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Full text of "Journal of Major Robert Rogers"

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Journal of 
Major Robert Rogers 



BY 

WILLIAM L. CLEMENTS 



Reprinted from the Pboceedinos of the American Antiquarian Societt 
FOR October, 1918. 



WORCESTER, MASSACHUSETTS, U. S. A. 

PUBLISHED BY THE SOCIETY 

1918 



.mil 



The Davis Press 
Worcester, Massachusetts 



ROGERS'S MICHILLIMACKINAC JOURNAL 

By William L. Clements 



The scene of the occurrences narrated in this Journal 
was at Fort Michillimackinac, located at the entrance 
of Lake Michigan and at the Western terminus of the 
Strait connecting Lake Michigan and Lake Huron. 
The meaning of the word in the Algonquin tongue is 
''Place of the big lame person." The word has been 
abbreviated into Mackinac and is pronounced Macki- 
naw.^ The present Fort Mackinac, on Mackinac 
Island, is the successor of the original fort located on 
the mainland, built in 1712 by the French for the 
protection of their trade; and during the so-called 
French and Indian War (1755-1761), was surrendered 
to the British. The Treaty of Paris (1783) ceded this 
fort and district to the United States. This mainland 
fort was the scene of many conferences during the 
French regime with Indians and Traders, and it was 
the scene during English occupation in 1763, of the 
massacre beginning Pontiac's War. Several miles 
west of the present Mackinaw City a tourist today is 
shown what is supposed to be the location of the 
original fort. In 1781 the mainland fort was aban- 
doned by the English and a new and stronger fortress 
was erected on the Island of Mackinac, which remains 
today, and is maintained in a Michigan State Reserva- 
tion. 

The district of Mackinac, or Michillimackinac, in early 
history included all of the region in the vicinity of the 



iThe spelling has been made phonetic with Old Mackinaw and Mackinaw City. We 
speak of Mackinac Island, Fort Mackinac and the Straits of Mackinac, but of Mackinaw 
City and Old Mackinaw. 



Island. The Point Saint Ignace Mission^ and stations 
located on the north side of the Strait were in this dis- 
trict. It is needless to say there was no boundary. 

There is some ground for belief that the mainland 
fort was in two locations not far apart at different 
times; the earlier one on Lake Michigan, a short dis- 
tance beyond the Straits, and the later located as we 
have described it. 

The Fort Michillimackinac of this Journal undoubt- 
edly is on the later mainland location and in the 
accompanying drawing the fort and location are shown 
taken from the Crown Collection of Maps in the 
British Museum. 

It is only by a great stretch of the imagination that 
we can call such a structure as is here shown a fort — a 
few posts of wood embedded in the ground and in- 
tended to withstand arrows and gun shot, and the 
whole settlement and fort including a commandant 
and a few soldiers within the enclosure, and without it 
the bourgeois, the voyageurs, the coureurs de bois and 
the French habitants — the last, the most indolent 
men imaginable. To all of the above we must add 
the robed and sombre Jesuit priests and many Indains. 
These Indians were Algonquins, or Indians of the 
Algic tongue. They included the Ottawas, Ojibwas 
or Chippewas, Pottawatomies, Sacs and Foxes. All 
the above were related by kindred speech to the 
Micmacs, Abenakis and Delawares in the East and the 
Illinois, Shawnees in the South and the Crees and 
"Blackfeet" in the North and West. Such was Fort 
Michillimackinac in 1766, the date of the beginning of 
Rogers's Journal. 

Major Robert Rogers wrote and published two 
books of considerable historical value; "A Concise 
Account of North America," and his "Journals," 
both appearing simultaneously in London in 1765, and 
during his first visit to England. His other published 



* A mission was established there as early as 1670 and abandoned in 1701. 



I 



^ 

^ 









^■*^'^' i^ 







writing ''Ponteach" was probably written at about 
this time, for the imprint bears the date 1766. It now 
appears without a doubt that Rogers was the author 
of this tragedy, one of the earliest productions in the 
field of the American dramatic art. His Journal pub- 
lished in 1765 will always be considered one of the 
source books of the French and Indian War. It 
recites his experiences in a modest way and the im- 
portant part he played in this war. The truth of the 
narrative has never been questioned. 

If the career of Rogers had ended in 1765, or after 
the production of his Journal, he would have come 
down to us as a hero whose deeds were unsurpassed in 
bravery by any soldier serving in the trying Colonial 
times from 1755 to 1761. Rogers was a very brave 
man and did much to win the war for the English. 

The daring adventurer, however, even though this 
bravery evidenced itself very early in his career in the 
defence of his native settlement, never seemed to have 
inspired his neighbors and associates with a degree of 
confidence that might be expected under such circum- 
stances, for his actions as a civilian were quite in con- 
trast to his bravery as a director of a scout expedition 
or the defender of a precarious position. His lack of 
a proper sense of honesty, his frequent indiscretions 
and sometimes his utter disregard for the opinions and 
orders of his superiors, led him to be regarded by his 
military associates with distrust, although by all his 
daring and bravery were unquestioned. 

In 1765, when Rogers appeared in England and pro- 
duced his Journal, he was hailed as a writer and a 
warrior, to whom too little credit had been given for 
the successful culmination of the late war, and it is not 
surprising that among his many activities, therefore, 
that his solicitations for advancement in the services of 
the Government and subsidiary trading companies 
should have been received and considered. It is not 
surprising, either, even with formal statements and 
objections from his associates in America, including 



Sir William Johnson, of his unfitness for high official 
positions of trust, that even such reports should be to a 
large extent ignored and that he was given, through in- 
fluence of the Earl of Hillsborough, President of the 
English Board of Trade, the position of Commandant 
of Michillimackinac with certain other duties to per- 
form incident to the occupation of the newly acquired 
territory. He was now in fact the Commandant and 
Executive Officer of trade at Michillimackinac. 

With such commissions conferred upon him, to the 
consternation of his former associates, he appeared in 
America in the spring of 1766 and reported unwillingly 
to his senior Executive, the Indian Commissioner, Sir 
William Johnson at Johnson Hall, for duty. 

That Johnson had many reasons for mistrusting in 
all capacities Rogers, there is no doubt; that he and 
his superior. General Gage, had misgivings as to what 
would be the result of his work at Michillimackinac 
there is no doubt; but it appears, too, that even with 
the subdued antagonism of Rogers toward Johnson, 
that there was not a better effort made by Johnson, a 
sincere effort, to turn to some use Rogers's experience, 
for it must be remembered that Rogers had performed 
the service several years before of taking possession of 
the forts about Lake Erie, and of receiving from the 
French the important fort at Detroit, and no event in 
Rogers's career shows him to greater advantage than 
his tactful negotiations with Pontiac and his people 
near Detroit, the peaceful occupation of the fort, and 
the peaceful submission of the Indian tribes there- 
abouts. 

From the date of Rogers's commission and his ap- 
pearance at Johnson Hall for duty, it appears that 
Johnson's fixed purpose was to oppose all activities of 
Rogers, and to circumscribe his authority to the 
greatest extent within his power. 

We are not here interested more than is necessary 
in the quarrels between Johnson and Rogers. I doubt 
not that whatever action, even for good, that Rogers 



might have taken in the administration of affairs at 
Michillimackinac, would have been opposed by 
Johnson, and in his letter to General Gage in which 
Johnson stated ''that he (Rogers) should be tied up in 
such a manner as shall best prevent him doing mis- 
chief, " forever discounted any kind of effort with 
important initiative by Rogers. 

We must consider, however, all of these matters in 
connection with the "Michillimackinac Journal," be- 
cause this Journal records the transactions of Rogers 
which led to charges by Johnson of dishonesty, never 
completely confirmed, and of treason after matters 
had reached such a stage that Rogers's authority at 
Michillimackinac was completely set aside, and Rogers 
in desperation, with his drafts for purchases of supplies 
and Indian gifts unpaid, associated himself with such 
enterprises that his recall was undoubtedly justified, 
and, as a climax to his Michillimackinac career, he was 
brought in chains to Montreal for trial. It should be 
stated that Rogers was never convicted of treason. 

The conflict between the crafty Irishman, Sir 
William Johnson, and Rogers, ending in the complete 
vindication of the Johnson methods in the conduct of 
Indian affairs of the time, left Rogers with few friends 
and but a remainder of his reputation of 1760, but his 
administration at Michillimackinac, with its extrava- 
gance in seeking Indian trade and friendships, leads 
us to the principal interest and value of this Journal. 
Without Rogers and his extravagance, there would be 
no report of half-civilized and uncivilized life at 
Michillimackinac and vicinity during this period. 
Through him and his methods there were congregated 
at Michillimackinac and held for a period of nearly 
two years the largest number of Indians that history 
records; and we become acquainted through this 
Journal with the deplorable conditions of the Chippe- 
was, Ottawas, and other tribes of the Algonquin ex- 
traction, and the fierce competition between the 
French and English for trade with the tribes not only 



8 

of this region but even with those tribes roaming 
farther West. 

This Journal will always be a source chapter in 
Northwest history which gives a true picture of 
Indian trade and methods, more vividly given than 
Carver's narratives and showing that in 1767, after 
about one hundred years of French missionary effort 
and French and English trade influences, the Algon- 
quin Indians had resisted the absorption of what had 
been presented to them of good, but they had been apt 
pupils of the French and English traders with their 
European vices. 

Parkman estimated that in the congregation of 
Indian tribes called by Rogers to the vicinity of 
Michillimackinac during the summer of 1767, the 
number of Indians exceeded 7,000, and there were 
representatives from every far West tribe including 
the Sioux — all brought together that Rogers might im- 
press upon them the importance of English trade and 
friendship, but above all, with the expectation of 
receiving presents, valuable in the eyes of the Indians, 
the most important of which was rum. The picture 
of Indian trading, with cajoling, flattery, threats, 
lying by French and Enghsh, distributed throughout 
the Journal, has a value in depicting the early history 
of the Northwest. 

The principal historical value of this Journal has 
been stated, but it is of interest to review conditions 
then existing and consider the Journal from other 
points of view. It might be stated with a fair degree 
of justice that at this time more might have been 
made of Rogers. It might be said, at least from a 
point of view of today, that his plan for meetings year- 
ly of the chiefs of the great tribes of the Northwest at 
Michillimackinac, in the interest of peace between the 
tribes, the adjustment of differences between them, 
and the fostering of trade between the English traders 
and the Indians, was in all respects a plan which would 
lead toward general peace and good trade relations. 



Sir William Johnson advocated such a plan, but he 
seems to have resisted such an effort on the part of 
Rogers, who, it might be stated in justice to Johnson, 
in extravagance and magnitude far exceeded any effort 
in this direction that Johnson ever made. Neverthe- 
less, there is good ground for belief that had there been 
any harmony between Johnson and Rogers, and had 
both continued in the service, a different history might 
be written of the Indians of the Northwest. 

Rogers's plan for setting apart the Michillimackinac 
Post and establishing a combined civil and military 
Government, with the plain inference that he should 
be the head of both, as is quite minutely given in this 
Journal, was never presented to the English Board of 
Trade as far as any record shows, and this is fortunate, 
for it was a selfish motive that led him to propose it 
for himself. His scheme, as proposed to the Board of 
Trade for an appropriation of an immense sum of 
money for the development of trade with the Indians 
of the great Northwest, was a wild one for the condi- 
tions and times, and both his Government and trade 
plans were creations of a disordered brain, devised 
and mostly written in the Journal in his own hand- 
writing, just before the climax of his quarrel with 
Johnson and his removal in chains to Montreal. 

From this time on, what little was left of Rogers's 
reputation went from bad to worse. He could not be 
severely criticised for being a Tory at the outbreak of 
the Revolution, but he must be condemned for his 
attestations of loyalty to the Patriots. We leave him 
in England, in disgrace in America, where without 
particular notice he died in 1796. 

To our knowledge this Journal was the last historical 
writing of any extent written by Rogers, although in a 
postscript to his first Journal published in 1765 he 
states: ''It is proposed to continue this Journal in a 
second volume containing an account of my travels, 
etc. " This Michillimackinac Journal he evidently in- 



10 

tended to publish, and doubtless it was written to 
follow his Journal of 1765. 

