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§111 U , 









VOLUME XXII. (1902) 



LONDON 1949 

Reprinted by permission of 
the Society for Promotion of Hellenic Studies 


A Division of 




Printed in The Netherlands 






Rules of the Society 

List of Officers and Members 

Proceedings of the Society, 1901-1902 

Address at the Celebration of the Tercentenary of the Bodleian Library, 

October, 1902 xlii 

Additions to the Collections of Photographs and Lantern-Slides ... xlvii 

Baker-Pi:noyre (J. ft'.)... Pheneus and the Pheneatike 228 

Bevan (E. R.) Antiochus III. and his Title ' Great-King ' ... 241 

Bosanquet (R. C.) and Ton (M.N.) ... Archaeology in Greece, 1901-1902 378 

Cook (A. B.) 

Cronin (H. S.) 

Foat(F. W. G.) .. 
Hasluck (F. W.).. 
Headlam (W.) 
Hirst (G.M.) 
Hogarth (D. G.).. 

Munro (J. A. R.). 

The Gong at Dodona 

First Report of a Journey in Pisidia, Lycaonia, 


and Pamphylia 

Sematography of the Greek Papyri... 

An Inscribed Basis from Cyzicus 

Greek Lyric Metre 

The Cults of Olbia (Part I.) 

The Zakro Sealings (Plates VI.-X.) 

Bronze- Age Vases from Zakro (Plate XII.) 

Hopkinson (J. H.) and IJakek-Penoyre (J. ff.) ... New Evidence on the 

Melian Amphorae (Plate V.) 

Some Observations on the Persian Wars. 
2. The Campaign of Xerxes 

A New Stele from Athens (Plate I.) 

Murray (A. S.) ... 
Petrie (W. M. F.) 
Rustafjaf.ll (R. de) 
Smith (C.) 




A Foundation-Deposit Inscription from Abydos 377 

Cyzicus (Plate XI.) 

.. A Proto-Attic Vase (Plates II. -IV.) 
Smith (C.) and Rustakjaell (R. de) ... Inscriptions from Cyzicus... 
Tarn (W. W.) ... ... Notes on Hellenism in Bactria and India 

Index of Subjects 

Greek Index 




I. Athenian Stele. 

II.-IV. A Proto- Attic Vase. 

V. Vase from Melos. 

VI. -X. Sealings from Zakro. 

XL Sketch Map of the Site of Cyzicus. 

XII. Bronze-Age Vases from Zakro. 



Sacrifice to Heracles : Relief in Athens, from Mt. Ithonie 
Megarean Bowl from Thebes : in British Museum... 
Restoration of the Gong at Dodona.. 
Wrestling Scene from b.f. Vase in British Museum 
Key to Decoration of 'Delian' Hjdria 

Back Panel of Do 

Volute under Handle of Do. 

Rays from Frieze of Do 

Handle Decoration of Do 

Panel from Neck of Do 

Spiral Designs from Do 

»« i> >• 

Rosette from Do. 

Scene from Chief Frieze of Do. 

Designs from Early Painted Vases at Phylakopi 

„ ,. Later Vases at Phylakopi 

Vases from Melos 

Small Bowl from Melos 

Geometric Amphora from Thera 
Sealings from Zakro : Genre Types 

Monsters and Derivative Types 

Naturalistic Types 
Spiral Motive from Egyptian Scarab 
Inscription on Disc from Zakro 
Shell- Relief from Phaestos 
Plan of Chapel near Kizil-Euren 
Elevation of Cell near Kizil-Euren 
Relief in Niche at Kara-Assar... 
Roman Milestone near Konia ... 





Marble Pedestal at Cyzicus 

Inscriptions from Do. 

Cyzicus : Panoramic View of Cyzicus from the Mainland 

„ Aqueduct 

Tower of Wall 


Site of Hadrian's Temple 

,, Amphitheatre 

>i >> 

Relief with Bull's Head 

,, ,, „ Hermes and Andeiris 

Andirene llelief in the Louvre 

Sketch-Map of the District of Lake Phonia 

The Old Water-line of Lake Phonia 

Lake Phonia 

Diagrams explaining connection of the Ladon with Lake Phonia 
View of Lake Phonia (from Cell's Journey in the Morea) 
Map of the District round Olbia ... . ... 

Bronze Coin of Olbia in the Berlin Museum 

»> n >) ?« »» 

Silver Coin of Olbia in the British Museum 
Bronze Coin of Olbia in the Berlin Museum 

Bronze Coin of Olbia (from Pick) 

Bronze Coins of Taxila in the British Museum 

Bronze Coins of Agathocles „ ,, ,, 

Conventional Treatment of a Shell on an Ialysus Vase 
,, ,, ,, ,, on a Cnossian Vase 

Xymphaea Caerulea (Savign.) 

Xymphaea Motives iu Egyptian Art 

Coin of Savatra in the British Museum ... 

Inscription from Ahydos 

Phaestos: Corridor with Store-rooms 

,, Stairway to the Megaron 



Stotktg for % Itamo&m: of lelknic Stwows. 

I. THE objects of this Society shall be as follows: — 

1. To advance the study of Greek language, literature, and art, and 
to illustrate the history of the Greek race in the ancient, Byzantine, 
and Neo-Hellenic periods, by the publication of memoirs and unedited 
documents or monuments in a Journal to be issued periodically. 

II. To collect drawings, facsimiles, transcripts, plans, and photographs 
of Greek inscriptions, MSS., works of art, ancient sites and remains, and 
with this view to invite travellers to communicate to the Society notes 
or sketches of archaeological and topographical interest. 

III. To organise means by which members of the Society may have 
increased facilities for visiting ancient sites and pursuing archaeological 
researches in countries which, at any time, have been the sites of Hellenic 

2. The Society shall consist of a President, Vice-Presidents, a Council, 
a Treasurer, one or more Secretaries, and Ordinary Members. All officers 
of the Society shall be chosen from among its Members, and shall be 
ex officio members of the Council. 

3. The President shall preside at all General, Ordinary, or Special 
Meetings of the Society, and of the Council or of any Committee at 
which he is present. In case of the absence of the President, one of 
the Vice-Presidents shall preside in his stead, and in the absence of 
the Vice-Presidents the Treasurer. In the absence of the Treasurer 
the Council or Committee shall appoint one of their Members to preside. 


4. The funds and other property of the Society shall be administered 
and applied by the Council in such manner as they shall consider most 
conducive to the objects of the Society : in the Council shall also be 
vested the control of all publications issued by the Society, and the 
general management of all its affairs and concerns. The number of the 
Council shall not exceed fifty. 

5. The Treasurer shall receive, on account of the Society, all 
subscriptions, donations, or other moneys accruing to the funds thereof, 
and shall make all payments ordered by the Council. All cheques shall 
be signed by the Treasurer and countersigned by the Secretary. 

6. In the absence of the Treasurer the Council may direct that 
cheques may be signed by two members of Council and countersigned 
by the Secretary. 

7. The Council shall meet as often as they may deem necessary for 
the despatch of business. 

8. Due notice of every such Meeting shall be sent to each Member 
of the Council, by a summons signed by the Secretary. 

9. Three Members of the Council, provided not more than one of 
the three present be a permanent officer of the Society, shall be a 

10. All questions before the Council shall be determined by a 
majority of votes. The Chairman to have a casting vote. 

n. The Council shall prepare an Annual Report, to be submitted 
to the Annual Meeting of the Society. 

12. The Secretary shall give notice in writing to each Member of 
the Council of the ordinary days of meeting of the Council, and shall 
have authority to summon a Special and Extraordinary Meeting of the 
Council on a requisition signed by at least four Members of the Council. 

13. Two Auditors, not being Members of the Council, shall be 
elected by the Society in each year. 

14. A General Meeting of the Society shall be held in London in 
June of each year, when the Reports of the Council and of the Auditors 
shall be read, the Council, Officers, and Auditors for the ensuing year 
elected, and any other business recommended by the Council discussed 


and determined. Meetings of the Society for the reading of papers 
may be held at such times as the Council may fix, due notice being 
given to Members. 

15. The President, Vice-Presidents, Treasurer, Secretaries, and 
Council shall be elected by the Members of the Society at the Annual 

16. The President and Vice-Presidents shall be appointed for one 
year, after which they shall be eligible for re-election at the Annual 

17. One-third of the Council shall retire every year, but the Members 
so retiring shall be eligible for re-election at the Annual Meeting. 

18. The Treasurer and Secretaries shall hold their offices during the 
pleasure of the Council. 

19. The elections of the Officers, Council, and Auditors, at the 
Annual Meeting, shall be by a majority of the votes of those present. 
The Chairman of the Meeting shall have a casting vote. The mode in 
which the vote shall be taken shall be determined by the President 
and Council. 

20. Every Member of the Society shall be summoned to the Annual 
Meeting by notice issued at least one month before it is held. 

21. All motions made at the Annual Meeting shall be in writing 
and shall be signed by the mover and seconder. No motion shall be 
submitted, unless notice of it has been given to the Secretary at least 
three weeks before the Annual Meeting. 

22. Upon any vacancy in the Presidency, occurring between the 
Annual Elections, one of the Vice-Presidents shall be elected by the 
Council to officiate as President until the next Annual Meeting. 

23. All vacancies among the other Officers of the Society occurring 
between the same dates shall in like manner be provisionally filled up 
by the Council until the next Annual Meeting. 

24. The names of all candidates wishing to become Members of the 

Society shall be submitted to a Meeting of the Council, and at their 

next Meeting the Council shall proceed to the election of candidates 

so proposed : no such election to be valid unless the candidate receives 

the votes of the majority of those present. 

b 2 


25. The Annual Subscription of Members shall be one guinea, payable 
and due on the 1st of January each year ; this annual subscription may be 
compounded for by a payment of £1$ i$s., entitling compounders to be 
Members of the Society for life, without further payment. All Members 
elected on or after January 1, 1894, shall pay on election an entrance fee 
of one guinea. 

* 26. The payment of the Annual Subscription, or of the Life 
Composition, entitles each Member to receive a copy of the ordinary 
publications of the Society. 

27. When any Member of the Society shall be six months in arrear 
of his Annual Subscription, the Secretary or Treasurer shall remind him 
of the arrears due, and in case of non-payment thereof within six months 
after date of such notice, such defaulting Member shall cease to be a 
Member of the Society, unless the Council make an order to the contrary. 

28. Members intending to leave the Society must send a formal 
notice of resignation to the Secretary on or before January 1 ; otherwise 
they will be held liable for the subscription for the current year. 

29. If at any time there may appear cause for the expulsion of a 
Member of the Society, a Special Meeting of the Council shall be held 
to consider the case, and if at such Meeting at least two-thirds of the 
Members present shall concur in a resolution for the expulsion of such 
Member of the Society, the President shall submit the same for con- 
firmation at a General Meeting of the Society specially summoned for 
this purpose, and if the decision of the Council be confirmed by a 
majority at the General Meeting, notice shall be given to that effect to 
the Member in question, who shall thereupon cease to be a Member of 
the Society. 

30. The Council shall have power to nominate British or Foreign 
Honorary Members. The number of British Honorary Members shall 
not exceed ten. 

31. Ladies shall be eligible as Ordinary Members of the Society, and 
when elected shall be entitled to the same privileges as other Ordinary 

32. No change shall be made in the Rules of the Society unless 
at least a fortnight before the Annual Meeting specific notice be given 
to every Member of the Society of the changes proposed. 




I. THAT the Library be administered by the Library Committee, 
which shall be composed of not less than four members, two of whom shall 
form a quorum. 

II. That the custody and arrangement of the Library be in the hands 
of the Librarian and Assistant Librarian, subject to the control of the 
Committee, and in accordance with Regulations drawn up by the said 
Committee and approved by the Council. 

III. That all books, periodicals, plans, photographs, &c, be received 
by the Librarian, Assistant Librarian or Secretary and reported to the 
Council at their next meeting. 

IV. That every book or periodical sent to the Society be at once 
stamped with the Society's name. 

V. That all the Society's books be entered in a Catalogue to be kept 
by the Librarian, and that in this Catalogue such books, &c, as are not to 
be lent out be specified. 

VI. That, except on Christmas Day, Good Friday, and on Bank 
Holidays, the Library be accessible to Members on all week days from 
eleven A.M. to six P.M. (Saturdays, 1 1 A.M. to 2 P.M.), when either the 
Assistant Librarian, or in her absence some responsible person, shall be in 
attendance. Until further notice, however, the Library shall be closed for 
the vacation from July 20 to August 31 (inclusive). 

VII. That the Society's books (with exceptions hereinafter to be 
specified) be lent to Members under the following conditions :— 

(1) That the number of volumes lent at any one time to each 

Member shall not exceed three. 

(2) That the time during which such book or books may be kept 

shall not exceed one month. 

(3) That no books be sent beyond the limits of the United Kingdom. 

VIII. That the manner in which books are lent shall be as follows:— 

(1) That all requests for the loan of books be addressed to the 


(2) That the Librarian shall record all such requests, and lend out 

the books in the order of application. 

(3) That in each case the name of the book and of the borrower be 

inscribed, with the date, in a special register to be kept by 
the Librarian. 

(4) Should a book not be returned within the period specified, the 

Librarian may reclaim it. 

(5) All expenses of carriage to and fro shall be borne by the 


(6) All books are due for return to the Library before the summer 


IX. That no book falling under the following categories be lent out 
under any circumstances : — 

(i) Unbound books. 

(2) Detached plates, plans, photographs, and the like. 

(3) Books considered too valuable for transmission. 

(4) New books within one month of their coming into the 


X. That new books may be borrowed for one week only, if they have 
been more than one month and less than three months in the Library. 

XI. That in the case of a book being kept beyond the stated time the 
borrower be liable to a- fine of one shilling for each week after application 
has been made by the Librarian for its return, and if a book is lost the 
borrower be bound to replace it. 

The Library Committee . 

Mr. J. G. C. Anderson. 

Prof. W. C. F. Anderson. 

Mr. Talfourd Ely. 

Mr. F. G. Kenyon, Litt.D. 

Mr. George Macmillan {Hon. Sec) 

Mr. J. L. Myres {Keeper of Photographic Collections). 

Mr. Arthur Hamilton Smith {Hon. Librarian). 

Mrs. S. Arthur Strong, LL.D. 

Assistant Librarian, MlSS FANNY JOHNSON, to whom, at 22 Albemarle 
Street, applications for books may be addressed. 

SESSION 1902 — 1903. 
General Meetings will be held in the Rooms of the Society of 
Antiquaries, Burlington House, London, W., for the reading of Papers 
and for Discussion, at 5 P.M. on the following days : — 

Tuesday, November 4th. 

Tuesday, February 24th. 
Tuesday, May 5th. 
Tuesday, June 30th (Annual). 

The Council will meet at 4.30 p.m. on each of the above days. 






PROF. S. H. BUTCHER, Litt.D., LL.D. 

MR.D. B MONRO, Litt.D., LL.D., Provost of Oriel 
College. Oxford. 


PROF. H. F. PELHAM, President of Trinity College 

MR. F.C. PENROSE, Litt.D., D.C.L., F.R.S 
MR. J. E. SANDYS, Litt.D. 
PROF. R. Y. TYRRELL, Litt.D., D.C.L., LL.D. 



REV. A. G. B.vTHER. 








MR. B. P. GRENFELL, Litt.D. 



MR. G. F. HILL. 


MR. F. G. KENYON, Litt.D. 




MR. R. J. G. MAYOR. 




REV..G. H. RENDALL, Litt.D. 










PROF. A. S. WILKINS, LL.D., Litt.D. 

Hon. Treasurer. 


Hon. Secretary. 


Assistant Secretary. 


Hon. Librarian. 


Assistant Librarian. 


Keeper of Photographic Collection. 


Acting Editorial Committee. 


Consultative Editorial Committee. 



Director of the British School at Athens. 

Auditors for 1902-1903. 







Officers and Committee for 1902-1903. 

<K{] airman. 
Sir Richard Jebb, Litt.D., D.C.L., LL.D., M.P. 

Mr. J. E. Sandys, Litt.D. 


Mr. J. G. Frazer, LL.D. 
Prof. Ernest A. Gardner. 
Mr. Henry Jackson, Litt.D. 
Prof. W. Ridgeway. 

Mr. E. E. Sikes. 

Mr. Arthur Tilley. 

Mr. A. W. Verrall, Litt.D. 

Mr. C. Waldstein, Litt.D. 

fjoit. Smetarg. 
Mr. Arthur Bernard Cook, Trinity College. 


HIS MAJESTY THE KING OF THE HELLENES, d M. le Secretaire du hoi de? 

Hellenes, Athens. 
Hofrath Dr. Friedrich August Otto Benndorf, K. K. osterr. archaeologisches Inslitut, 

Sir Alfred Biliotti, K.C.B. 

Prof. Friedrich Blass, The University, Halle, Germany. 
Prof. O. Comparetti, Istituto di Studii Superiori, Florence. 
M. Alexander Contostavlos, Athens. 
Prof. A. Conze, Kaiserl. Deutsches Archaeologisches Inslitut, Cornelius-sir., 2, II. 

Prof. Wilhelm Dorpfeld, Ph.D., D.C.L., Kaiserl Deutsches Archaeologisches Inslitut, 

A thens. 
Monsieur L'Abbe" Duchesne, Ecole Francaise, Rome. 
Monsieur P. Foucart, 13, Rue de Tournon, Paris. 
Prof. Adolf Furtwangler, The University, Munich. 
Monsieur J. Gennadius, 6, Garfield Villas, Acacia Roaa, N.W . 
Prof. Federico Halbherr, Via Arenula, 21, Rome. 

His Excellency Hamdy Bey, Keeper of the Museum of Antiquities, Constantinople. 
Monsieur Joseph Hazzidaki, Keeper of the National Museum, Candia, Crete. 
Prof. W. Helbig, Villa Lante, Rome. 
Monsieur Homolle, Ecole Francaise, Athens. 
Monsieur P. Kavvadias, Ephor-General of Antiquities, Athens. 
Prof. A. Kirchhoff, The University, Berlin. 
Prof. U. Kohler, The University , Berlin. 
Prof. A. Michaelis, The University, Strassburg. 

Prof. E. Petersen, Instituto Archeologico Germanico, Monte Tarpeo,Rome. 
Prof. Rufus B. Richardson, The American School of Classical Studies, Athens. 
Prof. Ulrich v. Wilamowitz-Mollendorff, The University, Berlin. 
Prof. Adolf Wilhelm, K. K. Osterr. Archaeologisches Inslitut, Athens, Greece. 


* Original Members . *f Life Members. 
The other Members have been elected by the Council since the Inaugural Meeting. 

Abbot, Edwin H., 1, Follen Street, Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A. 
fAbercrombie, Dr. John, 23, Upper Whnpole Street, W. 

Adam, James, Emmanuel College, Cambridge. 

Adams, Miss Mary G., 43, Campden Hill Square, Kensington W. 

Ainger, A. C, Eton College, Windsor. 

Ainger, Rev. Canon, Master's House, The Temple, E.C. 
fAinslie, R. St. John, Greenbank School, Sefton Park, Liverpool. 

Alford, Rev. B. H., St. Luke's Vicarage, Nutford Place, W. 

Allbutt, Professor T. Clifford, M.D., F.R.S., Chaucer Road, Cambridge. 

Allcroft, A. Hadrian, 11, Denbigh Road, Bayswater, W. 

Allen, T. W., Queen's College, Oxford. 

Amherst, Lord, Didlington Hall, Brandon, Suffolk. 
f Anderson, J. G. C, Christ Church, Oxford. 

Anderson, J. R., Lairbeck, Keswick. 

Anderson, Prof. W. C. F. (Council), Firth College, Sheffiela. 

Anderton, Basil, Public Library, Newcastle-on-Tyne . 
*Antrobus, Rev. Frederick, The Oratory, S.W. 

Archer-Hind, R. D., Trinity College, Cambridge. 
f Arkwright, W.,Adbury House, Newbury. 

Asquith, Raymond, Balliol College, Oxford. 

Asquith, W. W., Clifton College, Bristol. 
*Avebury, The Right Hon. Lord, High Elms, Hayes, Kent. 

Awdry, Herbert, Wellington College, Berks. 
Bailey, Cyril, Exeter College, Oxford. 
Bailey, J. C, 20, Egerton Gardens, S. W. 
Baker, F. B., The College, Great Malvern. 


Baker, H. T., New College, Oxford. 

Baker- Penoyre, J. G. G., 3, Plowden Buildings, Temple, E.C. 
•Balfour, Right Hon. A. J., M.P., 10, Downing Street, S.W. 
♦Balfour, Right Hon. G. W., M.P., Board of Trade, Whitehall, S.W. 

Ball, Sidney, St. John s College, Oxford. 
fBarlow, Miss Annie E. F., Greenihorne, Edgworth, Bolton. 

Barlow, Mrs., 10, Wimpole Street, W. 

Barnsley, Sidney H., Pinbury, near Cirencester. 

Barran, J. N., Weetwood, Leeds. 

Bather, Rev. Arthur George (Council), 8, Ktngsgate Street, Winchester. 

Bayfield, Rev. M. A., Park Grange, Edgbaston, Birmingham. 

Beare, Prof J. Isaac, 9, Trinity College, Dublin. 
f Beaumont. Somerset, Shere, near Guildford. 

Bell, E. W. W., 3, Gildridge Road, Eastbourne. 

Bell, Miss Gertrude, 95, Sloanc Street, S. W. 

Bell, Rev. G. C., The College, Marlborough. 

Bennett, S. A., Hill House, Eweline, Wallingford. 

Benson, Frank Sherman, 214, Columbia Heights, Columbia, Brooklyn, N.Y., U.S.A. 

Bent, Mrs. Theodore, 13, Great Cumberland Place, W. 

Berger, Samuel E., Central High School, Philadelphia, U.S.A. 

Berridge, Miss Edith, Dunlon Lodge, The Knoll, Beckenham. 

Be van, E. R., Banwell Abbey, Somerset. 

Bickford-Smith, R. A. H., 29, Ladbroke Grove, W. 

Bienkowski, Prof, von P., Basztoiva, 5, Krakau. 
(•Bikelas, Demetrius, Athens, Greece. 

Bishop, Major Tuke, 3, Tokenhousc Buildings, King's Arms Yard, E.C. 
+Bissing, Dr. von, Leopoidstrassc, 54, Munchcn. 

Blackledge, Miss Katherine, 12, Gambler Terrace, Liverpool. 

Bodington, Prof. N., Principal of the Yorkshire College, Leeds. 

Bond, Edward, M.P., Elm Bank, Hampstead, N. W. 

Bosanquet, Rev. F. C. T., The Hermitage, Uplyme, Devon. 

Bosanquet, R. Carr (Council), British School of Archaeology, Athens. 

Bousfield, William, 20, Hyde Park Gate, S. W. 

Boyd, Rev. Henry, D.D., Principal of Hertford College, Oxford. 

Boys, Rev. H. A., North Cadbury Rectory, Bath. 

Bramley, Rev. H. R., The Precentory, Lincoln. 

Bramwell, Miss, 73, Chester Square, S. W. 

Branteghem, A. van, 8, Rue du Buisson, Brussels. 

Brinton, Hubert, Eton College, Windsor. . 

Broadbent, H.,Eton College, Windsor. 

Brooke, Rev. A. E., King's College, Cambridge. 

Brooke, Rev. Stopford A., 1 Manchester Square, W. 

Brooks, E. W., 28, Great Ormond Street, W.C. 

Brooksbank, Mrs., Leigh Place, Godstone. 

Brown, A. C. B., New College, Oxford. 

Brown, Horace T., F.R.S., 52, Nevern Square, South Kensington, S W. 

Brown, Horatio F., c/o Messrs. Mackenzie fir* Black, 28, Castle St., Edinburgh. 
t Brown, James, Netherby, Galashiels, N.B. 

Brown, Prof. G. Baldwin, The University, Edinburgh. 
*Bryce,The Right Hon. James, D.C.L., M.P., 54, Portland Place, W. 

Bull, Rev. Herbert, Wellington House, Westgate-on-Sea. 

Buls, M. Ch., 40, Rue du Beau-Site, Bruxelles. 

Bulwer, Sir Henry, K.C.M.G., 17 South Audley Street, W. 

Burge, Rev. Hubert M., The College, Winchester. 

Burgh, \V. G. de, University College, Reading. 
tBurnaby, R. B., Trinity College, Glenalmond, Perth. 

Burnet, Prof. J., 1, Alexandra Place, St. Andrews, N.B. 

Burrows, Prof. Ronald, University College, Cardiff. 

Bury, Prof. J. B., LL.D., Litt.D., Trinity College, Dublin. 

Butcher, Prof. S. H.. Litt .D., LL.D. (V.P.), 27, Palmerston Place, Edinburgh 

Butler, Arthur J., Wood End, Weybridge. 
*Butler,The Rev. H. M., D.D., Master of Trinity College, Cambridge. 

Buxton, F. W., 42, Grosvenor Gardens, S. W. 

Buxton, Mrs. Alfred W., 32, Great Cumberland Place, W. 

Buxton, Miss Victoria A., Newnham College, Cambridge. 

Bywater, Prof. Ingram, Litt.D. (V.P.), 93, Onslow Square, S. W. 
tBywater, Mrs., 93, Onslow Square, S. W. 
fCalvocoressi, L. M., Messrs. Ralli Bros., Mellor's Bldgs., Exchange St. East, Liverpool 

Campbell, Rev. Prof. Lewis, LL.D. (V.P.), 33, Campden House Chambers, W. 

Campbell, Mrs. Lewis, 33, Campden House Chambers, W. 

Capes, Rev. Canon W. W., Addington, near West Mailing. 

Carapanos, Constantin, De'pute', Athens. 

Carey, Miss,c/o T. Brooksbank, Esq., Belford Lodge, St. John's Road East, Putney, S. W. 
♦Carlisle, A. D., Haileybury College, Hertford. 

Carlisle, Miss Helen, Houndhill, Marchington, Stafford. 
fCarmichael, Sir T. D. Gibson, Castlecraig, Dolphinton,N.B. 
tCarr, Rev. A., Addington Vicarage, Croydon. 

Carr, H. Wildon, 25, Cumberland Terrace, Regent's Park, N.W. 

Carter, Prof. Frank, McGill University, Montreal. 
fCarthew, Miss, 15a, Kensington Palace Gardens, W. 

Cartwright, T. B., 20, Gwendwr Road, West Kensington, W. 

Case, Miss Janet, 5 Windmill Hill, Hampstead, N. W. 

Caton, Richard, Lea Hall, Gateacre, Liverpool. 

Chambers, C. Gore, Hertford House, de Patys Avenue, Bedford. 

Chambers, Charles D., St. John's College, Battersea, S.W. 

Chance, Frederick, New University Club, St. James's Street, S. W. 

Chapman, Rev. James, Southlands, Battersea, S. W. 

Chavasse, A. S., Edgebarrow Lodge, Wellington College, Crowthorne, Berks. 
fChawner, G., King's College, Cambridge. 
fChawner, W., Master of Emmanuel College, Cambridge. 

Cheetham, J. M. C, Eyford Park, Bourton-on-the- Water, R.S.O., Glouceslershite. 

Cheetham, J. Frederick, Eastwood, Staley bridge. 

Christian, J. Henry, 18, Devonshire Place , Portland Place , W. 

Christian, Rev. G., Redgate, Uppingham. 

Christie, A. H., The Bungalow, Ewell, Surrey. 

Churchill, E. L., Eton College, Windsor. 

Clark, Charles R. R., 20, Cowley Street, Westminster, S. W. 
t Clark-Maxwell, Rev. W. Gilchrist, Clunbury Vicarage, Aslon-on-Clem, Salop. 

Clarke, Somers, 48, Albert Court, Kensington Gore, S.W. 
f Clauson, A. C, 12, Park Place Villas, P addington, W. 

Clay, C. F., 51, Tavistock Square, W.C. 

Clay, C. J., West House, Cambridge. 

Clerke, Miss Agnes, 68. Redcliffe Square, S. W. 

Clulow, G., 51, Belsize Avenue, Hampstead, N. W. 

Cobbold, Felix T., The Lodge, Felixstowe, Suffolk. 
♦Cobham, C. Delaval, H.B.M. Commissioner, Larnaca, Cyprus. 

Cole, A. C, 64, Portland Place, W. 

Colfox, William, Westmead, Bridport. 

Collins, Miss F. H., 3, Bramham Gardens, South Kensington, S. W. 

Colvin, Sidney (V.P.), British Museum, W.C. 

Compton, Rev. W. C, The College, Dover. 

Connal, B. M., The Yorkshire College, Leeds. 

Conway, Sir W. M., The Red House, 21, Hornton Street, W. 

Conybeare, F. C, 13, Norham Gardens, Oxford. 

Cook, Arthur Bernard, Trinity College, Cambridge. 

Cooke, Rev. A. H., Aldenham School, Elstree, Herts. 

Cooke, Richard, The Croft, Detling, Maidstone. 

Cookson, C, Magdalen College, Oxford. 

Cookson, Sir C. A., K.C.M.G., 96, Cheyne Walk, S. W. 

Corbet, His Honour Eustace K., Native Court of Appeal, Cairo. 

Cordery, J. G., C.S.I. ,63, Goldington Road, Bedford. 


Corgialegno, M., 53, Mount Street, Berkeley Square, W. 

Courtenay, Miss, 34, Brompton Square, S.W. 

Courtney, W. L., 53, Belsize Park, N. W. 

Cowper, The Right Hon. Earl, K.G., Panshan^er, Hertford. 

Cowper, H. Swainson, Yew Field, Hawkshead, Lancashire. 

Crace, J. F., 15, Gloucester Place, W. 

Craik, George Lillie, 2, West Halkin Street, S. W. 

Crewdson, Wilson, The Barons, Reigate. 

Crommelin, Miss Constance de la Cherois, $m, Hyde Park Mansions, Marvlebone Rd., W. 

Cronin, Rev. H. S., Trinity Hall, Cambridge. 

Crooke, W., Langton House, Charlton Kings, Cheltenham. 
fCrossman, C. S., 2, Iddesleigh Mansions, Caxton Street, W. 

Crowfoot, J. W., Turf Club, Cairo. 

Cust, Lionel, The Crescent, Windsor. 

Cust, Miss Anna Maria, 63, Elm Park Gardens, Fulham Road, S. W. 

Cust, Miss Beatrice, 13, Eccleston Square, S. W. 

Dabis, Miss, c/o Mrs. Mond, 20 Avenue Road, Regent's Park, N. W. 

Dakyns, H. G. (Council) , Higher Coombe, Haslemere, Surrey . 

Danson, F. C, B., Liverpool and London Chambers, Liverpool. 

Davidson, H. O. D., Harrow, N. W. 

Davidson, Miss M. Campbell, The Rectory, Rochford, Essex. 
fDavies, Prof. G. A., University College, Liverpool. 

Davies, Rev. Gerald S., Charterhouse, Godalming. 

Davis, H. C. W., All Souls College, Oxford. 

Dawkins, Sir Clinton, K.C.B., 22, Old Broad Street, E.C. 

De Saumarez, Lord, Shrubland Park, Coddenham, Suffolk. 

Devonshire, His Grace the Duke of, K.G., Devonshire House, Piccadilly, W. 

Dickson, Miss Isabel A., c/o Messrs. f. &° W. Macdonald, Solicitors, Arbroath, N.B. 

Dill, Prof. S.,Montpelier, Malonc Road, Belfast. 

Dobson, Miss, 77, Harcourt Terrace, Redcliffe Square, S. W. 

Donaldson, James, LL.D., Principal of The University, St. Andrews. 

Donaldson, Rev. S. A., Eton College, Windsor. 

Draper, W. H., 13, Hammersmith Terrace, W. 

Drummond, Allan, 7, Ennismore Gardens, S. W. 

Dryhurst, A. R., British Museum, W.C. 

Duchataux, M. V., 12, Rue de V Echauderie , a Reims. 

Duff, Right Hon. Sir Mount Stuart Grant, G.C.S.I., 11, Chelsea Embankment, S.W. 

Duff, Prof. J. Wight, Durham College of Science, Newcastle-on-Tyne. 

Duhn, Prof, von, University, Heidelberg. 

Du Pontet, C. A. A., Tunstull House, Harrow-on-the-Hill. 

Duke, Roger, 9, Pelham Crescent, S. W. 

Dunlap, Miss Mabel Gordon, c/o Messrs. Brown, Shipley &* Co., Founder's Court, 
Lothbury, E.C. 

Dyer, Louis (Council), Sunbury Lodge, Banburv Road, Oxford. 

Earp, F. R., King's College, Cambridge. 

Edgar, C. C, Turf Club, Cairo. 

Edmonds, C. D., Aldenham School, Elstree, Herts. 

Edwards, G. M., Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge. 
fEgerton, Sir Edwin H., G.C.B., H.B.M. Minister, British Legation, Athens, Greece. 

Egerton, Mrs. Hugh, 11, Tite Street, Chelsea, S. W. 

Eld, Rev. F. J., Polstead Rectory, Colchester. 

Ellis, Prof. Robinson, Trinity College, Oxford. 

Elwell, Levi H., Amherst College, Amherst, Mass., U.S.A. 

Ely, Talfourd (Council), 13, Well Road, Hampstead, N. W . 

Eumorfopoulos, N., 33, Gloucester Square, Hyde Park, W. 

Evans, A. J., LL.D., F.R.S. (V. P.), Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. 

Evans, Sir John, K.C.B., D.C.L., F.R.S. , Nash Mills, Hemel Hempstead. 
t Evans, Lady (Council), Nash Mills, Hemel Hempstead. 

Eve, H. W., 37, Gordon Square, W.C. 

Ewart, Miss Marv A.. 68, Albert Hall Mansions, S. W. 

fExeter, The Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of, The Palace, Exeter. 
Fanshawe, Reginald, 53, Canynge Road, Clifton, Bristol. 
Farnell, L.R., Litt.D., Exeter College, Oxford. 
Farrar, Rev. Canon A. S., The College, Durham. 
Farside, William, Thorpe Hall, Robin Hood's Bay, Yorkshire. 
Fenning, W. D., Haileybury College, Hertford. 
Field, Rev. T., D.D., Radley College, Abingdon. 
Finberg, J. A., The Retreat, Heronsgate, Rickmansworth. 
Firminger, W. K., 50, Chowington Road, Calcutta. 
Fisher, H. A. L., New College, Oxford. 

Fisher, Miss Edith S., 21, Chapel Street, Belgrave Square, S. W. 
tFitzmaurice, Lady Edmond, 2, Green Street, Grosvenor Square, W. 
Flather, J. H., 52, Bateman Street, Cambridge. 
Fletcher, F., The School, Rugby. 

Fletcher, H. M., 8, Alexandra House, St. Mary's Terrace, Paddinglon, W. 
Fletcher, J. Banister, 29, New Bridge Street, Ludgate Circus, E.C. 
Foat, F. W. G., D.Litt., City of London School, Victoria Embankment, E.C. 
t Forbes, W. H.,Balliol College, Oxford. 
Ford, Rev. Lionel, Repton Hall, Burton-on- Trent. 
Fotheringham, J. K., Magdalen College, Oxford. 

Fowler, Harold N., Ph.D., Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio, U.S.A. 
*Fowler, Rev. T., D.D., President of Corpus Christi College, Oxford. 
Fowler, W. Warde, Lincoln College, Oxford. 
Franklin, T. M., St. Hilary, Cowbridge, S. Wales. 
Frazer, J. G., LL.D., Trinity College, Cambridge. 
Freeman, W. George, 163, Parkdale Road, Plumstead. 
*Freshfield, Douglas W. (Hon. Treasurer), 1, Airlie Gardens, Campden, Hill, W. 
fFreshfield, Edwin, LL.D., 31, Old Jewry, E.C. 
Fry, Rev. T. C, D.D., The School, Great Bcrkhampsted. 
Fry, Right Hon. Sir Edward, Failand House, Failand, near Bristol. 
Fry, F. J., Cricket St. Thomas, Chard. 
Fullerton, W. Morton, Rue Vignon, Paris. 
fFurley, J. S., 10, College Street, Winchester. 
Furneaux, L. R., Rossall School, Fleetwood. 
Furness, Miss S. M. M., 8 Park Row, Blackheath Park, S.E. 
Gardiner, E. Norman, Epsom College, Surrey. 

Gardner, Miss Alice, The Old Hall, Newnham College, Cambridge. 
tGardner, Prof. Ernest A. (Council), Tadworth, Surrey. 
♦fGardner, Prof. Percy, Litt.D. (V.P.), 12, Canterbury Road, Oxford. 
Gardner, Samuel, Oakhurst, Harrow-on-the-Hill. 
Gardner, W. Amory, Groton, Massachusetts, U.S.A. 
Garnett, Mrs. Terrell, 3, Queen Anne's Gale, S.W. 
Gatliff, Hamilton, 11, Eaton Square, S. W. 

Geikie, Sir Archibald, F. R.S., 10, Chester Terrace, Regent's Park, N. W. 
Gibson, Mrs. Margaret D., Castle-brae, Chesterton Road Cambridge. 
Giles, P., Emmanuel College, Cambridge. 
Gilkes, A. H., The College, Dulwich, S.E. 
Gilliat, Rev. E., The Grange, Billon, Bristol. 
Giveen, R. L., 66, Myddleton Square, Clerkenwell, E.C. 
Godden, Miss Gertrude M., Ridgfield, Wimbledon. 
Goodhart, A. M., Eton College, Windsor. 
Goodison, Mrs., Lune Cottage, Kirkby Lonsdale. 
Goodspeed, Edgar J., The University, Chicago, U.S.A. 
Goodwin, Prof. W. W., D.C.L., Cambridge , Mass., U.S.A. 
Gosford, The Countess of, 23, Mansfield Street, Cavendish Square, W. 
Gow, Rev. James, Litt.D. (Council), 19, Dean's Yard, Westminster, S. W. 
Gower, Lord Ronald, HammerfUld, Penshurst, Kent. 
Granger, F. S., University College, Nottingham. 
Graves, A. S., St. Martin's, Cambridge. 
Gray, Rev. H. B., Bradfeld College, Berks. 
Green, G. Buckland, The Academv, Edinburgh. 


Greene, C. H., The School, Great Berkhampstead. 
Greene, Herbert W., Magdalen College, Oxford. 
Green. Mrs. J. R., 14, Kensington Square, W. 
Greenwell, Rev. Canon, F.R.S., Durham. 
Grenfell, B. P., Litt.D. (Council), Queens College, Oxfora. 
Griffith, F. LI., Riversvale, Ashton-under-Lyne. 
Griffith, Miss Mary E., 4, Bramham Gardens, S. W. 
Grundy, George Beardoe, 27, St. Margaret's Road, Oxford. 
Gurney, Gerald, 18, Pclham Place, S.W. 
Gurney, Miss Amelia, 69, Ennismore Gardens, S. W. 
fGutch, Clement, King's College, Cambridge. 
Hadow, W. H., Worcester College, Oxford. 
Haigh, A. E., 4, Norham Gardens, Oxford. 
Hall.Rev. F.H., Oriel College, Oxford. 
Hall, Rev. F. J., Norlhaw Place, Potter's Bar, Herts. 
Hall, F. W., St John's College, Oxford. 
Hall, Harry Reginald, British Museum, W.C. 
Hall, Miss S. E., 37, York Street Chambers, Bryanston Square, W. 
Hallam, G. H., The Park, Harrow, N. W. 
("Hammond, B. E., Trinity College, Cambridge. 
Hardie, Prof. W. Ross, The University, Edinburgh. 
Hardy, F. A., Scot House, Kinncar Road, Edinburgh. 
t Harrison, Miss J. E., LL.D. (Council), Newnham College, Cambridge. 
Harrison, Miss L., Newnham College, Cambridge. 
Harrower, Prof. John, The University , Aberdeen. 
Hart, H. G., Paignton, South Devon. 
Haslam,S., The School, Uppingham. 
Haussoullier, B., 8, Rue Sainte-Cc'cile, Paris. 
tHaverfield, F. J., Christ Church, Oxford. 
Hawes, Miss E. P., 89, Oxford Terrace, IV. 
tHay, C. A., 127, Harley Street, W. 
Haynes, E. S. P., 9, New Square, Lincoln's Inn, W.C. 
Hayter, Angelo G. K., 4, Forest Rise, Walthamstow, Essex. 
Head, John Alban, 6, Clarence Terrace, N. W. 
Headlam, C. E. S., Trinity Hall, Cambridge. 
Headlam, J. W. (Council), 1, Benet Place, Cambridge 
Headlam, W. G., King's College, Cambridge. 
Heard, Rev. W. A., Fettes College, Edinburgh. 
fHeathcote, W. E., Round Coppice, Ivor Heath, Uxbridge. 
Heberden, C. B., Principal of Brasenose College, Oxford. 
Hedgcock, Mrs. Harrison, 21, Caversham Road, N. W. 
Henderson, Arthur E., c/o the Architectural Association, 58, Great Mat Ibo to ugh St., W. 

Henderson, Bernard W., Exeter College, Oxjord. 

Hereford The Lord Bishop of, The Palace, Hereford. 
t Hertz, Miss Henriette, The Poplars, 20, Avenue Road, N. W. 

Hewitt, J. F., Holton Cottage, Oxford. 

Heyer, G., King's College School, Wimbledon, S. W. 

Higgins, Alfred, 16, King Street, Portman Square, W. 
1" Hill, Arthur, British Vice-Consul, Athens, Greece. 

Hill, George F. (Council), British Museum, W.C. 

Hirst, Miss Gertrude, Ruswarp, Whitby and Barnard College, New York City. 

Hodgkin, Thomas, D.C.L., Litt.D., Barmoor Castle, Beal, Northumberland. 

Hodgson, F. C, Abbolsford Villa, Twickenham. 

Hogarth, David G. (Council), 23, Alexander Square, S. W. 

Holiday, Henry, Oak Tree House, Branch Hill, Hampstead, N.W 

Holland, Miss Emily, 24, Homefield Road, Wimbledon. 

Hopkinson, J. H., The University, Birmingham. 

Hoppin, J. C, Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pa., U.S.A. 

Hornby, Rev. J. J., D.D., Provost of Eton College, Windsor. 

Horner, J. F. F., 9, Buckingham Gate, S. W. 
fHort, Sir Arthur F., Bart., Aboyne, Harrow. 


House, H. H., The College, Malvern. 
Housley, Samuel J., Gynsdal, Waterloo Road, Epsom. 
How, W. W.tyerton College, Oxford. 

Howorth, Sir Henry H., K.C.I. E., F.R.S. 30, Collingham Place, S.W. 
Huddart, Rev. G. A. W '. , Kirklington Rectory, Bedale, Yorks. 
Huddilston, J. H., Ph.D., The University of Maine, Orono, Maine, V.S A. 
Hiigel, Baron Friedrich von, 4, Holford Road, Hampstead, N. IV. 
Hulse, Miss Caroline M., 
Hunt, A. S., Litt. D., Queen's College, Oxford. 
Hutchinson, Sir J. T., Chief Justice of Cyprus, Nicosia, Cyprus. 
Hutchinson, Miss W. M. L., 85, Abingdon Road, Kensington, W. 
Hutton, Miss C. A., 49, Drayton Gardens, S. IV. 
Image, Selwyn, 20, Fitzroy Street, IV. C. 
Jackson, Rev. Blomfield, 29. Mecklenburgh Square, W.C. 
Jackson, Henry, Litt.D., Trinity College, Cambridge. 
Jackson, Mrs. F. H., 64, Rutland Gate, S. W. 
Jackson, Rev. W. W., Rector of Exeter College, Oxford. 
•James, The Rev. H. A., D.D., School House, Rugby. 
James, H. R., The University, Calcutta. 
James, Lionel, St. Peter's College, Radley, Abingdon. 

Janvier, Mrs. Thomas A., c/o Brown, Shipley and Co., 123, Pall Mall, S. IV. 
Jeans, Rev. G. E. , Shonvell, Newport, Isle of Wight. 

♦Jebb, Sir Richard, D.C.L., LL.D., Litt.D., M.P. (President) Springfield, Newnham 
Jenkinson, F. J. H., Trinity College, Cambridge. 
Jenner, Miss Lucy A., 39, Addison Road, Kensington, W. 
Jevons, F. B., The Castle, Durham. 
Jex-Blake, Miss, Girton College, Cambridge. 

Joachim, Miss M., Highlands, Haslemere, Surrey. 
Jonas, Maurice, 9, Bedford Square, W.C. 

Jones, H. Stuart, Trinity College, Oxford. 

Jones, W. H. S., Stoneyhurst College, Blackburn. 

Judge, Max, 7, Pall Mall, S. W. 

Karo, George, Akademisches Kunstmuseum, Bonn a/Rhein. 

Keene, Prof. Charles H., Queen's College, Cork. 

Keith, A. Berriedale, Colonial Office, Downing Street, S.W. 

Kelly, Charles Arthur, 30, Cheyne Walk, Chelsea, S. W. 

Keltie, J. S., LL.D., Glendevon House, Compayne Gardens, Hampstead, N.W. 

Kempthorne, Rev. P. H., Wellington College, Berks. 

Kennedy, J., 12, Frognal Lane, Finchley Road, N. W. 

Kensington, Miss Frances, 83, Gloucester Terrace, Hyde Park, W. 

Kenyon, F. G., Litt.D. (Council), British Museum, W.C. 

Ker, Prof. W. P., 95, Gower Street, W.C. 

Kerr, Prof. Alexander, Madison, Wisconsin, U.S.A. 

Keser, Dr. J., Villa St. Martin, Vevey, Switzerland. 

Kieffer, Prof. John B., 232, Lancaster Avenue, Lancaster, Pa., U.S.A. 

King, J. E., Grammar School, Manchester. 

King, Rev. J. R., St. Peter's Vicarage, Oxford. 

King, Mrs. Wilson, 19, Highfield Road, Edgbaston, Birmingham. 

Knowles, James, Queen Anne's Lodge, St. James' Park, S.W. 

Kohler, Olivia C, 65, Brondesbury Road, N. W. 

Lane, Mrs. Charles T., Dangstein, Petersfield. 

Lang, Andrew, LL.D., 1, Marloes Rd., Kensington, W . 
*Lang,Sir R. Hamilton, K.C.M.G., The Ottoman Bank, Constantinople. 

Lathbury, Miss, 19, Ling field Road, Wimbledon, S.W. 

La Touche, C. D , 53, Raglan Road, Dublin. 
tLansdowne, The Most Hon. the Marquess of, K.G., G.C.S.I., G.C.I. E., G.C.M.G., 
Bowood, Calne, Wilts. 

Lautour, Miss de, 178, Earl's Court Road, S. W. 

Lawrence, Sir Edwin, Bart., M.P., 13, Carlton House Terrace, S.W. 

Leaf, Mrs. C. J., Beechwood, Tunbridge Wells. 

Leaf, Herbert, The Green, Marlborough. 

tLeaf, Walter, Litt. D., (V.P.,), 6, Sussex Place, Regent's Park, N. W. 

Lecky, Mrs., 38, Onslow Gardens, S. W. 

Lehn, The Baroness Rosenorn-Hirdkilde, Svendborg, Denmark. 

Leeper, Alexander, Warden of Trinity College, Melbourne. 

Legge, F., 6, Grafs Inn Square, W.C. 

Leigh, Rev. A. Austen, Provost 0/ King's College, Cambridge. 

Leigh, H. D., Corpus Christ i College, Oxford. 

Leigh, \V. Austen, 2, Norfolk Crescent, Hyde Park, W. 

Lewis, Harry R., 5, Argyll Road, Kensington, W. 
| Lewis, Mrs. S. S., Castle-brae, Chesterton Road, Cambridge. 

Leycester, Mrs. Rafe,6, Chcyne Walk, S. W . 

Lindley, Miss Julia, 10, Kidbrook Terrace, Shooter's Hill Rd., S.E. 

Lingen.The Right Hon. Lord, K.C.B.,13, Wetherby Gardens, S.W. 

Lingen, Lady, 13, Wetherby Gardens, S.W. 

Lister, Hon. Reginald, British Legation, Copenhagen. 

Litchfield, R. B., 31, Kensington Square, W. 

Lloyd, Miss A. M., Caythorpe Hall, Grantham. 
t Lock, Rev. W., D.D., Keble College, Oxford. 

Loeschcke, Dr. von., Univcrsitdt, Bonn. 

Lorimer, Miss H. L., Somerville College, Oxford. 
fLoring, William (Council), 2, Hare Court, Temple, E.C. 

Luce, Rev. E., 9, Royal Crescent, Brighton. 

Lunn, Henry S., M.D., Oldfeld House, Harrow-on-the-Hill. 

Lunn, W. Holdsworth, 5, Endsleigh Gardens, N.W. 

Lupton, Rev. J. M., The College, Marlborough. 

Luxmoorc, H. E., Eton College, Windsor. 

Lyttelton, Hon. and Rev. E., Haileybury College, Hertford. 
♦Macan, R. W., University College, Oxford. 

Mc Anally, H. W. W., War Office, Pall Mall, S. W. 

McArthur, A. G., 28, Linden Gardens, W. 

McDaniel, J. H., Hobart College, Geneva, N. Y. 

Macdonald, George (Council), The University, Glasgow. 

Macdonald, Miss Louisa, Women's College, Sydney University, Sydney, N.S. W. 

Macdonell, W. R., LL.D., Colcot, Bycullah Park, Enfield. 

MacEwen, Rev. Alex. Robertson, 25, Woodside Place, Glasgow. 

Macgillivray, J. Pittendrigh, Ravelstow Elms, Murrayfeld, Edinburgh. 

Maclver, D. Randall, Wolverton House, Clifton, Bristol. 

McKechney, Mrs. W. C, 3, Berkeley Place, Wimbledon, S. W. 

Mackennal, Miss E. M., Beechwood, Bowdon, Cheshire. 

Mackenzie, Duncan, 34, Via Monte Giordano, Rome. 

Mackenzie, R. J., 12, Great Stuart Street, Edinburgh. 

MacLehose, James J., 61, St. Vincent Street, Glasgow. 

Macmillan, Mrs. Alexander, Bramshott Chase, Shottermill, Surrey. 
♦Macmillan, George A. (Hon. Sec), St. Martin's Street, W.C. 

Macmillan, Mrs. George A., 19, Earl's Terrace, Kensington, W. 

Macmillan, Maurice, 52, Cadogan Place, S. W. 
t Macmillan, \V. E. F., Kings College, Cambridge. 
tMacnaghten, Hugh, Eton College, Windsor. 

Macnaghten, The Right Hon. Lord, 3, New Square, Lincoln's Inn, W.C. 

Maculloch, Mrs. Matilda, 
fMagrath, Rev. J. R., Provost of Queens College, Oxford. 
♦Mahaffy, Rev. Prof. J. P., D.D., D.C.L., Trinity College, Dublin. 

Mair, A. W., The University, Edinburgh. 

Maiden, R. H., King's College, Cambridge. 
fMalim, F. B. Marlborough College, Wilts. 

Mallet, P. W., 25, Highbury New Park, N. 
tMarindin.G. E. (Council), Chesterton, Bridgnorth, Salop. 
tMarquand, Prof. Allan, Princeton College, New fersey, U.S.A. 

Marsh, E., 30, Bruton Street, W. 

Marshall, Miss A. M. C, Barthomley, near Crewe. 

Marshall, Frederick Henry, British Museum, W.C. 

Marshall, J. H., The Oaks, Alleyn Park, West Dulwich, S.E. 

Marshall, Prof. J. W., University College of Wales, Aberystwyth. 
Marshall, R., 31, The IValdrons, Croydon. 
Marshall, T., Highfield, Chapel A llerlon, Leeds. 
Martin, Charles B., The College, Oberlin, Ohio, U.S.A. 
t Martin, R. B., M.P., 10, Hill Street, W. 

fMartyn, Edward, Tillyra Castle, Ardrahan, County Galway. 
Mason, H. C. F., Haileybury College, Hertford. 

Massy, Lieut. -Colonel P. H. H., H.M. V. Consulate, Mersina, Asia Minor. 
Matheson, P. E., New College, Oxford. 
Mavrogordato, J., Exeter College, Oxford. 

Mavrogordato, Pandeli A., 1, king's Arms Yard, Moor^ate Street, E.C. 
Mayor, H. B., Clifton College, Bristol. 

Mayor, Rev. Prof. Joseph B., Queensgale House, Kingston Hill, Surrey. 
Mayor, R. J. G. (Council), Board of Education, Whitehall, S. W. 
Measures, A. E., King Edward VI. School, Birmingham. 
Merry, Rev. W. W., Rector of Lincoln College, Oxford. 
Milliet, P., 95, Boulevard St. Michel, Paris. 

Millington, Miss M. V., 1, St. Anne's Villas, Holland Park Avenue, W. 
Milne, J. Grafton, Mansfield House, Canning Town, E. 

Milner, His Excellency Viscount, G.C.B., Government House, Pretoria, S. Africa. 
Minet, Miss Julia, 18, Sussex Square, Hyde Park, W. 
Minns, Ellis H., Pembroke College, Cambridge . 
Minturn, Miss L. T., 14, Chelsea Embankment, S. W. 
Mitchell, C. W., 195, Queen's Gate, S. W. 
fMocatta, F. D., 9, Connau^ht Place, Edgware Road, W. 
Moline, Miss J. R., 172, Church Street, Stoke Newington, N. 
fMond, Mrs. Frida, The Poplars, 20, Avenue Road, Regent's Park, N.W. 
Monro, D.B., Litt.D., LL.D. (V.P.), Provost of Oriel College, Oxford. 
Monson, His Excellency the Right Hon. Sir E. J., G.C.B., G.C.M.G., H.B.M. 
Ambassador, British Embassy, Paris. 

Moore, B. P., 75, Holland Road, Kensington, W. 

Moore, G. E., Trinity College, Cambridge. 

Morgan, Prof. J. Morris, Harvard College, Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A. 

Morgan, Miss Sarah, c/o Rev. Canon Morgan, LL.D., The Library, Armagh. 
Morice, Rev. F. D., Mount Hermon, Woking. 
*Morley, The Right Hon. the Earl of, 31, Princes Gardens, S. W. 
fMorshead, E. D. A., The College, Winchester. 

Moss, Rev. H. W., The School, Shrewsbury. 

Mount, Rev. C. B., 14, Norham Road, Oxford. 
t Mount, J. T., Eton College, Windsor. 
fMunro, J. A. R., Lincoln College, Oxford. 

Murray, A. S., LL.D. (V.P.), British Museum, W.C. 

Murray, Prof. G. G. A., Bar ford, Churt, Farnham. 
f Myers, Ernest (Council), Brackenside, Chislehurst. 
tMyres, J. Linton (Council), Christ Church, Oxford. 

Naef, Conrad J., The Admiralty , S. W. 

Nairn, Rev. J. Arbuthnot, Merchant Taylors' School, E.C. 

Newman, W. L., Pittville Lawn, Cheltenham. 

Nicholson, Sir Charles, Bart., The Grange, Totteridge, Herts. 

Noack, Prof. Ferdinand, Oberer Philosophenweg, 6, Jena. 

Northampton, The Most Hon. the Marquess of, 51, Lennox Gardens, S.W. 

Ogilvy, Miss Alison, 12, Prince Edward's Mansions, Pembridge Square, W. 

Ommanney, Admiral Sir Erasmus K., 29, Connaught Square, W. 

Osgood, Hamilton, M.D., 388, Beacon Street, Boston, U.S.A. 

Page, T. E., Charterhouse, Godalming. 

Pallis, Alexander, Tatoi, Sefton Park, Liverpool. 
\ Parry, Rev. O. H., Inglehope, Cranmer Road, Cambridge. 

Parry, Rev. R. St. J., Trinity College, Cambridge. 

Paton, James Morton, Wesleyan University , Middletown, Conn., U.S.A. 

Paton, W. R., British Post Office, Smyrna. 

Payne-Smith, Rev. W. H., 10, Hillmorton Road, Rugby. 

Pearmain, S. B., 388, Beacon Street, Boston, U.S.A. 


Peckover, Alexander, Wisbech, Cambs. 
Peckover, Miss Alexandrina, Bank House, Wisbech. 
Peers, C. R., 107, Grosvenor Road, S. W. 
Peile, John, Litt.D., Master of Christ's College, Cambridge. 
Pelham, Hon. Mrs. Arthur, 15, Duke Street, Manchester Square, W. 
Pelham, Professor H. F. (V.P.), President of Trinity College, Oxford. 
Pember, E. H., K.C., Vicar's Hill, near Lymington, Hants. 
♦Penrose, F. C, Litt.D., D.C.L., F.R.S. ( V.P.), Colebyfcld, Wimbledon 

Penrose, Miss Emily (Council), Royal Holloway College, Egham. 
fPercival, F. W., 2, Southwick Place, Hyde Park Square, W. 
Perkins, O. T., Wellington College, Berks. 

Perry, Prof. Edward Delavan, Columbia University , New York City U.S. A 
Philips, Mrs. Herbert, Sutton Oaks, Macclesfield. 
Phillimore, Prof. J. S., The University, Glasgow. 
Pinckney, A. B., 95, High Street, Worcester. 
Pirie, Miss Emily, Countcsswell House, Aberdeenshire. 
t Piatt, Prof. Arthur, 5, Chester Terrace, N. W. 
Pogson-Smith, \V. G., St. fohn's College, Oxford. 
Pollard, A. T., City of London School, Victoria Embankment , E.C. 
Pollock, Sir Frederick, Bart., 48, Great Cumberland Place, W. 
(■Pope, Mrs. G. H., The Manor House, Clifton, Bristol. 
fPostgate, Prof. J. P., Trinity College, Cambridge. 
Powell, Sir F. S., Bart., M.P., 1, Cambridge Square, Hyde Park, W. 
Powell, John U., St. John's College, Oxford. 

Poynter, Sir Edward J., P.R.A., 28, Albert Gate, S. W. 
Pretor, A., 2, Camden Place, Wyte, Weymouth. ■ 

Price, Miss Mabel, Charlton, Hcadington, Oxford. 

Prickard, A. O., New College, Oxford. 

Proctor, R. G. C, British Museum, W.C. 

Prothero, Henry, 13, Promenade, Cheltenham. 
|-Pryor, Francis R., Wood/ield, Hatfield, Herts. 

Psychari, A., 3S, Boulevard de Courcelles, Paris. 

Quibell, Mrs. Annie A., Gizeh Museum, Egypt. 

Radcliffe, W. W., Fonthill, East Grinstead, Sussex. 
I - Raleigh, Miss Katherine A., Beechwood, Loudwater, Bucks. 
* Ralli, Pandeli, 17, Belgrave Square, S. W. 
X Ralli, Mrs. Stephen A., 32, Park Lane, W. 

Ramsay, Prof. G. G., The University, Glasgow. 
I- Ramsay, Prof. W. M., D.C.L. (V.P.), The University, Aberdeen. 

Rawlins, F. H., Eton College, Windsor. 

Rawnsley, W. F., Park hill, Lyndhurst, Hants. 

Reade, Essex E., 24, Bolton Street, Mayfair, W. 

Reece, Miss Dora, 26, Bullingham Mansion, Pitt Street, Kensington, W. 

Reid, Prof. J. S., Litt.D., Caius College, Cambridge. 
\ Reinach, Salomon, 31, Rue de Berlin, Paris. 

Rendall, Rev. F., 82, Philbeach Gardens, S. W. 
fRendall. Rev. G. H., Litt.D. (Council), Charterhouse, Godalming. 
t Rendall, Montague, The College, Winchester. 

Richards, Rev. G. C. (Council), Oriel College, Oxford. 

Richards, F., Kingswood School, Bath. 

Richards, H. P., Wadham College, Oxford. 

Richmond, Sir W. B., K.C.B., R.A., Bev or Lodge, West End, Hammersmith, W. 

Ridgeway, Prof. W. (Council), Fen Dillon, Cambridge. 

Ridley, Sir Edward, 48, Lennox Gardens, S. W. 

Rigg, Herbert A., 

Robb, Mrs., 46, Rutland Gate, S. W. 

Roberts, Rev. E. S., Caius College, Cambridge. 

Roberts, J. Slingsby, 11, Old Square, Lincoln's Inn W C 

Roberts, Principal T. F., Sherborne House, Aberystwith. 

Roberts. Professor W. Rhys, University College of North Wales, Bangor. 

RobTnsor?" rr L^f' D ' D - Principal of King's College, Strand, W.C. 
Robinson, G. G., Hill Side, Godalming. 
Robinson. T P P. a,i./:.ij »-..« _. _ _ 


Robinson, W. S., S3, Courtfield Gardens, Kensington, W. 

Rodd, Sir Rennell, K.C.M.G., 17, Stratford Place, W. 

Rogers, Benjamin Bickley, Eastwood, Strawberry Hill, Twickenham. 

Rome, W., Creeksea Place, Burnham-on-Crouch. 
fRosebery,The Right Hon. the Earl of, K.G., 38, Berkeley Square, W. 

Ross, W. D., Oriel College, Oxford. 

Rotton, Sir J. F., Lockwood, Frith Hill, Godalming, Surrey. 

Rous, Lieut. -Colonel, Worstead House, Norwich. 
t Rouse, W. H. D., 16 Brookside, Cambridge. 

Rubie, Rev. Alfred E., The Royal Naval School, Eltham, S.E. 

Riicker, Miss S. C, 4, Vanburgh Terrace, Blackheath. 

Riicker, Principal A. W., F.R.S., 19, Gledhow Gardens, S. Kensington, S.W. 

Runtz, Ernest, 11, Walbrook, E.C. 

Rustafjaell, R. de, F.R.G.S., 1, Down Street, Piccadilly, IV. 

Rutherford Rev. W. Gunion, LL.D., Little Hallands, Bishopstone, Lewes. 

Sambon, M. Arthur, 0, Rue de Port Mahon, Paris. 

Samuel, Mrs. Sylvester, 80, Onslow Gardens, S. W. 
fSandys, J. E., Litt.D.(V.P.), St. John's College, Cambridge. 
fSandys, Mrs., Merlon House, Cambridge. 

f*Sayce, Rev. Prof. A. H., LL.D. (V.P.)j8, Chalmers Crescent, Edinburgh. 
fScaramanga, A. P., 18, Barkston Gardens, Kensington, S. W. 

Schilizzi, John S., 6, Cromwell Houses, S. Kensington, S. IV. 

Schultz, R. Weir, 6, Mandeville Place, W. 

Schuster, Ernest, 12, Harrington Gardens, S. W. 

Scouloudi, Stephanos, Athens, Greece. 

Scull, Miss Sarah A., Smelhport, McKean Co., Penn., U.S.A. 

Seaman, Owen, Tower House, West Hill, Putney, S. IV. 

Seeker, W. H., Aysgarth School, Newton-le-Willows, R.S.O., Yorks. 

Seebohm, Hugh, The Hermitage, Hitchin. 

Seltman, E. J., Kinghoe, Great Berkhamsted, Herts. 
fSelwyn, Rev. E. C, D.U., School House, Uppingham. 
fSendall, Sir Walter J., K.C.M.G., Colonial Office, S. W. 

Seymour, Prof. Thomas D., Yale College, Newhaven, U.S.A. 

Shadwell, C. L., D.C.L., Oriel College, Oxford. 

Sharkey, J. A., Christ's College, Cambridge. 

Sharpe, Miss Mary H., Harold House, Lansdowne Road, IV. 

Sharpe, Miss Catherine, Stoneycroft, Elstree, Herts. 

Sherwell, John W., Saddler's Hall, Cheap side, E.C. 

Shewan, Alexander, Seehof, St. Andrews, Fife. 

Shipley, H. S.,H.B.M. Consul, Angora. 

Shove, Miss E., 25, St. Mark's Crescent, Regent's Park, N. W. 

Shuckburgh, E. S., Granchester, Cambridge. 

Sickert, Mrs., 10 Hereford Square, Kensington, IV. 

Sidgwick, Arthur, Corpus Christi College, Oxford. 

Sikes, Edward Ernest (Council), St. John s College, Cambridge. 

Silcox, Miss, High School for Girls, West Dulwich, S.E. 

Simpson, H. B., 18, Brompton Square, S. W. 
fSing, J. M., S. Edward's School, Oxford. 
*Skrine, Rev. J. H., 

Slater, Howard, Waihi, New Zealand. 

Slinger, Miss Ealie, Three Elms, Lancaster. 

Sloane, Miss Eleanor, 13, Welford Road, Leicester. 
fSmith,A. Hamilton (Council), 121, Bedford Court Mansions, Bedford Avenue, W.C. 

Smith, Cecil, LL.D. (Council), 18, Earl's Terrace, Kensington, W. 

Smith, F. E. J., 2, Tanpeld Court, Inner Temple, E.C. 
f Smith, Prof. Goldwin, The Grange, Toronto, Canada. 

Smith, H. Babington, C.S.I., Constantinople. 

Smith, R. Elsey, 7, Gordon Street, Gordon Square, W.C. 

Smith, Reginald J., K.C., 11, Hyde Park Street, W. 

Smith, S. C. Kaines, Magdalen College, Cambridge. 

Smith, W. G., St. John's College, Oxford. 

Smith, T. R., 7, Gordon Street, Gordon Square, W.C. 


fSnow,T. C, St. John's College, Oxford. 
t Somerset, Arthur, Castle Goring, Worthing. 

Sonnenschein, Prof. E. A., 7, Barnslcy Road, Birmingham. 
t Southwell, The Right Rev. the Bishop of, Thurgarton Priory, Southwell. 
Sowels, F., The Rookery, Thetford, Norfolk. 
Spiers, Phene", Carlton Chambers, 12, Regent Street, W. 
Spilsbury, A. J., City of London School, Victoria Embankment, E.C. 
Spooner, Rev. W. A., New College, Oxford. 

Spring-Rice, S. E., C.B., I, Bryanston Place, Bryanston Square, W. 
Stanford, C. Thomas, 3, Ennismore Gardens, S. W. 
Stannus, Hugh, 64, Larkhall Rise, Clapham, S.IV. 
Stanton, Charles H., Field Place, Stroud, Gloucestershire. 
Statham, H. Heathcote, 40, Gower Street, IV.C. 
fStawell, Miss F. Melian, 44, Westbourne Park Villas, W. 
Steel, Charles G., Barby Road, Rugby. 
Steele, D., 23, Homer Street, Athens. 
Steele, Dr., 2, Via Pico delta Mirandola, Florence. 
Steele, Mrs. D., 23, Homer Street, Athens. 
tStevenson, Miss E. C, 13, Randolph Crescent, Edinburgh. 
Stevenson, Miss E. F., Eltham Court, Elt/iam, Kent. 
Stewart, Prof. J. A., Christ Church, Oxford. 
Stewart, Mrs. H. F., The Malting House, Cambridge. 
Stogdon, J., Harrow, N.JV. 
Stone, E. W., Eton College, Windsor. 
Stone, Rev. E. D ., Abingdon. 

Storey-Maskelyne, M. H. W., F.R.S., Basset Down House, Wroughton, Swindon 
Strachan-Davidson, J. L., Balliol College, Oxford. 
Stretton, Gilbert W., The College, Dulwich, S.E. 
Strong, Mrs. S. Arthur, LL.D. (Council), 36, Grosvenor Road, S.W. 
Sturgis, Julian R.. 16, Hans Road, S.W. 
Sturgis, Russell, 307, East \"jth Street, New York. 
Surr, Watson, 57, Old Broad Street, E.C. 
fTait, C. W. A., Clifton College, Bristol. 
Tancock, Rev. C. C, The School House, Tonbridge. 
Tarbell, Prof. F. B., University of Chicago, Chicago, III., U.S.A. 
Tarn, W. W., 2, New Square, Lincoln's Inn, W.C. 
Tatton, R. G., Passmore Edwards Settlement, Tavistock Place, W.C. 
Tayler, Miss Margaret, Royal Holloway College, Egham. 
t Taylor, Rev. Charles, D.D., Master of St. John's College, Cambridge. 
♦Thompson, Sir E. M., K.C.B., D.C.L. (V.P.), British Museum, W.C. 
Thompson, F. E. (Council), 16, Primrose Hill Road, N.W. 
Thompson, Henry F. H., 35, Wimpole Street, W. 
Thomson, A. Douglas, Litt.D., 5, Great King Street, Edinburgh. 
Thursfield, J. R., Fryth, Great Berkhampstead. 
Tilley, Arthur, King's College, Cambridge. 
*fTozer, Rev. H. F., 18, Norham Gardens, Oxford. 
fTruell, H. P., F.R.C.S., Clontnaunon, Ashford, Co. Wickloxv. 
*tTuckett, F. F., Frenchay, near Bristol. 
Tudeer, Dr. Emil, Helsingfors, Finland. 
(■Turnbull, Mrs. Peveril, Sandy-Brook Hall, Ashbourne. 
Tyler, C. H., Rossall School, Fleetwood. 

Tylor, Prof. E. B., D.C.L., F.R.S., The Museum House, Oxford. 
Tyrrell, Prof. R. Y., Litt.D., D.C.L., LL.D. (V.P.), Trinity College, Dublin. 
Underhill, G. E., Magdalen College, Oxford. 
Upcott, L. E., The College, Marlborough. 

Yaletta, J. N., 16, Durham Terrace, Westbourne Gardens W. 
fValieri, Octavius, 2, Kensington Park Gardens, W. 
fVaughan, E. L., Eton College, Windsor. 
Venning, Miss Rosamond, 

Verrall, A. W., Litt.D., Trinity College, Cambridge. 
Verrall, Mrs. A. W., Selwyn Gardens, Cambridge. 
Vincent, Sir Edgar, K.C.M.G., M.P., Esher Place, Surrey. 
tViti de Marco, Marchesa di, Palazzo Orsini. Mont, .WW/„ A>„~„ 

Vlasto, Michel P., 12, Allei des Capucines, Marseilles. 
fVlasto, T. A., Bouevaine, Sefton Park, Liverpool. 
fWackernagel, Prof. Jacob, The University, Gottingen, Germany. 
f Wagner, Henry, 13, Half Moon Street, W. 

fWaldstein, Prof. Charles, Ph.D., Litt.D. (Council), King's College, Cambridge. 
Walford, Mrs. Neville, Sortridge, Horrabridge, South Devon. 
Walker, Rev. E. M., Queen's College, Oxford. 

Walker, Rev. F. A., D.D., Dun Mallard, Shootup Hill, Drondesbury, N. W. 
Walters, Henry Beauchamp (Council), British Museum, W.C. 
Ward, Arnold S., 25, Grosvenor Place, S. W. 
Ward, John, Lenoxvale, Belfast. 
Ward, T. H., 25, Grosvenor Place, S. W. 
fWarre, Rev. Edmond, D.D., Eton College, Windsor. 
Warren, T. H., President of Magdalen College, Oxford. 
Warren, E. P., Lewes House, Lewes, Sussex. 
Warren, Mrs. Fiske, 8, Mount Vernon Place, Boston, U.S.A. 
Waterfield, Rev. R., The College, Cheltenham. 
Waterhouse, Edwin, Feldemore, near Dorking. 
Waterhouse, Miss M. E., 59, Edge Lane, Liverpool. 
Waterlow, S. P. P., British Embassy, Washington, U.S.A. 
Wathen, Gerald Anstruther, Oak Lodge, Westerham, Kent. 
Watson, Mrs., Burnopheld, Co. Durham. 
*Way, Rev. J. P., D.D., The Hall, Rossall, Fleetwood. 
f Weber, F. P., M.D., 19, Harley Street, W. 
Weber, Sir Hermann, M.D., 10, Grosvenor Street, W. 
Wedd, N., King's College, Cambridge. 
Weir, Miss Edith, 4, Frognal, Hampstead, N.W. 
Welch, F. B., 8, Brandratn Road, Lee, Blackheath. 
Weld-Blundell, Herbert, 100, Holywell, Oxford. 
fWelldon, The Right Rev. Bishop, The Cloisters, Westminster, S. W. 
Wells, J., Wadham College, Oxford. 

Wells, R. Douglas, 171, Queen's Gate, S. W. 

Westlake, Prof. J., LL.D., The River House, Chelsea Embankment, S.W. 

Whately, A. P., 4, Southwick Crescent, Hyde Park, W. 

Wheeler, Prof. James R., Ph.D., Columbia College, New York City, U.S.A. 

Whibley, Leonard, Pembroke College, Cambridge. 

White, Mrs. Andrew, American Embassy, Berlin. 

White, Prof. J. Williams, Cambridge, Massachusetts, U.S.A. 

White, J. N., Rockland, Waterford. 

White, John Forbes, LL.D., Seaton Cottage, Bridge of Don, near Aberdeen. 
f Whitehead, R. R., Box 144, Santa Barbara, California, U.S.A. 

Wickham, The Very Rev. E. C, The Deanery, Lincoln. 

Wilkins, Rev. George, 36, Trinity College, Dublin. 

Wilkins, Prof. A. S., LL.D., Litt.D. (Council), The Owens College, Manchester. 

Wilkinson, Herbert, 10, Orme Square, W. 

Wilson, Donald, Waverlree, Beverley Road, Hull. 

Wilson, H. C. B., Crofton Hall, Crofton, near Wakefield. 

Windley, Rev. H. C, St. Chad's, Bensham, Gateshead-on-Tyne. 

Winkworth, Mrs., Holly Lodge, Campden Hill, W. 

Wiseman, Rev. Henry John, Clifton College, Bristol. 

Wood, Rev. Dr., The School, Harrow, N. W. 

Wood, Rev. W. S., Uf or d Rectory, Stamford. 

Woodhouse, Prof. W. J., The University, Sydney, N.S.W. 
fWoods, Rev. H. G., D.D., Little Gaddesden Rectory, Berkhampstead. 

Wright, F. A., Mill Hill School, Mill Hill, N. W. 

Wright, Prof. John Henry, Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A. 
f Wright, W. Aldis, Vice-Master, Trinity College, Cambridge. 

f Wyndham, Rev. Francis M., St. Mary oj 'the Angels, Westmoreland Road, Bayswater, W. 
fWyse, W., Trinity College, Cambridge. 

Yates, Rev. S. A. Thompson, 43, Phillimore Gardens, W. 

Yorke, V. W., Forthampton Court, Tewkesbury. 

Young, Sir George, Charity Commission, Whitehall, S.W. 



The University Library, Aberdeen. 

The University College of Wales, Aberysliuith. 

The University Library, Adelaide, South Australia. 

The American School of Archaeology, Athens. 

The Carnegie Free Library, Allegheny, Pa., U.S.A. 

The Amherst College Library, Amherst, Mass. 

The Andover Theological Seminary, Andover, Mass., U.S.A. 

The Peabody Institute, Baltimore, U.S.A. 

The Johns Hopkins Library, Baltimore. 

The Enoch Pratt Library, Baltimore. 

The Royal Museum Library, Berlin. 

The Royal Library, Berlin. 

The Central Free Library, Ratcliffe Place, Birmingham (A. Capel Shaw, Esq.) 

The University of Birmingham, Birmingham. 

The Boston Athenaeum, Boston, U.S.A. 

The Bowdoin College Library, Brunswick, Maine, U.S.A. 

The University Library, Breslau. 

The Brooklyn Institute of Arts and Sciences, Brooklyn, U.S.A. 

The Bryn Mawr College Library. Bryn Mawr, Pa., U.S.A. 

The Library of Clifton College, Clifton, Bristol. 

The Antiken Cabinet des Ungar, National Museum, Budapest. 

The University Library, Berkeley. California. 
fThe University Library, Cambridge. 

The Library of Trinity College, Cambridge. 

The Library of St. John's College, Cambridge. 

The Library of King's College, Cambridge. 

The Fitzwilliam Archaeological Museum, Cambridge. 

The Girton College Library, Cambridge. 

The Harvard College Library, Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A. 

The University College of South Wales, Cardiff. 

The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, Illinois. 

The Lewis Institute, Chicago, Illinois. 

The University Library, Chrisliania, Norway. 

The Library of Canterbury College, Chrislchurch, N.Z. 

The Public Library, Cincinnati, U.S.A. 

The University Library, Cincinnati, U.S.A. 

The University of Colorado, U.S.A. 

The University Library of State of Missouri, Columbia, Missouri, U.S.A. 

The University of Czernowitz, Czernowitz, Austria-Hungary. 

The Public Library, Detroit. 

The Royal Museum of Casts, Dresden. 
fThe Library of Trinity College, Dublin. 

The National Library of Ireland, Dublin. 

The King's Inns Library, Dublin. 

The Royal Irish Academy, Dublin. 

The University College, Dundee. 

The Durham Cathedral Library, Durham. 
•fThe Advocates' Library, Edinburgh. 

The Sellar and Goodhart Library. University, Edinburgh. 

The Royal Holloway College, Egham, Surrey. 

The Library of St. Mary's College, Emmitsburg, Maryland, U.S.A. 

The University Library, Erlangen. 

The University Library, Freiburg im Baden, Germany (Prof. Stemp). 

The Philologische Seminar, Giessen. 

The University Library, Glasgow. 

The University Library, Gottingen. 

The Royal University Library, Greifs7uald. 

The Universitat Bibliothek, Halle. 

The Dartmouth College Library, Hanover, U.S.A. 

The School Library, Harrow, N. W. 

The University Library, Heidelberg (Dr. Zangmeistcr). 

The Hull Public Libraries, Hull. ' 

The State University of Iowa, Iowa, U.S.A. 

The Cornell University Library, Ithaca, N. Y. 

The University Library, fena. 

The Royal and University Library, Konigsbcrg. 

The University of Kansas, Lawrence, U.S.A. 
The Leeds Library, Commercial Street, Leeds. 
The Public Library, Leeds. 

The Bibliotheque Universitaire, 3, Rue Jean Bart, Lille, Nord. 
The Free Library, Liverpool. 

The Society of Antiquaries, Burlington House, London, W. 
fThe British Museum, London, W.C. 

The Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities, British Museum, London, W.C. 
The Athenaeum Club, Pall Mall, London, S. W. 
The Burlington Fine Arts Club, Savile Row, London, W. 
The Chelsea Public Library, Manresa Road, Chelsea, London, S. W. 
The Library of St. Paul's School, West Kensington, London, W. 
The London Library, St. James's Square. London, S. W. 
The Reform Club, Pall Mall, London, S. W. 
The Royal Institution, A Ibemarlc Street. London, W. 
The Royal Societies Club, 63, St. James's Street, S. W. 
The Library, Westminster School ', London, S. W. 

The Oxford & Cambridge C\ub,Pall Mall,c/o Messrs. Harrison & Sons, S9,PallMall, W. 
The Foreign Architectural Book Society (T. H. Watson, Esq.), 9, Nottingham Place, W. 
The Sion College Library, Victoria Embankment, London, E.C. 
The City Library, Lowell, Mass., U.S.A. 
The Bibliotheque Universitaire, Palais Saint Pierre, Lyons. 
The Whitworth Institute, Manchester. 
The Chetham's Library, Hunts Bank, Manchester. 
The Grammar School, Manchester. 
The Owens College, Manchester. 
The Royal University Library, Marburg. 

The Public Library, Melbourne, Victoria (c/o Messrs. Melville, Mullen & Co.). 

The Library of the University of Milan, Milan. 

The Konigliche Paulinische Bibliothek, Munster, I.W. 

The Royal Library, Munich. 

The Archaeological Seminary, Munich. 

The Free Public Library, Newark, New Jersey, U.S.A. 

The Library of Yale College, Newhaven. 

The Free Public Library, Jersey City , New Jersey , U.S.A. 

The Public Library, New York, U.S.A. 

The New York State Library, Albany, New York. 

The Library of Columbia University, New York. 

The Hamilton College Library, Clinton, New York. 

The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. 

The Library of the College of the City of New York, New York. 
fThe Bodleian Library, Oxjord. 

The Junior Library, Corpus Christi College, Oxjord. 

The Library of All Souls College, Oxjord. 

The Library of Worcester College, Oxford. 

The Library of Christ Church, Oxjord. 

The Library of Exeter College, Oxjord. 

The Library of St. John's College, Oxjord. 

The Library of New College, Oxjord 

The Library of Oriel College, Oxjord. 

The Library of Queen's College, Oxjord. 

The Library of Trinity College, Oxford. 

The Library of Lincoln College, Oxford. 

The Union Society, Oxjord. 

The University Galleries, Oxjord. 

The Lake Erie College, Painsville, Ohio, U.S.A. 

The Bibliotheque de l'lnstitut de France, Paris. 

The Bibliotheque de l'Universite" de France, Paris. 

The Bibliotheque des Musses Nationaux, Paris. 

The Bibliotheque Nationale de Paris, Paris. 

The Ecole Normale Superieur, Paris. 

The Library Company, Philadelphia. 

The Library of the University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa., U.S.A. 

The Carnegie Library, Pittsburg, Pa., U.S.A. 

The Vassar Library, Poughkeepsie, N. Y. 

The Archaeological Seminary, The University, Prague (Dr. Wilhelm Klein). 
The University Library, Prague. 

The Bibliotheque de l'Universitd, Rennes. 

The American School of Classical Studies, 5, Via Vincenza, Rome. 

The Mount Holyoke College, South Hadley, Mass., U.S.A. 

The Royal Library, Stockholm. 

The Archaeological Museum, The University, Strassburg (per Prof. Michaelis). 

The Imperial University and National Library, Strassburg. 

The Free Library, Sydney, New South Wales. 

The University Library, Syracuse, New York. 

The University Library, Toronto. 

The Universitats Bibliothek, Tubingen. 

The Library of the University of Illinois, Urbana, Illinois. 

The Library of Congress, Washington, U.S.A. 

The Boys Library, Eton College, Windsor. 

The Bibliotheque Publique, Winterthur, (Dr. Imhoof-Blumer). 

The Free Library, Worcester. Mass., U.S.A. 

The Williams College Library, Williamstown, Mass., U.S.A. 

The Kunstgeschichtliches Museum der Universitat, Wiirzburg. 

t Libraries claiming copies under the Copyright Act. 


American Journal of Archaeology (Miss Mary H. Buckingham, Wellesley Hills, 

Mass., U.S.A.). 
Analecta Bollandiana, Societe des Bollandistes, 14, Rue des Ursulines, Bruxelles. 
Annual of the British School at Athens. 

Bulletin de Correspondance Helle'nique (published by the French School at Athens). 
Bullettino della Commissione Archeologica Comunale di Roma (Prof. Gatti, Museo 

Capitolino, Rome). 
Ephemeris Archaiologike, Athens. 

Jahrbuch of German Imperial Archaeological Institute, Corneliusstrasse No. 2, II., 

Jahreshefte des Osterreichischen Archiiologischen Institutes, Tiirkenstrasse, 4, Vienna. 

Journal of the Anthropological Institute, Hanover Square. 

Journal of the Royal Institute of British Architects, 9, Conduit Street, W. 

Journal International d'Archeologie Numismatique (M. J. N. Svoronos, Muse 

National, Athens). 
Melanges d'Histoire et d'Arche"ologie, published by the French School at Rome. 
Mittheilungen of the German Imperial Archaeological Institute at Athens. 
Mittheilungen of the German Imperial Archaeological Institute at Rome. 
Mnemosyne {care of Mr. E. J. Brill), Leiden^ Holland. 
Neue Jahrbiicher (c/o Dr. J. Ilberg), Rosenthalgasse 3, II., Leipzig. 
Numismatic Chronicle, 22, Albemarle Street. 
Philologus. Zeitschrift fur das klassische Altertum {care of Dietrich'sche Verlags 

Buchhandlung, Gottingen). 
Praktika of the Athenian Archaeological Society. 
Proceedings of the Hellenic Philological Syllogos, Constantinople. 
Publications of the Imperial Archaeological Commission, St. Petersburg. 
Revue Arche"ologique, Paris (per M. Georges Perrot, 45, rue d' Ulm). 
Revue des Etudes Grecques, Publication Trimestrielle de 1' Association pour l'En- 

couragement des Etudes Grecques en France, Paris. 
Transactions of the Cambridge Philological Society and Journal of Philology. 

SESSION 1901-1902. 

The First General Meeting was held on November 7, Prof. P. 
Gardner, V.P., in the chair. 

Mr. Cecil Smith gave a description of a large Proto-Attic amphora, 
of which drawings were exhibited. The fragments of this vase were found 
in the course of excavations by the British School at Athens on the site 
of the Gymnasium of Cynosarges, in circumstances which suggest that, 
like most of its class, it probably stood on the outside of a tomb in place 
of a stele {J.H.S. xxii. p. 29). — Mr. John F. Baker-Penoyre showed his 
illustrations for a forthcoming paper by Mr. J. H. Hopkinson, entitled 
' An Early Island Vase Fabric,' and gave some particulars of Mr. Hopkin- 
son's researches {J.H.S. xxii. p. 46). — In the discussion which followed 
the papers, the Chairman, Mr. Cecil Smith, Prof. Ernest Gardner, and Mrs. 
S. Arthur Strong took part. 

The Second General Meeting was held on February 25, Mr. Talfourd 
Ely in the chair. 

Mr. A. H. Smith read a paper, illustrated with the magic lantern, on 
' Humour in Greek Art.' Examples were shown of the many varieties of 
humour that are met with in the different periods of Greek history. At 
the earliest periods the modern spectator is for the most part laughing at 
rather than with the artist, though perhaps in some instances the artist 
himself intended a humorous effect, so far as his limited resources per- 
mitted. Later his attempts at humour take various forms. He may choose 
an obviously humorous subject for his theme, such as the story .of Hermes 
and the cattle of Apollo, as told in the Homeric hymn to Hermes. Or 
he may make a humorous variation of a well-known subject. Thus the 
beautiful vase of Hieron, showing the goddesses going before Paris, repre- 
sented the climax of a long artistic tradition. The artist who showed the 
same goddesses, each adjusting her toilet for the Judgment, treated his 
subject with a truly humorous touch. Later on we have scenes of mere 
Aristophanic buffoonery from the comic stage. Again, in another direc- 
tion, scenes from the life of childhood and youth begin to appear in the 
fourth century, and continue till the Roman Empire. — In the discussion 
that followed Prof. E. A. Gardner and Mr. G. F. Hill spoke of the origin 



of the ' archaic smile,' and Mrs. S. A. Strong laid stress on the diversity of 
the subjects exhibited. 

The Third General Meeting was held on May 7, Sir R. Jebb, President, 
in the chair. 

Mr. G. F. Hill showed lantern illustrations of some of the more 
remarkable Greek coins acquired by the British Museum during the past 
five years. A gold stater of Tarentum, of about 338 B.C., with the infant 
Taras appealing to his father Poseidon, is connected with the appeal made 
by Tarentum to Lacedaemon, in response to which Archidamus came to 
Italy. A unique silver stater of the Achaean League, in style resembling 
the fine Arcadian coins of about 360 B.C., proves the correctness of the old 
attribution to the Achaeans of Peloponnesus of other coins now generally 
classed under Achaea Phthiotis. The head popularly known as Odysseus 
on an electrum stater of Cyzicus was considered in connexion with the 
other types which suggest that it is rather one of the Cabiri. A small 
silver coin was attributed to the Carian city of Lydae, on the ground of 
its inscription and the resemblance of its types to those of Cnidus. A 
bronze coin of Claudius with a figure of the goddess of Myra in Lycia was 
shown to permit of the attribution to that province of a group of coins 
hitherto regarded as uncertain. A unique stater of Tarsus with a facing 
head of Heracles is, it is suggested, additional evidence of the influence 
exerted by Western Greece on the Cilician coinage of the early fourth 
century. In connexion with a tetradrachm bearing the types of Alex- 
ander IV., but the name of Ptolemy, Prof. Jan Six's view, that the portrait 
represents not Alexander the Great, but his son, was disputed, and the 
relation of the type of the fighting Athena to other types, such as the 
Athena Alcis of Macedonian and Seleucid coins, was considered. — The 
Chairman and Sir H. Howorth made some comments on the paper, which 
was very favourably received. 

The Annual Meeting was held on July 1, Sir R. Jebb, President, in 
the chair. 

In moving the adoption of the Council's Report the President referred 
to the satisfactory increase in the number of members, and alluded to the 
losses which the Society had sustained by death, including the names of 
the Bishop of Durham, Mr. C. J. Monk, and Mr. W. J. Stillman. 

The following Report was read by the Acting Hon. Secretary 
(Mr. H. B. Walters) on behalf of the Council :— 

The Council have again to report a satisfactory session, in which the 
work of the Society has been carried forward in its several departments 
with energy and effect. Three General Meetings have been held and have 
been well attended. And in regard to these meetings a new arrangement 
has been made which should materially increase their success in the future. 
It has for some time past been felt that for this purpose the rooms of the 


Royal Asiatic Society were hardly adequate. The use of the lantern in 
recent years has tended to draw a larger number of members to the meet- 
ings, and the rooms in question have on several occasions been incon- 
veniently crowded. Fortunately the Council has been able in the course 
of the past session to come to an arrangement with the Society of Anti- 
quaries, whereby in future all General Meetings will be held in their 
excellent rooms in Burlington House. The small fee charged for this 
accommodation has been met by a corresponding reduction in the rent 
charged by the Royal Asiatic Society at Albemarle Street, so that the 
greatly improved accommodation for General Meetings has been secured 
without any additional outlay. The Council feel that cordial acknowledg- 
ments are due to the Council of the Society of Antiquaries for the very 
friendly spirit in which they received the overtures of the Hellenic Society 
in this matter, and that this co-operation between two Societies working in 
the same field should be of real advantage to the studies in which both 
alike are interested. 

The Council have again made a grant, this time of £100, to the Cretan 
Exploration Fund. By the aid of this Fund Mr. Evans last year carried 
further his remarkable excavations on the site of Knossos, while Mr. Hogarth 
made some interesting discoveries at Kato Zakro. The two explorers de- 
scribed their results at some length in the recent issue of the Annual of the 
British School at Athens. The response to the Appeal issued by the 
Managers of this Fund last autumn was unfortunately so inadequate that 
it was found necessary to confine its operations during the present season 
to the work at Knossos upon which Mr. Evans has again been successfully 
engaged, though it is doubtful whether the funds now available will suffice 
for the completion of the excavations. Considering the unique import- 
ance of these Knossian discoveries to the history of ancient art and civili- 
sation, as recognised by archaeologists in all parts of the world, it would 
indeed be a matter of profound regret if Mr. Evans were to be prevented 
by lack of means from carrying them to a satisfactory conclusion. 

Meanwhile another very . promising Mycenaean site, at Palaeokastro, 
near Sitia in Eastern Crete, which Mr. Hogarth had hoped to excavate under 
the auspices of the Cretan Exploration Fund, has been undertaken by the 
British School at Athens, and it is hoped that the Director, Mr. R. Carr- 
Bosanquet, may be able to present to members on this occasion a pre- 
liminary report of the results. 

Some members will probably be aware that a British School has now 
been established at Rome on much the same lines as the School at Athens. 
Although the financial position of the new School is still far from secure, a 
competent Director has been found in Mr. G. McNeil Rushforth. Several 
good students have availed themselves of his guidance, and the nucleus of 
a library has been formed in excellent rooms secured for the School in the 
Palazzo Odescalchi. Seeing that Greek Art can be studied with advantage 
both at Rome and elsewhere in Italy, the Council have thought it right to 
respond to an appeal for support to this young and promising institution by 

d 2 


making a grant of £2$ a year for a period of three years from January I, 
1903. The success of the School at Rome is a matter of real concern to 
this Society, and the Council cordially commend its needs also to the 
private benevolence of members. 

Satisfactory progress has been made with the Facsimile of the Codex 
Venetus of Aristophanes which was announced in last year's Report. The 
Facsimile itself is practically complete. It had been hoped that Professor 
J. W. White of Harvard, on whose initiative, as President of the Archaeo- 
logical Institute of America, the Facsimile was undertaken, would have 
contributed the Introduction. Unfortunately he found it necessary to 
abandon the task, and the work was then entrusted to that very competent 
scholar and palaeographer Mr. T. W. Allen, who paid a special visit to 
Venice in the course of the spring for the purpose of revising his notes on 
the MS. He is now well advanced with the work, and it is hoped that the 
Facsimile may be ready for issue in the course of the autumn. It is satis- 
factory to report that already about eighty of the two hundred copies 
have been subscribed for in Europe and in America. 

Another special publication, which was announced last year, that of 
the Report on the very important excavations undertaken by the British 
School at Athens on the site of Phylakopi in the Island of Melos, has also 
made good progress, and it is hoped that the volume may appear before 
the end of the year. Members are reminded that, in order not to interfere 
with the publication of the Journal, it was decided to issue this volume at 
cost price to members and at a higher price to the general public. The 
Council trusts that members will support this undertaking by purchasing 
enough copies to ensure the Society against loss. In no more effective 
way could they help the Society to carry on its work, for it is obvious that 
its ordinary revenues arc insufficient to do more than assist in excavations 
and publish such preliminary reports as space can be found for in the 
Journal alongside of the other important contributions which are always 
available. For any completer publication special funds must be raised, 
and the readiest method seems to be that members should be willing to 
purchase such extra publications at cost price. The only alternatives 
would be a Special Publication Fund, or an increase in the annual subscrip- 
tion to meet such contingencies. For it is not to be supposed that 
members of this Society would be content to leave the results of important 
researches without any adequate publication. 

It may be of interest to members to know that the Society has been 
invited to send representatives to the celebration of the Tercentenary of 
the Bodleian Library at Oxford in October next. The President of the 
Society, Sir Richard Jebb, and the Hon. Secretary, Mr. Macmillan, have 
been deputed to represent the Society on this interesting occasion. 1 

1 Kor the text of the Latin Address presented on the occasion, and written by the President of 
the Society, see p. xlii. 

Library Report. 

The statistics of work done in the Library again show considerable 
progress. The number of visits paid to the Library was 343, compared 
with 236 in 1900-1901, and 190 in 1899-1900. On the other hand, there 
was a reduction in the number of members using the Library, which was 
66, compared with 81 and 70. These figures seem to show that though 
the number of readers has not increased during the year, the Library is 
becoming more serviceable for purposes of study. The number of volumes 
borrowed was 247, compared with 199 and 156 in the two previous years. 

The Council have decided that the time has now come when it is 
expedient to print the Library Catalogue. The list of accessions has been 
printed year by year, and a list of periodical publications has been given 
in recent volumes of the Journal. No catalogue however has been printed, 
except the brief list given in volume viii. of the Journal, and it seems 
likely that a new catalogue will greatly increase the usefulness of the 
Library both for visitors, and for members at a distance. The revised 
draft is now nearly ready for press, and will, it is hoped, be distributed to 
members in the autumn. 

The Overbeck tracts (about 700 in number) described in the last 
Report have been arranged and bound. They will be entered in the forth- 
coming catalogue. 

The purchases of the year include : 

Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum 
Tischbein, Hamilton Vases. 

Also six volumes, which were wanting or imperfect in the Society's set 
of the Revue Archeologique. 

The Notizie degli Scavi have been added to the list of periodicals. 

Thanks are due to the Trustees of the Hunterian Collection, for the 
second volume of the Catalogue of Greek Coins. Thanks are also due to 
the following donors of books : The Delegates of the Clarendon Press, 
Messrs. Methuen and Messrs. B. T. Batsford ; also to Mr. F. S. Benson, 
Mr. E. R. Bevan, M. Gaspar, Mr. J. F. Hewitt, Dr. W. Leaf, Sir E. Maunde 
Thompson, K.C.B., and Dr. P. Wolters. 

Photographic Collection. 

The year 1901-2 has been a period of steady extension, and increased 
use of the collection. Donations of slides, — amounting to sixty-two in all, 
and dealing chiefly with the antiquities of Olympia and with Greek athletics 
—have been received from Messrs. Dyer, N. Gardiner, Awdry, Kaines Smith, 
and A. H. Smith ; Mr. R. A. Hardy has allowed a selection of prints to be 
made from his negatives for incorporation in the reference collection ; and 
Mrs. S. Arthur Strong has deposited a series of some 120 negatives 


from which slides or prints may be obtained by members. The thanks of 
the Society are due to those members who have given their help in 
this way. 

The slide collection has been used by twenty-seven persons, for 
teaching purposes, and the number of slides hired in all has risen greatly. 
The sales of slides for private use have also increased, and include 
large orders from the University of Sydney, N.S.W., and from American 

Substantial progress has been made with the work of indexing and 
cross-referencing the whole collection, and a few inadequate slides and 
negatives have been replaced by better examples. 


The Balance Sheet shows the present financial position of the Society. 
Ordinary receipts during the year were £1022, against £1037 during the 
financial year 1900-1901. The receipts from subscriptions, including arrears, 
amount to ,£641, against £646, and receipts from libraries, and for the 
purchase of back volumes £185, against £179. Life subscriptions amount- 
ing to £78, donations £3, and for lantern slides £ig have also been 

The ordinary expenditure for the year amounts to £66$ against £7 16. 
Payments for rent £80, insurance £15, salaries £60, are the same as in 
the preceding year. Sundry printing, postage, and stationery accounts 
show a reduction of .£20 ; the cost of purchases for the Library shows £83 
against £74, and of lantern slides £16. The net cost of the Journal, Vol. 
XXL, amounts to £367, against £382. The usual grant of ;£ioo was made 
to the British School at Athens, and a grant of ;£ioo to the Cretan Ex- 
ploration Fund. The balance carried forward at the close of the year 
under review amounts to £409, against £252 at the end of the previous 
financial year. 

The expenditure on the facsimile of the Codex Venetus of Aristo- 
phanes is shown in a separate account. 

Forty-nine new members have been elected during the year, while 
thirty-seven have been lost by death or resignation. The present total of 
subscribing members is 759, and of honorary members 25, the names of 
Professors Federico Halbherr and Adolf Wilhelm having been added 
to the roll of honorary members. 

Six new libraries have joined the list of subscribers, and five have 
stopped payment, making the number at the present time 143, or with the 
five public libraries 148. 


The present year, like most of its predecessors, may be described as a 
prosperous, if uneventful, one for the Society. The steady increase of 
numbers — the present'year shewing a net gain of twelve — is a favourable sign 


that the Society is continuing to extend its influence ; and the fact that 
two distinguished members of the present Government have joined its 
ranks during the year may be taken as a happy augury that classical 
archaeology is in a due way to a more adequate recognition by the State 
than hitherto. We may still hope that the time will come when we shall 
no longer be behind France and Germany in this respect. Meanwhile it is 
to be earnestly desired that individual members will bear in mind the 
opportunities open to all of them for furthering the Society's interests by 
making known its work to the outside world and increasing the number of 
its members. 

In the matter of finance, the Society may congratulate itself on an 
increased balance for the year and a satisfactory outlook for the future. 
On the other hand, with the publications of the Aristophanes facsimile and 
of the Phylakopi excavations in view there can be no question at present 
of further investments of capital. 

The adoption of the Report was seconded by M. Bikelas, and the 
motion was unanimously carried. 

Mr. Arthur Evans then made a statement on the results of his 
work at Knossos during the past season, illustrated by diagrams and 
lantern-slides. The season's work in the Palace of Knossos, which 
began on February 12, and was continued to June, was fertile beyond all 
anticipation. Besides the chambers that remained to be explored im- 
mediately contiguous to the Hall of the Double Axes and that of the 
Colonnades, excavated last year, the whole building was found to have a 
considerably larger extension on the eastern side than had been expected. 
The building was thus seen to have climbed down the slope in descending 
terraces to a point some 90 metres east of the northern entrance. Con- 
siderable remains were uncovered of the eastern boundary wall, or rather 
of four separate walls in immediate contiguity to each other. The new 
rooms adjoining the principal halls of the central part of the eastern 
quarter proved of great interest. South of the Hall of the Double Axes 
was a chamber flanked on two sides by colonnades and light areas, and 
provided with a small bathroom and a private staircase leading to the 
upper rooms. Throughout all this region it has been possible to support 
a large part of the upper story, and a most elaborate system of drainage 
has been found, including latrines and drain pipes of advanced construc- 
tion. Further fine remains of fresco had come to light— naturalistic foliage 
and lilies, an aquarium of fish, and a lady in a jacket and diaphanous 
chemise. It has also been possible to reconstitute an important panel of 
wall painting from a room excavated last year, giving a complete and 
highly sensational scene from the bull ring, in which girl toreadors took 
part. Large fresh deposits of inscribed tablets had come to light with 
ideographic signs, such as swords and granaries and those indicating 
persons of both sexes. The largest deposit referred to percentages— some, 
with the throne and sceptre sign before the amount, apparently recording the 


king's portion. A piece of a Mycenaean painted vase with linear characters 
and two cups with inscriptions written within them in a kind of ink supplied 
wholly new classes of written documents. Great numbers of clay seal 
impressions were brought out, including a fragment of one stamped by a 
late Babylonian cylinder. In magazines below the later palace level, and 
belonging therefore to an earlier building, occurred seal impressions with 
pictographic signs, together with an abundance of painted pottery of the 
' Kamares ' or ' Early Minoan ' class, including specimens which for egg- 
shell-like fineness of fabric and beauty of form and hue have certainly 
never been surpassed. 

Among the finds of smaller objects two stood out respectively as of 
first-rate importance in the history of architecture and sculpture. One of 
these was the discovery of parts of a large mosaic consisting of porcelain 
plaques, a series of which represent the fronts of houses of two or three 
stories. Fragmentary as most of these were, it was possible to recon- 
stitute a fair number with absolute certainty, and thus to recover an 
almost perfect picture of a street of Minoan Knossos in the middle of 
the second millennium before our era. The different parts of the con- 
struction — masonry, woodwork, and plaster — were clearly reproduced, and 
the houses, some of them semi-detached, with windows of four and six 
panes — oiled parchment being possibly used for glass — were astonishingly 
modern in their appearance. Other plaques found with them show 
warriors, and various animals, a tree, a vine, and flowing water, so that 
the whole seems to have been part of a large design analogous to that of 
Achilles's shield. The other find — made towards the close of the excava- 
tion — which threw a new light on the art of Daedalus, is the discovery of 
remains of ivory figurines. These are carved in the round, the limbs 
being jointed together, and, to judge by the most perfectly preserved, they 
seem to have represented youths in the act of springing, like the cowboys 
of the frescoes. The life and balance of the whole, the modelling of the 
limbs, and the exquisite rendering of details, such as the muscles and even 
the veins, raise these ivory statuettes beyond the level of any known 
sculpture of the kind of the period to which they belong. The hair was 
curiously indicated by means of spiral bronze wires, and the amount of 
gold foil found with them suggests that they had been originally, in part 
at least, coated with gold, in which case they would have been early 
examples of the chryselephantine process. The new materials bearing on 
the local religion are extraordinarily rich. Remains of a miniature temple 
of painted terra-cotta, with doves perched above the capitals of columns, 
occurred in a stratum belonging to the pre-Mycenaean building. In the 
palace itself a series of finds illustrated the cult of the Double Axe and its 
associated divinities. A gem showed a female figure — apparently a god- 
dess—bearing this sacred emblem. But more important still was the dis- 
covery of an actual shrine belonging to the latest Mycenaean period of the 
palace, with the tripod and other vessels of offering still in position before 
a base, upon which rested the actual cult objects, including a small double 

axe of steatite, sacred horns of stucco with sockets between them for the 
wooden shafts of other axes, terra-cotta figures of a goddess, cylindrical 
below, and in one case with a dove perched on her head, and of a male 
votary offering a dove. Of great interest also was the discovery in an 
eastern corridor of the palace of a decorative wall-painting, consisting of 
a series of labyrinths, more elaborate than those of the later coins of 
Knossos. Owing to the constant need of supporting the upper story, 
much of the work has been of a difficult and at times dangerous nature, 
entailing much work from carpenters and masons. Vast masses of earth 
had also to be removed from parts of the site, and nearly 250 workmen 
were constantly employed. Throughout the whole Mr. Evans had the 
devoted assistance of Dr. Mackenzie in superintending the excavation, 
and of Mr. Fyfe on the architectural side. There still remained a certain 
amount of delimitation and further exploration of the strata below the 
later palace to be carried out next season. 

Mr. R. Carr-Bosanquet, Director of the British School, also gave an 
account of his excavations at Palaeo-Kastro, in Crete, illustrated by dia- 
grams. Interesting remains of Mycenaean houses had been discovered, 
and numerous tombs investigated, with some very interesting results in 
painted vases. 

The former President and Vice-Presidents were re-elected, and Messrs. 
George Macdonald and E. E. Sikes were elected to vacancies on the 

The usual votes of thanks to the Auditors and the Chairman closed 
the proceedings. 


Text of Address presented to the University of Oxford at the celebration of 
the Tercentenary of the Bodleian Library, October, 1902. 



S. D. P. 

Gratias vobis, Viri clarissimi, agimus habemusque maximas quod 
ad celebranda Bibliotecae vestrae natalicia, Thomae Bodley opera abhinc 
annos trecentos instauratae, a Societate nostra legatos adesse voluistis. 
Neque dubium nobis quidem videtur quin singularis vestra erga nos 
humanitas Fundatoris ipsius ingenio ac voluntati feliciter respondeat, 
qui, qua fuit animi magnitudine praeditus, non Almae Matri solum sed 
toti litteratorum reipublicae beneficium illud immortale comparaverit. Id 
autem Societati nostrae est propositum, ut ad rerum Graecarum studia 
colenda atque augenda, quantum possit, opituletur ; quae studia vester 
ille, ut erat humanarum artium fautor acerrimus, iam ab ineunte aetate 
penitus dilexit. Beroaldum Graecos scriptores praelegentem Genevae puer 
audivit, Homeri carmina Robertum Constantinum magistrum adeptus 
evolvit ; mox adolescens Oxonii Collegio Mertonensi ascriptus ipse Graecas 
litteras publice docuit. lure igitur Societas nostra, cuius inter auctores 
Carolus Newton aliique Oxonienses in hoc genere disciplinae principes 
numerantur, pietatis vestrae document's suae quoque observantiae testi- 
monium libenter adiungit. Floreat semper Academiae vestrae insigne 
ornamentum, doctrinae liberalis adiutrix atque lux, magna ilia Biblioteca, 
cuius limen quoties intramus, Thomae Bodley memoriam gratis animis 

Datum Londini Kal. Oil. MCMII. 

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is furnished by the following tables : — 



31 May, 

31 May, 

31 May. 

31 May, 31 May, '31 May, 
1896. | 1897. | 1898. 

31 May, 131 May, 
1899. j 1900. 

31 May, 

31 May, 













£ £ £ 
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9 ; 4 J 13 

63 15 i 

£ £ 
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18 i 9 





























Libraries and Back Vols 














Special Receipts — 

Mr. D. G. Hogarth (Alex- 
andria Grant Refunded) 

Loan andsaleof Lantern Slides 

Cliches •• 

Royalty on and Sales of 

Donations — 

F. D. Mocatta, Esq 

E. H. Egerton, Esq 

H. G. Hart, Esq 

\V. Arkwright, Esq. 
Balance from preceding year ... 






















31 May,'3i May, 





Sundry Printing, Postage, anH 

Lantern Slides Account 

Photographs Account 

Cost of Journal (less sales) 



Commission and Postage per 

EgyptExplorationFund — 1, 100 
copies of Mr. Hogarth's Report 

Photo Enlargements, Albums, 




















31 May, 





31 May, 31 May, 
1896. 1 1897. 















31 May, 







31 May, 







31 May, 3t May, 

















31 May, 














Session i 901-1902. 

On Saturday, November 30, 1901, a meeting was held in the rooms of 
Mr. W. G. Headlam, King's College. 

Two papers were read, one by Miss J. Harrison on The KrjpvKeiov of 
Hermes, the other by Mr. A. B. Cook on The gong at Dodona. The former, 
dealing fully with the literary and monumental evidence of the subject, 
investigated the double aspect of the caduceus as (a) a herald's staff and 
{b) a magic wand. The latter paper, which included a proposed restoration 
of the Dodonaean gong, has since been published in this Journal (vol. xxii. 
pp. 5-28). Both papers were followed by a discussion in which Dr. Sandys, 
Prof. Ridgeway, and others took part. 



The Photographic Collection consists of the following sections : — 

A. A Reference Collection of Photographic Prints. 

B. A Loan Collection of Photographic Prints, Diagrams and duplicate 
Plates from various Publications. 

C. A Loan Collection of Lantern Slides. 

D. A Collection of Negatives from which Prints and Lantern Slides 
may be made as they are required. 

E. A Collection of Enlargements suitable for Class-rooms and Libraries. 

A. The Reference Collection contains Prints from every suitable negative 
in Section D 1 below ; from negatives in private hands, which have been 
submitted for registration under the conditions of Section D 2 ; and from the 
principal series published by professional photographers in Great Britain and 
abroad ; and includes prints from the negatives of the Lantern Slides in 
Section C. Thus the Reference Collection forms an illustrated catalogue 
of the Slides for the convenience of intending borrowers. This Collection 
is confined to the Society's Library, in the same manner as the rarer 
Engravings and Plates. The Prints are mounted, some in albums, but the 
majority separately, for convenience of consultation, on substantial card 
mounts of uniform sizes. 

The Collection contains already some 4,000 Prints. It is at present 
fairly complete in views of Sites and Monuments in Greece proper; and 
poorest in views of Greek Sites elsewhere than in mainland Greece — and 
particularly in the Islands, in Asia Minor, and in Sicily and Magna Graecia. 
It is also far from adequate in regard to Works of Art other than Sculptures 
and Vases ; and particularly in regard to Coins and Inscriptions. 


A Catalogue, which will eventually be printed, is already in use in the 
Library, and is arranged — 

(1) In geographical order, for views of sites and monuments in situ. 

An abstract of this list will be found printed below (p. lxiii. ff.). 

(2) In historical order, for works of art and their subjects, types and 


(3) In alphabetical order, for mythological or historical persons, museums 

and collections, &c. 

The Catalogue records also (1) the subject of the Photograph; (2) the 
name of the Photographer ; (3) the whereabouts of the Negative ; (4) the 
reference number of the Lantern Slide or Loan Print of the same subject, 
where such exists ; and (5) the price of a similar Print, or a Lantern Slide, if 
ordered through the Assistant Librarian on the terms stated below. 

In all but a very few cases, duplicates of the prints in this Collection may 
be obtained through the Assistant Librarian on the terms stated below (p. xlix). 

B. The Loan Collection of Prints and Diagrams contains duplicates of select 
Photographic Prints in the Reference Collection; and other Views, Diagrams, 
Plans, and Sketches of sites and objects, which are not otherwise easily 
accessible to teachers. These will be lent for short periods, to duly qualified 
persons, in illustration of lectures and tuition, on such terms as will fairly 
cover the cost of maintenance and carriage. They are being mounted and 
stored in the same way as the Reference Collection ; and will before long be 
ready for circulation in waterproof portfolios inclosed between substantial 

C. The Loan Collection of Lantern Slides has been in working order for 
some years already. A Catalogue was published in 1897 (J.LT.S. xvii. 
p. liii. ff.), and a Supplementary Catalogue, in 1900 (J.LT.S. xx. p. li. ff.). 
A further Supplementary Catalogue, including important new series of slides 
of 'Prehistoric Greece,' 'Olympia,' &c. will be found on pp. liv. ff. below. 

Until further notice, Slides should be quoted, in borrowing, by their 
numbers in the Catalogue of 1897 and its supplements. Additions are 
being made as opportunities occur. 

The Regulations for the use of Slides will be found at the head of each 
of the Lists of Slides above-mentioned. The Catalogue of 1897, with the 
supplements of 1900-2 may be obtained separately from the Assistant 
Librarian : price 6d., or post free l\d., prepaid. 

Members of the Hellenic Society are further reminded that, under an 
agreement with the Educational Museum of the Teachers' Guild, they are 
entitled to make use of the Slide Collection of the Hellenic Association (cf. 
J.H.S. xx. p. lxiii.), the Catalogue of which may be obtained from the 
Assistant Librarian of the Hellenic Society. 

D. The Collection of Negatives consists at present of two parts. 

(1) Numerous negatives have been either made for the Society, or 
presented, or kindly deposited on loan by private individuals for the use of 


the Members. These negatives are deposited with a professional photo- 
grapher, who is responsible to the Society for their safety. Orders for prints 
and lantern-slides from these negatives should be sent through the Assistant 
Librarian, and will be executed in accordance with a scale of charges, which 
is printed below, and is arranged to cover the bare cost and working expenses 
of the Collection. 

Members of the Society, who possess suitable negatives, for which they 
have no immediate use themselves, but which they desire to make available 
for use by other students of Hellenic subjects, are invited to deposit them 
with the Society either permanently or temporarily, on the terms outlined 

(2) Private collections of negatives have been from time to time deposited 
by their owners with professional photographers who are authorised to make 
prints or lantern slides to order, for Members and other properly qualified 
persons, at approximately cost price. 

Prices of Prints made to order 


Ordinary Silver Prints each 



Bromide Prints each 

s. d 

3| x 3£ (slide negative) 
4 \ x 3£ (quarter plate) 





6£ X 4| (half plate) . 
8| x 6£ (whole plate) 
10 x 8 





12 x 10 . 



1 3 

15 x 12 . 



, . 

1 9 

from 9 

from 1 6 

Prices of Lantern Slides made to order : — s. d. 

Duplicates of Slides in the Society's Slide Catalogue, 
or from other negatives in the Society's pos- 
session ........ 

Slides made from Photographs, Drawings, or En- 
gravings in the Society's Library or elsewhere, 
of which no negative exists already . 
N.B. — The above are the customary charges, but the right is reserved to 
charge at a higher rate in cases where for any reason the actual cost-price 
exceeds the customary charge. 

N.B. — Bromide enlargements, up to 30" X 20", which arc convenient for 
class-room purposes, and for small lectures, can be made from the majority of 
the negatives in the collection, and may be obtained at proportionate prices. 

E. The Collection of Enlargements for Glass-rooms and Libraries. 

Through the generosity of the proprietors of the negatives, the Society 
has been enabled to arrange with the Autotype Company for the enlargement, 
by permanent process, of twenty-five views taken in Athens and twenty-three 
views taken in Sicily by Mr. W. J. Stillman ; of seventeen views taken in 


various parts of Greece by Mr. Walter Leaf; of ten by Mr. R. Elsey Smith; 
and of six by Mr. J. Thacher Clarke. 

The prints, which measure about 17 X 13 inches, are supplied by the 
Autotype Company, 74 New Oxford Street, to members of the Society at the 
rate of 3s. each unmounted, and 4s. Qd. each mounted. The price of the 
photographs to the general public is considerably higher. A list of the 
subjects is appended (below, and a complete set of proofs of the photographs 
may be seen at the Society's Library. 

To avoid mistakes in ordering these enlargements, the number of each 
photograph in the list, as well as its subject, should be given. 



1 Acropolis and Theseion 

2 Acropolis — from the Museum Hill 

3 Acropolis — from the Stadion 

4 Acropolis — from the Hill of the Nymphs 

5 Temple of Wingless Victory — from the 


6 Doorway of Pandroseion 

7 Portico of Pandroseion 

8 Parthenon — East Front 

9 Parthenon — from the N. E. 

10 Part of Frieze of the Parthenon (in situ) 

11 East Portico of the Parthenon 

12 West Portico of the Parthenon 

13 Erechtheion — from the Parthenon 

14 Erechtheion — West Side 

15 Erechtheion — East Side. 

16 Erechtheion — Interior of Cella. 

17 Erechtheion — Architectural Details. 

18 Caryatid. Single Figure from the Erech- 


19 Theatre of Herodes Atticus — Interior 

20 Theatre of Dionysos — General View of 


21 Theatre of Dionysos — from the South, 

showing Auditorium 

22 Propylaea — from the S.W. 

23 Propylaea and North Wing 

24 Temple and Precincts of Asklepios 

25 Old Cathedral of Athens 




Grecian Theatre Syracuse 

Temple of Concord, Girgenti 

Temple of Concord, Girgenti — East Face 

Temple of Concord, Girgenti — Eastern 

Temple of Concord, Girgenti — Interior 
Temple of Concord, Girgenti — Interior 

taken with wide angle lens 
Girgenti from Temple of Concord 
Temple of Juno, Girgenti 
Temple of Juno, Girgenti — from the West 
Temple of Juno, Girgenti — distant view 
Girgenti from Temple of Juno 
Temple of Castor and Pollux, Girgenti 
Temple of Hercules, Girgenti 





Area of Temple of Jupiter, Girgenti, 

and Asphodel Field 
Temple at Segesta 
Temple at Segesta — from the South 
Temple at Segesta— Interior 
Flank of Temple at Segesta — showing curve 

of Stylobate and bosses for lifting the 

Selinus — the Acropolis 
Selinus— Main Temple on East Side 
Selinus — Ruins on East Side of River 
Greek Tombs, Syracuse. 
Latomiae (quarries), Syracuse — Prison of 

the Athenian Army 




1 Athens from the Monument of Philopappos 

2 Temple of Sunium — from N.E. 

3 Temple of Sunium — East End 

4 Temple of Corinth 

5 Delphi — General View 

6 Delphi— Peribolos Wall and Stoa of the 


7 Elcusis — Remains of the Hall of the 


8 Eleusis — Precinct of Pluto 

9 View of St. Luke, Stiris — Parnassus in the 


10 Acgina — Temple from S. E. 

11 Aegina, Temple — another view 

12 Mycenae— Citadel from S. 

13 Mycenae — Mrs. Schliemann's Treasury 

14 Megalopolis — Theatre and Site of City 

from S. 

15 Megalopolis — Theatre and View of Cavca 

16 Tiryus— Sallyport and Ancient Staircase 

17 Tiryns — the Great Portal 



1 Athens — Tlic Propylaea 

2 Epidaurus — Theatre 

3 Olympia — Pediment from Temple of Zeus 

4 Acgina — Temple 

5 Olympia — Hermes and Infunt Dionysus 

6 Olympia— the Temple of Zeus 

7 Tiryns— Approach to Great Portal 

8 Athens— Theatre of Dionysud 

9 Athens— Porch of Enchtlicum 
10 Mycenae — The Lion Gate 



1 Acrocorinthos and Ruins of Temple 

2 Portal of 'Treasury of Atreus,' Mycenae 

3 Interior of Temple of Bassac, Arcadia 

4 The Pnyx, Athens — Rear Wall of Auditory 

from S.E. Corner 

Gate of Lions, Mycenae. 
Ancient Quarries at Syracuse (Prison of t lie 

t? 2 





The following list forms a Second Supplement to the Catalogue of the 
Society's Collection of Lantern Slides, published in Vol. XVII. of the Journal 
of Hellenic Studies, p. liv. : compare also the First Supplement, published in 
Vol. XX. p. li. 

The Regulations for their use are as follows : — 

1. The slides shall be lent only to members of the Society, or to members 

of the Teachers' Guild who desire to use them for the purposes of 

2. Those members who have presented slides to the Society shall have a 

right to the free loan of two slides annually for every slide thus 

[Note. — The definition of the free loans, as two slides per annum, does not 
apply to contributions made before June, 1900, unless by consent of the 

3. For the loan of slides beyond this number, and for loans to members 

who have not presented slides, a charge of 3d. for each slide shall be 
made. If the slides are returned within three days, the charge will be 
reduced from 3d. per slide to 2d. 

4. All applications must be made to the Assistant Librarian, Hellenic Society, 

at 22 Albemarle Street. In each case, every slide must be quoted by 
its number, and in the case of the lists of 1897 and 1900 by the letter 
or letters which denote the series in which it occurs : e.g. the first 
slide on p. lx. of J.H.&. xx. should be quoted as Sa 62. If desired, 
slides will be packed and forwarded to any address within the United 
Kingdom at the risk and, cost of the borrovjers. Such slides are 
reckoned to be at the risk of the borrower until they have been 
received by the Assistant Librarian. 

5. The sum of half-a-crown must be paid for every slide broken while at the 

risk of the borrowers; save that in cases where the total damage 
done on the same occasion exceeds 10s., the Library Committee may 


remit the remainder of the fine over and above the cost of repairing the 

6. The slides may be kept for a period not exceeding fourteen days. If for 
exceptional reasons it is required to keep them for a longer period, special 
application must be made to the Library Committee. Slides required 
at a particular date may be booked for not more than three months in 

The slides in the topographical classes are mainly from negatives taken 
by members of the Hellenic Society. A few have been taken, by permission, 
from the photographs of the German Archaeological Institute. 

Those in classes P and S are for the most part taken from the originals, 
but in some cases from engravings, etc. In the case of sculpture, slides 
marked with * have been taken by photographic methods from the originals ; 
if marked f they have been derived from casts. If not thus distinguished 
they have been taken from drawings and engravings. 

In class V, most of the slides are derived from published illustrations. 
Where there is a choice of publications, reference is made by preference to 
that which was used for making the slide, except when it is difficult of access. 

The following is a list of the principal contractions employed : — 

A.M. Mitlheilungen des Arch. Inst., Athenischc Abtheilnng. 

K.Ti. Archdologischc Zcitung. 

B.C.H. Bulletin de Correspondance Hell Unique. 

B.D. Baumeister, Dcnhndhr. 

B.M. British Museum. 

B.S.A. Annual of the British School of Archaeology in Athens. 

Conze. Conze, Die Attischcn Grabreliefs. 

E.E.F. Egypt Exploration Fund. Annual Report. 

Gardner. E. A. Gardner, A Handbook of Greek Sculpture. 

G.A.V. Gerhard, Auscrlesene Vasenbilder. 

H.B. Overbeck, Gallerie heroischer Bildwerkc. 

J.H.S. Journal of Hellenic Studies. 

Jahrbuch. Jahrbuch des K. Deutschen Arch, lnstituts. 

K.B.H. Ohnefalsch Richter, Kypros, the Bible, and Homer. 

M.d.I. Monumenti inediti dell' Institnto Archeologico. 

Mich. Michaelis, Der Parthenon. 

Mon. Ant. Monumenti Antichi. 

Myc. Schliemann, Mycenae 1878. 

P. Prisse d'Avennes, Hist, de I' Art e'gypticn, 1863. 

P.O. Perrot and Chipiez. Histoire de V Art dans I'Anliquiti. 

P.E.F. Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund. 

R.C. Rayet and Collignon, Hist, de la Ce'ramiquc grecque. 

Schuchh. Schuchhardt, Schliemann s Excavations (Eng. Tr.). 

TsM. Tsountas and Manatt. The Mycenaean Age. 1897. 

W,V, Wiener Vorlegebldtter. 




Architecture, &c. 

1574 Delphi : Athenian Stoa : [ = Cc 1] 

1444 ,, ,, another view [ = Cc 2] 

3551 ,, Theatre : general view 

3552 ,, ,', upper seats 

3553 ,, Stadion, looking E. 

3554 „ „ „ W. 

3555 ,, „ ,, "W., showing 

starting point 
3577-8 ,, ,, two more views of start- 

ing point 

3556 ,, ,, supporting wall 


3557 Corinth : Isthmian Canal, E. entrance 

looking W. 

3558 ,, ,, ,, E. entrance 

3559 ,, ,, ,, midway, look- 

ing W. 

3560 Epidaurus : distant view 

3575 ,, Tholos, lion-head cornice 

3579 ,, akrotcrion 

372 Lernaean Marsh : from an engraving 

(Wordsworth's Greece, p. 433) 
3562 Spharteria : view of south entranco, from 
within, looking S. 

