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JOURNAL 



.OF 



INDIAN HISTORY 



CONTENTS AND INDEX 



VOL. VII 
1928 



PARTS I XO III 



MADRAS 
PRINTED AT THE DIOCESAN PRESS 

1929 



: OF 

VII 1 to III) , 

: - 

ARTICLES 

' ' . PAGE 

FEUDALISM ( ?) IN THE MOSLEM KINGDOM -OF DELHI. By W. H. 

Moreland, C.S.L, C.I.E. ' ... ... ... 1 

NOTES ON INDIAN PAINTING. By N. C. Mehta, I.C.S, ... 9 

THE HISTORICAL MATERIAL IN THE PRIVATE DIARY OF ANANDA 

RANGA PILLAI (1736-61). By C. S. Srinivasachari, M.A. 12, 217 
: A NEW PARTAP OF KRISHNA DEVA RAY A OF VIJAYANAGARA. By 

the Rev. H. Heras, s.J., M.A. ... ... .,,34 

AN INTRODUCTION TO THE RISE OF THE PESHWAS. By H. N. 

Sinha, M.A. ... ... ... 36,185,349 

PRE-ARYAN TAMIL CULTURE. By P. T. SRINIVASA IYENGAR, 

M.A. ... ... ... 62,247,363 

WHO WAS THE PANDYA CONTEMPORARY OF CHERAMAN PERUMAL 

NAYANAR ? By C. V, Narayana Iyer, M.A., L.T. ... ... Ill 

A HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF, SHAH JAHAN. By Abdul Aziz. 127, 327 
MAASIR-I-JAHANGIRI, By Thakur Rain Singh, .M.A. ... 148 

PHILOSOPHY OF WAR AMONG THE ANCIENT HINDUS. By P, C. 

Chakravarti, M.A. ... ... ... ... 157 

A NOTE ON THE JODHPUR INSCRIPTION OF PRATIHARA BAUKA. 

By D. B, Diskalkar ... ... ... ... 233 

DK IMPERIO MAGNI MOGOLIS. By De Laet ... ... 236 

THE EAST INDIA COMPANY : ITS ORIGIN AND GROWTH PRIOR TO 

SIR W. NORRIS'S EMBASSY. By Harihar Das ... ... 307 

A NOTE ON THE KALVAN PLATES OF THE TIME OF THE PARAMARA 

BHOJA. ' By D. B. Diskalkar ... ... ... 322 

BIRTH-PLACE OF KALIDASA. By Pandit Anand Koul ... 345 

REVIEWS 

THE THEORY OF GOVERNMENT IN ANCIENT INDIA. Reviewed 

by V.R.R. ... ... ... ... 93 

DEVELOPMENT OF HINDU POLITY AND POLITICAL THEORIES. 

PARTI. By V.R.R. ... ... ... ... 96 

CHRONOLOGY OF ANCIENT INDIA. By P,T,S. ... .., 98 

THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGAR ... ... 101 

JAMES BRYCE ... ... ... ... 106' 



iv CONTENTS OF VOLUME VII 

PAGE 

THE STONE AGE IN INDIA. ByV.R.R.,.. ,., ...272 

PALLAVA ARCHITECTURE. By R.G. ... ,.. .;. 274 

SIR ASUTOSH MEMORIAL VOLUME. By V.R.R. ... .;. 276 

THE GLORIES OF MAGADHA, ByV.R.R, ... ''.-;. 279 

THE BAKSHALI MANUSCRIPT. By R.R. ... ... '.... 281 

INDIA'S PAST. By R.G. ... ... ... . 283 

A HISTORY OF INDIA. By Vishmigopa ... ... ...284 

THE MAKING OF A STATR ... ... ... ...285 

INDIA OFFICE RECORDS ... ... ... ... 286 

BARABUDUR ... ... ... ... 287 

THE EMPIRE OF THE GREAT MOGOL ... ... ... 291 

SRI SIVA BHARATA ... ... ... ...292 

A HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. By P.T.S. ... ... 394 

LAND-MARKS OP THE DECCAN. ByC.S.S, ... ...397 

THE MARATHA RAJAS OF TANJORB, ByC.S.S. ... ...399 

1 THE GUKKHAS.' ByC.S.S. ... ... ...400 

THE STATE IN ANCIENT INDIA. ByV.R.R. ... ... 402 

STUDIES IN HINDU POLITICAL THOUGHT. By V.R.R. ... 404 

SlVABHARATA. By S.V.P. ... ... _ ... 4QS 

EARLY LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN MORLEY ... ... 411 

ANNUAL BIBLIOGRAPHY OF INDIAN ARCH/HQLOGY ... ... 412 

BUDDHISM IN PRE-CHRISTIAN BRITAIN ... ... ...414 

OBITUARY .., ... _ 108,416 



of 



Vol. VII 



A 



Agra- Dercrlptio^ of, on the eve of the 

YiLv;-:>s;oi-: ,)? S;Mli Jahaii, 127-147. 
Ananda Ranga Pillai, Private Diary of, 

Historical Material from, 12-33. 217- 

232. 

Anand Koul (Pandit), 345. 
Ancient Hindus, Philosophy of War 

among, 157 ff 
Aziz (AO, 127, 327. 



B 



Balaji Visvanath, estimate of the work 

of, 349 ff. 
Book -Reviews 

Bandyopadyaya (N. C.), Development 
of Hindu Polity and Political Theo- 
ries, 96. 

Bilgrami (S.A. A.), Land-marks of 
ike Deccan, 397. 

Divekar (S. M,), Sir Siva Bharata, 
292. 

Fisher (H. A. L.), James J3ryce, 1Q6. 

Her as (H,)i The Aravidu Dynasty 
of yijayanagar, 101 

Hill (S. C.), India Office Records, 
287. 

Hirst (F. W.), Early Life and Letters 
of Lord Morlev , 411. 

Kaye (G. R.), The Bakshali Manus- 
cript, 281. 

Kern Institute, Annual Bibliography 
of Indian Archeology for 2926, 412 

Keith (A. B.), A History of Sans, 
Literature, 394. 

Krom (N. J.), Barabudur, 287. 

Longhurst, (A. H.), Pallava Archi- 
tecture, 274. 

Macdotinell (A. A.), India's Past, 
283. 

Mackenzie (p. A.), Buddhism in 
Pre-Christian Britain, 414 

Northy (W. B.), and Morris, (C, J.), 
The Gurkhas, 400. 

Pradhan (S. N.), Chronology of 
Ancient India, 98, 

Prasad (B.), The Theory of Govern- 
ment in Ancient India, 93. 

Prasad (B.), The State in Ancient 
India, 402. 

Pun tarn bekar (K. V.}, Sivadharata, 
405, 



Samaddar (J. N.), Sir Asutosh 

Memorial Volume, 276. 
The Glories of Magadha, 279. 
Srinivasachari (C. S.), A History of 

India, 284, 
Srinivasa lyengar (P. T.) , The Stone 

Age in India, 272. 
Subramanyan (K. R.), The Maratha 

Rafas of Tan fore, 399. 



Chakravarti (P.), 157. 

Cheraman Perumal Nayanar, the 

Pandya Contemporary of, 111-126, 
Coronation of Shah Jahan, 327-344. 



D 



De Laet* De Imperio Magni Mogolis, 
236. 

Delhi, Feudalism in the Muslim King- 
dom of, 1-11. 

Das (H.), 307. 

Diskalkar (D. B.), 233, 322. 



Bast India Company, Origin and 
Growth of, prior to Sir W. Norris's 
Embassy, 307. 



Feudalism in the Moslem Kingdom of 

Delhi, 1-11. 



H 



Historical Material in the Diary of 
Ananda Ranga Pillai, 12-33. 

Heras (H.), on a New Partap of 
Krishnadeva Raya, 34-35, 



Jodhpur Inscription of Pratihara 
Bauka, Note on, 233. 



Kalidasa, Birth-place of, 345-348 
Krishnadeva Raya. A New Partap of s 
34-35. 



V1 



"INDEX 



Maasir i-Jahangiri, Translation of, 148- 

156. 

Maharashtra prior to 1707, 36-61. 
Moreland (W. H.), 1- 

N 
Naray an a Iyer ( C . V . ) HI. 



Obituary 

Krishna Sastri (II.) ^ 108, 

Sumaddar (J. N.), -HtJ. 
Oriental Journals, Principal Contents 

from 204, 417. 



Paramara Bhoja Kalvan I "kites of, Note 

cm, 321-326. 
Peshwas, an Introduction to the Rise 

of, MJl, I85-2W, 34U~3r>2. 

Pi e Aryan Tamil Culture, <)2-02, 247- 
271, 363-31)3 ($t.e also Tamil Culfun*,) 

Principal Contents from Oriental Jour- 
nals, 2U4 417. 



Ram Singh, Thakur, 148. 

Reviews, see Book-Reviews. 



Shah Jahati, A History of the Reign of 

. 127-147,327-345. 

vSinha (H. N.}, on the Rise of the Pesh- 
was, 36, IKS', 349 ff. 

Srinivasachari (C. S.) on tHe* Histori- 
cal Material in Auanda Ranga Piilai's 
Diary, 12 ff, 217. " 



Tamil culture, in 1 're-. Aryan days 
Method of Investigation, 74 ft' ; Social 
Organization, SOU'; Kings, 247-50 

Love, 250-53 ; War, * 253-256 
Musical lnstrttntnts, 25(>-258 
Towns, Villages, Houses, 258-2G2 
1 )ivss, ?<2 ; 'Pt-rscHKii! Decoration 
2<>5--3rl) ; AinUKenients, 269-271 
Mean. 1 ? oi Transportation, 303-364 
Food, 3f?5 373 ; A^: i:-nUnre, 373- 
379; Animals, :;:;- 3.S-:. 1 - ; Birds, 
Tree's, Plants 3FO~3h5 ; Industries 
and Trade- 3S5-3U1 General Re- 
lleeiions on and Future of Tamil 
Culture, tt-3i)3. 



Vijayana^ara, Krlshnadeva Raya of , 34. 



War, Philosophy of, among" the Ancient 
Hindus, 157-JH4. 



PKINTEB AT THK DIOCESAN PRESS, MADRAS 1929. C7476 



JOURNAL 

OF 

INDIAN HISTORY 



Feudalism (?) in the Moslem Kingdom of 

Delhi 

BY 
W. H. MORELAND 

IN this note I examine the question whether the kingdom of Delhi in 
the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries contained any institutions to 
which the terminology of feudalism can properly be applied. In the 
chronicles 1 of the period, the main divisions of the kingdom, and the 
persons who held charge of them, are described in two groups of 
terms. The first group is wilnyat, waif. The word wilayat is used in 
the chronicles in various senses, which can almost always be re- 
cognized by the context ; it may mean, (1) a definite portion of the king- 
dom, that is, a province ; (2) an indefinite portion of the kingdom, that 
is, a tract or region; (3) the kingdom as a whole ; (4) a foreign country ; 
(5) the home country of a foreigner (in which last sense a derived 
form has recently become naturalized in English as ' Blighty ') Walt 
occasionally means the ruler of a foreign country, but the ordinary 
sense is Governor of a province of the kingdom, that is to say, 
a localized officer serving directly under the; orders of the King or his 
Ministers. 

11 The references are to the volumes of Bibliotheca Indica. * T. Nasirf ' stands 
for the Tabaqat-i Nasirl of Minhaj-us Siraj : * Barni ' for the Torikh-i 
FirTtz ShaM of Ziyanddln Barni: and * Afif * for the chronicle tearing the same 
name by Shams-i Siraj Afif, The larikh-i MutaraksMhi of Yahya "bin Abroad, 
which has not been printed in this series, is quoted from Or, 5318 in the British 
Museum. The references to Ibn Batiita are to the translation ty Defx&rery and 
Sangtiinetti (Paris, 1874-9). 



2 JOURNAL OP 

So far as I know, It has never been suggested that the wctll held 

anything* but a bureaucratic position at this period, and. the word 
Governor represents It precisely, as is the case throughout the history 
of Western Asia, The position Is different in regurd to the^second 
group of terms, iqtfi mnqti (more precisely A//^ ' w;^/// 1 ). "Various 
translators in the nineteenth century rendered these terms by phrases 
appropriated from the feudal system of Europe ; their practice has 
been followed by some recent Indian writers, in whose pages we meet 
* fiefs ', * feudal chiefs ' and such entities ; and thr ordinary reader is 
forced to conclude that the organisation oi the kingdom of Delhi was 
heterogeneous, with some provinces ruled by nrrc tnu'tntic Governors 
but most of the country hold in portions (/y/.*<) by persons 
tt)) whose position resembled that of the barons of contempor- 
ary Eitrop3. It may, therefore, be worth while to examine, the question 
whether these expressions represent the facts, or, in other words, 
whether the kingdom contained any clement to \vhich the nomenclature 
of the feudal system can properly be applied. The question is one of 
fact. The nature of the European feudal system is tolerably well 
known to FtuJonts : the position of the Mu'itis in the Delhi Kingdom 
can be ascertained from the chronicles; and comparison will show 
whether the use ol these archaic terms brings light or confusion into 
the history of Northern India, 

The ordinary meaning of iqt& In Inrlo-Persian literature is an 
assignment of revenue conditional on military service. The word 
appears in this sense frequently In the Mogul period as a synonym 
(along with iuynl) of the more familiar j&gtr \ and that it might carry the 
same sense :n the thirteenth century is established, among several pas- 
sages, by the story told by Barn! (pp. 60, 61), of 2,000 troopers who held 
assignments, but evaded the service on which the assignments were 
conditional. The villages held by these men are described as their 
iqt&s, and the men themselves as iqt&d&rs. At this period, however, 
the word iqt& was used commonly in a more restricted sense, as in the 
phrase * the twenty iqt&$ * used by Barni (p. 50) to denote the bulk of the 
kingdom ; it is obvious that * the twenty iqttts * points to something of 
a different order from the 2,000 igtas in the passage just quoted ; and 
all through the chronicles, we find particular iqt&s referred to as 
administrative charges, and not mere assignments. The distinction 
between the two senses is marked most \ clearly by the use of the 



FEUDAL/SM (f) IN KINGDOM OF 3 

derivative nouns of possession ; at this period, iqt&d&r always means 
an assignee In the ordinary sense, but Muqti always means the 
holder' of .one of these charges. The question then is, was the 
Muqti's position feudal or bureaucratic? . 

To- begin witb 3 we may consider the origin of the nobility from 
whom the Muqtis were chosen. The earliest chronicler gives us the 
biographies 1 of all the chief nobles of his time, and we find from them 
that in nhe middle of the thirteenth century practically every man who 
Is recorded as having held the position of Muqti began his career as a 
royal slave. Shamsuddin. lyaltimish, the second king of Delhi, who had 
himself been the property of the first king, bought foreign slaves in 
great numbers, employed them in his household, and promoted them, 
according to his judgment of their capacities, to the highest positions 
in his kingdom. The following are a few sample biographies 
condensed from this chronicle :-^ 

Taghan Khan (p. 242) was purchased by Shamsuddln, and employ- 
ed in succession as page, keeper of the pen-case s 2 food-taster s master 
of the , stable s Muqti of Badaiin s and Muqti of Lakhnautl, where the 
insignia of royalty were eventually conferred on him. 

Saifuddin Albak (p. 259) was purchased by the King, and employed 
successively as keeper of the wardrobe, sword-bearer, Muqti of 
Samana, Muqti of Baran, and finally vakfai-dar, apparently, at this 
period f the highest ceremonial post at court* 31 

Tughril Khan (p. 261), also a slave, was successively deputy -taster, 
court-usher, superintendent of the elephants, master of the stable, 
Muqti of Sirhind, and later of Lahore, Kanauj, and Awadh in succes- 
sion ; finally he received Lakhnauti, where he assumed the title of 

king. 

Ulugh Khan (p. 281), afterwards King B alb an, is said to have 
belonged to a noble family in Turkistan, 4 but was enslaved in. circum- 

* T. Nasiri, book sxii, pp. 229 ft. 

2 Daw<1t-dar. The dictionary meaning: of Secretary of State ' does not seem 
to be appropriate here, for we are told that on one occasion Taghan Khan was 
sharply punished for losing; the king's jewelled pen-case, and I take the phrase to 
denote the attendant responsible for the care of the king's writing materials. 

3 The exact status of the vaktl-i-dar at this period is a rather complex ques- 
tion, but its discussion is not necessary for the present purpose. 

* The chronicler is so fulsome in his praise of Balban, under whom he was 
writing, that this statement may be merely a piece of flattery, but there is nothing 
intrinsically improbable in it, having regard to the circumstances of the time 



4 - JOURNAL OP- 

stances which are not recorded. He was taken for^sale to Baghdad, 
and thence to Gujarat., from where a dealer brought him to Delhi, and 
sold him to the King. He was employed first as personal attendant^ 
then as master of sport, then master of the stable, then. Muqti of 
Hansi', then Lord Chamberlain, and subsequently became*' first* 
Deputy-King of Delhi, and then King in his own right. 

It seems to me to be quite impossible to think of such a nobility in 
terms of a feudal system with a king merely first among his territorial 
vassals : what we see is a royal household full of slaves, who could 
rise, by merit or favour, from servile duties to the charge of a 
province, or even of a kingdom essentially a bureaucracy of the 
normal Asiatic type. The same conclusion follows from an exami- 
nation of the Mnqti's actual position : it is nowhere, so far as 1 know, 
described in set terms* but the incidents recorded in the chronicles 
justify the following summary :- 

1. A Muqti had no territorial position of his own, and no claim to 
any particular region : he was appointed by the King, who could 
remove him, or transfer him, to another charge at any time. The 
passages proving that statement are too numerous to quote : one 
cannot usually read ten pages or so without finding instances of this 
exercise (t of the royal authority. The biographies already summarised 
suffice to show that in the thirteenth century a Muqti had no necessary 
connection with any particular locality ; he might be posted any- 
where, from Lahore to Lakhnauti at the King's discretion. Similarly, 
to take one example from the next century, Barni^pp. 427 If) tells how 
Ghiyasuddm Tughlaq, on his accession, allotted the igtss among his 
relatives and adherents, men who had no previous territorial connec- 
tion with the places where they were posted, but who were apparently 
chosen for their administrative capacity. Such arrangements are the 
antithesis of anything which can properly be described as a feudal 
system. 

2, The Muqti was essentially administrator of the charge to 
which he was posted. This fact will be obvious to any careful reader 
of the chronicles, and many examples could be given, but the two 
following are perhaps sufficient. Barni (p. 96) tells at some length how 

Writing in the next century, Ibn BatQta recorded (iii. 171) a much less compli- 
mentary tradition : it is unnecessary for me to enquire which account is true* 
because both are in agreement on the essential point, that Balban was brought to 
India as a slave. 



ffj fM 'THE, KlNGXtQM. . OF 5 , 

'Balban placed, his son Bughra Khan' on the throne- of Bengal, 'and 
records the advice which he gave on the occasion.' Knowing 1 his son 
to be slack and lazy, he insisted specially on the, need for active 
vigilance. if a. king was .to keep his throne, and in this connection he 
drew, a distinction between the position of King (iqlimdart} and that of 
Governor (wil&yat.dart) ; a King's mistakes were, he argued, apt to be" 
irretrievable, and. fatal to his family, while a Muqti who was "negligent 
or inefficient in his governorship -(wilayatdart) > though he was liable to 
fine or dismissals need not fear for his life' or his family, and could still 
hope.. to' return to favour. . The essential .function of a Muqti was thus 
governorship, and he. was liable to fine or dismissal if he failed in his 
duties. .. . . . ,. , 

. .. .. 3. ' As an instance from the next century, we may take the story 

told by Afif (p. 414), how a noble named Ainulmulk s who was employed 
in the' Revenue Ministry, quarrelled .with the minister, and was in conse- 
quence dismissed. The King' then offered him the post of Muqti of 
Multaa, saying ' Go to that province (igt&}* and occupy, yourself in the 
duties (&&rJi& wa kards&ha) of that place.' Ainulmulk replied : ' When I 
undertake' the administration (Jamal) in the igt&^ and perform the duties 
of. that place, it will be- impossible for 'me to submit the accounts to 
the Revenue' Ministry ; I- will. submit them to the Throne.* On this, 
the King; excluded, the 'affairs .of- Mult an from the Revenue Ministry , 
and Ainulmulk duly took up the appointment. The language. . of 
the passage shows the position of a Muqti as purely administrative, 

' 4.- -It was the Muqti's duty to -maintain a body of troops available 
at any time for the King's service. The status of these troops can best 
be seen from the orders which Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq issued (Barni, 
p. 431) to the nobles * to whom he gave iqt&sao& wiltiyats '. ' Do not,' 
he said, * covet the smallest fraction of the pay of the troops. Whether 
you give or do not give them a little of your own rests with you to 
decide ; but if you expect a small portion of what is deducted in the 
name of the troops, then the title of noble ought not to be applied to you ; 
and the noble who consumes any portion of the pay of servants had better 
consume dust.' This passage makes it clear that the strength and pay 
of the Muqti's troops were fixed by the King, who provided the cost ; 
the Muqti could, if he chose, increase their pay out of his own pocket, 
but that was the limit of his discretionary power in regard to them. 
5, The Muqti had to collect the revenue due from his charge, and, 



. 6 JOURNAL OF 

after defraying sanctioned expenditure, such as the pay of the troops, 
to remit the surplus to the King's treasury at the capital. To take one 
instance (Barni s pp. 2203), when Alauddin Khalji (before his accession) 
was Mitqti of Karra and Awadh, and was planning his incursiob into 

the Deccan, he applied for a postponement of the demand for the 
" surplus-revenue of his charges, so that he could employ the money In 
raising additional troops ; and promised that, when he returned, he 
would pay the postponed surplus revenue, along with the booty, into 
the King's treasury. 

6 The Muqti's financial transactions in regard to both receipts 
and expenditure were audited by the officials of the Revenue Ministry, 
and any balance found to be due from him was recovered by processes 
which, under some kings, were remarkably severe. The orders of 
Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq* quoted above, indicate that under his prede- 
cessors holders of iql&s and wil&yats had been greatly harassed in the 
course of these processes s and he directed that they were not to be 
treated like minor officials in this matter. Severity seems to have 
been re-established in the reign of his son Muhammad* for .Barai 
insists (pp, 556, 574) on the contrast furnished by the wise and lenient 
administration of Firms, under whom * no Wall or Muqti ' ca.me to ruin 
from this cause. The processes of audit and recovery thus varied in 
point. of severity, but they were throughout a normal feature of the 
administration. 

This statement of the Muqti's position indicates on the face of it a 
purely bureaucratic organization. We have officers posted to their 
charges by the King, and transferred, removed, or punished, at his 
pleasure, administering: their charges under his orders, and subjected 
to the strict financial control of the Revenue Ministry, None of these 
features has any counterpart in the feudal system of Europe, and, as a 
student of European history to whom I showed the foregoing summary 
observed, the analogy is not with the feudal organization, but with the 
bureaucracies which rulers like Henry II of England attempted to set 
up as an alternative to feudalism. The use of the feudal terminology 
was presumably inspired by the fact that some of the nobles of the 
Delhi Kingdom occasionally behaved like feudal barons 4 that is to say, 
they rebelled, or took sides in disputed successions to the throne ; 
but, in Asia at least, bureaucrats can rebel as well as barons, and the 



FEUDALISM ftj IN KINGDOM OF DELHI 7 . 

analogy is much too slight and superficial to justify the importation of 
feudal terms and the misleading Ideas which they connote. The 
kingdom ^ was not a mixture of bureaucracy with feudalism : its 
administration was bureaucratic throughout. 

The question remains whether there were differences in status or 
functions between the Wall and the Muqti. The chronicles mention a * 
Wall so rarely that it is impossible to prepare from them a statement 
similar to what has been offered for the Muqti. The constantly 
recurring: double phrases, * walls and muqtzs\ or ' iqt&s and wil&yats* % 
show that the two institutions were, at any rate, of the same general 
nature, but they cannot be pressed so far as to exclude the possibility 
of differences In detail. A recent writer has stated that the difference 
was one of distance from the capital, 1 the nearer provinces being iqt&s 
and the remote ones wilayafs, but this view is not borne out by 
detailed analysis of the language of the chronicles. Looking at the 
words themselves, it is clear that Wall is the correct Islamic term for 
a bureaucratic Governor : it was used in this sense by Abu Yusuf, the 
Chief QazI of Baghdad in the eighth century, and it is still familiar in 
the same sense in Turkey at the present day. I have not traced the 
terms iqt& or Muqti in the early Islamic literature, but taking the sense 
of assignment in which the former persisted in India, we may fairly 
conjecture that the application of igt& to a province meant originally 
that the province was assigned, that is to say, that the Governor was 
under obligation to maintain a body of troops for the King's service. 
It is possible then that, at some period, the distinction between Wall 
and Muqti may have lain in the fact that the former had not to maintain 
troops, while the latter had ; but, if this was the original difference, it 
had become obsolete, at any rate, by the time of Ghiyasuddm Tughlaq, 
whose orders regarding the troops applied equally to both classes, to 
4 the nobles to whom he gave iqtas and wilayats\ 

The chronicles indicate no other possible distinction between Wall 



1 Qantmgo's Sher Shah, p. 349, 350. Barni, however, applies the term wilayat 
to provinces near Delhi such as Baran (p. 58), Amroha (p. 58), or Samana 
(p. 483); while Multan (p. 584) and Marhat, or the Maratha country (p. 390), are 
described as iqta. Some of the distant provinces had apparently a different status 
in parts of the fourteenth century, being under a Minister (Vazir) instead of a 
Governor (Barni, pp. 379, 397, 454, etc.), but they cannot be distinguished either 
as wiL&yats or as igt&s. 



,8 ,. , '" 

and Muqti, and the fact that we occasionally read 1 of the Muqti of a 
Wilayat suggests that the terms were, at least practically, synonymous. 
The possibility is not excluded that there may have been minor 
differences In position, for instance, in regard to the accounts procedure 
of the Revenue Ministry, but these would not. be significant from the 
point of view of the general administration. In my opinion, then, we 
are justified in rejecting absolutely the view that the kingdom of Delhi 
contained any element to which the terminology of the feudal system 
can properly be applied ; apart from certain 'regions which were directly 
tinder the Revenue Ministry, the entire kingdom was divided into 
provinces administered by bureaucratic Governors ; possibly there 
were differences in the relations between these Governors and the 
Ministry, but, so far as concerns the administration of a province, it is 
safe to treat Wall and Muqti as practically, if not absolutely, 
synonymous. 

It may be added that the latter term did not survive for long. In 
the T. Mubaraksh&hit written about the middle of the fifteenth century, 
the title is preserved in summaries of earlier chronicles, but in dealing 
with his own times the writer consistently uses the term Amir. This 
term had already been used by Ibn Batfita a century earlier; he speaks 
of Indian Governors sometimes as Wall, sometimes as Amir, but never, 
so far as I can find, as Muqti ; and possibly Amir was already coming 
into popular use in his time, Nizamuddfn Ahmad, writing under 
Akbar, usually substituted Hakim, as is apparent from a comparison of 
his language with that of Barni, whom he summarized ; Firislita 
occasionally reproduced the word Muqti, but more commonly used 
Hakim, Sipahsalar, or some other modern equivalent ; andMiaqti was 
clearly an archaism in the time of Akbar. 



1 For instance, T. Nasir! ; Muqti of the Wilayat of Awadh (pp. 246, 247) ; Mnqtl' 
of the Wilayat of SarsutI (p. 256), As has been said above, Barni (p, 6) describes 
the duties of a Muqli fcy the term Wiiayatdari. 



on 

BY 

N. C. MEHTA, LC.S. 

MR. O. C. GANGOLY f does not claim to offer any new information, or a 
new presentation of the subject 5 in his beautiful book the Master- 
pieces of Rajput Painting. He could have, however, easily avoided 
the numerous or rather common mistakes in spelling: Indian words, 
e.g., Duka for Shuka (a parrot) plate 5; Sata-S&yia for Sat-SaiyQ (of 
Behari) plate 6 ; Motir&m for Matirdm ; Bramha for Bramhin ; Jagat- 
Vinode for Jag at- Vinod ; S kanaka for Sanaka ; Y&lya-tila for Balya- 
lila ; Jummu for Jammu. There are others of this kind which are to 
be found on almost every page of the scanty letter-press. There are 
some funny expressions such as ' shoves in the (unwilling) damsel ' 
plate 26, and' the translation of the word (Mngdri) (sic) for (Mug-dkd) 
as ' green girl ', too much bashful (plate 22). More serious is however 
the oversight in studying the picture of Maharaja Pratapsinha repro- 
duced in plate 12. This and other Jaipur pictures of Ra$aman$ala 
and the portrait of Sawai Jaisinha were first published and described 
in my book Studies in Indian Pai?iting. Mr. Gangoly was however 
more fortunate in getting a complete photograph, the value of which 
has not been fully exploited. The picture bears at the lower end the 
following inscription overlooked by Mr. Gangoly S&bi $ak$r&m 
Chatere banat-^jft ^fiWR ^FfT I3m\% ?fqa \<\\. When I wrote 
on this picture, I had not this information ; but I ascribed it to the time' 
of Maharaja Pratapsinha of Jaipur (1778-1803). The inscription quoted 
above supports this guess of mine and says that ' Sahibram painter 
painted the portrait' Sam vat 1851 = 1794 A.D. Here we have the 
name of perhaps the most distinguished painter of the Jaipur school 
in the eighteenth century, for I suspect that it was the same artist who 
painted the great picture of Rasaman^ala. 1 At the top of the picture 

is written flsft ft ^rcrsrrf^Tsr fit 



portrait of Sawai Shri Maharajadhiraj Pratapsinhji 
1 See my Studies in Indian Painting. 



10 JOURNAL OP INDIAN * 

aged 30 Samvat 1851. It may confidently be now asserted that the last 
revival of Hindu painting:, chiefly -at the courts of Rajput -princes in 
Rajaptitana, Central India, the Punjab, Kashmir and the hill-states 
reached its zenith towards the end of the eighteenth and the- early 
years of the nineteenth century. The echoes of this pictorial -move- 
ment were heard as far as Tanjore and Seringapatam near Mysore. 
Tippti decorated his garden-retreat at the latter place with wall pictures 
of contemporary history, some of which are not without merit 
and most of it are in an. excellent state of preservation, thanks 
to the orders of Lord Dalhousie, if T remember right. Of 
the same period are the remnants at the palace at Tanjore, 
which too have not been critically noticed. A large n timber of paint- 
ing's executed at the Court of Poona is said to have been preserved in 
the Parasnis Museum at Satara, which have not been studied at all. 
Of the same school but earlier in age are some excellent pointings in 
the British Musettm illustrating the stanzas of the Hindi poet Keshodas 
on the subject of Nayak-Nayika-bhefla. The album Or. 56 (d) =r 1475 
contains in all eight pictures. The first is a portrait inscribed Maharaj 
Sambhajl Raje and is a fair likeness of the brave but dissolute son of 
Shivaji. The second is a beautiful study of a Deccani Brahmin with 
his typical headgear probably one of the Peshwas. The colouring- is 
especially good. The third is a superb picture of Krishna wearing the 
Vaishnavite tilak in red on the forehead with five gopis. The figure 
of Krishna is particularly good and the landscape-setting lovely, 
These three pictures are in the Deccani style with fair drawing, good 
colouring and an eye for appropriate setting of natural surroundings. 
Pictures four to eight are probably by the same artist, comparatively 
large in size, 18J-* xl2J* and may have been a part of an illustrated 
MS. of Keshodas 9 famous Rasika Priy& and FCam-Priyat, the latter of 
which he wrote for and dedicated to his friend and disciple- the famous 
dansetise Pravinrai at the Court of Orchcha, They all bear inscriptions 
at the top from Keshodas, which, describe' the r ldng of the Nayika 
depicted in the picture. I should perhaps add here that the material 
in the British Museum which has'not yet been even glanced at, is very 
considerable, and it will be a very good thing- for students 1 of Indian 
art if the authorities of the British Museum (and also of the India 
Office and the Bodleian Library at Oxford) were to have a list prepared 
of illustrated MSS. and loose paintings in their collection. At present 



NOTES ON INDIAN PAINTING 11 

the pictures are scattered in different sections and it is very difficult to 
see the lot of them. Besides, most Indian pictures are classified as 
Persian drawings which makes greater confusion than ever. 

It will come as a surprise to most students of Indian art to know 
that even the famous Dara Shukoh Album of the India Office Library 
has not been photographed, studied or catalogued in detail. A brief 
note by Sir T. Arnold appended to the album gives the following infor- 
mation. The portfolio of sixty-six paintings and five illuminated panels 
of calligraphy was presented to Nadira Begum daughter of Sultan 
Parviz in 1051 Hijri= 1641-2 A.D. when she had been married for seven 
years to Dara who was then 26 or 27 years old. The first folio bears 
the seal of Nawab Aliya's librarian Pariwash. Four pictures are dated, 
the earliest being of 1498-9 [folio 62()]. The rest are dated as 
follows: folio 25, 1609-10 A.D. ; folio 27, 1609-10; folio 21(6) signed 
Muhammad Khan and dated 1633-4. Most of the pictures have on the 
reverse brilliantly illuminated panels of writing, no less than thirty of 
which are signed. The folios are numbered up to 79, of which 18 are 
paintings of flowers, 7 of birds, 35 of portraits in the court style in 
vogue in the time of Jahangir and Shahjahan, five in Persian style and 
one a copy of a European painting. Regarding the quality of 
paintings it will be sufficient to say that the pictures belong to the 
days of Moghul power and glory at their zenith and as would therefore 
be expected, represent the highest standard of Moghul draughtsman- 
ship and skill in the manipulation of colours especially as regards the 
studies of birds and flowers, a good few of which must be from the 
brush of Mansur Naqqash Nadir-ul-asar and his pupils. It is up to 
the India Office to publish this gorgeous relic of Moghul art in an 
adequate form as has been done in the case of the Moghul paintings 
in the Schonbrunn Palace at Vienna and the album in the Royal 
Prussian Library at Berlin. 



Ill the 
Dkrj of Raaga 

in 

(With two appendices) 

BY 

C. S. SRINIVASACHARI, M.A. 

I. THE PRELIMINARY DEMONSTRATION BEFORE MADRAS 
LA BOURDQNNAIS, to test the situation at Madras, sent eight ships of 
war to make a demonstration before its Fort. The ships arrived In 
the Madras roads on August 29, and according- to a letter written 
by the Pastor of the Church of St. Paul at Mylaport.;, 1 fired a broadside 
on a country sloop and an English ship lying in the roadstead. After 
two hours of firing, 2 the squadron moved off to My la pore, then put 
to sea and disappeared. The English ships were damaged and about 
twenty-five of their crew killed in the action. On the whole the cruise was 
deemed unsuccessful ; and according to a letter from Madras conveying 
the message of Madame Barneval, the third daughter of Madame 
Dupleix, all people talked disparagingly of the French, that hereafter 



1 This was interpreted to Dupleix entry of the Diarist for September 1, 
1746 (vol. ii, p. 2tiO). 

2 Malleson states that the squadron captured the* two ships in the roads 
(History of tlic French in India, p. 140). Hut the Diary of Kan^u Piliai says that 
the squadron, on its return from Madras, captured an English ship and a .sloop 
returning from Bencooieu (vol. ii, p. 2<>4.) 

La Rourdonnais' letter to the French ControlleiM Jom-rul, dated September 2, 
1746, also says that the squadron captured, only on its way back, a couple of small 
prizes, though the object was to capture the ships which were anchored at 
Madras. The capture of the prizes took place oft Covetous;-, tweuty miles south of 
Madras, and not in the Madras roads. (Appendix by J. P. Price, vol. ii, p. 408.) 
This is further supported by an extract from the Tcllleherry Factory Diary 
(Malabar Records, No. 0) elated September 23, 1740, recording the infor- 
mation of a Pattamar (.small vessel) that on August JO, there* were eight 
French ships at Madras under the command of a cousin of La Bourdonnals, which 
after some fire, left the place and on their way took the two ICnglish ships 
coming from Bencooleia. The evidence is in other respects somewhat exaggerated 
(Diary, vol. ii, pp. 408 -10) See also Orme's History, vol. i, p. (ifi- where it is said 
the French squadron appeared and cannonaded the town, hut without doing: 
any damage and did not venture to attack the Kng'ilsh ship with armed boats. 



PRIVATE DIARY OF AN AN DA RANG A PILLAl 13 

they could not even alarm the English and that, if they had continued 
in the Madras roads, their whole fleet would have been captured. 1 

Dupleix in the course o an intimate ;talk with the Diarist, albeit 
the latter suited his answers to the Governor's views, detailed the 
difficulties that he was experiencing from La Bourdonnais in 
attempting to make him act in concert with himself. He blamed the 
Ministers at Paris as being responsible for having made JLa 
Bourdonnais truculent, particularly the Controller-General, M. Orry, 
and M. de Fulvy to whose venality no doubt he owed both the 
condonement of his acts of injustice in Mascareigne and his appoint- 
ment as Admiral. .Further Dupleix urged the Diarist to disabuse the 
minds of the Muhammadan nobles outside Pondicherry of any 
impression that the delay in the expedition to Madras was due to 
himself. ' When La Bourdonnais was told that an order of the Council 
would be given to him, he pleaded illness and said he would set out 
on the expedition as soon as he felt better. I therefore suggested to 
him, that during his absence on account of ill-health, he might depute 
some other suitable officer for the command. His answer to this was 
that it was a business the execution of which rendered his presence 
indispensable. Nevertheless I have not abandoned the undertaking. 
I will come what may see to the capture of Madras. 32 

*M. Barneval was a merchant tinder the English East India Company living in 
Fort St. George. Madame Barneval was ashamed that the French could not stand 
their ground and she wanted this poor impression of the French to be conveyed to 
Governor Dupleix immediately. (>iary, vol. ii, pp. 271-2). The letter added 
that after the appearance of the French fleet, some English merchants and ladies 
fled to Pulicat ; but the Dutch would not allow them to remain there. There was 
much apprehension among the Indian population who ran away from the town in- 
various directions. But all had a poor impression of the French ; and their talk 
was unbearable to the priests of Mylapore who wanted the news to be conveyed in 
their name to Dupleix. The latter was greatly annoyed at this impression and 
exclaimed to the Diarist, * Although Madras was at one time in such a great state 
of alarm, it was M. de La Bourdonnais who relieved it from this by sending his 
squadron to attack it.' His misunderstandings with La Bourdonnais were so 
intense that he even asked Ranga Pillai not to order manufacture of any goods 
indented for by him (entry for September 7, 1746). 

The Journal of John H ally burton (vide infra} says that the Dutch Chief 
Wouten de Jongh, of Pulicat, refused protection to the English women and 
children who had consequently to return to Madras. 

2 Dupleix 's reply to the Diarist on September 4 on the subject of the 
projected expedition He was particularly anxious that the people should know- 
how he was enthusiastic over the affair and how basely La Bourdonnais threw 
impediments in the way of his plans. The Diarist naively added in his entry, 
' He (Dupleix) dwelt upon this subject for about four Indian hours. I all along 



14 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

The Diarist further heard from some Muhammadans who had 
recently arrived from Madras that -its Governor, Mr. Morse, had sent 
his wife with all his treasures to Pulicat, that the citizens were greatly 
paralyzed with fear and that, if at that juncture live hundred European 
soldiers had landed from the French ships, Fort St. George would 
have fallen easily; but the English had, since the retreat of the French 
ships, recovered their courage and grown wary and hence they could 
not now be easily dispossessed of the place. 

The next day Duple ix received a letter from Nawab Anwar-iid-din 
that he had previously prohibited English operations against Pondi- 
cherry and he was surprised to learn of the French designs and attack 
on Madras j and they should abstain from further hostile measures. 
To this a reply was sent that no harm would be done to the people, 
but that the French war-ships would be guided solely by the instruc- 
tions given to them by their King. The Nawab followed this up with 
another letter in which he threatened to advance against Pondicherry 
and accusing the French of transgressing all bounds. Dupleix*s reply 
to this second letter was couched in the same terms as his lirst one and 
declared that the captains of the French ships would not listen to the 
orders of any but their own King. A curious explanation was made 
the following day to _ the Nawub, in the form of a copy of a letter 
which was addressed to Niaam*ul-Mulk which pretended to justify 
in detail the grounds 2 for the contemplated attack on Madras. 



continued to express views in, consonance with his inclinations praising him 
unreservedly wherever I could,' This is an instance of the Diarist 1'rtin.kly confess- 
ing his practice of humouring: the great, 

1 In this letter of the Nawab, the word tisecU'or Madras is Padshah-Bandar 
(i.e. The Emperor's Landing-Place). From the context there is no doubt that the 
name refers to Madras. The same name is applied to Madras in two other letters 
of the Nawab. ' How this name came to be applied to Madras has not been 
discovered ' foot-note on p. 284 of the JDimy t vol. ii, 

The next letter of the Nawab was received by Dupleix on September 8. 
It was very curt and declared that the Nawab would advance on Pondicherry in 
case of disobedience of his orders (vide infra}. Orme observes wrongly that the 
Nawab took no action on Governor Morse's representation ; because it was not 
accompanied by a present. This view is held by many writers. The Diarist 
corrects this view. 

2 This letter, in the words of the Diarist, said that the French King was angry 
with the English at Madras for having unjustly seized French ships and also 
another bound for Manilla, which bore the name and flag of the Emperor of 
Delhi. It was thus that the French King resolved to seize the city of Madras, to 
avenge the insult offered to his faithful friend , the Emperor of Delhi . The French 



PRIVATE DIARY OF AN AND A RANG A .PILL A I 15 

On the morning of September 11 La Botirdonnais embarked 
for the expedition against Madras ;. and the Diarist was asked to send 
his younger brother Tiruvengadam Filial as Dubash at Madras during 
the time, that the operations should be in progress. The administra- 
tive arrangements contemplated were that, as soon as Madras should 
be captured, M. de Espremenil was to assume the office of Governor, 
and M. Paradis that of Deputy-Governor and all the Europeans and the 
rest should be under their control. 1 The expedition actually began to 
sail in the night of September 12. 2 The Diarist advised his 
brother who set out by land to keep M. de Espremenil and others 
informed of everything done by La Botirdonnais and to keep a concise 
diary of the occurrences of every day, besides reporting all things of 
importance that took place daily. 



at Pondicherry were only carrying; out their King's mandate and the Nizam was 
requested to help them in whatever way he could. 1 Copies of this letter were sent 
to Imam Sahib and other Muhammadan nobles, including the Amaldars of 
Mylapore and Poonamalle who were likewise requested to help, being warned at 
the same time that they would be punished in case of failure to comply. These 
latter communications were handed over to M. de Espremenil for delivery to the 
addressees in person. (Diary, vol. iL pp. 291-3 and Vinson's, Les Frances dans 
VInde, pp. 73-74. 

1 * La Bourdonnais dit que, sur sa demande, Dupleix lui donna un second com- 
missaire, qui etait son gendre d' Espremenil, ' pour veiller, conjointement avec le 
premier, avec interets de la Compagnie.' (Note on p. 75 of Vinson's Les 
Frances dans L'fnde, footnote). 

2 The Fort St. George Consultations break off after the middle of June 1746 ; 
and we have to rely on the Port St. David Consultations and letters to England and 
the papers relating to an inquiry held by the Company into the conduct of their 
President and Council, for the English version of the operations; there are also 
short reports from the other English settlements of Calcutta and Tellicherry 
preserved in the Coast and Bay Extracts, vol, v, October 15, 1746 and The Telli- 
cherry Factory Diary, vol. vi, September 28, 1746, respectively. 

On the French side, besides the Pondicherry archives and the Diary of Ranga 
Pillai there is the Memoir of La Bourdonnais which is ' replete with details which 
are supported by copies of original documents '. Unofficial accounts are those of 
Orme which appears to be derived mainly from the Journal of John Hallyburton, 
now preserved among the Orrne MSS. in the India Office. There is also the narra- 
tive of Humffries Cole, an eye-witness, which was published anonymously in the 
London Magazine, supplemented by two accounts of Thomas Salmon in his Uni- 
versal Traveller (Love, Vestiges, vol. ii, p. 352). 

Hallybtirton was Secretary to Governor Morse, and was one of those who 
escaped to Fort St. David from Madras after its capture. He took part in its 
defence and in subsequent military operations. His Journal of the Fleets and the 
taking of Madras from the 29th of April to the 9th of December, 1746, has been made 
use of by Orme (vide Catalogue of MSS. in the Eitropean Languages of the India 
Office, vol. ii, part i ; The Orme Collection by S. C. Hill, 1916, p. 19). 



16 JOURNAL OP INDIAN HISTORY 

II. LA BOURDONNAIS' ATTACK 

Dupleix's letter to the Amalda'r of Mylapore delivered to him by 
M. de Espremenil reiterated the assertion that the expedition h.acl been 
undertaken because a ship bearing the flag" of Muhammad Shah, the 
Emperor of Delhi, had been captured by the English and that the 
Muhammad ans and the French were friends and that the latter 
proposed capturing Madras on the account of the former and would not 
molest their town. 1 

On September 18, news was received from Mylapore that 
La Bourdonnais who reached Madras ^ on the 5th and landed his 
men a short distance to the north of the present Ice House, had since 
moved to the suburb of Chintadripet, that the English Governor 
Morse had become insane and his place was taken, up by Mr. Stratton, 
Chief of Vizagapatam (this was obviously incorrect), that the guns on 
the Fort had been spiked or cast away and the English had thrown 
open the gates of the city (i.e. Old Black Town). This was supple- 
mented by the news that seven ships which left France, had touched at, 
Mahe and were on their way to Pondicherry. This piece of news 

* Both Dupleix and the Diarist commented op this that the Mnliatnmndnns wtre 
not conscious of their own nii^ht, that they managed to preserve their forts and 
territories because the whole of India was supposed to be nnder the sway of one 
sovereign and for no other reason. ' 1'f as in Europe and oilier continiits each 
province in India formed a distinct realm and hnd its own indep* ndent kintf, they 
could easily be conquered and would soon vanish. 1 Also, so poor was the .strength 
of their fortresses and the nature of their defences and tlu.* emirate of their soldiers 
that * 1,000 (French) soldiers, two mortars and 100 bombs J or t*v<?n less would be 
'sufficient to reduce Arcot, Ctuldapah, Sirppai'(Sirappa) and all the other Mtiliam- 
madaa strongholds and countries cm this side of the Krishna.* 

2 The French landed 609 men at Trivernbore a few rnilos, south of San 
Thome, on the morn ins* of the 3rd (old style). They marched aloiitf the shore 
and the fleet kept pace with them. At noon the rest of the troops disembarked on 
the east side of the Tripli cane T>mple, opposite the Mile-ICm! Home, Chepatik, 
entrenched themselves for the protection of their ammunition mid stores and 
threw up a battery for five mortars on the beach at the south-end of the Comirn 
river-bar. The English shots fell short of this camp. The KrenHi expeditionary 
force consisted of 1,100 Europeans, 400 caff res and 400 Indian troops- at:d there 
were besides 1,800 European mariners on board. Slightly small* r mtnibonj are 
given by Col. Love. On the 5th the force moved to Chintadripcita ; and on the <ith 
they occupied the Governor's garden-house, situated to the north-west of the Port. 
The guns on the walls and bastions of Black Town which lav immediately to the 
north of the White Town (or the Fort) were spiked ntul the tfvwrds withdrawn by 
the English who thought their n timbers too weak to attempt at anything more 
than the defence of the Fort. Only one officer, Lieut. P. Bckman, "was again at 
this measure. 



PRIVATE DIARY OF AN AN DA RANG A PILL A I 17 

greatly elated the Governor and raised in him hopes of prosecuting 
the expedition of the French very successfully. 

On the- night of September 18, a letter from La Botirdonnais 
was received at Pondicherry that his forces had occupied the 

Governor's garden-house 1 while the English. could only answer them 

1 This was situated to the south-west of the Island Ground in the grounds of 
the present General Hospital (vide Talboys Wheeler's Map of Madras in 1733); 
and also the maps on p. 84 of Vinson, and on p. 356 of Love, vol. ii, (Plan de 
Madras et du Fort St. George pris par les Francois le September 22, 1746} where 
a battery of ten mortars was erected tinder cover of the building. This battery 
opened, on the next day (September 7, old style), shell-fire on the Fort. At dusk 
of the same day three French ships took their post opposite the Fort and cannon- 
aded it from the sea. The firing continued the next day ; and the French shells 
were dropped with precision on the citadel (Fort Square) within the Fort. And 
on the evening of this day a letter written by Madame Barneval on behalf of 
Governor Morse, asking- for terms, was brought to the French camp. (See Plan 
de Madras et du Fort St. George in 1746, after Paradis, given in- Love, vol. ii, and 
the narratives of Orme, voL i, pp. 67-68 ; of Cole (quoted by Salmon in his 
Universal Traveller, vol. i) and of the Secretary of La Bourdonnais quoted also by 
Salmon (quoted in Love}. La Bourdonnais insisted that his possession of the 
place must be the basis of negotiations ; he feared that the English squadron under 
Peyton might at any time reappear and would not allow any delay in the negotia- 
tions. He had received information which turned out to be incorrect that some 
ships, probably English, were sighted off Pondicherry. In the afternoon of the 9th 
(old style) after bombardment was resumed, Francisco Pereiracame with a further 
message from the Governor asking for a renewal of the armistice till the next 
morning. This request was declined ; La Botirdonnais bombarded the Fort 
furiously in the night ; and on the morning of the 10th conditions of the capitula- 
tion were drafted and signed by the Governor with the approval of his Council, in 
which a proviso was inserted for the English right to ransom the place (the terms 
being given by the Secretary to La Bourdonnais) that was further fortified on the 
28th (old style, being October 9, new style) September, by an act authentically 
given by La Bourdonnais declaring that the Governor and Council should cease 
to be prisoners .of war. Malleson says that La Bourdonnais had undoubtedly 
some discussion regarding a ransom, but the question was referred for further 
deliberation ; and that it was a doubtful one is shown by the words employed in 
the 4th article (of the capitulation) in which it is stated that 'if the town is 
restored by ransom . . .' La Bourdonnais' own Memoirs should be taken with the 
greatest caution, as they were written with the view of exculpating" himself from 
the specific charges, including the question of ransom, brought against him ; and 
his official correspondence with Dupleix was a far surer guide. And the question 
as to whether any absolute engagement for the ransom was entered into at the 
time of the surrender, formed one of the specific charges against La Bourdonnais. 
In the letters that he wrote to Dupleix both on the night of the day of the sur 
render (i.e. the 21st) and two days later, he did not mention bis promises to 
ransom the place and declared that the surrender was at his discretion (vide 
his History of the French in India, 1893, foot-note on pp. 149-150). 

In his first letter, written soon after the surrender of the place, La Bourdonnais 
stated that he had just entered Madras. In his second letter written on the night 
of the same day, he wrote, f I have them (the English) at my discretion and the 

3 



18 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

with ineffective shots from the Fort. At last news was received that 
the Fort surrendered on the 21st (Wednesday, 9th Purattasi). As soon 
as the news was received, a public announcement was made of the 
victory and a thanksgiving service was held amidst great rejoicings 
(entry for September 22.) 

III. THE SEQUEL OF THE CAPTURE 

On the 24th Dupleix nominated M. Dulaurens to manage all matters 
pertaining to finance at Madras ; on the next, day, the Governor heard 
from M. cle Bspremenil that the Diarist's younger brother at Madras 
never communicated any intelligence to him, but was always intimate 
with La Bourdonnais and asked the Diarist to recall him. Subse- 
quently the Governor gave instructions that the latter was to continue 
at Madras, but report all that took place between him and La Bourdon- 
nais to M. cle Espremenil promptly. Other officials were of course 
sent to Madras to assist in its management. 

A letter written by Mapliuz Khan, the son of the Nawab, and 
addressed to La Bourdonnais at Madras was forwarded to Dupleix 
who received it on \ September 26. It enjoined on the French to 
evacuate Madras and depart in their ships under threat of an invasion. 
Dupleix's reply to it was so worded that it was to appear as though 
La Bourdonnais himself wrote it and took shelter tinder the usual 
plea that the French had first to obey the orders of their Kin# . l Even 
as early as this Dupleix was feeling: the possibility of flu* restoration 
of the exiled Chanda Sahib and instructed his tfufais/t, the Diarist, to 
sound the agent of the widow in the matter of his recall which, when 
realised, was to work such a wonderful, though brief, change in French 
fortunes. 

capitulation which they signed has been left with me without their having dreamt 
of demanding a duplicate.' In the report that he made on the 2,'^rd, IK- said : 
4 The conditions on which it (Fort: St. George) surrendered, pku-e Xi, so to :iay, at 
my discretion. There is, nevertheless, a sort of capitulation F-i^ned by' the 
Governor, of which i subjoin a copy ; but it does no more, as ymi will M-e/f ban 
authorise me to dispose of the place. ' Ntalleson is fully convimvd that the ta'lk 
between La Bourdonnais and the English deputies regard int.; tbe rap., ozn wn.s 
inconclusive and that it was finally resolved by them to leave thir, question to 
future adjustment. 

1 The tone of the reply wa* rather defiant and it ended wuh the ambitfuoiife 
words; 'You have intimated to UK that you will make u proems;; thromh the 
country. When you do HO you will come to know us and our ali'airs better/ L> 
the same spirit Dupleix received the widow of Uost AH on lu-r arrival at loiuli- 
cherry with inferior honours and 'njnmrkefl, ' 'Phase times have jwtie ' (Diary 
voU it, pp. 334 and 339) * 



PRIVATE DIARY OF ANANDA RANGA PILLAI 19 

The Governor's differences with La Bourdonnais became marked 
with the passing of the days. According to a letter which reached him 
on September 29, the latter disregarded his orders and left his 
letter.s*ttnanswered, browbeat D.'Espremenil and others, took away a 
quantity of merchandise, specie and ordnance on board his ships from 
both the Fort and the town, ransomed the Fort to the English for 
eleven lakhs of pagodas 1 and also resolved to sail for Mascareigne, 
while de Espremenil and other Pondicherry officials, becoming greatly 
irritated with his conduct, had betaken themselves to Mylapore. 
La Bourdonnais' letter which arrived almost simultaneously with the 
previous one, explained how he had decided to seize all the English 
Company's goods, a portion of the ammunition and arms, leave the 
rest to them and restore the fort to them on their undertaking to pay 
eleven lakhs of pagodas in two years and engaging never more to 
fight against the French. The next morning after this letter was 
received, all the European residents of Pondicherry except the 
Governor met at the house of the Deputy-Governor, re-capitulated the 
services of Dupleix, how he retrieved the situation of the French, 

1 Above this stipulated amount, according to one version La Bourdonnais was 
promised by bond as a separate bribe, one lakh of pagodas. The Directors of the 
English Company of the time were convinced of the truth of this on the testimony 
of the members of the Madras Council. The same charge was brought against 
La Bourdonnais by two Frenchmen, de Espremenil and Kerjean, nephew and 
son-in-law to Dupleix, respectively. La Bourdonnais repudiated these charges on 
several grounds. On his return to France La Bourdonnais was thrown intd the 
Bastille on charge of collusion with the English, but was acquitted and set free 
after a protracted trial lasting for three years from 1748 to 1751. ' His acquittal 
by his own government whicd wa$ inspired by the deepest resentment against him, 
is ?- strong fact in his favour . . (he) acted with the gravest indiscretion and that 
sufficiently accounts for his strange and, in a political sense, sufficiently culpable 
conduct.' \Vide Birdwood Report on the Old Records of the India Ol r fic -e (?nd 
reprint) footnote on pp, 242-9]. The documents in Law Case, No. 31, dated 
March 3, 1752, preserved in the India Office, and relied on by Malleson in the first 
edition of his work, were examined by Birrtwood in the above note which conclud- 
ed with the statement that all it could furnish was an extract implying that any 
money ever paid to La Bourdonnais was by way of dusturi or douceur. Malleson 
refutes this conclusion in very vigorous language and says, * A high official, nego- 
tiating, against the orders of his superior, for the ransom of a town, to accept 
dusturi) that is percentage on the amount of ransom, for disobeying his own 
superior officer at Pondicherry .... is incredible/ p. 597. Malleson also quotes 
La Bourdonnais' own account in \tis.Memoirs of the ransom engagement (p. 149), 
Actually the Eoglish Company accepted the evidence of Morse confirmed by .other 
witnesses as proof of the actual payment by Mr. Morse of 88,000 pagodas of secret 
service money to La Bourdonnais, the funds being raised by bonds on . the 
Company and before the treaty was signed. (Love* vol. ii, pp u 369-70.) 



20 

established French power at Karikal, and aided \La Bonrdonnais" 1 ; in 
many ways and how the latter was indifferent to the Madras expedi- 
tion and how Dupleix undertook the whole responsibility for the 
expedition and how the victory was solely due to his foresight. 
Lastly the meeting questioned any right of La B our donna is to ransom 
Madras on his own authority and the propriety of his seizing English 
property and claiming the right to answer for his action directly to 
the French -Company. On the lines suggested by the representation 
of this meeting 1 Dupleix wrote a letter to La Bourdonnais forbidding 
him to proceed further. 

Thus the memorable month of September came to a closeLa 
Bourdonnais writing to Dupleix on the 26th that he had almost agreed 
to a ransom and on the same day receiving- a letter from the latter 
and the Pondicherry Council informing him of the constitution of a 
Council for Madras over which he was to preside. Already Dupleix 
had written on the 23rd that he had promised to deliver Madras to the 
Nawab immediately on its fall ; and this probably made La 
Bourdonnais hurry on the conferences with Morse relating to the 
definitive treaty of ransom 2 which was drawn up on September 26, but 
was not signed till the 21st of the next month. 

On October 2 S the Council of Pondicherry sent an order 3 
investing de Espremenil with supreme power at Madras and directing" 
the imprisonment of La Bourdonnais if he should refuse to obey the 
former. .There was much ingenious speculation as to the possible 
attitude of La Bourdonnais on this step. Accord ing to the Diarist's 
information, La Bourdonnais defended himself on the ground that he 
had been authorised in writing by the Pondicherry Council to exercise 
his discretion, not only in the siege, but also in the further administra- 
tion of the Fort and the town ; and again because the capture of 
Madras had been planned and effected by them all without any 
authority from the French King to wage war 011 land ; and finally he 

a It said, ' Now we hear that M. de La Bourdonnais IK Healing \\ith the English 
for the return of Fort St. George to them. If he has restored it, wo clarc not show 
our faces in this Mtissalmau Kingdom.' ( Diary , vol. ii p. ,'553.) 

58 Vide La Bourdonnais' letter to Dupleix quoted In his fifenunrn and 
translated by Salmon. The treaty when first drawn up connsUtd oi seventeen 
articles to which some articles were added later. 

3 The declarations sent by Dupleix announced that the simple act oi ransoming" 
by La Bourdonnais was null and void and was to be regarded as never having 
been executed* and created a Provincial Council to .'id minister justice, beside 
appointing de Espremenil the Commandant and Director of the Town. 



PRIVATE DIARY OF AN AND A RANG A PILLAI 21 

had seized all the treasure he had found in the Fort and had settled 
with the English for the payment of eleven lakhs of pagodas as a 
condition of restoring the Fort to them. It was maintained on the 
other side that the Council of Pondicherry had cancelled the powers 
of La Bcmrdonnais and ordered him to take an oath of allegiance to 
M. de Espremenil on pain of arrest. The letter containing 1 all this 
Information reached Pondicherry in the afternoon of October 4 ; 
the Council sat that evening as well as the next morning and the 
whole of the next day (6th). On the 7th news reached Pondicherry 
that La Bourdonnais had, on the 4th s tinder the pretence that the 
English fleet had been seen off Pullcat sent the troops of the 
Pondicherry contingent on board the vessels, and jwith the help 
of his trusted officers deprived de Bspremenil of his authority and 
placed Paradis and three deputies under arrest threatening them 
that he would leave them prisoners to the English at Madras on 
October 15, the day on which he had covenanted to restore it. 
To this Dupleix could only reply by a letter that the Pondicherry 
contingent should not evacuate Madras and should not be 
compelled to embark on La .Bourdonnais' ships (letter iof Dupleix, 
dated October 6). 1 From his brother Thituvengadam Filial who 
had been sent as dubash to Madras along with the expedition, 
the Diarist heard that La Bourdonnais had proclaimed the rendition 
of the Fort to the English, telling the merchants that they were 
to obey the orders of the English Governor henceforth and was 
embarking merchandise with all possible speed on his own 
ships. 2 After this Dupleix could no longer indulge the hope 
of annulling the treaty of ransom ; La Bourdonnais now rigorously 
kept out of Fort St. George all who were favourably disposed 
to the French Governor and garrisoned It with his own soldiers 
and Caff res who had followed him from Mascareigne and 
Mauritius and would not reply to the points of Dupleix's letters. The 
Diarist considered that he had taken steps to secure the spoils of 



1 Quoted by Malleson, footnote on p, 168. The Diarist says that Dupleix's 
grief was boundless and that his reputation had declined much in the estimate of 
the outside public (vol. ii, p. 367). He also writes that the proposed visit of 
Dupleix to Madras would serve no useful purpose and that he would not go. 

2 Gist of the letters of Thiruvengadam Pillai from October 4 to 8 and 
entered by the Diarist on the 9th. 



22 : , JOURNAL "OF INDIAN HISTORY ' 

Madras for himself and that we shall not be far wrong if we put the 
value (of the plunder obtained by him) at a crore of pagodas, , for we 
must remember that Madras, as a town, has not its equal in all India ; 
is called throughout the land the golden. city and as such has been 
compared to the city of Kubera.' The Diarist was ignorant of the 
exact terms of the treaty of ransom; while he heard that 
M. de Espremenil and others were returning to Pondicherry and La 
Bourdonnais was preparing to set sail, he also heard on October 12 
that La Bourdonnais had come to know that the English had 
hurried two lakhs of pagodas under the flag-staff and consequently he 
was angry with Morse, destroyed the agreement he had made in their 
f avolir an $ put Morse and his companions in confinement, had 
re-landed the troops from Pondicherry and re-occupied the Fort. He 
also wrote to Dupleix stating that as the English had deceived him, 
he had now destroyed the treaty and remanded them all to custody 
and asked that de Bspremenil and others who had departed might be 
sent back to resume possession of the Fort. In accordance with this 
the Pondicherry Council ordered that de Espremenil should return to 
Madras, wherever on his way the order might reach him ; and the 
Governor felt relieved, and was happy. 4 - A section of the party of 
de Bspremenil returned to Pondicherry, including Tiruvengadam Filial, 
from whom, Dupleix tried to know of the amount that La Bourdonnais 
should have made. The latter turned round on his first letter* and 

1 Entry for October 12. 

56 The vacillation of La Bourdonnais noted by the Diarist becomes clearer 
from a perusal of the progress of events from day to day. On October 2, as 
already stated a commission arrived from Potulicherry appointing 1 de Espremenil to 
supersede La Bourdonnais as Commandant at Madras. La Bourdonnais re totted 
that he recognized no authority as superior to his own. On the 4th he effected the 
embarkation of the Pondicherry troops on board ships, became the master of the 
situation and arrested the three Councillors. Ho then instructed Pnradis, the cap* 
tain of the Pondicherry contingent with him, to sound Dupleix as to whether he 
would agree to the treaty of ransom, provided the rendition of Madras was 
deferred from October to January or February. Dupleix wrote to La Bourdonnaiis 
on October 7, stating that he would entertain the project. On the 8th three 
ships of war from France with a number of soldiers on board arrived at the 
Pondicherry roadstead. They conveyed a message that the new French Minister 
M. Machault \v ho had superseded M, Orry in December 1745 and had been even 
some months before this recognized as Minister- Designate had ordered tiiut the 
Commander of the Squadron should carry out without opposition all orders of the 
Superior Council, Dupleix sent the same day a copy of these Instraetious to 
La Bourdonnais with an intimation that they had been approved of by the new 
Minister. (La Bourdonnais later questioned th validity of the letter which wa$ 



PRIVATE DIARY OF ANANDA RANGA PILLAI 23 

followed it up with another on the succeeding: day in which he said 
that lie nad restored Madras to the English. The Pondicherry 
Council sent him a reprimand for this ; but before that letter could 
reach "him, he (La Bourdonnais) had forwarded another letter to the 
Governor which reached Pondicherry on October 13 and in which 
he said, c I have neither restored Madras to the English, nor have I 
placed it under the control of the Council at Pondicherry. I do not 
know what I shall finally do. I am as yet undecided.' The Diarist 
was much perplexed at the conflicting news he heard of La Bourdon- 
nais' change of views and remarks that his procedure was quite 



dated October 1745 and declared that a letter sent by M. Orry to him about that 
date con firmed his exercise of independent authority.) On the 10th La Bourdonnais 
replied to Dupleix that he would obey the orders of the Minister after he himself 
should receive them. A few hours after this he received letters which probably 
contained the orders. From that moment his attitude to Dupleix changed. When 
he received the reply of Dupleix to the overtures lie had made through Paradis, he 
wrote back the conditions on which he would make over Madras to the Pondi- 
cherry authorities and depart ; viz., one of his own officers was to be appointed the 
governor of the place and it ought to be evacuated by January 1, 1747. (A 
precis of the five new articles is/given in Love, Vestigesj vol. ii, p. 368, taken from 
Salmon). The Pondicherry Council replied to these letters on the 13th and 14th 
in which they insisted that de Bspremenil should be the Commandant of Madras 
assisted by a Council of four of whom two might be nominated by La Bourdon- 
nais ; and the place could not be evacuated by January 1, nor till a complete 
division of the prize property should have taken place. But before the Council's 
letter of October 14, reached La Bourdonnais, a violent storm burst on the 
Madras coast on the night of the 13th and made havoc among the French ships in 
the roadstead, It was only on the 16th that the weather moderated ; and on the 
17th, La Bourdonnais became fully acquainted with the whole extent of his losses 
four ships being lost, four others blown out to sea and dismasted while the loss in 
men alone amounted to moi*e than 1,200 men (three ships were lost according to the 
Tellicherry Factory) . Even before he knew the full extent of his losses, 
La Bourdonnais resolved to give up Madras to the Pondicherry Council, leaving 
them a copy of the capitulation. On the 21st he wrote to them that he had signed 
the capitulation with the English, to which the Pondicherry Cotmcil had raised 
objections on the 13th and 14th and sent the same to Pondicherry with a letter 
declaring that he would hold the French Council responsible, individually and 
collectively, for all contraventions of its conditions. After partially refitting his 
shattered squadron, La Bourdonnais, on October 23, ordered a grand parade 
of the troops, made over the command to de Espremenil and at once set out 
to open sea and left Madras in a gathering stormthe place to which he 'would 
have given an arm never to have set foot in it.* The addition of the five new 
articles was grudgingly assented to by the English whose Governor Morse and 
four Councillors signed the treaty on October 21. Mr. Morse cleared out of 
Madras the wares, of the merchants before La Bourdonnais' departure, as he was 
uncertain of the turn that affairs would take [under Dupleix's direction (p. 28, 
vol. m of thv>iary). 



24 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

inconsistent with what he had seen and heard tip to now of Europeans 

In India who tised always to act in union. 1 Meanwhile only vague 
rumours of the storm on the Madras coast reached the Diarist who 
however remarked that the tempest was brought about by God to 
humble La Bourdonnais' pride and that ' He has deliberately caused 
this disaster to his ships, in view to an accusation being brought 
against him both here, and In France, and thus effecting his ruin/ 2 

IV. LA BOURDONNAIS WITHDRAWS FROM MADRAS 
Another point of contention between La Bourdonnais and the 
Pondicherry Council was as to the authority whom the three ships from 
Europe which had arrived at Pondicherry on October 8 should obey, 
La Bourdonnais made an attempt to bring under his command the cap- 
tains of these ships ordering them not to remain in the Pondicherry 
roadstead after October 25 ; but they only filed the letters of 
La Bourdonnais with the Pondicherry Government and signed an 
agreement that they would obey the orders of the Council of the place 
at which they were and that as they were now at Pondicherry they 
would act in accordance with the orders of the Council there. 
La Bourdonnais' climb-down was partially due to this circumstance, 3 

The Pondicherry Council decided that the ships then lying- in the 
Pondicherry roads, Including the three from France, should proceed to 
Achin (in Sumatra) and return towards the close of the year. 
La Bourdonnais at the same time wrote to the captains of the ships 
directing them to proceed along the coast to join him. While they 
were hesitating as to their course of action, they fell in with the 
squadron of La Bourdonnais who assumed the command of the whole 
fleet and anchored in the Pondicherry roadstead on October 27 with a 
view to take round the ships to the Malabar Coast and then have the 
damaged ships refitted at Goa. He then proposed to return with a 
force sufficient to counterbalance the English fleet and wanted to 

1 * Knowing as we do, there is generally concord and good understanding 
amongst Europeans, and that they never disagree, we cannot see what he 
(La Bourdonnais) means by saying at one time that he has restored Madras, and 
at another that he has not, and thereby disgracing- others. The ways of Europeans 
who used always to act in union, have apparently now become like those of 
natives and Muhammadans.' (Entry for October 16, p, 395 of; \ol. ii of the Diary), 

B See also p. 39 of vol. iii in which he says, * God caasecl a storm to arise, and 
through it, pronounced judgment on that evil man.* 

3 Malieson, History of the French m India (1893), p. 178, footnote. 



PRIVATE DIARY OF AN AND A RANG A PILLA1 25 

' borrow from Pondicherry all her available soldiers and heavy guns. 
Dnpleix and the Council of Pondicherry definitely declined to adopt 
La Bourdonnais' plan, on the ground that Pondicherry might, be 
attacked at any time by Peyton' is squadron and the bulk of the fleet 
should proceed to Achin whence it might be recalled in any emergency. 
He refused to land at Pondicherry ; and the Council refused to go on 
board his ship ; and neither party would trust the other. La Bour- 
donnais then proposed to form two squadrons and not to interfere with 
the Council's command over the Company's ships. The uninjured ships 
soon reached Achin ; and the Admiral, despairing of making for that 
place with his damaged, vessels, bore up for Port Louis which he 
reached on December 10, after staying in the Pondicherry roads but 
for two days. 

Of these events the Diarist records but little information. He 
heard on the 27th that the five ships which sailed from Pondicherry for 
Achin had joined La Bourdonnais on his return from Madras ; and on 
the next day the Council deliberated on the action of the latter in 
ordering the ships to keep company with him. On the 28th he 
announced his arrival in the Pondicherry roads ; on the following day the 
Superior Council considered the interference of La Bourdonnais in 
persuading the captains of these ships to obey his orders under the 
argument that his ' instructions from the King's Minister gave him the 
complete command of everything sailing under the Company's flag '. 
There is no other information from the Diarist forthcoming. 
La Bourdonnais' after-career was miserable. At Port Louis he was 
directed to return with his squadron to France ; a storm shattered his 
ships off the Cape of Good Hope ; he however reached Martinique ; 
and impatient to reach France, he sailed in a Dutch ship which was 
captured by the English and was made a prisoner of war. Subse- 
quently he was allowed to go on parole, was thrown into the Bastille 
and after three years of imprisonment, was declared innocent of 
the charges brought against him and released, only to die 1 
(September 9, 1753). 

* * By means, nevertheless of handkerchiefs steeped in rice-water, of coffee 
dreg's and of a pen made of a piece of copper money, he had succeeded in writing 
his .'biography and this, 'published at a time when the fate of Dupleix was tremb- 
ling in the balance, contributed not a little to turn the popular feeling- against that 
statesman/ It was only the English East India Company and the member of the 
Madras Council ; that could prove the charge of bribery ' both preferred on every 
4 



26 , JOURNAL OP 

V. TROUBLES WITH THE NAWAR 
Even before La Bonrdonnais* departure tb<*ro arose troubles from 

the Nawab's side. Mahfuz Khan, the eldesf son of Anwar-iid-din, sent 
a detachment of cavalry to occupy MvHpore and the surrounding 
country and to prevent all ingress to to Wrulrns, while permitting 
any egress from the town. DupleiK received news of this on 
October 26 and proposed that the Diarist shoiiM r*o 10 htm on a mis- 
sion of explanation. The latter argued l.lirif it would ho !H si to appear 
indifferent to watefs TV! ah ftiz Khan's bUis1orirjr ruicl ;it present impolitic 
to treat with him. 1 Letters to this cflVet won* written and des- 
patched to the Nawab a." 1 ! to MnhfiT 7 ; Khan ; antl copir^ t" these were 
sent to Dewan Saipati Rao atrl i<> TT M ssnin Sri^'b ; ami it was pointed 
out by Duplelx in the letter to the Na \vrih that th<* Prrnrh KJIIJ.? sent 
the warships on the "fritter's behalf against the KnTHsh and both the 
Nawab and his son had urjyed the previous vear a war against the 
English and the action of MahftiK Kha,n was vorv surprising. It ended 
with a warning that the French would resist the Nawab's forces and 
9 bring to bear against him *,the connive which overthrow the 
English.' 2 

account to be silent \ (Malleson, p. "187.) According to Birdwood f fofwrt /// the 
Old Records of the Jndict Office, 2nd reprint, p. 245 fm>1o]) tht I ;t\\ (\mt , No. 31, 
of March 3, 1752 (already referred to) rose from the ohjM'tion of tltc Court of 
Directors of the East India Company to meet the bonds on which the sum required 
for the ransom of Madras was rawed, on tlm ground ihnt, in part at lenst, the 
bonds had been jriyen not to save the Company's property, Im* tfu* private 
property of the Governor and his Council. Morso and olhoi"-:, Including; {lie !<>ncl- 
creditors, examined by the Court, were reallv on their own d< fence ; and the 
exculpating opinion of Birdwood says that * the onh impartial evidence inrrinutiat- 
ingf La Botirdonnais to the extent of his having n-eeiv^d ,-t romplfme^nfary 
gratification (dusturi*} is that of Fowke.' Birdwood's opinion k that Morse nml 
his Council agreed to make La Bonrdonnais a private present for exempting 
Madras from pillage. They laised 88,000 pa^odns for the pin-pom , * Thi Ktim 
was mostly otherwise exnended ; and the clifnYnUv having arisen with UHJ Court 
of Directors about refunding this and other sums embraced in the ransom, it was 
plausibly pleaded that this particular, sum wrw paid to La BonrdrHinais to set-tire 
the execution of a treaty of ransom, which was never exeeiited hut disavowed by 
Dupleix.' We saw in Note (12) Mn-lteson's op]>asitt" coticltiMioti ;IH to Ln Hour- 
donnais' guilt. 

1 The Diarist said (p. 36 of vol. iii), 'Ffyon (Dnpleix) sc-nd repre^enfatives 
to treat with the Mtihammadans; they will think lhat thcMli^hlest display of hosti- 
lity on their part causes you alarm, and it will eneoura^e them to bluster more and 
more, in the hope of extracting from yon as rrmeh money as t hey can,' 

2 It further said, < If you, however, should act without due caution, wo are de- 
termined to give you a proof of the power of our valour. We will then raste the 
ort and town of Madras to the ground, and will werl <ait <,VT evvn i<lu^, its 



PRIVATE DIARY OF AN AN DA RANG A PILLAI '21 

Petty raiding parties were .sent out by the Muharamadans on 
Madras and plundered stray persons, with the connivance of the Peddti 
Nalck 1 wrjio escaped the moment it was decided to seize and Imprison 
him. ' But M. de Esprenienil strictly forbade all hostilities on the score 
that he had no orders from the Governor of Pondicherry permitting 
them, though several Frenchmen had been taken prisoners by the 
enemy. Rumours also reached the Diarist that the Muhammadans 
were bent on attacking even Pondicherry and were doing: so only 
at the instigation of the English who were to be carefully watched and 
subjected to severe restraints. 

Madame Dupleix suggested to her husband and got his -consent 
that she should write to Mahfux Khan asking him to change his mind ; 
and on this however much to be condoned by European judgment the 
Diarist remarks : * What shall I say as to the good sense of the hus- 
band who allowed his wife to write to Mahfuz Khan without a thought 
of the fact that the rules of Muhammadan etiquette regard with but 
scant favour a woman as a correspondent. . . .? ' The Diarist even 
ttiedto persuade ,her to delay sending the letter till the effect of 
the Governor's despatch should be known, but without avail. 

Dupleix appears to have assured Nawab Anwar-ud-din, in reply to 
the latter's curt letter of September 8 3 that Madras, when taken, 
should be delivered over to him. He certainly informed La Bourdon- 
nais that he had given such an assurance, though the latter seems to 
have doubted its sincerity. Immediately after the fall of Madras 
Mahfuz Khan wrote to La Bourclonxiais 2 demanding the fulfilment 
of the promise as well as the immediate cessation of hostilities. He 
began to carry out his threat as soon as La Bourdonnais left the coast ; 

circumstances may dictate. You will behold all these things with your own eyes.' 
And the Nawab soon realized that the threat was indeed a real one. Mahfuz; 
Khan was told that lie had started only to plunder a wrecked ship (Madras) and 
would find only shattered planks. The Amaldar of Mylapore was . also warned not 
to annoy the French when passing in and out of Madras. (Entry for October 26.) 

1 ,The Peddu Naick of Madras was the hereditary police officer of the Black 
Town, He had to maintain a fixed number of peons to keep order in Black Town 
and in the adjoining pettas ; he could arrest often ders and bring them before the 
Choultry Court ; he held land in remuneration in the petta named, after him. His 
duties were defined in successive cowles given him by Governors like Chambers, 
JLanghorne and Thomas Pitt. He was also known as the Pal dag ar of Madras. 
The office was hereditary in the family of Kodungur Peddu Naick, for -a- long- 
time. 

2 Forwarded to Dupleix on September 26, and mentioned above 



28 JOURNAL OF INDIAN H1S2OXY 

his forces assembled at San Thome and at the Mount; and on 
October 26, a reconnoitring party of horsemen arrived at the Bridge 
which connected the Island Ground with the high road that ran to San 
Thome and which had been broken clown by the English on La Bour- 
donnais' landing. Two men who were sent to remonstrate, iVlin. Gosse 
and De Kerjean were seized ; de J&sprenicail went to Pondicherry by 
boat to consult Dupleix on the new situation ; the walls ol Black Town 
were rearmed, while the Nawab's troops occupied TnpJioane and the 
Bgmore Redoubt (near the present Sotitii Indian Railway Station) and 
erected a battery In the Company's garden as JUi Uourdounais did; 
they then spread to the northward and completely encircled Black 
Town. A mixed force of Frenchmen, East Indian soldiers and Alahe 
sepoys, 500 in all, marched from Pondieherry lor Madras on the last 
day of October and the Nawab's ofneers in the neighbourhood of 
Pondicherry made threatening demonstrations. 'Ihus events were 
rapidly tending to the glorious victory ol the French at I lie battle of 
the Adyar which broke tip the delusion of Muhammadan strength. 1 

(To be continued?) 

APPENDIX 1 

Note furnished by Mon* A* Singaravdit Pillai, Curator of the Historical 
Records of French India, regarding the history of Uie publicaiion of the 

Diary. 

ESTABLISHMENTS FRANCAis? Poiiciichcry, lo 23-12-1927, 

DANS L'INDH Conserviiteur cles Aneiennes 

CABINET Archives 

DBS do Flndc Franchise 

ANCIBNNES ARCHIVES a* 

DE Monsieur C. S. Srinivasnehariar 

L 3 INDE FRANCAISE JVIaciraS. 

DEAR SIR, 

lam very glad to have received a reprint of your oriicic * The 
Historical Material in the Private Diary of Ananda Kanga Fillai 
1736-61 ; (I) ; and 1 thank yoxi very much for the saino. 

I am very anxious to meet you in person and ^tve ><>u information 
on several useful points in connection with the Diary, 

v Orrae, vol. i, p* 76. 



PRIVATE DIARY OF ANANDA RAJVGA P1LLAI 29 

... In reply to your query made in foot-note (1) on p. 5 of your 
reprint I am writing the following : 

When in 1870 the statue of Dupleix was set up in Pondichery, 
M. Laude, Advocate-General, brought out Le Si&gede Pondichery en 2748 
consisting of extracts from the Diary of Ananda Rang a Filial. 

Next, M. J. Vinson, the noted Tamil Scholar and a son of Hyacin 
de Vinson, Judge at Pondichery, and Curator of the Government 
Public Library, brought out (in 1894) the well-known Les jbran$ai$ 
dans /' hide. 

After him this important Diary was neglected by scholars; and 
the .English have the credit of resuscitating interest in it. 

Hearing that the original volumes of the Diary were in a dis- 
organized and confused condition in the house of Ananda Ranga 
Piilai, 1 requested permission from M. Tiruvengada Pillai, the head 
of the family, to set about personally arranging and classifying, mainly 
chronologically, the Diary and a large number of historical documents 
lying in a big box in the house, on which insects were making great 
ravages. M. Tiruvengada Pillai had two sons, of whom the elder was 
an invalid without any interest in this matter. The younger was a 
clever and learned man, and evinced great interest in the documents 
and the Diary ; and he was eager to have these not only edited in 
Tamil, but also translated. He proposed first to publish the verses 
sung by poets in Tamil describing the life and achievements of the 
Dubash and then to take up the matter of the publication of the Diary. 
Some pages of the L,ife were indeed printed ; but the work could not be 
continued owing to difficulties. Unfortunately both the sons of 
Tiruvengada Pillai died soon after this time. 

It was in 1897 that I first inspected the Diary ; in 1900 I perused 
the volumes a second time, but found that many of the precious docu- 
ments had disappeared, like others before them. In 1902 the Madras 
Government deputed Mr. K. Rangachariar to go to Pondicherry and 
compare the two volumes of proofs with him with the original 
volumes of the Diary. By the will of God, or by a piece of luck 
coming in my way, Mr. Rangachariar consulted me; and I went 
through some portions and found that the translation of the Diary 
from 1736 to 1746 was not made from the original volumes 
of the Diary \ but from a copy of extracts. He was surprised and 
declared that the material with his Government was only this copy 



30 JOURNAL OF IN2MAN JHI1STOR\' 

from which Sir Frederick Piice and himself had been liuuslating. I 
assured him that 1 would secure for his use the original volumes of 
the Diary from which a complete traiisciiiJhcm nn^ht 1,c n.ade riiresh. 
He readily agreed -to this plan and the Madras t*.<verrmic-nt accorded 
their generous sanction to this arrangement. I \\cisi uvcr to the house 
of M. Montbrun and handed over to Mr. Kangachariar two \olumesof 
the manuscript original of the Diary which, even iu-ua\, continue to 
be in the possession of the Madras Government. Aii . Kan*achariar 
used to go over to Pondicherry, stay with me for throe or four months 
at a stretch, examine the pi oofs ot his translation alon^ with me and 
clear all his difficulties, lie did this on three or lour occasions 
and corrected his translation in Uio mutter ot the eoricvt spelling of 
the names of ships and men in particular, verifying them ami other 
points from our archives and Government iccoids. It \\as i that have 
been uniformly helping in these ami other \va\ s in the work of the 
English translation of the Diary from its iicy. u.nirj; <lo\\n to the 
present year, wit a the twelfth volume ol the work in the press. The 
letters addressed to me on this subject are so numerous as to occupy 
two drawers fully. 1 have just written, clearing certain tumbtitil points 
raised in the course of their translation ol ; the twolith vohmu , by the 
Record Office, Madras ; and i am ready to help in a similar manner, in 
the answering of subsequent queries that may be made. The General 
Introduction given as a preface to the first volume oi the Translation 
by Sir Frederick Price was prepared with the help of the French 
manuscript note supplied by me. Both Sir Frederick L*riee and 
Mr. Dodwell, his successor in the task, consulted me, as well by corres- 
pondence as by meeting: me personally, in respect of their doubts and 
difficulties. Even now I am corresponding with JMr, Dotlwcll at 
London. When I asked him why my name and services were not 
noted in the General Introduction, he replied that it was a mistake of 
omission on the part of his predecessors and that the umisslun would 
be rectified soon, in the first page of the InUoduetion to the eighth 
volume (1922), he wrote as follows : ( The present instalment of the 
Diary covers the period from May 3, 1751 to December 8, 1753. As 
will be seen from the list of entries they arc very irregular. Mo reason 
can be assigned for this, as it has not been possible to check the 
Madras transcript with the original Diary which was iormcrly preserv- 
ed at Pondicherry or even with the transcript made by M, Gallois 



PRIVATE DIARY OF AN AND A. RANG A PILL A I 31 

Montbrnn. Mr. Singaravelu Filial to whom the discovery of the Ms. 
was originally due and to whose courteous and learned aid, I have 
often had recourse, informs me that the Gallois Montbrnn papers were 
Irreparably damaged in the cyclone which, raged at Pondicherry in 
1916 and that the original Diary for this period has long since 
disappeared. More than one passage in the Madras transcript is 
evidently corrupt ; the most important cases of this are indicated in 
my foot-notes.' 

The primary evidence as to my resuscitation of the original Diary 
from oblivion is to be found in the Journal Balabharati, first volume, 
pp. 169-173, published by Mr. V. V. Subrahmanya Iyer of Bharadwaj 
Ashram, Shermadevi. It thus says : ' . . . . When the late Mr. K. 
Rangachariar came over to Pondicherry and sought for a competent 
hand to help him in arranging the matter of the Diary, it was my 
precious friend and Assistant Curator of the Government Record Office, 
M. Singaravelu Pillai, that came to his help and rendered assistance in 
all possible ways. Had it not been for his aid that translation would 
have remained valueless. The trouble that he took in searching out 
the volumes of the original Diary and its transcript lying in the houses 
of Ananda Ranga Pillai and Montbrun was great. The most important 
parts of the Montbrun transcript were destroyed in the storm that raged 
at Pondicherry eight years back. His (Singaravelu Pillai's) grief at this 
loss is greater than the grief of one who has lost an immense fortune. 
So great is his love of learning. Mr. Dodwell who is at present 
editing the English translation has also written warmly in praise of 
the help rendered by him. ' 

The portion of the original Diary extending from April 9, 1760 to 
January 12, 1761, was discovered by me in 1900 in the course of an 
examination of the papers and books in Ananda Ranga Pillai's house* 
There was no copy of this either with M. Montbrun or. in the Bibliotheque 
Nationals of Paris. I had two copies made of the Ms., reserving one 
for my own use and sending the other through M. Julien Vinsoii to the 
Bibliotheque Nationals, This copying was done in January 1901. 
The late Mr. Bharati took my copy for perusal and handed it after use 
to Mr. Srinivasacharlar, son of Mandayam Krishnamachariar of TriplL 
cane, . . . who wanted to publish it in his journals, India Vidjaya^in 
Tamil- But he could not get the necessary permission for such 
publication from the members of Ananda Ranga Pillai's family . . . . 



32 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

Finally Mr. V. V. Snbralimanya Iyer published In his B&labharati^ in 
extensothat portion of the volume discovered by me till April 22, 
1760. . . . His untimely death and that of his son are well known to 
us. My copy of this portion of the Diary has disappeared along: with. 
his death, as my numerous queries relating- to it addressed'to his 
successors in work and his relatives have proved fruitless, 

A copy of this portion, prepared by the late Mr, K. Rangachariar, 
is now in the Madras Record Office ; its original also is now there. 
A translation of it is now in press. This is the last volume of the 
Diary of Ananda Ranga Pillai. 

Mr. V. V. S. Iyer has further written in p. 170 of \A$>B&labkarati 
thus: < The copy of this portion of the Diaryw&$ copied by M. 
Singaravelti Pillai and the then Curator of the Ponclicherry Record 
Office. It was placed at my disposal by my friend Mr. STinivasachariar. 
For this I am very grateful to my friend, and M. Siniraravelu Pillai/ 

Another testimony to my discovery of this portion of the Diary 
is this : Both in M. Vinson's Les Francais dans F hide and in the 
collection of M. Montbrun there is no mention of this Diary portion. 
This has been omitted necessarily from the first English translation ; 
but in the final translation of vol. i it. is mentioned in the list of vo- 
lumes, as 'drawn'tip by Mr. Rangachariar, in the General Introduction. 

Yet a point to be noted as testimony is this. In 1902 when I 
made an investigation into the condition and number of the original 
Diary manuscripts in the possession of the descendants of Dnhash 
Ananda Rang-a Pillai, a letter 3 was written by Vijiayannndo. Tiruvenjrada 
Pillai (the then head of the family) giving 1 a list of the manuscript 
volumes in his possession, the original of which T am enclosing 
herewith. From this list you will see that the first volume of the 
manuscript original extends from April 28, 1750 to October 29, 
1750, which shows that the two previous volumes of manuscript were 
not in his possession. If he had them with him he would have 
included them in his list. This letter will be clear evidence that 1 
discovered the 1 first two volumes from the house of M. Montbrvm and 
was instrumental in sending them on to the Madras Government 
through Mr. Rangachariar. . . . These will clearly prove that I 
discovered the original Ms, Diary, vols. i and ii. 

1 The translation of the original letter is given as Appendix II. 



PRIVATE DIARY OF AN AND A RANG A PILLAI 33 

In 1910 when M. Charles Gallois Montbrnn, Mayor of Pondicherry 
and brother of M. A. Gallois Montbrnn, was the chief of our Library, 
an inventory was made of the important documents and books in the 
possession of his family ; and it was found that there were only ten 
volumes of Ananda Ranga Pillafs Diary (1736-60). 

I remain, 
Your true and affectionate friend, 

A. SINGARAVELU PILLAI. 
translation from the Tamil made by C. S. Srinivasachari.) 



APPENDIX II 

Letter of Vijaya Durai Ranga Pillai, dated Pondicherry, January 
10, 1902, and addressed to M. Singaravelu Pillai. 

MY DEAR FRIEND, 

I am in receipt of your letter. I was prevented from replying* to 
it even the day before yesterday (as I intended) because some of the 
books required were then with my father. As a result of my exami- 
nation to-day I find the following manuscript books of the Diary here. 
April 28, 1750 ... October 29, 1750. 

April 24, 1752 ... April 5, 1753. 

September 4, 1754 ... March 29, 1755. 
April 10, 1757 ... September 21, 1758. 

April 12, 1759 ... April 8, 1760. 

April 9, 1760 ... April 12, 1761. 

May 26, 1766 ... April 30, 1767. 

May 1, 1767 ... February 8, 1770. 

April 10, 1795 ... January 15, 1796. 

There is no other volume besides these. . . . One gentleman 
from Madras came to me yesterday and told me that he had copies of 
those volumes not here and that the originals are not here. Is this 
true? Who has got the originals now ? .... 

Yours faithfully, 

VIJAYA DURAI RANGA PILLAI, 
'ANANDA RANGA PILLAI' S 

HOUSE' 
Pondicherry. 

(Translated from the original in Tamil by C. S. Srinivasackari.) , 

5 ' . ' . . , ' ' . 



A of of 

BY 

THE REV, H. HERAS, s.J., M.A. 

'Abdu-r Razzak describes three different kinds of Vijayanagara 
gold coins : 

Varaha, called by the Portuguese pagoda, its weight being 54 

grains, 

Partab ( Pratay) , J varaha. (Half pagoda.) 
Fanam, one-tenth partab, 1 

The coin I am going 1 to describe in this note is one of the so-called 
part&bS) this word being most likely the title Pratapa that occurs in 
both coins and inscriptions before the name of the sovereigns of 
Vijayanagara. 

This half pagoda was founi in a lot of coins collected in Gersoppa 
and its surroundings (North Kanara), and presented to the Museum of 
the Indian Historical Research Institute, St. Xavier's College, 
Bombay, by Mr. K. B. Kotwall, Divisional Forest Officer, Godhra, 
Panch Mahals. 

The coin is of the same size as the pagodas of Vijayanagara with a 
slight oblong curvature underneath the figure on the obverse ; but the 
coin is much thinner than the pagodas, so much so that, having the same 
size, its weight is almost half the one of the pagoda. It weighs 26 
grains, 

The obverse presents a nude figure of a man squatting on the 
ground ; He wears no head-dress. His face is absolutely worn out. He 
has one bangle round each arm, over the elbow. His right hand seems 
to be slightly raised up before his chest as if making a gesture, while 
the left arm rests upon the knee somewhat risen above the ground, 
Below the plank where this figure is squatting there is a line of drop-like 
ornamentation, suggesting the decoration of a throne. Something: 
alike is to be seen on top behind the head of the figure, I could not 
make out the significance of these flourishes, 

* Elliott, vol. iv, p. 109. 




- "?ii-t'.' ,t^rf\'!? , 

Ml -^VyJ/^'V 




-J^-f* 

:^ll Jlm^r:^ii 






THK NBW PARTAP 



PARTAP OF KRISHNA DEVA RAYA OF VIJAYANAGARA 35 

On the reverse of the coin there is the following inscription : 

Sti-Pra 



(rtr)7 fi5<Jj (ta)pa-Krishna 



This coin is, to my knowledge, unpublished hitherto. 
Now the figure of the obverse is very difficult to explain. Can it 
be a representation of Krishna Deva Raya himself ? Paes describes 
him as follows : * This king is of medium height, and of fair com- 
plexion and good figure, rather fat than thin ; he has on his face signs 
of small-pox. He is the most feared and perfect king that could possi- 
bly be. - . - The king was clothed in certain white cloth embroidered 
with many roses in gold, and with a pateca (padakka or pendant) of 
diamonds on his neck of a very great value, and on his head he had a 
cap of brocade in fashion like a Galician helmet, covered with a piece 
of fine stuff all of fine silk, and he was barefooted/ 1 The statues of 
Krishna Raya at Tirupati and at Chidambaram also show him with a 
high conic head-dress. Such description does not agree with the figure 
represented in the coin. 

In fact the whole appearance of this squatting figure suggests an 
ascetic, a sannyasi, Now, at the court of Krishna Deva Raya there 
was a sannyasi Vyasa Tirtha, the head of the Vyasaraja Mutt, who 
was highly honoured by the King. 2 Mr. C. K. Rao, Bangalore, has, 
according to the Vy&savijaya and the Vyasayoglsacharitam^ proved that 
Vyasa was ordered by King Krishna Deva to sit on his royal throne 
fora while. 3 It is not unlikely that in order to commemorate this 
ceremony, by which Vyasa' s virtues and scholarship received such a 
great honour, the king should cause coins to be struck with the image 
of the sannyasi) as some of the kings of ancient India struck coins to 
commemorate the ashvameda sacrifice. A circumstance seems to con- 
firm this supposition. The fact that this is the first and hitherto the 
only known coin of Krishna Deva Raya with this image appears 
inexplicable in this age of research in Vijayanagara history 9 without 
supposing that the coins struck with such a figure were very few, struck 
most likely on the occasion of the ceremony and for the purpose of 
having them distributed then and there. 

1 Sewell, Forgotten Empire, pp. 246-7 and 251-2. 

a Cf , 74 of 1889 and 13 of 1905. 

* Rao, r$padar&fa and yy&Sarafa, O. C., Madras, pp. 362-4, 



An to the of the 

i 

MAHARASHTRA BEFORE 1707 A SURVEY OF THE 

SITUATION 

BY 
H. N, SlNHA, M.A. (A LUX) 

Assistant Professor of History, Morris College, Nagpur ; wme time 

Research Scholar in ike History Department of the University 

of Allahabad 

I 

A LITTLE more than a century intervenes between the battle of 
Talikota (more correctly Rakshasatangatfi) and the death of Shivaji. 
It is a period of conflict in the annals of the Deccan- conflict among 
the local Sultanates, between the local Sultanates and the expanding 
Mughal Empire, between all these and the Marathas. Of the five 
Sultanates that arose out of the ruins of the Bahamani Empire, three 
were more powerful than the other two. The northernmost of these 
was crippled by. Akbar at the beginning of the seventeenth century, 
and was annihilated hy Shahjahan in the second quarter of it (1636), 
When the Mughal menace reached its climax, the remaining Sultanates 
of Golconda and Bijapur were fast falling" into decay, and the nascent 
state of Shivaji was rising to be a factor in Deccan politics. These 
years, between 1565 and 1680, therefore witnessed unforeseen changes 
in the Deccan the decay of the old states, the advent of a now power 
and the rise of a hitherto unknown people. The first xvas marked by 
court intrigues and partisan bloodshed, and consequently by corruption 
in the Government ; the militant nature of the second filled the land 
with all the horrors of war rapine and pillage, famine and pestilence; 
and the third was marked by that great outburst of the latent energy of 
the Marathas, which surprised the neighbouring powers. Such were 
the main features of the Deccan politics at the death of Shivaji. 

But the death of Shivaji opened up fields for fiercer conflicts. In 
1681 the flight of Prince Akbar to the Court of Shambhuji drew in the 
concentrated strength of the Mughal Empire upon the Deccan ; and 



AN INTRODUCTION TO THE RISE OF THE PESHWAS 37 

Aurangzeb in grim determination set forth to destroy the last Shlah 
states, to reduce the Marathas, and to reclaim his rebellious son to 
allegiance. To this three-fold task he devoted the last and therefore 
the ma'turest period of his life. He deluged the country in blood ; 
destroyed all the peaceful pursuits of life ; drained Hindusthan of its 
men and money ; and yet he failed miserably to achieve his purpose. 
More disastrous than his failure was the condition of the Deccan at his 
death. Already in the throes of an exterminating war for more than 
a century, it was subject to the most awful calamities for another 
quarter of a century. Vast armies in marches and counter-marches, 
foraging parties of Maratha horsemen, disbanded troops of Golconda 
and Bijapur, the huge imperial cortege, the moving colonies of 
Banjaras and the freelance Afghans, who always kept at the tail of the 
army or imperial cortege all these preyed constantly on the land 
and left it desolate when they had moved away. They always left 
behind them * fields. . . devoid of trees and bare of crops, their 
1 place being taken by the bones of men and beasts. Instead of 
f verdure all is blank and barren. The country is so entirely desolated 
4 and depopulated that neither fire nor light could be found in the 

* course of a three or four days' journey There have died 

' in his (Aurangzeb's) armies over a hundred thousand souls yearly, 

* and of animal, packoxen, camels, elephants, etc., over three hundred 

* thousand. ... In the Deccan provinces from 1702 to 1704 
' plague prevailed. In these two years there expired over two millions 

* of souls.' So did describe Manucci as an eye-witness, to the condi- 
tion of the Deccan, during the disastrous warfare of Aurangzeb. 
Indeed the economic waste was beyond all comprehension. 

Even more grievous was the political effect of these wars on the 
Deccan. Aurangzeb himself was apprehensive from the beginning 
lest his continued warfare should foster a spirit of lawlessness among 
his subjects, and rightly enough as Professor Sarkar remarks, ' a great 
anarchy began in the Empire of Delhi even before Aurangzeb had 
closed his eyes,' and in the Deccan ' the Mughal administration had 
really dissolved.' Aurangzeb' s officers were unable to check the 
Maratha activities because they never got timely aid from their 
master. On the other hand they were chastised because they could 
not cope with the Marathas. Often they were required to make good 
the losses of the people, who had been looted by the Marathas. 
Indeed it was a difficult dilemma In which these unhappy Mughal 



38 JOURNAL OF INDIAN H1STOR Y 

officers were placed. Hence they chose rather f to bribe the Marathas 
than to fight them \ Thus they paid the chanth to the Marathas 
unknown to their master. They even made common cause with the 
Marathas and * enriched themselves by robbing the emperor's- own 
subjects. Such was the condition of the Mughal administration of the 
Deccan. It inspired not trust, but terror In the people, 

The Maratha state suffered no less than the Mughal government. 
Invertebrate, and still in its infancy, it could not stand the shock of 
these wars. The first shock came when Shambhuji was executed In 
1689. By that time Aurangzeb had destroyed the Deccan Sultanates, 
and the reduction of the Marathas, now that their king was dead, v\as 
he thought only a question of time. Never were human expectations 
more sadly .disappointed. Shambhuji's execution was only a prologue 
! to a long drama a dark tragedy. It was not only a crime, but a 
blunder. Far from striking terror Into the heart of the Marathas, or 
disarming them as he expected by the execeution of Shamblmji, he had 
stirred them to a sense of national crisis. Raja Ram was taken out 
of the prison, and amidst sullen resentment raised to the throne. In 
consultation with the Ashtapradkans a policy of decentralization of 
authority was decided upon, <and Raja Rani retired to Jinji leaving 
Maharastra proper in charge of Ramachandra Bavdckar, Ihtkhmat* 
panah. This shifted the centre of gravity from Maharaja into the 
Karnatic, and while it did not allow the Mughal s to couccrUate, it 
opened up golden opportunities for the predatory warfare of the 
Mahrathas, who were considerably relieved of the pressure of the 
Mughals. 'All the Mahratha sarclars went to the king at Jinji, 
and he gave them titles, army commands, and grants tor the different 
districts where they were to go, loot the country, and Impose the 
Chauth. They were to go there, take shelter in the woods, and 
establish their rule like Pollgars, avoiding battles . , . and employ- 
ing the men of their contingents in work. ... so that the 
kingdom would increase. 5 Thus Raja Ham allowed the nation to 
rise in arms for its own defence and it succeeded admirably. In each 
parganah arose a chieftain who mustered to his standard a number of 
men commensurate with his ability, and carried on a guerilla warfare 
on his own account. 

.. Uncontrolled by a central authority, uninfluenced by any higher 
motive than that of avenging the; death of their king, the Individual 



AM INTRODUCTION TO THE RISE OF THE PESHWAS 3 

chieftains soon succumbed to cupidity, and the service of the national 
cause was soon forgotten amidst the seductions of rich spoils. The 
distribution of territories was often disregarded by them and encroach- 
ments. frequently ended in bloodshed. Nor were personal jealousy 
and ill-will wanting among the commanders of armies and ministers of 
the state. Parshuram Trimbak and Ramachandra Bavdekar never 
liked each other ; Santaji Ghorpade and Dhanaji Jadhav were ready 
to cut each other's throat. As Bhimsen observed in 1697 : ' Among 
the Mahrathas not much union was seen. Every one called himself 
a Sardar and set out to raid and plunder [for himself].' 

The result was that the whole land was sown, as it were, with the 
dragon* s teeth, and wherever the unwiedly Mughal armies turned 
they were molested and massacred, or left to starve. In 1699 
Aurangzeb realized the hopelessness of the task he had set himself 
to achieve. ' A nation was now up In arms . . . against the 
officers of the emperor and the cause of law and order in general.' 1 
* .... The Maratha state servants supported themselves by plundering 
on all sides, and paying a small part of their booty to the king.** 
So arose the dangerous tradition of plundering to maintain the state. 
The legacy of Shivaji an admirable framework of civil government, 
was irretrievably lost. The Marathas failed to realize the magnitude 
of this loss. Revelling in disorder they welcomed the situation, 
because it was a means for their safety. They imperceptibly lapsed 
into ungovernable habits. The iron discipline of Shivaji gave place 
to unbridled lawlessness ; his salutary Taws were flung to the winds ; 
and only * a pride in the conquest of Shivaji ' 3 remained to inspire the 
people with a greed for plunder. Such aspirations, such activities 
long continued to colour the Maratha national polity. They had 
their inceptions during the reign of Raja Rarn and yet he is not to 
blame. It was impossible to combat the situation in any other way. 
Perhaps the Fates conspired to draw Maharastra into the vortex of 
confusion. 

In 1700 died Raja Ram, and there arose three parties advocating 
the succession of three candidates Shivaji, the son of Tara Bai , 
Shambhuji, the son of Rajas Bai, both widows of Raja Ram ; and 
Shahu, the son of Shambhuji, and a prisoner in the imperial camp. 
It was after a hard struggle that Tara Bai got the better of her 



* Sarkar's sturang3e6,vol.v, p. 11. * Idid. t p. 238. 

3 Grant Duff, vol. i, p. 352. 



40 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

adversaries, arid established her son on the throne. Thus the rule of 
the tyrant Shambhuji, and of the weak and fugitive Raja Ram was 
succeeded by that of a minor under the regency of an am-bitio us 
woman. All the while civil government was a thing of the past, 
The Marathas were hard put to save their own skin; they had no 
time or inclination to look to law and order. The scum of the society 
and the floating wrecks of Bijapur and Golconda armies combined 
into a mass of chaotic elements, and swept over the land. The 
Maratha leaders turned their activities to advantage ; and the 
destroyer of Golkonda and Bijapur, and the murderer of Shambhuji 
had 'to face at once the fury of the Marathas and the hatred of the 
Deccani Muhammadans. Atirangzeb's mistaken policy was bearing 
fruit. 

The tide turned against Aurangzeb in 1703, and be it said to the 
credit of Tata Bai, she was the soul of all Maratha activities. The 
Marathas were now masters of the situation and the Mughals were 
thrown on the defensive. With this change of situation came a 
change of tactics. They were no more light bodies of men, moving 
at a lightning speed, avoiding pitched battles and disappearing at the 
approach of the enemy. They had grown bold and conscious of their 
strength. As Manucci noticed in 1704, ' These (Maratha) leaders 
and their troops' move in these days with much confidence ; because 
they have cowed the Mughal commanders and inspired them with 
fear. At the present time they possess artillery, musketry, bows and 
arrows, with elephants and camels for all their baggage and 
tents , . . they move like conquerors, showing no fear of any Mughal 
troops/ 1 Indeed with the consciousness of their strength their 
incursions had gradually assumed wider dimensions. As far back as 
1690 they raided the Dhurmapore parganah of Malwa and inflicted 
a serious loss on the royal revenue* In 1694 they came again, and 
in 1698 Udaji Powar looted Mandabgarh, 2 In 1699 Krishnaji Sawant, 
a Maratha General at the head of 15,000 cavalry, crossed the N armada 
and ravaged some places near Dhummani and returned. In 1703 they 
raided up to the environs of Ujjain and in October of the same year 
Nimaji Sindhia burst into Berar, defeated and captured Rnstam 
Khan, the Deputy Governor of the province and then raiding 

* Sarkar's Aur*ngs*b> vol. v, pp. 242-3. " Malcolm's Central India, pp. CO-ttl. 



AN INTRODUCTION TO THE RteJB uF THE PESHWAS 41 

Hushangabad District and crossing" the Narmada he advanced into 
Malwa . at the invitation of Chhatrasal. After plundering- many 
villages and towns, he laid siege to Sironj.' 1 In the West Gujerat 
had been subject to their raids from the time of Shivaji, and Surat 
had borne the brunt of his raids. Between November 1705 and July 
1706 Dhanaji Jadhav surprised Ahmednagar, and inflicted a severe 
defeat on the Deputy Governor, taking him prisoner and levying 
Chanth on the surrounding country. 2 These bold inroads into the 
rich imperial subahs, and the repeated reverses suffered by the 
Mughals in Maharastra, seriously undermined the imperial prestige. 
Sick at heart Attrangzeb thought it expedient to bend before the 
storm. With the ostensible purpose of conciliating the Marathas, 
but really to create division amongst them, he now made a proposal 
for the release of Shahu. Twice did he open overtures, and twice 
did he fail to attract the sincerity and loyalty of the Marathas. A 
gloomy consciousness of a terrible failure stole upon his mind, and 
sorely disappointed, he withdrew to Devapur to breathe his last 
amid horrid scenes of wreckage and wastage. He had left behind a 
bleeding empire and hardly had he closed Ms eyes ? when a war of 
succession broke out to deluge the country in fresh blood. 

In Maharastra the confusion was unparalleled. Aurangzeb died on 
February 20, 1707 ; and as his sons withdrew, one to the south to 
take possession of his Subahs of Hyderabad and Bijapur, and the 
other to the north to contest for the throne, they denuded Maharastra 
of all their effectives. The Marathas who had been fighting against 
the Mughal Empire, suddenly found its spell vanished away. They 
had been long without a state to govern, a government to control 
their activities ; now they found themselves even without an enemy to 
fight with. Their only rallying point, the only motive power of their 
patriotism, was gone. They had been long used to war and were 
experts in predatory warfare; but now there was no enemy against 
whom to direct their activities. Hence the floating mass of the lawless 
elements now off their anchor, drifted on to all sides without a point 
or purpose. Their chieftains constantly preyed upon the land and 
fought against one another. Tara Bai's government had neither 
power nor perseverance to convert them into peaceful citizens. And 
crowning these confusions broke out a civil war, as Shahu set foot 

a Sarkar's Arang*rt, vol. v, pp. 382-4. * I6M., pp. 431-2. 

6." . , . . v. 



42 "' ' ' : ' JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

in Maharastra by the middle of 1707. There arose two parties, one 
supporting: the claim of Shahn, the other that of Tara BaTs son 
Shivaji. At last Shahu emerged victorious and ascended the throne 
at Satara in January 1708. 'Tara Bai withdrew to Kolhapur and made 
it "her seat of government. Shahu had neither the ability nor the 
inclination to exterminate his rival ; and hostilities continued inter- 
mittently between them till 1731. Long inured to lawless habits the 
Maratha chieftains made the best of tin's civil war ; and during the 
complications arising 1 out of these strifes, there came an astute 
diplomat, Nizam-ul-Mnlk as the Viceroy of the Deccan. His one aim 
of life was to uproot the Marathas in the Deccan, and refrn supreme 
over it. Indefatigable in his machinations, lie drew around him all 
the disaffected, the self-seeking, and the ambitions of Mnhrirastra. 
His activities made the confusion worse confounded. To the evils of a 
civil war were united the dreadful proceedings of a determined enemy. 
The Maratha chieftains like Chandrasen, Nimbalkar, Shrtpnt Rao, 
Patch Singh, Raghoji Bhonsle, and "Dabrmcle, impelled by suicidal 
affections or aversions, actually undermined the prestige of the central 
authority. With untrammelled indifference each went his own way, 
and Shivaji' s great ideal was forgotten. Indeed the political problems 
of Maharastra during this period 'to establish a well regulated internal 
administration, to reclaim, the people to civil life, to destroy the* germs 
of the civil war, and in short, to lay the foundations of a stable state, 
were too baffling to be solved by a person like Shahn or Tara Bai, 
The one was an indolent, easy-going, peace-loving, nnd jrood n attired 
gentleman'; the other was a vindictive, self-seeking and shortsighted 
woman. Neither was the AslitafimdJian council tip to the task. 
Shivaji's institution of Ashtapradhan was not a body of statesmen ; it 
was a collection of mere executive heads. It could not initiate 
policies ; and it was too young and unschooled when it was well-nigh 
destroyed by the deadly blows of Aurangzeb. Thus the incapacity of 
Shahu, the selfish ambition of the Maratha chieftains, and the tangled 
problems of the state called for some men of: outstanding ability and 
these were supplied by the famous Chitpavan family of /?///#. They 
rose equal to. the occasion and extricated the state out of this great 
confusion. These were the Peshwas, Endowed with a penetrating 
mind and with great talents for organization, bright and fair in that 
rich beauty of Konkan, brave and eloquent, they proved by far the 



AN INTRODUCTION TO^THE RISE OF THE PESHWAS 43 

ablest of all the officers of Shahu, and hence rose to hold the helm of 
the state. In that age of self-centred cupidity, they were the only 
people every fibre of whose being: thrilled with an altruistic ambition 
of establishing a Hindu sovereignty not a Brahman sovereignty as 
Rajwade calls it 1 and to this their ambition, they yoked unflinching 
fervour, tireless energy and a deep-rooted love of work, indeed at a 
time when Maharastra lay exhausted after the twenty-five years of 
warfare, when it was recking with partisan blood, torn within and 
tormented without, and when the cry of the country was great for its 
relief, and for peace and goodwill among the countrymen, those who 
could ensure these, naturally were destined to rule the country. Both 
the King and the Ashtapradhan council failed to do it and hence the 
rise of the Peshwas was inevitable. From the diabolical indulgence 
in the civil war they turned the attention of their people to a land 
outside, rich and flourishing, to conquer it and to establish their 
suzerainty over it. That is their great service to the state s to 



But even they could not root out the canker, that had entered the 
very bone of Maharastra. The quarter of a century's war 'had done 
nothing if it had not breathed predatory propensities, contempt for all 
discipline and intolerance of control into the Mahrataas. In the 
enthusiasm of new hopes promised by the Pesbwas, at the sight of 
golden vistas opening before them, they no doubt forgot their 
domestic quarrels, their old habits, but it was only a temporary lull. 
When the last vestiges of the Mughal Empire had crumbled to pieces, 
and the Marathas had stepped into the shoes of the Mughals, there 
ensued other scenes, the like of which have frequently occurred in 
Mediseval India. Once again the same lawless plunder, pitiless 
pursuit of war, and self-centred ambitions broke out in greater fury 
and in their wake prowled poverty and pestilence, disease and death. 
By such activities as these the Mahrathas endeavoured to perpetuate 
the Hindu Pat Padshaki or Hindu sovereignty ! 

It is an irony of fate that the Mahrathas did not, for once look 
back to the Great Shivaji for ideals, for inspiration. And at a time 
when they were learning to outlive their old predatory habits stepped 
in another nation, a more irresistible, power than any that India had 
seen before. Such was the end of the Peshwas' great achievement, 
ti* vol. 1, Introduction, p. 39. 



44 , , JOURNAL Of INDIAN HISTORY 

II 

MAHARASTRA BETWEEN 1707-1710 

DIFFICULTIES OF SHAHU 

THE difficulties of Shahu and the great political unrest of Maharastra 
are the chief factors in the rise of the Peshwas. Their rise is neither 
phenomenal' nor accidental. They gradually worked their way up 
from an ordinary position to the headship of the state and eventually to 
de facto sovereignty. Balaji Viswanath is the founder of the house of 
the Peshwas, who made the office hereditary in their family,, paralysed 
the power of their colleagues and ultimately that o.t the king. To 
start with, they occupied a rank second to the Pratiuidhr*. They had 
first to sweep him aside before they could make their, position supreme 
in the state, and once supreme in the state the king automatically 
yielded place to them. And all these they achieved on account of 
their superior ability. Thus in the attainment of: supremacy they had 
first to eclipse the Pratinidki, and the rest of their colleagues, and then 
the king. These two phases should be clearly noticed as the reader 
proceeds with the narrative, for * this transfer of authority from 
the master to the servant is so gradually, silently, carefully accom- 
plished that the successive steps important as they were in relation to 
the whole move, escaped all contemporary notice/ 1 

The office of the Peshwa was first created by Shivaji, and its 
seventh occupant was Balaji Vishwanath. The first six were Shamraj 
Nilkanth Rozekar, Moro Trimbak Pingle, Nilkanth Moreshwar I/ingle, 
Parshuram Trimbak Pratinidhi, Bahiro Moretshwar Pingle and Bala- 
krishna Vasudev 2 In Shivaji's council ot as/if afiratf /urns the Peshwa 
was regarded as the first of the ministers and the head of the executive. 
Next in importance came the S&idfiati or the commzindor-in-ehief. 
The Pant. Amatya had the charge of the revenue and account depart- 
ments. The Pant Sachiv controlled all correspondence and the record 
department. The Dabir was in charge of the foreign affairs. The 
Mantri was more or less private secretary, and had the charge of the 
household. There were two other purely civil functionaries, the 
Nyayadhish and Pandit Rao in charge of the Judicial and .Ecclesiastical 
'departments respectively. These officers were never meant to be 

1 Sen's Administrative System of the Marathas^ p, 198. 

9 Selections from the Satra Raja's and Peshwa 's Diaries, vol. i, pp, 41 and 42. 



AN INTRODUCTION TO THE RISE OF THE PESHWAS 45 

hereditary by Shivaji and * there were frequent transfers from one 
office to another. The Peshwa's office, for instance, had been held 
by four different families, before it became hereditary in Balaji 
Vishwariath's line after nearly a hundred years from Its creation.' 1 
This system worked admirably during the life-time of Shivaji. Even 
Shambhuji, though he did not care much for it, yet followed on the 
lines of his father. The Peshwa still had the precedence in the 
official order of the ministers though Kalusha had usurped all the 
power in the kingdom. But significant changes were introduced 
during the reign of Rajah Ram. The relentless war of Aiarangzeb broke 
the back of the Mahratha state, and made the Ashtapradhan council a 
defunct body. The Peshwa's duties that ' he should perform all the 
works of administration, should make expeditions with the army 
and wage war and make necessary arrangements for the preservation 
of the districts that may come into possession and act according to the 
orders of the king ' 2 became obsolete. When Rajah Ram fled to 
Jinji leaving the north in charge of Ramachandra Bavdekar Hakumat- 
panah he was promptly besieged there by the Mughals. For eight 
years the siege continued with intermittent breaks. At Jinji the king 
had no kingdom to govern. He had only to defend a fortress, and 
therefore had not much work to entrust to his eight ministers. 
Nevertheless he respected the tradition and maintained the Ashta- 
pradhan council. He even went a step further. ' To provide posts 
for his most influential servants, the normal council of eight minis- 
ters was expanded by adding two more men the Hakumat Panah 
and PratinidhiS 3 The former remained as has been said in charge of 
the affairs of the north while the latter created only at 
Jinji soon eclipsed the nominal prime minister, the Peshwa. 
Prahlad Niraji, the first Pratinidhi^ was a favourite of Rajah 
Ram, and kept 'the young king constantly intoxicated by the 
habitual use of ganja and opium/ 4 Thus he siezed all the real power, 
and like the Hakumat Panah in the north he made himself supreme 
in the^Maratha affairs of the south. This state of affairs points to the 
* political impotence ? of Rajah Ram, and forms only a prelude to what 
was to happen during the regime of thB house of the Bhatts. The 

* Introduction to the Satara Raja's and Peshwa's Diaries by Ranade, p. 3, 

2 Sen's Administrative System of the Marathas^ p. 50. 

3 Sarkar's Aurangzeb, vol. v, p. 195. *'lbid*i p. 64, 



46 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

tradition of a deputy exercising all the authority of the king had 
taken root at this time, and became stronger as one weak king 
followed another. After the return of Rajah Ram to the north, 
the office of Hnkumat Panah was abolished, but that of Praiinidhi 
was retained. He was considered superior to the Pesfrwa.' 'The 
fixed salary of the Pratinidhi was 15,UOO Hous, while for the Peshwa 
the salary was fixed at 13,000 Hous.' i 

This state of affairs continued during the regency of Tara Bai and 
when Shahu emerged victorious in the struggle against her, he too 
retained the office in his council. He had nine instead of eight 
ministers. His Pratinidhi was Parshuram Pant, and after him his son 
Shripat Rao, a personal triend of no mean influence, and there was 
every likelihood of his usurping the power of the state. But soon 
after Shahu' s accession to the throne arose complications which the 
Pratinidhi could not properly comprehend and control. Therefore the 
power slipped away from his hands, and passed inlo those of Balaj 
Vishwanath, who rose equal to the occasion and consequently to 
prominence. Now to get a clear idea about the circumstances that led 
to Balaji Vishwanath's rise the condition of Mahara^tra and the 
difficulties of Shahu have to be briefly outlined. 