One cannot investigate Rogers's life without a con- 
cluding feeling of pity, that such abilities, for he had 
abilities, and such weakness should be combined in 
one man. We feel that the mistrust from the begin- 
ning, and the predetermined thwarting of all Rogers's 
plans by Johnson and Gage, when he was assigned to 
Michillimackinac, notwithstanding their distrust, were 
not justified and probably completed the ruins of a 
weak moral character, which under different treatment 
might have been strengthened, in which event he 
would have fulfilled services to his Government equal 
to those performed during the early part of his life. 

ROGERS'S MICHILLIMACKINAC JOURNAL^ 

A Journal of Major Robert Roger's proceedings with the 
Indians in y* district of Michillimackinac Commencing the 
2P* of Septt 1766 & ending Feb. 1'* 1767 and Continued from 
thence till the 23^ May— from the 29 May till July the S^. 

The Ottawas having repeatedly requested from the first of 
my arrival at this place, to pay them a visit at their Village at 
Abacroch,^ having given Belts to press my going — The 21^* 
of Septemb in the morning I set out & at two of Clock in the 
afternoon arriv'd at their Village, having left the Command of 
the Garrison with Cap*" Lieut. Spicemaker^ till my return. 
The Savages of that Village being all assembled immediately 
on my arrival made the following speech. Viz 



• The capitalization, spelling, abbreviations, repetitions, insertions, and incorrect 
sentences are all reproduced here as in the Journal. It is to be noted that in the latter 
part of this Journal omissions of parts of sentences are frequent and figures of cost have 
not been inserted. Rogers's writing at this time was frequently interrupted. 

The first part of the Journal was in all probability written by his old Secretary, Potter, 
the middle and latter part by Rogers himself. 

* The village of Abacroch or La Arbor Croche was located on the East Coast of Lake 
Michigan, midway between Little Traverse Bay and the Straits of Mackinac. It was the 
largest settlement of the Ottawas. It occupied the site of the present Cross Village. 

' F. C. Spiesmacher was Cap't 2nd, 2nd Batt'n 60th Reg. and was always a firm friend, 
during all his troubles, of Rogers. Potter, Rogers's Secretary, frequently misspells his 
name as he does many other words, it must be noted. 



11 

Father 

We The Chiefs of the Ottawas in the presence of our 
young Warriors now acquaint you, that we shall be still fast, 
& ever continue as fast freinds to the English, but have heard 
& are certain that there is bad birds flying from the West side 
of the Missisipi to this part of the World, & some of them are 
already from the Potowatomas of St. Joseph. This Man 
present pointing to an Indian has seen nine Branches of Wam- 
pima sent to that place by Monsieur de Ange^, or the officier 
that commands the uppermost Post on the West side of the 
Missisipi, which strings of Wampum imports that two thou- 
sand French have arrived at the mouth of that River, & in the 
Spring are to come this way as soon as they take the English 
Fort at the Illinois, & reduce Michilhmackinac & then to pro- 
ceed to Detroit, from thence down to Niagara, till they meet 
a large Army, that they heard is to land at New York, and 
reduce the Country, this the French our old Fathers says, 
they can do with great ease, as the English people are divided 
in America, & more than one half of them will join the French. 
This Father we had a desire to tell this to you at our own 
Village, where there are not any French that can hear us speak, 
& for that reason, we desired you to come hither, & bring an 
Enghsh Interpreter with you, which we see you have done, & 
we now, desire you to tell in the Truth, whether there is such 
an Army coming or not, & to acquaint S"". William Johnson and 
the General of what we have said ; as you have lately come 
from the other side the great Lake and tell us you receive your 
orders from S'. William Johnson of every thing that may con- 
cern us & at Michillimackinac, the other day you told us that 
from you we might expect to hear the truth. Now tell us the 
truth that we mayTcnow it early, if it is as we have heard, the 
Ottawas to one Man; will Join against the French, & are all 
ready to go when ever we are called to keep back that Party 
if its coming. 

Major Roger's Answer with giving two Ratteen Coats 
two shirts to the Two Principal Chiefs, & twenty gallons of 
Rum to the whole Village. Brothers You greatly astonish me 
by your Speech, is it possible that such romantick foolish 

• Monsieur St. Ange, CommandaDt at Fort St. Louis. 



12 

stories as those can enter into the Brain of an Ottawa, & give 
credit to it! Whose studiness have been so long known & 
whom I have lately recommended for it to S'. William Johnson 
of 

Giving A Belt 

I tell you now, that the French have not one inch of 
Ground on the West side of the Misisipi, for they have some 
some time ago chang'd thier Lands that they had at that 
Place, with the Spaniards, which is a set of people, that you 
well know are mortal Enemies to Indians in general. Look 
Back? have not your Fathers told you & have you not heard, 
from your Old men, what those people did to your Country- 
men when they first came to America, to those of you who 
liv'd towards the hottest part of the day, & the coolest Climate 
of the Evening; their Gold & Silver they pour'd when melted 
like water, by hot fire down thier Throats; think of this deceit, 
you cannot sure believe, afterwards, what such people will say 
to you, for the stories you have told of are all false. Send some 
of your young men to Misisipi, this Winter & you'l find what 
I say is Truth; there can be no Troops landed in America 
amongst our settlements. Our ships are much superior to the 
French & Spaniards shou'd they both join together & on the 
other hand all the English in America and The french in 
Canada are subjects to the Great King of England Your 
Father 

Delivered another Belt to the Chiefs 

This Belt is to desire you, when on Your Winters hunt 
to find out those nine Strings of Wampum you mentioned, & 
bring them to me in the Spring, that I may acquaint S'. Willia- 
liam Johnson who will let the great King of England your 
Father, know all your Proceedings 

A String of Wampum 

Be strong & wise behave like men & dont fall like a foolish 
Child into the fire, I now bid Adieu to you, till I shall see you 
in the Spring at Michillimackinac, by that time you will be 
convinced from your Young Men, that you are to send to the 
Misisipi, that there's no such thing as your French Fathers, 
ever coming up the Misisipi with Troops while Water runs in 
that River. 



13 

The same evening I arrived at Michillimackinac, from thier 
Village at ten O'Clock. 

Sept^ the 26*^. 
This day assembled a party of the Chippawas under the 
great Chief of the Island, The Grand Sable 

Made the following speech. 
Father we are all glad & Rejoice at the fire of friendship, that 
was kindled here some Years ago by the EngH^h and Bright- 
ened, the other day at this place, when we met you last. We 
all tell you, that we are desirous, that the Chain of Friendship 
may kept bright between us, & the English, but there is bad 
birds flying about, & one of them has left this Belt in our Vil- 
lage, Showing a Belt, came from the Indians to the West side 
of Lake Michigan to us last fall, to be ready to strike the 
Enghsh, when they call'd on us & we have had ever since But 
not finding that the English are men that speak that speak the 
truth. We believe that others have told lies. We give this 
belt up & beg that you will acquaint our Father S^ William 
Johnson of what we have done & that though we were foolish 
some time ago; we have now come to our Senses, hope the 
great Master of Sight, will keep our hearts, & the hearts of our 
young Men in good Hiunour, with our Fathers the Enghsh 

A Small String of Wampum 

Father We are told by the Indians, from the Westward 
that the French are coming next Spring from the Misisipi to 
take this Fort, some of our Young Men is gone to see if it be 
truth, but you no doubt can tell us the the truth of this: This 
is all we have to say, only beg that we may not be despised, 
while other Nations are carressd And we are poor & beg 
Charity 

Major Roger's Answer 

My Brothers. By giving up this bad Belt amongst you, 
may be some means of recommending you, to your Great 
Father the King of England & S'. William Johnson the 
General, for the great injuries you did him, when you cut of 
this Fort & Murderd the Kings Subjects, without any reason 
or provocation ; nothing but a steady behavoir from you, with 
fast Attachments to the English; will now recommend you, 
so that That blot will be clean wip'd away; You have been 



14 

fools, but now if you turn out wise men, so that I can recom- 
mend you, for Your good Behavior, no dobt but you'l be again 
look on with an Eye of Pity & Compassion by, Your great 
Father the King of England and S''. William Johnson, I will 
acquaint him of your Behavoir as early as I can in the spring 
and your happiness depends entirely on your future Conduct. 

As to what you have heard of French Fathers coming up 
the Misissipe, is only contrived to make you guidy headed, by 
some French Villians, which always told you Ues, I wonder you 
have not more sense, than to believe a peple that has always 
deceiv'd you: the French had, three or four Years ago; some 
lands at the West side the Misissipi, but it was chang'd away 
by your Old Fathers to a people call'd the Spaniards employed 
some of them in their service, knowing that they understood 
the Indian language, & were fit Instrumets to make You always 
uneasey & it's from that these very Officers, that you have all 
those stories told you. The Spaniards are the people, that 
murdied so many Indians to the South West, of where you live, 
& now they want to desire you, & get you in thier Power All 
this youl find to be true, when your Young men returns that 
are gone to the Misissipe 

A String of Wampum 

Behave like men & return in the Spring to this Place, & 
let me hear all that passes. Nothing can recommend you more 
than to make your Reports to me. 

That I may have it in power to recommend you, if you 
behave well. 

Wound up the discourse, & giving three Ratteens Coats, 
three Callimance Gowns, four Shirts, six pounds of Powder, 
twenty pounds of Shott, & Ball, twenty four pounds of Tob- 
bacco, & sixteen gallons of Rum, immediately this Party went 
off, satisfied, to their hunting Ground. 

At Michillimackinac the 10*^. of October 1766 

At ten ° in the morning Arrived one of Minchewabas & 
fourteen Chiefs of the Ottawas, Assembled with above one 
hundred Men from the Grand River, mad the Following 
Speech. Viz : 

Giving a Beaver Blanket. Father. This is given you to 
set upon, without fear; And we are all of one mind & that 



15 

nothing suffer'd to enter our Hearts to disturb your ease, while 
you stay at this Post. 

Major Rogers's Answer, Brothers, I thank you for this 
Visit, and for the Bed you have given me, to set easy upon, I 
shall preserve it, & keep it, as witness to what You have said 
to me. Giving a Belt, Your Great Father he has sent me 

Giving a Belt. Your Great Father, has sent me to Com- 
mand, this Fort and from Sir Will™ Johnson ; I recieve all my 
Orders, & beg that you would behave like men & not mind idle 
stories, & while you continue, to be wise. You will always be 
esteem'd, & protected by the Enghsh, & I always will communi- 
cate, every thing to You, that I know of, that may concern 
You. And expect, that you will let me hear, every thing, that 
passes amongst you, that it may be communicated to him as 
soon as possible. I desire You to consider, & think, what news 
you have to tell in the afternoon, & then come & let me, know 
it 

At two OClock in the afternoon. The Indians & Chiefs 
above mention'd assemble'd & Spoke as follows: Viz 

Father. We are now tell You, what news we have heard. 
Open your Ear, & hear it. 

There is nine Strings of Wampum from the west side of 
the Misissipe that are sent by our Old Fathers, the French, & 
tell us the following news. Viz 

Answer. Brothers. Keep to your words, & the trust 
that I at present, immagine you to be sincere : And you will be 
a Happy people, As the French King, has at last, waked out 
of his deep sleep, with Eyes sparking, like a Tygar, & has taken 
a Resolution, to tread the English, under his feet, & for that 
purpose, has sent a large Fleet, to Quebec, & that two thousand 
Men have alreay landed, at the mouth of the Misissipe: And 
early in the Spring, will take the English Fort, at the Illinois 
And from thence are coming with Cannon, to take Michil- 
limackinac, they have Desire'd us, to be ready & assist them. 

This Father is what have heard, & w^e are now going to our 
hunting for the Winter, & in the Spring we shall return. We 
have heard what you have told us today, & shall remember it, 
& will take the Advise Our Father & S^ William Johnson; 
but we are poor & hope you will take pity on us, we are in 



16 



great want of Powder & Shott, & have nothing to Cover us, 
from the Cold, have pity on us & open Your Heart, for we 
are happy to warm ourselves at your fire. This day all Our 
Warriors rejoices, as well as Women & Children to find fair 
weather; & beg Charity 

We leave you tomorrow morning, & desire that anything 
you have to say may immediately finish'd. 