3576 Sphacteria : cliffs 

3565 Mycenae : postern gate, from within 

[For other views of Mycenae and Tiryns 
see Prehistoric Series below.] 

Eb— ISLANDS, &c. : Views. 

720 Aegina : general view of Temple, from an 
engraving (Wordsworth's Greece, p. 190) 
1849 Ithaca : from Cephallcnia : [ = E1> 3] 

3566 ,, the modern town (Vathy) from 

the sea 

3567 ,, entrance to Vathy Bay 

3568 ,, ,, to Dexia Bay, from so- 

called ' Cave of the Nymphs ' 

3569 ,, Mount Aeto3, from Pissaeto Bay, 

'Castle of Odysseus,' with Cy- 
clopean walls on summit 

3570 ,, Mount Aetos, E. slope, looking 

up to the Kdstro 

3571 Tenos : harbour, Eve of the Annunciation 


3572 „ procession of the Sacred Picture 

3573 ,, Annunciation Festival ; keeping 

the line 

3574 ,, Annunciation Festival ; the crowd 

[Incorporating all slides illustrating Olympia in 'previous lists.] 

Maps and Plans. 

2646 Map of Elis (Olympia, Mappe I.) 

2647 ,, Olympia and neighbourhood (OL 

Mappe II.) 
32 ,, ,, after excavation, showing 

all periods together 

2648 ,, „ Hellenic period, Ca 300 

B.C. (Ol. Mappe III.) 
2G49 ,, ,, Roman period, Ca 200 

A.n. (01. Mappe IV.) 
2650-1 Map of Olympia, Byzantine period (Ol. 
Mappe V., a.u.) in two slides 

2652 Mag of Heraion, Exedra, Metroon {Ol. 

Mappe VI., n. ) 

2653 ,, South Portico, Bouleuterion, Temple 

of Zeus (Ol. Mappe VI., c) 

2654 ,, Echo Portico, Treasuries, Stadion 

(Ol. Mappe VI., E) 


3901 General View: before excavation (from an 
engraving) : [ = Db 10] 

2655 ,, ,, after excavation, from W. 

(Druva) (OL PI. 1) 



General \ 









Section : 

















: after oxeavat ion, from W., 
showing Kladoos : [ = Db 


panorama (in three slides) : 

[Db 12-14] 
from S.E., Temple of Zens 
in foreground (Ol. PI. 2a) 
diagonally through Heraion, 
Pelopion, Temple of Zeus (Ol. 
PL 125) 
,, diagonally through Leonidaion 

and Temple of Zeus (at right 
angles to preceding) (Ol. VI. 
,, the same continued : Temple of 

Zeus, Echo Portico, S. E. 
Building and House of Nero 
(Ol. PI. 127) 
,, through the Treasuries, longi- 

tudinal and across (Ol. PI. 128) 
Temple of Zeus : ground plan (Ol. PI. 9) 
,, ,, (a) east front ; (b) cross 

section (Ol. PI. 10) 
,, ,, view from N.K. (near 

Heraion): [ = I)c 38] 
,, ,, view from X. (near 

,, ,, view from S. E. 

,, ,, restored : [r-Dc 39] 

,, ,, ,, (another ren- 

dering) (Ol. PI. 132) 
,, ,, interior, present state (01, 

PI. 2b) 
Heraion : from S. : Kronos Hill behind : 
[ = l)c34] 
„ ,, S. (another view) : [Dc 36] 

„ S.E. 

,, ,, E., from near Treasury 


,, N.W. : [-De 35] 

,, ,, W., from Gymnnsion : 

[ = Dc 37] 
,, columns, present state (Ol. 

PI. 20) 

restored (Ol. PI. 21) 
Exedraand Heraion : restored (Ol. PI. 129) 
,, ,, ,, eastfront: elevation 

(Ol. PI. 84) 
Treasuries : retaining wall behind 

2G59 Treasuries ■ of Gold and Megarn, looking 

S.W. (01. PI. 5a) 
2664 ,, of Belinda and Metapontum 

(Ol. PI. 7b) 

2681 ,, of Sikyon, with Metroon (Ol. 

PI. 131) 

2673 ,, restored corner of a Treasury, 

showing colouring (Ol. PI. 

2674 ,, various fragments of marble 

showing coloured oramenta- 
tion (Ol. PI. 113) 

2675 ,, painted terracotta facade (Tr. 

of Gela): (Ol. PI. 117) 
2660 South West Gate of Altis : from N.E. 

(Ol. PI. 5b) 
1981 Leonidaion : terracotta ornaments (01. 

3509 Palaestra : present state 

2670 ,, ground-plan 

2657 ,, and TJieokoleion : general view 

(Ol. PI. 4a) 

2682 ,, Philippeion, Gymnasion, Hera- 

ion, Prytaneion, restored 
(O/. PI. 131) 

2671 Philippeion : elevation (Ol. PI. 80) 

2658 Stadion : entrance from Altis (01. PI. 4b) 
3501 ,, ,, ,, Altis (another 

2669 ,, ,, elevation ; cross section ; 

and plan of goal- 
lines (Ol. P). 47) 
2086 ,, goal-lines at eastern end 

2662 Nero's House (01. PI. 6b) 

2663 Byzantine Church : looking S. (Ol. PI. 7a) 
2601 ,, ,, interior (Ol. PI. 6a) 

Sculpture from Olympia. 

3682 Hermes of Praxiteles : [ = Sc. 15] 

376 „ „ ,, h ca( l onl y 

3680 Nike of Paionios. 

3644 •Pedimental groups of the Temple of Zeus, 

restored : [ = Sc. 5] 
1977 ,, E. Pediment separately : [ = Sc. 6] 
3647 ,, E. Pediment: aged Seer [ = Sc. 7] 
3646 ,, W. Pediment : central figure [ = Sc. 8] 
W. Pediment : view in Museum [ = Sc.9] 

Sb — Reliefs of Fine and Later Periods 

846 Athlete and ball (B.C.H. 1883, PI. 19) 

3579 Victory Akroterion : Epidaurus 

3580 Votive relief to Asklepios (Fitzw. Mus.) 

Sc— Statues, Busts, &c. of Fine and 
Later Periods. 

3680 Nike of Paionios (Olympia) 

3582 Athene (Munich) 

3702 Niobe. Gardner, fig. 102 


3583 Dionysus : ' Head of Christ ' 

3584 Running girl, victorious. (Clarac. Miiste, 

PI. 864, 2199) 
3515 Discobolus, standing (B. D.I. 503) 

3586 Kythera find. Youth : Bronze statuette 

(J.H.S. xxi.p.205,fig.l) 

3587 ,, ,, Youth : Bronze statuette 


358S Kythera find. 



Hermes?; bronze (id. p. 

206, fig. 3) 
Hermes?; bronze: legs 

(id. p. 207, fig. 4) 
Crouching youth : marble 

[id. p. 208, fig. 5) 

Va — VASES: Geometrical and Orientalizing: (classified under local styles). 

[The series has been completely revised, but the slides contained in the previous 
lists may still be ordered under their former numbers, which are printed 
here in [square brackets]. 

For Mycenaean and earlier styles see Va 1-7 in the list of 1897, and the 
section on Vases in the new Prehistoric series, below]. 

Jah rh. 
46, 47 : 

2699 Aegina : gryphon-headed oenochoe (Brit.) 

R.C., fig. 28 

363 ,, Harpies, etc. A.Z. 1882, PI. 10 : 

[ = Va20] 
897 ,, Herakles and Geryon, J.H.S. v. 

p. 176[ = Va21] 
705 Argolis: Tiryns : geometrical: man, 
horse, and fish. Schuchli. 
fig. 131 : [ = Va8] 
811 ,, Troezen : geometrical 

1899. p. 86, figs. 
[ = Va41] 
879 Attica : Dipylon vase : A.Z. 1885, PI. 8 : 

[ = Va 10] 
776 ,, ,, choric dance, Jahrb, 

1887, PI. 3:[ = V a 28] 
725 ,, ,, funeral procession, B.D. 

2071 : [ = Vall] 
885 ,, Early Attic : Warriors, etc. B.D. 

2079: [ = Va 9] 

2695 „ Early Attic: Siren, Couve.Z'. C'.II. 

xxii. 283, fig. 4 
819 ,, Early Attic: Leaping. B.M. : 

[Va 42] 
3537 ,, Early Attic?: Herakles and 

Ncssos : Gorgons, A.B. 57 
[ = Va 23] 

808 Boeotia : geometrical, Jahrb. 1899, p. 81, 

figs. 35, 35a: [ = Va38] 

809 Boeotia : geometrical, (a) horse and duck, 

(b) lion, Jahrb. 1899, p. 82, fig. 37, 
37a: [ = Va39] 

2696 Boeotia : geometrical, the same : side (a) 

only : Couve. B. C'.II. xxii. 274, fig. ] 
2702 Boeotia: geometrical, relief ornament. 

Couve. B.C.H. xxii. PI. 4 
2735 Corinth : ' proto-Corinthian ' : Ashm. Mus. 
852 ,» Macmillan lekythos, J.H.S. \i, 

PI. 2: [ = Va27] 

2703 Corinth : orientalizing : R.C., PI. 5 
983 „ votive tablets, PL 6: [ = Va26] 

804 Crete : geometrical : Anopolis, Jahrb. 1899, 

p. 37, fig. 17: [ = Va34] 

806 ,, geometrical : Anopolis, Jahrb. 1899, 

p. 41, figs. 26, 27: [=Va36] 

805 ,, geometrical : Knossos, Jahrb. 1 899, 

p. 39, fig. 21: [ = Va35] 

807 ,, geometrical : Knossos, Jahrb. 1899, 

p. 42, figs. 29-31: [ = Va 37] 
744 Cyrene : Arkesilaos vase : silphium-wcigh- 
ing, R.C. fig. 43 
2535 Cyprus : Graeco-Phoenician vase, Helbig, 

Epos 1 , fig. 20 
2736 ,, Graeco-Phoenician, selected types 

2698 Eretria : geometrical, Couve. B.C.H. , xxii, 

279, fig. 2 
2694 ,, orientalizing, Couve. B.C. II., 

xxii, 281, fig. 3 
810 Laconia : geometrical, Amyklaion, Jahrb. 

1899, p.' 84, figs. 41, 42: [ = Va 40] 
803 Melos: geometrical, Jahrb. 1899, p. 34, 
figs. 11, 12: [ = Va33] 
2701 ,, orientalizing, boys on horses, R.C. 
PI. 2 


>> >> 

warriors in combat, 
B.D. 2086 [ = Va 


" " 

Apollo and Artemis. 
R.C. p. 53: [ = Va 


>> j > 

bearded head, B.D. 
240: [ = Va 16] 


Nankratis : Polemarchos amphora, Kan- 

Ira lis 

i., PL 4: [ = Va 19] 


,, selected fragments, Navkrafis 

i., PI. 

5: [ = Va22] 


Phanagoria : oriental 
R.C. fig. 30 

izing : Hermitage : 


777 Rhodes : plate ■ Gorgon, J.H.S., vi, PI. 59 : 

[ = Va29] 
456 ,, ,, Euphorbos, Menelaos, Hek- 

tor, B.M. : [=Va29] 
2700 ,, oenochoe, Louvre, R.C., fig. 29 

801 Thera : geometrical, Jahrb. 1899, p. 81, 

figs. 6, 7:[=Va81] 

802 ,, ,, Jahrb. 1899, p. 32, 

figs. 8, 9: [-Va32] 

143 Uncertain: Aristonophos vase Md.I., be, 

4: [ = Val8] 
454 ,, male head from archaic vase, 

Helbig, Epos-, fig. 74 : [ = Va 
[For objects of Early Iron Age, other 
than Vases, see ' Miscellaneous Scries ' 
(Ma) in this and previous lists. 

Vb— VASES: black-figured. 

169 Panathenaic amphorae : runners, R.C. fig. 

847 Runners (B.D. fig. 2359) 
778 Death of Achilles (Birch, Aw-. Potteri/, 

1873, p. 193) : [ = Vb56a] 

782 Funeral Procession (Gardner, Sculptured 

Tombs, fig. 4): [ = Vb83a] 
1039 Francois Vase : Apollo and Fountain 
3591 Chariot Race : hydria, Berlin, (Boetticher, 

Ohpnpia, fig. 18) 

No— VASES: red-figured. 
845 Athletes practising (G. A. V. iv. 271) 


N.B. — The old series, Ma, Mb, have been reclassified and enlarged as follows ; but 
slides contained in them may still be ordered by their former numbers, 
which are given in [square brackets]. 


Neolithic and Early Bronze Age in 

2727 Neolithic Implements from Greece and 

Asia Minor (Ashmolean) 
2564 ,, celt with magical inscription, 

P.C. vi. fig. 5 
2738 ,, obsidian flakes : Mclos 

2801 ,, pottery from Knossos 

2728 ,, figurines from Knossos (and 

Cycladic figures for com- 
parison), Man. 1901, 146 

2729 Copper Implements from Cyprus (Ashm.) 
2726 ,, „ ,, „ (Cyprus) 

2725 Copper Implements from Central Europe 

for comparison (Much, KupfcrzciP ', 
fig. 1-14) 

2726 Copper Implements from Cyclades 

2722-4 Bronze Age pottery from Cyprus (three 

2730 Bronze Age tomb from Cyprus, with 

Mycenaean importations 


2567 Map of Troad (P.C. vi. fig. 61) : [cf. Ea 1, 
Ga 1, of former lists] 
476 Panorama of Scamander Valley (Schlie- 
mann, 21 A.B.): [ = Gb2] 
3902 Tumulus: 'Tomb of Patroklos' 
461 Hissarlik : ground plan 
398 ,, general view of Schliemann's 


3904 ,, ' Skaian Gates': principal 

entrance of ' Second City ' 

3905 ,, watercourse outside town 

458 ,, pottery : selected types (B.D. 

2003-23) : [ = Va 1] 
190 'Priam's Treasure,' from Second City [- 

Ma 80] 
216 ,, ,, jewellery worn by 

Mme. Schliemann 

3906 „ ornaments. 

3907 ,, two handled gold cup 



3596 Antiparos : bronze-age objj. {B.S.A. iii. 
p. 49) 

814 Syros : acropolis and cemetery of Cbalan- 

driani {Eph. 1899, PI. 7) 

815 ,, and Siphnos : pottery : selected 

types {Eph. 1899, PI. 80) 

816 ,, implements etc. {Eph. 1899, PI. 

10, 11) 
2570 Keros ; marble figures (Athens Nat. Mas. : 
A.M. 1884, PI. 6) 

2732 Amorgos : marble figures (Ashmolean) 

2733 ,, ,, bowls, &c. (Ashmolean) 
2223 Mel os : obsidian in situ 

2738 ,, obsidian flakes 

2226 ,, Phylakopi from land side 

2227 ,, „ S.W. angle 

2237 „ ,, panorama of upper part 

of site 
2561 Tliera : vases with naturalistic painting 
(P.C. vi. PI. 20) 

Crete ( Views, etc.). 

3817 Knossos : General View from near C'amlia 

3828 „ Plan of the Palace, 1901 

3811 ,, W. Court from S.W. Portico 

3812 ,, Magazine with pithoi 

3813 ,, ,, large pithos 

3814 ,, Throne-Pioom : Antechamber 

from N. entrance 

3815 ,, Throne-Room from Ante- 


3816 ,, Throne-Pioom : the tank from 

844 ,, Throne-Pioom in course of ex- 


Mycenaean Art in General. 

2705 Kamarais pottery (Mariani, Man. Ant. vi. 
PI. 9) 

2734 ,, ,, Knossos {J.H.S. xxi. 

PI. 6, 7 
463 Vases: selected types (B.D. 2062 ff.): 

[ = Va2] 
891 ,, from Karpathos and Kalymnos 
{J.H.S. viii. PL 83): [ = Va4] 
497 ,, ' biigelkannc ' type : [-Va3] 
2559 ,, floral ornament, somewhat con- 
ventionalised, from Shaft-grave 
(P.C. vi. PL 21) 
2558 ,, marine subject (P.C. vi. fig. 436) 
8511 ,, octopus (Marseilles Mus.) 
489 ,, later style: ' "Warrior Vase ' from 
Mycenae : obv. (Schucbh. fig. 
284): [=Va5] 
713 ,, later date: ' Warrior Vase' rev. 
[id. Cg. 285): [ = Va6] 

703 Vases : later date : warrior, horse, and 
dog : Tiryns 
2536 ,, sub-Mycenean: Lapathos in Cyprus 

{K.B.H. xcviii.l) 

2711 ,, ,, Tell-es-Safi in Philistia 

{P.E.F. 1899. 324) 

343 Fresco-painting : bull-catching : Tiryns : 

[ = Ma 1] 

831 ,, ,, facade of temple ; Knossos 

'{J.H.S. xxi. PL 5) 

832 ,, ,, facade of temple : Knossos 

(restored id. p. 193) 

3802 ,, ,, cupbearer : Knossos {Mon- 

thly Review, March 
1901, p. 124, fig. 6) 

3803 ,, ,, girl: Knossos {B. S. A. vii. 

fig. 17) 

3512 ,, ,, asses: Mykenae {J.H.S. 

xiv. p. 81) 

3513 ,, ,, reconstruction of ceiling : 

spirals {.J.H.S. xiv. PL 
2710 Gems ; selected (B.M. Cat. of Gems, PL 1) 
2571 „ ,, (P.C. vi. PL 16) 

839 „ „ {Eph. 1888, PL 10 = TsM. 

p. 218) 
3851-7 ,, ,, (from casts : seven slides) 

3860-70 ,, ,, (other groups: eleven 


3514 ,, demons (Milchhocfer, Avf. J. K. 

figs. 44, 46 

833 ,, male deity and lions {J.H.S. xxi. 

p. 163) 

3515 ,, animal figures {J.H.S. xiv. 106 

3510 Cretan seal-stones (Evans, J.H.S. xvi. p. 

327) : [ = Ma41] 
3818 ,, seal-stones, prismatic, with picto- 

graphic signs 
3807 Script: clay tablets: linear (833. 59) 

{B.S.A. vi. PL 1) 
2585 Sculpture and Modelling : statuette, Kam- 
pos(Tsountas, Mvk. T1o\. PL 11) 

3804 ,, human figure in relief: Knossos 

' {B.S.A. vii. fig. 6) 
3806 ,, head of bull : Knossos {Monthly 

Rev. 1901. 126, fig. 7) 

344 ,, stele from 'Shaft-grave' : spirals, 

chariot and armed man 
(Schuchh. fig. 146) : [>Ma 47] 

3516 ,, disc of Sarobina (Berlin) from 

photo. [ = Ma 30] 
346 Gold mask from ' Shaft-graves ' (Sclil. 
Myc. fig. 474): [ = Ma4] 

345 „ diadems (Schuchh. fig. 153) : [-Ma 


3517 ,, „ half only (Schuchh. fig. 

149): [ = Ma37] 




broastplate : spirals (Schuchh. fig. 
256): [ = Ma38] 




disc : octopod ornament (Schuchh. 

fig. 190): [ = Ma45] 




,, spirals (Schuchh. fig. 191): 





,, wavy band (Schuchh. fig 189) : 

[ = Ma34] 




,, leaf, butterfly, octopus, spiral 
(P.C. vi. fig. 540) 



ring : group of females (Schl. Myc. 
fig. 550): [ = Ma 2] 



f i 

ii ( n ) fighting, (b) hunting (Schl. 


Myc. fig. 334, 335): [ = Ma 





cup : rosettes (Schl. Myc. fig. 344) : 
[ = Ma31] 




,, fluted ornament (Schl. Myc. fig. 
342): [=Ma32] 




,, doves on handles (Schuchh. fig. 
240): [ = Ma5] 




cow's head (Schl. Myc. fig. 327): 
[ = Ma48] 




shrine and goddoss (Schl. Myc. 
fig. 423) 




other articles 



Inlaid daggers : lion-hunt [Schuchh. fig. 

227): [ = Ma6] 



,, ,, cats and water-birds: 

obv. (A.M. vii. 8) : 


[ = Ma28] 


,, ,, cats and water birds : 
rev. (A.M. vii. 8) : 


[ = Ma29] 



,, ,, («) cats (inlaid), (t)horscs 
(not inlaid) : [ = Ma 7] 

' Aegina Treasure' : gold cup with spirals 
(J.H.S. xiii. p. 190): [=Ma 
,, gold pendant (J.H.S. xiii. p. 
197) : [ = Mal3] 
(J. U.S. xiii. p. 
201): [=Mal4] 
Enkomi : greaves, with vase fragment for 
comparison (Reichel, Hmn. 
Ifaffenftig. 30, 31) 
,, draughtboard (J.H.S. xvi. p. 
289, 290) 
Knossos : draughtboard (B.S.A. vii. fig. 25) 
,, gold signet, engraved (J. U.S. 
xxi. p. 170) 
Mycenae : fibulae, etc. from tombs in 
lower town 
,, fibulae (Tsountas, Muk. TloX. 

PI. 7) 
,, swords (Tsountas, Muk. Wo\. 

PI. 7) 
,, spoarhead, knife, axe (Muk. 

noA. PI. 7) 
,, silver bowl, siege scene Eph. 

1891, PI. 2, fig. 2): [Ma 8] 
Orchomenos : ceiling (Collignon, fig. 19) 

[Ma 43] 
Spata: ivory heads with helmets (Reichel. 

Horn. W? fig. 38, 39) 
Tiryns : frieze of glass-paste and alabaster 

(Collignon, fig. 26): [ = Ma 44] 
Vaphio : gold cups, and scenes drawn out 
(Eph. 1899, PI. 9) : [ = Ma 9] 
.,, axe-head (Mwt, Uo\. PI. 7) : 
[ = Ma20] 

Egyptian Contact with Aegean Civilisation. 

3524 Nubian pots with spirals (photo): [ = Ma39] 

3525 „ ,, boat (photo): [ = Ma 40] 

2730 Aegean vases (Kamarais type) from Kahun 

(J.H.S. xi. PI. 14) 
•3510 Cretan seal-stones and Egyptian scarabs 
(J.H.S. xiv. 327) : [Ma 41] 

3526 Cartouche of King Khyan, from Knossos 

(B.S.A. vii. fig. 21) 

2731 Egyptian statuette from Palace of Knossos 

(Eg. Expl. Fund Report, 1899—1900, 
p. 60 If.) 
834 Egyptian lions and solar disc, cf. Cretan 
seal-stones (J.H.S. xxi. p. 162) 
1010 Gryphons, Egyptian (Aah-hotep) and My- 
cenaean (Schuchh. tig. 186) : [ = Ma 22] 
1006 Fresco-subjects, Egyptian : cats (B.M. No. 
170): [ = Ma 27] 

3527 ,, Egyptian : bull (Petrie, 

Tcll-cl-Amama,V\. 3): 
[ = Ma 18] 






Fresco-subjects, Egyptian : bull and lion 
(unpublished) : [ = Ma 
ii Egyptian : calf (Petrie, 

Tcll-el-Amarna, PI. 4): 
[ = Mal9] 
i> Egyptian : canal scene 

(unpublished) : [ = Ma 

Spiral ornament on columns (Petrie, Tcll- 
el-Amarna, PI. 10): [ = Ma 17] 
„ Ncfer-hotep ceiling (P. 81): [=Ma 

,, (P. 83): [ = Ma24] 
„ and lotus (P. 85): [ = Ma25] 
„ „ „ (P. 86): [-Ma 26] 
Kefti vases : from Rekhmara tomb 

,, single example (P. 100) 
[ = Ma33] 


Mycenaean Architecture : House Plans, etc. 

818 Gha : fortress-plan (TsM. p. 376) : [ = Ca 4] 
2569 Hissarlik : house-plan (P.O. vi. fig. 48) 
3828 Knossos: palace-plan 1901-2 (B.S.A. vii. 

2565 Mycenae: houses near the 'circle' (P.C. 

vi. fig. 114) 

2566 Thera : house-plan (P.C. vi. fig. 30) 
2568 Therasia: ,, (P.C. vi. fig. 29) 
2715 Tiryns and Mycenae : palaces compared 

{J.H.S. xx. p. 131) 




Tiryns : megaron restored : [ = Dc 26] 
Capital from * Treasury of Atreus ' restored 
(Puchstein, Das. Ton. Cap. fig. 
42): [ = Dc 15] 
, , Mycenaean and Doric profiles com- 
pared (J.H.S. vii. p. 163): 
[ = Dc 16] 
Bridge (cyclopean) near Epidaurus : [ = Dc 

Mycenaean Sites : Views, etc. 

2047 Athens : ' Pelasgic Wall ' on Acropolis 
478 Mycenae : ground plan (Schuchhardt) : 

2061 ,, general view from 'Treasuiy 

of Atreus': [ = Db50] 

3428 ,, wall and tower below Lion 

Gate: [ = Dc3] 
848 ,, Lion Gate, general view : 

[=Dc 4] 

2064 ,, ,, „ nearer view 

2065 ,, ,, ,, from within 
1959 ,, Postern: [ = Dc 6] 

3565 ,, ,, from within 

1683 ,, Gallery leading to Well in N. 

Wall: [ = Dc7] 
3535 „ Palace, Walls: [ = Dc 10] 

3429 ,, ,, staircase : [ = Dc 11] 
3450 ,, ,, megaron and hearth 

2067 ,, Circle and Shaft-graves : [Dc 8] 

2068 ,, ,, and Shaft-graves, nearer 

view : [ = Dc 9] 
488 ,, ,, during excavation (Schl. 

Myc. PI. 7) 
487 ,, 'Treasury of Atreus,' facade, 

before excavation 
2060 ,, 'Treasury of Atreus,' facade, 

after excavation : [ = Dc 13] 
2563 ,, 'Treasury of Atreus,' facade, 

restored (P.C. vi. PI. 6) 

3908 ,, 'Treasury of Atreus,' ground 


3909 ,, 'Treasury of Atreus,' longi- 

tudinal section 
1681 ,, 'Treasury of Atreus,' interior, 

present state : [ = Dc 14] 
2560 ,, ' Treasury of Atreus,' restored : 

(P.C. vi. PI. 7) 

1G84 Mycenae : 'Mme. Schliemann's Treasury.' 
dromos and doorway : [ = Dc 
1431 ,, 'Mme. Schliemann's Treasury, 

view of lintel from above : 
[ = Dc54] 
247 Tiryns: ground-plan (Schliemann) : [ = Dc 

462 ,, ,, ,, upper citadel only 

2715 ,, ,, ,, compared with My- 

kenai (J.H.S. xx 
p. 131) 
400 ,, ,, ,, megaron only (Schuch- 

hardt): [ = Da3] 
878 ,, general view from West: [ = Dc 



>> »» t 

from Outer Gate on 
E. side: [ = Dc 


>> »> >» 

from N. flanking 
Tower from with- 
in : [ = Dc20] 


>> >) ii 

Ramp to Entrance : 
[ = Dc21] 


North Wall 

and Postern : [ = I)c 


>> >> »* 

Upper Citadel seen 
from the North 


,, West wall o 

f Upper Citadel 


,, ,, ,, and Sally port : [ = Dc 



South Wall 

Gallery : [-Dc 24] 

another view, 3564 


„ East Wall, 

Gallery: [ = Dc 25] 
anotlu-r view, 3563 


» > >! >> 

Gallery, section 


,, Masonry, detail, from inside. 


Ma — EARLY IRON AGE: Geometrical and Orientalizing Art-styles. 
[For Vases of these styles see the Series Va above.] 

1025 Bocotia : gold band : lotos ornament. 

Eph. 1892, PI. 12: [ = Ma46] 
2534 Cyprus : iron sword from Tamassos. 

K.B.H. exxxvii. 7 
2533 ,, Cypro-Mycenacan vase handle : 
demons and vases. K.B.H. 
clvii. 4 
2537 ,, Gracco-Phoeniciau shield boss 

from Amathus. K.B.H. cxlii. 5 
,, [for 'Phoenician bowl' series, 
see below, s.v.] 

812 Egypt: bronze bowl (xviii. ilyn.), Jahrb. 

1898, PI. 2: [ = Ma55] 

813 'Phoenician Bowl': Cyprus, Egyptian 

subjects. Jahrb. 1898, 

figs. 7, la: [ = Ma56] 
3539 ,, ,, Cyprus: mixed style. 

P.C.iii. 546;[ = Ma42] 
340 ,, ,, Cyprus : gryphons and 

lions. Clermont Gan- 

neau, L'lmag. P1t,6n. 

PI. 4: [ = Ma50] 
706 ,, „ Cyprus : siege scene. 

Helbig, Epos 1 , PI. 1 : 

[ = Ma49] 





' Phoenician Bowl ' : Praeneste, Egyptian 
subjects: M.d.J. x. PI. 
32, fig. 1 : [ = Ma52] 
Olympia. Bronze cuirass (engraved figures 
only), Helbig, Epos : , 
fig. 48: [ = Ma70] 
,, ,, Priam redeeming Hector, 

A ufs. E. Curlius gcw. 
PI. 4: [=Ma71] 
,, ,, Hcraklcs and Triton. 

Gardner, figs. 2-3 : 
[ = Ma54] 
,, ,, Boetticher, Olympia, 

p. 185 [-Mb 17] 
,, painted marble fragments (Ol. 

PI. 118) 
,, ,, terracotta : Treasury of 

Gela (Ol. PI. 117) 
,, 'Chest of Kypselos ' : diagram. 

Gardner, fig. 5: [ = Mb38] 
,, 'Chest of Kypselos' restored. 
J.H.S. xiv. PI. 1. 

Armour and Warfare. 

[For Mycenaean Armour sec the ' Prehistoric ' Series above. For Hellenic 
Armour compare also Battle- scenes on Vases in series Vb, Vc : csp. in the ' Trojan 


176 • Bow of Odysseus' vase 

338 'Homeric Warrior' (Leaf and Bayfield): 

side view : [ — Ma 15] 

339 'Homeric Warrior* (Leaf and Bayfield) : 

front view : [ — Ma 16] 

2717 ' Boeotian shield ' : early types. Keichel, 

Horn. Waffew?, figs. 
13, 14, 15 

2718 ,, ,, and other early shields 

(vase) : id. fig. 25 
470 ' Shield of Achilles ' (Murray) : [ = Ma 53J 
3604 ,, ,, (Gardner, fig. 4) : 

[ = Mb37j 
2716 Greaves : hoplite putting them on : ( : 
Rcichel, Horn. Waffen 2 , fig. 32 

2719 Greaves : early example from Cyprus 
(Enkomi). Keichel, Horn. 
Waffen 2 , figs. 30, 31. 
3510 ll"plitc armour: painted tablet: Acro- 
polis : [ — Ma 73 J 
471 ,, ,, bronze statuettes, B.D. 

2190-1 : [ = Ma72J 
701 ,, „ Melianvase: [ = Val3J 

234 ,, ,, youths arming (vf, 

vase). B.D. 2207 
[ = Va 87] 
3911 Armed Footrace. B.D. 2360 
3910 Dokimasia of Cavalry, B.A. xl. 7 
572 Pyrrhic Dance (relief) 



3607 Aenos, JR : showing itrimitive statue. 

Gardner, fig. 7 : 
3543« Achaea: [ = Mb43] 
35436 Arcadia: [ = Mb43] 
967 Athens, ,R, 5th cent. : head of Athene : 

[ = Mbl5] 
856 , M, contestof Athene and Poseidon. 

J.H.S. PI. 75, Z xiv. : 
[ = Mbl6] 

3592 ,, JE, Athene with shield and 

thunderbolt. J.H.S. PI. 
75, AAxiv. : [ = Mb 17] 
3626 ,, M, statue of Apollo of Delos. 

Gardner, fig. 26 
855 Corinth, jE, Aphrodite with shield, and 
Eros. J.H.S. PI. 53, G 
exxi. : [ = Mb20] 

3593 ,, iE, Aphrodite in temple. J.H.S. 

PI. 53, Gcxxvi. :[ = Mb21] 

3594 Cyprus, AL, Temple of Aphrodite at 

Paphos (several examples) : Roman : 
[ = Mb 23] 
3549 Egypt, M, Ptolemy I.: Alexander III. -IV. 
(together) : [ = Mb 49] 

3595 Eleusis, JE, Triptolemos in snake-chariot. 
J.H.S. PI. 77, EE xx. : [ = Mb 19] 

3654 Elis, A&, Olympian Zeus, Gardner, 

fig. 54: [ = Mb5] 

3655 ,, M, Olympian Zeus, Gardner 

fig. 55: [ = Mb6] 
3546 Caidus, etc. 
3542 Lampsacus: [ = Mb42] 

3546 Lydae, etc. : [ = Mb46] 

1074 Macedon, Philip II. A 7 , stater. Head of 
\ Apollo: [ = Mbl8] 

3544 „ Philip III. (Gaulish imitation) : 

[ = Mb44] 
3548 Myra (goddess of) : Gordian : Claudius : 
[ = Mb 48] 
342 Rome, M : arrival of Aesculapius at Insula 
Tiberina: T = Mb22] 
3606 Sparta, M : statue of Apollo. Gardner, 
fig. 6: [ = Ma78] 

3547 Tarentum, Alexander of Epirus : [ = Mb47] 

3545 Tarsus: Demetrius II. : the God Sandan, 

etc. : [ = Mb45] 

[Compare the large series of slides of Coins in Hellenic Association Series 

(J.H.S. xx. lxiii.).] 





The "following list of photographs represents one sub-section of the 
reference-collection which is preserved in the Hellenic Society's Library. 
The columns of asterisks show the approximate size of the photograph 
which is included in the collection : thus, an asterisk in the column 
headed — 

] signifies a photograph of quarter-plate size or less (3' X 3'. &c). 

!> „ „ „ half-plate „ „ (5' X 4'). 

] „ ., „ whole plate „ „ (7' X 5'). 

x „ „ „ more than whole plate size (usually 8' x 10'). 

In the large majority of cases, members may procure copies of these 
photographs by ordering from the Assistant Librarian : in such cases the full 
title of the photograph must be quoted, together with the size required. 

It should be noted that where two or more sizes are shown, they are 
usually from different negatives, and the point of view from which the 
photographs were taken is not necessarily identical in all cases. 


View from the inn 

Town and citadel 


General view, with tombs of Pontic Kings 
Citadel : from Turkhal road 

Theatre ( = Texier PI. 33) 

COM AN A Cap))adociac (Shahz). 

General view : theatre in middle distance 

Theatre : nearer 

Temple ruins 

Bridge over Iris 


Ruined Buildings 


'11 h\\ 



Plain of Ephesus 

Cayster River and Railway Bridge 

,, ruins in river bed 
Ayasaluk village 

„ from E. 
»' " n 

,, ,, native men 

>> >• >> women 

,, aqueduct and cafe 
General view from Theatre, looking W. 

,, ,, from Mount Prion 

Walls on Mount Prion 

,, and rock-cut road 
Stadion (?) on Mount Prion 
Temple of Artemis : before excavation 
,, ,, after excavation 

„ „ from Castle Hill 

,, ,, formerly supposed 

,, ,, present state (1901) 

,, ,, column base, etc: 

Brit. Mus. 
Theatre : general view 

„ „ „ nearer 

„ seats : from proscenium 
,, proscenium 
,, ,, nearer (2 views) 

,, ,, and seats to right 

,, recently discovered fragments 
Castle Hill and Castle 

, , Gate ( ' Gate of Persecution ' ) 
Coressian Gate 

,, nearer view 


Serapeion : altar 

Sculptured lank near Agora (Austrian 
,, ,, detail 

„ ,, end view, looking W. 

Details : composite capital near harbour 
,, late capital near harbour 
,, ,, ,, between Agora and 

,, cornice 
,, macander ornament 

Christian, Eyzcintinc, Etc. 

St. Luke's Church 

St. Paul's Prison (so-called) 
Byzantine Fortress and St. John's Church 

,, ,, bit of wall 

Double Christian Church 
Baptismal Font 
Large Mosque 

,, ,, W. entrance 

Mosque of Isa Bey : looking S. 

,, looking N.W. ; plain behind 

,, ruins 

HALYS River. 
View between Sivas and Zarn 


View from Theatre : looking W. 
,, ,, S.W., showing Baths 
Ruins of large Church 
Outer Gate with round Towers 
Hot Water Falls 
Greek tomb 

IRIS River. 

View at Turkhal 
,, down stream, from bridge in Amasia 
,, at Comana Pontica 

Shrine of Demetcr 


Stadium and Public Buildings 
Ruins of small church 
Stone with water pipes 


Harpy tomb : landscape, from drawing 
,, ,, sculptures (3 views) 

MAGNESIA (ad Macandrum) 
Ruins of Temple 

View looking S. 


Lake shore: walls: looking W., council 
chamber to left 
,, ,, ruins: council chamber to 

Council chamber 
Walls of Hadrian : north 

,, ,, north : entrance from 

ii ,, cast 

,, ,, south 

Lcfka gate : outside, from N.E. 
, , , , nearer 
,, ,, outer opening 
,, ,, inner opening 
Yenishchr gate and walls : outside 
,, ,, outer opening 

,, ,, inner opening 

"Old College" 
Disused Mosque 

NICOPOLIS (Puidm : mod. Park) 

General view 


General view from west gate 
West gate 
Roman Basilica 

Christian church, now a mosque 
[For Map and Reconstructions see Slide 




View from road, looking W. 

,, ,, top of lull 
Walls, looking E. (2 views) 
Christ i;»u Church, now a mosque 

PHI! V<71 A {General). 

Lion Tomb 

Tombs 1, 2, nml ii together 
,, 1, 2, •"». and 6 .separately 

J///; . / s KEC110P0L IS. 

Tomb of Midas 

,, witli acanthus pattern 
Rock altar 
Fallen Lion Tomb 

)( ,, head of lion 
Stone cut like a ram 


General view of plain, looking K. 
Temple of Oybelc 
Christian Ohurcli : ruins 
Stadium, Theatre, and Church 

,S7,S' (Poutm). 

View in valley towards Sis 

,, away from Sis 
Armenian monastery 

Gate of Seljul< College 


Ceneral view from lion j.-i road 
llai hour ami railway pier 
Caravan Bridge: entrance, to town 
Village of liouja 

., ■ ,, Protestant Church 

St. Anne's Valley : l.'iver Moles 
Chinch of St. Klias 
,, aqueduct 

Aqueduct: other side, from 'Great 

Paradise ' 
Old Khan 

TAUIUJS lUnujti. 

View from Sis Up tlie valley 
,, ten niihs W. of Yarpuz (Arabissus) 
,, from Kanla Kawak : along the 
great eastward road 
Gorge above Xcitun 

Kussuk Pass : view from summit, down 
the Pyramus valley 
,, ,, view up stream north- 


Til Y ATI 1! A. 
General view from Windmill Hill 

General view 


with castle 


Gaz-Ibora : general view 
Lis river 


Ainargeili: view from village 
Aschcliti : carved wooden church screen 
,, lialdachin 
,, pulpit 
,, rood, etc. 
,, gorge near Aschclia 
liellapaii: the cloister 
Dint ii Amour : Castle 
ISpishopi : (Kiirion) from W. 

,, Akropolis and silt' of excavations, 

,, workmen and staff, 189fi (2 views) 
Famnyttsln .• Geueinl view : Cathedral 
and Church of St. George 
,, liampart ami moat 
,, Cathedral from rampart 
.,, W. front 
,, ,, ,. ,. minaret 

,, . ,, K. end 
,, ,, ,, S. side 

,, ,, ,, chantry door 

,, Lusignan palace : gateway 
Kcnjuia: Byzantine Fort 
Kolufwi : Castle of Knights Templars 
KoiikHa: Village 

,, The village mosqilC 
,, Threshing floor 
,, Koiikliote diggers 
„ Valleys W. of village 
,, ,, N. K. of village, and village 

of Suskiu 
Lapa/Jum: tomb and monastery 
Lc.ondtiri 1'ound: Crusaders' Fortress 

from S. 
SI., C'aro G«Ma, Limasol : 

Nicosia: St. Sophia, W. end 
o ,> interior 

,, Desecrated Church 
,, Street, scene 
PapJiOD (Ktmklia) ■ Monoliths by the sea 
,, Temple, S. Wing. S.W. angle 

,, ,, ,, another view 

,, ii >> from S. Porch 

,, ,, excavation 

,, ., Central Court : Breakfast 

,, ,, S. Porch : excavations 

W. end 
,, ., ». B.K. angle 

,, ,, ., from S.E. angle 

,, N. wall : W. end 
,, ,, N.W. angle block (Cesnola's) 

,, S. (ham her from K. 




Paphos (Kouklia) : E. entrance 
,, Inscribed pedestal 
,, General view from excavators' 

house : E. part 
,, Inscription (elaeochristian) 
,, Eros, from Temple of Aphrodite 
,, ,, profile view 

,, Terra-cotti head 

New Paphos : The 'Bleeding Column' 


Troodos : summit, and summer encamp- 


.-EG IX A. 
General view 

Temple of Athene : distant view 
,, ,, from E. 

,, S.E. 
,, ,, ,, S.E. : from 


,. s.w. 

„ w. 

„ N.E. 
,, ,, interior looking N.E. 



Minoa : primitive acropolis wall 

. , herobn on acropolis 
Hellenic watch tower 

,, farmstead 

,, oil-press block 


See separate list hereafter 


Precinct of Isis 

Cynthian Mount 

,, ,, from Lake of 

,, ,, Temple of Apollo 

,, ,, Cave Temple : Roman 

house in foreground 
,, ,, ,, ,, foundations 

,, ,, ,, statue of Isis 

Lake of Leto 
Temple of Apollo : ruins 
Temple of Apollo : akroterion [Athens 
Nat. Mus.] 
,, ,, akroterion [Athens] 

,, priest's scat 

Naxian colossal statue 
Archaic female statue from Delos 

[Athena N.M.] 
Portrait statue ■.) c. Ohdlius 
In-' i iption 


Vhalcis : the Euripus 
,, Mt. Messapion 


Chalets: fort on the mainland 
Achmctaga: Easter afternoon service 
,, kissing the Gospel 

,, hanging Judas 

,, Judas ' bursts asunder ' 

,, end of the ceremony 


Inscription in Syra Museum 


Rocks off N.AV. promontory 
A daman ta : from the anchorage 
Trypeti, &c. , from the harbour (pan- 
,, from Adamauta road 
,, small boy singing St. Lazarus' 
Plakka : church 
Kepos : church, exterior 
,, ,, baptistery 

Sta Nychia : obsidian in situ 

Klima (= Hellenic city-site): Panorama 
from Trypeti : site and harbour 
(four views) 
,, Akropolis and stadion 
,, ,, and town wall 

,, Town wall 
,, Gate site 

,, ,, ,, polygonal wall 

,, Martza terrace (stadion ?) 
,, ,, ,, retaining wall 

,, ' Three Churches Site' statues 
,, ,, statue of woman 

,, ,, torso of man 

,, ,, statues 

,, ,, architrave 

,, ,, baptistery 

,, Theatre : view 
,, ,, retaining wall 

,, Mosaic : general view 
,, ,, altar end 

,, ., fish panel and altar 

Roman equestrian statin: 
Small marble head 
I'eriante inscription 
' Cave Site ' 

Oil-press of the Euryanaktidai 
Tramyt/ria : Dionysiac altar 
,. view of Plnkka 

Phylakopi: General view 
,, ,, ,, from S. 

,, ,, K 
,, N. 
,, ,, S.E. 
,, "Walls 
,, Cav.s 
,, Panorama from Myk. Palace from 

E. to S.W. (eight views in all; 
,, Panorama from Myk. Palace: 
E.— E.S.E.— S.K. (three, views) 
,, S.W. corner : looking E. 
,, S. wall : looking X. from staircase 


Phylakopi : S. Wall : postern gate 

,, W. end of site : looking E. 

,, View from mound : looking E. 

,, Regio 111. : looking N. 

,, View of area D. 5 : from N. 

,, Panorama from wall : E — S. — W. 

,, Excavation: interior of ltegio I. 


Hellenic watch-tower 

,, ,, ,, nearer view 

,, ,, ,, (another tower) 

M i. i) M view thence 
,, well-house 


I'uhtli: gateway 
Epanokust ro : view northward 
,, Mediaeval ruins 

i) M chapel 

Mt. Koronis 

Mt. Zia or Ozin : Vnlley of Pnrntrcklm 
Mom : Chapel 

.tp'illima : general view from S. 
,, the inscription 

,, colossal statue: side view 

,, ,, ,, view from 

Florid: unfinished statue : head 
,, ,, ,, side 

,, ,, ,, from feet 

,, ,, ,, from head 

Naxian colossal statue : in Drtos 
Pyryos to a Chchnarrou : Hellenic watch - 

Philoli: villagers 

P A110S. 
Stele, from Paros, in Syra Museum 

View from Cynthian Mount in Delos 


llrrinopolix : panorama from archway: 
N. half 
,, ,, from archway : 

S. half 
Old Syra: the. Roman Catholic upper 
,, (distant, view) 
,, view down a street 
,, shipping : a Bombardo from 

,, ,, a Peram.i 

,, ,, a Techanderi and 

., 'La Caranianiennc ' dance 

performed by Syriote 

Polamoft : a street in Hermopolis 
Episkopio : view from the church terrace 
,, towards Rheneia 


Museum : stele from Paros, a poor man's 
• gravestone 
,, inscription from los 

TEX' is. 

Mt. Burgo and the Sanctuary of the 

Evangelist ria 
Annunciation Festival (several views) 



The Golden Horn 


Seraglio Point and St. Sophia from N. 

(ialata from S. 


Larissa: mosque, (a) (l>) 

Metcora: Knlubakn, from the railway 
,, ,, and 11. Trinita 

,, ,, and H. Stephanos 

,, Kastraki, general view 

,, ,, general view of 

,, ,, and H. Barlaam. etc. 

,, ,, and H. Rosanc 

,, monastery of II. Barlaam 


Pclion and Volo 

Pcneios : valley at Baba 

Tcmpc: up the valley 
,, another view 
,, view towards the sea 

I'olo and [Pclion] 


(between Thessaly and Attica). 

Amphi.isa : view 

Chacroncia: the acropolis and theatre 
from E. 
,, the acropolis and theatre 

from N. 
,, the battle-field 

,, the lion 

i, >> head only 

Delphi : General view from the E. 
,, View lrom S. 
,, Crissa and Kastri from S.W. from 

the Plain of Crissa 
,, View from Delphi looking E. to- 
wards Arachovn 
,, View from Delphi looking W. to- 
wards Kir rim can Phi in 
,, Substructures of Peribolos, and 

Athenian Stoa 
,, Kastalian spring 
, ' Logan',' the ' Gate of Hades' 
,, Rock-tomb below wall of Philo- 
mel or 




Delphi : Reliefs in Museum 
, , Theatre : general view 
,, ,, seats 

,, Stadium : looking E. to starting 

.. w. 

., ,, ,. >, starting 

,, ,, supporting wall 

Euboea, see Aegean Islands 
Helicon: from Lake Copais 
,, ,, Stiris 

,, Hieron of the Muses, view from 
Hill of Aspra to right 
,, ,, proscenium 

, , , , theatre 

Laphystion, Mt. 

Lcbadeia : distant view with Mt. La- 
Lcuctra : battle-field 
Parnassus: from E. from the plain of 
,, from S.E. from Stiris 

Plataea : plain of Boeotia from Kokla 
,, battle field and Mt. Kithaeron 

from N.E. 
Stiris: general view from S.E., Parnassus 
,, ,, ,, Helicon behind 

,, Church of St. Luke. E. end 

(panorama : 2 views) 
,, Church of St. Luke, S. side 

W. front 
N. wall 
,, ,, ,, Interior 

,, courtyard 
Thebes : with the ' Cave of the Dragon ' 
Thermopylae : general view 
Thespiae: site 
Tithorsia : cave of Odysseus 



View from Munychia 
Athens and the Peiraeus from S.W. 
Panorama from Pnyx (6 views) 
Panorama from the Nymphs' Hill 

(3 pieces) 
View from Museum Hill, looking N.E. 

,, ,, Kolonos 

,, ,, Lykabettos (single sheet) 
From Lykabettos : Panorama (4 views) 
View from the Acropolis, looking N. 


From E. 
,, S. E., distant view from the Stadion 
with Olympieion 
S. (Turkish Period), from engraving 
S.W. (from Museum Hill) 

,, with Frankish Tower 
W., from the Pnyx 

>i i> >> 
Church of Bombardier, W. front 

From Nymph Hill 

West front, entrance from W. 

>> >> approach 
The Turkish walls in course of demolition 
From N.W. from Areopagus 

,, ,, foot of Areopagus 

,, ,, ,, N.W. bastion 
From the N.W. 

,, ,, with the Theseion 
From N.E., from Lykabettos 

,, ,, ,, King's Garden 

Grotto of Pan 
Wall on N. side, hastily built with 

column-drums, etc. 


Temple of Nike Apteros. 

From E. with Pelasgic Wall 

From E. near view 

S.E. corner 

Turkish guard house, from S. (Odeum) 

From S. (Odeum) 

From S.W. with Propylaea and Pelasgian 

From N.E. 

Seen between columns of Propylaea 
Modern steps from W. (from below) 

Bastion of Odysseus. 
View taken in 1889, (since destroyed) 

From E. 

' Pelasgic Wall. 


From the East 

View through the door 

From the top of the Parthenon 

,, S.E. from Kimon's Wall (S.E.) 

,, S.E. Hall (unfinished) 

,, S.W. from Nike Bastion 

,, S.W. from Nike Bastion 

,, The Pinakotheke 

,, W. general view 

,, W. looking up from Beule's Gate 

,, N.W. near view 

,, N. (showing Grotto of Pan) 
N.E. N.E. Hall (unfinished) 
Detail of S. doorway 
Anta of prae-Periclean Propylaea 
Monument of Agrippa 
Pyrrhus Inscription 
Strongylion Inscription 
Temenos : from S. 

Minor Monuments. 

Artemis of Brauron 

' Ge Karpophoros' Inscription 

From E. 
From S.E. 

,, S. with part of Old Temple from S. 

,, the top of the Parthenon 
With foundations of Old Temple 


•'"! J I 

From S. W. Karyatid Porch 

,, ,, Karyatid Porch only 

,, W. 

,, ,, showing the door 
N. door and Porch from E. 
N. Porch only 
the N. door only 
Excavation on N. side 

,, kymation : fragment 

,, bird and leaf 
Archaic Ionic Capital found buried to 

the E. of the Erechthciou 
Mycenacau column base, S. of Ereehth- 


From E. 

,, S. E. (from top of the museum) 

„ 8.E. 

,, S. side : foundations 

,, S. F. corner 

,, ,, ,, corner only 

,, W. (from Bvauron Temenos) 

,, ,, (from Temple of Nike) 

,, N.W. 

,, N., through Byzantine arch of 

„ N.F. 
Interior, from E. 

„ S.E. 
,. ,, S. 

„ s.w. 
„ w. 

„ N.W. 
,, ,, top of S. wall, looking E. 

Colounade, S. side 

,, N. side, looking E. 

,, N. side, looking E. 

W. side 
,, W. side, looking N. 

Details : capital of column [Brit. Mus. ) 
,, unfinished drums 

,, steps on N. side, showing 

,, ,, ,, E. side, from N. 

,, substructures, E. end, looking 

N. E. 
,, ,, S. side, near to 

E. end 
,, one of the setting-out marks, 

S. side, half size 
Turkish period, from engraving, K. end 

W. end 

East Pediment. 

Carrey's drawing (the whole) 

S. end (view in Elgin room) 

S. end, Carrey's drawing 

N. end, (view in Elgin room) 

N. end, Carrey's drawing 

N. end, Michaelis, xvi. pi. 3 

' Helios ' : horses 

' Theseus ' 


'Selene,' and horses 

' Hephaistos ' : torso 

Female torso 

! I i 

j I 

West Pediment. 

Carrey's drawing 

N. end (view in Elgin room) 

,, and centre (Carrey's drawing) 
S. end (view in Elgin room) 

,, (Carrey's drawing) 

' Ilissos " 

■ Kephissoa ' : torso 
' Kckrops' and daughter 
' Poseidon ' : torso 
Central Fragments 

Pediments : ancient copies of the sculp- 
tures, Athens N.M. 200-2 
,, of Parthenon and Olympia, 



Showing order of Panathcnaic procession 
East : Artemis ; Apollo ; Hermes 
,, Hermes to Arcs; Michaelis xiv., 

,, Zeus, Here, and Iris; Michaelis 

xiv., 28-31 
,, Head of Iris 
,, Central group; Michaelis xiv., 

,, Athene and Hephaistos ; Michaelis 

xiv., 36-37 
,, Poseidon, Dionysos, Demeter 
,, Aphrodite, Eros, Elders 
,, Maidens, Michaelis xiv., 49-56 
North : Cattle, Michaelis xii., 3-6 
,, Sheep, Michaelis xii., 8-12 
,, Pitcher carriers, Michaelis xii., 

13, 16-19 
,, Chariot group, Michaelis xii., 

,, ,, ,, Michaelis xii., 

,, Horseman, Michaelis xiii., 

,, ,, Michaelis xiii., 

,. Youths and horses, Michaelis 

xiii., 130-134 
,, View from above 
West: Horsemen : (slab 39'' ; Michaelis 
ix., 2, 3 
,, ,, youth, Michaelis ix., 

,, Hoise and man, Michaelis ix., 15 
., Horse and youths, Michaelis ix., 

,, Horsemen (in situ) 
,, Magistrates (slab 17) 


Columns : with triangular capitals 
Th rosy 11 os monument (present state) 

lf ,, (Stuart and Revett) 

Lysikrates monument 

,, >> Frieze 

Dionysiac Theatre. 

From Acropolis above 
,. N.E. 



From N.E. 
„ N. 

,, N. with the two temples 
„ E. 

,, S. front view 
,, S.W. 
„ S. stage from E. 

of Phaecirus from E. 

;; :, „ ., „ ,. n. 

>) >) details 
Remains ef earlier stages 
Old Orchestra 
Priest's chair 

,, ,, another view 

Inscribed seats 

,, ,, three together 

Temenos of Dionysos : altar 


From E. 

Retaining wall of theatre 
Boundary stone 
Entrance to well 
Interior of well-house 
Cyclopean wall 
P i4; 


General view 

Odeion of Herodes Atticus. 

Interior from above 
Exterior from S. 



E. TO S., TO IV., AND TO S. 

Arch of Hadrian: from the S.E. 

,, ,, N. with the Olympieion 
Olympieiont from S.E. 
,, nearer view 

from N.W. 
,, ,, Acropolis 

,, N.K. from the King's 

ii group of columns 

marble Ionic cap found in 
the Temenos 
Ilissos: valley 
KullirrhoE : Ilissos ravine 
• Stadion 
Monument of Philopnppos 
Tomb of Kiiiion ' 
' Pri*on of Socrates' 

I'ny.c : General View from Nymph Hill 
,, Bema: from K. 
„ „ „ w. 
,, Rock-wall fiom W. 
,, Pclasgic houses at back of Pnyv 
Excavation* between Pnyx an>i Acropo/i* : 
,, Altar of Temple of Dionysos 
,, Wine-press 

,, Junction of streets by wine-press 
,, 13-foot road, looking S.K. 
,, „ ,, drainage system 
,, Altar of Dionysos ' en Limnais' 

Areopagus : From gate of Acropolis, from 
,, Grotto of Eumenides, from N.E. 

Nymph Hill : observatory 

,, ,, inscription 

Theseion : From E. 

„ S. 

„ S.W. 

„ w. 

„ N.W. Acropolis behind 
,, N.E. 
(late of the Market 
The Oil Market 
Tower of the Winds 
Sioa of Attalus 
Stoa of the Giants 
Stoa of Hadrian : exterior 
„ „ „ W. end 
,, ,, ,, interior 
ii .. u Mosque 
,, ,, ,, and railway station 
iJipylon Gate, <kc. : the gate itself 
,, Wall of Themistocles 
,, Street of Tombs : general view 

[For individual monuments see catalogue 
of Orave Reliefs hereafter.] 


Metropolitan Church 

„ „ from S.E. 

,, ,, from S. 

,, ,1 E. end, details 

,, ,, from N. 

,, ,, interior door to 

nave : from the 
„ „ S. aisle, from the 

„ ,, from W. general 

,, details of N. half 
,, ,, from S. 

,, from S.W. 
Kapnikaraea Church : E. end 

,, ,, S. side, from S.E. 

St. Theodore 
St. Saviour 

Asomaton Monastery : from P>rit. School 
Architectural fragment (Uyzantinc) 
,, ornaments ( ,, ) 


Parthenon from E. (engraving) 

Guard house by T. of Nike Apteros 
Mosque near Hadrian's Stoa 


Exclusive of Athens, for which see above] 


Tatoi : general view 
View from Acropolis 


i 4 

The Bay 

Eleusis and Salamis 
Hieron : Ground plan 

,, General view 

,, ,, view loookingE. towards 

,, ,, view looking S.E, 

,, ,, view from above looking 

,, Greater Propylaea 
,, i, >> with Temple 

of Artemis 
,, ,, ,, Medallion 

,, Sacred Way within Precinct 
,, Lesser Propylaea, of Appinn 

,, Lesser Propylaea, of Appius 

Pulcher : details of gate and 
,, Tcmenos of Aidonens [Pinto] 

from S. 
,, Tcincnos of Aidonens [Pinto] 

from N. 
,, Substructures 
,, ,, polygonal tenaco- 

M ,, and gate (3 views) 

,, from N.W. panorama 
,, ,, ,, single view looking 

,, s.w. 
„ s. 

,. N. 
,, earlier column bases 
,, later ,, ,, 

,, n doorways 

. , , , seats 

,, Periclean Portico 


General view from the Khan of Gaza 
Fort : exterior : showing live towers 
, , interior 


General view from Athens 


{Sto Dionyso.) 

Rapendosa valley and cave 

,, cave 
View from the brow of Ra|iendosa 
Cliff : view towards Marathon 

,, view towards the Pentad ic range 
Ruined Church, untouched 

,, ,, palled down 

Replica of a ' Marathonian Soldier ' 
Votive victor's crown 
Relief from the Pythion 
Acroterion from the Choragic Monument 
with Christian crucifix cut in it 


Kephissos valley, and Kolonos 

! I 


General view of necropolis 
Spot KipafiiiKuv inscription 


Hill of Demeter 
Kolonos and Kephissos 


Panorama (2 views) 


From 8.E., British School in front 
„ S.W. 


General view : from N.E. with Pentelikon 
,, Vrana 
,, ,, ,, N.W. looking sea- 
,, ,, ,, The Mound 
ii >> ii 8. road 
Viana village 


General view from New Phaleron 

,, ii <> Peiracus 
Theatre : Dionysiac Altar 

,, Trench through seats 

UENOE (Gyphtckastro). 

General View 

Interior of Fortress (2 views) 


Byzantine Church 


Amphiaraion : theatre, from N.W. 
M ,, scat of priest 

,, proscenium 

View from Athens 

PEIRAEUS (including Eeliorv.ia). 

View from a steamer 
,, ,, Mnnychia, with Zca and 
Panorama from mouth of harbour 
Harbour : outside 
,, inside 

Fortifications on Akte 
Walls and gate 
Gateway showing ancient ruts 
Eetioneia : fort 
Ancient theatre 
Long Walls 



General view from W. 

,, ,, ,, S. W. from Munychia 

View near summit : looking upwards 
View from summit towards Athens 
,, ,, ,, ,, Marathon 


The Bay, with New Phaleron, looking 

The Bav from Athens, looking X.E. 
Old Phaleron 


View ove; Attica to. S. 
General view from X. 
Near view : tower and wall 

,, east tower 

,, entrance 


PJieitoi : looking X. W. along road to 

Eleusis (2 views) 
Pass of Daphne 

Temenosof Aphrodite, and votive niches 


and Psyttaleia over Peiraens 
View from entrance of Peiraens, look- 
ing E. 
View from entrance of strait 
Bay of Salamis 
Panorama, S. \\'., from slopes of Aegaleos 

(10 views in a)]) 
Kynosoura: from mainland from 'Xerxes' 

Scat ' 
View from X.E. angle of the Buy looking 

E. towards Kynosoura and the Arsenal 
Slioal : Island of St. George, Kontonri 

Hill, etc. 
Greek arsenal, and opening to Bay of 

Eleusis in distance, from opposite the 

W. end of the hay : narrowest part 
View from Eleusis, looking S. \V. 


Genera] view of Cane Colonna 

Temple : near view 
., from K. 

'„ ,. S.K. 

,, W. 
., X. 
,, N.E. 
,, interior from E. 

View from Temple 

Theatre (2 views) 



General view, from E., with Peiraeusand 

Theatre (2 views) 

,, orchestra and stage 

,, seats 


Megara : Easter Tuesday dance, 1889 

Skironian Kecks, general view, looking 
,, ,, nearer view, looking 



[Principal Districts, and Sites within 
each, in alphabetical order.] 


General view 
Another view 

Three views 
Currant factory 


Gorge at Karytaena 


(KraiKiovrysi) : distant view 


,, another view 

,, walls 

a OR TVS. 
Site of Gortys 


Distant view from S. 
Castle : view from E. 

,, from interioi of town 

,, interior 
Prankish bridge : from E. 
„ W. 
Gor«{f! of Alpheios 
Plain of Megalopolis : from castle 

Temple of Despoina 


The battlefield 
River Ophidi 




General view of the plain : from Karv- 

Mound : from N.W. 
Tcincnos of Zeus Soter: theatre in dis- 

,, ,, ,, looking S. K. 

Theatre : general view from back of 

.stage building 

,, looking across SCUDH 

,, from W. wing 

,, scats 

,, .stage 

,, walls 
Excavations (several views) 
Modern village : market place 

,, ,, street (and other views) 


The battle-field : general view 
Temple of Athene Alea 
,, heads by Scopus [Alliens N. M.] 



Citadel (Larissa) 


General view from summit of theatre 
Theatre : distant view 

,, general view from in front, N. 

,, orchestra and eavca : from loji 

,, „ „ it froni E. 

,, seats : from below 

,, part of the ring 

,, stage buildings : in front 

,, ,, ,, in profile 

Temple of Asklepios : foundation 
Temple of Artemis 
Tholos : distant view 

,, nearer view 

,, Corinthian capital 

,, details of moulding 
Human Odcion (theatre behind) 
Cyclopean bridge on road to Naupliu 

1IYH1AE (Akhladokainjhn). 

General view 
,, bit of wall 


Plan of lower town and Acropolis : 

Schuchhardt (see Slide Catalogue) 
General view : from near Phichtia 
Acropolis : general view from the W. 
,, S. side, with Chadros ravine 
,, wall and tower below Lion 
Lion Gate : outside 

,, , , inside 
Shaft-graves and Circle 

,, ,, ,, near view 

,, Gate of the Circle 


Gallery leading to Well, in N. wall 
Postern Gate 
Acropolis : Palace walls 

,, ,, staircase 

,, ,, lnegaron, from door- 

Treasury of Klytacinnestra 

,, ,, (completely cleared) 

,, ,, interior 

Treasury of Atrcus : before excavation 
(from engraving) 

,, ,, ,, dromos 

,, ,, ,, interior 

>> )> >> I'oof 

,, ,, ,, inner door 


Panorama (2 views) 
General view : from N. 

)> >> i) E. 

,, ,, from the anchorage 

Main Gateway 
Street leading from the Square to the 

Principal Square 
Easter Lamb Market 
Itch Kale : from S. 
Palainidi fortress 
Ncmea : Temple of Zeus 


General view : W. side of Upper Citadel 

,, ,, from Lower Citadel 
West wall : looking N. 
East Gallery : view from entrance, look- 

ing N. 
South Gallery 

Staircase to Postern : from wall, looking 
s , ,, from without 

Main Entrance : external Ramp. 
Flanking Towers 

,, ,, the inner doorway 

Upper Citadel : view N. from the Bath- 
View, N.W. from the Lath -room 
Anta-base from Great Propyluca, showing 


Aero-Corinth and Temple from N. 
,, ,, Entrance 

,, ,, Old Fortifications 

,, ,, View from the top : look- 
Temple from E. 

„ s. 

,, ,, S. nearer 

„ N.W. 
„ N.E. 
Isthmian Canal from railway bridge 
looking E. 
,, looking W. 
Isthmian Canal : E. end from Kalamaki 
,, ,, and Kalamaki looking S. 

,, ,, view from water level, 

looking W. (2 views) 





ELIS (indurtiny Triph'jlia). 


Temple from S.E. 
„ S. 
„ s.w. 
„ w. 

„ N.W. 
„ X. (2 views) 
,, ,, N.K. (-J views) 

,, interior 1'rom S. 

S W 
„ N.W. 
„ S.E. 

OZ F.l/P/^ . 

Panorama (iu three pieces) 

General view of Ruins from Museum 

View with Kladeos River 

Heraion from S., with Kronos Hill 

„ E. 

„ S.E. 
„ ,, AV. from Gymnasium 

,, N.W. 
Temple of Zeus : from N.E. 
„ N. 
„ S.E. 
Treasuries : retaining wall behind terrace 
The Palaestra 
The Echo Portico 
Stadiou : N.W. entrance 

E. "oal * 



Source at Kephalovrysi 
View from Sparta towards Pamon 
.. • ,, >, Taygetus 

,, ,, Vrylias 




Distant view from Sparta 

Ruins : approach from Sparta 
,, from Pantauassa 
,, looking to N. 
,, Church of Pantanassa 
,, ,, of Zoodocho.s Pcge 

,, Ruins called the Princess's 

Castle : interior of entrance 

View from Sparta, up Eu rotas valley 

Sellasia valley 


General view looking S. 
Looking W. with Taygetus. 

Market-place : looking towards [Tay- 

Roman Ruius : N. of the Modern Town 
Theatre : supporting wall 

,, cavea 
' Tomb of Leonidas ' 
Museum : the ' Omphalos ' relief 

,, an Amazon, etc. 


View from Market-place of Sparta 

Gorge in the range 

Langada Pass : entrance at Trypi 

,, looking E. Parnon iu distance 

,, Three views in pass 

,, View from summit, Mt. Rindomo 

,, Mt. Pigadia 

MESSENIA (for Triphylia see Elis) 


General View 

Walls of Epaminondas 

Arcadian Gate 

,, ,, interior 

Katholiko Monastery 


Panorama : from Neokaslro (modern 
Pylos) : (3 views) 
,, from the bay 

Pylos: from Sphacteria, looking N 
,, (Palacokoslro) : N. end 
,, ,, S. E. , from Sand- 

,, ,, S.W., 'Brasidas' 

rocks ' (2 views) 
,, Wall ]j : distant view 
,, ,, near view 

., wall behind L (in Grundy's map) 
Sphacteria : cliffs 

Wall KB: N.W. corner 
S.W. corner 
AVall GG 
,, D 
,. south end : from the bay 



j Vathy : modern town from the sea 

,, Bay : entrance 
i UexiaBay: 'Harbour of Phorkvs': from 

; s. 

Mount Aetas : from Pissneto Bay, look- 
ing S. 
,, ,, 'Castle of Ulysses': 

looking up the slope 



Column of temple, from the X. 
, *| | I Peribolos : wall of sanctuary 



i i 


i ! ' 


Doric temple 'Chiesa <li Sansoiie' 
Doric temple ' Favola dei Palladini,' 
looking X. 


General view of the temples 
Temple of Poseidon 

,, ,, from S.AV. 

,, ,, ,, S.E. 

Archaic Doric column 



General view, looking X.W. from Temple 

of Zeus 
Cyclops : rock.s 


General view of harbour and strait from 


Palermo and Monte Pellcgrinu from E. 


Panorama : X.-N.W.W. from 

Town and Great Harbour lioni Kuryclos 
Anapua River : papyrus stems 
Foundations of iv. cent, wall by the 

Ortygia from within the liarbour 

,, and Small Harbour from X. 
fountain of Arcthusa : general view 

,, ,, nearer view 

Temple of Artemis 
Kpipolae : ravine in dill's un S. side 

,, (dills on S. side, K. of Kuryclos 

,, from K., general view 

,, moat from X. 

Latoinic : quarries 

,. ' dei Cappurcini ' 

Old rock-cut road, with tomb:., above 

Theatre, from below 

,, auditorium from W. 

,, stage buildings from W. 
Roman Ampitheatrc 


Roman Theatre : overlooking stage 

[Plate L] 


Apparently there had been sculptured on the missing half of the marble 
stele lately acquired by the British Museum from Athens a seated figure with 
hand upraised (PI. I.). There is a trace of the raised aim and also of a footstool. 
The subject had therefore been one of those scenes of parting or meeting so 
common on Athenian stelae. But the young man leaning on his staff is not of 
the usual Athenian type. In several respects he resembles a youthful Heracles 
on a relief from Mt. Ithome now in Athens, 1 which figure it has been the 
custom to regard as Polycleitan (Fig. 1). So far as the pose of the head and 
the Diadumenos-like modelling of the body are concerned that opinion may be 
right. Only we must remember that the somewhat formal modelling of the 
thorax both in the Ithome relief and the new stele is not unfrequent in Greek 
art, at least from the time of Lysippos onwards. A familiar instance is the 
Hermes on the sculptured drum of a column from Ephesus in the British 
Museum. It is a modification of the type of Polycleitos and may have set in 
much earlier than Lysippos. It may even have extended to Athens. 

In the Ithome relief Heracles leans forward on his club; in ours the 
young man leans on his staff as in the so-called conversation-scenes on vases 
of the best time, e.g. the kylix, E 59 in the British Museum. On our 
lekythos E 698 is a young huntsman standing with right hand on his side 
and head poised much as in the new relief. As compared further with the 
Ithome relief, the bodily forms of the new figure are rendered with greater 
definition, and the main outlines are more precise. The contrasts between 
nude form and drapery are more finely balanced. The whole bearing of the 
figure is more attractive. The surface is on the whole well preserved, though 
there is a good deal of incrustation which has become fossilized, so to speak, 
on the marble. The height of the stele is 1 ft. 11| in. 

1 Outline in Schoene. Or. Reliefs, PI. 27, No. 112 : cf. Kekule, Bilducerke im Theseion, 
No. 374. 

H.S. — VOL. XXII. B 


Fig. 1. — Sacrifice to Heracles. In Athens; fjiom Mt. Itiiomk. 

I am permitted to add here some remarks on a stele of a different kind. 1 
It is one which occurs amid the reliefs on a moulded vase of black ware 
acquired some years ago by the British Museum from Thebes. The vase is 
of the class generally known as ' Megarean bowls'. The subject of the reliefs 
is the Rape of Proserpine (Fig. 2). It is a familiar subject, but in this 

1 I have to thank Miss Godden for the drawing of this vase. 


instance there are peculiarities which deserve notice. First of all there is 
the stele. It is placed so as to separate two stages of the myth, the one 
transpiring on earth, the other in Hades. On the right of the stele is seen 
the chariot of Pluto approaching, preceded by Hermes and followed by the 
irate goddesses, Demeter, Athene, Hecate and Artemis. On the left of the 
stele are the reeds of Acheron and beyond them two of the Danaides with 
their pitchers. The stele is inscribed EYZEBHZ and must therefore be 
regarded as indicating the entrance to the abode of the blessed (twc 
evcrefitov \eifxa>v€<i 1 ). It represents the "Ai&ov 7ruX«u which figure in early 
Christian 2 as well as in classical literature. At the same time it is to be 
distinguished from the exit from the face of the earth which was conceived 
otherwise. In Sicily the exit was through a cave. On a fragmentary vase 

Fio. 2. — Mkoauran liowi. from Thebes. In Brit. Mus. (Diam. 7 in.) 

from Eleusis the chariot of Pluto is seen plunging down into the earth, half 
lost to sight, through a sort of ^da-fia 7/79. 3 On a fresco of the Catacomb of 
St. Praetextatus at Rome illustrating the journey after death of Vibia, the wife 
of a priest of Sabazios, under the guise of the Rape of Proserpine, we have in 
the first scene the chariot of Pluto approaching a round hole in the earth to 
which Hermes conducts it. At a later stage Vibia appears being led through 
an archway — a hollow stele in fact — by an angelus bonus towards a banquet 
of the blessed. 4 

1 Orphic fragments, No. 153 (ed. Abel). 

2 C.I.Gr. 8721. 

3 Alhen. Mittheilungen xxi. PL 12. Compare 

the Homeric Hymn to Demeter, 4, 16. 
54 xQwv tvpvayvia. 

* Maass, Orpheus, p. 19 

B 2 

X avf 


When Persephone arrived in Hades she was believed to have found 
meadows there as rich and flowery as those of Henna from which she had 
been so rudely carried off. 1 These flowery meadows are made the most of on 
the vase. It does not appear, however, that the scene of the chase — two 
hares and two hounds — under the chariot of Pluto and therefore on earth, is 
continued in the meadows of the lower world. As compared with the two 
swans in the terrestrial scene, we find only one in Elysium. 

The arrival of Persephone in Hades was associated with the Theogamia* 
and bearing this in mind we at once recognize the boy amid the reeds of 
Acheron playing on his flutes as a type of the boy who led the way in 
marriage processions as we see, among other instances, on our white pyxis 
D 11, where the boy marches- busily playing his flutes. 3 But this boy among 
the reeds, though dressed in the ordinary manner, has two small horns on his 
forehead. He is therefore a young Pan. Reeds are a natural enough en- 
vironment for Pan and from his association with nymphs it was perhaps an 
easy step to connect him with the marriage of Persephone. But so far I 
have not been able to find any mention of that circumstance in ancient 
literature. A mask of the goat-headed Pan appears under the stele. 

A. S. Murray. 

1 Claudian, De llaptu Proserpinae ii. 287 : 2 R. Foerster, Raub und Riickkchr p. 242, 

Zephyris illic melioribus halant and Philologies Supplement- Band iv. p. 646. 

perpetui flores quos nee tua protulit Henna. 3 White Athenian Vases, PI. 20. Cf. Anlh. 

See also Acncid vi. 640 : Pal. xvi. (App. Plan.) 177 : 

largior hie campos aether et lumine vestit ao\ Tlaiav <p(\os fy koX 6 xpwo* Af-vs "Tutvaios, 

purpureo, solemque auum, sua sidera norunt. ko! KiyvpSiv av\wv ?j8uyu«A«?j x*P trts - 


'Sounding brass or a tinkling cymbal.' — I. Con. xiii. 1. 

The Greeks had a proverb which compared talkative persons to ' the 
gong at Dodona.' 1 Menander (342-291 B.C.) in his Arrtphoros 2 made one of 
his characters remark : 

' Give this creature Myrtile the merest touch or simply call nurse, and 
there's no end to her talking. To stop the gong at Dodona, which they say 
sounds all day if a passer-by lays a finger on it, would be an easier job than 
to stop her tongue ; for it sounds all night as well.' 

A fragment of Kallimachos 3 (c. 310-c. 240 B.C.) implies the same 
proverb : 

. . . ' lest it might be said that I was but awakening the echoes of the 
bronze at Dodona.' 

Aelius Aristides (129-189 A.D.) in his encomium on the four great 
statesmen of Athens 4 observes: 'When it becomes necessary to vituperate 

1 Zenob. 6. 5 rb AwtwvaTov x a * Kf ?ov...iir\ 442D, 13. 559c, that the AvXrjrplt was another 
rwv iroWit XaXoivrwv koi /li) Sta\enr6vrwv. name of the ' Appi)<pipos. For the text of the 
Diogen. 8. 32 rb Aw&wvdiov x^Xkuov inl rwv fragment I follow Meineke (/r. 3). 

TroWa \a\ovvrwv. Greg. Cypr. cod. Mosq. 2. 3 Quoted by Steph. Byz. s.v. AwSSvri, where 

81 Ao)8eoi'a7oi/ x a ^ Kf ^ 0V ' tnl \d\ov. Macar. 3. the MSS. give rbv iv AwSwvi \ty6fxtvov ovv 

42 Awlwvatov xaKKuov iir\ rwv aSoXiffxov xa\ iK&x&^Kov tfyeipov. Bentley oj. rbv iv Awtwvi 

<p\vapwv. Apostol. 6. 43 Awlwvdiov x^^kuov XeXey/xivov o'vvtKa x a ^«bv \ fiyetpov. Schneider 

inl rwv aKarairavarws ko\ iroWa \a\ovvrwv (C. Call. ii. 526 notes that the first lino is quoted 

om. Ka\ iroWa). Suid. AwSwvaiov x ***' *'" by Choeroboscus dieted, in Theodoa. p. 418, 18, 

4ir\ rwv fitKpoXoyovvTwv (Portus corr. /ia>cpo\o- cp. ib. 104, 5; 116, 4; 273, 35; 290, 80, 

yovvrwv). Steph. Byz. s.v. Awhwvr], Awhwvaiov Bekk. anecd. p. 1228, Lascar, gram. p. 112a, 

Xa\Kt'tov...iit\ rwv iroWa \a\ovvrwv. Eustath. and is thus enabled to restore the true reading 

II. B. 750, AwZwvaiov x a ^- K ^ 0V ---^' lr ^ r <H>v iroWa yA\ fit rbv iv AwBwvi \tyoi fi6vov ovvtxa xa^*bv | 

XaXovvrwv. Schol. Philosfcr. ab Osanno in fjyeipov. He follows Hecker in supposing that 

Auct. Lex. Gr. 14 editus iirl rwv Tro\vk6ywv, rb the frag, occurred in the Prologue to the Aetia, 

irXtov ro'v iv AwSdvr) x a ^ Ke ^ ov kiyttv. and that the poet meant 'non omnia se quae a 

2 Quoted by Steph. Byz. s.v. AwSwvt). Cp. Musis acoeperit profusurum, ne garrulum tan- 
Zenob. 6. 5 rb AwHwvdlov x^x^ov- kutui itapk turn se vocet quisquam.' 

MfvdvSpy iv rtf 'Apt)<p6pw (rfj 'A^y)<p6pi j > * Arist. inrip rwv rtrripwv 309 iwtit&v 5* 

Meineke), Suid. s.v. AwSwvaiov x a ^ Kt ' "' ■■ ■ WttiS rivas tliruv 8«p ko\ tcarafiaktiv, r<f AwSw- 

K*XP r J Tat '* T V ira-poinlq Vlfvavfipos AvXyjrplSi valw fxiv o(ik h.v tiKdrrais avrovs x a ^ Kft V- 
{Ah\T)rplai V. C). It appears from Athen. 10. 


and attack your opponents, you would not compare them to the Dodonaean 
gong.' Later still the sophist Prokopios l (450-513 A.D.) wrote: 'we have 
become a veritable Dodona gong.' And an anonymous grammarian in 
Cramer's anccdota - says : ' your babble drowns the gong at Dodona.' 

The proverb, then, was sufficiently well known for close upon a thousand 
years. But when we enquire — what precisely was this famous gong ? — we 
are confronted with a tangle of different explanations. In the following 
pages I shall attempt to ascertain (1) the form, aud (2) the function of the 
gong in question. 

(1) The Form of the Gong at Dodona. 

In discussing the rival views that have been propounded with regard to 
the shape of the gong it will be convenient to present in tabular form the 
evidence of scholiasts and lexicographers before proceeding to comment upon 

Staph. By z. e.v. Anldru, p. 165, 11 ff. Dind. 

•Vti ii xa\ AvSaivaiov \a\Ktiov wapoifila 4wl riiv 
toXXo XaXovvrtav, a-j MffS^fiwv <prjfflv. dxb 
rov rbv vabv roii AwSwaiov Aib$ rolx ovs M^J 
txovra, aXXa rpiiroSas roXXovs aXXfjXa-i' TX17- 
ffiov, Start rbv ivbs aTtrifAtvov xapaWfurtiv Std 
rrjs ^aiiatws r^v iTr)xV< Tly ixdarif, Stauivtiv rbv 
flX oy &XP' S "Wis toC ivbs 4<pd\prirat. 

[We would, I think, md us h*v &J)hwv 
ipTjffif. atb roii rbv vabv rov Aa-Saiva/on Ai&j 
rvlxovs fi^i t x * ' "i aAXa and also Siauivav S i 
rbv f>x ov &XP'* & v a^u. 1 ) 

Suid. AwSwaiov x a ^**<' 01 " 4*1 ruy m*po\o- 
"jovvruv. ATj^ia-v yap tprfaiv on rb rov Aibs 
pavrtiov 4v AwSuvp Xt&Tio~iv 4v KtW&ei irtpitiXiYw- 
rai. rovrovs Si i^aufn' aXXVjXou, 4 kclI KpovoBiv- 
ros roii ivbs t/x*'*' fa SiaSox^J vdvras' d'j Sia 
toXXoC xP^vov yivto&ai ri)s TJX'J* r h v TtpioSot. 

(Portus restored fuiKpoXoyovvrmv. ) 

ApostoL 6. 13 Aa- 

Suivaiov x a ^**^ oy ' 4*' 1 
raiv aiarairai <tt u j ha) 
toXAo Ka\ovvra.-v. Ar/- 

flUV /XfV (pTjOiV, 4v TT) 

Aa'Su-^p roWols *apa\- 
X^XOVS KtlfltVOVS X«- 

&r)ras, orav i ris ivbs 
oi^TjTai, 4k iiahoxhi 
wdvras rixfi"- 

Ood, Coislii. 
177" 4x\ ruv avara- 
■ravorais XaXoiivrwv 4v 
Aa-SaTTj yap X«/3tjt«j 
Taea\X»}Xoi fittivro' aiv 
«f ris ivbs H^aTo, Tar- 
raj ffvviflaivtv 7)x*' 1 - 

Eustath. Od. {327 
r!i rapoifitaicbv AuSa'- 
vaiov XaXntlov, rrtp\ ov 
Wavaavlas ' <pr\(t\v, ori 
iv AvSJivr) roWu-v 
■xapaWriXwv KHutvenv 
Xf&riru-v, t't Tij ivbs 
a^trai, iparr'iv 4k Sta- 
SoX'js xivras i}\(iv. 

Serv. am. 3. 4G6 'in 

quo sunt rasa aerea 
quae unn tnetu uni- 
vi raa Bol< 1 nit ^inarc.' 
(Perhaps we should 
read ' uno /" "Ad ' ). 

1 Proeop. ty. 99, |». 2<\9 Mai tjm*''? "«' Aa'Sa-- 
»»)i xa^»(«7ui' >«7<5»au<i 

■ Cram. an. S, "J'J.'i. 11 ri «'r Auo<»i>; xoXtffrov 

1 Carafiaims prints : us 6 n'tv ^^.asv <prjerlv 
' a*b roii rbv va'ov roii AwSufaiou Ai2>f roixovs 
hh fx o> " Ta , iXXa — iKaarcf na) iiautKtv rbv 
flX " *XP'» I*" T <« t.iC «»>J>j 4fd^frai.' Bat this 
is doubly nnpranwnatinl. 

4 Mailer FUG. iii. 125 reads ixx^Xouj with 
schol. Yen. n/i. Rekk. Bernliardy keeps 
oXX^Xoit with A.B.V.C. edd. vett. an.l schol. 
\'t\\. ap. Villoison. a\xjx*v E. Mallei also 
reads Sid 81080x^5 and yi^vto-Bat. ^vxvs for 

vx^ii i s found in A. Kohol. Yen. ap. Villoifnn. 

n Si A. 1." ut seh would reed wv orav 


* A Ms. of the fourteenth century containing 
■ compendium of Kuidu amplified by import- 
ant additions • imprimis ad prove rbia ' (Pj.isi . 
Sehneidewin thought that the author, so far as 
bis proverbs aiL concerned, \vas founding upon 
Aristophanes of Byzantium. 

' Presumably Pausanias the lexicographer, a 
contemporary of Galen, to whom Eustathios 
was much indebted (W. Christ Gr. Lit. 1 p. 


The foregoing extracts describe the oracular shrine (vaos, p,avTeloi>) of 
Zeus at Dodona as having no walls (Tot'^ou? p.r) e^ovra) but in their stead a ring 
of tripods or caldrons (Tpino&es, Xeft-qres) placed so closely together that, if one 
were knocked, the vibration would go echoing on round the whole series. 
This description is referred to the Attic annalist Demon, who in addition to 
his 'AtOis wrote some forty books irepl irapoifiiwv. The facts relating to him 
are collected and sifted by Schneidewin in the Parocmiographi (Iraeci i. p. 
viii f. Schneidewin concludes that Demon flourished about 308 B.C. 
But the conclusion is precarious. All we can say with certainty is that 
Philochoros composed a treatise against Demon's 'At^'?, 1 and that Philochoros 
was discharging religious duties at Athens in 30G B.C. 2 Demon's literary 
activity may have covered twenty or thirty years before the date at which 
Philochoros wrote. Schwartz in Pauly-Wissowa ii. 2181, 33 does not venture 
beyond the statement : ' Demon, vor Philochoros.' 

The assertions of this fourth-century writer are by no means chimerical. 
It is not at all improbable that in primitive times the oracle at Dodona had no 
walls, and that the numerous votive tripods belonging to Zeus were arranged 
as a fence round the sacred enclosure. 3 In the absence of a xaX/coOijicr) 
nothing could be more natural. The acoustic phenomenon too is credible 
enough. If the caldrons were of equal dimensions, or if variation in size 
was balanced by variation in thickness, a note of the same pitch could be 
propagated from A to B, from B to C, etc. 4 The accuracy, therefore, of 
Demon's information need not be called in question. It has however been 
doubted whether his account affords a satisfactory explanation of the proverb 
to A<o8t0valov ^oXkcIov. The Greeks themselves 5 objected that the proverb 
spoke of a single gong whereas Demon described a series of caldrons or 
tripods, which could hardly have been termed a ^aXKelov. Now at first 
sight this objection seems conclusive. But further reflection shows that it is 
not very cogent. If the series of tripods really served instead of a wall round 
the sacred spot, a space would be left for entrance, and it would be natural 
for the visitor to touch one or other of the two tripods to right and left of 
the entry. The particular tripod thus touched occasioned the whole sequence 
of echoes and might fairly be described as to AooSoovalov xaX/celov. This 
arrangement admirably suits the wording of Menander and Kallimachos. The 
former says Xeyovcriv rj^elv, av TrapdyfrrjB' 6 irapuov, with which cp. Demon's 
axTTe rov ej/o? airr6p,evov TrapaTrep-Trecv . . .rr)v i-nr\yj]aiv k.t.X. The latter uses 
the phrase rov iv &a>hu}vL...'xaXKOv j tfyeipov, and elsewhere speaks of 

1 Suid. s.v. *t\6xopos mentions his work Wissowa i. 166ft, 37 suggests that the Ktpa-rwv 
wpbs tV ^vfiuvos 'AT0i5a, and Harpocrat. s.v. of Dclian inucrr. was a large platform con- 

Htriwvla cites +. iv nr\ irphs Aijuwva avTtypa<pj). nected with the famous xtp&Tivos Bwp6s, which 

2 Dion. Hal. de Lin. 3 : sec Kusemihl A.L.G. was made from the horns of goats saerifieed to 
i. 595. Apollo. Pans. v. 10. 4 states that 'a gilt 

3 Analogous examples arc not wanting. caldron is set on each extremity of the roof of 
According to Paus. x. 5, 9 the original temple the temple at Olympia.' 

of Apollo at Delphi was made of laurel- * Cp. a well-known exr>eriment with two or 

houghs, and the second temple of wax and more tuning-forks. 

feathers (see Frazcr ad loc). Rcisch in Pauly- 5 See the passages cited in full l>clow. 



acFLyrjTOLo Xe/S^To?. 1 On the whole it may be granted that Demon's 
statement is reliable and provides us with at least a possible explanation of 
the proverb. 

Nevertheless the objection considered above together with an alterna- 
tive explanation was already forthcoming in ancient times — witness the 
following : 

Sui'i. s.v. Awiuvalov 
Xa\Ke7ov . . . 'AptffTO' 
TtAtjs 8e <5>s irkda/xa 
SteAtyXw 8uo 2 <pt\o~\ 
otvXovs tlvai, Kal enl 
H*v tov irtpov Kt^rjra, 
iirl Baripov 8e iralSo 
Kparovvra fidffriya, 3 ^j 
rovs Ifidvras x a ^ K * UXJ * 
ovras ffeto/jitvovt* inr' 
dvifiov r$ A*'/9jjt» irpocr- 
xpovtiv, rbv hi Tvn6- 
/juvov $\X t ~ iV - 

(c«'xpi T <" 8« tt) -wapoi- 
fiiq Mtvavbpos AiiAjj- 
rplSi. 5 < > 

■Kpbs L^ifioiva* (I 8e 
iroAAoi lioav, ovk av 
ivtKws iXtytro t) nap- 

(Bernhardy fills the 
lacuna thus : Qi\6x»pos 
8« dvri\tyti irpbs Aij- 
Ubii'a- (i yap iroAAol). 

Apostol. 6. 43 s.v. 
AwBwvaiov x a ^ Ke ' 0V ' ■ ■ ■ 

'ApiffTOTeATJS Se its 

irAaa>ia 5ieA€7X & " / ^"° 
<p7](r} crvAovs cleat* »cal 
iirl ftiv rov iripov At- 
f}r)ra, 4*1 Oaripov 8e 
7rar6a Kparovvra fida- 
rtya, ^s robs Ifidvras 
X&\Ktous ovras, crew- 
fitvovs vir' avtfjLOv r<p 
\ff)r)Ti irpoffKpovttv, rbv 
hi rvKr6fiivov ^JX*'*'- 

Stcph. Byz. s.v. Aa>- 
SdVij, p. 165, 11 ff. 
Dind. (after stating 
Demon's view) y ira- 
poifiia Se od <pi)Oiv ei fj.rj 
Xa\Kiov, iv JiAAai \i- 
$rjras fi rpiiroZas iroA- 

(Carapanos reads 
XaAxfoc iv, aAA* ov 


Cod. Coislinianus 
177 'ApiffTOriKrjs 5e b~vo 
<pT]a\ arv\ovs elvai, ko.1 
iirl fiiv tov ivbs Ae- 
Brjra, iirl 5e Oartpov 
iraiSa Kparovvra fxdo~- 
Ttya, ?is robs Ifidvras 
XaXKtovs ovras afto- 
fiivovs vir' it.viu.ov, Tcp 
\iBi)ri irpofficpovetv, tov 
Si Tvm6fi(vov T)X*' ,/ ' 

Eustath. Od. £ 327 
' Apio~rori\r)s 8e 8uo 
arvKovs dvai \iytt, Kal 
iirl fiiv Baripov \iBi)ra 
eardvat, iirl 8e Oaripov 
ira'iha Kparovvra fiaa- 
rtya, 5\s robs Ifidvras 
Xa\Ktovs ovras Kal atio- 
fitvovs vir' avifiov r<f 
\e$r)Ti irpoffxpovtiv, tov 
8« ti/ttt 6 (xtvov iix f ^ v - 

The objection to Demon's interpretation is introduced in Suidas' article 
by the words < > irpb<; Arjficova. When it is remembered that 

Philochoros wrote irpcx; ryv Arjfiwvo^ 'KrOtha (Suid.) and again iv tt} 777305 
ArjfjLoova dv'Tt,ypa<f>fj (Harpocr.), it becomes highly probable that, as Bernhardy 
conjectured, the name of Philochoros has dropped out and left a lacuna 
before 77-005 ArjfKova. The restoration cannot, however, be regarded as quite 
beyond doubt, because the author of the rival interpretation too is said to 
have attacked Demon (&>5 irXdafia Biekey^cov). 

That author, if we may trust our sources, was Aristotle. Most modern 
critics, on the strength of certain passages shortly to be discussed, assume 
that 'Api<TTOTe\r)<; is a blunder for 'Apio-recSt)?. Hence our paragraph is not 
included among the fragments of Aristotle in the Berlin edition. And yet it 
is far from certain that Aristotle did not write it. The philosopher's extant 
works appear to have been composed during his residence at Athens, 
335-323 B.C. And Demon, as I have shown, flourished before 300 B.C., quite 

1 Call. h. Del. 286 yr)\*x* ( * BtpairovTts 3 uderrtyat C. 
aaiy^Toio XtfSrjTos. This, however, may refer 4 Miiller F.H.G. 
to the later and more elaborate \«'/3ij$ : see oaoixtvovs. 

below. » khXiirpiai V.C. 

2 Miiller F.TT.G. iv. 326 reads Sua.. 6 A^ova A. 

iv. 326 reads ovras xa\ 



possibly as early as 330 B.C. 1 There is then no chronological impossibility in 
the matter. Again, Aristotle is known to have given much attention to 
proverbs, as being the ' relics of primitive philosophy ' {frag. 2, 14746 6), and 
to have made a collection of them (irapoificat a Diog. Laert. 5. 26, 7rapoip.ia<; 
ddpolcrai Athen. 2. 60 e). 2 Further, his well-known ethical method included 
an examination of previous opinions (evBo^a) as a preface to his own amended 
views. I incline, therefore, to believe that Aristotle did pen this account of 
the gong at Dodona as part of his Uapoipiai, intending to improve upon 
Demon's interpretation of the proverb. But whether the author of the 
argument ovk av evitcux; k.t.X. was Aristotle or Philochoros can hardly be 

What then does Aristotle's statement amount to ? There were at 
Dodona a couple of columns, supporting respectively a caldron (XefirjTa) and 
a boy {iralZa) grasping a whip whose bronze lashes, when swayed by the 
wind, struck the caldron and produced a reverberant sound. 

Some further evidence is obtainable : — 

Steph. Byz. s.v. A&>- 
h<i>vr\, p. 165 Dind. 
Ttpoodtriov oiv t$ irtpt- 
WWIi'V TloXifiwvi, anpi 
fiws r))v AwSwvriv iirt- 
arafjifvcf), K<xl 'Api<TT«i5j) 
ra tovtov /xtraytypa- 
<p6ri, Xiyovri Kara tov 3 
/}'• iv tt) Aw&wvt) arv- 
Ao< irapd\\r)\oi xal 
irapeyyiis a\\i]\ajv, Kal 
iirl fifv Oaripov xa\Kiov 
iarlv ov fitya, Tots 8« 
vvv irapair\i)(jiov A«'/3»/- 
atv, iirl hi Oaripov 
iraib'dpiov iv ttj 8e£tS 
X«ipi fxaarlytov tx ov > 
ov Kara to Stfrbv jxipos 
6 rb \t/3i)Tiov tx wv 
kIwv (io~T7)Ktv. or' av * 

CUV &VC/J.OV ffVflfifl TTVUV 

tovs tjjs fiaariyos ifidv- 
ras x a *- K °v s > 5 uVTas 
choices toIs a\r)6ivo7s 
ifiojii', alwpovfJ-tvovs 
virb toO Ttvevfia-ros, 
ffuvffiaivf tyavtiv tov 
XaKidov, xa\ tovto 
ahiaXflirrws ToielV, tUS 
av 6 6.vtfios tita/ievy 

Zenob. 6, 5 rb Aco- 
iwvdiov x a *- Kf ? 0V ' K( ?~ 
to* irop« Mtvdvb'pw iv 

TTJ H 'Afil>T)q>6p<f>. t?f)7)T01 

8f iirl tuv iroWa Aa- 
AoiWaiy Ka\ /*■)} StoAei- 
itSvtuiv. <pao\ yap iv 
Aa>5u'»'r; x a ^ Ke ^ 0V ^ lr ' 
k'iovos iv fltTftipW /ce«- 
a6ar iirl 8t iripov 
■K\r\o~iov k'iovos io-rivat 
tov iraiSa i^pTtjfiivov 
fidaTtya x a ^ K V"' irvti- 
juotos 8e KivriBivTos 
fieyd\ov rr)v (idoTiya 
iroAAa/ns els rbv \e- 
&r]ra iKiriineiv, Kal 
T)X ( ^ V ovtu) rbv \t&T)Ta 
iirl xptvov iroKvv. 

Codd. B. V. 

iv Aa>5a>')j yap iirl 
kIovos x«Ak€?o>' VtTToro- 
iirl 8' outoC ttAtjo'ioj' 
itoas i£r\pTr)nivos fida- 
Ttya x&Xktjv irvtvfiaTos 
Ktvovvros els rbv \(^1)Ta 
TavT7)v ive&aWe (ive- 
Ba\(v V.), Kal ovtws 
(ovtos A. 8 ) ^X 0J " lr€ " 
t«A*?to fiiyas. 

Cramci anccd. Paris.*. 
4, 259 

iv Auiuivr) x ^* '' 5 
\if$7)s (kuto i<p' v\pr)- 
\ov k'iovos, ftp' (Ttpov 
kIovos ir\r)fflov laTaTo 
vtavias tis Sfiotos X a ^" 
Kijv fxdffTtya <p4pw 
irvtv/xaTos 8t fftpohpov 
iiri&VTUs (paalv ifiiritr- 
Tftv t))V x a ^- K *l v pda- 
T170 iv T<f AtvKtp caKti 
Kai irokvv rbv fix ov 
i£aKOvto~6ai- odtv ira- 
poifiia ixl twv iroAu- 
Koywv rb lrXiov tov iv 
AwBuvr) x«A»c€(oi; \iyti. 

1 He was one of the earliest writers of 
'At0i'8«s. The order, as given by Schwartz loc. 
cit., is Kleidemos or Kleitodemos, Androtion, 
Demon, Philochoros, etc. And W. Christ Gr. 
Lit. 3 pp. 480, 553, argues that the older 
'At<M8«s were one of the main sources of Aris- 
totle's 'A0. noA. If so, Aristotle may well 
have had Demon's works before him. 

2 See further Schneidewin in Par. Gr. i. 
p. ii f. He concludes : ' nostrorum Parocmio- 
graphorum auctores quin usurpaverint librum 

Aristotelis non dubito.' 
8 Read tV £'. 

4 Read Srav o$v. 

5 Delete commas after x a ^ K0 ^ s an( i 'naaiv. 

6 Vulg. T<f 'Apr)<p6p<i>. Meineke restored ttj 

7 Cod. B is a Bodleian .MS., Cod. V a 
Vatican MS. See Schneidewin Par. Gr. i. 
p. xxx f. 

8 Cod. A is the Paris MS. of Arsenius (Par. 
3058). See Leutsch Par. Gr. ii. p. xiii ff. 



Steph. Byz. s.v. Au- 
Scivri, p. 165 Dind. 
Ka't Kara fiiv x rot robs 
rifxfTfpovs tpr/alv & Taj3- 
f)cuos. tl fiiv Kafir] rrjs 
fidartyos, oloe Ifidvrts 
* * * ■Kfirr&Kao'iv. 
irapa - fiivrot rwv iirt- 
Xwplwv 3 ijKOvaafitv, ws 
4ireiir(p irvwrtro fiiv 
virb fidartyos, ^JX € ' 4 '' 
tirl iro\bv xp^vov, ws 
Xftfifpiov rrjs AwSwfrjs 
inrapxovffris, UKSrws els 
irapotfiiav ■trapeyivtro.*' 
fiifivrfrat avrrjs Me'vav- 
opos iv ' Ap , fir)<p6pip. lav 
Si Kivfjcri y.6voi r^\v 
MuprtKrtv ravrrjv ris, 
t)v 6 rir6r)v KaXft, iripas 7 
irotfl AaAias rb Aa>5ai- 
vdiov &v ri 8 x a ^ Kl0V i & 
A if ova tv r)x*iv, by 
irapirtyaQ' 9 6 iraptwv, 
rr)v rjfiipav '6\7)v, nara- 
travrai 10 Barrov, r) rav- 
rrjv \a\ovaav, vvkto. 
yap irpoa\afi0dvtt. 

Zenob. 6, 5 

Codd. B. V. 

Cramer anecd. Pariss. 
4, 259. 

I have placed the extracts from Zenobius, etc. in parallel columns with 
that from Stephanus of Byzantium because, though they do not expressly 
refer their contents to Aristeides, it is probable that they are derived from 
him. Stephanus seems to have obtained his information about the proverb 
from the famous paroemiographer Lukillos, of Tarra in Crete. 11 Zenobius the 
sophist is known to have epitomised the proverbs of Didymus and Lukillos : 12 
his epitome was not, however, minutely accurate, for he often neglected to 
name his authorities. 13 Zenobius' compilation in its turn became the basis or 
groundwork of various others. Of these later collections the one that bears 
most resemblance to the work of Zenobius himself is that which is still known 
by his name. Another collection of importance, which draws largely from 

1 Read xa\ ' Kara fiivrot robs r)fitripovs, 
<pr)iriv 6 Tappaios, t) fiiv Xafir) rrjs fidartyos 

< >, ot Si tfidvres < airb>irt7rra>- 

Kaoiv. k.t.a.' Preller Polemon p. 61 cj. tws av 
6 Avffj.os Stafiivri Ka\ Kafir) rr)s fidartyos, ascrib- 
ing tbese words to Aristeides. Schneidewin 
Par. Gr. i. p. xiv. rightly criticises this and 
suggests Kara fiivrot robs rifitripovs, <p. 6 T. , 
(art fiiv Aafiri rr)s fiaariyos, ol Si Ifidvrts oiro- 
irtwruKaatv. k.t.A. Carapauos prints 'ko\ Kara 
fiivrot robs i^fitripovs (xp<5fous), <f>. 6 T., r) fiiv 
kafiT) rr)s fidartyos (Staaiauarat), ol Si Ifidvrts 
avoir tirrw Kaatv. ' 

2 1188. *«p<, for which Preller restored irapo. 

3 Read iictxupiwv nvbs with MSS. and 

4 Road <jx*' with Schneidewin. 
• 5 Read irepitytvtro with Schneidewin, who 
adds rb x^^'ov unnecessarily. 

6 Bcntley restored t) for t)v and KaAfi for 
KaXtt. Carapanos prints $j rir6r)v KahtT. 

7 Bentley inserted iripas ''.ou-- iroUt. 

8 Mcineko, ns for n. 

,J Meineke, irapd\f>r]6' for irapf)\paO' . 

10 Meineke, Karairavaat for Karairavaat. 

13 Par. Gr. i. p. xiii. 

18 Suid. s.V. Zr)v&0ios says typatytv iirtrofiifv 
rwv irapotfitwv AtSvfiov teal Tafifialov K.r.K. Cp. 
Schol. Ar. nub. 134 Zi\v6Soros (Herm. corr. 
Zi)v6fiios) & ras Tafifiaiov xal Athvfxov irapoifilas 
lirirffiwy. See further Par. Gr. i. p. xxiv. f. 

13 Par. Gr. i. p. xxv f. 



the same source, is that represented by codd. A.B.V. 1 Cramer anccd. Pariss 
4, 259 seems to be a third. If so, we obtain the following stemma : — 

Lukillos of Tarra 












' Zenobius ' 






A. B. V. 

anecd. Pariss. 

Lukillos of Tarra, the sponsor for the information contained in this 
group of extracts, is identified by Usener 2 with Lukillos (or Lucilius) who 
wrote two books of epigrams in the reign of Nero. 3 At that date, as he him- 
self observes, the handle of the whip held by the statue still survived, though 
its lashes had fallen off. A native of Dodona told him that formerly the 
gong, when struck by the whip, resounded for long : Dodona was a stormy 
place and the wind swayed the lashes ; this constant vibration occasioned the 
proverb. For the rest, Lukillos relies on Aristeides, who copied the account 
given by Polemon. This Aristeides was presumably the author of three 
books irepl vrapoifiicov quoted by Athen. 14. 641 a. It is commonly assumed 4 
that he is further to be identified with the author of the MiXrjaia/ed (2nd 
cent. B.C.) : but this assumption is unfounded. 5 Nor can we equate him with 
P. Aelius Aristides the rhetorician : for, though Aelius Aristides is known to 
have mentioned the gong at Dodona, 6 his date (129-189 A.D.) precludes the 
possibility of his having been followed by Lukillos. We must be content to 
date the Aristeides of our passage before Lukillos and after Polemon. 
Polemon the irepirjyrjTi]?, who is cited as the ultimate source of the description, 
was in all probability an eye-witness of what he describes : for he is known 
to have travelled throughout Greece and to have indited such treatises as 
irepl twv iv Xi/cvcovc irivdicwv? irepl twv iv AeX<f>ol<i Orja-avpcov, 8 nepl twv iv 
KaicehalfiovL dva0r)p,dra)v? irepl tcov dvadrj/xdrcov twv iv dtcpo7r6\ei, 10 k.t.X. 
He was proxenos of Delphi in 177/6 B.C. 11 

The description thus carried back to a satisfactory source in the second 
century B.C. tallies in the main with that of Aristotle, but adds little or 
nothing to his account. It conveys the impression that the whole objet d'art 
was of no great size (^aX/ciov . . .ov fieya, iraiSdpiov, p,a<TTiyiov). 

1 Par. Gr. i. p. xxx f. 

2 Sitzb. d. bay. Ak. 1892, p. 644. 

3 Anth. Pal. ix. 572. 

4 E.g. by Miiller F.H.G. iv. 326. 

5 W. Schmid in Pauly-Wissowa ii. 886, 42. 

6 See the quotation given above, p. 5. 

7 Athen. 13. 567 n, cp. Diog. Lacrt. vii. 188. 

8 Plut. quaestt. symp. v. 2, 675 B. 

9 Suid. s.v. TloXffiav, cp. Athen. 13. 574 c. 

10 Strab. ix. 1. 16. 

11 Wcscher-Foucait inscr. dc Delphes n. 18, 



A few other details are to be had from Strabo vii. frag. 3 : on 17 
•napoip-ia, To ev Atohcovr} •yakicelov, evTevdev obvop-dadr)' ^aXKeiov r\v iv tc3 
lepw, eftov virepfceifievov avSpiavra, Kparovvra fidcrriya %aXtcr}v, dvdQr\p,a 
Kop/cvpaionv f} Be fidari^ r\v TpnrXrj, aXvatBcoTij, aTri)pT7)p,evov<; e^ovaa e'f 
avri)^ darpayaXovi, o« irXrirrovre^ to yaXieeiov a-vve^a)^, oirore ateopolvro 
U7TO to)v dvep,oov, p,atcpov<; ij^ov? direipyd^ovro, &09 o fxerpiav tov ypovov airo 
Trjs ap%fj(; tov r)")(pv peyjpi reXovs KaX eirl reTpaKoaia irpoeXdot l> o$ev ical rj 
irapoLfiia iXe^drj, 'H K.ep/cvpatcov fidari^. 

It will be noticed that Strabo uses the imperfect tense : ' there used to 
be (tfv) a gong ' etc. He was writing the fourth book of his Geography in 
the year 18 A.D., 2 and the seventeenth a few years 
later. 3 It might therefore be thought that his account 
is inconsistent with that of Lukillos, who describes the 
gong as still existing, though damaged, circ. 54-68 A.D. 
But the word f)v may well be merely the conscientious 
preterite of an author who is relying upon a previous 
narrator. That previous narrator was probably Apollo- 
doros, 4 the celebrated grammarian of Athens; so that 
the details given by Strabo likewise date back to the 
second century B.C. They are moreover, on the face of 
them, trustworthy. That the whip was dedicated by 
the Corcyreans, 5 that it consisted of three chains tipped 
with buttons, and that you could count four hundred 
before the reverberation died away, are small points 
not likely to have been invented. 

This circumstantial account, supplemented by the 
descriptions already recorded, enables us to form a fairly 
clear idea of the whole contrivance. In the accom- 
panying restoration the bronze lebes and stand are copied 
from specimens actually found at Dodona ; 6 the attitude of the boy is based on 
that of the Piombino Apollo ; the whip-handle represents an original found at 

Restohation of the 
Gong at Dodona. 

1 MS. irpofftKtiuv, Kramer irpoi\9oi. 

2 Strab. iv. 6. 9. 

3 Strab. xvii. 3. 7. See W. Christ Gr. Lit* 
p. 684 n. 3. 

4 This Ajiollodoros was Strabo's main source 
for the geography of Greece (W. Christ ib. p. 
684). Schwartz in Pauly-Wissowa i. 2867 ff. 
enumerates the passages in which Strabo is 
indebted to him : they include several from 
bk. 7, but not frag. 3. Nevertheless it is 
probable that frag. 3 had the same origin. For 
where Strabo is dealing with places mentioned 
in the Homeric Catalogue he constantly cites 
Apollodoros' great work Utp\ vtwv Kara\6you 
(see Niese in Rh. Mus. xxxii p. 267 fT.) ; and 
Strabo in frag. 3 is describing Dodona, which 

the Catalogue mentions as b.u>b'<I>vr\v ivax f ^ ( P 0P 
(II. 2. 750). 

8 Strabo's wording is a little ambiguous. I 
assume that av6.0r\^a KopKi/peu'au'isin apposition 
to fiiariya xoAktji' (rather than to iySpiavra or 
to x a ^ K( ^ 0V )> partly because ftio-rtya is the 
nearest substantive, partly because the proverb 
was 7) KtpKvpaiwv fxiari^. 

6 Carapanos Dodonc et sen ruines Plate xxiii. , 
nos. 1-2. The \4fir)s is inscribed in punctured 
letters c()| AOK AE A A A A M 0<pl AO Y 
inscribed TER\J/ IK AH£ :THI Al: N Alfll: 


Herculaneum, 1 and the lashes, from the stele of an archigallus? exactly corres- 
pond to Strabo's words. Carapanos' conjecture, 3 that the gong and the 
statue stood on the two columns that formed the propylaea * of the 
temenos, is not indeed inconsistent with Strabo's expression ev tc3 tepco and 
might even claim the support of the Syrian parallel to be mentioned later on ; 
but it is architecturally improbable. 

One question remains. Which was the real Aa>8a>valov yaXtcelov — the 
gong thus restored or the series of tripods described by Demon ? The gong 
thus restored we have traced back certainly to the close of the second 
century B.C. in Aristeides' version of Polemon's account (not to mention 
Strabo's extract from Apollodoros), probably to the latter part of the fouith 
century B.C. in Aristotle's description. And most of the literary evidence 
available tends to support its claim. Nevertheless, our earliest authority, 
the fragment of Menander's Arrephoros, is strongly opposed to such an 
identification — ' the gong at Dodona, which they say sounds all day if a 
passer-by lays a finger on it' {av irapd-ty-qd' 6 vrapuov). A gong mounted on 
a pillar could hardly be brushed by 6 trapioav. Again, the fragment of 
Kallimachos cited above — top iv Awhtapc. . .^oXkop \ tfyeipov — seems more 
applicable to one of Demon's tripods standing on the ground than to 
Polemon's caldron mounted on a column. Finally, Clement of Alexandria 
expressly distinguishes the AwBoopalop xaX/celov from the Xe/9^Ta ®eo-- 
irptorelov, as does his follower 5 Theodoret of Cyprus : 

Clem. Al. protr. 11 Dind. iUvra rolwv Aflea | Theodorot. de Oraec. affect, x (vol. iv p. 
|i)j -KoXvirpay/MovuTf /iijSt $apd0pwv cr6/j.ara ! 623) koI riiv Upav Spvv ical rb AwSwvatov X°*" 
T(partlas ffjiirXta, % \ifiiyra. Seffirpwruov % ' Ktlov ko\ rbv Ktppaiov Tp/iroSo Kal rbv Btcrirpu- 
rplirob'a. Ktppaiov fj AwBwvatov x a ^ K ^ 0V ' ytpdv- " riov A«3j)Ta- kcl\ iv At/My piv rb pavruov 
Upvov 8* (j/a^yuois ipij/xats rertfirtfxivov /col rb • Afifiwvot iv 8* ye Auiuvp rb rod At6s. 
ai/T68i jj.mvTuov aiirp 5pul pefiapaanevov fxvdois 
ytyripaK6<ri KaraKetyare. 

(Read ®eo-irpd>Tiov for MSS. &«rirpwrdiov and 
keep MSS. x a *- K( ? 0V - The last sentence is 
apparently, as Theodoret saw, a confusion 
between the oak of Dodona and the desert 
oracle of Ammon. J. B. Mayor cj. Terriprj/jievov 
for Tfrifirifitvov : but the phrase may be taken 
from an iambic tag, yepdvBpvov \ ^/dfifiois ipi\- 
fiais ivTtrljjL-qTai or the like.) 

All these allusions may be harmonised if we assume — and the assumption 
involves no improbability — that the original AcoBcopalop xaXfceiov was the 
row of resonant tripods round the sacred enclosure, and that at a later date 
(? 4th century B.C.), when buildings were erected, these were replaced by a 
more elaborate and artistic gong mounted on two pillars as described above. 
The whip of the new gong, either presented at first by the Corcyreans or 
subsequently renewed by them, gave rise to the second proverb mentioned 
by Strabo, r) KepKvpaicop fidcrrt^. 

1 Rich 8.v. 'flagrum,' Dar.-Sagl. ii. 1155, 4 ib. Plate iii., no. 8. 

Fig. 3092. * As Potter on Clem. Al. loc. cit. observes, 

2 Winckelmann Monum. inedit. i. 8 p. 8. ' solet...Theodoretus Clementem compilare.' 

3 Dodoru et ses mines p. 168 f. 


(2) The Function of the Gong at Dodona. 

Thus far we have dealt with the outward aspect of the gong: we have 
still to discuss its purpose and significance. A triple division of the topic 
will conduce to clearness. Why was the sound of bronze desirable ? Why 
was it produced by means of a whip ? Why was the gong mounted on a 
couple of columns ? 

An early scholiast a on Theocritus ii. 36 quotes Apollodoros irepl detov to 
the effect that bronze was employed in all kinds of purificatory ritual (irpo? 
iracrav a<f)ocri(i)<Tiv ical aTTOKaOapcriv) because it was regarded as pure and an 
averter of pollution (icadapo<;...icdi aTreXaaTLicos twv fj,iaafiaT(ov). The 
context shows that by bronze is meant the beating of bronze (6 iov ^oXkov 
77^09), and specifies two occasions when this was customary, viz. during 
eclipses of the moon and at funerals. That bronze was beaten by the 
ancients at lunar eclipses appears from various passages in the Latin authors. 2 
The early Fathers protested against the practice, which lasted on into 
Christian times, 3 and is still common in the East. 4 Similarly at the rising 
of Seirios the inhabitants of Ceos used to clash weapons 5 by way of 
averting malefic influences c : any obscuration of the star they regarded as 
portending a year of sickness. 7 

The beating of bronze at funerals is less familiar. But our scholiast 
again cites Apollodoros for the statement that the sound of bronze was 
appropriate to the departed (otYeio? TOi? KaToixofievoi?) and, on the same 
authority, gives a couple of examples. The first of these refers to the 

1 Ahrens Buc. Gr. ii. 103, 9 ff. rb X aK- * Tib. i. 8, 21 f., Ov. met. iv. 333, Liv. xxvi. 

Ktlov its t<Lxos-&x*i- *bv yap (8e Gen b .) 5, 9, Tac. ann. i. 28, 1-3, Stat. Thcl. vi. 686 f., 

XaXnbv iirfiyov (so Reinesius, iirrjSov 4. 5. Can. Sen. Med. 797, Juv. vi. 442 f., Mart. xii. 57, 

Gen b . Vulc, iirt'ihov vulg., iit\t\aaov Moriz 16 f., PHn. N.H. ii. 12. So Plut. Aem. Paul. 

Schmidt, lireuov Coraes, ijirtiyov Kiessling, 17. 

i-KTiHov = ' feeerunt accinere' Heyne, iirt\x ovv 3 See Harduin on Plin. N.H. ii. 12. 

Hemstcrhuis, iirripov Ahrens) iv rais iicXtityto-i * Ru]>erti on Juv. vi. 442 f. 

(so 4. 5. Gen b , iXXttytat vulg.) tjjj ffeX-fivrji 6 Schol. Ap. Rhod. ii. 526 /«0' SirXuv iirtrr)- 

Ka\ iv (i*\ Jahn) ro'is Karoixofxtvots (tcarrixov- ptiv rr/v iiriroXijv rod kvv6s. 
aivots 4. 5.), iirtiii) ivopi£tro KaBapbs that xal 6 See Preller-Robert i. 458, n. 2, Schirmcr in 

airt\ao-TiKos {ii-KoirtXaffriKos 5.) ruv fnao-fiiruv. Roscher i. 549, 33 ff., Pridik dc C'ei insulae 

ZiSirtp *phs iraaav &.<poala>o~iv kb) iLiroicdOapaiv rebus p. 136 f., Gruppc Gr. Myth. p. 234. 
aiirf (avrb Gcn b .) ixpuvro, &s <pt\ai (8>s <pi)<ri 7 Herakleides Ponticus ap. Cic. dt divin. i. 

oni. 4. Gen b . ) xal , KiroXX6hupos iv r$ irfpt Otuv 130 ' etenim Ceos accepimus ortum eaniculae 

(Apollod. fr. 36). — rb &x*' (<k* rixos 1x tl diligentcr quotannis solere servare, coniectur- 

Gen b .) avrl rov i]/6<pfi, Kpovt (icpovwv 5.). iirtl amque capere, ut scribit Ponticus Heraclidcs, 

i rov x a * K °v ^X 0J oIkuos (oIkuov Gen b . ) ro7s salubrisne an pestilens annus futurus sit. nam 

Karoixopivois (KarTJXovfxivois 5.), <pi)ff)v 'AiroX- si obscurior et quasi caliginosa stella exstiteiit, 

x6b"u>pot 'A6-f]vri(Ti rbv iipo<pdvrr)v rr/s K6pr)s tin- pinguc et concretum esse caelum, ut eius aspi- 

KaKoufiivns tirtxpovtiv (iirticpovffttv Gcn b ., itpov- ratio gravis et pestilens futura sit : sin illustris 

nv Diibner) rb KaXovptvov i)x (,ov (oikuov 5. et perlucida stella apparuerit, significari, 

Gen b .)- koI rrapk (ir*pl 5. Can. Vulc.) \&ku>o-i caelum esse tenue purumque et propterea 

(\<Lkwvos 5. Can. Gen h . ) flaatXiws airo6av6vrot salubre.' 
tivOaat Kpoittv Xiflr\ra. 


Eleusinian Mysteries. At Athens, he says, the hierophant beats a gong 
(iiritcpoveip to tcaXovfievov r/xeiov) at Kore's invocation. 1 The allusion 
is seemingly to a scene in the sacred drama ; and O. Gruppe 2 is probably 
right in supposing that the gong was sounded to ward off chthonian powers. 
Phantoms of the sort are called dyia <f>avTacrp,aTa in Stob. fior. 120, iv 
p. 107 Mein. 3 ; and Tzetzes on Lycophron 77 (i. 368 M.) says 6 yap kvwv 
fiavi;a<i Xvei rd (pdo-fiara, o!>? kcu ^aX/cbs KpoTrjdek, erre ri toiovtov. 
Lucian too, when contrasting the conduct of a certain woman with that of 
ghosts, remarks (iihilopsciidcs 15) to ivavrtov toi<? <pdcrp,acn Treirovdev eicelva 
fj,ev yap r\v yfr6<f>ov aKovarj ^aX/cov rj cnBr]pov irefyevye — teal ravra yap vfiels 
<pare — avrrj 8e, rjv dpyvpiov rrov -^rocpf], ep-^erat 777309 toj> r)X ov ' ^ ne P nrase 
Xa\/co<; KpoT7]0€L<; 4 recalls Pindar's epithet for Demeter, ^aX/cozc/JOTou... 
Aayu-ttTf/oo? (Isth. vii. 3 f). There is no doubt that the clashing of bronze in 
various forms was characteristic of her cult. A formula used by the mystics 
was etc TVfnrdvov €<f>ayov, £k KvpftdXov einov, k.t.X. 5 The Ravenna scholiast 
on Aristoph. Ach. 701) says : ' They called Demeter 'A^ata (the noisy) from 
the noise of the cymbals and drums which was made in searching for Kore.' 
Another scholion adds rj dno tov t/%oi» ov 7raoet^e Tot? trepl ttjv ye<f>vpav ei? 
'Adtjvas dtnovaiv. Lenormant 7 shows that between the sacred fig-tree and 
the bridge on the sacred way was a place called Echo, where the ministers 
of Eleusis made this din with rj^eia ^vhile the procession of mystae was 
returning to Athens. Velleius i. 4. 1 states that, according to one account, 
the fleet from Chalkis which colonised Cumae was guided ' nocturno aeris 
sono, qualis Cerealibus sacris cieri solet.' 8 Orion etym. p. 18, 24 accounts 
for the epithet 'A%ata by quoting the following tale from a scholion on 
Aristophanes now lost: toi? Tavaypacois fxeraa-Tacrcv i/c tj}? Tavaypa? 
e/ciXevae /car' ovap f) Arj^rrjp (pavelaa avrol<; uKoXovBijcrai, to5 yevop.evtp 
r/yft) teal oirov av iravar^rai eVet iroXiv KTtaai. /cal SidoSevov dtcovovTcs 
tyocpov Kvp,ftdXa)v xal rv^Trdvcov. /cal Trav<rap,ev(ov wepl ttjv 'Attlktjp e/CTicrav 
ttoXiv Kal IhpvaavTo Upbv 'A^ata? ArjfirjTpos. Finally, a terra-cotta lamp 
published in the Bulletino Archeologico Napoletano iii. 182, PI. vii shows a 
pair of cymbals slung from the 'pomegranates of Proserpine' and next to 
them the 'ear of corn of Ceres' (Elworthy The Evil Eye p. 384, Fig. 184). 

The second example of the funereal beating of bronze given by the 
scholiast on Theocritus is the Spartan practice of beating a caldron (/cpoveiv 
Xe£!r)Ta) on the death of a king. Saglio in Dar.-Sagl. i. 1561 remarks that 

1 Roehl inscrr. Gr. ant. 2 p. 24, ix. 1 figures 5 Lenormant ibid. p. 571 f. 

a votive cymbal with Thessalian inscr. 6 So et. mag. 180, 36 Sri n*rb Kvfx&<L\wv 

r<AMoVHE0V$ETAII<oRFAI on which W« ^ k^ <«t«. 

see Hoilmann Dial. ii. 52, no. 81, Roberts Ep. 7 Lenormant ibid. p. 563. Cp. Preller- 

i. 244, n. 237a, and especially Studniczka in Robert n. 792, n. 1. 

sti. »*~«i ion/? • oja u i v v 8 Ov. A. A. ii. 609 f. 'condita si non sunt 

Ath. Mitth. 1896 xxi. 240 who reads Ka/xd *"* ""* "**• 7* .... 

frttwrc r«. KSpFa^Ka^ kviBvt* k.t.X. Venelis m y steria C,stl f 8 ' ne j C ™* ™ 8ani " 

2 Gruppe Gr. Myth. p. 54, n. 9. bus aera 9onant ls referred b ? »» ,,nk « n to the , 
» See Lenormant in Dar.-Sagl. ii. 576. rite * of Demeter rather than to those of 
* Cp. Rohdc Psyche 248, 2, and Hoeck 3. C y bele (Heinsius, Burmann). 

302 ff. 


' tintinnabula' are sometimes found in tombs and suggests that the same 
superstitious reason may account for a very singular gong or rattle found in 
a grave at Vulci (Fig. 2064). 1 Pottier ib. 1697 notes that cymbals in the 
hands of Sirens have a funerary meaning and quotes examples. 2 In medieval 
and modern times the gong has been replaced by a bell. 3 On the one hand 
evil spirits are exorcised by 'bell and book': on the other, the 'passing bell' 4 
is still tolled for the dead. 