At the time of Aurangzeb's death Maharas^ra was in a disorderly 
condition. Tara Bai, the regent of her son Shivaji II, did not think 
It expedient to control the activities of her chieftains, whose one 
absorbing passion was to harass the Mughals on all sides. In this 
they had their own way and consulted their own interests, and Tara 
Hal following the example of her husband had assigned different parts 
Q the De-xjan. to her commanders. Parsoji Bhonsle had East Berar as 
far as Nagpur ; Chimnaji Damodar, South Berar j Kath Singh Kadam 
Rao* Khandesh; Khanderao Dabhade, Gujrat ; Kanhoji Angre, 
Konkan ; Udaji Chouhan, Miraj ; Hindu Rao Ghorepade, Karnatak ; 
Damaji Thorat, Varshipangaon ; Dhanaji Jadhav, north Painghatj and 
Haibat Rao Nimbalkar, South Painghat. 2 There was incessant 
struggle going on between these and the Mughal commanders, now 
reduced in strength because Azam had taken away with him the best 
part of the Mughal effectives. Of the imperial Stibahs of the Deccan, 

1 Introduction to Satra Raja's and Peshwa 1 s Diaries by Rande, p. 3. 
(Mhasanche Sadfane) by Raj wade, vol. ii, p. S, 



AN INTRODUCTION TO THE RISE OF THE PESHWAS 47 

Atirangzeb had assigned by a will, Haidarabad or Golconda and 
Bijapur to Kambaksh, who was to rule like an Independent prince. 
But he was, too weak to stand the sweeping 1 onslaught of the Marathas. 
Azam while withdrawing to the north knew full well that the 
Marathas would soon stamp out the Mughal sway from the Deccan 
in his absence. He felt concerned about it, but there was no help, 
He could not afford to let go the sovereignty of India for the sake of 
the precarious possession of the Deccan. As the imperial camp 
wended Its way towards Hindusthan a significant plan was suggested 
to him, that was calculated to meet the Mughal situation in the Deccan. 
Zulfikar Khan, a man of vast experience and deep insight Into the 
mentality of the Mahrathas suggested that the best way to keep the 
Marathas busy in their own domestic affairs, and thereby to divert 
their attention from harassing the Mughals was to release Shahu, who 
was a prisoner in the camp, and whose release had been twice consi- 
dered by Aurangzeb in order to create division amongst the Marathas. 
The presence of Shahu In Maharastra, suggested Zulfikar Khan, would 
drive Tara Bai Into bitter opposition against him, and the parties 
would soon fall Into a civil war. Thus Shahu released, he said, would 
be a more potent weapon against the Marathas than Shahtt in 
captivity. This advice was approved by all, and Azam Shah released 
Shahu about the beginning of May 1707, at a village called Doraha 
near Nemawar to the north of the N armada. 1 

Thus Shahu was set at liberty after a captivity of eighteen years. In 
November, 1689, he, along with his mother Yesu Bai and many of the 
Royal family, had been captured by Aurangzeb, when the capital of 
Maharastra, Raygad, capitulated. Though a prisoner in the hands of the 
bitterest enemy ? offthe Marathas and their king, yet Shahu was never 
ill-treated or subjected to any contumely. Far from It he was brought 
up like a prince with the warmest affection and tenderness. His reli- 
gion and caste were never interfered with, even by that greatest of 
bigots, Aurangzeb. On the other hand, he always showed an unaffected 
love and tenderness towards him, and regarded him as his own grand- 
son. That was due this affectionate attitude was due ' perhaps to 
Zinat-un-Nisa 'Aurangzeb's daughter, who took a fancy for the beautiful 
little prince, then only eight, and brought him up as her own son* A 

1 Khafi Khan, Elliot, vol., vii, p. 395, and Sardesal's Marathi Jtiyasat, 
voL i, p. 2. 



48 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

maid, throughout her life, she bestowed all her love and care on this boy, 
and was more than a mother to him. When Shahu came of age two 
beautiful brides were found out for him. from the families of Sindhia 
and gadhar, and Aurang-zeb grot his marriage celebrated with the pomp 
and grandeur befitting his rank. 1 Later on, when he discovered the 
signs of failure in his Deccan campaign he thought of releasing- Shahn, 
not to conciliate the Marathas, but to create division amongst them, 
and thus to weaken them. Twice did he plan it, and twice did it fail 
owing to his own suspicious nature, that frustrated so many of his 
undertakings, and ruined his empire. 2 At last however on his death 
Azarn, acting on the advice of Zulfikar Khan, released Shahu, on the 
condition that he should rule as a feudatory to Azam Shah, and leave 
behind him his mother, wives and a half-brother in the imperial camp 
as hostages. In return Azam granted him the Chauth and Sardesh- 
mukhi of the six Subahs of the Deccan, and the provinces of Gondwana, 
Gujrat and Tanjore in. addition to his paternal kingdom,, during his 
good behaviour. 3 With this imperial grant Shahn took leave of his 
family and escorted by a slender following made his way into Maha- 
rastra. 

The Royal party consisting of about fifty to sixty persons, troopers 
and servants all told made their journey westwards, and penetrating 
the Satpuras came into Kbandesh via Bijagarh and Sultan pur. They 
thoroughly enjoyed the adventures on the way, and when they reached 
Bijagarh, the free booter Mohan Singh joined them and gave them. 
substantial help in the shape of the sinews of war. Passing 1 on to 
the Pargana of Sultanpur, now Tahiqa Sahade, they came to Kokar* 
manda where Ambti Pande had built himself a fort and ravaged 
the country from Surat to Burhampur, 4 He was secured for the side 
of Shahu, and towards the end of May Shahu's father-in-law Rttstam' 
Rao Jadhav, brought a fresh army to his service and was created 
a Haft Hazari* Early June found Shahu at Lambkani, south of 
the Tapti, and then he actually entered Maharaja. 



l-if* of Shahn Maharaj, the Elder} by 
Chitnis, pp. 3-6. 

2 Sarkar's Aurangzeb, vol. v, pp., 205-7. 

3 A History of the Maratha People, *by Kincaid and Parasnis, vol. ii, 
pp. 1223. 

4 Khafi Khan, Elliot, vol. vii, p. 395. 

5 Raiwade, vol. xx, Doc. No, 60, 



AN INTRODUCTION TO THE RISE OF THE PESHWAS 49 

Lambkani forms a landmark In the history of Shahu ; for it Is here 
that he made his presence felt by the people, and established his 
claim to the throne with the support of some of the most powerful 
Maratha chieftains. Besides the adherence of Strjan Singh, the chief 
of Lambkani, there came Parsoji Bhonsle and tendered his homage to 
him. Of all the Maratha chieftains, who stood by Shahu at the time 
of his need, Parsoji rendered the most signal services. Claiming the 
same descent with the illustrious Shivaji, he ate publicly of the same 
plate with Shahu, the genuineness of whose descent had been 
questioned by Tara Bai, and thus dispelled all popular doubts about 
his birth. It had been noised abroad, as Shahu came to Maharastra, 
that he was an impostor and not the real son of Shambhuji. Now 
Parsoji's action proved to the people Shahu's legitimacy beyond a 
shadow of doubt and therefore his claim to the throne could not be 
questioned. 1 Its effect was soon felt in Maharastra, and there 
flocked to the support of his cause persons of no less importance than 
Haibat Rao Nimbalkar, Nemaji Sindhia and Chimnaji Damodar. 
Encouraged by this favourable turn of circumstances, Shahu dispatch- 
ed dozen of letters to various Sardars of Maharastra to come and pay 
homage to him, for he was the rightful heir to the throne. A month 
of anxiety and activity was passed at Lambkani, and when Shahu set 
out in July he had sufficiently strengthened his position, and endeared 
his cause to the people. 2 

Shahu's progress through the country, his sympathetic attention to 
the grievances of the people, and his conciliatory attitude towards the 
Zatnindars and Sardars won for him loyalty and affection on all sides. 

The fact that the son of the martyred king of the Mahrathas, had 
come back alive to claim his father's throne evoked a great deal of 
enthusiasm, and no less tenderness amongst the people. As the rainy 
season drew to its close, Shahu pitched his camp near Ahmednagar. 
Here he spent the whole of October preparing for the coming struggle 
with Tara Bai, who was as violent in the use of her tongue, as she 
was vigorous in her preparation against him. Shahu wanted to use 
Ahmednagar both as the seat of his power and base of his operations. 
That would have enormously enhanced his prestige. He had come 



3FPC ^ff^^qf^ TO* ( The Chronicle of the Bhonsles of Nagpur}, 
p. 20. 

2 Marathi Riyasat by Sardasai, '-Vol. i,*,p. 3. 

7 " ' . ' ' ' ' . :- '. '. ' " . ' 



SO JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

with the Imperial Farm an, as the nominee of the Mughals, and that 
was also a factor in attracting the loyalty of the people. . Now if 
Ahmednagar were his seat of power, as he wanted to make it, 1 it 
would have been a very great concession on the part of the Mnghals, 
and a fitting recompense for the hardships that the Mahrathas had 
suffered at their hands. But the Mtifyhnls were loth to part with 
Ahmednagar, for it formed one of their strongest and most advanced 
outposts in the Deccan. And Shahu was not inclined to wrest it from 
them, however feebly guarded it might Inive been at this time. To 
occupy it by force would have offended the Mughal s, and he would 
have lost their moral support and sympathy in his strutrtflo with Tara 
Bai. On the other hand he showed an importunity to placate them, 
and therefore determined to pay a visit; to the tomb of Aurangsscb at 
Khuldabad. 2 On his way there, he had to pass by a fortified village 
called Par ad, twenty-five miles to the north-west of Doulatabad, whose 
headman opened fire on Shahu J s army, A skirmish took place, in which 
the headman was killed, and the fort was stormed. At the end of the 
affair the widow of the headman came with her son, and with many 
a word of regret sought the protection of the king. That was most 
graciously granted, and because this was Shahu's first victory in 
Maharastra, he commemorated the occasion by giving the name Fateh 
Singh to the boy and brought him up like a royal priiu'e. 3 After his 
visit to Khuldabad he'returned to Nasrar, where he watched the course 
of affairs. ! By this time he felt conscious of his strength, and cautious 
as he was he did not like to throw away the ad van lanes he bail gained 
so far by anticipating Tara Bai arid rashly attacking her. He 
determined not to cross the Bhima unless he was sure of his success jn 
the contest. 

Shahu's advent into Maharastra embittered the feeling* of Tara 
Bai,, and she determined to offer a stubborn resistance. Indeed she 
was bold in her assertion that Shahu could have no reasonable claim to 
the throne. Violent. as she was of temper, she conkLnot have been 
sparing in her denunciations against Shahu ; but apart from that her 
convictions in the matter are clear from the following extract from a 

* Marathi Riym&t by Sardasai, vol. i, p. 4, 
2 Ktoafi Khan, Elliot, vol. vii, 'p. 395, 

pp. 15,16, 



AN INTRODUCTION TO THE RISE OF THE PESHWAS 51 

letter that she wrote to Som Naik, Desai of Setwad, on September 17, 
1707. ' The news has reached us that Rajashri Shahu Raja has been 
released by the Mughals. Let itbeso. This kingdom had been won 
by the exertion of Shivaji the great, of sacred memory, but Rajashri 
Shambuji Raja lost it. Rajah Ram then ascended the throne, and lie 
recovered the kingdom by his own prowess. He protected it and 
defeated the Mughals. The kingdom began to* prosper. Secondly 
Shivaji the great of sacred memory wanted to leave this kingdom 
to Rajah Ram. That being so, he (Shahu) has no claim to it. Those 
who have joined him or want to join him, we have ordered Rajashri 
Jai Singh, Jadhav Rao Senapati (Commander-in-Chief), Hambir Rao 
Mohite, Sarlaskar, and others with an army to chastise. Rajashri 
Parshuram Pant Pratinidhi has also been sent.' 1 Thus Tara Bai 
unequivocally rejects the claim of Shahu to the throne on the ground 
firstly, that the kingdom of Shivaji had been lost by Sambhuji, and it 
was Rajah Ram who recovered it from the Mughals ; secondly, that 
Shivaji on his death bed had nominated Rajah Ram and not Shambhuji 
to succeed him. Further, as is well known, the brutal conduct of 
Shambuji towards Rajah Ram's mother could neither be forgiven nor 
forgotten. Rightly therefore, Shivaji II, Rajah Ram's son, and not 
Shahu, Shambhuji' s son, was the real heir to the throne. 

Convincing as these arguments might appear Tara Bai did 
not rest content with correspondence alone. She meant to enforce on 
her people, what she wrote to them in letters. With this motive, she 
assembled all the highest officers of theistate, viz., Parshuram Pant 
Pratinidhi, Ramchandra Pant Amatya, Sankaraji Sachiv, Nilkanth 
Moreshwar Pradhan, i.e. Peshwa, Dhanaji Jadhav Senapati, Khando 
Ballal Chitnis, and others, and urged them to take an oath 013 the 
boiled rice and milk to the effect that they must remain true to the 
cause of her son, and must combine to do away with Shahu. 2 The 
question whether Shahu was an impostor, or the true son of Shambhuji, 
does not arise at all. In any case she had told them, he had no rigfht 
to the throne as against the son of Rajah Ram. The situation was 
indeed delicate for the Maratha nobles. Many took the oath, some 
wavered in indecision, and Dhanaji Jadhav and Khando Ballal pro tested 
strongly, that if Shahu were an impostor they would combine to do 

1 Mahrathi Jfciyasat, vol. i, pp, 5-6. 

8 sftc ^IF *3lLifeof Shahn the Mld&r t pp. 13-14 ; MarathiRiyasut, vol. i, p.7. 



52 JOURNAL OP INDIAN 

away with him, but if he were the real son of^Shatubhuji, they would 
not. This disagreement proved ultimately advantageous to Shahu, 
for each party in its eagerness to ascertain the truth about Shahu sent 
a trustworthy person to Shahu' s camp. Tara Bai deputed Bapuji 
Bhonsle, Parsoji Bhonsle's brother, t and Dhanaji Jadhav, his revenue 
secretary Balaji Vishwanath. The former did not return, but the 
latter did, quite convinced that Shahu was no impostor, and persuaded 
Dhanaji to espouse his cause. The result was evident in the battle of 
Khed, a little later. 

Tara Bai's cause was further weakened on account of the mutual 
ill-will amongst her own nobles which she could neither comprehend 
nor control. She placed undue confidence in Parsurruu Pant Prati- 
nidhi, and this was resented by his personal enemy Raniaehandra Pant 
Amatya. Parshurarn Pant therefore always took care to frustrate the 
wise measures suggested by Ramehandru Pant, through his influence 
with Tara Bai. Tara Bai even took a strong prejudice against him. In 
sheer disgust therefore, Ramchandra, Pautopened treasonable negotia- 
tion with Shahu, and Tara Bai apprised o this confined him in the 
fortress of Vasantagad. Extremely exasperated he vowed vengeance 
on Tara Bai and actively conspired with Dhanaji and other leading 
chiefs and urged them to go over to Shahiu 54 All these intrigues 
bore bitter fruits for Tara Bai. 

Thus she was undermining her strength by her own blind preju- 
dices, at a time when great balance of mind, and a spirit of conciliation 
were the most pressing needs. 

Shahu on the other hand showed great affection for the people and 
superior common sense and fortitude, in Ins dealings with all. As 
against these attractive qualities of Shahu, they could see nothing: but 
the idiocy of Shivaji, and the vindictive and arrogant nature of his 
mother. Therefore the personality of Shahu was no lens a decisive 
factor in his ultimate victory over Tara Bai, than the cumulative' 
effect of the rest of the circumstances. 

Shahu was not disposed to hasten matters. But Tara Bai who 
noticed that delay would injure her interests, determined to take the 
offensive and get her armies in motion after the Diwali festival. 



(The Chronicle of the jK/tonste$ of Nag pur), 
p. 20. 

a History of the Chiefs of Ichalkaranji (Mahrathi) , p, 22. 



AN INTRODUCTION TO THE &ISE OF THE PESHWAS 53 

About November 15, 1707, her Senapati Dhanaji Jadhav associated 
with- Parshuram Pant Pratinidhi, arrived near Chakan at the head of 
forty thousand troops. 1 A few marches forward the battle was 
joined with Shahu's forces at the village of Khed. The Senapati, 
acting: according to a pre-arranged plan remained indifferent, and the 
Pratinidhi fighting single-handed was badly beaten, lost from four to 
five thousand men, and fled 2 away a fugitive to Chakan, and thence 
to Satara. Since no authentic account of the battle is available, it is 
very doubtful whether such a large number of men were actually 
killed. But if the number of casualties is doubtful, there is no doubt 
about the result of the battle. 

It was an easy victory for Shahu, followed by Dhanaji' s openly 
joining his standards after the flight of the Pratinidhi. 

Khed shattered the hopes and undermined the position of Tara 
Bai. The rent that had been created in the ranks of her nobles could 
not be made up. Dhanaji's desertion served as a signal for that of 
many others. Chief among them were Kando Ballal Chitnis 3 and 
Bahiro Pant Piiigle the brother of Nilkanth Moreshwar Pingle, Tara 
Bai's Peshwa. 4 Like his brother, Bahiro Pant was made the 
Peshwa by Shahu, and was thus amply rewarded for his desertion. 
Fortune seemed to smile on Shahu after the battle of Khed. 

From Khed Shahu went to Jejuri where he worshipped the gods, 
fed the Brahmans and distributed gifts in commemoration of his 
victory. 

Proceeding south-west he came to a halt at Shirwal, in whose 
neighbourhood stood the giant fortress of Rohida, then held by 
Shankaraji Narayan Sachiv, Shahu's further progress was arrested, 
until he took the fortress from the Sachiv. Shahu therefore 
commanded him to surrender, and to join his standard. The Sachiv 
however shut himself up in a bitterness of feeling, for he was constantly 
haunted by the gloomy thoughts that he had taken the side of Tara 
Bai and had proved a traitor to the rightful heir Shahu, and in this 
agitated state of mind he swallowed diamond dust and put an end to his 



1 ft." $TF: m Life of Shahu the Elder, p. 16. 2 Ibid., pp. 16 and 17* 

3 Ibid, p. 16. * Marathi Riyasat, vol. I, p. 11 ; Rajwade, vol. xv, Doc. 360, 



54 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

life. 1 This incident, happening as it did, after Shahu 's victory at 
Khed, gave a complete turn to the condition of his affairs. 

- Automatically all the fortresses under the Sachiv Rajgad, Torna 
or Prachandagad, Rofaida or Vichitragad, Purandhar and Sinhghad 
surrendered to Shahu, and thus the whole country north of the Nira 
came under his possession. He was ' now the lord of Northern 
Maharastra, and a finishing touch to these acquisitions was given when 
Chatidan Wandan opened its gates to him. Secure in the north 
Shahu now left Shirwal determined to take Satara, 

Satara was the seat of Tiara Bai's government, and at the time 
when Shahu marched upon it Tara Bai had left it under Parshuram 
Pant and had gone to Panhala. Considering the strength of the 
fortress there was no likelihood of its easy conquest, Shahu was 
- clever enough to find that out ana before he tried force he tried 
diplomacy. He wrote to the Pratinidhi inducing him to surrender it 
without resistance, but since the latter would not yield he laid siege to 
it. Determined to take it in eight days Shahu threatened the comman- 
dant of the fort, Shaikh Mira, saying that he would blow off from the 
mouth of guns his wife and children, whom he had captured and 
brought -from Wai in case he did not surrender the fortress. This 
struck terror into the heart of Shaikh Mira and he showed his 
readiness to do the bidding of Shahu. But since the Pratinidhi 
resisted the intrepid commandant threw him into prison and opened 
the gates to Shahu on Saturday 1, January 1708, exactly on the 
eighth day of Shahu 's resolution. Along with the fortress was secured 
the person of the Pratinidhi, the right hand man of Tara Bai. 

Thus at once Tara Bai lost' her capital and her chief advisor in the 
struggle. 'The conquest of Satara forms another landmark in the 
history of Shahu. It bought to a happy close what had been begun at 
Lambkani and continued at Khed. But it meant more than this. It 
'; indicated the revival of the Maratha kingdom under the grandson of 
the great ShivajL. All had come off so far as desired by Shahu only 
his coronation remained to be celebrated. 

Tara Bai retired beyond the Krishna leaving Shahu master of ,U 
the territory in the north. Shahu thought, her submission, now that 

voi> xv> Doc -^^- 299 = 



AN INTRODUCTION TO THE RISE OF THE PESHWAS 55 

Satara had fallen, was only a question of time. And being a man of 
affectionate nature, he did not like to press his own aunt to extremity. 
He therefore let Tara Bai take her own time before she submitted, 
and he 'now made preparations for his coronation. January 12 was 
fixed by the royal astrologers as the auspicious day for the ceremony. 
It fell on Monday , the first day of the bright half of the sacred month 
of Magh, 'not ' Shahu properly anointed took the * ceremonious bath ' 
in the holy waters, and at an appointed hour ascended the throne of his 
ancestors. Auspicious music, and the booming: of the guns from the 
fort, proclaimed that Shahu had become the king of Maharastra. The 
ceremony came to a close amidst a blaze of jewels and glitter of gold. 

Next the king proceeded to make new appointments or confir- 
mations to the various offices in a formal way. He appointed Bahiro 
Pant Pingle as his Peshwa, Dhanaji Jadhav as his Senapati, Naro 
Shanker as his Sachiv, Ramachandra Pant Pundey as his Mantri, 
Mahadaji Gadadhar as his Sumanta, Amburao Hammante as his 
Amatya, Honaji Anant as Nyayadhish, and Mudgal Bhatt as his 
Pandit Rao. Further Haibat Rao Nimbalkar was created Sarlashkar 
and Khando Ballal, Chitnis to the king. Parshuram Pant Pratinidhi 
being still in prison, Gadadhar Prahlad, the son of Prahlad Niraji, was 
appointed to his office. In the hour of his glory Shahu did not forget 
those to whom he owed his success. Parsoji Bhonsle than -whom 
nobody had a greater claim on Shahu' s gratitude, was given the title 
of Sena-Sahib-Subha and along with it a sumptuous jagir to maintain 
his rank. Apart from this reward, Shahu always cherished a fondness 
for him and his house. 1 There were made other minor appoint- 
ments, which have no bearing upon our narrative. Thus was Shahu's 
reign inaugurated in Maharastra. 

Shahu ruled for about forty-one years from January 12, 1708 to 
December 15, 1749. It is a period of far-reaching changes in the history 
of India and of Maharastra as well. History of India recorded the 
decline and fall of the Mughal Empire, the gradual rise of European 
nations, the invasions from beyond the passes, and the cumulative 
effect of all, the dissolution of the old order and rise of the new. In 
Maharastra also similar scenes are presented to our eyes. The early 
years of Shahu's reign witnessed hopeless confusion in the Svar&fya, 
out of which the Peshwas evolved order, and as the reign advanced 



56 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

greater responsibilities were shelved on to their shoulders. 

equal to the occasion they initiated new policies, and it is to -their 
transcendental personal qualities that the Maratha Empire owed its 
inception. Great transformation was wrought in the Mahratha 
territories, and by the time of Shahu's death the path had been paved 
for one man's power. That power was that of the Peshwas. Thus 
Shahu's reign marks the twilight of confusion and construction, not 
only in Maharastra but in the whole of India, ancl from that point of 
view it is invested with exceeding interest for the student of history. 

The most difficult problem that confronted Shahu after his 
coronation was how to deal with Tara Bai, how to square Ms own 
interests with those of Tara Bai. She had been beaten in the 
contest, but not crushed. If Shahu had resumed the campaign with 
the same vigour as he had begun it, she would have been brought to 
her knees in no time. 1 But Shahu had neither the energy nor incli- 
nation for it. He was by temperament incapable of stern action or 
sustained exertion. He was further persuaded by interested persons 
.ike Khande Rao Dabhade to pursue a conciliatory policy towards his 
uncle's family. Accordingly Shahu seriously considered the question 
of ceding the whole country to the south the Waruna to Tara Bai's 
son, and actually made overtures for a treaty with her to this effect on 
January 16, 1708. 2 If she had consented, the fatal civil war 
that convulsed Maharastra and gathered force as the years rolled by, 
would have ended here, instead of twenty-three years later in 1731. 
But that was not to be, and Tara Bai was implacable in her enmity 
against Shahu. 

Undaunted by her recent discomfitures she formed new plans for a 
fresh contest. She released Ramchandra Pant, whom she had im- 
prisoned in Vasantgad, and won him over again by an expression of 
deep regret for the past, and profession of friendship for the future. 3 
She secured the Sawant of Wadi, 4 and Kanhoji Angrey on her side, 
besides the powerful Sardar Sidhoji Hindu Rao, Santaji Ghorepade's 
first nephew. Then she put Rangna in a perfect condition to stand a 
long siege, and remained awaiting the development of affairs on 
Shahu's side. 

1 Marathi Riyasat, vol. i, p, 14. '* Raj wade, Doc. 282, pp. 410-11. 

3 History of the Chiefs of Ichalkaranji .(Mahrathi), p. 22. 
* Rajwade, vol. viii, Doc. 62, pp. 83 and 84. 



AN INTRODUCTION TO THE RISE OF TMM PESHWAS 57 

These preparations of Tara Bai forced the hands of Shahu, and he 
embarked on a campaign against her in February 1708. 3 From 
Satara he marched by* slow stages to Panhala, and thence to 
Panchganga. On the way Basantgad and Pawangad fell v .to his 
hands, and having thus established his outposts round KolLapur he 
passed on to Rangtia. Vishalgrad surrendered on the way, and when 
Shahu arrived near Rangna or Prasiddhagad', Tara Bai shut its gates, 
called the Sawant of Wad! and Kanhoji Angrey to her aid s and resolved 
to stand a long: siege. Her plans were admirably laid. She would 
hold the fprtress, while her allies, the Sawant and Angrey would harass 
the besiegers. But the latter did not turn up, and of them the Sawant 
actually joined Shahu against her. 3 Ramchandra Pant, whom she 
had made her chief advisor now, soon discovered signs of weakness in 
the defence, and therefore advised her to escape from the fort with 
her son- In the early stages of the siege he managed to send the 
mother and son out of the fort, and himself remained to hold out as 
long as possible. When the siege had lasted three months, and the 
fort came to the verge of surrender Ramchandra Pant secretly 
persuaded Dhanaji Jadhav to prevail upon Shahu to raise the siege. 4 
Further he got Tara Bai to write to Dhanaji, Khando Ballal and 
even Parshuratn Pant, inducing them to join her. In her letters dated 
May 23, 1708, she urges them ' not to harbour any slight or suspicion ' 
against her, to desert Shahu and to take her side. 5 Their persuasion 
was not entirely lost upon Dhanaji and his colleagues. Indeed they 
were averse to the idea of entirely crushing Tara Bai, for in that case 
Shahu, would be unduly powerful and they would not be able to serve 
their own interests at his cost. They could keep Shahu under their 
thumb so long as the civil war was going on. Hence Dhanaji pleaded 
strongly for raising the siege because the heavy monsoon rains had 
set in. The only dissentient voice was that of Parsoji Bhonsle. But 
Shahu yielded, and ordered the siege operations to be stopped. 
Placing- Nil o Ballal, the brother of Khando Ballal Chitnis, in charge 
of the newly conquered territories he returned to Panhala by 
June 24, 1708. 6 

Thus ended the campaign of Rangna In partial success. It brought 

I Marathi Riyasat, vol. I, p.' IS. z Rajwade, vol. iii, Doc. 64, p. 66. 
3 Ibid,, Doc. 67, p. 88, * Marathi Riy<t$ai< vol. i, p. 16. 

II Raj wade, vol. viii, Docs, 64 to 66, pp. 86 and-87. 6 Marathi Jfiyasat^. 16. 

8 . ' ' ' . " ' ' .."'. ^ ' '. '.';. 



58,. JOURNAL OF INDIAN 

fresh acquisitions, but Tara Bai was not crushed. That was due to 
the irresolution of Shahu. His leniency, that characterized . all his 
dealings, readily responded to the pleadings of the Interested chief- 
tains. Dhanaji and others were more Interested in increasing their 
jagfirs than in fighting the battles of Shahu. During: the Rang-na 
campaign, Dhanaji was taking a malicious delight in fomenting the 
family disputes between the Jagdales and the Pisales. Hindu Rao 
Ghorpade, in pursuance of his family feuds, had taken side against 
Dhanaji. Balaji Viswanath, the 'mutaliq of the Arnatya, Dattaji Sheodev, ' 
the mutaliq of the Sachiv and Naro Rnm Shenvi were busy in bringing 
about a compromise between the disputants. Parsoji was anxious to 
get a jaglr sanctioned for his protege Ramaji Narain Kolhntpar, Such 
was the condition of Shahu's Camp, when Tara Bai made l.er escape 
from Rangna. . Thus Shahn's own character and the indifference of 
his chieftains were responsible for the fact that only a partial success 
was obtained in the Rangna campaign. 

When Shahu withdrew from Rangna he had thought of resuming 
the siege after the rains. But an after- thought led him to change his 
mind, and he 'showed great anxiety to occupy the Konkan and the 
Karnatic. While at Panhala he despatched dozen of letters to the 
Poligars of the Karnatic commanding them to recognize his authority. 
To' reduce Tara Bai he applied to the Governor of Bombay, Sir 
Nicholas Waite, for a supply of ammunition, European soldiers and 
money, but the latter did not consent to it, * Further about the 
middle of the year 1708 died Dhanaji Jadhav and on November 4, 
that year his son Chandra Sen succeeded to the office, a Chandra 
Sen's conduct was not above suspicion, and his mind wavered between 
Shahu and Tara Bai. On account of these reasons Shahu thought it 
wise to leave Tara Bai in entire possession .of the whole country to 
the south of the Waruna, and accordingly withdrew his troops from 
those parts by the end of the year 1708* 3 

Tara Bai was not slow to take advantage of this changed attitude 
.of Shahu.'' When. Shahu left Panhala and retired to Satara towards 
the end of 1708, she returned from Malwan and took possession of the 
fortress of Vishalgad. 4 Soon the country south of the Waruna 
passed into her hands, and following the advice of Rarn Chandra Pant 

1 Grant Duff, vol. i, p. 422, . . a Marathi JRiyasat, vol. i,.p* 20. 



AN INTRODUCTION TO THE RISE OF THE PESHWAS 59 

she desisted from transgressing the line of the Wartma and fixed her 
headquarters at Kolhapur. Next she turned to reckon with the 
Sawant of Wadi. He had betrayed her cause at a time when she was 
hard pressed by Shahu in the fortress of Rangna. Wadi is contiguous 
to Kolhapur, and she now deputed against him Ramchandra Pant, 
who operating in combination with the commandant of Vishalgad 
soon brought him to his knees, and extorted an agreeable treaty from 
him. Thus she established her power without injuring the interests 
of Shahu, who therefore did not like to molest her and let her have 
her own way. As a tangible proof of this intention, Shahu called 
back Parsoji Bhonsle, whom he had posted in the neighbourhood of 
Kolhapur to keep an eye on the movements of Tar a Bai, about the 
beginning of 1709. It appeared as if amicable relations would now 
subsist between Shahu and Tara Bai. 

The parties would have lived in peace had it not been for the arrival 
of Bahadur Shah in the Deccan towards the end of the year 1708. In 
the battle of Jajau, towards the end of June 1707, Azam Shah had been 
defeated and killed. 1 His elder brother Manzam, the victor at Jajau, 
had ascended the throne with the style of Bahadur Shah, early in July. 
Shahu had taken care to send his wakil or envoy, Raybhanji Bhonsle 
to the Court, and had paid his homage to the new Emperor. In return 
Bahdur Shah confirmed him in his position and elevated him to the 
Mansab of ten thousand. 2 Soon after his accession Bahdur Shah 
was called upon to conduct a campaign in Rajputana, and while still 
there, heard that Kambakhsh had assumed the signs of sovereignty. 3 
In answer to a kind letter, by which Bahdur Shah relinquished the two 
Subas of Bijapur and Golkonda, and remitted the tribute to be paid to 
the imperial treasury, but commanded ' that the coins shall be struck 
and the Khutba read iu our name ' Kambakhsh wrote a provoking 
reply, 4 Therefore Bahdur Shall closed his Rajputana campaign in 
haste and marched into the Deccan. On his way he summoned Shahu 
to his presence to render military service to him. 5 Shahu grateful 
for all the kind treatment that he had received in the imperial camp, 

x Later Mughals, vol. i, pp. 22-32. 

9 Raj wade, vol. viii, Docv. s. 55 to 57: the date of these documents are 
wrong. ' , ; ' ' ' ' v ' . ' '. . ' :. ' v :' \ ' , 

3 Later Mughal$ t vol. I, pp. 45-48. 

* Khali Khan, Elliot, vol. vii, p. 406. 

* Rajwade, vol. viii, Doc. 56, p. 78 



60 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

. and eager to secure the favour of the new emperor, readily despatched 
an army tinder Neinaji Sindhia. Nemaji, writes Klaafi Khan, was 
c one of the most renowned of all the Na-Sardars (Marutha Sardars), 
' and one of the greatest leaders of the accursed armies of the Dakhin. 
' His plundering raids had extended as far cis the province of Malwa.' 1 
la spite o that , the accursed infidel rendered signal services to, the 
Emperor in his contest against Kambakhbh. Kambaknsu with a mere 
wreck of an army met the imperialists, who had been reinforced by the 
Marathas, near Haiderabad, and was defeated ana taken prisoner 
covered with wounds. This battle was fought on January i3 f 1709, and 
Kambakhsh expired the next clay. 2 Taking advantage of the emperor's 
victory in which the Maratiia^ had aciiiiiUea themselves creditably 
Shahu sent his own wakii to the j&mpcror for the Brazil of ' the Sardt-sh- 
mukhi and the Chauth of the six Subahs of the Dakhiu on eondiiion of 
restoring prosperity to the ruined Jand.' 3 The Emperor had no hesi- 
tation to grant his prayer, and indeed the Royal Framan hud been writ- 
ten and was ready to be despatched when the arrival of Tara Jjai's agent 
upset the whole plan of Shahu. Tara Bai thiouch her ag- tint disputed 
the right of Shahu to the Sardeshmukhi and Chauth ot the Deccan, 
and pleaded JEor securing the Sardeshmukhi only lor hei son. Her 
pleadings would have fallen on cieaf years, had it not been lor the 
support of the Khan-i-Khanon, Minim Khan. Owinfc to a i eeent dis- 
agreement between Zuifika Khan and Munim Khan over the control 
of the civil and revenue affairs of the Deccan, and the constant jealousy 
for predominance in the court, they now took opposite sides,- 
Zulfikar Khan supporting the cauae o bhahu, and Alunim Khan that 
of Tara Bai, and * a great contention arose upon the matter between 
the two ministers. '* Bahadur Shah cuiiJd not decide either way. At 
last an interesting plan was put forward by Munini Khun. lie sug- 
gested that Shahu and Tara Bai should light out their cause, and 
whoever emerged successful should have the fckirdeshmukhi rights. 5 , 
The emperor accepted the plan, and returned the envoys to their 
principals. Thus ' the orders about the Sardeshmukhi remained in* 
operative/ 6 and the emperor left for the north crossing: the Narmada 
on December 25, 1709. 7 

* Khafi Khan, Elliot, vol. vii, p. 408, ' 4 Later Mit}fkals t vol. i, jM>2 

3 Khaft-Khaia, Elliot, vol. vii, p. 408. * Ibid. % p. 4uy, 

MarathiRiyasat, vol. i, p. 24. Khali Khan, Mlliot, vol. vii, p, 400, 

7 later Mughals* vol. i v p. 67. 



AN INTRODUCTION TO THE RISE OF THE PESHWAS 61 

This decision of the emperor again kindled the flames of the civil 
war between Shahu and Tara Bai, Bent upon establishing their 
claim, they now prepared to fight to a finish. The parties stooped 
to the meanest manoeuvres to outwit each other. They tried to corrupt 
each other's officers, and to seize each 'Other's forts and outposts. 
They eagerly courted the help of the avaricious chieftains, and made 
profuse promises for the grant of fresh lands and jagirs. Just as it 
emerged from the deadly effects of Aurangzeb's war, the country 
succumbed to these domestic troubles. The people stiil persisted in 
their lawless habits, and the partisans oi Shahu and Tara Bai, cons- 
cious of their importance to their respective chiefs, found it most 
profitable to fish in troubled waters. Indeed the country was honey- 
combed with the unruly chieftains like Damaji Thorat, Krishna Rao 
Khataokar, Udaji Chouhan and others, who lived on organized plunder 
and spread terror through the land. 1 In such circumstances law and 
order can never thrive, and in such circumstances did Balaji Vishwa- 
nath find the country when. he was selected by bhahu to help him out 
of the situation, and to save the country from anarchy. All the 
reliable and experienced men, who could do this, were dead by now. 
Dhanaji died in 1708, and Parsoji Bhonsle a year later. Therefore 
> Shahu was forced to choose Balaji Vishwanath as his helper from 
amongst his other officers, and he more than amply justified the choice. 
Like all great men he made his mark in these times of difficulties, and 
rose to the most prominent position in the State, He restored order 
to Shahu' s kingdom. 

Amidst these troubles Shahu found some solace in marrying two 
more wives, Sakwar Bai and Saguna Bai. He must have been feel- 
ing dreadfully lonely, for he had left his family in the imperial court. 
It was again Balaji Vishwanath who, as shall be noticed later, restored 
his family to him. Therefore the first of the House of the Peshwas, 
was the first and best servant of the House oi the Bhonsles. . -. 

* MaralM Kfyasat* vol. i, p. 24 ; Rajwade, vol. iii, Doc. 343, 



EY 

P. T. SRINIVASA IYENGAR, M.A. 
(Reader in Indian History ^ Madras University.) 

A LITTLE more than a year ago, on the Invitation of the Syndicate of 
the Madras University I delivered the Sir S. Subrahmania Iyer 
lecture. I chose for the subject of that lecture the * Stone Age in 
India ' and gave an account of the life of the Indian people so far as 
it could be inferred from the relics of the Stone Age collected so far. 
Then I described that lecture as the first chapter of Indian History. 
My book on Life in Ancient India in the Age of the Mantras > 
published more than fifteen years ago, is the third chapter of the 
History of India. The lectures 1 am going to deliver now, 1 will 
constitute the second chapter of this entrancing story of the continuous 
evolution of Indian life from its start when in an first appeared on this 
globe. The proper history of India is not the story of the rise and fall of 
royal dynasties, nor that of frequent invasions and constant wars, but 
that of the steady growth of the people in social, moral, and religious 
ideals, and their ceaseless attempts to realize them in actual life, 
Hence the work of the historian of India, as I understand it, is chiefly 
concerned with the construction of pictures of how the people, age by 
age, ate and drank, how they dressed and decorated themselves, how 
they lived and loved, how they sang and danced, and how they 
worshipped their gods and solved the mysteries of human existence, 

THB SUBJECT 

To the good old Vedic word ' Arya', European scholars have 
attached varying connotations, A hundred years ago comparative philo- 
logy was in its childhood and anthropology in an embryonic condition, 
and German Sanskritists invaded the realms of anthropology and im- 
posed on' it the 'theory that a highly civilized Aryan race, evolved in 
the central Asian Highlands, flowed down in various streams to India, 
Persia, Armenia, and the different countries of Europe, fertilised those 
countries and sowed the seeds of civilization far and wide. Soon this 
theory was modified by transferring the original centre of the Aryan 
race to Europe. The patriotism of French and of German scholars 
impelled them to rival with each other and to conclude that the 
motherland of each of them alone couJd support the honour of being 
the first centre of Aryan culture* Others assigned this honour to 
Scandinavia, to Finland, to Russia, As seven cities claimed Homer 
dead, so several countries claimed to be the original land of the 
Aryans. Then the Italian Anthropologists came into the scene and 
proved that the Aryans who invaded Greece, Rome and other European 
countries were savages who remained in the Stone Age when their 
neighbours had reached the Bronze Age and that wherever they settled 

* A course of lectures delivered at the University, 



PRE- ARYAN TAMIL CULTURE 63 

in old times they destroyed the pre-existing civilization, for instance, 
in Crete and Btruria. To-day anthropologists say that all the 
races of the world are more or less mixed and that there never was a 
distinctive, pure Aryan race. The benefit of the theory of a 
conquering, civilizing: Aryan race is now reserved only for Ancient 
Indian History, text-books of which teach that the Vedic culture was 
developed outside India and was imported into that country, ready 
made, by conquering: invaders. But a careful study of the Vedas, such 
as is found in my Life in Ancient India in the Age of the Mantras^ 
reveals the fact that Vedic culture is so redolent of the Indian soil and 
of the Indian atmosphere that the idea of the non-Indian origin of that 
culture is absurd. So we have got to restore, to the word < Arya ', its 
original meaning found in the Vedas. The Rishis of the Vedas used 
the word * Arya ' without any racial implications, but only in the sense 
of a people who followed the fire-cult as opposed to the fireless-cult. 
In the Vedic times two cults prevailed in India : (1) that followed by 
the Aryas to whom Sanskrit was the sacred tongue, the language of 
the Gods, who made offerings to the Gods through Agni, because they 
believed Agni to be the mouth of the Gods, and (2) that followed b^ the 
Dasyus whom the Aryas described as anagni, the fireless. Thus Arya 
was always in India a cult name, the name of a method of worship, 
whose main characteristic jwas the lighting of the sacred fire. There 
were two forms of the Arya fire cult the Grihya and the Sranta, 
the cult of one fire and the cult of three fires, the Ekagnixn& Tret&gni, 
the simple domestic fire-rites still performed in the houses chiefly of 
the Brahmanas and the gorgeous sacrifices, chiefly conducted by Rajas 
in ancient India up to the age of the Armageddon on the plains of 
Kurukshetra and now almost extinct. The Arya rites, besides being 
characterized by the mediation of the Fire-God, also required the use 
of Sanskrit mantras, which were promulgated by the ancient seers 
called Rishis ; the Dasyu rites had no use for fire or for Sanskrit 
mantras or for a privileged class of expert priests. < 

When did the Arya rites rise ? It is impossible to determine when 
the concept of fire as the mouth of the Gods was worked out or when 
the cult of one-fire began. But it is possible to find out when the 
three-fire cult commenced. The Vedas and the Puranas assert that 
Pururavas first lighted the triple fire in Pratishthana (now Prayaga or 
Allahabad) ; and though many royal dynasties rose and fell during the 
Age of the Rishis, we learn from Pargiter's Studies- of ike 7raMzonal 
History of Ancient India that more than a hundred kings of one dynasty 
particular reigned from the time of Pururavas down to the middle 
of the first millennium before the Christian era. Dwarding^e 
Pauranika claim of incredibily long reigns for some of the kings of this 

of 



JrauraniKa cJaim 01 inurcuiuiiy .n^g, *^*s^ *~- - , , 

s%rr ? o ?fiiHTS 



64 JOUR A? A L OF INDIAN HISTORY 

North India began, to influence each other, however faintly, from the 
beginning of the Vedic Age. An analysis of the information contained 
in 'these mantras also discovers the fact that the Aryas and the 
Dasvtis, though violently opposed to eaoh other in the cults they 
followed, had attained to absolutely the same level of general culture ; 
excent in the matter of religion and literature, they lived the same kind 
of life : they ate the same food, wore the same kind of clothes, 
had the same amusements, the same customs, manners, etc., and 
followed the same methods of making- love and war. 

Ts th^re anv way of constructing- a picture of the life of any Indian 
people before the rise of the Arya cult 5,000 years ago ? The Tamils 
were the most highly cultured of the people of India before the agye 
of the Rishis and it is proposed here to investigate the culture which 
the ancient Tamils attained to in South India, before the gorgeous 
three-fire Arva rites spread, and the associated Vedic literature was 
promulgated, in the valleys of the Sindhu and the Ganga. 



THREE LINES OF EVIDENCE 

There are three lines of evidence which can, be utilized for 
constructing a picture of the 1i*e of the ancient Tamils before the 
rise of the Arva triple-fire cult in India, north of the Vindhyas. The 
first source of information regarding ancient South Indian life is the 
catalogue of prehistoric antiquities of South India, of artefacts, dis- 
covered by geologists and others, belonging- to the Neolithic and 
early Iron Acres and deposited in the various museums of India. 
The study of these artefacts has to be supplemented by a careful 
examination of the sites whence these relics of ancient Indian man 
have been derived and which represent the settlements of Neolithic 
and earlv Iron Age men. '* Besides a careful study of ancient settle- 
ments the investigator ought also to observe the .sites of ancient 
graveyards and conduct excavations of Neolithic and. enrly Iron A^e 
graves in the Tamil country before he can understand their implica- 
tions with regard to the lives led by the ancient Tamils. The second 
line of evidence is furnisher] by a study of the words which the Tamil 
language possessed before it came in any kind of contact with 
Sanskrit, the sacred language of the Aryas. Nouns and verbs 
constitute the trunk of a language and the objects and actions which 
nouns and verbs refer to must have been possessed by or known to 
the speakers of a language before they -could use those essential 
parts of speech in their talk. If we could make tip a list of the nouns 
and verbs which, we are certain, belonged to the earliest stratum of 
the language of a people, we may infer from it wbit objects they 
handled or had observed, what actions they were able to perform, in 
other words, what was the nature of the life that they lived, what was 
the general culture they had attained to. This is the main object of 
this study. Our third line of evidence is the early literature of the 
Tamil people. The existing- specimens of this literature no doubt 
belong to times later than what we are investigating. But we are 
certain that the even tenor of the life of the people in that ancient epoch 
was not disturbed by catastrophic changes ; therefore, as the life of 
the people mirrored in the early literature, which we now possess is, 



PR B~ A RYAN TAMIL CULTURE 65 

but an unbroken continuation of that of the earlier epoch, the evidence 
of that literature can be used to confirm the conclusions reached by 
the use of the other two lines of evidence. It is proposed in this 
study to construct a picture of the culture of Tamils five thousand 
years ago by utilizing these sources of information. 



THE EVENING OF THE Lrmic EPOCH 

An account of the life of the South Indians of very ancient times 
derived from a study of the artefacts of the stone ages has been 
given by me in my Stone Age in India. The life of the marauder, 
of the hunter and the worker in bamboo, of the cowherd and the 
shepherd, of the farmer and the weaver, and of the fisherman, the 
salt-scraper and the sailor, had all been evolved amongst them while 
yet in the New Stone Age, as is proved by the fact that they made 
polished stone tools necessary for the pursuits of the different means 
of livelihood associated with these forms of ancient culture. All these 
different pursuits existed at the same time, each In the region suited 
to it. 

The life of the people at the end of the lithic times may yet be 
found in the interior of the Tamil land. There still exist in the heart 
of the Tamil country hamlets and villages where the ubiquitous Telugu 
Komati is not found, where the ministrations of the all-pervasive 
Brahmana do not exist, and where even the Kabandha arm of British 
trade has not introduced kerosene oil and the safety match, called by 
the people mannenney^ earth-oil and the fire-stick, tlkkuchchi* where 
the whistle of the steam-engine and the toot of the motor horn has 
not yet been heard, and if you wipe off from the picture of the life of 
the people there the part played by iron tools, you can see with your 
eyes the slow placid life of the stone-age man exactly as it was in ten 
thousand B.C. Even in other parts of the country, which have partici- 
pated in the elevation of culture due to the later discovery of iron, 
to the spread of the Arya culture by the Brahmanas, and to the develop- 
ment of internal trade during the long ages when there were numerous 
shufflings of dynasties of Indian Rajas and of foreign trade after 
European ships pierced the extensive sea-wall of Bharatavarsha, the 
greater part of the life of the people is but the life of the stone-age 
man, exactly as it was when Indian man was in the lithic epoch of 
culture. 

THE DAWN OP THE IRON AGE 

About seven thousand years ago, began the Iron Age in India. I 
assign a greater antiquity to the Iron Age in India than most scholars 
are inclined to admit, because the Vedic culture which began at least five 
thousand years ago was a culture of an advanced iron age. Prior to 
it flourished the cultures revealed by the excavations at Adichchanallur 
in the Tinnevelly District and Mohenjo Daro and Harappa in the 
Indus valley. Moreover I shall presently prove that the Iron Age 
began when Tamil had not come in any kind'of contact with Sanskrit ^ 



66 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

the linguistic vehicle of Vedic culture. Hence two thousand years 
before Puraravas lighted the triple-fire at Pratishthana Is not at all an 
exaggerated estimate of the length of the Pre-Vedic Iron Ag-e in 
ancient India. 

In India the Stone Asfe quietly passed into the Iron Age. In other 
parts of the world, the Stone Asre was followed by the Copper Age, 
in which people made their tools (and ornaments) of copper and they 
discovered methods of hardening copper and made copper knives with 
edges as sharp as steel, ones, an art which is now forgotten. The 
Copper Age was soon followed by the Bronze Age, in which they 
learnt to make an alloy of copper and tin, which was very much harder 
than copper. But in South India as in China, no brief Copper Age or 
long- Bronze A<?e intervened between the Neolithic As;e and that of 
Iron. . Professor Growland, F.R.S., the great metallurgist and the 
successful explorer, archseologically, of the Japanese Islands, has 
expressed the idea that the smelting of iron, may have been hit upon 
by accident while experiments were being- made. This lucky accident 
may well have happened in India, where the iron industry is one of 
great antiquity (far greater indeed than in Europe, e.g., at Flallstat or 
Le Tenel and iron ores occur so largely.' 1 An examination of 
several Neolithic sites proves that the passage from the Lithic to the 
Iron Age was not catastrophic but that the two ages overlapped 
everywhere. Stone tools continued to be used long- after Iron tools 
were made, more especially on ceremonial occasions, for the stone 
tool being the older one, was sacrosanct and alone possessed cere- 
monial purity, and hence stone tools occur along with iron ones in the 
graves of the early Iron Age. 

Mr, Vincent A. Smith, the historian of India, an expert numis- 
matist and not primarily an investigator of pre-historic antiquities and 
one totally ignorant of South Indian life or history and of early South 
Indjan artefacts, assumes without a shadow of proof that iron was 
'utilized in Northern India from at least 10^0 B.C.', and that 'in 
Southern India the discovery or introduction of iron may have 
occurred much later and quite independently.' 2 Here are two' gratui- 
tous assumptions. The Vedic culture which was developed in India 
at least before 300^ B.C., was an Iron Age culture. The iron (&yatfi) 
castles,^ mythological or actual, spoken of in the Vedic mantras and' 
the distinct reference to fyttmam&vas, 3 black metal, are enough to prove 
this. So far as ^ South India is concerned, Foote, who has examined 
most South Indian pre-historic sites so far known, has concluded that 
the antiquity of the iron industry of India is far greater than in Europe ; 
and^ every one who has opened graves of the later Stone Age and the 
earlier Iron. Age and studied the pottery associated with stone and 
iron tools and has also carefully examined settlements of those ancient 
times can easily satisfy himself that iron was discovered and worked 
in South -.India- many millenniums before the ' beginnings of the 
Christian era. Soon after iron was discovered, South Indians learned 
to isolate from their ores gold, silver and copper and make ornaments 
and utensils of these metals. They also arrived at the general idea 
of metal as a material for household utensils in addition to stone and 

* Poote, Prehistoric Antiquities, p. 25. * Oxford History of India p 4 

31 Athwnta, Veda, ri, 3, 7. 



PRE- ARYAN TAMIL CULTURE 67 

wood previously used. They gave to metal the. name of pon^ the 
lustrous material, from pol* to shine. Gold was also called pon^ the 
metal par. excellence , as well as tafogam^ the superior metal, uyatnda 
pon^ the superior (ever clean) metal. Iron was irumdu, 5 the dark 
metal, from ir t e dark (whence iravu t 7 zr&, B night, iritl^ zruffu, 10 
irutchi^ 1 - darkness, irundai^* charcoal). Probably iru-mu* 3 was the 
earlier form of Telugu inumu. iron was also called fearumbon^* 
meaning the black metal. Silver was ^//z, 15 the white metal, and 
copper Senibus tne red metal. That these four metals were alone 
known to ancient Tamil India and that tin, lead, and zinc were not 
known is proved by the fact that the Tamil names of these latter have 
been borrowed from Sanskrit. Thus tin is tagaram^ 7 lead is $yam tB 
(from Sanskrit stsam, through Prakrit), and Zinc is tuttam*-* (whence 
the English word tutty, polishing powder) or n&gam.* Tin and lead 
are also respectively called velllyam*^ ,and k&rlyam^' 2 ' white and 
black Zyam, z3 under the mistaken idea that they were black and white 
varieties of the same metal. Brass, an alloy of copper and zinc, was 
also borrowed from Aryan India, its name pittafai**- being borrowed 
from the Northern dialects. Bronze, an alloy of copper and tin, was 
not unknown in ancient Tamil India, for a few bronze implements and 
ornaments have been discovered in early Iron Age graves ; one such/ 
a tiny knja 2S (with its mouth so small tnat the little ringer could not 
be squeezed into it). I recovered from an ancient grave, associated 
with a bill-hook, whose peculiar shape, similar to that of the weapon 
of the village gods, betokened its great age ; and this vessel was made 
of an alloy of copper and tin, which, on chemical analysis, was found 
to be remarkably free from impurities. The Bronze Age in Europe 
extended over long centuries ; but there was no necessity in South India 
for a Bronze Age, because the people had discovered Iron before bronze 
and iron is a much better material for tools than bronze. The gold- 
smiths of India have used bronze only for polishing hammers and 
for stamps and dies, because these have to be made of a material both 
hard and incapable "of being covered with rust, which would deteriorate 
the faces of polishing 4iammers and destroy the delicate lines of the 
designs incorporated in stamps, dies, and moulds. Otherwise iron 
alone was the material used for tools in South India throughout the 
ages. Bronze was called in ancient Tamil urai** but the fact that 
more bronze was imported from Northern India than was made in 
Southern India, is proved by the use of the words kanjlyam*' 3 kanji- 
yam, z& from Sanskrit kamsyam, and t&r*m,** from Sanskrit mra, 
radiant, shining, as well as the artificial compound words veiigalam,** 
the white vessel, 'Malay alam vett^u?* the white shell. Bronze was 
worked to some extent in South India, but * the numerous bronze 
objects, many of which are of great beauty from the cemeteries of the 
South, do not belong to an age characterized by the sole use of that 
alloy.' 32 



as^gg,. jwBp. *<s<uio. arruji. - . ... 

33 J CoRgin Brown, Cat. of Prehistoric Antiquities in the Indian Museum,, p. 8, 
AsFoote too, remarks, * as it fell out, however, the discovery of the alloy 
[bronze] was not made in India till after the art of iron-smelting had been acquired 
sind iron weapons and tools had come largely in use.' Op. -at,, p. 25. 



68 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

THE COPPER AGE IN NORTH INDIA 

There is some evidence that there was a copper ag;e in some parts 
of Northern India, which preceded the iron age there, implements 
composed of practically pure copper have been found at several sites 
in Northern India, chiefly in the Upper Ganges Valley. Besides, 
at Gungeriaii in the Balagnat District of the Central Provinces has 
Deen found a hoard, which * according to Sir John Evans . . , is the 
most important discovery of instruments of copper yet recorded in the 
old world. In 1870 no less than 4^4 hammered copper implements, 
made of practically pure metal, weighing collectively 529 pounds, and 
102 thin silver plates were discovered there. The copper implements 
are extremely varied in form, principally consisting of flat celts of, 
many different shapes. There are also many long crowbar-like instru- 
ments with an expanded lunette-shaped chisel edge at the lower end, 
which may be designated as ; * bar-celts " . The .silver objects are all 
laminae about the tiiickness of ordinary paper, comprising: two classes, 
viz., circular disks and ' bull's ' Heads. TheGiingena deposits although 
found south of the Narbada River, is clearly to be associated by reason 
of its contents with Northern India.' l The Upper Ganges Valley was 
the home of the Arya cult in ancient days. Hence copper became a 
holy metal in that cult ; copper knives were used in some sacramental 
acts, e.g., marking cattle 3 a ears,* hence copper vessels to Brahmanas 
even to-day possess ceremonial purity which bronze and iron vessels 
do not possess and are used for holding consecrated water during 
ceremonial worship. Not so outside the Arya cult, where copper is 
not considered holier than iron, for it was not discovered earlier than 
the black metal in South India, 

IRON AGB ANTIQUITIES 

Tools of various shapes have been recovered from the graves o 
this period. From one site on the Shevaroys iu the Salem District 
Foote got < a large axe, a very line bill-hook of lar^t sisse with its 
handle in one piece, a sharp sword and two javelin heads made with 
tangs instead of sockets.' a From another wile were got * axe-heads, 
spear heads and fragments of blades of large knives or .small swords! 
The iron axe-heads had a broad butt unlike a very good one (found in 
another place, wnieh hadj a very taper butt end expanding into a 
rather leaf-shaped blade. The method of fastening the iron axe- 
heads to their helves would seem to have bcuu that adopted nowadays 
or certainly not very long ago, namely, of inserting the butt-end of 
the axe-head into a cleft in apiece of hard wood with a couple of rings 
and a wedge to tighten tne hold of me helve. The rings are placed 
on either side of the butt end, and the wedge is driven tightly through 
the ring spaces and prevents me axe-iiead from, slipping . but the 
lower end also prevents the cleft in the helve from extending down- 
wards.' 4 The shapes of the bill-hooks and some other tools of the 

x J. Coggin Brown, op. tit. p, 1C), 

2 Lohita Svadhiti , Aih. Ved., vi, 141, 2. 

3 Foote, op. cit>, p. 62. 

* Ibid., p. 63,. Cf. the way iu which the blades of spades, 
furnished with handles now. 



PRE-ARYAN TAMIL CULTURE 69 

early Iron Age were exactly like those of the implements now in the 
hands of the village gods, as I found from a specimen obtained 
from a grave in the Pudukotta territory. While the shapes of tools 
used for secular purposes have changed with time on account of 
changes- of "fashion or other causes, the gods have stuck to the oldest 
fashions of tools. 

Pre-historical iron tools have not been found in sufficiently large 
numbers considering the wide spread of iron manufacture in ancient 
India ; for iron objects of all kinds are with great ease ' utterly des- 
troyed and lost by oxidation when exposed to damp, yet, from the 
very durable character of the pottery the iron age people produced and 
the vast quantity of it they leit, it is evident that in a large number of 
cases they must have occupied the old neolithic settlements ; and the 
celts and other stone implements are now mixed up with the highly 
polished and brightly coloured sherds of the later-aged earthernware. 
Except in a very few cases the dull-coloured and rough surfaced truly 
(or rather early) neolithic sherds occur but very sparingly '- 1 Indian 
iron, age pottery was so good tnat Foote remarks that the people who 
could make such high class pottery . . . must have attained a consi- 
derable degree of civilization. 2 Foote discovered at Maski near 
Raichur, in the Hyderabad State, 6 the right jamb of the door of a 
small hut-urn, the prototype of the hut urns now met with in various 
parts of tne country, some of which show remarkable resemblance to 
the same objects of Western classical antiquity, such as were found 
under the volcanic tufa near the Alban Lakes to the South of Rome. 
They were in some cases filled with the ashes of the dead after crema- 
tion, which were introduced by a little front door. The door was 
secured in place by meags ot a rope passing through two rings at its 
sides and tied round it. The whole resembled in shape a cottage with 
vaulted roof 3 . 3 The little door of another little hut-urn found by Foote 
k had no hinges but was kept closed by two rude bolts working through 
flattish rings, on either side of the door, into a wider ring in the centre 
of it. ... One in the British Museum ... is filled with the ashes 
of the dead, which were introduced by a little door. This door was 
secured by a cord passing through two rings at its sides and tied 
round the vase. The cover or roof is vaulted amd apparently intended 
to represent the beams of a house or cottage. The exterior had been 
ornamented with a meander of white paint, traces of which remain. 
The ashes were placed inside a large, two-handled vase which protect- 
ed them from the superincumbent mass. They have no glaze upon 
their surface but a polish produced by friction/ *. But these hut-urns 
probably belonged to a late age, when on account of the influence of 
the fire-cult, cremation had been adopted in the place of the more 
ancient custom of burial, 

1 Poote, op.ciL, p. 24. .*'Md.,p.2S. 

* The true iron- age vessel (pottery) is distinguished by showing rich colours and 
highly polished surfaces with, in some cases, elaborate and artistic mouldings. 
Foote, op. cit., p. 25 ; but Indian artists even of the ancient days avoided painting, 
human figures, such as were admirably done by the Greek vase painters . (/4z., 
p. 34.) The early Indian had generally -a prejudice against . portrait-painting or 
reDroducins: the figures of kings on coins. ,".. 

a Foote, %..</;, p. 35. Not only urns but temples also were shaped like 
huts. 

* Foote, op.cit.i p, 35. 



70 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

Alter describing: the specimens of pottery found on. the left bank of 
the Can very at the ferry at Lakshmanapuram, six or seven miles above 
the Narsipur Sang am (in Mysore), Foote remarks, * the people that 
made the Laksiimanapuram settlement must have been very advanced 
to have used so varied, a set of crockery. M - On the French Rocks, not 
far from Mysore City, Foote found a chatty with tlusswast/ka emblem. 
In another place he found a perforated disc made out of a piece of 
dark brown pottery which has been well ground round its periphery 
and has had a hole equally wdl-drilled through its centre.' 2 Appar- 
ently it was a spindle whorL East of the big tank at JSrinivasapur in 
the Kolar Taluk, k several acres of ground are covered with much 
comminuted earthenware lying in a thin layer. 1 he prevailing colour 
ot the sherds is red but entirely black occurs also and some specimens 
are brown and grey, but very low of the latter arc met vvich. The 
vessels were polished, or smooth, or rough, and a &reat number of 
them richly decorated with impressed patterns ot pinnate 01 bipinnate 
fronds combined with linear bands, raised or sunk. Others have fillets 
of dots or piilets or trellis work painted on the sides. Jn hardly any 
case is a pattern produced in duplicate and there is also 4,ieat variety 
in the shapes of the lips ot the diilerent vessels as well as in their 
sizes. Trie fragments are referable to a considerable number of 
distinct forms as lotas, vessels with spouts, vessels with three or four 
legs, <?/&/ to, intslou-suaped bowls, wide-mouthed bowls, vases, necks 
and feet of vases, lids and stoppers various in shape, also pottery 
discs for playing games and perforated discs ot uncertain purpose, 
Half a dozen pieces of broken bangles of chunk shell occurred scatter- 
ed about in the layer of potsherds, >3 



EARLY IRON AGE GRAVJBS 

At Adichchanallur, two miles west of Snvaikuntam.in the Tinne- 
velly District there is an inexhaustible field oi arcna-oionical reseaich 
of the most valuable description'. 4 'J ho burial site here extends over 
a hundred acres of land. It is a long piece of hfcli ground on the 
south bank of the lamraparni. The site, like ali sepulchral sites is 
higher than the surrounding country and is rocky or waste landunstiited 
for cultivation. * About the centre of the ground some three leet of 
surface soil is composed of gravel, with decomposed quarto rock below 
The rock has been hollowed out ior the urns, with a separate cavitv 
for each of them In this burial ground the objects were found both 
inside and outside large urns of a pyrilorm shape. The urns were at 
an average distance of about six feet apart and at from three to twelve 
feet or more below the surface. Some were found placed over other 
s An idea of the deposits which exist In the whole area may 

S < e t t f S aU aCI 1 probab] y holdfcj over a thousand urns. 
- is the most extensive and important pre-historie burial place as 

* Foote, op. cit. t p. 72, . ' Mid. . n. 73, ,// ; /^ f pt ,75, 

of ifo& 



PRB-ARYAN TAMIL CULTURE 71 

yet known in Southern India.' In the graves have been found articles 
of gold, bronze and iron and pottery. Among them were diadems of 
gold of various sizes and oval shape. Some have a strip extending 
beyond the. two extremities with a small hole for a wire or string at 
each end. ^ They are thin plates ornamented with triangular and linear 
dotted design. Of iron, many implements were found (Mr. Re.a's list 
of them numbers 3,940), always placed point downwards,' as if they had 
been thrust into the surrounding earth by the attendant mourners. 
There are no implements or weapons in bronze, all articles in this 
rnetal being vessels of varied shape, personal ornaments such as ring's, 
bangles and bracelets, or ornaments which have been attached to the 
bases and lids of vases, such as buffaloes with wide curved horns. 
The domestic animals represented in bronze are the buffalo, goat or 
sheep and cock ; and the wild animals are the tiger, antelope and 
elephant. There are also representations of flying birds. There are 
sieves in bronze in the form of perforated cups fitted into small basins, 
the metal of these cttns being extremely thin, and the basins only a 
little thicker. The perforations in the cup are in the form of dots 
arranged in a variety of designs, chiefly concentric circles around the 
bottom, and concentric semi-circles sometimes interlyingr around the 
rim. J There is no evidence of cremation at the place ; this assures 
the great antiquity of the remains, for the custom of burning corpses 
spread in Southern India along 1 with the Aryan cult from North 
India. 

In the Pudukottah territory T have found rows of early iron age 
graves several miles long. The one near the village of Annavasal, 
ten miles from Pudukottah, is the most notable of these burial sites. 
The graves are of. oblong: shape, each oblong consisting of a double 
square, the side of the square being; two cubits in length. It is lined 
throughout with well-polished stone slabs and the two compartments 
are separated by another similar slab forming a wall between the two. 
In one of the squares was probably buried in an urn a chieftain or other 
ancient nobleman and in the other his wife. There is a circular hole 
in the middle of the slab separating- the compartments, probably to 
allow the ghosts of the buried persons to communicate with each other, 
In a niche in the recess in each compartment, a stone lamp was placed 
which was probably lighted when the person was let into the grave.. 
Inside the urns, as in the graves of the previous age, were placed the 
ornaments and implements of the dead person, and a tray full of food- 
stuff. The tools found in these graves are both of stone and iron, 
proving that the older stone tools continued to be used, more especially, 
for religious purposes. : 

A new fashion of tombs called megalithic, because they were built 
of big blocks of stone, was introduced in the end of the neolithic or the 
beginning of the iron age. Modern anthropologists are of opinion 
that the fashion began in the Nile Valley and spread in the wake of an 
ancient Egyptian sun cult. This shows that there was much inter- 
course, cultural and commercial, between ancient India and Egypt. 

Mr, Longhurst gives the following description of am egalithic tomb 
he found in Gajjalakonda, in Kurnul District. VThe tomb consists of a 
large rectangular chamber about 10 feet in length, 5J feet in width 
and 7 feet in depth with a small entrance passage on the south 
side, 4J feet in length, 1| feet in width, and 3 feet high. The sides 



72 JOURNAL OP INDIAN HISTORY 

and floor of the tomb and entrance passage are walled in and flagged 
with massive slabs of cut stone which are firmly imbedded in the ground 
in an upright position and help to carry the heavy slabs above forming 
the roof over the tomb . J1 

The archaeologists' spade has recently brought to light two early 
copper age settlements of the Sindhti Valley, of more than six "thousand 
years ago, those of Harappa and Mohenjo Paro. The chief difference 
between these and the South Indian iron age sites is that in these there 
are relics of houses built of brick. Brick was used in North India 
millenniums before it was used in South India, for here very hard wood 
fit for house-building wa* available in large quantities "till about a 
thousand years ago. The existence of these two seats of high civili- 
zation in. the valley of Sindhn disproves conclusively the dream of 
Sanskrit scholars thai Aryan immigrants with their wives and children 
and with their Lares and Penates, and a ready made civilization, 
manufactured outside India, quietly occupied the Pnnjnb about 3000 
B.C. and, when these Aryan settlers appeared there, the original 
dwellers of the region vanished like the mist before the rising swTand 
let the foreign invaders people the Ptinjnb with a pure Aryan race, 
possessing the Aryan nose and the Aryan cephalic index, ns the current 
theory maintains. These finds also prove that, contrary to the opinion 
of Mr. J. Cog-gin Brown, in the neolithic as well as in" the early metal 
age, there was a uniform degree of civilisation attained throughout 
India. The advances to higher and higher civilization were as even as 
it was possible to be in a vast country like India. 

Thus the evidence accnmnlat.ed bv the investigators of prehistoric 
antiquities of India proves that even before the spread of the Arya 
fire-emit in Northern India, the people had reached a stage of culture 
indistinguishable from that which they occupy to-day except for the 
changes introduced by the cotton and metal m arm fat cures of Western 
Europe during- the last hundred years. The nVe of the Arva fire-cult 
did not alter the stage of culture reached by the people, for we find 
from the study of the Vedic mantras that there wns no difference of 
culture between the Arya and the Dasyn ; according to the Hymns 
composed for performing the Arya rites, the Dnsyns lived in ' cities s 
and tinder kings the names of many of whom are mentioned. Thev 
possessed ' accumulated wealth J 3 ,- n the form of cows, horses and 
chariots 4 which though kept in 'hundred-gated' cities 5 Indra 
seized and srave away to his worshippers, the lryas. The Dasyus were 
wealthy 7 and owned property in the plains and on the hills ' * Thev 
were * adorned with their array of .gold and jewels. ' They owned 
many castles, 10 ^ The Dasyu demons and the Arya gods alike lived in 
gold silver and iron castles." Tndra overthrew for his worshipper 
Divodasa, frequently mentioned in the hymns, a hundred stone 
castles 12 of the Dasyus. Agni worshipped by the Arya, gleaming in 



t., Southern Circle, Madras, 
' 5' L 103 ' 3 - 3 R- V. viti. 40. 6. * R V I! 15 4 

.v.i.176.4. 'RviiVJI.^: 

v'23' A V v K oii V" 38 ; 8 " * R;V ' L ** & vm.. 17. 14. 
S. \i. ^j, A. V. v. 28. 9. R, V. 11. 20, 8. R. V. iv, 30. 20* 



PRE-ARYAW TAMIL CULTURE 73 

front of him, tore and burnt the cities of the tireless Dasyus. Brhaspati 
broke the stone prisons in which they kept the cattle raided from the 
Aryas. 2 The Dasyus owned chariots and used them in war like the 
Aryas 3 and ,had the same weapons as the Aryas. The distinction 
indicated by 4 Arya J and Dasyu' was purely a difference of cult and 
not of race or culture. 4 

LINGUISTIC EVIDENCE 

We now come to another fruitful source of information, the chief 
means of the study of the subject, i.e., * pure Tamil words', those 
belonging 1 to the earliest stratum of the Tamil language, those that 
were used by the Tamil people before they came in any kind of con- 
tact with the users of Sanskrit or with the cult associated with that 
language. The nouns and verbs belonging 1 to this ancient stratum of 
the Tamil language indicate objects and actions with which the Tamil 
people were familiar in that ancient epoch. These ( pure ' Tamil 
words are called tanittamil moligal^ words untouched by foreign 
influence ; they were used by the Tamils to serve the needs of the 
culture which they had evolved for themselves before they were 
influenced by any other people in the world. This method of inferring 
the culture of a people from a study of the words peculiar to them 
was worked by Schrader, a generation ago, in his Pre-Historic 
Antiquities of the Aryan People ; but Schrader' s work suffered from 
three disabilities : (1) The baseless dream of a homogeneous Aryan 
race radiating in all directions from a central focus and carrying the 
torch of civilization to the countries of Western Asia and Europe, 
has dissolved in the light of Anthropological knowledge. (2) The 
people that carried the Indo-European dialects and imposed them 
in those countries have been proved to be a mixture of several tribes; 
moreover these dialects in their wanderings picked up so many words 
from other dialects that the words common to all the Indo-European 
dialects are few. (3) Even these few have undergone many phonetic 
changes ; the laws governing these changes are being worked out so 
very slowly that many equations of the early scholars, e.g., that of 
Greek Ouranos with Indian Varuna, have become discredited by later 
research. On account of these reasons several conclusions of 
Schrader have had to be given up by later scholars. But the method 
of investigation pursued by Schrader is sound and can very well be 
applied to Tamil. This language, as its speakers have always claimed 
to be, is indigenous to South India, and grew there undisturbed by 
foreign languages till it reached a high stage of literary development. 
The Tamil race has been a homogeneous one since the Stone Age. 
The first few foreign students of the Tamil language indulged in a 
wild speculation that the Tamil language and its ancient speakers 
entered India from Central Asia, simply because a few Brarmi words 
were found to appear to be allied to Tamil. This is far^too slender a 
basis for concluding that Tamil was originally a non-Indian language. 
Scholars of two generations ago were fond of wantonly dragging 

* R. V. vil. 5.3. R. V. iv. 28.5 ; x. 67.3. 3 R. V. viii. 24,27.. ;.iii. 30.5 ;. 15.4. 

* P T Srinivasa lyengar, Life in Ancient India in the age of the Mantras^ 

p.13. ' 



74 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

Imaginary ancient races on the map of the world, as easily as pawns 
are moved on a chess-board, without regard for physiographic diffi- 
culties. 1 Moreover, they were ignorant of the fact that, the extensive 
and well-developed Stone Ag-e culture of ancient South India, 
enshrined in the earliest stratum of Tamil, Is ample proof that the 
Tamils inhabited South India from time immemorial. 

METHOD OF INVESTIGATION 

It 5s the case with Tamil, as with most other languages, that there 
are two stages in the formation of words, an unconscious and a con- 
scious one. When the science of comparative philology was born, 
about a hundred years ago, it was imagined that at first men invented 
and spoke only roots and. later, some of the roots became worn out 
into prefixes and suffixes, prepositions and postpositions, and a 
German philologist had the hardihood to write Aesop's Fables in an 
imaginary Indo-Germanic root-language, a kind of ghostly Ursprache t 
which never existed. The science of linguistics has got over this crude 
supposition. All students of language now recognize that it is as 
absurd to think that primitive man met in a solemn dumb conclave 
and invented a series of roots, as it is to assume with Rousseau, 
that the savage started gregarious life with a * social contract'. 
The process of language-formation and language-growth is mostly un- 
conscious ; and if a number of words of allied meaning" are also 
etymologic-ally allied* if primitive man used the same stem for express- 
ing ideas which were fundamentally identical, the process was more or 
less unconscious. Thus in Tamil, var is the common 'element of a 
series of words : varappu* meaning limit, border, wall, dike or ridge 
round a ploughed field to retain water ; varambit^ clam, way, limit, rule ; 
vari^ line, row; varifai,* order, regularity, row; varicttchal^ dart, 
surgeon's probe, varivadiveiuttu? written-letter, efaiht* letter, the 
ultimate unit of language, being conceived as existing- in two forms, 
the spoken form and the written form, varfcari 1 * \tannlrvittfai)*'* 
Asparagus racemostis t a linear-leaved shrub, varufial^ 1 2 stroking 1 , thrum- 
ming a stringed (musical) instrument, varai,* 3 measure, limit, shore, 
ridge, hill,. the straight bamboo, write, draw, varanm^* measure, limit, 
bound, separation. The implication of these facts Is not that the' 



*As Mr. G. Elliot Smith has remarked (tf&feAfo/wr Jnmiary 1, 1927, p. 21) 'in 
ethnology emotion still counts for more than reason. The deniiiwtin# principle 
is still to force the evidence into conformity with certain ontc'h-t>hi:iM-; from which 
a long line of philosophers have been striving to rescue the Kttt'dv of mankind and 
make a real science of it. ' 

**rti4. 9 *irO>y. *//#. **,*>*, eift<t**i. y*,^n 9 ^ Mflf ^ >f , t ^ w ^ >rt K 

*In this connection may be remembered Pavananrti's definition : 

QtatrtfliTpgi fi sir* soar tairtei ff$r$ $fW7rirJ? C^aifif^^t, 

eluttu L the .sound, formed by a group of atoms, which is tin* first enu^o of words 

*vann&l, 58. Ehittii has two manifest forms, the spoken and the written, 

* 



-. . 

13 The -word varai, /?. appears in Telugtt as vr&yi> by a process of oscillation 
of accent from the first syllable to the second syllable', of the consec|iu-nl degenera- 

tion of the vowel of the Erst syllable, and the return of the acrent to the new first 
syllable, -this oscillation explains the formation from Tamil aran of v8n, t'S 
v&$x t from iarml mar am of mr&nu, and hundreds of other similar formations. 

^* 



PRE- ARYAN TAMIL\ CULTURE 75 

South Indian man, when he was still dumb, arrived at the highly 
abstract concept of a limit marked by a straight line by a mysterious 
mental process unassisted by language, whereas modern man with his 
highly developed intelligence cannot engage himself in abstract 
thought without the help of words, that the primitive Tamil then 
invented" the root var to express this concept, and later, formed the 
above words by ringing changes on the root. Language formation 
and linguistic growth and change are semiconscious or rather uncon- 
scious mental processes like the song o the lark or the gambol of the 
kid. It was when a people first came in intimate contact with a language 
other than their own and compared the two and noticed differences in 
the structure of words, of phrases and of sentences between the^ two 
languages, that they began to study their own language and the science 
of grammar was born. After such a contact with a foreign language, 
languages enter on a conscious stage of growth. Thus the words of 
a language belong to two stages of the growth of that language. 
(1) An early unconscious stage of word-invention, during the period 
when the language has not yet come into contact with a foreign 
language. Nouns belonging to this stage are called in Tamil grammar 
idukuvippeyar* symbol-names, names given to things as a mere mark, 
a symbol, for some reason not known. These words are the oldest 
words of any language. (2) A later conscious stage of word-making. 
Words belonging to this stage are compounds consciously invented by 
combining idukuri words of one's language into new combinations 5 
thus when the Tamils wanted a word for ' brick ', which was used ^ as 
a material for house-building only in a very late stage of South Indian 
history that after contact with Sanskrit, they invented two compound 
words, * (a) Swfumav* burnt clay- (b) SeAgal* red stone. Of these, 
the first word did not appeal to the Tamil people and died an early 
d^ath; the second has stuck on to the language. Similarly in our 
own days, we have invented compounds like iruppuppodatf the rail, 
road, mimaram* electricity, etc. Such names are named by Tamil 
grammarians as k&ranappeyvrf casual names, because the reason why 
the names were given to the objects is evident.* 1 hese two clas see of 
names, idukurippeyar and karawppeyar are called in Sanskrit Rudhi 
and Yoga, original and derived. Or the speakers of a language 
when they borrow a thing from a foreign people, may borrow also its 
foreign name and may partially or totally remould it in Accordance 
with the phonetic framework of the mptaer-toague. ^ Thus the Tamils 
of an earlier epoch borrowed the Sanskrit word z^htika, brick, and 
turned into ithtigai* or Wg*i? Often they absorbed the foreign 
word as i? was, e.g., on*v**lam tatW** etc. The former are 
called by Sanskritists, tadbkava, and the latter tatsama. We, too, now. 
adays, get both iadbhava.*x& tatsama words from English. Thus* we 
speak of'#* 8 and also tea, of mautri and. master, etc. 



* aOte^Quu,*. **. --. 

' *o*^ **-*>*.- . ** 



7s JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

Of these two kinds of words, idukurippeyar and k&ranappeyar> the 
first alone will serve the purpose of this enquiry. They alone come 
down from the far off ages when the Tamil language was born, when 
objects and actions were named unconsciously or semiconaciously. 

Other words will not serve our purpose. Modern Tamil vocabulary 
includes words borrowed from English, French, Dutch, Portuguese, 
Persian, Arabic, Sanskrit and Prakrit. Of the loan-words from Sans- 
krit, some have been borrowed wantonly, i.e., when there are many 
Tamil words to express the ideas ; this was partly due to Brahmanas 
whose familiarity with Sanskrit made them import such words in their 
Tamil speech and writing. This extensive borrowing was also due to 
the necessities of rhyme and assonance, a great characteristic of Tamil 
poetry. Loan-words began to enter Tamil not before 1000 B.C. and 
cannot be of any use in investigating the life of the Tamils before they 
came into contact with other nationalities, except that words not wan- 
tonly borrowed may be used as negative evidence to show what the 
Tamils were not acquainted with before such borrowing. But the date 
of these borrowings cannot be fixed. So even this negative evidence 
is not of much use. Similarly what are called kdra'tiappeyar, words 
deliberately invented to name things and express ideas for which there 
were no idukurippeyar* cannot also serve our purpose, for such casual 
names can be invented at any stage of a language and cannot be 
proved to have existed or to have not existed at any particular period 
of time. 

Hence i$ukuri names alone will be used in this enquiry. Such 
words in Tamil are practically root-words, without the wrappings 
of prefixes, augments, suffixes, etc., which disguise the root in Sans- 
krit words and make Sanskrit etymology so difficult and in some 
cases unconvincing. As these idukuri words are naked root-words 
they belong to the earliest stage of Tamil, the stage when the language 
was unconsciously forged by the stone-age man. Examples of such 
words are ma?^ 1 pul,'* u&, 3 pu^ 0, 5 nlrf min, 7 V&H, S 4, 9 #, 10 etc. 
The stage of the invention of such simple root-words cannot occur 
more than once in the history of a language. First because it is a stage 
of unconscious development of a language ; secondly, if roots could be 
invented at any stage of a language, there would be no necessity for 
loan-words and consciously invented compounds at all. When men 
after progressing beyond the earliest stage of a language found 
or made new things which required names, the native power of invent- 
ing roots having become exhausted, they semi-consciou&ly extended the 
meanings of old words by the processes of metaphor and metonomy. 
Examples of words which belong to this stage are, marai^ 1 1 shield, 
from marai, to hide, pon^* metal from pol^^ to shine, $embn^* a pot 
from Sembu.) copper, itself from ,&?, 1S red. This may be treated as 
a second semi-conscious stage of the development of a language. 
These words are practically idukufz words, and will 'be utiiiaied in this 
enquiry. A language becomes fully conscious only when it comes in 
contact with foreign languages ; then it finds its soul, as it were, 
and becomes conscious of its structure ; then alone it forges compound 



PJZE-AMYAN TAMIL CULTURE 77 



causal names like parimSL^ horse, the fast-going animal, v&igalvaru- 
niin^ tas morning star, words wnich will not serve the purpose of 
this investigation. 

One more preliminary question has to be dealt with. With regard 
to most words now belonging to Tamil, the separation of pure Tamil 
words from those borrowed from Sanskrit is very easy. But most 
Sanskrit scholars assume that every Tamil word which looks like a 
Sanskrit one must Have been Dorrowed from Sanskrit by the Tamils. 
vVhen the speakers of two diricerent languages come in touch with 
eacn other, the probabilities are that each language will borrow words 
from the other. Tnus the names of articles produced only in South 
India, such as pearls, pepper, cardamoms, must certainly have been 
borrowed by Sanskrit from Tamil. Hencci Sanskrit maricka> mukta> 
ela^ are derived iroin, Tamil minyal* or milagu^ muttuf Slam ; 6 there 
are other Sanskrit words borrowed from Tamil wantonly which Sans- 
krit scholars wrongly claim to belong to Sanskrit, e.g., nzram t mltmm* 
evidently derived from Tamil mr t 7 -tnln^ tor we cannot imagine that 
the Tamils were drinking water and eating fish for ages without 
names for these objects and deferred naming them till Sanskrit spea- 
kers presented them with names for them. Many such words can be 
rescued for Tamil from tne hands of Sanskrit scholars, but in this 
enquiry for the purpose of disarming criticism, words wnich might be 
legitimately claimed to be Tamil, though they look like corresponding 
Sanskrit words, have not been much pressed into service. 

iven after giving the benefit of the doubt to Sanskrit, it will 
be found that there is in Tamil a strikingly large variety of names for 
objects and actions. The wealth of synonyms for names oi familiar 
objects will be found to be enormous as this investigation progresses. 
It looks as if when man began to invent words, he was in a scate 
of childhood and as a child revels in the use of toys and is never tired 
of playing with them, primitive man used the power of inventing 
words as his great toy and invented a number of names for the same 
thing. Love of certain objects familiar to them may perhaps 
have been another motive for this multiplication oiidukuri synonyms : 
but whatever it was, it is of use in this our enquiry into the conditions 
of life of the ancient Tamils. 



BVIBKNCB OF LlTERATURB 

The third source of information for this study is early Tamil 
literature. The age to which this literature belongs has been the 
occasion for much dispute. The controversy has centred round a 
statement made at first by the commentator on Iraiyatt&yagapporul 9 
and repeated by later commentators. It is to the elfect that there 
were three epochs of ancient Tamil Literature, each marked by the 
existence of a Sangam academy of its own, presided over, each by 
the members of a particular dynasty of Pantfya kings, whose capitals 
were respectively Madurai^ swallowed long ago by the sea, Kabada- 
and North, Madurai* i.e., tne present city of tnat name. 



*-Lnfito 



78 JOURNAL OF INDIAN If IS TOR y 

This tradition says that the first afigam lived for 4,440 years, the 
second, for 3,700 years, and the third for 1,850 years. Much impor- 
tance cannot be assigned to these precise figures, because early South 
Indian history does not reveal the existence of any particular era for 
the calculation of the passage oE time in years from the year one of 
that era. Even eras established outside the Tamil country, like the 
Salivahana era, were adopted in South India not more than six 
hundred years ago. Dated lists of early Tamil kings do not, and 
cannot, on account of the want of an era, exist. The kings of these 
three dynasties are said to have been respectively 89, 59 and 49 ; this 
would give these Pangiyas lengths of reign which no student of history 
can accept. The average length of the reigns of king's of dynasties 
which have lasted long's can range between twenty and thirty, 
" but cannot mount up to fifty or sixty. Hence the alleged durations of 
the Sangams are impossibly long and are also incapable of being 
checked by means of other sources of information, and useless as 
evidence of age. Moreover the commentator on IfalyanMragafiporul 
who is our first informant about the three iSangams is "said to 
be Nakkirar. 2 - But the commentaries themselves name a series 
of ten scholars, beginning from Nakkirar, each the pupil of his prede- 
cessor. The last of them, Musiriyasiriyar Nilagan<lanar, a must 
therefore be the author of the commentaries as we now have 
them, though they may be claimed to possess a few sentences coming 
down from Nakkirar's time. Moreover these commentaries embody a 
poem of 32^ stanzas, whose hero is a Pa&dya kiu, Parangusan 
Saiayan Maran Arikegari, 3 who flourished about A.IK 750. Thus the 
earliest record' about the chronology of the {Sa&gams is found in a 
book composed in the latter half of the eighth century and cannot have 
much 'evidential value, specially as there was a total absence of 
contemporary chronological records before that a^e. Lei us turn 
now to the internal evidence of early Tamil poems. One of these 
decidedly claims to belong to pre-Christian times. This is an ode 
of twenty-four irregular .lines 4 sung by Muranjiyiir Mu<liuagarayar, ff 
a poet of the first San-gam of , tradition, in honour ofiSeraman 
Peranjorru Udiyan Serai Adan, 6 a Sera king, and attributing to him 
the honour of feeding the armies of both sides in the Bharata 
battle. ^Almost all modern enquirers agree that the middle of the first 
millennium B.C. was the epoch of the great war between the Kauravas 
and the Panaavas. There is no reason, except prejudice, to discredit 
the chronological claim of this ode. Hence we may conclude that 
from the beginning of the second millennium B.C., if not earlier the 
kings of the three early Tamil royal houses, the Sera, the Sola and the 
Pantfya, as well as several petty chiefs of South India, patronized 
minstrels called Panar/ who, with the YaF on their shoulders, 
wandered from court to court and sang beautiful odes on the adven- 
tures of kings and nobles in love and war, or, as they called it, on 
Agam? and Pufam. Many of these odes are now lost/because they 
were preserved only ia the archives of human memory; but a great 



PRE-ARYAN TAMIL CULTURE 79 

number of them were collected in later times into anthologies called 
Aq-ananurn^ Pufan&nufu* JVarrznai, 3 Kufundogai^ etc. These 
poems, though their vocabulary sbows a very slight admixture of 
Sanskrit and Prakrit words, due to the intercourse of South India with 
North India ever since the beginning of the Vedic Age, notwith- 
standing the rivalries between the fire cult of the latter with the 
fireless cults of the former, are yet entirely free from the influence of 
Sanskrit literature in the subject matter of poetry and in literary 
form. These poems undoubtedly reflect the conditions of life peculiar 
to the ages when they were composed. Unlike the artificial epics of 
post-Christian Sanskrit literature, these early Tamil poems, which it is 
now usual to call gangachcheyyul 5 are a mirror of the ages when the poets 
lived. Catastrophic changes occur in the life of a nation only when 
there is a violent contact with foreign people of a different stage of 
culture. As no such event occurred in South India, it is certain 
that the life-conditions reflected in these old poems are at least 
partial echoes of those of the previous far off ages which we are now 
discussing. But at the same time it must be remembered that the 
evidence of this literature should be pressed into service very 
cautiously, when we are sure that the customs and manners referred 
to therein are not later developments but evidently come down from 
early times. 

Besides these anthologies there exists the wonderful grammar called 
Tolkapbiyam? one book of which, called Poruladig&ram* is the gram- 
mar of ancient Tamil poetry. This book belongs to the period when 
Arya influence had fully penetrated South India ; it was composed 
by TfnadhMmdgni, a Brahmana of theKappiya (Kavya) clan, a branch 
of the Bhargava Gotra, members of which began to migrate into 
South India under the leadership of Parasurarna when he retired from 
North Tnclia after his quarrels with the sons of Arjuna Karttavirya 
(about 2500 B.C.). Tolkappiyar studied pre-existing grammars written 
bv several previous Tamil Pulavar 8 (scholars), and then composed^ the 
Tolkapfiiyam. But wherever possible he tries to impose the Arya 
canon law on the Tamils and to equate Tamil customs, social and 
literary, to Arya ones ; yet his attempts to mix up Arya and Tamil 
culture is not much of a success, for the two cultures, one based on 
the fire cult and the other on the fireless cult, one, the product of a 
religious aristocracy and the other, of a social democracy, could blend 
as little as oil and water. . . 

Hence it is easy to separate the Tamil culture embodied in ancient, 
Tamil poetry and in the PoruMdig&ram from the well-known Arya 
culture of the Arya law-books first imported into Tamil country by the 
early Brahmana settlers. From these several sources of information 
it is possible to construct a picture of the life which the Tamil people 
led from the later Stone Epoch onwards in the ages that may be called 
Pre- Aryan, of the life that they led and the culture they had evolved 
independently of any other people, till the large incursions of ^the 
Jainas, the Btiddhas and the Brahmanas In the first millennium 
before Christ caused the final blending of the Arya culture and the 



30 . JOURNAL OP INDIAN HISTORY 

Tamil culture and the present* mingled culture of South India 
started on its glorious evolution. 

Combining these two sources of information, the pure Tamil 
idnkuri words coming* down from the early ages and the evidence of 
early 'Tamil literature, it is proposed to make further rents in the veil 
which time has woven round the life led by the Tamils five thousand 
years ago. 

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 

The ancient Tamil people noted that the surface of the habitable 
portions of the earth could be divided into five natural regions, 
which they called Pd/ai^ or sandy desert land, Kufinji^ mountainous 
country, Midlai^ forest tracts, Marudani^ the lower river valley, fit 
for agricultural operations, and Neydal^ the littoral region. 
They noticed that in each region was evolved a different kind of 
human culture. In Palai grew the nomad stage, in AVr/;//V, the hunter 
stage, in Mullai the pastoral stage, in Marudam the agricultural stage, 
and in Neydal* the fishing and sailing stage, of human development. 
Not only were these different stages of hnmar. culture evolved in these 
different regions, but each stage continued to exist in its own region, 
after other stages grew in. theirs. The men of these regions were 
respectively called Mafavar^ Kwravar,'* Avar* Ulavar, and Parada- 
uar. l The recognition of the different kinds of life led by these five 
different classes of men is a wonderful anticipation, made several 
millenniums ago, of the very modern science of Anthropogoography. 
This science is the rival of Ethnology, The latter claims to be able 
to divide men into races with varying perrnnnant physical and mental 
characteristics, flowing from microscopical bodies called chromosomes 
which pass from parent to offspring. Notwithstanding heroic efforts 
for a hundred years to calculate the cephalic index and the co-efficient 
of racial likeness, ethnologists have not been able to hit on any 
characteristic, unchangeable mark of race. Anthropogeography, on 
the other hand, holds that what are called racial chnractcrisucs are the 
result of the action of the environment within which a people grow, 
which is called the area of characterization of a race. It is remarkable 
the Tamils reached this idea in remote ages and defined the five 
natural regions, and classified races as five, each of whom followed 
professions suited to the region inhabited by them. Besides this 
horizontal classification, there was a vertical classification of the 
people of pny one region into Mammr^ 1 kings, \ 7 a(laL l - petty chiefs, 
noblemen, VefMar, 13 owners of fields, I'aqiffar, 1 * ineivhants, all of 
whom were called Uvarnd'Or 15 or M?l$r** the higher classes and Vinai- 
#0/r, 17 and Adiyor^-^ the working classes and personal servants. 19 This 
second classification is solelv based on the standing of people in socie- 
ty, and is one that has evolved every where in the world. On these two 
classifications, the Brahmarias who carried the Arya cnlt into Southern 
India in the first millennium before the Christian era, imposed a third 



^Tolkappiyam, Porutadig&ram* 1 . 21-32. 



PRE-ARYAN* TAMIL CULTURE 81 

one, the socio-religlous division of the people Into four r Varnas. This 
division arose on account of the necessities of the Vedic fire-cult. 
This cult evolved Into a vast system of rites which were celebrated 
during- long: periods of time, the Sattra Yagas occupying twelve to a 
hundred, years, and required the growth of the Brahmana Varna, 
consisting of men who from childhood memorized the immense 
literature of the Vedas and subsidiary works, the Sruti and the Smrti, 
and were trained in the correct performances of the complicated Arya 
rites and, being experts in the religio-tnagical ceremonies, acquired a 
high standing in society. Then there were the Kings of several 
grades, Chakravartti, Maharaja, Raja, who with their blood-relatives 
formed the Kshattriya Varna, and whose function It was to protect the 
people and the fire-rite from being oppressed by enemies. For the spe- 
cial benefit of ithe Kshattriyas, the more gorgeous fire-rites, such as 
Rajasuya, Abisheka, Vajapeya, Asvamedha, etc., were evolved. The 
bulk of the people were the Vaisyas (from vis, people) devoted to the 
ordinary pursuits of man agriculture, trade and the tending of cattle. 
The Vaisyas had the privilege of paying for and deriving the benefits 
accruing from the minor yagas which the Brahmanas performed on 
their behalf. The last Varna included the serving classes, called 
Sudras. This fourfold classification Is neither regional nor racial, 
neither social nor professional but one correlated entirely to the fire- 
rite. When the Brahmanas settled in Southern India and the ancient 
Tamil Rajas desiring to secure the benefit of the Yagas, accorded to 
the fire-priests a supreme position in society, the Brahmanas naturally 
tried to introduce their socio-religious organization into Tamil society. 
But a religions oligarchy and a social democracy could not very well 
mix with each other. Hence the Brahmanas did not succeed in 
arranging the people of Southern India as members of the four 
varnas as they did in North India. The Rajas who actually 
ruled in the provinces of peninsular India were given the privileges of 
Kshattriyas with regard to the fire-rites that of paying for them and 
deriving the invisible (adrshta or ap-n^a) effects of the Yajna and 
were even admitted to the Bharadvaja Gotra ; but the scheme of four 
varnas necessary to a people, every detail of whose daily life, from 
urination to cremation, was influenced by the fire-rite, ^ could not well 
spread among the Tamils, whose life for many millenniums previously 
was mainly secular and based on social democracy and among whom 
the Arya fire-rite, as it had lost its vitality before the Brahmanas 
migrated to Southern India, did not spread. It only led to the 
confusion of caste and the prevalence of social jealousies that have 
characterized the life of South India for a thousand five-hundred years; 
for, we learn from the Tsv&ramS of Tirunavukkarasu Nayanar, 2 that 
there was in his day, as there - ; is to-day, a consciousness of rivalry, 
if not jealousy, between the Brahmins and the non-Brahmins or, as 
they were then called, 'Ariyan<* and Tamilan.* - The cause of this was 



_ 

Tirumara,ikkS.$u Timttandagam, 5. 

i 10. 



i$,aeD*tuiretir*>efr. 



82 JOURNAL OP INDIAN HISTORY 

as follows : The Brahmanas obtained in India north of the Vindhyas, 
I.e., Aryavartta, a premier position In society on account of their 
being 1 the hereditary depository of secular and religions lore, and of 
being- expert in priestly duties and in wielding the words of power 
(mantras) which almost coerced the gods to grrant gifts to those who 
solicited 'them. But the Kshattryas who were quite as learned as the 
Brahmanas and besides, had the prestige of the royal varna, and the 
Vaisyas, who were rich burghers and wielded much political influence, 
acted as a check on the expansion of the privileges of the Brahmanas. 
In South India, however, the Brahmanas added to the intellectual 
qualifications they already possessed scholarship in Tamil literature 
and ability to compose Tamil poetry. 3 Moreover, there was no true 
Kshttriya or Vaisya Varna in South India. Though according to the 
Bhagavad Gittt z agticulture, tending- cattle and commerce were the 
legitimate occupations of the Vaigyas, the Brahmanas did not extend 
the Vaisya status to the Tamils that pursued these avocations in the 
Mullai and Marudam regions and did not admit them to the benefits 
of the fire-rite, even of the domestic variety, which was open to the 
three higher varnas. On the contrary they invented for them pseudo- 
fire-rites, usually called Puranoktam ceremonies, as opposed to 
VedSktam rites. An example of this is the addition of circum- 
ambulating the fire, Tftvalanjeydal,* to the ancient marriage ritual 
of the Tamils, to make it look like the genuine Arya wedding-rite, 
At the same time the worship of Siva and Vishnu in temples, which 
was evolved from pre-vedic forms of worship and is described in the 
Agamas, whose vital characteristic is Bhakti, and not Jriana such as 
the Vedanta Sutras teach, spread in the Tamil land, because Bhakti 
which neglects the Varna classification 'appealed to the democratic 
instincts which got the upper hand after the decay of the fire-rite, 
Hence the Arya classification of four varnas never really spread 
In South India and Tolkappiyar who laboured hard to equate 
the several classes of Tamil society to the varnas of the Aryas 
carefully avoids the use of the word s*udra as referring to any section 
of the Tamils. This brief sketch of the history of Arya ideals in South 
India explains to a large extent the prevalence of the conflict of caste 
in the present time. 

THK FIVE CLASSES : THKIR MODES OP* LIPK AND 
RELIGIOUS PRACTICES 

In my Stone Age In India has been given a very brief account of 
the life of the five classes of people in the five regions- A more 
extensive account will be given here. In the P&lai lived the ffttlfar* 
and the Mafavar* nomad tribes of adventurous warriors j as the soil of 
the region where they dwelt was infertile and totally unproductive, 
they lived by preying upon the wealth accumulated by the dwellers of 
other regions. They sacrificed animals and, at times, men too, to the 
dreaded local god or goddess ; these deities have been, in compara- 
tively recent times, idealized and turned into aspects or subordinates 

* As illustrations Kapilar, Paranar, and the Saint-child TIrujnStm Sambanda 
Nayanar may be mentioned. 

* Bhagavad &/&, Chapter xvlli, 44* a *fw< 



TAMIL CULTURE 83 

of the world-mother. Kali*- or of her husband, ivan.* Many of their 
sacrificial stones, called in early times Kandalif have become the 
objects of worship in shrines which have grown around them. They 
also planted stones in memory of the heroism of their dead heroes 
exhibited in wars or on other occai ons, and worshipped the stones.* 

The clubs with which Stone Age men dealt death to their human 
and animal foes and the bill-hooks with which the later Iron Age men 
cut up those animals, as well as images of tools cut on stones are still 
in many shrines the only physical representatives of the gods they 
worshipped and can to-day be seen not only in P&lai land but also in 
all other parts of the country. In later days there were migrations of 
men and cults from region to region ; the various tribes coalesced 
with each other by marriage and other causes ; hence the practices of 
P&lai are now observable in the four other regions too. 

Ancient worship was inseparably associated with ritual dance. The 
dance which constituted the worship of Korravai, the goddess of 
victory, is elaborately described in canto xii of Silappadig&r&m, called 
Vsttuvavari. s This description contains the later, much developed 
ritual, but from it one or two ancient factors of the ritual dance can be 
extracted : c The priestess who uttered the oracles of Korvavai^ 
called Salini, 7 was born in the family of Ma?avar> who bear in 
their arms a bow. In the high street in the middle of the village which 
was surrounded by a hedge of thorns and where the hunters ate their 
food jointly, she danced, being possessed by the goddess, the hair of 
her body standing on end. She lifted up her arms, and her feet kept 
time so well that the men wondered at the sight '. 8 And she tittered 



. 

3 *jr^j?. This word literally means pillar, being a derivative of **j, post, 
and ^ytl, straw and therefore probably meant a pillar to which the sacrificial victim 
was bound with ropes of straw. In later times when nobler conceptions of the 
deity were reached **^w was explained as the supreme substance, the Being above 
all elements of matter. 

*They were called **<_.*. Pufam263 refers to the worship of the memo- 
rial stone of a man who stayed a hill-torrent like a dam. Numerous odes cele- 
brate the memorial stones of warriors who died in battle. Puram 264 says that 
the stone was decorated with garlands of red flowers and peacock feathers and the 
hero's name was engraved thereon. 

iar>*u<3itsgi Q 



glesfimC. ifiwCf 

Agam 67 says that besides the above a board with a spear fixed on it was 
placed near and his other implements were also planted near the memorial, 



Excavations at Mohenjo Daro and Harappa reveal that writing was known in 
India five thousand years ago ; hence it is not surprising; to learn that the names 
and deeds of heroes were incised on stone in early days. 



$j$ljbf> QP Ift <g? '" iritis &iro$)af 
toiuibtaaSir i$jp#g>& 
& firsereuf eStu&u 



jsi*.Quiuji-# jffrtjL, 

Lines 6-11. 



S4 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

warning's about the disasters that would overtake the villages for not 
having- paid their dues to the goddess. In the mountainous country, 
called Kufinji lived the JKufavar, famous in later literature as the 
'heroes of 'romantic love at first sight; they led the semi-nomad life 
of the hunter ; they hunted with the bow and the arrow and fought 
wild animals with the VeL 1 They cut up and skinned the animals they 
hunted and wore the mitanned hide as their dress. They were also 
brave warriors. 

Their women in the earliest days were clad in nothing: but the 
atmosphere around or in hides or in Maravurif tree- Bay, or in leaf - 
garments, called in Tamil, talai-u4m.' A Hence arose the custom of 
presenting a garment made of leaves and flowers to the bride as a 
symbol of marriage, as in Malabar to-day presenting aMiinciu, 4 short 
piece of cloth, to the bride is still the chief incident of the wedding- 
rite. 3 

These women wove baskets and made many other articles with the 
strips of the bamboo, occupations still followed by Kuravar through- 
out Southern India. Their favourite god was Murugan the God of 
the Hills, who has throughout the ages remained essentially a god 
enshrined on hill-tops, notwithstanding later affiliations with post- 
Vedic mythology. As Lord of the Hills, the abode of serpents, he 
reveals himself even to-day to his devotees in the form of a serpent. 
The hill country being at all times the home of romantic love at first 
sight, he was, and continues to be to-day, the boy-lover, the ffyffn, 9 7 



5 The following are a few of the references to the practice of the presentation of 
a leaf-garment, talai u$ai in the early literature. 



116. 

The lap from which Is dangling the leaf -garment made of the whole blossom 
of the water-lily which grows in deep springs of sweet water with it.s sepals open. 



M. 24K* 

May it be blessed ! the little, white water-lily, when J wa,s young, served for a 
leaf -garment ; now, when my excellent husband is dead, the hour of meals is 
changed, it provides me with my food during the melancholy mornings. 



i, 359. 

The hill-chief gave me a leaf-garment ; if 1 wear it, I am afraid 1 cannot satis- 
factorily answer the questions my mother will ask me about it : if I return it to him 
I am afraid it will cause him pain. 

*/rr^ 
pm^iumA la&iuiytir *,;fi/f, JCufUndogCtii 

The hill-women who wear a leaf -garment at their waist. 
The wearers of this garment can' still be seen in the hill-regions. 
**- 



JPRE-ARYAN TAMIL CULTURE 85 

the ever-youthful. When in later ages asceticism came to be a much 
respected way of life, and ascetics resorted to hills for peaceful medi- 
tation, he also became the ascetic god. Coming down from ages 
when man had not yet invented clothes, he is in many of his manifes- 
tations a" naked god. Worship of the gods was in ancient days 
inseparably associated with ritual dancing, as is still the case with 
primitive people all over the world ; and the ancient worship of 
Murugan was the dance called Veriy&tfal* or Vslanadal,* performed 
by his priest, who, like his god, was called, Velan, 3 for both of them 
carried the weapon of the hill region, the Vsl t a spear 9 which in the 
stone age had a stone spear head and, on the discovery of iron, had a 
head made of that metal. 4 

The worship of Murugan included the offering of cooked rice and 
meat for the removal of ills caused by that god. ' O ! ' old veian, intoxi- 
cated with the spirit of Murugan ! control the anger and help us. I 
beg one favour of you. If you offer along with many-coloured boiled 
rice the meat of a red sheep specially killed for the purpose, after 
marking her forehead (with its blood), will the god of the hill high as 
the sky who wears a garland eat the bali (and be pleased) ? 

In later times when religion in India developed noble concepts, attain- 
ed giddy heights of supreme devotion and breathed the soul-satisfying 
atmosphere of philosophical insight, highly advanced associations 



* Q mi t> ILI rri- 



w sbg> SOT- 



ti 362. 
This is a brief description of Veriyadal is from Maduraikkanfi. 11. 611-617. 

is)- C?wu63r Q 
up. far soft CUE/ 



w,f3/ < . 

The terrible Velan proclaimed the might of Murugan and danced around the 
people the sweet-sounding musical instruments sounded in unison; they wore 
the K&nii (**.) fuyvt&xLawsdnia spinosa which blossoms in the rainy season, 
and fixinVin their hearts the image of the J/el (Ci*.) the lord, who shines with 
the beautiful Kctdambu (*tiaty.) flower Eugenia racemosa embraced one another 
and caue-ht hold'of one another's hands and danced the Kuravai (@r^*) dance 
on the open fields ; all through the village they hymned his greatness, they sang 
songs in his honour, they danced many dances and the blending of these sounds 

caused confusion. 

The Velan proclaiming the might of Murugan refers to an ancient ceremony. 
When a man is in distress he consults the priest of Murugan, who throws about 
theseeds of 'the Kafrfigu, (-<P*<S.) or JKalarkodi (^pu*^) Gmlandin^bondnce 
and from the lay of the seeds on a plate- reads the occult cause, of the man s 
trouble and prescribes the worship of Murugan as a remedy. This ceremony is 
technically called Kalangu, 



S6 JOURNAL OF INDIAN ff /STORY 

were woven round this and other gods of very ancient times, but 
yet numerous relics of South Indian religious life of ten thousand 
years ago are inextricably bound up with the worship of these gods 
to-day and these indicate the simple, ancient.- concepts and beliefs and 
customs of the Tamils of those far off days. 

In the wooded tracts called Mullai, lived the Idaiyar, the men of the 
middle region, that lies between the uplands and the plains below. 
They were also called Ayar and Ksnar^ literally cowboys. They 
led a merry pastoral life tending cattle and playing on the rlute, 
kulal^ made of the i bamboo, or of the stem of the water-lily, 
orl'of the cassia fruit or of the creeper jasmine. Besides playing 
on the flute, they spent their ample leisure in love-making in the 
forests which afforded ample cover for their amatory proceed- 
ings. The god of the ntidlai region was m&ydn^ the dark-hued 
wonder-working kantmn. 3 Their old women sprinkled the paddy 
from a nali, 4 tubular corn-measure, along with sweet-smelling 
wvullai flowers so that the bees swarmed round and sounded like 
the y&l and then .bowed to their god. 5 Accompanied by children 
and relatives the crows ate the white balls of cooked rice along with 
fried karunai,* tuber which has dark eyes ottered to the God. 7 

The worship of m&y&n was also associated with innumerable 
religious dances, which can be observed to-day in cowherd villages 
when the annual festival in honour of this deity is celebrated, 
These dances were called fawfam 3 or m&yott&qfal.* In Vedic times, 
Krhna, the Sanskrit form of the name Kannan, was a god or as 
the Rig-veda called him a demon, opposed to Indra* In the Puranas,* 
too, there are evidences of an ancient Krshna cult opposed to the Indra- 
cult of the early Rishis. 10 In still later times Kannan became Krs,hna 
Paramatma, the fullest human manifestation (Avat&ra) of isvara to the 
Indian people and has everywhere extinguished the worship of Indra. 
The legends regarding the boyhood life of Krs.hna have certainly come 
down from the ancient pastoral stage of human evolution, though not 
then localized in the forest of Brindavanam. The bulk of cowherds to-day 
act out many of these legends and keep up the ancient pastoral dances 
of Krshna worship, but are absolutely untouched by the grand philo- 
sophical ideas which have gathered round the personality of Krshna. 
I therefore hold that that the ancient god of the pastoral tribes evolved 
into Krshna and not that Krshna of the Bhagavad Gita deteriorated 
into a pastoral god in recent times. 

The current theory about Kr$hna-worship is that the historical 



miryS QattrterL~ /fl.p 



(JdrSfer ^)J: aw uuSirfr^ 
(y%fier& Q**Q**G>wfrir CV/rjp 

uas. Narrinai 367. 

Ancient 



PRE-ARYAN TAMIL CULTURE 87 

person of that name, whose boyhood was spent In the pastoral cotintry 
round Brindavanam and who, later, as the king of Dvaraka, played a 
great part in the war of the Mahabharata, was deified and after his 
death, the Krishna cult spread throughout India. In opposition to this 
theory I hold that the cult of Krshna, the boy-cowherd, comes down 
from the 1 early pastoral stage of Indian life ; it is impossible to believe 
that the later worship of Krishna, associated with the study of his 
Bhagavad-Glta, than which no grander philosophic work has been 
published to the world, spread to only one caste of South India the 
cowherd caste and became a cult of primitive ritual song and dance. 
It is much more reasonable to conclude that the primitive song and 
dance and merry-making which is the Krshna-worship of the cowherds 
is directly descended from the rites of very ancient pastoral times. 
The name Kannan is supposed to be derived from Prakrit Kanha, itself 
a degenerate form of Krshna. This kind of etymology is opposed to 
the fundamental principles of linguistic science, for it makes the 
absurd assumption that the literary dialect, of a language precedes the 
common spoken dialect, whereas the spoken dialect must have existed 
for thousands of years before the literary dialect was developed. 

To proceed from Mullai to Marudam ; in the lowermost reaches 
of the rivers lived the farmers, of whom there were two classes, 
(1) the Vellalar^ the controllers of the flood, who irrigated their fields 
when the rivers were in flood, and raised the rice-crop on damp 
rice-fields with the extraordinary patience and industry which only the 
Indian peasant is capable of ; (2) the Rtlralar,* controllers of the rain, 
who looked up to the sky for watering their fields, who stored the rain 
water in tanks and ponds and dug wells and lifted the water by means 
of water-lifts of different kinds, err am, 3 kabilai* pil%, 5 ida* and raised 
the millets, the pulses and other legumes, which along with the rice of 
the river valleys and the milk and the milk products (tyre and butter- 
milk and ghi, tayir, 7 mffr, a and ney*) of the Midlai region, form, even 
according to the latest scientific teaching, a perfect food for man 
containing the muscle-building, heat-generating, and vitamine requi- 
sites of a perfect dietary. The Vellalar lived in the Marudam region, 
the river-valleys and just outside it lived the K&ralar. Beyond these 
regions where foodstuffs were raised, existed the black cotton -soil 
developed from the detritus of trap-rock charged with decaying 
vegetation, and fit for retaining moisture for a long time, and hence 
suited for the growth of cotton. Here cotton was raised and cotton 
cloth was woven ; Indian people of the Stone Age possessed an 
abundance of cotton cloth, as weaving implements of stone testify, 
when the rest of the world was either sparsely clad in hides, or woven 
linen or wool, or revelled in primitive nakedness. Hundreds of finds 
of Neolithic tools required for these industries of the lower river 
valleys testify to their great development in these regions. These 
industries of the plains required the subsidiary one of woodwork. 
The people lived in wood-built houses ; their granaries were made of 
wood ; they used wooden carts, not different in build from the creaking 
ones now used for transport and numerous household trtensils made of 
woodjlike tubs, mortars, pestles, etc.; and all the tools now used by the 

' 



88 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

village carpenter, but made of stone, as well as tools for stonework, 
have been picked up from neolithic settlements. The chief god of the 
low country was the cloud-compelling lord of the atmosphere, who, as 
Indra, became also the chief recipient of the offerings made in' the 
Veclic fire -sacrifices throughout North India ; but in South India 
Indiran was the god only of the plonghland. Besides he was 
worshipped by the people with the fireless rites detested by the 
Aryas. Here c he was the God residing 1 in the land where, with toddy 
and garlands as offerings, the straight-horned and hanging' eared goat 
is led to him '. l In Aryan India Indra was but the most prominent 
of the many gods worshipped by Bralirnana priests, for their own 
benefit and the benefit of others, by means of fire-rites in sacrificial 
halls specially built for the purpose, Rajas and Vaisyas having; but the 
privilege of paying 1 for the rites without officiating at them ; but in 
South India Indiran was the sole god of the Marudam region and his 
worship was conducted without fire-rites and in it participated men 
of all castes and occupations, even men of the lower classes who would 
not be admitted even for menial service in Yajnas*alas and women of 
all ranks. Indra worship in South India was accompanied by merry- 
making and love-making: of all kinds. Moreover the festival of 
Indiran was specially associated with lovers' quarrels and reconcilia- 
tions, Udal* and kndal? and with special varieties of dancing. The 
modern Pongal feast is a relic of the harvest-festival associated with 
Indiran, as the name bogi panfj.igm.^ Indiran-feast shows, 5 bogi being 
a name of Indiran. 

So 'great is the prejudice in favour of the North Indian origin of 
everything connected with religion that to claim the Indiran of Marn- 
dam as a Tamil God independent of the Indra of the Aryas is sure to 
raise as violent a burst of opposition as Indra* s own burst of the 
thunder-cloud. To support the claim here made I offer the following 
considerations : (1) The people of the marud&m regions of South 
India must have had an atmospheric god from about the end of the 
old Stone Age when they learnt to till the ground and sow seeds 
for raising foodstuffs, for their existence depended on such a god 
manifesting himself In the hot weather and striking the clouds with his 
thunderbolt so as to pour the life-giving rain on their thirsty fields. (2) 
To deny them an Indiran of their own would be to say that they had 
from time inmemorial another god of the same functions till 'about 
2_,000 years ago, when they borrowed the name of the chief God of the 
Arya fire-rite, and that, after that fire-rite had almost; become extin- 
guished in Aryavartta and after Indra had been superseded ' in- 
popular estimation by Siva, Vishnu, and Amba. One is tempted 
to vary the joke about the author of the Iliad, that it was not corn- 
posed by Homer but by another poet, of the same name, and say that 



, 156, 

8 "-*. s u^Af* *C?wrfi>LiblrtM*. 

5 The titter difference between Indra- worship in North India and the 
&>/ of South India can be realized by a study of canto v of 
c*- ^ M6 Q t Qta *>. which is too Ions* to be ottoted here. 



PRE-ARYAN TAMIL CULTURE 89 

the Stone Age Tamils did not worship Indiran but another God of the 
same name and the same functions. The theory becomes more absurd 
if, with European scholars, it is held that Indra the God par excellence 
of the monsoon area was at first the God of the non-monsoon tracts 
outside India, that he was then taken into Northern India by Aryan 
emigrants and lastly,after a few thousand years, stay there, he leisurely 
migrated to the marudam region of Tamil India, where he was being 
worshipped by the people for many thousand years, previously by 
some .name unknown, which name was suddenly extirpated without 
a trace by the newly imported name. (3) The South Indian Indiran- 
cult was in every one of its details and practices utterly different 
from the Vedic Indra-cult as pointed out above. (4) If South 
India borrowed Indiran from the Aryas, there is no' reason why 
he should have his jurisdiction suddenly contracted and why 
he should be confined to the marudam region and should not have ex- 
tended to all regions as it did in India north of the Vindhyas. 
On - the contrary when the Arya concepts spread irs South India 
along with the migration of Brahrnanas to the south of the Vindhyas, 
the functions of the Aryan Indra were added on to the Indiran of 
the Tamils, who was thenceafter called Vendan^ King of the Gods. 
It. is more reasonable to consider that the Indiran of the marudam 
became also the King: of the Gods after the contact of the Tamils with 
the Aryas than that the extent of his empire was diminished by 
his invasion of South India. (5) If South India borrowed Indiran 
from North India, there is no conceivable reason why the ploughmen 
alone should borrow the God and not the people of other regions, 
such as neydal and mullai. (6) The South Indian worship of Indiran 
was not conducted by an expert caste as in North India. It is 
inconceivable that as soon as the BrahmaiiLas brought the Indra-cult to 
South India, they resigned their priestly functions with regard to this 
deity and his worship became a popular institution in which all castes, 
and both sexes could take part. The Brahmana -rites and the old 
Tamil rites have not become mixed up though Brahmanas have 
wielded supreme religious power in South India for 2,000 years, and 
though the two have co-existed for 2,000 years. Is it not then absurd 
to hold that at one moment in the past Indra-rites of north India 
became inextricably blended with Tamil rites. (7) The worship in 
each of the five regions consisted primarily in ritual dancing, peculiar 
to each region. This was accompanied by the singing of tunes, pa-yt, 
special to each tract. There was also a special form of -yal for each 
natural region on which the tunes of that regions were played. In 
such worship all people, whatever their status, took part, whereas in 
northern India, even during the performance of royal yafnas, such as 
Rajos&yam, Kings could not enter the yajna sdla except on one solitary 
occasion when they were temporarily invested with the rank of a 
Brahmana and allowed to make one 'ahuti, offering, in the fire nearest 
to the gate of the sacrificial hall. How the worship in which the 
Brahmana oligarchy alone could officiate could suddenly become a 
democratic institution it is impossible to conceive. (8) Convincing 
etymologies -of the names of the Gods Krishna, Indra, and Varuna 



90 ' JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

from Sanskrit roots have not been found by scholars notwithstanding 
three thousand years of unexampled ingenuity. Hence there is no ' 
linguistic reason to claim that these names originally belonged to the 
Sanskrit language. (9) The possibility of North India borrowing 
names of objects and even of Gods from South India has not been 
investigated at all. There was plenty of intercourse between the 
people North and South of the Vindhyas in the remote ages. 
Therefore there is nothing 1 to disprove the notion that the same 
Gods were worshipped throughout India even before the fire-cult 
rose to great popularity five thousand years ago. Hence the most 
probable conclusion is that when the Rishis moulded the Vedic cult 
they utilized the pre-existing gods and adapted them to their 
philosophical concepts. Such is what has taken place all over the 
world in the evolution of religion. Moreover it is only in recent 
times that the idea rose that Sanskrit, being a perfect language, could 
not have borrowed names from any other language. The ancient 
thinkers had no such illusion. Hfm&msa suiras I. iii, 9, says, ckoditam 
tu pratiyeta ainr&dktit pram&nena. This implies that words borrowed 
from the mlechchha languages and used in the Veda ought to lie under- 
stood in the sense they have in those mlechchha languages and not to 
be ascribed new meanings based on the nirnkta or etymological 
speculations. Sabara gives as illustrations of such borrowing t&mara^ 
lotus, pika, cuckoo, both Tamil words, I offer the suggestion that 
many more words were borrowed by Sanskrit from Tamil. Not as a 
proved conclusion, but merely to challenge enquiry I suggest that the 
word, so essential to later Sanskrit philosophy, M&yii, was coined 
from a Tamil root-word, 

Maya is a word which occurs in the Vedic mantras ; there it does 
not possess the meaning of M&fapraferiti, chaotic matter, that which 
is not sat, nor asat. In the mantras it merely means the wonder- 
working power exhibited by Indra and other gods. Gradually May a 
came to be specially associated with Vishnu ; in the Bhagavad Gzta, 
Krishna, the incarnate Vishnu, speaks of mama m&y& duratyaya* ' my 
Maya difficult to transcend/ So Maya came to mean the power, the 
magic might wielded by the Supreme Vishnu in creating, and sustaining 
the universe .and this is still the meaning of Maya in Vaishnava tradi- 
tion. In the Saiya schools Maya became the wife of Siva, the mighty 
mother of the. universe, being Isvara's power embodied in manifested 
matter. In the Advaita schools, she became identified with Prakfiti-i 
matter, which is a reality to embodied beings and vanishes without 
leaving a trace behind before the vision of him who has seen the light 
of Atma, Hence Advaitls explain it by the jingle ym ma s& may&, 
who. is not, she is m&ya ; this ingenious and impossible derivation 
could have been invented only, after that incomparable philosopher, 
Saiikaracharya, definitely and finally connected the word with that which 
exists as a phenomenon but does not exist as a noumenon. The 
older meaning of the word, from which this meaning' has arisen, was 
wonder, astonishment, power of magic, cannot be derived from any 
Sanskrit root ; but Tamil possesses a root that exactly suits the word 
and that is m^y, * to be astonished, to vanish, from sight* I am. sure 



TAMIL CULTURE , 9i 

that oti a careful study conducted according to the fundamental 
principles of modern etymological science, many Sanskrit words 
will be found to be borrowed from those of the languages which 
prevailed in -India in the early Iron Age. At any rate the idea that 
the gods who were worshipped before the rise to popularity of the 
Arya cult were borrowed and ennobled and idealized by the Rishis is 
not quite so absurd as people imagine. 

Now Indra has become extinct in the marud&m region. Ever 
since the worship of Siva and Vishnu rose to mighty proportions from 
the sixth century A.D. onwards, under the inspiration of the singers of 
the Saiva Tev&ram and VaisltmavaPtradandam, Indra disappeared. His 
place of popularity in the minds of the common people, especially of 
the liver-valleys, has been usurped by a rion-vedic God, who has no 
Tamil name but whose worship is most wide-spread in the Tamil , 
country, viz., Ganesa or Vi$hvak$ena, the generalissimo and the remover 
o difficulties. How this came about I cannot at all explain. I 
can only note in passing that while Indra was a constant rider ^on 
elephants, Ganesa combines in his person human and elephantine 
features. 