Major Rogers's Answer, with the following Presents — 
Eight Stroud Blankets, eight pair of Leggins, eight breech 
Clouts, twelve ratteen Coats, twelve Callimanco Gowns, four- 
teen Shirts, sixty Pounds of Powder, one hundred and fifty 
pounds of Shott, four hundred Gun flints, seventy eight 
pounds of Tobacco, three pounds of Vermillion, twenty-four 
Gallons of Rum, & fourteen lac'd Hats. 

Brothers, There is a present for you, mention'g the 
Articles. The Powder will be sufficient for your present Use, 
& as there is a number of traders, gone out to winter before! 
arrivd at this post, you cannot miss of having plenty of sup- 
plies, during the Winter, those people you must use like 
Brothers, & not let them home in the Spring, with tears in 
thier Eyes, if any of them use You ill, report them to me in 
the Spring, & any wrong done You, shall be Redress't. 

When I think of what you say about your Old Fathers, I 
cannot help laughing; & am sorry at the same time to see you 
foolish, as to mind any such lies as passing among the French, 
for they have not any Land at all on the West side of the 
Misissipe, what they formerly had, they have chang'd away to 
the Spaniards And the Spaniards have sent a Gov^ there. 
The people do still remain, but they are by no means the 
Subjects of Your Old Father, the French King. 

Send some of your young men, this Winter, to the Illinois 
& when you return. You will Then know from them, that I 
have told You the truth; & at this Place, you may always 
expect to hear it : Take up them Strings of Wampum if possible, 
you can this Winter and let me have them in the Spring, that 
I may report them to S'. WiUiam Johnson. And anytliing 
that may concern You, will always be communicated to you, 
by S^ WilUam Johnson, that may be necessary for you to 



17 

know & 3'ou maj^ depend on hearing the truth But your Old 
French Fathers you are not to mind for the future. 
& doth not own one foot of Land on this Continent, they can- 
not land Troops at Quebec as our ships are many more than 
theirs & we could burn & take all thier ships at sea, were they 
to be such fools to think of sending Troops in them to America 
I am well assur'd they never Attempt. 

October the 15*^. 76. The Speech of two Chiefs of the 
Chippawas assembled at Michillimackinac and eighty men 
all bound to the Bay, their Wintering place. 

Father. We are come this day to smoke a pipe with you & 
give you hands, listen & hear us 

Giving a string of Wampum, This String is to bind our 
hands to Yours, so fast, that nothing can untiey them. 

We are poor people, but our hearts are sincere & no guile in 
them, we beg Charity & hope you will give us something to 
Cover our Women & Children & as it is first time that we ever 
see you, beg that you will give us a little Milk, to drink for 
we are both hungry & Poor, & have not any Powder or Shott, 
we hope you will have pity on us & give Charity, eight of our 
Young people have lately died, & we hope you will give us 
something to wipe away our Tears from our Eyes, we also beg 
for Charity. 

Major Rogers's Answer attending it with the following 
Speech Viz. Presents, eight blankets of strouds, six Coats, 
twelve Shirts, ten Pounds of Gunpowder, twenty pounds of 
Ball, one pound of Vermillion, five Gallons of Rum & And two 
laced Hatts. 

Major Rogers's Answer attending with the before men- 
tiond Presents. Brothers I have hear'd what you have said, 
& am glad that your Hearts are right, & hope you will keep 
them so & your Father S'. William Johnson from whom I 
receive all my orders concerning you, has desir'd me to tell 
you to behave like men & assures you, he wishes you all well 
& hopes that you'l be strong, & not mind idle stories, or bad 
Birds, that may at any time pass your Village, or at your 
Winter hunting places, & While you behave well, S"^. William 
Johnson will communicate anything to you that may Concern 
You, & at this place you may be assur'd, that the truth will 



18 

always be told you there is something for you, pointing to the 
Presents. There is something for you, to bury your dead & 
wipe away the tears, & some powder & shott, to assist you till 
you reach your hunting Ground, when you will find traders 
plenty, that were gone there, before my Arrival, from whom 
you'l purchase anything you may have Occassion for, with 
your Skins, I desire & so doth your father S''. William Johnson 
that you will not send the traders away with tears in their 
Eyes, but use them well in every respect, if any of them are 
fooHsh & use you ill let me know of it in the Spring, you may be 
very certain that I will see your grieviances Redresst. 

Their Answer we thank you for the Charity you have shown 
us and are greatly oblig'd to you, for covering the dead bodies 
of our relations, we will mind everything that you have told 
us, & lay it up in our Hearts. No traders that are gone away 
before you came Amongst us, shall meet with any hurt from 
us, but we cannot be answerable only for ourselves, We will 
return in the Spring & all bad birds that pases us you shall 
know in the Spring, so fare well. 

OcTOB^ 25*'' Afternoon the Ottawas of the Islands of 
Beaver in Lake Michigan assembled at Michillimackinac & 
bound to thier hunting at Green Bay made the following 
speech. Viz Father We are now come to let you know 

we are going to our hunting Grounds, & every thing is quiet 
amongst us, & beg Charity, we have niether Powder or Shott, 
& beg that you wou'd have Compassion on us 

Major Rogers's Answer 

Brothers I am sorry that I have heard You Ottawa's 
of the Island are not a good sett of people it was own Nation 
that acquainted me of your ill intentions to take the Goods 
from the traders at the expence of every Indian on the Islands. 
Your own nation & the Chippiwas both will join me, in it, I am 
a Man that come out of the middle of the Ground, & if you do 
the least hurt either to french or English, that is gone from this 
Fort, before I came to it, with their goods, the first sight you 
shall have of me, will be surrounding your Cabbins with a 
Bloody Hatchet, & all the Indians in this part of Country at 
my side. 



19 

The Indians hung their heads for some time, & at last, made 
the following speech Viz. 

Father we acknowledge that we had an intention to take 
some of the traders goods this winter, without leave, & it is 
the french that lives in this fort that told us to do it, we are 
sorry that ever such thoughts shoud ever enter our hearts, & 
hopes you will forgive us, as we have not done anything to 
them, nether will we hurt them, the french told us that they 
ran away & it was no harm to take their goods, more fools to 
mind them, & are glad that you spoke to us & put wisdom in 
our heads, w^e were fools and beg you will forgive us. 

Major Rogers's Reply who are the frenchmen, that told 
you to take the Traders goods. 

Ottawa's Answer, some that are here and others that have 
gone to La Bay with thier families, who said they would help 
us to take away their goods & that they should have part of it, 
we beg you will forgive us as it is not our faults 

We are very poor & have neither Powder or Ball to carrj' us 
to our hunting Ground, forgive us, & have pity on us, that we 
may hve & be happy & we will always do as you desire us for 
the future, take Compassion us 

Major Rogers's Answer 

You scarcely deserve the least Pity, but as you have so 
solemnly promis'd to behave better for the future, if you will 
bring me in those frenchmen to this Fort in the Spring that 
told you to plunder the Boats that went from here, unhurt 
with out taking anything from them to this Place : I then will 
think of your miserable Situation, which your own folly has 
brought upon yourselves. 

Ottawas of the Islands Speech Viz The men you mention, 
shall be brought to you in the spring unhurt, & not any of thier 
goods, shall be taken from them, we are ashamed to speak 
to you, for we have been fools, but we'll do better for the future 
& take your advice at all times, beg you'l forgive us & have 
Charity, for we are poor & have no Powder or Shott 
Major Rogers's Answer Viz 

I will trust you for this time only, but remember what I now 
tell you, if ever you do any mischief for the future, it will be 



20 

hard terms for you, I will write to S'. William Johnson about 
you. 

it may be : that he will forgive you you but that depends en- 
tirely on your future Conduct, he has order'd me to tell you 
that all the Indians he wishes well. And desires them to be 
wise & not to listen to foolish stories. Whiles't you continue 
to do that he will always Esteem & desire peace all over the 
world. I give you here a little Powder & Ball, though hardly 
deserve anything at all but as you'd promised to be for the 
future & bring the french to me. I give you eight Blankets of 
Stouds, two shirts, nineteen pounds of Gun Powder thirty- 
eight pounds of Ball, one pound of Vermillion, eight Gallons 
of rum & one Laced Hatt. 

Ottawas Went of directly with expressing one further that 
thier Intentions were good & that their future Conduct shoud 
be better. 

November the 5 : 1766 Two Chiefs of St. Marys with thirty 
of thier men calld at this post on thier way to their wintering 
Place & spoke as follows Viz 

Father We have come to see you this day to tell you that 
we rec'd your speech by Cadetts & thank you & S'. William 
Johnson for your good Advice, we will behave like men for 
we have not any sick people amongst us, neither do we mind 
bad birds, we are English in our hearts & have call'd to see 
You this day to give you our hands & beg Charity we are poor 
& going to our hunting 

Major Rogers's Answer Viz with following Presents 
Eight blankets of strouds, one pair of Leggins, one coat, one 
Gown, one breech Clout one Callimanco Gown, six shirts, six 
pounds of Gun powder, twelve pounds of Shott, one pound of 
VermilUon, six Gallons of Rum & one Lac'd Hatt. 

Brothers I am glad to hear that everything is clear & 
smooth mind & Keep it so & you will always be happy : I wish 
you a happy winter & shall acquaint S'. William Johnson of 
your good Intentions, So farewell. 

NovEMB': the 10*^. 1766 A Chief of the Misisagas arriv'd 
at Michillimackinac with twenty Indians who reported his 
Expedition as follows Viz. 



21 

Father We are just return'd from an expedition against the 
Sioux, we set out last Summer with the Party you now see 
here, & pass'd S*. Marys, from thence to Point Chigemegan, 
we then went to the West end of Lake Superior, where we left 
our Canoes & travell'd Westward till we cross'd the Misisipi 
from thence towards the Sunsetting, till at last we heard a 
Gxm, which we immagin'd to be the Sioux, which we intended 
to attack, we sent out spies in the Evening & found that they 
were a large Body & much superior to us & for fear we should be 
discovered before morning we retreated that night, & made all 
the haste we possibly cou'd, till we came to the west end of 
Lake Superior where we embarked in our Cannoes & returned 
to this Place & we are now bound to our hunting Ground for 
the Winter & have Call'd to see you & hope you will have Pity 
on us, for we are greatly fatigued 

Major Rogers's Answer 

Giving The following Presents Viz. Eight blankets of 
stroud, two pair of Leggins, two Coats, one Gown for the Wife 
of the Chief, two shirts, one pound of Vermillion, six Gallons 
of Rum to the whole Party & one lac'd Hatt to the Chief. 

Brothers this present I give although, you have done wrong 
& acted like fools by fighting against your Brothers the Seoux 
A Belt of three hundred Wampum. 

By this belt I now tell you, that I am sent to this Place by 
your Great Father the King of England & S^ William John- 
son & have orders from him to tell You, that he has a genneral 
Esteem for you all, desires that you would behave like men and 
be wise & that while you do that you may be certainly be as- 
sur'd of His friendship. 

Look at the Belt, when you strike the Seoux you strike the 
English also, for have given them our hands & they trade with 
us, therefore for the future, You must never go to war against 
those people without letting S^ William Johnson know your 
designs & he will always tell you if he approves of it, or if you 
tell me, as I am order'd to make all reports to him, I shall 
write to him on the subject, when I get his Answer you shall 
be inform'd of his Sentiments. 



22 



Go to your hunting ground & in the spring, I woud recom- 
mend it to you, to go to your Village & plant your Corn, for 
the next & it is the desire of the great King & S'. W 

Johnson that all the world of Indians shou'd live in peace with 
with the English. I cannot but think you are men of more 
sense than think for the future of any attempt of Hostilities, 
against the Seox, as they are brothers to us & by this Belt I 
stop the road 

AnsW. We will observe it, & thank you for your advice, 
for the future we will not go to War without leave & will be 
always ready when you order us, or when we receive orders 
from S^ W™. Johnson, we thank you for your present, & are 
joyfull that you have taken Pity on us, Adieu. 

Decemb: The 12: A Misissaga Chief arriv'd from La 
Baye & reported as follows Viz 

Last fall I went to the Misissipe & was at the English fort 
at the Illinois but did not arrive till after Mr Croghan, that 
speaks truth to the Indians had gone to Philidephia, but I 
heard many Lies & am sorry for it, the French told me that I 
shou'd have a flag from them, but I got none, I was angry & 
went up the Misissipe in a Cannoe, & a few days after Lewis 
Constant, in a another Cannoe followed me & landed there 
& the people in the Cannoe told me that two thousang french 
had arriv'd at New Orleans & in the spring was to cut of that 
Fort, there, which belongs to the English & early next Spring 
woud attack Michillimackinac with Cannon. 

