
Dost thou not see it is vanished ? And dost thou tell me that thou 
art the Eed King's son ? " " It is not twenty years, old man, since I 
departed from my father, and dost thou tell me that thou knowest not 
my father?" It was a million years since he had left his home. 
" Follow me, if thou dost not believe me." And he went to the cross 



of stone ; only a palm's breadth was above the ground. And it took 
him two days to get at the chest of money. When he had lifted out 
the chest, and opened it, Death sat in one corner groaning, and Old 
Age groaning in another corner. Then what said Old Age ? " Lay 
hold of him, Death." " Lay hold of him, yourself." Old Age laid 
hold of him in front, and Death laid hold of him behind. The old 
man took and buried him decently, and planted the cross near him. 
And the old man took the money and also the horse. 




Brinsherdv me yek' rdklyd, 
Brinshevdv me shukdrd ! 
La, veldv mdnde romni, 
Yoy the lisperlds pdni ! 


Lisperdv dndrdl pdni 
Tute hdmdr yek' goni, 
Kdnd mange suv rodes, 
Ko dndre pdni perdyds. 


Roddv me dndre pdit.i 
Tute e suv, m're rdklyi, 
Kdnd hidos t'u keres" 
Angushtensd may laces. 


Kerdv tute dngushtensd 
Ldce hidos upre pdnd, 
Kdnd tover tu keres 
Andrdl pd$os may laces. 


Kerel tute ndrodos, 
Tover dndrdl o pdcos, 
Kdnd pro kdm o tover 
Laces the kovelydrel. 


Uvd pro kdm na Idces 
Tu o tover kovlydres ! 


Mise?es hin rdkldhd, 
Kdnd the dumddeld / 

Lad and Lass). 1 

I know a maiden, 
I know a pretty one ! 
Her take I to wife, 
Could she spin water ! 


I spin from water 
Quickly a sack for thee, 
If you find me a needle 
That fell in the water. 


I find in the water 
Your needle, my lassie, 
If you make a bridge 
Of fingers right well. 


I make thee of fingers 
A good bridge o'er the water, 
If you make an axe 
Of ice right well. 


For thee the friend make [i.e. " I 
An axe out of ice, make "] 

If the axe in the sun 
He forges well. 


But the axe in the sun 
Not well do you forge. 


'Tis ill with a maiden 
When one does strive. 

i According to the orthography here employed, c=English ch, 9 -German ch, R is as in 
Spanish, and./, sh, and y as in English. 



Haklo = youth, lad; e = and; rdklyi^gir], rdklyd accus. sing.; rdklyi = nom. 
for voc. ; brinsherdv = I know ; me=I, mdnde (mange] dat. sing. ; shukdr= 
beautiful, shuJcdrd accus. sing. fern. ; yoy = she, sing. fern. ; veldv = I take ; 
veldv romni = l take to wife, I marry ; the = & conjunction used with subjunctive ; 
lisperdv = I spin, lisperlds = lisperdlds, 3 sing. impf. subj. ; pdni = water, pdna = 
nom. pi. ; dndrdl = out of ; tu = thou, tute = dat. sing. ; yek' yekd, one ; goni = 
sack ; &dmi = when, or if ; suv = needle ; roddv = I seek, rodes = 2 sing. pres. ; perdv 
= 1 fall, perdyds = 3 sing. perf. ; dndre = in; m're = my; hidos = bridge (from the 
Hungarian hid) ; kerdv=l make, keres = 2 sing, pres., kerel = 3 sing. pres. ; 
dngushto= finger, dngushtensd = instrumental plur. ; may = a, prefix used in super- 
lative ; ldces = v/ell (adv.) ; Idco, Zdce=good (adj.) ; upre, pro = upor\, in, over ; 
tover=&xe, hatchet ; paces =ice ; ndrodos= friend ; kdm = sun ; kovlydrdv=I 
forge kovelydrel=3 sing, pres., kovlydres = 2 sing. pres. ; wvd = but ; nd = not ; 
misep = bad, miseges = bad ly ; dumdddv = I strive, dumddeld = '3 sing. fut. (one shall 
or will strive). 

This ballad of the Transylvanian Gypsies is interesting in that 
the same subject, and treated in almost the same way, has already 
been found among other peoples; in Danish (Mittler, No. 1327-32) ; 
in German (Rosa Warrens, Germanische Volkslieder der Vorzeit, 
vii. 305); in Swedish (Arwidson, iii. 128); in Scottish (Child, i. 276, 
and Aytoun, ii. 15). There are ideas that are common to all man- 
kind, and not peculiar to one people. I heard this ballad from a 
Gypsy woman at Broos in 1887, and again in the spring of the 
present year from a Gypsy named Botar Peter, in Alvincz. 



A LTHOUGH the caste of " Tinkers " cannot be regarded as 
-"- identical with that of the Gypsies, yet it is undeniable that the 
two are closely associated, and that a great number of Gypsies are 
tinkers. " So many Gypsies, so many smiths," has long been a pro- 
verb in Transylvania, and so early as the year 1122 we find the 
Austrian Gypsies referred to as Chaltsmide, or " cold- smiths." 1 The 
Castilian edict of 1499 was directed against "Egyptians and 
foreign tinkers (calderos extrangeros) " ; and similar edicts issued 
against " English Gypsies under the Tudors," and subsequently, yield 
a similar testimony. And the connection between the two castes 
still exists : to borrow the words of Mr. Leland, " He who catches 
a tinker has got hold of half a Gypsy." 

1 "That here by Chaltsmide . . . Gj'psies are meant, scarcely admits of doubt," is 
Mr. Groome's remark in introducing this quotation (Encyc. Brit. art. "Gypsies"), and few 
will dispute the correctness of his inference. 


These remarks are necessary as introductory to a study of the 
Gypsies of Ireland. If one is to accept the testimony of an English 
Gypsy who has visited most of the celebrated Irish horse-fairs, 
there are no Komane to be found in Ireland at the present day, 
except those who have crossed from Great Britain in recent years. 
Nevertheless, the tinker caste in Ireland is certainly Gypsy to some 
extent. Simson, in his History, speaks of that caste as practically 
one with the Scotch nomads whom he styles " Gypsies " ; but that 
writer employs the term " Gypsy " in a much too comprehensive 
fashion. That there is, however, a distinct Gypsy element in the 
tinkers of Ireland may be seen from the following description, 
which is