The same prophylactic or apotropaeic virtue explains the beating of 
bronze in other cults besides that of Demeter. When Simaitha at her magic 
rites hears the dogs barking, she exclaims a #eo? ev rpioSoiac to ^oXkIov &><? 
Tayo<i a-yei (Theocr. ii. 36), i.e. ' the chthonian Artemis 5 is approaching, make 
the spot holy ground by banging the bronze.' On the bronze votive-hands 
collected and discussed by Jahn 6 among other prophylactic emblems appear 
' a tympanon, a bell, krotala, cymbals,' etc. 7 Of those in the British Museum 8 
one has a ' tambourine ' 9 and another a ' pair of cymbals.' 10 Magic, as usual, 
imitates the rites and adopts the paraphernalia of established religion. 
The Asiatic Kybele was honoured by women rvn-dvoia-t ical pofifioio-i ical 
Xa\/coKTU7rcov | /3d/*/3ot9 /3pefiovaa<; dvTi%epcn KVfiftaXcov (Diogenes trag. 
Semele ap. Athen. xiv. 636 a). 11 She too, like Demeter, was called %a\fco- 
KpoTo<i (Orph. hymn. 41). And in the closely associated worship of Attis the 
initiates' formula e/c Tvjnrdvov /3ef3pa>/ca, i/c KVfiftdXov Treirwica, yeyova 
fivaTrji; *Att€<u9 12 was almost identical with that used in the Eleusinian rite. 
A bas-relief in the Louvre 13 represents the sacrifice of a ram to Attis : from 
an old oak are suspended two cymbals or bells. 14 Similarly on a coin of the 
elder Faustina, 15 which shows Kybele enthroned with Attis at her side, a 

1 Riess in Pauly-Wissowa i. 1986, 11 s.v. ^IJAMWlA = Allans and I.G.A. 73 
Amulett describes a fibula with a number of n[o\va]vdls (?) avienKt t$ Aifivdri. 

small metal knobs-found in a tomb and explains 6 o. Jahn in Berichle d. k. Sachs. Ges. d. 

them as a prophylactic rattle : see Annali'd. Wissenschaflen Philol. -Hist. 1855, p. 101 ff. 

Inst. 1882 PL Q, 7. 7 p. T. Ehvorthy The Evil Eye, p. 327, 

2 Bruzza in Annali dell' Inst. 1875 p. 60 enumerates 'the tympanum on one [hand], 
(cp. p. 67 f.) cites for the use of bronze in be]ls on onCj C rotala...on two, cymbals on 
funeral rites Passeri Mem. delta Soc. Colomb. three.' 

vol. i., Lorcnzi de praecon. cyth. JUstul. ac tint- s R ri t. Mus. Cat. Bronzes, 874-876. 

innab. Gronov. viii. p. 1469, Magio de tint- a ^ no §75 pj„ 22. 

innab. Sallengre ii. p. 1187, Lazzarini de vario io t -j n0 375 

tint, usu Romac 1822. 11 „ the cym bals, tympana, and krotala 

8 See Paul Sartori ' Glockensage7i u. Glocken- use( i iu t h e worship of Cybele see Rapp in 

aberglaube' in Zeitschrift des Vercins fur R oac her Lex. ii. 1658, 44 ff., Decharme in Dar.- 

Volksknnde vii (1897), 113 ff., 270 ff., 358 ff., SagL j. 1682j n . 132, Pottier*. 1697. 

viii (1898), 29 ff. is jrirmic. Matern. de error, pro/an. relig. 18 

4 On it see Thiselton Dyer The Ghost World, Halm. 

P- 15< 13 FriJhner Cat. 545, Reinach Rip. Stat. i. 

6 Roehl i,cscrr. Gr. ant.- p. 26, x. 8 figures 101# Cp. the relief from a Kybele-and-Attis 

a votive cymbal with Laconian iDscr. altar in Baumeister Denkm. p. 801, Fig. 866, 

BOnONt>AM£0fckkAIMNAATI - which shows two bells slung from a pine. 

'Owupls avf6r}Kf Aifivdn, on which see Roberts ,4 Botticher Baumkullus, p. 538, Fig. 13. 

Ep. 1, p. 251 f., no. 252. Other cymbals in- 1S Roscher Lex. ii. 1647, Fig. 2. 
scribed to Artemis Limnatis are I.G.A. 50 


couple of bells is attached to a stump in the background. The dance of the 
Kuretes and Korybantes with clashing shields served as an diroTpoTratov, 
averting evil from the infant Zeus. 1 The armorum horror is met with in 
other myths. When Herakles was at a loss how to drive the Stymphalian 
birds from their covert, Athena gave him bronze clappers {^aXxea tcporaXa) 
which she had obtained from Hephaistos : with these he scared them and, as 
soon as they rose, he shot them down. 2 In imitation of this exploit the 
Argonauts on reaching the island Aretias, at the advice of Phineus, scared 
the fierce birds that inhabited it by the clash of shields and spears. 3 The 
Korybantes also used various other instruments of percussion for the same 
purpose, 4 e.g. /copvfiavTeiwp la^rjfiara ^dX/cca poTrrpcop (Anth. Pal. vi. 165, 3 
Phalaikos). Similar jingles were perhaps in vogue in the Kabeiric 
mysteries: the British Museum possesses a small bronze bell 5 from the 
temple of the Kabeiroi at Thebes, inscribed in punctured letters riYPIAZ 
KABIPHI KAI riAIAI = nu/)(/3)t'a9 Kafiipw /cal UaiBL The attendants of 
Dionysus constantly carry tympana, which are sometimes edged with a row 
of small bells, 6 or else cymbals. 7 P. Gusman Pompe'i p. 146, after figuring 
many of the little bells found at Pompeii, observes : ' Les clochettes dtaient 
usitees aussi comme moyen de protection et sou vent attachees a des phalli.' 
O. Jahn in Berichte d. k. Sachs. Ges. d. Wissenschaften, Philol.-Hist., 1855 
p. 79, says : ' Nicht selten sind an den phallischen Amuleten Schnellen 
angebracht . . . besonders gegen gespenstische Einfltisse hielt man diesen 
Klang wirksam.' He cites Ant. di Ere. vii. 95-99, and adds ' An den Phallen 
in und bei Nimes sind sie auch im Relief angedeutet.' A remarkable 
example is given in Reinach E6p. Stat. ii. 75, 4. In the middle ages bells 
were often embroidered on bed -curtains and other hangings, as also on 
ecclesiastical vestments. A writer in Folk-lore ix. (1898), p. 79, compares 
this practice with that of negresses in Florida who ' embroider the corners 
of their pillow-shams and bed-spreads with hand-bells.' In - Scyros at 
carnival time a highly interesting beast-dance with bells is still kept up : vide 
the description given in the Annual of the British School at Athens vi. 125. 
Mr. F. T. Elworthy {The Evil Eye, pp. 356-358, Figs. 166-169) depicts a 
whole series of silver amulets worn by the modern Neapolitans as a protection 
contra la jettatura. They are of several different types, but from all alike is 
suspended a set of small bells {ibid. p. 368) that tinkle with the movements 
of the wearer. Necklaces composed of bells or fringed with bells were also worn, 

1 Rosoher Lex. ii. 1613, 15 ff. According to Curetes. 

Preller-Robert i. 134, 'aehnliche Gebrauche * Roschcr Lex. ii. 1615, 1 ff. Reinach Rep. 

beobachtete Ross Kleinas. 7 auf der Insel Stat. ii. 146, l = Caylus v. 50, 1, a bronze 

Mcgiste an der Kiiste von Lykien.' which according to Caylus represents ' Curete 

' 2 Apollod. ii. 5. 6. Cf. Diod. iv. 13 koto- frappant sur un tympanon.' 

oK(vd<ras x a ^ K V v T\a.Tay})v, nai 5io TavT-qs 5 Cat. 318, Fig. 11. 

i^aiffiov KaraffKivdCwv 4>6<pov, i^<p6$(t to (fa, 6 E.g. Brit. Mus. Vase Cal. iv. F 58. In F 

ko.\ irtpas tt) <rwtx*h r ov icpSrov fiahioos 4kifo\(- 303 a Maenad carries ' a tympanuvi in 1. hand, 

rfaas KaOapav tirolrjae ttjv \ifxvr)v. and in r. a bell (?) painted white.' 

3 Ap. Rhod. ii. 1049 ff., Hygin. fab. 20. Roschcr Lex. i. 1085, 16 ff. 
The latter expressly cp. the armed dance of the 



perhaps as possessing prophylactic properties. Several vases in the British 
Museum x depict Pegasus wearing a necklace of bells or bullae. The Louvre 
collection contains a couple of elaborate necklaces found by Salzmann at 
Camiros. 2 One represents a centaur and an ' Asiatic Artemis ' alternately, on 
such thin plates of gold that it must have been intended for the dead, not the 
living. The other is of thicker gold and represents lions, birds, etc. Both are 
furnished with rows of swinging knobs or bells of gold. That such articles of 
jewelry had more than a merely artistic purpose cannot be proved. It is 
however probable, cp. Ioann. Chrys. in I Cor. xii. 7 (x. p. 125 Par.) rt av rt,<t 
ei7T0i ra TrepCaTTTa kcu rov<; KtoScovas tovs tt)<; ^e/oo? i^r)prr)fj,ivov<i koX tov 
kokkivov crTt]fiova kcu To, aX\a to. TroWfjs dvoiaq yifiovTa, Biov firjBev erepov 
rod TraiSl irepiridevai dXX' rj tt)v dirb tov aravpov §vXaitr\v ; We are 
inclined to compare the golden bells and pomegranates on the robe of the 
Jewish high-priest. 3 In the annali dell' Inst, for 1875, p. 50 ff., Bruzza 
published the inscription 4 on a small bell of gold found on the Esquiline : 
it reads 



The archaising V (for Y), the distribution of the letters in groups of three, 
and the legend itself all attest the magical character of the bell. Tot? 
op,p,ao~iv, ' I am subject to evil eyes,' seems to be a hexameter 
tag 5 from some incantation. This accounts for what is otherwise in- 
explicable, 6 the use of 6p,p,acnv instead of the normal ofyOaXfio*;. The 
evil eye is in prose 6<pda\fib<; fida/cavo?, (pOovepo?, or Trovrjpos ; but in 
verse ojifia might stand, cp. Io. Tzetz. Chil. xii. 820 f. irdaav fiaaicavLav 
yiva)o~K€, rr)v oV ofx/xdrcov fiXdftrjv, \ Sid (paetov fialvovaav 7 kcu ySXe^eco? 
ofifiaTfov, Anth. Pal. xi. 193 Anon. 'O <f>66vo<; earl KaKuno*;, e%€i Se tl 
KaXov iv avrw' | ri]K€i yap <f>dov€p(ov 6p,p,aia teal tcpa&irjv. 8 The word 
vTroTerayfiai means perhaps 9 ' I am subject to,' ' I am exposed to ' evil eyes. 
Whoever dedicated the bell may thus have recorded on it the complaint from 

1 Brit. Mies. Oat. Vases ii. p. 70 ff. nos. B 62, tpdvrafffxa, cp. Xen. de re cq. 9. 4 tixrirep &v6pa>- 
B 63, B 65. irov rapirrti ra d^airivata *cal bpifxara. 

2 Figured in Dar.-Sagl. ii. 789, Figs. 935, 7 0. Jahn loc. cit. p. 31 n. 9 cj. naivovaav for 
936. fraivovaav cp. the grammarians' etymology of 

3 Exodus xxviii. 33 ff., xxxix. 25 f. Cf. &a<TKatvtii> viz. tpatai Kaivfiv (schol. Aristoph. 
Zech. xiv. 20 ' In that day shall there be upon Plut. 571, schol. Theocr. v. 12, Etym. mag. 190, 
the bells of the horses, Holy unto the Lord.' 26). 

Mr. W. Crookc (Popular Religion and Folklore 8 Cp. C'.I.O. 6792. 

of N. India p. 108) mentions priests among the 9 I cannot quote another example of this use 

Gonds who wear bells for the purpose of scaring of the word in Greek. Was it a translation of 

demons. the Latin ' subjectus ' ? Or should we suppose, 

4 Cp. Kaibel, insert: Gr. Sic. It. no. 2409, 5. with Bruzza (p. 55 f.), that it is the bell which 
8 The scansion inroriraypLai metri gratia can speaks : ' io campanello sono stato ordinato 

be paralleled by the Homeric h\ax6popot, 0lya- contro del fascino' ? If so, 'I am subject to ' 

rt pts, KvAvtos, on which see Kuhncr-Blass i. must presumably mean ' I am a servant of,' 

308 f. *I am used in the ritual of.' Bruzza renders 

• Bruzza loc. cit. p. 55, not perceiving the vitoriaaui by ' collocare e disporre sollo a una 

hexameter ending, explains 6fifia as = S/ja^a, cosa.' 


which he would be set free. Bruzza quotes another inscribed bell, again in 
all probability prophylactic, which bears the names of Athena, Tyche, 
Artemis and Hephaestus. 1 

On Italian soil gongs and bells had the same significance. Coins of the 
gens Petillia show the facade of the second temple of Jupiter Capitolinus: in 
the intercolumniations are suspended by chains three gongs or bells, 2 one for 
each of the three ' celiac' This recalls Suetonius' story about Augustus 
(Suet. Aug. 91): 'He constantly resorted to the temple on the Capitol 
dedicated to Jupiter Tonans, and dreamed that Jupiter Capitolinus 
complained of the worshippers being drawn away from himself till Augustus 
replied that Tonans had been installed as Jupiter's door-keeper. In 
consequence of this dream he shortly afterwards decked the gable of the 
temple (sc. of J. Tonans) with bells, which hung down almost to the 
doors.' 3 Plautus in describing a sacrifice ' summo Iovi ' makes Pseudolus 
hurry ofT to fetch ' hostias, | victumas, lanios...duo cum tintinnabulis.' 4 
Coins of the gens Minucia represent a column of unusual shape bearing 
a male figure with toga and staff. From the abacus are suspended a couple of 
gongs or bells. At the foot of the column are two lions' heads and two ears of 
corn. The whole is flanked by an augur with his lituus on the right, and a 
man treading on a ball (?) and clapping cymbals (?) on the left. This 
singular monument commemorates the public services of L. Minucius, consul 
in 458 B.C. and decemvir in 450 B.C., who as pracfectus annonae 5 detected the 
supposed plot of Sp. Maelius. According to Livy he was rewarded ' bove 
aurato c extra portam Trigeminam.' 7 But according to Pliny and Dionysius, 8 
by a column surmounted by a statue. To this statue the coin-type refers. 
Its details are much debated, but the gongs at least may be prophylactic. 10 
At the ancient festival of the Lemuria one of the ceremonies by means 
of which the pater familias drove out the ghosts was the beating of bronze 
vessels: v. 441 f. 'Temesaeaque concrepat aera, et rogat, ut tectis 
exeat umbra suis.' Zonaras ann. vii. 21 states that when M. Furius Camillus 
triumphed for his victory over the Veientines a bell was attached to the 
triumphal car, and remarks that the same thing is done in the case of 

1 Mus. Kircher. p. 6, pi. 58, Montfaucon praefecto annonae extra portam Trigeminam 
avtiq. cxpliq. iii. pi. 55. unciaria stipe collata ' (a memorial column was 

2 Dar.-Sagl. i. 902, figs. 1146, 1147, Duruy erected), cp. xviii. 3. 4 'Minucius Augurinus, 
Hist. Rome ii. 725, Babelon Monn. Rip. Rome qui Sp. Melium coarguerat, fnrris pretium in 
ii. 291 f. The enlargement of the type in Dar.- trinis nundinis ad assem redegit undecimus 
Sagl. and Duruy is due to De Koehne, Revue plebei tribunus : qua de causa statua ei extra 
dc numism. beige, 5e serie, vol. ii (1870), p. portam Trigeminam a populo stipe collata 
51 f., pi. iii. statuta est.' With this agrees Dion. Hal. *tp\ 

3 Suet. Aug. 91 • ideoque mox tintinnabulis 4iri&ov\wv p. xxxvi ed. C. Muller. 
fastigium aedis redimiit, quod ea fere ianuis 9 See Babelon Monn. Rep. Rom. ii. 228, 
dependebant.' Morell Thesaurus Numism. p. 284 f., Stevenson 

* Plaut. Pseud. 326-332. Rom. Coins p. 559, Dar.-Sagl. i. 1351. 

8 Liv. iv. 13, 7. 10 Babelon loc. cit. says: ' Les clochettes 

6 Gronovius cj. • bove et arvo ' ! suspendues au monument servaient a annoncer 

7 Liv. iv. 16, 2. l'ouverture et la fermeture du march^' ! 

8 Plin. N.H. xxxiv. 5, 11 'Item P. Minucio 

c 2 



criminals led to execution Xva firjBeh /3a8i£ov<riv avroU iyxptfnrTOfievos 
Hido-fiaro? dvaTrifiirXrjTai. In both cases evil has to be averted, on the one 
hand from the community and the triumphing general whose success may 
call down the 0€io<; (f>66vo<;, on the other hand from non-offending members 
of society who may be polluted by the social outcast. Bruzza loc. cit. p. 64 f. 
compares the treatment of S. Sisinius 1 and Alexandrine customs as exempli- 
fied in the ill-usage of SS. Cyrus and John 2 and S. Macarius. 3 The Salii, 
who beat their ancilia or sacred shields with batons or weapons of some sort, 4 
are compared by Dionysius 5 with the Curetes ; and it is fairly certain that the 
purpose of their performance was prophylactic. 6 

Pliny N.H. xxxvi. 19, 4 quotes Varro's account of the mausoleum erected 
by Porsenna, King of Etruria, for himself at Clusium : 7 the five pyramids 
that surmounted its square base were ' ita fastigatae ut in summo orbis 
aeneus et petasus unus omnibus sit impositus, ex quo pendeant exapta catenis 
tintinnabula, quae vento agitata longe sonitus referant, ut Dodonae olim 

The mention of Dodona recalls us to our original question. What, in 
the light of these various usages, was the real meaning of the Dodonaean 
gong ? Obviously it too was an airorpoTraiov intended to preserve the sacred 
precinct free from pernicious influences. At first the whole series of tripods 
and subsequently the gong on the two columns kept up a continuous clang 
which was a potent means of averting evil. The interpretation thus inferred 
from analogous practices elsewhere does not, however, at first sight agree 
with what we are told as to the purpose of the gong at Dodona by certain 
late Greek writers. Their statements are as follows : — 

Nonnus abbas in 
Greg. Naz. or. v. 32 
(Migne xxxvi. 1045 a) 
to 8t Tttpi rov Xf'/SijToj 
roioxniv iartv ivravrt] 
TJj AwHwvT) Atytrat on 
iv ttyfi riv\ lararo av- 
bptat fiaardfav f>dfibov 

Oosmas in Mai Spin. 
Rom. 2. 172 avbpias 
iq>' v\pous ris iariiKfi 
Baard(wi' f/d&bov Ka\ 
trap' avrbv 'lararo \4- 
/3tjs - oi oiv fiavrtuS/xtvoi 
fjpXovro Kara rbv r6irov 
rovrov koX tfix ovT0 ' 

Suid. s.v. Acd5wi/jj- . . . 
Ka\ avbpias iv 
v\f/ei bdfibov KaTtx a > v i 
Ka\ nap' avrbv \40vs 
'Lararo- Ka\ (iraiev 8 6 
avbpias rbv \ifir\ra- i\ 
oh tjxos rts ivapfi6vios 
airtrtKtiro. a! 8e ruv 

Schol. MS. Clark, in 
Greg. Naz. (Catal. p. 
47) <pna\ bi Ka\ irepl 
avbpidvros riv6s, KaX 
ovros bf iv &t\<p6ls yp 
(pttivrjv tvapBpov airo- 
\vuv «£ ivepyetai Sat- 
fioviKrjs- Ikvapdpot yap al 

1 Ruinart Acts Martyr. p. 538 Veronae 1731 
'cum velut animal traherent sancti Sisinii 
corpus exanime, collo aerei testis tinnitum con- 
cavum ligaverunt, quod vulgus tintiunabuluin 

2 Mai spicileg. Rom. iii. 312 'tintiunabuluin 
cum saginate magnurn in collo suspcnderc, et 
cum liis ad templuin suum currere, et srvi/rvs 
kvm clamare praecipiunt.' Cp. the mediaeval 
' fool ' in 'cap and bells.' 

5 Ue rcb. S. Macar. cod. Vat. Ixiv, Zoega 
Cod. Copt. p. 125 Romae 1810. 

* Dionys. ii. 70 mentions first \6yxv *) 
bi&bov ff ri roiovB' trtpov but later on rbv ivrals 
aarfoiv awortKovfutvov orb rwv lyxopibi<±v 

•"' ibid. 

See Warde Fowler Roman Festivals p. 39 
fT. : 'the: old Latins believed that the Spirit 
which was beginning to make the crops grow 
must at this time [March 1] be protected from 
hostile demons, in order that he might be free 
to perform his own friendly functions for the 

7 On this famous tomb see Baunieisteri)e?iir?/?. 
i. 608, Martha V Art itrusquc p. 200 f., Dar.- 
Sagl. ii. 836, n. 378. With it should be com- 
pared a remarkable object in bronze said to have 
been found in central Italy and figured by S. 
Reinach in V Anthropologic vii (1896), 188, 
fig. 441. 

* (iratatv *V. 



Cosmas in Mai Spic. 
Rom. 2. 172 
Srf oZv ij6t\f, <pi)<riv, 6 
8tbs xpvo'hV^VO'at, o 
avSptas ixf'vos titan rfj 
fidBScf rbv \tf}i)Ta, tlra 
fiX (i ° A*'£j}s «a\ in rov 
\40riTOi i$X^ s rts anf 
t*X*<to ivap^6vtos kcl\ 
ivitpopovvro at irpocpr)- 
Ti5es xat f\tyuv & au- 
reus & Sai/xwv 4vtfia\(i>. 

Suid. 8.V. Awhwi'T)- 
Sat/x6vwy (pwi-a] &vap- 

Schol. MS. Clark, in 
Greg. Naz. (Catal. p.47) 

ritv iatfiSvwv <pwva\ ita 
rb fi)) ix (tv opyava irpbs 
SiarvTraxriv rr/s t^tovarjs 

Nonnus abbas in 
Greg. Naz. or. v. 32 
Ka\ irap' avrbv Kffiris 
rts "ffraro. oi olv /xap- 
Ttv6fitfoi fjpxovTu irapa 
rbv t6ttov rovrov koI 
t]6xovto. 8t< olv ij8t\t 
XpV< T H<p$VO'ai aurots t> 
6eos, d avSptas ixuvos 
(irate Tjj t>d&$<f> rbv 
A«/8tjto- (Ira fJX fl ° 
Ac'jStjs, «al ik rov Ae- 

£rjTOS ^X<* s T ' s 07T€Tf- 

\uto ivap/x6vtos' xcd 
Ivtipopovvro al irpo<pii- 
rtSts Ka\ t\eyov & av- 
rats o Sai/xwv tvf/3a\\(. 

Nonnus the abbot, 1 and Kosmas of Jerusalem 2 belong to Byzantine times 
rather than to classical antiquity. The paragraph in Suidas s.v. Awhcovq in 
part agrees with Kosmas, for whom Suidas entertained feelings of the 
greatest veneration, 3 in part recalls another scholion on Gregorius Nazian- 
zenus. The statements of these post-classical sources have been accepted, 
perhaps too readily, in modern times. 4 They may be mere guess-work, based 
on the well-known method of divination at Dodona by means of the whisper- 
ing oak. At the same time there is some reason to believe that the sounding 
gong or gongs of Dodona were regarded as oracular. The scholiast on Clem. 
ALprotr. 11 speaks of them as 'an oracle of Zeus.' 5 Callimachos in his 
hymn to Delos 286 describes the priests of Dodona as ' ministers of the never- 
silent caldron,' 6 which probably implies, though it does not definitely state 
the mantic nature of the gong. Philostratus perhaps makes the same 
implication when, speaking of a view of Dodona, he says (imagg. ii. 33) kcu 
to ywpiov 8e avro dvto&es, w irai, yiypairTat tcai 6 fi(f>fj 9 fie a t 6v, xak/cfj 
re Hvo) iv avrfj tct ifirjrcu, r\v, olfiai, opas iirifSdWovaav ttjv X e ^fl a T <P 
o-TOfiaTi, €7T€iBt) vakiceiov ave/c€iTO ray Ail Kara AcoScovtjv r^yovv e? ttoXv tt)? 
r)p,€pa<; teal fi&XP L XdfiocTO tis avrov fir; (ticottcov. Finally, the paroemio- 
graphers record some singular legends, which may bear on the point : — 

Zcnob. ii. 84 Boiwtois I Plut. 8 9 fiavrevffttas Codd. V. B. 9 Ltavrtvaats (B) 

fxavrevaato: aiirr) KaTapa- ! xarapa rts 

tiki) iartv. 'HpaK\ti5ris 7 yap 

<pr\o\, Ltavrtvofxivots rots ©»)- j 

fiaiots irepl iroKffiov airfxpivarori \ 

1 W. Christ Gr. Lit. 3 p. 904. 

2 Krumbachcr Byz. Lit. 2 137 f., 680. 

3 Kosmas is described by Suid. s.v. 'lo>awr\s 6 
AafiaaKrivos as otviip tu<pvt(TTaTos xa\ TVtctv 
HOvatKr)v SAois ti\v ivapixivtov. oi yovv aafxart- 
ko\ «av6vts 'laavvov T€ ical Koa/xa ovyKptaiv ovk 
iSt^avro, oii8« ZifyuVTO av /i*'xp'J o Kad' rj/xas 
jSi'os TT(patu>8ria(Tai. 

4 e.g. by Bouche-Lecleicq Hist, de la divin- 
ation ii. 306. 

5 Schol. Clem. Al. prolr. 11 @to-irpa>T(> 
rj ihtytro fiavrtlov tlvat At6s, Sta. Xf$T)rwv 
ilXovvTwv ttws ytyv6fxtvov. This rather hazy 

account harks back to the Demonian arrange- 
ment of a row of tripods or caldrons. 

6 Call. h. Del. 286 -yrjAtx*'" Btpatotnts 
aotyiiToto \40nros. 

7 Probably Hcraklcides Ponticus (W. Christ 
ib. p. 586 f. ), who is cited in Apostol. x. 99 for 
another Boeotian story about an oracle. 

8 The collection of proverbs fathered upon 
Plutarch goes back to the grammarian Seleukos, 
who flourished in the time of Augustus and 
Tiberius (W. Christ Gr. Lit. 3 p. 605), according 
to 0. Crusius Ind. led. Tub. 1887 and 1895. 

9 On these MSS. sec p. 9, n. 7. 



Zenob. ii, 84 
irpoiprJTis tj iv AwSibvy, vIktiv 
avrois kfftfi-fiffaffiv fatffdai. (Is 
Se ruv 6(wpwv apirdffas Mvpr(\av 
t))v irpoQrJTiv, ivifSa\tv (Is 6(p- 
pov wapaKflfHvov \(f}r)Ta. *AX\oi 
St <pao\v, trt Qjjfialois -KoXtfjiovfft 
Bo/j-Bos fidvris irKdovs tyt) viki)- 
ffttv, d irpodvffattv tuv r/yf/iSvav 
tva. ol 8f a.iroKTtlvavT(s rbv 
BS^Bov iviKTjffav. 

Plut. 9 




Codd. V. B. 

i)<rifii]<Tav yiip (Is rh.v Up(iav 

(fi$aK6vr(s aiirtjv (Is rbv iv 

AaiSiLvii X«'/3»jto £iovra, ipuriKais 

SiaT(6u<rav (Is (va rwv faupwv. 

The story given on the authority of Herakleides states that Myrtila, a 
priestess of Dodona, was cast into a caldron (kefirjra) of heated water by the 
Thebans. The anonymous version speaks of a seer called Bombos as the 
victim of their sacrilege. The words Bo/i/3o9 fiavris in this context are 
perhaps significant : the prophetic reverberation (/36/u,/3o<?) has given rise to 
an eponymous prophet. 

The prophylactic meaning which attaches elsewhere to the sound of 
beaten bronze may be reconciled with the oracular functions suggested, if 
not proved, by the foregoing passages. It is quite possible that the gong or 
gongs, which in early days served as an dirorpdiraiov for the oracle, came to 
be consulted as themselves oracular. Such a transition or development can 
be paralleled from certain analogous cases. 1 

The game of ' kottabos ' is an example in point. Introduced into Greece 
from Sicily, 2 it was commonly regarded as a kind of erotic libation. 3 In 
its usual form, it consisted in discharging some drops of wine (Xdra^, 
Xardyr}) from the cup in such a way as to make the upper disc or irXdcrrty^ 
fall from its support on to the lower disc or fidvij<{ with a loud clang : e.g. 
Antiphanes 4 ap. Athen. xv. 666 F — 667 A. 

B. KOTTa/3l6LT€ TtVd TpOTTOV \ 

A, iya) BcBd^oi irdvd'' 09 av rbv kottcljBov 
a0etv eVi rr)v TrXdariyya troirja-t) irecrelv — 

B. irkd'JTiyya irolav ; 


dvw to fiitcpov, to irivaiclaKiov, Xeyet. 
tout earl irXdany^. 

A. 0UT09 6 Kpajbiv ytyverai. 

B. 7r<w9 S' etacTat Tt9 tout' ; 

A. iav Oiyrj p,ovov 

avTr)*;, iirl tov p.dvv\v ireaelrai kuI y]ro<po<; 
carat irdpv ttoXvs. 

1 For the remarkable instance of bell-wor- 
ship among the Gonds of N. India see p. 28 
n. 4. 

2 Athen. x. 427 D, xi. 479 d, xv. 666 b, 
668 B, e, Aristot. rhet. i. 12. 1373a 23, Hesych. 
a. v. k6ttcl$os. 

3 Athen. x. 427 D tJv ax* apxvs Th /xlv o-irtv- 
Sav aitohthofitvov rois Beois, & 8t k6ttoPos tojj 
ipwpivois. This is stated on the authority of 
Theophrastus iv t$ irtp) fiiOris. 

* Antiphan. 'A<ppo$hris Toval fr. 1, 4 ff. 


B. 7T0O? 0€(i)V, Tc3 KOTTa/3({) 

TrpoaecrTi /cal p.dvq<; tis tocnrep otVeV^? ; l 

In short, the kottabos-stand was a kind of gong which the merry-makers 
vied with each other in sounding. The upper disc was sometimes — 
perhaps traditionally — supported by a small bronze figure. Dar.-Sagl. iii. 
867 f., fig. 4307, represent an existing stand surmounted by ' un homme nu, 
dont le corps pose tout entier sur la jambe gauche ; la droite est leve'e en l'air 
par un geste violent, comme s'il dansait ou s'il cherchait a garderson ^quilibre 
compromis ; la main droite, egalement lev<5e en l'air, tient un objet indistinct 
de forme conique.' The tragedians, when they allude to kottabos, seem to 
have in view a figure of this sort. At least the point of their allusions is the 
frequent blows sustained by a human head. 

Aesch. Ostologoi fr. 178 Dind. says — 

Eupu/ua^09 ovk aXXo<; ovSev tfo-aovas 
v/3pt£' vftpt<r/j,ov<; ovk ivaicriovi ip.oi. 
r)v p,ev 'yap avru> crKoirbt del tov/j,ov Kapa, 
j"Toi) 6" dytcvXrjTov Koaad^i6<i earl ckotto^ 
iKrepiwv rjfiojaa X €L P itpcero.f 

Eur. Oineits fr. 566 Dind. — 

irvKvol<; &' eftaXXov Ba/r^/ov ro^evp,ao-i 
Kapa yipovTos' rbv ftaXovra Be o-recpeiv 
iyo) 'rerdypiriVy ddXa Kocradfiaiv SiSovs. 

Soph. Sahnoneus fr. 482 Dind. — 

rdK ecrrl KViap,b<; koX <pt,Xr)p,dTQ)v yfrocpos, 
tcS fcaWiieoTTaftovPTL viKtjnjpia 
Ti0r)p,t Kal fiaXovn ^dXKetov Kapa. 

All three passages mention a Kapa in connexion with the game. Sophocles 
in his Satyric drama is describing an actual kottabos-stand and speaks of the 
XaXKciov Kapa as being struck : Athen. xi. 487 D, who cites the fragment, 
explains this to be to iirl kottu/3ov e'^eo-T^/co?, but by a confusion 2 identifies 
it with the p,dvr)<;. Aeschylus and Euripides refer respectively to a human 
and a divine Kapa treated in the same unceremonious way. It is, then, 
tempting to compare the kottabos-stand with the apparatus at Dodona. In 
both cases we have a small bronze figure of a man on the top of a column 
who is instrumental in causing a clang of bronze. The resemblance would be 
complete, if it could be shown that the kottabos-statuette ever carried a 
whip. What was the ' objet indistinct de forme conique ' in the right hand 
of the statuette described by Lafaye ? There is perhaps a special point in 
Plaut. Trin. 1011, where Stasimus expecting a flogging exclaims : 

'cave sis tibi ne bubuli in te cottabi crebri crepent.' 

1 Cp. our 'dumb-waiter ' of similar shape. : See Dar.-Sagl. iii. 868, u. 4. 



The 'cowhide cottabus' that will rouse the echoes is a whip. The jest 
becomes more subtle if we may assume that the figure supporting the 
irXdcrTiyt; sometimes bore a whip. In favour of the suggestion might be 
cited a gloss of Hesychius and the Etymologicum Magnum : — 

Hesych. ■nXaarty^- /iao-nf. t) rov £vyov rb 
avrippotruv Ka\ rb vvv XtyS/xtvov Xlrpa. ical 
rb itpbs robs Korrd&ovs -kiv&kiov. koX fifpos ri 
rov aiiAoii. ica\ ffvpiyyos rb £vyw/xa. 

Etym. magn. p. 674, 20 irXaanyl, q jtao-n{- 
airb rov ir\r)fffftiv, irap' Ai^x^Ay T^.do'riyli Bi, 
[yi rov £vyov,~\ irapa rb ir\arua tlvtu. 

The passage of Aeschylus referred to by the et. mag. is Aesch. Cho. 
289 f., where the doom pronounced by Loxias upon Orestes, if he should 
refrain from slaying the murderers of his father, is BiwrceaBai iroXeox; | %a\«- 
rfkaru) TrXda-Tiyyi \vfiav6ev Se'/ia?. Dr. Verrall ad loc. says : ' The context, 
taken in connexion with known practices about lepers, madmen, and other 
such outcasts, suggests that here it is some metal object, which was attached 
in a painful way (Xvfiavdev) to the victim, so that he could not easily 
remove it, and was so made as to give a sound, warning people of his 
approach. 1 Small metal plates, suspended so as to clash, would have the 
effect and correspond to the name.' Wecklein would read fxda-Tiyi. But all 
difficulty disappears if an early form of kottabos-stand had a bronze statuette 
of a man lashing a gong. The word ifkdaTiy^ properly denoting the gong 
or disc might easily be used by a tragedian of the metal scourge, the ' thing 
striking ' not the ' thing struck.' However that may be, I incline to believe 
that the kottabos-stand was originally a feasters' gong intended as an 
diroTpoiraiov, and that the sound of the bronze came to be considered a love- 
oracle, precisely as the Dodona gong was first prophylactic and subsequently 

Another example can be adduced of an apotropaeic gong whose original 
purpose was mistaken. We have already 2 seen that during the sacred drama 
at Eleusis the "so-called r)^elov was beaten to avert evil influences. It is 
probable that this was the true purpose of the series of bronze bowls or 
?}xeia, of which Vitruvius gives a detailed account. 3 They were poised in 
niches (cellae) under or among the seats of the auditorium, 4 and were ar- 
ranged at carefully calculated intervals along one row if the theatre was 
small, along three if it was large. As understood in Vitruvius' day, their 
function was to increase the brilliance and sweetness of voices from the sta^e, 5 
the various notes being echoed on by the various r)^ela. Saglio in Dar.- 
Sagl. ii. 449 remarks: ' L'efficacite de ce procede acoustique et meme la possi- 
bility d'y recourir a etc tour a tour admise ou contestee.' 6 The probability is 

1 Gusman Pomjiei p. 146: ' Les cloohettcs 
tintaient pendant lcs eclipses de lune et Von 
s'en servail pour conduirc lcs crimineh au sup- 
plice.' See the exx. cited ahove p. 20. 

2 See p. 15. 

3 Vitr. i, 1 and v. 5. 

4 Vitr. i. 1 'in cellis sub gradibus,' v, b 
' inter sedes theatri copstitutis cellis,' 

5 Vitr. i. 1 ' uti vox scaenici sonitus conveni- 
ens in dispositionibus tactu cum offendcrit, 
aucta cum incremcnto claiior et suavior ad 
spcctatorum perveniat aures," v. 5 'voxascacna 
...excitaverit auctarn claritatem et concentu 
convenientern sibi consonantiam.' 

6 See ib. n. 8. 


that bronze vessels tuned according to the Vitruvian rules would take up and 
prolong the particular notes uttered on the stage in such a way as to produce 
a confused murmur or reverberation — obviously a hindrance, not a help, to 
the actors and the chorus. This reverberation or metallic echo was, however, 
to primitive ideas highly desirable as an airorpoTratov. It served to keep 
the precinct holy during the sacred performance. The mathematical refine- 
ments described by Vitruvius were probably a later device to ensure a con- 
tinuous sound. That the Roman architect should have misconceived their 
purpose and ascribed to them a musical significance is in no way remarkable : 
for musical instruments consisting in a series of tuned bowls were not 
unknown to the Romans. 1 

We have seen that the sound of bronze, in whatever way produced, was 
regarded as prophylactic. Why ? Presumably because a metallic clash or 
clang would strike terror into the hearer. Primitive man seeks to frighten 
his superhuman, in much the same way as he frightens his human, foes. 
The banging of gongs and the ringing of bells in religious ceremonies is the 
counterpart of similar practices in warfare. Livy, for example, makes the 
consul Manlius say of the Gauls : ' quatientium scuta in patrium quendam 
modum horrendus armorum crepitus; omnia de industria composita ad 
terrorem.' 2 And Aeschylus, describing the equipment of Tydeus' shield, 
says : ^aXK-qXarot tcXd^ovai tcdiBcoves <f> 6 ft o v. 3 Bronze was particularly 
efficacious in warding off evil because it was the metal consecrated to religious 
purposes by immemorial usage : the gods were averse to novelties and 
lingered in the bronze age long after their worshippers had passed on to 
higher levels of civilisation. 4 

The next question before us is : Why in the later Dodonaean gong was 
this prophylactic sound produced by means of a whip ? Apparently the use 
of the whip was itself prophylactic. 5 Mr. Frazer has collected from all parts 
of the world examples of the ' expulsion of evils ' 6 : in such cases the beating 
of gongs is often accompanied by the cracking of whips. To quote but one 
instance: 'In the Tyrol... on the famous Walpurgis night... men and boys 
make a racket with whips, bells, pots, and pans,' while on the same occasion 
in the Bohmerwald mountains 'all the young fellows of the village... crack 
whips for a while in unison with all their strength. This drives away the 
witches ; for so far as the sound of the whips is heard, these maleficent 
beings can do no harm. The peasants believe firmly in the efficacy of this 

1 Dar.-Sagl. ii. 449, fig. 2594. objects. To the examples there cited add the 

'-' Liv. xxxviii. 17. .statement of Philo Alex., that farmers on the 

3 Acsch. sept. 386. approach of a storm used once to beat the air 

4 Frazer Pausani-as iii. 314, Golden Bough'* i. with whips and rods (Bruzza loc. eit. p. 63, 
344 f!'. Lumbroso nuovi studi alcssandrini p. 41 Torino 

5 Following W. Mannhardt, Mr. Frazer has 1872). Agrippa beating the surface of the 
abundantly proved that whipping is a frequent Avernian lake to dissipate its miasmas, and 
form of ceremonial purification, the underlying Xerxes laying stripes upon the Bosphorus, may 
idea being that it will drive out evil influences have a similar signification. 

of all sorts : Golden Bough 2 iii. 127-133, 215- 6 Golden Bough- iii. 60-93. 
219, esp. 218 n. 1 for the whipping of inanimate 


remedy. A yokel will tell his sons to be sure to crack their whips loudly 
and hit the witches hard ; and to give more sting to every blow the whip- 
lashes are knotted.' x Mr. Frazer subdivides his examples into ' occasional ' 
and ' periodic ' expulsions. The gong at Dodona (like the tomb of Porsenna 
to which Varro compared it) would fall under a fresh category, that of 
' continuous expulsion.' It combined the clang of bronze with the lashes of 
a whip in such a way as to form an extremely potent airorpoTraiov. The 
same combination occurs elsewhere with the same meaning. Jahn op. cit. 
p. 105 discusses the emblems found on so-called ' votive-hands.' To the 
examples cited by him may be added two in the British Museum. 2 On one 
of these (No. 875) a two-thonged whip represented next to a tympanum 3 
recalls the three-thonged whip and neighbouring caldron at Dodona. Again, 
in the cult of Rhea the whip was brought into connexion with the sound of 
bronze. According to Apollonius Rhodius 4 the Argonauts propitiated 
Rhea with an armed dance, clashing swords and shields together : hence the 
Phrygians worship her with p6p,^a> ical rvirdpa). 5 The scholiast explains 
popfios to be 7po%t<r/co<i, bv <rrpe(f)ov<rtv ip.aai tvtttovt€<; ical ovrax; ktvttov 
cnroTeXovaiv — in short, a humming whip-top. Such tops were commonly 
made of bronze 6 and, as used in Rhea's cult, were like the tympanum un- 
doubtedly prophylactic. Similarly one form of lwy% seems to have been a 
whip-top. 7 It is represented on a well-known vase belonging to the Van 
Branteghem collection, 8 which depicts a young woman with a whip in her 
hand and a top spinning at her feet. It has not, I think, been noticed that 
there is an allusion to this kind of lv<y^ in Pind. Pyth. iv. 213 ff. Aphrodite 
there teaches Jason how to bind Medea to his cause by means of the Ivyf — 
o<f>pa M.r)Beta<; rofcecov d<j>e\oLT^ alhw, iroQeiva £' 'E\Xa<? avrav \ iv (ppaal 
Katopukvav 8 o v ko t fidtTT ty i Ueidovs, i.e. as Jason whips his magic top, so 
will love of Hellas lash the heart of Medea into a mad whirl of passion. 
Again, it was for prophylactic purposes that both whip and bell were 
attached to the car of the Roman triumphator? It will hardly be doubted, 
then, that the association of whip and gong at Dodona was designed to 
provide a particularly powerful means of averting evil from a particularly 
sacred enclosure. 

1 ibid. iii. 91 f. royal dc France Hist.-Litt. ane. iii. (1818), 

2 Brit. Mus. Cat. Bronzes nos. 87f», 876. 5 ff. concludes that ' il avoit le plus souvent la 
Elworthy The Evil Eye p. 327 mentions the forme du jouet nomine par mi nous sabot ou 
whip on four votive-hands known to him. toupie.' 

3 In Roscher Lex. ii. 1671, fig. 6, Kybele, driv- 8 Frbhner Cat. de la coll. Van Branteghem, 
ng her lion-car, holds a two-thonged whip (?) no. 67 = Dar.-Sagl. ii. 1154, fig. 3087. 

in her right hand and a tympanum in her left. ° Zonaras vii. 21 goes off on a wrong tack : 

"Was the combination accidental or designed i ko\ k&Zwv airrjpr^To xa\ ixaan^ rov apuaros, iv- 

* Ap. Rhod. i. 1134 ff. &(iktiko. rov koI Svo'Tux'jffat alnhvhvvaaQai, Start 

1 id. ib. i. 1139. *al alKtadrivai fi *col tuauseOijvat Bavui'. rovs yap 

8 Cp. Theocr. ii. 30 fan/Hos 6 x<**-K f os. Ixi nvi aroirr)/j.a.Tt KarohiKixadivras Bavuv vtv6- 

7 Fritzsche on Theocr. ii. 17, Jahn Bcrichte d. fxiaro Ktnluvoqopuv, faa. fxi)Ms 0aSi(ovati> alrois 

k. Si'ichs. Ges. d. IViss. Philol.-Hist. 1854 p. 257. iyxpixrSnti/os m&afxaros avairlfiirKrjrai. 

Levesque in His'.oire et mlmoire* de Vinstitut 


It remains to ask : Why was the whole apparatus mounted on a couple 
of columns ? Our first inclination is to answer : For no recondite reason at 
all, but simply to place it out of harm's way, or perhaps because the sound 
would be heard better if the gong were raised to some little height. Further 
consideration lessens our confidence in such matter-of-fact explanations. 
At least it will be well to compare similar gongs in use elsewhere before 
coming to a hasty conclusion. In the Kri islands (S. W. of New Guinea) evil 
spirits are propitiated by means of gongs etc. hung from the cross bar of two 
poles. 1 Maori war-gongs were slung from a bar laid across two uprights and 
were sounded by a man who sat on a scaffolding of poles. 2 The kotlabos- gong, 
as we have already seen, was regularly mounted on a thin column or staud 
and sometimes topped with a mannikin in bronze. So too the Minucian 
statue stood on a column, to which were attached a couple of gongs or bells. 
But the most striking parallel to the gong at Dodona is one first remarked 
by O. Gruppe, 3 who drew attention to Lucian dc Syria dea 29. The Syrian 
author of this important treatise 4 describes the temple of Hierapolis and its 
ritual. Among other things he tells us that at the propylaea of the temple 
were certain plialloi thirty cubits in height, erected by Dionysus. Twice a 
year a man ascended one of them and spent a week on the top in prayer. 
This <j>a\\of3aTTi<;, or stylites, if so we may call him, never slept during his 
seven days' vigil, and he accompanied his prayers by beating a bronze gong 
(ajia Be ev%6fievo$ /cporeei Trotyfia %d\K€ov, to aeiBei fx,i<ya teal Tprj^v 
KLveo/ievov). The author adds certain views that had been held with regard 
to the practice : ' it is usually supposed that thus raised on high he holds con- 
verse with the gods and begs their blessings for the whole land of Syria, while 
they being near at hand can hearken to his prayers. Others maintain that 
we have in this custom a reminiscence of Deukalion's flood, when mankind 
in fear of the waters fled to the mountains and the tallest trees. The latter 
account fails to convince me any more than the former. I think however 
that the inhabitants act thus in honour of Dionysus. My reason for thinking 
so is as follows: those who erect phalloi to Dionysus set wooden men upon 
them — why, I will not explain — and, as it seems to me, this man climbs up 
in imitation of the wooden figure.' This remarkable passage is calculated to 
give us pause. There may have been some special sanctity attaching to the 
position of a person or thing raised on a column. ' Whatever,' says Mr. 
Frazer ,' is permeated by the mystic virtue of taboo may need to be isolated 
from earth and heaven ' 5 — and one of the simplest methods of isolation would 
be to set the sacred object on a column, where it would be so to say suspended 
between heaven and earth. Of objects thus separated from the profane none 
were more common in Greece than tripods. Greek vase-paintings 
constantly represent them as standing on the top of a more or less 

1 Frazer Golden Bough 2 iii. 63. 4 He probably was not Lucian: see Croiset 

2 G. F. Angas Savage Life and Scenes in Hist. lit. grecque v. 590. But cp. W. Christ 
Australia and New Zealand ; front, to vol. ii Gr. Lit. 3 p. 747. 

shows the pahu or war-gong being beaten. 5 Frazer Golden Bough 2 iii. 468. 

3 Handbuch d. hi. Alt. V. ii. 1 p. 355 n. 7. 


attenuated column, sometimes adorned with fluttering fillets as a further 
indication of their sanctity. 1 Now the Dodonaean gong served instead of a 
whole set of tripods. It was therefore suitably placed on a pair of conse- 
crating columns. 2 

The same exalted position would obviously be accorded to the whip used 
in connexion with the gong. An interesting analogy is here offered by the 
practice of the natives in some parts of N. India. Mr. W. Crooke states 3 
that, if the god of a village shrine ' is believed to be absent or sleeping, a 
drum is beaten to awake or recall him, and this answers the purpose of 
scaring off intruding spirits... There is one special implement which is very 
commonly found in the village shrines of the hill country south of the Ganges. 
This is an iron chain with a heavy knot at the end to which a strap like a 
Scotch tawse is often attached.... This is known as the gurda : it hangs from 
the roof of the shrine and is believed to be directly under the influence of the 
deity.' Mr. Crooke goes on to describe how ' the Baiga priest, when his 
services are required for the exorcism of a disease ghost, thrashes himself 
with this whip. ' Among the more primitive Gonds the chain has become a 
godling, and is regularly worshipped. 4 In serious cases of epilepsy, hysteria 
and the like, . .the patient is taken to the shrine and severely beaten with 
the holy chain until the demon is expelled.' 

To sum up. I have endeavoured to prove that the gong at Dodona had 
two forms, an earlier and a later. At first it consisted in a series of resonant 
tripods arranged round the oracular shrine in such a way as to keep up a con- 
stant hum of bronze. Subsequently these tripods were replaced by a more 
elaborate gong — a lebes and a mastigophoros of bronze, each standing on its 
own pedestal, and so placed that the wind would cause a continuous vibra- 
tion. From first to last the gong was an airoTpoiraiov of the most potent 
kind. In its original shape, the sound of bronze that echoed round the sacred 
precinct served to scare away all evil influences. Later on, its prophylactic 
virtues were intensified by the addition of the Corcyrean whip and safe- 
guarded by its elevation on a couple of columns. 

Arthur Bernard Cook. 

1 E.g. Reinach Rep. Vases i. 23, 114, 175,332, 3 Crooke Popular lleligion and Folklore of 

363, 403, ii. 4, 46, 287, Dar.-Sagl. i. 1353, N. India p. 60 f. 

fig. 1794. 4 The same is true of the bell. Id. ibid. 

' J Cp. the two gilded eagles perched on a couple p. 108: 'The Gonds have elevated the bell into 

of columns before the altar of Zeus Lukaios a deity in the form of Ghagarapen.' 
(Paus. viii. 38. 7). 

[Plates II.-IV.] 

The term Proto-Attic, which is our equivalent to the German Friih- 
attisch, and is formed on the analogy of Proto-Corinthian, is of course only a 
loose definition, intended to apply exclusively to a small class of Attic vases 
which fall between the periods represented on the one hand by the Dipylon, 
and on the other by the vases of the stereotyped Attic black-figure style. 

For this later limit the Francois vase would naturally be the typical 
representative, were it not that, as we now know, 1 the white on that vase 
is laid direct upon the clay instead of in the true Attic manner upon a pre- 
pared black surface. Within these two limits we should strictly speaking 
place the Vourva, Marathon, and the Menidi vases, as well as the large series 
of ' Tyrrhenian amphorae ' ; and possibly yet other classes of the same kind 
may be found among the Acropolis fragments ; but for our purpose these may 
be regarded rather as tributaries of the main stream, and not as proto- Attic 
in the limited sense. 

Seeing that it is now generally agreed that the Dipylon branch of Geo- 
metric vases at least was of Athenian manufacture, the term must obviously 
not be pressed to its full significance any more than the correlated term 
proto-Corinthian. It is certainly curious that the study of vases (which in 
other respects is not unscientific) should absolutely bristle with loose and 
misleading terms : Mycenaean, Pontic, Tyrrhenian, Nolan are only some of 
the instances of this strange fatality. Perhaps the time may come when the 
thousand and one questions concerning the origins of vase-fabrics will be 
finally settled, and then it will be time enough to reconsider the tangle of 
nomenclature. For the present, however, the terms are convenient, so long as 
they are generally accepted : and if any further justification be needed for 
' proto- Attic,' it will be found in the close analogy which this fabric bears 
to the proto-Corinthian. 

The first serious attempt to bridge the gap between the latest Dipylon 
and the earliest black-figure vases of Athens was made by Bbhlau in Arch. 

1 Jahrbuch, 1887, p. 281 (noto on p. 135). 


Jahrbuch 1887, p. 58 : previously the only published landmarks for this 
unexplored tract were the fragments given in Benndorf s Gr. u. Sic. Vasenb., 
pi. 54, 1-2 ; and Furtwangler's Schussel aus Aegina {Arch. Zeit. 1882, pll. 9-10, 
together with the fragment on p. 207). Since Bohlau wrote, however, 
the list has steadily increased, the most important of the new examples 
being the Netos amphora in Ant. Denkm. i, 57 and the Peiraeus amphora 
published by Couve in 'E<f>. 'Apx- 1897, pi. 5, which bring us nearer than any 
hitherto to the lower limit of date of the series. When the long-expected 
publication takes place of the fragments from the Acropolis, we shall 
probably have a fair idea of the stages out of which the Francois vase 
grew. It is a period of supreme importance, for it witnesses what is 
practically the birth of Athenian vase-painting as a separate entity: the 
traditions of a cramped rectilinear method are dropping away, and a flood 
of new life-giving impulses is setting in : any fresh material which will illumine 
this period is welcome, and especially a vase like that before us, which offers 
a store richer perhaps than any specimen hitherto known. 


The vase shown on Plates II.-I V. is put together from a series of fragments 
found in the spring of 1896 and 1897 in the excavations of the British School 
on the site of what we believe to have been the Gymnasium of Kynosarges. 
The results of these excavations went to show that the Gymnasium was 
erected on a site which previously to the fifth century had been in use as a 
burial ground. Judging from the analogy of many similar instances, 1 this 
large vase must have stood on the outside of a tomb in place of a stele ; it 
was probably broken up long before the Gymnasium was built, and we found 
some of its fragments lying in the soil beside an angle of the large wall, 
along with loose fragments of human bones. Close by this spot we also 
uncovered the wall of a late Roman building (perhaps part of a calidarium) and 
among the fragments of tile which were set into the mortar of this wall I 
found several more pieces of our vase : probably the Roman builder had turned 
them up in digging his foundations and used them. The task of chipping the 
fragments piece by piece out of the exceedingly hard Roman mortar was a 
delicate and laborious one which it was impossible to entrust to the Greek 
workmen : and when they were safely detached, there still remained the 
work of cleaning each fragment. Broken as the vase was into small pieces, 
which were covered on both sides with lime deposit or mortar, there was at 
first nothing to show that they formed part of a painted vase ; and they 

1 T. Schadow, Eine attliche Grablckylhos, Our example is too fragmentary to admit of a 

p. 10 foil. It would bo interesting to know decision on this point. As the base is de- 

whether any or all of these monument vases corated, it probably belongs to the class which, 

have the base perforated, with the object of as Schadow remarks, stood free on the grave, 

allowing the drink-offerings to percolate into and were not partially sunk in the earth, 
the tomb for the refreshment of the deceased. 


might easily have been rejected as worthless ; but fortunately a piece of the 
richly decorated handle gave the clue, and as a sharp look out was kept, I 
think I may say with certainty that we recovered all that was possible. 

As will be seen from the drawings, a large portion is unfortunately lost, 
but the pieces which are preserved are sufficient to enable us to restore with 
practical certainty both the form and nearly all the original decoration. 1 


The vase is one of those large amphorae or pithi which, as has been 
already stated, belongs to the same class as the Netos amphora (Ant. Denkm. 
i. 57.) and the Peiraeus amphora (E<f>. 'Ap%. 1897, PI. VII.), and stood 
probably on the outside of a tomb. 2 Like the Netos amphora, it shows traces 
of a metallic origin in the broad flanged lip, decorated on the under side with 
a row of projecting knobs, 3 evidently derived from the heads of the rivets 
which in the metal original would have served for the attachment of the 
outer and inner surfaces of metal. To the same metal origin is doubtless also 
due the finely modelled openwork of the handles(Pl.II. Fig./), which in our vase 
are much more elaborate than in either of the instances just quoted. In order 
to find an analogy for them, we must go to the large Boeotian pithi of the same 
period, which have been exhaustively studied by de Ridder in his article in 
Bull. Corr. Hell. xxii. (1898), p. 497 fol. De Ridder points out that this 
treatment of the handle is found also in some large amphorae from Thera, and 
has drawn up a list (ibid. p. 508) of vases showing this peculiarity ; but of all 
those named by him, none approaches our specimen in boldness and 
originality of design. 4 

The basis of this form of handle appears to consist of a series of ^circles, 
one above the other, extending from the outer edge of the handle to the neck 
of the vase ; these circles are partially filled in with two eye-shaped pieces, 
each consisting of a series of five similarly shaped pieces : the whole is in fact 
an ingenious geometric pattern composed of intersecting segments of the same 

1 The drawings were made by me and 2 The height is approximately 1*40 m., with 

coloured by Mr. F. Anderson, who also car- a diameter at the lip of -586 m. It is remark - 

ried out under my direction the suggested able that the proto-Attic vases of this class are 

restorations of the groups of figures. After my all much of the same height: the Netos vase 

arrival in England Dr. Zahn most kindly measures 1*22 m. and the one published by 

undertook to compare the drawings with the Couvein'E<f>. 'Apx- 1897, pi. 5, measures 1'10 in. 

original in Athens, and added valuable notes 8 Exactly similar knobs occur on the Netos 

upon the details of colour. I ought perhaps amphora and on the tripod vase published by 

to explain that the white and purple are not Couve in B.C.H. xxii, pi. vii : on a Boeotian 

so uniformly well preserved as the illustration pithos with reliefs {ibid. p. 458), they are used 

might lead one to suppose : the white used for as an ornamental band. 

the flesh tint has particularly suffered ; but 4 An interesting illustration of the metallic 

the restorations are in every case justified by origin of such handles is offered by two bronze 

the actual remains of colour. The completed pithi from the Polledrara tomb (Br. Mus. Cat. 

shape shown on Plate IV. is only a rough dia- Bronzes Nos. 438, 439), with openwork handles 

gram intended merely as a key. which evidently belong to this category. 


circle. The spaces between the large complete circles are decorated with 
painted lotus flowers ; at the top, in place of the circle, are two smaller circles 
side by side, with painted centres and arching lines above, which seem clearly 
to be intended to represent a pair of human eyes. With this use of eyes in 
the decoration of handles may be compared the eyes painted beneath the 
handles of Melian vases, 1 which are in other respects closely related to the 
vases of our class. Probably in both cases the origin is to be looked for in 
Mycenaean art, as for example in the Warrior vase, which has eyes painted 
beneath the branching horn-shaped handle. Curvilinear decoration has 
frequently a tendency to take this form, as we see, for instance, in the pair of 
eyes introduced among the floral ornament of the Euphorbos pinax. 

Turning now to the decoration of the vase itself, we see that the painter 
has divided his available space into three main fields. First, on the neck is 
a nearly square panel, occupied with a group of two wrestling figures, (Plate IT. 
Fig. a), while a third figure, of whom only the extended hand is preserved, has 
been an interested spectator on the right. Of these wrestlers, unfortunately, 
neither is at all fully preserved, only the head, bent elbows and the legs of 
the figure on the left, and the lower part of the figure on the right remaining. 
But here again we have sufficient to admit of a fairly probable restoration ; 
the figure on the left is evidently likely to be the victor ; he has caught his 
opponent by the throat with both hands, and, pressing the other's head over 
his own left shoulder, is crushing the life out of him. The group of muscular 
straining figures recalls the fine lines of Iliad xxiii. 714 : 

rerpiyet B' apa vwtcl dpaaeiatov airb ^eipcov 
eXicofAeva crepeo)?. 

The intensity of the action is well brought out by the drawing of the two 
bent elbows pressing into the victim's back, and also by the contrast of the 
feeble action of the left hand of this figure, which helplessly, as it seems, 
tries to grasp the conqueror's left thigh. The head of the victor is bearded, 
but we are left in doubt as to the sex of his opponent. The technical 
peculiarities of drawing of all the scenes will be dealt with presently. 

On the shoulder (Plate II. Fig. b) a comparatively narrow band has 
been decorated with the stock subject for friezes of this Orientalising period, 
the browsing deer : but, inasmuch as the space is limited on each side to the 
attachment of the handles, the artist has here treated it as a panel : only 
two animals are introduced, and these are symmetrically confronted. 2 

The largest field is that upon the body of the vase (PI. III. and PI. II. c-d) ; 
here is a great chariot drawn by a pair of winged horses which are about to 

1 Arch. Juhrbiich, 1887, PI. 12. hand in Arch. Zeit. 1884 PI. x, 2. The nearest 

2 The browsing deer occurs singly on the analogy to our group occurs on a fragment from 
Hymettos amphora, and as a frieze on the Aegina in Ath. Millh. 1897, p. 293, Fig. 18. 
Analatos amphora, the pithos in 'E0. 'Apx- 1892 For a discussion of its origin in Creek an, 
PI. 8, and the fragment iD Ath. Mitth. 1895, see Diimniler in Jahrbuch, 1887, p. 18. 

PI. iii. It is also found on the Athenian gold 


start off to the right ; their driver, who appears to be a woman, 1 has already 
raised in both hands the reins, but turns her head to look at the scene which is 
proceeding behind her. Standing in the car is a stately draped man who is fully 
turned to the left and seems to be conversing with a similarly draped figure 
who stands on the ground confronting him : this last figure, on the isocephalic 
principle, is drawn on a larger scale than the others. As to the sex of this 
figure again it is impossible to decide, as the flesh is in every case coloured 
white : but the flowing drapery is perhaps in favour of its being a woman. 

As is usually the case, in these large monument vases, the obverse 
side is alone intended to be seen : the subject decoration only extends on each 
side as far as the handles : the reverse in our instance has been covered with 
a trellis-work pattern 2 laid on in broad strokes of a large brush filled with 
the brownish black of the design. The field of each design is occupied with 
ornamentation designed to occupy every available space ; these ornaments 
are partly rectilinear survivals from the geometric period ; but there is 
already a preponderance of the floral element which is partly a survival from 
Mycenaean and pre-Mycenaean art, and now probably comes back into Attic 
painting largely through the medium of some Oriental influence. The same 
mixed characteristics are seen in the subsidiary bands of merely decorative 
pattern. On the lip is a double band of super-imposed triangles, coloured 
alternately black and purple ; next, around the raised knobs twines a painted 
cable pattern, one strand painted white with a black edge, the other black : both 
these patterns are familiar in proto-Corinthian ware. Then comes a purely 
geometric design suggesting basket-work, composed of alternating hatched 
triangles. A geometric pattern of zigzags borders each of the designs on 
shoulder and body, and below the last is a floral pattern of double spiral and 
palmette. The lower part of the body is encircled with rays 3 suggested 
originally by the lotos flower, and round the foot are two bands of chequers : 
both these designs are commonly used in the proto-Attic class. 

As the reverse is practically undecorated, it is tectonically necessary to 
close off the designs of the obverse on each side ; for the two upper subjects 
this is already effected structurally by the handles ; but in the case of the 
chariot group the artist is constrained to do it with his brush : he closes the 
scene with a single vertical line, but with a fine artistic sense relieves the 
harshness of this by making it the basis of a beautiful spiral pattern with 
small inserted palmettes, an elaboration of the design already in use for the 
band around the body. The origin of this pattern is of course Mycenaean, 

1 The drapery would be equally appropriate is lost, but the pattern seems to have consisted 

for a male charioteer, but perhaps as the horses of plain broad bands, intersecting diagonally and 

are winged, the figure is more probably not an finishing (at the upper end at any rate) in 

ordinary mortal charioteer. semicircular loops. 

" For this pattern on the reverse of proto- 3 Unfortunately only a portion of one of these 

Attic vases, see Couvc in B.C.H. xvii (1893), rays is preserved (Plate II., e) ; but it would ap- 

p. 29 and the instances there quoted. To pear from this fragment that there was not on our 

these may be added the Burgon lebes in the vase the second smaller band of rays or waves 

British Museum, Rayet Hist. Cir. Fig. 25. in the interstices of the larger band, such as is 

In our vase, the greater part of the reverse side frequently found in proto-Attic vases. 

H.S. — VOL. XXII. D 


into which art it had doubtless come from Egypt, as the well-known com- 
parison of the Treasury ceiling at Orchomenos with the Theban tomb shows. 
In the very early fragment from Aegina, which is perhaps of Argive fabric, 
published by Pallat in Ath. Mitth. 1897 p. 308, Fig. 31a, an attempt is 
made to use a complicated spiral form for filling in the field. Spirals as 
a vertical border for the sides of a scene are found in Dipylon ware, as for 
instance on the large Boeotian amphora published in 'E<f>. 'Ap%. 1892 PI. 10, 
where a running spiral closes the reverse scene : another example is the 
Boeotian pithos with reliefs B.C.H. 1898 PI. 5 ; but the most striking parallel 
is perhaps that offered by the advanced geometric vase from Athens published 
in Ath. Mitth. 1892 PI. X. In that vase, which belongs to a stage between the 
Dipylon and proto-Attic styles, the main scene is bordered on each side with 
a pattern of double spirals arranged in vertical bands, which may fairly be 
considered the direct ancestor of the spiral pattern on our vase. Its subse- 
quent history on vases is interesting : for in it we see the origin of the 
spiral and palmette ornaments which henceforward will be used, through 
all Attic ceramography at least, to decorate the surface below and beside the 
handles. It is characteristic of the general tendencies of development in 
the history of vase-painting that the more elaborate form should come first, 
and gradually simplify in the best period before expanding again in the 
decadence : an intermediate stage in early b.f. ware is however seen, e.g. in 
the vases of Exekias, who uses (B. M. Cat. Vases, ii B 210 for instance) a 
highly complicated series of spirals below his handles, which sprawl over the 
otherwise free field ; and in the Ionian amphora in Gerhard Aus. Vas. Pll. 
317-318. What might have happened in Attic vase-painting we see in the 
' Melian ' class, where this spiral pattern, starting probably from a similar 
origin, has spread a rank growth over the vase and becomes first a dominating 
and then even an exclusive feature of the design. 

The clay is of the usual proto-Attic character, a warm reddish-brown, 
fairly levigated, with occasional fragments of stone left in, which here and 
there cause the surface to fly : the exterior is prepared with a thin slip of the 
same tone, and on this the design is laid first in brown outline. This outline, 
in the case of the human hair, the animals, and the chariot, is filled in with 
a thin black, which in parts allows the background to show through. The 
hand of the figure in the car is by accident also coloured black ; l other- 
wise the human flesh is everywhere indicated with a wash of creamy white 
laid direct on the clay. In some cases this colour overlaps the brown outline, 
showing that, as we should expect, it was subsequently laid on. Purple (laid 
generally on a black background) is employed for the pupils of the eyes, and 

1 This can hardly be otherwise than acei- he is unaware that he can lay his white over 

dental, and yet it is curious to note that the the black and so obtain a more brilliant effect 

fingers of this hand have been carefully drawn than is acquired by laying it direct on the clay, 

in the manner appropriate for black silhouette, But we are still a long way from this innovation, 

that is to say, with engraved lines. It is as if to which neither Sophilos nor Klitias, in the 

the artist, conscious that he had made a mis- works they have left us, seem to have attained, 
take, decides to make the best of it : apparently 


parts of the drapery, horses' wings, deer's neck, etc. ; also to heighten the 
effect of portions of the floral ornaments in the field. 

One very interesting feature of our vase is the introduction of the 
engraved line ; it is of course unusual to find it, as here, in conjunction in 
the same vase with drawing in reserved outline : but this transitional stage 
is* also represented elsewhere. It occurs, for instance, on the Euphorbos 
plate as well as on the so-called ' Rhodian ' vases of mixed style, and also in a 
vase of Attic fabric which perhaps more nearly than any other approaches 
the date of our specimen. It is a fragmentary vase published by Pernice in 
Ath. Milth. 1895, PI. III., Fig. 2. On that vase, as on ours, the engraved 
line is only used for the inner markings of animals or inanimate objects ; the 
human face is Still treated in outline ; the artist is not yet sufficiently at 
home in the new ' invention ' to trust himself to make full use of it : he 
prefers still for the more crucial parts of his design, such as the human 
anatomy, to fall back on the old method of outline drawing. 1 

It is a period of experiment; and so we find yet a third method of 
inner marking employed. The upper part of the horse's wing, which 
is rendered in black silhouette, has the inner details drawn in thin 
white lines: one wonders why this method, which obtains as a regular 
process on some of the sarcophagi from Clazomenae and also on the well- 
known vase fragments from Kyme in Aeolis, 2 did not find more favour in 
Athens : among Attic vases this is the only instance which I know of its 

So long as outline drawing was employed for the flesh of both sexes, it 
was natural that white colour should also be used for the flesh of both men 
and women : its application probably arose from a desire to throw up the 
human figure against the background ; and even after outline drawing was 
abandoned, the practice still continued. Thus on the Acropolis v^ase of 
Sophilos 3 the flesh of both sexes is white throughout; and on the fragments 
from the Acropolis published in J.H.S. xiii. (1892-3), PL XII., Fig. 1, one at 
least of the figures is similarly treated. In that case, the intention being to 
distinguish three figures side by side in separate planes, the central one is 
coloured white : in another group (on the 1. of the design) the near figure is 
coloured entirely purple, the further one black. The principle is of course 
frequently adopted in b.f. vases of a later period, as applied for instance 
to the horses of a chariot, but is not found later as applied to male figures. 
In all these cases the white is laid directly on the ground of the clay, 

1 This seems to bear out the suggestion of details are indicated by fine lines of white. 
Pernice lot. cit., that the invention of engrav- 3 That is, on the fragments published in 
ing was brought about in Attic vase painting. Ath. Mitth., 1889, PI. I., as to which Winter 

2 Dummlerin/t'oM. Mitth. iii. (1888), PI. VI.: (ibid. p. 2), states definitely that such is the 
his statement ibid. p. 180, that " fiir die case. Whether this applies also to the new 
Innenzeichnung die Gravierung sehr stark fragments noted by Wolters (Jahrb. 1898, p. 
verwendet ist," is a misapprehension, due prob- 20, note 8), does not appear: in the Menidi 
ably to the fact that he studied these fragments vase attributed to Sophilos the flesh of Heracles 
only from a drawing. As a matter of fact, is coloured black with purple face, as in the 
there is no trace of engraving on them ; all the Netos vase. 

D 2 


whereas in Attic black-figure vases from Amasis downwards, it is laid on a 
prepared black coating. 

The question is important in view of the famous reform in painting 
which Pliny {H.N. xxxv. 56) attributes to Eumarus of Athens, who is said to 
have been the first to distinguish the sexes. On vases it seems certain that 
this distinction obtained at Corinth before it reached Athens. In early 
Corinthian vase painting, such as the pinakes, the outline drawing is usually 
reserved for the flesh of women. If the Plinian story means anything, it may 
perhaps imply a somewhat fuller distinction, such as is found for instance on 
Egyptian wall-paintings and papyri of the middle kingdom — where the women 
are tinted white, and the men a rich brown. In the Mycenaean wall- 
paintings the usage seems to have been constant, as one might expect from 
their close association with Egyptian methods : on the Knossos frescoes, as 
Evans remarks (E. E. F. Arch. Report, 1900, p. 63) ' the Egyptian conventions 
of flesh colouring are maintained — ruddy brown for men, white for women '; 
and the same system is found at Mycenae ('E<£. 'A/^. 1887, Pll. 10-11). It is 
quite possible that it may have lasted on in wall-paintings of the Greek 
mainland until the time of Polygnotos at least, or even later : certainly the 
stele of Lyseas suggests this. But even if it died out there, this Mycenaean 
tradition, like so many others, survived in the Ionian schools of the sixth 
century. From here it seems to have affected other vase-fabrics, the Melian 
and proto-Corinthian at any rate and the centre (Rhodianor otherwise) which 
produced the Euphorbos plate. Wherever the influence reached of the genus 
picturae Asiaticum, it probably brought a trace of the Egyptian convention : 
on the Caere terracotta paintings it is responsible for giving the men a 
preposterous purple flesh tint while the women are drawn in outline. The 
cheerful custom of smearing a god's face with vermilion on feast days may 
possibly have grown out of the same tradition : even if it had an origin in 
ritual, 1 it would have seemed more familiar to a people accustomed to 
brick-red men in their works of art. It is found in full use on a 
class of Ionian vases from Naucratis, 2 and even supposing that the wall- 
painters of Athens had discarded it, Ionian influence may well have caused 
its re-introduction into the studios of Athens. The reddish-brown which is 
sometimes applied to men's flesh on Melian vases may be referred to a similar 
origin, and probably the habit which obtains in some proto-Atlic and 
Corinthian vases of colouring the men's flesh purple may be due to the same 
cause. 3 The painter of the Euphorbos pinax (Salzmann, Necropole de Camiros 
PI. 53) seems indeed to have employed a somewhat similar method : the 
figures of the warriors are there first drawn in black outline and then washed 
in with a pigment which seems to be a mixture of purple and thinned black : 

1 As to this, see Bosanquet in Br. School would apply if necessary to the hrick-rorl 

Annual, iii, p. 66. colour of the male flesh in Egyptian and My- 

Coloured illustrations of these will appear cenaean art. I cannot see the connection with 

in vol. 1 of the British Museum Catalogue, Melos which Studniczka (Atk. Mitth. 1899, 

now in preparation. p. 376) suggests. 

The ' invention ' attributed to Ecphantus 


it looks as though the artist was endeavouring to supply the want of the brown 
flesh tint which he must have seen elsewhere but which was not included in his 
range of pigments. The Athenian artists, not possessing the secret of the prepar- 
ation of reddish-brown colour, use purple as a compromise. The artists of the 
proto-Corinthian fabric in the more developed stage are acquainted with a 
brownish pigment which is probably intended to represent the tint used for 
men's flesh in Egyptian art. It is used sparingly at first, as on the Berlin 
Centaur vase {Arch. Zcit. 1883, PI. 10) but on the Chigi vase (Karo in Ant. 
Dcnkm. ii. Pll. 44-45) we see it in full use. 1 So far as I know there is no 
instance of its occurrence in Attic vase-painting. The painters on a white 
ground (such as V siades) employ a thinned black which gives an orange tint, 
and this is occasionally found on the red-figure kylikes (see e.g. B. M. Vase, 
Cat. iii. E. 12, E. 36) but here its use is confined to hair and drapery and is 
never applied to flesh. That some such method of tinting men's flesh obtained 
however among Attic painters of the sixth century (as distinguished from 
vase painters) is shown by the painting published in 'E<f>.'Ap%. 1887 PI. 6, 
where the flesh of the warrior is coloured a rich brown. 

Before turning to the subjects represented, it still remains to consider 
some details of style and technique not noted, in which the present 
example presents unusual features, or which may be of assistance in deter- 
mining its position in the series of proto-Attic vases. 

The first thing that strikes one as regards the human figures is the 
enormous eye, which is quite out of proportion to the size of the face, and 
gives a kind of ' aiil depoule' effect. One might suppose that this was due 
to a lack of skill on the part of the artist ; and yet this can hardly be the case, 
seeing that in other details, such as the horses' wings, he shows that he can 
easily accomplish minute brush work. The true cause is I think to be found 
in the traditions of silhouette drawings, from which the art of this vase is not 
yet wholly free. In the Dipylon style, the whole face is in silhouette except 
the eye, which is indicated by a dot within a space left unpainted ; the diffi- 
culty of making this ' reserved ' space small within a washed-in silhouette is 
self-evident, 2 and we need only look at even the more advanced examples of 
Dipylon ware, such as the Analatos and Hymettos vases, to see that the diffi- 
culty had not then been overcome. Our artist, though working under far 
easier conditions, still reproduces the eye to which his Dipylon forefathers 
have accustomed him. More than this; it will be noticed that the spaces 
around the eyeball, and between eye and eyebrow, are not coloured white like 
the rest of the face, but are left in the ground colour. 3 Now the space 
occupied on our vase by eye and eyebrow together, corresponds to the ' re- 

1 See Pallat in Ath. Mitlh., 1897, p. 307 8 This peculiarity was pointed out to me by 

note 3, and p. 317. Dr. Zahn. On the Mcnidi fragment (Jahrbuch, 

' It was this difficulty which led the painters 1898, PI., I, Fig. 1) and on the Benndorf 

of animals on the ' Rhodian ' vases, before the Phaleron fragment, the corresponding space is 

introduction of engraving, to leave the head, left unpainted from the purple which covers the 

and sometimes the feet, in outline, while the rest of the face, 
body was drawn in silhouette. 


served ' space which serves for the eye on Dipylon vases : it looks very much 
as if our artist began by laying on a white silhouette in the Dipylon manner, 
leaving a reserved space for the eye, which however is here filled in with more 
detail than the black Dipylon silhouette permitted. This plan moreover had 
the advantage of preserving, in a measure, the contrast of colour which exists 
in nature between the white of the eye and the flesh. 1 In the Caere terra-cotta 
slabs (J. H. S. x, (1889), PL vii), a further stage is reached, the faces of the 
men having the white alone of the eyes left in the whitish background 
colour, while the flesh is coloured deep red. 

In the treatment of the ear, the artist is to a certain extent breaking fresh 
ground, as this feature is not represented on the Dipylon heads ; the result is 
a crude and uncertain drawing, very far removed from the elaborate 
decorative form of the ear on the Netos amphora or the Aegina fragment 
(Benndorf, Gr. u. Sic. Vas., PL 54, 1). 

The same is also true of the treatment of the hair over the forehead ; in 
our vase the edge of the hair is an almost flat line around the face, and in 
profile is not indicated above the contour of the skull ; 2 the next stage seems 
to be that of the Netos amphora, where the line around the face is slightly 
waved, and the contour is naturally rendered : even here we have not yet 
reached the typical archaic formalised row of spiral curls around the fore- 
head, the first indication of which appears in the Phaleron fragment 
(Benndorf, loc. cit., No. 2). In this respect again our vase adheres to Dipylon 
tradition ; but just as, in the advanced Dipylon vases, some care is taken to 
render the long falling mass of back hair, so here this receives a careful and 
naturalistic treatment. This lower bunch is tied at the nape with a band, 
represented by a ' reserved ' line ; in the case of the charioteer it is coloured 
purple, but the fact that no trace of purple can now be seen on the upper 
part may be accidental : the careful arrangement in this instance in two 
bunches is not quite intelligible; probably the artist meant to indicate 
one mass as falling on each shoulder, but got into difficulties owing to the 
head being turned to look backward. The same care is bestowed on the 
wavy beard of the figure in the chariot, which terminates in three twisted 
ends : it offers a contrast to the closely trimmed stiff beard of Heracles, 
which suggests a comparison with the Egyptian form : the one is more 
appropriate to the workmanlike hero, the other, with its suggestion of Ionic 

1 Thiersch, Tyrrh. amph. p. 109, gives n which occurs in all stages of h. f. ware — but 

somewhat different account of the reasons the method shown ton the Benndorf Phaleron 

which led to the human eye receiving a more and Netos examples ; i.e. a double circle, with 

naturalistic treatment in the case of women the angles of the eye-space correctly rendered 

(white ground) than of men (black ground). on either side. 

The fault of his argument seems to me to lie 2 This is precisely the stage arrived at in 

in the fact that he ignores the proto- Attic stages Mycenaean :irt such as the heads on the silver 

which led up to the ' Tyrrhenian ' style. The cup in 'E<f>. 'Apx- 1887, PL 7, Fig. 2a. In 

earliest form of the eye in black-figure treat- one of these, heads, while the upper part is so 

meut is not, as he asserts, a plain engraved treated, the part below the nape is shown as 

circle with two engraved horizontal short falling in three wavy coils, 
strokes — that is merely a careless shorthand 


aftpoTrjs, is part of the gala attire in which the dead person sets out on his 
long journey. Both beards, as well as the pupils of the eyes throughout, are 
coloured purple ; this polychrome treatment of the face is of course what we 
are accustomed to in the sculptures of the sixth century, where a con- 
ventional colouring is accepted in the desire to render the fact that hair and 
eyes are not all one monotone with the flesh. The purple beard is found 
occasionally down to a quite advanced period of the black-figure style : the 
purple colour for the eyeball, which may partly be due to a feeling that this 
colour detaches itself from the white ground of the face less staringly than 
black would do, is henceforward regularly used in Chaicidian vases, and 
occasionally on the earlier Attic b.f. vases, in the representation of women, 
that is to say, wherever the flesh is painted white. 

The absence of moustache is in keeping with the general habit through- 
out early Attic and Ionic vase painting : and yet it can hardly have been a 
universal habit in Athens at any rate to shave the upper lip, for the mous- 
tache is occasionally found even in proto-Attic vases, and by the middle of 
the sixth century figures rather as a rule in Attic vases. The earliest 
noticeable example of a moustache known to me in Attic art is the Netos 
vase, where both Heracles and Nessos wear it ; that of Heracles is trimly 
turned up in the Imperial military style ; x that of Nessos is represented 
by a formless mass of horizontal wavy lines; probably the artist got 
into difficulties in trying to emphasise here (as he has done in the 
beards) the contrasted types of hero and centaur. On the little proto- 
Attic vase published by Bohlau in Jahrbuch, 1887, p. 46, Fig. 7, of two 
figures with beards, one has a moustache and the other has not: we 
may probably conclude that no special significance attached to the question, 
such as the well-known passage in Plutarch Cleom. 9 might tempt us to 

The details of anatomy in -the wrestling group were applied in thinned 
black laid on the white, and have consequently for the most part flaked off, if 
they ever existed ; it is curious to note the strongly stylistic development 
which our artist has already reached in the drawing of the knee, which 
resembles that of Ionian art as shown for example in the sarcophagi of 
Klazomenae and certain vases (J.H.S., 1885, p. 181). 

The drapery shows no folds, but is treated simply in squared masses of 
colour : the chiton of the charioteer has been covered with dots, one more of 
the methods surviving from the Dipylon style ; that of the standing figure is 
decorated with a diagonal scale pattern. 2 This pattern is of course a survival 
from Mycenaean 3 and even pre-Mycenaean art ; in the Dipylon style, where 

1 Dionysos affects the same fashion on the 3 A very clear example of a dress like the 
Acropolis fragment in J.H.S., 1892-3, PI. xi. one on our vase, with scale pattern all over and 

2 This scale pattern and the fringe pattern a fringe pattern round the hem, is shown on 
helow were both apparently painted on a white the ivory statuette from Mycenae, "E<f>. "Apx- 
ground, but the traces are not sufficiently clear 1888, PI. 8, Fig. 4. 

to- warrant its restoration. 


silhouette is the principal method, there is no scope for it, but in the proto- 
Attic style it again comes into prominence. 1 

The chariot is of the same general form as that shown on the proto- 
Attic vase published by Couve in 'Eo5. 'Apx-, 1897, PI. 5, with the double curve 
in the side supporting a curving antyx, which rises in a high arch in front ; 
this last seems to have been designed with a view to distributing more evenly 
the strain of the chariot pole, as well as providing an attachment for the 
reins when the horses were standing. 2 A peculiar feature of it is the twisted 
support which apparently comes in the centre of the arched front, and which, 
if our artist is accurate, tapers gently downwards. This arrangement, or 
rather, traces of it in a modified form, are to be found on Attic vases of the 
succeeding stages : on the proto-Attic vase just quoted, the upper part of the 
front arch of the antyx is twisted : in most subsequent instances the arch is 
represented in its true profile perspective, i.e. merely as an upright bar : but 
this bar is very often rendered in a manner which clearly shows that it is 
twisted like ours : such instances are the Kolchos oinochoe ( Wiener Vorlegcbl., 
1889, PI. I. 2b) ; the chariot of Hermes and Maia on the Francois vase 
(Furtwangler and Reichhold, i. Pll. 1-2); and B.M. Vase Cat. ii. B 147, 
B 235, B 275. The intention is apparently to provide a purchase for any- 
thing (whether reins or polestay) which might be fastened round it : such a 
fastening would slip down on any upright bar which was smooth. 

It is noticeable that the purely decorative group of browsing deer and 
the bodies of the horses are drawn in silhouette, while the human figures are 
rendered in a more natural colouring ; the same principle seems to have been 
observed in the Sophilos fragments in Ath.Mitth. 1889, PI. I., where the upper 
band has the human figures drawn in outline and filled in with white, while 
the lower band, apparently a decorative group of animals, is, if we may judge 
from the portion of wing which is preserved in silhouette, of the ordinary 
b. f. style. It-looks as if the style which eventually became the ruling method 
was as yet regarded as the less successful of the two ; and it seems odd that in 
the Phaleron fragment and Netos vase, which cannot be a great deal later than 
our vase, the b. f. method should already have asserted itself to the complete 
exclusion of the other. The reason is probably to be found in the growing 
familiarity of Attic artists with the engraved line : in our vase it is used only 
in a tentative fashion, and, in the case of the hair, even side by side with the 
older system of a ' reserved ' line. 3 For this reason I think we may claim 
that our vase is one of the earliest, if not the earliest, example of the use of 
engraving which has yet been published, at any rate among Attic vases. 

The engraved line around the chariot wheel seems to be put in with a 
pair of compasses, or some similar appliance, which has also been used while 

1 See for instance Ath. Mitth. xx, (1895), PJ. '-' Euripides, Hippolylos 1188, /xdpirr f i 5* X f (>- 

iii, .Fig. 2, (wing) J.H.S. xiii, PL xi, (dress). a\v Tjvlas in ivrvyos. 

It is necessary to restate this, because Thiersch, 3 A similar instance of outline drawing and 

Tyrrh. amph. p. 138 apparently regards the engraving on the same vase is the proto- 

scale pattern as a comparatively late introduction Corinthian fragment from Aegina published by 

into Attic art. Pal]at) Alh Milth., 1897, p. 308. 


the clay was soft to measure the circles for the openwork pattern of the 
handles, probably as a preparation for cutting it out; parts of these engraved 
circles on the handle are filled in with paint. Zahn remarks that in certain 
parts of the front side of the handle traces of white colour are visible beneath 
the paint of the ornament, and concludes that the whole of this surface was 
covered with white before the decoration was laid on. He also notes that two 
at least of the bands of pattern, viz., the hatched triangles on the neck and 
the zigzag band above the chariot group show traces of white within the 
pattern, as if these too had been previously prepared with a white ground, 
similarly to the handles. 

From what has gone before I think we are justified in placing our vase at 
the head of its class, that is to say, as the earliest yet published of the series 
which follow the Hymettos amphora and the Analatos hydria. 1 This 
conclusion is borne out by a study of the ornaments in the field. Alone of 
the series the Kynosarges vase retains the horizontal rows of zigzags, as well 
as the stiff leaves or palmettes springing from the ground as in the Analatos 
example. The nearest analogy in this respect is offered by the Benndorf 
Phaleron fragment, then follows the Benndorf Aegina fragment (also of course 
an Attic work) : then the Netos amphora, in which the field ornaments have 
been reduced both in size and in number, until they bear the same relative 
proportion to the figures of the design as, for instance, on the finer proto- 
Corinthian lekythi; 2 then the amphora published by Couve, and lastly, the 
Aegina bowl with the Harpies. 3 


The identification of the subjects, in the absence of any inscriptions, is a 
matter of some difficulty. In the conjunction of a struggling pair of nude 
figures on the neck with a departure scene on the body, one is tefnpted at 
first to recall the great Amphiaraus vase in Berlin, where both these subjects 
are foqpd together. On that vase the principal group is identified by 
inscriptions as the departure of Amphiaraus (as in the chest of Kypselos, 
Paus. v. 17), and the wrestling group as Peleus and Hippaichmos. Neither of 
these identifications will apply well here ; the quiet leave-taking scene is 
contrary to all precedent for that of Amphiaraus, and the wrestling scene does 

1 I do not here include the amphora referred The large fragmentary vase from the Acropolis 

toby Bbhlau Aus Ion. Nckr. p. 107, note**, noted by Pernice in Ath. Mitlh. xx, (1895) 

which, so far as I can judge from the rough p. 125 belongs also to this intermediate group, 

tracing kindly sent to me by Bohlau, forms but as it exhibits the engraved line it must be 

an interesting link between the Analatos the latest of all and the nearest in date to oui 

vase and our example. The Burgon bowl in vase. 

the British Museum must be very nearly of " Cf. Ath. Mitth., 1897, p. 314. 

the same period. Bohlau has very kindly » Bohlau (Aus Ion. Nehr. p. 117), who uses 

further allowed me to see his notes of some the term Proto-Attic in a more limited sense, 

small vases and fragments at Eleusis which places the Harpy bowl before the Netos vase : 

from the character of the ornament on them but surely considerations of style make this 

may also be added as helping to fill this gap. improbable. 


not appear on our vase to be a friendly contest, but rather a combat to the 

For the subject on the neck of the vase, the clue is perhaps supplied in the 
hand of the figure on the right: this evidently belongs to a spectator who, by 
the action of the hand, expresses a lively interest in the contest. For this 
reason, as well as the deadly character of the action, the scene can hardly be 
an ordinary wrestling bout in the palaestra, but must represent a mythological 
subject : the only hero who is likely to figure in so early a stage of Attic art 
in such a contest is Heracles, who is already, as the Netos vase shows, coming 
into the scope of vase-painting ; and the only personage with whom Heracles 
is ever associated in a scheme like this is Antaeus. The issue of the contest is 
already placed beyond doubt, and, as usual in all subsequent representations 
of this myth, Heracles is on the 1. ; this is in keeping with the custom which 
obtains through all early vase pictures of making the action move from 1. to r. 
The third figure standing on the r. can hardly belong to Athene or Iolaus, 
who are usually placed on the 1. beside the hero ; it must belong to a sym- 
pathiser with Antaeus, perhaps his wife Andronoe or Iphinoe, who in some 
b. f. vases figures in this place in the scene. 

It may perhaps be urged against this view, that Heracles would probably 
be distinguished by one or other of his characteristic attributes ; in the 
absence of so much of the design we cannot definitely assert that this was not 
the case ; but even if it were, a Heracles without attribute would not be 
without a parallel in vase-painting. The fragments of a primitive amphora 
or pithos in the Geometric style from Cameiros, some of which were published 
by Salzmann in Necr. de Camiros, PI. 39, include others which Salzmann did 
not give, and which show that the Centaurs there represented are being 
attacked by a human figure who is hurling a spear at them. This figure can 
hardly be any other than Heracles, and yet he has there no distinctive 
attribute, any more than on our vase. These fragments from their style must 
be assigned to a late stage of the advanced Geometric period, a 'date very 
little preceding the date of our vase. 

Tt seems to be a generally accepted view 1 that the Antaeus legend does 
not come into Greek art until comparatively late. Furtwangler remarks that 
it does not occur on Attic vases until the late b.f. style. But the evidence for 
this is of course only negative : as a matter of fact, the earliest representation 
hitherto known appears to be that on Brit. Mm. Vase Cat. ii. B 222, which by 
no means belongs to the late but rather to a very early stage of Attic black- 
figure ware. I suspect that some early unidentified wrestling scenes are 
renderings of the myth which have not been distinguished from typical 
palaestra scenes. Such an example is the adjoining Fig. 1, which is part 
of a frieze running around the cover of a vase 2 in the British Museum, B 59G. 
The rest of the frieze is occupied with the contest of Theseus and the 
Minotaur in the presence of five men and two women. The group in Fig. 1 

1 Furtwangler in Roscher's Lexicon, and Antaios. 
Wernicke in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. s. v. * Of earl}' Attic-Ionic style. 



is conceived exactly on the usual scheme of Heracles and Antaeus; the 
latter is even in a small way identified by a rough patch of hair on the back ; 1 
and yet the palaestra is so strongly in the artist's mind that he has borrowed 
for his 1. hand spectator the figure of an athlete running with haltercs, and 
only thinly disguised him by putting a cloak over his shoulders and a leaning- 
staff against his 1. side. It was probably felt that Heracles could not wrestle 
in a lion-skin, and it did not at first occur to vase painters that his attributes 
could be hung up in the field. 

From a comparison with our vase, I am inclined to think that we may 
identify the same subject in the Boeotian pithos with reliefs published by 
de Ridder in B.C.H. xxii (1898), pp. 497, 501. Here are two figures begin- 
ning to wrestle, and on the r. a woman in distress looking on. De Ridder 
suggests Heracles and Kyknos ; but in all subsequent representations of the 

Fig. ]. 

Kyknos legend the contest is with weapons and not one of wrestling. 
It is true that the contest in this instance is not clearly rendered, the figure 
on the 1., (presumably Heracles), merely grasping the other by the wrist; but 
this lack of clearness may easily be attributed to the limitations of the 
Boeotian artist, who at this stage would have found a complicated group of 
crossing planes impossible. 

The representations of the Antaeus contest on vases of the sixth century 
may be divided into two principal types. In the first, Avhich appears to be the 
earlier and by far the most usual, the hero locks his arms around the chest or neck 
of his adversary, and with head also pressing against the other's shoulder or 
chest, squeezes him to death : 2 it is this type (adaptable also for the contest 
with the Nemean lion) which specially distinguishes the Antaeus contest from 

1 The same detail is found in other repre- 
sentations of Antaeus; see for instance Gerhard, 
Aus. Vas. ii, pi. 114. 

2 The same type came later to be used for 

the contest of Theseus with Kerkyon, see e.g. 
the Euphronios Theseus cup, and Br. Mus. Cat. 
iii, E 48 (Duris). 


all others. 1 The second type conforms more to the rules of Greek athletics, and 
is borrowed direct from the palaestra ; in this, Heracles, upright, grasps the 
neck of Antaeus in the hollow of his 1. arm and pummels his adversary's head 
with his r. fist. This is the regular pankration, but an examination of the 
Antaeus scenes shows that it was comparatively seldom adopted on vase- 
paintings. Of the list given by Klein Ewphronios 2 p. 122, the vases fall 
under one or other type as follows : 

(i) Squeezing type, a, b, g, i, A, C, D, : to these must be added Br. Mus. 

B. 196 and J.H.S., 1899, PI. 1. 
(ii) Pankration type, c, f, E. 

A combination of both types is given in k, where Heracles grasps Antaeus 
by the neck with his 1. as if to throttle him, and pummels him at the same 
time with his r. fist. In e alone is there a variant ; here Heracles pulls the 
1. leg of Antaeus forward, and pushes the head back, so as to break his neck. 

Whether the combatants stand upright, lean forward, or sprawl at full 
length on the ground, depends entirely on the exigencies of the space to be 
filled ; for the narrow frieze presented by the exterior of a kylix or shoulder 
of a hydria, the last is of course preferred ; but in any case, so long as the 
artists' powers remain somewhat limited, the upright composition is generally 
adopted, as in our vase. 

As regards the chariot group, we are on more uncertain ground, especially 
as the sex of two of the figures is indeterminate. The arrangement of the 
dress of the driver suggests the female sex, but this is not conclusive evidence, 
when we remember that male charioteers of all ages were usually draped to 
the feet, and it must remain an open question. Nor are the winged horses 
much help: Studniczka, in publishing (Ath. Mitth. 1894, p. 366) a fragment 
from Aeginawith a similar scene, remarks that the free introduction of winged 
horses in early art is hardly a distinction of any particular deity or hero, but 
is intended as the ordinary expression of the wondrous speed possessed by 
the horses of heroes as well as of Gods. 

A similar group of a chariot containing two figures and drawn by a pair 
of winged horses occurs as the decoration of a dress upon the Francois vase, 
Furtwiingler and Reichhold, PI. 3, Fig. 3 : the driver in this case is a bearded 
man, and beside him is a beardless figure wearing a polos and therefore pre- 
sumably a goddess ; a comparison with the almost identical group on the 
Melian fragment in Conze Mel. Thong, p. v. seems to confirm this. On the 
Menidi vase (Jahrluch, 1898, p. 28) a similar chariot group was probably 
represented ; and Wolters quotes the terra-cotta models of a chariot offered 
at the Menidi tomb as showing that, at a period not much later than that 
of our vase, such a group was popularly associated with the idea of the 

1 Klein's statement (Euphronios" ', p. 123) p. 124 of Heracles ' gerungen hat er nur mit 

that on early b.f. vases Heracles is about to lift Antaios,' that is only partly true, inasmuch 

Antaeus in air is not the generally accepted as the contest is never what can be properly 

view ; this version of the myth is now recog- described as wrestling, 
uised as of late origin. Also when he says ibid. 


heroised dead. 1 It was indeed a conventional subject for tomb monuments 
already in the days of the Mycenaean stelae 2 : and it occurs on the Proto- 
Attic vase already quoted (Bohlau, Aus Ion. Nclcr. p. 107, note **) 
probably in the same connection. We may therefore I think conclude 
that our chariot group is sepulchral ; the woman who in the Menidi 
vase confronts the chariot, may be taken as corresponding to the figure 
on the 1. of our group. The heroised dead man, decked out in his best, 
turns from the chariot of death to take a last farewell of the friend whom 
he is leaving on earth ; it is in fact a materialised archaic rendering of 

XPV<r™ X al P € - 

[Since the above was in type, I have seen among the fragments from the 

Acropolis, now in the National Museum at Athens, a fragment of a large 

proto-Attic vase which belongs to a stage very little later than the one here 

published. On it is the head of a human figure to 1. closely resembling the 

head on the Aegina fragment (Benndorf, Gr. u. Sic. Vas., PI. 54, No. 1): the 

flesh is painted white, but the ear, the white of the eye, and the space 

between eye and eyebrow are left in the natural colour of the clay (see supra 

p. 37). The lower part of the face is wanting, so that it is uncertain if this 

figure was male or female : another interesting feature is the introduction of 

the formalised row of spiral curls on the forehead (supra p. 38).] 

Cecil Smith. 

1 Cf. Reseller's Lexikon, i, p. 2470 ; and of this subject occur, sec Br. Mux. Excavations 
Bruckner and Pernico in Ath. Mitth. xviii. in Cyprus, p. 39, Fig. 67, Nos. 832, 833, 836, 
(1893), p. 155. 838; p. 45, Fig. 71. No. 927 shows a similar 

2 On the vases from Enkomi several instances chariot drawn by winged quadrupeds. 

[Plate V.] 

§ 1. — The Latest Addition to the Class. 

The importance of the ' Melian Amphorae ' in the history of early 
vase-painting has long been recognised, but the difficulty of locating an 
isolated fabric which in itself consisted of only five complete examples, all of 
uncertain provenance, has hitherto prevented any adequate treatment. Any 
extension of the class would therefore have been welcome. But the amphora 
which is now added to the list (vide Appendix) has a value in itself beyond 
its cumulative importance. Not only is there stronger evidence in this case 
than in any of the others that the vase was actually found in Melos, but the 
decoration of the vase adds new figure-subjects and new schemes of ornament 
to those previously recognised as characteristic of the class. Indeed the 
whole ' Melian ' class as at present constituted consists of large and elaborate 
vases, ceramic masterpieces, each of which possesses its own individual 
scheme of decoration. This appears very clearly in a comparison of the 
present amphora with two typical examples from those previously published, 
namely, the Hcrakles 1 and the Artemis 2 amphorae. In the Herakles vase the 
painter has produced his effect by an elaborate and ornate treatment both of 
the figure-scenes and of the ornament forms. It excels both of the others in 
freedom of drawing, richness of field-ornament, and the elaboration of the 
costumes of the figures. But it lacks a certain stiff dignity both in general 
design and in the pose of individual figures that forms the charm of the 
Artemis amphora. This latter vase is probably the finest of the series and is 
approached by none of the others in the sweeping lines of the winged chariot- 
horses. But it suggests that its author, though a more original draughtsman 
than the painter of the Hcrakles amphora, was at the same time one of less 
experience. He has not learned the value of uniformity in the field- 
ornament : the spiral ornament about the legs of the horses is in thorough 
harmony with the design, but elsewhere it becomes petty and restless. The 
new amphora seems to occupy an intermediate position in point of date .and 
style. Compared with most examples of the class, it is extremely simple in 
its arrangement of figures, and the general effect of the decoration is derived 
less from the figure-scenes and more from the size and simplicity of its spiral 

Z(p. 'Apx. 1894, p. 266 sqq. Conze, Mclisclic Thongefdssc, Vuse A. 


ornament. The characteristic field-ornament is the maeander-cross which 
with its straight lines and angular forms, gives an air of severity to the whole 
design very different from the variegated and tapestry-like appearance given 
to the Heralcles vase by the fine floral rosettes freely and evenly distributed 
over the field. A comparison of the neck-scenes upon the three amphorae 
well brings out their different characteristics. 

It is just this individual character of the several ' Melian amphorae ' 
that has rendered it especially difficult to assign to the class its true position 
in the history of vase-painting. The artist in marking his work with his 
own peculiar genius tends to obscure any sure indications of date, locality, 
and foreign influence. It is the more commonplace and mechanical fabrics 
that best reflect the artist's environment with the least refraction in 
passing through his own personality. It is necessary to place the master- 
pieces of any particular style into the background of the general fabric before 
the questions of date and locality can be fully discussed. Especially is 
this the case with the ' Melian amphorae ' where the external evidence is 
sadly lacking, and the question can only be argued on stylistic grounds. It 
seemed only right, therefore, in publishing a new example of the amphorae 
to take note of the new evidence that has lately appeared to supply the 
needed background for the class. And since this new evidence has not yet 
been published and is somewhat inaccessible in its present position, a 
summary description of it is here put forward as a preface to the actual 
publication of the new amphora. 

§ 2. — The Rheneia Find. 

The first announcement of this new evidence was given in the Report of 
the Greek Archaeological Society for 1898. 1 In the summer of that year 
Mr. Stavropoulos, the Ephor of Antiquities at Mykonos, had, in the course of 
trial excavations in the island of Rheneia, 2 made discovery of a large deposit 
of human bones, mixed with pot-sherds and other objects representing a 
period from the seventh down to the latter part of the fifth century B.C. 
The deposit was all found together within a walled enclosure. This enclosure 
lay close to the sea-shore, almost directly opposite to the old town of Delos, 
which stood facing it across the narrow channel between the two islands. In 
the deposit lying within the enclosure Mr. Stavropoulos recognised the con- 
tents of the graves brought over to Rheneia in the course of the Great 
Purification of Delos undertaken by the Athenians in the year 426/5 B.C. 3 
(Thukydides, iii. 104, and i. 8). That the identification is correct can hardly 
be doubted. At two points in the enclosure were found stone coffins, some 

1 XlpaKTiKa. rrjs 'ApxaLo\oytKTJs 'Eraipdas, fragments going back well beyond the middle 
1898, p. 100. of tbe sixth century. The whole question of 

2 The modern Megale Delos. the find in its relation to the literary 

3 No trace of the earlier purification of the authority, and the light it throws upon the 
island by Peisistratos (Her. I. 64) has been system of purifications in Greece, remains to 
found, though the present find includes vase- be discussed by Mr. Stavropoulos. 


thirty in all, carefully sealed with lead and containing red-figure vases of the 
latter half of the fifth century. These coffins Mr. Stavropoulos considers to 
have contained the bodies still undecomposed at the time of the Purification. 
This gives a most welcome date, for it fixes, within a limit of two years at 
most, the style of red-figure painting represented on the vases. 

A full description of the find as a whole, with a discussion of the many 
points of interest that it raises, is to appear in due course. But by the 
extreme courtesy of Mr. Stavropoulos it is here permitted to give a pro- 
visional account of the new evidence drawn from the find and to discuss its 
bearing on the ' Melian Amphorae.' That such an account is strictly pro- 
visional must be recognised from the fact that no complete vase has yet 
been put together from the fragments, and that a large mass of fragments 
still remains to be sorted. 1 

The find consists mainly of pot-sherds, for most objects of any value 
seem to have been stolen in antiquity by the workmen engaged in removing 
the graves. Among these pot-sherds are represented, in greater or less 
proportion, most of the vase-fabrics of Greece from the seventh to the 
fifth century. Very numerous are the fragments of Geometric, Corinthian, 
black-figure and red-figure vases : less numerous the Proto-Corinthian and 
the fabrics of the Asian coast or the islands. The latter fabrics include 
Theran hydriae of the type found in Thera itself by Hiller von Gaertringen 
(Arch. Anz., 1897, p. 78): 'Fikellura' or Samian amphorae of the type 
represented in Arch. Anz., 1886, p. 141, No. 2943 : Rhodian amphorae as 
Arch. Anz., 1886, No. 2944 : Rhodian plates of various types : and finally, 
fragments of two Naukratite vases, one a true Naukratite chalice and the 
other a bowl with friezes of ' Rhodian ' goats outside and bands of white 
and purple on the black interior (Naukratis, Vol. II, pp. 39-40). In addition 
to these there are more or less isolated examples of other vases which are 
akin to the foregoing in general style, though certainly not of identical fabric. 
They do not seem to be represented elsewhere in Museums. 2 

§ 3. — The ' Ddian ' Vasc-Fahric. 

Quite unique in size among the other fragments was a series that can 
have belonged to nothing else but a group of ' Melian amphorae.' Not more 

1 The aim of the present account is simply of them. He is of course in noway responsible 

to call attention to the find, since the publica- for the writer's mistakes or omissions, 
tion of .Mr. Stavropoulos' final account of his - The detailed description of these fabrics 

work cannot be expected within a year or two. lies outside the scope of the present paper. The 

Many boxes of fragments still remain to be whole hud is of extreme interest, not only for 

sorted, and after the final sorting there will still the presence of new fabrics but perhaps even 

be much time required for putting the vases to- more so for the unexpected absence of so many 

gether, no light task for a man working with a known fabrics. Only one Mykonacan vase 

single assistant. Whatever value the present occurs, and that of poor and late style, 

description may possess is entirely due to Mr. ' Samian ' ware is represented by six amphorae, 

Stavropoulos, who has exercised the most all of the same type ; and ' Rhodian ' by twenty 

scrupulous care in sorting the fragments and amphorae (these also all of the same type) and 

gave the most generous aid in the examination a few plates. 



than one or two fragments belong to any single vase ; but it is clear that at 
least ten vases are represented, and their shape and decoration are clearly 
those characteristic of the true goat-head-handled ' Melian amphorae.' It is 
not clear why these large vases are represented by so few fragments, 
whereas the smaller vases, though equally broken, seem in most cases bo 
have their full complement of fragments. It may be that these large 
amphorae served, as at Athens, for arjfx.aTa upon the outside of the grave, 
and so were not removed with the actual contents of the grave, though a few 
fragments fell by accident among them. A fragment of one of these 
amphorae was almost the only pot-sherd of importance found during the 

LCT H r np m: 

Fig. 1. — Kky to Decoration of Hydiua. 1 (Scale about $ diameter.) 

French excavation of Delos itself. But in the Rheneia find these 'Melian ' 
fragments do not form an isolated group. In the same find were fragments 
of a very large number of smaller vases which agree absolutely with the 
' Melian amphorae ' in clay, technique, ornament forms, and figure types. 
There can be little doubt that they actually belong to the same fabric as the 
larger amphorae, and that they supply at least some part of that background 
which was lacking to the ' Melian amphorae ' in their former isolation. 
There seems to be no true representative of the class in any European 

1 The sketch here given represents no actually 
existing vase. It is a conjectural restoration 
based upon a number of separate fragments and 
is intended only to show the arrangement of the 
friezes and the general appearance of the vases. 

In the case of this and of several other 

U.S. — VOL. XXII. 

figures in the text it seemed best to give a 
mere transcript of the original sketch, Biuce 
the rougher drawing is often more faithful to 
the original. The spiral designs and other 
cases of finer freehand work were kindly re- 
drawn forme in Athens by Mr. Baker- Penoy re. 


museum, but at Rheneia it is represented by a larger number of fragments 
than any other style. The fragments found form a thoroughly homogeneous 
class. The clay is red and filled with shining mica-like grains. It varies 
considerably in its degree of firing and consequently in its hardness at the 
present time. The slip is laid thickly over the clay and gives a smooth, firm 
surface of a cream or sometimes lemon colour. The black paint is fine and 
true but never very lustrous. Purple is freely used, and white for line- 
drawing. Nearly all the vases represented by these fragments were either 
amphorae or hydriae. There are remains perhaps of two hundred and fifty 
such vases in the Mykonos Museum. The two forms of vases closely 
resemble one another both in shape and decoration. Fig. 1 gives the 
general shape of the hydriae seen in front-view, showing the horizontal side 
handles. At the back of the vase a vertical handle springs from the neck 
close under the rim and runs down to the shoulder. It is of flat riband 
shape, never fluted, and is almost rectangular without any further curve than 
a slight softening of the angle formed by its horizontal and vertical portions. 
The amphorae are distinguished from the hydriae by having two such 
vertical handles, one on each side of the neck, and by omitting the horizontal 
side-handles. In the hydriae the presence of the side-handles at the level of 
the greatest circumference of the vase divides the main frieze into four 
panels, whereas in the amphorae the main frieze is continuous since the 
vertical handles do not reach below the shoulder. On the other hand the 
amphorae have two equal-sized panels on the neck, whilst the hydriae have 
either three panels or a continuous frieze only broken at the back by the 
single handle. With these exceptions of the neck and the main frieze the 
decoration of the two forms of vase follows the same lines. The whole 
scheme of decoration is arranged in friezes and may be roughly tabulated 
thus 1 :— 

Hydriae. Amphorae. 

On the lip (usually rounded in shape) — 

Simple vertical or oblique lines, lunettes or chevrons. 

On the neck — 

(a) A profile Head in front panel A profile Head in each of the two 

with a framing on either side con- panels into which the neck is divided: 
sisting of a baml of cross-hatched the Heads are sometimes replaced by 
lines between simple vertical lines : spiral motives and sometimes by 
very rarely the hatched band is re- figure- scenes, c<j. a Sphinx, 
placed by some other device : in the 
side panels is usually a spiral motive 
(cf. Fig. 6). 

1 The description of the decoration liere as tentative : nor !ms it been possible ti 

given must, in tlie present incomplete state of enumerate all exceptional instances. 
the sorting o! the vase-fragments, be considered 



(b) A continuous spiral frieze (Figs. 7 e and 8 h). 

On the shoulder — 

(a) A narrow band of dots, bars, circles, or ' pomegranates.' x 

(b) A wider frieze below tlie first containing usually cither a large bar- 
pattern or a double-spiral design. 

In the main frieze — 

Here divided by the side-handles 
into four panels, viz. a large panel at 
back and front with a smaller one 
under each handle : the front panel 
holding the main scene : usually with 
a hatched framing on either side as 
on the neck. The back panel has a 
large volute-anthemion (Fig. 2). 

The frieze being here continuous is 
usually occupied by a continuous de- 
sign, e.g. water-fowl or running deer : 
sometimes, in place of the continuous 
design, a pair of animals occupy both 
the front and the back. 

Fig. 2. — Back Panel of Hydiua. 
(Greatly reduced.) 


Hydiua. (Reduced.) 

In the loiver friezes — 

(a) A narrower band with much variety of ornament, chevrons, bar- 
pattern, plain or broken maeander, double-spirals, 
or continuous returning spiral, concen- 
tric circles on a hatched background 
(Figs. 7 a and 8 f, g, i). 

(1>) A wider band usually occupied 
by rays springing from the foot. The 
rays differ considerably in size and type 
(Fig. 4). Sometimes they are replaced 
by a large bar-pattern or a double- 
spiral design ^Fig. 7a). 

On the foot — 

A band of large black dots. 



Fig. 4. --Rays. (Reduced.) 

Fig. 5. 

Handle Dkco- 



1 This upper shoulder-band seems to be 
copied from an actual necklace. The ornament 
forms used occur not only on the Heads painted 

on the vase-necks but also on certain early 
female statues from Dclos. 




The vertical handles have a simple decoration, usually of the type shown 
in Fig. 5. The horizontal handles of the hydriae are tubular in shape and 
are painted black. In the panel below them is usually a volute design, as 
Fig. 3, but in certain cases it is replaced by a large Eye. 1 

§ 4. — ' Dclian ' Ornament Forms and Figure-drawing. 

In the general scheme of decoration the two most characteristic forms arc 
the Heads and the spiral ornament. The representation of the human head as 
a form of ornament is common to several vase fabrics ; 2 but it is unusual to 
find, as at Delos, the female head so employed. The only true parallel is in 
the ' Melian amphorae ' where the common usage is supported by similarity 
of drawing. The Heads are all drawn in profile except in one case where 
there is apparently a Head drawn in full face, though the fragment containing 
it is so much obliterated that it is hard to be certain of it. The face is 
always in outline, and in the best examples the profile runs in a true unbroken 
line from forehead to chin. In the weaker examples the line is broken either. 

Fig. 6.— Pankl kkom Nkck of Hyoria. (Scale ':{ diameter.) 

at the nostril or the lips. The hair hangs down the back of the head in 
black silhouette divided into two masses by a wavy vertical line either painted 

1 Tin's use of a single Eye under i-acli handle 
has a parallel on the Thcran hydriae already 
mentioned (ji. 48). 

- Most regularly on a type of Altio hlack- 
figure amphorae (ef. Thiersch TyrrhcnUchc 
Amphorcn, PI. II). More isolated instances are 
the Myrina vase (B.C'.Jf. 1884, pi. vii.) and 

the Ionic amphora in Kerlin No. 1674. An 
instance of a female head is on an amphora from 
Daphnae (Tdl-Dcfawh, PI. XXXI). Less 
directly analogous instances occur on Corin- 
thian, I'halerou and Mykenacan vases and on 
Ionic Kyi-kylikes. 



in white paint over the black or ' reserved.' On the forehead it is arranged 
in variously-shaped curls. Around the head is a fillet, usually painted purple 
with an edging of white on either side. Sometimes the fillet is elaborated 
by bearing a high diadem or a flower-shaped ornament in the front, ine 
shoulders of the figure arc usually seen, and the short-sleeved dress is either 
painted purple or decorated with a scale-pattern drawn in outline. Earrings are 



Fm , 7._Si'ii:al Dksioxs. (Scale about \ diameter.) 

almost universally worn, and are of the form of the gold earring* from Camirus 
new in tie Louvre (Salzmann, PI. I.). Slight variations of the Head type 
a made by introducing one hand, with or without a flowe, ra.sed m rent 
of the face (of, the vase from Mynna, /(X'./A 18H4, PI. \ II.) . or by mtrc 
ducing simple forms of field ornament, as on the • Mehan Amphorae, or 



lessening the size of the Head panel and introducing a band of rays or chequer 
above or below it. 1 

But the spiral is really the characteristic form of ornament that 
gives homogeneity to the whole class of vases. In many cases spiral 
designs practically cover the whole decorative field, and on all vases 
the spiral is the basis of decoration. Especially common is the double 
spiral. This is used in each of its three possible forms, viz., the S-shaped 




Fig. 8.— Spiral Deskjxs. 

spiral, the ordinary volute and the incurving volute. Figs. 7 and 8 show the 
principal variations. Nos. (b-e) and (h) are from the necks of hydriae : nos. 

1 These heads have an interesting analogy in 
that of the so-called Nike of Archermos from 
Delos. It is perhaps dangerous to lay much 
emphasis upon the resemblance in the shape of 
skull and profile, but the coiffure and dress at 
least afford s-afe ground for argument. The 
hair is arranged in the same way both over the 
temples and at the back of the head. The 
necklace is of the same form in both. The 

Nike has nothing but the upper rosette cf the 
earrings still intact in the stone but the metal 
pendants are represented by dowel holes. She 
wears a similar short-sleeved chiton and the 
little incised circles that cover it may well be 
the guiding lines for a painted scale-pattern as 
on the chitons worn by the Head figures on the 



(a), (f), (g), (i), from the lower ornament bands. Fig. 2 shows a volute 
anthemion from the back panel of a hydria, and Fig. 3 the volute from 
the panel under the side-handles. These various designs illustrate two 
special features in the employment of the spiral forms, features to which 
attention had already been called in relation to the ' Melian amphorae ' : (a) 
the use of a filling in or background of cross hatched lines, accompanied 1>\ 
an employment of purple 'ties' for holding the design together; (b) a 
filling in of the vacant angles of the design by floral palmettes. 

A second class of ornament forms is that consisting of simple geometric 
and linear forms. These include the herring-bone, chequer, running 
maeander and maeander cross, rays, zeta-pattern, rosettes and bar-pattern. 

Occasionally other ornament forms which do not fall within either of 
these two classes, the simple geometric and the 
spiral, occur on the vases. Chief among them is 
the four-petalled rosette (Fig. 9), which perhaps 
represents a lotus-flower seen in full face. The 
lotus-band of the type already known in a single 
instance on the 'Melian amphorae' (Riegl, 
Stilfragen, Figs. 53 and G6) occurs only once, 
and seems to be foreign to the style. 

The Figure -semes on these vases usually 
occupy the main frieze round the body of the vase 
though occasionally they occur on the neck. They 
represent, in most cases, animals or birds: some- 
times a single figure standing alone in a panel 

(lion, swan, cock), sometimes pairs heraldically opposed (bulls, boars, stags), 
sometimes continuous friezes (rows of water-birds or running goats). More 
elaborate scenes are those of a hound pursuing a goat or of a lion seizing its 
prey. One vase has a scene that recurs on one of the ' Melian Amphorae ' 
(Conze, A), viz., a Head between two horses facing one another. Of the 
monstrous animals the Siren and Sphiax appear, the latter with a spiral 
anthemion crest, except in one case where it wears the high-crested helmet 
usually associated with Athena. The scenes with human figures are limited 
in number and simple in type, figures leading or riding horses, or driving in 
chariots. In one case a female figure is holding a grazing horse by a long 
cord, and in another a single figure of a young man clad in long chiton and 
holding a sceptre occupies the whole panel. On one vase the ' Flying Nike ' 
figure occurs, and on another the front of a hydria is occupied by two female 
Heads facing one another (Fig. 10). 

The drawing of the animals is vivacious, but usually follows fixed types. 
Two types of lion, for instance, are clearly marked and often occur on 
different sides of the same vase. The one has its head in profile, drawn in 
outline, presenting a very spirited appearance with its great teeth and 
lolling puiple tongue. The other has the head in full face, drawn in 
silhouette except for the eyes. In both cases the body is drawn in 
silhouette, with shoulder and belly marked by purple and wddte lines : the 

Fio. 9. 



neck is often purple with white dots upon it, and there are purple patches, 
with an edging of white, on the back and thighs. 

In technique the vases make large use of the early method of ' white 
line 'drawing. ' Reserved ' lines for marking the belly or shoulder are foreign 
to the style ; but in certain cases the purple of the neck or belly is painted 
upon a reserved space and not over the black. Outline drawing, however, is 
common. The boars {e.g.) have their heads sometimes drawn in outline 
though more commonly in black silhouette with reserved spaces for marking 
the eyes. Purple is freely used both in large patches and for line drawing 
upon black ; e.g., birds' feathers are marked by white and purple lines painted 
over the black silhouette. White dots are occasionally painted on the purple 
patches. Incision occurs on what seem to be the later vases of the group. It 
is used most often for birds' feathers, but also in one case for decorating the purple 
necks of deer with little incised circles. There are some examples of incision 
within the outline in the same way that, it is used on the great fragments of 
' Phaleron ' ware from the Akropolis {Arch. Anz. 1893, p. 16). Some of the 
Sphinxes and of the male human figures have the faces painted purple, and in 
a few cases a true flesh-colour is used resembling that of the ' Melian am- 

Fig. 1U.— Scene fkom Chief Frieze of Hyihiia. (Scale f diameter.) 

phorae.' As a whole the vases produce a very ornate effect by their variety of 
technique and free use of purple and white, and the effect is heightened by the 
choice and arrangement of the field ornament. Tlie vases have a striking 
uniformity but certain differences of detail may be brought out by roughly 
grouping them in three divisions. These divisions seem to correspond to the 
chronological development of this style. (1) A greater measure of outline 


drawing is employed and there are no inner markings in white or purple : 
the spiral designs are somewhat weak and tentative, and the field ornament 
too small and irregular. (2) The spiral ornament is drawn with greater 
boldness and finer sweep of line ; and the field ornament is kept, very uniform, 
often consisting of rosettes of the same shape throughout the field. 1 The 
profile of the Heads is drawn with a continuous and true line. (3) Somewhat 
petty variations complicate the spirals, foreign motives of ornament are intro- 
duced and the friezes become overladen with ornament. 

The vases hitherto described are the hydnae and amphorae which com- 
prise the great bulk of the class. But there is also a small number of vases 
of other shapes that evidently belong to the same fabric. Chief among them 
are a number of flat plates with raised rims. These differ from the Rhodian 
plates in having handles in place of suspension holes, and in having their 
decoration on the exterior, whilst the interior has only plain black bands 
painted upon the cream slip. One small phiale-shaped saucer has similar 
decoration outside and plain bands inside. A large bowl, of which only frag- 
ments of the off-set lip have been found, was adorned with the same lotus- 
band that occurs on one of the amphorae (p. 55). Two similar but much 
smaller bowls had in the one case a row of volutes between vertical lines, and 
in the other S-shaped spirals between similar vertical lines. 

§ 5. — Local Origin and Name. 

This new evidence, which the Rheneia find has brought to bear upon the 
' Melian amphorae,' has thus given a wide extension of the class. And this 
extension has made it possible to lay down with greater certainty what are 
the essential characteristics of the class as a whole, as distinguished from 
what is merely characteristic of individual vases. Such characteristics put in 
a summary form seem to be shortly these : (a) A fine slip with brilliant 
polychrome technique. The drawing is freehand brushwork, incision being 
only used for minor details. The draughtsman has a fine command of 
technical methods, using in his drawing both plain outline, plain silhouette, 
and outline filled in with colour, {b) The decoration of the vase is arranged 
in friezes, the ornament forms being either simple geometric forms or freely 
drawn spiral motives, (c) The figure subjects are free and spirited in drawing. 
Many of them show close observation of nature, but it is controlled by the 
general tendency of the Hellenic imagination towards the formation of fixed 
types both of scenes and simple figures, (rt) In shape and moulding the 
vases preserve a thoroughly plastic character with no trace of metal work. 
They comprise many vases of large and elaborate shape which must imply 
a history of development extending back over several generations of potters. 
But unfortunately, the extension of internal evidence supplied by the 

1 One form of rosette that is used in' this slip, anil the black surface around it is a^ain 
way seems to he peculiar to the style. The divided off into sections by narrow reserved 
whole centre of the rosette is reserved in the lines. 


vases has not been accompanied by an equal measure of new external evidence 
to throw light upon the date, locality, or earlier history of the style. The 
whole class as it appears in the Rheneia find stands strikingly isolated. In 
spite of the development traceable (p. 56), the vases all appear to belong 
more or less to the central period of the style. There are practically no 
transitional vases suggesting either the "first beginnings or ultimate end of 
the fabric. The vases, too, are all on the same general level of merit. Vases 
of inferior manufacture are so entirely lacking as to suggest that only the 
contents of those graves with arjfiaTa extant at the time of the Purification 
were transferred to Rheneia. The graves that through age or poverty lacked 
any outward memorial may either have been left undisturbed or have bad 
their contents simply thrown into the sea as not meriting a place in the new 
grave-enclosure. Moreover, the contents of the graves, excepting those which 
contained the later Attic red-figure vases, seem to have been cast into the new 
enclosure without any system of chronological or local arrangement. Even 
any certain evidence for the locality of the class is still to seek. Not that the 
previously-known ' Melian amphorae ' can offer any serious bar to assigning 
the whole fabric to a Delian origin. It is fully recognised that the name 
' Melian ' is merely hypothetical, and that there is no conclusive evidence that 
the amphorae came from Melos (vide Appendix). Moreover, on a question 
of numbers alone the actual goat-head-handled amphorae fuund in Delos or 
Rheneia outnumber all those found elsewhere. But a more serious difficulty is 
caused by the doubt whether Delos ever produced vases from its own manu- 
factory. The present inhabitants of Mykonos (the nearest populated island 
to Delos) import most of the clay for their pottery from Siphnos, for the 
native clay of Mykonos is coarse and black : and it is improbable that the 
knowledge of any good bed of clay nearer than Siphnos should have been 
lost since classical times, for the potter has never ceased to ply his trade 
among the islands of the Aegean. The fine red clay of which the Delian 
vases are made is not at all like the present clay of Mykonos. Both of them 
indeed are thickly seminated with micaceous fragments, but micaceous clay 
appears all over the Aegean and affords no proof of locality. 1 The evidence, 
then, though it is only negative evidence, makes against the existence of 
good potter's clay in Delos or its immediate neighbours. On the other hand, 
it was very easy to import raw clay into Delos, much easier than to import 
made vases : and it is only natural to suppose a body of potters dwelling 
around the temple and supplying the vessels required both for the cult of the 
god and for the general usage of his attendants and pilgrims. There is, 
therefore, at least the support of probability in holding that, both the 
' Melian amphorae ' and their kindred vases from Rheneia belong to a Delian 
fabric, and in calling the whole class by the common name of Delian. 