From marudam I shall now turn to Neydal, the littoral region. 
Here were evolved the occupations of fishing, salt-scraping, salt- 
manufacture, and the selling of salt, of fresh fish and salted fish ; they 
made cances, dug-outs and wicker work boats; the Paradavar men 
sailed on the sea, at first hugging the coast, and, later, boldly struck 
across the black sea, Kartmgadal^ and reached far off countries where 
they exchanged the cotton cloth and timber of South India for scented 
gums, sugar and other products of foreign lands. Their God was 
Varunan, another deity also invoked in the Arya rites ; but the worship 
of Varunan by the Valainar* the men who plied the net, the lowest of 
the low, was of course very different from the fire-worship of the same 
deity. ' It is the new moon and the red-haired Paradavar* men have not 
gone'along to fish in the broad, black, cold sea ; with their dark-skinned 
women clad in green-leaf garments, in the midst of their huts, which 
were built on the sea-beach whose sands smell of fish and which had 
low roofs on which were placed the long angling rods, on the sands 
of the front yard on which the nets were spread like a patch of dark- 
ness on a moon Ht-floor, they planted the horn of the gravid sword- 
fish and invoked on it their God. They wore (round their neck) 
garlands made of the cool flowers of the white Kudalam** (a kind ot 
Solanum\ which grows at the foot of the T&lai* (screw-pine), and (on 
their heads) the flowers of the talai, which has long petals ; they drank 
the toddy from the palmyra which has a rough skin, and also the liquor 
brewed from rice, and danced. In the noisy part of ^f^ s where- 
appearing like a red cloud on a black hill, and like a (red-haired) child 
at the mother's (black) breast, the Kaviri mixes with the clear and 
dark waters of the ocean-wave, they bathed to get rid of their sins, 
and then, bathed in the river to get rid of the salt on their skins ; tney 
hunted for crabs and played in the spreading waves; they made 



92 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

images ; they were intoxicated with the pleasures enjoyed through 
many senses and played with undiminished joy throughout the day. 1 

After reading this description of Varnna-worsMp it would "be 
foolhardy to derive it from the Vedic Yajna, in which V.ariyia, Indra 
and Mitra were Invoked, 



& Q & ir 



anu/Kj$68)y)toir to At. f i 'r r ' ' 

UTtSfrtb UisafiikxL,^} 'ror/' i - 

^ Qieyiaui. h f <$ wire r ',$ "/ ;* 

tyw/c ,w." y,w,,/iirt3r 

<O/TL 'wu uL/SasriS'^ O^nr /r *o'wfnp V 'n 1 ^' cu 



4Bjd.f9.tt/ ( 

fA uAQw ,/r5 w<fi*iM^ 

tfrQ t/jffti^fcrfc/r/iL, Pattinaj>j>&lai, 80, 104. 



tf contintted **) 



' THE THEORY OF GOVERNMENT IN ANCIENT INDIA J 

BY 

BENI PRASAD, M.A. 

WITH A FOREWORD BY 

A. B. KEITH, D.C.L. 

[Published by the Indian Press, Allahabad. Price, Rs. 8-8-0] 
IN very recent years, and 'especially the course of the last ten years, a 
number of young scholars have been interesting themselves in the 
field of Indian history and culture, and the results of their industry 
are being published from time to time in the shape of contributions 
to the periodicals and books. One such elaborate study is by 
Dr. Beni Prasad on the Theory of Government in Ancient India. 
Dr. Prasad needs no introduction to the scholarly world. His work on 
the History of J&h&ngir is well known. 

The book under review is a thesis approved for the degree of 
Ph. D. (Boon.) in the University of London (1926). It is an examination 
of the theory of Government which is post-vedic, though a chapter is 
given to vedic literature which is only introductory and based chiefly 
on secondary sources. The rest of the work is said to be based almost 
on original sources, though no original texts are quoted and discussed. 
Standard translations have been utilized for the purpose. We 
would have wished the learned author to go to the texts themselves 
and base -his statements more on his own study of them, 

In about eight chapters the author has given a brief survey of the 
political theories prevalent in ancient India, such as could be gathered 
from the available literary sources. A chapter of about fifty pages is 
devoted to an examination of the political theories collated from tke 
epics, the MahsJbh&rata and the Ramay&na. The place of honor is 
naturally given to the Makabh&rata wherein is really found a mine of 
valuable information for reconstructing the history of post-Vedic India. 
It would have been more useful if the author had devoted equal 
attention to the other equally important work, the Ram&yana. We 
may regard this epic as much a text on the Nttts&ra as any other. 



94 JOURNAL OF INDIAN 

More than the text, some commentaries on the: work, especially 
that of Govktdaraja, are valuable to a student of political institutions 
in Hindu India, 

The next important chapter that claims our attention. is that on 
Kautalya. We congratulate the author for using uniformly the term 
'Kautalya 1 , which is indeed a correct .pronunciation of the name of the 
celebrated Indian statesman. We expected much from this chapter but 
were really disappointed. Dr. Prasad has had the advantage of 
previous publications on the subject though he seems hardly aware 
of their existence. He says that it is imposible to fix the date of the 
authorship of the KmttaMya. We thought it has been accepted through- 
out that it is the bonafide work of the minister of the Mauryan 
Etiiperer Chandragupta Maurya. This established fact is discarded 
for the author is explicit when he says in the preface * the publication 
of some valuable articles and books on ancient Indian political life in 
the meanwhile does not, however, necessitate any modification of the 
views expressed here '. Professor Keith who has contributed a 
learned foreword to this work quotes Sir R. Bhandarkar to show that 
the Kautaliya could not be earlier than the first or second century 
A.D, Sir Bhandarkar had not the full advantage of recent researches on 
the subject. Had he lived to-day, it is not improbable that he would 
have revised his opinion. We have reasons to believe that his dis- 
tinguished son, and equally eminent scholar Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar of 
the Calcutta University has accepted the established theory as to the 
date of Kau$alya, 

As the Artkaf&sira of Kautalya is the most important work in the 
political literature of India we shall refer to one or two more points 
drawn attention to by the author. Professor Prasad says, * Kautalya 
has in mind not a huge empire Itke the Mauryan but a congeries of 
small states ' (p. 92). Again ' In one respect the sMJurf&sto'a theory 
represents a great advance on the Vedas. The priest has practically 
dropped out. The state has outgrown the theocratic elements and 
established itself more or less on secular ground (p 149). Both these 
statements have no legs to stand on. If Kautalya had lived between 
the first century and the fourth century A,D. and if he is in intimate 
touch with men and affairs, and if he draws largely on existing facts 
according to the author, then he must have known the existence of a huge 
empire like that of the Mauryas, and even of the Guptas, if Kautalya 



REVIEWS 95 

had drawn from the existing facts then his state must be an 
empire and not a congeries of small states. Again if he could be 
identified with the minister Chanakya, then again he must be familiar 
with the Mauryan empire. Thus apart from other evidence, internal 
and external, whatever may be the date of the Kautalya fourth century 
B.C. or A.I), the fact is that he spoke of a huge empire and not a 
small state. Geographically the author of the ArthaS&stra is well 
aware of all important places from the Himalayas down to the southern 
extremity of the country. 

To turn to the other statement, namely the Purohita finds no 
political status in the Kautalyan polity, we have numei*ous texts to show 
how the Purohiia plays a significant role in the Artkaf&slra. I have 
discussed this question elaborately in my contribution. ' Is Arthasastra 
secular ' ? published in the proceedings of the third Oriental Conference. 
Suffice it to say that even the eminent scholar Dr. Winternitz has 
acceded to this position and referred rne to his learned work on the 
History of Indian Literature wherein he has made similar remarks. 
There is strong testimony to prove beyond doubt how the vedic 
tradition of the Purohita guiding the monarch in all affairs of the 
kingdom, spiritual and temporal, is faithfully transmitted in the 
Kautaliya. 

There- is another statement which is also untenable. Prof. Prasad 
says that Buddhism represents a revolt against Brahmanism. In this 
short review we cannot speak at length on this point. It is enough to 
say that Buddhism is neither from a religious point of view nor even 
from a social point of view a revolt against Brahmanism. Bo thin religion 
and casteBuddhistn rather supported the Brahmanical tradition than set 
up a revolt against it. The fact was that the chief aim of the Buddhist 
movement was asceticism. According to the Vedic tradition it was 
only the Brahman who could take up the robes of a Sanyasin. But 
after the battle at Kurukshetra the Kshatriyas began slowly to enter 
into asceticism. This movement was given an impetus by the 
teachings of the Buddha which admitted the members of all castes, not 
excluding even the women, to the ranks of ascetics. The belief was 
that once a man became an ascetic, he could easily attain salvation 
.(nwk$a). If the spirit of the movement could be realized in this 
respect, then we may draw the conclusion that Buddhism was i no 
way a revolt against the established religion ol the 



98 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

raised a standard of revolt against the existing religion or political 
constitution is to misread the history of ancient India. 

The concluding pages of the work refer to the consideration of the 
economic basis of the state, The learned author tries to show in brief 
outline how it became recognized even in early times that a state 
could not subsist unless the material prospects of the people were well 
considered. Thus the work is full of interest and will profitably pay 
perusal. 

V. R. R. DIKSHITAR. 



. * CHRONOLOGY OF ANCIENT INDIA ' 

BY 

SITA NATH PRADHAN, M.SC., Ph.D. 
[Published by the University of Calcutta.] 

THB historical chapters of the Pur&i$a$ were during the nineteenth 
century regarded as the inventions of uncontrolled imagination, 
unworthy of the serious notice of historians who followed the modern 
critical method of historical studies. But in the beginning: of the 
present century, Mr* Pargiter hit on the brilliant idea, that the names 
Visvamitra and Vasishtha that figures in the Puranic tales were clan 
names and not personal names. Thence vanished the absurdity of the 
same man reappearing as the contemporary of kings of many genera- 
tions and it was found that after all there was a method in Puranic 
madness. By a critical study of the various Purdnas Pargiter found 
that numerous synchronisms could be detected in the tales and an 
investigation of these synchronisms enabled him to construct dynastic 
lists of the kingdoms which rose to power and declined In influence, 
some more than once in the age between the foundation of the Solar 
and the Lunar lines and the war of the Mah&bh&rata in which most of 
the ancient royal families were destroyed. But Mr. Pargiter was 
obsessed by a few fixed ideas. One was that the Kshattriyas and the 
Brahmanas of old times belonged to two different races and were 
always struggling with each for the monopoly of power in the state. 
Th second was that the Kshattriyas were possessed of the historical 



; " REVIEWS 99 

sense, which the Brahmanas were utterly lacking in; hence the 
statements made in the Pur&nas about the successions of kings were all 
reliable ^ and those made in the Vedic literature and in the Itihasas 
were all unreliable. This obsession led Mr. Pargiter to various wrong- 
conclusions, besides prejudicing the minds of scholars against his 
reconstruction of ancient history ; for historical allusions in the Vedic 
literature are practically the testimony of contemporaries and it is 
absurd to regard them as of less evidential value than the statements 
in the Puranas which were of later dates than the events described, 
Mr. Pargiter explained his methods of investigation and the conclusions 
reached by him first in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1910 
and gave an account of the final results of his studies in 1922 in his 
Ancient Indian Historical Tradition. 

From the time Mr. Pargiter published the tentative results of his 
studies in 1910, Mr. Sita Nath Pradhan enthusiastically took up his 
method of investigation and pursued it but without Mr. Pargiter's 
prejudices. Very properly he took the Vedas (mantras and Brahmanas), 
the Itih&sas* and Pur anas > as all authoritative and tried to reconcile 
their differences. The result is this volume of the Chronology of 
Ancient India, which ought more properly be called the latter half of 
the Chronology of Ancient India, for the book deals only with the kings 
who ruled from the middle of the Vedic Age to the end of that age 
brought about by the Bharata battle. The first subject of the book is 
the age of Dasaratha, father of Sri Ramachandra/ and of Divodasa, 
mentioned frequently in the Vedic mantras as the destroyer of many 
Dasyu towns. Divodasa' s sister was Ahalya, whose adultery was 
condoned because Sri Rama accepted her hospitality. Divodasa was 
the grandson of Mudgala, whose wife Indrasena was the daughter of 
Nala and Damayanti, the story of whose love is so well remembered 
in India. Divodasa' s contemporaries, 'other than Dasaratha, were 
Satvant, the Yadava Raja, twelfth in descent from whom was Sri 
Krishna, Vitahavya, the Haihaya, in whose line was born the famous 
Kulapati Saunaka to whom in the Naimisha forest Sauti related the 
story of the Mahabharata. Krita, another contemporary of Dasaratha, 
was grandfather of Brihadrath a, founder of the well-known line of 
Magadha kings which flourished till the middle of the first millennium 
B.C. The succession lists of this line, and those of the Hastinapur 
line, and several other lines of kings, from the age of Sri Rama to the 



iuo JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

age of Sri Krishna the later Vedic periodare the subject of investi- 
gation upto Chapter XIV of the book, 

In Chapters XIV and XV the author deals with the historical 
position of various distinguished Risliis of this period: including: 
Rishi Narayana, the author of she famous Pittu$ha Sftklam. 
In Chapter XVI he attempts to fix the chronology of the later 
Vedic period. This he does by iletennimny; the date of the Bharata 
battle and working up to the earlier ;ij4*o by assigning the average 
length of twenty-eight years to each of the kings who reigned before 
that event. That battle he finds to have occurred about 1150 B.C. To 
help him to fix that elate, hi; adds to the many attempts of scholars to 
determine the succession list of .Wa^atlhan kings from Rimbisara to 
Chandragupta, one of his own ; these attempts are based on the 
contradictory information contained in the Brahinana, Jaina and 
Bauddha chronicles ; and whereas previous investigators have shown 
a special leaning" to one of those three sources, Mr. Pracihan tries to 
consider the question without any prejudice. So, too, lie considers 
the succession list of the Pradjota dynasty. After fixing these, he 
estimates the date of the Mah&bli&mi, war by assigning an average of 
twenty-eight years to each of the kings who reigned before 
Chandragupta. He then attempts to obtain confirmation of his' conclu- 
sion by taking into considei atton astronomical (fata from the; 



Incidentally in the course of the discussion, he disproves the 
validity of the chronological systems of Vilak's Orhw and Dr. Das's 

JRig- Vedic India, Yet while we cannot but admire Mr. Pradhan's 
acuteness in proving' the accuracy of his dynastic lists, it appears to us 
that he has post-dated the Great War of Ancient India by at least three 
centuries. 

. In the course o the book, the author informs us that he has 
investigated the succession lists of the kings of the earlier Vedic 
period, that from Pururavas and Ikshvaku to Mudgala and Raghu. 
That study is likely to prove even more interesting than that of this 
book and we wish that he will publish his book on the earlier period 
very soon. We also wish that the new book will be printed less 
shabbily than this, one and will not be marred by the innumerable 
printer's errors which disfigure this, 

P. T. S* 



-.. 101 

ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGAR' 

BY 



, H. HERAS, sj s M.A. 

[Vol. I. Messrs. B. G. Paul & Co., Madras,] 

THIS is the first fruit of the recently started Research Institute in 
the St. Xavier's ^College, Bombay, by the talented and enthusiastic 
Professor of History, the Rev. H. Heras, s,J. s M.A., etc. The work 
takes up the history of the empire of Vijayanagar In the latter part 
which is not covered by the late Mr. Robert Sewell's work. The 
material available for the history of Vijayanagar after the so-called 
battle of Talikota was hitherto regarded so little to repay the painful 
labour of a student of research that it was taken for granted that a 
consecutive history of the period was impossible. The possibility of 
historical material in sources not hitherto regarded as such was made 
known to the public by the first work of the Madras University 
Historical Series, Sources of Vijiyanagar History, chiefly literary. 
That work demonstrated for the first time that there is a considerable 
volume of material not hitherto drawn upon for this period as well as 
for the period preceding in the history of Vijayanagar- For the period 
that the author has taken up, he has had the good fortune to find a 
quantity of material in the Portuguese records hardly suspected so 
far. He has used this new find and has supplemented it by a very 
much more careful and thorough exploitation of the Jesuit sources 
of information not brought into requisition for the purpose to any 
considerable extent so far. The work before us therefore is a volume 
of very creditable research work and a far fuller account than we had 
a right to expect before this important discovery by the talented 
author. 

The work under review is volume I of the whole work and covers 
the period from the beginning of the career of Ramaraya in the latter 
period of the reign of the emperor Achyuta and carries the story 
down to the death of Venkatapatiraya II in A.D. 1614. The author 
has made a thorough exploitation of all the sources of information so 
far accessible and has given us a history of a little over 550 pages 
dealing iDL great detail with some of the episodes on which more 
light was badly needed. . ,.,'. , ... .-.:. . .'.. . , '.- 



102 JOURNAL OP INDIAN HISTORY 

The author is thorough-going in his work, has neglected no source 
and has produced a work on the whole providing: attractive reading. 
He takes up the career of Ramaraya and shows by dividing it into 
three stages how he advanced gradually from being the regent for 
Sadasiva to ultimate supersession o Sadasiva as a ruler. He then 
takes up in detail the history of the transactions that led to what used 
to be called the battle of Talikota hitherto, and what ought properly 
speaking to be called the battle of R^kskasatang-adi, which Father 
Heras calls JR.&kskas&tag'adii we do not quite see on what authority. 
The correction becomes necessary as Talikota is about twenty-five 
miles on the north bank of the Krishna, and,- except for the fact that 
it was the headquarters of the Bijapur army before the battle itself, 
it is too far away from the scene of the battle to give the name to the 
battle itself, being more than forty miles from the scene of battle actu- 
ally and perhaps what is worse with the big River Krishna, after cross- 
ing which it is that the enemies joined in battle, almost fully a march 
from the bank ; nor can it be said that this was not known as Duff in 
his History of the Mahrattas refers to the place on the authority of 
Mahratta Bakhairs in the somewhat corrupted form of Rakskitagundi. 
The battle and its results, the retirement of Tirumala from 
Vijayanagar, the question of the capital, whether it was Penugonda or 
Chandragiri, the circumstances under which Emperor Sadasiva was 
murdered the person actually responsible for the murder, the reign of 
Ranga I and the achievements of Venkata in the reign of his elder 
brother and his own, all these are treated with a fullness not possible 
hitherto, Naturally the war under Rama in the distant south, the doings 
of St. Francis the Xavier receive fuller treatment. So similarly the 
work of the Madura Mission and of Father Nobili. Of course, in this 
part of the subject, Father Heras has to utilize to the full the Jesuit 
sources only as being practically the only sources available to him 
and the account may appear to readers somewhat one-sided. That is 
perhaps inevitable having regard to the fact that there is not much 
other material to check this source by, at any rate material of value. 
On the whole, the work makes an important, nay, we may almost 
say, an invaluable addition to the historical literature of the period. 

While we have nothing but commendation for the painstaking and 
earnest effort of the talented author, we must nevertheless draw 
attention to one or two dangers incidental to the work to which the 



REVIEWS 103 

:autious author unfortunately succumbed. There is always a certain 
isk In adopting the ipse dixits of others who have worked on the 
jubject before and in adopting them wholesale for drawing important 
conclusions ; it will always be safer to verify our authorities before 
ising them. Father Heras has. referred in more than one place to 
the Bevinahalli plates as giving us a hitherto unnoticed authority 
for the name Madras to the capital of the southern Presidency almost 
a century before the date on which the name actually occurs in an 
authoritative document. He has made use of this identification as the 
basis for a certain number of remarks of his own in the course of the 
work of a more or less important historical character, so that the 
matter requires some attention. One of the recipients of the gifts 
conveyed by the Bevinhalli grant happens to be a Basavappa, son of 
Mailapura Madarasa of the Bharacivaja Gotra and Yajus Sakha. (Epi. 
fnd,,vol. xiv, 215, No. 82 on table). The learned editors of the document 
Messrs. Venkatesvara and Visvanatha, have the following remarks to 
make : (on page 216 idem.) 

4 The names of the divisions are derived from Sanskrit or colloquial 
Kannada corruptions of Sanskrit. In a few cases only do they seem 
to be connected with territory. The most interesting of the latter is 
Mailapura Madarasa, which seems to suggest the modern name 
Mylapore and Madras. The etymology of the word Madras is 
uncertain, and we may well suggest for Madrasapatnam of the old 
East India Company's records the origin from some Madarasa in the 
sixteenth century or earlier. In/any case, our inscription is nearly a 
century before the foundation of Fort St. George and is probably the 
oldest record suggestive of a derivation for the word Madras. That 
Mylapore is one of the earliest parts of Madras is clear from the Syrian 
Christian traditions regarding the visit of St. Thomas to that place. 
[We cannot also ignore the fact that Mailapura is mentioned as a 
suburb of Bevinahalli in line 278 f H.K.S.'] . 

It is on the basis of these remarks Father Heras has allowed 
himself to be drawn into the conclusion that Madras is probably a 
name derived from this Madarasa on the ground that Mailapur and 
Madarasa are brought into proximity. The context tinder reference on 
page 227 of the work refers to ' Bhar ad vajanvayo Mailapura Mad ar as a- 
atmaja \ Three lines above occurs the name of the town Muluvagil 
in Mujttvagila Koniri. In either of these two cases, it is the 



-tv* JUUK.NAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

Kanarese form of the sixth case of the locality that is actually under 
reference. Therefore it means nothing more than Madarasa of 
Mailapur and Koneri of Mulbagil, the other details not concerning 
us for the present. In describing the boundaries as usual in the 
vernacular of the village under gift Bevinahalli, otherwise called 
Ramasamudram, Mailapur occurs as forming the southern boundary 
and that is what the editor, Mr. H. Krishna . Sastriar, has referred 
to in the note that he has added. The document has reference to a 
date equivalent to A.D. 1551 and therefore almost a century before 
1639, the date of gift of Madras, and 1645, the date of the charter 
which contains the name Madrasapatam as the earliest reference. 
This reference to Madras in the Bevinahalli plates, if justifiable, 
would take us bach a century almost for an authoritative statement 
of the name of the town. Unfortunately for us, it is far otherwise. 
Bevinahalli to which the village of Mailapura formed a part of 
the southern boundary is described as belonging to Kiijavadi Nadu, 
included within the boundaries of Hasthmvuti, another name for 
Anegondi or Vijayanagar. It is supposed to be included within the 
boundaries of Gaudaknndi sima and is given the other name Rama- 
samudram. This together with another village to which it was joined 
was gifted away by the grant, so that on the authority of the document 
quoted, Mailapur happens to be a village which was included in a division 
belonging to Anegondi in the Bcllary District and has nothing 
whatsoever to do with Mylupore, the southern suburb of Madras the 
name Madarasa while it is a common enough name ainonc the Kanarese 
people, and even among the Telugus, and might well have been the 
cause of the name Madrasapatam under conceivable circumstances, has 
nothing to do whatever with the name Mniliipura Madarasa that occurs 
in the Bevinahalli grant on the authority of the r rant itself. Madarasa 
is therefore nothing more than a personal name and the bearer of the 
name belonged to the village of Mailapftr in all probability the village 
of Mailapur in the immediate neighbourhood of Bevinahalli, uot 
Mylapore forming part of Madras. 

Another point of importance to which we would fain draw the 
attention of the author is where, in describing Vaishnavism in Vijaya- 
nogar. he launches into something like a thesis on the history of 
V.hna8m and comes, we should think very hastily, to the very 
nnportant conclusion that Tirupati was orginally a &va temple and had 



REVIEWS . . . 105 

"'been converted into a Vaishnav a. shrine through the deceitful practices 
of Ramanuja. We are very far from blaming 1 Father Heras for this 
position, because the story is current among the Vaishnavas themselves. 
What we object to as unworthy of a serious student of history is that 
Father Heras should have taken it upon himself to settle that question 
off-hand on the merebasisfof no historical material at his disposal than 
mere guess work probability. It is far too serious a matter for mere 
guess work and the light-heartedness with which the conclusion is 
offered is likely to detract seriously from the merits of an author who 
could take so much pains to collect evidence and consider them critically 
for historical purposes. That Tirupati was a shrine of Vishnu 
in the Harihara form is tradition for which there is authority of an 
irrefutable character long anterior to the days of Ramanuja and the 
investigation of the question would require an examination of the 
evidence which it may not be easy for the talented author to do. Nor 
can we say that the author was called upon to make any pronouncement 
on this particular question in the immediate context of his work. 

We may congratulate the author on the successful completion of 
the first instalment of his great work for which he had exceptional 
facilities in the shape of material. The printing of the work has been 
done on the whole creditably by the publishers, Messrs. B. G. Paul 
...& Co. of Madras. While we are in sympathy with the difficulties 
incidental to a first publication by a new firm, we regret that the 
printing leaves a great deal to be desired. Several printer's blemishes 
could easily have been avoided. There are some of them of a more 
serious character than the blemishes of the printer. As we mentioned 
already, the author seems to take the name of the famous battle as 
Rakshasatagacli without quoting authority. We have noticed it referred 
to as R&kshasatangadi in various of the native authorities* It would 
have been well if the author gave the authority for this name. In 
another place we noticed the name Chinnakesava where one would 
expect Channakesava. Father Heras refers to Achutayarayaabhudayam 
as a Tamil work. It is a Sanskrit kavya. There are a number of errors 
like this throughout the work, a great majority of these, of course, of 
the printer, but some of them other than printer's errors. These 
might have been avoided. Notwithstanding these small blemishes, the 
work would prove a very important addition to the literature on the 
subject undoubtedly and qu^jtlt to bein the hands of every serious 
student of the history of the period. 
14 



106 



JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 



'JAMBS BRYCR' 

BY 

H. A. L. FISHER 

[Two vols. Messrs. Macmillan & Co.] 

THB life of James Bryce which extended over practically the whole- 
of the Victorian Era and more than the first score of years of the new 
century must really be one of interest to all readers of that kind of 
literature in which biography stands out as one of the distinct classes.. 
Though Bryce's was a life of strenuous activity, its course had an even 
tenor, which offered nothing particularly stirring to create situations 
of great interest and excitement. All the more interesting therefore 
is the life of the traveller, the professor and the man of letters, not to 
speak of the politician and the diplomatist that Byrce was. The life of 
eighty-two years of which more than fifty were spent in the active 
politics of the country would certainly require a larger span than the- 
Rt. Hon'ble author allowed himself for this Biography. Mr. Fisher 
has saved space by cutting out of his work that part of Bryce's activi- 
ties which might be taken to be well known to contemporaries as pub- 
lic activities as member of Parliament, Minister, etc. The biography 
covers only that part of the life of Bryce which may perhaps be des- 
cribed as private in a somewhat modified sense of the term. 

The biography is written in the style of Motley's Gladstone and the 
subject of the biography is made to speak wherever possible in his 
own language and to give us a bit of himself, as it were, for us to form 
our ideas of the scholar and the gentleman. The two volumes before 
us present a very interesting and continuous life of Bryce and leave the 
impression at the end of it that he was one of those whose life was cast 
in the happy tenor of * a life without suffering and death without pain ' 
sighed for in vain by Indian philosophers and men of erudition as the 
snmmum bonum of existence, Bryce's activities could be counted from 
1860 onwards and the items of work he was engaged in and in which 
he left his own impress were many and varied. Education in all its bran- 
ches seems to have been his pet affection and his work in that branch 
of human activity is remarkably varied and good. As professor or 
writer or investigator of problems connected with administration, he 
was equally at home and the biography gives us a correct impression, 
of the man at his work. 



REVIEWS 107 

Bryce travelled widely and was careful to give us his own impres- 
sion of places that he visited and of all parts that he played wherever 
he went in the course of his travels. These give us a good idea of the 
man, although one might, from the biography, feel somewhat dis- 
appointed at the comparatively poor impression that he formed of 
India, being the result necessarily of the comparatively narrow sphere 
of his experience and of the limited sources of information that he had, 
notwithstanding the fact that he was an honest-minded man and tried 
to form correct impressions of things without any bias one way or the 
other previously conceived. On the whole the work is a very read- 
able one and must be classed amongst recent biographies which are to< 
adorn the shelves of readers with any pretentions to acquaintance with 






LATE RAO BAHADUR H.KRISHNA SASTRI, B.A., 
to the Government of India. 



IT is with great regret that we have to record the death of Mr. Krishna 
.Sastri, Epigraphist to the Government of India. ,"' Being :born in 
Hoskota in the Bangalore District, he received his education in 
.Bangalore and graduated from the Central College in 1889 with 
Mathematics as his optional subject and Sanskrit as his second-langu- 
age. Soon after getting his degree, he entered service as an Assistant 
in the office. of the Epigraphist to the Government of Madras, which 
office was then held by the late Dr. Hultzsch, who had fixed his head- 
quarters in Bangalore. Young Mr. Krishna Sastri soon picked up the 
work of the Department through the assistance of the late Dr. Hultzsch 
and the late Mr. Venkiah, and gradually moved up as the Department 
Improved in strength till he became First Assistant when Dr. Hultzsch 
retired to take up the professorship of Sanskrit in the University of 
Halle and Venkiah succeeded him as Epigraphist to the Government 
of Madras. When this latter was promoted to the position of Epigra- 
phist to the Government of India in succession to Professor Sten 
"Konow, Mr. Krishna Sastri was advanced to the position of Assistant 
Superintendent of Archaeology for Epigraphy in Madras, He con- 
tinued to hold that place till the death of the late Mr. Venkiah; 
became Epigraphist to the Government of India ?.n succession to the 
latter and held that office till two years ago when he retired from 
, service. He went and settled down, in Bangalore and had been among 
those wfio had been nominated a Fellow of the Mysore University. 
After a short illness he passed away in Bangalore at the comparatively 
early age of about fifty-seven. 

: He. started with a .good knowledge .of Sanskrit and steadily worked 
tip to establish his position as a competent Epigraphist. In his official 
capacity as Epigraphist and as the Editor of the Epigr&phia tndica, 
he turned out a volume of work creditable to his industry. Though 
lie could not perhaps be described as a brilliant epigraphist, he was 
quite a safe and steady workman and kept the work of the Department 
in a high state of efficiency. By his death the Department loses a. 
steady and industrious officer and the world of historical research an 
industrious scholar and a painstaking worker in the field of epigraphy. 



JOURNAL 

OF 

INDIAN HISTORY 



Who was the Contemporary of 

Cheraman Nayatiar ? 



BY 



- ; C/V- NARAXANA IYER, M.A., L.T.. ; 
Research Fellow, Madras University 

THE paucity of historical details available about the early Chera kings 
necessitates the acceptance of gekkilar's narrative of Cheraman 
Peru mal Nayanar 's life in the Periva Putnam as the main source of 
information on the subject. But unfortunately in that poem, truth is 
obscured by fiction and the historian has to sift out relevant details 
and verify them by means of the information furnished by inscriptions. 
According to the Penya Puf&nam, Prince Cheraman manifested even 
in his boyhood a distaste for the pleasures of the palace, and impelled 
by a higher yearning for spiritual life, left the capital, where his 
father ruled, to become an ardent Siva devotee in Tiruvanjikkulam. 1 



Cheraman Peywna Puranam st, 7. 



:i 



112 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

He took delight in picking flowers, cleaning temple premises and 
rendering innumerable other services to the God of his heart. 1 While 
he was thus engaged, his father, who was perhaps in no wa# inferior 
to him in Bhakti* abandoned the kingdom to become an ascetic. 2 The 
perplexed ministers finally sought out the prince* and requested him 
to take charge of the administration. 3 He thereupon consulted God * 
Siva, gained his consent, returned to the capital and mounted the 
throne, 4 Yet he could not forget that his main duty in life was to 
render service to God and all His true, devotees. 5 One clay,,Pana 
Pattiran, a musician, came from Madura with a note from God Soma- 
sttndara Himself. ChCramun received him as an honoured guest and 
loaded him with presents. 7 Later on, he came to know of Sundara- 
murti qfy'Tiruvalur. 8 When he went there, he was cordially received 
by <1fhe saint and by his wife Paravai Nachiyar.*' He took this 
** -casion to go to the innumerable shrines in the Chdla country. 10 
pr fterwards both Sundaramurthi and Cheraman went to Madura and 
:i Jvere most cordially received by the Paiidyan monarch who assigned 
\o them for their temporary stay a beautiful palace adorned with 
'precious stones. 11 Enjoying this hospitality for some time, the 
saintly guests visited the shrines of the Piindya Na<l, accompanied .by 
the Pandya king and his son-in-law, a Chola monarch who was living 
with him. 12 After finishing this pilgrimage, Cheraman returned to 
Kerala 13 with Sundaramuiti who stayed in Tiruvnnjfkkalarn for some 
time and took that opportunity of visiting the Kerala shrines. Later 
on, he went to Tiruvalur 14 much against the will of Cberaman though 
he afterwards returned and stayed for a pretty long time in Tiruvanjik- 
kalam. 3 5 It was there that Sundanmmrti appealed to God to free him 
from the bondage of earthly life. l & God granted his request by sending 
him a white elephant which was to take him to Kailasa, 17 Sundara- 
murti mounted it and when he was proceeding to Kailasa, he could 



\ Pefum&l PuriU'tiaM-"* st. 8 and 9, a /did., st. 10, 

a ' Ibid, st, 11. ' ' * Ibid., st. 13. 
s Ibid. st. 25- ' ** Ibid., st. 28. 

13 Ibid, st, 32 to 36. ** Jbid,, st. 44. 

^ Ibid. at. 64- and 70. xo //wl, st. 81. 

" Ibid, st, 91. ta Ibid., st, 92 and 97 et seq. 

* 3 Ibid. st. 144. 14 /bid., st. 159 and 163, 

15 Vell&naich eharukkam^t. 19 and 28. 10 /bid., st. 29, 

Kd.t st. 31. ' , ' 



THE P ANDY A CONTEMPORARY OF CHER AM AN 113 

not help thinking of Cher am an Perumal. 1 Just at that time, the king 
was bathing. It then struck him that Sundaramurti 2 was leaving 
him and so he hurriedly got upon a horse, 3 which happened to be close 
by and uttering the Panchakshara mantra in its ears, he also started. 
This was witnessed by his devoted warriors who slew themselves 
being unable to endure their beloved sovereign's departure. Thereby 
they too reached Kailasa. 4 

The chief points in this account that can be utilized for historical 
investigation are the following : 

1. One PanaPattiran (Bana Bhadra), a musician obtained presents 
from Cheraman Perumal. 

2. Cheraman visited a Pandya king who had a Chola 5 as his son- 
in-law. 

3. Cheraman suddenly left his kingdom and hurriedly fled away 
from it. 

4. His army soon afterwards perished. 

Mr. Srmivasa Pillai of Tanjore has taken notice of the first two and 
attempted to fix the date of Cheraman Perumal Nayanar. He has 
reached the conclusion that he ought to have been the contemporary 6 
of Varaguna Maharaja, the grand-father of Varaguija Varman who is 
now known to have ascended the Panclya throne In 862 or 863. A.D. I 
am not able to see the force of his reasoning, and so I shall briefly 
examine his main arguments. They are as follow : 

1. Sundaramurti has not mentioned the name of Varaguna in 
his Tirutto^da Togai, though Varaguna was a great fSaiva devotee 
about whom Manikkavasagar, Pattinattar and Nambi Andar Nambi 
have all sung. Varaguna has the known date 862-3. A.D. Hence 
Sundarar lived before Varaguna II. 



1 Vell&naich cha?ukkam> st. 34. * Ibid., st. 35. 

3 /Ml, st. 36. * Ibid., st. 38 and 39. 

5 The old Chola dynasty came to an end in the sixth century A.D when Simha- 
vishnu brought the Chola territories under his rule ; but phantom Rajas of 
the line must have existed during the age of Pallava sovereignty till Vijayalaya, 
their descendant, revived the Chola rule Circa 850. A.D, A parallel is found in 
Chalukya history where the names of kings, who intervened between the dynasty 
of Badami and that of Kalyani, are found in the genealogical lists. 

s Srinivasa Pillai : Tamil Va<r alaru : vol. iL, p, 64. 



114 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

2. When Sundarar came to the Pai.idya country, there was a 
weak Chola king: who had married the Pandya king's daughter and 
was living in the court of that monarch. This could have been only 
before the rise of the powerful Chola Vijayalaya who came to the 
throne about 849. A. D. 

3, According to the Tinivilay tidal Pitr&ntwt of Paranjoti, it. was 
during the time of one Varaguna that the musician Pa'na Pattiran went 
from Madura to" the Cher am an and received much wealth. 

There is nothing to say against his argument No. 2. But the first 
and the third are open to objection. Mr. Srmivasa PilJai has no 
warrant to assume that the Varaguna alluded to by Manikkavasagar 
and others was Varaguna Hand not Varaguna L Even allowing for 
the sake of argument that Sundaramurti was a contemporary of Vara- 
guna I, it does not follow that Varaguna became a saintly person 
during the life- time of Sundaramurti. It might be that he died before 
he could recognize the saintliness of Varaguna. All that can be 
reasonably inferred is that Sundaramurti did not know of any Vara- 
guna who was a saint. It is sure therefore that with the exception of 
Ninra Sir Nedumaran the patron of Sambanclar, there was no Pan$yan 
king who was a saint before Sundaramurti's time. As for the third 
argument, that at the time Pana Pattiran went to Kerala the ruling . 
Pandya monarch was Varaguna, it must be remembered that much 
value cannot be attached to the names of the Pandya monarchs found 
in the Tiruvifay&tfal Pur&wam ; for, its account of the achievements of 
the king is so exaggerated and mythological that, at present, it is 
impossible to discover which are to be accepted as true historical facts 
and which are to.be rejected as legends* Varaguna, occurring in the 
Pur ftnam tSan only be taken to mean a Pandya king who was very 
pious. The name Varaguna was pitched upon, because it was the 
name of a great devotee king whose praises have been sung by Manik- 
kava^agar and others. The only point, therefore, that can be accepted 
in Mr. Srmivasa Piljai's arguments is that Cheraman Perumal ought to 
have lived before 849 A. D., 

To discover the Pandya contemporary of the Cheraman, we must 
examine the genealogical list drawn up by the late Mr. Venkayya in 
the Bpigr apical Report of 1908, * which is given on the next page. 

1 MpigrapMcal Report, 1908, p. 66. 



THE P ANDY A CONTEMPORARY OF CHER AM AN 115 
Pa^yadhiraja Paramesvara Palyagasalai Muduku^umi Peruvaludi 
Kalabhra Interregnum 

1. K acting: on Pan$yadhiraja 

i 
2. Adhiraja Maravarman Avatiisulamani 

3. Seliyan Sendan 

i" 

4. Maravarman Arikesari Asamasaman, defeated the army 

of Vilveli at NelvelL 

I 

5. Kochchaciayan Ranadhira ; fought the battle of Marudur ; 

defeated the Maharatha In the city of 
Mangalapuram. 

i 

6. Arikesari Parankusa Maravarman Term aran ; defeated 

the Pallava at Kulambur ; conquered the PaDavas 

at Sankara mangai ; Rajasimha I ; defeated 

Pallavamalla ; renewed the walls of 

Kudal, Vanji and Koli. 

1 
7. Jatila Ne^unja^ayan Parantaka; defeated the Ka<^ava at 

Pennagadam ; (donor of the Velvikucii grant), 
769-70 A. D, 

1 
8. Rajasimha II. 

9. Varaguna Maharaja ; Jayantavarman (?) 

10. Sri Mara Snvallabha Ekavira Parachakra Kolahala ; 

conquered Mayapan^ya, Kerala, Sirhhala, 

Pallava and Vallabha ; 

Pallavabhanjana. 

_______ .'-.i' ' . ' -. . -. ; - -.. -.-- 

11. Varaguna Varman ; 12. Parantaka Vira Narayana Sa^aiyan ; 
ascended the throne fought at Kharagiri and destroyed 

in 862-63. A. D. Peririagadam ; married Vanavan 

Mahadevi ; Jatila Nechanja<3,ayan 
(donor of the Madras Museum and 
smaller Sinnamannur plates ?). 
13. Rajasimha (III). Mandaragauraya 
Abhimana meru. 



116 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

Of these, No. 4 has been now generally accepted as Ninra Sir 
Neflumaran, one of the sixty-three Saiva saints included in Sundara- 
miirti's Tiuttoyda TogaL He was the contemporary of Sambandar 
and so lived much earlier than. Sundarar. So he could not have been 
the monarch visited by Cheraman Perumal Nayanar. Nor could the 
Cheraman have been later than Vijayalaya Chola of Circa 849 A.D. 
Hence his contemporary Pantfyan monarch ought to have been some 
one among kings Nos. 5 to 10, Of these, Maran Ari Kesarin (king 
No. 6) is recognized as the hero whose glories have been sung in 
the kdvai of Irayanar Ahapporul. Those verses furnish ample 
evidence of his victories of his Chera contemporary at Vilinam, 
Kottam, Chevur, Cape Comorin, and other places. The hostile 
relations between these two monarchs clearly prove that the then 
Chera king was not Cheraman. Perumal Nayanar. Coining- down to his 
successor Maranja$ayan of 769 A.D., the first test to be applied ought 
to be whether his religious propensities were such as to admit of 
the possibility of his welcoming" the Saiva Saints Sundaramurti and 
Cheraman Perumal Nayanar. I am persuaded that; he was a Saiva, 
though his Saivism was not of the bigoted type which could not 
tolerate Vaishnava worship among his officers or ministers. But in 
finding otit his religious views as well as other details about him, 
much difficulty has been caused by the wrong identification of the 
Marans and va$ayans starting from, Maranjatfayun of 769 A.D. 
onwards. For instance, Mr. Gopinatha Rao thinks that only one and 
the same individual is referred to in the Madras Museum plates, the 
Anamalai Record, and the Trevandrum Museum stone inscription. 1 
Mr. Venkayya has a different view. To arrive at; the truth of the 
matter, so, that the events belonging to one Sadayan may not, by 
mistake, be attributed to .another, . an infallible test must be applied. 
I believe that there is such a test, 

Examining the fashion of dating adopted by the Sadayans and 
and Marans, a difference can be noticed between one monarch and 
another. Some Saflayans merely mention * in the seventeenth year '. 
or 4 in twenty-seventh year/ etc. In other words, they mention only 
one year to indicate the date. Some others employ the ' double-date* 
method (as it may be 'designated) e.g. thus : - 4 in the twelfth 
year opposite to the fourth year'. The Sadayan who employs the 

1 Travancore 'Archaeological Series, vol. i, p. 156. 



THE P ANDY A CONTEMPORARY OF CHER AM AN 117 

single-date method cannot be the Sadayan who employs the double- 
date-method. Again, the Sadayan who gives the date the . . . . th 
year opposite to the fourth year } cannot be the one who gives 
the date ' the . . . . th year opposite to the second year*; for, one 
Sadayan consistently gives the fourth year as the second figure in the 
date, while the other is equally consistent in giving the second year as 
the second figure in the date. Dr. Hultzch probably arrived at the 
correct explanation of the double-date system. His interpretation is 
that one of these figures refers to the Yauvar&jya of the king, and 
the other to the actual reigning year after he mounted the throne. 
Accepting this interpretation, only one of the dates can vary, because 
the period of Ya&ivarajya indicated in the date will always be constant. 
So, when two different figures are given to indicate the Yanvarajya, 
the legitimate inference is that these apply to two different monarchs. 
Picking out all the relevant Vatteluttu inscriptions, and analysing 
them, the following results are obtained : 

1. Some Sadayans adopt the single-date system. 

2. One Sadayan has a Yauvar&jya period of four years. 

3. One Saclayan has a Ymivar&jya period of two years. 

4. One Maran has a Yauvar&jya period of two years. 

In the Ambasarnudram inscription 1 from which the date of 
Varaguna II has been obtained, it is found that the king dates the 
document ' in the twelfth year opposite to the iovirth year* , It is clear 
that all the inscriptions dated in * the . . . . th year opposite to the 
fourth year J belong to him, From the inscriptions it is possible to 
infer that he had Saiva leanings. But that detail is now unimportant 
since he was not the Pandya contemporary of Cheraman Perumal 
Nayanar. 

The larger Sinnamannur plates are found to be given by Rajasimha 
III, in the fourteenth year opposite to the second year of the reigru 2 
Rajasimha was a Maran and so he was the Maran whose Yauvamjya 
period was two years. As for the double-date-Sadayan whose 
Yauvarajya period was two years, my view is that he must have been 
some successor of Rajasimha III, about whom no information is 
available. I come to this conclusion because he could not have been 
either Maratija^ayan of 769 A.D, or Varaguna I, neither of whom had 
a Yauvarajya period as I shall presently show. It could not be 

1 Ep. 2nd. vol. ix. pp. 89-91, 2 Epigraphical Report, 1907, p. 67. 



118 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

Varaguna Varman's successor Vira Narayana Ne$unjaJayan, the 
Vaishnava donor of the Madras Museum plates, who also adopted 
the single-date-system. Since these happen to be later monarchs, it 
is certain that the double-date- system was of later origin. The later 
Pan$yas (Jatila Sundara Pandya and others) resorted to this practice. 
If so, it may be asked, why the donor of the Madras Museum plates 
did not have a double date ? The answer is quite simple. He was 
only the younger brother of Varaguna ILL Varaguna did not leave a 
son behind him and the younger brother came to the throne without 
having any Yauvar&jya. period. So he could not give two dates in 
his grant the Madras Museum plates. But being a Maran's son he 
assumed the name of Ne<lunja$ayan. 

Now that it has been demonstrated that the double~clate-Sa$ayans 
were later monarchs, only one of the single-date-kings could have 
been the contemporary of Cher am an Pernmal Nayanar. The Marans 
Rajasimha III and Sri Mara Kolahala have to be given up ; for about 
the former we have no materials to build any theories upon, and as 
for the latter, he was, generally speaking, a fighter who would take 
more delight in conquering the Chera monarch than in accompanying 
him to holy places. Further, he must have had Vijayalaya as his 
contemporary in the Chola kingdom. Thus there are left only Maran- 
jaciayan of 769 A.D. and Varaguna I. Mr. Srinivasa PiJJai decided 
in favour of Varaguna, but I think that there is more reason to believe 
that the contemporary was Maranjacjayan. 

In support of my hypothesis, I shall take up for investigation an 
inscription which relates to Maranjatfayan. The document can be' 
properly understood only if- it is read in the light of the Puranic details 
(Nos. 3 and 4) mentioned above, about the sudden flight of Cheraman 
Perurnal and the perishing of the army. 

THE TR EVAN DRUM MUS.BUM STONE INSCRIPTION 

Text 
Sri Ko-Maranjaiayarku irapattepiman^u . , . Cheramanar pa$a 



Vilinattup purattu vitWakkak karaikkottai alippanvara 
anbu mikkula iranakirtiyum Amarkkaliytim ujvittin orraich chevaka 
kottai aliyamai kattu erindu palarum patta i<lattu iranakirti ujvitt 1 
orraichchevagan koluvtir kurrattup perumur Tad an perundtnai attiratta 
nalarodum kuttip pattan, . . , 



THE P ANDY A CONTEMPORAR Y OF CHER AM AN 119 

Translation : *- 

The twenty- seventh year of the reign of Sri ko-Maranja$ayan . . . 
when the army of the Cheramanar, which was left in confusion outside 
Vilinam, advanced to destroy the fort of Karaikkottai, Ranakirti, and 
Amarkkali, the loving subjects of the Peruman (Pandya monarch), 
fought and saved the fort of the Orraichchevagar of Ulvidu from 
destruction ; (but) in the place where many lost their lives, Ranakirti 
fell slain by an arrow from the Ulvittuchchevagan Tadan Perundinai 
of Perumur in the Koluvur kurram. 

This inscription was intended to commemorate the valiant defence 
of an outpost (probably in front of Karaikkottai), by one Ranakirti 
when it was besieged by the Chera army. Unfortunately the hero was 
shot dead in the field by a stray arrow from Tadan, one of his own 
party. Coming to know of this untoward event, the king put up the 
inscription taking particular care to mention how the valiant warrior 
met his death. 

But it is enough to notice that the fight was between a Chera army 
and a Pandya army and that the kings were not in the neighbourhood 
of the battle-field. The Panclya was far away, possibly in his own 
capital. The Ulvittu Orraich Chevagar Kottai might have been one of 
the outposts of Karaikottai, and Ranakirti and Amarkkali were probably 
the men left in charge of the outpost. But where was the Chera 
monarch then ? Did the army advance according to his orders or 
was it an act done on its own initiative ? An answer is possible to 
these questions if the meaning of the two words vittu and ulakka 
in the inscription is understood. They indicate that the army was left 
in confusion (as Mr. Gopinatha Rao also has taken it to mean), and if 
the Chera monarch had been present during the fight or if he had sent 
the army for the purpose of taking the fort of Karaikottai, there should 
have been no confusion at all. Again, the word mttu conies after 
the phrase ' Vilinattuppurattu ' (which means, * outside Vilinam '). It 
is clear then that the army was outside Vilinam when this confusion 
was noticeable in it. If it was in a state of confusion and disorder, 
how could such an army proceed to destroy one of the strong forts of 
the Parjclya ? It appears then that the inscription is not as intelligible 



1 Mr. Gopinatha Rao's translation is hardly accurate. Hence I have translated 
it myself. 

' ' ' ' ' ' ' ' 



120 

In the present day as it ought to have been when, it was set up. It 
becomes therefore necessary to reconstruct the history of the period, 
as far as it is possible to do so, in order to make some sense of the 
inscription. That can be done by a comparison of the incidents related 
in the Periya Pnrmmni about Cheraman with those alluded to in the 
inscription. I take it that the army which advanced upon Karaikkottai 
was the array of the Cheraman Pertinial. The confusion caused in it 
was due to the sudden disappearance of the king from Vilinam. It 
is the destruction of the Cher a army in the vicinity of Karaikkottai that 
is faintly echoed in the PeriyaPufftnaw. as the self-slaughter of all the 
valiant warriors of the Cheraman Perumal Nayanar. These points of 
agreement between the Pnf&nam and the inscription need a little 
elaboration since they throw light on the rationale of the action of 
the army immediately after the departure of the monarch. The king 
suddenly took to flight, in a manner absolutely inexplicable. The 
army could not understand that he had a spiritual call and that he 
was hurrying away to overtake Snndaramurti, who had already 
proceeded to Kailasa. All that it could see was the terrific speed 
at which he was fleeing away from Vilinam and in its attempt to find a , 
solution for the riddle it imagined all sorts of possible and impossible 
things. The first thing that suggested itself was danger. Naturally 
the army believed that the king might have got scent of an invasion 
from the only possible enemy, the neighbouring Panflya monarch. If 
that were so, it was imperative that no time should be lost in averting 
the danger. To add to the difficulty there was no heir to the throne, 
and the officers had to take the matter entirely in their own hands* 
They felt that since the safety of the kingdom was at stake, they must 
make a desperate attempt to guard it at its most vulnerable side, how- 
ever hopeless a task it might be. The Chera kingdom was quite secure 
on the eastern side being protected by the Western Ghats, but just in 
the south-eastern corner there was a pass, the Aruvay vaji pass, where the 
Paj^Jya armies could cause trouble. So on its own initiative, the Chera 
army might have decided to forestal a Panyan attack by destroying 
the Papuan's fort of Karaikkottai. It was a risky undertaking which 
could be justified only by the exigencies of the moment. A leaderless 
army, in a state of confusion, or perhaps even panic, could not be 
expected to have its wits under its control, and that was the reason why 
it did such a rash thing. But after all, was it such a rash thing ? If 



THE P ANDY A CONTEMPORARY OF CHSRAMAN 121 

the topography of the places mentioned in the inscription is examined 
it will be found that the venture undertaken by the army was not 
extraordinarily dangerous. 

Vilinam was a strong Chera fortress about eight or ten miles to the 
south of modern Trevandrum. Karaikkottai could not have been Kari- 
kod now in ruins at the foot of the hills ibetween the rivers To^upula 
and Va<lakkar, in the Mmachal Taluk ; (this was clearly Chera territory, 
and a Chera army could not be expected to go there to fight a Pan^yan 
army). Karaikkottai must be searched for on the route which branches 
off in the north-easterly direction from Nagerkoil. It ought to have 
been very near the Aruvayvali pass (Araniboli) which is even now the 
gateway opening into Tinnevelly from the Travaneore side. The stone 
inscription was found in Aramboli, very probably in exactly the very 
same place where the battle was fought. Karaikkottai must therefore 
have been about thiry to thirty-five miles 'from . Vilinam. Thus the 
army which advanced with the intention of destroying Karaikkottai 
had ample opportunity of retracing its steps and falling back upon 
Nagerkoil, a distance of about six to eight miles, if it did not succeed 
in the attempt. In any case a counter-attack upon Vilinam was im- 
possible. But the gallant defence of the fort by Ranakirti ended in 
the final annihilation of the Chera army. It is this that is reflected in 
the Pefiya Pufftnam. 

If the above explanation is acceptable, the theory of the 
contemporaneity of Cheraman Perumal and Maranja<Jayan of 769 A.D. 
becomes acceptable also. By itself the Trevandrum "Museum stone 
inscription cannot be taken to be conclusive evidence. But luckily, 
there is an inscription relating to Varaguna I which gives some 
relevant particulars. It is dated in the twenty-third year of his reign. 
It has been published by Mr. Gopinatha Rao in the Travancore 
Archaeological Series* The translation runs as follows :- 

< The twenty-third year of the prosperous king Maranjadayan . . - 
That year when the;army marched against Saay an-Karu-Nandan of 
the Malai Na<3u and destroyecUheJort of Ariviyurkkottai, two servants 
of Ettimannan alias Mangala Enadi . . > . fell.' 

Mr. Gopinatha Rao comments upon it and rightly establishes the 
fact that Satfayan-Karu-Nandan was only 'Karu-Nandan son of Banyan. 

1 Vol. i, pp. 3-4. 



122 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

There was fighting between a Maranjaclayan (Pan$ya) and a Malai 
Na$ chieftain Karunandan. Ariviyurkottoi of the inscription has 
been identified by Mr. T. Raghaviah with Ariyfir which is about 
eighteen t&iles north-west of Kaiugumalai in the Tinnevelly District. 1 
Uiejdejitlfication must be accepted, because the inscription has been 
obtained at Kaiugumalai in whose proximity the fight must have 
taken place. 

To discover which Maranjaciayan is referred to in the inscription 
it is necessary to utilize the material available in another inscription 
known as the HUBUT office plates published by Mr. Gopinatha Rao in 
pages 5 to 14 of the same volume. The first of these gives definite 
information about the accession of one A<lakkan to the throne of 
Malaina^, who could have been no other than Karunandan' s son. The 
date in the inscription is c the fourteen hundred thousand forty -nine 
thousand and eighty-seventh day after the beginning of the Kaliyuga 

the fifteenth day of the ninth year of the reign, of the king 

Kartmandan A<Jakkan being current y The Kali clay given in 

the inscription has been utilized to arrive at the year of Adakkan's 
accession which has thus been found to be 855-856 A.ix 2 A$akkan 
ought to have ascended the throne seven years before Varaguija II 
became the king of Pan$ya, A^akkan must also have been the 
contemporary of Sri Maran Kolahala, who must be dated 832-862 A.D. 
Sa^ayan Karunandan, the father of Aflakkan, ought similarly to have 
been the contemporary of Sri Mar an and also of Varaguna I. Hence 
it is clear that theifight at Ariyiir should have been between Varaguna I 
and Karunandan, That is the Maranjaflayan o f the inscription. 
Now that the kings have been fixed, the subject matter of the 
inscriptions may be scrutinized, 

Ariviyurkkottai was the mountain stronghold of Karunandan, 
which was destroyed by Varaguna I, and that is in the neighbourhood 
of Kalugumalai in the Sankaranainar koil taluk, Tinnevelly district, 
Some more particulars are obtained from the inscription relating" to 
Aclakkan. * On this day, having gradually acquired from the sabha 
of Minchirai, by granting other lands in exchange for the plot of 

land known as Ulakku<;livijai which belonged to them raising 

on it a beautiful temple ; setting in the temple (the image of) Vishnu 
Bhattaraka and calling: (the village) Parthiva Jekharam, king 

* Tr, Ar. Ser, vol. i, p. 3, n. 2 7K Ar. Ser* vol. i, p. 3, 



THE PAWD YA CONTEMPORAR Y OF CHERAMAN 123 

Karunanda A^akkan established .... Salai . . . . ' Then the 
inscription goes on to mention the boundaries, many of which happen 
to be at present villages in the close proximity of the present 
village of Parthivesvarapuram about twenty-five miles (judging: from 
the map) to the south-east of Trevandrum, near the coast. 

Some points now call for explanation. During the time of 
A<Jakkan's father (about thirty years before the building of Parthiva 
Sekhara temple) the Malai Nacl chieftain or king lost his fort of 
Ariyur at the foot of Kalugumalai. Evidently his head-quarters must 
have been some place near Kalugumalai. But his son is found well 
established in Kerala. How was it that the Malai Naci kings gained 
power in South Kerala within such a short space of time ? If it is 
assumed that they shifted their sphere of operations from the 
neighbourhood of Kalugumalai to South Kerala, when did they 
migrate to or conquer the land lying to the west of the Western Ghats ? 
It stands to reason that such a thing would have been possible only 
when Kerala was in a condition of disorder. After Cheraman Perumal 
Nayanar died, since he left no son behind him (he did not even marry) 
the country became exposed to invasions by border chieftains and 
even perhaps by ambitious spirits within the country itself, and that 
ought to have been the time when these Malai Nad chieftains 
encroached upon the Chera's dominions. This reading of the situation 
will become clear if we enquire into the question ' which might have 
been their original habitation and what possibilities had they for 
expansion to the west of the Western Ghats ?' 

A mere glance at the map of the Tinnevelly district will give an 
idea as to the original habitat of these mountain chieftains. They 
ought to have occupied the region now occupied by the zemindars 
of 3ivagiri, Chokkampatti, IJttumalai and Kalugumalai. Of these, 
Chokkampatti and tJttumalai are very close to the Tenkasi taluq and 
since they tnust have formed part of the kingdom of the Malai Naa 
kings who were the contemporaries of the Marans and a<3ayans, there 
can be no doubt of the fact that they had ample opportunities of 
entering into the land of the Cheras whenever a suitable opportunity 
presented itself. They could very easily have taken the Senkotta 
route in the close proximity of which the railway now runs to Trevan- 
drum, but instead of taking the roundabout route via Quilon now 
traversed by the railway they branched off. straight southwards from 



124 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

Tenmalai and reached Trevandrum via Ne$unianga$. Being rulers 
of the mountain-country, it was quite easy for them to win victories 
over the more peaceful plain-dwellers below. They would not have 
troubled the Pandyan kings very much because they were all very 
powerful. But they ought to have descended into the Kerala country 
several- times and profited by the confusion which prevailed in that 
land after the departure of Cheraman Petunia! Nayanar. Evidently it 
was this success which they readily gained in Kerala that made them 
try their luck in the Pan$ya's dominions also. But since that venture 
proved ruinous, and since they had no longer any chance of advancing 
in the east, they decided after the reign of KLaranandan, to concentrate 
their attention upon the improvement of their position in the neigh- 
bourhood of Trevandrum. That they succeeded in this endeavour is 
amply evidenced by the fact that Aclakkan, the son of Karunandan, 
ruled safely in the newly-formed western kingdom. His position was 
so great that one of his officers Murugan endi, who was apparently 
entrusted with the business of governing Tenganatf (near Trevan- 
drum) occupied the high social status needed to give his daughter in 
marriage to a king who called himself Vikramaditya Varaguna. 1 
In truth, this Vikramaditya Varaguna was also one of the mountain 
chieftains who carved out a kingdom for himself at the expense of the 
Cher as. Thus it is clearly seen that the Cher a dominions became the 
Held of conquest by a number of border chieftains and all these could 
have happened only if sufficient 'time were allowed for the decline of 
the Chera country. If Cheraman Peruma] Nayanar is taken to be the 
contemporary of Varaguna I, it will be difficult to explain all these 
happenings. The interval would then be too short. On the other 
hand, if Cheraman Peruma} is understood to have died- in the reign of 
Maranjaclayan, the grandfather of Varaguna I, these things become 
explicable. 

Thus I believe that my theory that Maranjadayan of 769-770 A.D. 
was the contemporary of Cheraman Perunial gains additional strength 
from the Huzur Office copper plates. 

As against this view one objection is likely to be raised. Mr. M. 
Raghava Aiyangar believes that Maranja<layan was a Vaishnava. 2 
But that is because he has wrongly identified the Maranjadayan of 

* Jr. Ar. Ser. vol. i, p. 17. 

a Journal of Oriental Research, vo . i p. iv, pp. 158-66. 



THE PAJyD YA CONTEMPORAR Y OF CHER AM AN 125 

769 A.D. with the Sadayan of the Madras Museum plates. I have 
shown above that these two were different. But Mr. Raghava 
Aiyangar has advanced astronomical arguments to prove that Andal 
lived in the eighth century A.D. His theory is that Maran jaclay an was 
influenced in favour of Vaishnavism by Periyalvar and AndaL He 
quotes a stanza of Andal from her Tlfupp&vai and interprets one line 
in it to support his theory- The line is veld elundu myalam uran- 
giffu. This means * Venus has arisen and Jupiter has gone to sleep '. 
He assumes that the rising of Venus and the setting of Jupiter ought 
to have happened simultaneously, for according to him the intelligent 
An<3al would not have otherwise taken the trouble of recording it ; 
and since such a phenomenon could occur only very rarely, he holds 
that it should be taken to be a correct indication of the date of Andal. 
The interpretation is open to question, for there is no indication in 
the stanza of the simultaneity of the two occurrences ; yet, even 
allowing that, it can be noticed that there are four dates given by him 
on which the phenomenon could have occurred, viz., 600 A.D., 731 A.D., 
855 A.D. and 886 A.D. He chose 731 A.D. but the year 885 or 886 is 
equally suitable, for the Vaishnava Pan$ya king alluded to could have 
been in that case VTra Narayana Nechinja<jiayan, the donor of the 
Madras Museum plates. 

From the above discussion it will be evident that Maranjadayan 
was not one who declared himself to be a Vaishnava, but it may be 
argued that he might have had Vaishnava leanings. If so, he could 
not have been the contemporary of Cheraman Perumal Nayanar. 
Some support may be obtained for this view from the Anaraalai ins- 
criptions and the Velvikku^i grant, both of which relate to him. I 
shall first take up the arguments which may be employed to prove 
that he was a Vaishnava. It is known that the king's minister one 
Maran Kari constructed in 770 A.D. a temple to Lord Narasirhha in the 
Anamalai cave. 1 Again, 'four of the concluding verses of the 
Velvikkudi grant are stated to be from the Vaishnava Dharma.'* 
The Ajnapati of the Velvikkucji grant was the same Maran Kari who 
constructed the Narasimha temple. 

It will be seen from the above-mentioned facts that the minister of 
he king was a staunch Vaishnava. To me it does not appear that 

1 Ep* Ind., vol. viii, p. 320. 2 Epigraphical Reports, 1908, p. 63, 



126 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

the monarch should have been a Valshnava as welL It is Impossible 
from the facts noticed above to discover whether the king was a 
Vaishnava or a Saiva. One thing is certain. He was not a bigot. He 
did not have any objection to his minister stating: in the grant that 
four of the verses written there were from the Vaishnawa Dharma. It 
is clear that he kept an open mind. Even in the Velvikkucli grant 
itself, there is evidence of his open-mindedness. It is stated there 
that the musician who used to sing: in the palace got angry one day ; 
when the king sent for him and asked him what his grievance was, the 
musician replied that the village of Velvikkucji had been in the olden 
days made the subject of a grant by the ancient Pan3ya monarch, 
Palyaga Salai Mudukutfumi. The king was disposed to laugh at this, 
for he did not believe that the account was true ; but later on, when 
he discovered that it was true, he ordered that the village might be 
granted exactly as it had been given by his ancestor. This account 
about Maranjaclayan is proof of the fact that the king was open to 
conviction. Such a person could not have been a bigot. There is 
therefore nothing to prevent him from welcoming Saints Srmdaramurti 
and Cheraman Petunia! Nayanar into his kingdom and even accom- 
panying them when they went to visit the Saiva shrines of the Partly a 



Thus the hypothesis that Maranja$ayan of 769 or 770 A.D.. was the 
contemporary of Cheraman Perumal Nayanar does not appear to be 
unacceptable. 



A History of the of Jafaan 

(Based on Original Persian Sources) 
BY 

ABDUL Aziz, Barrister-at-Law 
[Author's copyright.'] 

ADDITIONAL 1 ABBREVIATIONS 

Abdul Latif, Agra, Syad Muhammad Latif, Agra : Historical and 
Descriptive, with an Account of Akbar and Ms Court and of the Modern 
City of Agra. Calcutta, 1896. 

Al-Bukhari. Kitatf ul-Jamfr us-Sahlh, by Abu 'Abdullah Muhammad 
bin Isma'il al-Ja'fi al-BuJdiari. Leiden. 

A.N. Abu'1-Fazl, Akbarnama* Asiatic Society of Bengal, 
Calcutta, 1879. 

A*N. (Beveridge). English Translation of above by H. Beveridge. 
Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta, 1898. 

A.S.LR. Archaeological Survey of India Report. 

Bernier, Suite. Suite des Memozres du Sieur Bernier, sur I' Empire 
du Grand MogoL 2 vols. Arnout Leers, La Hare, 1671. 

Bernier' s Travels (Constable). Archibald Constable and V. A. 
Smith, Travels in the Mogul Empire A. D. 1656-1668 by Fran9ois 
Bernier. Oxford University Press, 1914, 

Buda'uni. 'Abdu'l-Qadir bin Muluk Shah Buda'unl, MuniaMwb 
ut-TawartM- Calcutta, 1865. 

Buda'uni (Lowe). Translation of above, by Ranking, Lowe and 
Haig. 3 vols. Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta, 1895-1925. 

Ha veil, Agra.- A Handbook to Agra and the Taj, Sikandra 
Fatehpur-Stkrz and the Neighbourhood, by E. B. Havel], Calcutta and 
Simla, 1924. 

J.A.S.B, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. 

J. and P. of A.S.B. Journal and Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of 
Bengal* 

J.R.A.S* Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and 
Ireland. 

1 See list at head of Chapter I, 



128 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

Mandelslo, The Voyages and Travels of J* Albert de Mandelslo into 
the East Indies, Rendered Into English by John Da vies of Kid welly. 
Second Edition.' London, 1669. 

Peter Mundy. -The Travels of Peter Mundy, in Europe and Asia, 
1608-1667. Edited by Lt.-Col. Sir Richard Carnac Temple. (Issued 
by the Hakluyt Society). 1914. Vol. II : Travels in Asia., 1628-1634. 

PttTcb.a,s.-~ffa&tuytus Posthumu-s or Pure has His Pilgrimes, by 
Samuel Purchas. 20 vols. Glasgow, 1905, 

Qarniya. Muhammad Tahir tc 'Inayat KM**/' Qarniya. (MS.) 

R oe . The Embassy of Sir TJwmas Roe to India 1615-1619. Edited 
by Sir William Foster. Oxford University Press, 1926. 

Steing:ass. P. Steingass, A Com prekemii*e Persian- JSnglish Diction- 
ary. Crosby Lockwood and Son, London, 

Tavernier, Travels in India, by Jean Baptiste Tavernier, Baron of 
Atibonne. Translated by V. Ball. 2 vols. London, 1889. 

Thevenot, Travels. The Travels *of Monsieur de Thevenot into the 
Levant. (In Three Parts). The Third Part : Containing: the Relation 
of Indostan, the New Moguls, and of other People and Countries of 
the Indies. London, 1687, 

Tieffenthaler.- Joseph Tie ffen thaler's Historischgeographische 
Beschreibung von Hindustan, 3 vols. Berlin, 1785. 

THzuk-iBaburi* B&burn&ma rnausum ba T-Uzuk-i-Btoburl (FuMiat- 
i-JBaduri). Translated from Turkish into Persian by- Kfoan Khanan 
Bairam Kfoan (? MIrza ^Abdu'r-Rah'im ** Khan IQjanan ") in the time 'of 
the Emperor Akbar. Cheetra Prabha Press, Bombay, A.H. 1308. 

Ley den and Erskine, Memoirs. Memoirs of ZcJitr-ed-Din Muhammed 
Babztr* Translated by John Leyden and William Erskine. Annotated 
and revised by Sir Lucas King. 2 vols. Oxford University J Press, 
1921. 

'UtbJ, 7^^M-z-.^w^.f. Abii Na^r Muljammad bin 'Abclu'l-Jabbar 
al-'Utbi, TarlfaJk-i-yamint' Lahore, A.H, 1300, 



CHAPTER II 

The City of Agra at the beginning of &&& Jah&n*s Reign 

While Bhah Jahan is waiting- for his enthronement we may utilize 

the opportunity by looking round to form an idea of what Agra looked 

like at this period. The reader will agree that a bird* s-eye view of 

the place and some mention of its size and resources will enable us to 



A HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF SH.AH JAM AN 129 

visualize, the spin and 1 bustle and the mad gaieties of the days before 
and after coronation. 

In the spacious times of Mughal greatness and glory Agra was a 
wonder of the age as much a centre of the arteries of trade both by 
land and water as a meeting-place of saints, sages and scholars from 
all Muslim Asia. For we know that the Mughal emperors were 
Maecenases one and all, infinitely greater that the proverbial Maecenas 
himself ; and the beneficent influence of imperial patronage was felt in 
far-off Turkey and part of Europe : so that the Mughal metropolis 
was a veritable lodestar for artistic workmanship, literary talent and 
spiritual worth. 

Before, however, we take a view of Shah Jahan's Agra it will 
conduce to continuity and clearness if we make a rapid survey of its 
historical antecedents For the past always makes the present what 
it is, and every historic city is a palimpsest, where traces of past 
greatness lie scattered, half embedded, often encrusted, in picturesque 
profusion. No city, however great, is to our eyes respectable unless 
it has a history, and the Agra of Shah Jahan's times is eminently 
respectable in this sense. 

The early history of the Agra of the Hindu period is nothing but 
legend or conjecture. Nor are there many data from which we could 
determine the exact locality of Hindu Agra, though Carleylle 1 
imagines that the site of it was some ten miles to the south of the 
present city, on the bank of the ancient bed of the Jumna, near the 
village Kolara (Kaulara Kalan, to south-east of Agra city, on the 
Survey of India large-scale map) on the old left bank of this ancient 
river-bed. The earlier authorities, however, are in conflict on the 
point: ' Abdullah Khan (T&rt&b-i-Dtf.iidZ. P.U.L. MS., fL 41B-42A) 
says, 'according to . . . [name of authority omitted in the MS.] 
the city of Agra came into existence in his [Sikandar Lodi's] 
time. Before Sultan Sikandar Agra was an ancient village ; and some 
Indians are of opinion that Agra had a fort in the time of Raja 
Kishan, 3 who ruled at Mathra, and that whoever incurred the Raja's 

1 A.SJ.R. vol. iv (1871-72), 97-98. Carleylle's observations are seldom 
reliable and Ms conjectures often wide. He does not come tip to the high standard 
of accuracy and research which we have learnt to associate with the reports and 
monographs issued by the Government of India Archaeological Survey, 

2 Abdul Latif ( Agra, 2) reads it Raja Kans. 



130 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

displeasure was imprisoned there. For a long time it continued thus. 
In the year when the army of Sultan Mahmiid Ghaznavi invaded India, 
Agra was so ruined that it was reduced to an insignificant 
village. Again from the time of Sultan Sikanclar Agra regained its 

prosperity/ 

The author, instead of indicating the spot where Hindu Agra 
stood, implies that the old Agra village was situated on or very near 
the site of the city built later by Sultan Sikandar Lodi, or else he is 
confusing the two. But this is at variance with the account of the 
founding of Agra by Sultan Sikanclar Locli in Ni'matullah, Ma&faanri- 
Afgarii(i. 116A-116B). 1 For according to Ni'matullah who knows 
nothing of Hindu Agra, Sikanclar Lodi's Agra had no antecedents. 
It is difficult to give a final decision between these authors. 

* Abdullah Khan's statement about Mali mud of Qhaxnm invading 
Agra, however, is open to doubt, since this event is not noticed by 
any known historian of Mahmiid, contemporary or other, it is possi- 
ble that the author is confusing Mahmud of Ciha/jiiu with his great- 
grandson, also called Mahrmid * (appointed Viceroy of India, 469 
A.H,=1076-77 A. ex), who, as we know from a tja$fthi or eulogy written 
in praise of the latter by Mas'iid-i-Sa'd-i-Salmatv' besieged and captur- 
ed Agra fort after a sanguinary fight. This necessarily discounts in. 
some measure 'Abdullah Khan's judgment as historian. 

While we are on the subject, it will repay us to study Mas'ud4- 
Sa'd-i-Salman's ga&da with care. The poet came with Mahmud and 
actually took part in the fight ; so that his evidence is that of an eye- 
witness. We give below a summary of the relevant passages : 

Saif ud-Daula Mahmiid, after a dreary journey of hundreds of 
miles through difficult mountains and arid deserts, came down upon the 
virgin fortress of Agra which tickled his ambition and pride precisely 



1 Quoted below, p. 133. 

s A mistake occasioned or helped by the fact that this Ntuljumul had the 
surname Saif ud-Daula, by which his ^Tuit-^randfaUKT was al.so known as 
prince ; the title having been bcstowtcl on him by the Samamd king' of Bukhara 
about A. H. 384 ( c Utbl, T^rl^-i- Yamlni , pp. HI -82). Sultan Ibrahim, apparently, 
gave his grandfather's name and earlier title to his son. Abdul Latii (Agra, 2-3) 
and even historians of position like Vincent A. vSiuith (Oxford History of India., 
254) have uncritically accepted this careless statement in TMkh-i-JWftdl. 

9 < Q/t&da in praise of Saif ud-Daula uml congratulating him on the victory 
of Agra/' (Hw&n-i-Am%r Mas'ud bin Sa'd-i-SabHdttt pp. 88-00). 



A HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF SHAH JAHAN 133 

the mention of a ' great earthquake ' there by historians, 1 which is 
said to have occtired in A.H. 911 (= A.C. 1505). And Jahangir 
leaves hardly a doubt on the point when he says, ' Before the rule of 
the Lodi Afghans, Agra was a great and populous place, and had a 
castle described by Mas'ud b. Sa'd b. Salman in the ode (qaslda}. . . ' 2 ; 
where, although he is speaking on the authority of the gasida r 
he is probably referring to the remains of Hindu Agra, which 
were in the course of being assimilated "by Akbar's city before his 
eyes. 

Sikandar Lodi (A.C. 1489-1517) was, however, the first monarch to 
make Agra his residence. The founding of Sikandar Lodl's Agra is 
thus described by Ni'naatullah in the Makkzan-i- Afghan* (L 316A- 
116B) (my own translation) : 

At this time it occurred to the Sultan [Sultan Sikandar Lodi] that 
he should found a city on the banks of the river [Jumna] which would 
serve for a capital and a military station, that the unruly chiefs of the 
neighbourhood might not rise in revolt. Accordingly a few wise and 
discreet persons were commissioned to take a boat and survey both 
banks of the river from Chandwar to DehH, and report about the place 
which they considered fit for founding a city and a fort in. In 
compliance with the orders, the party went on surveying both banks of 
the river till they came to the site of modern Agra. The report was 
submitted [in favour of this spot]. The Sultan visited it. Seeing the 
spot he approved of the plan of building a city and a strong fort here. 
In the year [A. H.] 911 the capital of Agra (may it be protected from 
all misfortunes and afflictions 1) was founded/ 

The spot thus chosen was on the left or east bank of the river over 
against modern Agra. This was the royal residence of the Lodis 
occupied by Babtir after the victory of Pan ipat (1526). 

Sikandar Lodi also founded Sikandra, which is called after him, and 
built there a fine redstone b&radari or summer-house, afterwards 
converted into the tomb of Maryam-zamanl, Ja.hangirV mother. 
Sikandar died at Agra (Sunday, December 14, 1517). 

Babur, the founder of the Mughal dynasty, defeated Ibrahim Lodi, 



* A* In, ii, 151 (A'tn (B. J.),'ii, 309) ; Muhammad Qasim, Tartkh-i- 
Pirishta, 183. 

. (Tuzuk, (R. .& B.) i,.4). 



134 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

the son and successor of SIkandar Lodl, on the historic plain of 
Panipat, and occupied, as we have said, his palace at Agra (Thursday, 
Raiab 28, A.H. 932 = May 10, A.C. 1526). 

We have more details about Babur's Agra : It stood on the east or 
left bank of the river and occupied the whole tract included within the 
river's bend up to the village of Nunihai. 1 Hers we have still 
remains of the following gardens or garden-residences built or begun 
in the reign of Babur : (1) The Gul-afsh&n garden built by Babur 
himself for his residence. A small building of red sandstone and a 
mosque on one side of the garden existed here in Jahangir's time and 
probably later. 2 Sflchand (Tafrik uUlm&rat) and Jahangir 2 agree 
that Babur intended to build a fine palace here ; according to the 
former, however, even Humayun could not complete the plan. (2) The 
garden-palace of Nur-afshfm or Ram B&gji. (3 and 4). The B&gji-i- 
Zahr& and the Ach&nak B&g& (both remarkably extensive) named 
respectively after two of the princesses of Babur's time. 3 

The Humayun Masjid was built by Humayfin in 937 A. a. 
(= 1530-31 A, c.) immediately after his father's death. 4 

During the reign of Akbar s Agra grew in size, wealth and power, 
with dramatic swiftness ; so that when Abu'1-Pazl was writing 
A'ln~i-Akba,rl the Jumna ran for five kos (about ten miles) through the 



1 See Government of India Survey Map (scale 1 mile to an inch): Sheet S4|, 
or /.<., xx vi (Atlas), Plate 56- 

3 Tuzuk, 3 (Tftguk (R. and B.) t, 4-5). 

3 These gardens remind us of Babur's vivid description, in the Tiizuk-i. 
B&burl, of how he laid out gardens and built wells and tanks and baths and 
palaces at Agra (Tuzwk-i-B&burl, 210-211; Leyden and Krskme, Memoirs, ii, 
257-58). See also ia this connection C. M. VilHers Stuart, Mughal Gardens, 
pi. vi., facing p. 40, and Binyon, Court\Painter$ of the Grand Moguls, pi. iv, 
facing p. 12, 

Babur's mortal remains were temporarily deposited in the A*dm B&gh before 
being removed to Kabul, where they lie in the terraced j/unh*n known to the 
modern visitors of the Afg]ian capital as /&!/& --/>'#/>;. The A*<m Wif& wa later 
used as a pleasure-resort by Empress Nvir Jahan, 

* Mr. Havell is therefore not quite accurate when he says that * Ihimayujn left 
no memorial of himself at Agra,' (Jlgra, 17), For fuller details of these gardens 
and their huge dimensions see Carleyllc, A. fc S". L A*,, vol. iv (1871-72), pp. 103-109. 

5 The buildings erected (1564) at Nagarchain (near KukroT* village, Kevin miles 
to the south of modern Agra) by the order of Ak bar the emperor of shifting 
capitals need not be mentioned since they soon vanished, possibly destroyed by 
order. See J. P. Fanthome, 'A Forgotten City* (in J, A. S* ft., 1904, parti, 
pp. 276-281) 



A HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF SHAH JAHAN 135 

city, with imposing mansions and pleasant gardens overlooking it on 
either side. 1 

We are told that the nobles began to build fine houses on both 
sides of the river (1560-61). 2 Orders were issued (A. H. 972 = 
A.C. 1565) for the building of the fort, which was completed (according 
to Akbarntlma 3 and Bddsh&h JV&ma*) in eight, and (according: to 
TuBuk 5 and the chronogram given in Buda'uni 6 ) in fifteen or sixteen 
years, at a cost of thirty-five lakhs of rupees. We have seen above that 
Akbar's fort was built on the spot occupied by the mouldering brick 
citadel of Badalgarh. 

It is hardly the place to go into the details about Agra fort. We 
can only remark that the following is all that remains of Akbar's 
buildings : The outer walls, Jahangm Mahal, and Akbari Mahal. 
The rest are later additions, most of which we shall have to note when 
we come to Shah Jahan's architecture. 

Besides the Fort Agra does not owe much to Akbar, except a few 
mosques and tombs of minor importance. 

The Emperor Jahangir left three clearly distinguishable landmarks 
in the history of Agra : (1) Akbar's Tomb at Sikandra (finished, A.H. 
1022) a unique monument. (2) Ptimad ud-Daula, built by Nur Jahan 
on the east bank of the river (commenced, 1622 ; finished, 1628). (3) 
The huge garden known as B&gji-i-Nur-Manzil or B&gJk-i-Dahra? (to 
the south-west of modern Agra city and west of cantonment), where, as 
we have seen in the last chapter, Shah Jahan encamped before entering 
Agra. It covered, if we are to believe Carleylie, 7 the huge area of 
3840 x 2064 feet on a spot between Khawaspura and Sultanpura, now 
partly occupied by the Agra Cantonment station of the G.I.P, Railway. 



* ,?'*, ii, 84. 2 A. N. ii, 122-23. 

3 Ibid., ii, 247. M. U. (ill, 63) copies from A. AT., and is no independent 
evidence. ' . ' ' . . . .' . '-:-; . ' 

4 B. N., I, i, p. 154-55. 5 Tuzuk, 2 (Tttzuk, R. and B., i, 3). 

Buda'unI, ii, 74 (Lowe, ii, 74-75). Buda 'urn's text gives five years, bt 
the chronogram reproduced by him yields 986, which gives us fourteen years for 
the building. This latter period nearly agrees with that in Tuzuk. So the text 
of Buda'uni stands obelized on this point. 

7 Carleylle's account of its origin (A.SJ.R. vol. iv, 1871-72) is erroneous, 
and should be read with caution. Sil Ghand (Tafrih ' ul-' Zmfir&i\, whom he cites 
and rejects, is in complete accord with the contemporary authorities when he savs 
that this garden was built by Jahangir. 



136 ' JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

The Zlarat Kanial Khan shown on the Survey of India large-scale 
map, was once in this garden. 

Now we come to the Agra of our own period. It had so far been 
known by its old name, which dates from Hindu times. But Shah 
Jahan, on the day of his coronation, in generous recognition of the 
fact that Agra owed all its greatness to the great Akbar, named it 
Akbarabad after him; 1 so that it is invariably so called by the 
historians of this reign. Since the older name was readopted after 
Shah Jahan' s deposition, however, we shall take 110 notice of this 
change, and shall continue to call it by the better-known name, Agra. 

Through the cloud of abundant but somewhat conflicting evidence 
it is tolerably clear tha': Agra, at this period, was a large and populous 
city extending on both sides of the Jumna, with a total circumference 
of some twenty-five miles. We shall deal with each part of Agra on 
the right and on the left bank of the river separately. 

On the west side, linking up the more or less straggling* suburbs, it 
extended lengthwise from where the T&f stands to-day 2 all the way to 
Sikandra some nine miles or so ; and the maximum breadth was from 
the edge of the water to Shahganj a matter of three miles. But this 
gives us no adequate idea of the size of the city. We shall therefore 
let John Albert de Mandelslo, who visited Agra in A.C. 1638, and who 
is a fairly reliable witness, speak on the subject : 

' It is at least twice as big as Ispahan^ and it is as much as a Man 
can do to ride about it on horse-back in a day. It is fortified with a 
good Wall, of a kind of red Free-stone, and a Ditch, which is above 
thirty fathom broad. Its Streets are fair and spacious, and there are 
some of them' vaulted, which are above a quarter of a League in 
length, where the Merchants and Tradesmen have their Shops, distin- 
guished by their Trades and the Merchandises which are there sold ; 
every Trade, and every Merchant having: a particular Street and 



* Statements of Thevenot, Bernier and Tieffenthnlor to the contrary notwith- 
standing. '.See^.M, I i, 156. 

To avoid confusion it is, however, to be noted that lutrnisnnitieally the new name 
was not adopted until A.H, 1038, .*. the second year of Sljah Julian's reig^a. 
(H, Nelson Wright, Catalogue of the Coins in the Indian Museum, Calcutta^ 
vol. iii, Introduction.) 

55 It appears from Tavernler's account (Ta vernier, 1,109) that Tajganj;or 
* Tasiraacan," as he calls it, w,as., a prosperous suburb of Agra and a great resort of. 
merchants and foreigners before the T&f was b.ui}t* 



A HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF SHAH JAHAN 13? 

Quarter assigned him. There are in it fifteen Meidans and Basars, 
whereof the most spacious is that which is before the Castle, where 
may be seen sixty great Guns of all sizes, but not kept in any order so 
as to be made use of. There is also in that place a high Pole, as at 
the Meidan of Ispahan, where the Court Lords, and sometimes the 
Mogul himself divert themselves with shooting at the Parrot fastned 
[fastened] at the top of it. There are in the City fourscore 
caravanseras , for the accommodation and convenience of Forreign 
Merchants, most of them three Stories high, with very noble Lodgings, 
Store-houses, Vaults and Stables belonging to them, together with 
Galleries and private Passages for the correspondence and communi- 
cation of the Chambers. Every one of them hath a certain person, 
whose charge it is to lock them up, and to take care that the Merchan- 
dises be safely kept. He does also supply the place of a Sutler, and 
sels all sorts of Provision, Forrage, and Wood, to those that lodge in 
them.' 1 

He further tells us that in the city of Agra there were seventy 
great mosques (six of which were Adina or cathedral mosques) and 
800 baths or ' hot-houses/ which seem to have been state-owned 
and state-managed. These mosques, it is interesting to note, served 
also as sanctuaries for criminals and other refugees. 2 

M. de Thevenot (who visited India in 1666-67) has also a pleasant 
description of Agra. He was much impressed by the long range of 
buildings and garden enclosures along the edge of the water on the 
city side : 

' This palace [^z>. Agra Fort],* he says, ' is accompanied with five 
and twenty or thirty other very large ones, all in a line, which belong 
to the Princes and other great Lords of Court ; and all together afford 
a most delightful prospect to those who are on the other side of the 
River, which would be a great deal more agreeable, were it not for 
the long Garden-walls, which contribute much to the rendering the 
Town so long as it is. There are upon the same line several less 
Palaces and other Buildings. All being desirous to enjoy the lovely 
prospect and convenience of the Water of the Gemnct, endeavoured to 
purchase ground on that side, which is the cause that the Town is very 



* Mandelslo, pp. 3S. * *&> PP- '35-38. 



138 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

long but narrow, and excepting some fair Streets that are in. it, all the 
rest are very narrow and without Symmetry. 

Before the King's Palace, there is a very large Square, and twelve 
other besides of less extent within the Town. But that which makes 
the Beauty of Agra besides the Palaces I have mentioned, are the 
Quervansems which are above threescore in number; and some of them 
have six large Courts with their Portico's, that give entry to very 
commodious Appartments, where stranger Merchants have their Lodg- 
ings : There are above eight hundred Baths in the Town, and a great 
number of Mosques, of which some serve for Sanctuary. There are 
many mognificent Sepulchres in it also, several great Men having had 
the ambition to build their own in their own life-time, or to erect 
Monuments to the memory of their Fore-fathers. IJ 

No statistics for Agra are available ; but we can well understand 
that the population must have fluctuated appreciably from, time to time, 
the number swelling considerably when the Emperor was in station, and 
some big reviews 2 in progress, or else at the time of a military 
concentration preparatory to an expedition. Mandelslo asserts that 
f were there a necessity, there Blight be rais'd out of it [>., Agra] 
two hundred thousand men able to bear Arms.' 5 Assuming this to 
refer to civil population the number of the inhabitants of Agra would 
be in the neighbourhood of 700,000; and including 1 the military, when 
the Emperor was in headquarters, the figure would easily approach a 
million. Father M antique, who came in KJ4O, estimated the population 
of the city * excluding strangers ' at 600,000* a figure not far short 
of the number we have independently arrived at. 

. Bernier, Ta vernier and de Thevenot agree that even in 1666 Agra 
was the largest city in India, i.e. bigger than Delhi or Shahjahanabad. 
It is not by any means unlikely that Agra was at this period the 
largest city in the world. 



1 Thevenot, Travels, part iii, p. M. 

9 For these see a later chapter, 

3 Mandelslo, 41. This statement is challenged by M. <1e Thevenot (part iii, 

p. 35), who tries to make out that Agra was more extensive than populous.' The 
true explanation of this difference of opinion lies in the fact that the former came 
early in ghah Jahan's reign, while the latter did not arrive until 1666, when 
Jahan was no longer emperor and Agra no longer capital. 

4 Stanley Lane-Poole, Medieval India^ 336, 



A HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF SHAH JAHAN 139 

London is out of the running : According' to Baedekar (London, Intro- 
duction, p. xxxl) its population was about 700,000 in 1700; and must 
have been much less in 1628. Salbancke describes even the Fatehpur 
Sikri of 1609 (then a deserted capital) as a city as great as London, 
and very populous ' ; * while from a curious remark of William 
Hawkins 2 it appears that the area of London in 1609-11 did not 
exceed the space covered by the Emperor's camp. 

As for Paris, we consider it significant that Bernier, in his excellent 
and dispassionate comparison of Delhi, Agra, and Constantinople with 
Paris, does not definitely assert that Paris was bigger or more populous 
than Agra (which he would have done if he had kmown it to be a fact), 
although he does say that * after making every allowance for the 
beauty of Dehli, Agra, and Constantinople, Paris is the finest, the 
richest, and altogether the first city in the world ? . 3 

Again, Agra was probably the most cosmopolitan town in Asia ; 
though, as Mandelslo says, ' most of the Inhabitants are Mahu- 
metans 7 . 4 

Every observer of note agrees that, excepting the great thorough- 
fares, the streets were so crowded with people that one could hardly 
pass. 5 * Four or five of the streets, where trade is the principal occu- 
pation, are of great length and the houses tolerably good ; nearly all 
the others are short, narrow, and irregular, and full of windings and 
corners ; the consequence is that when the court is at Agra there 
is often a strange confusion/ 6 The bazaars and passages in the 



1 Ptirchas iii, 84. The statement in Abdul Latif, Agra (p. 30) is misleading. 

2 ' When hee [the Emperor] rideth on Progresse or Hunting, the compasse of 
his Tents may be as much as the compasse -of London and more, and I 'may say, 
that of all sorts of people that follow the Campe, there are two hundred thousand : 
for hee is provided, as for a Citie. ' 

Captain William Hawkins * Relations (Purchas iii, p. 35-36), 

3 Bernier 's Travels (Constable) , p. 286, * Toutes ces beautez de Dehli, d ' Agra 
et de Constantinople bien considerees & foalancees, [Paris est] la plus belle, la plus 
riche, la premiere Ville du monde. Bernier, Suite, i, 97. * 

* Mandelslo, 41. 

5 T&siuk, 2. ( Tftzuk, R, and B-, i,, 3) ; Peter Mundy, ii, 207 ; Finch (Purchas 
iv, 72) ; and Bernier , Suite, i, 93. (Bernier's Travels (Constable), 285). 

e Bernier's Travels (Constable), 285.- 'Hormis quatre ou cinq de ces 

principales rues marchandes qui sont tres-longues et asses Men baties ; tout le 

reste n-est la pluspart que petites rue's estroites sans symmetric, que detours et que 

recoins ; ce qui cause des enabarras etranges quand. la Cour y est. ' Bernier,, Suite, 

' ' ' ' "'' ' 



140 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

neighbourhood of the fort, including the great square in front of it, 
were every day, about durbar time, entirely taken up by the nmara and 
their long retinues, the usual traffic being either diverted or held up- 
* such a number of Eliphants, horses, Coaches, Soldiers, peons, etts. 
[and other] people that is incredible 1 , says Muncly. 1 And on the 
occasion of some festival, some great reception or a state ceremony,. 
this great, crowded Agra proved totally inadequate one of the reasons 
that ultimately brought about, as we shall see, the transfer of capital 
from that city to Delhi. 

The city presented a pleasant variety of stately mansions of princes 
and nobles (many of which, according to 'Abdu'l-Hamkl Lahori, a 
had been erected at a cost of from one to five lakhs), gardens, mosques, 
caravanserais, baths, tombs and open squares ; and the lowlier houses 
of brick or of stone (most of which, according to the Emperor 
Jahaiigir, 3 were three or four storeys high), and the shops of every 
degrree of prosperity must have given the town a quaint and picturesque 
appearance. 

Tieffenthaler, who was there in the fifties of the eighteenth century, 
only caught an echo of the past glory of Agra. In the outlying parts of. 
the city, the houses are in .ruins, he says, owing: to desertions and lack 
of repair, and the suburbs, once so populous, have all but ceased to 
exist. Yet, he hastens to assure us, * alle diese Trammer sine! Zeiigen 
der ehnialigen Pracht und Grosse einer glanzenden S tacit/ 4 As for 
the houses .nearer the heart of the city, he tells, us, hey are high and 
well-built on foundations of hewn stone, and though, their external 
appearance is not very imposing their inside is elegantly appointed, 
The palaces of the, great are throughout large and luxurious. 8 

We have said that Agra was a huge emporium : Taking into 
account the extent and population, of the metropolis. and the enormous 
scale on which the exchange of wealth took place on such occasions as 
feasts and functions of state, the reader will . have no difficulty in 
realizing that Agra was probably the largest single trade-centre in the 



1 Peter Mundy, ii, 207. * JSM. t I, i, 157. . 

3 TRzuk, 2, ( Tuzuk, R. & B., *, 3). * Tieffenthater, i, 115. 

s ' Die Hauser der Stadt sind Jboch und vest auf eineiia Qrtmde von Werk- 
stiicken ; Ihr siusserejs Arisehen 1st nicht sehr erheblich, 4 as inner dagegen ist 
zieinlich geschmflckt'; die Pallftste der Grossen sltid; durchgebends .gross 'Und- 
prfichtig/ Tieffen thaler, i, 114, 



A HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF SHAH J AH AN 141 

world, specially as regards the more valuable commodities, the prices 
of which, at the time of a celebration, must have pointed to a high 
index -number. Joseph Salbancke, with a keen eye for trade, speaks 
of Agra as a 'great resort of Merchants from Persia, and out of 
India,' enumerates among the valuable merchandise silks and cloths 
and precious stones (including diamonds from Bisnagar, Delhi and 
Agra itself, and rubies, sapphires and spinels from far-away Pegu) ; 
and tells his countrymen that here there was great demand for 
' our richer Silkes and Velvets, but especially our clothes of light 
colours.' 1 

It is worthy of note, however, that the shops did not present the 
magnificent array we should expect from such a trade-centre. Costly 
merchandise such as carpets, shawls and precious stuffs, and gems, 
jewels and rarities of all sorts, was generally kept in warehouses, as 
Bernier tells us ; 2 the high-class merchants (including foreign 
merchants like Tavernier), who dealt only with the pick of the 
aristocracy, preferring to sell their goods from house to house. Since 
the highest classes seldom made their purchases in the streets, 
jewellers, artists, manufacturers, and all those who catered only for 
the rich, had no occasion to expose their wares and work for sale. 
The art of window-dressing, consequently, found no scope in India. 
No wonder that Bernier saw nothing at Agra or Delhi to match the 
street of St. Denis in Paris. 3 

The only class of shops that made any impression on Bernier were 
the fruiterers'. By Bernier 's account, which relates to Delhi but 
applies equally to Agra, the fruit-shops were stocked during the 
summer * with dry fruit from Persia, Balk, Bokara, and Samarkande ; 
such as almonds, pistachios, and walnuts, raisins, prunes, and apricots ; 
and in winter with excellent fresh grapes, black and white, brought 
from the same countries, wrapped in cotton ; pears and apples of three 
or four sorts, and those admirable melons which last the whole winter. 
These fruits are, however, very dear; a single melon selling for a 
crown and a half.' 4 Among fresh fruits are also mentioned the 



* The Voyage of M. Joseph Salbancke (Purchas, iii, 83-84). 

2 Bernier , Suite, i, 24. (Bernier's Travels (Constable), 248-49). 3 Ibid. 

* Bernier's Travels (Constable), 249. ' . . . fruits sees, qui viennent de Perse, 
de Balk, de Bokara et de Sainarkande, comme amendes, pistaches, noisettes, 
raisins, 'prtnmux, abricots et autres ; et dans 1' Hyver on y volt d ' excellent 



142 JOURNAL OP INDIAN HISTORY 

indigenous melon (cheap and inferior,- good melons being scarce) 

mangoes (plentiful, cheap and delicious), water-melons (in great 
abundance almost throughout the year), apples, oranges, plums, 
bananas and pine-apples. 1 The fruit-market was presumably situated 
in the quarter of Agra Peter Mundy calls Phal Haiti > where, he 
says, the factors of the East India Company used to live. 

Among other eatables Bernier found sweetmeats filthy and fly. 
blown. Nor did the Indian confectioner's art make much appeal to 
him, not even the best bread, which, he says, contained plenty of fresh 
butter, milk and eggs. He always treated cooked meat, sold in the 
bazaar, with suspicion. Raw meat was always available in abundant 
variety : Beef and mutton were com 111.011, but the flesh of the goat, 
specially of the he-goat and the kid, was highly prized. And fowls 
(including the hen with jet-black skin, the flesh of which was f delicate 
and tender J ), pigeons and partridges, quails, turtle-doves, ducks, 
geese, hares and fish (especially the excellent singt and the rohu^ still 
the best ordinary fresh-water fish in these parts) could be had for 
the money, 2 

Wine was unobtainable, its use being prohibited, If w i ne be 
sometimes found, in the Mogot empire, it is either Chiraz fShiraz] or 
Canary ' the former coming from Persia via Bandar Abbas and 
Snrat, the latter brought to India by the Dutch. Both these wines, 
however, were almost too costly to drink, 3 

Peter Mundy does not scruple to mention even the * common 
stews J in different quarters of the city, each of which * every eveninge 
is like a faire * 4 

As for a bird's-eye view of the city, we notice that the European 
travellers were invariably: struck by the high enclosure-walls of houses 



raisins frais noire et blancs qu'on apporte cle cos mesimw Pals hk n enveloppez 
dansducoton, des poultries et des poires de trois ou quatre especes, et de ces 
admirables melons qui tturent tout 1'Hyvcr. Lc mal cat quo tons oca fruits sont 
fort chers ; j'ay veu vendredes melons jusquts & mi &u et clcniy.*- Bernier, Suite, 
i, 25~26. 

1 Bernier, Suite, i, 26-27. (Bender's Travels (Constable), 249-50). Peter 
Mundy, ii, 215-16, 

2 Bernier, Suite, i, 27-32. (Bernier's Travels (Constable), 250-52). Peter 
Mundy, ii, 215-16. 

3 Bernier, Suite, i, 33. (Bernier's Travels (Constable). 252-53) 
* Peter Mundy ii, 216, 



A HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF SHAH JAHAN 143 

and gardens ; while, according to Bernier, Agra has more [than 
Delhi] the appearance of a country town, especially when viewed from 
an eminence. The prospect it presents is rural, varied, and agreeable ; 
for the grandees having always made it a point to plant trees in their 
gardens and courts for the sake of shade, the mansions -of Qmrahs, 
Rajas j and others are all interspersed with luxuriant and green foliage, 
in the midst of which the lofty stone houses of Banyanes or Gentile 
merchants have the appearance of old castles buried in forests. Such 
a landscape yields peculiar pleasure in a hot and parched country, 
where the eye seeks in verdure for refreshment and repose '.* 

Now we turn to the part of Agra on the east or left bank of the 
Jumna. Here, as we have seen, must have stood the garden-palaces 
of Babur and Hutnayun, at this time only a century old and therefore 
probably in a fair state of preservation. The aesthetical Mughals had 
not failed to utilize whatever remained of them, and during the reigns 
o Akbar and Jahangir the whole stretch developed into a tastefully 
laid-out suburb, where princes and magnates owned villas and 
pleasure-houses mostly along the water's edge. 

The length of this suburb, 'Abdu 'l-Irlamid Lahori and the Emperor 
Jahangir agree, was two and a half miles, running north-east and south- 
west, from a point on the river near Humayun Masjid to a spot beyond 
Nunihai ; and the breadth, measured on a line across the bend of the 
river, at right angles to the major axis, one and a quarter miles. 
There were few residential houses in this garden-city. 2 

Hither the aristocracy of Agra often resorted for a picnic or a 
holiday -excursion a welcome refuge from the scorching heat of 
Agra, the whirl and worry of noisy city life, and the tiresome 
formalities of an elaborately ceremonious court. We can imagine a 



1 Bernier's Tr#z>fo (Constable), 285. e Agra ressent plus le champestre que 
Dehli, principalement quand on le regarde d'un lieu plus eminent, mais ce n'est 
point un champestre qui luy soit des-avantageux ; II est tres-beati et tres- 
divertissant ; car comme il y a par tout entre ces maisons d'Omerahs, des Rajas 
et autres, quantite de grands arbres verts melez, chactin ayant este curieux d'en 
planter dans son jardin et dans sa cour pour avoir de 1'ombre, et que ces hautes 
maisons de pierres de Banyanes, ou Marchands Gen tils, paroissent deca dell entre 
ces arbres comme quelques restes de vieux Chateaux de Forests ; il se fait par 1 
dedans des vettes et des perspectives tres-agreables, principalement dans un Pays 
sec et chaud, ou les yeux semblent ne demander que de la verdure et des ombrages. *.. 
Bernier, Suite* i, 94. 

*.N., I, i, 157. T&zuk, 2. '\Tnzuk, R. and B., i., 3). 

' '.' '.' '5 .. ." ; : ' " .".' '''": ' ". '"'' ''; .'.'"' ' ' "''; 



144 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

minister weighed down by the taxing toils of state, or a choicer spirit 
in a mood for solitary contemplation, or, again, perhaps a rich roue 
on the primrose path of dalliance, of a spring forenoon, or else on a 
sultry day, crossing the swift swirl of the Jumna in one of those 
gaily-painted row-boats * of the type, low, long, and slender, with 
sharp ends, sketched by Peter Mundy, 2 with some twenty variously 
coloured oars and a covered seat either in centre or in front, flags 
flying and yak-tails streaming. 3 

The Jumna itself was no insignificant part of the charm of the 
metropolis : The many-coloured craft sailing over its waters from villa 
to villa and garden to garden, which were provided no doubt with 
beautiful landing-places flanked with shapely towers, must have cast 
an additional glamour round the social intercourse among the higher 
classes. Normally there must have been a perpetual gala day on the 
Jumna ; but on the occasion of some such festival as the s^h&b-i-Barat 
or a prince's marriage the illuminations and the fireworks by the 
waterside, reflected in the moving glass of the Jumna, turned sober 
earth and sky into a world of grotesque and weird brilliance !* 

Nor was the importance of the Jumna confined to Agra. It appears 
that navigation had always been a fashionable mode of travel among 
persons of quality even for longer distances. It is on record that 
Akbar and his court travelled down the Jumna by boat to Agra more 
than once. 5 And Peter Mundy saw ' verie great lighters or Gabares 
[He means a barge here, an elaborate variety of the Indian patda\ 
of 3, 4, or 500 Tonns each, serving for transporting^ great men with 
their howshold and howshold stufle downe the river to Etaya [Etawa], 
Ellahabaz [Allahabad], Puttana [Patna]Dhacca [Dhaka, Dacca] etts. 
[and other] places on the river Ganges, haveing howses in the midle 
for the weornen, and many of them on their stemms the figures of the 
head of an Eliphant, Dragon, Tiger, etts., with double sternes.' 6 
There were also, he says, great boats to convey the Emperor's mahal 
or seraglio * with severall roomes, able to carry a prettie village with 
all theyre Inhabitants and goods ; such is theire hugenesse'. 7 

1 Corresponding to the modern bajra or may&rfiankftft , 

2 Peter Mundy, ii, Illustration No. 11, facing p. 158, 

3 Peter Mundy, ii, 158. 

* For fuller details of these wait for a later chapter. 

5 Once in October, 1558, and again in October, 1560. 

Peter Muady, ii, 224. 7 Peter Muady, ii, p. 224, f. n, (3). 



A HISTORY OP THE REIGN OF SHAH JAHAN 145 

Again, the river, with its continuation in the Ganges, was a water- 
way of great commercial importance, for we know that barges of a 
tonnage of three or four hundred, with very high ends, 1 were used 
for conveying salt, timber, stone, etc., on a main line extending from 
Delhi and Agra, through Patna, into far-away Bengal. 2 

Of the architectural monuments standing in or near Agra at this 
date we have said enough in the historical outline. We need only 
remind ourselves that while Akbar's Tomb at Sikandra was mellow- 
ing and getting acclimatized to this world of vicissitudes, Plimad ud- 
Daida had just trembled into existence ; and the Taj, the crown and 
glory of the world's architecture, was yet in the womb of time. But 
we are on the eve of its creation : and we can imagine all the finer 
instincts of an artistic people tumultuously gathering power and 
point waiting silently, unconsciously for some great tragedy to give 
them shape and an opportunity for adequate expression. 

Our account of Agra will not be complete without a mention of 
certain large palaces, remains of which Carleylle 3 found at consider- 
able distances from modern Agra. He claims to have noticed traces 
of Birbal's huge palace, called Hans Mahal, on a beautiful locality on 
the water's edge, nine or ten miles to north-west of modern Agra, and 
some four or five miles from Sikandra ; and of another extensive 
building near Samugarh (now Fatehabad) also attributed to Birbal. On 
the basis of these and other minor excavations Carleylle tries to make 
out a case for an outer, far-flung ring of suburbs with the major axis 
running north-west and south-east, measuring some twenty -five miles. 
Carleylle' s generalizations, as we have said before, have to be received 
with reserve ; and in this case the evidence he adduces, even if accept- 
able, leads us at best only to a few solitary villas dotted at long 
intervals. Still the powerful influence exercised by the great city 
along such an extensive orbit gives a quiet dignity to the metropolis. 

SOURCES 

A complete list of the works, both Persian and European, which 
have been consulted, is hardly necessary, since references have been 
given in their proper places in the body of the chapter. 

1 The modern patela. See Peter Mundy, ii, Illustration No. 1.7, facing 

p, 230. 

' Peter Miindy, ii, 87. 3 A. S, 1. R. vol. iv (1871-72), pp. 120-21. 



146 JOURNAL OF INDIAN 

In addition to some of the Persian histories mentioned in the 
bibliography at the end of Chapter I, which have been used for this 
chapter also, other Persian works have been referred to. The 
preparation of this chapter has, besides, entailed a close study of the 
works of the European travellers, who visited Mughal India in the 
seventeenth century. For it was soon realized that for the actual facts 
and conditions of life as well as for the general look of things and 
places, we have to depend almost entirely on the vivid descriptions of 
the foreigners, who saw with a curious eye and wrote for the 
unfamiliar reader. The contemporary historians, generally speaking, 
take these for granted, and often busy 'themselves with details much 
less significant from our telescopic point of view. 

The European travellers vary widely in point of veracity, accuracy 
of observation, and power to understand and record- differences due 
partly to opportunity or access afforded to the writer and partly to his 
temperament and capacity. 

Among these Fratwjois Bernier undoubtedly occupies the place of 
honour, Both as a thinker and as a penetrating observer he stands 
pre-eminent. Generally speaking, his observation is accurate and his 
judgment unclouded. His testimony., where it is direct, is invaluable ; 
and, where he trips, we know that it is his informant who is in fault. 
Bernier was long: enough in India eight whole years, from 1659 to 
1667 to give him ample opportunity for examination and analysis of 
things and events. He knew Delhi and Agra intimately, 

Thevenot was in India for about a year, chiefly in 1666. He gives 
much picturesque detail about Delhi, Agra, and the provinces, about 
customs and costumes of people, and about the curiosities and feasts 
and festivals that he saw* 

Neither of the above, however, reached India in Shah Jahan's 
reign. Special importance from our point of view, therefore, attaches 
to Peter Mundy (who served the East India Company in India 
1628-1634) and Mandelslo (who landed at Surat on April 29, 1638, 
and sailed from Indian shores on, January 5, 1639;, In these two 
authors we have first-hand 'evidence of Shah Jahan's India in its prime 
and of its metropolis. 

Father Manriqiie, a Spaniard, visited India in 1640, Mmrariode 
las Missiones qui him el padre Pmy Sebastian .M&nriqu6 (Roma, 1649 
and 1653), ' one of the most authoritative and valuable of the works by 



A HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF SH^H JAHAN ' 147 



early travellers, 1 according to V. A. Smith, 1 is very rare and not 
available to us in India. We have therefore used Stanley Lane-Poole's 
account from the Itinerafio (in Meditzval India , p. 336). 

The most leisurely of these travellers was the Frenchman, Jean 
Baptiste Tavernier, who made no less than five voyages to India. 
During the long period 1631-1667, he repeatedly visited Turkey, Asia 
Minor, Persia and India. The chief merit of this writer lies in the 
fact that, besides being a well-travelled man, he was a skilled jeweller 
and an experienced man of affairs. As regards Agra, however, we are 
disappointed in him. He visited the city in its palmiest days in 
164041 and then again in November 1665 and August 1666, when 
Aurangzeb had been reigning some seven years and Delhi had long 
been the capital. Tavernier therefore witnessed both the culmination 
and the decline of Agra. He might have given us a comparative 
description of the Agras of Shah Jahan's and Aurangzeb's times, for 
which his experience so fully qualified him. 

Tieffenthaler is a great mine of minute geographical information 
about Mughal India, and the author's descriptions of towns and 
provinces are often full and interesting. He visited India in the 
middle of the eighteenth century, when Agra had passed its meridian. 

Foreign travellers of minor importance like Hawkins, Salbancke, 
and the rest, have been laid under contribution where it has been 
necessary. 

Abdul Latif , Agra, is a useful and comprehensive book, but the 
information given in it should be carefully checked on every point. 

Archaeological reports and gazetteers have been freely used 
wherever the need has arisen. 

1 Akbar, 474. 



4 ' 

LITERAL TRANSLATION OP THE MAASIR-LJAHANGIRI 

BY 

THAKUR RAMSINGH, M.A., Pleader, Indore f C. /. 

INTRODUCTION 

AN apology is needed for using the word ' introduction ' here, as the 
description given below, is the history of the manuscripts, existing at 
this time of the hitherto unpublished work, called the Maaser-i- 
Jakangiri, together with the accentuation of the importance for 
publishing and translating the work at this distant date. 

According to page 439 of Sir H. M. Elliot's History of India, 
vol. vi, it is evident that the work Maasir-i-Jahangiri is by Khwaja 
Kamgar Ghairat and was commenced in the third year of the reign of 
Emperor Shah Jahan. 

1. The earliest recital of the work is in GSadwin's History oi 
Jahangir (Calcutta, 1788), 

2. Later on the recital is found in the Critical Essays on Various 
Manuscript Works^ also in James Eraser's Abridged Mogkul History 
prefixed to his life of Nadir Shah and also in Muhammad Tahir Inayat 
Khan's History of Shah Jahan. 

3. Sir H. M. Elliot after noticing the work in the sixth volume 
mentioned above, gives only two extracts from the life of the Emperor 
Jahangir. The first refers to the murder of Sheikh Atml Fazal while 
the second refers to the revolt of Mahabat Khan in the twenty-first 
year of Jahangir's reign. The extracts from volume vi show that one 
of the extracts, referring to Abtil Fas&al's murder, was an event in 
Jahangir's life before his accession to the throne while the other refers 
to his reign. Thus Sir H. M. Elliot's manuscript contains Jahangir's 
entire life both as an heir-apparent and as an Emperor- A reference to 
Professor Reynold Nicholson, Professor of Persian in the Cambridge 
University, made it clear that Sir H. M. Elliot's manuscript was not 
available in the libraray of that University and that the work has not 
been published as yet. 



' MAASIR-I-JAHANGIRI* 149 

4. Professor Beni Pershad of the Allahabad University after 
supporting Sir H. M. Elliot in toto, says in a page 456 of Ms History 
of Jahangir that he used the manuscript of the Maasir-i~Jahangiri 
in the Khuda Baksh Khan Library, Bankipore. He also says that the 
Maasir-i-Jahangiri was not printed till 1922. 

5. The proprietor of the Khuda Baksh Khan Library, Bankipore, 
Patna (the Bodlein of Persian manuscripts) was addressed through 
Justice Jaini of Indore High Court and the proprietor, S. Khuda Baksh 
Khan Saheb very kindly gave full description of the existing 
manuscripts of the work to the effect that ' Elliot's collections of 
manuscripts are now in the British Museum ' (vide preface to vol. i of 
the British Museum Catalogue of Persian Manuscripts by Dr. Riew). 
Elliot's cop5 T of the Maasir-i-Jahangiri is referred to by Dr. Riew 
in vol. ii, page 932 of his Persian Catalogue. 

'The beginning of Sir H. M. Elliot's copy differs from the three 
other copies in the British Museum, (vide vol. i, page 257 Riew's 
Catalogue of British Museum). c The beginning in the manuscript In 
the Khuda Baksh Library at Patna is precisely the same in the three 
copies in the British Museum, described above. The fact that the 
author's name, the date of composition (given in the preface) are the 
same in the three copies in the British Museum which are older than 
Elliot's copy, and in the one in the Khuda Baksh Library, gives us fair 
reason to suppose that Elliot's copy does not contain the original 
beginning.' 

6. After perusing the note of S. Khuda Baksh Saheb, I on June 
4, 1927, went with ray own manuscript to the Khuda Baksh Library at 
Bankipore, Patna. Syed Raza AH, the Head Clerk of the Library was 
very courteous and showed me the Patna manuscript. It was found 
that the Patna manuscript was divided into three portions. The first 
portion of the library manuscript ends with the chapter describing the 
death of Akbar, the installation of Jahangir by Akbar himself and the 
enumeration of the names of the daughters of Akbar ; while my manu- 
script, describing the same, adds a chapter on the description of the 
Dahra garden, containing the Mausoleum of Akbar, and this additional 
chapter has been published in the April number of the Journal of 
Indian History, Madras, for 1927. There is no second portion in my 
manuscript and the Khatme (conclusion) says there ended the Maasir- 
i-Jahan%iri. The second portion of the manuscript in the Khuda 



150 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

Baksh Library on its title page describes the rest of the portion as 
Moasir-i-Jahangiri and not Maasir-i-Jah&ngiri. Moasir (^oU*) 

as distinguished from Maasir (/^) means the contemporary 
account. 

7, On October 7, 1927, the Keeper of the Department of 
Oriental Books and Manuscripts, British Museum, London, was kind 
enough to reply to the queries regarding: the various existing manus- 
cripts of the work. He says that the British Museum possesses two 
manuscripts of the Maasiri-i-Jahangiri> namely Or. 171 and Ad. 26220. 
They differ greatly in the order in which their materials are arranged. 
They have a like beginning, but a different ending. Both treat in the 
closing section ot the twenty-secono year of Jahangir's reign, but 
Or. 171 deals with it more fully. Both give the names of Akbar's 
daughters at the end of a short account of his death. Neither of them 
is divided into two parts and in neither is there mention of the 
Moasir. 

8. This accoun.. of my .search shows that the work Mdasir- 
i-Jakangiri has not been published up to date, that the manuscript of 
Sir H. ML Elliot is different from manuscripts of the work existing in 
the British Museum, the Khuda Baksh Library and from my manus- 
cript ; and that the last chapter regarding the mausoleum of Akbar the 
Great, found in my manuscript, is wanting in all the manuscripts 
existing in the British Museum and the Khuda Baksh Library; and that': 
the Maa$ir~i-Jahangiri by Khwaja Ghairat* contained the entire life of 
Jahangir. 

9, The Head Clerk of the Khuda Baksh Library gave me to under- 
stand that a copy 'of the manuscript of the Library was 'being 
furnished to Doctor : Shafaat Ahmad Khan, ra*ix Professor of 
History in the Allahabad University. It is hoped he would determine 
the exact position of the above. There is no doubt that Khwaja 
Ghairat was entrusted with the writing of the entire life of Jahangir 
(vide the introductory chapter of the Maa$iri-Jahangirt)> but whether 
he accomplished the entire work, is to be determined because soon after 
his being entrusted with the work of writing the biography of Jahangir 
under Shah Jahan's order, the Khwaja was appointed Governor of 
Thatta where he soon died. 

10. So far as my studies of the biography of Jahangir go 
derived as they are from the perusal of To&xub-i-Jahttngirii Wadyai 



iMAASIR-I-JAHANGmr 151 

Jah&ngtr and Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri, etc., it Is found that the portion 
dealing with the incidents of the birth of Jahangir and the events of 
his life as Prince Salim as heir-apparent, are wanting in almost 
all the biographies. The importance of the first portion of Jahangir y s 
life as detailed by Professor Beni Pershad in his History of Jakangir 
on page 456, is really substantial and the publication in original 
Persian of the first portion of the work at least, is needed as a separate 
epoch of Indian History. It is earnestly hoped that Dr. Shafaat 
Ahmad Khan would bring 1 the hitherto unpublished Maa$ir~i-Jahangiri 
to the notice of the savants of history but a literal translation of 
the same work before the first year of the reign of Jahangir, would 
not be out of place and is herein undertaken. Strict literal translation 
has been done to show the trend of imaginative writing of the history 
in the reign of the Moghul Emperors. No doubt the redundance and 
repetition of the same ideas with different synonyms and antonyms 
would be somewhat repugnant to the European ear but the tracery and 
the exact rendering of the Persian text would have its own value. 

Before closing this note I beg to acknowledge the ungrudging 
assistance I have got from Babu Ram Dayal Salieb, Financial Secre- 
tary to the Jaora Darbar for the explanation of some important archaic 
words absent in modern Persian dictionaries. I also tender my 
gratitude to Professor Reynold Nicholson and to Mr. Lionel 
D. Barnett, the Keeper of the Department of Oriental Printed Books 
and Manuscripts, British Museum, London and to S. Khuda Baksh 
Saheb, 

RUBRIC I 

Commence in the name of God Who is very Merciful and Kind. 1 
< Adoration, universeful in measure, be to the King of Reality Who 
thrid and fastened the arrangement and management of mankind 
to the assistance of the leaders of intellect, whose profession is to dis- 
pense Justice and, to the power of Kings whose constant attention is 
for doing equity. Benedictions innumerable be on the Soul of the 
Commander-in-Chief of the Kingdom of Being who raised the Stan- 
dard of Pity and the Banner of gnosis in tho fortified city of Becoming 
and much Salutation be on the progeny and the companions (of the 
Prophet). Nevertheless, now be it not remain hidden from the heart of 
the inquirers of information regarding the Reality and the investiga- 
tors of the traces of subtleties, that the Emperor Abu MuzaflEar Noor 



152 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

Uddin Jahangir Ghazi, may God illumine his reason (the protector of 
the world having- the status of Solomon and having the sublime dig- 
nity of gracing the throne by his setting thereon and of being the happy 
conjunction predicting victory, and as being inseparable from Justice 
and, the embellisher of the thrones of the Kingdoms of Reality and 
metaphor), has himself written the biography of his fortune, which 
grew in prosperity daily from the beginning of his ascension of auspi- 
cious circumstances to about his own becoming 1 a prey (death) and 
named it the Jahangir Nama ; but the incidents of his birth of good 
consequences and those of his heir-apparentship did not find place in 
that book (the Autobiography), this insignificant particle, Kamgap 
Husaini who possesses distinction in the hereditary servants of the 
Royal Household desired that: he should complete afresh the entire 
events of the days of the purest life, and give them the robe of writing 
in a fitting decoration in brief. In the year 1004 Hijri corresponding 
to the third year of t^e perpetual reign of (the best of Mankind, Impe- 
rial Victor of the Earth, Ruler of the world and the creatures therein, 
the Knower of the celestial mysteries, the lamp light of the Gorgan 
dynasty, the right begotten son of the illustrious race, the Zenith 
Starred and Exalted) His Majesty Shabuddin Mohammad Sahibqiran 
Sani Shah Jahan the Emperor Ghazi (may God keep him in glory till 
the day of rest), the material for the compilation (of this biography) 
was collected and was named Maasir-i-Jahangin, And the sublime 
titles' and the exalted names of the illustrious father and eminent grand- 
father and ancestors of His Majesty Emperor Shah Jahan are respec- 
tively these ; Abu-ui-MussaflEar Noor Uddin Mohammad Jahangir 
Badshah Gha^i was the son of Jalal Uddin Mohammad Akbar Badshah, 
who was the son of Naseer Uddin Mohammad Humayun Badshah, who 
was the son of Zahiruddin Mohammad Babur Shah Badshah, who was 
the son of Umar Sheikh Mirza, who was the son of Sultan Abu Sayeed 
Mirza, who was the son of Sultan Mohammad Mirza, who was the 
son of Miran Shah Badshah, who was son of Qutub Uddin, whose 
father was His Majesty Sahib Qiran Amir Timur of Gorgan. In this 
Book of Prosperity, the * Firdaus Makani * means Zahir Uddin 
Mohammad Babur Badhshah ; * Jamiat Ashayani* means Naseer Uddin 
Mohammad Humayun Badhshah ; the * Arsh Astani ' means His 
Majesty Jalal Uddin Mohammad Akber and Hazrat f Shahanshahi' means 
Noor Uddin Jahangir Badhshah. The meaning of the Heir-apparent 



s MAASIM-I-JAHANGIRl' 153 

(Shahzada Wall Ahud) is to denote His Majesty SaMb Qiran 
Sani Shabuddin Mohammad Shah Jahan Badshah. It is hoped that 
the above mentioned Mnemonics should ever be kept in memory from 
the very commencement as given above. As regards the perfect by 
felicitous birth of Jahangir, the Shadow of God, His Majesty Akbar in 
order to perpetuate and keep alive the Sovereignty and its constant- 
increase, always prayed for the fulfilment of the desire from the thre- 
shold of Heaven for the grant of a fit heir for the throne, who might 
be wise and prudent, and the holy heart of the Emperor believed that 
the homes of the persons near the threshold of disinterestedness and 
of those who were chosen ones of the Court of Oneness, were, the doors 
of his cherished desire, and was eagerly waiting for the rising of the 
world illumining sun : when some that were standing at the foot of the 
vicegerent throne (towards which all were attentive) submitted that 
Sheikh Saleem was the name of a pious saint who in all the divine 
worshippers of God in this country was eminent in the external and 
internal purity, and his higher self and the efficiency of his prayer was 
famous, and according to lineage he was the seventh in generation 
from Sheikh Farid called Shakur Ganj (the Store of Sugar), and that 
he lived in the town of Sikri which is at a distance of twelve Kos (24 
miles) from Agra. If that anxious desire is revealed by His Majesty 
to him (Sheikh), it is hoped that the plant of the supplicated wish might 
bear fruit with the irrigation of his prayer and the face of the aim 
might appear in the mirror of manifestation. Necessarily His Majesty 
went to the residence of the Sheikh and with sincere supplication and 
pure faith revealed to him the secret. The Sheikh who had an 
enlightened heart and was perfectly knowing the heart of the Emperor 
internally, expressly conveyed to the Emperor the rising of the Star in 
the constellation of the Royalty and thus expressed the message of 
permanent happiness. His Majesty the Emperor Akbar said that he 
had vowed to put that fortunate son in his (Sheikh's) lap for education 
so that through his spiritual and mundane help he (the son) may obtain 
the wealth of greatness. The Sheikh after accepting this meaning 
proposal brought on his tongue that the same be fruitfully blessed 
and that he (the Sheikh) himself even now give that young plant of 
the Government his own name. As it was all with true intention and 
firm faith, in a short period, the tree of hope became fruitful of the 
desire. As the time of the delivery of the conception reached 



154 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

the noble mother of Jahangir, with all full faith and pure pleasure, 
was sent to the house of the Sheikh and in that house, the abode of 
Prosperity, on Wednesday the 17th of the month of Rabi-ul-Awal, 977 
Hijra, in the twenty-fourth degree of the constellation of Libra that 
Sun of the heaven of Rank and Glory and that Moon of the Sphere of 
Wealth and Prosperity, shone, from the Bast of the heavenly ordination 
and from the exordium of the Almighty's gifts and bestowed of his 
own accord on the world the working capital of peace in perpetuity. 
It is one of the strangest accidents that Emperor Akbar in his 
fourteenth year of age having placed the Crown of the Empire on the 
head of honour, himself adorned the throne of sovereignty and then 
later on, again after fourteen years with a view to get this anxious 
desire, raised the dignity of the Pleasure to a greater extent. The gist 
is that this soul pleasing message, the harbinger of Joy adorning 
reached the Capital at Akbarabad (Modem Agra) and was in the 
blessed hearing of the Emperor Akbar . The vociferations of congra- 
tulations echoed and echoed back in the dome of the ninth firmament. 
Great meetings and festive gatherings were arranged for. And owing 
to the appearance of this Soul refreshing eventual message, barnful of 
gold and lap-ful of silver were dispensed to keep away the evil-eye.. 
For the thanksgiving of this grand gift, orders were sanctioned and 
issued for the release of all .the prisoners that were confined in 
the forts of the cities. And according to the undertaking 1 that 
progeny of the illustrious race of sovereignty and world conquering 
was named as%ultan Saleem. The Learned and the Poets in drawing 
out the ' chr on og ramie 'date of the birth, composed wonderful subjects 
expressing astonishing meanings in the bright Panegyric odes in 
Poetry. Out. of these one discovered the ** Durr Shahwar Akbar '* 
and the other discovered the " Gau'fmr T&f Akb&r Sh&hi" meaning 
respectively the ' Pearl befitting Akbar 3 and * The Jewel of the" 
Crown of Akbar '. But Khwaja Husain of Merr from his power of 
intellect and freshness of comprehension composed a panegyric 
.ode' of. eminence which may fairly be said to be the Book of Deeds 
or of . Perfection . Specimens of poetry, and a Manual for Cour- 
tiers, and presented the same ode to Emperor Akbar. The first 
..'.hemistich ' of the ode gives' chronog ramie date of the ascension of 
Emperor Akbar and the second hemistich gives the date of the birth 
of Emperor Jehangir the world illuminer. The expediency of 



< MAASIR-i-JAHANGIRI ' 

managing these two difficult matters was performed with all the 
diversions of the .figures- of speech and the elegance of words by the 
composer. Some verses from that ode are written in this unique 
book. 