Major Rogers's Answer Viz. 

Brothers You do very well to tell me what news you have 
heard, for they have chang'd away their Land they had to to 
the Spaniards, & have not any Ground, on the West side of 
Misissipi. You tell me the news I suppose with a design to 
Get some rum. I give you this charge at the same time, & 
tell you I think it a bad way to get drink; by telling french 
stories for I know that what they have told you is Lies 

Giving him & his Party a pair of Leggins, a breech Clout, 
one Coat, two linnen Shirts, three Gallons of rum, & a lacd 
Hatt 

Desiring him to go to his winter hunting & to behave like 
men & never think of listening stories for the future. 



23 

January the 22"^ . 1767. A poor Savage of the Ottawas 
came from the Mission being left behind sick with a token from 
the Otawa Chiefs of the Village at abacroach begging assis- 
tance. 

Gave him the following Articles Viz. 

Two shirts, two pounds of Powder, six pounds of Shott, & 
one gallon of Rum, to carry to his Family. 

Proceeding of Major Roger's with the Indians from the 
2d of Feby to y« 23'^ of May 1767. 

The ll*''. of March 76 Sent by M^ Henry a flag for the 
Indians Village at S*. Marys, he deliver'd me a french flag that 
had been in thier possession ever since the french had posses' d 
this Country. 

22^. of March, DeUver'd to the Chief of S*. Mary's & a party 
of his men that came with fresh provisions for the use of the 
Troops — two pounds of Gun powder, six pounds of Shott, 
two pounds of Tobbacco & two Gallons of rum 

This Chief brought no news, but came intentionally to to 
sever the Garrission, he enquir'd very strictly what had pass'd, 
in the winter, with the Ottawa's, & what news came from S^ 
William Johnson since Cadot'^ had left this Garrission, that he 
had Recc'd the message that was sent by him, & that himself 
& all his young men wou'd observe what had been told them 

Answer. I told them that every thing was Quiet down the 
Country, that I had no news from the Ottawas, & that I did 
not expect to hear from them till the Lake was was open that 
might come in thier Cannoes, but when he returned the next 
Spring, I did not doubt that I shou'd have news to tell him & 
recommended it to him & his Party to behave well, & that 
every thing which might concern them they shou'd know the 

next time they came. Next morning this Indian and his 

Party left the Garrission. 

March 23<* The double look'd Indian came from the grand 
river, with some fresh provisions on a slay, which was sent for 
the Troops in the Garrisson, he said he but Uttle news and that 
the Chiefs to whom he belong'd had not sent my young men 



' Cadot was a French Canadian and trader. He had erected for himself a fort upon 
land owned by him near Sault Ste. Marie. He was not disturbed after the English occu- 
pation of Fort Michillimackinac. 



24 / 

from thier hunting during the winter, but at the time they left 
the Fort last fall they had detatch'd four of thier young War- 
riors to the Illinois to hear the News that was going there. 
Gave him three gallons of Rum & the next morning, he set out 
on his return to the Great Chief at the Grand Sable Island 
the Party which he belong'd to. 

March 30*^ Comishimegan a Chief of the Chippewas 
came from Cheboigan and one In a dean with his wife and son 
from Thunder Bay, and brought a Quantity of fresh meat for 
the use of the Garrisson, but no news as they had not seen any 
Indians during the winter 

Gave them two pound of Tobbacco & three Gallons of rum. 
Next morning they set out for thier hunting houses telling me 
they woud soon return with more meat. 

March 30*^^ In the evening Arriv'd a Chief of the Misis- 
sagas from Thunder Bay with fresh meat for the Garrisson & 
next deliver'd a slay load of Moose & Elk, Gave him one bed 
gown two shirts, two pounds of Powder & two Gallons of Rum 
the second day of April he went away. 

April 6*^ An Indian with friendship came from Comish- 
isemagan at Chebeoigan with news that his Chief & two others 
was very sick & not able to hunt & beg'd for a little Rum to 
cure them, & as they were all to come on very soon, he beg'd 
for a little vermillion to paint themselves & has they had 
brought in a great deal of fresh meat during the spring, hoped 
that they might not be denied, & that they had some news, but 
thier Chiefs desir'd Them not to tell it till they came them- 
selves. 

Gave them one pound of Gun Powder three pound of Shott, 
one pound of Vermillion, two pound of Tobbacco, & two 
Gallons of Rum; this Indian return'd the same day. 

April 13*'^. Sent M". Cardin a frenchwoman to Abacroach 
to find out what the Indians were about, as I hear'd that a 
number of them, had assembled & it had been represented to 
me that there bad intentions amongst them. I gave her three 
gallons of rum to talk privately with them, & find out thier 
designs 

M". Cardin return'd a few days afterwards, & inform'd me 
that the Indians was not ill dispos'd against the English, but 



25 

had an intention of going to war against the Seaux, & that by 
arguing them persuaded them from it, till thier Chiefs arriv'd 
& shoud speak to thier Father concerning the meaning of thier 
Expedition. 

The same day Comishimegan arrived, with his party & a 
string of wampum from his Brother Petowiskcom another 
Chief of the Chippiwas, and inform'd me that La Force or 
Sasowaket, had taken a belt sent him by the French, from the 
other side the Misissipe by Mon'. S*. Onge, & they were de- 
sir'd to hold themselves in readiness to strike the English, as 
soon as thier old Father the French shoud give them notice, 
to declare a War, & denied, that he knew if there was any 
likelihood of a War between the french & Enghsh I Gave 
them this Answer, their is no such thing at present as any War 
between the french & English & I have often told you that the 
french cou'd not get into North America, as they had given all 
thier Lands in Canada to the Enghsh & the french where now 
the Subjects of the Great King of England, & that land which 
they posses'd on the west side of the Misissipi, was Chang'd 
away with the Spaniards for an Island a great distance from 
this Country : If any bad belts was sent as you have inform'd 
me, they must have been given by some Renegade Frenchman, 
who have no right to speak to Indians about pubhck affairs, & 
if the Ottawas has taken belts I am certain it with no other 
view, than to give them to me as soon as they arrive here, as 
they themselves will laugh at such folly for they know better 
than to beheve such idle reports. 

Gave them the following present, part being for Petowisham 
One hnnen shirt, two pounds of gun Powder, four pounds of 
Shott, two pounds of Tobbacco, two gallons & a half of Rum. 
Desiring them to go back to thier hunting at Chebiogan & 
make themselves easy till the Ottawa's arriv'd, when they 
shoud hear more about the belt which they were told off, & 
that I should let them know every thing that Passd between 
me & the Chippiwas concerning it. 

In the morning these Indians went away well satisfied, that 
the french woud not bring troops to this Countr3^ 

In the evening Michecoweek a Misissaga Indian Chief, & 
his party arrivd at this Fort without any news or provisions 



26 

his main purpose was to beg, & stayd till the 27*^.; during 
which time I gave him & his party two pounds of tobbacco & 
two gallons of rum. Michecoweek on his return from 
Michillimackinac met Kecowaskin & came back with him next 
day. Kecowaskin brought about thirty Indians with him 
they all stay'd here till the 1** of May, From him I had the 
following Speech Viz 

Listen & hear what I am going to say. 

I have had a melanchoUy winter, one of my sons is dead & 
all my Family are in tears for his loss, I hope you will give me 
something to wipe away the tears from eyes & something to 
bury the dead. Shewing his Cartiscock, or Commission, that 
he had for his firm Attatchment to the English & said when 
that was shewn he was always to have what ever he ask'd for 

Gave him a stroud Blanket & one linnen Shirt to bury his 
Son & between the time of his Arrival & the fourth of May, 
Eleven gallons of rum, & when they were going away one 
pound of Paint, by which I got rid of this beggarly tribe 

May the 5*^ An Indian left sick at the Mission arrivd, poor 
hungry, & Naked, I gave him gave him one half gallon of Rum, 
one pound of tobbacco, with some victuals 

The 8*^ A Band of Chippiwas, arrivd from hunting thirty 
in number, gave them half a Pound of paint & one gallon & a 
half of rimi, on which they went to thier Village on the Island 
of Michillimackinac to wait the Arrival of thier Chiefs & the 
remainder of thier Village, the Indians differed mentioning 
news till thier Chiefs arrivd. 

8*^ to y« 11*^. M" Carden & M' Seely were employ 'd as 
spies on a party of Indians at Sheboigan, who were assembled 
there, about a hundred in number & as I was informd with no 
good intent. These people return'd on the ll**" with an 
Account that these Indians had no bad intentions against the 
Enghsh, but were going to war against the Soux, & they had 
stopp'd there till all thier Chiefs shoud come in & Acquaint 
me of thier Intentions, for provisions & thier expences, I paid 
them twelve pounds eighteen shillings. 

May 13*^ Sasawaket or La force the Chief of the Ottawas 
at Abercroach, sent three of his young men to let me know that 
he was arrivd at his Village, & that he had a medal & bill from 



27 



S'. William Johnson as a token, for a four gallon Keg of rum 
& some tobbacco, that he might taste a Httle of his fathers 
Milk to clear the brains of his young Warriors, with that, 
& the smoke of some tobbacco so that thier hearts & Actions 
might be just & right. 

I gave the Messenger four gallons & five pounds of tobbacco. 

15**^ The Chief of Lacloch return'd with his band from his 
winter's hunting on his way to his Village and Spoke as follows 
Viz Father we have call'd to see you on our way to our Village 
& to let you know what has pass'd during the winter on the 
side of the Puans Bay 

The foxes & fallivines are gone to war with the Illinois 
Indians, & are joind by some of the Puans, they were to set 
out about the time we came from thence we hear that the 
Chippiwas at Point Chigomegan & some of the Christinos, & 
Ashinoboins have joined in a body to go to war against the 
Soux This is all the news we have worth your notice We 
have calld to day to tell you what we have heard, & hope as we 
are just passing, you, that you will have Charity & five us a 
little milk to drink & some Tobbacco: 

I thank'd the Indians for thier intelligence & ask'd some 
other Questions, about the traders They told me that were 
all well & safe on that side of the Country. I gave them one 
gallon of Rum, & three Pounds of Tobbacco, on which the 
Party went of to thier Village well satisfied. 

A Band of the island Chippiwas arrivd at this Place with one 
of thier Chiefs but gave no intelUgence, as thier whole Village 
had not come in, I gave them on gallon of Rum, four Pounds 
of Tobbacco, five pounds of Powder & four pounds of Shott to 
kill me some Geese & Ducks, which they promised to bring me. 

May 10*^ Sosawaket, or Laforce arrivd at this Fort with 
about two hundred of the Ottawa's and spoke as follows Viz 

Father I am at length got back after having a difiicult 
winters hunting. I have brought those strings of Wampum 
you spoke to me about last fall here is five of them delivering 
the strings to you. These strings of Wampum came from the 
West side of the Misissipe, inviting all the Indians to go there 
with thier furs & Peltry to trade with thier old fathers, they 
likewise desir'd as not to strike the English at present nor hurt 



28 

any whatever of the traders, but to be ready when calld upon. 