1 I have picked up sherds of micaceous red How far beds of similar clay may exist at 

clay aa far apart as Aegina, Syra, Pergamon different localities in the Aegean and how far 

and Samoa. The collection of modern Greek there was and is one chief centre of export I do 

pottery in the Sevres Museum well shows the not know, 
wide extension of such clay at the present day. 


§ G. — Connexion with Contemporary Fabrics. 

Accepting therefore the name of Delian and the general characteristics 
of the whole fabric as discussed above, we have now to consider briefly the 
position of the fabric in the history of Greek ceramography. The nearest 
analogies are the sub-Mykenaean fabrics of the South -East Aegean such as 
the various Rhodian, Samian, and Theran styles. The examples of these 
which occur at Rheneia have been mentioned above (p. 48). All of them 
stand ot much the same period of development and have many points of 
kinship with one another not only in clay and technical methods but also in 
ornamentation. But they have by no means all followed the same line of 
development. On none of the other fabrics does one find the Delian 
characteristic of the spiral as the basis of the ornament forms. On the 
Theran hydriae there is a greater use of the guilloche, on the Samian of 
lunettes ; whilst Rhodes, falling under stronger Oriental and Egyptian in- 
fluence, develops the palmette and the lotus patterns. Each style, too, has 
its own shapes and its own figure-types. Even the great spirals that do 
occur on one class of ' Samian ' ware are of different character from those of 
the Delian vases. They are rather conventionalised tendrils than geometric 
spirals, and approach more closely to the plant forms of the Mykenaean 
style both in their suggestion of natural growth and in the freedom with 
which the design covers the whole body of the vase. 1 They are never confined 
by the purple ' ties ' or hatched background which characterise the Delian 
spiral designs. The whole group of these sub-Mykenaean fabrics, together 
with the Delian, should be considered as a series of sister fabrics. There is 
between them some small interchange of ornament forms : but none of them 
seems to have exercised any directly formative influence upon the others. 

The chief influences that actively affected the ceramic fabrics of the 
seventh century were undoubtedly, on the one hand, the Geometric, and on the 
other the ' orientalizing ' influence of Ionia. Delos, lying in the centre of the 
Aegean, might well be expected to fall to a considerable extent under both 
influences. In actual fact the Delian vases show very slight traces of either. 
In respect to the Geometric style this will hardly be in dispute. An absence 
of strictly Geometric patterns marks all those sister fabrics in the Aegean of 
which we have just spoken. Even on the Theran hydriae the linear patterns 
are not sufficiently numerous or characteristic to justify their classification as 
Geometric. 2 The Delian vases have only such simple forms of linear and 
geometric patterns as are common to all early primitive handicrafts. 

But if the absence of Geometric characteristics on the vases is obvious, 
the reasons for such absence are more difficult to see, for one cannot doubt 

1 Of. Riegl, Slilfragen, pp. 166 sqq. but it is of so simple a character that it can 

2 The Theran hydriae at Mykonos con- hardly be called distinctively Geometric, 
stantly employ a hand of trellis-work pattern, 


the strength of Geometric influence in Greece at this period. Indeed, true 
Geometric vases were actually found in considerable numbers among the 
miscellaneous fabrics of the Rheneia enclosure : and the question of the 
relation of the two styles, the Geometric and the Delian, is certainly relevant 
to our consideration of the general position of the Delian vases. 

In the case of Delos, as in all other problems connected with the 
Geometric style, the issues are greatly cleared by plainly differentiating two 
distinct classes of vases which are usually comprised under the common name 
of Geometric : 

(1) There is first the whole class of local Geometric fabrics, which are 
the immediate sequel of decadent Mykenaean art throughout Greece. It is 
a wide and somewhat ill-defined class, for the term Geometric, as so used, 
covers almost as many varieties of style as it does localities. It is com- 
posed of fabrics which have a uniform basis in their inheritance of Mykenaean 
technique and derive their ornament forms from Mykenaean prototypes, 
although they have followed very different paths in their treatment of these 
Mykenaean forms. They are in fact the direct continuation of that de- 
generacy of Mykenaean pottery that resulted from the overthrow of the 
Mykenaean power, an overthrow that replaced the demand for such ware as 
the big floral vases of the Knossos palace by a demand for commoner house- 
hold vessels that could be more mechanically produced. Moreover this 
downfall of the Mykenaean thalassocracy was followed by an isolation of 
localities which inevitably tended to produce local varieties of pattern and 
peculiarities of design. Hence one finds different Geometric patterns as 
characteristic of different localities. Thus in the Boeotian Geometric the 
vertical zig-zag line predominates. 1 in the Argive the straight horizontal 
band : 2 whilst in Crete the ' running hound ' is perhaps the commonest. 

(2) To be distinguished from this there is the true Attic Dipylon ware, 
which, although no doubt originating from the degenerate forms of Myke- 
naean pottery from which the other varieties of Geometric ware are sprung, 
yet stands quite distinct as a developed style. As if through some peculiar 
advantage of the Attic soil the Mykenaean stock there sent forth a new 
growth which rapidly overshadowed its offshoots in other localities. Perhaps 
even at this early period the Attic potter is giving evidence of his versatile 
adaptability and innate feeling for style ; he certainly worked under better 
conditions than his neighbours and it well may be that a settled constitution, 
free maritime intercourse and absence of foreign invasion combined to produce 
in Attica a far more rapid development than elsewhere. The decadent 
Mykenaean was carried forward into what was really a new and independent 
style. And with the re-establishment of closer intercommunication in the 
Western Aegean, this Attic style seems to have been widely diffused by 
exportation of Dipylon ware and to have had a deep influence upon the less 
advanced Geometric fabrics throughout Greece. Imitation of the imported 
Dipylon vases everywhere tended to blot out the more primitive styles of 

J Boeliku, Jahrbuch 1888, j>. 349. ! A. J. A., 1900, p. C5. 


local development, and so to merge all the former local varieties in an 
apparently uniform Geometric style. 1 

Both these classes of Geometric ware are represented at Rheneia. There 
is a number of true Dipylon vases and of local imitations of Dipylon, but at 
the same time there are other vases which suggest a local Geometric style. 
Such vases are, e.g., the series of high-handled skyphoi decorated with con- 
centric semicircles. These semicircles are usually arranged in panels on a 
black vase, and are often made to overlap one another. Somewhat similar 
vases have been found in Caria {J.H.S., viii. p. 09), in Crete (Amcr. Jour. 
Arch., v. p. 311, Fig. 4: Pis. VIII. and IX.), and in Rhodes 2 (Arch. Anz., 
188C, p. 136, No. 2996); and also by Mr. Stavropoulos in certain poor graves 
in Rheneia itself. 3 

The presence of these Geometric vases at Rheneia shows clearly that — 
although the ' Delian style ' has not absorbed any Geometric pattern either 
from the Attic Dipylon ware or from the decadent forms of late Mykenaean 
pottery — yet the Delian potters must have had a full knowledge of the 
Geometric ornament forms. Under these circumstances it is hard to account 
for the absence of all characteristically Geometric influence in their work. 
It can only be explained on the supposition that some stronger influence 
was in operation, some style where vigour of design and freedom of brush- 
work could prevail even in rivalry with the refined and skilfully wrought 
products of the Dipylon potter. 

Is this influence to be found in Ionia ? It is certainly tempting to look 
for Ionic influence in Delos, and one can hardly doubt the great influence 
exercised by the industrial art of Ionia upon the Aegean at this period. 
But the question of Ionic influence, so far as it affects the vases of DeloSj 
depends entirely upon the further question whether Ionia did actually possess 
any vase-fabrics of her own in the seventh century. For, if not, Ionic influence 
cannot have given its present character to the purely ceramic style of the 
Delian pottery. Ionia is commonly represented as the great depository of 
Mykenaean culture, when the Mykenaean power broke down in Greece and 
the islands, and it is from the rich store preserved in the Ionian cities that all 

1 It was this apparent uniformity of the at Kavousi {A. J. J., 1901, Pin. Ill and IV.) 

Geometric style that gave plausibility to the shows clearly that there is local variation 

theory that the Geometric ware came into not only in ornament forms but also in the 

Greece with the Dorian invaders as a fully technique of figure-drawing, 

developed style. But that theory is really ' 2 Besides the vases from Rhodes now in the 

inconsistent both with the character of the Berlin Museum, there arc other vases of the 

Dorian invasion and with the topographical same style still remaining in private possession 

distribution of Geometric ware in the Aegean. in Rhodes itself. 

The same superficial uniformity of the style 3 Those graves contained nothing but the 

gave countenance also to the false use of the small, rudely decorated vases and a series of 

name ' Dipylon ' to denote all Geometric ware little sickle shaped iron instruments. Mr. 

in whatever locality it might be found. The Stavropoulos suggosts thoir connection with the 

error of that use of the name has already been Carian Islanders (Thuk. I. 8); but the dis- 

pointed out by Dr. Wide and others in discuss- cussion of the question must await the full 

ing the local variations of Geometric patterns : publication of his researches in the Cyclad<>. 
but the late Geometric hydria recently found 


those Mykenaean motives which gradually found their way afresh into 
Hellenic art of the seventh century were drawn. At the same time Ionia 
was the intermediar}' for Oriental influence upon Hellas, and it was through 
her factories of metal work and textiles that Western Hellas learnt the 
ornament forms and fantastic conceptions of the East. In short the great 
change which passes over every branch of Hellenic art towards the close of the 
seventh century is explained by attributing it in large measure to the reaction 
of the Ionian cities upon the mother-country. But this Ionic influence seems 
always to be due to the metal or textile manufactures of Ionia, never to her 
ceramic wares. It would seem indeed that Ionia had no ceramic products to 
export. Nowhere in Western Asia had the potter's art developed to such a- 
point that there could be any part for Ionia to play as intermediary for the 
transmission of Eastern pottery into Western Hellas. Nor is there any 
reason for assuming that Ionia had at this period originated any ceramic 
industry of her own to rival or influence the long-established factories of the 
islands. Excavation along the Ionian coast has revealed nothing but a 
few Geometric vases of the poorest type ; 1 and although on the Aeolic coast 
to the north, fragments have been found at Myrina 2 and Larissa, 3 which 
are of a style closely connected with Rhodian and other island wares, they 
are so few in number that one cannot deny the possibility, if not probability, 
of their being foreign imports. 

One plausible argument for the existence of early vase-fabrics in Ionia 
might well be drawn from the magnificent vases produced by Ionia in the 
sixth century. Such vases as the Pontic amphorae, the Caeretan hydriae, 
the Eye-kylikes or the Daphnae fragments rival even Attic products in 
brilliancy of technique. But all these fabrics belong to the fully developed 
black-figure period of the middle of the sixth century, and there is nothing 
in them to necessitate that a long-established school of local pottery should 
lie behind thqm. Indeed they distinctly suggest that they did not originate 
in a clay fabric at all. The Caeretan hydriae are the finest representatives 
of the class, but in these the whole shape is metallic in design, and such 
details as the rosettes around the handle-bases must be copied directly from 
metal examples. The freshness, too, and originality of the designs can 
hardly have been developed in industrial art but must have been taken from 
larger paintings. In the Pontic amphorae, again, one naturally looks for 
survivals of an earlier period in the subordinate bands of decoration ; but these 
long meaningless animal friezes are far more suggestive of Eastern metal- 
work than of the ' Island ' style of ceramic decoration. And similar arguments 
apply to the other fabrics. There is nothing in them to suggest that Ionia 
was the great radiating centre for the pottery of the seventh century. 

Nor is the argument derived from the Clazomenae sarcophagi more 
adequate than that based upon the vases. At the time when the sarcophagi 
were made, the real and living style was the black silhouette, the developed 

1 Allien. MiUheil. XII. 227. Cf. J. U.S. - JJ.O.If., 1884, ]>. 509. 

XVI., p. 265. » Hochlau, Aus Ion. unci Hal. Nekr., ].. 86. 


black-figure style that has its place at the head of the sarcophagus. The 
outline drawing of the foot and sides was only a survival of an earlier process 
of technique. 1 But there is no reason for assuming that this process belongs 
especially to the Asian coast. It is certainly very extensively employed by the 
island potters, and there is as yet no adequate evidence for its employment 
upon the mainland. One may therefore justly reject it as evidence for any 
Ionian school of pottery prior to the black-figure. 

Nor again is the existence of Ionic ceramic models necessary to explain 
these fabrics of Greece proper which show most clearly Ionian influence. The 
two vase-fabrics of the mainland which are most commonly accepted as showing 
Ionic influence are the Corinthian and that peculiar Attic ' animal-frieze ' 
style that first came into prominence at Vourva. 2 That these two styles of 
vases exhibit Ionic characteristics is quite true ; but at the same time it is 
equally certain that these characteristics are not ceramic. It is a common- 
place of criticism in discussing the decoration of Corinthian vases to insist 
on its textile origin. 3 The adaptation of design to surface, the colour-system, 
the needless cross-hatching with incised lines, the overcrowding of the field 
with shapeless rosettes, cannot have originated in a clay product. The last 
feature especially is foreign to any true ceramic style. In the Delian vases 
themselves the development of the field ornament runs parallel with the 
increase of foreign influence upon the original style. On the other hand, the 
Vourva class of vases is characteristically metallic both in shape and decor- 
ation. The animal friezes with their frequent heraldic grouping and constant 
repetition of the same animal, the rows of uniform rosettes, the plain silhouette 
drawing without use of white or 'reserved' spaces, the incised lines — all are 
strongly reminiscent of metal- work. One detail of the animal friezes is in 
itself quite decisive in indication of metal technique, viz. the curious marking 
of the shoulder with a double incised line, a peculiarity which forms a universal 
characteristic of the Vourva class and which can be nothing else but an 
imitation of the raised band marking the shoulder in repousse bronze 
reliefs. 4 

In support of the metallic character of this Vourva ware may be 
mentioned another class of vases which are of somewhat similar style 
and are constantly found in conjunction with it. The vases are of rough 

1 Joubin, B.C.H., 1895, p. 69 sqq. Vourva style came from Ionia to Attica not 

2 Athen. Mitthcil., 1890, p. 318 sqq. : cf. the by way of Corinth but from the North-East. 
vases from the Marathon tumulus (A.M. 189a, Its connexion with Eretiia has already been 
taf. II. and III.) and from Menidi (Jahrbuch, pointed out (Boehlau, Axis Ion. und Ital. Nckr. 
1899, p. 107 sqq.). Vases of this style occur at p. 116); and this connexion has recently been 
Dclos, among the Akropolis fi Eleusis confirmed by further finds of Eretrian vases. Un- 
and on other Attic sites. It is represented in doubtedly at times there is a certain measure of 
many European museums. fusion between the Corinthian and the Vourva 

3 E.g. Pottier, Catalogue des Fasts du Louvre, styles, but in essence the Vourva ware reprc- 
II. p. 433. sents a wholly distinct influence, the influence 

4 This little detail is also of value in directly upon Attica of the Ionian metal work, trans- 
refuting the suggestion that the Vourva style mitted not directly up the Saronic Gulf but 
is in any way an imitation of the Corinthian. through the Euboean cities and the Eastern 
The two styles are really quite distinct. The demes of Attica. 


execution and unpleasing in their general effect, 1 but the large number of 
them and their uniformity as a class necessitate careful consideration. At 
first sight they would seem to be nothing but rude imitations of Vourva ware, 
the animal figures being roughly copied and then slashed across in all direc- 
tions by a mass of carelessly incised lines. But a closer examination shows 
that they possess marked characteristics of their own. The figures represented 
are almost exclusively Sphinxes or Sirens, heraldically grouped and adorned 
with tall diadems. The errors of incision are repeated in the same form 
upon vase after vase, and this constant repetition compels the supposition 
that the studied carelessness is an intentional characteristic of the class ; a 
supposition supported not only by the large numbers and wide diffusion of 
the vases but also by their presence at such great religious centres as Delos 
and Eleusis, the natural homes of hieratic conservatism. That the fabric is 
an Attic one is shown both by its connexion with the Vourva vases and by 
the localities at which it has been found, 2 and it is impossible to suppose 
that the Attic potters would have turned out such quantities of bad vases 
without some special purpose. That purpose is evidently imitation, and the 
imitation of some ware whose technique is foreign to true ceramography, the 
technique of metal- working. 

Both Asia Minor then and the Greek mainland have as yet failed to supply 
any adequate evidence for considering that Ionia played any important part 
in the development of Greek vase-painting during the seventh century. 3 
Italy and Sicily offer the same forms of Ionic influence as Greece itself. The 
later Etruscan bucchero ware is commonly held to reflect directly the 
influence of Ionian industrial art. 4 But every detail of the Etruscan 
bucchero vases proclaims the metal originals from which they are copied. 
There is not even any trace of an intermediary fabric intervening between 
the metal proto-type and its clay imitation. Shape, decoration and colour 
are all apparently directed to making the clay vessel a passable substitute 
for the more expensive vase of metal. 

Ionia then must cease to stand for the unknown quantity in early Greek 
ceramography. However great may have been the influence of her metal- 
work and textiles upon western Greece, it cannot be used to explain the 
origin of any purely ceramic style such as that of the Delian vases. That 
origin can only be sought in some long-established school of experienced 
potters. It must too be a school which starting with the spiral as the 

1 This class was first collected by Thiersch found were no doubt manufactured on t thc 

(Tyrrhcnische Ampltorcii, p. 146). He sug- Ionian coast, there is no important fabric for 

gests that it may be Boeotian. The objections which an Ionian origin is assured. Theevidencc 

to that view aie given in the text. drawn from Rhodes and Naukratis could never 

'-' Besides the finds at Delos 'and Eleusis, com do more than confirm the existence of an 

plete vases were found at Vourva and a few early school of Ionic potteiy, and until vases 

fragments on the Kynosargcs site by the llissus have been found in considerable numbers on 

and in the Akropolis excavations. some site in Ionia itself such evidence is inad- 

:i No reference has been here made to the missible. 

great finds of vases at Naukratis and Rhodes; 4 E.g. l'ottier, C'alulo'juc cles Vases du Louvre. 

for, although some of the minor fabrics there I. p. 327, 377. 


basis of its pattern-book has worked out the various types of spiral design. 
In itself indeed the spiral is so simple and universal an ornament-form thai 
it is unnecessary to trace its primary origin back to any one single source. 
But the spiral designs of the Delian vases arc developed along distinct and 
definite lines: they possess a formed and individual style of their own, and 
cannot be treated merely as the spontaneous product of the Delian potter. 

§ 7.— Connexion with Earlier Fabrics. 

Spiral designs of such a character as those on the Delian vases cannot 
be derived directly from Mykenaean art. For, although Mykenaean art makes 
such use of the spiral as is justified by its intrinsic value for decorative pur- 
poses, it is only in rare cases that it uses it as the central motive of a large 
body of ornament. Moreover the Mykenaean potters did not originate the 
spiral. They themselves had received it as a heritage from an earlier age. 
The early inhabitants of the Aegean islands had worked out the various types 
of spiral design long before the Mykenaean power had spread itself over the 
Aegean. It is the art of the pre-Mykenaean islanders that is the real source 
of such works as the Stelae from the Grave Circle at Mykenae. They are 
directly in line with the earliest painted pottery and the incised bucchero 
vases of the Aegean. But if the spiral designs of the Mykenaean age are 
aligned with the pre-Mykenaean pottery, may not the Delian vases be added 
to the same straight line of development ? The great interval of time that 
separates them from the earlier vases of the Aegean islands is no insuperable 
barrier at so early a period. If the old artistic forms of the Aegean retained 
such vitality as to assert themselves at. the height of the Mykenaean power, 
it is but natural to suppose that they would again become prominent when 
the weight of Mykenaean domination was removed. 

By thus affiliating the Delian vases to the early pottery of the Aegean 
one may offer a possible explanation of the striking isolation of the Delian 
style, hemmed in by the two opposing influences of the seventh century, 
the Ionic and the Geometric, and yet unaffected by them: a close sequel of 
Mykenaean art, and yet not derived from it. It is isolated because its roots 
are too deeply set to be affected by any contemporary influences. It has its 
origin in the innate artistic impulse of the Aegean islanders, an impulse 
which found its natural outlet in the decoration of earthenware vessels no less 
in the seventh century than a thousand years earlier. In that earlier 
period clay had been the material out of which were made not only the 
vessels for eating and drinking, for the storage and cooking of food, but all 
the other household requisites of the primitive fisherman or herdsman. And 
this constant use of earthenware brought with it a wonderful sense of 
appropriateness in the working of clay, giving to the material its full plastic 
value in the modelling of vases : forming altogether such a vigorous school of 
pottery as might well suggest the origin of the Delian ware. 

And the ornament forms of the early pottery are in full accordance 
H.s. — VOL. xxii. F 





with the suggestion. The great series of painted pottery from Phylakopi x 

has been roughly divided into three periods. The first, the ' Painted 

Geometric ' period, includes the forerunners 
of a very large number of the Delian pat- 
terns. Simple linear patterns such as the 
chevron, curvilinear forms as the scale- 
pattern, and finally the spiral itself, form 
its chief decorative motives. Fig. 11 shows 
a selection from its spiral forms. At the 
same time there are other points of con- 
nexion between this period and the Delian 
vases. The metopic division of the field of 
decoration by means of bands of cross- 
hatched lines has already come into use. 
So, too, the use of Eyes as a form of orna- 
ment is common to both periods, and a 
parallelism to the 'necklaces ' of the Delian 
vases (p. 51) is shown by the anthropo- 
morphic treatment of the ' breast ' vases at 
Phylakopi. The second, or ' naturalistic ' 
period at Phylakopi, is very suggestive of 
Delian technique in its free brush-work and 
its polychromy, especially its rich use of red 

in combination with black, often in the form of a black outline around a red 

central mass. Its direct use of natural forms, bird, fruit, and flower, for 

decorative purposes had been considerably tem- 
pered by conventionalism before the time of the 

Delian vases, but the same naturalistic spirit 

breaks out again in many of the animal figures of 

the later vases. The third and latest period at 

Phylakopi seems to show the native ware after it 

had fallen under Mykenaean influence. It still 

retains the polychrome treatment and the patterns 

inherited from the preceding periods, but spirit 

and spontaneity are gone. The decoration is 

compressed into friezes and the patterns are 

mechanical. The period, though in this respect a 

period of degradation, has its importance as being 

the nearest in time to the renascent Delian vases. 

It helps also to explain the origin of the uniform 

frieze-arrangement of the decoration on the latter 

vases. Both classes of vases suffer alike from a certain mechanical 

Fig. 11. — Designs from Eakly 
Painted Vases at Phylakopi. 

Fig. Vl.- -Designs from 
Latkk Yasks at 


nan 1 1 ioss 

1 Annual of the B. fi. A. Yo\. IV. j>. 37*7'/. ^° sf "t argument if the unbroken situs of native! 

attempt baa been made to assign any of tin- ware Imj taken as typical foi Hm- whole Cyehvlie 

foreign fabrics found at Phylakopi to theii area, 
proper localities. It is sufficient for the pre- 


which results from this exact division of the decorative surface, and both 
have that lack of spontaneity in the ornament forms which is due to the fact 
that they arc the inheritance rather than the creation of the potter. Fig. 12 
shows certain designs taken from the later vases of Phylakopi and indicating 
parallelism with the Delian ware. 

jj JS. — dm elation. 

The comparison then of the Delian ware with the early vases of the 
Aegean islands as exemplified at Phylakopi indicates a close parallelism both 
of general principles and of details. On the one hand the Phylakopi vases 
represent a native Aegean school of pottery, a school possessed of a rich 
store of experience both in the modelling and decoration of vases, and still 
deriving its vigour from its direct application to the needs of daily life and its 
true appreciation of its material. They reveal a developed ceramic art 
having a free command of technical methods both in its line and colour, and 
having a range of patterns that extends from the simple linear forms of the 
earliest period, through the development of spiral and naturalistic motives, to 
the stereotyped friezes of the ' imitation Mykenacan.' They are, in short, the 
products of such a school of ceramic art as could hardly have failed to 
influence the later pottery within the same area. 

On the other hand the renascent pottery of Delos demands in itself the 
existence of an earlier school of pottery to explain not only the homogeneity 
of its style but its power of turning out such large and elaborate vases as the 
' Melian amphorae.' The lack of evidence, for the period immediately pre- 
ceding that of the Delian vases cannot really cut off these vases from their 
more remote predecessors. In the history of every locality a continuity of 
the minor handicrafts may justly be presumed, and in the history of the 
Aegean islands there is nothing to disprove such a presumption. The con- 
tinuity between the earlier and the later vases, which is shown alike in their 
artistic spirit, in their general principles of decoration and in the detailed 
forms of ornament, may well be based upon a continuity of population. What 
was more natural than that, when Delos rose to fame as the seat of the Great 
Festival, the old Island craft should spring up again to new life. Here at Delos 
would congregate the best craftsmen of all the Cycladcs, and here would come 
the versatile Ionians from Asia with all their novel suggestions of Oriental 
conceptions and designs. Here, too, would be a continuous demand not only 
for the statelier vases, lustral or dedicatory, employed in the service of the 
god, but also for those humbler vessels that served the need of the pilgrims 
who thronged his shrine. What else was needed to set forward a great 
renascence of the old Island industry ? New suggestions and new demands 
revived once more that art of pottery which from the beginning had had its 
home in the Aegean. The result was the Delian fabric, whose evidences are 
the ' Melian amphorae ' and the potsherds of Khencia. 1 


1 It docs not fall within the scope of the Dalian stylo upon con temporary and luter 
present paper to trace out the influence of the fabrics. 15ut what has been said theiein in 

v 2 






The vases known as Melian amphorae form one of the smallest and, hitherto, one of 
the most detached classes in that mass of early ceramic material to which archaeologists 
have long been looking for a solution of some at least of the perplexed questions of the 
origines of Greek art. As long ago as 1854 Gerhard published in a paper dealing with the 
cult of the Persian Artemis a remarkable sherd ' which was given him by Ross on his re- 
turn from a tour in the Aegean islands and is now in Berlin. Some eight years later 
Conze published three large goat-handled amphorae 2 of so closely similar a technique that 
he was content to have his plates coloured from the Berlin fragment. Since then J 
Bohlau 3 and K. D. Mylonas 4 have each added one vase to the series, so that up to now 
the Melian fabric has been represented by five ampho'rae and a fragment. 

To these a sixth may now be added, which is here reproduced (Fig. 1). The fragments 
of this were purchased in Melos, during the recent excavations of the British School at 
Phylakopi, by Mr. Cecil Smith, who satisfied himself that the vase was actually found in the 
island and at the spot asserted by the vendor. There were indications that in antiquity the 
vase was not buried in the grave, but stood above and outside it. The fragments have since 
been skilfully rearranged, and it now stands, largely, it must be admitted, in plaster, 5 in 
the small collection of the School at Athens. 

respect to 'Ionic' influence carries with it the 
position that much of the so-called Orientaliz- 
ing influence upon the mainland fabrics — that 
influence which, e.g., developed the Phaleron 
and Early Attic styles out of the Dipylon — 
must be accredited to Delos. 

1 Arch. Zeit. 1854. PI. LXI. 

2 A. Conze, Melischc Thongcfdsse, Leipsic, 
1862. These vases, lettered A, B, C, by Conze, 
are now in the Ethnic Museum at Athens, where 
they are numbered 911, 912, 913. They were 
unearthed in Athens at the time of their pub- 
lication, when two of tliern were found in the 
Royal Palace, the third at the house of one of 
the ministers. All three however were said to 
have come from Melos. Vase A is the most 
im]M)i'tant of these, and is referred to in the 
text as the 'Apollo and Artemis' vase, being 
that which has for its main figure-subject a 
representation of Apollo and three Muses in a 
chariot confronting Artemis who holds a stag 
by the horns. Those who are familiar with the 
originals are well aware that the large repro- 
ductions in Conze's work are in some respects 
misleading. In the lithographed plates the 
colour of the ground is too brown and too dark. 
In the others the use of dotted surfaces for 
purple is confusing, and the original effect of 
'•ertain kinds of held ornament cannot be given 

by tracing their outlines. 

3 Jahrbuch, 1887, pp. 211—215, PI. XII. 
No. 914 in the Ethnic Museum. This vase, 
which is considerably smaller than the others, 
is fitted with a cover. Strictly speaking it has 
no figure-subjects, the human, animal and 
mythologic forms being merely decorative. Its 
provenance is unknown. 

4 Ephem. Archaiol. 1894, pp. 226-238, with 
a general sketch and two coloured plates by M. 
Gillieron. This amphora, which is numbered 
3'<4 in the Museum, was said by the vendor, but 
without support of evidence, to have been 
found in Crete. It is referred to in the text as 
the ' Herakles ' vase from its main figure- 

6 The whole vase is unfortunately in very 
bail condition. Large portions were missing 
altogether, and the surface and edges of those 
which remain were so much worn as to make 
their readjustment difficult. This task has been 
successfully accomplished by members of the 
British School and by the mender to the Ethnic 
Museum- In the drawings an attempt has been 
made to reproduce what a prolonged examination 
reveals to have been present once, rather than 
to suggest the features still visible on a casua 

Vm. 1. — Vabk 1-kom Melon (about 1 : 6). 


The amphora is the largest of its class, measuring r07m. in height, while the peri- 
meters of the neck and body are l'48m. and 18m respectively. The close analysis of the 
Herakles vase by M. Mylnnas in the Ephemeris makes a detailed description of its decora- 
tive scheme unnecessary, as the two vases, though by no means identical in style, have 
much in common. The vertical edge of the lip shows a decoration of black squares. On 
the neck is a figure-subject limited on either side by a narrow panel of hatching finished at 
top and bottom by a purple band, the remaining and larger portion of the surface of the 
neck being occupied by a finely drawn pattern of large spirals. At the junction of the 
neck and body is a narrow frieze, composed of a bar pattern on the obverse side of the 
vase, and changing to a key-pattern on the reverse. This feature reappears on the Herakles 
vase. On the body of the amphora and beneath the panel of the neck comes the main 
figure-subject, corresponding to a secondary and similar panel on the reverse. For these 
the vertical hatched borders are formed by the extension of the goat handles at the sides. 
Beneath each of the handles is represented a pair of human eyes, a large inverted volute 
descending between them from the central affix. The decorative scheme below this level is 
complete enough to be understood from the illustration. Only one fragment of the foot 
was discovered, but it is sufficient to show that the base was of the normal Melian type, 
both in its decoration and in the characteristic narrow rectangular openings by which it was 

The vase is of a red clay seminated with micaceous fragments, and was covered originally 
with a lemon-colouied slip. On this the decorative work is painted mostly in black varnish 
paint. The male flesh is painted with a pigment resembling burnt sienna up to a black 
outline, and purple is used for the decoration of the dresses and for the ties- of the spirals. 
It may well be that white was employed, as for dot-rosettes on the draperies, but of this it 
is impossible to be certain. The work is throughout freehand and the drawing occasionally 
of a spirited and original kind. In the frieze of spirals immediately below the main 
figure-subject may be seen a good instance of the artist's independence of mechanical aid. 
The motive of cursive spirals not fitting satisfactorily into the space at his command, he 
effects his join, sans phrase, by a spiral form of a different character. Quite a variety of 
technical methods are employed in the panels. The female faces are in pure outline, the 
male in outline filled in with colour. The upper garments are in black silhouette, the 
under are rendered by hatchings of various design upon the slip. Of incised lines occasional 
use is made, but apparently only in accessories. 

Of the figure-subjects the best preserved, which is that on the neck of the vase, is 
reproduced on PI. V. Here, as on the corresponding panel of the Herakles vase, two figures, 
a male and a female, face one another in an ornamented field. The former is bearded and 
has a purple fillet in his hair. He wears a long striped chiton, and over this a full purple- 
bordered himation hanging evenly from either shoulder. He has black foot-gear reaching 
above his ankles, and carries a cantharus in his right hand. The female figure wears a long 
chiton bordered at the top and bottom, with the rest of its surface painted with hatched 
lines. She has a himation similar to her companion's which she draws forward with her 
right hand — the idiom of modesty in Greek art, though it is more often the bridal veil that is 
thus extended. 

Who are these decorous figures that thus confront each other apparently in grave con- 
verse ? An interesting parallel, suggested by Professor Percy Gardner, is furnished by that 
Spartan Stele on which are represented a male and female figure seated side by side, the 
female holding a cantharus. It is possible on this analogy that the panel may represent 
some phase of that ancestor worship which holds an important, but scarcely yet a defined, 
place in the long record of Greek belief. By another interpretation the cantharus would 
suggest Dionysus. If this be accepted, the figure seems to represent not so much the 
Thracian lord of misrule as the kindly, one might say the homely, patron of the island 
vineyards. Of oriental attributes he has none, unless his flowing robes be considered as 
such. If the male figure is Dionysus, there is a good deal to be said for identifying his com- 
panion as Ariadne. Mythologic scenes were certainly represented on these amphorae, and 
her story was told in Naxos, and so may be said to belong to the Cyclades. But though 

Ki<;. '1.— Xmai.i, Uowj, fj:iim Mki.m 


a single figure would seem at first sight to require some such definite identification, it 
should be remembered that we have on the neck of the Herakles amphora a closely 
similar figure -subject in which Hermes is seen confronting a female figure for whom it seems 
impossible to find a definite identification. From this analogy it would perhaps be better 
to consider the lady on our vase merely as a complementary figure — perhaps in this case 
a Maenad introduced as an appropriate companion to the god. In these early days even 
a Maenad might be thus decorously attired. 

On the body of the vase ancl below this panel was the principal figure-subject of 
which scanty traces remain. Close inspection of these and careful comparison with other 
Melian amphorae enable us to reconstruct the main outlines of the picture, but not its details, 
nor its interpretation. A bearded charioteer, grasping goad and reins in his right hand, stands 
in a chariot drawn by winged horses. Behind the chariot walks a lady in hatched chiton 
and black Initiation, while on the off-side of the horses, and facing the charioteer, stands a 
similar figure holding a tripartite flower in her hand. There appears to be nothing in the 
dress or attributes of the figures nor in their number or disposition, to enable us to assign 
any definite mythological significance to the scene, though from the corresponding chariot 
scenes on other Melian vases and the wings given to the horses in this case, it seems likely 
that some at least of the figures represent divine personages. A certain quietude in pose, 
which is still to be detected in the scanty remnants of the panel, makes it unlikely that any 
vigorous or animated episode, such as that which furms the main figure-subject of the 
Herakles amphora, was here represented. What is left would be more in keeping with a 
scene of funeral significance, such as we should expect to find on an amphora obviously 
devoted to funeral purposes. On the reverse side of the vase was a corresponding panel, 
of which just sufficient remains to enable us to say, with the help of analogous vases, that 
it represented, after an heraldic fashion, two horses facing each other across an elaborate 
spiral i form ornament. 

It can hardly be doubted that the new amphora takes an intermediate place in the 
series of Melian vases. The scanty remains of the figures have a certain stiff dignity equally 
removed from the naive attempts of the earlier amphorae and the opulent mannerism of the 
later. This angular beauty is heightened not only by the free use of the 'windmill' as an 
element of design in the field, but also by the draperies with their straight folds, simple 
hatchings and broad unpatterned borders. Lastly, that the artist, if earlier in date, had a 
finer eye for design than his successor, cannot be doubted, if we pay heed to the rest of the 
decoration of the vase. On none are the spirals better drawn, more simply and more 
broadly arranged, more effectively left to tell their own tale. 


The small bowl here reproduced (Fig. 2) was acquired in Melos, and is now in the Fthnic 
Museum in Athens. The vase, which was found in numerous fragments, has been satis- 
factorily reconstructed so far as its form goes ; but though the design is perfectly intelligible 
on inspection its original colour has in great part disappeared, the surface being now in 
a uniformly dark and greasy condition, as if from the application of oil varnish. It 
measures 11*3 cm. across the mouth, 65 cm. in its greatest circumference, and is 15 cm. 
in height. To this little bowl there seems to be no exact parallel in form and decoration. 1 

In shape it is nearly spherical, but it has a thin fiat lip pierced with holes as if for the 
attachment of a lid and a foot simply formed of a fillet of clay. As its base is decorated 
with a rosette it seems likely that the easily added foot was as it were an after thought, and 
that this type of vase was originally and primarily intended fur suspension. 

1 A second bowl, also acquired by Mr. Cecil pierced in the rim of the bowl and thus show- 
Smith at Melos, is practically identical in shape ing their purpose. Other than this the nearest 
but shows a decorative scheme of swans upon analogies to our vase seem to be the Ionic 
the shoulder. This vase has a lid in the edge deinoi published by E. Potticr, Bulletin rlc 
of which are holes corresponding to those Currcspondancc helleniquc, 1893, p. 424, all 


^ I 

S« is 

v? II 



w f . 




Turning to the decoration of its surface we are in a measure reminded of the 
patterning f the large Melian amphorae. Its basis is still the spiral and vincula, but the 
simple spiral forms of the larger vases are abandoned for a design of greater complexity, 
in which the upper portion is composed of inverted spirals, and the cross-hatching is 
further accentuated throughout. A further innovation l is the large band of black 
encircling the bowl at its greatest circumference and dividing the design into two equal 
parts. Slight differences in the preservation of its surface indicate that this band was 
once embellished with a purple stripe edged with white, a feature which appears on Rhodian 
amphorae. Foreign also to the decorative schemes of the Melian amphorae are the 
dotted surfaces contained in an outline seen in the fleur-de-lys additions to the opposed 
spirals in the main design, and in the carelessly executed rosette on the base. In the case 
of animal forms such dotted surfaces occur both on Rhodian and Boeotian vases, and also on the 
sarcophagi from Clazomenae. 2 But for the application of this technique to forms derived 
from natural growth we have an exact parallel in the field ornaments of an amphora 3 
of the later Dipylon style, and also in the same elements of a large bowl 4 found 
at Thebes. 

In its technique the bowl is more clearly reminiscent of the large amphorae than in its 
decoration, as it has precisely the same lemon-coloured slip with the design applied in 
uniform black pigment. 5 


The Geometric amphora reproduced in Fig. 3« is 50 cm. in height, and measures 65*5 cm. 
round the neck, and 119 cm. round the body. It is of a hard red clay, covered originally 
with a thin polished slip of yellowish brown, the decoration being applied ina varnish paint 
of a darker brown. The colour has however been spoiled by subsequent varnishing. 

The neck is low and cylindrical, the handles horizontal and inclined outward. The 
decoration is confined to the upper part of the vase, the lower half being covered with the 
brown varnish paint, except for two reserved bands. The decorative scheme is intelligible 
from the cut. The vertical surface of the projecting lip shows alternate squares of slip 
and glaze. Below this the neck and the upper part of the amphora are covered with an 
arrangement of vertical zigzags, horizontal lines, and sigma-shaped markings running 
in each case completely round the vase (Fig. ?>b). Below this the space between the handles 
is divided on either side into three metope-like divisions by vertical lines. On the 
obverse the central square is filled by a primitive type of water fowl, those adjacent on 
either side have circles enclosing a quatrefoil rosette in the middle and triangular 
ornaments at the corners (Fig. 3c). The arrangement on the reverse is precisely similar, 
except that dotted rosettes take the place of the triangular ornaments in the corners 
of the exterior squares (Fig. 3d). 

The amphora was in the possession of the historian George Finlay, and was included in 
the recent gift of his library to the British School at Athens. By some unexplained caprice, 
when it came into the possession of the School it had been ornamented with a frieze of red 

of which, however, are without the foot. bowl was brought by Mr. Greville Chester from 

The Ne<piada vases published by the Egypt Sameineh in Upper Egypt. 

Exploration Fund afford a curious though, I J Unless the upper edge of the neck of the 

suppose, an accidental parallel. One of these amphora published by Boehlan (cf. supra 

is in the British Museum, a little bowl p. 68, footnote 3) presents the same feature. 

numbered A 1679, 2 in Case I, which contains - Jahrbuch, 1897, p. 195. 

vases mostly from primitive tombs in the Greek 3 Jahrbuch, 1887, pi. 3. 

islands. Ithasnofoot, and the holes for suspen- * Id. pi. 4. 

sionare horizontal piercings in ears attached to s If, as is possible, the vincula of the spirals 

the sides. It is completely covered with a on the bowl were originally purple, we have a 

decoration of thin and rather straggling spirals further resemblance. 

in red varnish paint on a burl ground. This 


figures cut from some publication, and heavily coated with varnish. We are in no doubt 
as to its provenance, as a note in his diary expressly states that he acquired it in the island 
of Thera. 

It seems likely that this island is the real provenance of the late Geometric class of 
vases • previously called Boeotian to which our amphora belongs. Two of them were 
certainly found in Boeotia, the other three are of uncertain origin ; but since the publication 
of Dr. Wide's article the Fieiherr Hiller von Gartringen has given an account 2 of the discovery 
in the necropolis of Thera of two classes of Geometric vases, the second of which is identical 
in fabric and decoration with those enumerated by Dr. Wide, while the isolated amphora 
now published is further proof of the Theran origin of the whole class. A further 
argument for this change of name is supplied by the similarity of the class in question to 
the earlier class of Theran vases found on the same spot. Both groups have the same low 
horizontal handles, in both the decoration is confined to the neck and shoulder, and a front 
side of the vase is recognised, while decorative forms common to both classes are the 
Geometric water fowl and the circles enclosing rosettes. 

But if these vases are to be assigned to the Theran potter, it seems probable that he 
had in these early days a market for his wares in Boeotia. Not only were two Theran 
amphorae there found, but there is good reason for supposing :! that the vertical zigzag on 
the neck, which occurs throughout the Theran class, is a characteristic of the Boeotian 
Geometric style. 4 

Another close parallel to this class of Theran ware is to be found in the well-known 
type of Geometric cylix, 5 having the interior painted black (often with narrow purple 
bands) and the exterior divided on either side into three metope-like divisions, of which the 
central contains the familiar water fowl of Geometric art, while the others have as a rule 
diamonds of rudely hatched cross lines. 

There are in the rendering of animal forms on this class of Theran vases two 
peculiarities of drawing, viz., the use of dotted surfaces to cover parts of the body, and of an 
unbroken line enclosing the shoulder. When the Rheneia finds, which contain a consider- 
able amount of evidence on these points, are fully published, further light may be thrown on 
the correlation of these vases with other classes by the consideration of the locality and 
diffusion of these features. It may be a pure coincidence that the fine griffin-headed jug 
acquired by the British Museum from the Castellani collection and now called Aeginetan, 
was said to have come from Thera. But it is certainly remarkable that it has in common 
with the Theran amphorae not only these two peculiarities of animal drawing, but also 
the tripartite metopic division of the shoulder, and the lozenge pattern and the guilloche 
among its ornament forms. 

John ff. Baker-Pexoyue. 

1 In the Jahrbuch for 1897, pp. 195-199, Dr. 2 Archdologischcr Anzciger* to the Jahrbuch 

Wide gives a list of these. They are Nos. 895. for 1897, p. 78. 

896 in the National Museum at Athens, of 3 Cf. J. Bohlau, Jahrbuch, 1888, p. 325. 

which he gives photographs: two vases, one 4 It also occurs in the large Eretrian amphorae 

in Leyden and one in Paris reproduced by Nos. 1005, 1006, in the Ethnic Museum at 

Conze, Zur Ocschichtc der Anfangc dcr gricch- Athens. Cf. M. Couve's article in the Bulletin 

ischen Kunst, Taf. XI. 1, 2 : and the Stockholm dc Corrcspondanc; Hellenique, 1898, p. 279. 

vase, which was the subject of Wide's article, and 5 Anvali, 1877. Tav. d'Agg.CD. 5, 18. 
of which he gives a reproduction on PI. 8, 14. 

[Plates VI.— X.] 

§ 1.— The Types. 

The circumstances under which a find of impressed clay nodules was 
made in a Mycenaean house at Kato Zakro, in East Crete, in May 1901, are 
related in the Annual of the British School at Athens vii. p. 133. The nodules 
are of a fine clay baked, probably intentionally and not by the conflagration 
which destroyed the house, to varying shades of red. A great number are 
broken,but the more perfect, including many bearing two and three impressions, 
show a groove on one edge, about an eighth of an inch deep and a little more 
wide, scored with straight and oblique scratches. This is the impress of some- 
thing cylindrical, to which the nodule was pressed while still wet. The 
appearance of the clay in the grooves shows that this object was not textile, 
and it may most reasonably be supposed to have been a reed, perhaps a 
papyrus stalk. The number of nodules is in all about 500. 

Out of 144 varieties of type represented, the nodules bearing 137 were 
found in good enough preservation for their different faces to be cast in 
Candia and photographed for this paper. I group the types in the following 
catalogue by their more obvious affinities, not by their association on the 
nodules. The significance of the latter fact I will deal with in the following 
section. Several specimens were found of certain types, and as in some cases 
different specimens retained different parts of the impressions, I had a 
number of drawings made by Monsieur E. Gillieron from the original nodules, 
most of which I add here as a supplement to the photographs of the casts 
(Plates VI.-X.). They are larger than the originals by one diameter. 
No one of the gems or rings, with which these nodules were originally 
impressed, has come to light. 

A.— Genre Types 

PI. VI. 1. (Fig. 1) Cult Scene 1 (Two Specimens). 

A two-storied altar or shrine to left crowned with two sets of * horns of consecration, 
and showing two pillars in its upper storey. Before it a standing male figure, with left 

1 Abbreviations used in this article : — Chipiez. 

.4.G. = Antike Gcmmen, vol. i. by A. Furt- B.S.A.= Annual of the British School at Athens. 

wangle!-. P.P. = Primitive Pictographs, <kc, by A. J. 

T. P. C. = Mycenaean Tree and Pillar Cult, by Evans, in J.H.S. xiv. 

A. J. Evans, in J.H.S. xxi. F.D.— Further Discoveries, dec, by A. J. 

B.M. = British Museum Gem Catalogue. Evans, in J.H.S. xvii. 
P.C.^Hist. dc I' Art, vol. vi. by Perrot and 



arm extended backwards, and indication of a waist-cloth. Midway a draped female figure PI. VI 
suspended in air: Behind the male is a second 'altar,' apparently also two-storied, with 
'horns of consecration' on the lower platform ; and a lotus-like bloom on a stalk, issuing 
from the altar, droops over the horns. 

A similar 'altar' is 6gured in A.G. ii. 21, hut with the horns shown inside (cf. also T.P.C. 
Figs. 53, 59) ; and the suspended figure is a feminine repetition of the descending gods 
shown both on a well-known Mycenae ring, and on the Knossian ring, published by Evans 
(T.P.C. Fig. 48). Plants issuing from 'altars' often occur (T.P.C. Figs. 48, 52, 53, 55, 
56, 59), but a single bloom is new. See T.P.C. §§ 24-26 for as much explanation of 
this type of cult scene as can at present be given. I question, however, if the ' altars ' are 
not rather houses or shrines, terraced up a hill-side, as the Zakro structures certainly were 
terraced ; and if the significance of the type is not the descent of a beneficent divinity upon 
a newly-erected house or temple. 

Fio. 1 (No. 1). 

Fro. 2 (No. 3). 

Fig. 3 (No. 4). 

2. Cult Scene f (Two Specimens, one with No. 62, the other with No. 26, on the reverse of 

the nodule). 
A female figure, draped in the ' Babylonian ' petticoat, in the centre with left hand 
extended towards a pillar or tree. Behind her a male figure with right knee forward. 
On the other side of the ' tree ' a male figure with right hand on breast. On Tree cult, see 
T.P.C. No very near parallel to this type is known. 

3. (Fig. 2) Cult Scene? (Single Specimen). 

Woman draped in attitude of adoration (?) before a gigantic woman seated on a throne. 
To left a third female figure apparently in act of departure. For the seated female 
(goddess) cf. T.P.C. Fig. 51, and for the whole scene Fig. 64. This impression is a 
reversed replica of an unpublished Knossian sealing, found by Mr. Evans. 

4. (Fig. 3) (Three Specimens.) 

A female in flounced bell-skirt, supporting a goat whose head falls back over her 
right shoulder. Before her appears either the edge of a structure built of stone courses, of 
which every third one projects, or a bank of foliage conventionally treated. These im- 
pressions might almost have been made from the Vaphio carnelian figured in A.G., 
Plate ii. 25. 

5. (Fig. 4) (Single Specimen.) 

Demon with bestial head and human limbs, in act of adoration before a female in 
flounced skirt. The scene is parallel in its arrangement to that on a Knossian sealing 
published by Mr. Evans in B.S.A . vii. p. 18, Fig. 7a. In the case of my own type it is 
impossible to be certain of the character of the monster's head. The tail may be bovine, 
but also may be canine, and certainly the monster is nearly related to the adoring dog-apes 
of Egypt. 

6. (Fig. 5) (Single Specimen.) 

Two draped figures, both apparently to right. Between them a labrys suspended in 
air. Cf. remarks of Evans in B.S.A. vii. p. 54. Before the right-hand figure is an object 



PI. VI. such as that which Furtwangler calls a Fischreuse ('lobster-pot ') in explaining a Heraeum 
gem (A.G. ii. 42). Compare No. 47 below. 

The form of the labrys is that rendered familiar by the famous gold signet from 
Mycenae {e.g. in T.P.C. Fig. 4). But the form of the dress in our type is new, and will De 
seen on the two succeeding types more clearly. It seems to be a kind of knickerbocker 
gathered in below the knee and very full in the thigh, or else an apron-like prolongation 
of the bodice falling before and behind, but cut up at the sides. 

Fig. 4 (No. 5). 

Fig. 5 (No. 6). 

Fig. 6 (No. 8). 

7. (Single Specimen.) 

Two figures in the same dress as in No. 6 in animated converse. That on the right 
carries a spear (?) 

8. (Fig. 6) (Ten Specimens.) 

Three figures moving right with arms held as in running. Same dress as in 6 ami 7. 
The leading figure has a long lock of hair pendent on the back, and all seem to be 

9. (Single Specimen.) 

T\vo female figures, and between them a suspended object like a star or the lower part 
of an icon, which the left-hand figure seems to be adoring. She wears the usual long 
bell-skirt. The other has a much shorter skirt, possibly identical with the dress seen 
in Nos. '6-8, and her attitude suggests a ritual dance. Behind her a suggestion of a 
plant (?) 

10. (Thirty Specimens, with No. 97.) 

A female figure in long bell-skiit with hands on breast, opposed to a figure with cap 
and long mantle (?) from neck to feet. 

11. (Single Specimen.) 

Semi-nude male figure before a second advancing energetically ,to left and draped in 
a robe girdled at the waist and depending in folds to the knees. 
Behind this figure a suggestion of a plant (?) 

12. (Four Specimens, with No. 75.) 
Scene of combat. A nude warrior, striding over a second 

lying supine with head to left, receives with levelled spear a 
third who rushes at him from the right. 

These scenes of combat are common types, cf. B.M. No. 73, 
and the Mycenae ring P. C, Fig. 421. 

13. (Single Specimen, with No. 87.) 
Scene of combat almost identical with No. 12, but found 

with a different reverse type and showing slight variation : e.f/. 

the right-hand warrior is larger, in proportion to the others, tlu.n in No. 12. 

14. (Single Specimen.) 

A broken-up type in the last stage of degradation, placed here because it may possibly 
be derived from a combat-scene. 



15. (Fig. 7) (Two Specimens, one with Nos. 54, 37, the other with Nos. 135, 59.) 

Nude man apparently holding a kid in each hand, towardl which two nanny-goats 
stretch their heads. 

16. (Five Specimens, none in good condition). 

Two series of squatting figures, one above the other and divided by aline. An 
exact replica of a Knossian sealing, not yet published, but described by Mr. Evans in 
B.S.A. vii. p. 102. 

I'l. VI. 

B. — Monsters and Derivative Types. 

17. (Eight Specimens, with No. 127.) 

Monster with horned-bull head and pronounced bovine ears and tail, but apparently 
human trtmk, arms, and legs, seated to right with left leg crossed upon right knee, and 
hands extended. Unquestionably a Minotaur type, but a new variety. (B.S.A> vii. 
Fig. 45.) 

18. (Four Specimens, with No. 83. 

An almost identical Minotaur seated to left with gaping mouth. The fore-limbs 
are shown to be human arms by their iqnvard curve. (B.S.J, vii. Fig. 45). 

19. (Single Specimen, much rubbed, with Nos. 131, 51). 

Apparently another Minotaur seated to right, but being more rudely engraved, the 
limbs are confused. They appear however to be certainly human. 

20. (Fig. 8) (Single Specimen, with Nos. 86 and 98). 

Full-length 'Eagle-lady,' (of a type cited by Evans J.H.S. xvii. p. 370 as occurring 
on an unpublished gem in his collection, which is however of much ruder workmanship), 
winged and skirted, with trousered legs emergent from the flounces. Compare a gold 
ornament from the third shaft-grave at Mycenae (Schliem. Fig. 273). Above, a suggestion 
of cloud, rock, or foliage. Compare for this inter alia the Vaphio goblets. 

21. (Seventeen Specimens, with Nos. 61 and 28). 

Derivative type of ' Eagle-lady.' The trousered legs survive without detail or realistic 
form. The breasts have shrunk away between the wings, and the head has become aniconic 
— a mere cap, such as appears on a Vaphio gem (Eph. Arch. 1889, pi. 10, No. 37) and is 
familiar on Mycenaean ivories (e.g. P. C. Fig. 380). A Cretan carnelian in the British 
Museum (Cat. 78) presents a similar cap, doing duty for a head. 

22. (Three Specimens, with Nos. 56 and 63). 

The last type broken up into meaningless curves and lines. 

Fig. 8 (No. 20). 

Fig. 9 (No. 24). 

Fio. 10 (No ?.o). 

23. (Thirteen Specimens, with No. 52). 

A variant of the ' Eagle-lady' ; below her double row of breasts is a fan-tail, identical 
with the vulture tail in Egyptian representations. 

24. (Fig. 9) (Seven Specimens, 5 with Nos. 60, 112 ; 2 with Nos. 112, 105). 

Similar type. A female buRt with armlets, bracelets, and necklace, and hands on the 



PI. VI. breasts. Below the breasts a fan-tail. The head is entirely featureless, and seems to be a 
reminiscence of some aniconic form. The curious object, like a plumed cap, which depends 
from the head on the right, may be compared with the cap in No. 21 and in the two types 
next to come. 

25. (Fig. 10) (Six Specimens, with Nos. 53 and 45.) 

A variant whicli partly follows 23, the head being now completely supplanted by the 
cap. In the matter of wings it follows No. 20. 

26. (Single Specimen, with No. 2). 

A derived winged type, showing a perversion of the head similar to that in No. 24. 
7. Single Specimen, with No. 76.) 

A variant of the 'Eagle-lady' type, with bird-head and nothing human, but the 
strongly marked breasts ; fan-tail instead of human termination 

28. (Seventeen Specimens, with Nos. 21 and 61.) 

Derived from 26. The head has become assimilated to the fan-tail below. The breasts 
are gradually drooping. 
PI. VII. 29. (Single Specimen, with No. 85.) 

Practically identical with No. 23, but the work is rather coarser, and the breasts are 
slightly more pendulous. 

30. (Three Specimens, with Nos. 67 and 69.) 

A distant derivative of the foregoing, the breasts having survived as a double bow- 
shaped coil. 

31. (Fig. 11) (Two Specimens, both showing traces of a second type on the reverse, now 

indistinguishable. ) 
The same bow-shaped coil as in No. 30, but more elaborate, and surmounting a winged 
body, not unlike two caps (cf. Nos. 24, 25) placed one on the other. Below, a rope pattern, 
and at the sides conventional lotus blooms of a kind familiar in Mycenae moulded go ] d 
work (cf. Schliem. Myc. Fig. 162). The whole scheme recalls most forcibly the Vaphio 
gem, representing a horned cap, published by Tsountas in Eph. Arch. 1889, Plate 10, 
No. 37. 

Fig. 11 (No. 31). 

Fio. 12 (No. 34). 

Fig. 13 (No. 35). 

32. (Single Specimen, much defaced, with No. 35.) 

As far as it can be made out, this type is the ' Eagle-lady ' broken up. A reminiscence 
of the flounced skirt and legs remains : the trunk has become a pillar between two pro- 
tuberances, which were the breasts : the wings are fast disappearing, and the head is 
probably gone. 

33. (Ten Specimens, with Nos. 132 and 90). 

A possible derivative of No. 25, or an independent variation, or even a naturalistic 
effort to represent a bird displayed. 

34. (Fig. 12) (Four Specimens.) 

Monster with a bearded goat's head, eagle wings and human trunk and legs, the latter 
draped in drawers, supported by a wnjstbelt. 


35. (Fig. 13) (Single Specimen, much rubbed, with No. 32.) PI VII. 
A type similar to No. 31, but apparently ending in the female skirt, like No. 20. 

36. (Fifteen Specimens, with No. 64.) 

The same type as in No. 34. In all probability (the head is broken in all the im- 
pressions) turned to left, and smaller. 

37. (Single Specimen, with No. 15 and 54.) 

Variant of the winged Man-goat type in more vigorous action to right. The head 
seems to be that of a ram with curling horns, and ears well marked. The legs appear to 
be fully draped, and there is a tail. 

38. (Single Specimen, with Nos. 65 and 68.) 

Practically the same type as 34, but with large breasts and wings both folded back. 
The forward wing of 34 seems to survive here in the two lines projecting from the breast. 
The off-leg is clearly shown in profile behind the near one. 

39. (Eight Specimens, with No. 43.) 

The same type, still further broken up, the breast becoming detached, and the forward 
wing surviving in a single line. 

40. (Single Specimen, with No. 50.) 

Pegasus or Sea-horse — uncertain because the hind-quarters are indistinguishable. 

41. (Two Specimens.) 
Winged Sphinx to left. 

42. (Single Specimen.) 
Winged Sphinx to right. 

43. (Eight Specimens, with No. 39.) 

Bull-headed monster with eagle wings and human female trunk, hind-quarters spread 
and fan-tail from the anus. A fantastic Minotaur type of singularly fine execution (v. B.S.A. 
vii. Fig. 45). 

44. (Thirteen Specimens, with Nos. 48 and 78.) 

The same spread human hind-quarters with fan-tail as in No. 43, but surmounted by 
a suggestion of a human face with hair on end ; a degradation of type No. 78 (?), with which 
it is associated on the sealings. 

45. (Six Specimens, with Nos. 25 and 53.) 
Same hind -quarters, but lotus bloom above. 

46. (Single Specimen, with indistinguishable reverse, No. 142.) 

Same hind-quarters, become wholly detached. Above the lotus survives an ill- 
executed ox-head, on either side of which something like wings seems to be indicated. 
This type should be related also to Nos. 54 and following and 81 and following, and is 
evidently mixed with them. 

47. 'Single Specimen.) 

This defaced type is possibly a degraded metamorphosis of the preceding, the crested 
ox-head having taken the likeness of a four-fingered gauntlet or a flaming torch. At each 
side are traces of what look like similar ' gauntlets ' or ' torches,' inverted. Compare No. 6 
above and also a Cretan gem in A.G. iii. 7. 

48. (Thirteen Specimens, with Nos. 44 and 78.) 

A variant degradation of No. 44 with Maeander added above. 

49. (Fig. 14) (Two Specimens, with No. 130.) 
Double dog head, with single wing rising between. 

50. (Single Specimen, much broken, with No. 40.) 

A lion-headed monster, with human arms, one upraised, and a suggestion of a wing 
above the shoulder. Probably a degradation of some winged type, not here represented. 
H.S. — VOL. XXII. a 



PI. VII. 51. (Fig. 15) (Two Specimen?, one with Nos. 19 and 131, the other with Nos. 131 and 144.) 
Two monsters with lion heads, and bird bodies, but apparently human arms. Com- 
pare their heads with those on a gem from a chamber tomb at Mycenae (A.G. iii. 16). 

Fig. 14 (No. 49). 

Fig. 15 (No. 51). 

Fig. 16 (No. 57). 

52. (Thirteen Specimens, with No. 23.) 

Two birds heraldically opposed, with a large lotus bloom between. The opposed birds 
in Schliem. Myc, Fig. 480 supply a very close parallel. 

53. (Six Specimens, with Nos. 25 and 45.) 

The two birds degraded to a formal scheme, the bodies having disappeared and tails 
become exaggerated. 

54. (One Specimen, with Nos. 15 and 3T.) 

The two bird heads, crested and magnified, but similarly posed. Below, a suggestion 
of something like a degraded lion-mask. 

55. (Single Specimen, greatly defaced, with indistinguishable reverse, No. 141.) 

The two birds degraded, and probably ending below in a complete lion-mask as in the 
succeeding type. 

56. (Three Specimens, with Nos. 22 and 63.) 

The two birds still further degraded, and tending to be wholly subordinated to the 

n. VIII. 57. (Fig. 16), 57 a. (Seventeen Specimens, with No. 73.) 

Two impressions in different states of preservation from the same seal. A remarkable 
modification of the Bird-mask type. The lion-mask has become dominant ; the birds' 
heads grow up out of its ears, and changing their direction, now oppose each other across a 
labry*, possibly developed out of the lotus bloom in No. 51, duplicated. 

58. (Three Specimens, with Nos. 74 and 84.) 

A variant degradation of the Bird-mask type, showing faint survival of the twin birds 
and lotus above the mask, and below it a pair of wings. 

69. (Single Specimen, with Nos. 15 and 135.) 

So far as this type can be made out, it shows the mask much degraded and becoming 
prolonged upwards ; the indistinct outline below seems to represent the upper edge of the 
wings of the preceding type. 

60. (Five Specimens, with Nos. 24 and 112.) 

A derivative type. The birds survive in even less distinct form than in No. 64, but 
the lotus is intact. The wings have become curved horns from either side the muzzle. It 
is easy to see how, if turned upside down, this type would lead to the ox- or moufilon- 
masks of Nos. 81 and following. 

61. (Seventeen Specimens, with Nos. 21 and 28.) 

The foregoing type in a variant form, having the same original. The birds are stylized 



and wingless, but retain their old direction, and the lotus bloom between them is degraded, PL VIII 
not changed. The lion-mask though a good deal degraded, retains some features, e.g. the 
ears, in a realistic form. Though an independent variant and probably earlier, I place it 
after the foregoing, since this modification of the wing-horns prepares the way for the 
following types. 

62. (Single Specimen, with No. 2.) 

Lion-mask of more realistic type retaining in two upward curving protuberances, and 
indistinctly in some form of crest, a reminiscence of the birds ; and in the lower pro- 
jections, a survival of the wings. 

63. (Single Specimen, with Nos. 22 and 56.) 

The same. The birds survive only in a looped crest, and perhaps in the upward curve 
of the upper pair of projections. The lower pair tends to disappear. 

64. (Fifteen Specimens, with No. 36.) 

Slight alteration of the foregoing, approximating to a fox-mask. Only the upper pair 
of projections survives. 

65. (Single Specimen, with Nos. 38 and 68.) 

Enlargement and slightly coarser form of the foregoing. 

66. (Single Specimen, with reverse type identical with No. 33.) 

A parallel degradation, going back to the original Bird-mask. The birds' heads 
remain as formless knobs on either side of a stylized lotus : their bodies have become two 
bow-shaped lines, instead of one as in No. 55 : the mask is greatly degraded, approximating 
to its form in the types immediately preceding, and the muzzle projections are developing 
fantastic tips like the horns of the moufflon in No. 83. 

67. (Three Specimens, with Nos. 30 and 69.) 

The lion-mask in a variant and more naturalistic form. 

68. (Single Specimen, with Nos. 38 and 65.) 

The same, with elongated forehead growing upwards, and surrounding hair becoming 
more pronounced. 

69. (Three Specimens, with Nos. 38 and 67.) 

The same. The forehead has grown upwards into a palm-like crest. Whiskers 
pronounced, and recalling the wing developments of preceding types. 

70. (Two Specimens, with No. 77.) 

The crest developed into a palm, and the mask almost degraded away. 

Fig. 17 (No. 71). 

Fig. 18 (No. 73). 

Fig. 19 (No. 74). 

71. (Fig. 17) (Twenty-eight Specimens, with No. 89.) 

Elaborate variant modification of the same type, affected by reminiscences of other 
types. The mask much degraded, but retaining traces of whisker lines ; the palm crest 
elongated till it resembles a lotus bloom. Butterfly wings added with star or flower 

a 2 



PI. VIII. centres. This 'comma' or leaf-like type of wing with a round centre is familiar in 
Mycenaean work (cf. e.g. Schliemann Myc. Fig. 275). The projections on each side of the 
mask below look like degradations of the skirt-flounces and emergent draped legs of 
types 20-22. 

72. (Single Specimen, with two indistinguishable types.) 

Final degradation : the mask is gone ; the drapery and legs survive only in a small 
horseshoe. The butterfly wings, with their centres, remain as the chief constituents of the 
type, and the palm-crest survives as a trefoil. Compare gold ornaments from the third 
Mycenae shaft-grave. (Schliem. Myc. Figs. 275, 293.) 

73. (Fig. 18) (Seventeen Specimens, with Nos. 57, 57a.) 

A curious, but fairly certain, derivative from the preceding. The spines of the 
butterfly wings remain, and the trefoil between them has developed into three objects 
suggestive of the leaves of a prickly pear or the ends of a cuttle's tentacles. The scalloping 
of the wings has been accentuated, and the projections broadened, till they approximate to 
axe-blades. The original mask survives as a mere stem. 

74. (Fig. 19) (Three Specimens, with Nos. 58 and 84.) 

Front view of female sphinx with cap and ' comma ' butterfly wings. 

75. (Four Specimens, with No. 12.) 
Same type as foregoing, degraded. 

76. (Fig. 20) (Single Specimen, with No. 27.) 

A grotesque human bust with demoniacal features, set in a butterfly's (or bat's) wing : 
perhaps developed out of the star- or flower-centre of the 'comma' wings in the foregoing 

Fig. 20 (No. 76). 

Fig. 21 (No. 77). 

Fig. 22 (No. 78). 

77. (Fig. 21) (Two Specimens, with No. 70.) 

Apparently a squatting griffin-like monster, with butterfly or bat wings, seen a (ergo. 
Hind-quarters, so seen, probably suggested the form in types 43-50. 

78. (Fig. 22) (Thirteen Specimens, with Nos. 44 and 48.) 

Monster with human head-, wings covering all the body, and lion's legs. But for the 
legs the suggestion of a cherub is very strong. 

79. (Two Specimens, both imperfect, with Nos. 93 and 111.) 

A winged monster, similar to the last in having lion's legs, of which one only is Reen. 
Head gone. At its feet crouches some animal of which only part of the hind-quarters 
appears on our specimens. 

80. (Fig. 23) (Nine Specimens, with No. 134.) 

A type which partly explains the two foregoing, being an evident degradation of two 
opposed lion-sphinxes, which had perhaps one head between them. The head survives as 
a loop, and the common body has been modified into a rudely-drawn bucranium. 



81. (Fig. 24) (Two Specimens, with Nos. 82 and 108.) 

A new type of the same class as the preceding series, and probably a derivative from 
the same original Bird type. A moufflon- or ox-mask takes the place of tin- lion-mask. The 
wavy lines below the muzzle are probably derived from wings, as in Nos. 60 and following. 
Compare the style of this type and the two next in order with that of the Heraeum gem in 
A.G. PI. ii. No. 42. 


Fig. 23 (No. 80). 

Fig. 24 (No. 81). 

Fig. 25 (No. 83). 

82. (Two Specimens, with Nos. 81 and 108.) 

Same type much simplified : the wings are represented only by curves each side of the 

83. (Fig. 25) (Four Specimens, with No. 18.) 

Fantastic variant of the same type. The birds are broken up into a niaeander such as 
frequently appears on Mycenaean objects (cf. the bone roundels Schliem. Myc, Figs. 128, 
129). The horn tips are developed into bestial heads. Lines below the muzzle are 
simplified and assimilated to types 62 and following. 

84. (Three Specimens, with Nos. 58 and 74.) 

Same type with niaeander and horns simplified. 

85. (Single Specimen, much perished, with No. 29.) 

Same type, varying in the upper part in some manner not now distinguishable. 

86. (Single Specimen, with Nos. 20 and 98.) 

Same type, but with wings, and a ' cap' precisely similar to that on a Vaphio gem (Eph. 
Arch. 1889,' PI. 10, No. 37). 

87. (Single Specimen, with No. 13.) 

Similar type in large, but whether winged or not below the muzzle, it is not now 
possible to say. 

88. (Fifteen Specimens, with Nos. 90 and 132.) 

An independent degradation of the Bird-mask type. The original birds are represented 
by the two up-curving lines above the mask, and their heads and the lotus have been 
confounded and come out as a four-spoked wheel (?). The wings of the birds and the wings 
or wavy lines below the muzzle have become double horns, with an abrupt upward curve. 
The mask is much degraded. 

89. (Twenty-eight Specimens, with No. 71.) 

A type showing certain analogies with the foregoing series e.g. lotus, and pattern below 
which seems to represent the last degradation of the lion- or moufllon-mask. The objects 
below this again seem to have bird bodies but formless bestial heads. 

90. (Twenty-five Specimens, with Nos, 33, 132 and 88.) 

Possibly another and further reduction of the same type, preserving the lotus above. 
Compare, for a very close analogy, the ornament on a gold object found in the third Shaft 
Grave at Mycenae (Schliem. Fig. 303, and reversed, P. C, Fig. 547). 

l'l. IX. 



PL IX. 91. (Single Specimen.) 

The foregoing type in the last stage of degradation (?). 

92. (Fig. 26) (Twenty-one Specimens, with No. 129.) 

Two seals of which I show one only. The other has the antlered head to right (No. 
139). Obviously a derivative, showing relations to more than one preceding type. The 
raised human hands and the row of bulbous objects below the stag's head correspond closely 
to the arms and breasts of the 'Eagle-lady ' type No. 23. The antler's outline recalls the 
'comma' wings, and the head from which it springs has probably come into being, contra 
naturam, later than, and to explain, its growth. 

Fig. 26 (No. 92). 

Fig. 27 (No. 96). 

93. (Two Specimens, with Nos. 79, 111.) 
Four lion-masks, opposed. 

94. (Single Specimen.) 

Quatrefoil, placed here as a possible degradation of the foregoing type, but to be com- 
pared with gold-leaf ornaments from Mycenae (Schliem. Figs. 231, 286, 290). 

95. (Single Specimen.) 
An ox-head. 

C. — Naturalistic Types. 

96. (Fig. 27) (Single Specimen.) 

A bull : traces in the field behind the head of a human figure (?). Probably a scene 
of ravpoKa8ay\rla. From a gold ring 1 

97. (Thirty Specimens, with No. 10.) 
Bull in course. 

98. (Single Specimen, with Nos. 20 and 86.) 

Same type as foregoing. 

99. (Single Specimen.) 

Bull to right in attitude of following a cow. A Vaphio gem (A.G. Plate II., No. 49) 
corresponds very closely and cf. the famous golden goblets from the same find. 

100. (Three Specimens.) 

Bull at the charge to right : on one specimen an object is seen over his quarters which 
suggests a female icon. 

101. (Single Specimen.) 

Bull or cow to right with head turned back. Compare a Vaphio carnelian (A.G. 
iii. 42). 

102. (Single Specimen.) 

A scene of the chase? Bull in flight to right, turning its head towards a lion or dog 
attacking its quarters. In front a man ? 



103. (Single Specimen.) pi ix. 
Bull to right, standing before a tree ? 

104. (Single Specimen, with No. 119.) 

Combat of a lion and a bull on rocky ground. 

105. (Two Specimens, with Nos. 24 and 112.) 

Two lions in full course before a palm-tree. Rocky ground below. For their action, 
cf. S. Reinach, 'La Representation du Galop' (Rev. Arch 1901, p. 440 ff.). This scaling 
supplies a characteristic example of the free Mycenaean representation of the galop volant, 
less exaggerated than in the case of lions on the Mycenae daggers. 

106. (Single Specimen.) 

A lion to right, turning his head. Compare, for the style, the gold ring found in the 
fourth shaft grave at Mycenae (.4.6?. ii. 8). 

107. (Single Specimen.) 

A lion to right as before. 

108. (Two Specimens, with Nos. 81 and 82.) 

A lion to right. The tuft of his tail shows over his back. 

109. (Single Specimen.) 

Lion to left, turning towards a spear which has transfixed him. 

110. (Single Specimen.) 

Combat of bull and lion ? very like No. 104 reversed. 

111. (Two Specimens, with Nos. 79, 93.) 
Two lions heraldically posed to front. 

112. (Fig. 28) (Seven Specimens, with Nos. 24 and 60.) PI. X. 
A portal (= Gate-Shrine?), with lions reversed on 

either hand. The attitude of the animals is character- 
istic of Mycenaean art. Compare many gems, and 
such compositions as the Menidi ivory figured in P. 
and C, Fig. 408. 

113. (Two Specimens, with No. 13.) 
Lion head to left. 

114. (Four Specimens.) 
Lion springing on a goat. 

115. (Single Specimen.) 
Two goats. 

116. (Single Specimen.) 
Two goats. 

117. (Four Specimens.) 

Lion springing on a goat or moufflon 

118. (Single Specimen.) 
Two goats or moufflons. 

119. (Single Specimen, with No. 104.) 
Two goats. 

120. (Single Specimen.) 

Goat in course to left, turning his head. Compare, for the style, the flying stag on a 
Mycenae ring (A.G. ii. 8). 

121. (Single Specimen.) 
Goat to right. 

122. (Single Specimen.) 

Goat to left tethered or speared ? 

Fio. 28 (No. 112). 


PI X 123. (Single Specimen.) 

Goat in course to right. 

124. (Single Specimen.) 

Goat to left, turning towards spear, or tether-rope ? 

125. (Single Specimen.) 
Goat standing to right. 

126. (Single Specimen.) 
Goat to left. 

127. (Eight Specimens, with No. 17.) 

Hog to right. Compare a Yaphio gem, published in Eph. Arch. 1889, PI X., No. 15, 
and the Peloponnesian gem at Berlin, published in A.G. ii. 12. 

128. (Single Specimen.) 

Two cocks facing across an altar. 

129. (Twenty-one Specimens, with No. 92.) 

Bird displayed. The attitude is not natural, and the eyes at the roots of the wings 
betray a survival of something, perhaps the breasts of a mixed type. 

D. — Miscellaneous Types. 

130. (Fig. 29) (Two Specimens, with No. 49.) 

Five towers built of ashlar masonry on a hill : three shields of the usual Mycenaean 
type below. 

Fig. 29 (No. 130). 

Fig. 30 (No. 131). 

131. (Fig. 30) (Two Specimens, one with Nos. 19 and 51, the other with Nos. 51 and 144.) 
The facade of a shrine ? divided into panels or compartments (cf. 7'. P.O. Figs. 65 and 

66) with two shields below. Unfortunately both specimens are in such bad condition that 
details of the type remain very doubtful ; but something like the 'horns of consecration' 
appears in an upper storey to left, and at the sides are possible traces of human figures. 

These two la6t types show obvious use of the shield as a symbol, probably of divine 
protection extended to the buildings associated with them. No. 130 would appear to 
represent a whole city, or at least the castle of a chief, No. 131 a particular shrine. 

132. (Twenty-five Specimens, ten with Nos. 33 and 90, and fifteen with Nos. 88 and 90.) 
Three rosettes ? or echini 1 with conventionalized lotus blooms between. No doubt a 

derived type like those associated on the same sealings. 

133. (Single Specimen.) 

A simplified ' Labyrinth ' scheme. 

134. (Nine Specimens, with No. 80.) 

Pattern directly developed from the spiral on sucli an Egyptian scarab as is figured in 



Petrie, Egyptian Decorative Art, Fig. 34 (See Fig. 31). Compare also another, and probably PI. X. 
later, form of the same pattern on a Zakro pierced 'weight,' published 
in D.S.A. vii., Fig. 40. 4. 

135. (Single Specimen, with Nos. 15 and 59.) 

A further development of the spiral into a coil. 

13G. (Single Specimen.) 

Group of pictographs. Another impression shows the group reversed, 
with the vase symbol on the right (No. 140). 

137. (Single Specimen.) 
Group of pictographs. 

Fig. 31. 

E. — Types not Illustrated. 

Certain reversals of types illustrated have been mentioned, but as the sealings on 
which these appeared were distinct, they had better be catalogued separately : — 

138. Winged human figure to right ; cf. No. 36. 

139. Antlered stag's head to right ; cf. No. 92. 

140. Group of pictographs ; cf. No. 136. 

Other types too fragmentary for illustration are : — 

141. Confused derivative type : the beak of an eagle is the only thing clearly distinguish- 

able ; reverse of No. 55. 

142. Part of a draped human leg ; reverse of No. 46. 

143. Row of broad arrow-heads down the axis of the gem. 

144. An indistinguishable type, with Nos. 51 and 131. 

I add here (Fig. 32) a copy of an inscription traced with a fine point on a hollow disc 
made of the same clay as the sealings, and found with them. The legend is in the 
Knossian linear script. On the rim of the disc appear two faint impressions of a seal- 
type (two goats). Cf. B.S.A. vii. p. 133. 

'-' f\ c X 

Fig. 32. 

§ 2. — Remarks on the Types. 

(a) Their Period. 

Analogies which certain of these types present to products of Mycenaean 
art, discovered elsewhere in the Aegean area, have been indicated in the 
foregoing catalogue. I will resume those which most clearly place Zakro 
types in relation to other finds whose period has been determined with 
approximate precision. 

Correspondences with Vaphio are the most common here, as at Knossos. 


Types 4, 31, and 99 might well be by the same hands as the Vaphio gems 
quoted ad loc; and with No. 31, types 21, 24, 25, and 86, present very close 
analogies. Among identities in style the hog of No. 127, the bull of No. 101, 
and the lions of Nos. 108, 109 may be especially remarked. To the Shaft- 
grave objects, found at Mycenae, the Zakro types, Nos. 71, 72, 94, 106 and 
120, stand in intimate relation. Coincidence with Knossos finds is closest in 
Nos. 3 and 16. 

These correspondences have a much wider significance if it be conceded 
that different impressions on a single nodule were made at virtually the same 
moment. It is hardly likely that the clay could have been softened afresh to 
receive second and third impressions, without impairing the distinctness of 
the first. If the baking, which these sealings have all undergone, was 
intentional, we should have double proof that the stamps were made at one 
time. Further, if not so certain, it is at least highly probable, that the twice 
and thrice stamped nodules were impressed each by a single two or three 
faced seal, such as are commonly found in East Crete ; and in that case the 
original engraving of associated types may be assumed to have been 

Thus the Eagle-lady types are brought into relation with Vaphio 
through the association of No. 28 with No. 21, and of No. 20 with No. 86. 
The Bird-Mask types come into the same group through the association of 
No. 60 with No. 24, No. 61 with No. 21, No. 53 with No. 25, and Nos. 81, 82 
with No. 108. The Hindquarter type, in any case obviously related to the 
Eagle-lady types, is brought in directly by No. :>.o. The best of the Mino- 
taurs (No. 17) is associated with No. 127. Association with No. 71 puts 
type No. 89 into relation with the Mycenae Shaft-graves, and shows that, 
though derivative, it cannot be far removed from its original, at least in 

A careful examination of the remaining types reveals general homogeneity 
of style. There is no type which from this point of view must be placed 
necessarily either distinctly earlier or distinctly later than those just 
enumerated. Even such degraded types as Nos. 14 and 91 have a parallel 
at Vaphio (Eph. Arch. 1889, PI. X., No. 17). 

The period of the Mycenaean Shaft -graves, of the Vaphio burial, and of 
the acme of Mycenaean Knossos, is broadly the period of these Zakro gems, 
as determined by their own character. In the case of such objects as signets, 
often preserved in use for centuries, it is best to use internal evidence only. 
In this Zakro case the age of the gems would not necessarily follow from that 
of the pottery or bronze found near the sealings, nor on the other hand, can 
the age of the house, in which they were found, be determined safely from 
the period of the gems. 

(b) Origin and Reason of the Monster Types. 

The types in the foregoing catalogue might have been assorted more 
broadly into two classes, according as they may reasonably be held to have been 


Fantastic or Realistic in intention. The first class would have comprised 
just the 78 types of our class B. But to have adopted that division at the 
outset would have been to beg several questions, e.g. the non-religious 
character of the Monster types (for no cult-type can be properly called 
Fantastic), and the religious character of certain genre scenes. 

The main object of the catalogue is to show that the vast majority of 
types in class B are of purely local derivation, being variations of a very few 
types. It is a fact to be noted, before we proceed, that these variant types, 
which seem to have been obtained by the degradation or breaking up of 
others, must have been engraved so nearly contemporaneously with their 
originals that modification through unconscious action of the artist, or his 
want of understanding of the model is very difficult to credit. Not only is 
the general style throughout, as has been said, homogeneous, but in certain 
cases, e.g. Nos. 79, 44 and Nos. 67, 69, we find actually on the same nodule 
types, which under ordinary circumstances we should judge to stand to one 
another as original and derivative, divided by a considerable interval of time. 
The obvious and attractive analogy of Celtic coin types cannot therefore be 
applied to these sealings, almost all made in one place and at one time. It 
seems most probable that we have here an instance of modification made 
consciously and with full understanding in order to vary signet-impressions, 
that might otherwise have easily been counterfeited or confused. 

A small number of independent Monster types, however, remains. Can 
anything be determined as to the origin and reason of these ? The fondness of 
Mycenaean artists for representing Monsters is well known. Their civilisation 
evidently was in that stage, well expressed by Robertson Smith {Religion of 
the Semites p. 87), speaking of the Mesopotamians. ' In the region of plastic 
art, the absence of any sharp line of distinction between gods and men on the 
one hand and the lower creation on the other is displayed in the predilection 
for fantastic mousters half human, half bestial.' In the case of these Zakro 
types, however, few will maintain that the fantastic forms have anything to 
do with cult. We seem to be looking at the product of a yet further stage of 
art, which has passed from monsters with a meaning to monsters that are 
pure fancy. The single doubtful class among the Zakro monster types is 
that of the 'Minotaurs' (Nos. 17-19), which it is hard to suppose were 
independent of a cult probably existent contemporaneously at Knossos. They 
are, however, not very like any Bull-man types hitherto known in Aegean 

If these Zakro types do not represent fantastic gods, still less do they 
seem to represent priests or votaries of a theriomorphic worship. Mr. A. B. 
Cook's ably supported theory, set forth in the 14th volume of this Journal, 
has not carried conviction to those best acquainted with Egyptian or Asiatic 
monstrous forms: and the balance of present opinion inclines decidedly 
towards such a theory as Winter's, 1 which sees in modification of foreign types, 
as e.g. the Egyptian hippopotamus-goddess, the origin of the strange forms 

1 Jahrbuch, 1890, p. 108. 


which Mycenaean artists would probably not have been themselves able to 
explain. The credit accorded to this theory will be greatly increased by a 
shell-relief which was one of the most interesting discoveries made last year 
at Phaestos. By the great kindness of Professor Halbherr I am permitted 
to reproduce it here (Fig. 33). A glance is enough to assure anyone familiar 
with Egyptian art that these figures are first cousins of those Nilotic divinities, 
whose one arm is raised in exactly this pose, while the other, pendent, holds 
the ankh. 

Fig. 33. 

If we are to trace the parentage of these Zakro monsters it is in the 
direction of Egypt that we must look. Among the types in the other classes 
of our catalogue there are at least two striking parallels to Egyptian art, 
namely the adoring monster of No. 5, and the spiral pattern of No. 134. 
But the cousinship of our monsters with Egyptian art, though clear, is not 
very close. Nearly all the Zakro types are winged, whereas winged monsters 
are not conspicuously characteristic of Egypt. The Sphinx of the Nile is 
wingless till a late period, and remains commonly so to the end. The human- 
headed hawk, and winged goddesses, like Maat, have little analogy with the 
Mycenaean forms. On the other hand, in Mesopotamia winged monsters, as 
common art-types, belong to a late period, later indeed than we are led to 
ascribe to the Zakro types by their obvious analogies. 

This is, however, only to say that the Zakro types were not taken 
bodily from any alien art ; but a relationship may still be traced in 
details. We look to their most characteristic feature, the wings. There are 
four forms of wing represented. (1) The eagle or hawk wing with long 
terminal quills. This appears in more than 75 per cent, of the winged types. 
(2) The form only slightly modified from No. 1 which is seen in type No. 58 
only, and anticipates the pinions of Hermes' irrepoevra irehtKa. (3) The 
upcurving almost spiral wing between the dog's heads in type No. 49. 
(4) The scalloped butterfly or bat wing. 

It is a notable negative fact in regard to 99 per cent, of these forms, that 
there is no trace of the scarabaeus wing, which has influenced so largely 
Egyptian and, by derivation, Mesopotamian wings. The beetle wing-case, sur- 


vivals of which appear both on the Assyrian bulls and the eagle-headed demons 
of Assyria, has left no sign of itself on these Mycenaean wings. The single 
exception is the stylized form No. 3, whose curve is that to which Phoe- 
nician and later Greek types have accustomed us ; it is probably derived 
from the upcurved wing often seen on Egyptian scarab representations, and 
sometimes in those of the hawk. Even were there no difficulty of date, it 
could not be maintained reasonably that the free and naturalistic bird-wings 
of the Zakro types were derived from the highly stylized and composite 
Mesopotamian wing-forms, themselves almost undoubtedly of Egyptian 
derivation. In Egypt alone the prevailing Zakro form occurs (with similar 
type of fan-tail) in representations of the vulture (cf. Perrot and Chipiez i. 
Fig. 408). The Mycenaean artists have, however, with the true artistic 
instinct that we have learned was theirs, referred the counterfeit to the 
living model and produced a more realistic representation, which stands to 
the decorative Egyptian forms as the " practicable " wings of the fifth century 
Greek art stand to the " impracticable " wings of the Archaic period. 

The occurrence of so many novel winged types in Mycenaean art will 
raise a question as to a possible relation between them and the winged types 
of archaic Greek art. Among the objects found by Schliemann in the shaft- 
graves at Mycenae were two gold ornaments representing winged monsters, a 
griffin and a sphinx (Myc. Figs. 272, 277) ; but these were easily relegated to 
the category of eastern importations, and did not disturb Langbehu in his 
contention that winged types belong to a late and fully developed stage of the 
Greek genius {Flugclgestalten der dltesten griechischen Kunst § 3). 1 The 
sphinx has reappeared on ivories, e.g. those of Spata, and the griffin on gems ; 
but other winged types have remained so rare that, until this unexpected dis- 
covery of sealings was made at Zakro, no question of relation to archaic Greek 
art had been raised. There is certainly & prima facie reasonableness in suppos- 
ing that Greek winged types were derived rather from those previously 
existing in the same area than from alien and distant schools of art ; and in 
fact two Zakro types very closely anticipate later Greek types. The one is 
No. 58, very suggestive of the Hermes pinions ; the other is No. 40, which may 
be compared alike with the early Pegasus on Corinthian coin-types, or the 
sea-horse on those of Lampsacus. The wing-form most commonly seen on 
the sphinxes and other types in archaic Greek art is represented among the 
Zakro types only by No. 49; but the common Zakro form is found often enough 
on seventh and sixth century objects ; for instance in the Nike type on coins 
of Cyzicus, in Siren types on Corinthian and Rhodian vases, and the Typhoeus 
of the Vulci vase in Munich. 2 This form easily passes out of, or into, the 
upcurved spiral form, as may be seen by looking at the series of griffins on 
early coins of Teos. That fifth century wings should approach nearer to the 
Zakro wings than do the more archaic ones is to be expected ; for the same 
artistic instinct of naturalism had been at work in Greek art since its 
renaissance, as in Mycenaean art. I). G. HOGARTH. 

1 v. especially p. 54. ? Gerhard, Juserles. Vasenbildcr III. 237. 



Part I. 

As the task of publishing the immediate results of this journey 
has been entrusted to me, my first duty is to acknowledge the many 
obligations under which Professor W. M. Ramsay has placed me. Neither 
my companion Mr. G. A. Wathen of St. Peter's College, Cambridge, nor 
I, had had previous experience in this form of research, and we were 
fortunate in beginning the study of Asia Minor under his auspices. A 
large proportion of the materials here given was collected by him alone; and 
it is no exaggeration to say that without him we could have accomplished 
practically nothing, even if we had made the attempt. As I am increasingly 
conscious that the period of noviciate, on which I then entered, did not end 
with the journey, I am glad to think that my obligations to him extend to 
the time of the preparation of this Report. The same reason also makes 
me glad to know that Professor Ramsay is himself working these results into 
their place in the General History and Geography of Asia Minor. In this 
gladness all those interested in such studies will share. 

My next duty is to thank all those who, in various ways, helped us to 
carry out the objects we had in view. On the one hand, we are especially 
indebted to the British Ambassador at Constantinople and to the Turkish 
Governor of the Vilayet of Konia ; on the other, the funds at our disposal 
were largely increased, not only by the gifts of friends, but by contributions 
from the Managers of the Craven Fund, Cambridge, and the Worshipful 
Company of Mercers, London. 

Professor and Mrs. Ramsay, after nine weeks spent in Asia and 
Phrygia, reached Konia on May 29, 1901 ; Mr. Wathen and I reached 
it on the 13th of June. We left Konia on the 13th of July. As our 
departure was hastened by the extreme heat, it may be well to note that 
travelling is possible in the table land from the middle or end of April to the 
end of October, or even the middle of November. June, with the last days 
of May and the early days of July, is the best time. In May thunderstorms 
are frequent, and in July the weather tends to become too hot. In a 
country with no roads to speak of, a thunderstorm is a serious hindrance to 
exploration. We hired a house in Konia, and made it our head-quarters 
for the whole of our stay ; thence we made excursions to those localities 
which we wished to explore. The intervals between the excursions we 
spent either in making arrangements for our next journey, or in copying 
inscriptions in or close to Konia. We found this plan added considerably to 


our comfort, and thereby to our efficiency. We also found that continued 
residence in one place drew attention to our work, and that the longer we 
remained in a place the greater became our chance of hearing tidings of 
sites and inscriptions, either on the spot or at a distance. As in a less 
degree this was true also of Khatyn-Serai, where we stayed four days, it 
would probably answer to establish head-quarters of a more temporary kind 
in such localities as promised good results, but are not suitable for a very 
long stay. I may add also that, within certain limits, a large party has 
distinct advantages : besides bringing more eyes and hands and ears to the 
work, it has from its mere numbers an appearance of greater importance, 
and thus secures better treatment and results. 

A. — Bey-Sheher Excursion. 

Our first joint excursion was to the district east and south-cast 
of Bey-Sheher Lake, where we hoped to discover some evidence which might 
help to fix the boundaries of (Byzantine) Pisidia, Lycaonia, and Pam- 
phylia. 1 

The first day was occupied in the journey to Kizil-Euren ; we examined 
the ruined Khans we passed, but they produced no inscriptions. 

Kizil-Euren (MiaOeia ? ) 

On the second day we were more fortunate. Kizil-Euren stands on the 
side of a hill, just where the pass from Konia begins to widen out and to form 
the small triangular-shaped plain which lies west of Kizil-Euren, between it 
and the Bagharzik Dere\ The arabah-route from Kizil-Euren goes nearly due 
west : it passes close to two ruined Khans (one is marked in Sterrett's map), 
and crosses the entrance of a small valley which goes away to the north : it 
then skirts the foot of the mountain on which stands the old castle, Assar - 
Kalesi.and enters the pass which leads through the mountains to Yonuslar. 2 

1 Parti will contain the inscriptions collected June 18th, to Kizil-Euren (p. 95). 

during this excursion (A, pp. 95-114). It will ,, 19th, to Yonuslar (p. 100.) 

also contain the inscriptions from Konia ,, 20th, to Selki-Serai (p. 105), vid 

Museum (B, pp. 115-118) and selected inscrip- Tchukur-Aghyl (p. 101) and Sevindjik 

tions from Konia and its immediate neighbour- (p. 104). 

hood (B, pp. 119-125). With the rest of such ,, 21st, to Kirili-Kassaba (p. 106), vid 

inscriptions, and with those kindly handed Kiosk (p. 106). 

over to us by Dr. Diamantides, I hope to deal ,, 22nd, to Geurunmez (p. 108), vid 
in Part II., which will also contain inscriptions Khiak-Dede (p. 108) and Tchausli. 
from the district East of Konia, that is to say, „ 23rd, to Bey-Sheher (p. 108). 
from Zazadin-Khan (npeSrrj Horf), Yaghli ,, 24th, to Fassiler (p. 112), vid Kara- 
Baiyat (Siouorpo) and their neighbourhood. Assar (p. 110) and back to Kara- 
Part III. will contain the inscriptions collected Assar. 

from the Lycaonian plain to the South of „ 25th, to Davghaua (p. 113), vid Baindir 

Konia; the chief places we visited being (p. 113) and Tchonia. 

Khatyn-Serai (\v<npa), Dorla (Ne'a "l<raupa), ,, 26th, to Konia, vid Yonuslar. 

Kara-Eyuk, Gudelissin and Seidi-Khan. ~ The distance from Kizil-Euren to the entrance 

For A, the following itinerary may serve the of the pass along this, the northern boundary 

purpose of an index. of the plain, is about four miles. About three 



As soon as we were clear of Kizil-Euren, we left the arabah-road and took 
a rough road which leads round the hill on which it stands. This is the road 
from Kizil-Euren which ultimately goes to Aghris and Bulumia. After follow- 
ing it for about fifty minutes in a westerly direction we came upon the 
remains of several dwellings cut in the rock. From these dwellings the 
bearing of Kizil-Euren is 73°, of the valley east of the Bagharzik Der£ and 
Assar-Kalesi 285°. They have every indication of having belonged to a 
religious community of the Byzantine period. Two only need any description : 
the first, now used as a stable for cattle, had once been a chapel ; it was 
cruciform in shape and measured thirteen feet by eleven. 1 The dome, 
formed like the rest of the chapel out of the live rock, is now partially 
destroyed. The entrance to the chapel was through a porch containing, on 
the right and left respectively, two inscriptions (Nos. 1 and 2), much defaced 
and extremely difficult to read. 2 We were able to decipher enough to show 
that the chapel was dedicated to the Mother of God. Outside the porch on 
the right was a receptacle for holy water, and on the left a flight of steps 
conducting to the top of the rock. On each wall of the western area was a 
small cross, and on the back wall of the eastern apse the Christian mono- 
gram and the letters A and H, all enclosed within a circle. The annexed 
plan will, I hope, render any further description superfluous. Two of our 
party visited Assar-Kalesi. 


inscription 2 




Inscription i 

miles south-west of Kizil-Euren a pass (vide infra 
p. 109) leads nearly due south to Bulumia. 
The distance from the entrance of this pass to 
the mouth of the Bagharzik Derd is also ahout 
three miles. Both Kizil-Euren and the small 
plain lie very high. 

1 With the porch the measurements were 
seventeen feet by eleven, — the shape of a Latin 

2 The traveller should arrange to reach the 
chapel in the late afternoon, when the light is 


No. 1 .—On the right of the porch of the Chapel. W.M.R., H.S.C. 




+ outo? 6 vaos 6 ird- 


V<T€7TTO$ K€ TTCivaeft- 


a\cr[JLi6<s €<ttiv Tt? Trav- 


vfiviTov k[(] 7rai>a^[p]d[v- 


tov *[e] Travfi[a]icap- 


iotov fee iravevho- 


%ov k[c ] K- 


e iravap.(i)\po\y\ Af[e] irav- 

n n&N&n 

tjfjLepov (?) «e] 7rava<yi[a- 


9 [K€ 


a<? &[e]cnrvvL<; ifiov 

06 KC TT&P 

0e[oTo]ico[v aei\Trap- 


0[evov] Mo- 



K eco 

M C * 


20 .e ic 



This inscription consisted originally of twenty-two lines, thirteen of which 
can be restored. That which is lost in the first part is probably no more than 
a few Byzantine epithets of the Virgin, whose name perhaps occurs at the end 
of line 13. I hardly think the name of a saint is to be looked for either in 
line 7 or 8 ; irava^pavrov would naturally go with 0€ot6kov, and if there is 
a double dedication the Virgin's name would be expected first. The loss in 
the second half of the inscription may be more serious. The lines, both in 
this inscription and in the next, are irregular; and it is sometimes hardly 
possible to determine to which line a letter belongs. 

h.s. — VOL. XXII. 



No. 2. 



left of the 

s porch. 

W.M.R., H.S.C 







H. 10 

NT&TH€ 5 





\C 10 


This inscription was apparently of the same length as the preceding, 
but it is even more illegible and difficult to restore. 'la-eXdofiev in line 1, 
[ayiv ? ? i]<; rbv vao[v] in line 2, and tov /c[vpio]v in line 3, is all we can read 
with even approximate certainty. Perhaps, as Professor Ramsay pointed out 
to me, the last four letters of line 6 (MICO) maybe part of the word Mladeia, 
but the reading of the whole inscription is doubtful ; and from what we were 
able to read we regarded it as liturgical in character. 

The second dwelling might well have been one of the cells in which the 
members of the community lived. It measures 27 ft. by 18, and is 8 ft. 
high. The door is to the south. There are niches in three of the walls, 
apparently for the reception of the belongings of the inhabitants. The 
arrangement of the niches on the east wall, one of the longer sides, is 
elaborate.but can be sufficiently indicated by a rough elevation. The recess to 
the right is set back about one foot. The niches are five or six inches deep. 
This cell is about one hundred yards north-west of the chapel. 1 


This cell was the only one, so far as we could find, which contained any 
inscription, and that inscription (No. 3) was much defaced. The letters are 
deeply cut and of a late type. 

1 The other cells arc to the north of it, and are all more or less similar in their 


No. 3.— W.M.R., H.S.C. 



OM// I/O 


In line 1 the K may be IC, as the two strokes are not completely joined ; 
the H in the same line has its horizontal stroke slightly slanting, and might 
be taken for M or even N. The line of the roof makes it improbable that a 
letter stood after H. In line 2 there are marks after the N, which may be a K 
but are more probably scratches on the stone : after the I there are traces of C 
or some curved letter, but most of it has been destroyed. It is doubtful 
whether any letter stood in the second space indicated in this line. In 
line 3, there are traces of an A at the beginning ; the horizontal stroke of 
the second letter is slightly slanting, and after the fourth letter there are in- 
dications of a horizontal stroke proceeding from its top. There is an upright 
stroke after the space. Though any restoration must be provisional, I venture 
to suggest for the first three lines olfCTeipr)[o-]ov (the itacism v for oi is found 
in No. 1) ttj[<;] 7r[a]vay[la]<i. KOM may be the beginning of the name of a 
person, or it may be another epithet preceded by /cal. The restoration 
oiKTipfxav in line 1 also occurred to us. 

Between this settlement and the stream (close to the latter ; see Sterrett's 
map) there is a tepe. We searched it for inscriptions but found none. We found, 
however, a large number of stones with Graeco-Roman mouldings and the ruins 
of a Byzantine church. We found, also, a stone (36 inches by 13) with the figure 
of a man carved on it, all the more interesting because it was one apparently 
of the same series with two relief-slabs which we found at a fountain east of 
Kizil-Euren. They are parts of a frieze with hunting scenes in a rude style. 
The distance from the tepe to the entrance of the Dere I should guess to be 
about a mile. The road is direct, and it has in parts a stone foundation. 1 
The bearing of Kizil-Euren from the tep£ is 92°; that of the lower of the 
two khans near the road leading to the Bagharzik Dert$, 33°. 

Our road from the settlement to the tepd was so circuitous that I can 
give only an approximate idea of the distance between the two. It was 
probably rather over a mile. The tepe is conspicuous, however, both from 
the entrance to the Dere and from Kizil-Euren. 

I have followed Professor Ramsay in identifying the city which once 
occupied this site with Mistheia, one of the cities of the Orondeis. 
Though epigraphic evidence is wanting for this identification, all other 
evidence is strongly in its favour. The Orondeis had another city, Pappa, 
which can be placed with certainty at Yonuslar, some ten miles off. Pappa 
was in Byzantine Pisidia. The territory of the tribe, however, extended into 

1 As the stones are found near water or marshy probably not Roman or Byzantine, 
ground, we thought this was Turkish work and a See below p. 101. 

H 2 

100 H. S. CRONIN 

Lycaonia, to which province Mistheia was assigned. The natural boundary 
between the two provinces hereabouts would be the mountains which 
surround the Bagharzik Dere and separate the tepe from Yonuslar. The 
site would appear, therefore, to be in Lycaonia, and such as to fulfil the 
conditions required for Mistheia. Mistheia and its tcaarpov, moreover, come 
into prominence during the wars with the Arabs. It was a place of great 
military importance — so great that its capture in 712 was considered worthy 
of record in a campaign which ended in the siege of the capital. Indepen- 
dently, therefore, of the testimony of Anon. Ravennas (ed. Pinder and Part hey, 
p. 103 ; cf. p. 105) we should look for it on an important road. In the district 
within which it must be sought there are only two such roads — the direct road 
from Iconium to Philomelium and the road from Iconium to Antioch. The 
strong position on the former road appears to have been Kaballa; 1 no stronger 
position could be found on the latter than the Bagharzik Dere near the en- 
trance of which the tep<$ stands. It only remains to add that the ruins of an 
old castle — Assar-Kalesi — crown the heights surrounding the pass, and that 
the capture of Mistheia by Abbas in 712 was followed by the capture of 
Antioch in 713. 2 

Yonuslar (=IIa7r7ra). 

Our road from the entrance of the Bagharzik Dere must have followed 
(vide p. 109) the line of an old Roman road. The only apparent trace we could 
discover of it on the east of Yonuslar was by no means above suspicion ; it was 
the headstone of a Turkish grave, turban complete, made perhaps from an 
old milestone. We could find no trace of an inscription on it. It stands 
just at the entrance of the valley, from the Kizil-Euren side. Three inscrip- 
tions from Yonuslar are given by Professor Sterrett ( Wolfe Expedition, Nos. 
313, 314, 315). The first of these is fragmentary and written in rude 
characters. As our transcription of it differs slightly from Professor Sterrett's, 
I give it in uncials without any attempt at restoration. 

No. 4— W.M.R., H.S.C. 



We searched for the stone on which No. 315 is inscribed, but we did 
not find it where Professor Sterrett said it was to be found. We were told that 
it had been taken to Kara-Ali, 8 a village two hours north-west of Yonuslar, and 
built face downwards into the staircase of the mosque. Circumstances pre- 
vented us from visiting Kara-Ali ; but, though the visit might prove disap- 
pointing, it would be worth a subsequent traveller's while to include it in his 

1 See below p. 114. Minor, p . 333. 

2 Theophanes, e«l. Migne, eviii., p. 776. Cf. 3 See p. 113. 
also Ran.say, Historical Geography of Asia 


tour; and we regret that we could not do so ourselves. It is accessible 
also from Selki in about two hours. Fortunately the particular object for which 
the inscription might have proved useful has been attained by other means. 1 
The two inscriptions next following place the identification of Yonuslar with 
Pappa practically beyond reasonable doubt. 2 The first was found in the spring 
of 1901 by Mr. J. G. C. Anderson of Christ Church, Oxford, and was copied 
by us in June at Yonuslar. The second was found by us at Tchukur-Aghyl, a 
village about two miles south-west of Yonuslar. The stone is in the wall 
of the djami near the staircase. The name of the village is given by 
Professor Sterrett wrongly, as I believe, as Tchukur-Aghzi. 

No. 5.— W.M.R., H.S.C., G.A.W. 

LDvyiTH Trpea/3€v]TT)[v ical av- 

"ICTPATHTONAY TMTTpaTrjyov av[roKpd- 

TOPOCN£POYATP/ ropo<; Nepova Tp[aiavov 

KAICAPOCC6BACT Ka{<rapo<; 2e/3ao~r[o0 Tep- 

MANlKOYAAKlKO /xaviKOv Aa/a,ico[v Tt- 

B£PIOnOA£IT<^>NT^> fiepioTroXeiTwv tw[v zeal 

TTAnnHN 5t NBOYAHZ. TlaTnrrjvwv fiovXl) &[■?)- 

MOCTON6AYT<">N€ N /ao<? top eavruiv ev[ep- 
$ T6THN yeTr]v 

The date of this inscription is fixed by the titles of the emperor as later 
than A.U. 103. The omission of the title Parthicus would point to a date 
prior to 11G; of the title Optimus to a date prior to 114. According to 
Dion Cassius (lxviii. 17) Trajan was in Asia Minor in 114. There is no 
evidence to show that he ever came as far north as Pappa. The words of 
Dion Cassius are kclI ovto) hiavoia? u>v, itri re rrj<i 'Acrlas, /cai eVt Aw/cta? 
to)v re eyjuikvwv iOvwv, c? XeXevtcecav eicop,icrdr) ; and they, as Professor 
Ramsay pointed out to me, imply that the journey was made by sea. 

Jo. 6.- 

-W.M.R., H.S.C., 





av Tlra- 





1 Professor Sterrett says ' it is certain that the are found at Antioch, Beldjighas, and Sa^liir 

stone once contained an official document, which respectively. Their character prevents them 

probably gave the name of the place.' having any force against an argument founded 

a Other inscriptions in which the word on the discovery of two inscriptions such as 

Uairnnvos occurs are given by Ramsay (op. cit. Nos. 5 and 6 on the site, 
p. 398) and Sterrett (W.E. pp. ]96, 255). They 












t[co]i> [zee H]a,7r- 
[tttjvcov f3ov\r)] 




The stone measures 52 inches by 22. The inscription occupied 42 inches 
by 11|. About half the lines of the inscription are recovered. In line 7 OA 
are scarcely legible. Marcia Otacilia Severa was the wife of the Roman 
Emperor, Philip the Arabian. As he usurped the throne in 244 and was 
murdered together with his son in 249, the inscription can be dated within 
narrow limits. 

Of the inscriptions found at Yonuslar, the next in importance is 
that found on a Roman milestone, now used as the headstone of a 
grave in the cemetery a few minutes east of the village. It is upside down 
and some of the writing is below the level of the ground. 

No. 7.— W.M.R., H.S.C., G.A.W. 


As there is no doubt about the dative (TO) in line 2, there has evidently 
been some confusion in this case between the two forms which this kind of 
inscription takes. The usual form for this series is that found at Selki 
(p. 105, where the restoration is given). This inscription was also seen and 
copied by Mr. Anderson. The date of the milestone is B.C. 6. The name of 
the road is the Via Sebaste. The propraetors name was Cornutus Aquila. 
The route of this road can be best discussed after the evidence collected at 
Selki (Nos. 11 and 12), Khiak-Dedc (p. 108) and Geurunmez (p. 108) has 
been given. 

In a field east ol Yonuslar, not far from the milestone, we found two 
Christian inscriptions. 



No. 8.— W.M.R., H.S.C. 


rj<; 'Ope- 

It may be taken for granted from the cross on the stone, that Orestina 
was a Christian. The word /jLatcdpios may not justify us in saying she 
was a martyr, but the point is interesting. Orestinos is the name of a 
Christian presbyter whose monument is found at Bedel-Kaleh near Khatyn- 
Khan (C.I.G. 3989 m). 

No. 9.— W.M.R., H.S.C. 





The £ of TaTeto? was begun on the second T. 

The remaining inscription is found in a house not far from the principal 
oda. The stone was originally triangular, but the upper part has been 
broken off. The inscription occupies the lower part. Above the inscription is 
the foot of a cross, and on each side of the cross an eight-pointed star. Professor 
Ramsay tells me that six-pointed stars are frequent in the Christian inscrip- 
tions in Lycaonia, and eight-pointed in those of Pisidia. Both are found 
elsewhere ; but he has noticed no eight-pointed stars in Lycaonia, and no six- 
pointed stars in Pisidia. The inscription is as follows : — 

No. 10. 



'\wdvvov (3iicapi\ov. 

The title fti/cdptos (or ovacdpio*;) is well known as the title of a civil 
official (cf. Du Cange and Sophocles ad verb.). The character of this monu- 
ment made us wonder if the title was used here as a technical ecclesiastical 
term. It would be interesting if this were the case, and there is nothing in 
the nature of things which would make such a use unlikely. I can, however, 
find no authority for it. The use of fiucdpios in the letter of Hadrian I, con- 

104 H. S. CRONIN 

tained in the Acts of the Seventh Council (Mansi 12, 1058— top fiitcdpiov 
avTwv, of the Roman bishop as the representative of Peter and Paul) is 
worth noting. 

On leaving Yonuslar our course lay south-west through Tchukur-Aghyl 
to Sevindjik. With the exception of the one already given, we found no 
inscriptions ; but at Yegiren (two miles from Tchukur-Aghyl) we found two 
carved tombstones. The one was triangular in form and had a base of sixteen 
inches ; a lion was engraved on this stone. The other was a fragment — 
about one-third — of a larger stone, originally of similar shape ; the portion 
which remains measured two feet by fifteen inches, and was from the lower 
left-hand corner. The subject depicted on the stone is a funeral feast, the 
treatment of it being not quite conventional. From left to right are 
represented standing a boy, two women and a man ; they are on the left of 
a table ; under the table stands a water-pot. 

Boundary Stones near Sevindjik. 

At Sevindjik we were told that at no great distance there were two 
stones with writing on them. We went, therefore, up the low hill to the west 
of Sevindjik, and, after going in an almost true westerly direction for twenty 
minutes, we came across the two fragments of the first stone. The fragments 
lay some ten yards apart; on the one was the lower part of a C, on the other 
the rest of the C and the letters KZ- The second stone, still intact, was 
forty minutes almost due west from the first, and had on it the letters APA 
with a second A carved to the right of the first. The a's were six inches 
high, the P ten. The stones were large flat masses of common stone, and 
were presumably numbers 227 and 134 of a series of boundary-stones running 
from east to west. For the western terminus of the series, the shore of 
Bey-Sheher lake at once occurred to us. In the line, however, which we 
Were following, the shore is, according to Sterrett's map, nine or ten miles 
distant from Sevindjik. We cannot certainly allow more than four miles an 
hour for our rate of travelling ; and, in order to place the first stone of the 
series on the shore, we must assume that its earlier stones were somewhat 
further apart than those we met with. The lake is so natural a western 
boundary for the ttoXis to which the stones belonged, that I have not much 
doubt that such an assumption may be made. The assumption is rendered 
easier by a discovery we made three days later, when, in travelling from 
Geurunmez to Bey-Sheher, we had to traverse — westward of the second 
stone — the probable line of the series ; and we found what may fairly be 
taken as three separate traces of its continuation towards the lake. The first 
and second were the fragments of two stones, similar in character to the first 
two, piled in two heaps, as far as I could judge, in the right line. The third 
stone was some few minutes nearer to the lake, but was also, I should eay, in 
the right line. It was only partially broken, and had on it traces of a A and some 
other letter. The ground on which it had originally rested had been dug up 
in search of treasure. It was about a mile north of Eflatun Bunar. Taking 


all things into consideration, it is very probable that the boundary of two 
cities ran roughly east from the lake, passing a mile north of Eflatun Bunar 
to within a mile or so of Sevindjik. The city to the south would be the city 
which once occupied the site of Bey-Sheher, where Professor Ramsay places 
Karallia ; and the boundary of the city would in that case be also the boundary 
of the Byzantine Province of Pamphylia. To the north would be the 
Byzantine Province of Pisidia, and perhaps the territory of the 7ro\t<? which 
stood on the site of Kirili-Kassaba. The scales, it may be noted, on the large 
map which accompanies Professor Sterrett's Wolfe Expedition are wrong 
1 : 000,000 is a trifle under ten miles to the inch, not five as the scales 
represent it. The figures, therefore, on the scales must be corrected from 5, 
10, 15, &c. to 10, 20,30. 

Selki- Serai. 

From Sevindjik we went to Selki-Serai, where we found the 44th and 
45th milestones of the Via Sebaste. With the help of the milestone at 
Yonuslar, they can be restored almost to completeness. One of these must 
be the one mentioned by Sarre {Rcise in Kleinasien, p. 122). 

No. 11.— W.M.R., H.S.C., G.A.W. 







No. 12.— W.M.R., H.S.C., G.A.W. 


CO£ Sa DE I 

V1AM//SEB\^te 5 



The type of inscription which originally stood on these milestones may 
be restored as follows : 

Imp(erator) Caesar, Divi f(ilius), Augustus, 
Pont(ifex) Max(imus), Co(n)s(ul) XI, Desig(natus) 
XII, Imp(erator) XV, Trib(unicia) Potes(tate) XIIX, 
Viam Sebasten, curante 
Cornuto Aquila legato suo 
pro praetore, fecit. 

106 H. S. CRONIN 

Kiosk and Neighbourhood. 

From Selki we went to Kirili-Kassaba via Kiosk. The discovery of 
two fragments at the latter place — the one the finial of a roof — with the 
eight-point star on them, may imply, especially in conjunction with other 
evidence that Kiosk was in Pisidia. The inscription found at Yenidje (No. 14), 
as well as that found at Toldje (No. 15), is of little importance. 



-W.M.R, H.S.C. 

, G.A.W. 

^6NC _ 



The first two letters of line 1 are vei 

:y doubtful. 





4>t[\t7r7r&) irarpl 
Kal AaiSt p\r)rpl 


p,vi]][iT)<; eve/ce[v 



-W.M.R, H.S.C, 









evo[s tee TaT- 
% p.r)\jr)p Tu? 

T6KVV<i [Mo- 

p/ctavq> [xal 
JLlprfvy p\vrj- 
firjq x"-P~ 


Below this inscription, which is Christian, are two shepherd's crooks 
crossing each other. The last two inscriptions were copied on our journey 
from Geurunmez south. 


Though we were not able to discover any fresh inscriptions at this place, 
we took the opportunity to examine afresh the inscriptions given by Professor 
Sterrett {An Kpigraphical Journey in Asia Minor, pp. 184-18G). 

Of No. 187 in his book we made as follows : — 

No. 16.— W.M.R, H.S.C, G.A.W. 



'lov]\io<> Map*[eX\]o? <TTaTicovdpi,o<i 
AoWia M-arpoivr) tt} teal 'Eiktriht 
crvvfilu) yXvtcvTaTT) fivrf/xr)*; 

The first three letters of line 1 are much defaced. They may be AOA, 
but probably they are the first three letters of 'IouXto?. The lid of this 
sarcophagus is used to support the bridge which stands near. We could trace 
the following letters on its edge. The restoration, with the exception of the 
father's name, is very doubtful. 

No. 17.— W.M.R, H.S.C., G.A.W. 

\NHC AYCIMAXOY €IT M]ai/ij9 Av<ri/idx ov £[k] t[up 

A 1 0J N i]o7a>[i/ dvaX.a)fiaT(o]v 

In No. 188 the last letter of line 2 should be a C, and the restoration 
of the two first lines <de6<pi[\]o<; ^e\^acrrov cnreXevdepos (perhaps the second 
€ in this word is 0). There is an unengraved space after e-rriTpoTros in line 3. 

In No. 189 we read as follows : — 

No. 18.— W.M.R., H.S.C., G.A.W. 

iuYPNOYCIAIAN ]ovpvovai8iav 


THNAZIOAOTCiJTA ttjv agioXoywTa- 

THNMATPGJNANCYN ttjv par pcovav <rvv- 

5 reNIAACYNKAHTI yevi&a <rvv/c\r)Ti- 

K GJ N T.H N C € M N T A T Will I icwv t^v <j^vordTr,\y 

///AblAOTeKNONTYNA//// >cai] (piXoreicvov yvva[l- 

K////////KA////TTOYPNIOY *[a] Ka[X]irovpviov 

MA//////PK6AAOYTOYK MapiceWov rov ic[pa- 
TICTOY Tiarov 

In lines 8 and 9 there is a hole in the stone, which has not there been 
engraved. The final a of yvpcuxa we could not find, nor the final v of 
aefxvoTaTTjv. We could find no traces of PA at the end of line 9, but there 
was room for the letters and Professor Sterrett reads them. Line 1 is un- 
doubtedly the first line of the inscription and has lost only a few letters at 
the beginning; the A also is certain. Otherwise I should like to adopt the 
suggestion of a friend and read KaXTr]ovpv[i]vv "ZiXi'av, with the names of 
Calpurnius' child or children before it. The epithet <pCXoreKvov would in that 
case be appropriate. 

108 H. S. CRONIN 

Kkiak-Dede" or Kirikli. 

At Khiak-Dede, which we visited on our way from Kirili-Kass.-iba to 
Geurunmez, we also verified the inscriptions given by Professor Sterrett 
{Wolfe Expedition, pp. 194-196). 

In No. 319 the restoration of the inscription should read as follows : — 

No. 19.— W.M.R., H.S.C., G.A.W 

Ba/3et9 TlavTaXeovTOs 'Afi<f)io[vL 

Kao-Topo? tc5 dvBpl teal M.vrj<ri0€fp 'Ap.(pe[iovo<;. 

KdaTcop 'Afupeiovos Ba/Set rf} fitjTpL 

In line 6 of No. 320 we could just discern the right hand upper stroke 
of the Y, before OIC. The restoration must therefore be v]ols and not 

Of one of the two milestones of which Professor Sterrett speaks, it is 
impossible to make anything. The other, which has lost the upper half and 
practically all the inscription, was dug up for us. We were able to make out 
the following symbols, WXX////, i.e. Milia passuum XX . . I thought I could 
trace IX after the XX. 

The existence of three milestones (we were shewn a third), or parts of 
them, at Khiak-Dede, implies that the Roman road from Antioch to Selki 
passed at no great distance. The village in fact stands just on the western 
edge of the long glen down which the road from Neapolis must have come. 

The identification of this last city with Karagatch, put forward by 
Professor Ramsay so far back as 1884 (pp. cit. p. 396), is confirmed by 
an inscription, fragmentary but of great importance, which we discovered at 

No 20.— W.M.R., G.A.W. 

^Ek//// Nea[iro\eiT&v 6 8^/io? iri/Jb^aev 

THS.ll 1 1 Trjk[4fiaypv rov ical YSidvopa 

TON//// to" {eavT&p euepyerrjv teal 

ILCllllll <ro)T[ijpa 

Telcmachus Bianor is mentioned in two inscriptions found at Salir 
(five miles from Karagatch, W.E. Nos. 328, 329.). A Telemachus is 
mentioned also in E.J. No 183, at Karagatch. All mention of him, or his 
family, -confirms the impression given by this inscription that they were 
persons of rank and public spirit. 

On our way south from Khiak-Dede we passed through Tchaush to 
Geurunmez. At Tchaush we found nothing. On the east side of Geurunmez 
we found, in fairly complete preservation, the remains of a bridge of undoubted 
Roman workmanship. From Geurunmez we went to Bey-Shcher via Yenidje 
and EHatun Bunar. 


The Via Sebaste. 

It may be convenient to collect together the evidence with regard t<» 
the construction and course of this important road. We are now able to say 
for certain that the name of the road is the Via Sebaste, and not the Via 
Regalis; 1 and that it was constructed in B.C. G by Cornutus Aquila. It 
connected the Pisidian colonies of Augustus. We know from a milestone 
that it went to Comama, 2 and that the distance thence by road to Antioch 
was 122 Roman miles. This number corresponds with the sum of the dis- 
tances from Comama to Apollonia and from Apollonia to Antioch. 3 Professor 
Ramsay has, therefore, pointed out that the Antioch-Comama branch must 
have gone by Apollonia. As no other milestone on this branch can be 
assigned for certain to the Augustan period, we cannot trace its course with 
precision. With regard to the other branch, which connected Antioch and 
Lystra, we are, thanks largely to discoveries made in the past twelve months, 
in a far better position. It went from Antioch to Karagatch, and thence some- 
what east of Khiak-Dede, where it probably divided. One branch went south 
to Bey-Sheher via Kirili-Kassaba, where a milestone of large size is to be found, 4 
the other went vid Geurunmez and Selki-Serai to Yonuslar. It is with this 
second branch that we will deal first. As the two milestones we found at 
Selki-Serai (Nos. 11 and 12) are consecutive, it would appear that they are at 
present near their original position ; and as the numbers on them agree closely 
with the direct distance of Selki-Serai from Antioch, they may be taken to con- 
firm the evidence afforded by the Roman bridge at Geurunmez, that the Via 
Sebaste — or rather the branch which went to Lystra — followed a direct 
route across the plain from near Khiak-Dede" to Selki-Serai. We followed 
it for some distance after it left Selki-Serai ; and it can be traced as far as 
Yonuslar, where another milestone (No. 7) has been found. From Yonuslar 
the natural, in fact the only practicable, course for the road is through the 
Bagharzik Dere. It is when the eastern entrance of the Dere - is reached that its 
course becomes doubtful. It is impossible to lay much stress on such evidence 
as is afforded by the track of which I have made mention on p. 99, and it is 
very doubtful whether the work is Roman work at all. It is, however, highly 
probable that the road followed more or less the line of this track, passed by the 
tepe, across the plain, and over the pass by Bulumia to Zoldera (Lystra). 
The evidence, such as it is, is chiefly circumstantial. Compared with the 
alternative routes, there is a saving of half the time, or practically a day's 
march. From the mouth of the Dere to Zoldera, as the crow flies, it is 26 
miles; from the same point to Konia and on to Zoldera it is over 50 ; even if 
the road turned south as soon as the hills west of Konia were passed, it would 
not reduce this latter distance by much. We were told that there was a 
horse-track, not now practicable for waggons, from the tepe" to Zoldera vid 

1 Compare C.I.L. 6974 and Nos. 7, 11, 12. Serai 41 or 42. 

- C.I.L. C974. * This milestone lias no inscription on it 

:i The distance by road from Antioch to Khiak legible. 
Dcde is 28 or 29 rniles, from Antioch to Selki 

110 H. S. CRONIN 

Bulumia ; the route, however, was reported to be easy ; it is certainly not 
high, and offered no serious difficulty to baffle the skill of Roman engineers. 
Indeed I think it more than likely that our informants, fearing that 
we should go to Bulumia, framed their answers accordingly, and ex- 
aggerated the difficulty of the pass ; we had an arabah with us and one of 
our informants was the arabahji. There are two points, moreover, of a more 
positive nature which ought not to be neglected : first, in the Acts of 
Paul and Thecla, 1 Onesiphorus is said to have come from Iconium to meet 
St. Paul ; he proceeded along a road from Iconium as far as the Royal Road 
that leads to Lystra. At the junction of the two roads he met St. Paul. 
Whether that point of junction was near Kizil-Euren or not, may not be 
certain ; but the main destination of the ^aacXiKrj 686s — or the Via Sebaste, 
for the two names may be taken as equivalent 2 — was clearly Lystra. This, 
moreover, appears to me to imply that the Via Sebaste did not go to Iconium, 
and even that the road from the junction to Iconium was the less important 
of the two roads. All this is consistent with the Bulumia route. The 
second point I mention with some diffidence. On Ptolemy's map the distance 
of Lystra from Pappa is as near as may be the distance it would be by 
Bulumia. The bearing he gets wrong. His accuracy in one detail may be 
due to the fact that he had the measurements of a Roman road to guide him. 
Turning to the southern branch of the road, we are left more or less in 
the dark as to the course it followed, or indeed as to its existence. There is a 
milestone of large size at Kirili-Kassaba. It is probable enough in itself that 
the site of Bey-Sheher was occupied by the Romans even in Augustus' time, 
and it is somewhere in this region that we are almost bound to look for 
Parlais. For some distance before Bey-Sheher is reached, a road, either Roman 
in its construction or constructed from Roman materials, runs by the side of 
the caravan-route ; the bridge at Bey-Sheher is made apparently from similar 
materials, and it has a portion of one arch — the right-hand portion of the first 
arch from the Itcheri-Sheher side — of definite Roman work. There are mile- 
stones south of Bey-Sheher at Gulgurum, Avshar, and Aktchelar ; but as they 
are either uninscribed, or for all practical purposes illegible, they are of no 
use to fix either the name or the date of the road to which they belong. 
They are, however, of large size. 