THB ODE 

Gratitude be to God Who, for the dignity and glory of the King 
brought on the bank the Jewel of Grandeur from the ocean of 

Justice. 

A bird came down from the nest of the dignity of existence ; a 
star from the height of grandeur and emblandishment became 

apparent. 

A rose-tree like this has not been seen in the circuit of the flower 
garden ; a tulip like this has not blown out from amidst the garden. of 

red flowers. 

The hearts became glad because again came Justice and Equity 
from the Sky and again the world became alive from the kindness 
of the spring-tide. 

That new moon of the constellation of worth and dignity came m 
existence and that new plant of the hearty wish of the King's desire 

came to fruition. 

The king is one of the continents of purity and is of the Court of 

faithfulness. , 

He is candle to all the lovers and is the object of tip candidates 
heart. He is the perfect dispenser of Justice and his name is 
Mohammad Akbar the Lord of the happy conjunction. 

The renowned king is the searcher of the aim and is successful ; 
he is perfectly wise, efficient, the most just and learned in the world. 

He is the loftiest and the most just and is wise having no equal in 
the world. He is the shadow of God's graciousness and is fit for the 
Crown and the Signet. 

The King is the defender of the Religion and being just is the 

pivot of the world. 

For his assembly the heaven's astrolabe is the burner for aloe 

wood. . -- 

For his cavalcade the Fish (name of a star) comes joyfully 

straight. . 

He is the Sun of the constellation of existence and is the Jewel ot 



1S6 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

the river of liberality, From the breeze in the high the hearts of the 
falcons become glad for the life of the prey. 

Oh, King I have brought the string of pearls of faith present from 
the enormous mine-search again and be attentive. Nobody possesses 
a present better than this but if anybody possesses, let him who 
possesses be told to go and fetch it and to go and fetch whatever he 
may possess. 

From the first hemistich eke out the year of the ascension of the 
King and from the second eke out the year of the birth of the eye of 
the world. 

So long as remains in balance the computation of days, month and 
year, that computation from the year, month and day may ever revolve 
for the illustrious (Jahangir). May my king remain permanent and 
also the Prince for the days without reckoning and for the years 
innumerable, 



Philosophy of War the Ancient 

BY 

PRITHWISCHANDRA CHAKRAVARTI, M.A. 

IN the Psalter we find depicted in striking contradiction both the 
historic actual and the prophetic ideal concerning war. When the 
Psalms were written, the historic actual was, * God teacheth my hands 
to war and my fingers to fight;' and at the same time the prophetic 
ideal was ' God shall scatter the peoples that delight in war.' 1 
Humanity has remained much the same in this respect since the days 
of Jesus. 

Man is a warring animal, declared Hobbes. ' I am a man and that 
means a fighter ' is one of Goethe's famous sayings. The instinct of 
combat is instilled in human nature ; and in spite of what theorists 
might say, and doctrinaires might propound, war has been and still is 
a universal and inevitable operation in the life- history of states. In 
fact, the history of humanity is a history of perpetual strifes and 
conflicts, interwoven on a sand-board of hollow professions and lofty 
sentiments. 

Ancient India was no exception in this respect. The Law of 
Nature asserted itself on the soil of Hindusthan with, no less rigour 
than in other parts of the world. In primitive times, man fought with 
man, clan with clan, tribe with tribe. It is out of these conflicts that 
almost all the states of the ancient and the modern world were born. 
The Maurya empire, no less than the British empire, was a child of 
war. 

From the remotest days of King Divodasa in the Rgveda upto 
the time when the enfeebled voice of Hindu independence was choked 
under the iron heels of the Ghaznavide hosts, the history of India 
presents a record of almost endless series of wars, interrupted by 
occasional periods of peace and prosperity. Kings were made and 
unmade, kingdoms set up and overthrown. Mighty conquerors like 
Chandragupta, Samudragupta, Harsavardhana and Dharmapala passed 

1 tfibbert Journal, 1916, p. 29. 



158 JOURNAL OP INDIAN HISTORY 

from one end of the country to the other with their nameless hosts 
wrecked and plundered the neighbouring- states, and on the ashes of 
their ruins built tip extensive empires, which in their turn were 
knocked down and dissolved either by internal rebellion or external 
aggression. Barbarian hordes from Central Asia like the Sakas, the 
Knsanas, the Gtirjaras, and the Htinas poured in from time to time 
pulled down the indigenous kingdoms that stood in their way and 
carved out independent states of their own. In fact, countless were 
the wars fought on the soil of Hindusthan in ancient times. And it 
is not, therefore, to be wondered at if the secular minds among the 
Hindus devoted a fraction of their speculation on this ugly phenomenon 
of hitman history and sought to pry into its nature, its causes, its 
consequences and its remedies. 

War has been defined by Kaufalya 3 as an * offensive operation ' 
(apakaro-vigrahali, Kant vii, I), The Agni Pura^a defines war as the 
direct result of injuries done to each other by hostile monarchs 
(Paraspar&pak&rena j>uni$&ni bhcwati 'vigrahah, chap, ccxl. 14). Accord- 
ing to Stikra, * the affair that two parties, who have inimical relations 
with each other, undertake by means of arms to satisfy their rival 
interests is known as warfare/ 2 When the essential elements of these, 
definitions are combined, the definition, of war would stand thus : War : 
is a contest, born of injuries done to each other, carried on by means 
of arms, between two parties, having the intention of ending peaceful 
relations and substituting for them those of hostility (Satrubhavam- 
ubhayofi). This makes a near approach to the definition of war 
according to modern International Law. 3 

The causes of . war were varied. Kamandaka speaks of them as 
follows : * Possessed of thoughts of revenge, and with hearts burning' 
with anger engendered by the infliction of mutual wrongs, people/; 
proceed to fight with one another, One may also launch upon a war. 
for the amelioration of his own condition.) or when oppressed by his 



* For the use- of Kaufcalya instead of the oft-repeated KaitfJlya see . 
Sastti's introduction to ArtkaS&stra and Venkataram Sharma's ' A note on 
the word Kautalya > in IM.Q,, vol. 1, p. 596, Mr. D, B. Diskalkar in a note to 
the same journal (vol. I, p, 786) says that he found an inscription of V. S, 1291 
(Vatt&kha Sudi 14 Guran) from the village Ganesar near Dholka in Gujarat, 
which in J-9 clearly reads .Kaufcalya. 

* Chap, iv, vii, lines 438-9, 

a 'Lawrence, Principles of International Law ( 14th d,), p, 331, 



PHILOSOPHY OF WAR AMONG ANCIENT HINDUS 159 

foe, if the advantages of the soil and the season be in his favour. 
Usurpation of the kingdom, abduction of women, seizure of provinces 
and portions of territory, carrying- away of vehicles and treasures, 
arrogance, morbid sense of honour, molestation of dominions, 
extinction of erudition, destruction of property, violation of laws, 
prostration of the regal powers, influence of evil destiny, the necessity 
of helping friends land allies, disrespectful demeanour, the destruction 
of friends, the want of compassion on creatures, disaffection of the 
Prakrti Ma?tdala, and common eagerness for possessing the same 
object, these and many others have been said to be the sources of 
war/ 1 The grounds of war, as given by the Agnz Purana, are exactly 
the same. 2 

Wars were classified by Hindu political thinkers under various 
heads, according either to the weapons used, the methods employed, 
or the nature of their origin. Sukra divided wars into three classes, 
viz.j daivika, &sura, and manusa. ' The d&iuika warfare is that in which 
charms are used, the asura that in which mechanical instruments are 
used, the human warfare that in which sastras and hands are used/ 3 
Vahudantiputra, a pre-Kautalyan author on ArthaSastra, divided wars 
into four classes according to the nature of their origin : (a) that 
caused by the invasion of one's territory, (b) that caused by something 
done by others prejudicial to the exercise of the regal powers, (c) that 
resulting from some dispute about the boundaries of dominions, 
and (d) that produced by some disturbance of the Mcwdala.* 

According to Kamandaka and the author of the Agni Pur&na wars 
were of five varieties : O) those produced by a spirit of rivalry, () 
those caused by some dispute about lands, (0 those having women 
at the root, (d) those produced by irresponsible talks, and (<?) those 
consequent on some fault or transgression on one side (s&pathairi 



In another place, Kamandaka says, ' Men take cognizance of two 
kinds of hostilities only, viz., that which is hereditary, and that bred 
by some fault or transgression.' (Kulapar&dhaje.) 6 

1 Kamandaka, x. 1-5 ; Trans, by M. N. Dutt, pp. 136-7. 

* Agni Purana> 240, 15-18. 3 Chap, iv, sect, vii, lines 440-1. 

* Quoted by Kamandaka, x. 17-18. For identification of Vahudantiputra see 
Introduction, Kautalya, vol. iii, by Ganapati Sastri, 

* Kamandaka, x. 16-17 -\A%. -P., 240, 19, * Kamandaka, x, 19, 

" ' ' ' ' ' " "'' "' ' "" 



160 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

Kautalya divides battles into three classes in accordance with the 
methods employed. These were open battle, treacherous battle, and 
silent battle (vikramasya prak^ayuddham^ kutayuddhavti^ tusnlm 
yuddkamiti).* 'When the battle is fought in the daylight and in some 
locality, it is termed an open battle ; threatening- in one direction 
assault in another, destruction of an enemy while he is careless or 
in trouble, and bribing a portion of the army and destroying another 
portion, are forms of treacherous fight ; an attempt to win over 
the chief officers of the enemy by intrigue, is the characteristic of 
silent battle. 2 

In other words, the prakaSayuddka is a pitched battle fought by fair 
means on an open field. Elsewhere 3 a Pmk&s&yuddha has been defined 
as dkarmisfka and we are told that a previous fixing- of time and place 
is its essential requisite fyirditfadefak&la). A kutayuddka, on the other 
hand, is a battle in which cunning and artifice play a decisive part, 
Surprises, laying of ambushes, feigned attacks and retreats, feigned 
flight, pretence of inactivity, spreading of false news as to one's 
strength and dispositions, use of the enemy's parole* all these formed 
part and parcel of kntayuddha* Kautalya deals with this class of 
warfare' at some length, and some forms of artifice, recommended by 
him, take the shape of faithlessness, fraud and breach of one's word. 
Among: these are a breach of safe-conduct ; of a free retirement ; of an, 
armistice in order to gain by a surprise attack an advantage over the 
enemy; feigned surrender in order to kill the enemy when they 
approach unsuspiciously; and incitement to crime, such as murder 
of the enemy's leaders, incendiarism, robbery and the like. None 
need wax indignant at these unpalatable instructions, for, in spite of 
dubbing- them as 'dirty tricks', even the civilized nations of Europe 
have practised them right upto this day. Take, for instance, the 
pretence as practised by Murat on November 13, 1805, against 
Prince Amersperg, in order to get possession of the passage of the 
Danube at Fl6risdorf ; the like stratagem which a few days later 
Bagration practised against Murat at Schongraben ; the deceptions 
tinder cover of their word of honour practised by French generals 

1 Book vii, chap. vl. 

2 Kautalya, Translation, p. 337. The distinction between prakMayuddha and 
Kutayuddha is also indicated in the Ag, P. t chap. cexlH, verses 12-13, 

3 Book x, chap, iii, 



PHILOSOPHY OF WAR AMONG ANCIENT HINBUS 16l 

against the Prussian leaders in 1806 at Prenzlau. 1 The late European 
war also presents numberless parallels of this nature. One should 
make use in war, declared Frederick the Great, e of the skin of the lion 
or the fox indifferently '. Machiavelli explains the same doctrine very 
candidly in his Prince* In fact, cunning and artifice in warfare have 
been practised from the remotest antiquity upto the present day. 

The third variety of Kautalyan warfare is no warfare at all in the 
modern acceptance of the term. As Mr. P. N. Banerji says, ' It will 
be evident from a careful perusal of Kautilya that silent battles were 
fought by the employment of spies. They are not battles at all in the 
modern acceptance of the term but should rather be regarded as a 
means of causing dissensions in the enemy's ranks by secret 
agencies a method which has proved so successful during the last 
great European War both in Russia as well as Germany.' 3 

Elsewhere Kautalya divides warfare under two heads, viz., 
vyayamayuddha and mantrayuddha* A vyays,mayuddha is almost the 
same thing as an ' open battle ' (prakafayuddha). Physical strength 
and skill are its fundamental requisites. It precludes any resort to 
hide-and-seek policy. Mantrayitddha, on the other hand, is only 
another name for tusnlm yuddham. Cunning, spying and lying are its 
prime factors. 4 That mantrayuddha (battle of intrigue) is different 
from kutayuddha is apparent from the following sentence : 

' Tesamutti$thamG,nam sandhina mantrayuddhena kntayttddhSna va 
prativynketa," 5 ' when any one of these is on the point of rising 
against a weak king, the latter should avert the invasion by making a 
treaty of peace, or by taking recourse to the battle of intrigue, or by 
a treacherous fight in the battle-field.' 6 The characteristic difference 
between a mantrayuddha and a kutayuddha is probably brought out in 
the lines that follow. * Satrupaksasya saniadanabhy&m^ svapaksam 
bhedadand&bhyam. Durham r as tram skandhavaram va-sya gudha sastra- 
rasagnibhift sadhayeyuh.* It is probable that conciliation, bribery and 
sowing of dissensions in the enemy state, spoken of above, formed the 
characteristics of a mantrayuddha ; while the secret employment of 
weapons, poison and fire was the primary means of a kutayuddha. 

1 German War Book, p. 84 (f. n,)- 2 Ch. xviii. 

3 International Law and Customs in Ancient India, ^.^7. 
* Katifcalya, xii, 2. 5 Kcutalya Arthasastra^ xii, I, 

6 Kaut. Trans, pp. 443-4. 



162 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

The point of difference between a vydytlmayuddka and a mantrayuddha 

is illustrated by the following lines : 

' P&nnigrahan&bhiyan&yostu mantrayuddhadabhyuccayafy Vyayama- 

yuddhs hi k$ayavyay&bhy&ni ubhayorvrddhir jiivQpt hi k$$nadandakofak 
par&jito blmvati ity&cdryd." Here the main distinction is that while. 

a vy&y&mayuddha involves a heavy loss of men and money, a mantra* 
yuddka entails no such loss. In other words, a mantrayuddha is carried 
on by other means than the sacrifice of life and capital. It is essen- 
tially a ' battle of intrigue '. 

Like war itself, the conquerors were divided into three classes by 
Kautalya, These were a just conqueror (dharmavijayl)^ a demon-like 
conqueror (asu.ra-vijayl\ and a greedy conqueror (lobht-vijayf). < Of 

these the just conqueror is satisfied with mere obeisance. Hence, a 
weak king- should submit to him.* The greedy conqueror is satisfied 
only with gains in land or money. Hence a weak king should satisfy 
such a conqueror with wealth/ The demon-like conqueror satisfies . 
himself not merely by seizing the land, treasure, sons and wives of 
the conquered, but by taking the life of the latter. Hence, a weak 
king should keep such a conqueror at a distance by offering him land 
and wealth.'* 

Likewise, enemies are classed under two heads. * That foe, who 
is equally of high birth and occupies a territory close to that of the 
conqueror, is a natural enemy (sakajah) ; while he who is merely 
antagonistic and creates enemies to the conqueror is a fictitious 
(kftrimafc) enemy/ 3 The Agni Purdna speaks of three kinds of 
enemies, hereditary (kulya)> adjacent (anantara\ and artificial (kftrima). 
* Of these' that which is mentioned first is more serious than the one 
subsequently mentioned in the order of enumeration ' (guravaste yatha- , 
' 



In the same way allies are divided into two classes by Kautalya'. . 

'He whose friendship is derived from father and grandfather, and. 
who is situated close to the territory of the immediate enemy of the 
conqueror (sahajam) ; while he whose friendship is acquired for self- 

- maintenance is an acquired (kftrimani) friend/ 5 The author of the- 

* Book vii, chap, xiii, . * JKaufcly* ArthaS&sfra t aril, 13." ' 

a, vl, 2, . ' . 4 Agni Pnr& ^ 2 2S, 9. ' . 

3 Op, cit. 



PHILOSOPHY OF WAR AMONG ANCIENT HINDUS 163 

Agni Pur&iia discerns two varieties in what Kautalya describes as the 
sahaja ally, viz., the ancestral (pitrpit&maham) and the territorial 
neighbour of the enemy (s&mantanca tatka rtpo/i).* 

The definitions, classifications and discussions, cited above, 
unmistakably point to the fact that the secular thinkers amongst the 
ancient Hindus devoted not a little of their thought and speculation on 
the subject of war. They discussed and analysed It thoroughly and 
developed a philosophy on the subject. There does not seem to have 
been a single political thinker in ancient India who has not dealt 
with the art of war as well. Political and military philosophy are 
Indissolubly intermixed ; for, war, as Trletschke taught, Is ' political 
science par excellence '. 

Bernhardi contends that f whenever we look in Nature, we find that 
war is the fundamental law of development.' In the struggle between 
State and State, he says, there is no right except might, no justice 
except the arbitrament of war. The ancient Hindus were likewise 
convinced that the world could not be ruled without force. ' I do not 
perceive any creature/ said Arjuna, 'which maintains life without 
Inflicting injury upon others ; one creature lives upon another, the 
stronger upon the more feeble. The mungoose eats the mouse, the 
cat eats the mungoose, the dog kills the cat, the dog is eaten by the 
spotted leopard, Ix>, all things are swallowed by the Destroyer at his 
coming ! The mobile and Immobile universe is food for all that 
lives. Such is the decree of the gods/ 2 

It is a very widely held opinion that war plays a necessary and 
essential part in evolution. Every species, It Is said, produces more 
offspring than the conditions of life on this planet will allow to reach 
maturity, and hence the struggle for existence among individuals and 
the survival of the fittest by a natural selection. 'Briefly, In the 
business of war/ said Luther, * men must not regard the massacres, 
the burnings, the battles, and the marches, etc., that is what the petty 
and simple do who only look with the eyes of children at the surgeon, 
how he cuts off the hand or saws off the leg, but do not see or notice 
that he does it in order to save the whole body.' ' War,' says von 
Bernhardi, * gives a biologically just decision, since its decisions rest 
on the very nature of things.* We have the same idea In the Hindu 

1 Ag-ni Purana 225, 10. a 'S&nti Parva, xv, 20-23. 



164 JOURNAL OP INDIAN HISTORY 

philosophy of war, ' The reclaimer of a field/' declared Bhlsma, f for 
reclaiming it takes up both paddy blades and weeds. His action 
however, instead of destroying the blades of paddy, makes them grow 
more vigorously. They that wield weapons, destroy many that 
deserve destruction. Such extreme destruction, however, causes the 
growth and advancement of those that remain.' J 

' While Hindu ethics/ says Gettel, 'assigned a Jew place to military 
virtues and taught pacifist fatalism, Hindu political thought is 
decidedly militaristic, and sometimes machiavellian/ 2 The first part 
of the above dictum is somewhat controversial ; for we are not aware 
of any Hindu thinker of antiquity, who ' assigned a low place to the 
military virtues'. According to the Hindu conception of the genesis 
of the social order, the warrior class sprang out of the arms of the 
Creator, and though they are held by some to be next to the 
Brahmanas, the intellectual leader of the community, in order of rank 
and importance ; by others they are regarded as the latter *s equal, if 
not superior. 3 The Gita, perhaps the highest authority on Hindu 
ethics, teaches that the military virtues are not to be despised but are 
essential for the preservation of the social equilibrium. 

But even if there might be some difference of opinion with regard '' 
to the first part of Gettel's dictum, there is no room for doubt with re- 
gard to the second. In fact, there is hardly a page in the history of 
Hindtt political thcnight especially in its international aspect on 
which the grim shadow of the war-monster is not cast. The general 
impression that one is apt to derive from a study of the secttlar political 
literature in ancient India is that war is the natural condition of man- 
kind ; peace is an exceptional condition secured by special agreement. 4 
The doctrine of Mam/ala t which formed, as it were, the theoretical 
basis and psychological background of inter-statal relations in an-' 
cient India, is essentially a doctrine of strife and struggle, The theory 
8 assumes and is prepared for a world of eternally warring states.' It 
connotes a state of international m&t$y&*ny&yaJ* Every kingdom 
must,, therefore, be in a state of armed preparedness, not merely for 

* S&nti Parva, xcvii, 6-7, * History of Political Thought, p. 27. 

3 See Ghoshal History of Hindu Political Theories, pp. 66, 82, 109, etc. ; also 
vide poste. 

* Cf. Kamandaka, ch. x, 16-24 (M, N. Butt's Translation), 

5 B. K. SaarkarPolitwal Theories twd Institutions of /A? Hindus,, p. 221. 



PHILOSOPHY OF WAR AMONG ANCIENT HINDUS 165 

self-defence, but in order that it may pounce upon an enemy at any 
favourable moment. Furthermore, the waging of war was regarded 
as one of the essential duties of a king. 1 'Subdue thy foes, protect 
thy subjects, worship the deities in sacrifices, and fight battles with 
courage, O delighter of the Kurus. >2 Like a snake, J says Usanas, a 
pre-Kautalyan author on politics, ' swallowing up mice, the earth swal- 
lows up these two, viz., the king that is averse to battle and the 
Brahmana that is exceedingly attached to wives and children. ' 3 ' Like 
a fisherman,' says Bharadvaja, 4 who becometh prosperous by catching 
and killing fish, a king can never grow prosperous without tearing the 
vitals of his enemy and without doing some violent deeds. The might 
of thy foe, as represented by his armed force, should ever be complete- 
ly destroyed, by ploughing it up (like weeds) and mowing it down 
and otherwise afflicting it by disease, starvation and want of drink.' 

The king must always be watchful and exerting. ' By exertion/ 
says Brhaspati, 5 ' the amfta was attained ; by exertion the asuras were 
slain ; by exertion Indra himself obtained sovereignty in heaven and 
earth. ' That king, the author continues, who is not exerting, is always 
smitten by foes like a snake which is devoid of poison. The king, 
even if full of strength, should not disregard a foe however weak. 
For, ' a spark can produce a conflagration, and a particle of poison 
can kill.' Elsewhere, we are told, that no respect whatever is due to a 
king who does not either by fair means or foul subdue his foes. ' He 
sinks like a cow in the mud and is helpless as an ant.' 6 

The same conception of foreign policy provoking a constant appre- 
hension of war is more or less shared by the other secular political 
thinkers of ancient India. Thus the elan vital of a ruler, according to 
Kamandaka, lies in * the acquisition of unacquired things'. 7 c Where can 
there be any happiness for a king/ says the author, * unless the deep- 
rooted tree his enemies be eradicated by the mighty elephant his 
intelligence goaded by the guide his earnest endeavours ?' 8 With- 
out planting his feet, Kamandaka adds, on his enemy's head, graced 
with crowns bedecked with gems and jewels, a king cannot attain to 



1 Santi Parva, Ixtii, 18 ; xci, 34. 2 Ibid., Ixxxix, 9. 

3 anti Paiva, Ivii, 3. * A.di Parva y cxlii. 

5 anti Parva, Iviii, 14-17. 6 Vana Parva % xxxv, 7; Sabhd, Parva, xv, 11, 

7 Kamandakq Ntt., xi. 55, 56. 8 Ibid., xiii, 13, 



166 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

prosperity. 1 Bana tells its in his historical romance called Haracari- 
tarn that emperor Harsa launched upon his remarkable Digvijaya 
campaign with a solemn vow, ' How can I rest, ' declared the em- 
peror, l so long as my feet are not smeared with an ointment fottnd in 
every continent, consisting in the light of precious stones in the dia- 
dems of all kings ? '* ' The earth swallows the king,' says Sukra, { who 
does not fight and the Brahmana who does not go abroad, just as the 
snake swallows the animals living in the holes. ' 3 ' Let us remember,' 
says Trietschke, * that the essence of the state is power, and the 
highest morality of the state is to care for power.' This is perfectly 
in agreement with the military ethics of Kautalya, for he declares in 
the same strain : * A king shall always endeavour to augment his 
power and ensure his success ' (elevate his happiness, according to 
Shamasastry) Tas-m^cchaktini siddhim ca ghatet&tmany&ve^ayitum. For 
this, all means are justified. Spying, lying and bribing. Whatever 
be the means, fair or foul, declares Kautalya, the king must make him- 
self * the nave* of the circle of states, ' making the kings of those 
states as spokes of that circle/ 4 Our author is apparently a believer 
in the maxim Die welt geschichte ist das welt\gericht \ or to put it less 
pretentiously, * Nothing succeeds like success*. His attitude towards 
the neighbouring states is very much akin to that which Newman 
ascribed to the Erastian view of the treatment of the Church to keep 
them low and in a perpetual state of terror-stricken servility. 

It must be remembered that only normally strong states might 
follow this cult of expansion. But what about weaker states, living in 
constant apprehension of their strong neighbours? They could not 
possibly be expected to tread along the same path. Ancient teachers 
were sharply divided in their views as to the attitude that a weak 
king should assume towards its strong neighbours. Thus Bharadvaja 
opines that { when a king of poor resources is attacked by a powerful 
enemy, he should surrender himself together with his sons to the 
enemy and live like a reed (in the midst of a current of water). He 
who surrenders himself to the strong, bows down to Indra (the god of 
rain).' 5 Bhisma also prescribes submission to a weak state, when 



lii, 12. 2 Harsacaritam (Cowell's Translation), p. 188. 

3 Snkra Nlti,<&. iv. sect, vii, lines 604-5. 

4 Kautalya^ Translation, p. 314. 

* Kaujalya, xii, I. The translation is here slightly altered to bring it into line 
with Pandit Ganapati Sastri's reading. 



PHILOSOPHY OF WAR AMONG ANCIENT HINDUS 167 

threatened by a strong foe. That icow/ said Bhisma, which cannot 
be easily milked has to suffer much torture. On the other hand, that 
cow which is capable of being: easily milked, has not to suffer any 
torture whatever. The wood that bends easily does not require to 
be heated. The tree that bends easily has not to suffer any torture 
(at the hands of the gardener). Guided by these instances, O hero, 
men should bend before those that are powerful.' 1 In another place 
of the Mahabharata, the same lesson is sought to be brought home 
to a weak king in a more forceful manner. A dialogue is cited 
between the ocean and the river-goddess Ganga. The ocean 
enquired of the river that though she brought down hundreds of large 
trees and other objects by uprooting them, why was the cane 
exempted. Ganga replied : ' Trees stand in one and the same place 
and are unyielding in respect of the spot where they stand. In 
consequence of this disposition of theirs to resist our currents, they 
are obliged to leave the place of their growth. Canes, however, act 
differently. The cane, beholding the advancing current, bends to it. 
The others do not act in that way. After the current has passed 
away, the cane resumes its former posture. The cane knows the 
virtues of time and opportunity. It is docile and obedient. It is 
yielding, without being stiff. For these reasons, it stands where it 
grows, without having to come with us. Those plants, trees and 
creepers that bend and rise before the force of the wind and water, 
have never to suffer discomfiture (by being taken up by the roots).* 
A weak king, it is concluded, when he is threatened by an enemy 
decidedly more powerful than himself, should adopt the behaviour 
of the cane. 2 

Kautalya, an extreme exponent of the cult of expansion, as we have 
seen above, advised weak kings to follow a policy of discriminating 
submission. c Whoever goes to wage war with a superior king/ says 
our author, ' is reduced to the same condition as that of a foot-soldier 
opposing an elephant.' f Like a stone striking an earthen pot/ 
Kautalya adds, ' a superior king attains a decisive victory over an 
inferior king.' 3 Elsewhere he says that whoever goes with his small 
army to fight perishes like a man attempting to cross the sea without 



S&nti '. Parva, Ixvii, 9-11. z &nti Parva^ cxii, 8-14, 

* Kantalya, vii. 3, 

-. : : S - . ':"' .. ."' ' ".'..- '':.' . ' . - .'"'. ; ' ". :..- ' . /". 



168 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

a boat.' 1 Nevertheless, it is far from Kautalya's intention to advocate 
a policy of abject submission. The king- who bows down to all, he 
says, lives in constant despair ' like a crab on the banks of a river 1 . 2 
Kamandaka, as usual, follows in the footsteps of his great master- 
Thus, according to him, a distinction must always be made between 
what is, and what is not capable of being done, with the aid of 
intelligence. ' The butting of an elephant against a rock,' he adds, 
* results only in the breaking of its tusks.' 3 A weak king" must never 
think of waging open war with a strong foe. Fall not on fire like 
foolish insects,' Kamandaka :says, * Touch only that which can be 
touched with safety. What indeed does an insect falling on fire reap 
but (thorough) burning T^ 

Radically opposed to the views cited above is the philosophy of. 
Visalaksa, another ancient teacher. According to him, * A weak 
king should rather fight with all his resources, for bravery destroys 
all troubles \ (this) fighting is the natural duty of Ksatriya, no matter 
whether he achieves victory or sustains defeat in battle.' Visalaksa 
was not, however, the only thinker who held this view; there were a 
host of others who subscribed to it. 5 Alexander asked a gymnosophist 
as to why he persuaded Sabbas (Sambhu) to revolt. Because, said the 
Hindu sage, I wished him either to live with honour or die as a 
coward deserves. 70 King Poms, Rajyapala, Prithviraj Chauhan, and 
Rana Pratap of the later medieval age were the historical products of 
this school of political thought. 

Hindu political philosophy, in so far as it relates to inter-statal 
relations, bears the stamp of an intensely practical genius and often of 
a sordid Machiavellianism. This will be partially apparent from what 
has been said above, But nowhere is this better illustrated than in the 
teachings of Bharadvaja, whom we have already quoted. The king 
should, says Bharadvaja, so conduct himself that his foe may not 
detect any flaw in him. But by means of the weakness he detecteth in 
his foe, he should pursue him (to destruction). He should always 
conceal, like the tortoise its body, his means and ends, and he should 

i, 1. 



/*., Kantalya's views on the subject are elaborated in vii, 2, 3, 5 and xii, 2 

3, , ; ctC ' ; . ... ' * 

si '- 33 ' ***&.. as. 

*,. 15 ; Translation, p. 36*. . Plutarch's Life of Alexander, 



PHILOSOPHY OF WAR AMONG ANCIENT HINDUS 169 

always conceal his own weakness, from the sight of others.' He 
should always be vigilant and alert like a herd of deer sleeping in the 
woods. An enemy, however resourceless and feeble, should never be 
despised, for c a spark of fire is capable of consuming an extensive 
forest if only it can spread from one object to another in close 
proximity'. The foe must be annihilated, root and branch. 'Thou 
must,' says Bharadvaja, destroy thy foes, completely tearing them up 
by the roots. Then shouldst thou destroy their allies and partisans. 
The allies and partisans can never exist if the principals are destroyed. 
If the roots of a tree are torn up, the branches and twigs can never 
exist as before.' No means is too vile or too low for a king to adopt. 
Even religion, according to Bharadvaja, might be prostituted for the 
attainment of political objects. * By maintaining the perpetual fire, by 
sacrifices, by brown clothes, by matted locks, and by hides of animals 
for thy bedding, shouldst thou at first gain the confidence of thy foes, 
and when thou hast gained it, thou shouldst then spring upon them like 
a wolf. For it hath been said that in the acquisition of wealth, even 
the garb of holiness might be employed as a hooked staff to bend down 
a branch in order to pluck the fruits that are ripe. The method 
followed in the plucking of fruits should be the method in destroying 
foes, for thou shouldst proceed by the principle of selection.' More 
over, expediency should be made the key-note of every move in 
foreign policy. * Bear thy foe upon thy shoulders till the time cometh 
when thou canst throw him down, breaking him into pieces like an 
earthen pot thrown with violence upon a stony surface.' An analogy is 
drawn between kings and razors. ' Kings should, in the matter of 
destroying their foes, ever resemble razors in every particular ; 
unpitying as these are sharp, hiding their intents as these are concealed 
in their leathern cases, striking when the opportunity cometh as these 
are used on proper occasions, sweeping off their foes with all allies and 
dependents as these shave the head or the chin without leaving a 
single hair,' Finally Bharadvaja advises the king to cultivate the 
habit of being honey-tongued but bitter-hearted towards foes. * If 
thou art angry, show thyself as thou art not so, speaking even then 
with smiles on thy lips. Never reprove any one with indications 
of anger (In thy speech). And, O Bharata, speak soft words before 
thou smiteth and even while thou art smiting ! After the smiting is 
over, pity the victim and grieve for hint, and even shed tears. 



170 JOURNAL OF INDIAN' HISTORY 

Comforting thy foe by conciliation, by gift of wealth, and smooth 
behaviour, thou must smite him when he walketh not aright. 1 

In Bharadvaja the Machiavellian character of the Hindu conception of 
foreign policy reaches its culmination. Yet he was not the only author 
to represent this tendency of Hindu international politics. For passages 
which bear the same stamp are strewn throughout the Mahabharata? 
and the writings of the other secular political thinkers of ancient India. 
Kautalya, for instance, goes so far as to sanction the employment of 
wine, women, and poison for the reduction of a foe, and his concep- 
tion of Kutayuddha as we have already seen, involves the use of 
deceit and fraud of a most ruthless type. Kamandaka generally 
follows in the foot-steps of his great master. Nor is ukra free from 
this Machiavellian taint. A firm believer in opportunism, he has not 
the slightest hesitation in suggesting that a king ' should always do 
good of those whom he intends to ruin ', just as the fowler ' sings 
sweet in order to entice and kill the deer '. 3 The king should, Sukra 
says elsewhere, 'act guardedly like the cat and the fowler, and by 
creating confidence extirpate the enemy whose soul has been ruined by 
vices. 4 The plea urged in each case is, of course, the time-worn plea 
of end justifying the means. This reminds us of a remarkable state- 
ment of Trietschke in his paper on < Cavour.' The statesman, says the 
German historian, 'has not the right to warm his hands by the 
smoking ruins of his country with the comfortable self-praise : I have 
never told a lie ; that is a monk's virtue.' 

The practical nature of the Hindu philosophy of war is most 
strikingly brought out in connection with the theory of launching upon 
an expedition. What are the circumstances under which a Vijig^u 
prince should mobilize his forces against an open or potential foe- 
this was the question which the Hindu political thinkers naturally asked 
themselves. And they gave the almost unanimous reply that a prince 
should launch upon an expedition of an offensive character only when 
ie felt sure that he commanded greater strength and better resources 
fcan the latter. < A king,' says Manu, /when he shall find his subjects 
md allies contented (with his gifts and honours, etc.), and himself in a 
rety exalted position in respect of his foes, shall then declare war 
with his adversary). When he shall find his forces exhilarated and 



PHILOSOPHY OF WAR AMONG ANCIENT HINDUS 171 

largely augmented and those of his adversary in a contrary condition, 
then the king must go out campaigning against him.' 1 According 
to Sukracharyya, the ruler who wants to fight should carefully 
consider the season, the region, the enemy's strength, one's own 
strength, the four-fold policy, and the six attributes of statecraft. 2 He 
enjoins further that ' one should commence warfare when he is attacked 
or oppressed by somebody, or even when he desires prosperty, pro- 
vided one is well-placed as regards time, region and army.' 3 Likewise, 
Kautalya held that the Vijiglsu king should ( know the comparative 
strength and weakness of himself and of his enemy; and having 
ascertained the power, place, time, the time of marching, the troubles 
in the rear, 4 the loss of men and money, the profits and danger, he 
should march with his full force ; otherwise, he should keep quiet/ 
Kamandaka also shared the same view. 5 ' When,' he declares, ' one 
is immune from internal troubles and external complications, and is 
endowed with the three-fold power of counsel, strength, and energy, 
and when the enemy is beset with serious troubles, one might 
undertake an expedition against the hostile state.' 6 The author 
adds that the prince who, filled with an over- weening pride, does not 
consider the relative strength and weakness of himself and of his 
foes, and yet attacks the latter, digs his own grave ; * such a prince is 
narrow-minded and inprudent and knows not what he does.' 7 

Further, no expedition of aa offensive character, according to the 
Artha/astra writers, should be undertaken by any king when there is 
any apprehension of danger from the rear. It has always proved a 
"paying business in warfare, to. embarrass an enemy either by inciting 
other powers to attack it from the rear or by fomenting internal 
troubles within its territory. Both Kautalya and Kamandaka specifi- 
cally refer to these kinds of trouble. 8 And it was, therefore, 
considered desirable that the Vijigtm should seriously consider both 
sides of this question before launching upon an expedition. For of 

1 Manu, vii, 170-1. .* v&ra Ntti iv, vii, lines 444-5. 

3 Ibid,, lines 496-7". 

* Here we have PaScatkopah in.; the original. Shamasastry's Translation does 
not, therefore, seem to be quite faithful. 

5 Kautalya^ translation* p. 395. .** xvi, 1. 



3 Kautalya repeatedly refers to the gravity of pascatkopa\ 
H-16, ' " -:',.;./",. ; ..'; v'"'' . .:' '- :: ' ' . . ' '. - . 



172 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

the two, viz., trouble in the rear and possible acquisition in front, the 
former is considered to be of a far more serious nature than the latter. 
* Of the two things/ says Kautalya, ! slight annoyance in the rear and 
considerable profit in front, slight annoyance in the rear is more 
serious ; for the slight annoyance that one may have in the rear is 
fanned and augmented by traitors, enemies and wild tribes as also by 
the discontented elements in the state. The gain that the invader may 
make in the front is nothing in comparison with (lit. swallowed by) 
the loss and impoverishment caused to friends and loyal servants by 
the annoyance in the rear. In fact, the profit in front is reduced to 
its one-thousandth part by the loss in the rear. So one should not 
undertake a foreign expedition even when the annoyance in the rear 
be one-hundredth in proportion to the profit m front ; for the proverb 
goes that a disaster is like the point of a needle (slight at first but 
grave before long). 5 * Kamandaka also argues in the same strain. 
Thus, a prince, according to him, should never enter into hostilities 
against a foreign foe, when there are symptoms of discontent at 
home, or when any attack from the rear is apprehended, for ' one 
should never sacrifice that which is within grasp for that which is yet 
unseen '. Na nafayed drstamadr stake ioh. Kamandaka adds, however, 
that when the Vijigzsu felt certain that he would be able to acquire 
the profit in front as also obviate the danger in the rear, he might 
launch upon an expedition for the acquisition of a great profit. Purafca 
pascocca yadti samartka-stadabMy&yanmakate phalaya* Kautalya has 
a more detailed elucidation of the circumstances under which a foreign 
expedition may be hazarded even when there is any apprehension of 
danger from the rear. Chap, iii of Book ix, in which he deals with 
these, as also with the measures that a king should undertake for the 
pacification of the internal troubles and external complications of a 
state, is an eloquent testimony to the practical character of the Hindu 
philosophy of war. 



ix, -3. The translation of the passa 



" - '** 

* Kamandaka , xvi, 14-16, 



PHILOSOPHY OF WAR AMONG ANCIENT HINDUS 173 

The same characteristic Is also distinctly evident in the fact that 
the political thinkers of ancient India recognized the people to "be an 
important factor in the decision of a war. In the passages quoted 
above we have already seen how Kautalya cautions a vtjigtsu prince 
against launching upon a campaign of conquest when there is any 
likelihood of his absence being utilized by the discontented elements 
in the state for raising the standard of revolt against his authority. 
In Book vii, chapter v, Kautalya emphasizes the importance of a 
contended and loyal people in a series of queries and answers. 
e When there are two assailable enemies,' Kautalya asks himself, 
* one of a virtuous character and under worse troubles, and another of 
a vicious character, under less troubles, and with disloyal subjects, 
which of them is to be marched against first ? ' The reply is preg- 
nant with wisdom. ' When the enemy of virtuous character and 
under worse troubles is attacked, his subjects will help him ; whereas, 
the subjects of the other of vicious character and under less troubles 
will be indifferent. Disloyal or indifferent subjects will endeavour to 
destroy even a strong king. Hence the conqueror should march 
against the enemy whose subjects are disloyal/ Kautalya next puts 
the question as to which of the two kings, viz., one whose subjects are 
impoverished and greedy, and another whose subjects are oppressed, 
should be marched against in preference to the other. On this point 
one of his predecessors held that the mjigzsu king should march 
against the enemy whose subjects were impoverished and greedy, 
' for impoverished and greedy subjects suffer themselves to be won 
over to the other side by intrigue, and are easily excited. But not so 
the oppressed subjects whose wrath can be pacified by punishing the 
chief men (of the state),' Kautalya, however, repudiates him on the 
ground that the subjects, though impoverished and greedy, * are 
loyal to their master and are ready to stand for his cause and to defeat 
any intrigue against him ; for it is in loyalty that all good qualities 
have their strength. Hence the conqueror should march against the 
enemy whose subjects are oppressed.' The third question that 
Kautalya deals within this connection Is which of the two, via., a 
powerful enemy of wicked character and a powerless enemy of 
righteous character should be marched against in preference to the 
other. And the reply is as follows : ' The strong enemy of wicked 
character should be marched against, for when he is attacked, his 



174 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

subjects will not help him, but rather put him down or go to the side of 
the conqueror. But when the enemy of virtuous character is attacked 
his subjects will help him or die with him." Kautalya then launches 
into a minute analysis of those faults on the king's part that create 
impoverishment, greed and disaffection among the subjects. When 
the people become impoverished, Kautalya goes on, they become 
greedy ; when greedy, they become disaffected ; and when disaffected, 
they either go over to the enemy's side or themselves slay their 
master. Further on, Kautalya sums up in a nutshell the dangers that 
are likely to arise from an impoverished, a greedy, or a disaffected 
people. l An impoverished people/ we are told, ' are ever apprehen- 
sive of oppression and destruction (by overtaxation, etc.), and are 
therefore desirous of getting rid of their impoverishment or of waging 
war or of migrating elsewhere. A greedy people are ever discon- 
tented and they yield themselves to the intrigues of an enemy. A 
disaffected people rise against their master along with his enemy. ' 
Hence the king, Kautalya concludes, should avoid those causes that 
produce impoverishment greed and disaffection among his people. 
Otherwise disaster and ruin are sure to overtake him. The people are 
thus recognized to be an important factor in. the decision of a war. 1 

The same salutary note is clearly perceptible in the rules that 
Kautalya lays down for the pacification and consolidation of a con- 
quered state. The territory, Kautalya thinks, may be either newly 
acquired, or recovered from a usurper, or inherited from an ancestor. 
In all these cases, the author argues, the king should be kind and 
considerate in the treatment of the subjects. The king who acquires 
new territory, we are told, c should cover the enemy's vices with his 
own virtues and the enemy's virtues by doubling his own. .....' 

He should ingratiate himself with the people 'by strict observance of 
his own duties, by attending to his works, by bestowing rewards, by 
remitting taxes, by giving gifts and by bestowing honours.' He 
should specially favour learned men and orators as well as the chari- 
table and the brave, release all prisoners, and relieve the miserable, 
the helpless and the diseased. The king is, moreover, asked to 
bestow rewards according to his promise upon those who deserted the 
enemy's side for his own, for whoever fails to fulfil his promises 



t vii s 5, 



PHILOSOPHY OF WAR AMONG ANCIENT HINDUS 175 

becomes untrustworthy both ( to his own and his enemy's people*. 
Further, he should follow the friends and leaders of the people, for, 
as Kautalya urges in a later passage, ' whoever acts against the will 
of the people becomes unreliable*. Moreover, and herein Kautalya 
stows his remarkably keen insight into human nature, the king is urged 
to respect and conform to the established customs of the newly acquir- 
ed realm. He should adopt the same mode of living, the same dress, 
the same language and manners as those of his subjects, and should 
participate in their congregational festivals and amusements. Those 
customs should only be abolished which the king considers to be posi- 
tively unrighteous or injurious to the revenue and the .army. But even 
while laying down these healthy rules of conduct, Kautalya is not free 
from ' that intellectual cunning which is so characteristic of him'. 
Thus, we are told that any member of: the defeated enemy's family, who 
is capable of wresting the conquered territory and * is taking shelter in 
a wild tract on the border, often harassing the conqueror,' should be 
provided with a sterile tract or else with a part of a fertile tract on 
condition of supplying a fixed sum of money and a fixed number of 
troops ; in raising these, it was believed, he would assuredly incur the 
hostility of the people and be destroyed by them. 1 

We now pass on to another phase of the Hindu philosopny of war. 
We have seen before how war has been eulogized and declared to be a 
political and biological necessity for the world by the ancient political 
thinkers of India. A recognition of the vital importance of the army 
for the state follows as a logical corollary from this. Upon the army 
death or life depend ; it is the means of existence or destruction of the 
state, 5 so declared a Chinese military philosopher in the sixth century 
B.C. The Hindus were no less emphatic in their estimate of the 
importance of the army for the state. Thus, according to Sukracharyya 
the relation of the army to the state is that of the mind to the man. 2 
As without the mind the human organism cannot work, so without the 
army the state-organism comes to a deadlock. * Without the army, ' 
Sukra says elsewhere, 4 there is neither kingdom, nor wealth, nor 
prowess. V 3 ' Without the army, no one can overpower even an in- 
significant enemy. The gods, monsters as well as human beings have 
to depend on others' strength (Le., the strength of the army). The 

1 Kautalya, xiii, 5 ; cf.&ntiParva,x.cvi, ? Ch. i, lines 122-4. 

ukra Ntti, iv, vii, lines 7-8. 



176 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

army is the chief means of overpowering the enemy. So the king should 
maintain a formidable army '. 1 Not satisfied with these sermons, 
Sukra seeks to drive home his lesson by the following: categorical 
question, ' Even in the case of a man of no position, everybody 
becomes his tool if he has strength and becomes his enemy if he be 
weak. Does not this hold true in the case of rulers ? 2 

In the same strain, the soliders' duties are stressed and proclaimed 
as second to none. * The world rests on the arms of heroes like a son 
on those of his sire. He, therefore, that is a hero deserves respect 
under every circmstance. There is nothing higher in the three worlds 
than heroism. The hero protects and cherishes all, and all things 
depend upon the hero. ' 3 ' Among men, ' we are told elsewhere, 
f the highest duties are those performed by the warrior caste. The 
whole world is subject to the might of their arms. All the duties, 
principal and subordinate, of the three other orders, are dependent for 
their observance upon the duties of the warrior. The Vedas have 
declared this. ' * What, then, is the duty of the warrior caste ? * The 
essence of the warrior's duty lies in fighting, says the Mahabharata 
over and over again. No matter how challenged, the warrior, who is 
true to his salt, must respond. In fact, it makes no difference whether 
he expects to kill or be killed in the contest, he must fight ; and in 
either case, he gets his reward; for 'crooked is war always; who 
strikes and is not struck again? But it is the same if one be slain or 
not, for he that dies in battle wins victory from death ' ; for 4 death in 
battle is the womb of heaven '. 5 

Similarly the political thinkers of ancient India incessantly preached 
that the warrior must never think of fleeing from the field of battle. 
* The man who runs away from battle is surely killed by the gods,' 
says Sukra. 6 Bhishma was exactly of the same view. * The very 
gods with Indra at their head send calamities unto them that desert 
their comrades in battle, and come home with unwoundedi limbs.' 7 
The warrior, who saves himself by flight from the field of battle, 
merits drastic punishment from the society to which he belongs, 
not excluding his own family. * He who desires to save his own 

* Sukra NUi> iv, vii, lines 13-16. a Ibid., lines 8-9. 

3 Santi Parva, xcix, 16-17. * Santi Parva, Ixiii, 24, 

5 Sabfw Parva, xxii, 18,53 ; Ram, vi 93, 24-25 ; cf also J.A.O.S, vol. 13, p. 186. 

6 Sukra Ntti, iv, vii, line 601, 7 Santi Parva, xcvii, 20, 



PHILOSOPHY OF WAR AMONG ANCIENT HINDUS 17? 

lifebreath,' says Bhisma, ' by deserting his comrades, should be slain 
either with sticks or stones or rolled in a mat of dry grass for being 
burnt to death. Those among the Ksatriyas, that would be guilty of 
such conduct, would be killed after the manner of killing elephants/ 1 
Sukra goes further in his condemnation. The turn-away from the 
field of battle, he declares, not only ' gets disrepute 5 and is * cried 
down by the entire people ' but ' endures the sins of the whole people ' 
and is condemned to eternal hell after death. 2 

Moreover, it was considered a sin for a warrior to die of disease 
at home. ' Death on a bed of repose, after ejecting phlegm and urine 
and uttering piteous cries, is sinful for Ksatriya. Persons acquainted 
with the scriptures do not applaud the death which a Ksatriya 
encounters with unwounded body .... In disease, one may be heard 
to cry, saying ' What sorrow ! how painful ! I must be a great sinner I 
With face emaciated and stench issuing from his body and clothes, the 
sick man plunges his relatives into grief. Coveting the condition of 
those that are hale, such a man (amidst his tortures) repeatedly desires 
for death itself. One that is a hero, having dignity and pride, does not 
deserve such an inglorious death/ 3 The same ideas are also express- 
ed by &ukra in equally emphatic terms. 4 What manner of death, 
then, should a heroic warrior covet ? ' Surrounded by kinsmen and 
slaughtering his foes in battle, a Ksatriya should die by the edge of 
keen weapons/ says Bhisma. 3 He must, to quote a modern phrase, 
die in his boots. 

And the man, who dies thus with his face to the foe on the field 
of battle, attains an endless life in heaven. He is translated to the 
region of Indra, where he is served by thousands of Apsaras and 
Gandharva girls. 'Foremost of Apsaras, numbering by thousands, 
go out with great speed (for receiving the spirit of the slain hero), 
coveting him for their lord.' 6 According to Sukr a, people should 
not regret the death of the brave man who is killed in battle ; the man 
is purged and delivered of all sins and attains to heaven. The great 
position that is acquired by the sages, Sukra goes on, after long and 
tedious penances is also attained by those warriors who meet death in 
war. ' This is at once penance, virtue, and eternal religion. The man 

* Santi Parva, xcvii, 21-22. *SukraNfti, iv, vii, Hues 656-661. 

i Parva, xcvii, 23-27. * Op. cit., line 608, 

p cit,,28; '* S* nii ****> xcviii, 45, 



178 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

who does not fly from a battle does at once perform the duties of all 
the four aframas.' In this world, Sukra finally adds, two men go 
beyond the solar sphere in heaven, viz., the austere missionary and the 
warrior who" is killed in battle with his face to the foe. 1 Such is the 
burden of the teachings of the ancient authors. The warrior must kill 
or be killed in the fight ; there is to be no third alternative. If he 
conquers the foe, he attains to fame and glory on earth ; if he is 
defeated and killed in the fray, he goes direct to heaven. 

We may be confident that these teachings were not altogether in 
vain but had filtered deep into the rank and file of the nation. This 
is eloquently borne out by the Chinese pilgrim, Hiuen Tsiang. 
Describing the Maharastra country, he says, * Whenever a general is 
despatched on a military expedition, although he is defeated and his 
army is destroyed, he is not himself subjected to bodily punishment ; 
only he has to exchange his soldier's dress for that of a woman much 
to his shame and chagrin. So many times these men put themselves 
to death to avoid such disgrace/ 2 The history of the Rajputs also 
bears ample testimony to the permeation of these ideas among the 
commonalty of the warrior caste. 

In the eagerness for emphasizing the warrior's duty, many sacred 
caste rules were laid aside. The warrior might kill any one that 
attacked him. Not even the Brahmanas are exempt. Thus it is 
unequivocally stated in the Mahabharata that ' if one sees a priest 
among those raising arms against him, a priest, acting just like a 
warrior, and kills him when he is thus fighting, that is not a priest 
murder at all, that is the decision, of the works on duty.* Udyoga 
Parva, 178, 51, 53. Sukra also sanctions the slaughter of 
Brahmanas who join the hostile power in the field of. battle. 
1 The Brahmana who appears with a murderous intent is 
as good as a Sudra. There can be no sin in killing one who 
comes with a murderous intent.' 3 Sukra further enjoins upon the 
warrior to set at nought the opinions of philosophical doctrinaires 
on matters relating to war. They might be ornaments in 'palaces 
assemblies, and cloisters/ they should be held in esteem for their 



1 SukraNtti, iv, vii, lines 620-1, 624-27, 632-33, 
'* Beal, Life of Hiuen Tsiang, iv, p. 147. 
* Sukra. Ntti, iv. vii, lines 649-50 ; cf. also 1. 



PHILOSOPHY OF WAR AMONG ANCIENT HINDUS 179 

character and intellectual attainments, but their opinions on strictly 
political and military matters should never seriously weigh with a 
warrior. 1 When once he has launched into a battle, he must fight it 
to a finish, regardless of consequences. 2 

The last great European war has brought about a tremendous 
revulsion of feeling against war. European statesmen, at the present 
moment, are busy, or at least profess to be busy, in devising measures 
for the total eradication of this bloody, body-eating Moloch. Time alone 
can show what measure of success attends their endeavours for the 
establishment of an era of perpetual peace on earth. But the question 
that naturally springs up in this connection is whether the ancient 
Hindus ever realized the horrors and miseries of war as the modern 
Europeans do, and whether they sought to devise any practical 
measures to make gory battles avoidable. They did. They too were 
painfully alive to the horrors and calamities of war and they too strove 
to avoid the * path of the spear J as far as possible. One of their 
illustrious emperors made a strenuous endeavour to hush * the sound 
of the war -drum ' (bheri-gkosa) for ever into silence and establish a 
reign of justice and righteousness on earth. The feelings of anguish 
and remorse that were roused in Asoka's mind by the horrors and 
atrocities of the Kalinga campaign are vividly described in the striking 
language of his longest Rock Edict (No. xiii). 

' His Majesty King Priyadarsin in the ninth year of his reign 
conquered Kalinga. One hundred and fifty thousand were thence 
carried away captive, one hundred thousand were there slain, and many 
times that number perished. Ever since the' annexation of the 
Kalingas, His Majesty has zealously protected the law of piety, has been 
devoted to that law, and has proclaimed its precepts. His Majesty 
feels remorse on account of the conquest of the Kalingas, because, 
during the subjugation of a previously unconquered country, slaughter, 
death, and taking away captive of the people necessarily occur, 
whereat His Majesty feels profound sorrow and regret ..... Even 
those persons who are themselves protected, retain their affections 
undiminished ; ruin falls on their friends, acquaintances, comrades, 
and relatives, and in this way violence is done to (the feelings of) 
those who are personally unhurt. All this diffused misery is a matter 



NUi, iv. -vii* lines 633-4 J. 2 Cf . Mhagav&t Gtta, if. 



180 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTO&Y 

of regret to His Majesty. .... The loss of even the hundredth or 
the thousandth part of the persons who were slain, carried away 
captive, or done to death in Kalinga would now be a matter of deep 
regret to His Majesty,' 1 

In the annals of the Hindus there are on record other instances of 
this nature, which express the pang and bitterness evoked in the 
human soul by the brutalities of war. The Mah&bharata, for instance, 
graphically describes the profound sense of repentance, which overtook 
Yudhisthira at the conclusion of the great Kuruksetra war. 2 The 
Bkagavat Glt& depicts how Arjuna was smitten with a sudden pang 
of remorse at the prospect of the slaughter of his relatives in the 
ranks of the opposing army. c Alas, woe betide me ! What an awful 
sin are we resolved to commit, that for the lust of dominions* we 
stand ready to shed the blood of our kindred.' * Better far for me,' 
Arjuna proceeds, * if the armed sons of Dhrtarastra were to slay me 
unarmed and unresisting.' 3 

From the brief precis given above it will be apparent that 
the ancient Hindu mind was no less distressed by the horrors and 
miseries of war than any other ancient people. Even the secular 
Arikasasira writers, who stuck fast to the principles of expediency 
and utilitarianism, were not altogether oblivious of the disadvantages 
of war such as 'loss of men and money, sojourning and sin'. 4 It, 
therefore, remains to be seen what practical steps the Hindus took, 
firstly, to minimize the horrors of war, and, secondly, to avoid it. 

The first of these purposes was sought to be achieved by the 
promulgation of a series of international ordinances for the guidance 
of the combatants in a war. War is in its nature harsh and cruel. 
As long as it exists at /all it must involve hard blows and terrible 
suffering. Yet by these ordinances certain mitigations and restraints 
were imposed upon the combatant's right of violence against his 
enemy. They had the same end in view as was sought to be achieved 
by the conventions passed at Geneva (1864, 1868 and 1906), St. 
Petersburg (1868), Brussels (1874), and the Hague (1899 and 1907). 

This aspect of the question has been dealt with at considerable 
length by Messrs. P. N. Banerji and S. V. Viswanatha. Our task is, 



* V, A. Smith, Asofca, pp. 26-27. * Santi Parva, i-xxvil. 

3 i,44,45. * JKauialya> Translation, p. 320. 



PHILOSOPHY OF WAR AMONG ANCIENT HINDUS 181 

therefore, considerably lightened and we shall content ourselves with 
giving: merely a brief resume of what they have already said. 

According 10 the ancient Hindu code of military honour, it was 
considered a gross offence to refuse quarter to an armed enemy, who 
had ceased fighting and asked for mercy. He might be imprisoned, 
but never slain or wounded. * The warrior whose armour has fallen 
off/ said Bhlsma, * or who begs for quarter, saying I am thine or 
joining his hands, or who has laid aside his weapon, may simply be 
seized but never slain. 1 1 ' The wicked,' Bhlsma declared elsewhere, 
1 that desert the man who seeks refuge with them in confidence, reach 
hell.' 2 Wounded and armless opponents were likewise declared 
exempt from slaughter. { A weak or wounded man should not be 

slain or one whose weapon has been broken or one 

whose bowstring has been cut or one that has lost his vehicle.' 3 It 
was similarly forbidden to slay one who was asleep, or weary, a fugi- 
tive, one who was walking along a road unaware of danger, the insane, 
the mortally wounded, one who was greatly enfeebled by wounds, one 
who lingered trustfully, one who was absorbed in grief, foraging 
parties, camp-followers, servants, old men, children and women. 4 
The principle was apparently recognized that only so much stress 
might be laid upon an enemy as was sufficient to destroy his power 
of resistance. * A king should never slay a large number of his foes, 
and it does not behove any one to clear all the enemy subjects off the 
earth.' 5 

It was further laid down that only warriors placed in similar 
circumstances should encounter each other in fair and open combat. 
' Mailed soldier against mailed soldier, cavalry against cavalry ' was 
an article in Bhlsma' s code of military honour. Prisoners of war 
were to be cared for and treated with humanity. According to 
Bhlsma, those of the opponents who were captured by the victor should 
either be sent to their own homes, or if brought to the victor's 
quarters, should have their wounds attended to by skilful surgeons, 
and when cured, set at liberty. 6 



Parva, xcvi, 3. * Ibid., xcv, 12. 

3 Santi Parva, xcv, 12. * lbid t c. 27-29 ; Manu, vii, 90-94. 

9 Ibid., ciii, 13 ; cf. also Ramaya^a, Aranya Kctnda, 65, 6. 
S&nti Parva, xcv, 12-13. 



182 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

Weapons which caused unnecessary pain or which inflicted more 
suffering than was indispensable to overcome the foe were condemned. 
< When a king fights with his foes/ declares Manu, ' let him not strike 
with instruments concealed, with barbed or poisoned weapons, the 
points of which are blazing with fire.' 1 The destruction or seizure of 
enemy's property unless imperatively demanded by the necessities of 
war was also prohibited. Temples and their property in places under 
military occupation and the private property of individual citizens 
were on no account to be seized. 2 

By these and similar conventions of chivalry and military honour, 
the Hindus strove to mitigate the severity of war. 

Now we pass on to the second phase of our problem, viz., the 
measures that the Hindus devised for the avoidance of war. It must 
be confessed, at the outset, that the ancient Hindus did not believe in 
the possibility of war being totally eradicated from the world of 
man. On the contrary, as we have seen before, they regarded war 
as an outcome of that instinct of combat which is inherent in every 
creature on earth, a manifestation of that law of struggle which works 
itself out in and through nature. Nevertheless, they felt distressed 
at the miseries and horrors that a war inevitably brought in its train, 
and, therefore, strove to keep it at bay as long as possible. 

To subdue an enemy four traditional ' means ' were known to the 
Hindus. These were s&ma (conciliation), dana (bribery), bhsda (pro- 
ducing disunion, divide et impera, which foreign rulers still regard as 
a highly useful maxim), and danda (force or violence). The list was, 
however, sometimes reduced and often extended. Thus in the Udyoga 
Parva* the 'means'-, are regarded as only three, viz., conciliation, 
bribery and force. 

S&mnti ddnSna v& Krsna ye na sdmyanti fatravah 
YoktavyastSsu dandah sy&jf$vitam 



In the SsLntiPar-va, lix, 23, Brhaspati gives only conciliation, bribery 
and dissension as the three legitimate means. But elsewhere the 
means 3 are given as five or seven in number. Thus in the Udyoga, 



1 Manu 9 vii, 90. 2 E.g. Agni PurZita, ccxxvi, 22*25. 

3 Jacxxii, 13. * Cf. also Bfnsma Parvq,, cxi, 81, 



PHILOSOPHY OF WAR AMONG ANCIENT HINDUS 183 

Parva, 1 nay a or political intrigue is added to the traditional list of 
four. 

MitramaniSam mah&vaho nimagtiam pztnaruddhara 
Samna bhedena d&nSna dandgn&tka nayena ca. 

On the other hand, Kimandaka, in one place, expands the list to 
seven and speaks of the { means ' as follows : 

S&ma danam ca bhedasca danda&eti catnstayam 
MayopeksSndrajalam ca saptop&yfth praMrtitah . 



(fraud), npeksa (neglect) and indrajala (delusive tricks) are 
here added to the usual four. The Agni Pnrana also speaks of these 
seven ' means ' and elucidates their essential characteristics. 2 

Now it was more or less a unanimously accepted maxim among 
the ancient Hindu political thinkers that with a view to crippling a 
foe, a king should in the first instance try the alternative methods of 
conciliation, bribery and divide et impera ; and only when these are 
found ineffective, may he resort to violence. War was with them the 
ultima ratio ragum^ as the Latin phrase goes, because ' the results of 
war are uncertain ' and ' it may entail loss to both parties/ 3 Hence, 
they argued, preference should be given to the less violent methods 
of humbling the foe. ' The victory, ' says Bhisma * that one acquires 
by battle is very inferior. Victory in battle, it seems, is dependent 
on caprice or destiny . . . Sometimes it may be seen that even fifty 
men, resolute and relying upon one another, cheerful and prepared to 
lay down their lives, succeed in grinding enemies numerically much 
superior. Sometimes even five or six or seven men, resolute and 
standing close together, of high descent and enjoying the esteem 
of those that know them, vanquish foes much superior to them in 
number. The collision of battle, therefore, is not desirable as long 
as it can be avoided. The policy of conciliation, of producing disunion, 
and making gifts should first be tried ; battle, it is said, should come 
after these/ 4 



1 cxxxii, 31-32. 2 Vide chap, ccxxxiv. 

3 Manuvii, 199 anityo mjayah\ Kamandaka, ix, 61. Na$o bhav&ti yuddkena 
kadacid ubhayorapi ; Yajnavalkya, i, 346, 
* Santi Parva, cii, 17, 20-22. 



184 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

The Manusamkim repeats the same Ideas. The king/ says Manu, 
1 should aspire for victories more glorious than those achieved by 
war.' For, ' victories achieved by battles are not spoken of highly by 
the wise/ A king should, therefore, first try to subdue his foes by 
conciliation, by bribery or by the policy of divide et impera ; and it is 
only when these are found to have proved abortive, should he enter 
into hostilities with them. 1 Kautalya was evidently of the same view, 
for he tells us that of the four ' strategic means ' (up&yacaturvargak) 
viz., ssma, dana, bhgda and danda, l that which comes first in the order 
of enumeration is easier than the rest' (purvah purvascasya laghisthah}. '* 
Kamandaka condemns c over much reliance upon valour and energy ', 
which * oftentimes becomes a source of repentance J ; and is exuberant 
in his praise of the three other means. 3 Sukra was a firm believer 
in the policy of dissension and held that ' separation is the best of all 
methods or policies of work 1 (up&yssuttamo-bksdah). 4 

It is by these alternative methods of hostility that the ancient 
Hindu political thinkers of India strove to avoid or at least delay war. 
They undoubtedly involved less carnage of men, less wastage of capital 
and less miseries to the participants. The law of struggle was there, 
constantly seeking, to. manifest itself, yet so adroitly manipulated as to 
subject its victims to the minimum possible injury. 



vii, 198-200. 2 Kautalya, ix, 6, 

3 Kamandaka, xi, 32 ; xi, 48 ; xviii, 2. * Sukra, iv, vii, line 592, 



of the 

CHAPTER I 

BALAJI VISHWANATH'S RISE TO PESHWASHIP SETTLEMENT OF THE 

COUNTRY 

BY 

H. N. SnSTHA, M.A. 

Asst. Professor of History, Morris College^ Nagpur, 

Sometime Research Scholar in the History Department of the University 

of Allahabad, 

FAR away in the west where the green landscape of the Konkan fades 
over the water's blue, and the wavy line of the Ghats presents a 
dreamy picture of hoary antiquity, there is a village called Shriwar- 
dhan. Near by flows the little river Sabitri, and empties itself into 
the Bankot creek. In this village was born Balaji Vishwanath, in the 
family of the Bhatts, who were the hereditary Deshniukhs of three 
contiguous villages Shriwardhan, Harihareshwar and DandarajpurL 
He passed his early boyhood in this delightful spot, on which all the 
grand aspects of nature shed their influence. Born to wealth and 
authority, he must have early imbibed those sterling qualities that 
distinguish a leader of men. As a child he must have heard in silent 
horror the stories of the cruelties of the Abyssinians and the 
Portuguese. In his boyish curiosity he must have pondered long 
on the adventures and achievements of the great Shivajl, and his 
miraculous escape from the Mughal Court. He must .have seen in bis 
prime of youth the majestic figure of that great king, and must have 
been fired with an ambition to serve him, and the cause, for which he 
lived and died. But all these are mere guesses, that lack historical 
testimony. It is a pity that the early career of the great Peshwa is 
shrouded in uncertainty up to the time when he appeared in the lime- 
light of publicity. His career has been subject to gross misrepresen- 
tation, and its story is a mere patch-work of conjectures and half- 
authenticated facts. We get only glimpses of his early life, and they 
leave us all the more curious about one of the most virile personalities 
of Maratha history. Out of tbe old Bakhars a few stray facts can be 
gleaned, but written long after his time, and drawing profusely upon 
floating rumours or tamily legends, they abound in inaccuracies, and 
therefore whatever they lay down, confuse rather than afford a clue 
to unravel the tangled story of the man. Grant Duff based his history 
mostly on these facts, and though successfully controverted by brilliant 
scholars like Rajwade, Sardesai, Parasnis and Kincaid they still hold 
sway over the minds of the students of Indian history. 

Grant Duff discovers Balaji Vishwanath in the year 1708, when he 
is employed as a Carcoon or revenue clerk by Dhanaji Jadhav, the 
Senapati or Commander-in-chief of Shahu. < The principal Carcoons 



186 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

employed by Dhunnajee in revenue affairs, where Abbajee 
Poorundhuree, Koolkurnee of Sassor (Sasswar), near Poona, and 
another Brahmin, Koolkurnee of Shree Wurdttn, in the district of 
Choule, a village then claimed by the Seedee, from which in conse- 
quence ? of some intrigue connected with the Seede's enemy Angria, 
he had fled to Sassoor, and had been recommended to Dhunnajee 
Jadow by Abbajee Poorundhuree, and Parshuram Trimbuck. The 
name of this Koolkurnee, afterwards so celebrated as the founder of 
the Peshwa's power, was Ballajee Wishwanath Bhutt.' 3 Thus starting 
life as a Carcoon of Dhanaji he rose in his estimation and favour, and 
by the middle of 1708 when Dhanaji ' died on his way from Kolhapoor, 
on the banks of the Warna ' Balaji Vishwanath was with him and '. had 

* the management of all his affairs, which created an unconquerable 
1 jealousy on the part of Chtmder Seyn Jadhow, Dhunnajee's son, and 
c several Brahmins in his service.' 2 

Next Balaji Vishwanath appears associated with Chandra Sen 
Jadhav, the Senapati on the death of his father, in the expedition to 
realize the Chauth, Sardeshmukhi, and Ghasdana from the Mughal 
territories. ' He was now charged with collecting and appropriating a 
' share of the revenue for the Raja, a situation of control, which under 
1 no circumstances was likely to be favourably viewed by the 

* Senaputtee. The jealousy formerly entertained was increased 
4 tenfold, and on a very slight cause, arising from a dispute about a 
' deer run down by one of Ballajee' s horsemen, the suppressed enmity 
s burst out in attempted violence ; and Ballajee was obliged to flee for 

* his life, first to Sassoor, where the Suchew's agent in Poorundhur did 
'* not think it prudent to protect him, although he begged hard to be 
.* permitted to enter that fort, The horsemen, his pursuers, were in 
'sight; but the Commander of the fort was obdurate. With a 
.* few followers, amongst whom were his sons Bajeerao and Chimnajee, 
4 Ballajee Wishwanath attempted to cross over to Pandoogurh, a fort in 
1 the opposite valley, but Jadhow's horsemen were already in his route, 

* and searching for him in every quarter. In this dangerous extremity, 
f he contrived to conceal himself for a few days, until two Mahrattas, 
4 the one Peelajee Jadow, and the other surnamed Dhoomal, then 
1 common Sillidars in: his. service, collected a small troop of horse, and 
'promised to sacrifice their lives, or carry him and his sons, that 
( night, to the Machee of Pandoogurh. 5 

Ballajee Wishwanath, as the manuscripts state, did not parti- 

* cularly excel in the accomplishment of sitting upon a horse, but the 
< Sillidars, although they had a skirmish, performed their promise, 
c and the commander of the fort protected him by Shao's orders. 
1 Chtinder Seyn Jadhow peremptorily demanded his being delivered tip 
to him, and threatened, in case of refusal, to renounce his allegiance 
' for ever.' 3 Shahu however refused to give up Balaji and sent order 
to Haibat Rao Nimbalkar, Sarlashkar, to march against the Senapati, 
Who being defeated fled to Kolhapur and joined Shambhaji. The 
disaffected Senapati .further changed side and went over to Nizam-ul- 
mulk, who supported the claims of Shambhaji to the Satara kidgdom, 
and stirred up strifes between Shahu and Shambhaji. Instigated by 

* Grant Dttff, vol. i, pp. 418-9, * Ibid, p. 423, 

3 "., pp. 427-8.. P 



THE RISE OF THE PMSHWAS 187 

Chandra Sen he ordered an army against the Sarlashkar and .' Shao in 

* order to support him, sent forward a body of troops under Ballajee 
Wishwanath, whom he now (1712) dignified with the title of Sena 
1 Kurt or agent in charge of the army. Ballajee effected a junction 

4 with Hybnt Rao Nimbalkur A battle was fought in which 

1 the advantage claimed by the Mahrattas, is contradicated by their 
subsequent retreat to the Salpee Ghaut ...... At length an 

{ accommodation took place .... hostilities ceased, and the Moghuls 

* returned to Aurangabad.' 5 

Here for the first time in his life, Balaji who never excelled in 
riding, appears as a commander of an army. It is really surprising 
how Shahu could have bestowed the title of ' Senakurt ' or the orga- 
nizer of armies, and the command of a relieving force, on a Brahmin 
clerk who did not know riding at all. And this was not the only time 
when a command was bestowed upon him. He was required, as we 
shall see presently, to lead armies many a time against many a turbu- 
lent chief. 

At this time. Shahu's kingdom was in a welter of anarchy, petty 
chieftains had set up their independence, defied the central authority 
and carried on plundering raids on all sides. Consequently Shahu's 
government had broken down, and it was Balaji Vishwanath, who 
1 instilled some vigour into his councils, and began to take a lead in 

* public affairs. He proposed to reduce Dummajee Thorat a preda- 
tory Maratha chief. He led an army against him, with the hope of 
victory but he was seduced to a conference, * treacherously seized, 
1 and thrown into confinement together with his Mend Abbajee 
c Poorundhuree, his two sons and several of their immediate 
' retainers.' 2 When Thorat threatened them with torture and ultimate 
death, the king was forced to pay a heavy ransom and released them. 
Thus released he was next deputed against Krishna Rao Khataokar, 
another chief subsisting on organized plunder. Better fortune attend- 
ed his arms this time. Krishna Rao was defeated, and after 
submission, pardoned. In the meantime the Peshwa Bahirp Pant 
Pingley, who had been sent against Kanhojt Anghrey, a partisan at 
first of Tara Bai and then of Shambhaji, was defeated and was taken 
prisoner by that pirate chief of the Konkan. Marching on, Angrey 
took Lohgarh and Rajmachee, * and it was reported that Angria- was 

about to march for Satara. All the force that could be spared was 
collected to oppose him, under Ballajee Wishwanath, who undertook 
the command, with hopes of being enabled from his former connec- 
tion with Angria, to effect an accommodation, more desirable than any 
that might result from a protracted contest with a powerful neigh- 
bour .... Ballajee was successful in his endeavours and Angria, on 
condition of receiving ten forts, and sixteen fortified places of less 
strength, with their dependent villages ; on being confirmed in the 
command of the fleet, and his title of Surkheil, agreed to renounce 
Sumbhajee, to release the Peishwa, to restore all his conquests, except 
Rajmachee, and to maintain the cause of Shao. 

' Ballaji having performed this service in a manner so entirely to 
1 Shao's wishes, was received on his return to Satara with the greatest 

1 Giant Duff, vol. i* P- 431. a <#**., P- 434, 



18 g JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

* distinction ; and in consequence of the failure of Byhroo Punt Ping- 

* ley that minister was removed from the dignity of Mookh Purdhan 

* and Bailajee Wishwanath was appointed Peshwa in his stead (1714).' 3 

That, in short, is the account of Baiaji Viswanath's rise, till he 
became ' the Peshwa of Shahu. In this there are three distinct 
stages ; the first, when he is employed as a Carcoon under Dhanaji 
Jadhav; the next, when he is made Sena Karte, and leads the first 
army Into the field ; and last, when as a result of his brilliant services 
he supersedes Bahiro Pant Pingley, and is appointed as the Peshwa in 
his place. There are many discrepancies in this narrative, which 
have been made up by the researches of a devoted band of Maratha 
scholars, and thanks to their labours, we are now in possession of a 
more cogent, comprehensive and authentic account of his career. 

In the Konkan, where the Sabitri falls into the sea at a distance of 
about eighty miles to the south of Bombay, there were two villages 
Shriwarthan and Belas, the former situated on its northern, and the 
latter on its southern bank. In these two villages lived two families, 
the Bhatts and the Bhanus, long known to each other and for long 
friendly to each other. In this family of Bhatts was born Baiaji about 
the year 1660. 2 His father Viswanath, and his ancestors were the 
hereditary Deshmukhs of the village, and owed allegiance to the 



Sidis of Janjira. 3 When Shivaji vowed to establish ^fHpT or Hindu 
religion, ^eRf^q" or Hindu state and ^frfe^T or Hindu freedom, many 

Hindus from the Konkan groaning under the oppression of the Sidicame 
to serve him. One such was Viswanath Bhatt, Baiaji' s father, the nature 
of whose services to Shivaji, there is no means of knowing. After the 
death of his father, Baiaji with his elder brother Janoji took charge of 
the office of Desmukh of the village. 4 His abilities soon won him new 
honours, and in 1692 he held the offices of Deshmukh of Dandarajpuri 
and Sabhasad of Dabhol. 5 A little later owing to a misunderstanding 
with Sidi Shamal then ruling at Janjira, Janoji the elder brother was 
taken to Janjira, was sewn up in a sack, and was dropped into the 
deep sea. 6 Thus Janoji met his death, and the cruel proceedings of 
the Sidi forced the younger brother Baiaji to leave the village with all 
his family. He crossed over to the other side of the river Sabitri, 
and came to the Bhanus in Belas. 7 The three Bhanu brothers Hari, 
Ramaji and Baiaji Mahadev with the fugitive Baiaji Viswanath took 



1 Grant Duff, vol.. i, pp. 435-6, 

V9, pp. 91-96 ; Marathi Riyasat, voi. i, p. 30. 

PP. 70-71; 

pp. 86-90." 

* Sohni's chronicle of the Peshwas, p. 1 \Bharat Varsha, vol. ii, August 1899, 

P, i. : . .-.- ;.. ...... . ' 



. & Life of Shahu Maharaj, the Elder, by Chitnis, p. 21 ; harat Varsha, vol. ii, 
August, p. 2- Rajwade, vol. ii, p. 1. 

. 7 Ibid, '.. ' . '.''.. .."'.: ... 



THE RISE OF THE PESHWAS 



189 



counsel together, and afraid of the Sidi, determined to leave the 
country for the Desh, beyond the Ghats. But in due time the Sidi 
had been apprised of the flight of Balaji Viswanath, and he wrote to 
the Abyssinian Governor of Anjanwel to apprehend him. He was 
accordingly captured and was kept a prisoner for about twenty to twenty- 
five days, before the Bhanu brothers could purchase his release by 
bribing the Sidi Governor. 1 As a mark of his gratitude to the Bhanus 
Balaji promised on oath that whatever he would earn in the Desh^ 
one quarter of it he would resign to the Bhanus a promise which he 
and his successors faithfully kept to the last. While still at Anjanwel 
one Visaji Narayan rendered very great help to him, for which later in 
life, when he was the Peshwa he granted him a pension of Rs. 700 a 
year. 3 From there they started to visit the temple of Bhargav Ram 
where it is surmised, Balaji, got the blessings of Brahmendra Swami' 
the celebrated saint of the Konkan. 4 In the Desh he purchased the 
Patil-ship of a village called Garade, near 'Saswad, and invited his 
brother-in-law to come and live there. It is here that he came into 
contact with the Purandares, who were the old residents of the 
place. 5 

Coming of a rich and distinguished family of the Konkan he soon 
attracted notice in the Desh. During the disastrous days of 
Aurangzeb's war, he filled many a responsible office in the Maratha 
state, and gained proficiency in revenue administration. Side by side 
he acquired a good knowledge of the military organization of the 
Marathas and of the Mughals. In those days revenue collection 
depended upon military force, and all revenue officers had to maintain 
troops to facilitate their work. So Balaji, even when serving as a 
revenue officer, gained experience in organizing and leading armies. 
As Malhar Ram Rao Chitnis wrote of him, * he was a valiant 
warrior/ 6 and he got his first training as a warrior at this time. In 
co-operation with Ambajee Purandare, he took the contract of collect- 
ing Dhanaji's share of the Chauth from the Mughal territories, and 
therefore had to maintain five to ten hundred troops. 7 He had thus 
worked for several years as a revenue collector, before he was made 
the Sar-subhedar of Poona about 1696. 8 This was ' a very responsible 
office, corresponding to that of the Commissioner of a division at 
present. About this time he first became acquainted with Shahu and 
his mother, under what circumstances we do not know. 9 They were 
then prisoners in the imperial camp, at Brahmapuri on the southern 
bank of the Bhitna. Aurangzeb lived there for four years and a half 



1 Bharat Varsha> vol. ii, August, p. 2. 2 Ibid. 

PP- 193-6. 



by D.'B. Parasms, p. 9. 
s Marathi Riyasai, vol. i, p, 28. 
* Life of Shahu Maharaj, the Elder , p. 36. 7 Ibid,, pp. 21-22 , 

pp.. 125-8. 
pp. 85-91 / 



190 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

from May. 21, 1695 to October 19, 1699, * and it was during 
these years that Balaji rendered some services to Shahu, and obtained 
his favour. 2 Now Balaji's stars were on the ascendant. He had 
come into intimate contact with the Joshis of Pali, of whom Mahadaji 
Krishna later on gave his daughter in marriage to Baji Rao, Balaji's 
eldest son. Through his influence with Tara Bai, Mahadaji Krishna 
got Balaji established at Rangna. 3 Shortly after he took service 
under Dhanaji Jadhav 4 the Senapati of Tara Bai and while still in his 
service he raided Gujrat. The historian of Gujrat remarks that * as 
soon as Aurangzib's death, was known, the Marathas under Balaji 
' Viswanath burst into east Gujrat, marching through Jhabhua and 
1 Godhra, where they were ineffectually opposed by the Governor 
' Murad Baksh.' Balaji next intended an attack on Ahmedabad and as 
he approached the city, consternation seized all people high and low 
rich and poor. ' The Viceroy thoroughly alarmed concluded a treaty 
f with Balaji and on receiving a tribute of Rs. 2,10,000 the Marathas 
withdrew.' 5 Here we come across for the first time an instance of 
Balaji's great military ability. The fact that he struck terror into the 
heart of the people and their protectors alike, shows that he must have 
been a leader of note. Thus Balaji had a brilliant career and antece- 
dent, and varied experience about the men and matters of his times 
before he was of any use to Shahu. 

When Shahu entered Maharastra he was the Sarsubhedar of 
Daulatabad, in charge of the collection of the annual black mail and 
therefore a trusted lieutenant of the Senapati Dhanaji Jadhav. In 
consequence of the disagreement between Dhanaji and Tara Bai on 
the matters of the oath, as has been observed already, the former 
sent Balaji to Shahu's camp, to ascertain whether Shahu was really 
the son of Shambhaji. When he returned satisfied on the point he 
persuaded his chief to adhere to Shahu, and it was just for that that 
Dhanaji had been contending against Tara Bai. So there is nothing 
very ^xtraordmary in the fact that the master and the servant resolved 
to join bhahu. But unlike Dhanaji, Balaji was never half-hearted in 
his adherence. We have seen in the Introductory II, how Dhanaji's 
devotion to the cause of Shahu was not above reproach. He was 
actuated by a selfish desire, to profit at the cost of his master, and 
actually yielded to the persuasion of Tara Bai and Ramchandra Pant 
for closing the Rangna campaign, which he knew would be detrimental 
to the interests of Shahu. But Balaji never faltered in his loyalty to 



Aurangzib, vol. v, p. 6. Marathi Riyasat, vol. I, p. 30. 

T, PP- 1-11. 

, PP- 125-s. 

Hstory of Gujrat, Bombay Gazetteer, vol. i, part i, p. 296 Here the 



pp. 302-3, 



THE RISE OF THE PESHWAS 191 

Shahu. Once he adhered to him, he remained unmoved ; and his 
unflinching adherence bore golden fruits for him. On the occasion of 
his coronation, Shahu appointed him Mutaliq to the Amatya Ambu Rao 
Hanmante. 1 After the death of Dhanaji, between June and November 
1703, he was given the title of Senakarte, or the organizer of armies, 
which again bears testimony to his military abilities. 2 In June 
1708 died Dhanaji, and in November of the same year Chandra Sen, his 
son succeeded to his office. Chandra Sen did not like this elevation 
of Balaji to the office of Senakarte, and since then became jealous of 
him. 3 Shortly after this, as has been narrated already, there came 
Bahadur Shah into the Deccan, and when he left for the north, 
Maharastra was plunged into a civil war, Shahu and Tara Bai 
prepared to proceed to the extreme. The country was seething with 
anarchy, and the ambitious chieftains were not slow to defy the 
central authority and set up their independence. As a result of his 
two years of warfare (1708-10) Shahu had established his sway over 
not more than twenty-five miles round Satara. The rest of the 
country was held in strength either by the partisans of Tara Bai or 
the predatory chiefs who were loth to recognize any authority. Such 
were Damaji Thorat in Supa, Shahaji Nimbalkar at Faltan, Udaji 
Chouhan in Miraj, Khem Sawant in South Koiikan and Kanhoji 
Angre in north Konkan. North of the Krishna, Krishna Rao 
Khataokar held the whole country for the Mughals. 4 Of these 
Damaji and Krishna Rao wrought the greatest mischief, and established 
a reign of terror in the country. Therefore about the year 1710, 
Shahu deputed his newly created Senakarte against Damaji Thorat, 
who professed to be in the service of Ramchandra Pant, Amatya of 
Tara Bai, but really obeyed no authority. Accompanied by his friend 
Ambaji Trimbak and his family he started to reduce the freebooter. 
As he came within striking distance of his head-quarters, Hmgangaon, 
where he had built a fortress, Damaji was frightened and entreated 
him to arrange for an amicable settlement. He invited him into his 
fort to discuss the terms and promised on oath, taken on Belbhandar, 
that he would be allowed to return in safety. The solemnity of the 
oath left not a shadow of doubt in the mind of Balaji and he accepted 
the invitation of Damaji. As soon as he entered the fortress, the 
freebooter broke his promise, seized him and confined him in prison. 
When reminded of his breach of faith, he is said "to have remarked, 
' What sanctity could a Bel and some Bhandar (turmeric) lend to -one's 
words ? Bel is a fruit that grows on the tree and Bhandar, we consume 
everyday.' Having imprisoned Balaji he threatened him with the 
worst tortures, and ultimely with death, if a large ransom was not 
paid for him. Shahu apprised of these proceedings of Thorat, paid 
the ransom demanded and effected the release of Balaji. 5 On the 
failure of Balaji, Shahu ordered Chandra Sen, the Senapati, to lead an 
army against him and totally crush him about the beginning of 1711. 
With him went his revenue secretary Balaji Vishwanath specially 



pp. 85-91. 2 Marathi Riyasat, vol. i, p. 32, 

3 Rajwade, vol. ii, p. 7. Introductory ii. 4 Ibid., p. 9. 
s Ibid,, pp. 11-13, .ft: STF." =3: p. 36, 



192 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

charged by Shahu to keep a close watch on him. Already there was 
no love lost between them, for Balaji had monopolized Dhanajfs 
confidence, much to the dislike of his son. Now that he was kept as 
a spy on him, the decree of his resentment could be , better imagined 
than described. The slightest incident would be enough to throw 
them into open hostility, and one such incident did occur in that 
expedition. 

It so happened that one day while the army was decamping, a black 
buck suddenly rose, and pursued by Piraji Raut, a trooper in the 
service of Balaji Vishwanath, entered the tents of Vyas Rao, a 
Brahmin in the service of Chandra Sen. With a Brahmin's compas- 
sion for animal life, Vyas Rao gave the beast shelter against its 
pursuer. And since Vyas Rao would not give it back, Piraji in a 
dudgeon hurled his spear at him and wounded him. Frightened at 
his own misdeed, and apprehending the worst consequences he went 
to Balaji Vishwanath, confessed his fault, and sought his protection. 
Baiaji like a benign master promised his protection to him, Vyas 
Rao on his part complained to his master who came down upon 
Balaji, and demanded Piraji of him. To this demand, Balaji returned 
a flat refusal, which exasperated Chandra Sen, and he ordered his 
troops to attack Balaji's camp and capture Piraji Raut. Balaji however 
could make time to escape with a small following, but the Senapatrs 
troops were hard on his heels. Flying before them he took shelter in 
the fort of Purandar, belonging to the Sachi-v. Chandra Sen not to be 
thus flouted, sent a peremptory demand to the Sachiv, for surrender- 
ing his Secretary and backed his demand by an armed attack on his 
fortress. The Sachiv feeling powerless against the Senapati, advised 
Balaji to escape secretly to some other place. At dead of night 
Balaji stole out of the fort in company with Ambajee Purandare, and 
about five hundred horsemen, and fled precipitately towards the banks 
of the Nira. Chandra Sen's men were soon on his track. He was 
overtaken and defeated, and was again sent flying into Pandavgad, a 
fort that still towers over Wai. There he felt comparatively safe, 
and from there he sent Ambaji Purandare to inform Shahu what had 
taken place between him and his chief, and to implore the royal 
protection against his angry master. Khando Ballal Chitnis, a great 
friend of Ambaji Pant, also lent his support on the side of Balaji, and 
Shahu readily afforded him protection against the Senapati, and 
called him back to Satara. Thus was Balaji saved from the wrath of 
Chandra Sen. 1 

Already disaffected towards Shahu, Chandra Sen now became 
furious. He bluntly wrote to Shahu that if Balaji were not given 
back he would withdraw his allegiance from him. 2 Shahu was in a 
fix, for the open rebellion of the Senapati might mean a great disaster 
to the country, and a great crisis for himself. But he was not pre- 
pared to be thus dictated to by Chandra Sen. He soon summoned 
Habibat Rao Nimbalkar, then encamped in the neighbourhood of 
Ahmadnagar, and ordered him to chastise Chandra Sen for his insol- 
ence. Nimbalkar advanced against the Senapati, and a battle was 

1 Marathi Riyasat, voL i, "pp. 36-38. sft; $J[; ^; p. 28, 

2 sft: Sir: xf; P. 29. 



THE RISE OF THE PESHWAS 193 

fought at Jew, below the pass of Andarki, in which the SenapatI was 
worsted. Thus baffled and beaten, Chandra Sen fled to Panhala in 
the hot weather of 1711 and joined Tara Bal openly. The son recom- 
pensed for the desertion of the father. 

This desertion of Chandra Sen created a sensation amongst the 
partisans of Shahu. Most of them were only playing a double game, 
most of them tendered only a lip homage to Shahu to promote their 
' own interests. Chiefs of no less importance than the Sawant of Wadi, 
Angrey, and Khande Rao Dabhade had declared for Tara Bai. And 
in the very^ ranks of Shahu's partisans Chandra Sen was sowing 
sedition. His motives and activities, while he was a servant of Shahu, 
are clear from the following letter that he wrote to Shivaji II about 
August 27, 1711. 'My devotion is for the feet of the master ; my 

* desire is for the service of the master, and for reputation in his 
' service. Rajashri Jadhav Rao (Dhanaji) knew of no other deity than 
4 the feet of the master. When there arose internal factions in the 

* kingdom he led an army with a promise to serve the master. But 
c there was a turn of fortune, which turned the heads of all. Hence 
' to fulfil his purpose (Dhanaji' s original purpose of helping Shivaji's 
cause) has been the sole desire of my heart, and with this idea in 
' view, I have drawn together Rajashri Appaji Thorat, Damaji Thorat, 
4 Shahaji Nimbalkar, Santaji Pandhare and others, and without paying 
'any heed to the temptations of Shahu, I have showed disaffection 
' towards him. With a view to induce into this affair Khanderao 
' Dabhade, and the Pratinidhi, who are attached to you, I specially 
< sent for them and had an interview with them. I also met Haibat 

* Rao Nimbalkar. Whatever I had planned with Rajashri Thorat, 

* Khanderao Dabhade and Santaji Pandhare, I disclosed to Nimbalkar, 
' who also had the same idea in his mind. Then we included all the 
4 Sardars present in our conspiracy, and held consultations with the 
'Pratinidhi. We proclaimed you, and made rejoicings. J have sent 

* my letters and those of the abovementioned Pandit into the fort. 
4 Now you should march upon Satara, destroy the factions, and order 

* rejoicings.' 1 Here Chandra Sen is positive in his statement that he 
never felt that devotion for Shahu, which he feels for Shivaji II. 
Therefore he was trying to convert the Pratinidhi and Dabhade to his 
views, and to enlist them on Tara Bai' s side. It is also evident that 
there were other chiefs like Haibat Rao Nimbalkar , Damaji Thorat, 
Appaji Thorat, and Santaji Pandhare, who shared his views and had 
formed a conspiracy against Shahu. They had gone so far as to 
proclaim Shivaji II, and had written letters to corrupt the officers of 
the fort of Satara. Indeed the conspiracy was formidable, when we 
take into consideration, the rank and resources of those who were in 
it. Their underhand dealings came to light only when Chandra Sen 
rebelled, and openly joined Tara Bai. The extreme insecurity of 
Shahu's position is fully realized when we note that there was not a 
single powerful chief on his side. The situation of Shahu was fast 
becoming critical, and in this crisis Balaji Vishwanath came to his 
rescue. 

In fact these trying times revealed the real worth of Balaji. Be 
it said to the credit of Shahu, that he could find out the right man to 

1 Marathi Riyasat, vol. i, pp. 34-3S. 



194 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

meet this crisis. He was a shrewd judge of men, and therefore he 
now confidently turned to the Chitpavan Brahmin. Bahiro Pant Pingley; 
the Peshwa was of no great help to Shahu, for he was utterly Incapa- 
ble of handling a difficult situation. 

Persuaded by Chandra Sen, Haibat Rao Nimbalkar deserted 
Shahu , and thus he lost at once the services of his Senapati and of 
Sarlashkar, who were the chief officers of his army. Consequently his 
army organization suffered and with it his military strength. Shahu 
had only two thousand men out of the main army, that had deserted 
along with the Senapati. 1 * Indeed Shahu's military strength was 
insignificant, and there was no commander-iii-chief to organize an 
army. To the chief command of the army however he appointed 
Chandra Sen's younger brother Santaji Jadhav before the year was 
out (1711). 2 But he was not a tried hand, and Shahu was in need of 
a powerful army so that he might successfully cope with the combined 
strength of Tara Bai and Chandra Sen, Therefore he ordered Balaji 
Vishwanath to get one leady for the field. To recruit an army and 
keep it ready for action vast sums of money were necessary, and 
Shahu had not even a fraction of what was required. 3 Balaji realized 
his helplessness, but advised patience. With prompt decision he 
borrowed large sums of money from the prominent money-lenders like 
Mahadaji Krishna Naik, and recruited an army for the service of 
Shahu. To pay off this debt, which he had incurred on his own res- 
ponsibility he got from the king an assignment of jagirs yielding 
twenty-five lakhs a year. Thus he prepared to meet the enemies of 
Shahu. 

On the other hand Shahu had not been paralysed by the magnitude 
of his danger. Recovering from his momentary despair he proceeded 
to deal sternly with the conspirators. The most prominent of them 
Haibat Rao and Chandra Sen, had deserted to Tara Bai, and there 
remained only Parshuram Pant to reckon with. He had been set at 
liberty, and was holding the ofBce of Pratinidhi ever since 1710 or 

1711. 4 Now his treasonable proceedings made Shahu furious, and in 
a paroxym of rage he ordered his eyes to be put out. As he was 
taken out to be blinded there came Khando Ballal rushing in, and 
stopped these operations. Then he went to the king and pleaded with 
great importunity for mercy, and got the order changed into mere 
confinement. The Pratinidhi was therefore put in chains, and was 
ordered to be kept under strict surveillance on November 20th 

1711. 5 Afterwards his house and property were confiscated. There 
were other conspirators like the Thorats and Santaji Pandhre but their 
reduction depended upon the armed operations, and Balaji' s services 
had to be requisitioned for the purpose. Balaji was not keen upon 
punishing the rebels so long as Tara Bai and Chandra Sen remained 
uncrushed. They were the arch conspirators, and the most determin- 
ed enemies of Shahu. So Balaji first proceeded to deal with them, 



1 Raj wade, vol. ii, p. 10. 

2 -Selection from Satara Raja's Diaries \ vol. i. p. 7$ 

3 Marathi JRiyasat* vol, I, p. 39. 

* Selections from the Satara Raja's and Peshwa* $ Diaries, vol. i, p. 

5 %: Sir: ^: 3 P. 32. 



THE RISE OF THE PESHWAS 195 

and resolved to try diplomacy before he tried force. The astute Chit- 
pavan Brahmin endeavoured to meet intrigue by intrigue. He came 
to know that Ramachandra Pant, Tara Bai's Amatya and for long her 
chief advisor, had again been thrown out of favour, and Tara Bal now 
reposed confidence in her new ally Chandra Sen. However successful 
in her intrigues Tara Bai was a tactless and ungrateful person. For- 
getting all the devoted services of Ramachandra Pant she showed 
distinct dislike for him, and the latter therefore intrigued with Rajas 
Bai, Tara Bai's co-wife and rival, to turn the tables on her. Balaji 
seized the opportunity and secretly joined Ramachandra Pant and 
Rajas Bai to crush Tara Bai. Nor did he stand alone with the two 
conspirators. A powerful section of Kolhapur nobles favoured the 
cause of Rajas Bai against her rival. But the support of Balaji 
Vishwanath, which meant the support of Shahu, encouraged the 
partisans of Rajas Bai, and they succeeded in throwing Tara Bai and 
her son into prison and setting up Shambhaji and Rajas Bai in their 
stead. Thus was brought about a bloodless revolution at Kolhapur 
entirely to the benefit of Shahu and much more to that of Shambhaji, 
Though Tara Bai was overthrown in 1712 and her son was 
deposed, yet Shambhaji did not ascend the throne in an official way 
till two years later. 1 At any rate Shahu got rid of the most impla- 
cable of his enemies. Nor was this the only result of Balaji's 
manoeuvres. With the fall of Tara Bai, Chandra Sen was forced to 
leave Kolhapur. He could not hope for protection from Shambhaji , 
and therefore fled to Nizam-ul-mulk, who had in the meantime been 
appointed Viceroy of the Deccan. He found a very agreeable master 
in him, and constantly urged him to make war on the Marathas. 

After the overthrow of Tara Bai, Balaji undertook an expedition to 
reduce the power of Krishna Rao Khataokar. With him went Shripat 
Rao, the second son Parshuram Pant Pratinidhi, then in prison. The 
captive father bade his son achieve success for Shahu in the campaign, 
win the royal favour and thereby effect his release, or get killed. 2 
The young man promised to do his father's bidding, and the army 
advanced on the town of Khatao, fifteen miles to the east of Satara. 

Krishna Rao, chief of Khatao, subsisted on organized plunder. He 
had deserted to Aurangzeb after the execution of Shambhaji, and had 
been awarded the jagir of the Khatao Parganah. He had also got the 
title of Maharaja from Aurangzeb, for his meritorious services to 
him. 3 Later on he lived there as a servant of the Mughals. But like 
many others he recognized no authority, and was a frebooter of some 
notoriety. When he heard that Balaji Vishwanath was coming to 
attack him at the head of a large army, he prepared to meet him on 
the field. The battle was joined near his stronghold of Khatao. It 
was a hard-contested action, and the day was won for Shahu by the 
bravery of Shripat Rao and the Khataokar was killed. His two sons 
submitted and came to pay homage to Shahu, who graciously granted 
their paternal jagir to them. 



1 Marathi iyasat t vQ\. i, p. 40* 
* Ibid. 



196 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

BAXAJI VISWANATH APPOINTED PBSHWA ON 
NOVEMBER 16, 1713 

Thus by the end of the year the position of Shahu was compara- 
tively secure. He had got rid of Tara Bai, Chandra Sen, and 
Khataokar. Parshtiram Pant Pratinidhi still rotted in prison and 
repented for his crime. But now his deliverance was near at hand. 
On his return from the late expedition, in which success had been 
achieved on account of the reckless bravery of Shripat Rao, Balaji 
recommended to Shahu in the strongest terms, the release of the 
Pratinidhi, on the score of the meritorious services of his son. Shahu 
relented, Khando Ballal also threw in his weight on the side of 
Balaji. 1 Thus persuaded Shahu released Parshuram Pant and reins- 
tated him in his office of Pratinidhi. Parshuram Pant out of his 
gratitude to Balaji Viswanath took the first opportunity of requiting 
his kindness and he ever remained loyal to Shahu. 2 

The same year, 1712, Shahu had sent Bahiropant Pingley Peshwa 
against 'Kanhoji Angrey, nominally the admiral of the Maratha fleet, 
but really the most powerful and independent pirate chief of the west 
coast He was a partisan of Tara Bai, and now that she had fallen, 
Shahu wanted him to recognize his authority and pay homage to him. 
In fact Angrey had no real sympathy with Tara Bai's cause, nor any 
real fear for Shahu's power. He was bred to the sea as a here- 
ditary profession. His father Tukoji was serving under Sidoji Gujar, 
the head of the Maratha fleet. After Tukoji' s death about the year 
1690 Kanhoji took his father's place in the admiralty. He soon distin- 
guished himself on the sea and in 1690 he was appointed the second 
In command of the fleet. Towards the end of Raja Rani's reign i.e., 
1698 he is mentioned to have held the office of Sarkhel i.e., Admiral of 
the Maratha fleet. 3 That was the time of the Maratha war of Inde- 
pendence. Inspired by a burning love for his country's cause, he like 
many other notable Marathas vowed vengeance on the Mnghals, who 
had seized Raygad, Anjanwel and Sindhudurga, and had given them 
to the Sidi of Janjira. The Sidi held the admiralty of the Mughal 
fleet since 167Q. 4 Shivaji and Shambhuji had made several attempts 
to destroy him, but had failed. Now Kanhoji's one aim of life was to 
recover the Maratha forts in his charge, and to reduce his power on 
the sea. He was inexorable in his resolution and succeeded in achiev- 
ing his aim to a very great extent. He worsted the Siddi on the sea, 
and conquered the forts of Sagargad, Kolaba, Khanderi and others 
from him. He roved undaunted from Bombay to Malabar, and struck 
terror into the hearts of the sea-faring nations, like the English and 
the Portugues arid the Dutch. These were the allies of the Siddi, and 
hence were subject to Kanhoji's relentless ravages. 5 Thus he fought 
all the enemies of the Marathas and stamped the dread of his power 
on the whole coast between Travancore and Bombay. He kept his 



p.37. 

P- 32. * Ibid, p. 15. 

33. 



THE RISE OF THE PESHWAS 197 

naval stores in the forts of Suvarnadurga and Vijaydurga and made 
Kolaba his naval station. He respected no flag- on the sea, nor feared 
any authority on land. 

In 1707 when Sbahti returned to Maharastra, he was the Admiral 
of the Maratha fleet under the regency of Tara Bai. In the contest 
between Shahti and Tara Bai, the latter anxious to enlist his 
sympathy and support for her son, had granted the whole of the 
Konkan between Bombay and Sawant Wadi. But this was the time 
when most of the Maratha leaders found it very profitable to fish in 
troubled waters and loyalty was a rare virtue in Maharastra. 

As has been noticed in the previous chapter he betrayed Tara Bai, 
when she was cooped up in the fort of Rangna. Taking advantage of 
the disorderly condition of the Maratha state, and of the helplessness 
of Shahu, after the desertion of Chandra Sen, he extended his arms, 
and subdued the district of Kalyan and the fortresses of Lohgad and 
Rajmachi all belonging to the Peshwa, Bahiro Pant Pingley. 1 Hence 
in 1712 Shahu ordered the Peshwa against Kanhoji and associated with 
him Nilo Ballal, the brother of Khando Ballal. But Kanhoji defeated 
them, captured and imprisoned them in the fort of Lohgad, and 
prepared to follow up his victory by a rapid march on the capital of 
Shahu. This threw Shahu into consternation, and he quickly resolved 
to have some capable man, on wfcom he could bestow the high office 
of Peshwa, and send him against this powerful pirate chief. Balaji 
had just returned from his successful campaign against Krishna Rao 
Khataokar. In the full flush of his victory, he must have commanded 
the confidence of Shahu ; and he deserved it because of the signal 
services that he had rendered to Shahu on many occasions. On the 
other hand, ever since his appointment Bahiro Pant Pingley had 
displayed neither ability nor resourcefulness in any critical situation. 
But now the captivity of the Peshwa affected the smooth working of 
the government, and more than that, he was in great anxiety to stop 
the further progress of Angrey, who was fast advancing on Satara. 
Here was another crisis for Shahu, and he did not know what to do. 
Now he turned to the oldest and the most experienced of all his 
officers Parshuram Pant, for advice. He wanted him to accept the 
office of Peshwa and meet the situation. Parshuram Pant however 
suggested to him that Balaji was the favourite of the army, and it 
would be in the fitness of things if he was appointed to the office. a 
Shahu took the hint ; and influenced partly by a deep sense of 
gratitude for all his meritorious services he invested Balaji with the 
robes of office on November 16, 1713 at a place called Manjri. 
Balaji Vishwanath, both by abilities and achievements, was eminently 
fit for the high office. Nevertheless he owed his appointment to the 
strong recommendation of Parshuram Pant Pratinidhi who thus 
requited the good offices of Balaji Vishwanath in such a fitting manner, 
Balaji was granted a jagir of five mahals in addition to what he had 
and was required to leave a Mutaliq or Deputy with the king. On the 
occasion of Balaji's installation Parshuram Pant was confirmed in his 
office of Pratinidhi ; Ramji Pant Bhanu was appointed Fadnavis to 
Shahu through the influence of Balaji Vishwanath ; Naro Gangadhar 

a *Tj : ; - 37. * Hajwade, vol. iv, pp. 34-35. 



398 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

became the Majmnadar ; the office of Mantri was taken away from 
Ramchandra Pant Punday and was confered on Naro Ram Shenvi ; 
and the office of Sumanta was taken away from Mahadaji Gadadhar 
and bestowed on Anandarao Raghunath. Mansingh then was appoint- 
ed Senapati, Hono Anant, Nyayadhish, and Mudgal Bhatt, Pandit 
Rao. 1 AH these appointments were made on the advice of Balaji 
Vishwanath and all the officers were capable men except the Senapati. 
Therefore latterly the duties of Peshwa and of Senapati were 
discharged by the same man Peshwa, 

PEACE WITH KANHOJI ANGREY : FEBRUARY 28, 1714 

Immediately after his investiture, Balaji Vishwanath was ordered 
to march against Kanhoji Angrey. Dark and robust, fierce and 
imperious, Kanhoji had struck terror in the hearts of all. Throwing 
Bahiro Pant Pingley and Nilo Ballal in the prison of Lohgad, he was 
still staying in that fortress, to remind Shahu of his careless courage. 
To tame such a man therefore was no easy task and no one was better 
fitted than the astute and intelligent, resourceful and domineering 
Chitpavan Brahmin Balaji Vishwanath. The Peshwa collected an army 
of three to four thousand troops and proceeded towards Lohgad. 2 
As on a previous occasion against Tara Bai, Balaji tried diplomacy 
before he tried force. His familiar relations with Kanhoji Angrey 
already subsisting through correspondence now stood him in good 
stead. As he set out with the army he wrote to him to come and 
meet him on the way. Kanhoji accordingly came out and met him at 
Glwan near Lonawala. 3 Then they went by easy stages to Kolaba 
and there Balaji persuaded him to give up his defiant attitude and 
tender allegiance to Shahu. In a secret meeting Balaji told him, You 
and I are brothers ; hence the Peshwaship is in your own house. Tell 
me if you would hand over the forts without fighting. Kanhoji 
agreed and Balaji appointed him Surkhel on behalf of Shahu. Kanhoji 
further submitted to the suzerainty of Shahu and promised to abandon 
the side of Shambhaji. A draft treaty was drawn tip on February 28, 
1714 according to which Balaji promised to surrender all the 
forts below the ghats to Kanhoji ; and Kanhoji promised to surrender 
all the forts above the Ghats to Shahu, Kanhoji actually had ten forts 
and sixteen mahals. The forts are (i) Khanderi, (ii) Kolaba, 
(iii) Subarnadurg, (iv) Vijaydurg, (v) Jaygad, (vi) Devdurg, 
(vii) Kanakdurg, (viii) Fattehgad, (ix) Awachitgad, (x) Yeswantgad. 

The Mahals are (i) Bahiro Gad, (ii) Kotla, (iii) Vikadgad, (iv) Manik- 
durg (v) Mirgad, (vi) Sargad, (vii) Rasalgad, (viii) Palgad, (ix) 
Ramdurg, (x) Khorepatan, (xi) Rajapur, (xii) Satwara, (xiii) Kamte 
(xiv) Sagargad, (xv) Shriwardhan, (xvi) Manranjan. 4 

Each promised to restore to their offices the servants of the other. 
Every year from the Dashera till the month of Margashirsha (i.e. 
October to December) the Peshwa should undertake a campaign 
against the Portuguese and the Abyssinian in the Konkan. If Angrey 

1 Raj wade, vol. ii, p. 17, Marathi Riyasat, vol. i, p. 47. 

2 Ibid., p. 35. 

* Ibid., p. 25 f.n t 



THE RISE OF THE PESHWAS 199 

succeeded in recovering Raygad from the Mughals, he must hand it 
over to the Chhatrapati. Besides this he must surrender Lohgad, 
Ttinga, Tikona, Korgad and Ghangad with their stores to the Peshwa; 
and the Peshwa must in return restore Rajmachi and a few other 
forts to Angrey, Further the Peshwa promised to help him against 
all his enemies, and to regard them as his own. These were the most 
significant conditions of the treaty. He further intervened to effect 
an agreement between Angrey and the Siddi, who were at war at this 
time, and rescued Bahiro Pant Pingley from the prison of Angrey. 1 
He accompanied Balaji to Satara. Thus conciliating a powerful chief 
like Angrey and rendering thereby a signal service to Shahu, Balaji 
returned to Satara by the middle of. March. His arrival was an 
ovation for him, and never before in his life Shahu had felt greater 
attachment for any one. Now Shahu's position in Maharastra was 
unshakable, and his power and prestige unquestionable/ 

IMPORTANCE OF THE TREATY WITH ANGREY 

Two things resulted from this treaty with Angrey ; one, it estab- 
lished perfect amity between Shahu and Angrey ; two, it involved 
Shahu and therefore the Maratha kingdom, in the conflicts between 
Kanhoji and his enemies, i.e., the Portuguese, the Abyssinians and the 
English. But on the whole it was not detrimental to the interests of 
the Maratha state. Kanhoji single-handed was sufficient to terrorize 
his enemies and to more than hold his own against them. Now the 
support of the king secured by the treaty substantially increased his 
strength and self-confidence. So long as he was living, Konkan was 
safe against all foreigners. The importance of the treaty can there- 
fore be all the more realized, and the service of Balaji Vishwanath all 
the more appreciated, when we take into account the various hostile 
powers that had their settlements on the west coast from Bassein to 
Sawantwadi. In 1715 the Portuguese were supreme at Bassein, Thana, 
Goa and Chaul; the English at Bombay and the Abyssinians at Janjira 
Against all these Angrey had to fight constantly and though he could 
overwhelm any one of these, he surely dreaded their combination. By 
the treaty all these enemies of Angrey became the enemies of the 
Maratha kingdom, and thus the unity of interests drew him (Kanhoji) 
ever close to the king of Maharastra. In one direction at. least. 'the 
treaty contributed to the unity of Maharastra, ar,d to the formation of 
the future Maratha confederacy. 

CONFLICT BETWEEN ANGREY AND THE ABYSSINIANS 

The Abyssinians were the most obstinate enemies of the Marathas, 
Their hostility persisted since the time of the great Shivaji. During 
the Deccan wars of Aurangzeb, they had helped him against the Mara- 
thas, and had thus occupied a large part of the Konkan. On the death 
of Aurangzeb his killedars (the commanders of the forts under him) 
left their charge and fled away. Thus many of these Mughal forts auto- 
matically came into the possession of the Abyssinians. The fort of 

> Rajwade, vol. ly, p* 35 

: '' ' ... 12 .-. .- .. " \ . ' ' 



200 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

Vishalgad was similarly occupied by the officers of Tara Bai. 1 In the 
years 1708, 1709 and 1710, the Abyssinians raided the country of the 
Marathas, and owing to their ravages the ryots fled from the villages. 
When Kanhoji Angrey became powerful he made war on the Abyssi- 
nians and It still continued when Balaji Vishwnanath concluded a treaty 
with Angrey in 1714. In accordance with the terms of the treaty 
Balaji Vishwanath intervened and helped to bring about a settlement 
between them on January 30, 1715. It was decided that the Sidi 
should allow the Kamawisdars of Shahu to realize half the revenue 
from the villages of Goregaon, Gowel, Nizampur, Nagothane, Ashtami 
Pali, Ashre and Antone, which were in the possession of the Sidi. 2 
Thus was settled the dispute between the Sidi and Angrey, not to 
the advantage of Angrey alone, but to that of Shahu also, 

CONFLICT BETWEBN ANGREY AND THE ENGLISH 

So long as Kanhoji Angrey was the warden of the western coast 

of Maharastra the Europeans lived in constant dread of him. He did 

not rest content with the conquest of Vijaydurg. * He drove out the 

Portuguese and other traders from many a place on the west coast, 

fortified them and ruled actually like an independent prince. Once 

he captured some ships full of Arab horses, with little difficulty and 

thus formed a new army of cavalry. The seafarers of all nations and 

all races Muhammadans, the Dutch, the Portuguese, the French and 

the English, honoured the blood-red banners of this pirate chief. >3 

Therefore it was the constant thought of all these people to crush the 

power of Kanhoji. To take his fort of Gheria was the cbief concern 

of the English. But in the life-time of Kanhoji they never succeeded. 

* His (Kanhoji ; s) first recorded attack on an English ship was on the 
4 yacht conveying Mr, Chown, the newly appointed Governor of the 

* English factory at Karwar. To escort the yacht went a small man of 

* war. While they were still in sight of Bombay island, the two ships 
' were attacked by a fleet of grabs or armed sailing vessels belonging 
f to Angrey. The yacht defended itself gallantly. But Chown's arm 
1 was shot off and he bled to death in his wife's arms. Mrs. Chown 
4 and the crew were taken. The Bombay Government applied for her 
1 release, but to procure it had to pay Rs. 30,000 by way of ransom. . 

* . . For two years after the capture of the Governor's yacht 
< Angrey left the English alone ; then he attacked the " Sommers " 
' and the (t Graham ". The two ships beat off the pirates, but after- 
' wards Angrey took a number of country crafts which he armed and 
' added to his fleet. 4 These caused immense damage to the English 
coastwise trade/ 

On December 26, 1715, Mr. Charles Boone arrived as the 
Governor of Bombay and noticing that Kanhoji Angrey obstructed 
their free movement on the coast, he vigorously set to equip a strong 
fleet against him. The preparation took him two years, and at the end 
of it he sent a squadron of nine battleships by name Britannia, 



1 Marathi Riyasat, vol. I, p. 82. 2 Rajwade, vol. ii. p. 26. 

3 Mwrathi Riyasat, voL i, p. 56. * Kincaid and Parasnis, vol. ii, pp. 204-. 



THE RISE OF THE PESHWAS 201 

Victory, Defiance, Revenge, Fame, Hunter, Hawk, Eagle and Princess 
Amelia, mounting: 148 guns and conveying a naval force of 1,250 men, 
and a lalid force of 2,500 Europeans and 1,500 Indian sepoys. This 
strong squadron approached Vijaydurga on April 17, 1717, and 
began bombardment. But so terrible was the fire of Kanhoji, and so 
irresistible his attack that the English were forced to retire to Bombay 
after a loss of 200 killed and 300 wounded. 

But Governor Boone was not a man to be so easily discouraged. 
In another year and a half he got two more battleships ready, and 
sent an expedition, this time to Khanderi. But this time also no 
better success attended the venture. 1 Badly beaten by Angrey, the 
squadron withdrew to Bombay. When the news of these reverses 
reached the Directors they approached the king with a request for 
help. Accordingly Admiral Mathews was despatched from Home and 
reached Bombay in September 1721. Further they sought the aid of 
the Portuguese, who willingly gave it, and with full preparation the 
combined fleets sailed towards AH Bag. Reaching Kolaba, they made 
a desperate attack on the fort but once again they suffered a defeat 
and were forced to retire, 2 After this last discomfiture the English 
did not venture to attack Angrey ; and so long as he was living the 
Europeans always kept at a respectable distance from him. 