These are all I coud get of these strings, the other four are 
gone to La Bay. I have sent Shawanes to find them & bring 
them to you, but we are all dry, & all my young men are 
thirsty & as you saluted us with Cannon when we Arriv'd, we 
expect now to be saluted with the Bottle On which I gave 
them a dram a piece 

SosAWAKET or La force I have not much news to tell you, 
all is that the Chippiwas & Crees are gone to War against the 
Seoux from the west End & north side of Lake Superior, & 
the Foxes & Malomones & Puans are gone to War with the 
Ilinois, the Potowatamies, are at difference among themselves, 
two Villages of them have done one another some mischief, 
four men have been killd, this is all the news I have the 
Ottawa's that we sent to the IlUnois last fall are not yet re- 
turn'd, when they come in you shall have all the news that we 
receive by them. We will always take the advice of the 
English & observe what you have told us last fall. You see 
that the traders that was with us are all return'd safe there has 
not been one of them wrong'd, & every man of them has had 
plenty of meat to live on, all winter they were not hungry 
while in our Country they have had all thier Credit paid ask 
them, we have brought them in with on purpose to tell you 
this before your face 

The Traders which winter'd with the Ottawa's confirmed 
what they said We are now come to see you & desire that you 
will not disapoint us, we are very dry for some of your milk, 
two large Barrels is not more than sufficient to give us a taste, 
therefore, we all ask that, & as we have always behaved well, 
we hope that you will not refuse us. Some of our people are 
dead & we desire something to cover them that we may return 
to Village & not weep for we are not come this time to stay with 
you, but shall go back this very day. Therefore what we ask 
for we desire to have Immediately that we may return. When 
we see S^ W". Johnson last & settled Peace with him at 
Niagara he told us that when we shew this great belt we never 
refus'd anything we demanded by that that token for reason, 
& as what we have asked for at present, is but little, therefore 
we hope you will not deney us of it: this is all we have to say. 



29 

Answer I will give you something to cover the Bodies of 
your dead & you have behav'd well in taking & bringing in to 
me those strings of Wampum. You shall also have a little 
rum to drink after you have done Crying for your deceasd 
Relations, but I have not so much as you ask for therefore you 
must be contented Contented with life Gave them four 
stroud Blankets, three pair of Leggins, two breech Clouts, one 
Coat, four shirts, & Eleven pounds of Tobbacco, this cloathing 
is to cover your dead, & the Tobbacco to smoke over them & 
here is one pound of Vermillion & twenty nine gallons of Rum 
that you may take with you, this is to wipe away your tears & 
dress your faces, & make you jo>^ull & glad: when your mourn- 
is finish'd I will write to S''. W°^. Johnson, who will acquaint 
the Great King of England your father, on the other side of 
the Great Lake of your good behaviour, it gives me pleasure 
that I can write to S^ William that you behaved well to the 
traders And have paid them those Credits 

The Ottawas Answer Viz 

We thank you Father, we thank S"". W"". Johnson we thank 
the Good & the Great King of England for having taking 
notice of us, we are always ready to assist the English when 
ever they call on us we are now going to our Village & shall 
wait there till our young men Return from the Illinois which 
we expect in a few days, when we will return & tell you any 
thing father, that we may know, & hopes you will consider our 
Old men & Women & our little Children, that cannot hunt & 
give them something to cover them from the Cold, & that the 
Chiefs of the Village of Ottawa's may be cloath'd, as they take 
most of thier time in serving the EngHsh, & keeping peace, 
among all the Nations, as they cannot so much as they other- 
wise would, therefore we hope when we return again that you 
will cloath them all, which will make us think that you have a 
regard for us, this is all we have to say at present, our hearts 
are clean & white as Snow farewell 

May 2P* Minetawaba from the grand River arrived with 
about one hundred men & Spoke as follows Viz 

We are come to see you this spring & have brought the 
traders with us in safety, that was along with us, we now 



30 

deliver them & thier Peltry to you, there has been none of them 
hurt, the goods they sold us are all paid for, all the strings of 
Wampum that came to us we have deliver'd to Laforce, or 
Sasawaket who came before us, & he told us as we pass'd the 
Village of Abacroach that he had given them to you, so we 
will never throw a stumbhng block in the smooth ways that 
are open'd for us by the English, all bad birds that passes us 
shall be beat to death, I have brought three Old men with me, 
who was once chiefs in our nation, they are not able to hunt for 
cloths to cover thier Bodies, I beg that you will give them some 
Cloaths & something for our young men to drink & a Uttle 
Tobbacco, that we may go to our Brothers at Abacroach were 
we intend to stay till our young men return from the Illinois 
& then come altogether to see you, I hope you will have Charity 
on us 

Gave them two Blankets of strouds, two pair of Leggins, 
three Breech Clouts, three linnon shirts, three pounds of Gun 
Powder & eight pounds of Shott for thier Old men, ten pounds 
of Tobbacco, two pound of Vermillion & thirty gallons of rum 
for thier Party, telhng them that I woud write to S^ W™. 
Johnson as soon as possible & tell him of thier good intentions 
& that the great King of England wou'd always hear of thier 
good Actions when ever they did any 

May 23"^ Arrivd Minetewaba & his band at Michilli- 
mackinac from the grand River & spoke as follows Viz 

I have brought my young men with me to smoke a pipe with 
you & to assure you that everything Quiet on our side of the 
Country. I beg as I have a great number of my young men 
with me, that you will give me a Cannoe loaded with rum to 
carry back to Abocroach where we are going to hold a a 
Councill with our Brothers the Ottawa's & something to cover 
our Old men & Womens. I gave him two stroud Blankets, 
two pair of Leggins, three breech Clouts, the linnen shirts, 
three pounds & a half of Gun Powder, eight pound of Shott, 
& one half pound of Tobbacco, one pound of Vermillion with 
two eight Gallon Kegs of rum. Withe the following Answer 
Viz 

I Have heard what you have said & approve of your going 
to Abocroach to speak to your Brothers to hear what has pass'd 



31 

during the Winter, & what news your young men brings in 
from any of the Forts, they have visited, I woud be glad that 
the Chiefs of both the Villages wou'd come here, & you may 
send your Young men home, or leave them at Abocroach till 
after the Council is over, as the Chiefs can communicate any 
thing Material to the young men & after you tell me all you 
have hear'd during the Winter, I will speak to you & if I get 
any news from S''. W™. Johnson that concerns you, it shall 
then be told you. 

Minetewaba's Answer 

We thank you for the trifle you have given our old men & 
Women to cover them from the Cold, & for the paint, tobbaco 
& Rum, that we may hght our pipes with it, but the rum is 
not half enough for one taste a piece, all my young men are 
Joyfull today, & I expected rum enough to make them merry 
& I beg you will not make them asham'd, but let us have at 
least a Cannoe load that we may drink heartily of our Fathers 
milk Showing his medals & certificate that he had from S''. 
W™. Johnson & other ofl[icers when this medal was given me, 
I was told whenever I shew it, that nothing wou'd be denied : 
and now in the name of all my young W^arriors, I ask for a 
Cannoe load of Rum 

I told them that S'. W™. Johnson had a great regard for 
them, but that he never expected that they would ask any 
thing unreasonable, when they show'd thier medals as it was 
never intended any persons shou'd have presents, but when 
they deserv'd it by their good behaviowr & that I thought the 
Rum they had was full sufficient 

Minetewaba's Answer Do not my Father let us be 
asham'd, I told all my young men to come here & speak to 
thier father, & told them that they might be assur'd of at least 
a Canoe load of rum, therefore let us have it & don't make us 
asham'd 

Gave them two more kegs of rum & spoke as follows Viz 

This is all that you shall have of me, & had I more as I have 
but little rum I wou'd not give it you. go with this to Abo- 
croach & make yourselves Joyfull & take care that you behave 
properly till I see you again, On which Minetewaba & his 
Party went off. 



32 

May 23<^ Four Chiefs of the Chippiwa's arriv'd with about 
one hundred men of their people, some of them belong'd 
to the Island & others, dispers'd up & down on Lake Superior, 
& the Lake Huron; they had little to say & had hear'd no 
material news, but beg'd that I woud show them Charity as 
they were very poor, & had bad success in hunting. They 
desir'd something to cover them & some Rum; Gave them 
two breech clouts,, one linnen shirt one Coat, two pound of 
Tobbaco, thirteen gallons of Rum, & one pound & a half of 
Paint on which they departed, to begin thier trade with the 
Merchants; & left thier rum in Charge till they were going 
away. 

May 23'^ Gave M'. Henry Morch & dekyser, six Gallons 
of Rum, & five pounds of Tobbacco, to set up the Flag at the 
Indian Village at S*. Marys. 

Do 23^ Laforce, or Sosowaket with five principal Chiefs 
of their Village, arriv'd with some dry'd meat, which they made 
a present of to the soldiers, in return I gave thier young men 
two pounds of Powder, & sixty pounds of Ball, five coats to 
the five Principall Chiefs on which the Indians returnd to 
thier Village. 

[From this part of the Journal to the end, the handwriting ia, in all probability, 
Rogera's.] 

N 8 A Journal of Major Rogers's Proceedings with the 
Indians at the garrison of MichiUimackinac from May the 
24*^ to July 23d 1757^ y[z 

May 26*^ The Ottawas of the grand River Came in and 
Next arrived also all the Ottawas from Abacroach as did those 
of the Island 

By June lO*** Arrived at different Times, the Potowataw- 
men from St. Joseph, The Chippewas from La Bay, from the 
Island & those who live near Lake Huron as did Their Chiefs 
of different Bands from Lake Superior and the Saganongs and 
Missasangans 

June IS**" All the Chiefs of the above Indians being As- 
sembled a grand Council was held the outside the Fort — 
Minetewaba and La Force and Kegiweskow opened the As- 
sembly and spoke as follows, viz 



33 

My Father — We well remember what you told us last Fall, 
your Words have been laid up in our Hearts and not one of 
them is lost, and we come now to assure you that we have 
minded no idle Reports & listened to no Fools who endeavoured 
to put bad thoughts in our Heads Since we left you. — We have 
dissuaded our young Men from joining the Chippewas in any 
Hostile Measures and have kept this part of the Country 
Peaceable and Silent And we have not been wanting in our 
endeavour to keep things so to the Westward between our 
Brothers the Chippewas Fallivines, Soux and other Nations 
to whom the Chippewas have given Several Sly Blows 

But we are now ready with all our Hearts to assist you in 
heahng those Wounds — The Menomines, Sakes, Puans, 
Renairds, Winebegos and Soux are all coming to see you & 
ask your Advice upon this Occasion — And you now need only 
tell us how to act & what to do in the Affair & we will obey 
your Orders & keep your Words 

The Chiefs of the other nations and Bands above mentioned 
Spake much to the same Purpose 

I Reph^ed That I was no Stranger to the unhappy differ- 
ences between the Chippewas and Western Indians and to the 
Attempts that had been made to draw others into the Quarrel, 
which I had endeavoured to prevent — That I had by Season- 
able Belts and Presents Kept Several Bands of young Warriors 
in particular one under the direction of the Grand Sable and a 
Party of Ottawas from joining in those Hostile Measures 
entered upon by the Chippewas — I then urged them to be of 
a peaceable and amicable Disposition towards the Several 
nations of Western Indians To exert themselves in bringing 
about a Friendly Accomodation between the Chippewas and 
them and not to entertain the least thought of War or Blood- 
shed — That they were all equally the Children of the Great 
King my Master who desired they might all live in peace hke 
Brethren & would certainly be displeased if they did not — I 
recommended it to them to tarry till those from the Bay & 
Lake Superior arrived that we might See each others Faces 
all together & write as one in Clearing the Path & Brightening 
the Chain of Peace that might extend through all the Nations 
& Tribes of Indians from the Rising to the Seting Sun — I then 



34 

gave a Belt to the Grand Sable a Chippewa Chief of the Island 
to meet the Chippewas from Lake Superior with at St. Marys, 
and let them know that that the Soux Puans & Western In- 
dians whom they had Struck & wounded were coming to this 
Fort to visit their Father and that I expected they would 
behave peaceably towards them and be of a Temper when 
they arrived to bury all enmity & Settle all past differences 

I Then distributed Presents to them in the manner Set 
Forth in my Account from May 24**^ to June 23"^ — Upon which 
some of the Ottawas departed to their Villages, Others went 
to meet the Soux & Western Nations to protect them from any 
Attacks of the Chippewas on their way hither, and the Grand 
Sable went to St. Marys to Treat with & Advise the Indians 
coming from Lake Superior 

Proceedings with the Indians from June 24*^ to July 3** 1767 
viz 

June 25*^ The Western Indians Soux, Sakes, Falavines, 
Renards and Puans being Assembled outside the Fort, Raga- 
gumach Spoke for all as follows 

Father — We have been encouraged to make you this visit 
by the .... last Fall that the Road from us to you was 
clear & open and we now rejoice to find your Words true and 
are glad to see you whom we look upon to be our Father next 
to the King the great Father of us all — All us that are here 
present are as one, and he that Strikes one Strikes all of us — 
We are Situate at the greatest distance from you of any of your 
Children, but we hope that we are not the less loved and 
cared for by you for that, we know you have taken pains to 
keep us from being Hurt — And we are Sorry that notwith- 
standing we have been Struck and wounded by some of your 
other Children the Chippewas who have lately Stained our 
Country with the Blood of some of our People and given us 
great provokation to lift up the Hatchet against them, but 
we have as yet forborn and came to begg that you our father 
will have pity upon us. See our past Injuries redressed & that 
we suffer the like no more, otherwise we must defend ourselves 
& repell Force by Force Our young Warriors have long been 
ready & eager to return the blows we have received, but be- 



35 

cause of your Words by Goddard and DeRevier we have re- 
strained them. 