Our route from Bey-Sheher, however, did not follow the line of this road, 
though we kept on the left bank of the Irmak as far as Begdemir ; then we 
crossed the river to Kara-Assar. Both there and at Fassiler we found many 
sepulchral monuments, and not a few traces of Christianity. At Kara-Assar 
we turned to the left as soon as the village was reached, and., following a foot- 
path leading round the foot of the hill on which Kara-Assar stands, we found 
the Christian symbol d^(j) carved on the rock, and frequently repeated. 
Farther (two minutes) west and directly behind the last houses of the 

1 Chap. 1, cf. Ramsay, The Church in the 2 The Emperors were called Sao-iAm in purer, 

Roman Empire, p. 30 ff. and the note on p. 31. affiaarol in Latinizing Greek. 



village,we found, at a height of forty or fifty feet, a small niche about 38 inches 
by 25, of which the following is a rough representation. 

As the figures within the niche were two animals and a man, and as the 
animals had some resemblance to lions, it is easy to conjecture Daniel in the 
den of lions as the subject of the group; it was a favourite subject among 
Christians. The work, however, is not of early date. There are many sarcophagi 
behind the village, and more still on the steep side of the hill above the 
village to the west. These latter are raised on steps cut out of the rock, 1 
from which in many cases the sarcophagi also are cut. At the top of 
the hill to the west, in the dip between the two peaks, there is a level space 
of ground about five yards by four. On the south side of this space there is a 
sham door cut in the face of the rock, and round it are seats. A piece of rock 
near the centre of the space, but rather to the north, has been hollowed out to 
form a bowl. The letter 4', I presume &>, is found on the walls. Kara-Assar 
is visible on one side, and there is a magnificent view of the lake to the north- 
east. More than one of the sarcophagi had been inscribed, but the inscription 
on one only was at all legible. 

No. 21.— W.M.R., H.S.C., G.A.W. 

Avp. M[ 

rjaav eavro- 

This inscription was carved on a raised panel, and on each side of it was 
a garland in relief. At the foot of the inscription were two leaves, pointing 
imvards, one on either hand. In another instance the sarcophagus had 
carved on its face a bust with a sfarland on either side. 

1 The topmost step in one case was 6' 4" by By the side of the top-step were two flat pro- 
12^" high, the next was 10' 3", the third and jections, perhaps for statues, 
the fourth increasing proportionally in length. 

112 H. S. CRONIN 


Two of us took the shorter but steeper road from Kara-Assar to Fassiler, 
passing over the mountains to the east ; the others went by the plain. In- 
scriptions from Fassiler are given by Professor Sterrett, Wolfe Expedition, 
pp. 163-170. To inscription No. 277 of his collection the following additions 
should be made. Between the Dioscuri there is an altar ; line 5 is almost 
certainly CAAAMCI; line 6 CI only ^ = %a8afieiai). 1 

On the right of the valley in which lies the Hittite stele described by 
Professor Sterrett, both on the face of the locks and in the high ground 
beyond them, there are abundant traces of a burying-place of considerable 
extent. As at Kara-Assar, the monuments and tombs are cut in the rock 
itself. One tomb had a panel with a six-pointed star on each side. Another 
had the busts of four persons cut in high relief. A third was divided by two 
pillars into three compartments. In the centre compartment were two twigs 
of vine with a bust between them. On the right above was another bust, on 
the left an object completely defaced. In the right compartment was a half- 
figure holding some symbol, perhaps a thunderbolt ; in the left compartment 
there was a seat. This burying-ground produced only two inscriptions, one 
of which is a mere fragment. 

No. 22.— W.M.R., H.S.C., G.A.W. 

No. 23. 

Aup. TlTTt? KacTTOpO? €7T0ir)- 

aev eaTy fxvrjfirj<i ^dpiv. 
. . , fivrjfi.r]s] X"-P tv Kat 'ywaiKi. 

We found also a small stele, the lower part of which has been cut off. 
It now measures nine inches high by seven wide. Two busts in high relief 
are carved on it, that on the right being that of a man ; that on the left is 
smaller and probably represents a woman. The head of this smaller figure is 
radiated and the rays — it is probably an elaborate head-dress — are painted red. 
The following letters are all that remain of the inscription — KAYM£Nh//. 
At the top of the stele is a small circular hole with a boss in its centre. The 
woman, it should be noted, is on the right of the man. 2 

If it is a fair inference to make from the existence of the six-pointed star, 
mentioned above, that Fassiler was in Lycaonia, it is fair also to infer from 
the method of burial a close connexion between Fassiler and Kara-Assar, and 
to carry the borders of Lycaonia westwards as far as the Irmak. 

1 Lines 5 and 6 may give the old name of difference in sound between the two name?. 

Fassiler. I have, however, Professor Ramsay's When Professor Ramsay asked the way to 

permission to mention his conjecture thai. Vassaila he was told how to go to Fassiler. 

Fassiler and Vassada are identical. Expeii- a Cf. , however, Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics 

ments made with Turks on many occasions of Phrygia, I., p. 262. 
showed that to Turkish ears there is little 



On leaving Kara-Assar we kept on the east side of the river to 
Tchivril, Avdandjik and Baindir, where we found the following half-metrical 
inscription, written in good characters round the edge of a sarcophagus. 
Characters G7) } 6, C. 

24.— W.M.R., H.S.C., G.A.W. 

"JLvOahe K€iT€ avrjp iroXKcoy irpocpepeaTepos avhpoiv <t>Xauto? 
<t>\avpdv[Ti]o<; 09 iv. . . . 


Thence we went via Tchonia to Davghana, where we found four inscrip- 
tions ; two of which, however, came from Kara-Ali, and one from a place called 
Karaja-Euren-Eyuk. This last is inscribed on a mock panel cut on a flat stone. 
The letters are very rude — as rude as the spelling. The 8 is formed thus &, 
the a thus A. 

No. 25.— W.M.R., H.S.C. 

Aofiva e- 
X tT€ 

Of the two inscriptions from Kara-Ali one is a mere fragment €1 TIC 
MN-M. The other is inscribed on the upper part of a panel on which is a 
relief; above the panel is a pediment the right half of which is lost. 

No. 26.— W.M.R. 

ATT \MYNT Att[ci\o<; 'A]p,vvT[a ev- 

N lACeNGKeNK/ v[oi]a<; euefcev, k[o\ 

TTTC0AP6T dpe^Trrtp aper^ 
6N6 $ve[ieev 

The remaining inscription is 

No. 27.— W.M.R. 

HAI Avp]rj\io^ 

Pinni 'Ay]pnnrl 

€N0 ^09] iv6- 

AA6KIT dSe kit[€ 

From Davghana we returned in a single day to Konia — a day which 
added no inscriptions to our collection. I am able, however, by Professor 
Ramsay's kindness, to publish three inscriptions found and copied by him in 
1886, and, I believe, not published hitherto. They belong to the district 
through which we had been travelling. 


114 H. S. CRONIN 

No. 28.— W.M.R. 1886. 


koX BaX/Stoa? 'Ap,6ov kcu Tdpa<ri<> TaTa koX Y^pda- 
cro? Kpacrcrof TaWucbs fivrffirjs ydpiv. 

The stone on which this inscription is found is carved in a somewhat 
elaborate manner. It is divided into three compartments by pillars. The 
outside compartments have an arched top, the centre compartment one which 
forms two sides of a triangle of which the angle at the apex is very obtuse. 
At the apex is a boss. In the centre compartment is a horseman facing 
right, in the right and left compartments are respectively a woman and a 
man facing inwards. The names represent Isauria, Pisidia, and Rome. 

Millegoz near Davghana. 
No. 29— W.M.R. 1886. 

XYFFAPONTOC X(piaro)v Trapovrcx; 

No. 30.— W.M.R. If 86. 

TPOCM€NONT€C//// Tpos fiev 6We? [eV 

TACpCO ANA6T6KI//7/ rdtpav [i]av 8e t4k[voi? <pi\T- 

ATOIC <)>€TOIC droit [p v V' 

MHC A"?9 

With reference to this last inscription (which is in iambic senarii) I 
have Professor Ramsay's authority to say that after our recent exploration he 
adheres to his opinion that Kaballa is to be placed at Tchigil, and not at 
Kavaklu. It is at the latter place that Mr. Anderson and Mr. Sarre wish to 
place it, and for a tim j Professor Ramsay was inclined to defer to their 
authority (see J.H.S. 1898, p. 128). 

B. — Konia. 

I have already mentioned that we occupied the time between our 
journeys in collecting inscriptions in Konia. Counting those which are now 
in the Museum and those which came to us through Dr. Diamantides, the 
number of them is considerable. The space at my disposal enables me to 
give at present only those which are now in the Konia Museum, 1 and some 
of the more important inscriptions from Konia itself. The rest I hope to 
publish later. 

1 There is no ind ; ation that any of those that I <,'ive under this head came from Konia 


Konia Museum. 

No. 31.— From Boz-Kir {district round Isaura). W.M.R. 
]a<ro9 \aTu7r09 iirolrjaev. 

The sculptor's name is given in G.I.G. add. 3827 vy, 3830, add. 3857 r, add. 
4216 and 4303, but these inscriptions give no clue to the name of the sculptor 
here. 1 The monument was adorned with an arcade, one arch of which remains 
complete, with parts of two others. In the centre (and complete) arch arc- 
three figures. 

No. 32. — From htanoz (Isinda Pisidiae). W.M.R. 

A woman between two horsemen, facing inwards. 

Mayas ' AttoWcovcov Aioo-ko- 
pots ev^f/v. 

This type of monument is dealt with very fully by M. Perdrizet in the 
Annual of the British School at Athens, No. III. pp. 156-169. The woman 
he identifies with Helen, the horsemen with the Dioscuri. In his opinion a 
connexion, direct or indirect, can generally be established between the place 
where this type is found and Sparta. 

No. 33.— From Adalia (Atlalia Pamphyliae). W.M.R. 

MAPKOC AY Map/co9 Av- 

PHAIC CCO pyXi? X(o- 

ZONTI YT7 £ovti V7T- 

€PT€KN epTetcv- 

C0N€YXrN ov ei>xvv 

For Stofav, compare B.G.H. 1878, p. 171, No. 2; 172, No. 4, and 1880, 
p. 291 ff. 1896, p. 98; J.H.S. viii. (1887), p. 230; and xv. (1895), p. 129; 
Ramsay Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, I, p. 262, especially (4). 

No. 34. — From Ambar-Arasu. W.M.R. 


ro YC€B€niM€AHOeNT 

1 These inscriptions and others recorded by Sterrctt ( W. E. Nos. 57, 69) and giving the 
sculptor's name come from rude localities. 

I 2 

116 H. S. CRONIN 

In line 3 Professor Ramsay notes that the A is probable, the M certain. 

Tpaiavcp] ' Ahpiavco 2e/S(ao-Tc5) \6eov Tpa- 

lavov vlov (!) deov Ne/3ou[a via>- 

vov (!) XiBa/xapi(OT(t)v rj [/3ov\r) 

teal 6 8r}p,o$ to fia\ave[lov 

fcaOiepcocrav eVt I$povTTi[ov TVpai- 

crevTos it peer (3(evr oi)) kcu av\jurrpaTrj- 

yov %e/3(ao~Tov), iTrip,e\r)6 *€vt[cop twv helvwv 

Bruttius Praesens was legatus Augusti pro praetore. A Gaius Bruttius 
Praesens, probably the same person, was consul a second time with Antoninus 
Pius in A.D. 139 (C.I.G. 3175, a decree which conferred on Smyrna, in accord- 
ance Avith Hadrian's intention, the right to institute games such as he had 
already instituted at Athens). In C.I.G. add. 5875a 2 (Venusia) a man called 
Sagaris offers a thank-offering to Mithra for the safety of Bruttius Praesens, 
whose steward he was. Sagaris is found in C.I.G. 3973, 4066, 4083 
(Xaydpios), all from Phrygia and Galatia. This inscription has also been 
published by Professor Ramsay in the Revue des Etudes anciennes, 1901, p. 279. 
Sidamaria he says is absolutely unknown : if the M were not certain and 
Sidallaria could be read, the town might be identified with the Byzantine 
fortress Sideropalos which was situated in this district. The first half of 
the modern name (Ambar) may represent the last half of the old name. 
This inscription was, I find, published by M. Pridik in the Revue de I'lnstr. 
publique de Saint-Pe'tersbourg, 1900 (March-April), pars philologica, p. 19. 
Cf. Cagnat, Inseriptiones Graecae ad Res Romanas pertinentes, p. 127. 
M. Pridik confirms the A and M in line 3. He conjectures the words 
A.i>To/cpdTopi Kaiaapi before Tpaiava). 

No. 35. — Also from Ambar- Arasu. W.M.R. 



KGKPICniNHI k€ Kpi<nrlvn<i 

M6TATLJNEI p.era twv el- 

AIGJNAYTLJN Bttov aviuv 

The inscription given on page 16 of the Wolfe Expedition (No. 11) is 
now in the Konia Museum. A few letters have been destroyed in transport- 
ing the stone : otherwise our readings do not differ from Professor Sterrett's 
in any important point. The restoration of the last line should be, I should 

' rr)v Ovyarkpa t^? he ave[\Jndv 

and the girl commemorated would be the daughter of Polyclitus not of 

Of the localities from which the other stones were brought there is no 
indication. Three of these are of the same type as the stone mentioned by 
Sterrett, Epigvaphical Journey, p. 196. 1 They are solid blocks in the shape of 

1 This 8ton« is now in the Museum at Konia. 


< small sarcophagi. The two ends represent temples with gables, between 
whose columns stand figures in bas-relief.' 

No. 36.— W.M.R., H.S.C. 



<I>\(a/3toz>) K6vov(a) avhpa [avTrjs] dec[]arop 
fivr)fj,r]<i ~x\_dpiv\ tee Me/xvova 
A <J>\a/3to<? Kovwv, a Christian, is mentioned in Sterrett E. J. No. 231 

No. 37.— W.M.R., H.S.C. 

MAC® AN Mdaovav 

K(bP0NT ice QpovT- 

10 N A wva 

The name Mdaovav is, I believe, unknown. 

No. 38.— W.M.R. 

At one end between the columns are the figures of a man and woman. 
Above the woman's head is TATA, above the man's TAC. In the pediment 
of the other end is the name AN T It) N IOC, below the pediment N ANN I COO 

No. 39.— W.M.R. 

AIOCNM'O//// 'Ioi5]\to5 Nt[i/]o5 

TIOYAIC0MCIPC0//// T(rr&>) 'IovXtp Meipco[pt 

A A . . 4>IOKIOYA//// d8[e\]<p£ ice 'lov\i[a 

AreiANYNCp//// 'Ayeta vvv<p[y d- 

N€CTHCe//// ve<TT7jcre[v 

M /a(i»^5) [x(«P«')] 

The stone has been broken on the right. The woman's name may be 
'IotAt'a Tela. 

No. 40— W.M.R., H.S.C. 

CYMCpOPOCCYM %vfj.(popo<; Sv/f 

4>OPOYANECTHC€N <l>opov avea-rtftrep 

EAYTONKAITHNTY eavrbv teal rifv yv- 

N A I K A valica 

TATA avTov]Tdra[v 


AYTOY avT0 ° 


Between the fourth line and the fifth, the left portion of which is lost, 
there are the figures of three persons, on the left a man, on the right a woman 
and in the centre a boy. The heads of the three figures reach into the fourth 
line and cut the inscription. The boy is shorter than the other two. 



No. 41.— W.M.R. 

EAINOYCrAIOYAOYKlOY EXivovs (?) Yaiov Aov/ciov 

CY€0IOY€AYTHZGJNKAIOYr O]ue0tou(?) eavrfj &v ko\ 6vy[aT- 

PlAdpPOAITOYAIMNH pi ' A<ppo8irov8i fivr,- 

MHCXAPIN /«?? X<*-P lv 

The letters are faint and sometimes hardly legible. Between lines 2 
and 3 are figures of a woman and a youth, the youth being on the right. 
The first names in lines 1 and 2 are doubtful. The name ^eXcvo) (ace. case) 
is found in G.I.G. 2373 b. 

No. 42.— W.M.R. 


n aikiti6i//// 



The husband's name may be 'EXevOepos. In 6 and 7 perhaps k\oi rb[v] 
Mrjva ; but the late Phrygian inscriptions often use false middle optatives 
(see Ramsay in Philologus, 1889, p. 754). 

No. 43.— W.M.R. 

6 epos \rfi <yv- 
vaiKi Tiec[a pvr\- 
firjs x"P lv - 
'Edv Tt? rrjv <TTi]\r}v 
aZiKiqcreL, Ke^oXo)- 
fiivov €X 0lT0 
Mr/va KaTayQo- 










re n i coTrpe 



Avp(ij\to<;) "%Lo~iv- 
09 crvv rfj 
o~vv/3i(p p.- 
ov HavKp- 
artr) dvea- 
tw y\vKV- 

TCITO) r)/J,(0- 

v irarpl Eu- 
yevio) Trpe- 
cr[/3]vTepa) fxvijfMrj^ 

X CL P LV - 


Siaivos, a deacon, is mentioned in Sterrett, E. J., No. 215. He joins 
with two others in erecting a tomb to a priest called Aovfierao*;. With 
regard to the place in which No. 215 was found, Professor Ramsay notes that 
it is not Konia, and that the words eVi irirpa^ evpicncop.£vq<; ip 'l/covifp do 
not occur in Dr. Diamantides' note-book. 

Konia and neighbourhood {First Collection). 
No. 44.— Church of St. George. (Altar.) W.M.R. 

AICAPCEBACTOC K]ala-ap 2e/3ao"ro<? [AvToxp- 

TnPfc.nOIHCEN" d]T(op i-rrocrjcrev t[o irpo- 

KHNIONTHTTOAH <t]ki]vlov tjj tt6\|> 8ta 

YTllOYnPECBE Uo]vttcov irpea^e[vrov 

The simplicity of the title would more than suggest Augustus. Professor 
Mommsen says ' that it is extremely improbable, I should think impossible, 
that this name should signify another Emperor than the first.' In C.I.G. 
3991, a Lucius Pupius Praesens (not probably TIovttXiov as in the restoration) 
is commemorated as the benefactor and founder of the city of Iconium and 
the procurator of the province of Galatia. He, however, held this post in the 
reigns of Claudius and Nero. Even if this inscription is later than Augustus, 
promotion from the one branch of the service to the other was not the rule 
and the procurator and the legate are hardly likely to be the same. This 
inscription is published by Cagnat (op. cit. p. 124) from M. Heberdey's restora- 
tion which is as follows : — [AvTo/cpdroop K]al<rap Xefiao-Tos [®eou] | vlbs, 
avTO/cpd]T(op, iirocrjaev t[^z/ <tk7)v\t)v koX to u7rocr]Kt]viov rfj 7ro\e[t rf/ 
'lfco\vt,e(ov eVt Tlo\virlov 7rpeo-{3e[vTov]. He assigns to it a date between 
7 and 14 A.D. 

No. 45.— W.M.R. 



Tt]/3e/CHou Kaiaapos ^efiaaTov 

dp\%iepev<i rb hcvrepov 
Ydlo<i 'IoyX.to9 'Odpios 

'Odpio? or Ovdpio? is probably a native name, not the Latin Varius. 
The correct restoration can hardly be o^Apios. 

The third inscription (No. 46) is the second milestone of a road constructed 
(or repaired) by Hadrian. From the locality in which the milestone was found 
— the cemetery of Seidiler, east of Konia — the road probably led to the east, 
and it may be the road which some thirty-five miles further on we found 



near Yaghli Baiyat (tdovarpa ?). If the reading Trib. Pot. xiii. 1 be right, this 
road was constructed in the year 129. Before his visit to Alexandria in 131, 
Hadrian had been in Asia Minor. 

As the shape of the milestone is, I believe, unique, I give zincographs 
of the inscribed side and a horizontal section taken near the base. The in- 
scription is on a panel projecting from the stone. 

No. 46.— W.M.R., H.S.C., G.A.W. 


Imp(erator) Caesar, Divi 
Traiani Parthici 
F(ilius), Divi Nervae Ne- 
pos, Traianus Ha- 
drianus Au(gustus), Pon(tifex) 
Max(imus), Trib(unicia) Pot(estate) XIII (?), 
Co(n)s(ul)III, P(ater) P(atriae) 

The fourth inscription (No. 47) is one in honour of L. Aelius Verus, who was 
adopted by Hadrian in 135, and died in Jan. 138. The 21st year of Hadrian 
began in Jan. 137, and the tablet must have been erected near the end of 
Verus' life. Cf. B.C.H. 1899, p. 420. 

The reading may be jcii, the last i being hardly visible and doubtful. 



No. 47. — In the museum, but found at Konia. W.M.R. 


L(ucio) Aelio Caesari, 
Imp(eratoris) Traiani Hadr[i- 
ani Aug(usti) Pontifi- 
cis Maximi Trib(unicia) 

Pot(estatc) XXI Imp(eratoris) II Co(n)s(ulis) 
I [I Patris Patriae Filio, Divi Traia- 
ni Parthici Nepo- 
ti, Divi Nervae Pro- 
nepoti, Trib(unicia) Potest(ate), 
Co(n)s(uli) II, Col(onia) Aelia Ha- 

driana Aug(usta) 

The next two inscriptions (Nos. 48 and 49) are milestones of Antoninus 
Pius, the first belonging probably to the year 141, and the second to the 
following year. The first was found in the streets of Konia, the second in a 
cemetery to the north. The second may have belonged to the road joining 
Iconium and Laodicea Combusta. 

No. 48.— W.M.R., H.S.C 



rjmp(eratori) C[aesa]ri, Divi 
Tra[iani Par]thic[i 
Nep[o]ti, Div[i] N[e]rv- 
ae [Pronepotji, D[iv]i 
Hadr[iani Filio, Tit]o 
Hadri[ano] An]to- 
nino Au[g(usto), Pon]tif(ici) 
Max(imo), Tjnb(unicia) Potejst(ate) IIII, 
Co(n)s(uli) III 

Line 9 ends with L, but the restoration of the latter half of the line is 
very difficult. The engraver has blundered. Apparently after omitting 
Hadrian's name at the beginning, he inserted it after Nerva's and then began 
to carve again the words DIVI TRAIANI, which stood after it in his copy. 

No. 49. — In a cemetery to the north. W.M.R. 















Caesari, Divi Ha- 
driani Filio, Divi 
Traiani Parthici 
Nepoti, Divi Nerv- 
ae Pronepoti, T(ito) Ae- 
lio Hadriano [Ant]o- 
nino Augusto, 
Pontif(ici) Maximo, 

Trib(unicia) P[o]t(estate) IIIII, Co(n)s(uli)[III], 
Mil(lia) pas[su]um 




The next inscription (No. 50) must concern Caracalla ; it is later than 211, 
and as Geta is not mentioned probably later than 212, the reign of Commodus 
is ignored. 

No, 50.— W.M.R. 



MA F1L • 



Imp(eratori) [Caesari, D]ivi 
Se[ptimi Sever]i A- 
ra[b(ici) Adiab(enici) Part]h(ici) 
ma[x(imi) Augusti ] Fil(io), 
Divi [M(arci) Antonijni Pii 
Germ(anici) Sarm(atici) Nepoti, 
Divi Antonini Pii P[ronepoti], 

No. 51.— In the Museum, but found in Konia. W.M.R. 
////ONEHNKO ' H 'Ikov4<ov Ko- 


///Maon-onc <k 


\u)v]ia A(ovklov) 'Appovv- 
tlov\ Aovyov Ovd- 
\€vro]<; viov rjpcda 
6/iot'&><>] Te rwv Aa- 

[o&lKiOOV @OV\lj(i).] 

An Arruntius is mentioned in C.I.G. 3483 (Thyatira), add. 3882d (near 
Afiom Kara-Hissar) and 4196 (Kotch-Hissar near lake Tatta) ; also in 
Sterrett E.J. 191 (Konia). The difficulty of this restoration is the spelling 
EUovicov, but Mr. Hill tells me it can be paralleled by the spelling 'Avepovp- 
iwv for 'AvefiovpLecov {B. M. Ceded. Coins, Lycaonia &c. pp. 41, 42). 

No. 52.— W.M.R. 



All £YXH N 

%o) cBkvr\<i 


No. 53.— W.M.R. 


'Ayadj) Tvyr) 
'\ov\iov YloirXiov, 


ttov, dyveca icai 8i/cai- 

oavvrj iravras vwepfia- 

\6fievov tovs irpb avrov 

A(ovkios) Ka\7r(ovpvio<;) 'OpeaTrjs, irplvKe^- 


KAIAOriCTHCTHCAANrPAC koI Xoycar^ tj/9 \ap.irpa<; 

ElKONIEWNKOANMIACTON EUoviecov icoXwvias, rov 

EAYTOYKAITHCnATP"! eavrov ical t% irarpv- 

AOCEICrTANTAEYEP $09 ei's iravra evep- 
TETHN yh-qv. 

For this inscription compare B. G. H. 1899, p. 418 ff. For TrplvKety and 
Xoycar^, see Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung (ed. 1873) I. p. 507 note 2 , and 
p. 487 ff. 

No. 54.— .W.M.R., H.S.C., G.A.W. 

KOINTOC6 Ko'IVto? 'E- 

OYPHNOCMA /3]ovpr)vb<; Ma- 

ZIMOC fyiios 

NEMCCeie Ne^eVete- 
ITHKOn Trr)tc6<p 

This inscription is given by Sterrett (E. J. No. 246) though he does not 
restore it. The name, Quintus Eburenus Maximus, occurs in No. 55 and No. 
56 ( = Sterrett, E. J. No. 192). If the person is the same, he lived in or after 
the reign of Hadrian ; he was high-priest of the Emperor-cult and he married 
the daughter of Gains Eburenus Valens. He had two sons, one of whom was 
called Maximus. In B. G. H. 1899, p. 593, M. Perdrizet gives the following 
restoration of Sterrett's copy, Koivtos yu.[e]t/io? Ne/xecret? [avidrj/cev]. He 
adds the comment, ' un mime romain a Iconium.' In view of the more 
complete transcription, this restoration must be abandoned. 

No. 55. — In the Museum. W.M.R. 

K6BOYPHNOCM K(ot>ro?) 'E/3ovprjvb<; M[d£i- 

MOCAPXI€PACAM€NOCC y"*o<? ap^Lepaadpbevo^ 6[eol<i 

C€BACTOICCAKOAnN€IA tefiaaroU [iv] icoXwvela 

KAAYA€lKONienNM€~ KXavBeiKoviicov pt,e[ra 

YIHNMAII OYT€KAI vicov Ma^i\ji]ov re kol [... 

TACTTPHTA v^EAIA ra<i irpwra[<i a]eXih[a<i 
CYNT ll//// avv t[t) (nrtjXvy- 

ri€KTONI AI //// yi etc rcov lhta>[v 

The o-e\i8e? are the benches in the theatre (Anecdota Bekheri 62). 
Tato? may be the name of the second son. cnnjXaiov is used of the place 
behind the scenes of a theatre (Pollux, 4, 125); I suggest a kindred word 
avHjXvyyi as a restoration, though there is no evidence for its use in such a 

124 H. S. CRONIN 
No. 56.— W.M.R., H.S.C, G.A.W. 

OYPHNANMAZI 'E/3]oupr)v[a]v Maf i- 

MAN^GYrATePATA fiav,6vyaTepaTa- 

IOY€BOYPHNOY^ tov 'Efiovprjvov 

OYAACNTCO^rYNA OvdXevros, yvva\l- 

KA^KOINTOY€P kg, Kotvrov 'E[/3ou- 

I N Y M A Z I prj]vov Maf i [fxov 

This inscription is the same as Sterrett, E. J. No. 192. The letters are 
2*" high. 

No. 57. — Altar-stone in the church of St. Eustathius. W.M.R. 

AiA'MAPKEAAII^C ADuo? MapfceWlvo? 

YT70AHMATOYP virol-nfiarovp- 

rOCKATECKEYACEN 705 KareaKevaaev 

"OMHA IKONEKTWNI to firjBiKov eV rcov l- 

AIWNEAYTWKAITHT Bloav eavrw icai rfi y[v- 

Nl AlKlKAITOICTEKNOIC v]aitcl teal toU t£kvoi<; 

OrANAEEniCRIAEHTEAH 09 civ Be €7rccr/3idcrrjTe, Bd>[crei k.t.X. 

The word v7roBr)fia,Tovpy6<; I cannot find ; virohr)p.aTapio<i is given in 
Stephanus. For to p,r)8iic6v, compare Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, 
I, p. 75. %kp.tiTa [M]t]BiKa, the restoration suggested by him in the note, 
but rejected as improbable, would appear to be correct. To fiySt/cov is a 
sepulchre equipped in the Median style; dip,cna p,r)Biicd are couches of 
Oriental or Median form. 

No. 58.— W.M.R. 

rOYPAOCANHPArAGOC TovpBos dvrjp dyado? 

eNeeYACIWCTeneAeiA cvd' evBei ware ireXeia 

H€N€NANePa>nOlCiePeYC V ev e ' v avOpmiroi? lepevs 

eCOYYtlCTOY-o Beov vyjrio-Tov 

TQKTHAHNTPOKONAAC t&3 o-tijXtjv Tpo/covBa? 

OAlAAOXOCKAIOfTAUJN o 3m8o%o? ical oirdwv 

T6YZ6N6KAMNHMHC rev? eve/co, fxvrj/xr)^ 

KAIKOCMHC AC€niTYMBOJ nal /coo-fii]cra<; enl rvfififp. 

In a building; the stone adjoined others on which were completed the 
crosses which stood on the right and left of the inscription. The letters 
are good. TovpBos, a presbyter, is mentioned in Sterrett, E. J. No. 197, a 
Tpofc6p&a<; in No. 20G (both Konia). Both inscriptions are in memory of 
slaves bred in the house. This inscription is in rude hexameters. For 0eb<; 


vyjnaros, compare Cumont, Hypsistos, in continuation of Schiirer, Sitzungs- 
berichte der Akad. dcr Wissensch. zu Berlin, 1897, xiii, p. 200 ff. 

No. 59.— W.M.R. 



MHNI 6YXHN * Mrjvl e\>xnv. 

Very rude letters. 

The inscriptions in the museum have come together by accident and 
have no connexion with each other. It is not so, however, with the in- 
scriptions collected from Konia. itself, some of which correspond to dis- 
tinct periods in the history of the city, while others throw light on its life. 
No. 44, which is almost certainly Augustan, and therefore not far removed 
in date from the dedication at Lystra and the milestones of the Via Sebaste, 
is a witness to the care of the Imperial Government for those important 
native cities which it did not at the time see fit to raise to the rank of 
colonies. It is not unfair to see in No. 45 signs of the response of 
the native population to Imperial good government. The vigorous road- 
making (or road-repairing), to which Nos. 46, 48, and 49 bear witness, marks 
a period of development of commerce and prosperity. It is interesting to 
connect this making of roads with the new status of Iconium to which No. 47 
testifies, and again to connect both with the condition of affairs in the Empire 
further East produced by Trajan's wars. Ambar-Arasu (No. 34), it should be 
noted, lies also on a road from west to east. Of the remaining inscriptions 
less can be made ; but the monument to Julius Publius (No. 53) among the 
public servants, and the names of Arruntius (No. 51) and the Ebureni (Nos. 
54, 55, 56) among families of prominence and public spirit in the district, 
show that the efforts of the emperors were well supported locally. Nos. 45, 
52, 54, and 59 are dedications to native gods, usually under classical names ; 
in No. 58, 0eo? vyjn<TTo<; is a title which belongs to both the native and the 
Jewish religion, it suggests Jewish influence, and it marks a stage in the 
general adoption of Christianity; it may even in this instance stand on the 
monument of a Christian presbyter. It is interesting to contrast in Nos. 47 
and 50 the treatment of Verus with that of Commodus ; and to find, in the 
connexion claimed by Caracalla in the latter, fresh evidence of the virtues of 
the Antonines. 

With regard to this latter inscription, it is not beside the point to notice 
the prevalence of the names Aurelius (before Caracalla as a nomen, after him 
as a praenomen) and Aelius, and their derivatives. In Asia Minor, moreover, 
as a whole they occur far more frequently than in any other region of the 
Empire. This may mean either that Asia Minor had at the period of the 
Antonines reached a condition to welcome Roman influence, or that it received 
a special share of the attention of a dynasty everywhere conspicuously alive 
to their responsibilities. 

H. S. Cronin. 


In the course of a visit to Cyzicus, made last December at the invitation 
of Mr. de Rustafjaell, Mr. Bosanquet and I had the opportunity of copying 
and taking impressions of two inscriptions from a marble pedestal (Fig. 1), 

Fio. 1. — Mai'vBlk Pedkbtai, at Cyzicus. 

known to the peasants as ' Balik Tash ' or 'Fish Stone' from the reliefs 
carved upon it. 

The stone lies in a vineyard on the low ground of the isthmus in 
the central harbour of Panorama. Originally discovered by Mr. Tito 





f o 

128 F. W. HASLUCK 

Carabella of Constantinople, it was seen in January 1880 by Lolling, who 
published 1 such copies of the inscription as it was possible to obtain without 
cleaning away the lichen and carbonate of lime which covered many of the 
letters. These imperfect copies were recently discussed by Dr. Wilhelm 2 
who had enquired for the stone at Constantinople and failed to discover its 
whereabouts. Last summer it was re-excavated by Mr. de Rustafjaell : we 
succeeded in removing the incrustation and obtained more complete readings. 

The pedestal is of greyish marble and cylindrical in shape measuring 
about 9ft. 9in. in circumference. Mr. de Rustafjaell gives the total height as 
5ft. 9in. : during our visit the amount of water in the low-lying ground made 
it impossible to re-excavate, and we were consequently unable to see the 
whole monument. The top is badly damaged, but in one place the mouldings 
which surrounded it (torus, fillet, and cavetto) are still existent. 

The sides are divided symmetrically by four vertical tridents and 
adorned with clumsy high reliefs representing four half-galleys, dolphins, 
tunnies, 3 and smaller fish, of which latter, again, I cannot speak at first hand. 

On opposite sides of the pedestal, close under the mouldings, are the two 
dedicatory inscriptions, the one (Fig. 2) in prose, the other (Fig. 3) in 
elegiacs. Both are carved on oblong panels with triangular ansae at either 
end, and below each is a trident, the lines of the epigram being broken by 
the prongs, while the trident beneath the prose inscription stops short 
before reaching it. This difference, together with the fact that, while the 
panel of the prose inscription is in relief, that of the epigram is defined 
merely by incised lines, makes it probable that the latter was not part of 
the original design. 

The panel of the prose inscription measures 075 x - 32 metres, the 
ansae increasing the length to 0'97. The approximate dimensions of the panel 
of the epigram are - 65 (extreme length 075) x 015 m. 

The letters of the prose inscription are '03 m. high in the first line, '025 
in the second, and decrease gradually to '02 in the last line. Those of the 
epigram are smaller, averaging '013 m. : there is a decrease in height at 1. 5. 

The forms are those normally used in early Imperial times (AIOKS2). 

Yloaeihoivt '^aOfitcot yapicniipio\y to irpo 

tt]oWov Ktyepcroz nkvov rotv evpet^iroiv 

/e\cu t>/9 \lp,vrj<i €k T(av iSitov airoKaTaaT\r)- 

a\a<ra haira\yo)\v /ecu tc\ irepikyovTa dvaX(i)fi\art 

t]o>i r[e ia]vTrj[<;] /ecu too* rov vlov /3a<Ti\^co[<;] Spd[/erj<; 5 

'P]oLfir)TaXKa(i) rov Kotuo? zeal rdv a8e\(j)(ov civt[ov 

/3]ao-tXe'&)9 LToVto[u] Uo[X]ep:(ovo'i /ecu Kotuo? 6[v]6- 

/MciTi 'AvTcovia Tpv<f>aiva Koti/o? /3aai\[e](ov T/cat 

Ovydrrjp /ecu MTr)[p avrrjV\ ySao"[t']X[t]cro-a. 9 

1 Ath. Mitth. v. (1880), p. 390. similar to representations on coins, Brit. Mux. 

2 Arch. Epig. MiUh. vi. (1897), p. 84. Catal., Mysia, PI. A r II. 16. 
1 Identified as such by peasants, and exactly 


' A thank offering to Poseidon of the Isthmus (dedicated) after the 
restoration of the long-choked portion of the channels and of the lagoon 
at her own charges, and of the surrounding (quays ?) at the expense of her- 
self and her sou Rhoemetalces, King of Thrace, and in the name of his 
brothers, Polemo King of Pontus and Cotys, (by) Antonia Tryphaena, 
daughter and mother of kings, herself a queen.' 

It is not worth while to reproduce Lolling 's imperfect copy. Wilhelm's 
conjectural restorations, rr}<; \i[ivr)<; diroKaTaaTrjaao-a and evpeitroiv, are 
proved correct. 

The restoration of the dedication to Poseidon Isthmius appears certain. 
The epithet is hitherto unknown at Cyzicus, but obviously appropriate to the 
locality. Poseidon Asphaleius is probably to be restored in the dedicatory 
inscription of Bacchius cited below, and this may have been the title of the 
god as guardian of the outer harbour alluded to in the epigram. '~Poip.r)- 
rd\Ka(i) is an engraver's error, natural after the recurrence of kcu. 

Lolling's copy of the epigram, though in some points incorrect, pre- 
serves a good deal of the left side, which has since been almost entirely 
broken away. It runs as follows : 

ElAi aaZEI'A- 








From a combination of the two we arrive at the following : 

? ear\aaev a 

Adav ? Kv{im elvaXirf 

HoWaK .... rjcra Traracrcrofievos irool [Bi] l]ficov 

EttTOTe 8 7] Vr)<T(TOV €KaiVOTOfM€[t 

Kal /3u#09 eupecTrcov i^apdaaero kclL fie Tp[v](f>atva 5 

'Eivpofievrj 7t6v[to]u Orjicev aya\p.a dewi 
%o\ to abv epfia, Uocrei86i>, eyon 8' a\os dic\v(TTOLo 

Xrtfaofiai evpeiirbiv €771*09 dp,^>orepwv 

The lacunae are still too great to admit of a convincing restoration. U, 
however, the readings \dav and evpofievr) can be relied on, the meaning may 
be that a stone, employed for instance as the threshold of a gate (iraTaa-ao- 
fjuevo<i iroa-l), was discovered in the course of Tryphaena's reconstruction and 
by her orders carved into a statue and dedicated to Poseidon. 

H.S. — VOL. XXII. K 

130 F. W. HASLUCK 

' Till Tryphaena re-formed the island, defined the bed of the channels 
and finding me, set me here, a statue dedicated to the god of the sea. 

"Do thou, Poseidon, (look to) thine own bulwark and I will vouch for 
the two channels of the surgeless sea.' 

vrjavvp (1. 4) is a mis-spelling for ptjo-ov, possibly intentional, as Herodian commented on 
this spelling of the word, 1 and it occurs again in an inscription from Smyrna, 2 as well as 
in several manuscripts. 3 There may be some play on the word iicaivoTopa. which generally, 
except in the technical use (=\aTop.('iv), loses the sense of cutting entirely. There can 
hardly, I think, be a change of subject at fivdds (1. 5) : the Thesaurus gives an Aeolic form 
fivOos for fiaOos, but there may be nothing more than a slip in our inscription, eppa (1. 7) is 
possibly used as a poetical equivalent of x&p a 'mole'(cf. the Bacchi us inscription cited 
below) though there seems no exact parallel, the nearest being Suidas' unsatisfactory 
quotation from an unknown author (s.v. cppa — eppara ptydXa ZQaXev els to aropa rov wKtavov 
wr av tpnobia ttrj tols (TrKpoirSxri Grjptois) : the word is regularly used of a reef of rocks : 
Suidas also gives ao-$>akio-pa (cf. the Homeric eppa noXrjos). The meaning given by 
Hesychius, ' irtptypnypa,' 1 which might suit the epigram with the sense of 'enclosed harbour' 
seems to arise from a confusion with tpypa. We may suppose that there was a statue of 
Poseidon erected on the mole, 4 and that this is addressed in the epigram. 'AXoy 
okAvWojo, as I hope to show below, alludes to the land-locked waters of the Xipvrj. 

As to the statue to which the base belonged, the antithesis in line 8 
shows that it cannot have represented Poseidon. Mr. Bosanquet suggests 
that a statue of the eponymous founder of the city would be appropriate ; he 
is frequently represented on coins and we have a record of a statue in C.I.G. 
3667; but the dedication and the ornaments on the pedestal seem to me 
more suitable for a marine personage. It may have been one of the minor 
sea deities, possibly a Triton, which occurs on Cyzicene coins of this date 6 ; 
the upper surface of the monument is too much damaged to afford any clue, 
and the insignificance of a Triton gives a semi-humorous turn to his 
ambitious proposal to share the empire of Poseidon. 

The queen Tryphaena who is mentioned in both the foregoing inscrip- 
tions as the restorer of the port of Cyzicus was till comparatively lately 
known only from coins. 6 Her identity has since been established beyond 
doubt by several important inscriptions from Cyzicus which enable us to 
connect her with certain passages in the historians where she is not 
mentioned by name. She is now perhaps best known to English readers 
from Professor Ramsay's brilliant chapter in The Church in the, Roman Empire 
(p. 375 ff.) Her vaunted kinship with more than one royal house is explained 
by genealogical trees published by Mommsen 7 and M. Theodore Reinach. 8 
The former adds the stemma of her husband Cotys, whose ancestors have 
since been discussed briefly by T. Reinach 8 and at some length by Mr. Crow- 

1 Qrainer, Anecd. Graec. e eodd. Bill. Oxon. B Brit. Mus. C'atal. Mysia, PI. VII. 12. 

vol. 3, p. 249. • Her head appears with that of her son 

2 C.I.G. 3311 ; cf. also 3268, 3282 also from Polemon II. on coins of Pontus {Brit. Mux. 
Smyrna, which adopt the same spelling in Catal. Bithynia, &c. PI. X. 6), those of her 
TlpoKovvqala ; and J.H.S. vii. (1886), 144 (from husband Cotys and her son Khoemetalces on 
Lepsia). certain Thracian pieces {Brit. ihts. Catal. 

8 e.g. Lycophr. i. 399. Thrace, pp. 209-210). 

4 As at Cenchreae, Imhoof-Blumer and 7 Eph. Epigr. II. p. 262-3. 

Gardner, Numismatic Commentary on Pau- 8 Rev. desEt. Gr. vi. (1893), p. 21. 
sanias PI. D. be. 


foot. 1 Latyschev 2 gives the stemma of the kings of the Bosporus. The earliest 
of these inscriptions, dating from Tiberius, tells us of her royal parentage and 
her close connection with the Imperial cult at Cyzicus. She was the 
daughter of Polemo I. King of Pontus and of Pythodoris, grand-daughter of 
Mark Antony : the latter seems to have been a most capable woman, and, 
after the deaths of Polemo and her second husband Archelaus King of Cappa- 
docia, continued to rule in person certain territories of Pontus. 3 Tryphaena's 
connection through Antony with the house of the reigning Caesar doubtless 
made her a particularly acceptable priestess for the newly associated cults of 
Livia and Athene Polias. 

We have too a second inscription, 4 dating, like that under discussion, 
from the early years of the reign of Caligula, and filled with extravagant 
adulation of the young monarch in whom centred for the time the hopes and 
affections of the Roman world ; here Tryphaena appears as a widowed queen , 
taking official part, with her three royal sons, in the games of the ' New 
Aphrodite' Drusilla, the deified sister of their benefactor Caligula. 

The history of the interval we know from Strabo, 5 Dion, 6 and Tacitus, 7 
none of whom mentions Tryphaena by name. She was married to Cotys 
king of Thrace, a loyal vassal of Rome, who was oppressed and finally 
murdered by his uncle and partner in the kingdom Rhescuporis. The widow 
appealed to Rome, and the murderer was banished, the kingdom being 
divided and placed under Roman supervision during the minority of Try- 
phaena's sons, who were meanwhile brought up at the court of Tiberius. 
Caligula soon after his accession appointed the three companions of his 
youth each to a vassal kingdom within the empire — Rhoemetalces, the 
eldest, to his father's Thracian dominions, Polemo to Pontus, the kingdom of 
his grandfather, and Cotys to the throne of Lesser Armenia. 

It seems significant that Tryphaena, proud as she was of her royal 
ancestry and royal offspring, 8 should omit all mention of the elevation of 
Cotys. We can only surmise that though her three sons were solemnly 
proclaimed at the same time, the two elder assumed their titles some 
months at least earlier than the younger. As the harbour works of 
Tryphaena appear to have been completed in the reign of Caligula, we may 
date our inscriptions between his accession (37) and the proclamation of the 
kings (38). 

The reasons for Tryphaena's connection with Cyzicus are not at first 
sight obvious. That a similar connection between the powerful mercantile 

1 J.H.S. 1897, p. 321. 7 Tac. Ann. ii. 64 ff. 

2 Inscrr. Ant. Orae Septentr. Ponti Eux. ii. 8 In Dittenberger Syll? 365, Tryphaena is 
p_ x l v _ styled fraai\*a>v /xiv ufanp, f3a<rt\(<nv 5e Ovyaryp, 

3 Strabo xii. 3. 29 (p. 555). and a similar formula seems to be the solution 

4 Monatsb. Kon. Akad. Berlin, 1874, p. 7 of two more lines in the fragmentary inscription 
(Curtius). The second decree appears also in restored as far as the name of Tryphaena 
Dittenberger, ,SyZ. 2 365. by Dr. Mordtmann (Ath. MiUh. vi. 40), 

5 Strabo xii. 3. 29. PatrlAIIZH* 'A^aNlas Tpv\<palNHZ. 

6 Dio Cass. lix. 12. BAZU«W QYyarpbs | koIMHTPOZ. 

K 2 

132 F. W. HASLUCK 

town and the ephemeral princes of Thrace had existed in former times seems 
likely from Appian's * account of another widow of a murdered Thracian 
kinglet, Polemocratia, who sent her son to be brought up out of harm's way 
at Cyzicus. The Thracians and Cyzicenes had a certain amount of legendary 
connection, the hero Cyzicus himself being, according to some accounts, 2 a 
son or grandson of Eusorus, King of Thrace. This may have afforded a 
sentimental bond such as existed on equally slender grounds between Ilium 
and Rome : but we have seen that Tryphaena's connection dates from before 
her marriage with the Thracian Cotys. The material advantages of the 
connection are more apparent. Cotys appears in history as a consistent 
ally of Rome, 3 Tryphaena, a descendant of Antony, and consequently a 
cousin of Caligula, showed an obsequious devotion to the Imperial 
house which is emphasised by the inscriptions, and evidenced by her 
officiating as priestess in the combined cult of Livia and Athene Polias, 4 
and later in that of Drusilla. 5 This prominent philo-Roman tendency 
would make the position of the royal house precarious among the 
half savage and naturally independent Thracian tribes, and Cyzicus was both 
powerful and near enough to make it a convenient refuge. The Cyzicenes 
on their part benefited by the munificence of the widowed queen, and doubt- 
less also by her influence with the Roman authorities. How great this in- 
fluence was is attested in the curious ' Acts of Paul and Thekla,' discussed 
by Ramsay in his Church in the Roman Empire, 6 where ' Queen Tryphaena ' 
secures the release of Thekla merely by her prestige as a relation of the 
imperial house. In his analysis Ramsay decides that the legend can supply 
several new facts for the history of Tryphaena, besides confirming our ideas 
of her important position in Asia, during the reigns of her kinsmen Caligula 
and Claudius. 

The works of Tryphaena at Cyzicus appear to have been undertaken on 
a grand scale. Foreign labour was imported, the city was ' restored ' (we 
have unfortunately no details) and the port, crippled by the blocking of the 
evpenroi during a war scare, 7 was opened once more to commerce in the 
peaceful times which followed the accession of the new emperor. 8 

Further light is thrown on the extent of the harbour improvements by 
a votive inscription of one Bacchius, 9 who superintended the ' excavation of 


App. Bell. Civil, iv. 75. passage wa3 deliberately blocked, and subse- 

Hyginus Fab. xvi. Schol. Apoll. Rb. i. quent neglect would account for the 'silting 


Tacitus Ann. 3, 64. s AtL MiuK xvi (1891), p. 141 ; Rev. des 

* Munatsber. Preuss. Akud. 1874, p. 7, iii. ' EL Or. (1893), p. 8, ib. vii. (1894) 45 ; Ditten- 

6 Monxdsbcr. Preuss. Akad. 1874, p. 7, iv. bcrger, Syll. 2 366. 

(Dittenbergcr*366). 9 Bull Corr HclL xvii (1893)) ,,. 453( ReVi 

6 P. 375 ff. des EL. Or. 1894, p. 45. Dittenberger, Syll." 

M. Th. Reinach (Rev. des El. Gr. vii. (1894) 543. 

p. 50) suggests that the Thracian risings of Cuitius (Monalsber. K6n. Acad. Berlin, 1874, 

Tiberius' reign (21-26 a.d.) were the cause. p. 4) publishes a funeral inscription of ' Mae- 

The word used (ovyxwoBivra) shows that the andria,wifeof Bacchius,' who left her native land 


the harbours and the lagoon and the canals and the rebuilding of the 
protecting moles' 1 . {opv^h TOiv Xtfievwv ical 7% \iftvr)<; /cat tuv Suopvycov 
kcu tt}? iiroiKohop,ia<i tS)v 7rpo/c€ifievcov 'ytap.a.Twv). Here again we have a 
Xifivrj and canals (almost certainly the evpenroi of our inscription). Thus 
from two inscriptions we know that a Xt/ivq and canals were dredged, and the 
re-opening of the canals is mentioned in a third : all these inscriptions are of 
the same period. 

In late authors 2 we hear of two harbours at Cyzicus, one of which 
(Panormus) is called ' the harbour of Cyzicus ' and had entrances on both 
sides. It was presumably natural, as the other is expressly called 
6 pbi] avTocpvt)*; wv. 

Any one who has been on the site will, I think, be convinced with Judeich 3 
that the topographical evidence contradicts the theory of Th. Reinach 4 (based 
chiefly on a passage in Scylax 5 mentioning the isthmus) that the Arctonnesus 
was originally a peninsula. In support of the generally accepted testimony of 
Apollonius Rhudius, 6 Strabo, 7 and Pliny, 8 the low-lying neck connecting the 
hills of the mainland with that on which Cyzicus once stood has every appear- 
ance of a recent formation. East and west it is bounded by low banks of sand, 
inside of which the whole isthmus is occupied by a reedy swamp sharply con- 
trasting with the fertile slopes which rise behind the line of the southern walls. 
Its general extent and the nature of the isthmus are well shown in the map 
made by MM. Perrot and Guillaume in 1861 and published the following year 
in their ' Exploration archeologique de la Galatie,' &c. 9 At the time of our 
visit the swamp was partially submerged, there were small pools only a few 
yards from the basis itself, and the south-east corner of the isthmus was a large 
sheet of water : in Hamilton's time 10 the moat outside the southern walls was 
also filled, even in May, so the land of the isthmus is apparently still forming. 

We can, then, easily imagine in Classical times a lagoon (the \ip,vr) of the 
inscription), occupying the marsh-land of to-day, and containing sufficient 
depth of water for the accommodation of shipping. The importance of this 
harbour for commerce, if provided with communication east and west, as well 
as its extent, justifies us in considering it the harbour of Cyzicus. That such 
communication existed we have seen by inscriptions : Pococke 11 and Hamilton 12 
also noted what seemed to them to be traces of canals on the east side, though, 

(Asiatic, if we may judge liy her name) to 2 Etym. Mag. s.vv. x vT V *<M e 'i"> 'An<plSv/j.os, 

accompany her husband to Cyzicus. If the Schol. Ap. Rh. i. 901. 

Bacchius of this inscription is identical with 3 Sitz. Berl. Akad. (1898), ii. 551. 

the architect it would seem that he was one of * Rev. des tt. Gr. vii. (1894), 48. 

the foreign workmen mentioned in Dittenberger, 5 Geogr. Min. i. 68. 

366. 6 Argonautica i. 936. 

1 As to the moles Dr. Malays (ZvWoyos, 18, 7 xii. 8. 11. 

p. 29) mentions existing traces of two moles on 8 N.H. v. 32. 

the west side of the isthmus, and remains of s Vol. ii. PI. III. 

another were shown me on the east side by 10 Asia Minor (1842), ii. 102. 

Mr. de Rustafjaell. These may have protected u Description of the East (1745), Vol. ii. Pt. ii., 
the entrances to the closed harbours mentioned 115. 

by Strabo, xii. 8, 11. >* Asia Minor ii. 102. 


owing to the shifting of the sandy banks, such appearances are notoriously 
deceptive. The remains of the moles however, if these may be connected with 
the entrances of the great harbour, afford more tangible evidence. Our 
basis stands at the north-west corner of a rectangular recess some 200 yards 
long, where the southern walls fall back about the centre of the isthmus. 
This recess MM. Perrot and Guillaume mark conjecturally as a ' port ' : its 
level is that of the marsh, and the path leading from the north drops abruptly 
some fifteen or twenty feet immediately before reaching Tryphaena's monu- 
ment. The inscriptions warrant us in supposing that this port stood in some 
immediate relation with the great harbour and the canals, otherwise their 
position is inappropriate. I suppose, then, that the port formed a northern 
extension of the Xlfivq and was surrounded on the three sides which are formed 
by the city wall by quays for the disembarcation of merchandise ; for this its 
central situation rendered it particularly convenient. It may be these quays, 
I would suggest, which are vaguely alluded to by the irepikyovra of the 

F. W. Hasluck. 


the harbours and the lagoon and the canals and the rebuilding of the 
protecting moles' 1 . (opu^rj riav \tp,ev(ov ko\ t% \ifivqs kcu t&v Suopvycov 
Kol t^9 €7rot,KoBofit'a<i tcov TrpoK€c/x,iv(t)v ■^(ap.aTdiv). Here again we have a 
Xi/xvrj and canals (almost certainly the evpenroi of our inscription). Thus 
from two inscriptions we know that a \ip,vr) and canals were dredged, and the 
re-opening of the canals is mentioned in a third : all these inscriptions are of 
the same period. 

In late authors 2 we hear of two harbours at Cyzicus, one of which 
(Panormus) is called ' the harbour of Cyzicus ' and had entrances on both 
sides. It was presumably natural, as the other is expressly called 
6 p,r] avTO(f>vr)<; &v. 

Any one who has been on the site will, I think, be convinced with Judeich 3 
that the topographical evidence contradicts the theory of Th. Reinach 4 (based 
chiefly on a passage in Scylax 5 mentioning the isthmus) that the Arctonnesus 
was originally a peninsula. In support of the generally accepted testimony of 
Apollonius Rhodius, 6 Strabo, 7 and Pliny, 8 the low-lying neck connecting the 
hills of the mainland with that on which Cyzicus once stood has every appear- 
ance of a recent formation. East and west it is bounded by low banks of sand, 
inside of which the whole isthmus is occupied by a reedy swamp sharply con- 
trasting with the fertile slopes which rise behind the line of the southern walls. 
Its general extent and the nature of the isthmus are well shown in the map 
made by MM. Perrot and Guillaume in 1861 and published the following year 
in their ' Exploration archeologique de la Galatie,' &c. 9 At the time of our 
visit the swamp was partially submerged, there were small pools only a few 
yards from the basis itself, and the south-east corner of the isthmus was a large 
sheet of water : in Hamilton's time 10 the moat outside the southern walls was 
also filled, even in May, so the land of the isthmus is apparently still forming. 

We can, then, easily imagine in Classical times a lagoon (the \lp,vr) of the 
inscription), occupying the marsh-land of to-day, and containing sufficient 
depth of water for the accommodation of shipping. The importance of this 
harbour for commerce, if provided with communication east and west, as well 
as its extent, justifies us in considering it the harbour of Cyzicus. That such 
communication existed we have seen by inscriptions : Pococke 11 and Hamilton 12 
also noted what seemed to them to be traces of canals on the east side, though. 

(Asiatic, if we may judge by her name) to 2 Etym. Mag. s.vv. x" r V *.«/*««, 'AfupiSvuos, 

accompany her husband to Cyzicus. If tho Scliol. A p. Rh. i. 901. 

Bacchius of this inscription is identical with 3 Sitz. Berl. Akad. (1898), ii. 551. 

the architect it would seem that he was one of 4 Rev. des EL Gr. vii. (1894), 48. 

the foreign workmen mentioned in Dittenbergor, 5 Geogr. Min. i. 68. 

366. 6 Argonautica i. 936. 

1 As to the moles Dr. Makrys (IvWoyos, 18, 7 xii. 8. 11. 

p. 29) mentions existing traces of two moles on 8 N.H. v. 32. 

the west side of the isthmus, and remains of 9 Vol. ii. PI. III. 

another were shown me on the east side by 10 Asia Minor (1842), ii. 102. 

Mr. de Rustafjaell. These may have protected u Description of the East (1745), Vol. ii. Pt. ii. , 
the entrances to the closed harbours mentioned 115. 

by Strabo, xii. 8, 11. " Asia Minor ii. 102. 

136 F. W. G. FOAT 

abbreviation, or an apostrophe (of which our own is a diminutive descendant) 
taking the place of those which were omitted. Next, in certain very common 
names (of money, measures, etc.), these parts of words were simplified in 
form, the barest outline or fragment remaining — a natural order of develop- 
ment, like that of the oldest alphabetic capital from the more complex 
hieroglyph. Succeeding generations adopted these forms in a mechanical 
way, and soon they appear as quite irrational symbols. But the process was 
applied only as the need was felt, so that we find some overlapping and 
rivalry of various forms, and but a small number of true symbols, probably 
not a hundred, even including the ordinary numerals and the signs or marks 
of reference, paragraphs, total, etc. Many papyri have no symbols at all, not 
even in dates and equally obvious places. 

On the other hand the practice of natural abbreviation, by omission of 
the latter parts of words, is overwhelmingly more common than in any 
modern writing and printing. 1 The Greek scribes of all the earlier papyri 
relied on the perspicacity of the reader's intelligence, and abbreviated so 
much that in some places little more than half the full number of letters 
are recorded. The mark of abbreviation — a horizontal, or a (normally) vertical 
stroke — and compendious scribblings of the end syllables {e.g. B.M. Pap. 
xcix. (1) 31 et passim) of a common or recurring word were together 
almost sufficient for all the demands that were made, and in the end saved 
far more space and labour than elaborated systems of abbreviation, both 
shorthand and other, have done for modern printing or manuscript. As 
regards formal systems of abbreviation, it may be observed that any method 
of reducing labour and time in writing, to be of actual, as opposed to potential 
usefulness, must proceed quite naturally, only one step at a time, each step 
being in every way just that which hand and mind expect, in advance of the 
stage of abbreviation already reached. Having /cat, it is easy to write Kappa 
with a flourish, while only the most rigid watchfulness at first will attain the 
habit of introducing an extraneous sign. Here the good sense of the ancient 
Greek-speaking people showed itself, and it is surprising to observe how 
little the later Greek copyists gained by the elaborate abbreviation and use 
of signs which they affected, how much more ornamental than useful were 
many of the compendia which later still were copied in printers' type, and 
how often they seem to choose quite the wrong groups (tested by the ancient 
practice) for the application of their abbreviations. 2 Be that as it may, 
allowing for the general ancient tendency, we shall not expect to find any 
carefulness on the part of the scribes of the papyri to introduce unmistakeable 
symbols, much less to invent them, and must be prepared to find the whole 
of a formula, made up of abbreviated words written in the cursive hand of 

1 It is surprising that hundreds of common space would be enormous, 

words have not been forced into abbreviated 2 Cp. the habit of Mediaeval writers of 

form in modern English. As for perspicuity, Tironian notes, who supplied signs for word- 

who could possibly mistake the meanings of : endings where the ancients had left the nolae 

wh., c d , w d , etc., in any context? As regards abbreviated, 
economy the mere saving in type, time, and 


one generation, appearing as the symbol of the next. It will follow as a 
corollary, that there will be no borrowings from formal tachygraphy in the 
papyri. As a matter of knowledge gained by a laborious search through 
nearly the whole of the published papyri, and the study ad hoc of the hands 
themselves of nearly three hundred manuscripts, I can assert that there is 
hardly a single indubitable occurrence of a borrowed tachygraphic sign in use 
in ordinary Greek literary, 1 or non-literary 2 papyri, and, as I hope these 
pages will demonstrate, there is only a very small number of symbols which do 
occur, which cannot be traced to a cursive origin or, in some few cases, back to 
epigraphic characters. 

Concerning one of those irreconcilable symbols there is an interesting 
and important observation to be made. The h -shaped drachma-symbol, 
one of the chief symbols of the papyri, appears in the oldest Petrie papyri. 3 
This fact is interesting to the student of symbols for its own sake, since it 
follows that if it had, like the rest, an alphabetic or an epigraphic origin, it 
must be older than all the papyri. But its general importance in palaeography 
is still greater, as it would confirm the more recent opinions of scholars (vide 
Thompson, Gk. and Lat. Pal. p. 115 ; Kenyon, Pal. of trie. Pap. p. 9) that 
Gk. cursive writing has a long history behind the earliest facts yet known 
to us from any manuscript. It is not that the symbol is merely puzzling, 

like the equally early p ^-symbol for 'holder of one hundred arouras ' in 

Pet. Pap. XL, for in such a case the explanation may lie in some fact of 
contemporary social history at first overlooked by the investigator. But the 
clear and bold outline, and its uncompromising contrast with the contemporary 
cursive (cp. Pet. Pap. XII. and XIII. fr. 2 of the reigns of the second and 
third Ptolemies) point to a matured development, possibly coeval with the 
use of the drachma itself, so carrying back our glance well into the classical 

Another observation of general value, not only to palaeography, but even 
to archaeology, is that symbols are the safest depositories of the oldest forms. 
The numerals Stigma = 6, Sampi = 900, Sigma of the epigraphic shape = 200, 
Koppa = 90; the series formed of special use of Alpha, Beta, etc. = 1000, 
2000, etc. ; the curve, a degenerate Mu = 10,000: these keep their ancient 
forms and meanings through centuries of palaeographical change. The 

epigraphic Sigma, in that brief form y i N I \ wnic ^ a l reat ty appears 

even in the inscriptions themselves (at least in the Chalcidian alphabets of 
Euboea and her colonies) survives, as I shall endeavour to show, in the 

1 Concerning the nature of the abbreviation fur Stenographic July-Dec. 1901. In this 
used in the 'A0yvatwv UoXireta of the British learned contribution the ' special pleading ' for 
Museum, and two or three others like it, which formal tachygraphy is undisguised. I attempt 
stand apart from the ordinary literary papyri a less ex parte estimate in a forthcoming con- 
written in careful uncials, judgment may be tribution. Sec note at end, p. 173. 
at this stage wisely suspended. See Gitlbauer, a For a doubtful exception, vide infra p. 148. 
Tachygraphische Spuren im Papyrus der arts- s And also in Attic inscriptions from the 
totelischen 'A6r)t>alwv no\trela, in the Archiv fifth century B.C. onwards. 

138 R W. G. FOAT 

various similar forms for the fraction 'one-half in the earliest of the 
Ptolemaic, 1 and down to the latest of the Byzantine Papyri. 2 

In the following pages, any numbers of papyri quoted, not specially 
distinguished by the name of the collection, always refer to the papyri of the 
British Museum. 

The Symbols of the Ptolemaic Non-Literary Papyri. 

1. Of the history of symbols in early Greek writing, the non-literary 
papyri of the Ptolemaic period furnish an interesting chapter. In these 
records, symbols are to be observed at all stages of condensation and petri- 
faction. Some are to be seen in a form which gives no hint of their original 
formation ; others can be clearly traced from a simple ligatured cursive to a 
quite conventional symbol. In the case of 


we can here trace the life history of each symbol ; in regard to 
obvious inferences may be securely made ; for 

C .£.— .= 

reasonable conjectures may be submitted ; while for 


no conclusive explanation can be given, probably because our acquaintance 
with Greek handwriting does not go far enough back. 

(1) The symbols of Ptolemaic papyri are not, in origin, arbitrary, but are the 
results of abbreviation of words. 

(2) There is no trace in this period of borrowing from a system of 

It will follow from the establishment of this position, that explanations 
of the various symbols will consist in tracing them from their earliest 

1 In Pet. Pap. XXXIII (a) 24 early 3rd among the Petrie-symbols, occurs more than 8 
cent. B.C. . centuries later in Oxyr. Pap. CXXVII recto 

2 In B.M. Pap. CCCXCIII, 3 (saec. VI- (late sixth). 
VII). So the ' 10,000 '-symbol which occurs 


departures from the ordinary script, through its more cursive developments, to 
the stage of the quite arbitrary symbol. Consequently, the distinction 
between symbols, and the nearest similar formations of the common characters, 
will be psychological, as well as formal. The enquiry to be made at each 
stage is, How far had the scribe in mind, at the time of writing, the original 
true form of the symbol, or, in the case of the composite symbols, the elements 
composing it ? This has no direct relation with his possible knowledge of 
such origin. For illustration, the scribe who wrote in Brit. Mus. Pap. 
CCCCII. 31 the large 2-shaped character for the number 1000, must almost 
certainly have known that it was a circumflexed Alpha, yet if it is not, 
according to his ordinary hand, a plain Alpha surmounted by a circumflex 
which he feels he is writing, then the character is already in one of the early 
stages of a symbol; just as an Englishman in writing £ for 'pounds' is 
writing a common symbol, although he may be well aware that it is L crossed 
with two bars. One sign of such feeling is that the scribe deviates as little 
as possible from the conventional form of the symbol-letter ; and thus it 
comes to pass often that an alphabetic letter used as a symbol appears as 
quite another thing, when compared with the corresponding letters of the 
manuscript in which it occurs. 

In order to maintain the first-stated position that the symbols of Ptolemaic 
papyri are not arbitrary, it will be necessary to examine in detail every symbol 
occurring, or as many of them as are capable of explanation ; and then to 
show that these are sufficient for the purposes of the inductive argument. 

The Metretes-symbol j- . This is demonstrably a monogram for 
Mu-Epsilon. The abbreviation which sometimes takes its place is printed by 
the editors as two letters without comment, but for our present argument 
there is to be observed a curious distinction between the monogram-symbol, 
and the ordinary collocation. The difference may be studied in Brit. Mus. 
Pap. XVII. (B.C. 162). where in lines 38, 46, et passim, Mu-Epsilon occurs as 
a syllable in ordinary words, and it will be seen that in every case the right- 
hand perpendicular curve of the Mu is present, as well as the bow of the 
Epsilon ; whereas in the Metretes-symbol (41 and 39) the Mu is reduced to 
an undulating line ; or, to put the same fact differently, the Epsilon is reduced to 

two horizontal bars written against a cursive Mu, thus \- . In line 58 there 

occurs the symbol, in which we may trace the Mu, with its horizontal bar 
made straight ; in line 57 we have a mutilated form of the same, and finally, 
in lines 51 and 54 occur two of the familiar symbols, as variants of the 
monogram (cp. Pap. XV. fr. 8 line 9), one in which the lower curve of the 
Epsilon still lingers, and one of the ultra-conventional type. The circum- 
stances that this MS. is an official document, that it is written by three hands, 
each of which gives the same testimony, that it is clearly dated and in good 
condition, add peculiar reliability to its witness. For the formation we may 

compare that of Te(Ta«Tat) viz., T , B. M. Pap. DCLXXV. 101 BC. and that of 
the symbol for Kepdfiiov, R (vid. p. 144 infra). 

140 F. W. G. FOAT 

The common symbol /, A = 'total.' Scholars have long recognised 1 the 
identity of this symbol with the initial letter of yiverai (-ovrai) : B.M. Pap. 
XVIII. contains a pretty demonstration of the fact, as follows : 

line 4 : ycvovrai oXvpcov apTaftas 1/5' 
line 18 : ^ oXvpcov apTaftas v<; 
line 16 : / oXvpeov 'pTafta<; \e 

cp. ib. verso line 2 : B. M. Papp. XXIX. 4; XXX. 7, 13, 15, 21 ; III. 36, 43 ; 
Fay. Pap. XIV. 5. 

The group of symbols fi> s n f 3, 1. These prove one another. Beginning 
with n = ' the city' which we find in B.M. Papp. LI. (A) and III. and Pet. 
Pap. II. no. XXVIII. passim, 2 we see, on close examination, that the dot 
was in each case written as an Omikron, as distinguished from the diacritic 
punctum (which is very rare in Greek cursive of this period ; in a circumflexed 
Delta, B.M. Pap. L. 14, there is perhaps an instance). In the first instance, 
the symbol occurs almost isolated, owing to the mutilation of the papyrus, 
but there is little doubt of the reading (Kenyon). The top part of the curve 
has been scratched, and so flattened ; the Omikron within it is reduced to a 
tiny cup still quite as large as the common Omikron of that shape. 3 In the 
second (Pap. III. 37) the reading is more certain, and here the dot beneath the 
curve is actually in the MS. as large as that which represents the Omikron 
of the preceding word. This slight indication helps to fortify the reasonable 
assumption that we have in the curve of the symbol a Pi, worn down from its 
angular shape by its frequent use as a symbol, exactly into the shape assumed 
by the Pi in ordinary writing in Roman, and occasionally earlier, cursive 
alphabets. As additional corroboration, there is the analogous later use of 
the Pi, with Omikron within it (= iroirfna Pap. CXXI. 385 ; and = 7rot?7T^?in 
the Bankes Homer). The symbol then is the time-worn initial of 7ro\t? (or a 
case) with the second letter written subscript. 

The symbol r\ = 7r^et? is written over and enclosing the alphabetic 
numerals, which give the number of 7r^et9. It is only a variant use of Pi, 
its significance being given by its position. Its shape is seldom a perfect 
semicircle, more often resembling an angular cursive Pi of third cent. MSS. 
Cp. Pap. XV. 5. 7, 17, 18. I cannot find it in the Petrie Papyri, and it is 
also apparently absent from the Ostraka : cp. Wilcken Gr. Ostr. I. 818-9. 

A similar explanation applies to the symbol for ' remainder ' : r> = 
TrepUari. This is sometimes identical in shape with the foregoing, though 
always standing by itself and detached from the numerals of the remainder. 

J Wilcken mentions it, in his Dissertatio ad Crocodilopolis (Mahafly II p. (87). M. elsewhere 

summos honores written in 1885. Dr. Kenyon quotes «« KpoxotiXwv r\ from the heading of 

gave it to me last year as the accepted opinion, an account dated 2 0th year of Ptolemy III 

so that it has survived a long period of criti- iqoq b c ) 

C,8 , m - . 3 Cp. Fay. Pap. XVII. 1. Here, however, 

Once in this papyrus followed closely by M h furthef distinguished by the crdil 

M « = ,x«y<£A„(?): apparently the metropolis, borizon tal inclusion-sign. 


In other places it is a more fragmentary part of the semicircle, pitched 
obliquely towards the right, or even thrown right over into the vertical, in 
that reminding one of the variations of Sigma toward the end of the first cent, 
and at the beginning of the second (Kenyon, Pal. Greek Pap. pp. 44, 45). 
It need hardly be regarded as a variant, the increased carelessness of formation 
being in proportion to the greater frequency of employment, and to the more 
certain corrective of a familiar formula. Cp. Pap. XXX. 3, 24, 25. It is 
found in Roman papp. e.g. Fay. Pap. CI. r. (iii.) 4 ; ib. v. (i.) 10. Professor 
Mahaffy gives it this value ( = ' remainder ') in the Petrie Papyri, with the 
remark that he does not know its origin (Part II. p. 39). 

The origin of | = dpTafir) is sufficiently obvious. It occurs, apparently, 

only in the Ptolemaic documents, where there is no instance, I think, of the 
common Roman equivalent, the horizontal line with an Omikron or dot under 
it. In B.M. Pap. XXIII. we may study the construction of the symbol (second 
cent. B.C.). The scribe of this MS. had in his mind an abbreviation as nearly 
like a third cent. B.C. ligatured cursive 1 Alpha-Rho (cp. Pal. Soc. II. 143) 
surmounted by the horizontal abbreviation-mark 2 as a symbol could well be ; 
in line 48 it is somewhat obliterated, but the portions of letters would make 
up Alpha-Rho ; in line 49 is a variant of the same ; in line 71 the cursive is 
perfectly distinct, as it is in line 72. A curious variant occurs, an isolated 
example, in CCXVIIL, fourth or third cent. B.C. (?).) If anywhere the 
horizontal can be found unmistakeably attached to the Alpha, we have this 

very typical symbol-development : \G/ > ) "*)"*/" j 

Exactly similar is the formation of the symbol for Aroura, a simplified 

Alpha-Rho, H , written without the circumflex which distinguishes th e 

Artabe-symbol. It occurs very rarely, in this particular form, (B.M. Pap. 
CCCCII. r., 5, 9, middle of second cent. B.C.), but its features may be seen 
in those of its descendants the two variant Roman Aroura-symbols. (See 

1 The Revenue Papyrus, of this century, has butes to the formation of a system of express- 
«/, ap, and op as common abbreviations for ing fractions, which is commonly employed, but 
Artabas. The Petrie Papyri have a conven- it would seem to be of general rather than'par- 
tional form P ticular use, as fractions are sometimes expressed 

I — in quite another way, viz. by drawing a vertical 

2 This horizontal-mark, which is found in stroke to stand directly over each member. In 
the oldest manuscripts and onwards, probably B.M. CCXXIII. (second cent, b.c.) we have this 
indicates originally not so much the omission marking for one-eighth, one-sixteenth, and one- 
of the absent letters as the inclusion of all the thirty-second, the one-eighth again in lines 6 
letters which it covers in a compound with a 13, while (a less certain reading) CCCCII. 5 
special meaning. This would be necessitated has other fractions which appear as vertical 
by the habit of continuous writing, without strokes with a formless thickening at top and 
division of words, etc. The reader is warned bottom. It is seen again in the common ' one- 
by an over-written horizontal to look for some quarter 'symbol (p. 147 infra) and probably re- 
special meaning in the included letters, which duced in size, in the Roman forms of 4-chalci 
otherwise being taken in conjunction with the (CCCCLX. (a.d. 191) lines 2, 3, 4, 5, CCCXII. 
letters of the context might accidentally make (a.d. 147) line 7), 'one per cent, and two per 
new meanings with them. This sign contri- cent. ' (CCCVII. 2). 

142 F. W. G. FOAT 

pp. 162 sqq. infra)} It is exactly similar in shape to the cursive Alpha-Iota 
which is freely used in the same period {e.g. CCCCIL v., 12, 18), an identity 
inevitably resulting from neglect to form the loop of the Rho in this 
cursive syllable, ligatured, and of the third or second century B.C. 

A very interesting Ptolemaic variant of this Aroura-symbol is found as 
a part of a composite symbol occurring Pet. Pap. XL, 13, 18, 21, and in O., 7, 
III. (in Professor Mahaffy's own collection). The whole compound j> Lf is a 

part of the personal description of persons mentioned in a document, and 
being associated in one of the documents just mentioned (XI.) with the names 
of soldiers, was put down at first by Professor Mahaffy (Part I. p. (35) ) as an 
ideograph of a soldier's helmet preceded by the numeral Rho, and so making 
a symbol for eKarovrapyo^. But there is more than the simple fact in the 
observation, that this has also had to be cast aside along with other explan- 
ations of a non-alphabetic origin for symbols, and Mahaffy (in the palaeo- 
graphical notes on Pt. I. in Part II. of the memoir), accepts Wilcken's explan- 
ation of the second portion of the collocation as merely the primitive form of the 
well-known sign for Aroura. The whole thus means 'hundred-acre men,' 
and W. cites from an unpublished document even elKoaiirevTapovpoi as 

strictly analogous. The same occurs Fay. Pap. XXIII. (i) 12: K€ /_. 

Cognate with the foregoing is the superscript hook H, signifying, with a 
Chi, the word ^aipeiv. In Pap. XV. where it occurs (fr. 13), the regular 
formation of the Alpha as an ordinary letter is of a kind not noticed in 

Sir E. Thompson's table of Greek Cursive Alphabets, viz. ^1 , which does 

not even remotely suggest the Alpha of this hook, so that at least to this 
scribe (circ. 131-0 B.C.) the hook was no longer alphabetic, but merely a 
convenient symbol. The variants are noteworthv : see CCCCIL v., 12, 18, 
21, 22 and CCCCL, 25, 26, 27. 

The same angle-shaped Alpha forms the abbreviating hook in 
Tra(pezites) (Pap. III., 43) ; and in Cha(lcus) ; its occurrence in the same 
line with ^aipecv in Pap. XV. is a case of mutual corroboration. 

There is a large group of symbols whose formation is clear at a glance, 
so obviously are they cursively written words or parts of words, which are yet 
consciously and habitually written as something different from the same 
characters in the context. Of this kind is the cursive word avd in B.M. 
Pap. XV., fr. 6, line 5. In fr. 8, line 9, it is so extremely cursive, though 
unabbreviated, that it is only one step removed from a symbol. 2 

1 Cp. also Wilcken, Gr. Ostr. i. p. 819 for Ptolemaic cursive. The somewhat injured ex- 

^ —a (Alpha surmounted by Up.silon. W.-'s ample B.M. XV. (6), 5 is most like W.'s. 

own explanation) in the ostraca. Revillout, 2 In one place at least, Pap. XV, fr. 8, line 2 

Lettres sur lea monnaies Egyptiennes, 1895, gives a * is use< i not meaning avi, Imt something like 

(pp. 172, 3) a slightly different conventional tne ffirdvwv or otywviov of items in the context 

form ?s which he thinks to be Alpha-Rho, with since {t is worth T ' dr -> a "leaning necessary to 

, ... , T . ... make the total given. But note that this is 

the over-written bar. It occurs naturally in 6 


The example in CCCCII. r., 5 is noteworthy not only for this word alone, 
but in the study of abbreviation in early papyri generally. The final Alpha 
is detached and over-written, though obviously it would have been easier to 
write it continuously. This is done in other short words, e.g. hid (in the 
Roman papyri, at least) where there is no abbreviation of the word. A 
decisive example of this tendency to economy in space merely is to be seen in 

L L 

fi% = fiax(atpa), v\a<;=va\a<;, and other words in CCCCII. v., B.C. 152 or 141, 
e.g. 11, 12, 13, 1G, 18. 

Apart from occurrences of very cursive and somewhat contorted forms of 
the word, [} is the general symbol. Here we must see a mutilated cursive 
Alpha-Nu surmounted by a bar, perhaps the % common bracketing or abbrevi- 
ating sign, but more probably a reminiscence of the superscript Alpha just 
explained. The single horizontal and the angular Alpha occur CCCCII. r. 
(lines 5 and 11), but it is not clear that the meaning in this place is dvd 
(Kenyon, Cat. Gk. P. p. 10) though the signification of the components, viz. 
Alpha-Nu with a superscript Alpha, is beyond question. The general 
significance of a superscript final letter would lead one to deny the simple 
meaning to this collocation, were it not that, in addition to the case of hid 
above instanced, there is the actual occurrence of the symbol, meaning cer- 
tainly dvd, elsewhere (e.g. = { at the rate of in Pap. CXCIIL, 5, etc.). 1 

To this class of symbol-like collocations or compounds belongs the series 

£7^' lS>' h' Zv etc. = 1,000, 2,000, 3,000, 4,000, etc., resp. This series 
well illustrates the passage of suitable cursive forms into new symbols, even 
when the ordinary contraction is sufficiently brief. Alpha with a circumflex 
is already a satisfactory symbol for ' one thousand ' and it is ordinarily not 
the practice to link circumflexes to numerals, yet in this series the linking 
is invariable, and the whole character then begins to assume strange and 
capricious forms. 2 B.M. Pap. XXIV. (lines 8 and 20) and CCCCII. v. 
(line 31) have examples of this circumflexed Alpha. We have the simple 
Alpha (of that peculiar form which has the projecting arm pointing upwards 
to the right (e.g. ib. 30 and CCCCII. v. passim) surmounted by a circumflex 
already an integral part 3 of the symbol. Cp. Delta = 4,000 in B.M. Pap. L 
14 resembling the figure 8 with a dot in the upper circle; a similar Delta 
in Pap. XV. fr. 6, without the dot ; another Alpha, in fr. 5, line 6 ; Beta in 
Pap. XXIX. lines 3, 6 ; ib. verso 6, 7, Delta in Pap. XXIX. 4, ib. verso 3, 

(1) not the common form of the superscript 2 Wilcken cites and illustrates a number in 

Nu ; (2) not the ordinary avd of the same MS. the second part of.his Observationes adhistoriam 

e.g. line 1 yi. Variants in fr. 13 : CCCCII. Aegypti...depromptae e papyri* Graecis Bero- 

lincnsibus incditis, 1885. But the instances 

r. line 5. seem to be drawn from Paris Papyri. 

« Mahaffy explains a repeated occurrence, all , That fa to for instance> the scribe of 

down a column, of the fully written word hvi - 

as equivalent to our x (' multiplied by ') thus : Pa P- Par - n0 - 66 in writing /, or the scribe 

i€ ora hL |C L- where the arithmetic (15 x 4£ = of 1 (for Gamma circumflexed) is not writing 

67i) supports that meaning. Vide fac. of ' 

^ , . ** TX „„„ r.,. ,,. ■ , . these peculiar forms as he would write the same 

Petne Pap. II, XXX. Of course this is almost "" *y 

* , . , ., f . letters in the context, even if he afterwards 

the same thing as ' at the rate ol. . , , ., . ' 

° intended to add a circumflex. 

144 F. W. G. FOAT 

and another Alpha in fir. 6, line 8, which is certainly there an irrational 
symbol, with the usual meaning. Cp. also Pap. XV. fr. 6. line 8 ; ib. 9 ; 
CCCCII. v. lines 10, 27. These instances are adduced to illustrate the use 
of a cursive ligatured form written in a fixed form with a regularity which 
marks it as a symbol, as contrasted with ordinary occurrences of the same 
letters cursive in the context. 

The symbol for ' talents,' a horizontal resting upon a Lambda-shaped 
character, can immediately, on the analogy of the artaba-sign and its cognates, 
be resolved into the ligatured Tau-Alpha. The proof of this, however, is 
inferential, and not documentary, for those instances of its occurrence in 
Ptolemaic cursive, whenever they are not of the common form, are still more 
decidedly symbol-like ; cp. Pap. XV. fr. 8, lines 2, 3, where the symbol is 
written by drawing the pen backwards and downwards from the right, end 
of the horizontal to the left foot of the curve. The appearance of the 
symbol, and the presumption in favour of Tau-Alpha, tempts one to look for 
a sort of monogram, formed of capitals ; but this cannot be defended by any 
analogous formation. On the other hand the simple collocation of the 
earliest known cursive Tau without a right hand member, and of the equally 
early Alpha (Thompson's table of Gr. Cursive Alph. cols. 1 and 2) would 
produce such a symbol : -^^ == -,.< — 7\ = ~ . 

Such, no doubt, was the process of the development, not only of this, 
but also of the Kappa-shaped symbol, |^ for which Dr. Kenyon conjectures 
the meaning (Brit. Mus. Pap. Cat. p. 164 ; on no. XXX. passim, q.v.). 
Accepting this conjecture as certain, we may see in the symbol (which is 
seldom as printed, a simple Kappa followed by a dash) a monogram-formation 
exactly analogous to the rnetretes-symbol, already proved by documentary 
evidence (supra p. 139). This is an even more simply and naturally formed 
monogram than the metretes-symbol, both offering an irresistible temptation 
to the pen, toiling painfully behind the thought, in the tedious repetition of 
an almost superfluous sign ; the Kappa has been written, and there stands 
the Epsilon half-made ; what but the most rigid scrupulousness could 
restrain the hand from completing it by the simple addition of the middle 
bar ? x It is to physico-psychological facts of the kind appealed to in such 
arguments as this, that we must look for guidance where demonstration fails; 
and often where demonstration is abundant. It may be only by such appeal 
that we can decide between two rival explanations. They are facts, however, 
which have behind them the whole history of alphabets, and if further 
digression were permissible, it would be interesting to illustrate them in 
detail, from e.g. the sematographic condensation of the ordinary cursive 

The symbol for 900 is a horizontal curve resting upon a vertical stroke- 
It may be seen, among Ptolemaic papyri, in B.M. Papp. III. 43 ; XV. (8) 1 and 
2. It becomes common in the Roman period. But it is important to notice 
that the vertical stroke is never doubled in these papyri, and is always long, 

1 The Kappa-shaped symbol, with the hori- uncommon monogram of « ( = «oi) in Imperial 
zontal bar, is, as Mr. Hill reminds me, a not times. 


drawn well down below the line, from the middle of the curve. It does not 
in any way suggest a Pi. Then again there is a variant, which appears to 
be even the normal form in the Petrie papyri, which makes the traditional 
explanation (viz. San) of the other member almost equally doubtful. This 
variant is conventionally printed tt (Mahaffy from Pet. Pap. Part II. of the 

Memoirs) and in hand-made facsimile or , (from Pap. Par. 54 recto, 

Wilcken in Observ. ad hist. Acg.). Further the // ) or f J. "P on which 


seems to have been based the traditional explanation ! (on the strength of 
Hdt. I, 139) that the symbol is compounded of San (the Dorian letter corre- 
sponding to the Ionic Sigma) and Pi, does not appear until the minuscule 
period: indeed, Dr. Gow in 1893 states (Companion to Sch. Classics, p. 13) 
that no inscription or manuscript has it before about A.D. 900. He adds 
that its source is not known, and I conclude that there is no good authority 
even for its compound name, except the later general resemblance. I sus- 
pect that the addition of the second leg was the doing of some pedantic 
scribe or grammarian who decreed that the form must agree with the 
(supposed) origin indicated by the name. The probabilities too are against 
an ancient origin. Why should San (Sigma =200), and Pi (80) ever have 
been chosen to represent 900 ? The arithmetic is meaningless, whereas the 
early arithmetic of the symbols is quite intelligent and consistent. I con- 
clude then that Sampi, the symbol as well as the name, is due to alterations 

of the original simpler or | . 2 The latter, far from being a new letter 

in tenth century manuscripts, is to be classed among the few which come 
into the earliest papyri already formed. For the origin we must wait until 
we are in possession of ante-Ptolemaic documents, or some facts to be supplied 
by epigraphy. Meanwhile the persistence of this symbol down to almost the 
latest Greek Manuscripts is a fresh illustration of the rule stated above 
(p. 137) that symbols best preserve the oldest forms. 

£ = 200 was at one time supposed, as Professor Mahaffy says in the 
palaeographic notes in Part II. (pp. 39-41) of the Flinders Petrie Memoir, to 
be a later introduction, for clearness' sake, of the capital to represent the 
number. But he points out that it is regular in the third cent. B.C. 3 sometimes 
with the angles rounded, but not C. It may have been felt necessary to keep 
this epigraphic form, to avoid confusion with the rounded ' Stigma' (usually 
C) for the numeral six. 

1 Vide King & Cookson, Corn-par. Gram, of u in the alphabetical sequence, it would natu- 
0k. and Lai. p. 26. rally be used to represent 900. As this com- 

2 Dr. Kenyon suggests that the former of pletea the alphabetic representation of nil the 
these forms may bo simply an arbitrary variant numerals, it seems to me extremely probable. 

C\ „ », tt-,i t *i * +1. i.«* 3 B M - Pa P- XXVIII, ShashC, which is 

of v 1=90. Mr. Hill suggests that the latter l . ' 

/ edited as 200 dr. : this is however of the middle 

is derived from the sign used for a<r in some of ^ se( . ond cent „ c 
early alphabets ; and that, if this sign followed 

H.S. — VOL. XXII. L 

146 F. W. G. FOAT 

The old Phoenician letter KoppaQ, used for the numeral 90, is commonly 
shaped more like an English written 9, in these papyri (Mahaffy, ibid.). 

The Phoenician Vav, which is said to survive in the digamma, and to be 
the numeral for 6, has in these papyri a better representative than the letter 
Stigma. Cp. Pet. Pap. XII. (reign of the second Ptolemy); lines 18, 20, 21, 
show most decided forms I- — . Line 19 has H r , which the editor reads 
h L =, but it may be the complete digamma — in that case a valuable 
example. Dr. Kenyon thinks it is Iota-Stigma, and so = 16. Stigma itself, he 
adds, is never found exactly in its traditional form, in the papyri, but regularly 
in a form which is indistinguishable from the ordinary Sigma. Thus it 
came about that the epigraphic Sigma was retained for ' 200.' Digamma 
of the F-shape however does occur in the papyri, in the Sappho fragment in 
the Oxyrhynchus papyri, and in the Alcman fragment in the Paris papyri. 

The symbol for 'one-half.' The Ptolemaic form is /_. In CCCCII. r. 
(B.C. 152 or 141), lines 5, 9, 12, 17, ifr. CCXXIII. 71, 8, it is larply angular 
and rectilinear, but in GCCCI. (118-111 B.C.) 11, 12, 21, 27, the variant has 
the upper member much curved, while the lower or horizontal is [c_] re- 
latively longer. Its explanation is, I believe, involved in that of the following 
group. \ 

The symbols 

or I * = \ drachma, or 3 obols, C = \ obol, [_= 'plus 

one-half (scil. of the half-obol, and so indicating in some contexts 'quarter- 
obol '), 2 are all, like the simple ' one-half symbol, special variants of a common 
sigle, the letter Sigma in some form which I assume stood in ante-Ptolemaic 
Greek for ' one-half The well established morphological affinity between 
SEMI- and 77/u- would alone give probability to the theory of such a common 
prototype, both of the word and its symbol. The word in its oldest form 
undoubtedly began with Sigma (cp. Sans. SAMI). Now Sigma on Ionian 
and Chalcidian inscriptions has, besides its four-memberedand five-membered 
forms, the parent-forms of the later £, also the following : 

^. t t <! 


These are more than enough to account for the forms of the group in 
question which, I think, may prove to embrace some other signs also. The 
signs and symbols of these shapes are the most persistent of papyrus-symbols, 
and they are among the smaller class of those, of whose origin no explanation 
can be demonstrated from any of the ordinary forms of letters in any written 

1 Third cent. (B.C.) forms Pet. Pan. XXXIII /lx r ,i\ , j 1 4.1 1 v 1 

. , . . „„ . . ' . . , l . (*) t (4) L, and remarks on the £-obol syni- 

a), 24, and 32, which show both, p second , , , ,;.. . ., 2. T * 

I bol : " (It) is so various that I am not sure 

B.C. and later. whether it only represents one fraction." For 

2 Mahnffy in the Introduction to the second the ^-drachma symbol, Dr. Grenfell has the 
part of the Pet. Pap. gives this list for obols : same shape in the index of the Revenue 

- or T. (2) = (3) 

f^or \[4) f- (5)f= ; 



Greek yet recovered. But how are we to account for the uses of these signs, 
some of which are quite certain ? To begin with the ' half-obol ' symbol, M. 
Revillout, in Lettrcs sur les mommies Egyptienncs 1895, says pp. 22fj~7, that it 
is found on Attic inscriptions sometimes in the form given above, sometimes 
facing round the other way, and ' indiquant soit la demie, soit la demi-obole.' 
This is strong confirmation of my opinion that the simple original meaning of 
the signs is one half, 1 and also of the third-century Sigma-like form. Similarly 
Revillout gives r = \ drachma and explains the 4-obol in reference to it, i.e. 
not as 3+1 obols, but as | dr. + obol. Si mi I irly for 5 obols. He quotes 
p. 229 the same explanation from an ancient Tabula dc mensuris ac ponderibus 
vetustissima published by Hnltsch in his Metrologicorum Scriptorum reliquiae, 
Leipzig, 1 8G4. In this ancient table (' redige" par les anciens ') whose provenance 
was also Egypt, this ' \ symbol ' is described as 'Fco/jluikov aiy/xa, £".' No doubt 
the writer, unaware of its existence in Ptolemaic times, was thinking of a late 
borrowing from the Romans in Egypt, but it is none the less a suggestive 
name. If we find the Roman system of notation with this S = £ (cp. HS) as 
a very ancient and very persistent part of that system, this certainly supports 
the argument in favour of a similar explanation of the corresponding symbol 
with the same value in the Greek notation. 

The soi-disant '^-obol' symbol, attested in respect of value, for the 3rd 
century B.C. (vide Mahaflfy n., p. 35), 2 is the 'one-half Ptolemaic symbol 
in a special use. Its very various applications (vide ibid.), are illustrations of 
a practice which will be several times illustrated in other symbols, the 
practice of leaving the special sense of a symbol of general meaning to be 
indicated by the context. In h €/C L (Pet. Pap. XXXIII (a) 24, cp. Part II., 
p. 35), there is little room for ambiguity. I should read it as 5 dr. + a 
half-dr. + 1£ half-obols. Thus the same thing is done at each stage : dr. 5£ 
comes to acquire the meaning 5 dr. + |-dr, and the form f of 'one-half 
is thenceforth specially reserved for £-dr. So I - C (ibid. 32), or 4| obols 
comes to mean \ dr. + 1 ob.-f \ (ob.), the variant of ' \ ' being reserved for the 
new meaning. The general ' one-half symbol used at the end of this series, 
and thus having a value (though not a signification) of 'one-quarter,' might 
possibly have passed into this special fixed use, had it not been successfully 
rivalled by the ordinary cursive symbols, one for ' | ' written like other 
fractions having a unity-numerator, the other a Chi with a superscript Beta 

(=2 chalci = |- obol). The forms r \- and £^", which Revillout mentions 

(ibid. p. 227), do not occur, apparently, in any papyrus. He calls it the 
tetartemorion (t€t a prrjfioptov, which appears to be the classical name), and 
specifies it as the \ -obol of silver. 

Concerning d = £, an instance may be added in support of Kenyon's 
explanation (Pal. Gk. Pap., p. 145, n. 2), viz. d = o' = A' = £, from Pap. XV., 
fr. 6, line 5, where the o ( = 4), surmounted by a long vertical stroke is clearly 

1 In the same work at pp. 172-3, R. inci- 2 Jt is worthy of note that Dr. Grenfell gives 

dentally gives a fresh illustration in L =\ in his index for the Revenue Papyri the form 
artabe. V for this symbol. 

L 2 

148 F. W. G. FOAT 

to be distinguished from any form of Delta, most of all from the particular 
example of it, boldly triangular, which stands immediately next to it. In 
this same line occurs another instance, equally convincing. For the vertical 
itself, see p. 141, n. 2 above. 

This circular form of the Delta, while it need hardly be treated as a 
symbol requiring explanation, illustrates very well the general tendency to 
slovenly writing, or deliberate simplification, exhibited by letters of all kinds, 
when used in formulas, as parts of symbols, or in any position where the 
context renders differentiation unnecessary : this same small circle stands, in 
fractions, 1 commonly for 2, being a simplified form of the cursive loop, for Beta. 

Similar slovenliness or simplification accounts for the second-century 
(B.C.) over-written Mu and Pi cited by Dr. Wilcken, from Paris Pap. 5. Cp. 
Observationes ad hist. Aegypti prov. Rom.., p. 40. 

The rest of the obol- series can now be easily explained. These belong to 
the class, other members of which occur, in which numerals, used without 
expression of the monies, measures, etc. which they enumerate, depending for 
particular signification originally upon their position in a formula or common 
context, come gradually to acquire at the same time a peculiar form and a 
special meaning. The ' one-obol ' horizontal would thus be at first an angular 
Alpha, the ' two-obol ' symbol the same doubled, 2 the ' 4-obol ' a collocation 
of the ^-drachma symbol with the former of these, and the 5-obol similarly 
with the latter. As regards the omission of the word ' obols,' it has parallels, 

e.g. [f / V= 2900, which in B.M. Pap. XV., fr. 8, line I, stands for 2900 

drachmas, in line 3 (ib.) e = 5000 drachmas! So frequently after 'talents.' 
Apparently against this explanation, at least of the ' 4-obol ' symbol, is its 
occurrence ib. line 9 with the upper curve detached : but this is perhaps an 
accidental variation of no original significance. 

This series is interesting from the fact that we have here the rare oc- 
currence of a stroke or sign, worthy of being discussed as having a possible 
relation with a system of tachygraphy. We have actually the Alpha of the 
Greek tachygraphy of the Byzantine period 3 (the Ptolemaic Acropolis tachy- 
graphic fragment beginning the vowels only at Iota), in the short horizontal 
stroke, representing one obol. Of course, if — means o/9oXo?, then the 
resemblance to the tachygraphic Alpha can only be accidental. If, on the 
other hand, as I think, it represents the numeral Alpha, then we have 
perhaps here the origin of the tachygraphic sign itself, though it yet remains 
to be shown how and through what medium this Ptolemaic character persisted 
to the later Byzantine, when we first have its tachygraphic meaning attested. 4 

1 In \6 = \0 = &. The fully formed Beta is X V (14) with ^ =Aroura (Ken. ad be.). 
written in CLXXI (a) 6, a Roman (102 a.i>.) 3 Wessely, tin System altgriechischer Tacky- 
tax-receipt. graphic Taf. 1 ; or Rainer Pap. Taf. XIII. 

2 The appearance of this symbol is very Nr 444> a tachygraphic papyrus of the V-VI 
varied. In Ptolemaic papp. it is often very cen j. 

like the Talent-symbol, with which Forshall 4 After t]lis it is common in i ate r Greek 

the early Brit. Mus. Editor actually confuses it tachygraphy 
in text of XV (13) reverse, and on reverse of 


Greek yet recovered. But how are we to account for the uses of these signs, 
some of which are quite certain ? To begin with the ' half-obol ' symbol, M 
Revillout, in Lettrcs sur les mommies Egypticnncs 1895, says pp. 226-7, that it 
is found on Attic inscriptions sometimes in the form given above, sometimes 
facing round the other way, and ' indiquant soit la demie, soit la demi-obole.' 
This is strong confirmation of my opinion that the simple original meaning of 
the signs is one half, 1 and also of the third-century Sigma-like form. Similarly 
Revillout gives r = \ drachma and explains the 4-obol in reference to it, i.e. 
not as 3 + 1 obols, but as | dr. + obol. Si mil irly for 5 obols. He quotes 
p. 229 the same explanation from an ancient Tabula dc mensuris ac ponderibus 
vetustissima published by Hultsch in his Metrologicorum Scriptorum reliquiae, 
Leipzig, 1 8G4. In this ancient table (' redige" par les anciens ') whose provenance 
was also Egypt, this ' \ symbol ' is described as 'Vtofiai/cbv o-iyfxa, g' No doubt 
the writer, unaware of its existence in Ptolemaic times, was thinking of a late 
borrowing from the Romans in Egypt, but it is none the less a suggestive 
name. If we find the Roman system of notation with this S = £ (cp. HS) as 
a very ancient and very persistent part of that system, this certainly supports 
the argument in favour of a similar explanation of the corresponding symbol 
with the same value in the Greek notation. 

The soi-disant ' ^-obol' symbol, attested in respect of value, for the 3rd 
century B.C. (vide Mahaffy n., p. 35), 2 is the 'one-half Ptolemaic symbol 
in a special use. Its very various applications (vide ibid.), are illustrations of 
a practice which will be several times illustrated in other symbols, the 
practice of leaving the special sense of a symbol of general meaning to be 
indicated by the context. In h €/C L (Pet. Pap. XXXIII (a) 24, cp. Part II., 
p. 35), there is little room for ambiguity. I should read it as 5 dr. + a 
half-dr. + \\ half-obols. Thus the same thing is done at each stage : dr. 54 
comes to acquire the meaning 5 dr. + |-dr , and the form f of 'one-half 
is thenceforth specially reserved for |-dr. So I - C (ibid. 32), or 4| obols 
comes to mean J dr. + 1 ob. + | (ob.), the variant of ' \ ' being reserved for the 
new meaning. The general ' one-half symbol used at the end of this series, 
and thus having a value (though not a signification) of 'one-quarter,' might 
possibly have passed into this special fixed use, had it not been successfully 
rivalled by the ordinary cursive symbols, one for ' | ' written like other 
fractions having a unity-numerator, the other a Chi with a superscript Beta 

(=2 chalci = \ obol). The forms 0- and 2^/, which Revillout mentions 

(ibid. p. 227), do not occur, apparently, in any papyrus. He calls it the 
tetartemorion (TeTaprrjfioptov, which appears to be the classical name), and 
specifies it as the I -ohol of silver. 

Concerning d = £, an instance may be added in support of Kenyon's 
explanation (Pal. Gk. Pap., p. 145, n. 2), viz. d = o' = A' = £, from Pap. XV., 
fr. 6, line 5, where the o ( = 4), surmounted by a long vertical stroke is clearly 

1 In the same work at pp. 172-3, R. inci- 2 It is worthy of note that Dr. Grenfell gives 

dentally gives a fresh illustration in L —\ in his index for the Revenue Papyri the form 
arCabe. V f° r this symbol. 

L 2 

148 F. W. G. FOAT 

to be distinguished from any form of Delta, most of all from the particular 
example of it, boldly triangular, which stands immediately next to it. In 
this same line occurs another instance, equally convincing. For the vertical 
itself, see p. 141, n. 2 above. 

This circular form of the Delta, while it need hardly be treated as a 
symbol requiring explanation, illustrates very well the general tendency to 
slovenly writing, or deliberate simplification, exhibited by letters of all kinds, 
when used in formulas, as parts of symbols, or in any position where the 
context renders differentiation unnecessary : this same small circle stands, in 
fractions, 1 commonly for 2, being a simplified form of the cursive loop, for Beta. 

Similar slovenliness or simplification accounts for the second -century 
(B.C.) over-written Mu and Pi cited by Dr. Wilcken, from Paris Pap. 5. Cp. ad hist. Aegypti prov. Rom., p. 40. 

The rest of the obol-series can now be easily explained. These belong to 
the class, other members of which occur, in which numerals, used without 
expression of the monies, measures, etc. which they enumerate, depending for 
particular signification originally upon their position in a formula or common 
context, come gradually to acquire at the same time a peculiar form and a 
special meaning. The ' one-obol ' horizontal would thus be at first an angular 
Alpha, the ' two-obol ' symbol the same doubled, 2 the ' 4-obol ' a collocation 
of the ^-drachma symbol with the former of these, and the 5-obol similarly 
with the latter. As regards the omission of the word ' obols,' it has parallels, 

e.g. /f'V k = 2900, which in B.M. Pap. XV., fr. 8, line I, stands for 

drachmas, in line 3 (ib.) e = 5000 drachmas' 1 . So frequently after 'talents.' 
Apparently against this explanation, at least of the ' 4-obol ' symbol, is its 
occurrence ib. line 9 with the upper curve detached : but this is perhaps an 
accidental variation of no original significance. 

This series is interesting from the fact that we have here the rare oc- 
currence of a stroke or sign, worthy of being discussed as having a possible 
relation with a system of tachygraphy. We have actually the Alpha of the 
Greek tachygraphy of the Byzantine period 3 (the Ptolemaic Acropolis tachy- 
graphic fragment beginning the vowels only at Iota), in the short horizontal 
stroke, representing one obol. Of course, if — means oftoXos, then the 
resemblance to the tachygraphic Alpha can only be accidental. If, on the 
other hand, as I think, it represents the numeral Alpha, then we have 
perhaps here the origin of the tachygraphic sign itself, though it yet remains 
to be shown how and through what medium this Ptolemaic character persisted 
to the later Byzantine, when we first have its tachygraphic meaning attested. 4 


1 In \6 = \$ = &. The fully formed Beta is X V (14) with « =Aroura (Ken. ad loc.). 
written in CLXXI (a) 6, a Roman (102 a.d.) 3 Wessely, £in System altgriechischer Tachy- 
tax-receipt. qraphie Taf. 1 ; or Rainer Pap. Taf. XIII. 

2 The appearance of this symbol is very Nr 444> a tacnygr^hic papyrus of the V-VI 
varied. In Ptolemaic papp. it is often very cen j. 

like the Talent-symbol, with which Forshall 4 After this . u is conimon in ]ater Greek 

the early Brit. Mus. Editor actually confuses it tachygraphy 
in text of XV (13) reverse, and on reverse of 


It could not be through the Roman cursive form of Alpha, and there is 
nothing to show that there was such a Roman tachygraphic form, Dr. 
Gitlbauer's reconstructions 1 for that period pointing to an oblique stroke, 
the other arm of the angular Ptolemaic Alpha. M. Revillout again (ibid. 
p. 228), but this time I think unconsciously, perhaps suggests an explanation, 
by the remark that in the Attic inscriptions already alluded to, he has found 
the one stroke for one obol, and the two strokes for two obols, not always 
horizontal, but sometimes struck at an angle ('coucheou simplement pencheV 
p. 229). But is this the other arm of the angular Alpha, or a simple stroke 
marking One ? The latter is the ordinary method for 1 to 4 on the older 
Attic and Peloponnesian inscriptions and may very well have survived in this 
1-obol symbol. A tendency in upright strokes to fall flat is to be observed in 
many letters and symbols in the papyri. The pros and cons seem equally 
balanced, and all one can say is that there is nothing against 2 the following 
' genealogical tree ' 

/,//' one ' and ' two ' (units) in inscriptions. 

/,// ' one obol ' and ' two obols ' in papyri. 



— f zz the same in both papyri and inscriptions. 

And this I think the more likely. 

Of the remaining Ptolemaic symbols, the commonest is L = £to<? and 

This symbol, while it is so frequently a mere right angle as to justify 
the conventional L, is quite commonly in Ptol. MSS. of a different shape, 
beginning with a very prominent hook on the left side (vide Papp. XVIII., 

I, 18, XXXV., 11,13, XXIV., 10, 25, XVII., 44, 30, 40, 10, XLI., 23, XXIII, 
56), and having, instead of a clear right angle, a distinct hook at the junction 
of the vertical with the horizontal, so as to give the whole symbol a re- 
semblance to a loosely- written 2 (vide Papp. XVIII, 44, 39, 10, XXIV, 10, 

II, 25). In addition to these, certain other divergencies from the rectangular 
formation may be observed at XVII, 10, XVIII., 20, 18, XXXV, 13, XXIII, 
56, 64, 82. 3 The horizontal is originally only the connecting stroke (cp. the 
persistence with which the ligature is made, at XVIII, 1, 20, 18, XXIV, 11, 
XLI, 23, XXIII, 56, 82, 105, whenever the numeral follows the symbol as 
against the comparative neglect of it when it precedes). 

But, as Dr. Kenyon observes, the papyri of the third century B.C. have 

1 Die did Sysfeme der Griechischcn Tacky- theory. 

graphie, Tuf. 11. 3 There is an example in a Roman (2nd cent. ) 

2 I do not consider that the peculiar variant pap. B.M. CCCXXXIX, 15, which, ncciden- 
<~ which Dr. Maliaffy notes as occurring all tally, illustrates a possible Epsi Ion-stage. With 

through Pet. Pap. XXXIII (vide Part II, 35) such a form the development might have been 

is important against it, as he points it out as f _ f__ ( or ]jg a tured 7 )— ( or \ 

exceptional, in the third cent. u.c. Of course, Ls J 

(or what it is worth, it does favour the Alpliu * ( ^ , 01 [_. 

150 F. W. G. FOAT 

not this backward hook ; they are rigid right angles, rising high above the 
line, e.g. Pet. Pap. XIII., fr. 2 and 5. If we compare with these earliest 
forms such occurrences of the common large initial epigraphic Epsilon as in 
B.M. CCCCII. recto 20 where it has a decidedly rectangular formation, and 

again the special uses of it for erov^ as in B.M. Pap. CCCXXXII., T vr* » 

and again with the form L=_, Pal. Soc. ii. pi, 144, and yet again (^tou? 

(Aristotle Pap.), we have a hint which can hardly be overlooked that wc 

have in this symbol simply the most characteristic fragment of an Epsilon |' t — 

used as an abbreviation for the whole word eVof*?. Fortunately, I have been 
able, by comparing notes with Mr. G. F. Hill, of the Department of Coins and 
Medals of the British Museum, to establish the explanation thus suggested. 
I am much indebted to him for pointing out the following references. The 
symbol, it appears, is common on Alexandrian coins with the same meaning, 
and it was formerly thought to stand for Avtcaftas (see Berl. Blatt. iv. 145), but 
Mr. Head in his Historia Numorum, 1887, discarding this explanation, speaks of 
it as 'an Egyptian sign' (p. 718). Prof. Wilcken refers the symbol to a demotic 
origin [Griech. Ostr. p. 819) and Mr. R.S.Poole, in the British Museum Catalogue 
of Coins of Alexandria (p. xi.) thus summarizes the case: 'Symbol [_ for the year. 
The date, except on the earliest dated coins of Augustus, is universally 
preceded by the symbol |_ for ' year,' but erov? occasionally takes its place. 
TKe symbol is of uncertain origin. It first appears on coins which I have 
attributed to Ptolemy IV. Philopator, struck in Cyprus, etc. (Cat. Ptol. pp.62, 
63). Under Ptolemy VIII., Euergetes II., it became almost universal for 
all dated coins, and except on some coins of Augustus, until the Reform of 
Diocletian. Probably the symbol is a conventional form of the Egyptian 
sign for year in the demotic character.' Mr. G. F. Hill, in his monograph on 
the coins of the Cilician Olba, Cennatis, Lalassis (in the Numismatic 
Chronicle, vol. xix., pp. 181-207, 1899), produces evidence of forms which 
point us back to my explanation above given. On the coins struck by Ajax, 
son of Teucer, probably dp^tepeu? of Olba in the earliest decades of the first 
century, occurs a rare form of Epsilon, viz. <■, which Mr. Hill thinks occurs on 
no other coins. 1 This is used, with a capital Tau, for dating, the two letters 

being often made into a kind of monogram thus ^^ i ■ f\, ^— j — K = ' in 

the first year,' ' in the second year.' There can be no doubt remaining that 
this is an abbreviation of eVou?. But what of the relation with the papyrus 
form |_ ? The later date of these coins of Olba prevents us from claiming 
their forms as the origins of the earliest papyrus forms, but they corroborate 
very strongly the slighter indications of papyrus cursive forms themselves. 
For not Only have we in Nos. 1, 7, 12, 13, the monogram arrangement 
mentioned, but in Nos. 2, 4, 9, 10, 11, there is a slight variant which imme- 

1 He quotes J.H.S. xix p. 15, no. 9 to prove its occurrence in lapidary inscriptions. 


diately suggests the papyrus |_, viz. / -r-; and once at least, in No. 8, there 

is uncompromising severance of the two elements, leaving 5 ^ \ B ( = €tou9 
/3), which shows how easily the simple angle could be adopted, in the hastier 
writing of manuscripts, as the symbol of the word. If, therefore, a Cilician 
Epsilon of the form <■ could lead to a symbol r* , would not an Epsijon of the 
form E easily give |_ ? This, added to the testimony of occasional papyrus 
forms such as those above instanced, and to the probability that the ligatured 
Tau and following letters would make a return to the Epsilon somewhat 
inconvenient, so that it would tend to be left I , is sufficient, in 

my opinion, for the definite conclusion that we have found in E the origin of 
the symbol. 

The rival symbols \- and l or /_ for ' drachmas ' are both thoroughly 
stereotyped symbols appearing equally early, and both very early, in 
Ptolemaic papyri, while the former is used in Attic inscriptions from the fifth 
cent. B.C. onwards. But the former is the regular symbol in the early 
Ptolemaic papyri (Pet. Papp. XVI. (2) 7,8; XXXIII. (a) 24; and in 2nd 
cent. B.C., B.M. Papp. XXX. 2,3; XXIX. 3, 4, et passim; XXV.' 2, 3). 
Comparison of the second with the third century forms will show that the 
older type is squarer, that is, has the two members more nearly equal, the 
horizontal bar even the longer in some occurrences. This may be accidental, 
or it may be a clue to the origin, which is at present unknown. 1 The 
comparatively rarer use of [__ or L seems to suggest that these forms may be 
simply, the one a fragment of the regular form, and the other a modification 
of that fragment. Certainly the lower member is still in the papyri of second 
and third centuries B.C. horizontal, as distinguished from the Roman < . B.M. 
Papp. XLI. 23, 24 ; B XXIII. (3) 47, 59, 74, 77. 

/K, a symbol which occurs in the following context, T779 £ /k X. jTf 

(quoted by Professor Mahaffy, Pet. Pap. Pt. II. p. 37) may be ' some title for 
a regiment,' but nothing else is known of it. It is generally explained as = 
&etcdrapxo<; or BeKarap^ca, on the analogy of £ = kKaT6vrapyp<i. 

tf\ placed between two numerals occurs apparently in only one B.M. 

Pap., viz., XV. (second B.C.) fr. 8 (lines 2, 10). Here its meaning is mysterious 
(Kenyon 2 ad loc). In both instances it separates the two elements of t* =310 
without adding anything to that meaning, which is required to make 

1 It is perhaps worth noting that the another element of perplexity, Plate XLVI in 

Phoenician letter Heth Q actually became j- ( Part II of the Pet. Papp. has in line 15, the 

used as the si«n of rough breathing, in Alex- symbols rut £, which Mahaffy translates 325|. 

audrian grammars, and, at an earlier period, in a Subsequently, Dr. Kenyon writes : '^ must 

some epigraphic alphabets ; while, curiously indicate the object for which the money (10 dr. 

enough, a fuller form (? of the draehme-symbol) in 1. 2, 85 in 1. 8) is paid.' This value for the 

viz. E is noted (Mahaffy Part II pp. 39-41 on sum of drachmae removes the chief difficulty, 

Pet. Pap. VIII (1)) as being found * where we and increases the probability that the unknown 

should expect drachme,' K Lastly, to add symk.l is * m V*l = ° A = ' item ' ' f1itto -' 

152 F. W. G. FOAT 

up the total. No other symbol for ' drachmae ' is used, so that it is just 
possible that r ^^i = < rt. As to the exact form of the symbol, in one 
instance the upper member, in the other the lower, is the larger. It is not 
quite like the - =2 obols, nor some similar forms of ^ = talents, for in 
the present symbol .the convex side is upward in loth members. It thus 
resembles Very closely some forms of A\ = a\ Cp. CCCCII. v. 11 (B.C. 152 
or 141). 

There remains only to draw the conclusion (1) that the symbols of 
Ptolemaic papyri are not in origin arbitrary, but are the results of abbrevia- 
tion of words or parts of words. Of nearly 40 symbols examined, we have 
found six only which will not yield to explanation by reference to alphabetic 
or epigraphic forms ; in quite twenty cases the actual process of development 
is demonstrable by documentary proofs ; in five more, the inferential argu- 
ment is very strong; in four or five more hardly less so; while in more than 
one case of recalcitrancy, the symbol itself does not appear to palaeographical 
authorities to have an assignable meaning. 1 It may then be fairly asserted 
that the position is maintained. 

(2) The statement that there is no trace in this period of borrowings 
from tachygraphy is hardly more than a corollary of the foregoing conclusion. 
I am convinced that there is nothing here which can be called tachygraphic, 
except in so far as all symbols, ligatured characters, and even sometimes 
cursive writing, must partake of that quality. 

The Roman Period. — Non-Literary. 

The results, and the methods, as regards the papyri of this period are 
very similar. This is surprising, as there was certainly for this period the 
presumption that formal tachygraphy would be found to play at least a small 
part in the process of abbreviation. On the one hand, simple abbreviation 
was practised much more freely in the cursive writing of this period than is 
in any department the case with modern English, and on the other hand, there 
was in existence (so at least there seemed good reason for believing : vide my 
article, 'On Old Gk. Tachygraphy,' Journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol. XXI., 
1901, Part II), a system of tachygraphy by means of partly geometrical 
symbols, which should have supplied a certain number of its constituents to 
the general handwriting. But the more closely one investigates the rationem 
formandi of the symbols which occur in Ptolemaic and Roman MSS., the 
more is one convinced that these symbols generally were unconscious develop- 
ments from cursive abbreviated words. Indeed the proportion of those which 
yield to analysis is so large as to make it improbable that the few which 
prove intractable can be arbitrary borrowings from other formations or 

1 E.g. in the case of A vide Kenyon B.M. Pap. Cat, p. 56. 


There may be exceptions among the Greek symbols of the magical 
papyri, but in that case the borrowings are not from Greek tachygiaphy (there 
is one line of pure tachygiaphy which will be discussed), and it is impossible 
to predicate securely anything concerning them, as it is also concerning the 
origin, rational or other, of the 'apparent gibberish '(Kenyon, JJril. Mus. Cat. 
Pap. 1893 : Introd. to Mag. Papp.), which composes so large a part of the 
magical formulas. The many formulas moreover, containing symbols which 
are not Greek though found in the Gk. MSS., are beyond the scope of this 

As regards the details of the analysis, we find in the first place a few 
traces of the alphabet of the early Ptolemaic period; more frequently new 
and non-Ptolemaic forms. Again, we have, as in Ptolemaic MSS., many 
symbols which have become fixed in their now irrational forms, petrified by 
the action of time and use ; many on the other hand which can scarcely be 
counted as symbols at all, so conscious is the introduction of each constituent, 
sometimes partly mutilated or transformed : these however are the ancestors 
of future symbols ; and again there are symbol-phrases, groups of characters, 
in themselves singly to be read as ordinary forms, but in the groupings barely 

distinguishable from symbols, such as \/J^ '"!/] =icai Tralhwv. 

i IV s . vC\ = iv Ato9 TroXei. 

A distinctive feature of Roman non-literary MSS. is the increase in the 
number of monograms. They are found, naturally, most frequently in the 
magical papyri, but they are by no means confined thereto. They are not 
generally irrational, yet the regular crossing or interlacing of certain letters 
gives them an entirely new value, and the combination has more than one 
claim * to be discussed as a symbol (vide infra, p. .167 sqq.) 

What survivals of Ptolemaic symbols do we find in this period? They 


are : the angular Alpha (third cent. B.C.) in rpv^Tos) (Pap. CXXXI r. 83, 

L L 

91,, 152, 224, and three others in same MS.) ; iraph (ib. 62); X?;/z/z(Ta) etc., 


(ib. 6, 173,353, et 2)assim) ; hi = Bia (ib. 566, 567, 579, et passim), and other 
numerous instances of the symbol [_, representing a group of letters beginning 

L L L 

with Alpha : \a^(vov), kovi(tos), tcof3(\evovT€<;), etc. (ib. passim) ; the same 
in composition discussed in another place (infra); the same Alpha reduced 

to a simple horizontal bar, notably in the ai/a'-symbol ; £ = 'drachmae,' 2 

(Papp. CXIX, CXXXI passim) ; the symbol for' talents ' ; [_ = ero? and cases, 
(CXXXI, 23) cp. ostraka of this period : B.M. No. 14,113 = Pal. Soc. 11, 1, 

1 The expedient for instance is largely used 2 Tne p to lemaic |- =' drachmae ' does not 

in modern reporting, c.q. in 'phonography,' ., „. , , . ,, 

, l ,, " ,, l . , survive; the 1 tol. I or £_ now appears in the 

where e.g. n crossed by t has the meaning ' not- , , , .,,.,,. . ,, , >< 

., , ,. , . ,, , °, 1 last shape, with the horizontal lowered and bent 

withstanding ; Imp crossed by s becomes tern- ' 

_ . . , generally, 

perance society. n 

154 F. W. G. FOAT 

2, all first— second cent); the whole series for obols, and for chalci ; 
/ or h = total, or for concise re-statement ; the whole of the numerals, includ- 
ing some fractions ; together with some signs or marks of abbreviation, etc., viz. 
a superscript horizontal, a vertical undulating line, a straight line inclining to 
the right. 1 

What new symbols first appear on papyri in this period ? In the first 
place there is the whole group of distinctly magical symbols; then come 

certain symbols of weight and measure, 2 numeration and coinage, namely / 
di-7 = dpovpa(i) and cases; S or S = Spaxpai ; X V /A, and %, with 

debateable meanings ; some fractions ; f — , j- , etc. = (jrvpou) dprd^at ; 

-7- = dprdfiai ; a superscript horizontal = Nu over final letters ; V- = 8ta; 3 

X, denarius; a number of monograms ; and a sign S of varied application, to 
be discussed with other debateable signs ; together with certain marks made 
by the scribe, chiefly marginal, some of which are paragraph-marks, or marks 
of reference, while some must remain unexplained. 