SUPPRESSION OF DAMAJI THORAX, 1716-18 

After the settlement with Kanhoji Angrey, Shahu ordered 
operations against Damaji Thorat and Udaji Ohowhan, They had 
risen to power, as has been observed, during the troublous times of 
Maharastra. How Damaji outwitted the shrewd Chitpavan Brahman 
and then entered into the conspiracy of Chandra Sen against Shahu 
have also been narrated. Soon after the desertion of Chandra Sen 
at the same time when Shahu sent Balaji Vishwanath Peshwa to 
reduce Angrey, he had also ordered the minor SachivNaro Shankar, 
to lead an army against Damaji. But the task of suppression could 
not be undertaken by Naro Shankar's mother Yesu Bai acting through 
her agent Ranjhekar until the year 1716. The minor sachiv remained 
at Vichitragad and his army proceeded to Hingni, in the Parganah of 
Patas, the seat of Thorat's power. Damaji however left the charge of 
Hingni under his lieutenants, made a dash upon Vichitragad, surprised 
it and captured the young Sachiv on March 29, 1717. Then he 
threw him into prison and held him to ransom just as he had 
done on a previous occasion. Shahu was forced once again to pay 
the ransom and rescued the minor sachiv, who had remained a prisoner 
of Damaji for about a year. The fact that Shahu had to ransom Ms 
officers twice from the clutches of Damaji Thorat clearly shows how 
weak was his power at this time. A robber chief could defy him with 
impunity. Even after the successful termination of the proceedings of 
Balaji Vishwanath, after Tara Bai was clapped in the prison at 
Kolhapur, Krishna Rao Khataokar destroyed, and Kanhoji Angrey 
secured on the side of Shahu, Damaji could not be suppressed- Not 
until the treaty with Sayyid Husain AH Khan in February 1718, could 

1 Bombay Gazetteer \ vol. i, jpL ii, p. 8. * Marathi iyasat> vol. J, p S7. 



202 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

Sfaahu successfully cope with this robber chief. By the middle of 1718, 
the Peshwa and Pilaji Jadhav Senapati started at the head of a strong 
army consisting of the Marathas and the Mughal contingents supplied 
by the Sayyid, besieged Hingangaon, reduced the fort and carried 
away Damaji as a prisoner. 1 He was imprisoned in the fort of 
Purandar, but was released in 1719. Not learning by experience he 
took to brigandage and was once again chastised, captured and impri- 
soned in the fort of Parli, where he died in 1728. 2 



SUPPRESSION OF UDAJI CHAUHAN 

Then came the turn of Udaji Chauhan, a compeer of Thorat. He 
came of a very heroic family of the Marathas. His ancestor Ranoji 
served under Maloji Ghorpade, and Ranoji's son Bithoji Chauhan in 
co-operation with Santaji Ghorpade captured the golden capital of 
Aurangzib's camp. This deed of valour won for him the title of 
Himnaat Bahadar from Raja Ram, His son Udaji was brave like him 
and in the time of Tara Bai occupied Shirole, Raibag and Bijapur. 
When Shahu came he had established the seat of his power at Battis- 
shirole, where he had built himself a fortress. Damaji and Udaji acted 
In co-operation against Shahu. Incited by Chandra Sen, they had made 
it their business to plunder the country as far as Satara. After the 
reduction of Damaji, the Peshwa turned his arms against Chauhan. 
But more important matters came pressing on him and he had to put 
off the campaigns for some time. The Chauhan too grew less 
troublesome and in 1737 he fled away and joined the Nizam. Balaji 
Baji Rao won him over and gave him a sumptuous jagir, and he 
served him loyally till his death in November 1762. 3 Whether 
against Damaji Thorat or Udaji Chauhan, Kanhoji Angrey or Krishna 
Rao Khataokar, Tara Bai or Chandra Sen, Shahu left to himself 
would have been ruined. His weakness and irresolution would have 
aggravated the perils of the situation. Fortunately he found in Balaji 
that ready resourcefulness which triumphs over crises. Neither was 
Balaji unaware of Ms limitations. Wherever he knew he would fail 
if he resorted to force, he managed adroitly by means of diplomacy 
or intrigue. But in spite of his incessant activities extending over a 
period of six years the situation did not improve very much. There 
was no civil war between Shambhaji and Shahu, but there was neither 
amity nor co-operation. Angrey had been won over to Shahu no 
doubt, but he ruled like an independent prince in his fiefs. He kept 
up only a show of submission to Shahu. Damaji and Udaji continued 
to give trouble and lastly Maharastra was torn by petty factions. So 
long as this condition continued there could be no stable governmexat, 
no permanent peace. But the situation was fast changing on account 
of the dynamic forces operating not in Maharastra, but elsewhere 
round about, in the Mug al Empire. 



q"Nr qts^R* t)oc. ass, p. m. 

* Marathi Miyusat, vol. i, p. 62. 3 Ibid., p. 63-64, 



TffE RISE OF THE PESHWAS 203 

CHAPTER II (171519) 
THE MARATHAS AND THE MUGHALS BALAJT IN DELHI 

The period extending from the death of Shivaji, to the death of 
Aurangzeb is a remarkable epoch in the history of the Marathas. The 
Marathas, fighting in defence of their country and for the honour of 
their nation, at last succeeded in rolling: back the tide of Mughal on- 
slaught. But when the war of defence or ' the war of independence 3 
as it is called, was over, their internal dissensions broke out in greater 
fury, and all semblance of unity unity of authority or of interest, 
that had characterized their activities of that period receded to a 
distance. Sovereignty was divided between Shahu and Shambhaji ; 
the country was divided into the fiefs of the different sardars. When 
Balaji Vishwanath had not succeeded in making up these divisions, 
Maharastra was drawn most unfortunately into the vortex of the 
Imperial politics. The attention of the Marathas was diverted from 
their home troubles, and they looked beyond their own country, into 
another which opened up golden vistas and held out promises of a 
glorious future for them. It is hardly true to say that just after the 
death of Aurangzeb the Marathas planned an aggressive warfare 
against the Mughals with the deliberate determination of founding an 
empire. For a few years after the arrival of Shahu in Maharastra 
they Were absorbed in their domestic troubles, and Shahu himself was 
strongly opposed to the very idea of making war on the Mughals. 
They certainly never thought of founding an empire until Balaji 
Vishwanath and his Marathas returned from Delhi in 1719, with the 
first hand knowledge of the Imperial politics ; and they could not have 
gained this knowledge but for the violent currents and cross currents 
convulsing the very core of the empire. It was by a mere chance that 
the Marathas befriended the Sayyids and were ushered into Delhi, 
where they had a glimpse of the ghastly rottenness of the empire, 
and the crumbling condition ot the 'prop of the universe ' (Mughal 
Bmperor), Here we have to trace the outlines of Delhi politics, the 
activities of the chief wire-pullers there, and how the Marathas were 
drawn into their intrigues. It will be clear at the end of the narrative 
how the Marathas were dazed to witness the degrading condition of 
the House of Taimur and unwittingly chanced upon the tempting prize 
of an empire. 

DAUD"KHABT PaNNi THE Vic^aov OB THIS DEC CAN- (1708-13) 
AGREES TO PAY THE CHAUTH AND SARDESHMUKHI 

. . . . ' ' ' ' 'TO 



By the time of Aurangzeb's death the Mughal Empire was on its 
downward course, and his weak successors only accelerated the pro- 
cess. The Deccan, like all other imperial subahs, was in a welter of 
anarchy. When Shahu was released by Azam Shah, he had been 
granted the right of realizing the Chauth and Sardeshmukhi from the 
six subahs of the Deccan. Azam Shah however was killed in the 
battle of Jajau, and when Bahadur Shah came into the Deccan to sup- 
press the rising of Kambakhsh, Shahu rendered military service to 
him, in return for which he pressed for the confirmation of the rights 



204' JOURNAL OF INDIAN HlStORY 

granted by Azam Shah. But on account of the rivalry of Tara Bai, 
who also advanced the claim of her son to the throne of the Maharas- 
tra, and to the right of realizing the Sardeshtnukhi, the prayers of 
Shahu could not be granted. Zulfikar Khan took the side of Shahu, 
while his enemy Munim Khan, that of Tara Bai. At last it was 
decided that they must fight out their cause, and the victor would have 
the privileges prayed for. In grim determination they set to the task, 
and in 1711 Shahu' s power was established in Maharastra and that of 
Tara Bai declined. After the overthrow of Tara Bai, Shahu com- 
missioned Ms Maratha Sardars to ravage the territory ;of Mughals. 
The Deccan was again swarmed by the roving bands of the Marathas. 
At this time the Imperial Court was in a deplorable condition and was 
the seed bed of all intrigues. There was no knowing as to what 
would happen to the Deputy Governor of the Deccan. 1 Baud Khan 
Punni who had been left as the Deputy Governor of the Deccan, 
pestered by the Marathas on the one hand, and abandoned by the em- 
peror on the other, made the best of a bad situation, and promised 
to pay the Chauth and Sardeslnnukhi to Shahu for the six Subahs of 
the Deccan according- to the agreement of the Emperor Bahadur Shah. 
But Daud Khan made it a condition that these taxes were to be 
collected and paid by his officer Hiram an. The Maratha Generals or 
Shahu's officers should not rove in the country and collect these 
taxes. 2 Thus though Shahu had received the Farm an for the collec- 
tion of the Chauth and Sardeshmukhi as far back as 1707, he did not 
succeed in realizing these till about the year 1712, 

NIZAM -UL-MtiLK AS VICEROY (1713-15) AND HIS 
PROCEEDINGS 

In 1713 Daud Khan Punni was transferred to Gujrat and his place 
in the Deccan was taken by Nizam-ul-Mulk. He plays an important 
part in the History of the Marathas, and indeed the Deccan politics till 
the year 1748 centre round the personality of this remarkable man. 
Hence, it will not "be out of place here to add a few words about him. 

Ever since the foundation of the Mughal Empire a steady stream 
of Muhammedan immigrants had kept on flowing into India from be- 
yond the passes. They often migrated to India with the prospects of 
trade or service. But besides mere traders and service-seekers there 
came many a devout pilgrim into India to sail for Mecca from the 
Indian ports. One of such pilgrims was Khwaja Abid Shaikh-ul- 
Islarn of Bukhara. He was the grand father of Nizam -ul-Mulk. 
About the year 1655-6 he passed through India on his way to Mecca, 
and on his return took service with Alamgir. He rose to distinction 
in the Imperial service, and after him, his eldest son, Ghaziuddin the 
father of Nizam-ul-Mulk, filled several important offices of the 
Empire. 

{ Mir Qamar-tid-din, son of Ghaziuddin Khan by the daughter of 
' Sbah Jahan's wazir, Sadullah Khan, was born on August 11, 
' 1671. In 1683-84:, when in his thirteenth year, he received as his firs 

1 Iradat Khan, Scott's Deccan, pt. iv, p, 57, 
* Khafi. Khan, Elliot, vol. vii, p. 466. 



THE RISE OF THE PESHWAS 205 

1 appointment in the services of the state the rank of four hundred Zat, 
' one httndred horse. In the following year the title of Khan was add- 
1 ed to his name. In 1690-91 he received the title of Chin Qilich Khan, 
' and at Alamgir's death in 1707 he was Governor of Bijapur. His 
father and he took no part in the contest for the throne between the 

* sons of Alamgir ; and when Bahadur Shah had succeeded in defeat- 
1 ing his rival, he removed the Turanis from the Dakhin.' According- 
ly Ghaziuddin Khan Piroz Jang was sent to Ahmadabad in Gujrat, and 
Qilich Khan was appointed Subahdar of Oudh and Faujdar of Gorakh- 
pur (December 9, 1707). At the same time the title of Chin Qilich Khan 
was changed to that of Khan Dauran Bahadur and he was raised to 
6,000 Zat, 6,000 horse. c A few weeks afterwards (January 27, 1708) 
c he resigned all his titles and appointments ; but at the desire of 
( Munim Khan, the Wazir, he withdrew his resignation and was pro- 
1 moted to 7,000 Zat, 7,000 horse. When his father died and the 
deceased's property was confiscated, Chin Qilich Khan (Khaii 
' Dauran as he then was) sent in his resignation afresh, February 6, 

* 1711 ; this time it was accepted and 4,000 rupees a year were granted 
4 for his support. Quite at the end of Bahadur Shah's reign he return- 
' ed to the active list with the titles of Ghaziuddin Khan Bahadur Firoz 

* Jang. On Bahadur Shah's death, he attempted . to espouse the cause 
1 of Azim-tish-Shan, who long before had promised him high office',' 

* and he had made one march from Delhi at the head of 3,000 or 4,000 
c men, when he heard of the Prince's death. Thereupon he discharged 

* his men and retired into private life. Towards the end of Jahaadar 
1 Shah's short reign, he was appointed to the defence of Agra. Then 

1 he and his cousin were brought over to Parrukhsiyar's interest, 
' through Shariyat-Ullah-Khan (Mir Jumla), and as a reward for his 
1 neutrality he was now made Governor of the whole Dakhin, with the 
new titles first of Khan Khanan, and then of Nizam-ul-Mulk, Bahadur, 

* Pateh Jang.' 1 

ACTIVITIES OF NIZAM-UL-MULK IK THE DECCAN (1713-15) 

In 1713 he was appointed as the viceroy of the six subahs of the 
Deccan each of which was under an Amaldar. Ambitious and un- 
scrupulous he wanted to rule over it independently of Delhi, and he 
turned the troubles prevailing at the court to his own advantage. But 
he had to reckon with enemies nearer home. These were the Mara- 
thas who claimed the black mail on his subahs, and until he was rid of 
them, he could not get a free hand in his affairs. Hence from the 
very start of his career in the Deccan he determined to check the 
growing rapacity of the Marathas. The first step was to stop the 
payment of the black mail as agreed to by Daud Khan Punni, and then 
to rally round him all the disaffected chiefs of Maharastra. 2 Chandra 
Sen Jadhav had fled from Kolhapur, after the overthrow of Shivaji II, 
to his shelter and he gave him a sumptuous jagir at Bhalki, to the 
north of Bidar. Another Sardar, Sarje Rao Ghatge left the service of 
Shahu, and joined his standard. Already there was on his side 
Rambhaji Nimbalkar, the Thanadar of the important outpost of 

* Irvine, vol., i, p. 268-72. e Khafi Khan, Elliot, vol. vii, p. 450, 



2Q6 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTOMY 

TVfiicxhals Baramati, near Poona. He became famous later on tinder 
fhe stvle' of Rao Rambha Nimbalkar. 1 Besides these chieftains he 
artfully won over Shambhaji to his side, on the understanding: that 
he would support him against Shahu. Thus an imposing array of 
adversaries was formed against Shahu, with Nizam-ul-Mulk as its 
leader When the ground plan was complete, he told the Marathas 
with a show of reason that he could not pay the fixed contribution, 
because he did not know who the real king of Maharastra was- 
whether Shahu or Shambhaji. His next move was to foil the attempts 
of Balaji Vishwnaath, who tried to wipe off the Mug-hal authority 
from Poona and its neighbourhood. Balaji Viswanath had taken decisive 
steps to strengthen his hold on Poona. Recovering Lohgad from 
Angrey he had left it in charge of his tried friend Ramji Mahadev 
Bhanu. Mawal to the further west was entrusted to the care of 
Ramaji's brother Hari Mahadev Bhanu. He took the fort of Purandar 
from the Sachiv and put it in perfect order. Thus he made Poona 
secure on all sides. 2 But the Peshwa had yet much to do and 
Nizam-ul-Mulk had not yet achieved any appreciable success, when 
owing to the court intrigues at Delhi he was suddenly called back 
after a reign of only a year and five months, and Sayyid Husain Ali was 
appointed to his office. That was by the end of 1714, and it upset the 
plans of the Nizam. 3 He had hardly formed his ambitious schemes, 
when they came to naught. It was, therefore, with great resentment 
and disgust that he left the Deccaii, and on April 4, 1715 the 
new Viceroy started from Delhi to assume his charge. This circum- 
stance the transfer of Nizam-ul-Mulk and the appointment of Sayyid 
Husain Ali Is fraught with consequences for Maharastra. For the 
present it relieved Shahu and Balaji Vishwanath from great calamities, 
and left the country free from a determined enemy, and his blood-thirsty 
proceedings. The regime of the new Viceroy as we shall presently 
see forms a landmark in the history of the Marathas, 

HISTORY OF THE SAYYID BROTHERS 

In the meantime were happening events at Delhi, that betokened 
ill for the empire. It was the scene of petty jealousies and mean 
faction fights. The emperor, Farrukhsiyar, had become a mere tool 
in the hands of unscrupulous nobles. His inability, and worthlessness 
had made him contemptible to all. The court had become a hot bed 
of sedition. There were two parties, one of the Emperor, the other 
of the Sayyid brothers. The Emperor's party conspired to destroy 
the power of the Sayyids, and the kingmakers' party plotted to coun- 
teract their designs. Many a time it seemed that matters would be 
pushed to the extreme and the Sayyid brothers would be thrown over- 
board. But clever and cautious as the Sayyids were, they successfully 
thwarted all the attempts of the Emperor and still retained their posi- 
tion intact. At last it was arranged that one of the kingmakers should 
be transferred to the Deccan. Accordingly the younger and the more 
capable Sayyid, Husain Ali Khan, was appointed to assume the charge 
of the Deccan as the viceroy in 1715. 4 Before we proceed with the 

1 Rajwade, vol. xx f p. 72. * Marathi Riyasat, vol. i, p, 72. 

3 Iradat Khan, Scott's Deccan, pt. iv, p. 152. * Irvine, vol. i, pp., 293-300, 



THE RISE OF THE PESHWAS 207 

narrative, it will not be improper to give a brief account of these 
Sayyid brothers, who were called the kingmakers, and who were des- 
tined to make a signal contribution to the rise of the Marathas. 1 

On the death of Bahadur Shah there ensued a contest "for the 
throne between Jahandar Shah and Azim-Ush-Shan. When the latter 
was defeated and killed at Lahore, and Jahandar Shah ascended the 
throne, his son, Farrukhsiyar, prepared to avenge his father's death 
and to make a bid for the throne. But for the help of the two Sayyid 
brothers, who were won over by the entreaties of their mother for 
Farrukhsiyar, he would have been nowhere. Indeed his cause looked 
hopeless even after the adherence of the Sayyids. But the worthless 
character of Jahandar, his disgusting: vices and revolting favouritism, 
had alienated many of the right-thinking persons. 2 In the battle of 
Agra he was defeated owing to the reckless bravery of the Barha 



1 'The two Sayyid brothers, who now come into such prominence, were not the 
mere upstarts, men of yesterday, that it was too often the fashion to make them 
out to be. Besides the prestige of Sayyid lineage, of descent from the famous 
Barha branch of that race, and the personal renown acquired by their own valour 
they were the sons of a man, who had held in Alamgir's reign first the Subakdari 
of Bijapur in the Dakhin, and then that ofAjmer, appointments given in that 
reign either to Princes of the blood or to the very foremost men in the state. Their 
father Sayyid Abdullah Khan, known as Sayyid Miyan, had risen in the service of 
Ruhullah Khan, Alamgir's Mir Bakshi, and finally, on receiving an imperial 
mansab, attached himself to the eldest Prince Muhammad Mauzzam Shah Alam. 

' Hasan Ali Khan ( afterwards Abdullah Khan Qutb-ul-muik) and Husain All 
Khan, two of the numerous sons of Abdullah Khan Sayyid Miyan, were now men 
of about forty-six and forty-four years of age respectively. About 1109 H. (1697-8) 
the elder brother was faujdar of Sultanpur Nazarbarin Baglana, Subah Khandesh 
after that, of Siuni Hoshangabad also in Khandesh, then again of Nazarbar cou- 
pled with Thalner in sarkar Asir of the same subah. Subsequently he obtained 
charge of Aurangabad. The younger brother Husain Ali Khan, who is admitted 
by every one to have been a man of much greater energy and resolution than his 
elder brother, had in Alamgir's reign held charge first of Rantambhor, in subah 
Ajmer, and then of Hindaun Biana, in subah Agra. 

* After Prince Muizz-ud-din, the eldest of Shah Alain's sons, had been appoint- 
ed in 1106 H. (1694-5) to the charge of the Multan province, Hasan Ali Khan and 
his brother followed him there. In an expedition against a refractory Biluch 
Zamindar, the Sayyids were of opinion that the honours of the day were theirs. 
Muizz-ud-din thought otherwise, and assigned them to his then favourite Isa 
Khan Main. The Sayyids quitted the service in dudgeon and repaired to Labor, 
where they lived in comparative poverty, waiting for employment from Munim 
Khan, the nazim of that place. 

* When Alamgir died and Shah Alam, Bhadur Shah, reached Lahoron his 
march to Agra to contest the throne, the Sayyids presented themselves, and their 
services were gladly accepted. They were (Safar 1119 H. May 1707) promoted to 
the rank of 3,000 and 2,000 horse, respectively with a gift of kettledrums. In the 
battle of Jajau on the 18, Rabi I. 1119 H. (June 18 1707), they served in the van- 
guard and fought valiantly on foot, as was the Sayyid habit on an emergency. A 
third brother, Nur-ud-din Ali, Khan, was left dead on the field, and Husain AH 
Khan was severely wounded. Though their rank was raised in Zul Qada 1119 H. 
(February 1708) to 4,000, and the elder brother received his father's title of 
Abdullah Khan, they were not treated with such favour as their exceptional servi- 
ces seemed to deserve, either by the new Emperor or his Wazir .... At length, 
by the favour of Prince Azim-Ush-Shan, Abdullah Khan on the 21st Zul Qada 1122 
H. (January 10, 1711) became that Prince's deputy in the province of Allahabad. 
About two years earlier (llth Muharram 1120 H., April I, 1708), the same patron 
had nominated the younger brother Husain Ali Khan, to represent him in another 
of his Governments, that of Bihar, of which the capital was at Azimabad Patna.' 
Irvine vol. i, pp. 202-5. 

2 Khafi Khan, Elliot, vol. vii, pp. 432-34 ; Iwine vol. i, pp. 192r-7 ? 

13 



208 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

Sayyids, * and Farrukhsiyar ascended the throne after executing 
Jahandar Shah, in February 1713. 2 

But almost from the first day of the reign there began a misunder- 
standing between Farrukhsiyar and the Sayyids. Farrukhsiyar soon 
discovered that he had forged his fetters by his own hands, and hence 
constantly conspired to get rid of the Sayyids. Mutual suspicions 
were fanned by Mir Jumla, Khan Dauran, Taqarrub Khan, and other 
personal friends and favourites of Farrukhsiyar. A few weeks after 
"the battle of Agra, Husain AH Khan wrote to his brother, who had 
proceeded to Delhi in advance, ' It was clear from the Prince's talk 

* and the nature of his acts, that he was a man, who paid no regard 
to claims for service performed, one void of faith, a breaker of his 
' word and altogether without shame. Thus it was necessary for 
1 them to act in their own interests without regard to the plans of 

* the new sovereign/ 3 

At first the disputes ranged round two things : 4 c The nomin- 
ations to office, and the appropriation of the confiscated wealth of 
v the Jahandarshahi nobles, A third lever for persuading Farrukh- 
' siyar to get rid of the two Sayyids was found in his superstitious 
'fears.' When the younger Say y id led a campagin against Raja A jit 
Singh Rathor of Jodhpur (November 1713-July 1714) because he had 
forbidden cow-slaughter in his kingdom and the call for prayer from 
the Alamgiri Mosque, had ejected the imperial officers from Jodhpur 
and destroyed their nouses ; had entered the imperial territory and 
taken possession of Ajmer; 3 the emperor wrote letters to Ajit Singh 
secretly * urging him to make away with Husain Ali Khan in any way 
he could, whereupon the whole of the Bakhshi's property and treasure 
would become his.' 6 But the emperor was disappointed by the 
result of the campaign, which ended in a brilliant victory for the 
Sayyid, and a favourable treaty for the Emperor. 

Next he was advised by his party to elevate two nobles of power 
and position* and place them on an equality with the Sayyids, so 
that they might be a check to the authority of the two brothers. 
Gradually their power should be shorn off and * the two brothers 
should be caught unattended and made prisoners.' 7 The two men 
selected to confront the Sayyids were Khan Dauran and Mir Jumla. 
No order was issued without their advice, and at length through the 
indiscretion of the palace servants the Sayyids learnt of the plots 
against their own life. It was rumoured that the Emperor attempted 
to ruin them, and from this stage the quarrel became public. It was 
once advised that Itimad-ud-daulah Muhammad Amin Khan should 
be made wazir in supersession of Abdullah Khan, and if Farrukhsiyar 
had only made up his mind, he would have easily destroyed the 
Sayyids. Relying constantly on what others said and never taking a 
bold initiative in any affair, he undermined the growing strength of 
his party, and in fact his schemes, often reaching consummation, 
collapsed on account of his irresolution. At last Farrukhsiyar 
conceived of a plan to separate the two brothers and then 



. M. by Irvine, vol. i,, pp. 22&-S3. 2 Ibid O o 254-;8 

Khan, EM*, vol. vU ; Irvine, vol. i pp 192-7 ' PP ' 

s PP ' 282 ~ 3 ' * md vol. i, P. 285, 

. 293// 



THE RISE OF THE PESHWAS 209 

to get rid of them one by one. Fortunately for him a proposal 
was put forward by the Sayyids themselves praying- for their 
transfer to Bengal and Dakhin, so that they might be away from the 
heated atmosphere of the court. It was at last decided that Sayyid 
Husain AH alone should leave the court and take over the charge of 
the Dakhin. on condition that Mir Jtimla also was sent away to Bihar, 
and Lutfullah Khan who was at the root of all mischiefs was deprived 
of his rank. This condition was necessary for the safety of his 
elder brother Abdullah Khan, who remained at court. On the 4th of 
April 1715, Husain All reported his departure from Delhi. 1 ' He 
' took with him power to appoint and remove all officials and 
{ exchange the commanders of all forts in the Dakhin. Nay, a 
' common story is that, under compulsion, Farrukhsiyar made over 
' to him the great seal, in order that the warrants of appointment to 
' the forts should not require imperial confirmation. ' On the eve of 
his departure he had definitely told the Emperor, * that in case of 
1 designs against his brother Koottub-al-Moolk, he would return to 
( Dhely in twenty days. . . ' 2 

Thus administering a threat to the Emperor and armed with all 
the authority necessary for independent action he left for the Deccan. 
Hardly had he turned his back, when new plots were formed, and 
Daud Khan, then Governor of Ahemadabad, Gujrat, was secretly 
instructed to resist the Sayyid to the best of his ability and if possible, 
to kill him. 3 The reward promised was the viceroy alty of the six 
subahs of the Deccan (22nd July-25th August 1715). 4 As the 
Sayyid marched into the Deccan Nizam-ul-Mulk passed him on the 
way, and burning in resentment, did not even pay a visit to him as 
was the binding etiquette of the court. Then came the alarming news 
that Daud Khan was preparing to resist him in combination with the 
Marathas led by Nemaji Sindhia. 5 In great trepidation Husain All 
awaited the encounter with Daud Khan and fortunately defeated and 
killed him in the battle near Burhanpur on the 6th September, 1715. B 
The defeat was due to the inaction of the Marathas, who withdrew 
to a distance, and actually joined Sayyid Husain, when the day was 
won. 7 On the defeat and death of Daud Khan his belongings fell 
into the hands of the Sayyid and among these were found the letters 
sent from the court, incriminating the Emperor in the intrigue against 
him. 

Master of the situation Husain AH now resolved to put down the 
Marathas. Khande Rao Dabhade, a chief of great power, had setup a 
number of outposts and realized the Chauth between Siarat and 
Burhanpur, and further claimed the same from Gujrat and the Deccan 
for Shahu. Husain AH at first deputed his commander Zulfikar Beg 
against Dabhade, but the latter tired the Mughal soldiers by a series 
of rapid marches, and at length surrounded them in the mountainous 
regions, and cut off Zulfikar Beg with his troops. 8 It came as a 

1 Irvine, vol. i, p. 303. a Iradsit Khan, Scott* s Deccan, part iv, p. 140, 

3 Khafi khan, Elliot, vol. vii, p. 452. 

* /*., p. 451. " ^ 

5 Iradat Khan, Scott 1 s Deccan^ part iv, p. 140, __.--,,,-, 

6 Khafi Khan, Elliot, vol. vir, p. 453 ; Iradat Khan, Scott, part iv, p. 141. 

7 Khafi Khan, Mlliot, vol. vii, pp. 453-4. 

8 Ibid., p. 463. 



210 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

dhock to tbe Sayyid. He was not aware of the power of the Marathas, 
and this humiliation rankled in his heart. He made more vigorous 
preparation for his reduction. But Dabhade who seemed not to take 
notice of it went to Satara and paid his court to Shahu, who in recog- 
nition of his services appointed him the Senapati in the place of Man 
Singh More. 3 This elevation of Dabhade made the Sayyid more 
cautious and this time he deputed his Diwan Muhakkam Singh and his 
own brother Saif-ud-din, Subahdar of Burhanpur, against him. ' These 
' two famous chiefs pursued Khandu in the hope of retaliating upon 
* him or of removing his posts so that they might no longer trouble 
4 the ' country and people of Khandesh. But they accomplished 
'nothing.' 2 A contested battle was fought near Ahmadnagar, with 
indecisive results. The Mughals were harassed everywhere and it 
appeared as if their sway would be stamped out from the Deccan in 
spite of the presence of the ablest man of the empire. Shahu was not 
slow to take advantage of these victories. He commissioned Dabhade 
to levy contributions on Gujrat and Kathiawad. The news of these 
discomfitures suffered by the Sayyid at the hands of the Marathas 
elated the emperor and he wrote urging them to make war on his 
viceroy without respite. 3 This was just the thing the Marathas 
wanted, and encouraged by the emperor they harassed the Viceroy 
incessantly. But when Husain AH was apprised of the underhand 
dealings of the emperor, he completely changed his attitude towards 
the Marathas and recalled Muhakkam Singh to the head quarters. 4 
He knew there was only one way out of it, and in utter disgust, he 
proceeded to make the best of a bad affair. On the advice of Shaikh 
Zada Anwar Khan of Burhanpur, he opened overtures for an alliance 
with the Marathas and sent as his envoy Shankaraji Malhar, who had 
been the Sachiv in the reign of Raja Ram. s In his old age Shan- 
karaji had retired to Benares and thence he had gone to Delhi. 6 At 
this time he was in the Mughal camp as the Karbhari of Sayyid 
Husain AH. Shankaraji met Balaji Vishwanath, and after a good deal 
of deliberation on both sides, it was decided that the following condi- 
tions should constitute the treaty : 

(i) All the territory comprising the Swarajy a of Shivaji, includ- 
ing all the forts therein, should be handed over to Shahu. 

(ii) The portions of Kandesh, Gondwana, Berar, Haidarabad 
and Karnatak, conquered by the Marathas, should also be resigned to 
Shahu to be added to Swarajy a. 

(iii) The Chauth and Sardeshmukhi over the six subahs of the 

Deccan should be assigned to Shahu, who in return for the Chauth 

should maintain a contingent of fifteen thousand Maratha troops for 

the service of the Emperor, and in return for the Sardeshmukhi should 

.. maintain peace and order in the six subahs of the Deccan. 

(iv) Shahu should not molest Shambhaji of Kolhapur. 

1 Rajwade, vol. ii, p. 28. 

* Khafi Khan, Elliot , vol. vii, p. 464, 
3 Ibid., p. 464. 

* iradat Khan, Scott's Deccan, part iv, p. 151, 
5 Khafi Khan, Elliot, vol. vii, p. 466. 

Rajwade, vol. 51, pp. 29-30 ; Khafi Khan, JSMiot, vol. vii, p. 466 ,'. 

*ft: 3iP v p. 49, .. >,.;.. . . - .; . . .. . ;. 



THE RISE OF THE PESHWAS 211 

(v) Shahu should pay an annual tribute of ten lacs of rupees. 

(vi) The mother and family of Shahu, and Madan Singh (the 
son of Shambhaji by a concubine) who are in the custody of the 
Emperor at Delhi should be sent back home. 1 

These terms were accepted as a whole, with slight changes here 
and there in February 1718. Shahu proceeded to act upon the treaty 
as soon as it was ratified by the Sayyid. But when the Emperor got 
it, and was requested to ratify it, he simply rejected it with indigna- 
tion. Nothing was further from his intentions than that Sayyid Husain 
AH should make ' peace and bind the Marathas to his interest *. 2 



SIGNIFICANCE OF THE TREATY 

Whatever the emperor might do Sayyid Husain AH had accepted 
it ; and his acceptance was a matter of necessity rather than of choice. 
The peculiar circumstances of his situation had forced his hands, and 
it was with great hesitation that he had concluded the treaty. It 
proved advantageous to him and the country got a short respite from 
* the calamities of war and its attendant famine which had vexed 
( Deccan for a long series of years no doubt, but the governors of 
1 districts and farmers of revenue were more distressed than ever as 
' they had now three collectors, one for the presence, one for the 
' Choute, and a third for the Deesmukee.* Nevertheless the treaty 
came as a God-send to the Marathas. Vast privileges and important 
demands were conceded to them. They were recognized as more or 
less supreme in their own country, and on account of their being 
entrusted with the maintenance of peace and order they automatically 
acquired sovereign rights. They maintained fifteen thousand troops 
for the service of the emperor but at the cost of the Deccan viceroy. 
This was a very profitable subsidiary alliance formed by the Marathas 
long before Lord Wellesley. In short, the treaty made the viceroy 
dependent on the Marathas for military help and for the maintenance 
of peace and order. It is, therefore, a landmark in Maratha history. 

The credit after all goes to the man who formulated the treaty. 
That was Balaji Viswanath one of the 'most intelligent generals of 
Rajah Shahu ' as Khafi Khan remarks. 3 Once again he rendered a 
signal service to his country. Shahu's position was made not only 
unshakable but respectable, not only in the eyes of the Marathas .but 
of the Mughals also. His prestige was enormously enhanced after 
this treaty, and no less was that of Balaji Viswanath. If Shahu was 
revered as a good king, Balaji Viswanath was both revered and 
regarded as the saviour of the country. Such was the significance of 
the treaty. It profited the Sayyid ; it won sovereign right for the 
Marathas ; it enhanced the prestige of the Peshwa. 



1 Ithafi Khan, Elliot, vol. vii, p. 467 ; Iradat Khan, 'Scott's. Deccan, paft iy, 
p. 152 ; Rajwade, vol. vlii, Doc. 78, pp. 102-8 ; Raj-wade, vol. ii pp. 30-31 ; 

2ft: Stt: ^: PP. SI and 52. 

2 IradatKhan, Scott's Deccan, part iv, p. 152. 

3 Khafi Khan, JBtlliot, vol. vii, p. 466. 



212 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

HUSAIN ALl'S DEPARTURE FOR DELHI 

But amidst all his activities Husain AH kept a close eye on the 
affairs at the imperial court. In the meantime his brother's position 
at Delhi had become extremely perilous. Not only had the emperor's 
wrath dogged him into the Deccan ; his perfidious conduct had thrown 
his brother into, a critical situation. Dark webs of intrigue were 
closing round him, and there was no knowing when he might be 
undone. 

Between 1715-17, the Emperor started on a series of hunting 
expeditions, of which the principal object was to form plans and find 
opportunities to make away with Abdullah Khan. New favourites 
were created. Nizam-ul-Mulk who had reasons to be hostile towards 
the Sayyids threw in his lot with the Emperor's Party and Khan 
Dauran and Mir Amin Khan hitherto the chief advisors of the Emperor 
were removed to make room for a Kashmiri favourite Muhammad 
Murad. Unprecedented honours were bestowed on him in almost 
bewildering succession and his rapid rise disgusted many of the sober 
and right thinking men. Nizam-ul-Mulk found it difficult to remain on 
good terms with the men of Farrukhsiyar's confidence, and withdrew to 
his new governorship of Muradabad in April 1717. But Muhammad 
Murad felt that he was not the man to encounter the Sayyids in the 
open. Hence he advised some of the powerful commanders to be 
called to the court. One by one Sarbuld Khan, Maharaja Ajit Singh 
and Nizam-ul-Mulk were summoned to effect the deliverance of the 
Emperor from the hated tutelage of the Sayyids, and each one of them, 
who came with high hopes, was alienated by the blind favouritism, of 
Farrukhsiyar. Everyone's claims and everyone's abilities were 
subordinated to Muhammad Murad's, and hence they left the Emperor 
in disgust to side with the Sayyids. On August 27, 1728 the Emperor 
attempted to seize Abdullah Khan but failed. In September there 
were also dark designs against Abdullah Khan, who wrote to his 
brother to come back to Delhi as quietly as possible. 1 (September 
29, 1718). 

Soon after his brother's letter reached Sayyid Husain he made 
ready to leave the Deccan. About November 1718 he started from 
Aurangabad at the head of 8,000 or 9,000 of his own troops and about 
sixteen thousand Marathas under the command of Khanderao 
Dabhade accompanied by Balaji Vishwanath and Santaji Bhonsle. 2 
The Maratha leaders ' received horses and elephants, robes of honour, 
' and money for expenses, with many promises of future reward in 
' addition to the release of Rajah Sarnbha's wife and son. These 
< promises included ratification of the treaty for a grant of the Chauth ; 
* grant of the Sardeshmukhi, .... and a confirmation of the 
' hereditary Maratha territory or Swaraj. Each Maratha trooper was 
to receive from the Viceroy's treasure chest half a rupee, or, as- some 
'say, a rupee a day.' 3 Thus reinforced by the Marathas, and his 
heart easy with regard to his government of the Deccan on account of 
the recent treaty with them, he reported to the court that the Dakhin 
climate did not agree with him, and that he wanted to present to the 

x Iradat Khan, Scott's Deccan, part iv. pp. 152-54 ; Khafi Khan, Elliot, vol. vii, 
pp. 469-71 ; Irvine, vol. i, pp. 339-53. 

* Khafi Khan, Elliot, vol. vii, p, 472. 3 Irvine, vol. i, pp. 35&-60. 



THE RISE OF THE PESHWAS 213 

Emperor a son of the rebel prince Akbar (Aurangzib's son) by name 
Muinuddin who had been captured by Rajah Shahu. Farrukhsiyar 
ordered him to Ahmedabad for a charge and to send Muinuddin to 
Delhi. Without paying: any heed to these orders Husain AH started 
for Delhi, left Burhanpur on December 14, and Ujjam on December 26, 
1718, 

As he approached, consternation seized the imperial court and 
Farrukhsiyar's schemes one by one fell through. The Emperor sent 
his messenger Ikhlas Khan who was supposed to have great influence 
with the Sayyid, to persuade him to return. 1 By the end of 
December 1718 he met the Sayyid at Mandu, and instead of persuading 
him to return filled his ears with all sorts of alarming news. Ikhlas 
Khan had carried a Farman from the Emperor signifying the acceptance 
of all the conditions of the Viceroy's treaty with the Marathas. The 
Emperor had further appended a message to it that though he desired 
much to see his Mir Bakhshi, yet it would be unwise to advise him to 
come to Delhi, for the Marathas might trouble his government in his 
absence. The clever Sayyid wrote back to say that, 'when on reaching 
{ Malwa, Ikhlas Khan had delivered to him the Farman, he had at once 
e made ready to return. But the officers of the Mahratta Rajah, who 
' were in his company at the head of a large force, swore that unless 
* he remained, they could never secure the release of the Rajah's 

< mother and brother. 2 Now if they were to suspect him of trea- 

< chery, the consequences might be dreadful.' On these pretexts he 
disregarded the order to return to Dakhin. His way was made clear 
on account of the withdrawal of Mahammad Amin Khan Chin from 
Malwa without orders. He had been posted there with the specific 
order to prevent the Viceroy from coming to Delhi. His withdrawal 
enraged the Emperor, but there was no help. 3 

At length Delhi was entered on February 16, 1719 f with sovereign 

state, kettle-drums beating and clarions sounding ' in entire disregard 

of the prevalent custom. Fear seized all men great and small, and 

there were wild rumours afloat throughout the city. Raja Jai Singh 

advised Farrukhsiyar at this crisis ' to take the field and fall upon the 

Sayyids ' and promised his whole-hearted support to him. But * the 

infatuated Emperor persisted in his attempt to buy off the Sayyids by 

concession after concession; and a few days afterwards, 4 yielding to 

the insistence of Qutab-ulMulk, he, by a note written with his own 

hand, ordered Rajah Jai Singh and Rao Budh Singh to march from 

Delhi to their own country.' Thus he sent away his staunch adherents 

from his side, and now his fall was inevitable. On February 27, hot 

words and undesirable expressions were exchanged between the 

Emperor and the Sayyids in consequence of which the latter posted a 

strong guard round the palace, and thus had the Emperor in their 

custody. 

c At last the fateful morning dawned on February 28, 1719. Only 

an hour or an hour-and-a-half after daybreak, a great disturbance 

' arose in the city. Muhammad Amin Khan Chin Bahadur and Zakariya 

' Khan, at the desire apparently of Husain AH Khan, were on their way 

at the head of their Mughals to attend the Sayyid's darbar. As the 

1 Iradat Khan Scott's Deccan, part iv, p. 155. 2 Irvine, vol. i, pp. 361-2, 
3 Ibid., p. 373. * <#*- P- 376. 



214 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

' crowd of Mahrattas in the streets and lanes near the fort impeded their 
' progress, the Mughals began to push them forcibly on one side and 
1 open, a route for the two Nawabs and their retinue.' Upon this there 
ensued a scuffle, in which the Marathas suffered terribly. Taken on 
all sides, by the Mughal troops and the city rabble, they lost about 
1,500 to 2,000 men on that day along with two or three leaders of 
repute, Santaji Bhonsle being the chief among them. * Late on that 
day the Sayyids entered the palace, declared Farrukhsiyar deposed 
and set up Prince Rafiud Darajat on the throne. Then followed a 
scene the like of which had never been enacted In the palace of the 
Imperial Mughals. It came as a rude shock to the sense of loyalty of 
the people of Delhi, and to the Marathas who though not loyal, yet 
retained a great respect for the power and prestige of the House of 
Taimur. Poor Farrukhsiyar a prisoner in his palace was dragged 
out with great indignity ' to the presence of Kutab-ul-Mulk Abdullah 
Khan and was ordered to be blinded in that Diwan-i-Khas where he 
was wont to sit in state, and at whose entrance Shah Jahan has 
inscribed those memorable lines : 

* Agair Fidaus Bar Ruhe Zamin Ast, 

Hamin Ast, O Hamin Ast, O Hamin Ast.' 

i.e., if there is a heaven on earth, it is this, it Is this, it is this. But 
even worse fate awaited the occupant of the Peacock throne. After he 
was blinded he was confined in a room above the Tirpoliya gate 
' a bare, dark, unfurnished hole containing nothing but a bowl for 
food, a pot of water for ablutions, and a vessel with some drinking 
water''; Fitting paraphernalia for a descendant of the Grand Mughal 
indeed ! He. lived there, in that lonely cell for a few weeks till at last 
he was strangled to death on April 28, with marks of dishonour on the 
body. Thus ended one of the saddest episodes of the Delhi Court. 

BALAJI'S RETURN TO MAHARASTRA 

A_ few days after the accession of the new Sovereign, Rafiud 
Darajat, Balaji Vishwanath received in confirmation of each of the 
main provisions of the treaty, a Farman from the Emperor. One, 
dated March 13, granted the Marathas the Chauth of the six 
Subahs of the Deccan including the tributary states of Tanjore, 
Trichinopoly and Maisur. Another, dated March 24, granted them 
the Sardeshmukhi over the Deccan, and the third confirmed Shahu, in 
the possession of the Swarajya of Shivaji at the time of his death in 
1681. 2 Besides these grants, the mother and family of Shahu, along 
with Madan Singh were released and were given over to Balaji 
Vishwanath. 

CONSEQUENCES OF THE JOURNEY OF THE MARATHAS 

TO DELHI. 

This journey of the Marathas to Delhi produced far-reaching 
consequences in their history. Besides its immediate advantages it 
deeply coloured the later policy of the Marathas, and came as an' eye- 
opener to them m many respects. For long the Marathas, who had 

* Iradat Khan, Scott's Deccan, part iv, p. 161. 
2 Irvine, vol. i, p. 407. ^. ^r : =g : p. 55. 



THE RISE OF THE PESHWAS 215 

looked upon the imperial power and prestige with awe, witnessed at 
Delhi what that power actually meant. The halo of glory that 
surrounded the name of the descendants of Babar and Akbar, to whom 
the President of Fort William addressed as the Absolute Monarch and 
Prop of the Universe/ vanished into the lurid light of utter contempt 
when the Marathas found them reduced to mere tools at the hands of 
the unscrupulous courtiers, and dragged to dishonour and ignominotis 
death. Delhi reeking with blood, courtiers thriving in machination, 
the Emperor an instrument of the ambitious nobles, the central 
authority levelled to the dust all these revealed the realities about 
the Mughal Empire. Long before their great king Shivaji had proved 
to his people that the Mughal army was not invincible, and the 
Mughal territory not inviolable. Further they had been sufficiently 
disillusioned with regard to the real strength of the Mughals during 
their war of independence (1690--1707). Now they realized full well 
that the Mughal Empire was rotten to the core, that it could never 
sustain its pristine glory and perhaps, who knows, it might fall to 
the powerful blows of the Marathas : Balaji Vishwanath a shrewd 
man of affairs as he was, must have seen with the eyes of a 
statesman that now the splendid structure of the Mughal Empire was 
tottering to its fall, and was a prize worth attempting, and worth 
fighting for. His other Maratha leaders must have conceived similar 
idea. They must have conjured up to their minds a glorious 
picture of Hindusthan, the home-land of Hinduism and the treasure- 
house of Asia a land consecrated by a thousand memories of Shri 
Ram and Shri Krishna so dear to the Hindu heart. This holy land, 
this rich country they must have thought, would be theirs, if they 
could but overthrow the Mughals. And then what a difference it 
would make to Maharastra ! Maharastra, sterile and rugged, where 
f nature enforces a spartan simplicity ', would flow in riches, milk and 
honey ! The gorgeous paraphernalia of the nobles ; the polished 
luxury of the inhabitants, their manners and customs, health and 
beauty, bearing and speech all testifying to a cultured society ; the 
verdant plains of the Ganges and the Jumna, the flower and foliage, 
the delightful sun and shade, all these must have captivated the 
eyes and imagination, of the rough, crude but intelligent Chitpavan 
Brahmin, Balaji Vishwanath. 

And was this all ? No. The prestige of their presence at the 
imperial capital, not as mercenaries, but as the allies and supporters 
of the King makers^ held out to them a promise that they might some 
day make and un-make Emperors. Indeed it was the surest basis on 
which Balaji Vishwanath could confidently build his policy of founding 
a Maratha empire on the ruins of the Mughal empire. Actuated by 
this ambition, he took the preliminary steps when he passed through 
the Rajput states in order to form friendship with them. He knew 
that the Mughals and the Rajputs were gradually drifting away from 
each other. Ten years back the premier chiefs of Rajputana- of 
Jaipur, Jodhpur and Udaipur had 'openly shewed their designs to 
fight for independence in close alliance with each other 1 . 1 They had 
failed to co-operate, and therefore they had suffered in their struggles 
with the Mughals. But now the disorderly condition of the empire 

1 Iradat Khan, Scott'' s Deccan, part Iv, p. 58, 



21S JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

was very favourable to their designs. And Balaji deliberately marched 
through their country, in order to ' help in their designs ', thus 
paving the way for the work of Baji Rao. Jai Singh of Jaipur, as 
is well known, was a great friend of Baji Rao. In 1719, Baji Rao 
was about twenty and Jai Singh thirty, It is possible that Baji Rao 
who accompanied his father might have met Jai Singh at this time, 
and might have won his friendship. Whatever it might be it is 
important to bear in mind that the Peshwa rightly foresaw the utility 
of Rajput friendship for the foundation of a Maratha Empire and 
therefore made a move in that direction. 

Besides these far-reaching consequences, the journey brought 
immediate gain to Shahu and his government. Balaji used to get 
fifty thousand rupees every day from the Sayyids, and when he 
returned, he brought with him an amount of thirty-two lacs for 
Shahu's treasury. So long as he lived there was no financial stress 
in the government. These gains further strengthened the position of 
Shahu, and surrounded the name of the first Peshwa with a halo of 
glory. Balaji also received Sardeshmukhi of five mahals as his 
reward in addition to what he possessed already. Here was another 
step towards the rise of the Peshwas. 

Thus this journey of the Marathas to Delhi is a momentous 
episode in their history. 



(To be continwd.) 



The Historical Material in the Private 
Diary of Ananda Ranga Filial 
(1736-1761) 

BY 

C. S. SSINIVASACHARI, M.A. 
IV 

I. MAHFUZ KHAN'S ADVANCE ON MADRAS AND DEFEAT 
DUPLEIX received frequent communications regarding the distribution 
of Mahfuz Khan's forces. According to a letter which reached 
Pondicherry Ion November 4, 1746, Mahfuz Khan was encamped 
on the foreshore of the Nungambakkam Tank ; and his army lay at the 
Governor's Garden 1 (the present General Hospital and Medical College 
grounds, to the north-west of the Fort). Some of the Muhammadans 
in order to facilitate their approach to the walls of the Fort and of the 
Black Town in a general assault, made an effort to cut away the bar of 
surf-driven sand at the inouth of the Cooum and the North River, in 
order to drain their waters, particularly of the latter stream which 
formed a wet ditch to the west side of the Fort by which it passed. 
At the same time they took possession of a spring (The Seven Wells 
in the north of Peddunaickenpetta) lying to the north of the Black 
Town which was the only source of supply of good water to the inhab- 
itants. M. Barthelemy who was in charge of Madras in the absence 
M. d' Espremenil, rearmed the walls of Black Town; but he had 
orders from Pondicherry to remain strictly on the defensive. However 
when his water-supply was cut off, lie was forced to sally out 
on an attack. 2 On November 2, M. de la Tour with a body 

1 M. Barthelemy's Letter to Dupleix (p. 75 of vol. iil of the Diary}. 

a Orme says that the operations of the Nawab's troops showed * a degree of intel- 
ligence very uncommon in the military operations of the Moors.' On finding their 
communication with the spring interrupted, the French opened fire from the bas- 
tions of the Black and White Towns on the enemy troops who had spread round to 
the northward, thus completely investing Madras. The fire produced their quick 
retreat from the river-bar and other places which were exposed to it ; but they 
still kept possession of the .ground near the spring which was out of the reach of 
cannon-shot from the bastions. The Muhammadans were also joined by the 
Pedda Naick with his peons and a body of Poligars (Orme ; History of Indostan^ 
4th. ecU, vol. i, p. 74). 



218 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

of 400 men and two field-pieces marched out of the town, attacked 
the troops in the Governor's Garden and to the west of it and put 
them to a total rout. 1 "Before a shot could reach his camp, Mahfuz 
Khan had mounted his elephant and escaped. After pursuing the 
fugitives for upwards of five Indian hours, the French troops returned 
to the camp from which the Muhammadans had fled, and plundered 
the valuables found there.' Dupleix was overjoyed at this news and 
imagined that after this repulse Mahfuz; Khan would come to his 
senses, and sue for peace, giving out that he would be going back to 
Arcot on account of the Nawab's illness. He even expressed a desire 
to proceed to Madras in order to settle matters personally. 

Mahfuz Khan collected all his troops into one camp about two 
miles to the west of the town, but hearing that Dupleix had despatched 
a fresh detachment from Pondicherry, he quitted his post the next 
day (November 3) and took possession of San Thome, which the 
French reinforcement under M. Paradis expected to reach on the 
morning of the 6th and where it would be joined by a body of equal 
strength issuing out from Madras under the command of M. de la 
Tour, the hero of the previous encounter. Mahfuz Khan took up a 
position on the northern bank of the Ady ar River and planted his 
artillery on the bank, thus preparing to prevent the crossing of 
Paradis. The detachment under de la Tour which was to issue from 
Madras failed to arrive in time to attack the enemy from the northern 
side. On the morning of November 4, Paradis' s detachment 
forded the river in the face of the enemy's fire which as usual was 
very ill served 5 . As soon as they gained the northern bank, they fell 
on the enemy with their bayonets; the Nawab's line broke and 
retreated into the town of Sail Thome, where they again made a show 



'The work of the two Breach field-pieces was so- much superior to the awkward 
management of the enemy's clumsy artillery which could fire only once in a 
quarter of an hour. The first discharge of the field-pieces threw the whole body 
of the enemy into confusion ;' however they kept their ground sometime, as if 
waiting for an intermission of the fire ; but finding that it continued with vivacity, 
they took to flight with great precipitation.' The French did not lose a man in 

n^f aCk ^f ee rme ' V L *" P ' 75 : M * lles * s History of the French in India 
(1893), p. 193; and the letter of Barthelemy to Dupleix quoted above). Ranga 
Pillai got a similar account of the battle from Guruvappa Chetty and caused a 
copy of it to be made in his correspondence-register for the purpose of reference 
(Entry in the Diary for November 4.) 



PRIVATE DIARY OF AN AND A RANG A PILLAl 219 

of resistance from behind some pallisades which they had planted in 
different parts of the south side.' After a brief resistance the whole 
army of Mahfuz Khan fled to the westward and soon afterwards retired 
to Arcot. 1 

Paradis had no guns during the action ; but he was a most capable 
officer and resolved to face the enemy though the promised co- 
operation from the Madras garrison did not come. To retreat would 
have but too surely invited the cavalry charge of the enemy eager to 
avenge their defeat of two days previously. Thus he plunged without 
hesitation into the river, and led his infantry and his raw Indian troops, 
to attack the three arms of the enemy, ten times their superior in 
numbers. Paradis had made himself very acceptable to Dupleix by 
his violent opposition to La Bourdonnais and was now raised to be the 
Governor of Madras after the victory. Of course Dupleix would not 

1 The French fire was so hot and quick for the Muhammadans that their horse 
and foot fell back promiscuously on each other in the narrow streets of San 
Thome. ' The confusion of the throng was so great that they remained for some 
time exposed to the fire of the French, without being able to make resistance, or 
to retreat. Many were killed before the whole army could get out of the town 
and gain the plain to the westward. ' Mahf uz Khan was one of the first to escape 
Scarcely had the Muhammadans fled out of the town when the detachment of de 
la Tour arrived and assisted in the pillaging of the enemy's baggage. The French 
troops were reported to have murdered some of the Moors whom they found con- 
cealed in the houses they were plundering. Dupleix informed the Diarist that de 
la Tour only joined Paradis after San Thome had been pillaged, only at Tripli- 
cane. Orme, Love and Malleson say otherwise. According to the Diarist Dupleix 
was very angry that de la Tour should not have effected his junction with Paradis 
a little earlier in which case the Muhammadans would have been completely 
crushed. ' Want of promptitude on his part spoiled the undertaking ' (Diarist's 
entry for November 7) . Only two Mahe sepoys were wounded on the French 
side, while 200 to 300 men fell on the enemy* s side. 

This battle is regarded by Malleson as one of the most memorable of Indian 
battles, * being the first of its kind, that it proved to the surprise of both parties, 
the absolute and overwhelming superiority of the disciplined European soldier to 
his Asiatic rival.' It reversed the positions of the Nawab and the French Governor 
and was * the first decided step to the conquest of Hindustan by an European 
power.' (History of the French in India, pp. 195-196; and Decisive Battles of 
India, 4th ed,, pp. 14-17). The prestige and the morale were transferred hence- 
forth from the Muhammadans to the European settlers. In consequence of this 
transfer, every subsequent battle of the European with the Indian was half -won, 
before it had been fought. The contemporary Orme says that the French by this 
battle broke through the charm of the timorous opinion about the courage and 
bravery of the Muhammadan troops, ' by defeating a whole army with a single 
battalion '. The same opinion of the significance of the battle is expressed by 
Dupleix himself in his own Mcmoircs (See Mill's History of British India (1858) , 
vol.iii, p. 52). 



220 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

think of giving Madras into the Nawab's hands * and declared thus : 
1 We cannot give Madras up without orders from our King. The 
restoration of the fort does not rest with us. So long as we have life 
left we will not surrender it.' Mahfuz Khan asked that his younger 
brother.. Muhammad AH, should join him with reinforcements at 
Conjeevaram where he was staying. Muhammad AH had but lately 
returned from a campaign against the Marathas under the order of the 
Nizam ; and conflicting rumours were received from Arcot, some of 
them condeming the action of Mahfuz Khan and others threatening an 
attack on Madras to be undertaken by Nawab Anwar-ud-din himself, 
if the French should not hand the place over to him immediately. 

II. THE FRENCH OCCUPATION OF MADRAS 

Dupleix now resolved to annul openly the treaty of ransom which 
had been made by M, de la Bourdonnais of the exact terms of which 
our Diarist was ignorant, Paradis who had been notoriously hostile 
to La Bourdonnais and all his works was now in sole charge of 
Madras; and was, according to the Diarist, s living on plunder and 



1 Dupleix wrote letters to the Nizam informing him of the doings of Mahfuz 
Khan in (supposed) defiance of his father's orders, the defeats sustained by him in 
the two battles of Madras, the taking of Madras by the French under the (pre- 
tended) authority of Anwar-ud-din, the capture of French vessels by the English 
and their tricks and the seizure of a ship bearing the Emperor's flag. A like letter 
was written to Imam Sahib requesting him to explain the situation to the Nizam. 
(substance of letters written from Pondicherry as entered by the Diarist for 
November 12). 

To a conciliatory letter written by the rather friendly liussain Sahib from 
Arcot requesting the delivering of Madras into the hands of Mahfuz Khan, with a 
veiled threat that a refusal would bring about a united attack on Madras both by 
]and and ses~ on land by the combined forces of the Subhadars of Cuddapah and 
other places, Yachama Nayak and other poligars ; and on sea by the English with 
thirty ships- the Governor sent a reply of adamant refusal (pp. 104-5 of vol. iii of 
the Diary}. The Diarist also sent, by direction of Dupleix a circular letter to the 
Poligars of Karunguzhi, Kaverippak, Ami, Gingee and other places complaining 
of the unjustifiable conduct of Mahfuz Khan in having provoked the French to 
war and having imprisoned their envoys and put them in chains. The elder 
brother of Chanda Sahib was glad at the turn of events, characterized the defeat 
of Mahfuz Khan as a judgment inflicted on him by Providence and entreated 
Dupleix to take steps for the liberation of Clmnda Sahib and to inflict other 
measures of punishment on Anwar-ud-din Khan's sons. Dupleix had always 
clearly perceived the necessity of winning over the good will of the Poligar 
chiefs who formed the feudal backbone of the Carnatic administration 



PRIVATE DIARY OF A NAN DA RANG A PILL A I 221 

taking: his ease/ 1 The English at Madras were paroled, according to 
the custom obtaining: in Europe ; and it was further intimated that 
they were preparing to leave the place. Not a vestige of the 
Muhammadans was to be seen in Mylapore from which even the 
Gujaratis, Tamils and Telugus had fled to the Chingleput Palaiyam. 
Inducements were offered to the merchants of Madras to settle at 
Pondicherry ; and the goods of the English Company which had been 
seized were now transferred to Pondicherry, On November 11, 
Paradis formally proclaimed that the treaty was annulled 2 and that 
Madras was the property of the French East India Company for the 
King of France. Morse, the ex-Governor of Madras, Monson, the 
Deputy-Governor and several other Englishmen were sent over to 
Pondicherry. Paradis put his manifesto into execution with great 
rigour. Dupleix under pretence of doing honour to Morse caused him 
to enter the town in an ostentatious procession which exposed him to 
the view of the crowd ; and Ranga Pillai well remarks : 4 It may be 
imagined, then, how much Mr. Morse must have felt his position, 
when the eyes of all the people in the town were thus concentrated on 
him. To picture the grief which he must have experienced and the 
measure of it is not in my power.' 3 The fortunes of many of the 
English inhabitants of Madras were ruined ; and several of its military 
officers refused to give their parole alleging that the breach of the 
treaty of ransom released them from their obligation ; they escaped 
from the settlement by night and reached Fort St. David which had 

1 Paradis plundered Mylapore both on the day of his victory and later in a 
methodical manner and completely gutted it. Many of the Madras merchants were 
ruined by the sack of Mylapore. ' That (the plunder) of Madras when it was 
seized by the French was nothing compared with it,' (Diarist's entry for 
November 25, p. 134 of vol. iii.) The Diarist ptits down five lakhs of pagodas as 
a modest estimate of the value of the spoil taken by the French at Mylapore. The 
plunder of Mylapore was a sore grievance in the eyes of the Nawab and his 
officials and was obviously a target of attack on the French for long. 

2 The proclamation allowed those who took an oath of fidelity to the French 
King, the liberty of continuing in Madras and carrying on their trade as formerly. 
Those who refused to take the oath, but were inclined to go to Pondicherry, were 
permitted to do so ; others could have passports to go where they pleased upon 
their parole, within two days > they should not however reside at St. Thomas' 
Mount or at Cattiwak by Bnnore. (Letter of Mr. Godwin, Senior Merchant of 
Madras, to Mr. Hinde at Fort St. David, detailing the conditions forced on the 
English at Madras Factory Records, Fort St. David, vol. v, November 5, 
1746 quoted by H. D. Love vol. ii, pp. 375-76). 

3 Entry for November 24 (p. 131 of vol. iii of^the Diary} , Malleson's view 
is different, but not authoritative, 



222 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

recovered from its alarm and to which merchants were now slowly 
returning. The young dive was one of those who escaped from 
Madras to Fort St. David. 3 . It was only in August 1747 that 
Governor Morse who had been exchanged for M. Le Ris, Governor of 
Mane, was allowed to go to Fort St. David, where he remained till 
he was summoned to go to England to give an account of his conduct 
at Madras from the time that the French took possession of the place. 
About the middle of November, 1746, Paradis took measures to 
safeguard the White Town, and blew up the Governor's Garden 
House lying to its west. He made a survey 2 of the Fort (White Town) 
which served as the basis of a map published in La Bourdonnais' 
Memoire. Later, in the course of 1747, the Black Town was repopulated 
its fortifications were completely levelled to the ground ; and all its 
houses lying within one hundred and twenty yards of the north wall of 
the Fort were razed to the ground j while certain additions on the 
west were made to the fortifications of the White Town. Paradis was 
succeeded by D } Espremenil as the Governor of Madras early 
in 1747 ; and the latter tried to induce many of the Tamil merchants 
who had abandoned the town to come back to it. The English 
Company when they heard of the loss of Madras raised Fort St. 
David to be their chief settlement on the coast and appointed John 
Hinde, its chief, to be the President and Governor, with Major Stringer 
Lawrence as the commandant of the garrison. The Company 
forbade the Council of Fort St. David to enter into any treaty with the 
country government or any other power regarding the payment of 
any ransom for the redelivery of Madras; and even in case the Nawab 
should restore the settlement to them, it should only be kept very 
bare* and all effects in it ought to be removed to Fort St. David, 3 
which henceforward came to be the target for Dupleix's attacks. 

1 Sir John Malcolm says in his Life of Clive (vol. i, p. 46) that he escaped 
disguised as * a native '. He took part in all the fighting at Fort St. David and got 
his commission there in 1747 and was present at the siege of Pondicherry in 3748 
and became the Deputy-Governor of Fort St. David (1756). 

a In this plan, a copy of which has been prepared for Love's work, the 
environs of the town are incorporated, which are admittedly drawn from memory 
and therefore not correctly depicted. The map was afterwards reproduced with all 
its errors by many publishers both French and English.' (See Love, vol. ii, 
note 1, on p. 377 ; and map opposite to p. 356.) 

3 Proceedings from England, dated July 24, 1747 quoted in full by Love. 
(Public Despatches from England, vol. 51, pp. 47-49) ; Vide pp. 53-54 of 
H. Dodwell's Calendar of the Madras Despatches (1744-1755), 



PRIVATE DIARY OF A NAN DA RANG A PILLAI . 223 



III. DUPL-EIX AND THE NAWAB FlRST FHENCH ATTACKS ON 
FORT ST. DAVID 

The killedars of the neighbourhood, so far as the ideas expressed 
by them in their replies to Dupleix' s messages are reflected by the 
Diarist, were not annoyed at the defeat of Mahfuz Khan or at the 
sentiments expressed by the French Governor. The killedar of 
Tlmiri condemned the action of the Mtthammadans in having impri- 
soned the three French envoys and declared that their proper course 
was to be friendly with the French as far as possible. Muhammad 
Miyan of Chidambaram expressed similar sentiments ; the chief of 
Rarunguzhi wrote of his condemnation of the attitude of Mahfuz 
Khan. Dupleix wrote to Anwar-ud-din, on the one hand, saying that 
he was willing to restore Madras if the latter would grant territory 
including Villianallur and the surrounding taluk yielding an annual 
revenue of 20,000 pagodas ; and on the other he ordered that letters 
should be sent to Raghuji Bhonsle, the Peishwa and Raja Shahu 
complaining of the misgovernment of the country by Anwar-ud-din, 
bewailing the disappearance of the Navayat family (of Sadat-allah 
Khan) from rule and indirectly urging the release of Chanda Sahib 
from captivity, 1 so that trouble might be fomented for the old 
Nawab. He secretly planned the capture of Fort St. David and the 
surrounding villages from the English and in his own tortuous way 



1 In the first draft of the letter to be sent to the Marathas, it was written : ' If 
you send Chanda Sahib, I (Dupleix) will be responsible for the money payable by 
him.' The Diarist suggested that his master should not commit himself to the 
obligation of ransom in that explicit way ; and consequently the following words 
were substituted : * As regards the amount for which Chanda Sahib holds bimsalf 
liable, I (Dupleix) will endeavour to collect it, as your agent.' I will use all my 
influence to ensure that this money reaches you. Without my help be wotjld not 
be able to collect a cash.* It appears from Ranga HHai's Diary that Nawab 
Safdar Ali, shortly before his assassination, had promised his mother to ransom 
Abid Sahib, the son of Chanda Sahib, by paying five lakhs of rupees, and that his 
agent, Kasi Das Bukkanji, had been actually given that amount. These letters of 
Dupleix were sent on December 5, along with a letter to Muhammad AH 
Khan, the elder brother of Chanda Sahib at Satara and another to the latter from 
the wife of Chanda Sahib, imploring him that this was the proper time for .fcim to 
advance against Arcot and imprison Anwar-ud-din with the help of French gnns 
and sepoys and the support of Murtaza Ali Khan of Vellore. (See pp s 141-3 astf 
pp. 149-50 of the Diary, vol. iii.) 



224 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

attempted through his agent at Arcot to get the sanction of the Nawab 
for his intended expedition. a 

Muhammad Ali, the younger son of Anwar-ud-din, who had 
written a letter of expostulation to Dupleix, expressing a desire there- 
in to preserve the French alliance on condition of Dupleix showing his 
loyalty to the old Nawab, received nothing but a complimentary reply 
to the effect that the sole desire of the French was to retain his friend- 
ship. When it was known at Pondicherry that the old Nawab was 
suffering from acute diarrhoea and that written instructions had been 
despatched both to Mahfuz Khan and Muhammad Ali not to move 
from their stations, Dupleix became more open. Mahfuz Khan's advance 
from Sriperumbudur further east and Husain Sahib's continued deten- 
tion of the French prisoners at Arcot gave him further justification. 
He schemed boldly for the release of Chanda Sahib from Maratha 
captivity and for the deposition of Anwar-ud-din and his two sons 
from rule. Paradis had been recalled from Madras in order to lead 
the projected attack on Fort St. David ; he was harrassed on his way 
near Tirupporur by Mahfuz Khan's troops and had to fight his way 
through to Sadras where a reinforcement of 200 soldiers and 150 
sepoys was ordered to join him from Pondicherry. 2 

Dupleix took measures to make it appear that he had a large 
number of soldiers and sepoys in Pondicherry. His men marched 

1 The French vaMl at Arcot reported that the Nawab could not be approached 
on this matter and the idea of capturing Fort St. David should be entirely aban- 
doned. Both Sampati Rao, the Dewan, and Htisain Sahib, a powerful chief at 
the Nawab's court,were against such a matter being even broached to the Nawab. 
Husain Sahib even tried to persuade the wife of Chanda Sahib who was living at 
Pondicherry to leave the place and take her abode in some strong fort in the 
Nawab's territory ; and he would not release the three French prisoners, even 
though his master had definitely ordered their freedom. 

* The fight was much more serious than what Dupleix made it appear to 
the Diarist (pp. 163-65 of vol. iii). Orme says that Paradis, set out from Madras 
with a detachment of 300 Europeans to guard the booty which he had collected 
and was now carrying off, one portion of the detachment marching before the 
baggage and the other behind it. Mahfuz Khan's cavalry, about 3,000 horse, con- 
tinually harrassed the rear, retreating as soon as the French prepared to fire, 
while his infantry fired from the shelter of thickets. Paradis, apprehensive of being 
overtaken by the night in the plain and anxious to reach Sadras, marched away with 
the first portion of the detachment and the baggage, leaving the rear to continue 
the skirmish as best they could. Twelve French soldiers were taken prisoners 
by the enemy; and Paradis would not venture to proceed from Sadras till he 
should be reinforced by a large detachment from Pondicherry probably for the 
greater security of his own booty. Mahfuz Khan was satisfied with the advant- 
age he had gained and proceeded to join his brother, (voj. i, pp. 79 and 80), 



PRIVATE DIARY OF A NAN DA RANG A P1LLAI 225 

frequently to and fro in tbe neighbourhood which was consequently 
deseited by the people and left uncultivated. Muhammad Ali marched 
from Gingee towards Fort St. David, but made a detour of three 
leagues to the westward, skirting Tiruvadi and Panruti, avoiding 
any conflict with the French troops. He was accompanied by 1,500 
horse and a number of rocket and match-loci? men and elephants. 
He marched to Fort St. David and encamped in its suburbs, 1 afraid 
of pitching his camp elsewhere lest he should be set upon by the 
French in a sudden attack. Small reconnoitring parties were sent out 
from Pondicherry ; an expedition followed on December 19, which 2 

1 The early history of the Fort and its acquisition are best told in Garstin's 
South Arcot Manual, (1878) (pp. f 18 -60) and in Francis 1 South Arcot Gazetteer 
(1906), vol. i (pp. 33-50). The Fort was garrisoned by about 300 to 400 English 
soldiers and 200 Bast Indians and equipped with about one hundred guns. The 
Indian troops posted round the Port numbered about one thousand ; and all the 
houses situated on the north-western side of the Port were being- demolished and 
levelled. ' The Fort was small, but better fortified than any of its size in India 
and served as a citadel to the Company's territory.* The town of Cuddalore (the 
Old Town) was about a mile to the south of the Fort, separated by a river from It, 
It was 1,200 yards from north to south and 900 from east to west ; three sides of it 
were defended by walls flanked with bastions. The sea-side was open, but was 
partially skirted by the river just before it reaches the sea. To the westward of 
the Fort and situated in the Company's territory were two or three populous 
villages. 

Mr. Hinde, when he was Deputy-Governor of Fort St. David, had, prior to 
October 1746, made extensive improvements to the Fort ; and in announcing the 
capture of Madras to the Directors, he was able to tell them that the Fort had been 
rendered 'infinitely more secure than it was'. It was however only after the 
French had threatened the place two or three times, that the western ditch was 
widened to a breadth of 100 feet, by the diversion of the river. ( Bomb- 
proof barracks were erected ; a horn- work on the north and two lunettes 
on the east and west, ' besides some other works were commenced in 1747 ; and all 
houses including the hospital and the whole village of Devanampatnam (Tegna- 
patam) within 800 yards of the Fort were pulled down and cleared away, except 
the Dutch Factory to the north. (Garstin, Manual of the South Arcot District, 
pp. 63 and 64) . The town of Cuddalore was, as already noted, surrounded 
on three sides by a wall and with a small redoubt at the north-east corner, 
which was further protected by a spit of sand which the surf has thrown upon the 
shore to the north-east and was divided by a backwater from the town. (Refer to 
map showing plan of the Fort and Town at the time of the French attack in May, 
1758, given in Orme, vol. iii (1862) . Also refer to the copy of the map reproduced 
in pp. 62-63 of Francis' South Arcot District Gazetteer.} 

2 This is the so-called first French expedition against Fort St. David which 
consisted of 900 Europeans, 600 sepoys, 100 Africans and a few field-pieces and 
mortars. The English garrison was very small. The French appeared to be 
masters of the coast and had the inspiration of recent victory. But de Bury who 
superseded Paradis as the commander, in spite of the best efforts of Dttpleix, did 
not take proper precautions to station guards and to picket his camp at th$ 



228 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

IV TREATY WITH THE NAWAB 

Dupleix heard early in January of the arrival of the three ships 
under M. Dordelin (which had arrived from Europe in the previous 
October and had proceeded to Achin when La Bourdonnais returned to 
Port Louis) and of another belonging to La Bourdonnais' squadron at 
the Madras roads ; he was elated at the news, since it might persuade 
the Nawab to withdraw his troops immediately. 1 Surely enough news 
quickly followed that the Nawab had released the French prisoners 
he had with him and had sent them to Pondicherry with a letter from 
himself and Muhammad Tavakkal, the resident agent of the Nawab 



1 ' Rangappa, we have good news ; our four ships with a Dutch sloop which 
they have captured, have reached Madras. When the English., Mahfuz Khan 
Muhammad AH Khan and their troops hear of this, how will they like it ?' Thus 
Dtjpleix asked the Diarist who replied that this would produce a serious mis- 
understanding' between the Moors and the English ; and Dupleix said he was also 
of the same opinion, adding, * when the English ships which were in the roads 
at Pulicat, saw ours arriving at Madras, they made off, but there was a Dutch 
sloop which our squadron seized.' (Entry for Jannary 13 and 14, 1747, pp, 254 
and 256 of vol. iii. of the Diary.} 

Dupleix informed the Nawab duly of the arrival of these ships at Pondicherry 
on January 20, exaggerated the augmentation of his own forces thereby and 
represented that the English at Fort St. David had been abandoned by the 
rest of their countrymen. It now seemed to lie easily within the power of Dupleix 
to launch an attack on Fort St. David both by sea and land. He did not make 
the attempt ; he daily expected the arrival of the hostile English squadron ; he 
was too far advanced in negotiating with the Nawab's government for a with- 
drawal of his troops ; and above all; as Malleson says, * he was hampered by the 
character of h is naval and military commanders. Dordelin was feeble and ua- 
enterprizmg ; de Bury, as we have seen, worn out and incapable' (History of the 
French in India* p. 205.) . And two of the ships had been dismasted and all of them 
had to be fitted out with the necessary munitions and stores. The ships were later 
sent to the Malabar Coast to engage the English ships which were said to be 
cruising off Anjengo and Tell icherry and to capture these places if possible. The 
Angria chief was reported to have offered the services of 6,000 men; and the Rajah 
of Travancore was also written to negotiate for the assistance of the Angrias ; 
and the squadron sailed from Pondicherry on February 8, 1747, with the lettei 
addressed to the Travancore ruler. 

Toolajee Angria who had succeeded Sambhaji in the headship of his family's 
piratical power (the famous Kanhoji's) took advantage of the capture of Madras 
by La Bourdonnais and began stopping and plundering small native craft belong- 
ing to Bombay. ' Considerable anxiety was caused in Bombay, at this time, by 
the appearance of three French men-of-war cruising on the coast, with the evident 
intention of waylaying the Company's ships from Europe. ' Toolajee's energies 
were mainly directed at this time against Canara where he sacked Mangalore and 
Honore carrying off on each occasion a large booty. (J. BIddulph, The Pirates 
of Malabar (I$W}> pp. 220-222.) 



PRIVATE DIARY OF AN AN DA RANG A PILLAI 229 

at Pondicherry, who seemed willing to arrange for a satisfactory settle- 
ment provided he was given a large douceur. 1 A letter was written to 
Muhammad AH to the effect that the French were prepared to give him 
the villages attached to Cuddalore and Fort St. David, reserving the 
latter place alone for a while longer and then to make it over also to 
the Muhammadans if required, provided he withdrew with his troops 
and did not give up these places to the English. Dupleix was inclined 
to ignore Mahfuz Khan altogether in these transactions, evidently 
because he was too 'irreconcilably alienated from the French and to 
have the negotiations settled through his younger brother alone, if 
possible. 

When news reached Fort St. David that some English ships had 
reached Anjengo and Tellicherry, Dupleix tried to counteract its 
effect by the report that about 6,000 of Tulaji Angria's men had offered 
to help M. de Leyrit, the Chief of Mahe if he would take possession 
of Tellicherry, Anjengo and other English factories on that coast and 
that the ships under M. Dordelin which had recently arrived, together 
with two others were being sent to Mahe for that purpose; 



1 According to information gained from Muhammad Tavakkal, the Nawab 
was overwhelmed with debts and thoroughly wearied ; he wished to make peace 
with the French and with draw his troops ; and apparently the Nizam had ordered 
the Nawab to withdraw from the struggle. The Nawab had appointed a new 
person to collect the tribute of the Carnatic, ' Sadasiva Rao, a Mahratta, who is 
the son of Simanaji Rao, the younger brother of Baji Rao 'the same, apparently 
as Sadhashiv Bhao, son of Chimnaji Appa (The accuracy of this statement is 
open to doubt ; or the Diarist apparently mad e~a mistake regarding the person so 
appointed). Muhammad Tavakkal wiote letters to Husain Tahir and to Sampati 
Rao that the French Governor was not willing to pay anything to the Nawab, 
unless the latter asked for it, and that he was aware of the latter's difficulties 
with the Marathas and with the Nizam. To add to the complications of the situa- 
tion, a letter, arrived from Chanda Sahib, in which he said that the Nizam was 
angry with Anwar-ud-din for having suffered a shameful defeat at French hands 
and intended appointing his (Chanda Sahib's) son as Nawab; and in case f Nawab 
Asaf Jan (the Nizam) objects to this, Sau Bhaji Rao is determined to take 
command of an army of 30,000 horsemen, with the view of expelling Anwar-ud-din 
Khan and installing Chanda Sahib in his place' (Diarist's entry for January 
24) . Another letter from Arcot stated that the Nizam had issued a circular letter 
to all the chiefs of the southern country, directing them to proceed to the banks of 
the Krishna, that the troops at Arcot were preparing to do so, and that Anwar-tid- 
din had communicated the Nizam's command to his sons, A series of factors had 
thus contributed to weaken the resolution of the Nawab and his sons, if there was 
any, to continue firm against the French and to Incline him more and mpre 
towards accommodation with the French, 



230 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

Negotiations with the Nawab's representatives continued, till 
Muhammad Tavakkal definitely declared that he received a communi- 
cation from At cot that the Nawab would definitely recall Mahfuz Khan 
and Muhammad AH and would expect that the French in return'would 
put a stop to the depredations of their soldiers in the country round 
Madras and would but fly the Mughal Emperor's flag over Fort St. 
George for a period of eight days. The Muhammadan troops would 
retire from the vicinity of Fort St. David as ,soon as Dupleix would 
withdraw the French soldiers encamped at Ariyankuppam. 1 

In the meantime when negotiations were going on, messengers 
came to Pondicherry from Nasir Jang with a letter and presents who 
were received with great ceremony. Unfortunately the Diary of 
Rang a Filial who describes in great detail the splendid procession of 
reception, is blank in the portion where the contents of the letter 
should be. The rumour was that Nasir Jang was actually on the 
march against the Marathas and the Nizam had given strict orders 
that the Nawab and his sons should hasten to join him with their 
forces on the Krishna. Mahfuz Khan was unwilling to depart ; and it 
was even rumoured, that he was inclined to advance against Pondi- 
cherry itself. Dupleix and the Diarist attributed this delay to a desire 
to cover the disgrace of their previous defeats and to get. a larger 
douceur if possible. A party of Muhammadan troopers actually tried 
to advance on Ariyankuppam but were beaten off (February 13). It 
was followed by the further reinforcement of the enemy whose camp 



1 Diarist's entry for January 27 and 28 (pp. 276-278 of vol. iii). Dupleix 
gave immediate orders for the withdrawal of the soldiers from the Ariyan- 
kuppam camp and even agreed to keep; the^flag flying over Madras; he denied 
any liability to give presents to the Nawab, but consented to make large gifts. 
After flying- the Mughal flag, he would write to the Nawab asking: him for the 
cession of Madras ; and after getting a written order from the Nawab to that effect, 
he would then hoist the French flag over the citadel. Anwar-ud-din seemed to 
demand a present of several lakhs, to which Dupleix sent a reply message as it 
were, to the following effect : * you have taken the part of the English, and dis- 
honour, in addition to expenditure of money for the support of your soldiers, has 
hitherto been your only portion. You have never obtained any, credit or gained 
any advantage. Now side with us, and we will save you all trouble. We will, at 
our own expense, maintain your troops. Keep your proper place and we will 
bring you renown and show yoti the road to fortune. Give us but a trial.' 
Except for this message Dupleix was not inclined to give more presents than to 
the value of 30,000 or 40, 000 rupees. (Diarist's entry for January 31, pp. 287-8 
of vol. iii). 



PRIVA'JE DIARY OF AN AN DA RANG A PILLAI 231 

was moved to the Immediate neighbourhood of Babur and who plun- 
dered a few adjoining- villages. 1 Muhammad Tavakkal now conveyed 
the orders of his master, Husain Sahib, that Dupleix should give a 
guarantee that he would not attack Fort St. David and should pay five 
lakhs of rupees and then alone would the negotiation for the with- 
drawal of troops be considered; he repaired to Muhammad AH's 
camp, remonstrated with him for having raided French villages when 
negotiations were in progress ; and the latter attempted to transfer 
the blame on to his brother. Thereupon Tavakkal transferred himself 
to Mahfuz Khan's camp, explained away the circumstances under 
which the French captured Madras and fought the battle of the Adyar 
and finally induced him to promise to withdraw his troops, and make 
friends with the French. 

As a result of all this Dupleix decided to invite Mahfuz Khan 
to Pondicherry in order to settle the differences finally. Both the 
brothers agreed to come to Pondicherry. Mahfuz Khan was invited 
by Muhammad Tavakkal, M. Delarche and the Diarist on February 
18 ; he came to 1'ondicherry on the next day in great state and settled 
with the Governor the terms of the proposed convention. Muhammad 
All excused himself from a personal visit to Pondicherry on ground of 
illness, but agreed to abide by the conditions agreed to by his 
brotlier. 2 There was the usual haggling over the presents to be 

1 Mention is made by the Diarist of the depredations of Pindarees and Kabas 
in this connection. They set fire to the houses in the villages ; and several of them 
were captured and very severely punished by the French. The Kabas (according 
to H. H. Wilson, A Glossary of Judicial and Revenue Terms ^ etc, (1855} s p. 243) 
were a ' people to the north of the Maratha provinces, said to be a piratical tribe 
in the Gulf of Kach.' The Kabadis who might have been a connected tribe were 
conveyers of articles in wooden panniers. The Pindaris are mentioned in the 
south, for the first time as having participated in the last wars of Aurangsdb 
against the Marathas. (Yule and Burnell, Hobson-Jobson (new ed.), p. 712). 
The words Pindarees and Kabhas are definitely mentioned in the letter written 
from Mahfuz Khan's camp to Muhammad Tavakkal. throwing the blame of 
incendiarism on them. (P. 317 of the Diary, vol. iii. ) 

2 Muhammad Tavakkal who was the main instrument of these negotiations 
was granted a title of honour, ' Salik Daud Khan ', ^old bangles to wear on the 
wrists, and a medal having the same inscription as that on a like decoration worn 
by the late courtier, Kanakaraya Mudali. The Diarist felt that he had also shared 
prominently in these negotiations ; but Madame Dupleix, from whom everything 
had been kept back and who imagined that he was reaping a rich harvest and she 
had been kept from her own share, would have easily blackened him had the 
negotiations failed (pp. 349-354 of vol. iii of the Diary entry for February 23). 
The entry for February 26 contains a long record of reflections with regard 

16 



232 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

given to the various parties; 1 but finally the Muhammadan camp 
struck its tents and both Muhammad AH and Mahfuz Khan marched 
away in the direction of Arcot, and the occasion was publicly celebrated 
both at Pondicherry and at Madras. At the latter place an English 
ship which anchored in the roads in ignorance of recent events was 
captured, and portion of Jher cargo containing silver confiscated s to 
the tune of ,600,000 at which more rejoicings were displayed than if 
their own ships had arrived from Europe. Attempts were also made, 
though not very successfully, to induce again the Madras merchants to 
come and settle at Pondicherry ; and brisk preparations went on for a 
fresh attack on Fort St..David a ; 2 and Paradis was choben to head the 
expedition in spite of the disapproval of the other officers ; and the 
resolution to launch the expedition immediately was taken as the 
approach of the English squadron was almost daily expected. This 
was the third projected attack on the English settlement. 



to his own Skill in diplomacy, with the reputation that he thought he enjoyed in 
the opinions of other men and with similar extravagant fancies of his own services. 
A. peciiliar account is given of the struggle between the English and the French 
of the subsequent events and of how he was mainly responsible for the thwarting 
of the enemy's designs and the triumph of Dupleix's plans. While writing these 
extravagant self -laudations, the Diarist is sober enough to add ; * all this (high 
reputation) came to me by the grace of God alone, and not through any talent on 
my part ; ' but he is also foolish enough to supplement it with the following : I 
could record, at still greater length, all the credit that I acquired in this business, 
but as self -laudation is a most unwise thing, I have written as above, giving only 
hints with regard to it.' (P. 381 of vol. -in) . 

1 Orme says that Mahfuz Khan was paid 50,000 rupees and also given a 
present of European trinkets to the value of 100,000 rupees more. These amounts 
should be regarded, from what the Diarist says in great detail of presents, as 
inclusive of the value of all the presents given to the various personages on 'the 
Nawab's side. 

2 Besides the capture of the English ship at Madras, another English ship 
which touched at Fort St. David set sail for Bengal without landing the soldiers or 
any part of the cargo, though these were consigned to the Governor and Council 
of Madras. It was only on the last day of February that the ship which had 
escaped from the Madras roads in the previous November and escaped to Ceylon 
returned to the coast and landed at Fort St. David xf 60,000 in silver and twenty 
recruits from the garrison (Orme, vol. i, p. 86.) . 



A Note on the Jodhapur Inscription of 
Pratihara Bauka, V.S. 894 

BY 

D. B. DISKALKAR CURATOR, WATSON MUSEUM, RAJKOT. 

THIS inscription was first edited by Munshi Deviprasad in the J.R.A.S., 
1894, pp. 1 i. and was re-edited with a translation and facsimile by 
Dr. R. C. Majumdar in the Epigrafrhia Indica, vol. xviii, pp. 87 ff. As 
certain statements of Dr. Majumdar require in my opinion to be 
modified I write the following: note : 

Dr. Majumdar identifies Devaraja, who was defeated by Siluka, 
with Devaraja, father of Vatsaraja of the imperial Pratihara line. He 
writes on page 93 of his article 'Vatsaraja, the son'of Devaraja became 
a very powerful king and wrested the empire from the famous Bhan$i 
clan. Now our inscription tells us that Siluka who was the protector 
of Vallamandala defeated Bhattika Devaraja (v. 19). As Devaraja of 
the Imperial Pratihara dynasty was the father of Vatsaraja whose 
knpwn date is A.D. 783-4, he probably flourished about the middle of 
the eighth century A.D. &luka according to our scheme of chronology 
must 1 also have been ruling about the same time and the identity of 
the two kings called Devaraja may be at once presumed '. But Dr, 
Majumdar is certainly wrong in doing this. For Devaraja, the enemy 
of the Pratihara king Siluka is explicitly said in the Jodhapur inscrip- 
tion to belong to the Bhafti clan. 1 The same inscription states again 
in #. 26 that Kakka, a descendant of Siluka, had married Padmini of 
the Bhatti family evidently when the latter had become feudatories of 
the Pratiharas. Now Devaraja the father of Vasaraja of the Gwalior 

1 It may also be noted that vv. 18 and 19 of the Jodhapur inscription are 
wrongly construed by Dr. Majumdar. The expression Cf?f 5^T]" ^f]" "f%rjy 

is translated by him as who fixed a perpetual boundary between 



the provinces of Sravani and Valla [mandala] '. I think it is better to translate it as 
4 who established his permanent boundary', i.e., 'who permanently annexed to his 
"kingdom the /Sravani and Valla countries '. Secondly in v. 29 I prefer to take 
Bhattaka Devaraja as ruler of Vallamandala, 



234 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

inscription of Bhoja belonged to another Pratihara family which was 
probably an offshoot of the Pratihara family to; which Siluka belonged 
as has been accepted by Dr. Majtimdar himself (p. 90). It follows 
therefore that the identity of the two Devarajas is impossible. 1 

The Pratihara king Vatsaraja, as the G-walior Inscription states 
also claims to have defeated (y. 7) the Bhandi clan., This shows that 
the Bhatti or Bhancli family was a common enemy of both the Prati- 
hara families. Not only so but I think that Siluka and Vatsaraja 
unitedly, the former serving as a subordinate of the latter, waged war 
against the Bhatti king Devaraja and seized his kingdom. Vatsaraja 
is definitely known from the Harivarhsa to have been ruling: in 
A.D. 783, Siluka also can be shown to be his contemporary. For 
Kakkuka, the younger son of Kakka, the date A.D. 861 is known from 
the Ghatiyal inscription. Taking twenty years as the generally 
accepted average for each generation which is also taken by 
Dr. Hoernle, we see that Siluka was living about A.D. 781 and was 
therefore a contemporary of Vatsaraja. 

There is another reason for taking the fight of Vatsaraja with the 
Bhandi clan and of Siluka with the Bhatti king Devaraja as referring 
to the same incident. Both Vatsaraja and Siluka claim to have slain 
and seised the kingdom of the Bhatti or Bhandi king. V, 19 of the 
Jodhapur inscription states that Siluka having knocked down Bhattika 
Devaraja on the ground at once obtained from him the ensign of the 
umbrella. V. 7 of the Gwalior inscription states that Vatsaraja 
forcibly wrested the empire in battle from the famous Bhandi clan, 
hard to be overcome by reason of the rampart made of infuriated 
elephants. If Siluka whom Dr. Majtimdar supposes to have lived 
long before Vatsaraja had so much worsted the Bhattika Devaraja, it is 
impossible to think that the Bharxli or Bhatti king who must have 
been his descendant had recovered himself so much as to offer a 
strong resistance to a more powerful king like Vatsaraja. 

An objection may be raised against this supposition that Vatsaraja 
and Siluka were contemporaries of each other. Kakka, the great 
grandson of Siluka, claims in v. 24 of the Jodhapur inscription to have 
gained reputation by fighting with the Gaudas at Mudgagiri. This 
sattement, as Dr. Majumdar also thinks, shows that Kakka fought as a 

* Ep. 2nd., vol. xvtii, pp. 99 ff. 



JODHAPUR INSCRIPTION OF PRATIHARA BAUKA 235 

feudatory of the Pratihara sovereign Nagabbata II, who is said in 
the Gwalior inscription to have defeated the king of Vanga and who is 
known to have been ruling at least fromAJX 835-843. $iluka we 
have supposed was a contemporary of Vatsaraja and Siluka's great 
grandson Kakka becomes thus a contemporary of VatsarajVs son 
Nagabhata, which on the face of it seems to be impossible. But we 
know of cases where two generations of a family are contemporaries 
of four generations of another family and the objection therefore can 
easily be removed, 

Inm 27 and 29 of this inscription reference is made to a king 
named Mayura who was defeated by the Pratihara king Bank, 
Mayura is said to have formed a confederacy and taking advantage of 
the absence of Bauk to have severely attacked the Gurjara capital. 
But Bauk returned in time, mustered his forces and defeated the con- 
federacy and killed Mayura. Dr. Majumdar suggests that Mayura may 
refer to a king of the city called Mo- yu-lo (Mayura) by Hiuen Tsiang 
and situated near Gangadvara, i.e., Haridvara, Bnf it is better to 
identify the king Mayura with a king of the Maurya family of Raja- 
putana,a descendant of the Maurya sovereign Dhavala mentioned in 
the Kanasva inscription of V, S. 795. 1 

*Ind.Ant. t vol.'.xii, pJL 



Be 

BY 

DE LAET. 

IT is now nearly three hundred years since the De Imperio Magni 
Mogolis was first printed at Leyden and to judge from the writings of 
several European travellers in India Herbert, Mandelslo, Mundy and 
Valentyn it would appear to have been regarded in its day as a hand- 
book of authentic information in regard to the history of this country 
and even as a sort of Guide to the India of the seventeenth century. 
But when the European knowledge of the topography of this country 
grew fuller and more accurate and the brightly -written works of 
Bernier and Tavernier became available, it seems to have fallen into 
neglect and obscurity. From this obscurity, if not oblivion, it was 
rescued about sixty years ago by Sir Roper Lethbridge who published 
a translation of some chapters in the Calcutta Review. Quotations 
from and references to it are then found in the writings of Blochmann, 
Von Noer, Thomas and Keene, but for its more recent resuscitation in 
our own day, the undertaking by an Indian publishing firm of a 
complete translation, De Laet is really indebted to the late Mr. Vincent 
Smith who has repeatedly blessed ' him and lost no opportunity of 
appealing to his authority. 

I am not sure that the meticulous perusal of the entire work in its 
English garb and of the by no means severe or hostile scrutiny to 
which it has been subjected in the footnotes will raise De Laet in the 
estimation of those who are out in search of a more exact knowledge 
of the Mughal period or lead even the general reader to see eye to eye 
with Mr. Smith, It is abundantly clear even from Prof. Banerjee's 
Commentary that he is often inaccurate, that the names of persons and 
places are not infrequently mixed up or transmogrified beyond recog- 
nition in his pages, that those of his statements which are new are 
untrue or exaggerated and that several others betray a lack of real 
knowledge or an imperfect apprehension of the meaning of the author 
from wliom he had borrowed them. 



DE IMPERIO MAGNI MOGOLIS 237 

It should be remembered that De Laet himself never visited India 
and his work is naturally wanting: in those touches or proofs of inside 
knowledge which mark the writings of his sources Finch and Terry 
and Pe'lsaert. He is at best a compiler, a retailer at second hand in the 
language of the learned of the information purveyed by others in the 
vernacular -English, Portuguese and Dutch. He has merely given a 
condensed paraphrase of some of the Journals and Itineraries indus- 
triously collected by Purchas and he is indebted almost entirely to the 
latter for the so-called Description of the ' Real India ' (India, Vem} 
which constitutes the first half of his work. 

The fact is that this Description is merely made up by dovetailing 
together scattered extracts of varying degrees of verity and value, 
and there should be no cause for surprise if the matter conveyed to 
us in this manner has in some sort not improved by filtering through 
two indifferent translations. 

De Laet would have done well if he had not placed in the forefront 
of his book Sir Thomas Roe's account of the thirty-seven Provinces of 
the Mughal Bmpire which must strike the modern reader as crude and 
confused. The names of towns, districts and principalities are so 
mixed up in this account and the boundaries are so ill-defined that 
several of these ' provinces * remain unidentified notwithstanding the 
learning and elucidatory skill of Lethbridge, Blochmann and Foster. 
The more detailed -description of towns and cities which is transferred 
from the Journal of William Finch is undoubtedly fuller as well as 
more accurate, but the discrepancies between statements drawn from 
two or three different sources are sometimes glaring and the unity of 
the picture is also not preserved by the compiler's attempt to foist into 
the main body of the narrative of one author, odds and ends of infor- 
mation from the observations of; others. Tlie result is that there are no 
less than three utterly discordant lists of the ' Provinces of the Mughal 
Empire 'within the boards of this book. 2 The kingdom of Golconda 
is wedged in as a part of the Mughal Empire between Bengal and 
Multan, and several historical statements, e.g., about Pratapshah of 
Baglana, Bahadur the son of Muzaffar III, the rPathan chieftain ' of 
Bhati and others which were in some sort of accordance with fact in 
Finch's day (1610) are copied word for word although they ha*l 
ceased to be true; when De Laet wrote in 1631. 
1 Pp. 4-14, 16-78 and 172. 



240 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

lines are vitiated by almost as many errorserrors so gross as to throw 
serious doubts on the authenticity and credibility of the entire 
statement, 

In the first place, we are told that the weight of one variety of these 
enormous gold pieces was 100 tolas or 1,150 mashas and that the total 
weight of the 'gigantic coins ' of all the three varieties enumerated 
(100, 50 and 25 -tolas) was 6,970,000 mashas^ And we are likewise 
informed with an ostentatious display of arithmetical rectitude that 
the aggregate value of these 6,970,000 mashas weight of gold was just 
9,75,80,GOOf rupees at the rate of 14 rupees to a mas/ia \ Fourteen 
rupees for one m&ska of gold is a manifest absurdity and it is clear 
that here De Lraet is confounding the tola with the masha, its twelfth 
part, just as in other places he commits the equally egregious blunder 
of reckoning the lac as equivalent to a million. 2 

In a word, the calculation founded on this obviously impossible 
valuation of a masha must be pronounced untrustworthy. 

Secondly we are told that each of the heaviest pieces weighed 100 
tolas or 1,150 mashas. This equation also is open to doubt and cannot 
be allowed to pass unchallenged. In the first place, one hundred tolas 
would be equal to 1,200 maskas, not 1,150. We also know on the best 
authority that muhrs of three different weights, viz., of 14 mashas,^ 
ratts^ of 12 m&skas If ratis and of 11 m&stias were introduced by 
Akbar and specimens of the last two varieties are to be found in fairly 
large numbers in our public and private cabinets of coins. 3 But a 
gold muhr of 11 ^ mftshas does not appear to have been ever struck by 
the great Emperor. It was Akbar's rupee which turned the scale at 
11^ m&sha$ and our author would seem to have ignorantly imagined that 
the Akbari muhr also weighed 11| mashas because the rupee had that 
weight. Thirdly, we know that there were two types of the one-hundred 
sw^rpiece, one weighing 1,222 and the other 1,100 mashas. 4 Abul Fazl 
explicitly says so, and his testimony completely invalidates the 



1 The whole question of these gigantic coins struck by Akbar and other 
Mughal Emperors is more fully examined in my * Historical Studies in Mughal 
Numismatics . * 

2 Pp. 27, 41, 74. 

3 Ain Akbari, Blochmann's, Tr. i. 28 ; Lane Poole British Museum Catalogue, 
passim. 

* Ibid. 



DM IMPERIO MAGNI MOGOLIS 241 

calculation based on the supposition that a piece containing 1,150 
mttshas had been stamped. 

Then, again, if this official and trustworthy inventory was copied 
directly from registers or documents of the time of Akbar, it 5s difficult 
to understand why the price of a tola of gold s reckoned In it 
i.e., in 1605, at the high figure of Rs. 14. The ratio of silver to 
gold was perhaps 14 to 1 in the time of Shah Jahan, but then it would 
be easy to bring a cloud of witnesses to prove the price of a 
tola of gold was, at the most, ten rupees only in the time of Akbar and 
the * prince of Indian numismatolog ists ' Thomas has, after examining 
all the evidence, pronounced the opinion that the relative value of 
the two metals was only 9*4 to 1 in the last decade of the sixteenth 
century. 1 

Lastly, we know that a rupee was equivalent to forty dams or 
twenty tankas, i.e., double dams. At p. 176, De Laet himself says that 
there were twenty tangaes in the rupee. But here and at p. 104, lie 
reckons the rupee as equivalent to thirty. Similarly he uses the 
word peysa sometimes for the half-d&m and at others for the full 
dam. When he says (p. 104) that the- peysa weighed twelve drams 
(avoirdupois) he has in mind the whole d&m ; when he says in the same 
breath that three peysas were equivalent to an English penny and that 
there were thirty of them in a Gujarat mahmudi, he means the half- 
dam. When again he reckons twenty tangas to the rupee, he is thinking 
of the book-rate, theoretical or money-of-acoount value of the tanka 01 
double dam-, as it had been fixed by Akbar. When again, as here, he 
takes the tanka as the thirtieth part of the rupee, he is confusing it 
with the single dam of which the book-rate value in Akbar's time 
was ^th of a rupee, but which, on account of the rise in the price of 
copper, had about 1630 A. c, soared up to such an extent that only 
thirty (whole) dams exchanged for a rupee. This, confusion between 
the dam, the peysa and the tanka vitiates his chapter on ' Money and 
Weights ' also, and only shows that he was talking only by rote and 
merely repeating statements which he did not understand. 

In summing up this discussion, it may be said that the errors which 
pervade this precious ' inventory ' are so vital that they cannot be ex- 
plained away. It is not necessary to say that the list is entirely faked or 

* Ai*> Tr. i. 30 ; Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of DeMi, 424-5. 



242 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

spurious, but it seems difficult to escape the conclusion that the con- 
temporary registers or documents from which the details are said to 
have been drawn have been so grossly misunderstood and their true 
meaning: so seriously misrepresented by the ill-informed exegesis 
of the paraphrast that it is rendered all but useless for historical 
purposes. 

A few remarks may be now offered in regard to the Fragment of 
the History of India gathered from Dutch Sources which fills the last 
hundred and odd pages of the volume. To say that we have discovered 
here a new and original source for the reigns of Akbar and Jahangir 
which deserves to be critically studied is, I am afraid, to go far beyond 
the bounds of discriminate eulogy. To declare that it is ' based on 
an unknown but genuine Persain chronicle ' is to do great injustice to 
that class of writings, which with all their defects, are rarely guilty of 
such gross lapses from historical verity as disfigure almost every one 
of the first forty or fifty pages of this ' early authority '. 

The truth is that this * original source ' is made up of three or 
rather four different pieces of writing which are very unequal and 
which have to be clearly distinguished from one another. The 
introductory matter relating to the reigns of Babur, Humayun and the 
Saris is a marvel in the way of error and absolutely worthless. The 
comical story of Babur going out in disguise with thirty calenders to 
conquer all India, the ignorance of any difference between Shir Shah 
and Islam Shah, the jumbling up of the details of the battles of 
Chaunsa and Kanauj and the rigmarole about ' the kings of Deccan ' 
is not sober history but stupid fiction, 

The account of the first thirty years of Akbar 's reign is comparatively 
better, but there is not a date anywhere in it and not a single event of 
importance is related without some capital error or even in the true 
chronological order. The details of the last invasion of Mirza 
Muhammad Hakim are mixed up with those of the first, The two 
expeditions to Gujarat which were conducted by Akbar in person are 
rolled up into one. The story of Muhibb AH Khan's capture of Rhotas 
is a myth and the ascription to him of the Doli trick shows only that the 
compiler was unable to tell even a folktale correctly. The execution 
of Daud Khan Kararani and the suicide of Sultan Muzaffar of Gujarat 
are both antedated by several years and the facts relating to those 
events are hopelessly < mixed up,'. The capture and imprisonment o* 



DE IMPERIO MAGNI MOGOLIS 243 

Todarmal by the Bengal rebels is a fable and the story of the conquest 
of Kashmir is told without any regard for the tine sequence of events. 
In view of these and other blunders, we are obliged to conclude that 
for this part of the fragment the writer had neither ' Persain chronicle ' 
nor any other authority than hearsay or the rambling accounts of -per- 
sons who had a dim recollection of the facts, which were distorted in 
the telling, as such folk's talk always is. 

The state of things is somewhat altered considerably when we come 
to the latter period of Akbar's reign and the first fifteen years' of that 
of his son. The Jesuits had now arrived on the scene and there can be 
little doubt that this part of the narrative is mainly founded on the 
Annual Letters or Reports of the Jesuits which are extracted or sum- 
marized in the works of DuJarric and others. One has only to compare 
De Laet : s account with the extracts translated by Maclagan, 3 Mr. Payne 
and Dr. Ho sten's article on Khu sru's rebellion in the Journal of the Pun- 
jab Historical Society to see that the former is a mere rechauffe of the 
latter and that it can consequently claim no independent authority. But 
even this part is not free from error and even Mr. Banerjee admits that 
there is some confusion in the dates of the Embassies to Persia and the 
names' of the ambassadors.' 2 The fact of the matter is, that here as else- 
where, the statements of the European writers of the day in regard to the 
history of the country rarely possess much value. Their descriptions 
of cities, towns and the condition of the people or of things which they 
saw with their own eyes are often instructive, but as Prof. Beni 
Prasad has 1 justly said, * They often go hopelessly astray whenever 
they treat of matters beyond their immediate purview. Their un- 
familiarity with the country and its politics, their ignorance of Persian, 
their prejudices and their credulity made it impossible for them rightly 
to interpret what they saw.' 3 

The fourth part which covers the last seven or eight years of 
the reign of Jahangir stands on a still more different footing. The 
fulness of detail, and the almost embarrassing profusion of names of 
persons and places which mark the narrative of Shah Jahan's rebellion 
and the c^up d'etat of Mahabat Khan indicate that we have here the 
work of a contemporary eyewitness the narrative of a person record- 
ing the events of his own day. 

* J. A. S. J5., 1896. a P. 191. 

9 History of Jahangir^ p, 464. . 



244 JOURNAL OF IN-DIAN HISTORY 

The authorship of the fragment has been generally attributed to 
Van den Broecke, but Mr. Moreland has given good reasons for 
believing that it was primarily the work of Pelsaert, who is said to have 
learnt Persian and tried to acquire a knowledge of the history of the 
country. Now both of -them arrived in India about 1620 and Pelsaert 
was sent forthwith to Agra, Van den Broecke remaining at Surat. 1 

If there is anything in this book which deserves to be critically studied \ 
it is the narrative of the events of the seven years (1621-1627) in 
which Pelsaert resided at the capital. These forty and odd pages are 
undoubtedly of considerable value but they are also in glaring contrast 
with the seventy or eighty which precede them. It cannot perhaps 
be claimed for them that they tell us any thing important which we did 
not know already from the Autobiography of the Emperor himself 
and the Iqbaln&ma written by his Secretary, but they are certainly 
deserving of unprejudiced critical examination. And that is because 
they are founded, not on oral tradition, the flotsam and jetsam of rumour 
and hearsay, or the not always intelligent reports of the mission- 
aries of an alien faith, but on the Way' m or Court and Official Gazettes. 
We know that a day-to-day record of all events was kept not only 
at the capital but in all the principal towns. We are also told by 
Manucci and others that this Court Register was for a small fee open 
to public inspection and it is not unlikely that the foundation of this 
fourth part was not a regular ' Persian chronicle ' but the Public 
Diaries of the waqi^a naits or Siw&nih nig&t of Ahmadabad and 
Agra. It would, of course, be easy .to prove from the manner 
in which the proper names have been bungled that the original 
author was a foreigner and a tyro in the art of deciphering 
the Persian script. However, this does not really matter, and 
any one who reads Muatamad Khan's History and this part of 
Pelsaert's narrative side by side may easily perceive and correct the 
errors ; but, at the same time, he cannot fail to be struck by the 
close resemblance between the two. narratives even in small matters. 
It is almost self-evident that each of them is paraphrasing or trans- 
lating Into his own tongue the contents of the W&qVa, or Public 
Register of Events, but it can scarcely be claimed that the Dutch 
version is in any way superior to the Persian and the similarity only 

ie, 'English Trans. 4 p. 9. 



DE IMPERIO MAGNI MOGOLIS 245 

furnishes a convincing- proof of the accuracy and fidelity to. truth of 
the indigenous chronicle. 

The older Anglo-Indian writers : Dow and Brings, Elphinstone, 
Jonathan Scott, Elliot and Dowson justly and wisely laid stress on 
the history of India as told by its own historians. But about fifty 
years ago, Talboys Wheeler introduced the fashion of decrying the 
indigenous Musalman Chronicles and asserting that they were the 
bombastic and lying effusions of flatterers and hirelings, which were 
to be rejected and treated as naught whenever they differed from or 
lent no support to the scandalous tales and rumours repeated by 
Catrow, Mandelslo, Tavernier and other European travellers. Very 
lately Mr. Vincent Smith has taken up the same parable and followed 
closely in Wheeler's footsteps. His favourite sources are the Annual 
Letters of the Jesuits, Montserrat's Commentaries and De Laet. He 
would have us believe that Akbar was a drunkard, a sot, and a 
murderer, that he acquired the fortress of Asirgarh by an act of 
perfidious treachery, that he pretended to have seen God and even 
laid claim to Divinity in his own person. He has even declared that 
Abul Fazl was deliberately guilty of perjury and forgery and that he 
would be certainly convicted of both those offences in any Court of 
Law. His praises of De JLaet have hitherto rested on two or three 
extracts and he has enlarged with considerable skill on their supposed 
merits. But the reader who has now in his hands a complete 
translation and can see the Descripiio ia all its beauty, will find in it 
very small warrant for his eulogy. 

Whatever the informative value of this book may have been in 
its own day, it can possess but little in ours. For us its contents can 
have only that interest which belongs to its marking a stage, or 
being a sort of milestone in the history of the European knowledge 
of India to its furnishing an illustration and example of the 
meagreness and inexactitude of that knowledge. 

The majority of the learned in De Laet's day were unable to read 
English and Dutch and he might be justly credited with having 
rendered a sevice to them by disseminating the knowledge he had 
himself acquired in a language which they could understand. But 
the modern Indian reader can have no use for this tinned and 
potted version of Purchas and Pelsaert and Van den Broucki. He 
lay surely and safely refuse to fall down before or worship the 



246 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

resurrected simulacrum of his second-hand stuff. He can read all 
that De Laet says, and much more in the fourth volume of Mac 
Lehose's Reprint of the Pilgrims and Mr. Moreland's version of the 
Remdmntie. Nay, he may even do without either, for he can find 
almost everything that is valuable in De Laet's First Part in Sir 
William Foster's cheap but beautifully-edited My Tmds m Ma. 
As regards the Second Part, it does not appear to be generally 
known, but it is true that a very fair paraphrase of the Fngmmim 
was made available to English readers more than three centuries ago. 
This old rendering is about as useful as Mr. Hoyland's and in some 
respects, even superior to it. At any rate, a careful comparison 
indicates that the proper names are not so atrociously mangled and 
mutilated by Sir Thomas Herbert as by De Laet. 

And the reason is that Herbert had acquired some knowledge of 
Persian, of which De Laet as well as his Editors appear to have been 
absolutely innocent. It may be also noted that several discrepancies 
between Herbert and De Laet, indicate that the recension of the 
text of the Fmgmntum used and followed by the English was 
different from that which was in the hands of De Laet . 



Pre- Aryan Tamil Culture 

BY 

P. T. SRINIVASA IYBNGAR, M.A. 
(Reader in Indian History, Madras University. \ 

Continued from page 92 of vohmie VII. Part L 

KINGS 

The institution of kingship was an ancient one among the Tamils, 
for several old words exist which mean a king: : e.g., Kon, 1 Endal* 
Vendan* Mannan* Kuri&l* Zranwi; 6 besides, the words Vallal? 
and ^ra^/^restricted in later usage to nobles or petty chiefs, nilers 
of small territories, Kurunilamannar but applied to kings also. The 
government of a people by a king was called Atcki^ an abstract noun 
from the verb AI, li to rule over, from the noun Al, 1 * a subject, origi- 
nally a person. Government was conceived as being similar to a 
herdsman ruling a herd, helping it to feed and protecting it from 
enemies. The name Endal* 3 (and Vendan^* _ which perhaps is 
etymologically the same word) is derived from Endu> i5 to support, 
and refers to the chief function of a king, that of protecting his 
subjects from harm. But the oldest Tamil word for a king is 4Ttf, xe 
or Km* 7 which also means a cowherd. This implies that kingship 
arose first in the pastoral stage of the evolution of human life. It is 
in this stage that men began to acquire health, cattle, pam^ & pecu, 
being the earliest form of wealth that man could acquire. Pastoral 
life required that a tribe should settle with its wealth of cattle on a 
patch of grass-land. Unlike other forms of wealth, cattle and sheep 
constantly reproduce their kind, and herds always grow in size. The 
sons of a herdsman may partition the herd belonging to the family 
among themselves, but the pasture-land cannot thus be partitioned, 
for, where a small holding of a rice-field may well be cultivated by its 
owner and arable land may continue to be sub-divided into little plots 
for generations, pasture-land cannot thus be subdivided, for grass- 
fields below a minimum size are unfit for pasturing a herd. Hence 
the joint-family system became a necessity. The patriarch of a tribe 
thus acquired great influence and became its king. Hence the word 
KQ, cowherd, came to be applied to a king when kingship evolved. 

The house where the king resided was the KGttaL 1 * As the royal 
power increased, as the science of warfare developed, the royal resi- 
dence, Ksttai, became a fort. The fort was surrounded by strong 



iQQjsn-iLeK,!-.. Another early word for a palace was Kail* (Cr^raSw) which, after the 
rise of the grand modem temples, became restricted to Gods* houses. 

J8 



248 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

walls, aravi ;* hence tlie fort was called araiimanai ; 2 aran? originally 
meant both beauty and defence, and hence came to be applied to the 
walls of a fortress, also called madil* These walls were made of 
mud, mixed with boiled ragi flour and were so strong and elastic that 
they could resist battering very much better than inelastic brick or 
stone walls. In the Tinnevelly district there exists even to-day many 
a madil made after the ancient recipe, which are very difficult to pull 
down. The fort was surrounded by an agal^ agappaf or agali, 7 a 
moat, (from ag a , to dig, whence the following Tamil words are 
derivedj^-dwz, 9 home, inside, mind, the inner life, love, etc., Agakkal^ 
heart- wood, agadu^ inside, agani^ 2 - interior, heart-wood, also a rice- 
field dug out of the soil, agappu^* depth, agalam^* breadth, agal,* 5 
a bowl, agavai^ Q internal quality, agal^ 7 to dig), agappai* 7 a ladle 
scooped out. The agal was also called udu, * s odai, 1 9 kayam,* Q keni, 2 * 
parigani* 21 parigai^'* purisai 2 '^ and pamburi^ 5 (that which surrounds 
a fort as closely as the skin round a snake). The wealth of names for 
the moat shows that it was a very familiar object to the ancient Tamils. 
The entrance to the fort was called KotU 2 '* and the batter, i.e., reced- 
ing slope from the ground upwards behind a wall, topped by a flat 
platform, Kottalam, 2 ''* jy&\nl z * is the name of another part of a forti- 
fication : what it means is not known clearly. Within the royal resi- 
dence there were many rooms, each called afai, ZQ (from aru, 30 to cut 
off), a portion of the house walled off from other portions for special 
purposes. One of these rooms was the store-room, Kottafai** or 
Kottadi*'* (whence perhaps was derived the Sanskrit word' Koshta). 
The state-room was the Koluvarai 33 or Koluchch&vadi^* where the 
king sat in state on occasions of ceremonial. This was called 
koluviruttal^ 5 or Vzr-riruttaL 3Q The Koluchchavadi was no doubt 
decorated with flags 37 ' (kodi* B tugil** togdi** fatti^ kaitigai^ 2 - 
kadali,* 3 on these occasions, as well as with flowers and bunting, 
flowers and leaves playing a large part in South Indian life as will be 
shown later. On such formal occasions, the king wore a crown. As 
the crown w^as called mudi^* band, we may be sure that it was a band 
of _gold tied around the forehead, like the gold bands found 
at Adichchanallur. Indian crowns of recent ages were tall conical caps 
of solid gold, imbedded with gems such as now adorn gods when 
going out on processions ; these are so heavy that gods alone can 
wear them for any length of time, and could not have been worn by 
the ancient Tamil kings, all the more so as kings, like all other men 
of the ancient Tamil country, grew a whole head of hair. Shaving 
was unknown in South India and was introduced by the Aryas ; this 
is proved by the fact that there is no proper, ancient Tamil name for 
the barber, and there are only words derived from the Sanskrit, like 
.pariyari** ambattan^ Q n&mdan,*' 7 mangali* 8 or descriptive compounds 



. 37 Flags used to decorate a street 

were called vi(j,angam (<&i,maib}. . 3 Qjri.. ''' ' 





PRE-ARYAN TAMIL CULTURE 



249 



like mayirvznaiy&Ian* (hair-dresser), moSutlrppen* (one who pots an 
end to a hairy check). Moreover, throughout the Interior of South 
India, people who have not taken to Aryan or European customs do 
not even now patronize barbers. 

Wearing a crown and gold bracelets round the wrist, above the 
elbow and the ankles, (Ka&l)* furnished with tinkling bells 
(fadavgai)* garlands of pearls, muttu* coral, pavafam* and rings 
Ka^yalt,' 7 the kitig, during darbar, Kolu* was seated on a throne"' 
this was called Kaftil* and, as this name implies, was a construction 
of boards tied together to form a seat. Pillows, arianai** supported 
his back. Surrounded by his personal servants, adiyar** uliyar^* by 
heralds who proclaimed his greatness, agavar,** and by valfavar** 
publishers of royal orders, and power** poets who sang the praises of 
the king, with nobles, vallal** annal,^ seated in front of him, and the 
common people, &tkal** standing respectfully at a distance, the king 
heard complaints, dispensed justice and conducted state affairs of all 
kinds. The king often went out on processions, seated in a chariot, 
tSr. i9 Other names for it were -art, 20 kavarif* kuyavu** k&viram** 
tigiri** vaiy&m** The royal charriot was certainly well-decorated 
with wood carving, for this art was practised from lithic times : the 
conical top of a chariot, carved to look like a lotus was called 
kumbu?* kumram- kodinji** The middle of a chariot was called 
tattu** or n&ppa&\* Q its floor, 'par**- the boards around its body, 
kidugu, 3Z its spoke, ar ; 33 the raised platform with steps near the car, 
from the top of which it is possible to step into the car, mnlti, 34 or 
pirambu. 35 The existence of so many names shows what an impor- 
tant institution the royal car was, as the temple car is now, for all the 
appurtenances of temple-idols are but adaptations of royal parapher- 
nalia. The only difference between the royal car and the temple car 
is that the latter is drawn by human beings who desire to participate 
in the virtue of dragging it, but the former was drawn by bulls 
* 



kv**.che** pagadu** pandil^ p&ral** puttam** puni? Q 'pefram 5 * 
pottu, 5 * mflri)^ 3 or by the elephant (yanai** kalim} 55 . There are 
about twenty 56 other names for this favourite animal, belonging to 
Tamil alone, besides several others for the male animal and several 
more-forthe female. The cars were decorated with flags and trappings, 
(terchchtlai). 57 

The royal revenue, besides the proceeds from the royal lands, were 
derived from taxes (z>/w), 5S tolls, (sungam^ nlgu^ zfat),** and 
tributes (kappam** 



2 Q*/rf9-. 2 V^- 3o *rtii/qr.-- ' 3 *urt. 32 S<5, 33 ^"- 3 *GPili$z-. 

*94i-&Lf.- 3< Wfer. .' a *r W ,' ' 38 SD<~. 39 (y*. *rj:, ^^OTT^^. 

*_&. * 3 Q*rLliSLaj^. **(?**-. *<?*.-' *Uff. * 7 L/rzfrqL6;, **uri&. 

* s L[&>u>. so u>enf!. **Quppib. '**<Surfff. S3 {tfl. s */rlHr. "arf^. 

S6 Stlch as <Sfff<&) .8{.^w*'. tfiio^, _i&;u&:, _r,\-jwfl^,.^^r^r^4, ^EJ*J,' ip.o/, tf^rwcdr', ' 
aeaDJDiuq.) ct!>tycO?, 6<Sttuo2EU, es>jftoanr t <**ri^.o)r, ^e&rirBO?, @c*, g)sdartf. t . jptod*, ^BriiBitfAji 
Q^fflToff, <S'jf'ir& 3 ffrai/rf, ^gErySw, t/ar, LjfS-Qp&ihi LfffiAee)*, y il. >., Qog-asr., Quirmsty.? 'ag-Rrt0r. 
lopioenSyQiaFtLtj uajiair t /euGd?ujB(^, Gt(Tfea>a^ Qaiffith. 57 G'^r<r^Ssu. SB t&ift. s - s *ft8&tB 

A.U^. B1 ^)>p. S2 *liL/iO. 63 UH9* C *p0/>. 



JOURNAL OF INDIAN' HISTORY 



LOVE 

The chief royai occupations or amusements, (for in the case of 
kings, it is difficult to distinguish amusements from occupations) were 
love and war, both of which formed the subject of innumerable odes 
sung by the early bards. Love and war were respectively called 
agam* and fiufam, z the inner life which one cannot share with other 
men and the outer life of action which other men can appreciate and 
admire. The love of kings and other men was of two kinds. (1) Love 
at first sight, so impetuous as to lead to immediate consummation, 
called kalavzt* to be leisurely legitimatized by a formal marriage, 
(manam^ manfal* varaiwu* vettal) 7 . (2) Post-nuptial love, called 
kafpu. & The course of love, pre-nuptial or post-nuptial, furnished 
the bards with innumerable incidents fit for poetic treatment and this 
is the subject of three chapters of the grammar of poetry, called 
Porufadig&ram* of Tolkappiyam^ viz., Agattiiiaiyiyal^ (referring 
to both)/ 3 Kala-viyal^' 2 - Karpiyal.* 3 The chief incidents of the course 
of both forms of love, viz., the first catastrophic meeting of the lovers 
called iyarkaippunarchchi^ their waiting in expectation of meeting 
each other, iruttal^ 3 lamentations for temporary separation zrangal, * G 
brief and long quarrels and reconciliations, 'pulavi, 1 7 udal^ 8 and kudal, a 9 
and the parting of lovers, piridal^ were respectively correlated to the 
five natural regions, ^irinji, Mullai* Neydal^ Marudam and Palai. 
The fact that Tamil literary conventions arose absolutely independent 
of the literary conventions of the Vedic and other early Sanskrit lite- 
rature, shows that the correlations of the incidents of love with natural 
regions, peculiar to Tamil poetry, were based on actual customs which 
prevailed among the Tamil people in the third millennium B.C., and 
earlier. We can understand how these customs, i.e., social conven- 
tions, on which the literary conventions were based, first arose. The 
romantic scenery of Kurinji land is the greatest stimulus of love and 
the opportunities it affords for immediate consummation fans the 
flame of impetuosity which is the special characteristic of Kurinji love. 
Pre-nuptial love must have been the norm in the mountainous region, 
and the life of the hunter. In the Mullai region, the herdsman-lover 
had to be separated all day long from the mistress of his heart and 
hence the waiting of lovers for each other was associated with this 
region. In the JSTeydal, the woman has to sit desolate for days 
together, when her lover has gone on a voyage attended with risks to 
far off lands, and hence Neydal symbolizes the lamentations of lovers. 
So Palai, the desert region, where the lovers have necessarily to part 
company, aptly symbolizes the separation of lovers. In Marudam, 
people led a settled agricultural and industrial life and they could 
enjoy longer periods of lazy leisure than the people of other regions. 
Hence the formal Tamil marriage-rite was evolved in Marudam. 