I replyed That I was no Stranger to the Hostile Disposition 
& attempts of the Chippewas towards them ; that I had taken 
great pains to prevent any mischief being done in their Country 
and was grieved that they had any Cause of Complaint being 
greatly desirous that they & their Brothers the Chippewas and 
all other Tribes and Nations under the protection of the King 
my Master should live in Peace & Amity, and that I should 
still endeavour for this all in my power, — I desired them not 
to think of war but Peace and I would make the Chippewas 
& others do the same, that they should at present be protected 
and need fear no Harm from any one, — I then dismissed them 
after a distribution of some Refreshments till such Time as a 
Grand and General Council should be Held with all the In- 
dians together some being not yet arrived that were expected 
Several Conferences passed between this and the 2*^ of July 
with the Chiefs and warriors of different Tribes and Nations 
Separately, in which I could not but observe a pretty general 
Hostile Temper to prevail & most of them upon the Point of 
an open war & rupture to the Westward, there had been In- 
juries Provocations and Bloodshed on both sides which joined 
to y® natural inclination of those Savages to frequent Wars, 
and the perfidious Conduct of the French and Spanish Traders 
from the other side of the Misissipi by instilling false notions 
into their Minds and Stiring them up to war among themselves 
and into a bad opinion of us and our Traders made matters 
look very unfavorable to our Trade in that part of the Country 
at present. — I therefore urged it Strongly upon the western 
Tribes and nations not to listen to or hold any Commerce or 
converse with the French beyond the Misissipi as a thing Dis- 
pleasing to the King to Sir William Johnson to me and to all 
Englishmen and that must in the End be very dangerous and 
Hurtfull to them to their wives and Children by cutting off 
necessary Supphes from their Country and introducing 
Poverty Famine and Miseries of every kind 

To all which they weemed to listen and agree promising to 
be true and faithfuU and to Act wisely for the Future 



36 

I strongly recommended the same to the Chippewas and 
other Tribes & Nations and received the same Assurances 
from them which gave great Hopes that matters would be 
finally Accommodated and brought to an happy Conclusion 
among them to the full Satisfaction of all Parties — A grand 
. . . Council was Held outside the Fort at this were present 
the Chiefs of the Bay the Fallavines Puans Sakes Renards 
Soux, Chippewas Ottawas Messissagas 

The Matters of Complaint on either side & the Grand affair 
of Peace and War were briefly touched upon and Canvassed 
and after many Short Speeches Reply s and Rejoinders of no 
great Consequence it appeared that there was a general dis- 
position to peace and Amity prevailing among them which I 
had before recommended to them Separately — I lighted the 
Calumet or Pipe of Peace which was smoaked with the For- 
mality usual on such occasions by the Chiefs of all the Tribes 
and Nations, who gave one another the Strongest assurances 
of Friendship and Love, Promised to forgive and forget all 
past Injuries and Affronts, to keep down and restrain the Fire 
of their young Warriors and use their utmost endeavours to 
prevent mischief on all sides for the future and to live in 
Harmony Concord & good Agreement like Brethren and Child- 
ren of the same Father, begging that they might all be Treated 
as Children in Common, have Traders sent amongst them and 
be Supplyed with necessary goods in their Several distant 
Villages and Hunting grounds which I assured them should 
be done — Some Refreshments were distributed and the Coun- 
cil concluded to the mutual Satisfaction of all Parties and the 
next day viz 

July 3"^ A Distribution was made of Presents to the Several 
Tribes Bands and Nations as is Specifyed and Set forth largely 
and particularly in my Certifyed Accounts of this Date^ . . 



8 The Statement of Account by Rogers for gifts to the Indians and chiefs during this 
memorable convocation held during the period from June 24 to July 3 is here given in 
full from a copy of the original in the British Treasury Papers. 

Almost without exception, bills of this kind when presented to Johnson were not al- 
lowed, he claiming that such bills were unnecessary and not contracted with his authority. 
At the termination of Rogers's Mi chillimackinac career the amount of such unpaid and 
unauthorized bills amounted to many thousand pounds, and the correspondence relative 
to euch claims, for which Rogers had become responsible to the traders, between him, 
Sir William Johnson and General Gage, is extensive enough to fill a volume. Appeal 



37 



and over and above a considerable Quantity of good 

was Delivered the Indians that was given by the merchant 

and it in my hand to be deUvered 

To sett this matter in as clear & Just a light as I possibly 
can, I shall point out the several outposts of Michillimakinac, 
the number of Canoes & Quantity of Goods annually Required 
to supply the Savages which resort to them, The prime cost 
of those Goods in Quebec & Albany, the Expence of Importing 

after appeal was made by him for a settlement of these bills, but without success, he even 
went to England to press his case. 

An Account of Goods given To The several Indian Nations in the district of Michilima- 
canack by Robert Rogers Esq. Commandan between the 24th June and 3d July 1767 
which he purchas'd of William bruce and Company- 



To Whom Delivered 


•2 ^^ 

a o 

e3 TO 

?@ 

3 
O 


g® 


* . 
^ 1 

13 


<U CO 

XI ^ 

o 
Q 


<o 
® 

O 

o 


® 

13 




6 

si 
o 


•S 


1 

IM 


3 

o 
2i 


To The Foxes 


6 


6 


4 


5 


2 


6 


IJ^ 


4 




£ 


38- 3-4 


ditto St. Marys 


5 


5 


6 


4 


2 


3 


2 


2 


1 




30-16-O 


ditto Menomeneys 


6 


6 


4 


3 


2 


3 


3 


2 






28-13-4 


ditto Kawmeenipte geau 


1 5 


5 


4 


10 


2 


1 


1 


3 


1 




34-13-4 


ditto Wood Lake 


6 


6 


3 


6 


2 


6 


14 


4 






49-13-4 


ditto La Point 


4 


7 


8 


8 


4 


10 


13 


3 






54- 0-8 


ditto Saucks 


3 


3 


5 


2 


4 


3 


2 


1 






18-14-8 


ditto Pewans 


4 


4 


3 


3 


3 


8 


2 


4 


1 




35- 4-0 


ditto Rain Lake 


4 


6 


12 


1 


4 


6 


16 


4 






49- 4-0 


ditto Nippygong 


4 


4 


5 


4 


1 


3 


2 


2 






26- 2-8 


ditto Winnypeek 


4 


4 


7 


5 


2 


4 


2 


3 






27- 1-4 


ditto Minneewake 


2 


2 


4 


5 


4 


3 


1 


2 


1 




20- 9-4 


ditto Souex 


2 


13 


13 


8 


4 


14 


16 


6 






69-15-4 




£481-13-0 



I do hereby certify that the Above Account is Just and True as witnes my hand Mich- 
ilmacanack 6th July 1767- 

Wm Bruce & Co. 
We the Subscribers do hereby Certify that the distributions of Goods were Actualy 
made by Major Rogers To the different Nations of Indians as specify'd in the within 
account, and are Confident that the within and other presents by him given to the 
Indians which we have this day Certify'd were absolutely Necessary and well Timed 
Otherwise an Indian War must have taken place in this Country Instead of a peace which 
he has with Great pains, care, and fatigue to himself settled amongst all the different 
Nations that Resort this post greatly to the advantage of His Majesty's Interest and to 
those of his Subjects Trading to this Country who must have been Totally Ruined by a 
War- 
Given under our hand at Michilmacanack the 6 July 1767 T Spiesmacher Capt 2nd 
Rob't Rogers Comm'^' Alec Jnt. Scote — Lieut of Artillery 2d Batt. 60 Regr' 
T. Meadows Ens. 2d Batt. 60th Regim. Wm Maxwell — 
D. Commissary of Stores & Provisions 



38 



them from thence to Michilunakinac, And the quantity that 
it will take provided the Trade is extended free & open to said 
posts. 

In the next place the Nmnber of Canoes and quantity of 
Goods that will be Sufficient to Supply the post of Michili- 
makinac provided the trade is confined to that, And no 
Traders suffered to make sale of their Goods at the out posts. 
Lists of Posts & the Canoes necessary to supply them, and 
also a list of the furs and peltery that was exported from 
Michilimakinac the summer of 1767 all of which was caught 
the forgoing winter by the Indians. 

In Lake Huron — 
Saguinay Bay -------3 canoes 

Machidash & Riviere auSable - - - - 3 

In Lake Michigan 
La Grand Riviere, and a few small posts 1 - 6 

depending on it / 
Saint Josephs & its dependancies _ - - 8 

Milwayte 2 

La Bay & its dependancies _ _ - > 36 
In Lake Superior 
On the South Side 
Saint Marys - _ - - 
La Point Chagouamigan, Including 
S*. Ance, La fond du lac, la Riviere 
Serpent & petite Ouninipique - 

On the North Side 
Michipicotton ----- 
Brougth over - - - - 

Changuina, Caministigua or three Rivers 
Alempigan & its Dependancies one large 
Canoe & five small ones which is equal to 

In the Interior parts of the Country 
to the West & Northwest of Lake Superior 
Lake Leplus, Six small canoes equal to - - 3 
Lake du Bois, two small D°. equal to - - 1 
Riviere du Beuf & La Riviere Ounipiquel - 1}/^ 

three small canoes equal to - - j 
Fort LaReine, five small D°. equal to - - 2}4 



8 



60 

69 canoes 

3 

4 



39 

La Biche, three small D". equal to - - - 1^/^ 

Fort Dauphin three small D°. equal to - - 13^ 

Dupais five small D°. equal to - - - - 2^ 

La prairie five small D". equal to - - - 23^2 

92 

To the Souis 2 

If the foregoing posts are all Supplyed Agreeable 
to the Above plan I am well Informed that no 
more than about Six Canoes would be Annually 
consumed at Michihmakinac - - - - 



Large canoes 100 
One Hundred Canoes will not be more than Sufficient for 
the Annual Consumption, if this Trade be extended under 
proper regulations to the outposts. The Load for one of which 
when made up in Montreal into Bales of about Ninety pounds 
French weight for the Convieniency of Carrying them round 
the Falls & Rapids on the Awawa or North River on the Rout 
to Michihmakinac is as follows. 

Eighteen Bales consisting of Strouds, Blankets, frize Coates, 
Callimancoe Bed Gowns, coarse Callicoe, linnen Shirts, Leg- 
gins, Ribbans, beads, Virmillion, gartering and many other 
such Articles. And the following pieces of about the same 
weight. 

Nine Kegs of Gun powder 
One Keg of Flint, Steels & gun Screws 
Ten Kegs of British Brandy 
four cases of Ironwork & Cutleryware 
Two cases of Guns 
Two Bales of brass Kettles 
Two cases of Looking Glasses & combs 
five Bales of Manufactured carrot Tobacco 
Twelve Bags of Shott & Ball 
One Box of Silverwork & wampum 
Which goods at the lowest value at Quebec 
Amount to 450 Steal: pr Canoe, prime cost £45000 

of 100 Canoes _ . . _ - 



40 



To which I may also add the price of the] 
Canoes, together with the wages of upwards | 
of 1000 Men, which are annually employed in j^ 
this Trade between spring & Harvest to Navi 
gate said canoes 95 10 for each canoe 

Wages of Clerks, or Commis employ 'd\ 
in Said Trade computed at about / 

Carried over - 
Brought over ------ 

I may also allow for money annually paid 
to Mechanicks, such as blacksmiths, Carpen- 
ters, Coopers & Taylors to make up Cloathes, 
Shirts & other things necessary for this Trade. 
Together with the charges of Carrying the 
said goods from Montreal to Lachine three 
Leagues from Montreal, And on the other 
side to Schinactady five Leagues from Albany : 
in order to be Embarked, About - 

Provisions such as Beef, Porkl 
Biscuit & pease - - about / - - 



9550 



3888 



£58438 00 
£58438.00 



1740.00 



720.00.0 



Prime cost & totall expense of 100 canoes to 
Michillimakinac £60898.00.0 

So that the Totall Amount of the Merchandize, with the 
outfitt & Expences Arises to Sixty Thousand Eight Hundred 
& Ninety eight pounds, in case the Trade be open and free to 
the Different out postes : And these regulated properly by the 
Commandant or Governour of Michillimakinac, so that the 
whole may be equally divided, as in the time of the French, 
which I have reason to think is not Exaggerated. 