Perhaps the most striking feature of the sematography of the Roman 
period is the prominence of that sign or mark, which appears generally as an 
undulating line written vertically, its bows turned the same way as that of 
an S, but varying, under the influence of haste and carelessness, from the 
vertical almost to the horizontal position, and from the rounded S-shape to 
the almost straight line. Its significations are very varied ; it is used as the 
simple mark of general abbreviation commonly ; 4 joined to a horizontal it 
means 'one-half,' e.g. B.M. Pap. CXXXI., 76, 41, 55; Fay. Pap. LTV., 
13 ; 5 in 22, 23, . of the same, it means cases of au-ro? ; in any other 

places it is the loose equivalent of the old / = drachma; even the 

strongly characteristic Ptolemaic right-angled ' year '-symbol gives place 
to it, e.g. in B.M. Pap. CLXXXII. b, 1, CCCLXXX. ;. Fay. Pap. XXVI., 
7, etc. The document on the recto of the Aristotle papyrus, from 
which illustrations have just been taken, furnishes many examples of 
the confusion of form, which has fallen upon the large group of symbols 

1 The sweeping curve of the Roman and By- * An interesting and rather extreme example 
zantine periods, a semicircle with its convex \ p^ 

side to the right, is not also Ptolemaic. of this use is /Jq> =«', and U/ =7P> in 

2 Wessely [Ein. Syst. p. 8) mentions metio- cccxv lg fJ variants CCCXXIX 2 3 (rising 
logical siyla, figures and fractions, in cursive 

texts of Berlin and St. Petersburg. But he high above the line). Cp. also J =S«aOxyr. 

gives no details. Papp. CCLXXXIX (1) 12, 19 ; CCXC, 20, 23. 

s Kai has also been suggested as a meaning 5 Only incidentally does it mean ri/xtuifioXov 

{vide Brit. Mus. Pap. Cat. Vol. II. Index of (so Edd. of Pay. Pap. pp. 181 and 347). Fide 

Symb.). supra, pp. 146 sqq. 


of which the sign is an element. Compare line 55 with 63 ; 76 with 
65; 23 with 28; 28 with 41 ; and again the common sign for drachmas in 
line 34 with the figure of S laid flat (for the same) in line 55. Here, as in 
Roman uses of the sign on papyrus generally, there is neither consistent dis- 
tinction when the meaning varies, nor clear uniformity when the meaning u 
constant. Again and again the Editors have had a difficult task to decide 
whether the undulation, the zig-zag, the crescent, or the double-bow shape l 
has the best right to represent a certain written form. 

What we have in the MSS. is a flourish or curved line, written very 
negligently or fancifully by the scribe, the meaning being securely conveyed 
by the formula, a formula being the almost invariable context. An illus- 
tration of this quite natural and inevitable confusion is to be seen in the 
occurrence of two symbols, which are conventionally printed < = dprd^r] 

(rare), and ^> = dprd^t] (rare), (Kenyon, Pal. of Gk. Pap. 1899, Append. IV.). 

These are identical in appearance with the common drachma-symbols : their 
use for ' artaba' is probably a transference, accidental or very occasional (cp. 
Pap. XXIII. (3), line 77, where exactly the same 'slip' — Kenyon — is made 
in an earlier MS.). It would obviously not be convenient to use the same 

printer's type for all the symbols C and ^y (' artabae ')C, S, 3, ('drachmae'), 

S = ' half,' S = eVou9, and marking abbreviation, but these all tend to run so 
much into one another that nothing but the context avails to differentiate 
them. And the prevailing degenerate form for them all is in appearance in- 
distinguishable from the S-stroke. 2 

Often similar in appearance to the last-mentioned is the simple oblique 
bar = y(iveTai), which marks the introduction of a group of symbols. It is 
normally straight, and inclined to the right, but has variants inclined at all 
degrees, to the quite horizontal, and bent and twisted variously. The 
occurrences are too common to be worth quoting, but a characteristic result 

of the free use of signs may be seen in CCCXXXIII. A.D. 166 where 

stands for /< (Kenyon, Text, Gk. Pap. in B.M., vol. II., p. 199). In some 
cases part of the formula becomes welded to this abbreviation-sign, forming a 
virtual symbol : a second abbreviation-mark, viz. the horizontal superscript 
^originally the mark of inclusion) is sometimes found. 

Pap. CXXXI. 532, 23, 562, 22, CXXXI. 2, 19, 20, CXIX. 8, show 
variants of such a combination for o,vt6<; (case; &c, the particular case, like 
the general meaning, being determined by the presence and the case of the 
article. The value of the sign indeed is often merely addendum quid. 
Some confirmation of this opinion as regards the auTos-symbol may be seen 
in the more precise contraction of later MSS. in which the sign was felt to be 

1 That is, the printer's types of these shapes. Cp. CCCXXV (a) and (b) where (a) line f> lias 
3 Cp.the samestrokeagaininan unusual abbre- the sign for ' year ' absolutely indistinguishable 
viated •Hepaivrov viz. H<f>\ CXXXI r. 329, 372. from the si g" of abbreviation in (b) line I. 


F. W. G. FOAT 

too indefinite, 1 and the latter of the two abbreviation-strokes was replaced by 
a syllable giving the full case ending-Tot), -t&5, &c, resulting in tovtov &c., 
the bar of which was mistakenly supposed to signify av-. Sometimes e.g. 
CXXXI. r. 22 the same component elements are written detached from one 
another. In the Aristotle papyrus {e.g. col. IX. 8) a single stroke is found ; 
as also in the Demosthenes scholia of it. Dr. Wessely has found it, in the 
fuller form (with horizontal), common in the Hermopolis Magna papyri of 
Vienna. 2 

An even more convincing pair of the same class is that which consists of 
the same abbreviation-sign joined to the first two or three letters of xa\/cov 
and dpyvpiov with the meanings ' copper drachmae ' and ' silver drachmae ' (cp. 
on irvpov aprdftr) pp. 84, 85 inf.) respectively. The vertical sign in the latter 
is certainly not different from that which helps to form avro? and cases, in many 
of its occurrences (e.g. CXXXI. 23) ; and the mode of joining to the superscript 
vertical is the same. Cp. CXXXI. 6, 74, 173, 177, 178, 179, et passim. The 
ligature-formation is a characteristic feature of this symbol : the sign always 
or commonly having a distinct shape when written alone (cp. ib. col. 8 where 
the extreme right-hand col. of numerals exhibits both). In the symbol for 
copper 'drachmae' (e.g. ib. 28, 191, 196, 200, 213, et passim) the ligature- 
formation exists, but not quite the same ; the Chi is written so that the 
straighter of the two cross-bars, struck from below upwards to the left, is 
carried on into a cursive looped, or else into an archaic angular Alpha, this into 
the horizontal sign of abbreviation, and this again into the descending 
sign in question. The formation of this pair of symbols is thus quite rational 
and consistent, and it may be added, in defence of the assumption that the 
meaning came eventually to depend upon the context, that they are quite free 
from ambiguity — perhaps owing to the doubling of the sign of abbreviation 
(cp. for the single horizontal over a similar group of letters ib. 187, 192 195, 
ib. 26 ; common in this MS.). 

It may be convenient to epitomize these results : 

Vc~n i T&5 + addendum quid 

cp. to \ = to ai>To ; rov \ = 

6j T i apy + addendum quid 

XV x a + 

' >J BlOtK ,, ,, 

to) avTco 



( dpyvpov vofiii 
\ drachmae 

( x a ^ K0 ^ 

\ vop,. or drachmae 

Bioi/ctjaei dr. o\ 

crfiara or 

1 The name demand for definiteness in later 
days is seen in mediaeval commentaries of Nvtae 
Tironianae. In these we get careful restora- 
tions of case-signs and geneial word-endings 
where the earlier notarii had been satisfied 
to trust to memory and the context. The in- 

creased exactness is in all these cases iu inverse 
ratio to freshness and spontaneity, and easy 
familiarity with the language to be written. 

- See his interesting study of the symbol in 
Archivfur Stenographic, Berlin, January. 1902. 

3 CXIX, 4. 


The rest of the series is : — 
~\ zzz + addendum quid 

Af x) 

•^^ ai/ + addendum quid dm drachmae 

\ I used alone before numerals drachmae 



used alone before smaller fractions 

used alone with a numeral giving a 
regnal year. 

2 obols+4 (ob) 

? xoiviKe*; l 

one-half (and so $-obol 

7)fll(t)/3o\ov) 3 


As regards the latter members of the series, there are some remarks to be 
made. In OXIX. 10 and perhaps XCIX. (1) 21 there is the sign with the 
signification ' £,' but it is reversed, Q), as compared with e.g. CIX. B. 74, 75, 
84. Examination shows that the ligature is responsible for such variations, 
just as the ligature is responsible for the common position. It is, in fact, 
convenience informing the ligature which everywhere decides, within certain 
limits, the form of a sign, and sometimes a whole symbol. Cp. Fay. Papp. 
XLV. 8 ; LIII. 6 ; LVI. 7 ; with LIV. 13, where different variants of this sign 
are used for the half-obol. 

Side by side with this sign for 'one-half is often the simple crescent 
curve resting on the line on one end of its convex side as conventionally 
printed, 4 and this no doubt is the direct descendant of the acute-angled 
Ptolemaic 'one-half symbol/' But certainly it is also of exactly the same 
form as the curve of the series under discussion. Cp. CIX. B. fr. 2, line 74 
(second cent.). The formula however saves it from ambiguity, its immediate 
context being (1) a whole number which it follows (whereas the similar 
drachmae-sign regularly precedes the number), or (2) part of a compound 
fraction at the head of which it stands. The latter case would sometimes 
offer room for ambiguity, viz., when parts of the drachma had to be expressed, 
were it not that the latter are never represented by fractions, but by 'stereo- 
typed' symbols for obols and chalci. 6 The fact that fractions higher in value 
than one-half (except the exact f and the exact f) can only 7 be expressed in 
Greek with the help of the one-half symbol standing first, has given great 
security to the use of a very slight mark for the latter ; one might almost say 

1 Xapanos vide p. 158 infra. 

2 CXIX ; 5, cp.A/p^. =X*X(*»1*)- 

3 CCLXXXVIII, 4 et saep. ; CCLXXX1X, i, 
10, et saep. 

4 Grenfell and Hunt print it (Fay. Pap. XI, 
15, p. 347, etc.) as a plain right angle. 

6 Which in Ptolemaic papyri has a well- 

marked rounded variant. 

6 These are not new in the Roman papyri 
and have been explained under Ptolemaic (p. 
146 sqq. supra). 

7 In a few places there is used a method of 
expressing numerator and denominator. See 
par. on fractions inf. p. 160 sqq. 

158 F. W. G. FOAT 

that for this, as for almost all the ' addendum quid ' signs just discussed, any 
scratch will do. Certainly it is impossible to read the non-literary papyri by 
tables of alphabets and of symbols however elaborate. Only perfect 
familiarity with the formulas, recurrent phrases, and the probable intent of the 
scribe in the wording of the rest can unlock the secret of the scribbled hands, 
as careless or as hasty then as now. But in the matter of symbols there is 
the additional tendency to abbreviation which has been alluded to above 
(p. 136) which leads away from a multiplication of distinct signs or symbols for 
particular words. However that may be, the fact remains that we have in 
this large group the repeated application of the same curve or flourish, whose 
commonest and simplest use is to mark abbreviation, in about a dozen 
different significations determined almost wholly by the formula. 

To conclude this group with a consideration of /\\. The establishment 

of the meaning I have given it is more difficult, as the Editor for the Brit. Mus. 
Trustees (Keny on, p. 152) expresses a contrary opinion. Against his earlier 
reading as ' copper-drachmas ' which he does not now maintain 1 may be set 
certain palaeographical facts. In the first place, CIX. B. fr. 4, col. 2, line 124, 
has an erasure of this symbol, with the symbol for fiirpa, which occurs in the 
Paris papyri and in B.M. Pap. CXIII. 9 e, written over it, in its place on the 
same spot. It is a clear case of deliberate substitution : they are not then 
variants. But the fact that ' metra ' takes the place of the symbol in question, 
not once but several times in these same columns, is an argument against the 
signification ' drachmae,' and in favour of ' choenices.' Again, the meaning 
' copper-drachmae ' already belongs to another symbol, shown in the above 
illustration. Concerning the signification in that case there is no difference 
of opinion. That meaning is consequently impossible for the symbol in 
question. Dr. Kenyon, however, does not think that anything satisfactory 
can be made of the meaning ' choenices.' 2 He quotes a more probable 
explanation : ' Wilcken has suggested that the numbers attached to this 
symbol are reference numbers to a tax-register, showing the places from 

which the names which follow are taken. The symbols X. \ 3 and ^ would 

then indicate sections of the register, the former standing for Xdpaxos the 
name of a district in Thebes (see Pap. CXIX.) and the latter for some other 
district (he suggests 'Ayopd). I think this is an ingenious suggestion.' 

Touching the employment of the simple undulating flourish alone and 
detached, to signify ' drachmae,' we observe that it is, first, somewhat rarer, 4 
secondly, it stands side by side with the Ptolemaic form 5 whose conventional 

1 Privately communicated, May 1901. 3 ^ s lip j \ think, for 

2 That is to say, in this particular context. 
For a Chi = choeniees certainly occurs, cp. ft [ft variants boldly formed however OCCUl 
Oxyrh. Pap. CCLXXXVII, 7, 8. ,.. ir i y . Cp. CCII, late 1st. cent. 

5 The common Ptolemaic \- is not Roman. 


representatives are < and 3 and is probably the result of confusion with the 
same form made loosely. 

The same sign, used for L (' year'), is well attested for this period. Cp. 
Brit. Mus. Pap. CLXXXII. b. 1, where it occurs twice, once to mark ab- 
breviation, once for the year. The Editor (Cat., p. 62, n.) notes that the two 
forms are the same, and prints both S-shaped. Op. also CCCXXIII., 7 ; 
CXCVIL, 3; Oxyrh. Papp. CCXXXVI1., iv. 6; XXXIV., ii. 15. Th^ 

ordinary Roman drachma-symbol C presents no ambiguity. It is cleariy 

the same as the Ptolemaic symbol of the same shape. 

The safest place in which to look for m.rmal forms, free from the con- 
fusion of neighbouring signs and cursive, is in a document like CLXXX1. 
A.D. 64, where clearly divided columns give no room for ambiguity. Studying 
this, and comparing it for exactly the same arrangement of the drachmae- 
symbols, with CXCIX., late second cent, CCLIV. verso, second cent., CLVI., 
early third, which together present nearly 150 examples, we may be convinced 

that the normal is the simple / , without other addition. Curious di- 

vergencies and variations are frequent, but the majority of quite normal 
examples is overwhelming. There is, however, an apparent variant of 
great importance. It consists of the normal symbol 'preceded by a long 
straight bar, inclining generally a little to the right. Its occurrences with 
the symbol are perhaps as numerous as those of the symbol without it, but 
the occasions of its introduction are interesting. It may be studied in 
CCXCVL, 7 (a.d. 160) ; CCCXXIX. (a.d. 164) ; 8, 9, CCCLII. (a.d. 220), 5, 
6, 7, 8, where the symbol is used first with and then without the upright in 
close succession, each concerned with the statement of the same monetary 
values. This method of duplicate statement is not confined to money sums, 
but is found with artabae, metretae (CLI.), etc. The usual arrangement is as 
follows. First the sum is stated in words at length. A contracted form of 
the measure or coin — artabe, drachma, etc.— and the fractional symbols are 
permitted here, but the principal numbers are written in full. Then an up- 
right bar is drawn to introduce the duplicate statement all in symbols. For 


pie, CCCXL., 3, and CCCXIL, 6, 7, respectively leuco<n, l< k; and 

< eiKoai €7TTa^/y > L «£ L/y . (Cp. CLXX. ; CCCXLVIL, col. 2, lines 

9, 11, 12, 14, 15; CCCXIX., 9). 

It is clear that the bar belongs not to the symbol next to it, but to the 
whole group. It is a variant use of the common ' total '-symbol. This 
' total '-symbol is identical in shape, and as an additional suggestion that 
they are the same in origin, there are occasional variants of each to be found 
which are also identical. In CCCXXX. (a.d. 164), 6, 7, there is the form /- 

160 F. W. G. FOAT 

in a variant of /< . In third century MSS. this upright bar exhibits the 
same tendency to fall down into the horizontal, as observed with similar 
si^ns. In CCCXLIX. the horizontal is regular: and here it sometimes stands 
for drachmae to the exclusion of the symbol. It may fairly be concluded 
that the bar in the drachmae-formula is used with the same intent and 
feelino- as the acknowledged ' total '-symbol, viz. to introduce a concise re- 
statement. Cp. CCCCLXXVII, 6; COCXXXII1., 28; CCCXLL, 9; 
CCCXLIIL, 8, all second and third century, where the use is clear. 1 
The sign of a shape V already found in Ptolemaic papyri and also in 

Roman papyri with various meanings, is used for 'deduct' or 'less.' Fay. 
Pap. CI., r. (iii.), 4 ib. v. (i.) 10 and so, often. In B.M. Pap. CCLXVIL, 1. 300 
(first or second century) it is a large right angle, like the eTou<?-symbol. It is 
at present unexplained. 

A star-shaped symbol for 'denarius' occurs in the Fay. Pap. e.g. CV., i., 
11, etc. and Oxyrh. Pap. LXXXV., ii., 17 ; iv., 17. This is not native to the 
papyri, being the Roman sign for the Roman coin, borrowed directly from 
the Roman notation (Vide Marquardt, Privatleben der Homer, p. 101). It is 
X=10 crossed by a horizontal. 

We come now to the fraction-symbols. Exclusive of the ordinary 
numerals, the symbols for fractions do not form a large class. But apart 
from the symbols proper, there are found, for the expression of fractions, 
some interesting applications of the common methods of numeration. For 
one, see B.M. Pap. CCLXV. where there occur fractions with numerators 
(other than unity) and denominators both expressed, the denominator being 
written above the other. Dr. Kenyon (Brit. Mus. Pap. Cat., Vol. II., p. 259) 
says that this method is not otherwise known in papyri, though it appears to 
be regularly used by Diophantus. 2 

The examination of the few symbols which are used for the most 
common fractions,' alone belongs properly to this monograph, keeping within 
the limits first above set. Is there inter-relation between the common 
symbols for one-quarter, one-half, three-quarters ? The first and second have 
been discussed in the Ptolemaic section, pp. 146 sqq. as well as incidentally 
among Roman symbols. Adopting Kenyon's opinion (Pal. Gk. Pap., 1899, 
p. 156, n. 1) for the last, we have the explanation of the series, which may be 
briefly stated thus: the ' one- quarter ' symbol is a degenerate Delta dis- 
tinguished by the fraction-making (p. 141 above, note) vertical stroke ; the 
' one-half symbol is the Ptolemaic angular 'one-half rounded out a little in 
Roman Greek ; and the ' three-quarters ' is the final result of writing the two 
in close succession (CXIX., 2, second century, XCIX. (i.), 56, 57, CIX., A, 18, 
25), that is t—e = ' = '_ ' = v, | The more cursive variations, e.g. 
CCLXVIL, col. 18, line 298, are still not inconsistent with such an origin. 

The symbol for one-eighth J, is doubtless an Eta of that peculiar form 

1 CCCCLXXVIII, 6 offers an exception. Hultsch's review of it i:; Berl. ll'ochcnschr. 1894 

- Diophanti Alex, opera, ed. P. Tannery, and p. 805. 


which is common in MSS. 50-150 A.D., but it is clearly used as a symbol, as 
may be seen by a comparison with the forms of the letter around it, which 
never attract it out of its distinctive shape as a numeral. Cp. CXIX., 52 
(where 8£ occurs). 

The occurrence of /3 = § in CCXC. (a.d. 85), 7, CCLVI. r. (early first 
century), 16, CLXXV., 7, is a return to the original formation of the symbol, 
after the corruption of /3 into o, in many examples. Cp. v°=^= 2 chalci * 
and corruption of Delta into the same form in o' = 4 chalci. Revillout, 
Lettres sur les Monnaics Egyptienncs, p. 172, prints this symbol A, but gives 
the same explanation of it. He adds fo, to which he gives the value J, of 
§ or f . Perhaps this is a mistake for £ of 2. 

The ordinary numerals Gamma, Epsilon, etc., with an over-written 
vertical, are used for ^, ^, etc. There are, however, several Roman varieties 
of the over- written mark. Cp. Fay. Pap. LXXXII, 16. Note the symbol 
for £ Fay. Pap. LXXXVI., 2, resulting from the close collocation and 
subsequent combination of the ^-symbol and the Gamma =\. 

The symbols of the formula ' one per cent. ' and ' two per cent.' are 
questionable. The appearance of the sign in CCCVII, 2, might suggest, for 
explanation, a reference to the vertical over-written stroke found in Ptolemaic 
fractions (cp. p. 146 n. above) since these 'percentages' are the fractions 
i¥(T>tV- But the form of the sign in the same formula in CCVI. d. (second 
century) 2, 3, raises a doubt, since there there is the more familiar undulating 
vertical crossed by a horizontal bar (Kenyon, loc. cit. note). 

As in Ptolemaic so we find in Roman papyri the character Sampi as a 
numeral =900 (CXCIIL, 20, CXCIV., 93 etc.) and Koppa = 90 (CXCIII., 54, 
CXCV., 10). Note the form, q-shaped, in Oxy. Pap. XLIII. recto ii. 23. 

The symbol l^- = (at least in some places) avd, has been treated under 
the head of its Ptolemaic occurrences (p. 142 supra) and again (inf. pp. 166 sq.) 
in the consideration of the horizontal bar = Nu. 

Rho surmounted by a small Chi occurs ( = eKarovrap^o'i) in Roman 
papyri. Vide Fay. Pap. XXXVIII, 1 ; CXXXII. 4. Once a symbol \J 
replaces it in the same formula B.M. Pap. CCCXLII, 1, cp. Cat. II. p. 172. 
Have we here a reminiscence of the curious symbol of the Pet. Papyri (supra, 
p. 137)? 

While, as already stated, the Ptolemaic right-angle for 'year ' survives in 
Roman papyri, with no noteworthy change of form, 2 a chapter might be written 

1 The Edd. of the Fay. Pap. LVI, 5, 6 LVII, one side of it ; (2) the same with its vertical 
5, resolve % into x aKK °v b&okol. Perhaps the member curved, 2-shaped ; (3) the same again, 
explanation is that when used alone, the collo- but with the concave of the curve looking to 
cation is to be read in this way, but that when the right. Both the (2) and (3) may be seen in 
following o'=4 chalci as B.M. Papp. CCCXII CCLVII a.d. 94 and CGCXXIV a.d. 161. For 
and CCCLXXI, it adds 2 chalci, making up the comparison of the last with its cursive degencr- 
6 chalci. ates CCCXIV 25, 26. Grenfell and Hunt print 

2 We have in Roman papyri the three common other variants U (0*y P a P- Vol. I. P- 263) and 
variants: (1) the plain right angle resting on . , . .. „„». 

H.S. — VOL. XXII. M 

162 F. W. G. FOAT 

on the very compendious formulae, equivalent to compound symbols, which 
are formed, in such papyri as B.M. CCLX., by the juxtaposition of numerals 
and this symbol, e.g , ein K 6 L th L ifi L . = iiritcptOel? tgj 6 eVet koX iv Teacrapatcai- 
Se/ceVat? tc5 t/S erei, (cp. col. 5, lines 65-70). But such a section could 
do no more than repeat the conclusions of the Editor, and the difficulty 
lies in the interpretation of the formula rather than in the decipherment of 
the symbols. In the MS. just quoted, in particular, these symbols, numeral 
and * year '-symbol, alike, are, though somewhat rubbed, clear enough and of 
the normal forms, so that, without passing beyond the limits laid down for 
this monograph, one would hardly be justified in devoting space to their 

The 2-shaped cursive form which in Ptol. MSS. is a = 1000 (sc. drachmae) 
recurs in CIX B fr. 2 line 45, CXIX. 6, 9, 13, 17, 29, 40, 42, 48, in a scribbled 
cltto. Wilcken thinks that it is not a symbol, and it may be pointed out 
that there is in the Roman symbol a closer resemblance to that word cur- 
sively written than in the Ptol. : the Omikron is in some cases quite 
distinguishable, though, as it is not always found, the circle may be nothing 
more than an occasional flourish (cp. CXIX. 56, where the ordinary cursive 
word is found in the same context). 

Side by side with it, 2 = 1000, B = 2000, &c. survive in Roman papyri, 
though in CXCVI. (second century) 27, 35, 36, 40, they are found with an 
addition, a hooked horizontal interlaced axvvise with the hook which was once 
the circumflex. 

The Aroura-group. The normal type of this is no doubt better seen in the 

form ^i (CXCII in almost every line, CXCV, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, CXCIII, 1, 33, 

35, 37 et passim — all first century) than in / (CXIX. 1, 2,3, et passim, 

CXXI. r. 88, 95, 100, et passim, CCLXVIT. 3 ,16, 22, CIX. A. fr. 2 lines 18, 
23, 25, 51, 52, et passim, Fay. Pap. XXIII. (a) 7, 9. For although the 
former can hardly be a direct descendant of the Ptolemaic symbol $, so 
different is the general appearance, yet the same elements are perhaps to be 
seen, viz. Alpha-Rho, transformed however by the adoption of an Alpha of 
later date, which now appears mutilated, as the initial hook in both these 
Roman symbols. The absence from one of a final hook to the Rho-stroke 
would then favour its claim to be the more normal form. The horizontal bar, 
marking abbreviation, appears in each, but in one a ligature binds it to the 
tail of the Rho, so disguising both elements. This tendency to write the 
Rho-tail and the ligature all as one stroke is illustrated in CXIX. 1, 2, 3, 
where in 3 especially the whole appearance is almost that of a copy-book 

capital E, scil. r~ , joined to a following horizontal ; and the progress of the 

mutilation is confirmed from the example in line 56 of the same papyrus, 
which has already (second century) lost the initial hook. A final Byzantine 
form which appears to be quite regular in CXIII. 8 c. (seventh century) is an 


uncompromising straight vertical with a bold loop joining it at half way, 
where the horizontal starts; cp. below p. 172 sq. Further, the simpler, 
the presumably normal sign is found in MSS. which are earlier, without 
exception I think, than those which show the more degenerate, that is, the 
rounded and ligatured form : certainly the earliest (Pap. CXCV) of these 
first century papyri has the simpler form of the symbol, the ligature appearing 
first in CXXXI. (78-79 A.D.). 

The symbols which are found in the familiar collocation irvpov dpTdfias 
demand a detailed investigation, as several considerations render it complicated. 
In the first place the two distinct symbols which originally formed the con- 
stituent parts are used inconsistently and confusedly ; the whole composite 
symbol is found sometimes for the irvpov, sometimes for the ' artabas ' ; 
sometimes the original formation seems lost to sight and new strokes are 
introduced; and to add to these difficulties of application, there is the confusion 
of the form of this symbol, with the Ptolemaic ' metretes ' in the MSS. and 
some overlapping of the variants in the printed lists. It will hardly be 
profitable to attempt an analysis of all the minor discrepancies to which these 
difficulties have given rise. It is better to go back to the MS. forms and 
endeavour to trace their development. To begin with the — , which has 
a history of its own, apart from the part it plays in the composite symbol. 
If — = dpTa/3r) (Fay. Pap. LXXXV. 39) is analogous to — = ovXfj 
(CCLIX. 77, 80, 89, 99 &c.) and - = o/W&>9 (CCLIV. v. 17, 27, 43, 44, 45, 
et passim), explanation is simple : it is a mutilated Alpha surmounted by a 
lengthened abbreviation-mark. This explanation receives confirmation from 
the fact that {e.g. in CCCXLVI a and b) this abbreviation is found just 
where an abbreviation as distinct from a symbol would naturally occur, viz. in 
the cursive statement of an amount which commonly precedes the duplicate 
statement in symbols. Compare these parallels and note the variants : B.M. 

Papp. CCCXV. irvpov apTaf3a<i Tpia/covra "j "\; B.M. Papp. CCCXLVI. 

irvpov — T/31? \j-\- /- . Here clearly + is the symbol standing for irvpov dprd- 
/3a<?, while ~ is regarded by the writer as ordinary cursive. 1 In another place, 
CCCCLXIX. b. 5, we have opo/3 2 apTa/3 rpa / — y where the distinct — 
has passed over to the symbol side. As this papyrus is late second century 
(Kenyon, Cat. II. p. 86), the use here of the abbreviation may be regarded 
as typical of what I think is the transition stage ; in which we see the simple 
cursive — of earlier Roman MSS. used among the symbols, but without 
having lost its distinctive form. A little later, at the beginning of the third 
century, it has amalgamated with part of the mark which in various shapes 
introduces it, 3 and thus we have a symbol of the type of CCCXV. 4 where the 
simple — is still very consciously written, though the vertical already crosses 

1 In CXCII col. 4, line 82 it apparently is among the symbols. 

used for apra&wv. * This is dated 150 a.d. so that the use here 

2 6 P 6Pov, a kind of vetch or pulse. is an anticipation of what became general 

3 The irvpov ordinarily not being represented later. 

M 2 

164 F. W. G. FOAT 

it, at its left-hand tip. At the next stage it is the horizontal bar in the 
familiar plain cross (' plus '-shaped) but still reminiscent of the preceding, 
the thick dot, like an Omikron, being still appended in some cases to the 
right-hand tip of the horizontal. In other MSS. the dot has disappeared, the 
' plus '-cross is uncompromising and wholly detached, while a new stroke, again 
various in shape, is used to introduce the symbols. The successive stages are 
illustrated in the following (Brit. Mus. Papp.). 

CCCXLVI. (a) 6 riYOirrc^U/- 

ibid. 8 ^*n -r t^ f i- 

CCCCLXIX. (b) 5 opoB aprafi rpt? It 7 

CCCXV. 13 trvpov apraf3a<; Tpia/covra j-r A. 

ibid. 18 „ „ etjrjKovra evvea 'd_ pa 

CLXXX. 3 ., „ eiKoai irevrai ~p Ke 

CCCLT. 11 „ „ t/m? -^- V~ 7 

The other elements in the compound it is not so simple a matter to 
explain. 1- is the conventional (printer's) form of a symbol which Wilcken 

(Jahrb. d. Ver. i. Altertumsfreunden in Bheinland, LXXXVI. p. 237) explains 
as properly equivalent to trvpov, but used loosely for trvpov aprdfir) etc 
There is in favour of this explanation, the analogy of ' copper-drachmae ' and 
' silver-drachmae ' which similarly give a curtailed form of the word which 
represents the material, and use it loosely for the expression of the principal 
current measure or weight of it. (Cf. pp. 156 sqq. supra). But an objection 
at once occurs : What of the resemblance to the ' metretae '-symbol ? a The 
reply is, that the similarity is occasional and accidental. The full form of 
the metretes-symbol, as shown 'above, is a rough monogram form of Mu- 
Epsilon, so that an upper arm, representing the top of the Epsilon, and 
making the third horizontal on the right, is essential to it, though it is occa- 
sionally neglected. The Roman-symbol has never this upper horizontal and 
may be considered on its own merits. The early Roman examples are, I 
think, to be referred to a normal type illustrated in CCLVI d. (a.d. 11) 
which consists of the horizontal artabe-symbol already explained, drawn 

through the vertical of a symbol j. or 1 signifying properly Trvpov. The 

last-named is formed of a very curiously written Pi-Omikron, or Pi-Upsilon 2 
having an apparent Omikron or Upsilon reduced to the merest thickening 
or curl at the end of the descending stroke of the Pi. 3 The second century 

1 Cp. XV (8) 9 which is indexed in the B.M. the Pi-Omikron composite is already ciossed 
Cat. (Kenyon, 1893) as above, with the ' met- by a horizontal midway. This cannot repre- 
retes '-symbol in the same index. sent the ' artaba,' for which a separate symbol 

2 The latter would be more in accordance is written. The date is third cent. B.C. (?) or 
with the regular principle of abbreviation, but latest second cent. It must be noted that £ = 
the apparent occurrences of Omikron make the wupoC, and -irvpov aprd&ai is found also in the 
former worthy of consideration. Ptolemaic period, on the ostraka, e.g. B. M. No. 

3 A curious Ptolemaic example is worth note 25868. 
in this connexion, viz. in CCXVII, 4. Here 


variants are sometimes unmistakeably of this same type : those e.g. in CIX. 
B. fr. 1 (15, 30, 32, 59, passim) having as their variation only the omission of 
any mark to represent the Omikron, or Upsilon, and occasionally a carrying- 
round of the lower hook into a loop joining the horizontal (e.g. 60). In 
CCCXV (150 A.D.) the variation has affected the other member, so that the 
whole appears as a simple vertical, struck through the left-hand tip of the 
artabe-abbreviation, this vertical having, attached to its tip, a stroke which 
is in some cases like a simple ligature (cp. 10, 13, 18), in others a second 
horizontal, written by a separate stroke of the pen (cp. ib. 15). This addi- 
tional stroke is in many cases the mark which introduces a group of symbols 
commonly repeating a value already expressed in words, the 7u/eTcu-stroke. 
Before the end of the century, the composite symbol has taken the form of 
a plain cross, 'plus '-shaped, (cp. CCCXLVI, a and b a.d. 194) which now, 
and in the third century, is preceded or introduced by new additional signs 
of various forms. In CCCXLVI, just referred to, it is a vertical stroke, 
almost straight, with a very slight hook at the top on the left and at the 
bottom on the right : in CCCLI (A.D. 218) it is a horizontal undulating 
~ -shaped (line 11) or a ragged stroke somewhat similar (line 12). In all of 
these there is perhaps something reminiscent of an original 7rv/3oi)-symbol, 
now absorbed into the vertical of the cross, but in CLXXX (a.d. 228) it is 
a plain detached horizontal (8. 13) or a similar stroke, often ligatured to the 
vertical. 1 This additional preceding stroke, introductory to a group of symbols, 
has been the cause, as already explained, of considerable confusion, both in 
the MSS. and (consequently) in the Editions. Such an example as CLXXX, 12, 
shows its normal use with artabe-symbol very clearly Trvpov aprafias rpia- 
kovtcl Sifivpov J +. \ft' as contrasted with the simple 'artabas' alone, the 4- 
alone or followed by the o, as in B.M. Pap. CCCXXII where many variants 
enable one to estimate to some extent the probable limits of this variation. 
Finally, to anticipate a little, we have in fourth century papyri, strange 

forms such as 5 or 9 ■ , (XCIX (i) col. 2, 3, 4, and fresh confusion 

such as V^~ ', e ~\*~~ (CXXV (i) 1, et sqq.) Other illustrations may be seen 

in CXCIII, CLXXV, and CXCIV, all first century, CCLIV, second century, 
CLXXXVIII, third century. 

Pap. CCLXVI, 40, has a sign exactly resembling one form of the Artabe- 
symbol, a horizontal line with a small circle written beneath it. This sign here 
indicates that what follows is the ' net ' total (Kenyon, B.M. Pap. Cat. II, 
234). It is hard to imagine what the circle (or dot) could be. The 
horizontal however is not strange as a variant of / : there is a general 
tendency of vertical or nearly vertical strokes to take a more horizontal 
position ; and the very stroke in this position, signifying ' gross ' total, occurs, 
without the subscript, in this same papyrus, passim. 

1 The Omikron circlet attached on the under 40 occurrences, CCXLIX, 20, CCXXXVI, 4. 

side to the right hand end of the line, reap- In CCXVII, 16, (3rd cent.) it is placed above 

pears, and survives to Byzantine papyri. Cp. t^he horizontal, 
in the Abinnaeus papyri, CCCCXXVIII nearly 

166 F. W. G. FOAT 

The Koman forms of the Talent-symbol. These are, ordinarily ^7 (Oxy. 
Pap. XLIX, 18; CCXLII, 28 etc.), and <, (id. CCXXXVII, iv., 14, etc.) 

The latter is a more cursive development of the former, itself at a similar 
stage in relation to the Ptolemaic two-membered form. Still more 
degenerate forms may be seen at id. LXXXIV, 17 ; and perhaps LIV, 18. 

?s ( = crvfifioXiKov, a tax the nature of which is undetermined), is hardly 
a symbol, though noted by the Editors of Fay. Towns and their Papyri, 
p. 347, among the symbols. It is a Sigma of the second century, with 

common over-written sign. 

It would be better to defer judgement on the small, faint and very 
cursive writing of XCIX, a mutilated and very fragmentary fourth century 
papyrus, which shows symbols, apparently for vofjica-fxara and tcepdria, which 
are quite unfamiliar. 

V- = Sid. The earlier explanation = ical seemed very probable 

(Kenyon, Pal. Gk. Pap. 1899, Ap. iv), for in CIX B fr. 2, the ordinary cursive 
Kai is written in such a way that the omission of the final iota actually leaves 
this ' symbol.' Cp. line 45 with 46 ; and 55 with 59. Dr. Kenyon now accepts 
Dr. Wilcken's explanation above given, which he thinks gives better 

f\ A symbol or sign thus printed in the Cat. of Brit. Mus. papyri is 
unexplained. The Editor suggests the meaning tr (for 7rpoaBcaypa<f)6fjL€va). 
Curiously, a somewhat similar but dotible angle of this kind is also unexplained 
among Ptolemaic symbols. Vide supra p. 151. 

The short horizontal over the final letter of a word, and especially of a 
line (XLVL, 140, 146, 150, 155, et passim) has sometimes the value Nu. It 
quite commonly indicates other letters, but not other single letters, except 
Bl = 8id. I cannot produce one, and there is not one in Kenyon's 1893 Index 
of Abbreviations (Cat. Gk. Pap. Brit. Mus., pp. 253-5) and the 1898 Catalogue 
has only t" = t^ (CCCXXV. a) which proves on examination to be hardly a 
case in point, the addition being merely a prolongation of the cross-bar of the 
Tau. In the case of dvd the horizontal = Alpha drawn above the Nu is un- 
deniable, but then the Nu is much mutilated, so as to give the whole value 
and appearance of a symbol, and the Ptolemaic angular Alpha is replaced by 
a single bar apparently only when the latter is immediately followed by and 
joined to the vertical flourish which signifies 'drachmae.' Moreover this 
occurs in a common formula ' @ drachmas x.' 

A similar sign for a single final letter over-written is the sometimes cup- 
shaped angle representing Upsilon. See CCCXXV. b, where it occurs twice 
in the genitive ending Omikron-Upsilon, in each instance resembling a large 
modern ' tick.' 

Quite alike often are the symbols which consist of a double horizontal, 
viz. for ' two-obols,' for ' Arouras,' and not infrequently for ' talents.' The 
' talents '-symbol is generally easier to distinguish, but it is often loosely 


written both in Ptolemaic and Roman x papyri, and the ' two-obol '-symbol 
tends constantly to the same shape in Roman MSS. (for extreme form CXIX., 
46); the similar ' Arouras,' which is rare, is Ptolemaic only. But here again 
it must be observed that the meaning is commonly kept clear by the context 

Obol and Chalci symbols. Concerning these there is little to add to the 
account given of them in the Ptolemaic section, and earlier in this. 
Drs. Grenfell and Hunt, in indexing the Fayum Papyri, give (p. 347) three 
symbols each = r)fii(bf3o\ov. Of these the first and third, as I have elsewhere 
explained, are properly ' one-half signs ; the middle one, printed as 6-shaped, 
is properly directly connected not with ' obols ' but with ' chalci,' being a 
roughly-written cursive Delta, surmounted by a vertical stroke = 4 chalci. 
Thus in practice, though not as regards intrinsic meaning, all three are rightly 
described as symbols for the half-obol. These instances from the Fayum 
papyri are all of Roman date. All the obol series recur in the period 
(Fay. Papp. XLL, 11, 17; XLIV., 10, 11, 13; LXXXVIL, 1, 10, 13, etc.). 

A rare sign is a kind of rough breathing- mark (XL VI, 9, 60, fourth 
century). A species of diaeresis-sign, consisting in one MS. (id. passim) of a 
dot followed by a tiny horizontal may be a variant for the rough breathing in 
some places; ibid. 165, vtto and Xva 164, 175,239, 265,299, 304, CXXI., 
224, 927 ; but cannot in others ; ibid. 147, 201, 266, 269, 610, as it is found 
(only over Upsilon and Iota) in places where there is neither breathing nor 
diaeresis required, and where it seems to be a merely fanciful addition to the 
vowel. The sign is moreover omitted from most of the Iotas and Upsilons 
even of this MS., a magical document, and in very few papyri does it occur at 
all. In Pap. CX., a horoscope of the second century, it is used occasionally 
over every initial Upsilon and Iota, regardless of diaeresis and of aspirate. 2 
In CCCXXXII. a bar replaces the two dots. 

The two signs last mentioned, like others next to be quoted, hardly 
belong to the science of symbols. Such marks as e.g. a 2-shaped curve in 
XCIX. (i.), col. 4, -ibid. 19, 23, seem due to the momentary freedom of 
the pen. 

With better right perhaps has another class a proper place here, viz. 
monograms. These are formed, like the ornamental monograms of modern 
and mediaeval times, by the crossing or interlacing of two or more letters. 
The letters, however, in ordinary papyrus-use are nearly always 3 the first two 
or three letters of a single word. They are of the nature of symbols, the 
more so as the type of letter employed is rigidly observed, and is often quite 

different from the ordinary forms of the MS. The following is a fairly ex- 
haustive list, almost confined to magical papyri : n L = ypacpe > ff = ypa<po/Aepov, 
/ T k =8elva, and cases (which remain rigidly triangular whatever be the shape 

1 For the latter, see Fay. Pap. XXI, I (a) 3 Exceptions are to be seen in the rare ar- 
9, 10, LXXXVII, 1,10,13. rangement e.g. * — liKaripx^ (Oxy. Pap. 

2 Sir E. M. Thompson remarks that the Tvnr i\ a s tA-ku tytt 

, * , l . , r , 1 ™ QC! , , LXIV, 1); and X = iKaTovrdpxv* {ibid. LXII, 

■KvtvuaTa are not found in early Gk. MSS. before » 

,, L.. j j- j 4. u ™ i a 4-a 1); the numeral has the middle letter of tho 

the 7th cent, and did not become rounded until " .^ MA _ _ _ _, >T or 

iL ,«ii l rci a t t- tj„i .„ <7i <7o\ a PXV i written over it. Cp. Genev. Pap. No. 35, 

the 12th cent. Gk. and Lat. Pal. pp. 71, 72). VA - ' i 


168 F. W. G. FOAT 

of the cursive Deltas around it), T_ = tyvpvav, 2_" = £ftvpvofii\avi, tu —vIkt), 
or vucrjrripiov, TT — Troiijfia, ^ = 7rpayfia, ,-ft ( sometimes ] j = 7rpo?, /K =X €l ~ 


pio-TT]*;, X =^pr]p,aT^eiv or xpfjaOai, /\ = XP^ € or XP^ crop u , \ ~^po^aTov, 

(L- = SnrXovv. Except the last three, these are almost all magical. Another 

exception is £ = ifcarovTapxia, CLXXVIII. b, a copy of a deed of A.D. 145. 
Of this kind (the Iota, however, not far removed from the simple subscript) 
is the Delta-Iota which occurs in a regular form as e.g. CXIX., 4, 15, 36, 44, 
et passim. More doubtful is X (XLVI., 200, 217, 455), which should mean 
\a/3e. In Oxy. Pap. XLIIL, recto, i., 1, it means Xirpa, and so often (Edd. 
Index in Vol. I., p. 263). Grenfell and Hunt index a similar symbol (Fay. Pap. 
L, 5) as virep (?). Merely superscript or subscript letters are not included. 

There remains the large class of magical symbols. But of these only 
four or five can be positively classed as Greek (see Kenyon Pal. of Gk. Papp. 
Append. IV.). Of this small number the symbol for ovofia is common. It 
appears generally as a small square (sometimes two squares for the plural) 
with or without a dot in the centre. As to its origin, I can only produce, for 
what it may be worth, a late example from the fourth century pap. CXXII. 
There a hint of its true formation may perhaps be seen in 6, 43, and 46 ; the 
construction is a roughly shaped Nu ?, surmounted by a horizontal bar, and 
containing a dot = Omikron. 1 This would be quite on the principle of the 
monogram plus ordinary abbreviation. Still, little can be inferred from such 
premises, especially as the writing of other ' onoma '-symbols in the MS. e.g. 
lines 55, 59, 60 is quite different, and negligent too. 

The symbols for fjXio?, for aeXrjvrj, and for aKij-rrrpov (or "Epp.r]<;) are 
conventional graphic representatives of the objects named. The monogram 
formations which occur have already been given. It has been a labour of 
considerable magnitude to examine in detail the remaining symbols, arranged 
in elaborate figures and formulae which bulk so largely in Greek magical 
papyri. My only regret is that the result, as far as proven Greek symbols is 
concerned, is very meagre. The most important is a single tiny line of 
tachygraphy which occurs Brit. Mus. Pap. CXXI. col. 14, line 27 (third 
century). For explanations vide Wessely, Ein Syst. altgr. Tachygr. pp. 9-10 ; 
Foat, on old Gk. Tachygr. in Journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol. XXI. 1901, 
Pt. IT. It follows a cryptogram, and seems to complete one of the ordinary 
formulas (Xaftaiv x a P TLOV lepari/cov, &c.) of instruction for the preparation of a 
spell ; the first half being written in cryptogram, and the latter half fantasti- 
cally varied by use of tachygraphy ; though there seems no reason for the 
presence of either. The existence of a similar script in the Leipzig 
Tachygraphic fragments (cp. Fr. 21, line 5; Fr. 22, lines 9, 10) confirms, to 
some extent, the tachygraphic portion ; but in any event, it is a direct intro- 

1 CXXI, 927 has a cup-shaped dot which may be part of a conscious Omikron. 


duction of a writing quite foreign to the hand of the MS. and leaves no traces 
among the symbols of its context. 

Then there is the mystic line, explained as a cryptogram, viz. 

which has been shown by Wessely (JBin Syst...p. 9) to be in the Greek 
language. There are anagrams or palindromes, and special dispositions 
of letters with secret meanings, but not involving symbols. On the 
other hand, a veritable me'lange of characters, in which Greek uncials, 
Coptic letters, and hieroglyphics are mingled with fantastic drawings of whose 
meaning no hint can be gained. These apparent jumbles are frequent, some- 
times made more mysterious by arrangement in rough geometrical figures, in 
pyramids, &c, arrangements which may add something or may add nothing 
to the meaning. Among them are a few which may be profitably discussed. 
Thus (in Brit. Mus. Pap. XLVL, CXXI. in spells and formulas, passim ; &c. — 
see Cat.). 

which I have gathered together and arranged in this order, may very well 
be the letters of the Greek alphabet, or fantastic substitutes. So j } — t o, <g), 
may be ancient forms of numerals (Cp. Ann. Brit. School at Athens 
1899-1900, No. VI. on Plate 11, sunbaked clay tablets found at Knossos) 
units being the upright lines as in Egyptian, tens the horizontal, hundreds 
simple circles, and circles with crosses in them thousands. 


may be a Coptic letter. 

Such a spell as CXXI., 196 co$ T"T fcl f f'y //<^Z t) *? . etc., which 
is to be written ev X a P Tr i xadapioi and applied ' ev tg> tottco ev a) rj TrXrjyr} ' (sc. 
of a scorpion), may be consistently in Greek, throughout, so that we should 
read the formula: <w Beiva it 7- B' ovofia Seivos 9 9 (or Q = 90) cr...£ 8' 
ouofia, etc. But there are great risks attaching to such interpretations arising 
from the possible presence of quite foreign, but accidentally similar characters, 
permissible and indeed to be expected in documents of this kind. 

On the boundary line between symbols and ordinary cursive are such 
phrases as ical iraihwv, already illustrated, a recurring addition to the 
formulas for labourers, or of beasts employed in accounts of works, an addition 
naturally of the commonest kind which often {e.g., CXXXI, 71, 76, 82) bears 
only a general resemblance to the fully written words. Kal is naturally specially 
subject to this mutilation, repeatedly occurring as a ui-shaped Kappa-Iota. 
In some instances the third of the three strokes is followed by the common 
vertical undulation. This at least is one possible explanation, and the third 

170 F. W G. FOAT 

stroke would then be the ligature, which is freely used in this class of cursive : 
cp., e.g., l^Cj^Pf = TrpcoTov (ibid. 6; cp. CCCXV. 11) where the ligature 
between Ome^a and Tau is drawn as a curve exactly repeating the first two 
curves of the Omega. But another explanation is equally defensible. I 
prefer to regard the vertical undulation as an Iota, written loosely as in 
several other cursives, e.g., in <^ = Be y = et, of which the small papyrus 
last quoted gives examples. 

Thus a kind of compensation for the mutilation or curtailment of cursive 
phrases is to be seen in the influence of ligature, which introduces otiose 
strokes and curves for the sake of a continuous script in which the pen is 
lifted as seldom as possible. 

Byzantine Symbols. 

Byzantine palaeography has practically to deal with non-literary manu- 
scripts, so far as papyri are concerned (Kenyon Pal. of Gk. Pap. 1899, 
pp. 112, 114). Their sematography adds very little to what has already been 
said, and very few new symbols to the general list. 

In general, the same characteristics of the symbols appear, as already 
demonstrated of the Ptolemaic and Roman periods, and the same methods 
yield similar results. So that it would seem that an invented and con- 
sciously developed system of symbol writing does not find its way into 
ordinary Greek writing until the papyrus has given place to vellum. 

S is the conventional shape of the printer's type used for a symbol 
which is seldom truly S-shaped. Cp. CXIII, 5 (c), lines 3, 5 ; CXIII, 7, 
lines 2 et sqq. The true S -shape has however, occasionally appeared much 
earlier, cp. CCII, 3, (late first cent.) CCVI b. (second cent.) passim where it 
stands for drachmas. When written proportionately with other letters, it is 
the perpendicular flourish, undulation, or zig-zag of Roman papyri, in an 
extremely broken-down form, which is sometimes as diminutive as an 
ordinary cedilla (in modern French) which it then very closely resembles. 

In its strange variants it is easily confused with some ordinary strokes 
of the writing which is now sometimes very cursive, e.g. with Epsilon-Iota 
(CCXXXVI, 2 ; CCCCIII, 27)>with Alpha-Iota (ibid. 5). 

Of such a form exactly is this stroke, with the meaning ' and ' in 
CCXLIX, 10 (cp. Oxy. Pap. CXXVII, 4) and with the meaning 'one-half 
in CCCCXXVIII, 8, 22, 23. 

Used as the simple sign of abbreviation the common vertical undulating 
stroke retains its use and form (ibid. 3 ; CXIII, 7, line 2) to the end of the 
papyrus period. Another form of it, however, seems to rival it, viz. the 
straight oblique inclined to the right, and struck just beneath the final letter 
of the unabbreviated part. In e.g., CXIII, 7, this is so bold a sign that its 
numerous occurrences give to the page the appearance of a heavy sloping 
hand. In CCXLII, 22 ; CXLI, 25 ; CCCCIII, 6, this appears doubled, 1 to 

1 It is used apparently with a plain numeral CCXLIX, 32. 


mark a numeral used adverbially. Combined somewhat fancifully with the 
ordinary flourished letters of the period it gives symbol-like effects, e-g. 
r^ = tt/009 (?) (CXIII, 8, [a]). 

The same tendency to write recurring groupings of letters as phrase- 
symbols is to be noticed in this period also, but the prevailing elegance of the 
style of the period produces in such phrasing graceful intertwined effects 
which are often delightful to the eye, e.g. CXIII, 7, line 2: 

= Be^dei/Ta. 

They are capable of becoming obscure, without losing their prettiness 
e.g. ibid. 3 et sqq. OTf = Kovp ; ibid. 9 (e) °[ = ai or to take a formula, one 
ibid. 8 (a) 21 : 

*" )^~/v\i~ = vofAiafiaTa %6, /cepdria K <&, 
or 09 dr. 9| keratia. 

The 'one-half and the 'one-quarter' symbols 'V^and $ (CXIII, 5, (c) 
line 33) have taken by this time (a.d. 600) slightly new forms. For the 
former, the older (Roman) vertical undulation is now sometimes l surmounted 
by the double dot, apparently diacritic, which plays a large part in mediaeval 
sematography. For the latter, the true formation of the older symbol has 
been lost in a (modern) Delta-shaped character, but distinguished by a cross- 
bar on the extended arm. The new coinage in which the last mentioned 

sums are reckoned, has for (?) teepdria a symbol / (CCCCL, 4) which 

is just possibly borrowed from some system of tachygraphy. The Kappa and 
the Epsilon of this shape are found in later tachygraphy, not however in that 
of the Rainer papyri of this period (cp. Wessely, Ein Syst. altgr. Tach. Taf. I, 
No. 9, row 11). As moreover, the symbol is quite as reasonably to be derived 
from a half-formed cursive Kappa, its claim to be tachygraphic may be doubted. 
In B.M. Pap. CCCXCIII, 3, 2, the statement in duplicate has <\ in the 
place of irapd. This, being of the sixth-seventh century, may possibly 
be a borrowing from the same system of tachygraphy as set forth in the 
Rainer tachygraphic wax-tablets. Unfortunately an example of ira does 
not occur, though in the fragment numbered 3 by Wessely (Ein Syst. altgr. 
Tachygraphie, Taf. II) the sign j =air occurs. The inversion of the letters 
would, it would seem, be /■ or /_ but it would be consistent with the 
general methods of the system if "t should mean Trap (Cp. -| = at ; and the 
circle of the Rho disappearing in v — ap Taf.). The actual occurrences of 
Tap, etc. Taf. Ill, no. 10, however are inconsistent with it, so that, having at 
hand the simple abbreviating stroke, I should prefer to adopt it as the 

)/- = vrrep, CCCXCIII. 2, 3, (sixth or seventh century) and an interesting 
variant occurs CXIII. 9, fr. e. So many monogram-formations of this kind 

1 CCCCXXVIII for instance, one of the Abinnaeus papyri, lias not the dots (8, 22, 23). 

172 F. W. G. FOAT 

occur (cp. "f = 7T/J09 where also a single stroke represents the Pi) that it 
would be, I fear, only a far-fetched explanation which would introduce 

The aroura-symbol (r has lost its upper hook and is a straight, vertical 
bar with a bellied loop which generally is carried back to touch the bar ; there 
is still the horizontal, regularly connected to the following numeral. Cp. 

p. 162 above. 

The artaba-symbol. Allusion has been made (p. 165 supra) to some 
widely variant forms in the fourth century papyri. To them we must add 
CCXXXVI. 4, where a new but quite possibly accidental hook appears, 1 the 
form beino- otherwise quite normal, the small circle even being in its oldest 
position (cp. CCCCXXVIII. nearly 40 occurrences). But CCXLIX. of the 
same (Abinnaeus) group, has at line 1, two strange variants of j- . 

There are no other occurrences, I think, to confirm them. In later examples 
too the small circle or dot takes new positions, while two and even three 
circles are found e.g. Oxy. Pap. CXXVII. (late sixth century). 

- = rdXavra, found in the Abinnaeus group (CCCCXXVII. 14) is quite 
new and unexplained. It may be the old ' year ' symbol transferred to this 
meaning, or may be a borrowing from tachygraphy. The sixth century 
tachygraphic fragments already quoted show -f- = ar, and l as the first of a 
group, which is almost certainly ra, re, Tr\, &c. The difficulty of the date is 
a grave one, for it would rather be likely that the tachygraphic symbols were 
themselves adaptations of the older symbols, there being nothing to confirm 
the sixth century Rainer-forms for earlier centuries. 

There is the ' Sign of the Cross ' now commonly found in even commercial 
and legal documents. It is variously shaped, its vertical being sometimes 
hooked, now on the left (CXIII. 4, line 18) now on the right-hand (ibid 28). 
For the plain form,see CCCCLXXXIII. line 1. In CCCCXIII. it is drawn in 
the margin against the text O /cvpios o deos (pvXa^t (sic) aat, (sic)... eppwadat, 
aai ev k(5, but often the context is quite secular, legal or commercial. 

In CCLII. 1-20 a Xi with the oblique line, already seen, drawn through 
it, represents Sextarii. 

X/xy which occurs oftener alone, but sometimes with q#, X^iy^O 
(CCCCLXXXIII, (i) ) seventh century is more a cryptogram than a symbol. 
Wessely suggests Xet/ao? fiov ypcufrrj for the first three letters, but Kenyon 
thinks this unlikely, as the letters are not in the same hand as the rest. He 
thinks it more probable that it is of the same form as q# which is explained to 
mean afirjv (thus 1 + 40 + 8 + 50 = 99 or q#). Other explanations are Xpio-ro? 
Mapia TafipiriX, and Xpiarbv Mapca yevva. 

# In the document just quoted (line 8) and again in CXIII. 6 (a) line 10, 
a large six-pointed star-shaped character (a Chi with a line across it) is found 
as an abbreviation of '^aipeiv. 

1 And may be due only to a kind of attraction to sur.h forms with ordinary ligatures as in 
CCXLIX, 20. 



It is in deference to the general practice that the distinction between literary and non- 
literary has been preserved in this treatment of the symbols. For in the sematograpby the 
division is hardly useful, as, if we except those manuscripts (notably the 'Ad^vai^v TIo\iT(ia, 
the British Museum medical manuscript, and the astronomical treatise of Eudoxus in the 
Louvre) which, though literary as regards the nature of their contents, are not written in 
a book-hand at all (Kenyon, Pal. of Ok. Pap. p. 56), we might fairly say that the literary 
papyri do not use symbols. So great, however, is the palaeographic and general import- 
ance of the literary papyri, and most of all, as it happens, of that papyrus above men- 
tioned which uses abbreviations the most freely, that it seems better to defer these for 
separate consideration. Somewhat different questions are involved and Dr. Gitlbauer has, 
in a series of articles in the Arch iv fitr Stenograph ie, 1901, expounded a system of tachy- 
graphic abbreviation which he claims to trace in the 'Adrjvaluv IIoXiTfio, and believes to 
be directly related with formal tachygraphy then current in Greece. An opportunity 
having now been offered me to discuss the matter at length in the same Archiv, 1 I omit 
from these pages what might seem an inadequate treatment, the more readily because I 
think it has not properly a place at all here. For after a careful examination of the original 
papyrus forms, I am convinced that the genuine symbols peculiar to Greek literary papyri 
(for list of symbols and sigla see Kenyon, Palaeography of Greek Papyri, Appendix 
IV) are reducible to three, viz. / = eo-TiV // = clo~lv \ = rfvai ; and if any non-literary papyri 
yet unexamined should as I anticipate contain these three also, then this tiny list will 
vanish altogether. As regards their origin, I reluctantly accept them as arbitrary (perhaps 
related with the tachygraphic / = »?); they would thus stand almost alone as pure symbols 
of arbitrary origin found in old Greek. 2 

F. W. G. Foat. 

1 In the May number 1902. Dr. Kenyon, thereof, 

the first editor of the papyrus, has kindly J Apart of course, from pure continuous 

read the manuscript of this article, and expresses tachygraphy. 
his agreement with the general conclusion 


[Plate XL] 

Whilst travelling in Asia Minor in 1900 I paid a cursory visit to the 
peninsula of Cyzicus on the Propontis, in ancient Mysia, and had the 
opportunity of examining the site of the ancient city, and the canal that 
has been the subject of considerable controversy in bygone ages, and about 
which the facts are still only partly ascertained. As the site appeared to 
promise results of peculiar interest, I applied for a concession to excavate 
it. I had the good fortune to obtain an Imperial Irade^ in February, and 
began tentative operations in May. 

From the Admiralty Chart it will be seen that Cyzicus lies on the 30° 
long, east of Greenwich, and 40°22' N. lat. and within easy reach of Con- 
stantinople. To Pandemia there is practically a daily service of steamers, 
which leave Constantinople at sunset and arrive at about four o'clock the 
next morning. At Panderma a sailing-skiff takes one in about an hour 
across the bay to Yeni-Keui, the landing stage immediately outside the walls 
of the city. 

The country has suffered from recurrent earthquakes, and with the 
blocking up and final destruction of the canal, which took place probably in 
the eleventh century, the city of Cyzicus seems to have lost all significance as 
a commercial centre ; by degrees it became merely a rich quarry from which to 
draw materia], first for the construction of Byzantine Churches, and after the 
Turkish conquest, for Mussulman mosques and the extensive arsenal at Con- 
stantinople. Panderma, Artace, and other neighbouring towns helped them- 
selves also to the ready hewn marble and granite columns and blocks scattered 
about the surface, and to the stone of the formidable city walls, which, 
loosened by earthquakes, offered the finest building material imaginable ready 
for shipment. 

Blocks of marble and columns which were not broken up by the earth- 
quakes, but were too cumbersome to move, were reduced on the spot to the 
requisite sizes, thus increasing the already large quantity of accumulated 
debris. Owing to the absence of roads and the broken nature of the ground, 
the whole place became overgrown with a thick brushwood during the cent- 
uries of profound ignorance, fanaticism, and barbarism that followed. All 
sculptures and archaeological treasures not immediately on the surface thus 
became buried under layers of soil and dtbris, and the deposits of silt from 
the mountain streams, so that they lie to-day some six feet underground. 

The greater part of the material for the history of ancient Cyzicus has 
been collected by Marquardt in the excellent little work Cyzicus und sein 
Gcbict, which, though published so long ago as 1836, still remains the text 


book on the subject. From time to time the site has been visited by travellers 
or archaeologists who have published notes, such as Pococke, Sestini, Leake, 
Hamilton, and Texier, but these are for the most part very slight ; the most 
considerable attempt to study Cyzicus on the spot being that of Perrot and 
Guillaume {Exploration de la Galatie, &c. pp. 69-90). 1 Beside these sources 
of information, there are the Greek inscriptions, of which, from the days of 
Cyriac of Ancona downwards, an increasing supply has been forthcoming, to 
be scattered through the pages of some twenty or more publications and 

In this paper I shall merely record my personal impressions of the 
present conditions obtaining at Cyzicus and in the neighbouring country, 
formed on the spot and assisted by a few small tentative excavations and 
various recent excursions into the district round. My notes also include a 
series of inscriptions which were either discovered by, or pointed out to me 
by the villagers, and of which I was enabled to bring home squeezes : the 
inscriptions form the subject of separate papers following this. I am indebted 
to Mr. Titus Carabella of Constantinople for much information which he 
kindly placed at my disposal. 

The rough plan shown on Plate XI. was sketched on the spot with the 
aid of a compass and an aneroid : it will be found to differ in some details 
from the plan published by Perrot and Guillaume {op. cit., PI. III.), which 
I had not with me at the time, but which is stated {ibid. p. 72) to have been 
drawn up in two days. 2 

As will be seen, both from the Admiralty Chart and from the panoramic 
view, Fig. 1, Cyzicus is now a peninsula, united to the main-land by a narrow 
neck of swampy land about one mile wide and three quarters of a mile long. 
The peninsula is very mountainous, and rises boldly out of the sea to the 
height of 2,620 feet at its highest point, sloping gradually from the main 
ridge, which stretches from east to west towards the coast-line. It is 
sparsely populated, and with the exception of one or two comparatively 
modern villages in the interior, the country is void of human life. The higher 
levels are barren of vegetation, whereas the southern coast-line is very fertile 
and well watered. Along this a few old Greek settlements are still to be 
found, such as Heraclea, Rhoda, and Gonia, on the west coast ; the town of 
Artace, now Artaki or Erdek, on the south, and Peramus on the east. At 
the last-named place many ancient customs are still in vogue, and wrestling 
and other Olympic games take place annually, about Easter. The other 
villages are recent settlements. Mihania is said to be a nick-name derived from 
the Greek Mi-Hania — ' Not Candians.' According to local legend, the first 
settlers emigrated from Candia two centuries ago, but fearing further per- 
secution denied the fact, saying ' we are not Candians,' and from this arose 
the name which is applied to the village to-day. 

Ermeni-Keui, the name of another modern settlement, means ' Arme- 

1 Their stay at the site was limited to parts 2 In the plan, for Demir Kupen read Demir 

of three days (Perrot, Voyage en As. Min. Kapou. 
pp. 92 foil.) 



man village.' The first settlers came 
from Persia about 150 years ago, 
having been driven out from their 
own country. They seem now to 
be fairly prosperous. 

Yapidji-Keui lies inland, about 
an hour's travel from the coast, at 
an altitude of 950 feet above sea- 
level. It was founded by seven 
families of Slavs, masons and build- 
ers by trade, who came over from 
Macedonia some time during the 
eighteenth century. There are now 
200 families in the village, which 
is comparatively well built. The 
Government, they say, has repeat- 
edly offered them lands elsewhere, 
but they prefer to live in the hills, 
which have so far afforded them a 
safe shelter. 

Yeni-Keui, the village on the 
coast near the eastern wall of Cyzi- 
cus, is an offshoot of Yapidji-Keui, 
and consists of less than fifty fami- 
lies. They are poor, and ignorant 
in proportion, and have no land 
beyond that on which the village 
is built. They depend mainly on 
the granite quarries for a liveli- 
hood. During the German Em- 
peror's visit to Constantinople, 
when a few streets were paved, 
there was a temporary boom in 
the quarries, which are plentiful 
on the peninsula, though most of 
them are now closed. Another 
source of income to the villagers is 
also gradually disappearing through 
the wanton destruction of the ruins 
at Cj'zicus, the cartage of the 
building material from the site, and 
its shipment to Pandemia and Con- 

Hamamli lies just above, and 
to the north of the site of Cyzi- 
cus, in a picturesque spot, 275 feet 


above sea level. It is the oldest of the recent settlements, having received 
its Firman from Sultan Bayazid II, at the end of the fifteenth century. 
The inhabitants, who. are purely Mussulman, were granted a considerable 
amount of land by the charter, and the country for miles around, both 
on the peninsula and the main-land, belongs to them. They are, how- 
ever, indolent and ignorant, and notwithstanding their wealth in landed 
property, and other privileges, seem to lack comfort and prosperity as 
compared with the people of Yapidji-Keui and Ermeni-Keui. I was told 
of a curious custom affecting the water rights of the village of Yapidji-Keui. 
Although the small mountain stream has its source some little distance above 
the village, the inhabitants are not entitled to use the water more than one 
day a week for irrigation. For the other six days the water belongs to 
Hainamli in virtue of its prior rights. 

Artace, the modern Erdek, is half Greek, the remainder being made up 
of Turks and Tcherkess (Circassian) emigrants from the Caucasus. The town 
was originally a Milesian colony, and is mentioned by Herodotus (iv. 3 and 
vi. 33) as having been destroyed during the Ionian revolt. It seems never to 
have recovered from this catastrophe, and by the second century A.D. was 
merely a suburb of Cyzicus. To-day the place preserves little appearance of 
its ancient importance; it is in a filthy and unwholesome state, refuse is 
thrown out in the streets, and the sewers are exposed. I was forced to leave 
the hotel on account of the bad smells from all quarters. The town has a 
Caimakam (Vice-Governor) and is the see of a Greek Metropolitan, who still 
retains his title, derived from the ancient metropolis of Cyzicus, considered 
to be one of the most important ones in the Orthodox Church. 

Opposite the site of Cyzicus, on the main-land, stretches a ridge of 
mountains, the Adrasteia, rising 1,150 feet above sea level, and immediately 
to the west, in a saddle of the same ridge, lies Aidinjik, whence one gets a 
splendid view of the whole peninsula. It was from here that Sultan Bayazid 
the Second, in making his victorious descent from Broussa, when he reduced 
Karaman and the whole of Asia Minor to an Ottoman Province in 1486, 
obtained his first view of the Sea of Marmora and the ruined Cyzicus, and is 
said by the inhabitants of Hamamli to have wept at the sight of the once 
magnificent city, which at that time resembled a Cyclopean cemetery of granite 
and marble monuments. 

The ancient Panormos, the modern Panderma, lies to the south east of 
Cyzicus on the main-land. Its population consists of Turks, Greeks, 
Armenians, and a few Jews. It also has a Caimakam. 

The populations of all the non-Greek villages and towns speak both 
Turkish and Greek. The official language, however, is Turkish. All the 
local authorities profess in true Oriental fashion great affability, friendship, 
and willingness to help in the work of exploration, and are no doubt perfectly 
sincere in their own peculiar way. Labour is plentiful and cheap, and can be 
had from any of the surrounding villages at from one shilling to one shilling 
and fourpence per day. 

The local Turkish name for the ruins of Cyzicus is Bal-Kis. As to the 


origin of this name, various conjectures have been offered; some have 
connected it with the Arabic name for the Queen of Sheba, who, according 
to Texier, in other parts also of Asia Minor is similarly associated by local 
tradition with ancient remains. Another explanation (quoted by Leake) is 
that Bal in Turkish stands for ' honey ' and Kiz for ' girl.' A certain king, so 
the story runs, had a beautiful daughter, as sweet as honey, who at her death 
was buried among the ruins of Cyzicus. Perhaps the most plausible expla- 
nation of the name is that of Leake {Journal of a Tour in Asia Minor, p. 271), 
who considers it to be a Turkish corruption of the two Greek words iraXaia 
Kvfyfcos : Leake quotes other examples of this process; probably the most 
familiar (which however Leake does not give) is the formation of the word 

According to Strabo the island was 500 stadia in circumference, and the 
city was built on the southern slope of the spur of the Bear Hill (apKrwv 
opos) which formed the Acropolis ; at a date which is not quite certain, but 
which was comparatively late in its history, the town was enclosed within 
granite walls of solid masonry which can still be traced (as shown on the 
Plan) in nearly their entire circuit; these are more particularly clear on the 
southern side, which was contiguous to the ancient inner harbour, now an 
immense marsh overgrown with reeds. 

Pliny says that by nature Cyzicus was a peninsula, but to secure them- 
selves against enemies, the inhabitants cut a canal through the isthmus. 
This I have no doubt is true as regards the time of Alexander, but not of the 
very earliest period ot the city's history, when Cyzicus must have been an 
island separated from the main-land by a shallow passage which silted up by 
the action of natural elements, a process which must have been already well 
advanced before the Macedonian conquest, and is still going on at the present 
day. The bottom of the marshy swamp between the two shores of the 
isthmus is still about three feet below sea level. 

The climate is mild, the sea breeze moderating the temperature along the 
coast. The hottest summer days are never unbearable, neither is the winter 
cold. The site to-day is one big garden, rich in vegetation, which includes 
mulberry trees, olives, vines, Valonea oak, walnut, arbutus, laurustinus, 
myrtle, bay, ilex, honeysuckle, arum, ranunculus, cherry, plane, and hundreds 
of other species; the ruins and mounds of debris are overgrown with brush- 
wood, but, owing to the scarcity of fresh water, there are no habitable houses 
within the boundaries of the ancient walls; the nearest are a small cluster of 
sheds and huts for the culture of silkworms, recently built on a hillside in a 
south-westerly direction from the amphitheatre. Agriculture is profitable, 
but land is scarce. The patches of land that have been cleared among the 
ruins are used for vineyards, and for the cultivation of mulberry, olive, and 
other fruit trees. The soil, which is very fertile, is derived from the decom- 
position of the granite rocks surrounding the city. The disintegration of 
the granite produces alumina, and owing to the large proportion of felspar, 
the soil is enriched. 

There is also a great variety of wild flowers, particularly the Slyrax 


officinalis and the modern Iris (Cyziccna amaraciis), of which an unguent 
was made, called Oleum Irinum, famed for its perfume and power of healing 
(Pliny, H.N. xiii. 1). Round about Cyzicus, Artace, and for a considerable 
distance along the north-west coast, more than twenty-one different kinds 
of grapes were known, some of which are under cultivation at the present 
day, the wine being exported to Constantinople and elsewhere. 

The fauna comprises a great variety of small birds, while storks are 
numerous and live on reptiles. There are many snakes on the peninsula, some 
measuring from six to eight feet having been seen by the local guardians 
of the vineyards (Bekdjis). Hedgehogs and tortoises are very common, and 
rabbits and weasels are found occasionally. The bear has been seen on the 
peninsula ; wolves are known to exist, and jackals are numerous. 

The peninsula is also rich in minerals ; good marketable granite and 
marble of a great variety of colours, asbestos, antimony, etc., are plentiful, 
and are easy to work and ship, but there is absolutely no enterprise. 
It was from Cyzicus that the marble was shipped to Halicarnassus 
for the Mausoleum. According to Bockh it was probably also from here 
that the material for the stele of Phanodicus was obtained ; Ptolemy of 
Egypt is supposed to have got the building materials for the Temple of 
Heraclea from the same place, while Constantine the Great built two 
arches at Constantinople of stone from Cyzicus (Marquardt, Cyzicus, p. 34). 

While speaking of the natural wealth of the country, we may also 
mention that of the sea, which was famed in olden times, and is still to- 
day, for the quantity and variety of its fish, including porpoises, tunny-fish, 
sardines, etc., and turtles, lobsters, and oysters. On the last named Pliny 
(H.N. xxxii. 62) bestows an enthusiastic panegyric, which reads strangely 
like a modern advertisement, and ends with the statement that ' for sweet- 
ness and tenderness they cannot be surpassed by any oysters.' 

Of the earliest period of Cyzicene history, very few remains are now 
traceable above ground. The Cyclopean walls of Artace, where the Argonauts 
landed on their way to Colchis, are still standing 20 feet wide and in a fair 
state of preservation on a small peninsula, the modern St. Simeon ; and in 
the immediate vicinity, to the north of Artace, is an ancient well, which 
bears the local name of the ' Well of the Argonauts.' No other well of 
note or antiquity is known to exist in the neighbourhood. Another site 
associated in legend with the Argonauts is Mount Dindymene, on the summit 
of which, 2430 feet above sea level, they are said to have built a temple 
to the mother of the gods : ruins may still be traced here, but await investi- 

It is somewhat remarkable, as Perrot has pointed out (Rev. Arch. xxx. 
p. 106), that of all the many inscriptions which have as yet come from 
Cyzicus, only a very few can be assigned to a period before the Roman epoch, 
and none before the third century B.C. This is probably due to the fact that 
the city was in continuous occupation down to the year 1063, when it was 
destroyed by an earthquake. The destruction must have been sudden and 
complete, for the earthquake not only overwhelmed the city, its approaches, 

N 2 


and nearly all of its inhabitants, but it also cut off the supply of fresh water, 
thereby making the place impossible for habitation. Under the combined 
effects of natural elements, time, and the vandalism that followed, the 
accumulation of one layer upon another of silt and debris, and the growth of 
thick and luxurious brushwood, the city became hidden, and its site was 
almost lost and forgotten by the world at large. Such is its condition at the 
present day. 

In the panoramic view, Fig. 1, Cyzicus, like the surrounding country, 
appears to be an extensive garden covering the slopes and spurs of a number 
of hillsides, but a closer examination, made in walking over the ground 
itself, discloses the positions of former buildings, the remains of which are 
distinctly discernible. Some of them rise to a height of from 20 to 40 feet 
above the average level of the site. In all of them more or less brick, 
marble, and granite masonry will be found clustered together. 

Long stretches of the walls can likewise be seen, and although the 
upper structure has been removed, the remains can be traced in the direction 
indicated in PL XI. until the next portion of the wall is met with, and in such 
a manner an almost complete chain may be followed round the city. It is 
only at two places on the western side of the city that all traces of a con- 
nection become indistinct — namely, below the amphitheatre after crossing the 
River Kleite towards the Temple of Hadrian, and again for a short distance 
between the easternmost tower at the port of Chytus and the extreme end of 
the southern wall. These places are marked on the Plan ' Probable city wall.' 
This part of the wall was perhaps destroyed in the time of the Romans, 
when peace and tranquillity prevailed in the country, and the city spread 
westward where the Temple of Hadrian and other public buildings were 
erected. There are indications of several large buildings and a Roman 
cemetery in this neighbourhood. A splendid sarcophagus of the Roman 
period was unearthed some three years ago, and probably others may be 
found. No excavations whatever have been made here. The sarcophagus 
referred to remains in the ground with only the lid and the upper edges 
visible. Its contents were removed by the peasauts who found it. The 
body, which I have recently had cleared, is without moulding or ornament- 
ation of any kind ; but the lid, which is roof-shaped, has at each end a 
pediment surmounted by acroteria ; the central one over the apex is carved 
with a palmette ; the two side ones, which are of exaggerated size, have the 
surface covered with a fine acanthus ornament. The tympanonof each pedi- 
ment is deeply recessed, bordered on each side with a row of dentils, and 
filled with an elaborate acanthus design, also very finely treated. 

In the portion of the northern wall, diagonally facing the entrance to 
the amphitheatre, are the remains of the only city gate still intact. It is 
about 20 feet high by 10 wide. 

On the foundations of the extreme north-western angle of the apex of 
the wall stands a square, tower-shaped block of masonry, 20 feet high. The 
position is a commanding one, and served as a good landmark in mapping 
out the plan of the place. 


Within the walls in this angle I found a cubic block of marble measuring 
3 feet across all sides. It had apparently rolled down from the wall, and bears 
an inscription given in the succeeding article (p. 193, No. 2). The peasants had 
already commenced to chip off its sides, and from the circle drawn on one of 
the surfaces it seems to be intended in the future for a mortar. Quite close 
by, outside the eastern wall, a marble slab 4 feet long and 2 feet wide, with 
inscription on both sides, was found four years ago. The spot where it was 
found is in the bend of the wall, as will be seen on PI. XL, where it takes 
an obtuse angle inwards ; here the ground is honeycombed with ancient 
tombs. This inscription, which I saw in the village of Yeni-Keui, had been 
already prepared for publication by Mr. Cecil Smith with the rest of my series 
given below, when we learnt that it is to be issued by Dr. Wiegand in the 
forthcoming number of the Athenischc Mittheilungen. 

The southern wall was built of granite blocks, and had a number of 
towers. It can be traced across the whole isthmus, and from its solid 
structure appears to have been one of the main defences of the city. 
In many places it is more than 15 feet wide and often 30 feet high. 
I have endeavoured to trace the whole of its direction from sea to sea, and 
have reproduced the result on the Plan. It will be seen that it surrounds 
the inner harbour (Panormos) with two granite breakwaters. The eastern 
one I examined to its extreme end in the marsh. The other is no doubt 
built of similar material, and can be distinctly traced from the Acropolis with 
the naked eye. This harbour was probably the most spacious and important 
of all the harbours at Cyzicus. 

Inside this southern wall are the ruins of some very large and important 
buildings of the city. A marshy ditch runs parallel with the wall, and quite 
close to it (see the dotted line on the Plan). According to Hamilton and 
Dr. Macris this should be the former canal, but there are grave reasons to 
doubt the accuracy of this theory. It is more likely a moat partly filled in. 

An eastern harbour, now land-locked and overgrown with reeds, and one 
not mentioned by any of the classical or other authorities on Cyzicus, but 
probably constructed soon after the siege of the city by Mithridates, is 
traceable outside the city walls. It is duly protected by an extension of the 
southern wall towards the sea, and a hill, with traces of masonry on it, on the 
east side. It seems to have been constructed on what is, geologically speak- 
ing, a comparatively recent land formation. 

In the middle of the eastern half of the southern wall is a big square 
tower, called in Turkish • Demir Kapou ' by the natives, meaning Iron Gate. 
It was probably at this spot that a bridge spanned the sandhill just outside 
the wall. The hill in question must have been created by the action of wind 
and water throwing the sand up on the beach, the mound being artificially 
increased when the cutting was made for the construction of the moat and city 
walls. It stretches a considerable distance across the isthmus, and was most 
likely met by a mole pushed out from the main-land towards the natural sea 
passage, the junction of the two being effected by another bridge. (See 
dotted lines on Plan.) 


At the extreme eastern end of this portion of the wall will be found the 
foundations of a large structure in brick and granite, which can be traced for 
a considerable distance into the sea. When the sea is calm several rows of 
regularly cut granite blocks can be seen, the uppermost about 3 feet below 
the surface. 

Having carefully taken the directions by compass of these foundations, 
I can only conclude that it was intended for a breakwater to "protect the 
entrance of the channel leading into the eastern harbour. The extension of 
the southern wall ends suddenly a short distance from the water's edge, and 
although the beach is now completely covered with sand, it is not improbable 
that an entrance from the south existed here between the breakwater and 
the extreme end of the wall in question. I therefore venture to suggest the 
existence and position of such an entrance, indicated by dotted lines on the 

The southern and south-western slopes of the hillsides of the peninsula, 
beginning at the city and extending a couple of miles to the north-east of 
Ermeni-Keui, are now one mass of decomposed granite, which becomes detached 
under the influence of changes in temperature, and is then carried down and 
deposited in the sea by the torrents and mountain streams, the frequent 
earthquakes, no doubt, aiding the process. The sand is then driven along the 
coast by the action of the wind and waves and the current from the Bos- 
phorus, united with that of the Rhyndacus and other rivers, until it reaches 
the low-lying isthmus, where it is piled up in small sand ridges along the 
beach. The wind blows with the steadiness of trade winds from the east- 
north-east the whole year round, and as the above-mentioned process must 
have continued for innumerable ages, it may easily be conceived that the low- 
lying swampy isthmus of to-day is of comparatively recent creation. 
Not very long before the beginning of our era, what is now a lagoon and 
a marshy isthmus was a clear sheet of water dividing the island from the 

In studying this question on the spot, one arrives at the conclusion that 
when the natural channel began silting up and choking the eastern passage, 
the Cyzicenes, unable to cope with the accumulating sand, were forced to 
devise means whereby a channel could be kept clear for their shipping. It 
was then that the eastern harbour with its breakwater and canal must have 
been constructed. The natural passage on the western side is partly open, 
even at the present day, where the low-lying beach, owing to the absence of 
westerly winds, is perfectly clear of sand ridges. 

On a further examination of the harbour in question, I noticed that a 
cutting had been made in the city wall about half way down the western side 
of the harbour. Immediately inside the wall the configuration of the ground 
resembles a wide ditch, without a break all the way westward until it reaches 
the eastern wall of the inner harbour called Panormos. At this particular 
spot, one is somewhat baffled by the wall and a heap of (Ubris across the 
probable canal ; on the other hand, this heap may have been created by an 
accumulation of bricks, masonry, and other stones from the clearances made 



for the vineyards on both sides of the wall. This solution will perhaps be found 
a correct one. A few days' work ought to decide the matter. 

Once the existence of the canal as leading into the inner harbour is 

Fig. 2. 

established, its further direction can be followed through the marsh, distinctly 
through the aqueduct, and finally westwards into the sea through the passage 
across the beach. (The course is marked on the Plan in dotted lines.) In 



life . 




wt sB Arc 




Ifflre ~ ***M 

Fig. 3. 

this way the existence of a complete and protected channel, connecting both 
bays, is established. 

The aqueduct, to which a reference has been made, is of Roman 



construction, and supplied the city with water from the main-land. It was 
built on a chain of low granite arches, now 7 feet above water, with a 
15 feet base. From the effects of repeated earthquakes, natural decay, 
and other causes, nothing but a disconnected line of masonry now remains. 
The ruins answer the purpose of a short and tolerably dry crossing for 
pedestrians to and from the peninsula. Fig. 2 gives a characteristic piece of 
the aqueduct, showing one of the arches. 

On the peninsula there can also be seen traces of a system of water 
conduits, which supplied the city with water from the interior, both from the 
east and west, by means of red earthen pipes, 6 feet long and 2£ feet in 
diameter. The western conduit was the more important one. Traces of a 

Fig. 4. 

dam to divert a stream from its course into a tunnel cut through the hill can 
still be seen some distance inland. This tunnel was connected with the pipes 
by a set of conduits hewn out of the rocks. Earthquakes and time have de- 
stroyed these also, but some of the pipes are in a perfect state of preservation, 
and are used in various ways by the natives. I saved two from destruction 
by bringing them down to Yeni-Keui. Their weight is about seven 
hundredweight each. 

The ' Balik Tash ' monument, on which Mr. Hasluck has contributed 
a paper in this number of the Journal (pp. 126 f.), was excavated by me in the 
north-western corner of the central harbour of Panormos, near the wall and 
the entrance to the city. At the bottom of the space excavated were found 
two blocks of granite and a large number of bones. The presence of the 



bones, which arc presumably sacrificial, would seem to indicate that trie altar 
is nearly in its original position ; a fact which seems to be confirmed by the 
existence of the granite foundation blocks. During the excavation, a stream 
of water rushed in when we reached a depth of three feet below the surface, 
necessitating constant baling. The monument is now covered up again with 
soil, this being the safest method of securing it against destruction. 

Along the western beach of the isthmus no traces whatever can be 
seen of any constructions. There are no signs either of the moles or bridges, 
and the ground is only sufficiently raised to separate the marsh from the 
sea. There is, however, a break in this through which the water oozes out 
from the marsh into the sea, and this is possibly the former westward passage 
already mentioned. The westward mole must likewise have been built along 

Fig. 5. 

this elevation of ground. The western harbour, called Chytus, is also a big 
swamp overgrown with reeds. There are traces of a granite breakwater, 
partly submerged, as will be seen on the Plan. 

Along the other side of the harbour stretch the extreme western defences 
of the city. There are two granite towers of the Greek Period, nearly twenty 
feet high, called in Turkish ' Bal-kiz Capou ' (the Gate of Cyzicus). They 
are 90 yards apart, and are here connected by a granite wall, of which the 
lower course of masonry still remains intact. Turner speaks of two octagon 
towers protecting the entrance of the city ; these are, however, six-sided. 

Fig. 3 shows a view of the westernmost tower, as seen from the city, 
and Fig. 4 a characteristic part of the wall; adjoining the point here shown 
are the ruins of the substructure of Hadrian's temple which has formed the 


subject of a paper by Mr. Theodore Reinach in the Bulletin de Corr. HelUn., 
1890, pp. 517-545. It is situated in a direction north-east of the two towers, 
and is the largest ruin at Cyzicus, covering several acres of ground ; it is 
thickly overgrown with brushwood, and rises out of the surrounding vineyards 
like a flat hill. A rude shelter, built of a few poles and branches, for the 
guardian of the vineyards (Bekdji), stands on the summit, and affords a 
commanding view of the neighbourhood. (Fig. 5.) 

The whole is thickly overgrown with brushwood, among which a regular 
network of arches can be traced. These must have been the supports of 
the flooring. There are also a number of well-preserved vaults inhabited 
by thousands of bats. The roof of one of them, some 50 feet long, was 
literally lined with these small animals. Judging from the pieces of fluted 

Fig. 6. 

marble columns lying about, the columns must have been at least 6 feet in 
diameter, and if, as Aristides says, they were made of a single piece, each 
must have weighed hundreds of tons. 

Cyzicus was certainly favoured by nature, for besides her many other 
advantages she had very fine marble quarries close at hand ; one at Procon- 
nesus ; and another with every facility for shipping near Artace, at the 
modern St. Simeon, four miles westward on the coast, where pink, white 
greyish-blue and green marble can be had in unlimited quantities. The 
wonderful and glowing descriptions of the Temple as given by Aristides, Dio 
Cassius, and Xiphilinus, have been discredited by Hamilton, but with these 
facts before us, one is tempted to believe the Temple to have been one of the 
most magnificent buildings in the world. 



On the north side of the Temple is a clear open space, perhaps the 
site of the Agora, supposed to have been 400 yards long by 100 yards wide, 
and surrounded by a portico. 

The amphitheatre is situated in the valley on both sides of the sloping 
hills, outside the north-cast walls of the city. Its elliptical shape may be 
traced from six or seven of the pilasters and arches still remaining here and 
there. The small mountain stream Kleite runs through the middle of the 
arena, along its longer axis, which measures about 150 yards. Higher up the 
valley there are signs of a dam to divert the course of the stream into a canal 
cut through the rocks when the arena was not required for a naumachia. 
(See Plan.) On a closer examination of the massive ruins a great number 
of the butt ends of marble columns, blocks, and slabs will be found built into 


BMW ' . ■* 

&$ ■ ' , l ' 


••' *tff» ^""^.^V-* 1 , ' 1 







the buttresses and archways, and some with inscriptions arc discernible in the 
facings of the southernmost ones. From this it may be inferred that the 
amphitheatre was constructed with the remnants of former Greek buildings 
destroyed by the earthquake during the reign of Hadrian. 

The two views (Figs. 6 and 7) will serve to illustrate what remains of the 
amphitheatre to-day. 

Fig. G is a photograph taken a short distance below the city gate, look- 
ing up the valley through the ruins; and Fig. 7 represents two of the 
pilasters with inscriptions from the northern hillside. 

Tombs of the Graeco-Roman period have also been found on the slope of 
the hillside near the city gate, outside the wall. 

A large semicircular building will be seen at the foot of the Acropolis 


within the walls. It has the appearance of a Greek construction, facing due 
south. It measures about 100 yards in diameter and 40 feet high. Like all 
the other ruins, it is overgrown with heavy brushwood, which made explora- 
tion difficult. Inside the building several large marble blocks were found 
in making the ascent, and seats were discovered high up in the north-western 
part of the ruin. The site is marked on the Plan. 

Near the inner harbour is another ruin built principally of brick, and 
some of the arches are in a fairly good state of preservation. Judging from 
its central position, we may suggest that this was possibly the Prytaneum. 

The large mass of ruins west of the building last described has the 
appearance of a temple of Greek construction. It is about 100 yards in 
length and about 60 wide. The materials used in its construction were 
marble and granite ; very few bricks are to be found. The whole, however, 
is covered with a thick growth of brushwood. Near it, on the north side, 
upside down, and three parts buried in the ground, was found the marble 

Fig. 8. 

slab, bearing the important Philetairos inscription which is given below 
(p. 193, No. 3). A steep vaulted passage about 50 feet long was found 
under one of the heaps of ruins near the theatre; this was built of granite. 

The other mounds and masses of ruins present externally no particular 
feature of interest, and no attempt to excavate any of them has yet been 
made. Whatever they contain is therefore hidden from view by the thick 
brushwood. Those examined and marked in the Plan belong apparently to 
the Graeco-Roman period ; the ruins that can be seen are mostly of marble 
and granite. 

There are a great number of richly sculptured fragments of marble and 
parts of figures and columns scattered throughout the site, many of them 
showing excellent workmanship; these are almost invariably discovered by 
the natives near some heap of ruins, whilst enlarging the area under cultiva- 
tion. In one of the heaps near the theatre, I found a chiselled marble 
cornice with coloured fuliage, and a column with an inscription split in half 


lengthwise (p. 20.1, No. 4); and the life-sized head of a bull in relief (Fig. 8) 
in a heap of ruins near the inner harbour ; this appears to have formed part 
of some architectural member, and may be compared with the bulls' heads on 
the ' temple des Cornes ' at Delos {Bull. Corr. Heltin. viii. p. 17), and the 
bull's head capital from Salamis in the British Museum, Cat. Sculp No 1510 
PL 27. 

Robert de Rustafjaei.l. 


1. 0$ a slab of marble, lit. 10| in. x 10 in., found within the walls during 
the tentative excavation. It is broken on the lower edge, but the other 
edges are fairly complete. The greater part is occupied with a relief repre- 
senting Hermes and a goddess who is presumably Andeiris (Fig. 1). Both 

/I ,-''-'->V 

Fig. 1. 

figures face the spectator : on the left Hermes (apparently beardless), wearing 
short girt chiton, chlamys, and petasos, stands at rest with caduceus along left 
arm, and right hand resting on hip : on right is Andeiris, a draped woman. 
Unfortunately this figure is broken away diagonally from the left shoulder to 
the right breast, and the surface is injured throughout. It is consequently 
impossible accurately to distinguish the details. 

The face and attitude generally seem to suggest an attempt to render a 
stiff and formal, if not an archaic effect, such as would be suitable for the 
representation of a xoanon. The hair is arranged in a mass around the 
forehead, suggesting the spiral curls of archaic art, and falls in two single 
tresses on each shoulder : from the top of the head rises a modius-shaped 


object which, as will presently be shown, is probably a walled crown. On 
the right is part of some object, perhaps a fruit or the top of a distaff held 
in the left hand. 

This figure is represented on a scale considerably larger than that of 
Hermes : and as her breast is but little above the level of the knees of her 
companion, it is natural to infer (on the assumption that the ground level 
was the same for both figures) that Andeiris was represented as a half or 
three-quarter figure rising from the ground. Immediately above the group 
is the inscription, and over it again a slight raised moulding. 


.... Xov deu> ' AvSetpeiSt 

The form of the inscription makes it tolerably certain that this is a 
dedication, in which case we should expect the name of the dedicator in the 
first word. Of this word only the three final letters -Xov are certain ; pre- 
ceding them must have been either three or four letters, which are now 
illegible. Names ending in -Xov are extremely infrequent : in fact* the only 
one which readily suggests itself is ~&vkoXov which occurs as the name of a 
woman on Attic stelae (G.I.A. ii. 988, 3707, 3708). This name would suit 
very well the spacing and appearance of the illegible letters, and we may 
therefore provisionally restore the name as Evko]Xov. 

The divinity here mentioned is apparently identical with the 'AvSeiprivij 
represented on an inscribed relief in the Louvre x (C.I.G. iv,6836). This relief, 
of which the provenance is unknown, was formerly in the Choiseul collection, 
and may therefore have been acquired in the Troad. 2 In Dubois' Catalogue 
No. 143 it is thus described : ' white marble relief, representing a bust of 
Cybele in full face. The goddess holds in her hands two objects somewhat 
difficult to identify, which roughly resemble a shuttle and a ball. Above 
the field ... is engraved ANAIPHNH, and under the bust 


Ht. 33 cent. Width 23 cent.' 

The dimensions, it will be noticed, are almost exactly the same as 
those of the Cyzicus marble : and the ' bust of Cybele ' in both cases appears 
to be the same. 

By kind permission of M. Michon we are enabled to give here (Fig. 2) a 
reproduction of the Louvre example. It will be seen that the style of this 
work is much coarser and apparently later, but that the type of the goddess 
is so similar to that of Fig. 1 that both would appear to have been copied from 
a common original. The object in the left hand appears to be a pomegranate, 

1 Salle de Milet, No. 2871 ; Catalogue Som- * Possibly at Cyzicus itself: cf. C.I.G. 3668, 

rnairc de Sculpture, No. 2871 ; Clarac, Music de a marble from the same collection, which seems 
Sculpture, ed. Reinach, \>. 44, No. 3. certainly assignable to this provenance. 



that in the right a bird ; both these objects, as well as the walled crown, were 
probably reproduced also in the Eukolon relief, and are characteristic of the 
great nature goddess of Asia Minor, who unites in her artistic type the attributes 
of more than one of the female divinities of Greece. Assuming that Eukolon 
is a correct restoration, the dedicator in each case — as is not unnatural — is a 

Fig. 2. 

Andeiris or Andeirene is the firjrrjp 0ea)v 'AvBeiprjvij of Strabo 614 (cf. 
Steph. Byz. s.v. "AvSeipa). Andeira was a town in the Troad, the exact site of 
which does not appear to be yet identified : it possessed a mine of ironstone, 
a cavern extending a long distance underground, and a shrine of Andeirene. 
That this local cult should have found votaries at Cyzicus is only natural 


when we remember that this city from early times was the chief centre of 
the Cybele worship in Northern Asia Minor. 1 Among the many forms of her 
name, HXa/ciavi] (C.I.G. 3657), so called from the neighbouring town of 
Plakia, affords the best parallel to that of our inscription ; while in the 
syncretism of Andeiris with the Pergamene mother of the gods we have a 
parallel in C.I.G. 6835, a relief representing Cybele between two lions, 
inscribed M.r}Tepa dewv Y\epyap,rjvqv Nei/crjcpopos [tijv] ihlav 7rpocrT[d]Ti[v. 
The Andeiris shrine was probably one of those ' temples or altars of the Idaean 
Mother which,' Strabo says (i, 38), ' are to be seen near Cyzicus.' 

The type of the goddess here shown is obviously allied to that of 
Persephone, in her return from Hades : probably the cavern of Andcira was 
associated with her cult as a Chthonian deity. If, as is probable, she was a 
vegetation goddess, the presence of Hermes here, as the wind god who draws 
the vegetation from the ground, is appropriate enough : in the Hymn to 
Demeter, 1. 377, and in many works of art, it is Hermes who conducts the car 
of Persephone on her return to the upper world (Forstcr, Raub u. Ruckkehr 
dcr Pcrs., p. 259 ff.). In any case, the fact that Hermes is omitted from the 
Glykinna relief shows that his association with Andeiris is merely subjective. 

The final word of our inscription presents some difficulty. It is scarcely 
conceivable that Tlepydpbov can represent the patronymic of Andeiris, and in 
any case we should expect the definite article : on the other hand, if the 
reference is to a cult imported from Pergamon, allied say to the Demeter 
Karpophoros established there (Perg. Inschr. 291) we should expect twi/ 
Hepyap,r)v(ov, or e/c Uepydp,ov : or, on the analogy of C.I.G. 6835 already 
quoted, it might be HepyapbTjufj. But perhaps in an inscription of late date 
such as this we must not expect accuracy of phrasing. 

2. On a cubic block of marble from the angle of the wall, found within 
the city walls. Measures 3 ft. on each side; letters from f in. to 1 in. high, 
here given in \ scale. 


From the form of the inscription and the shape of the block on which it 
is cut, this is probably a statue base. According to Perrot the walls are 
attributable to the first half of the fourth century B.C. (cf. Rev. Arch, xxx, 
p. 94) : if therefore this block was built into the wall in antiquity, it must 
have belonged to a late restoration, made after the statue to which it refers 
had been removed or destroyed. Hestiaios is a not uncommon name in 
Cyzicene inscriptions. 

3. A marble stele found by de R. in the inner harbour, near the supposed 
site of a temple. When first seen it was in an inverted position, covered to 

1 Ty Kapiro<p6pos occurs at Cyzicus, Bull. Corr. Hell. vi. 454, No. 87. 


the extent of about one-third of its height with soil : to this fortunate 
circumstance is due the preservation of the first twenty lines or so of the 
inscription, the remainder, which was exposed, having become almost 
entirely illegible. The stele is at present slightly under five feet in height 
on its 1. side, which must be nearly complete : from the lower left angle it is 
broken away obliquely to a point nearly half way up the r. side. The width 
at the bottom must have been about 22 in., whence it tapered upwards to a 
width of 20 in. at the top, below which a square moulding projects slightly all 
round. The letters are carefully cut, those of the heading being f in., while 
the rest average \ in. in height. It is noticeable that care is taken to end 
each line with a word ; the spaces left at the r. edge of the lines are conse- 
quently very irregular in width. The facsimile here given is a reproduction 
in \ scale of the original. 

T d 8 e e & to k e v 3> iX €T a i p o 9 
'At TaXov Bcopedv t w t 8rjp,<ot. 

'EiTrl TopynnriSov tov ' AttoXXwviov 

i\inrapykw, et<? dycovas, dpyvplov 
5 TaXavra ' AXegdvhpeia e'i/coartv, 

Kac €49 tpvXaKrjv T/79 yd>pa% 'Cttttov^ 


'Eiirl Jiov<pavTi8ov, Tro\ep.r)6eL<jr)<; 

t>;9 ^copcis, dreXeiau T/79 Xeias, 
10 koX twv Xoittcov wv dTrecncevaaav, 

/cal (3o6iv wv dyopdcravres 

etc 7-779 auTov egijydyovro. 

Ei7r\ <£>ot'vttco<;, (pvXaxrjv rrj<; yji>pa<i 

Kai Ta dva\cop,aTa rd et? Tavrrjv yivop,eva. 
15 KttI YloaetSayvos, ei'9 eXaiov ical [a]uvaya)[yr)v ? 

ro)v viwv, dpyvplov rdXavra 'AXegdvhpeta 

eiKoacv eg. 

Eiirl Aio/jl€&opto<;, iv rtot TroX&fMOi 

rd)L 77-/369 TOU9 YaXdra<i y[ivofx,iv(oi ? 
20 irvpoiv fieSc/xpou? [icai 

/cpc]0<ov fie8cp.vov<i 

VTrrf\peTLKOv S(o[ 

This inscription records a list of the free gifts conferred on the people of 
Cyzicus during a series of years by Philetairos, son of Attalos. This person- 
age can be no other than the founder of the Pergamene dynasty, for two 













lOnSp ITH 

M I 


No. 3. 

o 2 


reasons : firstly, because the only other Philetairos known to history was the 
son of Attalos I., and would certainly have been entitled 3>. fiao-tXiav; 
'AttciXov x ; and secondly, because the founder was the only Philetairos who 
was ever in a position to grant privileges concerning his country (t*)? avrov), 
such as are involved in the entry under lines 8-12. Moreover the 
character of the writing is more suited to the first half of the third century B.C. 
than to any later date : there is still a tendency to write the O, O, and n in 
smaller size above the lower level of the line ; both M and £ have occasionally 
the long limbs sloping ; and the P has the second vertical limb short. 

It is thus of considerable historical importance, for it not only adds 
something to the scanty knowledge we possess regarding the founder of the 
Pergamene dynasty, but it gives fresh landmarks for the history of Cyzicus, 
and contains what is probably the earliest mention yet known of the Galatian 
incursions into Asia Minor. 

We learn here for the first time the name of the foi ler's father. The 
introduction into the Pergamene pedigree of yet another Attalos adds a new 
difficulty to the identification of some of its members. 

In order to perceive this clearly it is necessary to recall once more the 
Pergamene stemma, as it now stands : — 


! . 

I ■ j \ 

Philetairos Eumcnes Attalos 


(adopted by Philetairos) 

i j r i 

EUMENES II. ATTALOS II. Philetairos Athenaeus 


Thus in Perg. Inschr. 10-12 a chariot race is celebrated, which had been 
won at Olympia by a certain Attalos, in consequence of which ^r^ia 8' ei'9 
<t>iX4raipov aotBtfios rjXde Ka\ oikov? Uepydfiov 'AXeicot T[eX]crafi€va 
<TT€(f>dva)i. 2 It is just conceivable that the Attalos referred to might be the 
father of Philetairos ; but that would imply that the monument was erected 
after the dynasty was established at Pergamon, that is, comparatively late in 
the son's life ; moreover there is no evidence to show that the father of 
Philetairos was a personage of sufficient importance to enter for the Olympian 
chariot race : so that Frankel is doubtless right in identifying the Attalos 
in question as the younger brother of Philetairos. 

It is probable that the Pergamene dynasts were not particularly proud 
of their founder's origin ; his mother according to Carystius (apud Athen. 

1 As for instance in Dittenberger 2 , 295, 299. are almost identical with those of our in- 

2 It is noticeable that the characters of this scription. 
set of inscriptions, which must be before 263 B.C., 


xiii. p. 577b), was a Paphlagonian flute player and hetaira named Boa ; and 
the chances are that Attalos of Tieion, ttoXC^viov ovSev e^ov /zy >//x?7<j afciov as 
Strabo says (xii. p. 543), was a wholly insignificant person. 

Similarly again in Pcrg. Inschr. 13, the Eumenes son of Attalos referred 
to in 1. 46 as the leader of a military revolution against Eumenes I. the 
(adopted) son of Philetairos, is supposed by Frankel to be a son (otherwise 
unknown) of Philetairos' second brother Attalos. We now see however that 
the revolutionary leader in question might conceivably be the father of 
Eumenes I. It is always possible that the elder Eumenes may have thought 
himself slighted when the succession passed to his son instead of to himself 
and have attempted to oust the heir ; at any rate, so long as we do not know 
whether Attalos I. had a brother Eumenes, this alternative is at least worthy 
of consideration. Frankel, ibid. p. 13 regards the inscription as affording a 
glimpse into the ' schwierigen und diirftigen Anfange des pergamenischen 
Reichs.' But this conclusion is hardly borne out by the evidence of our in- 
scription ; if the predecessor of Eumenes I. was in a position to extend a 
helping hand so far afield as Cyzicus, it is natural to infer that his tenure of 
power at Pergamon was already fairly secure ; and it seems more reasonable 
to suppose that the difficulties of Eumenes I. arose from some internal cause 
such as that just suggested. 

From the time when Philetairos felt himself secure in the independent 
control of Pergamon and the treasure of Lysimachus, he seems to have 
embarked on a policy of ingratiation and conciliation with the important 
cities of Northern Asia Minor. An example of this is, as Frankel has well 
pointed out, the Pergamene decree relating to the boundary-dispute between 
Pitane and Mytilene (Perg. Inschr. no. 245, frag. C, 1. 44) Sovtos [et? T]avra 
Tj.iravaloi<; /ecu tptkeratpov r[d\avTa reaaapa ?]/covtci ; it is possible that the 
sum in question was only an item in a long category, similar to ours, of 
benefits conferred on the people of Pitane. In our inscription we see the 
beginning of that close relationship between Cyzicus and the Pergamene 
dynasty which was to culminate in the marriage of Attalos I. with the 
daughter of a Cyzicene citizen. 

Philetairos was placed in occupation of the fortress of Pergamon in 
283 B.C. and died in 263. Our inscription therefore must fall between these 
two dates, for it would scarcely have been set up after the benefactor's death, 
except at the instance of one of his successors ; and in that case the fact 
would have been noted in the preamble. It is a pity that so much of 
the inscription is lost, and that the statements of fact are not sufficiently 
definite to enable us to determine the date still more precisely. If we 
knew a little more of the history of Cyzicus during the second quarter of the 
third century B.C., we should probably be able to date the events referred to 
absolutely. The part of the inscription which is preserved deals with five 
different years, arranged (as we are justified in presuming) in chronological 
order, though not necessarily in continuous succession. In the first and 
third entry, Philetairos provides a <pv\a/cr)v tj)? x<wpa? ; in the second, the 
country is engaged in a successful war, apparently at a distance, as it 


entailed a return through Pergamene territory. In the fifth, Cyzicus finds 
itself involved in a struggle with the Galatians, and is evidently hard pressed 
for supplies, as the Pergamene present takes in this year the form of provisions 
of corn. 

It is noticeable that on this occasion Philetairos does not send military 
aid to Cyzicus. Against the vast army of Galatians who under Leonnorius 
and Lutarios numbered some ten thousand armed men, it was probably 
impossible for the Cyzicenes, even supposing Philetairos had himself been in 
a condition to send assistance, to hope to make headway. Their natural course 
would be to retire to their peninsula and sever it from connection with the 
mainland. In thus doing they cut themselves off from their main sources of 
corn supply ; but they also found an efficient safeguard against the Galatians, 
who, as we know, were both ill provided with, and unaccustomed to, marine 
transport ; the Galatians could neither cross the water to Cyzicus nor prevent 
the corn-ships of Philetairos from reaching the town. 

Let us now see how far these statements fit in with the known historical 

The struggle between Antiochos I. on the one hand, and Nikomedes I. 
and Antigonos Gonatas on the other^seems to have been fought out especially 
on the coasts of Asia Minor and the Hellespont. 1 . In the peace which was 
declared in B.C. 279, Nikomedes was not included ; for this reason, and being 
moreover threatened with an insurrection under Zipoites, he called in the 
help of the Galati, who, having reduced the Thracian coast, crossed over to 
Asia Minor in B.C. 278. They first discharged their contract with Nikomedes, 
and then proceeded in business-like fashion to divide up into three groups, 
each taking a special part of Asia Minor for purposes of plunder. 2 One 
detachment (probably the Trokmi) overran the shores of the Hellespont, and 
reached as far as Ilion ; this raid is presumably referred to in the inscription 
from Erythrae 3 in* honour of the strategi, 7ro[XA<wz' Se cp6]/3(t)v kol tcivhvvwv 
7repiaTdvT(av, and alluding to the collecting and despatch of the necessary 
money [V019 irep\ Aeov]v6piov /3ap/3dpot<;. How far Cyzicus suffered in the 
general pillage, we are not with any certainty informed ; there is at any rate 
no direct mention of the town having been sacked ; on the other hand, for 
the reason above given, it would seem from our inscription that Cyzicus 
itself escaped from falling into the Galatians' hands. Probably, as above 
suggested, the citizens would secure their retreat by destroying the dykes or 
bridges and letting through the sea, thus converting Cyzicus into a tempo- 
rary island. In the third century A.D. a similar thing may very likely have 
occurred on the occasion of the Gothic invasion ; possibly the ' flood of the 
Rhyndacus ' which, according to Zosimus i, 35, on that occasion saved the city 
is a misunderstanding of what was really due to the action of the Cyzicenes 

In the quarrel between Nikomedes and Antiochos there can be little 

1 Niese, Ocsch. der gr. und mak. Staatcn, ii. - Stahelin, Gcsch. dcr khinas. Galalcr, p. 11. 

pp. 76 foil. 3 Dittenberger', 210 ; Michel, 503. 


doubt as to which side would naturally enlist the sympathies of Cyzicus. It 
was part of Philetairos' policy to cultivate the friendship of Antiochos, whose 
near relative Antiochis was married to the younger brother of the Pergamene 
dynast: and it is unlikely that Philetairos would have assisted Cyzicus at 
this juncture if that city had been hostile to his ally. 

On the whole, I think we are justified in claiming a strong probability 
for the date 285-275 B.C. as covering the years mentioned in the text before 
us ; we may even suggest that the military events recorded in the first three 
years were connected with the closing episodes of the struggle between 
Nikomedes and Antiochos; and that the year of Poseidon (1. 15) marks the 
year 279/278 B.C., when, peace having been apparently secured, the Cyzicenes 
were once more at liberty to turn their attention to domestic affairs. It 
must however be noted that in the first entry provision is made both for a 
(fivXafCT] T>}9 %w/?a<? and for celebrating the games. As these games are not 
more distinctly specified, they were presumably the national games, which at 
a later period at any rate were Olympia, 1 and as Aristides says, 2 were 
celebrated every fourth year at the end of June, determining the reckoning 
of Olympiads for Cyzicus. We know further from the same source that the 
Olympia were celebrated at Cyzicus in A.D. 171. If we could assume that the 
series had continued unbroken for so many centuries, that would bring the 
celebration mentioned in our first entry to the year 281 B.C. The next 
celebration should have taken place in the year of the Galatian invasion, 
supposing, that is, that the years of our inscription form a continuous series. 

The eponymous magistrate, as usual at Cyzicus, is the hipparch ; the 
title is mentioned in the first entry and left to be understood after the 
remaining names. The name of Phoinix (1. 13) recurs in a Cyzicene inscrip- 
tion published by Mordtmann in Ath. Mitth. x. p. 201 ; 3 it is a stele with a 
relief, dedicated to Heracles by certain strategi and phylarchs. Michel 
assigns it to the second century B.C. without stating any reasons; Mr. Has- 
luck, however, who has kindly examined the original, is of opinion that the 
inscription may be earlier ; the sculpture is of inferior character and gives 
little clue to date, but in general character suggests a reminiscence of the 
Amazon frieze of the Mausoleum. The lettering is rather irregular, but all 
the forms are of a good period ; the characteristic letters indeed exactly 
resemble those of our inscription. I think therefore that we are justified 
in identifying the Phoinix of both inscriptions as the same hipparch : it is 
even tempting to suggest that the dedication by the strategi and phylarchs 
may have been a thank offering to Heracles 'AXe^//ca/co<? having reference to 
the (f>v\a/cr)v rrj<; yaipas of our 1. 13. 4 

In 1. 15 the eponymous hipparch is Poseidon. It is of course just 
possible that this may be the name of an ordinary individual ; only two 

1 C'.I.G. 2810, Kv(iKov 'OKvixirta. probable that the second at least would be dis- 

2 Masson, Coll. ad. v. Arist. p. 137. tinguished by his patronymic. Possibly the 

3 Michel, No. 1224. insertion of the patronymic of Gorgippides in 

4 If there were two eponymous hipparchs of 1. 3 may be due to some such cause, 
the same name within the century, it seems 


instances however of its occurrence are known to Pape-Benseler, viz. an inscrip- 
tion given in C.I.G. ii, addenda, 1957 , g, where Julianus Poseidon may be 
Poseidon[ius or some similar name : and a vase-painter who certainly never 
existed, in Canino vas. 1614. It is more likely that Poseidon is here the 
god : in many Greek states, whenever it happened that for any reason no 
one could be found to undertake the burden of magistracy, it was not 
unusual to let this devolve upon the god : examples of this are found in 
inscriptions from Antandros, Iasos, Miletus, Priene, and Magnesia ; 1 some- 
times, as in the last quoted, (Kern. Inschr. von Magn. 90), the year is still 
further identified by the addition of the name of the preceding eponymus, 
%Te]<f>avT](f)opovvTo<; tov deov tov /xera $>prjTop[a : but^ in our inscription this 
is for obvious reasons unnecessary. 

To the list of twenty-three hipparchs of Cyzicus given by Mordtmann 
in Ath. Mitth. x. pp. 202 — 3, we must now add : 

24. eVt 'EaTiaiov tov (defiio-ToovafCTos, Ath. Mitth. xvi, 14<l= Bull. Corr. 
Hell, xii, 188. 

25. eVt Uavaavtov tov Evpevovs, Bull. Corr. Hell, vi, 613. 

26. eVt ArjfirjTptov tov Avo-ttcXiovs, Bull. Corr. Hell, xii, 190. 

27. 'I7T7T. KX. 'ET[e](ovico<; rjpooos, Bull. Corr. Hell, xiv, p. 537 ; and from 
our inscription, 

28. eVt TopynnrtSov tov ' ' AiroXXwvlov. 

29. eVl Hov<pavTi8ov. 

30. iirl <PotviKo<; (also in Ath. Mitth. x, 201). 

31. eVt Uoo~eiB6i)vo<;. 

32. iirl AiojAeSovTos. 

33. A further inscription, referred to below, (p. 207) has . . . ^e'tw 
Kvavo[v<i ?, which appears to be the name of yet another hipparch. 

L. 5. Tokavra 'AXegdv&peia. One cannot help feeling that there is a 
certain grim humour in this description of the Lysimachian talents which 
Philetairos had appropriated. In the inscriptions of the third and second 
century B.C. the money reckoning is often stated in terms of the standard of 
Alexander ; when used alone, the word ' AXe^avhpela implies the drachma ; 
this appears to be the first instance yet noted of its employment in terms of 
talents. 2 It is uncertain whether the line as given above is complete ; perhaps 
as the v ZfyekicvcrTucov is attached to ei/eotriv, we may supply ef (as in 1. 17), 
for which there is room on the stone. 

L. 6. The mention of 'Cirirovi reminds one of the epitaph on Arkesilaos 
given in Diog. Laert. 4, 6, 30 : Uepyafios ot»% o7rXo<? icXeivr} fiovov aXXa teal 

L. 8. foil. The sense appears to be somewhat as follows : ' the country 
having been plunged in war, he allowed exemption of duty on plunder and on 

1 See Fabricius in SUzungsberichle dcr Berl. p. 1, No. IV., is a further Cyziccne instance of 

Akad. 189J, p. 907. Dr. "Wilhelm very kindly a similar process. 

supplied these references. Proliably the irl 2 See Pauly-Wissowa, i. pp. 1397-8, s.v. 

Talov Kaiffapos Uwapx*w in Berl. Her. 1874, 'AXftdvZptios. 


the rest of what they carried off, and on the cattle which they purchased and 
exported out of his country.' For arrangements of this kind, see the treaties 
between Hermias and Erythrae, and between Hierapytna and Priansos 
(Michel 12 and 16). In 1. 10 we might possibly restore dir€<TK€vda{avTo as in 
Michel p. 17, 1. 57. 

L. 15. The reading of the final word is unfortunately quite uncertain; 
avvayayyTj and avvdyeiv appear usually to apply to the calling together of a 
society or eranos ; x but it seems unusual in the connection shown here, though 
it is difficult to suggest any other restoration. 

LI. 20-27 are almost hopelessly illegible on the impression, but it is very 
likely that an examination of the original will elicit a good deal more than is 
here read. 

4. On a marble column split in half longitudinally, found to the eastward 
of the Theatre in June 1900 : right edge of the inscription complete. 
Ht. about 2 ft. The letters vary in height from 1\ in. to 1\ in. 

L. 1. Ne>o]i/a[<? ? L. 2. Tpa]ia[v6<; ? 

5. On a long narrow marble slab near the ruins of a temple (?) at the 
inner harbour ; the slab has been broken in two and one half laid on the other, 
the upper surface hollowed to form a trough. The total length of the complete 
slab was 4 ft., the height about 8 in. 

r O &f}(io$ 
Avaayopav %€ip.ov, <pv<rei ' AnoWoSaypov, 
av&pa cf>iXoTraTpiv kcli dyadbv ev travrX 
tcacpw yeyovora ird<jr)<i aperi)*; €ve/ca. 

6. Marble stele broken transversely in two but fairly complete ; found 
' near the port of Panormos within the walls ' ; the upper part has a sunk 
panel nearly square, in which is a figure of a boy facing the spectator, holding 
in his r. hand some object, perhaps a bunch of grapes (?), over a dog which is 
seated on 1. looking up at him. He appears to wear a mantle hanging at 
the back and across his body from his 1. shoulder : the style is coarse and 
careless. Ht. 9 in., width 8 in. Below the panel is inscribed 

'E7ra0/3o8etT€ %alpe. 

7. Marble tablet found by Mr. de Rustafjaell during a tentative ex- 
cavation near the Theatre. On the surface of the marble a square panel is 
sunk, within which the inscription is engraved. The upper edge of the 
marble is chipped, but very little seems lost. Ht. 15£ in., width 14 in.; the 
panel is 10 in. high by 10£ in. wide. 

Sec Dittenbeiger-, 633, 1. 21, 734,1. 93, etc. 


qui- "$E 

<£ _ £L_< No. 4. 



uj U ^ 

zQr ceNTiocnAYxoc 

<* < h oKATA CK 5 YA2 6l 

^^.UJ oep<TTTo<cY 

QIU TYXoccicoe 


<" <^ ^Z. No. 7. 



Sej/Tto? llav\o<;,\b KaTacrK€vd£et\6 dpeirrh^ ¥jv\tv)(o$, tin o i\havdvqae 
fivr}\fj,a (Srjvdpta) Til ? 

8. A slab of marble built into the fountain at Yeni-keui ; the letters 
were entirely filled in with cement, which had to be picked out in order to 
allow of the impression being taken. Ht. 16J in., width 4 ft. 7£ in. 


H\(OTia<i 'Y^TTfyovrj^, o tcarecrKevaaev avrrj 
6 TraTp(t)vr)<i IlXctfTto? Btt<T<70?. 

A very similar epitaph, including the unusual form Trarpoivq^, occurs on 
a sarcophagus from Cyzicus in Chinli Kiosk, Alii. Mitth. x. p. 210. 

9. A slab of marble found outside the eastern walls. Broken at the 

upper corners and on the lower edge. 
2 in. high. 






Ht. 22£ in., width 12£ in. Letters 

EtV la [ice 

pooa ra 

oared a- 

ov p,a/cdp- 
5 i€ 'Ap/cd- 

01 aet/x- 


icvpi a\- 

10 [rjrel 

The suggested restoration of 11. 1-2 is due to Prof. E. Gardner. Some 
verb like ^Xaarrjaetev is presumably omitted. The idea is not uncommonly 
found in Greek and Latin epitaphs, see A. B. Cook in J. E. S., xx, p. 13, who 
quotes instances. > A\rj6dpyr]ro<; (if that is the correct restoration), seems to 
be used here in much the same sense as dei^vrjo-Tos, though in other instances 
(e.g., C. I. 0. 2804 and Macarius 837) it is usually taken as meaning ' unfor- 
getting ' rather than ' unforgotten.' 


10. On a marble stele at Cossack-Keui, said to have been brought from 
Gonen (from copy by de R.) 



kai tu) yu) nEPireNei kai toic eKroNoic toic ek toy yoy nepireNOYC 


Avp. Hepiyevous- rov Mevearpdrov, o /career Kevaaev eavru> ^wv, 
Kai tc3 vw Ylepiyevei, Kai rots eKyovoi? tois £k tov vov Heptyevovs, 
Kai to3 6peiTTa>. 

11. Fragment of marble found near the apex of the north wall. Height 
of inscribed surface 5£ in. by 4 in. wide. 



12. Lower part of a slab of marble, a portion of the right and lower 
edges complete: found near the apex of the north wall. Height 10£ ins. 
by 10 ins. wide. 



LI. 2-3 Kai\aQko\6ai .... [Byjvdpia] f3,<f>. Probably the usual formula 
imposing a fine on anyone who should disturb the grave ; for a similar phrase 
cf. C.I.G. 3688, el Be ti$ To\p.rja[ei] erepov Ka[Ta]6ecr6a[t, Bwaec t«5 ra/j.ei(p 
h-qvdpia ft,<p. The amount fixed is generally the same, see C.I.G. 3685 and 
Ath. Mitth. x. p. 210, no. 38. 

13. On a marble stele, found in the north-eastern angle of the city wall. 
Height. 3 ft. 1 in. by 1 ft. *l\ ins. The upper part is broken away. 




n • ,AnTIOT())IPMO^OlNOct)V 

m BirEAAiorrEPAnN 



i n Armor epm^iaz EnAcp?oMTo\R 


jao^enoz Ap<zm*ixoz-B-npY; 


i A MYZTAi AAyttozapiitAitvEToi 



n AIA kopnhaian©aionyt:i©9i MO^ 


r BE 1 B 1 OX^AEE<$OPlAN 





No. 13. 


M . . . TUVL . T 

IT. IlX&JTtO? 4>/p/iO? OiVU<pV. 

5 II. A"Xto9 ~Bo\ov<ttio<;, Aioyevr]? . . . 

Tt. KX. ELapircxpopos, Tci'los Aovkio? . . . 

r. KeVo-fo? "ZcdTrjp 'Aa/cX^TrtdBrjs Tlptor. 

K. 'IouA.t09 AaX.09 r/ IXapo9 MrjTpoSoopov 

Tt. KX. , Ettiktt)to<; Ad<J)vo<; Bevoua(Tov) 

10 II. IlXa)Ti09 'Epfi.i](Tia<; 'EircufipoStTos 'Avt. 

Tt. KX. <£>\a/3tavb<; MeveXaos r\au/co<i 

2e£. OovX. nXco. MeVai/fy)09 Map«09 

II. Ka<rcrto9 Mfptj/09 'Apre^wv /?. 

Ilet'o-cov $. Ei/tu^09 /3. SrpaToveiKO? 

15 ^ , ]tX6^ei/09 ap. ZaJTt^;o9 /3. 7T/3f. 

'Aa/cXTjiridSr)*; St. 'AkivSvvos 3>ot/3o9 

'Aki'vSvvos 'Act. 'Eo-Ttato9 IIeXo7ro9 

M. IIe/37repi/a9 Ilo7r/XX£09 (JVV7roirj{rr)<i ?) 

Ka/37ro9 /S. /caTa [t]<z So£ay[T]a t^ <pv\f}(?) 
20 MvcrTat. v AXf7ro9 'Aptcrrau'eTos 

Aiocpavros /3. <£tX. ' A<jK\rjTrt6horo^ Aeu. . 

'ApicrT0/ia^09 Tdfiov <ptX. ' AXe^avBpo^ Aet'ou 

'Apre^Kov /3. ye. </>tX. 

A. 'IouX. 'Epfias (piX. r. IIatfG(mo9 Map/ceXX(o9 

25 T*. KX. c PoO0o9 So<pi<TTT)S <£tX. T. <I>X. Ma£t/i09 

'Epfj.oyivr)<; 'Ovrjatfiov (pt\. BaXept09 II/3et9«o(9) 

'ApxearpaTcx; 'Am nr drpo[y\ <f>i. T. <£X. TepTfXX<>9 

'Eiracppo&eiTos ft. Selfta? <f>t. 

II. AtX. Koppr)\iavb<; Atovvcrios (pi. /X09 

30 Tai09 XaWovo-Ttov 2e£. 2ep/3e/Xt09 Tpocpt- 

r. Bet'/3to9 Te\e<r(popi(i)v 

'IofXtaj'09 ^.rparovecKov 

AevKios WLijvo&otov 

II. 'Ioi;A.to9 Arjfi7Jrpio<i 
35 'Ovrfcrtfios Mvpivov 

Kda<rto<; 'Ovrjatfios. 