PRE-ARY AN' TAMIL CULTURE 251 

MARRIAGE 

The ancient wedding-rite is described in the following 1 two odes 
from A gam. 'There was a .huge heap of rice cooked with pulse 
(even after many guests were fed). On the floor of a pandal built on 
long rows of wooden columns was spread freshly brought sand. 
House-lamps were lighted. . Flower-garlands were hanging. It -was 
the morning of the day of the bright .bent (crescent) moon, when the 
stars shed no evil influence. Then women bearing pots on the head, 
others carrying new broad begging bowls handed them over one after 
another, fair elderly dames making much noise the while. Then four 
women,. mothers of sons, with their pudenda marked with natural "beauty- 
spots, wearing beautiful ornaments, poured water on the bride, so that 
her black hair shone bright with cool petals of flowers and rice-grains 
(which had been mixed with the water) and at the same time blessed 
her, saying, ' Do not swerve from the path of chastity, be serviceable 
in various ways to your husband who loves you'. On the night of the 
day after that of the celebration of the marriage, the neighbouring 
ladies assembled and said to the bride, 'Become the mistress of a great 
house', and she went in trepidation to the bed-room dressed in new 
clothes.' 1 

* Having boiled the rice free from all impurities and mixed ghi with 
it, they served it to the elders. The auspicious birds flew in the 
bright, beautiful, broad sky. The asterism Rohini .was in conjunction 
with the moon. They decorated the house which was free from dirt, 
and worshipped God. The big drum sounded, the marriage-volley was 
beaten. The women who desired to witness the marriage assembled 
in haste. The flower-eyed goddesses witnessed the marriage and 
disappeared. They strung on white thread the double leaf of the 
agatti which has soft flowers, many blades of the . af&gxzz'-grass which 
the calf eats, and the young flowers of the blue water-lily which are like 
clean gems when the sounding rain-drops fall from the sky and adorned 
the bride with these garlands. Underneath a pandal strewn with sand 
which was cool as if rain had fallen on it, the relatives of the bride 



ir jb' p wife} i8pu t!*ss>irtr p 



ir&esrp 

Qsy^Qmieo 



mrp utuiFjS 

aay) 4Q,srd?r w/r<wtfr 
jpF^ mpueu 
' 



ajjgiaDeu iresrinaxria js$mjf 

jrc\jQ.u 

Quifip 



252 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

gave her away.' 1 In the ancient marriage-rite there was no circum- 
anibulation of fire, tivalam seydal* which Brahmana purohitas of later 
ages invented in imitation of the wedding-rite of the higher varnas and 
introduced into the marriage-ritual of the Tamils. 

In the agricultural region, there also arose kutliyar* and vzraliyar^ 
dancing-women and singing women, who were ladies of easy virtue 
and lived the life of hetairae, the parattaiyar^ who brought to a 
premature end the course of wedded love. Hence ftdal and kudal, 
estrangement and reunion between husband and wife, was correlated 
to Marudam. 

Besides these five incidents of normal love, there also existed, 
among the ancient Tamils, two forms of abnormal love, viz., 
Kaikkilai* love of a man for an immature girl incapable of feeling the 
gentle passion, and Pertmditiai, 7 love of a man for a woman who does 
not reciprocate his love; in such a case, the man maddened with 
passion, made a horse of the sharp-edged stem of the palmyra, provid- 
ed it with wheels and rode through the streets, bleeding, till the lady 
relented, or committed suicide if she did not, a proceeding technically 
called MadalSrudal & ; these are also described in many odes. 

They make, of the stem of a palmyra leaf, a horse which does not 
require fodder, and attach to it reins adorned with small bells ; the 
hero, wearing a garland of the short flowers of the erukku* calotropis 
gigantea, mounts it. We drag the horse along the streets and boys 
gather behind and follow the procession/ 30 

' Wearing a garland in which the fresh flowers of the avirai, 3 * cassia 
^ which resemble gold in colour, are strung on many threads, 



UJF euanremiaQajir L/so?rG?!urjf ii 
LjGsarfmjslstifltLi *airjs 



minimal toetxree^iiLi assfiir 98 
j^*@B/ iSeattDiua-i- C?ffrA@L 
Qiaeary, aurcoarji t/sfrt/pA 
Ufff&sf&rja x$&(gjtb uuihutn 
i rrff 



ji?fflB#iLreso/? QptiiSp Quui-aSiu^^ uirpjB'^ 

***** -9** -.,*,,:. AgamI36. 



Q ^ 





Narrincti 220 . 

' ' 



PRE-ARYAN TAMIL CULTURE 253 

he rides the horse made of (the stem of the leaf of) the palmyra, 
shame torturing his mind.' 1 

Should I one day wearing: a garland of gems on my breast and 
decorated with bones, go along the streets, without shame and 
ridiculed by others ?' 2 

These seven tinais constitute the Agattinui, the class of poems 
celebrating love. 

WAR 

The other subject of ancient poetry was war. The wars of ancient 
Tamil kings were not inspired by earth-hunger, for we find, through- 
out the ages, the boundaries of the Sera. Sola, and Panclya kingdoms 
were intact. Wars were undertaken either as affording exercise for 
the development of martial virtues or for the purpose of achieving, by 
personal prowess, supremacy in rank and the title of the liege lord 
of the Tamil country and for the privilege of wearing the triple crown, 
MummudL 3 Wars were undertaken in the season which followed the 
harvest, when the king and the subjects had no more agricultural 
work to do before the next rainfall. Warlike operations were divided 
into five, namely, vetchif vanfi t s ulinai^ tumbai^ v&gai,* respectively 
corresponding to kurinji^ mullai) marudam, ?ieydal and pslai. It 
will be noticed that all these ten are the names of flowers and each 
flower symbolizes the incident which is named after it. Each of 
these incidents, called tinai* subdivided into turaz, 10 were celebrated 
by people wearing garlands of flowers appropriate to it. Thus we find 
that the Tamils noted and named hundreds of flowers and dedicated 
each of them with their leaves and twigs to some separate life-situation, 
which they celebrated by decorating their persons with garlands of 
those leaves and flowers, by singing measures and dancing dances 
specially appropriate to. each of them. The passion the Tamils had 
for wearing garlands, symbolic or otherwise, is further indicated by 
the fact that there are several words meaning garland, kmmi^^ /^r, 12 
todaiyal, 1 * alafigals* k&dai* s teriyal** This ancient love of flowers is 



1 Qua- ea Gear firs$ea>ri-t 



Kurundogai 173 . 



lb.182. 



10 ,- *lrrt. ^rr. ^rwi-w. . jy*' . . 

There are sixteen other names for garlands, which shows what great love the 
Tamils have for personal decoration with flowers. This is- farther indicated by 
the fact that garlands bad differentiated names ; thus, a -garland for the face was 
Ham&aeam* Suttu? for the hair-knot, karodigai*; a garland where the flowers 
were tied together, SigaligQiS-'totfaiyal,* malai^vasigai* a plaited garland, 
piitaiyal ; 8 a strung garland, -kdvai*;. ^ 

' 



254 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

being slowly choked out, especially in towns, by the pressure of the 
drab civilization of Europe, which is robbing us of many simple joys 
coming down from ancient times, when the love of flowers was so 
str as to lead t he Tamils to adopt flowers and leaves even as the 
distinctive uniforms of soldiers. In the battle-fields, the soldiers of 
each of the three great Tamil dynasties of kings could be distinguished 
from each other only by the garlands they wore. Thus the Pan^ya 
soldiers were decorated with the leaves and flowers ofjhe V&nbu* 
Margosa, the Sola soldiers, with those of the Atti 2 - or Ar*, Bauhinea 
racemosa, and the Sera soldiers, of the Panai* the palmyra. The 
early literature, and especially the Tolkappiyam, contains frequent 
references to the symbolic use of leaves and flowers, and these 
prove that the ancient Tamils led a happy life of constant merry- 
making unoppressed by a too pessimistic view of the world and of 
man's destiny and that they were inspired by a love of nature superior 
in strength to that of other peoples, ancient or modern. 

Of the five subdivisions of Puram, Vetchi, the first, refers to the 
preliminary lifting of the enemy's cattle, and confining them in a pen 
in one's own country, which was the ancient method of the declaration 
of war. This proves that kingship, like formal war, began in the 
pastoral stage of life. As large herds of cattle are kept in the hilly 
region, Vetcki, corresponds to Kurinji. Vanji corresponds to Mullai ; 
it deals with the expedition into the enemy's country, which has 
necessarily to pass through the wooded country surrounding the lower 
river valleys, where forts were built for storing in safety the ac- 
cumulated agricultural and metallic wealth. 

Ulinai has for its subject the siege of the forts, and especially the 
capital, of the enemy king, situated in the heart of the Marudam region. 
Tumbai refers to the fierce fighting which succeeds the mastery of the 
fort-walls, and Vag-ai, the final victory. As Agattinai has on the whole 
seven subdivisions, so two more have been added to Purattinai* viz., 
K&nji* which generally deals with the transitoriness of earthly plea- 
sures in general and the vanity ot military glory in particular, the first 
touch of asceticism which was destined to overwhelm Indian life from 
the middle of the first millenium before Christ, and Pad&n., & the last of 
the Purattinai, which contains poems praising the munificence of kings 
and nobles towards the poets who sought their patronage. 

As it was love of display of prowess and of glory that drove the 
ancient Tamils to war, there is no doubt that fighting was an annual 
institution, undertaken in the season between the gathering of the 
harvest and the starting of the tillage for the next year. War was 
called por, 17 sandat, & seru* muran,^ tevvn^ and by about twenty other 
words, 12 This wealth of words meaning war indicates that it was a 
favourite amusement with the ancient Tamils, amusement because the 
object of ancient war, like that of wrestling, mar pur J* 3 which was thus 
a variety of par, was not for satisfying the lust for bloodshed, but for 
proving strength and skill. The field of battle was called 



PRE-ARYAN TAMIL CULTURE 255 



parandalaz mndunilam^ these words also indicate 
uncultivated land, on which contests of all kinds took place and show 
that war did not imply the ruination of crop-bearing land. The 
army, padai^ t&nai, s was divided into various groups, a&*, 9 
undai 7 ottvi ; 8 the front ranks were akkamf kodippadai,' 1 AJr, 11 
tft$i** nirai, 13 and the back ranks, kulai. 14 This shows that military 
science was not unknown to the... Tamils. 15 In later times the army was 
divided into four sections, chariot-warriors, elephant-warriors, horse- 
warriors, and foot-soldiers. Of these all but the horse-arm came 
down from ancient times. South India was not the home of the horse 
and has always imported horses from the valley , of the Sindhu, from 
Persia and other countries. But there is no doubt that the elephant 
was used from early times both for royal ostentation and military 
purposes. * The warrior sits on an elephant, which looked like the 
g*od of death (maralz). He has a broad and higfh breast, covered with 
a coat made of the tiger's skin, which the volley of arrows cannot 
pierce. The elephant resembles the ship that passes on the sea, 
the moon which moves among the stars ; it is surrounded by 
armed wiaravar like sharks, and is so excited as not to recognize 
its mahout.' 16 The elephants were skilfully trained and carefully 
looked after by the fiag-an, a 7 tied to posts, kandu^ 8 tafz, 19 in the 
$/#z", 20 elephant-house, and fed with palmyrah trunks, rice and 
jaggery ; they were bathed in tanks or rivers, their face painted with 
vermilion and decorated and armoured with face-plates, sdai,* 1 ' sui.** 
Chariots heavily decorated with wood-carving, in the profusion of 
which Indians revelled, and brilliantly coloured, S&yam t&ytta* 3 trap- 
pings in various patterns and elephant warriors and foot-soldiers 
decked with garlands of the leaves and flowers which were the badge 
of each royal house, formed the serried ranks assembled on the battle- 
field. Of the implements of war, some came down unaltered from the 
Stone Age, such as the club, tadi erut, 25 tandu^ 6 the shorter one 
being kunil** 7 the bow, z/z?, 28 kokkarai** silai* tadi 3 * favor** 
muni) 33 besides the compound noun &0</umar&m, bent-wood. Other 
implements were made of stone at first, and iron was substituted for 
stone in the early Iron Age : such as the sword, u&l?* uvam\ 3S sdi, se 
kaduttalai*' 3 tuvatti** riavzr, 39 n&ttam^ vanfam,** val* z short 
swords being called kurumbidi,^ surigai^ kaiti^ 5 and bent ones 



: 1L5 Murugan 1 the Tamil war-god, who was assimilated by the northerners with 
the non-Vedic god Siibrahmariya, also called Shatimuklia, Karttlkeya, Is said to 
have invented different forms "of military formations and written a treatise on 
the subject in Sanskrit. 



a>(.pa< vreurdi Qur^^ia' 
z_Ez,*<ar Ct/rsua/^ 
*<? rrr 'wri&tliJ 

Pu?&n 23 f 



256 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 



the spear , ##,* itfa 3 kalnkkadai* kaiumul* the lance 
and the javelin, vl* the implement of Murugan, eyil 7 aranam* 
ehkam 9 [from ehku^* (1) sharp, (2) steel], kundam^* nang-ar^ the 
shorter ones being: <udambi4i,** vitteru** etc.; the trident, kalu^ 5 
Ml, 1& the battle-axe, malu^ 7 kanichchi^* kzmdali, ! & kulir* tannam ; 23 
the' arrow, ambu^ kanai** kadiram** (allied to kadtr,* 5 ray, spike), 
^2 /&7/, 27 tcdai,** V0pz, ae flag-afr', 30 pallam** fiutfat, 3 * vandu** 
v&li ; 3 * the arrow being one of the earliest implements used by the 
Tamils in fighting with animals and men, has so many names ; so too 
the string of the bow, n&n* s n?iz\ 3& puram^ %vam, 3& todai** n&rz+* 
narambu^ puttu**'* the particular point where the arrow was placed 
being called "udu-. * 3 The defensive weapons were the shield, 
kedagam^* kidugu^ 3 kadagam^ & tattu^ pariSai,** palagai,** 
mafai, 50 vatta-&am, S:L vattam ; S2 those made of hide were distinguished 
as t&l> 53 torparam* 4 * and of cane as tandai, 55 valli. 56 A coat of armour 
was melagam, 57 ara^z y 5& as2t t 59 kandalam^ gauntlets for protecting 
the hands, being called kaippudai. 61 

MUSICAI. INSTRUMENTS 

Drums and other musical instruments were used in warfare to 
inspire men and elephants (and later, horses) with martial enthusiasm. 
Musical instruments generally were called iyam^ z v&ttiycwt)* 9 vacfichi- 
yam,, 6 * isaikkaruvi^* z/at, e6 being the general term for music. Musical 
iastruments were divided into four kinds, tdrkaruvij*' 7 those covered 
with leather, tulaikkaruvif those provided with holes, narambukka- 
ruvi^ stringed instruments, an.&.midafztkkarMvt, 70 throat-instruments. 
Seven names of notes belonging to Tamil are kural, 7:L tuttam^* 
kaikkilai, 7 * ulai?* ili 73 vilari, 7Q and taram 77 said to be produced 
respectively in the throat, the tongue, the palate, the head, the forehead, 
the pharynx, and the nose. Perhaps these are the seven notes of the 
scale. The chief wind-instrument was the kulal 78 ' the flute, of which 
there were many kinds, pa-qai 7 * made of the bamboo, arnbal, 8 of 
reed, konfai^ of the fruit of the Cassia perforated and m-uHai^ of the 
creeper fasminum trichotomum twisted to serve as a flute. There 
were also different forms of the trumpet, tardi** kalam,** kakafam** 
ammiyam^ 5 Sinnam,** the cornet or horn, kombu^ 7 kdu^ B iralai, &Q 
vayir. 90 

The chief stringed instrument was the yal. Qi There were many 
varieties of it, one for each of the five regions. The number of strings 
in the y& varied from four to seven, sixteen, seventeen, twenty-one. 

A ydl was composed of various parts : * its pattal^ (probably 
sounding-board) had its edges depressed and its middle raised, like the 




PRE-ARYAN TAMIL -CULTURE . 257 

impression on the earth of an antelope's loot ; this was covered by a 
skin of the colour of a flame and It was stitched in the middle and the 
stitches resembled the row of thin hair on the belly of a fair girl in the 
early stages of pregnancy ; the skin was fixed to the wood by means 
of nails which looked like the eyes of the crab which, lives in a mountain- 
cave ; its month without. a palate was of the shape of the moon on the 
eighth day after the new moon ; its beam was like a serpent with its 
head upraised ; its straps were like bracelets on the forearm of a black 
woman ; its strings were tattt and, struck by fingers looking like 
hnsked tinai, resounded,' 1 

In another poem it is described as having a tol^ hide of the 
colour of the core of the p&diri? the trumpet flower, Bigwonia. 
CkelonoideS) a tulai* a hole with two eyes like the bud of the 
kamugu? areca-palm, a green pvrvaif looking homogeneous as if 
made of melted metal, a v&y? mouth dark like a dried up spring, a 
kattaii* extremity of the shape of the crescent, a tivavu bands with 
strips of leather, moving like the bangles at the wrists of a lady, a 
maruppu^ Q or tandu^ trunk, dark like sapphire, and narambu, 1 " 2 - 
strings, as if of gold. 1 3 

The drum, p&rai, a * mnrau, * s pgrigai, 1 6 aguli^ * 7 dlari> a 8 falHgai, * 9 
sallari,* ' kiiuti,** was also of various kinds and differed from region 
to region and also according to the purposes for which it was used. 
T&dG.rt 2 ' 2 ' or udukkai^ was a small double drum shaped like a sand- 
glass and carried by minstrels, panar** The tattat** or karatjigai ze 
uttered a sound like the grunt of a bear. ' Pure Tamil * names of various 
tunes, pan? 1 * viz., paled?* kurinji** marndam^ fevvaiif* occur; 
moreover the names of a few ragarns now sung are old Tamil names, 
but nothing definite about old Tamil music can be ascertained unless 
ancient books like the Isainuimkkam^' 2 ' of ttie'Iatc&:&atigai&> 3a the 
&rrtat t 3 * and the PeriSai^ 3 of the Ka-daiehchangam 3 are discovered, 

The arms, offensive and defensive, and the drums, referred to 
above, were also used in hunting, .vetfai t * 7 &gSdagam** p&baitL* 9 which 
was another favourite occupation of kings and nobles. The profes- 
sional shikari had numerous names, 

1 ^sri>L/^^ turn-ear ^Qu LJ&&ISJ 



iu <5j$irpptb Q 
Qur^jcom Qurjtftti Qurj$*f& 

sutSormrir gseoensor & 6t$s> S afar i event 



tuft meaaitij votirsar 

FtoiSp 

i&i_aJ&. 

dai^ 4-18. 



258 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 



kuliyar^ kolainar^ Savarar^ /ilavar, 5 sillar Hyar 7 
pullar* pulainar ntaravar^ marudar, l/L vSdar^ z showing how 
widespread that profession was. They were also employed as police- 

men, armed with the bow and the sharp arrow. 13 

TOWNS AND VILLAGES : HOUSES 

Round the Kdttai where the king resided, grew the pettai^* (from 
fie, i5 vulgar, whence is derived psdai> & common people, the poor, 
pSy^ 7 the wild plant, also goblin). Naturally the followers of each 
trade gravitated towards each other and each principal profession was 
confined to a single pettai ; there were thus many suburbs around a 
town, separated from each other. These pettais were each surrounded 
by rice-fields or gardens. There are many words to indicate a house, 
such as mdu, 13 agam, i& z7, 20 illam^ &rfot, 22 patti** mariai^ 4 * 
vaytn^ 5 besides the compound words uraiyul ZQ and pukkil.* 7 The 
houses of richer men were called m&dam' 28 (whence perhaps #&#<fz, 29 
upper story) or m&ligai** from the root m^/, 31 great. They were built 
almost entirely of timber up to about twelve centuries ago. The 
following words relating to parts of a house may be noted : ifappitf* 
traz, 33 valavu** taly&ram, 35 sloping roof ; munril, 3 * murrain^ 37 court- 
yard, inside or outside a house ; the compound word nilamufram^ 5 a flat 
roof on which one can walk up and down ; uttiram, 3Q t&iam^ beam 
Surfuv&ri^ //, 42 tudai^* mugadu^ mdangam^ 5 beam projecting 
beyond a wall. In front of the houses was the Hnnai* a raised and 
covered platform, which served the purposes of a drawing-room and 
bed-room for the day and even for the night. Before the tiiwai, was 
the kufadu^ 7 open platform, flanked by the ottuttinnai** The walls, 
the tinnai and the floor of the house were no doubt polished like a 
mirror or black-marble, the cement being compounded of clay, charcoal 
and cattle-dung 3 man,* kari, 5 and/##z", Sl and applied to the surface 
wet and rubbed over for hours with a bit of flattened quartz, an art which 
is fast dying out. The entrance to the house was not flush with street, 
as there was a vayilpadi^ 2 " door-step. It was provided with a wooden 
frame work, nilai, 53 and a door, kadami, 5 * also called aranam, 55 
aravam, s& kappu* 7 t8tti, 5& pudavu, 5 v&ri 3 GO secured by a wooden bolt 
and heavily carved outside, as they are even today in houses not ruined 
by modern civilisation. The houses were provided with windows, 
S&lavam^* Sannal^* palagani^ 3 being, as the name implied, a many- 
eyed lattice window. Behind the door ran a narrow passage, idaikali^* 
or nadai^ 5 which led into the house. The houses were provided with 



Malaipatfukad&m , 422 . 

l *e?utlDi_, ls <?u 16 CuB>^. ^(SuiLi. *ff. ^^sta. 20 @!&. 21 ^)suwm. 22 (?^/r^iY. 

. 8 ur>^; ^tote, **-ffdr. 26^^,^^^ *? H *Q. The houses of Brahmanas were 
given the Sanskrit name of Aharam, (^&vih,} and the street where they lived 



PRE-ARYAN TAMIL CULTURE 259 

drains sakkadai^- or ' Salagam* as were the houses of Mohenjo-daro 
recently unearthed. The spout of the drain was tambu* />//, 

surwigu* The inside walls were provided, with niches, 'purai* in 
which were placed, among other things, the lamps to light the house 
by night. These lamps were little bowls of stone or earthern-ware or 
metal, agol? tagali* tagali* idinjti ftto&il in which castor 
oil or other oils were burnt with a cotton wick. 12 Behind the house 
was another kwradu which was a lumber room. Behind this the 
house-well, kinaru^* ahimbu** ufavt, 1 * kuli^ 7 kUvat ** kudam lb 
twam** keni.^ puval** the latter three being water pits without a 
protecting structure of wood around them. Behind the well stretched 
a garden, either a kitchen garden or a fruit tope, kollai* 3 toppu 2 * 
tottam** avalam** tudavai* 7 todwvu** pafafifiai?* pavagam** 
punamJ**- In the kollai behind the house was the kottil, 3 * cattle-shed, 
kottu** from probably the same word as Telugu goddn, cattle' 
and z7, meaning house, Behind the garden stretched the 'corn fields, 
vayal. 3 * 

The furniture of houses was utensils for polishing and grinding 
rice and for cooking it in various ways. Ural 35 and ullakkat 3 * morter 
and pestle, of both wood and stone, pounding stones of several shapes, 
sometimes the shape of the tortoise or other animals, ammi, 37 tiruvai** 
attukkal** kulam* Q mealers of stone, puttil^^ valtigai* z basket, 
muram,* 3 Sinnam** sulagu** tattu & muffil^ "winnowing: fan, 
falladai** sieve ; different forms of pots of earthenware or soft stone, 
p&nai** /a#2*, 50 ^/, 51 kudam, 52 - mida** p%na,*^ mall&y** lid for the 
same, madakku ; 5B spoons, at first made of wood, and then of iron or 
other metal, agappai, 57 (of three kinds, tattaga,ppai^ & sandagappaif 9 
sirragappai, Q ) sattuvam^ karandi** muttai, tuduppu,* 3 'mamvaz,* 
marakk&l** or ambanam** totti** 7 kinnam, QS vatti,* 9 vattil, 7 flat 
spoon, all of wood or stone coming clown from the stone age and a 
few of metal since the commencement of the iron age ; other house- 
hold furniture were manai, 7 * planks for sitting on or shaped logs used 
as pillows, petfi> 7 * pelai 73 nanfikai?* box, the stone-age form of 
which was the katuppe.tfi, 7S a box of wicker work without any metal 
parts and bound together by means of cocoanut coir, and hence 
absolutely unpollutable by touch and fit for storing eatables and the 
JLares and Penates ; kattil 7 literally bound place, a cot made of 
bamboos fitted together into an oblong framework bound together 
with ropes, also called pandil; 77 literature mentions richer forms of 



A good house with red flames issuing from white wicks of cotton wool. ls ,j>ffi. 

' 



30 uruffic. 3i Lj<ssr&. A new kollai was vidaippunam, (rfsw^t^esna.) and an old 
one, or one made by cutting and burning down a forest, mu-daippun&m 

' 



arBBr^ ^^19., /LiiyL.. ffiswr. u?.. aaa t a^tm % and 

saruvain are now used for metal pots and are perhaps loan-words of a later age. 

W - 7 * 75 ^ 9d *iLsu 75r ur ' 



260 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

the pandil, which will be described later on, tied with tape, tattam^ or 
kachcliu? woven with decorative lines, like the stripes of a tiger; 
this kind of cot was called kachchukkattilf the former being 
kayirrukkattiL* 

Besides the cot there was the tottil, 5 cradle, literally, hanging place, 
(from /<?, 6 whose intensive is iciigu? to hang,) tnli* hammock, niifal* 
or uzupalagai^ Q swinging plank, kudalai^"* plaited basket for gathering 
flowers, simil^* small casket, ufi,* 3 or &mtlz, 1 * a loop of string suspen- 
ded from the roof of a house or from the end of a pole called kavadi^* 
by means of which one man can carry two men's loads ; kanappu,^^ or 
kuntbattf 17 for warming the hands and the breast during cold nights, 
patiadai, 1 * $umudu^ Q summ&du* Q contrivances on which to stand 
pots kndu^ coop, kudirf* granary, parang 3 idanam?* kaludu,* 5 
padagam* panemaif loft for storing articles, also raised platform for 
watching birds and other enemies of the growing crops, tadavuf* 
indalam^ censer, nelik&l^ stick for churning fire, tukku,** /#, 32 
nifaikolf* steelyard introduced into Europe by the Dutch and hence 
called Dutch steel-yard, kavan, 3 * talal, 35 sling, also bull-roarer ; pay, 3 
mat, and mettai* 7 a?taz, 3s amah', 39 kaguli^ tavihc^^ talimam^' 2 ' bed 
stuffed with cotton. These constitute, even now, the complete furniture 
of Tamil homes such as have not come under the seductive influence 
of European foreign trade. 

The poorer people lived in huts, kudiai** kudil^ kztckchu^ 
kuchchil^ kurambai.* 7 Their walls were made of wattle and clay, 
and they were generally circular, rarely rectangular, in shape; the roof 
was rarely aspidal, but mostly domical and topped by a pot, kudam^* 
through a hole in which were passed the bamboos constituting the 
framework of the roof ; and from the early days when such huts were 
built, temples were built in similar fashion, and when later they were 
built of brick or stone, over the shrines was built a domical roof, 
furnished with a metal pot, now called kalaSam* and serving an 
ornamental, not useful, purpose. 

The following is a description of a hunter's hut of old times : 

* In the huts of the hunters were leaning, on the planks decorated 
with bells, lances whose ends were blunted and smelling of flesh from 
the bodies of enemies whom the hunters killed and left lying on the 
ground, a prey for kites. Bows with the string tied in knots were also 
leaning' on the walls on which there was a thatch of -fig-a 50 grass. 
Bundles of arrows with notches like honeycombs on hills were hanging 
from the thick legs of the pandal. The huts were guarded by dogs 
chained to posts. The compound was surrounded by a living hedge 
of thorns. The door was fastened by a strong beam. In front were 



PRE-ARYAN TAMIL CULTURE 261 

fixed rows of stiff-standing, cruel-pointed stakes. Such were the 
houses of the hunters who were armed with the bent bow. Ji 

More or less irregular rows or groups of kudzsais^ huts, sparsely 
interspersed with maligaisf constituted the street, 'tern,* Svanam, 5 
kofam* nellal, 7 marugu;* a long street was called manfam,* a'short 
one, koitamS-* and the place where many streets meet, sadukkam^ or 
sandu. 12 Towns and villages were named variously according to 
the regions, tinai, they belonged to. Thus in Kurinji, they were 
called sifukudi^^ kufichchi^ 5 in Mttllai, t>odiS* * fert, 17 paUi ; ls 
in Marudam, nr \ 19 in Neydal, p&kkam^ and In Palai, paran- 
dalai.-' 1 In the towns dwelt, side by side, melor** or uyartidffr'**'an& 
kllor** or talnddr** the higher and the lower classes. The later 
literature of the early Christian centuries speak of two assemblies of 
men who were the recipients of royal confidence aimberukuhP* ' 
and enperayam. 27 kulit * 8 and ayam 9 meant assemblies; the' "five 
assemblies have been explained by commentators as those of ministers, 
priests, army leaders, ambassadors and intelligence officers, but the 
names of these, viz., amaickchar,^ pu-ffthitaf, 31 - sen&padzyarj 32 
tuduvaf 33 and Mfa?m f f 34 , are all tadbhavas from Sanskrit and 
hence it is difficult to decide that the five groups of officers 
existed from old times. The group of eight are said to consist 
of ministers, executive officers, treasury officers, door-keepers, 
citizens, generals, elephant- warriors, horse-soldiers. 35 This enu- 
meration, mixing- men of high and low degree, does not strike one 
as referring: to very ancient times. AD early commentator of 
Silappadig&ram gives a less improbable enumeration of these 
five and eight assemblies ; the five are made up of sages, Brahmans, 
physicians, soothsayers and ministers ; even this cannot be a 
classification of the Pre- Aryan Epoch because Brahmanas occurs 
in the list. The eight are those who apply sandal paste to the 
person of the king, those that decorate him with flowers, those that 



1 1 7 129. 



168. 



seaa- *-jrrarQrdr^wJ- urr^F^ur* ODSt&Qu 
rrr8zr^^ttJfiu l ;r <7$-iad? jBsrar, sm-x^^fpjp 

afewsffr ti*i*$tap frfafewiuQrBirCu rroQicro-ij, /^. quoted in the commentaries on 
t v. 157, p. 144. 



262 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

fasten his belt, those that clothe him, those that supply arecanut 
and betel leaves and those that put on his armour, 1 This looks 
like a genuine list of the persons immediately round the king. 



DRESS. 

The cotton plant is a native of India and the Indians of the later 
stone age learnt to spin the cotton fibre into thread, nul* ilai^ 
saradu,* todar^ nuvanam^ panuval^ piiin^ and to weave cotton yarn 
into long pieces of cloth. The idea of cloth was no doubt suggested by 
panncidai , also called neyyari' 10 which the people wore, besides hides, 
before the invention of cotton-weaving. Pannadai'vs the web at the bot- 
tom of a young palmyra or cocoanut leaf and was used as cloth in very 
ancient times, for mara f i>uri^ : *- tree-flay, also called afini) 12 train fi, 13 
Hram, 14 sirai, 1S is one of the forms of dress which possesses the 
holiness of hoary antiquity and is patronized by sacred ascetics and 
pilgrims. The supply of cotton was abundant and weavers wore 
endless lengths of cotton cloth, tugil^ 16 which they cut into short 
pieces, aruvai^ 17 tnni* 1S iundu 19 before winding round their persons. 
The number of words meaning dress is very great : &&ram, 20 &&gaz, Zi 
adai, 2 * idaidal, 23 ilakk&ram, 2 * udukkai zs udai, ZQ edagam, 27 oliyal, 2S 
(specially used for mZladai, cloth worn over the shoulder), kandai,, 29 
kattiyam, 30 kcLppadam, 31 kalai, 32 kadagam, 33 kffiftdam, 3 * kdlag-ant^ 3 5 
kurai^ (now used for cloth, presented to the bride during marriage), 
kvdi 37 (now used for cloth, unwashed, straight from the hands of 
the weaver or the vendor), sambaran, 3B s&di, 39 szrrzl,* sirai, 41 
selai, * 3 t&nai 44 (also m2ladai) t tn$u, 45 t&fti*** turiyam, 47 
** midiyal** .'udavaz, 50 (now restricted to the long piece of 
cloth worn by women), pad&m* l pattam'* 2 - and many others. All these 
words meant cloth woven of the fibre of cotton. Those woven of silk 
werecalled karambu, 3 ^ pani, 5 4 paranam* **palidam* and woollen cloth, 
mayiragam, 57 vayiriyamJ* The fewness of the names of silk and 
woollen cloth shows that weaving in these was scarce. Cloth dyedin 
various colours, fayamtoytta, 5B was freely used. Indeed decoration 
being the chief aim of Indian art, as will be explained later, plain 
white cloth was considered as fit for occasions of mourning and for 
being worn by women in permanent mourning, i.e., widows. Hence 
dyed cloth and that decorated with flowers on the borders and through- 
out the body of the cloth was the usual wear. A much decorated cloth, 



a Q is 



, Op. dt. p. 144. 

G gnaieaaru>. 7 u@n*ae. 

p@. **9 f tb. 1 *@ si or. <! 

from root ^ff to cut. Xa ^7fi8cfi, 19 ^jror, both from root gxs&r. to ctit. *$ 



PRE- ARYAN TAMIL. CULTURE 263 

woven so finely that the yarn could not be distinguished by sight and 
adorned with woven flowers so that it looked like the skin of the serpent, 
is refered to in literature. 1 . The sentiment ga:n?t plain, white, 
undecorated cloth was so strong: even two genen^'c-s ago, when 
machine-made cloth began to compete vigorously with hard-woven 
cloth, that the more conservative! of the men, who were tempted to use- 
Manchester mull on account of its cheapness, stitched across its borders 
and along its edges } lines of red thread to make it look respectable. 
Even to-day the old instincts assert themselves on occasions of festive 
celebrations, when undecorated cloth is taboo. This objection to 
undecorated cloth, yards of unrelieved whiteness, this sentiment 
springing from age-long association of plain, undyed, undecorated cloth 
with mourning and the offensiveness of its monotony to eyes trained 
to a sense of beauty and to the aesthetic instincts common to all 
Indians, has in the last two generations been vanquished by the 
glamour of machine-made cloth, woven of yarn spun evenly by 
spinning machines and polished by chemical appliances, ever-new forms 
of which are being invented day after day. Tamil ladies alone have' 
presented a solid front of opposition to this destruction of the 
aesthetic sense of South Indians by soul-less, machine-made cloth. 

Weaving in wool is as ancient as weaving in cotton ; it was ^essenti- 
ally an industry, not of marudam^ui of miillai, in the less fertile parts 
of which lived the Kufnmbar^ the class of herdsmen who tended the 
kurumbadu, 3 and wove from its fleece the kambalam,* ten thousands 
years ago as they do to-day. Wool weaving did not go beyond its 
crude stage in Southern India; but in Northern India, and especially 
in Kashmir, where the supply of soft wool from the necks of 
Himalayan goats was unlimited and where vegetation on the banks of 
hill-streams and beds of flowers on mountain-sides, presented ever 
varying patterns to be incorporated by the weaver in wool, was deve- 
loped *the splendid industry of shawl-weaving, which will never be 
killed by the greatest growth of machine- weaving, so long as man has 
eyes to see beautiful forms and sense to appreciate beautiful designs. 

Silk was used chiefly for decorating the edges of cotton cloth, 
since the silk fibre was not abundant ; but from the earliest tiroes cloth 
was also wholly woven of silk thread ; silk cloth and woollen cloth are 
less susceptible of the pollution of touch than cotton cloth, showing that 
they were older manufactures than the latter. A cloth woven from 
rat's hair is also mentioned. 5 But cotton cloth was peculiarly sensi- 
tive to touch, in the sense that it could be easily polluted. Every 
piece of cotton cloth, doffed, viiutta* after wear even for^a second 
became vilnppu? polluted, and the pollution could be got rid of only 
after being washed with water, dried in air and folded, when it 
became mafa* This last word meaning fold, came to mean a clotb 

. *<?r*<s ; ^fp*Air vrimx* &***** ********* !#*>*. P0runar&r rnppadai, 82.83. 

. . . ^fg^Aur. 3 <&ffibuir, *sthuerfb. 

* Silaitadie&ram-'&r, 205-7 speaks of the streets where were sold cloth folded 
a hnndred-foldf^oven of fine cotton yarn, hair and silk thread ; here the commen- 
tator explains hair to be rats' hair. 



20 



64 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

jacramentally pure, when folded after being washed and dried. Such 

;loth was unfolded and worn, a long; piece around the waist and 

mother, round the trunk, loose and graceful, beautiful to look at 

ind allowing: the air and the sun to kiss the skin and destroy the 

innumerable germs that get lodged in it and destroy its health. The 

supply of cotton being unlimited and the patience of the weavers 

being inexhaustible, there was no temptation, such as existed in 

wool-wearing countries, to cut up cloth so as to make small bits 

go a long way, and to prepare stitched clothes. Not that the needle 

(nsi^ ilai-vangi**) or its use in stitching, tunnal taiyal,* was 

unknown, 5 but in addition to the objection that stitched clothes 

reveal too much the human anatomy, there was no necessity to use 

them when cloth was plentiful. Indeed whole cloth, without a 

tear, mended or unmended, became in popular estimation sacrament- 

ally pure, and stitches of any kind rendered cloth unfit for use on 

ceremonial occasions. Ladies who in all respects preserve ancient 

orthodoxy intact, do not wear stitched cloth on such occasions. The 

jacket, the only form of stitched clothes ladies wear, has got the, 

non-Tamil name of ramkkai ; it was possibly introduced into the 

country by Yavana (Greek and Roman) ladies that formed the body- 

guard of Indian kings two thousand years ago, or later by the 

Mtihammadans. Whatever its origin, it is worn only on secular 

occasions and even then only by young women, who are allowed 

greater lapses into heterodoxy of conduct than elderly ladies. 

Serving men and soldiers wore coats, Sattai? kupp&y&m^ taippai? 

meyppai^ the latter two karanappeyar, indicating that a coat was a 

late introduction in the lives of the Tamils. The absence of stitched 

clothes among the Indians struck that accurate foreign student of 

Indian manners, Al Beruni, as so peculiar, that he remarks that the 

Indians '* wore turbans for trousers,' a long piece of unstitched 

cloth appealing to the Muslim imagination as being fit only for 

turbans. The Tamils did not wear turbans as a rule, their unshaved 

head serving as sufficient protection against the sun ; but in the 

cotton districts where the summer sun is so fierce, men wore huge 

turbans and tight fore-lap cloth. This latter, kachchu^ 1 kachchai* z 

ktfvanam^* is the only absolutely indispensable garment for the Tamil 

people, and is woven with decorative lines, athwart and along, even 

to-day in parts of South India. Apparently the turban was not 

universal ; only one name for it is traceable p&gai^ * * or p&gu^ 5 often 

with talai** prefixed to it, it is not possible to guess why. There 

remain kudai^ umbrella, made of palm leaves and fixed to a stick or 

clapped on the head like a hat, and Sernppit^* leather sandals and 

kuradu^ wooden sandals, for the feet, both also being referred to by 

cthe compound word 



5 A. poor man's rags are described fin Porimararrupfiadai, 80-81, as cloth 
stitched, full of threads other than those with which it "was woven and wet with 
sweat. 



PRE- ARYAN TAMIL CULTURE 265 

DECORATION 

The artistic instincts of the Indian people expressed themselves in 
the form of personal decoration by means of dress and ornaments. 
Love of decorating not only the person but of every article, has been 
the inspiring motive of Indian art throughout the ages. Their dwell- 
ings were decorated with colour drawings, as is proved by the fact 
that palettes, and pencils have been found in Stone Age settlements 
and that even to-day painting on walls and covering the floor daily 
inside and outside houses with most elaborate designs in coloured 
powders is practiced. The custom is so old that only on occasions of 
a death in the house, is it temporarily suspended. Such adornment 
of the floor is called kolam^- which word means beauty, ornaments, 
embellishments, costumes, trappings, and kBlam buiiaipp&i? or vanna- 
magal, 3 is the girl who is expert in embellishment, also a lady's 
dressing maid. This is one of many ancient Indian customs that is 
dying out on account of the impact of Western civilization ; our ladles 
are struggling to keep up the custom, but our .young girls are being 
no more apprenticed to our matrons tor being trained as kolam 
bu^aippen. As the soul-less * type-design ' buildings constructed by 
the D.P.W., are destroying taste in architecture, so the education that 
is given in our girls' schools is killing out the ancient Indian art of 
house decoration, which now exists only in the villages round celebrated 
temples and which can be witnessed only on occasions when the temple 
God is brought out in procession. 

Every article of domestic furniture was decorated with art work. 
Stone articles were made in the shape of tortoises, fishes, heads of 
cows, etc. and their surface decorated with lines. All articles of wood 
were filled with wood- carving in various designs. Most of these de- 
signs were based on the parts of the lotus plant. , The lotus is a. plant, 
every part of which is useful to man ; its flower,, its, seed, its root and 
its stem are edible and also used in Indian medicine. Its siem : and 
flowers and leaves are used for purposes of decoration. Hence the 
shape of its. leaf and flower and of its 'stem and seed were combined in 
various ways to make designs for carving in wood or metal. . Every 
part of the house was ornamented with such carvings; the door- 
frame, the, doors, beam-ends, every part of a pillar, its base, its 
body, its cornice, was filled with beautiful carvings. When stone was 
substituted for wood as material for all this work, designs for wood- 
carving were transferred to stone, though it is very difficult to copy on 
stone the kind of carving suited to wood. 

Not only fixtures but also all moveable , articles were filled' with 
decorative carving. Sitting and other planks had many designs cut on 
them . ; lotus flowers, cut" in metal, were used to- make them look pleas- 
ing to the eye. All -'household utensils of wood or metal were 'works 
of art. Drinking vessels and water-pots were not. only made of the 
most artistic shapes 'but were decorated with line-drawing and carving; 
this continues to be so except in towns where the ugly machine-made 
products of modern European factories, are slowly displacing the pro- 
ducts of ancient Indian art-work and the artistic sense of the Indian 
people being slowly choked out. 



266 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

The humblest tool used by the ancient Indian was made of a beauti- 
ful shape and was besides decorated ; the humble bill-book, arival^ 
which is hooked on to the waist-string of the labourer, is not only of a 
beautiful shape, but is provided with leaf shaped notches and the brass 
ferule which binds it to its handle is decorated with art work. The 
vegetable knife, used in every house, arivalmanai* has its iron part 
shaped to resemble a bird and its wooden part covered with line- 
design. No Indian workman will finish any work of his hands, 
small or big, humble or otherwise, without putting on it some bit of 
art work. The country cart, cumbrous as it looks to the careless 
observer, has every part of it, including the beam, achchu* on which 
the frame-work rests and which holds or does duty for the axle-tree is 
filled with carvings of the lotus flower or the lotus leaves or stems. 
The rich carvings on temple-cars which are but copies of ancient wood 
temples, are too well known to require description here. 

The extraordinary development of wood-carving (succeeded by 
stone-carving) in preference to other forms of art in India was due to 
two causes. Hard woods that lent themselves to most minute carving 
grew in abundance. But the more important cause is that the aim of 
Indian art is decorative and not imitative. Ancient Greek art had 
for its aim the imitation of the forms of men and of natural objects ; 
the nearer the copy was to the original, the more successful was the 
art product claimed to be. The art work was executed for its own 
sake, because as Keats said, ' a thing of beauty is a joy forever'. 
Hence art was an end in itself and art-objects were not considered 
decorations of the drawing room or of something other than 
themselves. Thus the famous frescoes which exist in various 
parts of the country are but decorations of cave temples and 
cave-monasteries, just as carving and group-statuary in . stone, 
in stucco, or in wood, are but decorations of ttie vim&nam,* 
.gQpuram* or the car of the temple. Hence whereas pictures or 
statues which belong to Greek art are individual objects, those 
belonging to Indian art are extensive compositions, stories in paint, or 
stone or wood. Greek art aims at perfection of form, because each 
art-product exists by itself: Indian art aims at representation of life 
and moving objects and not still life, because each figure is but 
the part of an extensive composition. Self-restraint is the chief 
characteristic of the Greek art, but the Indian artist lets himself 
go without any restriction on the outflow of his genius. Asa singer 
when performing alafianam* of a rag-am, 7 takes a theme and rings 
endless changes on it, as many as his throat is capable of producing, 
as a poet, started on a description, seems never to be able to exhaust 
his subject, so the painter and the carver is never tired of multiplying 
details in the exposition of the central idea. Foreigners do the 
greatest injustice possible to Indian art when they take away from their 
proper place pieces of the stone work of Bharhut or Amaravati, bits of 
paintings from Ajanta or Ellora, and judge them divorced from their 
environment, and in conditions of light different from those where 
they were originally placed. It looks like judging Shakespeare's 
plays from a dictionary of quotations. 



PRE-ARYAN TAMIL CULTURE 26? 

Indian art .did not aim at producing specimens for the drawing 
room, but the aesthetic sense was correlated with other senses, so that 
every object, big or small, was decorated with art work, the only 
undecorated objects being the head and neck of a widow who wants to 
observe life-long mourning: . Hence our ladies love to decorate their 
persons with jewels and silks and it will be an unhappy day for India 
if their aesthetic sense is blunted by the modern virtue of 'possessing 
a bank-balance and they should sell their personal decorations, their 
' barbaric pearl and gold ' for developing the habit of depositing their 
wealth in banks. The Tamil ladies of ancient times were decorated in 
various ways. Their kundal 1 was dressed in various artistic ways, 
one of which was in imitation of suravu v&y t z .shark's mouth. Other 
ways of mayirmudi 3 or binding the hair into knots were ttchchi* 
koiidai* koppu sigaligai, 7 tammilamf and muchckiJ* The different 
kinds of garlands with which the head and neck were adorned have 
already been referred to. The body was painted with pastes and 
powders of various kinds. The chief of the pastes were manjal^* 
turmeric or saffron made into a paste, sandanakkulambii*- * also called 
tyvai,** s&ndu^ 3 toyilf* toyyil^* sandal paste mixed with various 
scents. The latter was spread on the chest, the mammae and the 
abdomen and beautiful designs in line-drawing drawn thereon. A 
variety of paste for the hair was called tagaram* J 6 On the paste was 
strewn powders of several kinds. One such was pofchummni^- 17 pow- 
dered gems, gold, sandal wood, and camphor, 

The Tamils were exceedingly fond of decoration ; so there are 
many words meaning to decorate, .#., anz, ls &r, 1Q /&du t zo 



So, too, there are numerous words which, mean an ornament, of 
which some are ##z, 28 attikalam? aram, 30 z7&/, 31 nagaif* pani, 33 
piln^* manful * nmd&ni, 3 vatli. 37 The lobes of the ears were pierced 
to receive the todu 3B or kulai ; 39 poorer people wore the ff/af, 40 which 
was at first a bit of tender palmyra leaf, sometime coloured, rolled into 
a circle ; then the same was made of gold plate rolled into various 
shapes, including the shapes of mythological monsters ; the same, set 
with gems, became the ear-ornament of the rich, i&furuvi,* 1 
kadukkan* 7 - kadippam* 3 ku^ukku^ kottai^ 5 tnkkam** tongal* 1 * 
vedam^ a were other ear-ornaments The jewel symbolic of a married' 
woman was the tali* 9 now made of gold and of a peculiar shape. 
Probably the original tali was made of the teeth or claws of the bear 
or the tiger 50 killed by the husband in the chase. It may be noted that 



a Other names for the hair that adorns the head of ladies were alagam, 
odi, kural, kuntl, kulal, kural^ kulai, kodai* sitriyal, surul., nedumai* wmraUatn ;. 
that which grew'equally plentif tally on men's heads sometimes half shorn, ilai* dri^ 
kunji^ kudumi, talai* tougal, navir, pittai ; besides kad&pjtu, kdli, which meant 

both. .*>*, ^feirxtOi SSt&uirtVi &&, '*>> 



. 

. Kwr undogai 162. 



268 , JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

South Indian women of ail castes regard the tali as the most sacred 

symbol of marriage, so much so that they will gather die than be 

without it for a second. But the tying of. a tah is not according to 

the Arva canon-law or North Indian practice an essential part of the 

wPddini rite According to the Arya law taking seven steps (saptapati) 

with the taking of the bride's hand (panigrahanani) constitutes the 

acf of marriage and if the bridegroom should die before the saptapati 

is ' completed, the woman does not become .a widow and is fit for 

marrying another man. But this is not the behet ot the women, 

What can be inferred from this? Either the first Brahmanas of South 

India were Tamil men affiliated to the Brahman* priesthood or, if they 

were all emigrants from North India, they took unto themselves 

Tamil women as their wives ; women being rioted for their conserva- 

tism the Tamil custom of tying a tali as a symbol ot marriage had to 

he given a premier place in the Brahmana wedding-rite. It is 

difficult to believe that, if the first Brahmana men and women were 

both foreign emigrants, they borrowed a Tamil custom and made it 

more important than their Arya ones. Other import.ant_ ornaments 

were strings of gold-thread, pearls, coral, etc., provided with pendants 

set with gems. They were called M/, 1 tamam* sam^ saradu* kodi* 

nzn* sangili? kayil* kadai* kvvai^ iodar,^ koktewam** The pen- 

dants besides the tali, were kavadi,^ sarappali,** etc. Ac the waist 

were also worn strings of gold or silver, kuranguseri** kavanani^ 

hattigai^ on which were strung little tinkling bells, . sadangat** 

kinkini! 1 * Ornaments for the ankles were Silambu kalal^ pada- 

' m *z They were also furnished with tinkling bells. At the 

wrists and above the elbows were -worn valaif* literally a circle, 

'k&ppu?* a guard, kanfu?* kurugu** saftgu* 7 fan,* 3 udagam* Q 

to&f* -vandu*^valli* z pidigam** beveral forms of wristlets, bracelets 

and anklets were given by .kings as a reward for feats of strength or 

skill. The fingers and toes were ornamented with rings, wtDdiram** 

alipili 35 Women wore a cap of pearls for the mammae, 36 which were 

tied by means, of a belt, mulaikkachehu 97 . Besides human beings, 

elephants, horses, bulls and even vehicles were heavily decorated. 

Here is a description of a highly-decorated cot. ' They take the 
tusks of the fiercely-fighting elephant, which have dropped of their 
own accord, and cut the sides till they ate of uniform shape and 
colour, fix between them leaves carved by the sharp chisels of the 
skilled carpenter. They place all round panels carved with scenes of 
Hon-hunttng and lined with many-coloured hairs of tigers ; the# 
decorate it with twigs, jasmin and other flowers ; they furnish the cot 
with windows. Then they hang al! 4 around the broad^cot, curtains made 
of pearls strung on thread. They tie tapes woven with coloured lines 
so as to look like the stripes of a tiger. The ends of the legs of the 
cot are rounded like bowls which look like the breasts of a pregnant 
woman; above the bowls, the legs are made to look like roots of 



Tiruvasagam is, 10-1. 



PRE-ARYAN TAMIL CULTURE 269 

garlic. . The bed, stitched thin and broad, was filled with the pure- 
coloured down of a swan in love ; on it were placed pillows ; on it 

was spread a sheet, woven, with figures of the water-lily and well-" 
starched. 3 

AMUSEMENTS 

The ancient Tamils were a mirth loving people ; they gave tb em- 
selves -up to merry-making frequently. Till Aryan religious ideas took 
firm root in their minds in the post-Christian centuries pessimism did 
not pull them. down. They did not indulge in dark cogitations about 
the evils of earthly existence and seek for means to abolish the present 
joys of life for securing a future state of unchanging bliss. Their 
religious rites, vilavu* were accompanied by drinking, 'singing*, dancing 
and dumb show. Their secular amusements were the chase, vtttaif 
aggdagam*, pabatti s t wrestling 1 , marpor* , sword play, single stick, 
silambam 7 > racing with chariots, elephants, bulls, etc, pandayam? 
playing with balls, ammanai, pandu*, gambling and playing with 
shells, kavadi** , palagarai 1 * > alagu^t sffti 1 *. Music was called zfai 13 
or p&ttu 6 > and has been partly discussed under war. Different kinds of 
tunes, pan, 17 one. at least for each region, was developed. Probably 
the paii of kurinji is the tune called kurinji to-day. That of mulfai 
was perhaps what is now called inadkyam&vatz, for this is also called 
brindffiuana saranga. .That, of niarudam was perhaps that called 
kedarami for kedaram, like marudam^ means a ploughed field. The pan 
for Neydal was probably that BOW called pumi&gavar&lt, that now 
used for sailor's songs. Instrumental music was called p&n and 
as bards accompanied their songs with playing on the ydl, they were 
called parmr. . There were various forms of drums, the beating of 
which accompanied, singing and dancing. Different kinds of 
measures ' or volleys were beaten for .different occasions. , As 
specimens, the folio wing' may be -mentioned : Sfufcofparai^* the cattle 



Qusir$QttJeS. 



S Sawn; Saw Qtr.tinji-.iJ! urcufe tsSiLQ 
irty,OffF&n-. argpo/ja' '&$<a&jj[gp$ 
SjSFt~.Gff>ta& gfioi?. $$$$ tpiU'Jrswff. 

Nedunalvodai 1 1 7-1 35 . 



9 _sy6oajff2gBr. 



270 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

lifting measure, murugiyam* , measure for veriy attain?, Muruga 
dance, may&mulavu 3 , marriage drum, nellarikinai* harvest drum, 
"tsrcittupparai 5 , the drum beaten for dragging cars, purappattup- 
parai* the drum announcing the king's or a god's going out 
of 'the toil, mmkdtpavai 7 , the drum beat announcing a haul of fish, 
safaikdiparai 8 , dacoity-drutn. Different kinds of noises were also 
emitted from trumpets to suit various occasions, auspicious and 
inauspicious, marriage or death processions. 

Dancing, attain?, kutiit 1 , was of various kinds. Almost every inci- 
dent of life had its appropriate dance. Kntiu, kali^ , kunippu** was a 
kind of dumb show, in which ideas were expressed by dancing and by 
elaborate gestures. This was the ancient form of the Tamil drama 
the drama where the characters spoke or sang their parts belonged to 
North Indiaand is still kept up in Malabar under the name 
kaihakali^. Knttar**, kantmlar* 5 , and k&ttiyar** were elaborately 
made up. The actresses were women of easy virtue for kuttiyar 
has come to mean harlots. Children's dances were kztmmi 17 , 
feltinam' 18 , salal IQ , <Jrai 20 > etc. Boys played a kind of primitive 
cricket, in which the bat and the ball were both represented by long 
and short sticks, /#2<5 21 , pul 2 -*. 

Music was dispensed by wandering bards who were generally 
famished if they stuck to their homes. 

' O Pdnan, whose legs are tired by wandering from place to place 
like birds in search of fruits on hills which are covered by mist on the 
cessation of: rain, because you have no one to support you in the 
world surrounded by the sea, and are surrounded by relatives crying 
for food, whose body is emaciated and whose mouth denounces the 
learning he has acquired'. 23 

Angling was another amusement. The following is a description 
of angling ': 

* The expert angler of the p&nar tribe carries on his shoulders a 
leather-bag full of bits of meat and sticks it at the end of a string tied to 
a long bamboo stick ; the fish bites the meat hanging at the bent end 
of the angling-rod and shakes the string; missing it, the ##/#/fish'- 
stays with open mouth.' 24 

Capturing game by means of nets was another favourite amuse- 
ment. 



jLycui//r(uti urezrar. 

Perumbanarynppadai, 18-22. 



Pernmbanarvuppadai, 283-287, 



PRE-ARYAN TAMIL CULTURE 271 

1 Hard-eyed hunters fix closely woven nets on the thorns of the 
hedges of fields in Palal land and drive into them rabbits which h'ave 
long ears like the outer petals of the thorny-stalked lotus ; they then 
proceed along with dogs whose jaws are wide-open, beat the shrubs 
and hunt the rabbit and eat them'. 3 

Trials of strength by wrestling was also a common amusement 
among the Tamils ; the following is a description of marpor, wrest- 
ling : 

In Amur which produces sweet and strong liquor he overcame 
the great strength of the wrestler ; he bent one of his knees and 
planted it on his adversary's chest ; with the other leg he defeated 
the tactics, bent the back of his rival ; as an elephant which tries t<> eat 
a bamboo, he hammered his rival's head and feet and conquered Mm : 
may Tittan the heroic father of the wrestler see the sight, whether 
it would please him or not. 

(To be continued*) 



21 



THE : STONE ' AGE IN INDIA 

BY 

PROFESSOR P. T. SRINIVASA AIYANGAR, M.A. 
[Published by the University of Madras, Price Rupee One]. 

THE book under review is the full text of the Sir Subramania Aiyar 
lecture (1925) delivered tinder the distinguished auspices of the Madras 
University, by one who holds a unique place among: the older genera- 
tion of scholars in the field of Indian history and culture. He was 
the first historian in India to demolish the unsound theory of the 
Aryan invasion of India. He has no faith in race-theory in general, 
and he believes that the Aryans are as much autochthones as any other 
people- or peoples claim to be. His researches for decades together 
have led him to conclusions which are found scattered throughout 
this work. 

Years ago in the course of his excellent review of the Professor's 
'.Life in Anceint India 3 , Mr. Kennedy spoke of him as a great an thro- 
pologist. In this learned 'lecture Professor Aiyangar has shown 
himself an anthropologist of a high order. No one has yet seriously 
approached the study of India's past in her palaeolithic and neolithic 
ages. And the present attempt is indeed a fruitful one in that 
direction. Latest researches in geology have led geologists to the 
conclusion that the first home of man was in the North of India at 
the foot of the Himalyas, and man must have lived somewhere about 
100,03;) years before. Professer Aiyangar examines the paleolithic 
and neolithic finds which have been industriously collected by Foote 
and other scholars, and has argued that the Deccan plateau was the 
first home of the man, and man lived long before the time fixed by 
our modern geologists. 

His chief theories maybe categorically stated. First wood was 
used for tools and implements, and secondly stone took the place of 
wood. Even here a distinction is made between the old stone age 
and the new stone age. Thirdly man began his career on the globe as 



REVIEWS 273 

an eater of fruits and nuts. It was only when fae found their supply 
running short owing to seasonal variations that he took to flesh eating 
and consequently hunting. Fourthly there Is evidence of the use of 
fire by striking flint. Fifthly palaeolithic man abandoned the dead 
wherever they dropped down ; but the neolithic man used pottery 
in the form of burial urns and trays. Sixthly primitive man was 
stark naked. Then he covered himself with the hides of animals, 
. then tree-flay and the author incidentally traces the origin of 
Yajnopavlta. Lastly the predominance of goddesses as village 
deities shows the family organization to be matriarchal in character. 
These things influenced Vedic literature profoundly, 

The reference in Vedlc literature to Visnu being the mountain god, 
and the planting of His step in three places is Ingeniously explained 
as three different stages in the growth of the Himalayas. Yet 
another is the reference to the kalasam of temples. 

In the neolithic age man domesticated animals. Increase In popula- 
tion led to tribal movements. The five races according to regional 
divisions of land occurring in Tamil literature are said to have been so 
in the neolithic age. There was Intercourse with the world outside 
in neolithic times. In discussing the religion of neollthians, and from 
the two finds of Lingani it is argued that Siva worship began in 
South India in neolithic times and that Siva is a hunter god and the 
author traceo some connection with this in tia&'Rigvcda where the term 
&isnadevas occurs. There are scholars who interpret this term as 
Sesha or serpent. Hence whether the Sisnadevas of the Rigveda were 
really worshippers of Siva is a matter for future research to decide. 
In the same way Krishna is said to be a god of pastoral type as opposed 
to Vedic gods especially Indra. These suggestions are fortified by 
the fact that while the worship of Siva and Visnu and Ambais fireless* 
the Vedic is a fire-rite. 

This monograph is concluded with the equally Interesting theory 
that the new stone age was immediately succeeded by the Iron Age, 
and that South India was the original place where iron was first 
discovered and used. The book is thus full of new and interesting 
suggestions which afford ample food f6r thought for scholars and 
specically anthropologists. The value of the work is further enhanced 
by the select plates appended at the end of the book. 

V. R. K. DIKSHITAR, 



274 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 



PALLAVA ARCHITECTURE 

Pallava Architecture, Part II, The Intermediate or Mamalla period- 
Mem. Arch. Surv. No. 34. 

BY 

A. H. LONGHURST 

DURING the last decade or two the study of Pallava history and monu- 
ments has been making: steady progress. It will be remembered that 
an account of Pallava architecture formed the subject matter of a work 
by the late Alexander Rea. In his Pallava Architecture however he 
confined himself ito a study of the Pallava structural temples at 
Conjeevaram. The subject continued to interest scholars and was 
taken up by Dr. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar whose account of the 
monuments and antiquities ot Mahabalipur forms a valuable contribu- 
tion to the study of the subject. Prof. Jouveau-Dubreuil confining 
himself to the archaeological aspect has produced two interesting 
volumes on the antiquities of the Pallavas in which he brings together 
almost all the monuments in the Tamil districts that may be ascribed 
to the Pallava age. He is also the author of the classification of the 
Pallava monuments on the basis of their style and evolution into four 
groups namely, the Mahendra, Mamalla, Rajasimha and the Aparajita 
styles. This has been followed by later writers among whom 
is Mr. Longhurst of the Archaeological Survey who gave, in his 
Report of Archaeological work of the Southern circle for the year 
1919-20, an account of the Pallava monuments of the style of 
Manendra, based exclusively on Prof, Jouveau-DubreuiFs methods of 
investigation. 

Part I of Pallava Architecture issued as one of the memoirs of the 
Archeeological Survey some four years ago is nothing but a reprint of 
this summary of the Annual Report with a few embellishments and 
illustrations. This has now been continued and the monuments in the 
style of what is called the Mamalla style are examined. The method 
of treatment remains the same and the arguments based on the style 
of architecture such as the shape of the pillar, the pose of the door- 
keepers, the shape of the Lingam and tne appearance of the cornice 
are given a greater prominence than other factors in determining the 



REVIEWS 275 

age of the respective monuments. Mr. Long hurst like Prof. Jouvea.it- 
Dubreuil is an enthusiast in the study of the styles of architecture, 
but in so doing he is led into dangerous pitfalls by neglecting" other 
aspects of evidence such as literature and epigraphy, 

We may illustrate this position by one or two instances. In the 
first place the author assumes that Mahabalipuram with the monu- 
ments of which the present memoir is mostly concerned, was first 
founded by Narasimhavarman I and had no previous existence. Stu- 
dents of South Indian history will at once perceive the weakness of 
this position. But we may point out for Mr. Long hurst's information 
that the place did have a previous existence and was the reputed birth- 
place of one of the early Alvars who refers to the place as Mallai. In 
the second place there are several monuments at the place which even 
following the stylistic standards of Mr. Longhurst naay be safely 
assigned to Mahendravarman I. Mr. Longhurst himself admits that 
the Dharmaraja Ma^dapa and the Kotikal Mandapa are exactly like 
the Manciagapattu and the Mahendravacli cave temples of Mahendra- 
varman I, but for reasons which we cannot understand assigns them 
to the earliest period of Mamalla. The discovery of the portrait 
sculpture of Mahendravarman I in the Varaha temple is another clear 
indication of the close connection that must have existed between 
Mahendravarman I and some at least of the monuments of Mahabali- 
puram. This point is dealt with in greater detail in my forthcoming 
paper to the ensuing Session of the Oriental Conference. 

After devoting the opening paragraphs to the indication of the 
origin of the place and making certain observations on the methods of 
excavating the monoliths adopted by the Pallava architects he passes 
on to an examination of about twenty -five monuments at this place in 
the Mamalla style which, according to him, include not only the cave 
temples which are clearly in an earlier style but also the Raths and 
the rock-sculptures such as the relief representing the Penance of 
Arjuna. With reference to the last he questions the identification of 
the bas-relief as that of Arjuna's penance and remarks that * there can 
be little doubt that the whole scene is a symbolic representation of the 
Ganges flowing from the Himalayas. This conclusion has already 
been suggested by Jouveau-Dubreuil, V. Gorlebew and others. What 
Stands in the way of this identification is the impossibility of account- 
ing for the scene here representing a boar hunt which forms a part of the 



276 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

Arjuna's Penance, as also the failure to represent the descent of the 
Ganges as described in the Ramayana flowing down through the 
coiffure of Siva. As a matter of fact everything characteristic of the 
story of the celebrated penance of Bhagiratha is absent and we cannot 
presume that the Pallava artists were ignorant of the details of the 
Pauranic account of the scene or made an imaginary representation of 
the same. 

Without entering into the other details it is sufficient to point out 
that while Mr. Longhurst has succeeded in producing an interesting 
account of some of the monuments, he could easily have made it 
valuable by avoiding the pitfalls indicated above. There is an interest- 
ing suggestion on p. 8 of the work which indicates that the palace of 
the Pallavas existed in this spot. It is unfortunate that having appa- 
rently been built of perishable material they did not survive but the 
terraced-footings for the foundations for the fortwalls, gateways and 
tank revetments are still to be seen cut in the rock as is seen from 
a photograph. (Plate 2.) 

The illustrations, of which there are a good many, form the most 
important feature in this work and we hope that in the forthcoming 
concluding part dealing with the last phase of the Pallava architecture 
the author would deal with the subject in the light of the sugges- 
tions made here so as to make the work really useful to tbe 
scholar. 

. . R. G. 



1 SIR ASUTOSH MEMORIAL VOLUME ' . 

. BY' . 
J. N, SAMADDAR, PATNA 

[Price, Rs. 15] 

THANKS to the enterprising efforts of Professor J. N, Samaddar, 
convener, Sir Asntosh Memorial Volume, we are in possession of a 
good and useful work before us. The volume is printed in two parts, 
both of them bound together nicely and in a handy manner. Both the 
parts contain a number of learned articles contributed by distinguished 
scholars, as a fitting tribute to that eminent son of India, who is 



REVIEWS 277 

unfortunately no more with us in flesh and blood but who is pervading: 
with his spirit our minds , instilling in us fresh enthusiasm to carry 
on the noble work of disseminating the glorious culture of the 
ancient Hindus to which the late much lamented Hooker jee devoted 
himself. 

In the opening pages of the volume we are given a short sketch of 
Sir Asutosh's life and work by Prof. Jay a Gopal Bannerjee. It is 
indeed interesting reading, and is remarkable as exhibiting what a 
talented son of India is capable of, given sufficient opportunity to 
display his inherent powers. Among the contents of the first part, 
the most interesting contributions are the ' Authenticity of the Arfha- 
s&stra } by Dr. A. B. Keith, Dkarmasastra and Artkassstra ' by 
Prof. M. .Winternitz, 4 Political Philosophy of the Hindus J by 
Dr. Shamasastri, ' the Evolution of Ancient Indian Politics * by Prof. 
Rangaswami Aiyangar, and ' Indian Political Evolution 5 by 
Mr. N. C. Banerjee. Of these one word might be said about 
Dr. Keith's contribution. In spite of a volume of evidence in favour 
of the theory that the Arthasustra was the composition of the fourth 
century B.C., Dr. Keith still maintains his old theory, namely, that the 
date of the composition could not be earlier than A.D. 200 and 
remarks,' among others, that the worship of the Asvins could not be 
antiquated in the third century A.D. But Dr. Keith need not be told 
that by the beginning of the Christian era, the later form of Hinduism 
with its movements Saivism and Vaishnavism, had taken a definite 
shape, and the earlier form of Hinduism which was the Vedic mode of 
worship and practice has begun to decline. The ArthaS&stra which has 
distinct references to Vedic religion and only indirect references to 
popular religion cannot be brought to post-Christian epoch. 

Attention may also be drawn to the equally learned contributions 
of Dr. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar on 4 Vikramaditya ' and Dr. D. R. 
Bhandarkar on the ' Date of Kalidasa V Professor Sukumar Dutt of 
Dacca contributes an interesting article on * Sidelights on Some 
Asokan Edicts/ He examines Asoka's relation to the Buddhist 
Samgha on the evidence of three Pillar Edicts ; Saranath, Sanchi and 
Kausambi. He establishes the following* theories which seem to be 
rational. First Asoka cannot be regarded as the . ' Head * or the 
* Ruler ' of the Buddhist Samgha. And secondly Asoka's Smsana is 
not a new law imposed by a superior authority on the Buddhist 



278 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

Sawgha. As a constitutional sovereign he could not make new laws 
but all he could do was to administer the old laws. 

Turning- our attention to the contents of the second part, we find 
the subject of much prolonged debate ' the problem of Bhasa/ by 
Mr. K. G. Sankara, The author of this contribution accepts that all 
Bhasa' s plays have come down to ns almost intact, and that Bhasa is 
the author of only nine plays and not all the fourteen or fifteen plays 
ascribed to him by the late lamented Pandit Ganapati vSastri. When 
the authorship is accepted for a large number of plays of that category, 
why not accept it for the remaining few plays especially in the absence 
of any direct evidence to warrant the contrary conclusion. He further 
makes the remark that Ch&rudatta is only an abridged version of the 
Mrchchakatika compiled about 750 A.c. Why it may not be that the 
latter work is indebted to Ch&nidalta must be answered before we 
accept this theory. The identification of Bhasa with Sfidraka has no 
leg to stand on. 

A reference may be made to the learned contributions of 
Dr. R. C. Majumdar on the 'Chronology of the Satavahanas ' and 
.'. Some Thoughts on Buddhist Art ' by Dr. Saunders of the Calif ornian 
University. The latter makes the significant statement (p. 126), ' Far 
too much time has been spent seeking to prove the foreign influence 
at work in this art ; and it has been too little emphasized that from 
Barhut to Barabudur, and from Ajanta to Honuji, it is essentially a 
National Indian art, developing by clear and recognizable stages.' 

The second part closes with Dr. J. Jolly's interesting essay on 
' the Old Political Literature of India and the Various Writers '. He 
does not give us anything new but simply reviews some of the Indian 
publications on ' Ancient Indian Polity ' and concludes, c much as one 
may sympathize with the liberal tendencies of these Indian researches, 
their views on history as well as their results are to be considered 
with care, -and one cannot altogether acquit the above-mentioned 
authors of the blame of not demarcating History from Politics ' 
(p. 137). Benoy Kumar Sarkar, we find, has already made a reply to 
this and other statements of Jolly in reviewing the German transla- 
tion of Kautalya's Artkafastra by J. J. Meyer in the Indian Historical 
Quarterly (June, 1928). We may conclude with the remark that 
History is past politics, and politics is present history. 

V. R. R. DIKSHITAR. 



REVIEWS 279 

4 THE GLORIES OF MAGADHA * 

BY 

J. N. SAMMADDAE. 

WITH FORBWORD BY 

DR. A. B. KEITH 

[Price, Rs. 8] 

THIS is the second edition "of the well- written work of Prof ess er 
Samaddat, being: the Readership ^Lectures delivered before Patna 
University (1922). The very fact that a second edition has been called 
for is in itself a testimony to the popularity of the work as a valuable - 
contribution on the history of Magadha from the earliest times. In 
the first lecture itself Professor Samaddar takes us from the Vedic 
period. In the Vedic literature there are incontrovertible references 
to Magadha, as a country not fit for habitation by pure Brahmans. 
There are two theories. One is that the people there were non- Aryans 
alien to Brahmanical culture and with anti-Brahmanical tendencies. 
The other and more reasonable view is that they were Aryans but 
held a much lower status perhaps due to taking to other professions. 
This leads us to the consideration of the social status of the Vr&tyas 
of Ancient Hindu literature. This has been examined by many a 
scholar but still the problem requires elucidation. 

The second lecture is about the capitals of the Magadha kingdom. It 
had two capitals, first Girivraja, latterly known as Rajagiiia and then 
Pataliputra. A plan of old Rajagrha is given, and its importance in 
Ancient Indian literature is brought out. By the time of Fa Hien, the 
city came to a ruined state. This was to be attributed to the rise of 
Pataliputra as the capital. The stone railings and other excavations 
found at Pataliputra are considered to be quasi-Persepolitan. A 
number of beautiful plates which are attached will afford interest to 
art critics. The valuable portion of this chapter is the comparative 
study of Megasthenes' accounts with Kautalya's AvthaS&stra to 
demonstrate how the Arthasustra is to be accepted as the authoritative 
account of political and social conditions of India in the fourth century 
before Christ. Otto Stein who has attempted to prove discrepancies 
between the two accounts must admit the resemblances also, and must 
needs revise his opinion on the subject, 

' 22 ' ' ' ]''. . .. '.- ' : " . '. ''' .' .' .; ' '.:' 



280 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

The third and fourth lectures are on the edicts of Asoka, The 
edicts are so important and so epoch-making that they have been 
edited and annotated by a number of scholars like the late Mr. V. A. 
Smith, Bhandarkar and Mookerjee and Woolner. We beg to differ 
from Professor Samaddar who observes that Asoka was a Buddhist 
monarch, that the Sukramti is a very late work, and that Buddhism 
and animal sanctity had got intermingled together. It is not correct 
to say that Asoka adopted Buddhism as his religion. Like the great 
Mughal Emperor Akbar in later days, Asoka was a tolerant monarch. 
He had respect for all creeds and faiths which propagated the dharma 
or sacred law. If he built Buddhist stupas he equally built temples for 
the Jains and made generous gifts to the Brahmans. This is not the 
place to enter into a discussion of his faith. Suffice it to say that he 
was a cosmopolitan In his religion, and his propaganda work consisted 
mainly for the dissemination of culture and principles which are the 
underlying factors of all religions. 

In this context we may point out that there was no period like the 
Buddhist period of Indian history, when Hinduism declined in impor- 
tance. It is wrong to speak of a revival of Hinduism. There is 
evidence of the Artkatttstra that the old Vedic religion continued 
to thrive in the days of the first Mauryan king Chandragupta. The 
various regulations about sacrifices show the earlier form of Hinduism 
in vogue. Further too much is made of the doctrine of ahimsa. This 
doctrine was more of the Jains than of the Buddhists. Even the Jain 
view is not a novel one. It is as much the Brahmanical principle as 
any other. Perhaps the Jains carried the theory to its extreme limit. 
The other statement of Samaddar that the SukranUi is a very late 
work cannot be accepted. Its rules and regulations are much antiqua- 
ted and barring a few passages, it must be ranked with the Raja 
Dharma section of the Mahabh&rata, It is therefore proper that the 
extant treatise is as much an authority for Hindu India as any 
other. 

The lectures (V and VI) are a study on the Universities of Nalanda 
and Vikramasila. The endowments, courses of study and chief teachers 
are all given in detail worthy of a true research scholar. The value 
of the book is very much enhanced by as many as twenty-five plates, 
which themselves afford an interesting study. Though we differ on a 
few points, still we congratulate the author on his painstaking study of 



REVIEWS 281 

several controversial subjects,, and an impartial and. -unbiassed present- 
ation of them in an attractive style. We commend these lectures, with 
Dr, Keith, as an earnest and able contribution to an Important field of 
study, 

V. R. EL DIKSHITAR. 



s THE BAKSHALC MANUSCRIPT 3 

BY 

G. R. KAYE 

[A Study in Mediaeval Mathematics, Archaeological Survey of India, New Imperial 

Series, vol. xliii. Price, Rs. 23, Government of India, Central 

Publication Branch.] 

THE publication of this important work on mediaeval mathematics in 
the New Imperial Series of the Archaeological Survey of India will be 
welcomed by all students interested in the subject of Hindu mathe- 
matics. It would be remembered that the work was discovered more 
than forty-five years ago at Bakshali written in birch-bark and that 
its discovery created considerable interest. Dr. Hoernle . published a 
short account of it in 1888 intending to publish a complete edition of it 
in due course. But this hope remained unfulfilled although a con- 
siderable part of the analysis of the manuscript which forms the 
subject-matter in sections B, G, H, K, and L of the present work was 
prepared by him. These materials which were entrusted to Mr. Kaye 
have been utilized in the course of the present work and a thoroughly 
fresh examination of the whole work has been attempted with the 
result that in many respects such as the authorship and date of the 
work the views of Mr. Kaye differ completely from those of the late 
Dr. Hoernle. 

The manuscript consists of seventy leaves of birch-bark, some of 
these being mere scraps. The text is written in the &arada script which 
flourished in the N.W. borders of India from about the ninth century 
A.D. The language of the text is written according to Dr. Hoernle 
in the so-called Gatha dialect used in North India till the end of the 
third century A. D., but Mr. Kaye describes it as l irregular Sanskrit* 
with the peculiarities of spelling and grammar commonly met 



282 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

with in the inscriptions of the twelfth century in North-West India. 
The contents of the work are described in Chap. IV. As the work 
now stands it is concerned with problems involving systems of linear 
equations, indeterminate equations of the second degree, arithmetical 
progression, quadratic equations, approximate evaluations of square 
roots, complex series, miscellaneous problems and mensuration. The 
most interesting- sections are those relating to quadratic equations 
which is the most complete in the whole MS. and miscellaneous 
problems which give glimpses of literary and social references, in 
the illustrative material. Mr. Kaye, afterwards proceeds to give the 
exposition and method ; an analysis of the mathematical contents of the 
text is then furnished which is of interest only to specialists in the 
subject. 

Chapter IX is devoted to a discussion of the age of the manuscript 
and the age of the work. It will be remembered that the late Dr. 
Hoernle held the view that the mathematical treatise (which is con- 
tained in the so-called Bakshali. manuscript) was considerably older 
than the manuscript itself and that the work was composed six 
centuries earlier than the copy. Mr. Kaye after an elaborate analysis 
of the material, the format, the script employed, the language and the 
metre comes to the conclusion that the work is a composition of the 
twelfth century A.D. He also considers that the use of the place-value 
principle in the manuscript under review, as well as the square-root 
rule and the use of sexagesimal notation clearly point to the 
posterior composition of the work as in the opinion of Mr. Kaye they 
indicate foreign influence commencing at a period much later than the 
one given by Dr, Hoernle to the manuscript. The question therefore 
needs to be very carefully examined and decided upon by future 
research. 

In the second part of this work the author gives a complete 
transliteration of the text (pp. 105-156) as well as the facsimiles of the 
whole text in collotypes from photographs of the manuscript obtained 
from the Bodleyan Library. 

The author as well as the Archaeological Survey are to be con- 
gratulated on the production of this excellent work and it is hoped 
that other rare manuscripts of like importance will also be published 
on these lines by the Government 

. '.. . . . - .'. .'. . . . ' R. R. 



283 

' INDIA'S PAST, A SURVEY OF HER LITERATURES, 
RELIGIONS, LANGUAGES, AND ANTIQUITIES * 

BY 

A. A. MACDONNBLL 

[Oxford, 1927. 10$. j 

IN the words of the learned author of this book the work summarizes 
Indians intellectual history setting forth the mental development of the 
most easterly branch of the Aryan civilization since it entered India 
by land till it came into contact by sea with the most westerly branch 
of the same civilization after a separation of at least three thousand 
years. It would be remembered by readers of Prof. Macdonnel's 
works that this formed the subject of the professor's studies for the 
last fifty years in some one or other of its various aspects. The work 
opens with an introduction dealing with the physical characteristics of 
the country and its influences on the history and the following three 
chapters deal respectively with the Ancient- Vedic Period, the later 
Vedic Period, Post-Vedic period. Chapters V and VII are devoted 
to a description of the stories, fairy-tales and fables, their general 
literary characteristics and external influences in countries outside 
India, the technical literature in Sanskrit in the shape of works on 
grammar, lexicography, philosophy, law, medicine, astronomy, etc. 
(p. 115-193). In the next chapter the vernacular literature of the 
country is taken up, and it deals with the distribution of these ver- 
naculars and the rise of their literatures. The final chapter is a brilliant 
account of the manner in which the Westerners became acquainted 
with India's past through her literature, and furnishes a succinct 
account of the efforts in research made in the archaeological, 
epigraphic, numismatic and other fields. The dearth of old coins in 
Dravidian Deccan referred to on page 271 by the author is perhaps not 
correct as large quantities of these are now in the Madras Museum 
undergoing classification by Mr. R. 'Srinivasa Ragava Aiyangar, 
Similarly the statement of the author on p. 220 that Tamil versions of 
the Mahabk&rata belong to a later date than the eleventh century A. D. 
is inaccurate as earlier translations are known such as the one by 
Perundevanar. The name of Tiirugnana Sambandar is misspelt on the 
same page while the famous collection of Saiva hymns known as the 



284 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

Tevaram is not mentioned at all. The period of Ramanuja's activity 
is wrongly ascribed by Prof. Macdonell (p. 149) to A.D. 1175 to 1250, 
a statement which is quite untenable as it is definitely known that his 
activities belong to the latter half of the eleventh century and i the first 
half of the twelfth. 

The work is rendered very useful by the addition of a large 
number of photographic illustrations, four maps, as well as a 
comprehensive bibliography affixed at the end of each chapter. 

R. G. 

A HISTORY OF INDIA ' 

BY 

C. S. SRINIVASACHARI AND M. S. RAMASWAMI AIYANGAR 

WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY 

PROF. RADHAKUMUD MOOKERJI 

[Part I, Hindu India : Publishers, Srinivasa Vardachari & Co.] 
' HINDU INDIA ' which forms Part I of A History of India designed for 
the use of students of colleges marks a considerable advance on text- 
books written in recent times covering the same ground and when 
complete, promises to be very useful to those for whom it is intended. 
Opening with a clear account of the physical features of India and 
their influence on the history of the land, the learned authors describe 
in lucid and simple language the history of Hindu India in fourteen 
chapters of which eight are devoted to the history of North India. 
The political history dealt with in each section is followed by welcome 
account of the social, economic, political, literary and religious 
condition of the period which is intended to bring home to the students 
the cultural development of the various ages. The treatment of South 
Indian dynasties is particularly good and considerable details at 
present found only in detailed research journals are summarized for the 
benefit of the students with full references to the sources . The account 
of the Pallavas and the significance of the new culture associated 
with them may be pointed out in this connection (pp. 137-8, 183). 
The appendices are good but the chronological table giving the 
Annals of politics and culture deserves to be worked up still further 
in great detail. (E.g.) The date of the Mahabharata war is not given. 



REVIEWS 285 

In conclusion it may be mentioned that the spellings adopted for 
certain terms by the writers needs to be revised in the next edition 
which the work is bound to attain to. 

We come across with two different spellings for the term Bhakti 
on the same page (p. 224) while forms like Alwar, Tfaevaram, 
Someswara, Brihadiswara and Dwarasamudra freely occur in the work 
where we are now accustomed to write Alvar, Tevaram, etc. The place 
name of Dalavanur is misspelt on p. 186. The statement that the 
death of Paramesvaravaram II was followed by a war for the posses- 
sion of the throne needs to be revised in the light of recent research 
as the Vaikuntaperumal inscriptions indicate a peaceful succession to 
the throne. The book is enriched by the addition of six maps but it 
is not clear why illustrations of important monuments (such as those 
representing Asokan pillars or Pallava temples, or portraits of kings) 
have not been included. We are anxiously awaiting the subsequent 
part of this excellent work and have no doubt that the minor errors 
would be rectified in a subsequent edition, by the learned authors. 

VISHNUGOPA. 



THE MAKING OF A STATE ' 

BY 

T. G. MASARYK 

[George Allen and Unwin Ltd., Museum Street, London.] 

THE Great War and the reconstruction of Europe following thereon 
have been responsible for the output of a great mass of literature of 
varying degrees of interest. Among the publications which resulted 
in consequence, there are some of the highest value from the point of 
view of humanity generally, such as for instance, the revision of the 
conception of democracy and the efforts at reconstruction of society 
on principles acceptable to human intelligence and reason. The work 
under review, The Making of a State, is an illuminating example of 
the struggles of a state trampled down by centuries of subordination 
to foreign rule exerting itself through some of the best of her sons to 
establish herself on an independent footing as a small state in the 
congeries of states constituting reconstructed Europe. It is of the 
nature, more or less of the autobiography of the principal man. 



286 ' JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

Professor Masaryk as he was, who, as voluntary exile, exerted himsel 
to bring about the support of the Allies to the legitimate aspirations 
at independence of the country of the Czechs, It is a very interesting 
autobiography and reveals one of those pages of European history 
not generally seen on the surface, nor readily understood, from works 
on general history. Historical judgment will have to count Masaryk a 
great man and the real builder of the state, and his ideas summarized 
in the last part of his work on democracy as a humanizing principle 
will, as it looks, become the guiding principle of politics in the 
reconstructed Europe in the immediate future. Masaryk' s friend, 
Henry Wickham Steed, is the author of the English version, 
which provides interesting reading, and we may conclude with 
the following sentences from the introduction : The Masaryk 
revealed in these pages is a standing refutation of the shallow view 
that the Great War brought forth no great man. To me, who had 
experience of the Austria in which he grew up, of the deadening spell 
she cast over her children, of the Hapsburg system that was a 
perennial negation of political morality, the emergence of Masaryk 
seems well-nigh as miraculous as his triumph in the fight he fought, 
all but single-handed, against inveterate oppressors.' 



'INDIA OFFICE RECORDS; HOME MISCELLANEOUS 

SERIES' 

BY 

S.C. HILL, 1927 

THIS is a volume of selections from records in the India Office, and 
is the last work of that indefatigable Records Officer, S. C. Hill of 
the Education Department, who retired as Director of Public Instruc- 
tion, Central Provinces, Since retirement in 1912, he made large 
contributions on the subject of these records generally to the English 
Historical Review, The Indian Antiquary, Bengal Past and Present, 
The Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society > etc. Perhaps 
he is best known as the author of Yusuf Khan, the Rebel Commandant, 
published in 1914. In the line of the records purely, he published 
an analytical catalogue of the Orme Manuscripts in 1916. In 1920 he 
undertook the publication now given to the world under the caption 
Home Miscellaneous Series. It is a great pity that he did not live to 



REVIEWS m 

complete the work himself, but the work of cataloging was so 
thoroughly done that the bulk of the proof could be seen through by 
his widow without detriment to the work. However we are deprived 
of what might have proved a very illuminating: introduction to the 
whole set of valuable documents from his pen, by his untimely death. 
This defect is made up to some extent by a comparatively short 
introduction given by Mr., William Foster, who brought the collection 
down to date by a supplement to the work. The name, Home Miscell- 
aneous Series, was given at the outset and has been continued notwith- 
standing the fact that it very soon ceased to signify the contents of 
the volume. The division was taken from the original classification 
of Mr. Danvers, the first Registrar and Superintendent of Records at 
the India Office, who made arrangements for publishing: the papers 
in the India Office, and the first 47 volumes of the series conform 
to that plan* Thereafter it has ceased to be exclusively papers 
originating from Home and got to include papers originating from 
whatever source, so long as they were found connected both in point 
of time and subject. This series includes a vast mass of miscellaneous 
papers of which the details and the key to the references are given 
in a paragraph by Mr. Foster. The work is a very valuable one for 
those who wish to delve into these records for a large variety of. 
subjects for research work and is a thoroughly analytical handbook 
which would serve as a valuable guide to anyone seeking information. 
It is provided with an excellent and exhaustive index which the author 
had taken care to complete while the work was still in the stage of 
manuscript. The index itself is about a hundred and fifty pages while 
the analysis of the records runs through 532 pages. We are grateful 
to the Government of India for having favoured us with a copy, 
which is indispensable to anybody that cares to work on any subject 
of modern Indian History. 

1 BARABUDUR ' 

BY 

N. J. KROM 

[Martinus Nijhoff, Hague, Holland.] 

T*HE great monument reckoned among the wonders of the world called 
Barabudur was taken up for restoration by the Dutch Government 
and the restoration work was carried on during the years 1907 to 1911. 
23 



288 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

It was the intention of the Government and the 1 Archaeological 
Department alike that a new monograph on the subject should be 
published superseding that of Leeinan's issued so long ago as 1873. 
Although the idea was certainly excellent it was not so easy of 
execution and the difficulty at once presented itself as to how far it 
would be possible to issue a monograph containing a complete 
explanation of all that is depicted on the great monument and thereby 
indicating the significance of the monument itself. After the neces- 
sary consultation the Government decided that defective as the 
monograph may be it must be issued, if for nothing else, at least to 
promote further research and make it possible for the future at any 
rate to complete the explanation that may be possible only in part now. 
The result of this effort on the part of the Government was the 
publication of an Album of 400 plates together with an explanatory 
letterpress introduction issued some five years ago. The -architec- 
tural part was entrusted to Mr. T. Van Erp who had charge of the 
restoration work and therefore was the most qualified to do it. The 
archaeological part of it was first undertaken by Professor Vogel and 
when he had to resign it in 1915, it was taken over by Mr. Krom. 
When the Dutch edition of the work was published a promise was 
made that an English edition would be given to the public as well and 
that edition delayed beyond expectation. Even so the English edition 
came out early in 1927, the Dutch edition having preceded it by almost 
seven years. The English edition is not a mere translation of the 
Dutch edition, and it could not be issued by the Government as was 
originally projected and the publication work of this English edition 
was taken up by Mr. Nijhoff. The English edition differs in two 
respects from the Dutch edition ; the descriptive part of unidentified 
reliefs is abridged and secondly the references have been brought up 
to date by taking into consideration literature on the subject published . 4 
since 1918. In some cases, these are also worked up in the text part. 
Although these sumptuous editions of the work on the great 
monument have given us a volume of material such as we never had 
before, it still leaves room for a great deal of work to understand the 
monument and expound its-'- full significance. The importance of the 
work, however, consists in the great facility that it gives now to a 
serious student to go to work in his own study and continue the 
research work which is already done and incorporated in the work 



REVIEWS . 289 

itself. This is not a small advance and the public Interested in 
Indian and Indonesian archaeology cannot be too grateful to the Dutch 
Government or to Mr. Martinus NijhofE for having given us the two 
publications in the form in which they have been placed before the 
public. 

The work is divided into thirteen chapters beginning with the 
foundation and history of Barabudur and proceeding to describe the 
various reliefs incorporating the life story of Buddha as it is embodied 
in various classics of Buddhist literature. It is here that one 
encounters the difficulty that all the reliefs are not capable of either 
correct or full explanation. But it must be said that what has been 
attempted is a remarkable achievement in as much as it takes us a 
good long way in understanding the monument in all its details as far 
as the research work done on this vast department of Indian culture 
has been studied from the literary side. The monument incorporates 
the culmination of Indian and Indonesian genius on the religious, 
artistic and architectural side of it and is well worth the study of all 
those interested in Indian culture and its spread beyond the frontiers 
of India. The work is comparatively costly, it may be too costly for 
private resources, but no public library and libraries of educational 
institutions should be without this monumental work, which is an 
unparalleled achievement of Indian and Indonesian genius and as 
such ought to appeal to Indians of culture. There are interesting 
chapters on Barabudur as a monument of Hindu-Javnese art and 
culture, on the pantheon, the great monument and on the kind of 
Buddhism of which it is an exposition in stone. There are also 
introductory chapters on the history of the monument apart from the 
exposition of the actual reliefs, 

A smaller book containing the life of Buddha as portrayed in the 
monument was already issued in 1926. The monument seems actually 
to be the work of the best period of the empire of Sri Vijaya founded at 
Palembang in Sumatra and is generally assigned to the eighth century 
A.D. It is supposed to represent Mahay ana Buddhism which gained 
its ascendency with the ascendency of Sri Vijaya. The history of the 
intercourse between these islands and India goes back at least to -the 
early centuries of the Christian era and the communication between 
South India and these seems to have been regular and even frequent. 
The dynasty that distinguished itself in Sri Vijaya is known tQ 



290 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

historians as the Sailendra and whether it had anything to do with the 
Sailodbhavas or the Sailendras of Orissa, though not quite certain, 
seems probable enough. But the period of the ascendency of these 
Sailendras corresponds to that of the great Pallavas of Kanchi, and of 
whose period an inscription has been found by Col. Gerini at the 
mouth of the River Takopa. This was published by Hultzch in the 
Journal of the Asiatic Society, so that it cannot be said that even in 
the period of the ascendency of the Sailendras, communication with 
South India was not real. The monument is supposed to be due to a 
person named Gunadharrna and belongs to the earlier part of the 
century A.D. 750-850, and though originally designed as a stupa. con- 
taining some of the relics of the Buddha, it gradually developed into 
a symbolical representation of Buddhism and its secret of salvation. 

The name Barabudur has not yet been satisfactorily explained. 
Neither the first part of the name nor the second has so far been made 
out. One cannot be very clear what language the name is in, as it seems 
to be of very late origin. If it should be regarded ancient 
perhaps the first part bara may be a modification of the term 
nieaning temple. The second part, bu4nr> one cannot be sure is 
connected with the name Buddha. But there is a South Indian word 
budwr still used, we believe in Tulu, which means a palace. In such a 
case, we shall have to regard it as a foreign word, and, from the 
locality of its provenance on the west coast of India, it would be 
difficult to provide historical warrant at present for its introduction in 
Java. Proceeding by sound alone, one may go the length of making 
another guess that Barabudur is nothing but a modification of the 
Tamil Perumbudur, Here again it would be dangerous merely to 
proceed on the similarity of sound alone, unless we can raise a 
reasonable presumption that the monument was constructed by 
immigrants from the Tamil country. 

In regard to the significance of the monument itself, the elaborate 
investigation contained in the two big volumes before us do not appear 
to lead very far. So much however is certain that the part relating to 
the life of Buddha seems to be based unmistakably on the Lalitatuista*ra> 
perhaps borrowing details from other well-known works on the life of 
the Buddha. After discussing in five or six other chapters the various 
subjects in the illustrations, the author proceeds to discuss the great 
monument as a work of Hindu-Javnese art and culture, its panthueon 



REVIEWS mi 

and its religious significance. After conducting an elaborate Investi- 
gation, the learned author comes to the conclusion, the only possible 
conclusion so far, that a study of this monument alone cannot lead 
to Important conclusions in any one of these departments, although 
a thorough study of this great monument is of the first importance in 
an investigation of the questions involved. On the first subject of 
investigation the conclusion seems clearly derivable that the monu- 
ment is the work not of Hindus from outside nor Javnese altogether 
from inside the island, but is a complex compound of the two. A 
study of the pantheon of Buddhism is of value for determining the 
character of the Buddhism meant to be represented. While there is 
ample material in the monument for regarding It as an exposition of 
Buddhism to the eye and through it to the understanding, it does not 
lead to any clear conclusions in regard to the character of the 
Buddhism itself. On these important questions therefore, the elaborate 
investigations undertaken remain inclusive, although it cannot be 
denied that the study certainly receives a substantial advance by way 
of clearing of the preliminaries for a final, or at any rate, a fairly final 
conclusion reachable by a far more elaborate study by bringing all 
the available material into comparison. The work is of the highest 
value and, taken along with the plates in two volumes, together 
contribute enough material for a good study, such as other monuments 
do not yet possess either in India or in Indonesia. We wish the 
enterprise all success. 

' THE EMPIRE OF THE GREAT MOOOL ' 

A translation of DeLaet's ' Description of India and Fragment 
of Indian History ' 

BY 
J, S. HOYLANB 

[New Edition with critical notes and introduction by S, N. Banerjee. 
D, B. Taraporevala Sons & Co., Bombay.] 

THIS work is published in a new editton with notes of value by 
Mr. Banerjee, Mohindra College, Patiala. The book was originally 
written in Latin from which it was translated, and it is now published 
with introduction and notes by Professor Banerjee of Patiala, The 



292 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

value of this book as a source of Mogul history was perhaps unduly 
exaggerated by early writers and among later ones, by the late 
Dr. Vincent Smith. Even so, it is of value to have the work in the 
form in which it is presented to us in this new edition. We do not 
attempt any particular review of the book, as we are publishing in this 
number a detailed, critical review by such a competent scholar as 
Mr. Hodivala, We welcome the edition, however, as a handy volume 
for reference and use by scholars, and the work is likely to be useful 
in many ways, among which perhaps the most important consideration 
would be a warning not to trust too much the authority of writers like 
this, and perhaps what is worse prefering this to other contemporary 
sources of information. It affords a good illustration of the caution 
that is required in the useiof authorities such as this. If for nothing 
else, the work is bound to be of great use, and we recommend it as 
such. 

' SRI SIVA BHARATA ' 

." ' . ' . . . ' ' . BY 

S. M. DlVEKAR, POONA 

[Published, for the first time with an elaborate introduction and 
notes in Marathi] . 

THE work of which we are for the first time provided with an excellent 
edition, is one of the rare manuscripts in the Sarasvati Mahal Library, 
Tanjore where we have had the pleasure of examining it almost about a 
decade ago. It is a piece of Sanskrit writing in the K&vya style on 
the life of Sivaji, but cast in a form to prejudice the historical 
student at first sight. It has got a Tamil version, the reading 
of which gives the impression that the work is of very little 
historical value. The Sanskrit k&vya presented to us enables us to 
form a better opinion of the work, although it must be admitted that 
even in this better form, it is, as it is written, far from history proper. 
The presentation is undoubtedly in the style of an epic with all its 
poetical machinery and the exaggeration characteristic of epic poems 
in India, but on the whole" it presents the outline history of the 
life of Shahji and Sivaji fairly fully. It is of value as a contemporary 
document, claiming as it does that its author composed the work at 
request of Sivaji himself, and the work was actually read to the 



REVIEWS 293 

pilgrims assembled in Benares, where Kavmdra Paramananda, the 
author, happened to be on a similar holy errand, It is composed of 
thirty chapters of which almost about twenty are taken up with the 
early life of Sivaji, in which the work of Shabji as a Bijapur officer is 
dealt with more or less fully. Notwithstanding the epic treatment, 
there is a sobriety in the narration, poetic as it is, and gives one 
confidence that it is stating the facts as accurately as the method of 
treatment would admit, The Marathi introduction brings the facts 
together and examines them from other sources for the history of the 
period, We shall be glad to present our readers with a review of this 
in the next issue of the journal, 



lR&.-Tkc Editor regrets that k is compelled to hold over other reviews 
owing to pressure on space, 



Principal Contents from Oriental Journals 

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (London) 

April 1928 

A. H/SAYCE: ' The Original Home of the Hittites,' and the Site 
of Kussar. Holds the view that the original homes of the 
founders of the royal dynasties of the Hittites was the country 
of Kussar. 

R. LEVY : * The Nizamiya at Baghdad.' 

C. A. F. RHYS DAVIDS : { The Unknown Co-founders of Bud- 
dhism.' 

In the course of this interesting investigation commenced in the 
Journal last year the writer feels convinced of the existence of 
a man whose original message to mankind has been woven into 
the earliest teachings we call Buddhism but whose name has not 
survived. 

Tucci (G.) : 'On the Fragments of Dinnaga.' These notes are 
intended to supplement the important contribution of 
Mr. Randle's 'Fragments of Dinnaga ' to the knowledge of 
Indian logic. 

A. K. COQMARASWAMY : * Some Early Buddhist Reliefs Identi- 
fied. 1 

Y. R. GUPTE : ' Rathare Budruk plates of Madhava-varman.' The 
author assigns the record to the sixth or the seventh century. 
The donor is Madhavavarman and the village granted is called 
Retturaka, S.E. of the river Krishna- Venna. 

Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 
VOL. Ill, Nos. 1 & 2 

A. A,FYZBE: ' A Descriptive List of the Arabic, Persian and 
Urdu MSS. in the B. B. R. A. Society/ 

V. S. BAKHLE : { Satavahanas and the Contemporary Kshatrapas.' 
This is the first instalment of B. L. Indraji's Prize Essay and 
gives a brief account of the period which covered the century 
after the death of Asoka. It discusses then the question of the 
home of the Satavahanas and says that W. India was their 



PRINCIPAL CONTENTS FROM ORIENTAL JOURNALS 295 

original home. The name Satavahana is derived from Satiya- 
putra and the essay proceeds with the list of kings, Then 
follows an account of the Kshatrapas, Satavahana possessions 
during this period and the Kshatrapas of Ujjain and their 
relation with the Satavahanas. 

DR. S. K. AIYANGAR : ' The Bappa Bhatti Charitha aod the 
Early History of the Gtijara Empire.' 

A. VENKATASUBBIAH : * The Authors of the R&gh-ava P&n$a i vtya 
and Gadya ChintamaniS 

D. B. DISKALKAR : ' Some copper-plate grants recently discovered/ 
These include (1) Bantia plates of Dharasena II of Valabhi of 
(Gupta- Valabhi) Sam. 257. (2) Bhavanagar plates of Dhara- 
sena III of Valabhi of Sam. 304. (3) A grant of W. Chalukya 
sovereign, Pulikesin II. (4) A grant of Rashtrakuta sovereign, 
Govinda III. (5) Asvi plates of the early Yadava Iramtnadeva. 

R. R. HALDAR : ' Some reflections on Prithviraja-rasa/ 

J. J. MODI : . The Story of Alexander the Great and the Poison 
damsel of India.' 

K. RAJWADE : c Indra's enemies.' 

H. HERAS : s Three Mughal Paintings on Akbar's Religious 
discussions.' 

Journal of the Bombay Historical Society 

March 1928 

H. HERAS : ' The Decay of the Portuguese Power in India/ 
Discusses the views of the late R. Sewell's remarks on the 
subject and critically examines the real causes of the decay, 
internal and external, ascribing it to' (1) the destruction of the 
Vijayanagar Empire, (2). English opposition, .(3) Dutch enmity, 
(4) and bad Government at home/ 

DR. BAL KRISHNA : 'The Economic History of India/ Examines 
the materials for research at Bombay. 

B. A. FERNANDES: Sopra : The 'Ancient Port of the Konkan/ 
Examines the antiquity of the port since the days of the 
Puranas to the rise of Portuguese power in 1534. 

N. V. RAMANAIYA : ' The Place of Virakurcha in the Pallava 
Genealogy/ Puts forward the theory that the interval between 
the Sanskrit and Prakrit records of the Pallavas is exaggerated 

' ' ' ' '"" ' ' ' ! " ' ' ' ' 



296 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

and that Sanskrit displaced Prakrit within two generations. 
According to the writer the Vfrakorchavarman of the Darsi frag- 
ment was the father of Sivaskandavarman of the Hirahadagalli 
plates and can be safely identified with * Mah. Bappasvami ' 
mentioned therein. 

Journal of the K* R, Cama Oriental Institute 
No. 11 

J. S. TARAPORBWALA : ' Some Aspects of the History of 

Zoroastrianism/ \ 

J. C. TAVADIA : ' Recent Iranian Researches by European 

Scholars/ 

Indian Historical Quarterly 
March 1928 

M. WINTERNITZ : * Jataka Gathas and Jataka Commentary.' 
Examines how far the Jatakas can be used for historical 
purposes, more especially for the history of Indian literary 
types, and for the history of social life and institutions of 
ancient India/ 

A. B. KEITH : c The Authorship of Nyaya Pravesa/ 
N. DEY : ' Radha or the ancient Gangarashtra/ 
S. R. DAS : * Alleged Greek Influence on Hindu Astronomy. 5 
N, K. SINHA : ' Ranjit Singh's Civil Administration/ 
H. C. CHAKLABAR : Eastern India and Aryavartha/ 
M, M. BOSE : c Asoka's Rock Edicts : I, VIII, IX, XI.' 
A. VENKATASUBBIAH : < The Battle of Sorattur/ 
A. G. WARRIAR : ' The Tali Inscriptions in the Cochin State and 
Their Importance/ 

Bengal, Past and Present 
JanuaryMarch^ 1928 

N. K. BHATTASALI : Bengal Chief's Struggle for Independence 
in the Reign of Akbar and Jahangir/ 

A. F. M. ABDUL ALI : ' The East India Company's Commercial 
Mission through the Wilds of Burma in the Early Part of the 
Nineteenth Century/ The papers connected with the accounts 
of these missions are in the archives of the Imperial Records 



PRINCIPAL 'CONTENTS FROM ORIENTAL JOURNALS 297 
Department and the materials of the present paper have been 
taken from the records which deal with the commercial missions 
which Dr. Richardson and Captain Mcleod undertook from 
Moulmein during the years 1835-37. 

M. J. SETH : < Gorgin Khan : The Armenian Commander-in- 
Chief and Minister of Nawab Mir Kassitn of Bengal/ 

Bengal, Past and Prese?it 
April-June, 1928 

' Letters from Bengal : 1788-95.' 

SIR E. COTTON : < Unpublished Papers from the Correspondence 
of Ozias Humphry, preserved in the Library of the Royal 
Academy.' 

N. K. BHATTASALI : { Bengal Chief's Struggle for Independence.' 
JADUNATH SARKAR : ' A Description of North Bengal in 1609 
A.D/ Translation of a Persian account from the Diary of 
Abdul Latif, the favourite retainer of Abul Hasan, a brother of 
Nurjahan. It gives a description of a journey to Bengal s its 
cities, shrines, etc., observed by the writer on the way in the 
Royal tour in which he joined. 

P. PISSURLENCAR : ' Prince Akbar and the Portuguese/ Written 
from the unpublished Portuguese letters of Viceroy Francisco 
de Tavora preserved, in the Government archives at Pangim. 
Studies the relationship of Prince Muhammad Akbar the fourth 
son of Aurangzeb. 

Discovery 
March, 1928 

A. PERSSON : ' Excavations in the Tombs of Dendra/ Studies 
the rich tombs of Dendra. 

Epigraphia Indica 
VOL. XIX, PARTS I TO III 
D. R. SAHNI : * Ahar Stone Inscription/ 
D. R. BHANDARKAR: * Jejuri Plates of Vinayaditya." 
D. R. SAHNI : * Seven Inscriptions from Mathura,'. these are 
(1) The Buddha image inscription of the year 22. (2) Bodfai- 
. ; sattva image inscription 'of the year 39. (3) The Bpdhisattva 



298 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

inscription, (4) Vardhamana image pedestal inscription of the 
year 84. (5) Stone slab inscription. (6) Stone bowl inscription in 
the Jamna Bagh. (7) Stone channel inscription. 

R. D, BAJSTERJI : ' The Kalyan Plates of Yasovarnian.' 

HIRALAL : ' Amoda plates of the Haihaya King Prithvideva I : 
Chedi Sam. 831/ 

K. V. S. AYYAR : * Takkolam Inscription of Rajakesarivarman 
(Adityal)/ 

G. V. SRINIVASA RAO : 4 The Kanduktiru Plates of Venkatapati- 
deval: Saka 1535.' 

D. R. SAHNI :- ' Mathura Pedestal Inscription of the Kusharm 
year 14.' 

R. D. BANERJI : ' Patna Museum Plates of Somesvara II/ 

Y. R. GUPTA : * Rithapur Plates of Bhavattavarman of the Nala 
Family.' Palaeographically the record is assignable to the later 
half of the fifth or the first half of the sixth century A,D. 

V. RANGACHARYA : * Two Inscriptions of the Pallava King Raja 
Simha Narasimhavarman II.' The first is the record dis- 
covered by the Archaeological Department in 1912. The second 
Panamalai inscription. 

P. BHATTACHARYA : l Two Lost Plates of the Niclhanpur Copper- 
plates of Bhaskaravarman/ 

D. B. DISKALKAR : "The Second Half of a Valabhi Grant of 
Sam. 210.' This is the second half of the grant, the first half of 
which appeared in Vol. XVIII of Rp* hid. 

R, R. HALDER : ' The Sohawal Copper-plate Inscription of Maha- 
raja Sarvanatha the year 191 issued from Uchchakalpa. 

T. C. RATH : ' Vishamagiri Plates of Indravarmadeva.' 

K. V. LAEISHMANA RAO: 'Two Copper-plate Inscriptions of 
Eastern Chalukya Princes Issued by Badapa and Tala II Sons of 
Yuddhamalle II. Not Hitherto Known to Us.* 

J. NOVEL : ' Panehadharala Pillar Inscription of the Kona King 
Cho$a III/. 

J, NOVEL: '*' Panehadharala Pillar Inscription of the Eastern 
Chaiukya King Visvesvara/ 

D. B. DISKALKAE : ; < A Fragmentary Pratihara Inscription/ 

L. D. BARNETT: Six Inscriptions from Kolur and Devageri/ 
These include the (1) Kolur inscription of the reign of 



PRINCIPAL CONTENTS FROM ORIENTAL JOURNALS 299 

Somesvara I, Saka 967, (2) Devagiri inscriptions of the 
reigns of Somesvara II and III, Saka 997 and 1056. (3) Kolur 
inscription of the fourth year of Vikramaditya VI. (4) Kolur 
inscription of the tenth year of Vikramaditya VI. (5) Devagiri 
inscription of the forty-eighth year of Vikramaditya VI. 

Indian Antiquary 
April, 1928 

A. VENKATASUBBIAH : ' Vedic Studies.' 

B. C. LAW : < Buddhist Women. 5 

M. SINGARAVBXOO PiLLAi : ' Nicolas Manuchy's Last Will and 

Testament.' 
R. C. TEMPLE : ' Ignicoles : A Name for the Parsees.' 

May, 1928 

S. SRIKANTA SASTRI : * Devaraya II. } 

June, 1928 

A. VENKATASUBBIAH : ' Vedic Studies.' 

Journal of the Madras University 

March, 1928 

A. J. SAUNDERS : * The Saurashtra Community of Madura/ 
S, HANXJMANTA RAO ; ' Life and Times of Madhavacharya. J 

C. S. SRINIVASACHAKI : 'A Note on the Kingdom of Srivijaya in 
Sumatra.' 

The Quarterly Journal of the Andhra Historical Research Society 
January- April, 1928 

J. RAMAYYA PANTULU : ' The Southern School of Teltigu Litera- 
ture.' Gives a bird's-eye view of the Telugu literature created in 
the Tamil country by Telugu people who emigrated to the 
Tamil districts in the days of the Nay ak Kings. 

S. SRIKANTA SASTRI : * Sulakas and Mulakas/ Questions the 
identification propounded by H. Heras of the Sulakas with the 
Cholikas and traces the references to the word Mulaka in 
historical literature. 



300 

S. E. V. VIRARAGHAVACHAR : ' The Date of Naighanttxka 
Dhananjaya/ Concludes that Dhananjaya was later than Kaviraja 
(A.D. 650-725) and prior to Rajasekhara and that he probably 
flourished between A.D. 750-800. 

G. SINHA : e Kalinga/ 

J. RAMAYYA PANTULU : ' Krishnaraya or the Story of Karnata 
Kingdom. 3 Examines the origin of the Karnata kingdom and 
its history especially during the reign of Krishnadevaraya. 

N. K. VENKATESAN : f Govinda Dikshita/ 

R. SUBBA RAO : ( The Patnulavaka Copper-plate Grant of 
Ammaraja II. ' The inscription relates to a grant made by 
Ammaraja II Vijayaditya. The importance of the inscription 
consists in the fact that it shows that the grant was made in the 
Elamanchi-Kalingavishaya and that the Eastern Chalukyan 
Empire during Ammaraja' s time extended tip to Elamanchi 
Kalinga (Vizagapatam District). 

G. JouvBAU-DuBREUiL : * A Note on the Inscription from 
Ganj.' Expresses the view that the Vyaghradeva of Ganj was 
a feudatory of Vakataka Prithivisena II who was reigning in 
A.D. 480 and that he cannot be identified with Vyaghra 
mentioned in the inscription of Samudragupta. According to 
the writer a difference of more than a century separates the two 
Vyaghras so far as the palaeography of the inscription is 

concerned. 
L. N. DEB : ' Sailodbhava Dynasty of Kalinga/ 

Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 

March 1928 

H. HERAS : < The Royal' Patrons of .the University of Nalanda/ 
K. P. JAYASWAL : 'Revised Notes on the Brahmin Empire: 

Revival of As vamedha/ 

N. C. MEHTA : c Jaina Record on Totamana/ This is a miscella- 
neous Champu work of 2,600 lines belonging to the eighth 
century. The author is Udyotana Suri and the work is called 
Kuvalayamala. Extfacts from the work and a summary in 
English are given. 

K. K. BASU : Account of the First Sayyad King of Delhi/ 
J. N. SAMADDAR : ' Two Forgotten Mutiny Heroes/ 



PRINCIPAL CONTENTS FROM ORIENTAL JOURNALS 301 

K. P. JAYASWAL : ' A Deed of Acquittance in Sanskrit.' This Is 
a good specimen of a deed of acquittance and is dated in the 
year 508 of the Lakshmana era (1627 A.C.). 

A. BANBRJI SASTRI : < Weights in Ancient India ; Patna Cylin- 
ders/ 

K. P. JAYASWAL : ' Demetrios, Kharavela and the Garga- 
Samhita.' Shows from a quotation from Garga-Samkifa that 
the Greek king of Patanjali and Kharavela was Demetrios and 
not Menander. 

B. B. ROY : ( Harappa and the Vedic Hariyupia.' As opposed to 
the views of Sir John Marshall, S. K. Chatterji and R. D. 
Banerji, the writer holds that the relics recently discovered at 
Harappa belong to the Aryan civilization. In Vedic times 
there was a city named Hariyupia, where a battle was fought 
between Chayamana's son King Abhyavarti, and Varasikha's 
sons, in which Indra fought on the side of Abhyavarti, and 
killed Varasikha's sons, who are stationed on the East and 
West of Hariyupia (R. V. VI, 27, 5). 

The Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society 
VOL, XIX, No. 1 

July, 1928 

REV. H. HERAS : ' Goa Viragal of the Time of Harihara II of 
Vijayanagara.' 

A. A. KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR : ' The Hindu Arabic Nume- 
rals.' In this article the writer continues the subject of the 
development of the Numeral system in India and the Decimal 
notation, the abacus and the symbol for the zero, 

L. L. SUNDARARAMA RAO : 'Mughal Land Revenue system.' 

SOMASUNDARA DESiKAR : < Rajadhiraja II. 7 Concludes from a 
study of Ins. No. 43? of 1924 of Rajadhiraja II which he 
reproduces that (1) Rajaraja died a natural death without a 
proper heir to the throne, and (2) that he ordered his minister- 
general to look after his kingdom as well as to select a person 
from the correct line. He questions in a detailed discussion 
the accuracy of the statements made in the Annual Report of 
vSouth Indian Epigraphy for 1924 on this inscription. 



302 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

Remie de U Hist air e des Colonies Frangaise 

March-April, 1928 

A. MARTINEAU : c La Defense et la Critique de la Politique de 
Dupleix.' 

Illustrated London News 

May 19, 1928 

The Storied-past of India.' Describes the discoveries at Old 
Prome and Pagan in Burma. M. Dnroiselle here hit upon the 
untouched relic chamber of Old Prome, the ancient rikshetra. 
Round the top of the stupa runs an inscription in a script closely 
related to Canara-Telugu script of South India. A MS. consist- 
ing of twenty gold leaves containing extracts in Pali from the 
Abhidhamma and Vinayapitakas in the early South Indian script 
of sixth century A.D. Among other objects discovered here 
were a gold image of Buddha, sixty-three smaller ones of gold 
and silver, and a number of inscribed gold and silver rings, 
ear-ornaments miniature boats, etc. These antiquities point to 
Southern Buddhism with its Pali canon being predominant 
here. 

June 2, 1928 

Relics -of Sumer's first Capital after the Flood : Discoveries 
at Kish. 3500 B.C.' The antiquities of this site reach 
back to a period clearly 1,000 years earlier than the oldest 
Sumerian inscriptions that can be translated. The age to which 
the tombs belong date before 4000 B.C. 

Modern Review 
March, 1928 

R. D. BANERJI : ' Rajput Origins in Orissa.' 

May, 1928 

MAJOR BAS.U : The Second Afghan War/ 

June, 1928 

DR. SUDHINDRA BOSE : 'The School of Vedic Research in 
America/ 



PRINCIPAL CONTENTS FROM ORIENTAL JOURNALS 303 
July, 1928 

R. D. BANBRJI: Non-Buddhistic Cave-temples.' 

Visvabharathi 
April, 1928 

RAMES BASU : ' The Culture Products of Bengal : The Muslim 
Literature and Music during the Muslim Period, 

Bharathi ' 
June, 1928 

PRABHAKARA SASTRI : ' Old Telugu Inscriptions.' 

Journal of Oriental Research 
January, 1928 

C. S. SRINIVASACHARI : * Indian Culture at Funan and Cambodia/ 
M. RAGAVA AIYANGAR : * The Date of Perialvar/ 

Calcutta Review 
March, 1928 

N. SINHA : ' Ranjit Singh and the British Government/ 

May, 1928 

K. SARKAR : ' A pilgrimage to the excavation site of Paharpur 
(Illustrated)/ 

Indian Historical Quarterly 
June, 1928 

H. C. CHAKLADAR : ' Valipattana Plates of Rattaraja, three 

copper-plates of Saka Samvat 932 recording the grant of some 

land by Silara Mahamantfalika Rattaraja/ 
A.B.KEITH: ' Vasubandhu and Vadavidhi/ 
H. C. RAY CHAUDHURI : 4 The Study of Ancient Indian 

Geography/ 
N. DEY : ' Ra^.ha or Ancient Gangarashtra, identifies Ancient 

Gange with Saptagrama, the modern Satagaon, two miles 

north of the town of Hughli/ 
S. R. DAS: ' Astronomical Instruments of the Ancient Hindus/ 

Gives a detailed account of the astronomical instruments of the 

Hindus from the earliest times and pleads for the revival of the 

more important of these instruments by a study of the Hindu 

astronomical works. 

' 



304 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

GOVINDA PAI : ' Why are the Bahubali Colossi called Gommata ? J 

? . DHAR : f The Women of the Meghaduta. ' 

G. RAMDAS : * Ravana's Lanka. The author holds that evidence 
establishes the identity of Lankadvipa with Amradvipa and of 
these two with Amrakantaka/ Lanka was the name of the high- 
land from which the two rivers the Narmada and the Mahanadi 
rise and it was the chief abode of Ravana the king of the 
Rakshasas at the time of Rama of the Ikshvaku family. 

The Modern Review 
August, 1928 

H. C. CHAKLADAR : * A Great Site of Mahay ana Buddhism in 
Orissa.' Magnificent monuments of Buddhist religion and art, 
ruins of stupas, shrines, and art-treasures and statues are 
according to the writer contained in the little known hills 
Lalitagiri, Udayagiri and Ratnagiri in the Cuttack District of 
Orissa.' A sketch site plan is also given, 

Zeitschrift filr Indologie 

BAND VI, HEFT I 

E. LBUMANN : ' Die Gottin Aditi und die vedische Astronomic. ' 
This is a notable contribution to the study of Vedic astronomy. 
M. WINTERNITZ : Zwei neue Arthasastra-Manuskripte Nos. 916 
and 647 discovered by Mr. Anujan Achan. ' The form Kautalya 
is invariably used in both the MSS. and in the opinion of the 
writer this is a better form than Katitilya. 

Indian Art and Letters 
VOL.. II, No. 2 

H. V. LANCHESTER : Traditional Architecture as developed in 
Southern India.' The type of architecture dealt with extends 
over an area coincident with that where Tamil is now spoken, 
The author considers that the most active period of progressive 
design was under the Pallava and Chola dynasties, between the 
sixth and fourteenth centuries. 

G. COLBES: 'New Archaeological discoveries' in Siam.' 

A. POUCHES : ' The French in Archaeological delegation in 
Afghanistan.' 

S. KARPELES : 'An example of Indo-Khmer Sculpture/ 



JOURNAL 

OF 

INDIAN HISTORY 



: Its and 

to Sir 
Embassy 

BY 

HARIHAR DAS , 

SIR WILLIAM NORRIS'S mission to the court of the Emperor Atirangzib 
on behalf of the New or English East India Company occurred at a 
critical time both in regard to the fortunes of the Mughal Empire and 
also to the efforts that had been made by the English merchants and 
traders during over a century to promote their commerce and to 
establish their position as residents in India. On the one hand the 
Emperor's power was visibly declining and on the other the position of 
the European traders had become insecure for many reasons of which 
not the least important was their own rivalry which led them to think 
as much of injuring one another as of promoting what should have 
been a common cause in obtaining trade facilities and privileges. It 
was not surprising, therefore, that the New Company, which had to 
justify the patronage of King William III as well as to recover the 
immense sum expended on its promotion, should have resolved to 
entrust its interests to so well qualified a representative as Sir William 
Norris to plead its cause before the Mughal Emperor and to obtain 
from him as many favourable concessions as possible. In order to 
appreciate the situation of the moment both in England and in India it 
is necessary to retrace the history of the Condon East India Company 
and describe the circumstances which led to the formation of the New 
or English Company. 