On the other hand if trade is to be Confined to this Fort 
only, And the Traders not Allowed to go beyond it : Ten canoes 
will be Sufficient, Which without making any Difference in 
the prime cost of Goods and 

The Expences, will Amount to - - - £6089.16. 

from which it appears that the real 
Difference from the first outfill by con- 
fining the Trade to this Fort, and having 



41 



it extended & carried on in the Indian 
Country as it was formerly done by the 
French is Fifty four Thousand Eight 1 54000 . 4 . — 

Hundred & eight Founds four shillings / 
of which Sum Great Britain will loss 1 40500 .0.0 

Annually about Forty Thousand five / 
Hundred Pounds, And the remainder will 
Intirely fall on the most usefull and 
Industrious part of his Majesties Sub- 
jects in the province of Quebec: par- 
ticularly within the District of Mon- 
treal, who chiefly Depend on this branch 
of Commerce for their Support. 

A List of the fur and peltery that was Exported from 
Michilimakinac y* Summer of 1767 

price Current 
at New York 
Beaver Skins worth per pound 

Each worth 

Each worth 



Foxes 



Martins 



Rachoons 



worth Each 



Each worth 



4 

Two 
price curant 
at New York 

£000 
£Sd 
total amount 
So that at Michilimakinac The gains anualy of the fur traid 
is over and above paying all thier first cost and after Expence 
ammount to £000^<* 

The Estimate perhaps may seem partial to some, but as I 
am confident it is very near the Truth, so I am persuaded it 
will be approved of by such as are toUerably acquainted 
with the Situation of Michilimakinac with regard to the out 
Posts above mentioned, and to the Several Nations, Tribes 
and Bands of Indians Trading to them — 

In the first place it should be observed that if the Trade be 
confined to Michilimakinac, few if any Indians from the West 



42 



of Lake Michigan or from the South and west of Lake Superior 
would ever visit that Post at all, some because they are at such 
a distance that they cannot possibly do it, and others because 
they can be Supplied at Home with every Article they stand in 
need of, for it is more then probable, it is certain that if we do 
not send a Supply to those Indians the Spaniards will, who 
have already began to Trade in the Country of the Soux & at 
some Posts on the Lake Superior and Michigan so that we 
should wholly Loose the Trade of near thirty Thousand In- 
dians which we may now Leave if it be extended to the out 
Posts & these properly Supply ed, This loss would be of the 
outmost moment but it is not all we should also loose their 
Friendship; and their attachment to the French and Spaniards 
would become stronger so that we should have them for our 
most dangerous and implacable Enemies - _ _ _ 

Secondly we not only wholly Loose the Trade of such num- 
bers of Savages by a confinement of Trade to Michilimakanac, 
but those nations Tribes and Bands that will continue to Sup- 
ply themselves from that Post will not Trade near so largely, 
perhaps not more than to two thirds of the value annully, 
that they would do were Traders allowed to visit and Supply 
them at their Hunting Grounds or winter Quarters, — 

The reason of this is plain: The presence of the Trader 
with a Supply of such Articles as the Savage wants, excites 
and encourages Him to greater Industry and Assiduity in 
Hunting, it animates Men Women and Children to exert 
themselves to the utmost for the procureing of what they can 
upon the Spot immediately Barter for such things as will be 
usefull or ornamental to them. — 

Besides, as the Savages are mostly poor they are not able to 
supply themselves with large Stores of such things as are abso- 
lutely necessary not only to their Hunting but even their 
Subsisting with any Comfort, so that in case of any emergency 
or Accident they must often Suffer great inconveniences if 
Traders are not among them or near at Hand to Supply them 
afresh, for Instance the Loosing or or breaking of a Hatchet 
or two or three Knives & the like may lay a Whole Family 
under great inconveniences for six or eight Months together, 
the Spoiling of a Small quantity of Gunpowder, the breaking 



43 

a Spring of a gunLock &c may be the means of destroying a 
whole Seasons Hunt and of distressing and Starving a numer- 
ous Family, whence tis easy to infer that confining Trade to 
the Post of Michilimakanac will greatly diminish our Trade 
even with Those Savages that will Still depend upon it for 
their Supplies for the Savage can Trade only in proportion to 
His Industry Skill & Success in Hunting, — 

Nor is it difficult to collect furmer bad Tendencys such a 
confinement of Trade must have to exasperateing & procureing 
the ill will of those Savages who have been accustomed / & 
their Fathers before them / annually to expect Traders with 
Supplies of such articles as they wanted at their Hunting 
grounds or winter Quarters, will not the necessitous distressed 
& hungry Savage conclude that his hurt & ruin is connected 
with if not intended by such an innovation? will he not be 
provoked to retalliate in some way or other? 

It may here be added that it is utterly impossible for many 
of those Savages, who are within the Limits that would be 
dependent on Michilimaka*' / were the Trade confined to that 
only / to carry their Furs and Peltery there — First Many of 
them have not & cannot have Conveyanses- — Secondly many 
others must leave their Wives & Children to Starve and perish 
in the Absence, and lastly the Situation & Circumstances of 
Some nations and Tribes are such, that were they obhged to 
carry to the Single Market of Michihmakanac the Produce of 
their years Hunt or any Part of it, they must leave their 
Wives and Children not only in a distressed and Starving Con- 
dition but hable every day and Hour to become Slaves and 
their whole Country and Substance be left a prey to neigh- 
bouring Savages. 

The different nations & Tribes are now often at war with 
each other, and it is very certain these animosi' would increase 
greatly when they come to have different different Connexions, 
Separate Channells of Trade and as it were opposite Interests 

I cannot but think what has been said is Sufficient to con- 
vince any one that the above estimate of the odds between 
confining the Trade to the Post of Michilimakanac only & 
extending it free and open to the Out Posts at present depend- 
ent upon it, is neither partial nor improbable, & that such a 



44 

Limitation and confinement of Trade would not only greatly 
curtail & lessen our Trade but would otherwise be greatly 
Injurious & detrimental to the Brittish Interest in this Coun- 
try, by opening a Doar for neighboring enemies to enter & 
encroach upon our Territories, by cooling the Friendship of 
many Savages and by exciting the Enmity rage and brutal 
Revenge of many more against His Majestys Subjects in this 
Part of the world, for it is well known that the revenge of a 
Savage is not Governed by reason or Justice but falls at ran- 
dom upon the first object he meets with anyways related to or 
connected with those from whom he has received a real or 
Suposed Injury 

It should also be considered that the Sum of Forty Thousand 
five hundred pounds in Trade is not the whole Loss that Great 
Briton must Suffer by Such a Restriction For whatever Les- 
sens British Manufacturers or puts a Stop to those Employ- 
ments by which British Subjects may decently Subsist and 
increase their Substance may be justly estimated a public 
injury or national Loss, — now according to the above estimate 
Such a restriction of Trade will Annually hinder the Sale of 
Forty five Thousand pounds worth prime Cost in Qubec of 
Goods chiefly of British Manufactury and as it must Hinder 
the Sale of them there it will also hinder the importing them 
from London to Quebec & thence to Michilimakanac and in 
that proportion effect our Shipping or Naval Interest — and in 
America it must immediately turn out of employment at lest 
1000 Subjects who Act as Servants, Canoe Men & in carrying 
on the Trade who not only decently Subsist by such Employ- 
ment but many of them greatly increase their Substance and 
consequently add to the Riches of the Nation. 

So that upon the whole, the clear Profits of Trade Lost by 
such a Restriction of Trade ought not to be estimated more 
than one half of the real Loss it must be to the nation it should 
be observed that the profits of this Trade does not come to 
british Subjects in Cash but what is much better in fur and 
Peltery, all which are to be manufactured and turned perhaps 
to ten times their original value before they come to the 
highest Market. 



45 

For notwithstanding I have here fixed the Price at which 
goods are Sold to the Savages at four times their prime Cost 
in London allowing one fourth for the expence of importing 
to MichiHimakanac, and two fourths for the Traders clear 
profits, yet it should be observed that many of those goods 
when carried to the out Posts are Sold at Six or eight hundred 
& a thousand per cent in proportion to the distance to which 
they are carryed, which great Advance after leaving upon an 
average, goes to defray the expences of exporting & carrying 
from one place to another the payment of Batteaumen, Cariers, 
Clerks Interpreters and the Like.® 

I cannot but think what has been said is abundantly Suffi- 
cient to convince every one that it is greatly for the Interest 
of Great Brittain not to restrict the Indian Trade to the Post 
of MichiHimakanac but to extend it open & free with all rea- 
sonable encouragement to the Several Out Posts that have 
heretofore been looked upon dependent upon it & that have for 
many years Since been Annually Supplied from it, and even 
to extend it further if possible into the Interior Country to 
Tribes and nations of Savages at present unknown I will 
here only Subjoin that some national advantages may arise 
and those not inconsiderable from having a number of Subjects 
Annually Employed & for the most part resident four Six and 
eight Hundred Leagues and some further, west, Northwest and 
Southwest of Michilimakanac — who can say what valuable 
Discoveries may one Time or other be made by this Means? — 
and at any Rate this would prevent any other European 
Nation from Secretly gaining any considerable footing in those 
remote regions that might be detrimental to us — it would bring 
a great number of British Subjects acquainted with the Rivers 
Mountains, Plains and Capes of the Country in a good Degree 
who would Serve for Guides and Conductors in case of any 
immergency — it would give us an opportunity of knowing in 
some good Measure the Temper and Resolutions of the 
Savages with regard to us from Time to Time, — in fine it would 
be as was hinted before a probable means of conciliation and 
attaching great numbers of them to the British Interest, who 

■ This paragraph in the original Journal is crossed through in the lines, with the inten- 
tion of striking it out. 



46 

upon any Occasion would prove our Stedfast Friends and 
faithfull Allies 

Now the Case with Regard to the other principal Posts 
below Michilimakanac is very different and no one reason 
offered here for extending the Trade to the out Posts can with 
any Strength or Propriety be urged for either of them 
To begin with Oswego. 