One of the ordinary prytany-lists of which so large a number has already 
been found at Cyzicus : unfortunately the preamble, usually the most in- 
teresting feature, is here wanting. Judging from the general character of 
the names, it probably belongs to the time of Hadrian. The titles of officials 
which are given in an abbreviated form are not always easy to distinguish 
from the names of patronymics, which are also frequently abbreviated : of 
those already known we have here olvo<pv[\a^ 1. 3, dpfytovrj? ? 1. 15, Trpv- 
[ravdpyrj^ 1. 15, Si[dicovo<; or 8i[oL/ct]Tri<; 1. 16, <f>i\oT€ifJ,o<; 11. 21-29; and two 
which are new, avv7roir)[Trj<; I, 18, and ve. <pt\. in 1. 23; in the prytany-list of 


which Mr. de Rustafjaell sent home an impression, but which is Bhortly to 

appear edited by Dr. Wiegand in the Ath. MiUh., the form veco. occurs after 
a name : perhaps our entry should be read as vero[fcopo<;] </>tX[oTe///o9. 
Possibly YipwT. in 1. 7 may be the abbreviated form of a title, but it is not 
one previously known. 1vv7roir)T7]<; presumably implies merely an assistant. 
L. 19 Kara to ho^avra rjj <pv\fj is an unusual formula to find in these lists ; 
the reading is not certain, but it can hardly be anything different. 

14. On a small cubical block of pink St. Simeon marble found near the 
theatre ; damaged by fire, and both upper angles wanting. On the upper 
surface is an oblong sinking. Ht. 6f in. by 5£ in. wide. 

r, C\ 1 S\u>y[ivr)<i ? 

lElKANAi. NeitcdvSpov 

& 11 Y Y I UTr A " H^ t< p 

EYXHN rfjflf* 

Votive dedications to Zeus f 'Ti/ao-To<? are not uncommon at Cyzicus; see Bull. 
Corr. Hell. xvii. p. 520, No. l = Rev. Arch. N.S. III. xvii. p. 11, No. 1. 

Among Mr. de Rustafjaell's papers there are also two of fragmentary 
inscriptions which are in very bad condition and which it is hardly safe to 
publish from a single not very good impression. The first (No. 15) is part 
of a triangular stele found to westward of the Theatre, which appears to be a 
list of tribesmen, perhaps a prytany-list, as among the names comes in larger 
characters the word . . . El£ which is evidently the end of the name of the 
tribe : the lettering of this is good and may even belong to the middle of the 
third century B.C., in which case it is the earliest list of the kind which has yet 
come from Cyzicus. The other (No. 16) is part of a stele found in the eastern 
harbour ; on the narrow side seems to have been the preamble, as it has 1. 7 
7pa]//./iaTfuoi/T[o?, 1. 8 fiovXjj, and 1. 13 part of th,e name of an eponymous 
hipparch eVi i7r7rap]^e&) Kvavo\v<> ? Of the large side only a word or two 
here and there, apparently names, can be deciphered. In this case also the 
lettering seems to be of a good period. 

Cecil Smith. 

R. de Rustafjaell. 



TroOep iiriaavrov^ 0eo<p6povs l^et? 
fxaraiow; &va$ ; 

ra B' iirL<pofta Bva(f>a,T(p rcXayya 
/j,€\oTU7rel<; ofiov r opdioa iv vofiow 
iroOev 6pov$ €%ei<; Oeairecrla*; 68ov 
icaicopprip,ova<; ; 

These wild and passionate throes, 
Whence rush they on thee thronging ? 
Such terrors wherefore shape in harsh and awful song 
And shrill withal 1 What is it guides thy boding lips 
On their ill-uttering path ? 

That, after all that has been written on the subject, I imagine to be still the 
question in the bosom of most readers when they are confronted with a piece 
of Lyric metre at all complicated. Those who are fortunate enough to have 
an ear for rhythm, and thus the capability of understanding, are still left, it 
seems to me, to hear a piece of metre as an uninstructed person hears apiece 
of music : though he may experience to a considerable degree a sense of vague 
and general satisfaction, he will lack the understanding of a musical adept. 
But a musician, hearing a sonata, follows what is being done ; observes the 
themes of which the composition is constructed ; notes the treatment of 
them, how they are developed, varied, and combined ; perceives their ethical 
significance, and feels intelligent artistic pleasure. For all that I can see, 
the books on lyric metre do not put a student in the position to do this. 
My knowledge of them is imperfect, and if I am doing an injustice I shall 
be very ready to repair it ; but from all that I am able to infer, they do not 
yet advance the student much beyond the condition of a person who has 
learnt his notes and keys and bars : they do not show him how a piece of 
metre is constructed ; do not teach him, in the language of musicians, Form. 
Put away all a priori theories, and scan the metres with your ear : scan 
every piece of metre that you come across ; observe what rhythmical phrases 
are commonly combined together ; on what occasions they are used, and by 
what characters. 

With one preliminary warning: lyrics, as they are printed in editions, 
fl,s. — vol, xxn, P 


are divided as their various editors divide them. In Pindar and Bacchylides 
they have now, for the most part, been divided rightly ; but our texts of the 
Tragedians are still full of wrong divisions, owing to respect for the divisions 
in the manuscripts. Disregard the manuscripts entirely. Different manu- 
scripts divide the same metres in quite different ways ; even the same manu- 
script is often inconsistent, not maintaining the same principles in its 
divisions ; and these divisions themselves are often meant to indicate no more 
than what in Music you would call the phrasing and in Metre the caesura. 
One tendency which misleads the scribes habitually into error is to place in 
the same line words which belong grammatically together. 1 Treat each 
stanza as though it were continuous, unless you have reason to suppose it 
not so, — for example, when you come to an hiatus ; but if you find hiatus is 
avoided both in strophe and antistrophe, you may generally suppose the 
metre is continuous. 

And observe also where any break after a syllable coincides in corre- 
sponding stanzas; as for instance in these lines, Soph. Aj. 693 = 706 : 

e<ppt^ epo)Tt | 7repix a PV^ & aveirTa/jLrjv I l(b \ lot I Uav I Hap 
eXvaev alvov \ a%o<; air 6^p,dra)v "A/3^9 \ lay \ la> j vvv \ av 

I venture to think that there is no one who will not be astonished to discover 
with what care such corresponding breaks are studied ; they always indicate 
the phrasing, and before the end of this paper we shall see that their signi- 
ficance is often most important. 

This is the method I have followed through the whole material of Greek 
lyric ; and the main results I now proceed to give as principles of structure. 
For me these principles, when once discovered, have illuminated so much 
darkness that it would surprise me now to find a piece of choric metre which 
remained obscure. Prof. Blass gives up the metre of Bacchylides xv on 
Deianira 2 : 'Kara &d/cTv\ov ut videtur, certe magna ex parte; sed est 
maxima numerorum obscuritas.' I can honestly say that I find it quite 
intelligible : it contains dactylic phrases, but it belongs to a much-neglected 
class I shall not speak of in this paper but mean to deal with in my next, — 

I shall adopt from Dr. Christ the plan of placing dots beneath accented 
syllables and hyphens after syllables of extra length, as in Ar. Vesp. 275 elr 

1 Just, of course, as printers tend to do : for s In his Preface (ed. 2 p. lxviii) Prof. Blass 

example, the first verse of Campion's song describes this poem truly as a lamentabio 

' Kind are her answers, Rut her performance lugubris, and asks how that could be in honour 

keeps no day ; Breaks time as dancers, From of Apollo. A possible answer is suggested by 

their own music when they stray ' should con- a note of Wernsdorf s on Himerius Eel. xiii. 6 

tinue and 7, p. 213 : 'Videtur Sophista hoc loco, ut 

All her free favours in Oral. xiv. 10, abitum Flaviani sui comparasse 

And smooth words win g my hopes in vain ; cum reditu Apollinis ad Hyperboreos ac descrip- 

but it is printed sissc cum laetitiam Delphorum ob dei sui prae- 

All her free favours and smooth words, scntiam, turn luctum eorum ob dei abitum : 

Wing my hopes in vain. porro autem tetigisse fluvium Alpheum, cuius 

and lias- escaped correction both by Mr. Bullen discessu similiter lugeant Elienses.' 

and Mr. Beeching. 


i(f>\€y — firjveu avrov, where for <f>\ey in music there would be a dotted 
crotchet: and I shall borrow a few simple terms from Music, giving explana- 
tions of them. Let no one be afraid, in anticipation of imposing hieratic 
language ; we shall have no use for the terminology of the grammarians, 3 or 
for those blessed words ' choreic,' ' logaoedic,' which proceed so comfortable 
from the lips of Dr. Schmidt. No one with an ear need be afraid at all : 
though if he knows the rudiments of music he will apprehend perhaps more 
vividly ; and I would ask him constantly to keep analogies of Music in his 
mind ; for it appears to me that the principles of Form in modern music are 
the very principles then followed in Greek lyric metre. 

The elements in rhythmical construction are not feet, but — to adopt the 
terminology of music— phrases. These are phrases, for example : 

_ jt _ u u - u - Glyconic 
^w — o— ~ — — Anacreontic. 

You may, if it pleases you, divide such phrases into feet, as the old gram- 
marians were so fond of doing ; all you will have achieved however will 
amount to just as little as if you had cut up a phrase of music into bars : it 
is only as a whole that such a phrase becomes an organism and conveys an 
intelligible idea. It might be called a figure or Motiv, the shortest coherent 
element in music, which Sir Hubert Parry in the Dictionary of Music describes 
thus : ' A Figure is any short succession of notes, either as melody or a group 
of chords, which produces a single, complete, and distinct impression. The 
term is the exact counterpart of the German Motiv, which is thus defined in 
Reissmann's continuation of Mendel's Lexicon : — " Motiv, Gedanke, in der 
Musik, das kleinere Glied eines solchen, aus dem dieser sich organisch 
entwickelt." It is in fact the shortest complete idea in music ; and in sub- 
dividing musical works into sections, periods, phrases, the units are the figures, 
and any subdivision below them will leave only expressionless single notes, as 
unmeaning as the separate letters of a word.' 

Of such rhythmical elements, phrases, motives, figures — or whatever you 
may choose to call them — there existed a variety in Greek ; and they would 
be recognised in a moment by an educated hearer. What is important is that 
each brought with it an association ; it suggested certain characters, — of gods, 
or heroes, or of nations; certain subjects; certain shades or regions of 
emotion. No one who knows anything of Greek feeling for appropriate form 
will find it difficult to believe that their rhythms too were used appropriately ; 
and he would not be incredulous if this artistic feeling should appear to have 
guided sensitive metricians into the most delicate subtleties of touch. 

Our first business therefore, if we mean to appreciate what is being done 
in choric metre, is to have learnt the various elements or phrases which lay 
to a composer's hand to use, and when they are introduced, to recognise them; 
the second is to know the associations which these various phrases carried 
with them. 

3 If only they had had our system of musical notation they would never have been bewilderin g 
to us — or to themselves. 


The broadest distinction of character in rhythms is between the Dorian 
and the non-Dorian. The non-Dorian may for the present purpose be classed 
together under the general names Ionic, Asiatic, Eastern, including Lydian, 
Phrygian etc. ; Anacreon's belong of course to this division. All such are 
markedly different in spirit and associations from the rhythms which the 
Dorians made their own ; these are so few and simple and so easy to be learnt 
that they may as well be stated here : 

1 the enlwplion *- \ -r ««— « « -r Mm , a dactylic phrase in tempo 
staccato, beginning with or without the anacrusis. 

2 the epitrite, most commonly in this arrangement — u , the move- 
ment in which Latin 'trochaics' naturally went. 

3 (formed by combining 2 and 1) the dactylo-epitritc — u — — — u v — ^ ^ — 
e.g. the beginning of the 4th Pythian, adfiepov yikv %PV °" € 7ra / 3 ' avBpl <f>i\tp. 

Then there are two figures used to end a period : 

4 — o— -*-— vj— , e.g. Aesch. Pcrs. 869, Ar. Ran. 825 <yqyevel (pvo-Tjfiari, 

Eur. Cycl. 371. 

5 _ o — u — — , e.g. Aesch. Pers. 873, Soph. Track. 525 irpocrfievova' 
aKol-rav, Ar. Ran. 674 sqq., and Eur. Andr. 761 : 

Xetyava rwv ayaOiov 
dvBptov dcpaipelrai %povo<;' a B' dpera 
koX 6avovo~t Xdp,7T€l. 

The same figures are combined in the Stesichorean verses 4 of Ar. Pax 

775 = 796: 

MoOo-a av p,ev 7roXep,ov<; aTrwaapeva p,er ep,ov 

tov cpiXou yopzvaov 

fcXeiovaa deoiv re ydp,ov<; dvBptbv re Satra? 

/cat daXlas fiatcdpwv aol <yap rdB' i% "P%^"» f^eXec. 

Dorian metre moves in strongly-marked 4 time. To convey the nature of 
it in a single word, I should describe it as Handelian — in his square proces- 
sionals and martial songs. 6 

It was the expression of the Dorian temper, rigorous, energetic, mascu- 
line, severe ; the appropriate vehicle for their ideals, dperd, dvBpeta, avrdp- 
/ceia : appropriate of course also to the Dorian heroes, Heracles, the Dioscuri, 
Helen. Wordsworth's ode to Duty, ' Stern Daughter of the voice of God,' or 
Tennyson's upon the Death of Wellington could not have been written by a 
Greek except in Dorian metre ; to write of dperd or dvBpeca in Anacreontic 
would have been absurd and ludicrous. Dorian is the proper metre, as in the 
passage from the Andromache just quoted, in Med. 624, and in this frag- 
ment of Euripides (893) 

* The scholia are not correctly treated by the same effect as the delightful Handelian 

Bergk on Stesichorus 3fi and 30 p. 220. l>urlcsqu<-s of Sullivan ; in Princess Ida for 

5 Dorian metre in burlesque, as Eur. Cycl. example, ' This helmet, I suppose, Was made to 

367 «jq., Ar. Ran. 814 sqq., would have just ward off blows.' 


ap/cel fierpia fitoTa fxoi 

craxppovos Tpaire^rj^, 

to B' aicaipov dirav virepfidW- 

ov re p,rj irpoaei'p.av. 

Accordingly the moral verses attributed to the Sages are in Dorian ; 6 and 

this continued to be the metre used in philosophic verse, as in the fragments 

of Cercidas on Diogenes and aotpta (Bergk Poctac Lyrici Graeci II p. 513), 

and in Aristotle's hymn to 'Aperd (ib. p. 360) : 

' Aperd, iroXvp-o-^Oe yivec ftporeUp, 

Orjpafia KaXXtarov jSl(p, 

<ra? irept, irapOeve, p,op<pa<; 

Kal Oavelv £a\&>T09 iv 'EWaSt 7t6t,uo? 

Kal novovi rXijvai p,aXepovs dtcdp,avTa<;' 

rolov eirl <f>piva ySaWet? 

Kapirov IcraOdvdTov 7 y^pvcrov re Kpeiao-co 

Kal yavecov pLaXaKavytfroio #' xnrvov 

aev B' eve^ ovk Ato? 'Hpa/eXe^? Ai')Ba<; re Kovpoi 

ttoXX' dverXaaav epyois 

aav dypevovres Bvvap.iv, 

12 cot? Be TTodoa 'A%t\eu9 Ata? r 'AtBa B6p,ov r)X0ov, 

eras B' eveicev (piXiov p,op<pa<; Kal ' 'Arapveos evrpcxpo*; deXiou ^pcoaev 


Toiyap dotBifios epyois, dOdvarov re /jlcv av^aoven M.ovcrat, 

M.vafiO(TVva<; dvyarpe*;, Ato<? %evLov cre/9a9 d£ov- 

aai s <piXia<; re yepa<; /Se/SaiW. 

The enhoplion belonged especially to the Dioscuri (Ath. 184 f, Schol. 

Pind. P. ii. 127 Boeckh), and was therefore used in speaking of them ; as by 

Pind. 0. iii. 1 


TvvBapiBais T€ (piXo^eivoi? dBelv KaXXnrXoKap,(p 6' 'E\ev<x 

dactylo — epitrite 

and N. x. 51. So in Eur. Hel. 1479 = 1496 

oV depos eWe iroravol = pLoXotre ttoO' 'iirirtov oljia 

yevotpeOa At'ySue? <a>9> Be aWepos Ufievoc 

ouovol crTOi^aSe? 9 Sfifipov Xapurpdv darpoiv vir de'Wat- 

Xnrovaai yei,p,epiov en, TratSe? TvvBapiBai, 

vlaaovrav irpecr^vrdra o'i vaier ovpdviot 

8 K. 0. Miiller History of Greek Literature The active a(ovra is in O.C. 134. 

I p. 251. 9 The reading of the MSS. and of the Aldine 

7 Wilamowitz - Moellendorff for Kapirbv do x a .. 

ifl ; / 7 v ■ 'a' \ . a v too is aroKdBts : I have corrected this and the 

aBavarov (v. I. Kapirbv r : so in Aesch. «<""»» » 

a„ oka «i,„ vree ^,.„ ,>.. t „ r ~ < > metre at the same time. The editors follow the 

An. 950 the Ma!">. give eta apyvpov tor taapyvpov, ..... 

in Ath. 689 b * ipyvpovv T .«r X «?P« for IvapyopSv MS > wl,ich dividcs thc WO,Js accordin « to thyir 

t' *,V x"P«. The reading of ». 12 (enhoplion grammatical construction 

repeated) is due to the same scholar ; the MSS. ola " , ° l <"'ox<t8«i 

have 'Atoao Upovs. orfpov XiwoUffat xf^'p'O" 

8 Crusius for &pt,ovoai, v. 1. aCt,ov<rat : so 0^0^01 The antistrophc is restored by transposition, 
has been restored for ip^ovrat in Pers. 592. 


the opening is enhoplion for the Tyndarids in the antistrophe. Stesichorus 
used it in his palinode on Helen, 

OVK €<Tt' €TV/jLO<S \0709 OUTO? 

ov& e/3a9 iv vavcrlv ev<re\p,oi<; epitrite 
ovS' 7/ceo Tripyafxa Tpota?. 

An Epode 10 corresponded to a coda. It was constructed, as a rule, out of 
the same rhythmical elements or phrases as the strophe ; contained the same 
material, but arranged in a different and subtler combination. Since there- 
fore it contains, as a rule, allusions to the material of the strophe, it often 
contributes towards making certain what the rhythmical elements of the 
strophe really are : conversely, we can often determine the metre of the epode 
from the strophe. Here is a very simple case from the epode of the Doric 
chorus which describes the fight between Heracles and Achelous, Soph. 
Track. 497; it should be divided thus: 

rjv & 1 a/j,(j>i7r\€KT0i n K\(fxaK€<i r\v Be fiera) — 

ttcov oXoevTa 7r\i]yp.aTa /cal ar6vo<i dp,(f>olv 
a 8' eu&>7ri? a/Spa epitrite 

rrjXavyei Trap o%0a> ,, 

7]<xto rbv ov 
irpocrfievova dtcotrav. 

The first line is the normal dactylo epitrite, but the MS. makes a complete 
line of the grammatical clause r\v V dp,<pi7r\e/cToi K\lp,aice<;. The same thing 
is done by Nauck in a moral fragment (not necessarily Tragic) p. 867 : 

w yjpyak, ft\daTr)fia xdovos, olov epwra ftpoTol-crl (pXeyeis, 

TravTtov Kpancneviov, Tro\ep,oi5 B' "Apew? 

Kpeiaaov €X (OV Bvvap.iv, <tcl> Travra 12 OeXyew 

eVt yap 'Op<j>eiai<; p,ev gJ&u? 

€itt€to Sev&pea teal 6r)pa>v dvorjTa ykvr\, 

aol Se /cal ^diov Trdaa ical tt6vto<; /cal 6 7rap,p,t]aT(op v Ap??9 « 13 

Besides other incorrect divisions, Nauck prints w yjpvcrk, fi\d<nr)p,a ^Oovo^, 
as though it were a separate line. 

When Dorian metre is used by Orientals there is always a reason to be 
looked for. Thus the Chorus in Tro. 801 is about the sack of Troy by 

10 Epodes belong properly to Dorian metre, the epode is in Doric because it is addressed to 

and are usual with paeonic. All the purely Hiero of Sicily ; and we are prepared for this 

Dorian odes of Pindar, except P. xii and N. ix, by a Doric phrase (enhoplion) in the 2nd and 

have epodes ; all the rest that have none (0. i, 3rd lines of the strophes. 

iv, xiv, P. vi, iv*. ii, iv, /. viii) are in more or u Or ifi<plir\tKroi ? 

less varied Lydian or Ionic rhythms : so are the w Or < avy. > iravra. The reading of the 2nd 

only three complete odes of Bacchylides that line is uncertain, but as I have written it, it is 

have not, iv, vi and xvii. The strophes of iii, metre. 

which tells the story of the Persians and the 13 E.g. oiraiu or \arptvfi : the metre is in- 

Lydian Croesus, are in Lydian or Ionic, but complete without this ending. 


Telamon and Heracles ; that in Hcc. 889, a lament for the later fall of Troy, 
is partly in Doric for the Greeks : 

891 toiov 'JZWdvcov v€(f>o<i dfi<pi ere KpvTrrei 
911 Kekevafia 8' rjv icar aaru Tpoi- 
a<t t68\ ' 5) 
iral8e<; "EWdvcov irore 8rj irore rav 
'IXidSa (TKoiTiav 
iripaavTet fjtjeT oIkov^ ; ' 
925 epode rav rolv Aiocr/covpoiit 'EXivav tcdaiv '18- 
alov re (Bovrav .... 

If the Chorus in the Persae of Aeschylus use Dorian metre for their long 
descriptive geographical account 855 sqq., it is because that was the metre 
which had been used by Stesichorus for such recitals ; that is the reason it 
was used by Philoxenus also in his portentous catalogue. Another piece of 
Stesichorean Doric is a fragment of Aeschylus from the 'Hpa/cXelBai : de- 
scribing the expedition of Heracles against Geryoneus, the Chorus use the 
metre of Stesichorus in his Tr^pvovrjU ; Aesch. ft. 74 


opfievos opdo/cepcos ftov? rjXacr* atr' eaj^artav 
yata?, aaceavov irepdcya^ iv heira ^pya-^XttTy 
f3oTr}pd<} r dSt/cov? KareKra heairoTqv re TpLirrvyov 
Tpia 86pr) trdXXovra yepaiv, 

Tpia 8' v _ <rd/cr) irpoTeivcop rpel<; r iirura-eitav Xo<f>ov<; 
arelyev Xao? "Apei (3iav. u 

So much for Dorian. To take one opposite example, metres appropriate 
to Dionysus were Glyconic, as Aesch. ft. 355, Soph. Jr. 174, Eur. Jr. 586, 
Pind. Jr. 153; and Ionic a minore as Bacchae 64 sqq., Ar. Ran. 323 sqq. ; for 
a Ko>fio<i, the Anacreontic ^ u — o — u — — as in Cyclops 491 sqq. 

A stanza might be constructed entirely in one rhythm, as the 4th 
Pythian is in Dorian metre purely ; or it might be made of two or more 
combined; or the briefest phrase even of a different metre might be 
introduced in passing, when it was appropriate to the sense : as in Soph. 
Track. 953 

etS' q,vepboeaad t*9 

yevoir eirovpos etrTtwTt? avpa 

rjTi<; /a' diroiiciaeiev e/c tottohv 07ra>s 

top Zrjvb? aXicip,ov yovov 

p,r) TapftaXea ddvoipu fiovvov eltriSovcr d<pap 

14 tart ixuros apri&tav MS. ; I give the correc- line quite foreign to the metre. In the jiievious 

tiou of Weil, cf. Pind. /. ii. 16: iaos "Apti line rpta oia ttj<t <to.kov irpojtlvwv awaits correc- 

<ttuX* v fl' "' would be as good, cf. Pind. P. iv. tion ; I cannot scan Wecklein's Tpia ot Kaials 

8 ; but (ffT' x' l<ros"Apei (Hav would be a glyconic cani) uportlvuv. 



At v. 4 this has lapsed insensibly into Dorian epitrite for describing Heracles, 
and abandons it again immediately. 

Thus any phrase or figure carrying with it an association could be used 
precisely as modern music uses a Leit-motiv or 'guiding theme ' ; for explana- 
tion of which term I quote again Sir Hubert Parry : ' Leit-motive,' he says 
' consist of figures or short passages of melody of marked character which 
illustrate, or as it were label, certain personages, situations, or abstract ideas 
which occur prominently in the course of a story or drama of which the 
music is the counterpart ; and when the situations recur, or the personages 
come forward in the course of the action, or even when the personage or 
idea is implied or referred to, the figure which constitutes the leit-motif is 

Metricianly accomplishment was shown in passing from one rhythm to 
another while keeping the movement going all the time. So far as I dis- 
cover, there were three devices which enabled you to manage these transi- 
tions ; (1) by link : (2) by echo : (3) by overlapping. 

A connecting link or copula is a syllable interposed between two lines to 
enable the movement to be carried on without a rest. It is so designed that 
rhythmically it could belong to either line ; but while it is common to them 
both, you are to feel that it is intermediate between them ; so for the 
instruction of the ear it is made to consist usually, on the first occurrence, of 
a single separate word. But when the ear has thus been made to under- 
stand the phrases which the movement is constructed of, it does not need 
that explanation any longer, and succeeding strophes do not think it necessary 
to observe the separation of the link. — This is only one application of a 
general principle : — The first strophe states the metre plainly ; afterwards, 
when the metre is firmly established in the ear, it can be trusted to accept 
the liberty of an equivalent variation. This will seem a matter of course to 
those who know anything of music. 15 — Examples of what I mean by links are 
marked off here by dotted lines : 

Aesch. Cho. 379 

tovto Biafnr€pi(i)<; 16 
ikeff* airep re fteXos \ Z 
Zev tcdrayOev idXkmv l6 
v<TTep07roivop arav 

= 393 

kcu itot av afi<f>L\a<pr)<; 
Zev<z eVt X et P a ftaXoi ; \ <pev 
<f>ev Kapava hat£a$, 
Trunk yivoiro x^P?- 

16 'Or of metre either' I might almost say ; 
only that Bergk on Nem. vi. 7 p. 279 laid down 
exactly the opposite for Pindar, — that his 
metre gets more strict as it proceeds : ' in prima 
etropha correptio minus offendil, solct enim pocla 
dbinetps scveriore lege uli.' It would be strange 
indeed if it were so, hut it is simply not the 


16 I have no doubt that the readings given 
here are right so far as metre is concerned. In 
the antistrophe I take it there is an anacoluthon 
as in the strophe: ' smiti the heads, and that 
will be a pledge ! ' (or ' and let that be a 



Soph. El. 480 

. . . dBvirvocov ickvovaav 

aprio)<; ovetparcov 
ov | yap iror dp,vao~T€t y <f>v<ras 

'EWai/wc ava% j 
ou8' j d 7ra\ata %aXfc67rXaiCTo<; 

dp,<pdicr)<; yevv^; 

Ar. Fesp. 273 
/xaii/ a7roX<w\e/c€ Ta? ipfidBas ?} irpoa- 
eno-ty-' I 

61/ ; TO) GKOTCp TOI/ Sa/CTuXoV 7T0U 

cZt' e<f>Xey — prfvev avTov 
Eur. iftpp. 752 

KaKovvpapordrav ovaaiv, 
rj yap air dp<poTepa>v \ 

rj j Kprjaias e'/c 7a? Suo-opin? 

eTTTaro /cXeivds 'AOdva? 

M.OWV%pV B' (iKjalcnv eKhrj — 
o-ai^TO 7r\e/CTa<? TretcrpidTcov dp — 

= 40 5 

p.t]7rOT€ p,t]TTo8' l)plv 17 

dyfreye? ireXdv repas 
TOi? ; Bpwat, koX avvBpojaiv tjtoi, 

pavreiai j3poTU)v 
ovk j elatv ev Beivois ovetpois 

ovB' ev dea<paTOL<i 

= 282 
e^airaTcov eXeyev 6' to? (piXadtjvatos 

7/1/ j 
«ai j Tav 2a/Afi) 7rpoi)TO<; Kareliroi 

= 763 

«7ro vvp<pi,Blwv Kpepaarbv 
dyjreTac dp<pl fipo^ov 

Xevica KaOappo^ovaa Beipa, 

Baip-ova cnvyvdv Karaite — 

aOelcra rdv T evBo^ov dvdaip — 
ovpeva <pdpav drraXXda — 
croftra t aA/yeti/ov <ppev(bv epwra. 

p^a? eV airelpov re yd? eftaaav. 

In the following passage we have a rapid triplet as a link : 
Eur. Andr. 136 =142 

yvwdi B' ova' irrl i;eva<; BeairoToov ipcbv cpofia) B' 

Bpwl<; eir aXXorptas \ 

7ro\eo9 ; ep<9' ov <pcX(ov riv elaopas 

rjavyiav ayopev 

to Be abv \ oiktq) (pepovaa ivyydvdi 

Echo is the ending of a line repeated as the beginning of the next. Thus 
in the following stanza there is a constant reiteration of the figure " — — 
which serves to begin lines 4 and 8 : 
Bacchylid. iv 

"Et£ %vpa/coalav (piXei 

ttoXlv 6 j(pvo-OKopa<i 'AttoXXwv 6' 'leptova yepaipei' 
4 TpiTov yap Trap' optpaXbv i/yfriBelpov ^0ovb<i 
Uvdiovi/cos delBerat, wk- 

vttoBoov apera avv iTnrcov. 
Bvo r 'OXvp,7rcovi/ca<; 
8 delBeiv Tt (peprepov rj Oeolaiv 
(pcXov ebvra iravToBaiTOiv 
Xayydveiv diro polpav eaOXcbv ; IS 

17 rtfi'iv is the vulgate, but metre requires 
ilfitv or vfiif, and in cod. L rifuv lias been made 
from ^M'"- The same correction is to be made 
in Track. 6i0 6 Ka\A«/J($as rax' vfiiv av\bs ovk 

18 This being mutilated, I have taken the 
first half from oi?e strophe and the second from 
the other. In r. 16 iriptoTw viv is rightly re- 
stored by Prof. Blass. 


In continuance by echo this particular figure « — — does great service. 
When existing by itself it is called bacchiac, and used for short moments of 
violent excitement : here we see this bacchiac changing to glyconic, Eur. 
Supp. 1015 

bpd 8rj reXevrav bacchiac 

'iv earaKw Tvya 8k fioi glyconic 
^vvq-TTTec' iro86<i aXfia rd? 
ev/cXeta? ydpiv evOev 6p- 
fidaco rdae" diro 7T€Tpa<;. 

It is very common to echo a figure immediately before the conclusion of 
a stanza : thus in the Dorian of Pind. I. 1, 

el^ov a) 'iroXXcovLa^ dp.<porepdv 

TOl %apiT(i)V 

avv deols £ev£o) reXo?. 

and this little offspring — <-> * — is duly mentioned at the beginning of the 

Not only the ending, however, may be echoed, but some other portion of 
a previous line ; in this pretty little glyconic stanza from the 2nd Nemean for 

instance : 

iv io~Xov HeXono<; invyals 
6ktq> <TT€<pdvoi<; ep.i^dev ij&r)' 
etna 8' iv Ne/ie'a, rd 8' oi- 
4 koi fjbd<raov dpidfiov 

Ato? drfwvt,' rov Si troXl- 
rai K(i>fid^aT€ Tip,o8ij- 
fiov avv evicXei voarqr 

8 d8vp.eXei 8' 


9 ii;dpx €T€ < P a>v §" 

d8vfA,€\el is an echo of the — u o — which has been heard in the interior 
of all the lines preceding. 

Soph. Aj. 221 will lead us a little further : 

1 o'iav i8i] — Xoxra? dv8po<i aWovos dyyeXiav 

2 drXarov oi>8e (pev/crdv 

3 rcov p,eydX<ov Aavacov vtto KXy%op.£vav 

4 rdv 6 fjkiyas p,vdo<i dtgei. 

5 otp.oi> <po/3ov — to Trpoakpirov 7repi<f>avT0<; dvrjp 

6 davclrcu irapairXdicTto yepl avyiccn qktcl<; 

7 KeXaivols gi<f>e<riv fiord icai 

8 ftoTrjpas linrov<ofJ,a<;. 

davelrac in v. 6 and /ceXaivol? in v. 7 echo the endings of the lines pre- 
ceding them. The movement of dyyeXiav in v. 1 is repeated in v. 3 and 
twice echoed in v. 4. The second time it occurs in v. 4 it is extended to 



— o o — | — : this is taken up in the next line and continues to v. 7, from 
which a return is made to the rhythm of the opening lines : aiv /3ora /cal | 
ftoTtjpas lirirovdifia<i — ayyeklav \ arXarov ovBe (pev/crdv. 

The way by which the return is made from one rhythm to another in v. 7 
is an example of the last and subtlest form of shift. I call it overlapping . 
You expect the rhythm to continue /ceXaivots %i<p€o~pp /cal, but %l<f>e<rw affords 
an opportunity of continuing with anapaestic (or dactylic) movement, Ifitpeaiv 
fiora /cal : so that what you get is a line of which the first part is in one 
rhythm and the last part in another, while the middle part is common to them 

both • 

/ceXaivols £i<f)€<Tii> ftoTa /cal 

This device of overlapping enabled a metrician sometimes to get even a 
continuous contrapuntal effect of rhythm. The following from the Prometheus 
Vinctus is a very skilfully composed example ; where the Ocean Maidens are 
compassionating Prometheus in mournful Anacreontic measures. 19 The chief 
subject is 


a well-known rhythm, e.g. 

Ar. Nub. 949 vvv 8et£eToi> 

Tots TrepiBe^ioiacv 
yvcofioTVTrois fieptfivai?. 

too irurvvu? 
Xoyoiat, /cal \ cppovTtat ical 
Cratinus fr. 172 avhpas o~o<pov<; \ %pT) to irapov \ irpayp.a /ta\a>? j 
eh Bvvap.iv rideaOat. 

But here, by repeating the first section thus, 

it is so contrived that another Anacreontic phrase (2) u ^ _ « — o 
heard moving underneath against it : 

— is 

130 p,r)8ev (pofiwOfjs 
= 150 \evcr<r(t) Hpop,^6ev 


yap ij&e ragis 
8' ip,olo~iv 6o~aoi<i 


Boats afitXXat? 
Trpoafi^e irXrfpr)? 


rovbe irayov 7raTpa>a<> 
o~ov &ep,a<; ela-iSovaa 21 



TrapeiTrovo-a <ppeva<i 

19 See the schol. on v. 130. 

20 The first section presently is numbered (1), 
the second (3). 

71 Probably tlffiSovaa or tiaiSovirav 
metre is continuous throughout. 

then the 



Kpanrvocpopoi 22 84 fi errefiyfrav avpai 
TalaS' I a8ap,avTo84roicn Xvp,ai$ 



yap d^u) I ^aXu/Scx? hifj^ev dvrpwv 

yap oianovopoi 

Kparova 'OXvpurov 

p,V)(OV €K 

8' 'i-nXrj^i p,ov 
8e 8tj vopboi? 



Oep-epSiTTiv al8a> 
aOerwi Kparvpei 

ra Trpiv 

8' cnr48iXo<; o^«o irTepwrm 
8e TreXoopia vvv alaroi. 

In setting this to music we should now design one melody for (1) and a 
different, but of course harmonious, melody for (2) : whether the Greeks 
attained to counterpoint in metre and yet failed to think of counterpoint in 
melody I cannot say. 

It will be observed how carefully the common elements are marked off 
by separation of the words. So it is in the fragment (Anacr. 56) quoted by 
the schol. : 

ov8' av p,' idcreis \ pbedvovr' ; oiKa8' cnreXdelv ; 

where the second part is Ionic a minore. 
fine metrician, Anacreon/r. 19 : 

apdeis 8r)vr' cltto AevKa8o<; 

Here is another fragment of that 

TreTprjs I e<? iroXiov \ /cvp,a icoXvp,ftw p,edv(OP epatTi. 

This begins with a glyconic, and you expect it to continue so, Trerpr)^ e'9 
ttoXiov <-> — : instead of which it shifts, through the common element ey 
ttoXiov, to choriambic. 

In subtlety of artistic workmanship no one is the superior of Sophocles : 
here is an elaborate piece of contrapuntal writing, based on the same subject 
as P. V. 130 u — u — — uo— i — uo — u — — : the former half of this 
I number 1, the latter 5. The second subject, introduced immediately to 
move against this, is glyconic, numbered 2 and 3, 

8iKac(ou a8t/cov<; <ppiva<; 
Trapacnras irrl X<of3a. 

22 At 4 we get a new figure which is repeated 
at the close : in the antistrophe it is indicated 
by caesura ; and I think there would have been 
a caesura in the strophe too, if it had not been 
that Kpatirvo<p6poi is one long word : Sjjto, 8oa\ 
would have been unrhythmical, but Kpanrvo<p6poi 
does not spoil the movement. Other cases in 
passages to be quoted presently are -wpaaaofiiva 

in Agam. 707, a&po$lwi> in Bacchyl. xvii. 2. — 
When anapaestic dimeters and iambic trimeters 
have not the usual caesura, it will be found 
that a long word is the condition of the license, 
as Again. 781 t<£ bvairpayovvri t' iiruxTfvdxttv, 
784 (cal Ivyx&ipovaiv bpoioicptirus aytKaffra 
■wp6awwa ftia£r'i/j.tvot, Soph. fr. 300 wtpStKos Iv 
KKtivols 'AfljjvatW ira7ou (epitrite movement). 



At 7 the ending — «-» <-> — is taken up with choriambic movement; while 
at 8 we begin to hear a sound of three consecutive long syllables, which 
recurs on several occasions; Antig. 781 = 791 : 

o~i> KCLl 

aviKaje p,d%av \ "Epo><y 
BiKaiwv dSiKovs (j>pevat 





p,aXatcal<; irapeial<i 
to&€ v€cko<; avhpSiv 

09 ev KTTjfiacri imrTei^ 
irapacnras eirl Xwfia 

vedviSo? evuv^ev€L<i 
i;vvaip,ov e^ei? Tapaf a? j 


8' virepirovrios ev r' ; dypovop,oi<; avXals 
b" evapyr)*; /3Xe<f)dp(ov \ ip.epo$ evXeicTpov 

icai a ovt 

toov fieydktov 

<pv%ip,o<i ov8el<; 
ov rt irdpehpo^ 23 

ovO' I dp,epia>v ae y dvOpdiircov \ o 6" e^cov p,ep,r)vev 
6eap,wv, afiaxps yap ep.tral^eL \ 0eo<? 'A<ppoBiTa 
4 5 6 

Those who may care to pursue this method of analysis and wish for a 
good field to practise in will find it in the lyrics of Antigone which follow, 
in El. 1058 and in Ajax 693 : except that Ant. 850 = 869 are both, I think, 
corrupted and should be 

to) Zvaravos, ov 
ftpoTotcriv ovt ev vetcpois, 
fi€T0iK0<; ov fficrtv, ov Oavovaiv. 

■ cot Kvpaa<; yafiwv 
loo fedo~i<; SvcnroTpicov, 
davoov ct' ovaav KaTr\vap^ p,e. 

There is a very beautiful example of transition in a passage of admirable 
metre which will serve at the same time to illustrate nearly all the principles 
I have advanced ; Aesch. Agam. 686 = 702 : 

1 Tt? 7tot' oovop-a^ev coo"' 

€5 TO TTCLV €Tt)TVp,(0<; 

2 (p,rj tls ovt iv ov% opcopbev Trpovoiaiai 

tov ireirpoip,evov 

3 yXwacrav iv Tvya vepbcov ;) 

4 tclv hopiyapbfipov dp,(f>iveiK?i #' 

23 ot>x* irdpehpos Dindorf: the MS. is ruv 
fieyd\a>v irdpilpos iv opx««*> a variation without 
parallel in choriambic metre, and the contrary of 
the sense. Sophocles is alluding to the proverb 
6€"Epwt ovk oitie £177/1 a x s used by Paul. 
S\\. A. P. v. 193 in his clever answer to Agathias, 

1 'iXioi 8e KrjBo<; 6p6 — 

oivvpiov TeXecraicppoov 

2 p,r)vi<; rjvvcrev Tpcnre£a<i aTipLooaiv 

v&Tepa) xp6v(p 

3 Kal tjvveaTiov Ato<> 

4 7rpao~o~op,eva to vvp,(f>oTip.ov 

ib. 192. Af/oj, @tfits, ti6fxos, AlStis are irdptBpot 
of Zeus (O.G. 1267, 1382, Pind. 0. viii. 21, 
Pint. Alex. 52, Orpheus in 'Dem.' 772. 26 and 
fr. 18 in Proclus on Alcib. I.) ; but "Epws is not 
with them ; "Epau is like Nature, — y <pv<rts 
4$ov\e6\ 77 v6fj.o>v ovStv fit\n Eur. fr. 92Q, 


5 'EXevav ; eve) irpetrovray^ 5 p,eXo<; e/e$aTO>? rlovras, 

6 eXevav? eXavbpos eXeTTToXts 6 v p,ev a iov, o? tot' iireppeTrev 

7 e*r twi/ dfiporifuov 7 y a fift pola iv deiBeiv. 

8 TrpoKa\vp,p,a.T(ov eTrXevae 8 pberapavdavovaa &' vp,vov 

9 Ze<f>vpov yiyavTO<t avpa 9 Ylpia/xov 7roA.t<? yepaia 

10 TToXvap&poi 10 iro\v6pr]vov, 

11 Te (pepdaTrtSes Kvvayol 11 /i-eya 7roi/ <tt£v€i kik\tJ<tkov — 

12 /taT* tvvo? 7r\aTai; acpavrov 12 <ra Hdpiv rov alvoXe/crpov 

13 KeXadvTcov Xt/xoei/TO? a/CTa? 13 rapiirpoad rj TToXv6pr\vov aioiv 

14 eV ae^K^uWou? 14 a/x<£t iroXnav 

15 hi epiv a i p, aToeaaav 15 peXeov alp avaTXaaa. 

Here we have three metres : trochaic with syncopation, 1-3 ; /owtc a 
minore or Anacreontic, 4-6 and 8-12 ; glyconic 6-7 and 13-15. These cor- 
responding stanzas are constructed with such artifice, — there are so many 
antithetic meanings woven in so close a texture, — that I give a rendering 
designed to bring them out, endeavouring also to suggest something of the 
metrical effect ; though not of course by use of the same metres, which in 
English has rarely that result : 

Who named her all so shrewdly? 
— Was't One beyond our ken, 
By glimpse of Order fated 

His happy lips who moved ? — 
This Helena, so rudely 

Still warred about by men, 
This bride with iron mated, — 
Sure Hell enow she proved ! 
When lightly from the silken-tissued 

Veils before her bower emerging 
Forth to Eastward sail she issued, 

Breeze of earth-born Zephyrus urging — 
Forth to Eastward sail 
Men swarming after, hot in quest, 
Fierce myriad hunters, all addrest 

With shields, that harrier-like pursued 
Fast on a sightless trail, of oars 
Beached upon Simois' leafy shore?, 
Full cry, in bloody feud ! 

Revenge will surely render 
That pairing well-repaired ; 
Will make this dear alliance 
Be all too dear for Troy ! 
Of high Zeus Home-defender 
And friendly Table shared 
Repays that prime defiance 
On all that uttered joy ; 


So loudly once in gay carousal 

Bride with Hymen-song would honour, — 

Kinsmen, when the time of spousal 

Bade them heap their praise upon her — 

Ah but at this time, 

Though late the lesson, learned grown 

With age-long suffering of her own 
Sons' blood so lamentably shed, 

That ancient City loud, I ween, 

Laments, with practice-perfect Threne, 

1 Paris, evil-wed ! ' 

The rhythmical elements are three, and to appreciate their dramatic 
significance we must consider strophe and antistrophe together. The opening 
trochaics in both cases are for the expression of their own stern moral and 
religious views, and this metre they continue till they come to painting 
Helen, when they shift by means of a link — a syllable kept studiously 
separate on the first occurrence — 

yXwaaav iv Tvya peficov 
rav \ dfi<f>ivecicf) 6' 

to Anacreontic, ou — u — w — —.^ That is appropriate both for to 
dfSpoirXovTov and to a{3po7rev0e<i : in the strophe it describes the sumptuous 
delicate luxurious Helen flying Eastward with her Asiatic lover; and is 
equally fitting in the antistrophe for the Asiatic banquetters and for their 
threne. But it will be observed that this rhythm is interrupted for a moment 
at v. 6 : you expect it to continue eXivavs eXavSpo? ara, but it shifts, by 
overlapping, to glyconic : 

kXevavs eXavSpo? \ eXeTTToXi? = v/xevaiov 05 tot' ! eireppsirev 

4k rtov aftpoTifiav <ya/jLf3polo-iv deiSetp 

the break in each case being marked by the division of the words. The 
purpose of this transition becomes fully apparent in the antistrophe ; for this 
glyconic was the metre of the refrain in vjedding-songs : 

'Tfirjv S) 'Tfievac' 'Tfiijv, 
"Tfir)v "TixevaC w. 25 

Thus in Eur. I. A. 1036 sqq. where the marriage of Peleus and Thetis is 
described, this is the natural conclusion of the stanzas : 

1055 irGVTrjKovra tcopai Njfpeo)? =1076 NqprjScov edeo~av Trparra? 

7 dfipv 5 ixopevaav U.rjXea)<i ff v /j, ev a i o v 9. 

24 Transition to this metre is always, I believe, 25 Eur. Tro. 307 sqq., Ar. Av. 1731 sqq., 

prepared by u - - preceding; therefore the Pax 1329 sqq., Catull. 61. 4, Plaut. Carina 

corrupt verses Soph. O.T. 1210 = 1219 have yet 799. 
to be restored correctly. 



Our transition to this metre here might well have been accentuated both by 
melody and orchestration, — wood-wind at this point, since the vfiipaios was 
accompanied by flutes, whereas Anacreon was av\wv ai/rtVaXo?, <j>i\of3dpfino<; 
(Critias in Ath. 600 e). It is just as though a phrase were introduced from 
some familiar Wedding- march. Then the ending deihecv enables the Ana- 
creontic to be resumed at once without further preparation, and the change 
of metre sharply points the contrast in the sense, between the joyful vfievaios 
then and the melancholy dpr\vo<i now. 20 

Surely this is very beautiful. 

The Srjaev'i of Bacchylides opens with this prelude, 

xvii. 1 
= 16 

fiaaiXev rav 
veov r)\6ev 




rcbv a/3/9o/3iW avat 
tcdpv£ ; irocriv '\adfiiav 

At 2 it lapses into a modification of glyconic ; but the prelude is Ionic a 
minore, and this movement continues to the break at tepav !. The meaning 
is apparent ; for this metre more than any other meant ' Ionic ', and he is 
speaking of the aftpofiicop 'lwvwv. 

The 7th Olympian of Pindar, for Diagoras of Rhodes, is in Doric rhythm 
with a slight exception. This is that famous ode which the Rhodians in- 
scribed in golden letters in the temple of the Lindian Athena : 

QidXav to? j et ri<; d<f>veid<; dirh X €i P^ &-&V 

evhov dfnreXov Ka^Xd^otcrav Spocrq) 


veavia <ydp.ftp(p TrpoTrlvwv oifcodev oi/ca8e, izd^/yjpvaov, 

icopvcpdv KTcdvcov, 
trv/iirotriov re ydpw kuSos re Tifida-att; eov, ev he (piXcov 
TrapeovTCOv \ Orjtce vtv ^aXcorop ofiocppovos evvds. 

The only variation from pure Dorian here is the prelude — singular and re- 
markable — to the first line and the last. Each time, in the opening strophe, 
it is separated from the remainder of the line, which is the normal dactylo- 

20 fj.(Tafi.av8d.vovffa tit Sfivou TroXiiOprjvov hy- 
vi'.naei loco disecnsflebih carmen Bothe. Change 
from the v^ivaios to the dprjvos is a theme found 
first in Erinna A. P. vii 712, and it became a 
commonplace with later writers, ib. 52, 182, 
183, 186, 188, Ach. Tat. iii. 10, Heliod. ii. 29, 
Eur. Ale. 924-31. The point is made in onr 
passage with such care and so impressively that 
it is somewhat surprising to find it has hardly 
been perceived : Heusde compares Bion i. 87 and 

Schncidewin P. V. 573. T&nirpoa8' ^ ro\v8pi)vov 
aluv avar\aaa means that she has acquired at 
last (yt pati, as <tyi/xa0/Js) the different strain of 
■woKvdpnvos vfxvos, her perfection in it having 
been preceded by long practical experience (rddci 
fiaOovaa) of suffering fitted for lament indeed. 
r&fi.npoff8( was restored by Heusde (who under- 
stood it somewhat differently) ; and 3, suggested 
by Hermann and confirmed by Paley, seems to 
me better here than 7j. 



epitrite, such as begins, for instance, the 4th Pythian. But the prefix 

u w is Ionic a minore: and not only that, but it continues further in 

Ionic rhythm, (pulXav ft>9 ei Tt? d(f)vet, ^ ^ — — — o — — . That is often 
used in Ionic a minore (with the effect of rallentando) to conclude a period, as 
in Aesch. Supp. 1032 = 1040, P.V. 421=430, Ar. Vesp. 290 = 308; it occurs 
often in Ar. Ban. 320 sqq., and is among the Asiatic rhythms of the Perme : 


'Idv<ov yap dir'qvpa 

'Idvtov vav(ppatcTO<; "Aprjs krepaXicris 


e e e r\dp,ov6<i dairalpovai ^epaat 

= 965 

oXoov<; diriXenrov 

Tvpia? etc vab<j eppovra^ eV d/cTat? 

= 994 
^oa fSoa p,eXe(ov evroadev rjTop. 

And in Ar. Thesm. 101, where Agathon with his Chorus comes on singing, 
this is among his soft and delicate Asiatic phrases : 

107 AT. dye vvv 6\/3i£e Movaa 

ypvakoav pvropa to£g)i> 
116 XO. eiropbat KXjj^ovcra aefivov 

yovov oXfti^ovcra Karov^ 
123 <re/3ofiai Karoo t' avaaaav 

KiQapLv re p,arep' vp,v<ov 

When therefore I was first attending to the metre of the 7th Olympian, the 
effect it suggested to my ear was an Asiatic phrase, merged presently, by 
overlapping, into Dorian : 

<j>ia\ap &)? ei tl<> a(f>veia<; airo ^et,po<; eXtov 

If you were to make two melodic figures, each to serve as a Leit-motiv, you 
might say, this shall be the Asiatic : 


~i — fn = 


-• — 

and this the Dorian 



rruT cgEg 

Then you could combine the two, the one blending into the other, in this 

LH J j J I r-S=CTCT£ 

Now if this is the true account, — if we have really an Ionic rhythm here, 
— there should, according to the principle laid down before, be some allusion 
to that rhythm in the epode. We turn, then, to the epode, and we find that 
it proceeds in Dorian metre till we come to the last line but one, describing 
Rhodes and her inhabitants : 

H.s. — VOL. XXII. Q 


teal irapa KacrraXia Trarepa T€ ^afidynrov dBovra A/*a 
' A <t i a ? evpv^opov \ rpLiroKiv vacrov 7reXa? 
ififioXw valovras 'Apyeta avv alyjLa. 

There is our Ionic plainly, c ^ — — | ^ o — and o ^ — — | — u — , the 
second phrase repeating what we opened with, <pid\av &>9 el tm? d<pv. And 
this Ionic comes in momentarily, for Asia ; while in the next line we return 
to Dorian epitrite for Argos. The meaning is apparent when you think of 
Rhodes ; the connexion of it with the mainland was particularly close, but it 
was colonized by Argives ; and the metre indicates this double character. 
Thus the first line symbolizes Dorian with a tinge of Asiatic, or Asiatic over- 
whelmed beneath subduing Dorian. 

Aristotle is a good authority, and he tells us that Sappho wrote an 
answer to Alcaeus : Alcaeus having said deXw ri FeiTrrjv, dXXd fie /cwXvet 
aiScos, she replied 

al B' r)X €f > €<t\<ov Xfifiepov rj /cdXaiv 

/cal firj tc Feitrnv yXSxra e/evtea icaicov, 

acBcos Ke <j ov icLyavev oirtraT 

d\\' eXeye? irep\ t«u 8itcaio><;. 

Bergk thought 27 that this line of Alcaeus was in the same metre and 
belonged to the same poem as another fragment quoted by Hephaestion, so 
that it should run : 

IottXok dyva fieXXi^ofieiBe "Zdnfoi 

OeXay rt Fei7rr)v, dXXd p,e /ccoXvei alBco<; 

the open syllables in kwXvci aiBox; coalescing. Be that as it may, there is no 
reason to doubt, and no one doubts, that the first line, an address to Sappho, 
was written by Alcaeus ; and the metre is remarkable. Hephaestion calls it 
a Tpifierpov dtcardXrifCTOv Trepirrevov avXXafSfj rfj rerdpTr), /caXovfievov Be 
'AX/cal/cov Ba>8e/eacrvXXaf3ov. Those who like may make it so : ' What is it ? 
A learned man Could give it a learned name : Let him name it who can, The 
beauty would be the same.' What we see is that it begins as an Alcaic but 
its ending is the Sapphic, and the two metres are wedded in the closest 
way : 

27 Opinions on the question are well sum- carminis : Alcaeus ad Sapphonem scribens 

marized by Prof. H. W. Smyth Greek Melic Sapphico utitur versu sed hendecasyllabon 

Poets (1900) p. 239. I quote a portion of Bergk's anacrusi auxit, ut nunieri lenitatem propria 

note Poctae Lyrici Graeci III p. 99: 'Cum gravitate temperaret, ac Tidetur hoc metrum, 

Aristoteles, fide si quis alius dignus, testificetur quod novavit, in hoc uno carmine adhibuissc. 

poetriam hacc rescripsisse Alcaeo, apparet neces- Sappho Alcaeo rescribens praeter solitum Al- 

situdinem, quae inter haec carmina intercedit, caicam stropham, cuius indoles a suae poesis 

mauifestam fuisse : itaque non dubitavi Alcaei natura abhorrebat, adhibuit. Haec igitur 

versui quern Aristoteles adscripsit 8i\w n Ftlntv singularis ars, quam in numeris deprehendimus, 

a\kd fit KuXvei aftus praemittere versum consilium utriusque carminis egregie illustrat 

eiusdem numeri quern servavit Hephaestio Aristotelisque testimonium planissime con- 

16it\ok' &yva ntWtxifuilt<pot, atque con- firmat.' The same argument weighs strongly 

8entaneum est etiam Sapphonem in praegreasa in my mind ; though the significance of the 

stropha Alcaeum nominatim compellasse. metres I interpret differently. 
Animadversione digni etiam numeri utriusque 



ioirXoK dyi>a fie\\ix6fi€i8e i«7r</>o/ 


A poetess from whom the language of metre was not hid could easily dispense 
with any more ; this little Valentine would tell its story quite intelligibly by 
itself: ' The Form, the Form alone is eloquent' ! 

As for Sappho's answer in Alcaics, there is no evidence that she used 
this metre elsewhere. If you were a woman and desired, while uttering a 
reproof in words, to acknowledge and return a compliment, would you write 
in your own proper metre or in his ? For Sappho writes in his. 

W. Headlam. 

Q 2 


At three o'clock on the afternoon of July 6th, 1901, 1 stood at the extreme 
of the col between Mount Skipieia ami Mount Saita. stating with a 
mixture of incredulity, irritation, and interest at the scene before me. Where 
I had expected to see the lake of Pheneus, a blue expanse o( twenty-five 
square miles o( water, there lay a fertile stretching plain, for the most part a 
blaze of golden corn, while here and there a white point o( light shewed 
where a fustanella'd harvester was at his peaceful toil. Nearer, the corn 
gave place to an ugly foreground o\' sun-cracked clay, while just at my feet. 
stretching from side to side of the narrowing valley, lay a mere ribbon o{ slate- 
coloured water — all that is left of the lake of Pheneus to-day. 

I knew that such changes in its condition had been noted by travellers 
from Pausanias downwards, but this last and I believe final disappearance o\' 
the historic lake seems to have passed without notice in Athens and else- 
where. Believing that a short account of this singular natural feature o\ the 
Peloponnese and of the changes to which it has been subjected would not be 
wanting in geographical and historical interest, T made such survey and 
enquiries as were possible on the spot and have since collected what 1 could 
find written on the subject. The story of the lake or plain will be more 
readily intelligible by a brief description o{' the neighbourhood, which the 
accompanying sketch-map (Fig. 1) will make clear. 

The plain itself, its limits sharply defined by the surrounding mountains, 

is shaped and orientated somewhat like a miniature African continent. 
From N. to S. it measures about 7j miles ; from E. to \Y . rather less the 
measurement being taken at sueli a point as to include its western arm 
or bay 

The eastern barrier of the lake is a great southern spur of Mt. Kyllene 
which, Stretching southward under the ancient names first o( Saepia. then of 
Geronteion, then ol SciathlS, 1 separates the valley of Pheneus from that o\ 

1 From a supposed similarity of names, <.•'. tin' mountain containing the S v\ 

L^ake (Ti " rca, iii. US, 151] ami Katsvothra to which tho canal <>r causeway of 

most subsequent writers identify the ancient Heraklea led. Tins stems in itself probable, 

tfc the modern Baits ami con- ind if Saita, like the other mountains' i 

quently the ancient Oryxis with the modern of the district, $.§. Zuvia ami Slripit i. is i 

Bkipira. Curtius (MejNmartMt, i p. I s ; Sclav word, it would hardly be a corruption of 

trails] identifications, thinking that Ekuathia 
Oryxis must mean the ' mountain of the canal,' 



Stymphalus. The pass to Stymphalus lies between Geronteion and Sciatliis. 
This great outwork of Kyllene in its southern portion is to-day called 
Skipieza. Facing it on the S.W. side of the lake rises the mass of Saita, and 
due south of the lake, and consequently between Skipieza and Saita, is the 
steep track from Orchomenus by which Pausanias reached the Pheneatike\ 

"-Sr 1 



taAe ali 

the pinttnt/ time 


Carya e 








Fig. 1.— Sketch-Mai< of the District of Lake Phonia. 

N.W. of the lake and overhanging ancient Pheneus and modern Phonia 
is Mt. Dourdoubana, which forms part of the chain called in antiquity 
Penteleion. Between this and Saita lies the pass to Lykouria and Kleitor. 
Only at its northern angle is there any real break in the circle of the 


hills. Here two streams formerly entered the lake side by side. Their 
present junction is to the S. of ancient Pheneus. Of these the Phoniatiko 
Potami, called in antiquity the Aroanios or Olbios, 2 rises at the modern 
Karya, 2b which lies ten miles to the N.E. of the lake, and flows thence in a 
uniformly S.W. direction to Pheneus. The other, a smaller stream, winds 
down to the plain between the two spurs of Krathis now named after the 
villages of Phonia and Zarouchla respectively. The only other stream of any 
volume is the fine cataract that comes down the gorge of Guioza, the 
ancient Caryae or Caphyae, to the extreme south of the lake. 

It will be seen from this enumeration that no other than a subterranean 
outlet is possible for the waters, and of these singular natural features of 
Arcadia there are two striking examples on the S.W. and S.E. of the lake, 
at points roughly corresponding, if the parallel of a miniature African con- 
tinent be remembered, to the mouths of the Niger and Zambesi. In antiquity 
such an outlet was called, generally, ftapaOpov ; locally, £epe0pov. Its modern 
name is fcctTaftoOpa. Of these Katavothrae Leake 3 gives the most com- 
prehensive list, and Philippson J the most scientific account. They seem to 
be confined to the limestone area, and may take the form either of a porous 
layer through which the water percolates imperceptibly, or of a more or less 
open chasm into which it descends in a stream or cataract. In most cases 
the streams thus lost to sight have no recognisable outlet, and we must 
suppose that they disappear to feed the complex underground system of 
drainage and storage which belongs to the natural economy of the earth. 
Such outlets are unfortunately liable to various forms of obstruction. In 
the first place they may be choked by ddbris — trees, carcases, and the like 
— carried thither in time of flood or storm. Not very successful efforts have 
been made to obviate this danger by placing gates or gratings of iron at the 
entrance. These have sometimes caused the very disasters they were 
designed to obviate, by arresting matter at the mouth of the channel, which 
might if left to itself have found its way safely through the underground 
outlet. Again, obstructions caused by a subsidence or other seismic move- 
ment have occurred, but such of these as have been observed have been of 
very temporary effect. Lastly, the most insidious and disastrous obstruction 
is that caused by the gradual deepening of alluvial deposit at the opening. 

Of the two Katavothrae at Pheneus the S.W. is the more important. 
It is the main outlet of the waters, and the goal of the ancient canal and 
embankment, discussed below. But from its now indisputable connection 
with the source of the Ladon it is of fatal interest in the forgotten history of 
Olympia, now sleeping quietly in the sun forty miles away in Elis, but for 
centuries at the mercy of this terrible and unsuspected foe. As a rule the 
S.E. Katavothra formed as now the exit of the stream which descends from 

2 Possibly Olbios may have been the name of lake. See below, 

the Zarouchla tributary. The Anias of Strabo 3 Leake, Travels in the Morca, vol. iii. p. 

(Gcographica, viii. 389) may bo only a blunder 155. 

for Aroanios. * A. Philippson, Peloponnesus, vol. ii. p. 

**> The ancient Caryae is at the south of the 493 sqq. 



Guioza. Its course underground is uncertain, but it may possibly be con- 
nected with Lake Stymphalus. Its position makes this probable, and I 
learn 4 * now that in 1899, when the Pheneus lake was fast falling, the lake 
of Stymphalus was remarkably full. I should imagine that on those 
occasions when the lake has emptied without doing damage in the Alpheios 
valley the main body of the waters have made their escape through this 
outlet — otherwise we must suppose that the alluvial deposit in Elis is now so 
deep that the waters even in flood-time do not rise above it. 

Before turning to the history of the Pheneatike there remains one 


..i rf.+-itj#'* i 

'+?■*., ;■ * 

Fig. 2. — The Old Water-line of Lake Phonia 
(Running to the left from the point marked <— ). 

most interesting feature to discuss. Travellers from Pausanias onward 
have noticed the existence of a sharply-defined line passing at an even level 
round the contours of the hills, at a height which has been very variously 
estimated. 41 * This phenomenon, which is very striking when seen from a 
nearer point of view, is just visible in Fig. 2, reproduced from a photograph 
taken during the last subsidence of the lake and kindly lent by Professor 
Ernest Gardner. 40 The most natural explanation is that the line is, what 

4a From Mr. J. H. Hopkinson who visited 
the Pheneatike at this date. 

4b Partly no doubt from the fluctuating level 
of the lake from which it has been calculated. 

* c I am also indebted to him for the other 

photograph (Fig. 3) which gives a general view 
of the lako recalling something of the charm 
of this Arcadian Switzerland. The women in 
the foreground are digging gypsum. 


Pausanias took it to be, the trace of an old water level. Leake 6 thinks it to be 
too high for this, and suggests that it is due to the process of evaporation, adding 
that he has seen similar phenomena elsewhere. It is rather singular that Leake 
should bring forward this objection of too great altitude, as (1) he estimates 
the height of the marks at 50 feet above the plain, an estimate so errone- 
ously low that it looks like a misprint for metres, and (2) he quotes with 
apparent belief a rumour that the water did on one occasion reach the 
height of 300 feet. Neither of these statements seems to be compatible 
with his view that the marks are too high to be a water level. A second 

Fig. 3. — Lake Phonia. 
(Women in the foreground digging gypsum.) 

objection to the theory that the line is a water level, also noticed by 
Leake, seems to me to be more cogent. So sharply cut is the line that 
looking up at it one's natural impression is that the lake must have 
remained at that level and no other for ages together, to produce such clear, 
solitary, and lasting trace of its presence. Now it will be seen from the 
passages referred to below that the record of the lake where it exists 
suggests a directly opposite conclusion, viz. that its normal state is that of 
rising or falling. 6 

5 Leake, Travels in the Morca, vol. iii. absence of fish in the lake and of any kind of 
p. 150. aquatic tradition among the inhabitants. 

6 Other possible indications of this are the 


It seems to me that the line as we see it shews the level to which for 
innumerable alternations the water rose before sinking. In what manner 
precisely that limit was fixed it is difficult to determine. Mr. J. H. Hopkin- 
son has suggested to me that there may exist or have existed a second and 
higher channel (Fig. 4) communicating with the Ladon from the level of the 
lines which would thus become a ne plus ultra limit, and acquire as the ages 



- »w - 


Fig. 4. 

passed the sharp definition otherwise inexplicable in a fluctuating lake. 
Professor Ernest Gardner supposes that the subterranean passage does not 
continuously descend but rises in its course to the level of the lines (Fig. 5) 
forming a natural syphon which would prevent the waters of the lake from 
rising above the highest part of the hidden channel. But this, though it 
would fix an upward limit to the lake, and so account for the definition of 



„ tw. 


Fig. 5. 

the lines, obviously would not suit the conditions observed and recorded in 
history, and indeed existing at the present time. We must therefore suppose 
that at some time anterior to the first records of the lake, the course of the 
channel which had produced the lines was modified, possibly by seismic dis- 
turbance, to its present condition, which from the absence of water in the 
lake bed must be one of continuous descent to the source of the Ladon. 7 

7 Another explanation was devised by W. G. level. Philippson also, who writes with geo- 

Clark (Peloponnesus, p. 318) who thought that logical knowledge, is quite clear as to the line 

the line merely shewed the juncture of two being a water-line. Clark is right however in 

geological strata, but this seems to me im- saying that the lines do not appear at the north 

possible owing to its length and absolutely even end of the lake. 



The natural features of the Pheneatike being such as I have described, it 
seems probable that alternations between lake and plain have existed from a 
period long before the dawn of history. 

Mythologic indications may be noticed first. Curtius conjectures, 8 
in a manner more familiar in the middle of the nineteenth than the 
becinning of the twentieth century, that the legend of Herakles descend- 
ing from Pheneus to ravage Elis is a natural myth, and that we may recover 
in this story a lost record of some early outburst of the lake attended 
with the same fatal consequence for Olympia that we know to have 
followed in later history. But the association of the sojourn of Herakles in 
Pheneus with his descent upon Elis rests on very slight foundation — the fact 
that Pausanias 9 saw the reputed tomb of Iphikles, brother to Herakles and 
his comrade-in-arms, on this Elean expedition, at or near Pheneus. Further, 
in the story of his sojourn in the Pheneatike, Herakles plays the role of a 
Prometheus, the contriving friend of man, taming savage nature for his 
good, rather than that of a malignant natural foe. Indeed, his causeway or 
canal was meant to obviate the very catastrophe of which Curtius rather 
unkindly accuses him. There are, however, other interesting indications in 
the mythology of the district. The cults, 10 as Pausanias enumerates them, 
seem peculiarly fitted to its singular character. Poseidon is a deity proper 
for a horse-feeding plain or a stretching sea, Demeter for peaceful cornland or 
for that underworld whose chasms yawn on either side the lake, Hermes for a 
folk more than any other at the mercy of the change and chance of life. 10b 

The ancient citadel of Pheneus at the northern end of the lake is 
mentioned once by Homer 11 in the Catalogue, and once by Virgil 12 where 
Evander recalls the sojourn of Anchises and Priam at his Arcadian home. 
The citadel stood, as we learn from Pausanias, on what one still naturally 
speaks of as a peninsula jutting out from the N.W. angle of the plain. So in- 
adequately does this insignificant conical hill fit the description of Pausanias, 
who speaks of it as precipitous on every side and requiring little artificial 
fortification, that as early as 1806 Dodwell tried to identify as the real citadel 
a height, bearing the omnipresent name of Elias, which rises above the 
modern village of Phonia. The remains here, however, appear to be of the 
least conclusive character, and it is scarcely probable that the acropolis in 
the ordinary sense of the word would be so far from and above the town 

8 Curtius, Peloponnesus, vol. i. p. 188. I gratefully remember a stirrup cup of sheep's 

8 Pausanias, viii. 14. milk given me by shepherds on Orchomcnus 

lu Bursian, Geographic von Griechcnland, ii. when leaving for Pheneus. 

p. 199. 1J Virgil, Acn. viii. 165. Another survival 

10b He would not be less appropriate in his of the Trojan connection with Pheneus is the 

Arcadian character of the vd/uos Btbs. See buiiaj-place of Anchises in the low rid<,'c which 

next footnote. separates the plains of Mantincia and Orcho- 

11 //. ii. 605. of QtvtAv t' ivi^ovTo koI Opx°- menus. 

fitvby iro\vuriKov. Homer's epithet wears well. 


proper. According to Leake, though it does not seem to be noticed by other 
travellers, the modern village occupied the ancient site till recent times. 
This occupation may in a measure account for the discrepancy between the 
account of Pausanias and the site as it is to-day. All traces of the lower town 
described by Pausanias as lying at the foot of the hill have disappeared. 
The stadion one would suppose lay in the valley of the Aroanius. There is 
hardly room for it elsewhere. 13 

It may seem strange that in the brilliant and crowded pageant of Greek 
history no event of importance either in peace or war is associated with what 
on the map of Greece appears as one of its most striking features. The 
natural battlefields of the Peloponnese, however, lie to the south, and, spacious 
arena as the lake bed seems, a commander might well hesitate to risk his force 
in the tortuous defiles which form its communication with the outer world. 14 
Again, these and its liability to periodic devastation may have made and 
kept it a small and isolated community in times of peace. 

The earliest direct reference to the peculiar features of the lake seems to 
be a sentence in the writings of Theophrastus, 15 the pupil, friend, and heir of 
Aristotle. From his remark that the various forms of vegetation at Pheneus, 
when destroyed by inundation, renew themselves on the same spots where 
they had formerly grown, we gather that in his day the alternations between 
lake and plain were fairly frequent. Eratosthenes, a Greek geographer of the 
next century quoted by Strabo, 10 was aware that the S.W. Katavothra was 
connected with the source of the Ladon, and attributes in set terms the 
destruction of the site of Olympia 17 to the waters of the lake escaping by 
that channel. 

A comparison of the references by writers about the beginning of our 
era makes it seem likely that at that period the lake was full. Diodorus 
Siculus says that in former times the Aroanius was lost in a subterranean 

13 As the name Pheneus is somewhat loosely Dourdoubana. 

used by several writers, I append a list of the 14 Polybius, Histor. lieliqtc. iv. 11, mentions 

loealities which have at one time or other borne the failure of an Achaean army to hold the pass 

the name. between StymphalusandOrchomcnus in 221 B.C., 

(i) The whole district of lake or plain with and (iv. 70) gives an account of the successful 

the hamlets on the enclosing mountains. This passage of a Macedonian force in B.C. 218 through 

was called ♦eeeaT(KT) or fctveoTis or Qtvucr) in the same pass in the middle of the winter, 

antiquity, and is to-day the Srjuos Qtvtov. 15 Theophrastus, Hist. Plant, iii. 1. 

(ii) The citadel on the conical hill jutting ,0 Strabo, Gcographica, viii. 389. 

out into the lake at its northern angle. This was ,7 This connection cannot be disputed. The 

the acropolis described by Pausanias. It was necessity for an outlet of so considerable a 

inhabited until the eighteenth-century in- stream as is inhumed at the Katavothra, the 

undations. respective positions of this and of the Ladon 

(iii) The district near the lake bed at the foot spring, lying six miles apart, with a fall of 

of this hill. This was the ir6\is described by about 850 feet between the two, and the corre- 

Pausanias. Close to it is the modern village spondence between the diminution of the lake 

Ka\vfita, which is, I believe, to bear in future and the increase of the stream make this con- 

the official name Qtve6s. ncction clear. Cf. L. Ross, Iiciscn . . . durch 

(iv) The modern village of Qovla. This, with Gricchenland, p. 107. Cf. also Frazer, 1'aus- 

the adjacent hamlet of BiA«o overlooks the anias, iv. p. 263. 
ancient citadel from the southern slope of Mt. 


channel, as if in his day it flowed into the lake. Plutarch 18 rallies Apollo for 
his injustice in sending a plague of waters on the Pheneus of his day, for the 
theft of the sacred tripod a thousand years before. Aelian 19 also alludes to it 
as a lake. All these scanty references may well refer to one and the same 
inundation. Pliny 20 implies nothing as to the condition in his time, but 
mentions alternations previous to his day. He attributes them all, probably 
erroneously, to seismic disturbance. 

Pausanias 21 gives us a fairly detailed and doubtless an accurate picture 
of the empty plain as he saw it, though he was unaware that the lake had 
existed so recently as the passages cited above would seem to shew. 22 
The canal of Herakles was, he says, 50 stades in length. The actual 
distance between Pheneus and the S.W. Katavothra is about 3| miles, so that 
if the measurement given is accurate we must suppose its inception to have 
been some little way up the Aroanius Valley. It was in his time 30 feet in 
height, where unbroken, and seems to have been not so much an artificial 
channel excavated in the plain, as a huge mound crossing the lake bed in a 
general direction from N.E. to S.W., and designed in the first instance to 
prevent an irruption of the waters into the E. and S. parts of the plain, and 
also to serve as a road or causeway. It no longer fulfilled its purpose in the 
time of Pausanias, being partly ruined, probably by the inundation mentioned 
above. Such causeways though of a ruder type and on a smaller scale are not 
infrequently found in Arcadia. One, which is, I think, ancient, crosses the 
northern plain of Orchomenos ; another, which is of uncertain date, separates 
the plains of Tegea and Pallantium. 23 

From the day when Pausanias turned his horse's head to Pallene to the 
visit of Leake and Dodwell in 1806 the little valley has been without an 
historian. 24 We do not know what catastrophes there attended the great 
earthquakes of the sixth century, nor under what circumstances that deep, 
even layer of earth was deposited on the banks of the Alpheios, part of 
which, never since disturbed, yet stretches from the Hippodrome to the 
Leonidaion at Olympia. 

There exist, however, a few scanty indications of the condition of the 
lake towards the eighteenth century. The earliest maps of Greece afford 
more of the allegorical glory of Venice and Amsterdam than the interior 

18 Plutarch, De sera numinis vindicta, xii. iv. p. 419. 

19 Aelian, Be not. anim., iii. 58. M I should imagine that the Pheneatike when 

20 Pliny, Nat. Hist., xxxi. 54. once its barrier of mountains is passed is much 

21 Pausanias, viii. 14, 1-3. to-day what it has always been. The good 

22 I am not surprised that this should be the Hegoumenos ol Hagios Ccorgios shewed 7nc with 
case when I remember my utter failure to pride a dusty collection of the visiting cards of 
extract local information worth the name about chance travellers — scarcely one for a decade of 
the last disappearance of the lake, which cannot years. I can call to mind no other part of 
have hapi>ened more than three or four years Europe where life has gone on through the 
before my visit. But cf. the table at the end of centuries with seemingly so little change, so 
this paper. little interruption from the outside world. 

a Pausanias, viii. 44, 5. Frazer, Pausanias, 


features of the countries they represent, but two, a Dutch 26 and a German 26 
map, published respectively in 1690 and 1720, certainly shew the lake as a 
lake with the Ladon directly issuing from it. That the Venetians lia<l 
fortified ancient Pheneus is probable, not only from the remains on the site 
but also from the numerous Venetian coins (Obv. Lion of S. Mark, Rev. Christ 
King) found in the neighbourhood. 27 

Boblaye, 28 Neumann-Partseh, 20 Curtius, 30 and others all give records, 
derived probably from local tradition, of a very deep inundation early in the 
eighteenth century, in which an older monastery of Hagios Georgios, 300 31 feet 
above the level of the plain, is said to have been submerged. It is possible 
however that this inundation has been greatly exaggerated. 82 The altitude of 
the present monastery, and indeed of modern Phonia, would it is true seem to 
bear out the story, but Greek monasteries from both religious and political 
tradition are more often than not perched on almost inaccessible heights, and 
Phonia may have been placed where it is to escape malarial exhalation from 
the lake rather than the lake itself. 33 If the figures are correct, it is not easy 
to estimate the danger afforded by a huge leaky cistern, containing the vast 
volume of water implied in this measurement poised high above the 

When we come to the last century the record is fairly continuous. 
Leake 34 and Dodwell 35 who visited Pheneus in 1806 found a swampy plain still 
traversed, as when Pausanias saw it, by a partially ruined causeway. Gell, 3C 
who must have been there shortly after, speaks of this as ' a road conducted 
along a magnificent mound,' and gives a very interesting view of the 
lake (which is here reproduced, Fig.' 6) under these circumstances. This 
however gives the impression that the causeway led to the extreme S. of 
the lake rather than to the S.W., Katavothra, which I do not think can 
ever have been the case. 

25 The Peloponnesus, G. and L. Valk, 32 One weak point of the story is that the 

Amsterdam, 1690. present monastery of Hagios Georgios is ob- 

2R Id. M. Seutter, Augsburg, 1720. Both viously older than the date assigned to the 

these arc in the British Museum. My faith inundation. The situation of this monastery is 

in maps as contemporary evidence has however surely one of the most beautiful in Greece. A 

been shaken. The largest and most expensive curved bastion of Mt. Crathis reaches out 

of modern guides to Greece, published with all nearly to the lake, rising out of an undulating 

the resources of easy communication and travel mass of plane-trees, cypresses, and poplars, 

at its command, gives in its 1901 edition a broken here and there by the scattered fields of 

brilliant blue lake of some 25 square miles in the monastery, the irregular red-tiled roofs of 

extent where no lake exists at all. Nimium which nestle high above under the very crest 

ne crede colori. of the spur. 

27 Bursian, Geographie von Griechenland, ii. 33 'A. Mr)\tapiKvs. Vtwypa<pia rov vofiov 
p. 200. 'Apyo\l$os xdl KopivQlas, p. 147. 

28 Le Puillon de Boblaye, Iicchcrchcs gio- 34 Leake, Travels in the Morea, vol. iii. 
graphiques sur les mines de la Moree, p. 153. p. 135 sqq. 

29 C. Neumann und J. Partsch, Physikalisehe 35 Dodwell, Tour in Greece, vol. ii. pp. 
Geographie von Griechenland, p. 252. 436-441. 

30 E. Curtius, Peloponnesus, ii. p. 189. 3B Gell, Itinerary of the Morea, p. 151 sqq. 

31 Neumann and Partsch, loc. cil. give the Journey in the Morea, p. 373 sqq. and Plate 
depth of the waters as 252 metres. facing p. 380. 



What happened in the valley, after these visits early in the century, 
seems to have been briefly this. Either Drama Ali, 36b the last bey of Corinth, 
or an inferior Turkish pasha who kept up some kind of fortress at Mousa on 
the E. side of the lake, placed iron gates or gratings over the mouths of the 
Katovothrae for the obvious purpose of preventing their obstruction. When 
the Pheneatike was evacuated by the Turks, these gates were recklessly 
destroyed by the Greek peasantry in an outburst of undiscriminating hate 
for their former masters. The result was that shortly after the War of 
Independence the Katavothrae began to close and the lake began to rise. 37 

Fig. 6. — View of L. Phonia. 
(From Gell's Journey in the Morea.) 

It was still rising when the French map 38 was made in 1829. Boblaye 
gives the height of the lake above the sea level as 753 metres, its depth 
being about 50 metres. 

During this time the Ladon stream was dry. The water continued to 
rise till Jan. 1st, 1834, when the S.W. Katavothra suddenly opened, the 
Ladon became again a raging torrent, and part of the site of ancient Olympia 
was again flooded. This reappearance of their lost pastures coincided with 
the arrival of the newly chosen king of Greece, and was hailed by the 
inhabitants as a happy omen of the new era. The prosperity of Pheneus 

38b Neumann and Partsch, p. 252. 

87 This seems on the face of it more like]}' 
than the local tradition to the effect that the 
placing of these gates was a final act of malice 

on the part of Drama Ali, and intended to 
cause the disaster that followed. 

39 Carte de la Grece par les oflkiers du 

Corps d'fctat-Major. Paris, 1852. 


was short-lived. Clark 38b was told that the malice of the people of 
Lykouria was the cause of the next rise of the lake. If this is true 
we have history repeating itself, for the control of the water supply 
seems to have been a fruitful cause of ill-feeling between the com- 
munities of S. Arcadia in classical times. But whatever the cause, the 
inhabitants in 1838 saw the waters again encroaching on the scene of their 
recent toil, and from that time forward all travellers describe it as a lake. 39 
In the last inundation it seems to have reached its highest level about the 
year 1880. The last published account of the lake based on personal know- 
ledge is that of Mr. Frazer, 40 who visited the Pheneatike' in the autumn of 
1895, and devotes to the lake and its surroundings some of those passages of 
graceful and informing description admired by all readers of his Commen- 

The lake was sinking then and must have sunk rapidly since, for at the 
time of my visit, 41 in July of this year, all that remained of it was a strip of 
slate-coloured water, perhaps 200 yards across, at the extreme southern end of 
the bed. A cairn on the level just below Guioza mentioned by Gell still 
exists, and at this point the water marks, if such they are, are extraordinarily 
clear. I put them at 150 feet above the plain, which accords fairly well with 
what other travellers have estimated. Either the remains of the causeway 
must have been hidden in the thickly standing harvest, or else the very 
ordinary trodden earthen track, along which I rode, but little above the level 
of the plain, must be all that is left of it. Certainly there is no conspicuous 
mound crossing the plain to-day where Leake and Dodwell would lead one to 
expect it. 

Appended on the following page is a list of such fluctuations of the lake 
as have been recorded, with the authorities for them. Exact reference to 
these has already been made in the footnotes. 

® b Peloponnesus, p. 316. llcise, p. 302 sqq. 

yi Most of these have been already cited, but E. Bcule, Etudes sur le Pdoponnese, p. 

cf. also : — 147 sqq. 

F. Aldenhoven, Jtineraire descriptif de 40 J. G. Frazer, Pausanias's description of 
VAltiquc, p. 295 sqq. Greece, iv. 230 sqq. 

W. "V ischer, Erinncrungc'i> . ... cms Griechen- 41 My observations on the spot were un- 

land, p. 494 sqq. fortunately but unavoidably very incomplete. 

G. F. Welcker, Tagbuch cincr gricchischcn 





Condition of Lake. 


Before the Christian Era. 

At some period between 
1 and 150 a.d. 

Unrecorded alternations. [Indications in Theophrastus and Era- 


Cir. 175. 


Between ancient and mod- 
ern times. 

Unrecorded alternations 

Early part of eighteenth 

Very full. 





Jan. 1st, 1834. 

Sudden fall. 







1901 July-August. 


Diodorus Siculus. Plutarch. Aelian. 


[Indications : — The great earthquakes of 
522, 561. The abnormal inundations 
at Olympia.] 

•Some early maps. Boblaye. Neumann 
and Partsch. Curtius. (All appar- 
ently from local tradition). 

Leake and Dodwell. Gell. 

The French Staff Map. Neumann and 

Boblaye, Aldenhoven, Welcker, Beule, 
Curtius, Vischer, Clark, Bursian, 
Neumann and Partsch, Philippson, 
Meliarakes, Frazer. These authors 
write in varying degree of fulness, 
but from a consensus of their remarks 
these dates may be relied on. 


Local information communicated to the 
author. Vi 

42 I learn this from my friend Mr. Christos 
Lazaropoulos of Levidi near Orchomenos, who 
since this paper was written was so kind as to 
send me further particulars. The last disap- 

pearance of the lake was, as before, due to 
natural causes, but steps are said to have been 
taken to keep the Katavothrae permanently 

John ff. Baker-Penoyre. 


It is not generally realized that to speak of Antiochus III — the 
Antiochus who makes a figure in Roman History — as Antiochus the Great is 
strictly speaking incorrect, although, as a popular form of speech, it goes back 
to the time of Polybius, 1 and is even found on some monuments. 2 Other 
monuments give us the form which is obviously the more correct, the official, 
form. The Suleucid kings had, it is well known, official surnames. We find 
them on their coins or in inscriptions along with their title BaatXeu?. The 
three elements of their designation have their regular order — title, personal 
name, surname, e.g. BactXeu? XeXev/cos QiXoirarayp. But in the case of 
Antiochus III the inscriptions of most authority, which give his designation 
in full, have not BaaiXevs 'Aim'0%05 Meya? but BaaiXevs fieyas 'Avrto'xp*;? 
That is to say, Meya? is not really a surname at all : but Antiochus III is 
distinguished by a modification of his title : he is not simply ' King ' but 
' Great-King.' The popular form is especially misleading to us who have the 
way of calling kings the Great to imply vaguely some sort of personal pre- 
eminence, as when we speak of Alfred the Great, Frederick the Great, &c. 
The title 'Great-King' has quite a definite significance. 

Long before, when the leading civilization of Asia was that on the 
Euphrates or Tigris, the paramount sovereign there used as one of his chief 
titles that of Great-King (sarru rabu), 4 and occasionally the title ' King of 
kings' (sar sarrani) or 'Lord of kings.' 5 These titles carried with them the 
definite connotation of holding the chief power in that group of lands which 
centred in Babylon, just as Imperator or Augustus in a later age meant the 
Emperor of Borne. And just as in the West the barbarian conqueror adopted 
the Roman tradition and became Imperator Augustus, 6 so in the East in the 
sixth century B.C. the Persian dynasty which conquered the Babylonian 
Empire took over the two titles of ' Great-King ' and ' King of kings.' 7 
Among the Greeks before Alexander, as every one knows, 6 /3aart\ev<; 6 fieyas 

1 iv. 2, 7. of it is used in place of a surname. 

2 E.g. C. I. G. No. 4458. 4 E.g. Inscription of Sennacherib, Schrader, 

3 Michel, Nos. 467, 1229, 1297. BaatXehs Keilinschri/l. Bibliothek ii. p. 80. 

'Avrioxos Mtyas, so far as I know, never occurs. 5 Tiele, Babylonisch-assyrische Geschichte, 

Where the flafftXeis is omitted, we find p. 493. 

Avrloxoi M^yas, as in C.I.G. No. 4458. 8 Bryce, Holy Roman Empire, Appendix, 

This is natural, since something is wanted to Note C. 

distinguish him from other kings of the name, 7 Spiegel, Die altpersischen Keilinschriften. 
and his title being omitted, the distinctive part 


242 E. R. BEVAN 

always meant the Achaemenian king. 8 The other title, ' King of kings,' was 
also not unknown to the Greeks. A rescript of Darius Hystaspis to a certain 
Gadatas in Asia Minor begins : Bao-tX-eu? fiacCXioiv Aapeto? 6 'TaTaaTreco 
Yahdra 8ovXa> rdSe Xeyet,. 9 

Now it is a remarkable thing that during the Macedonian supremacy 
these titles are in abeyance. No Seleucid, so far as I know, is styled ' King of 
kings ' even in Babylonian documents. The ruler is plain King (sarru). 10 
The most fulsome document is that put up by the Babylonian priests for 
Antiochus I which begins : ' I am Antiochus, the Great-King, the Mighty 
King, the King of the armies, the King of Babylon, the King of the lands 
(sar matati), the restorer of Isagil and Izida, the princely son of Seleucus, the 
Macedonian King, the King of Babylon.' n It will be noticed that even here, 
among the various titles, that of ' King of kings' does not appear. In Greek 
documents, which, of course, are better evidence for the usage of the court 
than those drawn up by Orientals, we also fail to find the Seleucid king 
described as /3a<ri\ev<; ftao-iXeov. He is only occasionally fiao-tXeix: fieyas. 
These exceptional cases are noteworthy. One is that of Antiochus III. The 
other is that of Antiochus VII (Sidetes) who is called /Sao-tXei)? //eya<? in an 
inscription of Delos. 12 Antiochus III, we know, got his title from his restoration 
of the Empire in the East. When Antiochus VII mounted the throne 
(B.C. 138) Iran and Babylonia had been conquered by the Parthian. It was 
his great achievement to reconquer them for the last time for the house of 
Seleucus. In both cases where Seleucid kings have the title fiaackevs fiiyas 
it is where there is a special reason for emphasizing the Eastern dominion.™ 

This is borne out by other instances of the use of the title outside the 
house of Seleucus. 

(1) In the inscription put up in honour of Ptolemy III Euergetes 
(246-222) by an Egyptian official at Adule, 14 Ptolemy is called fiaaiXevs 
fMeyas. What was this Ptolemy's chief title to fame ? His conquest of the 
East ' as far as Bactria.' 

(2) The title is adopted by the Arsacid kings — according to Mr. Percy 
Gardner's classification, by the first king who established himself in Parthia 
(about 248) ; according to the more recent view of Mr. Wroth, 15 by a king in 
the earlier part of the second century. In any case, it was the ambition of 
the Parthian kings to represent themselves as the successors of the Achae- 
menians, the paramount Kings of the Nearer East. 

(3) The title is found on the coins of Eucratides (190-160), whose realm 
was Further Iran, but who could as legitimately represent himself as the 

8 Hdt. i. 188 &c. » cf. Justin xxxviii, 10, 6 (of Antiochus vii). 

9 Michel, Recueil d' Inscriptions Orecques. 'Tribus proeliis victor cum Babyloniam 
No. 32 = Hick8 and Hill, No. 20. occupasset, magnus haberi coepii,' where wo see 

10 Strassmaier, Zeitschr. f. Assyr. viii (1893), the same popular perversion of the title as in 
p. 106 f., cf. Schrader, Sitzungsb. d. Berlin. the case of Antiochus III. 

Akad. 1890, p. 1331. " C.I.O. No. 5127 = Michel No. 1239. 

11 Ktilinachrift. Bibliothek iii., p. 136. le Numismatic Chronicle. Third Scries, vol. 

12 Michel, No. 1158. X x (1900), p. 181 f. 


successor of the Achaemenians as the German ruler of the Middle Ages 
could represent himself as the successor of the Caesars. 

(4) The rebel satrap Timarchus (about 162-160) calls himself fiao-iXeix; 
fieyas. His realm was Babylonia and Media. 

The other title, ' King of kings,' ftao-iXeix; (3a<TiXea)v, although eschewed 
by the Greek kings, was revived in the East. It ultimately replaces that of 
f3a<ri\ev<; fieyas upon the Parthian coins. 10 It was adopted by Tigranes of 
Armenia, whose conquest of the Seleucid kingdom (in 83) gave him a claim to 
inherit the Seleucid pretensions to the Empire of the East. 17 

Of course, after this time the imperial style became fashionable at the 
Eastern courts and was affected by kings who could not possibly represent 
themselves as the paramount Kings of the East. Pharnaces II of Pontus 
(63-47) combines both the titles we have been considering and calls himself 
on the coins fiaatXeix; fSaGtXiwv fieyas <£>apvaKrjs. Even the king of the 
petty mountain state, Commagene, is /3ao-t\.eu? fiiyas 'Ai/t/o^o?. 18 But 
these kings had at any rate the excuse that they reckoned Achaemcnian and 
Seleucid kings among their ancestors, 19 and reigned over what had once been 
part of those ancestors' realm. There was less justification in the case of 
the degenerate Ptolemy (Ptolemy Auletes, 81-58), who appears by inscrip- 
tions to have been called on occasion ftao-iXeix; fieya*;} But to this improper 
use of the imperial titles we again find a parallel in the West — the use of 
the titles Imperator, Augustus, and Basileus (which then meant Eastern 
Roman Emperor) by the English kings in the tenth century. 21 

We also find persons writing without official authority applying the 
traditional Oriental titles to the Greek kings. The Pseudo-Aristeas calls 
Ptolemy II fiacnXeits fxiya^P In the Phoenician inscriptions put up by 
private individuals in Cyprus under Ptolemy II we find the King called, 
' Lord of Kings' (adon m e lakim). 23 But this naturally proves nothing for 
the usage of the court. 

Why did Seleucids and Ptolemies adhere to the plain title of fiao-iXevs ? 
To understand this, we have again to note that ftaatXev? had in their case a 
special implication. When Antigonus first called himself King in 30G, there 
was in theory no division of the Macedonian realm. Antigonus assumed the 
title as being King of the Macedonians, the heir of Alexander. 24 So in the case 
of his rivals, when they followed suit, it was to the Macedonian kingship that 

16 Its first appearance in the Parthian series and 155. 

is on coins which were assigned by Mr. 21 Freeman, History of the Norman Conqtcest, 

Gardner to Mithridates I (174—136), but vol. I 3 p. 548 f. 

which Mr. Wroth gives to Mithridates II M § 29. In other passages § 35, § 41 the plain 

(123—88). It is found on coins of the Indian Ba<ri\(vs is found. 

rajah Maues about 120. 23 C. I. Semit. Pt. i. Tom. i. p. 112. 

17 The coins on which Tigranes uses it are 24 Of course the general sense of $affi\tvs 
those struck in Syria. continued common. But in the case of the 

18 Inscription of Nimrud Dagh, Michel, No. great Macedonian houses (those of Antigonus, 
735, Seleucus, &c), it had in the first instance been 

19 Cf. Justin xxxviii, 7, 1 : Inscription of adopted as implying succession to the Mace 
Nimrud Dagh. donian throne. 

80 Strack, Dynastic der Ptolcmaer, Nos. 154 

K 'I 


they laid claim. Demetrius the son of Antigonus refused to recognize the 
royalty of the other kings. 25 Of course, in practice, each king had ultimately 
to acquiesce in a certain territorial sphere, but /Sao-tXeu? nevertheless meant 
Macedonian King, and such expressions as fiaaikevs tt)<; %vpia<;, t?}? AIjvtttov, 
&c, are merely convenient popular descriptions, never officially used. ' The 
Empire of Alexander we have still, in spite of its divisions, to regard as a 
single whole. . . . The divisions had followed each other in such quick suc- 
cession, that they were unable to form stable territories with fixed frontiers 
and clearly marked characteristics. . . . Each one of the new kings held him- 
self entitled to increase his share according to his power and opportunity, or 
even to advance a claim to the whole.' 26 Yet again, we find a parallel in the 
Roman Empire. In the Middle Ages, when there was an Eastern, as well as 
a Western, Emperor, each in theory regarded the other as a usurper, whilst 
in practice they might enter into friendly relations. 

To be /SaertXeu? therefore was to be a Macedonian, an Hellenic, king : to 
be ySao-fXeu? fiiyas was to be an Oriental one, the successor of the Baby- 
lonians and Persians. The plain title was the prouder. Just so to-day King 
Edward sets his title of Britanniarum Bex before that of Indiae ImperatorP 

E. R. Bevan. 

25 Plutarch, Dem. 25. Mr. Wroth for their help in verifying the 

26 Niese. Geschichte der griech. u. maked. numismatic data, adduced in this article, and to 
Staaten, ii. p. 123. Mr. R. C. Thompson for similar help in respect 

27 My thanks are due to Mr. G. F. Hill and of the cuneiform inscriptions. 


Part I. 

The object of the present essay is to bring together whatever fragments 
of evidence we possess which may throw light upon the cults of Olbia, the 
colony founded by the Milesians at the mouth of the Borysthenes about 
647 B.C. 1 But by way of preface it may be worth while briefly to indicate 
the claims that Olbia has to be the subject of special study. All the Greek 
settlements on the North coast of the Kuxine must have had in common many 

Fig. 1.— Map of the District kound Olbia. 
(After Latyschev.) 

traits which marked them off from Greek colonies elsewhere, but Olbia, 
while in many respects it may be regarded as a typical city of the locality, 
was also undoubtedly possessed of an individuality of its own. Though not 
actually the most northerly of all Greek settlements, which distinction belongs 

1 So Eusebius (Hieron.). Cp. Busolt, Gr. 
Gesch. ii. 2 p. 483,notc 4. Holm (History of Greece, 
English trans., i. 296), says : ' The dates of 
the founding of the eastern colonies [of Miletus] 

require fresh investigation.' The date above 
given may however be considered as approxi- 
mately correct. See Strabo, vii. 306. 

2i6 G. M. HIRST 

to Tanais, at the mouth of the river of the same name, yet Olbia so far out- 
stripped Tanais in importance that it may fairly be regarded as the most 
northerly point where Greek civilization attained to an imposing height. 
That such a height was reached at Olbia is clear from the narrative of 
Herodotus, as well as from the other sources within our reach. Greek 
civilization under a northern sky must have meant something quite different 
from what it did in the Southern Mediterranean : can we at this distance of 
time find out in what this difference consisted, and obtain an idea of the citizens 
of Olbia at all approaching in vividness that which we possess of the inhabi- 
tants of the Greek islands or of Sicily? Probably this is an ideal which 
cannot be realised, but the problem is interesting enough to attract attempts 
at solution. Beloch's theory 2 that true Greek colonisation was impossible in 
a district where the olive and vine either did not exist or flourished only in 
sheltered places, and that nothing but bitter want or desire of commercial 
gain could make Greeks go so far from their southern home, is surely unten- 
able, at least in the extreme form in which he states it. It is true that 
Herodotus 3 mentions the extreme rigour of the winter, but he also 4 speaks 
with enthusiasm of the beauty and productiveness of the Borysthenes, and 
its basin. From Herodotus, of course, we get a description of the material 
value of the soil, rather than of the scenic loveliness of the river, but from a 
modern traveller we may take a sentence or two to illustrate the beauty as 
well as the commercial importance of the Borysthenes : — 

" After having spread out to the breadth of nearly a league, it [the 
Dnieper, i.e., the Borysthenes] parts into a multitude of channels that wind 
through forests of oaks, alders, poplars, and aspens, whose vigorous growth 
bespeaks the richness of a virgin soil. The groups of islands, capriciously 
breaking the surface of the waters, have a melancholy beauty and a primitive 
character scarcely to be seen except in those vast wildernesses where man has 
left no traces of his presence." 5 

The last sentence almost of necessity calls up the Thousand Islands, and 
in natural sequence, Quebec and the other Canadian settlements even further 
north, where so many Frenchmen spent their lives, and became the founders 
of colonial families. If Frenchmen, who are proverbially unwilling colonists, 
settled in Quebec, surely it cannot be thought impossible that Milesians and 
other Greeks should have made their homes in Olbia, which, though in 
almost the same latitude as Quebec, has a less rigorous climate, (compare the 
" forests of oak and poplar " with the stunted growth of trees and bushes on 
the lower St. Lawrence), and could be reached by a coasting voyage, instead 
of by a journey across the open Atlantic. Must not allowance be made for 
the adventurous element in the character of the Greek, which made the 
unlikeness of the new lands to his distant home only an additional attrac- 
tion ? Doubtless the typical Athenian would not have stayed contentedly in 

1 Or. Gcseh. i. 194, 5. » Travels of Madame de Hell, p. 56, quoted 

' i y - 28. by Rawlinson, on Herod, iv. 53. . 

« iv. 68. 


Olbia, any more than the typical Parisian in Quebec, but we cannot predicate 
Athenian tastes of all Greeks. Beloch's further statement of the backward- 
ness of the cities on the north coast of the Euxine in art and literature may 
also be found to require modification. Herodotus' 6 description of the palace 
of Scyles at Olbia, surrounded by sphinxes and griffins in white marble, 
certainly does not suggest an indifference to the art of sculpture ; and the 
discovery among the ruins of Olbia of a base which may possibly have 
belonged to a statue by Praxiteles 7 points in the same direction. Reference 
may also be made to Xenophon's mention of the books carried to the north 
coast of the Euxine in Greek ships ; 8 though, perhaps, if the artistic status 
of the whole district is called in question, it may be sufficient to refer to the 
discoveries made in the tombs at Kertsch, on the site of the ancient Panti- 
capaeum ; and to the extraordinarily beautiful series of coins issued by 
that city. 

This may suffice to show that Olbia was a Greek city with characteristics 
distinct enough to entitle it to be the subject of investigation in many lines 
of research ; the present discussion will be confined to its cults, to the 
consideration of which we will now proceed. 

The materials at hand for a study of the cults of Olbia may be classed 
under four heads :— (1) inscriptions, (2) coins, (3) works of ait, etc., which have 
been dug up near the site of the ancient Olbia or in the district, (4) refer- 
ences in literature. All these materials, however, while comparatively 
speaking abundant for the later period of the city's history— the period after 
its destruction by the Getae, circa 65-60 B.C., and its subsequent rebuilding 
— are extremely scanty for the earlier times, when a knowledge of the cults 
would be of such value in the study of Greek religion in general, and of its 
aspect in the various colonies in particular. 

The first question to be discussed is the relation if any, between the 
religion of the first settlers at Olbia and that of their Scythian neighbours. 
Did they from the beginning adapt the deities and legends of Sarmatia to 
the needs of Greek civic worship, or did they set out from Miletus under 
the special auspices of Apollo, and derive their religion mainly from that of 
the mother city, while, with the eclecticism inherent in Greek religion, they 
domesticated in their own town the gods of states with which they had 
frequent intercourse ? Any attempt at the solution of this problem must 
rely upon a detailed examination of the separate cults, so far as any record 
of them has come down to us ; but one of the cults is so important to this 
enquiry that a determination of its origin must be attempted even at this 
preliminary stage. 

The cult of Achilles Pontarches was ancient and widespread over the 
whole district of the North Euxine. The island of Leuke was the special 

6 Herod, iv. 79. an Eros of Praxiteles at Parion in the Propontis. 

7 Latyschev, Inscr. Antiq. Orae Septentr. The letters of this inscription are of the fourth 
Pont. Eux. i. 145. Loewy, Inschr. Or. Bild- century B.C. Cp. Lat. iv. 82, a marble basis 
hauer, 76 a . P. 383, quotes this inscription from from Chersonesus, inscribed T\o\vKf>4.ri\t i*6rj(rt, 
Latyschev, and approves the identification. with Latyschev's note. 

He notes that Pliny (N. H. xxxvi. 22), mentions 8 Xenophon, Anab. vii. 5, 14. 

248 G. M. HIRST 

sanctuary of this worship, but at Olbia also Achilles held a most important 
place. We have a witness to the existence of this cult on the Euxine as early 
as the end of the seventh or the beginning of the sixth century B.C. in 
Alcaeus 9 :— 'A^'Wef o 7a? %icv6Ua<; fieSev;. His worship at Leuke was 
familiar to Pindar, — 

iv 8' Eu£ eiva> Trekdyei <f>a€vvav 'A^tXev? 

vaaov (l^et). 10 

What was the origin of this early localisation of Achilles on the 
Black Sea ? 

Koehler 11 thinks that the early Milesian settlers found the cult of 
Achilles already firmly established among the natives of the land where they 
settled, and that they adopted it from them. It is difficult to see what can 
be adduced in support of this theory, and a good many points may be advanced 
ia opposition. 

In the first place Herodotus 12 says that the only gods worshipped by the 
Scythians are Hestia first of all, then Zeus and the Earth, then Apollo and 
Aphrodite Ourania, and Herakles and Ares. 

Surely Herodotus would not have omitted to mention Achilles, if he had 
been a prominent object of worship, especially as he does mention Herakles. 
The fact that he does not speak of a cult of Achilles at Olbia is not of course 
germane to the argument ; he makes no attempt (unluckily for us) to 
describe the Greek colonies on the Euxine, which he could assume were 
familiar to his public ; but he gives a very full description of Scythian 
manners and customs, and one which is generally accepted as being correct 
in essentials. We owe the charming little picture he has given us of Olbia 13 
to its connection with the fate of the Scythian king Scyles, and the references 
to its cults, though very valuable as far as they go, are merely incidental. 

In the second place, is it reasonable to credit the Scythians and other 
barbarian tribes on the North shores of the Euxine with an intimate acquaint- 
ance with the exploits of Achilles, or with a desire to erect him into a deity ? 
Such a theory seems entirely out of harmony with all we know of the 
character and religion of these nations. Even if we suppose the Scythians to 
have deified a native hero of their own, whom the Greeks identified with 
Achilles, (a theory which is not very tenable, for the history of Achilles was 
peculiarly distinctive), we should not have advanced far in support of 
Koehler's theory, for why should the Greeks have forthwith adopted the cult 
unless Achilles and the Black Sea had been already closely associated in their 
minds ? We must remember that we have not here to deal with an almost 
immediate amalgamation of the Greek settlers with the natives, such as 
took place in Magna Graecia ; we see from Herodotus' account, nearly 150 
years after the founding of Olbia, how alien the customs of the Scythians 

• Bergk, Lyrici Or. 48. B, quoted by 1827. (Mimoircs dc V Acad,. Imp. des Sciences, 

Eustath. ad Dicnys. Per. 306. S£r. v. vol. x.) 

16 Nem. iv. 49. 12 iv. 59. 

11 Memoirts sur les lies el la course consacrdes ,s iv. 78, 79. 

a Achille dans le Pont Eiixin. St. P^tersbonrg, 


were felt to be by the Greeks. Another indication of race-feeling is 
supplied by the vase-paintings found on the north Euxine. 14 Here Scyths 
(if we are to call them by this name) of purely Russian type occur, taming 
horses, or in company with the griffins with which Greek fancy peopled the 
steppes to the north. The conjunction of these with the purely Greek 
figures in the mythological scenes on these vases seems to indicate a com- 
plete race -separation. The fact that Herodotus mentions that Scyles married 
a Greek wife at Olbia tends to confirm this view ; for if intermarriage had 
been very common, it would hardly have been worth while to refer to it. 

As far as we can tell, Arctinus, the Milesian poet, in his epic the 
' Aethiopis,' was the earliest Greek author to place the home of Achilles 
after death on the island of Leuke. Now Arctinus is usually assigned to 
the eighth century B.C., which is earlier than the accepted dates for the 
founding of the Milesian colonies on the Black Sea. Accepting for the 
moment both these dates, we may none the less conjecture that by the end 
of the eighth century B.C. Milesian adventurers were already making trial of 
the Euxine, where the almost complete absence of islands would render Leuke 
a grateful memory to the Greek sailor, and a prominent feature in his sea- 
stories. Here was material ready to Arctinus' hand, just as the ' still-vexed 
Bermoothes ' of some sailor's yarn furnished a stage-setting for Shakespeare 
more than 2,400 years later. But it is not even necessary to suppose as 
much as this: if Milesians were already beginning to make voyages eastward, 
a Milesian poet would be very likely to set the abode of Achilles in the 
dimly-known Euxine. The Isles of the Blest and Elysium were already 
interchangeable terms ; Vo and it was not unnatural for a patriotic poet, to 
whom it may have been already clear that the expansion of his native state 
was to take place eastward, to place a Blessed Isle in the eastern sea, and 
thus put the colonisation of his city under the protection of a tutelary deity. 
The name Aevtcq rather suggests the fairy tale ; later travellers have explained 
it by the flocks of sea-birds on its shores ; but this scarcely seems enough to 
warrant the name ; whereas if the island Leuke already existed in story, an 
identification with the island off the mouth of the Ister was almost inevitable, 
as there are practically no others in the Black Sea. 

It is not, however, certain that the date of Arctinus is as early as the 
eighth century B.C. If his date can be set later, the eastward trend of his 
story is easy of explanation. Holm 1C assigns the founding of Sinope to the 
eighth century, apparently following the statement of Eusebius that Trapezus, 
a colony of Sinope, was founded in Olymp. 6, 1. (756 B.C.). This date 
Beloch 17 considers too early ; he gives 630 B.C. as the date of the founding of 
Sinope. In any case the beginnings of Milesian adventure in the Euxine 
may be almost certainly assigned to the lifetime of Arctinus. Mr. D. B. 

14 Stephani, Gomptc- Rendu (passim); A ntiq.du p. 275. 

bosp. Cimm., PI. 45, 46 (vase of Xenophantos). " Or. Oesch. i. chap. vi. p. 193, note 2; 

16 Pauly-Wissowa, Rcal-Encycl. i., p. 240. BuboU, Gr. Gcsch.i\.'\ p. 482 ; Strabo, xii. 546. 
16 Greek Hist. (Engl, tranal.), i. chap. xxi. 

250 G. M. HIRST 

Monro 1S regards the fact that a Milesian poet is the first to make Leuke the 
abode of Achilles as significant of the important part played by Miletus in 
diffusing Greek religious ideas through the Black Sea region. The choice of 
Leuke serves to ' connect the " Aethiopis " with the time when the Ionian 
trading cities, of which Miletus was the chief, had begun to adopt the new 
religious practices that grew up, after the Homeric age, in honour of the 
national heroes.' Welcker 19 takes a similar view and quotes Bernhardy 
(ii. 153) : ' The apotheosis of the hero at Leuke betrays the Milesian poet.' 

It is worth while to notice here the significance of the companion 
assigned to Achilles at Leuke, variously named as Medea, Iphigeneia, and 
Helen. The last 20 is apparently the latest in date of the tales, and has no 
importance here ; it must have arisen in an age that had begun to 
criticise the Homeric stories, and to feel that the noblest of heroes and the 
fairest of women must be united after death, even though they had been 
separated in life. The oldest story seems to be that in which Medea becomes 
the wife of Achilles, according to the scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Arg. 
iv. 814 oti Be 'A^XXeu? et? to 'HXvatov ireBlov irapayev6fievo<; eyrjfie 
M.rjBetav 7rp<uTo? "I/3u/eo9 etprj/ce- p,e6' bv ^tfuovtBr)?. Ibycus is usually placed 
about 560 B.C. It must be noted that Elysium and not Leuke is here made 
the hero's abode, so that unless we may suppose that Achilles' part of 
Elysium was already localised at Leuke, we cannot press the argument too 
far; but it is tempting to conjecture that Achilles and Medea were placed 
side by side as the two semi-divine personages most closely connected with 
the Euxine. Colonisation in the Euxine had by this time been in progress 
for almost a hundred years, and Achilles was already its tutelary deity. The 
country of Medea and the Golden Fleece was supposed to lie to the far East, 
so, as the Black Sea was gradually opened up, the Argonautic myths inevitably 
attached themselves to its shores, for no other sea lay in this direction. 21 
The story of the voyage of the Argo was already familiar to the author of 
the Odyssey — 

oirj Brj neLvr) ye irapeifKca irovrcnrbpos vtjvs 
'Apyco tract pteXovaa, Trap' Airjrao ifkeovaa? 2 

but here the direction is westward, if east and west can be said to exist in 

It is more difficult to assign a date to the story of Achilles' connection at 
Leuke with Iphigeneia — the most satisfactory bride for him from the 
modern point of view. The tale was elaborated by Lycophron, but so late an 
author has little value in the present enquiry. The ' Kypria' (776 B.C. circa) 
seems to be the source of the story that Artemis carried away Iphigeneia to 
the Tauri, leaving a hind to be sacrificed at Aulis in her stead (Proclus, 
irepl Ttov KvTrpicov, p. 475, ap. Gaisford, Hephaest. "AprefiK, Be avrrjv e^ap- 
Tracraaa et? Tavpov? fieraKOfit^et /cal addvarov 7roieh e\a<pov Be avrl 77791*00779 
Trapiarrjai tco fito/ifi). The story of the substitution was, however, either 

18 Journal of Hellenic Studies (1884), vol. 5, w Pausan., iii. 19, 11. 

P- 16- 21 See Holm, i. p. 117. 

M Der Ep. Oyelxu, ii. p. 221. « 0dy 8 ncy, xii. 69, 70. 


unknown to or ignored by Aeschylus, 23 Sophocles, 2 * and Pindar ^ ; perhaps 
it was considered as an unauthorized version of the myth, to which Euripides, 
perceiving its dramatic value, first gave wide currency. 20 But we have no 
proof that the story of Iphigeneia's marriage to Achilles after death, and 
their abode at Leuke, was known to Euripides, unless the words of Achilles 
to Iphigeneia — 

1 Ayafii/xvovos Tral, fiafcdpiov fie Tt<> dewv 

efieWe d-qcreiv, el rv%oific awv ydficou 21 — 

are to be regarded as an instance of dramatic irony, the final fulfilment of his 
wish being known to all the spectators. This interpretation is probably far- 
fetched, but the connection between the two is such a natural one that it is 
difficult not to suppose that it was already familiar at this date. 28 

The cult of Achilles at Olbia will have to be discussed later, with such 
details as the materials at hand allow ; the object of the preceding pages is to 
make it seem probable that the mythical connection of Achilles with the 
Euxine was purely Greek in its origin, and may even be traced with consider- 
able probability to Miletus, and to the earliest period of Milesian enterprise 
in the Black Sea, and that it owed nothing to the barbarian dwellers along 
the sea-shore. 

The same theory as to the independence of the religion of Olbia of ideas 
borrowed from the Scythians seems to be borne out by Herodotus. 29 He says 
that the Scythians had no shrines or images of their gods except of Ares. 
Moreover, as the ' temple ' of Ares was merely of brushwood and his 
' image ' (to ayaXfia) an ancient sword, it seems scarcely necessary to make 
even this exception. It is hardly conceivable that a religion of this stamp 
could have had appreciable influence on the cults of pure Greeks, such as the 
early settlers at Olbia. 

It is perhaps already clear that an attempt will be made to present 
Olbia as a purely Greek city, very little influenced by the barbarous inhabit- 
ants of the land, and deriving such foreign elements as appear in its worship 
rather from its commerce with Asiatic cities than from its neighbours on the 
European mainland. There are two passages, however, which must be taken 
into account here, — Herodotus' reference (iv. 17) to the "EWrjve? "2,/cvOai, 
whom he places in the district just inland from Olbia; and the mention in 
the Protogenes decree 30 of the MigeXkrives, who to the number of 1500 had 
deserted to the enemy. With regard to the former, it seems best to suppose 
with Stein (ad loc.) that they were Scythians who had adopted Greek customs 
from their trade with the Greek commercial city. Note that Herodotus 
distinctly places them outside the town, and at a distance from it, and that he 
makes no mention of any mixed element within the city itself. Ditten- 

28 Agam. 1390. » Iph. in Aid., 1405, 6. 

24 Electra, 531, 2. 28 See Wilaniowitz, Hermes, xviii. (1883), 

26 Pyth. xi. 22. 250. 

28 Assuming that the latter part of Iph. in 29 Herod, iv. 59-62, alluded to above. 

Aul. is from Euripides' hand. ■ Latyschev, i. 16, B. 

252 a. M. HIRST 

berger 31 in his note on the Mtf iWrjves of the Protogenes decree, considers 
that both in this place and in Herodotus a mixed race is meant. Certainly 
the MtgiWijve? must be regarded as such (the name would hardly be possible 
otherwise) but the date of the Protogenes decree is probably at least 200 
years later than Herodotus' visit to Olbia, and the city was already rapidly 
declining. But even in the decree they are described as tovs rrjp, trapwpeiav 
oIkovvtcis, and nothing leads us to suppose that they were found inside the 
city, or that they had any share in its government. The names found in the 
inscriptions are purely Greek, up to the time of the destruction of the city by 
the Getae. It is interesting here to notice that Dio Chrysostom, 32 after de- 
scribing the miserable state of the Greeks after the destruction of their 
cities by the Getae, ascribes the rebuilding of Olbia by its former citizens to 
the invitation of the Scythians, who felt the loss of a market for their 
products. After the taking of the city, merchants no longer came to Olbia, 
are ov/c €%ovt€<; 6fio<fxovov<; tovs v7ro8e^op,€vov<i ovSe avroov X/cvdwv a^iovvrcov 
ovSe eTTKTTafiivcov i/XTroptov avrcov KaTaa/cevdcrBat rov 'EiWtjvikov rporrov. 
This at least shows that the Greek language and Greek customs had not 
diffused themselves over the surrounding peoples, and indirectly supports the 
converse proposition that the Greeks of Olbia were little influenced by their 
Scythian neighbours. The relation between the Greeks and the barbarians 
may be plausibly conjectured to have been not unlike that of the English to 
the natives in the early days of the settlements in India, before they had any 
real territorial jurisdiction, and were still in some degree subject to the 
neighbouring native prince. The Scythian husbandmen, o't ov/c eVt airrjo-t, 
a-Treipovai rbv atrov dXk' irrl irp^ai, 3S brought their grain for sale to Olbia, 
just as the Hindoo peasant brought his rice or indigo to the factories of the 
East India Company. So it is as the most northerly outpost of Greek 
civilization and religion that Olbia will be considered in the present essay. 


' Ex diis insignis Apollo Tcpoc-ravr)^ — Boeckh, C.I.G. ii. p. 87. 

From this statement of Boeckh's, which seems justified by the evidence 
that has come down to us, Apollo would claim the first place in a consider- 
ation of the cults of Olbia. It is true that the series of dedicatory inscriptions 
to Apollo Prostates, given by Latyschev (i. 60-74, iv. 16, 16), belongs to the 
later period of the city (none is earlier than the second or third centuries A.D.), 
but there are two other inscriptions to Apollo of a much earlier period. 34 One 
(Lat. i. 93) is assigned to the fourth century B.C.; it is fragmentary 


81 Sylloge* 226. 19, and assigned by him to the second century 

82 Oral, xxxvi. B.C., which seems to contain the name of 
M Herod, iv. 17. Apollo. 

u Also the fragmentary one given by Lat. i. 


Latyschev fills it out as 

. . . KrjlO<t '0[\/9t07TO\tT»79 (?) 

' Atr]6X\(ovi 'I[?7T/)&)t ?] 

There seems no doubt here as to the occurrence of the name Apollo ; 
whether 'I^t/3o<? is the title to be supplied is of course a matter for con- 
jecture, but it occurs in Panticapaean inscriptions of the fourth century B.C., 
and in a Phanagorian one of the third century B.C. 35 . 

The other early Olbian inscription referring to Apollo is the dedication 
to Apollo Delphinios (Lat. i. 106) assigned to the third century B.C. 

The evidence of coins indicates clearly the importance of the cult of 
Apollo at Olbia; from the fourth century B.C. down we have examples 
of coins bearing his head, probably more in number than those of any 
other single deity. The Berlin collection, for example, which contains 
146 Olbian coins, has over thirty which show representations of Apollo. The 
origin of the special cult of Apollo at Olbia may be traced back to Miletus, 
where Apollo was the chief deity, and the natural patron of the numerous 
colonies sent out ; and its persistence at Olbia may have been due to Apollo's 
connection with the myth of the Hyperboreans, and to the feeling that he 
was a fitting tutelary deity for the most northerly Greek colony. Both of 
these points, the derivation of the cult from Miletus, and the relation of 
Apollo to the North, will be discussed below, in the more detailed examin- 
ation of the worship of Apollo at Olbia under its different aspects. 

The want of early evidence for the cult of Apollo Prostates at Olbia makes 
the testimony of some Olbian coins of the first century A.D. of the highest 
value. When in these Olbian Imperial coins we find a type of Apollo which 
seems clearly that of an archaic statue, we are justified in treating it as at 
least presumptive evidence of the existence of an early cult. One of these 
coins is described in the Catalogue of the Berlin Museum, 36 — 

Obverse. Reverse. 

OABIOfFO . . . . Youthful head, i CATYA . . . . Naked Apollo stand- 
right, probably Apollo. ing facing, seemingly with modius or 
M 5. walled-crown, vase in right, large bow 

with arrow in left. 

Fio. 2 — Bronze Coin op Olbia in the Berlin Museum. 

See Fig. 2. A similar coin from the Moscow collection is given by B. 
Pick 37 the reverse of which is described as follows : — 

36 Lat. ii. 6. 10, 15, 348. of Olbia. 

3C Beschreibung der Antikcn Mtinzen, Berlin " Thrahisch* MUnxbilder, Jahrbuch d. Deut- 

1888, vol. 1, No. 124 in the series of coins schen Arch. Instil. , xiii. (1898), PI. x. 81. 

254 G. M. HIRST 

A AAOCC ATY. Naked Apollo with calathus standing facing, in his out- 
stretched right a round-shaped object, in the left bow and arrow. 

The first point of extraordinary interest about these two coins is the 
presence of the calathus M on the head of the god, making it clear that he is 
here depicted in his character as civic deity. The die-cutter was not in the 
least likely to have added this unusual attribute, unless he was copying from 
a well-known statue, of which the calathus was one of the distinguishing 
marks, without which the type on the coin would not be recognized as a re- 
production of the statue. The presence of the calathus Pick thinks alone 
sufficient to indicate the great antiquity of the original ; but, more than this, 
he regards the figure on the coins as clearly archaic, and thinks it resembles 
very closely the archaic statuette of Apollo from Naxos 39 ; but he considers it 
older than the statuette because of the presence of the calathus. He would 
assign the date of the statue to the beginning, or at any rate the middle, of 
the sixth century B.C. i.e. within the first century of the city's existence; and 
in any case regards it as certainly earlier than the Didymaean Apollo of 
Canachus in the mother-city Miletus. The round object in the right hand 
Pick explains as perhaps a pomegranate or an ointment-box, — the same attri- 
bute which appears in the Naxos statuette ; and as a bow appears on the 
coins in the left hand, he thinks one should also be placed in the left hand 
of the statuette, especially as the inscription upon it has the epithet 
eicrjfioXos. The fact that earlier Olbian coins show merely a head of Apollo 
has of course no bearing on the question of the antiquity of the statue 
depicted on these Imperial coins, as in the period of best art the die-cutters 
never merely imitated a statue in their coin-types. 40 

It should be said that Pick only suggests the possibility of identifying 
this coin-type with Apollo WpoaraTqs ; but, granting his premisses as to 
the archaic character of the original of the coin-type, the identification 
seems almost inevitable. There is certainly a difficulty in accounting for 
the preservation of the statue in the destruction of Olbia by the Getae ; 
but we do not know how complete this destruction was ; moreover, if there 
were really a cult-statue of Apollo UpoaTarr}^ it would certainly have been 
reproduced by numerous statuettes. These, of course, might easily have 
escaped, and any one of them could have furnished a type for the die-cutter, 
— the calathus being almost sufficient of itself to point the reference to the 

The series of dedicatory inscriptions to Apollo Prostates given by 
Latyschev, 41 is assigned by him to the second and third centuries A.D, i.e. 
somewhat later than the date assigned by Pick to the coins discussed above. 
These offerings were all made by the aTpaTrjyoi ( = praetors) and from the 
number of inscriptions that remain it has been supposed that the gifts were 

M Through the courtesy of Dr. H. Dressel of head-dress is undoubtedly the calathus. 
the Berlin Museum, I have obtained casts of 39 See Roscher's Lexicon, i. 1 452. 

coin 124 (as well as of others referred to below). *° P. Gardner, Types of Greek Coins, p. 68, 

From the cast it appears even more clearly than et seq. 
from the illustration given by Pick, that the 51 Lat. i. 50-74, iv. 15, 16. 


made yearly. The last lines of No. 50 may be quoted to illustrate the usual 
formula with which they conclude : — 

avedrjKav cpieXrju dpyvpdv virep ri)<; iroXeco? evaradta^ ical TJ79 kavTWv 

Other articles presented are a golden necklace, a silver Nike, a golden 
Nike on a silver base, &c. In No. 58 instead of the usual gifts, the praetors 
repaired the roof and wall of the temple of Apollo : 

eireaicevaaav tov ' AttoWcovo? v[a]ov t?]v t€ 6po<pr)v [/e]eu [k]vk\(o0€v to, 
ev\ei[rr\ovTa [/c]atvio~avT€<; virep t/)9 7roXeo<? [«]at Trj? eavroiv vyei[a]<;. 