The London Bast India Company was a bold enterprise on the 



308 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

part of adventurous City merchants. It owed Its birth largely to the 
patronage and encouragement o Queen Elizabeth who was much 
impressed with the national advantages likely to accrue from the East 
India trade. Inspired with pride in, and ambition for, her merchants 
and not unmindful of personal advantage, she had already, after the 
defeat of the Spanish Armada, shown her favour by supporting sundry 
private undertakings to establish trade with the East Indies. To this 
she had been led partly by the advice of her far-seeing statesman, Lord 
Burleigh, and partly by the stimulating achievements of Sir Francis 
Drake and other great navigators. These undertakings had not been 
altogether successful, but public interest had been aroused and it was 
not unnatural that the merchant adventurers of London, who had 
already established trade with Russia and the Levant, should throw 
themselves eagerly into the enterprise of opening up new markets. 
Another influence was the success of the Dutch in their recent voyage 
to India. 3 Thus when these adventurers met on September 22, 1599, 
at Founder's Hall for the purpose of concerting those measures 
necessary to establish direct trade with India they felt assured of the 
Queen's patronage and active support. The first General Court of the 
Company was held on September 24, 1599. The Earl of Cumberland 
and other influential persons, including several Aldermen of London, 
petitioned Her Majesty to further their efforts by the grant of a 
charter. But, as delicate negotiations were in progress for restoring 
peace with Spain, delay occurred and it was not till the end of the 
following year (December 31, 1600) that the Royal Charter was 
signed. 2 This incorporated the enterprise tinder the title 'The 
Governor and Company of Merchants of London trading to the East 
Indies.' The Company's affairs were to be directed from England 
by a committee consisting of one Governor and twenty-four others to 
be elected annually. The charter granted by the Queen contained < a 
privilege for fifteen years.' 

The first voyage undertaken by this London Company was under 
the command of Captain James Lancaster. It was begun on February 
13, 1601 and Woolwich was the port of departure. Its destination 

1 Addl. MS. 24, 934, British Museum. 

2 Only a copy of this charter is known that preserved at the India Office. See 
Introduction by Sir George Birdwood to William Grigg's Relic$ of the Honourable 
JSasi India Company. 



EAST INDIA COMPANY : ITS ORIGIN AND GROWTH W& 

was the Spice Islands, more particularly Sumatra. The voyage was 
successful and the first English factory was founded at Bantam 
in the Island of Sumatra. In 1604 there was a second expedition to Ban- 
tam led by Captain Henry Middleton. But it was not till the third 
voyage In 1606-9, that India was brought Into the range of the Com- 
pany's operations. Meanwhile Elizabeth had been succeeded by 
James I in 1603 and two years later Akbar the Great had given place 
to Jahangir. It has been truly remarked by Sir John Seeley that ' In 
the growth of the Empire the reign of James Is a capital epoch, when 
the seed sown in the Elizabethan age yielded Its harvest. 1 1 The Com- 
pany was powerfully protected and encouraged by King James. In 
1607 he sent Captain William Hawkins in command of the ship Hector 
to Surat where he arrived on August 24, 1608. Thence Hawkins 
proceeded on February 1, 1609 to the Court of Jahangir at Agra 
where In spite of opposition from the Portuguese and the Dutch he was 
allowed to reside in high favour for some time. At the beginning of 
his reign James had permitted licenses to be issued to private mer- 
chants, but in May 1609 he gave the Company * the rnonoply of trade 
and traffic to the East Indies for ever.' The same year the Company 
built a vessel of 1,200 tons. This, the largest merchantman ever yet 
known in England, was unfortunately i wrecked. 2 It was not till the 
tenth voyage, led in 1612 by Captain Thomas Best, that there was 
obtained the right to establish a factory at Surat. This was due to 
prowess displayed in defeating a superior Portuguese squadron. 
Hitherto the Mughal had regarded the Portuguese as invincible at sea 
and this defeat greatly surprised him. James Mill remarks that * the 
power of the Portuguese In the East carried the usual consequences of 
power along with it, among other things, an overbearing and insolent 
spirit, they had already embroiled themselves with the Mughal 
Government in an act of piracy an event favourable to the English, 
who were thus joined with that Government in a common cause.' 3 
Between the years 1600 and 1612 no fewer than twelve separate 
voyages were made and profits up to 132 per cent, resulted from them. 
Nevertheless many serious difficulties were encountered. Abroad 

1 See vol. i, p. 291 of The Growth of British Policy, by Sir J. R. Seeley, 
Cambridge, 1922. 

z See vol. vi, p. 124 of History of England by David Hume. 
3 Vol. I of History of India, by James Mill. 



310 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

they had to contend with powerful rivalry from the Dutch who put 
every obstacle in the way of their establishing settlements in the East. 
Dutch settlements on the Indian coast were numerous, but never in- 
dividually considerable. Their first fort was built at Pulicat in 1609. 
' It is worthy of remark, by the way, that as the English ultimately 
gained possession of almost all the places with which they traded in 
the peninsula of India, so they either lost or resigned nearly all those 
in the several islands in the Indian Ocean where they at first carried 
on trade, in some instances not inconsiderable. l 

As hitherto the Company had been unable to secure all the privi- 
leges desired from the Mughal Government it was thought that a 
properly accredited envoy might be more successful, So, in 1615 the 
king sent Sir Thomas Roe, as Ambassador to the Court of Jahangir. 
Although the whole of Roe's diplomatic demands were not conceded 
yet the results of his embassy were satisfactory when the position of 
other European traders in India was taken into consideration. Among 
other privileges secured was permission to establish a permanent 
settlement at Surat. In fact Roe's embassy laid the foundation of 
English influence at the Mughal Court, a thing that none of his country- 
men had hitherto been able to do. In alluding to his achievement 
Chaplain Terry wrote that the Ambassador. was ' like Joseph in the 
Court of Pharaoh, for whose sake all his nation there seemed to fare 
the better.' 2 The same year the Company also secured a permanent 
settlement at Masulipatam and opened trade with Persia. By 1618 
they appeared to be in a full tide of prosperity so far as their trade by 
land and sea was concerned. They had five factories in the dominions of 
the Great Mughal, viz,: at Agra, Ahmadabad, Burhanpur, Broach and 
Surat. 3 These factories enjoyed a large measure of independence under 
Jahangir who was now generally well-disposed towards the English. 

About this time the Portuguese influence and power began to wane. 
They had been masters of Goa, Bombay and other places, partly 
through conquest and partly by agreement. But the path of the 
Company was by no means easy ; for if Portuguese rivalry was now 

*See the Preface of Calendar of State Papers, 1513-1616, edited by W.Noel 
Sainsbttry, London, 1862, 

2 See p. lix of Introduction to the Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to India, edited 
by Sir William Foster, second edition, 1926. 

3 See the English Factories in India, 2618-2622, by Sir William Foster. Oxford 
University Press, 1906. 



EAST INDIA COMPANY : ITS ORIGIN AND GROWTH ^l 

no longer formidable, the Dutch proved stubborn opponents. At last a 
treaty was arranged and ratified on July 16, 1619. This was intended 
to regulate matters concerning- trade in the East Indies. It was 
concluded between the Dutch and English, but never came into 
operation. There followed a series of futile negotiations till January 
1623. The English tried to establish themselves in the Spice Islands 
but were prevented by the Dutch who enjoyed a superiority in ships 
and other resources. These they turned to account by capturing or 
sinking many of the Company's best vessels. The Dutch appeared to 
have no scruples and the rivalry culminated in a treacherous massacre 
which took place at Amboyna in March, 1623. This put an end to the 
rivalry in the Spice Islands and led the English to concentrate their 
trade activities on India. The news of the tragedy of Amboyna 
caused great excitement throughout England and consternation among 
the members of the East India Company. The Assembly of the 
States-General in Holland did not condemn the action of their country- 
men, whose violent proceedings led to the publication of many 
pamphlets both in England and Holland. These vindicated the con- 
duct of the English or of the Dutch accdrding to the country from 
which they emanated. The most powerful of the pamphlets was 
written in England by a Mr. Skynner. 1 A Mr. Richard Greenbury 
painted for the Company a picture of the tortures inflicted by the Dutch 
which was eventually sent to the Duke of Buckingham. 2 Even half a 
century later the feelings of resentment were recalled by Dryden in 
his Amboyna, A Tragedy. The prologue, from which the following 
lines are taken } expresses the strong popular feeling of the day : 

The doteage of some Englishmen is such 

To fawn on those who mine them ; the Dutch. 

They shall have all rather than make a war 

With those who of the same Religion are. 

The Streights, the Guiney Trade, 'the Herrings too, 

Nay, to keep friendship, they shall pickle you : 

Some are resolv'd not to find out the cheat, 

But cuckold like, loves him who does the feat : 

What injuries soe'r upon us fall, 

Yet still the same Religion answers all : 

Religion wheedled you to Civil War, 

Drew English blood, and Dutchmen's now would spare. 3 

1 See Calendar of State Papers (Colonial Series) 1622-24, edited by Noel 
Sains bury. 

2 See p. 155 of Additional MS. 24,934, B.M, 

3 Dryden *s Amboyna is * a tissue of mingled dialogue in verse and prose ' and 



312 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

The Company distracted with their difficulties and their differences 
with the Dutch, and uncertain about the future, petitioned Parliament 
to examine into the position of their affairs. Although the King 
disapproved of the petition, he assured them of his protection and his 
interest in their commerce. It so happened, however, that he died 
before reparation could be made either to the nation or the Company. 
The Company's affairs were in a precarious condition when 
Charles I ascended the throne. He renewed the attempt to secure 
redress from the States-General for the sufferings of the English at 
Amboyna and ordered the English fleet to avenge themselves on 
Dutch vessels homeward bound. The Dutch continued their obstruc- 
tion of English trade both at Surat and Masulipatam : the Portuguese 
made strenuous efforts to regain their influence. Jahangir died in 
1627, and Shah Jahan was now disputing the right of succession with 
his brother. 

It is interesting to note that the first English nobleman, the Earl of 
Denbigh, paid a visit to Shah Jahan in 1631 at Burhanpur being 
kindly received and entertained by the Emperor, who gave his 
distinguished visitor a present of Rs. 6,000 on his departure. 1 Next 
year Shah Jahan punished the Portuguese for their piratical acts and 
authorized his Provincial Governor to seize their settlement at 
Hooghly. The first regular English settlement in Bengal was estab- 
lished in 1633 when factories were founded at Hariharpore and 
Balasore. A friendly treaty was concluded between the English and 



was written during the Second Dutch War in 1673, with a view to excite the 
English nation against their rivals. He also wrote Aurangzeb, an heroic poem 
which was first printed and acted at the Royal Theatre in 1676. It was dedicated 
to the Earl of Mulgrave, who brought it to the notice of the King, whereupon 
Charles II expressed the opinion that it was the best of all his tragedies, a view in 
which the author concurred. As regards the characters Dr. Johnson said that 

* the personages are imperial ; but the dialogue is often domestic, and therefore 
susceptible of sentiments accommodated to familiar incidents/ The Eastern 
atmosphere of the play perhaps supports Professor Saintsbury's conjecture that 
Dryden must have derived his information from Bernier. Sir Edmund Gosse in 
his History of Eighteenth Century Literature, styles the Great Mughal as an 

* Indian potentate, the Sultan Aurangzeb. ' It may be noted that the title of 
' Sultan ' is not applicable to Aurangzeb and, bold as it may appear to criticize 
Sir Edmund, I must observe that Padshah is the just equivalent for the style of 
Emperor, Dr. Johnson >s comments therefore appear to be more apposite than 
those of our modern critics. 

1 See pp. xvii-xix of The English factories in India, 1630-1633. 



EAST INDIA COMPANY ; ITS ORIGIN AND GROWTH 313 

the Portuguese in 163*4-5 which led for the time being to a better 
understanding regarding access to mutual ports. 

The Company's commerce with India had hitherto been conducted 
on a monopolistic basis ; but the wavering conduct of the Crown 
created many difficulties. In 1635, Charles I, in need of money, 
granted a limited charter to Sir William Courten's Association, 
restricting its operations to such localities as were not already 
occupied by the Company. It was even surmised that the King had 
a share in Courten's Association. Charles' conduct in this matter was 
indefensible inasmuch as he broke the pledge given to the Company 
in their former charter. The interloping Association mismanaged 
their own affairs in India, but did great harm to the Company and the 
arrival of their ships at Surat for trading purposes greatly hindered 
the Company's trade for some months. Fortunately Charles became 
aware of the harm being done, and in 1640 restored the Company, by a 
new pledge, to its former position. It was during this period of 
misfortune that an event took place destined to have far-reaching 
effects. This was the granting of a site at Madras to an English 
merchant, Mr. Day, at a nominal rent by a Hindu Raja in 1639 which 
proved to be, as Vincent Smith remarks ' the beginning of British 
territorial acquisition in India.' The agreement concerning the grant 
was engraved on a plate of gold.' 1 The factory at Hooghly was 
founded in 1642, and owing to remoteness from the more or less 
continuous warfare that marked the Mughal conquest, gave the 
Company less trouble than any other of its stations. 

The Company's activities were necessarily much hampered by the 
Civil War at home (1642-9) followed by the Commonwealth and 
Protectorate. In 1653 when news of the outbreak of war between the 
English and the Dutch in Europe reached Surat the Dutch factors 
formally declared war against the English in India. The English factors 
thereupon claimed the Mughal's protection but he declined to inter- 
fere. The same year Fort St. Geogre was erected into a Presi- 
dency : and in April 1654, hostilities with Holland were terminated by 
the Treaty of Westminster. By this treaty the Dutch agreed to pay 
compensation for the Amboyna tragedy. During the Protectorate, 
Cromwell was so busy with European politics that he showed no 

* See pp. 7-8 of India under British Rule, by J. Talboys Wheeler, 



314 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

active interest in the Company's affairs. Public attention was largely 
engrossed with the Spanish War ; so, for the time being, trade with the 
Bast Indies was little heeded. In 1654 a treaty with Portugal was 
concluded. This enabled English merchants to trade freely throughout 
the Portuguese Eastern possessions. Thus hostility between the three 
nations was for the time being brought to an end and it became 
unnecessary to send fleets from home for defensive purposes. In 
England there were general confusion and unrest owing to Royalist 
plots and Cromwell's Parliamentary difficulties } and these caused long 
delay in the granting of a new charter. Cromwell conferred on the 
' Merchant Adventurers ' a privilege similar to that granted by Charles I 
to Courten's Association. In October, 1657, the new charter was 
received. It re-established the Company on a basis similar to that of 
the charter under James I in 1609. A few months before, the East 
India Company's fortunes had reached their lowest ebb. The year, 
1657, is also memorable in Indian History inasmuch as it witnessed the 
beginning of that fratricidal struggle which ultimately placed Aurang- 
zib on the throne. 

After the accession of Charles II, in 1661 a new charter was 
obtained by which the Company were confirmed in all their former 
privileges. Further, they received power to judge all persons, English 
or Indian, within their settlements, in causes both civil and criminal, 
according to the laws of England. They might wage war against 
non-Christians, conclude peace with Indian princes or people and coin 
money current in the countries where they traded. They were also 
empowered to issue to private persons licences for trading purposes, 
power being reserved to the Crown to interfere if necessary. These 
concessions, however, stirred jealousy and criticism. Being granted 
by charter from the Crown, without Parliamentary sanction, their 
validity was seriously questioned. Thus speculative adventurers, 
then termed ' Interlopers ' were induced to set themselves in 
opposition to the Company. The ' Interlopers ' efforts, however, 
came to nothing and now at last the Company was launched on 
a period of real prosperity, that prosperity dating from the Resto- 
ration. 

Soon after Sir George Oxinden became President at Surat, the 
Maratha chief Sivaji plundered Rajapoor in 1661. On this occasion 
several English factors were seized and confined for two years in a 



EAST INDIA COMPANY; ITS ORIGIN AND GROWTH 315 ' 

hill fort, whence they were liberated only on payment of a ransom. 1 
Three years later Sivaji attacked and plundered Surat itself, but his 
efforts to capture the English factory were repulsed by Sir George 
Oxinden who t like Pope Leo at Rome "before Attila in the story, 
saved the city by their bold front.' English and Dutch merchants 
resisted the attack, but the loss sustained by the Mughal's subjects 
showed that Inayet Khan s the Mughal Governor, was incompetent. 
The sack of Surat lasted five days and Sivaji took away more than a 
kror of rupees from the homes and warehouses of various merchants. 
Sir George's courage was rewarded by the Emperor himself who 
granted to both English and Dutch factors a reduction of one per cent 
from the * nominal import duties and all the merchants at Surat were 
excused paying customs duties for one year/' The Emperor in addition 
gave Oxinden a Serpaw (robe of honour) and the Company presented 
him with a gold medal in recognition of his valour. 2 Sivaji again 
attacked Surat in 1670 when the sack lasted three days and the 
Mughal Governor offered a weak defence. On this occasion the 
Mahratha chief spared the three European factories. 3 The booty 
carried away on this occasion is said to have been worth 66 lakhs of 
rupees in money, pearls and other articles. The city and its suburbs 
were panic-stricken and Sivaji' s name, according to Dr. Fryer, 
became a terror which carried * all before him like a mighty torrent.' 
In consequence of this the merchants' trade at Surat was for some 
time suspended and all communications ceased.* 

At Surat Oxinden continued his strong and able administration in 
spite of serious trouble caused by hostilities with the Dutch. The 
year 1665 was marked by two important events. (I) The rebellion of 
Sir Edward Winter at Madras. Sir Edward was President of Fort St. 
George : his arbitrary and forceful policy did not commend itself to the 
Directors at home and Mr, George Foxcroft was sent out to supersede 
him. The factors of Madras supported Winter, who after some 

* See vol. i, p. 143 of A History of the Mahrathas^ by James Grant-Duff, 
Oxford edition, 1921. 

2 See p. 223 of Fryer. 

3 The French f Go mpagnie des lades 'was formed In 1664. 

* See vol. i, pp. 198-99 of A History of the Mahrathas, by James Grant Duff. 
Sarkar gives a detailed account ; see vol. iv, pp. 54-57, 184-188 of History of 
Aurangzib ; p. 221 of Report of the Old Records of the India Office* by Sir George 
Birdwood ; see p. 296 of English Factories in India , Z661-1664, by Sir William 
Foster ; also the Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, 

" ' ""'' ' ' " ' ' ' ' "" 



316 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

bloodshed retained office in opposition to the Directors. But in 1667 
a force was sent out which deprived him of power and installed 
Foxcroft in his place. Sir Edward Winter although deprived of the 
Presidency remained at Madras till 1672 when he returned to 
England. (2) Acquisition of the Island of Bombay. This had formed 
part of the dowry of Catherine of Braganza when she married Charles 
II, and its possession had greatly enhanced English prestige, since it 
was of great value as a centre of authority and trade. In 1668 the King 
transferred all the ports and the Island itself to the Company ' reser- 
ving only allegiance of the inhabitants to himself.' 1 The political 
consequences of Charles' marriage were far-reaching as the Portuguese 
could now rely on the English for assistance in defeating the Dutch. 
The Company appointed commissioners to govern Bombay under the 
control of the Presidency of Surat. In 1673 the Dutch sent a squadron 
to capture Bombay but were totally defeated, and in the following year 
by the Treaty of Westminster all the differences between them and 
the English were settled. Under it the Dutch have retained down to 
the present day the undisputed command of Java and other islands in 
the Archipelago. 

Sir George Oxinden was succeeded at Surat by President Aungier, 
who afterwards went to Bombay where he regulated the management 
of affairs and dispensed justice with an even hand. The name of 
Aungier became greatly revered both at Surat and Bombay whose 
inhabitants, putting the utmost confidence in his wisdom and integrity, 
made him the '* Common Arbitrator of their Differences in Point of 
Traffick,' and invariably accepted his awards as final. 2 

King Charles intended to clear the East India Company of the 
Whigs who had defied his authority. When this became known the 
interlopers began to dispute the Company's trade monopoly in the East 
as well as to impugn the validity of its charter. On February 3, 1683, 
the case between them came before the Chancery and the King's Bench. 
Then, when on April 21, Sir John Banks was chosen as Governor of 
the Company, it became evident that the Whigs would be expelled an 
event which actually took place two days later. 3 



* See MS. Rawl, A. 302. 

* See A New Account of the East Indies, by 'Captain Alexander Hamilton^ 
London, 1744, 

3 itlenry Muddiman's News-Letters The 



EAST INDIA COMPANY: ITS ORIGIN AND GROWTH 317 

Early In August, 1683, King Charles granted a new charter 
empowering the Governor and Company of Merchants to search for 
and seize all merchandise brought or carried by interlopers to and 
from every place within their jurisdiction. They were also authorised 
to govern their own territory, declare war or peace and to raise such 
military forces as might be necessary to quell disorders committed by 
Englishmen and others. In support of the powers thus granted the 
King resolved to institute a Court of Judicature in India and commanded 
that it should consist of * one person learned in the civill lawes and. two 
merchantes.' The Court was established at Bombay and empowered to 
adjudicate in mercantile and shipping cases according to the * rules of 
equity and good conscience and according to the lawes and customes of 
merchantes.' 1 Dr. John St. John was appointed Judge of the Court 
of Admiralty there. 

In 1681 Bengal was separated from Madras and after a few months 
Mr. William Hedges was appointed Agent there. From this time the 
Company's affairs were beset with difficulty. This was owing to wars 
both in the Provinces and on the coasts between the Mughal and 
Sarnbhuji, which greatly hampered the regular business done by 
merchants of Surat and other factories on the Malabar coast. About 
this time too the administration of Bombay was seriously mismanage^ 
by Sir John Child 2 with the result that a rebellion broke out in 1683. 
Child was evidently unfit for his position and his administrative 
incompetence was notorious long before his death in 1689. 

It will not be out of place at this point to take a glance at the 
condition of India during the period when Aurangzib began a fresh era 
of conquest. The Emperor wished to extend his sovereignty over the 
southern kingdoms of the Peninsula. He achieved, by force or by 
treachery for he was not scrupulous in his methods many successes, 
and in appearance at least realized his wishes. But his triumph was 
less real than he imagined, inasmuch as he had alienated Hindu 
sentiment where Akbar conciliated it, In this way he created 



1 See Patent Roll 3237 (35 Chas. II, pt. 3), 3?,R.O. 

a Several writers including Macatday and Sir George Birdwood have attested 
the fact that the two Childs were brothers ; but Ray and Mrs, Oliver Straehey in 
their book Keigwin's Rebellion ( pp. 162-3) have proved for the first time that 
there was no relationship between Sir Josiah and Sir John Child, Governor of 
Bombay. 



318 - JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

formidable difficulties lor his successors in the form of implacable 
rivals who were destined one day to dispute their power. 

These rivals were the Marathas, who inhabited Khandesh and 
Malwa, with a strong natural frontier in the Vindhya and Satpura hills. 
About the time when Aurangzib, as Viceroy of the Deccan, began his 
offensive against Bijapur and Golconda, they had found a great leader 
in the person of Sivaji, a master in the art of irregular warfare. For 
a short period peace prevailed early in the reign of Aurangzib, but 
soon troubles arose in the Eastern scenes of his Empire which were 
promptly suppressed by his Governors. Sivaji in the meantime was 
exerting all his energies against the Mughal, but was eventually defeat- 
ed by Aurangzib's general Jai Singh and persuaded to go to Agra to 
pay homage to the Emperor. While there he became doubtful about his 
personal safety and made a dramatic escape. Thereafter he resumed 
hostilities and harassed the Mughal wherever that was possible besides 
plundering in every direction. By alliance and other means he made 
himself the foremost power in the Deccan. In 1668 he concluded a 
peace with the Mughal which however, lasted only two years. His 
power and reputation continued to increase until in 1674 he assumed 
at Raigrarh the title of Raja with the insignia of royalty. Of him 
Grant Duff truly remarks : ' Sivajee was certainly a most .extraordinary 
person ; and however justly many of his acts may be censured, his 
claim to high rank in the page of history must be admitted.' 1 The 
Mughal army for lack of money achieved little real success either 
against the Marathas or thk King of Bijapur. Sivaji died in 1680 and 
his son Sambhuji became national leader of the Marathas. 

Aurangzib found formidable enemies to his Empire in others besides 
the Marathas. Arbitrary invasions of the territory of two of his 
Rajput vassals and his re- imposition of the tax Jizia on * unbelievers *' 
alienatad the Hindu community. In 1669 he ordered the demolition 
of all Hindu temples within his dominions. These, if they had been 
spared, would have testified to-day to the architectural glories of 
Hindu India. But the Emperor did not dream of the ultimate conse- 
quences of his doings. 

The Mughal returned to the Deccan in 1682 and spent his days in 
ceaseless warfare against Bijapur and the Marathas. Bijapur was 

* Se$ vol. i, p. 228 of A History of the Mahrathas, by Jarpe Grant Duff, 



MAST INDIA COMPANY : ITS ORIGIN AND GRO WTH 319 

annexed in 1686 and Golconda the following: year. Two years later 
Sambhuji was taken and put to death ; thus all rivals in the Deccan 
were cleared away. By the end of 1689, Aurangzeb was unrivalled 
monarch of Northern India and of the Deccan, His foremost foes had 
all fallen and their dominions been annexed to his Empire. He seemed 
to have gained everything, but in reality all was lost. As Mr. Sarkar 
remarks : * It was the beginning of his end. The saddest and most 
hopeless chapter of his life now opened. The Empire was now too 
large to be ruled by one man. He could not hold the newly annexed 
kingdoms and at the same time hold the Marathas in subjection. He 
could defeat but not finally crush his foes. Lawlessness reigned in 
many places. The old Emperor could not control his officers at a dis- 
tance ; thus administration grew slack and corrupt. In Agra there 
was chronic disorder. Art and learning decayed so that no great 
building, fine manuscript or exquisite picture commemorates Aurang- 
zib's reign. 31 

The accession of James II, from his well proved interest in naval 
affairs, encouraged the Company to rely on a continuation of the Royal 
protection which would .enable them more effectually to restrain the 
interlopers from encroaching upon their domain. Owing to his own 
troubles within the state his brief reign proved to be for them a period 
of disappointment and depression. The activity of the interlopers 
increased, and the Company were at a loss to know how to deal with 
them. In Bengal where they were most active, they had beyond doubt 
inflicted considerable injury on the Company's trade. -The Mughal 
authorities, unable to discriminate between the different representatives 
of the same European nation, had treated the interlopers with a certain 
measure of favour and after they had purchased a farman from the 
Mughal officers they were allowed to trade without any restrictions. 
This was not very surprising because the new-comers expressed their 
willingness to pay a higher rate of import duty. 

Prior to what may be called the definite establishment of these 
rivals the London Company had enjoyed a very favoured position in 
that it paid an import duty of only 2J per cent, but when the * New 
Company ', as the interlopers dubbed jthemselves, expressed their 
willingness to pay up to 5 per cent, the Mughal authorities thought 

*See pp. 50-51 of Studies in Mughal India, .by J. N. Sarkar, 1920, 



320 JOURNAL OF INDIAN 

themselves entitled to charge the first comers an increased rate of 
3 per cent. This the London Company flatly refused to pay, 
declaring that they could not afford it although it is not clear why this 
seemingly moderate rate should have been deemed exorbitant. The 
rivalry between the Company and the interlopers was rendered more 
acute by a move which certainly placed the former in an invidious 
light with the Mughal authorities. 

While these officials were pressing on the Company's factors for 
the extraction of heavier dues, the latter began to formulate their own 
grievances against the former. They rejoined that the Nawab of 
Bengal had for many years been in the habit of flouting their rights 
and ill-treating their representatives. Their privileges under the 
farman had been infringed, bribes had been extorted, the loading of 
their ships had been hindered, and worst of all, the servants of the 
Company had been forced to appear in the local courts of justice. It 
was further alleged that the Mughal Emperor himself was indebted to 
the Company for no less a sum than ^160,000, due mostly for goods 
forcibly extracted from them without payment, and besides these were 
claims for over-exactions under the head of customs. These 
duplicated causes of friction produced a strained situation all round, 
and it is not surprising that it led to serious troubles. Before long the 
legitimate English traders grew impatient. The interlopers were like 
gnats, but the Mughal authorities were the more formidable adver- 
saries. It was with the latter that the position had to be arranged. 
As a later writer expressed it : * Experience soon showed that treaties 
were of no avail against the lawlessness of the local officials. It was 
not that the Mughal Government would not protect the foreign 
merchants against oppression and wrong. It could not ; whatever 
control it had, it was gradually losing/ 1 Under these circumstances 
the Company began to consider the advisability of acquiring a place in 
Bengal suitable for fortification with a view to upholding their trading 
and personal rights. With this object in view the Governor at 
Hooghly, Mr. Gyfford, applied to Shayista Khan for permission to 
construct a fort at the mouth or on the bank of the Ganges. This 
request was refused,' the Mughal Governor no doubt seeing in it a 
limitation to his authority, but it did not improve the situation/ 

1 See vol. v of History of Aurangsiij, by J. N. Sarkar. 



EAST INDIA COMPANY . ITS ORIGIN AND GROWTH 321 

Whilst these disputes were in progress much trade was lost, and it 
was impossible to discern any solution of the difficulties that had 
arisen. 

In such a dilemma there appeared to be no remedy for the English 
between relinquishing trade in Bengal and resorting to force. A 
spirit of combativeness had seized the Court, and Mr. Gyfford was 
censured for displaying too much submissiveness to the Nawab and his 
officers. At this period the policy of the Company was largely 
inspired by Sir Josiah Child, the Chairman, who believed in political 
action as the best means of promoting the Company's interests and 
development. He is indeed said to have aimed at laying ' the founda- 
tion of a large, well-grounded, sure English dominion in India for all 
time to come/ But political action does not bear fruit unless there is 
military power behind it, and that the Company did not possess until 
a much later period. Still Sir Josiah Child's proceedings may be 
regarded as the first attempt towards grafting a political venture on 
the original design of a strictly commercial undertaking. 

Sir Josiah Child undoubtedly held large views. In 1685 he had 
substituted Bombay for Surat as the head station and factory going 
so far as to describe Bombay as ' the key of India \ This was the first 
attempt to escape from the interference and control of the Mughal 
officials, as the Island of Bombay possessed a sovereign status. But 
its advantages as a place of trade were not perceived until a much 
later period. Child hoped that it would prove a secure base for the 
immediate safety of the Company's servants and for the realization of 
his ulterior plans. For similar reasons a fort had been desired in the 
Gangetic delta. 

(To be continued) 



A Note on the of the Time 

of the 

BY 

D. B. DlSKALKAR 

Watson Mitseum^ Rajkot 

THESE plates have been edited by Mr. R. D. Banerji in the Epigraphia, 
Indica, Vol. XIX, Part II. Though undated, they are historically very 
important particularly in so far as they throw light on the extent of 
the Paramara dominions in the Deccan under the great Bhoja. Mr. 
Banerji thinks that the grant was issued by Yasovarman during the 
period of anarchy which followed the fall of Bhoja. But there is 
sufficient evidence in the inscription itself to show that it was issued 
in the life-time of that king when he was at the height of his glory. 
The record opens with an account of the Paramara dynasty ruling at 
Dhara, mentioning the three immediate predecessors of King Bhoja 
by name, viz. Siyaka, Vakpati and Sindhuraja. The important 
southern, western and eastern conquests of Bhoja are further recorded 
in this description. Then is mentioned the name of Yasovarman, King 
Bhoja' s governor over the Selluka (or possibly Seftuka) territory 
consisting of 1,500 villages. Lastly occurs the name of Kanaka 
Amma of the Ganga family who held the Audrahadi principality of 
eighty-four villages under Yasovarman. This is in full agreement 
with the usual practice of land grants in which the names of the 
overlord, feudatory or governor of the province and then that of the 
grantor occur in successive order. The local potentate though directly 
subordinate to the feudatory or governor, owes allegiance to the 
paramount sovereign. The present grant was in fact issued not by 
Yasovarman but by Ranaka Amma, and the mention of Paramara 
Bhoja and Yasovarman before his own name is sufficient to show 
that he paid due allegiance to his sovereign Bhoja and immediate 
superior Yasovarman. The absence of any mention in the record 
about the consent of Bhoja, the sovereign lord to the issue of the 
grant, in no way indicates that the power of the Paramaras of Malva 
bad weakened considerably in North Maharashtra at the time of the 



A NOTE ON THE KAL VAN PLATES 323 

issue of the grant. The mere mention of the Paramara sovereign in 
the grant is sufficient to show that the part of the country was 
undoubtedly under the sway of that dynasty. 

The grants of the early Yadavas of Seunadesa show that the 
northern portion of the Nasik district in which the present grant was 
found was ruled over by them in the latter part of the tenth century 
A.D.* But they were often disturbed in their possession of the 
country by foreign invasions. The Paramaras of Malva appear to have 
made attempts to seize the country at least since the time of Vakpati- 
Munja. The Sangamner grant 2 of the early YadaA r a Bhillama II, 
dated A.D. 1000 states that he struck a blow against the power of 
Munja and rendered the sovereign power of Ranarangabhfma (i.e. 
Chalukya Tailapa II) firm. Another inscription 3 refers to an invasion 
and conquest of Svetapada by Lakshmanaraja, a ruler of Chedi We 
do not see such an occasion in the history of Chedi king to have 
crossed Malva, the territories of the Paramaras and to have advanced 
so far towards the Deccan. But it is probable that Lakshmanaraja 
had accompanied the Paramara king Munja, who, we know, had 
invaded the Deccan. We are told that Munj a' s minister Rudraditya 
endeavoured to dissuade his master from opposing Tailapa in that 
king's own country. Munja, however, disregarded his advice and 
marched to the south. In the encounter which ensued Munja was 
defeated and taken prisoner. 4 It mast be the same fight of Munja 
with the early Yadava Bhillama II that is referred to in the Sangamner 
grant. These statements thus lead us to believe that Lakshmanaraja 
in company of Paramara Munja invested Svetapada and defeated 
Bhillama II in about A.D. 996, but the Chalukya sovereign Talla 
hastened to help his feudatory and gave a crushing defeat to the 
invaders and took Munja prisoner. 

After Munja Bhoja also seems to have attempted to conquer the 
6vetapada country. Bhoja's copperplate grants 5 dated V. S. 1076 and 
1078 show that he had conquered the Konkana. Now Bhoja could 
not have proceeded to conquer the Konkana territory unless he passed 

^ Ep. Ind., vol. ii, p. 212 and Ind* Ant. t vol.'xii, p, 119 and vol. svii, p. 117. 

2 Ep. Ind., vol. ii. p. 212. 

3 Kahla plates of the Kalachiiri Sodhadeva : Ep. Ind.* vol. vii, p. 86. 
* Luard and Lele, Paramaras of Dhar and Malva, p. 6, 

5 2nd. Ant. t vol. vi, p, 53 and ^. 2nd., vol. sd, p. 181 ; vol. xviii, p 320, 

' '" ' ' ' ' 



324 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

through the fsvetapada country and defeated the local "king, evidently 
some prince of the Yadava family, either Vesuka or Bhillama III. 
But the Deccan Chalukya sovereign Jayasimha was too strong for 
Bhoja and soon deprived him of the sovereignty over Konkana. 1 
Consequently Bhoja had probably to restrict his activities in the south 
and allow even the Svetapada country to remain undisturbed for some 
time. But any way, some time before the Kalvan plates were issued 
Bhoja must have conquered it again. Though these plates are un- 
dated there is sufficient evidence in them to lead us to assign them to 
a definite period. They were issued on the am&vasya day of the month 
of Chaitra when there was a solar eclipse. Now in the latter part of 
Bhoja' s life, say between V.S, 1080 and 1110 the only years that have 
a solar eclipse in Chaitra are V.S. 1102, 1103 and 1104 (A.D. 1045-7). 
We can therefore say that in one of the three years the grant must 
have been issued. There is another reason to assign the Kalvan 
plates to this period of Bhoja's life. Fortunately we know of another 
grant dated V.S. 1103 which shows clearly that Bhoja' s power was 
fully acknowledged over the southern part of Gujarat, falling within 
the Lata country, which is quite adjacent to the ^vetapada country of 
the Kalvan plates* This grant was recently discovered at Tilakvacla 2 
in the Sankhe<Ja mahal of the Baroda district and was issued by one 
Jasoraja of the Sravanabhadra family ruling over Sankhe^la, the date 
being given as Monday the amav&sya of the month of M&rga$lrsha in 
V.S. 1103, probably, 1 December A.D. 1046. From all this, it is im- 
possible to suppose that Bhoja' s powenhad weakened considerably at 
this time. 

The Svetapada country did not enjoy peace even after the fall and 
death of Paramara Bhoja, for Vapullaka, a general of the Chedi king 
Karna conquered 3 it in about V.S. 1111 (A.D. 1055). The powerful 
Chedi ruler overran Malva and tried to seize the whole of the Paramara 
territories, but was foiled in his attempt by the Deccan Chalukya 
king Somesvara Ahavamalla, who supported 4 the cause of Bhoja' s 
successor Jayasimha and by his timely intervention in the affairs of 
Majva not only freed that province from foreign aggression but also 

1 Ep. Ind. t vol. xii, p. 313. 

2 See Proceedings ofthePoond, Oriental Conference. The plates are being edited 
by me in the Epi graphic Indica. 

3 Ep. Ind., vol. vii, p. 86, * frj. ^t n t., 1919, p. 137, 



A NOTM ON THE KAL VAN PLA TBS 325 

the Yadavas to enjoy their own territories In peace ' as Ins 
feudatories. 

The troubles that befel the Svetapada country by the encroach- 
ments of Bhoja and immediately after his death by those of the Chedi 
king Karna are echoed in the grants of the Yadavas of Seunadesa. It 
is said therein 1 that there was much confusion after the death of 
Bhillarna III, and Seunachandra got the kingdom by the force of his 
arms. It is said of Seunachandra that just as the three worlds were 
raised from the ocean by the God Vishnu in his boar incarnation, so 
after the death of Bhillama Seunachandra conquered all kings and 
lifted up the sovereignty with its dignity. 

From what is said above, it would not be difficult to explain why 
no antecedents of Yasovarman, the governor of Bhoja, are given in 
the present record. It might have been due to his having risen at 
once to the high position by the favour of Bhoja as a governor of 
the province conquered by Bhoja from the Yadavas. 

The points in which the present grant differs from the regular 
grants of the Paramaras of Malva, as noted by Mr. Banerji, can also 
be very easily explained. As the grant was issued not directly by a 
Paramara king but by a local authority under a feudatory of his, it was 
apparently not considered necessary to attach the Garu$a anc! snake 
seal generally found in the Paramara grants. The Tilakvaa plates, 
referred to above, do not similarly show the Garua seal as they were 
issued by a feudatory of Bhoja. Similar arguments can be adduced 
about the second and third points raised by Mr. Banerji, viz. the 
absence of the date and customary opening verse in praise of Siva. 
The latter may be due to the personal preference felt by the grantor 
for the tenets of Jainism. 

Another place where Mr. Banerji seems to be wrong is where he 
thinks that Yasovarman had obtained one-half of the town of Selluka 
through Bhoja' s favour. It is not possible to suppose that only half 
the town of Selluka was given by Bhoja to Yasovarman. The plate 
reading is not quite 'clear'; but I think that ^f|3>p| ^f*TO^ is the 

' ' . . "O 

engraver's mistake for ^^[f^ef^f^T (1,500 villages beginning 
with Selluka). I also think that the correct reading of the name of the 

1 IB the above-mentioned Sangamner grant and Asvi grant which is being 
edited by me in the Ep. Ind. See also Bombay Gazetteer , vol. i, part ii, p. SIS, 



326 JOURNAL OP INDIAN HISTORY 

town is probably Setfuka which can be identified with modern Sataije, 
the name of a taluka town which is not far from Kalvan where the 
plates were found. 

Although a portion of the Nasik District was called by the name of 
$vetapada in some inscriptions, the word Svetapada occurring in 
line 25 of the present inscription seems more to stand as synony- 
mous of Svetambara denoting a section of the Jainas than for a 
place name as Mr. Banerji supposes. The epithet Svetapada we know 
is applied to the Svetambara sect of the Jainas as Nagnapada is applied 
to the Digambara sect of the Jainas. There are a number of Jaina 
antiquities in the Nasik district, specially in the Nasik, Dindori and 
Kalvan talukas. 

More place names mentioned in the grant can be identified with 
some certainty. Something has already been said about Selluka or 
Settuka. The village Muktapalli cannot be recognized in a similar 
form, but the modern village Makhamalabad would seem to occupy its 
site. In the inscription Mahutfalagrama is said to be in the north of 
Muktapalli. NowMahu^ala is probably identical with modern Mohafli, 
which is in the Dindori taluka, Moha^i is to the north of modern 
Makhtnalabad, thus indicating that Makhmalabad may be occupying 
the site of old Muktapalli. Mahishabuddhika must be modern 
Mhasaruja near Nasik which is a place of pilgrimage of the Jainas, 
Hathavafla is modern Hatasagadh fort. Sangamanagara is probably 
modern Surgaije, the capital of a petty Bhil State on the border of the 
Nasik and Surat Districts. Attahika may possibly be modern Otura. 



A History of the Reign of Shah Jahan 

(Based on Original Persian Sources) 

BY 

ABDUL Aziz, Barrister-at-Law 
[Author 's copyright} 

CHAPTER III 

THE CORONATION OF SHAH JAHAN 

With this picture of Agra however dim, blurred and inadequate- 
before us, we can follow the course of events to better purpose. 

The period of ten days which intervened between Shah Jahan J s 
entry into Agra and his enthronement was none too long either for 
consideration of the necessary changes in administration or for 
preparation for the festivities. A heavy list of honours had to be 
drawn up ; and rewards of faithful servants and appointments to high 
offices to be determined. 

Besides his time must have been taken up by audiences given to 
grandees and officers of all parties who must have pressed on each 
other's heels to welcome and congratulate him; some, like Sher 
Khan, anxious to wipe off their unseemly antecedents, others to create 
and establish a new patronage. We must remember that change of 
sovereign, under the peculiar conditions of Mughal India, marked a 
more thorough-going breach of continuity with the past than we are 
apt to imagine : it involved a reshuffling of the parties with new lines 
of cleavage and antipathies and a more or less complete dissolution of 
the old allegiances and obligations, while the appearance of a new 
peerage led to a fresh grouping of the smaller nobles and men round 
their new patrons. 

Notwithstanding the improvised character of the celebrations, the 
tone and quality of the festivities must have given the people a 
foretaste of the new era of prosperity and splendour that was 
dawning an era characterized by generosity of thought, of action and 
of outlook. But it was only a foretaste, for some of the highest nobles 



32g JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

and dignitaries of the court were away at Lahore with all the 
paraphernalia of the imperial camp ; and this quick assumption of 
supreme authority gave the enthronement the aspect of a political 
demonstration or diplomatic action, rather than a leisurely and 
dignified state function heavy with gold and elephants and long-drawn 
convivialities. Yet the festivities were as gorgeous as time and 
occasion allowed of. In gifts of hard cash, for which no preparation 
was necessary, a new record was established in the history of the 
Mughal court with its brilliant traditions of munificence. 
With these remarks we proceed to the details : 
Shah Jahan entered Agra fort riding a horse, and ascended the 
throne 3J gharis (i.e., 1 hour and 24 minutes) after sunrise on Monday, 
8 Jumada II, 1037 A.H.* (== 25 Bahman = February 4, 1628 A.C.), 
when he was 36 y. m. and 28 d. of age by the solar, and 37 y. 
10 m. and 8 d. old by the lunar, calculation. 

The ceremony took place in the gallery known as Daulat j^sna-i- 
feha$-0sam (the Hall of Private and Public Audience). 2 

Nobles, soldiers and scholars, of whom a goodly number had fey 
now gathered round the Emperor, offered congratulations and nisar^ 
quantities worthy of the occasion. This was distributed among the 
populace, whose cry of ' Long live the King ' rent the air. Singers and 
dancing girls the choicest in the land formed part of the entertain- 
ment : the air was soft with scents and song. 

The ceremony of reading the jfiu&a in the new Emperor's name 
was performed in this wise : The Khottlb, after praising God, the holy 
Prophet and the i&altia$> mentioned each one of the ancestors by 
name, being presented with a -feMl'at for each. On coming to the 
name of Shah Jahan he got a particularly costly robe of honour worked 
with gold, and gold and silver were given away to the poor in lavish 
profusion. 

The coins were struck in the name of the new sovereign, both the 
(or muhr) and the rupee having the following inscriptions : Oa 



i So M.N. and Q&rnwa. A. S. (I, 225) and M. L. (I, 395) give Monday, the 7th 
Jum&da II ; wMle Tusuk (426) has a woeful misprint. The calendars give Monday 
for 8 Jum&da II . 

* Not the Diwan-i-'&m of our times, but an old gallery which stood in 
Jahaf gir's time on the spot occupied by the Jharoka of Diw&n-i^&m to-day. 



A HISTORY OF THE REIGN. OF SHAH JAHAN 329 

one side, the holy kalima, with the names of the four khalifas in the 
margin ; on the other side, Emperor's name and title. 1 

Farmans promulgating the accession were issued, bearing" the 
tughra (title), AbH* I- Mug af far Shihub ud-Dzn Muhammad Safyib- 
qiran-i-Sam Shah Jahan B adshah-i-Ghazl 2 which was henceforth the 
imperial title- and the stamp of the Imperial Seal {Muhr-t-Auzak 3 }. 
This latter, which already bore the names of Jahangir and his eight 
ancestors up to Timur, and was known as ' Nu Spihr ' (The Nine 
Heavens), now underwent necessary modification : Shah Jahan's name 
was placed in the centre, his father's being relegated to the margin. 

Large trays of gold and jewels were sent out from the Zenana by 
Mumtaz uz-Zamani Arjmand Banu Begum (* Mumtaz Mahal '), Shah 
Jahan' s favourite queen, as nisar. It was duly showered over his 
head by the nobles. 

Courtiers, sayyids, sheikhs, scholars, pious men, poets and 
astrologers received gifts and grants, some of which will be mentioned 
later. 

Then the Emperor retired to the haram, where the ladies flocked 
round him to tender their felicitations. The Empress, now with her 

1 I have found no coin of Shah Jahan's either in the Indian Museum, or in 
the Punjab Museum, Catalogue, struck in 1037 and bearing 1 these inscriptions ; 
though there are some such struck in 1039 and later. C. J. Brown, Catalogue of 
Coins in the Provincial Museum Lucknow has also been searched. 

2 Strictly speaking ' Abn'l-Muzaffar ' is kwiyat (filionymic), and the rest is 
laqab (title or surname) . * SMhab ud-Dln 9 was proposed for Shah Jahan by 
Asaf Khan ; and the other laqab ' SaMb-qiran-i-Sant ' (Second Lord of the 
happy conjunction) was adopted not because there had been an auspicious con- 
junction of the planets Jupiter and Venus either at his birth or at his accession, 
but because Shah Jahan's exploits as prince bore close resemblance to the achieve- 
ments of Amir Timur before he succeeded to the throne ; and the latter, as we 
know* bore the title ' Sahib-qiran ' (Lord of the happy conjunction), having been 
born under a planetary conjunction. But this is not all : the bayyinat of/ Sahib- 
qiran' are equal to the ordinary abfad value of * Shah Jahan ', which is 365. 
This was considered proof of a subtle divine sanction for adoption of that 
surname. (Readers to whom this is obscure and who are sufficiently interested 
in the subject will find the matter explained in S. H. Hodivala, *-The Laqab 
" Sahibqiran-i-S&m" ' '(J. & P. of A.S.&., vol. xvii for 1921, pp. 97-101) ). 

The title * Shah Jahan ' was bestowed on him by Jahanglr in 1026 (= 1617} in 
recognition of meritorious- services rendered in the Beccan (Tuznk, 195 ; Tuzuk^ 
R. & B., I, 395) ; while the name ' Khurram ' was given him at his birth by the 
emperor Ak bar (Tuzuk, Preface, p. 6.) 

3 See an Illustration of an impression of this seal in Jahanglr's time in. Roe, 
508. We have given the nearest equivalent in English to the proper pronunciation 
of this Turkish word. Ozok, as pronounced by a German, would be nearer. 



330 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

own hand, showered on the Emperor's head quantities of gold, silver 
and jewellery equal in amount to the nisar offered outside. Her 
peshkasjk consisting of costly jewels and pearls, precious stuffs and 
rarities was accepted. Next his favourite daughter, Jahan Ara 
Begum, popularly known as Begum Sahib, offered her nis&r and 
peshkash. Then the other ladies followed according to their wealth, 
position and the degree of favour enjoyed. 

The ingenuity shown by poets and writers in finding chronograms 
giving the year of Shah Jahan' s accession is not devoid of interest : 

Mulla'Abdu'l-IJamid Lahorl found a subtle meaning in the fact 
that the numerical value according to the abjad system of the following 
verse of the Qur'an (II, 28) : 



was equal to that of the following words : 



while the words ^ <$\ ^*.U ^l^ &L.& 

also gave the same value, which was considered an expression of 

divine will that Shah Jahan was a vicegerent of God. 

The chronograms also are quite good and worth reproduction : 

The following is from the now old and aging Hakim Rukna of 
Kashan ( * Masih ' ) : 



(103?) ;-A-A, 

The famous poet Sa'Ida-i-Gilani ( Bebadal Khan ' ), Superin- 
tendent of the Imperial Goldsmiths' Workshop, has the following : 
(1037) 



Mir Sail, the calligraphist, came forward with 



(1037) ^V^VllTII^j^^^C^ ^c u^y uA-^ J\ _ US 



But the best of the bunch is Mulla f Abdu'l-Hatnid's attempt, 
whose chronogram 

(1 OS 7V '""""""""" ~~~i - 

gives the day of the week and the date and the month (of the Ilahi 
year) in the words, and the lunar year in the numerical value. The 
reader will agree that this is remarkably clever. 



A HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF SHAH JAHAN 331 
Among the rest are 



(1) r* ^ 3 (1037) 



(2) j\j jit** #*. \^ (1037) 

the latter giving: also, incidentally, the verdict on the moral issue of 
Shah Jahan's succession. 1 

We turn now to the presents given away by the Emperor. First, 
naturally enough, come the members of the royal family. Mumtaz 
uz-Zamani, who of course heads the list, got 2 lakhs of askrafZs and 
6 lakhs of rupees, her annual allowance being fixed at 10 lakhs of 
rupees. 1 lakh ashrafts and 4 lakh rupees were bestowed on Jahan 
Ara Begum with a yearly allowance of 6 lakhs (half to be paid in cash 
from the Imperial Treasury and half from a j&glr fixed for the 
purpose). 

A sum of 8 lakhs of rupees was entrusted to the Empress 4J 
lakhs to be distributed among the absent children, as soon as they 
reached Agra, as follows: Dara Shukoh, 2 lakhs; Shah Shuja% 1J 
lakhs ; Aurangzeb, 1 lakh ;' and 3J lakhs among Murad Bakhsh, 
Lutfullah, Raushan Ara Begum and Surayya Banu Begum. 

Further, daily allowances were fixed for the Princes as follows : 
Dara Shukoh, Rs. 1,000 
Shah Shuja 4 , Rs. 750. 
Aurangzeb, Rs, 500. 
Murad Bakhsh, Rs. 250. 2 

We notice in passing how Jahan Ara Begum stands relatively not 
only to the other princesses but to her own brothers, in the Emperor's 
favour. We also see that none of the other queens appears in this 
list, which gives of course only the bigger items ; although Khaff 
Khan, 3 involved in a tangle of blundering figures, records an allow- 
ance of Rs. 50,000 for each of the other ladies. 

As for those outside the royal family we have no room here for the 
names of persons who received man$ab or increase of man$a& on this 
day. No less than 1000 men were honoured in this manner. 

Among those that had accompanied Shah Jahan from Junair some 



., I, 1,94-95 ; A.S. t I, 227-29. 

2 We follow here JS.N. (I, i, 96-97), which is supported by Qarniya. Muham- 
mad Salih's figures (A.S. t I, 231) are unsatisfactory, and M.L. (I, 396-97} is 
hopeless. 

3 M.L., 1,396. 

' '' ' " ' 



332 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

35 men received a rank of 1000 and upwards. * Among these worthy 
of note are : 

(1) Mahabat Khan, appointed Commander-in-Chief with a title of 
f Khan Khanan ', rank of 7000/7000 (du aspa sih aspa) and a gift of 4 
lakhs of rupees in cash with other insignia of honour. 

(2) Wazir Khan, appointed wazlr with a rank of 5000/3000 and 
1 lakh in cash. 

(3) Sayyid MuzafEar Khan Barha Tihanpuri, granted a rank of 
4000/3000 and 1 lakh in cash. 

(4) Dilawar Khan Barij, honoured with a rank of 4000/2500 and 
Rs. 50,000, 

(5) Bahadur Khan Rohilla with 4000/2000 and Rs. 50,000. 
Among the lowlier recipients of honour we may mention Riza 

Bahadur (' Khidmat Parast Khan '), with whom our readers are already 
acquainted. He got increase of manab to 2000/1200 with a cash 
prize of Rs. 20,000 and a jewelled baton ( c ##z), and was appointed Mir 
Tuzuk* 

Altogether 72 lakhs of rupees were disbursed on this day ; 60 lakhs 
in the haram, and 12 lakhs among nobles, sayyids, learned and pious 
men and scholars and poets. And taking note of other expenses 
incidental to such a function, the total extent to which the Imperial 
Treasury was depleted must have approached a crore. 

Among the mansabdars of Jahangir's time, who were present at the 
coronation, a considerable number kept their rank or increased it, 
additional jaglr being sanctioned to the latter class for the increase. 
The list given by the court chroniclers, which only gives recipients 
of a rank of 1000 and more, runs to 22 names. We have space here 
only for the first six -. 

(1) Khan-i-'Alam : 6000/5000. 

(2) QasimKhan Juwaim : 5000/5000 (2000 suwar du aspa sih 
)i with governorship of Bengal. 

(3) Abu'l-Hasan Mashhadi ' Lashkar Khan ' : 5000/4000. 

(4) Raja Jar Singh : 4000/3000. 

(5) Sayyid Dal er Khan Barha: 4000/2500. 

(6) Rao Sur Bhurtia : 4000/2500. 2 



r .,I, i, 116-18 ; A.S.,I t 266-68, * &.N., 1.1,120.; ^.5., I ,' 266-67, 



A HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF SHAH JAHAN 333 



Out of the governors of Provinces during Jahangir's reign only 
four were retained : 

Governor Province 

4 Yamin ud-Daula ' Asaf Khan. Lahore and Multan 
(The administration to be carried on by Amir Khan s/o Qasim 
Khan Namaki on his behalf.) 

Khan Jahan LodL Deccan, Berar and Khandes. 

Ptiqad Khan (younger 

brother of Asaf Khan.) Kashmir. 

Baqir Khan Najm-i-SanL Orissa. 

That only four were retained shows how much Shah Jahan was out 
of love with the administration that preceded him. Of course the treat- 
ment that he had received during his rebellion and Nur Jahan' s intri- 
gues had much to say to the changes in the personnel of the 
government. 1 

The following changes took place in the other provinces on 
Coronation day or immediately afterwards : 



Name of Province. Old Governor. 



Bihar. 
Kabul. 



Agra. 

Bengal. 

Ahmadabad. 

Malwa. 



Allahabad. 



Delhi. 
Tatta. 



Mirza Rustam afavi. 

Khwaja Abu'I-Hasan (his 
son, Zafar Khan, 2 offi- 
ciating for him). 

Qasim Khan Juwaini. 

Fida'i Khan. 

Saif Khan. 

Mir 'Abdu'r-Razzaq 

Ma'murl 



New Governor. 

Khan-i-'Alam. 
Abu'I-Hasan Mashhadl 
' jLashkar Khan *. 



Qasim Khan Juwaini. 

Sher Khan. 

Amamillah (* Khan(a)zad 
4 MuzafIar Khan'. Khan', J Khan Zarnan'), 

s/o Mahabat Khan. 

Jahangir Quli Khan s/o Jansipar Khan Turka- 
Mirza*AzizKoka 'Khan- man. 

i-A'zam J . 

Mukhtar Khan Sabzwari. Qilfj Khan. 
Mirza c lsa Tar^han. Baqi Khan ( ( Sher 

Khwaja'). 3 



I, i, 125 ; A.S., 1, 271-72. 
2 This Zafar Khan is the father of Muhammad Tahir * *Inayat Khan % 
author of Qarniya. 

a &.N., I, i, 125-26 ; A.S., I, 271-72, 



334 JOURNAL OF -INDIAN HISTORY 

The following fanjdars were appointed : 

Faujdur of Sarkar-i-Kanauj Mirza Khan, grandson of 'Abdu'r- 

Ralaim ' Klian-Kbanan '. 
,, ,, Mewat Dllawar Khan. 

Sironj gafdar Khan. 

,,Mian-i-doab Sayyid Bahwa. 
,, ,, Hunger Mumtaz Khan. 

Mandsnr Jan Nisar Khan. 1 

And Khwaja Jahan was appointed Dtw&n of the Ahmadabad 
province. 2 

Now we can turn to the first orders isstied by Shah Jahan after 
assumption of power. These give us an idea of the new era that was 
dawning, and also will help us in forming an opinion about the new 
personality that was to sway the destiny of the Indian peoples for 
thirty years. 

The very first order he issued was that forbidding \fa&-$ajda (laying 
the forehead on the ground) by way of salutation. Since Akbar's 
time this was the form of greeting the Emperor at time of audience or 
of grant of an imperial favour. Shah Jahan ordered abolition of this 
ceremony not only because under the Islamic law God alone is worthy 
of this particular kind of homage, but, as Muhammad vSalih assures 
us, 3 Shah Jahan' s ideas of self-respect were offended by this form of 
self-abasement. 

Mahabat Khan flatteringly protested that this would infringe the 
dignity of the Emperor, between whom and the subjects a distance 
should be kept, and suggested the 'kissing the ground' in place of 
the sajda. The Emperor did not agree to it but adopted a middle 
course and directed that the hands should be placed on the ground 
palm downwards and the back of the hands should be kissed. 4 

The sayyids and dervishes, and learned and pious people were 
exempted even from this, and ordered to use the form As~Sal&mu 
'Alaikum (which is customary between equals) at meeting, and to 
recite the surah Al-F&tifya at parting. 5 



^.SV, 1,272, -' ~*lbid. 3 Ibid., 258. 

4 Later (in the 10th regnal year), even this was considered to resemble the 
s&jda too closely, and a 'fourth bow ' (in addition to the three current since 
Akbar's time) was substituted for it. 

5 B.N. 9 I, i, 111-12 ; A.S., I, 258. 



A HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF SHAH JAHAN 335 

We see how strongly this despotic monarch, even in his maddest 
moments of youth and power, felt about the dignity and the brother- 
hood of man, and how his truly democratic spirit broke through the 
bonds of tradition, atmosphere and established usage. 

The reader is perhaps impatiently expecting to hear of the way in 
which Asaf Khan's ' highly meritorious services ' were rewarded. 

' Khidmat Parast Khan', the bearer of the sanguinary message, 
having seen the executions through at Lahore, rode fleet and fast to 
Agra and was, as we have seen, in time for his share in the Coro- 
nation honours. He reached Agra on the afternoon of Friday, 5 
Jum&da II (== 22 Bahman), and brought a letter from Asaf Khan 
saying that he proposed leaving Khwaja Abu'l-flasan at Lahore for the 
present, and that he, with the three princes, would leave Lahore on 
Thursday, 21 Bakman, and reach Agra on Friday, 14 Isfdnd&rmuz . 

So on the day of the Coronation Asaf Khan was already on the way 
to Agra. Shah Jahan wrote him an autograph letter in which he did 
him the special honour of addressing him as ' uncle ' in fact this is 
how he was henceforth addressed both in conversation and communi- 
cation. The letter overflowed with gratitude for his services and 
admiration for his skill. He approved of Asaf Khan's plans, and as 
the first instalment of imperial favour invested him in absentia with the 
rank of 8000/8000 {Du as pa sih aspa), which constituted an increase of 
1000 personal and horse on his previous rank, which was the maximum 
ever reached in the time of Akbar or Jahangir. Lahiri port was also 
bestowed on him. Further, as a mark of special distinction, the 
Bmperor sent him the dress which he himself had worn at the time of 
enthronement. 1 

Asaf Khan with the Princes Dara Shukoh, Shah Shuja' and 
Aurangzeb, his own wife and all the retinue, reached the. precincts of 
Agra on Wednesday, 1 Rajab, 1037 (= 19 Isfand&rmuz) t and encamped 
outside Bihishtabad or Sikandra. 

Mumtaz uz-Zamam, with Begum ahib and /.other children, came 
forward to receive her parents. The meeting was to take place not at 
Sikandra but on a half-way spot -where tents were ready pitched. The 
two family parties met here with great rejoicing. Towards evening 
the Empress and party returned to Agra. 



., I, 1,114-15., 



336 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

Next day (Thursday) the nobles and dignitaries of the court gave 
a formal reception to the newcomers and ushered them into the 
imperial presence. When the Emperor had taken his seat in the 
Jkaroka of the Hall of Private and Public Audience he was ready to 
receive them. They were presented in the following: order, each 
offering: nazr and nisar mentioned against the name of each : 
Name. Nazr. Nis&r. 

DaraShukoh 1000 muhrs 1000 muhrs 

Shah Shuja' 750 muhrs 750 muhrs 

Aurangzeb 500 muhrs 500 muhrs 

Asaf Khan 1000 muhrs 1000 muhrs (with a tray of jewels). 

These princes, who had been taken from Prince Shah Jahan as 
guarantees for his good and dutiful conduct, were now united to him 
after a long separation under circumstances how changed ! From 
miserable hostages to the first Princes of the bloodand all through 
Yamin ud-Daula's successful policy and tact. We are not surprised at 
the Emperor's effusion. After the usual demonstrations of paternal 
affection had been lavished on the Princes, Asaf Khan was permitted 
to come up into the Jharoka by itself a rare honour. He laid his head 
on the feet of the Emperor, who lifted it with both his hands and 
embraced his faithful servant. The list of the imperial gifts on this 
occasion, which may be considered an excellent specimen of the 
highest imperial favour, consisted of a robe of honour with Ck&rqab 
Murassa 1 , a jewelled dagger with a costly phnlkatara, a jewelled sword 
with a belt (fiardala) set with gems worth 1 lakh of rupees (which was 
a trophy of the victory of Ahrnadnagar, and which Akbar had presented 
to Jahangir, and the latter to Shah Jahan as a reward for the victory 
in the Deccan), a standard, a drum, tum&n tUgJi^ two horses (one an 
arab with a jewelled saddle, the other an '2>a<* with enamelled gold 
saddle), the distinguished elephant < Shah Asan ' with gold trappings, 
and a she-elephant. 

Asaf Khan was appointed Vakil. The Imperial Signet, which had 
so far been in the keeping of the Empress, was at her request entrusted 
to him. On 8 Rajab, however, the Prime Minister's portfolio was 
transferred from Asaf Khan, at his own request, to Iradat Khan, Mir 

1 This yak Vtaii standard consisted generally of three tails attached to a 
cross-bar, which was fixed at the end of a long pole or staff.' Irvine, Army, 
34-35, 



A HISTORY Of THE REIGN OF SHAH JAHAN 337 



&sh?> who was presented with the jewelled pen-case the symbol of 
his high office ; Sadiq Khan being appointed Mzr Bak&sht in his place. 
Later, on the day of the Nauroz festival, when * Yamin ud-Daula ' 
produced 5000 horsemen for the imperial inspection, these were found 
to be so well equipped that, by way of appreciation, an increase of 
1000/1000 (du aspa sih as pa) was ordered ; so that his rank now stood 
at 9000/9000 (du aspa sih aspa). A fine jagzr with an annual revenue 
of 50 lakhs of rupees was assigned him. 

But to resume : Out of the officers that had accompanied Asaf 

Khan to Agra a large number received honours in recognition of the 

services at Lahore. A short selection will answer our purpose : 

Shaista Khan (eldest son of Asaf Khan) : 5000/4000 (original and 

increase). 

Sadiq Khan : 4000/4000. 

Khwaja Baqi Khan (' Sher Khwaja ') : 4000/3500 and governor- 
ship of Tatta in place of Mirza 'Isa Tarkhan. 
Mir Husam ud-Din Anju : 4000/3000. 
And Musavl Khan was appointed Sadr as before. 
Another long list inB.N., (I, i, 182-85) gives the names of mansab- 
d&rs, out in the provinces, who were prompted or confirmed. Only 
the more important will be mentioned as usual : 

Khan Jahan Lodi : 7000/7000 (du aspa sik aspa). 
Khwaja Abu'l-Hasan, Sipahdar Khan, Yaqiit Khan gabashi, and 
Jadun Rai Kay ath : 5000/5000 each. 

I'tiqad Khan, Baqir Khan, Jujhar Singh (s/ o Raja Narsingh Deo 
Bundila), and Udajairam Dakkani : 4000/4000 each. 
Fida'i Khan and Bahlol Miana : 4000/3000. 1 

On 5 Rajab Jansipar Khan Turkaman came from the Deccan and 
got rank 4000/4000 (original and increase) and the governorship of 
Allahabad. And, on the 8th, Rao Ratan Hada with his sons and rela- 
tions came from his home, and was honoured with &mansab of 5000/ 
5000. 

*. B.N.. I, i, 177-86 and 193 ; A.S., I. 275-81 and 2S4. Laurence Binyon (Court 
Painters of the Grand Moguls* pp. 73-74) is of opinion that the fine picture, Plate 
xx, Durbar of Shah Jahan, { probably ' represents this reception of Asaf Khan. 
This is hardly possible for the simple reason "that Khwaja Abti'l-Hasan ('No. 7) 
is in the picture, and we know that he did not arrive from Lahore till 12 Skawwal\ 
ie.> more than three months later. We agree, however, that this picture is of 
* considerable historical value V 



338 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

Technically 8 Jumada II was the Coronation day, when all the 
necessary rites and forms were gone through; but in reality there 
was a succession of durbars or levees from that date to the beginning 
oi.gha'ban. On the 2nd Rajab, as we have seen, came Asaf Khan 
with his train. Ten days later began the festivities of Nauroz (New 
Year's day), which, as usual, lasted nineteen days. We have already 
witnessed Asaf Khan's entry and reception at Agra. 

The historians have vouchsafed us a detailed description of the 
Nauroz celebrations, which we propose to share with our readers, 
since it was the first in this reign. Besides, it furnished Shah Jahan 
with a more leisurely opportunity for display of wealth and taste than 
the hurried coronation had allowed of. 

The sun entered the sign of Aries 9 gharls and 36 daqlqas (*.*., 
nearly four hours) after sunrise on Monday, the 12th Rajab, 1037 A.H.;* 
and elaborate arrangements were made for the festival. The huge 
canopy called dal-badal* which, according" to Muhammad galih, 3 
required 3000 trained men with a quantity of mechanical appliances to 
erect it, and which (with the tent belonging to It), was, in Hawkins' 
words, '.so rich/that I thinke the like cannot bee found in the world,' 4 
had now arrived from Lahore with the imperial camp. And the 
Princes and courtiers had also reached the metropolis, though Khwaja 
Abu'l-Hasan had not yet come. 

The dal-b&dal was erected in the courtyard of the Hall of Private 
and Public Audience. Underneath it stood majestic pavilions, the 
trellis work of which was of pure silver instead of of wood. These 
were draped in brocaded and gold-embroidered velvet. At intervals 
stood small canopies set with gems and trimmed with strings of 
pearls ; and in as many places were deposited jewelled thrones and 
seats of gold. Carpets of many colours and figured patterns covered 
the floor, while the walls and doorways of the great quadrangle were 

1 There is some slight confusion regarding this date. B.N. , and Qarniya give 
the date in text ; A, S. and MulakbMtas say, Monday, the 13th Rajab. According 
to the calendar, 12 Rajab fell on a Saturday and corresponded to 8 March, 1628. 

2 I would rather read it dal-badal than dil-badil, as Irvine does (Irvine, Army 
p. 197). This is supported by Qarniya, in my copy of which the word happens to 
be written clearly thus with diacritical marks. And Platts {Dictionary of Urdu % 
Classical Hindi and English, p. 522) and other lexicographers leave hardly a 
doubt on the point. 

3 ^.5., 1,282, * Purchas, III, 48, 



A HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF SH.AH JAM AN 339 

hung with brocaded velvets, European tapestries, Turkish and Chinese 
cloths of gold, and Gujarat! and Persian brocades. 1 

The Emperor took his seat, and the four Princes were stationed 
at the fottr corners of the throne- At the foot of it stood * Yamin 
nd-Datila ' Asaf Khan, while the other nobles and man$abdar$ occupied 
their proper places. 

The' band in the Music Gallery (Naubal Khana} struck up. The 
people prayed for the Emperor's life and dominion, and the poets 
offered ' incense kindled at the Muse's flame s . 2 

Two little incidents of this Durbar stand out in relief : 

One is worth mentioning as it is illustrative of Shah Jahan's faith 
kept. It appears that Shah Jahan as prince had borrowed from Abii'l 
Ijjasan Mashhadi (' Lashkar Khan '), at time of necessity, 10 lakhs of 
rupees, which he had not yet been in a position to repay. This debt 



, t I, i, 187-88 ; A.S, t I, 282-83. The latter account is clearer and gives 
fuller details, which are corroborated by Qarniya. 

2 William Hawkins' description of the Nauroz festival in Jahangir's time 
he witnessed two : of 1610 and 1611 is full of picturesque detail and is therefore 
not devoid of interest in this connection : 

* This feast [i.e., the Nauroz} continueth eighteene daies, and the wealth, and 
riches are wonderful!, that are to be seene in the decking and setting forth of 
every mans roome, or place where he lodgeth, when it is his ttirae to watch : for 
every Nobleman hath his place appointed him in the Palace. In the middest of 
that spacious place I speake of, there is a rich Tent pitched, but so rich, that I 
thinke the like cannot bee found in the world. This Tent is curiously wrong-fat, 
and hath many Seminans joyning round about it, of most curious wrought Velvet, 
embroidered with Gold, and many of them are of Cloath of Gold and Sliver. 
These Seminans be shaddowes to keepe the Sunne from the compasse of this 
Tent, I may say, it is at the least two Acres of ground, but so richly spread with 
Silke and Gold Carpets, and Hang-ings in the principall places, rich, as rich 
Velvet imbroydered with Gold, Pearle, and precious stones can make It. Within 
it five Chaires of Estate are placed, most rich to behold, where at his pleasure the 
King sittetiu There are likewise private roomes made for his Qtteenes, most 
rich where they sit, and see all, but are not seene. So round about this Tent, the 
compasse of all may bee some five Acres of ground. Every principall Nobleman 
maketh his roome and decketh it, likewise every man according to his ability, 
striveth who may adorne his roome richest. The King where he doth affect, 
comnieth to his Noble- rnens roomes, and is most sumptuously feasted there : and 
at his departure, is presented with the rarest Jewels and toyes that they can find. 
But because he will not receive any thing at that time as a present, he commandeth 
his Treasurer to pay what his praysers valew them to bee worth, which are 
valewed at halfe the price. Every one, and all of his Nobles provide toyes, and 
rare things to give him at this feast : so commonly at this feast every man his 
estate is augmented. Two daies of this feast, the better sort of the Women 
come to take the pleasure thereof : and this feast beginneth at the beginning of 
the Moone of March.* Purchas, III, 48, 
" ' ' ' ' 



340 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

of honour was cleared off on this day. 1 We have seen that this 
gentleman had already received governorship of Kabul, backed tip 
with a high rank, in recognition of his services. 

The second incident is the special honour shown to Khwaja 
<Abdu*r-Rahim Naqshbandi of Juibar, who came as an ambassador 
to Jahangir's court from Imam Quli Khan, ruler of Tiiran, and had 
obtained audience at Lahore before the former's demise. He reached 
Agra soon after the Coronation. 

The Khwaja belonged to the noblest Sayyid family of Tiiran and 
was held in exceptionally high esteem there. He was descended, 
according to B*N. (I, i, 194) by 39, and according to A.S (I, 284) by 
32, degrees from Sayyid 'All 'Ariz s/o Imam Ja'far-i-5adiq. 2 

He had been treated by Jahaiiglr with special respect, being 
allowed to sit near the throne in his presence an honour allowed to 
nobody but the first princes of the blood. 3 The Khwaja was shown 
similar courtesy by Shah Jahan, being permitted to sit by the imperial 
throne behind the Princes. The discriminating historians tell us that 
this degree of consideration was never shown even to the highest 
grandees of this Illustrious empire, nor yet to foreign rulers who 
occasionally came to the Indian emperors in search of asylum. 

He was presented with a khifrat with a ch&rqab worked in gold 
and Rs. 50,000 in cash. 4 On the Khwaja 's intercession 'Abdullah 
Khan Firoz-jang (also a Naqshbandi Khwaja), who was now in prison, 
was pardoned and released. 5 

ghwaja 'Abdu'r-Rahim's episode is of a piece with another which 
follows : Some three months later, Sayyid Mtihamrnad Rizavl, 6 of 



V., I, i, 189. According to A.S* (1, 283) 2 lakhs were paid him on 
the Coronation day, and the balance on this date. 

* For the Naqshbandi sect of saints see A* In, III, 167-68 (A'Zn t B. and J., 
111,358-60). 

3 For fuller details of the interesting reception accorded by Jahanglr to the 
Khwaia see Tiizuk, 416. 

4 The IChwaja died at Agra soon afterwards, the Emperor offering* condolence 
and a k&tt'&t to his son, Siddiq IChwaja. 

5 Later, on 2 Zil } l-Qa'd, this capable officer, who had risen from the ranks, 
and who had now a distinguished career before him, was given rank 5000/5000 
and Rs. 50,000 in cash; and th^'sarkdr of Kanauj was bestowed on him as his 
j&glr. (^JV.,!, i,.204). . 

6 He was descended in the fifth decree from the famous saint, Shah <Alam 
Bukhari, who had migrated from Bukhara to Gujarat, arid who, in turn, claimed 
descent, In the 21st degree, from 'All, the son-in-law of the Prophet, being called 



A HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF SHAH JAHAN 341 

the well-known Sayyid family of Bukhara domiciled at Ahmadabad, 
sent his son, Sayyid Jalal Bnkhari, 1 to offer congratulations to the 
Emperor on his behalf, he himself being unable to attend on account 
of a severe attack of gout. Sayyid Jalal Bukhari was presented on 
the 8th g&l-qa'd, and received Rs. 10,000 and fefriPat. 

These little events, unimportant politically, are highly significant 
as indicating the scale of values by which the Mughals judged person- 
alities. We get here an insight not so much into Shah Jahan's 
character, as into the spirit of the Mughal administration, where piety 
and scholarship stood at such a high premium. 2 

To return to the Nauros : Among the appointments announced 
during the celebrations none was of the first magnitude. 3 

Ri?avl after Imam Riza, a descendant of 'All. Sayyid Muhammad was a man of 
engaging appearance, eloquent and generous, and had a strong common sense. 
He died in 1045 A.M., and was buried under the dome near the western entrance 
of Shah 'Alain's tomb at Ahmadabad (B.N., I, Ii, 328-29). 

1 A man, apparently, of considerable ability and scholarship. Charming in 
manners, he combined an extensive study in literature with a wide knowledge of 
hagiology. His life was one of spotless piety, and occasionally he composed 
verses, * Riza'i ' (after Imam Riza) being his fak&allus or poetic name. The 
somewhat presumptuous chronogram Waris-i-ra$uL (the heir of the Prophet) 
yields 1003 A.H. as the year of his birth. 

He often came to see the Emperor after his father's death. Shah Jahan used 
to say that by virtue of his nobility of descent and character he was fit to be a 
regular member of the imperial court. (S.N., I, ii, 331-32). 

2 The reader remembers the exception Shah Jahan made in favour of this 
class when issuing orders prohibiting the safda. See ante, p. 334, 

3 The minor postings were : 

1. Mukhlis Khan appointed Faujdar of Narwar and neighbour- 

hood. 

2, Raja Bharat Bundlla , ,, ,, the p&rgana of Etawa 

and its dependencies 
(which was part of the 



3. DmdarJCham ,, ,, Mian-i-doab. 

4 Maghul Khan. 

s/o Zain Khan Koka , Qal^ad&r of Kavfi. 

5 Mulla Murshid Shiraz! ,, Minister of the Household, with a 

small rank and the title ' Makramat 
Kfean 1 . 

6. Hakim Jamala of Kashan ,, DZw&n of the Empress's Estate, with 

increase of rank. 

7. Sayyid 'Abdu'l- Wahid, s/o . 

Mustafa Khan Bukhari ,, Faujdar of the sarkar of Hissar. 

8. Muhammad Salih, s/o 

Mlrza Shahi and nephew 

of Ja'far Beg Asaf Kljan ,, ,, Bahraich, 



342 JGURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

But the presents given away in the Haram on this occasion are 
worthy of record, since they cast into the shade even the cash gifts of 
the Coronation day : 

Nawab Mahd-i-*UIia Mumtaz-uz-Zamam got ornaments worth 
Rs. SO lakhs, and Begum Sahib gems and jewels of the value of Rs. 25 
lakhs j 1 while the total value of jewels and jewelled weapons bestowed 
on the Princes and Princesses amounted to Rs. 25 lakhs. 2 

These figures go to show that the lavish presents given away on 
Coronation day had not nearly satisfied Shah Jahan's insatiable instinct 
for generosity. Indeed it looks as if a temperament with exceptional 
ambitions for munificence and the resources of an exceptionally rich 
empire were already trying to give each other points ; and, as we shall 
see, they were running neck and neck at the end of this fairly long 
reign when Shah Jahan's sudden illness and deposition cut off his 
building plans and programmes in mid-career. 

The contemporary historians have estimated the total value of 
* jewels, weapons set with gems, MH'ats, jewelled daggers, jamdhars, 
and swords, horses, elephants, as/irafzs and rupees ', given away from 
Coronation day to the last day of the Nauroz festival (ros-i-sharaf), at 
Rs. '.1,80,00,000. Out of this Rs. 1,60,00,000 was conferred on the 
Empress and children ; and Rs. 20,00,000 went to the others. 3 

Presents accepted from Nawab Mahd-i-'Ulia and Princes and 
Princesses and nobles were worth Rs. 10 lakhs. 4 

A few religious observances are of interest as showing the 
devotional tendencies of Shah Jahan's temperament : 

On the night between the 26th and 27th Rajab the fattatu'l-m&r&j; 
or the night of the Prophet's ascent to heaven Rs. 10,000 was given 



3 A. S. and M. L, assign Rs. 20 lakhs to Begum ^aljib j while J&, N. and 
Qarniya give the figure in the text, which we prefer, as both these latter 
authorities are generally more accurate. 

a Here again A, S. and M. L. give Rs. 5 lakhs as the aggregate, and again 
B. N. and Qarniya agree on the figure in the text. Khafi Khan is probably 
copying uncritically from A. S. throughout. 

3 So . N* and Qarniya. A. S. and M. Z. place the total at Rs. 1,60,00,000, 
out of which 30 lakhs is assigned to the Umar& and Man^abdars, and the balance 
to the members of the imperial family. 

* The complete account of the Nauroz festivities is to be found in B N., I, i, 
186-89, and 191-96 ; and -A. S., I, 282-85. Khafi ihan in his meagre account 
(M. L. t I, 399-400), is apparently confusing the Nauroz with the opening of the 
second regnal year, 



A HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF SHAH JAHAN 343 

away as charity, A similar sum was similarly disbursed on the eve of 
the 15th of S]m i banlailatu y l-barat, popularly known In India as 
fat6-t-&ar&tand illuminations were made on a grand scale. 1 

A fortnight later began the first Ramazan of the reign the month 
of fasting, of general abstinence, and of piety and prayers par 
excellence* The court annalists pass in silent assumption over the 
fact that the Emperor' kept the fasts regularly like a good Mussulman. 
But we know that he did so, and continued to do so, till he had passed 
the 60th lunar year of his life, when (Ramazan, 1060 A.H.) the muftis 
of the realm pronounced a joint fatwa declaring that the Emperor, 
owing to old age, was exempt from the obligation, and could give 
kaff&ra or atonement instead. 3 

At the beginning of this first Ramazan Sayyid Musavi Khan, Sadr, 
received orders to present deserving poor for charity every night 
during the sacred month; and we are told that, besides daily allowances 
and madad-i-ma'&sh, Rs. 30,000 was given away to these In the course 
of the month. 4 

The details are worth recording since these were the standing 
orders, and were duly carried out year after year to the end of the 
reign, as the dates and the months came round. 

The appearance of the new moon which ended the month of 
Ramasan was announced by a joyous beat of drums, and the festival 
of *Idu'l~fitr was celebrated on Sunday, the 1st of ghawwal ( = 15th 
Kh-urd&d). After the usual congratulations, the Emperor went to the 
<Idgah on a dark horse, and offered prayers, money being showered 
over him on the journey out and return. 



1 . 'M, I, i, 196 ; A. S.> 1, 285-86, 

*The sayings of the Prophet translated below will go to Indicate the special 
position of this month in the Muslim calendar, and the high value of fasting and 
doing other good things in It : 

(1) When Ramadan begins the gates of heaven are opened, the gates of hell 
are shut, and the demons are chained. 

(2) He who fasts in Ramagan in faith and in hope of reward shall have his 
previous sins forgiven him. (Al-Bukhari, I, 471-75.) 

Al-Bukharl tells us (ibid.} that the Prophet was never so generous as in the 
month of Ramasan. 

3 B* N,, III, by Muhammad Warig (Punjab University Library MS., f 45b) . 
* B. N., I, I, 200 ; A* S. t I, 288-89. 



m JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

We may fitly close this chapter with the mention of the spring 
festival called *'f*V which fell this year on Monday, the 30th 
Stewd (= 13th n) : On this occasion the Princes and ' Yamin ud- 
Daula ' offered jewelled flasks, and the other nobles, some enamelled 
and some plain ones of gold and silver, led variously with rose-water, 



1 See a picture of a celebration of the M-fi$ki or GM-pashi (sprinkling of 
rose-water] festival in Jahangir's time, in Percy Brown, Mu Paintint under tht 

s, AJ), KSOtoAJ). m (Frontispiece,) 
' A liquor extracted from the flower of the jujube-tree, ' Steingass. 
8 ' The aroma of orange-flowers, 1 Steingass. 



of 

BY 

PANDIT ANAND KOUL 
(President^ Sring-ar Municipality, Retired) 

THERE can be no Indian who has not heard the name of the greatest 
dramatist and the most illustrious poet that India has ever produced, 
namely, Kalidasa. The great poet, Goethe, bestows unqualified 
praise on his works. The richness of creative fancy of this genius, 
his delicacy of sentiment and his keen appreciation of the beauties of 
Nature, combined with remarkable powers of elegant description, 
which are conspicuous throughout his works, rank Kalidasa as the 
prince among the Oriental poets* Kalidasa 5 s fame rests chiefly on 
his dramas but he is also distinguished as an epic and a lyric poet, 
possessing great magic power and spell to entrance. He has written 
three plays Shakuntala, Vikramorvasiya and Mdlavikdgnimitra. 
He has also written two epic poems, entitled Raghwvansha and 
KumdrcLsambhava* His lyrical poems are Meghaduta and Rihisamkdra, 
He carried ornateness to a pitch far beyond any poet's a pitch which 
deserves the epithet of ' exalted excellence '. He occupies a throne 
apart in the ideal and immortal kingdom of supreme creative art, 
poetical charm and dramatic genius. 

It is, by no means, improbable that there were three poets of this 
name; indeed, modern Indian astronomers are so convinced of. the 
existence of a triad of authors of this name that they apply the term 
Kalidasa to designate the number 3. One Kalidasa was with King 
Bhoja of Malva at about the end of tenth century of Christian era, 
about whom it is said, that he had gone to Ceylon to see the king of that 
island named, Kuxnaradasa. This king was a good poet and had sent 
a copy of his own poem Jdnaki Harana as a present to King Bhoja. 
This poetic work had pleased Kalidasa very much and he became 
anxious to make a personal acquaintance with him. He went to 
Ceylon and there he was staying in an old woman's house. King 
Kumaradasa used to pay frequent visits to Matara and when he was 
there he always stayed in a certain beautiful house. During oner 



346 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

of these visits he wrote two lines of unfinished poetry on the wall of 
the room where he had lived. Under it he wrote that the person who 
could finish this piece of poetry satisfactorily would receive a high 
reward from the king. Kalidasa happened to see these lines when he 
came to this house in Matara and he wrote two lines of splendid 
poetry under the unfinished lines of the king. He was In hopes that 
his friend king Kuniaradasa would be well pleased with this and would 
recognize his friend's poetry. But the unfortunate poet had not the 
pleasure of getting either reward or praise from the king, because 
the authorship of this poem was claimed by a woman in the same 
house, who had seen that the poet Kalidasa had written these verses. 
She secretly murdered Kalidasa and claimed the reward, stating that 
the poem was her own. But nobody would believe that the 
woman could have written such poetry which could have only been the 
work of a real poet. The king, when he saw the lines of the poetry, 
said that nobody but his friend, Kalidasa, would be able to understand 
him so well and to complete in such an excellent way the poetry which 
he (the king) had written and he asked where Kalidasa was, so that he 
could hand over to him the promised reward. Nobody knew where 
he was and at last search was made everywhere and, to the great 
sorrow of everybody, his body, which had been hidden, was found. 
One can hardly imagine how sad King Kumaradasa was when he. 
heard that Kalidasa had been murdered, for he had loved him so much 
both as poet and as friend. A very grand funeral pyre was erected 
and the king lit the pyre with his own hands. When he saw the 
body of his dear friend consumed by the flames, he lost his senses 
altogether through his great grief and, to the horror of all the people 
assembled, he threw himself on the funeral pyre and was burnt with 
his friend (see page 147 of Stories from the History of Ceylon by 
Mrs. Marie Musseus-Higgins). 

To return to Kalidasa of our subject. He was appointed 
as a courtier by Vikramaditya and was greatly esteemed by 
him for his eminent merit. He was one of the nine gems of his 
court What a genius he was, may be found from the following 
anecdote : 

King Vikramfiditya once composed a poetic YmeBhrashtasya 
ka(a)nya gatih ? meaning What other end may not a fallen person 
come to ? or, in other ^ords, the vicious wheel of vice revolves. H^ 



SIR TH-PLACE OF KALIDASA 347 

asked Slalidasa to complete this unfinished verse. Next day Kalidasa 
went purposely to a butcher's shop whereby the king had to pass. 
When the king came and saw Kalidasa there, he stopped and held the 
following dialogue with him in poetry, which Kalidasa completed with 
that very line which had been composed by the king himself the 
previous day : 

V. Bhiksho mdmsa-nishewanam prakurushe f 
K. Kim tena madyam m?ia ? 
V. Madyam, chdpi taw a priyam bhcwatah ? 
K. 1/drdngandbMh sah&. 

V. Vesya (a)pyartha-rtichih* kutas tavd dhanam f 
K. Dyutena chauryena vd, 
V. Dyuta-chaurya pardgraho (a)pi bhavatah ? 
K. Bkrasktasya ka(cC)nya gatih f 
V. O mendicant, do you indulge in eating mutton ? 
K. What is the good of it without liquor ? 
V. Do you like liquor too ? 
K. Together with prostitutes. 

V. A prostitute requires to be given money ; wherefrom do you 
get it? 

K. Either by gambling or stealing. 
V. Are you addicted to gambling and stealing too ? 
K. What other end may not a fallen person come to ? 
Pandit Lakshmi Dhar Kalla, M.A., M.O.I,., Shastri, late Government 
of India Research Scholar in Archaeology, Is to be thanked for the 
research he has recently made, fixing the birth-place of Kalidasa the 
sun among the poet-stars of the world in Kashmir. He has given 
a new interpretation to Kalidasa's poetry in the" light of the Pratibhijna 
philosophy of Kashmir. He gives five following proofs from the 
works of Kalidasa that determine the birth-place of the poet In 
Kashmir: 

I. (a) Disproportionately detailed and minute physical and 
natural description of the Himalayas, specially of the northern parts 
of Kashmir, or more definitely, the Sindhu Valley in Kashmir. 

() Feeling shown for, and patriotic references to, Kashmir. 
II. Unconscious and spontaneous references to scenes, sights 
and legends of Kashmir. 

III. Direct allusions to local sites and usages, social customs and 
. . ''6- , '-.' ' ; ! ' ' .' . ' " ' - ' " 



348 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

conventions along with such other miscellaneous matters as are 
preferably known only to the natives of Kashmir, 

IV. The personal religion of Kalidasa was the ' Kashmir 
Saivism' known as the Pratyabhijna School of Philosophy, which has 
its home in Kashmir and which was not known outside Kashmir 
during the days of Kalidasa, till after its popularization by Somananda 
in the ninth century A,D. 

V, 'The argument of Heghaduta points to Kashmir as the home 
of Kalidasa, 

Matrigupta, who was appointed as king of Kashmir by Vikrama- 
ditya, is considered to be Kalidasa by Dr. Bhaudaji (see footnote on 
page 83 of Stein's Translation of the Rtiiatarangini}* Matrigupta was 
no doubt, a poet, but he could not be identified with Kalidasa, because 
the latter was sent to Kashmir as king by Vikramaditya after only six 
months' attendance at his court and he left Kashmir after Vikramaditya 
was dead (see Stein's Translation of the Rdjatarangini, page 95) ; while 
Kalidasa was with Vikramaditya at Ujjain for many years. 

There is a saying current among the Kashmiris Kdliddsas chhuh 
pananivmk wunfcn (i.e., Kalidasa falls into darkness in his own case), 
Proverbs prove facts which are handed down from generation to 
generation. The above saying goes to prove that Kdlidasa was a 
Kashmiri, Evidently it has reference to a certain indiscretion on his 
part in his lifetime which must have brought him into some sort of 
trouble. 



The of the 

CHAPTER III 
ESTIMATE OF BALAJI VISHWANATH'S WORK 

BY 
H. N. SlNHA, M.A. 

Asst. Professor of History, Morris College^ Nagpur, 
Sometime Research Scholar in the History Department of the University 

of Allahabad. 

KARHAD-EOLHAPUR CAMPAIGN (1718-20) 

PREVIOUS to his departure to Delhi, Balaji had to reckon with certain 
miscreants round about Satara. They were aided in their refractory 
proceedings by Shambhuji of Kolhapur. They were the Thorat 
brothers of Aste and Paradullah Khan, a Mughal officer, who would not 
withdraw from Shahu's dominions even after the friendly alliance of 
1718 with Sayyid Husain AIL In September 1718 Shahu started on a 
campaign with Balaji Vishwanath, occupied Karhad and Islampuri, and 
drove out Paradullah Khan. While returning home Balaji fought a 
battle with Shambhuji, whom he defeated at Badgaon. After this defeat 
Shambhuji kept quiet for some time, but as Balaji went to Delhi, 1 he 



1 Extract from the Document 453, vol. iii 

' Shivaji Patil had five sons, the eldest Subhanji Thorat, next to him Krisanaji 
' Thorat, next to him Suryaji Thorat, next to him Firangoji Thorat, and last 
1 Shidoji Thorat. These five brothers grew up to manhood in the life-time of their 
1 parents. Shivaji's right to the naiki of his two villages was not very secure, and 
1 hence his relations created troubles for him. His sons however got together all 
'* the documents to testify their right and took firm possession of the two villages. 

* But the eldest Subhanji became masterful, and drove out all his brothers, who 

* went to different parts of the country and maintaind themselves by their own 
' prowess. A little later Subhanji planned the occupation of Aste, and called 
'together all his brothers for assistance. They succeeded in their endeavours and 
c Aste was occupied. Shidoji Thorat of the five brothers went, and took service 
1 at Miraj. 

' Subhanji died while he was at Aste. Theji Yeswant Rao Thorat (Ms son) 
' who was near him looked after the naiki (duties of a naik) of the village, He 
4 kept Krlshnaji Baba with him. Suryaji Baba went out to discharge the duties of 

* PatiL Firango j i stayed at Borgaon . My father accepted a service under Naro 
1 Pant Ghorpade, who gave him Saranjam of Miraj and assigned Yelabi for bis 



SSO JOURNAL OP INDIAN HISTORY 

again created troubles for Shahu. When In June 1719 * Balaji 
Vishwanath returned triumphant with the imperial farmans, granting 

'residence. He stayed there and maintained himself by taking in his service .SO 
' to 100 foot-soldiers and 30 to 40 horsemen. Yeswant Rao was at Aste. At that 

* time there were Mughal outposts at Karhad and Miraj, and the country in others 

* (their) possession. Later on Yesba (Yeswant Rao) and Shambhuji Maharaj fell 

* out. So he (Yesba) left his service and went over to Chatrapati Shahti of 

* Satara, He also asked my (writer's) father to accompany him, but he (the 
' writer's father) did not approve of it, and so remained in the service of Ghorpade 
' in the dominions of Shambhuji. Thus passed a year. Then Balaji the elder 
' made a treaty with the Sayyid. Therefore he forced the Mughals to leave their 
4 outposts on this side of the Bhima. Paradullah Khan was at Karhad, The 
' king, Shahu, himself attacked him. So he (Paradullah) moved on to Islampur. 
' Shahu took Karhad, and besieged Islampur. Yesba was with the king. My 
1 father was at Yelabi. . . . From Islampur Shahu marched 011 to Khedpanandi. 
' He (Shahu) established his outpost at Yelabi and returned to Satara. Then 
' Shambhuji formed his designs, and started along with Piraji, Sidoji Ghorpade, 
1 Nargunde and others. My father was with him. With a large army he came by 

* slow stages, and besieged Aste. Then carne Yesba and met him. He 
' determined to take the outpost in 15 days. The troops marched in battle array 
'to Shirole. There was Suryaji Thorat, my uncle. He took that outpost, 
' imprisoned him (Suryaji) and went to Badgaon, which he besieged. Yesba 

* who had been kept in confinement escaped from the camp at Shirole and came to 
' Islampur where he met Balaji Vishwanath. He (Balaji) alone was there, all his 
'troops being at Aste. He sent a letter to the Maharaja at Satara, informing him 
' that if Badgaon is taken the Maharaja (Shambhuji) will be soon at Aste. If the 
'king would send help at this time, the kingdom would remain under him, and 
' his self-respect would be preserved. In the meanwhile Shahu despatched the 
' Pratinidhi and ordered Fatten Singh, who was at Tuljapur with a large army, to 
' come. Both effected a junction at Vurli. The day Yesba met the Pratinidhi, the 
' army marched on Badgaon. There was a deadly fight, Shambhuji Maharaj 
'was defeated. The troops plundered and captured some of the Sardars. The 

* meat of the Maharaja was also captured, and he himself fled to Panhala. on 

* the second day the Pratinidhi and ;Fatteh Singh left Yesba at Aste and went to 
1 see the Maharaja at Satara. .. . . Thus passed a year. Yesba went to 
.* Bijapur. Bithoji Chouhan remained at Panhala. The country as far as Satara 

'came under the sway (of Shambhuji). Then returned Balaji from Delhi, and 
,' was deputed to lead an army into the South. Yesba apprised of this came to 
'Aste. In the meanwhile the Rao Pradhan (Balaji) came out to give battle at 
'Aste. When Yesba was informed of this he left some men at the outpost and 
' the same night went away to Panhala with his family. The clay after the army 
1 gathered round Aste, my father left Yelabi, and went to Panhala. My brother 
1 and I were very young. There was no time for escape. . . . When the Pant 
'Pradhan the elder, and the Man tri arrived, some troops seized me and my 
1 mother, brought us from Bhilwadi, and entrusted tis to the charge of Pilaji 
^Jadhav, who put us in prison. Then the army marched on, and besieged 
1 Kolhaphur. One day while the ^ army was marching on Panhala it came into 
' contact with the troops of Yesba. A battle was fought. Yesba got a spear 
'thrust and died of the wound. ... In the meantime the army raised the 
' siege of Kolhapur and retreated. Then my father gathered a large army and 
^ravaged the country as far as Satara. He next laid siege to Aste,' 



THE RISE OF THE PBSHWAS- 351 

sovereign rights to Shahu, Shambhnji and other miscreants were 
silenced. On the other hand Balaji proceeded at once to give effect 
to the provisions of the f armans. He actually stamped out the 
Mughal authority from Poona and wrested Kalyan-Bhundi from 
Ramchandra Mahadeo Chaskar in September 1719. Then he defeated 
and drove .'out Thorat brothers, who acted in conjunction with 
Shambhuji. Balaji 7 s next move, was on Kolhapur, which he besieged 
for four or five months. A battle was fought in the meantime 
at Urunbah on March 20, 1720, In which Shambhuji was again 
defeated. This time he was taught a lesson which he did not forget 
soon. Having thus settled the affairs, Balaji interviewed Shahu at 
Satara and proceeded to Saswad, where, he died on April 2, 
1720. Thus died the founder of the House of Peshwas after a period 
of strenuous work and crowded activities. He had become old and 
his unremitting toil for the good of the country had told on his health. 
He found the country torn with civil war, he left it peaceful and 
prosperous. He had" won Shivaji's Swaraj from the Mughals without 
a battle, and impressed the imperial capital with the prestige of the 
Maratha arms. His great service to Maharastra was that he made up 
its rents, and built it anew. 

REVIEW OF BALAJI'S WORK 

We have sufficiently emphasized the importance of Balaji's work in 
the narrative. But for him the civil war in ' Maharastra would not 
have ended so soon ; but for him Shahu could not have secured his 
position so easily. He was a man with a remarkable tenacity of pur- 
pose. At a time when most of the Maratha chiefs were playing 
a waiting game, and loyalty was a rare commodity, Balaji Vishwanath 
evinced virtues, that at once won the confidence of Shahu and the 
respect of the people. He came to Shahu' s help when the latter was 
in sore need for it. Besides this, his work could be broadly ^divided 
under three heads : (i) Formation of the Maratha Confederacy ; 
(ii) Reorganization of the Finances and (iii) Inception of an imperial 
policy. 

(i) FORMATION OF THE MARATHA CONFEDERACY 

The gradual formation of the Maratha confederacy is a unique fact 
In Maratha history, and yet it does not come to the serious student as a 
surprise. Its root lay in the circumstances then prevailing in 



332 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

Maharastra. The quarter of a century's warfare of Aurangzib bore two 
deadly fruits ; one was the complete destruction of the nascent Maratha 
state, reared up by Shivaji ; the other the disintegration of the Mughal 
Empire. The former gave rise to a very noxious system of jagirs, 
which can be conveniently called Feudatory system ; the latter to the 
acquisition of the right of the Chauth and Sardeshmtikhi over the six 
subahs of the Deccan. The cumulative effect of these two facts 
transformed the nature of the Maratha state, and laid the foundation 
of the Maratha confederacy. 

Shivaji created the Astapradhans, and paid them in cash salaries. 
The watchwords of his Government were : No jagirs, no hereditary 
office. The reign of Shambhuji was not a radical departure from the 
system of government founded by Shivaji. But a perceptible change 
came over the state during the regime of Raja Ram. It has been 
already pointed out in the introduction how Raja Ram pursued a policy 
of systematic spoliation of the Mughal territories. To effect this 
successfully he assigned different parts of the Deccan to his com- 
manders, or to those who professed obedience to him. This was 
again the time when all semblance of Maratha government had dis- 
appeared. The Maratha commanders, thus commissioned by their 
chief, and burning m resentment against the Mughals swarmed the 
country and harassed the Mughals in every possible way. Their king 
Ram Rajah distributed different parts of the country amongst them, 
and allowed them to establish their headquarters and afterwards their 
sway there. * With large armies they invaded the subahs of the 
1 Dekhin, Ahmadabad and Malwa for the purpose of collecting the 
' Chauth, and plundered and ravaged wherever they went.' 1 

1 Whenever the emperor appointed a Jagirdar, the Marathas 
' appointed another to the same district, and both collected as they 
' found opportunity ; so that in fact every place had two masters/ 2 

Out of their revenues, they paid a share to their chief. Upon them 
depended Raja Ram, then shut up in the fortress of Jinji. The 
Maratha sardars acted on their own intiative, and worked to establish 
their sway by their own strength ; except for obtaining a sanction from 
the king, they had nothing to do with him. They considered the 
different parts of the country, as their jagir, won and maintained 

1 Khafi Khan, Elliot, vol. vii, p. 464, * Scott's Deccan, vol. ii, p. 108. 



THE RISE OF THE PESHWAS 353 

entirely by themselves. In fact the jagir system that grew up amidst 
these surroundings was worse than the common one. There was 
some difference between the jagirs assigned by Raja Ram, and those 
bestowed upon the nobles or servants by potentates in ordinary 
circumstances. Here the credit of conquering the lands assigned 
went to the jagirdars. The king did not bestow on them a consoli- 
dated estate, or a land that actually belonged to him. Every bit of 
their so-called jagir had to be conquered from, and retained against 
the Mughals. Thus, from the very start the jagirdars were not 
actuated by a sense of obedience or service, but by a strong feeling of 
self-interest. Because they owed no obligation to their king for their 
possession of a jagir, except perhaps a formal grant, they took a 
legitimate pride in holding them (jagirs) independent of all authorities. 
That is why we witness a host of jagirdars, only tendering a lip 
homage to Tar a Bai ; that is why the Sawants of Wadi, Kanhoji 
Angrey, Damaji Thorat, Udaji Chauhan, Krishna Rao Khataokar, and 
many more Maratha chiefs paid no heed to the authority of Tar a Bai 
or Shahu unless they were either coerced or cajoled by them. When 
Shahu returned to Maharastra, and was righting for his own cause, the 
adherence of Parsoji Bhonsle of Khandesh, Mohan Singh of Bijagad, 
Ambu Pande of Sultanpur, Sujan Singh of Lambkani and many other 
zamiridars, was a deciding factor in the struggle. These jagirdars, 
supported him with the ultimate motive of being left unmolested in 
their possessions. When Shahu actually emerged victorious he favoured 
not only his partizans, but those who had rendered any service during 
the war of succession. Afterwards, when he was firmly seated on the 
throne he granted fresh jagirs to those who deserved them by the merit 
of their services, and confirmed in their possessions those, who tendered 
their submission. His guiding principle in state-matters being 
1 Don't destroy anything old nor create anything new ' he allowed things 
to remain as they are. Balaji Vishwanath agreed entirely with Shahu 
at least in so far as the distribution of jagirs was concerned. He had 
found out that to resume ShivajFs system was well nigh impossible, 
for Maharastra was then within the grips of a civil war, disaffection of 
the local chiefs and hostility of a foreign foe. To make the best of a 
bad situation he won over the powerful chiefs by granting them new 
jagirs or titles. His home policy was two-fold pacification of the 
country and conciliation of the nobles. He accomplished both by 



354 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

assigning large jagirs. It has been already noticed how he managed 
Kanhoji Angrey by this means. At the time of his appointment to 
the office of Peshwa many a Maratha officer and chief received jagirs. 
Whenever an officer like Dabhade rendered some meritorious service 
to the state, as in 1717, he was awarded a rich jagir. We can form an 
idea about the extent of jagirs from the following data 1 : 

1. Balaji Vishwanath Bhatt, the Peshwa. 

In 1710-11, when as Senakarte, he was directed to raise an army he 
was given a saranjam worth 2,510,200. As Peshwa he further got 
sixteen mahals and two forts as saranjam. Besides, he drew a salary 
of 13,000 hons a year. 2 

2. The Pratinidhi, Parshtaram Trimbak, had sixteen mahals and 
thirty-five forts under him in 1715-16, besides his salary of I5,QQQfa>ns 
a year. 

3. The Sachiv Naro Shankar had one mahal as saranjam, one 
fort and one watan for sahotra, besides an annual salary of 10,000 
hons. 

4. The Mantri had a saranjam and a salary of 10,000 hons a 
year. 

5. Kanhoji Angrey had sixteen mahals and ten forts. 3 

These are only a few of the bigger feudatories, whose possesions 
have been described in Shahu's diaries. Besides these, there were a 
host of others, like the Sawant of Wadi, Fateh Singh Bhonsle of 
Akalkot, Angrey of the Konkan, and we do not know definitely the 
extent of their jagirs or states. At any rate the fact should not be 
forgotten that Shahu's feudatories possessed more resources than their 
due, and more power than what would square with Shahu's interests. . 
Since the latter was weak, and depended upon them for his position, 
they always appeared more stiff-necked than they otherwise should 
have been. Of them Balaji Vishwannth was the worst defaulter, for 
he had not only huge jagirs, but nearly all the powef of the state. He 
did not raise a finger to abolish the jagir system. On the contrary he 
advised Shahu to resume it, since he represented, the times were not 
suitable for the abolition of the system. And, further, it should not 
be forgotten that Balaji Vishwanath's intention in forming the 
feudatory system was not altogether unselfish. He was actuated to 

1 Selections from the Satara Rajas' andPeshwas* Diaries, vol. i, pp. 42 and 45. 
*., p, 54. Rajwade, vol. ii, p. 25, foot-note. 



TEE RISE OF THE PESHWAS . 355 

establish this system by a personal interest, and that was to increase 
the power and strength of his house. In other words he wanted to 
' make the office of Peshwa hereditary in his house ; for feudatory 
system or .hereditary jagir system is based upon hereditary office and 
vice versa. 'The one is inseparable from the other. Thus it is that he 
not only created a feudatory system but also hereditary offices. 

To this was added the right of collecting the Chauth and Sardesh- 
mukhi from the six subahs of the Deccan. We have seen how the 
treaty containing these rights was actually ratified in 1719. But before 
this, and indeed long before the conclusion of the treaty in 1718 with 
Sayyid Husain All, the Marathas had claimed the contribution on 
these two heads and had succeeded in making good their claim to an 
appreciable extent. Shivaji claimed to be the hereditary Sardesh- 
' mukh of his country and had put forth his claim early in his career.' 
One-tenth of the Mughal revenue he claimed on this head. Chauth 
was * a military contribution levied by a power without being in 
' formal occupation of the country * and amounted to one-fourth of the 
royal revenues. 1 Shivaji was first to take steps in this direction. As 
far back as 1668 Bijapur and Golconda had agreed to pay an annual 
subsidy of three and five lakhs respectively to him in lieu of 
Chauth and Sardeshmukhi. In 1671, he imposed these taxes on the 
Mughal territories. Towards the end of Aurangzib's Deccan campaign, 
his own officers made secret arrangements with the roving bands of 
the Marathas, to pay the blackmail. A few years after the arrival of 
Shahu, Daud Khan Punni made regular payments of the Chauth and 
Sardeshmukhi, whichihis (Daud Khan's) officers used to collect ; but by 
1713 it was interrupted on account of the hostile proceedings of 
Nizam-ul-Mulk. It was not till the treaty of 1718, which was ratified 
in 1719 that they won recognition for the right of collecting the 
Chauth and Sardeshmukhi from all the Mughal territories of the 
Deccan except the Svarajya, which comprised Poona, Baramati, 
Indapur, Wai, Mawal, Satara, Kasrabad (Karhad), Khatao, Man, Faltan, 
Malkapur, Tarla, Panhala, Ajra, Junnar, Kolhapur, Kopal, Gadag, 
Halyal and other districts to the north of the Tungabhadra, all the 
forts conquered by Shivaji, and the Korean. 3 In short the Maratha 
king was to realize the Chauth and Sardeshmukhi from the six 

* Sen's Administrative System of the Marafbas, pp. 
Rajwade, vol. viii, Doc. 78, pp. 102-8. 

." / 7 -.' " . .." .. . "' ; ; ; ' . 



JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

.'ughal subahs of the Deccan, viz., Khandesh, Berar, Bijapur, Bedar, 
.'aiderabad and the Karnatic including Tanjore and Trichinopoly. But 
le Marathas did not stop short at this official recognition of their right, 
anboldened by the reverses of Aurangzib and the deplorable state of 
le Empire after him they had levied contribution on some parts of 
rtijrat and Gondwana. On the return of Balaji Vishwanath from 
)elhi, the question that confronted him was how to arrange for the 
ealization of these taxes from widely stretched territories. Further, 
he right of collecting Chauth and Sardeshmukhi was conditional on 
he responsibility of maintaining peace and order in those territories, 
lence the problem was not an easy one, and Balaji Vishwanath's 
)erplexities increased when he discovered that the system of Govern- 
nent reared up by Shivaji had absolutely disappeared. And, even 
lere, the precedent created by Shivaji came to his rescue. He used 
co let loose his regiments on the alien territories where they used to 
live for eight months in the year and realized the Chauth to boot. 
Following his example, Balaji Vishwanath apportioned the different 
parts of the Deccan excluding the Svarajya to the various jagirdars or 
feudatories, the ministers of the Council or his own friends. The 
Peshwa himself undertook to realize the blackmail from Khandesh 
and parts of the Balaghat ; assigned Balgan and Gujrat to the 
Senapati, portions of Gondwana, the Painghat and Berar to Senasaheb 
Subah Kanhoji Bhonsle, Gangathadi and Aurangabad to the Sarlash- 
kar, the Karnatic to Fatteh Singh Bhonsle, Haiderabad, Bedar and the 
countries between the Nira and Warna to the Pratinidhi. 1 These 
officials were authorized to realize the Chauth and Sardeshmukhi, 
retain a fixed part for the up-keep of this government and send the 
rest to ithe royal treasury. In territories assigned to them they were 
practically independent. Except for the regular payment, they knew 
of no other condition of subordination. By force they realized the 
blackmail, appropriated to themselves a major portion of it, and took 
no account of the condition of the people from whom they extorted 
the money or of the chief for whom they extorted it. Balaji Vishwa. 
nathhad arranged for the realization of the Chauth and Sardeshmukhi, 
but not for the maintenance of peace and order in the country. The 
feudatories fattened at the expense of the people, and the frequent 



RISE OF THE PE&HWAS 357 

occurrence of wars, almost nullified the only condition of their 
subordination to the king, viz., payment of regular tribute. They 
maintained big establishments, and besides possessed Watan 
lands in Svarajya which were their former jagirs with regard to the 
newly acquired countries and the Peshwa let them have their own way. 
These feudaotries already so defiant in their Watan or jagir in 
Svarajya, now assumed a semi-independent attitude. The state thus 
formed and worked by Balaji Vishwanath was called the Maratha 
Confederacy. The only difference in later ages was its much wider 
extent, and much wider powers, wielded by its various members. 

(ii) REORGANIZATION OF THE FINANCES 

A necessary concomitant to this arrangement, was the rehabilitation 
of the finances. After the division of the country arose the question of 
the division of the revenues between the king and the feudatories. As 
has been noticed above they had been given unlimited powers with 
regard to the collection of the taxes and maintenance of their 
authorities in the country allotted to them, because they were the men 
on the spot, and were the best judges of the conditions obtaining there. 
But they were required to remit annual dues to the royal treasury. 
These annual dues were a composite payment on what they realized 
from the Mughal subahs and from the Svarajya jagirs or Watans. 
Prom the Mughal subahs they realized the Chauth and Sardeshmukhi 
of which the latter was a special privilege of the House of the Bhonsle 
i.e. of Shivaji. Therefore the Sardeshmukhi collection went direct to 
the king, Shahu. There remained the Chauth over the six subahs of the 
Mughals and the revenue realized from the Svarajya. Let it be borne 
clearly in mind that a good many watandars or the jagir-holders in the 
Svarajya, were the feudatories in the Mughal subahs. Hence out of 
what they collected from the Svarajya and the Mughal subahs, they 
had to pay twenty -five per cent, on the whole, to the king for the 
maintenance of his dignity and office. Of the rest, i.e. seventy-five per 
cent, which was called' Mokasa, the king assigned six per cent called 
Sahotra and three per cent called Nadgauda to whomsoever he pleased. 
The remainder sixty-six per cent of the total collection fell to the share 
of the feudatories who were to maintain their dignity and office 
thereby. But, as has been hinted above, such a system was liable to 
the utmost corruption, and it did become irrevocable with the lapse of 



358 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

time. Indeed, corruption was inherent in such a system. Right 
divorced from responsibility degenerated into excesses in all cases. 
When Balaji Vishwanath adopted measures to make good his right to 
the collection of the Chauth and Sardeshmukhi, he did nothing for the 
maintenance of peace and order. He shirked this onerous duty only 
to give free license to the rapacity of his feudatories. In fact, to 
shoulder the responsibility would have been the most efficient check to 
the dangerous development of the Maratha confederacy. Like the East 
India Company between 1765-1772 in Bengal, Balaji never realized the 
delicacy of the task. Like the former, in 1769, he simply put some 
artificial brakes to the ambitions of the feudatories by controlling their 
revenue collection. His method of control was to create wheels within 
wheels and to make the revenue collection much complicated but the 
inherent defect of the system was not remedied. His method was like 
the Mughal system of creating co-ordinate authorities in the provinces, 
so that they may act as a check on each other. According to Balaji' s 
system the revenue officials of the king appointed those of the Peshwa 
or Ashtapradhan, and the revenue officials of Ashtapradhan appointed 
those of the feudatories. The chief officials were the Chitnis, in charge 
of all correspondence, the Fadnis, the controller of accounts, and 
Potnis, the head of the treasury. These were posted to different 
parts of the country, to work under different sardars, but officially they 
were not subordinate to the latter. In fact they were not under the 
direct control of the king or Peshwa. Balaji thought that the system 
would work well, and at least theoretically it appeared efficient. But 
the faults of imitation were soon to make themselves felt. Indeed they 
were apparent on the face of it. The Mughal system worked admirably 
well because the Mughal government was a centralized and absolute 
monarchy. The Diwan and the Subehdar were co-ordinate authorities, 
and each was a check on the other because each was a mere servant of 
the magnificent autocrat, the Mughal Emperor. If the Diwan was the 
head of the provincial finances, he was so during the pleasure of the 
king, and similarly the Subehdar. But the Maratha government was 
exactly the opposite of the Mughal government. It was not a 
centralized monarchy, it was a -decentralized confederacy. Unlike the 
Mughal Subehdars, Shahu's" feudatories were not his humblest 
servants, but his friends and supporters. They weilded enormous 
power and possessed great military strength. Further the Mughal 



THE RISE OF THE PESHWAS 359 

revenue administration was a part of an orgf anic system, and it worked 
in well-settled and well-organized countries. The Maratha revenue 
administration, on the contrary, was purely a feeding channel, like the 
arms of an octopus ever ready to suck its supplies from alien countries. 
Where the finances depended on the military power and the military 
power was wielded in its entirety by the sardars or feudatories, there 
the latter cannot be controlled by means of a few revenue officials. 
There can be no co-ordination between these feudatories and the 
revenue officials. The latter had to serve as subordinates. Not even 
the king: was powerful enough against these sardars. Balaji meant to 
remedy this defect by maintaining a strong army and punishing the 
sardars when they proved refractory. But he did not live long, and 
even if he had lived long, the system would not have been very 
successful. We know Baji Rao did the same ; he defeated and killed 
Dabhade at the battle of Dabhai. It did not secure the desired effect. 
It gave rise to a deep resentment among sardars like Bhonsle, who 
considered the Peshwa as one of themselves. To tighten their hold on 
the feudatories, the later Peshwas, i.e. Baji Rao and others arrogated 
to themselves the office of Senapati, but even this did not solve the 
troubles. It only multiplied their difficulties and worsened the 
condition of the confederacy. 

Further Balaji Vishwanath invented a novel method of maintaining 
the royal establishment. It has been already noticed that his scheme 
of revenue administration did not put into the royal treasury the whole 
of the net collection, but only a fraction of it. Sixty-six per cent of the 
collection never came to the royal treasury, it was appropriated by the 
feudatories ; nine per cent went to the persons in high favour with the 
king ; the rest twenty -five per cent only was his portion. This is a 
very mischievous system of revenue administration j for the annual 
revenues were disbursed without their ever coming into the treasury 
and without the king's ever knowing the net income of the state. 
Neither he nor the Peshwa could have any real control over it. But 
what is more significant, the king lived as a pensioner of the feuda- 
tories, expecting only his twenty-five per cent besides the Sardeshmukhi 
income. Military power had passed away from his hands, and by this 
arrangement he was made dependent on the big sardars for the main- 
tenance of his office. Balaji did not realize the gravity of this mistake 
and he further weakened the position of the king by making it a rule 



360 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

that the different establishments of the royal house should be "main- 
tained by different sardars. The Ashtapradhans and the sardars like 
Bhonsle and Angrey were called upon to maintain the royal esta- 
blishments by monthly payments. The Sachiv had to pay for the up- 
keep of the royal stables, the Pratinidhi had to pay for that of the royal 
stores and the Peshwa, for that of the royal palaces. 1 The officer ap- 
pointed to see whether every feudatory was sending his contribution 
every month regularly or not, was called the Rajajnya. This arrange- 
ment rendered the king not only a pensioner but a protege of the 
feudatories in all but name. The discredit of having thus undermined 
the strength of the central authority goes to Balaji Vishwanath. 

(iii) INCEPTION OF THE IMPERIAL POLICY 

Much circumstance has been made out of the Hindzi padpadshi 
as instituted by Shivaji s and resumed by the Peshwas with greater 
vigour. It simply means Hindu sovereignty and connoted to the Mara- 
thas of the eighteenth century, Hindu Imperialism. It was not Hindu 
in the fullest sense of the word, for the Marathas alienated the rest of 
Hindu India by their predatory habits. It was not an imperialism, 
for the basic principles of the expansion of the Maratha power lay in 
the Maratha confederacy. It remained a loose confederacy of the 
Maratha powers in the" initial as well as in the final stage of its deve- 
lopment. On what basis it was founded has already been outlined. 
Now we have to examine whether it contained at the start seeds of an 
empire. That is why I have called it the inception of an imperial 
policy. 

Building an empire is along and tedious process. It first of all 
requires perfect adjustment of a number of interests and internal 
peace. The second requisite is the continuous creation of spheres of 
influence. We have seen how Balaji Vishwanath tried to fulfil the 
first requirement in his own way. He tried to knit the Maratha chiefs 
quarrelling and ravaging, into a system of interdependence and that 
was the Maratha confederacy. Thus he secured peace in the country, 
and avoided the clash between the interests of the king and the power- 
ful Maratha chiefs. For this the credit goes entirely to Balaji. His 
next concern was to secure a sphere of influence. That was achieved 

%:ft: SIT: ^; p. 66. 



THE RISE OF THE PESHWAS 361 

by the treaty of 1718-19, which granted the Marathas their Svarajya, 
and the. right of collection of the Chauth and Sardeshmukhi. Within 
Svarajya they exercised sovereign rights, and they realized the 
Chauth and Sardeshmukhi from the six subahs of the Deccan on the 
condition of preserving peace and order. The collection of the black- 
mail defined their sphere of influence, and tightened their grip on the 
country subjected to the payment of the taxes. Thus the Emperor 
by granting these rights resigned to them a part of sovereign rights, 
i.e. preservation of peace and order. Vast territories round about the 
Svarajya paid tribute to the Marathas, and were considered as half- 
subjugated by them. Thus was created a sphere of influence ' which . 
went on increasing with every Peshwa and with the decay of the 
Mughal Empire. The British made similar beginnings in Bengal But 
unlike the British the Marathas never evinced a willingness to shoulder 
the responsibilities resting on them. They extorted every pie of their 
due, but did not do anything for peace and justice. Hence, instead of 
the government getting strong with more income, it became corrupt 
and weak. The foundation for an empire, a stable -form of govern- 
ment, was never laid in the proper way. Balaji remained content with 
the sphere of influence now secured by the sanction of the Emperor. 
Shivaji had originated it and had striven to secure it. Balaji cannot 
be credited with the originality no doubt, but his certainly is the credit 
to have secured for the Marathas, what Shivaji had fought for. But 
how far he was aware of its defects, or corruption creeping into the 
system, is extremely doubtful. True it is that he was not spared 
long to find out the defects of the system. He returned from Delhi by 
the middle of 1719, and in April 1720 he died. Thus he had only a 
few months to experiment on affairs, and when he had rushed through 
his experiment, for it was a very quick arrangement that he made, 
with regard to the collection of the Chauth aud Sardeshmukhi, he died 
suddenly. Great as he was in many ways, we can only cherish a fond 
hope about him that he would have devised remedies for the defects, 
had he lived long enough to experience them. In his life-time they 
did not occur. 

Let me make one point clear at the closing. Balaji Vishwanath 
had no other plans of founding an' 1 empire than creating a sphere of 
influence _ for the Marathas. He had certainly no scheme for the 
$stablishrnent of an empire on the ruins of the Mughal Empire, by 



362 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

means of conquest. His resources were not adequate to the task, 
and if he had indulged in that hopeless scheme, so early as 1719, we 
would have denied him any credit whatsoever as a statesman. But ' 
he never indulged in such a silly scheme as early as that, and it is a 
pity, that most of the patriotic historians attribute this to him. He 
might have considered that Mughal Empire was bound to fall irtfo 
pieces in the near future, but this conviction did not blur his 
discretion. He worked quietly with humble beginnings, and left 
more ambitious schemes to be worked out by his posterity. 