There are no Savages dependent upon that Post for a Supply 
of necessaries or whose Furs & Peltery comes to that Market 
but what at almost any Season may easily repair to it in two or 
three days Time, or if they do not Chuse to go there, they may 
with equal ease repair to the English Settlements and be 
Supplyed with whatever they have occasion for. And indeed 
the Trade with the Indians at Oswego is now very inconsider- 
able and if divided into three or four Branches it would not be 
worth a Trader's while to go after either of them, so that no 
ill consequences can follow from a Restriction of Trade to this 
Post 

Nor is the case of Niagara widely different from that of 
Oswego, the Trade with the Indians indeed is Larger, but there 
are no Savages who are originally Supplyed from that Post or 
that make it their usual Market, but what may repair to it at 
all Seasons of the year in a very Short time and return again 
to their Hunting grounds or places of residence, or in case of 
any emergency may send a band of their young Warriors and 
be quickly Supplyed with whatever they have occasion for — 
Indeed there is no out Post belonging to Niagara so consider- 
able that any Trader would Chuse regularly to attend and 

Supply it were he permitted or desired to do it 

As therefore no great disadvantage to the Traders or Incon- 
venience to the Savages if any at all can arise from a restriction 
of Trade to this Post there can I think be no Solid objection 
why such Rextriction should not take place there 

And as to Detroit the Case differs very little from that of 
Oswego and Niagara, the Trade there with the Savages, Tis 
true is much larger than at J)oth the other Posts, But it is 
chiefly with Savages that have an easy and quick recourse 
there, who at any time can in a few days be Supplyed from 
thence with whatever thev have Occasion for: 



47 

As to those Indians who Hve at a greater distance upon the 
Southwesterly Banks of Lake Erie in Spite of any orders or 
regulations to y^ Contrary they will not fail to stop such a 
number of Pack Horses with their Drivers passing that way 
from Philadelphia to Detroit Loaded with goods, as will be 
Sufficient to Supply them — Nor can we reasonably Suppose 
but that the Trader will easily submit to such a Constraint, as 
he is saved from forfiting his Bonds given to the Commissary 
at Fort Pitt and has a prospect of making a quick & advan- 
tageous Market of His goods — . The very Same is the Case 
at the Mamee where Ponteac has taken up His Residence for 
two Winters part. He certainly will make no Scruple of Stop- 
ing Such a number of Canoes passing between Detroit and the 
Illinois as are Sufficient to Supply His band 

This being the Case no material Injury or Inconveniency 
can arise to the Trader, the Savage or the State by restricting 
Indian Trade to Detroit 

And to avoid Repetitions upon this Subject, very much the 
same holds True of Fort Pitt and the Post at the Illinois: 
The Savages dependent upon those Posts for Supplies of goods 
are either so near to them that they can easily repair thither 
upon any urgent Occasion & in a Short Space of time so as not 
to distress their Families or neglect their Hunting, or else are 
so Situate as to Supply themselves from Traders passing from 
Philadelphia to Pittsburg, from Pittsburg to Detroit and from 
both those Posts to the Illinois, or from Fort Pitt to Fort 
Chartres, a Trade is also carried on from Fort Pitt by Boat 
down the Ohio by which many Savages may be Supplyed &c 

It need not surely be repeated that the Case of Michili- 
makanac is very different — This is the outside or Frontier 
British Post in America— It is or ought to be a Barier to all 
that may come Westerly Northwesterly or Southwesterly to 
the Pacific Ocean — It is or ought to be a Beacon from which a 
most Extensive and as yet unknown Territory is Watched and 
observed— It is or ought to be a Store House frought with all 
manner of necessaries for the Constant Supply of almost in- 
numerable Bands Tribes and nations of Savages — Savages 
removed from it five, Six & eight Hundred and some a thousand 
Leagues who cannot Annually nor ever in their Lives visit it 



48 

as a Market — They must loose one years Hunt to make Sale 
of another — They must leave their Families distressed and 
Starving — Their Country and Substance naked & exposed to 
Enemies, and perhaps perish themselves with Hunger and 
want on their way — Savages long accustomed to expect 
Traders Annually with Supplies in their respective Countries 

Tis true some principal person from some of these distant 
Tribes and nations, generally visit this Garrison once in two or 
three years But it is their year's employment when they come 
They bring nothing with them except some Triffling Present, 
or some Small matter to exchange for necessaries to carry them 
back again, they do not come to Market — Their Buisiness is 
to renew and brighten the Chain or Path of Friendship and 
make Solemn Declaration of their peaceable disposition and 
Amicable Intentions towards us — , And their principal Re- 
quest of the Commandant is that Traders may come into their 
respective Countries, That their Wives, Children, Old Men 
Friends and Countrymen may be Supplied with such things as 
/ having been long accustomed to the use of / they cannot 
comfortably and patiently Subsist without — 

But I forbear — Any one of the least SensibiUty may imagin 
somthing of the Pain and Chagrin that a Commandant must 
feel when he finds Himself obhged to Answer, that he cannot 
permit any Trader to come nearer to them than this Garrison, 
and if they want goods they must come hither for them — 

And what must be the Consternation, the uneasiness dis- 
pleasure and Resentment of those Tribes and Nations when 
their Chiefs Return with this unexpected Melancholy but 
possitive Answer who can Answer for the Measures they maj-^ 
take in these Circumstances — 

And will not a neighbouring Ambitious enemy make all 
possible advantages of this unhappy Posture of Affairs — Will 
they not construe. Aggravate and Turn such proceedings as 
much to the Injury of Britton and British Subjects as possible 
— Will they not hence take occasion to make inroads and in- 
croachments and to create fresh Troubles to his Brittannic 
Majesties Subjects? They already have done it and are doing 
it daily as has been Hinted before 



49 

But I will add no more upon this Head The Point is so clear 
and obvious that it need not be enlarged or insisted upon 

I shall conclude the whole I have to say with the following 
Queries, in the Speedy Indicision and wise Dicision of which 
I think the British Interest materially Concerned viz 

Quer 1 Is it the Interest of great Britain to keep the Terri- 
tories and Possessions in North America Ceded to Her by the 
last Treaty or to give up or neglect a part of them and Suffer 
a neighbouring Nation to become possessed of and fortifyed 
in the Same? 

Quer. 2 Is it the Interest of Great Britain to Secure and if 
possible increase Her Trade of Furr and Peltery with the 
Savages, or to Suffer that Branch of Trade to be curtailed, to 
dwindle and fall into the Hands of Her Enemies? . . . 

Quer S Is not the largest Channal of the Furr and Peltery 
Trade in North America so circumstanced and Situated, that 
the Security and increase of it greatly depends upon the due 
Regulation & wise managment of Indian Affairs at the Post of 
Michihmakanac? 

Quer Jf. Ought not the Government to pay a particular 
Attention to that Post upon which the Security of an immense 
Teritory and a most profitable Trade so greatly depends? 

Quer 5 Would it not greatly contribute to the Security and 
increase of Trade in these boundless Regions to erect Michili- 
makanac into a Civil Government independ*. of any .other 
Post with a proper Subordination of Legislative and Executive 
Officers for the forming of proper Regulations from time to 
time and the due Administration of Justice? .... 

Quer 6 Would it not contribute to the Same valuable pur- 
pose not only to keep the Post of Michihmakanac Garrisoned 
with a Suitable number of brave well disciplined Troops, but 
to send into and Station in this Country some Companies of 
light Troops, who might March upon any immergency to its 
Out Posts or be employed in exploring the Country, Awing the 
Savages and making fresh Discoveries? .... 

Quer 7 Since it is in fact true / and can be reported By a 
Multitude of Witnesses / that the French at Michihmakanac, 
St. Josephs the Green Bay, St. Mary's and other places in this 



50 

Country where they are lurking & walking up and down, are 
an Indolent Slothful! Set of vagabonds, ill disposed to the 
English and having great influence over the Savages are con- 
tinualy exciting their Jealosys, and Stiring up their hatred and 
Revenge against us, Ought they not therefore as Speedily as 
possible to be removed out of this Country for the better 
Security of British Subjects and British Trade? 

Quer 8 Since Our Neighbours the French & Spaniards have 
in Fact begun a Settlement on our Side or the East Side of the 
Mississipi, upon the River Luis Constance where it joins at a 
place called the Dog Plain, a thourough fare formerly for great 
numbers of Indians to Michilimakanac and now intended by 
them to prevent their Trading to that Post for the future, 
Since they already have and daily are Sending out Traders to 
Posts on the Lakes Superior and Michigan and into the 
Country of the Soux &c which Acts are manifest encroachm** 
upon the Territories and Trade of Great Britian 

Ought not the Government to pay a Serious & Speedy At- 
tention to these Encroachments and enter upon some effectual 
Measures to prevent them? 

If y^ above Queries be answered in the affirmative, as they 
surely must, the following Plan, seems absolutely necessary to 
gain the great, & Valueable Ends, hinted at, & propos'd by 
them. Viz 

Which is, humbly submitted, to the better Judgement, of 
his Majesty . & the Government of Great Brittain who at all 
times, have consulted the Interest of his Majestys Subjects, 
but more especially at this Glorious period, of the Brittish 
Annals Viz 

That Michillimackinac & its dependencies, shoud be erected 
into a Civil Goverment; with a Governer, Lieutenant Gover- 
nor, & a Council, of twelve; chose out of the Principal Mer- 
chants, that carry on this valueable branch of Trade with 
Power to enact, such Laws, as may be necessary & these to be 
transmitted, to the King: & for Approbation: That the Gov- 
erner, shoud be Agent for the Indians, & Commandant of the 
troops, that may be order'd to Garisson, the Fort who must 
not see a divided power, which the Savages laugh at & Conte- 
mon: and have Authority to leave the Lieut. Gov, his Deputy, 



51 

when the service may, require him, to Visit the Indians at a 
distance; in order to prevent, Quarrels and Wars among the 
Savages; which at all times is disadvantageous, to the publick, 
& to Trade, or in order to remove incroachments of the French 
& Spaniards, or other greiviencies, that may occur at the out 
posts, & Frontiers 

For the further preventing of which, as likewise the inten- 
tions, of French, & Spaniards, of drawing the Indians, from 
between the Lakes Superior & Michigan & the River Misis- 
siPPE, to trade wath them & build thier Villages, or settle thier 
Habitations on thier side the said River, which they Actually 
are attempting at this time: by sending Belts & Messages 
amongst the Indians: to that purpose, with large presents to 
induce them to it which is to my certain knowledge, having 
clear proofs & Attestations thereof. I say for further prevent- 
ing these & other dangerous Consequences to the well being of 
trade of this distant & critically situated part of His Majesty's 
dominions it is, or it seems absolutely neccessary, that a Body 
of light Troops, or rangers, well diciphn'd, be fix'd in this 
district, under the Command of the Gov'., Two three, or more 
Companies, as shall seem necessary, -with, power to detatch 
them, to any Post where it may be needfull, or to station a part 
of them on those parts of the frontiers most expos'd, to the 
incroachments mentiond above, at proper seasons of the Year, 
such as the mouth of Ousconsins, where it joins the Mississippi, 
& where the said encroachments, are notorious, or other such 
places 

That the Gov & his Council shoud report in all civil matters, 
or in Affairs relating to the Indians to the King, & Council. 
And that a fix'd sum shoud be allow'd Annually, for presents, 
to the Indians, to keep them peaceable, & well dispos'cl to- 
wards His Majesty's Just & mild Government such as shall be 
thought reasonable and Adequate for a Post to which more 
than one third of the Indians on the Continent resort, besides 
many other nation to the Westward, as far even as the Pacific- 
Ocean, that are not now known, who may be indued to visit, 
& trade, with us, upon the Fame of so wise, & prudent, regula- 
tions, if properly carried into Execution 

The Nesessity of having a Lieu*. Gov"". & one who is known 
to Indian Affairs, is pretty obvious from what has been said: 



52 

That the Gov', may on many occassions be obhg'd to be at a 
great distance from the Fort, as has been the Case since my 
Arrival, at this Garrisson, having had repeated Belts, & mes- 
sages, to visit the Indians, at great distance in thier Villages, 
& has been absolutely obhg'd, to go. At which times one may 
be oblig'd to leave the Command to one no ways known to 
Indian affairs, which makes it absolutely necessary to have a 
second well experienc'd as well with the manners of the Indians 
so, likewise with the nature of the trade of this Country, one 
who is a friend to Civil Power & to Trade, who need be no 
further expence to the Goverment, then having the second 
Company of Rangers with a moderate Allowance for Com- 
manding in the Gov", absence 

If to this Plan it shou'd be objected; that the constituting 
of small Garrissons, & Posts, to the Westward, under the Com- 
mand of regular Troops, wou'd answer all the purposes of the 
Rangers &c It is plain they cannot, from many obvious 
reasons. Regular Troops who must be often chang'd can never 
know the Woods, the Savages, their manners, thier ways of 
making War, or any of the purposes for which the Rangers are 
propos'd. so well as men who are inlisted for these purposes, 
who are pick'd out for thier knowledge & Experience in these 
things, & who are to abide by, & make them the bussiness of 
thier Lives. 

These small Garrisons, being weak & at a great distance, 
one from another & under the Command of inferior Officers, 
are liable to be surpriz'd, or taken by force at all times by 
the Savages, numbers of whom, are always dispos'd to com- 
mit such depradations as a Savage heroism, or for plunder, 
as happen'd in the last Indian War of 1763 

The inferior Officers & Soldiers in small Posts, both from 
their circumstances & their being not immediately under the 
Eyes of their Superiors, have great temptations to yelld to 
corruption & to tyranize over the Merchants & people in 
civil Life 

Whereas by the propos'd Plan, all are under a Civil 
Power & Gov Commandant of the Troops, & Agent to the 
Indians Which wou'd cause every Branch to be counte- 
nanc'd for the mutual safety of each other.