Below this last inscription is an epigram addressing Apollo as ro^ora 4>ot/3e, 
apparently commemorating some victory. No. Gl similarly refers to the 
repairing of the temple : — 

dveOtj/cav Nei/crjv ^pv(a)eov virep t^<? irokeos ical t»?[?] kavTOiv vyeta[<;]. 
'Fi7rl tois ai/Tois €TrecrK€vda[0r]<Tav] ai aroal tov vaov e[/c] to[v hrj]p,oaiov 

TTOpOV. 42 

These inscriptions make it impossible to doubt that Apollo IT poo-Tart)? was 
the city-deity of Olbia in the later period ; and from the permanence of 
Greek state-cults, as well as from the evidence of the coins given above, it 
seems reasonable to believe that the earliest colonists brought with them 
from Miletus this cult, of special appropriateness for those who were going 
to found a city in a new land. For the title Hpoo tutt]? is of kindred 
meaning to that of 'Ayvievs, given to Apollo as the protector of those who 
went in and out of the house. In this aspect Apollo was represented by a 
conical block of stone standing before the dpor. 43 (On a coin given in 
figure 3, 44 referred to below, Apollo appears with his left elbow resting 
upon a pillar). Is it too much to conjecture that the early colonists 
of Olbia brought with them a small column of this kind as their representa- 
tion of Apollo, which served as the cult image until the production of the 
statue postulated by Pick as the original of the standing figure in the coin- 
type ? 4ft Hesychius, under TrpoaTcnr)pio<;, explains the word by the custom 
of placing a statue (or pillar) of Apollo before the house door, otl irpb twv 
dvpwv iBpvTat. Whether this derivation will stand or not, there can be no 

42 It may be noted here that it is from the of deities, see Frazer's note on Paus. x. 16, 3 ; 
last two words of this inscription that the title, and for Apollo in particular, Aristoph. Wasps. 
otherwise unknown, of Apollo Ithyporos has 875. These representations not infrequently 
been evolved. Boeckh C.I.G. 2072, reads occur on coins, e.g. coin of Ambrakia : Head, 
the last eight letters of the inscription as Hist. Num., p. 270, fig. 181 ; and coin of 
IOYT10POY. Latyschev, in his comments Megara, Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Num. 
on this inscription, points out that the dedica- Comm. on Pans., J. U.S., vi. (1885) p. 55. Also 
tion is to Apollo llpoffrdrvs, and, 'Jam Evans, Myc. Tree and Pillar Cult, J.H.S. xxi. 
igitur valere jubeamus necesse est Apollinem (1901) 1. p. 173, fig. 49. 

ilium Ithyporum, qui Kochlero duce in omnes 4 * No - 135 in Berlin Catalogue. 

libros et commentationes de Olbia scriptas 45 See Prof - p - Gardner, Countries and Cities 

irrepsit.' * n -^ nc - -^ r '> J-H.S. ix. (1888) p. 61. 

43 For references to stones or representations 

256 G. M. HIRST 

doubt that the titles of 'Ayvtev? and Upoo-TaTr)? present the god under 
substantially the same aspect. Compare the Delphic oracle quoted by 
Demosthenes 46 irepl vyeta<; Oveiv koI ev%€<r0at Ail vaTaTW, 'Hpa«\et, 
'ArroWoovi TrpocrTarrjpcQ)' Trepl Tv%a<; dyaffd? ' AttoXX.(i)vi dyviei, Aaroi, 
'AprepiSi, Kal tear dyvids Kpcnr\pa<$ i<TTd/j,ev, i7 and again in the oracle from 
Dodona quoted in the same passage occur the words 'AiroWwvi airoTpotratw 
fiovv dvaai. It is worth while to notice the correspondence between irepl 
vyelas in the oracle and vtrep t^9 eavrcov vyeias in the dedicatory inscriptions 
of the praetors to Apollo Prostates, quoted above. 

The actual title of Prostates occurs in Soph. Track. 209 : — 



kolvo? apaevwv n<o 
icXayya rov eixfjaperpap 
'AttoWco rrpoa-Tarav. 

In the Electra, 1. 637 Clytemnestra invokes Apollo as $ot/9e TipoaTcnripie, a 
name given also to Artemis in Aesch. Sept em, 449 TrpocrTcnrjpias 'ApripiSos 
evvolaiai. Paus. i. 44, 2 mentions a temple of Apollo under this title at 
Megara (cp. the name TlpoardaLa applied to Demeter, Paus. ii. 11. 3). At 
Athens offerings were made to Apollo UpoaTarrfpios and Artemis fiovXala 
before the meeting of the ecclesia. 48 Notice also the reference to Artemis in 
an inscription from Chersonesus, 49 d Bid iravrb^ Xepcrovacnrdv irpoaTarovaa 
TlapOivo?. Preller- Robert 50 may be quoted here : ' nicht selten ist Apollon 
Agyieus aber auch ein Symbol der stadtischen Ansiedlung.' Such we may 
conjecture Apollo Prostates to have been at Olbia ; and we may accept the 
crude representation of the god wearing the calathus upon the Imperial coin 
as the only representation of him as the tutelary deity of Olbia that has 
come down to us.- The fragmentary early inscription which may be to Apollo 
'lr)Tpo<i has been already quoted. It cannot be pressed as evidence that this 
cult actually existed at Olbia, but it is likely enough that it did, for we have 
inscriptions from Panticapaeum and Phanagoria (referred to above), where 
Apollo is given this title. 51 The name Apollo 'larpos occurs on two coins, 
one described by von Sallet 52 and another by Lambros, 53 given by Pick. 54 
These have been assigned to Asia Minor, but Pick thinks they belong to 
Apollonia on the Black Sea, together with some other coins which he gives, 55 
and this attribution is now accepted by all numismatists. Von Sallet's coin 
has a laureate head of Apollo as obverse type. The reverse is thus de- 
scribed : — 

48 MM. 531. » Or. Myth, i. 1 p. 276, sq. 

47 An Attic monument quoted by Welcker bl See Wernicke's article, Pauly-Wissowa, 
{Or. Oottcrlehre, vol. i. p. 496), links these Eeal-Encycl. i. p. 54. 

titles, C.I.O., 465. ™ Zeitschr. f. Num. 5, 108. 

48 C.l.A ii. 390, 392, 408, 417, 431, 432, " Bull. Corr. Hell. 2, 508, 2. 
469. " Jahrbueh, loe. cit. PI. x. 29, 30. 

49 Lat. i. 185. M Iqc. cit. PI. x. 26-28. 


' Naked Apollo standing facing and looking left, right leaning on a long 
branch, in lowered left a bow and arrow.' 

The coin given by Lambros is similar, but with full inscription. 
Pick says that the material of these two coins is like that of the coins 
of Mesembria, near Apollonia. The other three coins with which he 
compares these two, and which he thinks certainly belong to Apollonia, all 
have an anchor as the obverse type, and a standing figure of Apollo as 
the reverse. 

One of these may be quoted, which Pick dates in the first half of the 
second century B.C. On the obverse is an anchor. The reverse is described 
as follows : 

Naked Apollo, standing facing, a bough in his outstretched right, in 
his lowered left a bow and two arrows, right perhaps leaning on pillar. 

Now we know that when Lucullus sacked Apollonia in 72 B.C. he took 
away a colossal statue of Apollo, the work of Calamis, and placed it at Rome. 56 
No coins of Apollonia with this Apollo-type are certainly known, though on 
Imperial coins a temple often appears, with a standing naked Apollo as cult- 
statue inside. As the three anchor coins belong to the first half of the 
second century B.C. and as the archaic Apollo-type could not belong to that 
period, Pick thinks that the figure represented may very likely be that of 
the colossal statue by Calamis. The existence of a cult of Apollo 'Irjrpo*; at 
Apollonia has been recently proved by an inscription of the early Roman period, 57 
tcTi<Ta<} Ttjp iroKiv fiera ttjv €ktohtiv ' AttoWwvi '\r)Tp\a>\ The laurel bough 
is regarded as the attribute of Apollo under this aspect ; this cannot certainly 
be proved; however, it occurs in all five of the coins mentioned above ; and 
at Panticapaeum, though no full length figure of the god occurs on coins, a 
relief has been found in which Apollo has a long laurel branch. 58 This relief 
is assigned by Reinach to the period of Calamis ; it is of importance here 
because the name 'I^t/jo? occurs oftener at Panticapaeum than anywhere else- 
To return to Olbia : No. 135 in the Berlin catalogue has the following 
obverse type : — 

Standing Apollo facing, looking left, in right hand bough (?), left resting 
on pillar. 

The reverse type is a lyre. The coin was referred to above (p. 255), and 
is shown in Fig. 8. This, or a very similar coin, is given by Pick. 59 That the 
object in the right hand is a bough seems pretty certain, from the way it is 
held; the pillar would seem to be the attribute of Apollo Prostates, or 
Agyieus; such a blending of attributes is not uncommon. 

66 Strabo, 7, 6, 1 ; Pliny, N.H. 34, 39 ; tome 2, 57-79, PI. vii. 

Appian, lllyr. 30. 69 Die Anliken Mtinzen Nord-Oriechenlands, 

67 Dumont, Mil. d' Arch. p. 459, n. Ill, d 7. i. 1, PI. xi. 20. 

68 Monuments et M&moires, Fond. Piot. 

258 G. M. HIRST 

Certainly it is impossible to state positively that a cult of Apollo 'I^Tpo? 
existed" at Olbia, from the dubious evidence of a coin and a fragmentary 

Fig. 3.— Bronze Coin ob Olbia in the Berlin Museum. 

inscription, but doubtful as they are, one may fairly make the most of them, 
considering the prevalence of the cult on the north shores of the Black Sea. 

The name of Apollo Delphinios occurs in an inscription given by 
Latyschev I, 106, and assigned by him to the third century, B.C. : 

'AypoTas teal Iloo-tSeo? oi dBe\(pol to/4 irarepa Aiovvaiov ['Att^Wwvi 
Ae\<f>ivi(0i leprjcrdfieyov. 

This is all the definite evidence that exists as to the cult of Apollo 
Delphinios at Olbia. A fish-type (the identification of which is discussed 
below under Demeter), occurs very commonly on Olbian coins as a reverse 
type, but frequently with deities other than Apollo on the obverse ; and as it 
has usually an eagle standing upon it and pecking at it, it seems scarcely 
possible to take it as a symbol of Apollo Delphinios. However, it appears 
by itself on some coins, 60 also in coin No. 73 of the Berlin collection, with 
Apollo as the obverse type, and it may possibly have been the attribute of 
the god under this aspect, though a commercial explanation seems more 
probable. The cult was widespread. Strabo (iv. 179) in speaking of the 
cult of Apollo Delphinios at Massilia, says : touto fiev kolvov 'loovcov dtrdvTwv, 
and Plutarch de sollertia anim. 984 A, says : /cal /xrjv 'AoTe/uSo? ye AiKrvvvrji; 
AeXcpiviov re ' AttoWcovos lepa teal ftco/xol irapa 7roXAot? 'KXXijvcov elcriv. 
The name appears in several inscriptions ; two may be mentioned here, both 
belonging to the third century B.C. like the Olbian one, and both from Knossos 
in Crete, C.I.G., 2554, and Cauer, Del. 121. A month Delphinios, probably 
corresponding to the Attic Anthesterion, is known at Aegina, Crete, and 
Thera. 01 

As Delphinios. Apollo was the god who gave fair weather to the mariner, 
and was therefore likely to be a special object of worship at Olbia, whose 
wealth and prosperity depended on maritime trade. The title may be com- 
pared with that of 'ETriftaTiipux;, under which name Apollo had a temple at 
Troezen 62 and 'E/t/Sao-to?, to whom the Argonauts set up an altar, according 
to Apoll. Rhod. i. 402. 

For tlie existence at Olbia of representations of the griffin, a creature 
specially attached to the cult of Apollo, we have evidence much earlier than 

60 Pick, lor. cit., PI. ix. 17, 18. « 2 Paus., ii. 32, 2. 

81 Scholiast on Pindar, Ncm. v. 81. 


any of the coins or inscriptions cited above, namely, from Herodotus himself, 
who, in describing the palace of Scyles at Olbia (iv. 79) says : ttjv Trepii; 
XevKou \idov <7(f>iyy€<; re k<x\ ypvira earao-av. Griffins occur constantly in 
vase-paintings found in the North Euxine district ; the most famous of these 
is the well-known vase of Xenophantos already referred to, where the bodies 
of the griffins are blue and the horns and part of the wings gilded. This 
was found near Panticapaeum in 1836. 63 The griffins on the coins of 
Panticapaeum are of course familiar. Mr. A. J. Evans 04 traces back the con- 
nection of griffins and the sun-god to the Egyptian solar cycle. He gives 
Mycenaean gems and cylinders upon which a pair of griffins appear as heraldic 
supporters of the sacred column — the divine pyramidal stone which, as we 
have seen, persists as an emblem of Apollo in his character of Agyieus down 
to a late date. 

Hesiod was the first to treat of griffins, according to the scholiast on 
Aesch. Prom. 803 (ol >ypv7r*:<;) trepl wv 'Hcrio8o<; irpcoro^ eTepaTevcraro, but we 
do not know in what poem. As he also wrote about the Hyperboreans, it is 
possible that even as early as this griffins were supposed to live in the north. 
We know more of the poem of Aristeas of Proconnesus (early sixth century 
B.C. ?) from Herodotus iv. 13-15, a passage of great importance in this con- 
nection. Herodotus speaks of the poem as ra eirea ravra ra vvv vtt' 'FiWrfvcov 
'Apipdcnrea KaXeerai. According to Suidas the Arimaspeia was a hexameter 
poem in three books. Durrbach 05 says that the Arimaspians apparently 
belonged to a Scythian myth, and Aristeas seems to have had the idea of 
identifying the griffins already known in Greece, with the fabulous animals 
from whom in the story the Arimaspians stole the gold. But if we follow 
Mr. Evans in tracing back the connection of the griffin and the sun-god to 
the very earliest times, we must surely explain the localisation of the griffins 
in the North Euxine district by the myth of Apollo and the Hyper- 
boreans, which will be referred to below. Sun myths are at present 
discredited, but the immemorial connection of Apollo and the Hyper- 
boreans (Bd/xov 'T7r€pf3opeci)v . . . 'AttoWcwo? depdirovra 60 ) can hardly be 
explained in any other way. Dim accounts of a land where for a part of the 
year the sun never set must have reached Hellas at a very early period, and 
the griffins, familiar as the attendants of Apollo in the representations of the 
god in art, were localised in the unknown land of marvels. Then came 
Aristeas, an early Marco Polo, whom we may believe really to have travelled 
over the countries he described. But the griffins already had their home 
there, and Aristeas could not have ousted them even if he had wished to 
forgo such a picturesque feature of his poem. What he apparently did 
was to tell the story in the form henceforth accepted as the authorized version. 
(Note, by the way, the connection of Aristeas with Apollo as shown by 
Herodotus' story of his appearance at Metapontum, and injunction to the 
inhabitants to set up an altar to Apollo and a statue to himself.) The story 

68 Ant. duBosp. Cimm., PI. 45, 46. 05 Daremberg-Saglio. s.v. Gryphon. 

M Mye. Tree and Pillar Cult, J.Jl.S. 1901, S6 Pindar, Olymp. iii. 17. 

vol. xxi. part. 1, 

S 2 

260 G. M HIRST 

of the griffins and Arimaspians has ever since possessed a strange fascination ; 
beside Aeschylus' lines (Prom. 803 et seq.) : — 

6!~vcrT6fiov<; yap Zrjvbs dicpayels Kvva<; 
Tpv7ra<; (pvXa^ac, rov re pbovvoiira arparov 
'Apipaairbv iTmofid/Aov', o'i xpvaoppvrov 
oIkovglv dp,<f>l vdfia UXovTtovo? iropov 
set Milton {Par. Lost, ii. 948) :— 

* As when a gryphon through the wilderness 
With winged course o'er hill or moory dale 
Pursues the Arimaspiau, who by stealth 61 
Has from his wakeful custody purloined 
The guarded gold.' 
The monuments representing these legends of griffins and Arimaspians 
are not earlier than the fifth century B.C., but, as already seen, griffins had 
been familiar as a motive in art for many centuries, borrowed from the East. 
From Attic tetradrachms we know that the temple statue of Apollo at Delphi 
had a griffin on each side. 68 

- Ctesias, who identifies the Griffins with the gold-digging ants of India, 
mentioned by Herod, iii. 102, gives the most exact description of them, — 
ypvires, opvea rerpdiroBa, fieyeOo? oaov \vkos, crtceXrj ical oi/t»^e? oldirep 
Xecop, rd iv toS aXkw <7(ofiaTC Tnepd fieXapa, ipvdpd Be ra iv tc3 aTtjOei, 69 
and Pausanias 70 contributes a further touch, — rjBr} Be koX aXka rj/covaa, to*? 
ypvyjrl cntypbara oirola /cal rol<; 7rapBd\eatv etvai. 

Sphinxes are found as companions of the griffins from the time of the 
Mycenaean signets, and they too are undoubtedly of Eastern origin. They 
were associated with the worship of Dionysus as well as with that of Apollo, 
and it may have been as creatures of the Bacchic cycle that they appeared 
round the palace of Scyles at Olbia, as Herodotus tells of his initiation in the 
Bacchic mysteries, which finally led to his death. 

It is hardly possible here to make more than a bare reference to the 
close connection of Apollo and the Hyperboreans, which seems to go back 
far beyond any period for which we can have anything like historical evidence. 
It cannot be wholly omitted, however, if there is any basis for the conjecture 
already made, —that the permanence of the cult of Apollo at Olbia was in 
part due to a feeling that the god of the north was the fitting deity for the 
most northerly Greek state, — a feeling which artists did their best to per- 
petuate ; note especially the constant occurrence of the griffin in works of 
art found in this neighbourhood. There is no doubt that in very early times 
the Greeks knew something of lands to the far north, — the earliest reference 
in literature is of course Odyss. x. 84-86. 

evOa k avirvo<s dvr\p Boiov? i^rjparo fiiadovs, 
top [iev fiovKoXeow, top B 'dpyv<pa firjXa pofievtov 
iyyvs yap pvktos T€ ical tffiaTO<; elai KeXevOoc. 

m irrtK. Herod, iii. 116. B9 Ctesias, Indica, 12, ed. Bahr. 

68 Furtwangler, Arch. Zeit. 1882, p. 332. 70 viii. 2, 7. 


Herodotus' account of the offerings sent by the Hyperboreans to Delos 7l 
is of the highest interest in this connection, as Delos was from very early 
times the centre of the Ionian worship of Apollo, and we have here a proof of 
very ancient intercourse between the North and the Aegean. The route as 
described by Herodotus should be carefully noticed. Prof. Ridgeway 72 says : 
" The only avenue between Greece and upper Europe in early days was that 
which starting at Dodona led up through Epirus to the head of the 
Adriatic." So the Black Sea would appear to have been unknown to the 
Greeks until the period when Miletus began colonising on its shores. May 
we .see in this connection of the " arterial highway," as Professor Ridgeway 
calls it, with the service of Apollo the origin, or at any rate an early and 
striking instance, of his function as god of journeys and ttreets ? Notice 
here also the existence of the city Apollonia on the Adriatic, not far 'from 
Dodona, and perhaps a station on the route of the Hyperboreans. Olen was 
the earliest poet to deal with the subject of the Hyperboreans, as we know 
from both Herodotus and Pausanias. 73 Herodotus says, — outo? Be 6 'flXrjv 
Kal roix; aWov? Tou? 7ra\aiov<i vfivov; i7rocr)<re i/c Avklt}<; iXdatv tovs 
atihofiivovs iv Atf\<p. Here again we have Lycia, another of the early locali- 
ties connected with the cult of Apollo, brought into close intercourse with 
Delos and the North. Pausanias 74 says, quoting a hymn ; — 'QXrfp #09 <yhero 
7rp&>T09 <Poifioio irpofyaTas. We may compare him with Aristeas, who seems 
also to have combined the characters of poet, traveller, and priest of Apollo, 
and observe again the connection of travel with the cult of Apollo — Apollo 
'Ap^7€T»/9 76 — a feature prominent later in the work of the Delphic oracle in 
forwarding colonisation. 

Alcaeus 76 speaks of swans bringing the new-born Apollo to the land of 
the Hyperboreans. Swans were among the creatures attached to the worship 
of Apollo. 77 Pindar's reference to the Hyperboreans as the " henchmen of 
Apollo" has already been quoted, but there is also a reference to the 
periodical sojourning of the god in the North in Pyth. iv. 5. 

OVK UTTohdflOV ' A.7r6W(0VO<; Tf^OJ/T09. 

Later poets need not be quoted ; all that is aimed at here is to indicate 
the likelihood of the cult of Apollo at Olbia growing stronger as the 
centuries went by, and his ancient connection with the surrounding lands 
was made constantly more evident alike by literature and art. 

71 iv. 33-35. 77 Compare Cic, Tusc. i., 30, 73, (quoting 

72 Early Age of Greece, i. p. 368. from Plato, Phacdo, 85 B.) ' Itaque commem- 

73 viii. 21, 3. oiat ut cygni, qui non sine causa Apollini dicati 

74 x. 5, 7. sint, sed quod ab co divinationcm habere vi- 

75 See references iu Pauly-Wissowa, sub v. dcantur, qua providentcs quid in morte boni 
ii. 1 p. 44, to cults of Apollo under tbis title. sit cum cantu et voluptate moiiantur, sic om- 

78 Quoted by Himerius. See Bergk, />..£.(?. iii. nibus bonis et doctis esse faciendum.' Also see 

p. 146. Preller-Robert, Gr. Myth, i. 1 p. 243. 

262 G M. HIRST 


Demeter must be placed next in order to Apollo, as she has some claim 
to be regarded as the special city-goddess. Her head is a frequent type upon 
the coins, and it seems necessary to identify the Tyche type of this city with 
Demeter, on account of the ears of barley on the walled crown. For the 
apparent existence at Olbia of Apollo and Demeter side by side as civic 
deities, we might compare the position of Athene and Poseidon-Erechtheus 
at Athens. That Apollo and Demeter did have some such association at 
Olbia is made probable by the fact that their heads appear upon coins which 
have similar reverse types. But Apollo would seem to have held the more 
important position of the two, as his title of Yipoardrr}^ would go far to 
show ; it is also significant that while there are many Olbian inscriptions 
referring to Apollo, not one has yet been found bearing the name of Demeter, 
and there are only three in the whole North Euxine district, all from 
Panticapaeum. 78 Of course, in a place where the remains are as fragmentary 
as is the case at Olbia, the absence of inscriptions cannot be regarded as 
conclusive, but still it seems curious that none has been found, if Demeter 
held a place of such importance. Against the absence of the inscriptions 
may be set the fact of the constant appearance of Demeter in the vase- 
paintings that come from this district ; it is perhaps not too much to say 
that Demeter-myths have furnished more subjects for the artists than any 
others. 79 Also Herodotus 80 speaks of the existence of a temple of Demeter 
opposite Olbia; which would be conclusive evidence if there were not a 
variant reading of MrjTpo? for Aij/j,r)Tpo<; ; as it is, the passage can only be 
quoted as a possible support to the view of the importance of Demeter's cult 
at Olbia at this early period. In any case, there would undoubtedly have 
been a temple to Dimeter there, whether she held the position of chief 
goddess of the city or not, as her worship was general among all Ionian 
states. 81 For the significance of the worship of Demeter ' als althellenische 
Gottin und als Gottin der Civilization,' Preller-Robert may be quoted 8 ' 2 :— 
' Die hohe Bedeutung der Demeter fur das attische Staatsleben [zeigt sich] 
deutlich darin, dass sie mit Zeus und Apollon zusammen Schwurgottin ist, 
sowohl bei politischen Vertragen als im Eid der Beamten und Richter.' 83 
This is worth noting here, in view of the apparent association of Apollo and 
Demeter at Olbia as civic deities. 

The Olbian coins bearing heads of Demeter give rise to questions of 
considerable difficulty. Head, 84 under Olbia, says that the principal type on 

78 Two of these (Lat. ii. 7, 20), are of the -Ionian cities, see Herod., vi. 16 (Ephesus) ; ix. 

fourth century b.c. ; the other (Lat. ii. 13), to 97 (Miletus) ; Strabo, xiv. 633 ; Dittenberger, 

Demeter Vwpo+ipat, of the third century b.c. Sylloge* 655 ; I.G.A. 501 ; Diog. Laert., ix. 43 ; 

For some beautifulrepreseutationsof these Athen. ii. p. 46, F. 

vases, see the Compte-Bendu, passim. 82 Gr Myth \ a p> 781 . 

" j£ 53> 83 See C.I. A. i. 9, 13, ii. 49, b. 578. 

Cp. Preller-Robert. Gr. Myth, i.* p. 754. M Hist. Num. p. 233. 

For other references to worship of Demeter in 


the gold and silver money is the head of Demeter. This seems somewhat 
misleading. The Berlin catalogue only gives one gold coin of Olbia 85 (ex- 
cluding the late coin of Pharzoius, No. 146); this has a head of Demeter. 
Out of the seven silver coins described (31-37), only two have heads of 
Demeter (including No. 37 with the head of Demeter-Tyche). The British 
Museum catalogue only describes one silver coin (No. 1), and it has Demeter 
as type. Von Sallet, in describing No. 31 of the Berlin catalogue, says that 
No. 1 in the British Museum (see fig. 4 below) is an example of the same coin 
in bad silver, and that a very good example is that given in Zcilsch.f. Num. X. 
Taf. iii. The head on this latter coin is very much more beautiful than that in 
the British Museum example. De Koehne, who describes about 160 Olbian 
coins, only gives nine which bear heads of Demeter, three of which are silver 
and six copper. 86 Pick, in his first volume, which has already been so often 
quoted, gives five plates of Olbian coins, in which presumably examples 
of every known type are given, but unluckily the letterpress describing 
the plates has not yet been published, so that the number of existing 
examples of each coin is not indicated, nor have we the editor's aid in vexed 
questions of identification. One hundred and eight coins are represented in 
Pick's plates, of which about seventeen can be quite certainly assigned to 
Demeter, excluding those of which the identification is more or less doubtful. 
Two of these coins are gold (the only gold ones in the collection, leaving out 
three very late ones) and four silver ; the rest are all copper. So the state- 
ment of Head, which could be made more emphatic with regard to the gold 
coins, on which Demeter seems to be the only type in the earlier period, 
appears to require modification with regard to the silver ones, as well as the 
addition that the head of Demeter is frequently found on copper coins. 

Before considering the various types of Demeter which appear upon the 
coins, it will be best to attempt to determine the significance of the wheat- 
ear which appears as a reverse type on many, and the grain of wheat which 
is seen on others : (the wheat-ear also occurs as a counter mark). But these 
emblems frequently occur with a fish-type (to give it this general though 
unscientific name), and the discussion of the two cannot be kept apart. If 
the fish-type represents a sturgeon or a sterlet, so very common in the rivers 
of South Russia, it may fairly be considered a commercial emblem, and the 
wheat-ear can fall into the same category ; if on the other hand it represents 
a dolphin, the commercial significance is scarcely possible. Lenormant 87 
regards it as a sterlet, ' type de la mouette saisissant le poisson sterlet,' and 
says that it is imitated from the coins of Sinope ; it is certainly impossible to 
look at the coins in question, dating from 415 B.C., 88 without being struck 
with the close resemblance to the type on the Olbian coins. They are prob- 
ably earlier than the Olbian coins, the type of which may therefore have 
been borrowed from them ; we shall notice below under Helios another pos- 
sible instance of an Olbian coin with a type borrowed from Sinope. 

85 No. 30, Taf. ii. 18. Similar to Pick's ex- w La Monnaie dans VAntiquitt, i. p. 158. 
ample, PI. ix. 18, though not the same coin. m B. M. Cat. Pontus, P. 95 ct scq, PI. xxi. 

86 Musee du Prince Kotschoubey, i. p. 64, 65. xxii. 

264 G. M. HIRST 

In the British Museum catalogue both these types are described as 
dolphins. Some of the types on Olbian coins undoubtedly are dolphins, e.g. 
the reverse type of Pick's example, PI. ix. 24, which has probably a head of 
Poseidon on the obverse ; but there are other coins, notably Pick, PI. ix. 3, 
where the long snout, the position of the eye, and the straightness of the fish 
seem to indicate a sterlet rather than a dolphin. Where the fish is curved, it 
would seem safer to identify it as a dolphin, especially as the dorsal fin near 
the head, which is a characteristic of the dolphin but not of the sturgeon, 
seems to be clearly shown on most of the Olbian coins of this type. 89 Per- 
haps it is impossible now to decide which type the Olbian die-cutters 
intended to represent. Would it be hazardous to conjecture that the general 
pattern of the type — the sea-eagle upon the fish — was borrowed from Sinope, 
and that the idea of the original wavered between the emblematic dolphin and 
the purely commercial sturgeon ? There undoubtedly is a good deal of differ- 
ence in type between these fish-like creatures, which this hypothesis seems 
to explain. When we find an ear or grain of corn and a fish-type on the 
same coin, and further remember that grain and dried fish were two of the 
main exports of Olbia, it is difficult not to think that the commercial explan- 
ation is the true one. 90 The dolphin is not the most obvious emblem of 
Apollo, and it does not seem at all certain that it would have been chosen to 
accompany the wheat-ear if it had been intended to symbolise Apollo and 
Demeter together as civic deities. 91 The obverse type of these coins is some- 
times Apollo, sometimes Demeter. 

To come to the coins themselves. The first coin (after the copper ones 
in Plate VIII.) given by Pick (PI. IX. 1, gold) does not show the wheat-ears 
in the hair of the goddess very clearly, but this is only because the coin is 
struck unevenly, and little room is left on the top of the head for them to 
appear. The reverse shows the eagle and fish-type, and above the eagle is a 
wheat-ear. The heads on No. 2 (silver) 92 and No. 3 (copper) more distinctly 
indicate Demeter, as in each case the two wheat-ears in the hair, above the 
forehead, are clearly shown. Both these coins, and also 4, 5, 6 (which have 
Demeter on the obverse), have the eagle on the fish, in varying attitudes, as 
reverse type. Of these coins von Sallet in the Berlin catalogue, under No. 

89 If the dorsal fin is really the decisive PI. ix. 14, and is of very good style, 
feature, perhaps it may help to decide the 91 The tunnies on the altar from Cyzicus 

question of the fish-shaped coins of Olbia in described by Mr. Hasluck {J.H.S. xxii. (1902), 

favour of Mr. G. F. Hill's alternative explan- p. 128), were recognized as such by peasants on 

ation— that they are degenerate representations the spot ; it would be interesting to know if a 

of pigs of bronze, as a pig of metal was some- South Russian peasant would identify the 

times called it\<pls (cp. French saumon), Olbian coin-type as a sturgeon. The fish on 

{Handbook of Gr. and Bom. Coins, p. 3). The Pick's PI. ix. 3, also ix. 22, is not at all like 

most marked characteristic of these fish-shaped the typical dolphin that appears, e.g. on coins 

pieces is the dorsal fin just behind the head. of Tarentum. (See Gardner's Types of Greek 

80 Note that Von Sallet describes the head of Coins, PI. i. 22, etc.) 
a fish, which appears with a grain of corn as the w Similar to No. 1 in the Brit. Mus. Cat., 

reverse type of No. 83 in the Berlin catalogue, given iu fig. 4, where the fish seems to resemble 

ss a sturgeon's. Apollo's head is on the ob- the sturgeon rather than the dolphin, 
verse of this coin, which is the same as Pick, 



38, says : ' The heads on the pieces with this reverse type are sometimes 
certainly Demeter with light wreath, sometimes Apollo, laureate (perhaps). 
Distinction is difficult on account of careless workmanship.' The .heads on 
7 and 8 are more doubtful. The next that is clearly Demeter is 15. This 
has a fish-type on the reverse, as have also 17, 18, 19. Both the wheat-ear 
and the fish-type appear on 16. The head on 30 is very similar to some of 

Fig. 4. —Silver Coin of Olbia in the British Museum. 

those which are clearly Demeter, but in this case the reverse type is a bow 
in case and an axe. In Plate X. we have more of the coins with the eagle 
and fish as reverse type, of which 12 and 13 appear to be probably Demeter. 
The other coins are of more doubtful attribution. 

Next comes the series of coins with the turreted female head on the 
obverse, and the kneeling archer on the reverse. 03 The wheat-ears in the 
coin given in fig. 5 seem to make the identification as Demeter-Tyche 

Fiq. 5. — Bronze Coin of Olbia in the Berlin Museum. 

certain, though there is apparently no other example of the walled crown 
on the head of Demeter. It belongs, of course, commonly to Cybele, and 
frequently to Aphrodite 94 and Anaitis. 95 Artemis has it on the late im- 
perial coins of Gerasa in the Syrian Decapolis, 96 and at Chersonesus. 97 The 
British Museum has an example of these Olbian coins (No. 17), which is de- 
scribed as ' Head of the City, left, wearing a mural crown and necklace.' 
The heads of the Tyche of the City, or City-goddess, are of course too common 
on coins to need illustration, but the identification with Demeter seems to be 

93 Pick, PI. x. 1-4. PI. x. 1 is No. 1 19 in the 
Berlin catalogue, and is given in the accompany- 
ing figure 5. Is the choice of the archer as 
reverse type significant of local feeling, like the 
bow and battle-axe on the Borysthenes series ? 

94 Especially in Cyprus, see Farncll, Ok. 
Cults, ii. p. 704. 

96 E.g. on coins of Amastrid in Papblagonia, 

eaily third century b.c. See B. M. Cat. 

91 Farnell, Gk. Cults, ii. p. 585. 

97 Von Sallct says under coin No. 4 (Berlin 
Cat.) Taf. i. 6. 'Artemis, as City-Goddess, 
seems here to resemble Tyche, as very probably 
Demeter on the copper coins of Olbia (with 
the archer as reverse).' 

266 G. M. HlltST 

unique. It may be noted that the coin given by Pick (Plate XI. 1) with the 
turreted female head on the obverse, has the reverse type of the eagle (on the 
fish ?) very similar to the type on the coins which undoubtedly have Demeter 
on the obverse. 98 The last Olbian coin in Pick's examples, a silver piece of 
King Inismeus, has also a Tyche head as the reverse type. 

The number and variety of these coins seem to make clear Demeter's 
importance at Olbia — second only to Apollo ; a position easily understood 
considering that the staple trade of Olbia was the exportation of grain. 


The cult of Cybele may be taken next, not because we have evidence to 
prove that it was of special importance at Olbia, but because it has already 
been referred to twice under Demeter. 

We have only one inscription referring to this cult at Olbia, given by 
Latyschev," and it is of Roman date : — 

\rj Belva . . .]covto<; tov kiovvatov 
[dvyd^Trjp, %(o/cpaTt8ov yvvr). 
[%Q)/c]paTi8r)<; <&i\ivov rt}v eavrov yvvaitca 
M.r)Tpl dewv ieprjo-afiivijv. 

There is, however, an inscription from Panticapaeum of the third 
century B.C., 100 which may be quoted here as evidence, if any is needed, 
that the cult of the Great Mother existed in this district in the earlier 
period : — 

BaovXeuoi/TO? Tiaipiadhov tov %irapT0K0V 'JLo~Tiata ^Ar}vohdopov Ovydrrjp 
UpcojievT) av46r)K€v Mrjrpi <£>pvyiat. 

The reading of M^t/so? for A^^t/jo? in Herod, iv. 53. has been already 
spoken of under Demeter; and, if accepted, would of course give very much 
higher antiquity for the cult. None of the Olbian inscriptions containing the 
name of a deity go back anything like so far as the date of Herodotus' visit 
to Olbia, so that he is our most ancient authority for anything concerning the 
cults of the city. 

Pick 101 gives one coin which bears a head of Cybele ; a reproduction is 
given in fig. 6. It is apparently rare, as there is no example in the Berlin 
collection, and De Koehne 102 only quotes one, which seems to be the same as 
that given by Pick : — 

98 The two kinds of mural crowns should of at 250-200 B.C., just at the time when the por- 

course be carefully distinguished, that belonging sonification of the Tyche of the City was bc- 

to the Tyche type, and the much heavier one coming common throughout the Greek world, 
with the veil, worn by Cybele. A reference to 89 i. 107. 

the accompanying figures will make this clear. 10 ° ii. 17. 

See also De Koehne on this point {he. cit. lul PI. x. No. 35. 

p. 68). He sets the date of these Olbian coins ,w loc. cit. p. 66. 



Tete couverte d'un voile, tombant en 
arriere et d'une couronne murale, 
derriere un rameau en contremarquc. 



M. 2.',. 


Fig. 6. — Buonzk Coin ok Oi.bia (fkom Pick). 

Cybele, is, however, a frequent type on the coins of the North Euxine 
district of Imperial date. Several examples are given by Pick (Plate XVIII.) 
where full figures of the goddess occur ; note especially No. 14, a coin of 
Istros, where the lions beneath her throne are very distinct. Dc Koehne 103 
mentions the finding of a colossal seated statue of Cybele at Panticapaeum, 
which so exactly corresponds to the type on the coin that it would seem 
almost certain that the latter is a copy of the statue. The Athenian statue 
of the Mother of the Gods by Pheidias 10 ' seems not to have worn the 
mural crown. Arrian 105 does not mention it among the other attributes, and 
the numerous Attic votive reliefs, which must have had this statue as their 
type, do not show it. 106 The cult of Cybele in its various aspects approached 
so closely to that of other female deities that a distinction is often difficult. 
She was looked upon as the foundress of states and cities, whose walls she 
wears as a crown like the Syrian Astarte, hence her name ' mater turrita ' or 
' turrigera.' 107 

G. M. Hirst. 

103 loc. cit. p. 67. 

ioi gy pheidias according to Paus. i. 3, 5. 
and Arrian ; according to Pliny (N.H. 36, 17), 
by Agoracritus. It represented the goddess 
with a cymbal in her hand, and lions under her 

103 Pcripl., p. 9. 

108 Stephani, Herakl., p. 67. 

107 Verg. Aen. vii. 785, Ovid, Fast. iv. 219. 
Sec 0. Jahn, Arch. ZcU. 1864, 174, A. 3, who 
says the tower-crown probably came from Asia 
to Greece (Bbttiger, Kunst. Myth. i. p. 286) ; 
when it became prevalent is not known. See 
also Mr. A. J. Evans, Myc. Tree and Pillar 
Cult, J.H.S. vol. xxi. (1901), p 166. 


How far can the kingdoms in Bactria and India, ruled by kings with 
Greek names, be called Hellenistic, and how far were they simply native ? 
These pages were put together with this question in view ; they have no 
claim to be more than an attempt to get certain problems stated, to which 
some day some further answer may be given by the spade. The series of 
these kings stretches from the levolt of Diodotos, about 250 B.C., to the final 
merger of Indo- Greek rule in that of the Indo-Scyths in 26 B.C. The period 
is bisected by the conquest of Bactria by the Yue-tche, which probably took 
some little while to complete, but with respect to which our information 
centres on the year 128 B.C. By the time of Augustus, a number of merchant- 
men were sailing directly from the Red Sea to India, a rare event under the 
Ptolemies ; and this traffic increased later, when in the reign of Nero was 
made that discovery, or rediscovery, of the monsoons which is associated with 
the name of Hippalos. To arrive, therefore, at any ideas about the kingdoms 
of Alexander's successors beyond Parthia, it is necessary to distinguish as 
carefully as possible the information with regard to India, and the traces of 
western influence on things Indian, which can be dated later than (say) the 
Christian era, (and which belong rather to the history of Rome), from 
information which can be, or may be, dated prior to 26 B.C., or I might almost 
say prior to 100 B.C., (the time between these two dates being for my purpose 
a blank) ; and only to make use of the former sources when they clearly refer 
to something that falls within the period under consideration. The general 
result appears to be, that one meets with more of the Iranian and less of the 
Greek than one expected. 1 

Greek life, if it existed anywhere, must be looked for in the towns. 
Bactria and the adjoining provinces were full of them ; the thousand cities of 
Bactria passed into a proverb. 2 The first envoys of the Han emperors were 

1 I follow the history as given in Prof. P. Grande Encyclopedic, s.v. 'Bactriane'; and 

Gardner's The Coins of the Greek and Scythic W. Tomaschek in Pauly- Wissowa, s.v. ' Bak- 

Kings of Bactria and India in the British trianoi.' 

Museum, 1886 (cited as P.G.). For other - Under Eukratides, Apollodoros ap. Strabo. 

recent accounts of the history proper, so far as 15, 686 — this might refer to the Punjab, 

it can be deduced, I may refer to von Gut«chinid, Undfr Diodotos, Jnstin 41, 1, 8; 41, 4, 5 — 

Geschichte Irans, 1888 ; M. E. Drouin in the this cannot refer to the Punjab. 


struck by the great number that they saw. Every Greek ruler in the East 
seems to have founded one or more. Omitting those of Alexander and 
Antiochos I, we know of one foundation of Euthydemos, one of Eukratides, 
one at least of Demetrios. 3 But as at the outset we are met by the fact that 
the only four towns of which history or legend has anything to tell (with the 
possible exception of Alexandria of the Caucasus) are native ones, it will 
hardly do to assume that a Greek foundation in the far East was a city with a 
municipal life and government, a polis, in the same sense as a foundation in 
Syria, or even in Parthia. However, as city goddesses appear on some of the 
coins, 4 this may have been the case in some instances. 

Justin, wise after the event, speaks of Alexander's towns as settled by 
the most unruly elements of the army, which is improbable ; but as to the 
manner of settlement little is known. 5 Certainly Alexander, in conformity 
with his general policy, would encourage the settlers to take native wives : so 
that the only period, during which it is probable that the country could have 
been settled as Syria, for instance, was settled, is during the rule of Seleukos's 
son Antiochos in the eastern provinces. If free Greek or Macedonian women 
then went out, (as to which we know nothing), Greek language and customs 
might persevere for several generations, as in the Branchidae town ; failing 
this, the settlements would tend to orientalise themselves very quickly, 6 and 
the people would soon become indistinguishable from natives. 

It will be convenient to group a good deal of what I have to say round 
those cities of which alone more is known than the names. These are Bactra, 
Sagala-Euthymedeia, Taxila, and Eul-che, the ' royal city ' of Ta-yuan. 7 

3 'EvOviJifiov &va<r<ra (see W. Tomaschek in Caucasus, 'permissum...considere.' These 
Pauly- JVissoua art. • Baktrianc') ; Eukra- notices are not all in agreement, and, so far as 
tidcia ; Demctrias in Arachosia. I omit they go, do not agree with the great number of 
Euthymedeia. Greeks settled in Bactria and Sogdiana, who 

4 E.g. coins of Philoxenos, Hippostratos, rose on Alexander's death. There must have 
Azcs, Zeionises ; and a coin of Peukelaos been a later importation of Greek settlers ; 
published by Mr. V. A. Smitb, J.A.S.B. 1898, ' nuper deducti,' says Curtius, 9, 7, 1. 

p. 132. This of course proves nothing as Lo 6 The Branchidae town, settled with Greek 

whether the burghers were Greek, native, or men and women under peculiar circumstances, 

both. There is nothing that corresponds to became bilingual in about six generations 

tho Seleukid city coinages ; unless it bo at (Curtius, 7, 5, 29). The Barkaeans, settled at 

Taxila. tho same time in Bactria by Darius (Herod. 4, 

5 Justin, 12, 5, deduced from the revolt of 204), are not again heard of. Some remarks 
tho Greeks after Alexander's death. Arrian on the orientalisation of the new towns in 
4, 4, says mercenaries, and barbarians who Droyscn, Hcllenismus, III. 69. Livy, 38, 17, 
volunteered, and time-expired Macedonians (of in Syros degenerarunt, &c, is special pleading. 
Alexandreschate). Curtius 7, 7, 27 (of the same 7 A considerable legend has grown up round 
town) 'captivi, quos...liberavit.' The captivi Alexandria of the Caucasus, seemingly based on 
would be from Cyropolis. As Cyropolis seems to nothing but the one well known reference to 
have risen again and superseded Alexandreschate, ' Alasadda the capital of the Y<5na country ' in 
(sec post, p. 282) Curtius's version, which would the Mahavanso, which may not refer to this 
help to explain this, maybe correct. Diodoros Alexandria at all ; the Egyptian capital is also 
17, 83, (of the cities near Alexandria of the a candidate, though a most unlikely one (S. 
Caucasus), bears out Arrian. The reference in Levi, 'Le Bouddhisme et les Grecs,' Rev. de 
Diodoros to mercenaries who volunteered is of VHist des Religions, vol. 23 (1891): cf. the 
importance. Curtius (7, 3, 23) seems to imply Ptolemaic gravestone with wheel and trisula 
that volunteers settled in Alexandria of the found by Prof. Pctrie, J.R.A.S. 1898, p. 875); 

270 W. W. TARN 

1. Bactra the Royal, mother of cities, traditionally one of the oldest 
inhabited sites in the world, must from its associations have been the natural 
capital. Alexander no doubt intended it to be the capital of the province, if 
it was he who renamed it Alexandria. 8 Under the corrupted form of Lan-chi 
it became, at least for a time, the capital of the Yue-tche after their conquest 
of Bactria. 9 But for the Chinese we should not have known of the persever- 
ance of the Alexander-name ; 10 the native name not only again prevailed, 
but, in the mouths of the western world, was applied even to the Thibetan 
invaders, 11 

After Alexander, it is heard of as standing a celebrated siege : von 
Gutschmid's conjecture, that this was a siege of Euthydemos by Antiochos III, 
seems in the present state of our knowledge the only possible one. 12 If so, it 
may be supposed that the town was the capital of Euthydemos's dynasty ; and 
this is perhaps supported by a figure of Artemis radiate on one of Euthydemos's 
coins, which ma}' refer to the celebrated statue of Anaitis at Bactra, described 
in the Avesta. 13 Now Eukratides, the usurper, founded a town Eukratideia, 
which, being near the old capital, and bearing his name, may well have been 
intended as the capital of the new dynasty ; but his son and murderer, 
Heliokles, must have returned to Bactra, as it was the capital when the 
Yue-tche arrived. Possibly something may be deduced from this. 

It is clear that to accomplish the very considerable conquests made by 
Euthydemos and Demetrios, this dynasty must have been favourably regarded 
by the native Bactrians, as indeed may be gathered from Polybios. 14 Now 
without believing all the details of Justin's story of the death of Eukratides, 
it is, I think, safe to infer this much, that in some way the usurper, for all 
his power, was looked on as a traitor to Bactria, and as such slain by 

and why not Bactra-Alexandria ? The legend v e.g. the 'Bactrians' of the Periplus. 

makes this town a centre of Greek life in the Sometimes the Greek and Kushan rule is even 

East, the birthplace of Menander, and the last confused together, as Amm, Marc. 23, 6, 55. 

town ruled by a Greek king (Hermaios = Yin- Perhaps even in Justin ; 2, 13, the Scyths 

muf-foo ruling in Yung-keu = Younaki, Greek founded the Parthian and Dactrian kingdoms — 

town). All that is known about it is that it this must refer to the Yue-tche. Tomaschek 

was twice founded by Alexander. (Pauly-lVissoiva, ' Baktrianoi ') says com- 

8 As to tliia, M. Specht, 'Les Indo-Scythcs pendiously, that when classical writers from 
et l'Epoque du Regno de Kanichka"in J. A. ser. 140 n.o. to 560 a.d. say Bactrians they mean 
9, vol. 10, pp. 159-161. It may be the real Tochari (Yue-tche). 

meaning of Pliny, 6, 25 (23). It would prcb- ]2 Polyb. 29, 6a, 8 : Gcsch. Irans, p. 37. 

ably be a workable hypothesis that Alexander 13 She wears a golden crown with eight rays 

intended the capital of each satrapy (anyhow and a hundred stars, and is clothed with the 

in the East) to bear his own name. Hence he skins of thirty beavers of the sheen of silver 

founded no Alcxandrias beyond the Indus ; for and gold. Her statue set up in Bactra, Clem, 

he intended to establish there not satrapies, but Alex. Protr. p. 57. The description, a lengthy 

protected native rulers. Macedonian fondness one, is in the Ab&n Yast, §§ 126 — 129, see 

for renaming places, Strabo 11, 518. Darmesteter's trans, of the 'Zend-Avesta,' (in 

9 As appears from the annals of the lesser Sacred Books of the East), vol. 2, p. 82 ; also 
Han. See Specht in J. A. ser. 8, vol. 2, p. 321. p. 63 for M. Halevy's suggestion that this 

10 Converse instance of the double name in the description was taken from a consecrated type 
case of Merv, Gr. Antiocheia ; the Chinese of statuary. 

preserved the native name in the form Mu-lu, M Polyb. 10, 49 ; no troops of Euthydemos 

(for Muni). are mentioned except the Baetrian horse, 


Heliokles ; and as Heliokles was associated in the kingdom, and Eukratides 
appears to have been returning from India, Heliokles must have been 
governing in Bactria. Heliokles further returned to the native capital, 
associated with the prosperous reign of Euthydemos, and the stronghold of 
Zoroastrianism. It is possible therefore that Heliokles, whose subsequent 
reign seems to have been a long one, in this matter represented native opinion. 
Now Eukratides probably came from the west ; at least this appears to be a 
fair inference from the facts that he boasted his Greek or Macedonian descent, 
that his mother was royal and bore a name usually associated with the 
Seleukids, and that he appears to have introduced the Seleukid cult of the 
Dioscuri-Cabiri. 15 The usurper might in any case desire a new capital ; but 
the professor of a new cult would dislike the stronghold of Zoroastrianism, 
while the Greek might be revolted by the peculiar and unpleasant custom of 
a city which reared dogs, locally known as ' undertakers,' who were trained to 
devour the dying, 16 — a custom that even Alexander had failed to abolish. 
The point of this argument is, that if Eukratides represented some sort of 
a reaction, it can only have been a reaction towards Hellenism and away 
from Iran ; 17 and if this view be at all well founded, then his new city of 
Eukratideia must have been less of an oriental town than its neighbours, 
and, being new built, would be the place, if its site were ever located, where 
Greek architectural remains might be expected, if the Bactrians ever produced 
such architecture. It would seem, in fact, to be the most likely place to test 
the theory, still held by some writers, that India learnt its Graecised archi- 
tecture of the Gandhara type from Bactria. 

2. Sagala-Euthymedeia. Sagala, capital of the Cathaeans, had been taken 
and razed by Alexander. But as the town appears in Ptolemy with a Greek 
name attached, 18 for which Euthydemia was an obvious conjecture, such con- 
jecture was long since made and has been universally accepted, and the town 
in consequence has been associated with Demetrios's conquests in India, and 
treated as renamed by him after his father. It is, however, not easy to see 
where the difficult MS. reading EuthymSdeia came from, if it be not correct. 
There is nothing whatever to associate this town either with Demetrios, or 

18 Taken together, these particulars may csirry men's bones.' 

some weight ; in particular, it is difficult to 17 It is conceivable that, if Trogus were 

sec where else a royal Laodike can have come recovered, it would be found that Eukratidcs's 

from ; unless indeed it were from some dynasty offence against Bactria was religious. 

in Arachosia or Aria, concerning which great Alexander's edict against the dogs nearly 

provinces our knowledge is a blank, but which brought on a revolt ; Porph. dc abut. 4, 21. — 

are treated as separate kingdoms in the Annals Onesikritos (St. 11, 517) says Alexander 

of the elder Han (if indeed Arachosia be Kepin, stopped the custom, with which a rhetorical 

as M. Drouin supposes). The coins, indeed, passage in Plutarch agrees. But the version 

know nothing of such dynasties ; but they that he tried to must be correct, as von 

would leave us equally ignorant of Ta-yuan. Gutschmid takes it ; Zoroastrianism was 

As to the connection of Eukratides's coin-type excessively tenacious of customs, 

with the Syrian Cabiri, Babelon, Hois de Syrie, 18 2iya\a % /col 'Ev8v/j.ftifla, see p. 273. Its 

xxxi. — Selcukos II (246-226 B.C.) had taken site does not appear to have been identified ; 

the Dioscuri as a type. see J. W. McCrindle, ' Ancient India ; its 

16 Onesikritos ap. Strabo. 11, 517, IvTaQiaoral. invasion by Alexander the Great,' p. 347, note 

The town was fair without, but within ' full of M. Lahore is one conjecture. 

272 W. W. TARN 

with Euthydemos, whose coins do not appear to have been found further 
east than the Indus at Attock. 19 On the contrary, all the legendary associa- 
tions of the name are with Menander, whose capital it traditionally was. 
Unfortunately the elaborate description given in the ' Questions of King 
Milinda' is of no value as a help to the understanding of what a Graeco- 
Indian town was ; for the author has frankly set to work to draw an ideal 
Indian great city as a residence for his hero. All it proves is that Sagala 
was important enough for the description not to appear an absurdity ; and, 
as it was not the residence of the viceroy of the Punjab under the Mauryas, 
its importance may have been brought about by the Greek rather than by 
the Indian kings; with this would agree the conjecture of General Sir A. 
Cunningham, based upon the coin-finds, that during the later period of Greek 
rule in India, when Greek and Saka kings occupied the Punjab side by side, 
Sagala, and not Taxila, was the capital of the former. 20 

As Sagala went down to fame in India as Menander's capital, this may 
be the place to notice the Menander tradition. We can say this much with a 
good deal of probability, that in some way or other he greatly struck the 
imagination of the East. It is a commonplace that in such a case the hero 
in Asia appropriates to himself the deeds of other men; much becomes 
attributed to an Alexander or a Timour that he never performed. Now it 
was long since noticed that Plutarch's story of the division of Menander's 
remains among eight towns was a duplication of, or taken from, the similar 
Buddha story ; and an attempt has recently been made to show that the 
conversations between Nagasena and Milinda recorded in the ' Milinda ' 
were in fact originally attributed to, or are based on conversations at- 
tributed to, the sage (who may not have been a contemporary of Menander 21 ) 
and an older king, Nanda or Ananta. 22 If this should be established, the 
dmcble attribution to Menander becomes very strong evidence indeed of 
a considerable impression made by him upon his contemporaries, an 
impression that was hardly likely to be due to an interest in philosophy, but 
was more probably to be accounted for by simple conquest, very possibly 

19 P.G. xxii, as to Euthydemos. P.G. translation — date given as between a.d. 

txv, "The ooins of Demetrius come in 317-420 — gives Nanda; query, Nanda of 

almost all cases from Bactria." Magadha ? Thibetan sources make Nagasena 

10 Num. Chron. 1890 p. 110. Adopted by and Nanda contemporary. — Criticism by Count 

Mr. E. J. Rapson, Ind. Coin?, § 30 (in Buhler's Goblet d'Alviella, Bull, de V Acad. Iloyale de 

Qrundriss dcr Indo-ar. Philol. 1898). If Belgique, 1897, vol. 33, p. 688 a, to the effect 

" Moga " of the Manikyala copper-plate be that Prof. Rhys Davids takes the Pali back to 

Maues (P.G." xlix), this becomes almost a 1st cent, a.d., i.e. prior to the Chinese version, 

certainty as regards Taxila. I do not find that he takes it further back than 

n Prof. Rhys Davids's translation of the its citation by Buddhagosa as of conclusive 

' Milinda ' in Sacred Books of the East, vol. i, authority, about 430 a.d. D'Alviella however 

p. xxvi. does not deal with that part of Dr. Waddell's 

- 2 "A historical basis for the questions of article which attempts to show, by tables, that 

king ' Menander' from the Thibetan," by Dr. the rainfalls mentioned in the "Milinda "do 

Waddell, J.R.A.S. 1897, p. 227. "Chinese not suit the Punjab at all ; and no criticism can 

translations of the Milinda Panho," by J. carry much conviction which does not first 

Takakusu, J.R.A.S. 189C, p. 16. The form dispose of this definite matter of the rains. 
" Apanta " known to the Lamas ; the Chinese 


stimulated by some accession of Greek force driven southward from beyond 
the Hindu-Kush. 23 As to the contents of the ' Milinda,' they may or may not 
give us any information about the historical Menander. The trade references 
are more likely to belong to the writer's period. The birthplace may be a 
genuine tradition ; if so, all that is proved is that it was not Alexandria of the 
Caucasus. 24 The thing that one would like to believe in, as a mention of a 
Greek ruling caste, is the council of 500 Yonakas. But with the date of this 
work as uncertain as it is, it would be absurd to press this. 

Whether the real Menander turned Buddhist or not, there is no ques- 
tion that tradition connects him with Buddhism ; a sufficiently natural policy 
for a stranger, and one probably already adopted by Agathokles, and more 
strongly later by the Kushan Kanishka. This may perhaps suggest an 
explanation of the name Euthymedeia. Professor Rhys Davids has conjectured 
that the inscription hUaio<; on the coins of some of the kings may have been 
placed there to please Buddhist subjects, even if it does not (as he thinks it does 
not) refer to the Buddhist Dhaima. 25 The wheel on one of Menander's coins 
has also been claimed as a Buddhist emblem. It is worth tracing the word 
Sctcaio? a little further. So far as I have been able to ascertain, it does not 
occur on Seleukid coins. On the Parthian, it appears first with Mithradates I. 
who made conquests in India, or anyhow in White India, that were apparently 
not held. Among the Bactrians, the first to use it is Agathokles, who issued 
coins with Buddhist symbols, and who appears to have ruled over a further 
portion of India than any predecessor. 20 Later, the -word becomes common 
among Parthians, Greeks, and (in its Indian form) Sakas ; but if in three of 
the earliest instances, Agathokles, Mithradates I., and Menander, the use of 
the word coincides with an extension of rule over some part of Buddhist 
India; in one case, Agathokles, with a Buddhist symbolism; and in one 
Menander, with a Buddhist tradition ; it appears to me quite possible that the 
term refers to, and that the kings in question claimed, not merely the 

23 We, are interested in the Greek for his 25 In the introduction to his translation of 
art and literature. But to his contemporaries the 'Milinda.' 

he must have meant, chiefly, the best of all 26 See post, under « Taxila ' ; and sec note 

known fighters ; until the Roman came. The 19. Assuming him later than Demetrios, 

Roman, having beaten him in the field, could Taxila appears to be the furthest east yet 

afford to exalt his art and literature.— Apollo- attained : the coins in fact do not bear out the 

doros ap. Strab. 11, 516, attributes to the tradition of Demetrios's conquests in India, 

Bactrians (principally to Menander) the which may only mean that he was the first to 

conquest of more nations than Alexander; and cross the Hindu-Kush; unless Demetrios' 

it is of interest to notice that Alexander's elephant-scalp refers to this. Whatever the 

name is said not to occur in Indian literature, legend Hidujasaine means ('Just to those born 

which possibly records Demetrios as well as on the Indus,' Bendall ap. P.G. lxxiii ; 

Menander. 'King of Indians,' von Sallet ; Of me, 

24 That is, if Prof. Rhys Davids is correct in Agathokles, ' Indian by birth,' S. Levi doubt- 
calling it an 'island.' Sir A. Cunningham fully in "Le Bouddhisme et les Grecs," Rev. de 
however would translate Alasandadipa as " the VHist. des Rclujions, vol. 23(1891), p. 41, criticis- 
counlry of which Alasanda was the capital" ing the older interpretations), it appears to refer 
{J.A.S.B. 1893, vol. 62, parti, p. 86, communi- to some close connection of Agathokles with 
cated to Mr. V. A. Smith). India. 

H.S. — VOL. XXII. T 



ordinary righteousness of kings, but the Buddhist uprightness. 27 It may also 
be remembered that in the case of Menander the tradition preserved by 
Plutarch speaks of the fairness of his rule. If then Euthymedeia be trans- 
lated ' the town of the Upright Ruler,' 28 a reasonable sense for the MS. read- 
ing can be obtained without resorting to conjecture, and the only association 
of this place known to us is preserved. It does not follow that the town was 
ever called Euthymedeia; the word may be merely a paraphrase of some 
native term. 29 

3. Taxila. This city is the most interesting of those we meet with. 
According to one theory, 30 the name means ' the rock of Takshaka,' king of the 
serpents, and brings the place into connection with that aboriginal race who, 
as the Nagas or serpent folk, play so large a part in Buddhist art and legend, 
and who were, traditionally, the means of preserving the ' true' Buddhism of 
the Greater Vehicle. Whether a prae- Aryan town or not, Taxila appears as 
in perpetual opposition to the ruling powers. Its prince aided Alexander 
against Poros. When Macedonian rule was established, a Brahmin from 
Taxila instigated Chandra-gupta's revolt. When the Mauryan empire was 
established, Taxila (says tradition) revolted against Chandra-gupta's son 
Vindusara, and was not gubdued until Asoka himself was sent; subsequently 
Asoka ruled there as his father's viceroy. When the empire of the 
Mauryas began to break up, Taxila was probably one of the earliest towns in 
India to come, for the second time, under Greek rule 31 ; while, if Cunning- 
ham's before-mentioned conjecture be correct, it was one of the earliest to 
cease to be ruled by the Greek kings, who continued to reign at Sagala after 
Taxila had become subject to the Saka dynasty of Maues and his successors. 

Fig. 1. — Bronze Coin of 
Taxila (Single Die). 

Fig. 2. — Bronze Coin of Taxila 
(Double Die). 

These statements can be illustrated from the coinage. The town had 
struck a square bronze native coinage, with a design only on one side (Fig. 1). 

27 This would of course have nothing to do 
with their own belief. 

28 It is no objection that the word would be 
poetical. There nre at least two undoubted 
poetical words on the coins, aviKrtrov and 
Tvpawovvroi, the former as early as Demetrios, 
and common ; add perhaps vtKr)<popou and the 
obscure Btorpvwov. Also the poetical name of 
Hermaios's queen, Kalliope. (On the adoption 

of Muse-names in late Hellenism, see von 
Gutschmid, Gesch. Irans. 116.) 

29 A very similar case is that of the Bactrian 
town EiifluSrj/tou &va<Tffa, which must in fact 
have borne the queen's actual name. 

20 Sec McCrindle, Ancient India, before cited, 
p. 342, note I, "Taxila." Its site has been 
identified with Shah-deri. 

31 Agathokles's coins, post. 


This coinage was imitated in the square bronze money of Pantaleon and 
Agathokles. 32 Agathokles's bronze money is said to be found near Taxila, and 
as bronze does not travel far from the place of issue, it is possible that this 
square coinage was minted at Taxila in the existing mint. Later, the town 
struck double die square coins of its own (Fig. 2), the art of which is said to 
show the influence of the money of Agathokles. ami which were in turn imitated 
by the Saka king Maues. 32 Therefore, before the time of Maues, i.e. fairly 
early, this town was either independent or autonomous. As this is the only 
phenomenon of the kind that occurs, except the city-goddesses before referred 
to, it is worth seeing if anything can be deduced from the coins as to the 
constitution of this town. 

Of the square coins of Agathokles, one (Fig. 3) bears on the reverse a 
' maneless lion,' on the obverse a nautch girl ; the other (Fig. 4) 33 obv. a stupa 

Fig. 3. — Bronze Coin of Agathokles. 

Fig. 4.— Bronze Coin of Agathokles. 

and a star, rev. a tree within a rail. The latter coin, of course, as has been 
noticed, can only have been struck to meet the susceptibilities of Buddhist 
subjects ; 34 but no one seems to have thought it necessary to consider whether 
their susceptibilities would have been equally pleased by a dancing girl. Now 
the best known legend connected with Taxila is the story that near there 
Buddha, in a previous existence, had given his head to feed a starving tiger, a 
story commemorated in Asoka's foundation there of the stupa of the ' Head gift. 
This stupa must be the one that appears on Fig. 4, and not some imaginary 
foundation of Agathokles's, which is in itself unlikely ; 35 and I would conjecture 
that the ' maneless lion ' of Fig. 3 is also an allusion to the same story, and 
is'in reality the attempt of the semi-Greek artist at a tiger. 30 In this case 

32 Rapson, Indian Coins, § 56. 

M The star is obliterated on the specimen hero 
illustrated, but clear on others, e.g. V.G. 
No. 15. 

34 Cf. the use of hinaws ; see p. 273. 

35 M. S. Levi, in Le Bouddhismc ct les Green, 
already cited, at p. 43 ; Agathokles, " soit par 
conviction, soit par politique, aurait elevc un 
stupa." This stupa coin is perhaps imitated 
by a copper coin from Khotan, which appears 
to bear traces of a stupa ; Dr. A. R. Hocrnle in 
hid. Ant. 1898, p. 227. 

36 It used for a long time to be believed that 
a species of maneless lion existed in Gujcrat. 

This is now said to have been conclusively 
disproved, the individuals in question being 
only immature specimens. (See e.g. Enc. Brit. 
s. v. 'lion.') I do not see therefore why they 
should figure on the coinage. Mr. E. J Rapson 
(J.K.A.S. 1900, p. 103) gives a seal which he 
compares at length with the square coins of 
Agathokles and Pantaleon ; the lion has a 
mane. The figure on the coins is certainly a 
poor tiger : but it would also be a poor lion ; 
and as no Greek could ever manage a good Hon, 
it is unreasonable to suppose that a designer on 
the fringe of Hellenism would succeed better 
with a tiger. 

T 2 

276 W. W. TARN 

the coin in Fig. 3 would also be Buddhist. The dancing girl then would have 
to be connected with Buddhism in some way, and may perhaps be a reference 
to another well known Buddha story, his temptation by the Apsarases or 
nymphs, as Cunningham conjectured for the dancing girls of the Mathura 
sculptures 37 ; only the artist has imported a good deal of realism into his 

This leaves the star over the stupa unexplained ; nor have I seen any 
attempt to explain it. What follows is a guess. 

When Taxila again struck its own coins, it did not try to imitate 
Agathokles's Greek coins, but struck square ones with Buddhist symbols m ; the 
Greek coinage was an exotic, a bit of Greek art put at the service of 
Buddhism, exactly like the well-known vihara at Taxila with Ionic columns. 
But if we hear nothing of a Greek colony, we do hear of an Iranian one. 
Aristoboulos knew that, unlike the rest of India, the people of Taxila 
exposed their dead to vultures 39 ; which can only mean that here were a 
considerable number of Zoroastrians. Agreeably to this, it is said that the 
low caste Chandalas there acted as corpse-bearers. This is no more than 
might have been expected, seeing that, for instance, Asoka in appointing a 
governor of Gujerat saw good to appoint one who from his name must have 
been an Iranian, and that Iranian traders or settlements were probably 
numerous in that region. 40 It appears to mc that this Iranian element, which 
must have furnished considerable assistance to the second invasion of India 
by Demetrios and his successors, has also left a trace of itself on the coins 
in the star over Agathokles's stupa. 

The great number of Iranian deities .that figure on the coins of the 
Kushans or Indo Scythians is well known. One theory is, that the Kushans 
learnt Zoroastrianism on the Oxus. 41 Suppose., however, that the Bactiian 
kings had worked the mints with Greek or Graccised artists and Iranian work- 
men, as is probable enough. After two or three generations, Greek influence 
wears out ; Eukratides, and more especially Heliokles, restore the Persian 
weight standard ; if the Kushans found the mints in Iranian hands, with 
some tincture of Greek art, it is natural that the Iranian coin-designer would 
attempt to introduce part of his own symbolism. 42 

Applying this to Agathokles's coin, Fig. 4, I believe that the star, which 

37 'Stupa of Barhut,' p. 27. It has been Indian foundations, if subsisting.— The Graeco- 

uoticed that the dancing girl is the only purely Bactrians seem to have found a Persian weight 

Hindu type that occurs, prior to Siva on the system established in the Punjab ; Kapson, lnd. 

coins of Ooemo Kadphises (P.G. 124) ; and this Coins, § 8. 

is an additional reason for finding an ex- 41 Dr. A Stein in lnd. Ant. for 1888 (vol. 17), 

planation for her. p. 89, 98, ' Zoroastrian deities on Indo-Scythian 

88 Kapson, lnd. Coins, PI. 1, 13 ; caitya on coins.' 

both obv. and rev. « It might be objected that the gold coins of 

39 Strabo, 15, 714. the Kushans are not struck on the Persian 

40 The name is Tusaspa ; M.S. Levi, ' Quiddc standard, but approximate to the weight of the 
Oraccis vetcrum Indorum monumenla tradi- Roman auiei. Very likely, however, they arc 
derinl,' 1890, p. 4, and generally. These aurei restruck. (Cunningham in Num. Chiron. 
Iranian settlers would be of more assistance to 1889, p. 277.) 

the Bactrim invadeis than would Alexander's 


has nothing to do with a stupa, is Sirius. Dr. Stein 43 has identified the 
figure with a bow and arrow on Huvishka's gold coin as Sirius, ' whose later 
name, Tir, in Pahlavi and Persian actually means " arrow "' ; he reads the 
legend as TEIPO, and shows that Tir in this meaning is derived from the 
Zend tighri, and that in some way the attribute of swiftness had become 
affixed to the star, whose swift flight was compared to that of the arrow. 
Dr. Stein proceeds to cite part of a passage from Eustathius, which, when 
read as a whole, seems to carry us one step further than was necessary for 
his purpose. 44 Briefly, if it was doubted whether the name of the Tigris, 
swiftest of rivers, was derived from the arrow or the tiger, and if it is stated 
that the similar name of Tir, brightest of stars, is derived from the arrow, it 
is an easy piece of guess-work that there may also have been a popular 
connection between the star and the tiger; and an Iranian designer, drawing 
the stupa of the Head Gift, with the tiger story in his mind, may have been 
led by this connection to put in the star, merely perhaps as some addition of 
the symbolism of his own creed, but possibly too as evidence of some 
unknown joint cult of the two faiths. 45 I need hardly add that the above 
is put forward simply as a guess for what it may be worth. 

Whether however Taxila can give much information about Iranians or 
not, it gives none about Greeks. 46 The celebrated vihara is not dated ; the 
coins of Azes found under it merely show that it was not built before Azes i 
it may be altogether outside the period I am considering. 

4. Eul-che, the ' Royal city ' of Ta-yuan. 47 

According to Strabo, the conquest of the Hellenes in Bactria made 
certain Scythian tribes famous. This conquest took place barely four 
generations after the revolt of Diodotos. The Chinese have left accounts of 
the then state of the countries which had originally formed the eastern part 
of the empire of Seleukos, and afterwards the Bactrian system or empire, 
these accounts being based on the report of Tchang K'ien, (128 B.C.), who 
had been sent as an envoy to the Yue-tche, then encamped to the north of 
the Oxus, and who visited personally, beside the Yue-tche, the nomad 
ICang-kiu (north of Bokhara), and the settled countries of Ta-yuan (Kho- 

43 In the paper above referred to. Philostratos. Yet he must at least be evidence 

44 Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 976, Bernhardy. of a belief that Taxila would be a reasonable 
Tigris swiftest of all rivers. Stb <pa<rl ku\ Tlypis location for such a story as his. 

ita\uTat, tfyovv raxvs ws f}t\os. MrjSot yhp 47 For the Annals of the Elder Han I use A. 

Tiypiv K&\ov<ri rb r6^(v/j.a. But some say it is Wylie's trans, of ' Notes on the Western 

called from the tiger; (follows a story); nal Regions,' J. Anthrop. Inst. 1881, cited as 

&\\ws 8e 8fx a T V* nvOiicrjs ravrvs tirtf)o\TJs tV ' Wylie ' ; for Sze-ma-ts'een, T. W. Kingsmill's 

irpbs rb (wov dfiovvfiiav i rrorafibs fx fi ''" T ^ r °v translation of ch. 123 in J.R.A.S. 1883, vol. 14, 

pdfxaros 6|i5. For the tiger is very swift. Cf. ' Intercourse of China with Eastern Turkestan 

the supernaturallv swift tigers in Herodotos. in the 2nd century B.C.' cited as ' Kingsmill.' 

45 Cf. an interesting suggestion of Dr. Hirth, Prof. Chavannes' translation has not yet, 
that the metal mirrors with Bacchic symbols unfortunately, reached ch. 123 ; but his in- 
i mported into China under the Han emperors traduction, pp. lxx to lxxviii, deals with its 

might refer to a joint cult of Dionysos and subject-matter. Every Chineso scholar seems 

Haoma ; Ueber fremdc Einfiusse in der Chines. to transliterate the proper names differently ; 

Kunst, p. 25 seq. where I can, I have used Prof. Chavannes' 

46 I purposely refrain from attempting to use spelling. 

278 W. W. TARN 

kand) and the Ta-hia (Bactria). 4S Chinese scholars appear to be satisfied that 
our accounts correctly represent what Tchang K'ien says he saw. It ought 
to be possible to some extent to argue backwards from these documents. 

First of all, Tchang K'ien distinguishes pretty clearly the warlike 
nomad races from the settled peoples whom he calls unwarlike. The former 
are the Yue-tche and K'ang-kiu, the latter the Ta-hia and the peoples of 
Ta-yuan, Ngan-si (Parthia), Kepin (? Arachosia), and Woo-yih-shan-le 
(? Aria). The last three, countries he had not visited personally. Also, he 
knows nothing of any former Bactrian empire. Each of the states he deals 
with is, for him, a separate kingdom. So far as this goes, it supports the 
idea that the break up of Seleukid rule in the East was followed by a 
number of independent Greek rulers. The Bactrian may from time to time 
have made himself overlord 40 ; but Tchang K'ien knows nothing of any 
preponderance of the Ta-hia. 

The various points that he makes about the settled populations, from 
Ta-yuan to Ngan-si, are somewhat as follows. 

(1) They can make themselves mutually understood, allowing for varia- 
tions of dialect, from Ferghana to Parthia. 50 This speech was of course 
Iranian. This statement .would not be inconsistent with the use of Greek, or 
bilingualism, in the cities ; but nothing of the sort appears to have been 

(2) Their military power was small, 51 and the Ta-hia were unwarlike. 52 
It was unfortunate to include Ta-yuan in the general statement, seeing that 
barely a generation later the little state not unsuccessfully resisted the 
strongest expedition that China could send. But the remark about the 
Ta-hia is interesting. Looking at the sudden extension of Bactrian power 
after Diodotos, and the reputation as fighters left in India by the Yavanas, it 
is hardly what we. should have expected. I fancy the right explanation must 
be that of Justin; they engaged in too many wars, and bled to death. 53 When 
Tchang K'ien saw them, the strongest elements of the population were either 
dead or driven south over the Hindu Kush. He gives their then numbers at 
upwards of a million. It is possible of course that he was not indisposed to 
belittle the enemies of the Yue-tche, whose friendship he had been sent to 

(3) The men all had deep blue eyes and large beards and whiskers. 54 

43 Wylic, 67. a 41, 6. siquidem Sogdianorum et Aracho- 

i0 See note 53. toruni ct Drangianorum Indorumque bellis 

50 Wylie, 45; Kingsmill, 94. Cf. Strabo, fatigati, ad postrcmum ab invalidiorilms 

15, 724. Ariana includes parts of Media and Parthis, vchtl cxmngues, oppiessi sunt. — Justin 

1'crsia as well as Bactria and Sogdiana ; tlo\ clearly contemplates separate states here. But 

yap »o>$ kclI d/ioyKaiTToi irapa fitKp6v. one cannot depend on him as accurate merely 

61 Kingsmill, 83. This seems to he applied to because he is scanty. Strabo as clearly mentions 

Parthia as well as to Ta-yuan and the Ta-hia ; a preponderance of Bactria, 11, 516, 517 ; the 

but elsewhere he knows of the power of Parthia, Hellenes who held Bactria held Sogdiana also, 

Kingsmill, 81. and conquered Ariana and the Indians— this 

82 Wylie, 41, 'weak and afraid to engage in last from Apollodoros. 

war.' Kingsmill, 82, 'weak and cowards in i4 Wylie, 45 ; Kingsmill, 94. 


The beard still marks the Irani. If there was any Greek ruling caste any- 
where he does not mention them ; still, though he notes a general similarity 
between the inhabitants of all these countries, it is only of the eastern part 
of Parthia that he says definitely that the people were all of one race. 65 

(4) The men were astute traders, who would wrangle about a farthing; 56 
and they had a large commerce. 57 I have considered the question of com- 
merce in a separate section of this paper. 

(5) Among the Ta-hia there was no supreme ruler, each city and town 
electing its own chief. 58 So Sze-ma-ts'een. It is impossible to read this as 
meaning a break-up into city communities, after the fashion of Syria. The 
parallel passage in the Annals of the Han, 53 and the analogy of Ta-yuan, where 
the two towns mentioned have each a king, show that what is intended is 
something much more like the system of local chieftains and fortresses 
which Alexander had found in the country, a system perhaps that had never 
really yielded to Hellenism. 

(6) They paid great deference to their women. 59 

This statement creates a grave difficult)', as it will not apply to any race 
except one, and that is not the conquered Ta-hia at all, but the conquering 
Ta Yue-tche, who were Thibetans and polyandrous. Tomaschek cites 
this passage as an authority for polyandry among the Yue-tche G0 (which 
is said to be otherwise attested) without seeming to see the difficulty, 
viz. that it is not applied to the Yue-tche at all, but to the settled peoples. 
There may have been some peculiarity local to Bactria and the neighbouring 
lands of which we are ignorant, and which would explain it; but failing this 
it seems to me that there are only four alternatives : (a) that Tchang K'ien 
has made a bad mistake — a matter which, as he lived among the Yue-tche 
and visited the Ta-hia, would seriously impair the authority of practically the 
only eye-witness for any part of the period under consideration ; (b) that the 
writers who used his report have introduced some error, a matter hardly less 
serious 61 ; (c) that in some way the mistake has arisen through the Ta-hia 
being in fact not the Bactrians but the Tochari, one of the hordes of the 
invaders ; (d) that the Yue-tche conquest was a gradual affair, and that the 
Bactrians, before the occupation of their capital, had become permeated with 
the manners of their conquerors. 

Of these alternatives, (c) is almost incredible. Ta-hia cannot be 

65 Kingsmill, 91. and the husband commonly took his wife's advice 

56 Wylie, 45; Kingsmill, 94. before coming to a decision.' This statement 

57 Kingsmill, 83. appears to be made of all the countries westward 

58 Kingsmill, 82. The parallel passage from Ta-yuan as far as Parthia. 

(Wylie, 41) reads that the Ta-hia ' were origin- M 'Ueber das Arimaspische Gedicht von 

ally without a chief paramount, and were Aristeas,' in Abh. d. k. Ak. dcr Jf'ien. 

accustomed to set up petty chiefs over their h. phil. Clas., 116, (1888), p. 751. Some 

cities.' writers treat tlie Yue-tche as Turks. 

59 Wylie, 46. 'Women are honourably 61 But not impossible. There must be a 
treated among them, and their husbands are similar error, whatever its nature, in the eon- 
guided by them in their decisions.' Kingsmill, tradictory statements as to the use of silk ; see 
94, ' They held their women in high estimation, post p. 290. 

280 W. W TARN 

Tocharia; the Ta-hia throughout are the conquered race, 62 and, if they are 
not the native Bactrians, the whole of the Chinese account becomes an 
insoluble puzzle. 63 (d) is in one way possible. We know that some little 
time elapsed between the settlement of the Yue-tche on the north bank of 
the Oxus and their conquest of the capital w ; we know that, they found it 
necessary or advisable to pass by Ta-yuau altogether without attacking it 65 ; 
we might conjecture from one of the coins, if genuine, that some little while 
previously they had been fighting with the Bactrians with varying success. 66 
Bactria may have become lost to its Greek rulers by something of the same 
gradual process as, for instance, that by which Southern Gaul became lost to 
the Roman empire ; but even were this the case, it is difficult to suppose 
that this particular form of the manners of the conquerors would be adopted 
by a conquered people of alien race, religion, and temper. 

If the reference be not to polyandry, it is equally obscure, as it scarcely 
accords with what is known of the domestic systems of Greeks, Persians, or 
Parthians ; and we must conclude either that there is here something peculiar 
to Bactria and the neighbouring districts, and otherwise unknown, or that 
there is some mistake in the authorities which may tend to impair their 
credit on other points. 

Now in all this no trace appears of anything Greek, unless it be the 
name Lan-chi and a reference to the Parthian coinage. 67 The objection, 
however, as regards Bactria, may be taken, either that the Chinese envoy 
could not or did not distinguish Greeks from natives, or that the whole Greek 
element had retired to India ; and this might be supported by Strabo's 
statement that the Scythians ' took Bactria away from ' the Hellenes. It 
might also be conjectured that the outburst of Greek activity in India 
associated with the names of Apollodotos and Menander was connected with 
the expulsion of the Greeks from the countries north of the Hindu Kush 

61 In ' Notes on the Western Regions' they do (c. 8 A d.) lived among them, Tac. Ann. 2, 3 ; 

not even have a separate section from the Yue- they fought at Magnesia, Livy, 37, 40, and at 

tche. Raphia, Polyb. 5, 79 ; see also Strabo, 2, 718 

63 The name Ta-hia is so far unexplained. It and Ptol. 6, 10, and Prof. P. Gardner 'The 

does not even seem to be certain whether it Parthian coinage,' 1877 (in Marsden's Numis- 

means Great Hia or not. But the common mala Orientalia), pp. 12, 13 — Identifications 

explanation that Ta-hia = Dahae seems impos- by similar sound are worthless in themselves, 

Bible. Ta hia may be good Chinese for Dahae ; unless used to support deductions Iroin facts, 

but unless it can only mean Dahae, which is M SpechtinJ.^4. 1883, p. 321 seq. 

clearly not the case (see e.g. Dr. Hirth, Ueber 85 See note 68. 

fremde Einfiiisse, p. 23), it is worthless without ° 6 Coin representing Macedonian horseman 

some fact to support it. No connection of the charging two riders on an elephant ; Prof. 

Dahae with Bactria is known. The theory is, P. Gardner takes the riders to be Yue-tche, and 

that they may have joined in the Saka invasion ; the coin to commemorate a victory of cither 

but (1) the Chinese only mention the Sakas, Eukratidcs or Heliokles ; Num. Chron. 1887, 

(2) if so they were driven out with the Sakas p. 177; but its genuineness is said to be 

before Tchang K'ieu came. As a fact, the doubtful. — Is it possible that the ' Bactrians ' 

Dahae remained in their original seats, beyond of Justin, 36, 1, 5, allies of Demetrios Nikanor, 

Margiana, and contributed a refuge for were really an advanced horde of the Yue-tche ? 

Parthian pretenders, and mercenaries for See note 11. 

Parthian and Seleukid kings; Artabanus III. w Wylie, 39 ; Kingamill, 8), 


and the concentration of their energies on a narrower field, to be again cur- 
tailed by the Saka conquest of the Western Punjab. 

There is however one country north of the Hindu Kush to which this 
latter objection cannot possibly apply, as all accounts agree that the Yue-tche 
passed by it and came round to attack the Ta-hia from the west : TO and there- 
fore the Chinese must have found it in whatever was its normal state of 
development. 69 

This is Ta-yuan, the country about Khokand and Uratube, south of the 
Syr and south-west of Ferghana. Here Alexander had settled a capital and 
Antiochos I. had kept a general ; Strabo goes out of his way to quote 
Apollodoros to the effect that the Greeks possessed Sogdiana, 70 a name which 
would include the province in question. In the time of Tchaug K'ien 
Ta-yuan was the only part of Sogdiana not occupied by nomads, the K'ang- 
Kiu possessing the valley of the Polytimetos, and the Yue-tche holding the 
country along the north bank of the Oxus, which may have been included 
within the limits of Bactria. 71 Alexander had settled several forts here 
beside Alexandreschate ; and the Alexander- romance, curiously enough, 
speaks of voluntary settlements of Alexander's frienis in Sogdiana. 72 This 
district moreover commanded the northern and easier of the two old trade- 
routes into the Tarim valley ; so that, although far from what must have 
been the centre of the Graeco-Bactrian system, it may nevertheless be a 
locality in which traces of Greek settlement should be expected. 

Sze-ma-ts'een 73 tells the story of a Chinese expedition against Ta-yuan, 
(about 102 B.C.), to procure for the emperor some of the famous Shen horses 
of celestial race that sweated blood, which he coveted. The first expedition 
was defeated ; but prisoners and ruffians were impressed, and a second army 
of 60,000 men, not including engineers and the seven classes of criminals used 
as transport, together with 100,000 cattle, more than 30,000 horses, and 10,000 
baggage animals, including camels, and commanded by 50 generals, left 
Chinese Turkestan to attack this outpost of the west. Half the effective 
force appears actually to have arrived before the ' Royal ' city, Eul-che, 74 to have 
defeated the Sogdian horse-archers, and to have stormed the outer town, 
while the engineers diverted the river that flowed through it ; but the 
Sogdians must have fought with the same courage with which their fathers 
had resisted Alexander, 75 for the Chinese despaired of taking the inner city, 

68 Wylie, 41; Kingsmill, 81. Spechtin J. A. of Alexander the Great, from the Ethiopian, 
1883, p. 322, 'passerent au dela de Ta-Ouan ' pp. 183/186. For volunteers at Alexandreschate, 

69 This does not exclude the possibility of note 5. 

Ta-yuan being one of the kingdoms formed by n Kingsinill, 83 to end. 

the Sse (Sakas) ; cf. the horse-archers, and the u Kingsmill transliterates Urh-shi, Dr. Hirth 

coins referred to, note 85. Ir-schi : de Lacouperie wished to read Nise. 

70 Strabo, 11, 517. 7i It is interesting to compare this account 

71 Tomaschek, in Pauly- Wissowa, s.v. ' Bak- with the siege of the same town, (Cyropolis), by 
triane." Strabo however is clear that the Oxns Alexander (Arr. 4, 3). Alexander took the 
was the boundary. outer city by thirst. As to the identification, 

72 For instance, Dr. Budge's Life and Exploits see note 83. 

282 W. W. TARN 

particularly as the besieged had recently secured the services of some ' men 
from T'sin ' who knew how to dig wells. Finally the besieged killed their 
king, Mou-koa, who was supposed to have instigated a previous murder of 
Chinese envoys, and sent out his head, with a promise of some horses if the 
Chinese retired; but if driven to extremities they would kill the horses and 
call in the K'ang-kiu. 76 The Chinese general took the horses, apparently with 
some admission of Chinese suzerainty as well, and returned home without 
entering the inner city, taking with him cuttings of the grape-vine, and some 
plants of lucerne for the horses. 

The utmost possible has been made of this story from the Greek point 
of view. 77 Ta-yuan becomes the great country of the Yonas or Greeks, its 
capital Nise, its horses Nisaean, 78 its king Miyas. It'appears to be admitted 
that the Chinese names for grapes and lucerne are really Greek ; 79 but the 
rest is based on nothing but a similarity of sound, and seems to be of little 
value, more especially Nise. Mou-koa is said to be a possible representation 
of fieya? ; 80 but to make out the point, it would be necessary to prove that 
fxeya? alone is a possible name for a Greek king— as for instance Lucan can 
talk of Pompey as Magnus. 81 I shall hope to show presently that, supposing 
Ta-yuan to mean Great Yona land, this need not refer to Greeks. 82 

But the reasons for which I have given this story at length are the 
the following: (a). Two cities of Ta-yuan are mentioned, the Royal city, 
Eul-che, and another, Yeou-tch'eng ; and this latter has also a king. That is 
to say, five generations after Diodotos the country is still (or again) as 
Alexander found it, broken up into separate local chieftaincies. (b) If 
Eul-che, as universally supposed, be Uratube, and Uratube be Cyropolis, we 
get the important and startling result that the Persian foundation, which 
Alexander had razed and scattered, had again become the capital of the 
province, to the exclusion of his own town of Alexandreschate (Chodjend). 
But too much stres's must not be laid on this, as the identification of Uratube 
with Cyropolis is not an absolute certainty. 83 (c) The ' men from T'sin.' It 

76 The same threat that Euthydemos used to certainly in Media. 

Antiochos III. 7fl P'u-tao, vine = $6rpvs; Muh-tuk, lucerne 

77 T. de Lacouperie, Western origin of early = /x»j8ik)) (n6a). 

Chinese Civilisation, pp. 220, 221. 80 By Prof. Chavannes in his Introduction 

78 As the revival of the letter San on the before cited. 

Kushan coins appears to be generally accepted, 81 The only case that occurs to me is the coins 

and as this letter, (sound sh), is known as used of the so-called Nameless king, P.G. xlvii., 

in Greece for branding horses, it ought to be Kabul valley, circ. a.'d. 30-50 ; the inscription 

SJggested, to complete the list, that the Shcn is generally &affi\tvs fiaoiXtvuv irwr^p fxiyas ; 

horses were <ran<p6pai. For a suggestion that possibly Kushan. 

Ta-yuan = Strabo's Tovptouau (the province 82 See p. 287. 

beyond Merv lost by Eukratides to the Parthians. 83 Eul-che = Uratube ; Prof. Chavannes in 

and translated by Brunnhofer, vom Aral bis the Introduction before cited, p. lxxv ; Dr. 

zum Oangd, 61 scq., as iwirofioTos, i.e. Nisaean Hiitli, Uebcr fremde Einfttisse, kc, p. 21 ; both 

fields which he places between Balkh and Merv) on a consideration of Chinese evidence. Cyro- 

see Hirth Uebcr fremde Eivflusse, kc.,- p. 24; polis = Uratube ; von Schwarz, Alexander des 

it is geographically quite impossible, as Dr. G. Feldziige in Turkestan, (1893), pp. 51, 52. 

Hirth sees. A considerable number of places The stream and citadel are there ; the town 

called Nisaea are known ; but the ' fields ' were gave more trouble to the Russians than any 


is out of the question in 102 B.C. that they should be Romans. They must 
therefore almost certainly have been Greeks, whether from Syria, Parthia, or 
Bactria. 84 Wherever they came from, however, they are noticed as foreigners, 
and the historian understands the difference between them and the natives 
of Ta-yuan. This suggests that Tchang K'ien might have informed himself 
of the same difference, had he come across it ; and furnishes some reason for 
supposing that he makes no mention of Greeks in Bactria because there were 
none there to mention. 

So far as Ta-yuan therefore is concerned, the case seems to be that the 
only Greek elements that commend themselves as fairly certain are the names 
for grape and lucerne, and the presence of certain foreigners in the citadel. 
It does not appear, for instance, that any coins of the Greek kings have been 
found so far north. 85 


So much has now been ascertained as to what India does or does not 
owe to the west, 80 that it ought to be possible in some sense to argue 
backwards, and to see if anything can be deduced from this as to the 
Bactrians. I may say at once that, omitting architecture and sculpture, the 
only debt that appears to be proved by any evidence that would satisfy a 
jury is astronom}', and this belongs to the history of Alexandrian astronomy 
of a much later date. 87 

What will have to be considered in this connection may conveniently 
be grouped under three headings : 1. architecture and sculpture, 2. language, 
3. the name Yavana. 

1. Can it be deduced from ascertained results, of which far the most 
important here is the broad one that the Gandhara school cannot well 
commence before the Christian era and shows Roman influence, whether 
Greek or Graecised architecture was ever at the service of the Bactrian 

other in Khokand and Bokhara. — Mr. D. G. Iioyale des Sciences de Belgique, vols. 33 and 34 

Hogarth {Philip and Alexander of Maccdon) (1897), (strongly pro-Greek) ; Mr. V. A. Smith's 

does not accept von Schwarz's identifications as three articles, 'Graeco-Roman Influence on the 

sufficient, in the absence of excavation. Civilisation of Ancient India' in J.A.S.B. 1889 

84 Hardly the last, having regard to the date. (vol. 58), 1892 (vol. 61), and 1893 (vol. 62); 

85 Jn the British Collection of Central Asian and a clear summary in Prof. A. A. 
Antiquities arc seven silver tetradrachms from Macdoncll's recent History of Sanskrit Litcr- 
' Samarkand, Tushkend, and other places in attire, p. 411 onwards. — Greek or Graeco-Roman 
Western Turkestan,' which imitate coins of influence is of course generally treated as a 
Helioklcs and Euthydemos, and some of which whole. — Bibliography of the largo literature 
arc referred by Dr. Hocrnle (hid. Ant. 1898, relating to the architecture and sculpture is 
p. 225 seq.), to circ. 150 and 13 n.c. Arc given by Mr. V. A. Smith, and by Dr. Burgess 
they Saka ? in his recent edition, with translation, of Prof. 

86 For discussions of this question, see (among Grunwedel's Buddhist ische Kunst in Indicn. 
other things) Weber, ' Die Griechen in Indien,' My references to Grunwedel are to the second 
Sitz. d. A/c. d. JViss. Berlin, 1890 ; Levi, German edition (1900), as this paper was prac- 
Quid de Graccis, &c, ; Count Goblet d'Alviella, tically completed before I saw the translation. 
Ce que I'lnde doit a la Grice, 1897, and his 87 Notes on Hindu Astronomy, by Dr. Burgess, 
series of articles in the Bull. de. V Acad. J.R.A.S., 1893, p. 717. 

284 W. W. TARN 

kings ? The answer to this question was once an unhesitating affirmative ; 
but that is ancient history. There is, however, a theory, held by D'Alviella, 88 
which may be described as a sort of rule of three; as the semi-Greek 
Kushan coinage is to the Gandhara school, so should the coinage of the 
Bactrian kings be to a (vanished) school of pure Greek art. That is to say, 
the coins postulate a contemporary school of architecture and sculpture, of 
which most, if not all, of the traces have vanished. A supporter of this 
theory might adopt Cunningham's former suggestion that possibly the 
conquering Yue-tche destroyed all the works of art in question, 89 and might 
argue (and justly) that this theory cannot be disproved until, for instance, 
Balkh and the site of Eukratideia have been properly excavated. But it 
cannot either, with our present material, be proved. There is no evidence 
that the Yue-tche, whose conquest of Bactria may have been a gradual one, 
were mere vandals ; they occupied, not destroyed, the capital ; they spared 
certain pillars and stupas of Asoka, and quickly took over the mints. The 
author of the Periplus knows of old shrines standing, inland from Barygaza, 
attributed to Alexander. The positive evidence in support of the theory is 
scanty in the extreme. There are certain figures in the architecture of the 
Asoka period, centaurs, man-headed bulls, and other half-human types, which 
may be due to Greek influence, probably filtered through a Persian medium ; 
but the explanation of their adoption may be entirely religious or philoso- 
phical. 90 So far as I have been able to discover, the existing remains of 
' Indo-Hellenic,' as distinguished from Indo-Persian, art, even possibly con- 
temporary with the Graeco-Bactrian or Graeco-Indian kings, or even 
admittedly free from Roman influence, are the Lahore Athene, the Vihara 
with Ionic columns at Taxila, and the sculptures at Mathura. 91 The vihara 
appears to be ' dated ' by the coins of Azes found undisturbed beneath it, 
that is to say, it cannot be earlier than about 30 B.C., and may be later. The 
Athene however is Greek, 92 and might be earlier than Azes, though it 
resembles the type on his coins. But most of the ' Indo-Hellenic' sculptures 
come from Mathura. These are said not to belong to the Gandhara school, 
and to show undoubted Greek influence not conveyed through Roman 

88 See also Oldenberg's essay on ' Buddhis- Dr. Hoernle (' A collection of Antiquities from 
tische Kunst in Indien' in A us Indien und Iran Central Asia,' J. A. S.B. 1899, vol. 68, part 1, 
(collected essays, 1899), esp. pp. 116, 117 ; and nos. 24, 26, 32 and 33 on plate 3, and no. 11 on 
cf. Mr. Vincent Smith's Indo- Hellenic school. plate 19), which include two figures of Athene ; 

89 Arch. Survey of India, vol. 5, 189. and the clay seals representing Athene and 

90 Griinwedel, pp. 17, 51, 57. They may be Eros referred to by Dr. Stein in his recent 
meant, he thinks, to symbolise the doctrine of Preliminary Report of his excavations in 
transmigration and rebirth ; in each stage of Chinese Turkestan, at p. 53. Dr. Stein says 
animal existence the human may be concealed, ' There is good reason to believe that this 
to be released through good works. It is influence was exercised, partly through Bactria, 
interesting to meet the celebrated Bovytvis partly through Gundhara and the adjoining 
Mp6Tpupov in India serving the use of an alien regions on the N.W. frontier of India.' I do 
philosophy. not know if any date has yet been suggested 

91 Certain traces of Greek or Graeco-Roman for these figures of Athene, or if they may be 
influences appear in the art of Khotan, which earlier than the Gandhara school. 

was so largely influenced by that of India ; see 92 Griinwedel, 81 ; 184 'direkt alsgriechische 

for instance the seals from Taklamakan given by Gottin ist dargestellt Athene Promachps.' 


channels. 93 How they got there is a problem whose difficulty may be 
gauged by the fact that Griinwedel suggests a relationship between this 
school and the residence of Seleukos's ambassador Megasthcnes at Patna, a 
somewhat desperate theory, and perhaps inconsistent with the fact that 
coins of several of the Indo-Greek kings are said to have been found in the 
Mathura ruin-mounds. 94 Few however would care to maintain that the 
Bactrians must have brought Graeciscd architecture to India bemuse the one 
group of sculpture that shows undoubted Greek influence is found at the 
furthest point from Bactria to which any Greek king can well have pene- 
trated. If this theory of continuous Hellenic influence, which cannot be 
proved, should, however, ever be disproved, the result would be that the 
beautiful coinage of the earlier Bactrian kings would have to be considered 
as what naturalists call a ' sport.' 

But if, upon present materials, no continuous Hellenic influence can be 
shown, this is not the case with the influence of Persia. Few things strike 
the ordinary reader more, on looking through Griinwedel's Handbook, than 
the stress laid upon Persian influence. So far as the art, which suddenly 
appears full blown under Asoka, owes anything to the stranger, it owes it to 
Persia ; the Indo-Persian school continues through a line of stupas to 
Amravati in the first century : Persian forms appear even among the alien 
art of Gandhara. It is difficult, in the face of this, to avoid supposing that 
such art as existed in Bactria was more native than Greek. It is perhaps 
also to the point to remark that no monument of any sort showing classical 
influence has yet (so far as known to me) come to light which must belong 
to the period between Asoka and the last Indo-Greek king : and such a blank 
may be in itself significant. 95 

I have not overlooked the much-quoted words of Hiouen Tsang. When 
the Chinese pilgrim, some six centuries after the Yue-tche conquered Bactria, 
visited Amravati, he is reported to have said that the famous Tope was 
adorned 'with all the magnificence of the palaces of the Ta-hia.' 96 This 
proves nothing at all ; because Hiouen Tsang does not date his ' palaces.' But 
supposing it to refer to Bactria prior to the Yue-tche conquest, then, if 
any one likes to attribute to the Chinese pilgrim an exact knowledge of the 
architectural style of six centuries previously, it would prove that the 
Bactrian architecture was like Amravati, viz., Indo-Persian ; which is hardly 
the result contemplated. No one supposes that the kings had not palaces of 
some sort, as indeed Tchang K'ien expressly states with regard to Kepin. 97 

93 Griinwedel 80. Mr. V. A. Smith lias met anywhere with a description of the 'Greek ' 

suggested tentatively 200 a. d. for this school. pillars at Oosh in Ferghana, mentioned by 

04 Cunningham, Archaeol. Survey of India, Vambery (Central Asia). 

vol. 3 (1870-72), p. 14; coins of Apollodotos, M From Julicn's translation. D'Alviella, 

Menander, Strabo, and Antirnachos. [Cc que I'lnde, &c. p. 82) cit'.s this passage, 

95 Perhaps the fact that a station on the silk together with Philostratos, for a continuous 

route became well known as ' The Stone Tower,' Greek art. 

(Ptolemy), may even suggest that in the neigh- w Wylic, 34, 35 the people of Kepin are 

bourhood, Sogdiana for example, stone archi- ingenious in building palaces and mansions, 
tecture was rare and remarkable. — I have not 

286 W. W. TARN 

2. Nothing then at present known to us postulates with any certainty a 
Graecised architecture or sculpture among the Bactrians. Does anything 
postulate Greek speech ? Omitting Philostratos, and statements in rhetori- 
cians about Indians reading Homer, our knowledge seems to be this : that 
Greek writing persevered on the Indo-Scythian coins ; that on the coinage of 
the Graeco -Indian and Saka kings the letter-forms change ; that after a.d. some 
Indians read Alexandrian treatises on astronomy ; and that the Branchidae 
town, which Alexander destroyed, had become bilingual in six generations or 
thereabouts. 98 The reading of astronomy books means nothing, while it is 
always possible to argue that Greek on the coins remained as a dead token, 
as we use Latin ; but in view of Dr. Stein's brilliant conjecture," that the P 
of the Indo-Scythian coins is in fact San revived, there remain two very 
strong arguments for the continuous use of Greek as a living speech. San 
is known as a numeral, as a mark used to brand horses, and as used for sigma 
in an old spelling of Dionysos ; 10 ° a revival of San therefore must mean that 
Greek numeration was still in use. And if, as I assume, the changes in the 
letter-forms correspond to those in Greek letter-forms elsewhere, 101 — such 
changes being used as an assistance in dating the coins — this becomes the 
strongest argument of all. But if the Branchidae town, which was settled 
by Greek men and vjomeri, was bilingual in six generations, then it is fair to 
argue that Kanishka's die-sinkers, if they possessed Greek as in any sense a 
living tongue, and if they were native-born, and not imported by sea, 102 were 
probably the descendants of Greek settlers with Greek wives. The argument 
perhaps is rather top-heavy ; but I think there is enough to show that 
language must be a strong point for those who believe that Greek civilisation 
did much for the East. 

3. The Yavanas. The passages in Indian literature where this name 
occurs have been collected by M. Levi, 103 who believes that the name means 
Greek and nothing 1 else. But one of the first things that strikes the reader 
of his book is, that the writers quoted do not all appear to be talking about 
the same thing. Sometimes the Yavana is necessarily local ; sometimes he is 
not necessarily local at all. On the one hand, the Yavanas are of Indian 
descent (p. 20), and appear to keep their place for some nine centuries (p. 8) 
and are linked with tribes like the Gandhari, (whose location cannot be doubt- 
ful), and the Kamboji, who cannot be located, but whom Spiegel considered to 
be Iranian. On the other hand, they are people of strange customs, such as 
reclining at food and shaving the hair ; among them, slaves can rise to be 
masters and masters sink to be slaves; they are settled in and often associated 
with Gujerat, they invade Oude, and leave behind them a record for furious 

98 Cm tins, 7, 5, 29. » ,J1 P. G. xlvi. 

99 Academy, 10th September, 1887. 10 - Prof. P. Gardner (Num. Ckron., 1887, 

100 Doric ; Atb. 466 f. Pindar ap. Atb. 467 ]>. 177 scq.) suggests, on grounds of style, that 
b, complains that singers would use san ; and the Kushan kings got their artists from 
as this is generally true, (a German'sings Ish for Pactria. 

Ich), the fact that the sound could not die 103 In ' Quid dc Graecis,' kc. before referred 

might help to keep the letter alive. to. 


fighting and for adherence to a false religion ; eight of their kings reign in 
India. The notices given of the science of the Yavanas, which do not come 
to much (pp. 23-24), may, and in one case at least must, refer to Roman 
times. 104 The Yavana kingdom in Orissa, again, which came to an end in 
473 A.D. (p. 41), must refer to something quite different. 

I believe there are other indications of a local use of the name, that is to 
say, of some tribe or people of this name, outside India, but comprised in the 
Seleukid empire. The name occurs in the tliree province-lists of Darius ; 
once each in those of Bchistun and Persepolis, and twice in that of Nakhsh-i- 
Rnstam. The name in the lists of Behistun and Persepolis and the first 
name in the list of Nakhsh-i-Rustam is associated with Sparda (satrapv of 
Sardis), and clearly refers to the Ionians. But toward the end of this list 
appears, among peoples on the fringes of the empire, the name of ' Yunas 
wearing helmets.' 105 

Again, the Chinese called Khokand Great Yuan (Ta-yuan), and also 
mention a Little Yuan (Siao Yuan), seemingly in Chinese Turkestan. There 
is no ground in fact whatever for treating the former as meaning ' the great 
land of the Yonas ' in the sense of Greeks. Neither does it "appear how or 
why the Chinese should hit upon this name for Greeks (which the Indians are 
supposed to have learnt from Persia), especially as a little later their name 
for the country of the Seleukids is Ta T'sin. 106 

It seems to me more than possible that in the name Ta-yuan, and in the 
1 Yunas wearing helmets ' of Darius, we have traces of the local or tribal use 
of this name. 107 If the ' Sakas wearing hats ' of the Nakhsh-i-Rustam list 
are the recently conquered Sakas of the Jaxartes, as appears probable, 108 it is 
not unreasonable to seek the ' Yunas wearing helmets' of the same list in the 
same part of the world, especially having regard to the frequent conjunction of 
the names Saka and Yavana in Indian writers. And if there were a local 
Yavana name and country, ruled by other Yavanas from the west, who thence 
invaded India, the resulting confusion would be obvious. 109 That Yavana some- 

104 One would seem to date from the middle of records appears to be a mistake, sec Mr. H. R. 
the first century B.C., but refers only to astro- Hall, The Oldest Civilisation of Greece (1901), 
logy. p. 129. The connection between 'ldFwv and 

105 Spiegel referred these ' Kronen tragenden "lu>v is not known (Busolt, Gr. Gesch.' 2 1,283), 
Giiechen ' to some section of the Greek race ; and it would be tempting to compare the two 
(Erdn. AIL, 1,223) ; but if the Ionian satrapy forms with Yavana and Yona, but these latter 
had been divided, some notice of it should have seem to be identical ; Levi, ' Quid de Graecis, 
been given upon the first occurrence of the P- 3, (n), ' Youa nonien pracritice idem quod 
name in its usual place, beside Sparda. Clearly Yavana sanseritice scribitur.' 

the epithet is to distinguish these Yunas from 108 Dr. F. Justi, Gcsch. Irans. p. 444, in 

the ' Ionians.' Geiger aud Kuhn's Grundriss der Iranischcn 

106 Hirth, 'China and the Roman Orient,' Philologic (1900). 

(1885). 109 Since the above was written, I see that Mr. 

107 Prof. Bury has suggested that the Ionians V. A. Smith frankly calls the Yonas of Asoka'u 
got their common name from an original people Rock Edicts 5 and 13 one of the 'semi- 
of Iavones in Asia Minor; ('Prehistoric independent foreign tribes on the north-west - 
Ionians,' Ewj. Hist. Rev., 1900, p. 288); but em frontier ' of Asoka's dominions; 'Asoka' 
the supposed occurrence of the name in the (1901), pp. 120, 132. Put as he naturally 
fifteenth and thirteenth centuries in Egyptian translates the word in Rock Edict 2 as ' the 

288 W. W. TARtf 

times means Greek is undeniable. But it appears to me equally true to say, 
not only that it sometimes lias a local meaning, but that it is sometimes 
applied generally to people who showed the type of civilisation developed in 
the countries ruled by Greeks. To Asoka, Antiochos is king of the Yonas ; 
but those of them who were settled in Asoka's kingdom were presumably 
Iranian, as they had a king or governor with an Iranian name. 110 It seems to 
me therefore that the word affords no criterion to distinguish Greek from 
Iranian. One thing is clear, however, that Yavana is not Saka ; consequently 
one espisode, the attack upon Oude and the Madhyamiki, which can be 
approximately dated, 111 must refer almost with certainty to a Greek king. After 
appearing in Asoka's inscriptions, the name is not again found in a public 
inscription for nearly three centuries, a gap that corresponds curiously with 
the gap in the architecture already noticed. 


Most writers speak of the key to the history of the Greeks of the far 
East as trade, — an effort to obtain control of the trade with China and the 
Indian sea-traffic. An obvious explanation is thus furnished both of the 
extension of their rule to the Tarim valley, if such be the fact, and their 
efforts to reach the mouth of the Indus. As regards the latter, a sea-borne 
traffic from India to the west was already in existence, and the explanation 
is a probable one when the tedium and difficulty of the land routes be con- 
sidered, especially if the shore-kingdoms of Saraostes and Sigerdis, 112 conquered 
by Demetrios or his successors, be brought into connection with the Yavana 
colony under Asoka, of which Tusaspa was ruler, and who, it would seem, 
could only have settled there for commercial purposes. Tchang K'ien also 
speaks in general terms of the large commerce of Ta-yuan, the Ta-hia and 
the adjoining people. 113 But what I wish here to consider is the question of 
trade with China. With the exception of the fact that Aristotle knew of the 
silk-worm, most of the information to be derived from the usual classical 
sources with reference to the trade of the East belongs to a later period. 

Two immemorial routes lead from the Oxus countries into the Tarim 
valley and so toward China ; the southern one, by way of the upper Oxus and 
Badakshan to Yarkand, the northern one by way of Ferghana to Kashgar. 
According to the Annals of the Han, 114 the intercourse of China with the 
' Western regions' commenced in the time of the emperor Woo-te (140-87 B.C.) , 
that is to say, at the earliest, towards the end of the reign of the last Greek 
king who ruled north of the Hindu-Kush, according to the coins. Richthofen 

Greek king Antiochos,' the confusion I have hyamiki as the people of the middle country, 

noticed would be as old as the time of Asoka at that is, the Gangetic provinces above the Delta 

least. (Num. Chron, 10, 225). 

110 Levi, p. 4, translates ' Tusaspa, Acoki li2 Strabo, 11, 576. 
Mauryensis Yonorum rex.' ,u Kingsmill, 83. 

111 Levi, p. 16. Cunningham interprets Mad- 1U Wylie, 20. 


dates the first caravan that went through as 114 B.C. 115 It must in any case 
be later than Tchang K'ien, in whose time the Huns were across the route, 
and who was considering the question of the possibility of traffic going by 
way of Shuh (Szechuan) and India. 110 It seems clear that the Chinese take 
credit to themselves for opening up the road to caravans, and the meaning 
appears to be intended that there had been no earlier caravans going 
through from the Oxus to China, or vice versa. By the end of the century 
this caravan traffic appears to have become extensive ; but it does not seem 
that its commencement can be dated earlier than the period above mentioned, 
which corresponds roughly with the replacing of the Greek element in Bactria 
by the Yue-tche ; and as the latter subsequently appear as considerable 
traders, it is permissible to wonder if this be only a coincidence. 

But of course indirect trade may have flourished, through the medium for 
instance of the dwellers in the Tarim valley, to which, according to Apollodoros, 
the Bactrian kings carried their arms. It is not known what steps these 
kings took to safeguard their eastern frontiers, but anyhow they were effectual ; 
the Yue-tche came right round and entered Bactria from the ivesi, and this 
rather bears Apollodoros out. 117 According to Tomaschek, Bactrian caravans 
must have been trading with the market town of the Seres, Issedon, earlier 
than the time of Herodotos, a traffic which continued for centuries 118 ; but 
this statement, so far as I know, depends entirely for its value on the correct- 
ness of Tomaschek's location of the Issedones and other peoples mentioned by 
Aristeas. 119 Can the Chinese trade, on other grounds, be carried back prior to 
140 B.C. into the flourishing epoch of the Bactrian kingdom ? 

Coins of some of the Greek kings have been found in the Tarim valley ; 120 
but these may have been carried there at a later period, as it is known that 
they sometimes continued in circulation for a long time after the king's 
death ; the author of the Periplus found coins of Menander and Apollodotos 
still current in Barygaza, and the same may be conjectured of the gold of 
Eukratides. 121 Later, the Macedonian trader, Maes Titianos, was working this 

118 Richthofen, China, p. 464. influences in Tarim valley, and Iranian trade 

us Wylie, ' History of the South-western Bar- with Issedon, which may have possessed a 

barians,' J. Anthrop. J. 1880, p. 59 ; de merchants' quarter. 

Lacoupeiie, Western Origin of Chinese Civilis- ls0 Coins of Menander and Antiniachos II. 

ation, p. 50. This book, though requiring and the • iron ' coin of Hermaios ; also Roman 

critical use, contains a mass of information coins of Constans II., Justinus, Theodosius. 

about the overland route to China. Sir T. D. Forsyth, J.R.O.S. 47, p. 12 ; Prof. P. 

117 It may be noted that in the message of Gardner, Num. Chron 1879, 274 ; Dr. A. F. R. 
Euthydemos to Antiochos (Polyb. 11, 34) he Hoernle, 'Indo-Chinese coins in the British 
speaksof 'admitting' the nomads (irpoff5e'x«r0at) collection of Central Asian Antiquities,' Ind. 
as if through some barrier, which can hardly Ant. 1899, p. 46; also J.A.S.B. 1899, vol. 68, 
be the Jaxartes, as they are said to be close at part 1 ; the ' iron ' coins are really of copper, 
hand. As to the seals from Khotan, see note 91. 

118 Pauly- Wissowa, ' Baktrianoi.' 121 Gold currency in Kcpin, in the time of 
1,9 Ueber das Arimaspische Gedicht des Tchang K'ien ; on one side a man on horseback, 

Aristeas before cited. Issedon = Sera Metro- on the other a man's face; Wylie, 34. Not a 

polis = Xoi//35a>/ = S , ian-fu. Issedones, a north- very go-d description of Eukratides's money, 

em branch of the Thibetan race : Arimaspi, the but it does not appear to what else it can refer. 
Huns ; Hyperboreans, the Chinese : Iranian 


280 W. W. TARN 

route by means of native agents, 1 '^ which is perhaps in favour of the Iranians 
having previous knowledge of it ; but such knowledge could well have been 
acquired since 140 B.C. Of articles of trade, much the most important would 
be silk, and silk unfortunately furnishes no assistance, as there appears to be 
a direct contradiction in the two Chinese accounts. According to Sze-ma- 
ts'een, the people from Ta-yuan westward as far as Parthia ' were not in the 
habit of using silk fabrics.' 123 According to the Annals of the Han ■ silk and 
varnish are used all over the country.' 124 Both passages occur in exactly the 
same context, which appears to be part of Tchang K'ien's report. I may 
remark that, if the latter passage be the correct version, the Chinese trade 
for a period considerably anterior to Tchang K'ien would be proved, as neither 
silk nor lac could be produced elsewhere ; but if the former be correct, it 
would not necessarily be disproved, for Tchang K'ien may be writing only of 
the common people of a country out of which the ruling caste had been 
driven, and people may also trade in a luxury that they do not use themselves. 
Here it must remain, until some Chinese scholar resolves the difficulty. 

In later times furs and iron are mentioned as notable objects of Seric 
trade. 125 There is a square bronze coin of Philoxenos in the British Museum, 
of which the figure on the obverse is described by Cunningham as Apollo 
radiate, clad in skins, 126 a description which recalls the description of the furs 
on the radiate figure of Anaitis at Bactra. 127 Even however if the dress be 
meant for furs, they may have come from the north. The Seric iron, which 
was described as the best, is supposed to have included cast iron ; and 
according to the Annals of the Han, 128 the countries of the west learnt the art of 
casting iron from a Chinese envoy who lost his troops and gave himself up. 
Trade in iron, however, is not referred to, though the importation of gold and 
silver from China is mentioned. 

The celebrated metal mirrors covered with designs in clusters of grapes, 129 
and with representations of panthers and other animals, that were imported 
into China under the Han dynasty, do not furnish any assistance, as their first 
appearance in China can be dated to the reign of Woo-te. The same 
consideration applies to Woo-te's reorganisation of the mint, which has been 
dated to 116 B.C., if indeed the idea was derived from a Greek source. 130 

There remains the fact that some of the Bactrian kings struck coins of 

nickel, and as this was known early in China, it probably points to trade 

communication. Nickel coins are known of Euthydemos II, Pantaleon and 

Agathokles, that is to say, well within the first half of the second century B.C. 

Some traffic there must have been over this route from time immemorial ; 131 

122 Ptolemy, 1, 11, § 7 (from Marinus). 127 See note 13. 

123 Kingsmill, 94. )2 ' Wylie, 46. 

124 Wylie, 46. 159 Figured and described by Dr. Hhth, 
1<s Pliny, N.ff.M, 14, § 145 ; Periplus, § 39. Uebcrfremde Eivfliissc, d-c. 

128 Cunningham in Num. Chron. IX, 298. 13 ° De Lacouperie, Western Origin, ice., 

But the description given by Prof. P. Gardner p. 217, note 933. 

(P.G. 67) is 'clad in chiton, himation and 131 More will be known about this if chemical 

boota.' The boots are plain; but it dors not analysis should ever prove that the jade objects 

clearly appear on the plate what the garment is. found, e.g. in Assyria, mutt be Khotan jade. 


but on the above facts it appears to me that, as regards any bulk of trade with 
China prior to the reign of Woo-te, it is for the present a case of not proven, 
though probable. A fact however like the enormous number and wide cir- 
culation of the coins of Menander, whose date has been put at about 140 B.C., 
would coincide very well with an outburst of commercial activity at that date, 
connected so far as the Indo-Greeks were concerned with the conquests of that 
monarch. 132 

The considerable conquests made by the Bactrians must, however, in 
such a state, presuppose considerable wealth, even if carried out altogether 
by the troops of the state, and not, as is probable when the analogy of any 
other Hellenistic kingdom be considered, by mercenaries, possibly including 
nomads. Apollodoros in express terms attributes the power and conquests of 
the Bactrians to the natural fertility and resources of the country. 133 But I 
think that the general experience of the world shows that, whatever might 
be true of a pcasnnt state, a state of the Hellenistic type could only acquire 
sufficient wealth in two ways, by commerce or by mines, which in the ancient 
world must mean gold. Even without a trade with China, the internal and 
the Indian trade might yield a large revenue ; and Tchang K'ien attests the 
facts of a large commerce and of the ability of the people to conduct it. But 
it also appears probable that, until after the reign of Eukratides, they had 
access to a considerable supply of gold; indeed Eukratides struck the largest 
known Greek gold coin. As neither the Indo-Greek nor the Saka kings 
coined gold, and the Kushans coined imported Roman gold, it is clear that 
the gold of the Bactrian kings was not derived from India, and this suggests 
that the ' ant-gold ' of Dardistan was not of the importance sometimes 
assigned to it, especially if Tchang K'ien is to be understood as meaning that 
the Bactrians were in his time driven to importing gold from China. 134 The 
inference must be, that until the reign of Eukratides they were in a position 
to tap the Central Asian supply from the Altai, from which came the great 
wealth of gold enjoyed by Panticapaeum. 136 The great movement of tribes 
which was initiated by the conquests of the Huns, and which ended in the 
defeated Yue-tche being precipitated on to the Sakas, and in both nations 
successively being driven on to the Bactrians, must have cut off the supply, 
which was never renewed. That the gold coinage stopped owing to a scarcity 
of gold is suggested by this, that the silver coins of the sixteen kings after 

Jsa Alexander-legends attach themselves along conquests by growing strong 5«o tV &/>«tV rrjs 

this trade route to places where Alexander x^P as - I* was *6n<popos waV iAalov : which is 

certainly never was, and are not all due to borne out by Sze-ma-ts'een, with a natural 

Islam ; e.g. the story of the foundation of alteration of the important thing missing ; 

Taugast and Chubdan, given by Theophylact, Kingsmill, 94, ' Their country produced every- 

is prae-Mahommedan. But even if they in fact thing but silk and varnish ' (lac), 

referred to the Graeco- Bactrian kings, they 1S4 Wylie, 46, ' They applied the Chinese gold 

cannot be dated, and so would be of little value and silver to make vessels, instead of using 

for the present subject. them for state presents ' ; Kingsmill, 94, ' They 

133 Strabo, 11, 516. He calls it the greatest obtained from China gold and silver surrepti- 

ornament of Iran (t7Js ffufxirin-qs 'Aptavrjs tiously to make various utensils.' 

■wp6ffX'0f ta )> an( * 8a y s tne Greeks made their 13S Head, Hist. Num. pp. 238, 239. 

u 2 

292 W. W. TARN 


Eukratides became heavier, showing that gold at once began to rise in 



One further point arises, from a consideration of the great extension of 
influence, measured by distance, which these kings are said to have achieved. 
We are dealing with pioneers ; and when it is considered that, besides Bactria, 
they ruled at different times Afghanistan, Merv, Bokhara, Khokand, the 
Cabul valley, and the Punjab, — that they carried their arms south to the 
mouths of the Indus, east as far as Chinese Turkestan and the Huns, 137 that 
they besieged Oude, reached the Jumna, perhaps the Ganges itself, 138 and 
proverbially overthrew more tribes than even Alexander, — then it becomes 
clear that to do all this with the force at their disposal, (even supposing that 
some of their ' conquests ' meant little), little time or energy can have been left 
for such things as art, science and literature. In a new country (and such 
the East was to the Greeks) men turn to practical matters ; it is not unfair 
to suppose that every European was needed as a fighter or a governor. 139 The 
only two things likely to attract a man to the far East would be wealth and 
power, i.e. commerce and fighting; and these are just the two things most 
certain. The chief impression that they left on the Indian mind was, that 
they fought : while the statement of the Indian that among the Yavanas 
slaves could rise to be masters, and the brief duration of dynasties in Bactria, 
point to a society of adventurers. 140 On the other hand, neither Bactria nor 
India has yet furnished a single Greek inscription : the edicts of Asoka 
recall nothing that is Greek, though they do somewhat follow the inscriptions 
of Darius. Strabo has gone for his information about the Eastern Greeks, 
not to any writer of their own, but to Apollodoros of Artemita in Parthia. 141 
The one bit of information remaining about men of learning tends to show 
that they did not go to India, even when communication was easy 142 ; the 
rise of Parthia, if it did not cut communication entirely, must certainly have 
made it more difficult. 

This might be followed out at some length ; but it is probably correct 
to conclude that no one would ever have supposed that from the Bactrian 

1,8 Cunningham's deduction. Num. Chron., their later prazo system in South-East Africa. 
1888, p. 217. 140 Of the founders of new dynasties, Euthy- 

ir Apoll. ap. Strab. 11, 516 /if'xpi 2i\pS>v xa\ demos certainly (Polyb. 11, 34), and Eukratides 

*pwa>v. Tomaschek, Ueber das Aril*. Gtdickt probably (p. 271), came from the west, and pcr- 

before cited, p. 769 reads *owoi = Xowoi of haps represented two movements of new settlers 

Marinua = *Ovwoi of Cosrnas = Arimaspi = or mercenaries. 
Huns. "i As to his dependence on Parthian (and 

1.8 Cunningham in Num. Chron. 10, 224 seq. : Roman) sources of information, see 1, 14; 
Levi, Quid de Graeeis, 15-17. 2, 118 ; 11, 508. 

1.9 Analogies drawn from Anglo-Indian life 142 Vindusara's request for a sophist, which 
seem to me most misleading. It might be Antiochos put off with a jest ; probably none 
more in point to compare the history of the would go. (Hegesandros ap. Ath. 652 f.) 
Portuguese in the Indian Ocean, more especially 


Greeks India could have learnt philosophy or science, (possibly art should be 
included), had it not been for the coins. And in a way the coins prove too 
much ; the realistic portraiture is too far in advance of the moneys of Egypt 
or Syria; individual genius must here have played its part, stimulated 
perhaps, even if unconsciously, by contact with those whom even the Grreek 
acknowledged as the best of all ' barbarians.' 143 The very novelty and variety 
of the coin types prove the numerous influences here at work which had no 
counterpart in Syria or Egypt, 144 more particularly in the sphere of religious 
cults, the sphere in which, if at all, the point of contact between the Greek 
mind and the Buddhist would,