BALAJI VISHWANATM'S FAMILY 

On his death his office was given to his son Baji Rao, then a youth 
of twenty-two. Balaji Vishwanath had two sons and two daughters. The 
old Peshwa had got them all married in their childhood, according to 
the prevailing custom of the country. Baji Rao, born about 1698, was 
married to Kashi Bai, the daughter of Mahadji Krishna Joshi, the 
banker to the Peshwa in 1710-11. Along with Baji Rao, he married 
his elder of the two daughters, Bhiu Bai to Abaji Joshi, the brother of 
Babuji Naik Baramatikar. Chimnaji Appa was married in 1716 to 
Rakhma Bai, the sister of Trimbak Rao Pethe, and the last of his 
children Anu Bai was married in 1719 to Vyankat Rao Joshi Ghorpade, 
the ancestors of the chiefs of Ichalkaranji. Balaji Vishwanath's wife 
Radha Bai was a very clever and accomplished lady of the house of 
the Barwes of Newarya. She was the head of the household, and 
wielded a great influence in society. She was of liberal views and 
affectionate in her dealings. Family legends have it, that once a 
mahar woman of loose morals was discovered in the house of Govind 
Had Patwardhan of Poona. It created a good deal of sensation in the 
society, and the Patwardhans were segregated. But notwithstanding, 
Radha Bai took up their cause, of her own initiative invited all the 
Brahmans, got the expiation ceremony performed by them, and 
restored the Patwardhans to. their former status. She died in 1753. 






P. T. SRINIVASA IYENGAR, M.A. 

{Reader in Indian History^ Madras University,} 

Concluded from page 271 of Volume VIL, Part II. 

MEANS OF TRANSPORT 

Walking was the only means of transport In nomad times. Modern 
anthropological opinion is coming round to the view that the Stone 
Age man was a great wanderer from the earliest times and that there 
was much intercourse between Asia and Africa on the one hand, and 
Europe and even America on the other, if not as much as there is in 
these days of the steam engine. The primitive nomad, hide-clad or 
skyclad, shouldered his tools and walked from country to country and 
spread the different stages of palaeolithic culture all over the world. 
The motive for this travel was perhaps quest for food and the necessi- 
ty for avoiding climatic rigour; or perhaps it was merely due to wander- 
lust and to the non-development of house building and of the habit of 
storing wealth, and living in one place to guard it from enemies. 
With the building of permanent habitations and the development of a 
love of luxury man began to make vehicles. The earliest kind of 
vehicle was the cart, vandil* also called urdi* olugai s ,sagadu Q , SaduS 
vaiyam* Vandil now shortened into vandi literally means the bent 
place, from root of val to bend, whence vafai* to surround, to besiege, 



Quir&sp /3 

ii> 112-117. 



Pnmm. 80. 



364 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

to tie, and as a noun, a hole, also bangles, from their circular shape, a 
discus, a conch, vafaiyam 1 a tank, a hoop, -vattil*, a basket, a tray, a cup, 
vattam 3 , a circle, a bull roarer, a shield, a tank, all named- from the 
shape, vatta%ai* t a circle, a cymbal, vattu* , a spheroidal pawn used in' 
gambling', vanangu, to bow, to adore, va^ar* , an arched roof 9 va%du,* 
a beetle that wheels round and round, vali Q > whirlwind, vallum*'* y a 
round eating- tray, valli 1 ^, a bracelet. From early times the people 
were familiar with a cart and named its various parts. Achchu, 
the axle tree, aiii** (a word found also in the Rig Veda), iruSu*-* 
kandu^*, axle pin, -urulai**, undai*- 7 1 kaF- 9 , wheel, <r i9 , spokes 
fudu' 20 , tyre, kuradu 2 -'* hub, etc. All parts of the cart were heavily 
carved. 22 The 'carts were used more for purposes of trade than 
for travel. Kings and noblemen used a tSr, car, as already described. 
The main streets of a city and the roads intended for travel by royal 
cars were broad. The cars were dragged by bulls, elephants, and 
in later times by horses. King's and noblemen also travelled in 
palanquins, pallakku* 3 , anigam** y tandig-ai** ; those with gems 
embedded on them were called kanjigai**. Transport on water was by 
means of boats of several kinds and made in several ways, kappal^ , 
ogam**, ambi**> tff&i 30 , teppam 3 *-, parifal**, padagu**, kalam** t 
ndubam 35 , kvlam 3 6 , tollam 3 7 , paga&u 3 & , paduvai 3 9 , patti* , puruvai* 1 , 
fiunaz* 2 , midavai* 3 , vallam**, ttmil* 3 . It needs scarcely be added 
that the heads of boats were carved in the shape of the face of 
lions, elephants, horses, etc., and they were called in later times 
arimugavambi* G , karimnga'vanibi^' 3 ' , k^ld^ra^mugavam,b^^ respectively. 
Boats were made in several ways ; thus teppam was a float made of 
logs bound together, timil, a catamaran for fishing, tmii, a wicker 
work construction covered with hide, valatn^ a dugout, patfagUy kappal^ 
sailing boats and fftfam, one rowed with oars. Sailing boats were 
furnished with kHmbu** ', mast and p&y 50 , idai*" 1 , sails. 

Many words were used to indicate a ship: ambz^ sz 
kalam** fada, 55 &wgu** timil^ 7 tottai, 5 tityi,** navvu^* 
p&daif* p&radi* 3 , p&ru** t punai* 3 , pudam & , madalai* 7 , 
pofi QQ - The Tamils ought to have been very familiar with boats and 
ships and to have constantly used them for purposes of transport by 
water, before they were prompted to invent nearly twenty names for 
it. The eastern and western coast lines were in olden days dotted with 
numerous ports, many of which have become useless on account of 
the retreat of the sea and almost all of which have become deserted 
by the modern developments of commercial intercourse by sea. 

1 3sraju. 2 ;tl. 9 .u. 3 wtLt_<a. */^i~2OTT. *<Mtl<a. e /wrb@, v *wrarr. 8 /fisbr. 9 <a/fi. 



uQ/r4& C st rrsr <gy p H. 
tuuSl&imitrtCi (So-iS 

Sirut8&&rruPa<fw> 252-253, 

The wheel whose tyre went rotind felloes inserted in a hnfo on which figures 
were carved with a sharp chisel 



PRE-ARYAN TAMIL CULTURE -365' 

FOOD 

Before ^ discussing the food habits of the ancient Tamils it 
may be pointed out that Indians, throughout the ages, have been 
mainly vegetarians. Not that they did not love the taste of meat ; 
on the contrary when they got it they ate it with great delight. 3 
Nor did they throw to the dogs the game they hunted, without 
consuming it themselves. But Indians never made the flesh of 
animals their staple food like the people of Western Europe. The 
latter living in countries where cereals cannot be produced in abundance, 
have been forced by their environment to adopt meat as their chief 
article of food and add to their dietary a minimum quantity of vegetable 
substance, because meat by itself is not a perfect food and because 
they cannot resist nature's urge to consume vegetable products 
charged with the chlorides, and iodides, the sulphates and phosphates 
and other salts necessary for the healthy life of a body. To use Indian 
phraseology, meat is their food and vegetable their curry ; that is 
they eat meat to sustain their bodies and cereals and other vegetarian 
food to add relish to their meat. In India the position is reversed. 
Rice, wheat, the millets and the pulses are our food, and meat (and 
green-vegetables) our curry ; that is we eat rice or wheat or 
millet and the seeds of legumes to rebuilid tissue lost by combustion s 
and meat and green vegetables turned into curry to add relish to 
the cereals which are mostly insipid in themselves and unfitted 
to stimulate to activity the glands which secrete saliva and other juices 
necessary for dissolving and digesting starches and proteids. In other 
words meat is food to Europeans and but curry to Indians. In this 
connection I may point out that curry, kctfi* , is the name in Tamil not 
only of curried meat or vegetable and of sauce in general, but also 

1 A bard thus describes how he gobbled meat when he was plied with it by 
a royal patron : 

&rrj<u &$>$** gagmen ajth L{(yAle6r 
unrest r CD/ uQxssr 



mn-tuQeuiu Q&tr>f$ 
tu ceo ai ILI stoat Gpufl(5w QiosoftGesr tffeomiiu 

Porunararruppadai, 103-107. 

* He urged me many times to eat the stout, well boiled loin of a ram fed with 
bundles of arugu grass (Agrostis Linearis]. I ate big lumps of fat flesh, roasted 
at the end of iron spikes, and, as they were hot, shifted them from the right side of 
the mouth to the left to cool them. I then said we did not require any more boiled 
or roasted meat,' And again 

Q-sr/rsuEsu iL/QpQjsiTQp Q&uu&aCi L/&Ceu 
Qfluew&uo/ Li9r/ gpesr^sarj? toQpmSl 
tyu$B-Cii3t-ib Qu<s^j ^5-zwi3Psfl*^? 

Ibid., 117-119. 

1 Our teeth, on account of eating meat night and day, became blunt like the blade 
(plough-share) of the plough with which the garden in the back yard is ploughed, 
and having no place for rest got disgusted with food. And again 



Ibid., 115-116. 
' When I swallowed milk and fried meat till I was '.filled to the neck,* 



366 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

means black pepper. This proves that in old times meat and vegeta- 
bles were boiled with black pepper to turn into curry. In passing I 
may remark that chilly, capsicum^ now universally used as a substitute 
for black pepper in Indian cookery, is a thing introduced into this 
country from Chili in South America, in recent times, that is, after the 
rise of modern European trade with India. Hence it has no idukufi* 
names as has biack pepper, i.e., miriyal*, milagu 3 , kafi*, kalindi*, 
kttyam Q > firaftgal 7 1 lout merely a k&ranappeya^ , viz., mifagukay*, the 
fruit that produces a substance like pepper, in Tehtgu, miryiapukaya, 
the miriyam~-irm\.. Europeans imported pepper from old India from 
before the Christian Era, their tongues having been captivated by its 
biting taste or rather touch, for it is touch nerves and not taste nerves 
that are titillated by the bite of pepper ; hence Sanskrit has a karaqa- 
peyar, y^tf name for pepper, namely yavanapviy&, clear to theyavana, 
i.e., the Greeks and the Romans. Though the ancient yavanas carried 
pepper from India in their ships they made a mess of its name, for 
they did not borrow for it its proper name of kafi, or miriyal or 
milagu* but called it pippali (whence pepperos, pepper) which is the 
name of long pepper 10 . In the middle ages Western Europe imported 
pepper from India, not for eating, but for sprinkling its powder on 
meat before drying it for use as food in wintry weather. Such meat 
was called powdered meat '. Thus pepper was a luxury in ancient 
Europe and a necessity in mediaeval Europe ; Venetian bottoms, at 
first, and later Dutch ones, carried pepper to Western Europe and it 
was because the avaricious merchants of Holland doubled the price of 
pepper at the end of the sixteenth century, that in 1599 the East India 
Company was started, the final result of which was the develop- 
ment of the British Empire in India. 

To return to the ancient Tamils. They ate meat, the various names 
of which ate 11 , inaickchi^, puM^, tunnu**, utfai*- s , 



indicate their fondness for it, as curry and not as food, just as their 
modern descendants do. This curry was of various kinds (1) kuy* s ^ 
t&litta kari^ & y sprinkled with pepper powder, mustard, etc., fried in oil ; 
(2) karunai 27 j porikkafi ZB , varai* 9 , tuvatfaf&art 30 , fried meat; (3) 
tuvat 31 , pulingafi 32 ', meat boiled with tamarind and pepper. While* 
on the subject of kari I may mention also toaf?* 33 , HYukari 3 *, pickles, 
fruits soaked in oil or water with flavouring substances. 85 

The Aryas of North India were as great lovers of meat as were the 
Tamils of South India. From the evidence of the Vedic mantras we 



. it is noteworthy that the word also 
means, that which is agreeable, * 3 LjK>ir&>. x *^frj,5u. ls s2m^m^- 16 ' 



QiffQior* QarrAffl gprjyw 
pmjsiarretbr eirij- 

PerumbQ^a-yfuppa^ai^ 308-310, 
The sweet-smelling tender clustered fruit of the mango, preserved 



PRE-A1ZYAH TAMIL CULTURE 36? 

learn that s horses \ 1 , i bulls ' 2 t l buffaloes ' 3 , * rams * 4 , and { goats ?s 
were killed on slaughter-benches, sfina,*, cooked in caldrons, 7 and 
eaten. -The eating- of fishes and birds must have also prevailed 
because fishing and bird-catching are referred to, 8 In North India 
there was developed a prejudice against eating the village-fowl, 
because it feeds on all kinds of repulsive offal ; such a prejudice does 
not seem to have ever risen in South India. In early times there was 
no sentiment against beef-eating in North India. In the later Vedic 
age the objection to the eating the flesh of the bull and the cow first 
arose. Says the Satapatha Brahmana, * Let him not eat (the flesh) of 
either the cow or the ox j for the cow and the ox doubtless support 
everything, here on earth. The Gods spake, * verily the cow and the 
ox support everything here : Come, let us bestow on the cow and the 
ox whatever belongs to other species ; accordingly they bestowed on 
the cow and the ox whatever vigour belonged to other species of. 
animals ; and therefore the cow and the ox eat most. Hence were 
one to eat the flesh of an ox or of a cow, there would be as it were an 
eating of everything, or as it were a going on to the end or to 
destruction. Such a one indeed would be likely to be born again as 
"a strange being (as one of whom there is) evil report, such as he has 
expelled an embryo from a woman, he has committed a sin ; let him 
therefore not eat the flesh of the cow and the ox. Nevertheless 
Yajnavalkya said, ' I for one eat it, provided that it is tender.' 
Yajnavalkya Rishi, who probably belonged to the early years of tbe 
first millennium B.C. was not frightened by the threat that. the eating of 
beef was tantamount to the dreaded sin of brunahatti\ hence the 
virulent disgust at the very idea of beef-eating that is the marked 
characteristic of the Hindus to-day is less than of three thousand years' 
standing. South Indians too of ancient times did not seem to have had 
much objection to eat the flesh of the cow. As was the case with all 
other things they liked, they had*several names for beef, viz., valluram** 1 ', 
uttiraichchi^^) Susiya-m^ 1 *! padiiiiram.'*- 3 " In later times the objection 
to beef-eating became violent all through India except among the 
depressed classes, whose social degradation made them so poor and 
so incapable of earning enough food that they had no objection to 
meat of any kind the flesh of. the cow or the buffalo and even the 
flesh of animals that have died on account of disease. Among the 
other classes the sentiment against beef-eating developed primarily on 
account of economical causes. The above is plainly indicated by the 
remark in the passage from the Satapatha Brahmatm that ( were one 
to eat the flesh of an ox or a cow, there would be as it were, a going 
on to the end or to destruction',* besides the need of cattle for agriculture, 
other reasons were the wide use of milk and' milk products in Indian 
dietary and the moral reason, i.e., the love inspired by the meek and 
gentle-eyed cow. 

The chief cereal used by the Tamils was the paddy neP+, vari*- 5 , the 
names of various varieties of which existed, such as senjali 1 ? ennel L ' 7 , 



4 A.V. vi. 71, 1. . R. V. 1. 164. 43. 3 R.V. v. 29. 7. *R.V;,.ac. '27.,17.. 

*A.V. i, 162-3, *R.;V. x. 86. 18. 7 R.V. lii. S3. 22. 

8 P* T, Srlnivasa lyengar, Life in Ancient India* p, 49. 

9 S.B. iii 3. 2. 21, Eggeling's Translation, ii, p. 11. **~*&r&.-- 

' ' " I 



m JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

3 irlrh7 three years old and very healthy eating, 

W 1 , iy**>*P> ^ nam ; oa aa7 not dusted. Ordinarily paddy was boiled 
asam^ , pongal,?< ^Y a ^.^ ,, was called puluiigctld'yiM^ ^ and as the 
before it was h ske * ; \ fche mu scle -building rice germs are best 
health-giving vitatnmb a . widely eaten. Raw rice 

preserved iii this form of nee i ^ ^ ^^ br 



. 

parukkai?*, fiat***', ffi ^| 7 midavai *, milral, . 

/* , X-^^ 3 S > f Z wi t h " es was called fio&gal* > . The human 
Rice boiled along wim V { [h tter o cooking: other 

" 



{ [ er 

palate insistently ^^^and vvere kali-, kol'*, tulavai", 
preparations o nee to meet thts^em wfrtlww , rice-water, 

different orms j . p r V rr ^; of rice-bread. Pcfz* parched rice, was 
/a&f ', ***". ditoent forms oi Uwe brea . of ^^^M, 

another favourite food. Ca^J s andagat"', ilaiyadai, note", 
SU ch as " ' ' * 



, nga < , 

melladat SB , pollal * s >fit* 'j" f *a For some of these other grains 
** ^'"^SJ^o and many pulses were also nsed. 
than rice, such as "^j^^^ region to region. Thus w*pt\ 
The grains eaten vanea r lorn s . mudiraf 3 , beans and 





nMuUa themounun-rc called 
lentils, were eaten in Mvtlla _, Jf^p* bamboo rice, in Kurmji ; 



lentils, were e _ p* bamboo rice, n urmji ; 

' 



(^jjrcroa/ QuirSm Qp/fliur 
'JrQr BBir*^ /flrw 

Rice grains, whole and unbroken, without lines on . 

S 

described. 



Sweet cakes skilfully made of variegated shapes, 

Qur*.*. **^- * 3 -^ T'- S^ 



QurJI S0 



PRE- ARYAN TAMIL CULTURE 369 



t$n and Hnai ma* being a favourite combination; vel/am 2 , 
jaggery, was substituted for honey in Marudam, sugar was not freely 
used, it being originally a product imported from China ; there is no 
idukuri name for it in Sanskrit or Tamil ; Sanskrit sarkkara (whence 
European " names of sugar are derived) as well as Tamil ayir,* 
sugar, originally meant sand and were, by metonymy, extended to. 
jaggery refined into a powdery form. Jaggery was manufactured by 
boiling down the juice of the sugar-cane, karumbu 3 , also called 
kalai, kamml 7 , velal 3 , to molasses, tefal, tSnpagu^ , feulatndn 11 , 
Unam,** and cooled in pots or wooden moulds, achchti. 

Milk and milk products were used largely. The chief milk products 
were Sdu' L2 1 cream, tayir* 41 , perugu^* , musaru* 6 , curdled milk, w^r 17 , 
arumbam^- 8 '^ alai* B , mackckigai*, ?misar z ^^ curdled milk from which 
butter has been churned out, venney 22 , venkatti'** , butter, and tiey 2 *, 
ghi. It is curious that though ghi is clarified butter, the name for the 
latter is derived from the former, for ve?mey is but white ghi. The 
cause of this order of naming the original article from the derived 
one is not quite clear ; probably as butter cannot keep without getting 
rancid in tropical climates, it was never stored, but immediately after 
it was churned out, it was turned into ghi and the necessity for a 
name for the intermediate product was not felt for a long time. 

That in the matter of food Aryan India and Tamil India had 
absolutely the same customs is proved by the fact that meat of all 
kinds was eaten both in the North and the South and by the following 
account of Arya food, other than meat. ' Of the animal food derived 
from the living animal, milk" 5 sometimes mixed with honey 26 brought 
by toiling bees 27 , ghi 28 , butter 29 and curds 30 were consumed. Yava 
is frequently mentioned in the sense of corn in general or barley. 
(Wheat and barley were the grains used by the Aryas in addition to 
the South Indian ones). Rice, barley, beans and sesamum were the 
chief vegetable foodstuffs of the day. 31 Grain was eaten parched 32 
and made into cakes 33 or boiled in water 34 or in milk. 33 Meal boiled 
with curd into Karambha 36 and gruel, 37 i.e., parched meal boiled in 
milk were other forms of food. ... As now hot freshly cooked food 
was preferred 3 ^ to cold food. Fruits were also eaten. 39 Food was 
served on leaf -platters, 40 the lotus leaf being commonly used for the 
purpose, Skins filled with honey 41 or curds, jars 42 of honey, 43 rice 
husked by servant-girls 44 and stored in earthern vessels 45 and flour 
obtained by grinding- corn in mill stones, 46 were stocked in houses. 47 
This shows that the difference 'between Arya and Dasyu was 
neither racial nor cultural but only one of cult. 



25 R V. x. 49, 10 2e R. V. viii. 4, 8. 27 R. V. x. 106,9. 

28 R. V.-iv. 58. S9 Sarpis, A. V. is. 6, 41, 30 R. V. vi, 57, 2. 

31 A- V. vi. 140, 4. 3 *DMna, R. V. iii. 35, 3. 

"Afiupam, R. V. iii. 52, 7 ; Purodasam, A. V. xii. 4, 35. 

**Odanam, A. V. iii. 34, 35. 35 R, V. viii.,66, 10. 36 A. V. iv. 7, 2. 

**Mawtha> A. V. x. 6, 2. 38 R. V. x. 79, 3, 39 R. V, i. 90, 8. 

40 A. V. viii. 10, 27. * a R. V. iv. 45, 3, 4. 42 R. V. vi. 49, 18. 

* 3 R. V. i. 117, 6. **A. V. xii. 3, 13. 

* 5 A. V. vi. 142, 1. * Q Drishatt A. V. ii. 31,.l. 

* 7 P. T. Srinivas lyengar, Life in Ancient India* p. 49, 



370 



JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 



, 

wc as , , , nothing- to do with 

Sanskrit phalam), the grown fruit, kani, 7 palam, the fully ripened 
fruit, sulai pulp or edible part of a fruit, tandu^ Q tender stem, 
also petal, te/zV, 11 tender leaf, z'te*, 12 mature leaf; but the word for 
kilangu^ 3 an esculent root, a tuber, has only synonyms borrowed 
from Sanskrit, e.g., kandam, millam ; it has another synonym, sakunam, 
whose origin I cannot suggest; perhaps ^r, 14 root, and its Tamil 
synonyms /adai, 15 &vai* and tnr* 7 may also refer to tubers. 

The ancient Tamils drank hard ; liquor has more c pure ' Tamil 
names than any other article. Here are some of them; ammiyam^* 
ari, 1Q arugi* Q aruppam** alt** afivali* 3 ambal** &li, zs alai** 
i&m* 7 eli,** kalliyam** kavvai kali*' 1 kali** kudu** kundi** 
' 3s 3 * * Q ** 



1 /tf/, 44 folvilambiS 3 nali^ 6 taniyal^ 7 titmbi^ temf* tgfat, 50 
ten, 51 to7idi, s " 2 ' ivppi 33 (special name of rice-liquor), narcmUi 3 * na?iai> 5 * 
narramf* padu, 37 pali** piU,** p*dai^* maftu** madurai** 
fnaruttam, 3 maralif* m&rif 3 mali, & murugu,* 7 msdai,** vadi** 
v&ri; 7 '* kal, 73 the vendors of liquor were called 
5 paduvar 7 palaiyar. 77 pil/iyar. 7s 

The following describes the food of the mountain-dwelling Kuravar 
and their hospitality. 

'They mix the fat meat of the wild boar and venison cut from deer, 
killed when they were running, the flesh wounded by the bite of 
bitches ; they fill themselves with the liquor brewed from honey and 
matured in bamboo cylinders and also with rice-liquor and they are full 
of glee. To bring down the intoxication due to drinking' in the morn- 
ings, they mix pounded white nuts of the Jack fruit which have come 
down floating or rivers, have become over-ripe and burst out, with 
butter -milk to which has been added the sweet-sour tamarind fruit 
whose rind is white, and in this juice cook white rice matured in 
bamboo tubes, so that the smell of the boiling rice spreads all along 
the hill-side ; you can get this food from the hands of the Kurava 
girls, who have black hair-knots smelling of flowers. They will offer 
you this food with great joy for having got a guest to feed ; they 
will then introduce their children to you and will offer you besides the 



**<?**. 



juuiSr. 



<#<&. 



PRE-ARYAN TAMIL CULTURE . 371 

(SUCh - ^ -** "old, 




faced with folded hides sounds and they lift the left arm, 'strong u*h 



The food of the Ayar Is thus described _ 

*' Mr? 7 i? th ? mor * i! ^ hen th r e thick Darkness begins to disappear 
and birds rise from their sleep, Idaiyar women ply with the rope the 
churnmg-rod, mattu* with a noise like the grunt of a tiger they 
churn the milk with folded crust, having been curdled by the curds 
reserved for the purpose, vfai* which looks like the white mushroom 
and remove the butter ; they place a pad of flowers, summndu*, on their 
heads and stand thereon a pot of buttermilk, whose mouth is sprinkled 
with drops of curds and sell it in the mornings. They are dark of skin 
at their _ ears dangle earrings; their shoulders are like the bamboo : 
their hair is short and wavy. They feast their relatives with rice 
bartered for buttermilk. Then .they sell ghi and buy gold and milch 
buffaloes and cows and calves. If you stay with the Itfaiyar with hang- 
ing lips, they will feast you with tinai* which looks like the young 
of crabs, boiled with milk. Their strong feet are scarred with constant 
wearmgs of sandals ; their hands lean on sticks with which they cruelly 
beat the cattle ; and are horny with handling the axes which fell 
trees; their shoulders, scarred and hairy by carrying Kavadis^ with 
double hanging loops ; their hair, smelling because they wipe "the head 
with hands full of milk-drops. They wear garlands of mixed flowers 
Kalambagam* plucked from trees and plants growing In the forests 



palp uyx&9)es>& Q&iet 



ays/omar ajirireuQiair t^ Jb 



Perwnbanarruppadai, 142-146. 



372 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

they wear a single cloth which fits closely with the' body , and eat 
porridgeV 

The food of marudam is thus described : 

The fufaf* (pulp) of the Jack-fruit, sweet and fragrant, the fruits 
of the mango of many forms, and beautiful kay* (unripe fruit) of 
numerous shapes, (like the plantain, the p&gal* , and the brinjal), other 
fruits, (like the plantain and the cashew), leaf-curries of leaves, curled, 
thin, beautiful, growing on creepers which grow abundantly in the 
rainy season, crystals of sugar made from boiled sugar, and meat cooked 
together with big tubers which grow down and rice boiled in milk, 
sweet to eat, were served.' 5 

Fire for cooking and other purposes was made by churning wood. 

The forester made fire by churning one piece of wood on another, as 
he does even to-day in forests remote from places where matches are 
sold. This is referred to in the fire which he churned/ 6 the lamp 
lighted from a fire, churned by hunters with dry wood brought by 
elephants/ 7 In the plains, they kept up a perpetual fire in fire-pots, 



K eft (j sir e3l$.turb L/rQrp*-> 



u <* A 1 J^l 2sor 



Qw/rtauF gji&!r&j$ 



ii 155-175. 



) airtijih 
O-/r*ri_Qj tsu <fy F ILJ u A 
Q loser LSfaH tu <s3 $ er @ 
r pearasr 



Maduraikfc&nfi, 526-535. 

f . 

Puram } 150, 



7 iL/r3sor ^T*^ (yseffitor 
xirsareaf Qu/r^^tu 



PRE- ARYAN TAMIL CULTURE 373 

kumpatti^ into which was poked a fulundu* stalk sometimes tipped 
with sulphur. * 

Salt "was manufactured on a large scale. Salt-fields have several 
names: uppal&m* alakkar^ nvarkkalam, 5 uvalagam* kali. 17 These 
, names prove that salt-manufacture was an extensive industry, a fact 
which we could have inferred otherwise also, because the large use of 
vegetable food and especially of curries of innumerable kinds and of 
the many varieties of pickles to tempt the palate and satisfy its craving 
and to render rice and pulses tasty, requires the free use of salt. 

The food of Northern and Southern India has remained unchanged 
for five thousand years and more. But the necessities of modern com- 
merce have begun to alter it in many respects. Old ways of preparing 
foodstuffs and cooking them are giving way to new ones ; the old 
methods of boiling and pounding paddy with the hand preserved the 
proteids and vitamins necessary for health and strength ; but the new 
methods of hulling by machinery and polishing unboiled paddy are 
giving rise to the widespread diseases of civilization tuberculosis and 
diabetes and to general enfeeblement. The old custom of eating leaf- 
curry and fruits cooked with their skins is giving way to modern refine- 
ments in cookery, and tinned provisions are taking the place of freshly 
made ones, so that the health of the people is steadily degenerating. 
The old forms of food were the result of thousands of years of 
experience, whereas the new ones, supposed to raise the standard of 
living, are really refined methods of committing slow suicide. 



AGRICULTURE 

Says Prof. G. Elliot Smith, * I suppose most people would be 
prepared to admit that the invention of agriculture was the beginning 
of civilization. It involved a really settled society and the assurance 
of a food supply. Hence it created the two conditions without which 
there could have been no real development of arts and crafts and the 
customs of an organized form of society.' 8 Prof. Smith is of opinion 
that agriculture was developed in Egypt with the sowing of barley 
about ten thousand years ago and thence spread to other parts of the 
world. At about the same or perhaps a few millenniums earlier, as 
stone tools testify, the cultivation of paddy and the weaving of cotton 
began in the plains of South India. Hence the rise of Indian agricul- 
ture was not consequent on its development in Egypt. 

Agriculture was the main industry of Ancient India, as it is to-day. 
It was carried on chiefly in the lower reaches of rivers where 
irrigation by means of canals is possible. Thus in the Sola country, 
Sffn&du* the fertile delta of the Kaviri, even to-day the granary of 
South India and the island of Ceylon, was the main scene of 
agricultural operations. In the Pan^y a na^u, in the valleys of the 
Vaigai and the Tamraparni wet cultivation was carried on. In the 
Sera na<Ju which looked up to the sky for irrigation, the strip of coast 
west of the ghats where the ram i| raineth every day during the 
monsoons, was devoted to this early industry of Indian man. In 



^Nature, Jan. 15, 1927, p. 8. 



374 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

other parts o the country there were small patches of Marudam, 
where ram -water straight from the sky, carried away by hill torrents, 
was stored and utilized for the raising of grains or vegetables, 
Where water supply was not on a generous scale, were raised grains 
and other crops which did not require a constantly wetted field to 
grow m. Hence cultivated land was divided into nanfey^- rice-growing 
field and punsey? where other grains grow. Uncultivated land was 
Sey,* the common element of nansey, and puntey, means a 



. , 

field as well as a particular area of land. It also means red and 
perhaps the word acquired the meaning of a field in the districts 
covered with red ferruginous clay. Nansey, therefore, originally 
meant a good field and punsey, a bad field. Cultivated land was parti- 
tioned into fields. The field had numerous names : -vayal, 5 sey, agani* 
kambalai? kalanif kaidai* kottam^ eu* * tadi^ z panai, 1 3 pannai, * * 
palanam* 5 panal^* pvilam^ 7 a small field was kmidil, 1 * patti. 
The large number of synonyms for vayal, was due to the fact that 
agriculture was the chief occupation of the people. Agriculture itself 
was called v8lanmai* Q the arimai, 2 '* lordship, of -z^/, 22 land, Velalar** 
(a word different in origin from r velMar} 2>4t were landowners, cultivators, 
velatti,* 3 being the feminine gender of the same. Owners of exten- 
sive tracts of land were called vel, velir ; there were kurunilamanar, 
petty chiefs. After the Arya social organization was imposed on 
Tamil India, Vslalar were given the name of puvaiSyar, but the name 
has not stuck to them, for though they were technically Vaisyas, the 
privileges of Vaisyas were not really extended to them. Vel&nmai 
was considered the noblest of occupations ; because the possession of 
grains condtices to the development of generosity. For, whereas 
other forms of wealth, especially minted metal, can be hoarded 
jealousy and will, if put out to interest, grow infinitely more and 
more, wealth in the form of food-grains will deteriorate if hoarded ; 
it will either be destroyed by vermin or will rot ; so the man who has 
a rich store will be naturally prompted to give it away to the poor 
and the starving. Hence India, the land of extensive agriculture, has 
become the land of unstinted charity ; hence ygl&nmai has become 
in Tamil synonymous with %gai* & (lit, gift), also kodai* 7 The 
V&lalar were, by right of their instincts of charity, the nobles of the 
land and hence the characteristics of vSl&lar, vll&y^nai mrmdar iyallm^ 
have been described as ten; viz, (1) ^aivali nirfal^ keeping an 
oath, (2) alindorai niruttal, 3 rai sing up the fallen, ( 3) kaikkadanarral, 3 1 
being obliging, (4) ka$wag-attuwmai> 3 * having compassion, (5) 
skkalpsrfal, 33 supporting relatives, (6) Qvamuyarcki^ 4 * perseverance, 
(7) manmfaikaf tidal 35 paying taxes, (8) Qfvumaikodal^ being peace- 
able, (9) 'virundu^'* pufandarudal , hospitality, (10) tirundiya'VolMkkam^* 
correct conduct. Of this list of virtues belonging to the Tamil 
farmer, uv&muyarchi, ceaseless toil, is the necessary result of rice-culti- 
vation ; for more than other food-grains rice requires unceasing work 



. . . . 



P&E- ARYAN TAMIL CULTURE 375 

for several months In the year, patient endurance of the rheumatic 
pains, chills and other ills due to standing upto the knees *m water 
and trudging on ^ wet sticky clay ; this has made the Indian farmer a 
model of unfailing 1 patience and enduring perseverance, and contri- 
buted to the development of what is miscalled fatalistic acceptance of 
misfortune. ^ When the harvest was over and his granaries filled, he 
either gave* himself up to the festivities of the post-harvest season, 
eating and drinking, singing and dancing, decorating his person with 
flowers and love-making developed as a- fine art, or to martial 
exercises. In every village there was a field, kalam^ set apart for 
these purposes. 2 Another virtue of the farmer was his readiness 
to pay the king's taxes. All the world over, people are unwilling 
to pay taxes and many regard it almost as a virtue to evade payment 
of taxes. How is it then that the ancient Tamil landowner was 
differently constituted to mpdern men ? The reason of this was the 
fact that taxes were payable in kind. A man with a well-filled 
granary easily parts with a portion of his abundance, all the more so 
because wealth in grains does not increase, but decreases with keep- 
ing ; but it is hard to part with specie, as it will keep all right for 
any length of time, and, if properly invested, barren metal will breed 
as fast as cattle and sheep, as Shylock well knew. Paying taxes in gold 
and silver is more difficult, especially if the purse is as ill-filled as 
generally the Indian farmer's purse is and if one has to borrow for 
paying taxes. 

All the other virtues of the Veljalar are but different forms of 
charity. It has already been explained how one who has a large store 
.of cereals is easily induced to enjoy the pleasure of seeing his fellow- 
men feed on his substance. Numerous poetical names signifying 
vgl&far exist. They are manmagal fiudalvar^ sons of the earth- 
goddess, valamaiyar^ the flourishing, kalamar, 5 owners of fields, 
mallar, the strong, k&mrippudalvar, 7 sons of the Kaviri, ufavar? 
tillers, -mSliyar? ploughmen, \Srinv%lnar, Q those that live by the plough, 
ilango^ prince, pinnavar^* perhaps those that are behind manna- 
var, 13 perukkalar^* those that increase wealth, or those that utilize 
the food, mnainar^ 5 toilers. 

There was a wealth of vocabulary attached to each detail of 
agricultural operations. Ploughing was Miami,** .toyytl;* 7 hoeing, 
kottudal ; ls trampling, -ulakkudal** midittalf* madidal ^ manure, 



iy 31, 

I have searched for him in the places where heroes congregate (for martial 
exercises); and where women gather for the ttmangai but have not seen the 
"magnificent hero ; hence I am but a woman of the theatre adukalam (^ **&) ;.. 
the great hero too who has caused my bright bent ban g-les cut from conch -shell 
to slip, is also a man of the theatre. 



376 .JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

' eru^- uram. kufipai, 3 knlam^ and so on. Different names were 
given for the fields other than that used for wet cultivation. A garden 
was tdttam, 5 tudavai padappai? toppu? sulai* tandalai 
(flower-garden), kollai^ (generally a kitchen-garden behind a house). 
High land was tagar^* tar&y> 13 medii^* Qngal* 3 karu** kuppai*''. 
kuvsl?* kuvai suval tidar^ tittup tittai** padar** mis'ai* 5 
vallai* Q vanbal,* 7 murambu : 28 this was so variously named, probably 
because it gave much trouble to the cultivator who had to level it 
before tilling it. The low land was also variously named, pallam** 
aval, 30 ilivu** kifakku** M, 33 kuli, 3 * kaval* 3 nellal** talvu, 37 



, 

' The chief implement of the farmer was the plough ; so he lovingly 
gave it numerous names, kalappai, 40 idai^ uhipadai ^ kalanai^ 3 
nanjil, 44 toduppu^* padai^ & padaivtiL^ The ploughshare was 
made of wood in the stone age and of steel in the iron age ; both kinds 
are in use even to-day. The other important implement was the 
knife; it, too, had numerous names, v#/, 48 u<vam^ Q edz, 50 kaduttalai*^ 
tuvatti** navirani* 3 nattam** van/am, 55 kuyal** kulir ] 57 short 
knives were called kunimbidi** Surigai^* one that could be bent into 
the handle, /fir/. 60 

An extensive system of irrigation was practised ; rivers were 
furnished with a complete dam, anai.^ or a partial dam, korambu** 
and the water diverted into a X^/ 3 63 k&lv&yf* or v&ykk&l** Or water 
was raised from ponds or wells by means of an grram 66 or kabilai* 7 
or iraikHdai QQ . The latter was the most common means of raising 
water and had numerous names, ambi* tdar, 70 ifaivai^ 1 k&r%mbi, 7Z 
kilur 7 * pilarS* puffM, 75 puttai paitai 77 and conducted by means of 
a sluice, madai?* to higher levels and distributed to fields. 

Here is a description of ploughing.' The plough men, who raise 
food for many people, yoke trained oxen to the plough, whose front 
looks like the mouth of a female elephant, press it on the ground so 
that the ploughshare which looks like the face of the iguana, is buried 
in the earth. They plough round and round, then sow seeds and then 
weed the field. When the harvest season is near, the quail with short 
feet and black neck with its young, white and smelling like the 



^-,. - v- .-^- In the Kaviri valley which slopes from West to East kll 

and kilakku, lit. lowland and mil, merku, highland ^ came to mean East^ and 
West respectively. 



PRE- ARYAN TAMIL CULTURE 377 

Kadamba flower Eugenia racemosa,aoa unable to fly about afraid 

of the noise of the harvesters, settles k the forest near ' 1 

_ Agriculture in South India was carried on exactly as it was in 

&ryavartta. ' They ploughed the ground, 2 the plough being drawn by 

;wo oxen 3 fastened to the yoke with hempen or leather traces and 

Iriven with a goad. 4 The ploughshare was made of iron 5 which 

supplanted "the older ploughshare 6 made of Khadira wood The 

ploughmen sang merrily to the steers while ploughing 7 They 

jedewed the furrow with ghee and honey* before sowing. The fields 

were watered by means of irrigation canals from wells* 9 or lakes, or 

by raising water from wells by means of wooden or metal bucket's 10 

tied to a rope, pulled round a stone pulley. They kept away birds from 

robbing them of the growing corn 11 by uttering loud cries/ 12 



LOVE IN MARUDAM 

The leisure enjoyed by agriculturists after the harvest was over led 
to the development of festivals among them, in which there was much 
singing, dancing and play-acting in order to pass idle moments. 
This again led to the growth of the institutions of harlotry, song- 
stresses and actresses ; viraliar* 3 and kuttiar* 4 * were experts in the 
refinements of love. Numerous poems of the class Marudam deal 
with this subject. ' The festival is over. The drums are silent. Do 
you want to know what she thought then ? I will tell you her thoughts. 
This young woman wore a leaf-garment ; with that garment dangling 
on her lap, she walked along the streets. Then arose in the streets a 
great sound of laughter, as loud as when the followers of the great 
bowman Ori, the victorious warrior-lord of Kolli, who was killed by 
Malaiyaman Tirumuclikari, saw Kari enter the incomparably long 
streets of Ori. On hearing that sound of laughter, the fair ladies who 
wore bangles and the skins of whose bodies was like the tender leaf 
of the mango, feared that she would capture the hearts of their 



Qu<&icua:$) L/peS/b yiL.f 



ii 197-206. 

* R. V. x. 101, 3 ; x. 106, 2. 

3 R. V. iii. 17, 3 ; x. 101, 3 * A. V. iii. 25, 5 ; iv. 57, 4. 

5 A. V. iii. 17, 3. A. V. v. 6, 6. 

7 A. V. yiii. 20, 9. * A. V. iii. 17, 9- 

9 A. V. i. 3, 7 ; iii. 13, 9; R. V. iii. 45, 3; vii. 49, 2, 4 ; x. 43, 7. 
, 10 R, V. x. 101, 5, 7 " R. V. x. 68, 1. ' 

312 P. T. Srinivas lyengar, Life in Ancient India? p. 23. 

13 SpxPiur, 1* ' ^ffiut: 



378 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

husbands and guarded them from her wiles. I have failed in thes-e 
attempts, and she has seduced my lover away from me. 1 

More innocent incidents of love also belong- to Marudam ; such as 
the wailing of a wife when her husband has gone away to a far place 
after quarrelling with her. ' The sparrows whose wings are like the 
faded water-lily with petals shrunk and folded, and which reside in 
the roofs of houses, eat the paddy and the other grains" spread for 
drying in the front yard of houses ; they make holes in the slender 
filaments of flowers in the highway. They return to their beds in the 
roof where they sleep with their young ones. Do not the sad evening 
and the pains of separation exist where he has gone.' 

PASTURAGE 

As agriculture was the chief industry of Marudam, pasturage was 
the chief industry of Mullai. The sheep, the goat, the cow, the ox 
the buffalo were the chief domestic animals tended by the Ayar t 
herdsmen. Profusion of names for each of these as usual indicates 
the love the herdsmen felt for their wards. Thus the sheep was called 
udu,* oruvu* titruvai* tullal^ puruvai* vcri ; 9 the red variety 



me fag-am, 19 The goat was called , 

kockchai, 2 -* vellai^ 3 v&Ykrdi^* kwfumb&duf* from the wool of which 
Kurumbar wove kam'blies, was also called varudai, z varaiyadu*** 
The cow had naturally the largest variety of names, $, 28 pa^u^ 
kuram, 3Q kural^ 1 kulam^ kovalam, 33 Surai ; 34 & useless cow was 
$udai-* s a barren cow, varclmi** that which has yeaned once /z//z, 37 
kirutti. 3& The ox was erudu, 3Q zf 

* ftf, 43 M 46 ntipamf 3 pagadu 



QsirQ&iearfSI 



soft far (Stu IT < 
QsairifiA Qstre&rp 



Giosvfi to&eSlfr 
tartF&QatrQfmmr* afr&Qp&. 

Naffinai, 320. 

<rr^u <Me6rarr 
'later ujm 



JKufnnd&gai, 46. 

-, 3 4t'**-- 3 CT/. Voj-fiw/. 7 ^ra-^). S^Gj-ewa/. Q,^. lOQ*^^. "(Jar****. 
21*"**; M*" 6 '' 14u * 8w ' 1S *<-"-" 16 <^. l7 0-r/.9. i^*^. *<?iD|p*k 200^^^^, 
*rrr. o 0*r* *. Q*fcr. *.^ r j. "^.piBurO. *<ju.. *p r air. 

3^f' 3^ '*' ' "or"-*- 8 **-*"*- 8 <?*r*,i&. **>r. ^. 3e wpsw ^ 

n? 1 "*" * e r ^^ ^^ *^^. r*. *-. *L^. **0*rC.^.i,A. 

_ c^*. c? sr . i n v j ew of tlie fact that ^-^ wag a . ptire Tamil word for a cow herd 
hi^ v o as independent of Sanskrit the resemblance between the words- 
being absolutely accidental. * 7 <SD ru I a. *u. *^urftr<5LAi. urpA* 



PRE- ARYAN TAMIL CULTURE 379 



patti* pefram* pettu* mnri* -vidai* Of these names kuli* means 
breeding ball ; those which were used by traders for bearing ^burden 
(podi) 7 were called turiyam* pagadu and paral.^ The buffalo 
was called kavari, * 3 k&ra, 1 2 karam, 1 3 muri, * * ' medi ; l 5 vadavai * 6 
barren ones, maimai^ 7 the bull calf of the buffalo, kulavi^ kanru^ 
Its cow-calf <2, 20 a^-w; 21 the bull-buffalo, umbal^ eni** oruttal z<i 
pagadu** pbttu** The udder of the cow and of the buffalo modi 
&ruttal\* 8 mtfdu 29 was the general name of both the cow and" the 
buffalo. Intimate acquaintance with animals developed a great love 
of them and the invention of a number o words relating" to them. 
Thus beasts in general were called vtlangu, 3 kurangam^ m&** 
man ; 33 their young ones, kurulai** kutfif* pilfai** mafi, 3< * kanru** 
kufavi, 3Q parppu^ magavu. 4 **- Hornless animals 'were called 
kumaram ; 42 the horn was ulavai,* 3 k&dti^* maritppu\** the tail 
7 ' ' 



TAME ANIMALS. 

The tame animals that were of use to man were man,* deer also 
named ulai, s Snam^ :L tenant** navvi, 53 pinaimari-** its male, iralai 5S 
56 oruttal, 37 karum&n** kalai* Q fouto&y ;** its female, pinai ; 61 its 
Q * 3 



, 

young, gni, Q * kanru, 3 kulavi* tannam, G * pa?am s QQ parppu*' 7 marz. e& 
The ass kaludai besides the bullock, was "a burden-bearer. *The 
horse, kudirai^o was not a native of South India, and was imported 
in later times from Sind and Persia. The pig, panti** was another 
useful animal and was also named art, 72 iruli,' 73 efulz, 7 * gnam* s 
karnma, 17 kalifu, 77 banal, 7 * k%nm&, 7Q kidi* fa'ri,**. kslal^ 
kottuma^ 3 maimm&f'* m&lal.* 5 

The dog first tamed by the hunter and then trained by the keeper 
of the cattle to watch the fold, was named, nay, * Q akkan^ 7 



Q pasi \ 7 its female, pafti, 98 t?zaz, Q9 muduval* 
the pup, ^//z, 101 kurulai^ 02 - p&ral ; 103 the cat was called alavan*-** 
zndi^ 05 &dz & pavanam,^ 7 pakkan* Q * pilli* pusai^^ punai^^ 
verugw ; 112 it was also poetically called, irpuli,*-* 3 the house-tiger; 
the male qat was specially named kaduvan^** p&ttu: 1 * 5 the kitten' 
fot* 1 * aa** 9 ri"* 



59 ar 



*ijM>. 72 eS yn?. 73 ^)(75-*fl. 9 **rjp&. '***. ^e^^ 99 Si)jff ?& sfear ^ 

78 *rdrur. 8o i$.. **"/#. SSCar^sb. 83 (?*rU.io/r. 8 *wioiD r . SS.G m/r pu &6 enraj 

l ^*Jr. 8 ^* tf ^. **4fjbuth. *<>>,<*&. 91***. a 2 ^rr. es*^**^ *' 

5 ~"~ n 9< W^- s '-u/r. 98 L//rtlz 9 .. S^tJasmr. " loo <2 p@,du. ^l&C.^. 1O2 g^ 

I0 *^y 6 u/ ! sr. 105 ^)*^. i06 s > ^. *uri6. lo L,r***ft-. lOS^j^^p 

11 l feiCT > <g3 . "SQ^^.^^ 113^^^^ "**.dr. H*<?ujr^^j. * CS iii f .* 



380 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

The other beasts familiar to the people were aif.il, ^ the squirrel, 
karate** the bear, kaft*>* the wild cow, ^,* the mongoose, 
*W>the monkey, nari* the jakal, sennaz? the wild dog the 
n*y* or the kffn&y* the wolf, nlrn&y* tne beaver r^ipfnHat^ 
the civet cat, mutpanri^ the porcupine, maraimHn** the yak, mji/,'* 
the ape, muyal** the hare, y&naiS* the elephant. 

The chief house-pests were eli 17 the rat, &*/*, 1S the black^ rat, 
beruckch&li^ the bandicoot, mnnjvru, 20 the mouse and the ubiquitous 
mosquito", ko$u which was such a great nuisance as to receive a 
dozen other names, aSaval** aOalam** ulangu^ tagal^ ** to?*.-* 
tultal 27 nilambi** nulumbu^ nollal niunal^ vaht** a^/; 33 *," the 
house-fly and andu** insect found in stored grain. But the bed bug 
seems to be an import from abroad, for, it has but a kara^appeyar, i.e. 
* the bundle-insect, 



BlRDvS 



There are many general names for birds pafavai^ kudinai 
kuruxu** M/; 40 their young ones, kunju** p&rppuf* the cry of birds 
fiayir ; 43 their nest, katcki** kunjufai** kudambai** ^urambai^ 
knndu 48 A flock of birds was called tholudi** the cries of a flock, 
tniani' 50 the beating of a birds' wings, ofanaittal*** pudatttal , - 
female birds are called frjai, 53 Pettai** ptdai ; 55 the females of birds 
other than the gallinaceous fowl and the owl, alagu ; 50 their males 
except in the case of the peafowl and the elal^ Seval ; 58 the cock of the 
peafowl and the elal, prttu.** The food of birds and of some animals 
' 



ra,w,-. , . 

The 'following are names of some species of birds i 
nightingale, annam** swan tindai** large eyed owl, uUtoi** snipe, 
Urkfcurum, 6 8 sparrow, ttikka&toguruvi, 6 9 kavud&ri, 7 p ar tndg e , 
Jkavvdam king-fisher, kafcgu** eagle, kfikkai?* crow, nlrkkakkat?* 
a diving water-bird, kadai^ s quail, kili, parrot, yz/, 77 cuckoo, 
kurueu, 7 * village fowl, also M/, 79 another variety, kMgai* large 
hooting owl, kokku** stork, /adag>am** sky-lark, ttckchih** king- 
fisher swal** paga?idai* s , another species of partridge, sembottu* 
^mz, 87 heron, parundu** kite, ptira* Q pigeon, mayil* G peafowl, 

The love of nature and close observation of natural objects which 
was a great characteristic of the Tamils of ancient times are 
constantly revealed in early Tamil poems. On later Tamil 
Poetry the conventions of the later artificial Sanskrit Poetry wielded 



P'RE- ARYAN- TAMIL CULTURE 381 

great influence. Not so on the natural poetry of the earlier ages. To 
illustrate the keen observation of Fauna on the part* of the 
, poets, a few quotations are given. The pods of the Phaseolus 
mungo are like the red legs of the quail.' 1 < The leaf of the Caladium 
nymph&folium which grows on the hill, rich and waving, moved by the 
cold northwiiid in the month of Tai, resembles the ears of the 
elephant'. 2 'The water-lily growing- in deep pools resembles 
the back of the yellow-legged crane' 3 . < The carp, afraid that the 
stork would eat it, ducked under the water, but found itself near the 
lotus and equally feared its bud/ 4 'The nightingale which dwells 
on the palmyra leaves cries gently.' 5 < In the cold weather the Cassia 
flower like ourselves gets golden dots and the twig of the rnemecylon 
tinctorium is filled with flowers and looks like the neck of a peacock.' 6 
' The path traced by the claws of the crab will be extirpated by the 
waves of the sea. >7 ' The mountain from which honey-combs are 
hanging, as (the trappings from) the chariot.' 8 < The goat has a belly 
like the false skin of the flowering bean.' 9 ' The flock of yellow 
legged fish-eating storks look like the pearls on the breast of Murugan 
when they fly in the reel sky.' 10 < The shaggy head of the 
nemai tree looks like the rows of flags on the royal elephant. The 
spiders' \vebs round the tree waved in the west wind that blew over 
the hill called Odai ; the lean elephants mistook them for clouds and 
lifted their trunks to catch them and sounded like the tnmbu^ of 
the actors.' 12 



i. JKufUtodogai, 63, 



u>ufii, lb. 76. 



riribuAi. J6. 122, 

Gisefaant. injiutu 
/ rresr Qflmo f QU<^SL.US. Jb. 127, 



touGujevr tEtr^ith. If), 177. 
e Gsirearempiutn u&fff 
isibQutrp U'f^^ia asir%&) 
......... aortLnruJ y,&G}&<T Qu^^&Zair 

QtoeeruSuS) Osu^Pp G^/rajrjpzi. fb . 183. 



W eS'n-Qifri& gtemfftu 
ts)filj lysocr/^. I&, 351. 
&ir j$i soar Q L-. ir <?urcu 
J..Jfr. 392. 



'u$jbp Qeuatrfar QWG 

Agam 104. 

10 QfflrC/8Br tair 



am u EJ ** IT ji) QairASlsafieiair uesa p ay*-iju. /^, 120. 
* tu irfasr & Oas/rcaJ 
<sw cu if p 2eu Gjgjzoiu^ 



tatctair usoa/i 
js-rflyctot-. Q '>* 
Qffir^Qffft Q&m^iua- gir<aiS> m <*&<&&. Id. Ill, 

3 fr&Lj. a musical instrument, 



382 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

' Green parrot with the red bill, who go on picking the bent stalks 
of the prMiicum, do not fear me ; give up the fear that any one would 
threaten you for picking the stalks. When you have finished with them 
and are at leisure, attend to my wants ; I join my^ palms and beg you 
to help me in this affair. If you go to your relatives who live in my 
lover's country, where grows the jack tree which bears abundant 
fruits, meet my lover who is the lord of this mountain a-nd tell him 
that the young Kurava woman of. the forest around this mountain is 
guarding the millet field to-day as usual. J1 

1 The banyan tree bears many boughs full of fruits ; to eat the 
fruit many birds crowd round the tree. Their cries resemble the 
sound of many musical instruments.' 2 

' The crowds of beets which have thin wings eat the honey, and 
after the honey is exhausted desert the flowers. 3 

' The dral, 5 lamprey, with nose like an ear of corn, creeps into the 
mud ; the v$lai, & Trichiurus lepturus, which has a horn, moves 
tremulously on the water; the fishermen approach the tank which 
have flowers bright as the flame, the tortoise looks like the hollow- 
bo welled kinai, 7 (the drum of the marudam) ; the gravid varal* 
Opkicephalus striatus, is like the nugumbu of the palmyra ; with it 
fights the kayal^ carp, which shines like a spear.' 

TREES AND PLANTS 

The ancient Tamils distinguished and named innumerable trees, 
plants, shrubs and creepers and knew their properties. The pure 
Tamil names of a few trees alone will be here referred to : achc/iam, 11 
Coronilla grandiflora, commonly called agatti^ * ^probably after Agastiya, 
atti^ 3 Indian fig, anichchai> 4i a sensitive tree, achcJia^- 9 Diospyras 
ebenaster, &tti^ & Bauhinearacemosa^ $/, 17 the banyan, itti^ B Ficusvirens % 
ilandai,** jujube, zlavam, 20 the silk-cotton tree, iluppaif* the long- 
leaved Bassia, Induf* Phoenix farinifera, uil*^ Acacia pennata, etti** 



Ll_ uuBs6r * tr r w mi /r snnL.() 
u>isa>$> G#>JJ$> HJ a uS 



Cororfo atraa sviroSew QerswCa/. jWapfiipa$ t 102, 
a ($ssrrutM Qpr^^oJ C?a?/reifl (urw^^p* 

-i?-io^^6BrDr @r\>L/-w/r 4*-. jlfafaij>cufit-&a<3lilwt, 268-269, 

pp* 

. Maduraikkdnfi , 573. 



Qy&Cw fiuaSrcor Q&//rsubr ojA), 

' . . -Piifam, 249. 

e /r3br. 7 )3sror, 8 /jr/rv, 9 jp(gywt/ l perhaps the tender kerne! of the fruk. 



P-RE-ARYAN TAMIL CULTURE 383 

Strychnos mix vomica, elumichchai^ the lemon tree, vmai* the mango 
also met, 3 kadambu* Eugenia racemdsa, kadavu* Gymcarfoi* 
jacquini,* kadti, Q the gall-nut tree, kamugu* ' the areca palm, 
karungali* the ebony, kalli, 9 Euphorbia tirncalli, k&ya^ G Meniecylon 
tinciorium, kurundu^*- konrai^ 2 - Cassia, sandanam^ 3 or aram 14 
sandal-wood tree, tengu^ 3 cocoanut tree, tekku** teak, naval*** the 
jambolan tree, nelli^ B Indian gooseberry, pala,^ the jack tree, panai 2 
palmyra, padiri*^ Bignonia chelonoides, palaz* z the iron-wood tree 
pulif* the tamarind tree, punnai** the Alexandrian laurel, p&varasu 2 * 
the Portia tree, puvandi** the soapnut tree, mag-it^? a tree of very 
sweet smelling flower, madalai** the pomegranate, muruiigai** 
Hyperanthera murung-a, mungil^ the bamboo, v&gai** marudam, 3 * 
Terminalia alata, vannt, 33 Prosopis spicigera, vilvam** Crataeva 
religiosa, vifa** the wood-apple, vsngaz', 3& the Pterocarpes ' bilvfais 
vgmbu,* 7 the margosa tree. The names of smaller plants, and of 
different kinds of leaves and flowers are so numerous that it Is not 
possible to catalogue them or even to mention the more familiar 
varieties. The unblown flower was called arumbu^* the parts of 
flowers, idal; 3Q p&ndSn\* young trees nagu;** fruiting trees, 
paUnam^ trees with heart-wood inside, anmaran** with heart-wood 
outside, peqmaram,** branch, groups of trees without heart-wood, 
/z, 4S veliru** ; the synonyms of the word, tree, are very considerable 
in number. I will content myself with noting a few poetic images 
which show how keen was the observation of nature by the ancient 
Tamils : 

' The gourd {plrkku*'*) with round, white flowers grows along 
with the thin creeper mufundai, 418 on shrubs/ 49 

4 The hill country has bamboos which wave to and fro and its clear 
clouds spread the dew amidst the peacocks whose expanded tails shine 
like the sapphire.' s 

'The forest land possesses the expanding jasmine, tala-vu** the 
broad November flower, -tzmrz, 5 * the mull ai with the petals opened, the 
ism, 53 (clarifying-nut tree) which drops its flowers, the -konraif* 
Cassia, whose flowers are like gold, the kay&f 3 whose flowers are like 
sapphire. 3 s& 

' The kuravam, 57 has flowered ; the cold weather is gone; in the 
beautiful spring, in the river, a slender stream is running ; the wide 
river with straight stretches of sand has its banks adorned with many 



Candicans. 



QurearGuirp iSirQubirQ ^fS^UjfS^. JNedunalvtiqlai > 13-14. 
UJaJ/p *uru 



, 264-S, 



t 199-201, 



384 ^JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

marudam trees ; the mango has its branches decorated with tender 
leaves ; r ^ie smoke-like cloud creeps along its boughs filled with 
bunches of flowers ; the cuckoos enjoy the .beauty of the scene and 
sing.' 1 

' The roots of the bamboo are interwmed with each other ; when 
the winds blow upon them they sound like the sigh of the elephant tied 
to its post. Looking at the moon which crept over the hill standing 
in a forest of bamboos, I said to myself, another moon (his mistress 
with a face bright as a moon) with teeth sharp as thorns and a fair face 
adorned by a sweet-smelling mark (tilakani) is standing on the hills, on 
whose rocks grow trees whose bare branches have shed their leaves in 
the strong gale, did I not ? ' 2 

The konrai flowers spread on a pit cut in a stone resemble a box 
of the wealthy man, filled with gold coins and kept open.' 3 'The 
cool flowers of the talai (screw-pine), which has bent thorns, when 
scattered by the winds, run like the pearls of a garland when the thread 
is snapped, on the white sands of the sea-shore.' 4 

* The garden was crowded with tall bamboos from which thorns 
hang and on which rest the cuckoos, which have bent claws and thin 
blue feathers, after drinking the mango juice, sweet as if milk were 
mixed with it, and after that, the sour juice of the nelli fruit. 3 5 

4 The mullai^ jasmine, which flowers in places adjoining a stream 
looks like the teeth of a cat laughing.' R 



f flfubSiu w<7j-inu stiff; <J*/ 
oS/r wrrweaw u JK <sSl tu IT jb 
p(U3oft 10 & # QUIT if.*e\)Q<9f 



Agam, 97. 

2 Cf;rJ)Bft 



$ tf-iu C/ii>i 



rinai, 62. 

jw-i5L(Lf <*rwi/rtiU*- fi^@9 
QujirerreS pir e ^(/<9Q*'A)/r, 
6u<sf>t Qfliujslpn? jseereBr. 

Kuvundogai, 233. 



3 L/rw<srvi> uwrasr 



Qffiirm&iu Qwlev. /, } 201. 
iaE3lp y>$JS <2P*>?*u 
pmresr, /&., 220, 



PRE- ARYAN TAMIL CULTURE 385 

IDEAL OF FEMININE BEAUTY 

A people so acutely observant of natural objects and capable of 
keen relish of their beauly would naturally deal largely in descriptions 
of feminine charms ; of numerous references to this subject I shall 
quote but one :- The songstress had hair like the black sand on the 
sea-shore ; -her fair forehead was like the crescent moon, her eye-brow 
bent like the bow that kills ; the outer end of her cool eyes was beau- 
tiful, her sweetly speaking mouth was red like the sheath of the fruit 
of the silk cotton tree ; her spotlessly white teeth were like rows of 
many pearls ; her ears* were like the curved handles of scissors and 
their lobes were shaking with bright ear rings shaped like the crocodile. 
Her neck was bent down with modesty ; her shoulders were like the 
waving bamboo trees ; her forearms were covered with thin hair ; her 
fingers were like the November flower which grows on the tops of 
high hills ; her brightly shining nails, like the mouth of a parrot. Her 
breasts, covered with light coloured beauty spots, were such as people 
thought that it would cause her pain to bear them, and -were so high 
that the rib of a cocoanut leaf could not go between them ; her navel 
was very beautiful and resembled a whirl-pool in water. Her waist 
was so small that observers could not guess that it existed (and that 
it bore the weight of the body) with difficulty. Her pudendum was 
adorned with a mggalai, many stringed waist band with many bells, 
looking as if it swarmed with bees ; her thighs, straight and thin like 
the trunk of a female elephant ; her lower legs were covered with hair, as 
it ought to be, up to the ankles, and her small feet were like the 
:ongue of a tired dog. 1 

INDUSTRIES 

Carpentry began and was well developed in the Stone Age; for 
ill sorts of carpenter's tools have been picked up from the settlements 
>f the lithic epoch. Most of these tools were made of iron when the Iron 
\ge succeeded. The workers in wood was called tachckar 2 - or 
>&nar. 3 Carpenters had a greater variety of work to do than in 
nodern days, for besides making the wooden furniture and utensils in 



Q a IT fa) dtp Lf<s*i$&& Qjf/rQp/n^erot 
jeeoirty i$6erQioir$$ ^mu 
$$ir Qa/artJJr 



.^ &iriun>& at en tb l or 



QflrQa/awjr uS<sa>^^tu as rr * ft em 
Sefleu/r . Qtur&LB Q'>f?a5? eaftr 



Quirsir Genfletr 



ear a/erarr/r /<i// 
ti uearasr u&>sir 



and /zr/rtaJp Qu^*?'- 8 pi*. Pornaur?upj>adai,2$-W* 

2 p*a>r. : ' 3 tt/row/-. 



386 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

household use, they had also to build houses, palaces, and temples, 
carts andxihariots. Turning: and wood-carving were highly developed! 
The legs of sitting planks and swinging planks were turned according 
different designs. Every available corner of wooden . articles in 
houses, carts, and chariots were filled with wood carving, of elaborate 
patterns carved in rrinute detail with the extraordinary patience that 
the Indian artist alone is capable of. No work, big or small, left the 
carpenter's hands without some art work on it so that there was no 
sharp distinction as there is in Europe between utilitarian and artistic 
work. So much so that one of the synonyms if or tachckan 1 - is Sittiranf 
artist. 

Boat building was also an ancient form of wood-work, but was in 
the hands of men who lived in Neydal, that is, coast land. It is worth 
noting that the boat builders were affiliated with fishermen, so far as 
social status was concerned. The work of the boat-builder is no less 
skilful than that of other carpenters ; but yet the social position of the 
later was much higher than that oi the former. This was partly 
because the boat-builders shared in the food and the personal habits of 
the fishermen among whom they lived ; moreover the wood-work of 
the boat builder is cruder than that of the carpenter and does not 
admit of art work like other forms of wood work, so that the boat- 
builder had the status of the journeyman worker whereas the 
carpenters were allotted the privileges of the artist. While the boat- 
builders were of low status, chariot-makers were the companions of 
kings. 

Workers in metal were called kammalar, 3 akkaHalaiyar* arivar* 
kanw&lar , 7 karivinainar* kammiyar? hollar * karumdr^" 1 
r^ 2 tuvattar, * s pulavar^ 1 4 punaiyar, 1 5 mttagar* l & vittiar, * 7 mnai- 
nar.*- 3 They worked in iron, steel, copper, bronze, silver and gold. 
They were very skilful workers as is proved by the specimens of 
jewels and utensils recovered from ancient graves. Huge vessels of 
these various metals were made by hammering into shape immense 
blocks of metals. This requires much more skill than the method of 
cutting out sheets, adar, l& tagadu* Q of metal, bending them into the 
shapes of the different parts of a vessel and rivetting or soldering them 
together, such as is done now. The import of large sheets of thin 
metal from Germany has made our workers forget the art of 
hammering out big vessels and making them without joints. The 
delicate carving on gold and silver that was the glory of ancient 
India is not yet dead, thanks to the love of personal decoration which 
modern civilization has not yet been able to root out of the souls of 
our ladies. Ladies loved jewels so much that there are many words 
which mean ' to wear jewels/ e.g., a?it, 2i ttr^* $adu,** punai 24 pttii zs 
malai** milai^ milai** vey,* Q ey, 30 vey ; 3 * the' .'noun forms of many 
of these words mean jewels. Some professions subsidiary to that of the 
goldsmiths * who heat good gold and make shining jewels out of it J32 



.Ft. 

SJ'r- 
3su. 



PRE- ARYAN TAMIL CULTURE 387 



were those of the kadainar^ who ' turn cut conch shells into 
bangles, 3 kuyinar? 'who drill holes in beautiful g-emsir 4 . 

The weaver's art was equally well developed. They were called 
kammiyar^ 5 seniyar^ k&rugar.' 3 They hawked clothes about in the 
. streets of towns. ' Young and old weavers assembled where four 
streets met, stood with their legs touching- each other and spread 
clothes wriose folds, short and long, resembled the waves of the 
sea. 8 

Similes derived from, the work of these workmen are found in 
literature. One such runs as follows : { The legs of the crab are 
like the open jaws of the smith who works at the furnace where air is 
blown in by pressing bellows made of soft skin.' 9 ' The leaves of 
the water-lily are caught in the thorny rasplike stem of the cane 
which grows on the edges of ponds and waves slowly in the unsteady 
north-wind and swells and swings like the bellows which drive air 
quickly into the furnace of the smith.' 10 c The male bear which has 
a wide mouth, seeking food, breaks an ant hill whose surface is 
covered by curved lines and its grunt frightens the snakes which 
reside in the ant-hill ; then it sighs like the nose of the furnace where 
the smith heats iron.' 11 

Here is a splendid simile derived from the work of the 
blacksmith : - 

* His chest was as hard as the anvil which stands before the 
furnace lighted in the smithy where the blacksmith with strong arms 
turns iron into implements that may be used against the enemy. ' 12 



Maduraikkanji \ 511. 

. 

b., 511. 

rest: 

iresbru^ 
fiSliLiGij Qiei$.iij] /BijLjScj-a- s$ ft ^ jgj f 

. 

6., 519-522. 

dreor 
. , 

Perum&an&rrupadai, 206-8. 

Quiritians tusa>L n .xa>ir& LSFtoiJl 
rwir flrffifr-eor mathcy* Q 
&$ mtrihu wat&oi ^tJf 



Agam, 96. 



* 125. 



* 170, 

Other professions that deserve mention are that of the toddy-drawer, oil- 
resser, sugar-cane presser, manufacturer of jaggery and. of liquor. 

11 . -. . 



388 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

TRADE 

The ttword for trade vawig-am* is usually supposed to be derived 
from Sanskrit vanijyam. The probabilities .are just the other way 
about. Vaniyam is derived from vanik or banik^ merchant, and this later 
word is almost certainly from the vedic pani. The panis were the, 
traders of Vedic times and as the}? were Dasytis and would not pay 
daks/iina to the performers of Arya rites the Rishis denounced them as 
being: niggards. 2 The paipis being Dasytis were most probably the 
Tamil traders of the early Vedic epoch, for in those days the Tamils 
alone of South Indians were the most civilized tribes and the objects 
of internal trade, then and for long: after, were, as it has been already 
pointed out, South Indian products like pearls, corals, sandal wood, 
pepper, and other spices. Hence the word pant and its variants and 
derivatives must have passed to North India from the South ; 
hence Tamil vaniga became banik and pani. There is a Vedic root 
pan, to negotiate, which in later Sanskrit came to mean to stake. This 
root may have been coined from pani. 

Trade first began in Neydal. For the pafadavar 3 of that region, 
where cereals could not be raised, could get only fish and salt to eat. 
Now it may be possible to keep up life solely on fish, all the courses 
from soup to pudding being made from that one food-stuff, but one 
cannot live comfortably for any length of time on fish alone, 
notwithstanding the fact that the remote ancestors of all animals 
were aquatic beings ; for very soon the hankering for vegetable 
food will assert itself. So the ancient dwellers of the littoral 
tracts learnt to carry fish and salt and (later salted fish) to 
the neighbouring mafudam and barter their goods for cereals. 
Hence in the poems belonging to the Neydal tinai 4 there is 
frequent mention o the trade in salt. One instance of it may be 
given. His wounds caused by the sword-fish having been cured, my 
father has gone to the big blue sea for fishing ; my mother too has 
gone to the salt fields to barter salt for white rice ; so if the lover 
comes now he can without any hindrance meet his mistress ' s . 

Sellers of salt were called uina^ar^ umattiyar* 7 This ancient trade 
in which. a double bag of salt was placed like a saddle on the back of 
a bull, which was driven from place to place in the interior of the land, 
can be observed even to-day in far-off; villages. When the salt trade rea- 
ched greater proportions it was carried in carts. ' The wheel, uruli B of 
the cart was surrounded by a round rim fuffu 9 which went round the 
spokes, r, 10 tightly fixed to the hub kuradu,* l which looked like a 
drum, mulavu.*- 2 ' The strong yoke, ^r, 13 was fastened to two long 
beams placed on the axle-tree, parUkkai^* which looked like an 
<?/zZ, 15 timber placed between two elephants to prevent them from 
fighting with each other. Its top, v&y> l6 bore a creaking mat of 
ragi stalks, &rvai, 17 as the hill bears clouds on its top. In the 

iflib. 2 R. V. vi. 51. 14 ; vii. 22. 6. 

5 *(j7 Q&ij&K/s L/ cow u. waft /y QjummfSiy 
Sst&pti Ou<T5 > Si't_^J t^Jr-sorfidr turuy 
gpO<su iarf/51, QsuowQww 
a/ Ci LJ sS 3ar fpufl O^-sorpso 



Kurundogai, 269. 



P-RE- ARYAN TAMIL CULTURE 389 

front of a hut which possessed a hen-coop, resembling a loft from 
which men guard ^the crops from being: devasted by elephants, was a 
woman, with a child at her side, and a twig of margosa with flowers 
and leaves held in her hands to protect the child from demons- she 
.stood near the yoke from which was hanging- a pot of vinegar/ tied 
with; strings like the drum of a dancing girl on a dancing platform 
and she beat the back of the bull with a wooden mortar whose mouth 
was as big as the knee of a female elephant with tusks resembling the 
shoot of a bamboo. Their men who wore garlands of flowers and 
leaves, whose shoulders were big, beautiful and strong, and whose 
limbs were supple and powerful, walked by the cart to whose yokes 
rows of bulls were tied with ropes passing through small holes ; the 
men saw that the carts were not upset. They fixed the price of salt 
in terms of other articles and passed along the road with teams of 
reserve bulls to replace those that became exhausted.' 1 

What an extremely realistic and at the same time highly poetical 
description of a subject which no modern man would regard as capable 
of poetic treatment at all ! 

Another article hawked about Jfrom place to place was pepper. 
3-rown in Malabar, the land of the Seras, it was a necessary ingredient 
D curry throughout South India. * Pepper bags looking like the 
small-pulped big jack fruit which grows at the foot of the majestic 
jack-tree are balanced on the strong, scarred, prick-eared donkey which 
carries the pepper along long roads where tolls are collected. These 
*oads are guarded by bow-men.' 2 

Gradually as cities grew in size, the power of monarchs grew to 
imple proportions, civilization advanced, and trade in numerous 
irticies of necessity and luxury grew in the land. In cities ' there were 
>eople who vended various things including many beautiful looking 



i> 46-65. 



390 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

articles of food, produced in the hill country, in the low country and i-n 
the sea. ^There were traders who, brought different kinds of brilliant 
gems, pearls and gold from far ofl lands.... There were men who assay- 
ed gold ; there were sellers of clothes, vendors of copper vessels which 
were sold by weight, men who, when their business was over, tied the 
proceeds to their loin cloth, men who sold choice flowers, and scented 
pastes. There were clever painters, kannul mnainar^ who painted 
pictures of all kinds of minute incidents'. 2 This description pertains 
to the trade of the beginning of the first millennium A.D., but this trade 
could not have differed from that of a very much earlier epoch, 
because civilization did not grow by leaps and bounds in any particular 
period, but grew so gradually that the life conditions of any one epoch 
resembled very much those of previous ages. 

1 Traders carried jewels to foreign countries on ships that had sails 
spread in the wind and that sailed on the ocean whose waves smelt of 
fish \ 3 They carried jewels for sale on land, but in a country where 
the Mafavar followed as their only profession that of highway robbery, 
the travels of traders were fraught with adventure. * The merchants 
who enabled all men to enjoy the grand things which are found on the 
mountain and in the sea have breasts full of scars made by the piercing 
arrows, clothes tied tight round their waists and a knife stuck into it, 
strong broad shoulders to which was attached the cruel bow and so 
resembled Murugan who wears the Kadambu flower. They held in 
their hands a big spear like Yaman. A stinging dagger with a white 
handle made of ivory, looking like a snake creeping on a hill, was tied 
with a belt to their shoulders ; their strong feet were covered with 
shoes and they wore coats '.* 



Gf6*rjSsgli ustssreatsfiiuia 
^teeoy srretfariaQfab a$iin 



QP GII to so a tr L!~ t$- 
j$i<se>y)$ C?/?Ffr<*p 

Maduraikkftnyi, 503-6, 513-18. 

Hi' in this passage meaning an article of trade is a derivative 
of Pani trader. 



uQ*r*rQ tojp/x. /^>.. 536 and 539. 



r luystor Qia<jeltii ut 
rar Q^rrSso^Stt/ (L/csbraa.rf' taiririSeor 



i, 67- 



PRE- ARYAN TAMIL CULTURE 393. 

- Balances for weighing articles .of trade were of two kinds. One 
was the steel-yard called nemankdP or nifaikQl ; 2 this was $nade of 
wood and resembled the steelyards used in villages to-day ; rich 
merchants, however, used steelyards made of ivory. 3 The second 
was the tar&su* a pair 'of scales. All this trade was carried on by 
barter, as old Indians did not like to coin metal, and when they got 
coins from foreign countries, made jewels of them for their bosoms or 
hoarded them deep in the bosom of mother-earth. 

Traders, in the Tamil country, were and are called tetti. 5 This word has 
been sanskritized into sreskthz and assimilated to the adjective gresktka, 
excellent. Sreshtz is by some supposed to have degenerated into setti \ 
I consider this derivation to be a topsy-turvy one. Setti is the personal 
noun from settu, trade, a fetti being one who pursues $ettu, trade, as his 
profession ; for it is absurd to think that the Tamil traders carried on 
their profession for ages without a name for their profession or for 
themselves as followers of the profession. Hence it is reasonable to 
infer that sreshthi is Tamil Setti dressed in a Sanskrit garb. Sanskrit 
scholars suffer from a form of superiority- complex and believe 
that Sanskrit, the language of the Gods, being a perfect language, could 
not stoop so low as to borrow words from the languages of men. 
Hence they are fond of inventing derivations, ingenious and plausible, 
but absurd from a historical point of view, for words borrowed from 
foreign sources. Thus they say that hammzra, borrowed from Persian 
amlr> is a contraction of aham mrah ; they explain kskatrapa^ satrap, 
also borrowed from Persian, as kshtram patlti kskatrapah ; they derive 
hora, which was borrowed from Greek, from ahorairam, with its head and 
its tail amputated. The derivation of Setti from sreshihl is of a piece 
with these products of a perverse ingenuity. 

The capital with which the ancient traders traded was called mudal % 
initial stock. I wonder whether mudaliyttr 7 meant originally men with 
mudaL There has always been a rivalry between mudaliar and pillai* 
with regard to social status ; does this point to an ancient rivalry be- 
tween merchants and agriculturists ? We have no materials which can 
help us to solve this question. Literary evidence merely indicates that 
both those who produced crops and those who sold them belonged to 
the class of meter ^ who were qualified to become the heroes of love 
poems. 

Trade on any scale would scarcely be possible without debts. The 
word kadan' 1 shows that debts were contracted in olden times. Interest 
was called vatti*^ a word usually identified^ with prakrit v&4$i 
Sanskrit vridd/ii. The Tamil word might as well tie derived from Tamil 
vattu, a small piece, or vatti^ cowries, cowries being small change, 
sillarai.*-* VaSfr* meant a deduction other than 9*#z;. the literal 
meaning of the word seems to be ' additional J . The places where 
mercantile transactions took place were kadai^ maligai^ 3 
and sandai, * 7 which has become in English 'Shandy '. 



PuramSQ. 



392 JOURNAL OF INDIAN fllSTORY 

There are several minor subjects about which the evidence of pure 
Tamil wprds and of early literature can be profitably used, but which I 
have now no time to deal with. Those subjects are : Diseases and 
medicines, knowledge of human and animal anatomy, notions of juris- 
prudence, recognized terms of relationship, death-rites, division of 
time, astronomical notions, knowledge of colours, of meteorological 
phenomena, reading and writing, notions of psychology* and ethics 
Without the inclusion of these subjects, our reconstruction of the life 
of the ancient Tamils will not be complete. 

This life of the Tamil people slowly evolved from the beginning 
of the Old Stone Age> that of the Aryas of North India began to 
influence. This was not a catastrophic inroad into the south from the 
north but a very slow process of infiltration. This infiltration began 
in the middle of the third millennum B.C. Then Parasurama settled 
with a number of followers, south of the Vindhyas. Many of Visva- 
mitra's sons, soon after, migrated to South India, as the Aitareya 
Brahmana informs us. But yet at the beginning of the second millen- 
nium B.C., when Rama crossed the Godavan, the non-Aryan Rakshasas 
were predominant in Southern India and the southernmost Arya colony 
was that of the Agastyas on the banks of that river. In the age of the 
Mahabharata, in which Tamil soldiers took part, Arya influence in 
Southern India increased. But still in about the sixth century B.C. 
Apastambha, the last of the Sutrakaras, called a Rishi by courtesy* 
flourished near the banks of the Godavaii and made laws for the 
Aryas there. Tamil India produced no Rishi, neither a Rishi of the 
mantradrashtti. type, nor even of the later type or the promulgator of 
the Srauta, Grihya, and Dharma Sutras. Into the Tamil land, 
Brahmanas, Bauddhas, and Jamas spread in the centuries preced- 
ing and succeeding the beginning of the Christian era. The early 
Pallavas of Kanchi were chiefly responsible for this migration of the 
Aryas. Notwithstanding the widespread of Brahmanas, literature was 
chiefly in the hands of the Tamil P&i&r and hence neither the Sanskrit 
language nor Sanskrit literature exercised much influence till about the 
fifth century after Christ. Early in that age, Tririadhnmagni, author of 
Tolk&ppiyam> tried to adapt the social system of the northerners to the 
Tamil people, but without any success. Meanwhile the religions ideas 
of the ltih&$a$ spread among the common people. The teachings and 
practices of the Bauddhas and the Jainas were also promulgated from 
the monasteries of those monks. The complicated rites of Siva- 
worship and Vishnu-worship as propounded in the Agamas were 
adopted by the people and temple rites became the monopoly of a 
special sect of Brahmanas ; as a result of this, these two cults became 
wedded to the Arya system of four var^as, Ill-adjusted to the old 
scheme of Tamil classes. One of the results of this was the extension 
of the idea of endogamous caste and the rise of innumerable castes 
marked by endogamyan idea unknown to the Tamils of the early 
ages. Another result was that Tamil lost its linguistic and literary 
independence. A copious flow of Sanskrit words into the Tamil 
tongue took place. In the region of literature, the old ode agavaP 
gave place to k&oiyam.* Not only literary forms but also literary" 
images, literary conventions, and poetic images, belonging to 



PRE-ARYAN TAMIL CULTURE 393 

1 

Sanskrit, crept into Tamil poems, The MokshaSastrm ot the north- 
erners, represented by the Upmiskads, the Bhagwad Gf&tand the 

Pto/0 SfitraS) prevailed in the South, Very soon South India more 
than amply repaid this debt to North India by producing the three 
great Bhashyak8ras$ftbkm t Ramanuja and Anandatirtha. 

' The genius of Tamil is marked by the scientific temperament ; con- 
crete ideas and images appeal to the Tamil people and hence Tamil is 
peculiarly fitted to be the vehicle of scientific knowledge, The genius 
of Sanskrit is marked by the philosophical temperament ; it revels in 
abstractions which are the life-breath of philosophy, It was the 
wedding of Tamil genius and Sanskrit genius that is responsible for 
South Indian thinkers having become the guides of Indian .thought 
during the last thousand years. In our days the genius of Europe has 
begun to influence India, The great ambition of Europe is to amass 
wealth and to utilize it for raising the standard of life, by developing 
the means of attainment of the ever-increasing methods of appealing 
to the senses, not only the five senses, but also that of locomotion, 
How far the genius of Europe is going to alter the life of the Tamils 
is concealed in the womb of time. We have succeeded in tearing the 
veil of past time and getting a few glimpses of ancient life ; but 
future time is covered by a veil of nebulous matter which cannot be 
pierced by any known methods of enquiry, 



Reviews 

A HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE J 

BY 

A. BERRIDALE KEITH, D.C.L., D.LITT. 
[Oxford. At the Clarendon Press. 25s. net.] 

DR. A. B. KEITH Is a voracious reader of Sanskrit literature. His is 
also a mind eminently fitted to make indexes not only of the contents 
of books but also of everything that has been said by anybody ; and his 
mind has been further trained by years of work on the making, in 
collaboration with Dr. Macdonell, of the Vedic Index. The result is 
that the book under review is a true index to the contents of 
classical Sanskrit literature and the researches, good, bad and 
indifferent, on that literature. By classical Sanskrit literature the 
author means the books, on all sorts of subjects, in classical Sanskrit, 
i.e., the Sanskrit posterior to the language of the Vedic Samhitas, 
Brdhma^aSy and Upansads. He does not mean Sanskrit literary 
classics but embraces within his sweep every book on any subject, so 
far printed, but excludes the Sanskrit drama, on which he has already 
written and the great ttihasas also. Thus he deals with the later epic, 
lyric, gnomic and didactic poetry, books on grammar, law, politics, 
philosophy, religion, medicine, astronomy and mathematics. Why he 
has omitted music, the handicrafts, metallurgy, chemistry, veterinary 
science and the arts of warfare we cannot guess. Besides these 
subjects he also discusses the literary relations of the East and the 
West, and the origin of Sanskrit and its relations with the literary 
Prakrits and Pali. Dealing with such a large mass of matter, it is no 
wonder that, though he has given us more than 500 pages, the work 
has merely the merit of a good index, not alphabetically arranged, but 
arranged subject by subject and strewn with ex cathedra judgments 
on men and things. It so happened that though the body of the book 
was written in 1926, pressure, of work delayed its printing for a yeai 
and a half; so the author has utilized the preface for bringing the 
book up to date in the matter of references to books and magazine 
^articles published during the Interval. 



REVIEWS 395 

Dr. Keith is a profound admirer of the beauty of the Sanskrit 
language and is a trained connoisseur of beautiful sentiments Expressed 
in happy ways, such as is a speciality of the Kawya and the Lyric. 
This explains the great attention he has paid to this department of 
Sanskrit literature. He -gives frequently tit-bits from, poems, which 
are quite enjoyable. But the higher criticism which points out the 
artistic construction of the greater poems, and wherein lies the special 
superiority of each poem is absent from his book ; nor can the scale of 
the book afford room for such treatment. Thus the Meghadkata and 
the Kum&rasambhava are disposed of each in about a page, most of 
which dealing with an abstract of the poem ; the Raghuvamsa in 
five pages, which contain besides a summary of the poem, specu- 
lations, not original, about Raghu's exploits being a copy of the much- 
exaggerated deeds of Samudragupta, and the relations between 
Vaitniki's R&mayana and the Raghuvamsa. If the greatest Sanskrit 
poet is treated in this style, the reader may easily guess which would 
be the fate of the rest. 

European scholars study Greek and Latin literature when they are 
young and impressionable and" form exaggerated estimates of the 
perfection of the i classics ', and when later in life they study Sanskrit, 
they apply the rules derived from the practice of Greek and Roman 
poets to the literature produced in a quite different language. Pelion 
and Ossa, the Pierean spring and the Tiber inspired the genius of the 
poets who are models of perfection to European critics. But is it not 
absurd to use the literary products of Greek and Rome to gu age the 
merits of those mighty souls which grew under the inspiration of the 
Himalayas and the Gang a ? This leads the author to make the 
ridiculous pronouncement that Kalidasa was incapable of the vision 
and imagery of Virgil. But the compelling genius of Kalidasa does 
not suffer so much depreciation by European critics as the rest of 
the long series of Indian poets. Bharavl and many others are 
accused of want of taste because they use similes derived from 
grammatical science. In this age when the physical sciences are so 
much developed, similes based on scientific concepts abound both in 
poetry and prose ; but why grammatical science should foe denied this 
privilege of helping to clarify thought by contributing images passes 
comprehension. 

European critics in assessing the values of Indian poetry forget the 

" . . 12 .: ':'. .-: ":. " " ' - ' - : ' ' : ' ' ' ' "' 



396 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

fact that whereas Greek or Latin poetry was a butterfly that shone for 
an idle aour and then passed out of existence, Indian poetry has 
lived and grown for millenniums. One kind of poetry repeated for 
thousands of years would create nausea. You can make a meal of . 
honey for a day or two, but for a whole lifetime more variety in the 
dietary is essential. Hence at times passed on, Sanskrit poets have 
experimented in a vast variety of styles, each having beauties of its 
own. As the severe simplicity of the R&m&yana has its function, so the 
elaborate word-play of Subandhu or Harsa theirs. Moreover European 
critics sin against the basic canon of art-criticism that it is not the 
function of the critic to award marks as an examiner does to school- 
boys, but the true critic is he who tries to understand the aims of the 
artist and explain how far the artist is true to his own ideal and not 
to judge his performance by referring to another artist with totally 
different aims. The ignorance of this fundamental canon of 
criticism had led foreigners into making ridiculous remarks, such as 
that the great temple of Srirangam is lacking in unity which is the 
special mark of the Parthenon. One might as well say that the 
Himalayas are wanting in the unity that characterizes Mount Olympus 
or that a huge tropical forest cannot be seen at a glance as a 
miserable municipal park is. Throughout this book occur remarks 
such as, we prefer Magha's eloquence to his comparison of the mountain 
with the sun setting on one side and the moon rising on the other, to 
an elephant from whose back two bells hang, one on each side, the 
humour and wit of Danclin are more attractive to modern taste than 
those of other Indian authors. These appeals to European taste 
make the book less a history of Sanskrit literature than an exposition 
of European preferences, 

To us moderns, chronology is the eye, of history ; just as we cannot 
tell the forenoon from the afternoon unless we consult a watch, so 
history without dates is to us a meaningless tangle of facts. Not so 
to the ancients to whom history was but: the hand-maiden of Dkarma 
and the tales of great men were but the means of illustrating ethical 
principles. To them a truth was a truth whenever it was announced, 
and the beauty of a work of art was independent of the date of its 
production. Hence they did not possess the acute chronological sense 
which oppresses us and which is too often confounded with the 
historical sense of which the ancients had as much of a supply as the 



REVIEWS 397 

moderns. TJaey possessed no era from which to count the passage of 
years and they eared more for the sequence of events In tlmetfaan to 
work it in years. After'all It Is the temporal sequence of events that 
Is valuable for the study of evolution than the arithmetical demarcation 
of it. As regards the chronological sequence of the numberless 
authors that have contributed to the growth of Sanskrit literature there 
is no doubt. But when we proceed to find accurate dates for them, 
we find the task absolutely impossible ; in some cases even the 
centuries when they lived Is difficult to fix. Hence there is ample room 
for European scholars to pull them forward in the scale o time, and 
for Indian scholars to push them back. But when the former, in.. this 
work of pounding- husk, import a priori assumptions and indulge in 
phrases like * we cannot believe that Apastamba lived before the 
second century B.C.,' ' Panini cannot be assigned an earlier date than 
thrid century B.C./ ' it would be wise to assign the seventh century A.D.,' 
it cannot but degrade this misapplication of the critical method. The 
true scientific spirit bids one to keep one's soul in patience when no 
evidence is available. Moreover this method of telescoping Indian 
literary events in a small space of time would remove the development 
of Sanskrit literature to the region of miracles ; for to believe that this 
vast literature which grew In ancient times when thought moved 
slow is but to believe in the marvellous. It is impossible to discuss 
in a review the thousand and one points of chronology where we have 
to differ from the author. Hence the book can serve but the function 
of an elaborate index to Sanskrit literature and no more. 

P. T. S. 

< LANDMARKS OP. THE DECCAN ' 

A Comprehensive Guide to the Arch&ological Remaitts of the 

City and Suburbs of Hyderabad 

BY 

S. A. ASGAR BlLGRAMI 

[Printed at the Government Central Press, Hyderabad, Deccan, 1928 
226 pp. Price, Rs. 5.] 

THIS is the English edition of the Maathir-e-Deccan^\ttcfa was published 
sometime back when the author who Is an Assistant Secretary to 
JEL E. H. The Nizam's Government was acting for Mr. YazdanI, the 
Director of Archaeology. It is an attempt to make up for the extreme 



398 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

f 

paucity of Information regarding the monuments of the city and suburbs 
of Hyderabad given by Mr. Cousens in his Lsist of Antiquarian Remains 
of the Nizam* s Dominions , published in 1899 "; and this volume is the * 
author's first instalment of a plan for the completion of a complete list 
of antiquarian remains for all the subahs of the Nizam's. Dominions. 
In the descriptive account of the various monuments Mr. Bilgrami 
follows the principles laid down by the Superintendent of Archaeology, 
Northern Circle, for the classfication of monuments and for the dating 
of uninscribed ones. Some of the inscriptions detailed in the book 
have appeared in the Epigraphia Indo-Moslemico edited by Mr. Yazdani. 
The list is made on a chronological basis, first for the monuments of 
Golconda. A retrospect at the end gives a short accountof the history 
of the Deccan region from early times down to the end of the Qutb 
Shahi dynasty and the subsequent appearance of the Nizams of the 
Asaf Jahi line. The photo-illustrations of kings, inscriptions, etc., 
appearing in the book are certified to be authentic copies,, 

In the notes of the monuments, important and historic ones like 

the Char Minar, a phototype of the Tarzia of Imam Husant ; the Mecca 
Musjid, built by Muhammad Qutb Shah VI ; the dome of Jamshed Quli 
in Golconda ;.. the fine inscription on the facade of the Mecca Darwaza 
at the same place, dated A.D. 1559; the dome and sarcophagus 
inscription of Sultan Muhammad VI who was a great friend of learning, 
and the Musa Burj which is so closely connected with the defection of 
Mir Jumla from the Golconda throne, occupy much space and are 
treated fully in their architectural and epigraphical details. New 
sources of information regarding the doings of Mir Jumla and his son, 
Muhammad Amin, are given, besides the concerned Persian and Telugu 
inscriptions on the Musa Burj which are fully translated. The foot- 
notes, though few, are useful ; and the book gives us valuable 
descriptive information about the Golconda style of .architecture, 
ciiarcterized by narrow-necked domes of peculiar form, distinguished 
in some respects from the'.sister style of Bijapur ; and it forms a fairly 
useful contribution to the literature on the antiquities of the Nizam's 
Dominions rendered peculiarly rich by their possession of Maski, 
Ajanta, EUora, Warangal, Bidar, Galburga and Golconda. 



c. s. a 



REVIEWS 399 

THE MARATHA RAJAS OF TANJORE ' 
BY 

K. R. SUBRAMANXAN, M.A. 

WITH A . FOREWORD BY 

P. T. SRINIVASA IYENGAR, M.A., L.T. 

[Published by the author, at 60, T. S. V. KoII Street, Mylapore, Madras pp. II 
and 106, Price, Re. 1.] 

THIS small book is an attempt to sketch the cultural and political 
history of the wealthy Kingdom of Tanjore under Maratha rale which 
lasted in full vigour for less than a century. The Vijayanagar 
domination over the Kaverl delta ending in Nayak rule, as in other 
cases, was marked by a rich output of Sanskrit and Telugu literature 
of which the chief ornaments were Govinda Dikshitar and Yajna- 
narayana, the author of Sahitya Ratnakara. The Maratha state which 
may be said to have begun life in 1676, might have linked itself in a 
vital chain with the main base of the JVlarathas in the Deccan; but the 
interposition of Mughal rule followed by that of the Asaf Jahi and 
Arcot dynasties prevented any continued co-operation, while the 
jealousy of Venkoji's branch towards the house of Sivaji served. to 
act as an additional barrier* Unaided by the parent stock, the isolated 
Tanjore Kingdom was torn by jealous neighbours, unruly allies and 
rapacious JVlussalmans and after the Europeans came upon the scene 
it was bled by the greed and corruption of the Nawabs of the Camatic 
fortified as it was with French, and later, English countenance and 
support. The sorry tale of gradually degenerating kings and the 
increasing peculation that marked the dealings of the Nawab towards 
his so-called feudal vassal of Tanjore is relieved only by the continu- 
ous patronage of learning from the time of Shahji I (1 84^-1 71 2) ; this 
patronage comprehended works in Telugu, Marathi, Sanskrit and to 
some extent in Tamil as well. Sarfoji II, who was only a ruler by 
courtesy, was an apt pupil of Swartz and enriched the Palace Library 
with a large number of printed books and manuscripts/ The Marathas 
superimposed their own culture on that of Tamil Tanjore, enriched 
it already had become, by the Nayak connection. The dynasty went 
"its way like the others before it; but it has left its own impress on the 
, culture of the district and enabled Tanjore to retain its prominent 
place as a home of indigenous art and learning and music. 



400 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

The author has made ample use of the epigraphic s literary antl 
bibliographical materials available for the period, Including the 
Marathi inscription, dated Saka 1725 ; and he has stressed on the 
isolation and the consequently arrested growth* of the Maratha state, 
though a fuller notice of the causes contributing to the decay would 
not have been unwelcome. He has given a brief, but useful, account 
of the economic and social conditions and of the administrative 
system of the Kingdom a picture that is bound to be useful for 
getting an idea of the better phase of pre-British administration which 
prevailed in the land. 

a s. s. 

' THE GURKHAS 3 

BY 

MAJOR W. BROOK NORTHEY AND CAPTAIN C. J. MORRIS 

WITH A FORE WOOD BY 

GENERAL THE HON. C. G. BRUCE 

[London, John Jane The Boclley .Head- 18s. net -pp. xxxvii and 282 with 
illustrations and a map.] 

THIS book, dedicated to H. H. Maharaja Sir Chandra Shamsher Jang 
Bahadur Rana, Prime Minister and Marshal of Nepal, attempts to 
give a fairly full and authoritative account of the history, the 
administration and the people of that interesting land, on the basis of 
material embodied in standard works on the subject like that of 
Professor Sylvain Levi, and of other accounts collected by the authors. 
Professor Turner of the University of London contributes a learned 
chapter on the languages of the country, while the two collaborating 
authors describe in two chapters their respective journeys in Western 
and Central Nepal. The Foreword traces the formation of the present 
Gurkha rule under Prithwi Narayan and the modernization of the state 
going on since the time of the famous Jang Bahadur Rana. The 
history of Nepal is mainly the history of an attempt at Aryanization 
of hill-races, with frequent reactions exerted by the Tibetans and the 
Chinese. It is traced in the first book through the mythical and half- 
mythical epochs to the Thakuri Dynasty of Amsuvarman in the seventh" 
century s and thence along fairly reliable ground to the reign of Joya 
Deva and Ananda Malla who founded a new era in the thirteenth 



REVIEWS 401 

century and possibly began a new cultural stage as well. From, 
thence the interplay of political forces became complicated until 
the warring principalities of Khatmandu, Bhatgaon and Patan were 
united under Prithwi Narayan Sah of the new Gurkha race which was 
to* dominate Nepal from now. Gurkha politics till the advent of the 
Jang family to supreme power and to the position of Mayor of the 
Palace was * one of steady progress as regards arms, and of the 
disgusting succession of murders and intrigues and atrocious cruelties 
as regards the court.' English commercial relations with Nepal 
began in 1791 ; their political relation became settled after the 
Gurkha War of Lord Hastings, friendly after the visit of Jang Bahadur 
to England and .positively cordial from the Mutiny onwards. Sir 
Jang's tradition has been kept up by his successors ; and the present 
Prime Minister practically placed the entire man-power of his state 
at the disposal of the English during the Great War; and the chief 
object of the book under review is to rouse an interest and appreciation 
in Nepal, in its difficulties and of the services it has rendered to the 
British Empire. 

Professor Turner deals with the linguistic distribution of the land, 

and points attention to the fact that here, more than in other regions, 

identity of language does not necessarily connote identity of race, and 

that the aborigines have largely changed their language for that of 

the Mongolian invaders, while the language of. the latter is gradually 

replaced by the Aryan. The official language is an Indo Aryan are 

variously known as Parbatiya, Gorkhali and Nepali and is closely 

allied to the Kumaoni dialect. The religion and religious festivals 

and the customs of the people are described in a popular, but not 

.earned manner ; and the chapter dealing with the administration Is 

supplemented by one dealing with the recent abolition. of slavery and 

the labour problem, of the land. Separate sections of the book are 

denoted to the description of the three definite regions into which the 

[and may be divided ; and to the chief classes of the population in each 

division, like the Brahmans and the Khetris, the Magars and the 

jurungs, the Newars, the Limbus and the Kirantis of the East. The 

part played by Nepal in the Great War is told in the end; while a 

skeleton survey map of Nepal adds to the usefulness of this 

jazetteer-like publication. 

C. S. S. 



402 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

"THE STATE IN ANCIENT INDIA 

BY 

BKNI. PRASAD, M.A. 

University of Alla/iabad 

[Published by the Indian Press, Allahabad, Rs. 10.] 

THIS is a thesis approved for the degree of Doctor of Science 
(Economics) in the University of London. The book aims at giving 
the structure and practical working of political institutions in North 
India_ in ancient times, though the institutions of the Deccan and the 
south of India are touched upon only as auxiliaries to the main theme 
of the work. The opening chapter of the book discusses the basis 
and scope of the study of the Hindu political institutions. At the 
outset the author makes us understand that the term < Hindu ' has been 
used in its comprehensive sense followers '.of the Brahmanic 
Buddhist, Jains and other indigenous Indian persuasions.' 

From, the .chapter on the 'Age of the Rig Veda\ one has to 
conclude that the author has taken for granted that the Aryans were 
foreigners to India, and the Dasyus the aborigines, in spite of the fact 
there Is a growing: volume of opinion that the Aryans were as much 
natives of the soil as the Dasyus, the latter forming themselves into a 
separate class, having fallen from the duties expected of the Aryans, 
Again we often meet with statements throughout the work that the 
state in ancient India is federal-feudal or feudal-federal We do not 
think it right to make these modern political terms fit in with ancient 
Indian conception of the state, The arguments cited are neither 
convincing nor conclusive. The author, as an apologia for having 
constantly used the term ' feudal ', explains in the concluding: pages of 
his work. ' Nor was the economic site of mediaeval European 
feudalism present in the Hindu state organization. These words 
have to be used for the sake of convenience J (p. 504.) What is 
convenience to the author may cause confusion to a lay reader. It 
will be well if and in our survey of ancient Indian polity, we avoid as 
far as possible modern political" phraseology. 

On p. 104 Dr. Prasad remarks that the Lanka of the Ram&yana is 
hardly likely to be Ceylon. To us the location of Lanka in Assam or 



403 

Central Provinces seems absurd. We have Internal evidence that 
Lanka' lay beyond Pawfya-Kavate on the south. Besides ifcis, there 
is a strong tradition about the Ramasetu* In reconstructing Indian 
, history we 'cannot easily ignore tradition, one chief source of 
Information. 

The chapter on the Jatakas opens with the statement < the literary 
productions of the Brahmans the Dharaiasutras, the epics, and later 
Dharrnasutras studiously ignore the heretical movements which had 
arisen or were flourishing contemporaneously. Each school follows 
its own tradition in a cloister or grove ' (p. 114), There is nosupport 
for this view. In the Jatakas we only find the social order of the 
DharmaSastras castes and sub-castes with classifications of Inferiority 
and superiority. The kings are Ksatriyas doing their svadharma. 
There are true Brahmans and fallen Brahmans exactly as we have In 
the Manava Dharma Sasira. Thus Buddhist literature has not discarded 
the established tradition. Coming to the Brahmanic literature, it Is 
not correct to say that they have Ignored these movements. Refer- 
ences are made to them whenever there is occasion for them. The 
Buddhist monks are referred to as Bikkhu both by Manu and 
Yajnavalkya. Kautalya knows male and female sanyasins who took 
to asceticism for belly's sake, as we find in the Vinaya, and gave It 
up again for the world, If their object was not served. Why there 
was no oftener reference can be accounted for. When these works 
were composed these movements did not attain any influential 
ascendency. It may.be noted in passing that heretical movements 
were before and after Gautama and Mahavira. 

Lack of space forbids us from examining in detail other statements 
equally important. We cannot accept the author's theories about the 
date of Kautalya and Bhasa. In our opinion there is no denying the 
fact that the Kautaliya is the accredited work of the chancellor of 
Candragupta Maurya, and Bhasa prior to the Kantaliya, as the late 
Ganapati Sastri believed. 

Beni Prasad takes us epoch by epoch in his interesting study of 
the political institutions. The concluding chapter Is of value and 
interest. He shows that it is wrong to speak of a Muhammadan 
period, and that the Scythians and Greeks exercised little influence on 
the development of Indian institutions. There is yet another untenable 
statement, viz., that the Sukraniii records mediaeval Hindu political 
13'. ', : ,' : . -., .-. ';" ' ; '"'" : : ; .. ' ' ' '.:. .- . 



404 JOURNAL OF INDIAN" HISTORY 

f' ' 

theory and is a composition of the thirteenth century extending even 
to the seventeenth. The statement is unsupported by facts.- We" 
agree with Jayaswal who rightly includes it as~ one of the sources of 

information for ancient Indian polity. 

V. R. R. DIKSHITAR. 



'STUDIES IN HINDU POLITICAL THOUGHT' 



AJIT KUMAR SEN, M.A., 
Assistant in Politics ^ Dacca University. 

[Published by Chakraverthy Chatterjee & Co,, Ltd., Calcutta. Price, Rs. 5.] 
THIS is yet one more addition to recent researches in Indology. In 
this little book which is rather loosely arranged, and where only some 
aspects of political thought of the ancient Hindus are dealt with, 
Mr. Ajit Kumar Sen desires rather legitimately to establish the theory 
that the ancient Hindus were as much advanced on the secular side 
as they were on theological and metaphysical sides. Being- a 
collection of a number of articles some of which had already appeared 
in learned journals, and others intended for the journals* we can easily 
imagine why the arrangement lacks unity. Throughout the book the 
accepted diacritical marks are omitted, and what is more, there is no 
index. Even in transliteration of some proper Sanskritic names, 
Mr. Sen has used his own method of spelling the names like Maurjya 
for Maurya or Yagnabalka for Yajliavalkya. But these are only 
minor items which a reviewer may well pass by. 

Coming to the contents of the books, excepting the chapter on the 
1 Concept of Law and the Early Hindu View * we do not find anything 
striking or original. The author has to a considerable extent followed 
the writings of Prof. Benoy Kumar Sarkar and Upandranath 
GhoshaL There is a discussion on the political literature, especially 
of the terms Dandaniti, Arthafastra and Niti$&stra % as if some 
significance is attached to each of these terms. The fact is the same 
science is known by different names, and nothing more is meant. 

In chapter v, Mr. Sen has tried to show evidence in support of the 
view that the ancient Hindu monarch was no tyrant or despot as some 
scholars make him out to have been usually, but a - constitutional 



REVIEWS 405 

monarch, fetterd by a number of preventive and, retributive checks In 
the exercise of his authority. Among the retributive checks\re given 
fines, deposition and tyrannicide. 

In the course of the book there are some statements with no 
authority to support them. For example we can quote the following : 
* The Brahmins are beginning to assert their supremacy in the society 
and they are frequently coming into collision with the king represent- 
ing the Ksatriya caste. Another aspect of this friction is represented 
by the Jaina and Buddhistic revolts against a Brahman ridden social 
system. 5 (pp. 107-8.) If anyone had gone to the originals in an 
impartial spirit, one canot say that at any time in the history of 
ancient India the Brahman suffered from supremacy or there was 
conflict between him and the Ksatriya. Again the Jaina and Buddhist 
movements were neither social or political movements. They were 
out and out monastic movements, and In their anxiety to get public 
support, they respected the age-long tradition, and befriended the 
Brahman householder (see Hivuttaka 107). 

Equally misleading is the theory that Kautalya can be compared 
to Machiavelli. There is no correspondence to show that this 
comparison will hold good. There are inconclusive statements here 
and there such as Kautalya prostituting religious institutions for 
political purposes, education finds no place in his catalogue and so on. 
Lack of space forbids us from making further remarks. We shall 
conclude that such works as the one under review will serve as an 
introductory to students of Indian Historical research, 

V. R. R. DIKS.HIT.AR. 
SIVABHARATA ' 



SHRI KRISHNA VENKATESH PUNTAMBBKAR, M.A.(OxON) 
Head of the History Depart menl> Benares 

< SIVABHARATA ' is a noteworthy publication, relating to the early life 
of Sivaji and his ancestors. We possess very little authentic informa- 
tion about this period of Maratha history. S. M, Divekar has done 
a great service in editing and translating: it. He has written a perface 
to the book of twenty-eight pages where he details the difficulties and 
labours he underwent in getting a copy of the original Sanskrit work 



.406 ' JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

from the Tanjore Palace Library and also describes the general 
characte^ and contents of the book, the author, his date and' place, 
and the date of the composition of the book. Then follows 
D. V. Apte's 200 pages of introduction. In it he gives a short, 
summary of the contents of the treatise, and then discusses the 
historical value and importance of the work. In doing this he makes 
a critical estimate of the original sources of Sivaji's life or early 
Maratha history and of modern historians, Grant Duff, Rajwade and 
Jadunath Sarkar, and also examines critically, the contents and 
character of Sivabh&rata in the light of other original sources and of 
modern state of historical research in Maratha history. He gives us. 
their difficulties, faults and merits in writing their works. His 
criticism is based upon the original evidence now available from 
contemporary letters, accounts, documents or records. The Poona 
historians inspired by the example and researches of Rajwade now 
depend for the facts of ivaji's life on contemporary accounts and 
letters which are authentic, and available in Marathi, Sanskrit, 
Persian, English, Portuguese, Dutch, French and other languages. 
The loose traditions and biassed accounts of old Bakbars, Tawankhs 
or Namahs which are not contemporary and largely based on memory 
are not fully accepted as authorities unless they are corroborated in 
material particulars and in dates of events from contemporary sources. 
It was unfortunate that much of the material in the form of contem- 
porary state documents and records of Sivaji's period was lost during 
Aurangzeb's invasion of Maharastra. But a few family records in 
the shape of letters, family histories, chronologies, accounts, ballads, 
jagir and mam grants, and legal documents and charters have escaped 
the ravages of man and time. There is also a class of well-known 
historical literature of Bakhars or accounts of kings, families and 
battles, none of which is contemporary. The earliest one of Krisnaji 
Anant Sabhasad was written about fifteen years after Sivaji's death, 
It is largely based on memory. This Bakhar material was generally 
used by earlier historians from the time of Grant Duff, wherever 
contemporary or more reliable authorities were not available or silent, 
The Bakhars not being contemporary were full of faults in the matter 
of facts, dates, and order of events ; hence wherever they were relied* 
on by earlier writers, their account was later on found to be incorrect, 
in a number of particulars when contemporary records came to light. 



REVIEWS . . 407 

- The greatest service which Sane, Rajwade, Khate,. Parasnis and a 
few others have done to the cause of Maratha history is tie search 
for collection and editing of contemporary records. It is due to 
their labours that our notions of Maratha history have to be revised 
and .that old histories have to be re-written in a number of particulars 
and view-points. 

Whatever material Grant DufE could get he tried to utilize in 
writing his history of the Marathas. But he mostly relied on Marathi 
Bakhars and Persian Tawarikhs and Namihs where he could not 
secure a better class of authorities. Therefore a number of mistakes 
and wrong view-points have entered his history. In some places he 
has been lecl to use his imagination and has suggested probabilities 
which cannot be accepted. 

It was the late historian Raj wade who critically examined the value 
of the Bakhar sources of Maratha history in his introduction to the 
fourth volume of Marathyanchya Itikasachi Sadhane. He accuses most 
of them as being defective in chronology and geography, in realizing 
the importance and inter-relation of various facts, in laying too much 
emphasis on minor facts and factors, in not giving details of battles, 
administration and the political conditions of various kingdoms in the 
country and their inter-relations, and in not mentioning many events 
of importance. Though some of them may have used contemporary 
records, still they largely relied on their memory or current traditions 
when they wrote. Some of their statements are improbable. Their 
accounts of early Pauranic and historical periods are useless. Their 
references to Sivaji's ancestors are also unreliable. They have in 
places misplaced, misjudged and mistaken personalities. They had 
not realized the true value and method of writing history. Therefore 
without the help of corroborating material from authentic sources it 
is very inadvisable to rely completely on Bakhars. And wherever 
Grant Duff has relied on them without any critical examination of 
the particular events which he has accepted, he has committed the 
same blunders which the Bakhar writers had committed. Really 
speaking Grant Duff, in not excluding such accounts and in giving 
some play to his biassed judgmeats or imagination, did not rise above 
the contemporary art of writing history. Moreover in quoting 
authorities for the statements he makes he refers to Bijapur (Persian) 
tnanu scripts or Maratha manuscripts collectively as a whole. He 



'408 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

gives us nowhere a complete dated list of his authorities one by one. 
It Is now also admitted that he was prejudiced in some of, His state- 
ments and inferences. 

D. V. Apte brings to bear the same criticism on these early 
accounts of Bakhars and Grant Duff. He does not think that time has 
even now arrived for writing a reliable and complete life of Sivaji and 
his ancestors unless more authentic materials became available and 
are properly valued and used. G. S. Sardesai also emphasizes the 
same opinion in his Patna University Lectures (1926) on the Main 
Currents of Maratha History '. Even all the available material has 
properly to be sifted and synthesized, and for some periods we have 
to wait till further research brings out additional material. 

Apte also examines the contributions of Jadunath Sarkar to the 
writing of Maratha history. Along with Sardesai he admits the value 
of contemporary Persian, English, Portuguese, French and Dutch 
letters, documents and records which Sarkar has utilized in his book 
on Sivaji and In other places, and which were not available to and 
were not used by earlier historians. But there is, Apte says, an 
another side to Sarkar 's writings on Maratha history. He has not 
used even the reliable contemporary letters and documents which 
have been published in Marathi a long time ago as a result of the 
labours of so many research scholars like Raj wade and others. It 
seems that Jadunath Sarkar, without critically reading and analyzing 
them, stamps them as being not genuine and does not admit the 
correctness of Raj wade's editing and transcription, Sarkar has shown 
in various places in his writings his prejudice and even hatred of 
Maratha historians and their work. But Sarkarian satires and 
insinuations will not change history or historical view-points. Those 
who have read these original Marathi records carefully and critically 
have realized the important value of facts and dates, political and 
other, contained in them. We do not know whether it is prejudice 
against the Maratha people or Maratha scholars or scholarship or 
whether it is his ignorance of a proper understanding of the Marathi 
language or want of patient study which have made him take up this 
adverse attitude. But the wonder is that he uses fully in embellishing 
his book on Sivaji those very Bhakhars, Tawarikhs and Natnahs which 
he condemns as utterly useless or incorrect or mere guess work or ars 
of no authority or as loose traditions for making many of his 



REVIEWS- 409 

statements about the early period of Sivaji which is so full of contro- 
versial incidents. Jadtmath Sarkar's attempt as a whole Is to present 
fhe Muslim side relying mainly on Persian sources, and to a certain 
extent neglecting the Maratha side given in contemporary Maratha 
documents and the views of Maratha historians even if they be 
based on incontestable evidence. 

The new original materials in Marathi which have to come to light 
lately and which have not been fully valued and used by earlier writers 
are 

1. Jedhe's Chronology. 

2. Jedhe's Kareena. 

3. Various letters, chronologies, family-histories, legal docu- 
ments, charters, grants in the possession of old families published by 
Rajwade in his Maratha Historical Material (volumes 8, 15-22) by 
Bharata Itihasa Samsodhaka Mandal in its various reports, magazines 
and publications and by others independently in books or magazines. 

4. Parnal Parvata Grahanfrkhyanam of Jay ar am .Kavi rendered 
into Marathi by S. M. Divekar, 

5. Radha Madhava Vilaschampu of Jayaram Kavi, edited by 
Rajwade, and 

6. Sivabh&rata of Paramananda Kavi rendered into Marathi by 
S, M. Divekar. 

Mr. Apte emphasizes the great value of all these works and publi- 
cations and of similar contemporary accounts from other sources. In 
his Introduction of SivabMrntahz examines the character and contents 
of that book and states the historical lvalue of incidents recorded in it. 
It is a contemporary work ^and in the light of additional facts which 
it gives and which are corroborated in many particulars by other 
original sources he re-examines our present historical material and the 
present state of our knowledge of the early history of the Marathas 
and especially of Sivaji and his ancestors up to the time of Shaista- 
Khan's invasion of Maharashtra in 1660. 

This treatise on the early life of Sivaji and his ancestors was com- 
posed by Paramananda Kavi at the request of Sivaji and was narrated 
to the pandits of Kasi by him under the name of- Sivabh&mta. He was 
a renowned pandit at the time of Sivaji.' He narrated the history of 
Maloji, Shahaji and of Sivaji up to the taking of Sringarpur in 1661, It 
does not contain (in the present available copy) the famous Shaista 



410 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY ; 

Khan incident. But It gives surprisingly new and accurate details 
about Sliahaji and Sivaji, though it does not care to mentiqri all im- 
portant incidents and events. It gives only two dates, one of SivajFs 
birth, and the other of Afzal Khan incident, and they are accurate and 
corroborated by other authentic sources. There is no confusion of per- 
sons, places or order of events. Its authenticity in many particulars 
has been tested and corroborated by other records. For example, the 
battle of Bhatavadi (1624), the birth date of Si vaji (1630), the famine 
(1631), the belief in Sivaji's being 1 an avatar of Visnu, the beginning of 
Swaraiva or independence (1645), the arrest of Shahaji (1648) and his 
release (1649), the meeting of Sivaji and Afzal Khan (165 9), the siege of 
Panhala(1660), the battle of Umbarkhind, and the loot of Rajapur, the 
coming of Shaistakhan (1660), and other incidents are found recorded 
here with new details which give a correct and reliable picture of many 
of them. None of the incidents and particulars have been shown to 
be definitely wrong or unreliable. Our information from other sour- 
ces is not full and hence the new details especially names of new per- 
sons perplex us. No doubt the author of ivabh<zrata has eulogized 
Sivaji, his hero, and his aims, and has sometimes overstated the effects 
of his achievements. We may value them justly and in proper pro- 
portion and perspective. But there do not seem to be rnisstatements 
about facts in it and the order of events is observed. He has not men- 
tioned all the important events and that is a fault of omission. 

Mr. Apte has shown from other sources the truth of some of the 
important facts recorded in the book. The new material in the shape 
of persons and other details which were unknown before cannot at 
present be corroborated from other authoritative^but scanty sources at 
our disposal. Futher research alone may help us. 

The final position which Apte has adopted is that writers of 
Maratha history should take to careful research and study of contem- 
porary materials from whatever source they come, and then after a 
critical estimate of the information given and view-points adopted by 
various writers, a comprehensive but incontestable history of the 
Marathas should be written. One point I may note here in the end 
for consideration. There is no mention of Ramdas and his visits or 
contacts with Sivaji. If it were a fact that they had met or come in 
contact with each other in 1649 as asserted by some writers, it -is 
more likely than not that Paramananda Kavi would have mentioned it 



REVIEWS 411 

in "his treatise. Bat there is no reference to it. Mr. Apte has in this 
Introduction made a critical and balanced survey of the ^present 
"position of historical studies in early Maratha history. He has not 
been carried away by any passion or prejudice to overstate or under- 
state it. I think his Introduction will serve a useful purpose. 

S. V. P. 
'EARLY LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN MQRLEY 5 

BY 

F. W. HIRST 

[Macmillan & Co., Ltd. Two vols.] 

READBRS of Morley 's Reminiscences would have felt the need of a 
biography of John Morley in order that they may understand to the 
full the significance of some parts at any rate of the Reminiscences, 
and a biography of Morley by one who had been associated with him 
intimately and on the lines of the model that Morley himself has set 
in his monumental Life of Gladstone, should certainly be a welcome 
addition to the biographical literature of the time. Mr. F. W. Hirst 
who is the biographer is very well qualified for the task that he has 
undertaken, having collaborated with Morley and earned his unstinted 
appreciation in his work on the Life of Gladstone. The prefatory 
note indicating obligations shows the extent of the sources from 
which Mr. Hirst collected the material which may become somewhat 
difficult of access as time goes on. Though the conventional limit of 
time has not passed for a really dispassionate biographical sketch of 
the man, the period of life covered by this work is remote enough for 
a writer of the qualifications of Mr. Hirst to bring it as near a 
standard biography as it is possible for a friend to come to. 

Mr. Hirst disclaims any authority to the work as an official biogra- 
phy, and, allowing for this shortcoming, it is undoubtedly an 
authoritative work. Mr. Hirst has turned out a life of the early years 
of Lord Morley, bringing his account to the general elections of 1885, 
which marks an epoch in the life of John Morley. Thus ended his 
' career as a journalist, man of letters, and private member of Parlia- 
ment ; and here we may leave him, not without regret that he was 
giving up so much to a barren controversy. Had he foreseen the 
extent of the Irish sands which he would have to plough in the next 
ten years he might have hesitated. But when the call came ' h$ 

1.4 . ' . : . . 



412 JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY 

accepted it with alacrity and exultation. Nor 'did he ever regret the 
choice. * 7 The air of Olympus agreed with him. He enjoyed it; and he 
enjoyed also the pomps and ceremonies and privileges of high office. 
How far responsibility changed his character and opinions is a ques* 
tion which I hope some day to answer. 1 

In taking leave of Morley on his acceptance of appointment as 
Chief Secretary for Ireland, Morley 's life as a writer and private 
politician comes to a close and he becomes a public figure thereafter 
whose public activities are, too well known to contemporaries to need 
the work of a biographer ; but even so, there are points that would 
certainly find elucidation if Mr. Hirst would keep to his promise and 
answer the question that he has propounded to himself. In the two 
volumes before us, he has attempted to be impartial and independent 
in his criticism of the character for whom the biographer has full 
admiration demanded in one who has undertaken to write a biography. 
The writer has throughout indicated points in the work of Morley 
both as a journalist and as a writer of books, and had not failed in his 
duty as a critic notwithstanding his whole-hearted admiration for his 
hero. We have felt throughout our reading that the Early Life and 
Letters is an absolutely necessary introduction to the Reminiscences. 
< To revile bad men is easy. Anybody can do that. What demands 
moral strength is to revile good and kind men, who happen to be 
doing bad things. You always break down at that,' wrote Morley on 
one occasion and with duty not of reviling, but criticizing like an 
honest man, Mr. Hirst does wherever it, is called for, Notwith- 
standing his admiration for the hero, the biography would be regarded 
as eminently well done by posterity when the time for dispassionate 
judgment should arise. 

'ANNUAL BIBLIOGRAPHY OF INDIAN ARCH/EO LOGY ' 

FOR 1926 

PUBLISHED BY 

KERL INSTITUTE, LEYDEN (HOLLAND), 1928 

THIS is the outcome of a project which Prof. Vogel had discussed 
personally with workers in the "field in India, while he was here last 
His idea was to give a more or less complete index and summary of 
publications appearing on Indian Archaeology interpreted in the 



REVIEWS 



413 



widest acceptation of the term. It takes into ''account publications 
relating* to India, Ceylon, further India, Indonesia, as Veil at 
"territories adjoining: India, namely, Iran, Turan, Tibet and Afghanistan 
Qn the one side and Far East, China, Japan and Korea on the other. 
Thus it provides a complete book of reference in regard to work 
done in the field of Archaeology practically in all Asia and provides a 
ready reference book for those who may be doing work on the 
subject. The first issue of this important publication relates to